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THE 
IMPERIAL    PERIOD 


oc  -' 

I  02.00 


GO  01 


IV. 

THE  THIRD  PERIOD. 

THE    IMPERIAL   EPOCH. 

266.  Just  as  the  Augustan  age  occupies  a  double  posi- 
tion in  history,  being  the  close  of  the  Republic  and  the 
beginning  of  the  Imperial  epoch,  so  also  in  literature  the 
greater  half  of  it  belongs  to  the  golden  age,  though  its 
latter  part  extends  to  the  silver  age.  In  the  latter  the  original  na- 
tional power  still  continued  to  be  of  influence  though  weakened 
and  obscured  by  the  new  state  of  political  life  owing  to  which 
the  monarchy  after  Augustus  rapidly  became  a  complete  despo- 
tism. This  gradually  extinguished  all  independent  intellectual 
life — a  result  which  was  quite  evident  as  soon  as  under  the 
Antonines  the  feverish  excitement  of  the  age  relaxed  for  a 
number  of  years,  and  new  productions  were  attempted.  But 
this  complete  exhaustion  produced  only  the  semblance  of  life 
and  imitations.  At  the  close  of  the  second  century  Commo- 
dus  renewed  the  former  despotism  and  both  nation  and  em-  L] 

pire  were  now  struck  down  with  successive  strokes.  In  this  time, 
the  internal  dissolution  was  yet  a  while  hidden  and  impeded 
by  the  energy  of  provincial  life;  but  in  literature  only  juris- 
prudence and  learning  would  thrive.  Literature  survived  for 
some  time  even  the  outward  downfall  of  the  Roman  Empire 
(a.  476)  and  did  not  end  until  the  sixth  century.  Thus  the 
Imperial  epoch  is  divided  into  three  parts,  the  literary  impor- 
tance of  which  is  successively  on  the  wane:  the  first  cen- 
tury of  the  Christian  era,  the  second  century  or  the  age  of 
Adrian  and  the  Antonines,  and  finally  the  third  part  em- 
bracing the  third  to  the  sixth  century. 

1 


2  The  Imperial  Epoch. 

A.     The  silver  age  of  Roman  literature. 

The  first  century,  A.  D.  J4 — 117. 

267.  The  tirst  century  embraces  the  reigns  of  Tiberius 
(A.  D.  14—37),  Caligula  (37—41),  Claudius  (41-54),  Nero 
(54—68),  Vespasian  (69—79),  Titus  (79—81),  Domitian  (81 
—96),  Nerva  (96—98),  and  Trajan  (98—117).  It  may  be 
subdivided  into  three  separate  portions,  the  age  of  the  Julian 
(14—68)  and  of  the  Flavian  Dynasty  (69—96),  and  the  time 
of  Nerva  and  Trajan  (96 — 117).  The  character  of  this  cen- 
tury was  fixed  by  its  commencement.  The  monarchy  which 
under  Augustus  had  still  appeared  in  a  mild  form,  gradually 
became  under  the  succeeding  emperors  of  his  house  mere 
despotism,  wily  and  brutal,  obtuse  and  mad,  but  always 
equally  aggressive  against  independence  of  any  kind,  and 
which  tolerated  only  slaves  and  tools  beside  itself,  leaving  men 
of  higher  character  their  choice  between  death  and  hypocrisy.^) 
Vespasian  and  Titus  came  too  late  and  were  too  soon  fol- 
lowed by  the  tyrant  Domitian  to  cause  any  real  improvement; 
the  age  of  Nerva  and  Trajan  could  only  just  develop  the  consci- 
ousness of  the  losses  and  forfeits  of  the  fatal  past.  With 
regard  to  literature,  it  should  be  specially  mentioned  that 
all  the  emperors  of  this  period  did  not  appreciate  or  esteem 
it;  all  the  more  suspiciously  did  they  watch  all  signs  of  li- 
terary life,  and  some  even  felt  jealous  of  the  literary  success 
of  others.  Hence  hterature  suffered  all  the  more  under  the 
oppression  of  despotism.  ^) 

The  inliuence  exercised  by  this  despotism  upon  the  minds 
was  partly  negative,  partly  positive.  First  of  all,  it  created 
around  it  the  quiet  of  a  churchyard,  killing  all  independent 


1)  The  smaller  the  genuine  enjoyment  offered  by  life  and  the 
greater  its  pain,  the  more  easy  became  the  resolution  (in  agreement 
with  the  doctrines  of  the  Stoics)  to  depart  from  it  voluntarily.  Such 
was  under  Tiberius  the  course  of  action  adopted  by  his  friend  Cocceius 
Nerva,  by  Sextius  Severus,  Albucius  Silus,  (Apicius) ,  Silius  Italicus 
Corellius  Rufus  (Plin.  Ep.  I  12),  Titius  Aristo  (ib.  I  22,  8),   and  others. 

2)  Plin.  Ep.  Ill  5,  5 :  sub  Nerone,  cum  omne  studiorum  genus  paulo 
liberius  et  erectius  jjericulosum  servitus  fecisset.  W.  A.  Schmidt,  Hi- 
story of  the  liberty  of  thought  and  belief  in  th°  ftrst  century  of  the 
Imperial  epoch,  Berlin  1847. 


General  Observations  on  the  first  Century.  3 

thought,  or  obliging  it  to  be  silent  and  hypocritical);  servility 
only  was  allowed  to  speak;  all  others  submitted  to  what  was 
inevitable,  nay  even  endeavoured  to  suit  themselves  to  it  as 
much  as  possible^).  The  positive  influence  of  this  suppression 
of  independent  thought  showed  itself  on  one  hand  in  an 
earnestness  and  concentration  benefiting  domestic  life  and 
producing  such  characters  as  Arria  and  Fannia,  but  on  the 
other  hand  also  in  morbidity  and  caprice.  As  it  was  im- 
possible to  display  true  character  when  all  endeavoured  to 
create  the  impression  of  being  different  from  what  they  really 
were,  the  consequence  was  hypocrisy  and  affectation.  Forced 
carefully  to  hide  nature,  people  fell  into  artificial  and  unna- 
tural ways.  Always  watched  by  spies,  or  at  least  thinking 
themselves  to  be  watched,  they  always  felt  as  if  they  were 
on  a  stage;  they  calculated  what  impression  their  conduct 
would  produce  on  their  contemporaries  and  posterity^);  they 
adapted  themselves  to  certain  parts  and  studied  theatrical 
attitudes,  they  declaimed  instead  of  speaking.  The  greater  the 
effort  of  an  individual  not  to  sink  in  this  difficult  time,  the  greater 
were  they  in  their  own  estimation ;  a  certain  vanity  attached  to 
all  characters  of  this  age*),  which  was  fed  by  the  pubhc  decla- 
mations which  had  no  other  purpose  but  that  of  exhibitingpersonal 
accomplishments    and    fostering    mutual    admiration^).      The 


1)  It  was  dangerous  to  be  a  man  of  character;  Plin.  Ep.  V  14,  6: 
tandem  homines  non  ad  pericula,  iit  prius,  verum  ad  honores  virtute 
perveniiint.     VIII  14,  7:  cum  suspecta  virtus,  inertia  in  pretio. 

2)  Lucan.  Ill  146  sq. :  cuius  (i.  e.  libertatis)  servaveris  umbram  si 
quidquid  iubeare  velis. 

3)  Plin.  Ep.  Ill  16,  6:  ista  facienti,  ista  dicenti  gloria  et  aeternitas 
ante  oculos  erant.  I  3,  1 :  mihi,  nisi  praemium  aeternitatis  ante  oculos, 
pingue  illud  altumque  otium  placeat.  ib.  14,  1 :   (nostro)  studio  et  labore 

^  et  reverentia  posterorum.     Comp.  V  8,  1.     Tac.  A.  XIV  49  extr. :  Thra- 
sea  sueta  firmitudine  animi  et  ne  gloria  intercideret. 

4)  Pliny  who  was  himself  a  very  vain  character  complains  of  the 
self-importance   and  arrogance  of  adolescentuli  nostri,  ep.  VIII  23,  3. 

5)  Quintil.  X  1,  18:  et  vitiosa  pluribus  placent  et  a  corrogatis  lau- 
dantur  etiam  quae  non  placent.  Cf.  Pers.  1,  83  sqq.  Eloquence  was 
also  influenced  by  this:  Quintil.  IV  3,  2:  quod  natum  ab  ostentatione 
declamatoria  iam  in  forum  venit,  postquam  agere  causas  non  ad  utili- 
tatem  litigatorum,  sed  ad  patronorum  iactationem  repertum  est;  see 
above  37,  3.  Many  instances  of  these  mutual  laudations  occur  in  Pliny's 
Correspondence,  and  also  in  Martial  and  Statins. 


b  6  0  *J 


4  '         The  Imperial  Epoch. 

uncertainty  of  existence  and  possession,  the  continual  appre- 
hension, in  which  this  period  moved  and  breathed,  caused  a 
restless  versatility,  morbid  irritability  and  hurry,  which  was 
afraid  of  always  beginning  too  late,  and  eagerly  put  every 
moment  to  the  best  possible  use  now  in  sensual  pleasure, 
now  in  passionate  longings  and  strife  for  immortality^). 

The  general  character  of  this  age  appears  also  in  its 
style^).  Simple  and  natural  composition  was  considered  in- 
sipid*); the  style  was  to  be  brilliant,  piquant,  and  interesting. 
Hence  it  was  dressed  up  with  much  tinsel  of  sentences*), 
rhetorical  figures^ ),  and  poetical  expressions  *).  But  the  same 
end  was  aimed  at  in  different  ways:  the  one  dallying  (as  Se- 
neca does)  with  brief,  cut-up  sentences^),  the  other  with  an- 
tique roughness  or  (like  Persius)  with  artificial  obscurity  ^) ; 
now  effect  was  sought  after  by  epigrammatic  points  (e.  g.  by 
Seneca,  Curtius,  Tacitus,  Pliny  the  younger),  now  by  glaring 


1)  With  the  fashionable  sentimentality  the  sympathy  also  with 
inanimate  nature  increases,  a  feature  greatly  developed  in  Pliny  the 
younger  (see  on  him,  n.  7),  but  also  found  in  Quintilian  and  others. 

2)  Even  the  letters  of  the  Inscriptions  of  this  epoch  betray  an 
affected  gracefulness  and  effeminate  weakness;  see  Ritschl,  Rh.  Mus. 
XXIV  p.  7. 

3)  Quintil.  II  5,  11.  VIII  prooem.  24  sqq.,  e.  g.  26:  nos  quibus 
sordet  omne  quod  natura  dictavit.     See  below  308,  1  and  6. 

4)  Quintil.  VII  1,  44.     XII  10,  46.  48. 

5)  Quintil.  VIII  prooem.  24:  nihil  iam  proprium  placet  etc.  IX  3, 
1 :  paene  iam  quidquid  loquimur  figura  est. 

6)  Tac.  dial.  20:  exigitur  iam  ab  orators  etiam  poeticus  color. 
Quintil.  VIII  prooem.  25 :  a  corruptissimo  quoque  poetarum  figuras  ac 
translationes  mutuamur.  Plin.  Ep.  VII  9,  8:  saepe  in  orationes  quoque 
non  historica  modo,  sed  pro-pe  poetica  descriptionem  necessitas  (?) 
incidit.  Fronto  ad  Caes.  Ill  16  (p.  54  N.) :  plerumque  ad  orationem 
faciendam  versus,  ad  versificandum  oratio  magis  adiuvat. 

7)  Quintil.  IX  4,  66:  mediis  .  .  cura  sit  .  .  ne,  quod  nunc  maxime 
vitium  est,  brevium  contextu  resultont  ac  sonum  reddant  paene  puerilium 
crepitaculorum. 

8)  Quintil.  VIII  prooem.  25:  tum  demum  ingeniosi  scilicet  si  ad 
intellegendos  nos  opus  sit  ingenio.  31:  quidam  etiam  cum  optima  sunt 
reperta  quaerunt  aliquid  quod  sit  magis  antiquum,  remotum,  inopinatum. 
XI  3,  10  sq.  So  also  Plin.  Ep.  IX  26,  4:  sunt  maxime  mirabilia  quae 
maxime  insperata,  maxime  periculosa.  Tac.  dial.  23:  isti  qui  Lucilium 
pro  Horatio  et  Lucretium  pro  Vergilio  legunt,  .  .  quos  more  prisco 
apud  iudicem_  fabulantes  non  auditores  sequuntur  etc. 


General   Observations  on  the  first  Centura/.  5 

colours  (e.  g.  by  Juvenal);  some  cultivated  outward  polish, 
even  at  the  cost  of  the  contents  ^)  (e.  g.  Valerius  Flaccus 
and  Statius) ;  others  again  endeavoured  to  give  the  impression 
of  profound  thought.  Manner  supplanted  style,  and  bombastic 
pathos  succeeded  to  the  place  of  quiet  power.  It  is  true 
that  under  Vespasian  some  became  aware  of  having  sunk 
into  utter  unnaturalness  and  intentionally  endeavoured  to  re- 
gain the  simplicity  of  thought  and  the  rotundity  of  phrase 
peculiar  to  the  Ciceronian  age.  Men  of  this  kind  were  Julius 
Secundus,  Vipstanus  Messala,  Curiatius  Maternus,  and  espe- 
cially Quintilian.  But  this  is  so  little  in  harmony  with  the 
general  tendency  of  the  time,  as  to  produce  no  further  effect 
and  to  be  unattainable  even  to  these  men  in  its  full  extent. 
Tacitus  abandoned  this  method  after  a  single  attempt,  and 
Pliny  the  younger  succeeded  in  combining  rotundity  of  phrase 
with  glittering  antitheses.  Most  writers  thought  the  style  of 
their  age  to  be  a  step  in  advance  and  looked  down  upon  the 
Pre- Augustan  writers  as  wanting  in  form  ^).  The  victory  of 
the  modern  over  the  antique  element  was  accomplished  in 
literature;  only  in  circles  which  had  no  literary  importance 
did  the  antique  element  exist  for  some  time  longer  and  oc- 
casionally  it   protested  against    modern    artifice^);    technical 


1)  Quintil.  IX  4,  142:  duram  potius  atque  asperam  compositionem 
malim  esse  quam  effeminatam  et  enervem,  qualis  apud  multos,  et  coti- 
die  magis,  lascivissimis  syntonorum  modis  saltat.  V  12,  18:  nos  habitum 
orationis  virilem  .  .  tenera  quadam  elocutionis  cute  operimus  et  dum 
laevia  sint  ac  nitida,  quantum  valeant  nihil  interesse  arbitramur.  II  5, 
22:  recentis  huius  lasciviae  flosculi,  .  .  praedulce  illud  genus.  XI,  43: 
recens  haec  lascivia  deliciaeque  et  omnia  ad  voluptatem  multitudinis 
imperitae  composita.     Sen.  Epist.  114,  15.     Pers.  I  63  sqq. 

2)  Martial  VIII  56,  1 :  temporibus  nostris  aetas  .  .  cedit  avorum. 
Tac.  dial.  20:  volgus  quoque  .  .  adsuevit  iam  exigere  laetitiam  et 
pulchritudinem  orationis  nee  perfert  in  iudiciis  tristem  et  impexam  an- 
tiquitatem. 

3)  Cf.  especially  Persius  I  127  sqq.  Ill  77  sqq.  V  189  sqq.  VI  37 
sqq.  Martial.  XI  90.  Plin.  Ep.  VI  21,  1:  sum  ex  iis  qui  mirantur  an- 
tiques ,  non  tamenj,  ut  quidam,  temporum  nostrorum  ingenia  despicio. 
In  the  succeeding  centuries  the  latter  view  became  prevalent,  so  that 
writers  actually  apologized  for  speaking  of  their  contemporaries  and 
not  always  walking  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  schools,  or  as  it  were  in  the 
clouds.     Cf.  J.  Burckhardt,  on  Constantine  p.  285  sq. 


6  The  Augustan  age. 

writers,  such  as  Celsus  and  Columella,  and  the  Jurists  suc- 
ceeded in  keeping  free  of  it.  But  on  the  whole,  literature 
lost  the  sympathy  of  the  nation  at  large;  most  emperors  even 
intentionally  widened  the  chasm  between  the  educated  and 
the  great  multitude,  so  that  the  latter  were  quiet,  if  not  well- 
pleased,  spectators  of  the  maltreatment  and  spoliation  of  the 
higher  classes.  In  spite  of  this,  the  monarchy  was  the  basis 
naturally  assumed  even  by  the  authors,  and  the  very  boldest 
of  them  were  opposed  only  to  its  extravagant  power  —  men 
of  an  anxious  temper  speak  of  the  time  of  the  Republic  not 
without  quiet  fear  ^) ,  though  the  number  of  those  who  de- 
graded their  talent  to  humble  servility  was  proportionately 
small,  e.  g.  Velleius  and  Valerius  Maximus  under  Tiberius, 
and  Martial  under  Domitian.  Yet  as  it  was,  even  Vespasian 
understood  how  to  gain  hterary  men  for  the  Court  by  gran- 
ting them  positions;  public  contests  in  Greek  and  Roman 
eloquence  and  poetry  were  more  than  once  repeated  since  the 
time  of  Caligula  ^),  contributing  both  to  the  increase  of  production 
and  of  artifice.  A  certain  intellectual  and  literary  culture  was 
widely  spread  through  the  numerous  professors  and  schools  ^) ; 
even  among  ladies*),  yet  it  frequently  was  but  a  taste  imbibed  by 
dilettanti  without  accuracy  ^).  The  provinces,  especially  Spain 
and  Gaul,  furnished  literature  with  its  chief  talents:  Spain 
the  two  Senecas  (father  and  son),  Acilius  Lucanus  and  An- 
naeus  Lucanus,  Columella,  Pomponius  Mela,  Quintilian,  Mar- 


1)  See  e.  g.  Quintil.  II  16,  5.  The  new  eloquence  is  characterized 
by  modus  et  temperamentum  (Tac.  dial.  41  extr.)  It  is  also  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  majority  of  the  great  families  had  become  extinct  since  the 
time  of  Nero,  and  the  new  generation  had  no  ancestral  interests  in 
the  Republican  past. 

2)  Orelli  inscr.  1185:  poeta  latinus  coronatus  in  munere  patriae 
suae  (Beneventum).  2603:  coronatus  inter  poetas  latinos  certamine 
sacro  lovis  Capitoiini.  Mommsen  I.  R.  N.  5252.  Friedlander  History 
of  Roman  manners.  II  p.  309.  393  sq.     See  below  314,  4. 

3)  Tac.  dial.  19:  pervolgatis  iam  omnibus  (philosophy,  rhetoric  etc.), 
cum  vix  in  corona  quisquam  adsistat  quin  elementis  studiorum  ,  .  certe 
imbutus  sit. 

4)  Friedlander,  Hist,  of  Roman  manners  I  p.  289—293. 

5)  Tac.  dial.  32:  quod  (the  manysided  culture  of  the  ancient  ora- 
tors) adeo  neglegitur  ab  horum  temporum  disertis  ut  etc.  Friedlander 
1.  1.  p.  290  sq.  n.  4. 


General  Ohset^ations  on  the  first  Centt^ry.  7 

tial,  Herennius  Senecio,  and  others  ^) ;  Gaul  the  orators  and 
rhetoricians  Votienus  Montanus,  Domitius  Afer,  Julius  Florus 
and  Africanus,  Quirinalis,  Ursulus,  Rufus,  M.  Aper,  and 
others  ^).  In  a  later  period  Africa  began  to  exercise  a  pre- 
dominant influence  on  literature  ^). 

Rhetoric  and  declamation  governed  the  whole  century  in 
prose  as  well  as  in  poetry;  but  even  the  place  of  rhetoric 
was  taken  up  by  pedantic  school-learning  and  havardage^). 
Formal  perfection  was  widely  spread,  and  the  metrical  laws 
created  by  the  Augustan  age  were  carefully  observed.  But 
native  tact  for  form  was  on  the  wane.  All  poetical  styles  were 
mixed  up,  poetry  was  mixed  with  prose,  synonyms  lost  their 
distinct  use,  the  dictionary  was  disgraced  with  the  births 
of  arbitrary  fancy;  some  particles  were  even  quite  given  up^) 
in  consequence  of  the  relaxed  form  of  construction,  and  some 
were  used  in  a  sense  very  different  from  their  original  pur- 
port *).  This  imparted  a  peculiar  colouring  to  the  so-called 
silver  Latinity. 

1.     The  age  of  the  Julian  Dynasty,  A.  D.  14—68. 

268.  At  the  beginning  of  this  time  both  ruler  and 
literature  continued  in  the  track  of  the  Augustan  age. 
But  the  more  openly  despotism  developed  itself  and  the  grea- 
ter the  influence  was  which  the  Emperors  themselves  exercised  on 
literature,  the  more  decisive  was  its  transformation.    This  age 


1)  Kortiim,  Historical  Investigations  (Leipzig  1863)  p.  209 — 252:  on 
the  homogeneous  and  dissimilar  elements  of  the  Spanish-Roman  school 
of  poetry  in  the  second  half  of  the  first  century.  J.  J.  Kolly,  A  Sur- 
vey of  the  principal  studies  and  places  of  study  in  the  West  in  the 
Imperial  epoch,  Lucerne  1869.  4. 

2)  Gallia  causidicos  docuit  facunda  Britannos,  Juv.  XV  111.  cf.  VII 
147  sqq.  213  sq.  Quintil,  X  3,  13:  lulius  Florus,  in  eloquentia  Gallia- 
rum  .  .  princeps.     Fronto  p.  160  N. :  gallicanus  quidam  declamator. 

3)  Juv.  VII  148  sq.:  nutricula  causidicorum  Africa. 

4)  Petron.  Sat.  1 :  rerum  tumore  et  sententiarum  vanissimo  strepitu 
hoc  tantum  proficiunt  iit  cum  in  forum  venerint  putent  se  in  alium 
orbem  terrarum  delates.  On  later  periods  see  J.  Burckhardt,  on  C'on- 
stantine  p.  316 — 322. 

5)  F.  Haase's  pref.  to  his  ed.  of  Seneca,  T.  Ill  p.  XIII— XV. 

6)  Such  are  the  conjunctions  quin  immo,  nempe  enim,  ergo  igitur 
etc.;  also  the  use  of  interim  and  many  other  peculiarities.  Cf.  E.  Opitz, 
specimen  lexilogiae  argenteae  latinitatis,  Naumburg  1852.  4. 


8  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

is,    therefore,    divided  into  two  parts,    the  reign  of  Tiberius 
(A.  D.  14—37)  and  those  of  his  successors  (37 — 68). 

1.     C.  A.  Knabe,  de  fontibus  historiae  imperatorum  luliorum,  Halle 
1864. 


a.     The  reign  of  Tiberius. 

269.  In  the  twenty-three  years  taken  up  by  this  reign, 
rhetoric  slowly  sank  from  the  height  it  had  attained  in  the 
Augustan  age;  some  of  its  representatives,  e.  g.  Votienus 
Montanus,  Mam.  Scaurus,  Komanius  Hispo,  were  active  in  the 
Senate  and  also  in  the  Law-Courts.  Among  the  historians 
Cremutius  Cordus  paid  dearly  for  his  candour;  Velleius  and 
Valerius  Maximus  were  flatterers.  The  polyhistor  Celsus,  the 
jurist  Masurius  Sabinus,  and  the  grammarians  Julius  Modestus, 
Pomponius  Marcellus,  Remmius  Palaemon  were  exempt  from 
the  conflicting  questions  of  the  age  owing  to  their  subjects. 
Least  of  all  did  poetry  prosper  in  this  stifling  dull  period. 
Manilius  to  a  certain  extent  belonged  to  it;  but  besides  him, 
Phaedrus,  the  Avriter  of  fables,  is  the  sole  poet  it  can  boast, 
and  even  he  suffered  persecutions,  as  also  did  Pomponius 
Secundus,  who  subsequently  attempted  the  composition  of 
tragedies. 

1.  Suet.  Tib.  42:  Asellio  Sabino  sestertia  ducenta  donavit  pro 
dialogo  in  quo  boleti  et  ficedulae  et  ostreae  et  turdi  certamen  induxe- 
rat.  A.  Kiessling,  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  103,  p.  646,  identifies  him 
with  Sabinus  Asilius,  venustissimus  inter  rhetoras  scurra,  in  Sen.  suas. 
2,  12,  and  Asilius  in  Suet.  Calig,  8.  Cf.  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Encycl. 
I  2,  p.   1858,  1.  4  sqq. 

2.  Tac.  A.  Ill  49:  fine  anni  (21  A.  D.)  Lutorium  Priscum  eq.  rom. 
post  celebre  carmen  quo  Germanici  suprema  defleverat  pecunia  dona- 
tum  a  Caesare  corripuit  delator,  obiectans  aegro  Druso  composuisse 
quod,  si  extinctus  esset,  maiore  praemio  volgaretur.  He  was  executed, 
though  not  owing  to  Tiberius.     Cf.  Dio  LVH  20. 

3.  Tac.  A.  IV  31  :  C.  Cominiura  eq.  rora.  probrosi  in  se  carminis 
convictum  Caesar  precibus  fratris  .  .  concessit.  VI  39:  (Sextius)  Paco- 
nianus  in  carcere  ob  carmina  illic  in  principem  factitata  strangulatus 
est.  Dio  LVH  22:  .41'kioi'  2((toqv7vov  u)g  xal  ^'nrj  Ttycc  ig  uvtov  ovx 
hTitrrjd'fHC  cc7ioo(Jt'i/>ayr«  .  .  ano  tov  Kajincokiov  xccTfX()t]fxi/tG(y.  Suet. 
Tib.  61:  obiectum  est  poetae  (Mam,  Scaurus,  see  below  271,  2)  quod 
in  tragoedia  (entitled  Atreus,  Dio  LVIII  24)  Agamemnonem  probris 
lacessisset    (versibus    qui    in    Tiberium    flecterentur,    Tac.    A.    VI    29), 


Tiberius  and  Germanicus.  9 

obiectum  et  historico  (Cremutiiis  Corclus,  see  below  272,  1)  quod  Brutum 
Cassiiimque  ultimos  Komanorum  dixisset:  animadversum  statim  in  auc- 
tores  scriptaquo  abolita,  quamvis  probarentur  ante  aliquot  annos,  etiam 
Augusto  audiente,  recitata.  Specimens  of  the  libels  on  Tiberius  are 
given  by  Suet.  Tib.  59. 

3.  On  lulius  Montanus  (tolerabilis  poeta  et  amicitia  Tiberii  notus 
et  frigore)  see  above  247,  13. 

4.  On  the  poetry  of  Remmius  Palaemon  see  below  277,  3;  on 
Gaetulicus  below  286,  1. 

5.  On  the  prohibition  of  the  oscum  ludicrum,    see  above  10,  2. 

6.  Phaedrus  was  persecuted  by  Sejanus  (Phaedr.  Ill  40  sqq.),  see 
below  279,  1.     On  Pomponius  Secundus  see  below  279,  7. 

270.  Among  the  members  of  the  Imperial  dynasty  Tibe- 
rius himself  (712—790  v.  c.)  possessed  accurate  rhetorical 
training  which  he  exhibited  both  orally  and  in  writing,  even 
as  prince,  at  least  so  far  as  his  close  malicious  temper 
allowed  it.  He  also  wrote  Memoirs  full  of  daring  untruth,  and 
verses  in  Greek  and  Latin.  The  unfortunate  Germanicus 
(a.  739—772  V.  c.)'  was  also  highly  cultivated  and  composed 
several  works  in  verse,  above  all  a  poetical  version  of  Aratus' 
didactic  poem  on  astronomy  which  has  com^e  down  to  us  to- 
gether with  Scholia. 

1.  Besides  the  historical  works  of  Hock  (I  3  p.  1  — 194),  Merivale 
(vol.  V),  C.  Peter  (III  1  p.  137—230),  E.  v.  Wietersheim  (Hist,  of  the 
migration  of  tribes  I  p.  110  sqq.)  and  others,  see  for  Tiberius  W.  Teuffel's 
article  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  VI  2  p.  1931  —  1943.  Wigand,  on  the  Emperor 
Tiberius,  Berlin  1860.  4,  G.  R.  Sievers,  Tiberius  and  Tacitus,  Hamb. 
1850  sq.  4.  =  Studies  on  the  History  of  the  Roman  Emperors  (Berlin 
1870)  p.  1—105.  V.  Duruy,  de  Tiberio  imperatore,  Paris  1853.  F.  F. 
Baur,  de  Tacitea  Tiberii  imagine,  Tiib.  1856.  4.  J.  J.  Bernouilli,  on  the 
character  of  the  Emperor  Tiberius,  Basle  1859.  A.  Stahr,  Tiberius,  Berlin 
1863,  E.  Pas^h,  on  the  criticism  of  the  history  of  the  Emperor  Ti- 
berius, Altenburg  1866.  L.  Freytag,  Tib.  and  Tacitus,  Berlin  1870. 
471  pp.  Beule,  Tibere  et  I'heritage  d'Auguste,  Paris  1868.  A.Schroder, 
de  eorum  scriptorum  qui  de  Tib.  .  .  tradiderunt  fide  et  auctoritate, 
Konigsberg  1868.  J.  Duchesne,  de  Taciti  ad  enarrandum  Tiberii  Caes, 
principatum  parum  historicis  artibus,  Paris  1870.     107  pp.  These. 

2.  Suet.  Tib.  70:  artes  liberales  utriusque  generis  (Greek  as  well 
as  Latin)  studiosissime  coluit.  in  oratione  latina  secutus  est  Corvinum 
Messalam  (above  218,  9  sq.)  sed  adfectatione  et  morositate  nimia  obscu- 
rabat  stilum,  ut  aliquanto  ex  tempore  quam  a  cura  praestantior  habe- 
retur.     Tac.  A.  XHI  3:    Tiberius    artem    quoque  callebat  qua  verba  ex- 


10  The  First  Ceiituiy  of  tlie  Imperial  Epoch. 

penderet,  turn  validus  sensibus  aut  consulto  ambiguus.  IV,  31 :  compositus 
alias  et  velut  eluctantium  verborum,  solutius  promptiusque  eloquebatur 
quotiens  subveniret.  He  attended  the  lectures  of  the  rhetorican  Theo- 
dorus  of  Gadara,  Sen.  suas.  3,  7.  Suet.  Tib.  57.  Quintil.  Ill  1,  17. 
Puristic  tendencies.  Suet.  Tib.  71.  Dio  LYII  15.  17,  His  preference 
for  archaic  expressions,  Suet.  Aug.  86.  gramm.  22.  Funeral  speeches 
by  him,  Suet.  Tib.  6.  Aug.  100.  Tac.  A.  IV  12.  Sen.  con.  ad  Marc. 
15,  3.  Dio  LVII  11  and  others.  Accusations  and  defences  Suet.  Tib.  8 
Meyer  orat.  rom^.  p.  553 — 556.  Documents  composed  by  him  are  alleged 
by  Tac.  A.  Ill  6.  53  sq.  IV  40.  Suet.  Tib.  67.  ib.  61 :  commentario  quern 
de  vita  sua  summatim  breviterque  composuit  (like  Augustus,  see  above 
217,  4)  ausus  est  scribere  etc.  Domit.  20:  praeter  commentarios  et 
acta  Tiberii  Caesaris  nihil  lectitabat. 

3.  Suet,  Tib.  70:  composuit  et  carmen  lyricum,  cuius  est  titulus 
Conquestio  de  morte  L.  Caesaris.  fecit  et  graeca  poemata  imitatus 
Euphorionem  et  Rhianum  et  Parthenium,  quibus  poetis  admodum  de- 
lectatus  etc.  maxime  tamen  curavit  notitiam  historiae  fabularis,  usque 
ad  ineptias  atque  derisum.  nam  et  grammaticos,  quod  genus  hominum 
praecipue  appetebat,  eiusmodi  fere  quaestionibus  experiebatur,  quae 
mater  Hecubae  etc.  According  to  Suidas  (v.  KmaaQ  Ti^sQiog)  iyQcajjiv 
iniyqafAfxcaa  xal  li/vr^v  ()r]TOQtxt]y.  The  latter  may  be  an  error. 

4.  On  Germanicus,  the  nephew  and  adopted  son  of  Tiberius, 
see  A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  III.  p.  838—848  and  G.  F.  Hertzberg  in 
Ersch  and  Gruber's  Encyclop.  I  61  (1855)  p.  172—209.  Peterek,  Ger- 
manicus, a  biographical  essay,  Trzemesno  1842.  3.  A.  Zingerle,  de 
Germanico  Caesare  Drusi  iilio,  Trident  1867  (Progr.)  p.  3 — 31. 

5.  Suet.  Calig.  3  of  Germanicus:  ingenium  in  utroque  (cf.  n.  2) 
eloquentiae  doctrinaeque  genere  praecellens.  .  .  oravit  causas  etiam 
triumphalis,  atque  inter  cetera  studiorum  monimenta  reliquit  et  comoe. 
dias  graecas.  Plin.  n.  h.  VIII  42,  155:  fecit  et  divus  Augustus  equo 
tumulum,  de  quo  Germanici  Caesaris  carmen  est.  Tac.  A.  II  83 :  veteres 
inter  scriptores  haberetur.  Ovid.  Fast.  I  19  sqq. :  docti  .  .  principis, 
quae  sit  culti  facundia  sensimus  oris  civica  pro  trepidis  cum  tulit  arma 

,  reis.  25:  vates  rege  vatis  habenas.  ex  Pont.  II  5,  53  sqq.  IV  8,  67 
(non  potes  officium  vatis  contemnere  vates)  sqq.  70:  gloria  Pieridum 
summa  futurus  eras.  73:  modo  bella  geris,  numeris  modo  verba  coerces. 
77:  tibi  nee  docti  desunt  nee  principis  artes,  Greek  and  Latin  epigrams? 
Anal.  II  p.  159  (146  Jac.)  285  (nr.  2.  3.)  Anthol.  lat.  708  R.  =  Anthol. 
Pal.  IX  387  {'_4dQKcyov  KaiaaQog,  oi  d€  FfQ/uayixov).  709  ==  Anth.  Pal. 
VII  542  {^Plaxxov). 

6.  Under  the  title  Claudii  Caesaris  Arati  Phaenomena  (or  Aratus 
Germanici  ad  Augustum)  and  in  mss.,  the  earliest  of  which  (see  Brey- 
sig's  ed.  p.  XHI — XXVI  cf.  also  R.  Dahms  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  99  p. 
269 — 275)  are  the  Basle  ms.  saec.  VIII  (A  in  Breysig)  and  Paris.  7886 
(=  Puteaneus)  saec.  IX  (P)  we  possess  a  Latin  version  of  the  astrono- 
mical poem  of  Aratus  of  Soli,  in  well-made  hexameters,  the  4*ttivof^svK 


Tibenus  and  Germanicus.  11 

in  725  lines,  with  three  large  fragments  on  the  influence  of  constel- 
lations on  weather  {dtoaf]/us7ci  or  prognostica)  in  more  than  200  lines. 
Compared  with  the  fragments  of  Cicero's  similar  attempt  (above  176,2) 
and  Avienus'  translation,  the  present  version  is  remarkable  for  origi- 
nality, knowledge  and  relative  poetical  talent.  Cf.  J.  Frey,  de  Germ. 
Ar.  interpr.  p.  XXIV:  Germanicus  prooemium  de  suo  praemisit,  fabulas 
nonnullas  Arato  plane  intactas  addidit.  quae  apud  Aratum  non  recte 
disposita  intellexit  in  meliorem  ordinem  redegit,  plura  que  falsa  ab 
Arato  prodita  esse  ex  posterioris  aetatis  astrologorum  libris  cognoverat 
correxit.  The  writer  treats  legends  critically:  see  Phaen,  31.  166.  264. 
The  comparison  of  the  text  with  Aratus  and  Avienus,  and  the  use 
of  the  work  as  a  text-book  of  astronomy,  has  caused  many  interpolations  : 
see  A.  Breysig's  praef.  p.  Y  sqq. 

7.  Germanicus,  the  son  of  Drusus,  is  considered  the  author  of 
this  version  by  Jerome,  Lactantius  (inst.  V  5),  and  others;  Firmic. 
Math.  Ill  praef.  (cf.  VIII  5)  calls  him  Julius  Caesar.  That  it  was  rather 
the  composition  of  Domitian,  was  assumed  by  Rutgersius  on  the  strength 
of  V.  2  sqq. :  carminis  at  nobis,  genitor,  tu  maximus  auctor,  te  veneror^ 
tibi  sacra  fero  doctique  laboris  primitias  (cf.  16:  pax  tua  tuque  adsis 
nato),  while  v.  558  sqq.  (which  Breysigp.  XI  sq.  assigns  to  the  Prognost.) 
are  in  favour  of  composition  subsequent  to  the  death  of  Augustus. 
But  genitor  used  of  an  adoptive  father  (in  this  case  Tiberius)  is  not 
unusual  (Merkel  ad  Ibin  p.  379);  Ti.  Caesaris  Aug.  filius  (Divi  Aug. 
nep.,  Divi  luli  pronepos)  Germanicus  is  also  called  in  official  language 
(see  Orelli-Henzen  5380),  and  this  work  may  have  been  the  first  he  fi- 
nished, especially  in  comparison  with  the  Prognostica  which  were 
written  at  a  later  period  (Phaen.  444  sq.)  The  assumption  of  the  author- 
ship of  Domitian  is  at  variance  with  the  silence  observed  by  all  his 
flatterers  concerning  a  performance  of  this  kind,  as  well  as  with  the 
fact  that  Domitian  did  not  assume  the  title  of  Germanicus  until  he 
attained  to  the  Imperial  dignity,  A.  D.  84;  see  Frontin.  Strat.  II  11, 
7:  imperator  Caesar  Domitianus  Augustus  Germanicus  eo  bello  quo 
victis  hostibus  cognomen  Germanic!  meruit,  cum  in  finibus  Chattorum 
castella  poneret  etc.  Cf.  Martial.  II  2:  Creta  dedit  magnum,  mains 
dedit  Africa  nomen;  nobilius  domito  tribuit  Germania  Rheno,  et  puer 
hoc  dignus  nomine,  Caesar,  eras;  .  .  quae  datur  ex  Chattis  laurea  tota 
tua  est;  though  this  might  mean  that  Domitian  had  borne  that  name 
et  puer,  which  cannot,  however,  be  proved  from  other  sources.  A.  Imhof, 
Domitian  p.  131—135. 

8.  Editions  of  the  Aratea  of  Germanicus.  Ed.  princeps  Bonon. 
1474.  4.  Venet.  1488  and  (Aid.)  1499.  fol.  Ed.  Hugo  Grotius,  Lugd.  B. 
1600.  4.  Cum  comm.  varr.  ed.  J.  C.  Schwartz  (Coburg  1715).  In  Buhle's 
edition  of  Aratus  (Lips.  1801)  and  especially  in  J.  C.  Orelli's  edition  of 
Phaedrus  (1831)  p.  137—210.     Cum  scholiis  ed.  A.  Breysig,  BeroL  1867. 

9.  J.  C.  Schaubach,  de  Arati  interpretibus  rom.  (Meiningen  1817. 
4.)  p.  6.  sqq.     J.  Frey,  Rhein-  Mus.  XIII.  p.  409—427  audEpistola  critica 


12  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

de  Germanico   Arati   interprete,   Culm  1861.  4.     M.  Haupt,  Hermes  III. 
p.  153—155. 

10.  Besides  the  poem  itself  we  also  possess  Scholia  on  it  written 
in  different  periods.  The  earlier  ones  (in  the  Paris  and  Basle  mss.) 
were  in  existence  as  early  as  the  fourth  century  (Lactantius)  and  probably 
then  in  connection  with  Germanicus'  poem.  They  are  originally  a  version 
of  a  Greek  work,  according  to  the  earlier  assumption,  the  xaraaTfQtGfAol 
of  Ps.  Eratosthenes,  but  according  to  J.  Frey  (Rh.  Mus.  XXV  p.  263 — 
272)  rather  of  a  Greek  commentator  on  Aratus.  These  Scholia  are 
enlarged  and  corrupted,  chiefly  for  school-purposes,  with  addition^  from 
Pliny,  Hyginus,  Suetonius,  Censorinus,  Martianus  (perhaps  also  Isidore?), 
in  the  cod.  Strozzianus  saec.  XIV  and  even  worse  in  the  Urbinas  (Vatic.  * 
1388)  saec.  XV.  A  third  text  which  pays  special  attention  to  legends 
and  is  chiefly  represented  in  the  Sangermanensis  (G)  of  saec.  IX,  differs 
so  much  from  the  earlier  text  as  to  convey  the  impression  of  an  ori- 
ginal work.  A.  Breysig,  Philologus  XIII.  p.  660 — 668  and  Praef.  p. 
XXVI  sqq.  Editions  of  these  Scholia  together  with  Gerinanicus  (see 
n.  8),  e.  g.  in  Breysig's  edition  p.  54 — 235.  Also  in  Eyssenhardt's 
Martianus  Capella  (Lips.  1866)  p.  377  sqq. 

11.  Schaubach,  Observat.  in  scholia  ad  Germanici  Caes.  Phaeno- 
mena,  4  parts,  Meiningen  1821 — 1834.  4.  Suringar,  de  mythographo 
astronomico  qui  vulgo  dicitur  scholiastes  Germanici,  Lugd.  B.  1842.  4. 
A.  Breysig,  in  the  scholiastes  Germanici,  Philologus  XIII  p.  657 — 669, 
and  Emendations  in  the  Schol.  on  Germ.,  Posen  1865.  24.  p.  4. 

271.  Among  the  orators  of  this  age  the  most  important 
and  who  also  edited  their  own  speeches  and  rhetorical  writings 
were  the  honest  Votienus  Montanus  of  Narbo,  who  was,  how- 
ever, immoderate  as  a  speaker;  the  talented,  but  lazy  and 
dissolute  Mamercus  Scaurus;  Asinius  Gallus  (a.  714 — 786  v. 
c),  the  author  of  a  comparison  of  his  father  Pollio  and  Cicero; 
the  knight  P.  Vitellius  who  accused  Piso  of  being  the  murderer 
of  Germanicus;  Domitius  Afer  (c.  740 — 812  v.  c.)  of  Nemausum, 
who  held  high  dignities  under  Tiberius,  Caligula,  and  Nero, 
and  pleaded  in  the  Law-Courts,  but  was  less  respectable  as 
man  and  survived  his  oratorical  reputation. 

1.  Hieronym.  on  Eus.  chron.  a.  Abr.  2043  =z  Tib.  14  =  780  =:27 
A,  D.:  Votienus  Montanus  Narbonensis  orator  in  Balearibus  insulis 
moritur,  illuc  a  Tiberio  relegatus.  cf.  Tac.  A.  IV  42:  habita  per  illos 
dies  (a.  778  v.  c.)  de  Votieno  Montano,  Celebris  ingenii  viro,  cognitio. 
•  .  postulate  Votieno  ob  contumelias  in  Caesarem  dictas  which  may, 
however,  be  supposed  to  have  been  in  accordance  with  truth,  etc. 
Votienus  maiestatis  poenis  adfectus  est.  Sen.  controv.  IX.  praef.  1 : 
Montanus  Votienus  adeo  numquam  ostentationis  declamavit  causa  ut  ne 


Orators:  Montaniis,  Scaurns,  Asiniifs  Gallus.  13 

exercitatis  quidem  declamaverit.  28,  17:  liabet  hoc  Montanus  vitium: 
sententias  suas  repetendo  corrumpit;  .  .  et  propter  hoc  et  propter  alia 
.  .  solebat  Scaurus  Montanum  inter  oratores  Ovidium  vocare  (above 
246,  6).  28,  15 :  Montanus  Votienus,  homo  rarissimi,  etiamsi  non  emen- 
datissimi  ingeni,  vitium  suum,  quod  in  orationibus  non  evitat,  in  scho- 
lasticis  quoque  evitare  non  potuit.  .  .  memini  ilium  pro  Galla  Numisia 
apud  centumviros  tirocinium  ponere.  .  .  (16  :)  ex  iis  quaedam  in  orationem 
contulit  et  alia  plura  quam  dixerat  adiecit.  29,  17 :  Montanus  Votienus 
Marcellum  Marcium  amicum  suum,  cuius  frequenter  mentionem  in 
scriptis  suis  facit  tanquam  hominis  diserti,  aiebat  dixisse  etc.  VII  20 
(p.  217,  18  sqq.  Bu.):  Vinicius  (above  263,  10)  erat  non  aequus  ipsi 
Montano.  accusaverat  ilium  apud  Caesarem,  a  colonia  Narbonensi  ro- 
gatus.  at  Montanus  adeo  toto  animo  scholasticus  erat  ut  eodem  die  quo 
accusatus  est  a  Vinicio  disceptarit  inVinici  (here  a  gap).  Seneca,  fre- 
quently gives  specimens  of  the  declamations  of  Montanus  from  his 
seventh   book. 

2.  Mam.  Aemilius  Scaurus,  insignis  nobilitate  (the  great-grand- 
son of  the  princeps  senatus,  above  131,  10)  et  orandis  causis,  vita  pro- 
brosus  (Tac.  A.  VI  29  cf.  IH  66),  a.  787  =  34  A.  D.  driven  by  Tiberius 
to  suicide,  see  above  269,  ^3  and  272,  4.  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Enc.  I 
1.  p.  374  f.,  Nr.  6.)  On  him  Seneca  states  controv.  X.  praef.  2—4:  non 
novi  quemquam  cuius  ingenio  populus  rom.  pertinacius  ignoverit.  dicebat 
neglegenter;  saepe  causam  in  ipsis  subselliis,  saepe  dum  amicitur  dis- 
cebat.  .  .  nihil  erat  illo  venustius,  nihil  paratius.  genus  dicendi  anti- 
quum, verborum  quoque  non  volgarium  gravitas,  ipse  voltus  habitusque 
corporis  mire  ad  auctoritatem  oratoriam  aptatus.  (3.)  sed  .  .  ignavus 
Scaurus.  .  .  pleraeque  actiones  malae,  in  omnibus  tamen  aliquod  magni 
ingeni  vestigium  extabat.  .  .  orationes  septem  edidit,  quae  deinde  sena- 
tusconsulto  combustae  sunt  (see  above  269,  3).  bene  cum  illis  ignis 
egerat;  sed  extant  libelli  qui  cum  fama  eius  pugnant,  multo  quidem 
solutiores  ipsis  actionibus.  (4.)  declamantem  audivimus,  et  novissirae 
quidem  M.  Lepido.  I  2,  22:  Scaurus  non  tantum  disertissimus  homo 
sed  venustissimus.  Tac.  A.  Ill  31 :  Mam.  Scaurus,  qui  .  .  oratorum  ea 
aetate  uberrimus  erat.  Specimens  of  his  pertinent  witticisms  are  given 
by  Sen.  contr.  I  2,  22.  II  9,  39.  IX  28,  17;  cf.  X  31,  19. 

3.  C.  Asinius  Gallus,  the  son  of  Asinius  Pollio  (above  218, 1  sqq.), 
Cons.  746,  driven  by  Tiberius  to  suicide,  a.  786;  see  W.  Teuffel  in 
Pauly's  Enc.  I  2.  p.  1865  sq.  Nr.  9.  Plin.  Epist.  VII  4,  8:  libri  Asini 
Galli  de  comparatione  patris  et  Ciceronis.  ib.  §.  6:  libros  Galli  .  . 
quibus  ille  parent!  ausus  de  Cicerone  dare  est  palmamque  decusque. 
Claudius  wrote  against  this  work;  see  below  281,  2.  Quintil.  XII  1, 
22:  Asinio  utrique,  qui  vitia  orationis  eius  (Cicero)  etiam  inimice  plu- 
ribus  locis  insequuntur.  Gellius  XVII  1,  1 :  nonnulli  tarn  prodigiosi 
tamque  vecordes  extiterunt,  in  quibus  sunt  Gallus  Asinius  et  Largius 
Licinus,  cuius  liber  etiam  fertur  infando  titulo 'Ciceromastix',  ut  scribere 
ausi  sint  M.  Qiceronem    parum    integre  atque  improprie  atque  inconsi- 


14  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

derate  locutum.     An   epigram   by  Gallns  on  the  grammarian  Marcellus 
(below  277,  2)  is  quoted  by  Sueton.  gramm.  22. 

4.  P.  Vitellius,  the  brother  of  the  Emperor,  Germanici  comes, 
Cn.  Pisonem  inimicum  et  interfectorem  eius  accusavit  condemnavitque 
(Suet.  Vitell.  2),  a.  772  =  19  A.  D.  He  died  784  =  31;  see  W.  Teuffel 
in  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  2.  p.  2682,  Nr.  4.  Plin.  n.  li.  XI  187:  extat  oratio 
Vitelli  qua  Gn.  Pisonem  eius  sceleris  (veneficii)  coarguit  hoc  usus  argu- 
ment© etc. 

5.  Hieronym.  a.  Abr.  2062  =  Claud.  6  =  46A.  D.  Domitius  Afor 
Nemausensis  clarus  orator  habetur,  qui  postea  Nerone  regnante  ex  cibi 
redundantia  in  cena  moritur.  Cons.  suff.  under  Caligula  a.  792  =  39 
A.  D.;  cur.  aquarum  802—812  (Frontin.  aq.  102:  Cn.  Domitius  Afer). 
A.  779  he  accused  Claudia  Pulchra,  Tac.  A.  IV  52:  recens  praetura, 
modicus  dignationis  et  quoquo  facinore  properus  clarescere.  .  .  Afer 
primoribus  oratorum  additus,  divulgato  ingenio.  .  .  mox  capessendis 
accusationibus  aut  reos  tutando  prosperiore  eloquentiae  quam  morum 
fama  fuit,  nisi  quod  aetas  extrema  multum  etiam  eloquentiae  dempsit. 
IV  66:  nullo  mirante  quod  diu  egens  et  parto  nuperpraemio  male  usus 
plura  ad  flagitia  accingeretur.  XIV  19:  sequuntur  (a.  812  :=  59)  virorum 
illustrium  mortes,  DomitiiAfri  et  M.  Servilii  (below  286,  2),  qui  summis 
honoribus  et  multa  eloquentia  viguerant,  ille  orando  causas,  Servilius 
diu  foro,  mox  tradendis  rebus  rom.  Celebris  et  elegantia  vitae,  quam 
clariorem  effecit  (than  Afer),  ut  par  ingenio  ita  morum  divcrsus  (better 
than  Afer).  See  also  Plin.  Ep.  VIII  18,  5  sqq.  Quintil.  XI,  118: 
eorum  quos  viderim  Domitius  Afer  et  lulius  Africanus  longe  praestan- 
tissimi.  arte  ille  et  toto  genere  dicendi  praeferendus  et  quem  in  numero 
veterum  habere  non  timeas.  XII  11,  3:  vidi  ego  longe  omnium  quos 
mihi  cognoscere  contigit  summum  oratorem.  Domitium  Afrum,  valde 
senem  cotidie  aliquid  ex  ea  quam  meruerat  auctoritate  perdentem,  cum 
agente  illo,  quem  principem  fuisse  quondam  fori  non  erat  dubium,  alii 
.  .  riderent,  alii  erubescerent.  cf.  also  XII  10,  11  (above  87,  2).  Tac. 
dial.  13.  15.  Dio  LIX  19.  Plin.  Ep.  II  14,  10:  narrabat  ille  (Quintilian): 
adsectabar  Domitium  Afrum;  cum  apud  centumviros  diceret  graviter  et 
lente,  hoc  enim  illi  actionis  genus  erat  etc.  Especially  famous  were 
his  (published)  speeches  pro  Voluseno  Catulo  (Quintil.  X  1,  24),  pro 
Domitilla  (ib.  VIII  5,  16.  IX  2,  20.  3,  66.  4,  31),  pro  Laelia  (ib.  IX  4, 
31).  Meyer,  orat.  fragm.  p.  565 — 570.  Other  writings  Quintil.  V  7,  7: 
sufficiebant  alioqui  libri  duo  a  Domitio  Afro  in  banc  rem  (de  testibus) 
compositi,  quem  adolescentulus  senem  colui.  VI  3,  42:  mire  fuit  in 
hoc  genere  (witty  descriptions)  venustus  Afer  Domitius,  cuius  orationibus 
complures  huiusmodi  narrationes  insertae  reperiuntur;  sed  dictorum 
quoque  ab  eodem  urbane  sunt  editi  libri.     Cf.  ib.  27  and  32. 

6.  Bruttedius  Niger,  aedilis  a  775  =  22  A.  D.,  Tac.  A.  Ill  66  (Brut- 
tedium  artibus  honestis  copiosum  et,  si  rectum  iter  pergeret  ad  cla- 
rissima  quaeque  iturum  festinatio  exstimulabat).  He  was  on  friendly 
terms  with  Sejanus,  Juv.  X  83.   In  rhetoric   he  was  the  pupil  of  Apol- 


Orators:  Afer  and  others.     Cremittius  Cordus.  15 

lodorns,  Sen.  contr.  II  9,  36.  Specimens  of  his  declamations  are  given 
ib  35  and  probably  also  suas.  6,  20  sq.  the  relation  on  Cicero's  death 
and  the  public  exhibition  of  his  head. 

7.  Sex.  Pompeius,  the  friend  of  Germanicus  (Ovid,  ex  Pont.  IV 
5,  25  sq.  cf.  Tac.  A.  Ill  11)  Consul  in  the  same  year  as  Augustus  died 
(767  —  14  A.  D.),  a  patron  of  Ovid's  (ex  Pont.  IV  1,  21  sqq.  5,  37  sqq. 
15,  3  sq.  37),  who  addressed  to  him  his  Epistles  ex  Pont.  IV  1.  4.  5. 
15.,  and  of  Valerius  Maximus  (below  274,  1).  Ovid  mentions  his  facundum 
OS  (ex  Pont.  IV  4,  37),  Val.  Max.  II  6,  8  (facundissimo  sermone,  qui 
ore  eius  quasi  e  beato  quodam  eloquentiae  fonte  emanabat).  IV  7. 
ext.  2  (clarissimi  ac  disertissimi  viri). 

8.  Tac.  A.  Ill  24:  M.  (lunii)  Silani  potentia,  qui  per  insignem  nobi- 
litatem  et  eloquentiam  praecellebat.  Cos.  772  =  19  A.  D.,  driven  to 
suicide  (Suet.  Calig.  23)  by  Caligula,  who  had  married  his  daughter 
Junia  Claudilla  (ib.  12.  Tac.  A.  VI  20). 

9.  Tac.  A.  VI  48 :  poenae  in  Laelium  Balbum  decernuntur  (a.  790 
=  37).  .  .  Balbus  truci  eloquentia  habebatur,  promptus  adversum  in- 
sontes.  Cf.  ib.  47.  Quintil.  X  1,  24:  nobis  pueris  insignes  pro  Voluseno 
Catulo  (see  n.  5)  Decimi  Laelii  orationes  ferebantur. 

10.  Tac.  A.  VI  47:  (Vibius)  Marsus  quoque  vetustis  honoribus  et 
inlustris  studiis  (of  eloquence)  erat.  A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  2  p. 
2571,  Nr.  28. 

U.  On  Valerius  Messalinus  see  above  262,  6;  on  Romanius  Hispo, 
Vinicius,  and  others,  above  263,  10. 

272.  The  expiration  of  the  KepubHc  and  foundation  of 
the  Monarchy  had,  still  under  Augustus,  been  related  by  A. 
Cremutius  Cordus  with  much  candour,  which  now  furnished 
the  pretence  of  persecuting  him.  In  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  the 
same  subject  was  in  the  rhetorical  manner  of  the  period 
treated  by  Aufidius  Bassus,  a  man  of  philosophical  culture, 
who  described  the  Civil  Wars  and  the  expeditions  against  the 
Germans,  and  whose  work  was  subsequently  continued  by 
Pliny  the  Elder.  Seneca  the  Elder  wrote  his  historical  work 
in  this  reign.    Tuscus  was  both  rhetorician  and  historian. 

1.  Tac.  A.  IV  34:  Cremutius  Cordus  postulatur  (a  778  =  25 
A.  D.)  .  .  quod  editis  annalibus  laudatoque  M.  Bruto  (cf.  Plut,  Brut.  44) 
C.  Cassium  Romanorum  ultimum  dixisset  (see  above  269,  3).  His  plea- 
ding ib.  34  sq.  Egressus  dein  senatu  vitam  abstinentia  finivit.  libros 
per  aediles  cremandos  censuere  patres;  set  manserunt,  occultati  et 
editi,  ib.  35.  Sen.  cons.  ad.  Marc.  1,  2  (A.  Cremutii  Cordi,  parentis 
tui).     22,   6   sqq.     Dio   LVII   24.     The  real   cause    of  the    attack   upon 


16  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

him  should  be  found  in  some  expressions  of  his  with  which  he  had 
oft'ended  Sejanus,  Sen.  ad  Marc.  22,  4  sq.  —  Dio  1.  1.:  vghqov  df 
ihsdo&f]  avd-ig  (r«  avyyQctfxfjiaTCi  avrov),  akkoi,  ts  yaQ  y.ul  fAcdiara  jj 
d^vyairjQ  aviov  MaQy.ia  avviy.^vxj'sv  avrd.  Sen.  ad.  Marc.  1,  3  sq.  Sueton. 
Calig.  16.  (above  262,  10).  Quotations  from  it  concerning  the  death 
of  Cicero,  are  made  by  Seneca  suas.  7,  19.  23.  From  Quint.  XI  104 
it  may  be  inferred  that  the  strongest  passages  were  omitted  in  a  new 
edition :  habet  amatores,  nee  immerito,  Cremuti  libertas,  quamquam 
circumcisis  quae  dixisset  emacuerit;  cf.  Philologus  VI.  p.  139.  753  sq. 
C.  Rathlef,  de  A.  Cremutio  Cordo,  Dorpat  1860.  78  pp.  C.  v.  P(aucker), 
Domitian  and  Cremutius  Cordus,  Mitau  1861  (Report  of  a  Session  of 
the  Curland  Society  of  Lit.) 

2.  Sen.  Epist.  30,  1:  Bassum  Aufidium,  virum  oj)timum,  vidi 
quassum,  aetati  obluctantem.  ib.  3 :  Bassus  tamen  noster  alacer  animo 
est.  hoc  philosophia  praestat  etc,  ib.  5  10.  14:  dicebat  ille,  Epicuri 
praeceptis  obsequens  etc.  Quintil.  X  1,  108:  quam  (i.  e,  auctoritas  histo- 
riae)  paulum  aetate  praecedens  eum  (i.  e.  Servilius,  below  285,  2)  Bassus 
Aufidius  egregie,  utique  in  libris  belli  germanici,  praestitit,  genere  ipso 
probabilis  in  omnibus,  sed  in  quibusdam  suis  ipse  viribus  minor.  Spe- 
cimens of  his  historical  style,  concerning  the  death  of  Cicero,  in  rather 
affected  terms,  are  given  by  Sen.  suas.  6,  18  and  23.  Cf.  Plin.  n.  h. 
VI  9,  27:  universae  (Armeniae)  magnitudinem  Aufidius  .  .  prodidit.  praef. 
20:  diximus  .  .  temporum  nostrorum  historiam,  orsi  a  fine  Aufidii  Bassi. 
As  Pliny's  work  treated,  at  the  very  least,  of  the  latter  part  of  the 
reign  of  Nero  (see  below  307,  5),  Aufidius  probably  ended  with  the 
reign  of  Claudius.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  libri  belli  germanici 
were  an  independent  work  or  part  of  another.  Mommsen,  Cassiodor. 
p.  558  sq.  Tac.  dial.  23 :  (antiquarians)  quibus  eloquentia  Aufidi  Bassi 
aut  Servilii  Noniani  ex  comparatione  Sisennae  aut  Varronis  soi^et.  W. 
Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Enc.  I  2.  p.  2129  sq.  Nr.  11. 

3.  On  Seneca  see  above  264,  3. 

4.  Sen.  suas.  2,  22:  historicum  quoque  vobis  fatuum  dabo.  Tuscus 
ille  qui  Scaurum  Mamercum  (above  271,  2)  in  quo  Scaurum  familia  ex'-lfj 
tincta    est    maiestatis    reum    fecerat,    homo    quam    improbi    animi  tarn 
infelicis  ingenii,  cum  banc  suasoriam  declamaret  dixit  etc.     By  Tac.  A. 

VI  29  the  accusers  of  Scaurus  (a.  787  =  34)  are  called  Servilius  and 
Cornelius;  and  one  of  them  would  appear  to  have  had  the  cognomen 
of  Tuscus. 

5.  Aemilius  Sura  de  annis  populi  rom.  (see  above  154,  6,  c  and  d): 
Assyrii  principes  etc.  is  an  old  gloss  which  has  crept  into  the  text  of 
Velleius  (I  6,  6)  as  a  parallel  illustration.  The  work  seems  to  have 
been  an  abridgment  on  Universal  History,  perhaps  in  the  manner  of 
Velleius'  work,  and  arranged  according  to  the  five  great  Monarchies 
(the  Assyrian,  Median,  Persian,  Macedonian,  and  Roman),  the  fifth  of 
which  the  anni  pop.  rom.  seem  to  have  formed.     The    date  of  compo- 


Aiifidms  Bassus.      Velleius.  17 

"sition  is  not    known,     Th.   Mommsen,   Rhein.   Mus.   XYI    p.   282—284. 
Reifferscheid's  Sueton.  p.  XVI  sq.     See  above  157,  3. 

6.     On  Annius  Fetialis  see  above  254,  8. 

273.  Chiefly  the  history  of  the  Monarchy  is  treated  in  the 
abridgment  of  Koman  History  in  two  books  by  M.  Velleius 
Pater  cuius,  A.  D.  30.  This  writer  had  been  in  military 
service  under  Tiberius  whom  he  then  learned  to  admire;  but 
he  soars  to  such  pathos  of  loyalty  and  pomp  of  style  that  he 
praises  anything  connected  with  his  general  in  a  most  extra- 
vagant manner  and  rails  on  all  that  was  opposed  to  him.  He 
does  not  appreciate  the  interior  connexion  of  things  and  his 
interest  centres  upon  the  persons  only.  His  diction  is  pompous 
and  affected,  but  wanting  in  variety  and  ease.  The  construc- 
tion of  his  sentences  is  frequently  awkward.  The  lexical  part 
generally  agrees  with  the  classical  usage,  but  the  whole  mode 
of  treatment  in  which  the  subject-matter  is  chiefly  used  as  the 
vehicle  of  individual  reflection,  is  quite  in  harmony  with  the 
spirit  of  the  first  century.  The  work  has  come  down  to  us 
in  only  one  ms.,  and  the  first  book  is  mutilated. 

1.  01  his  personal  affairs  as  well  as  those  of  his  family,  Velleius 
frequently  informs  us  with  vain  loquacity.  II  101,  2  sq. :  quod  spec- 
taculum  (a.  754  v.  c.)  .  .  sub  initia  stipendiorum  meorum  tribuno  mi- 
litum  mihi  visere  contigit.  quern  militiae  gradum  ante  sub  patre  tuo, 
M.  Vinici,  et  P.  Silio  auspicatus  in  Thracia  Macedoniaque,  mox  Achaia 
Asiaque  et  omnibus  ad  orientem  visis  provinciis  et  ore  atque  utroque 
maris  pontici  latere,  hand  iniucunda  tot  rerum,  locorum  .  .  recordatione 
perfruor.  104,  3:  hoc  tempus  (a.  757)  me  .  .  castrorum  Ti.  Caesaris 
militem  fecit,  quippe  protinus  ab  adoptione  (June  757)  missus  cum  eo 
praefectus  equitum  in  Germaniam,  successor  offici  patris  mei,  caeles- 
tissimorum  eius  operum  per  annos  continuos  VIII  praefectus  aut  legatus 
spectator  et  .  .  adiutor  fui.  Ill,  3  sq. :  habuit  in  hoc  quoque  bello 
(pannonico,  a.  759)  mediocritas  nostra  speciosi  ministeri  locum,  finita 
equestri  militia  designatus  quaestor,  necdum  senator,  aequatus  senato- 
ribus  et  iam  designatis  tribunis  plebei  partem  exercitus  ab  urbe  traditi 
ab  Augusto  perduxi  ad  filium  eius  (Tiberius),  in  quaestura  (a.  760) 
deinde,  remissa  sorte  provinciae,  legatus  eiusdem  ad  eundem  missus 
sum.  113,  3:  liiemis  (760  to  761)  initio  regressus  Sisciam  legatos,  inter 
quos  ipsi  fuimus,  partitis  praefecit  hibernis.  114,  2:  erat  .  .  lectica 
eius  (i.  e.  Tiberius)  publicata,  cuius  usum  cum  alii  tum  ego  sensi.  121, 
3:  triumphus  (of  Tiberius,  January  765),  quem  mihi  fratrique  meo  (cf. 
II  115,  1)  inter  praecipuos  praecipuisque  donis  adornatos  viros  comitari 
contigit.  124,  4:  quo  tempore  (a.  767)  mihi  fratrique  meo,  candidatis 
Caesaris,  proxime  a  nobilissimis  ac  sacerdotalibus  viris  destinari  prae- 

2 


18  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

toribus  contigit,  consecutis  ut  neqiie  post  nos  quemquam  divus  Augustus 
(merely  because  he  died)  neque  ante  nos  Caesar  commendaret  Tiberius. 
His  complete  names  are  given  by  Priscian  VI  11,  63  (p.  248,  4  H.): 
]\1.  Velleius  Paterculus.  In  the  Schol.  Lucan.  IX  178  (and  schol.  ant. 
on  VIII  663)  only  Paterculus.  That  he  never  advanced  beyond  the 
praetorship  may  be  inferred  from  his  silence.  The  latest  fact  menti- 
oned in  his  work  is  the  death  of  Livia  (II  130,  5),  a.  782  =::::  29  A.  D., 
and  the  consulship  of  M.  Vinicius  a.  783  =:  30.  In  his  leisure  subse- 
quent to  the  praetorship  the  author  seems  to  have  acquired  the  varied 
knowledge,  also  of  Greek  literature,  which  he  displays,  after  he  had 
originally  made  a  merely  military  career;  see  II  52,  4:  ut  militari  et 
verbo  ex  consuetudine  utar. 

2.  The  historical  work  of  Velleius  bears  the  heading:  Vellei  Pa- 
terculi  historiae  romanae  ad  M.  Vinicium  consulem  libri  duo.  It  is 
not,  however,  strictly  confined  to  Roman  history.  In  imitation  of  the 
habit  of  the  Annalists,  the  writer  begins  with  the  first  settlements  of 
Greeks  in  Italy,  passes  in  rapid  surve}?"  over  the  East  and  Greece, 
and  brings  in  his  first  book  the  Roman  history  down  to  the  fall  of 
Carthage.  His  intention  being  originally  only  to  give  a  short  abridg- 
ment (I  16,  1.  II  41,  1.  55,  1.  86,  1.  99,  4.  108,  ±  124,  1  cf.  29,  2.  52, 
3.  86,  1),  the  work,  in  conformity  with  the  habit  of  the  Annalists  (cf. 
above  252,  11)  becomes  more  extensive  the  more  it  approaches  the 
historian's  own  time,  though  it  bears  a  subjective  and  rhetorical  colour- 
ing even  in  its  summary  part  and  is  frequently  interrupted  by  the  writer's 
reflections.  He  is  fond  of  interspersing  anecdotes  and  individual  traits, 
in  fact  his  whole  manner  is  personal  and  consequently  arbitrary 
and  partial  in  many  places  (Sauppe  p.  144  sq.  155—160).  There  are,- 
however,  numerous  instances  of  excellent  observations.  Much  space  is 
devoted  to  the  delineation  of  the  acting  characters,  the  point  in  which 
our  writer  excels,  though  he  sometimes  appears  capricious  concerning 
the  characters  of  the  Republican  period,  but  frequently  also  exceedingly 
happy.  On  the  other  hand,  the  characters  of  Caesar,  Augustus  and 
Tiberius  are  enveloped  in  a  cloud  of  incense  (Sauppe  p.  161 — 168), 
especially  the  latter  being  praised  (after  II  94)  in  quite  an  ecstatic 
manner  with  a  downright  extravagant  use  of  superlatives.  It  is  true, 
Velleius  had  seen  Tiberius  in  his  best  years  and  wrote  his  work  before 
his  last  and  worst  years;  it  is,  moreover,  his  habit  to  exaggerate  and 
lay  on  strong  colours  (Kritz  p.  XLVIII  sq.).  But  it  is  fortunate  he 
did  not  carry  out  his  intention  of  writing  a  special  work  on  Tiberius 
and  his  time  (see  II  48,  5.  96,  2.  99,  3.  103,  4.  119,  1).  That  Germanicus 
was  a  good  general,  and  Agrippina  a  member  of  the  imperial  house, 
is  put  to  their  credit;  the  disgraceful  treatment  of  them  by  Tiberius 
Velleius  knows  how  to  disguise  with  general  phrases. 

3.  Concerning  his  sources  Velleius  mentions  Cato's  Origines  (I  7,  B)  and 
the  Annals  of  Hortensius  (II  16,  3).  In  general  Velleius  may  be  sup- 
posed to  have  followed  the  current  historical  works,  e.  g.  the  abridg- 
ment  of  Atticus.    also    Cornelius    Nepos    and   Pompeius    Trogus   in   all 


Velleius  Patercuhis.  19 

foreign  history  and  biographical  details.  He  seems  not  to  have  quite 
trusted  Livy  as  a  disguised  Republican,  as  he  disagrees  with  him  more 
frequently  than  otherwise.  The  studies  of  Velleius  are  not  very  deep ; 
a  large  collection  of  his  historical  blunders  is  given  by  Sauppe  p.  147 
— 155.  He  places  the  foundation  of  Rome  (I  8,  4)  in  a.  753  (01.  6,  3), 
following  Varro;  but  then  again  follows  the  aera  Catoniana  (751);  the 
year  of  the  consulship  of  Vinicius  (781)  being  e.  g.  fixed  according  to 
it  (H  49,  2.  65,  2.  cf.  I  14,  6.  H  103,  3.  Kritz  p.  XLI  sqq.).  The  di- 
vision of  the  subject-matter  into  two  books  according  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  Carthage  (I  14,  1,  cf.  H  131,  1)  is  not  at  all  bad,  but  in  pur- 
suance of  the  views  of  Velleius  it  appears  inconsistent  to  date  the 
downfall  of  the  Empire  from  the  decay  of  Republican  feeling.  In  this 
as  well  as  in  other  points  (Sauppe  p.  161  sq.  169  sq.),  he  simply  adopts 
the  general  practice.  But  by  the  addition  of  personal  sympathies  and 
antipathies  the  historical  criticism  of  Velleius  is  rendered  dissonant  and 
dissimilar. 

4.  The  peculiar  style  of  Velleius  is  explained  by  Kritz  p.  XLVI 
— LXXV  partly  from  the  general  taste  of  his  period,  which  was  fond 
of  affectation  and  artifice,  partly  from  the  character  of  the  author,  he 
being  a  mere  dilettante,  partly  from  his  'festinatio',  which  often  led  him 
into  the  careless  style  of  conversational  language-  Especially  his  pe- 
culiar sentences  in  which  he  inserts  endless  parenthetic  aud  relative 
sentences  between  tw^o  poor  particles  of  a  short  period  (e.  g.  H  18, 
1-3.  28,  2.  41,  1  sq.  75,  3.  Kritz  p.  LXI— LXIV),  the  frequent  repetition 
of  one  and  the  same  idea,  and  of  the  same  words  within'  a  brief  inter- 
val (Sauppe  p.  175 — 178.  Kritz  p.  LV  sqq.  LXVI  sqq.),  the  pompousness 
of  his  diction,  betray  the  writer's  want  of  practice  and  polish.  To  the 
general  influence  of  the  age  we  should  attribute  his  vain  dallying  with 
glittering  sentences,  pointed  contrasts,  and  affected  phrases,  his  co- 
quettish energy  of  language  and  its  meretricious  colouring.  Hence  may 
be  explained  his  fondness  of  poetical  expressions  and  pretentious  com- 
binations of  words  (Sauppe  p.  178  sq.).  This  studied  artifice  of  Velleius 
reminds  his  reader  greatly  of  Sallust. 

5.  The  only  ms.  of  Velleius  we  know  is  the  one  found  by  Beatus 
Rhenanus  a.  1515  in  the  ancient  abbey  of  Murbach  (in  Alsace),  which 
was,  however,  mutilated  both  at  the  end  and  at  the  beginning  (where 
the  preface  and  the  events  from  the  capture  of  the  Sabine  women  down 
to  the  time  of  Perseus  are  wanting)  and  contained  many  corrupt  pas- 
sages. After  B.  Rhenanus  had  published  his  edition  from  it  (Basle  1520 
fol.),  with  as  much  or  as  little  faithfulness  as  was  usual  in  his  age,  the 
ms.  was  again  lost.  Only  a  copy  made  of  it  by  Bonif.  Amerbach  was 
recently  discovered  at  Basle,  which  does  not,  however,  equal  the  first  edition 
in  accuracy.  See  the  prefaces  of  Orelli  (p.  VII  sqq.)  and  Kritz  (c.  3, 
p.  LXXVI— CXXV).  J.  Frohlich  and  J.  C.  M.  Laurent,  on  the  value 
of  Amerbach's  copy  of  V.,  Leipzig  1840.  D.  A.  Fechter,  on  Amerbach's 
copy  of  V.  P.  and  the  relation  of  the  Murbach  ms.  and  editio  princeps, 
Basle  1844.  Laurent,  Serapeum  1847,  Nr.  12,  and  in  the  Congratulatory 
program  of  the  Hamburg  town-library  (Hamb.  1856.  4.)  j).  17—34. 


20  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

6.  Editions  (besides  ed.  princ,  see  n.  5)  by  J.  Lipsius  (Lugd.  B 
1591.  Antverp.  1607),  J.  Gruter  (Frankf.  1607),  N.  Heinsius  (Amstelod. 
1678  and  elsewhere),  P.  Burmann  (Lugd.B.  1719. 1744.  2  vols.),  D.  Ruhnken 
(Lugd.  B.  1779,  2  vols.,  reprinted  by  C.  H.  Frotscher,  Lips.  1830—1829 ; 
the  notae  separately  Hannover  1815),  J.  C.  H.  Krause  (Lips.  1800;  ed. 
minor  1803),  J.  C.  Orelli  (Lips.  1835),  J.  Th.  Kreyssig  (recogn.,  Meissen 
1836),  and  especially  Fr.  Kritz  (rec,  annot.  et  indd.  instruxit.  Lips.  1840). 
See  his  Prolegomena  c.  4  (p.  CXXV  sqq.). 

Texts  by  F.  H.  Bothe  (Ziirich  1837),  Fr.  Kritz  (Lips.  1847),  Fr.  Haase 
(Lips.  Teubner  1851  and  1863)  and  others. 

7.  Treatises  on  V.  P.  by  H.  Dodwell,  annales  Velleiani,  Oxon.  1698. 
C.  Morgenstern,  comm.  critica  de  fide  historica  V.  P.,  imprimis  de  adu- 
latione  ei  obiecta,  Danzig,  1798.  H.  Sauppe,  Swiss.  Museum  for  History 
I  (Frauenfeld  1837)  p.  133—180.  L.  Speckert,  de  la  sincerite  de  V.  P.,' 
Toulouse  1848.  Alf.  Pernices,  de  V.  fide  historica,  Lips.  1862.  50  pp.  4. 
J.  Stanger,  de  V.  fide,  Munich.  1863.  38  pp.  8  C.  Windheuser,  de  V. 
fide  in  iis  locis  qui  ad  Tiberii  mores  spectant,  Neuss  1867.  14  pp.  4. 

8.  Critical  contributions  by  C.  Halm  (Emend.  Veil.,  Miinchen  1836. 
4.),  Laurent  (loci  Veil.,  Altona  1836),  J.  Jeep  (emend.  V.,  Wolfenbiittel 
1839.  4),  M.  Haupt  (Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Society  of  Lit.  1849,  p.  190—200), 
B.  Martin  (Contributions  etc.,  Prenzlau  1862,  4),  and  in  the  Quaestiones 
Velleianae  of  K  Alsters  (Miinster  1866),  G.  A.  Koch  (Lips.  1866.  4.)  and 
E.  Wilhelm  (Jena  1866),  F.  Giese  (Miinster  1868). 

M.  Hertz,  on  the  so-called  excerpta  Velleii  ex  historia  gallica,  in 
Haupt's  Journal  of  German  Antiquities  X  2  (Berlin  1855)  Nr.  10.  See 
ibid.  p.  587. 

274.  An  equal  amount  of  servility,  but  not  of  talent,  ap- 
pears in  Valerius  Maximus,  the  author  of  a  collection  of 
anecdotes  for  rhetorical  purposes,  factorum  et  dictorum  memo- 
rabilium  libri  novem  —  a  work  addressed  to  Tiberius.  It  is 
a  compilation  from  few,  but  good  sources,  unfortunately  in  an 
uncritical  manner  and  without  taste  and  discrimination.  Dull 
as  the  author  is,  he  delights  in  reflection.  The  diction  is  de- 
clamatory, the  style  overloaded,  but  the  lexical  part  not  yet 
considerably  invaded  by  neologisms.  A  tenth  book  is  not  extant 
and  was  perhaps  never  finished.  Besides  the  original  work  we 
also  possess  two  abridgments:  one  made  from  a  very  good 
ms.  by  Julius  Paris,  and  a  very  poor  one  by  Januarius  Nepo- 
tianus.  A  short  appendix  de  praenominibus  is  likewise  derived 
from  good  sources,  but  has  no  further  connexion  with  Valerius 
Maximus. 

1.  The  personal  circumstances  of  Val.  Max.  appear  to  have  been 
modest;   see  IV  4,    11:   his   adquiescere   solaciis   debemus  qui  parvulos 


Valerius   Maximus.  21 

census  nostros  nunquam  querelis  vacuos  esse  sinimus.  .  .  quid  ergo 
modicam  fortunam  .  .  diurnis  conviciis  laceramus?  He  was  connected 
with  Sex.  Pompeius,  Cons.  767  =  14  A.  D.  (see  above  271,  7),  who 
subsequently  (perhaps  a.  780,  Kempf  Prolegg.  p.  5  sq.)  governed  Asia 
as  proconsul.  Val.  Max.  II  6,  8 :  quo  tempore  Asiam  cum  Sex.  Pom- 
peio  petens  lulidem  oppidura  intravi.  IV  7.  ext.  2:  clarissimi  ac  di- 
sertissimi  viri  promtissimam  erga  me  benivolentiam  expertus.  .  .  Pom- 
peium  meum,  .  .  a  quo  omnium  commodorum  incrementa  ultro  oblata 
cepi,  per  quern  tutior  adversus  casus  steti,  qui  studia  nostro  ductu  et 
auspiciis  suis  lucidiora  et  alacriora  reddidit.  Itaque  pavi  invidiam 
quorundam  optimi  amici  iactura.  VI  1,  prooem. :  tu  .  .  sanctissimum 
luliae  genialem  torum  adsidua  statione  celebras.  This  shows  that 
Livia  (f  782  =  29  A.  D.)  was  then  still  alive.  But  the  declamation 
against  Sejanus  appears  to  have  been  added  (at  the  end  of  IX  11)  im- 
mediately after  his  downfall  (a.  785  =::  32).  The  author  would  thus 
seem  to  have  been  engaged  in  his  work  with  certain  interruptions,  but 
during  some  time.  But  when  the  ninth  book  was  written,  the  preceding 
books  had  not  yet  been  published,  as  Sejanus  never  occurs  in  them. 
The  statement  of  Matthew  of  Westminster  (above  253,3)  is  no  doubt 
wrong  and  cannot,  therefore,  be  derived  from  Suetonius:  anno  divinae 
incarnationis  XIX  {=.  772  v.  C.)  Valerius  historiographus  Bomanorum 
dicta  descripsit  et  facta.  Cf.  Elschner  p.  12  sqq.  Biihl,  on  the  circulation 
of  Justinus  p.  30  sqq.  Similarly  Radulfus  de  Diceto  (c.  1210):  Valerius 
Maximus  urbis  Romae  ceterarumque  gentium  facta  simul  ac  dicta  me- 
moratu  digna  scripsit  a.  incarnati  verbi  XVIII.     Riihl  1.  1.  p.  32. 

2.  The  number  of  books  amounted  to  ten,  according  to  Julius 
Paris  (see  n.  9)  who  either  erroneously  counts  in  the  treatise  de  nomi- 
nibus  (a.  11)  or  (as  Halm  thinks)  followed  a  mistaken  heading.  We,  at 
all  events,  possess  only  nine;  but  as  at  the  end  of  the  ninth  we  do  not 
find  the  otherwise  inevitable  moral  expectorations  of  the  author,  it 
appears  credible  that  he  did  not  complete  his  work  or  that  we  do  not 
possess  the  conclusion.  It  is  less  probable  that  a  whole  book  is  lost. 
The  design  and  purpose  of  the  composition  appear  from  praef.  in. : 
urbis  Romae  exterarumque  gentium  facta  simul  ac  dicta  memoratu 
digna,  quae  apud  alios  latius  diffusa  sunt  quam  ut  breviter  cognosci 
possint,  ab  inlustribus  electa  auctoribus  digerere  constitui,  ut  documenta 
sumere  volentibus  longae  inquisitionis  labor  absit.  The  work  would 
thus  appear  to  be  a  collection  of  examples  for  the  use  of  rhetoricians 
and  their  schools.  This  accounts  for  the  arrangement  according  to 
certain  terms  (e.  g.  de  religione,  auspiciis,  somniis,  institutis  antiquisj 
repulsis,  testamentis,  damnatis  aut  absolutis),  and  chiefly  moral  ones 
(de  fortitudine,  moderatione,  humanitate,  pudicitia,  felicitate,  luxuria 
etc.).  Each  chapter  is  again  divided  into  instances  taken  from  Roman 
and  from  foreign  history,  those  of  the  first  class  being  very  numerous 
on  account  of  the  sources  of  Valerius  and  for  reasons  of  national 
vanity.  The  traits  of  the  Republican  period  are  not  weakened,  but  the 
enemies  of  Monarchy  are  constantly  treated  as  traitors  (cf.  Tac.  A.  IV 


22  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

34,  above  251,  3),  Tiberius  and  the  whole  Imperial  family  are  through- 
ut,   even  without  anj^  special   occasion  and  without  the  excuse  appli- 
cable to  Velleius  (above  273,  2),  belauded  in  the  coarsest  manner  and  in 
direct  opposition  to  truth. 

3.  The  inlustres  auctores  (praef.)  employed  by  Valerius  are  chiefly 
Livy  (especially  the  first  three  decads),  though  he  is  mentioned  only 
once  (I  8,  ext.  19:  serpentis  a.  T.  Livio  curiose  pariter  ac  facunde 
relatae);  see  Kempf  p.  15 — 18.  U.  Kohler,  qua  rat.  Liv.  annal.  1860,  p. 
11 — 23.  Fr.  Zschech,  de  Cicerone  et  Livio  Valerii  Maximi  fontibus, 
Berlin  1865,  p.  35  sqq.  23—50);  then  Cicero  (Kempf  p.  13—15.  Zschech 
p.  15—23),  who  isj  likewise  mentioned  only  once  (VIII  13,  ext.  1.: 
quemadmodum  Cicero  refert  libro  quern  de  senectute  scripsit)  also  Sal- 
lust  (Kempf  p.  17)  and  probably  in  the  foreign  instances  Pompeius 
Trogus  (Kempf  p.  21).  It  cannot  be  proved  and  is  in  itself  improbable 
that  Val.  employed  other  sources,  e.  g.  Varro  (on  account  of  III  2,  24: 
see  Zschech  p.  43,  and  against  him  Kettner,  Varr.  de  vita  pop.  rom. 
p.  12 — 16)  or  even  Greeks  (e.  g.  Diodorus  and  Dionysius  Hal.):  see 
Kempf  p.  21 — 25;  but  he  has  occasionally  interspersed  events  he  had 
himself  witnessed  (Kempf  p.  12).  Much  may  also  be  derived  from  si- 
milar collections  of  the  time  of  Val.,  e.  g.  from  Pompeius  Rufus'  coUec- 
torum  libro,  a  work  once  mentioned  by  our  author  (IV  4  in.)  and 
nowhere  else  by  any  other  writer.  He  generally  copies  his  sources, 
especially  in  quoting  sayings ;  his  changes  tend  to  increase  the  rhetorical 
effect  of  an  anecdote,  especially  by  exaggerating  and  embellishing  it. 
In  other  parts  he  sometimes  cuts  down,  sometimes  adds  his  reflections. 
His  thoughtless  use  of  his  sources  appears  from  the  numerous  bad 
mistakes  (especially  confusions)  and  errors  which  may  be  traced  in  his 
work;  see  Kempf  prolegg.  p.  26 — 33.     Cf.  Elschner  p.  32  sqq. 

4.  In  point  of  style,  Val.  Max.  shares  with  his  period  the  con- 
viction that ''simplicity  and  naturalness  are  trivial  and  vulgar.  Every- 
thing is  with  him  artificial,  pompous,  and  far-fetched  in  thought  as 
well  as  in  diction,  in  his  choice  and  arrangement  of  words,  and  owing 
to  all  this  his  style  frequently  becomes  obscure,  and  even  oftener  ab- 
surd and  tasteless.  Confusion  of  epithets,  distortion  of  verbs,  metaphors 
and  similar  ornaments  abound  with  him.  With  all  this,  his  manner 
Shows  great  monotony,  as  he  always  repeats  one  and  the  same  favour- 
ite expression  over  and  over  again.  Kempf  p.  34 — 33.  Gelbcke  p.  8 — 23. 

5.  Plutarch  does  not  appear  to  have  used  Val.  Max.,  though  he 
mentions  him  Marcell.  30  and  Brut  53;  see  H.  Peter,  on  the  sources 
of  Plut.  p.  75  sq.  136  note.  But  his  work  was  used  by  Pliny  (n.  h. 
VH),  Frontinus  Strat.,  Gellius  XII  7,  8),  also  Lactantius  and  others  (e. 
g.  Claud.  Mamert.  grat.  act.  5,  3.  16,  2).  Even  the  abridgments  did  not 
injure  his  popularity  (n.  9  sq.),  and  he  was  not  rarely  read  in  the 
Middle  Ages  (Kempf  p.  43—49).  This  is  borne  out  by  the  numerous 
mss.  in  which  the  work  has  come  down  to  us  (Kempf  p.  71 — 96).  "Next 
to  the  one  employed  by  Julius  Paris  (C.  Halm,  Emend.  Val.  p.  4 — 18), 
the  most  important  is  the  Bern  ms.  saec.  IX  (cf.  Halm's  edition,  p.  IV 


Valerius  Maxinws.  23 

— XXI).  The  other  mss.  are  of  later  origin  and  rarely  furnish  better 
readings,  though  they  are  in  some  places  more  complete  than  the  Bern 
ms.  and,  therefore,  not  derived  from  it. 

6.  Editions  of  Val.  Max.  simultaneously  published  a.  1471  at  Strass- 
burg  and  Mayence  (fol.),  subsequently  chiefly  Aldus  Manutius  (Yen. 
1534),  St.  Pighius  (Antverp.  1567;  with  many  arbitrary  changes;  cum 
notis  J.  Lipsii,  Antv.  1585  and  often),  J.  Vorst  (cum  notis,  Berl,  1672), 
A.  Torrenius  (cum  comm.  I.  Perizonii  et  variorum,  Lugd,  B.  1726,  4). 
J.  Kapp  (Lips.  1782),  C.  B.  Hase,  (Paris  1823.  2  vols.),  and  especially 
by  C.  Kempf  (rec.  et  emend.,  Berlin  1854.  792  pp.)  and  C.  Halm  (rec, 
Lips.  Teubner  1865). 

7.  Critical  contributions  by  Calmberg  (novae  ed.  V.  M.  specimen, 
Hamburg  1844.  4),  Halm  (Miinchner  Gel.  Anz.  1854.  I.  No.  29—31  and 
Emendationes  Val.,  Miinchen  1854.  4),  J.  Vahlen  (Rhein.  Mus.  XI  p. 
586—594),  H.  J.  Heller  (Philologus  XXVH  p.  343  —  348.  XXYHI  p.  361 
—364),  C.  Fortsch  (Em.  Val.,  L  Naumburg  1855.  4.  IL  1864.  4.),  C. 
Elschner  (Quaest.  Val.,  Berlin  1864),  C.  Fr,  Gelbcke  (Quaest.  Val., 
Berlin  1865,  p.  23—36),  C.  Kempf  (novae  quaest.  Val.,  Berlin  1866.  37 
pp.  4.). 

8.  On  Val.  Max.  see  J.  Perizonius,  Animadversiones  historicae  (ed. 
Harles,  Altenburg  1771),  H.  E.  Dirksen  (on  the  collection  of  historical 
examples  by  V.  M.,  Transactions  of  the  Academy  at  Berlin,  1847  p. 
99  «qq.  =  Posthumous  Essays  I  p.  109 — 132),  and  especially  Kempf  s 
Prolegomena. 

9.  The  abridgment  (epitoma)  of  Julius  Paris  was  made  about  the 
close  of  the  fourth  or  the  commencement  of  the  fifth  century  (cf.  n.  11), 
also  for  schools.  The  preface  states:  lulius  Paris  Licinio  Cyriaco  suo 
salutem.  Exemplorum  conquisitionem  cum  scirem  esse  non  minus  dis- 
putantibus  quam  declamantibus  necessariam,  decem  Valerii  Maximi  libros 
dictorum  et  factorum  memorabilium  ad  unum  volumen  epitomae  coegi. 
This  epitomator  reduced  the  collection  of  Val.  to  its  real  contents  with 
occasional  rectifications  from  the  sources  (Kempf  p.  51  sq.)  and  the 
use  of  a  ms.  superior  and  (I  1,  ext.  4 — I  4  ext.  1)  fuller  than  those 
extant.  It  has  been  preserved  in  a  Vatican  ms.  saec.  X,  first  edited  by 
A.  Mai,  scriptorum  vett.  nova  coll.  HI  3  (1828)  p.  1  sqq.  Corrections 
of  Mai's  text  are  given  by  du  Rieu,  Schedae  Vaticanae  (Lugd.  B.  1860) 
p.  164—200.  See  Halm's  edition  (1865).  The  Vat.  (and  Bern  ms.  of 
Val.)  bear  the  subscription  :  feliciter  emendavi  descriptum  Rabennae 
Rustitius  Helpidius  Domnulus  V.  C.  (see  him  below). 

10.  The  abridgment  of  Januarius  Nepotianus.  Preface:  lanuarius 
Nepotianus  Victori  suo  salutem.  Impensius  quam  ceteri  adolescentes 
litteris  studes,  quo  tantum  proficis  ut  exigas  scripta  veterum  coerceri. 
.  .  igitur  de  Valerio  Maximo  mecum  sentis  opera  eius  utilia  esse,  si 
sint  brevia.  digna  euim  cognitione  componit,  sed  coUigenda  producit, 
Axxva   se   ostentat   sententiis,   locis  iactat,  fundit  excessibus.    .  .  recidam 


24  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

itaque  .  .  eius  redundantia  et  pleraque  transgrediar,  nonnulla  praeter- 
missa  conectam.  .  .  et  cum  integra  fere  in  occulto  sint  praeter  nos  duo 
profecto  nemo  epitomata  cognoscat.  The  extant  abridgment  extends 
in  21  chapters  as  for  as  Val.  Max.  Ill  2,  7  and  is  rather  loose  and 
meagre,  omitting  many  examples  and  adding  others  from  other  sources. 
Its  principal  value  is  in  filling  up  the  gap  in  the  first  book  of  Val. 
Max.  It  exists  in  the  Vatican  ms.  1321,  saec.  XIV,  in  a  very  bad  text, 
and  was  first  published  by  A.  Mai,  scriptorum  vett.  nova  coll.  Ill  3 
p.  93  sqq.  (see  du  Rieu,  Schedae  Vatic.  1860,  p.  201 — 215)  and  Celle 
1831.  4.;  now  in  C.  Halm's  edition  of  Val.  Max.  p.  488— 513.  See  Kempf 
p.  67—69,  where  the  editor  comes  to  the  conclusion  p.  69 :  epitomatoris 
sermo  corruptus  et  interdum  fere  barbarus  dicendique  genus  rude  at- 
que  incultum  sextum  septimumve  saeculum  prodere  videtur.  Other 
mediaeval  abridgments  of  Val.  Max.  are  preserved  in  some  libraries ; 
see  Kempf  p.  69 — 71. 

11.  At  the  end  of  the  ninth  book  of  Val.  Max.  the  Bern  ms.  gives 
the  usual  subscription:  Valerii  Maximi  .  .  liber  nonus  explc.  and  then 
(by  a  later  hand  and  from  lulius  Paris):  lib.  X  de  praenomine.  In  later 
mss.  this  book  is  preceded  by  a  prooemium :  decimus  atque  ultimus 
huius  operis  liber  .  .  aetati  nostrae  perditus  est.  verum  lulius  Paris, 
abbreviator  Valerii,  post  novem  libros  explicitos  hunc  decimum  sub 
nfra  script©  compendio  complexus  est.  .  .  verba  quidem  lulii  Paridis 
haec  sunt:  Liber  decimus  de  praenominibus  et  similibus.  A  more  ac- 
curate designation  of  the  contents  is  given  in  the  ms.  of  Julius  Paris 
(Val.):  incipit  liber  decimus  de  praenominibus,  de  nominibus,  de  cog- 
nominibus,  de  agnominibus,  de  appellationibus,  de  verbis.  Yet  even 
the  Vatican  ms.  contains  only  the  chapter  de  praenominibus  (Kempf 
p.  740—750,  Halm  p.  484 — 487),  which  appears  to  be  derived  from  good 
sources,  especially  Varro ;  see  Th.  Mommsen,  Rh.  Mus.  XV  p.  181,  n. 
24.  But  if  it  actually  contained  originally  a  chapter  de  agnominibus 
at  the  beginning,  the  whole  composition  cannot  have  been  made  before 
the  commencement  of  the  fourth  century  of  the  Christian  era.  At  the 
end  the  Vatican  and  Bern  mss.  bear  the  subscription:  C.  Titi  Probi 
finit  epitoma  historiarum  diversarum  exemplorumque  romanorum;  which 
is  followed  by  that  of  Rusticius  Helpidius  (n.  9).  The  relation  of  this 
C.  Titius  Probus  to  Julius  Paris  is  obscure.  He  had,  perhaps,  composed 
a  similar  abridgment,  which  was  subsequently  combined  with  that  of 
Julius  Paris,  so  that  of  the  latter  only  the  prooemium  (n.  9)  should  be 
assumed  to  remain,  while  the  grammatical  (and  antiquarian)  work  on 
nomen  (including  the  nomina  propria)  and  verbum  (Kempf),  perhaps 
owing  to  the  similarity  of  the  pedagogic  purpose,  though  after  the 
time  of  the  ms.  from  which  the  mss.  of  Val.  Max.  are  derived,  was 
joined  to  the  work  of  Val.  Max.,  considered  as  the  tenth  book  of  it 
and  epitomized  as  such  by  Julius  Paris.  The  author  must  certainly 
have  lived  before  Julius  Paris,  while  of  C.  Titius  Probus  his  very  name 
renders  it  improbable  that  he  belonged  to  a  much  later  time  than  the 
first   century   of  the   Christian  era.     Cf.    Th.  Bergk,  Rh.  Mus.  IV  p.  120 


Cornelius  Celsus.  25' 

sqq.  Kempf,  p.  53 — 67,  and  in  the  Progr.  of  the  Berlin  College  'Graues 
Kloster',  1854.  4.  (De  incerti  auctoris  fragmento  quod  inscribitur  de 
praenominibus.) 

275.  A.  Cornelius  Celsus,  a  man  interested  in  many 
pursuits  and  possessed  of  a  talent  for  facile  composition, 
followed  the  example  of  Cato  in  writing  not  only  on  eloquence 
and  jurisprudence,  but  also  on  farming,  medicine,  and  military 
art,  to  which  he  joined  practical  philosophy  in  the  sense  of 
the  Sextii,  in  an  encyclopaedia,  of  which  only  the  eight  books 
treating  of  medicine  have  come  down  to  us,  being  VI — XIII 
of  the  complete  work,  the  only  work  of  this  kind  in  the  good 
age  of  Koman  Literature.  It  contains  an  account  of  the  whole 
medicine  of  the  time,  especially  after  Hippocrates  and  Ascle- 
piades,  with  sound  judgment  and  in  simple,  pure  diction. 
Especially  the  parts  dealing  with  surgery  are  valuable;  next 
to  them  also  those  on  therapia.  Celsus  was  alive  as  late  as 
the  reign  of  Nero,  and  then  wrote  a  treatise  on  a  political 
question  of  the  period. 

1.  His  praenomen  is  known  from  the  headings  of  the  extant  work. 
On  his  age  see  Columella  I  1,  14:  non  minorem  tamen  laudem  (than 
the  writers  of  the  past,  such  as  Virgil  and  Julius  Hyginus)  meruerunt 
nostrorum  temporum  viri,  Cornelius  Celsus  et  lulius  Atticus.  Ill  17,  4: 
mox  lulius  Atticus  et  Cornelius  Celsus,  aetatis  nostrae  celeberrimi  auc- 
tores,  patrem  atque  filium  Sasernam  secuti  etc.  IV  8,  1:  Celsus  et 
Atticus,  quos  in  re  rustica  maxime  nostra  aetas  probavit.  Cf.  ib.  Ill 
1,  8.  IV  1,  1.  As  Columella  was  a  contemporary  of  Seneca  (see  below 
288,  1),  Celsus  cannot  have  written  much  before  Tiberius,  but  not  even 
later,  as  Julius  Graecinus,  who  was  executed  under  Caligula,  had  already 
used  his  work  (Plin.  n.  h.  XIV  2,  33 :  Graecinus,  qui  alioqui  Cornelium 
Celsum  transcripsit).  Cf.  n.  4.  Quintil.  Ill  1,  21:  scripsit  de  eadem 
materia  (rhetoric)  .  .  nonnihil  pater  Gallio  (above  263,  7),  accuratius 
vero  priores  [Gallione]  Celsus  et  Laenas  (above  263,  11)  et  aetatis  no- 
strae Verginius  Plinius,  Tutilius.  In  this  passage  Gallione  which  is 
not  correct  in  point  of  fact,  appears  to  be  a  gloss,  as  the  relation  ta 
Gallio  had  already  been  expressed  by  the  comparative  accuratius.  Fr. 
Ritter  in  Jahns  Jahrb..28,  p.  54 — 58. 

2.  Quintil.  XII  11,  24:  quid  plura  (of  the  possibility  of  embracing 
all  branches  useful  to  an  orator)  cum  etiam  Cornelius  Celsus,  mediocri 
vir  ingenio,  non  solum  de  his  omnibus  conscripserit  artibus,  sed  amplius 
rei  militaris  et  rusticae  et  medicinae  praecepta  reliquerit,  dignus  vel 
ipso  proposito  ut  eum  scisse  omnia  ilia  credamus?  In  other  passages-- 
also  Quintilian  often  expresses  his  disagreement  from  this  predecessor 
of  his,  e.  g.  n  15,  22.  32.  Ill  6,   13  sq.  VIII  3,  47.  IX  1,  18:    Cornelius 


26  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

tamen  Celsus  adicit  (to  the  G/rifjicaa  diapoiag  and  Afl^w?)  figuras  colorum, 
nimia  profecto  novitatis  cupiditate  ductus,  nam  quis  ignorasse  eruditum 
alioqui  virum  credat  etc.  Even  when  he  agrees  with  him,  he  does  so 
with  reserve,  e.  g.  VII  1,  10:  non  plane  dlssentio  a  Celso,  qui  sine 
dubio  Ciceronem  secutus  instat  tamen  huic  parti  vehementius.  Cf. 
X  1,  124  (below  n.  3).  It  may  be  that  Quintilian  was  vexed  that  a 
subject  to  which  he  had  devoted  an  entire  life  was  merely  cursorily 
treated  by  Celsus,  and  besides  an  encyclopedia  might  easily  be  open  to 
technical  objections.  At  all  events,  Celsus'  rhetorical  manual  was  ob- 
scured by  that  of  Quintilian.  It  is  mentioned  only  by  Fortunat.  Ill  2 
(p.  121,  10  H.) 

3.  Quintil.  X  1,  124:  scripsit  non  parum  multa  (on  philosophy) 
Cornelius  Celsus,  Sextios  (above  261,  5  sqq.)  secutus,  non  sine  cultu  ac 
nitore.  Augustin.  de  haeres.  prol. :  opiniones  omnium  philosophorum 
qui  sectas  varias  condiderunt  usque  ad  tempora  sua  .  .  sex  non  parvis 
voluminibus  quidam  Celsus  absolvit;  nee  redarguit  aliquem,  sed  tantum 
quid  sentirent  aperuit,  ea  brevitate  sermonis  ut  tantum  adhiberet  eloquii 
quantum  aperiendae  indicandaeque  (sententiae)  sufficeret. 

4.  Veget.  r.  milit.  I  8  (p.  12,  12  sqq.  Lang):  liaec  necessitas  com- 
pulit  evolutis  auctoribus  ea  me  .  .  fidelissime  dicere  quae  Cato  ille 
Censorius  de  disciplina  militari  scripsit,  quae  Cornelius  Celsus,  quae 
Frontinus  ^perstringenda  duxerunt.  Lydus  de  magistr.  I  47:  /uciQivQfg 
Khkaog  etc.  Cf.  ib.  Ill  33 :  y.cd  GvyyQco^'^v  tisqI  tovtov  (on  the  recent 
war  with  the  Parthians)  ^uovt^Qi]  Kikaog  o  (joj^ucaog  laxrixog,  clnolikovm. 
34:  w(7Tf  ccQiuodtou,  (^rjalv  o  Kikoog,  adoxtjrayg  avroTg  tnfk^sTy.  .  .  o^«i/ 
ei(f)OQr}Tog  ccvToXg  o  KovQ^oXoiv  inl  rov  N^Qiovog  li^avr}.  This  tactical 
pamphlet  appears,  therefore,  to  have  been  written  at  a  later  period  than 
his  encyclopedia,  see  above  n.  1.  ' 

5.  Columella  I  1,  14  (cf,  n.  1):  Cornelius  (Celsus)  totum  corpus 
disciplinae  (of  husbandry)  quinque  libris  complexus  est.  IX  2,  1 :  de 
quibus  (bee-hives)  neque  diligentius  quidquam  praecipi  potest  quam  ab 
Hygino  (above  257,  3)  .  .  nee  elegantius  quam  Celso.  .  .  Celsus  utrius- 
que  memorati  (Hygiuus  and  Virgil)  adhibuit  modum.    II  2,  15:  Cornelium 

'Celsum,  non  solum  agricolationis  sed  universae  naturae  prudentem  virum. 
As  such  he  may  have  proved  himself,  like  Sextius,  also  in  the  philo- 
sophical parts  of  his  work  (see  n.  3).  The  parts  treating  of  agriculture 
are  quoted  e.  g.  by  Pliny  (n.  h.  X  53,  150)  who  also  mentions  him  in 
his  ind.  auct.  on  b.  7,  8,  10,  11,  14,  17,  18,  19,  20  sqq.,  29  sq.,  31, 
sometimes  as  Cornelius  Celsus,  sometimes  merely  as  Celsus. 

6.  Of  the  eight  books  de  medicina  the  first,  after  a  short  history 
of  medical  science  among  the  Greeks,  treats  first  of  diaetetics  and  pro- 
;phylactics;  the  second  of  semiotics  and  general  pathology  and  therapy; 
book  III  aud  IV  of  special  illnesses ;  V  of  remedies  with  a  great  number 
of  prescriptions;  VI  of  surgical  illnesses,  VII  of  surgical  therapy,  VIII 
of  the  illnesses  of  bones.  The  numerous  mss.  all  show  the  same  gaps 
(especially  IV  27),  and  are  therefore  of  common  origin.  The  earliest  and 
best  are  Vat.  VIII  saec.  X  and  Med.  I  saec.  XII,  also  Paris.  7028,  saec. 


Cornelius  Celsus.     The  Jifvists.  27 

XI;  the  others  are  of  saec.  XV  and  XVI.  For  the  editions  see  L. 
Choulant,  bibliography  of  ancient  medicine  p.  167 — 180.  Ed.  princeps 
Florentiae  1478  fol.  Aldina  Venet.  1528.  4.  Cum  not.  ed.  J.  Caesarius, 
Hagenau  1528.  An  arbitrary  text  by  Ant.  v.  d.  Linden,  Lugd.  Bat.  1657 
Cum  not.  varr.  ed.  Th.  J.  ab  Almeloveen,  Amsterd.  1687.  1713.  Ed.  C- 
Ch.  Krause,  Lips.  1766.  Ex  rec.  L.  Targae,  Patav.  1769.  4.  and  especi- 
ally Veron.  1810.  4.  (with  a  lexicon  Cels.).  Ed.  F.  Ritter  et  H.  Albers, 
Cologne  1835.  Ed.  S.  de  Renzi,  Naples  1851.  Ad  fidem  opt.  libr.  denuo 
rec.  Daremberg,  Lips.  1859  (Bibl.  Teubner.). 

7.  He  refers  to  preceding  books  V  28,  16:  sicut  in  pecoribus  pro- 
posui.  The  five  books  de  agricultura  (n.  6)  were,  therefore,  premised 
to  those  on  medicina,  and  in  fact  many  mss.  hear  the  heading :  Cornelii 
Celsi  artium  lib.  VI.  item  medicinae  I.  He  had  dealt  more  summarily? 
with  military  art;  see  n.  4;  but  philosophy  was  in  6  volumina  (n  .  3) 
and  rhetoric  also  (n.  2)  must  have  been  treated  extensively  as  we  may 
infer  from  Quintiltan.  It  seems  to  have  embraced  7  books;  see  Schol. 
luv.  VI  245 :  Celso,  oratori  illius  temporis  (not  correct),  qui  septem 
libros  institutionum  scriptos  reliquit.  The  latter  statement  is  possibly 
right,  though  Juvenal  did  not  mean  this  Celsus  (who  was  not  then  the 
first  authority  on  rhetoric),  but  his  contemporary,  the  jurist  luventius 
Celsus.  The  imitation  of  Cato  (above  110,  1 — 3)  is  plainly  visible  in 
the  selection  of  the  branches  treated.  Their  connexion  in  Celsus  appears 
also  from  the  similarity  of  the  judgments  on  their  style,  which  shows 
in  .the  books  on  medical  science  the  same  'cultus  ac  nitor',  the  same 
elegance  as  in  the  philosophical  and  agricultural  parts.  Celsus  was 
saved  from  the  absurd  diction  of  his  period  by  his  sound  common 
sense,  and  also  by  the  fulness  of  the  material  he  had  to  grapple  with, 
perhaps  also  by  the  style  of  his  sources.  Schol.  Plant.  Bacch.  69: 
Celsus  libros  suos  cestos  vocavit. 

8.  0.  Jahn,  Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Society  of  Lit.,  1850,  p.  273—282. 
H.  Paldamus,  de  Cornelio  Celso  (Greifswald  1842.  4.)  and  on  it  also  Fr. 
Eitter  in  Jahn's  Jahrb.  38,  p.  52 — 66.  C.  Kissel,  on  Celsus,  an  historical 
monography;  I.  Life  and  Works  of  C,  Giessen  1844.  179  pp. 

276.  Among  the  Jurists  of  this  time  a  prominent  position 
was  held  by  Capito's  pupil  Masurius  Sabinus,  from  whom 
the  school  of  the  Sabinians  takes  its  name;  the  author  espe- 
cially of  libri  III  iuris  civilis,  which  subsequently  became  the 
subject  of  numerous  commentaries  and  thus  influenced  the 
Digest.  But  M.  Cocceius  Nerva,  Cons.  775,  was  a  pupil  of 
Labeo,  and  himself  the  teacher  of  Pro  cuius,  from  whom  the 
Proculians  obtained  their  name.  In  literary  fertility  and  signi- 
ficance Proculus  surpassed  his  master. 

1.  Pompon,  de  orig.  iur.  Dig.  I  2,  2,  48:  Ateio  Capitoni  (above 
260,  3  sq.)  Masurius  Sabinus,    Labeoni  Nerva,  qui  adhuc  eas  dissen- 


28  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

siones  auxerunt.  .  .  Masurius  Sabinus  in  equestri  ordine  fuit  et  publice 
primus  respondit,  posteaquam  hoc  coepit  beneficium  dari;  a  Tiberio 
Caesare  hoc  tamen  illi  concessum  erat.  (50.)  ergo  Sabino  concessum 
est  a  Tiberio  Caesare  ut  populo  responderet;  qui  in  equestri  ordine  iam 
grandis  natu  et  fere  annorum  quinquaginta  (?)  receptus  est;  huic  nee 
amplae  facultates  fuerunt,  sed  plurimum  a  suis  auditoribus  sustentatus 
est.  He  was  alive  as  late  as  Nero;  see  Gai.  II  218:  ut  Sabinus  existi- 
maverit  ne  quidem  ex  SC.  Neroniano  posse  convalescere.  That  he  was 
born  at  Verona,  was  the  conjecture  of  Borghesi  (Bull.  d.  inst.  arch. 
1836,  p.  144)  founded  on  an  inscr.  discovered  there:  C.  Masurius  C.  f. 
Sabinus  (0.  Jahn  on  Persius  p.  195).  Gellius  IV  1,  21  and  2,  15  (Ma- 
surii  Sabini  ex  libro  iuris  civilis  secundo,  cf.  XI  18,  12  sqq.  20  sqq.). 
V  13,  5  (M.  S.  in  libro  i.  c.  tertio).  Pers.  V  90  (Masuri  rubrica).  Arrian. 
Epict.  IV  3  {MciGovQiov  vofioi).  His  design  seems  to  have  been  the 
same  as  that  of  Q.  Mucius  (above  141,  2).  This  manual  was  commented 
on  by  Pomponius  in  at  least  36,  by  Ulpian  in  at  lest  52,  by  Paulus  in 
at  least  17  books,  three  commentaries  which  form  the  substance  of  the 
Sabinian  third  (on  civil  law)  of  the  Digest.  Notes  on  Sabinus  were 
also  written  by  Fufidius  and  Aristo.  Other  works  of  Masurius  Sabinus: 
commentarii  de  indigenis  (Gell  IV,  9,  8  sq.),  memorialium  libri,  at  least 

II  (Gell.  V,  6,  13  sq.  cf.  IV  20,  11.  VII  7,  8.  Macrob.  Ill  6,  11.  Dig. 
L  16,  144  and  others),  fasti  in  at  least  two  books  (Macrob.  I  4,  7.  15. 
10,  8),  libri  responsorum  in  at  least  two  books  (Dig.  XIV  2,  4  pr.  u.  1. 
Fragm.  Vat.  75),  libri  ad  edictum  praetoris  urbani  in  at  least  five  (Dig. 
XXXVIII  1,  18),  libri  ad  Vitellium  (ib.  XXXH  45.  XXXIH  7,  8  pr.  12, 
27.  XXXIII  9,  3  pr.),  also  an  assessorium  (ib.  XLVII  10,  5,  8:  Sabinus 
in  assessorio  cf.  II 12,  12:  Puteolanus  libro  primo  assessorium).  Quotations 
from  anonymous  works  of  M.  Sab.  also  in  Pliny  (probably  from  the 
memorialia)  n.  h.  VII  5,  40.  X  7,  20.  XV  29,  126.  30,  135.  XVI  18,75. 
44,  236.  XXVIII  9.  Gellius  HI  16,  23.  V  19,  11  sqq.  X  15,  17  sq.  P. 
N.  Arntzen,   de  Mas.   Sabino.    Utrecht   1768  =  Oelrichs   Thesaur.   nov. 

III  2.  p.  1  sqq.  Zimmern,  History  of  Roman  private  law  I  I.  p.  312 
—  315.     Rudorff,  Hist,  of  Roman  law  I  p.  168  sq.  237. 

2.  Pompon.  1.  1.  (n.  1)  48:  hie  etiam  Nerva  (grandfather  to  the 
later  Emperor)  Caesari  (i.  e.  Tiberius)  familiarissimus  fuit.  Tac.  A.  IV 
58:  prolectio  (of  Tiberius  to  Campania)  arto  comitatu  fuit:  unus  sena- 
tor consulatu  functus  (A.  786  =z  33  A.  D.)  Cocceius  Nerva,  continuus 
principis,  omnis  divini  humanique  iuris  sciens  .  .  moriendi  consilium 
cepit  etc.  Dio  LVIII  21.  He  is  quoted,  though  without  mention  of 
any  special  works,  in  Dig.  XLHI  8,  2,  28  cf.  VII  5,  3.  XVI  3,  32. 
Zimmern  1.  1.  p.  315  sq. 

3-  Dig.  XXVIII  5,  69:  Proculus:  Cartilio  assentio  et  .  .  puto.  Cf. 
Ulp.  ib.  XIII  6,  5,  13:  Cartilius  ait. 

277.  The  principal  grammarians  of  this  period  are  Julius 
Modestus  who,  like  his  master  Hyginus,  embraced  the  real  as 


Jurists  and  Grammarians.  29 

well  as  linguistic  side  of  grammar,  the  severe  M.  Pomponius 
Marcellus,  and  the  talented,  but  vain  and  dissolute  Q.  Rem- 
mius  Palaemon  of  Vicenza,  the  author  of  a  famous  and  widely 
used  grammar  (Ars).  The  grammarian  Nisus  taught  and  wrote 
in  this  period  or  soon  afterwards. 

1.  Suet,  gramm.  20:  huius  (i.  e.  Hyginus,  above  257)  libertus  fuit 
lulius  Modestus,  in  studiis  atque  doctrina  vestigia  patroni  secutus. 
Martial.  X  21,  1:  scribere  te  quae  vix  intellegat  ipse  Modestus.  Gellius 
III  9,  1 :  Gavius  Bassus  (above  207,  6)  in  commentariis  suis,  item  lulius 
Modestus  in  secundo  quaestionum  confusarum  historiam  de  equo  Seiano 
tradunt.  Macrob.  I  4,  7  (cf.  10,  9.  16,  28):  lulius  Modestus  de  feriis. 
He  wrote  a  commentary  on  Horace,  see  above  235,  3.  Grammatical 
treatises  (or  commentaries)  may  be  inferred  from  tbe  quotations  in 
Quintilian  I  6,  36.  Charis.  p.  73.  75.  101.  103.  125.  204.  Diom.  p.  365. 
K.  Bunte  in  his  edition  of  Hyginus'  fab.  p.  6 — 9.  Ribbeck,  prolegg. 
Verg.  p.  121—123. 

2.  Suet,  gramm.  22:  M.  Pomponius  Marcellus,  sermonis  latini 
exactor  molestissimus,  in  advocatione  quadam  —  nam  interdum  et 
causas  agebat  —  soloecismum  etc.  hie  idem,  cum  ex  oratione  Tiberium 
reprehendisset,  .  .  tu  (inquit)  Caesar  civitatem  dare  potes  hominibus, 
verbis  non  potes.  pugilem  olim  fuisse  Asinius  Gallus  hoc  in  eum  epi- 
grammate  ostendit  etc. 

3.  Q.  Remmius  (not  Fannius,  see  W.  Christ,  Rhein.  Mus.  XX. 
p.  69  sq.)  Palaemon  Vicetinus  mulieris  verna  primo  .  .  textrinum, 
■deinde,  erilem  filium  dum  comitatur  in  scholam,  litteras  didicit.  postea 
manumissus  docuit  Romae  ac  principem  locum  inter  grammaticos  tenuit, 
quamquam  infamis  omnibus  vitiis  palamque  et  Tiberio  et  mox  Claudio 
praedicantibus,  nemini  minus  institutionem  .  .  invenum  committendam. 
sed  capiebat  homines  cum  memoria  rerum  tum  facilitate  sermonis;  nee 
non  etiam  poemata  faciebat  ex  tempore,  scripsit  vero  variis  nee  vol- 
garibus  metris.  arrogantia  fuit  tanta  ut  M.  Varronem  porcum  appellaret 
etc.  luxuriae  ita  indulsit  ut  etc.  sed  maxime  flagrabat  libidinibus  in 
mulieres  etc.  Plin.  n.  h.  XIV  4,  49:  Remmio  Palaemoni,  alias  gram- 
matica  arte  celebri,  in  hisce  XX  annis  mercato  rus  etc.  ib.50:  vanitate, 
quae  nota  mire  in  illo  fuit.  51:  inviso  alias  (to  Seneca).  Juv.  VII 215 
sqq.  (docti  Palaemonis).  Hieronym.  chron.  ad.  a.  Abr.  5064  =:  Claud. 
8  (48  A.  D.):  Palaemon  Vicetinus  insignis  grammaticus  Romae  habetur, 
and:  M.  Antonius  Liberalis,  latinus  rhetor,  gravissimas  inimicitias  cum 
Palaemone  exercet.  VitaPersii:  studuit  Flaccus  .  .  Romae  apud  gram- 
maticum  Remmium  Palaemonem.  Schol.  Juv.  VI  452  (Palaemonis  Artem): 
grammatici,  magistri  QuintiHani  oratoris.  Quintil.  I  4,  20:  ut  . .  aetate 
nostra  Palaemon.  Gellius  does  not  mention  him,  but  Charisius  quotes 
him  repeatedly  (p.  187.  225  sq.  231  sq.  238  K.)  and  has  taken  from  him 
his  own  chapters  on  conjunctions,  prepositions,  interjections  (and  adverbs): 
Keil,   gramm.   lat.  I  p.  XLIX.     The   Excerpts   from    Charisius  may  also 


30  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

be  supposed  to  rest  on  Palaemon  to  the  extent  of  at  least  one  half 
(W.  Christ,  Philol.  XVIII  p.  136  sq.).  His  instances  are  derived  from 
Terence,  Virgil,  Horace,  and  Cicero,  and  always  introduced  by  velut 
(A.  Schottmiiller,  de  Plin.  libr.  gramni.  p.  8  sqq.).  Against  Schottmiiller 
who  (1.  1.  p.  26 — 32)  would  remove  that  Palaemon  whom  Charisius  used 
to  the  fourth  century,  see  Christ  1.  1.  p.  125 — 127.  Besides  Charisius 
also  Diomede  (p.  403.  415  K.),  Consentius  (p.  375  K.),  Phocas  and  others 
have  availed  themselves  of  Palaemon.  His  name  is  wrongly  prefixed  (Keil 
gramm.  V  p.  528  sq.)  to  a  trivial  Ars,  iirst  j)ublished  by  Jovianus  Pon- 
tanus,  also  in  Keil's  Gramm.  lat.  V.  p.  533 — 547,  in  Putsche  p.  1366  sqq. 
The  assignation  to  him  of  other  works,  e.  g.  the  versified  treatise  de 
ponderibus  et  mensuris,  the  differentiae  sermonum  (see  Roth's  edition 
of  Suetonius  p.  306 — 320,  cf.  p.  XCV  — C),  de  potestate  literarum,  has 
no  safe  foundation.  ReilTerscheid's  Suetonius  ]}.  274—296,  and  p.  450 
— 452.     Brambach,  on  Latin  Orthogr.  p.  29  sq. 

4.  Donat.  (=  Sueton.)  vita  Vergil.  42  =  60:  Nisus  grammaticus 
audisse  se  a  senioribus  (the  contemporaries  of  Varius)  aiebat  Varium 
duorum  librorum  (of  Virgil's  Aeneid)  ordinem  commutasse  etc.  Cf.  Rib- 
beck,  prolegg.  verg.  p.  90  sq.  Velius  Longus  also  quotes  him  repeatedly 
(p.  2235.  2236.  2237  P.),  and  also  Charis.  I  p.  28,  9  K.  (Nisus  eleganter 
.  .  ait),  Priscian  X  II,  (p.  503,  16  Htz.)  Nisus  et  Pa^Dirianus  et  Probus 
.  .  dicunt,  Arnob.  ad.  g.  I  59  (Caesellios,  Verrios,  Scauros  et  Nisos) 
and  Cassiod.  p.  2287  P.  Comp.  Macrob.  S.  I  12,  30:  Nisus  in  commen- 
tariis  factorum  dicit  etc.  Grafenhan,  Hist,  of  classical  philology  IV  p. 
83  sqq. 

5.  Greek  grammarians  under  Tiberius  were  at  Rome  e.  g.  Philo- 
xenus  of  Alexandria,  Apollonides  (Diog.  La.  IX  109).  Also  Attains 
Stoicus  was  a  Greek,  qui  solum  vertit  a  Seiano  circumscriptus,  magnae 
vir  eloquentiae,  ex  his  philosophis  .  .  longe  et  subtilissimus  et  facun- 
dissimus  (Sen.  suas.  2,  12),  the  teacher  of  the  philosopher  Seneca  (W. 
Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  I  2  p.  2055  sq.  nr.  10). 

278.  In  this  period  wrote  also  the  botanists  Caepio  and 
Antonius  Castor,  also  the  gourmand  Apicius,  under  whose 
name  we  possess  a  work  on  cookery,  which  is,  however,  of 
the  third  century  of  the  Christian  era.  Also  Julius  Atticus 
and  Julius  Graecinus  who  wrote  on  the  culture  of  vine,  belong- 
to  the  time  of  Tiberius. 

1.  Plinius  n.  h.  XXI  §.  18:  Caepio  Tiberi  Caesaris  principatu  nega- 
vit  etc.     He  probably  was  a  Servilius. 

2.  Plinius  n.  h.  XXV  5  speaking  of  plants:  nobis  certe,  exceptis 
admodum  paucis,  contigit  reliquas  contemplari  scientia  Antoni  Castoris 
cui  summa  auctoritas  erat  in  ea  arte  (botany)  nostro  aevo ,  visendo  hor- 
tuio  eius    in  ^^^  plurimas  aiebat,  centesimum  aetatis  annum  excedens, 


Apicius  and  others.  31 

nullum  corporis  malum  expertus  ac  ne  aetate  quidem  memoria  aut  vigore 
concussis.  He  also  wrote  on  botany,  and  Pliny  mentions  him  as  his 
source  in  b.  20 — 27;  cf.  XX  174  (Castor  taliter  demonstrabat).  He  was, 
perhaps,  the  freedman  of  some  Antonia  or  of  Mark  Antony. 

3.  On  Asellius  Sabinus  see  above  269,  1 ;  on  Petronius  Musa  above 

258,  10. 

4.  The  glutton  M.  Apicius  under  Tiberius  (Tac.  A.  IV  1  Dio 
LVn  19.  Athen.  I  p.  7  A.,  cf.  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  1 1  p.  1241. 
nr.  2)  wrote  also  on  his  culinary  experience.  Sen.  cons,  ad  Helv.  10,  8. 
Apicius  nostra  memoria  vixit,  qui  .  .  scientiam  popinae  professus  disci- 
plina  sua  saeculum  infecit.  Schol.  Juv.  IV  23:  Apicius  auctor  prae- 
cipiendarum  cenarum,  qui  scripsit  de  iuscellis.  Isidor.  orig.  XX  1,  1: 
coquinae  apparatum  Apicius  quidam  primus  composuit.  But  the  quo- 
tations of  Pliny  (n.  h.  VIII  209.  IX  66.  X  133.  XIX  137.  143)  concerning 
some  culinary  ideas  of  Apicius,  do  not  agree  with  the  extant  work  de  re 
coquinaria  under  the  name  of  Caelius  Apicius  (which  probably  was 
Caelii  Apicius,  Apicius  being  the  title  of  the  work,  like  Ciceronis  Lae- 
lius).  This  work  contains  a  collection  of  kitchen-receipts  in  ten  books, 
each  of  which  has  a  Greek  heading,  the  numerous  Greek  words  and 
phrases  also  proving  that  the  work  was  derived  from  a  Greek  work 
COipccQivTixf'c).  The  mention  made  of  Varianus  puUus  (VI  9)  seems  to 
prove  that  the  work  was  written  after^  Heliogabuius  (=  Varius),  but 
various  periods  may  have  furnished  contributions  to  this  collection 
Schuch  has  added  new  receipts  from  a  Paris  ms.  saec.  VII.  Editions 
e.  g.  by  Hummelberg  (Turic.  1542.  4.),  M.  Lister  (Londin.  1705),  Alme- 
loveen  (Amstelod.  1709),  J.  M.  Bernhold  (Baireuth  1787)  and  C.  Th. 
Schuch  (auxit,  emend,  explanavit  etc.,  Heidelberg  1867.  202  pp.).  F. 
H.  Dierbach,  Flora  Apiciana,  Heidelberg  1831.  E.  Meyer,  History  of 
Botany  II  (Konigsberg  1855)  p.  236—249. 

5.  Columella  I  1,  14:  nee  minorem  laudem  meruerunt  nostrorum 
temporum  viri,  Cornelius  Celsus  et  lulius  Atticus.  quippe  Cornelius 
etc.  (above  275,  5) ;  hie  (Atticus)  de  una  specie  culturae  pertinentis  ad 
vites  singularem  librum  edidit.  cuius  velut  discipulus  duo  volumina 
similium  praeceptorum  de  vineis  lulius  Graecinus,  composita  facetius 
et  eruditius,  posteritati  tradenda  curavit.  Quotations  from  Atticus  are 
given  by  Columella  III  3,  11.  11,  9  sq.  16,  3.  17,  4  (above  275,  1).  18,1 
sq.  IV  1,  1.  6.  2,  2.  8,  1  (above  275,  1)  10,  1  (Celsus  et  Atticus).  13,  1. 
28,  2  (Celsus  quoque  et  Atticus  consentiunt).  29,  1.  4.  30,  1  sq.  33,  4. 
He  is  mentioned  by  Plin}^  in  his  ind.  auct.  on  book  XIV,  XV,  XVII. 

6.  lulius  Graecinus,  see  n.  5.  He  is  quoted  by  Columella  III 
2,  31.  3,  4.  7.  9.  11.  12,  1.  IV  3,  1.  6  (Graecinus  eo  libro  quem  de  vineis 
scripsit).  28,  2  and  by  Pliny  XIV  33  (Graecinus,  qui  alioqui  Cornelium 
Celsum  transscripsit).  XVI  241,  also  in  the  ind.  auct.  on  book  XIV  to  XVII. 
He  may  have  been  the  son  of  that  Graecinus  to  whom  Ovid  addressed 
Amor.  II  10  and  ex  Pont  I  6  (above  242,  2)  and  no  doubt  the  same  as 
lulius  Graecinus  who  was  the  father   of  lulius  Agricola   and  was  exce- 


32  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

cuted  under  Caligula,  perhaps  A.  D.  39;  see  Tac.  Agr.  4  (senatorii  ordinis, 
studio  eloquentiae  sapientiaeque  notus  etc.).  Sen.  de  benef.  II  21,  5 
(vir  egregius,  quern  C.  Caesar  occidit  ob  hoc  unum  quod  melior  vir 
erat  quam  esse  quemquam  tyranno  ex23edit).     Epist.  29,  6  (vir  egregius). 

279.  Partly  under  Tiberius  and  partly  under  his  successor 
the  freedman  Phaedrus  from  Pieria  published  his  books  of 
Aesopean  fables  in  well-made  iambic  senarii.  To  his  fables 
Tie  also  added  anecdotes  of  contemporary  history.  The  various 
persecutions  which  he  suffered  contributed  to  raise  his  idea 
of  his  worth.  His  style  is  fluent  and  frequently  garrulous  in 
the  later  books;  his  tone  cheerful,  and  sometimes  rude;  his 
diction  correct,  though  not  without  traces  of  the  influence  of 
his  age.  The  work  has  not,  however,  come  down  to  us  in  its 
complete  form.  A  contemporary  of  Phaedrus  is  the  tragic 
writer  Pomponius  Secundus,  whose  works  seem  to  have  been 
published  after  the  death  of  Tiberius. 

1.  Title:  Phaedri,  August!  liberti,  fabularum  aesopiarum  libri.  His 
patron  appears  to  have  been  Augustus  (divus  Aug.,  Phaedr.  Ill  10,  39), 
us  Tiberius  is  called  Caesar  Tiberius  II  5,  7.  The  circumstances  of 
his  life  are  known  to  us  only  from  his  poems.  Ill  prol.  I :  Phaedri 
libellos.  17:  ego,  quem  pierio  mater  enixa  est  iugo  .  .  (20:)  quamvis 
in  ipsa  paene  natus  sim  schola.  (54:)  ego,  litteratae  qui  sum  propior 
Graeciae.  He  was  at  an  early  time  brought  to  Italy  and  there  became 
acquainted  with  Roman  literature.  Ill  epil.  33  sq. :  ego  quondam  legi 
quampuer  sententiam  „palam  mutire  plebeio  piaculumst"  (Ennius  trag. 
376  V.)  etc.  He  suffered  persecution.  Ill  prol.  34  sqq. :  servitus  ob- 
noxia,  quia  quae  volebat  non  audebat  dicere,  adfectus  proprios  in  fa- 
bellas  transtulit,  calumniamque  fictis  elusit  iocis.  ego  porro  illius  (i.  e. 
Aesop)  semita  feci  viam  et  cogitavi  plura  quam  reliquerat,  in  calami- 
tatem  deligens  quaedam  meam.  quod  si  accusator  alius  Seiano  foret, 
.  .  dignum    faterer    esse    me  tantis    malis.     Some   passages  of  the  first 

.two  books,  if  not  the  anecdote  of  Tiberius  (II  6,  7  sqq.),  at  all  events 
I  1,  15  (qui  fictis  causis  innocentes  opprimunt)  and  2,  30  sq.  (vos  quo- 
.que,  o  cives,  .  .  hoc  sustinete,  mains  ne  veniat  malum)  and  others 
would  seem  to  have  been  charged  against  him  as  malicious  allusions 
to  contemporary  events.  It  is  not  known  what  the  mala  were.  He 
frequently  mentions  envy  and  jealousy:  II  epil.  HI  prol.  23  sqq.  and 
9,  4.  IV  prol.  15  sqq.  21,  1  sqq.  cf.  HI  epil.  29  sqq.  difficulter  con- 
tinetur  spiritus  integritatis  qui  sincerae  conscius  a  noxiorum  premitur 
insolentiis.  He  was  poor;  III  prol.  21  (quamvis  .  .  curamque  habendi 
penitus  corde  eraserim)  cf.  epil.,  in  which  Eutychus  is  pretty  openly 
asked  for  some  recompense.  The  poet's  conviction  of  his  own  value 
appears  II  epil.  HI  1  and  12.  IV  epil. 

2.  For    his    relation    to  Aesop    see  I  prol.  1  sq.    (Aesopus   auctor 


Phaedrns.  33 

quam  materiam  repperit  banc  ego  polivi  versibus  senariis).  IV.  prol. 
11  sqq.  (fabulis,  quas  aesopias,  non  Aesopi,  nomino,  quia  paucas  ille 
ostendit,  ego  plures  fero  etc.).  IV  21.  V  prol.  Though  the  accounts 
of  Simonides  (IV  22.  25),  Socrates  (III  9),  Menander  (V  1)  may  be  derived 
from  some  later  Attic  collection,  this  cannot  apply  to  the  fable  on  Cn. 
Pompeius  (App.  8),  on  the  time  of  Augustus  (III  10  and  V  7)  and  Ti- 
berius (II  6,  7  sqq.).  The  first  two  books  seem  to  have  been  published 
conjointly  (under  Tiberius),  as  the  first  has  no  separate  epilogue  and 
as  the  fate  (prol.  38  sqq.)  and  reception  of  his  first  fables  (III  10,  59 
sq.  cf.  IV  7,  I  sqq.)  are  mentioned  in  the  second  part.  After  the  death 
of  Tiberius  (cf.  Ill  prol.  33  sqq.  and  dulcis  libertas  III  7,  1)  he  pu- 
blished the  third  book  with  prologue  and  epilogue,  dedicated  to  Eu- 
tychus  and  intended  to  finish  his  collection  (cf.  epil.  and  IV  prol.). 
There  followed,  however,  a  fourth  bo'ok,  addressed  to  Particulo  who 
is  in  the  prologue  mentioned  as  an  author  (17  sq.:  mihi  parta  laus  est, 
quod  tu,  quod  similes  tui  vestras  in  chartas  verba  transfertis  mea)  and 
in  the  epilogue  called  vir  sanctissimus ;  and  when  the  poet  had  already 
grown  old  (V  10)  a  fifth  book  succeeded,  in  which  (10,  10)  Philetes  is 
addressed.  The  epilogue  of  the  Appendix  (n.  4)  might  belong  to  the 
first  or  fifth  book. 

3.  Martial  III  20,  5:  an  aemulatur  irnprobi  iocos  Phaedri?  This 
epithet  may  denote  the  various  improper  and  rude  expressions  (e.  g. 
I  20.  31.  Ill  3.  IV  15)  and  vulgarisms  (especially  IV  18)  which  occur  in 
this  collection.  Some  abstract  turns  of  expression,  e.  g.  ingemuit  corvi 
deceptus  stupor  (I  13,  12)  remind  us  of  the  manner  of  Valerius  Maximus. 
He  personifies  Religio  IV  11,  4.  The  brevity  he  had  originally  studied 
to  attain  (II  prol.  12.  cf.  Ill  epil.  8.  IV  epil.)  is  considerably  enlarged 
upon  in  the  third  book  (cf.  Ill  10,  60).  In  choosing  senarii  the  poet 
was  probably  influenced  by  the  example  of  Publilius  Syrus  (L.  Miiller 
p.  VIII).  In  admitting  spondees  in  the  second  and  fourth  foot  Phaedrus 
agrees  with  him  and  with  the  poets  before  Catullus.  In  all  other 
respects  his  verse  is  polished  in  careful  observation  of  metrical  laws; 
see  L.  MiiUer's  praef.  p.  VIII— XII.  P.  Langen,  Rh.  Mus.  XIII  p.  197 
— 208.  That  he  could  manage  higher  style,  appears  from  IV  7,  6  sqq. 
App.  6.  Seneca  (see  above  27,  2)  does  not  know  Phaedrus,  and  though 
Quintilian  (I  9,  2)  speaks  of  versified  Aesopian  fables,  he  does  not  mention 
his  name.  After  Martial,  Phaedrus  is  not  mentioned  again  before  Avi- 
enus  (Epist  ad  Theodos. :  Phaedrus  etiam  partem  aliquam  quinque  in 
libellos  resolvit). 

4.  The  fragmentary  state  of  the  extant  collection  appears  from 
the  unequal  number  of  fables  in  each  book  (I:  31,  III:  19,  Appendix: 
31,  but  II  only  8,  and  V  only  10),  from  the  absence  of  a  fable' in  which 
arbores  loquuntur  (I  prol.  6),  from  the  gap  IV  13  sq.  and  especially 
from  the  existence  of  the  appendix.  The  latter  contains  the  fables 
which  Nic.  Perotti  in  the  middle  of  the  15th  century  published  from  a 
ms.  more  complete  than  the  cod.  Pithoeanus  (saec.  X)  and  Remensis 
(saec.    X,    burnt    1774)    which   are    our  principal  sources  in  the  rest  of 

3 


34  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

the  fables;  see  Orelli's  edition  p.  5—17.  It  should,  however,  be  added 
that  Perotti  interpolated  these  fables,  according  to  his  own  confession: 
non  sunt  hi  mei  quos  putas  versiculi,  sed  Aesopi  sunt  (cf.  nr.  809  sq. 
S14.  817  R.),  Avieni  et  Phaedri.  quos  collegi,  .  .  saepe  versiculos  inter- 
ponens  meos.  The  Appendix  was  last  of  all  printed  in  Riese's  anthol. 
lat.  II  799—830,  cf.  ib.  p.  XXXI  sq.  In  some  pieces  the  chartula  Da- 
nielis  saec.  XII  in  the  Vatican  library  (cf.  du  Rieu,  Schedae  Vatic.  I860,, 
p.  137—39)  is  of  importance.  The  prosaic  paraphrases  by  Romulus  and 
the  Anonymus  first  published  by  Nilant  likewise  presuppose  the  existence 
of  a  fuller  collection  of  Phaedrus.  The  mediaeval  collections  of  fables 
started  from  Romulus. 

5.  Ed.  princeps  by  P.  Pithoeus,  Autun  1596.  Editions  by  N.  Ri- 
galtius  (1617.  4.).  in  the  mythologia  aesopica  of  J.  Nevelet  (Francof. 
1610),  by  P.  Burmann  (Amstelod.  1698,  Hag.  1718;  cum  novo  comm. 
Lugd.  B.  1727.  4.),  Bentley  (with  Terence),  J.  G.  S.  Schwabe  (cum 
comm.  perp.  Halle  1779—1781,  3  vols.,  and  Brunsvig.  1806.  2  vols.), 
N.  Titze  (Prague  1813),  J.  Berger  de  Xivrey  (Paris,  Didot,  1830),  J.  C. 
Orelli  (Turic.  1831 ;  supplementum  ib.  1832),  C.  G.  Dressier  (recogn., 
Bautzen  1838  and  Lips.  Tenbner  1850),  Fr.  Eyssenhardt  (recogn.,  Berlin 
1867),  L.  Miiller  (recogn.  et  praef.  est.   Lips.  Teubner,  1868). 

6.  On  Phaedrus  see  F.  Jacobs,  supplement  to  Sulzer  VI.  p.  34  sqq 
L.  Preller  in  Ersch  and  Gruber's  Encycl.  Ill,  21.  p.  363  sqq.  Glase- 
wald,  spec.  disp.  de  Ph.  fabulis,  Greifswald  1828.  4.  CoUmann,  index 
Phaedrianus,  Marburg  1841.  4.  Kunkel,  on  some  difficult  passages  in 
Phaedrus,  Bensheim  1861.  4. 

7.  Tac.  A.  V  8:  relatum  (A.  784  —  31  A.  D.)  inde  de  .  .  P  o  m 
ponio  Secundo.  .  .  huic  obicetabatur  Aelii  Galli  (the  son  of  Sejanus 
amicitia.  .  .  Pomponius,  multa  morum  elegantia  et  ingenio  inlustri,  .  . 
Tiberio  superstes  fuit  (after  an  imprisonment  of  several  years  in  his 
brother's  house,  during  which  time  he  occupied  himself  with  literary 
pursuits).  XI  13:  Claudius  (a.  800  =  47)  .  .  theatralem  populi  lasciviam 
severis  edictis  increpuit,  quod' in  Publium  Pomponium  consularem  (cons^ 
suft.  776  V.  C. .'')  —  is  carmina  scenae  dabat  —  .  .  proba  iecerat.  XII 
28:  apud  posteros  .  .  carminum  gloria  praecellit.  Cf.  dial.  13.  Plin.  n 
h.  VII  19,  80:  in  Pomponio  consulari  poeta,  and  XIII  12,  83:  apud 
Pomponium  Secundum,  vatem  civemque  clarissimum,  vidi,  Plin.  Ep.  VII 
17,  11:  Pomponius  Secundus  (hie  scriptor  tragoediarum)  .  .  dicere  so- 
lebat.  Quintil.  X  1,  98:  eorum  (writers  of  tragedies)  quos  viderim  longe 
princeps  Pomponius  Secundus,  quem  senes  quidem  parum  tragicum 
putabant,  eruditione  ac  nitore  praestare  confitebantur.  VIII  3,  31 :  me- 
mini  iuvenis  admodum  inter  Pomponium  ac  Senecam  etiam  praefati- 
onibus  esse  tractatum  an  'gradus  eliminat'  in  tragoedia  dici  oportuisset. 
There  are  also  traces  of  other  reflections  on  language;  Charis.  I  p. 
137,  23  sq.  K. :  Pomponius  Secundus  poeta,  ut  refert  (in  his  life  af 
Pomp.  Sec.)  Plinius  (preferred  omneis  to  omnes).  He  may  have  treated 
of  these    matters   in   his   letters;   ib.  p.  125,  23  K. :  cetariis  Pomponius 


Phaedrus.     Pomponius  Secwndus.  35 

Secundus  ad  Thraseam.  Other  intentional  peculiarities  of  his  style  are 
mentioned  by  Diotned  I  p.  371  K.  and  Priscian  X  p.  538  H.  (Pompo- 
nius  Secundus  ad  Thraseam:  sancierat  ius).  Terentian.  Maur.  2135  sq.: 
in  tragicis  iunxere  choris  hunc  (a  dactylic  tetrameter)  saepe  diserti 
Annaeus  Seneca  et  Pomponius  ante  Secundus.  As  one  of  his  titles,  only 
Aeneas  is  known  (Charis.  I  p.  132  K.:  P.  S.  in  Aenea),  which  would 
appear  to  have  been  a  praetexta  (see  Aero  above  17,  4).  Armorum 
indicium  (Lactant.  on  Stat.  Theb.  X  841)  is  probably  by  Pacuvius  or 
L.  Attius  or  also  by  Pomponius  Bononiensis  (above  135,  4  sq.),  and 
perhaps  also  Atreus  (ap.  Non.  p.  144,  24) ;  see  B.  Schmidt,  Rh.  Mus. 
XVI  p.  588—597.  M.  Hertz  de  Scaevo,  Breslau  1869.  4,  p.  4,  note  3. 
See  also  Ribbeck,  Trag.  lat.  p.  197  sq.  (p.  231  sq.  386  ed.  II).  Welcker, 
Rh.  Mus.  Suppl.  II  3  p.  1440—1442.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  VI  1  p. 
1879,  nr.  34. 


b.    The  reigns  of  Caligula,  Claudius,  and  Nero 

A.  D.  37—68. 

280.  While  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius  the  novelty  of  un- 
disguised despotism  and  the  strange  manner  of  the  ruler 
caused  in  most  minds  a  peculiar  depression,  we  notice  under 
his  successors  of  the  Juhan  dynasty  an  unwholesome  vivacity, 
nay  sometimes  sprightliness.  A  number  of  the  most  stirring 
scenes  were  enacted  before  the  eyes  of  the  period:  rulers  and 
their  minions  were  seen  to  rise,  madly  to  exhaust  the  resour- 
ces of  their  positions,  and  fall  down  precipitately.  The  most 
rapid  changes  and  the  maddest  conduct  became  usual,  and 
were  witnessed  with  the  intense  curiosity  created  by  an 
interesting  performance,  and  this  feeling  would  scarcely 
disappear  in  case  the  spectator  himself  was  personally  con- 
cerned in  the  exhibition.  Reason  was  not  conspicuous  any- 
where; all  changes  were  wrought  by  intrigue,  malice,  wicked- 
ness or  brutal  force ;  the  consequence  was  that  all  gave  them- 
selves up  to  a  kind  of  nihilistic  resignation  which  tasted  the 
time  to  the  dregs,  was  prepared  for  everything  and  anything 
for  to-morrow  and,  at  the  best,  sought  comfort  in  future  hopes. 
The  chief  character  of  this  age  is  Seneca;  but  even  Persius, 
Lucanus,  and  Petronius  represent  only  the  different  effects  of 
the  same  causes.  Men  of  deeper  character,  e.  g.  Paetus 
Thrasea  and  Helvidius  Priscus,  clung  to  Stoicism  and  sought 
in  the  self-consciousness  of  this  system  some  compensation 
of  the  cheerless  condition   of  their  time.    The  character  of 


36  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

the  period  is  most  faithfully  expressed  in  the  reflecting  part 
of  literature,  the  philosophical  writings  of  Seneca.  The  age 
was  not  very  favourable  to  impartial  historical  composition, 
though  Claudius  evinced  personal  interest  in  history,  whence 
we  find  in  his  reign  both  historians  with  rhetorical  tendencies, 
e.  g.  Servilius  Nonianus  and  Curtius  Rufus,  and  such  sober 
investigators  as  Cornelius  Bocchus,  Columella,  Asconius,  and 
Pomponius  Mela.  Nero  favoured  poetry  which  also  offered 
opportunities  of  satisfying  one's  thirst  after  applause  in  the 
public  recitations  and  held  out  a  hope  of  immortality.  Hence 
the  most  different  kinds  of  poetry  were  cultivated,  tragedy  by 
Seneca  and  Curiatius  Maternus,  historical  epics  by  Lucan, 
idyl  by  Calpurnius  Siculus,  didactic  poetry  by  the  author  of 
Aetna,  Satire  by  Persius,  lyric  poetry  by  Bassus,  and  schol- 
astic poetry  by  Homerus  Latinus.  Only  comedy  would  not 
prosper  owing  to  the  Mimus  and  Pantomimus,  but  Petronius 
wrote  a  very  ironical  novel  describing  manners  and  customs. 
Scholastic  rhetoric  w^as  studied  with  much  zeal,  but  the  pre- 
vailing uniformity  and  the  absence  of  wholesome  food  gradu- 
ally deprived  it  of  its  power.  Jurisprudence  was  steadily  con- 
tinued, and  grammar  was  excellently  represented  by  Valerius 
Probus. 

1.  To  this  period  belongs  the  Mimus  Laureolus  of  a  certain  Ca- 
tullus. TertulHan.  adv.  Valentin.  14:  nullum  Catulli  Laureolum  fuerit 
exercitata.  Juv.  XIII  111:  mimum  agit  ille,  urbani  qualem  fugitivus 
scurra  CatulH.  Sueton.  Calig.  57:  in  Laureolo  mimo  .  .  cruore  scena 
abundavit.  Joseph.  Antiq.  XIX  1,  13  (p.  104,  13  sq.  Bk.) :  fiTfxog  €la<xyirai 
(shortly  before  Caligula's  assassination)  y,aS-'  oV  GravQovica  Xriar(Zv  ^yfuojy. 
Martial,  de  spect.  7.  Juv.  VIII  187  with  the  Schol.  The  'same  Catullus 
wrote  a  Mimus  entitled  Phasma  (luv.  VIII  186  and  Schol.).  Others  see 
above  8,  1. 

2.  Suidas  I  p.  626  Bernh. :  Evodog  ^Podwg  Inonoioq,  ysyoy(6g  tnt 
Ni()(t)vog,    o    xfav^aCofxfPog    fig    Qco/ucdxtjr    nor'tjfftj/.    lovxov  td  (it^kfa  ov 

3.  H.  Lehmanii,  Claudius  and  Nero  and  their  time.  I.  Claudius 
and  his  time,  Gotha  1858.  368  and  66  pp. 

281.  Of  the  Emperors  of  this  period,  CaUgula  (a.  765 
—  794)  was  the  only  one  who  did  not  publish  works  of  his 
own.  Claudius  (a.  744—807)  wrote  much,  both  before  and 
after  his  accession  to  the  throne,  especially  on  history,  and 
attempted  to  reform  the  Latin  alphabet.     But  the  unlimited 


The  Emperor  Claudius.  37 

weakness  of  his  mind  and  character  allowed  none  of  his  lite- 
rary compositions  to  come  down  to  posterity.  We  possess  in 
inscriptions  some  specimens  of  his  doings.  Nero  (a.  790 — 821 
=  37 — 68  A.  D.)  was  less  educated  for  eloquence,  but  com- 
posed with  much  zeal  verses  in  epic  (Troica),  elegiac  and  melic 
metres,  the  public  recitation  of  which  formed  one  of  the  more 
innocent  sides  of  his  madness.  His  mother  Agrippina,  the 
wife  of  Claudius,  wrote  Memoirs,  no  doubt  as  a  means  of 
promoting  the  purposes  of  her  ambition. 

1.  Sueton.  Calig.  53:  ex  disciplinis  liberalibus  minimum  erudi- 
tioni,  eloquentiae  plurimuni  attendit,  qiiantumvis  facundus  et  promptus, 
utique  si  perorandiim  in  aliquem  essel.  irato  et  verba  et  sententiae 
suppetebant.  .  .  leniiis  comptiusque  scribendi  genus  adeo  contemnens 
ut  Senecam  turn  maxime  placentem  commissiones  meras  componere  et 
arenam  esse  sine  calce  diceret.  ^  '  bat  etiam  prosperis  oratorum  acti- 
onibus  rescribere  et  magnorum  in  senatu  reorum  accusationes  defen- 
sionesque  meditari  ac,  prout  stilus  cesserat,  vel  onerare  sententia 
quemque  vel  sublevare,  equestri  quoque  ordine  ad  audiendum  invitato 
per  edicta.  34:  cogitavit  etiam  de  Homeri  carminibus  abolendis.  .  . 
sed  et  Vergilii  ac  Titi  Livi  scripta  et  imagines  paulum  afuit  quin  ex 
omnibus  bibliothecis  amoveret,  quorum  alterum  ut  nullius  ingenii  mini- 
maeque  (C.  Peter:  nimiaeque)  doctrinae,  alterum  ut  verbosum  in  historia 
neglegentemque  carpebat.  de  iuris  quoque  consultis,  quasi  scientiae 
eorum  omnem  usum  aboliturus,  saepe  iactavit  se  mehercule  effecturum 
ne  quid  respondere  possint  praeter  eum. 

2.  Suet.  Claud.  33:  aleam  studiosissime  lusit,  de  cuius  arte  librum 
quoque  emisit.  Suet.  Claud.  40:  principi  neque  infacundo  neque  in- 
docto,  immo  etiam  pertinaciter  liberalibus  studiis  dedito.  41 :  historiam 
in  adulescentia,  hortante  T.  Livio,  Sulpicio  vero  Flavo  etiam  adiuvante, 
scribere  adgressus  est.  et  cum  primum  frequenti  auditorio  commisisset 
aegre  perlegit,  refrigeratus  saepe  a  semet  ipso.  .  .  in  principatu  quoque 
et  scripsit  plurimum  et  assidue  recitavit  per  lectorem.  initium  autem 
sumpsit  historiae  post  caedem  Caesaris  dictatoris,  sed  et  transiit  ad 
inferiora  tempora  coepitque  a  pace  civili  etc.  (above  p.  386,  n.  2).  prioris 
materiae  duo  volumina,  posterioris  XLI  reliquit.  composuit  et  De  vita 
sua  VIII  volumina,  magis  inepte  quam  inele^anter;  item  Ciceronis  de- 
f'ensionem  adversus  Asini  Galli  libros  (above  271,  3)  satis  eruditam.  42: 
nee  minore  cura  graeca  studia  secutus  est,  amorem  praestantiamque 
linguae  occasione  omni  professus.  . .  deniqae  et  graecas  scripsit  historias, 
TvfiqrivvxMv  XX,  KaQ/^doptaxcou  VIII.  Cf.  Sen.  Apocol.  5:  Claudius 
gaudet  esse  illic  philologos  homines,  sperat  futurum  aliquem  historiis 
suis  locum.  The  lex  agrorum  ex  commentario  Claudi  Caesaris  is  men- 
tioned in  the  liber  coloniarum,  Writings  of  the  Roman  Gromatics,  I  p. 
211,  13  L.,  instead  of  which  Mommsen  (ib.  II  p.  160,  n.  16)  reads  C. 
luli  Caesaris. 


38  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

3.  Suet.  Claud.  41 :  novas  etiam  commentus  est  literas  tres  ac  nu- 
mero  veterum  quasi  maxime  necessarias  addidit;  de  quarum  ratione  cum 
privatus  adhuc  volumen  edidisset  mox  princeps  (but  not  till  the  close 
of  800  ==  47  A.  D.  as  Censor,  Tac.  A.  XI  13)  non  difficulter  optinuit  ut 
in  usu  quoque  promiscuo  essent.  extat  talis  scriptura  in  plerisque  libris 
ac  diurnis  titulisque  operum.  Tac.  A.  XI  13:  novas  literarum  formas 
addidit  volgavitque.  14:  Claudius  tres  literas  adiecit,  quae  usui  impe- 
ritante  eo,  post  obliteratae,  aspiciuntur  etiam  nunc  in  acre  publico  per 
fora  ac  templa  fixo.  These  are  the  three  letters  J  for  consonant  u,  3 
(antisigma)  to  denote  bs  and  ps,  and  y  to  denote  a  sound  between  i 
and  u  (Y).  He  also  reintroduced  AI  instend  of  the  diphthong  AE,  ac- 
cording to  Greek  habit.  This  increase  of  the  Latin  alphabet,  which 
was  in  itself  of  doubtful  necessity  or  utility  (only  of  the  first  innovation 
Quintilian  says  I  7,  26 :  nee  inutiliter  Claudius  .  .  illam  .  .  literam  adie" 
cerat,  and  Priscian.  I  4,  20.  p.  15  H. :  quod  quamvis  illi  recte  visum  est, 
tamen  consuetude  antiqua  superavit),  would  not  have  had  much  chance, 
even  if  it  had  been  started  by  a  |^rince  generally  respected;  it  also 
seems  that  Claudius  merely  recommended  it.  Even  in  his  life-time  it 
was  almost  never  used  in  the  distant  parts  of  the  Empire  and  on  coins, 
near  the  Capital  only  moderately.  The  antisigma  can  be  produced  on 
only  one  inscription  and  even  there  without  absolute  certainty.  On  the 
whole  subject  see  Fr.  Bucheler,  de  Ti.  Claudio  Caesare  grammatico, 
Elberfeld  1856.  54  pp.,  where  the  inscriptions  are  collected.  Cf.  Rhein. 
Mus.  XIII  p.  155—157. 

4.  We  possess  of  Claudius,  on  two  iron  tablets,  which  belong  to- 
gether, and  which  were  dug  up  at  Lyons  a.  1524,  part  of  a  speech  he 
delivered  a.  801  =  4'8  A.  D.  in  the  Senate  in  favour  of  the  admission 
of  the  Gallic  nobility  to  Roman  offices,  and  from  which  Tacitus  A.  XI 
24  gives  an  extract.  This  curious  relic  is  printed  in  many  editions  of 
the  Annals  of  Tacitus,  e.  g.  in  those  of  J.  Lipsius,  Nipperdey,  Orelli- 
Baiter  (I  p.  341—343),  and  also  frequently  by  itself.  E.  g.  by  C.  Zell, 
Freiburg  1833.  4  =  Opusc.  acad.  lat.  (1857)  p.  96—156.  245  sq.  A. 
Boissieu,  Inscriptions  antiques  de  Lyon,  Lyon  1846.  A.  Comarmond, 
Description  .  .  des  tables  de  Claude,  Lyon  1847.  4.  J.  B.  Monfalcon, 
Monographic  de  la  table  de  Claude,  Paris  1853.  fol. 

5.  On  April  29,  1869,  an  edict  of  Claudius  concerning  the  citizen- 
ship of  the  Anaunians,  of  15  March  46  A.  D.,  was  discovered  in  the 
Tyrol.  F.  Kenner,  on  an  edict  of  the  Emperor  CI.,  Vienna  1869. 
Mommsen,  Hermes  IV  p.  99—131,  where  he  says  p.  107:  "the  beginning 
of  the  Edict  with  its  confused  relative  sentences  and  the  awkward  rele- 
gation of  the  principal  subject  to  a  secondary  sentence,  and  above  all 
with  its  unheard-of  anacoluthias,  is  highly  characteristic  of  the  crowned 
pedant.  .  .  We  see  here  distinctly  that  strangest  of  Roman  rulers,  in 
whose  mind  the  germs  of  naive  honesty,  humour,  feeling  of  justice 
and  honour,  nay  even  sagacity  and  energy,  were  strangely  confused; 
but  unfortunately  neither   his   head   nor   heart   was   consistent,    so  that 


Claudius  and  Nero.  39 

all   those   qualities,   distorted    and   caricatured   as   it  were  in  a  concave 
mirror,  resulted  in  a  portrait  of  frightful  comicality." 

6.  Tac.  A.  IV  53:  id  ego.  .  repperi  in  commentariis  Agr  ippin  ae 
filiae,  quae  Neronis  principis  mater  vitam  suam  et  casus  suorum  posteris 
memoravit.  Plin.  n.  h.  VII  8,  46 :  Neronem  .  .  pedibus  genitum  scribit 
parens  eius  Agrippina,  and  in  the  ind.  auct.  of  b.  VII:  Agrippina  Claudi. 
She  lived  16 — 59  A.  D.,  see  A.  Preuner  in  Pauly's  Enc.  1 1,  p.  613— 616. 
A.  Stahr,  Agrippina,  Nero's  mother,  Berlin  1867.  As  the  historians 
never  appeal  to  these  Memoirs  for  a  single  fact  of  Nero's  reign,  they 
seem  to  have  been  written  and  published  before  her  son's  accession  to 
the  throne.     Cf.  Lehmann,  Claudius  p.  5  sq. 

7.  Suet.  Nero  52:  liberales  disciplinas  omnes  fere  puer  attigit. 
sed  a  philosophia  eum  mater  averti't,  monens  imperaturo  contrariam 
esse,  a  cognitione  veterum  oratorum  Seneca  praeceptor,  quo  diutius  in 
admiratione  sui  detineret.  (But  Tac.  A.  XIV  55  lets  Nero  say  to  Seneca: 
quod  meditatae  orationi  statim  occurram,  id  primum  tui  muneris  habeo, 
qui  me  .  .  subita  expedire  docuisti)  itaque  ad  poeticam  pronus  carmina 
libeiiter  ac  sine  labore  composuit.  .  .  venere  in  manus  meas  pugillares 
libellique  cum  quibusdam  notissimis  versibus  ipsius  chirographo  scriptis 
ut  facile  appareret  non  tralatos  aut  dictante  aliquo  exceptos,  sed  plane 
quasi  a  cogitante  atque  generante  exaratos ;  ita  multa  et  deleta  et  in- 
ducta  et  superseripta  inerant.  lb.  10 :  declamavit  saepius  publice.  re- 
citavit  et  carmina,  non  modo  domi  sed  et  in  theatro,  tanta  universorum 
laetitia  (at  the  beginning  of  his  reign)  ut  ob  recitationem  supplicatio 
decreta  sit  eaque  pars  carminum  aureis  Uteris  lovi  Capitolino  dicata. 
Tac.  A.  XIII  3:  contractis  quibus  aliqua  pangendi  facultas  necdum 
insignis  erat.  hi  cenati  considere  simul  et  adlatos  vel  ibidem  repertos 
versus  conectere  atque  ipsius  verba  quoquo  modo  prolata  supplere. 
quod  species  ipsa  carminum  docet,  non  impetu  et  instinctu  nee  ore 
pleno  fluens.  Nero  .  .  aliquando  carminibus  pangendis  inesse  sibi  ele- 
menta  doctrinae  ostendebat.  XIV  16:  carminum  quoque  studium  ad- 
fectavit. 

8.  Dio  LXII  29:  iu  nuvdrjfxia  rtvl  d^ia  (on  the  quinquennalia  of  a. 
818  V.  C.)  .  .  apiyvix)  TQiD'Cxa  t^vu  havTOv  noirjfiKTa,  Dio  LXII  29.  Cf. 
Juv.  VIII  321.  Schol.  Pers.  I  121  Anth.  lat.  725,  38  sqq.  R.  Quotations 
from  this  epic  poem  by  Serv.  Georg.  Ill  36.  Aen.  V  370.  To  the  same 
may  have  belonged  the  three  hexameters  jquoted  by  Schol.  Lucan  III 
261  (de  hoc  ait  Nero  in  primo  libro:  Quinque  ete.)  and  also  the  po- 
lished, but  utterly  unmeaning  hexameters  in  Persius  I  93 — 95.  99 — 102, 
on  which  the  Schol:  dicit  hos  versus  Neronis  (p.  269  J.),  and:  hi 
versus  Neronis  sunt  (p.  271,  I  sq.  J.),  cf.  0.  Jahn's  prolegg.  to  Pers.  p. 
LXXVIII— LXXXI.  W.  Teuffel,  Translation  of  Persius  (Stuttg.  1857)  p. 
44  sq.  But  in  these  Troica  was  probably  the  \4kojGig  ^Iki'ov  recited  by 
Nero  on  the  occasion  of  the  conflagration  of  Rome  (A.  D.  64).  Dio  LXII 
18 :  T>?V  axfvijy  Tiju  xi&aQOidixrii/  ia/SwV  rjafv  "Aktoaiv  .  .  ^Ikiov.  Suet. 
Ner.  38 :  halosin  Ilii  in  illo  suo  scenico  habitu  decantavit,  cf.  Tac.  A.  XV 


40  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

39.  Dio  LXII  29:  jia^foxfvdCdo  ds  log  X(d  rag  tioj/  PoifxaCiav  riQc'c'^ftg 
(tndoag  cvyyQc'txpoiv  tv  I'n^oiv  xal  ufqC  yf  tov  nkrj'j^ovg  rw^  ^i^kiMv, 
tiqIv  X(d  OTiovy  uvtmi^  ovv&nviu,   tayJijiaTo. 

9.  Of  a  different  kind  were  those  poems  of  Nero's  which  were  in- 
tended for  recitation  to  the  cithara.  Dio  LXI  20:  txii^uQcodtjas 
7f  Jtjiv  ny(<  tj  Bax/ag.  Neroniana  cantica  in  Suet.  Vitell.  11.  He  took 
his  subjects  from  Greek  tragedies.  Philostrat.  Apoll.  Tyan.  IV  39 
tJOojy  T(c  TOV  NtQCtiyog  /utXt].  .  .  inijyf  fx^krj  id  ^ufu  i|  OQSOifiag,  id  df 
ii,  ].4i^Tiyoyr]g,  rd  d'  o7io,9fPovu  Xiov  rQayiodov/uiyioi/  (cvtm,  xal  (oddg  txa/u- 
TiTfy  oTioaag  NtQiou  tlvyi^i  ts  xal  xaxiag  toiQSifsi^.  Cf.  Suet,  Ner.  21. 
Plin.  n.  h.  XXXVII  3,  12:  Domitius  Nero  .  .  quodam  carmine.  Poems 
(elegies?)  on  lascivious  subjects,  Martial.  IX  26,9  sq.  (Nero  . .  lascivum 
iuvenis  cum  tibi  lusit  opus)  cf.  VIII  70,  8.  Plin.  Epp.  V  3,  6  (above 
25,  1).  Similar  to  this  was  probably  poema  Neronis  quod  inscribitur 
Luscio  against  Clodius  Pollio  (Suet.  Domit.  1)  and  the  one  against  Quin- 
tianus  (mollitia  corporis  infamis  et  a  Nerone  probroso  carmine  diffa- 
matus,  Tac.  A.  XV  49).  0.  Jahn's  Prolegg.  to  Pers.  p.  LXXV— LXXVIII. 
A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  V.  p.  579  sq.  note.  Lehmann,  Claudius  p.  6  sq. 

10.  Tac.  A.  XIII  3:  adnotabant  seniores  .  .  primum  ex  eis  qui 
rerum  potiti  essent  Neronem  alienae  facundiae  eguisse.  Cf.  n.  7  and 
282,  2.  Dio  LXI  3:  togccvtu  xal  n()6g  njj^  ^ovkriv,  nqog  tov  ^fpkxov  xccl 
v.vTd  yowiivTo.,  dv^yvo).  The  speeches  mentioned  by  Suet. Ner.  7,  the 
gratiarum  actio  in  the  Senate,  pro  Bononiensibus  latine,  pro  Rhodiis 
atque  Iliensibus  graece,  were  probably  also  written  by  Seneca.  Fronto 
ad  Ver.  II  1  p.  124  says  inaccurately  on  the  Emperors  from  Tiberius 
to  Vespasian:  quis  eorum  oratione  sua  populum  aut  senatum  adfari, 
quis  edictum,  quis  epistulam  suismet  verbis  componere  potuit?  See 
above  n.  1.  4.  5.  7. 

282.  To  the  reigns  of  all  these  three  Emperors  extends 
the  literary  activity  of  L.  Annaeus  Seneca,  (c.  750 — 818  v. 
c),  who  was  Senator  under  Caligula  and  Claudius,  though 
exiled  to  Corsica  soon  after  his  accession,  owing  to  Messalina 
(a.  41),  whence  he  was  recalled  eight  years  afterwards  through 
the  influence  of  Agrippina  (a.  57);  he  was  then  entrusted  with 
the  education  of  Nero  and  appointed  praetor;  under  Nero  he 
was  Consul  (a.  57)  and  for  some  time  the  actual  ruler  of  the 
Monarchy,  finally,  however,  (a.  65)  forced  to  commit  suicide, 
being  charged  with  participation  in  the  conspiracy  of  Pisa. 
Seneca  is  the  most  brilliant  figure  of  this  time.  In  point  of 
esprit  and  formal  perfection,  he  may  be  compared  with  Ovid. 
He  was  fully  aware  of  his  talents,  but  did  not  always  resist 
the  temptations  held  out  by  opportunities  and  power  and  the 
suggestions  of  the  moment.    It  can,  how^ever,  but  rarely  be 


Nero.     L.  Awnaeus  Seneca.  41 

shown  that  he  put  his  great  talents  and  high  position  to 
perverse  use:  though  his  life  only  exhibited  wisdom  frequently 
in  the  weakened  form  of  prudence,  his  death  proved  his  reso- 
lute renunciation  of  the  goods  of  this  life. 

1.     Seneca    was    born    at  Corduba    (see  above  264,   1.  Cordubenses 
nostri,    III  p.   434   Hse.),  the    second    ot    three    brothers    (above    264, 
2).     His  mother's  name  was  Helvia;  see  the  Consolatio  addressed  to  her 
and  above  264,  1,     Of  her  sister  (subsequently  the  wife  of  a  man  who 
governed  Egypt   for  16  years,   probably  Vitrasius  Pollio)  he  says  cons. 
ad  Helv.  19,  2:  illius  manibus  in  urbem  perlatus  sum,  illius  pio  mater- 
noque   nutricio    per   longum  tempus    aeger  convalui;  ilia  pro  quaestura 
mea  gratiam  suam  extendit.    At  Rome  he  was  instructed  by  the  philo- 
sophers Attains  (above  277,  5)  and  Sotion  (Epist.  49.  98.  108),   also  by 
Papirius   Fabianus   (above   261,    10).     Seneca   remembered  also  Asinius 
Pollio   (t   758,    above    210,  1):  de  tranq.  17,   1.     Epist.  49,  2  :    quid  non 
'modo'  est  si  recorderis?    modo  apud  Sotionem  puer  sedi,  modo  causas 
agere  coepi,  modo  desii  velle  agere,  modo  desii  posse,     ib.  108,  22:  in 
Tiberii  Caesaris  principatum  iuventae  tempus  inciderat.     Dio  LIX  19,  7 
(a.   39) :     o   ^fvixfc?  o   Apviog  o  JovAiog  .   .   O'lfif^aQt]  nuo  okiyop  .   .   on 
dixtju    TiPd    iv    Tio    avrf^Qio)     naqovTog     (cvtov    (Caligula)    xakcjg    hlnsv. 
When    a.   41' the   youngest   daughter    (born    a.    18)    of   Germanicus   and 
sister    of   Caligula,    Julia    Livilla,    was    exiled  through   the  influence  of 
Messalina,  Seneca,  being  her  lover,  shared  her  fate.     (Tac.  A.  XIII  42. 
Dio   LXl  10.  Schol.  Juv.  V  109).     Caesonius  Maximus  followed  him  to 
Corsica  (Martial.  VII  44  sq.).  Tac.  A.  XII  8  a.  49 :  Agrippina  .  .  veniam 
exilii    pro    Annaeo    Seneca,    simul    praeturam    impetrat,    .  .  ut  Domitii 
pueritia   tali   magistro   adolesceret   et  consiliis   eiusdem  ad  spem  domi- 
nationis  uterentur,  quia  Seneca  iidus   in  Agrippinam   memoria  beneficii 
et  infensus  Claudio  dolore  iniuriae  credebatur.  Suet.    Nero  7:  undecimo 
aetatis  anno  a  Claudio  adoptatus  est  Annaeoque   Senecae  iam  tunc  se- 
natori  in  disciplinam  traditus.     Schol.   Juv.   1.  1.  (p.   254   J.):   revocatus 
.  .  etsi  magno  desiderio  Athenas  intenderet  ab  Agrippina  tamen  erudiendo 
Neroni  in  palatium  adductus.     Dio  suspects  even  his  relations  to  Agrip- 
pina,   LXI  10:    ov    yuo    ajif^^tjaft/    avrio    t>?V    ^lovkiav  /uot)(fvG(ci,  ovdi 
^f^kiiayv    ix    Trjg    ifjvytjg    iyiv&jo,    akkd  xul  TJj  ^AyQt7i7i/'i/r]   .    .   tJikijaiccCfy. 
But  in  this  case  it  is  possible  that  he  was  seduced  by  the  lady.    Cons, 
sufi'.  57,  see  Hermes  II.  p.   45.     Seneca  shows  in  several  passages  how 
he   thought   of  the  conduct   to  be  adopted  in  a  difficult  time,  e.  g.  de 
otio  3,  3:    si  resp.    corruptior   est  quam  ut  adiuvari  possit,   si  occupata 
est  malis,   non  nitetur  sapiens  in  supervacuum  nee  se  nihil  profuturus 
impendet.     See  below  328,  8  fin. 

2.  Seneca  influenced  Nero  in  the  good  beginning  of  his  reign, 
an  influence  maintained  partly  by  dangerous  means.  Dio  LXI  4:  (cvtol 
(Seneca  and  Burrus)  r^yV  liQ/n^  ccTi^ouy  Tia^hkct^oi/  xai  diMxrjoay  tcf^ 
oGoi/  rjdvyijdrjaai/  a^iCTcc  xat  dixaiotaia.    Tac.  A.  XIII  2:  ibatur  in  caedes 


42  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

nisi  Afranius  Burrus  et  Annaeus  Seneca  obviam  issent.  hi  rectores  im- 
j)eratoriae  iuventae  et  .  .  Concordes  diversa  arte  ex  aequo  pollebant, 
.  .  Seneca  praeceptis  eloquentiae  et  comitate  honesta,  iuvantes  invicem, 
quo  facilius  lubricam  principis  aetatem,  si  virtutem  aspernaretur,  volup- 
tatibus  concessis  retinerent.  (Against  the  latter  see  Dio  LXl  4).  ib.  11: 
clementiam  suam  obstringens  (Nero)  crebris  orationibus,  quas  Seneca, 
testificando  quam  honesta  praeciperet  vel  iactandi  ingenii,  voce  prin- 
cipis vulgabat.  ib.  13:  donee  .  .  exueret  obsequium  in  matrem  seque 
Senecae  permitteret,  ex  cuius  familiaribus  Annaeus  Serenus  simulatione 
amoris  adversus  eandem  libertam  (Acte)  primas  adolescentis  (Nero) 
cupidines  velaverat,  Plin.  n.  h.  XIV  51:  Annaeo  Seneca,  principe  turn 
eruditorum  ac  potentia,  quae  postremo  nimia  ruit  super  ipsum,  minime 
utique  miratore  inanium.  Seneca  knew  how  to  make  use  of  favourable 
opportunities.  Tac.  A.  XIII  42:  qua  sapientia,  quibus  philosophorum 
praeceptis  intra  quadriennium  regiae  amicitiae  ter  millies  sestertium 
paravisset  (Seneca)?  Romae  testanienta  et  orbos  velut  indagine  eius 
capi,  Italiam  et  provincias  immenso  fenore  hauriri.  An  instance  of 
such  speculations  is  given  by  Dio  LXII  2.  Cf.  ib.  LXI  10:  y.ccl  Iv  akkovg 
nccvTct  Tcl  lyayTKOTCiTcc  org  i<iikoGo(ffi  noiuiy  ^^iy/^V-  ^f<^'  ydg  ivQuvvf- 
dog  x(itf]yoQioi'  .  .  ov'y.  'aifiaKcTo  lov  nakart'ov  .  .  roTg  T€  nkovTovafv 
tyy.akdiv  (?  cf.  Sen.  vit.  beat.  17)  ovaiur  knTaxi^a/ikioyv  xal  nfvTuy.oaiuiv 
fxvQicidojy  ixTrjaajo,  y.al  rag  nokvTfkfiag  Tcoy  akkoiv  alnoifxspog  nivra- 
xoaiovg  iQinodag  .  .  *?/#.  •  .  wg  aa&kyfiag  a?  nqaTTOiv  yafAov  if  ini- 
(f((P8GTc<Top  tyt]/u€  (with  Pompeja  Paulina,  Tac.  A.  XV  60)  xcd  /LtsiQaxt'otg 
i'^(OQoig  i'yaiQf  xcd  tovto  xccl  top-  Ntq(ora  noifJy  tdidcc'^f.  But  in  Tac. 
A.  XIV  53  Seneca  says  to  Nero :  tantum  honorum  atque  opum  in  me 
cumulasti  ut  nihil  felicitati  meae  desit  nisi  moderatio  eius.  In  general 
it  may  be  said  that  Tacitus  understood  Seneca  much  better  than  Dio 
who  frequently  merely  reproduces  the  jealous  gossip  of  the  Town  and 
even  (LXII  25)  attempts  to  depreciate  his  death  (Tac.  A.  XV  60—65). 
In  comparing  himself  with  others  and  reconsidering  his  actions  and 
omissions,  Seneca  could  afford  to  look  back  on  his  life  with  satisfaction : 
Tac.  A.  XV  62 :  imaginem  vitae  suae  relinquere.  63 :  contemplatione 
vitae  per  virtutem  actae.  It  is  true  that  there  is  a  certain  study  of 
effect  even  in  the  manner  of  his  death,  but  this  scarcely  decreases  the 
actual  merit  of  the  act. 

3.  Volquardsen,  a  vindication  of  Seneca's  character,  Hadersleben 
1839.  4.  E.  F.  Gelpke,  de  Senecae  vitae  et  moribus,  Bern  1848.  4. 
Peter,  History  of  Rome  III.  p.  344—351.  A.  Martens,  de  Senecae  vita 
et  de  tempore  quo  scripta  eius  philosophica  .  .  composita  sint,  Altona 
1187.     62  pp. 

283.  Seneca  is  as  a  writer  also  a  faithful  picture  of  his 
period,  in  which  briUiancy  was  placed  above  accuracy;  he 
purposely  wrote  in  harmony  to  the  prevailing  taste  and 
thus  forfeited  the  applause  of  the  succeeding  generations.   In 


L.  Annaeus  Seneca.  43 

respect  of  his  subjects,  he  was  most  varied;  yet  he  was  always 
and  at  last  exclusively  fond  of  quiet  meditations  on  nature 
and  human  life.  He  started  from  the  Stoic  system,  but  al- 
loyed it  with  additions  from  other  systems,  by  which  the  ori- 
ginal austerity  was  toned  down,  the  ethic  severity  of  the  system 
softened  and  its  crotchets  left  aside.  These  popular  phi- 
losophical writings  charm  the  reader  by  fulness  and  fineness 
of  observation,  abundance  of  knowledge  unalloyed  with  pe- 
dantry, nobility  of  thought  and  a  glittering  style,  decked  out 
with  all  means  of  rhetoric.  But  the  absence  of  definite  plan  and 
the  constant  repetition  of  the  same  manner  will  tire  us  at 
last,  we  are  displeased  with  the  author's  persistent  endeavours 
to  please  and  even  serious  passages  cause  suspicion  of  the 
writer's  sincerity.  This  manner,  retained  by  Seneca  through- 
out liis  life,  had  become  part  and  parcel  of  his  being  and 
appears  equally  in  all  his  works,  both  in  prose  and  poetry, 
though  in  the  latter  the  rhetorical  element  has  entirely  over- 
powered the  contents. 

1.  Tac.  XIII  3:  fuit  illi  viro  (Seneca)  ingenium  amoenum  et  tem- 
poris  eius  auribus  accommodatum.  Quintil.  X  1,  125:  ex  industria 
Senecam  in  omni  genere  eloquentiae  distuli,  propter  vulgatam  falso  de 
me  opinionem  qua  damnare  eum  et  invisum  quoque  habere  sum  creditus. 
quod  accidit  mihi  dum  corruptum  et  omnibus  vitiis  fractum  dicendi 
genus  revocare  ad  severiora  indicia  contendo.  (126.)  turn  autem  solus 
hie  fere  in  manibus  adulescentium  fuit.  quern  .  .  potioribus  (especially 
Cicero)  praeferri  non  sinebam,  quos  ille  non  destiterat  incessere.  .  . 
(127.)  placebat  propter  sola  vitia.  .  .  (128.)  cuius  et  multae  alioqui  et 
magnae  virtutes  fuerunt,  ingenium  facile  et  copiosum,  plurimum  studii, 
multa  rerum  cognitio.  .  .  tractavit  etiam  omnem  fere  studiorum  materiam. 
(129.)  nam  et  orationes  eius  et  poemata  et  epistolae  et  dialogi  feruntur. 
in  philosophia  parum  diligens,  egregius  tamen  vitiorum  insectator  fuit. 
multae  in  eo  claraeque  sententiae,  multa  etiam  morum  gratia  legenda; 
sed  in  eloquendo  corrupta  pleraque  atque  eo  perniciosissima  quod 
abundant  dulcibus  vitiis.  (130.)  .  .  si  non  omnia  sua  amasset,  si  rerum 
pondera  minutissimis  sententiis  non  fregisset,  consensu  potius  eruditorum 
quam  puerorum  amore  comprobaretur.  (131.)  .  .  multa  .  .  probanda  in 
eo,  multa  etiam  admiranda  sunt:  eligere  modo  curae  sit;  quod  utinam 
ipse  fecisset.  Even  stronger  are  the  expressions  used  by  Seneca's  an- 
tipodes in  mannerism,  Fronto  and  his  adherents.  E.  g.  Fronto  p.  155 
N. :  eloquentiam  .  .  Senecae  mollibus  et  febriculosis  prunuleis  insitam 
subvertendam  censeo  radicitus.  (156.)  .  .  neque  ignoro  copiosum  sen- 
tentiis et  redundantem  hominem  esse:  verum  sententias  eius  .  .  video 
nusquam  pugnare  etc.  (157.)  at  eandem  sententiam  milieus  alio  atque 
alio    amictu   indutam  referunt.     (158.)  .  .  quid  ego  verborum  sordes  et 


44  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

illuvies,  quid  verba  modulate  collocata  et  effeminate  fluentia?  Gellius 
XII  2,  1 :  de  Annaeo  Seneca  partim  existimant  ut  de  scriptore  minime 
utili,  cuius  libros  attingere  nullum  pretium  operae  sit,  quod  oratio  eius 
vulgaris  videatur  et  protrita,  res  atque  sententiae  aut  inepto  inanique 
irapetu  sint  aut  levi  et  quasi  dicaci  argutia,  eruditio  autem  vernacula 
et  plebeia  nihilque  ex  veterum  scriptis  habens  neque  gratiae  neque 
dignitatis,  alii  vero  elegantiae  in  verbis  parum  esse  non  infitias  eunt, 
sed  et  rerum  quas  dicat  scientiam  doctrinamque  ei  non  deesse  dicunt 
et  in  vitiis  morum  obiurgandis  severitatem  gravitatemque  non  invenustam. 
After  this,  Seneca's  depreciating  criticisms  on  Ennius,  Cicero  and 
Virgil  are  quoted  from  Epist.  XXII  with  much  indignation. 

2.  The  dates  of  the  composition  of  Seneca's  vsrorks.  Previous  to 
his  exile,  i.  e.  under  Caligula,  he  wrote,  besides  speeches  (above  282, 
1)  the  works  on  Egypt  and  India,  and  also  the  consolatio  ad  Marciam. 
nl  the  time  of  his  exile  he  composed  epigrams,  perhaps  also  part  of 
his  tragedies,  and  the  consolatio  ad  Helviam  and  ad  Polybium  (a.  43 
or  44),  and  also  the  panegyric  on  Messalina,  though  he  subsequently 
withdrew  the  latter,  Dio  LXI  10.  Soon  after  his  return  he  appears  to 
have  published  the  works  de  tranquillitate  animi  (Lehmann,  Claudius 
p.  321  sq.),  de  ira  (Lehmann  ibid.  p.  315 — 321)  and  de  brevitate  vitae 
(cf.  13,  8).  After  the  death  of  Claudius  he  composed  the  dnoxokoxvy- 
Tioatg ;  in  the  first  years  of  Nero's  reign  the  books  de  dementia  (which 
are  also  addressed  to  the  Emperor),  the  work  de  vita  beata,  addressed 
to  Novatus,  who  had  meanwhile  changed  his  name  to  Gallio,  the  books 
de  beneficiis  and  de  constantia  sapientis.  In  this  time  he  seems  to 
have  composed  another  part  of  his  tragedies  (below  285,  2).  After 
Seneca  had  retired  from  the  Court  and  from  public  life  (a.  62),  he 
wrote  de  otio  ad  Serenum,  and  also  the  works  addressed  to  Lucilius 
de  providentia,  the  quaestiones  naturales  and  the  letters  (a.  62— 65).  H. 
Lehmann,  Philologus  VIII  p.  309 — 328  =:  Claudius  and  his  time  p.  8 
— 17.  Fr.  Jonas,  de  ordine  librorum  Senecae  philosophi,  Berlin  1870. 
74  pp.     A.  Martens,  see  above  282,  3. 

3.  Volkmanu,  on  Seneca,  a  literary  sketch,  Mager's  Revue  1857, 
p.  259 — 267.  F.  Bohm,  Seneca  and  his  importance  for  our  time,  Berlin 
1856.     47  pp.  4. 

4.  E.  F.  Werner,  de  Sen.  philosophia,  Breslau  1825.  B.  ten  Brink, 
de  Seneca  eiusque  in  philosophiam  meritis,  Gandav.  1827.  4.  G.  Herzog, 
de  Senecae  philosophia,  Bernburg  1828.  H.  Dorgens,  Senecae  disciplinae 
morales  cum  Antoniniana  comparatio.  Lips.  s.  a.  (1857).  F.  Chr.  Baur, 
Seneca  and  Paulus;  the  relation  of  Stoicism  to  Christianity,  according 
to  the  works  of  Seneca,  in  Hilgenfeld's  Journal  of  Theology  I  (1858)  p. 
171 — 246.  441 — 463.  Holzherr,  the  philosopher  Seneca;  a  contribution 
towards  the  appreciation  of  his  general  merit  and  philosophy  etc.  I. 
Programm  of  Rastatt  1858.  122  pp.  II.  1857.  76  pp.  C.  Martha,  les  mo- 
ralistes  sous  I'empire  romain  (Paris  1865)  p.  20  sqq.  G.  Boissier,  le 
christianisme^  et  la  morale  -de  S.,  Revue  des  deux  mondes,  T.  XCII 
(1871)  p.  40—71. 


L.  Annaeus  Seneca.  45 

Baarts,  Seneca  de  deo,  Marienwerder  1848.  4.  C.  R.  Fickert,  Sen. 
de  natura  deorum,  Breslau  1857.  4.  Siedler,  on  the  religious  and  moral 
views  of  Seneca,  Fraustadt  186?.  4.  W.  Bernhardt,  Seneca's  views  of 
the  Universe,  Wittenberg  1861.  4. 

De  latinitate  Senecae  Bohmer  (OIs  1840.  4)  and  E.  Opitz  (Naumburg 
1871.  33  pp.  4.) 

284.  Many  of  the  prose-works  of  Seneca  are  known  only 
in  fragments  or  from  quotations.  Among  those  extant  we 
notice  chiefly  the  collection  of  Letters  addressed  to  Lucilius, 
the  richest  and  fullest  image  of  the  individual  peculia- 
rities of  Seneca.  The  libel  on  the  defunct  Emperor  Claudius 
does,  indeed,  arise  from  malice,  but  is  remarkable  for  being 
the  only  instance  of  the  satira  menippea.  The  estimation  in 
which  the  ethic  writings  of  Seneca  were  held  caused  them  to 
be  frequently  copied,  but  also  produced  at  an  early  time  such 
forgeries  as  the  fictitious  correspondence  with  the  Apostle  Paul. 

2.  Lost  prose-works  of  Seneca's,  a)  On  Natural  science.  De  motu 
terrarum  (volumen  edidi  iuvenis,  nat.  quaest.  VI  4,  2),  de  lapidum  na- 
tura, perhaps  also  de  pisciura  natura,  monographs  de  situ  Indiae  and 
de  situ  et  sacris  Aegyptiorum,  both  works  being  probably  the  results 
of  Seneca's  sojourn  with  the  husband  of  his  aunt  (282,  1),  de  forma 
mundi.  b)  On  moral  philosophy.  Exhortationes,  de  officiis,  de  imma- 
tura  morte,  de  superstitione  (against  the  Anthropomorphism  and  An- 
thropopathy  of  popular  superstition)  dialogus,  de  matrimonio  (very  in- 
teresting and  piquant),  probably  also  de  amicitia;  then  moralis  philo- 
sophiae  libri;  de  remediis  fortuitorum  ad  Gallionem;  de  paupertate,  and 
perhaps  de  misericordia.  c)  Historical  works:  de  vita  patris,  see  above 
264,  3.  d)  Speeches  written  for  Nero;  see  Tac.  A.  XI  3.  11.  XIY  10  sq. 
Quintil.  VIII  5,  18.  Dio  LXI  3.  See  above  281,  10.  e)  a  Panegyric  on 
Messalina,  Dio  LXI  10.  f)  Letters,  in  decimo  epistolarum  ad  Novatum 
(Priscian.  II  p.  410,  6  sq.  H.).  Martial.  VII  45,  3  sq.  (to  Caesonius 
Maximus).  The  best  collection  of  the  fragments  is  given  in  Haase's 
edition  III  p.  419-467.  cf.  p.  XV— XXL  F.  Osann,  de  Sen.  scriptis 
quibusdam  deperditis,  Giessen  1846 — 1848.  4. 

2.  There  are  indeed  many  mss.  of  the  prose-works  of  Seneca  in 
existence,  but  most  of  them  are  very  late.  The  oldest  are  the  Medio- 
lanensis  saec.  IX  containing  dialogorum  libros  XII,  Gruter's  Nazarianus 
containing  de  benefic.  and  de  dementia;  in  the  natur.  quaest.,  besides 
the  now  lost  Memmianus  and  Bongarsianus,  a  Berolinensis  saec.  XIII; 
in  the  first  half  of  the  Letters  especially  Parisinus  8540,  p  in  Haase's 
edition,  in  the  second  part  the  Bamberg  and  Strasburg  mss.  saec.  IX 
or  X.  L.  V.  Jan,  symbolae  ad  notitiam  codd.  atque  emend,  epist.  Se- 
necae, Schweinfurt  1839.  4.    C.  R.  Fickert,  prolegomena  in  novam  Sen. 


4fi  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

editionem,  Naumburg  1839.  4.    See  also  the  prefaces  in  the  editions  by 
Fickert  and  by  Haase  (especially  III  p.  VI — XIII). 

3.  Complete  editions  of  the  prose-works  of  Seneca.  The  princeps, 
Naples  1475.  fol.  2  vols.  Ex  recogn.  D.  Erasmi,  Basil.  1515.  1529.  fol. 
Cum  notis  Mureti,  Rom.  1585.  fol.  Ad  mss.  Palat.  rec.  J.  Gruter,  Hei- 
delberg 1593.  fol.  Cum  notis  J.  Lipsii,  Antverp.  1605.  fol.  Cum  comm. 
J.  Fr.  Gronovii  (whose  Notae  ad  L.  et  M.  Ann.  Senecas  appeared  Lugd. 
Bat.  1649)  et  aliorum.  Amst.  1672.  2  vols.  Recogn.  et  illustr.  F.  E.  Ruh- 
kopf.  Lips.  1797  —  1811.  5  vols.  Recensuit,  comm.  adiecit  etc.  C.  R. 
Fickert,  Lips.  1842—1845.  3  vols.  An  edition  of  the  text  alone  by  Fr. 
Haase,  Lips.  Teubner,  1852  sq.  3  vols. 

Fr.  Haase,  adnotationes  criticae  ad  Sen.,  Breslau  1852  sq.  1859.  4. 
K.  Schenkl,  Contributions  to  the  criticism  of  Seneca,  Vienna  1864.  67 
pp.  (Reports  of  the  meetings  of  the  Academy  at  Vienna  XLIV  p.  3  sqq.). 
M.  Haupt,  emendationes  (Berol.  1864.  4.)  and  adnotationes  ad  L.  A.  S. 
opera,  Berlin  1866.  21  pp.  4.  C.  F.  W.  Miiller,  Critical  observations- 
on  either  Seneca,  Fleckeisens  Jahrb.  93,  p.  483 — 503.  0.  Matthia,  Ob- 
servationes  criticae  in  Sen.,  Berlin  1865.  E.  Bahrens,  lectiones  latinae 
Bonn  1870)  p.  40  46.  J.  J.  Cornelissen,  Coniectanea  latina,  Daventr.  1870.  4. 

4.  The  works  called  dialogi  in  the  Milan  ms.  deserve  this  name 
on  account  of  the  frequent  introduction  of  a  second  speaker  in  the 
manner  of  the  Stoics.  There  are  twelve  of  them:  1)  the  Essay  addres- 
sed to  Lucilius  on  the  question  quare  aliqua  incommoda  bonis  viris 
accidant  cum  providentia  sit.  Edited  by  B.  A.  Nauta,  Lugd.  Bat.  1825. 
2)  ad  (Annaeum)  Serenum:  nee  iniuriam  nee  contumeliam  accipere  sa- 
pientem.  3 — 4.  Three  books  de  ira,  adNovatum,  Seneca's  elder  brother^ 
evidently  written  after  Caligula's  death,  see  I  16,  29.  II  33,  3.  HI  18,  3. 
22, 1.  6)  ad  Marciam  (the  daughter  of  Cremutius  Cordus)  de  consolatione, 
on  the  death  of  her  son  which  had,  however,  taken  place  more  than 
three  years  previously.  See  an  Essay  on  this  by  Fr.  Heidbreede,  Biele- 
feld 1839.  4.  Edited  by  H.  C.  Michaelis,  Harlem  1840.  7)  ad  Gallionem 
de  vita  beata.  Prolegomena  to  this  by  C.  F.  Schulze,  Lips.  1797.  4. 
8)  ad  Serenum  de  otio.  9)  ad  Serenum  de  tranquillitate  animi.  A 
special  treatise  on  this  by  A.  Hirschig,  Lugd.  Bat.  1825.  10)  ad  Pau- 
linum  (Seneca's  father-in-law?)  de  brevitate  vitae.  Adnotationes  on  it 
by  Clumper,  Lugd.  Bat.  1835.  11)  ad  Polybium  (cf.  226,  5)  de  consola- 
tione, a  consolation  addressed  to  a  gentleman  of  the  bed-chamber  at 
the  court  of  Claudius  concerning  the  loss  of  his  brother,  full  of  flattery 
towards  Claudius  (especially  c.  13  sq.),  in  order  to  obtain  his  own  re- 
peal; Volkmann  in  Mager's  Revue  1858,  p.  104—135.  12)  ad  Helviam 
matrem  de  consolatione,  intended  to  console  her  about  the  writer's 
exile,  but  in  reality  calculated  to  promote  his  recal.  An  Essay  on 
this  by  H.  C.  Michaelis,  Harlem  1841.  Of  similar  contents,  but  not 
included  in  the  collection  of  dialogi,  are  13)  the  books  addressed  to 
Nero  de  dementia;  14)  the  seven  books  de  beneficiis,  addressed  to  his 
friend   Aebutius   Liberalis   of    Lugdunum,  and  15)  the  Letters  (n.  5). 

5.  The  letters  to  his  young  friend  Lucilius,  the  procurator  Siciliae, 


L.  Annaeus  Seneca.  41 

\i\iere  commenced  c.  810,  and  written  from  the  very  first  with  the  in- 
tention of  being  published;  the  first  three  books  also  appear  to  have 
been  published  by  Seneca  himself  (Jonas).  The  rest  were  not,  as  it 
seems,  quite  ready  for  publication  by  the  time  of  Seneca's  death  and 
were,  therefore,  published  from  his  papers  (perhaps  by  Lucilius)  in 
general  accordance  with  the  order  in  which  they  were  composed 
(Haase's  praef.  p.  Ill  —  VI.  R.  Peiper,  praef.  suppl.  p.  14—17).  We 
possess  124  letters,  divided  into  20  books;  but  Gellius  XII  2,  3  sqq. 
gives  several  literary  criticisms  of  Seneca  ex  libro  XXII  epistularum 
moralium  quas  ad  Lucilium  composuit  (above  283,  I  fin.)  Edition  of 
the  letters  by  J.  Schweighauser  (Strasburg  1809.  2  vols).  On  the  cri- 
ticism see  also  J.  Bartsch,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXIV  p.  271—288. 

6.  The  seven  books  naturalium  quaestionum,  likewise  de- 
dicated to  Lucilius,  chiefly  from  Stoic  sources,  with  the  addition  of 
moral  meditations,  were  used  in  the  Middle  Ages  as  a  text-book  of 
physical  science.  Editions  by  G.  D.  Koler,  Getting.  1819.  J.  Fr.  Gro- 
novii  notae  in  S.  n.  q.  ed.  Fickert,  Breslau  1846.  1848.  4.  H.  C.  Michaelis, 
notae  ad  Sen.  n.  q.  .  .  coll.  cum  cod.  Vossiano,  Philologus  VIII  p.  445 
—460.  IX  p.  324—345.  L.  Crousle,  de  Sen.  n.  q.,  Versailles  1863.  146  pp. 
Larish,  diss.  Breslau  1865,  and  on  the  criticism  of  b.  I,  Sagau  1870.  4. 

7.  Dio  LX  35 :  Aovxiog  lovviog  rakkioyv  o  tov  SSfysxa  ccd€l(f>og 
aoifioTiXTov  Tt>  ajiff^^fy^cno  (on  the  apotheosis  of  Claudius),  avvid^rjxs 
jusp  yaQ  xctt  o  2fv4xag  GvyyQcc/u/ua  anoxokoxvvTMGvv  ajro  iogtisq 
nuft  dnoS^avatMGn/  ovofjiKcag.  The  extant  work  does  not,  however,  bear 
this  title,  but  in  the  St.  Gall  ms. :  .47ZO0irO-2"/^  Annaei  Senecae  per 
saturam,  perhaps  because  the  original  title  given  by  Dio  was  no  longer 
understood.  Nor  does  this  work  contain  anything  of  Claudius'  change 
into  a  gourd  {xokoxvyrf]),  this  witticism  being  limited  to  the  title.  It  is 
a  venomous  political  Satire,  written  in  vivid  recollection  of  Claudius' 
personal  appearance  and  reign  and  with  deep  hatred  against  him. 
The  official  lie  concerning  his  death  is  simply  adopted,  Agrippina 
greatly  spared  and  the  new  Emperor  glorified.  The  origin  of  the  work 
in  this  time  and  in  the  Court  circles  is  therefore  undoubted,  and  the 
tradition  as  to  Seneca's  authorship  all  the  less  to  be  doubted,  as  the 
metrical  treatment  of  the  lines  interspersed  is  certainly  in  agreement 
with  his  manner.  The  old  doubts  of  Seneca's  authorship  were  revived, 
not  strengthened,  by  A.  Stahr,  Agrippina  (Berlin  1867)  p.  830 — 343. 
Cf.  A.  Riese,  Philol.  XXVII  p.  321—323.  The  absence  of  mention  in 
other  writers  proves  only  that  the  work  was  originally  published  with- 
out Seneca's  name  and  added  to  his  writings  from  his  papers.  Prose 
and  verse  are  mixed  up,  see  above  28  and  28,  3.  The  numerous  mss. 
of  this  Satire  are  derived  from  one  ms.  which  seems,  apart  from  Seneca's 
other  works,  to  have  formed  part  of  a  miscellaneous  collection,  and 
from  which,  in  the  middle  of  the  work,  a  leaf  was  lost.  This  tradition 
is  most  faithfully  represented  by  the  Sangallensis  saec.  X  or  XI;  see 
Biicheler  p.  72 — 76.  A  separate  edition  by  C.  E.  Schusler  (denuo  rec, 
Utrecht  1844)  and  especially  by  Fr.  Biicheler,  in  the  Symbola  philol. 
Bonn.  p.  31 — 89.     Contributions  to  criticism  by  Fr.  Lindemann(  Emen- 


48  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

dationes  ad  etc.  Zittau  1832.  4.),  A.  Baumstark  (Philologus  XVIII  p. 
543_649)^  K.  Schenkl  (Contributions  to  the  criticism  of  Seneca,  Reports 
of  the  meetings  of  the  Academy  at  Vienna  XLIV.  Vienna,  1864  p.  3  —  30). 

8.  Seneca  was  also  supposed  to  have  a  share  in  the  notae  Tiro- 
nianae,  see  above  ;178,  4,  and  W.  Schmitz,  Symb.  phil.  Bonn.  p.  538 
— 540.  To  him  as  the  representative  of  wisdom  even  this  kind  of  it 
was  attributed,  though  quite  against  his  mind;  see  Epist.  90,  25:  quid 
loquar  .  .  verborum  notas,  quibus  quamvis  citata  excipitur  oratio  et 
celeritatem  linguae  manus  sequitur?  vilissimorum  mancipiorum  ista 
commenta  sunt. 

9.  Spurious  works.  The  observation  that  in  his  opposition  to 
popular  belief  and  many  details  of  moral  doctrine  Seneca  approa<^hed 
the  Christian  doctrine,  led  to  the  assumption  that  he  was  actually 
a  Christian,  and  caused  the  fiction  of  a  correspondence  between 
Seneca  and  St.  Paul,  which  was  known  to  St.  Jerome  and  considered 
genuine  by  him  (de  scriptor.  eccles.  12:  quem  non  ponerem  in  catalogo 
sanctorum  nisi  me  epistolae  illae  provocarent  quae  leguntur  a  plurimis, 
Pauli  ad  Senecam  et  Senecae  ad  Paulum).  Cf.  Augustin.  Epist.  153 
(ad  Maced.  74):  Seneca,  .  .  cuius  etiam  quaedam  ad  Paulum  apostolum 
leguntur  epistolae.  These  14  shallow  and  insignificant  letters  were  last 
printed  in  Haase's  edition  III  p.  476—481  cf.  p.  XXII.  See  also  C. 
Wachsmuth,  Rhein.  Mus.  XVI  p.  301  —  303,  and  Fr.  X.  Kraus,  in  the 
Tiibing.  Quartalschrift  XLIX  (1867)  p.  609-624.  A.  Fleury,  St.  Paul  et 
Seneque,  Recherches  sur  les  rapports  du  philosophe  avec  I'apotre  etc- 
Paris  1858.  2  vols.  F.  C.  Baur,  Hilgenfeld's  Journal  of  Theology  I  p. 
161  — 170.  463 — 470.  C.  Aubertin,  etude  critique  sur  les  rapports  sup- 
poses entre  Seneque  et  St.  Paul,  Paris  1857.  444  pp.  and  Seneque  et 
St.  Paul,  Paris  1869.  F.  X.  Kraus  1.  c.  p.  603—609.  J.  B.  Lightfoot, 
St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Philippians  (London  1868)  p.  260-331. 

10.  In  the  Middle  Ages  Seneca  was  also  considered  the  author  of 
the  treatise  de  formula  honestae  vitae  or  de  quattuor  virtutibus  cardi- 
nalibus,  though  according  to  the  preceding  dedication  (gloriosissimo  . . 
Mironi  regi  Martinus  humilis  episcopus)  it  was  written  by  the  bishop 
Martinus  Dumiensis  (c.  560) :  last  printed  in  Haase's  edition  III  p.  468 
— 475,  cf.  p.  XXI  sq.  In  the  mss.  this  treatise  is  frequently  found  to- 
gether with  sententious  Excerpts  from  Seneca's  letters  and  proverbia 
Senecae  per  ordinem  alphabeti,  mostly  in  senarii;  see  above  208,  3. 
Excerpts  of  this  kind,  many  of  them  quite  identical,  and  likewise  mixed 
up  with  sentences  from  other  sources,  chiefly  Christian  (cf.  e.  g.  55: 
eleemosyna  non  tam  accipientibus  quam  dantibus  prodest)  are  also 
contained  in  the  liber  de  moribus  to  which  Seneca's  name  is  pre- 
fixed in  the  mss.  (in  Orelli's  opusc.  sent.  I  p.  269—276,  in  Haase's 
edition  III  p.  462-467,  in  Woltflin's  Publilius  Syrus  p.  136-148,  al- 
together 145  sentences),  a  collection  which  existed  as  early  as  a.  567 
in  its  present  form;    see    Haase    III  p.  XX  sq.     E.  Wolflflin,  Philologus 


L.  Annaevs  Seneca.  49 

VIII  p.  184 — 187.  IX  p.  680  sqq.    K.  Schenkl,  Contributions  etc.  (see  n. 
7  fin.)  p.  33—62. 

285.  We  possess  of  Seneca  in  verse  both  epigrams  relating 
to  his  exile  and  tragedies.  There  are  eight  of  the  latter: 
Hercules  furens,  Thyestes,  Phaedra,  Oedipus,  Troades  (Hecuba), 
Medea,  Agamemno,  Hercules  Oetaeus,  also  two  scenes  of  a 
Thebais  which  form  part  of  an  Oedipus  (Coloneus)  in  362 
lines,  and  Phoenissae  in  302  lines.  There  is  no  doubt  as  to 
the  later  origin  of  a  praetexta  entitled  Octavia.  These  trage- 
dies agree  in  their  chief  peculiarities  both  with  one  another 
and  with  the  prose-works  of  Seneca.  There  is  throughout  the 
same  abundance  of  w^ords,  rhetorical  figures  and  sentences, 
though  in  these  tragedies  it  is  often  so  much  exaggerated  as 
to  be  scarcely  bearable.  Owing  to  the  nature  of  the  subject- 
matter,  the  pompousness  of  the  style  is  but  rarely  a  substi- 
tute for  the  absence  of  deep  thought.  The  metrical  treat- 
ment of  these  tragedies  is  very  strict,  but  wanting  in  variety. 

1.  Concerning  the  nine  epigrams  (e.  g.  in  Haase's  edition  I  p.  261 
— 263)  Seneca's  authorship  is  attested  by  the  mss.  only  in  nr.  1,  2  and  7; 
in  all  the  rest  it  is  neither  attested  nor  credible.  See  A.  Riese  in  Fleck- 
eisen's  Jahrb.  99  p.  279  sq. 

2.  The  time  when  Seneca  wrote  his  tragedies  cannot  be  fixed  with 
certainty.  See  various  conjectures  in  Peiper's  praef.  suppl.  p.  11 — 27. 
32.  In  Corsica  Seneca  could  easily  find  time  and  quiet  for  works  of 
this  kind,  cf.  consol.  ad  Helv.  20,  1  sq.  There  he  may  have  composed 
his  Medea,  and  under  Claudius  also  his  Troades.  Then,  a.  57  sqq., 
p.fter  an  interval  of  some  time,  he  wrote  Oedipus,  Hercules,  and  Phaedra. 
Tac.  A.  XIV^  52  (obiciebant  .  .  carmina  crebrius  factitare  postquam 
Neroni  amor  eorum  venisset),  in  a.  62,  points  to  occupation  of  this  kind, 
as  Nero  also  chose  subjects  of  Greek  tragedy;  see  above  281,  9.  Medea 
is  mentioned  by  Quintil.  1X2,  8  (ut  Medea  apud  Senecam,  also  Diomedes 
III  p.  511,  23  K.  anapaesticum  choricum  habemus  in  Seneca  =  Med. 
301);  Phaedra  by  Priscian.  VI  13,  68  (p.  253  H. :  Seneca  in  Phaedra), 
Hecuba  (Troades)  by  Ps.  Probus  p.  224.  246  K.  (Seneca  in  Hecuba); 
Seneca  in  Thyeste  by  Lactant.  on  Stat.  Theb.  IV  530.  Serv.  Aen.  XII 
395  confo.unds  Statins  and  Seneca  owing  to  the  identity  of  the  titles 
(Statins  in  Thebaide  =  Sen.  Oedip.  1079).  A  similar  error  in  Sidonius 
ApoU.  carm.  IX  229 — 231  (quorum  unus  colit  hispidum  Platona,  .  .  or- 
chestram  quatit  alter  Euripidis),  perhaps  misled  by  Martial  I  61,  7  duos- 
que  Senecas  (father  and  son)  unicumque  Lucanum,  in  making  a  dis- 
tinction between  the  tragic  poet  Seneca  and  the  philosopher.  The 
identity  of  manner  and  thought,  as  well  as  of  numerous  detailed  sen- 
tences, which  can  be  proved,  admits  of  no  doubt  on  this  point;  see  F. 

4 


50  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

G.  C.  Klotzsch,  prolusio  de  Annaeo  Seneca  uno  tragoediarum  quae 
supersunt  omnium  auctore,  Wittenberg  1802.  4.  G.  Richter,  de  Seneca 
tragoediarum  auctore,  Naumburg  1862.  p.  1 — 17.32 — 41.  After  G.  Richter 
has  given  up  his  doubts  of  the  genuineness  of  the  Oedipus,  it  remains 
still  a  matter  of  controversy,  whether  Agamemno  and  Hercules  II  (Oe- 
taeus)  are  by  the  same  writer  as  the  other  plays.  R.  Peiper  and  G. 
Richter  (1.  1.  p.  18 — 32)  deny  this,  on  account  of  many  peculiarities  of 
these  two  plays  which  they  consider  as  indications  of  the  influence  of 
Fronto;  but  L.  Miiller,  B.  Schmidt,  J.  Kohler  and  others  do  not  think 
these  deviations  so  important  as  to  justify  the  assumption  of  different 
authorship. 

3.  These  tragedies  also  show  considerable  formal  talent,  fertility 
and  vivacity  of  fancy,  and  sagacity  in  psychological  observation,  though 
these  qualities  are  overlaid  by  rhetorical  phrases.  There  is  no  attempt 
at  delineating  characters,  the  persons  of  the  drama  being  merely  the 
vehicles  of  delivering  speeches  and  reciting  descriptions.  On  acount 
of  the  want  of  artistic  restraint  and  moderation,  this  fertility  degenerates 
into  thesome  loquacity  and  repetitions,  and  talent  for  invention  unguided 
by  artistic  refinement  and  tact  often  causes  absurdities  and  nonsense. 
It  is  quite  an  error  of  taste  that  locaste,  in  Oedipus  1026  sqq.,  appears 
once    more    after    the   discovery    of  the  terrible  secret,  converses  with 

■^Oedipus,  makes  up  her  mind  to  die,  but  then  begins  a  new  discussion 
where  to  strike  herself,  whether  in  her  chest  or  neck,  but  finally  de- 
cides for  her  womb  (1060  sq. :  hunc,  dextra,  hunc  pete  uterum  capacem, 
qui  virum  et  gnatos  tulit).  The  metrical  treatment  deserves  most  praise 
for  folhjwing  the  strictest  writers  of  the  Augustan  age,  especially  in 
the  senarii.  Besides  these,  anapaestic  and  Sapphic  lines,  glyconeans 
and  Asclepiadeans  are  especially  frequent.  But  there  are  not  many 
traces  of  any  perception  of  connexion  between  the  metre  and  its  dra- 
matic signification.  This  blemish  would  be  greatly  exaggerated,  if  the 
recent  editors  were  right  in  assuming  strophic  arrangement  through- 
out the  tragedies  of  Seneca,  even  sophistical  discussions  and  agitated 
conversations  (e.  g.  Here.  fur.  426 — 441)  l)eing  divided  into  correspon- 
ding strophes  in  their  text.  But  this  is,  after  all,  but  an  unfortunate 
crotchet  on  the  part  of  the  editors,  who  in  order  to  carry  out  their 
assumption  have  been  obliged  to  leave  aside  parts  of  lines  and  mono- 
meters,  and  even  to  strike  out  a  considerable  number  of  lines.  See 
some  sensible  observations  on  this  point  by  B.  Schmidt  in  Fleckeisen's 
Jahrb.  99  p.  769—791. 

4.  On  the  character  of  these  tragedies  see,  besides  earlier  works 
(e,  g.  D.  H.  G.  Pilgramm,  de  vitiis  tragoediarum  quae  v.  Senecae  tri- 
buuntur,  Gotti.  1765.  4.)  especially  F.  Jacobs,  Supplements  to  Sulzer  IV 
p.  343  sqq.  F.  G.  Welker,  Rhein.  Mus.  Suppl.  II  3.  p.  1447—1456.  L. 
Miiller  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  89,  p.  409—422.  R.  Peiper,  praefationis 
in  Sen.  tragoedias  nuper  editas  supplementum  (Breslau  1870.  4.)  p. 
8  —  27. 


L.  Annaeiis  Seneca.  51 

On  the  metres  of  Seneca  see  F.  A.  Lange,  Quaestiones  metricae 
(Bonn  1851)  p.  23  sqq.  B.  Schmidt,  de  emendandarum  Sen.  tragoediarum 
rationibus  prosodiacis  et  metricis,  Berlin  1860.  73  pp.  M.  Hoche,  the 
metres  of  Seneca,  Halle  1862;  cf.  L.  Miiller  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  89, 
p.  473 — 492  and  de  re  metr.  p.  118 — 130.  G.  Richter,  on  the  compo- 
sition of  the  choric  songs  in  the  tragedies  of  Seneca,  Rh.  Mus.  XIX  p. 
360-379.  521-527.     R.  Peiper,  Berl.  Ztschr.  f.  Gymn.  XVIII  p.  694  sqq. 

5.  It  may  be  asked  whether  Seneca's  tragedies  were  intended  for 
the  stage  or  merely  for  recitation.  The  former  is  not  proved  by  the 
observation,  that  Seneca  keeps  within  the  number  of  three  actors  (H. 
Weil,  Revue  archeol.  1865.  I.  p.  21 — 35),  as  this  may  be  the  result 
of  his  general  imitation  of  Greek  tragedy,  and  as  the  Roman  stage  did 
not  in  general  observe  this  limitation  (above  16,  3).  But  on  the 
other  hand,  the  period  of  Nero  does  not  entirely  exclude  the  idea  of 
public  performance,  and  several  scenic  hints  (e.  g.  Phaedr.  392  sq.) 
might  relate  to  this.  What  could,  however,  safely  be  expected  was 
recitation  and  being  read  by  the  public,  and  in  fact  no  other  public 
might  well  have  been  treated  to  such  lengthy  speeches  but  the  Roman 
public  of  that  age.  G.  Boissier,  les  tragedies  de  Seneque  ont-elles  ete 
representees?     Paris  1861.  22  pp. 

6.  Most  of  the  Greek  plays  by  Sophocles  and  Euripides,  from  which 
Seneca's  tragedies  are  derived,  being  still  extant,  we  are  enabled  to 
trace  the  great  exaggeration  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  rhetorician.  In 
Phaedra  he  appears  to  follow  a  play  by  Sophocles;  C.  W.  Swahn,  de  Hip- 
polyto  Senecae  fabula,  I.  Holm  1857.  Sophocles'  Oedipus  has  been  turned 
by  Seneca  into  monotonous  horror,  a  play  devoid  of  all  refinement 
but  enriched  with  abundant  declamation.  J.  Kohler,  Sen.  tragoedia 
quae  Oed.  inscribitur  cum  Soph.  0.  R.  comparata,  Neuss  1865.  16  pp. 
4.  W.  Braun,  Seneca's  Oedipus  compared  with  Sophocles  and  Euripides 
a^id  the  Thebaid  of  Statins,  Rh.  Mus.  XXII  p.  245—275.  On  the  other 
plays  see  Widal,  etudes  sur  trois  tragedies  de  Seneque  imitees  d'Euri- 
pide,  Paris  1854.  W.  Braun,  Rh.  Mus.  XX  p.  271—287  (on  Seneca's 
Phoenissae) ;  de  Sen.  fab.  q.  inscrib.  Troades,  Wesel  1870.  12  pp.  4, 
Medea  et  Troades  cum  adn.  Gronov.  ed.  A.  Matthiae,  Lips.  1828. 

7.  Octavia  cannot  be  by  Seneca,  because  in  it  Nero's  downfall 
is  mentioned — an  event  posterior  to  Seneca's  death  by  three  years.  But 
all  attempts  at  discovering  the  author  (e.  g.  Curiatius  Maternus,  or  the 
author  of  recensio  A)  have  been  fruitless.  The  play  is  not  contained 
in  the  principal  ms.,  the  Florentine  (n.  8),  but  in  all  the  othsrs,  and 
as  its  text  is  corrupt,  it  does  not  appear  advisable  to  follow  W.  Braun 
(on  the  tragedy  of  Octavia  and  the  time  of  its  composition,  Kiel  1863, 
cf.  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  99  p.  875—879)  in  assigning  it  to  the  close  of 
the  Middle  Ages  (12—14  century),  against  which  there  are  also  other 
reasons  (G.  Richter,  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  95  p.  260—264.  Edition  p.  XII). 
It  was  probably  written  between  the  second  and  fourth  century  oi  the 
Christian  era,  (incerta  post  Traianum  aetate,  Fr.  Vater  p.  613).     Besides 


52  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Tacitus  (and  Dio)  also  Seneca  de  dementia  is  used  as  a  source  of  the 
subject-matter.  It  is  not  as  pompous  and  bombastic  in  diction  as  the 
tragedies  of  Seneca,  nor  is  the  action  confined  to  three  actors,  besides 
which  it  also  difiers  from  him  in  style  and  metrical  peculiarities.  It 
may  be  supposed  to  have  been  joined  to  the  plays  of  Seneca  on  ac- 
count of  its  general  similarities,  and  because  Seneca  himself  appears  in  it. 
F.  G.  C.  Klotzsch,  prolusio  de  Octavia  Senecae,  Wittenberg  1804.  Oc- 
tavia  praetexta.  Curiatio  Materno  vindicatam,  ad  libros  antiquos  re- 
cognitam,  brevi  adnotatione  instructam  ed.  Fr.  Ritter,  Bonn  1843.  53  pp. 
Fr.  Vater  in  Jahn's  Archiv  XIX  (1853)  p.  565—618.  G.  Richter,  de  Sen. 
tragg.  auctore  (1862)  p.  2 — 6.  An  analysis  of  this  play  is  given  by  A. 
Stahr,  Agrippina  (Berlin  1867)  p.  271—303. 

8.  The  text  of  the  tragedies  of  Seneca  has  come  down  to  us  in 
two  recensions.  The  better  one  (E)  is  represented  by  the  Etruscus 
(=  Florentinus  =^  Mediceus  =  Laurent.)  saec.  XI  or  XII,  and  by  the 
scanty  excerpts  in  the  Miscellaneous  ms.  of  Thuanus  (above  211,  9) 
saec.  IX— X.  All  the  other  mss.,  none  of  which  is  older  than  saec.  XIV, 
belong  to  the  inferior  class  (A);  the  best  representatives  of  this  are 
the  Melisseus  (now  lost)  and  a  Vossianus.  Also  the  arrangement  of 
the  plays  differs  in  these  two  classes.  The  deviation  probably  arose 
from  the  emendations  of  a  copyist  who  experienced  difficulties  in  de- 
cyphering  the  original  ms.,  but  was  as  a  rule  satisfied  with  merely  re- 
covering something  like  sense  and  metre.  But  that  even  A  arose  in 
a  comparatively  early  time  (perhaps  saec.  IV)  appears  from  the  leaves  of 
the  Ambrosian  palimpsest  of  Plautus  (above  86,  p.  119),  which  contain 
parts  of  Medea  and  Oed.  in  this  recension.  See,  in  general,  the  preface 
of  the  edition  of  R.  Peiper  and  G.  Richter  p.  XIV — XL. 

9.  Editions.  Editio  princeps,  Ferrara  c.  1484  fol.  Ascensiana  (cum 
comm.)  Paris  1514  fol.  Among  later  editions  we  notice  those  by  M. 
A.  Delrio  (Antverp.  1576.  and  in  t.  11  of  his  Syntagma  tragg.  latt.,  Antv. 
1594.  Paris  1620.  4.),  J.  Lipsius  (Lugd.  B.  1588),  J.  Gruter  (Heidelberg 
1604),  P.  Scriverius  (Lugd.  B.  1621.  1651)  and  chiefly  J.  Fr.  Gronovius 
(Lugd.  B.  1661.  Amsterd.  1682).  cum  notis  variorum  by  J.  C.  Schroder 
(Delft  1728.  4.  2  vols.).  Recent  editions  by  F.  H.  Bothe  (Lips.  1819 
and  Lips.  1834),  T.  Baden  (Lips.  1821.  2  vols.),  J.  Pierrot  (1829—1832, 
3  vols,),  and  especially :  recensuerunt  R.  Peiper  et  G.  Richter,  Lips. 
(Teubner)  1867;  on  which  see  B.  Schmidt,  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  97,  p. 
781—800.  855—880. 

10.  Contributions  to  the  criticism  of  these  tragedies  by  J.  H.  Wit- 
hof  (praemetium  crucium  crit.,  Lugd.  B.  1749.  4.),  A.  Henneberger  (adn. 
ad  Sen.  Med.  et  Troad.,  Meiningen  1862.  4.),  R.  Peiper  (observation,  in 
Sen.  tragg.,  Breslau  1863.  4.),  G.  Richter  (Instances  of  transposition  of 
lines  and  interpolations  in  the  tragedies  of  Seneca,  Rhein.  Mus.  XVIII 
p.  29 — 46;  de  cantico  quodam  in  Oed.  Sen.,  Symbola  philol.  Bonn.  p. 
557 — 580),  B.  Schmidt  (Observationes  criticae  in  Sen.  tragg.,  Jena  1865; 
also  Rhein.  Mus.  XVI  p.  589—591). 


L.  Annaeus  Seneca.  Historhins  under   Caligula  and  Nero.  53 

286.  The  historians  of  this  age  were  most  of  them 
deeply  imbued  with  rhetoric  and,  as  a  rule,  actually  were 
rhetoricians  or  orators.  Such  seem  to  have  been  the  poet 
Gaetulicus  under  Caligula,  and  such  was  Servilius  Nonianus 
under  Claudius.  They  wrote  on  subjects  of  contemporary 
history  or  recent  events,  but  are  merely  known  to  us  from 
quotations.  It  is  the  same  with  Domitius  Corbulo  under  Ca- 
ligula and  Nero,  who  described  his  personal  adventures  in 
Asia.  Cornelius  Bocchus  wrote  under  Claudius  a  work  on 
chronography. 

1.  Suet.  Calig.  8:  On.  Lentulus  Gaetulicus  Tiburi  genitum  scribit 
(of  Caligula).  .  .  Gaetulicum  refellit  Plinius  quasi  mentitum  per  adula- 
tionem  etc.  Consul  779  (Tac.  A.  IV  46  cf.  42  and  VI  30),  killed  by 
Caligula  a.  792  (according  to  the  Fasti  Arvales  Dio  LIX  22  cf.  Suet. 
Claud.  9).  Mentioned  as  an  erotic  poet  by  Pliny  Ep.  V  3,  5  (above  26,  1) 
before  Seneca,  and  by  Martial  praef.  (above  238,  2),  cf.  Sidon.  Apoll- 
epp.  II  10  (saepe  versum  .  .  complevit  .  .  Caesennia  cum  Gaetulico). 
carm.  IX  256  (non  Gaetulius  hie  tibi  legetur,  non  Marsus,  Pedo,  Silius, 
Tibullus).  Probus  on  Georg.  I  227  (p.  38,  12  sqq.  K.) :  cuius  rei  testis 
est  Gaetulicus,  cum  ait  de  Britannis:  non  aries  etc.  (three  hexameters). 
And  as  Gaetulicus  governed  Germany  for  three  years,  (Dio  1.  1.  rccnov' 
ktxoy  Aivjovlov  tc<  rs  ukka  fvdoxt/uop  ovra  xect  irjg  re^fxavCag  dsxa 
ijfaw  aq'^ccvTct,  cf.  Suet.  Galb.  6),  0.  Jahn  (Prolegg.  to  Persius  p.  CXLII 
not.  1)  conjectures  that  Gaetulicus  did  not  compose  an  historical  work- 
but  a  carmen  de  expeditionibus  Romanorum  contra  German os  et  Bri- 
tannos,  fortasse  Germanici.  To  the  nine  epigrams  Fanovkixov  or  r«t- 
tovktxtov  or  Tativkkfov  etc.  in  the  Greek  Anthology  (II  p.  151  ed.  Jacobs) 
we  cannot  apply  the  reports  concerning  the  poetry  of  Gaetulicus;  see 
Jacobs  Anth.  gr.  XIII  p.  896. 

2.  Plin.  n.  h.  XXVIII  2,  5:  M.  Servilius  Nonianus,  princeps 
civitatis  (employed  a  superstitious  remedy  against  lippitudo).  XXXVII 
6,  21 :  avus  Servilii  Noniani,  quem  consulem  (a.  788,  Tac.  A.  VI  31) 
vidimus.  Was  he  an  adopted  son  of  the  Consul  756  (W.  Teuffel  in 
Pauly's  Enc.  VI  1.  p.  1122,  Nr.  78)?  f  812  =  59  A.  D.,  see  Tac.  A.  XIV 
19  (above  271,  5).  Quintil.  X  1,  102:  Servilius  Nonianus,  .  .  qui  et  ipse 
a  nobis  auditus  est,  clari  vir  ingenii  et  sententiis  creber,  sed  minus 
pressus  quam  historiae  auctoritas  postulat.  Cf.  Tac.  dial.  23  (eloquentia 
.  .  Servilii  Noniani).  Plin.  Ep.  I  13,  3:  memoria  parentum  Claudium 
Caesarem  ferunt,  cum  in  palatio  spatiaretur  audissetque  clamorem,  cau- 
sam  requisisse,  cumque  dictum  esset  recitare  Nonianum,  subitum  reci- 
tanti  inopinatumque  venisse.     On  his  relation  to  Persius  see  below  297,  2, 

3.  Tac.  A.  XV  16:  prodiderit  Corbulo  etc.  This  may  have  been 
in  the  Memoirs  composed  by  Cn.  Domitius  Corbulo  (Cons,  suff.  under 
Caligula    a.    39  —  792,    executed    by  Nero  a.  67  =  820);  cf.  Plin.  n.  h. 


54  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

V  24,  83:  oritur  (Euphrates)  etc.,  ut  prodidere  ex  iis  qui  proxime 
viderant  Domitius  Corbulo.  VI  8,  23 :  anxia  perquisita  cura  rebus  nuper 
in  eo  situ  gestis  a  Domitio  Corbulone.  II  70,  180:  Corbulo  dux  in  Ar- 
menia .  .  prodidit.  On  him  see  A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  II  p.  1218 
sq.  Held,  de  Cn.  Dom.  Corb.,  Schweidnitz  1862.  27  pp.  4.  E.  Egli  in 
M.  Biidinger's  Essays  on  Roman   Imperial  history  (1868)  I  p.  336 --343. 

4.  Cornelius  Bocchus  is  mentioned  by  Pliny  in  his  ind.  auct.  in  b. 
16  and  37,  also  (as  Bocchus)  in  b.  33  and  34,  and  is  quoted  XV  216. 
XXXVII  24.  97.  127  in  statements  concerning  Spain,  perhaps  from  a 
work  de  admirandis  Hispaniae  (Mommsen).  Solinus  p.  27,  3  (ut  Bocchus 
auctor  est)  and  p.  38,  22  (Bocchus  autumat),  cf.  p.  37,  8  M.,  quotes  him 
in  chronological  statements  which  are  not  found  in  Pliny  himself; 
whence  Mommsen,  Solin,  p.  XVII,  supposes  that  Solinus'  source  (see 
below  307,  7)  employed  also  a  chronicle  by  Bocchus  (of  the  time  of 
Claudius).  E.  Hiibner  (Hermes  I  p.  397)  identifies  him  with  L.  Corne- 
lius C.  f.  Bocchus,  flamen  prov.,  trib.  mil.,  to  whom  the  colonia  Scalla- 
bitana  ob  merita  in  coloniam  erected  a  monument,  according  to  an 
inscription  C.  I.  lat.  II  35. 

287.  Q.  Curtius  Rufus  who  wrote  under  Claudius  ten 
books  historiae  Alexandri  Magni,  of  which,  however,  the  first 
two  have  not  come  down  to  us,  was  also  a  rhetorician.  His 
work  bears  small  traces  of  historical  criticism,  but  more  of 
rhetoric,  and  attests  great  predilection  for  speeches  and  sentences. 
His  style  bears  a  certain  resemblance  to  that  of  Seneca:  short 
and  antithetically  pointed  sentences,  a  sparing  use  of  particles, 
rhetorical  order  of  words,  and  numerous  phrases  of  poetical 
colouring. 

2.  Suetonius  had  mentioned  Q.  Curtius  Rulus  among  his  rhetores 
after  M.  Porcius  Latro  and  before  L.  Valerius  Primanus,  Verginius 
Flavus  and  others ;  see  Reifferscheid's  edition  p.  99,  cf.  128.  This  agrees 
with  assuming  the  date  of  the  work  in  the  reign  of  Claudius,  in  con- 
sequence of  X  9  {=  28),  3 — 6:  quod  imperium  sub  uno  stare  potuisset, 
dum  a  pluribus  sustinetur,  ruit.  proinde  iure  meritoque  pop.  rom.  sa- 
lutem  se  principi  suo  debere  profitetur,  qui  noctis  quam  paene  supre- 
mam  habuimus  novum  sidus  inluxit.  (4.)  huius,  hercule,  non  solis  ortus 
lucem  caliganti  reddidit  mundo,  cum  sine  suo  capite  discordia  mem- 
bra trepidarent.  (5.)  quot  ille  tum  extinxit  faces,  quot  condidit  gladios ! 
quantam  tempestatem  subita  serenitate  discussit!  non  ergo  revirescit 
solum  sed  etiam  floret  imperium.  (6.)  absit  modo  invidia,  excipiet  huius 
saeculi  tempora  eiusdem  domus  utinam  perpetua,  certe  diuturna,  poste- 
ritas.  (7.)  ceterum,  ut  ad  ordinem  a  quo  me  contemplatio  publicae 
felicitatis  averterat  redeam,  Perdicca  etc.  This  passage  is  most  con- 
veniently understood  of  the  events  in  the  night  of  January  24/25  41, 
when    Caligula    was    assassinated,    his    German    guard  killing    peaceful 


(cl-  Curtivs  Riff7fb\  55 

citizens,  and  the  Senate  thinking-  of  the  resuscitation  of  the  Republic, 
until  Claudius'  elevation  to  the  throne  restored  everything  to  the  old 
order  of  things.  Miitzell's  edition  I  p.  XLVII— LXXXI.  W.  Teuffel, 
Studies  and  Characteristics  p.  387 — 390.  So  also  Brissonius,  J.  Lipsius, 
Tellier,  St.  Croix.  J.  D.  Gerlach,  Th.  Wiedemann  (who  renders  it  pro- 
bable that  Curt.  VIII  10,  27  sqq.  was  the  source  of  Sen.  ep.  VI  7  (59), 
12),  A.  Hug,  and  A.  Eussner. 

2.  With  regard  to  other  assumptions  concerning  the  age  of  Cur- 
tius,  we  may  mention  that  placing  him  under  Augustus  (recently  de- 
fended by  A.  Hirt,  C.  G.  Zumpt,  R.  Klotz)  and  the  one  according  to 
which  he  lived  under  Vespasian  (Rutgers,  Freinsheim,  G.  J.  Voss,  F. 
A.  Wolf,  Ph.  Buttmann,  G.  Pinzger,  A.  Baumstark,  Fr.  Ritter,  Fr.  Kritz, 
W.  Berger).  But  placing  him  under  Augustus  is  incompatible  with  the 
style  of  Curtius  which  does  indeed  resemble  that  of  Livy  owing  to  his 
elaborate  imitation  of  that  writer's  manner,  but  the  affected,  poetical 
and  rhetorical  manner  of  which  clearly  points  to  the  silver  age.  Curtius' 
political  notions  are  based  on  hereditary  monarchy.  He  repeatedly 
mentions  (V  7,  9.  VI  3,  12)  the  Parthian  Empire  without  speaking  of 
Augustus'  successes,  as  the  Augustan  writers  invariably  do.  Last  of  all, 
it  would  on  this  assumption  be  impossible  to  explain  the  full  purport 
of  the  principal  passage  X  9,  3  sqq.  If  we  were  to  understand  it  of 
Vespasian,  we  should  have  to  refer  it  to  combats  on  the  Capitol,  though 
subita  would  then  be  left  unexplained.  Another  passage,  IV  4,  21  on 
Tyrus,  is  less  favourable  to  this  assumption :  nunc  tandem,  longa  pace 
cuncta  refovente,  sub  tutela  romanae  mansuetudinis  adquiescit.  Nie- 
buhr's  (Trans,  of  the  Ac.  at  Berlin,  1822  =z  Minor  Writings  I  p.  305 
— 337)  opinion  that  Curtius  wrote  in  the  reign  of  Septimius  Severus, 
was  paradoxical.  A.  Hirt,  on  the  life  of  the  historian  Q.  Curtius  Rufus, 
Berhn  1820.  Ph.  Buttmann,  on  the  reading  of  C.  R.,  Berlin  1820.  G- 
P/inzger,  on  the  age  of  C.  R.,  in  Seebode's  Archiv  I  (1824)  p.  91—104. 
Fr.  Kritz  in  the  Halle  Allg.  Lit.  Ztg.  1844  p.  326  sq.  733  sqq.  W.  Berger, 
de  Q.  C.  R.  aetate,  Carlsruhe  1860.  31  pp.  Th.  Wiedemann,  on  the  age 
of  C.  R.,  Philologus  XXX  p.  241-264,  cf.  p.  441—443.  L.  Eussner, 
ibid.  XXXII  p.  157—160. 

3.  Among  his  sources  Curtius  mentions  Clitarchus  (IX  5,  21,  8,  15. 
Cf.  Schone,  Anal,  philol.  I  p.  50),  Timagenes  and  Ptolomaeus  (IX  5,  21). 
Cf.  R.  Petersdorff,  Diodorus,  Curtius,  Arrianus  quibus  ex  fontibus  expe- 
ditiones  ab  Alexandre  .  .  factas  hauserint  (Danzig  1870.  32  pp.),  and 
A.  Eussner,  Philol.  XXXII  p.  161  sq.  (who  shows  that  C.  used  Clitar- 
chus only  at  second  hand).  Curtius  does  not  lay  claim  to  historical 
criticism;  see  VH  8,  11  (utcumque  sunt  tradita  incorrupta  perferemus). 
IX  1,  34  (equidem  plura  transscribo  quam  credo;  nam  nee  adfirmare 
sustineo  de  quibus  dubito,  nee  subducere  quae  accepi.)  A  feeble  at- 
tempt at  criticism  is  made  IX  5,  21.  The  chief  parts  are  speeches,  de- 
scriptions and  ornamental  pieces  (such  as  IV  10,  25  sqq.  V  12).  He 
treats  history  like  a  novel.  A.  Chassang,  histoire  du  roman  (Paris 
1862)    ]>.  323-322.    His  descriptions   of  battles  manifest  small  technical 


56  The   first  Centurv  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

knowledge,  wlienci^  it  appears  improbable  that  the  author  was  idcntioa) 
with  that  Curtius  Rufus  who  was  procos.  Africae  under  Tiberius.  An  iden- 
tity of  this  kind  would  also  be  incompatible  with  the  historian's  pro- 
portionate candour  and  frequently  (e.  g.  VIII  10,  12)  pronounced  liberty 
of  thought.  He  speaks  against  superstition,  magic  etc:  IV  3,  23.  6,  12. 
7.  26.  29.  V  4,  1  sq.  VII  4,  8.  7,  8.  His  positive  belief  is  the  usual 
fatalism  (inevitabile  fatum  IV  6,  17).  Adulatio,  perpetuum  malum  regum, 
quorum  opes  saepius  adsentatio  quam  hostis  evertit,  VIII  5,  6. 

4.  The  diction  of  Curtius  with  regard  to  etymological,  lexical  and 
syntactical  treatment,  and  excepting  a  few  insignificant  peculiarities, 
retains  the  character  of  classicality,  but  its  rhetorical  colouring  evidently 
betrays  the  bad  influence  necessarily  attending  the  writer's  course  of 
study  and  the  depraved  taste  of  his  time  (Miitzell  p.  LXXXVI),  Miitzell, 
vie  translationum  quae  vocantur  apud  Curtium  usu,  Berlin  1842.  4.  J. 
H.  Ernesti,  usurpata  a  Curtio  in  particulis  latinitas,  tam  in  se  spectata 
quam  cum  Corneliana  dictione  collata,  Lips.  1719.  See  the  comparison 
with  Quintilian's  diction  in  Bonnell's  Lex.  Quintil.  p.  LXV.  LXVIII.  On 
the  peculiarities  shared  by  Curtius  and  Tacitus  with  Livy  see  Th.  Wie- 
demann, Philol.  XXXI  p.  342—348.  See  E.  Krah,  Curtius  as  a  school- 
author,  I  Insterburg  1870.     30  pp.  4.  II.  1871.  24  pp.  4. 

5.  The  about  80  mss.  of  Curtius  are  divided  into  two  classes,  an 
older  one  (saec.  IX — XI)  represented  by  Paris.  5716  saec.  IX  (or  X) 
and  some  fragments  at  Zurich  (Rheinau),  Darmstadt,  Vienna,  and  Wiirz- 
burg,  and  also  by  Leidensis,  Vossianus  I,  Flor.  A  and  Bern.  A;  see  E. 
Hedicke,  Quaestionum  Curtianarum  specimen  (Berlin  1862)  and  praef. 
of  his  edition,  and  De  codicum  Curtii  fide  atque  auctoritate,  Bernburg, 
1870.  32  pp.  4.,  also  A.  Eussner,  specimen  criticum  (Wiirzburg  1868)  p* 
4—25,  and  on  the  criticism  of  Curtius,  in  the  Trans,  of  the  Philol. 
Congress  at  V^'urzburg  (Leipzig  1869)  p.  158 — 160.  All  these  mss.  are 
derived  from  an  archetype  which  was  both  defect  and  corrupt.  The 
second  class  embraces  the  large  number  of  late  (saec.  XIV  sq.)  cor- 
rected and  interpolated  mss.  without  independent  value.  Besides  the 
absence  of  b.  I  and  II  we  have  also  other  gaps  in  the  extant  text, 
e.  g.  at  the  end  of  b.  V  and  beginning  of  VI,  also  X  3  sq.  Fragments 
of  b.  X  are  contained  in  Pseudo-Callisthenes;  see  Jeep  in  Jalin's  Jahrb. 
LXXI  p.  125  —  132.  On  the  Einsiedeln  fragment  see  A.  Hug,  Philol. 
XXXI  p.  334  sq.  Cf.  Eussner  ibid.  XXXH  p.  162-165  (on  C.  in  the 
Middle  Ages)  and  165—171. 

6.  Ed.  princeps,  Venet.  c.  1471  fol.  luntina  1507  sqq.  Aldina  1520. 
Editions  by  Erasmus  (1518),  Fr.  Modius  (Colon.  1579),  J.  Freinsheim 
(cum  comm.  et  suppl.,  Strasburg  1648,  2  vols,  and  1670.  4.),  H.  Snaken- 
burg  (cum  notis  var.  Delft  1724.  4.),  Fr.  Schmieder  (cum  comm. 
Gotting.  1803),  J.  Miitzell  (with  crit.  and  exeget.  notes,  Berlin  1841, 
2  vols.)  and  especially  by  C.  G.  Zumpt  (ad  fidem  codd.  rec.  et  comm. 
instr.,  Brunswick  1849  and  even  before  an  unfinished  edition  Berol. 
1826).    School-editions    by    J.    Mutzell    (Berlin    1843)    and  C.   G.  Zumpt 


Ciirtuis  Rufus.     Columella.  57 

(Brunswick  1849.  1864).  Texts  by  A.  Baumstark  (Stuttgart  1829),  H.  E. 
Foss  (Lips.  Teubner  1851)  and  especially  (with  brief  critical  notes)  by 
E.  Hedicke  (Berol.  Weidmann  1867). 

7.  Contributions  to  the  criticism  of  the  text  by  Acidalius  (Animad- 
vers.,  Frankfurt  1594),  H.  E.  Foss  (Epist.  crit.  ad  Miitzell.,  Altenburg 
1846.  4.  Quaestiones  Curt.,  Altenburg  1852.  50  pp.  4.),  J.  Schmidt 
(Quaest.  Curt.  I.  Schweidnitz  1853,  4.),  A.  Hug  (in  the  Contributions  to 
the  criticism  of  Latin  prose^writers,  Basle  1864,  p.  1 — 20;  and  Rhein. 
Mus.  XX.  p.  117—129)  also  Quaestionum  Curt,  pars  I,  Zurich  1870.  4. 
U.  Kohler  (Rhein.  Mus.  XIX  p.  184—196),  J.  Jeep  (Fleckeisen's  Jahrb. 
91,  p.  189—196),  H.  Alanus  (Observationes  in  Curt.,  Dublin  1865),  E. 
Hedicke  and  A.  Eussner  (n.  5),  E.  Grunauer  (Frauenfeld  1870.  4.),  Th. 
Vogel  (Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  lOl,  p.  547-561),  A.  Eussner  (Philol.  XXXII 
p.  172—178). 


The  contemporary  and  compatriot  of  Seneca  L, 
Junius  Moderatus  Columella  of  Gades,  is  known  to  us  by 
his  twelve  books  De  re  rustica,  addressed  to  P.  Silvinus.  They 
are  his  second  work  on  this  subject-matter,  while  of  the  first  we 
still  possess  a  book  de  arboribus.  Columella  is  an  enthusiast 
for  his  subject  and  complains  of  its  being  neglected  by  his 
age  which  had  deserted  nature.  Hence  he  uses  his  ut- 
most endeavour  to  treat  his  subject  in  a  worthy  manner.  The 
tenth  book,  on  horticulture,  he  has  even,  in  imitation  of  Virgil, 
written  in  verse;  it  consists  of  436  well-made  hexameters,  in 
which,  however,  the  author  has  not  even  approached  his  model 
as  regards  the  artistic  arrangement  of  his  materials. 

I.  An  inscription  from  Tarentum  in  Mommsen  1.  R.  N.  578  = 
Orelli-Henzen  5598 :  L.  lunia  L.  f.  Gal.  Moderato  Columellae,  trib.  mil. 
leg.  VI  ferratae.  And  indeed  Columella's  native  town,  Gades  (Colum.  X 
185:  mea  quam  generant  Tartessi  littore  Gades,  cf.  VII  2,  4),  belonged 
to  the  tribus  Galeria,  and  the  legio  VI  ferrata  was  stationed  in  Syria 
(Grotefend  in  Pauly's  Enc.  IV  p.  883  sq.),  where  Columella  staid  for 
some  time  (II  10,  18:  hoc  quidem  semen  Ciliciae  Syriaeque  regionibus 
ipse  vidi  mense  lunio  lulioque  conseri  et  per  autumnum  .  ,  tolli).  C.  L. 
Grotefend,  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  Alt.  Wiss.  1835,  p.  179.  His  patruus  was  M. 
Columella,  doctissimus  et  diligentissimus  agricola  (II  16,  4),  vir  illustribus 
disciplinis  eruditus  ac  diligentissimus  agricola  Baeticae  provinciae  (V 
5,  15),  acris  vir  ingenii  atque  illustris  agricola  in  the  municipium  Ga- 
ditanum  (VII  2,  4).  Cf.  XII  21,  4  sq.  40,  2.  43,  5.  He  was  a  contem- 
porary of  Seneca's;  see  III  3.  3:  Nomentana  regio,  .  .  quam  possidet 
Seneca,  vir  excellentis  ingenii  atque  doctrinae.  Hence  it  appears  that 
Columella  wrote  before  the  death  of  Seneca  (a.  65),  and  probably  after 
his  retirement  from  Court,  i.  e.  perhaps  a.  62;  cf.  Plin.  n,  h.  XIV  49—51. 


58  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

E.  Meyer,  Hist,  of  Botany  II  p.  59—62.  At  all  events,  Columella  wrote 
after  Celsus  and  Graecinus,  both  of  whom  he  quotes  (see  above  275,  I 
and  278,  5  sq.)  and  before  Pliny  the  Elder,  by  whom  he  is  frequently 
quoted  (VIII  153.  XV  66.  XVII  51  sq.  137.  162.  XVIII  70.  303.  XIX  68). 
See  also  Colum.  I.  praef.  15:  sicut  M.  Varro  iani  temporibus  avorum 
conquestus  est.  I  7,  3:  ipse  nostra  memoria  veterem  consularem  (A. 
D.,  3)  virumque  opulentissimum  L.  Volusium  (f  56  A.  I).)  asseverantem 
audivi.  V  I,  2:  cum  M.  Trebellius  noster  a  me  requireret  (perhaps  the 
lieutenant  of  a.  36  mentioned  by  Tac.  A.  VI  41?).  IX  16,  2:  Gallioni 
nostro  (•{-  65  A.  D.,  see  above  263,  7  fin.)  P.  Silvinus  seems  to  have  been 
a  countryman  and  neighbour  of  Columella's;  see  III  3,  3  (in  nostris 
Ceretanis).  9,  6  (a  me  .  .  ex  una  vite  quam  in  Ceretano  tuo  possides 
.  .  consummata).  Columella  possessed  estates  in  Italy,  see  III  9,  2  (cum 
et  in  Ardeatino  agro  quem  multis  temporibus  ipsi  ante  possedimus  et 
in  Carseolano  item  que  in  Albano  .  .  vites  .  .  habuerimus). 

2.  His  works.  XI  1,  31:  contra  quam  observationem  multis  argu- 
mentationibus  disseruisse  me  non  infitior  in  iis  libris  quos  adversus 
astrologos  composueram.  II  22,  5  sq. :  certum  habeo  quosdam  .  .  desi- 
deraturos  lustrationum  ceterorumque  sacrificiorum  quae  pro  frugibus 
fiunt  morem  priscis  usurpatum.  nee  ego  abnuo  docendi  curam,  sed 
differo  in  eum  librum  quem  componere  in  animo  est  cum  agricolationis 
totam  disciplinam  perscripsero.  We  do  not  know  whether  this  intention 
was  carried  out.  At  all  events  we  should  not  connect  with  it  the 
mistake  XVI  instead  of  XII  in  Cassiod.  div.  lect.  28  (Columella  XVI  libris 
per  diversas  agriculturae  species  eloquens  ac  tacunde  illabitur).  Colum. 
II  11,  1  (excepta  cytiso,  de  qua  dicemus  in  iis  libris  quos  de  generibus 
surculorum  conscripsimus)  relates  to  b.  Ill— V  (especially  V  12)  which 
in  the  Florentine  (Medic.)  ms.  bear  the  heading:  Surcularis  I,  II.  III. 

3.  Both  b.  Ill  treats  de  arboribus  (III  1,  1:  sequitur  arborum  cura 
etc.)  and  also  a  book  specially  so  entitled  and  which  is  designated  as 
the  second  (quoniam  de  cultu  agrorum  abunde  primo  volumine  prae- 
cepisse  videmur,  non  intempestiva  erit  arborum  .  .  cura)  but  contains 
in  a  shorter  form  the  same  as  the  books  III — V,  and  is  not  dedicated 
to  Silvinus.  That  is  does  not  belong  to  the  twelve  books  appears,  more- 
over, from  the  consistent  and  accurate  disposition  given  in  them,  e.  g. 
VIII  1,  1  (quae  exigebat  ratio  septem  memoravimus  libris).  X.  praef. 
1  (superioribus  novem  libris).  XI  1,  2  (hoc  undecimum  praeceptum 
rusticationis  tradidi).  XII  13,  1  (cui  septimo  libro  praecepta  dedimus 
=;  VII  8).  The  extensive  work  was  no  doubt  intended  to  fill  the  place 
of  the  shorter  one,  and  it  is  mere  accident  that  we  possess  also  part  of 
the  latter.  It  seems  to  have  been  dedicated  to  Eprius  Marcellus 
(Schneider's  edition  p.  19.  and  II  2.  p.  673  sq.). 

4.  The  twelve  books  have  come  down  to  us  in  their  complete  form 
and  in  the  order  chosen  by  the  author  himself,  as  appears  from  the 
regular  prefaces:  see  n.  3  and  the  closing  words  XII  57,  6  (clausulam 
peracti  operis  mei).    The  first  ten  corresponded  perhaps  to  four  of  the 


Columella.  59 

first  edition  (n.  3),  and  to  these  two  further  books  were  added  owing 
to  personal  causes;  see  XI  1,  2:  quod  nunc  aggredior  .  .  primo  rei 
rusticae  libro  (I  8  sq.)  videbar  aliquatenus  executus  ;  .  ,  tamen  .  .  nu- 
merum   quern   iam   quasi   consummaveram  voluminum  excessi  etc.     XII 

1,  I :  ut  institutum  ordinem  teneamus  quern  priore  volumine  (XI)  incho- 
avimus.  But  also  the  preceding  books  would  seem  to  have  been  sent 
to  P.  Silvinus  one  after  the  other,  as  the  prefaces  prefixed  to  b.  II, 
IV  and  V  relate  to  observations  made  on  the  former  books.  The  author 
does  not  consider  his  subject  exhausted;  see  V  I,  1  neque  infitior  ali- 
qua  me  praeteriisse,  quamvis  inquirentem  sedulo  quae  nostri  saeculi 
cultores  quaeque  veteres  litterarum  monumentis  prodiderunt;  sed  .  . 
non  asseveraveram  quae  vastitas  eius  scientiae  contineret  cuncta  me 
dicturum,  sed  plurima.  .  .  (2.)  nobis  satis  abundeque  est  tam  diffus?ie 
materia  .  .  maximam  partem  tradidisse.  XII  57,  6 :  nihil  dubitasse  me 
paene  infinita  esse  quae  potuerint  huic  inseri  materiae,  verum  ea  quae 
maxime  videbantur  necessaria  memoriae  tradenda  censuisse.  But  he 
also  takes  a  very  comprehensive  view  of  his  task;  see  I  praef.  21  sqq.: 
ego  cum  aut  magnitudinem  totius  rei  .  .  aut  partium  eius  .  .  numerum 
recenseo  vereor  ne  supremus  ante  me  dies  occupet  quam  universam 
disciplinam  ruris  possim  cognoscere.  nam  qui  se  in  hac  scientia  per- 
fectum  volet  profiteri  sit  oportet  rerum  naturae  sagacissimus  etc.  (32.) 
ille  quern  nos  perfectum  esse  volumus  agricolam  .  .  multum  tamen  pro- 
fecerit  si  usu  Tremellios  Sasernasque  et  Stolones  nostros  aequaverit- 
(33.)  .  .  illud  procul  vero  est  .  .  facillimam  esse  nee  ullius  acuminis 
rusticationem.  Quite  in  the  true  Roman  style  is  IX  2,  5:  haec  et  his 
similia  magis  scrutantium  rerum  naturae  latebras  quam  rusticorum  est 
inquirere.  studiosis  quoque  litterarum  gratiora  sunt  ista  in  otio  legen- 
tibus  quam  negotiosis  agricolis,  quoniam  neque  in  opere  neque  in  re 
familiari  quidquam  iuvant.  But  Columella  appears  throughout  as  a 
well-educated  person  fully  capable  of  treating  his  subject  in  a  dignified 
and  worthy  manner  (Isidor.  Orig.  XVII,  1,  1:  Columella  insignis  orator, 
qui  totum  corpus  disciplinae  eiusdem  complexus  est).  He  is  also  fully 
alive  to  its  moral  bearing.  He  repeatedly  praises  ancient  Rome  and 
complains  of  the  spreading   of  unnaturalness  (I  praef.  14  sqq.  X  praef. 

2.  XII  praef.  8  sq.).  The  depravation  of  the  soil  is,  in  his  opinion, 
due  to  man  himself  (II  1,  7:  non  fatigatione  .  .  nee  senio,  sed  nostra 
inertia  minus  benigne  nobis  arva  respondent). 

5.  Colum.  IX  16,  2:  quae  reliqua  nobis  rusticarum  rerum  pars  su- 
perest,  de  cultu  hortorum,  P.  Silvine,  deinceps  ita  ut  et  tibi  et  Gallioni 
nostro  complacuerat  in  carmen  conferemus.  X  praef.  3 :  cultus  hortorum 
.  .  diligentius  nobis  quam  tradiderunt  maiores  praecipiendus  est;  isque 
.  .  prosa  oratione  prioribus  subnecteretur  exordiis,  nisi  propositum 
meum  expugnasset  frequens  postulatio  tua,  quae  pervicit  ut  poeticis 
numeris  explerem  Georgici  carminis  omissas  partes,  quas  tamen  et  ipse 
Vergilius  significaverat  (Georg.  IV  148)  posteris  post  se  memorandas 
relinquere.  neque  enim  aliter  istud  nobis  fuerat  audendum  quam  ex 
voluntate    vatis    maxime  venerandi.     (4.)  cuius  quasi  numine  instigante 


60  The  first  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

.  -  aggressi  sumus  tenuem  admodum  .  .  materiam.  X  433  sq. :  hactenus 
arvorum  cultus,  Silvine,  docebam,  siderei  vatis  referens  praecepta 
Maronis. 

6.  Columella's  work  is  not  often  quoted;  besides  Pliny  and  Gar- 
gilius  Martialis  only  by  Serv.  Aen.  Ill  540.  It  was  copied  by  Palladius, 
whose  work  was  more  suited  to  the  rough  taste  of  a  later  time.  There 
are.  however,  not  a  small  number  of  mss.  of  Columella's  work  extant, 
though  they  have  not  yet  been  properly  employed.  The  best  are  the 
Sangermanensis  at  Paris  and  the  Florentine.  See  the  prefaces  of  Gesner 
(p.  IX  sq.)  and  J.  G.  Schneider. 

7.  Editions  in  the  collections  of  the  scriptores  rei  rusticae;  see 
above  44,  2.  A  separate  edition  by  J.  H.  Ress,  Flensburg  1795. -Book 
X  also  in  Wernsdorf's  poetae  lat.  min.  VI  p.  31 — 134. 

8.  On  Columella  see  E.  H.  F.  Meyer,  Hist,  of  Botany  II  p.  58— 
67,  and  a  list  of  the  more  than  400  plants  mentioned  by  Columella 
ibid.  p.  68—80. 

289.  Famous  physicians  in  the  reign  of  Claudius  were 
Stertinius  and  Vettius  Valens.  As  a  writer  on  this  subject  we 
know  Scribonius  Largus,  of  whom  we  possess  a  treatise 
(dedicated  to  Callistus  c.  a.  47)  on  approved  remedies  (com- 
positiones  medicamentorum  or  medicae),  which  though  not  free 
from  the  general  superstition  of  the  period,  is  still  not  alto- 
gether nonsensical  and  in  tolerable  style. 

1.  Plin.  n.  h.  XXIX1,7:  multos  praetero  medicos,  celeberrimosque 
ex  his  Cassios,  Arruntios,  Rubrios.  ducena  quinquagena  HS  annua  his 
mercedes  fuere  apud  principes.  Q.  Stertinius  imputavit  principibus 
quod  sestertiis  quingenis  annuls  contentus  esset,  sescena  enim  sibi 
quaestu  urbis  fuisse  enumeratis  domibus  ostendebat.  (8.)  par  et  fratris 
eius  merces  a  Claudio  Caesare  infusa  est.  .  .  exortus  deinde  est  Vet- 
tius Valens,  adulterio  Messalinae  Claudii  Caesaris  nobilitatus  pari- 
terque  eloquentia.  adsectatores  et  potentiam  nanctus  novam  instituit 
sectam.  Cf.  Tac.  A.  XI  31.  35  (Vettium  Valentem  confessum  .  .  tradi 
ad  supplicium  iubet,  A.  D.  48).  Sen.  apocol.  13,  4  (Vettius  Valens, 
Fabius,  eq.  rom.  quos  Narcissus  duci  iusserat.)  Cf.  n.  2.  He  was  no 
doubt  a  native  of  Ariminum;  see  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  2  p.  2533  sq.  nr.  24 
sqq.     Cael.  Aurel.  Ill  1 :  Valens  physicus  libro  III  Curationum. 

2.  Scribon.  Larg.  23,  97:  Tiberio  Caesari  per  libellum  scriptum 
.  .  venit  in  manus  nostras,  cf.  28,  120.  42,  163:  vidi  .  .  cum  Britanniam 
peteremus  (a.  43)  cum  deo  nostro  Caesare.  11,  60:  Messalina  dei  nostri 
Caesaris  hoc  utitur  (f  48).  22,  94:  hoc  medicamentum  Apulei  Celsi 
fuit,  praeceptoris  Valentis  et  nostri,  et  nunquam  ulli  se  vivo  compositi- 
onem  eius  dedit.  43,  171 :  antidotus  Apulei  Celsi  praeceptoris,  quam 
.  .  mittebat  Centuripas,  unde  ortus  erat.    See  E.  Meyer,  Hist,  of  Botany 


Scribonius  Largus.  61 

II  p.  21 — 23.     28.  Scribon.  44,  175:  accepimus  a  Tryphone,  praeceptore 
nostro.  The  agnomen  of  Designatianus  rests  on  a  doubtful  combination. 

3.  Scrib.  Larg.  praef. :  (1)  .  .  Herophilus,  Cai  luli  Calliste,  fertur 
dixisse  etc.  (22)  .  .  a  me  compositiones  qaasdam  petiisti.  (23)  cupio 
medius  fidius  .  ,  tuae  in  me  .  .  benevolentiae  respondere,  adiutus  omni 
tempore  a  te,  praecipue  vero  his  diebus.  .  .  tradenda  scripta  mea 
latina  medicinalia  deo  nostro  Caesari.  (24)  .  .  divinis  manibus  lau- 
dando  consecrasti.  .  .  (25)  ignosces  autem  si  paucae  visae  tibi  fuerint 
compositiones  et  non  ad  omnia  vitia  scriptae.  bumus  enim,  ut  scis, 
peregre  nee  sequitur  nos  nisi  necessarius  admodum  numerus  libellorum. 
.  .  (26)  initium  a  capite  faciemus,  .  .  dantes  operam  ut  simpHcia  primo 
ponamus.  (37)  .  .  deinde  medicamentorum  quibus  compositiones  con- 
stant nomina  et  pondera  vitiis  subiunximus.  4,  38:  neque  illud  dico 
novas  et  non  aliquibus  notas  in  hoc  libro  congesturum  compositiones 
verum  etiam  quasdam  divulgatas  et,  ut  ita  dicam,  publicatas.  Epilogue: 
harum  compositionum  .  .  ipse  composui  plurimas,  .  .  valde  paucas  ab 
amicis.  .  .  illud  autem  te  meminisse  oportet,  mi  Calliste,  .  .  eadem 
medicamenta  in  iisdem  vitiis  interim  melius  deteriusve  respondere, 
propter  corporum  varietatem  differentiamque  aetatum,  temporum  aut 
locorum. 

4.  The  following  passages  may  serve  to  furnish  a  general  charac- 
teristic of  the  author.  Scrib.  Larg.  praef.  9:  medicis,  in  quibus  nisi 
plenus  misericordiae  et  humanitatis  animus  est  .  .  diis  et  hominibus 
invisi  esse  debent.  (10)  .  .  quia  medicina  non  fortuna  neque  personis 
homines  aestimat,  verum  aequaliter  omnibus  implorantibus  auxilia  sua 
succursuram  se  pollicetur.  His  sources  were  for  the  most  part  Greek 
writers,  chiefly  Soranus ;  he  mentions  Hippocrates,  Herophilus,  Ascle- 
piades  (noster  e.  g.  75),  Andron,  among  the  Romans  Cassius,  Paccius 
Antiochus  and  others  (n.  2).  Some  peculiarities  of  popular  superstition 
are  also  mentioned  by  him;  cf.  e.  g.  2,  17:  item  ex  iecinore  gladiatoris 
iugulati  particulam  aliquam  novies  datam  consumant  (epilectic  patients), 
quaeque  eiusdem  generis  sunt  extra  medicinae  professionem  cadunt, 
quamvis  profuisse  quibusdam  visa  sunt.  28,  122:  hoc  medicamento 
muliercula  quaedam  Romae  ex  Africa  multos  remediavit.  postea  nos 
.  .  compositionem  accepimus,  pretio  dato  quod  desideraverat,  et  ali- 
quot non  ignotos  sanavimus.  43,  172:  hoc  ego  cum  quaererem  ab 
hospite  meo,  legato  inde  (from  Crete)  misso,  nomine  Zopyro,  Gordiense 
medico,  quid  esset  pro  magno  munere  accepi.  23,  105:  stomachi  vitium 
quod  .  .  inrequiebili,  ut  ita  dicam,  et  inextinguibili  siti  consistit  arovor 
Graeci  vocant.  One  of  his  usual  expressions  is  facit  bene.  "We  possess 
271  prescriptions,  but  the  text  has  been  preserved  in  one  only  ms.  in 
a  corrupt  condition  with  many  gaps  (cf.  72.  177.  236),  which  may 
however  be  filled  up  from  Calenus  and  Marcellus  who  have  employed 
Scrib onius,  the  latter  even  merely  copying  him. 

5.  Editions,  besides  the  collections  of  Aldus  (1547)  and  Stephanus 
(1567)    by   J.   Rueilius    (ap.  Wechel,   Paris  1529   fol.)    and  especially   J. 


62  Tlie  first  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Khodius  (Patav.  1655.  4.),  also  J.  M.  Bernhold  (ad  edit.  Rhod.,  Argen- 
torati  1786).  0.  Sperling's  ms.  notes  ad  Scrib.  are  at  the  Royal  library 
at  Copenhague ;  specimens  of  them  have  been  published  by  Kiihn  in 
three  programs,  Lips.  1825  sq.  4. 

6.  Choulant,  Manual  of  Bibliography,  sec.  ed.,  p.  180  sq.  E.  H. 
F.  Meyer,  Hist,  of  Botany  II  (Konigsb.  J  855)  p.  26—39. 

290.  The  learned  Q.  Asconius  (c.  3.-88  A.  D.)  devoted 
his  studies  to  the  classical  writers,  especially  Cicero,  Sallust, 
and  Virgil.  We  still  possess,  though  in  a  somewhat  impaired 
condition,  his  historical  commentaries  on  five  speeches  of 
Cicero,  works  of  high  value  and  which  are  written  in  a  very 
good  style.  This  cannot  at  all  be  said  of  the  Scholia  on 
Cicero's  Verrinae,  which  bear  his  name  unjustly.  The  Scholia 
Bobiensia,  in  wliich  the  original  commentary  of  Asconius  was 
perhaps  used,  are  more  useful. 

1.  Hieron.  on  Eus.  chron.  ad  a.  Abr.  2092  =r  Vespas.  8  (Freher. 
as  early  as  2091):  Q.  Asconius  Pedianus  scriptor  historicus  (Suetonius 
had  treated  of  him  among  the  historici,  between  Fenestella  and  the 
elder  Pliny,  p.  91  Rffsch.)  clarus  habetur,  qui  LXXIII  aetatis  suae 
anno  captus  luminibus  XII  postea  annis  in  summo  omnium  honore  con- 
senescit.  This  date  necessarily  applies  to  the  loss  of  his  eyesight,  but 
Asconiusj  must  have  flourished  under  Claudius  and  Nero.  In  Suidas,  v. 
'  JnUiog^  'Aa-AMvtog^  Ilai&vavog  appears  as  early  as  a.  781  =  28  A.  D. 
(under  Tiberius),  together  with  Junius  Blaesus;  cf.  Ascon.  ad  Scaur, 
p.  27  Or.:  possidet  (Scaurus' house)  nunc  Largus  Licinius,  qui  cos.  fuit 
cum  Claudio  (a.  795  =  42  A.  D.).  He  is  quoted  by  Plin.  n.  h.  VII  48, 
159  (auctor  est  Pedianus  Asconius)  and  Quintil.  I  7,  24  (ex  Pediano 
comperi,  cf.  V  10,  9).  Ascon.  ad  Cornel,  p.  76  Or.  (Livius  noster) ; 
which  seems  to  indicate  that  he  was  a  native  of  Patavium.  Serv.  on 
Vergil.  Eel.  Ill  105  (Asconius  Pedianus  dicit  se  Vergilium  dicentem 
audisse)  is  rectified  by  Philargyr.  and  Schol.  Bern.  ibid,  (dicit  Cornif. 
or  Cornel,  se  audivisse  Vergilium  etc.);  Ribbeck  Prolegg.  Vergil,  p.  97  sq. 

2.  Aero  on  Hor.  S.  I  2,  41  (p.  29  Hth.) :  quem  (Sallust)  Asconius 
Pedianus  in  vita  eius  significat.  A  work  contra  obtrectatores  Vergilii; 
see  above  221,  3  fin.  224,  6.  To  this  may  be  referred  all  statements  of 
Asconius  on  Virgil,  without  assuming  a  real  commentary  on  Virgil; 
Suringar  hist.  cr.  schol.  lat.  II  p.  206—212.  His  commentary  on  the 
speeches  of  Cicero  was  addressed  to  his  sons  (p.  44  Or.:  vestra  aetas, 
filii,  facit;  cf.  vos  ib.  p.  12.  14  sq.  26  sq.  45.  68  and  elsewhere)  chiefly 
in  explanation  of  the  subject-matter  and  historical  relations  and  derived 
from  the  best  sources  (Madvig  p.  63  sqq.  Klotz.  Lat.  lit.  I.  p.  109 — 111) 
with  much  accurary  and  sagacity.  From  the  references  made  in  the 
extant  parts  Asconius  appears    to  have  commented  on  most   (or  all)  of 


Asconms.  63 

the  speeches  of  Cicero  in  the  same  manner;  cf.  Gell.  XV  28,  4.  We 
possess  —  though  in  a  fragmentary  shape  —  commentaries  on  the 
speeches  in  Pisonem,  pro  Scaiiro,  pro  Milone,  pro  Cornelio  and  in  toga 
Candida.  Poggio  found  them  at  St,  Gall  a.  1416  and  made  of  them 
a  hasty  copy  now  at  Florence,  the  St.  Gall  original  being  soon  after- 
wards again  lost.  The  editions  from  this  copy  (Madvig  p.  33  sqq.,  in 
Orelli  V  p.  I — XIII)  are  mostly  interpolated:  Ed.  princeps  Venet.  1477; 
others  by  P.  Manutius  (Ven.  1547  etc.),  Fr.  Hotomannus  (Lugd.  1551), 
T.  Popma  (Colon.  1578),  Th.  Crenius  (Lugd.  1698),  Jac.  Gronovius  (Lugd. 
Bat.  1692.  2  vols.  4.)  and  in  the  editions  of  Cicero  by  C.  G.  Schiitz  and 
Orelli-Baiter  (V  2.  p.  1—95).  Critical  contributions  by  Rinkes,  Mne- 
mosyne X  and  XI. 

3.  The  commentaries  on  the  Verrinae  (including  the  divinatio)  are 
principally  grammatical,  while  the  others  are  historical;  besides  which 
difference,  the  notes  on  the  Verrinae  contain  little  not  known  to  us 
from  other  sources  or  even  deserving  of  special  notice ;  they  are 
moreover,  written  in  a  discursive  style  and  unclassical  diction,  nor  are 
they  are  addressed  to  a  plurality  of  persons  (e.  g.  p.  119  Or.:  primarum, 
subaudi  partium).  If  the  author  of  those  notes  (at  the  very  earliest  in 
the  fourth  century  of  the  Christian  era)  had  employed  Asconius'  com- 
mentary on  these  speeches,  he  would  appear  to  have  used  him  with- 
out discrimination  and  translated  him  into  his  own  manner  of  style. 
Cf.  Madvig  p.  84  sqq.  The  commentaries  are  printed  in  Orelli's  edition 
V.  2  p.  97-213. 

4.  Much  less  poor  (a  circumstance  in  favour  of  the  assumption 
that  they  are  partly  derived  from  Asconius),  but  not  at  all  to  be  com- 
pared with  the  genuine  Asconius  in  historical  and  exegetical  importance 
and  polished  diction  are  the  fragments  first  published  by  Aug.  Mai 
from  a  palimpsest  of  Bobbio  (the  first  part  of  which  is  at  present  in 
the  Vatican,  the  second  in  the  Ambrosian  library)  containing  notes  on 
some  Ciceronian  speeches  (pro  Flacco,  cum  in  senatu  gratias  egit,  cum 
populo  gratias  egit,  pro  Plancio,  Milone,  Sestio,  in  Vatinium,  in  Clodium 
et  Curionem,  de  aere  al.  Milonis,  de  rege  alexandrino,  pro  Archia, 
Sulla,  in  Catil.  IV,  pro  Marcello,  Ligarib,  Deiotaro,  Scauro),  generally 
called  Scholia  Bobiensia.  A.  Mai  in  his  first  edition  (Mediol.  1814 
=  Frankf.  1815;  cum  Maii  notis  edid.  Cramer  et  Heinrich,  Kiel  1816. 
4.)  attributed  them  to  Asconius  (comm.  antiquus  ineditus  qui  videtur 
Asconii  Pediani),  but  recalled  this  in  the  second  edition  (Auctores 
classici  e  vaticanis    codd.    editi,  Vol.  II.  Rome  1828).     It  is  indeed  im- 

N  possible  to  place  these  Scholia  in  an  earlier  period  than  the  fourth 
or  fifth  century.  See  e.  g.  p.  286  Or. :  quos  nunc  vulgo  muliones  di- 
cimus,  .  .  eos  veteres,  ut  animadvertis,  redarios  dicebant.  That  the 
author  belonged  to  the  Christian  religion,  appears  from  p.  256,  9  Or. 
(secundum  veterem  superstitionem).  Edited  by  Orelli  V  2  (Mai's  prae- 
fatio  etc.     p.  217—228)  p.  228—376.     Cf.  Madvig  p.  142  sqq. 

5.     Suringar,  historia  critica  schol.  lat.  I  p.  116 — 146.    The  principal 
work  on  A.  is:  J.  N.  Madvig,  de  Q.  Asconio  Pediano  et  aliorum  veterum 


64  The  first  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

interpretum  in  Cic.  orationes  commentariis  disp.  critica,  Copenhagen 
1828;  with  an  Appendix  critica,  ib.  1828.  Grafenhan,  History  of  clas- 
sical philology  IV  p.  292—298. 

291.  Under  Caligula  or  Claudius,  Pomponius  Mela  of 
Tingentera  in  Spain  wrote  his  three  books  de  chronographia, 
the  earliest  account  of  the  ancient  world  which  we  possess. 
This  brief  treatise  is  derived  from  good  sources,  well-arranged 
and  very  complete.  Besides  geography,  the  author  has  paid 
much  attention  to  statements  on  manners  and  customs.  His 
style  shows  the  influence  of  rhetorical  training,  and  his  arrange- 
ment of  words,  his  constructions  and  the  somewhat  abrupt 
formation  of  his  sentences  clearly  attest  the  contemporary 
of  Seneca. 

1.  Mela  II  96:  Carteia  .  .  atque  unde  nos  sumus  Tingentera.  Ill 
49:  Britannia  qualis  sit  .  .  mox  certiora  dicentur.  quippe  tamdiu  ciausam 
aperit  ecce  principum  maximus,  nee  indomitarum  modo  ante  se  verum 
ignotarum  quoque  gentium  victor  propriarum  rerum  {idem  ut  bello  ad- 
fectavit  ita  triumpho  declaraturus  portat.  This  is  an  allusion  either 
to  Caligula's  triumph  on  Britain  (A.  D.  40),  or  (more  probably)  to  that 
of  Claudius  (a.  44).  Ill  90:  Eudoxus  quidam  avorum  nostrorum 
temporibus  cum  Lathyrum  regem  (A.  D.  117 — 81).  Alexandriae  pro- 
fugeret. 

2.  Pliny  quotes  Mela,  Pomponius  Mela,  and  Mela  Pomponius  among 
his  sources  in  b.  Ill — VI,  VIII,  XII  sq.,  XXI  sq.  of  his  nat.  hist  He 
is  also  cited  by  Schol.  luv.  II  160  and  Serv.  Aen,  IX  31,  and  employed, 
though  never  mentioned,  by  Solinus.  Mela  himself  mentions  as  his 
sources  Hipparchus  (III  70),  Hanno  (III  90,  94)  and  Cornelius  Nepos 
(III  45:  Corn.  N.  ut  recentior,  auctoritate  sic  certior;  cf.  ib.  90).  The 
number  of  the  geographical  names  mentioned  by  him  amounts  to  more 
than  1500.  In  spite  of  his  usual  brevity,  he  adds  lengthy  descriptions  on 
memorable  points,  e.  g.  on  the  specus  Corycius  I  72 — 76,  mount  Ida  I 
94  sq.,  and  statements  concerning  the  customs  of  Egypt  (157 — 59),  and 
Britain  III  49—52.  The  arrangement  of  the  work  shows  that  the  writer 
had  a  map  of  the  world  before  his  eyes.  He  does  not  seem  to  have 
carried  out  his  intention  of  giving  a  fuller  account  of  the  subject:  see 
I  2:  dicam  autem  alias  plura  et  exactius,  nunc  ut  quaeque  sunt  clarissima 
et  strictim. 

3.  Tzschucke  (cf.  Parthey  p.  IX— XXVII)  enumerates  about  60  mss. 
of  Mela,  and  104  editions.  Among  the  first  the  oldest  and  most  im- 
portant is  Vaticanus  4929  saec.  IX  or  X,  all  the  others  being  of  saec. 
XIV  sqq.  Among  the  editions  principal  importance  attaches  to  those 
of  Is.  Voss  (Hag.  Com.  1658.  4.  Franeker  1700.  8.),  C.  H.  Tzschucke 
(Lips.  1806  sq.  6  vols,  with  critical    and    exegetical  notes),   G.   Parthey 


Orators  and  rhetoricians.  65 

(ad  librorum  mss.  fidem  edidit  notisque  criticis  instruxit,  Berlin  1867), 
We  may  also  mention  the  edition  of  J.  Gronovius  (Lugd.  Bat.  1685. 
1696.  1722.  1748.   1782). 

292.  The  principal  orators  of  this  period  were  such  as 
made  a  profession  of  political  accusations,  e.  g.  P.  Suillius, 
Vibius  Crispus  of  Vercellae,  who  on  account  of  his  sedate 
character  attained  to  a  high  old  age  and  lived  until  the  time 
of  Domitianus,  also  the  more  lively  Eprius  Marcellus;  Julius 
Africanus  and  the  solicitor  Galerius  Trachalus  (Cons.  a.  68), 
a  man  also  distinguished  by  his  sonorous  voice,  were  trained 
speakers.  Others  exhibited  their  eloquence  chiefly  in  the 
Senate,  e.  g.  the  Stoic  Paetus  Thrasea  and  Helvidius  Priscus. 
We  know  also  the  names  of  a  number  of  professors  of  elo- 
quence in  this  period,  e.  g.  Verginius  Flavus,  Clodius  Quiri- 
nalis,  Antonius  Liberalis,  and  others. 

1.  Tac.  A.  XIII  42:  P.  Suillius,  imperitante  Claudio  terribilis  (as 
accuser)  ac  venalis.  .  .  eius  opprimendi  gratia  repetitum  credebatur 
SC.  poenaque  Cinciae  legis  adversum  eos  qui  pretio  causas  oravissent. 
Suillius  .  .  praeter  ferociam  animi  extrema  senecta  liber  etc.  ib.  43 
he  is  accused  among  others  of  equitum  rom.  anima  damnata  He  was 
exiled  to  insulas  baleares,  A.  D.  58.  His  wife  was  a  step-daughter  of 
Ovid's,  ex  Pont.  IV  8,  A.  D.  15.  A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  2.  p. 
1458  sq,  nr.  1. 

2.  Tac.  dial.  8:  ausim  contendere  Marcellum  Eprium  (see  n.  3).. 
et  Crisp um  Vibium  .  .  notos  non  minus  esse  in  extremis  partibus 
terrarum  quam  Capuae  aut  Vercellis,  ubi  nati  dicuntur  (cf.  Schol.  Juv. 
IV  81  :  Crispus,  municeps  Viselliensis ;  ])ut  the  Schol.  of  Valla  ib., 
mixing  him  up  with  Passienus  Crispus,  above  263,  5  :  V.  Cr.  Placentinus). 
hoc  illis  praestat  .  .  ipsa  eloquentia.  .  .  sine  commendatione  natalium, 
sine  substantia  facultatum,  neuter  moribus  egregius,  alter  habitu  quoque 
corporis  contemptus,  per  multos  iam  annos  potentissimi  sunt  civitatis 
ac  donee  libuit  principc  fori,  nunc  principes  in  Caesaris  (i.  e.  Vespa- 
siani)  amicitia  agunt  geruntque  cuncta.  Hist.  II  10:  Vibius  Crispus, 
pecunia,  potentia,  ingenio  inter  claros  magis  quam  inter  bonos.  .  . 
Crispum  easdem  accusationes  cum  praemio  exercuisse  meminerant.  Juv. 
IV  81-  93:  venit  et  Crispi  iucunda  senectus,  cuius  erant  mores  qualis 
facundia,  mite  ingenium.  .  .  sic  multas  hiemes  atque  octogesima  vidit 
solstitia,  his  armis  ilia  (of  Domitian)  quoque  tutus  in  aula.  He  appears 
to  have  lived  about  A.  D.  10—90,  whence  we  may  perhaps  accept  the 
statement  of  Schol.  Vail,  on  Juv.  1.  1. :  et  manu  promptus  et  lingua  sub 
Claudio  et  consulatuni  adeptus.  Cf.  Plin.  n.  h.  XIX.  prooem.  4:  C. 
Flavio  legato  Vibi  Crispi  procos.  (of  Africa).  The  year  of  his  consul- 
ship   is    unknown.     Cf.    Borghesi,    Oeuvres    IV  p.  529—538.     He  was    a 

5 


66  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

boon  comrade  of  Vitelliiis  (Suid.  v.  Bnikkiog).  Quintil.  V  13,  48:  quod 
factum  venuste  nostris  temporibus  elusit  Vibius  Crispus,  vir  ingenii 
iucundi  et  elegantis.  X  1,  119:  erant  clara  et  nuper  ingenia.  et  Tra- 
chalus  (n.  6)  .  .  fuit  .  .  et  Vibius  Crispus  compositus  et  iucundus  et 
delectationi  natus,  privatis  tamen  causis  quam  publicis  melior.  XII  10,  11 
(iucunditatem  Crispi).  VIII  5,  17  (pro  Spatale  Crispus,  cf.  ib.  19: 
Traclialus  contra  Spatalen). 

3.  An  inscription  from  Capua  in  Orelli-Henzen  5425:  T.  Clodio 
M.  f.  Pal.  (the  gaudy  tinsel  of  an  upstart)  Eprio  Mar  cello  cos.  II 
(a.  827  =  74:  I  between  811  and  814),  auguri  curioni  maximo,  sodali 
augustali,  pr(aetori)  per(egr.,  a.  48  see  Tac.  A.  XII  4),  procos.  Asiae  III 
(a.  824—826)  provincia  Cypros;  cf.  Borghesi  Oeuvres  III  p.  285  sqq. 
He  was  born  at  Capua  of  humble  parents  (see  n.  2),  was  delator  under 
Nero  (Tac.  A.  XVI  22  extr. :  Marc.  Epr.  acri  eloquentia.  ib.  29:  cum 
Marcellus,  ut  erat  torvus  ac  minax,  voce,  voltu,  oculis  ardesceret),  e.  g. 
against  Thrasea,  and  was  as  such  repeatedly  accused  by  Helvidius 
Priscus  (Tac.  dial.  5 :  quid  aliud  infestis  patribus  nuper  Eprius  Mar- 
'cellus  quam  suam  eloquentiam  opposuit?  qua  accinctus  et  minax 
disertam  quidem  sed  inexercitatam  et  eiusmodi  certaminum  rudem 
Helvidi  sapientiam  elusit;  see  below  294,  12),  but  retained  his  influence 
even  under  Vespasian  (see  n.  3);  a.  79,  however,  he  was  convicted  of 
conspiring  against  the  Emperor  and  forced  to  commit  suicide.  Cf. 
A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  Ill  p.  207  sq.  Tac.  hist.  IV  7 :  esse  illi  (i.  e. 
E.  M.)  pecuniam  et  eloquentiam,  quis  multos  anteiret,  ni  memoria  fla- 
gitiorum  urgeretur.  The  defence  of  E.  M.  ib.  8.  Comp.  also  below 
288,  3   extr. 

4.  Quintil.  X  1,  118:  eorum  quos  viderim  Domitius  Afer  (f  A.  D. 
59,  see  above  271,  5)  et  lulius  Africanus  longe  praestantissimi.  .  . 
hie  concitatior  (than  Afer),  sed  in  cura  verborum  nimius  et  composi- 
tione  nonnumquam  longior  et  translationibus  parum  modicus.  Cf.  ib. 
XII  10,  11  (above  37,  2).  Tac.  dial.  15.  Plin.  Ep.  VII  6,  11.  Quintil. 
VIII  5,  15  (insigniter  Africanus  apud  Neronem  de  morte  matris,  A.  D. 
59).  His  father  was  probably  Julius  Africanus  e  Santonis,  gallica  civitate 
(Tac.  A.  VI  7),  sentenced  a.  32. 

5.  Quintil.  X  3,  13:  patruus  lulii  Secundi  fuit  lulius  Forus,  in 
eloquentia  Galliarum  (quoniam  ibi  demum  exercuit  eam)  princeps,  alio- 
qui  inter  paucos  disertus. 

6.  Tac.  Hist.  I  90:  in  rebus  urbanis  Galerii  Trachali  (Cons. 
821  =  68  with  Silius  Italicus)  ingenio  Othonem  uti  credebatur.  et  erant 
qui  genus  ipsum  orandi  noscerent  crebro  fori  usu  celebre  et  ad  im- 
plendas  populi  aures  latum  et  sonans.  Quintil.  X  1,  119:  erant  clara 
et  nuper  ingenia.  et  Trachalus  plerumque  sublimis  et  satis  apertus  fuit 
et  quem  velle  optima  crederes,  auditus  tamen  maior;  nam  et  vocis 
quantam  in  nullo  cognovi  felicitas  et  pronuntiatio  vel  scenis  sufifectura 
et  decor,  omnia    denique   ei    quae   sunt  extra  superfuerunt.     The  latter 


Orators  and  rhetoricians.  67 

is  detailed  XII  5,  5  sq.,  cf.  10,  11  (sonum  Trachali).  He  had  published 
his  speech  contra  Spatalen  (Quintil.  VIII  5,  19).  See  also  Quintil. 
VI  3,  78. 

7.  A.  Fabricius  Veiento  (praetorius,  Dio  LXI  6)  was  accused  A.  D. 
62  quod  multa  et  probrosa  in  patres  et  sacerdotes  composuisset  iis 
libris  quibus  nomen  codicillorum  dederat  (Tac.  A.  XIV  50).  This  seems 
to  have  been  a  prose  satire  in  the  form  of  a  last  will  (comp.  above 
24,  4).  Convictum  Veientonem  Italia  depulit  (Nero)  et  libros  exuri 
iussit,  conquisitos  lectitatosque  donee  cum  periculo  parabantur  (Tac. 
1.  1.).  Under  Domitian  he  is  mentioned  as  a  servile  flatterer  and  de- 
lator by  Juv.  Ill  185.  IV  113.  123  sqq.  VI  113.  He  survived  even  Nerva 
(Plin.  E.  IV  22,  4  cf.  IX  13,  13). 

8.  L.  Valerius  Primanus,  was  mentioned  by  Suetonius  (p.  99  Rffsch.) 
after  Q.  Curtius  Rufus  and  before  Verginius  Flavus  among  the  clar 
rhetores. 

9.  Tac.  A.  XV  71:  Verginium  Flavum  .  .  claritudo  nominis 
expulit  (A.  D.  65) ;  nam  Verginius  studia  iuvenum  eloquentia  .  .  fovebat. 
Among  these  was  also  the  youthful  Persius  Flaccus  (vita  Pers.).  In 
Suetonius'  list  of  rhetoricians  (Suetonius  p.  99  Rffsch.)  he  is  the  tenth 
Quintil.  Ill  1,  21 :  scripsit  de  eadem  materia  (rhetoric)  .  .  aetatis  nostrae 
Verginius.  VII  4,  40 :  Flavum,  cuius  apud  me  summa  est  auctoritas, 
cum  Artem  scholae  tantum  componeret  etc.  In  this  he  followed  Greek 
originals;  see  ib.  VII  4,  24.  He  is  mentioned  ib.  Ill  6,  45.  IV  1,  23. 
XI  3,  126. 

10.  Hieronym.  on  Eus.  chron.  a.  Abr.  2063  =  Claud.  7  =  47  A.  D.  from 
Suetonius  (cf .  p.  99  Rffsch.) :  P.  Clodius  Quirinalis  rhetor  Arelatensis 
Romae  insignissime  docet. 

11.  Hieronym.  ib.  ad  a.  2064  =; Claud.  8  =  48  A.  D. :  M.  Antonius  Li- 
berals, latinus  rhetor,  gravissimas  inimicitias  cum  Palaemone  (above 
277,  3)  exercet.  But  Liberalis  noster  from  Lugdunum  in  Sen.  Epist.  91, 1.3. 
13  seems  to  be  Aebutius  Liberalis  (above  284,  4). 

12.  Hieronym.  ib.  ad  a.  2073  =  Neron.  3  =:  57  A.  D. :  L.  Statins 
Ursulus  Tolosensis  celeberrime  in  Gallia  rhetoricam  docet. 

13.  Vita  Lucani:  matrem  habuit  Aciliam,  Acilii  Lucani  filiam,  ora- 
toris  (solicitor)  opere  apud  proconsules  (in  Spain)  frequentis  et  apud 
clarissimos  viros  non  nullius  ingenii.  adeo  non  improbandus  fuit  ut  in 
scriptis  aliquibus  hodieque  perduret  eius  memoria. 

14.  On  Passienus  Crispus  the  younger  see  above  263,  5;  on  Junius 
Gallio  above  263,  7;  on  Paetus  Thrasea  and  Helvidius  Prisons  below 
294,  7  and  12:  on  Cluvius  Rufus  below  308,  2;  on  Curiatius  Maternus 
below  312,  1;  on  Silius  Italicus  below  314,  1;  on  Statins'  father 
below  312,  3. 

15.  On  the  rhetorical  writings  of  L.  Annaeus  Cornutus  see  below 
294,  2. 


68  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

293.  Eminent  jurists  of  this  time  were  Proculus,  from 
whom  the  Proculians  derived  their  name,  and  the  younger 
Nerva  (father  to  the  Emperor);  among  the  Sabinians  C.  Cassius 
Longinus  (Cons.  30  A.  D.).  A  younger  contemporary  of  Pro- 
culus is  Atilicinus,  and  also  Fufidius  and  Sex.  Pedius  seem  to 
belong  to  this  period. 

1.  Pompon.  Dig.  1  2,  2.  52:  Nervae  (above  276,  2)  successit  Pro- 
culus. fuit  eodem  tempore  et  Nerva  filius  (note  2)  .  .  sed  Proculi  au- 
ctoritas  maior  fuit.  nam  etiam  plurimum  po'uit,  appellatique  sunt 
partim  ('assiani  (cf.  n.  3)  partim  Proculiani.  Dig.  XXXVII  14,  17  (decree 
of   the    Divi    fratres):    Proculum,    sane  non   levem  iuris  auctorem.     Cf. 

XVIII  1,1,1  (Sabinus  et  Cassius,  .  .  Nerva  et  Proculus  .  .  verier  Nervae 
et  Proculi  sententia).  His  complete  name  was  probably  Sempronius 
Proculus,  cf.  Dig.  XXXI  47  sq.  Rudorif,  Ztschfr.  f.  gesch.  Rechtsw.  XII 
p.  336  -  339.  One  of  his  juridical  writings  was  in  epistolary  shape 
(questions  and  answers):  Epistolarum  libri,    at  least  11  books;    see  Dig. 

XIX  5,  12  and  XXIII  4,  17:  Proculus  libro  XI  epistolarum;  cf.  n.  4  and 
Dig.  XVIII  1,  69.  Besides  this,  Proculus  libro  III  ex  Posterioribus 
Labeonis  (ib.  XXXIIl  6,  16),  probably  identical  with  his  Notae  on  Labeo 
(ib.  Ill  5,  10,  1  and  XXXV  1,  69:  apud  Labeoaem  Proculus  notat,  cf- 
ib.  XVII  2,  65,  5).  Altogether  37  excerpts  from  I"*roculus  have  been 
admitted  into  the  Digest.  A  collection  of  them  in  Hommel's  Palin- 
genesia  II  p.  389—396. 

2.  Pompon.  Dig.  I  2,  2,  52:  fuit  eodem  tempore  et  Nerva  filius 
(for  the  father  see  aljove  276,  2).  fuit  et  alius  Longinus  (than  the  one 
mentioned  n.  3)  ex  equestri  quidem  ordinc,  qui  postea  ad  praeturam 
usque  pervenit.  Dig.  Ill  1,  1,3;  qua  aetate  (pueritia,  which  extended  to 
the  17th  year)  aut  paulo  maiore  fertur  Nerva  filius  et  publice  de  lure 
responsitasse.  XLl  2,  47:  idque  Nerva  filius  libris  De  usucapionibus 
retulit.  He  was  a  Proculian.  Of  him  we  should  probably  understand 
Tac.  A.  XV  72:  triumphale  decus  .  .  Cocceio  Nervae,  praetori  designate, 
.  .  tribuit  (Nero,  A.  D.  65). 

3.  Pomponius  1.  1.  (n.  1)  51 :  huic  (i.  e.  Masurius,  above  276,  1) 
successit  Gaius  Cassius  Longinus,  natus  ex  filia  Tuberonis  (above 
205,  1),  quae  fuit  neptis  Servii  Sulpicii  (above  171,  2  sqq.)  et  ideo 
proavum  suum  Servium  Sulpicium  appellat.  hie  consul  fuit  cum  Quar- 
tino  (Surdino?  Orelli  4034;  a.  783  =  30  A.  D.)  temporibus  Tiberii,  sed 
plurimum  in  civitate  auctoritatis  habuit,  eo  usque  donee  eum  Caesar 
(Nero,  A.  D.  65,  see  Suet.  Ner.  57:  Cassio  Longino  iuris  consulto  ac 
luminibus  orbato  etc.,  cf.  Tac.  A.  XVI  7,  9)  civitate  pelleret.  expulsus 
ab  eo  in  Sardiniam,  revocatus  a  Vespasiano  diem  suum  obiit.  Cf.  Tac. 
A.  XII  11  (a.  49).  Gaio  Cassio,  qui  Suriae  praeerat.  12:  ea  tempestate 
Cassius  ceteros  praeminebat  peritia  legum.  XIII  41.  48.  XIV  43  sq. 
Gromat.  vet.  p.  403,  29:  Cassius  Longinus,  prudentissimus  vir,  iuris 
auctor.    Plin.    epist.    VII    24,    8:    domus    C.  Cassi,    huius    qui  Cassianae 


Jurists.  69 

scholae  princeps  et  parens  fuit  (cf.  n.  1).  Dig.  lY  8,  19,  2:  Cassias 
sententiam  magistri  sui  (i.  e.  Sabinus,  see  also  Arrian.  Epict.  IV  3)  bene 
excusat.  He  wrote  also  a  large  work  on  ius  civile  (Dig.  VII  1,  7,  3. 
9,  5  and  70,  2:  C.  Cassius  .  .  libro  octavo  iuris  civilis;  cf.  ib.  XXXV 
1,  54:  in  commentariis  Gaii,  XL VI  3,  78:  in  libris  Gaii),  commented  on 
by  his  pupil  Aristo  and  excerpted  by  lavolenus  Priscus  in  15  books; 
besides  this  notes  on  Vitellius  (Dig.  XXXIII  7,  12,  27:  Cassius  apud 
Vitellium  notat). 

4.  Dig.  XXIII  4,  17:  Proculus  (n.  2)  libro  XI  epistolarum.  Ati- 
licinus  Proculo  suo  salutem.  This  is  followed  by  a  juridical  query, 
to  which  Proculus  'respondit'.  He  is  mentioned  ib.  X  3,  6,  4  (Sabinus 
et  At.  rcsponderunt).  XII  4,  7  (Nerva,  At.  responderunt).  XLV  2,  17 
(At.,  Sabinus,  Cassius  .  .  aiunt).  Inst.  lust.  II  14  (Atilicino  placuisse 
Paulus  .  .  refert).  Fragm,  Vat.  77  (Atilicinum  respondisse  Aufidius  — 
or  Fufidius,  see  n.  5  —  refert). 

5.  Dig.  XXXIV  2,  5  (from  Africanus) :  apud  Fufidium  Quaestionum 
libro  II  ita  scriptum  est  etc.  XL  2,  25  (from  Gaius) :  Fufidius  aitj 
Nerva  filius  (n.  2)  contra  sentit,  quod  verius  est.  XLII  5,  29  (from 
Paulus) :  Fufidius  refert  etc. 

6.  Sex.  Pedius  (Dig.  IV  8,  32,  20  and  IX  2,  33  from  Paulus;  ib. 
XXXIX  1,  5,  9  from  Ulpian),  the  author  of  a  work  in  several  books  de 
stipulationibus  (Paul.  ib.  XII  1,  6:  Pedius  libro  primo  de  st.)  and  of  a 
large  work  of  at  least  25  books,  ad  edictum;  see  Paul.  ib.  XXXVII  1, 
6,  2:  notis  scriptae  tabulae  non  continentur  edicto,  quia  notas  litteras 
non  esse  Pedius  libro  XXV  ad  edictum  scribit.  In  the  notae  Einsid- 
lenses  on  legal  subjects  we  find  also  at  the  end  S.  P.  M.,  which  is 
explained  Sexti  Pedii  Medmani  (according  to  Huschke's  emendation, 
from  Medma  or  Medama  in  Bruttium).  He  would  appear  to  have  lived 
before  Probus  (below  295,  4).  From  the  Digest  we  learn  that  he  wrote 
after  Ofilius  (Dig.  XIV  1,  1,  9  from  Ulpian:  unde  quaerit  Ofilius,  .  .  quam 
distinctionem  Pedius  probat)  and  Masurius  Sabinus  (ib.  L  16,  13,  1  from 
Ulpian:  ut  Sabinus  ait  et  Pedius  probat),  and  before  Julian  (ib.  Ill  5, 
6.  9 — II  from  Julian:  item  quaeritur  apud  Pedium  libro  VII  etc.)  and 
Pomponius  (ib.  IV  3,  1  4  from  Ulpian:  ut  et  Pedius  libro  VIII  scribat. 
•  .  idem  et  Pomponius  libro  XXVIII  et  adicit  etc.).  Cf.  Huschke,  iuris- 
prud.  anteiust.2  p.  67  sq.  77.    Tijdemann,  de  Pedio  icto,  Lugd.  Bat.  1822. 

294.  The  professors  of  philosophy  in  this  age  wrote  for 
the  most  part  in  Greek;  e.  g.  Sextius,  Cornutus,  Musonius 
Kufus,  and  Epictetus.  Cornutus,  a  very  influential  man,  com- 
posed also  rhetorical  and  grammatical  works,  part  of  which 
we  know  from  abridgments.  Among  those  philosophers  who 
wrote  in  Ladn,  we  may  mention  Celsus,  Papirius  Fabianus, 
Plautus,  and  especially  Seneca.  The  best  characters  embraced 
the  Stoic  system,  which  enabled  them  to  live  with  dignity  and 


70  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

die  with  courage  Such  were  Julius  Canus,  Thrasea  Paetus, 
Barea  Soranus,  Rubellius  Plautus,  Helvidius  Priscus,  and  the 
poets  Persius  and  Lucan.  As  all  these  avoided  any  mani- 
festations of  servility  and  some  even  candidly  avowed  their 
aversion  to  it,  the  Stoic  system  became  politically  obnoxious. 
Only  P.  Egnatius  Celer  combined  Stoicism  and  the  character 
of  delator.  The  Stoic  doctrine  was,  however,  but  rarely  kept 
pure  by  its  adherents;  some  diluting  it  so  that  it  became  a 
mere  system  of  practical  wisdom  (e.  g.  Seneca,  Musonius,  and 
Epictetus),  others  exaggerating  it  by  ascetic  additions  derived 
from  the  Pythagorean  system  and  from  Cynicism,  without  heeding 
the  inroads  thus  made  upon  the  Stoic  system  as  such. 

1.  On  Sextius  see  above  261,  5 — 8. 

2.  Suidas    s.    v.    KoqvovTog:    Jfrnttrig    i^tkoao(^og,    .   .    ycyovug    iy 
P(0/ut]  tni  NhQiovog    xcd    nqog  ctviov  avaiqfd^fig  Gvp   tio  MovGoviiO  (n.  3). 

*y^«fff  nokkd  <fiik6ao(ia  tf  xcd  Qt]TOQixd.  Hieronym.  chron.  ad  a.  Abr* 
2084  =.  Ner.  14:  Nero.  .  Cornutum  philosophum,  praeceptorem  Persii 
(see  below  297,  2),  in  exsilium  fugat.  Dio  LXII  29  (Avvmov  Koqpovtop 
fvdoxt/uovvra  tots  ys  inl  naidfC^).  He  composed  philosophical  treatises 
Tifiog  AS^tjt/odcjQoy  xcd  JtQtaTOTfktjy,  nfQi  Trjg  tiov  d-fiov  (fyorfw?,  which 
latter  work  is  extant  (Corn,  de  natura  deorum,  ex  schedis  C.  de  Villo- 
isonis  rec.  et  comm.  instr.  Fr.  Osann,  Gotting.  1844),  perhaps  an 
abridgment  of  the  original  work.  He  also  wrote  on  subjects  of  rhetoric- 
Ti/yag  QtjTo^ixdg  in  Greek  and  de  figuris  sententiarum  in  Latin  (Gell. 
IX  10,  5 :  Annaeus  Cornutus,  homo  sane  pleraque  alia  non  indoctus 
neque  imprudens,  in  secundo  librorum  quos  de  figuris  sent,  composuit)) 
Also  grammatical  writings :  Gell.  II  6,  1 :  nonnulli  grammatici  aetatis 
superioris,  in  quibus  est  Cornutus  Annaeus,  haut  sane  indocti  neque 
ignobiles,  qui  commentaria  in  Vergilium  composuerunt,  reprehendunt 
etc.  Charis.  I  p.  127,  20  K.:  L.  Annaeus  Cornutus  in  Maronis  commen- 
tariis  X,  no  doubt  identical  with  ib.  p.  125,  16:  Annaeus  Cornutus  ad 
Italicum  de  Vergilio  libro  X;  cf.  0.  Jahn,  Pers.  p.  XV~XIX.  Ribbeck 
Proleg.  Vergil,  p.  123 — 128.  From  his  work  de  enuntiatione  vel  ortho- 
graphia  excerpts  are  given  by  Cassiod.  p.  2281  sqq.  P.  Charis.  Up.  201- 
12  K.  is  corrupt  and  unintelligible.  Annaeus  Cornutus  libro  tab.  cas- 
tarum  patris  sui.  It  is  doubtful  whether  Cornutus  wrote  also  tragedies. 
It  is  indeed  stated  in  the  vita  Persii  (p.  234  sq.  J.) :  cognovit  per  Cor- 
nutum etiam  Annaeum  Lucanum,  aequaevum  auditorem  Cornuti.  nam 
Cornutus  illo  tempore  tragicus  fuit,  sectae  stoicae,  qui  libros  philo- 
sophiae  reliquit.  sed  Lucanus  etc.  But  the  words  nam  —  reliquit  are 
a  foreign  addition,  as  Cornutus  had  been  previously  mentioned  in  the 
vita,  and  moreover  his  quality  as  tragicus  could  not  be  brought  up  in 
describing  his  instruction.  It  is,  however,  improbable  that  these  words 
(as  it  is  maintained  by  M.  Hertz,  de  Scaevo  p.  4  sq.  not.  4)  should  be 


Philosophers:  Cornutus  and  Musonius.  7l 

referred  to  Seneca,  who  is  mentioned  directly  afterwards,  their  present 
illogical  arrangement  excluding  the  assumption  of  their  having  come 
from  Probus  himself,  while  a  later  grammarian  would  not  have  thought 
of  Seneca  as  a  tragic  poet  in  the  first  place.  In  general  see  G.  J.  v. 
Martini,  disp.  lit.  d.  L.  Annaeo  Cornuto,  Lugd.  Bat.  1825.  0.  Jahn, 
Prolegg.  to  Pers.  p.  VIII-  XXIV. 

3.  C.  Musonius  (Plin.  Ep.  Ill  11,  5,  7)  Rufus.  Tac.  A.  XV  71: 
(Musonium)  Rufum  claritudo  nominis  expulit  (A.  D.  65,  cf.  Dio  LXII  27 : 
Povi^og  Movc(x)Viog  6  (^iloGOi^og  .  .  ii^vyadfvd-t]).  nam  ,  .  Musonius 
praeceptis  sapientiae  fovebat  (iuvenes.)  XIV  59:  doctores  sapientiae, 
Coeranus  graeci,  Musonius  tusci  (from  Volsinii)  generis.  Hist.  Ill  81 : 
miscuerat  se  legatis  (a.  69)  Musonius  Rufus,  equestris  ordinis,  studium 
philosophiae  et  placita  stoicorum  aemulatus.  Hence  Hieronym.  errs 
ad  a.  Abr.  2095  (Freher.  ad  2096),  Tit.  1 :  Titus  Musonium  Rufum  phi- 
losophum  de  exilio  revocat.  Cf.  Dio  LXVI  13:  nayrag  avrixa  lovg 
qikoGOi^ovg  o  OvfonaGifcvog,  nki^v  rov  MovGoiviov,  ix  rrjg  Po/uijg  t^^^akfv 
(a.  71).  An  inscription  (Eph.  Arch.  3833,  3) :  U^^vg  ^ Anokkiovog  Jrjkfov 
ditt  {^iov)  MovGMyiog  "^Povifog.  That  he  wrote  in  Greek  appears  from 
Gell.  IX  2,  8.  XVI  1,  1  sq.  and  the  collection  of  his  sayings  concerning 
moral  questions  {anofxvrifxovfv fxaia  Movaioviov)  by  Lucius  and  (Valerius) 
Pollio,  from  which  Stobaeus  gives  ample  quotations  in  his  Florilegium. 
Cf.  E.  Rohde,  on  Lucian's  Jovxtog,  p.  26  sq.  note.  The  citation  in 
Gellius  V  1  may  possibly  be  a  translation,  but  the  play  between  re- 
mittere  and  amittere  animum  (ib.  XVIII  2,  1)  seems  to  point  to  original 
Latin  composition.  C.  Musonii  Rufi  .  .  reliquiae  et  apophthegmata  cum 
annot.  od  J.  Venhuizen-Peerlkamp,  Harlem  1822.  H.  Ritter  and  L.  Preller, 
hist,  philos.  graeco-rom.  p.  438  sqq.  J.  J.  Babler,  New  Swiss  Mus.  IV 
(Bern  1864)  p.  23—37.  0.  Bernhardt,  on  G.  Mus.  Rufus,  Sorau  1866. 
4.     E.  Baltzer,  Musonius,  Nordhausen  1871.  50  pp. 

4.  Epictetus  of  Hierapolis,  known  by  his  pupil  Arrianus'  'Ey/ftQidvov 
'EniXTijiov.  Fr.  Spangenberg,  on  Epictetus'  doctrine,  Hanau  1849.  4. 
Winnefeld,  the  Philosophy  of  Ep.,  a  contribution  to  the  history  of  the 
eclectic  philosophy  of  the  Imperial  Roman  period,  in  Fichte^s  Journal 
of  Phil.  XLIX  p.  1—32.  193—226.  G.  Grosch,  the  moral  teaching  of 
E.,  Wernigerode  1867.  4.  and  many  other  treatises. 

5.  Quintil.  X  1,  124:  Plautus  in  stoicis  rerum  cognitioni  utilis.  See 
above  261,  9.  On  Celsus  see  above  275,  3;  on  Fabianus  above  261,  10 
sq. ;  on  Seneca  above  284,  4  and  5 ;  on  the  Epicurean  Aufidius  Bassus 
above  272,  2. 

6.  Sen.  de  tranq.  an.  (dial.  IX)  14,  4:  Kanus  lulius,  vir  inprimis 
magnus,  cuius  admirationi  ne  hoc  quidem  obstat  quod  nostro  saeculo 
natus  est,  cum  Caio  (Caligula)  diu  altercatus,  was  by  him  sentenced 
to  death.  (9.)  prosequebatur  ilium  philosophus  suus  (to  the  place  of 
execution).  .  .  promisitque  (I.  K.)  si  quid  explorasset  circumiturum 
amicos  (after  his  death)  et  indicaturum  quis  esset  animarum  status. 


72  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

7.  P.  (Fannius?)  Thrasea  Paetus  from  Patavium,  son-in-law  to 
Caecina  Paetus,  the  husband  of  the  younger  Arria  and  father  of  Fannia 
who  was  married  to  Helvidius  Priscus  (n.  12),  consularis,  sentenced  to 
death  by  Nero  a.  66.  W.  TeufTel  in  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  2  p.  1898  sq.  A. 
S.  Hoitsema,  de  P.  Thr.  P.,  Groningen  1852.  G.  Joachim,  P.  Valerii 
Paeti  Thr.  vita,  Lahr  1858.  Dio  LXII  26:  o  S^aGiag  xccl  6  2oqavo<; 
(n.  8),  xai  y^vovg  xcd  nkovrov  r^g  rf  ov/binaorjg  ciQhTrjg  ig  id  71Q(ot((  ai^r}- 
xovTfg,  .  .  dnid^uvov  .  .  ori  Toioviot  ijGc/.i/.  Tac.  A.  16,  21  :  ad  postre- 
mum  Nero  virtutem  ipsam  excindere  concupivit  interfecto  Thrasea 
Paeto  et  Barea  Sorano.  He  belonged  to  the  secta  quae  Tuberones  et 
Favonios  .  .  genuit  (ib.  22).  When  sentenced  to  die,  he  was  maxime 
intentus  Demetrio,  cynicae  institutionis  doctori  (Sen.  de  benef.  VII  8, 
2:  virum  exactae  .  .  sapientiae  firmaeque  .  .  constantiae,  eloquentiae 
vero  eius  quae  res  fortissimas  deceat  etc.,  exiled  under  Vespasian,  Dio 
LXVI  13).  cum  quo  .  .  de  natura  animae  et  dissociatione  spiritus  cor- 
porisque  inquirebat  etc.  (Tac.  A.  XVI  34).  Thrasea's  ideal  was  always 
Cato  minor,  whose  life  he  had  also  written  in  a  work  resembling  a 
panegyric,  and  which  was  used  by  Plutarch  as  his  chief  source  in  his 
biography,  see  Plut.  Cat.  min.  37  cf.  25  and  H.  Peter,  on  the  sources 
of  Plutarch  p.  65  sq.  68. 

8.  Servilius  Barea  Soranus,  cos.  suff.  52  under  Claudius,  accused 
at  the  same  time  as  Thrasea  (n.  7)  and  driven  to  commit  suicide.  Dio 
LXII  26:  70V  2MQavov  Ilovnkiog  Eypajiog  Kfkfo  (of  Berytos)  iftkocfo(^og 
xfiTfilJfvdo/uaQTv^rjGfi/.  Tac.  A.  XVI  32:  cliens  hie  (P.  Egnatius)  Sorani 
et  tunc  emptus  ad  opprimendum  amicum  auctoritatem  stoicae  sectae 
praeferebat,  habitu  et  ore  ad  exprimendam  imaginem  honesti  exercitus, 
ceterum  animo  perfidiosus,  subdolus  etc.  Juv.  Ill  116  sqq.  with  the 
Schol.  on  I  33  (Soranum  Baream  Celer  philosophus  magister  ipsius  apud 
Neronem  scelere  delationis  occidit  et  ipse  postea  sub  Vespasiano  ob 
hoc  ipsum  Musonio  Rufo  accusante  damnatus  est)  and  VI  552. 

9.  Rubellius  Plautus  .  .  placita  maiorum  colebat,  habitu  severo, 
casta  et  secreta  domo,  Tac.  A.  XIV  22  (where  Nero  writes  to  him  a. 
50:  per  Asiam  avitos  agros,  in  quibus  tuta  et  inturbida  inventute  fru- 
eretur).  ib.  57:  Plautum  .  .  veterum  Romanorum  imitamenta  praeferre, 
assumpta  etiam  Stoicorum  arrogantia  sectaque,  quae  turbidos  et  nego- 
tiorum  adpetentes  faciat.  He  was  murdered  by  Nero  a.  62,  ib.  58  sq. 
Fr.  Wolffgramm,  Rub.  PI.  and  his  character  in  Tac.  and  Juvenal, 
Prenzlau  1871. 

10.  H.  Schiller,  on  the  Stoic  opposition  under  Nero;  II  —  3. 
Wertheim  1867  sq.     Carlsruhe  1869. 

11.  Vita  Persii:  usus  est  apud  Cornutum  duorum  convictu  doctissi- 
morum  et  sanctissimorum  virorum,  acriter  tunc  philosophantium,  Claudii 
Agaturrini  (Reinesius:  Agathemeri)  medici  Lacedaemonii  et  Petroni 
Aristocratis  Magnetis,  .  .  cum  aequales   essent,    Cornuti  minoris  et  ipsi. 

12.  Tac.  Hist.  IV  5:  Helvidius  Priscus  Carecinae  municipio, 
Cluvio   patre,   qui   ordinem  primi   pili  duxisset,   (adopted  by  some  Hel- 


Philosophers :   Thrasea  and  Ilelvidius  Priscits.  73 

vidius)  ingenium  inlustre  altioribus  studiis  (cf.  Gell.  XIII  10,  1  above 
260,  1)  iuvenis  admodum  dedit,  non,  ut  plerique,  ut  nomine  magnifico 
segne  otium  velaret,  sed  quo  firmior  adversus  fortuita  remp.  capesseret. 
doctores  sapientiae  secutus  est  qui  sola  bona  quae  honesta,  mala  tantum 
quae  turpia,  potentiam,  nobilitatem  ceteraque  extra  animum  neque  bonis 
neque  malis  adnumerant  (i.  e.  Stoicism),  quaestorius  adhuc  a  Paeto 
Thrasea  (n.  7)  gener  delectus  etc.  6:  erant  quibus  adpetentior  famae 
videretur;  .  .  ruina  soceri  in  exilium  pulsus  ut  Galbae  principatu  (^a. 
69)  rediit  Marcellum  Eprium  (above  292,  3)  delatorem  Thraseae  accu- 
sare  adgreditur.  .  .  primo  minax  certamen  et  egregiis  utriusque  ora- 
tionibus  testatum  etc.  A  subsequent  attack  upon  Marcellus  was  like- 
wise in  vain,  though  not,  as  Tac.  dial.  5  lets  his  speaker  represent  it 
in  accordance  with  his  character,  in  consequence  of  the  superior  elo- 
quence of  Marcellus;  cf.  Hist.  IV  43  sq.  He  was  praetor  a.  70.  When 
he  continued  his  opposition  even  under  Vespasian,  partly  without  suf- 
ficient reason  and  merely  for  demonstration's  sake,  the  Emperor  lost 
at  last  patience,  Helvidius  was  exiled  and  soon  afterwards  killed  partly 
by  mistake.  Suet.  Vesp.  15.  Dio  LXVI  12  {IlQioxog  "^Ekovidtog  .  .  Toig 
arcji'xoTg  doy/nuaii/  IviQcj^i-lg  •acu  rrjj/  tov  Q^aoiov  TiaQQtjGiau  ov  ovv 
xui^io  fjitfjLov^tvog  etc.). 

295.  In  the  department  of  grammar  the  most  eminent 
person  of  this  time  is  M.  Valerius  P  rob  us  of  Berytus,  who 
undertook  the  critical  revision  of  the  texts  of  the  classical 
writers  ir^  the  manner  of  the  Alexandrine  critics.  He  chiefly 
devoted  his  studies  to  Lucretius,  Virgil,  Horace,  and  the  poems 
of  Persius.  He  also  explained  the  peculiarities  of  archaic 
Latin  partly  in  oral  lectures,  partly  in  treatises  most  of  which 
he  edited  himself  in  epistolary  form.  Of  his  work  de 
notis  a  valuable  abridgment,  containing  the  legal  abbreviations, 
has  come  down  to  us.  Other  parts  of  his  works  were  used 
by  later  grammarians,  e.  g.  Flavius  Caper.  He  is  different 
from  a  certain  Probus  who  lived  at  the  commencement  of  the 
fourth  century  and  by  whom  we  possess  a  grammatical  manual 
(Ars  Vatican  a). 

1.  Sueton.  gramm.  24  (P.  being  the  last  grammarian  in  Suetonius^ 
account,  directly  after  Remmius  Pala'emon,  so  that  he  appears  to  be 
next  to  Suetonius'  age):  M.  Valerius  Probus  Berytius  diu  centuriatum 
petiit,  donee  taedio  ad  studia  se  contulit.  legerat  in  provincia  quosdam 
veteres  libellos  (Latin)  apud  grammatistam.  .  .  hos  cum  dihgentius 
repeteret  atque  alios  deinceps  cognoscere  cuperet  .  .  in  proposito 
mansit  multaque  exemplaria  contracta  emendare  ac  distinguere  et  ad- 
notare  curavit,  soli  huic  nee  ulli  praeterea  grammaticae  parti  deditus. 
hie  non  tam  discipulos  quam  sectatores  aliquot  habuit;  numquam  enim 


74  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

ita  docuit  ut  magistri  personam  sustineret.  unum  et  alterum  vel,  cum 
plurimos,  tres  aut  quatuor  postmeridianis  horis  admittere  solebat  cu- 
bansque  inter  longos  ac  volgares  sermones  legere  quaedam,  idque  perraro. 
(Of.  n.  2)  nimis  pauca  et  exigua  de  quibusdam  minutis  quaestiimculis 
edidit  (independently  of  his  editions),  reliquit  autem  non  mediocrem 
silvam  observationum  sermonis  antiqiii.  These  'collectanea'  would  thus 
appear  not  to  have  been  edited  by  himself,  but  from  his  papers  after 
his  death. 

2.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr.  2072  =  Neron.  2  (Amand.  2073):  Probus 
Berytius  eruditissimus  grammaticorum  Romae  agnoscitur.  From  Martial 
(ill  2,  12  to  his  book:  nee  Probum  timeto)  he  seems  to  have  been 
living  as  late  as  Domitian.  This  agrees  also  with  the  fact  of  Gellius 
having  heard  in  his  youth  some  of  Probus'  pupils  (n.  3),  who  might  be 
born  c.  a.  70.  Favorinus  also  belonged  to  them  (Gell.  Ill  1,  6).  Gell. 
IX  9,  12:  Valerii  Probi,  .  .  docti  hominis  et  in  legendis  pensitandisque 
veteribus  scriptis  bene  callidi.  I  15,  18  (grammaticum  inlustrem).  IV 
7,  1  (V.  P.  grammaticus  inter  suam  aetatem  praestanti  scientia  fuit). 
Auson.  epigr.  praef.  ad  Syagr,  18 — 20:  nomen  grammatici  merui,  non 
tam  grande  quidem  quo  gloria  nostra  subiret  Aerailium  aut  Scaurum 
Berytiumve  Probum.  Id.  profess.  15,  12  (Scaurum  Probumque).  20,  7 
(grammatice  ad  Scaurum  atque  Probum).  Macrob.  22,  9  sq.  (Valerius 
Probus,  vir  perfectissimus,  notat  etc.  quod  tantum  virum  fugisse  miror). 
Cassiod.  de  gramm.  p.  2321  P.  (Palaemon,  Phocas,  Probus  et  Censorinus). 
Analecta  gramm.  Vindob.  p.  514  (ut  est  Probus  et  Caesar).  Grafenhan, 
Hist,  of  class.  Philol.  IV  p.  286 — 293.  W.  Brambach,  on  Latin  spelling 
p.  31  —  37.  J.  Steup,  de  Probis  grammaticis,  Jena  1871.  206  pp.  Against 
his  assumption  of  two  different  Probus,  an  elder,  (in  Suet.)  and  a 
younger  (in  Martial  and  Gellius)  shortly  succeeding  each  other  see  W. 
Teufifel,  Studies  and  Char.  p.  442-445,  cf.  Rh.  Mus.  XXVII  p.  62  sqq. 
and  192. 

3.  Specimens  of  Val.  Probus'  lectures  on  sermo  antiquus  in  Gell.  who 
obtained  them  from  his  familiares  (e.  g.  Annianus  VI  7, 1  sqq.) ;  see  1 15, 18. 
Ill  1,  5  sq.  (on  Sallust).  VI  7,  3—5  (Plautus  and  Terence).  9,  12  (Va- 
lerius Antias).  XIII  21,  1 — 8,  and  ib.  9:  his  tum  verbis  Probus  .  . 
hominem  dimisit,  ut  mos  eius  fuit  erga  indociles,  prope  inclementer. 
Written  explanations  are  indicated  ib.  VI  9,  11  (on  the  perfects  occe- 
curri  Probus  adnotavit  et  haec  verba  apposuit).  XV  30,  5  (ego  cum 
Probi  multos  admodum  commentationum  libros  adquisierim  neque 
scriptum  in  his  inveni  etc.).  IV  7,  1  sqq.  (Valerius  Probus  —  pro- 
nounced Hannibalem,  Ilasdrubalem  —  teste  epistula  eius  scripta  ad  Mar- 
cellum,  in  qua  Plautum  et  Ennium  .  .  eo  modo  pronuntiasse  affirmat 
etc.).  Commentationes  of  this  kind  (probably  edited  from  his  papers) 
are  perhaps  those  on  fluctuating  deponents  (below  n.  7),  de  inaequa- 
litate  consuetudinis  (n.  7),  on  verba  communia  (Gellius  XV  13  with 
Kretzschmer  de  font.  Gell.  p.  86),  and  other  grammatical  treatises, 
see  n.  7. 


The  grammarian   Valerius  Probus.  75 

4.  Suetonius  in  the  Anced.  Paris,  (first  edited  by  Th.  Bergk,  Ztsch. 
f.  A.  W.  1845,  p.  85  sqq.,  reprinted  in  Osann's  Anecd.  Rom.  p.  327  sqq,, 
Sueton.  ed.  Reiff.  p.  137 — 141,  and  A.  Nauck,  Lex.  Vindob.  p.  278  sqq.): 
his  (21  critical  notes)  solis  in  adnotationibus  Ennii,  Lucilii  et  histori- 
corum  usi  sunt  Vargunteius,  Ennius  Aeliusque  et  postremo  Probus, 
qui  illas  in  Vergilio  et  Horatio  et  Lucretio  apposuit  ut  Homero  Arist- 
archus  (p.  138  R.).  Cf.  Steup  p.  48 — 60.  88  sqq.  This  employment  of 
critical  notes  in  his  editions  of  poets  probably  induced  Probus  to  devote 
some  attention  to  'notae'  in  general.  Gell.  XVII  9,  5:  est  adeo  Probi 
grammatici  commentarius  satis  curiose  factus  de  occulta  literarum 
significatione  in  epistularum  (J.  Caesaris  (above  182,  8)  scrip tura.  The 
abbreviations  employed  in  iure  civile  (i.  e.  in  legibus  et  plebiscitis,  in 
legis  actionibus,  in  edictis  perpetuis ;  cf.  above  46,  3)  are  contained  in 
the  treatise  (preserved  in  several  mss.):  Valerii  Probi  iuris  notarum 
(liber),  probably  once  part  of  a  treatise  of  V.  Pr.  de  notis  antiquis  or 
de  litteris  singularibus  (which  begins :  est  etiam  circa  perscribendas 
vel  paucioribus  Uteris  notandas  voces  studium  necessarium),  but  is  muti- 
lated at  the  end  and  has  altogether  come  down  to  us  in  an  abbreviated  form. 
There  is  nothing  in  this  treatise  which  points  to  a  later  time  than  that 
of  Probus,  barring  some  interpolations  found  in  the  bad  mss.,  not  in 
the  Amb.  and  Chigianus.  The  best  edition  by  Th.  Mommsen  in  Keil's 
gramm.  lat,  IV  p.  271 — 276,  and  after  this  in  Buschke's  iurisprud.  antei. 
p.  64—70  =  68—77  ed.  II.  Cf.  Mommsen,  on  M.  Val.  Pr.  de  notis 
antiquis,  in  the  Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Society  of  Literature  1853,  p.  91 
—134,  and  in  his  edition  p.  267—270.  Buschke  1.  1.  p.  61—64=63—68. 
Steup  p.  135  sq.  The  arrangement  of  the  portion  belonging  to  Probus 
follows  the  subject  and  is  systematical,  but  in  the  later  list  of 
notae  (the  Lugdunenses,  ex  cod.  Reginae,  Magnonianae,  Lindenbrogianae, 
Vaticanae,  Papianae  and  Einsidlenses,  published  together  by  Mommsen 
in  Keil  IV  p.  277 — 230)  the  arrangement  is  alphabetical.  The  latter 
belong  to  the  15th  century  and  form  the  list  of  'siglae'  used  by  the 
earliest  collectors  of  inscriptions.  (Th.  Mommsen  1.  1.  p.  129  sqq.) 
Only  the  Einsidl.  contain  a  part  of  the  ancient  lists  of  Probus,  not 
known  from  other  sources,  see  Buschke  iurispr.^  pp.  68.  74 — 77.  See 
also  W.  Schmitz,  Studies  on  Latin  stenography.  I:  The  Madrid  Notes 
(21  pp.)  and  de  Romanorum  tachygraphia  (12  pp.)  in  the  Pansteno- 
graphicon  1869. 

5.  Oral  explanations  by  Probus  of  passages  of  Virgil  and  his 
diction  see  in  Gell.  IX  9,  12  sqq.  XIII  21,  1 — 8.  The  first  passage 
(cf.  Serv.  Aen.  IV  418.  IX  814.  XI  554)  proves  that  Probus  kept  free 
from  blind  admiration.  In  forming  the  text  of  his  edition,  he  em- 
ployed the  earliest  sources;  see  Gell.  XIII  21,  4:  in  primo  Georg., 
quern  ego,  inquit  (Probus),  librum  manu  ipsius  (Vergilii)  correctum 
legi.  This  edition  is  often  quoted  by  Servius;  see  0.  Jahn's  Pers.  p. 
.CXL-CL.  Ribbeck  Proleg.  Vergil,  p.  136—149.  Cf.  Steup  p.  85—94. 
99—125.  E.  g.  Servius  Ge.  I  277:  Probus  orchus  (Steup  p.  84:  orcus) 
legit,    Cornutus    vetat   (Steup.    putat)    aspirationem  addendam  (horcus) 


76  The  First  Ceutury  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

His  criticism  was  expressed  chie%  in  the  critical  notes  of  the  Alexan- 
drines (Ribbeck  p.  149—163,  cf.  A.  Riese  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  93,  p. 
868 — 874).  The  accuracy  of  Probus'  labours  on  Virgil  (see  above  220, 
1  a)  may  be  guessed  at  from  the  commentary  on  the  Bucolics  and 
Georgics  attributed  to  him,  and  which  may  actually  be  traced  back  to 
him,  but  is  overlaid  with  an  abundance  of  foreign  matter.  It  was  first 
edited  (from  a  lost  cod.  Bobiensis)  by  J.  B.  Egnatius,  Venet.  1507  and 
repeatedly  afterwards  (cf.  Keil  p.  V— XI),  the  best  edition  by  H.  Keil, 
M.  Valerii  Probi  in  Verg.  Bu.  et  Ge.  commentarius  etc.,  Halle  1848  (p. 
1 — 68).  WoUenberg,  de  Probo  carminum  Vergil,  editore,  Berlin  1857. 
4.  A.  Riese,  de  commentario  Vergiliano  qui  M.  Valeri  Probi  dicitur 
(Bonn  1862)  p.  15 — 32  and  against  him  Ribbeck,  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb. 
87,  p.  351     355  and  Pruleg.  Verg.  p.  163—165.     Steup  p.  112  sqq. 

6.  Besides  his  editions  of  Lucretius  and  Horace  (n.  4),  Probus 
seems  also  to  have  published  an  edition  of  Terence  with  notes,  see  0. 
Jahn,  Persius  p.  CXL,  and  cf.  8teup  p.  94  sq.  97 — 99.  For  his  notes 
on  Persius  see  below  297,  1.  G.  Valla  wrongly  attributed  the  ocholia 
edited  by  him  on  Juvenal  (in  which  e.  g.  Trajan  is  mentioned  on  I  35) 
to  this  Probus;  see  0.  Jahn,  Persius  p.  CLIV — CLVII.  For  Scholia  on 
Persius  by  a  so-called  Probus  ib.  p.  CLVU  sq.  Steup  p.  127  sq.  Com- 
mentaries on  Plautus  and  Sallust?     Steup  p.  130 — 133. 

7.  The  mentions  made  of  Probus  (saec.  I)  in  Charisius,  Diomed, 
Servius  and  Priscian  are  no  doubt  derived  from  a  third  source,  per- 
haps from  Flavius  Caper  (Steup  p.  190  —  200).  They  relate  mostly  to 
the  treatise  de  inaequalitate  consuetudinis  (Charis.  II  p.  212,  1  K.  =^ 
lulius  Romanus),  parts  of  which  are  the  citations  in  Priscian  V  45  (p. 
171,  4  sq.  H:  et  apud  Caprum  et  apud  Probum  de  dubiis  generibus) 
and  X  52  (p.  541,  19:  Probus  de  dubiu  perfecto  tractans  ostendit  Nae- 
vium  protnlisse  etc.).  Cf.  ib.  X  46  p.  535:  quod  Probus  usu  Pomponii 
(above  135,  4  sq.)  comprobat.  Other  quotations  evidently  relate  to  the 
younger  Probus  (saec.  IV),  see  Steup  p.  187—189.  Cf.  n.  8.  And  as 
his  Ars  was  often  joined  with  Diomed  in  one  and  the  same  ms., 
Probus  is  frequently  mistaken  for  him  (Steup  p.  177  —  183.  Rh.  Mus. 
XXVI  p.  317  sq.)  and  also    for    Sacerdos  (Steup,    de  Prob.  p.  184—187). 

8.  Under  the  name  of  Probus  we  possess  a  short  work  entitled 
Catholica,  treating  of  noun  and  verb  (De  catholicis  Probi  in  Keil's 
gramm.  lat.  IV  p.  3—43).  This  being  identical  with  the  second  book 
of  Sacerdos  (whom  see),  the  question  arises  who  is  the  real  author, 
Probus  or  Sacerdos?  Spengel,  Lersch,  and  Steup  are  in  favour  of  the 
latter;  and  indeed  'sacerdos'  is  very  frequently  used  in  this  work  as 
an  instance  of  a  noun  (Steup  p.  163  sq.).  The  first  book  of  Sacerdos 
was  in  school-use  and  mss.  partly  superseded  by  the  Ars  of  Probus 
(=  Ars  vaticana),  and  the  name  of  Probus  transferred  to  the  whole 
work  (ib.  p.  168  sq.).  Cf.  Pompeius  in  Keil  V  p.  165,  17  sqq.:  scripsit 
ad  hunc   locum    (on  the  genera   of  nomina)  Probus  unum  librum.     iste 


The  grammarian    Valerius  Proht^s.  11 

(Donatus)    institutoriam    artem    scripsit,    non  scripsit  perfectis,  sed  ad 
eos  qui  volunt  se  perfectos  esse.     Keil  V  p.  XVII— XXIV. 

b)  A  very  lengthy,  but  also  very  trivial  treatise  on  the  whole  of 
grammar,  first  published  a.  1833  by  A.  Mai  (auct.  class.  V  p.  153  sqq.) 
from  a  codex  vaticanus  and  hence  called  Ars  vaticana  or  gramma- 
ticus  vaticanus,  then  a.  1837  by  Endlicher  (from  Paris.  7519.  saec.  XV) 
under  the  title  of  Probi  .  .  ars  minor  (Analecta  Vindob.  I  p.  227  sqq.), 
the  best  edition  by  Keil  (IV  p.  47  — 192,  cf.  p.  XVIII)  as  Instituta  artium; 
cf.  Steup,  Rh.  Mus.  XXVI  p.  314—317.  It  belongs  to  the  commencement 
of  saec.  IV  and  is  not  by  the  same  author  as  the  Catholica  (H.  Wentzel, 
de  Probo  p.  9  sqq.  Steup  p.  142—147).  We  possess  also  an  Appendix 
to  it  (in  Endlicher's  Anal.  p.  437-451,  Keil  IV  p.  193—204),  which  de- 
viates in  some  points  from  the  Ars  Probi,  but  in  which  that  work  is 
evidently  made  use  of.  Especially  the  third  part  (de  orthographia)  is 
valuable,  the  fourth  treats  de  differentiis.  Valerii  Probi  de  nomine  ex- 
cerpta  (in  Endlicher's  Anal.  p.  213—225.  Keil  IV  p.  207-  216)  are  a 
compilation  from  various  grammatical  works  and  seem  to  bear  the 
name  of  Probus  from  the  circumstance  of  having  been  added  to  the 
Ars  Probi  in  some  ms.  (Steup  p.  175 — 177).  But  in  the  work  on  final 
syllables  (de  ultimis  syllabis  liber  ad  Caelestinum),  ap.  Keil  IV  p.  219 
— 264,  the  addition  of  the  name  of  Probus  rests  only  on  the  conjecture 
of  the  first  editor  of  it  (Mediol.  1504),  Parrhasius.  Cf.  W.  Freund  in 
Jahn's  Jahrb.  V.  1832.  p.  90  sqq,     Steup  p.  138  sq. 

9.  The  assumption  of  the  existence  of  two  grammarians  of 
the  name  of  Probus,  that  of  Berytus  in  the  first  century  and  the 
author  of  an  Ars  in  the  fourth  century  is  chiefly  defended  by 
F.  Osann  (Contributions  to  the  Hist,  of  Latin  and  Greek  Lit.  II 
p.  166  sqq.),  L.  Lersch  (Ztsch.  f.  A.  W.  1843,  nr.  79  sq.),  0.  Jahn 
(Persius  p.  CXXXVI),  H.  Wentzel  (de  Probo  artifice  latino,  Oppeln 
1867,  p.  7—16),  and  recently  by  J.  Steup  (cf.  note  2).  Quite  iso- 
lated is  now  H.  Keil  who  (gramm.  lat.  I  p.  LII  —  LIV.  IV  p.  XVI 
—  XXXI.  Symb.  phil.  Bonn.  p.  93—100;  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  95  p. 
638 — 643)  refers  all  quotations  from  Probus  to  the  Ber)^tian,  at  least 
as  regards  their  chief  substance,  assuming  that  his  posthumous  writings 
were  subsequentl)^  put  into  the  shape  of  a  manual,  in  two  parts,  one 
of  which  (under  the  usual  title  of  Instituta  artium)  treated  of  letters, 
syllables,  and  the  eight  parts  of  speech,  the  second  of  nouns  and  verbs 
(the  commencement  in  Keil  IV  p. 3:  quoniam  instituta  artium  sufficieiiter 
tractavimus,  nunc  de  catholicis  nominum  et  verborum  rationibus  docea- 
mus).  But  as  it  is  of  itself  very  doubtful,  whether  from  observationes 
sermonis  antiqui  (see  n.  1)  a  systematical  grammar  might  have  been 
constructed,  this  view  has,  moreover,  been  entirely  upset  by  showing 
the  relation  of  the  Catholica  to  Sacerdos;  see  n.  8  (a). 

10.  Under  Nero  Pliny  the  Elder  wrote  his  eight  books  dubii  ser- 
monis, see  Plin.  Epist.  Ill  5,  5  (below  307,  2  and  4). 


78  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

296.  The  epic  panegyric  on  the  Consul  Piso  was  probably 
written  in  the  reign  of  Claudius  by  an  anonymous  young  poet, 
who  was  well-versed  in  the  literature  of  the  Augustan  period, 
skilled  in  employing  all  the  means  of  rhetoric,  and  in  im- 
parting to  his  verses  an  elegant  and  harmonious  flow. 

1.  Tac.  A.  XV  48:  is  (C.  Piso,  f  65  =  818  V.  C.)  Calpurnio  genera 
ortus  .  .  claro.     apud  volgum  rumore   erat.     .  .  namque  facundiam  tu 
endis  civibus  excercebat,   largitionem  adversum  amicos  et  ignotis  quo 
que,  coini  sermoiie    et  congressu.     aderant    etiam  .  .  corpus  procerum 
decora  facies.     sed  procul  gravitas  morum  aut   voluptatum  parsimonia 
This    description    suits   the  Piso  of  the  panegyric  poem  perfectly  well 
though  it  cannot    have  furnished   the  theme  of  it.  .  So  also  the  Schol 
of  Valla    on    Juv.  V  109:    Piso    Calphurnius,    ut  Probus  inquit,  antiqua 
familia,   scenioo   habitu   tragoedias  actitavit,  in  latrunculorum  lusu  tam 
perfectus  .  ,  ut   ad   eum   ludentem   concurreretur.     ob   haec   insinuatus 
C.    Caesari    repente   .    .    relegatus    est,    quia    consuetudinem    pristinae 
uxoris,   abductae  sibi    ab  ipso,    deinde    remissae,  repetere  noluisse  (the 
traditional   reading   is    repetita   esse)    existimabatur.     mox   sub  Claudio 
restitutus    et   post   consulatum    (it  is  uncertain  in  what  year;  it  cannot 
have  been  810)  materna  hereditate  ditatus  magnificentissime  vixit,  me- 
ritos  sublevare  inopes    ex  utroque  ordine  solitus,  de  plebe  vero  certos 
quotannis  ad  equestrem  censum  dignitatemque  provehere.    In  agreement 
with  this,   the  panegyric   poem  praises  Calpurnius  Piso  as  an  eloquent 
solicitor  before   the  Centumvirs  and  in  Criminal  suits,  as  a  speaker  in 
the    Senate    (e.    g.  tu,  reticente  senatu,   quom  tua  bis  senos  numeraret 
purpura    fasces,    Caesareum    grato    cecinisti    pectore    numen,    69   sqq.), 
liberal,  a  boon  companion,    who  was  accustomed   to  fill  up  his  leisure- 
time  with  writing   verse    (151    sqq.),    music    and  the  draught-board  (la- 
trunculorum   lusus).     From   the    fact    that,   in   the   lengthy  justification 
(or  excuse)  of  Piso's  musical  playing   (157   sqq.)   Nero's  example  is  not 
quoted  we    should  infer  that    it  did  not  yet  exist.     Nothing    calculated 
to  lead  us  beyond  Claudius  occurs  in  the  poem. 

2.  The  author  assures  us  honestly,  though  perhaps  not  quite  cre- 
dibly, that  he  was  induced  to  sing  Piso  not  by  (207  sqq.)  divitis  auri 
imperiosa  fames,  but  by  laudis  amor.  His  youth  appears  from  v.  248 
sq. :  quamvis  nunc  iuvenile  decus  mihi  pingere  malas  coeperit  et  non- 
dum  vicesima  venerit  aestas.  He  is  acquainted  with  and  mentions  the 
Augustan  poets,  Virgil,  Horace,  L.  Varius,  Melissus  (277  sq.),  and  Ovid; 
there  are  reminiscences  of  Horace  (130  sq.)  and  Ovid  (203).  In  accord- 
ance with  them  he  says  desset,  v.  6.  Somewhat  uncommon  is  the 
hasta  of  the  decern  viri  who  preside  to  the  Centum  viri  (41  sq.).  The 
prosodiacal  and  metrical  treatment  is  the  same  as  with  the  most  accu- 
rate poets;  the  caesura  is  always  correct  and  varied  (he  combines  the 
TQtd-ijfi.  and  hi^d-riy..  with  tqCt.  tqo/.  14  times  in  261  hexameters),  eli- 
sion scarce  (atque  illos  24,  quare  age  259  =  81)  and  only  in  the  first  foot. 


The  panegyric  poem  on  Piso.  79 

3.  The  author's  name  not  having  been  handed  down,  all  attempts 
at  discovering  it  have  been  in  vain.  Even  the  conjecture  which  seems 
to  be  most  probable,  that  the  bucolic  poet  Calpurnius  (below  301) 
wrote  the  poem  (M.  Haupt,  de  carm.  bucol.  p.  26  sq.)  is  not  supported 
by  any  convincing  arguments.  Comp.  C.  F.  Weber  (1859)  p.  14  sq. 
That  the  poem  is  not  mentioned  or  quoted  by  any  later  writer  (unless, 
indeed,  it  was  read  by  Probus;  see  n.  1)  may  be  explained  from  the 
merely  personal  character  of  the  subject. 

4.  The  oldest  known  ms.  is  the  Parisian  Notre-Dame  188  of  the 
first  half  of  saec.  XIII  (employed  by  Scaliger),  which  agrees  with  Junius' 
Atrebatensis  in  all  important  points  (A.  in  Weber);  see  E.  Wolfflin, 
Philol.  XVII  p.  340  sqq.  These  facts  suffice  to  disprove  the  assumption 
that  the  poem  was  written  in  the  16th  century. 

5.  Editio  princeps  by  Sichard  (Basil.  1527),  as  app.  to  Ovidii  opera 
from  a  ms.  probably  belonging  to  the  abbey  of  Lorsch  (near  Mannheim). 
It  is  also  found  in  many  editions  of  Lucan,  e,  g.  by  Corte  (Lips.  1726). 
Separate  editions  by  Hadr.  Junius,  Animadversorum  libri  VI  (Basle  1556) 
p.  249  sqq.  In  Wernsdorf's  poetae  latt.  min.  IV  p.  236 — 282,  cf.  ib.  p. 
36—48.  72—74;  in  W.  E.  Weber's  corpus  poett.  lat.  p.  1411  —  1413.  J. 
Held  (incerti  auctoris  etc.,  Breslau  1831.  4.),  C.  Beck  (Statii  ad  Pis. 
poemation,  Ansbach  1835),  C.  F.  Weber  (incerti  auctoris  carmen  pane- 
gyricum  in  Pis.  cum  prolegomenis  et  adnotatione  critica,  Marburg  1859. 
44  pp.  4.). 

6.  On  the  writer  and  his  poem  see  C.  F.  Weber's  prolegomena 
and  J.  Mahly  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  85,  p.  286 — 289.  Contributions  to 
the  criticism  of  the  text  by  M.  Haupt  (de  carm.  buc.  1854,  p.  37  and 
Hermes  HI  p.  211  sqq.),  C.  F.  Weber  (annotationes  ad  etc.  Marburg 
1860.  12  pp.  4.),  J.  Mahly  (1.  1.  p.  289-294). 

297.  Among  the  poets  of  the  time  of  Nero,  the  youthful 
and  unripe,  but  noble-minded  A.  Persius  Flaccus  (A.  D. 
34 — 62)  from  Volaterrae,  wrote  both  other  compositions  which 
have  been  lost,  and  six  satires,  most  of  which  are  versified 
lectures  on  Stoic  tenets,  in  the  manner  of  the  Stoics  and 
with  extensive  employment  of  Horatian  expressions  and  phrases. 
The  exaggeration  and  bombast  characteristic  of  the  manner 
of  this  period  are  in  these  Satires  carried  to  obscurity. 

1.  On  the  life  of  Persius  see  the  vita  Aulis  Persii  Flacci,  de  com- 
mentario  Probi  Valeri  sublata,  in  0.  Jahn's  edition  (1843)  p.  233—238 
and  in  Reifferscheid's  Suetonius  p.  72 — 75,  with  the  explanations  of 
Jahn  ib.  p.  CL— CLII,  Reififerscheid  p.  394—398.  Steup  de  Probis  p. 
125 — 130.  Jahn  maintains,  but  Reifferscheid  denies  that  commentarium 
meant  a  set  of  notes  on  the  Satires ;  Steup  has  a  mediating  view  ad- 
cording  to  which  it  was  taken  from  a  biographic  preface  to  a  com- 
mentary, just  as  in  the  case  of  Virgil. 


80  The  First  Century  of  the  Tmprrial  Epoch. 

2.  Yitn  :  Aules  Persius  Flaccus  natus  est  prid.  non.  decem])r.  Fabio 
Persico.  L.  Vitellio  coss.  (4  Dec.  787  =  34).  decessit  VIII  kal.  decembr. 
Rubrio  Mario,  Asinio  Gallo  coss.  (24  Nov.  8l5=r.62).  natus  in  Etruria 
Volaterris  eques  rom.  .  .  decessit  autem  vitio  stomachi  anno  aetatis 
XXVIII.  (sepultiis  est)  ad  VIII  miliarium  via  Appia  in  praediis  suis. 
Hieronym.  a.  Abr.  2050  ^  Tiber.  21:  Persius  Flaccus  satiricus  poeta 
Volaterris  nascitur;  and  ad  a.  2078  (Freher.  ad  a.  2079)  =  Neron.  8: 
Persius  moritur  anno  aetatis  XXIX.  —  Vita:  pater  eum  Flaccus  pupillum 
reliquit  moi'iens  annorum  fere  sex.  His  mother  was  Fulvia  Sisennia. 
.  .  studuit  Flaccus  usque  ad  annum  XII  aetatis  suae  Volaterris,  inde 
Romae  apud  grammaticum  Remmium  Palaemonem  (above  277,  3)  et 
apud  rhetorem  Verginium  Flavum  (above  292,  9).  cum  esset  annorum 
XVI  amir'itia  coepit  uti  Annaei  Cornuti  (above  292,  2),  ita  ut  nusquam 
;ib  eo  discederet;  inductus  (ab  eo)  aliquatenus  in  philosophiam  est.  .  . 
coluit  ut  patrem  Servilium  Nonianum  (above  286,  2).  .  .  idem  decern 
fere  annis  summe  dilectus  a  Paeto  Thrasea  (above  294,  7)  est,  .  . 
cognatam  eius  Arriam  uxorem  habente.  .  .  sero  cognovit  et  Senecam, 
sed  non  ut  caperetur  eius  ingenio.  .  .  fuit  morum  lenissimorum,  vere- 
cundiae  virginalis,  formae  pulcrae,  pietatis  erga  matrem  et  sororem  et 
amitam   exemplo  sufficientis. 

3.  Vita:  et  raro  et  tarde  scripsit.  hunc  ipsum  librum  (the  six 
Satires  to  which  the  vita  was  intended  as  an  introduction)  imperfectum 
rehquit,  versus  aliqui  dempti  sunt  ultimo  libro,  ut  quasi  finitus  esset. 
leviter  retractavit  Cornutus  et  Caesio  Basso  (below  299,  1)  petenti  ut 
ipsi  cederet  tradidit  edendum.  scripserat  in  pueritia  Flaccus  etiam 
praetextam  Vescio  (Vescia  according  to  M.  Hertz,  who  understands  this 
of  the  sudden  attack  of  Vescia,  Livy  IX  25),  et  'odoinoQtxcoi^  librum 
unum,  et  paucos  in  socrum  Thraseae,  in  Arriam  matrem,  versus,  quae 
se  ante  virum  (Caecina  Paetus)  occiderat.  omnia  ea  auctor  fuit  Cor- 
nutus matri  eius  ut  aboleret.  editum  librum  continuo  mirari  homines 
et  diripere  coeperunt.  Cf.  Quintil.  X  1,  94  (multum  et  verae  gloriae 
quamvis  uno  libello  Persius    meruit).     Martial.  IV  29,  7  (above  238,  3). 

4.  Vita:  lecto  Lucilii  libro  X  vehementer  satiras  componere 
instituit,  .  .  sibi  primo,  mox  omnibus  detracturus,  cum  tanta  recentium 
poetarum  et  oratorum  insectatione  ut  etiam  Neronem  .  .  culpaverit  (see 
above  281,8).  This 'insectatio' takes  place  in  the  first  Satire  and  in  the 
prologue  f)refixed  to  it  in  14  choliambics.  This  is  really  the  only  satire 
in  Persius'  collection  and  treats  of  the  taste  of  the  poets  and  public 
of  his  age.  The  others  are  declamations  on  dogmas  of  the  Stoic  system, 
full  of  dramatic  scenes  which  frequently  approach  burlesque  and  recall 
Sophron  :  see  Laurent.  Lyd.  de  magistr.  I  41  (above  24,  2).  They  are 
all  dressed  up  with  Horatian  reminiscences.  Just  as  Persius'  characters, 
except  those  which  are  mere  shadows  or  the  representatives  of  Stoic 
categories,  are  derived  from  Horace  or  Lucilius,  he  has  also  borrowed 
numerous  thoughts,  comparisons,  and  expressions  from  Horace,  though 
generally  distorting  them  by  his  additions  and  exaggerations.  Cf.  Ca- 
saubonus,    Persiana    Horatii    imitatio,    e.  g.   in  Diibner's  edition  of  Per- 


Fer.siffs.  81 

sius,  p.  344 — 367.  Owing  to  the  affected  boldness  of  his  metaphors, 
tropes  and  epithets,  the  strangeness  of  his  combinations,  the  manner 
of  enveloping  all  in  mystery,  and  partly  also  on  account  of  the  want 
of  practice  on  the  author's  part,  his  style  is  encumbered  with  almost 
intolerable  obscurity.     Cf.  W.  Teuffel,  Studies  and  Char.  p.  400—409. 

5.  As  Persius  was  in  the  Middle  Ages  greatly  admired  on  account 
of  his  moral  strictness,  and  as,  moreover,  his  Satires  do  not  take  up 
much  space,  we  possess  them  in  numberless  mss.  A  list  of  them  is 
given  in  0.  Jahn's  edition  (1843)  p.  CLXXIII-CCXIV .  The  earliest  and 
best  are  two  at  Montpellier  saec.  IX  (C)  and  X  (A),  the  latter  with  the 
subscriptio  :  Flavius  lulius  Tryfonianus  Sabinus  v.  c.  .  .  temptavi  emen- 
dare  sine  antigrapho  meum  et  adnotavi  Barcellonae  coss.  .  .  Arcadio 
et  Honorio  Q.  (a.  402),  see  0.  Jahn  1.  1.  p.  CLXXIV— CLXXXI.  CXCII 
sq.  and  in  the  Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Society  1851,  p.  332  sq.  The  same 
recurs  in  a  Vatican  ms.  (B).  But  even  these  mss.,  just  like  all  the 
other  mss.  of  Persius,  abound  in  errors,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the 
scribes  did  not  understand  what  they  copied.  But  this  also  prevented 
any  attempt  at  interpolation.  A.  Kissel,  Persii  codicum  mss.  Leidensium 
collatio,  una  cum  animadvers.  in  eius  satiram  I,  Zalt-Bomel  1848.  100  pp. 
On  a  Vienna  ms.  saec.  X  with  glosses  and  Scholia  see  A.  Gobel,  Philol. 
XIV.  p.  170  sqq.  279  sqq.,  cf.  XV  p.  128—135,  and  in  the  Conitz  pro- 
gram 1859.  4.  M.  Zillober,  on  an  unknown  ms.  of  Persius,  Progr.  of 
the  Stephan-Gymnasium  at  Augsburg  1862.  4. 

6.  The  Scholia  on  the  Satires  of  Persius  (the  best  reprint  in  0. 
Jahn's  edition  1843,  p.  245 — 350)  bear  the  title:  (Annei)  Cornuti  com- 
mentum,  leaving  it  uncertain  whether  they  were  actually  written  by 
some  Cornutus  or  that  this  name  was  merely  prefixed  to  lend  these 
notes  the  authority  of  the  poet's  master  and  instructor.  They  are  a 
compilation  from  old  glosses  and  brief  Scholia,  forming  a  commentary 
mostly  trivial  and  sometimes  even  absurd.  It  may  perhaps  belong  to 
the  Carlo vingian  period  (0.  Jahn  p.  CXIIl  sqq.)  an  assumption  more 
probable  than  that  of  C.  F.  Hermann  (lect.  Pers.  I,  Marb.  1842,  and 
Anal,  de  aetate  et  usu  schol.  Pers.  Getting.  1846.  4.),  that  it  was  written 
in  the  time  of  Isidore  (a.  636).  It  is  doubtful  whether  anything  in  this 
commentary  should  be  traced  back  to  Probus  (cf.  note  1).  The  glossae 
Pithoeanae  are  a  selection  from  this  commentary  (Jahn  p.  CLXIV  — 
CLXVI). 

7.  Editio  princeps  c.  1470  fol.  at  Rome  generally  with  Juvenal; 
the  principal  later  editions  are  by  B.  Fontius  (Venet.  1480  fob),  J.  Bri- 
tannicus  (originally  Brix.  1481  fob),  N.  Frischlin  (Basle  1582.  4.),  P. 
Pithoeus  (Paris  1585),  E.  Vinetus  and  Th.  Marcilius  (Paris  1601.  4.), 
Is.  Casaubonus  (first  ed.  Paris.  1605.4.;  the  last  edition  with  many  ad- 
ditions by  Fr.  Diibner,  Lips.  1833),  Konig  (Gotting.  1803),  Fr.  Passow 
(P.  I  Leipzig  1809),  Achaintre  (Paris  1812),  E.  W.  Weber  (Lips.  1826), 
Fr.  Plum  (Copenhagen  1827),  J.  C.  Orelli  (Eclogae  poett.  latt.,  Ziirich 
1833),    F.  Hauthal    (part  I  Leipzig    1837)    and    especially  0.  Jahn  (cum 

6 


82  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

seholiis  antiquis  ed.,  Lips.  1843;  the  text  Lips.  1851,  and,  with  Juvenal 
and  Sulpicia,  recogn.  Berol.  1868).  See  also  C.  F.  Heinrich's  lectures 
on  Pers.,  edited  by  0.  Jahn,  Leipzig  1844.  A  text  (with  Juvenal) 
iiy  C.  Fr.  Hermann,  Lips.  (Teubner)  1854.  Edited  by  A.  Pretor, 
London   1869. 

8.  On  Persius  see  e.  g.  Nisard,  etudes  sur  les  poetes  latins  de  la 
decadence  (Paris  1834)  1  p.  237  —  311.  0.  Jahn's  Prolegomena,  and  in 
Ersch  and  Gruber's  Encycl.  Ill  18.  p.  33—38.  W.  Teuffel's  introduction 
to  his  translation.  C.  Martha,  un  poete  stoicien.  Revue  des  deux  mondes, 
September  1863,  p.  291   sqq.     Breuker,    A.    Persius    and  his  time.  Mors 

1866.  21   pp.  4. 

Fr.  Knickenberg,  de  ratione  stoica  in  Pers.  satt.  apparente,   Miinster 

1867.  122  pp. 

W.  Pierson,  on  the  metaphors  of  Persius,  llhein.  Mus.  XII  p.  88 
— 98.  B.  Erdmann,  observationes  aliquot  grammaticae  in  Pers.  satiras, 
Wittenberg   1866.  4.  J.  Schliiter,   Quaestiones  Persianae,  Miinster  1857. 

9.  On  Sat.  1  see  A.  Kissel  (n.  5),  F.  Hand  (Jena  1850  4.),  H.  Leh- 
mann  (Ztschr.  f.  d.  Alt.  Wiss.  1852,  Nr.  25  sq.).  On  Sat.  II  H.  Lehraann, 
Philologus  VI  p.  431 --445;  on  IV  Hackermann  in  Jahn's  Archiv  XVIII 
p.  390—410;  on  V  H.  Lehmann  (Greifswald  1855.  34  pp.  4.)  and  Han- 
drick  (Torgau  1846.  4.:  a  German  translation  by  the  same  Torgau 
1853.  4.). 

298.  Of  the  same  mind  as  Persius  and  a  friend  of  his 
was  Seneca's  nephew  M.  Annaeus  Lucanus,  who  in  pro- 
portion to  his  short  life  (a.  39—65)  was  a  fertile  writer  in 
various  departments  both  in  prose  and  in  verse.  We  possess 
his  Pharsalia  in  ten  books,  an  unfinished  epic  poem  on  the 
Civil  War  between  Pompey  and  Caesar,  of  historical  accuracy, 
though  evidently  in  favour  of  Pompey,  whose  cause  the  writer 
identifies  with  that  of  Rome's  liberty  and  greatness.  The 
treatment  is  very  rhetorical,  full  of  descriptions,  speeches  and 
general  sentences;  the  style  is  artificial  and  pathetic;  the 
whole  production  unripe,  but  indicative  of  talent  and  a 
generous  heart. 

1.  We  possess  two  biographies  of  Lucan,  the  one  (in  Reift'erscheid's 
Suetonius  p.  50  52)  with  a  gap  at  the  beginning  and  unfavourable  to 
the  poet,  in  close  agreement  with  Hieronymus'  abridgment,  and  hence 
probably  by  Suetonius;  the  other  (in  Reifferscheid's  Suetonius  p.  76 — 
79)  complete,  long-winded,  admiring  and  defending  Lucan,  probably 
by  the  expositor  Lucani,  the  grammarian  Vacca,  probably  of  the  sixth 
century,  see  C.  F.  Weber,  vitae  M.  Annaei  Lucani  collectae.  Part.  I 
(Mai-l»urg  1856.  4.).     To  this  we  may  add  the  statements  of  Tacitus  and 


Fersius  and  Lucan.  83 

Statius'  genethliacon  Lucani  (Silv.  II  7).  Lncani  vita  per  annos  digesta 
by  C.  F.  Weber  1.  1.  Part.  II  and  III,  Marb.  1857  sq.  4.;  and  De  siiprema 
Lucani  voce,  Marb.  1857.  4. 

2.  Vacca:  M.  Annaeus  Lucanus  patrem  habuit  M.  Annaeurn  Melani 
.  .  Cordubensem,  equitem  rom.  .  .  notum  Romae  et  propter  Senecam 
fratrem  .  .  et  propter  studium  vitae  quietioris.  .  .  matrem  habuit  et 
regionis  eiusdem  et  urbis  Aciliam  (above  292,  13).  .  .  natus  est  III  non. 
novembr.  C.  Oaesare  Germanico  II  L.  Apronio  Caesiano  coss.  (3  Nov. 
792  =  39  A.  D.).  .  .  octavum  mensem  agens  Romam  translatus  est. 
.  .  a  praeceptoribus  tunc  eminentissimis  est  eruditus  (cf.  vita  Persii: 
cognovit  per  Cornutum  etiam  Annaeurn  Lucanum,  aequaevum  auditorem 
Cornuti.  Lucanus  mirabatur  scripta  Flacci  etc.).  declamavit  et  graece 
et  latine  cum  magna  admiratione  audientium. 

3.  Suetonius'  vita:  prima  ingenii  experimenta  in  Neronis  laudibus 
dedit  quinquennali  certamine.  .  .  revocatus  Athenis  a  Nerone  cohor- 
tique  amicorum  additus  atque  etiam  quaestura  honoratus  (sacerdotium 
etiam  accepit  auguratus,  Vacca)  non  tamen  permansit  in  gratia  (the 
fault  of  which  the  writer  lays  upon  the  poet  and  the  offence  taken  by 
him  at  the  depreciation  of  his  talent,  while  Vacca  blames  Nero's  jea- 
lousy of  Lucan'  poetical  succees,  see  n.  4)  .  .  sed  et  famoso  carmine 
cum  ipsum  (Neronem)  tum  potentissimos  amicorum  gravissime  proscidit. 
ad  extremum  paene  signifer  Pisonianae  coniurationis  extitit.  .  .  verum 
detecta  coniuratione  nequaquam  parem  animi  constantiam  praestitit  (cf. 
Tac.  A.  XV  56.  70).  .  .  impetrato  autem  mortis  arbitrio  libero  .  .  brachia 
ad  secandas  venas  praebuit  medico  (cf.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr.  2079  = 
Ner.  9  —  cod.  Freher.  as  late  as  at  a.  2U80  — :  M.  Annaeus  Lucanus 
Cordubensis  poeta  in  Pisoniana  coniuratione  deprehensus  brachium  ad 
secandas  venas  medico  praebuit.  Vacca:  sua  sponte  coactus  vita  exce- 
dere  venas  sibi  praecidit  periitque  pridie  kal.  mai.  Attico  Vestino  et 
Nerva  Siliano  coss.  =.  30  April  818  =:  65  A.  D.).  poemata  eius  etiam 
praelegi  meraini,  confici  vero  ac  i^roponi  venalia  non  tantum  operose 
et  diligenter  sed  inepte  quoque. 

4.  Vacca:  et  certamine  pentaeterico  acto  in  Pompei  theatro  lau- 
dibus recitatis  in  Neronem  fuerat  coronatus  et  ex  tempore  Orphea 
scriptum  (in  hexameters)  in  experimentum  adversum  complures  ediderat 
poetas  et  tres  libros  (of  the  Pharsalia)  quales  videmus.  quare  inimicum 
sibi  fecerat  imperatorem.  quo  .  .  interdictum  est  ei  poetica  (cf.  Tac. 
A.  XV  49:  famam  carminum  eius  premebat  Nero  prohibueratque  osten- 
tare,  vanus  adsimulatione ;  Dio  LXII  29),  interdictum  etiam  causaruiu 
actionibus.  .  .  extant  eius  conplures  et  alii  (libri),  ut  Iliacon  (Stat. 
Silv.  II  7,  54-56;  R.  Unger  quaestio  de  Lucani  Heliacis,  Friedland  1858. 
4.),  Saturnalia  (from  this  perhaps  Martial.  X  64,  6?),  Catachthonion  (cf. 
Stat.  Silv.  II  7,  57),  Silvarum  X,  tragoedia  Medea  imperfecta,  salticae 
tabulae  XIV  (see  above  8,  I  extr.),  Epigrammata  (?  the  codd. :  appa- 
mata  and  et  ippamata);  prosa  oratione  in  Octavium  Sagittam  (Tac.  A. 
Xlll  44.  Hist.  IV  44)  et  pro  eo  (a  mere  exercise  of  the  pen),  de  incendio 


84  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

urbis,  Epistolarum  ex  Campania,  non  fastidiendi  quidem  omnes,  tales 
tamen  ut  belli  civilis  (Phars.)  videantur  accessio.  Also  adlocutio  ad 
PoUam  (his  wife  Argentaria  Polla)  according  to  Stat.  Silv.  II  7,  62  sq. 
R.  Unger,  de  Liicani  carminum  reliquiis,  Friedland  1860.  4. 

5.  QuintiK  XI,  90:  Lucanus  ardens  et  concitatus  et  sententiis  cla- 
rissimus  et,  ut  dicam  quod  sentio,  magis  oratoribus  quam  poetis  imi- 
tandus.  An  old  criticism  on  Lucan  (which  was  perhaps  spread  by 
Suetonius)  is  less  just.  Serv.  Aen.  1382:  Lucanus  ideo  in  numero  poe- 
tarum  esse  non  meruit  quia  videtur  historiam  composuisse,  non  poema. 
This  agrees  almost  verbally  with  Isidor.  Orig.  VIII  7,  10.  Schol.  Phars. 
I  1 :  ideo  Lucanus  dicitur  a  plerisque  non  esse  in  numero  poetarum 
quia  omnino  historiam  sequitur,  quod  poeticae  arti  non  convenit.  So 
also  Jornand.  get.  5.  Petron.  apparently  alludes  to  him  Sat.  118:  belli 
civilis  ingens  opus  quisquis  attigerit,  nisi  plenus  litteris,  sub  onere  la- 
betur.  non  enim  res  gestae  versibus  comprehendendae  sunt,  quod  longe 
melius  historici  faciunt,  sed  etc.  Cf.  Martial.  XIV  194:  Lucanus.  Sunt 
quidam  qui  me  dicant  non  esse  poetam,  sed  qui  me  vendit  bibliopola 
putat.  It  is  true  that  the  subject  was  too  large  for  such  a  poem  as 
the  Pharsalia.  But  the  principal  mistakes  are  the  rhetorical  treatment, 
and  the  abundance  of  descriptive  passages,  in  which  the  limits  of  mo- 
deration and  good  taste  are  frequently  overstepped.  See,  e.  g.,  the 
fearful  scenes  depicted  at  the  close  of  b.  Ill  and  VI  530,  also  VII  839 
sqq.  Sentimental  rhetoric  appears  IV  168  sqq.  An  almost  Ovidian 
description  of  Cornelia's  longing  for  her  husband  Pompey  V  805  sqq. 
Useless  exhibition  of  geographical  and  mythological  learning  III  169  sqq. 
IV  593  sqq.  677  sqq.  VI  330  sqq.  X  193  sqq. 

6.  The  subject  is  carried  down  to  the  siege  sustained  by  Caesar 
in  Alexandria,  but  the  authentic  title  of  the  work  (IX  983:  Pharsalia 
nostra  vivet  etc.  shows  that  it  was  the  writer's  intention  to  continue 
his  work  to  the  battle  of  Pharsalus.  The  first  three  books  were  pu- 
blished by  Lucan  himself  (see  n.  4),  when  he  was  still  on  good  terms 
with  Nero;  whence  I  33 — 66  his  praise  with  the  customary  suggestion 
of  a  later  apotheosis  (very  different  is  VII  456  sqq.).  A  difference  of 
political  views  (A.  Preime  p.  12  sqq.)  between  the  first  books  and  the 
continuation  cannot,  however,  be  maintained.  In  these  we  find  his  pre- 
ference for  Pompey  (II  453  sqq.  519  sqq.  732  sqq.)  and  Cato  and  Brutus 
(II  234  sqq.)  as  well  as  his  aversion  to  Caesar  (11  439  sqq.  382  sqq.). 
Not  different  opinions  are  enounced  by  the  poet  in  his  later  books, 
but  rather  the  same  with  increased  candour,  or  even  bitterness  and 
hostility.  Pompey's  cause  is  by  him  identified  with  right  and  liberty 
(e.  g.  VI  139.  259.  VII  579  sqq.),  while  Caesar's  is  constantly  designated 
as  scelus  (e.  g.  VII  751,  cf.  also  IV  188.  V  242.  261  sqq.  390  sqq.  VI 
147  sqq.  298  sqq.  VII 40.  168  sqq.  243.  558  sqq.  751.  777  sqq.  VIII  782. 
834).  Caesar's  victory  is  represented  as  the  cause  not  only  of  the 
downfall  of  liberty  (VII  433  sqq.  639  sqq.  696  sq.  IX  204  sqq.  252  sq.), 
but  also  of  the  decay  of  Roman  power  and  majesty  (VII  427  sqq.). 
Even  Caesar's  noble  actions  are  turned    into  the  reverse  (VII  798  sqq. 


Luean.  85 

IX  1034  sqq.),  and  his  assassination  is  justified  and  praised  (VII 593  sqq. 
cf.  VIII  609.  X  338  sqq.  523  sqq.).  Negatively  speaking,  Caesar  is  the 
hero  of  the  poem,  and  for  this  reason  he  is  ironically  promised  immor- 
tality (IX  981  sqq.).  Just  as  he  is  all  that  is  bad,  Pompey  is  all  that 
is  good  (cf.  especially  VIII  841  sqq.,  also  V  1  sqq.  VI  799  sqq.  VII  28 
sqq.),  so  that  even  the  betrayal  of  his  own  country  admits  of  praise 
(VIII  232  sqq.).  Only  Cato  surpasses  him  in  the  poet's  eyes  (IX  597 
sqq.,  cf.  ib.  187  sqq.  254  sqq.  553  sqq.).  The  Stoic  convictions  of  Lucan 
appear  in  many  passages,  e.  g.  VII  814  sqq.  IX  302  sqq.  572  sqq.  X 
265  sqq.  413  sq.  Expressions  resembling  Epicurean  tenets  (e.  g.  VII 
446  sqq.  455  sq.)  are  the  results  of  his  despair  of  a  just  Providence 
(III  449),  Directly  against  Nero  is  IX  983  sqq.  Other  candid  expressions 
IV  807  sqq.  823.  V  385.  VI  229.  VII  210.  433  sqq.  456  sqq.  VIII  672. 
IX  252  sq.  600  sqq.  X  24  sqq. 

7.  That  the  tenth  book  is  not  complete  appears  even  from  its 
small  size,  as  it  has  at  least  200  lines  less  than  the  other  books.  But 
even  books  IV— IX  were  not  published  by  Lucan  himself,  but  after  his 
death  by  some  friend  or  relation  (Genthe  p.  75—82).  It  is,  however, 
possible  that  these  books  were  recited  in  public  by  the  author  himself- 
Vacca  pronounces  them  'mendosi'  and  applies  to  them  Ovid's  expression 
'emendaturus  si  licuisset  eram',  and  this  may  perhaps  be  said  of  details, 
but  in  the  whole  composition  Lucan  would  scarcely  have  changed  much. 
Fronto  p.  157  N. :  unum  .  .  poetae  prooemium  commemorabo,  poetae 
eiusdem  temporis  eiusdemque  nominis  (as  Seneca):  fuit  aeque  Annaeus. 
is  initio  carminis  sui  (the  Phars.)  septem  primis  versibus  nihil  aliud 
quam  bella  plus  quam  civilia  interpretatus  est.  The  erroneous  expla- 
nation of  these  words  seems  to  have  caused  the  report  given  by  the 
Schol.  Lucan.  I  1  (p.  8  sq.  Us.):  hos  VII  versus  primos  dicitur  Seneca 
ex  suo  addidisse  .  .  ne  videretur  liber  ex  abrupto  inch'? are.  Against 
F.  Osann  (de  Sen.  scriptis  deperditis  spec.  III.  Giesseti  1848.  4.)  see 
Genthe  p.  77 — 81.  C.F.Weber,  de  duplici  Pharsaliae  Lucaneae  exordio? 
Marburg  1860.  26  pp.  4. 

8.  Lyd.  de  magistr.  Ill  46:  Mg  6  Ilok&f^wp'  tv  n^junrt]  i'^ijy^afojy 
Ttjg  x«T((  JovyMvov  rov  P(o/ucc7op  i^t^vkioiv  avyyQCi(^>tjg  ctuftftjyaTo.  On 
Vacca  see  n.  1.  Some  remnants  of  these  commentaries  remain  in  the 
Sch'olia  on  Lucan,  of  which  we  possess  a  twofold  recension,  one 
entitled  Commenta  and  which  exists  in  a  complete  shape  only  in  the 
Berne  ms.  370  (C)  saec.  X,  the  other  styled  Adnotationes,  the  most 
complete  and  important  mss.  "of  which  are  the  Wallersteinensis,  two 
Vossiani  saec.  X  at  Leyden,  and  a  Gemblacensis  at  Brussels  saec.  X- 
The  latter  have  been  published  by  Oudendorp  and  C.  F.  Weber,  though 
inaccurately;  and  both  together  are  being  edited  by  H.  Usener,  of 
which  publication  Pars  prior  has  appeared  containing  the  commenta 
Bemensia,  Lips.  Teubner  1869.  To  this  we  may  add  H.  Genthe,  scholia 
Vetera  in  Luc.  e  codice  Montepessulano,  Berlin  1868.  29  pp.  4. 

9.  The  epic  itself  is  entitled  De  bello  civili  in  the  mss.  The 
earliest  ms.  of  it  is  formed  by  the  palimpsest  leaves  at  Vienna,  Naples 


86  The  First.  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

and  Rome,  at  the  latest  of  saec.  IV.  D.  Detlefsen,  Philologus  XIII  p. 
313—357.  XV  p.  526—538  XXVI  p.  173—184.  W.  Steinhart,  de  Lucani 
schedis  rescriptis  Vindobonensibus,  Salzwedel  1860.  4.  and  in  Fleckeisen's 
Jahrb.  83,  p.  553—367.  Among  the  other  mss.,  Voss.  II  (B  in  Steinhart, 
U  in  Usener),  Montepess.,  Colbert,  and  Cassellanus  bear  the  subscription: 
Paulus  Constantinopolitanus  emendavi  manu  mea  solus,  whom  Usener 
(Rhein.  Mus.  XXIII  p.  497  —  505)  identifies  with  the  Papulus  Const. 
Theyderich  of  a  Paris  miscellaneous  ms.  7530  of  a.  674.  The  mss.  of 
this  recension  differ  from  the  numerous  other  mss.  in  omitting  a  con- 
siderable number  of  lines  in  the  books  not  published  by  Lucan  himself, 
which  may  perhaps"  have  come  from  the  papers  of  the  poet,  but  are 
more  probably  later  interpolations.  Also  in  the  mss.  of  this  recension 
the  lines  in  question  are  added  from  mss.  of  the  other  class,  though 
in  unequal  measure.  W.  Steinhart,  de  Lucani  codice  Montepessulano, 
in  the  Symbola  philol.  Bonn.  p.  287 — 300:  see  his  Diss,  de  emendatione 
Lucani,  Bonn.  1854.  C.  E.  C.  Schneider,  trium  codd.  Vratisl.  Luc.  lec- 
tiones  variae,  Bresl.  1823.  4.  Imm.  Bekker,  on  a  ms.  of  Lucan  at  Berlin, 
Monthly  Reports  of  the  Academy  at  Berlin,  1853,  p.  166 — 69.  On  three 
mss.  saec.  XI  and  XII  see  J.  Klein,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXIV  p.  121—126. 

10.  Ed.  princeps  Rom.  1469  fol.  Among  the  later  editions  we 
should  chiefly  mention  those  by  Th.  Pulmann  (Antverp.  1564.  1576),  H. 
Grotius  (ex  emend.  H.  Gr.  cum  eiusdem  notis,  Antverp.  1614.  Lugd. 
1626:  cf.  Usener,  Lucani  pugnae  Pharsaliae  narratio  ex  H.  Gr.  rec.  ed. 
cum  comm.  critico,  Greifswald  1863.  4.  Rhein.  Mus.  XIX  p.  148—150), 
G.  Corte  (Lips.  1726.  cf.  H.  Genthe  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  89,  p.  547 
—  550),  Fr.  Oudendorp  (Lugd.  Bat.  1728.  4.),  P.  Barmann  (Lugd.  1740. 
4.),  C.  Fr.  Weber  (cum  notis  varr.  etc.  Lips.  1821 — 1831,  3  vols.,  the 
last  of  which  contains  the  Scholia  and  editionem  morte  Cortii  inter- 
ruptam  absolvit.  Lips.  1828  sq.  2  vols.).  Also  editions  by  Lemaire 
(Paris  1830,  2  vols.)  and  C.  H.  Weise  (rec.  schol.  interpr.,  Quedlinb.  and 
Leipzig  1835).  R.  Bentley's  notes  on  the  first  three  books  in  the 
edition  Strawberryhill  1760.  4.  (Luc.  c.  notis  H.  Grotii  et  R.  Bentlei) 
and  Glasgow  1816;  also  in  C.  F.  Weber's  edition. 

11.  J.  Merkel,  Lucan's  Phars.  1.  I  in  Latin  and  German.  Aschaffen- 
burg  1849.  4. 

12.  Meusel  and  Gottfr.  Biirger,  de  Lucano,  Halle  1767  sq.  4.  2  partes. 
Supplements  to  Sulzer  V,  1.  p.  16  sqq.  VII  p.  334  sqq.  Leloup,  de 
poesi  epica  et  Phars.  Luc,  Treves  1827.4.  A.  Preime,  de  Lucani  Phar- 
salia,  Marburg  1859,  and  especially  Herm.  Genthe,  de  Lucani  vita  et 
scriptis,  Berlin  1859.  85  pp. 

F.  Kortiim,  Historical  Investigations  (Leipzig  and  Heidelberg  1863) 
p.  209—252.  A.  Schaubach,  Lucan's  Phars.  and  its  relation  to  history, 
Meiningen  1869.  4.  Th.  Creizenach,  the  Aeneid  .  .  and  the  Pharsalia 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  Frankfort-on  the-Maine  1864.  4. 


299.  One  of  the  friends  of  Persius  was  the  lyrical  poet 
Caesius  Bassus  who  seems  also  to  have  written  a  didactic 
poem  de  metris.  It  is  probable  that  in  the  third  century  this 
work  was  turned  into  a  prose-manual  of  metres,  considerable 
fragments  of  which  are  extant.  Some  other  compositions 
wrongly  bear  his  name.  Other  writers  of  verse  in  the  time 
of  Nero  are  Vagellius,  Curtius  Montanus,  and  Serranus. 

1.     Vita  Persii  (see  297,  1)  p.  234  J.:    amicos  habiiit  a  prima  ado- 
lescentia  Caesium  Bassum  poetam  et  Calpurnium  Staturam,  qui  vivo 
eo  iuvenis  decessit  (and  was  not  a  poet  himself).    He  edited  the  Satires 
of  Persius:  see  above  297,  3.    Schol.  Pers.  6,  1  (p.  340  J.):  hanc  satiram 
scribit  Persius    ad  Caesium  Bassum   poetam  lyricum,  quern  fama  est  in 
praediis  suis  positum  ardente  Vesuvio  .  .  et  late  ignibus  abundante  cum 
villa    sua   ustum  esse  (A.  D.  79).     Cf.  PJin.  Ep.  VI  16,    8  (according  to 
0.    Jahn's    emendation):      accipit    codicillos    .  .  Caesi    Bassi    imminente 
periculo  exterriti.     Quintil.  X  1,  96:    lyricorum  Horatius  fere  solus  legi 
dignus.     .  .  si   quem   adicere   velis   is  erit  Caesius  Bassus,  quern  nuper 
vidimus.     Pers.  6,  1 — 6:    admovit  iam  bruma   foco   te,   Basse,    Sabino? 
iamne  lyra  et  tetrico  vivunt  tibi  pectine  chordae,  mire  opifex  numeris 
veterum  primordia  vocum  atque  marem  strepitum  fidis  intendisse  latinae, 
mox  iuvenes   agitare   iocos    et   police   honesto    egregius   lusisse    senes? 
Priscian.    X  36.  p.    527  H. :    Bassus    in   II  lyricorum:    Calliope  ptinceps 
sapienti  psallerat  ore.     The  identity  with   the  writer  on  metres  is  ren- 
dered very  probable  by  the  quotation  Bassius  (instead  of  Bassus)  adNero- 
nem  de  iambico  sic  dicit,  in  Rufin.  p,  2707  P.=379  Gaisf.  From  this  me- 
trical work  is  no  doubt  derived  Diomed  III  p.  513  K.:  huius  (i.  e.  mo- 
lossicum  metrum)  exemplum   dat  Caesius  Bassus  tale:   Romani  victores 
Germanis  devictis.    Cf.  Ter.  Maur.  2358:  quae  (exempla)  locasse  Caesium 
libro    notavi   quem  dedit  metris  super.     2369 :    auctore  tanto  credo  me 
tutum  fore.     Victorin.   ap.  Keil   VI  p.  209,  10  sq. :     Caesius  Bassus,  vir 
doctus    atque    eruditus,    in    libro  de  metris  'iambicus  trimetrus'  .  .  ait. 
The    latter    characteristic    applies    to    the    treatise    de  metris  which  is 
mutilated    at    the    beginning    and    attributed    to    Atilius   Fortunatianus 
owing  to  an  error  arising  from  the  final  subscription  of  a  v/ork  following 
this    in    the  ms.  (see  Keil,  gramm.  VI  p.  255 — 272),  which  treatise  can 
therefore  be  by  Caesius  Bassus,  especially  as  it  contains  many  valuable 
notices   drafvn   from    old    writers   (multa  quae  ex  antiquissima  et  prae- 
stantissima    doctrina    sunt  petita,  Keil  p.  252).     From   Persius  (numeris 
etc.)  we  might  indeed  infer  that  Caesius'  work  was  originally  in  verse, 
like  that  of  Terentianus  Maurus ;    for  which    reason   Westphal  assumes 
a    later    prose    version.     The    derivation    (nocQayoDyij)    also    assumed  by 
Varro    of  the    various    metres    from  one  metrum  principale  (the  herons 
and  trimeter  iambicus)  by  means  of  adiectio,  detractio,    permutatio  etc. 
was    perhaps    contained    in    it.     The    examples   were  derived  from  the 
contemporary  poets  Pomponius   Secundus   (above   279,  7),   Seneca  (and 


SS  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Petronius  Aroiter?)  R.  Westphal,  on  Greek  metres  P  p.  169  —  174.    See 
ibid.  p.  119  sq.  Keil,  gramm.  latt.  VI  p.  250—252. 

2.  In  the  collection  of  the  Latin  writers  on  metre  a  fragment  (p. 
2663  sqq.  P.  =  302  sqq.  Gaisf.  =  Keil  IV  p.  305  sq.)  bears  the  title 
of  Ars  Caesii  Bassi  de  metris.  It  contains  a  poor  explanation  of  five 
metres  of  Horace,  derived  from  Caesius  Bassus  (n.  1).  It  is  followed 
(p.  307 — 312  Keil  VI)  by  two  chapters,  entitled  Breviatio  pedum  and 
De  compositionibus,  perhaps  from  Julius  Romanus.  R.  Westphal,  on 
Greek  metres  P  p.  118  sq.  132  sq.  204  sq.  Keil,  gramm.  lat.  VI  p.  253 
and  254. 

3.  In  general  see  also  Leutsch,  Philologus  XI  p.  739—744.  J.  Caesar 
in   Panly's  Enc.  I  2.  p.  2295.  Nr.  10. 

4.  Sen.  nat.  quaest.  VI  2,  9 :  egregie  Vagellius  meus  in  illo  in- 
clito  carmine  .  .  inquit.  Hence  Ritschl  in  Reifferscheid's  Suet,  reliqq. 
p.  528—531  has  applied  to  this  Vagellius  the  statement  of  Donatus 
(ib.  p.  35) :  Scipionis  fabulas  edidisse  Terentium  Vagellius  in  Actione 
ait  (follow  three  Senarii).  A  declamator  mulino  corde  Vagellius  occurs 
Juv.   16,  23  cf.   13,  119. 

5.  Tac.  A.  XVI  28  (a.  66  =  819):  qui  .  .  Curtium  Montanum  de- 
testanda  carmina  factitantem  eludere  impune  sinerent.  29:  Montanum 
probae  iuventae  neque  famosi  carminis,  quia  protulerit  ingenium,  ex- 
torrem  agi.  Specimens  of  his  candour  in  the  Senate  (a.  70)  Tac.  Hist. 
IV  40.  42. 

6.  Quintil,  X  1,  89  in  treating  of  epic  poets:  Serranum  (G.  Sarpe; 
the  mss.  read  farrenum,  varrenum  etc.)  consummari  mors  immatura 
non  passa  est;  puerilia  tamen  eius  opera  et  maximam  indolem  osten- 
dunt  et  admirabilem  praecipue  in  aetate  ilia  recti  generis  voluntatem. 
But  Juv.  7,  79 — 81  presupposes  a  man  of  longer  life:  contentus  fama 
iaceat  Lucanus  in  hortis  marmoreis,  at  Serrano  tenuique  Saleio  gloria 
quantalibet  quid  erit,  si  gloria  tantumst?  According  to  these  words 
Serranus  should  rather  be  placed  in  a  later  period. 

7.  On  Gaetulicus  see  above  286,  1;  on  Atticus  Labeo  below  303,  5. 

8.  In  this  period  lived  the  two  epigrammatists  Lucillius  and  Leoni- 
das  (of  Alexandria)  who  occupy  much  space  in  the  Greek  Anthology. 

300.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  in  Nero's  time  arose  that 
character-novel  which  has  come  down  to  us  under  the  name 
of  Petronius  Arbiter.  Originally  a  large  work  of  at  least 
20  books  with  accounts  of  various  adventures  supposed  to 
have  taken  place  during  a  journey,  it  now  consists  of  a  heap 
of  fragments,  the  largest  of  which  is  the  cena  Trimalchionis,. 
being  the  description  of  a  feast  given  by  a  rich  and  un- 
educated upstart.     Though  full  of  dirt,  this  novel  is  not  only 


Writers  on  metre.     Petron'ms.  89 

highly  important  in  illustrating  the  history  of  the  manners  and 
language,  especially  plebeian,  but  is  also  a  work  of  art  in  its 
way,  full  of  humour,  knowledge  of  human  nature,  splendid 
wit  and  merry  humour.  In  its  form  it  is  a  satira  menippea, 
in  which  the  metrical  pieces  interspersed  contain  parodies  of 
certain  fashions  of  taste.  This  applies  especially  to  the  large 
epic  poems  of  Troiae  halosis  and  Bellum  civile.  The  spirit 
of  this  work  bears  great  affinity  to  C.  Petronius,  a  courtier 
who  was  compelled  to  die  by  Nero  a.  66,  but  the  identity  of 
the  writer  and  the  courtier  is  by  no  means  certain. 

1.  The  original  title  of  the  work  appears  to  have  been  Satirae, 
which  is  partly  preserved  in  the  mss.  (satirarum  liber  etc.),  partly 
changed  to  satiricon  or  Petronii  Arbitri  satiric!  liber  or  similar  titles; 
the  most  complete  title  is  given  by  the  cod.  Trag. :  Petronii  Arbitri 
Satyri  fragmenta  ex  libro  XV  et  XYI ;  see  Biicheler's  edition  p.  VI  sq. 
and  p.  2.  The  name  of  Afranius  which  is  found  in  mss.  by  the  side 
of  Petr.  Arb.,  denotes  his  resemblance  to  that  poet  of  togatae  in  pue- 
rorum  foedis  amoribus  (above  131,  1).  Being  employed  for  excerpts  in 
anthologies,  the  work  itself  was  all  the  sooner  lost,  which  it  appears 
to  have  been  as  early  as  the  7th  century.  In  the  9th  century  we  find 
that  the  carmen  de  bello  civili  was  both  known  and  used.  In  the  lOth 
and  11th  century  the  earliest  ms.  we  have  was  written,  cod.  Bernensis 
(B);  saec.  XII  John  of  Salisbury,  saec.  XIII  Vincentius  of  Beauvais  read 
Petronius  in  his  present  shape.  Biicheler's  ed.  p.  X  sq.  The  pretended 
discoveries  of  new  parts  of  Petronius  since  the  end  of  the  17th  century 
have  always  turned  out  to  be  forgeries;  especially  the  parts  published 
by  Fr.  Nodot  a.  1693  at  Paris  (Biicheler  p.  XLII),  and  Lallemand's  pre- 
tended discovery  at  St.  Gall  (Paris  1800). 

2.  The  extant  mss.  have  on  the  whole  the  same  gaps  and  cor- 
ruptions and  must,  therefore,  be  derived  from  one  and  the  same  ori- 
ginal ms.,  which  contained  only  excerpts  from  the  complete  work  of 
Petronius  and  besides  them  various  small  Latin  poems  and  glosses 
collected  by  anonymous  hands  from  Gellius,  Isidore  and  ecclesiastical 
writers,  and  which  came  to  be  attributed  to  Petronius  owing  to  their 
connexion  with  the  excerpts  from  Petronius.  Cf.  C.  Beck,  Petronius 
Arbiter  de  antiquis  dictionibus,  Cambridge  (America)  1860.  26  pp.  4. 
and  on  it  A.  Reifferscheid,  Rhein.  Mus.  XVI  p.  1 — 12.  Similar  miscel- 
laneous mss.  among  the  codd.  of  Petronius  are  the  Leidensis  (L)  of 
Jos.  Scaliger,  B.ernensis  (B)  and  Traguriensis  (saec.  XV)  from  Trau  in 
Dalmatia  found  c.  1620,  now  in  the  library  at  Paris  (A).  The  latter  con- 
tains also  the  cena  Trimalchionis  (H),  first  published  from  it  Patav. 
1664  and  (by  P.  Petitus)  Paris  1664.  On  the  mss.  of  Petronius  in  ge- 
neral see  Biicheler's  edition  p.  XII — XXXVI,  cf.  p.  XLIV  sqq.  C.  Beck, 
the  manuscripts  of  the  sat.  of  P.  A.  described  and  collated,  Cambridge 


90  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

(Mass.  U.  S.)  1863.  218  pp.  4.;  on  the  Leyden  and  Berne  mss.  of  P. 
and  their  mutual  relation,  Philol.  XX  p.  293—301,  and  against  him 
Bucheler  ibid.  p.  726—730. 

3.  In  the  extant  parts  the  freedman  Elucolpius  is  introduced  as 
speaker,  describing  the  adventures  he  experienced  on  a  journey  together 
with  another  freedman,  Ascyltos,  and  their  puer,  called  Giton.  Adven- 
tures at  Marseilles  are  indicated  by  Sidon.  Apol.  c.  XXIII  155  sq., 
but  the  part  we  possess  takes  place  in  the  South  of  Italy,  most  of  it 
in  a  'colonia'  of  Campania,  perhaps  Naples  or  (L.  Friedlander  in  the 
Konigsb.  ind.  lect.  1860  sq.  p.  61  sq.)  Puteoli,  ch.  116  sqq.  at  Croton. 
The  time  of  the  events  is  laid  under  Tiberius  (Biicheler  p.  VII),  which 
agrees  also  with  the  mention  made  of  (Mam.  Aemilius)  Scaurus  (above 
271,  2)  c.  77;  there  are  also  interspersed  allusions  to  persons  of  the 
time  of  Caligula  and  Nero  (Biicheler  p.  VIII)  The  characters  are  ca- 
pitally delineated,  chiefly  in  their  own  words,  but  with  a  slight  trace 
of  irony.  The  diction  of  each  character  is  always  in  strict  conformity 
with  their  habits  ;  Eucolpius  himself  using  the  speech  of  educated  per- 
sons in  the  best  age  of  Latin  literature  (C.  Beck,  the  age  etc.  p.  135 
— 152),  maintaining  of  course  the  liberty  of  the  conversational  style  and 
adding  a  number  of  constructions  peculiar  to  the  first  century  of  the 
Christian  era  (an  uncritical  collection  in  Beck  1.  1.  p.  152 — 157).  Most 
of  the  occasional  speakers  use  a  plebeian  diction,  full  of  proverbial 
expressions,  slang,  exaggeration ,  solecisms  and  archaisms  and  also 
Grecisms  (owing  to  the  semi-Greek  character  of  the  place) ;  see  G. 
Studer,  Rhein.  Mus.  II  (1843)  p  75-85.  C.  Beck,  the  age  etc.  p.  106 
— 184.  Cf.  n.  9.  The  versified  passages  are  mostly  attributed  to  the 
vain  and  tasteless  poet  Eumolpus;  especially  c.  89  the  Troiae  halosis 
in  65  senarii  and  c.  119—124  the  bellum  civile  in  295  hexameters.  But 
in  other  places  also  the  diction  easily  passes  into  poetical  form, 
e.  g.  c.  5,  83,  108,  127  sq.,  131,  133  sq.,  135  sq.  139  hexameters  c.  14' 
18,  80,  82,  109,  126,132,  137  in  distichs:  c.  5  choliambics;  hendecasyl- 
labics  c.  15,  79,  93,  109,  fr.  20;  logaoedi  132;  lonici  23;  iambs  fr.  19,21. 
This  feature  turns  the  novel  into  a  satira  Menippea  (above  24,  '3). 

4,  As  regards  the  different  opinions  on  the  age  of  this  work  we 
should  mention  Niebuhr's  view  (Trans,  of  the  Academy  at  Berlin  1828. 
II.  p.  250  sqq.  =  Minor  Philological  Writings  p.  337  sqq.)  that  it  be- 
longed to  the  third  century  and  the  reign  of  Alexander  Severus,  a  view 
caused  by  an  inscription  (Orelli  1175)  erroneously  assigned  to  that  time 
and  the  persons  of  which  were  wrongly  identified  with  those  of  Pe- 
tronius;  see  W.  Teufl'el,  Studies  and  Char.  p.  391—393.  Biicheler  p.  IV 
sq.  not.  On  the  other  hand,  C.  Beck,  the  age  of  Petronius  Arbiter, 
Cambridge  (Mass.)  1856.  158  pp.  4,  (esp.  p.  100—104)  places  the  work 
under  Augustus  or  Tiberius,  between  A.  D.  6  and  34;  against  him  see 
Biicheler,  Rh.  Mus.  XI  p.  608  sq.  In  our  days  we  may  look  upon  that 
view  as  firmly  established,  according  to  which  the  work  was  written 
under  Nero;  see  especially  G.  Studer,  Rhein.  Mus.  II  p.  50—92.  202  sq. 
F.  Ritter  ibid.  p.  561  -  569;  W    Teuffel  ibid.  IV  p.  514  sq.     Neque  ho- 


Petvonius.  91 

mines,  res,  mores,  studia,  cultus  denique  omnis  humaiius  civilisque 
qualis  describitur,  neque  genus  sermonis  arsque  metrorum  in  aliud 
atque  Neronianum  tempus  conveniunt.  certum  igitur  et  Senecae  Pe- 
tronium  et  Lucano  fuisse  aequalem  (Biicheler,  ed.  p.  V).  Even  in  Nero's 
time  the  simple  and  natural  style  of  this  novel  formed  an  exception, 
but  at  any  later  time  it  would  have  been  an  impossibility.  For  allu- 
sions to  Seneca  see  E.  Gottschlich,  de  parodiis  Senecae  apud  Petronium, 
in  the  Miscell.  philolog.  for  Fr.  Haase's  jubilee  (Breslau  1863)  p.  26—29. 
It  is  evident  that  the  Troiae  halosis  alludes  to  a  similar  poem  by  Nero 
on  the  same  subject  (above  281,  8),  and  that  the  bellum  civile  is  a 
parody  of  Lucan's  poem  whose  manner  is  exaggerated,  though  he  is 
not  mentioned,  as  he  was  still  living;  see  J.  G.  Mossier,  de  Petr.  poe- 
mate  de  bello  civili  (Breslau  1842)  and  quaestionum  Petron.  spec,  quo 
poema  de  bello  civili  cum  Pharsalia  Lucani  comparatur,  Hirschberg 
1857;  spec.  II.,  Hirschberg  1865.  4.  1870.  4. 

5.  Tac.  A.  XVI  17  :  paucos  intra  dies  eodem  agmine  Annaeus  Mela, 
.  .  C.  Petronius  cecidere  (a.  66  =:  819  v.  c).  18:  de  C.  Petronio 
pauca  supra  repetenda  sunt,  nam  illi  dies  per  somnum,  nox  officiis  et 
oblectamentis  vitae  transigebatur ;  utque  alios  industria,  ita  hunc  ignavia 
ad  famam  protulerat  habebalurque  non  ganeo  et  profligator,  .  .  sed 
erudito  luxu.  ac  dicta  factaque  eius  quanto  solutiora  et,  quandam  sui 
neglegentiam  praeferentia  tanto  gratius  in  spem  simplicitatis  accipie- 
bantur.  proconsul  tamen  Bithyniae  et  mox  consul  vigentem  se  ac 
parem  negotiis  ostendit.  dein  revolutus  ad  vitia  sen  vitiorum  imitatione 
inter  paucos  famiiiarium  Neroni  adsumptus  est,  elegantiae  arbiter,  dum 
nihil  amoenum  et  molle  affluentia  putat  nisi  quod  ei  Petronius  adpro- 
bavisset.  When  sentenced  to  die,  he  audiebat  referentes  nihil  de  im- 
mortalitate  animae  et  sapientium  placitis,  sed  levia  carmina  et  faciles 
versus.  That  the  work  of  Petronius,  mentioned  ib.  19  sq.,  and  in  which 
he  flagitia  principis  sub  nominibus  exoletorum  feminarumque  et  novi- 
tatem  cuiusque  stupri  perscripsit  atque  obsignata  misit  Neroni,  has  no 
connexion  with  the  extant  satirae,  has  been  proved  by  Fr.  Ritter 
(Rh.  Mus.  II  p.  569—572)  and  is  not  refuted  by  C.  Peter  (Hist,  of  Rome 
III  1  p.  360  note).  The  character  of  C.  Petronius  does  indeed  suit  the 
character  of  the  satire,  but  the  passage  of  Tacitus  not  only  not 
indicates  any  literary  activity,  but  even  excludes  it;  see  W.  Teuffel, 
Studies  and  Char.  p.  394  sq.  It  is  true  that  a  serious  character,  like 
Tacitus,  might  perhaps  neglect  a  work  which  he  was  right  in  consi- 
dering as  dirty  literature;  but  had  it  appeared  under  the  name  of  the 
consul  he  characterized  he  still  ought  to  have  mentioned  it  as  the 
most  forcible  indication  of  his  character,  and  at  all  events  he  could 
not  merely  have  stated:  illi  dies  per  somnum  transigebatur.  Even  in 
case  it  was  a  work  of  his  earlier  years  or  published  after  his  death, 
*his  peculiar  silence  and  such  a  characteristic  were  incompatible.  We 
should,  therefore,  either  assume  that  the  satirae  were  published  ano- 
nymously and  perhaps  appeared  at  a  different  place  (in  Massilia?  Ap. 
Sid  XXIII  115),  the  work  being  subsequently  attributed  to  the  Petronius 


92  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

mentioned  by  Tacitus  owing  to  a  combination  caused  by  the  affinity 
of  time  and  spirit,  and  in  which  the  designation  of  Petronius  as  ele- 
gentianim  arbiter  may  have  caused  the  surname  of  Arbiter,  or  in  case 
the  author  called  himself  Petronius  Arbiter,  we  must  assume  that  he  is 
diiferent  from  the  one  mentioned  by  Tacitus.  The  identity  of  the  two 
is  not,  however,  doubted  by  Borghesi,  Oeuvres  III  p.  561   sq. 

(\.  The  earliest  appearance  of  the  name  is  in  Terent.  Maur.  v. 
2489  sqq.  (Arbiter  disertus)  and  2852  sqq.  (Petronius).  Sidon.  Apoll. 
carm,  IX  268  mentions  Petr.  in  a  list  of  poets,  XXIII  155  Arbiter 
among  the  famous  writers  eloquii  latini.  The  judgment  of  Lyd.  de 
mag.  I  41  (above  24,  2),  is  destitute  of  authority.  Macrob.  comm.  in 
somn.  Sc.  I  2,  8:  fabulae  .  .  auditum  mulcent,  velut  comoediae  .  .  vel 
argumenta  fictis  casibus  amatorum  referta  (novels),  quibus  vel  multum 
se  Arbiter  exercuit  vel  Apuleium  nonnumquam  lusisse  miramur.  Quo- 
tations of  Petronius  in  Diomed  (Arbiter),  Servius,  Priscian,  Fulgentius 
(Petr.  Arb.),  Sergius  and  others,  collected  in  Biicheler's  ed.  p.  206  sqq. 
The  name  of  Petronius  is  not  attested  in  the  case  of  the  poems  nr. 
31_40,  50—52  in  Biicheler;  A.  Riese  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  99,  p.  281. 

7.  On  the  editions  of  the  satirae  see  Biicheler  p.  XXXVII 
sqq.  Among  those  published  before  the  discovery  of  the  cena  Trim, 
(n.  2)  we  may  mention  those  by  J.  Dousa  (Lugd.  1585  and  elsewhere), 
Goldast  (Helenop.  1610.  Frankf.  1611),  Gonsalez  de  Salas  (Francof.  1629. 
4.);  among  the  later  editions  especially  those  by  P.  Burmann  (Utrecht 
1709.  4.  Amsterdam  1743.  4.;  J.  J.  Reiske,  libellus  animadvers.  ad  alt. 
ed.  Burmann.,  Lips.  4  parts),  also  C.G.Anton  (Lips.  1781).  Texts  Lips. 
1721,  Bipont.  1790.  The  first  critical  edition  ex  recens.  Fr.  Biicheleri, 
Berol.  1862;  the  text  (with  the  Priapeia)  ib.  1862,  and  (with  Varro's 
satires  and  Seneca's  apocol.)  1871. 

8.  Contributions  to  the  criticisrn  of  the  text  by  J.  C.  Orelli  (lec- 
tiones  Petron.,  Zurich  1836.  4.),  G.  Studer  (observat.  critt.  in  Petr.  cen. 
Trim.,  Bern  1839.  4.),  W.  Wehle  (observat.  critt.  in  Petr.,  Bonn  1861), 
O.  Keller  (Rhein.  Mus.  XVI  p.  532—551),  C.  Beck  (above  n.  2). 

9.  On  Petronius  and  his  work  see  also  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's 
Enc.  V  p.  1402—1406.  Fr.  Biicheler,  New  Swiss  Mus.  Ill  (Bern  1863) 
p.  17 — 31.    E.  Ludwig,  de  Petr.  sermone  plebeio,  Lips.  1870.  39  pp. 

301.  About  the  conmiencement  of  Nero's  reign,  Calpur- 
nius  wrote  seven  eclogues  with  strict  technical  elaboration 
and  in  imitation  of  the  manner  and  subjects  of  Theocritus 
and  Virgil,  in  pretty  good  taste,  but  with  much  servility.  To 
the  same  time  belong  two  other  extensive  fragments  of  bucolic 
poems  in  an  Einsiedeln  ms.  Two  centuries  afterwards  Cal- 
purnius  himself  was  imitated  and  exaggerated  by  Nemesianus, 
whose  garrulous  four  eclogues  diffei*  from  Calpurnius  both  in 


Petronius.     Calpuiftius  and  Nemesiantts.  9-^ 

prosody    and   metre,    but  were  long  mixed  up    with  those  of 
Calpurnius,  owing  to  their  outward  and  casual  connexion. 

1.  In  the  ms.  of  Thaddaeus  Ugoletus  of  uncertain  age,  from 
which  the  edition  of  Angelus  Ugoletus  (Parma  c.  1490)  was  made,  the 
property  of  the  two  poets  is  carefully  distinguished  (in  the  edition: 
Titi  Calphurnii  Siculi  bucolicum  carmen  .  .  incipit;  Aurelii  Nemesiani 
poetae  Carthaginiensis  ecioga  prima  incipit;  according  to  Nic.  Augelius: 
finis  bucolicorum  Calphurnii.  Aurelii  Nemesiani  p.  earth,  ecioga  prima 
etc.,  see  M.  Haupt,  p.  11  sq.)  and  even  the  cod.  Neapol.  has  at  the  end 
of  eel.  11  the  subscription:  Aureliani  Nemesiani  Carthag.  buc.  explicit 
(Haupt  p.  13).  The  signal  difference  of  technical  treatment  has  been 
pointed  out  by  M.  Haupt,  de  carminibus  bucolicis  Calpurnii  et  Neme- 
siani, Berlin  1854.  4.,  p.  1—5.  In  the  poems  of  Calpurnius  a  final  o 
is  used  short  only  in  agreement  with  the  strictest  poets,  in  those  of 
Nemesianus  we  find  mulcendo,  laudando,  ambo  and  other  shortenings; 
in  the  first,  synaloephe  is  extremely  scarce  (in  758  lines  we  find,  be- 
sides three  doubtful  instances  of  synaloephe  of  que  in  subsequent 
feet,  only  eight  certain  instances  and  these  always  in  the  first  foot,  six 
examples  of  e,  and  one  each  of  a  and  um.  Five  of  these  instances 
occur  in  eel.  3  which  is  perhaps  the  earliest  of  all,  one  each  in  eel.  1, 
2,  5,  none  at  all  in  eel.  4,  6,  7;  but  in  the  319  hexameters  of  Neme- 
sianus we  have  39  instances  of  synaloephe,  three  of  which  (8,21.  9,14. 
32)  concern  a  long  vowel  and  only  about  half  of  them  the  first  foot. 
To  terminate  a  line  with  montivagus  Pan  (eel.  10,  17),  or  to  take 
futuri  (perhaps  venturi)  as  a  molossus  (eel.  10,  23),  is  never  found  in 
Calpurnius.  The  caesura  consists  in  Calpurnius  in  more  than  70  in- 
stances in  the  combination  of  xaicc  tqitou  iQoxalov,  TQtS^TjfitjufQtjg  and 
€(f'^ijjui,fxfQi]g,  in  Nemesianus  it  is  almost  limited  to  the  ntvd-rjfxifxtQi^g, 
that  other  combination  occurring  only  6  times.  But  the  technical 
treatment  of  the  last  four  eclogues  agrees  with  that  of  Nemesianus* 
Cynegetica  (Haupt  p.  9  sq.).  The  identity  of  the  author  of  all  the 
eleven  eclogues  is  also  excluded  by  the  numerous  repetitions  of  com- 
plete lines  and  the  variation  of  thoughts  and  phrases  which  occur  in  the 
last  four  as  compared  with  the  first  seven;  especially  eel.  9  (Nemes.  2) 
is  almost  entirely  a  compilation  from  eel.  2,  3  and  7 ;  but  also  in  eel. 
8  (Nem.  1)  eel.  1,  4  and  6  are  much  used,  and  10  (Nem.  3),  2  is  iden- 
tical.„with  (Calp.)  5,  2.  Statins  is  never  imitated  in  eel.  1—7,  but  in 
8 — 11,  and  also  in  Nemesianus'  Cyneg.  (Haupt  p.  10  sq.).  A  certain 
fondness  of  a  parenthetic  use  of  memini,  fateor  appears  only  in  the 
first  seven,  but  not  in  the  last  four  pieces. 

2.  The  time  in  which  the  first  seven  eclogues  were  written  ap- 
pears with  certainty  from  the  numerous  allusions  contained  in  them? 
especially  in  eel.  1,  4  and  7  (Haupt  p.  16—26).  The  prince  (deus)  is 
styled  iuvenis  (1,  44.  4,  85.  137.  7,  7)  of  youthful  beauty  (7,  84),  ma- 
ternis  causas  qui  lusit  in  ulnis  (1,  44  see  above  281,  7)  who  exhibits 
splendid  games,  composed  with  which  vilia  sunt   quaecunque  prioribus 


94  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

annis  vidimus  et  sortlet  quidquid  spectavimus  olim  (7,  44  sq.),  with 
whose  accession  begins  an  era  of  peace,  liberty  and  dementia  (1,  42 
— 88.  4  passim).  All  this  agrees  with  Nero's  reign  and  its  prosperous 
oommencement,  just  as  the  comet  which  appears  in  autumn  (1,  77  sqq.) 
suits  the  comet  which  made  its  appearance  shortly  before  the  death  of 
Claudius  (a.  807).  The  diction  and  metre  of  these  seven  eclogues 
would  also  suit  this  period,  or  at  least  nothing  would  force  us  beyond 
1t.  The  writer  complains  of  his  poverty  (4,  156  sqq.)  and  endeavours 
through  Meliboeus  (according  to  Sarpe,  quaest.  phil.  Rostock  1819.  4. 
=:  Seneca,  according  to  Haupt  p.  26  sq.  =  Calpurnius  Piso)  to  bring 
his  panegyric  poems  under  the  notice  of  the  prince.  It  cannot  be  de- 
cided whether  'Siculus'  denotes  his  native  country  or  he  is  called  so 
merely  on  account  of  writing  in  the  style   of  Theocritus. 

3.  Even  in  the  portion  belonging  to  Calpurnius  thoughts  and 
subjects  are  imitated  from  Theocritus  and  Virgil,  in  the  sentimental 
and  rhetorical  style  of  the  first  century  and  with  an  exaggeration  of 
the  colours  of  the  original  (e.  g.  2,  15).  Nemesianus  in  his  turn  ex- 
aggerates the  ideas  and  phrases  of  Calpurnius,  especially  the  erotic 
traits,  and  the  rhetorical  execution  is  very  lengthy  and  tiresome.  On 
the  whole,  the  last  four  poems  attest  much  less  poetical  talent  than 
the  first  four. 

4.  The  best  ms.  of  the  eleven  poems  is  the  Neapolitan  of  the  be- 
ginning of  saec.  XV;  the  Paris  ms.  8049  saec.  XIII  (=  Heinsii  cod.  ap. 
Burmann?)  contains  only  eel.  1,  2,  3,  and  4,  1 — 12,  A  copy  of  the  cod. 
of  Th.  Ugoletas  (see  n.  1)  is  in  the  Riccardian  library.  None  of  the 
mss.  which  attribute  all  the  eleven  eclogues  to  Calpurnius  goes  beyond 
saec.  XV. 

5.  Editio  princeps  Rom.  1471  fol.  (with  Silius  It.).  Then  often 
together  with  Gratius'  (above  148,  1)  and  Nemesianus'  Cynegetica.  In 
Wernsdorf's  poetae  lat.  min.  II  p.  73—214.  Recognovit,  annotatione  et 
glossario  instruxit  Chr.  D.  Beck,  Lips.  1803.  In  W.  E.  Weber's  Corp. 
poetar.  lat.  p.  662 — 671.  Recens.  et  annott.  critt.  instr.  C.  E.  Glaeser, 
Getting.   1842. 

6.  Contributions  to  the  criticism  of  Calpurnius  by  M.  Haupt  (see 
n.  1)  p.  27 — 32,  on  Nemesianus'  eel.  ib.  p.  32—35,  on  his  Cyneg.  ib. 
p.  35 — 37;  on  Calp.  and  Nemes.  see  also  J.  Mahly,  on  Soph.  0.  C. 
(Basle  1868)  p.  101  —  118. 

7.  The  F^insiedeln  poems  were  first  published  (from  a  ms.  saec. 
X)  by  H.  Hagen,  Philol.  XXVIII  p.  338—341,  and  by  A.  Riese,  AnthoL 
lat.  725  sq.  (II  p.  180 — 183).  Contributions  to  their  criticism  and  esti- 
mation by  R.  Peiper  (praef.  in  Sen.  tragg.  suppl.,  Breslau  1870.  4.  p. 
27—32),  BiJcheler,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXVI  p.  235-240,  Ribbeck  ibid.  p.  406 
—410,  cf.  p.  491—493,  H.  Hagen  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  103,  p.  239— 152. 
The  first  consists  of  49,  the  second  of  39  hexameters;  the  first  is  a 
poetical  contest  between  Ladas  and  Thamyras  (iudice  Mida),  the  second 


Caipirrn'ms  and  Nemesiamis.      The  poem  o'n  Etna.  95 

a  dialogue  between  Glyceranus  and  Mystes.  The  second  surpasses  the 
first  in  talent,  truth  of  sentiment,  wit  and  poetical  depth,  though  this 
should  not  be  used  to  infer  difference  of  authorship,  as  H.  Hagen  does. 
The  author  of  the  first  poem  is  in  a  more  favourable  position  than 
Calpurnius;  cf.  v.  18:  et  me  .  .  Cynthius  .  .  laudatam  chelyn,  iussit 
variare  canendo.  The  beginning  of  the  second  (quid  tacitus,  Mystes?) 
agrees  curiously  with  that  of  Calpurn.  eel.  4,  Biicheler  p.  239  sq.  thinking 
Calpurnius  the  imitator.  Nero  is  belauded  in  the  usual  manner,  nr. 
725  praising  Nero's  public  appearance  as  citharoedus,  and  nr.  726  the 
return  of  the  golden  age  under  Nero.  A  long  vowel  is  elided  only 
once  725,  45  (ergo  ut),  and  only  puto  (725,  11)  is  shortened.  Besides 
the  7ifi/,9t3L<t/L(Qf^g,  only  the  combination  of  jqi't.  tqox-  with  f(^d^.  occurs 
(n.  1)  five  times  in  nr.  725  (v.  6,  8,  26  sq.  40),  six  times  in  nr.  726 
(v.  7,  10,  24,  31,  36,  39). 

302.  To  the  time  of  Nero  we  should  probably  attribute 
the  didactic  poem  entitled  Aetna,  containing  645  correct  hexa- 
meters, most  of  them  in  rather  a  dry  style  and  with 
zealous  opposition  to  current  opinions.  The  author  of  it  is 
probably  Seneca's  friend,  Lucilius  Junior,  a  man  of  literary 
culture. 

1.  That  the  work  was  written  before  the  great  eruption  of  Vesu- 
vius a.  69,  appears  from  the  complete  absence  of  any  mention  of  it 
(e.  g.  429  sqq.,  cf.  605  sqq.).  It  begins  with  a  lengthy  impugnation  of 
the  mythical  opinions  caused  by  the  poets  in  reference  to  the  causes 
of  volcanic  activity  (fallacia  vatum  29  sqq.;  stolidi  mendacia  vulgi  366 ; 
fabula  mendax  511),  and  general  opposition  to  anthropopathic  suppo- 
sitions (32  sq.  370).  The  poem  often  alludes  to  Epicurean  (32  sq.)  and 
Stoic  tenets  (173  sq.  537  sqq.).  Debita  carminibus  libertas  ista,  sed 
omnis  in  vero  mihi  cura,  91  sq.  Didactic  expressions  are  frequently  met 
with,  see  116  sq.  143  sq.  158  sqq.  175.  188  sqq.  219  sqq.  306  sq.  329  sq. 
348.  387  sq.  391  sq.  399  sq.  415  sq.  425  sqq.  448  sq.  510  sq.  529.  536  sq. 
The  same  words  and  structures  occur  repeatedly.  The  real  didactic 
parts  are  characterized  by  a  great  want  of  variety  and  life ;  very  con- 
spicuous in  them  is  the  lava  (lapis  molaris).  On  the  other  hand,  the 
diction  improves  and  becomes  more  sympathetic  when  the  beauty  and 
human  dignity  of  the  study  of  nature  are  contrasted  with  small  pursuits 
(224—281)  and  distant  branches  of  activity  (568—598).  In  the  same 
way,  the  description  of  an  eruption  of  Etna  (608  sqq.)  is  very  vivid. 
Did  the  author  use  Seneca's  nat.  quaest.  (e.  g.  119  sqq.  282  sqq.)?  Cf. 
Jacob  p.  XVIII  sq.  The  allusions  to  Lucretius  are  more  evident;  but 
on  the  whole  the  diction  follows  the  style  established  especially  by 
Virgil.  The  metrical  peculiarities  attest  the  fluctuation  and  uncertainty 
peculiar  to  the  fifty  years  subsequent  to  the  death  of  Augustus.  Though 
in  the  main  agreeing  with  Ovid,  the  metre  retains,  chiefly  in  the  treat- 


96  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

ment    of   caesura,    some    harshnesses    ot  Virgil's,   just    as  we  find  it  in 
Manilius  and  Statius  (L.  Miiller). 

2.  Sen.  nat.  quaest.  IV  praef.  9  to  Lucilius:  ita  est,  mi  lunior. 
He  was  born  perhaps  ten  years  later  than  Seneca  (ib.  Ill  1,  1 :  apud 
te,  iuvenis  carissime,  invenio :  followed  by  a  hexameter.  Epist.  26,  7: 
iuvenior  es),  at  Pompeji  or  Naples  (Sen.  Epist.  49,  1,  55,  ].  70,  1),  in 
modest  circumstances  (nat.  quaest.  IV  praef.  15:  eluctatus  natalium 
angustias;  cf.  Epist.  19,  5.  44),  out  of  which  he  worked  his  way  by 
assiduous  exertion;  Sen.  Epist.  44,  2:  eques  rom.  es  et  ad  liunc  ordinem 
tua  te  perduxit  industria.  Cf.  ib.  19,  3:  in  medium  te  protulit  ingenii 
vigor,  scriptorum  elegantia,  clarae  et  nobiles  amicitiae.  iam  notitia  te 
invasit.  Nat.  quaest.  IV  praef.  15  —  17  Seneca  lets  him  say:  non  mihi 
in  amicitia  Gaetulici  (above  286,  1)  vel  Caius  fidem  eripuit,  non  .  . 
Messala  et  Narcissus.  .  .  videbam  apud  Caium  tormenta,  .  .  non  tamen 
ferro  incubui  etc.  He  held  various  official  appointments  in  Germany, 
lllyria  and  Africa  (Sen.  Ep.  31,  9),  and  was  finally  for  some  time  Im- 
perial intendant  (procurator)  in  Sicily  (nat.  quaest.  IV  praef.  1.  Epist. 
19,  5.  31,  9.  43,  3  and  often). 

3.  The  interest  Lucilius  Junior  took  in  literature.  Sen.  nat.  q. 
IV  praef.  1.  Epist,  45,  1.  ib.  2,  2:  vide  rie  ista  lectio  auctorum  mul- 
torum  et  omnis  generis  voluminum  habeat  aliquid  vagum  et  instabile. 
Seneca  exercised  a  favourable  influence  upon  him  (Epist.  84,  2:  adsero 
te  mihi,  meum  opus  es.  ego  cum  vidissem  indolem  tuam  inieci  manum 
etc.).  Lucilius'  correspondence  with  Seneca  is  often  mentioned  by  the 
latter,  e,  g.  'Epist.  59,  4:  audi  quid  me  in  epistula  tua  delectaverit : 
habes  verba  in  potestate.  non  efifert  te  oratio  nee  longius  quam  desti- 
nasti  trahit.  (5.)  .  .  pressa  sunt  omnia  et  rei  aptata.  loqueris  quantum 
vis  et  plus  significas  quam  loqueris.  .  .  (6.)  invenio  tamen  translationes 
verborum,  .  .  invenio  imagines  etc.  His  literary  occupations.  In  Seneca 
nat.  quaest.  IV.  praef.  14,  Lucilius  says:  liberalius  me  studiis  tradidi 
quamquam  paupertas  alia  suaderet  et  ingenium  eo  duceret  ubi  praesens 
studii  pretium  est,  ad  gratuita  carmina  me  deflexi  et  ad  salutare  studium 
philosophiae  me  contuli.  To  the  latter  department  seems  to  have  be- 
longed the  work  mentioned  by  Sen.  Epist.  46:  librum  tuum,  quern 
mihi  promiseras,  accepi.  .  .  qui  quam  disertus  fuerit  ex  hoc  intellegas 
licet:  levis  mihi  visus  est,  cum  esset  nee  mei  nee  tui  corporis,  sed  qui 
primo  adspectu  aut  T.  Livii  aut  Epicuri  posset  videri.  Cf.  ib.  23,  9: 
Epicuri  tui.  Lucilius  was,  however,  just  as  much  or  little  of  a  real 
Epicurean  as  Seneca  was  of  a  Stoic;  cf.  ib.  107,  1  (Epicurus  noster). 
Nat.  quaest.  IV  2,  2 :  quare  non  cum  poeta  meo  (Lucil.)  iocor  et  illi 
Ovidium  suum  impingo  V  He  had  chiefly  written  poetry  on  Sicilian 
subjects;  ib.  HI  26,  6  (hoc,  the  legend  of  Arethusa,  et  a  te  traditum 
est  ut  in  poemate,  LuciH  carissime),)  cf.  the  hexameter  ib.  1,  1.  He 
dressed  up  philosophical  ideas  in  epic  metre,  Sen.  Epist.  24,  19—21. 
Sentences  as  senarii  ib.  8,  10.  Ibid.  79,  1 :  exspacto  epistulas  tuas  qui- 
bus  indices  mihi  circumitus  Siciliae  totius  quid  tibi  novi  ostenderit. 
ib.  5:    Aetnam    describas    in    tuo    carmine  et  hunc  solemnem  omnibus 


The  poem  on  Etna.  97 

poetis  locum  attingas.  quern  quo  minus  Ovidius  tractaret  nihil  obstitit 
quod  iam  Vergilius  (occasionally)  impleverat.  ne  Severum  quidem  Cor- 
nelium  uterque  deterruit.  7:  aut  ego  te  non  novi  aut  Aetna  tibi  salivam 
movet.     iam  cupis  grande  aliquid  et  par  prioribus  scribere. 

4.  As,  therefore,  both  the  period  (n.  2)  and  the  philosophical 
(Epicurean)  and  literary  (Ovid,  Seneca)  tendencies  of  Lucilius  and  his 
intention  of  choosing  Etna  as  the  subject  of  a  poem  (n.  3)  agree  with 
this  work,  it  is  very  probable  that  he  wrote  it,  and  we  want  only  the 
confirmation  of  the  mss.  The  poem  has  come  down  to  us  in  the  ap- 
pendix of  the  poems  of  Virgil  and  as  one  of  his  works;  see  above 
225,  1  n.  1  sq.  To  attribute  this  poem  to  Cornelius  Severus  (above 
247,  5)  was  an  inference  drawn  from  Sen.  Epist.  79,  5  (see  n.  3  fin.) 
which  is  quite  devoid  of  further  support. 

5.  The  poem  on  Etna  has  come  down  to  us  with  several  gaps. 
The  best  ms.  is  the  lost  Florentine  ms.  (/?  in  Munro's  edition),  which 
contained,  however,  only  v.  138 — 286  (see  Munro  p.  30 — 32);  the  most 
complete  ms.  and  which  is  far  superior  to  all  the  others  is  the  Cam- 
bridge ms.  («)  collated  by  Munro  (see  p.  29  sq.).  With  this  agrees 
most  of  all  the  fragmentum  Stabulense  (from  the  abbey  of  Stavelot) ; 
see  Bormans,  collation  des  167  premiers  vers  de  I'Aetne  de  L.  J.  avec 
un  fragment  mscr.  du  Xl^e  siecle,  Brussels  1854.  124  pp.  (Bulletin  p. 
258—379);  cf.  F.  W.  Schneidewin,  Gotti.  Gel.  Anz.  1855.  The  interpo- 
lated class,  saec.  XIV  sq.,  is  represented  by  Munro's  y  (British  Museum, 
Arundel  133),  d  (Jacob's  Helmstad.),  #  (Jacob's  ms.  3  =i  Vratisl.),  C 
(in  the  British  Mus.) 

6.  The  poem  was  originally  published  with  Virgil's  works,  e.  g. 
Aid.  1517.  1534,  by  Scaliger,  Lyons  1572  or  1573,  Leyden  1595;  see 
Munro  p.  26  sq. ;  separately  by  Th.  Gorallus  (=  John  Leclerc),  Amster- 
dam 1703.  1715;  in  Wernsdorf's  poetae  lat.  min.  IV  p.  (79)  87— 214  (216) ; 
cf.  p.  3—25.  In  W.  E.  Weber's  corpus  poet.  lat.  p.  1405—1410.  With 
a  German  translation  by  Schmid  (Brunswick  1769)  and  J.  H.  F.  Meineke 
(Quedlinburg  1818).  Rec.  notasque  los.  Scaligeri,  Fr.  Lindenbruchii  et 
suas  adiecit  (also  a  metrical  translation)  Fr.  Jacob,  Lips.  1826.  XXIV 
and  270  pp.  Revised,  emended  and  explained  by  H.  A.  J.  Munro,  Cam- 
bridge 1867.  84  pp. 

7.  Critical  contributions  by  M.  Haupt  (Quaest.  Catull.  1841,  p.  54 
—68,  in  the  Berlin  list  of  lectures  1854.  20  pp.  4.  and  1859.  11  pp.  4. 
also  in  Hermes  III  p.  338 — 341,  and  J.  Mahly,  contributions  to  the 
criticism  of  the  poem  on  Etna,  Basle  1862.  32  pp.  4.,  E.  Bahrens 
(lectiones  latt.,  Bonn  1870.  p.  36—40). 

303.  In  the  first  century  and  under  the  Julian  Dynasty 
was  composed  a  metrical  version  on  the  subject-matter  of  the 
Iliad  for  school-purposes.  Though  at  first  a  mere  translation, 
the   work    assumes    gradually    the    character    of    an    abridg- 


98  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

ment.  The  author  does  not  show  any  original  talent,  but 
makes  much  use  of  the  Aeneid  and  the  Metamorphoses ;  he  is, 
however,  correct  and  accurate  in  all  technical  peculiarities. 

1.  Of  the  1075  (1070)  hexameters  contained  in  this  work,  537  cor- 
respond to  the  first  five  books  of  the  Iliad.  The  catalogue  of  the  ships 
is  rendered  with  much  accuracy  and  the  numerous  and  frequently  dif- 
ficult names  arc  brought  in  without  a  single  mistake.  The  books  XIX 
to  XXII  are  treated  very  superficially.  In  a  few  instances  the  author 
has  permitted  himself  some  extensions,  chiefly  by  adding  comparisons 
or  descriptions.  He  may,  perhaps,  have  availed  himself  of  a  prose- 
abridgment  of  the  Iliad.  He  made  extensive  use  of  Ovid  and  Virgil, 
and  is  often  put  to  straits  by  metrical  necessities.  His  horizon  does 
not  extend  beyond  the  Augustan  poets,  though  a  few  weak  traces  seem 
to  point  to  Lucretius.  The  metre  is  treated  with  a  strictness  almost 
pedantic.  That  the  work  was  composed  under  the  Julian  Dynasty,  at 
the  very  latest  under  Nero,  appears  from  v.  904 — 907  W.  =  899 — 902 
M.:  quem  (Aeneas)  nisi  servasset  magnarum  rector  aquarum.,  ut  pro- 
fugus  latiis  Troiam  repararet  in  arvis  augustumque  genus  caeli  submit- 
teret  astris,  non  clarae  gentis  nobis  mansisset  origo.  Cf.  235  (sacer 
Aeneas).  483  (Veneris  pulcerrima  proles).  C.  Lachmann,  Monthly 
Trans,  of  the  Academy  at  Berlin,  January  1841  (before  the  death  of 
Tiberius);  see  his  note  on  Iwein  p.  527  and  on  Lucr.  Ill  11.  L.  Miiller 
on  the  abridgment  etc.  p.  15,  and  Philol.  XV  p.  479-482.  502. 

2.  The  epitome  was  much  used  in  the  Middle  Ages  and  generally 
styled  Homerus.  But  as  early  as  the  llth  century  (the  first  time  in 
the  abbot  Benzo,  before  1106,  see  Phil.  XV  p.  47'))  the  name  of  Pin- 
darus  (Thebanus)  occurs  for  this  author;  this  must  be  due  to  some  mis- 
take ;  as  L.  Miiller,  Rh,  Mus.  XXIV  p.  492  sq.,  supposes,  to  some  mis- 
conception of  Horace  0.  IV  9,  5  sqq.  On  subsequent  employment  by 
Albert  of  Stade,  Guido  de  Columna  and  the  Trojumanna  saga  see  H. 
Dunger,  on  the  Legend  of  the  Trojan  war,  Dresden  1869,  p.  28.  63  sq.  78. 

3.  As  regards  the  numerous  mss.,  only  few  (e.  g.  the  Florentine 
ms.)  go  beyond  saec.  XI;  the  best  (i.  e.  least  interpolated)  are  one  of 
Burmann  (v.  1  —  644),  an  Erfurd  ms.  (Ritschl,  Rh.  Mus.  I  p.  137—140) 
and  the  second  Leyden  ms.  After  the  llth  century,  when  this  abridg- 
ment was  frequently  read  in  schools,  it  underwent  man)?^  interpolations 
and  changes.  L.  Miiller,  on  the  abr.  etc.  p.  11 — 14,  and  on  the  second 
Leyden  ms.  of  Homer,  lat.,  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  85,  p.  729 — 732.  On 
a  Brussels  ms.  see  Reiffenberg  Annuaire  III  p.  189  sqq. 

4.  Editions  of  the  epitome.  The  first  dated  ed.,  Parm.  1492; 
but  one  s.  1.  et  a.  seems  to  be  earlier.  Of  the  later  editions  we  mention 
especially  Wernsdorf's  in  his  poetae  latini  minores  IV  p.  617 — 752,  cf. 
ib  p.  546—567.  598—604.  608-616.  Incerti  auctoris,  vulgo  Pindari  Theb. 
epitome  lliadis  homericae  e  rec.  et  cum  notis  Th.  van  Kooten;  edidit 
.  .  IL    Weytingh,    Lugd.    Bat.    et    Amstelod.    1809.     L.    Miiller,    on  the 


Pindarus   Thebanus.       -  99 

abridgment  of  the  Iliad  by  the  so-called   Pindarus  Theb.  (Berlin  1857) 
p.  16—46,  and  supplements  Philologus  XV  p.  483—509. 

5.  Th.  Bergk,  Philologus  XIV  p.  184,  conjectures  that  the  author 
was  Attius  who  is  mentioned  by  Persius  I  50  (Ilias  Atti  ebria  veratri) 
as  the  author  of  a  prose  Iliad,  a  person  frequently  called  Attius  Labeo 
owing  to  a  combination  with  ib.  4  (ne  mihi  .  .  Labeonem  praetulerint). 
Against  this  see  L.  Miiller,  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  83,  p.  652  sq.  M.  Haupt, 
Berlin  ind.  lect.  1859  sq.  p.  4.  Schol.  Pers.  I  4  (p.  248  J.) :  quia  Labeo 
transtulit  Iliada  et  Odysseam,  verbum  ex  verbo,  ridicule  satis,  quod 
verba  potius  quam  sensum  secutus  sit.  eius  est  ille  versus :  crudum 
manduces  Priamum  Priamique  pisinnos.  Not  identical  with  him  and 
therefore  scarcely  to  be  considered  as  the  source  of  that  Scholion  is 
the  version  (ib.  not.  5) :  Labeo  poeta  latinus  fuit,  ut  Fulgentius  in  libro 
etymologiarum  ait,  qui  carmen  et  opus  homericum  convertit  in  latinum 
et  placuit  non  magis  auditoribus  quam  lectoribus;  eius  versus  est 
crudum  etc.  It  is  not  very  credible  that  this  line  should  have  been 
made  up  by  Fulgentius,  as  0.  Jahn  supposes.  Trans,  of  the  Saxon 
Society  1856,  p.  301  sq.,  cf.  his  edition  of  Persius  p.  LXXII  sq.  Both 
names  appear  combined  as  early  as  the  Schol.  Pers.  I  50  (p.  259  J.): 
Attius  Labeo  poeta  indoctus  fuit  illorum  temporum,  qui  Iliada  Homeri 
versibus  foedissime  composuit. 

304.  We  may  also  consider  as  productions  of  the  first 
century  (with  a  few  exceptions)  the  poems  contained  in  the 
codex  Vossianus  86,  both  on  account  of  their  range  of  subjects 
and  for  their  technical  elegance. 

1.  The  poems  of  the  cod.  Voss.  saec.  IX  (in.)  have  been  chiefly  edited 
by  Riese,  Anthol.  lat.  nr.  392—480  (I  p.  257  —  295;  cf.  ib.  p.  XXXVIII 
— XLI.  II  p.  LXIV).  The  first  (nr.  392—395)  belong  to  a  later  period, 
perhaps  the  time  of  Trajan,  and  some  even  to  that  ofAusonius.  But  no 
doubt  all  those  are  of  the  first  century  which  turn  on  subjects  of  the  close 
of  the  Republican  period.  Most  of  them  bear  the  colouring  of  opposi- 
tional tendencies,  e.  g.  the  praise  of  Cato  of  Utica,  Pompey  and  his 
sons,  the  caution  against  Court-life ,  the  praise  of  simplicity  and  retire- 
ment. But  monarchical  tendencies  appear  in  the  poems  in  praise  of 
Caesar,  especially  his  expedition  to  Britain,  and  on  the  death  of  the 
brothers  Maevii  in  the  Civil  War  between  Antony  and  Octavianus  (nr. 
462  sq.;  in  Wernsdorf  III  p.  199—205,  cf.  p.  134—136),  probably  from 
the  time  of  Claudius.  The  poem  on  the  death  of  the  two  Cascae  is 
destitute  of  distinct  colouring  (nr,  457).  The  rhetorical  character  of 
all  these  poems  is  strongly  pronounced,  especially  in  tha  Chria  on 
spes  (nr.  415;  in  Wernsdorf  III  p.  226—234;  cf.  p.  141  sq.)  and  in  the 
two  elegies  on  Maevii  fratres.  Part  of  these  poems  are  put  to  the 
name  of  Petronius  ;  see  above  300,  6. 

2.  For  the  elegies  on  Maecenas  see  above  225,  6. 


100  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 


2.     The  time  of  the  Flavian  Dynasty,  A.  D.  69—96. 

305.  After  the  Julian  and  Claudian  Dynasty  had  termi- 
nated with  Nero  and  hereditary  monarchy  had  become  extinct 
and  when  the  wars  for  the  succession  had  shaken  the  Empire 
for  more  than  a  year  in  all  its  parts  and  exhausted  the  last 
remnants  of  Roman  vigour,  Vespasian  (a.  69  —  79),  the 
most  distinguished  of  the  competitors,  ascended  the  throne. 
Aristocratic  encroachment  and  luxury  now  gave  way  to  sober 
economy.  The  Empire  could  now  regain  its  strength  after 
the  excitement  and  exhaustion  of  the  recent  events.  The  suc- 
cession of  Titus  was  entirely  undisputed;  in  his  short  reign 
(a.  79  —  81)  he  endeavoured  to  combine  kindness  and  good 
government.  But  in  its  third  member  already  the  dynasty 
degenerated,  as  the  wickedness  of  Domitian,  Titus'  brother, 
vied  with  the  worst  princes  of  the  Claudian  family.  Literature 
which  had  been  benefited  under  Vespasian  by  the  blessings 
of  peace,  suffered  under  Domitian  no  less  by  his  vanity  than 
by  his  cruelty. 

1.  See  the  accounts  of  this  dynasty  by  Tillemont,  E.  v.  Wieters- 
heim  (History  of  the  Migration  of  tribes  I,  c.  VIII),  Merivale,  C.  Peter 
(Hist,  of  Rome  III  2.  Halle  1869.  p.  1—140).  E.  Beule,  Titus  et  sa 
dynastie,  Paris  1870. 

2.  C.  E.  Peter,  de  fontibus  historiae  imperatorum  Flaviorum, 
Halle  1866. 

3.  Tac.  Hist.  II 101 :  scriptores  temporum  qui  potiente  rerum  Flavia 
domo  monimenta  belli  huiusce  (of  a.  69)  composuerunt  .  .  corruptas  in 
adulationem  causas  tradidere.  Mommsen  understands  these  words 
especially  of  Cluvius  Rufus  (below  309,  2),  Nissen  more  justly  of  the 
History  of  Pliny  (below  307,  5). 

306.  Though  chiefly  a  practical  man  and  governed  by  the 
endeavour  to  replenish  the  treasury  which  had  been  exhausted 
by  the  mad  dissipation  of  the  preceding  thirty  or  forty  years, 
Vespasian  still  possessed  and  manifested  literary  culture, 
nay  even  wrote  Memoirs.  He  and  his  son  Titus  patronised 
Pliny  the  Elder,  Valerius  Flaccus,  Saleius  Bassus,  Curi- 
atius  Maternus,  Silius  Italicus,  Turnus.  The  most  eminent 
rhetorician  of  this  time  was  Julius  Gabinianus,  and  even  Quin- 

OF  MEOlAir,, 

LLcGS 


Vespasian  and   Titus.  101 

tilian's  professional  career  belongs  for  the  greater  part  to  this 
period.  Historical  composition  is  chiefly  represented  by  the 
Jewish  writer  Josephus,  who  however  wrote  in  Greek  and  fre- 
quently adulterated  truth  intentionally. 

1.  T.  Flavius  Vespasianus  was  born  17  Nov.  762  (9  A.  D.),  Cos. 
804  =  51,  Procos.  of  Judaea  a.  67  sqq.  where  especially  since  July  69 
Mucianus  (below  309,  1)  won  the  throne  for  him.  After  the  death  of 
Vitellius  (Dec.  22,  69)  he  was  undisputed  ruler.  He  died  June  23,  79 
=  832;  see  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  VI  2  p.  2478-2487. 

2.  Richter,  on  the  relation  of  the  Emperor  Vespasian  to  literature, 
Plauen  1866.  4.  Tac.  Hist.  H  80:  co7icurrentes  (Antiochenses)  .  .  adlo- 
quitur  (Vesp.),  satis  decorus  etiam  graeca  facundia.  From  a  speech 
made  by  Vesp.  in  the  Senate  is  Orelli  Inscr.  720.  Joseph,  vit.  65  (p. 
340,  18  sq.  Bk.):  *V  loTg  Ov^anaoiavov  tov  (WToxQaroQog  vno/uptjfitcGiy 
ov7(o  yfyQccnrai.  (p.  343,  9:)  rolg  KcuffccQog  vnofxvrjfxaan^  ivavriap  7i€- 
noCriGai  rrjv  y^aifjijy.  Cf.  c.  Apion.  I  10:  To7g  jmv  avjoxQcaoQoip  (Vesp. 
and  Titus?)  vnofxpriuaai^v.  Suet.  Vesp.  18:  primus  e  fisco  latinis  grae- 
cisque  rhetoribus  annua  centena  constituit.  praestantis  poetas  (such 
as  Saleius  Bassus,  below  313,  2)  nee  non  artifices  .  .  magna  mercede 
donavit.  That  he  treated  the  philosophers  differently  and  drove  them 
as  well  as  the  astrologers  from  Rome,  was  a  measure  due  to  the  advice 
of  Mucianus,  because  the  philosophers  of  that  age  were  quite  immode- 
rate and  necessarily  appeared  as  a  dangerous  element  of  political 
discontent  and  disorder.  Dio  LXVI  13  (a.  71):  cJ?  ov  xal  allot,  nollot 
ix  T(av  OTOJtXMP  xalovfxiVMV  loyitiv  nQoci)(x)^hVTfg,  fjfd  mv  xut  //t]/urjT()iog 
o  xvvvxog,  av/vd  xal  ovx  tni'rtjJ'da  To7g  naqovoi  drjjjoaia,  tw  jrjg  (^)ilo- 
ooif'iag  TiQoo^^tjuaTt  xccTa/QM/ufPot,  d'lfliyovro  .  .  tnfiofy  o  Movxiavog 
tov  Ovsonactavov  navrag  rovg  roiovrovg  ix  Trjg  nolfoig  tx^ttlnv.  .  .  xal 
navrag  avrCxa  lovg  f^blooot^ovg  o  Ovfanaat,av6g,  nlrjv  tov  Movaioviov 
(above  294,  3),    Ix    rrjg    Poo^utjg   I'^i^alfp,    jov  ds  d't]    JtjurjTQiov  xal  tov 

OcTiliov  xal  tg  vrjoovg  xaTsxlfiafv.  xal  o  /usv  OffTiltog,  f^i  xal  .  . 
nollto  nliito  xaTO,  Trjg  fJovaQ/iag  xaTidqafJf-v,  o^ucog  naQa^^tj/ua  fXfTfGTtj. 
Toi  d(  JrjfAtjTQto)  jur]d"  (og  vnfCxovn  Ixilfvaiv  o  OvfcnaGtavog  If^d^rjvat 
oTt  OV  n€v  navta  noifig  iva  os  anoxTfivu),  tyu)  Of  xvva  vlaxTovvra  ov 
(^ov(v(t).     See  above  294,  12. 

3.  Titus  Vespasianus,  born  Dec.  30,  40  or  41  (793  or  794),  con- 
quered Jerusalem  Sept.  8,  70,  was  allowed  a  share  in  the  reign  by  his 
father  71,  Emperor  79,  died  Sept.  13,  81  =  834.  Heimbrod,  Titi  .  . 
vita,  in  Jahn's  Archiv  VIII  (1842).  p.  383—399.  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's 
Enc.  VI  2.  p.  2487—2493.  The  elder  Pliny's  preface  to  his  h.  n.  is 
addressed  to  Titus,  where  we  read  e.  g.  11 :  te  quidem  in  excelsissimo 
generis  humani  fastigio  positum,  summa  eloquentia,  summa  eruditione 
praeditum  etc.  Cf.  ib.  5 :  fulgurat  in  nullo  umquam  verius  dicta  vis 
eloquentiae,  tribunicia  postestas  facundiae.  quanto  tu  ore  patris  laudes 
tonas,  quanto  fratris  amas  (famas  Detl.)!    quanto    in  poetica  es!     Ibid- 


102  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

II  25,  89 :  ocissimo  significatu  haec  fuit  (stclla  crinita,  a  comet)  de  qua 
quinto  consulatu  sue  (a.  76  =:  829)  Titus  imperator  Caesar  praeclaro 
carmine  perscripsit. 

307.  riiny  the  Elder,  C.  Plinius  Secundus  of  Upper  Italy 
(A.  D.  28 — 79),  succeeded  by  extreme  diligence  and  the  most 
grudging  use  of  time  in  combining  an  extensive  official  occu- 
pation as  officer  and  inspector  of  finances  in  various  parts 
of  the  Empire  with  the  most  comprehensive  and  and  many- 
sided  studies  and  fertile  literary  activity  in  the  departments 
of  tactics,  history,  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  natural  science. 
Though  his  literary  exertion  partook  in  most  branches  more  of 
the  nature  of  a  compilation,  voluntarily  resigning  all  claim 
to  symmetry  or  even  beauty  of  form,  it  still  deserves  admi- 
ration for  its  extent,  and  the  death  of  Pliny  (on  the  occasion 
of  an  eruption  of  Vesuvius)  proves  that  it  was  the  result  of 
the  most  genuine  thirst  for  knowledge. 

1.  Suet.  ed.  Reiti'sch.  p.  92  sq. :  Plinius  Secundus  Novocomensis 
(praef.  1  he  calls  Catullus  his  conterraneus)  equestribus  militiis  Industrie 
functus  (chiefly  in  Germany,  where  he  seems  also  to  have  had  his 
castrense  contubernium  with  Titus,  see  n.  h.  praef.  3)  procurationes 
quoque  (in  Gallia  Narbonensis,  Hispania  Tarraconensis,  under  Vespasian 
as  procurator  Caesaris)  splendidissimas  et  continuas  summa  integritate 
administravit  et  tamen  liberalibus  studiis  tantam  operam  dedit  ut  non 
temere  quis  plura  in  otio  scripserit.  itaque  bella  omnia  quae  umquam 
cum  Germanis  gesta  sunt  XX  voluminibus  comprehendit,  item  naturalis 
historiae  XXXVII  libros  absolvit.  periit  clade  Campaniae ;  cum  enim 
Misenensi  classi  praeesset  et  flagrante  Vesuvio  ad  explorandas  propius 
causas  liburnica  pertendisset  .  .  vi  pulveris  ac  favillae  oppressus  est, 
vel,  ut  quidam  existimant,  a  servo  suo  occisus,  quem  aestu  deficiens  ut 
necem  sibi  maturaret  oraverit.  The  latter  catastrophe  (IX  kal.  sept.) 
is  described  by  the  younger  Pliny  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Tacitus,  Ep. 
VI  16  (petis  ut  tibi  avunculi  mei  exitum  scribam,  quo  verius  tradere 
posteris  possis  etc.)  cf.  VI  20  (ais  te  adductum  litteris  quas  exigenti 
tibi  de  morte  avunculi  mei  scripsi  cupere  cognoscere  quos  ego  Miseni 
relictus  .  .  casus  pertulerim  etc.). 

2.  PHn.  Epist.  Ill  5,  1  sqq.  (to  Baebius  Macer):  pergratum  est  mihi 
quod  tam  diligenter  libros  avunculi  mei  lectitas  ut  habere  omnes  velis 
quaerasque  qui  sint  omnes.  (2.)  fungar  indicis  partibus  atque  etiam  quo 
sint  ordine  scripti  notum  tibi  faciam.  .  .  (3.)  'De  iaculatione  equestri 
unus'  (cf.  n.  hist.  VIII  162:  nos  diximus  in  libro  de  iaculatione  equestri 
condito).  hunc  cum  praefectus  alae  militaret  (in  Germany)  pari  ingenio 
curaque  composuit.  'De  vita  Pomponi  Secundi  duo,'  a  quo  (above  279,  7) 
singulariter  amatus  hoc  memoriae   amici  quasi  debitum  munus  exsolvit. 


Pliny  the  Elder.  103 

(4.)  'Bellorum  Germaniae  XX',  quibus  omnia  quae  cum  Germanis  gessimus 
bella  collegit  (cf.  n.  1  and  5,  Tac.  A,  I  69 :  tradit  C.  Plinius,  germani- 
r^orum  bellorum  scriptor).  inchoavit  cum  in  Germania  militaret,  somnio 
monitus.  .  .  (5.)  'Studiosi  IIP,  in  VI  volumina  propter  amplitudinem 
divisi,  quibus  oratorem  ab  incunabulis  instituit  et  perficit  (cf.  n.  3). 
*Dubii  sermonis  VHP  (cf.  n.  4).  scripsit  sub  Nerone  novissimis  annis, 
cum  omne  studiorum  genus  paulo  liberius  et  erectius  periculosum 
servitus  fecisset.  (6.)  'A  fine  Aufidii  Bassi  XXXP  (cf.  note  5).  'Naturae 
historiarum  XXXVIP,  opus  diffusum,  eruditum  nee  minus  varium  quam 
ipsa  natura.  (7.)  miraris  quod  tot  volumina  multaque  in  his  tarn  scru- 
pulosa  homo  occupatus  absolverit?  magis  miraberis  si  scieris  ilium 
aliquamdiu  causas  actitasse,  decessisse  anno  sexto  et  quinquagesimo, 
medium  tempus  distentum  impeditumque  qua  officiis  maximis  qua  ami- 
citia  principum  egisse.  (8.)  sed  erat  acre  ingenium,  incredibile  studium 
summa  vigilantia.  .  .  (9.)  ante  lucem  ibat  ad  Vespasianam  imperatorem 
(nam  ille  quoque  noctibus  utebatur),  inde  ad  delegatum  sibi  officium. 
reversus  domum  quod  relicum  temporis  studiis  reddebat.  (10.)  post 
cibum  saepe  .  .  liber  legebatur,  adnotabat  excerpebatque.  nihil  enim 
legit  quod  non  excerperet.  .  .  (11.)  .  .  super  hanc  (cenam)  liber  lege- 
batur, adnotabatur,  et  quidem  cursim.  .  .  (13.)  tanta  erat  parsimonia 
temporis.  .  .  (14.)  .  .  dum  destringitur  tergiturque  (in  the  bath)  audiebat 
aliquid  aut  dictabat.  (15.)  in  itinere  .  .  huic  uni  vacabat:  ad  latus  no- 
tarius  cum  libro  et  pugillaribus,  cuius  manus  hieme  manicis  munie- 
bantur.  .  .  (16.)  .  .  perire  omne  tempus  arbitrabatur  quod  studiis  non 
impenderetur.  (17.)  hac  intentione  tot  ista  volumina  peregit  electorum- 
que  commentarios  CLX  mihi  reliquit,  opisthographos  quidem  et  minu- 
tissime  scriptos.  .  .  referebat  ipse  potuisse  se ,  cum  procuraret  in 
Hispania,  vendere  hos  commentarios  Largio  Licino  CCCC  milibus  num- 
mum,  et  tunc  aliquanto  pauciores  erant. 

3.  Gellius  IX  16,  1  sqq. :  Plinius  Secundus  existimatus  est  esse 
aetatis  suae  doctissimus.  is  libros  reliquit  quos  Studiosorum  inscripsit, 
non  mediusfidius  usquequaque  aspernandos.  in  his  libris  multa  varie 
ad  oblectandas  eruditorum  hominum  aures  ponit,  refert  etiam  plerasque 
sententias  quas  in  declamandis  controversiis  lepide  arguteque  dictas 
putat.  It  appears,  therefore,  to  have  been  a  treatise  on  rhetoric  with 
examples.  Quintil.  Ill  1,  21 :  scripsit  de  eadem  materia  (rhetoric)  .  . 
accuratius  .  .  aetatis  nostrae  Verginius,  Plinius,  Tutilius.  XI  3,  143: 
qui  de  gestu  scripserunt.  .  .  quo  magis  miror  Plinii  Secundi,  docti 
hominis  et  in  hoc  utique  libro  paene  etiam  nimium  curiosi,  persuasionem 
etc.  ib.  148:  quo  magis  miror  hanc  quoque  succurrisse  Plinio  curam 
etc.  It  would  thus  be  due  to  his  general  celebrity  as  writer,  if  he  should 
be  meant  ib.  Ill  4,  2:  nunc  maximo  temporum  nostrorum  auctore  prope 
impulsum  (est). 

4.  Plin.  n.  h.  praef.  28:  ego  plane  meis  adici  posse  multa  con- 
iiteor,  nee  his  solis  sed  et  omnibus  quos  edidi,  ut  obiter  caveam  istos 
Homeromastigas  .  .,  quoniam  audio  et  stoicos  et  dialecticos,  Epicureos 
quoque    (nam    de    grammaticis    semper    expectavi)     parturire    adversus 


104  The  First  Century  ol  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

libellos  quos  de  grammatica  edidi.  His  work  treated  of  the  dubious 
formations  in  declension,  conjugation,  and  word-formation,  but  besides 
phonology  and  flexion  embraced  also  etymology  and  the  parts  of  speech, 
and  was  used  and  quoted  by  the  grammarians  down  to  the  Middle  Ages. 
Especially  Charisius  quotes  it  frequently,  in  the  parts  derived  from 
Julius  Romanus;  Priscian  VI  44  (p.  233,  13  11.:  Plinius  Secundus  in  I 
artium)  and  78  (p.  262,  18  H. :  Plinius  Secundus  in  I  artis  grammaticae) 
reproduces  the  title  inaccurately.  Lersch,  Linguistic  Philosophy  of  the 
Ancients,  I  p.  150  sqq.  Alfr.  Schottmiiller,  de  C.  Plini  Secundi  libris 
grammaticis  particula  prima,  Bonn  Diss.,  1858.  44  pp.  D.  Detlefsen,  on 
the  flexions  of  Pliny  the  Elder,  Symb.  phil.  Bonn.  p.  697—714.  W. 
Brambach,  on  Latin  Orthography,  p.  37  sq. 

0.  Plin.  Epist.  V  8,  5:  avunculus  mens  idemque  per  adoptionem 
pater  historias,  et  quidem  religiosissime,  scripsit.  The  praise  of  con- 
scientious investigation  of  the  sources  and  balancing  of  discrepant 
accounts  is  fully  justified;  in  many  cases  the  author's  judgment  remained 
even  quite  undecided.  CI.  Nissen,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXVI  p.  533  sq.  The 
work  extended  to  31  books;  see  n.  2.  Plin.  n.  h.  praef.  20:  vos  quidem 
omnes,  patrem  (Vespasian),  te  (Titus)  fratremque,  diximus  opere  iusto 
temporum  nostrorum  historiam  orsi  a  fine  Aufidii  Bassi  (above  272,  2). 
ubi  sit  ea  quaeres?  iam  pridem  per  acta  sancitum  et  alioqui  statutum 
erat  heredi  mandare,  ne  quid  ambitioni  dedisse  vita  iudicaretur.  (Cf. 
below  336,  12)  proinde  occupantibus  locum  faveo,  ego  vero  et  posteris, 
quos  scio  nobiscum  decertaturos,  sicut  ipsi  fecimus  cum  prioribus.  II 
199:  anno  Neronis  principis  supremo,  sicut  in  rebus  eius  exposuimus. 
ib.  232:  Neronis  principis  supremis,  sicut  in  rebus  retulimus.  The  work 
was  employed  (and  surpassed)  by  Tacitus;  see  Hist.  Ill  28:  Hormine 
id  (the  sack  of  Cremona)  ingenium,  ut  Messala  (below  309,  3)  tradit, 
an  potior  auctor  sit  C.  Plinius,  qui  Antonium  (Primum)  incusat,  haud 
facile  discreverim.  Cf.  A.  XIII  20  (Plinius  et  Cluvius  .  .  referunt).  XV 
53  (quod  C.  Plinius  memorat),  both  in  the  time  of  Nero.  See  H.  Nissen, 
Rh.  Mus.  XXVI  p.  497—548,  especially  p.  524  sqq.  532-544.  Suetonius 
no  doubt  used  (though  he  never  names)  the  work  of  Pliny  in  his  bio- 
graphies of  Nero,  Galba,  Otho,  Vitellius,  Vespasian,  Titus,  and  Domitian, 
though  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  his  chief  authority.  The 
criticism  in  Calig.  8  (cf.  above  287,  1)  relates  to  the  Bella  Germanica, 
Plutarch  (in  Galba  and  Otho)  may  be  supposed  to  reproduce  Pliny 
very  faithfully.     See  below  332,  4. 

308.  We  possess  of  the  works  of  Pliny  only  his  natural  is 
historia  in  37  books,  a  work  presented  a.  77  to  Titus,  but 
incessantly  enriched  and  enlarged  by  the  author  until  his 
death.  It  is  a  kind  of  encyclopedia  of  natural  science,  though 
chiefly  so  far  as  regards  its  employment  in  the  life  and 
art  of  man,  and  hence  it  also  contains  geography,  medicine 
and    history    of    art.     The   materials    are    compiled    from    a 


Plinif  the  Elder.  106 

great  number  of  works,  frequently  very  hastily  and  without 
sufficient  knowledge  and  criticism,  hence  unequal  in  value. 
The  style  also  is  uneven:  sometimes  only  bent  upon  the  sub- 
ject-matter and  thus  satisfied  with  the  first  expression  that 
offers,  sometimes  niannered  and  rhetorical.  On  the  whole, 
the  work  is  an  inexhaustible  store-house  of  information  and  a 
monument  of  the  serious,  studious  and  patriotic  mind  of  the 
author.  It  long  exercised  great  infiuence  both  in  its 
original  sha])e  and  in  various  abridgments. 

1.  Plin.  n.  h.  praef.  1:  libros  naturalis  historiae,  novicium  Camenis 
Quiritium  tuorum  opus,  natos  apud  me  proxima  fetura,  licentiore  epistula 
narrare  constitui  tibi,  iucundissime  imperator.  .  .  (3.)  censorius  tu 
sexiesque  consul  (a.  77  =  830).  (12.)  levioris  operae  hos  tibi  dedicavi 
libellos.  nam  nee  ingenii  sunt  capaces  .  .  neque  tidmittunt  excessus 
aut  oration^s  sermonesve  aut  casus  mirabiles  vel  eventus  varios,  iucunda 
dictu  aut  legentibus  blanda.  (13.)  sterilis  materia,  rerum  natura  h.  e. 
vita,  narratur,  et  haec  sordidissima  sui  parte,  ut  plurimarum  rerum  aut 
rusticis  vocabulis  aut  externis,  immo  barbaris.  .  .  (14.)  praeterea  iter 
est  non  trita  auctoribus  via  nee  qua  peregrinari  animus  expetat.  nemo 
apud  nos  qui  idem  temptaverit,  nemo  apud  Graecos  qui  unus  omnia 
ea  tractaverit.  .  .  iam  omnia  attingenda  quae  Graeci  r^f  iyxvickonatdficcg 
vocant.  .  .  (16)  equidem  ita  sentio  peculiarem  in  studiis  causam  eorum 
esse  qui  difficultatibus  victis  utilitatem  iuvandi  praetulerunt  gratiae 
placendi,  idque  iam  et  in  aliis  operibus  ipse  feci.  .  .  (17.)  viginti  milia 
rerum  dignarum  cura  .  .  lectione  voluminum  circiter  duum  milium  .  . 
ex  exquisitis  auctoribus  centum  inclusimus  XXXVI  voluminibus,  adiectis 
rebus  plurimis  quas  aut  ignoraverant  priores  aut  postea  invenerat  vita. 
(18.)  nee  dubitamus  multa  esse  quae  et  nos  praeterierint.  homines  enim 
sumus  et  occupati  officiis,  subsicivisque  temporibus  ista  curamus,  i.  e. 
nocturnis.  .  .  (21.)  in  his  voluminibus  auctorum  nomina  praetexui.  .  . 
(32.)  quid  singulis  contineretur  libris  huic  epistulae  subiunxi.  .  .  His 
nephew,  in  editing  the  work  after  the  death  of  the  author,  united  the 
list  of  sources  formerly  prefixed  to  each  book  (cf.  XVIII  §  23)  with 
the  table  of  contents  as  book  I,  and  thus  raised  the  number  of  books 
to  39.  That  the  author  himself  published  only  the  first  decade,  Urlichs 
(Vindic.  I  p.  19  and  Chrestom.  Plin.  p.  XIV  note)  concluded  from  the 
repetition  of  restant  immensae  subtilitatis  animalia  X  extr.  and  XI  in., 
and  also  from  the  subscription  of  XI  and  XII  in  the  Riccard. :  editus 
post  mortem.  We  find  altogether  in  this  work  many  traces  of  want 
of  perfection,  citations  not  filled  up,  marginal  notes  without  definite  re- 
ference, etc.  See  Th.  Bergk,  exercitationes  Plin.,  Marburg  1847.  1851. 
4.  D.  Noltenius,  quaestiones  Plinianae,  Bonn  1866,  with  v.  Jan  in 
Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  1866,  p.  698  sqq. 

2.  Contents  and    arrangement  of  the  work.     I:   Table  of  contents 
and    list  of  sources.     II:    Mathematical   and  physical  description  of  the 


106  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

world,  ni — VI:  Geography.  VII:  Anthropology  and  physiology  of  man. 
VIII— XI:  Zoology  (VIII  Mammalia;  IX  fishes;  X  birds;  XI  insects  and 
beetles;  comparative  anatomy  and  physiolog^O-  XII — VII:  Botany  (XII 
and  XIII  exotic  trees  and  shrubs;  XIV  and  XV  fruit-trees;  XVI  wild 
trees;  general  botany;  XVII  cultivation  of  trees;  XVIII  and  XIX  corn, 
vegetables,  theory  of  agriculture  and  horticulture ;  XX — XXVII  medicinal 
botany).  XXVIII— XXXII :  Medicinal  zoology.  XXXIII— XXXVII :  Mi- 
neralogy especially  as  applied  to  life  and  art  (b.  XXXIV  sq.  history  of 
art).  The  execution  is  very  arbitrary  in  details,  probably  owing  to  the 
influence  of  the  work  chiefly  excerpted.  Thus  XXVII  all  plants  not 
treated  previously  are  additionally  given  in  an  alphabetical  list.  On 
XXXI  sq.  see  Noltenius  p.  25  sq. 

3.  Pliny  intends  to  state  his  sources  almost  completely:  est  enim 
benignum  .  .  et  plenum  ingenui  pudoris  fateri  per  quos  profeceris,  non 
ut  plerique  ex  his  quos  attigi  fecerunt  (praef.  21).  He  even  seems  to 
have  among  his  146  Roman  and  327  foreign  writers  several  known  to 
himself  only  from  compilations  or  citations.  If  therefore  he  does  not 
mention  Dioscorides  and  yet  agrees  with  him,  we  should  explain  this 
from  the  agreement  of  the  mutual  sources  of  the  two  writers.  The 
order  of  enumeration  in  the  list  of  sources  generally  coincides  with 
the  order  in  which  the  writers  in  question  are  made  use  of  in  the 
book,  though  subsequent  additions  and  changes  have  caused  some  de- 
viations; H.  Brunn,  de  auctorum  indicibus  Plinianis  disputatio  isagogica, 
Bonn  1856.  60  pp.  See  D.  Detlefsen,  Philologus  XXVIII  p.  701—716. 
The  name  of  Varro  appears  most  frequently,  among  the  externi  we 
chiefly  meet  with  the  names  of  Aristotle,  Theophrastus  and  other  peri- 
patetic philosophers.  Pliny  is  fond  of  following  Roman  authorities,  e. 
g.  on  bees  Hyginus,  on  medicine  Pompeius  Lenaeus,  on  botany  Sextius 
Niger.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  formed  a  just  estimation  of  his 
sources,  and  above  all  he  credits  the  collectors  of  curious  information 
just  as  much  as  the  most  weighty  investigators.  E.  Meyer,  Hist,  of 
Botany  II  p.  127 — 133.  G.  Montigny,  quaest.  in  Plin.  n.  h.  de  animali- 
bus  libros,  Bonn  1844.  74  pp.  Detlefsen,  Vitruvius  as  a  source  of  Pliny, 
Phil.  XXXI  p.  385—434.  On  slips  in  the  history  of  art  see  L.  Ross, 
Archaeological  Essays  II  (Leipzig  1861)  p.  352—377.  Cf.  0.  Jahn,  on 
the  art-criticisms  of  Pliny,  in  the  Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Society  of  Lite- 
rature, 1850,  p.  105—142.  A.  Brieger,  de  fontibus  librorum  Plinii  XXXIII 
— XXXVI  quatenus  ad  rem  plasticam  pertinent,  Greifswald  1857.  78  pp. 
8.  G.  Wustmann,  on  Pliny's  history  of  art,  Rh.  Mus.  XXH  p.  1—24.  J. 
C.  Elster,  prolegomena  ad  excerpta  plin.  ex  hbr.  XXXV,  Helmstedt 
1838.  H.  E.  Dirksen,  the  sources  of  the  h.  n.  ofPHny,  especially  those 
on  Roman  law.  Posthumous  Writings  I  p.  133—148. 

4.  Pliny's  general  views  on  the  universe  appear  chiefly  from  b. 
XL  Hence  he  was  openly  opposed  to  popular  belief,  without  however 
altogether  adhering  to  a  definite  philosophical  system.  In  his  religious 
and  philosophical  views  he  mostly  inclined  to  Stoicism.  He  complains 
of  the    dereliction    of   nature   and  the  depravation  of  manners  as  fre- 


Pliny  the  Elder.  107 

quently  as  Columella  and  Seneca.  Urlichs,  Chrestom.  Plin.  p.  XV  sq. 
0.  Vorhauser,  on  the  religious  and  moral  views  of  Pliny  the  Elder, 
Inspruck  1860.  32  pp.  4.  L.  Rummler,  C.  Plini  Sec.  philosophumena, 
Stettin  1862.  66  pp.  Friese,  the  Cosmology  of  Pliny,  I  (with  2  plates), 
Breslau  1862.  44  pp.  4. 

5.  On  the  diction  of  Pliny  see  Wannowski,  Pliniana,  Posen  1847. 
4.  On  the  poetical  elements  of  it  see  E.  Opitz,  Quaestiones  plinianae, 
Naumburg  1861.  32  pp.  4. 

6.  'The  style  of  Pliny  is  very  different  in  the  different  parts  of 
his  work.  His  praefatio  abounds  in  strange  expressions,  far-fetched 
phrases,  and  brilliant  thoughts.  Many  of  the  introductions  to  the  single 
books  are  poetical,  but  penetrated  with  seriousness ;  there  is  in  them 
an  energetic  pathos,  the  thoughts  being  forcibly  expressed  in  few  words. 
These  parts  are  treated  with  great  care,  being  instances  of  gravitas. 
But  in  the  descriptive  parts  which  form  the  body  of  the  great  work 
itself,  Pliny  generally  heaps  one  excerpt  upon  the  other;  in  many  de- 
partments, especially  those  of  botany,  medicine,  mineralogy,  he  has 
not  completely  mastered  his  hard  subject-matter,  and  as  a  rule  contents 
himself  with  dr)'-  nomenclature  and  description.  As  he  feels  the  want 
of  scientific  classification  he  endeavours  to  enliven  his  subject  by  rhe- 
torical helps,  especially  by  studying  variety  and  novelty  in  his  phrases 
and  sentences.'  D.  Detlefsen,  Philol.  XXVIII  p.  317  sq.  L.  Grasberger, 
de  uso  pliniano,  Wiirzburg  1860. 128  pp.  (especially  de  brevitate  dicendi, 
and  de  dictionis  varietate).  Wannowski  (see  n.  5)  p.  27 — 36.  E.  Opitz, 
p.  2—16. 

7.  The  work  was  much  read  from  the  very  beginning  (cf.  Sym- 
mach.  epist.  I  24)  and  abridged  at  an  early  time.  As  early  as  under 
Adrian,  a  Chorographia  was  compiled  from  it  and  enlarged  with  additions 
from  Pomponius  Mela  and  other  works  of  this  kind.  This  Chorogra- 
phia pliniana  was  known  to  and  employed  by  Apuleius.  Ammianus 
Marcellinus  too  did  not  employ  Pliny  at  first  hand,  but  rather  used 
this  abridgment.  It  forms  also  the  basis  of  the  works  of  Solinus  and 
Martianus  Capella.  Th.  Mommsen,  Solini  collectanea  etc.  (Berlin  1864) 
p.  XXI  sqq.  Medical  and  diaetetic  excerpts  from  Pliny,  but  with 
additions  from  other  sources,  form  b.  I — IV  of  the  so-called  Plinius 
Valerianus. 

8.  We  possess  nearly  200  mss.  of  Pliny,  most  of  them  however 
of  saec.  XIV  and  XV  and  without  value  concerning  the  constitution 
of  the  text.  Those  which  are  of  importance  may  be  divided  into 
earlier  mss.  which  are  incomplete,  and  later  ones  which  are  complete. 
The  first  class  are  free  from  the  transpositions,  repetitions,  and  gaps 
of  the  later  mss.,  but  they  are  fragmentary;  the  Bamberg  ms.  (saec.  X.) 
which  is  relatively  speaking  complete,  contains  only  six  books  (32—37). 
Other  representatives  of  this  earlier  class  are  the  Nonantulanus  or 
Sessorianus  (saec.  V),  Mone's  leaves  (saec.  VI),  the  Paris  ms.  10318 
(saec.  VII  or  VIII),    Leidensis  Voss.    (saec.  IX),    Paris  4860  (saec.  X), 


108  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

and  the  ms.  from  which  the  most  important  mss.  of  the  later  class 
were  corrected  and  supplemented.  The  mss.  of  the  later  class  are 
all  derived  from  an  archetype  (now  lost)  in  which  II  187  —  IV  67  had 
changed  places  with  IV  67  —  V  34.  From  this,  two  classes  of  mss. 
were  derived:  the  first  adopting  this  transposition  without  any  change, 
the  second  attempting  to  rectify  it,  though  in  an  unsatisfactory  manner. 
To  the  first  division  belong  Leidensis  Lipsii  =  Vesontinus  =:  Chiffletianus 
Dalecampii  =  F  (saec.  XI;  copies  of  it  the  Toletanus,  Parisinus  6797, 
Vaticanus  1953,  Laurentianus,  saec.  XIII  sq.  in  Sillig  T,  d,  x,  L),  Vati- 
canus  3861  =  D  saec.  XI,  Paris.  6796  =  G  (Sillig:  c),  Riccardianus  -.= 
R  (c.  a.  1100),  and  probably  some  old  excerpts,  e.  g.  the  Lucensis  = 
H  (saec.  VIII),  Monacensis-Frisingensis  (saec.  VIII  or  IX),  Bernensis  347 
and  265  (saec.  X).  The  second  division  is  chiefly  represented  by  Paris. 
6795  =1  E  (Sillig  a)  saec.  X  or  XI,  which  was  copied  in  a  number  of 
mss.  (e.  g.  Paris.  6798  and  the  Luxemburgensis  of  M.  A.  Namur  and 
M.  Michel,  Luxemb.  1865.  4),  also  Vindobon.  (a,  in  Sillig  w)  saec.  XIII, 
and  Leopoldo-Laurentianus  (of  a.  1433).  See  the  detailed  discussions 
by  D.  Detlefsen,  Philologus  XXVIII  p.  284-309,  cf.  Rhein.  Mus.  XV 
p.  265-288.  366—390.  XVIII  p.  227—240.  327  sq.  A.  Fels,  de  codicum 
antiquorum  in  quibus  Plini  n.  h.  ad  nostra  tempora  propagata  est  fatis, 
fide  atque  auctoritate,  Gotting.  1861.  114  pp.  4.  L.  v.  Jan,  de  auctoritate 
codicum  plin.,  1858.  4.  and  in  the  Reports  of  the  meetings  of  the 
historical  and  phil.  Section  of  the  Munich  Academy  1862,  p.  1862, 
p.  221—260.  L.  Urlichs,  Rhein.  Mus.  XVIII.  p.  527—536,  Eos  1865, 
p.  353  sqq.  and  Vindiciae  plinianae  II.  C.  Mayhoff,  lucubrationum 
plinianarum  capita  III.    Neustrelitz  1865.     136  pp.  8. 

9.  Contributions  to  the  criticism  of  the  text.  Th.  Bergk,  exercitationes 
plinianae,  I.  (Marburg  1847.  4.).  IL  (ib.  1851.  4.).  L.  v.  Jan,  Miinchner 
Gel.  Anz.  1852,  Nr.  70—73,  and  elsewhere.  C.  L.  Urlichs,  Vindiciae 
plinianae  I.  (Greifswald  1853.  192  pp.).  II.  (Erlangen  1866);  de  numeris 
et  nominibus  propriis  in  Plini  n.  h.,  Wiirzburg  1857.  4.;  Rhein.  Mus. 
XIV  p.  599-612  and  others  (n.  8.)  C.  Mayhoff  (see  n.  8).  Detlefsen, 
Philologus  XXXI  p.  336-342. 

10.  Of  the  numerous  complete  editions  only  the  following  are  still 
deserving  of  notice.  Ed.  princeps  Ven.  1469  fol.  Cum  castigationibus 
Hermol.  Barbari.^Rom.  1492  fol.  Rec.  I.  Dalecampius,  Lyons  1587  fol.  Cum 
notis  I.  Fr.  Gronovii,  Lugd.  Bat.  1669-  3  vols,  (the  notae  . .  emendatius 
editae,    Gotha    1855  =  Sillig  vol.  VI).     Illustr.  I.    Harduin,  Paris  1685, 

5  vols.  4.  1723  sqq.,  3  vols.  fol.  (Lips.  1778— 1788,  10  vols.  8.)  Rccogn. 
cum  var.  lect.  lul.  Sillig,  Lips.  1831 — 1836,  5  vols.,  and  especially 
recens.  et  cum  comm.  criticis  instruxit,  Gotha  1853 — 1855  5  vols, 
with  Suppl.  VI;  Indices,  composuit  0.  Schneider,  =:  vol.  VII  and  VIII, 
1857  sq.).     An  edition  of  the  text  by  L.  v.  Jan,  Lips.  Teubnerl854 — 1865, 

6  vols.  (vol.  6  indices).     D,  Detlefsen  recensuit,  Berol.  1866  sqq. 

11.  Chrestomathia  Pliniana  by  J.  M.  Gesner  (Lips.  1722.  1776),  F. 
A.  Beck    (Hadamar  1828),    L.  Urlichs    (with    explanatory    notes,    Berlin 


Pliny  the  Elder.     Mucianus.  109 

1857).     Excerpta    ex  Plin.  I.    XXXV    comm.    crit.    et   exeget,  instr.  etc. 
J.  C.  Elster,  Helmstedt  1851—1853,  3  parts,  74  pp.  4. 

12.  Recent  literature  on  Pliny  reviewed  by  L.  v.  Jan,  Philologus  III, 
XII,  XXI,  by  D.  Detlefsen  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  77,  p.  481—493. 
653-672,  and  Philologus  XXVIII  2. 

309.  Pliny  already  used  the  uncritical  description  of  a 
journey  to  the  East  by  Vespasian's  partisan  Licinius  Muci- 
anus, who  exerted  himself  also  in  collecting  historical  docu- 
ments. Two  •excellent  men  of  this  time,  the  orator  and  con- 
sular M.  Cluvius  Rufus,  whose  work  embraced  the  time 
of  Nero  and  the  events  of  a.  69  and  seems  to  have  aimed  at 
historical  truth,  and  Vipstanus  Messala,  an  orator  of  the 
same  tendency  as  Quintilian,  but  altogether  a  man  of  varied 
culture  and  who  frequently  gave  offence  by  his  independence 
of  thought,  made  events  they  had  witnessed  the  subjects  of 
their  historical  works.  The  history,  too,  of  Fabius  Rusticus, 
a  younger  friend  of  Seneca's,  seems  to  belong  to  this  period. 

1.  M.  Licinius  Crassus  Mucianus,  vir  secundis  adversisque  iuxta 
famosus.  insignes  amicitias  iuvenis  ambitiose  coluerat,  mox  atteritis 
opibus,  .  .  suspecta  etiam  Claudii  iracundia,  in  secretum  Asiae  sepositus 
(as  praeses  Syriae).  .  .  luxuria,  industria,  .  .  nimiae  voluptates,  cum 
vacaret;  quotiens  expedierat,  magnae  virtutes.  palam  laudares,  secreta 
male  audiebant;  Tac.  hist.  I  10  cf.  II  5.  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Enc.  IV 
p.  1079  sq.  Nr.  37.  He  took  part  in  Corbulo's  first  expedition  to 
Armenia  (Pliny  mentions  him  ten  times  55  and  60),  and  governed 
Syria  (Plin.  n.  h.  XII  9.  XIII  88)  and  (a.  67)  Syria,  n.  h.  IH  6.  XIX  12. 
XXVIII  5)  ter  consul  (before  67,  a.  70,  72;  f  before  77;  Borghesi 
Oeuvres  IV  p.  345—353).  L.  Braun  p.  12—18.  Tac.  dial.  37:  haec 
Vetera  (speeches  from  the  Republican  period),  quae  et  in  antiquariorum 
bybliothecis  adhuc  manent  et  cum  maxime  a  Muciano  contrahuntur  ac 
iam  undecim  (at  present),  ut  opinor,  actorum  (see  above  213,  2)  libris 
et  tribus  epistolarum  composita  et  edita  sunt.  Different  from  this 
compilation  and  written  at  an  earlier  time  was  the  one  from  which 
Pliny  (and  perhaps  also  Josephus,  see  Nissen  Rh.  Mus.  XXVI  p. 
541 — 543)  derived  statements  on  the  East,  chiefly  concerning  natural 
history  and  geography,  with  frequent  appeals  to  his  being  an  eye- 
witness cf.  Plin.  n.  h.  VII  36  (Licinius  Mucianus  prodidit  visum  a  se 
Argis  etc.  .  .  eiusdem  sortis  et  Zmyrnae  puerum  a  se  visum).  159 
(Tmolus).  XIX  12  and  XXXIV  36  (Rhodus;  whence  Brieger  de  fontibus 
p.  60  refers  also  the  other  statements  of  Pliny  on  Rhodus  to  Muc). 
In  his  list  of  sources  Pliny  quotes  the  work  repeatedly,  ex  Licinio 
Muciano  on  book  3,  4,  5,  6,  7;  ex  Muciano  on  book  2,  8,  9,  10,  11, 
12,  13,  16,  19,  31,  33,  35,  36.      He   is    also    quoted  in  b.  14,  21,  28,  32, 


110  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

34.  The  passages  are  collected  by  L.  Brunn  p.  18—45.  As  man 
superstitioiis  (Plin.  n.  h.  XVIII  5),  Muc.  appears  to  have  been  credulous 
as  writer,  and  to  him  Pliny  owes  many  incredible  and  fantastical  state- 
ments. H.  Peter,  hist.  lat.  p.  CCCL  sq.  L.  Brunn,  de  C.  Lie.  Muc, 
Lips.  1870.  Diss. 

2.     Tac.  hist.  IV  43:   a  laude  Cluvii  Rufi    orsus,  qui  perinde  (like 

Eprius  Marcellus,  above  292,  3)  dives  et  eloquentia  clarus  nulli  umquam 

sub  Nerone  periculum  facessisset.    Cf.  ib.  18:  Hispaniae  praeerat  (a.  69) 

Cluvius   Rufus,  vir   facundus  et  pacis  artibus,  bellis  inexpertus.     ib.  76. 

n  58.  65.  Ill  65.  IV  39.     Consul  (I.  R.  N.  2224)   already  under  Caligula, 

as   he   is   called  consularis  at  his  assasination  a.  41 ;  see  Joseph,  antiq. 

XIX  1,  13:    OvccTtPioc    Tig   tmv    ovyxkt^Ti'XMv  .   .    rjqiTo  Kkovovtov  naqs^o- 

f.i(vov  avT(o,  xal  rovTov  vnari'Xov  etc.     Suet.  Ner.  21  (per  Cluvium  con- 

sularem)  and  (from  him  ?)  Dio  LXIII  14  {Kkovovico  '^Pov(fu>,  avd^l  vna- 

KvxoTi,  /^t](Tajufpog).     His  identity  with  the  historian  appears  from  Plut. 

0th.  3 :    Kkov^wg   ds    '^Pov(f)og   fig   ^I^rjQiap    (which   he   governed)    (ftjol 

xoiAiad^^vca    dinkfo/uaTcc    in    which    Otho   styled    himself  Nero;  cf.   Suet. 

0th.  7.     In  Plut.  quaest.  rom.  107  he  is  quoted  as  an  authority   for  the 

derivation  of  histrio.     Cluvius  would  seem  to  have  written  his  historical 

work  in  his  later  years  (after  a.  70),  when  he  had  retired  from  politics. 

Tac.  A.   XIII   20   (above    307,    5).     XIV   2   (tradit    Cluvius  etc.),  Cluvius 

being  in  either  case  opposed  to  Fabius  Rusticus  who  protected  Seneca. 

Plin.   Epist.   IX  19,   5    (Verginius   Rufus   related) :   ita   secum  aliquando 

Cluvium  locutum:  scis,  Vergini  quae  historiae  fides  debetur;  proinde  si 

quid   in  historiis  meis  legis  aliter  ac  velis   (on  himself),  rogo  ignoscas. 

H.  Peter  (on  Plutarch's  sources  p.  40 — 44)  and  Th.  Mommsen  (Hermes 

rV  p.    318 — 325)    consider  his   historical   work   the   principal    source  of 

Plutarch    in   his    Galba    and    Otho,    and  of  Tac.  Hist.  I  and  II  (also  of 

Sueton.   in    Galba,    Otho    and  Vitell.,    though    he   never  mentions  him : 

comp.    Suet.    Galb.    17   with  Plut.   Galb.  19).     But  see  0.  Clason,   Plut 

and    Tacitus    (Berlin    1870)    p.  12—14,    Tac.   and   Suet.  p.  76  sqq.,    and 

especially    H.    Nissen,    Rh.   Mus.   XXVI  p.   507   sq.  530—532.     See  also 

above  305,  3.     307,  5. 

3.  Tac.  hist.  Ill  9:  legioni  tribunus  Vipstanus  Messala  praeerat, 
Claris  maioribus  (cf.  dial.  27,  where  the  orator  Valerius  Messala  —  above 
218,  8  sqq.  —  is  numbered  among  his  maiores),  egregius  ipse  et  qui  solus 
ad  id  bellum  (of  a.  69)  artes  bonas  attulisset.  ib.  Ill  25 :  rem  nominaque 
auctore  Vipstano  Messala  tradam.  28  (above  307,  5).  IV  42:  magnam 
eo  die  (a.  70)  pietatis  eloquentiaeque  famam  Vipstanus  Messala  adeptus 
est,  nondum  senatoria  aetate  (i.  e.  beginning  of  twenty)  ausus  pro 
fratre  Aquilio  Regulo  (see  below  321,  3)  deprecari.  He  was  a  friend 
of  Tacitus'  youth,  but  seems  to  have  died  early,  as  he  is  never  men- 
tioned in  Pliny's  letters.  His  historical  work  seems  to  have  treated  of 
the  events  of  his  time  only  so  far  as  he  was  personally  concerned  in 
them  in  the  character  of  Memoirs  or  a  historical  and  political  pam- 
phlet. H.  Nissen,  Rh.  Mus.  XXVI  p.  529,  cf.  ibid.  p.  536  sq.  Tacitus 
has  commemorated  him  in  his  dialogus,  see  ib.  15.  non  desinis,  Messala, 


Cluvius  Rufus,    Vipstanus  Messala,  and  others.  Ill 

Vetera  tantum  et  antiqua  mirari,  nostrorum  autem  temporum  studia 
irridere  et  contemnere?  nam  hunc  tuum  sermonem  saepe  excepi,  cum 
oblitus  et  tuae  et  fratris  tui  eloquentiae  neminem  hoc  tempore  oratorem 
esse  contenderes  prae  antiquis.  ib.  32  Tacitus  makes  him  blame  the 
'diserti'  of  his  time  because  they  ignorent  leges  nee  teneant  senatus- 
consulta,  ius  civitatis  ultro  derideant,  sapientiae  vero  studium  et  prae- 
cepta  prudentium  penitus  reformident,  with  the  addition :  quodsi  forte 
haece  audierint,  certum  habeo  dicturos  me,  dum  iuris  et  philosophiae 
scientiam  tamquam  oratori  necessariam  laudo,  ineptiis  meis  plausisse- 
He  also  says  ib.:  ego  iam  meum  munus  explevi  et,  quod  mihi  in  con- 
suetudine  est  satis  multos  offendi.  F.  A.  Eckstein,  prolegomena  ad 
dialog,  de  orat.  p.  14 — 19. 

4.  On  the  history  of  Julius  Secundus  see  310,  4;  on  that  of 
Curtius  Rufus  above  287. 

5.  The  seven  books  tov  lovdcdxov  nolsfj.ov  of  Josephus  were  still 
written  under  Vespasian,  about  A.  D.  75;  see  H.  Paret's  introduction 
to  his  translation  (Stuttgart,  Metzler  1855)  p.  18  sq. 

6.  Tac.  Agr.  10:  formam  Britanniae  Livius  veterum,  Fabius 
Rustic  us  recentium  eloquentissimi  auctores,  .  .  adsimulavere.  Ann.  XIII 
20:  Fabius  Rusticus  auctor  est  etc.  .  .  sane  Fabius  inclinat  ad  laudes 
Senecae,  cuius  amicitia  floruit.  XIV  2  (F.  R.  memorat),  XV  61  (tradit 
E.  R.).  He  is  made  heir  with  Tacitus  and  Pliny  in  the  will  of  Dasumius, 
whence  we  learn  that  he  was  still  alive  a.  108  or  109.  To  him  addressed 
is  perhaps  Plin.  Ep.  IX  29  (Rustico),  and  we  should  perhaps  refer  to  him 
Quintit.  X  1,  104:  superest  adhuc  et  ornat  aetatis  nostrae  gloriam  vir 
saeculorum  memoria  dignus,  qui  olim  nominabitur,  nunc  intellegitur. 
See  A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  VII  2  p.  2921  sq.  nr.  76.  Mommsen," 
Hermes  III  p.  51,  n.  4. 

7.  Minuc.  Fel.  Oct.  33,  4:  si  Romanis  magis  gaudes,  uttranseamus 
veteres,  Antonii'  Juliani  de  Judaeis  require:  iam  nequitia  sua 
hanc  eos  (the  Jews)  meruisse  fortunam.     Probably  the  MecQxog  ^Avtiaviog 

lovktauog,  o  r^g  ^lovdatccg  iniTQOTiog  (Joseph  b.  iud.  VI  4,  3),  who  parti- 
cipated in  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus  and  as  a  member  of  the 
council  of  war  voted  for  the  destruction  of  the  City  (Jos.  1. 1.)  J.  Bernays, 
Sulpic.  Sev.  p.  56,  conjectures  that  Tacitus'  account  in  the  Hist,  is 
derived  from  his  work. 


310.  Like  these  historians,  we  find  in  the  time  of  Ves- 
pasian the  poet  Curiatius  Maternus  as  orator;  others 
devoted  themselves  chiefly  to  rhetoric  and  oratorical  instruction, 
e.  g.  the  rhetorician  Sex.  Julius  Gabinianus  in  Gaul.  A  native 
of  Gaul  was  also  M.  Aper  who  pleaded  and  declaimed  at 
Rome,    and  also  held   appointments   there.     Julius  Secundus, 


112  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

who  died  very  early,  was  a  friend  of  Quintilian,  but  in  elo- 
quence, though  not  so  much  as  Aper,  shared  the  general 
tendency  of  his  age  to  elegance  and  artifice  of  form. 

1.  On  Curatius  Maternus  see  313,  1.  Salvias  Liberalis  (see  336,  3) 
was  also  known  as  early  as  under  Vespasian. 

2.  In  the  list  of  rhetoricians  treated  of  by  Suetonius  (p.  99  Rffsch.) 
we  find  immediately  before  Quintilian  Sex.  Julius  Gabinianus. 
From  Suetonius  is  derived  Hieronym.  on  Euseb.  chron.  a.  Abr. 
2092=01.  213,  4  =  Vesp.  8:  Gabinianus  celeberrimi  nominis  rhetor  in 
Gallia  docuit.  Cf.  on  Isaj.  VIII  praef.  (T.  IV  p.  329  Vail.):  qui  flumen 
eloquentiae  et  concinnas  declamationes  desiderant  legant  Tullium, 
Quintilianum,  Gallionem,  Gabinianum.  Tac.  dial.  26  extr. :  quotus 
quisque  scholasticorum  non  hac  sua  persuasione  fruitur  ut  se  ante 
Ciceronem  numeret,  sed  plane  post  Gabinianum? 

3.  In  Tacitus'  dialogus  M.  Aper  (c.  5—10.  16—23)  defends  the 
modern  style  of  eloquence,  though  rather  in  a  sophistical  manner  and 
more  with  glittering  words  than  solid  arguments.  lb.  2:  M.  Aper  et 
lulius  Secundus,  ceieberrima  turn  (under  Vespasian)  ingenia  fori  nostri, 
quos  ego  in  iudiciis  .  .  studiose  audiebam,  .  .  quamvis  maligne  plerique 
opinarentur  nee  Secundo  pnimptum  esse  sermonem  et  Aprum  ingenio 
potius  et  vi  naturae  quam  institutione  et  litteris  famam  eloquentiae 
consecutum.  nam  et  Secundo  purus  et  pressus  et  in  quantum  satis  erat 
profluens  sermo  non  defuit  et  Aper  omni  eruditione  imbuius  contem- 
nebat  potius  litteras  quam  nesciebat.  11:  cum  dixisset  Aper  acrius,  ut 
solebat,  et  intento  ore.  7 :  equidem  (Aper)  non  eum  diem  laetiorem 
egi  quo  mihi  latus  clavus  oblatus  est  vel  quo  homo  novus  et  in  civitate 
minime  favorabili  natus  quaesturam  aut  tribunatum  aut  praeturam  accepi 
quam  eos  quibus  mihi  datur  to  conduct  the  law-suit  successfully. 
10:  ne  quid  de  Gallis  nostris  (cf.  Aper)  loquar,  and  17:  ipse  ego  in 
Britannia  vidi  senem. 

4.  Quintil,  X  3,  12:  memini  narrasse  mihi  lulium  Secundum 
ilium,  aequalem  meura  atque  a  me,  ut  notum  est,  familiariter  amatum, 
mirae  facundiae  virum,  infinitae  tamen  curae.  ib.  1,  120:  lulio  Secundo 
si  longior  contigisset  aetas  clarissimum  profecto  nomen  oratoris  apud 
posteros  foret.  adiecisset  enim  atque  adiciebat  ceteris  virtutibus  suis  quod 
desiderari  potest,  id  est  autem  ut  esset  multo  magis  pugnans  et  saepiuj 
ad  curam  rerum  ab  elocutione  respiceret.  (121)  ceterum  interceptus 
quoque  magnum  sibi  vindicat  locum,  ea  est  facundia  etc.  Cf.  XII  10, 
11:  elegantiam  Secundi.  Cf.  n.  3.  In  his  dialogus  Tacitus  (c.  4  sq.) 
invests  him  with  the  power  of  umpire  between  the  representatives  of 
opposite  directions,  the  Republican  and  the  Imperial  eloquence.  Ib.  14: 
probari  video  in  te,  Secunde,  quod  luli  Asiatic!  (Africani  Nipperdey, 
see  above  292,  4)  vitam  componendo  spem  hominibus  fecisti  plurium 
eiusmodi  librorum.  Plut.  0th.  9:  rovro  ^usy  dt^yfiro  (used  to  relate) 
2fy.ovvd'og  o  orjrtoQ,  tni  ruiy  tntarokoiy  y(vou&vog  rov  "OfhcDvog.  hsQMy 
d  tjy  axovfiy  etc. 


Historians  and  Jurists  under    Vespasian.  113 

5.  Quinti].  IV,  1,  19:  luerunt  etiam  quidam  rerum  siiarum  iudices, 
nam  et  in  libris  Observationnm  a  Septimio  editis  affuisse  Ciceronem 
tali  causae  invenio  et  ego  etc.  This  would  lead  us  to  think  Sept.  a 
writer  in  rhetoric.  He  is  possibly  identical  with  Septimius  Severus, 
the  condiscipulus  of  Victorius  Marcellus  (Stat.  Silv.  IV  praef.),  to  whom 
Statins  addresses  Silv.  IV  5  (v.  3:  fortem  atque  facundum  Severum). 
See  below  321,  8. 

6.  On  Pliny's  treatise  on  rhetoric  see  above  307,  3;  on  Verginius 
and  Tutilius  above  275,  1. 

311.  The  most  influential  jurists  of  the  age  of  Vespasian 
were  the  Sabinian  Caelius  Sabinus  and  the  Proculeian  Pegasus. 
Urseius  Ferox  and  Juventius  Celsus  the  Elder  as  well  as  a 
certain  Plautius,  whose  work  was  much  commented  on  at  a 
later  time,  seem  to  belong  to  this  period. 

1.  Pompon.  Dig.  I  2,  2,  53:  Cassio  (above  293,  3)  (C.  Arulenus) 
Caelius  Sabinus  successit,  qui  plurimum  temporibus  Vespasiani  potuit 
(he  was,  however,  cons.  suff.  already  69  =:  822,  Tac.  Hist.  I  77);  Proculo 
(above  293,  1)  Pegasus  (n.  2)  qui  temporibus  Vespasiani  praefectus  urbi 
fuit;  Caelio  Sabino  Prisons  lavolenus;  Pegaso  Celsus  (the  father). 
Gell.  IV  2,  3 :  Caelius  Sabinus  in  libro  quem  de  edicto  aedilium  curu- 
lium  composuit.  From  this  Gell.  VI  4,  1  (Caelius  Sabinus  iuris  peritus) 
~  3.  Dig.  XXI  1  (de  aedil.  ed.)  14  (pr.  n.  3.  10.)  17  §  1.  6.  8.  12  sqq.) 
20.  65  (2).  From  other  works  of  the  same  author  Gai.  Inst.  Ill  70 
and  141.  Dig.  XXXV  1  (de  cond.  et  demonstr.),  72,  7. 

2.  Juv.  4,  77  sqq.:  properabat  Pegasus  (cf.  n.  1)  attonitae  positus 
modo  villous  urbi,  .  .  interpres  legum  sanctissimus,  omnia  quamquam 
temporibus  diris  (of  Domitian)  tractanda  putabat  inermi  iustitia.  On 
this  the  Schol.  (p.  223  J.)  says:  filius  trierarchi,  ex  cuius  liburnae 
parasemo  nomen  accepit.  iuris  studio  gloriam  memoriae  meruit,  ut 
liber  vulgo,  non  homo,  diceretur.  hie  functus  omni  honore,  cum  pro- 
vinciis  plurimis  praefuisset,  urbis  curam  administravit.  hinc  est  Pega- 
sianum  SCtum.  Inst.  II  23,  5:  postea  Vespasiani  Aug.  temporibus,  Pe- 
gaso et  Pusione  consulibus,  senatus  censuit  etc.  Cf.  Gai.  I  31 :  SCto 
quod  Pegaso  et  Pusione  consulibus  factum  est.  Ill  64  (idque  maxime 
Pegaso  placuit;  quae  sententia  aperte  falsa  est).  In  the  Digest  his  name 
occurs  repeatedly,  but  fragments  are  not  quoted. 

3.  Ulpian  in  the  Collat.  eleg.  mos.  XII7,  9:  libro  X  Urseius  refert 
Sabinum  (n.  1)  respondisse.  Proculus  (above  293,  1)  had  also  been 
quoted  in  his  writings  (Dig.  IX  2,  27,  1.  XXXIX  3,  11,  2).  On  the 
other  hand,  Salvius  lulianus  wrote  libri  IV  Ad  Urseium  Ferocem.  It 
does  not  agree  with  the  period  we  should  hence  assume  for  Urseius 
that  Cassius  (above  293,  3)  existimasse  Urseium  refert  (Dig.  XLIV  5,  1, 
10,  cf.  VII  4,    10,   5:    Cassius    apud   Urseium  scribit),    for  which  reason 

8 


114  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Bertrand  and  Viertel  would  reverse  the  reading  by  substituting  Urseius 
apud  Cassium.     Cf.  K.  Viertel,  de  vitis  ictorum  p.  16 — 20. 

4.  Celsus  Dig.  XXXI  20:  et  Proculo  placebat  et  a  patre  sic  accepi; 
and  29  pr. :  pater  meus  referebat,  cum  esset  in  consilio  Duceni  Veri 
consulis  itum  in  sententiam  suam.  Cf.  ib.  XII  4,  3,  7:  refert  (Celsus) 
patrem  suum  existimasse  etc.  XVII  1,  39:  et  Aristoni  et  Celso  patri 
placuit  etc. 

5.  The  time  of  Plautius  is  fixed  by  his  quoting  Cassius  and  Pro- 
culus  (Dig.  XXXIV  2,  8:  Plautius:  .  .  Cassius  ait.  XXXV  1,  43  pr.: 
Plautius:  .  .  Proculus,  Cassius  .  .  aiunt),  and  by  his  being  commented 
on  by  Neratius  Priscus,  Javolenus,  Pomponius  and  Paulus,  all  of  whom 
composed  libri  ex  Plautio  or  ad  Plautium. 

312.  The  only  poet  of  the  time  of  Vespasian  that  has 
come  down  to  us  is  Valerius  F lace  us,  of  whom  we 
possess  ten  books  of  Argonautica,  a  free  imitation  of  Apol- 
lonius  of  Ehodes,  the  traces  of  Alexandrine  learning  being 
effaced  and  effective  scenes  dwelt  on  to  greater  length,  besides 
which  the  characters  are  delineated  with  much  care  and  the 
psychological  motives  fully  developed.  The  diction  is  rhe- 
torical and  full.  The  phraseology  of  this  author  is  for  the 
most  part  derived  from  Virgil,  but  owing  to  bold  figures  and 
combinations  of  words  and  an  artificial  compression  of 
diction  it  has  lost  both  lucidity  and  symmetry.  It  is,  however, 
highly  probable  that  the  work,  such  as  we  have  it,  is  a  torso. 

1.  The  name  is  given  in  the  subscription  of  the  Vatican  ms.  3277 
(saec.  IX)  to  b.  II:  G.  Valerius  Flaccus  Balbus  Setinus,  i.  e.  with  two 
cognomina  and  the  addition  of  his  native  town  (Setia).  He  died  before 
A.  D.  90;  cf.  Quintil.  X  1,  90:  multum  nuper  in  Valerio  Flacco  amisi- 
mus.  It  does  not  appear  from  these  words  that  he  died  young.  His 
introduction  was  written  under  Vespasian,  probably  not  long  after  the 
capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus  (a.  70);  see  Argon.  I  7  sqq.  tuque  o, 
pelagi  cui  maior  aperti  fama,  Caledonius  postquam  tua  carbasa  vexit 
oceanus  (cf.  Tac.  Agr.  13),  plirygios  prius  indignatus  lulos,  eripe  me 
populis  .  .  sancte  pater,  vcterumque  fave  veneranda  canenti  facta  virum. 
versam  proles  tua  pandet  Idumen  (namque  potest),  Solymo  nigrantem 
pulvere  fratrem  etc.  From  I  5  sq.  we  may  infer  that  the  poet  held 
the  position  of  XV  vir  sacr.  fac:  Phoebe,  mone,  si  Cymaeae  mihi 
conscia  vatis  stat  casta  cortina  domo ,  si  laurea  digna  fronte  viret. 
Martial's  friend  Flaccus,  from  Patavium  (Mart.  I  61,  3  sq.  76,  1  sq.) 
who  is  likewise  described  as  poet,  though  not  of  Argonautica  (ib.  76 
3  sqq.  pierios  differ  cantus  citharamque  sororum.  .  .  quid  petis  a  Phoebo? 
.  .  quid  possunt  hederae  Bacchi  dare?  .  .  quid  tibi  cum  Cirrha,  quid 
cum  Permesside  nuda  ?     Cf.  il).  IV  49,  3  sqq.)  and  as  living  in  poverty 


Valeric fi  Flaccus.  115 

(ib.  I  76,  4  sqq.  VIII  56)  is  no  doubt  a  different  person  and  lived 
somewhat  later  than  the  author  of  the  extant  poem  (Thilo  prolegg. 
p.  V— VII). 

2.  See  the  comparison  of  Val.  Fl.  with  ApoUonius  in  Weichert's 
work  on  the  life  and  poem  of  ApoUonius  (Meissen  1821)  p.  270  sqq., 
and  G.  Thilo,  Prolegg.  p.  VIII— XIII.  The  Roman  poet  surpasses  the 
Greek  in  his  uniform  design  and  the  bolder  characters  of  Jason  and 
Aeetes,  but  he  has  also  stretched  the  subject-matter  (which  is  of  itself  not 
very  favourable  to  poetry  (too  much  by  rhetorical  treatment.  Did  he  avail 
himself  of  Diodorus?  G.  Thilo  p.  VIII  note  2.  The  usual  machinery 
of  gods  is  fully  made  use  of  (especially  Juno  and  Minerva  appearing 
very  often)  and  psychological  description  is  applied  even  to  the  Gods. 
Pedantic  learning  is  very  much  kept  back  bv  the  prevalence  of  pathetic 
and  sentimental  rhetoric,  but  still  there  is  a  considerable  residue  of  it 
left.  Anachronisms  (such  as  Lagus  and  Arsinoe)  are  noticed  by  Thilo 
p.  XXVIII.  He  alludes  to  his  predecessors,  e.  g.  I  17  sq.  to  Germanic. 
Arat.  40  sq.  With  regard  to  poetical  diction  and  the  technical  elabo- 
ration of  metre  Valerius  holds  the  same  position  to  Virgil  as  Persius 
to  Horace;  in  both  the  artificial  element  is  increased  and  the  style 
often  degenerates  into  bombast  and  obscurity  (cf.  Thilo  p.  XIII — XXV); 
the  technical  j^art  showing  the  accuracy  peculiar  to  the  silver  age.  A 
strict  censure  on  the  poeticel  value  of  Val.  Fl.  is  found  in  the  supple- 
ments to  Sulzer  VIII  j).  305  sqq. 

3.  The  close  of  b.  VIII  being  rather  abrupt  and  essential  parts  of 
the  legend,  such  as  the  death  of  Absyrtus  and  the  homeward  journey 
of  the  Argonauts  not  being  treated  in  the  extant  poem,  we  may  safely 
conclude  that  more  was  intended  to  come;  what  remains,  might 
have  furnished  enough  for  two  to  four  books.  It  is,  however,  doubtful, 
whether  this  last  part  had  actually  been  executed  by  the  poet  and  was 
subsequently  lost,  as  N.  Heinsius  supposed,  or  the  poet  was  by  death 
or  other  circumstances  prevented  from  carrying  it  further,  which  is 
the  view  taken  by  G.  Thilo  and  C.  Schenkl.  The  latter  view  is  not 
supported  by  the  length  of  time  spent  by  Val.  over  his  work  (n.  1). 
It  would  be  supported  by  other  traces  of  the  want  of  final  perfection, 
if  they  were  more  trustworthy  than  those  mentioned  by  Thilo  p.  XXVI 
— XXXIX,  as  the  assumption  that  'Valerius,  si  carmen  emendare  potu- 
isset,  ad  usum  ceterorum  poetarum  et  scriptorum  magis  se  accommo- 
daturus  fuerit'  (p.  XXXIII)  is  not  only  not  proved,  but  even  improbable. 
A  certain  validity  attaches  only  to  a  number  of  discrepancies  which 
are  not  removed  (ib.  p.  XXVII  sq.),  and  also  to  the  fact  that  blemishes 
are  most  frequent  in  b.  VIII  (Schenkl  p.  HI).  On  the  other  hand,  some 
parallel  lines  (e.  g.  V  565  sq.  VII  201  sq.)  may  be  easily  explained  from 
the  state  of  the  original  ms.  But  artistic  blemishes  scarcely  prove 
want  of  completion  in  a  poet  of  the  first  rank,  not  to  speak  of  Valerius 
Flaccus. 

4.  This  poet  and  his  work  are  not  mentioned  by  any  other  jmcient 


116  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

writer  but  Quintiliiin  (n.  ]),  not  even  by  grammarians.  But  we  find  imi- 
tations of  him  in  Statins  (Theb.  and  Ach.)  and  Silius,  subsequently  also  in 
Claudian  and  C.  Marius  Victorinus.  The  poem  has  been  preserved  in 
the  Vatican  ms.  3277  (V  in  Thilo  and  Schenkl)  saec.  IX,  from  which 
all  other  mss.  appear  to  have  been  copied,  even  the  St.  Gall  ms. 
(P)  discovered  by  Poggio  a.  1417  and  which  contains  only  the  first 
three  books  and  the  first  hall  of  b.  IV.  It  has  been  lost  after  that 
time,  but  we  possess  four  copies  of  it  made  saec.  XV,  three  of  which 
are  at  Rome  in  the  Vatican  library,  and  one  at  Oxf(>rd.  The  Vatican 
ms.  3277  is  disfigured  by  many  gaps  and  bad  readings,  corrections  of 
which  are  frequently  attempted  in  the  Italian  copies  of  it  (e.  g.  in  the 
one  employed  by  Carrio  and  in  the  Monacensis  lat.  802,  saec.  XV), 
sometimes  successfully,  but  generally  in  a  very  arbitrary  manner.  G. 
Thilo  prolegg.  p.  XL— LXXXVI. 

5.  Ed.  princeps  Bonon.  1474  fol.  Cum  comm.  ed.  J.  B.  Pius^ 
Bonon.  1519  fol.  Ed.  L.  Carrio,  Antverp.  1565  sq.  Ad  fidem  codd.  emend. 
N.  Heinsius,  Amstelod.  1680.  Cur.  P.  Burmann.,  Utrecht  1702.  Leyden 
if 24.  4.  Ed.  Th.  Ch.  Harlcs,  Altenb.  1781,  2  Tomi.  Cum  comm.  perp. 
ed.  J.  A.  Wagner,  Getting.  1805.  The  text  with  traduction  etc.  par 
Dureau  de  la  Malle,  Paris  1811,  3  vols.  Cum  comm.  ed.  N.  E.  Lemaire, 
Paris  1824,  2  vols.  Book  VIII  cum  notis  criticis  etc.  ed.  A.  Weichert, 
Meisen  1817.  Recensuit  Georg.  Thilo,  Halle  1863.  CII  and  256  pp.  Ed. 
C.  Schenkl,  Berol.  1871. 

6.  Contributions  to  the  criticism  of  the  text  by  C.  Fortsch  (Emen- 
dationes  Valerianae,  part.  I  Naumburg  1855.  4.  II  1864.  4.),  F.  Eyssen- 
hardt  (Rhein.  Mus.  XVII  p.  378—392),  Koch  (ibid.  XVIII  p.  163  sq.), 
Ph.  Wagner  (Philologus  XX  p.  617—647),  G.  Thilo  (Prolegg.,  especially 
c.  3),  G.  Meyncke  (Quaestiones  Val..  Bonn  1865,  and  Rhein.  Mus.  XXII 
p.  362—376),  M.  Haupt  (Hermes  HI  p.  212—215).  R.  Lohbach  (Observ. 
critt.  in  .  .  Arg.,  Andernach  1869.  4.),  P.  Braun  (Obs.  critt.  et  exeg., 
Marburg  1869),  Br.  Hirschwalder  (Curae  crit.  in  .  .  Arg.  P.  I,  Breslau 
1870.  35  p.),  C.  Schenkl  (Studies  on  the  Arg.  of.  Val.  FL,  in  the  Trans, 
of  the  Academy  of  Vienna,  1872). 

313.  Curiatius  Maternus,  whom  Tacitus  has  comme- 
morated in  a  highly  honourable  manner,  a  man  of  refined 
oratorical  training,  wrote  tragedies  under  Nero  (e.  g.  Medea) 
and  praetextae  under  Vespasian  (Domitius,  Cato)  and  also  a 
tragedy  on  the  subject  of  Thyestes.  Saleius  Bassus,  a  poet 
lauded  by  his  friends,  and  noticed  also  by  Vespasian,  seem 
s  to  have  written  chiefly  epic  poems,  perhapslike  Valerius 
Flaccus  on  mythical  subjects.  During  his  father's  reign, 
Domitian  seems  also  to  have  attempted  epic  poetry. 

1.  Tac.  dial.  11  assigns  these  words  to  Curiatius  Maternus: 
sicut  in  causis  agendis  efficere  aliquid  et  eniti  fortasse  possum,  ita  re- 
citatione  tragoediarum  et  ingredi    famam  auspicatus  sum,  cum  quidem 


Curiat'ws-  Materiws.     Saleius  Bassvs.  117 

imperante  Nerone  (so  L.  Miiller;  see  Fleckeisen's  Jalirb.  97,  p.  417--420, 
the  mss.  in  Nerone)  improbam  et  studiorum  quoque  sacra  profanantem 
Vatinii  (?  Gronovius,  the  mss.  vaticinii)  potentiam  fregi  (perhaps  by 
lashing  him  in  the  character  of  Thersites,  as  L.  Miiller  supposes),  et 
hodie  si  quid  nobis  notitiae  ac  nominis  est  magis  arbitror  carminum 
quam  orationum  gloria  partum.  ac  iam  (A.  D.  75)  me  deiungere  a 
forensi  labore  constitui.  Cf.  il).  5:  natus  ad  eloquentiam  virilem  et 
oratoriam  .  .  omittit  studium.  ib.  2:  postero  die  quam  Curiatius  Ma- 
ternus  Catonem  recitaverat,  cum  oft'endisse  potentium  animos  diceretur 
tanquam  in  eo  tragoediae  (see  above  14,  2)  argumento  sui  oblitus  tantum 
Catonem  cogitasset,  aeque  de  re  per  urbem  frequens  sermo  haberetur 
etc.  3:  si  qua  omisit  Cato,  sequenti  recitatione  Thyestes  dicet;  banc 
enim  tragoediam  disposui  iam  (Maternus  speaks)  et  intra  me  ipse  for- 
mavi.  Then  Aper  observes:  adeo  te  tragoediae  istae  non  satiant  quo 
minus  omissis  orationum  et  causarum  studiis  omne  tempus  modo  circa 
Medeam,  ecce  nunc  circa  Thyesten  consumas :  .  .  etiam  si  non  novum 
tibi  ipse  negotium  importasses,  Domitium  (perhaps  the  pugnax  Domitius 
in  Lucan  YII  601,  i.  e.  Caesar's  enemy,  L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  Cons. 
700;  see  A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  II  p.  1210—1215)  et  Catonem,  id 
est  nostras  quoque  historias  et  romana  nomiiia,  Graeculorum  fabuHs 
aggregare.  The  chrpnological  order  would,  therefore,  be:  the  tragedy 
against  Vatinius,  then  Medea,  Domitius,  Cato,  Thyestes.  It  is  pro])able 
that  we  should  of  him  understand  Dio  LXVII  12:  MarfQyov  Go<fiGTi]y, 
on  xttTcc  TVQCivviDv  fljii  Ti  ((Gxcou  (as  might  be  the  case  in  his  recitation 
of  Thyestes),  an^y.im/^v  (Domitian,  A.  D.  91).  Different  from  him  is 
Maternus,  iuris  et  aequarum  cultor  sanctissimus  legum  in  Martial  X  37. 

2.  Tac.  dial.  5:  quis  nescit  neminem  mihi  (i.  e.  lulius  Secundus, 
above  310,  4)  coniunctiorem  esse  et  usu  amicitiae  et  assiduitate  con- 
tubernii  quam  Saleium  B  as  sum,  cum  optimum  virum  tum  absolu- 
tissimum  poetam  (the  exaggeration  of  a  friend)?  Aper  ib.:  Saleius 
Bassus  .  .  carminum  gloriam  fovet,  cum  causas  agere  non  possit:  and 
9:  Saleium  nostrum,  egregium  poetam.  .  .  versus  .  .  Basso  domi  na- 
scuntur,  pulchri  quidem  et  iucundi.  .  .  laudavimus  nuper  .  .  Yespasiani 
liberalitatem,  quod  quingenta  sestertia  Basso  donasset.  Quintil.  X  1, 
90  (among  the  epic  poets) :  vehemens  et  poeticum  ingenium  Salei  Bassi 
fuit,  nee  ipsum  senectus  maturavit  (or  senectute  maturuit).  Juv.  VII 
80  sq.:  Serrano  tenuique  (poor?  cf.  Stat.  Silv.  V  3,  158  tenuis  .  .  Co- 
rinnae)  Saleio  gloria  quantalibet  quid  erit,  si  gloria  tantum  est  (without 
material  results)?  The  Bassus  mentioned  by  Martial  III  47.  58,  1.  Y 
23.  YIII  10.  YII  96,  1,  is  a  different  person,  to  conclude  from  his  per- 
sonal circumstances,  though  he  also  composed  poetry  and  tragedies;  see 
Y53:  Colchida  quid  scribis,  quid  scribis,  amice,  Thyesten?  quo  tibi  vel 
Nioben,  Basse,  vel  Andromachen?  J.  Held,  de  Saleio  Basso  poeta, 
Breslau  1834.  4. 

3.  Statins'  father  had  in  early  youth  successfully  competed  in  the 
poetical   contests    at   Naples    (Stat.   Silv.    Y   3,    112  sqq.  134  sqq.),  then 


118  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

been  professor  of  eloquence  (geniina  facundia  lingua,  ib.  90)  and  poetry 
first  at  Naples  (ib.  146  —  175),  then  at  Rome  ib.  176 — 194),  had  composed 
a  poem  on  the  conflagration  of  the  Capitol  a.  69  (ib.  199  sqq.:  vix 
requies  flammae  .  .  excisis  cum  tu  solatia  templis  .  .  concipis  ore  pio 
captivaque  fulmina  defies,  mirantur  Latii  proceres  ultorque  deorum 
Caesar)  and  was  just  going  to  fiere  pio  cantu  (ib.  205)  the  eruption  of 
Vesuvius  (a.  79),  when  he  died  (ib.  206  sqq.;  at  the  very  earliest  a.  80, 
see  below  316,  3),  65  years  old  (ib.  253  sq.),  from  which  he  appears  to 
be  born  a.   15  =::  768  at  the  earliest. 

4.     On  Domitian's  epic  attempts  see  below  314,  2. 


b)    Domitian. 

Sl4-  The  superticial  interest  formerly  displayed  by 
Domitian  in  literature,  disappeared  immediately  on  his  accession 
to  the  throne.  The  Capitoline  and  Alban  contests  did  indeed 
embrace  also  poetry,  but  they  admitted  only  of  panegyrics  on 
the  vain  despot.  His  arm  lay  heavily  on  all  intellectual  life. 
It  was  however  felt  most  by  history.  As  regards  eloquence, 
only  that  of  the  delatores  flourished.  Without  endangering 
personal  existence  or  honour,  the  only  course  possible  in 
the  reign  of  Domitian  was  the  one  taken  by  such  men  as 
Juvenal,  Tacitus,  and  Pliny  —  to  be  silent.  Among  the 
authors  some  flattered  the  crowned  monster  from  weakness 
and  some  from  egotism;  the  first  motive  influenced  Silius 
Italicus,  Statins,  and  Quintilian,while  calculating  servility 
decided  Josephus  and  Martial.  Even  writers  on  technical 
subjects,  like  Sex.  Julius  Frontinus  and  the  Jurists,  scarcely 
succeeded  in  avoiding  the  menacing  cliffs.  All  the  greater 
was  the  number  of  dilettanti  who  endeavoured  to  prove  their 
utter  insignificance  and  harmlessness  by  writing  verses. 

1.  Flavius  Domitianus.  born  Oct.  24,  51  (804),  Emperor  after 
Sept.  13,  81  (834),  assassinated  Sept.  18,  96  (849).  The  contemporary 
writers,  inscriptions  and  coins  allow  us  to  draw  of  the  15  years  of  his 
reign  as  lively  an  image  as  of  few  other  parts  of  Roman  history,  though 
it  is  true  that  not  much  has  as  yet  been  carried  out  in  this  direction. 
A.  Imhof,  J.  Fl.  Dom.,  drawn  from  the  sources,  Halle  1S57.  144  pp. 
E.  V.  Wietersheim,  Hist,  of  the  Migration  of  Tribes  I  (Leipzig  1859)  Ch.VHL 
C.  Peter,  Hist,  of  Rome  HI  2  (Halle  1869)  p.  112-140. 

2.  Suet.  Dom.  2:  simulavit  poeticae  studium,  tam  insuetum  antea 
sibi  quam  postea  spretum  et  abiectum  (see  n.  3),  recitavitque  etiam 
pubhce.  Tac.  Hist.  IV  86:  Domitianus  .  .  studium  litterarum  et  amorem 


Domitian.  119 

carminum  simulans.  They  appear  chiefly  to  have  consisted  in  attempts 
at  epic  poetry.  Quintil.  X  1,  91 :  hos  nominavimus  (as  epic  poets),  quia 
Germanicum  Aug.  ab  institutis  studiis  deflexit  cura  terrarum  parumque 
diis  visum  est  esse  eum  maximum  poetarum.  quid  tamen  his  ipsis  eius 
operibus  in  quae  donato  imperio  iuvenis  secesserat  sublimius,  doctius, 
omnibus  denique  numeris  praestantius  ?  quis  enim  caneret  bella  melius 
quam  qui  sic  gerit?  It  may  possibly  have  been  the  bellum  iudaicum 
he  undertook  to  describe  or  pretended  to  do  so;  see  Val.  Fl.  I  7  sqq. 
(above  312,  1).  See  also  belOw  315,  3.  He  did  not  write  the  Aratea: 
see  above  270,  7.  Suet.  Dom.  18:  quamvis  libello  quem  de  cura  capil- 
lorum  ad  amicum  edidit  haec  etiam,  simul  ilium  seque  consolans,  in- 
seruerit  etc. 

3.  Suet.  Dom.  20:  liberalia  studia  imperii  initio  neglexit,  quam- 
quam  bybliothecas  Incendio  absumptas  impensissime  reparare  curasset, 
exemplaribus  undique  joetitis  missisque  Alexandriam  qui  describerent 
emendarentque.  numquam  tamen  aut  historiae  carminibusve  noscendis 
operam  ullam  aut  stilo  vel  necessario  dedit.  praeter  commentarios  et 
acta  Tiberi  Caesaris  nihil  lectitabat;  epistolas  orationesque  et  edicta 
alieno  formabat  ingenio.  From  this  we  should  form  our  jugdment  in 
respect  to  Quintil.  IV  prooem.  3 :  principem  ut  in  omnibus  ita  in  elo- 
quentia  quo  que  eminentissimum. 

4.  Suet.  Dom.  4:  instituit  (a.  86)  et  quinquennale  certamen  Capito- 
lino  lovi  triplex,  musicum,  equestre,  gymnicum.  .  .  certabant  et  prosa 
oratione  graece  latineque.  .  .  celebrabat  et  in  Albano  quotannis  Quin- 
quatria  Minervae  .  .  et  scenicos  ludos  superque  oratorum  ac  poetarum 
certamina.  Plin.  paneg.  24 :  quis  iam  locus  miserae  adulationis  manebat 
ignarus,  cum  laudes  imperatorum  ludis  etiam  et  commissionibus  cele- 
brarentur?  According  to  the  inscription  in  Orelli  2603  (Pauly's  Enc. 
VI  2.  p.  2364,  Nr.  142)  L.  Valerius  L.  f.  Pudens  cum  esset  annorum 
XIII  Romae  certamine  sacro  lovis  Capitolini  lustro  sexto  claritate  in- 
genii  coronatus  est  inter  poetas  latinos  omnibus  sententiis  iudicum.  Cf. 
also  the  inscription  from  Acerra,  Hermes  I  p.  151 — 155.  But  Statins 
Silv.  Ill  5,  31  sqq.  V  3,  231  sqq.)  and  the  young  Annius  Florus  (whom 
see),  perhaps  also  Q.  Sulpicius  Maximus,  a  boy  of  twelve  years,  tertio 
certaminis  lustro  (A.  D.  86,  cf.  C.  L.  Visconti,  il  sepolcro  del  fanciullo 
Q.  S.  M.,  delineato  etc.,  Rome  1871.  fol.)  were  unsuccessful.  The  Alban 
olive-wreath  was,  however,  several  times  gained  by  Statins  (Silv.  Ill  5, 
28  sqq.).  Cf.  Friedlander,  Sketches  of  Roman  manners  and  morals  III 
p.  323—326. 

5.  Tac.  Agr.  2:  legimus,  cum  Aruleno  Rustico  (below  324,  2)  Paetus 
Thrasea,  Herennio  Senecioni  Prisons  Helvidius  laudati  essent,  capitale 
fuisse  neque  in  ipsos  modo  auctores  sed  in  libros  quoque  eorum  sae- 
vitum,  delegato  triumviris  ministerio  ut  monumenta  clarissimorum  inge- 
niorum  in  comitio  ac  foro  urerentur.  .  .  expulsis  insuper  sapientiae 
professoribus  atque  omni  bona  arte  in  exsilium  acta.  .  .  sicut  vetus 
aetas   vidit   quid   ultimum  in  libertate   esset,  ita  nos  quid  in    servitute, 


120  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Elpoch. 

adempto  per  inquisitiones  etiam  loquendi  audiendique  commercio. 
Especially  in  the  last  years  of  Domitian  (cum  profiteretur  odium  bo- 
norum,  Plin.  paneg.  95)  virtus  was  suspecta,  inertia  in  pretio  (Plin. 
ep.  YIII  14,  7).  Helvidius  e.  g.  metu  temporum  nomen  ingens  paresque 
virtutes  secessu  tegebat  (ib.  IX  13,  2). 

6.  Suet.  Dom.  10:  occidit  Hermogenera  Tarsensem  propter  quasdam 
in  historia  figuras,  librariis  etiam  qui  earn  descripserant  cruci  fixis.  .  • 
interemit  .  .  Mettium  Pompusianum  quod  .  .  depictum  orbem  terrae 
in  membrana  contionesque  regum  ac  ducum  ex  T.  Livio  circumferret 

.  .  lunium  Rusticum  quod  Paeti  Thraseae  et  Helvidi  Prisci  laudes  edi- 
disset  appellassetque  eos  sanctissimos  viros,  cuius  criminis  occasione 
philosophos  omnis  urbe  Italiaque  summovit.  Among  the  latter  were 
Artemidorus  (Plin.  Ep.  Ill,  11),  Lucceius  Telesinus,  Demetrius,  Dio 
Chrysostomus,  Epictetus.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr.  2105  =  9  Dom.  =z  A. 
D.  89:  Domitianus  mathematicos  et  philosophos  romanos  (Yar.  romana) 
urbe  pepulit.  ad  2111  =.  15  Dom.  =  A.  D.  95  (more  correctly  a.  93; 
Mommsen,  Hermes  III  p.  84  sq.  n.  4):  Domitianus  rursum  philosophos 
et  mathematicos  Roma  per  edictum  extrudit. 

7.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr.  2109  =  13  Dom.  =  A.  D.  93:  Flavius 
losephus  vicesimum  librum  Antiquitatum  h.  temp,  scribit. 

8.  On  the  dilettanti-versifiers  of  this  reign  see  below  319.  See  L. 
Friedlander,  recensio  poetarum  Statio,  Martiali,  Plinio  iun.  contempo- 
raneorum,  Konigsberg  1870.  4.  Sketches  of  Roman  manners  and  morals 
ni  p.  351  sqq. 

315.  Under  Domitian  wrote  C.  Silius  Italicus  (A.  D.  25 
— 101)  —  a  man  who  after  an  oratorical  career  that  had 
led  him  up  to  the  dignity  of  consul  (a.  68),  had  entirely 
devoted  himself  to  quiet  leisure  and  literary  pui suits.  In  his 
seventeen  books  of  Punica  he  derived  his  subject  from  Livy, 
and  in  his  style  and  diction  imitated  Homer  and  Virgil,  in 
applying  mythological  motives  even  to  this  historical  subject 
matter.  His  performance  is  lengthy  and  declamatory,  abounding 
in  episodes,  as  the  author  endeavours  to  embody  all  the 
traditional  embellishments  of  epic  poetry  in  his  work  as 
completely  as  possible.  The  technical  treatment  of  his  verse 
is  so  strict  as  to  be  monotonous. 

1.  Plin.  Epist.  HI  7  (A.  D.  101):  modo  nuntiatus  est  Silius  Ita- 
licus in  Xeapolitano  suo  inedia  finivisse  vitam.  (2.)  causa  mortis  valetudo. 
€rat  illi  natus  insanabilis  clavus  (a  corn,  cf.  the  miedical  Diss,  de  morte 
Silii  It.  by  Laur.  Heister,  Helmstedt  1734.  4.),  cuius  taedio  ad  mortem 
irrevocabili  constantia  decucurrit,  usque  ad  extremum  diem  beatus  et 
felix,  nisi  quod  minorem  ex  liberis  duobus  amisit,  sed  maiorem  melio- 


Domitian.     Silws  Italicns.  121 

remqtie  florentem  atque  etiam  consularem    (Martial.    VIII    66)    reliquit. 
(3.)  laeserat    famara    suam    sub    Nerone :    credebatur    sponte  accusasse. 
sed    in  Yitelli    amicitia    (cf.  Tac.    Hist.  Ill  65)   sapienter    se  et  comiter 
gesserat,  ex  proconsulatu  Asiae  gloriam   reportaverat,   maculam  veteris 
industriae  laudabili  otio  abluerat.     (4.)  fuit  inter  principes  civitatis  sine 
potentia,  sine  invidia:  salutabatur,  colebatur,  multumque  in  lectulo  iacens 
cubiculo  semper  non  ex  fortuna  frequenti  doctissimis   sermonibus    dies 
transigebat,   cum   a   scribendo   vacaret.     (5.)    scribebat   carmina   maiore 
cura  quam  ingenio,  nonnumquam  indicia  hominum  recitationibus  expe- 
riebatur.     (6.)    novissime   ita   suadentibus   annis   ab   urbe  secessit  seque 
in  Campania  tenuit,  ac  ne  adventu   quidem  novi  principis  (i.  e.  Trajan, 
a.  99)  inde  commotus  est.     (7.)  .  .  erat  cfdoxcckog   usque    ad  emacitatis 
reprehensionem.     plures   isdem   in  locis  villas  possidebat  (among  them 
one  which  had   formerly   belonged   to   Cicero,   perhaps   his  Cumanum; 
see  Martial.  XI  48:    Silius    haec    magni    celebrat    monimenta    Maronis, 
iugera  facundi  qui  Ciceronis  habet.    lieredem  dominumque  sui  tumulive 
larisve  non  alium  mallet  nee  Maro  nee  Cicero)  adamatisque  novis  priores 
neglegebat.     multum  ubique  librorum,  multum  statuarum,  multum  ima- 
ginum,  quas  non  habebat  modo  verum  etiam  venerabatur,  Vergilii  ante 
omnes,  cuius  natalem  religiosius  quam  suum  celebrabat,  Neapoli  maxime, 
ubi  monimentum    (=:  tumulus,  see  Martial.  1.  1.  and  XI  49;   above  226, 
12)    eius    adire    ut    templum    solebat.     (9.)    in  liac  tranquillitate  annum 
LXXVum   excessit,   delicato   magis  corpore   quam  intirmo ;  utque  novis- 
simus  a  Nerone  factus  est  consul   (a.  68  =:  821  V.  C.     cf.  Martial.    VII 

63,  9  sq.)  ita  j)ostremus  ex  omnibus  quos  Nero  consules  fecerat  decessit. 
(10.)  illud  etiam  notabile:  ultimus  ex  Neronianis  consularibus  obiit  quo 
consule  Nero  periit  (i.  e.  Silio  Italico).  His  former  activity  as  orator 
is  mentioned  by  Martial.  VII  63,  5  sqq.  sacra  cothurnati  non  attigit 
ante  Maronis  implevit  magni  quam  Ciceronis  opus,  hunc  miratur  adhuc 
centum  gravis  hasta  virorum,  hunc  loquitur  grato  plurimus  ore  cliens. 
After  his  consulship  (11  sq.).  emeritos  Musis  et  Phoebo  tradidit  annos 
proque  suo  celebrat  nunc  Helicona  foro.  His  early  interest  in  Virgil 
is  indicated  by  Cornutus'  (above  294,  2)  dedication  of  his  work  de 
Vergilio.     The  complete   name  of  Ti.  Catius  Sil.  It.  in  Gruter  p.  300,1. 

2.  That  Martial  praises  the  wealthy  poet  and  his  work  in  a  high 
strain  is  a  matter  of  course;  see  n.  1  and  IV  14,  1  sqq.:  Sili,  Castalidura 
decus  sororum,  qui  periuria  barbari  furoris  ingenti  premis  ore  perfidosque 
astus    Hannibalis    levesque    Poenos   magnis  cederc  cogis  Africanis.     VI 

64,  10:  perpetui  .  .  Sili.  VII  63  sq.:  perpetui  nunquam  moritura  volu- 
mina  Sili  qui  legis  et  latia  carmina  digna  toga  etc.  From  the  fact 
that  he  never  designates  him  as  countryman,  it  appears  sufficiently 
that  Silius  was  not  a  native  of  Italica.  Quintilian's  silence  concerning 
Silius,  even  in  his  list  of  Roman  epic  poets  X  1,  85 — 90,  may  be  ex- 
plained by  the  fact  that  Silius  was  still  alive  when  Quintilian  composed 
his  work,  and  that  he  had  not  yet  published  his  poem.  Statins  (Silv. 
IV  7,  14  sqq.)  alludes  to  Sil.  I  233. 

3.  The  Emperors   of  the  Flavian   dynasty  are   praised  by  Sil.  Ill 


122  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

594—629,  where  he  says  ol  Domitiaii  v.  607  sqq. :  at  tu  transcendes, 
Germanice,  facta  tuorum  (of  father  and  brother!),  iam  puer  anricomo 
praeformidate  Batavo  (of.  Martial  II  2,  4  above  270,  7  fin.),  nee  te  ter- 
ruerint  Tarpei  culminis  ignes :  .  .  servabere  .  .;  nam  te  longa  manent 
nostri  consortia  mundi.  Then  he  adds  bombastic  praises  of  Domitian's 
failures  in  the  East  and  North  and  finally  (618  sqq.)  says:  quin  et 
Romuleos  superabit  voce  nepotes  quis  erit  eloquio  partum  decus;  hinc 
sua  Musae  sacra  ferent,  meliorque  lyra  (than  Orpheus)  .  .  Phoebo  mi- 
randa  loquetur.  More  in  conformity  with  truth  he  says  at  the  close  of 
XIV:  at  ni  cura  viri  qui  nunc  dedit  otia  mundo  effrenum  arceret  po- 
pulandi  cuncta  furorem  nudassent  avidae  terrasque  fretumque  rapinae. 
But  XVI  533  sq.  he  does  not  suppress  the  sigh  :  quid  iam  non  regibus 
ausum?  aut  quod  iam  regnis  restat  scelus?  Praise  ot  Virgil  VIII  593 
sq. :  Mantua  Musarum  domus  atque  ad  sidera  cantu  evecta  aonio  et 
smyrnaeis  aemula  plectris.  He  occasionally  celebrates  his  friends  n 
the  characters  of  his  poem,  e.  g.  in  Pedianus  (XII  212 — 222)  he  no 
doubt  intends  to  gratify  a  son  of  Asconius  Ped.  (above  290). 

4.  Silius  who  lacks  talent  for  poetical  invention  almost  pedanti- 
cally imitates  the  Homeric  poems  and  Virgil.  He  has  of  course  his 
"OvfiQog  (HI  163  sqq.)  and  Kcnukoyog  (III  222  sqq.),  his  Hector's  (i.  e. 
Hannibal's)  parting  (HI  62  sqq.),  his  description  of  the  shield  (II  395 
sqq.),  his  a^ka  XVI  277  sqq.),  his  ,uax^  naQcmojccfxtog  (IV  667  sqq.), 
his  Proteus  (415  sqq.)  and  his  yfxviu  (XIII  395  sqq.),  also  his  description 
of  the  gates  (III  32  sqq.)  like  the  one  in  the  Georgics.  Like  Hercules, 
Scipio  (XV  20  sqq.)  stands  at  the  cross-road  of  Virtus  and  Voluptas; 
like  Turnus,  Hannibal  at  Zama  fights  a  phantom.  Juno  has  the  same 
part  as  in  the  Aeneid  and  frequently  interferes  in  favour  of  Hannibal 
(I  548  sqq.  II  526  sqq.  HI  163  sqq.  IV  417  sqq.);  on  the  other  side 
Venus  and  Vulcan  bestir  themselves  (IV  667  sqq.).  The  delineation  of 
characters  is  rather  poor.  The  frequent  descriptions  of  battles  belong 
to  the  rhetorical  appurtenances.  In  national  colouring  and  also  in  local 
details  Silius  vies  with  the  Aeneid.  The  poet  takes  very  decidedly  part 
against  Hannibal  (e.  g.  II  696  sqq.).  After  b.  XII  the  treatment  is  very 
unequal,  and  in  b.  XVII  it  is  evident  that  the  poet  hastens  to  the  end; 
not  a  word  on  Scipio's  passage  to  Africa  and  Hannibal's  landing  there. 
The  work  closes  with  Scipio's  triumph  after  the  battle  of  Zama,  after 
a  prospective  view  has  been  disclosed  of  Hannibal's  final  fate  and  the 
destruction  of  Carthage  (v.  371  sqq.).  See  in  general  the  supplements 
to  Sulzer  VII  p.  374  sqq.  W.  Cosack,  quaestiones  Silianae  (especially 
p.  16 — 56  de  fide  historica  Silii,  chiefly  concerning  his  relation  to  Livy), 
Halle  1844.  L.  Cholevius,  epitheta  ornantia  quibus  utitur  Virgilius  cum 
iis  comparata  quibus  posteriores  epici  latini,  maxime  quidem  Silius 
carmina  sua  distinxerunt,  I.  Konigsberg  1865. 

5.  The  work  was  still  used  by  Vibius  Sequester,  but  was  for- 
gotten in  the  middle  ages,  and  even  Petrarch  does  not  seem  to  have 
known  it  when  he  wrote  his  Africa;  see  0.  Occioni  (n.  7)  p.  116 — 143. 
In  1417  Poggio  ar  rather  Bartholomaeus  Politianus  (de  monte  Puliciano) 


SiJius  Italicits.  123 

found  at  St.  Gall  also  a  ms.  (cf,  312,  4)  of  Silius,  which  was  indeed 
subsequently  again  lost,  but  is  to  all  purposes  preserved  in  the  copies 
made  of  it  in  Italy  in  the  15th  century.  In  the  same  manner  the  ms. 
found  at  Cologne  by  Carrio  and  which  he  assigned  to  the  time  of 
Charlemagne  (it  extended,  however,  only  as  far  as  XVI  555,  and  would 
also  seem   to    have  been   used  by  Fr.  Modius)  has  again  been  lost.  Cf. 

A.  Drakenborch's  pref.  to  his  edition  and  in  Ruperti  p.  XLV  sqq.  G. 
Thilo,  Quaestiones  Silianae,  Halle  1858.  4.  and  in  the  Symbola  phil. 
Bonn.  p.  399—401. 

6.  Two  ed.  principes  Rome  1471  fol.  simultaneously.  Bold  inter- 
polations (by  Ambrosius  Nicander  Toletanus)  in  the  luntina  1515.  L. 
Carrio,  Emendationum  etc.  libri  (Antv.  1576.  Paris  1583),  with  Fr.  Modii 
novantiq.  lectt.  (Frankf.  1584),  both  in  Gruter's  Lampas  III  2.  p.  90sqq. 
and  V  p.  1  sqq.     Ed.  D.  Heinsius    (with  his  Crepundia    Siliana),    Lugd. 

B.  1600.  Ed.  Claud.  Dansqueius  (Paris  1618),  Cellarius  (Lips.  1695)  and 
especially  cum  animadv.  N.  Heinsii  etc.  ed.  A.  Drakenborch,  Utrecht 
1717.  4.  Ed.  J.  B.  Lefebvre  de  Villebrune  (with  a  French  translation), 
Paris  1781.  3  vols.  Comm.  perp.  illustr.  J.  C.  Th.  Ernesti,  Lips.  1791. 
2  vo.ls.  Pcrpet.  annot.  ill.  G.  A.  Ruperti,  Gotting.  1795—98,  2  vols. 
Texts  by  Liinemann  (Gotting.  1824)  and  in  W.  E.  Weber's  corpus  poett. 
latt.  p.  799-897. 

7.  Quaestiones  Silianae  by  Wilh.  Cosack  (see  n.  4)  and  G.  Thilo 
(see  n.  5).  Emendationes  Silianae  by  G.  Thilo  in  the  Symbola  philol. 
Bonn.  p.  367—410. 

8.  Cajo  Silio  Italico  e  il  suo  poema;  studi  di  Onor.  Occioni,  Pa- 
dova  1869  (p.  149  sqq.  an  Italian  translation  of  books  III  and  XI). 

316.  Under  Domitian  lived  and  wrote  also  P.  Papinius 
Statins  of  Naples  (c.  A.  D.  45 — 96).  Highly  educated  and 
endowed  with  poetical  talent,  warm  feeling,  and  very  versatile 
in  formal  polish,  Statins  still  displeases  more  than  he  attracts, 
by  the  want  of  truth  perceptible  in  his  poems,  in  which  he 
does  not  express  merely  real  thoughts  and  feelings,  but  also 
feigned,  made  and  even  ordered  ideas,  and  which  he  frequently 
overlays  and  weighs  down  by  rhetorical  and  mythological 
phrases.  His  earliest  and  largest  work,  the  Thebaid  in 
twelve  books,  is  a  very  unenjoyable  production  (he  seems  to 
have  derived  his  subject-matter  from  Antimachus,  and  follows 
Virgil  in  epic  technicalities).  He  never  completed  his  Achilleis, 
of  which  even  the  second  book  is  not  finished.  Very  at- 
tractive are  his  Silvae,  five  books  of  poems  written  on 
various  occasions  mostly  in  epic  metre,  very  few  in  melic 
metres;    valuable    sketches    of    the    period,    some    of    which 


124  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

are  documents  of  respectable,  though  at  the  same  tmie  weak 
feelings. 

1.  In  defining  the  chronological  facts  concerning  Statins  it  is  ne- 
cessary once  for  all  to  leave  aside  the  unfounded  opinions  of  Dodwell  in 
his  Annales  Statiaui  (Oxon.  1698,  together  with  Annales  Velleiani  and 
Quintilianei).     See    Grosse    Observ.    p.  4 — 10.     When  his  father  (above 

313,  3)  died  (c.  a.  80  =  833),  Statins  had  already  obtained  victories  in 
poetical  contests  (Sil.  V  3,  225  sqq.)  in  his  native  town  of  Naples  (Silv. 
Ill  5,  78  sq.)  and  had  recited  parts  of  his  Thebaid  at  Rome  (ib.  215  sqq. 
cf.  233  sqq.  and  Juvenal  VII  82  sqq.).  On  the  other  hand  he  says  of 
himself  Silv.  V  2,  158  sq.  (c.  a.  95  or  96):  nos  fortior  aetas  iam  fugit, 
cf.  IV  4  69  sq.  (a.  95):  nos  facta  aliena  canendo  vergimur  in  senium. 
V  4  he  mentions  his  prolonged  sleeplessness,  and  III  5,  37  sqq.  a  heavy 
illness  he  had  passed  through.  The  fifth  book  of  the  Silvae,  the  third 
piece  of  which  dates  from  an  earlier  time  (n.  80),  while  the  fourth  is 
merely  a  brief  complaint  from  a  sick-bed  and  the  fifth  is  unfinished, 
seems  not  to  have  received  this  shape  until  after  the  author's  death. 
Nothing  w^ould  entitle  us  to  infer  that  Statins  survived  Domitian.  The 
time  of  his  birth  can  only  be  inferred  from  his  father's  age  (see  313, 
3;  cf.  C.  F.  Weber,  Panegyr.  in  Pison.  p.  12  sq.)  and  the  performances 
of  the  son  during  the  father's  life-time;  we  shall  not,  therefore,  be 
justified  in  descending  below  the  year  800  V.  C.  That  his  retreat  to 
Campania    was    caused   by    his    failure    in  the  Capitoline  games  (above 

314,  4),  is  probable,  though  not  supported  by  any  definite  proof. 

2.  Statins'  wife  was  a  Roman  widow  of  the  name  of  Claudia  (Silv. 
Ill  5)  who  brought  a  daughter  with  her,  but  did  not  bear  children  in 
her  second  wedlock  (Silv.  V  5,  79  sq.).  She  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  without  money,  though  Statins'  possessions  (if  any)  at  Naples 
came  from  his  father,  and  the  estate  at  Alba  (Silv.  Ill  1,  61  sq.,  cf. 
iugera  nostra  ib.  V  3,  37)  had  been  given  him,  perhaps  by  Domitian 
(Silv.  Ill  1.  1.).  The  very  fact  that  Statins  never  (Silv.  IV  9  being  merely 
a  joke)  appears  as  such  a  beggar  in  his  intercourse  with  his  patrons  as 
Martial,  is  in  favour  of  his  relative  independence  in  material  respects. 
Juv.  VII  86  sq.:  (Statins)  cum  fregit  subsellia  versu  esurit,  intactam 
Paridi  nisi  vendit  Agaven  (see  above  8,  1  fin.)  proves  only  that  Statius 
did  not  derive  any  material  advantages  from  reciting  his  Thebaid.  The 
cheapness  of  Statius'  Muse  in  regard  to  orders  (e.  g.  from  the  Eunuch 
and  imperial  favorite  Earinus,  Silv.  Ill  4)  was  probably  rather  due  to 
political  pressure  than  pecuniary  wants.  As  his  patrons  he  mentions 
Metius  Celer  (rex  meus,  Silv.  Ill  2,  92  sq.)  and  Plotius  Grypus  (IV  9, 
48  sqq.) ;  with  others  his  intercourse  is  on  an  equal  footing,  e.  g.  with 
Claudius  ,Etruscus  (dilectus  sodalis,  Silv.  I  5,  9;  meus,  ib.  Ill  praef. ; 
perhaps  a  relative  of  his  wife's),  Pollius  Felix  (meus,  ib.  IV  praef.)  and 
his  son-in-law  Julius  Menecrates  (ib.  IV  8).  Vettius  Crispinus,  a  boy  of 
16  years,  whose  father  is  dead,  receives  from  the  poet  (ib.  V  2)  exhor- 
tations which    a  father    might    give.     See   L.  Friedlander,    Sketches  of 


Statins.  125 

Roman  manners  and  morals  III  (Berlin  1871)  p.  342.  404—411.  But  in 
respect  of  Domitian  and  anything  connected  with  his  person  (Silv.  IV 
praef. :  latus  omne  divinae  domus  semper  demereri  pro  mea  mediocritate 
conitor;  nam  qui  bona  fide  dios  edit  amat  et  sacerdotes)  his  adulation 
is  unbearable.  Not  content  with  extolling  the  happiness  of  Earinus  in 
being  admitted  to  the  Emperor's  presence  (III  4,  60  sqq.),  he  says  of 
the  day  on  which  Domitian  invited  him  to  dinner:  haec  aevi  mihi  prima 
dies,  haec  limina  vitae  (IV  2,  13),  and  represents  his  wretched  successes 
against  foreign  enemies  as  something  very  grand  (e.  g.  IV  3,  153  sqq.), 
praises  his  dementia  (III  3,  167  sqq.)  and  maintains  that,  if  possible, 
the  Emperor  would  do  away  with  death  (V  1  165  sqq.),  makes  sidera, 
undae  terraeque  pray  for  his  preservation  (III  4,  101  sqq.),  praises  his 
beauty  (III  4,  44  sqq.,  cf.  IV  2,  41  sqq.)  and  compares  him  when  re^ 
dining  at  table  with  a  resting  Hercules  (IV  2,  46  sqq.).  I  1  94  sqq 
he  makes  Domitian's  father  and  brother  descend  from  heaven  by  night 
to  kiss  Domitian's  equestrian  statue.  But  of  dead  Caligula  (III  3,  70 
sqq.)  and  ferus  Nero  (V  2,  33)  he  ventures  to  speak   openly. 

3.  The  composition  of  the  Thebais  (cf.  Silv.  Ill  5,  36  and  Juv. 
7,  83)  took  him  very  long  (Silv.  Ill  5,  35.  IV  7,  26),  even  twelve  years 
(Theb.  XII  811).  Silv.  Ill  2,  142  sq.  it  is  mentioned  as  not  finished, 
but  its  completion  is  spoken  of  ib.  IV  4,  88—92  (iam  sidonios  emensa 
labores  Thebais  optato  collegit  carbasa  portu  etc.),  cf.  ib.  7,  7.  25  sqq. 
As  Statins'  father  had  already  seen  the  first  commencement  of  the 
work  (Silv.  V  3,  233  sq.),  the  composition  of  the  whole  work  seems  to 
have  occupied  the  years  80 — 92.  It  turns  on  the  contests  of  Polynices 
and  Eteocles.  After  the  action  has  in  the  first  ten  books  scarcely  made 
any  progress,  owing  to  the  long-winded  speeches,  preparations  and 
descriptions  it  is  summarily  finished  in  the  last  two  books,  which 
contain  not  only  the  fight  of  the  two  brothers,  Creon's  accession  and 
prohibition  to  bury  Polynices,  but  also  Antigone's  petition  addressed  to 
Theseus,  his  interference  and  the  death  of  Creon.  The  legend  is  treated 
very  freely  in  details,  Greek  and  Roman  peculiarities  (e.  g.  the  abstract 
figures  of  Virtus,  Furores  etc.)  being  mixed  up  together.  The  arran- 
gement and  motives  are  merely  superficial.  Epic  comparisons  are 
interspersed  in  great  abundance.  Descriptions  of  battles  are  succeeded 
by  sentimental  episodes.  The  mythological  learning  appears  also  in 
the  paraphrasing  of  mythical  names  in  the  manner  of  Lycophron.  The 
diction  is  frequently  bombastic  and  not  rarely  obscured  by  artificial 
brevity.  Welcker,  Minor  Writings  I  p.  396—401.  We  recognise  the 
traces  of  the  Augustan  patterns  nearly  everywhere,  but  also  an  endea- 
vour to  surpass  them  in  artificial  and  pathetic  colouring.  At  the  end, 
however,  Statius  addresses  his  work  in  the  following  terms  (XII  816  sq.): 
vive,  precor,  nee  tu  divinam  Aeneida  tempta,  sed  longe  sequere  et 
vestigia  semper  adora.  He  speaks  more  confidently  Achil.  I  10  sqq. 
and  Silv.  II  3,   63.  V  3,  213  sq. 

4.    The  design  of  the   Achilleid  was  conceived  on  a  very  great 
scale  and  was  to  embrace  also  the  legends  antecedent  and  posterior  to 


126  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

the  Iliad.  Ach.  I  1  sqq. :  magnanimum  Aeaciden,  .  .Diva,  refer,  quam- 
quam  acta  viri  multum  inclita  cantu  maeonio,  sed  plura  vacant,  nos 
ire  per  omnem  sic  amor  est  heroa  velis  Scyroque  latentem  dulichia 
proferre  tuba,  nee  in  Hectore  tracto  sistere,  sed  tota  iuvenem  deducere 
Troia.  The  first  book  relates  in  674  lines,  how  Thetis  hid  her  son  in 
female  disguise  in  the  house  of  Lycomedes,  but  Calchas  discovers  his 
sojourn  by  dint  of  prophecy,  after  the  supposed  girl  has  already  seduced 
one  of  the  daughters  of  the  unsuspicious  host,  Deidamia.  The  453  lines 
extant  of  the  second  book  describe  how  Odysseus  discovers  Achilles 
and  takes  him  to  Troy.  The  style  is  less  ranting  and  artificial,  but 
just  as  diffuse  as  in  the  Thebaid.  It  was  used  by  Josej)!!  Iscanus 
(Dunger  p.  25  sq.)  and  especially  by  Konrad  of  Wiirzburg  (c.  1280); 
see  H.  Dunger,  the  Legend  of  the  Trojan  war,    p.  46 — 48.  52.  54  sq. 

5.  Both  Theb.  I  17  sqq.  and  Ach.  I  19:  (te  longo  necdum  fidente 
paratu  molimur,  magnusque  tibi  praeludat  Achilles),  Statins  promises 
Domitian  a  special  epic  in  celebration  of  his  deeds,  cf.  Silv.  IV  4,  93 
sqq. :  nunc  .  .  Troia  quidem  magnusque  mihi  temptatur  Achilles,  sed 
vocat  arcitenens  alio  pater  armaque  monstrat  ausonii  maiora  ducis. 
trahit  impetus  illo  iam  pridem  retrahitque  timor.  A  beginning  of  this 
would  -seem  to  have  been  found  among  the  papers  of  Statins  and  to 
have  been  jjublished;  hence  the  four  hexameters  in  the  Scholia  of  Ge. 
Valla  on  Juv.  IV  94.     0.  Jahn,  Rh.  Mus.  IX  p.  627. 

6.  As  title  (Gell.  praef.  6.)  Silvae  according  to  Quintilian  X  3,  17 
denotes  rapidly  executed  works,  improvisations;  cf.  Silv.  I  praef.:  hos 
libellos,  qui  mihi  subito  calore  et  quadam  festinandi  voluptate  fluxerunt, 
,  .  nullum  ex  illis  biduo  longius  tractum,  quaedam  et  singulis  diebus 
effusa.  II  praef. :  epicedio  prosecutus  sum  adeo  festinanter  ut  etc.  Ill 
praet. :  (libellos)  subito  natos.  According  to  IV  praef.  Statins  was 
blamed  by  some  quod  hoc  stili  genus  (opuscula,  leves  libelli.  II  praef. 
ioci,  IV  praef.)  edidisset.  The  32  pieces  were  first  written  separately 
and  when  a  number  of  them  were  ready  joined  to  a  book  and  de- 
dicated to  an  individual  with  a  prose-address;  book  I  to  Stella,  II  to 
Atedius  Melior,  III  to  Pollius  Felix,  IV  to  Victorius  Marcellus;  the 
preface  to  book  V  relates  only  to  the  first  piece,  but  was  doubtless 
intended  to  be  continued,  if  the  poet  had  been  spared  to  complete  the 
book;  see  n.  1.  Except  V  3  all  pieces  seem  to  belong  to  the  last  six 
years  of  the  poet's  life,  as  the  first  book  can  be  proved  to  be  not 
anterior  to  a.  90  and  the  order  of  the  books  is  chronological;  see  L. 
Friedlander,  de  temporibus  Martialis  librorum  et  Silvarum  Statii  (Ko- 
nigsberg  1862.  4.)  p.  14  —  16.  Cf.  Ill  praef.:  securus  itaque  tertius  hie 
silvarum  nostrarum  liber  ad  te  mittitur.  habuerat  quidem  et  secundus 
testem,  sed  hie  habet  auctorem.  IV  praef. :  plura  in  quarto  silvarum 
quam  in  prioribus.  Silv.  Ill  5  a  journey  to  Naples  is  contemplated, 
IV  praef.  is  written  from  Naples.  IV  1  celebrates  Domitian's  17th  con- 
sulate (a.  95).  Other  subjects  are  the  deaths  of  friends  (also  of  pueri 
delicati),  in  which  epicedia  he  is  often  lachrymose,  departures , of  friends 
(propemptica),    their    possessions    (villae,   balnea,   works  of  art,  even  a 


Statins.  127 

psittacus),  marriages,  births  and  birthdays  (Lucani  II  7),  Saturnalia  etc. 
As  made  to  order  are  designated  I  1  and  2.  II  7.  Ill  4.  Phalaecian 
metre  is  used  in  I  6.  II  7.  IV  3.  9.,  Alcaics  in  IV  5,  and  Sapphics  in  IV  7. 

7.  Abundance  of  words,  studied  elegance,  bold  formations  and  in- 
novations in  the  use  of  words  Statius  shares  with  his  whole  period; 
peculiar  to  him  (at  least  in  the  Silvae)  is  the  rapidity  of  working,  from 
which  some  carelessnesses  (e.  g.  repetitions.  Hand  bilv.  p.  269  sqq.) 
may  be  explained.  Cf.  Apollon.  Sid.  carm.  9,  223 — 226.  Supplements 
to  Sulzer's  Theory  VIII  p.  344  sqq.  Hand  on  Silv.  p.  X  sqq,  J.  Dan- 
glard,  Stace  et  ses  Silves,  Clermont-Ferrand  1864.  On  his  diction  see 
Suringar,  Observationes  in  Stat,  silv.,  Ling  1810.  E.  Grosse,  Observat. 
p.  11 — 37.  45 — 50.  E.  Nauke,  Observat.  criticae  et  gram,  in  Stat.  p.  16 
— 35.  On  the  metrical  peculiarities  of  Statius  see  Grosse,  Observat.  p. 
37 — 44.  0.  Miiller,  Quaest.  Statianae,  Berlin  1861.  4.  On  his  relation 
to  Silius  see  Ritschl,  Bonn  Ind.  lect.  1857  sq.  p.  IV. 

8.  Statius  obtained  in  a  later  period  imitators,  especially  in  Si- 
donius  Apollinaris,  and  was  admired  even  in  the  Middle  Ages  (cf. 
Dante  Purgat.  XXI)  and  diligently  read.  Hence  we  possess  numerous 
mss.  of  his  Thebaid,  at  least  70,  the  most  important  of  which  appears 
to  be  the  Paris  ms.  8051  (Puteaneus)  saec.  X.  The  Silvae  exist  in  a 
smaller  number  of  mss.,  all  of  which  are  derived  from  a  ms.  brought 
by  Poggio  from  France  to  Italy  and  the  various  readings  of  which 
Politian  noted  in  the  margin  of  the  ed.  princ,  after  which  time  it  has 
been  lost  again;  but  the  Breslau  ms.  is  a  slavishly  faithful  copy  of  it 
(Imhof  de  condicione  p.  4.  39  sqq.).  The  Budensis  at  Vienna  (ib.  p.  4. 
35  sq.)  approaches  it  very  closely.  F.  Hand,  Silv.  p.  XX  sqq.  C.  F. 
Weber,  de  codice  Statii  Cassellano  (saec.  XI),  Marburg  1853.  54  pp.  4. 
Diibner  and  G.  Queck  in  their  prefaces.  A.  Imhof,  de  Silvarum  Statia- 
narum  condicione  critica,  Halle  1859.  44  pp.  4.  E.  Grosse,  on  a  Treves 
ms.  of  Statius,  Konigsberg  1866.  19  pp.  4.  F.  Deycks  on  a  ms.  at 
Miinster,  Miinster  1865.  4.  W.  Schmitz,  on  a  fragment  of  a  ms.  at 
Diisseldorf,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXI  p.  438-443. 

9.  Editions.  Ed.  princeps  1472.  Parmae  1473.  Romae  1475. 
Venet.  (Aid.)  1502.  Rec.  J.  Bernartius,  Antverp.  1595.  Ed.  Fr.  Tilio- 
broga  (Lindenbrog),  Paris  1600.  4.  Cura  Em.  Crucei,  Paris  1618.  4.  Ex 
rec.  J.  Fr.  Gronovii,  Amsterd.  1653.  Ex  rec.  et  cum  animadv.  C.  Barthii, 
Cygn.  1664  sq.  4  vols.  4.  (with  Ind.).  Ed.  Amar  et  Lemaire,  Paris  1825. 
4  vols.  W.  E.  Weber  in  his  Corpus  poett.  latt.  p.  898—1029.  Cum 
notis  ed.  Fr.  Diibner,  Paris  1835  sq.  2  vols.  Rec.  G.  Queck,  Lips. 
Teubner  1854.  2  vols,  (see  Imhof,  d©  condic.  p.  43  sq.)  Thebais  et 
Achilleis  cum  scholiis  rec.  0.  Miiller,  3  vols  (I.  Leipzig  1870.) 

10.  Critical  contributions  by  M.  Haupt  (Monthly  Reports  of  the 
Berlin  Academy  1861  p.  1074  sqq.),  0.  Miiller  (Quaestiones  Statianae, 
Berlin  1861.  34  pp.  4.  Rhein.  Mus.  XVHI.  p.  189—200),  E.  Nauke  (Ob- 
servationes criticae  et  gramm.  in  Statium,  Breslau  1863,  p.  1—16),  A. 
Imhof  (Emendationes  Statianae,  Halle  1867.  4.). 


128  The  First  Century  ot  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

lani  Gruteri  suspiciones  in  St.  Theb.  I  cum  animadv.  F.  Handii, 
Jena  1851.  4. 

11.  Editions  of  the  Silvae  by  Jer.  Markland  (rec.  et.  emend., 
London  1728.  4.  reprinted  by  Sillig,  Dresden  1827.  4.  Cf.  Imhof,  de 
condic.  p.  12—35)  and  Ferd.  Hand  (Lips.  1817;    only  Silv.  I  1-3). 

.  J.  Fr.  Gronovii  in  St.  Silvas  diatribe,  Hag.  Com.  1637;  cum  annotatt. 
ed.  F.  Hand,  Lips.  1811.  2  vols.  Silv.  IV  6  cum  comment.  F.  Handii,, 
Jena  1849.  33  pp.  4.  Silv.  I  4  e  codd.  et  schedis  Handii,  in  Jahn's 
Archiv  XVIII  p.  121  sqq.  C.  H.  Volckmar,  specimen  novae  Silv.  St. 
editionis,  Ilfeld  1860.  4.  (Silv.  I  1).  Silv.  Ill  5  emend,  et  adn.  A.  Imhof, 
Halle  1863.  28  pp.  4.  Ecloga  ultima  (Silv.  V  5)  emendatiorem  ed.  R. 
Unger;  accedunt  de  Statii  locis  controv.  coniectanea,  Neustrelitz  1868. 
308  pp.  E.  Grosse,  Observatorum  in  St.  Silvis  specimen,  Berlin  1861, 

12.  Scholia  on  the  Thebaid,  the  value  of  vs^hich  consists  chiefly 
in  the  mythological  materials  accumulated  from  Hyginus,  Servius  and 
others,  are  preserved  under  the  name  of  Lutatius  (or  Lactantius)  Pla- 
cidus,  probably  the  author  of  the  Argumenta  Metamorphoseon  Ovidii 
(above  244,  2).  They  are  found  in  the  old  editions  of  Statins,  also  in 
those  of  Lindenbrog,  Barth,  and  others.  Cf.  Diibner''s  pref.  p.  VIII  sqq. 
Herm.  Schottky,  de  pretio  Lactantiani  comm.  in  St.  Th.  et  (p.  25 — 39) 
de  nomine,  philosophia  (mystical  and  pagan)  et  aetate  (5th  century) 
commentatoris,  Breslau  1846.  E.  Woltflin,  Philologus  XXIV  p.  156—158. 
R.  Unger,  Electa  e  Lact.  in  St.  Th.  comm.,  Friedland  1863.  4.  M. 
Schmidt,  on  a  Scholion  on  Statins,  Philologus  XXIII  p.  541—547. 

13.  On  the  Achilleis  we  have  insignificant  Scholia  in  Lindenbrog 
and  in  Mai,  Spicileg.  rom.  IX  appendix.  Dommerich,  ad  Stat.  Ach.  ex 
membranis  anecdota,  Wolfenbiittel  1758.  4. 

317.  In  Domitian's  reign  we  have  also  the  greater  part 
of  the  literary  career  of  M.  Valerius  Marti alis  (c.  A.  D. 
42 — 102)  from  Bilbilis  in  Spain;  we  possess  by  him  15  books 
of  Epigrams,  which  turn  on  the  social  life  of  the  Rome  of 
those  days  with  all  its  dirt  and  servility.  Martial  appears  in  them 
nearly  equal  to  Ovid  in  the  ease  and  elegance  of  poetical  form, 
and  even  superior  to  him  in  want  of  character  and  morals. 
Martial  shares  his  contemporary  Juvenal's  preference  for  ugly 
things,  but  does  not  like  him  rise  above  them;  and  his  rival's 
(Statins')  crouching  to  the  rulers  is  still  surpassed  by  him. 
He  is  a  great  talent,  but  repulsive  on  account  of  the  utter 
absence  of  feeling  for  moral  and  aesthetic  worth,  or  the  dig- 
nity of  man.  Besides  the  elegiac  metre,  Martial  in  his  Epi- 
grams frequently  uses  hendecasyllabics  and  choliambics. 

1.  The  death-year  of  M.  Valerius  Martialis  (on  the  supposed  cog- 
nomen of  Coquus  see  Schneidewin's    edition  of  1842,  p.  21    sq.)  was  at 


Statins.     Martialis.  129 

the  latest  102,  perhaps  already  A.  D.  101;  in  his  poems  there  is  no 
trace  pointiog  beyond  this  year;  see  Th.  Mommsen,  Hermes  III  p.  120 
— 126.  But  the  letter  of  Pliny  which  announces  his  death  (see  n.  7) 
seems  to  be  of  the  year  102;  Stobbe,  Philologus  XXVII  p.  640.  His 
birth-year  may  be  inferred,  though  not  with  certainty,  from  X  24: 
natales  mihi  Martiae  kalendae,  .  .  quinquagesima  liba  septimamque 
vestris  addimus  hauc  focis  acerram.  Though  this  poem  may  perhaps 
belong  to  the  second  edition  of  the  tenth  book,  a.  98  (or  the  beginning  of 
99),  it  is  still  not  quite  certain  and  the  mode  of  calculation  not  quite 
clear.  After  34  years  spent  at  Kome  (X  103,  7  sqq.  104,  9  sqq.  cf.  XII 
31,  7.  34  1),  i.  e.  perhaps  64 — 98,  he  returned  home,  probably  because 
under  Nerva  and  Trajan  a  new  spirit  had  begun  to  reign  at  Rome  not 
congenial  to  Martial  and  from  which  he  could  not  expect  much.  Even 
before,  his  manner  of  living  at  Rome  was  wretched  enough  as  he  de- 
spised real  work,  though  neither  his  literary  earnings  nor  his  begging 
addresses  to  rich  and  powerful  patrons  procured  him  enough  to  live 
on ;  cf.  Ill  38  and  in  many  other  places.  As  a  present  we  may,  however, 
consider  the  small  villa  which  he  possessed  subsequently  to  a.  83  (see 
II  38,  and  cf.  I  55)  near  Nomentum  in  the  Sabine  country,  with  a  small 
house  in  the  metropolis.  Both  from  Titus  (IH  95,  5.  IX  97,  5  sq.)  and 
Domitian  he  received  for  his  poems  the  ius  trium  liberorum  (II  92,  cf. 
IV  27,  3  sq.),  and  the  dignity  of  tribunus  (III  95,  9).  Equestrian  rank 
(III  95,  10.  VI  3,  2.  17,  2.  IX  49,  4.  XII  26,  2)  he  may  have  possessed 
by  birth.  His  parents  were  Valerius  Fronto  and  Flaccilla  (V  34,  1).  In 
his  native  country  he  received  from  the  domina  Marcella  (XII  31),  pro- 
bably out  of  admiration  for  his  literary  performances  (cf.  XII  21),  the 
present  of  an  estate.  —  A.  Brandt,  de  Martialis  poetae  vita,  Berlin 
1853.     38  pp. 

2.  Many  are  the  patrons  addressed  by  Martial ;  among 
them  chiefly  the  nearest  friends  of  the  Emperors,  e.  g.  Parthenius 
(below  319,  2),  Crispinus  (e.  g.  VII  99),  and  Earinus  (above  316,  2). 
The  literary  characters  of  the  age  are  also  sufficiently  represented  in 
these  poems;  but  Tacitus  appears  never,  nor  does  Statins,  just  as  vice 
versa  Martial  is  never  mentioned  by  Statins.  This  circumstance  is  all 
the  more  to  be  observed,  as  the  two  poets  were  contemporaries  and  moved 
simultaneously  in  the  same  circles,  nay  even  treated  the  same  subjects. 
E.  g.  Stat.  Silv.  I  2.  5  =  Mart.  VI  21,  42;  Silv.  II  1.  7  =  Mart.  VI 28 
sq.  Vn  21-23;  Silv.  Ill  3  sq.  =  Mart.  VH  40.  IX  11—13.  16.  36;  Silv. 
IV  6  =  Mart.  IX  43  sq.  This  silence  is  no  doubtless  due  to  the  com- 
petition and  rivalry  of  these  two  poets.  Martial  may,  therefore,  be 
supposed  to  allude  in  his  frequent  remarks  on  the  poets  of  long- 
winded  epic  poems  (e.  g.  in  twelve  books  like  the  Thebaid,  Mart.  IX 
50,  3,  cf.  also  IX  19.  X21.  XIV  1,  11)  especially  to  Statins.  Friedlander, 
Sketches  of  Roman  manners  and  morals  III  p.  348  sq.  369 — 404. 

3.  If  history  does  not  admire  Doraitian  as  the  embodiment  of  all 
human  and  princely  virtues.  Martial  for  one  does  not  bear  the  blame. 
He    on    the  contrary  praises    all  the  actions  of  Domitian  in  peace  and 

9 


130  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

in  war  as  proofs  of  the  highest  wisdom  and  valour,  and  when  the  Emperor 
is  in  the  field,  can  scarcely  find  expressions  sufficient  to  contain  Rome's 
desire  for  the  return  of  this  mild  prince  and  'father  of  the  fatherland', 
under  whom  Rome  is  stated  to  be  freer  than  ever  (V  19,  6).  Especially 
the  eighth  book  abounds  in  adulation.  Spect.  33  he  even  exclaims: 
Flavia  gens,  quantum  tibi  tertius  abstulit  heres!  paene  fuit  tanti  non 
habuisse  duos.  Nay  IX  3  he  expresses  the  frivolous  idea  that  the  gods 
properly  owe  such  great  thanks  to  Domitian  that  he  might  sell  them 
off.  He  is  all  the  more  at  a  loss  under  Nerva  when  blanditiae  no  longer 
hold  good  and  rustica  Veritas  reigns  (X  72).  The  truth  on  Domitian 
is  stated  XII  6,  11  sq.,  cf.  15,  9  sq.  His  former  expressions  to  the 
contrary  were  not  due  to  self-deception,  as  appears  from  this  epigram. 

4.  The  Epigrams  are  preceded  by  a  book  not  counted  in  and 
which  contains  33  epigrams;  it  is  called  liber  spectaculorum  from  its 
contents,  but  bears,  in  the  mss.,  only  the  title  of  epigrammaton  liber. 
J.  Kehrein  in  Jahn's  Archiv  IV  p.  541 — 553.  F.  Schmieder,  Martial, 
de  spect.  liber,  Brieg  1837.  4.  Of  the  14  books  of  Epigrams  XIII  bears 
the  special  title  of  Xenia,  XIV  of  Apophoreta,  and  these  two  alone 
received  from  Martial  himself  headings  to  the  single  epigrams.  Both 
are  intended  as  presents  on  the  festival  of  Saturnalia,  and  contain 
mostly  epigrams  in  the  original  sense  of  the  word,  i.  e.  inscriptions  on 
some  subject,  while  the  other  epigrams  correspond  to  the  later  sense 
of  the  word,  being  occasional  and  witty  compositions.  Each  book 
generally  has  at  its  beginning  a  dedication  with  preface,  some  (b.  I, 
n,  VIII,  XII)  in  prose,  like  the  prefaces  of  Statins.  Each  book  contains 
on  an  average  100  epigrams,  arranged  so  as  to  make  them  more  in- 
teresting by  variation,  also  in  point  of  metre.  But  the  books  them- 
selves are  (except  XIII  and  XIV)  arranged  in  chronological  order,  as 
the  poet  always  collected  his  previously  published  epigrams  whenever 
he  had  a  sufficient  number  of  them,  and  their  publication  as  book  seems 
to  have  taken  place  in  yearly  intervals  (X  70,  1.  cf.  IX  84,  9).  Only 
the  last  three  books  (X,  XI,  XII)  were  published  after  Domitian's  death ; 
the  first  may  also  contain  some  poems  written  under  Vespasian  and 
Titus,  to  whom  (Caesares)  Martial  had  already  presented  poems  (1 101, 
2).  The  liber  spectaculorum  belongs  to  Domitian's  first  years,  like 
b.  I  and  II  (a.  82  until  87  at  the  latest);  b.  Ill  (which  does  not  con- 
tain any  allusion  to  the  Emperor  or  other  chronological  traces)  is  dated 
from  Forum  Cornelii  and  written  after  b.  II  and  before  b.  IV  (perhaps 
still  a.  87);  IV  is  from  a.  88  and  89 ;  V  from  a.  90 ;  VI  from  the  close 
of  90  and  the  first  part  of  91 ;  VII  and  VIII  from  a.  92  and  93 ;  IX,  X 
(in  their  first  edition)  and  XI  from  94—96.  The  two  books  XIII  and 
XIV  were  written  between  a.  88  and  93.  Book  XI  was  mostly  written  under 
Domitian,  but  published  under  Nerva,  in  December  96.  The  next  was 
a  purified  excerpt  from  X  and  XI  presented  to  the  Emperor  (XII  5), 
perhaps  middle  of  97.  Then  the  extant  castrated  edition  of  X,  imme- 
diately before  the  poet's  return  to  Bilbilis  (98) ;  finally  b.  XII  from  Spain, 
after    contumacissima   trienni    desidia    (XII  praef.),    as    we    should   not 


Martial.  131 

hesitate  in  understanding  triennium  as  the  space  of  272  years  and 
placing  the  book  (with  Mommsen)  into  the  beginning  of  a.  lOl,  though 
Stobbe  assumes  a  twofold  version,  a  shorter  one  for  Terentius  Priscus 
(and  of  101)  and  an  enlarged  edition  for  Rome  (beg.  of  102).  See  the 
details  in  L.  Friedlander,  de  temporibus  librorum  Martialis  Domitiano 
imperante  editorum,  Konigsberg  1862.  4.,  and  de  temporibus  libr.  Mart. 
X  et  XI,  ib.  1865.  4.,  Sketches  of  Roman  morals  and  manners  III  p. 
372—390.  H.  F.  Stobbe,  Philol.  XXVI  p.  44—80  and  (against  Mommsen, 
see  n.  1)  ibid.  XXVII  p.  630—641;  Friedlander  1.  1.  p.  656—658.  0. 
Hirschfeld,  Gott.  Gel.  Anz.  1869,  p.  1506—1510.  An  epigram  of  Martial 
not  found  in  his  collection  is  given  Anth.  lat.  276  R. 

5.  The  subjects  of  these  epigrams  are  derived  from  real  life 
(VIII  3,  20  cf.  X  4,  10),  though  mostly  in  its  obscene  side  to  suit  the 
taste  of  the  multitude.  Epigrammata  illis  scribuntur  qui  solent  spectare 
Florales  (I  praef.)  Chaste  or  bashful  persons  are  requested  not  to 
read  them  (ib.  and  III  69.  XI  16).  The  eleventh  book  is  the  most 
impudent,  in  excuse  of  which  the  Saturnalia  are  alleged  (c.  2.  6. 15, 11  sq.). 
But  the  books  dedicated  to  the  Emperor  (V  and  VIII)  are  praised  for 
their  (relative)  decency;  IV  also  contains  only  seven  pieces  of  this 
kind,  perhaps  for  a  similar  reason  (IV  1).  But  even  then  these  epi- 
grams did  not  please  all  readers.  Martial  repeatedly  protests  that  his 
life  should  not  be  judged  by  his  epigrams  (14,  8:  lasciva  est  nobis 
pagina,  vita  proba  est;  cf.  VII  55,  6.  XI  15,  3),  and  his  revision  of  b.  X 
was  probably  calculated  to  remove  the  worst  obscenities,  and  perhaps 
this  purifying  process  might  also  have  been  extended  to  b.  XI,  if 
Martial  had  not  left  Rome  (Stobbe,  Philol.  XXVI  p.  72—74).  But 
Martial  could  point  to  numerous  predecessors  in  this  kind,  especially 
Catullus,  and  in  some  passages  even  Horace. 

6.  Living  characters  are  introduced  with  their  real  names,  in  case 
Martial  either  praises  them  or  speaks  of  them  with  indifference.  Cf.  I 
praef. :  spero  me  secutum  in  libellis  meis  tale  temperamentum  ut  de 
illis  queri  non  possit  quisquis  de  se  bene  senserit,  cum  salva  infimarum 
quoque  personarum  reverentia  ludant;  quae  adeo  antiquis  auctoribus 
defuit  ut  nominibus  non  tantum  veris  abusi  sint  sed  et  magnis.  VII  12,  3: 
mea  nee  iuste  quos  odit  pagina  laesit.  It  is  in  vain  that  he  frequently 
endeavours  to  represent  as  humanitas  or  good  nature  or  even  principle 
(parcere  personis,  dicere  de  vitiis,  see  X  33,  10)  what  is  merely  the  reverse 
of  his  servility.  He  generally  chooses  his  name  according  to  his  metre 
and  even  protests  against  any  personal  allusions  (II  23.  Ill  11.  IX  95b, 
cf.  I  96,  14).  Some  names  he  uses  in  a  typical  sense,  e.  g.  Fidentius 
of  a  plagiary,  Selius  of  a  parasite,  Ligurinus  of  a  recitator,  Postumus 
of  patrons,  and  Caecilianus,  Gargilianus,  Candidus,  Classicus,  Ponticus, 
Zoilus,  Flaccus,  Tucca  etc.  for  anything.  But  with  regard  to  dead 
characters,  Martial  (like  Statins,  316,  2  fin.)  is  candid,  e.  g.  chiefly 
concerning  Nero  I  20,  4.  IV  63.  VII  21,  3.  44  sq.  34,  4:  quid  Nerone 
peius?);    he    praises  Arria    (1   13)  and  Thrasea  (I  8,  1.  IV  54,  7)  undis- 


132  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

guisedly;    they    appear    to    him    as    types   in    the    same    way    as    Cato 
or  Porcia. 

7.  Plinius  Epist.  Ill  21,  1 :  audio  Valerium  Martialem  decessisse 
et  moleste  fero.  erat  homo  ingeniosus,  acutus,  acer,  et  qui  plurimum 
in  scribendo  et  saUs  haberet  et  fellis  (cf.  Mart.  VII  25,  3)  nee  candoris 
minus.  (2.)  prosecutus  eram  viatico  secedentem:  dederam  hoc  amicitiae, 
dederam  etiam  versicuUs  quos  de  me  composuit  (Mart.  X  19).  His 
juvenile  poems  (I  113.  cf.  XII  94)  have  perished  without  leaving  any 
trace  and  the  renown  he  had  won  in  his  time  and  of  which  he  speaks 
so  ostentatiously,  is  based  upon  his  epigrams.  On  account  of  these 
he  places  himself  on  a  par  with  Domitius  Marsus  and  Catullus.  That 
he  could  not  attain  anything  higher,  he  explains  from  his  poverty. 
Cf.  I  107.  VII  99,  5  sqq.  VIII  56.  X  78,  14  sqq.  XI  3.  24.  But  his  narrow 
circle  of  ideas  as  well  as  his  want  of  earnest  and  industry  induce 
us  to  doubt  whether  he  would  have  done  anything  great  in  better 
circumstances.  Spartian.  Hel.  Ver.  5,  8:  idem  Apicii  Caelii  relata, 
idem  Ovidii  libros  amorum  in  lecto  semper  habuisse,  idem  Martialem, 
epigrammaticum  poetam,  Vergilium  suum  dixisse. 

8.  The  mss.  of  Martial  are  enumerated  by  Schneidewin  Prolegg. 
p.  LXII— C  with  p.  678—684;  and  classified  ib.  p.  C.~CXXVII.  Most 
of  them  are  interpolated  by  Italians  (deteriores).  Among  the  earlier 
mss.,  only  T  (Thuaneus)  and  H  (Haupt's  Vindobonensis),  both  saec.  X 
and  derived  from  the  same  source,  contain  the  liber  spect.  (ib.  p. 
CXXVII — CXXXII),  which  is  also  added  in  some  of  the  mss.  of  the 
second  class  (C  b).  To  the  earlier  class  (C  a)  belong  also  the  Puteaneus 
(X)  saec.  X,  Edinburgensis  (E)  saec.  X  (cf.  Schneidewin's  text  p,  V.  sqq.), 
three  Vossiani,  R  (saec.  IX),  A  (saec.  XI)  and  B  (saec.  XII),  a  Vaticanus 
(V)  saec.  X  or  XI.  To  another  class  belong  the  Florentinus  (F)  and 
Palatinus  (P)  saec.  XV,  with  the  subscription :  ego  Torquatus  Gennadius 
emendavi. 

9.  On  the  editions  see  Schneidewin's  Prolegg.  p.  XI — LXII.  Ed. 
princeps  s.  1.  et  a.  (Rome  c.  1470).  4.  Ferrara  1471.  4.  Rome  1473. 
Cura  G.  Merulae,  Ven.  1475.  Cum  comm*  D.  Calderini,  Ven.  1474  fol. 
Rec.  I.  Gruter,  Francof.  1602.  Ramirez  de  Prado,  Paris  1607.  4.  Cum 
comm.  M.  Raderi,  Ingolst.  1607.  1611;  Mogunt.  1627  fol.  Cum  notis 
varr.  ed.  P.  Scriverius,  Lugd.  Bat.  1611.  1621.  Cum  animadv.  J.  Fr. 
Gronovii  ed.  C.  Schrevelius,  Amsterd.  1661.  1670.  Bipont.  1784.  Ed. 
N.  E.  Lemaire,  Paris  1825.  3  vols.  In  W.  E.  Weber's  Corp.  poett.  latt. 
p.  1030—1136.  Edid.  F.  Guil.  Schneidewin,  Grimma  1842.  CXXXII 
and  739  pp.;  ex  rec.  sua  denuo  recognita.  Lips.  Teubner.  1853. 

10.  Rooy,  Coniecturae  criticae  in  Mart.,  Utrecht  1764.  Osk.  Gut- 
mann,  Observationum  in  M.  Val.  Mart,  particulae  quinque  (chiefly  on 
Martial's  use  of  the  dative  p.  1 — 30;  de  metris  M.  p.  46 — 52,  Breslau 
1866.  L.  Friedlander,  de  nonnullis  locis  corruptis  in  M.  epigr.,  Konigs- 
berg  1867.  4.  A.  Scotland,  Philologus  XXIX  p.  184—187.  van  Eldik 
in  the  Verslagen  en  Med.  der  Akad.  v.  W.  1868,  XI.  M.  Haupt,  Hermes 
V  p.  30—32. 


Martial.     Stella  and  Turnus.  133 

11.  On  Martial  see  G.  E.  Lessing's  Works  I.  p.  190  sqq.  Mart,  as 
man  and  poet,  Berl.  1843.  W.  Teufifel  in  Pauly's  Enc.  IV.  (1845) 
p.  1600—1606. 

318.  Among  the  other  numerous  poets  who  lived  in  the 
reign  of  Domitian,  we  may  chiefly  notice  Arruntius  Stella 
(Cons.  c.  101),  the  friend  of  Statius  and  Martial  and  author 
of  erotic  elegies  on  his  subsequent  wife  Violantilla;  the  satirist 
Turnus  and  his  brother,  the  tragic  poet  Scaevus  or  Scaevius 
Memor;  Verginius  Eufus  and  Vestricius  Spurinna,  both  of  whom 
made  an  honourable  political  career  and  then  wrote  erotic 
verses;  lastly  Calenus'  wife  Sulpicia,  who  also  wrote  erotic 
poems.  The  names  of  Turnus  and  Spurinna,  and  probably  also 
that  of  Sulpicia,  are  connected  with  modern  forgeries. 

1.  An  inscription  in  Orelli  784:  L.  Arruntio  Stella,  L.  Julio  Marino 
coss.  XIV.  Kal.  Nov.  As  Trajan  is  not  yet  called  Dacicus  in  it,  this 
inscription  would  not  appear  to  have  been  composed  anterior  to  a. 
103,  and  the  consular  year  in  question  is  no  doubt  101  (Th.  Mommsen, 
Hermes  III  p.  124—126;  cf.  Stobbe,  Philologus  XXVI  p.  76  sq.  XXVH 
p.  632  sqq.)  The  identity  of  the  Stella  frequently  mentioned  by 
Martial  and  Statius  is  rendered  nearly  certain  by  the  fact  that  he 
was  iuvenis  patriciis  maioribus  ortus  (Stat.  Silv.  I  2,  71),  held  the 
place  of  a  XVvir  libr.  sibyll.  (ib.  177.  Martial  IX  42),  gave  festival 
games  in  honour  of  the  Northern  (or  Sarmatic)  triumph  of  Domitian 
(Mart.  Vni  78,  3  sqq.-,  probably  as  praetor  cf.  Mart.  X  41),  aspired  to 
the  consular  dignity  (Mart.  IX  42,  6  sq.,  cf.  Stat.  Silv.  I  2,  174  sqq.) 
and  also  obtained  it  (consul  mens.  Mart.  XII  3,  10  sqq.).  He  was  born 
at  Naples  (Stat.  Silv.  I  2,  260  sq. ;  from  Patavium  he  was  according 
to  Mart.  I  61,  3  sq.),  and  thus  as  well  as  by  their  common  poetical 
studies  on  friendly  terms  with  Statius  (Silv.  I  2,  256—262),  who  com- 
posed the  Epithalamium  Silv.  I  2  in  honour  of  Stella's  marriage  with 
Violantilla,  whom  he  called  Asteris  (Stat.  Silv.  I  2,  197  sqq.),  while 
Martial  in  allusion  to  her  real  name  generally  calls  her  lanthis:  see 
VH  14  sq.  50,  1  XII  3,  12  cf.  VI  21,  1.  Stella  had  also  dwelt  on  the 
death  of  a  favourite  pigeon  of  his  love  (Mart.  I  7.  VII  14).  Martial 
calls  him  disertus  (V  59,  2),  facundus  (XII  3,  11),  meus  (V  11,  2.  12,  7. 
VI  47,  1.  IX  55.  XII  3,  10).  Cf.  also  Martial  IX  89.  ApoUin.  Sid.  carm. 
IX  264.     Dolling,  on  the  poet  Stella  of  Patavium,  Plauen  1840.  4. 

2.  Valla's  Schol.  on  Juv.  I  20:  Turnus  hie  libertini  generis  ad 
honores  ambitione  provectus  est,  potens  in  aula  Vespasianorum  Titi  et 
Domitiani.  Martial.  XI  10:  contulit  ad  saturas  ingentia  pectora  Turnus; 
cf.  VII  97,  7  sq. :  nam  me  diligit  ille  proximumque  Turni  nobilibus 
legit  libellis.  Rutil.  Namat.  I  603  sq. :  huius  vulnificis  satura  ludente 
Camenis  nee  Turnus  potior  nee  luvenalis  erit.  Sidon.  Ap.  carm.  IX  266 
Lyd.  magistr.  I  41   (above  24,  2).     Schol.  luv.      71:  unde  ait  Turnus  in 


134  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

satura  (succeeded  by  two  corrupt  hexameters  on  the  poisoner  Locusta 
under  Nero).  The  30  lines  (Indignatio  in  poetas  Neronianorum  tempo- 
rum)  edited  by  J.  L.  G.  Balzac  under  the  name  ofTurnus,  as  he  stated 
from  an  old  ms.,  were  in  his  own  life-time  admitted  into  the  collection 
of  his  poems,  under  the  title  of  Ficta  pro  antiquis,  and  somewhat 
enlarged  (III  p.  194  in  the  edition  of  1650).  See  L.  Quicherat  in  the 
Revue  de  I'Instruction  publique  1869,  p.  341—345  cf.  ib.  p.  371  sq.  397. 

3.  Valla's  Schol.  on  Juv.  I  20:  Lucilium  dicit  .  .  vel,  ut  Probus 
exponit,  Turnum  (n.  2)  dicit  Scaevi  Memoris  tragici  poetae  fratrem. 
Martial.  XI  9  on  a  portrait  of  him  :  clarus  fronde  lovis  (i.  e.  a  prize  in  the 
Capitoline  games),  romani  fama  cothurni  spirat,  Apellea  redditus  arte 
Memor.  ib.  10:  contulit  etc.  (n.  2)  cur  non  ad  Memoris  carmina? 
frater  erat.  Hence  probably  Sidon.  Ap.  IX  263  (non  Turnus,  Memor). 
Six  anapaests  by  Scaevus  in  tragoedia  (Hecuba  or  Troades)  are  quoted 
by  Serg.  in  Keil's  gram.  lat.  IV  p.  537,  14.  The  title  of  Hercules  for 
a  tragedy  by  Memos  or  Memmius  rests  on  the  testimony  of  Fulgentius 
(expos,  s.  ant.  s.  v.  suppetias,  p.  563,  23).  M.  Hertz,  de  Scaevo  Memore 
poeta  tragico  commentariolum,  Breslau  1869.     8  pp.  4. 

4.  L.  Verginius  Rufus  of  Milan,  Cos.  a.  63  (under  Nero),  69 
(through  Otho)  and  97  (with  Nerva),  who  died  in  his  last  consulship 
83  years  old  (Plin.  Ep.  II  1),  a  fatherly  friend  to  Pliny  the  younger 
who  mentions  him  Ep.  V  3,  5  among  the  authors  of  erotic  poems,  and 
VI  10,  4.  IX  19  1  quotes  the  epigram  which  he  had  composed  for  him- 
self.    Cf.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  2.  p.  2666  sq.  Nr.  26. 

5.  Pliny  Epist.  Ill  1  (a.  101)  decribes  old  Spurinna's  disposition 
of  his  days,  e.  g.  (7.)  se  cubiculo  ac  stilo  reddit.  scribit  enim,  et 
quidem  utraque  lingua,  lyrica  doctissima.  mira  illis  dulcedo,  mira 
suavitas,  mira  hilaritas ,  cuius  gratiam  cumulat  sanctitas  scribentis. 
(10).  illi  post  septimum  et  septuagesimum  annum  (which  shows  that 
lie  was  born  A.  D.  24)  aurium,  oculorum  vigor  integer.  Cf.  ib.  IV  27, 
5  sq.  (gravissimus  senex).  II  7,  1  sq. :  heri  a  senatu  Vestricio  Spurinna 
principe  auctore  triumphalis  statua  decreta  est,  for  his  successes  against 
the  Bructeri;  so  also  to  his  son  Cottius,  quem  amisit  absens  (ib.  7,  3). 
In  the  wars  of  a.  69  he  had  sided  with  Otho;  Tac.  Hist.  II  11.  18.  23. 
36.  Plut.  0th.  5—7.  He  was  consul  under  Domitian,  the  second  time 
probably  a  100;  see  Th.  Mommsen,  Hermes  HI  p.  39  sq.  A  letter 
addressed  to  him  and  his  wife  Cottia  Plin.  Ep.  HI  10;  to  him  alone 
V  17.  Under  the  heading  Incipit  Vesprucius  Spurinna  de  contemtu 
seculi  ad  Martium,  Caspar  Barth  pretended  to  have  found  four  poems 
by  him  in  Horatian  metres  and  with  artificial  gaps;  these  he  subse- 
quently edited  in  his  Venatici  et  bucol.  lat.  (Hannover  1613)  after 
Gratius,  and  in  his  Adversaria  XIV  5.  Just  as  in  his  other  fictions 
(cf.  Bursian,  ex  Hygini  geneal.  exc,  Zurich  1868,  p.  VII  sq.),  Barth 
found  here  also  credulous  believers,  last  of  all  in  C.  A.  M.  Axt,  in  his 
Compilation  entitled  V.  Sp.  lyricae  reliquiae,  .  .  recogn.,  in  germanicum 
convertit  et  cum  annotationibus  (p.  29—144!)  .  .  edidit,  Frankfort  1840. 


Scaevius  Memor.     Spurinna.     Snlpicia.  135 

Against  him  see  Otto  and  L.  Lersch  in  Ztsch.  f.  A.  W.  1842,  p.  845  sqq. 
873  sqq.  These  poems  are  indeed  solely  remarkable  for  the  triviality 
of  their  contents  and  metrical  errors;  Earth's  statements  on  his  ms. 
are,  moreover,  so  vague  as  to  become  suspected  even  in  a  writer  of 
better  faith.  Cf.  also  G.  S.  Bayer,  de  Yestr.  Sp.  lyrico  et  illius  frag- 
mentis,  in  the  commentationes  of  the  Petersburg  Acad,,  a.  1750, 
p.  311  sqq.  Wernsdorf,  poetae  latini  minores  III  p.  325 — 336.  351 — 368. 
IV  p.  839—853.     Riese,  Anthol.  lat.  II  p.  336  sqq. 

6.  Martial.  X  35,  1  sqq.:  omnes  Sulpiciam  legant  etc.  haec  castos 
docet  et  pios  amores  etc.  cuius  carmina  qui  bene  aestimarit  nullam 
dixerit  esse  sanctiorem,  nullam  dixerit  esse  nequiorem.  lb.  38,  1  sqq.: 
0  molles  tibi  quindecim,  Calene,  quos  cum  Sulpicia  tua  iugales  indulsit 
deus  et  peregit  annos !  Auson.  Id.  XIII  (cento  nupt.)  e.  g.  prurire  opus- 
culum  Sulpiciae,  frontem  caperare.  Fulgent,  myth.  I  p.  598:  Sulpiciae 
procacitas.  Sidon.  Apoll.  carm.  IX  262  sq.  quod  Sulpiciae  iocus  Thaliae 
scripsit  blandiloquum  suo  Caleno.  Two  senarii  of  this  remain  in 
Valla's  Probus-Scholion  to  Juv.  VI  537.  Very  different  is  the  tone  of 
70  hexameters  published  as  Sulpiciae  s  atiraVenetiis  perBernardinum 
Venetum  a.  1498  (repeated  Strasburg  1509)  with  the  Latin  poems  of 
Italian  scholars  and  by  Th.  Ugoletus  in  his  Ausonius  (Parma  1499, 
Yen.  1501),  a  poem  subsequently  often  appended  to  editions  of  Ausonius, 
Petronius  and  the  Satirists  (cf.  0.  Jahn  p.  10  sq.),  last  of  all  with  Persius 
and  Juvenal  by  0.  Jahn  (Berlin  1868)  p.  145 — 147.  Wernsdorf,  poetae 
lat.  min.  III.  p.  83 — 95;  cf.  p.  LX — LXV.  Separate  editions  by  C.  G. 
Schwarz  and  J.  Gurlitt  (Hamburg  1819.  4.  2  parts),  and  Ch.  L.  Schlager 
(rec,  explic,  1846).  A  French  translation  by  C.  Monnard  (Paris  and 
Frankf.  1820),  a  Swedish  translation  by  C.  A.  F.  Moller  (Malmo  1859).' 
This  poem  is  a  dialogue  between  the  poetess  and  the  Muse.  The  first 
desires  in  heroic  metre  Fabellam  detexere  pacis,  not  in  Phalaeceans 
'nee  trimetro  iambo',  nor  in  Hipponacteans.  Cetera  quin  etiam  quon- 
dam quae  milia  lusi.  .  .  constanter  omitto.  After  this  introduction  the 
question  is  raised  what  might  be  Jove's  intentions  concerning  Rome. 
Quid  reputemus  enim:  duo  sunt  quibus  extulit  ingens  Roma  caput,  virtus 
belli  et  sapientia  pacis.  But  virtus  was  long  since  gone  and  sapientia 
was  driven  away  from  Rome  by  him  qui  res  romanas  imperat  inter, 
non  trabe  {ovx  ccno  doxov)  sed  tergo  (!)  prolapsus  et  ingluvie  albus. 
But  even  Cato  the  Elder  had  observed  that  misfortune  was  Rome's 
good  fortune ;  Romulidarum  igitur  longa  et  gravis  exitium  pax.  Hoc 
tabella  modo  pausam  facit.  optima  posthac  Musa  velim  moneas  whither 
she  was  now  to  go  with  her  Calenus.  In  her  answer  the  Muse  imparts 
to  her  the  comforting  assurance  that  the  tyrant  would  speedily  be 
killed  and  concludes  vive,  vale.  manet  liunc  pulchrum  sua  fama 
dolorem  etc.  J.  C.  G.  Boot,commentatio  de  Sulpiciae  que  fertur  satira, 
Amsterdam  1868.  4.  22  pp.  (Trans,  of  the  Dutch  Academy)  justly 
considers  these  lines  as  the  production  of  the  15th  century.  We  learn 
nothing  from  them  except  what  we  knew  also  from  other  books;  only 
Domitian's    obesitas  ventris  has  been  turned  into  a  double-throat,    and 


136  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

his  red  complexion  into  paleness.  Such  boldness  of  portraiture  and  these 
prophecies  were  no  doubt  easier  to  our  author  than  to  Sulpicia  Caleni. 
The  general  tone  and  the  expressions  throughout  betray  a  half-scholar, 
who  was  not  over-clever  in  writing  verse.  Hence  the  numerous  super- 
fluous words  and  awkward  phrases  (e.  g.  the  somnus  obesus  of  wasps!), 
and  perhaps  also  the  infinitives  defendier  arma,  me  dignarier  infit. 
Much  less  scholarly  is  the  great  predilection  for  synaloephe  and  the 
use  of  et  in  the  principal  caesura  (Sicaniae  et,  consilio  et  etc.)  and 
even  the  measure  of  nee  trimetro  iambo.  But  L.  Miiller  thinks  it 
certain  that  the  poem  existed  in  a  very  old  ms.  of  Bobbio  (of.  A.  W. 
Zumpt's  Rutil.  Nam.  p.  IV  not.  2:  heroicum  Sulpitii  carmen  LXX), 
and  attributes  the  grammatical  and  metrical  errors  to  the  great  cor- 
ruption of  the  text. 

319.  Besides  these,  Martial  mentions  a  number  of  other 
persons  of  all  ranks  who  composed  verse  in  their  leisure-time 
and  recited  them  in  public  recitations,  an  institution  which 
had  almost  become  an  epidemic,  or  who  even  published  them 
as  books.  Some  attempted  various  departments,  while  others 
devoted  themselves  to  one  kind  exclusively. 

1.  Many  had  retired  from  public  life,  e.  g.  Atedius  Melior  (Stat. 
Silv.  II  3,  64  sqq.),  Marius  from  Atina  (Martial.  X  92,  1  sqq.),  PoUius 
Felix  of  Puteoli  (Silv.  II,  2,  112—141.  Ill  praef.).  The  least  dangerous 
way  of  employing  one's  leisure  was  the  composition  of  verse,  as  Pollius 
did  (Silv.  Ill  1,  67;  of.  facundus  ib.  65  and  III  praef.).  Literary  exertion 
might  therefore  appear  as  a  form  of  idleness  (Martial  II  7).  To  what 
extent  the  recitations  had  been  carried,  appears  e.  g.  from  Juvenal  I 
1—14.  Martial  III  44  sq.  50.  X  70,  10—12.  The  attendance  at  them 
was  for  many  a  way  of  earning  their  livelihood  (Mart.  II  14,  2  sqq.  II  27). 

2.  Poets  in  various  or  unknown  branches  were  in  this  time  Bassus 
(according  to  Martial  V  53  —  if  indeed  name  or  person  be  not 
altogether  fictitious  —  a  writer  of  epic  poems  and  tragedies) ;  Canius 
Rufus  of  Gades  (Mart.  I  61,  9.  Ill  20.  64,  6);  Cn.  Octavius  Titinius 
Capito  (see  below  327,  2);  Carus  (who  obtained  a  prize  at  the  Capitoline 
contest.  Mart.  IX  23  sq.);  Faustinus  (Mart.  I  25),  Flaccus  of  Patavium 
(above  312,  1);  Manlius  Vopiscus  (vir  eruditissimus  et  qui  praecipue 
vindicat  a  situ  literas  iam  paene  fugientes,  Stat.  Silv.  I.  prooem.  cf. 
ib.  I  3,  1  facundi  Vopisci,  and  v.  99 — 104;  Novius  Vindex  critic  and 
poet  (Stat.  Silv.  IV  6,  22—31.  97  sqq.  cf.  Martial.  1X43  sq.);  Domitian's 
chamberlain  Parthenius,  assassinated  a.  97  (vates.  Mart.  IX  49,  3  cf.  V 
6.  2,  XII  11,  2  sqq.  XI  1,  6);  Rufus  (poet  and  orator  according  to  the 
epitaph  XII  52) ;  Sabina  (Atestinae  nondum  vulgata  Sabinae  carmina. 
Mart.  X  93,  3  sq.);  Septimius  Severus  (below  321,  9);  Sosibianus 
(?  Mart.  IV  33);  L.  Stertinius  Avitus,  Cos.  92  (sublimi  pectore  vates, 
Mart.  IX  1,  1,  cf.  praef.);  L.  Valerius  Pudens  (above  314,  4);  Varro 
(a  tragic,  elegiac  and  lyrical  writer  Mart.  V  30). 


Versifiers.     Quintilian.  137 

3.  Epic  subjects,  like  the  Theseid  of  Codrus  (Juv.  I  2)  were 
treated  by  Statius  and  Julius  Cerealis  (Martial.  XI  52,  1.  17  sq. :  tuos 
nobis  relegas  licet  usque  Gigantas,  rura  vel  aeterno  proxima  Vergilio), 
and  perhaps  (unless  the  name  be  a  fiction)  by  Paulinus  (Mart.  II  14, 
3  sq.  tuusque  laudat  Achilleos  .  .  pedes). 

4.  Besides  Stella,  elegiac  poets  were  Voconiu's  Victor,  a  writer  of 
elegies  onThestylus  in  the  manner  of  the  Alexandrines  (doctos  .  .  libellos), 
Martial.  VII  29  cf.  VIII  63,  (vates) ;  Nerva  (below  325,  1);  Unicus, 
a  relation  of  Martial,  and  who  wrote  poems  in  the  manner  of  Catullus 
and  Ovid  (Mart.  XII  44).  Others  are  mentioned  by  Mart.  II  14,  5  sq. 
Vn  46,  5.  Besides  Martial,  epigrams  were  written  by  Brutianus 
(Mart.  IV  23,  4  sqq.)  and  others  (Mart.  VIII  18) ;  graeca  epigrammata 
and  iambi  were  written  by  Arrius  Antoninus  (Plin.  Ep.  IV  3,  3  cf. 
IV  18,  27,  5  sq. :  gravissimus  senex.  V  15),  Cos.  I.  a.  69,  the  grandfather 
of  Antoninus  Pius  on  the  mother's  side. 

5.  Tragedies  (Telephus,  Orestes  etc.  Juv.  I  5  sq.)  were  written  by 
Scaevius  (above  318,  3),  Bassus  (above  313,  2),  Canius  Rufus  and  Varro 
(note  2);  perhaps  also  by  Tucca  and  Ligurinus  (Mart.  Ill  45),  Paccius 
(Alcithoe,  Juv.  VII  12),  Faustus  (Thebais,  Tereus,  Juv.  VII  12)  and 
Rubrenus  Lappa  (Atreus,  Juv.  VII  72).  See  also  below  335, 4.  Of  Satyr- 
dramas  we  should  perhaps  understand  Mart.  X  99:  si  romana  forent 
haec  Socratis  ora,  fuissent  lulius  in  Satyris  qualia  Rufus  habet.  New 
togatae  are  indicated  by  Juv.  I  3.  Palliatae  were  written,  perhaps  in 
this  time,  by  M.  Pomponius  Bassulus  (below  327,  8).  For  Mimographers 
see  280,  1.  Suet.  Domit.  10:  occidit  et  Helvidium  tilium,  quasi  scenico 
exodio  sub  persona  Paridis  et  Oenonis  divortium  suum  cum  uxore 
taxasset.  On  the  Agave  of  Statius  see  above  8,  1  fin.  Famous  actors 
of  mimi  in  this  time  were  Latinus  (W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Enc.  IV  801) 
and  his  secundarum  Panniculus  (Mart.  II  72,  4.  Ill  86,  3.  V  61,  11). 
also  Tettius  Caballus  (Mart.  I  41,  17  sqq.)  and  Thymele. 

6.  Obscene  literature.  Mart.  XII  43,  1  sqq.  facundos  mihi  de 
libidinosis  legisti  nimium,  Sabelle,  versus  etc.  (11.)  tanti  non  erat  esse 
te  disertum. 


320.  A  prominent  place  among  the  prose- writers  of  this 
period  is  due  to  M.  Fabius  Quintilianus  (c.  A.  D.  35 — 95) 
a  native  of  Calagurris  in  Spain,  but  who  was  educated  at 
Rome  and  long  remained  an  honoured  public  professor  of 
eloquence  at  Rome,  last  of  all  entrusted  by  Domitian  with 
the  education  of  his  (grand-)nephews  and  made  Consul  by  him. 
He  did  not  publish  anything  before  the  later  years  of  his 
hfe,  when  he  composed  first  a  work  on  the  causes  of  the 
decay  of  eloquence,  and  then  a  large  work,  the  extant  twelve 
books  on  the  complete  training  of  an  orator  (Institutio  oratoria), 


138  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

including  the  necessary  grammatical  training.  The  subject  is 
treated  in  a  manner  mediating  between  the  popular  rhetorical 
writings  of  Cicero  and  technical  works  on  rhetoric.  The 
writer  aims  at  the  simplification  of  technicalities  and  shows 
more  taste  and  mild  judgment  than  strictness  and  scientific 
accuracy.  Of  great  value  to  us  is  book  10,  which  contains 
a  list  of  the  literature  useful  for  rhetorical  studies.  Though 
Quintilian  shares  to  some  extent  the  faults  and  defects  of  his 
time,  he  is  still  fully  alive  to  them  and  attempts  to  correct 
them  in  his  style  by  reverting  to  the  manner  of  a  better 
period.  He  is  never  tired  of  praising  and  recommending 
Cicero.  A  number  of  mediocre  scholastic  declamations  which 
have  come  down  to  us  bear  Quintilian's  name  unjustly. 

1.  Hieronym.  a.  Abr.  2084  =  Ner.  14  =  68  A.  D.:  M.  Fabius 
Quintilianus  Romam  a  Galba  perducitur.  Abr.  2104  =:  Dom.  8  ==  88 
A.  D. :  Quintilianus  ex  Hispania  Calagurritanus  primus  Romae  publicam 
scholam  et  salarium  e  fisco  accepit  et  claruit.  Auson,  prof.  Burd.  1,  7: 
asserat  usque  licet  Fabium  Calagurris  alumnum.  He  certainly  spent 
his  youth  at  Rome,  where  his  father  was  a  rhetorician  (IX  3,  73: 
pater  mens  contra  eum  qui  etc.  Sen.  contr.  X  praef.  2:  quomodo  .  . 
Quintilianus  senex  declamaverit,  and  ib.  33,  19:  circa  hunc  sensum  est 
et  ille  a  Quintiliano  dictus).  Cf.  Quintil.  XI,  24:  nobis  pueris  insignes 
pro  Voluseno  Catulo  .  .  orationes  ferebantur.  These  were  still  made 
under  Tiberius  (f  37),  see  above  271,  5  and  9,  though  they  were 
esteemed  and  circulated  even  later.  VI  1,  14:  nobis  adolescentibus 
accusator  Cossutiani  Capitonis  (57  A.  D.)  etc.  XI,  86:  quae  ex 
Afro  Domitio  (f  59)  iuvenis  excepi.  According  to  these  facts  Quintilian's 
birth  should  not  be  placed  later  than  A.  D.  35.  See  also  X  3,  12 : 
lulium  Secundum  (above  301,  4),  aequalem  meum  atque  a  me  .  . 
familiariter  amatum.  Quintilian's  rhetorical  training  was  influenced  by 
the  men  enumerated  above  292,  aud  by  Nonianus  (above  286,  2),  also 
by  Palaemon  (above  277,  3). 

2.  His  exertions  as  a  pleader  in  law-courts.  Quint.  VII  2,  24:  id 
est  in  causa  Naevii  Arpiniani  solum  quaesitum.  .  .  cuius  actionem,  et 
quidem  solam  in  hoc  tempus,  emiseram,  quod  ipsum  me  fecisse  ductum 
iuvenili  cupiditate  gloriae  fateor.  nam  ceterae  quae  sub  nomine  meo 
feruntur  neglegentia  excipientium  in  quaestum  notariorum  corruptae 
minimam  partem  mei  habent.  IV  1,  19:  ego  pro  regina  Berenice 
(under  Vespasian)  apud  ipsam  causam  dixi.  IX  2,  73 :  equidem  et  in 
personas  incidi  tales  et  in  rem  quoque  quae  etc.  ream  tuebar  quae 
subiecisse  dicebatur  mariti  testamentum  etc.  (74.)  ita  ergo  fuit  nobis 
agendum  ut  indices  illud  intellegerent  factum  etc.,  et  contigit  utrumque. 
quod  non  inseruissem  .  .  nisi  probare  voluissem  in  foro  quoque  esse 
his    figuris    locum.     IV  2,  86 :    me  certe  .  .  fecisse  hoc  in  foro  .  .  scio. 


Quintilian.  139 

VII  2,  5:    fuerunt    tales  nostris  etiam  temporibus  controversiae,    atque 
aliquae  in  meum  quoque  patrocinium  inciderunt. 

3.  His  scholastic  speaking.  XI  2,  39:  sic  contingit  ut  etiam  quae 
ex  tempore  videbantur  effusa  ad  verbum  repetita  reddantur.  quod 
meae  quoque  memoriae  mediocritatem  sequebatur,  si  quando  inter- 
ventus  aliquorum  qui  hunc  honorem  mererentur  iterare  declamationis 
partem  coegisset.  nee  est  mendacio  locus  salvis  qui  interfuerunt. 
Juv.  VI  280:  die  aliquem,  .  .  Quintiliane,  colorem.  Auson.  prof.  Burd.  1, 
156:  seu  libeat  fictas  ludorum  evolvere  lites  ancipitem  palmam  Quinti- 
lianus  habet.  This  may  probably  relate  to  the  supposed  declamations 
of  Q.  (note  11).  So  also  in  Trebell.  Poll.  trig.  tyr.  4,  2  (II  p.  93  P.): 
Quintiliano,  quem  declamatorem  romani  generis  acutissimum  vel  unius 
capitis  lectio  prima  statim  fronte  demonstrat. 

4.  Q.  as  professor  of  eloquence.  Cf.  n.  1.  Martial.  II  90,  1  sq.: 
Quintiliane,  vagae  moderator  summe  iuventae,  gloria,  romanae,  Quinti- 
liane, togae.  Plin.  Epist.  II  14,  10:  ita  certe  ex  Quintiliao,  praeceptore 
meo,  audisse  memini.  VI  6,  3:  prope  cotidie  ad  audiendos  quos  tunc 
ego  frequentabam  Quintilianum,  Niceten,  Sacerdotem  ventitabat. 
Quintil.  Ill  6,  68 :  frequenter  quidem,  sicut  omnes  qui  me  secuti  sunt 
meminisse  possunt,  testatus  et  in  ipsis  etiam  illis  sermonibus  (on 
rhetoric  n.  6)  me  nolente  vulgatis  hoc  tamen  complexus  etc.  On  the 
character  of  his  activity  as  a  teacher  X  1,  125  sq.  (where  he  warns 
to  beware  of  Seneca's  style).  I  prooem.  1 :  post  impetratam  studiis 
meis  quietem,  quae  per  viginti  annos  erudiendis  iuvenibus  impenderam. 
II  12,  12:  quando  et  praecipiendi  munus  iam  pridem  deprecati  sumus 
et  in  foro  quoque  dicendi.  He  subsequently  became  tutor  of  the 
princes.  IV  prooem.  2:  cum  mihi  Domitianus  Aug.  sororis  suae 
nepotum  (cf.  Suet.  Dom.  15:  Flavium  Clementem  patruelem  suum,  .  . 
cuius  filios  etiam  tum  parvulos  successores  palam  destinaverat  et  abolito 
priore  nomine  alterum  Vespasianum  appellari  iusserat,  alterum  Domi- 
tianum)  delegaverit  curam.  Auson.  gratiar.  act.  p.  290  Bip. :  Quintilianus 
consularia  per  Clementem  ornamenta  sortitus  (cf.  Juv.  VII  197:  fortuna 
volet  fies  de  rhetore  consul).  Q.  appears  also  to  have  become  rich 
by  teaching;  see  Juv.  VII  186  sqq.  .  .  .  unde  tot  Quintilianus 
habet  saltus?  a  fact  mentioned  as  an  exception.  The  Quintilianus  to 
whom  Plin.  Epist.  VI  32  (quamvis  et  ipse  sis  contincntissirnus  et  liliam 
tuam  ita  institueris  etc.  te  porro  animo  beatissimum,  modicum  facul- 
tatibus  scio)  sent  an  addition  to  the  dowry  of  his  daughters,  must  be 
a  different  person,  as  ib.  II  14,  10  (c.  a.  97—100)  and  VI  6,  3  (A.  106  sq.) 
presuppose  the  orator  as  dead  and  the  letter  itself  does  not  contain 
any  reference  to  thanks.  Nor  did  any  of  his  children  survive  the 
rhetorician,  see  VI  prooem.  4:  ut  incusem  deos  superstes  omnium 
meorum.  erepta  prius  mihi  matre  eorundem,  quae  nondum  expleto 
aetatis  XIXo  anno  duos  enixa  filios  .  .  decessit.  6:  mihi  fiJius  minor 
quintum  egressus  annum  prior  alterum  ex  duobus  eripuit  lumen.  9:  una 
post  haec  Quintiliani  mei  spe  ac  voluptate  nitebar.  .  .  iam  decimum 
aetatis    ingressus    annum  (he  also  died).    —   H.  Dodwell,  annales  Quin- 


140  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

tilianei,  Oxon.  1698  (also  in  Burmann's  ed.,  p.  1117  sqq.)  E.  Hummel, 
Quintiliani  vita,  Gotting.  1843.  4.  L.  Driesen,  de  Q.  vita,  Cleve  1845. 
4.  C.  Pilz,  Quintilian,  the  life  of  a  professor  in  the  Imperial  period, 
Leipzig  1863. 

5.  Juv.  rV  75  mentions  Q.  as  the  pattern  of  a  serious,  steady  man 
and  the  greatest  contrast  to  a  comedian.  The  extant  work  proves 
him  to  have  been  a  mild,  humane  (cf.  I  3,  13  sqq.  II  4,  10  sqq.) 
character,  an  enemy  to  pedantry  (X  1,  26  cf.  56  sq.  80)  and  inclined 
to  acknowledge  others'  merits  (X  1,  40  sq.),  honourable  (cf.  XII  7,  3) 
and  kind  (VI  2,  36),  with  a  deep  sense  of  domestic  happiness  and 
unhappiness;  see  VI  prooem.  The  homage  he  renders  to  Domitian  IV. 
prooem.  3—5  (see  above  314,  3)  and  XI,  91  sq.  (see  above  314,  2)  is 
indeed  opposed  to  truth  (e.  g.  X  1,  92:  nunc  ceterarum  fulgore  vir- 
tutum  laus  ista  —  as  poet  —  praestringitur)  and  even  too  strong 
(IV  prooem.  5:  mihi  .  .  poterit  ignosci  si  .  .  nunc  omnes  in  auxilium 
deos  ipsumque  in  primis  quo  neque  praesentius  aliud  nee  studiis  magis 
propitium  numen  est  invocem  ut  .  .  tantum  ingenii  adspiret  etc.),  but 
may  perhaps  be  excused  by  his  gratitude  for  the  confidence  the 
Emperor  had  shown  him  (see  n.  4)  and  the  general  style  of  the 
period.     He  praises   Cato  of  Utica  XII  7,  4;  see  also  above  272,  1. 

6.  His  earlier  works.  I.  0.  II  4,  42:  an  ab  ipso  (Demetrio  Phal.) 
id  genus  exercitationis  sit  inventum,  ut  alio  quoque  libro  sum  confessus, 
parum  comperi.  V  12,  23 :  haec  et  in  alio  nobis  tractata  sunt  opere  etc- 
VIII  3,  58 :  de  hac  parte  [zaxo^rjkop)  et  in  alio  nobis  opere  plenius 
dictum  est  etc.  More  accurately  he  expresses  himself  ib.  VI  prooem.  3: 
ita  forte  accidit  ut  eum  quoque  librum  quem  de  causis  corruptae  elo- 
quentiae  emisi  iam  scribere  aggressus  (lost  my  younger  son).  When 
the  elder  boy  died  at  the  age  of  10  years  (n.  4),  the  younger  may  have 
been  perhaps  nine  years  old,  whence  that  work  would  appear  to  have 
been  published  perhaps  four  years  before  I.  0.  VI  praef.  VIII  6,  76: 
eundem  locum  plenius  in  eo  libro  quo  causas  corruptae  eloquentiae 
reddebamus  tractavimus.  Differently  from  the  previously  published 
dialogus  of  Tacitus,  Q.  had  treated  rather  of  the  stylistic  than  of  the 
political  aspect  of  the  question.  Opposed  to  Q.'s  wishes  was  the  publication 
of  speeches  which  had  been  taken  down  while  he  was  reciting  them  (n.  2) 
and  of  lectures  (sermones,  n.  4).  I.  0.  L  prooem.  7:  duo  iam  sub  nomine 
meo  libri  ferebantur  artis  rhetoricae  neque  editi  a  me  neque  in  hoc 
comparati.  namque  alterum  sermone  per  biduum  habito  pueri  quibus 
id  praestabatur  exceperant,  alterum  pluribus  sane  diebus  quantum 
notando  consequi  potuerant  interceptum  boni  iuvenes,  sed  nimium 
amantes  mei  temerario  editionis  honore  vulgaverant. 

7.  On  his  extant  work  Q.  says  in  his  preface,  which  he  addresses 
to  his  publisher  Trypho  :  efflagitavisti  .  .  ut  libros  quos  ad  Marcellum 
meum  De  institutione  oratoria  scripseram  iam  emittere  inciperem. 
nam  ipse  eos  nondum  opinabar  satis  maturuisse,  quibus  componendis 
.  .  paulo  plus  quam  biennium  tot  alioqui  negotiis  districtus  (as  a  tutor 
of   princes,    n     4)    impendi,    the   greater   part  of  which  time  was  taken 


Quintilian.  141 

up  by  collecting  the  materials.  He  says  that  he  would  have  liked  to 
revise  his  work  at  his  leisure,  though  he  was  unwilling  to  keep  it  back 
much  longer.  He  addresses  himself  (cf.  I  prooem.  6.  IV  pr.  1  VI  1  pr.  1 
XII  11,  31)  to  Victorius  Marcellus  (cum  amicissimus  nobis  turn  eximio 
literarum  amore  flagrans,  I  pr.  6;  see  below  321,  8),  whose  son  Gallus 
(Stat.  Silv.  IV  4,  20)  showed  talent  (Quint.  I  pr.  6).  In  writing  the 
book  the  author  had  also  in  his  mind  his  own  elder  son  (VI  pr.  1). 
In  general,  his  work  was  not  intended  for  pueri  (VIII  6,  13),  but  for 
boni  and  studiosi  iuvenes  (III  6,  64.  VI  pr.  1.  XII  11,  31.  cf.  V.  10,  96. 
VII  3,  30.  XI  1,  5,  55).  It  was  composed  c.  90  sqq.,  and  the  first  three 
books  were  already  completed,  when  Quintilian  was  entrusted  with 
the  education  of  the  sons  of  Flavius  Clemens,  who  had  been  executed 
by  Domitian  about  the  beginning  of  96.  We  possess  it  entire;  III  8,  42  : 
duodecimo,  qui  summus  futurus  est,  libro. 

8.  Plan  and  execution.  I.  prooem.  5 :  ego  .  .  non  aliter  quam  si 
mihi  tradatur  educandus  orator  studia  eius  formare  ab  infantia  incipiam. 
21 :  liber  primus  ea  quae  sunt  ante  officium  rhetoris  (i.  e.  the  work  of 
a  grammaticus)  continebit.  secundo  prima  apud  rhetorem  elementa  et 
quae  de  ipsa  rhetorices  substantia  quaeruntur  tractabimus.  (22.)  quinque 
deinceps  (III — VII)  inventioni,  nam  huic  et  dispositio  subiungitur, 
quattuor  (VIII — XI  elocutioni,  in  cuius  partem  memoria  ac  pronuntiatio 
veniunt,  dabuntur.  unus  (XII)  accedet  in  quo  nobis  orator  ipse  infor- 
mandus  est,  ut  qui  mores  eius,  quae  in  suscipiendis,  discendis,  agendis 
causis  ratio,  quod  eloquentiae  genus,  quis  agendi  debeat  esse  finis, 
quae  post  finem  studia,  .  .  disseramus.  (25.)  nos  quidquid  utile  ad 
instituendum  oratorem  putabamus  in  hos  XII  libros  contulimus,  breviter 
omnia  demonstraturi.  He  opposes  the  aifectata  sublimitas  of  the 
ordinary  manuals  on  rhetoric  (I  prooem.  24.  IH  11,  21.  cf.  II  15,  37) 
and  their  unpractical  pedantry  (V  13,  59.  14,  27 — 32).  His  own  theory 
is  based  on  personal  experience  (VI  2,  25)  and  the  practice  of  the 
principal  speakers  (V  13,  60).  He  is  eclectic,  III  1,  5:  hie  liber  .  . 
pleraque  non  inventa  per  me,  sed  ab  aliis  tradita  continebit.  ib.  22: 
neque  me  cuiusquam  sectae  velut  quadam  superstitione  imbutus  addixi. 
4,  11:  nobis  et  tutissimum  est  auctores  plurimos  sequi  et  ita  videtur 
ratio  dictare.  II  8,  6 :  libera  vel  contra  receptas  persuasiones  rationem 
sequenti  sententia  est.  VI  2,  25:  quodsi  tradita  mihi  sequi  praecepta 
sufficeret,  satisfeceram  huic  parti;  .  .  sed  eruere  in  animo  est  quae 
latent,  .  .  quae  quidem  non  aliquo  tradente,  sed  experimento  meo  ac 
natura  ipsa  duce  accepi.  Eloquence  has  an  ethic  basis;  I  prooem. 
9  sqq.  H  2,  15,  I.  32  sqq.  16,  11.  20,  4.  8.  XII  1,  1;  hence  also  XII 
7,  7:  non  convenit  oratori  iniusta  tueri  scientem;  cf.  V  7,  32.  Some- 
what more  loosely  he  expresses  himself  II  17,  27  sq.  36.  cf.  VI 
2,  5.  24.  He  opposes  the  prevailing  taste  of  the  period  (above  p.  5)  and 
falls  back  upon  nature  (II  5,  11,  sq.  cf.  X  7,  15:  pectus  est  quod  disertos 
facit  et  vis  mentis)  and  the  veteres  (II  5,  22  sqq.  V  12,  20.  VIII  prooem. 
24  sqq.  5,  34.  X  1,  43  sq.),  especially  Cicero,  who  is  always  spoken  of 
with  the  highest  respect.  (V  11,  11.  17.  13,  52.  VIII  3,  64.  66.  IX  1, 
25.  X  1,  105—112.  2,  25.  7,  31.  XI  I,  67  sqq.  73  sq.  85.  89.  93.  3.  184. 


142  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

XII  pr.  4.  1,  19  sqq.  10,  12  sqq.  36.  45  sq.  and  defended  even  in  his 
weaknesses  (cf.  XI  1,  17—21.  23  sqq.  XII  1,  16  sq.  VIII  3,  51);  he  is 
made  the  basis  of  Q.'s  work  and  only  reluctantly  does  he  differ  from 
him  (e.  g.  IV  2,  64.  V  11,  2.  VII  3,  8.  IX  4,  2.  16.  55  sq.  XI  3,  123). 
VI  3,  3  he  speaks  of  his  amor  immodicus  praecipui  in  eloquentia  viri, 
and  exclaims  X  1,  112:  hunc  spectemus,  hoc  propositum  nobis  sit 
exemplum,  ille  se  profecisse  sciat  cui  Cicero  valde  placebit.  His 
theoretic  explanations  are  throughout  supported  with  instances  from 
the  orators  of  the  classical  period.  These  Quintilian  knows  exceedingly 
well,  while  he  ignores  the  prose-writers  anterior  to  Cicero,  as  super- 
fluous for  a  good  Latin  style.  In  general,  Quintilian's  studies  are 
manysided,  though  the  character  he  gives  to  some  writers  in  his  tenth 
book  and  which  are  not  always  quite  proper,  make  us  doubt  his  actual 
acquaintance  with  them.  H.  Babucke,  de  Q.  doctrina  et  studiis  capita 
duo  (de  philosophia  Qi,  p.  6 — 32;  de  ratione  inter  Q.  et  Graccos  inter, 
cedente,  p.  33 — 46),  Konigsberg  1866.  His  diction  is  not  rarely  rhe- 
torically coloured;  cf.  Ill  1,  3:  admiscere  temptavimus  aliquid  nitoris, 
.  .  ut  hoc  ipso  alliceremus  magis  iuventutem.  He  has  numerous 
similes  and  comparisons  derived  from  nature  and  husbandry  (1,  2,  14. 
II  6,  7.  10,  6.  16,  13  sq.  XH  10,  76.  cf.  H  19,  2.  VIH  5,  26.  X  3,  2.  7, 
28.  XII  1,  7.  10,  19),  but  also  many  taken  from  other  parts  of  human 
activity  (IV  5,  5.  14.  22.  V  10,  21.  IV  4,  113.  129.  X  3,  6.  7,  23.  XII  2, 
11.  8,  10.  9,  2  sq.).  In  his  style  he  aims  at  classicality,  though  he 
is  not  free  from  the  influence  of  his  time.  E.  Bonnell,  de  grammatica 
Quintil.,  in  Spalding's  ed.  VI  p.  XXI  sqq.  and  his  Lexicon  Quintili- 
aneum.  R.  Tornebladh,  de  elocutione  Qi,  Upsala  1858;  de  usu  parti- 
cularum  apud  Q.,  Holm  1861.  60  pp.  Voigtland,  de  brevitate  Q., 
Schleusingen  1846.     4. 

9.  Among  the  manuscripts  of  the  Inst.  or.  the  most  important 
is  the  Ambrosian  saec.  XI  (A  in  Halm),  written  by  several  hands  and 
much  more  negligently  in  the  later  books  (IX  4,  135— XII  11,  22  are 
quite  wanting  in  it)  than  in  the  first  four.  The  gaps  are  filled  up  and 
the  errors  corrected  by  a  number  of  mss.,  which  contain  a  very  good 
text  but  have  also  lost  nearly  ^7  of  the  text  owing  to  the  repeated  loss 
of  leaves,  a  class  chiefly  represented  by  the  Bernensis  (B.)  saec.  X, 
from  which  Ambros.  II  (saec.  X)  and  Bamberge/isis  saec.  X  (Bg.)  are 
derived.  In  the  latter  a  later  hand  (G.  in  Halm)  has  supplied  the 
parts  originally  missing  from  a  complete  ms.,  (cf.  Halm  Rh.  Mus.  XXIH 
p.  218-222).  Hence  are  derived  the  Florentine  ms.  saec.  XI  and 
Turicensis  saec.  XH.  Besides  A,  the  complete,  but  partly  interpolated, 
partly  corrupt  class  consist  of  mss.  of  the  15th  century,  e.  g.  Lass- 
bergensis  (L)  at  Freiburg,  Monacensis  (M)  nr.  23473  and  Obrecht's 
Argentoratensis  (S).  In  many  cases  Julius  Victor's  compilation  is 
useful.  C.  Halm,  on  the  rhetorician  Julius  Victor  as  a  source  of 
emendation  in  the  text  of  Quintilian,  in  the  Trans,  of  the  Munich 
Academy  1863,  389—419;  on  the  authorities  of  the  text  of  Quintilian, 
ib.   1866.  p.  493-524;    Rh.  Mus.  XXII  p.  38  sq.,    and    in   his  edition  p. 


Qidntilian.  143 

V — IX.  A.  Reifferscheid,  on  Poggio's  ms.  of  Quintilian,  Rh.  Mus. 
XXTTT  p.  143 — 146.  Enderlein ,  comm.  de  Bamberg,  cod.  Quint., 
Schweinfurt  1S52.    4.     J.    Stander,   Quaest.  Quint,   p.  5 — 13  (de  Ambr. 

1  et  Bamberg  codd.). 

10.  Editions.  Ed.  princeps  Rom.  1470  fol.  Venet.  1471  fol. 
Aldina  Ven.  1514.  1521.  4.  luntina  Flor.  1515.  4.  E  codd.  emend. 
E.  Gibson,  Oxon.  1693.  4.  London  1714.  1716.  4.  Ed.  Ulr.  Obrecht, 
Strasburg  1698.  4.  2  vols.  Recogn.  et  em.  P.  Burmann,  Lugd.  Bat. 
1720.  4.  2  vols.  Recogn.  et  emend.  CI.  Capperonnier,  Paris  1725  fol. 
Coil.  codd.  et  perp.  comm.  illustr.  J.  M.  Gesner,  Gotting.  1738.  4.  Ad 
*odd.  fidem  rec.  et  annot.  expl.  G.  L.  Spalding,  Lips.  1798 — 1816, 
4  vols,  to  which  vol.  V  by  C.  G.  Zumpt,  1829  and  VI  (Lexicon  Q.  et 
indices)  by  E.  Bonnell,  1834.  In  us.  schol.  cur.  G.  A.  B.  Wolff,  Lips. 
1816—1821,    2    vols.     Notas    critt.    adiecit  A.  G.  Gernhard,   Lips.  1830, 

2  vols.  Rec.  C.  G.  Zumpt,  Lips.  1831.  Ad  codd.  Lassb.,  Turic,  Ambr. 
fidem  rec.  et  illustr.  fl.  Meyer,  Lips.  1833,  Vol.  I.  Ad  fidem  codd.  rec. 
E.  Bonnell,  Lips.  Teubner  1854,  2  vols.  The  principal  edition  rec. 
C.  Halm,  Lips.  Teubner  1868  sq. 

Editions  of  book  X  by  C.  H.  Frotscher  (Lips.  1826),  C.  G.  Herzog 
(Leipzig  1829.  1830.  1833),  Augusti  (=  Schneidewin,  Helmstedt  1831), 
G.  A.  Herbst  (Lips.  1834),  E.  Bonnell  (Leipzig  1851.     Berlin  1855.  1863). 

E.  Albert!  (Leipzig,  Engelmann  1858),  G.  T.  A.  Kriiger  (Leipzig,  Teubner 
1861),  C.  Halm  (Lips.,  Teubner  1869). 

On  criticism  and  explanation.  Raph.  Regii  ducenta  problemata, 
Venet.  1482.     4.     Quaestiones  Quintilianeae  by    F.  Miiller  (Halle  1840), 

F.  Bahlmann  (Berlin  1859.  4.),  F.  Meister  (Liegnitz  1860.  4.  Breslau 
1865.  4.  Cf.  Halm,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXII  p.  39  —  61),  R.  Tornebladh 
/Colmar  1860),  J.  Stander  (Bonn  1865).  Dorry,  de  locis  al.  Q.  emend., 
Torgau  1860.  4.  F.  Ritschl,  Grammatical  points  in  Quintilian,  Rhein. 
Mus.  XXII  p.  599—614.     J.  Stander  p.  14—29  (de  Q.  grammatico). 

On  book  X  adnotatt.  critt.  by  F.  Osann,  6  particulae,  Giessen  1841. 
1842.  1845.  1850.  1857.  1858.  4.  J.  Jeep,  de  locis  al.,  Wolfenbiittel 
1863.  4.  L.  Merklin,  on  the  parallel  composition  of  Q.  X,  Rhein.  Mus. 
XIX  p.  1—32. 

11.  Quintilian  who  frequently  mentions  his  previous  works  in  his 
I.  0.  (see  n.  6)  and  appears  to  have  died  soon  after  the  publication  of 
it,  nev6r  mentions  any  published  declamationes.  It  is,  however, 
possible  that  such  were  published  after  his  death  from  copies  made 
at  the  time  (cf.  n.  2  and  6).  He  is  mentioned  as  the  author  of  con- 
cinnae  delamationes  by  Jerome  (in  Esaiam  VHI  praef.),  and  Ausonius 
(above  n.  3)  and  Trebell.  Poll.  XXX  tyr.  4,  2:  fuit  autem  (Postumus 
iunior)  .  .  ita  in  declamationibus  disertus  ut  eius  controversiae  Quinti- 
lian© dicantur  insertae,  from  which  passage  they  appear  to  have  been 
augmented  with  later  productions.  Concerning  the  19  larger  and  even 
more  the  145  smaller  declamationes  (the  rests  of  a  collection  containing 
388  pieces)  attributed  to  Quintilian,  nothing  is  in  favour  of  the  author- 


144  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

ship  of  the  famous  rhetorician,  which  is  on  the  contrary  contradicted 
by  their  utter  insignificance.  They  are  perhaps  by  one  of  his  pupils. 
In  the  mss.  they  are  attributed  to  a  certain  M.  Floras.  The  first  com- 
plete edition  Treviso  1482  fol.  Ascens.  1580  and  oftener.  Ex  bibl. 
Pithoei,  Paris  1580.  Heidelberg  1594.  Notis  illustr.  Oxon.  1675.  1692. 
In  the  editions  of  the  I.  0.  by  Obrecht,  Burmann  and  others. 

12.  Lactant.  inst.  div.  I  21:  optime  Quintilianus  in  Fanatico :  istud, 
inquit,  si  deus  cogit  iratus  est.  V  7 :  quod  ipsum  Quintilianus  egregie 
ac  breviter  ostendit  in  Capite  obvoluto.  VI  23:  quod  optime  Quin- 
tilianus expressit:  homo,  inquit,  neque  etc.  This  would  seem  to  be  a 
Christian  writer. 

321.  In  the  time  of  Quintilian  we  meet  with  Tutilius  as 
a  writer  on  rhetoric,  and  Princeps  as  a  rhetorician.  Among 
the  orators  M.  Aquilius  Kegulus,  a  contemptible  timeserver, 
who  composed  also  literary  works,  Baebius  Massa,  Mettius 
Carus,  and  Palfurius  Sura,  made  themselves  feared  as  de la- 
tores.  As  pleaders  we  may  mention  Tacitus,  Pliny  and 
Herennius  Senecio,  and  especially  Victorius  Marcellus,  Septimius 
Severus  from  Africa,  Flavins  Ursus,  Vettius  Crispinus,  Satrius 
Eufus,  Licinius  Sura  and  others. 

1.  Quintil.  Ill  1,  21 :  scripsit  de  eadem  materia  (rhetoric)  .  .  aetatis 
nostrae  Verginius,  Plinius  (above  307,  3)  Tutilius.  Martial.  V  56,  5: 
famae  Tutilium  suae  relinquas.     See  also  Plin.  Epist.  VI  32,  1. 

2.  Suet,  gramm.  4:  me  quidem  adolescentulo  repeto  quendam 
Principem  nomine  alternis  diebus  declamare,  alternis  disputare,  non- 
nullis  vero  mane  disserere,  post  meridiem  remoto  pulpito  declamare 
solitum.  lulius  Tiro  (cf.  Plin.  Ep.  VI  31,  7)  who  is  mentioned  in  the 
list  of  rhetoricians  treated  of  by  Suetonius  after  Quintilian,  is  changed 
by  Reiiferscheid  (Suet.  p.  99.  418  sqq.)  into  M.  Tullius  Tiro,  whom 
a  scribe  might  easily  have  put  in  as  the  author  of  the  notae  tironianae 
(above  178,  4). 

3.  Plin.  Epist.  I  5,1:  vidistine  quemquam  M.  Regulo  timidiorem, 
humiliorem  post  Domitiani  mortem?  sub  quo  non  minora  flagitia  com- 
miserat  quam  sub  Nerone  (admodum  iuvenis,  Tac.  Hist  IV  42),  sed 
tectiora.  (2.)  Rustici  Aruleni  periculum  foverat,  exultaverat  morte,  adeo 
ut  librum  recitaret  publicaretque  in  quo  Rusticum  insectatur  atque 
etiam  Stoicorum  simiam  appellat;  adicit  Vitelliana  cicatrice  stigmosum. 
agnoscis  eloquentiam  Reguli.  (3.)  lacerat  Herennium  Senecionem  .  . 
intemperanter.  .  .  (4.)  praeterea  reminiscebatur  quam  capitaliter  ipsum 
me  apud  centumviros  lacessisset.  (5.)  aderam  Arrionillae,  .  .  Regulus 
contra  etc.  (14.)  scripsit  (Mettius  Modestus)  in  epistula  quadam  quae 
apud  Domitianum  fecitata  est:   Regulus  omnium  bipedum  nequissimus. 

.  (15.)    est   (Regulus)    locuples,    factiosus,   curatur  a  multis,  timetur  a 


Regulus  and  others.  145 

pluribus.  II,  11,  22:  est  Regulo  tarn  mobile  ingenium  ut  plurimum 
audeat,  plurimum  timeat.  IV  2,  1 :  Regulus  filium  amisit.  (3.)  amissum 
luget  insane.  7,  2:  nuper  adhibito  ingenti  auditorio  librum  de  vita 
eius  recitavit;  .  .  eundem  in  exemplaria  mille  transcriptum  per  totam 
Italiam  provinciasque  dimisit.  (6.)  hunc  luctuosum  Reguli  librum  etc. 
(7.)  est  tarn  ineptus  ut  risum  magis  possit  exprimere  quam  gemitum ; 
credas  non  de  puero  scriptum,  sed  a  puero.  .  .  (4.)  inbecillum  latus 
(of  Regulus),  OS  confusum.  haesitans  lingua,  tardissima  inventio,  me- 
moria  nulla;  nihil  denique  praeter  ingenium  insanum;  et  tamen  eo  im- 
pudentia  ipsoque  illo  furore  pervenit  ut  orator  habeatur.  As  such 
servile  Martial  praises  this  influential  and  rich  man,  I  111  (cf.  12  and 
82).  II  74,  sq.  (quanta  reduci  Regulus  solet  turba,  ad  alta  tonsum 
templa  cum  reum  misit).  IV  16,  6.  V  28,  6  (licet  vincas  .  .  oratione 
Regulos).  63,  4  (ipse  tuo  cedet  Regulus  ingenio):  VI  38.  64,  11.  He 
is  perhaps  meant  (but  not  mentioned  by  name,  as  he  was  still  alive) 
by  Juv.  I  33—36.  He  died  c.  a.  105;  cf.  Plin.  Ep.  VI  2,  1:  soleo  non- 
numquam  in  iudiciis  quaerere  M.  Regulum.  .  .  (2.)  habebat  studiis 
honorem,  timebat,  pallebat,  scribebat,  quamvis  non  posset  ediscere. 
illud  ipsum  quod  .  .  semper  haruspices  consulebat  de  actionis  eventu 
a  nimia  superstitione,  sed  tamen  et  a  magno  studiorum  honore  veniebatt 
(3.)  iam  ilia  perquam  iucunda  una  dicentibus,  quod  libera  tempora  pe- 
tebat,  quod  audituros  corrogabat.  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Enc.  I  2.  p. 
1391,  Nr.  43. 

4.  On  Baebius  Massa,  who  was  overthrown  under  Domitian,  see 
Plin.  Ep.  VII  33,  4  sqq. ;  on  Mettius  Carus  see  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's 
Enc.  IV  p.  1905,  Nr.  6.  Schol.  Juv.  I  35:  Massa  morio  fuisse  dicitur 
et  Carus  nanus.  .  .  hi  omnes  Neronis  fuerunt  liberti,  sed  et  nequissimi 
delatores.     .  .  Massa  et  Carus  Heliodoro  deferente  occisi  sunt. 

5.  Juv.  IV  53 — 55  :  si  quid  Palfurio,  si  credimus  Armillato,  quid- 
quid  conspicuum  pulchrumque  est  aequore  toto  res  fisci  est,  ubicumque 
natat.  On  which  Valla's  Schol.  says:  Palfurius  Sura,  ut  inquit 
Probus,  consularis  viri  filius  sub  Nerone  luctatus  est  cum  virgine  lace- 
daemonia  in  agone;  postea  a  Vespasiano  summotus  e  senatu  transiit  ad 
stoicam  sectam,  in  qua  cum  eloquentia  (et  artis  poeticae  gloria,  is  added 
by  the  other  Scholia)  praecelleret,  Domitiano  familiaritate  coniunctus 
delationem  acerbissime  exercuit,  sed  interfecto  Domitiano  accusatus  est 
a  Senatu  et  damnatus.  The  other  Scholia  say:  cum  fuissent  inter  de- 
latores potentes  apud  Domitianum  hi,  Armillatus,  Demosthenes  et  Latinus 
archimimus  (above  319,  5),  sicut  Marius  Maximus  scribit.  Cf.  also  Suet 
Dom.  13:  capitolino  certamine  cunctos  ingenti  consensu  precantis  ut 
Palfurium  Suram  restitueret,  pulsum  olim  senatu  ac  tunc  de  oratoribus 
coronatum   etc. 

6.  On  Tacitus  and  Pliny  as  speakers  see  below  328,  5  and  335,  2. 

7.  Herennius  Senecio,  from  Hispania  Baetica  (Plin.  Ep.  VII  33,  5), 
defedned  Licinianus  (ib.  IV  11,  12  sq.)  and  accused  (with  Pliny)  Baebius 

10 


146  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Massa    (Plin.    Ep.  VIl  33,  4  sqq.)     Concerning    his    work    on  Helvidius 
Prisons  and  his  execution  by  Domitian  see  below  324,  2. 

8.  Quintilian's  work  (above  320,  7)  is  dedicated  to  Victorius 
Marc  ell  us,  and  also  Stat.  Silv.  IV  (prooem.  Mareelle  carissime),  4  (of 
a.  95)  is  addressed  to  him  where  he  is  exhorted  to  recover  from  his 
work:  certe  iam  latiae  non  miscent  iurgia  leges,  .  .  nee  iam  tibi  turba 
reorum  vestibulo.  .  .  cessat  centeni  moderatrix,  iudicis  hasta,  qua  tibi 
•  .  iam  nunc  celeberrima  fama  eminet  et  iuvenes  facundia  praeterit 
annos  (v.  39—45).  nee  tibi  sola  potentis  eloquii  virtus,  sunt  membra 
accommoda  bellis  (v.  64  sq.).  Hence,  si  latii  ducis  (i.  e.  Domitian)  sic 
numina  pergant,  quern  tibi  posthabito  studium  est  coluisse  Tonante, 
quique  tuos  alio  subtexit  munere  fasces  et  spatia  antiquae  mandat  re- 
novare  Latinae  (i.  e.  curator  viae  latinae),  forsitan  ausonias  ibis  frenare 
cohortes  (v.  56 — 61)  etc.  magna  pater  dignosque  etiam  nunc  belliger 
actus  poscit  avus  praestatque  domi  novisse  triumphos  (v.  72  sq.). 

9.  Stat.  Silv.  IV  prooem.  (to  Victorius  Marcellus)  of  a.  95 :  proxi- 
mum  est  lyricum  carmen  (Silv.  IV  5)  ad  S  ep  timium  Severum,  iu- 
venem  .  .  inter  ornatissimos  secundi  ordinis,  tuum  quidem  etiam  condis- 
cipulum,  sed  mihi  .  .  artissime  carum.  So  also  Martial  V  80  mens  Se- 
verus  and  VII  38,  1  noster  S.  A  native  of  Africa,  he  had  come  to  Italy  even 
as  puer  (Stat.  Silv.  IV  5,  29 — 48),  and  seems  to  have  been  the  grand- 
father of  the  later  Emperor  who  was  born  in  Africa  a.  146.  Est  et 
frementi  vox  hilaris  foro,  venale  sed  non  eloquium  tibi,  ensisque  vagina 
quiescit,  stringere  ni  iubeant  amici.  sed  rura  cordi  saepius  et  quies 
(Stat.  1.  1.  49 — 53).  hie  plura  pones  vocibus  et  modis  passu  solutis, 
sed  .  .  interim  .  .  barbiton  ingeminas  (ib.  57—60  cf.  Martial.  XI  57). 
See  above  310,  5. 

10.  Statius  Silv.  11  6:  consolatio  ad  Flavium  Ursum  de  amissione 
pueri  delicati,  in  which  v.  95:  ubi  (tua)  nota  reis  facundia  raptis?  II. 
prooem.:  ad  Ursum  nostrum,  iuvenem  candidissimum  et  sine  iactura 
desidiae  doctissimum.  He  is  probably  the  son  of  the  Ursus  mentioned 
by  Dio  LXVII  3  and  4  (a.  74):  Ov^aop  lijg  ^lovkiag    atirioafjLivtjg  vnatov 

11.  Addressed  to  Crispinus,  the  son  of  Vettius  Bolanus,  is  the 
propempticon  Stat.  Silv.  V  2  (of  a.  95 — 96),  according  to  which  he  had 
become  a  oalian  priest  in  very  tender  years  (v.  129 — 131),  and  had 
'nuper'  pleaded  for  an  innocent  friend,  quamquam  non  ante  forum 
legesque  severas  passus,  sed  tacita  studiorum  occultus  in  umbra  (v.  99 
— 110).     A  Clodius  Crispinus  was  Consul,  a.  113. 

12.  Stat.  Silv.  IV  pr. :  Plotio  Grypo.  (see  316,  2)  maioris  gradus 
iuveni.  To  him  he  addresses  ib.  9,  where  v.  14 — 19:  tua  dicta,  .  . 
quae  trino  iuvenis  foro  tonabas  aut  centum  prope  indices,  priusquam 
te  Germanicus  (Domitian)  arbitrum  .  .  annonae  dedit  omniumque  late 
praefecit  stationibus  viarum. 

13.  According  to  Plin.  Ep.  I  5,  11  Aquilius  Regulus  (n.  3)  had, 
under  Domitian  in  centumvirali  iudicio,  cum  responderet  .  .  Satrio  Rufo, 


Victorius  Marcellits  and  other  orators.  147 

said  ironically:  Satrius  Rufus,  cui  non  est  cum  Cicerone  aemulatio  (like 
Pliny)  et  qui  contentus  est  eloquentia  saeculi  nostri.    Cf.  ib.  IX  13,  17. 

14.  L.  Licinius  C.  f.  Sura,  Cos.  II  a.  102  and  HI  a.  107,  the 
patron  of  Martial  (VI  64,  12  sq. :  has  nugas  .  .  quas  .  .  laudat  .  .  Sura) 
cf.  VII  47,  1  sq. :  doctorum  Licini  celeberrime  Sura  virorum,  cuius 
prisca  graves  lingua  reduxit  avos.  Addressed  to  him  is  a  question  con- 
cerning a  phenomenon,  by  Plin.  Ep.  IV  30  (1 :  quaestionem  altissima 
ista  eruditione  dignissimam.  11:  scrutare  tu  causas,  potes  enim).  Dio 
LXVIII  15  (a.  107):  7w  JIovqu  tw  AixivIm  xcu  T«(f»yV  dtj^oalay  xal  uv- 
SqiavHa  ^cTwxf  (Trajan)  rflfvii^aavri.  Victor  Caes.  13,  8.  Epit.  13,  6. 
Julian.  Caess.  p.  22  (ed.  1736).  Orelli-Henzen  150.  5448.  Borghesi  0pp. 
V  p.  33  sqq.  C.  I.  lat.  II  4282.  4508. 

15.  L.  (Mart.  IV  55,  1)  Valerius  Licinianus  of  Bilbilis  (ib.  and  1 
61,  11)  a  solicitor  (ib.  I  49,  35.  IV  55,  1  sq.,  where  he  is  even  com- 
pared to  Cicero).  Under  Domitian  he  was  exiled,  but  Nerva  allowed 
him  to  live  in  Sicily  (Plin.  Ep.  IV  11,  11  sqq.)  where  he  then  became 
a  professor  of  eloquence.  Plin.  Ep.  IV  11,  1  (a.  104):  audistine  Vale- 
rium  Licinianum  in  Sicilia  profiteri;  .  .  praetorius  hie  modo  inter  elo- 
quentissimos  causarum  actores  habebatur,  nunc  eo  decidit  ut  exul  de 
senatore,  rhetor  de  oratore  fieret.  (2.)  itaque  ipse  in  praefatione  (of  a 
declamatio  or  some  treatise  ?)  dixit  etc.  (3.)  .  .  latine,  inquit,  decla- 
maturus  sum.     See  ib.  14. 

16.  Maternus  from  Spain,  iuris  et  aequarum  cultor  sanctissime 
legum,  veridico  latium  qui  regis  ore  frenum,  addressed  by  Mart.  X  37 
cf.  II  74,  4  sq. 

17.  The  epithets  facundus  or  disertus  are  also  given  to  Pollius 
Felix  (see  306,  1),  Erucius  Clarus  (Plin.  Ep.  II  9,  4),  Marcus  (Valerius  ? 
Mart.  X  73),  Sextus  (Mart.  V  5,  1),  Restitutus  (Mart.  X  87,  2  sqq.), 
CaeciHus  Secundus  (Mart.  VII  84  cf.  V  80),  Atticus  (Mart.  VII  32), 
Aelianus  (Mart.  XII  24,  3).  Votienus  who  held  a  high  charge  in  Gaul 
(Mart.  VIII  72)  was  no  doubt  a  son  of  the  orator  (above  271,  1). 

322.  A  highly  respectable  position  was  in  this  time  held 
by  Sex.  Julius  Frontinus  (c.  40 — 103),  an  excellent  engineer 
and  man  of  business,  at  the  same  time  a  man  of  character 
and  of  modesty.  He  also  left  records  of  his  varied  experience 
and  studies.  We  possess  excerpts  from  a  work  on  gromatics. 
A  theoretic  work  on  tactics  has  perished,  but  has  been  used 
by  Vegetius.  W^e  possess,  however,  though  disfigured  by 
foreign  additions,  a  popular  work  on  tactics,  the  books 
Strategematon,  the  fourth  of  which  pretends  to  be  an  addition 
(Strategematica) ,  but  does  not  agree  with  the  plan  and 
character  of  the  rest  and  looks  rather  suspicious.  We  also 
have  by  Frontinus  a  work  in  two  books  de  aquis  urbis  Romae, 


148  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

which  is  important  on  account  of  a  number  of  historical 
information  and  documents,  and  is  written  in  terse  and  concise, 
though  refined  diction. 

1.     Life.     Tac.  Hist.  IV  39  (a.  823  —  70):  lulius  Frontinus  praetor 
urbanus.    He  thus  appears  to  have  been  born  a.  41,  at  the  latest.  Frontin. 
Strat.  IV  3,  14:  auspiciis  Imperatoris  CaesarisDomitianiAugustiGermanici 
(a  title  given  by  way  of  anticipation)  eo  bello  quod  Civilis  in  Gallia  moverat 
(a.  823)  Lingonum  .  .  civitas  . .  ad  obsequium  redacta  LXX  milia  armatorum 
tradidit  mihi.    Tac.  Agr.  17:  sustinuit  molem  lulius  Frontinus  (in  Britain, 
as    successor   of    Petilius    Cerealis,  probably  70 — 78  =:  829—831,  after 
his  consulship),  vir  magnus,  quantum  licebat,   validamque  et  pugnacem 
Silurum  gentem  armis  subegit  etc.     Cf.  E.  Hiibner,  Rhein.  Mus.  XII  p. 
52—56.     His  participation  in  the  war  with  the  Chatti  may  be    inferred 
from   Strateg.   I   1,  8.   3,  10.     II  3,  23.    11,  7.     He   lived  a  studious  life 
in  retirement    on    the    shore    of    Campania,  Mart.  X  58.     Cos.  I  under 
Domitian   (before  his    departure  for  Britain),    II  (bis  Frontino  consule, 
Mart.  X  48,  20?  cf.  Philologus  XXIX  p.  187)  under  Nerva  (Plin.  panegyr 
61),  probably  a.  97;  III  a.  100  conjointly  with  Trajan.    Curator  aquarum 
a.  97  (aq.  1.  102  extr.).     He  seems   to  have  died  c.  a.  103,  as  Pliay  (a. 
103  or  104)  succeeded  him  in  the  dignity  of  augur  (Plin.  Ep.  IV  8,  3. 
Cf.  ad  Trai.  13).     According    to    Pliny  (Ep.  IX  19,  1)    Frontinus  vetuit 
omnino   monumentum   sibi   fieri ,    with  the  characteristic  addition :    im- 
pensa   monumenti   supervacua    est:   memoria  nostri  durabit  si  vita  me- 
ruimus  (ib.  6). 

2.  The  gromatic  work  was  written  under  Domitian  (p.  54,  11  sqq. : 
praestantissimus  postea  Domitianus  ad  hoc  beneficium  procurrit  et  uno 
edicto  totius  Italiae  metum  liberavit,  in  reference  to  the  subsecivae), 
and  likewise  that  on  stratagems,  perhaps  before  the  beginning  of  the 
war  with  the  Dacians,  as  he  mentions  only  the  Germans  (see  n.  1).  He 
always  adheres  to  the  official  fiction,  as  if  the  Emperor  had  done  what 
was  in  reality  the  work  of  his  generals,  just  as  he  subsequently  does 
with  regard  to  Nerva.  Real  flattery  towards  Domitian  does  not  occur 
(tantus  dux  II,  8  is  said  of  his  position),  and  Pliny  may  therefore 
justly  say  Ep.  V  1,  5:  duos  quos  tunc  (under  Domitian)  civitas  nostra 
spectatissimos  habuit,  Corellium  et  Frontinum.  Cf.  ib.  IV  8,  3:  lulio 
Frontino,  principi  viro.  The  work  on  the  aqueducts  was  written  by 
Frontinus  a.  97,  shortly  after  he  had  been  intrusted  with  the  cura 
aquarum.  Cf.  n.  6.  Significant  is  c.  118:  quem  reditum  .  .  proximis 
temporibus  in  Domitiani  loculos  conversum  iustitia  divi  Nervae  populo 
restituit,  nostra  sedulitas  ad  certam  regulam  redegit.  101  extr.:  nobis 
circumeuntibus  rivos  fides  nostra  et  auctoritas  a  principe  data  pro  lic- 
toribus  erit.  130  extr.  :  officii  fidem  etiam  per  offensas  tueri  praesti- 
terit.  The  Expositio  et  ratio  omnium  formarum  ad  Celsum  (Works  of 
the  Roman  Gromatici  II  p.  91 — 108)  which  is  in  bad  mss.  attributed 
to  Frontinus,  belongs  rather  to  Balbus,  according  to  the  Arcerianus; 
see  below  339.  3. 


Frontinus.  149 

3.  From  the  gromatic  work,  which  embraced  at  least  two  books, 
we  possess  only  explanatory  excerpts  (best  edited  in  the  works  of  the 
Roman  engineers  by  Lachmann,  I  p.  9—58),  which  treat  de  agrorum 
qualitate,  de  controversiis  (in  general),  do  limitibus,  de  controversiis 
aquarum.  On  the  critical  condition  of  this  work  see  Lachmann  1.  1.  II 
p.  101—131. 

4.  A  theoretic  work  on  tactics  anterior  to  the  Strat.  is  alluded  to 
at  the  beg.  of  the  Strat. :  cum  ad  instruendam  rei  militaris  scientiam 
unus  ex  numero  studiosorum  eius  accesserim,  eique  destinato,  quantum 
nostra  cura  valuit,  satisfecisse  visus  sim,  deberi  adhuc  institutae  arbitror 
operae  ut  sollertia  ducum  facta  .  .  expeditis  amplectar  commentariis. 
To  this  we  should  probably  refer  Veget.  I  8  (p.  12  L. :  quae  Cato 
ille  censorius  de  disciplina  militari  scripsit,  quae  Cornelius  Celsus  quae 
Frontinus  perstringenda  duxerunt)  and  II  3  (p.  36  L. :  Cato  ille  maior 
.  .  se  reip.  credidit  profuturum  si  disciplinam  militarem  conferret  in 
litteras.  .  .  idem  fecerunt  alii  complures,  sed  praecipue  Frontinus,  divo 
Traiano  ab  eius  modi  comprobatus  industria).  His  interest  embraced 
also  the  military  art  of  the  Greeks;  see  Aelian.  Tact,  praef.  (Greek 
Writers  on  War  II  p.  236  sq.) :  ind  df  tnl  lov  ^sov  narQog  gov  NfQovccg 
7ic(()((  4>qovjij/ixi  T(o  iniGij/uip  vncijtxM  tv  4>0Qiuiatg  TjfXfQug  jivilg  dvtTQi>ipa, 
d'o^av  cc7ifP€yxccu(pM  nf^t  Trjv  iv  lolg  nokffxoig  ifxnfiqCav,  .  .  fVQoy  ovx 
M^atiopa  anovdrjv  h)(OPTa  fig  ji^v  nuQcl  ro7,g  EkXtjot  TfxS-fMQfjfx^yrjp  /ua^tjon/ 
(than  for  the  Roman).  Of  him  we  should  also  understand  Aelian.  de  ordin. 
mst.  1 :  TifQi  Tijg  x«{h'  OuriQov  KtxTvarjg  tPfTv/o/usy  avyyQ(«i>fvai  2tq(cto- 
xkfl  Tf  X(d  4>Q0PT(x)yi,  Tip  xc(,9^  %u(ig  vncntxco  di^d^r'  if  there  indeed 
4>Qoviivtp  be  meant  or  should  be  written,  and  if  we  should  not  rather 
think  of  (Ti.  Catius  Caesius?)  Fronto  (Cons.  96),  whom  Martial  I  55 
calls   clarum  militiae  togaeque  decus;  cf.    Borghesi,  Oeuvres  III  p.  382. 

5.  The  subject  of  the  Strateg.  consists  in  the  sollertia  ducum  facta, 
quae  a  Graecis  una  arQarijyrjfxccTtxMv  appellatione  comprehensa  sunt 
(praef.).  .  .  in  tres  libros  ea  diduximus.  in  primo  erunt  exempla  quae 
competant  proelio  nondum  commisso,  in  secundo  quae  ad  proelium  et 
confectam  pacationem  pertineant;  tertius  inferendae  solvendaeque  obsi- 
dionis  habebit  strategemata.  .  .  cum  etiam  hoc  opus,  sicut  cetera  (cf. 
n.  3  and  4),  usus  potius  aliorum  quam  meae  commendationis  causa  ad- 
gressus  sim  etc.  The  examples  are  well  chosen  and  chiefly,  though 
not  exclusively,  selected  from  Roman  history.  The  books  themselves 
are  arranged  according  to  the  subject-matter,  in  the  chapters  according 
to  the  characters,  but  in  all  other  details  without  any  definite  plan.  As 
Frontinus  (in  his  praef.)  willingly  resigns  all  claim  to  completeness 
and  thinks  that  the  examples  given  by  other  writers  might  be  easily 
inserted  into  his  work,  this  invitation  to  add  interpolations  appears  to 
have  been  accepted  and  largely  carried  out  at  an  early  time.  The 
foreign  intej-polationsmay  be  known  by  their  interrupting  the  personal  with 
a  real  arrangement  (idem  fecit,  similiter,  quoque,  e.  g.  I  3,  7.  II  9, 
3—5)  and  by  being  added  according  to  some  outward  similarity  (II  9,  3 
and  5  caput;    IV  3,  14  abstaining  from  plundering)  and  by  the  use  of 


150  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

dicitur,  traditur  and  similar  words  (e.  g.  I  5,  13.  II  12,  4.  Ill  4,  4.  12,  3) 
or  by  some  other  difference  of  style  (e.  g.  I  7,  7).  These  interpolations 
are  partly  derived  from  Frontinus  himself  (e.  g.  I  5,  13.  II  12,  4),  and 
have  sometimes  caused  the  omission  of  the  exemplum  in  its  proper 
place  (e.  g.  II  9,  3.  5.  in  III  11  and  IV  5,  14  in  II  11).  Such  instances 
are  especially  frequent  in  the  fourth  book,  which  pretends  to  increase 
the  strategemata  of  the  first  three  books  with  Strategematica,  i.  e.  deeds 
and  sayings  of  a  strategic  bearing,  and  begins  in  a  boasting  vein  quite 
foreign  to  Frontinus:  multa  lectione  conquisitis  strategematibus  et  non 
exiguo  scrupulo  digestis,.  ut  promissum  trium  librorum  implerem,  was 
about  to  be  augmented  with  what  could  not  be  placed  in  the  rubrics 
and  was  not  even  properly  strategemata;  here  also  the  arrangement 
w^as  to  be  according  to  the  subject-matter  i.  e.  de  disciplina,  de  effectu 
disciplinae,  de  continentia,  de  iustitia,  .  .  de  variis  consiliis.  This  dis- 
tribution according  to  moral  notions  does  not  bear  much  resemblance 
to  the  manner  of  Frontinus,  but  agrees  all  the  more  with  that  of 
Valerius  Maximus,  from  whom  a  great  number  of  the  exempla  of  this 
book  are  borrowed;  many  others  are  repetitions  from  the  first  three 
books,  sometimes  very  free,  and  sometimes  more  accurate,  which  would 
be  void  of  reason  in  the  case  of  Frontinus  himself.  The  interpolator 
has  also  enlarged  the  preface  to  the  first  book  by  a  significant  allusion 
to  this  fourth  book,  beginning  with  the  words :  si  qui  erunt  quibus 
volumina  haec  cordi  sint  meminerint  etc.  This  book  and  the  other 
interpolations  are  found  already  in  the  earliest  extant  ms.,  the  Gotha- 
nus  saec.  IX,  and  it  appears  to  have  originated  not  later  than  in  the 
fourth  or  fifth  century,  i.  e.  the  time  of  Julius  Paris,  Exuperantius, 
Vibius  Sequester  etc.  C.  Wachsmuth,  Rh.  Mus.  XV  p.  574—583.  Our 
present  text  is  still  based  on  the  apparatus  collected  by  Oudendorp. 
Editions  of  the  Strateg.:  Rom.  1387.  4.  With  Vegetius  and  others 
Colon.  1580.  Cum  notis  Stewechii  ed.  Fr.  Modius,  Lugd.  B.  1607.  4. 
In  Scriverii  scriptores  rei  militaris,  Lugd.  B.  1644.  Emend,  illustr.  Sam. 
Tennulius,  Lugd.  B.  1675.  The  principal  edition  by  F.  Oudendorp, 
Lugd.  B.  1731.  1779.  Ed.  N.  Schwebel,  Lips.  1772.  On  a  confusion  of 
chapters  in  b.  II  see  Fr.  Haase,  Rhein.  Mus.  Ill  (1845)  p.  312-319.  G. 
Masson ,  notices  et  extraits  des  Manuscripts  .  .  au  British  Museum,  I 
les  strat.  de  Fr.,  Revue  archeol.  1869.  I.  p.  447-451.  1870.  I.  p.  19 
— 21.  E.  Gedicke,  on  a  transposition  of  leaves  in  Fr.,  Hermes  VI  p. 
156—164.  cf.  R.  Schone,  ibid.  p.  248—251.  A.  Eussner,  on  Fr.  Str..  in 
the  Journal  of  Bavarian  Colleges  VII  (1871). 

6.  In  only  one  ms.  of  Monte  Cassino  (saec.  XI?  cf.  Biicheler  p. 
Vn— XIII.  Sauppe  Gott.  Gel.  A.  1859,  p.  993),  from  which  all  the  other 
mss.  were  merely  copied,  we  possess  the  treatise  de  aquis  urbis  Romae 
(Heinrich  and  Biicheler;  Cassin. :  de  aquaeductu  u.  R.;  Sauppe:  de 
cura  aquarum  u.  R.  or  de  officio  aqq.),  composed  a.  97  and  published 
after  the  death  of  Nerva  (divus  Nerva,  87.  118)  under  Trajan  (93  extr.: 
novum  auctorem  Imperatorem  Caesarem  Nervam  Traianum  Augustum 
praescribente  titulo),  perhaps  A.  D.  98.     Just  as  in  the  Strat.,  a  preface 


Frontinifs.  151 

contains  an  account  of  the  purpose  and  plan  of  the  work.  Cum  .  . 
me  seu  naturahs  sollicitudo  seu  fides  sedula  non  ad  diligentiam  modo 
verum  ad  amorem  quoque  commissae  rei  instigent,  sitque  nunc  mihi 
ab  Nerva  Augusto  .  .  aquarum  iniunctum  officium,  .  ,  primum  ac  po- 
tissimum  existimo,  sicut  in  ceteris  negotiis  institueram,  nosse  quod 
suscepi.  (2.)  .  .  quapropter  ea  quae  ad  universam  rem  pertinentia  con- 
trahere  potui  more  iam  per  multa  mihi  officia  servato  in  ordinem  et 
velut  in  corpus  diducta  in  hunc  commentarium  contuli.  .  .  in  aliis 
autem  libris,  quos  post  experimenta  et  usum  composui  (cf.  n.  3 — 5), 
succedentium  res  acta  est;  huius  commentarii  fortassis  pertinebit  et  ad 
successorum  utilitas,  sed  cum  inter  initia  administrationis  meae  scriptus 
sit  imprimis  ad  meam  institutionem  regulamque  proficiet.  Then  follows 
the  arrangement.  Frontinus  exclaims  c.  16  with  patriotic  pride :  tot 
aquarum  tam  multis  necessariis  molibus  pyramidas  videlicet  otiosas 
compares  aut  inertia,  sed  fama  celebrata  opera  Graecorum?  The  second 
book  begins  with  c.  64.  Editio  princeps  between  1484  and  1492- 
Juntina  by  locundus,  1513.  Often  published  together  with  Vitruvius ; 
separate  editions  chiefly  by  J.  Polenus,  Patav.  1722.  4.  His  notae  are 
also  given  in  the  edition  of  G.  C.  Adler,  Altona  1792.  Rec,  iilustr.  et 
germanice  redd,  (with  the  notes  of  Heinrich  and  Schultz)  A.  Dederich, 
Wesel  1841.  XXXV  and  318  pp.  Rec.  Fr.  Biicheler,  Lips.  (Teubner) 
1858.  XIV  and  54  pp.     Cf.  H,  Sauppe,   Gotti.  G.  A.  1859,  p.  990—997. 

7.  A  complete  edition  of  Frontinus  by  R.  Keuchen  (Amstelod  1661). 
Texts  in  the  Bipont  edition  1788  and  by  Dederich  (Lips.  1855,  Bibl. 
Teubner). 

8.  Frontini  vita  in  the  edition  of  Polenus.  A.  Dederich,  fragments 
on  the  life  of  Sex.  Julius  Frontinus,  Ztschr.  f.  Alt.  Wiss.  1839,  Nr.  105 
—107.  134-136,  p.  834—855.  1077—1094. 

323.  To  the  time  of  Domitian  belongs  also  the  juridical 
writer  Aufidius  Chius,  while  luventius  Celsus  and  Neratius 
Priscus  did  not  attain  any  prominent  influence  until  the  time 
of  Trajan  and  his  successor.  As  a  grammarian  we  may 
especially  mention  Aemilius  Asper,  the  ingenious  and  erudite 
commentator  of  Terence,  Sallust  and  Virgil;  also  Claranus 
and  Martial's  friend  ApoUinaris. 

1.  Martial.  V  61,  10:  acrior  (procurator)  hoc  Chius  non  erit  Aufi- 
dius. Fragm.  Vat.  77:  contra  quam  Atilicinum  respondisse  Aufidius 
Chius  refert. 

2.  On  Neratius  Priscus  and  luventius  Celsus  (the  Son)  see  below 
337,  1   and  2. 

3.  Among  the  famous  grammarians  Ausonius  praef.  ad  Syagr.  20 
(Aemilius,  see  above  295,  1)  and  Epist.  XVIII  26  (quern  Claranus,  quern 
Scaurus    et    Asper,    quern    sibi    conferret    Varro)    mentions   Aemilius 


152  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

As  per;  of.  Augustin.  de  util.  ered.  17  (Asper,  Cornutus,  Donatus).  He 
iwas  later  than  Cornutus  (above  294,  2),  as  he  opposed  and  contested 
his  opinions  (Schol.  Veron.  on  Aer.  Ill  691);  and  as  he  had  not  been 
ncluded  bySueton.  in  his  account  de  grammat.,  he  may  also  have  been 
later  than  Probus  of  Berytus  (above  295)  and  still  living  when  Suetonius 
composed  his  work.  This  is  not  disproved  by  the  fact  that  the  com- 
mentary attributed  to  Probus  repeatedly  mentions  Asper  (p.  15,  24  K, : 
Aemilius  Asper  cum  hunc  locum  adnotaret.  p.  19,  9:  non,  ut  Asper 
putat);  see  above  295,  5;  nor  is  it  contradicted  by  Schol.  Veron.  ad 
Aen.  IX  373  (p.  101,  6  K.)  and  Serv.  Aen.  X  539  placing  Asper  before 
Probus,  as  nothing  there  lets  us  infer  chronological  arrangement. 
An  inaccurate  note  in  Vat.  1492  (saec.  XV):  Asper  grammaticus  civis 
rom.  tempore  Antonini  philosophi  fuit.  Asper's  Commentary  on  Terence 
is  quoted  by  Donatus  on  Phorm.  I  2,  24.  Ad.  Ill  2,  25.  IV  2,  20;  cf. 
Rutin,  de  metr.  Ter.  p.  2705  P. ;  Aspri  in  Vergilium  et  Sallustium  com- 
mentaries Hieron.  apol.  c.  Rutin.  1  16  (IV  1.  p.  367  Bened.).  The  com- 
mentary on  Sallust  is  frequently  mentioned  by  Charisius;  see  especially 
II  p.  216,  28  K. :  Asper  commentario  Sallustii  historiarum  I.  See  above 
203,  7.  His  commentary  on  Virgil  is  best  known  to  us;  see  Ribbeck 
prolegg.  p.  128  —  136.  From  the  numerous  fragments  of  it  we  may 
infer  that  A.  was  conservative  in  his  criticism  of  the  text,  and  paid 
equal  attention  to  the  explanation  of  the  subject-matter  and  of  the 
language,  always  showing  good  judgment  and  taste.  Aper  treated  also 
systematically  of  the  deviations  of  Virgil  from  ordinary  usage  both  in 
accidence  and  syntax.  The  fragments  of  these  Quaestiones  Vergilianae 
or  grammatica  Vergiliana  see  in  Keil,  Probi  comm.  (Halle  1848)  p. 
109—115.  Cf.  p.  XV— XVII  and  H.  Hagen,  Philologus  XXV  p.  353—357. 
Hence  perhaps  also  sic  (pexui  vel  pectui)  Asper  de  verbo  ap.  Priscian. 
(partit.  II  p.  489,  36  H.  cf.  Inst.  X  p.  536,  6.  499,18  sqq.  H.),  unless 
this  is  meant  of  a  general  grammar  (Ars).  In  general  see  Suringar, 
hist.  crit.  schol.  lat.  p.  95—97.  124—142.  255—258.  Bergk,  Ztschr.  f. 
Alt.  Wiss.  1845,  p.  118  sq.  125  sq.  129  (who  considers  him  an  adherent 
of  Aristarchus).     Grafenhan,  Hist,  of  class.  Philol.  IV  p.  55—78.  285  sq. 

4.  Martial.  IV  86:  si  vis  auribus  atticis  probari,  exhortor  moneoque 
te,  libelle,  ut  docto  placeas  Apollinari,  a  refined  aesthetic  critic.  Cf. 
VII  26  (meum  .  .  facetae  aures).  89,  2  (noster).  X  30  XI  15,  12.  Per- 
haps the  Domitius  Apollinaris  to  whom  Plin.  Epist.  (II  9  and  V  6)  are 
addressed;  cf.  ib.  IX  13,  13  (cos.  design,  for  a.  97).     C.  I.  gr.  4236. 

5.  Martial.  X  31,  1  sq. :  quae  vix  intellegat  ipse  Modestus  (above 
277,  1)  et  vix  Claranus.  See  above  n.  3.  Porphyrio  on  Hor.  Sat.  II  3, 
83  Anticyra  oppidum  et  insula  hoc  nomine,  ut  Claranus  testatur.  This 
should  most  probably  be  understood  of  the  grammarian  Claranus,  and 
certainly  renders  it  credible  that  he  wrote  a  commentary  on  Horace, 
though  there  are  no  other  traces  of  a  work  of  this  kind.  He  is  perhaps 
also  meant  in  Serv.  Aen.  XI  316  (quod  etiam  Clanarius  ait). 

6.  Martial.  X  70,  2:  doctus  Potitus.  De  Gadibus  improbus  magister 
ib.  I  41,  12. 


Grammarians  and  Historians  under  Domitian.  153 

7.  In  this  period  we  should  perhaps  place  Largius  Licinus,  the  author 
of  a  work  entitled  Ciceromastix  (above  271,  3  fin.),  which  seems  to 
betray  a  period  when  Cicero's  name  had  already  become  the  shiboleth 
of  a  certain  party.  He  probably  wrote  after  Asinius  Gallus  and  cer- 
tainly much  before  Gellius;  see  271,  3.  See  above  307,  2  fin.  A  cer- 
tain Larcius  Licinus  is  mentioned  by  Pliny  Ep.  II  14,  9.  Ill  5,  17  and 
elsewhere. 


324.  Historical  works  were  in  the  reign  of  Domitian 
composed  by  Junius  Maximus,  in  a  harmless  manner,  while 
Arulenus  Kusticus  and  Herennius  Senecio  (the  first  an  adherent 
of  the  Stoic  system)  wrote  in  opposition  to  the  government  — 
which  cost  them  their  life.  A  certain  Fronto  is  also  mentioned 
as  a  Stoic,  as  well  as  Decianus  of  Emerita,  though  he  knew 
how  to  combine  caution  with  his  philosophy.  Pollius  Felix 
was  an  Epicurean.  The  works  on  gastronomy  by  Priscus  and 
Calvus  seem  also  to  belong  to  this  time. 

1.  Statins  Silv.  IV  prooem. :  Maximum  lunium  et  dignitatis  et  elo- 
quentiae  nomine  a  nobis  diligi  satis  eram  testatus  epistula  quam  ad 
ilium  de  editione  Thebaidos  meae  publicavi;  sed  nunc  quoque  eum 
reverti  maturius  e  Delmatia  rogo  (in  Silv.  IV  7).  Cf.  Silv.  IV  7,  45  sqq. 
and  53  sqq.:  tuas  artes,  .  .  omne  quis  mundi  senium  remensus  orsa 
Sallusti  brevis  et  Timavi  reddis  alumnum.  The  work  would  thus  appear 
to  have  been  a  Universal  History,  resembling  neither  Sallust  nor  Livy 
in  regard  of  the  subject-matter. 

2.  lunius  Rusticus  Arulenus,  trib.  pleb.  a  66  (Tac.  A.  XVI  26), 
praetor  a.  69  (Tac.  hist.  Ill  80),  according  to  Suet.  Dom.  10  killed  by  D. 
(a.  90)  quod  Paeti  Thraseae  et  Helvidi  Prisci  laudes  edidisset  (a  laudatory 
biography)  appellassetque  eos  sanctissimos  viros.  More  accurately  Tac. 
Agr.  2  (above  314,  5).  Dio  LXVII  13  :  toV  'Povomov  rov  UQovkt]u6u 
(CTifXTfii^fy  OTv  t(^ikoGO(ffi  (cf.  abovc  321,  3)  xal  oit  tov  GqaOfav  Uqov 
(ovo^iaCf,  x«i  EQivvvov  ^^vsiicoua  on  Tf  ovd'^fxiuv  HQX^^  *^  uoIXm  /?«w 
juKm  lafxifCav  t^TtjXfi,  xul  on  rov  IIqCgxov  toV  ^iop  ow^yqaipfv.  Plin. 
Ep.  VII  19,  5:  cum  Senecio  reus  esset  (by  Mettius  Carus)  quod  de  vita 
Helvidi  libros  composuisset;  and  ib.  6:  illos  ipsos  libros  .  .  abolitos 
senatus  consulto. 

3.  Martial.  XIV,  106,  2:  stoicus  hoc  (urceo)  gelidam  Fronto  petebat 
aquam.  On  Palfurius  Sura  see  above  321,  5.  P'or  other  philosophers 
see  314,   6. 

4.  Martial.  I  8:  Thraseae  et  Catonis  dogmata  sic  sequeris  salvus 
ut  esse  velis,  pectore  nee  nudo  strictos  incurris  in  enses,  .  .  Deciane. 
Cf.  ib.  39  (cecropiae  madidus  latiaeque  Minervae  artibus  etc.).  61,  10. 
II  praef. 


154  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

5.  Chaeremon  stoicus  ap.  Martial.  XI  56,  1.  Heliodoriis  stoicus  in 
the  Probus-Scholion  on  Juv.  I  35. 

6.  Stat.  Silv.  II  2,  112  sq. :  hie  ubi  siderias  exercet  Pollius  (above 
319,  1)  artes,  seu  volvit  monitus  quos  dat  Gargettius  auctor  etc. 

7.  Flavins  Archippus,  philosophus,  in  Domitian's  eyes  bonus  vir 
et  professioni  suae  etiam  moribus  respondens,  but  sententia  Veli  PauUi 
proconsulis  .  .  crimine  falsi  damnatus  in  metallum;  see  Plin.  ad  Trai. 
58-60. 

8.  Martial.  IX  77:  quod  optimum  sit  disputat  convivium  facunda 
Prisci  pagina.     XIV  196:  Calvus  de  aquae  frigidae  usu. 

9.  Martial.  XII  95:  Musaei  pathicissimos  libellos  (in  Greek?)  qui 
certant  Sybariticis  libellis,  .  .  lege  etc.     See  above  319,  6. 

3.     The  time  of  Nerva  and  Trajan, 
A.  D.  96—117. 

325.  What  had  grown  up  under  the  benevolent  rule  of 
Vespasian,  buthad  timidly  concealed  itself  under  Domitian's  des- 
potism, ventured  to  show  itself  in  broad  daylight  under  the 
mild  sceptre  of  Nerva  and  Trajan.  In  that  time  we  find, 
therefore,  a  large  number  of  writers  on  all  departments  of 
literature.  Recitations  were  still  kept  up,  though  already 
on  the  decline,  owing  to  the  insignificance  of  most  of  the 
productions,  the  satiety  of  the  hearers,  and  the  greater  space 
now  accorded  to  practical  eloquence  by  the  increase  of  general 
freedom.  The  recollection  of  the  time  they  had  gone  through, 
filled  most  writers  with  bitterness  and  anger,  a  remark  applicable 
not  only  to  such  men  as  Juvenal  and  Tacitus,  but  even  to 
tame  Pliny.  Nerva  himself  took  a  certain  interest  in  poetry 
and  literature,  but  his  reign  was  too  short  to  allow  him  to 
manifest  it  much.  Trajan's  (c.  54 — 117)  whole  mind  was  less 
devoted  to  ideal  speculations,  and  he  promoted  their  develop- 
ment only  indirectly.  The  old  complaints  of  the  sterility  of 
literary  studies,  and  of  the  pursuits  of  art,  return  therefore  in 
his  reign  with  unimpaired  vivacity. 

1.  M.  Cocceius  Nerva,  son  and  grandson  to  jurists  (above  276,  2. 
293,  2),  Cos.  I  with  Vespasian  a.  71  =z  824,  II  with  Domitian  a.  90  — 
843,  Emperor  from  18th  Sept.  96  (849)  until  27th  January  98  (851);  cf. 
A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  V  p.  592  sq.  Nerva,  nostri  temporis  Tibullus, 
is  Martial's  expression  VIII  70  cf.  IX  26.  Plin.  Ep.  V  3,  5;  above  281,  7. 
An  edict  by  him  on  his  accession  to  the  throne  forms  a  document  inserted 
by  Pliny  ad  Trai.  58. 


Ne7i'a  and   Trajan.  155 

2.     M.  Ulpius  Traianus  from   Italica,   born  18th  Sept.  53  r=:  806 
(Dierauer  p.  9  sq.  n.),  Cos.  91  =:  844,  adopted  by  Nerva  end  of  October 
97,  Cos.  II  98,    Emperor  from  27th  Jan.    98  until  7  or   8th   Aug.    117, 
when   he    died    (in   Cilicia).     W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  2.  p.  2702 
—2711.     C.  Volker,    de   imp.  .  .  Traiani    vita,   I  Elberfeld    1859.  4.     J. 
Dierauer,  Contributions  towards   a  critical  history  of  Trajan,  in  M.  Bii- 
dinger's  Investigations   on  points   of  the  Imperial  History  I  (1868)  p.  1 
—186.     C.    Peter,    Hist,    of  Rome   HI  2  p.   144—168.      Dio  LXVIII  7: 
aaidfiag    axQt^ovg,    oarj    ip   koyotg,    ov  ^nfTfO/s.     to  yt  fxfv  iQyov  cwr^g 
xai    i^niarciTo    xai    inotei.     Victor  Epit.    13,  7  sq.:  magis  simpliciora  in- 
genia  aut  eruditissimos,  quamvis  ipse  parcae  esset  scientiae  moderateque 
eloquens,    diligebat.     Julian.    Caes.   p.  22  sq. :    xain^Q  dvvccf.ifvog  kiyfiv 
—  V7i6    QaH-vfxiag    innQSTiftv    yccQ    floj^d    rd  nokkd  tw    2ov^(c  (Licinius 
Sura)   yQ<x(fi€ii^  v71€(j  avrov  —  (f)S-€yyo/Lifrog  fxakkov  r)   kiyiov  tnfdff'xi^vfp 
avTolg   etc.     Plin.  paneg.  47:    quem  honorem   dicendi   magistris,    quam 
dignationem  sapientiae  doctoribus  habes !  ut  sub  te  spiritum  et  sangui- 
nem  et  patriam  receperunt  studia!  quae  priorum  temporum  immanitas 
exiliis  puniebat  etc.    .  .  at  tu  easdem  artes  in  complexu,  oculis,  auribus 
habes.  praestas  enim  quaecumque  praecipiunt  etc.   Cf.  n.  3.     It  is  there- 
fore probable  that  we  should  understand  of  Trajan  (Friedlander  thinks 
of  Adrian)  Juv.  7,  1  sqq.     et  spes  et  ratio  studiorum  in  Caesare  tantum; 
solus  enim  tristes  hac  tempestate  Camenas  respexit  etc.  See  W.  Teuffel's 
translation    p.  233    sq.    Trajan    favoured    especially  the  rhetorician  Dio 
Chrysostomus  (Or.  XLIV  2,   3  Emp.).   Comp.  J.  Burckhardt,  New  Swiss 
Museum    IV    (1864)  p.  97 — 122.     He    founded    libraries,    especially    the 
Ulpia  (Dio  LXVIII  16).     Memoirs   by  Trajan    are   indicated  by  Priscian 
VI  13  p.  205,    6  sq.  H. :    Traianus    in  I  Dacicorum:    inde    Berzobim  .  . 
processimus.     On  a  speech  of  Trajan  in  the  Senate  on  1  Jan.    100  see 
Plin.    paneg.    67.     But   Fronto    ad  Ver.    II    1.  p.  123  N.:    Nerva  (Trai.) 
facta  sua  in  senatu  verbis  rogaticiis  commondavit.     See  above  the  quo- 
tation from  Julian.    Trajan's  replies  to  Pliny's  inquiries  (see  below  335, 
6  and  9)    are    brief   and    concise,  but  always  pertinently  expressed.     A 
decree   of  Trajan   in  Plin.  Ep.  V  13,  8.     A  letter   in  Henzen's  Mon.  fr. 
arval.  (1868). 

3.  Plin.  Ep.  V  14,  6:  tandem  homines  non  ad  pericula,  ut  prius, 
verum  ad  honores  virtute  perveniunt.  Under  Domitian  (especially  in 
his  later  years,  cum  profiteretur  odium  bonorum,  Plin.  paneg.  95)  su- 
specta  virtus,  inertia  in  pretio  (ib.  VIII  14,  7).  Helvidius  e.  g.  metu 
temporum  nomen  ingens  paresque  virtutes  secessu  tegebat  (ib.  IX  13, 
2).  Priorum  temporum  servitus  .  .  reducta  libertas,  ib.  VIII  14,  2  sq. 
cf.  IX  13,  4  (reddita  libertas).  Liberius  ideoque  etiam  libentius  scribitur, 
ib.  Ill  18,  6.  Studia,  quae  prope  extincta  refoventur,  ib.  HI  18,  5.  Cf. 
n.  2  and  ib.  VIII  12,  1:  litterarum  senescentium  reductor  (Capito).  V 
17,  6:  faveo  saeculo,  ne  sit  sterile  et  effetum.  But  I  10,  1:  si  quando 
urbs  nostra  liberalibus  studiis  floruit,  nunc  maxime  floret.  Cf.  n.  5. 

4.  Plin.  E.  I  13,  1  :  magnum  proventum  poetarum  annus  hie  (97) 
attulit.     totf)    mense    aprili    nuUus    fere   dies  quo  non  recitaret  aiiquis. 


156  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

in  vat  me  quod  vigent  stuclia,  .  .  tametsi  ad  audiendum  pigre  coitur,  which 
is  then  fufther  developed.  Cf.  ib.  Ill  18,  4:  numquam  aut  valde 
vacat  Romae  aut  oommodum  est  audire  recitantem.  VI  17.  Juv.  1,  1 
sqq.  7,  40  sqq.  Tac.  dial.  9.  Pliny  himself  treats  these  readings  with 
much  importance  (ib.  VII  17,  13.  VIII  21,  4  sqq.)  and  extended  them 
also  to  speeches  which  had  already  been  held  (ib.  VII  17). 

5.  Orators  and  speakers  were  numerous,  see  below  336,  1 — 5.  But 
comp.  also  Plin.  Ep.  II 14,  2  sqq.:  pauci  (sunt)  cum  quibus  iuvet  dicere. 
ceteri  audaces  atque  etiam  magna  ex  parte  adulescentuli  obscuri  etc. 
(4.)  sequuntur  auditores  actoribus  similes,  conducti  et  redempti  etc. 
VI  2,  5  sqq.:  et  qui  dicunt  L'gisse  malunt  quam  ageie  et  qui  audiunt 
finire  quam  iudicare.  Tac.  dial.  19:  apud  iudices  qui  .  .  saepe  ultro 
admonent  (oratorem)  atque  alio  transgredientem  revocant  et  festinare 
se  testantur. 

6.  On  the  outward  position  of  scholars  and  writers  at  Rome  see 
Juvenal's  seventh  satire  (cf,  below  326,  4  fin.). 

7.  J.  G.  Hullemann,  oratio  de  literarum,  praesertim  latinarum, 
apud  Romanes  studiis  Nerva  Traiano  imperatore,  Lugd.  Bat.  1858.  46 
pp.  H.  Thiersch,  on  the  position  of  polity  and  philosophy  towards 
religion  under  Trajan,  Adrian   and   the  two  Antonines,  Marburg  1853. 

8.  Important  inscriptions  in  the  time  of  Trajan  (cf.  Orelli-Henzen 
782—804.  5440—5451).  a)  The  will  of  Dasumius  of  a.  108  or  109, 
edited  by  Ambrosch  (Annali  dell'  inst.  arch.  1831.  Tav.  d'agg.  B.  C. 
and  p.  387 — 406)  and  CI.  Cardinali  (Diplomi  imperiali  p.  217  sqq.),  last 
of  all  extracts  in  G.  Bruns ,  fontes  ^  p.  147—151,  cf.  Rudorff  in  the 
Journal  for  historical  Jurisprudence  XII  p.  301-392. 

b)  The  documents  concerning  the  foundation  of  charities  (tabulae 
alimentariae)  from  Veleia  (671  lines)  and  (of  the  Ligures  Baebiani) 
from  Beneventum  (234  lines).  On  the  first  see  F.  A.  Wolf,  on  a  charity 
founded  by  Trajan,  Berlin  1808.  P.  de  Lama,  Tavola  alimentaria  Ve- 
lejate,  Parma  1819.  It  is  printed  also  in  Zell's  Manual  of  Roman  epi- 
graphic  science,  I  nr.  1777,  p.  390  sqq.  E.  Desjardins,  de  tabb.  aliment. 
(Paris  1854);  Veleia  (Paris  1858)  and  in  the  Bull,  dell'  inst.  arch.  1856, 
p.  1—20.  On  the  second  (e.  g.  in  the  Inscr.  R.  N.  1354,  ap.  Orelli- 
Henzen  6664)  see  especially  W.  Henzen,  Tab.  al.  Baebianorum,  Rome 
1845  (from  the  Annali  dell'  inst.  arch.  XVI  p.  1—111).  In  general  see 
Pauly's  End.  I  1  p.  774—776.     VI  2  p.  1556-1559. 

326.  Among  the  poets  of  the  age  of  Trajan  the  most 
prominent  is  D.  Junius  Juvenalis  of  Aquinum  (about  a. 
47—130),  who  had  originally  devoted  himself  to  the  study 
of  rhetoric  and  to  military  service,  but  subsequently  began  to 
pubhsh  satires.  We  possess  sixteen  of  them,  divided  into  five 
books.     The  latest  and  last  satires  are  senile.     Those  which 


Trajan.     Juvenal.  157 

are  really  characteristic  describe  the  vices  of  Roman  Society 
in  an  eloquent  manner  and  frequently  with  horrible  vividness. 
The  dark  background,  the  always  pathetic,  elevated  and 
concise  style  and  the  adoption  of  a  systematic  design  produce 
a  certain  monotony.  The  names  are  partly  typical  or  fictitious, 
partly  derived  from  the  past,  especially  from  the  time  of  Nero 
and  Domitian.  Much  remains  unintelligible,  in  spite  of  the 
existing  Scholia. 

1.  Our  knowledge  of  Juvenal's  life  is  mostly  derived  from  the 
inscription  put  by  him  probably  under  Domitian  in  the  temple  of  Ceres 
Helvina  at  Aquinum  (Mommsen  I.  R.  N.  4312  =:  Orelli-Henzen  5599, 
cf.  C.  L.  Grotefend,  Philol.  XII  p.  489  sq.  n.  5) :  (Cere)ri  sacrum  (D. 
Iu)mus  luvenalis,  trib(unus)  coh(ortis  I)  Delmatarum,  Il(vir)  quinq(uen- 
nalis),  flamen  Divi  Vespasiani,  vovit  dedicav(itq)ue  sua  pec(unia).  Of 
the  various  vitae  (printed  in  0.  Jahn's  edition  of  1851,  p.  386 — 390) 
the  earliest  (I  in  Jahn)  is  the  one  attributed  to  Probus  by  Valla,  begin- 
ning: lunius  luvenalis,  libertini  locupletis  incertum  filius  an  alumnus, 
ad  mediam  fere  aetatem  declamavit,  animi  magis  causa  quam  quod 
scholae  se  aut  foro  praepararet.  Sat.  15,  27  (nuper  consule  lunco) 
shows  that  Juv.  survived  the  consulship  of  (Aemilius)  luncus  (a.  127=:880) 
for  some  time.  On  his  death  we  read  in  Vita  I:  octogenarius  urbe 
summotus  est,  .  .  verum  intra  brevissimum  tempus  angore  ac  taedio 
periit;  II:  revertitur  luvenalis  Romam,  qui  tandem  ad  Nervae  et  Traiani 
principatum  supervivens  senio  et  taedio  vitae  confectus  .  .  spiritum 
cum  tussi  expuit;  III:  tristitia  et  angore  periit  anno  aetatis  suae  altero 
et  octuagesimo ;  IV :  decessit  longo  senio  confectus  exul  Antonino  Pio 
imperatore.  He  cannot  have  died  before  the  reign  of  Adrian,  as  he 
was  not  mentioned  among  the  viri  illustres  of  Suetonius.    See  also  n.  2. 

2.  It  is  certain  that  Juvenal  was  exiled,  but  the  time  and  place  of 
his  exile  are  doubtful.  The  most  authoritative  passage  is  Sidon.  Apoll. 
carm.  IX  267  sqq.  non  qui  tempore  Caesaris  secundi  aeterno  incoluit 
Tomos  reatu,  nee  qui  consimili  deinde  casu  ad  vulgi  tenuem  strepentis 
auram  irati  fuit  histrionis  exul.  The  vitae  connect  it  with  Sat.  7,  90 
(quod  non  dant  proceres  dabit  histrio  etc.)  though  in  the  text  these 
words  contain  no  offence  and  scarcely  any  blame  of  the  histrio  and 
must  have  been  construed  by  the  way  in  which  they  were  employed. 
It  is,  therefore,  most  probable  that  under  Trajan  or  perhaps  Adrian 
these  words  were  shouted  to  a  histrio  by  the  people  in  the  theatre, 
and  that  he  in  return  wreaked  his  anger  upon  the  innocent  author,  as 
he  could  not  well  punish  the  people.  W.  Teutt'el,  Studies  and 
Characteristics  p.  410 — 412.  At  all  events,  the  exile  cannot  (with 
Malala  and  Suidas)  be  placed  under  Domitian,  because  Martial  (VII  24. 
91.  XII  18)  attests  Juvenal's  presence  at  Rome  in  his  latter  years.  His 
exile  took  place  in  the  form  of  a  military  relegation,  perhaps  to 
Britain    (vita    cod.  Bonon.:    Traianus  .  .  fecit    eum  praefectum  militum 


158  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

contra  Scotos  qui  bellum  Romanis  moverant,  ibi  ut  luvenalis  interfice- 
retur),  where  the  cohors,  which  Juvenal  had  formerly  commanded 
(see  nr.  1),  stood  in  the  years  104,  106,  124.  That|he  was  exiled  to 
Egypt  is  an  inference  made  in  most  of  the  vitae  from  Sat.  XV  45,  a 
place  which  proves  only  that  Juvenal  had  staid  there  some  time 
or  other. 

3.  J.  V.  Francke,  examen  criticum  luv.  vitae  (Altona  1820),  and 
De  vita  luv.  quaestio  altera  (Dorpat  1827  fol.)  C.  A.  Bauer,  Crit.  Obser- 
vations on  some  information  concerning  the  life  of  Juv.,  Regensburg 
1833.  G.  -Pinzger,  in  Jahn's  Jahrb.  XIV  (1835)  p.  261  sqq.  W.  Teuffel, 
ibid.  XLin  (1845)  p.  103—116;  TransL  of  Juv.  p.  148—153.  B.  Borghesi, 
intorno  all'  eta  di  Giovenale,  Rom  1847  =z  Oeuvres  V.  p.  49—76. 
C.  Synnerberg,  de  temporibus  vitae  carminumque  luv.  rite  constituendis, 
Helsingfors  1866.     92  pp. 

4.  The  division  into  books  is  the  same  as  is  generally  followed 
by  Priscian  in  his  quotations;  see  M.  Hertz's  edition  II  p.  537  sq. 
The  poems  themselves  seem  to  be  arranged  in  chronological 
succession.  None  of  them  was  composed  before  the  time  of  Trajan. 
The  authenticity  of  the  two  last  has  been  attacked  (though  with  un- 
satisfactory arguments)  by  Heinrich  and  C.  Kempf  (Observationes  in 
luv.,  Berlin  1843,  aud  De  luv.  sat.  XV  luvenali  abiudicanda,  Berlin 
1843.  4.);  see  W.  Teuffel  and  W.  Hertzberg  in  their  translations  p.  153  sq. 
341  sq.  Against  the  insane  criticism  of  0.  Ribbeck,  originally  in  his 
edition  of  the  text  (Lips.  1859)  and  in  the  Symb.  philol.  Bonnp.  1— 30, 
then  also  in  his  work  'The  genuine  and  the  spurious  Juvenal'  (Berlin 
1865)  see  W.  Teuffel  1.  1.  154.  209.  246.  252.  259.,  and  the  Vindiciae 
iuvenalianae  of  B.  Lupus  (Bonn  1864)  and  0.  Meinertz  (Konigsberg  1866), 
also  0.  Jahn's  edition  of  1868,  p.  9  sq.  Vita  VI  (one  of  the  shortest 
and  best);  in  exilio  ampliavit  satiras  et  pleraque  mutavit.  There  are 
indeed  several  traces  of  a  twofold  revision  by  the  poet  himself:  see 
W.  Teuffel,  Studies  and  Characteristics  p.  424—434.  In  the  same  way 
L.  Friedlander,  Sketches  of  Roman  manners  and  Morals  III  p.  4l2  sq., 
supposes  that  Sat.  VII  was  for  the  most  part  composed  under  Trajan, 
but  the  introduction  (v.  1 — 21  or  35)  prefixed  at  a  later  time,  when 
the  poet  rewrote  this  satire  after  the  accession  of  Adrian,  whose 
interest  for  poetry  was  known. 

5.  Juv.  1,  22  sqq.:  cum  tener  uxorem  ducat  spado  etc.  .  .  difficile 
est  satiram  non  scribere  (30).  (79  sq.)  si  natura  negat,  facit  indignatio 
versum,  qualemcumque  potest,  quales  ego  vel  Cluvienus.  150  sqq. 
dicas  hie  forsitan:  unde  .  .  ilia  priorum  scribendi  quodcumque  animo 
flagrante  liberet  simplicitas,  cuius  non  audeo  dicere  nomen  ?  .  .  (170  sq.) 
experiar  quid  concedatur  in  illos  quorum  Flaminia  tegitur  cinis  atque 
Latina.  This  shows  that  the  poet  did  not  intend  to  satirize  living 
characters,  and  of  such  he  mentions  only  Marius  Priscus,  Isaeus, 
Archigenes  and  Gallicus,  all  (except  the  first)  in  a  polite  manner,  i.  e. 
Juvenal    follows   the    method  also    observed   by  Martial    (above  317,  6) 


I 


Juvenal.  159 

and  Pliny  (below  335,  6).  The  other  names,  at  least  so  far  as  they 
denote  real  persons,  belong  to  the  past,  frequently  even  a  very  distant 
past,  e.  g.  in  the  case  of  Cicero  or  even  Lucilius.  They  are  shadow^s 
against  whom  the  poet  fights,  but  such  as  may  be  considered  the  types  of 
living  characters  of  his  time.  The  rhetorical  pathos  of  Juvenal  only 
rarely  (as  in  the  case  of  II  59  sqq.  IV  37  sqq.  VIII  212  sqq.)  permits 
us  to  find  a  more  definite  chronological  date.  See  Fr.  Strauch,  de 
personis  luvenalianis,  Goth.  1869.  63  pp.  This  pathos  is  fond  of  the 
darkest  colours  and  easily  lends  the  Satirist  the  appearance  of  being  a 
pessimist  or  nihilist.  In  general,  Juvenal  retained  in  his  Satires  the 
habits  of  his  rhetorical  training  (I  15  sqq.).  Hence  he  fixes  definite 
themes  for  each  piece  and  carries  them  through  in  a  sober  and  straight- 
forward manner,  now  with  monotonous  transitions,  now  intentionally 
without  any  connecting  links.  Hence  also  his  stilty  tone  and  artificial 
conciseness,  by  the  side  of  rhetorical  exaggeration  in  phrase  and 
diction.  His  metre  is  intentionally  made  sonorous  and  powerful. 
W.  Teuffel,  Studies  and  Characteristics  p.  414—424.  H.  Wilcke,  quid 
elocutio  luv.  a  Persiana  diiferat,  Stendal  1869.     18  pp.     4. 

6.  With  regard  to  preceding  writers  Juvenal  is  chiefly  acquainted  with 
Horace  (e.  g.  5,  107  =  Hor.  Ep.  I  1,  40)  and  Virgil  (c.  g.  2,  lOO^Aen. 
XII  94;  3,  198  =  Aen.  II  311;  5,  138  sqq.  =  Ae.  IV  328,  XII  475, 
6,  133  sq.  =  Ge.  IH  282);  but  most  frequent  are  his  allusions  to  his 
friend  Martial  (e.  g.  6,  184  =  M.  X  68;  6,  196  sqq.  —  M.  VI  23; 
6,  492  sqq.  ==  M.  H  66). 

7.  We  possess  two  classes  of  Scholia  on  the  Satires  of  Juvenal. 
The  first  goes  in  its  greater  part  back  to  the  endof  the  fourth  century 
and  in  spite  of  great  corruptions  contains  not  a  few  traces  of  real 
scholarship.  They  are  preserved  in  the  codex  Pithoeanus  (now  at 
Montpellier,  nr.  125)  saec.  IX  and  the  Sangallensis  (D  476)  saec.  XI, 
and  were  first  edited  by  P.  Pithoeus  (a.  1585),  then  by  A.  W.  Cramer 
(a.  1823),  emended  by  L.  Schopen  in  Heinrich's  edition  (1839)  I  p. 
156—324  (annotationes  criticae  on  them  p.  325—440),  the  best  reprint 
in  0.  Jahn's  edition  of  1851,  p.  171—385.  The  Scholia  which  George 
Valla  published  Venet.  1486  as  the  Scholia  of  Probus  and  which  extend 
hardly  as  far  as  the  eighth  satire,  were  derived  from  a  ms.  belonging 
to  the  same  class,  though  more  complete.  The  second  class  bears 
(like  the  Scholia  on  Persius,  above  297,  6)  the  name  of  Cornutus 
(Cornuti  expositio  super  toto  libro  luvenalis),  is  found  in  more  recent 
mss.  (especially  Laurent.  52,  4  saec.  XV),  probably  belongs  to  the 
Carlovingian  period,  and  is  both  verbose  and  empty;  see  0.  Jahn's  ed. 
of  Persius  p.  CXVI— CXXXI.  Specimens  of  them  were  published  by 
Schopen,  Inedited  Scholia  on  Juv.  Ill,  Bonn  1847.  4;  K.  F.  Hermann 
(Schediasma  de  scholiorum  ad  luv.  genere  deteriore,  Gotting.  1849.  4). 
and  Gigch  (Apparatus  criticus  ad  luv.,  Lugd.  Bat.  1849;  Tria  capita  ad 
luv.  eiusque  scholiastas  spectantia  ib.  1850). 


160  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

8.  In  the  same  manner  the  manuscripts  of  the  Satires  are 
divided  into  two  classes.  Of  the  earlier  class  only  the  Budensis  or 
Pithoeanus  (P.  ap.  Jahn)  saec.  IX  (see  n.  7)  is  extant,  and  even  this 
ms.  has  been  completely  revised  and  corrected  by  a  later  hand  in 
accordance  with  mss.  of  the  second  class.  The  similar  ms.  of  Ge. 
Valla  has  entirely  disappeared,  and  in  the  St.  Gall  ms.  (a.  7)  the  text 
of  Juvenal  has  been  lost.  A  Vienna  ms.  saec.  X  extends  only  until 
5,  96:  see  on  this  A.  Gobel  in  the  Reports  of  the  Meetings  of  the 
Vienna  Academy  XXIX  (1859)  p.  73  sqq.  On  the  Montpellier  ms.  see 
also  F.  Rtihl,  Philologus  XXX  p.  676  sq.  Much  more  numerous  are  the  mss. 
of  the  second  interpolated  and  badly  corrupted  class.  Two  of  these 
(Mediceus  and  Leidensis)  saec.  XI  bear  the  subscription:  Legi  ego 
Niceus  Romae  apud  Servium  magistrum  ot  emendavi  The  grammarians 
who  quote  passages  from  Juvenal  generally  follow  the  readings  of  this 
second  class.  C.  Fr.  Hermann,  de  codicibus  luvenalis  recte  existimandis 
(Gotting.  1847.  4.)  and  Vindiciae  luvenalianae  (ib.  1854.  4.)  0.  Jahn  in 
his  edition  of  1868,  p.  5 — 9.  Abortive  attempts  to  prove  the  class  of 
Nicaeus  to  be  superior  were  made  by  A.  Hackermann,  on  the  Pithoean 
ms.  of  Juv.  I.  Greifswald  1856.  4.;  on  the  explanation  of  Hermann 
and  the  criticism  of  Juv.,  Greifsw.  1857;  the  Pith.  Codex  oi  Juv., 
Philologus  XII  p.  658-695.  XVI  412—449.  XVII  481—491;  commen- 
tatio  in  luv.  satiras,  Greifswald  1867.     4. 

9.  The  editions  of  Juvenal  are  enumerated  in  Ruperti's  ed.  I  p. 
CLXIV— CCLIII.  We  will  mention:  Ed.  princeps,  Venet.  1475.  4.  1470 
and  Rome  c.  1470  (fol.)  Cum  comment.  D.  Calderini  (Venet.  1475.  4. 
1495  fob),  G.  Vallae  (Venet.  1486.  fob),  Cald.,  Vallae,  MancinelH 
(Venet.  1492.  fob),  with  Merulae  (Venet.  1498.  fob).  Aid.  (1501.  8.). 
Cum  comm.  Britannici  (Brix.  1501.  fol.  and  often).  Cum  notis  Pul- 
manni  et  Hadr.  Junii  (Antv.  1565.  8.),  Fr.  Pithoei  (Lutet.  1585.  8.); 
Schol.  Britann.,  Pith.,  Curion.  Pulmann.  (Lutet.  1602.  4.).  Cura  N. 
Rigaltii  (Lutet.  1613.  4.  1616.  12.).  Ed.  Grangaeus  (Paris  1614.  4.). 
Cum  scholl.  et  comm.  ed.  H.  C.  Henninius  (with  Persius,  Ultraiect.  1685. 
4.  Lugd.  Bat.  1695.  4.).  Cum  perp.  comm.  ed.  G.  A.  Ruperti  (2  vols., 
Lips.  1801;  an  abridgment  of  it,  Gotting.  1803.  1819).  Ed.  N.  L. 
Achaintre  (Paris  1810.  2  vols.),  N.  E.  Lemaire  (Paris  1823.  2  vols.). 
Rec.  et  ann.  E.  W.  Weber  (Weimar  1825.  8.).  In  J.  C.  Orelli  Eclogae 
poett.  lat.  (Sat.  4.  8.  10.  15.),  W.  E.  Weber's  Corpus  poett.  latt.  p.  1138 
— 1173.  Ex  emend,  et  c.  comm.  C.  F.  Heinrichii :  ace.  scholia  vetera 
Bonn  1839.  2  vols.).  Cum  scholiis  veteribus  recensuit  et  emendavit 
O.  Jahn,  Berol.  1851. 

Texts  by  A.  Hackermann  (Lips.  1851),  C.  F.  Hermann  (Lips.  Teubner 
1854),  0.  Ribbeck  (see  n.  4),  0.  Jahn,  (Berol.  1868.). 

Juv.  satt.  delectus,  cum  notis  ed.  C.  Schmidt,  Bielefeld  1835.  Satt. 
tres  (3,  4,  5)  ed.  C.  L.  Roth,  Niirnberg  1841. 

10.  On  Juvenal  see  Manso  in  the  Supplements  to  Sulzer  VI.  p.  294 
— 342.     Nisard,  etudes    .  .    sur  les  poetes  latins  de  la  decadence  (Paris 


Juvenal  and  contemporary  Poets.  161 

1834)  I.  p.  241  sqq.  II.  p.  101—174.  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Enc.  IV. 
(1845)  p.  535 — 539.  Volker,  Juvenal;  his  life  and  character,  Elberfeld 
1851.  C.  F.  Hermann  in  his  Edition  (1854)  p.  Ill— XVIII.  Munding, 
on  the  religious  and  moral  bearing  of  the  Satires  of  Juvenal,  Rottweil 
1865.  4.  A.  Widal,  Juvenal  et  ses  Satires;  etudes  litteraires  et  morales, 
Paris  1869.  G.  Boissier,  I.  et  son  temps,  Revue  des  deux  mondes, 
June  1870,  p.  141-174. 

11.  Critical  and  exegetical  contributions  by  J.  R.  Heinecke 
(Animadversiones,  Halle  1804),  G.  Pinzger  (de  versibus  spuriis  et  male 
suspectis,  Breslau  1827.  4.),  J.  N.  Madvig  (de  locis  aliquot  Juv.  inter- 
pretandis,  Opusc.  acad.  I.  p.  29—63.  11.  p.  167—205),  Corn.  MuUer 
(de  locis  aliquot  etc.  Hamburg  1830.  4.),  C.  F.  Hermann  (spicileg. 
annotationum  ad  sat.  HI  4.  Marburg  1839.  4.  De  sat.  VII  temporibus, 
Gotting  1843.  4.),  C.  Kempf  (Observationes  in  luv.  aliquot  locos  inter- 
pretandos,  Berol.  1843),  G.  G.  Matthias  (Observat.  in  sat.  1.  Marburg 
1844.  4),  N.  Mohr  (spicileg.  annotatt.  ad.  I.  sat.  1  et  2,  Dorpat  1845), 
A.  L.  Dollen  (Contributions  towards  the  criticism  and  explanation  of  J., 
Kiew  1846),  Bogen  (de  locis  al.  luv.  explicandis  etc.  Bonn  1849),  A. 
Hackermann  (in  Jahn's  Archiv  XVI,  XVII  and  the  Berlin  Journal  for 
Gymn.  1866),  A.  Schmidt  (de  locis  aliquot  etc.  Halle  1851),  J.  T.  H. 
"Wolters  (comm.  lit.  in  sat.  I.,  Walddiiren  1853),  A.  Gobel  (luvenaliana, 
Conitz  and  Berlin  1859.  4.),  Borghesi  (annotazioni,  Oeuvres  V.  p.  509 
— 536).     Others  are  mentioned  in  notes  4.  5.  8. 

G.  Lehmann,  antiquitates  Rom.  domesticae  in  luv.  satt.  illustratae, 
L-  Halle  1867. 

327.  The  general  skill  which  the  age  of  Trajan  possessed 
in  various  forms  of  poetry  is  evidenced  by  the  great  number 
of  men  who  (as  we  know  chiefly  from  the  pages  of  Pliny 
the  younger)  composed  and  published  verse.  Such  were 
Octavius  Rufus,  the  influential  Titinius  Capito,  Passennus 
Paulus  who  imitated  Propertius  and  Horace,  Caninius  who 
attempted  epic  poetry,  Sentius  Augurinus  in  melic  metres, 
Vergilius  Romanus,  who  wrote  mimiambi  and  comedies,  and 
others.  We  possess  extensive  specimens  of  the  poems  of  the 
African  rhetorician  P.  Annius  Florus. 

1.  Plin.  Ep.  I  7  (Octavio  Rufo).  5:  tu  me  tuis  (versibus)  agere  non 
pateris,  quorum  tanta  cupiditate  ardeo  ut  etc.  II 10  (Octavio),  1:  hominem 
te  .  .  crudelem  qui  tarn  insignes  libros  tam  diu  teneas!  , .  (3.)  enotuerunt 
quidam  tui  versus  *etc.  Perhaps  the  same  Rufus  as  ib.  IX  38:  legi 
librum   (by  him)  omnibus  numeris  absolutum. 

2.  Cn.  Octavius  Titinius  C  apito  ,  .  .  proc(urator)  (of  Domitian)  ab 
epistulis    et    a    patrimonio,     iterum    ab    epistulis    divi    Nervae    .  .  .    ab 

11 


162  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  EpocL 

epistul(is)  tertio  imp(eratoris)  Nervae  Caesar  (is)  Traiani  Aug(usti)  Gcr- 
(manici),  Orelli  801.  Clarissimi  cuiusque  vitam  egregiis  carminibus 
(epigrams)  exornat,  Plin.  Ep.  I  17,  3,  cf.  VIII  12,  4  sq. :  scribit  exitus 
inhistrium  virorum  ,  .  quasi  fuiiebribus  laudationibus.  V  8,  1 :  suades 
ut  historiam  scribam. 

3.  Caninius  (Rufus)  bellum  dacicum  scribere  parat,  in  the  heroic 
style  of  the  Greeks,  Plin.  Ep.  VIII  4,  1.  3  sqq.  cf.  IX  33,  1.  11.  I  3 
(Caninio  Rufo) ,  1  (quid  agit  Comum,  tuae  meaeque  deliciae?) 
and  3  sqq.  Eight  hexametrical  lines  from  a  Bellum  parthicum  Traiani 
imp.  in  Riese's  Anthol.  lat.  392  (I  p.  257  sq.) 

4.  Plin.  Ep.  VI  15,  1:  Passennus  Paulus,  splendidus  eq.  rom. 
et  in  primis  eruditus,  scribit  elegos.  gentilicium  hoc  illi:  est  enim 
municeps  Properti  atque  etiam  inter  maiores  suos  Propertium  numerat. 
IX  22:  magna  me  sollicitudine  affecit  Passenni  Pauli  valetudo.  .  .  si 
elegos  eius  in  manus  sumpseris  leges  opus  tersum,  molle,  iucundum 
et  plane  in  Properti  domo  scriptum.  nuper  ad  lyrica  deflexit,  in  quibus 
ita  Horatium  ut  in  illis  ilium  alterum  effingit.  .  .  magna  varietas, 
magna  mobilitas.     amat" .  . ,  dolet  .  . ,  laudat  .  . ,  ludit  etc. 

5.  Plin.  Ep.  V  17,  1  sq. :  nuntio  tibi  fuisse  me  hodie  in  auditorio 
Calpurni  Pisonis  (Cons.  111?),  recitabat  xcciaCTsqi^afnav  eruditam  sane 
.  .  materiam.  scripta  elegis  erat  fluentibus  et  teneris  et  enodibus, 
sublimibus  etiam  etc. 

6.  Plin.  Ej).  IV  27:  audivi  recitantem  Sentium  (Borghesi:  Serium) 
Augurinum  cum  .  .  admiratione.  poematia  appellat.  multa  tenuiter, 
multa  sublimiter,  multa  venuste,  multa  .  .  cum  bile.  He  subjoins  a 
specimen  in  hendecasyllabics  in  the  manner  of  Catullus,  Calvus  and 
Pliny  (below  335,  4).  Cf.  ib.  IX  8:  omnia  scripta  tua  pulcherrima, 
maxime  tamen  ilia  de  nobis. 

7.  Plin.  Ep.  VI  21,  2:  nuper  audivi  Vergilium  Romanum  paucis 
legentem  comoediam  ad  exemplar  veteris  comoediae  scriptam.  (4.)  scripsit 
mimiambos,  .  .  scripsit  comoedias  Menandrum  aliosque  aetatis  eiusdem 
aemulatus.  .  .  nunc  primum  se  in  vetere  comoedia  .  .  ostendit.  non 
illi  vis,  .  .  non  amaritudo,  non  lepos  defuit.  ornavit  virtutes,  insectatus 
est  vitia,  fictis  nominibus  decenter,  veris  usus  est  apte.  circa  me  .  . 
benignitate  nimia  modum  excessit  etc. 

8.  M.  Pomponius  M.  f.  Bassulusinan  inscription  of  Aeclanum 
ap.  Mommsen  I.  R.  N.  1137  =;  Henzen  5605  =  Biicheler,  Greifswald 
List  of  Lectures  1870,  p.  12:  ne  more  pecoris  otio  transfungerer, 
Menandri  paucas  vorti  scitas  fabulas,  et  ipsus  etiam  sedulo  fmxi  novas. 
id  quale  qualest  chartis  mandatum  diu.  The  correctness  of  the  lines 
and  the  personal  circumstances  of  the  author  render  it  probable  to 
assign  these  lines  to  the  second  half  of  the  first  century  (Mommsen 
Hermes  III  p.  465—467)  or  to  the  time  of  Trajan  (Biicheler).  On  the  text 
see  Bergk  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  1870,  p.  826,  n.  3. 


Vergilius  Romanus  and  others.      Tacitus.  163 

9.  As  poets  are  mentioned  in  general  terms  Silius  Proculus 
(Plin.  Ep.  Ill  15),  Cluvienus  (Juv.  1,  80);  and  merely  as  writers  Julius 
Avitus  (quantum  legit,  quantum  scripsit!  Plin.  Ep.  V  21,  5),  Geminus 
(ib.  IX  11,  1),  Atrius  or  Satrius  (ib.  IX  35),  Nonius  Maximus  (ib.  IV 
20  cf.  V  5). 

10.  On  Annius  Florus  see  below  336,  7. 


328.    Among   the   prose- writers    of  the  time  of  Trajan 
the  first  place  is  occupied  by  Cornelius  Tacitus  (c.   A.  D. 
54 — 119),    Cons.  a.  97.    His  best  years,  like  those  of  Juvenal, 
belonged  to  the  reign  of  Domitian,  when  fear  and  indignation, 
repressed  without  any  possibility  of  discharge,  embittered  all 
thought  and  feeling.    His  sympathies  belonged  to  the  aristo- 
cratic repubhc,  but  his  intellect  convinced  him  of  the  necessity 
of  monarchic  institutions.    He  also  possessed  the  aversion  to 
boisterous  conduct  and  precipitate  action  peculiar  to  aristocrats 
and  doctrinaires,    and    shared   the    prevalent  sentiment  of 
resignation,  which  he  also  endeavoured  to  justify  theoretically. 
As  historian,  Tacitus  endeavoured  in  the  first  place  to  ascer- 
tain the  facts.  He  followed  the  best  sources,  though  frequently 
without   naming   them,    and  sifted   them  with  strict  criticism. 
He   candidly   states   the  results  of  his  conscientious  investi- 
gations,  while   his    own   views    are  generally  merely  implied 
in  the  careful  wording  of  his  sentences.    He  treats  his  subject 
in  a  pragmatical  manner,    zealously  inquiring  into  the  causes 
of  actions,  which  he  traces  partly  in  the  circumstances,  partly 
in    the    characters.     The   first   he  sometimes   declares  to  be 
necessary   and    decreed   by  Fate,    sometimes    accidental.    He 
is  fond  of  tracing  the  psychological  connexion  of  facts,  and  in 
the    delineation     of    characters    and    psychological    analysis 
Tacitus    displays   unequalled   mastery.    The  key-note  of  his 
work  is,  like  his  subject-matter,  serious,  melancholy  and  even 
bitter.     This  historian  avoids  all  that  might  impair  his  dignified 
bearing,  rhetorical  display  as  well  as  passionate  outpourings; 
but  he  knows  how  to  increase  his  dignity  by  artistic  accuracy 
and    calculation    and   by  a  very  peculiar  diction.     Though  he 
wavered  some  time  between  the  models  of  the  classical  period,  he 
finally  decided  in  favour  of  the  poetically  coloured  and  pointed 
style  of  his  contemporaries,  but  in  so  doing  the  epigrammatic 
novelty  and  audacity  of  his  diction  even  enhanced  the  peculiarities 


164  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

of   silver  Latinity,    while    its    difficulties   force   the  reader  to 
stop  and  reflect  on  his  way  through  the  work. 

1.  On  his  praenomen,  perhaps  Publius.  In  the  Med.  I.  the 
heading  P.  Cornelii  Taciti  is  by  a  modern  hand;  the  subscriptions  have 
P.  Cornelii,  and  even  these  partly  by  later  hands.  W.  Studemund, 
Eos  II  p.  224  sq.,  cf.  L.  Urlichs,  ibid.  11  p.227.  I  p.  246.  The  prae- 
nomen C.  is  found  e.  g.  in  the  codex  Farnesianus  (C.  Cornelii  Taciti  .  . 
liber  primus  etc.  incipit)  and  in  the  mss.  of  Sidonius  Apollinaris  Ep.  IV 
14  in.  (C.  or  Caius  Tacitus  .  .  Ulpianorum  temporum  consularis)  and 
22  (cum  Cornelius  C.  Secundo  paria  suasisset),  in  either  rather  an 
abbre\dation  of  Cornelius  or  (as  in  other  cases,  see  above  82,  1) 
originated  from  the  first  letter  of  the  principal  name.  The  ancient 
writers  who  mention  Tacitus  (e.  g.  Pliny  the  younger,  Flav.  Vopisc. 
Aurelian.  2,  1;  Oros.  VII  10,  19;  Sidon.  Apoll.  carm.  XXIII  154)  do  not 
mention  his  praenomen.  In  the  subscriptions  of  the  Med.  II  he  is 
simply  called  Cornelius  Tacitus. 

2.  His  birthplace.  Flavins  Vopiscus  (Tac.  10,  3)  relates  of  the 
Emperor  Tacitus  (a  275 — 276):  Cornelium  Tacitum,  scriptorem  historiae 
augustae,  quod  parentem  suum  eundem  diceret,  in  omnibus  bybliothecis 
conlocari  iussit,  et  ne  lectorum  incuria  deperiret  librum  per  annos 
singulos  decies  scribi  publicitus  in  cunctis  archivis  iussit  et  in  byblio- 
thecis poni.  As  this  Emperor  was  a  native  of  Interamna  and  had 
there,  like  his  brother  Florianus,  a  statue  with  a  cenotaph  (Vopisc. 
Florian.  2,  1  =  Tac.  15,  1),  it  was  rashly  assumed  that  the  historian 
was  likewise  born  there,  and  the  modern  town  of  Terni  raised  him  a 
statue  in  1514  (Angeloni,  storia  di  Terni  p.  42  sqq.).  But  even  though 
the  Emperor  and  the  historian  Tac.  were  actually  related,  this  would 
not  yet  establish  the  identity  of  their  birthplace ;  nay  the  designation 
of  Sejanus  as  municipalis  adulter  (A.  IV  3)  renders  it  inprobable  that 
the  historian  was  born  in  a  municipium.  We  should  then  assume  that 
he  was  born  at  Rome. 

3.  Plin.  n.  h.  VII  17,  76  after  mentioning  a  case  of  premature 
bodily  development  attended  by  premature  death:  ipsi  non  pridem 
vidimus  eadem  ferme  omnia  .  .  in  filio  Cornell  Taciti  equitis  romani, 
Belgicae  Galliae  rationes  procurantis.  He  probably  was  the  father  of 
the  historian;  at  least  the  time  agrees  with  this  assumption.  It  is 
certain  that  Tacitus  was  descended  from  a  noble  and  rich  family,  as 
his  education  and  political  career  show  this. 

4.  The  year  in  which  Tac.  was  born  can  only  conjecturally  be 
found  out  by  combining  various  facts.  If  Dial.  1  he  says  that  he 
listened  to  that  conversation  (which  happened  a.  75  or  76,  below  329, 
n.  2)  iuvenis  admodum,  this  would  lead  us  to  his  eighteenth  or 
twentieth  year,  so  that  his  birth  would  be  placed  about  a.  56—59, 
Tacitus  himself  (Agr.  7)  describing  Domitian  at  the  age  of  18  or  19 
as    iuvenis    admodum.     But    other    writers  use  the  same  expression  of 


I 
I 


Tacitus.  165 

persons  at  the  age  of  21  to  23  years.  Agr.  9:  consul  (a.  77  =  830) 
egregiae  turn  spei  filiam  iuveni  mihi  despondit  ac  post  consulatum 
(i.  e.  a.  78)  collocavit  et  statim  Britanniae  praepositus  est.  Tac.  does 
not  seem  to  have  had  children  by  this  marriage  about  the  time  of 
Agricola^s  death ,  as  they  could  not  well  have  remained  unnoticed 
in  the  epilogue  to  the  life  of  Agricola. 

5.  On  his  rhetorical  training  and  practice.  Dial.  2:  M.  Aper  et 
lulius  Secundus  (above  310,  3  sq.),  .  .  quos  ego  in  iudiciis  non  utrosque 
modo  studiose  audiebara  sed  domi  quoque  et  in  publico  assectabar, 
mira  studiorum  cupiditate  et  quodam  ardore  iuvenili  etc.  It  is  possible 
that  Quintilian  (above  320,  4)  instructed  also  Tacitus.  Cf.  Plin.  Ep. 
VII  20,  4:  equidem  adolescentulus,  cum  iam  tu  fama  gloriaque  (as  orator) 
floreres,  te  sequi,  tibi  'longo,  sed  proximus,  intervallo'  et  esse  et  haberi 
concupiscebam.  IV  13,  11  to  Tac. :  rogo  ut  ex  copia  studiosorum  quae 
ad  te  ex  admiratione  ingenii  tui  convenit  circumspicias  praeceptores 
quos  sollicitare  possimus.  IX  23,  2:  numqum  maiorem  cepi  voluptatem 
quam  nuper  ex  sermone  Cornell  Taciti.  narrabat  sedisse  se  cum 
quodam  circensibus  proximis.  hunc  post  varios  eruditosque  sermones 
requisisse:  'Italicus  es  an  provincialis .«"  se  respondisse :  'nosti  me,  et 
quidem  ex  studiis,'  ad  hoc  ilium:  'Tacitus  es  an  Plinius?'  Of  the 
philosophical  systems  Tac.  is  acquainted  only  with  the  Epicurean  and 
Stoic,  but  even  there  his  studies  cannot  have  been  very  deep  •  see 
Agr.  4  (above  40,  2).  On  his  speeches  see  PHn.  Ep.  II  1,  6:  laudatus 
est  (Verginius  Kufus)  a  consule  Cornelio  Tacito;  nam  hie  supremus 
felicitati  eius  cumulus  accessit,  laudator  eloquentissimus.  id.  II  11,  2: 
ego  et  Cornelius  Tacitus,  adesse  provincialibus  (of  Africa)  iussi  (a.  100); 
11,  17:  respondit  Cornelius  Tacitus  eloquentissime  et  quod  eximium 
orationi  eius  inest,  af/ut/(og.  11,  9:  quod  ego  et  Tacitus  iniuncta  ad- 
vocatione  diligenter  et  fortiter  functi  essemus. 

6.  His  political  career.  Hist.  I  I:  dignitatem  nostram  a  Ves- 
pasiano  (f  79  A.  D.)  incohatam,  a  Tito  (June  79  until  Sept.  81)  auctam, 
a  Domitiano  (a.  81 — 96)  longius  provectam  non  abnuerim.  The  general 
commencement  was  the  quaestorship,  which  Tac.  obtained  a.  79  at  the 
very  latest,  and  as  this  presupposed  the  age  of  at  least  25  years,  we 
should  again  be  obliged  to  assume  a.  54  as  the  latest  year  in  which 
he  could  have  been  born.  Hence  Fr.  Haase  understands  his  incohata 
dignitas  of  the  XXviratus ,  L.  Urlichs  (de  Agr.  p.  25  'Festgruss' 
p.  5  sq.)  of  the  XVviratus.  The  next  step  after  the  quaestorship  was 
the  tribuneship  or  aedileship.  Agricola  had  been  trib.  pleb.  (Agr.  6); 
it  is,  however,  possible  that  aucta  is  in  favour  of  the  assumption  that 
Tac.  became  an  aedile.  This  second  dignity  Tac.  would  have  held 
a.  81  at  the  latest.  Under  Domitian  his  further  advancement  (to  the 
praetorship)  was  delayed.  A.  XI  11:  is  quoque  (Domitianus)  edidit 
ludos  saeculares  (septimos  Domitianus  se  XIV  et  L.  Minucio  Rufo  coss., 
anno  DCCCXXXXI,  Censorin.  d.  n.  17,  11  ;  i.  e.  A.  D.  88  =  841  V.  C.) 
usque  intentius  affui  sacerdotio  quindecimvirali  praeditus  ac  tunc  praetor. 
—  Of  Agricola,  who    died   in   August   93,   Agr.    45:   nobis   tam   longae 


166  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

absentiae  (from  Rome,  perhaps  owing  to  his  official  duties,  say  as  a  prae- 
torial  legate  in  Germany)  condicione  ante  quadriennium  amissus  est. 
But  Tacitus  must  have  returned  to  Rome  soon  afterwards,  on  account 
of  Agr.  45 :  mox  (after  Agricola's  death)  nostrae  duxere  Helvidium  in 
carcerem  manus,  nos  Maurici  Rusticique  visus,  nos  innocenti  sanguine 
Senecio  perfudit.  .  .  praecipua  sub  Domitiano  miseriarum  pars  erat 
videre  et  aspici.  He  became  consul  under  Nerva,  a.  97  see  n.  5.  Tacitus 
seems  to  have  lived  until  Adrian's  accession  (Aug.  117)  and  his  death  seems 
to  have  taken  place  between  117  and  120.  His  intention  (A.  IV  24)  to 
write  also  the  history  of  the  Augustan  age  remained  unfulfilled. 

7.  His  own  views  concerning  his  position  towards  the  past  are  ex- 
pressed by  Tacitus  in  the  word  he  attributes  to  C.  Cassius,  A.  XIV  43: 
saepenumero,  P.  C,  in  hoc  ordine  interfui  cum  contra  instituta  et  leges 
maiorum  nova  senatus  decreta  postularentur,  neque  sum  adversatus,  non 
quia  dubitarem  super  omnibus  negotiis  melius  atque  rectius  olim  pro- 
visum  et  quae  converterentur  in  deterius  mutari,  sed  ne  nimio  amore 
antiqui  moris  studium  meum  extoUere  viderer.  simul  quidquid  hoc  in 
nobis  auctoritatis  est  crebris  contradictionibus  destruendum  non  existi- 
mabam,  ut  maneret  integrum  si  quando  resp.  consiliis  eguisset.  This 
is  scarcely  contradicted  by  the  expressions  used  A.  HI  55  to  convey 
the  writer''s  personal  opinion:  nisi  forte  rebus  cunctis  inest  quidam 
velut  orbis  .  .  nee  omnia  apud  priores  meliora,  sed  nostra  quoque 
aetas  multa  laudis  et  artium  imitanda  posteris  tulit.  Cf.  H.  I  3  in. 
Tacitus  is  very  bitter  when  the  grand  antecedents  of  Rome  are  used 
as  the  motives  of  vexations  in  his  own  time,  cf.  A.  IH  66.  IV  19,  Anti- 
quus  and  prisons  are  always  used  by  him  to  denote  praise,  e.  g.  H.  II 
5.  64.  A.  VI  32.  It  should  also  be  observed  with  what  warmth  he  ex- 
presses himself  A.  HI  60:  magna  eius  diei  species  fuit,  quo  senatus 
maiorum  beneficia,  sociorum  pacta,  regum  etiam  .  .  decreta  ipsorumque 
numinum  religiones  introspexit,  libero,  ut  quondam,  quid  firmaret  mu- 
taretve.  Altogether  Tacitus'  mode  of  thinking  is  quite  aristocratic  even 
in  its  prejudices,  and  to  noble  blood  he  always  attaches  high  value; 
see  A.  IV  3.  VI  27  in.  XIV  14.  Concerning  slaves  and  barbarians  he 
shares  the  prejudices  of  the  Romans  (e.  g.  A.  I  76.  II  85.  XI  36.  Germ. 
23.  33.  Hist.  V  2  sqq.  13)  and  only  in  very  rare  instances  (Agr.  30. 
A.  II  88.  IV  72)  does  he  seem  susceptible  of  the  independent  sense  of 
others. 

8.  Among  the  three  possible  kinds  of  government  (cunctas  nationes 
et  urbes  populus  aut  primores  aut  singuli  regunt,  A.  IV  33)  the  repu- 
blican form  is  in  Tacitus'  opinion  decidedly  the  freer  form  (A.  VI 
42),  but  in  the  interest  of  civil  peace  (Dial.  36.  Hist.  I  1)  and  in  con- 
sequence of  the  decline  of  the  period  (H.  II  37)  as  well  as  the  im- 
mense extent  of  the  Empire  (H.  II  38)  the  republic  has  become  im- 
possible and  the  monarchy  necessary  (H.  I  16).  It  is  therefore  un- 
avoidable that  the  individual  should  be  resigned  and  take  things  and 
people  as  they  are  (e.  g.  bonos  imperatores  voto  expetere,  qualescumque 
tolerare,   H.  IV  8  cf.  74)  and  attempt  to  steer  his  course  through  these 


Tacitus.  167 

difficult  circumstances  so  as  neither  to  injure  his  honour  nor  expose 
himself  to  dangers,  by  finding  a  road  midway  inter  abruptam  contu- 
maciam et  deforme  obsequium  (A.  IV  20),  Men  who  had  succeeded  in 
this,  moderate  liberals  who  knew  how  to  take  the  extant  state  of  things 
into  due  consideration,  and  who  restrained  their  liberal  tendencies  (modum 
et  temperamentum  adhibere,  Dial.  41.  A.  IV  20),  non  contumacia  atque 
inani  iactatione  libertatis  famam  fatumque  provocabant  (Agr.  42),  utilia 
honestis  miscebant  (Agr.  8),  are  therefore  fully  appreciated  by  Tac. ; 
e.  g.  Man.  Lepidus  (A.  IV  20),  L.  Piso  (A.  VI  10),  C.  Cassius  (A.  XH 
12.  XIV  43),  Agricola  (Agr.  8.  42).  But  such  men  as  Helvidius  Priscus 
(H.  IV  6)  and  Paetus  Thrasea  (A.  XIV  12)  are  not  exactly  men  he  likes ; 
he  does  not  indeed  detract  the  merit  of  those  who  dare  die  for  their 
convictions  (cf.  A.  VI  34  sq.  XV  57.  XVI  16),  but  still  he  feels  that  by 
the  side  of  such  men  of  action,  men  of  the  secret  pen  cannot  occupy 
a  very  brilliant  position.  In  general  he  followed  under  Domitian  the 
advice  of  the  experienced  Seneca  (Ep.  14,  7):  sapiens  numquam  poten- 
tium  iras  provocabit,  immo  declinabit,  non  alitor  quam  in  navigando 
procellam.  (ib.  8:)  sapiens  nocituram  potentiam  vitat,  hoc  primum  cavens 
ne  vitare  videatur.  pars  enim  securitatis  et  in  hoc  est  non  ex  professo 
eam  fugere,  quia  quae  quis  fugit  damnat.     See  above  282,  1  fin. 

9.  The  spectacle  of  a  despotism  spreading  with  fatal  power  and 
crushing  the  noblest  aims  and  characters  that  are  in  its  way,  while 
those  who  would  have  deserved  death  a  thousand  times  are  not  caught 
by  punishment  or  but  too  late,  often  troubles  the  historian's  ideas  of 
divine  justice;  in  his  dark  night  he  looks  in  vain  for  the  guiding  hand 
of  some  god  to  show  him  light.  From  what  he  sees,  he  infers  the 
indifference  or  even  enmity  of  the  gods  to  mankind.  H.  I  3 :  adprobatum 
est  non  esse  curae  deis  securitatem  nostram,  esse  ultionem.  II  38 : 
eadem  illos  deum  ira,  eadem  hominum  rabies,  eaedem  scelerum  causae 
in  discordiam  egere.  Ill  72 :  propitiis,  si  per  mores  nostros  liceret, 
deis.  A.  IV  1 :  deum  ira  in  rem  Rom.  XVI  33 :  aequitate  deum  erga 
bona  malaque  documenta.  XIV  12 :  quae  (prodigia)  adeo  sine  cura 
deum  eveniebant  ut  multos  post  annos  Nero  imperium  et  scelera  con- 
tinuaverit.  Cf.  Hist.  I  86.  IV  26.  As  Tac.  holds  these  views  on  mira- 
cles, he  scarcely  ever  condescends  to  mention  them.  Only  in  the  Hist, 
(e.  g.  I  18.  II  50.  Ill  56.  V  13)  and  in  the  last  books  of  the  Annals 
(XII  43.  64.  XIV  32.  XV  7.  47)  he  mentions  them  occasionally,  probably 
owing  to  his  sources.  In  this  detail  we  may  also  observe  that  Tac. 
does  not  follow  any  definite  philosophical  system;  but  bis  moral  con- 
victions m'Tst  frequently  coincide  with  those  of  the  Stoa. 

10.  Works  on  the  political  and  religious  views  of  Tac.  Silvern  p. 
128  sqq.  C.  Hoffmeister,  the  Moral  Views  of  Tac.  p.  13  sqq.  78  sqq.  C. 
Zell,  Vacation-writings  III  p.  67 — 129.  Kirschbaum,  quid  Tac.  senserit 
de  rebus  publicis.  Jena  1856.  F.  Haase,  praef.  p.  XXX— XLIX.  C. 
Nipperdey,  edition  of  the  Ann.  p.  XII — XVI.  Staudlin,  on  the  philo- 
sophy and  mode  of  thought  of  Tac,  in  Conz's  Contributions  1786.  p. 
144  sqq.  and  in  Staudlin's  History  of  Scepticism  II  p.  297  sqq.     J.  Ky- 


168  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

naston,  de  impietate  Tacito  falso  obiectata,  Oxford  1761.  4.  J.  C.  Wolf, 
de  divina  mimdi  moderatione  e  mente  Taciti,  Fulda  1830.  F.  H.  A. 
Haage,  Tac.  ab  impietatis  crimine  vindicatus,  ad  Hist.  I  3.  Liineburg 
1840.  4.  F.  A.  Scharpff,  on  the  political  and  religious  views  of  Tac, 
Rottvveil  1843.  4.  Kahlert,  Taciti  sententiae  de  diis  et  deorum  regimine, 
Breslau  1844,  Neustadt  1847.  4.  Fabian,  quid  Tac.  de  numine  divine 
iudicaverit,  Bresl.  1852.  J.  Baumann,  in  Jahn's  Jahrb.  LXXIX  p.  257 
— 281.  J.  G.  Pfaff,  the  views  of  Tac.  concerning  morality,  Marburg 
1858.  Fr.  Voigtland,  quid  senserit  Tac.  de  divina  rerum  humanarum 
moderatione,  Schleusingen  1870.  19  pp.  4. 

11.  As  his  sources  Tac.  mentions  the  acta  diurna  (A.  Ill  3.  XIII 
31.  XVI  22),  the  acta  senatus  (A.  V  4.  XV  74),  Agrippinae  commentarii 
(A.  IV  53),  G.  Plinius  (H.  Ill  28.  A.  I  69),  Corbulo  (A.  XV  16),  Vipsta- 
nus  Messala  (H.  Ill  25.  28),  Cluvius  (A.  XIII  20.  XIV  2),  Fabius  Rusticus 
A.  XIII  20.  XIV  2.  XV  61),  Sisenna  (H.  Ill  51).  But  as  a  rule  he  speaks 
only  generally  of  scriptores  annalium  (A.  IV  53),  scriptores  senatores- 
que  eorundem  temporum  (A.  II  88),  celeberrimi  auctores  (H.  Ill  51), 
plurimi  maximeque  fidi  auctores  (A.  IV  10),  temporum  illorum  scriptores 
(A.  XII  67.  XIII  17),  temporis  eius  auctores  (A.  V  9  and  elsewhere), 
scriptores  temporum  qui  monumenta  huius  belli  composuerunt  (H.  II 
101),  or  omnes,  plerique,  plurimi,  multi,  quidam,  alii  auctores  tradunt- 
The  instances  in  which  he  appeals  to  oral  sources,  are  not  scarce  (A. 
Ill  16:  audire  me  memini  ex  senioribus;  cf.  XI  27.  XV  41.  73).  Incase 
his  authorities  differ,  he  either  decides  for  the  best  attested  or  for  that 
which  is  of  itself  more  probable;  e.  g.  A.  IV  11:  haec  vulgo  iactata, 
super  id  quod  nullo  auctore  certo  firmantur,  prompte  refutaveris  (as 
mprobable  in  themselves ;  cf.  XIV  2).  He  frequently  also  suspends  his  judg- 
ment (H.  II  28.  A.  I  81.  V  10.  VI  7.  XIII  20);  but  elsewhere  he  contrasts 
the  result  of  his  reflexions  or  investigations  with  the  relations  of  his 
sources  (H.  II  101:  scriptores  .  .  tradiderunt.  nobis  videntur.  A.  II  37: 
nvenio  apud  quosdam  auctores,  .  .  ego  reor.  Cf.  ib.  VI  7).  See  in 
general  Meierotto,  de  fontibus  quos  Tac.  .  .  videatur  secutus,  Leipz. 
and  Berl.  1795.  fol.  H.  Justus,  de  fide  Taciti,  Zittau  1827.  Botticher 
ex.  Tac.  p.  XIX— XXIII.  R.  E.  Prutz,  de  fontibus  quos  in  conscribendis 
rebus  a  Tiberio  usque  ad  mortem  Neronis  gestis  auctores  secuti  vide- 
antur,  Halle  1838.  Nipperdey  in  his  edition  of  the  Annals  p.  XVI — 
XVIII.  L.  Schiller  in  Miitzell's  Zeitschr.  f.  Gymn.  VII.  1853.  p.  280-291. 
Friedlieb,  on  Josephus,  Tacitus,  Suetonius  and  Dio  as  sources  for  the 
investigation  of  early  Christian  history,  in  Th.  Wiedemann's  Austrian 
quarterly  Journal  for  Roman  Cathohc  Theology  I  (1862).  Reichau, 
de  fontium  delectu  quem  in  Tiberii  vita  moribusque  describendis  Velleius, 
Tacitus,  Suetonius,  Dio  habuerunt,  Konigsberg  1865.  Th.  Mommsen, 
Corn.  Tac.  and  Cluvius  Rufus,  Hermes  IV  p.  295—325.  Nisscn,  Rhein. 
Mus.  XXVI  p.  509  sqq.  540.     Cf.  n.  14  sq. 

12.  The  pragmatic  treatment  of  Tac:  ut  non  modo  casus  eventus- 
que  rerum,  qui  plerumque  fortuiti  sunt,  sed  ratio  causaeque  noscantur 


Tacitus.  169 

(H.  I  4).  But  on  the  relation  of  accident  to  human  liberty  and  the 
necessity  of  fate,  Tac.  expresses  contradictory  views ;  see  Siivern  p. 
126—134.  Hoffmeister,  the  Moral  Views  of  T.,  p.  114  sq.  117—121. 
Nipperdey  p.  XII — XIV.  Comp.  e.  g.  A.  Ill  18:  raihi,  quanto  plura 
recentium  sen  veterum  revolvo,  tanto  magis  ludibria  rerum  mortalium 
cunctis  in  negotiis  obversantur.  IV  20:  dubitare  cogor,  fato  et  sorte 
nascendi  .  .  an  sit  aliquid  in  nostris  consiliis.  V4.  fatali  quodam  motu 
.  .  sen  prava  sollertia.  VI  22:  mihi  haec  ac  talia  audienti  incerto  indicium 
est  fatone  res  mortalium  et  necessitate  immutabili  an  forte  volvantur. 
In  numerous  instances  Tac.  places  the  natural  and  the  transcendental 
explanation  of  a  fact  side  by  side  without  any  attempt  at  mediation 
(e.  g.  Varus  fato  et  vi  Arminii  cecidit,  A.  I  55  cf.  Siivern  p.  131,  n.  2) 
or  also  the  fatalistic  and  the  theistic  view  (e.  g.  fatum  et  ira  dei,  H. 
IV  26.  Hoffmeister  p.  109  sq.).  In  the  majority  of  cases  he  prefers 
the  immanent  causes  and  only  when  he  cannot  perceive  them  clearly, 
he  assumes  the  influence  of  fate. 

13.  Despotism  creates  in  its  surroundings  a  perfect  mastery  in 
refined  psychological  observation.  Unable  to  let  his  life  issue  forth,  the 
individual  descends  into  the  depths  of  his  breast;  and  obliged  to  read 
in  the  features  of  the  despot  both  his  own  fate  and  that  of  others, 
he  becomes  skilled  in  the  symptoms  of  psychic  life  and  learns  how 
to  find  his  way  in  the  maze  of  a  human  breast.  Tacitus  possesses  this 
mastery  to  quite  an  unusual  degree;  fine  psychological  observations 
abound  in  him,  e.  g.  A.  IV  3:  neque  femina  amissa  pudicitia  alia  ab-, 
nuerit.  XIV  4:  facili  feminarum  credulitate  ad  gaudia.  Agr.  42:  pro- 
prium  humani  ingeni  est  odisse  quem  laeseris.  A.  XIV  62:  graviore 
odio,  quia  malorum  facinorum  ministri  quasi  exprobrantes  aspiciuntur. 
XII  67:  baud  ignarus  summa  scelera  incipi  cum  periculo,  peragi  cum 
praemio.  IV  18:  beneficia  eo  usque  laeta  sunt  dum  videntur  exsolvi 
posse;  ubi  multum  antevenere,  pro  gratia  odium  redditur.  V  2:  facetiiis 
acerbis,  quarum  apud  praepotentes  in  longum  memoria  est.  XIV  14: 
ut  est  volgus  cupiens  voluptatum  et  si  eodem  princeps  trahat  laetus. 
H.  I  56:  quod  in  seditionibus  accidit,  unde  plures  erant  omnes  fuere. 
II  80:  quaeritur  tempus,  locus,  quodque  in  re  tali  difficillimum  est, 
prima  vox.  Tac.  is  especially  skilled  in  tracing  the  secret  springs  of 
action,  unmasking  hypocrisy,  anatomically  dissecting  psychic  procee- 
dings, and  in  fine  and  pertinent  delineations  of  characters.  Especially 
famous  is  his  showing  how  Tiberius  gradually  became  a  monster  from 
having  originally  been  a  good  ruler.  See  above  270,  1.  Yet  Tacitus' 
tendency  to  discover  bad  motives  in  everything  appears  also  in  his 
manner  of  treating  even  the  good  actions  of  Tiberius  in  the  first 
part  of  his  reign  as  mere  hypocrisy.  Still  Tac.  retains  a  mind  acces- 
sible to  the  just  appreciation  of  real  nobility  and  goodness.  Germanicus 
is  a  decided  favourite  of  his;  but  even  in  lower  spheres  he  likes  to 
draw  attention  to  noble  elements  (e.  g.  H.  Ill  23.  IV  50).  His  psychic 
interest  frequently  even  surpasses  his  historical  interest  and  causes  Tac. 
to   neglect   the   real  connexion  of  the   events  in  many  instances.     This 


170  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

interest  does  not,  however,  extend  to  real  partiality,  and  altogether  we 
should  acknowledge  that  he  remained  faithful  to  his  intention  of 
writing  sine  ira  et  studio  (n.  1).  See  also  Fechner,  de  Taciti  historica 
arte  iis  conspicua  quae  de  Germanico  et  Seiano  memoriae  prodita  sunt, 
Bromberg  1867.  4. 

14.  Hist  II  50:  ut  conquirere  fabulosa  et  ficiis  oblectare  legentium 
animos  procul  gravitate  coepti  operis  crediderim,  ita  volgatis  traditisque 
demere  fidem  non  ausim.  Historical  excursuses  are  therefore  compa- 
ratively scarce,  though  some   are    found  H.  II  3.  38.    Ill  72.    IV  83  sq. 

V  2  sqq.  A.  IV  26  sqq.  (de  principiis  iuris).  VI  11  (praefecti  urbis). 
12  (libri  sibyllini).  16  (leges  funebres).  21  sq.  (astrology).  XI  22  (quae- 
storship).  Such  long  speeches  as  we  have  in  Agricola  do  not  recur  in 
the  later  works ;  brief  ones  occur  e.  g.  H.  I  83  sq.  II  76  sq.  IV  42.  58. 
64  sq.  73  sq,  A.  I  42  sq.  58  sq.  II  37  sq.  71.  Ill  12.  50.  IV  34  sq.  37  sq. 

V  6.  VI  8;  in  or.  obliqua  A.  II  14  sq.  45  sq.  Expositions  of  motives 
in  speeches  pro  and  con  occur  e.  g.  A.  II  76  sq.  Documents  (chiefly 
letters)  A.  Ill  16.  53  sq.  IV  39  sq.  In  agreement  with  the  general 
rhetorical  treatment  of  his  subjects,  Tac.  does  not  think  very  highly  of 
details.  A.  Ill  65 :  exequi  sententias  (votes  of  the  Senate)  hand  institui 
nisi  insignes  per  honestum  aut  notabili  dedecore,  quod  praecipuum 
munus  annalium  reor  ne  virtutes  sileantur  utque  pravis  dictis  factisque 
ex  posteritate  et  infamia  metus  sit.  Cf.  XIII  31  (cum  ex  dignitate  po- 
pu-li  rom.  repertum  sit  res  illustres  annalibus,  talia  diurnis  urbis  actis 
mandare).  On  the  other  hand  VI  7  extr. :  nobis  pleraque  digna  cognitu 
obvenere,  quamquam  ab  aliis  incelebrata.     Cf.  A.  IV  53.  Hist.  IV  83. 

15.  Tacitus  is  never  carried  awaj^  by  passion:  which  would  be  a 
bad  offence  against  the  'grandezza'  of  Roman  aristocracy  and  unsui- 
table to  the  oppressed  state  of  the  minds  of  the  time  in  which  he  lived 
and  wrote.  In  spite  of  its  elevation,  his  tone  is  therefore  at  once  M 
quiet  and  calm,  so  that  neither  hatred  nor  horror  or  contempt  can  ^ 
ever  push  it  beyond  the  line  of  moderation.  Tac.  also  shares  the 
general  aversion  of  rhetoric  to  bold  expressions,  and  ugly  things  are 
unpleasant  to  his  aristocratic  manner.  On  the  other  hand  he  does  not 
disdain  rhetorical  or  poetical  embellishment,  and  often  alludes  to  Virgil; 
see  E.  Wolfflin,  Philol.  XXVI  p.  130—132.  A.  Drager,  on  the  Syntax 
and  Style  of  Tac.  p.  184-106. 

16.  W.  Botticher  sums  up  the  principal  pecuharities  of  Tacitus' 
style  as  varietas,  brevitas,  poeticus  color.  It  has  repeatedly  been  ob- 
served that  these  did  not  exist  in  equal  extent  from  the  beginning  of 
T.'s  literary  career,  and  that  T.'s  style  reached  the  acme  of  its  pecu- 
liarities in  the  Annals,  and  also  that  it  varies  according  to  humour  or 
subject-matter  (e.  g.  in  narrative  and  orations);  the  details  have  been 
collected  by  E.  Wolfflin,  Philol.  XXV  p.  92—108.  133  sq.  Other  works 
on  the  style  and  diction  of  Tac.  are:  Lundblad  (Lund  1789.  4.),  J.  Gr. 
Buhle  (Brunswick  1817),  Giinther  in  the  Athenaeum  II  2.  p.  262  sqq. 
J.  E.  Wernicke,    de    elocutione    Taciti,  Thorn  1829.  4.    1830.  8.     K.  L. 


Tacitus.  171 

Roth,  Tac.  synonyma  et  per  figuram  «V  did  dvo7v  dicta,  Niirnberg  1826. 
4.  and  in  the  Excursuses  of  his  edition  of  Agricola.  N.  Bach  before 
the  second  vol.  of  his  edition.  W.  Botticher,  lexicon  Taciteum,  Berlin 
1830.  L.  Doderlein,  in  his  ed.  II  1847.  p.  XXII— L VIII.  Jungclaussen 
de  Tac.  sermonis  proprietate,  Kiel  1848.  4.  C.  J.  Grysar,  on  the  pecu- 
liarities of  the  diction  and  latinity  of  Tac,  Journal  for  Austrian  Gymn. 
IV  1853.  p.  1—42.  Nipperdey  in  his  ed.  of  the  Annals  p.  XX— XXIV. 
C.  Gobel,  de  poetico  Tacitei  stili  colore,  Berlin  1859.  39  pp.  8.  P. 
Joachim,  nonnulla  de  elocutione  Taciti,  I.  Gorlitz  1862.  4.  A.  Gerber^ 
de  particularum  quadam  in  sermone  Taciti  proprietate,  Kaschau  1863. 
4.;  and  De  particula  an,  Pesth  1865.  4.  U.  Zernial,  selecta  quaedara  ca- 
pita ex  genetivi  usu  Taciteo,  Gottingen  1864.  96  pp.  8.  and  Nonnulla 
de  elocutione  T.,  Burg  1868.  4.  F.  Hiittemann,  de  usu  subiunctivi  re- 
lativi  et  absoluti  apud  Taciturn,  Miinster  1864.  Ph.  Spitta,  de  Tac.  in 
componendis  enuntiatis  ratione,  I.  Gottingen  1866.  160  pp.  8.  E.  Wofflin. 
on  a  grecism  in  Tac.  hitherto  unobserved  (tamquam  and  quasi  =  w?), 
Philologus  XXIV  p.  115 — 123.  M.  Morgenroth,  de  condicionalium  sen- 
tentiarum  apud  Tac.  formatione,  Salzungen  1868.  P.  Czensny,  de  infi- 
nitive Tac.  I.  Breslau  1868.  A.  Greef,  de  praepositionum  usu  ap.  Tac. 
I.  Getting.  1869.  A.  A.  Drager,  on  the  Syntax  and  Style  of  Tac,  Leip- 
zig 1868.     Storch,  Grammatical  observations  on  Tac,  Memel  1868.  4, 

17.     General    works    on  Tacitus.     Meierotto    de  .  .  Taciti  moribus. 
Berlin  1790.  fol.     Hegewisch,  on  the  character  of  Tac,  in  his  Historical 
and  literary  Essays  (Kiel  1801)  p.  70  sqq.    J.  S.  Gestrich,  diss,  de  vita, 
scriptis  ac  stilo  Taciti,  Berlin  1834.    N.  Bach,   Corn.  Tac,  a  biographical 
Essay,  General  School-Gazette  1831.  II.  Nr.  105—109;  with  the  Addenda 
ibid.  1832,  nr.  129  sq.,  also  in  his  edition  T.  I.  Conz,   on  the  historical 
art  of  the  ancients,  in  the  Museum  of  Classical  Literature  (Zurich  1795) 
p.  151  sqq.   Ancillon,  Melanges  (Paris  1809)  I.  p.  239  sqq.    F.  Roth,  on 
Thucydides  and  Tacitus,  Miinchen  1812.  4.  ■=.  Collected  Lectures  (Frank- 
fort 1851)  p.  1   sqq.     Siivern,   on  the   artistic  character   of  Tac,  in  the 
Trans,    of   the  Berlin  Academy    1822-23  (Berlin  1825)  p.  73—136.     K. 
Th.  Welcker,  Festive  speeches  etc.  (Freiburg  1828)  p.  68  sqq.  K.  Hoff- 
meister,   on   the  Moral  Views    of  Tac,  Essen  1831.     Lerminier,  Etudes 
d'histoire  I.  p.  188  sqq.  A.  C.  v.  Heusde,    comm.  de  Hooftio  et  Tacito, 
Groningen  1838.  4.     N.  Liebert,  de  doctrina  Taciti,  Wiirzburg  1868.  W. 
Botticher,  Prolegomena  to  his  Lexicon  Taciteum  (Berlin  1830)  p.  I — CII. 
Prophetic  Voices  in  Roman  Literature,    or  on  the   Christian  element  in 
Tac,  Berlin  1840.  3  parts.    R.  v.  Bosse,  on  and  against  Tac.  as  historian, 
in  Jahn's  Jahrb.  Suppl.   XI  p.  452—467.     F.  D.  Gerlach,  Roman  Histo- 
rians   (Stuttgard    1855)    p.  197—207.     Th.    Finck   before  his  edition  of 
the  Germania  (1857)  p.  1 — 224.   P.  Dubois-Guchan,  Tacite  et  son  siecle, 
Paris  1862.  2  vols.  F.  Savalete,  Etude  sur  Tacite,  Paris  1864.     Daunou 
in  the  Biographic  universelle  XLIV  p.  165  sqq.  Naudet  in  Hofer's  Nou- 
velle    biographic    generale  XLIH.     W.  Teuffel   in  Pauly's  Enc  VI  2.  p. 
1568—1578    and:    On    Sallust    and    Tacitus    (Tiibi.    1868.   4.)  p.  22—47. 
Nipperdey  (p.  Ill— XXIV)  and  F.  Haase  in  their  editions. 


172  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

329.  The  extant  works  of  Tacitus  are  as  follows  in 
chronological  order: 

1.  Dialogus  de  oratoribns,  composed  under  Titus  or  in 
the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Domitian,  an  attempt  to  prove 
and  explain  the  decay  of  eloquence  in  the  imperial  period, 
in  the  form  of  a  dialogue  between  literary  celebrities  of  the 
time  of  Vespasian.  This  ingenious  treatise  shows  the  same  moral 
and  political  views,  the  same  fineness  of  psychological  observation 
and  the  same  characteristics  as  the  other  works  of  Tacitus: 
but  his  bitterness  is  still  wanting  and  even  artistic  serenity 
may  be  observed.  In  point  of  style  this  treatise  is  an  in- 
teresting proof  of  Tacitus'  endeavour  to  imitate  the  rotundity 
and  fullness  of  Cicero's  style  in  his  rhetorical  works,  though 
numerous  phrases  and  constructions  involuntarily  betray  an 
author  of  the  first  century  of  the  Christian  era,  and  in  many 
details  the  diction  approaches  the  subsequent  writings  of  Tac. 
All  the  mss.  we  possess  are  derived  from  one  and  the  same 
source,  and  all  have  the  same  large  gap  at  the  close  of  ch.  35. 

1.  Undue  importance  has  been  attached  to  the  deviation  of  the  style 
of  this  work  from  the  later  style  of  Tac,  and  the  entire  neglect  of  the 
causes  of  this  discrepancy  and  also  the  agreement  which  is  almost  as 
striking  (and  which  has  recently  been  proved  in  details  by  Fr.  Wein- 
kauff),  have  since  the  time  of  J.  Lipsius  caused  many  to  consider  the 
work  as  not  Tacitean  and  to  guess  all  manners  of  other  authors,  e.  g. 
Pliny  the  younger  (Eckstein  Prolegg.  p.  46  sqq.  Fr.  Hesse,  de  Plinio 
minore  dialog!  de  orr.  auctore,  Magdeburg  1831.  4.  A.  Wittich  in  Jahn's 
Archiv  1839.  V  p.  259—292.  J.  J.  Kramarczik,  Heiligenstadt  1841.  4.), 
Suetonius  (Eckstein  p.  44  sqq.),  Quintilian  (Eckstein  p.  52  sqq.).  And 
yet  Pliny  himself  (as  was  first  pointed  out  by  A.  G.  Lange,  Miscellaneous 
Writings  p.  5 — 7)  and  moreover  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Tacitus,  proves 
Tacitus'  authorship  of  this  work,  as  Ep.  IX  10,  2  (poemata  quiescunt, 
quae  tu  inter  nemora  et  lucos  commodissime  perfici  putas;  cf.  ib.  I  6, 
2  sq.)  is  an  evident  allusion  to  dial  9.  12.  In  the  whole  period  there 
is  absolutely  nobody  whom  we  might  credit  with  sufficient  talent  and 
character  to  be  the  author  of  the  Dialogus.  And  indeed,  all  details 
underlying  the  Ciceronian  surface  of  the  work  bear  the  greatest  resem- 
blance to  the  other  works  of  Tacitus.  Hence  all  authorities  are  nowa- 
days agreed  as  to  the  Tacitean  origin.  See  A.  G.  Lange,  in  the  acta  semin. 
Lips.  I  p.  77  sqq.  =  Miscellaneous  Writings  p.  3 — 14  =  Dronke's  edition  p. 
XVI  sqq.  H.  Gutmann,  diss,  qua  Tacitum  dialog!  de  or.  scriptorem  non  esse 
demonstratur,  in  Orelli's  edition  p.  101  sqq. ;  his  translation  (Stuttgart  1830) 
p.  145  sqq.  and  in  Jahn's  Archiv  XV  p.  139— 156  (on  A.  Diipre's  proof  of  the 
Tacitean  origin  of  the  Dialogue).  F.  A.  Eckstein,  Prolegg.  p.  62  sqq.  H. 
C.  A.  Eichstadt  de  dialogo  qui  inscribitur  de  orr.,  Jena  1839.  4.  W.  Teuffel 


Tacitus.  173 

in  Jahn's  Jahrbb.  LXXVII  p.  285  sq.  and  in  his  Translation  of  the 
smaller  Writings  (Stuttgart  1858)  p.  18—21.  Fr.  Weinkauff,  de  Tacito 
dialogi  de  or.  auctore,  Cologne  1857  and  1859.  4.  J.  G.  Ek,  the  present 
state  of  the  question  concerning  the  author  of  the  Dialogus  de  or.,  in 
the  Danish  Journal  for  Philology,  July  1859  p.  1—11  (Philol.  XV  p. 
191  sq.),  H.  Sauppe  Philol.  XIX  p.  156—263  with  J.  Classen  in  the 
Journal  Eos  I.  (1864)  p.  1  sqq.  J.  W.  Steiner,  on  Tacitus'  Dialogus 
de  or.,  Kreuznach  1863.     36  pp.  4. 

2.  The  time  of  the  dialogus  (between  Curiatius  Maternus,  M.  Aper, 
Julius  Secundas  and  Vipstanus  Messala)  is  c.  17  laid  in  sextam  (a.  75 
=  818;  L.  Urlichs  'Festgruss'  Wiirzburg  1868,  p.  1—16:  VII  am,  i  e. 
a.  76)  felicis  huius  principatus  stationem  qua  Vespasianus  remp.  fovet. 
Then,  the  writer  says,  he  was  iuvenis  admodum  (see  above  328,  4) 
and  was  therefore  much  older  when  he  wrote  the  treatise.  The 
candour  observable  throughout  the  treatise  proves  that  it  was  written 
under  a  mild  ruler,  perhaps  under  Titus  a.  81,  or  in  the  last  years  of 
the  reign  of  Vespasian,  at  the  very  latest  in  the  ftrst  (good)  years  of 
the  reign  of  Domitian.  The  treatise  does  not  contain  any  more  accu- 
rate indications  of  the  time,  though  it  must  have  considerably  preceded 
the  composition  of  Agricola,  as  there  the  author  had  adopted  very 
different  views  of  style  and  followed  other  models.  See  W.  Teuffel, 
Studies  and  Char.  p.  439—441. 

3.  Conjointly  with  its  general  literary  tendency  the  work  seems 
also  to  have  a  personal  tendency,  viz.  to  state  the  reasons  wh}^  Tacitus 
in  spite  of  his  extensive  rhetorical  studies  finally  did  not  adopt  the 
profession  of  orator,  but  preferred  the  quiet  sphere  of  the  scholar  and 
writer.  The  influence  of  his  studies,  especially  his  imitation  of  Cicero, 
appears  most  strongly  in  the  dialogus  (cf.  A.  Drager,  on  the  Syntax 
and  Style  of  Tac,  p.  103  sq.) ;  but  even  in  the  later  works  of  Tac.  it 
is  to  be  perceived,  though  it  constantly  decreased,  until  in  his  last 
work,  the  Annals,  he  arrived  at  the  other  extreme,  the  epigrammatic 
pointedness  and  dissection  of  style. 

4.  All  mss.  of  the  dialogus,  the  Germania  and  of  the  fragment  de 
grammaticis  et  rhetoribus  by  Suetonius  are  derived  from  a  Fulda  ms. 
saec.  VIII  or  IX  or  rather  from  a  copy  of  it  (perhaps  saec.  XIII)  found 
by  Henoch  of  Ascoli  in  the  Monastery  of  Hersfeld  (L.  Urlichs  Eos 
11  p.  230.  351  sqq.)  and  brought  to  Italy  (perhaps  in  a  copy  taken  by 
himself,  X)  c.  a.  1457,  and  there  his  discovery  was  propagated  in  new 
copies.  Hence  are  derived  Vaticanus  1862  (A,  in  Reiferscheid  V)  and 
(through  the  copy  of  Pontanus)  Leidensis  XVIII  (B,  in  Reifferscheid  L), 
from  a  copy  made  with  more  sagacity,  but  also  arbitrary  emendations 
(Y)  the  others,  especially  the  Neapolitanus,  or  Farnesianus  (C,  in  Reif- 
ferscheid N).  See  below  331,  5.  Reifferscheid's  Suetonius  p.  409—417. 
A.  Michaelis  in  his  edition  of  the  dial,  especially  p.  VIII— XIX.  —  G. 
Thomas,  on  a  cod.  Ven.  of  the  dialogus  and  Germania  of  Tacitus,  Munich 
Gel.  Anz.  1853,  nr.  1  sq. 


174  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

5.  Separate  editions.  Cum,  varr.  notis  ed.  E.  Benzel,  Upsala  1706. 
Rec.  et  illustr.  C.  A.  Heumann,  Getting.  l7l9.  Ed.  etill.  I.  H.  A.  Schulze, 
Lips.  1788.  Text  by  G.  Seebode,  Gotting.  1813.  Hanover  1816.  Rec. 
et  annot.  instr.  E.  Dronke,  Coblenz  1828.  Rec.  et  ann.  crit.  inst. 
F.  Osann,  Giessen  1829.  Repurg.  op.  J.  C.  Orelli,  Zurich  1830;  cum 
nova  collatione  cod.  Perizonian.  (Leidensis)  Ziirich  1846.  4.  Ed.  illustr. 
W.  Botticher,  Berol.  1832.  Recogn.  Fr.  Ritter,  Bonn  1836.  1859. 
Recogn.  var.  lect.  et  ann.  inst.  Ph.  C.  Hess,  Lips.  1841.  With  notes  by 
C.  Ph.  Pabst,  Leipzig  1841.  Ed.  L.  Tross  (with  the  Germania),  Hamm 
1841.     Ad  codices  denuo  conlatos  recogn.  A.  Michaelis,  Lips.  1868. 

6.  Critical  contributions  by  Dryander  (Coniecturae  in  dial,  de  orr., 
Halle  1851.  4.),  L.  Spengel  (Spec,  emend.  Miinchen  1852.  4.  p.  9—15), 
C.  L.  Roth  (Stuttgarter  Correspondenzblatt  1854,  p.  9—15.  19—25), 
L.  Schopen  (Diorthotica  in  Tac.  dial.,  Bonn  1858.  4,),  Nipperdey  (Rhein. 
Mus.  XXI  p.  270—292.  559—590),  C.  Halm  (in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb. 
LXXXIX  p.  148-151)  F.  Ritter  (Rhein.  Mus.  XX  p.  518—532  XXI 
p.  534-550),    G.  Andresen   in  Ritschl's  Acta  soc.  phil.  Lips.  I  1   (1870). 

7.  J.  F.  Klossmann,  Prolegomena  in  Dial.,  Breslaul819.  8.  1833.  4. 
F.  A.  Eckstein,  Prolegomena  in  Tac.  qui  v.  f.  dial.,  Halle  1835.  4. 
A.  Goring,  diss,  de  dial.  d.  o.  praestantia,  Liibeck  1829,  4.  G.  F. 
Strodtbeck,  ostenditur  Materninae  personae  in  d.  d.  o.  obviae  vultus 
ironicus,  Heilbronn  1831.  4.  A.  Westermann,  History  of  Roman 
eloquence  p.  233 — 241.  Vidal,  in  Tac.  d,  d,  o,  disputatio,  Paris  1850, 
F,  Deycks,  de  dial,  Tac,  d.  or.,  Miinster  1856.  4.  A.  Schaubach,  de 
vocum  quarundum  quae  in  T.  dialogo  leguntur  vi  ac  potestate,  Mei- 
ningen  1857.  P,  Voss  in  the  Tidskrift  for  Philologi  VII,  See  above 
n.  1,  and  the  Introductions  to  most  of  the  editions  and  translations, 
also  to  Botticher's  Lexicon  Taciteum  p,  VIII — XIII,  Andresen  on  the 
Dial,  de  or,  as  school-reading,  Berlin  Journal  for  Gymn.  1871, 
p.  305 — 308.     A  school-edition  by  the  same,  Leipzig  1872. 

330.  2.  De  vita  et  moribus  lulii  Agricolae  liber,  a 
biography  of  Tacitus'  father-in-law,  composed  in  the  commence- 
ment of  Trajan's  reign,  A.  D.  98.  The  very  rhetorical  dis- 
position as  well  as  execution  of  the  work  remind  the  reader 
of  the  laudationes  funebres  and  of  the  manner  of  Sallust. 
with  which  it  shares  its  character  of  monograph,  its  indiffe- 
rence to  general  historical  events  and  numerous  other  turns  of 
phrases.  But  besides  this  the  work  contains  much  to  remind 
us  of  Cicero.  In  general,  the  historical  style  of  Tac.  does 
not  appear  to  be  much  developed  in  this  work,  but  a  kindly 
warmth  of  humour  and  sympat  hypervades  the  whole. 

1.     Agr.    3:    quamquam   .  ,  augeat    quotidie    felicitatem    temporum 
Nerva  Traianus:    cf.   44:    durare    in    banc    felicissimi    saeculi  lucem  ac 


Tacitus.  175 

principem  Traianum  videre.  Trajan  was  therefore  princeps  already 
(not  only  Caesar),  and  Nerva  was  dead  (f  27  Jan.  98),  which  is  not 
contradicted  by  his  not  being  called  divus;  see  Th.  Mommsen  Hermes  III 
p.  106  n.  4.  The  close  of  the  powerful  preface  (c.  3  extr.)  promises 
an  extensive  historical  work  on  Domitian's  reign  and  on  the  time  of 
Nerva  and  Trajan  (i.  e.  the  Historiae),  of  which  the  biography  of 
Agricola  should  be  considered  merely  the  forerunner. 

2.  Just  as  Tacitus'  Ciceronian  period  is  represented  in  the 
Dialogus,  so  his  Sallustian  epoch  finds  its  expression  in  Agiicola  and 
the  Germania,  though  the  influence  of  the  first  is  not  quite 
extinct,  but  considerably  on  the  decline.  The  end  of  Agr.  44  and  the 
beginning  of  ch.  45  greatly  resemble  Cic.  de  or  III  2,  8,  9,  10  sq.; 
quies  et  otium  (c.  6.  21.  42  =  Cic.  de  leg.  agr.  II  37,  102)  and  forma 
ac  figura  animi  (Agr.  46)  are  quite  in  Cicero's  style  (Tusc.  I  16,  37 
and  elsewhere),  and  altogether  pleonasms  are  not  scarce  (E.  Hiibner, 
Hermes  I  p.  446  sq.),  and  there  are  numerous  Ciceronian  periods  (c.  16, 
18,  25  in.),  nay  c.  4  extr.  reminds  us  of  Cic.  pro  Mur.  31,  65.  More 
numerous  indeed  are  the  traces  reminding  us  of  Sallust,  whose  influence 
pervades  more  or  less  all  the  other  writings  of  Tacitus;  see  W.  Teuffel 
in  his  translation  (1859)  p.  131  note.  Bernays,  Rh.  Mus.  XVI  p.  319  sq.: 
and  especially  E.  Wolfflin,  Philol.  XXVI  p.  122—129;  also  A.  Gerber 
in  the  Leutschau  Program  1861  p.  13  sqq.  Agricola  and  Germania 
occupy  the  same  position  to  the  Historiae  of  Tacitus  as  Sallust's 
Catiline  and  Jugurtha  to  his  Historiae.  See  Urlichs  in  the  Eos  I  p. 
549  sqq.  The  study  of  Sallust  evidently  formed  Tacitus'  historical  style, 
and  great  as  the  mastery  is  to  which  Tacitus  attained  in  his  peculiar 
manner,  he  still  reached  it  only  by  degrees,  and  Agricola  represents 
that  degree  when  his  originality  was  as  yet  proportionately  small. 
It  is  a  rhetorical  and  psychological  portrait  quite  in  the  manner  of 
Sallust,  with  a  preface  like  those  of  Sallust,  speeches  and  excursuses, 
a  certain  neglect  of  numerical  and  chronological  statements  (c.  41  sq.), 
with  antitheses  and  other  figures,  and  also  a  regular  epilogue.  But 
in  spite  of  all  these  peculiarities  we  should  not  follow  E.  Hiibner 
(Hermes  I  p.  438 — 448)  in  denying  that  this  treatise  is  a  biography  with 
rhetorical  colouring  and  with  general  historical  outlooks.  The  speech 
of  Calgacus  (c.  30)  contains  many  allusions  to  Sallust  (Cat.  58,  17  sq.  and 
to  the  letter  of  Mithridates) ;  but  many  other  passages  read  just  like 
Sallust  and  the  whole  contains  reminiscences  and  variations  of  Sallustian 
expressions.  See  Urlichs  de  vita  Agric.  (1868)  p.  4  sq.  Such  occur 
also  in  the  Annals,  but  are  proportionately  most  numerous  in  Agricola. 
—  The  historical  study  on  Britain  and  the  earlier  Roman  expeditions 
to  that  island  (c.  10 — 17)  were  later  on  (in  his  Annals,  especially  XIV 
29  sq.)  employed  by  Tacitus  in  a  freer  manner,  some  details  being 
rectified  and  enlarged. 

3.  The  text  of  Puteolanus  was  long  considered  the  sole  authentic 
one,   until  Wex   proved    that   his  Codex   contained  only  what  the  two 


176  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Vatican  mss.  of  the  second  half  of  the  15th  century  contain,  in  which 
the  Agricola  has  come  down  to  us,  Vat.  4498  =  J  Wex,  d  Halm,  and 
Vat.  3429  =  rWex,  g  Halm,  and  that  all  deviations  from  these  mss. 
should  be  considered  either  as  emendations  by  Puteolanus,  or  as  the 
errors  of  his  copyist  or  compositor.  See  L.  Spengel,  Munich  Gel.  Anz. 
1853,  nr.  25 — 27  and  Spec,  emendationum  in  Tac,  Munich  1852.  4. 
p.  15.  G.  Kammerer,  de  indole  ac  pretio  codd.  mss.  Tac.  Agr.  et  edd. 
vett.  usque  ad  Lipsium,  Breslau  1842  r  bears  the  heading  Cornelii 
Taciti  de  vita  et  moribus  lulii  Agricolae,  J  Cai  Corneli  T.  de  v.  et 
m.  I.  A.  In  some  passages  the  marginal  notes  of  r  (M  in  Wex)  may 
be  taken  into  consideration;  Schenkl,  Journal  for  Austrian  Gymn.  XII 
p.  421—437.     J.  Miiller,  Innsbruck  1863.     4. 

4.  Editions:  at  the  end  of  the  Panegyrr.  latt.  of  F.  Puteolanus, 
Milan  1476?  4.  Cum  notis  Boxhornii  ed.  J.  A.  Bosius,  Jena  1664. 
Cum  notis  Buchneri  ed.  C.  Schubart,  Lips.  1683.  Ed.  M.  Engel,  Lips. 
1788.  Lat.  and  Germ,  by  J.  Ch.  Schliiter,  Duisburg  1808.  C.  F.  Renner 
and  J.  C.  Fmcke,  Gotti.  1802;  a  second  edition  by  A.  Schlegel,  Got- 
tmgen  1816.  Obss.  ill.  N.  J.  Bloch,  Copenhagen  1814.  Ed.  E.  Dronke, 
Coblenz  1824;  ed.  2  Fulda  1843.  Ed.  E.  H.  Barker,  London  1824. 
Textum  rec.  et  ad  fid.  cod.  Vat.  emend.  U.  J.  H.  Becker,  Hamburg 
1826.  Ed.  F.  G.  V.  Hertel,  Lips.  1827.  Ed.  et  ann.  ill.  P.  Hoiman- 
Peerlkamp,  Leyden  1827;  ed.  II  1864.  Text,  translation  and  notes  by 
G.  L.  Walch,  Berlin  1828.  With  notes  and  excursuses  by  C.  L.  Roth, 
Niirnberg  1833.  Recogn.  F.  Ritter,  Bonn  1836,  Brevi  ann.  expl.  F. 
Diibner,  Paris  1843.  1866.  12.  Ad  fidem  codicum  denuo  collatorum 
rec.  et  commentariis  enarravit  F.  C.  Wex,  Brunswick  1852.  338  pp. 
Ex  Wexii  rec.  recognovit  et  perpetua  annotatione  illustravit  Fr.  Kritz, 
Berlin  1859.  1865.  Explained  by  C.  Tuecking,  Paderborn  1869.  For 
school-use  by  A.  A.  Drager,  Leipzig,  Teubner  1869.  The  text  also  by 
Fr.  Ritter  e.  g.  ed.  Ill  Bonn  1852. 

Among    the    translations    we    notice    the    French    translation    by 
N(apoleon).  L(ouis).  B(onaparte),  Florence  1829.     4. 

5.  Critical  treatises  by  Briiggemann  (Diisseldorf  1824),  Eichstadt 
(Jena  1830),  E.  Foss  (Altenburg  1837.  4.),  Fr.  Brandes  (Rostock  1838.  4.), 
Gernhard  (Weimar  1838.  4.),  Heimburg  (Jena  1839),  Wex  (Contributions, 
crit.  and  exeg.,  on  Tac.  Agr.,  Schwerin  1840.  4.),  Pfitzner  (Neubrandenb. 
1842.  4.)  Zeitschr.  f.  Alt.  Wiss.  1847.  nr.  13  sq.),  E.  Dronke  (Fulda 
1842.  4.),  Ch.  G.  Herzog  (Gera  1843.  4.),  Seyffert  (Kreuznach  1845.  4.), 
Hutter  (Munich  1849.  4.),  J.  G.  Schneider  (Coburg  1850  sqq,  4.),  G.  U. 
Busch  (Rostock  1853.  4.),  Fr.  Kritz  (de  glossematis  falso  Taciti  Agricolae 
imputatis,  (Erfurt  1857.  4.),  J.  Miiller  (Fiume  1858.  4.),  A.  J.  F.  Hen- 
richsen  Lat.  and  Germ,  with  crit.  and  exeg.  notes,  Altona  1858.  74  p. 
4.  c.  1—22  II  1,  Altona  1871.  48  pp.  4.,  G.  F.  Schomann  (Greifswald 
1859.  4.),  G.  Liep  (Kreuznach  1861.  4.),  C.  Nipperdey  (Rhein.  Mus 
XVni  p.  350-365.  XIX  p.  97-113),  Fr.  Ritter,  (ibid.  XX  p.  518—532), 
J.  Classen  (Symb.  criticae,  P.  Ill,  Hamburg  1866.  4.),  S.  Pfaff  (Exegetical 
and  crit.  Observations  on  Agr.  1  and  36,    Erlangen  1867.  4.),  L.  Urlichs 


Tacitus.  Ill 

(Festgruss,  Wiirzbiirg  1868,  p.  6—  8),  K.  Meiser  (Blatter  f.  d.  bair. 
Gymn.  V  3).  J.  Gantrelle  (c.  1 — 3;  Revue  de  I'instruction  publ.  en 
Belgique  XIV  p.  333—353). 

6.  On  Agrioola  see  Niebiihr,  Minor  Historical  and  Philological 
Writings  I  p.  331  (with  N.  Bach,  Schulztg.  1831,  II  p.  851  sq.).  Wolt- 
mann  in  his  transl.  VI  p.  34—34  (Prague  1817).  A.  Mohr,  Observations 
on  Tacitus'  Agr.,  Meiningen  1823.  Walch,  on  the  form  of  ancient  bio- 
graphy with  special  attention  to  Tacitus'  Agricola,  in  his  Edition  p. 
XXXVIII— LXXIV.  Hofmeister,  Moral  Views  of  Tac,  p.  80  sqq.  206 
sqq.  228  sqq.  J.  Held,  commentat.  de  Agr.  vita  quae  vulgo  Tacito 
adsignatur,  Schweidnitz  1845.  4.  E.  Hiibner,  Hermes  I.  (1866)  p.  438 — 
448.  J.  Gantrelle,  sur  la  vie  d'Agr.,  Revue  de  I'instr.  belgique,  1  May 
1870.  46  pp.  Em.  Hoffmann,  Vienna  1870.  35  pp.  (Journal  for  Austrian 
Colleges),  and  against  him  C.  Hirzel,  on  the  tendency  of  T's  Agr., 
Tiibingen,  1871.  38  pp.  4.  (Gymn.-Progr.). 


331.  3.  Germania,  an  ethnographic  monograph,  occa- 
sioned by  the  great  interest  which  that  land  and  nation  then 
caused,  perhaps  also  by  the  author's  own  knowledge  which  he  had 
acquired  in  the  course  of  his  official  duties.  The  work  is  pene- 
trated by  the  genial  warmth  of  sympathy  and  highly  coloured 
by  rhetorical  means,  though  it  frequently  approaches  sentimen- 
tality. The  author  is  fond  of  contrasting  the  simplicity  of  the 
Germans  with  the  intricate  and  corrupt  life  of  his  contempo- 
raries. 

1.  The  title  in  Vat.  1862  and  Farnesianus:  Corn.  Tac,  de  origine 
et  situ  Germaniae;  more  lengthy  is  Pontanus :  Cornell  Taciti  de  origine, 
situ,  moribus  ac  populis  Germanorum  liber.  The  treatise  is  divided 
into  two  parts,  the  first  of  which  treats  in  commune  de  omnium  Germa- 
norum origine  ac  moribus  (c.  27  extr.),  the  second  (c.  28 — 46)  on  the 
single  tribes.  In  the  latter  the  author  fixes  his  quarters  on  the  Rhine 
and  progressing  from  there  describes  the  tribes  first  from  West  to 
East,  then  (c.  35  sqq.)  from  North  to  South.  When  he  arrives  at  the 
Danube,  he  follows  its  course  (c.  41)  and  winds  up  with  the  shores  of 
the  Baltic.  Among  his  sources  he  mentions  only  Caesar  (c.  28),  but 
traces  of  the  critical  employment  of  authorities  appear  also  c.  3. 
8.  27.  28.  33.  34.  41.  45.  Pliny's  bella  Germaniae  (above  307,  2)  were 
no  doubt  employed.  On  the  use  made  of  Sallust  see  R.  Kopke,  on  the 
criticism  of  the  sources  of  the  Germania,  in  his  Germanic  Investigations 
(Berhn  1859)  p.  223—226,  and  Th.  Wiedemann  in  the  Investigations  on 
German  History  IV  1  (1864)  p.  171  sqq.;  an  Addendum  ibid.  X  (Gott.  1870) 
p.  595—601.  C.  Breuker,  quo  iure  Sallustius  Tacito  in  describendis 
Germanorum    moribus    auctor    fuisse    putetur,    Cologne  1870.    14  pi).  4. 

12 


178  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

2.  As  in  ch.  37,  210  years  are  counted  from  the  first  invasion  of  the 
Cinibrians  (a.  641)  to  the  second  consulate  of  Trajan  (a.  98  =^  851  V.  C), 
the  latest  revision  and  publication  of  the  work  must  be  assumed 
between  a.  98  and  the  third  consulate  of  Trajan  (A.  D.  100).  The 
omission  of  this  work  Agr.  3,  where  the  literary  desifi^ns  of  Tac.  are 
mentioned,  may  be  most  simply  explained  by  assuming  that  originally 
this  treatise  was  intended  to  form  an  excursus  in  the  Hist.,  but  was 
afterwards  tresited  and  edited  as  an  independent  work,  perhaps  because 
its  rich  materials  would  not  have  suited  the  greater  work,  or  in  order 
to  use  them  in  a  rhetorical  and  paraenetic  tendency  (n.  3).  A.  Riese, 
Eos  II  p.  193—203.     A.  Eussner,  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  1868,  p.  650. 

3.  The  Gerinania  is  neither  an  idyl  nor  a  novel  nor  a  political 
pamphlet  (calculated  e.  g.  to  dissuade  Trajan  from  an  expedition  to 
Germany),  but  a  contribution  to  the  task  which  is  A.  IV  33  acknow- 
ledged to  be  very  interesting^  situs  gentium  clescribere,  and  to  which 
the  Agricola  had  already  contributed.  But  the  execution  is  indeed 
characteristic  of  Tac.  Just  as  Horace  (0  III  24,  9  sqq.)  had  spoken 
of  Scythians  and  Getes  in  an  ideal  way  as  compared  with  the  corruption 
of  Rome,  Tacitus  does  the  same  in  respect  of  the  Germans.  He  de- 
scribes them  with  constant  reference  to  his  contemporaries,  and  fre- 
quently observes  how  much  the  Germans  fortunately  ignore  (c.  8.  9. 
11.  13.  18.  19.  20.  24.  25.  27.  38).  Sometimes  the  description  becomes 
quite  sentimental  (e.  g.  c.  5.  7.  18  sq.  27).  Yet  the  writer  is  far  from 
merely  holding  up  the  Germans  to  his  time  as  pure  models;  on  the 
contrary  he  finds  more  than  once  fault  with  them  (c.  11.  15.  17.  sq. 
23  sq.)  and  even  shows  himself  as  a  thorough  Roman  as  opposed  to 
their  peculiarities  (c.  33,  cf.  23).  See  n.  9  and  W.  Teuffel's  Introduction 
to  his  translation  (1859)  p.   132  sq. 

J.  The  rhetorical  character  of  the  style  appears  in  the  numerous 
general  sentences,  the  numberless  instances  of  anaphora  (c.  11  even 
of  prout)  and  other  figures.  Cf,  Miitzell,  Journ,  for  Gymn.  I.  (1847) 
p.  86  sqq.  On  the  pleonasms  of  thifj  treatise  see  C.  Halm,  Reports  of 
the  Meetings  of  the  Munich  Academy  1864,  p.  12  sqq.  Here  also  we 
have  numerous  reminiscences  of  Sallust  (cf.  Ph.  Hess,  variae  lectiones 
et  obser\ationes  in  T.  Germ.,  Helmstadt  1827.  1828.  1834.  4.  Wol  fiin 
Philologus  XXVI  p.  122  cf.  n.  1  nnd  330,  2),  and  many  passages  remind 
us  of  the  other  works  cf  Tacitus,  especially  of  his  Agricola  (Agr.  11 
extr.  1=  Germ.  28;  hand  perinde,  Agr.  10  =  Germ.  34;  in  universum 
aestirtiiinti  Agr.  11  =1  Germ.  6;  patiens  frugum,  Agr.  12,  cf.  Germ.  5)- 
Hexameters  occur  Germ.  18.  32.  39;  an  iambic  dimeter  c.  27. 

.'.  The  Germania  has  been  preserved  to  us  in  the  same  ms.  as 
the  dialogus  (see  above  329,  4),  though  the  number  of  copies  made 
of  it  is  very  much  larger;  one  of  the  better  copies  is  at  the  Stuttgart 
Library.  Massmnnn,  Berl.  Jahrbb.  1841,  Nr.  87  sqq.  R.  Tagmann,  de 
codicibus  mss.  atque  editionibus  vett.  Tac.  Germ.  I.  Breslau  1846;  de 
Tac  (icnn.  apparatii   critico,  Breslau   1847.    Except  in  Rudolf  of  Fulda, 


I 


Tacitus.  179 

tlie    work    does    not    appear    to    have    been    used  in  the  Middle  Ages; 
G.  Waitz,  Investiga,tions  on  German  History  X  (Gott.  1870)  p.  602. 

6.  Editions.  Cum  notis  Willichii,  Glareani,  Melanchthonis,  Frkf. 
a.  0.  1551.  Cum  comm.  Chr.  Coleri,  Hannov.  1602.  E  rec.  Conringii, 
Helmst.  1652.  4.  Cum  varr.  notis  ed.  J.  C.  Dithmar,  Frkf.  1725  and 
elsewhere.  Ed.  C.  H.  Joerdens,  Berl.  1783.  1794.  Cum  obss.  Longolii 
ed.  J.  Kapp,  Lips.  1783;  ed.  II.  cur.  Ph.  Hess,  Lips.  1824.  Cum  varr. 
lectt.  ed.  G.  G.  Bredow,  Helmst.  1808.  1816.  Ed.  illustr.  R.  Belham 
(with  Agr.)  ed.  II.  Cambridge  1813.  Rec.  Fr.  Passow.  Breslau  1817. 
With  notes  by  Ammon  and  Baumlein,  Tiib.  1817.  Lat.  and  German 
with  notes  by  G.  and  K.  Sprengel,  Halle  1819.  Explained  by  J.  F.  K. 
Dilthey,  Brunswick  1823.  Ed.  illustr.  Ph.  C.  Hess,  Lips.  1824.  By  E. 
H.  Barker,  London  1824.  Trad,  avec  un  comm.  par  C.  L.  F.  Panckoucke, 
Paris  1824.  With  notes  by  Fr.  W.  Altenburg,  Hildburgh.  1826.  Recogn. 
cum  brevi  adnot.  ed.  G.  F.  C.  Giinther,  Helmstedt  1826.  Text,  trans- 
lation etc.,  by  G.  L.  Walch.  1.  number  Berlin  1829.  Comm.  inst.  Th. 
Kiessling,  Lips.  1832.  With  critical,  grammatical  and  historical  notes 
by  J.  V.  Gruber,  Berl.  1832.  Ed.  et  quae  ad  res  Germanorum  pertinere 
videntur  e  reliquo  Tac.  opere  excerpsit  J.  Grimm,  Gott.  1835.  Text, 
translation  and  notes  by  F.  D.  Gerlach,  2  parts,  Basle  1835—1837.  In 
usum  schol.  recogn.  Fr.  Ritter,  Bonn  1836.  1853.  Ad  fidem  codicis 
Perizon.  ed.  L.  Tross,  Hamm  1841.  Recogn.,  isag.  instr.,  comment, 
illustr.  etc.  M.  Weishaupt,  Solothurn  1844.  Ed.  Masemann,  Quedlinburg 
1847.  Lat.  and  German  by  Doderlein ,  Erlangen  1850.  Lat.,  with 
ethnol.  diss,  and  notes  by  R.  G.  Latham,  London  1851.  With  Agr. 
til  skolebrug  af  Bloch,  Copenhagen  1854.  In  us.  schol.  recogn.  M. 
Haupt,  Berhn  1855.  Ed.  Schrant,  Leiden  1866.  XLI  and  334  pp. 
Edited  and  explained  by  Th.  Fink,  I.  Tac.'s  life,  the  text,  and  principal 
apparatus,  Gottingen  1857.  250  pp.  Ex  Hauptii  rec,  recogn.  et  perpetua 
adnot.  illustr.  F.  Kritz,  Berlin  1860.  1865.  1869.  Explained  by  C. 
Tiicking,  Paderborn  1867.  Explained  by  L.  Curtze,  Leipzig  1868.  424  p, 
(on  c.  1—10).  With  notes  by  B.  Hiippe,  Miinster  1868.  By  H.  Schweizer- 
Sidler,  Halle  1871. 

7.  Critical  commentations  by  J.  C.  Orelli  (Ziirich  1819.  4.),  Ph. 
Hess  (Helmstadt  1827.  1828.  1834.  4.),  Schober  (Naumburg  1827.  4.), 
Selling  (observ.  critt.,  accedit  collatio  cod.  Hummeliani,  Augsburg  1830.  4.), 
Pfitzner  (Neubrandenburg  1843.  4.),  Wex  (Schwerin  1853.  4.),  W.  Th. 
Rudolphi  (Observ.  grammaticae  et  criticae,  Miinster  1855),  C.  Nipperdey 
(Rhein.  Mus.  XVIII  p.  342—350),  L.  v.  Jan  (Eos  I.  p.  76—79),  C.  Halm, 
(on  some  doubtful  passages,  Munich  1864  =  Reports  of  the  Meetings 
of  the  Munich  Academy),  Fr.  Ritter  (Rhein.  Mus.  XX  p.  195—217), 
A.  Reifferscheid  (Conioctanea,  in  the  Symbola  pliilol.  Bonn.  p.  623 — 628), 
A.  Planck  (Heilbronn  1867.     4.).     K.  Meiser  (Eichstiitt  1871,  p.  35—56). 

8.  Works  on  the  Germania  and  in  explanation  of  it.  G.A.  Arndt, 
disp.  quatenus  Tac.  de  Germ,  libello  fides  sit  tribuenda,  Lips.  1775.  4. 
L.  Volkel,    de  fontibus    unde  Tac.  quae  de  patria  nostra  trad,  hausisse 


180  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch, 

videatur  deque  consilio  in  scribend.  Germ.,  Marburg  1789.  4.  C.  C.  E. 
Charitius,  diss,  utrum  satis  fide  digna  sint  quae  T.  in  G.  tradit,  Witten- 
berg 1792.  4.  C.  A.  Riidiger,  de  fide  historica  Tac.  in  Germ,  descr,, 
Freiberg  1823.  Barby,  de  consilio  quo  T.  Germ,  conscripserit  et  de 
fide  ei  tribuenda,  Berlin  1825.  So  also  Spilleke,  Berlin  1825.  4. 
V.  Leutsch,  on  the  trustworthiness  of  Tac.  in  his  Germania,  Reports  of 
the  German  Society  at  Leipzig  1829.  p.  46  sqq.  Chr.  Rommel,  de  Tac. 
descr.  Germaniae,  Marburg  1805.  4.  F.  Riihs,  A  careful  commentary 
on  the  first  ten  chapters  of  T.  G.,  Berlin  1824»  F.  Passow  in  Wachler's 
Philomathia  I  and  in  his  Miscellaneous  Writings  p.  40 — 64.  F.  W. 
Altenburg,  On  Caesar's  and  Tacitus'  views  concerning  the  religion  of 
the  Germans,  Schleusingen  1847.  4.  U.  J.  H.  Becker,  Notes  and  Ex- 
cursuses on  T.  Germ.  1 — 18,  Hannover  1830.  C.  Reischle,  comm.  de 
locis  quibus  Tac.  et  Caes.  de  vett.  Germm.  inter  se  differunt,  Kempten 
1831.  4.  Fr.  Goller,  de  scriptis  Caes.  et  Tac.  ex  monumentis  medii 
aevi  illustrandis,  in  the  Act.  soc.  gr.  I  p.  43  sqq.  F.  D.  Gerlach,  On 
the  Germania  of  Tac,  in  the  Journal  of  the  Basle  Teachers  1825. 
II  and  On  the  Idea  of  Tac.  Germ.,  in  the  Trans,  of  the  Philological 
Congress  at  Gotha,  1841  p.  55  sqq.  =  Historical  Studies,  Hamburg 
1841.  p.  308  sqq.,  and  also  in  the  Trans,  of  the  Philological  Congress 
at  Hanover  p.  104—111.  See  also  Hoffmeister,  the  Moral  Views  of  Tac, 
p.  201  sqq.  220  sqq.  Welter,  de  fide  Tacit,  in  rebus  Germm.  quaest., 
Miinster  1846.  4.  Greverus,  Observations  on  T.  Germ.,  Oldenburg  1850. 
E.  Keferstein,  Views  on  the  Celts  etc.  Ill  1  (Halle  1850) :  Tac.'s  Ger- 
mania. W.  Engelbert,  on  the  G.  of  T.  and  the  Geography  of  Ptolemy 
as  the  principal  sources  of  the  Geogr.  of  ancient  Germany,  in  the  Jour- 
nal for  German  History  and  Antiquities  III.  Miinster  1852.  MiillenhofF, 
Corrupt  (German)  Names  in  Tac,  Journal  for  German  Antiquities  IX 
p.  223 — 261.  B.  Hiippe,  annotationes  aliquot  ad  T.  G.,  Coesfeld  1853. 
4.  J.  N.  Schmeisser,  Remarks  on  the  G.  of  T.  in  connexion  with  the 
Nibelungen  and  other  old  poems,  Constance  1853.  H.  Schweizer-Sidler, 
Remarks  on  T.  G.,  Program  of  the  Zurich  Cantonschool  1860.  24.  4. 
1862.  30.  4,;  Jahn's  Jahrbb.  LXXXV.  p.  115—123.  J.  V.  Zingerle  in 
Franz  Pfeififer's  Germania,  1860,  p.  219  sq.  G.  Waitz,  on  the  principes 
in  the  Germ,  of  Tac,  in  the  Investigations  on  German  History  II  2 
(Gottingen  1862),  see  also  Waltz's  History  of  the  German  constitution, 
sec.  ed.  I.  Kiel  1865.  E.  Thudichum,  the  ancient  German  state,  with  a 
transl.  of  the  Germ.,  Giessen  1862.  H.  Brandes,  the  nobiles  of  the 
Germans,  in  his  First  Report  on  the  German  Society  at  Leipzig  (Leip- 
zig 1863)  p.  19—44.  P.  D.  Ch.  Hennings,  the  agrarian  laws  of  the  old 
Germans  (on  Germ.  26.  30),  Kiel  1869.  Latham,  on  the  authority  of  the 
etc.  in  the  Journal  of  class,  and  sacred  philology  XII.  p.  324—346. 
Th.  Malina,  de  consilio  quale  T.  in  scribendo  de  G.  libro  secutus  esse 
videatur,  Deutsch-Crone  1860.  4.  Kiinssberg,  Excursions  into  German 
antiquity  (Berlin  1861)  and  against  him  Boot,  Verslagen  der  holland. 
Akad.  VII,  1863.  p.  66—82.  A.  Baumstark,  on  the  novelistic  element 
of  the  Germ,  of  T.,  Eos  I.  p.  39—64  and  II.  p.  487—496.     Ed.  Gobel, 


Tacitus.  181 

ibid.  I.  p.  516 — 525.  A.  Riese,  on  the  original  intention  of  the  Germ- 
of  Tacitus,  ibid.  II  p.  193 — 203.  Fr.  Miinsclier,  Exegetical  contributions 
on  the  Germ.,  Marburg  1863.  34  pp.  4.  1864.  48  pp.  4.  A.  Baumstark, 
ancient  German  antiquities,  in  defence  and  explanation  of  the  Germ, 
of  Tacitus,  Leipzig  1872. 

332.  4.  Historiae,  being  the  narrative  of  the  events 
of  the  reigns  of  Galba,  Otho,  Vitellius,  Vespasian,  Titus  and 
Domitian  A.  D.  69 — 96,  i.  e.  chiefly  the  Flavian  Dynasty, 
written  under  Trajan  and  founded  on  excellent  sources,  prob- 
ably on  the  historical  work  of  Pliny  the  Elder.  The  whole  work 
originally  consisted  of  fourteen  books,  of  which  however  only 
the  first  four  and  the  first  half  of  the  fifth  have  come  down 
to  us.  They  contain  the  history  of  the  years  69  and  70  (822 
V.  c),  though  not  quite  complete. 

1.  Tertullian,  apol.  16:  Cornelius  Tacitus  in  quinta  Historiarum 
suarum.  This  title  follows  the  precedence  of  Sisenna,  Sallust  and  Asi- 
nius  Pollio  and  (treating  of  nostra  aetas,  H.  1  43)  agrees  with  the 
technical  meaning  of  the  word  historiae,  see  above  32,  1.  Wolfflin, 
however,  is  of  opinion  that  this  title  was  doomed  to  disappear  (and 
remained  only  as  a  special  title)  when  by  writing  also  the  history  of 
the  Julian  Dynasty  (in  the  Annals)  the  whole  work  was  completed  in 
three  decads  (see  n.  21)  ab  excessu  divi  Augusti.  The  Historiae  are 
the  work  announced  Agr.  3,  the  original  design  being  extended  to  all 
reigns  after  Nero's  death,  while  the  history  of  the  reigning  prince  Tra- 
jan and  his  adoptive  father,  Nerva,  was  put  off  to  later  years  (Hist.  I 
1)  and  not  even  then  carried  out. 

2.  Jerome  on  Zachary  III  14  relates  that  Tac.  had  written  the 
history  of  the  Emperors  after  Augustus  to  the  death  of  Domitian  tri- 
ginta  voluminibus,  16  books  of  which  would  appertain  to  the  Annals 
and  14  to  the  Historiae.  In  the  Med.  II  and  in  other  mss.  this  nume- 
ration is  adopted.  The  successive  order  of  the  composition  of  these 
two  works  appears  from  A.  XI  11:  utriusque  principis  [i.  e.  Augustus 
and  Claudius)  rationes  (concerning  the  ludi  saeculares)  praetermitto, 
satis  narratas  libris  quibus  res  imperatoris  Domitiani  composui  (in  that 
part  of  the  Hist,  which  contained  the  history  of  Domitian).  nam  is 
quoque  edidit  ludos  saeculares.  Nerva  is  styled  Divus,  Hist.  I  1.  The 
sixth  book  is  quoted  by  Oros.  VH  10.  19.  The  work  was  employed  by 
Sulpicius  Severus;   see  below  435,  2. 

3.  Pliny's  Letters  (a.  106  or  107)  VI  16.  20.  VII  33.  (historias 
tuas)  were  written  to  be  contributions  to  the  Historiae  which  Tac. 
was  then  composing.  Part  of  the  work  was  probably  the  liber  which 
Tac.  sent  Pliny  (according  to  Ep.  VII  20,  1,  cf.  ib.  33,  1.  VIII  7)  ad 
adnotandum.    Successive  reading  and    publication    of   the  single  books 


182  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

appears  probable  for  other  reasons  also ;  Mommsen  Hermes  III  p.  107, 
cf.  IV  p.  298,  n.  3.  Nissen,  Rh.  Mus.  XXVI  p.  535.  548.  The  extant 
parts  are  reviewed  by  Silvern,  Trans,  of  the  Berlin  Academy  1822  sq. 
p.  07—107. 

4.  Tacitus  and  Plutarch  wrote  at  one  and  the  same  time,  or  more 
probably  Plutarch  wrote  his  biographies  of  Galba,  Otho  and  Vitellius 
even  before  Tac.  (Hermes  IV  p.  298).  The  general  agreement  of  these 
two  writers  should  hot  be  considered  as  dependence  of  the  one  upon  the 
other  (though  0.  Clason  thought  that  Plut.  had  used  the  Hist. ;  see  his 
works:  Plut.  and  Tac,  an  investigation  of  sources,  Berlin  1870,  73  pp.; 
Tac.  and  Suetonius,  Breslau  1870.  134  pp.),  but  is  due  to  their  com- 
mon use  of  one  and  the  same  source.  C.  Hirzel  in  the  Maulbronn 
Program  of  1851  (comparatio  eorum  quae  de  Impp.  Galba  et  Othone 
relata  legiraus  apud  Tacitum,  Plut.,  Suet.,  Dionem)  assumes  this  to  have 
been  the  acta  publica ;  Th.  Wiedemann  (de  Tacito,  Suet.,  Plut.,  Cassio 
Dioue  scriptoribus  imperatorum  Galbae  et  Othonis,  Berlin  1857.)  Pliny 
and  Cluvius,  A.Schmidt  (de  quibusdam  auctoribus  rom.  quos  in  descri- 
bendis  annor.  68  et  69  p.  Chr.  n.  gestis  Tac,  Plut.,  Suet,  secuti  sunt, 
Jena  1860.  4.)  a  number  of  writers;  H.  Peter  (on  the  sources  of  Plu- 
tarch, Halle  1865,  p.  40  sqq.)  and  Mommsen  (Hermes  IV  p.  298—316) 
Cluvius  Rufus.  But  quite  recently  H.  Nissen,  Rh.  Mus.  XXII  p.  508 
— 544  (cf.  0.  Clason,  Tac.  and  Suet.,  p.  76  sqq.)  has  proved  that  the 
historical  work  of  Pliny  the  Elder  (above  307,  5)  was  the  principal 
source  of  Tacitus.  He  abridged  it  first  of  all,  by  replacing  the  anna- 
listic  arrangemant  by  a  comprehensive  arrangement  according  to  the 
subject-matter,  by  rendering  the  diffuse  stjde  precise,  omitting  insigni- 
ficant details  (e.  g.  quotations  and  the  discussions  of  deviating  state- 
ments), compressing  the  accounts  of  military  operations  etc  Then  he 
also  altered  Pliny's  military  standpoint,  allowed  his  aristocratic  and  sena- 
torial sympathies  for  Galba  to  have  full  sway  instead  of  the  Flavian 
character  of  his  source,  and  thus  disguised  the  faithless  conduct 
of  the  nobility  and  the  .generals  towards  Otho.  As  regards  stylistic  and 
artistic  treatment,  Nissen  says  that  Tac.  holds  the  same  position  to 
Pliny  as  the  sculptor  to  the  stone-mason.  Pliny  thus  forming  the 
foundation  of  the  work,  Tac.  seems  to  have  added  parts  or  observations 
from  other  works,    especially    from  Vipstanus    Messala  (above  309,  3.). 

5.  The  principal  ms.  of  the  Historiae  is  the  (already  interpolated) 
Mediceus  II  saec  XI  (written  at  Monte  Cassino  between  1053  and  1087) 
in  Langobardic  writing,  containing  eleven  books  Cornelii  Taciti  ab  ex- 
cessu  d.  Augusti,  i.  e.  book  XI  to  XXI  (incl.)  =  A.  XI—  XVI,  Hist. 
I — V,  All  the  other  mss,  are  of  secondary  value,  being  more  or  less 
interpolated  copies  either  directly  or  indirecty  derived  from  the  Mo- 
dicean  ms. 

6.  Editions  of  the  Historiae  by  Th.  Kiessling  (Lips.  1840)  and  C. 
Heraeus  (explained  for  School-use,  I  Teubner  1864.  1871.  II  1870).  Cf. 
E.  Wcilfflin,  Philol.  XXVH  p.   113  sqq. 


Tacitus.  183 

7.  Cojitributions  to  the  Historiae  by  A,  Bookli  (H.  I  52.  Berol. 
1830.  4.),  F.  Jacob  (on  Tac.  Hist.  V  2—5,  Liibeck  1840.  4.),  L.  Doder- 
lein  (Emendationes  Hist.  T.,  Erlangen  1841.  4.),  C.  Nipperdey,  (Emend. 
H.  T.,  Jena  1855.  4.),  L.  Urlichs  (Eos  I  p.  250  sqq.),  .).  Classen  (Sym- 
bolae  criticae,  P.  H  Frankfort  1863.  4.  HI  Hamburg  1866.  4.),  F.  Ritter 
(Philol.  XXI  p.  601—653),  J.  Miiller  (I.  Innsbruck  1865.  II  1869),  E. 
Wolfflin  (Philol.  XXVH  p.  117—144),  Borghesi  (Oeuvres  V  p.  287-328: 
Annotazioni  agli  Ann.  ed  alle  Storie  di  Tac). 

8.  Volcker,  the  struggles  for  liberty  of  the  Batavians  under  Clau- 
dius Civilis,  Elberfeld  1861—1863.  C.  Hagge,  Notes  on  the  Expedition 
of  Vitellius  and  Otho  according  to  Tacitus,  Kiel  1864,  23  pp.  4.  J.  G. 
Miiller,  a  ciitical  investigation  of  Tac.'s  account  of  the  origin  of  the 
Jews,  in  the  Theological  Studies  and  Criticisms  1843,  p.  893 — 958. 
Leonhard,  on  Tac.'s  account  of  the  Jews,  Hist.  V  2 — 6,  Ellwangen 
1856.  4.  H.  E.  Dirksen,  the  juridical  passages  in  Tac.'s  Hist.,  Berlin 
1860.  4.  =:  Posthumous  Writings  I  p.  204 — 212.  Mommsen,  the  two 
battles  of  Betriacum,  Hermes  V  p.  161 — 173,  and  H.  Nissen,  Rh.  Mus. 
XXVI  p.  538—540.  J.  Kipper,  ex  Tac.  Hist,  intellegi  non  posse  osten- 
ditur  quomodo  bellum  inter  0th.  et  Vit.  gestum  sit,  1  Rostock  1870. 
10  pp.     4. 

333.  5.  Annales  or  rather  ab  excessu  divi  Augusti,  in 
sixteen  books,  containing  the  history  of  the  Julian  Dynasty 
after  Augustus'  death  (Tiberius,  Caligula,  Claudius,  Nero)  or 
the  years  14—68  (767—821  V.  C),  written  under  Trajan  and 
published  between  a.  115  and  117.  We  possess,  however,  only 
the  first  and  last  third  of  the  work,  being  the  first  four  books 
with  parts  of  the  fifth  and  sixth,  and  (with  gaps  both  at  be- 
ginning and  end)  books  XI — XVI,  i.  e.  we  have  lost  the  whole 
reign  of  Cahgula,  and  have  only  the  beginning  of  the  reign 
of  Claudius  until  a.  47,  and  a.  66—68  of  the  reign  of  Nero. 
This  work  observes  more  strictly  the  arrangement  of  Annals 
than  the  History. 

1.  According  to  the  Mediceus  I  the  only  genuine  title  is  ab  ex- 
cessu d.  Augusti,  which  would  be  analogous  to  the  title  of  the  history 
of  Livy,  ab  urbe  condita,  and  of  Pliny  the  Llder,  a  fine  Aufidii  Bassi. 
Though  Tac.  himself  repeatedly  (A.  IV  32,  cf.  Ill  65.  XIH  31)  describes 
his  work  as  annales,  he  does  not  give  this  as  the  title,  but  to  denote 
the  manner  of  the  relation  according  to  the  annual  succession  of  the 
events.  (Hence  Jornandes  de  reb.  get.  1  2  speaks  of  Cornelius  anna- 
lium  scriptor,  though  he  means  a  passnge  in  Agricola).  But  precisely 
because  the  books  ab  excessu  d.  Auguati  are  actually  Annals,  we  need 
not  hesitate  for  brevity's  sake  to  call  them  Annales,  which  title  dis- 
stinguishes  them  also  from  the  History. 


184  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

2.  The  time  of  publication  appears  from  A.  II  61.  The  boundaries 
described  in  that  passage  presuppose  the  conquests  of  Trajan  a.  115, 
which  were,  however  (at  least  so  far  as  they  extended  beyond  the  Eu- 
phrates), given  up  by  Adrian  immediately  on  his  accession  to  the  throne 
(August  117:  Spartian.  Hadr.  5,  1—4.  Eutrop.  VIII  6).  The  division 
into  books  was  the  author's  own  work,  as  appears  from  VI  27  (in  prio- 
ribus  Hbris)  and  XI  11   (see  above  332,  2). 

3.  The  arrangement  is  intentionally  in  the  manner  of  Annals,  see 
A.  IV  71  in. :  ni  mihi  destinatum  foret  suum  quaeque  in  annum  referre, 
avebat  animus  antire  statimque  memorare  exitus  etc.  Whenever  Tac. 
deviates  from  it,  he  considers  it  his  duty  to  apologize  (e.  g.  VI  38: 
quae  duabus  aestatibus  gesta  coniunxi,  quo  requiesceret  animus  a  do- 
mesticis  malis.  Cf.  XII  40  extr.  XIII  9)  and  for  subsequent  facts  he 
refers  to  later  parts  (in  tempore  memorabo,  I  58  cf.  IV  71,  VI  22;  in 
loco  reddemus  11  4  cf.  H.  IV  67:  suo  loco  reddemus).  It  is  true  that 
from  the  fragments  of  the  History  which  scarcely  embrace  two  years 
we  cannot  conclude  with  certainty  how  far  the  same  design  was  worked 
out  there  ;  but  it  was  almost  a  matter  of  course  that  it  should  be  more 
strictly  carried  ont  in  the  later  work,  as  it  extended  over  a  larger 
number  of  years  and  embraced  some  reigns  of  considerable  extent. 
Tacitus  has,  however,  succeeded  in  depriving  this  arrangement  of  its 
monotonous  character  by  abandoning  it  whenever  the  subject  seemed 
to  excuse  his  deviation  from  the  traditional  order.  Niebuhr's  distinction 
of  the  title  of  annales  and  historiae  is  too  refined;  see  his  Essay  on 
the  difference  between  Annales  and  Historiae,  Rh.  Mus.  II  2  (Bonn 
1828)  p.  284  sqq.  =  Minor  Hist,  and  Phil.  Essays  II  p.  229  sqq.  (See 
37,' 4  in  the  Add.) 

4.  The  first  six  books  have  been  preserved  only  in  the  Medicean 
I  (saec.  XI),    i.  e.  books  I — IV   complete,    the   commencement   of  b.  V, 
after  which   there  is  a  considerable  gap,   in   which   also   the   beginning 
of  b.  VI  was  lost.     This    gap    contained   the   continuation  of  a.  29,  the 
whole  of  a.  30,  and  the  greater  part  of  a.  31.    This  ms.  was  discovered 
in  the  Westphalian  monastery  of  Corvey,  was  brought  to  Rome  a.  1508 
when  it  came    into    the   possession    of   the   then  Cardinal  Medici  (sub- 
sequently   Pope  Leo  X)    and  hence  finally   found  its  way  into  the  Me- 
dicean Library  at   Florence,    where   it   remains  up  to  the  present  day. 
A.  1515  the  contents  of  this  ms.  were  first  published  by  Ph.  Beroaldus, 
at  Rome.     Against  the  doubts  of  Fr.  Ritter,   on  the  age  and  origin  of 
the  first  ms.  of  Tac.  at  Florence  (Phil.  XVII  p.  662-672,    see  also   his 
ed.  of  Tac,  1864,  p.  V  sqq.)  see  L.  Urlichs,    Eos  I   p.  243—247.    II    p. 
223-232.     The    last    third    of  the  Annals  (b.  XI— XVI)   we  owe  to  the 
Mediceus  II,  in  which  it  is   preserved  together  with   the   first  third  of 
the  History  (see  above  332,  5).    But  the  beginning  of  b.  XI,  and  about 
the  second  half  of  b.  XI  are  wanting.  This  ms.  is  likewise  at  Florence, 
but  there  are  a  large  number  of  copies  of  it;    see  above  332,  5.     It  is 
doubtful  whether  both  these  mss.  are  copies  of  one  and  the  same  ori- 


Tacitus.  1 85 

ginal;  though  it  is  certain  that  Med.  I  is  a  copy  of  a  Fulda  ms.  saec. 
IX,  which  was  made  either  at  or  for  Corvey  in  the  eleventh  century. 
The  first  part  of  this  Corvey  copy  (which  contained  the  Dialogus  and 
the  Germania)  was  sent  to  Hersfeld  in  the  13th  century  and  there  co- 
pied; subsequently  it  disappeared.  The  single  parts  of  this  third 
(Hersfeld)  copy  (of  dial.,  Germ.,  Suet,  de  gramm.  et  rhetor.)  were  then 
in  the  15th  century  carried  to  Italy  (probably  in  a  copy  made  by  Henoch, 
see  above  329,  4),  and  then  the  Agricola  was  added  to  them.  L.  Ur- 
lichs,  1.  1.  especially  II  p.  232. 

5.  C.  Heraeus,  studia  critica  in  Mediceos  Tac.  codices,  Cassel  1846, 
and  on  the  criticism  and  explanation  of  Tac,  Hamm  1859.  30  pp.  4. 
E.  Wolfflin,  Philol.  XXVI  p.  94-96. 

6.  Editions  of  the  Annals  by  Ruperti  (Gotting.  1804.  2  vols.),  Th. 
Kiessling  (Lips.  1829),  C.  Nipperdey  (Vol.  I,  Leipzig  1851.  Berlin  1855. 
1862.  1864;  Vol.  II,  Leipzig  1852.  Berlin  1857),  F.  W.  Otto  (b.  I— VI 
with  extensive  notes,  Mayence  1854),  Orelli-Baiter  (Ziirich  1859),  A. 
Drager  (School-edition,  Ijeipzig,  Teubner  1861  sq.  2  vols).  By  the  Rev. 
Percival  Frost,    London  1872. 

7.  Contributions  to  the  criticism  and  explanation  of  the  Annals 
by  J.  P.  E.  Greverus  (annotatiunculae,  Oldenburg  1827.  4.),  F.  Jacob 
(Obss.  ad  T.  Ann.  et  Hist.,  4  parts,  Liibeck  1837—1842.  4.),  0.  Miiller 
(de  A.  HI  55.  Gotting.  1841.  4.),  Bischoff  (Obss.  in  libr.  I,  Wesel 
1845.  4.),  C.  Halm  (Speier  1846.  4.),  Schmoller  (Explic.  loci  1.  I,  Blau- 
beuren  1849.  4.),  Held  (ad  loc.  diffic.  Schweidnitz  1851.  4.),  Urlichs  (in 
Jahn's  Jahrbb.  1854,  p.  52  sqq.  154  sqq.  300  sqq.),  L.  Spengel  (on  the 
first  book  of  the  A.,  Miinchen  1855.  4.  =  Commentations  of  the  Munich 
Academy  VII  2.  p.  695—727;  Notes  on  T.  A.,  Philologus  XXIII  p. 
644—651),  E.  Wurm  (Philologus  VIII  p.  361—370.  IX  p.  86—105), 
W.  G.  Pluygers  (spec,  emend.,  Leiden  1859.  4.),  C.  Sirker  (Animad- 
vers.,  Treves  1860;  Critical  Observ.  on  T.  A.,  Neuwied  1867.  4.),  C.  Krafft, 
(historical  and  geographical  Excursuses  on  Tac.  A.  I  and  II,  Maulbronn 
1864.  4.),  Borghesi  (see  above  332,  7). 

8.  E.  Egli,  On  the  wars  in  Armenia  A.  D.  41—63,  a  contribution 
to  the  criticism  of  Tac,  in  M.  Biidinger's  Investigations  on  the  Impe- 
rial History  of  Rome  I  (Leipzig  1868)  p.  265—363.  H.  T.  Karsten,  de 
Tac.  fide  in  sex  prioribus  annalium  libris,  Utrecht  1868.  R.  Weide- 
mann,  The  sources  of  the  first  six  books  of  T.  Ann.,  Cleve  1868.  4. 
W.  Pfitzner,  a  critical  examination  of  the  Annals.  I  (b.  1—6),  Halle 
1869.  Tacitus'  account  of  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Tiberius  (Ann. 
1 — 6)  translated  and  explained  by  A.  Stahr,  Berlin  1871.  0.  Clason, 
de  Tacit,  annal.  aetate  quaestiones  geographicae  ad  mare  rubrum  et 
Aegyptum   maxime  pertinentes,  Rostock  1871.    58  pp. 

334.    On  the  completion   of  his  Annals  Tacitus  could  sup- 
plement   the  historical    account    already  ^iven  by  him  either 


186  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

at  the  commencement  or  at  the  end,  by  relating  the  reign  of 
Augustus  or,  as  he  had  originally  promised,  those  of  Nerva 
and  Trajan.  It  seems  that  he  finally  preferred  the  first  sub- 
ject, either  because  it  attracted  him  more  or  because  Trajan 
was  still  reigning.  Tacitus  did  not,  however,  carry  out  his 
intention,  no  doubt  prevented  by  death.  There  are  no  other 
genuine  writings  by  Tacitus. 

1.  Hist.  I  1:  principatum  d.  Nervae  et  imperium  Traiani  .  .  se- 
nectuti  seposui.  A.  Ill  24:  cetera  illius  aetatis  (the  Augustan)  memo- 
rabo  si  effeciis  in  quae  tetendi  phires  ad  curas  vitam  produxero. 

2.  Fulgentius  exposit.  serm.  antiq.  p.  782  St.  ==.  p.  566  sq.  M. :  Cor- 
nelius Tacitus  libro  facetiarum :  „cessit  itaque  morum  elogio  in  filiis 
derelicto."  Fr.  Haase  (Ed.  p.  XIV)  considers  this  as  some  youthful  work 
of  Tacitus,  but  L.  Miiller  (Fleck.'s  Jahrb.  95,  p.  789  sq.)  is  probably 
right  in  considering  it  as  a  forgery  or  as  mere  fiction. 

3.  Complete  editions  of  the  works  of  Tacitus  (cf.  Panckoucke 
vol.  VII:  Bibliographic  de  1055  editions  de  Tac.) :  Ed.  princeps,  Venet. 
Vendelin.  de  Spira,  c.  1470.  fol.  (A.  XI— XVI,  Hist.,  Germ.,  Dial.).  Ed. 
Fr.  Puteolanus  (with  Agr.,  Milan  c.  1475.  Venet.  1497.  fol.).  Ph.  Be- 
roaldus,  the  first  really  complete  edition,  Rome  1515,  and  elsewhere, 
fol.),  B.  Rhenanus  (Basle  1519.  1533.  fol.),  Aid.  (Venet.  1534),  J.  Lipsius 
(Antverp.  1574.  8.  1600.  4.  1607.  1668.  fol.  and  elsewhere),  C.  Pichena 
(Florent.  1600.  4.  Francof.  1607),  J.  Gruter  (Frankf.  1607),  M.  Bernegger 
(Strasburg  1638.  1664),  J.  Fr.  Gronovius  (Amsterdam  1672.  [1673.]  1685. 

2  vols),  Th.  Ryck  (Leiden  1687.  12.  2  vols),  J.  and  Abr.  Gronovius  (Ut- 
recht 1721.  4.  2  vols),  J.  A.  Ernesti  (Lips.  1752.  1772.  2  vols;  a  new 
ed.  by  J.  J.  Oberlin,  Lips.  1801.  2  vols),    J.  Lallemand  (Paris  1760.  12. 

3  vols),  Gabr.  Brotier  (with  Supplements  in  the  manner  of  Freinsheim's 
supplements  to  Livy,  Paris  1771.  4.  4  tomi.  1776.  7  tomi.  12.  Edinburgh 
1796.  4.  4  tomi),  Bipont.  1779.  1792.  4  vols.  (cur.  Fr.  Chr.  Exter),  J- 
Naudet  (Paris  1819.  6  vols.),  Imm.  Bekker  (cum  notis  vir.  doctt.,  2  vols., 
Lips.  1831),  G.  H.  Walther  (Halle  1831  —  1833.  4  vols.),  G.  A.  Ruperti 
(Hannover  1832  sqq.  4  vols.),  N.  Bach  (Lips.  1834  sq.  2  vols.),  Fr. 
Ritter  (recogn.,  brevi  adn.  instr.,  Bonn  1834 — 1836.  2  vols.;  emend., 
comment,  critico  illustr.,  Cantabrig.  1848.  4  vols.;  e  codd.denuo  col- 
latis  rec.  Lips.  1864),  L.  Doderlein  (Halle  1841—1847.  2  vols.),  G-  L.  F. 
Panckoucke  (the  text  with  a  French  translation,  Paris  1840  sqq.,  7  vols.), 
Fr.  Diibner  (concisa  adnotatione,  prooemio  de  grammatica  Tac.  et  no- 
menclatore  geographico  explic,  Paris  1845.  12.),  J.  C.  Orelli  (rec.  atque 
interpr.  est,  Zurich  1846.  2  vols.  Ed.  II,  vol.  I,  1859),  J.  Stock  (ed. 
illustr.  Dublin  1862.  2  vols.). 

Texts  by  Imm.  Bekker  (Berol.  1825),  Liinemann  (Lips.  1825),  Fr. 
Haase  (Lips.  Tauchnitz  1855,  2  vols.)  and  especially  by  C.  Halm  (Lips. 
Teubner  1850  sq.;  iterum  recogn.  1857,  2  vols.  Cf.  Munich  Gel.  Anz. 
1851,  p.  31  —  63),  and  ^ipperdey  (Berol.  1871  sqq.) 


Tacitus.     Pliny  the  younger.  187 

4.  H.  WolflFel,  Emendationes  in  Cornelii  Taciti  libros,  Niirnberg 
1856.  68  pp.  8.  Fr.  Ritter,  Notes  on  Tacitus,  Rhein.  Mus.  XVI.  p.  454 
—469.  XVII.  p.  99—137.  XX.  p.  195-217.  518-532.  XXI.  p.  534—550. 
Philologus  XIX.  p.  264-281.  665-679.  XX.  p.  109—127.  275—292. 
648—680.  XXII.  p.  48—62.  639—680.  Fr.  Thoraae,  Observationes  cri- 
ticae  in  Corn.  Taciturn,  Bonn  1866.  52  pp.  8.  E.  Wolfflin,  Annual 
Report  on  Tacitus,  Philologus  XXV.  p.  92—134.     XXVI.  p.  92—166. 

335.  The  literary  activity  of  Pliny  the  younger,  the  nephew 
and  adopted  son  of  the  Elder,  belongs  to  the  time  of  Nerva  and 
Trajan  even  more  exclusively  than  that  of  Tacitus.  C.  Plinius 
Caecilius  Secundus  (A.  D.  62 — 113)  from  Comum  held  public  and 
municipal  offices  under  Domitian,  and  finally  the  Consulate  under 
Trajan  (a.  100)  and  also  the  place  of  Imperial  Legate  in 
Bithynia  (a.  Ill  sq.  or  112  sq.).  As  Phny  had  frequently 
pleaded  in  lawsuits  belore  the  Centumviri  and  in  the  Criminal 
Courts,  he  began  under  Nerva  to  revise  and  publish  his  former 
speeches.  We  possess  of  him  the  speech  in  which  he  returned 
thanks  for  the  Consulate,  a  work  important  enough  in  its 
bearing  on  the  history  of  Trajan,  but  tiresome  by  loquacity 
and  the  bombastic  praises  bestowed  upon  the  Emperor.  Shortly 
after  Nerva's  accession  to  the  throne,  Pliny  began  to  compose 
letters  with  a  view  to  publication.  Thcie  are  altogether 
nine  books  of  them,  composed  and  successively  edited  from 
a.  97 — 108,  to  which  is  added  Pliny's  correspondence  with 
Trajan  during  his  presidency  in  Bithynia,  though  this  is  not 
finished.  These  letters  extend  in  a  studied  variety  over  a 
large  number  of  subjects,  but  are  chiefly  intended  to  exhibit 
their  author  in  the  most  favourable  light.  Still  the  great  can- 
dour with  which  the  author  confesses  his  vanity,  and  his  evident 
love  for  good  and  noble  aims  compensate  the  impression  of 
vanity.  The  diction  is  fluent  and  smooth.  Pliny  ventured 
even  on  the  composition  of  verse,  but  of  these  lusus  and 
ineptiae  nothing  has  come  down  to  posterity. 

1.  Next  to  Cicero  scarcely  any  other  ancient  writer  is  so  well  and  so 
accurately  known  to  us  as  Pliny,  chiefly  through  his  own  works,  but 
also  through  Inscriptions  (collected  by  Mommsen  Hermes  III  p.  108 — 113). 
The  longest  inscription  concerns  the  thermae  which  he  bequeathed  to 
Comum  in  his  will  (T.  F.  I.),  but  which  was  somehow  or  other  carried 
to  Milan  (Orelh  -  Henzen  1172,  cf.  Ill  p.  124).  He  is  there  styled  C. 
Plinius  L.  f.  Ouf.  Caecilius  Secundus,  Cos.,  Augur,  Legatus  pro  pr.  pro- 
vinciae  Ponti  et  Bithyniae  consulari  potestate,    e[x  SC.  missus  ab|  Imp. 


188  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Caesare  Nerva  Traiano  .  .  ,  Curator  alvei  Tiberis  et  riparum  et  cloacar. 
urb.,  Praef.  aerari  Saturni,  Praef.  aerari  milit.,  [Praetor,  Trib.  pleb.,] 
Quaestor  imp.,  Sevir  equitum  rom.,  Trib.  milit.  leg.  Ill  gallicae,  Xvir 
stlitib.  iudicand. ;  on  the  inscription  from  Vercellae  he  is  also  called 
Fl(amen)  divi  T.  Aug.  (at  Comum?  Mommsen  p.  99  sq.).  In  the  reign 
of  Domitian  he  was  Quaestor  Caesaris  (Ep.  VII  16,  2),  probably  from 
1  June  89  until  31  May  90  (Mommsen  p.  86),  trib.  pleb.  (Ep.  I  23,  2 
sqq.,  cl.  IV  16,  2.  Panegyr.  95,  probably  10  Decbr.  91—9  Dec.  92), 
praetor  (Ep.  Ill  11,  2.  VII  11,  4.  16.  Paneg.  95)  c.  93  or  94  (Momm- 
sen p.  37  sq.  89);  under  Nerva  (and  Trajan)  praef.  aerari  Sat.  from 
January  98  until  lOO  or  101  (Mommsen  p.  42.  89—91.  Stobbe,  Philo- 
logus  XXVII  p.  641);  under  Trajan  he  became  cos.  suff.  with  lulius 
Cornutus  Tertullus  1  July  —  30  Sept.  or  1  Sept.—  31  Oct.  100  (Ep.  V 
14,  5.  Paneg.  60.  92.  Mommsen  p.  91—95),  augur  a.  103  or  104  (Ep.  IV 
8.  Mommsen  p.  44.  95),  curator  alvei  Tib.  (Ep.  V  14)  probably  105 
— 107  (Mommsen  p.  47.  95),  Legate  in  Bithynia  a.  Ill  and  112  or  112 
113  (Mommsen  p.  55.  96).  Pliny  appears  to  have  died  before  114  either 
in  his  province  or  soon  after  his  return  home  (ibid.  p.  99),  at  an  age 
of  perhaps  52  years,  as  he  was  18  years  on  the  24  Aug.  79  (Ep.  VI 
'  20,  5),  and  was  born  61 — 62.  Pliny  was  married  three  times,  twice 
under  Domitian  (ad  Trai.  2,  2),  and  the  last  time  with  Calpurnia  (IV  19, 
cf.  VI  4.  7.  VIII  10  sq.),  though  without  getting  children.  His  pecuniary 
circumstances  were  splendid.  J.  Masson,  C.  Piini  .  .  vita  ordine  chro- 
nologic© digesta,  Amsterdam  1709.  Geisler,  de  Plinii  min.  vita,  Breslau 
1862.  16  pp.  4.  Tanzmann,  de  PI.  vita,  ingenio,  moribus,  Breslau  1865. 
Th.  Mommsen,  on  the  life  of  Pliny  the  younger,  Hermes  HI  p.  31-114 
(139).  H.  F.  Stobbe,  on  the  chronology  of  the  letters  of  Pliny,  Philol. 
XXX  p.  347 — 393  (containing  the  actions  against  Priscus  and  Clas- 
sicus). 

2.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr.  2126  =  Trai.  13  =  110  A.  D.  (Petav.  and 
Freher.  ad  2125):  Plinius  Secundus  Novocomensis  orator  et  historicus 
insignis  habetur,  cuius  plurima  ingenii  opera  extant.  For  his  masters 
in  eloquence  see  above  320,  4.  Epist.  V  8,  8:  unodevicesimo  aetatis 
anno  dicere  in  foro  coepi.  I  18,  3 :  causam  luni  Pastoris  .  .  acturus 
adulescentulus  adhuc,  in  quadruplici  iudicio  (cf.  IV  24,  1).  VI  12,  2: 
in  arena  mea,  h.  e.  apud  centum viros  (cf.  IV  16.  IX  23,  1.  Martial.  X 
19,  14  sq.).  Thus  he  pleaded  for  Arrionilla  (Ep.  I  5,  4  sqq.,  Attia  Vi- 
riola  (VI  33,  1  sq.),  Corellia  (IV  17,  1  u.  11),  Vettius  Priscus  (VI  12,  2). 
Also  pro  Firmanis  (VI  18),  pro  Clario  (IX  28,  5)  and  others  Ep.  VI 
29,  7  sqq. :  egi  quasdam  a  senatu  iussus.  .  .  (8.)  adfui  Baeticis  contra 
Baebium  Massam  (together  with  Herennius  Senecio,  a.  93,  cf.  VII  33). 
.  .  adfui  rursus  isdem  querentibus  de  Caecilio  Classico  (a.  101,  cf.  I 
7,  2  sqq.  Ill  4.  9).  .  .  (9.)  accusavi  Marium  Priscum  (a.  99?  cf.  II  19,  8. 
ad  Trai.  3).  .  .  (10.)  tuitus  sum  lulium  Bassum  (after  105?  cf.  IV  9, 
4  sqq.  13,  1  sq.).  .  .  (11.)  dixi  proxime  pro  Vareno  (Rufo,  a.  106  sq. 
cf.  V  20.  2.  VII  6.  10).  Other  criminal  actions  are  mentioned  Ep. 
Vn   6,  8-13. 


Pliny  the  younger.  189 

3.  Pliny  was  accustomed  to  enlarge  and  revise,  then  to  polish 
and  finally  to  publish  his  speeches  after  much  elaboration.  Ep.  IV  14,  1. 
V  8,  6 :  egi  magnas  et  graves  causas,  has  .  .  destino  retractare,  ne 
tantus  ille  labor  meus  .  .  mecum  pariter  intercidat.  Cf.  ib.  12.  1  sq 
VII  17.  VIII  3,  2.  IX  10,  2  sq.  15,  2.  28,  5  (est  uberior,  multa  enim' 
postea  inserui).  Thus  he  edited  the  sermo  quem  apud  municipes  meos 
(decuriones)  habui  bybliothecam  dedicaturus  (I  8,  2  sqq.  16),  an  actio 
pro    patria   (II  5,  3),    that    pro    lulio  Basso    (IV  9,  23),    pro  Vareno  (V 

20,  2),  pro  Attia  Viriola  (VI  33,  1  sq.  cf.  Sid.  Apoll.  Ep.  VIII  10),  pro 
Clario  (IX  28,  5).  For  others  see  VIII  19.  IX  4.  On  his  speech  to 
Trajan  see  n.  12.  But  to  the  narrative  kind  (see  IX  13,  14,  cf.  IV  21,  3 
the  distinction  between  actio  and  libri)  belonged  Pliny's  libelli  de  ultione 
Helvidi  (to  his  accuser  Publicius  Certus)  Ep.  VII  30,  4  sq.  IX  13,  1; 
also  the  panegyric  life  of  young  Vestricius  Cottius  (ib.  Ill  10  cf.  II  7). 
Pliny  himself  says  of  his  speeches :  temptavi  imitari  Demosthenen  .  . 
in  contentione  dicendi  (Ep.  I  2,  2  sq.  cf.  VII  30,  5) ;  but  even  in  his 
time  there  were  some  sober  judges  of  his  style  (e.  g.  Lupercus),  against 
whom  he  vainly  attempts  to  defend  himself  by  appealing  to  Demosthe- 
nes, Ep.  IX  26,  5.  ib.  5 :  visus  es  mihi  in  scriptis  meis  adnotasse  quae- 
dam  ut  tumida  quae  ego  sublimia,  ut  improba  quae  ego  audentia,  ut 
nimia  quae  ego  plena  arbitrabar.  Cf.  VII  12,  4:  cum  suspicarer  futu- 
rum  ut  tibi  tumidius  videretur  quoniam  est  sonantius  et  elatius.  He 
vividly  defends  himself  against  the  charge  of  not  being  sufficiently 
concise,  ib.  I  20,  V  6,  42  sqq.  cf.  VI  2,  5  sqq.  Macrob.  V  1,  7: 
pingue  et  floridum  (genus),  in  quo  Plinius  Secundus  quondam  et  nunc  .  . 
Symmachus  luxuriatur. 

4.  Plin.  Ep.  VII  4,  1  sqq.:  numquam  a  poetice  alienus  fui:  quin 
etiam  quattuordecim  natus  annos  graecam  tragoediam  scripsi.  .  .  (3.)  mox 
cum  e  militia  rediens  in  Icaria  insula  ventis  detinerer,  latinos  elegos 
in  illud  ipsum  mare  ipsamque  insulam  feci,  expertus  sum  me  aliquando 
et  heroo,  hendecasyllabis  nunc  primum.  (7.)  transii  (from  hexameters) 
ad  elegos :  hos  quoque  non  minus  celeriter  explicui.  addidi  alios  (iam- 
bos,  according  to  Mommsen's  emendation),  facilitate  corruptus,  .  . 
(8.)  inde  plura  metra,  si  quid  otii,  maxime  in  itinere  temptavi.  postremo 
placuit  exemplo  multorum  unum  separatim  hendecasyllaborum  volumen 
absolvere.  nee  paenitet:  legitur,  describitur,  cantatur  etiam.  The  first 
mention  of  this  collection  occurs  ib.  IV  24,  2  sqq.  accipies  cum  hac 
epistula  hendecasyllabos  nostros,  quibus  nos  in  vehiculo,  in  balineo, 
inter  cenam  oblectamus  otium  temporis.  (3.)  his  iocamur,  ludimus, 
amamus,  dolemus,  querimur,  irascimur,  describimus  aliquid  etc.  (4.) 
ex  quibus  si  non  nulla  tibi  paulo  petulantiora  videbuntur  etc.  (8.)  .  . 
cogitare    me   has  nugas  inscribere    liendecasyllabi.     Cf.  V    3.  10.     VIII 

21,  4  (liber  et  opusculis  varius  et  metris).  IX  10,  2  (poemata  crescunt, 
according  to  Mommsen's  emendation).  16,  2  (novos  versiculos  tibi  .  . 
mittemus).  25,  1  (lusus  et  ineptias  nostras)  and  3  (passerculis  et  colum- 
bulis  nostris).  Besides  this,  Pliny  translated  into  Latin  thee  Greek 
epigrams  of  Arrius  Antoninus   (above  319,  4)    about  the  same  time    (ib 


190  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

IV  18,  cf.  V  15).  Hence  perhaps  Anthol.  lat.  710  R.  In  general  he 
confesses  Ep.  IX  29,  1  variis  me  studiorum  generibus,  nulli  satis  con- 
fisus,  experior. 

5.  Plin.  Ep.  1  1,  1:  frequenter  hortatus  es  ut  epistulas,  si  quas 
paulo  curatius  scripsissem,  colligerem  publicaremque.  collegi  non  ser- 
vato  temporis  ordine  (neque  enim  historiam  componebam),  sed  ut  quae- 
que  in  manus  venerat.  This  pretended  want  of  design  can  scarcely  be 
admitted  of  the  first  book.  On  the  contrary,  Tillemont  saw  and  Momm- 
sen  (Hermes  III  p.  31 — 53)  proved  that  the  whole  collection  is  arranged 
in  chronological  order,  both  as  concerns  the  books  and  again  in  the 
letters  themselves  (Stobbe.  Philol.  XXVII  p.  640  sq.).  Like  the  works 
of  Martial  and  Statins,  the  single  books  were  published  successively. 
Not  a  single  letter  obliges  us  to  assume  the  beginning  of  the  collection 
before  the  death  of  Domitian.  The  first  book  dates  from  the  end  of 
96  and  a.  97,  II  from  a.  97-100,  III  a.  101  sq.,  IV  a.  104  sq.,  V  was 
published  106,  VI  a.  106  sq.,  VII  a.  107?  VIII  and  IX  a.  107-109. 
The  collection  was  published  complete  when  Pliny  set  out  for  Bithynia. 
His  correspondence  with  Trajan  is  generally  arranged  chronologically, 
and  the  Emperor's  answer  is  added  to  each  letter.  The  fifteenth 
letter  down  to  122  are  of  the  time  of  his  Bithynian  presidency  (Sept. 
Ill  —  Jan.  113),  without,  however,  reaching  its  end.  Mommsen  1.  1.  p. 
36—59.  99.  The  persons  addressed  by  Pliny  are  always  denoted  by 
two  names  in  the  first  book,  and  generally  so  in  b.  IH — V,  but  in  b.  II 
and  VI — IX  always  only  by  one.     Cf.  n.  10. 

6.  It  is  evident  that  these  letters  were  written  with  a  view  to  pu- 
blication even  from  the  very  beginning.  Every  person  mentioned  in 
them  and  which  is  not  either  dead  or  exiled,  is  praised;  the  sole  ex- 
ceptions being  Regulus  (above  321,  3)  and  perhaps  lavolenus  Priscus 
(see  below  337,  3).  The  names  ot  all  others  are  suppressed  in  case 
they  are  blamed  (see  II  6.  VI  17.  VII  26.  VIII  22,  4.  IX  12.  26,  1. 
27,  1).  Each  letter  deals  with  only  one  subject,  so  that  letters  of  in- 
troduction, congratulations  and  condolence  succeed  accounts  of  news, 
descriptions  (especially  of  villas),  essays  on  points  of  morality  (some- 
times very  trivial,  e.  g.  VII  26.  IX  11)  in  intentional  variety.  Most  of 
them  are  devoted  to  the  good  and  excellent  performances  or  clever 
sayings,  to  the  principles,  mode  of  life  etc.  of  the  author  himself, 
and  exhibit  him  as  a  tender  husband,  good  friend,  humane  master  of 
slaves,  admired  speaker  or  writer,  noble-minded  citizen,  and  liberal 
patron  of  good  aims.  On  the  other  hand,  the  correspondence  with 
Trajan  serves  to  illustrate  the  patience  and  calm  insight  of  the  Emperor 
as  contrasted  with  the  fidgety  and  yet  selfconscious  bearing  of  his 
governor.  In  VIII  14,  12 — 14  the  very  great  profusion  of  words  with 
which  a  simple  question  is  treated  shows  scanty  practice  in  business- 
like habits.  But  the  form  and  diction  are  treated  with  great  care;  cf. 
I  1  (n.  5)  and  VII  9,  8:  volo  epistulam  diligentius  scribas.  .  .  pressus 
sermo  purusque  ex  epistulis  petitur. 


Pliny  the  younger.  I9l 

7.  In  his  virtues  and  his  weaknesses  Pliny  resembles  his  model 
Cicero  (M.  Tullius,  quern  aemulari  studiis  cupio,  Ep.  IV  8,  4  cf.  I  5, 
11.  IX  2,  2).  He  has  his  softness  and  thirst  for  praise,  but  is  without 
his  humour  and  malice  as  well  as  without  his  eminent  talent.  Pliny 
who  is  conscious  of  his  limits  always  keeps  his  note-book  at  hand,  not 
to  lose  the  chance  of  a  'happy  thought'.  He  candidly  confesses:  me 
nihil  aeque  ac  diuturnitatis  amor  et  cupido  sollicitat,  Ep.  V  8,  1  cf. 
VIII  2,  8.  IX  3,  1.  14.  (nostro  studio  et  labore  et  reverentia  poste- 
rorum).  23.  31.  His  softness  (mollitia  animi  mei,  Ep.  IV  21,  5)  makes 
him  indulgent  in  judging  others,  both  in  life  (Ep.  VIII  22.  IX  17)  and 
literature  (VI  17.  21,  1)  so  that  some  blamed  him  tamquam  amicos  ex 
omni  occasione  ultra  modum  laudet  (VII  28,  1),  perhaps  silently  hoping 
an  equal  return.  Owing  to  his  mild  and  tender  heart  he  deej)ly  feels  the 
loss  of  friends  and  relations,  even  of  slaves  (VIII  16)  and  easily  sheds 
tears  (e.  g.  V  21,  6.  VIII  16.  5.  23,  8).  He  also  has  an  open  heart  for 
the  charms  of  inanimate  nature  (e.  g.  I  6,  2.  9,  6.  II  17,  3  sqq.  V  6, 
13  sq.  VI  31,  15  sqq.  VIII  8.  20,  4  sqq.  ID:  me  nihil  aeque  ac  na- 
turae opera  delectant.  IX  7,  2  sqq.  H.  Motz,  on  the  perception  of 
natural  beauty  p.  68  —  73  and  elsewhere).  This  quality  frequently 
approaches  downright  softheartedness  and  womanly  conduct ;  e.  g.  VI  4. 
VII  5.  On  the  whole,  Pliny  may  be  said  to  be  great  in  nothing  and 
small  in  many  things,  but  he  always  aimed  at  good  ends  (VIII  2,  2: 
mihi  egregium  in  primis  videtur  .  .  agitare  iustitiam)  and  avoided 
vulgarity. 

8.  Chr.  B.  Lehmus,  on  the  character  of  Pliny  the  younger,  Soest 
1776.  J.  A.  Schafer,  (same  title)  Ansbach  1786—1791.  4.  G.  E.  Gierig, 
on  the  life,  moral  character,  and  literary  position  of  Pliny  the  younger, 
Dortmund  1798.  E.  Cauvet,  etude  sur  Pline  le  jeune,  Toulouse  1857. 
Grasset,    Pline  le  j.,    sa  vie  et  ses  oeuvres,  Montpellier  1865.  187  pp. 

J.  Held,  on  the  value  of  the  correspondence  of  Pliny  the  younger 
in  its  bearing  upon  Roman  literature,  Breslau  1833.  i 

Wensch,  lexici  pliniani  spec.  I.  II.  Wittenberg  1837.  1839.  4.  H. 
Holstein,  de  PL  min.  elocutione,  Naumburg  1862.  36  pp.  4.;  disp.  altera, 
Magdeburg  (Lips.  Teubner)  1869.  26  pp.  4.  Cf.  E.  Klussmann,  Pliilol. 
Anz.  1870,  p.  159—165. 

9.  Apoll.  Sidon.  Ep.  IX  1  :  addis  et  causas  quibus  hie  liber  nonus 
octo  superiorum  voluminibus  adcrescat,  quod  C.  Secundus,  cuius  nos 
orbitas  sequi  hoc  opere  pronuntias,  paribus  titulis  opus  epistuiare  ,de- 
terminet.  The  correspondence  with  Trajan  was  arbitrarily  counted  as 
the  tenth  book  by  Aldus  and  is  now  not  found  in  any  ms.  But  in 
the  I6th  century  there  was  one  still  extant  in  France,  from  which  the 
last  81  letters  were  edited  by  H.  Avantius  (1502)  and  others  (Ph.  Be- 
roaldus  1502,  Catanaeus  Mil.  1506),  the  others  (1  —  41)  being  added  by 
Aldus  1508  from  the  ms.  which  had  meanwhile  been  brought  to  Italy. 
Subsequent  editors  changed  the  order,  by  placing  together  all  letters 
Mithout    answers    and    those    to    which   Trajan's   reply    is    given.     But 


192  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Keil  has  restored  the  original  order,  though  not  counted  nr.  4.  The  first 
methodical  treatment  of  these  letters  by  J.  C.  Orelli,  Turici  1833,  emen- 
ded and  augmented  with  a  historia  critica  epistolarum  Plinii  et  Traiani, 
ind.  lect.,  Turici  1838.  4.  Other  contributions  by  J.  Held  (Prolegg.  ad 
etc.,  Schweidnitz  1835.  4.),  Gr.  Thomsen  (Dansk  Maanedskrift  1858,  p. 
425-455.  1859,  p.  152—158),  Holm  (ibid.  1859,  p.  158—168)  and  J.  L. 
Ussing  (om  de  k.  Tr.  tillagte  breve  til  PI.,  Copenhagen  1861.  26  pp.  4). 

10.  The  only  manuscript  which  contains  all  the  nine  books  of 
letters  is  the  Mediceus  (M)  saec.  X,  of  which  Titze's  Prague  Ms.  is  a 
faulty  copy.  From  the  same  source  as  M  is  derived  the  Vatican  ms. 
3864  (V)  saec.  X,  which,  however,  contains  only  b.  I— IV.  All  the  other 
mss.  are  later  and  contain  either  only  b.  I — V  6  (together  100  letters) 
e.  g.  especially  the  Florentinus  (F)  saec.  XI  and  the  lost  Riccardianus, 
(employed  by  Corte),  or  only  eight  books,  omitting  b.  VIII  and  coun- 
ting IX  as  the  eighth,  and  giving  also  the  last  book  and  the  fifth  in 
bad  order.  The  earliest  ms.  of  this  kind  is  the  codex  archivii  Cassi- 
natis  332  of  a.  1429.  Also  the  Dresdensis  (D)  belongs  to  the  same 
class,  though  in  this  as  well  as  in  others  the  text  is  corrected  accor- 
ding to  a  copy  of  the  class  containing  100  letters.  D  and  M  give  only 
one  name  to  the  person  addressed,  while  F  and  Riccard.  have  frequently 
preserved  both  names  (cf.  n.  5  fin.).  All  mss.,  however,  contain  numerous 
arbitrary  changes  and  interpolations  by  the  grammarians.  See  H.  Keil's 
preface  to  his  edition,  and  De  Plinii  epistulis  emendandis  disp.  I  (Er- 
langen  1865.  23  pp.  4.)  and  II  (Erl.  1866.  23  pp.  4.). 

11.  The  first  edition  of  the  letters  (Venet.  1471)  contained  only 
eight  books,  that  by  J.  Schurener  (Rome  1474?)  added  part  of  b.  VIII 
without  8,  3 — 18,  11).  The  first  complete  edition  is  the  Aldine,  Venet. 
1508.  from  a  ms.  different  from  M.  Subsequent  editions  by  J.  Gruter 
(1611),  J.  Veenhusen  (cum  notis  Casaub.,  Gruteri,  J.  Fr.  Gronovii  etc., 
Lugd.  B.  1669),  G.  Cortius  et  P.  D.  Longolius  (Amstelod.  1734.  4.).  Ed. 
F.  N.  Titze,  Prague  1820.  A  Selection  with  notes  by  G.  A.  Herbst,  Halle 
1839.     AVith  a  commentary  by  M.  Doring,  Freiberg  1843,  2  vols. 

12.  The  speech  in  which  Pliny  returns  thanks  to  Trajan  for  con- 
ferring the  Consulate  upon  him  (Ep.  II  1,  5.  Ill  13.  18.  IV  5.  VI  27, 
2  sq.  Paneg.  1,  6.  2,  3.  3,  1.  90,  3)  is  called  Panegyricus  as  early 
as  by  Sidonius  Apollinaris  Ep.  VIII  10.  'It  is  very  probable  that  it 
lost  by  being  enlarged  and  by  too  careful  elaboration,  when  it  was 
subsequently  written  down.  As  we  have  it  now,  pompous  and  loqua- 
cious, full  of  flattery  in  the  guise  of  candour  .  .  we  understand  the 
judgment  of  F.  A.  Wolf  (praef.  to  Cic.  p.  Marcell.  p.  XII) :  enecuisset 
principem  novus  consul  si  ita  dixisset  ut  scripsit'.  M.  Hertz,  Renais- 
sance etc.  p.  11.  It  has  come  down  to  us  in  two  texts,  both  corrupt. 
The  earlier  text  is  represented  by  the  three  palimpsest  leaves  (saec. 
VI— VIII)  from  Bobio  published  by  A.  Mai  in  his  edition  of  Symmachus 
(Mediol.  1815),  more  accurately  by  H.  Keii,  de  schedis  Ambrosianis  re- 
scriptis  paneg.  PI.,    Halle  1869.  16  pp.    4.     The    other    consists  of  mss 


t 


Pliny  the  younger  and  other  orators.  193 

of  the  fifteenth  century  (e.  g.  Vat.  3461)  all  copied  from  a  ms.  of  the 
panegyric!  seen  a.  1433  at  Mayence  by  J.  Aurispa;  H.  Keil,  Jo.  Aurispae 
epistula,  Halle  1870.  4. 

This  speech  was  edited  originally  in  the  Panegyrici  veteres  of  Pu- 
teolanus,  Cuspinianus  (1513)  and  others,  then  cum  comment.  J.  Lipsii, 
Antverp.  1600.  1604.  4.  and  elsewhere  Emend.  J.  M.  Gesner,  Gotting. 
1735.  1749.  Cum  notis  varr.  cur.  J.  Arntzen,  Amstelod.  1738.  4.  Cum 
comm.  edit.  C.  G.  Schwarz,  Norimb.  1746.  4.  Rec.  G.  E.  Gierig,  Lips. 
1796.    Texte  revu  par  Fr.  Diibner,  Paris  1843. 

Critical  contributions  by  J.  C.  Held,  Observationes  in  PI.  paneg., 
Baireuth  1824.  4.  H.  Haupt,  Hermes  V  p.  26—28.  J.  Dierauer,  On 
the  Paneg.  of  Pliny,  in  M.  Biidinger's  Investigations  on  the  Imperial 
period  I  (1868)  p.  187—217. 

13.  Complete  editions  (cf.  n.  11)  especially  by  H.  Stephanus  (cum 
notis  Is.  Casauboni,  Paris  1591),  M.  Z.  Boxhorn  (Lugd.  B.  1653),  J.  M. 
Gesner  (Lips.  1739.  1770;  cum  notis  varr.  ed.  G.  H.  Schaefer,  Lips. 
1805),  G.  E.  Gierig  (rec.  et  prolegg.  instr.,  Lips.  J  806),  H.  Keil  (recogn., 
Lips.  1853,  Bibl.  Teubner),  especially  his  large  edition  (with  index  no- 
minum  by  Mommsen),  Lips.  Teubner  1870. 

336.  Besides  these  two  greatest  orators  of  this  period 
we  know  from  Pliny  of  a  large  number  of  men  of  all  conditions 
who  pleaded  before  the  Senate  and  in  the  Law  -  Courts, 
and  some  of  whom  also  published  their  speeches.  Thus  we 
may  mention  especially  Pompeius  Saturninus,  who  also  com- 
posed verse,  and  Voconius  Romanus.  The  great  number  of 
these  practical  speakers  and  the  decided  preference  they  seem 
to  have  met  with  in  comparison  with  the  school-rhetoricians 
are  proofs  of  the  great  importance  public  life  had  regained. 
A  respectable  representative  of  this  scholastic  eloquence  is 
P.  Annius  Florus  by  whom  we  possess  an  interesting  frag- 
ment of  some  length  and  who  is  also  known  as  poet.  Historical 
writing  exhibits  (independently  of  Tacitus)  a  certain  fondness 
of  biography  (Claudius  Pollio,  C.  Fannius,  Pliny)  and  a  prefe- 
rence for  relating  recent  events  (Pompeius  Planta). 

1.  Plin.  Ep.  I  16,  1:  Pompeium  Saturninum.  .  .  (2.)  audivi 
causas  agentem  .  .  polite  et  ornate  etc.  (3.)  senties  quod  ego  cum 
orationes  eius  in  manus  sumpseris,  quas  facile  cui  libet  veterum,  quo- 
rum est  aemulus,  comparabis.  (4.)  idem  tamen  in  historia  magis  satis- 
faciet  etc.  (5.)  praeterea  facit  versus  quales  Catullus  aut  Calvus.  quan- 
tum (in)  illis  leporis  etc.  (6.)  legit  mihi  nuper  epistulas :  .  .  Plautum 
vel  Terentium  metro  solutum  legi  credidi.  To  him  ib.  18.  V  21 
(,  1:  litterae  tuae  .  .  te  recitaturum  statim  ut  venissem  pollicebantur). 
Vn  7.  15.  IX  38. 

13 


194  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

2.  Plin.  Ep.  II  13,  4:  Voconius  Roman  us  .  ,  (7.)  ad  hoc  in- 
genium  excelsum,  subtile,  dulce,  facile,  eruditum  in  causis  agendis. 
epistulas  quidem  ecribit  ut  Musas  ipsas  latine  loqui  credas.  To  him 
ib.  I  5.  Ill  13.  IX  28  (,  3:  nuntias  multa  te  nunc  dictare  nunc  scri- 
bere  quibus  nos  tibi  repraesentes)  and  others  ad  Trai.  4,  4:  pro  mo- 
ribus  Romani  mei,  quos  et  liberalia  studia  exornant  et  eximia  pietas. 
He  is  probably  C.  Licinius  C.  f.  Gal.  Marinus  Voconius  Romanus,  C.  I. 
lat.  II  3866    cf.  3865  a. 

3.  Suet.  Vesp.  13:  Salvium  Liberalem  in  defensione  divitis 
rei  ausum  dicere  .  .  et  ipse  laudavit  (Vesp.).  Under  Domitian  he  was 
exiled.  Plin.  Ep.  II  11,  17:  postero  die  (a.  100)  dixit  pro  Mario  Salvius 
Liberalis,  vir  subtilis,  dispositus,  acer,  disertus.  Cf.  ib.  Ill  9,  36 
(a.  101).  Cons,  probably  under  Nerva  (Orelli  1170  and  the  acta  of  the 
fratres  arvales,  to  whom  he  belonged  since  1  May  78:  C.  Salvius  C. 
f.  Vel.  Liberalis  Nonius  Bassus);  see  Pauly's  Encycl.  I  2  p.  2298,  no.  35 
and  the  Index  of  KeiPs  Pliny  (1870)  p.  424. 

4.  As  practical  orators  Pliny  mentions  also  the  following:  Catius 
Fronto  (Ep.  II  11,  3  and  18.  IV  9,  15.  VI  13,  2),  Claudius  Capito 
(VI  13,  2),  Claudius  Marcellinus  (II  11,  15),  Claudius  Restitutus  (III 
9,  16),  Cornelius  Minicianus  (VII  22),  Cremutius  Ruso  (VI  23,  2),  Eru- 
cius  Clarus  (Cos.  117,  vir  .  .    disertus  atque  in  agendis  causis  exercita- 

•tus,  ib.  II  9,  4  cf.  Dio  LXVIII  30),  Fabius  Hispanus  (facundia  validus, 
ib.  Ill  9,  12),  C.  Fannius  (see  n.  8),  Fuscus  Salinator  (VI  11.  26), 
Herennius  Pollio  (IV  9,  14),  lulius  Africanus  (VII  6,  11),  the  grandson 
of  the  orator  of  the  same  name  (above  292,  4),  Lucceius  Albinus 
(III  9,  7.  IV  9,  13),  Minicius  (lustus?  cf.  ib.  VII  II,  4),  whose  style 
is  characterized  by  tenuitas  (VII  12,  5) ;  Pomponius  Rufus  (IV  9,  3), 
Titius  Homullus  (Ep.  IV  9,  15.  V  20,  6),  Trebonius  Rufinus  (IV  22,  1  sq.), 
Tuscilius  Nominatus  (V  4,  1  sq.  13,  1  sqq.),  Varisidius  Nepos  (IV  4,  1), 
Ummidius  Quadratus  (VI  11,    VII  24;    Cons.  a.  118). 

5.  Plin.  Ep.  VI  5,  6:  et  (luventius)  Celsus  (below  319,  2)  Nepos 
ex  libello  respondit  (in  the  Senate)  et  Celso  (Licinius)  Nepos  ex  pugil- 
laribus.  V  13,  6  sq. :  Nigrinus  trib.  pleb.  recitavit  (in  the  Senate)  libel- 
lum  disertum  et  gravera,  quo  questus  est  vaenire  advocationes  etc.  cf. 
V  20,  6    (dixit  .  .  Nigrinus  presse,  graviter,  ornate). 

6.  As  school-declaimers  we  know  in  this  time  (except  Licinianus, 
above  321,  15)  the  following  —  Isaeus  (Plin.  Ep.  II  3.  Juv.  3,  74.  Philostr. 
vit.  soph.  I  20)  and  lulius  Genitor  (rhetor  latinus,  Plin.  Ep.  Ill  3,  3  sqq. 
to  him  ib.  Ill  11.  VII  30.  IX  17),  also  Vettius  (Juv.  7,  150).  Suetonius 
too,  is  called  scholasticus  by  Plin.  Ep.  I  24,  4.  cf.  18,  1  (ne  quid  ad- 
versi  in  actione  patiaris). 

7.  The  introduction  to  P.  Annius  Florus''  dialogue  on  the 
question  Vergilius  orator  an  poeta  was  discovered  by  Th.  Oehler  in  a 
Brussels  ms.  and  first  edited  and  commented  on  by  F.  Ritschl  (Rh.  Mus.  I. 
1842.  p.  302—314),  then  in  the  editions  of  lulius  Florus  (below  343)  by 


Orators:   Annius    Florus  and  others.  195 

0.  Jahn  p.  XLI— XLIV  and  by  Halm  p.  106—109.  Contributions  to  the 
criticism  of  the  text  by  J.  Freudenberg  (Rh.  Mus.  XXII  p.  30  sq.)  and 
E.  Bahrens  (lect,  latt.,  Bonn  1870,  p.  19 — 22).  From  this  dialogus  we 
gather  that  the  author  appeared  in  the  Capitoline  contest  at  Rome  as 
puer  sub  Domitiano,  but  was  not  crowned  owing  to  partiality;  dismayed 
by  which  he  started  on  his  journeys,  finally  settled  at  Tarraco  and  de- 
voted himself  to  professio  litterarum.  There  his  'interlocutor'  meets 
him  and  puts  the  question:  quid  tu  tarn  diu  in  hac  provincia?  nee  .  . 
urbem  illam  revisis  ubi  versus  tui  a  lectoribus  concinuntur  et  in  foro 
omni  clarissimus  ille  de  Dacia  triumphus  (of  Trajan,  a.  102  or  106) 
exultat?  And  indeed  in  the  reign  of  Adrian  we  see  him  at  Rome,  as 
he  is  no  doubt  the  Florus  poeta  with  whom  Adrian  exchanged  jocular 
poetry  (Spartian.  Hadr.  16) ;  cf.  Charis.  I  p.  53,  14  and  140,  6  K.  (Annius 
Florus  ad  divum  Hadrianum:  poematis  delector).  123,  17  (Florus  ad 
divum  Hadrianum).  It  is  also  quite  credible  that  he  is  the  author  of 
the  pleasing  26  trochaeic  sententious  tetrameters  which  are  in  the 
codex  Salmasianus  and  Thuaneus  entitled  Flori  de  qualitate  vitae 
(Nr.  245—252  in  A.  Riese,  Anthol.  lat.  p.  168—170)  and  of  the  five 
hexameters  Flori  on  roses  (ib.  Nr.  87,  p.  101).  Both  in  L.  Miiller's 
edition  of  Rutil.  Nam.  p.  26—31.  E.  H.  0.  Miiller,  de  P.  Annio  Floro  ^ 
poeta  et  carmine  quod  Pervigilium  Veneris  incriptum  est,  Berlin  1855. 
46  pp.     On  his  relation  to  the  Florus  of  the  Bella  see  below  343,  1. 

8.  Plin.  Ep.  V  5,  1 :  nuntiatum  mihi  est  C.  Fannium  decessisse, 
.  .  hominem  elegantem,  disertum  etc.  (2.)  .  .  pulcherrimum  opus  imper- 
fectum  reliquit.  (3.)  quamvis  enim  agendis  causis  distringeretur,  scribe- 
bat  tamen  exitus  occisorum  aut  relegatorum  a  Nerone  et  iam  tres  libros 
absolverat,  subtiles  et  diligentes  et  latinos  atque  inter  sermonem  histo- 
riamque  medios,  ac  tanto  magis  reliquos  perficere  cupiebat  quanto 
frequentius  hi  lectitabantur.  Cf.  ib.  5:  primum  librum  quem  de  scele- 
ribus  eius  (of  Nero)   ediderat  etc. 

9.  Schol.  Vallae  on  Juv.  2,  99:  quod  bellum  (of  Galba,  Otho,  Vi- 
tellius)  descripsit  Cornelius  Tacitus,  post  Cornelium  vero,  ut  Probus. 
inquit,  Pompeius  Planta,  qui  ait  Bebriacum  etc.  Plin.  Ep.  IX  1 
(Maximo  suo),  1 :  saepe  te  monui  ut  libros  quos  vel  pro  te  vel  in  Plan- 
tam  .  .  composuisti  quam  maturissime  emitteres:  quod  nunc  praecipue 
morte  eius  audita  et  hortor  et  moneo.  He  is  probably  the  Pomp. 
Planta  mentioned  by  Pliny  ad  Trai.  7  and  10  as  praefectus  Aegypti, 
and  Maximus  is  that  Nonius  Maximus  whose  libri  are  praised  by  Pliny 
Ep.  IV  20,  and  to  whom  also  Ep.  V  5  (see  n.  8)  is  addressed.  A  Mes- 
sius  Maximus  ibid.  Ill  20.  IV  25. 

•  10.  On  an  anonymous  person  who  'recitaverat  verissimum  librum' 
on  recent  events,  see  Plin.  Ep.  IX  27.  Cf.  ib.  31  (Sardo):  legi  librum 
tuum,  identidem  repetens  ea  maxime  quae  de  me  scripsisti. 

11.  PHn.  Ep.  VII  31,  5:  Claudius  Pollio  quam  fideliter  amicos 
colat  multorum  supremis  iudiciis,  in  his  Anni  Bassi,  gravissimi  civis^ 
credere    potes,    cuius    memoriam   tarn  grata  praedicatione  prorogat  .  . 


196  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

lit  Hbrum  de  vita  eiiis  (nam  studia  quoque  sicut  alias  bonas  artes  vene- 
ratur)  ediderit. 

12.  Pliny  hints  (Ep.  V  8)  that  after  the  revision  and  edition  of 
his  letters  he  intended  to  turn  to  historical  composition.  But  the  bril- 
liant performances  of  Tacitus  were  calculated  to  deter  him,  and  his 
rhetorical  and  biographic  v^^orks  on  Helvidius  and  Vestricius  Cottius 
(above  335,  3)  remained  his  sole  achievement  in  the  department  of 
history.  The  conjecture  of  H.  Nissen  (Rh.  M.  XXVI  p.  544—548)  that 
Pliny  took  a  share  in  the  edition  and  preparation  of  his  uncle's  history 
(see  above  307,  5)  is  not  very  convincing. 

337.  Jurisprudence  is  represented  under  Trajan  by  a 
number  of  excellent  men.  Thus  we  mention  the  last  ProcuUans 
Neratius  and  Juventius  Celsus  who  both  attained  the  consular 
dignity  and  were  advisers  of  Adrian,  both  also  fertile  writers. 
On  the  side  of  the  Sabinians  we  have  Javolenus  Priscus,  and 
probably  Pliny's  friend  Titius  Aristo,  a  man  of  great  strength 
of  character,  also  Minicius  who  was  commented  on  by 
Salvius  JuUanus.  Of  less  importance  and  less  known  are 
Laelius  Felix,  Varius  Lucullus,  Arrianus,  Octavenus,  Vivianus, 
and  others. 

1.  Pompon.  Dig.  I  2,  2,  53:  successit  .  .  patri  Celso  Celsus  filius 
et  Priscus  Neratius,  qui  utrique  consules  fuerunt,  Celsus  quidem  et 
iterum  (see  n.  2),  but  Ner.  Pr.  probably  with  the  grandfather  of  M. 
Aurelius,  Annius  Verus  (Dig.  XLVIII  8,  6),  probably  under  Domitian, 
perhaps  a.  83  according  to  Sickel  and  Borghesi  in  Mommsen  I.  R.  N. 
4931  (from  Altilia):  L.  Neratio  L.  f.  Vol.  Prisco,  praef.  aer.  Sat.,  Cos., 
Leg.  pr.  pr.  in  prov.  Pannonia  (a.  98),  in  exact  agreement  with  which 
we  have  ibid.  4932  from  Saepinum,    in    which  also  a  younger  Ner.  Pr, 

(son    to    the   jurist?)    is    mentioned    (L.   Neratius  L.    f.  Vol.  Pr 

Vllvir  epul.,  leg.  Aug.  pr.  pr.  .  .  .  inferiore  et  Pannonia),  whom  Dirksen 
(Commentations  of  the  Berl.  Acad.  1852,  p.  202 — 204)  considered  to  be 
the  jurist,  relying  on  a  spurious  inscription  (of  Pratilli),  Orelli  753  =r 
Mommsen  520*).  Spart.  Hadr.  18,  1:  cum  iudicaret  in  consilio  habuit 
.  .  iurisconsultos  et  praecipue  lulium  Celsum  (cf.  Muratori  Inscr.  p.  2005, 
1.  Orelli  2369),  Salvium  lulianum,  Neratium  Priscum  aliosque  according 
to  which  Neratius  must  have  attained  to  a  high  old  age.  His  influence 
was  greatest  under  Trajan;  see  Spart.  Hadr.  4,  8:  frequens  opinio  fuit 
Traiano  id  animi  fuisse  ut  Neratium  Priscum  .  .  successorem  relinqueret, 
.  .  usque  eo  ut  Prisco  aliquando  dixerit:  commendo  tibi  provincias,  si 
quid  mihi  fatale  contigerit.  Cf.  Dig.  XXXVII  12,  5:  divus  Traianus 
.  consilio  Neratii  Prisci  et  Aristonis  etc.  About  64  passages  of  his 
works  are  inserted  into  the  Digest  (see  Hommel,  Palingenesia  I.  p.  501 
— 512) :  Responsorum  libri  HI,  Membranarum  libri  VII   and  Regularum 


JuHsts:   Juventms  Celsus  and  others.  197 

libri  XV;    there   are  also    quoted  Neratius    libro  IV*'  Epistolarum    (Dig. 

XXXIII  7,  12.  §  35  and  43;  from  which  is  perhaps  epistola  Neratii  ad 
Aristonem,  ib.  XIX  2,  19,  2),  libri  ex  Plautio  (Dig.  VIII  3,  5,  1  see 
above  311,  5)  and  a  liber  de  nuptiis  (Gellius  IV  4,  4).  See  also  n.  3. 
J.  C.  Sickel,  de  Neratio  Prisco  icto.  Lips.  1788.  4.  Rudorff,  History 
of  Roman  Law  I  p.  181  sq.  K.  Viertel,  de  vitis  ictorum  (1868)  p.  26 — 30. 

2.  P.  luventius  Celsus  T.  Aufidius  Hoenius  Severianus  (Dig.  V 
3,  20,  6.  Orelli-Henzen  7182),  son  to  the  Jurist  luv.  Celsus  (above 
311,  4)  one  of  the  conspiracy  against  Domitian  a.  95  (Dio  LXVII,  13), 
Praetor  106  or  107  (Plin.  Ep.  VI  5,  4),  Cons.  I  probably  under  Trajan, 
II  under  Hadrian  a.  129  (Dig.  1.  1.  Cod.  lust.  VII  9,  3.  Gruter  p.  573,  2). 
His  works :  Digestorum  libri  XXXIX,  arranged  in  agreement  with  Adrian's 
code  of  laws  (b.  1 — 12  and  24 — 27  according  to  the  order  of  the  edict, 
b.  13 — 23  on  wills  and  legacies,  28 — 39  on  other  points  of  Civil  Law), 
142  passages  of  which  occur  in  the  Digest,  very  lengthy  ones  VIII  6,  6. 
XXVni  5,  59.  XXXm  lO,  7.  XLVn  2,  67;  see  also  fragm.  Vat.  75. 
77.  79.  80.  Merely  quoted  are  his  Commentarii  in  at  least  7  books  (Dig. 

XXXIV  2,  19,  6).  Epistolae  in  at  least  11  (ib.  IV  4,  3,  1)  and  Quae- 
stiones  in  at  least  19  books  (ib.  XII  1,  1.  XXVIII  5,  9,  2.  XXXIV 
2,  19,  3).  In  these  fragments  Celsus  appears  fond  of  appealing  to  the 
Jurists  of  the  Republic  (especially  Servius,  Labeo  and  Tubero)  and 
frequently  alleges  oral  explanations  by  his  father  (Dig.  XXXI  20:  et 
Proculo  placebat  et  a  patre  sic  accepi.  ib.  29:  pater  mens  referebat 
etc.).  Grecisms  Dig.  XIII  3,  3.  XXXIII,  10,  7.  He  displays  much 
sharpness  and  at  times  even  rudeness.  The  earlier  Jurists  called  a 
rude  reply  to  a  foolish  question  'responsio  Celsina'  to  a  'quaestio  Do- 
mitiana',  on  account  of  Dig.  XXVIII  1,  27:  Domitius  Labeo  Celso  suo 
salutem.  Quaero  an  etc.  (whether  a  lawyer  who  had  drawn  up  a  will 
might  also  witness  it).  luventius  Celsus  Labeoni  suo  salutem.  Aut 
non  intellego  quid  sit  de  quo  me  consulis  aut  valide  stulta  est  con- 
sultatio  tua.  plus  enim  quam  ridiculum  est  dubitare  an  aliquis  etc. 
Cf.  ib.  Ill  5,  10,  1 :  istam  sententiam  Celsus  eleganter  deridet.  Hom- 
mel.  Palingenesia  I  p.  149 — 172.  Heineccius,  de  P.  luventio  Celso  Icto 
eximio,  Frankf.  a.  0.  1727.  4.  =  0pp.  H.  p.  518—532.  Rudorff,  Hist. 
of  Roman  Law  I  p.  181. 

3.  Pompon.  1.  1.  (see  n.  1):  successit  .  .  Caelio  Sabino  Prisons 
lavolenus,  ..  lavoleno  Prisco  Aburnius  Valens  et  Tuscianus,  item 
Salvius  lulianus.  Dig.  XL  2,  5:  lulianus:  .  .  ego,  qui  meminissem  la- 
volenum,  praeceptorem  meum,  et  in  Africa  et  in  Syria  servos  suos  ma- 
numississe  cum  consilium  praeberet.  Plin.  Ep.  VI  15  :  Passennus 
Paulus  .  .  scribit  elegos.  .  .  is  cum  recitaret  ita  coepit  dicere:  'Prisce, 
iubes.'  ad  hoc  lavolenus  Prisons  (aderat  enim,  ut  Paulo  amicissimus) : 
'ego  vero  non  iubeo.'  cogita  qui  risus  hominum.  .  .  est  omnino  Pris- 
Cus  dubiae  sanitatis,  interest  tamen  officiis,  adhibetur  consiliis  atque 
etiam  ius  civile  publico  respondet.  There  may  have  been  little  fear  of 
his  sanitas  or  even  deliratio  (ib.  4).  Pliny  has  no  perception  of  a  joke 
and  his  vanity  was  perhaps  offended  by  lavolenus.    It  is  very  doubtful 


198  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

whether  lavolenus  was  still  alive  under  Pius,  as  the  mss.  have  Diabo- 
leno  Capitol.  Ant.  Pi.  12,  1.  His  juridical  works  are  excerpted  in  the 
Digest  in  206  places.  We  know  as  such:  libri  XV  ex  Cassio,  Episto- 
larum  libri  XIV,  ad  Plautium  or  ex  Plautio  libri  V,  libri  ex  Posterio- 
ribus  Labeonis  or  Posteriorum  Labeonis  (above  260,  2)  a  lavoleno  epi- 
tomatorum,  at  least  six.  Ilommel,  Paling.  I  p.  197 — 220.  It  is  questio- 
nable whether  in  those  places  where  Priscus  is  merely  mentioned  he 
is  meant  or  Neratius;  for  Dig.  VII  8,  10,  2  (et  Priscus  et  Neratius  pu- 
tant)  Mommsen  follows  the  translation  of  Stephanos  {y.ai  (faai  TlQoy.ovllog 
th  aua  y.ccl  NsQc'criog)  in  writing  et  Proculus  et  Neratius.  G.  A.  Jenichen, 
de  Pr.  lav.  icto  incomparabili,  Lips.  1734.  4.  H.  van  Alphen,  spicilegia 
de  I.  Pr.  icto,  Utrecht  1768  and  in  Oelrichs  thesaur.  nov.  Ill  1.  J.  G. 
Lindner,  prolusio  de  L  Pr.  ad  Plin.  Ep.  VI  15,  Arnstadt  1770.  4. 
C.  L.  Neuber,  on  the  Classical  Writers  on  Roman  Law  (Berl.  1806)  p. 
146-182. 

4.  Plin.  Ep.  I  22,  1  sqq.  (c.  a.  100) :  perturbat  me  longa  et  per- 
tinax  valetudo  Titi  Aristonis,  quem  singulariter  et  miror  et  diligo. 
nihil  est  enim  illo  gravius,  sanctius,  doctius  etc.  (2.)  quam  peritus  ille 
et  privati  iuris  et  publici;  quantum  rerum,  quantum  exemplorum,  quan- 
tum antiquitatis  tenet!  etc.  (3.)  .  .  et  tamen  plerumque  haesitat,  du- 
bitat  diversitate  rationum,  quas  acri  magnoque  iudicio  ab  origine  cau- 
sisque  primis  repetit  etc.  (6.)  in  summa,  non  facile  quem  quam  ex  istis 
qui  sapientiae  studium  habitu  corporis  praeferunt  huic  viro  comparabis. 
.  .  in  toga  negotiisque  versatur,  multos  advocatione,  plures  consilio 
iuvat.  From  the  succeedingf  observations  it  also  becomes  certain  that 
he  professed  the  Stoic  system.  At  that  time  he  recovered,  as  we  find 
that  Pliny  addressed  to  him  Ep.  V  3  (Titio  Aristoni  suo)  a.  105  and 
VIII  14  a.  108  (1  :  cum  sis  peritissimus  et  privati  iuris  et  publici  etc. 
10:  scientia  tua,  cui  semper  fuit  curae  iura  .  .  sic  antiqua  ut  recentia 
,  .  tractare).  Dig.  XXXVII  12,  5  (above  n.  1).  Pliny  does  not  mention 
any  writings  by  him,  nor  are  any  excerpted  in  the  Digest,  though  oc- 
casionally (especially  by  Pomponius,  below  345,  8)  his  notes  (notat,  ad- 
notat  etc.)  on  (Labeo,  Cassius  and)  Sabinus  (according  to  which  Aristo 
was  a  Sabinian),  Dig.  II  14,  7,  2  (eleganter  Aristo  Celso  respondit). 
IV  8,  40  (Cassium  audisse  se  dicentem  Aristo  ait).  XX  3,  3  (Aristo 
Neratio  Prisco  scripsit  etc.  Cf.  XL  4,  46).  VII  1,  7,  3.  VII  8,  6  (Ar. 
apud  Sabinum).  XXVIII  5,  17,  5.  XXIX  7,  9.  XXXIII  9,  3,  1.  fragm. 
Vat.  68.  83.  88.  199;  once  (Dig.  XXIX  2,  99)  Aristo  in  decretis  Fron- 
tinianis  (above  322?).  Gell.  XI  18,  16:  memini  legere  me  in  libro  Ari- 
stonis icti,  haudquaquam  indocti  viri,  etc.  Dig.  XXXVII  5,  6  (when 
Salvius  Aristo  addresses  a  legal  question  to  Julianus)  we  should  pro- 
bably strike  out  Salvius  or  at  all  events  some  other  Aristo  should  be 
understood.  J.  J.  Enschede,  de  T.  A.,  Lugd.  B.  1829.  Th.  Mommsen, 
Zeitschr.  fur  Rechtsgesch.  VII  Weimar  1868)  p.  474—478  IX.  p.  87 
sq.  n.   13. 

5.  Dig.  XLI  1,  19:    Aristo  ait;    .  .    quod  et  Varium  LucuUum   ali- 


Jurists'.  Aristo,  Minicws  and  others.  199 

quando  dubitasse.     He  must,  therefore,  have  been  an  older  contempo- 
rary of  Aristo.     Mommsen:  Varronem  Lucullum  (cf.  Cic.  p.  Tull.  8)? 

6.  A  certain  Minicius  is  known  as  a  writer  on  law  by  the  notes 
of  Julian  on  his  work  which  are  quoted  40  times  in  the  Digest  (ex 
Minicio,  apud  or  in  Minicium).  Very  doubtful  is  his  identity  with  the 
(L.)  Minicius  Natalis  to  whom  divus  Traianus  rescripsit  (Dig.  11  12,  9), 
who  was  Consul  a.  107  together  with  Q.  Licinius  Granianus  (Mommsen 
I.  R.  N.  4496.  Bull,  archeol.  1846  p.  42)  repeatedly  mentioned  in  in- 
scriptions as  well  as  his  son  who  bore  the  same  name  (L.  Minicius 
L.  f.  Gal.  Natalis  Quadronius  Yerus,  cos.,  procos.  prov.  Africae  etc.), 
the  praef.  rei  alimentariae  under  Adrian.  Annali  dell'  inst.  arch.  1849 
p.  223—226.  E.  Hiibner,  Monthly  Reports  of  the  Berl.  Ac.  1860,  p.  232 
sq.  F.  Kammerer,  de  Minicio  Natali  ieto  romano,  Rostock  1839.  K. 
Viertel,  de  vitis  ictorum  p.  20 — 26. 

7.  Gellius  XV  27,  1 :  in  libro  Laelii  Felicis  ad  Q.  Mucium  (above 
141,  2)  primo  scriptum  est  Labeonem  (above  260,  1  sq.)  scribere  etc. 
Cf.  ib.  4:  in  eodem  Laeli  Felicis  libro  haec  scripta  sunt  etc.  (on  repu- 
blican institutions,  especially  the  comitia).  He  is  perhaps  the  jurist 
Laelius  who  was  still  alive  under  Adrian,  see  Dig.  V  4,  3:  Laelius 
scribit  se  vidisse  .  .  mulierem  quae  ab  Alexandria  perducta  est  ut  Ha- 
driano  ostenderetur.  Cf.  ib.  XXXIV  5,  7.  Also  ib.  V  3,  43  (idque  et 
Laelius  probat).  Mercklin,  Philologus  XVI  p.  168  —  172,  refers  to  him 
also  Macrob.  I  6,  13  (M.  Laelius  augur  refert  etc.)  and  Gell.  XIII 
14,  7:  quod  ego  in  Elydis,  grammatici  veteris,  commentario  offendi, 
reading  there  Felicis  (cf.  Rhein.  Mus.  XVIII  p.  297—300),  but  M.  Hertz 
(Rhein.  Mus.  XVII  p.  580  sqq.)  proj)Oses  Heraclidis  with  more  pro- 
bability, 

8.  Ulpian.  Dig.  V  3,  11:  Arrianus  libro  II  de  interdictis.  XLIII 
3,  1,  4:  beliissime  Arrianus  scribit.  Cf.  XXVIII  5,19:  quam  sententiam 
et  lavolenus  probat  et  Pomponius  et  Arrianus.  XXXVIII  10,  5  (from 
Paulus).  XLIV  7,  47  (from  Paulus).  He  is  perhaps  the  Arrianus  Ma- 
turus  to  whom  Pliny  addressed  Ep.  I  2.  II  II  sq.  IV  8.  12.  VI  2. 
VIII  21.  Cf.  ibid.  Ill  2,  2  sqq.  A  certain  Arrianus  Severus,  praef. 
aerarii  in  the  time  after  Trajan,  Dig.  XLIX  14,  42  (from  Aburius 
Valens). 

9.  Dig.  XXXVIII  1,  47  from  Aburius  Valens:  Campanus  scribit 
etc.    Cf.  Pompon,  ib.  XL  5,  34,  1  from  Pomponius:    Campanus  ait  etc. 

10.  Dig.  XXXI  49,  2:  quod  (Labeonis)  merito  Priscus  Fulci- 
nius  falsum  esse  aiebat.  XXV  2,  3,  4 :  Mela,  Fulcinius  aiunt.  XXXIX 
6,  43  from  Neratius  libro  I  Responsorum:  Fulcinius  (putat  or  dicit)  etc. 
Cf.  XXIV  1,  29  (from  Pomponius):  .  .  Fulcinius  scripsit.  XXV  1,  1,  3 
(Fulcinius  inquit). 

11.  Paulus  Dig.  IV  6,  35,  9:  Vivianus  scribit  Proculum  (above 
276,  5)    respondisse;    and  XIII    6,  17,  4:    Vivianus   scripsit.      Cf.  XXIX 


200  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

7,  14:  qiiidam  referunt  .  .  apud  Vivianum  Sabini  et  Cassii  et  Proeuli 
expositam  esse  controversiam.  See  also  ib.  IX  2,  27,  24.  XIX  5,  17. 
XXI  1,  1,  9.  17,  3.  below  n.  13.  K.  Viertel  p.  15  sq.  places  him  before 
Celsus  and  Octavenus. 

12.  Dig.  XXIII  2,  44,  3  (from  Paulus) :  Octavenus  ait.  XL  9, 
32,  2  (from  Terentius  Clemens) :  idem  Octavenus  probat.  Pomponius 
Dig.  XL  5,  20  (bellissime  Aristo  et  Oct.  putabant)  and  4,  61,  2  (hoc 
amplius  Oct.  aiebat).  XXX  9  (0.  scripsit).  FromDosith.  12  it  appears 
that  he  knew  the  lex  lunia  Norbana  of  a.  772.  But  he  is  not  acquain- 
ted with  the  Sctum  luventianum  and  should,  therefore,  be  placed 
later  than  Trajan.    K.  Viertel,  de  vitis  ictorum  (Konigsb.  1868)  p.  13 — 15. 

13.  Dig.  XXXVII  14,  10  from  Terentius  Clemens:  id  etiam  Pro- 
culo  placuisse  Servilius  refert,  where  Mommsen  thinks  of  placuisse  Vi- 
viano  (n.  11). 

14.  Dig.  Ill  5,  30  from  lulianus :  Valerius  Severus  respondit  etc. 
Cf.  Ulp.  ib.  Ill  3,  8  pr. :  Valerius  Severus  scribit.  One  C.  Val.  Sev.  was 
cos.  suff.  124  A.  D.     Orelli-Henzen  5455. 

15.  Dig.  XXXVII  12,  3  from  Paul.  VIII  ad  Plant.:  Paconius  ait. 
Against  the  conjectures  proposed  by  A.  Schmidt  in  Bekker  and  Muther's 
Jahrb.  d.  gem.  Rechts  III  1859.  p.  391  sqq.  see  K.  Viertel,  de  vitis 
ictorum  p.  10 — 13. 

338.  The  principal  grammarians  in  the  time  of  Trajan 
were  Urbanus,  Velius  Longus,  and  probably  also  Flavins 
Caper.  Under  the  name  of  Caper  we  possess  two  small 
treatises  de  orthographia  and  de  verbis  dubiis,  which  are, 
however,  but  scanty  excerpts  of  his  original  works.  Urbanus  was 
a  commentator  on  Virgil,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  Velius 
Longus,  of  whom  we  possess  a  treatise  de  orthographia. 
Caesellius  Vindex  (a  man  who  had  to  struggle  against  much 
enmity)  wrote,  probably  about  this  time,  a  work  entitled  Stro- 
mateus  or  lectiones  antiquae  in  alphabetic  order  and  in  the 
form  of  a  dictionary.  Cloatius  Verus  should  also  be  assigned 
to  this  time. 

1.  An  observation  of  Urbanus  directed  against  Cornutus  (see  Lon- 
gus ap.  Schol.  Veron.  Ae.  V  488,  p.  96,  10  sqq.  K.)  is  quoted  by  Serv. 
Ae.  V  517.  Hence  it  follows  that  Urbanus  was  later  than  Cornutus 
(above  294,  2)  and  somewhat  earlier  than  (Velius)  Longus.  His  labours 
on  Virgil  were  more  praiseworthy  in  intention  than  in  execution.  Kib- 
beck,  proll.  ad  Verg.  p.  167 — 169. 

2.  Gellius  XVIII  9,  4:  Velio  Longo,  non  homini  indocto,  fidem 
esse    habendam,    qui    in    commentario    quod    fecisset    de   usu  antiquae 


Jurists  and  Grammarians.      Velhis  Longus  and  Flavins  Caper.  201 

lectionis  scripserit  etc.  Charis.  p.  175,  14  K.:  Velius  Longus  in  II  Aenei- 
dos  (i.  e.  in  his  Commentary  on  Aen.  II).  ib.  p.  113,  29  sq.  (cf.  556,  22) 
K. :  Velius  Longus  de  hac  regula  dixit  in  V  ea  parte  (in  his  note  on 
Ae.  V  380).  Hence  also  ibid.  p.  210,  7  K. ;  see  Lachmann  on  Lucr. 
p.  146.  Non  doctum  modo  sed  omni  fere  ex  parte  egregium,  accura- 
tum  et  prudentem  et  elegantem  Aeneidos  (nam  de  ceteris  libris  nihil 
traditur)  interpretem  habuerim,  qui  Probi  exemplo  ad  uberiores  de 
rebus  maxime  grammaticis  quaestiones  digressus  est;  Ribbeck  prolegg. 
p.  169  ( — 171).  In  the  extant  treatise  of  Vel.  Long,  de  orthographia 
(p.  2213 — 2228  P.)  Virgil  is  frequently  quoted.  The  author  appears 
there  as  a  careful  observer,  though  he  accumulates  facts  without  much 
discrimination;  Brambach,  on  Latin  spelling  p.  96  sq.  Long,  proved  in 
a  special  commentation  that  thermae  Titianae  (not  Titinae)  was  the 
correct  appellation. 

3.     The    statement    of   Pomp.   p.  154,    13  K.    (Gramm.  V):     Caper, 
ille  raagister  Augusti  Caesaris,  elaboravit  vehementissime  et  de  epistu- 
lis  Ciceronis  coUegit  haec  (?)  verba  uti  dixerat  ipse  Cicero  'piissimus', 
is  certainly  erroneous.     Cf.  Excerpta  ib.  p.  327,  15:    Caper,    antiquissi- 
mus  doctor.    If  Caper  ever  instructed  an  Emperor,  he  may  have  taught 
a  Flavins,  certainly  not  Augustus,  as  he  must  have  lived  after  Valerius 
Probus  and  Suetonius.    He  is,  therefore,  identical  with  the  grammarian 
Flavius  C  aper    who    quoted  Probus    (Charis.  p.  118,  1  K.    from  Ro- 
manus :    Fl.  Cajjer  .  .    Valerium  Probum    putare    ait)    and  used  him  as 
his  principal  source,  if  we  may  believe  appearances.    It  would  be  cer- 
tain that  he  wrote  not  only  before  Romanus  (who  quotes  him  repeatedly) 
but  also  before  Terentius  Scaurus,    if   the  quotation  in  Dausquius  (Or- 
thographia I  p.  162)    'Scaurus    libro  IX    de    orthographia:     raro    Capri 
testimonio  s. . .  exprimitur'  were  anyway  trustworthy.    See  Christ,  Philol. 
XVIII  p.  166,  and  Steup  de  Pro  bis  p.  192  (who  thinks  it  to  be  derived 
from  Agroec.  p.  2269  P.    and  Priscian  I  p.  170,  9).     Suetonius  does  not 
mention  Caper  among  the  earlier  grammarians,  probably  because  he  was 
still  living  in  his  time,    or  perhaps  because  he  was  later.  As  far  as  the 
tendency  of  his  studies  is  concerned,  Fl.  C.  should  not  be  placed  later 
than  saec.  II.  Prise.  II  p.  772  P.  =  354,9:   Caper,  antiquitatis  doctissi- 
mus  inquisitor.     Charisius,    Servius,    and  Priscian   often  quote  passages 
of  his  works,    entitled  de  latinitate  (=:  orthographia)  or   de   lingua  la- 
tina,  also  de  dubiis  generibus  or  dubii  generis    or  dubii  sermonis,  also 
enucleati    sermonis    (identified   by    Christ  p.  168  sq.    with  the  work  de 
latinitate)  and   on   ex.  Jerome  c.  Rufin.  II  9  (II  p.  497  Vail.):    in  Capri 
commentariis  indicates  merely  grammatical  works.    Caper  probably  did 
not  write  commentaries  on  Plautus  and  Terence  (Ritschl,  Par.  I  p.  361 
— 364)  or  on  Virgil  (Ribbeck,  prol!.  p.  166)  nor  did  he  write  on  Cicero, 
in  spite  of  Agroec.  prooem.  where    Caper    is    called    multis   litterarum 
operibus  celebratus,  in  commentando  etiam  Cicerone  praecipuus.     The 
works  de  orthographia  (p.  2239—2246  P.)  and  de  verbis  dubiis  (p.  2247 
— 2250  P.)  which  bear  his  name  are  not  remarkable  for  the  abundance 
of  quotations  from  the  ancient  writers  by  which  Caper  is  distinguished 


202  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

They  are  meagre  and  desultory,  the  one  even  in  alphabetical  order, 
that  de  orthogr.  less  disfigured  by  the  additions  of  the  compiler.  F. 
Osann,  de  Fl.  Capro  et  Agroecio  grammaticis  (Giessen  1849.  4.)  p.  3. 
5—20.  W.  Christ,  Philol.  XVIII  p.  165-170.  W.  Brambach,  on  Latin 
spelling  p.  43  sq. 

4.  Gellius  VI  (VII)  2,  1  sq.:  turpe  erratum  offendimus  in  illis  cele- 
bratissimis  commentariis  lectionum  antiquarum  Caeselli  Vindicis, 
hominis  hercle  pleraque  baud  indiligentis.  (2.)  quod  erratum  multos 
fugit,  quamquam  multa  in  Caesellio  reprehendendo  etiam  per  calumnias 
rimarentur  (especially  his  younger  contemporaries  Terentius  Scaurus 
and  Sulj^icius  Apollinaris).  The  same  work  is  quoted  ib.  II  16,  5  sqq. 
Ill  16,  11.  XI  15,  2  sqq.  XX  2,  2  and  probably  also  meant  IX  14,  6. 
XVIII  11.  The  arrangement  was  alphabetical;  see  Charis.  p.  117,  13  K. 
(Vindex  A  litterae  libro  I).  239,  21  (Caesellius  Vindex  libro  B  litterae). 
195,  26  (Caes.  Vind.  libro  L).  The  identity  of  the  contents  renders  it 
probable  that  Stromateus  was  merely  another  title  of  the  same  work ; 
see  Priscian  p.  210,  7  (Caesellius  Vindex  in  stromateo).  230,  11  (Cae- 
sellius in  stromateo)  cf.  p.  229,  10  Htz.  F.  Kitsch),  Parerga  I.  p.  360. 
To  him  we  should  probably  also  refer  the  excerpts  of  Cassiodorus  (p. 
2314  sqq.  P.)  ex  orthographo  Caesellio  and  ex  Lucio  Caecilio  Vindice ; 
see  Grafenhan,  Hist,  of  class.  Philol.  IV.  p.  121  sq.,  cf.  p.  68-71.  W. 
Brambach,  on  Latin  spelling  p.  38 — 41.  Arnob.  adv.  gent.  I  59  extr. : 
Epicados  omnes,  Caesellios,  Verrios  ac  Scauros  teneatis  et  Nisos.  Rutin, 
de  metr.  p.  2713  P.     J.  Kretzschmer,  dc  Gellii  fontibus  (1860)  p.  95—98. 

5.  Gellius  XVI  12,  1  sqq.  Cloatius  Verus,  in  libris  quos  in- 
scripsit  verborum  a  Graecis  tractorum  (also  in  Macrob.  Ill  18,  4),  non 
pauca  hercle  dicit  curiose  et  sagaciter  conquisita,  neque  non  tamen 
quaedam  f  itilia  et  frivola.  .  .  (5.)  commode  haec  sane  omnia  et  con- 
ducenter.  sed  in  libro  quarto  faenerator,  inquit,  appellatus  est  quasi 
ifan'&QC(TioQ,  dno  rov  (laiv&G&uL  etc.  (6.)  idque  dixisse  ait  Hypsicraten 
quempiam  grammaticum,  cuius  libri  sane  nobiles  sunt  super  his  quae 
a  Graecis  accepta  sunt.  This  Hypsicr.  is  mentioned  by  Varro  de  1.  1. 
V  88  (cohortem  in  villa  Hypsicrates  dicit  esse  graece  /oqtoi')  and  per- 
haps by  Festus  v.  aurum  (Paul.  p.  8  M.).  Cloatius  might  thus  have  be- 
longed to  the  Augustan  period.  But  he  is  evidently  more  familiar  to 
Gellius  than  Hypsicr.  and  therefore  nearer  to  his  own  time.  Besides 
this  etymological  work,  Cloatius  wrote  Ordinatorum  graecorum  libri, 
which  seem  to  have  rather  contained  illustrations  of  subjects ;  a  second 
book  of  them  is  quoted  by  Macrob.  Ill  6,  2  (on  the  altar  of  Apollo  at 
Delos)  and  a  fourth  ib.  18,  8  (on  nux)  and  19,  2  (an  enumeration  of  the 
various  kinds  of  apples  in  alphabetical  order). 

6.  Gellius  XX  11,  1  sqq.:  P.  Lavini  liber  est  non  incuriose  factus. 
is  inscriptus  est  de  verbis  sordidis.  in  eo  scripsit  sculnam  volgo  dici 
etc.  .  .  (4.)  sculnam  autem  scriptum  esse  in  logistorico  Varronis  .  . 
jdem  Lavinius  in  eodem  libro  admonet.  The  Laevinus  mentioned  by 
Macrob.  HI  8,  3    is    not    identical    with    this    Lavinius    for  the    simple 


Grammarians  and   Writers  on  Gromatics.  203 

reason  that  the  quotation  from    him  is    evidently    in  metre;    he   might 
rather  be  identical  with  Laevius  (above  138,  5). 

7.  On  L.  Cotta,  who  wrote  on  the  history  of  literature,  see  above 
156,  13  [in  the  Add.] 

339.  Several  grammarians  wrote  likewise  in  the  reign  of 
Trajan:  e.  g.  Hyginus  by  whom  we  possess  fragments  of  a 
large  work  de  munitionibus.  In  the  treatise  de  limitibus 
(constituendis)  which  is  also  attributed  to  him  Frontinus  is 
also  much  used.  B alb  us  is  the  author  of  an  extant  work 
on  the  elementary  notions  of  geometry,  but  not  of  the  work 
de  asse.  Not  much  later  than  Trajan  is  the  gromatic  wTiter 
Siculus  Flaccus,  whose  technical  work  de  condicionibus 
agrorum  we  possess  complete  and  in  a  good  text. 

1.  The  fragments  of  the  gromatic  writer  Hyginus  may  be  seen 
especially  in  Lachmann's  edition  of  the  Works  of  the  Roman  Groma- 
tics I  (1848)  p.  108 — 134.  The  whole  was  divided  into  three  parts,  de 
limitibus  (p.  108-113),  de  condicionibus  agrorum  (p.  113 — 123),  de 
generibus  controversiarum  (p.  123 — 134).  Cf.  Blume,  Rhein.  Mus.  VII 
p.  142 — 154.  Lachmann,  Grom.  II  p.  136 — 141.  On  the  original  con- 
nexion see  p.  123:  hae  sunt  condiciones  agrorum  quas  cognoscere  potui. 
nunc  de  generibus  controversiarum  perscribam  quae  solent  in  quaestio- 
nem  deduci.  On  its  date  of  composition  (perhaps  a.  103,  Hultsch, 
metrolog.  script.  II.  p.  6.  not.  4)  cf.  p.  121,  7  sqq.  (nuper  quidam  evo- 
catus  Augusti,  .  .  cum  in  Pannonia  agros  veteranis  ex  voluntate  .  . 
imperatoris  Traiani  Aug.  Germanici  adsignaret)  and  p.  131,  17  sqq.  (ac- 
cording to  which  veteran  soldiers  who  had  received  estates  in  Samnium 
from  Vespasian  were  still  alive).  The  work  of  Frontinus  (above  322,  3) 
is  made  use  of,  but  independently;  the  diction  is  somewhat  more  tech- 
nical, and  shows  a  careful  acquaintance  with  the  subject,  and  the  Latin 
is  after  all  good.  C.  Lachmann,  1.  1.  II  p.  139.  On  another  work  of 
Hygin.  ib.  I  p.  133,  14  sqq.:  cuius  edicti  (by  Domitian)  verba,  itemque 
constitutiones  quasdam  aliorum  principum  itemque  divi  Nervae  in  uno 
libello  contulimus.  Hyginus'  name  is  also  prefixed  to  a  treatise  de 
castrametatione  or  de  munitionibus  castrorum,  the  beginning  of  which 
is  mutilated;  the  last  editor  of  it,  C.  C.  L.  Lange  (Getting.  1848)  in 
his  Prolegomena  critica  et  historica  in  Hyg.  de  mun.  castr.  libellum, 
(Gotting  1847,  p.  51—63)  has  successfully  defended  its  claim  to  this 
name. 

2.  The  assumption  of  Blume  and  Lachmann  of  two  gromatics  of 
the  name  of  Hyginus,  the  later  one  of  whom  was  to  be  considered  as 
the  author  of  the  work  de  limitibus  constituendis  (in  Lachmann's  Works 
of  the  Rom.  Grom.  I  p.  166—208)  has  been  successfully  impugned  by 
L.  Lange,  prolegomena  1.  1.  p.  44—51,  and  Gott.  Gel.  Anz.  1853,  p. 
527-530. 


204  The  First  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

3.  In  the  Arcerianus  (see  above  322,  2  extr.)  Balbus'  work  bears 
the  title:  Balbi  ad  Celsum  expositio  et  ratio  omnium  formarum  (i.  e. 
geometrical  figures;  but  in  the  extant  part  the  writer  treats  only  of 
the  mensurae),  in  Lachmann's  Ed.  of  the  Grom.  I  p.  91 — 108  cf.  Lach- 
mann  ibid.  II.  p.  131—136.  Th.  Mommsen  ibid.  II,  p.  146—150.  151 
— 157.  It  is  a  manual  of  geometry  for  landsurveyors,  mostly  derived 
from  Euclid  and  Heron,  but  of  which  we  possess  only  a  very  small 
part.  Hultsch,  metrolog.  script.  II  p.  7 — 13.  According  to  the  pref. 
the  author  had  already  commenced  his  work,  when  intervenit  clara 
sacratissimi  impcratoris  nostri  (i.  e.  Trajan)  expeditio  (p.  92,  7  sq.).  In 
the  field  he  learned  by  practice  the  value  of  the  venerabilis  Ai  (i.  e. 
trianguli,  according  to  Hultsch;  Gud.  di)  ratio,  postquam  ergo  maxi- 
mus  imperator  victoria  Daciam  proximo  reseravit  (probably  by  the  first 
war  in  Dacia)  statim  ut  e  septentrionali  plaga  annua  vice  transire  per- 
misit  ego  ad  studium  meum  .  .  reversus  multa  .  .  recollegi  (p.  93,  6  sqq.) 
Celsus  to  whem  the  work  is  dedicated  had  made  an  invention  in  a 
gromatic  inbtrument  (dioptra  according  to  Hultsch  p.  8  sq.),  invento 
tuo  p.  92,  16,  and  seems  to  be  an  officer  of  higher  rank.  Balbus  is 
repeatedly  quoted  by  the  later  gromatics,  but  it  is  not  clear  whether 
lost  parts  of  the  same  work  or  other  writings  by  the  same  author 
are  meant. 

4.  In  the  Arcerianus  the  subscriptio  of  the  liber  coloniarum  (Rom, 
Grom.  I  p.  239)  is:  huic  addendas  mensuras  limitum  et  terminorum  ex 
libris  Augusti  et  Neronis  Caesarum,  sed  et  Balbi  mensoris,  qui  tempo- 
ribus  Augusti  omnium  provinciarum  et  formas  civitatium  et  mensuras 
compertas  in  commentariis  contulit  et  legem  agrariam  per  diversitates 
provinciarum  distinxit  ac  declaravit.  It  appears,  therefore,  that  the 
author  of  this  subscriptio  considered  a  certain  land-surveyor  Balbus  to 
be  the  source  of  the  lib.  col.,  and  him  he  placed  under  Augustus,  pro- 
bably because  the  lists  by  Balbus  of  the  ager  divisus  adsignatus  ap- 
peared to  him  as  the  results  of  Augustus'  Survey  of  the  whole  Empire. 
If  the  extant  lists  of  towns  (liber  coloniarum)  are  actually  derived 
from  Balbus,  we  should  assume  that  they  were  continued  by  other  sur- 
veyors after  his  death,  as  they  go  down  to  the  age  of  M.  Aurelius  and 
Commodus  (a.  177 — 180).  Th.  Mommsen,  Works  of  the  Rom.  Grom.  II 
p.  176 — 181.  The  text  of  this  lib.  col.  revised  by  Lachmann,  ibid.  I 
p.  209 — 262.  An  essay  on  it  by  Mommsen  ibid.  II  p.  157 — 188,  accor- 
ding to  which  we  should  discriminate  two  texts:  a  better  one  (lib. 
col.  I  in  Lachmann's  ed.),  chiefly  represented  by  the  Arcerianus  (A  in 
Lachmann's  work)  in  the  Palatinus  (P)  saec.  IX  or  X  with  the  later 
one  (liber  col.  II  in  Lachmann,  p.  252  sqq.),  the  chief  source  of  which 
is  the  Gudianus  saec.  IX  or  X.  The  text  handed  down  in  the  Arc.  is 
on  the  whole  the  work  of  a  good  epoch,  full  of  information  and  pre- 
cise and  technical  in  diction;  it  was  epitomized  about  A.  D.  450;  but 
the  later  text  (of  the  sixth  century)  is  full  of  confusion  and  ignorant 
statements  (1.  1.  especially  p.  165—174.  181  sqq.) 


Gromatic   Writers:   Balbus  and  others.  205 

5.  The  treatise  de  asse  minutisque  eius  portiunculis,  first  edited 
by  Fabius  Calvus  of  Ravenna  in  his  translation  of  Hippocrates  (Rome 
1525)  from  the  last  leaves  of  the  cod.  Arcerianus  (Th.  Mommsen  in 
the  Grom.  II  p.  150  sq.,  cf.  Lachmann  ibid.  p.  134  sq.),  better  by  J.  Fr. 
Gronovius  in  his  edition  of  Maecianus  and  by  the  subsequent  editors 
of  the  latter  (see  below  356),  last  of  all  by  F.  Hultsch  (Metrolog.  scr.  II 
p.  72 — 75),  is  precise  and  full  of  important  and  interesting  information. 
It  must,  however,  be  of  the  third  century  (or  rather  that  would  be  the 
period  of  the  work  from  which  it  is  excerpted),  as  the  tremissis  is  men- 
tioned among  the  parts  of  the  as,  a  coin  not  struck  until  Alexander 
Severus ;  see  W.  Christ,  Reports  of  the  meetings  of  the  Munich  Aca- 
demy 1863,  p.  105  sqq.     F.  Hultsch,  metrol.  scr.  II  p.  14 — 16. 

6.  The  work  of  Siculus  Flaccus  de  condicionibus  agrorum  is  in 
its  present  shape  limited  to  Italy.  It  begins:  condiciones  agrorum  per 
totam  Italiam  diversas  esse  plerisque  etiam  remotis  a  professione  nostra 
hominibus  notum  est;  after  which  this  fact  is  explained  on  historical 
grounds.  The  style  is  in  its  way  careful.  The  manner  in  which 
Domitian  is  mentioned  p.  163,  13  L.  (de  quibus  Domitianus  finem  sta- 
tuit)  renders  it  probable  that  Fl.  wrote  not  long  after  his  reign.  More 
about  his  age  is  not  known  to  us;  see  L.  Lange,  Gotting.  Gel.  Anz. 
1853,  p.  530  sq.  This  work  has  come  down  to  us  in  the  second  class 
of  the  mss.  of  the  Land-surveyors  (see  n.  4)  the  nomina  limitum 
being  appended  to  it;  in  those  of  the  first  class  some  leaves  have  got 
mixed  up  with  Hyginus  (Lachmann  II  p.  132.  137  sq.)  The  work  is 
found  in  the  collection  of  the  Gromatics,  last  of  all  in  that  by  Blume, 
Lachmann  and  Rudorff  I  (Berlin  1848)  p.  134—165.  A  sej)arate  edition 
by  J.  C.  Schwarz,  Coburg  1711.    4. 

7.  Under  Trajan  was  written  the  TaxTi,xij  fhsoiqCa  which  bears  the 
name  of  Aelianus.     Cf.  Kochly  and  Riistow,  the  Greek  Tacticians  II  1. 

8.  A  treatise  entitled  In  artem  medendi  isagoge  professes  to  be 
the  work  of  Soranus  Ephesius,  insignis  peripateticus  et  vetustissimus 
archiater,  i.  e.  no  doubt  the  famous  methodician  of  that  name,  of  whom 
we  still  possess  works  on  surgery  and  gynaecology  in  Greek  and  who 
probably  practised  at  Rome  under  Trajan  and  Adrian.  This  work 
(printed  in  the  collections  of  the  medici  vett.  by  Torinus  1528  and 
Aldus  1547)  is  so  insignificant  and  absurd,  that  is  should  rather  be  set 
down  as  a  production  of  the  Middle  Ages. 


B.     The  second  century    A.  D.  117—211. 

340.  The  reign  of  Adrian  inaugurates  a  new  era  the 
general  character  of  which  is  very  different  from  the  silver 
age.  The  exhaustion  resulting  from  the  excitement  of  the 
preceding  years  is  evident  in  the  complete  inability  of  this 
period   to    produce    anything    original    or  independent.     It  is. 


206  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

however,  very  accessible  to  foreign  influence.  Yet  only  few 
writers,  who  had  been  trained  in  the  time  of  Quintilian,  e.  g. 
Suetonius,  Florus,  and  perhaps  also  Justinus,  followed  the 
better  models;  want  of  taste  and  feebleness  caused  the  majority 
to  mix  all  manners  of  style  and  hunt  up  rare  and  far-fetched 
expressions.  This  was  especially  the  prevailing  state  of  things 
since  Adrian,  a  vain  and  crotchety  character,  ruled  the  world 
and  since  the  African  Fronto  decided  on  all  literary 
questions.  The  treasures  of  the  past  were  searched  with  much 
diligence,  and  in  Suetonius  this  age  possessed  so  to  say  a 
Varro  on  the  reduced  scale  of  the  Imperial  period.  But  after 
him  all  study  was  carried  on  with  a  constant  increase  of 
pedantry.  These  generations  did  not  succeed  in  properly 
employing  what  had  already  been  gained,  nay  they  did  not 
even  know  how  to  accept  it.  Hence  arose  the  necessity  of 
contracting  the  riches  of  the  past,  and  the  number  of  epito- 
mizers  was  constansly  increasing.  Erudition  took  possession 
of  the  whole  hfe,  and  the  affectation  of  it  became  the  fashion ; 
there  were  plenty  of  grammarians  and  professors  of  rhetoric, 
and  some  of  them  filled  high  posts.  But  not  guided  by 
historical  discrimination  and  swayed  by  vain  rhetoric  without 
any  tact  for  style,  erudition  drifted  on  unadvisedly  and  wasted 
its  treasures.'^)  In  general,  Greek  literature  prevailed,  which 
was  just  reviving  in  a  kind  of  Indian  summer  caused  by 
the  new  Sophists.  Greece  and  the  grecized  East  furnished 
the  majority  of  talents,  who  wrote  in  their  native  language, 
e.  g.  Plutarch,  Appianus,  Arrianus,  and  above  all  Lucian. 
But  even  some  writers  of  the  West,  e.  g.  Favorinus,  wrote 
only  in  Greek,  and  others  both  in  Greek  and  Latin,  e.  g. 
Suetonius  and  Adrian,  Fronto,  Apuleius,  Tertullian  and 
Modestinus.  Literature  lost  its  national  character,  and 
became  universal.  It  was  also  promoted  by  the  habit  of  the 
rhetoricians  to  deliver  lectures  throughout  the  Empire,  a  habit 
adopted  also  by  Latin  lecturers,  e.  g.  Apuleius.  Only  tech- 
nical studies  showed  independent  life.  Medicine  boasts  of  such 
a  man  as  Galenus  (c.  a.  131 — 201);  but  he,  being  a  native  ot 
Asia  minor,  wrote  in  Greek.  Jurisprudence  did  not  only 
maintain  the  traditions  of  the  past,  but  also  developed  them 


*)     See  e.  g.  Gellius  XIV  6,   3  qq. 


General  Observations.  207 

with  sagacity  and  genius.  A  number  of  brilliant  names  — 
especially  Julianus,  Poraponius  and  Gains  —  succeeded  each 
other  in  rapid  continuation  and  finally  culminated  in  Papinianus. 
They  influenced  the  development  of  the  Law  both  in  the 
character  of  teachers  and  of  writers  and  partly  by  composing 
the  Imperial  rescripts,  which  formed,  after  the  completion  by 
Julianus  of  the  law  resulting  from  edicts,  the  sole  source  of 
new  laws.  In  diction  and  style  the  Jurists  represented  also 
a  purer  taste.  While  Jurisprudence,  erudition,  and  declama- 
tion swayed  this  century,  poetry  receded.  The  sole  per- 
formance that  deserves  to  be  mentioned  is  the  Pervigilium 
Veneris,  a  work  composed  at  the  close  of  this  time.  The 
prevalence  of  erudition  manifested  itself  even  here  in  the 
reappearance  of  the  metrical  forms  of  the  Pre-Augustan  time, 
such  as  had  been  employed  by  Varro,  Laevius  and  Plautus, 
and  which  were  now  treated  with  considerable  elegance,  but 
without  tact  for  proper  employment.  The  intellectual  activity 
combined  with  the  mental  impotence  of  this  age  resulted  in 
Superstition,  A  wide -spread  tendency  for  the  supernatural 
element  produced  many  impostors,  but  offered  also  a  favou- 
rable soil  to  the  new  religion.  Christianity  which  had  hitherto 
only  shown  itself  in  Greek  literature,  now  began  to  cast  its 
shade  upon  Koman  literature  as  well.  The  Christian  doctrine 
of  sin  and  mercy  and  a  better  life  took  hold  of  the  poor  and 
oppressed  and  of  the  female  sex;  it  filled  them  with  such 
eagerness  for  death  as  to  rouse  even  the  attention  of  the  men, 
and  the  grand  doctrine  of  one  God,  the  creator  of  Heaven 
and  Earth,  produced  an  impression  upon  the  most  cultivated 
minds  all  the  greater  as  they  had  long  since  become  estranged 
from  polytheism.  It  is  true  that  there  appeared  in  Christianity 
itself  opposite  tendencies  hostile  to  one  another.  Buth  even 
this  served  to  draw  public  attention  in  this  direction,  and  a 
living  centre  was  formed  in  the  removal  of  extreme  and  the 
equalizing  of  opposite  directions.  One  part  of  the  Christian 
writers,  e.  g.  Minucius  Felix  and  Lactantius,  endeavoured  to 
preserve  ancient  formal  training  and  to  adapt  it  to  the  spirit 
of  Christianity*) ;  the  other  part,  the  earliest  representative  of 


*)  See  also  Jerome  ad  a.  2220  =  A.  D.  204 :  Musanus  (Arm. :  Mu- 
sianus)  nostrae  philosophiae  scriptor  agnoscitiir. 


208  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

which  is  TertiilHan,  then  Commodianus,  were  influenced  by 
eastern  culture  and  attempted  to  keep  aloof  from  ancient  cul- 
ture; they  even  returned  to  the  indiff'erence  of  the  earliest 
Eomans  concerning  formal  polish.  Under  the  common  influence 
of  place*)  and  climate  as  well  as  of  national  (Semitic)  pecu- 
liarities and  also  of  the  Christian  and  bibhcal  mode  of  thought 
and  style  a  peculiar  diction  gradually  developed  itself  in 
the ;  eastern  and  southern  parts  of  the  Empire,  which  was 
chiefly  represented  in  Literature  by  natives  of  the  North  of 
Africa,  and  is  therefore  commonly  called  African  Latin.  In 
those  parts  there  was  altogether  a  very  stirring  mental  life. 
The  old  tendencies  as  well  as  the  new  were  for  long  provided 
with  defenders  from  the  North  of  Africa;  from  there  came 
such  men  as  Fronto  and  Apuleius;  Tertullian,  Cyprian  and 
St.  Augustin.  As  the  personal  likings  of  the  ruler  continued 
to  influence  the  course  of  literature,  this  century  is  divided 
into  three  portions:  the  time  of  Adrian,  (a.  117 — 138),  that 
of  the  Antonines  (a.  138—176),  and  lastly  that  of  Commodus 
and  Septimius  Severus  (a.  176—211). 

1.  On  tlie  whole  century  see  M.  Hertz,  Renaissance  and  Rococo 
in  Roman  Literature,  a  Lecture.     Berlin  1865.     50  pp. 

1.     The  time  of  Adrian,  A.  D.  117—138. 

34L  P.  Aelius  Hadrian  us  (a.  76 — 138)  was  a  peculiar 
character,  in  whom  the  most  opposite  qualities  were  combined. 
Superstitious  and  sceptical,  pedantic  and  witty,  meditative  and 
suspicious,  good-natured  and  cruel,  he  remained  the  same 
only  in  so  far  as  his  humour  and  crotchets  were  ever  changeful 
and  in  cherishing  a  high  idea  of  his  own  worth.  He  showed 
interest  in  everything,  but  zeal  and  perseverance  in  nothing. 
His  restlessness  was  akin  to  morbidity,  but  as  it  caused  his 
ceaseless  peregrinations  throughout  the  Empire,  it  led  to  many 
useful  institutions.  Literature  gained  and  sufl'ered  most  from 
his  preference  and  caprice.  But  his  own  productions  did  not 
exceed  dilettantism  even  here. 

1.  Spartianus'  vita  Hadriani.  A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  Ill  p. 
1028 — 1045.     J.  Gregorovius,    the  Hist,    of  the  Emperor  Adrian   and  of 


**)  Apoll.   Sid.    ep.  VIII  11:    urhium   cives   africr.narum,    quibus   ut 
est  reofio  sic  mens  ardentior. 


The  Emperor  Adrian.  209 

his  time,  Konigsberg  1851.  282  pp.  C.  Peter,  Hist,  of  Rome  III  2 
(Halle  1869)  p.  168—187.  C.  Knaut,  Adrian  as  ruler  and  man,  Berlin 
1871.     43  pp.  4. 

2.  Adrian  was  born  on  24  January  76  (829)  at  Rome,  though  his 
family  was  descended  from  Italica  in  Spain,  like  that  of  Trajan,  to 
whom  he  was  related.  Consul  109,  adopted  by  Trajan  a  short  time 
before  his  death  (August  117).     f  at  Bajae  on  10  July  138. 

3.  Spart.  Hadr.  14,  8  sqq. :  fuit  poematum  et  litterarum  nimium 
(omnium)  studiosissimus ;  arithmeticae,  geometriae,  picturae  peritissimus. 
iam  psallendi  et  cantandi  scientiam  prae  se  ferebat;  .  .  idem  armorum 
peritissimus...  idem  severus,  laetus;  comis,  gravis:  lascivus,  cunctator; 
tenax,  liberalis;  simulator,  verus ;  saevus,  clemens,  et  semper  in  omni- 
bus varius.  15,  10  sq, :  quamvis  esset  oratione  et  versu  promptissimus 
et  in  omnibus  artibus  peritissimus,  tamen  professores  omnium  artium 
semper  ut  doctior  risit,  contempsit,  obtrivit.  cum  his  ipsis  professori- 
bus  et  philosophis  libris  vel  carminibus  invicem  editis  saepe  certavit. 
16,  1  sqq.:  famae  Celebris  tam  cupidus  fuit  ut  libros  vitae  suae  scriptos 
a  se  libertis  suis  litteratis  dederit,  iubens  ut  eos  suis  nominibus  publi- 
carent.  nam  et  Phlegontis  libri  Hadriani  esse  dicuntur.  Catachannas 
(cf.  Fronto  Epist.  p.  35  and  155  N.)  libros  obscurissimos  Antitaachum 
imitando  scripsit.  .  .  amavit  praeterea  genus  vetustum  dicendi.  .  .  Ci- 
ceroni Catonem,  Vergilio  Ennium,  Sallustio  Caelium  (above  142,  5  sq.) 
praetulit,  eademque  iactatione  de  Homero  ac  Platone  iudicavit.  mathesin 
sic  scire  sibi  visus  est  ut  etc.  sed  quamvis  esset  in  reprehendendis 
musicis,  tragicis,  comicis,  grammaticis,  rhetoribus,  oratoribus  facilis, 
tamen  omnes  professores  et  honoravit  et  divites  fecit,  licet  eos  quaestio- 
nibus  semper  agitaverit  .  .  in  summa  familiaritate  Epictetum  et  Helio- 
dorum  philosophos  et,  ne  nominatim  de  omnibus  dicam,  grammaticos, 
rhetores,  musicos,  geometras,  pictores,  astrologos  habuit,  prae  ceteris, 
ut  multi  adserunt,  eminente  Favorino.  doctores  qui  professioni  suae 
inhabiles  videbantur  ditatos  honoratosque  a  professione  dimisit.  20,  2 
sqq.:  apud  Alexandriam  in  museo  multas  quaestiones  professoribus  pro- 
posuit  et  propositas  ipse  (ipsi  0.  Jahn)  dissolvit.  .  .  fuit  memoriae  in- 
gentis,  facultatis  immensae.  nam  ipse  et  orationes  dictavit  et  ad  omnia 
respondit.  ioca  eius  plurima  extant ;  nam  fuit  etiam  dicaculus.  Victor 
Caess.  14,  1  sq.:  Aelius  Hadrianus  eloquio  togaeque  studiis  accommo- 
datior  .  .  Romae  .  .  Graecorum  more  .  .  gymnasia  doctoresque  curare 
occepit,  adeo  quidem  ut  etiam  ludum  ingenuarum  artium,  quod  Athe- 
naeum vocant,  constitueret.  Spartian.  Hel.  4,2:  litteratis,  quorum  Ha- 
drianus speciosa  societate  gaudebat. 

4.  Dio  LXIX  3:  ^v  \4f^Qua'6g  .  .  (fvofi  (fdokoyog  tv  sxarfQcc  rp 
ykioffffr],  '/.ai,  riva  y-al  n^l,d  xcd  Iv  i^'nf-ai  noiijfxcaa  nuvrod'ana  xaraXfkoi- 
Tifv.  (fikoTtiuicc  Tf  yccQ  dTiki^ffTCj)  i/Qtiro  XKi  xciTfc  rovTO  xcct  rakkci  navTcc 
xal  rn  ^Quxviara  tnni^dfvfi^  Spart.  Hadr.  3,  1  :  quaesturam  gessit  .  ., 
in  qua  cum  orationem  imperatoris  in  senatu  agrestius  pronuntians  risus 
esset  usque  ad  summam    peritiam    et  facundiam  Latinis  operam  dedit. 

14 


210  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

16,  5:  controversias  declamavit.  Photius  Bibl.  cod.  C  (I  p,  86  Bk.): 
-di^QKcyov  Tov  ^aoikfiag  jufk^rai  ducif/OQot,  slg  to  /ufiQioy  tou  koyov 
dvr}yu^vai  x«l  ovx  dtjdflg.  Charis.  II  p.  222,  21  sqq.  K. :  divus  Hadria- 
nus  in  oratione  quam  de  Italicensibus  .  .  in  senatu  habuit.  A  funeral 
speech  on  his  mother-in-law,  Matidia  the  Elder;  see  Th.  Mommsen, 
Trans,  of  the  Berlin  Academy  1863  p.  483  sqq.  A  speech  addressed 
in  the  camp  to  his  troops,  Renier  Inscr.  de  I'Alger.  5  (where  A  II  we 
read :  Catullini  legati  mei)  from  Lambaese.  A  letter  in  Henzen's  acta 
arv.  (1868).  A  libel  against  the  physicians  that  could  not  cure  him, 
Epiphan.  tisqI  j^ujomv  p.  170  A.  He  gave  grapimatical  explanations 
in  the  taste  of  his  time  in  his  sermones;  see  Char.  II  p.  209,  12  sq. 
Obiter  divus  Hadrianus  sermonum  I  quaerit  an  latinum  sit,  quam- 
quam  (inquit)  apud  Laberium  haec  vox  esse  dicatur.  Anecdotes  (con- 
cerning oral  and  written  sayings)  of  Adrian  are  collected  in  Dositheus. 
d^fiov  A(^Qucvov  anoifccaftg  xcd  iJit^ffTokai.  D.  Adriani  sententiae  et  epi- 
stolae  ed.  Goldast,  Genf  1601;  in  Schulting's  iurisprud.  anteiustin.  (Lugd. 
1717.  4.)  p.  855  sqq.,  and  in  Fabricius  Biblioth.  graeca  XII.  (Hamburg 
1740)  p.  516 — 554.  The  Rescripts  of  Adrian  are  collected  by  Hanel, 
Corpus  legum  p.  88 — 101. 

5.  Spart.  Hadr.  14,  7  sqq.:  oracula  .  .  quae  Hadrianus  ipse  com- 
posuisse  iactatur.  .  .  de  suis  dilectis  multa  versibus  composuit.  Apulei. 
apol.  11:  divus  Hadrianus,  cum  Voconi  amici  sui  poetae  tumulum  ver- 
sibus muneraretur,  ita  scripsit :  Lascivus  versu,  mente  pudicus  eras  .  . 
ipsius  etiam  divi  Hadriani  multa  id  genus  legere  me  memini.  See  above 
336,  7.  Spart.  Hadr.  25,  9  sq.:  moriens  hos  versus  fecisse  dicitur: 
Animula  etc.  tales  autem  nee  multo  meliores  fecit  et  graecos.  Six  dry 
epigrams  under  his  name  (though  two  are  also  attributed  to  Germa- 
nicus  Caesar)  in  Brunck's  Analecta  H  p.  285  =  II  p.  260  Jacobs; 
Hendecasyllabics  in  an  inscription  of  Thespiae,  ^Ei^t]/u.  «^/.  1869,  nr.  408. 
Aeli  Hadriani  epitaphium  Sorani  Batavi  and  Borysthenis  equi,  in  Meyer's 
anthol.  lat.  nr.  209  and  211;  metrical  lists  of  the  Amazons  attributed 
to  him  in  some  mss.,  see  in  Riese's  Anthol.  lat.  I  1.  p.  257,  in  L. 
Miiller's  Rutil.  Nam.  p.  25  sq. 

342.  The  most  important  literary  character  of  this  time 
is  C.  Suetonius  Tranquillus  (perhaps  A.  D.  75 — 160), 
who  had  been  solicitor  and  writer  under  Trajan  and  then  was 
for  some  time  private  secretary  to  Adrian,  and  subsequently 
filled  his  leisure  with  literary  studies  in  the  manner  of  Varro, 
chiefly  in  the  departments  of  the  history  of  culture  and  of 
literature,  always  paying  attention  to  linguistic  peculiarities.  The 
national  and  Roman  element  was  treated  by  him  in  the  first  place 
but  without  partiality,  part  of  these  works  being,  as  it  seems, 
even  written  in  Greek.  The  philosophical  element  appears 
also  in  the  fashionable  form  of  natural  philosophy,  but  there 


Adrian.     Suetonius.  211 

it  is  strongly  represented.  Everywhere  we  notice  a  preference 
for  the  description  of  individual  peculiarities  and  events,  and 
this  is  most  evident  in  the  viri  illustres  (of  which  work  we 
possess  considerable  fragments)  and  in  the  Lives  of  the  twelve 
Emperors  from  Caesar  until  Domitian,  which  we  possess  almost 
complete.  His  work  shares  indeed  the  indifference  of  all  rhe- 
torical works  to  chronological  accuracy,  and  is  somewhat  de- 
ficient in  the  relation  of  military  and  political  events,  and 
altogether  it  is  monotonous;  but  it  is  derived  from  good 
sources  with  great  care  and  intelligent  judgment,  and  contains 
rich  materials  in  a  concise  and  simple  style. 

1.     Suet.  Domitian.   12:    interfuisse  me  adulescentulum  memini  (at 
Rome)  cum  a  procuratore  .  .  inspiceretur  nonagenarius  senex  an  circum- 
sectus  esset.     Gramm.  4:   me  adulescentulo  repeto  quendam  Principem 
nomine  declamare  etc.  (above  321,  2).   Ner.  57:  cum  post  viginti  annos 
(after  Nero's  death  or  the  first  mission  of  Vologaesus,    i.  e.    a,  88  and 
before  91,  when  Vologaesus  died),  adulescente  me,  extitisset  (a  Pseudo- 
Nero)  etc.   Suetonius'  adulescentia  must  therefore  have  been  under  Do- 
mitian,   and   his    birth    perhaps  A.  D.  75.     In    the    time   of  Trajan   we 
receive  information  on  Suetonius  in  Pliny's  Epp.  I  18  (an  action  of  Suet, 
is  postponed  on  account  of  an  unlucky  dream).    24  (Request  for  Tran- 
quillus,   contubernalis   meus   and  scholasticus,    concerning  the  purchase 
of  an  agellus).     Ill  8    (Suet,  asks  ut  tribunatum,    quem  a'^eratio  Mar- 
cello  —  i.  e.  perhaps  a.  100  —  impetravi  tibi,  in  .  .  propinquum  tuum 
transferrem).    V  10  (Suetonius  is  requested,  perhaps  a.  105,  to  edit  his 
scripta  or  volumina).     IX  34    (an    inquiry   concerning   some    recitations 
of  Pliny),     ad  Trai.  94  (Suetonium  Tranquillum,  probissimum,  honestis- 
simum,    eruditissimum  virum,    .  .    in   contubernium   adsumpsi  tantoque 
magis  diligere  coepi  quanto  hunc  propius  inspexi.     On  account   of  his 
infelix  matrimonium  the  ius  trium  liberorum  is  solicited  for  him,  about 
a.  112)  and  95    (the  permission  of  that  request).     Sparti.  Hadri.  12,  3: 
Septicio  Claro  praef.  praet.  (a.  119 — 121)  et  Suetonio  Tranquil)  o  epistu- 
larum  magistro  multisque  aliis,  quod  apud  Sabinam  uxorem  iniussu  sue 
familiarius  se  tunc  (during  Adrian's  absence)   egerant   quam  reverentia 
domus  aulicae  postulabat,   successores    dedit.     Cf.    Suet.  Aug.  7 :    quae 
(imago  Augusti)  dono  a  me  principi  (i.  e.  Adrian)    data    inter    cubic uli 
lares    colitur.     Subsequently  Suetonius    seems    to   have  devoted  himself 
exclusively  to   literary  pursuits.     Fronto  still  says  Epist.  p.  118  sq.  N.; 
succidaneum  sibi  Tranquillum  nostrum  paravit  etc.  .  .  invenit  me  Tran- 
quillus  etc.    .  .    Tranquilli   industriae  etc.  cf.  ib.  p.  182  N.  (internatium 
.  .  Suetonius  Tranquillus  spinam   sacram    appellat,    according  to  which 
Suetonius  was  then  dead). 

2.     Suidas  II  p.  1190  sq.  Bernh.:    T^ayiCvKkog  o  SSovijriOPiog,  xQVf*^' 
Ttcas    (cf.  Plin.  Ep.  I  18)    y^ufi/uajixug    QOJfialog,    ^yqaifjf  nf^l  Twy  na^ 


212  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

EkkrjGi  navdiiov  ^i^kia  a  (see  n.  4),  nsql  7(oy  ttccqcc  Poauaioig  S^fojQtuip 
xcd  aytovoiv  ^i^lCa  /?'  (S.  T.  in  libro  ludicrae  historiae  primo,  Gell.  IX 
7,  3;  cf.  n.  4),  ufQi  tov  xaicl  PcDuaiovg  tvtavTov  ^i^kioy  a  (see  n.  3), 
TtfQl  T(oy  iu  To7g  ^t^kcotg  arj^doiv  a  (Reifferscheid  p.  419  sq.),  nfQi  Trjg 
KixfQiouog  TtokiTfiag  cc,  avTik^y^t  ds  roll  Ji&vfXM.  tisqI  ovofxatayr  xvQitar, 
xcd  idfctg  iad-^juccTCJU  xcd  vnodrj^uciTiop  xal  roHy  cikkcav  olg  Jig  ccfxi^i^vvvrca 
(Suetonius  in  libro  de  genere  vestium,  Serv.  Aen.  VII  612,  cf.  n.  3), 
71€qI  dvai^rjjucav  kf^fiov  rjTot,  ^kciG(fjrjfiL(ov  xcd  nod-fv  kxaarv}  (Extracts 
from  it  in  Greek  in  E.  Miller,  Melanges  p.  413—426:  2ovriiivov  TQoyxvkov 
71(qI  etc.  cf.  ib.  p.  389 — 394),  tk^I  P(x)fj.t]g  xal  laiv  Iv  avr^  vofiifAwv 
xal  rid-iav  ^t^kuc  /9  (see  n.  3),  avyy^vixov,  KataaQcov  i/i'  —  nsqii^fi  ds 
fiCovg  xaicc  diccdo/ccg  c<vT(oy  ano  lovkt'ov  fiog  Jojufjt  avov  —  ^t^kia  rj  , 
Giifxfxcc  (?  cf.  Reifferscheid  p.  370)  "^Pm.uccicoi/  avdqwv  (de  illustribus  viris). 
Besides  this  TQccyxvkkog  tp  tw  tisqI  iuto^uayy  noQvoiv  (l^yd.  de  magistr. 
Ill  64),  S.  Tr.  in  libro  de  vitiis  corporalibus  (Serv.  Ae.  VII  627;  see  n.  3), 
Suetonius  in  libro  qui  est  de  institutione  officiorum  (on  State  and  C(>urt 
positions  and  their  history,  Reifferscheid  p.  346 — 349  cf.  p.  465  sq.), 
tres  Suetonii  libri  quos  de  regibus  dedit  (Auson.  Epist.  19,  cf.  n.  4), 
Suet.  Tr.  de  rebus  variis  (Charis.  II  p=  236,  17  pom.  lulius  Romanus) : 
lastly  Prata  in  at  least  ten  books  (see  n.  3),  Cf.  J.  Regent,  de  C.  Sue- 
tonii vita  et  scriptis,  Breslau  (1856)  63  pp.  The  fragments  of  the  de- 
perditi  libri  are  collected  in  Roth's  edition  p.  275 — 306,  and  especially 
in  S.  Tr.  praeter  Caesarum  libros  reliquiae  ed.  A.  Reifferscheid,  Lips. 
(Teubner)  1860.  XX  and  p.  1—360,  together  with  his  Quaest.  Sueton. 
ib.  p.  361—478. 

3.  In  Reifferscheid's  Quaest.  Suet,  (especially  ch.  II  and  III  p.  426 
sqq.)  it  is  partly  proved,  partly  made  very  probable  that  some  of  the 
titles  enumerated  by  Suidas  were  rather  separate  headings  of  the  parts 
of  large  works.  The  Prata  e.  g.  seem  to  have  contained  discussions 
of  Roman  institutions  in  the  first  eight  books  (hence  probably  =  nfql 
"PMfxrig  in  Suidas),  most  of  them  in  agreement  with  Varro,  so  that  ex- 
planations of  words  and  of  institutions  were  kept  side  by  side,  with 
quotations  from  earlier  writers.  The  work  7i(()i  ovofxaKav  xvQtoiv  thus 
may  well  have  been  part  of  the  same  work,  and  also  the  treatise  de 
genere  vestium  etc.  The  fourth  book  seems  to  have  dealt  with  the 
laws,  the  fifth  with  the  'mores'  =  ti^qI  tmv  Iv  '^Puifxrj  vofjiCfA.(aj/  xcd 
^d-Mv.  The  eighth  book  explained  Roman  chronology,  the  feriae,  dies 
fasti  etc.  and  may  thus  have  been  identical  with  the  work  71€qI  tov  x. 
^P.  Ivvcivrov.  The  other  books  treated  of  subjects  of  natural  philo- 
sophy with  a  certain  predilection  for  curious  parts  and  in  pursuance 
of  the  parallelism  of  physical  and  ethical  phenomena  which  was  so 
much  liked  at  Rome  since  the  time  of  Sextius,  who  considered  man  a 
'little  world',  but  here  also  philological  details  were  treated  carefully. 
The  ninth  book  was  perhaps  entitled  de  mundo  and  treated  of  wind 
and  weather,  sea  and  shore,  and  their  proper  appellations;  the  tenth 
book  appears  to  have  been  de  animantium  naturis.  It  is  possible  that 
botany  was  treated  in  the   eleventh  and  mineralogy  in  the  twelfth  book. 


Suetonius.  213 

This  work  was  much  used  by  later  writers,  e.  g.  by  the  Schol.  Germanic, 
(above  270,  10),  Ambrosius,  Servius,  and  especially  by  Isidore,  through 
whom  the  parts  on  natural  philosophy  became  very  important  in  the 
Middle  Ages.  But  the  grammatical  parts  also,  chiefly  those  concerning 
synonyms,  were  much  excerpted  and  employed  in  other  ways.  We 
may,  perhaps,  refer  to  this  source  the  Differentiae  sermonum  published 
from  a  ms.  at  Montpellier  by  d'Orville  (Remmi  Palaemonis  ex  libro 
Suetoni  Tranquilli  qui  inscribitur  Pratum),  printed  in  Roth's  Suetonius 
p.  306—320  (cf.  ib.  p.  XCV-C)  and  by  Reifferscheid  p.  274—296  (cf. 
ib.  p.  450 — 452).  See  above  277,  3  extr.  On  the  whole  they  are  a 
mixture  of  some  good  (old)  and  numerous  worthless  observations  which 
seem  to  belong  to  the  beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The  first  part 
deals,  in  the  manner  of  the  later  grammarians,  with  synonyms  and 
spelling;  the  second  half  is  alphabetically  arranged  (I — V)  and  contains 
a  citation  of  Nigidius  Figulus,  so  that  it  may  perhaps  be  referable  to 
Suetonius,     Cf.  Brambach,  Lat.  Spell,  p.  42. 

4.  The  three  books  de  regibus  seem  to  have  contained  an  ac- 
count according  to  the  three  parts  of  the  world  (Europe,  Asia  and 
Africa)  and  to  have  been  used  by  Africanus  in  his  chronicles.  The 
fact  that  in  them  (as  well  as  in  the  Pornographia,  Reifferscheid  p.  466 
sq.)  the  characters  of  the  earliest  time  were  levelled  in  the  manner  of 
Euhemerus,  facilitated  the  employment  of  this  work  for  certain  tenden- 
cies. Reifferscheid  p.  458 — 461.  Here  also  several  traces  lead  us  to 
the  assumption  of  the  existence  of  a  History  by  Suetonius  of  the  war 
between  Pompey  and  Caesar,  Antony  and  Octavian,  which  Cassius  Die 
and  Jerome  made  use  of  (Reifferscheid  p.  469 — 472).  The  ludicra 
historia  (Reifferscheid  p.  461 — 465)  contained  perhaps  four  books:  nsqi 
Tiov  ncio'  "Ekkijat  7iaL&i(av  xtd  ayMvtav  ^t^kCa  §  und  nfQl  jioy  naQcc 
"PM^aioig  naidiaip  xal  d^fiOQiutv  5t/3At«  ^'.  The  fragments  are  collected 
by  Reifferscheid  p.  322—331;  332—346;  on  the  first  part  see  also  E. 
Miller,  Melanges  de  litt.  grecque  (Paris  1868)  p.  435  sq.  cf.  p.  395  sq.; 
on  the  second  the  liber  de  puerorum  lusibus  ap.  Serv.  Ae.  V  602. 

5.  Reifferscheid  (p.  455.  462)  doubted,  while  Roth  maintained,  that 
Suetonius  had  also  written  in  Greek.  The  parts  of  the  historia  ludicra 
concerning  the  Greek  games  could  of  course  just  as  well  have  been 
translated  by  some  later  writer  as  composed  in  Greek  originally;  but 
the  parts  of  the  work  tkqI  dvan>iq^u(ov  k&'^fojp  edited  by  E.  Miller  (1.  1. 
p.  413  sqq.)  are  so  specifically  Greek  in  contents  and  design  as  to 
exclude  the  assumption  of  mere  translation  into  Greek.  We  should 
therefore  consider  this  facility  of  writing  in  two  languages  as  a  symptom 
of  the  increase  of  cosmopolitism  and  the  preponderance  of  Greek 
literature,  which  soon  became  more  frequent;  see  above  p.  206.  The 
horizon  enlarged  only  as  for  as  quantity  was  concerned,  but  the  depth 
and  accuracy  of  Varro  were  lost.  Suetonius  retained,  however,  Varro's 
sobriety  apart  from  the  errors  of  the  antiquarians  of  his  time  (Reiffer- 
scheid p.  422  sq.  449);  he  professed  the  principles  of  Cicero  and  even 


214  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

pleaded  for  Cicero  against  his  detractors  (n.  2).  The  adherents  of 
Fronto  attempted,  therefore,  to  obscure  Suetonius  (Reiff.  p.  473  sq.), 
but  in  vain ;  from  the  third  century  Suetonius  occupied  more  and  more 
the  position  formerly  held  by  Varro. 

6.  Suetonius'  diction  aims  above  all  at  simplicity,  lucidity  and  bre- 
vity (Vopisc.  Firm.  1,  2:  Suetonio  .  .  familiare  fuit  amare  brevitatem);  he 
always  prefers  the  real  expression,  though  it  should  even  be  improper,  and 
hence  he  also  uses  a  considerable  number  of  Greek  words  (Thimm  p. 
27 — 35).  His  aiming  at  brevity  has  caused  many  harsh  omissions,  and 
also  his  numerous  participial  constructions,  which  are  more  than 
even  in  Livy  but  lack  his  art  (Thimm  p.  90  sqq.).  But  even  Suetonius 
could  not  quite  escape  the  influence  of  his  age;  he  betrays  himself  in 
many  grecisms  (Thimm  p.  36  sq.),  poetical  phrases  (ib.  p.  61  sqq.)  and 
constructions,  especially  a  careless  use  of  the  ablative  (p.  74  sqq.),  sub- 
junctive (p.  80  sqq.)  and  infinitive  (p.  85  sqq.)  and  also  in  his  endea- 
vours to  diversify  his  diction.  H.  R.  Thimm,  de  usu  atque  elocutione 
C.  Suetonii  Tranquilli,  Konigsberg  (1867)  98  pp. 

7.  Of  the  works  of  Suetonius    we    possess    only    part   of   the    viri 
illustres  and  the  Lives  of  the  Emperors.    The  work  de  viris  illustribus 
treated  in  all    probability   de  poetis,  oratoribus,  historicis,    philosophis, 
grammaticis    et    rhetoribus,    limiting    it   thus    to    literature   and  to  the 
Roman  part  of  it.   After  a  list  of  the  men  treated  of  was  given  in  the 
first  place,  the  earlier  history  of  the  department  in  question  was  rela- 
ted and  the  principal  representatives  of  it  vere  then  discussed  in  chro- 
nological   order.     As  it  seems,    Suetonius  opened  his  series  of  orators 
with  Cicero,  and  that  of  historians  with  Sallust ;  the  preceding  writers,^ 
whom  Suetonius  appears  to  have  considered  as  possessed  only  of  histo- 
rical interest,  may  have  been  touched  upon  in  his  introduction.   Juvenal, 
Tacitus  and  Pliny  the  younger  were  not  included  in  Suetonius'  account, 
which  (like  his  Caesares)  terminated   with    the   time  of  Domitian.     His 
sources  were  chiefly  Varro  and  the  scriptores    de    viris    ill.    (see  above 
207,  2),    as    well    as  Asconius   and   Fenestella.     Of  the  earlier  parts  of 
the  work  we    possess    the    excerpts  made  by  Diomede  (Reifferscheid  p 
370 — 379)    and  Jerome    (in  his  Latin  version  of  Eusebius'    Chronicles) 
from  the  book  de  poetis  are    extant  the  lives  of  Terence,  Horace,  and 
partly  of  Lucanus  (Virgil  and  Persius),  thanks  to  the  mss.  of  these  poets; 
from  the  book  de  historicis  we  possess  fragments  of  a  life  of  Pliny  the 
Elder.    Last  of  all,  of  that  part  which  was  probably  the  last,  de  gram- 
maticis   et    rhetoribus,    a    section    of   peculiar    interest   and  which  was 
therefore    copied    separately    at   an  early  time,    we    possess    the    index 
(which  in  some    instances    supplies   the   praenomina),    and   the  greater 
portion  (25  of  26)  is  preserved  in  copies    of  the  same  ms.  (of  Henoch) 
which  contained  also  the  Dialogus  and  the  Germania  of  Tacitus;  see  above 
329,  4.   In  general  see  Reifferjcheid  p.  363— 425  (de  poetis  p.  370-405). 
H.  Dorgens,  on  Suetonius'  work  de  viris  ill.,  Leipzig  s.  a.  (1857).     Suet. 

de  gramm.  et  rhett.  libelli  .  .  rec.  et  adn.  crit.  instr.  F.  Osann,  Giessen 


Suetoniifs.  215 

1854.  H.  Dorgens,  Suetonius'  Viri  iilustres  in  4  books;  the  Latin  text 
restored,  translated  and  explained,  Leipzig  1863.  See  also  Th.  Momm- 
sen,  Philologus  I  p.  180  sqq.  and  below  425,  8, 

8.  Suetonius'  principal  work  is  de  vita  Caesarum,  dedicated 
to  the  praef.  praet.  C.  Septicius  Clarus  (Lyd.  de  magistr.  II  6),  who 
held  this  position  a.  119—121,  hence  published  a.  120.  The  work  is 
divided  into  eight  books,  so  that  the  first  six  Emperors  (Caesar  until 
Nero)  form  one  book  each,  the  three  Emperors  of  a.  69  the  seventh, 
and  the  three  Flavii  the  eighth.  The  beginning  of  the  life  of  Caesar 
is  missing,  but  Lydus  seems  still  to  have  possessed  it.  The  materials 
are  collected  from  good  sources  with  considerable  care  and  judgment; 
Velleius,  Josephus  and  Plutarch  have  not  been  employed,  Tacitus  also 
being  rarely  made  use  of  and  never  mentioned,  which  is  also  the  case 
with  Pliny  (above  308,  5)  and  Cluvius  Rufus  (above  309,  2).  De  Suetonii 
fontibus  et  auctoritate  treatises  by  F.  C.  L.  Schweiger  (Gotting.  1880.  4.) 
and  A.  Krause  (Berlin  1831.  86  pp.).  Lehmann,  Claudius  p.  39  sqq. 
Oct.  Clason,  Plut.  and  Tac.  (Berlin  1870)  p.  70—73.  Tac.  and  Suetonius, 
Breslau  1870.  134  pp.  S.  G.  Dedering,  de  Suet,  vita  Caesaris  P.  I.  Jena 
1870.  47  pp.  The  work  is  biographical,  not  properly  historical,  so  that 
an  account  of  contemporary  events  and  pragmatical  treatment  might 
well  be  omitted,  but  a  comprehensive  sketch  of  the  character  of  the 
subject  of  each  biography  ought  not  to  have  been  omitted.  The  author 
does  not  possess  the  slightest  psychological  insight.  Numerical  state- 
ments but  rarely  occur,  nor  is  there  much  chronological  discrimination 
or  political  valuation.  His  Lives  are  not  works  of  art.  The  treatment 
is  monotonous :  the  early  history  of  the  Emperor,  chronologically  ar- 
ranged, his  reign  according  to  certain  sections  (his  virtues  and  vices, 
mode  of  life,  personal  habits  etc.),  last  of  all  death  and  signs  announ- 
cing it,  burial,  subsequent  events.  In  collecting  details,  even  minute 
and  obscene  ones,  Suetonius  is  indefatigable,  and  we  may  believe  that 
he  has  never  knowingly  gone  against  or  concealed  truth.  He  rarely 
gives  his  individual  judgment,  though  he  is  not  wanting  in  moral 
earnestness  (cf.  e.  g.  Tib.  42  sqq.  49)  and  Commodus  knew  well  why 
eum  qui  Tranquilli  librum  vitam  Caligulae  continentem  legerat  feris 
obici  iussit  (Lamprid.  Comm.  10).  That  Suetonius  was  unable  to  flatter 
appears  from  his  terminating  with  Domitian.  Cf.  C.  L.  Roth's  pref. 
p.  IX-  XVL 

9.  All  the  mss.  of  Suetonius  have  the  same  gap  at  the  beginning 
andare,  therefore,  derived  from  the  same  original,  which  was,  however, 
faulty  and  not  free  from  interpolations.  After  the  time  of  Charlemagne 
that  ms.  was  repeatedly  copied.  The  earliest  and  by  far  best  ms.  is 
the  Memmianus  (so-called  from  its  earliest  possessor  de  Mesmes),  of 
the  end  of  saec.  IX,  now  at  Paris  (nr.  6115).  Next  to  it  we  have 
the  Vaticanus  Lipsii  saec.  XI  or  XII,  (G.  Becker  in  the  Symb.  phil. 
Bonn.  p.  687  sqq.),  also  the  Mediceus  tertius  saec.  XI.  Other  classes 
are  represented  by  Mediceus  I  and  Paris.  6116;    the  numerous  mss.  of 


216  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

saec.  XV  are  worthless.  Roth  praef.  p.  XVII  sq.  XX— XXXII.  On  Ex- 
cerpts in  miscellaneous  mss.  ib.  p.  XXXII— XXXIV.  See  also  Becker's 
Quaest.  critt.  (n.  11). 

10.  There  were  at  one  and  the  same  time  three  Edd.  princ,  two 
of  which  appeared  at  Rome  1470,  one  Ven.  1471.  The  most  important 
later  editions  are  those  of  Phil.  Beroaldus  (Bologna  1493.  1506),  Des. 
Erasmus  (1518),  Rob.  Stephanus  (Paris  1543),  Is.  Casaubonus  (Geneva 
1595.  4.  Paris  1610.  fol.),  J.  G.  Graevius  (Utrecht  1672.  1691.  1703.  4.), 
S.  Pitiscus  (Utrecht  1690.  Leovard.  1714.  2  vols.),  P.  Burmann  (Amstelod. 
1736.  4.  2  vols.),  J.  A.  Ernesti  (Lips.  1748.  1775;  recogn.  F.  A.  Wolf, 
Lips.  1802.  4  vols.),  Fr.  Oudendorp  (Lugd.  Bat.  1751),  J.  H.  Bremi  (with 
explanations,  Ziirich  1800.  1820),  C.  G.  Baumgarten-Crusius  (Lips.  1816, 
3  vols.),  C.  B.  Hase  (Paris  1828.  2  vols.),  and  especially  rec.  C.  L.  Roth, 
Lips.  Teubner  1858. 

11.  Critical  and  exegetical  contributions  by  D.  Ruhnken  (scholia 
ed.  J.  Geel,  Lugd.  B.  1828),  H.  E.  Dirksen  (Berlin  1850.  4.),  G.  Becker 
(Quaestiones  criticae  de  Suet.  Caess.,  Konigsberg  1862.  4.;  in  Fleck- 
eisen's  Jahrbb.  87,  p.  193  sqq.  89,  p.  839  sqq.  and  Symbola  philol.  Bonn, 
p.  687—694),  R.  Unger  (Suetoniana,  Friedland  1864.  4.),  and  others. 

343.  An  abridgment  of  Roman  History  until  Augustus, 
Bellorum  omnium  annorum  DCC  libri  duo,  was  composed  by 
Florus,  chiefly  from  Livy,  but  especially  with  rhetorical  pur- 
poses, not  without  spirit,  but  with  little  taste,  and  much 
phraseology,  historical  truth  being  frequently  misrepresented 
either  intentionally  or  unconsciously. 

1.  The  title  is  in  the  cod.  Bamberg.:  luli  Flori  epitomae  de  T. 
Livio  bellorum  omnium  anno  mm  DCC  libri  duo.  As  the  agreement  in 
the  name  of  Florus  and  in  the  period  (n.  3),  also  in  the  rhetorical 
character  and  in  many  phraseological  details  (n.  4)  tempt  us  to  identify 
the  author  of  the  Bella  with  the  rhetorician  and  poet  P.  Annius  Florus 
(above  336,  7),  as  Mommsen  and  Halm  do,  we  should  be  obliged  to 
consider  luli  as  a  corruption  of  Publi,  and  Annei  in  the  inferior  mss. 
(n.  5)  as  a  depravation  of  Annii.  See  Halm  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  69, 
p.  192  sq. 

2.  Malalas  Vin  p.  211,  2  Bonn  :  xu,9iog  o  oo(^uirarog  <Pk(OQog  vjiffjytjjud- 
jiafv  iK  Tioy  Ji^^Cov  GvyyQ(cfxijicc7oiv.lj\\y\sohe:n  copied  verbatim,  especially 
jn  rhetorical  phrases,  but  he  is  not  the  sole  source  of  the  abridgment; 
see  U.  Kohler,  qua  rat.  Liv.  ann.  (1860)  p.  23 — 25.  27—29.  Lucan  is 
also  employed,  0.  Jahn  p.  XL VII  sq.  Meinert,  Wiener  Jahrbb.  XXVIII 
p.  186—191.  See  also  Caesar  and  Sallust  (Heyn  p.  36 — 53).  The  author 
intends  to  give  a  panegyric  on  the  Roman  People.  Praef.  3 :  in  brevi 
quasi  tabella  totam  eius  imaginem  amplectar,  non  nihil,  ut  spero,  ad 
admirationem    principis    populi  collaturus  si  pariter  atque  insemel  uni- 


Suetonius.     Florus.  217 

versam  magnitudinem  eius  ostendero.  He  intended  non  tarn  narrare 
bella  romana  quam  romanum  imperium  laudare  (Augustin.  civ.  dei  III 
19).  Hence  he  always  prefers  the  account  most  favourable  to  the  Ro- 
mans, wherever  he  may  chance  to  find  it.  Heyn  p.  13 — 19.  Indepen- 
dently of  these  intentional  misrepresentations  errorum  nullum  fingi 
potest  genus  cuius  non  luculenta  exempla  unaquaeque  libri  eius  pagina 
suppeditet,  U.  Koliler  p.  26,  who  gives  a  list  of  the  writer's  mistakes? 
confusions,  contradictions,  chronological  and  geographical  errors  etc. 
ib.  p.  27,  cf.  0.  Jahn  p.  XXXIV.  XL VI  sq.  Spengel  p.  340-342.  Heyn 
p.  3 — 9.  19 — 35.  The  arrangement  is  chiefly  chronological,  but  aims 
also  at  a  certain  disposition  according  to  the  subject-matter,  e.  g.  in 
the  chapters  de  seditionibus  (I  17,  cf.  II  2,  5),  res  in  Hispania  gestae 
(133).  The  author  follows  the  division  according  to  the  various  ages  (see 
above  265,  3),  i.  e.  infantia,  adolescentia,  inventus,  senectus,  as  he  po- 
pulum  rom.  quasi  unum  hominem  considerat  (praef.  4).  Jahn  p. 
XXXVIII  sq.  Spengel  p.  345  sq.  After  the  account  of  the  regal  period 
(I  1)  we  get  (I  2)  a  rhetorical  'anacephalaeosis'  concerning  it,  and  like- 
wise another  at  the  close  of  the  first  book  with  rhetorical  complaints 
of  the  increase  of  moral  decay.  The  last  bellum  is  (II  33)  b.  canta- 
bricum  et  asturic<um,  after  which  (II  34)  pax  Parthorum  et  consecratio 
Augusti.  The  first  book  treats  of  the  good  time  of  the  Roman  people, 
the  second  of  its  decline  (since  the  time  of  the  Gracchi).  There  is  a 
great  deal  of  moralizing  (Spengel  p.  328 — 331).  As  a  specimen  of  the 
political  views  of  the  writer  we  quote  II  1 :  seditionum  omnium  causas 
tribunicia  potestas  excitavit,  quae  specie  quidem  plebis  tuendae,  .  .  re 
autem  dominationem  sibi  adquirens,  studium  populi  .  .  aucupabatur. 
Specimens  of  ridiculous  exaggerations  are  given  by  Spengel  p.  337 
—  339. 

3.  On  the  time  of  composition  see  praef.  8 :  a  Caesare  Augusto 
in  saeculum  nostrum  haut  multo  minus  anni  ducenti,  quibus  inertia 
Caesarum  quasi  consenuit  atque  decoxit,  nisi  quod  sub  Traiano  prin- 
cipe  movit  lacertos  et  praeter  spem  omnium  senectus  imperii  quasi 
reddita  iuventute  reviruit.     F.  N.  Titze  (De  epitomes  .  .  quae  .  .  Flori 

.  fertur  aetate  probabilissima  etc.  Linz  1804,  and  in  his  edition, 
Pragl819)  placed  Florus  under  Augustus  and  considered  all  contradictory 
passages  to  be  spurious;  see  against  him  Meinert,  Wiener  Jahrb.  XXVIII 
(1824)  p.  169 — 201.  Gossrau,  de  Flori  qua  vixerit  aetate,  Quedlinburg 
1837.     4.     (under  Trajan). 

4.  0.  Jahn  p.  XL VII:  totus  sermo  declamatorem  arguit  et  cuiusvis 
generis  artiticiis,  figuris,  sententiis  male  acuminatis  ita  refertus  est  ut 
pauper  scriptoris  ingenium  et  indicium  male  formatum  neminem  latere 
possit.  See  the  praefatio  of  Graevius.  The  multitude  of  bombastic  and 
exaggerated  passages  bear  down  the  few  good  ones.  See  Spengel 
p.  322—  326.  343  sq.  Just  as  the  rhetorician's  horizon  is  limited^ 
his  command  of  words  is  scanty,  and  he  frequently  repeats  himself;  he 
is  especially  fond  of  quasi,  which  he  uses  125  times  in  his  81  chapters 
(quippe  he  has  75  times),  and  also  of  exclamations  (Spengel  p.  336  sq.). 


218  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

He  imitates  Lucan  (n.  2)  and  Tacitus  (E.  Wolfflin,  Philol.  XXIX  p.  557 
sq.)  In  his  use  of  post  he  agrees  with  Tertullian,  see  Binsfeld,  Rhein. 
Mus.  XXVI  p.  313.  The  bella  have  many  phrases  in  common  with  the 
dialogue  of  P.  Annius  Florus  (above  336,  7),  e.  g.  per  diversa  terrarum 
in  Halm's  ed.  p.  107,  11  and  Bella  I  40,  27.  41,  1.  II  7,  2;  victor 
gentium  populus  (rom.)  ib.  p.  106,  26  and  Bella  I  44,  3.  II  1,  3.  34,  61. 
Halm  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  1854,  p.  192  sq. 

5.  Later  centuries  and  the  Middle  Ages  liked  this  abridgment  on 
account  of  its  brevity  and  rhetoric.  Jahn  p.  XL VIII  sq.  Especially  Jor- 
danes  employed  it  much  (ib.  p.  VI  sq.),  and  at  a  later  time  Malalas 
(n.  2)  quotes  Florus  probably  from  a  Greek  translation.  Hence  the 
number  of  mss.  of  Florus  is  very  great.  The  best  is  the  Bambergensis 
saec.  IX  (B.  in  Jahn's  ed.).  It  resembles  the  ms.  used  by  Jordanes  de 
success,  regn.  All  the  other  mss.  are  derived  from  a  worse  and  inter- 
polated source;  the  earliest  of  them  is  the  Nazarianus  (n)  saec.  IX  at 
Heidelberg  in  which  the  work  is  divided  into  four  books  and  attributed 
to  L.  Annaeus  Florus.  Jahn  p.  V — XV,  and  on  the  relation  of  B  to  L 
ib.  p.  XV-XXXIV. 

6.  Ed.  princeps  Paris  1470.  4.  The  principal  later  editions  are 
those  by  Gamers  (Vienn.  1518.  4.),  E.  Vinetus  (with  Solinus  1554.  4.  and 
elsewhere),  J.  Gruter  (Heidelberg  1597),  CI.  Salmasius  (ap.  Commel. 
1609  and  elsewhere),  J.  G.  Graevius  (Utrecht  1680),  C.  A.  Duker  (Lugd. 
B.  1722),  J.  F.  Fischer  (Lips.  1760),  F.  N.  Titze  (Prague  1819).  The  first 
critical  edition  is  by  0.  Jahn  (Juli  Flori  epit.  etc.  rec.  et  emendavit, 
Lips.  1852);  then  recogn.  C.  Halm,  Lips.  Teubner  1854. 

7.  Critical  contributions  by  F.  E.  Kohler  (Observ.  criticae  in  Jul 
FL,  Gotting.  1865.  42  pp.),  J.  Freudenberg  (Rhein.  Mus.  XXIL  p.  25— 30), 
J.  P.  Binsfeld  (Quaest.  Florianae  crit.,  Diisseldorf  1869.  11  p.  4.).  E. 
Bahrens  (lectiones  latt.,  Bonn  1870,  p.  5 — 19),  H.  Sauppe  (de  arte  cri- 
tica  in  Flori  Bellis  recte  facienda,  Gott.  1870.  19  pp.  4.),  H.  Miiller 
(Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  103  p.  565-575,  and  Rh.  Mus.  XXVI  p.  350-352). 

8.  On  Florus  see  besides  such  earlier  works  as  Heintze  (de  Floro 
non  historico,  sed  rhetore,  Weimar  1787  =  Syntagm.  opusc.  p.  250  sq.) 
A.  Baumstark  in  Pauly's  Enc.  HI  p.  490—494.  H.  G.  Plass,  disp.  de 
auctoribus  cius  quae  vulgo  fertur  L.  Annaei  Flori  epitome  rerum  rom., 
Verden  1858.  16  pp.  L.  Spengel,  on  the  historical  work  of  Florus,  in 
the  Transactions  of  the  Munich  Academy  XXXVI  (historical  and  philol. 
CI.  IX)  1861.  p.  319—350.  Jos.  Reber,  the  History  of  Florus,  Freising 
1865.    71  p.     C.  Heyn,  de  Floro  historico,  Bonn  1865.    53  pp. 

344.  To  the  same  period  belongs,  in  all  probability,  Ju- 
stinus'  abridgment  of  history,  and  Juventius  Martialis'  History 
of  Caesar.  The  other  historical  writers  were  Greeks  und  wrote 
in  Greek,  e.  g.  Cassius  Longinus  and  Phlegon. 

1.     On  Justinus  see  above  253,  3.  4.  6 — 11, 


Flortts  and  other  Historians.  Salvitts  Julianus.  219 

2.  Sidon.  Apoll.  Epist.  IX  14;  si  omittantur  quae  de  titulis  dicta- 
toris  invicti  (i.  e.  Julius  Caesar)  scripta  Patavinis  sunt  voluminibus,  quis 
opera  Suetonii,  quis  luventii  Martialis  historiam,  quisve  ad  extremum 
Balbi  ephemeridem  (above  193,  1)  fando  adaequaverit? 

3.  Cassius  Longinus,  according  to  Eusebius  Chron.  I  41  (Mai  scriptt. 
vett.  nova  collectio  VIII  p.  198)  the  author  of  XVIII  libri  quibus  olym- 
piades  CCXXVIII  complexus  est.  He  may,  therefore,  have  lived  about 
01.  228=A.  D.  135  sqq.  Cf.  n.  4.  H.  Peter,  hist.  rom.  I  p.  CLXXIV  sq. 
Euseb.  hist,  eccles  VI  13,  7:  fxvrifxovfvfi  (Clem.  Alex.)  .  .  Ka(i6Kxvov  (og 

4.  On  Phlegon  sec.  341,  3.  His  chief  work  were  the  14  books  of 
^Okvjuntadfg,  quibus  olympiades  CCXXIX  summatim  continentur  (Euseb. 
chron  I  41).  Cf.  A.  Westermann  in  Paulj^'s  Real-Enc.  V.  p.  1540  sq. 

345.  Of  the  Jurists  of  this  time  the  most  influential  is 
the  Sabinian  Salvius  Julianus,  who  was  charged  by  Adrian 
with  collecting  the  Edicts  of  the  praetors  in  the  Republican 
time,  which  he  examined  and  published  in  proper  order;  besides 
which  he  also  wrote  original  legal  works  (especially  a  Digest). 
He  enjoyed  a  high  authority  for  several  centuries.  Junior  cen- 
temporaries  of  this  authority  were  the  jurists  Aburnius  Valens, 
Pactumeius  Clemens  and  Sex.  Pomponius,  the  last  important 
as  the  author  of  a  short  history  of  law  and  jurisprudence 
down  to  the  time  of  Adrian  which  was  also  embodied  in  the  Digest; 
but  Pomponius  was  altogether  a  fertile  writer  on  jurisprudence 
and  remained  active  until  a  very  high  old  age. 

1.  Pompon. Dig.  12,  2 fin.:  lavoleno  Prisco  (successit)  Aburnius  Valens 
etTuscianus  (of  whom  nothing  further  is  known),  item  Salvius  lulianus. 
See  above  337,3.  The  latter  was  ex  Adrumetina  colonia  (Spart.  Did.  lulian. 
1,  2)  in  Africa  and  (on  the  mother's  side)  proavus  of  the  subsequent 
Emperor  Didius  lulianus,  bis  consul  (cf.  Dig.  XL  2,  5),  praefectus  urbi 
et  iuris  consultus  (Spart.  Did.  lul.  1,  1).  Spart.  Hadr.  18,  1 :  cum  iu- 
dicaret  in  consilio  habuit  .  .  iuris  consultos  et  praecipue  lulium  Celsum 
(cf.  above  337,  2),  Salvium  lulianum  etc.  Fronto  ad  Caes.  IV  1  sq. 
Julian  is  ill  and  Fronto  visits  him  to  please  M.  Aurelius.  Even  the 
Divi  fratres  Dig.  XXXVII  14,  17  pr.:  plurium  etiam  iuris  auctorum,  sed 
et  Salvii  luliani  amici  nostri  (cf.  M.  Aurel.  ap.  Fronto  Ep.  ad.  Caes.  IV 
2),  clarissimi  viri,  banc  sententiam  fuisse  (he  was  dead  then,  as  this 
shows).  His  sepulchre  was  miliario  quinto  via  Labicana  (Spart.  Did. 
lul.  8,  10). 

2.  Eutrop.  VIII  17:  Salvii  luliani,  qui  sub  divo  Hadria.no  perpetuum 
composuit  edictum.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr.  2147  (Hadriani  15=131  A.  D.): 
Salvius  lulianus  perpetuum  composuit  edictum.  On  the  date  seeMommsen, 


220  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

on  the  Chronogr.  (1850)  p.  673,  n.  1.  Justinian's  Constit.  Jidioxsp  18: 
' A&Qiavog  .  .  otf  t«  naQti  rdHv  TiQcctrojQCJu  xar'  hogixaaxov  vofxod^ijovfx^va 
hv  ^pKYfi  Tivi  Gvvrjyf  ^i^kiu),  toy  xqartojov  'lovkiapoy  nqogjovTo  naqaka^oiv. 
Constit.  Tanta  (Cod.  I  17,  2  of  a.  533)  18:  et  ipse  lulianus,  legum  et 
edicti  perpetui  subtilissimus  conditor,  in  suis  libris  hoc  retulit  .  .  et 
divus  Hadrianus  in  compositione  edicti  et  scto  quod  earn  secutum  est 
etc.  A.  F.  Rudorff,  Edictum  perpet.  (Lips.  1869)  p.  9  sq.  Cod.  Ill  33, 
15  (of  a.  530) :  summum  auctorem  iuris  scientiae  Salvium  lulianum.  IV 
5,  10  (of  a.  530):  sublimissimum  testem  adducit  Salvium  lulianum, 
summae  auctoritatis  hominem  et  praetoriani  edicti  ordinatorem.  VI  61, 
5  (of  a.  473):  luliaui,  tantae  existimationis  viri  atque  disertissimi  iuris- 
periti,  Africanus  and  Terentius  Clemens. 

3.  Original  works  by  Julianus  Digestorum  libri  XC  (Ind.  Flor.), 
376  fragments  of  which  were  admitted  into  Justinian's  Digest,  both  the 
title  and  the  design  of  Julian's  work  influencing  Justinian's  collection. 
It  contained  continuous  explanations  on  jurisprudence  in  connexion 
with  the  questions  of  auditores  and  answers  returned  by  the  professor. 
Th.  Mommsen,  Journal  for  Jurispr.  IX  p.  82 — 88.  The  first  58  books 
followed  the  order  of  the  Edict  and  were  composed  and  published  under 

Adrian;  the  later  books  under  Antoninus  Pius;  see  H.  H.  Fitting  (above 
39,  5)  p.  4—7.  Cf.  Rudorff's  Hist,  of  Roman  Law  I  p.  171.  K.  Viertel, 
de  vitis  ictorum,  Konigsb.  1868,  p.  6 — 8.  Notes  on  this  work  were 
written  by  Ulpius  Marcellus  and  Cervidius  Scaevola,  as  early  as  in  the 
reigns  of  Pius,  then  by  Mauricianus  and  Paulus.  Julian  himself  wrote 
notes  on  Urseius  Ferox  (above  311,  3)  in  four  books  (Ind.  Flor.;  but 
see  also  Viertel,  de  vitis  ictorum  p.  18—20),  which  were  epitomized  in 
41  places  of  the  Digest,  and  on  Minicius  (above  337,  6)  in  six  books 
(?  cf.  K.  Viertel  p.  24 — 26).  There  are  four  fragments  of  Julian's  liber 
singularis  de  ambiguitatibus  in  the  Digest.  In  general  see  Hommel 
Paling.  I  p.  223 — 318.  The  quotation  lulianus  libro  I  ad  edictum  (Dig. 
Ill  2,  1)  is  due  to  a  confusion  of  the  revision  of  the  Edictum  by  Julian 
(n.  2)  with  an  original  work;  Zimmern,  Hist,  of  Roman  private  Law 
I.  1  p.  132,  n.  16. 

4.  Heinneccius,  de  Salvio  luliano,  Ictorum  sua  aetate  coryphaeo, 
Halle  1732.  4  =  0pp.  H.  p.  798-818.  VH.  p.  196—261.  F.  A.  Biener, 
de  S.  I.  meritis  de  edicto  praetorio  rite  aestimandis,  Lips.  1809.  4. 

5.  L.  Fulvius  C.  f.  Pupin(ia)  Aburnius  Valens  (Orelli  3153  cf. 
Dig.  XXXII  78,  6).  As  the  inscription  in  Orelli  3153  (where  he  is  called 
clarissimus  iuvenis)  proves  that  he  was  nominal  praef.  urbi  a.  118  (before 
entering  the  Senate),  he  must  have  been  born  a  short  time  before  a.  100. 
He  wrote  Actiones  in  at  least  seven  books  (Dig.  XXXVI  4,  15)  and  libri 
fideicommissorum,  also  in  at  least  seven  books  (Dig.  XXXIII  1,  15), 
which  latter  work  is  used  in  19  places  in  the  Digest.  Cf.  Hommel, 
Paling.  II  p.  533—536.  As  the  latter  quotes  not  only  lavolenus  (ib. 
XXXIII  1,  15),  but  also  (Salvius)  lulianus  (ib.  IV,  4,  33:  lulianus  .  . 
respondit  XXXII  94:  lulianus  .  .  putavit)  and  as  Trajan  is  designated  as 


Jurists:  Juliamfs,  Pomponius,  and  others.  221 

divus  (XLIX  14,  42),  he  seems  to  have  survived  Juhan.  He  is  no  doubt 
the  Fulvius  (so  Mommsen  instead  of  Salvius)  Valens  in  Capitol.  Ant. 
Pi.  12,  1 :  usus  est  iuris  peritis  .  .  Fulvio  Valente.  Cf.  Dig.  XLVIII 
2,  7,  2:  divus  Pius  Salvio  Valenti  rescripsit.  P.  F.  Smeding,  de  Salvio 
Aburnio  Valente  eiusque  quae  in  Dig.  adsunt  fragmentis,  Lugd.  Bat. 
1824.  Zimmern,  Hist,  of  Roman  private  Law  I  1.  p.  334  sq.  K.  Viertel, 
de  vitis  ictorum  p.  30 — 33.  Th.  Mommsen,  Journal  of  Rom.  jurispr. 
IX  p.  90,  n.  21. 

6.  Pompon.  Dig.  XL  7,  21,  1:  Pactumeius  Clemens  aiebat  etc. 
He  is  best  known  to  us  from  an  inscription  found  at  Constantine,  Renier, 
inscr.  de  I'Alg.  1812  =  Henzen  6483:  P.  Pactumeio  P.  f.  Quir.  Clementi, 
Xvir  stlit.  iud.,  Quaest.,  Leg.  Rosiani  Gemini  (Dig.  XLVIII  5,  6,  2.  XLVIII 
6,  6)  soceri  sui  procos(uiis)  in  Achaia,  trib.  pleb.,  fetiali,  legato  divi 
Hadriani  Athenis  .  .  ,  praetori  urbano,  leg.  divi  Hadriani  ad  rationes 
civitatium  Syriae  putandas,  legato  eiusdem  in  Cilicia,  Consuli  (suff.  a. 
138  according  to  Borghesi),  legato  in  Cilicia  Imp.  Antonini  Aug.,  leg. 
Rosiani  Gemini  procos.  in  Africa,  iurisconsulto,  patrono  IV  coloniarum. 
Cf.  ib.  1813  sq. 

7.  Sex.  Pomponius  lived  and  wrote  both  under  Adrian  and  M. 
Aurelius  or  at  least  under  the  divi  fratres.  The  expression  in  his 
Epistolae  b.  VII  (Dig.  XL  5,  20)  is  significant:  ego  discendi  cupiditate, 
quam  solam  vivendi  rationem  optimam  in  LXXVIII""™  annum  aetatis  duxi. 
As  he  styles  Antoninus  divus  in  the  same  book  (Dig.  112,  14),  he  wrote 
this  at  the  very  earliest  a.  162,  and  could  not,  therefore,  have  been 
born  earlier  than  A.  D.  84.  That  he  was  a  contemporary  of  Julian, 
appears  partly  from  the  fact  that  he  terminates  his  history  of  jurispru- 
dence (n.  10)  with  the  latter,  partly  because  they  quote  each  other 
mutually  (n.  8).  Pomponius  himself  seems  to  have  survived  Julian,  as 
Julian  used  only  one  work  of  Pomp.,  while  Pomp,  used  several  of  Julian's; 
see  n.  8.  As  his  teachers  Pomp,  names  the  Jurists  Pegasus  (Dig.  XXXI 
43,  2:  P.  solitus  fuerat  distinguere),  Aristo  (ib.  XL  5,  20:  putabat. 
XXXVI  1,  72:  aiebat,  cf.  XXXIX  5,  18.  Fragm.  Vat.  83.  88)  and  Octavenus 
(XL  4,  61 :  aiebat.  5,  20 :  putabat).  He  frequently  appeals  in  his  works 
to  the  veteres,  especially  Q.  Mucins,  Ser.  Sulpicius,  Trebatius,  Alfenus^ 
Labeo. 

8.  On  the  relation  between  Juhan  and  Pomponius.  Pomp,  uses 
Juhan's  Digest  and  frequently  quotes  him,  at  least  in  his  libri  ex  Plautio, 
Epistolae  et  variae  lectiones,  and  also  in  the  libri  ad  edictum;  cf.  Dig 
VI  1,  21  (Pomponius  libro  XXXIX«  Ad  edictum  scribit  etc.  lulianus 
autem  etc.  idque  Pomponius  libro  XXXIV"  Variarum  lectionum  probat). 
XIV  6,  19  (lulianus  scribit).  XXXIX  2,  18,  4  (Pomponius  relata  luliani 
scriptura  dicit  non  se  improbare  etc.).  XL  4,  40  (from  Pomp.  libr.  V. 
ex  Plant.:  lulianus  ait).  61  (et  lul.  ait).  XL  5,  20  (apud  lulianum  ita 
scriptum  est.  .  .  ea  quae  lulianus  scribit,  from  Epist.  VII).  XLIX  14, 
35  (from  Epist.  XI:  apud  lulianum  scriptum  est).  Fragm.  Vat.  75 
(Pomponius  ait  libro  VH  ex  Plautio,  relata  luliani  sententia.  .  .  urgetur 


222  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

tamen  luliani  sententia  argumentis  Pomponii).  Julian  (in  his  Digest) 
employs  Pomp. 's  books  ad  Sabinum;  cf.  Fragm.  Vat.  88  (lulianus  subicit 
Sextum  quoque  Pomponium  referre).  Dig.  XXVIII  5,  41  (ut  refert  Sex. 
Pomponius,  cf.  Mommsen,  Journal  of  jurispr.  VII  p.  478  note).  XVII 
2,  63,  9  (ait  lulianus  Sextum  Pomponium  referre  Sabinum  respondentem 
etc.).  Cf.  Fitting  p.  8  sq.  11.  12.  13.  The  succession  of  lulianus  et 
Pomponius  Dig.  XXVIII  2,  9,  2.  XLV  1,  2,  5.  Cf.  Gai.  Inst.  H  218 
(luliano  et  Sexto  placuit).  There  is  no  valid  reason  to  distinguish  two 
Jurists  of  the  name  of  Pomponius.  Rudorff,  Hist,  of  Roman  Law  I  p. 
172  sq.  Fitting  p.  13  sq.  Mommsen  1.  1.  p.  478  sq. 

9.  The  works  of  Pomponius.  Enchiridii  liber  singularis,  Ad  Sabinum 
libri  XXXV  and  Fideicommissorum  libri  V,  all  written  under  Adrian, 
the  Notes  ad  Sabinum  before  Julian's  Digest;  Ad  edictum  at  least  79 
books,  written  before  Julian's  Edition  of  the  Edictum  perpetuum  under 
Antoninus  Pius ;  Ex  Plautio  libri  VII,  under  Antoninus  Pius ,  and 
probably  also  Senatusconsultorum  libri  V;  Epistolarum  et  variarum 
lectionum  libri  (Dig.  IV  4,  50.  L  12,  14),  if  these  two  titles  belong  to- 
gether, at  least  41  books,  of  the  time  of  the  divi  fratres  (see  n.  7). 
Probably  not  before  Antoninus  Pius  the  work  de  stipulationibus  in  at 
least  eight  books,  and  under  Pius  at  the  very  latest  the  Regularum  liber 
singularis.  We  do  not  know  the  date  of  Enchiridii  liber  I.  The  same 
holds  good  of  the  collection  of  the  legal  views  of  Aristo  (above  337,  4)  from 
his  notae,  decreta,  responsa  and  epistulae;  see  Dig.  XXIV  3,  44  (from 
Paulus) :  Nerva  et  Cato  responderunt,  ut  est  relatum  apud  Sex.  Pompo- 
nium Digestorum  ab  Aristone  libro  quinto;  ibidem  Aristoni  consensit. 
The  works  of  Pomp,  are  used  in  the  Digest  in  altogether  585  places; 
see  the  collection  in  Hommel,  Palingenesia  II.  p.  303 — 386.  They  were 
valued  both  for  their  casuistry  and  for  the  excerpts  they  contained  from 
the  works  of  earlier  Jurists. 

10.  The  Enchiridion  (liber  sing.)  seems  to  have  contained  an  ex- 
planation of  the  fundamental  Law  of  nations  (Dig.  L  16,  249)  and  a 
sketch  of  the  History  of  Roman  law  and  jurisprudence  until  Julian 
(Dig.  I  2,  2).  See  above  I  p.  246,  d.  Separate  editions  by  E.  Rocking 
(Bonn  1831)  and  F.  Osann  (recogn.  et  annot.  crit.  instr.,  Giessen  1847). 
§.  41—44  cum  notis  ed.  E.  Schrader,  Berlin,  .1837.  14  pp.  4. 

11.  H.  B.  Reinold,  de  Sex.  Pomponio  icto,  Wiirzburg  1710  {=z  Opusc. 
p.  592 — 548).  Heineccius  de  Sex.  P.  eximio  aevi  sui  icto,  0pp.  Ill  2. 
p.  66 — 126.  Zimmern,  Hist,  of  Roman  private  Law  I  1.  p.  337 — 340, 
Fitting  (above  39,  5)  p.  8—14. 


346.  Khetoricians  of  the  time  of  Adrian  were  the  lear- 
ned Spaniard  Antonius  Julianus  and  Castricius.  The  majority 
and  those  who  possessed  most  authority  wrote  in  Greek,  e.  g. 
Adrian    himself,    Polemon,   Lollianus,    Dionysius   of  Miletus, 


Jurists  and  Rhetoricians.  223 

Favorinus  and  others.  Only  the  scholastic  declamations  of 
Calpurnius  Flaccus  (a  writer  not  known  to  us  from  other  sources) 
were  written  in  Latin.    They  are  in  existence. 

1.  Gellius  I  4,  1 :  Antonius  lulianus  rhetor  perquam  fuit  honesti 
atque  amoeni  ingenii.  doctrina  quoque  ista  utiliore  ac  delectabili  vete- 
rumque  elegantiarum  cura  et  memoria  multa  fuit.  ad  hoc  scripta  omnia 
antiquiora  tarn  curiose  spectabat  et  aut  virtutes  pensitabat  aut  vitia 
rimabatur  ut  iudicium  esse  factum  adamussim  diceres.  ib.  8:  ad  hune 
modum  lulianus  enodabat  diiudicabatque  veterum  scriptorum  sententias, 
quae  apud  eum  adulescentes  delectitabant.  XIX  9,  2 :  venerat  nobiscum 
ad  eandem  cenam  Antonius  lulianus  rhetor,  docendis  publice  iuvenibus 
magister,  hispano  ore  florentisque  homo  facundiae  et  rerum  litterarumque 
veterum  peritus.  Specimens  of  his  erudition  ib.  IX  1,  2  sqq.  XV  1,  4 
sqq.  XVIII  5,  5  sqq.  XIX  9,  8  sqq.  XX  9.  That  he  instructed  Gellius, 
appears  from  Gell.  XVIII  5,  1 :  cum  A.  I.  rhetore,  viro  hercle  bono  et 
facundiae  florentis,  complures  adulescentuli,  familiares  eius,  Puteolis 
aestivarum  feriarum  ludum  .  .  agitabamus.  Cf.  ib.  IX  15,  1  sqq.  cum 
A.  I.  rhetore  per  feriarum  tempus  .  .  Neapolin  concesseramus.  XV  1, 
1  sqq:  declamaverat  A.  I.  rhetor  .  .  feliciter.  .  .  ergo  familiares  eius 
circumfusi  undique  eum  prosequebamur  domum.  Later  published  writings 
seem  to  be  alluded  to  ib.  XVIII  5  12:  hoc  tum  nobis  lulianus  .  .  dixit, 
sed  eadem  ipsa  post  etiam  inpervulgatis  commentariis  scripta  offendimus. 
Minuc.  Fel.  Oct.  33,  4 :  si  Bomanis  magis  gaudes,  ut  transeamus  veteres, 
Antonii  luliani  de  ludaeis  require :  iam  scles  nequitia  sua  hanc  eos  (the 
Jews)  meruisse  fortunam.  This  is  perhaps  an  allusion  to  a  speech  de 
lud.  with  numerous  historical  allusions. 

2.  S.  Castricius,  rhetoricae  disciplinae  doctor,  qui  habuit  Romae 
locum  principem  declamandi  ac  docendi,  summa  vir  auctoritate  gravitate- 
que  et  a  divo  Hadriano  in  mores  atque  litteras  spectatus,  quo  .  .  usus 
sum  magistro.  Gellius  XIII  22,  1.  cf.  XI  13,  1.  I  6,  4.  II  27,  3.  Fronto 
epist.  ad  am.  II  2  (Castricius  noster). 

3.  On  Adrian's  declamations  see  above  341,  3;  on  Aelius  Verus 
below  149,  2;  on  Heliodorus  below  347,  8. 

4.  Philostr.  vit.  soph.  II 14  (p.  71,  24  sqq.  Bibl.  Teubner)  on  Herodes 
Atticus  noki^oiva  (n.  6)  -Acd  4>c(^coQ7uoy  (n.  5)  xal  2xo7i(kuKv6p  iu 
didaaxdkoig  eavtov  ijy€  xal  ^fxovud'M  t(o  'JtS^rjvaiM  iqjohtjafp,  .  .  tovs 
d€  xqtnxovg  i(av  koyiou  Sfayivfi  t€  t(o  KvidiM  xal  MovvaiCia  iia  ix 
TQakksioy  Gvvfyivno  xal  TavQ(o  tw  TvQiio  (below  348,  2)  inl  ralg 
Jlkajiavoq  do^aig. 

5.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr.  2148  =  Hadr.  16  =134  A.  D.:  Favorinus 
et  Polemo  rhetores  insignes  habentur.  Favorinus  of  Arelate  (Aries), 
the  pupil  of  Dion  (Chrysostomos),  on  friendly  terms  with  Plutarch  and 
Fronto  (see  below  352,  1),  a  writer  on  general  culture,  e.  g.  the  author 
of  philosophical  treatises  {nvQQ(OP€ioi  tqotioi  and  '  Anofxrijfxovsv^aTa)  and 


224  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

of  a  Ilca'ro&umq  taioQuc,  acquainted  also  with  Roman  literature  and 
opposed  to  the  antiquarian  party  (Gellius  I  10,  cf.  VIII  2.  XVIII  7. 
XX  1,  20);  see  Philostr.  vitae  soph.  I  8  with  Kayser  (Heidelberg  1838) 
p.  181 — 183.  J.  L.  Marres,  de  Favorini  Arelatensis  vita,  studiis,  scriptis, 
Utrecht  1853.  146  pp.  See  below  358,  1. 

6.  On  (Ausonius)  Polemo,  in  Smyrna  (c.  a.  85 — 140)  see  Philostr. 
vitae  soph.  I  25  with  C.  L.  Kayser's  notae  p.  267  sq.  L.  Preller  in 
Pauly's  Enc.  V.  p.  1793  sq. 

7.  (L.  Egnatius  Victor)  Lollianus  nQovarf]  tov  'Ad^rivriai  &qovov 
(of  Sophists,)  uQcoTog,  see  Philostr.  v.  soph.  123  with  Kayser  p.  261  sq. 

8.  Dio  LXIX  3:  top  <l*ciov(ji)^n'or  ror  VcikaTt]}'  top  t^  Jiot^vGiov 
TOV  MiXriGiof  rovg  oo(fiajag  etc.  On  the  latter  see  Philostr.  vitae  soph. 
I  22;     see  below  347,  9.  851,  4. 

9.  The  51  declamationes  of  Calpurnius  Flaccus  (Excerptae  X 
rhetorum  minorum)  were  first  published  by  Petr.  Pithoeus,  together  with 
the  declamations  wrongly  attributed  to  Quintilian,  (above  320,  11), 
Paris  1580;  then  in  the  editions  of  the  latter  by  J.  Fr.  Gronov  (Lugd. 
B.  1665),  U.  Obrecht  (Strassburg  1698.  4.)  and  P.  Burmann  (Lugd.  B. 
1720.  4.).'    The  time  of  this  Calp.  Fl.  is  quite  uncertain. 


347.  The  principal  grammarian  of  the  age  of  Adrian 
is  Q.  Terentius  Scaurus,  the  author  of  a  work  on  Latin  gram- 
mar and  poetry,  and  of  commentaries  on  Plautus  and  Virgil, 
perhaps  also  on  Horace.  We  possess  by  him  only  a  small 
treatise  de  orthographia,  which  is  of  importance  for  the  history 
of  the  language.  To  the  same  period  belong  also  Velleius 
Celer,  Aelius  Melissus,  and  Domitius;  among  the  Greeks  the 
grammarians  Vestinus  and  especially  Heliodorus. 

1.  Gellius  XI  15,  3:  Terentius  Scaurus,  divi  Hadriani  tempo- 
ribus  grammaticus  vel  nobilissimus,  inter  ilia  quae  de  Caeselli  (above 
320,  4)  erroribus  composuit.  Cf.  Capitolin.  Ver.  2,  5 :  audivit  (Verus) 
Scaurinum  grammaticum  latinum,  Scauri  filium  qui  grammaticus  Hadri=^ 
ani  fuit.  His  principal  work  is  quoted  by  Charisius  and  Diomede  (from 
Romanus)  and  in  the  Explanationes  in  artem  Donati  (Keil  IV  p.  486 
sqq.).  Charis.  I  p.  133,  1  K. :  Scaurus  in  arte  grammatica.  136,  16: 
Scaurus  artis  grammaticae  libris.  But  ib.  146,  36:  Scaurus  libro  III  we 
are  obliged  by  the  connexion  of  the  text  to  understand  of  the  auto- 
biography of  M.  Aemililius  Scaurus  (above  131,  10).  Rufin.  Excerpt, 
p.  2711  P.  =  384  Gaisf. :  Scaurus  in  commentario  Plauti  in  Pseudulo 
dicit  etc.  Ritschl,  Parerga  p.  375  sq.  Commentaries  on  the  Aeneid 
and  perhaps  also  on  the  Bucolica;  see  Ribbeck  Prolegg.  p.  172.  Charis. 
p.  202,  26  sq.  K. :     impariter   Horatius    epistolarum  (II  3,  75):    versibus 


Terentins  Scaurns  and  other  (n'mnmarians.  225 

impariter  iunctis,  ubi  Q.  Terentius  Scaurus  in  commentariis  in  artera 
poeticam  libro  X  etc.  The  illusion  raised  by  this  of  an  extensive  work 
on  Horace's  A.  p.  is  destroyed  by  ib.  210,  19  sqq.  Maro  (Aen.  I  1) : 
Troiae  qui  primus  ab  oris,  ubi  Q.  Ter.  Sc.  commentariis  in  artem  poe- 
ticam libro  X  etc.  Grafenhan  (Hist,  of  class.  Phil.  IV  p.  300  sq.)  pro- 
poses grammaticam  in  the  place  of  poeticam.  The  quotations  of  defi- 
nitions of  rhetorical  figures  (e.  g.  hypozeuxis,  macrologia)  by  Scaurus 
are  rather  in  favour  of  a  manual  of  poetry  which  comprised  also  rhe- 
toric. The  only  uncertain  trace  of  a  commentary  on  Horace  is  in  Por- 
phyr.  on  Hor.  S.  II  5,  92  (Up.  308  H.):  capite  obstipo:  tristi  ac  severo. 
Scauro  inclinato  dicit;  cf.  Zangemeister  (above  235,  10)  p.  40  sqq. 
The  fragments  of  Scaurus  do  not  exhibit  an  antiquarian  tendency,  and 
he  seems  to  have  rather  belonged  to  the  Ciceronians. 

2.  The  small  treatise  de  orthographia  ad  Theseum  (ap.  Putsche 
p.  2249—2264)  is  valuable  for  the  old  forms  it  contains,  p.  2262:  haec 
sunt  quae  urgenti  tempore  complecti  tibi  in  presentia  potui,  Theseu. 
si  quid  exemplis  defecerit  vel  quaestionibus,  subiungetur.  nam  quod  ad 
rem  maxime  pertinet,  regulam  vides.  Then  follow  detailed  observations 
in  loose  order,  which  do  not,  however,  all  relate  to  orthography;  at 
least  the  stylistic  observations  concerning  the  use  of  prepositions  are 
possibly  by  a  different  author.  The  close  is:  brevitatem  huius  libelli, 
si  tibi  videtur  adglutinabis  ei  quem  de  litteris  novis  (Bergk:  of  the 
Emperor  Claudius)  habes  a  me  acceptum.  W.  Brambach,  on  Lat.  spel- 
ling p.  47 — 49.  On  the  mss.  of  the  treatise  see  Usener,  Rhein.  Mus. 
XXIV  p.  108  sq. 

3.  Priscian.  X  57,  p.  547  Htz.:  Velleius  (D:  Vellius)  Celer  respon- 
dens  Hadriano  imperatori  per  epistulam  de  hoc  (the  quantity  of  am- 
bitus) interroganti  .  .  ostendit  etc.  He  is  perhaps  identical  with  KtkfQ 
Tf^voyQaiiog,  ^(«tikiy.MV  jusr  tntffTokdiy  nQoarctTt]?,  Jiovvaiio  ds  lov  tje 
fAdQaxt'ov  /Qovov  dia(fOQog  ap.  Philostr.  vit.  soph.  I  22.     Comp.  n.  9. 

4.  Gellins  XVIII  6,  1  sqq.:  Aelius  Melissus  in  nostra  memoria  fuit 
Romae  summi  quidem  loci  inter  grammaticos  id  temporis;  sed  maiore 
in  litteris  erat  iactantia  et  aoifiai&ia  quam  opera,  is  praeter  alia  quae 
scripsit  complura  librum  composuit  .  .  cui  titulus  est  .  .  de  loquendi 
proprietate. 

5.  Gell.  XVIII  7,  1  sqq.:  Domitio,  homini  docto  celebrique  in  urbe 
Roma  grammatico,  cui  cognomentum  Insano  factum  est,  quoniam  erat 
natura  intractabilior  et  morosior,  ei  Domitio  Favorinus  noster  cum 
forte  .  .  obviam  venisset  atque  ego  cum  Favorino  essem  etc. 

6.  Q.  Octavius  Avitus  belongs  perhaps  to  this  time,  see  above 
221,    3. 

7.  On  Sulpicius  Apollinaris,  whose  influence  commenced  in  this 
time,  see  below  353,  2. 

8.  On  lulius  Vestinus  see  Suidas  s.  v. 

15 


226  The  Second  Centur)'  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

9.  Dio  LXIX  3:  Jtoyuaiog  (above  346,  8)  7i()6g  tou  avrov  (Adrian) 
Miov  HktodioQoi'.  rou  r«V  tniOTokdg  aihov  d\(iyayov7cc,  (■Imlfv  ksyfTcxi' 
oTi  K((iO((Q  )^{)rjU(XT(i  fi^y  ooi  xal  Tif^tjV  dovyat  J'vuccrat,  QtjroQa  Ji  ffs 
Tioir}0(u  ov  (^vvcaai.  Cf.  n.  3.  He  was  all  the  more  important  as  gram- 
marian, as  he  is  no  doubt  identical  with  the  writer  on  metres,  on  whom 
see  R.  Westphal,  allg.  Metrik.  (1865)  p.  137—146  =  Metrik^  I  (1867) 
p.  214  sqq.  0.  Hense,  Investigations  concerning  Heliodorus,  Leipzig 
(Teubner)  1870.   170  pp. 

348.  Philosophical  studies  were  in  this  period  chiefly  re- 
presented by  the  Greeks,  e.  g.  by  Plutarch  and  the  Platonic 
philosopher  Calvisius  Taurus.  Among  the  technical  writers 
the  most  eminent  is  Caelius  Aurelianus,  an  African  author  on 
medic  art,  by  whom  we  possess  two  works  on  acute  and 
chronic  diseases,  in  which  he  appears  as  a  methodical  phy- 
sician and  accurate  observer.  His  diction  is,  however,  obscure 
and  incorrect. 

1.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr.  2135  :—  Hadr.  3  =::  ll9  A.  D.:  Plutarchus 
Chaeroneus  et  Sextus  et  Agathobulus  et  Oenomaus  philosoplii  insignes 
habentur.  Ad  2142  =  Hadr.  10  ==  126  A.  D.:  Quadratiis  discipulus 
apostolorum  (cf.  de  vir.  ill.  19)  et  Aristides  Atheniensis  noster  philo- 
sophus  libros  pro  Christiana  religione  Hadriano  dedere  compositos.  See 
also  above  346,  4. 

2.  Hieronym,  ad  a.  Abr.  2161  =  145  A.  D. :  Taurus  Berytius  pla- 
tonicae  sectae  philosophus  clarus  habetur.  Gellius  VII  10,  1 :  philoso- 
phus  Taurus,  vir  memoria  nostra  in  disciplina  platonica  celebratus. 
XVIII  10,  3:  Calvisius  Taurus  philosophus.  See  also  above  346,  4.  On 
the  method  of  his  instruction  see  Gell.  I  26,  1  sqq.  II  2,  1  sqq.  (ad 
philos.  T.  Athenas  visendi  eius  gratia  venerat  vir  clariss.)  VII  13,  1  sqq. 
X  19.  XVn  8  and  20.  XVHI  10,  3  sqq.  XIX  6,  2  sq.  XX  4.  All  his 
works  were  in  Greek. 

3.  On  a  version  of  the  genealogiae  of   Hyginus    see  above  257,  7. 

4.  On  a  chorographia  derived  from  Pliny's  n.  h.  see  above  308,  7. 

5.  Caelius  Aurelianus  of  Sicca  in  Numidia  lived  between  So- 
ranus  (above  294,  8)  and  Galenus,  as  he  never  mentions  the  latter, 
while  Soranus  is  his  chief  source.  Cf.  acut.  II  1 :  Soranus,  cuius  haec 
sunt  quae  latinizanda  suscepimus.  II  28:  cuius  verissimas  apprehen- 
siones  latino  sermone  describere  laboramus.  chron.  II  7:  Mnaseas  et 
Soranus,  cuius  etiam  nos  amamus  indicium.  The  work  on  acute  diseases 
(celerum  or  acutarum  passionum)  consists  of  three  books  (Paris  1533 
and  1826),  the  one  on  chronic  diseases  (tardarum  or  chronicarum  pas- 
sionum) of  five  (Basil.  1529  fol.  Aid.  1547).  Both  edited  together  Lugd. 
1566,  better  Amstelaed.  1709.  4.  (cur.  J.C.Amman,  with  notes  by  v.  Al- 
raeloveen)  =  Venet.   1757.    4.      Lausanne  1774.     Also    in    the   collected 


Caelius  Aiirelianus.     Annianus.  227 

editions  of  the  medici  veteres.  Cf.  V.  Rosen,  on  a  fragment  of  C.  A., 
Hermes  IV  p.  141 — 144.  Both  works  are  remarkable  for  their  faithful 
and  vivid  description  of  diseases,  and  for  numerous  quotations  of  earlier 
writers  and  their  opinions;  the  Latin  is  interesting  as  a  specimen  of 
African  latinity.  Cassiod.  div.  script,  inst.  II  31  recommends  him.  A 
number  of  other  works  of  Aur.  which  he  occasionally  refers  to  (see 
Amman's  ed.  p.  710),  such  as  muliebrium  passionum  libri,  de  passionum 
causis,  have  been  lost.  C.  G.  Kiihn,  de  C.  A.  inter  methodicos  medicos 
haud  ignobili,  Lips.  1816.  4.  r=z.  Opusc.  acad.  II  p.  1  sqq.  Choulant, 
Manual  of  the  bibliography  of  earlier  medical  art  206 — 209.  See, 
however,  below  456,  3  and  4. 

6.  On  the  basis  capitolina  with  a  votive  inscription  of  various 
quarters  and  numerous  vici  of  Rome  addressed  to  Adrian  (on  the  Ca- 
pitol) see  Gruter  p.  249  sqq.  E.  Braun,  Philologus  Suppl.  II  p.  405  sqq. 
H.  Jordan,  on  an  Investigation  of  the  so-called  Capitoline  map  of  Rome, 
Monthly  Reports  of  the  Berlin  Academy,  1867,  p.  526—548.  A.  Kliig- 
mann,  Philol.  XXVII  p.  474—493. 

349.  Adrian's  time  did  not  produce  any  poets  of  name. 
Annianus,  however,  wrote  a  poem  on  the  charms  of  rural  life 
(Falisca)  and  composed  Fescennine  verses.  Adrian  himself 
composed  Latin  verse,  and  so  did  also  Annius  Florus,  L.  Ae- 
lius  Verus,  Voconius  and  others.  It  agreed  with  the  dilet- 
tante character  of  these  pursuits  that  such  metres  as  the 
iambic  dimeter  became  now  favourites. 

1.  On  Adrian's  poems  see  above  341,  3  and  5;  on  Annius  Florus 
above  336,  7;  on  Voconius  above  341,  5. 

2.  Spartian,  Hadrian.  23,  11:  adoptavit  (a.  135?)  Ceionium  Com- 
modum  Verum  invitis  omnibus  eunique  Aelium  Verum  Caesarem  appel- 
lavit.  Aelius  2,  6 :  hie  .  .  primum  L.  Aurelius  Verus  est  dictus,  sed  ab 
Hadriano  adscitus  in  Aeliorum  familiam  .  .  et  appellatus  est  Caesar. 
5,  1  sq. :  fuit  .  .  eruditus  in  litteris,  .  .  eloquentiae  celsioris,  versu  fa- 
cilis.  4,  7:  cum  de  provincia  Aelius  redisset  atque  orationem  pulcher- 
rimam,  quae  hodieque  legitur,  sive  per  se  seu  per  scriniorum  aut  di- 
cendi  magistros  pararet,  qua  kalendis  lanuariis  Hadriano  patrifgratias 
ageret,  .  .  kalendis  ipsis  lanuariis  (a.  891  =  138)  perit.  This  L.  Ceio- 
nius  Commodus  Verus  Aelius  (Helius)  Caesar  is  the  father  of  L.  Verus 
(below  360,  1   and  6). 

3.  Gell.  VI  7,  1:  Annianus  poeta  praeter  ingenii  amoenitates 
litterarum  quoque  veterum  et  rationum  in  litteris  oppido  quam  peritus 
fuit  et  sermocinabatur  mira  quadam  et  scita  suavitate.  ib.  3:  se  audi- 
ente  Probum  grammaticum  (above  296)  .  .  legisse  dicit.  This  shows 
that  Ann.  was  not  probably  born  after  a.  70.  IX  10,  1:  Ann.  poeta  et 
plerique  cum  eo  eiusdem  Musae  viri.  XX  8,  1 :  A.  poeta  in  fundo  suo 
quern  in  agro  Falisco  possidebat  .  .  me  et  quosdam  item  alios  familia- 


228  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

res  vocavit.  Auson.  cento  nupt.  (Idyll.  XIII)  s.  f. :  nam  quid  Anniani 
fescenninos?  Lachmann  ad  Terent.  Maur.  p.  XIII — XV  considers  A.  to 
be  the  poeta  Faliscus  to  whom  Terentian.  v.  1816 — 1821  ascribes  lu- 
dicra  carmina,  cf.  ib.  1998:  talia  docta  Phalisca  legimus.  Mar.  Vict, 
p.  122,  12  K.  (Gramm.  VI.) :  quod  genus  metri  Annianus  Faliscum  car- 
men inscribit.  L.  Miiller,  Kh.  Mus.  XXV  p.  337 — 344  and  in  his  edition 
of  Rutil.  Nam.  p.  34—44. 

4.  Gellius  XIX  7,  1 :  in  agro  Vaticano  lulius  P  a  u  I  u  s  poeta,  vir 
bonus  et  rerum  (cf.  XIII  18,  2:  morum)  litterarumque  veterum  inpense 
doctus,  herediolum  tenue  possidebat.  eo  saepe  nos  ad  sese  vocabat  etc. 
Cf.  ib.  V  4,  1  and  XVI  10,  9  (I.  P.  poeta,  vir  memoria  nostra  doctissi- 
mus).  I  22,  9  (homo  in  m.  n.  d.).  Perhaps  (according  to  H.  Meyer) 
he  is  identical  with  that  Paulus  who  commented  on  Antipater  and 
Afranius  (above  142,  5  extr.)     H.  Peter,  hist.  latt.  I  p.  CCXXXI  sq. 

5,  Suid.  V.  Mfffoju^dtjg  (II  p.  791  sq.  Bernh.):  KQijg,  kvQtxog,  yfyovMg 
ini  TMJ^  A&Qvtcvov  /Qoi/oty,  ccuflfvd^fQog  avTov  rj  iy  To7g  fxakiarcc  rfj/'kog. 
yQa<f'St  ovv  fig  AvTi.voo%^  tnavvov  .  .  xal  cckka  d'ia<f)OQa  fAikr}.  Capitolin. 
Ant.  Pi.  7,  7  sq.:  salaria  multis  subtraxit  quos  otiosos  videbat  accipere^ 
.  .  unde  etiam  Mesomedi  lyrico  salarium  imminuit.  Hieronym.  ad  a 
Abr.  2160  =  144  A.  D.:  Mesomedes  Cretensis  citharicorum  carminura 
(in  Greek)  musicus  poeta  agnoscitur.  We  possess  his  hymn  on 
Nemesis. 

a 

3.     The  time  of  the  Antoninea, 
A.  D.  138—180. 

a)     Antoninus  Pius,   A.  D.  138 — 161. 

350.  Antoninus  Pius  (a.  86 — 161),  though  he  did  not  write 
himself,  still  gave  literature  peace  and  space  by  his  excellent 
reign.  The  genius  of  the  nation  had,  however,  already  sunk 
so  much  that  a  man  like  Fronto  could  be  the  highest  autho- 
rity, and  that  a  certain  life  was  visible  only  in  the  depart- 
ments of  jurisprudence  and  of  grammar.  Greek  literature  posses- 
sed in  this  time,  besides  vain  declaimers  and  Pausanias,  the 
ingenious  writer  Lucian  and  the  astronomer  Ptolemy. 

1.  T.  Aurelius  Fulvus  Boionius  Arrius  Antoninus,  born  19  Sept. 
86,  Cons.  120,  Procos.  in  Asia  probably  128,  adopted,  after  the  death 
of  Verus  (n.  3)  by  Adrian  25  Feb.  138  as  T.  Aelius  Hadrianus  Antoni- 
nus, Emperor  after  Antoninus  Pius,  frequently  abridged  d.  A.  or  d.  P. 
See  G.  R.  Sievers  in  Pauly's  Encyclop.  lip.  1192—1197  and  in  his 
Studies  on  the  Hist,  of  the  Roman  Emperors  (Berlin  1870)  p.  171—224. 
X.  Bossart  and  J.  Miiller,  On  the  Hist,  of  the  Emperor  A.  P.,  in  M. 
Biidinger's  Investigations  on  Roman  Imperial  Hist.  II  (1868)  p.  289 
—321. 


Antonintwi  Pius.     Fronto.  22V 

2.  Capitolin.  Anton.  Pi.  2,  1 :  fuit  .  .  eloquentiae  nitidae,  littera- 
turae  praecipuae.  11,  3:  rhetoribus  et  philosophis  per  omnes  provincias 
et  honores  et  salaria  detulit.  Cf.  Modestin.  Dig.  XXVII  1,  6  from  an 
inKfioktj  -dviMvCvov  tov  Evaf^ovg :  ttl  ufp  ikctJTOvg  nokfig  d'vvavtcti, 
nivjf  IccJQovg  tijfkftg  ^'^€tv  xccl  T^dg  ooi^^ardg  xal  y^afx/uccTi'Xovg  jovg 
laovg  (the  larger  ones  seven  physicians  and  four  professors,  the  greatest 
ten  physicians  and  five  ^j^To^eg  and  yQccu^caixoi).  (§.  7.)  Tif^i  d's  ttay 
(^ikoooi^MV  tj  uvjT}  ducTiK^t,g  TOV  Hiov  ovTio  kiyfi.  i^tkoaoifnov  &8  ovx 
tio,)[x^ri  ixQtx^^uog  dut  to  anaviovg  ilvut  rovg  ^nkoaoi^ovviag.  Capitol. 
Ant.  Pi,  11,  3:  orationes  plerique  alienas  dixerunt  quae  sub  eius  no- 
mine feruntur;  Marius  Maximus  eius  proprias  fuisse  dicit.  An  oratio 
of  A.  P.  and  Verus  (gratiarum  actio)  is  mentioned  by  Fronto  ep.  ad 
Caes.  V  38  sq.  Two  letters  of  A.  P.  to  Fronto  in  Naber's  ed.  of  Front. 
Epist.  p.  163  sq.  167  sq.  The  Rescripts  issued  by  A.  P.  are  collected 
by  Haenel,  Corpus  legum  p.  101 — 114. 

3.  Pausanias'  ten  books  of  lI(QH]yt]<jig  ivjg  "^Ekkccdog  were  composed 
in  long  intervals,  b.  I  and  II  still  under  Adrian,  and  not  finished  before 
a.  185.     Cf.  Hans  Reichardt  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  V  p.  1258—1264. 

4.  On  Lucian  of  Samosata  (born  c.  a.  120)  cf.  L.  Preller  in  Pauly's 
Encycl.  IV  p.  1165 — 1181.  Wissowa,  on  the  interior  history  of  the 
second  century  of  the  Christian  era  from  Lucian,  Breslau  1848.  1853.  4. 
W.  A.  Passow,  Lucian  and  history,  Meiningen  1854.     24  pp.     4. 

5.  On  the  astronomer,  mathematician  and  geographer  Claudius 
Ptoiemaeus  at  Alexandria  see  the  article  by  Bahr  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  VI  1, 
p.  238—242,  nr.  51,  and  also  E.  Schonfeld,  lb.  I  1,  p.  783—787. 

351.  The  chief  character  of  this  time  is  the  rhetorician 
M.  Cornelius  Fronto  of  Cirta  (probably  90—168),  who  held 
under  Adrian  a  conspicuous  position  as  orator,  and  under 
Antoninus  Pius  taught  M.  Aurelius  and  L.  Verus.  He  was 
Consul  143.  We  possess  by  him  the  greater  part  of  his  cor- 
respondence with  M.  Aurelius  both  as  heir  apparent  and  as 
Emperor.  The  rhetorician  appears  in  these  letters  vain,  pre- 
tentious and  perverse,  with  little  genius  and  much  want  of 
taste,  but  well-versed  in  early  Roman  literature  for  which  he 
frequently  pleads  and  which  he  endeavours  to  make  more 
generally  known;  at  the  same  time  his  character  appears 
honourable,  sincere  and  candid;  he  never  makes  a  wrong  use 
of  his  high  position,  is  faithful  as  husband  and  friend  and 
gives  fatherly  advice  to  his  pupils,  whose  gratitude  sub- 
sequently shed  resplendent  lustre  round  his  name. 

1.     Fronto's  birth-day  was  soon  after  IS ew- Year;    see    ep.    ad  Caes. 
V,  32  cf.  30  sq.  uud  p.  94  Naber.     Cirtensis  noster,  Minuc.  Fel.  Oct.  9; 


230  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

cf.  Fronto  p.  242:  Af^vg  tiov  At^viov,  also  p.  122.  200  sq.  His  official 
career  previous  to  his  Consulate  in  an  inscription  ap.  Renier,  Inscr.  de 
I'Alg.  2717:  M.  Cornelio  T.  f.  Quir.  Frontoni  Illvir.  capital.,  Q.  provinc. 
Sicil.,  Aedil.  pL,  Praetori,  municipes  Calamensium  patrono.  He  refuses 
to  become  the  patron  of  Cirta  ep.  p.  200  sq.  Consul  143  =  896  Y.  C. 
in  July  and  August;  see  ep.  ad  Caes.  H  1.  7.  8.  10.  p.  32,  34. 
243,  1.  254  extr.  Auson.  grat.  act.  p.  290  sq.  Bip.  In  his  character 
of  proconsul  he  was  to  govern  Asia  (ad  Caes.  V  36  ad  Ant.  Pi.  8),  but 
obtained  remission  on  account  of  his  health  (p.  169).  He  lived  to  see 
the  reign  of  the  divi  fratres  (a.  161 — 169)  and  Commodus  invested 
with  the  dignity  of  Caesar  (Oct.  166;  cf.  ep.  p.  161  sq. :  malim  mihi 
nummum  Antonini  aut  Commodi  aut  Pii),  but  does  not  appear  to  have 
lived  until  the  death  of  L.  Verus  (Jan.  169). 

2.  His  personal  circumstances.  Fronto  p.  232:  quinque  amisi  li- 
beros;  .  .  quinque  omnes  unumquemque  semper  unicum  amisi.  At  last 
only  one  daughter  remained  to  him  called  Gratia  like  her  mother  (Gr. 
maior  and  minor,  ad  Caes.  II  13.  IV  6.  p.  36.  70)  and  who  was  married 
to  C.  Aufidius  Victorinus  (see  below  361,  2).  She  had  two  sons,  the 
one  of  whom,  Victorinus  Fronto  (Fr.  p.  181  sq.)  was  educated  in  the 
house  of  his  grandfather  Fronto,  the  other  died  in  Germany  at  the 
age  of  three  years.  Cf.  Fr.  p.  137:  in  paucissimis  mensibus  et  uxorem 
carissimam  et  nepotem  trimulum  amisi;  p.  236:  uxorem  amisi,  nepotem 
in  Gerraania  amisi,  .  .  Decimanum  (a  friend)  nostrum  amisi  (after  the 
commencement  of  162;  cf.  p.  94:  incolumitate  fihae,  nepotum).  Fronto 
has  much  to  complain  of  his  health  (especially  ad  Caes.  V).  There 
was  scarcely  any  part  of  his  body  which  did  not  trouble  the  gouty  old 
gentleman  (Gell.  II  26,  1.  XIX  10,  1);  he  complains  of  pains  brachii, 
cubiti,  umeri,  genus,  tali,  cervicum,  inguinis  and  inguinum,  digitorum 
in  sinistro  pede,  plantae,  manus  dexterae,  nervorum,  articulorum,  mem- 
brorum  omnium;  oculorum,  internati,  of  cholera,  morsus  ventris  cum 
proHuvio,  fauces  miseras,  tussis,  sleepless  nights  etc.  He  tried  hydro- 
pathic treatment,  e.  g.  p.  169:  victu  tenui  et  aqua  potanda  malam  vale- 
tudinem  .  .  mitigare.  He  possessed  the  Maecenatiani  horti  (p.  23).  His 
great  grandson  Leo  is  mentioned  by  Apoll.  Sid.  ep.  VIII  3. 

3.  His  personal  character.  Fronto  p.  235  sq.  (after  the  death  of 
his  grandson):  mors  cum  aderit  .  .  quae  mihi  conscius  sum  protestabor: 
nihil  in  longo  vitae  meae  spatio  a  me  admissum  quod  dedecori  aut 
probro  aut  fiagitio  foret ;  nullum  in  aetate  agunda  avarum,  nullum  per- 
fidum  facinus  meum  extitisse,  contraque  multa  liberaliter,  multa  amice, 
multa  fideliter,  multa  constanter,  saepe  etiam  cum  periculo  capitis  con- 
sulta.  cum  fratre  optimo  concordissime  vixi  .  .  honores  quos  ipse 
adeptus  sum  numquam  improbis  rationibus  concupivi.  .  .  studia  doctrinae 
rei  familiari  meae  praetuli  (cf.  p.  135,  2:  nostrae  res  baud  copiosae; 
but  see  also  Gell.  XIX  10,  1  sqq.).  .  .  verum  dixi  sedulo,  verum  audivi 
libenter.  .  .  quod  cuique  potui  pro  copia  commodavi.  .  .  neque  me 
parum  gratus  quispiam  repertus  segniorem  effecit  ad  benefi.cia  quae- 
cumque    possem    prompte    impertienda.  .  Cf.  M.  Aurel.  epist.  Ill  17:    a 


I 


Fronto.  231 

Marco  Cornelio  meo,  oratore  maximo,  homine  optimo.  The  great  ten- 
derness exhibited  towards  him  by  his  pupils,  even  after  their  acces- 
sion to  the  throne,  is  the  best  testimony  in  his  favour:  so  also  his  let- 
ters ad  amicos,  cf.  p.  165:  numquam  ita  animatus  fui,  Imp.  (Ant.  Pi.), 
ut  coeptas  in  rebus  prosperis  amicitias  si  quid  adversi  increpuisset 
desererem.  lu  the  amiable  letter  concerning  his  grandson  p.  181  sq. 
the  tenderhearted  grandpapa  shows  even  a  tinge  of  humour. 

4.  Fronto  p.  244:  tJqmv  tot8  ufy  Ad^rjvodoTov  tov  aoi^ov,  rorf  ds 
Jioi'voiov  (above  346,  8)  tov  Q^roQog.  p.  73:  a  meo  magistro  et  parente 
Athenodoto  ad  imagines  quasdam  rerum  .  .  animo  comprehendendas  .  . 
institutus  sum.  p.  154:  mens  magister  Dionysius.  Cf.  p.  169:  Alexan- 
driam  ad  farailiares  meos  scripsi.  As  Cirtensis,  he  may  have  studied 
there.  I)io  LXIX  18  (a.  136):  KoQt^rjkiog  ^Qot/riop,  o  tcc  tiqmtcc  tlov  t6t( 
''PiOfjuiioyv  if  dry.atg  n&Qoiiavog.  Even  under  Antoninus  Pius  he  pleaded 
in  the  Law-Courts;  ad  Caes.  V  27  (ad  agendum  ad  forum  ibam).  34 
(in  plurimis  causis  a  me  defensus).  p.  169  (duas  amicorum  causas  .  . 
tutatus  sum)  and  p.  252  (a.  143):  nee  tu  consilium  causarum  agenda- 
rum  dimiseris  aut  tecum  simul  omnia  ora  taceant.  As  such  juridical 
speeches  we  know  those  pro  Bithynis  (ad  amic.  I  14  sq.  p.  183  sq.), 
pro  Ptolemaeensibus  (Charis.  p.  138,  11  K.),  in  Heroden  Atticum  (ep. 
p.  Ill  cxtr.  =  138,  3  cf.  p.  42  sq.),  pro  Demonstrato  Petiliano  (ep. 
p.  Ill  =:  137),  in  Pelopem  (Sidon.  epist.  YIII  10:  M.  Fronto.  cum 
reliquis  orationibus  emineret,  in  P.  se  sibi  praetulit).  There  were  also 
political  speeches,  e.  g.  ep.  p.  25:  divom  Hadrianum  .  .  laudavi  in 
senatu  saepenumero  .  .  et  sunt  orationes  istae  frequentes  in  omnium 
manibus,  and  his  gratiarum  actio  for  the  Consulate  in  the  Senate  (p. 
105,  cf.  p.  163.  239),  the  gratiarum  actio  in  senatu  pro  Carthaginiensi- 
bus  (p.  260  sq.)  and  others. 

5.  His  relation  to  M.  Aurelius  and  Yerus.  Capitolin.  Antonin.  phil. 
2,  4  sq. :  oratoribus  usus  est  graecis  Aninio  Macro,  Cauinio  Celere,  et 
Herode  Attico;  latino  Frontone  Cornelio  (cf.  Dio  LXXI  35).  sed  mul- 
tum  ex  his  Frontoni  detulit,  cui  et  statuam  in  senatu  petit.  Eutrop. 
VIII  12:  latiuas  litteras  eum  Fronto,  orator  nobilissimus,  docuit.  Hieron. 
ad  a.  Abr.  2180  =  164  A.  D.  (a  date  nearly  coinciding  with  the  year 
in  which  he  died,  see  n.  1):  Fronto  orator  insignis  habetur,  qui  M, 
Antoninum  Yerum  latinis  litteris  erudivit.  Orelli  1176  from  Pisaurum: 
M.  Cornell  Frontonis  oratoris,  consulis,  magistri  imperatorum  Luci  et 
Antonini.  The  tenderness  exhibited  by  M.  Aurelius  towards  his  tutor 
in  his  letters  (e.  g.  12.  II  2  sq.  Ill  17  sqq.)  and  Fronto's  love  for 
his  pupil  is  truly  boundless  (see  e.  g.  p.  50:  quid  est  mihi  osculo  tuo 
suavius  ?  ille  mihi  suavis  odor  etc.  74,  1  sq. :  si  quando  te  .  .  video  in 
somnis  numquam  est  quin  amplectar  et  exosculer),  frequently  Fronto 
flatters  him,  but  occasionally  he  tells  him  the  truth  (especially  p.  74, 
7  sqq,  cf.  64  sq.  66.  95  sqq.).  When  his  pupil,  after  his  accession  to 
the  throne,  had  given  up  rhetorical  studies  and  devoted  himself  to 
philosophy,    Fronto    tried    everything,    from    sadness   to   bitterness,    to 


232  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

make  him  recede  from  this  supposed  error.  Cf.  p.  142.  144 — 146.  148. 
153  sq.  161.  So  p.  150:  tu  raihi  videre  .  .  laboris  taedio  defessus  elo- 
quentiae  studium  reliquisse,  ad  philosophiam  devertisse,  ubi  nullum 
prooemium  cum  cura  excolendum,  nulla  narratio  breviter  et  dilucide 
.  .  collocanda,  nullae  quaestiones  partiendae,  nulla  argumenta  quaerenda, 
nihil  exaggerandum  etc.  The  succeeding  description  of  the  supposed 
paradise  lost  by  the  Emperor  sounds  almost  comical.  But  he  is  very 
serious  p.  155:  fateor  .  .  unam  solam  posse  causam  incidere  qua  causa 
claudat  aliquantum  amor  erga  te  meus,  —  si  eloquentiam  neglegas. 
Somewhat  maliciously  he  writes  to  him  p.  227:  Chrysippum  tuum,  quern 
quotidie  lerunt  madescere  solitum,  and  even  more  strongly  to  his  son- 
in-law  :  non  sine  metu  fui  ne  quid  philosophia  perversi  suaderet  (to  M. 
Aurelius).  His  pupil  confesses  to  have  learnt  from  Fronto  (dg  eavr. 
I  11),  JO  iTHOTtjcai  of,u  V)  Tv^avvi>'jit}  (iaaxaytn  xal  noixtlta  xai  vnox(itatg 
xal  oTt  iog  inlnav  ol  xakovjUfyot  ovtoi  na^'  rnxly  fvncci^idat  aoroqyoTfool 
ntog  ftai.  Cf.  to  Fronto  III  12  (p.  49):  me  felicem  nuncupo  .  .  quod 
verum  dicere  ex  te  disco. 

6.  The  favourite  authors  of  Fronto,  whose  study  he  strongly  re- 
commended to  his  pupils,  were  Plautus,  Ennius,  Cato,  Gracchus,  Lucretius, 
Laberius,  Sallustius;  cf.  p.  62.  ad  Caes.  II  3  sq.  13  sq.  Ill  11.  18.  IV  5 
and  other  passages.  He  does  not  mention  Terence  and  Virgil ;  but  we  find 
in  him  allusions  to  Virgil,  Horace  (Hertz,  Renaissance  p.  47  sq.  n.  76) 
and  Tacitus  (ep.  p.  144  ==:  Hist.  IV  6).  He  has  a  decided  antipathy  to 
Seneca,  both  as  philosopher  and  as  his  enemy  in  point  of  style ;  see  above 
283,  1.  Ironically  he  says  p.  224:  ut  homo  ego  multum  facundus  et 
Senecae  Annaei  sectator.  ^He  sometimes  praises  Cicero,  especially  when- 
ever his  authority  appears  useful  against  the  detractors  of  eloquence, 
e.  g.  p.  145  (tribunalia  Catonis  et  Gracchi  et  Ciceronis  orationibus  cele- 
brata).  Cf.  p.  125  and  84,  2  sq.  (ut  aestimes  nostrum  mediocre  ingenium 
quantum  ab  illo  eximiae  eloquentiae  viro  abfuat).  He  prefers  Cicero's 
letters  to  his  speeches,  see  above  170,  1.  He  also  professes  p.  63:  eius 
scripta  omnia  studiosissime  lectitavi.  But  repeatedly  the  adjective  tulli- 
cmus  has  in  Fronto  a  somewhat  contemptuous  meaning;  cf.  p.  23.  25, 
76  (oratiunculae).  98  (sententiae).  His  views  on  Cicero's  style  and 
diction  are  given  p.  63  sq.,  e.  g. :  mihi  videtur  a  quaerendis  scrupulosius 
verbis  procul  afuisse,  vel  magnitudine  animi  vel  fuga  laboris  vel  fiducia. 
.  .  itaque  .  .  in  omnibus  eius  orationibus  paucissima  admodum  reperias 
insperata  atque  inopinata  verba,  quae  nonnisi  cum  studio  atque  cura 
atque  vigilia  atque  multa  veterum  carminum  memoria  indagantur  (which 
is  Fronto's  special  force  and  fault).  Yet  he  confesses:  multo  satius  est 
volgaribus  et  usitatis  quam  remotis  et  requisitis  uti,  si  parum  significet 
(p.  63  sq.  cf.  HI  1.  p.  40.  161  sq.) 

7.  Extant  works.  His  correspondence  with  M.  Aurelius  as  heir 
apparent  (M.  Caesar)  in  five  books,  and  as  Emperor  (Antoninus  Augustus) 
originally  also  five  books  (ad  Marcum  invicem  IV,  Charis.  p.  197.  Cf.  p. 
223,  8  sq.  K.;  adAntoninum  quinto,  ib.  p.  223,  27  sq.),  but  of  which  scar- 


Fronto.  283 

ccly  two  have  come  down  to  us.  Further:  (p.  113 — 138  N.)  ad  Verum 
Imp,  Aurelium  Caesarem  two  books,  in  which  we  notice  11  1  the  exag- 
gerated praise  of  an  epistola  of  Verus.  Besides  these  collections,  we 
have  a  correspondence  with  Antonius  Pius  (p.  163 — 171)  and  two  books 
ad  amicos  (p.  172—201),  also  letters  in  Greek  (p.  174.  239—251).  Also 
addressed  to  M.  Aurelius  are  the  treatises  de  eloquentia,  on  its  value 
when  compared  with  philosophy  (p.  139 — 148),  and  de  orationibus  (p. 
155 — 162),  likewise  the  letter  de  bello  parthico  (p.  217—222)  and  that 
entitled  Principia  historiae  (p.  202 — 210),  a  panegyric  on  the  military 
actions  of  Verus  (or  rather  his  lieutenant  Avidius  Cassius)  in  the  East. 
To  M.  Aurelius  as  Caesar  he  dedicates  the  laudes  fumi  et  pulveris  and 
laudes  neglegentiae  (p.  211 — 216),  which  he  says  were  written  facetiarum 
et  voluptatis  causa  (p.  212  cf.  228,  2):  and  to  him  as  Emperor  he  ad- 
dressed the  Letters  de  feriis  alsiensibus  (223 — 231),  a  cheerful  summons 
to  employ  his  holidays  for  recreation.  There  is  also  the  Emperor's 
letter!  of  condolence  to  Fronto  concerning  his  grandson's  death,  and 
Fronto's  reply  to  it  (p.  231 — 236).  Likewise  the  iQojttxog  (p.  255 — 259), 
a  pendant  to  the  two  in  Plato's  Phaedrus,  and  to  which  letters  of  M. 
Caesar  are  prefixed  from  the  year  of  Fronto's  Consulate.  The  tale  of 
Arion  (p.  237  sq.)  serves  likewise  a  rhetorical  purpose.  Lastly  an  in- 
significant grammatical  treatise,  de  differentiis  vocabulorum  (in  Gotho- 
fredus  p.  1327—1335,  Putsche  p.  2191—2203;  also  in  Mai's  and  Niebuhr's 
editions  of  Fr.),  bears  Fronto's  name,  but  its  sole  claim  to  it  seems  to 
consist  in  a  certain  employment  of  the  works  of  Fronto. 

8.  On  the  time  when  these  letters  were  composed  see  Naber's 
edition  p.  XX — XXX.  The  second  book  ad  Caes.  belongs  to  the  time 
of  Fronto's  Consulship;  in  the  first  Caesar  appears  io  be  22  years  (p. 
23,  3),  in  the  fourth  25  years  old  (p.  75,  fin.).  Being  a  correspon- 
dence between  a  professor  of  rhetoric  and  his  pupil,  these  letters  do 
not  furnish  much  information  on  the  history  of  the  time,  but  are  on 
the  contrary  frequently  monotonous  and  full  of  repetitions  (p.  111=:137 
sq. ;  p.  135=^176,  1  sq.;  p.  149 — 159),  yet  they  are  interesting  and  in- 
structive. Latin  and  Greek  are  mixed  up  sometimes  in  quite  a 
macaronic  manner  (in  hac  slxoue  III  8  p.  47,  1).  But  at  the  same  time 
Fronto  adheres  even  in  these  letters  to  his  peculiar  manner,  his  distorted 
and  trifling  diction  and  the  addition  of  antiquarian  and  scarce  words 
(e.  g.  fraglo),  and  he  cannot  rid  himself  of  showing  the  schoolmaster 
both  after  his  pupil  had  become  Emperor,  and  in  his  grief,  de  nepote 
amisso  p.  233,  7  sqq.  he  says:  fata  fando  appellata  aiunt:  hoccine  est 
recte  fari?  Even  stronger  specimens  of  his  elocutio  novella  (p.  153), 
the  ornatae  et  pompaticae  orationes  (p.  55,  1)  with  their  elaborate  (ad 
Caes.  II  1)  dressing  are  his  rhetorical  treatises,  those  on  history  being 
at  the  same  time  models  of  the  worst  kind  of  historical  composition, 
in  which  history  is  merely  treated  as  a  vehicle  of  rhetorical  diction. 
Very  unjust  is  the  criticism  of  Eumenius  (paneg.  Constant.  14,  2): 
Fronto  romanae  eloquentiae  non  secundum,  sed  alterum  decus.  Simi- 
larly the  oral  explanations  of  Fronto  and  his  contemporaries  abounded 


234  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

in  pedantic  erudition,  to  judge  by  the  specimens  mentioned  by  Gellius 
II  26.  XIII  29.  XIX  8.  10.  13.  None  of  his  treatises  seem  to  bear  an 
earlier  date  than  a.  1 60. 

9.  The  works  of  Fronto  (except  de  differentiis)  were  made  known 
by  A.  Mai,  who  discovered  part  of  them  at  Milan  in  the  Ambrosian, 
part  at  Rome  in  the  Vatican  Library  in  a  palimpsest  originally  belonging 
to  the  monastery  of  Bobbio  ;  he  published  them  Mediol.  1815  and  Rome 
1823  and  1846.  The  ms.  is  of  the  sixth  century,  but  cannot  always  be 
made  out.  The  Milan  edition  was  reprinted  Frankf.  1816,  better  by 
Niebuhr  (with  additions  by  Buttmann  and  Heindorf)  Berolini  1816.  From 
a  collation  by  du  Rieu  recensuit  S.  A.  Naber,  Lips.  (Teubner)  1867. 
XXXVI  and  296  pp. 

10.  Critical  contributions  by  L.  Schopen  (Bonn  1830.  1841.  4.),  H. 
Alan  (Dublin  1841),  A.  Philibert  Soupe  (de  Fr.  reliquiis,  Amiens  1853), 
J.  Mahly  (Philologus  XVII  p.  176—178.  XIX  p.  159-161),  M.  Haupt  (de 
emendatione  librorum  Fr.,  Berlin  1867.  4.),  R.  Ellis  (Journal  of  philo- 
logy. I  London  1868,  p.  15  sqq.).  A.  Eussner,  Rh.  Mus.  XXV  p.  541— 
547.  R.  Klussmann,  Emend,  fronton.,  Gott.  1871.  30  pp. 

11.  Frdr.  Roth,  Observations  on  the  works  of  M.  Corn.  Fronto 
and  the  age  of  the  Antonines,  Niirnbeig  1817.  24  pp.  4.  =;  Collected 
Lectures  (Frkf.  1851)  n.  3.  Niebuhr  Minor  writings  II  p.  52  sqq.  F.  A. 
Eckstein  in  Ersch  and  Gruber's  Enc.  I  51,  p.  442 — 446.  M.  Hertz, 
Renaissance  etc.  p.  26—29.  —  H.  E.  Dirksen,  Helps  in  the  explanation 
of  some  passages  of  Fronto,  Posthumous  writings  I  p.  243 — 253. 

12.  Firmic.  Mat.  math.  II  praef.  (p.  15  ed  1551):  Antiscia  Hipparchi 
secutus  est  Fronto,  quae  nullam  vim  habent  nullamque  substantiam.  et 
sunt  quidem  in  Frontone  pronuntiationis  atque  apotelesmatum  verae 
sententiae,  antisciorum  vero  inefficax  studium;  quod  quidem  secutus 
est  quia  rationen  veram  non  fuerat  assecutus.  .  .  apotelesmata  et  Fronto 
verissime  scripsit,  quae  Graecorum  libris  ac  monumentis  abundantissime 
continentur.  We  do  not  know  what  Fronto  Firm,  means  here,  perhaps 
the  Stoic  philosopher  (above  324,  3). 

352.  Friends  of  Fronto  were  the  rhetoricians  Favorinus 
and  Herodes  Atticus,  and  the  historian  Appianus,  all  of  whom 
however  composed  only  in  Greek,  as  did  also  Arrianus.  L.  Fabius 
Severus  of  Tergeste  is  mentioned  as  a  historian. 

1.  Gellius  II  26,  1:  Favorinus  philosophus  cum  ad  M.  Frontonem 
consularem,  pedibus  aegrum  visum  iret  etc.  Fronto  p.  215  N. :  Favo- 
rinus noster.  See  above  346,  5. 

2.  The  two  tutors  and  rhetoricians  (351,  5)  Fronto  and  Herodes 
Atticus  were  indeed  often  at  variance,  but  as  it  seems  rather  owing 
to  the  latter  (of.  351,  4),  and  M.  Aurelius  was  obliged  to  mediate  between 


( 


Fronto.     Other  rhetoricians  and  grammarians.  235 

them  (Fronto  p.  60  sq.).  At  last,  however,  they  appear  to  have  agreed 
for  good.  Fronto  fj.  Ill  ad  138:  fieri  amicissimum,  tarn  hercule  quam 
est  Herodes  summus  nunc  mens,  quamquam  extet  oratio  (against  him). 
See  on  this  Ti.  Claudius  Atticus  Herodes  of  Marathon  (a  101 — 177.) 
Philostr.  vit.  soph.  II  1  and  K.  Keil  in  Pauly's  Enc.  I  2.  p.  2096—2104. 
H.  Kammel  in  Jahn's  Jahrbb.  102,  p.  1-24.     See  below  354,  6. 

3.  On  Appianus  of  Alexandria  see  A.  Westermann  in  Pauly's 
Encycl.  I  2  p.  1340 — 1345.  A  letter  addressed  by  him  to  B'ronto  and 
in  which  he  offers  him  a  present  of  two  slaves,  also  Fronto's  reply  in 
which  he  declines  to  accept  it,  p.  244—251  Naber. 

4.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr.  2163  =  147  A.  D.:  Arrianus  philosophu 
(and  historian)  Nicomedensis  agnoscitur  et  Maximus  Tyrus.  Arrianus 
was  governor  of  Cappadocia  a.  131.  Cf.  Westermann  in  Pauly's  Enc. 
I  2.  p.  1752—1767.  About  the  same  time  lived  also  Artemidorus  6  Jak- 
duiyog.    who   wrote    on   dreams    (Westermann   ibid.   p.    1790   sq.  no.  2). 

5.  In  Latin  we  possess  in  this  time  a  funeral  speech  on  Murdia 
L.  f.  mater,  ap.  Orelli  I860;  A.  F.  Rudorff,  on  the  laudatio  Murdiae, 
Berlin  1869.  47  pp.  4.  (Trans,  of  the  Berlin  Acad.) 

6.  On  the  quaestor  urbanus  L.  Fabius  Sever  us,  the  son  of 
Fabius  Verus  at  Tergeste,  see  the  decree  in  Orelli-Henzen  7168,  where 
we  read  e.  g. :  ut  qui  a  prima  sua  statim  aetate  id  egerit  uti  .  .  et 
dignitate  et  eloquentia  cresceret.  nam  ita  multas  et  magnificas  causas 
publicas  apud  optimum  principem  Antoninum  Aug.  Pium  adseruisse 
egisse,  vicisse  .  .  ut  quamvis  ad  modum  adulescens  senilibus  tamen  et 
perfectis  operibus  et  factis  patriam  suam  obstrinxerit.  .  .  civilia  studia, 
quae  in  eo  quamvis  admodum  iuvene  iam  sint  peracta  adque  perfecta 
etc.  .  .  causis  publicis  patrocinando,  quas  .  .  sua  eximia  ac  prudentis- 
sima  oratione  semper  nobis  cum  victoria  firmiores  remisit. 

353.  Erudition  and  grammar  were  popular  in  this  period, 
and  every  where,  in  the  streets  and  in  the  market-places,  in 
public  buildings  as  well  as  private  houses,  at  dinner  and  in 
visiting  sick  people,  questions  of  scholarship  were  discussed 
before  attentive  audiences;  the  same  being  also  done  in  writing 
in  the  form  of  questions  and  answers,  in  the  manner  of  the 
Jurists.  The  principal  representative  of  this  manner  is  C.  Sul- 
picius  Apollinaris  of  Carthage,  who  taught  Gellius  and 
Pertinax,  the  author  of  quaestiones  epistolicae  and  of  metrical 
arguments  on  Plautus,  Terence  and  on  the  Aeneid.  Beside 
him  we  should  chiefly  mention  Arruntius  Celsus  who  likewise 
devoted  himself  to  the  investigation  of  archaic  literature. 

1.     Details  which  may  serve   to    illustrate  his  manner.  Gellius  XIX 
13,  1  :  stabant  forte  una  in  vestibule  palatii  fabulantes  Fronto  Cornelius 


236  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

et  Festus  Postumius  (below  360,  1)  et  Apollinaris  Sulpicius,  atque  ego 
ibi  adsistens  cum  quibusdam  aliis  sermones  eorum  quos  de  litterarum 
disciplinis  habebant  curiosius  captabam.  XVIII  4,  1 :  in  Sandaliario  forte 
apud  librarios  fuimus,  cum  ibi  in  multorum  hominum  coetu  Apollinaris 
Sulpicius  iactatorem  quempiam  Sallustianae  lectionis  inrisit  inlusitque. 
XIII  20,  1 :  cum  in  domus  Tiberianae  bybliotheca  sederemus  .  .  prolatus 
forte  liber  est  etc.  turn  quaeri  coeptum  est  etc.  XIX  10,  I  sqq. : 
memini  me  quondam  et  Celsinum  lulium  Numidam  (cf.  ib.  7,  2)  ad 
Frontonem  Cornelium,  pedes  tunc  graviter  aegrum,  ire  et  visere.  .  . 
otfendimus  eum  cubantem  .  .  circumundique  sedentibus  multis  doctrina 
aut  genere  aut  fortuna  nobilibus  viris.  A  calculation  of  the  expense  of 
a  bath  occasions  a  discussion  of  the  expression  praeterpropter. 

2.  Gell.  IV  17,  11:  equidem  memini  Sulpicium  ApoUinarem, 
virum  praestanti  litterarum  scientia,  .  .  dicere.  XII  13,  1 :  Sulpicium  Ap. 
doctum  hominem.  XIII  18,  2  sq. :  ad  S.  A.,  hominem  memoriae  nostrae 
doctissimum,  .  .  nam  id  tempus  ego  adulescens  Romae  sectabar  eum 
discendi  gratia,  ib.  20,  5:  Apollinaris,  ut  mos  eius  in  reprehendendo 
fuit,  placide  admodum  leniterque.  XVI  5,  5:  Sulpicium  Ap.  memini 
dicere,  virum  eleganti  scientia  ornatum.  XVIII  4,  1 :  A.  S.,  vir  in  me- 
moria  nostra  praeter  alios  doctus.  On  Gellius'  relation  to  him  see  below 
361,  1.  Capitolin.  Pert.  1,  4  (see  n.  5).  Gellius  XV  5,  3:  Sulpicius  Ap. 
in  quadam  epistula  scriptum  reliquit.  Cf.  ib.  XIII  18,  3.  In  his  quae- 
stiones  epistolicae  he  paid  great  attention  to  Virgil  (cf.  Gellius  II  16, 
8  sqq.),  of  whose  Aeneid  Sulpicius  had  perhaps  published  an  edition, 
for  which  he  seems  to  have  composed  the  three  distichs  ap.  Sueton. 
p.  63  Rffsch.  (de  qua  re  Sulpicii  Carthaginiensis  extant  .  .  versus),  and 
also  the  arguments  on  the  twelve  books  in  six  hexameters  each,  always 
beginning  with  the  first  line  of  the  book  in  question;  see  Riese's  anth. 
lat.  653.  As  he  also  wrote  arguments  on  the  plays  of  Terence  in  twelve 
senarii  each  (which  in  the  Bemb.  bear  the  heading:  C.  Sulpici  Apol- 
linaris periocha),  Ritschl's  conjecture  (Trin.  ed.  I  p.  CCCXVIII)  is  very 
probable,  that  the  Plautine  arguments  in  15  senarii  (above  88,  2)  are 
also  by  him.  Grafenhan,  Ztschf.  f.  A.  W.  1847,  p.  19  sq.  Ribbeck, 
prolegg.  in  Verg.  p.  173  sq. 

3.  Arruntius  Celsus  (Charis,  p.  213,  18.222,  6  and  30  K.)  is  a  gram- 
marian already  used  by  Julius  Romanus  and  whose  short  explanations 
of  Plautine  and  Terentian  phrases  as  well  as  of  Aen.  XII  are  repeatedly 
quoted  by  Charisius,  Donatus  (ad  Phorm.  I  2,  32)  and  Priscian,  generally 
by  the  name  of  Celsus,  more  rarely  of  Arruntius.  He  does  not  seem 
to  have  written  complete  commentaries  on  those  poets.  Ritschl's  Par. 
p.  367 — 370.  Ribbeck  prolegg.  p.  25  sq. 

4.  Jul.  Capit.  V.  Antonin.  philos.  2,  3:  usus  .  .  grammaticis  .  . 
latinis  Trosio  Apro  et  Polione  et  Eutychio  Proculo  Siccensi. 

5.  A  learned  dilettante  was  Erucius  Clarus,  qui  praef.  urbi  et  bis 
consul  fuit,  vir  morum  et  litterarum  veterum  studiosissimus,    Gell.  XIII 


G-rammarians  and  Philosophers.  237 

18,  2  and  3  (vir  eruditus)  cf.  VII  6,  12.  He  is  probably  Sex.  Enicius,  son  to 
the  orator  Erucius  Clarus  under  Trajan  (above  336,  4),  to  whom  as  iuveni 
probissimo  Pliny  procured  the  Quaestorship  and  the  tribuneship  of  the 
people  (Plin.  Epist.  II  9)  and  who  was  cos.  II  a,  146,  praef.  urbi  later  than 
a.  138;  Steup  de  Prob.  p.  74—77.   Cf.  Fronto  p.  165  N.  Dio  LXVIII  30. 

6.  Gellius  II  3,  5:  venit  nobis  in  memoriam  Fidium  Optatum,  multi 
nominis  Romae  grammaticum,  ostendisse  mihi  librum  etc. 

7.  Capitol.  Pert.  12,  7 :  adhibebat  (cenis)  .  .  Valerianum,  qui  cum 
eo  docuerat,  ut  fabulas  litteratas  haberet. 

8.  In  the  same  time  (according  to  Mommsen  and  Biicheler)  we  should 
place  the  Auruncan  Fusius  Philocalus,  magister  ludi  litterari,  summa 
quom  castitate  in  discipulos  suos,  idemque  testamenta  scripsitcum  fide 
in  an  inscription  Hermes  I  p.  148  =:  Biicheler,  Greifswald  Index  Sum- 
mer 1870,  p.  19  sq.  H.  Nissen,  however,  observes  that  the  characters 
of  the  inscription  and  the  technical  execution  of  the  monument  should 
prevent  us  from  removing  Philoc.  from  the  first  part  of  the  Imperial 
period. 

9.  Anonymous  grammarians  and  scholars  of  this  time  occur  in 
Gellius  e.  g.  XIX  10,  7  (grammaticum  baud  incelebri  nomine  Romae 
docentem).  13,  4  (grammatico  cuipiam  latino,  Frontonis  familiari).  V  4, 
2  (grammaticus  quispiam  de  nobilioribus).  XIV  5, 1  (quos  grammaticos  non 
parvi  in  urbe  Roma  nominis).  Cf.  I  7,  4  (amicus  noster,  homo  lectione  multa 
exercitus,  cui  pleraque  omnia  veterum  litterarum  quaesita  XX  10,  2  .  . 
erant),  V  21  (vir  adprime  doctus,  meus  amicus).  X  1,  1 — 3.  XIV  6,  1. 

354.  Philosophy,  especially  the  Stoic  system,  had  not  in- 
deed so  many  adherents  as  rhetoric,  but  increased  in  impor- 
tance ever  since  the  heir  apparent  manifested  a  bent  to  it. 
Originality  did  not  distinguish  a  single  one  of  these  philoso- 
phers, but  Junius  Kusticus  possessed  a  very  honourable 
character.  Christianity  was  now  defended  in  a  dogmatic  manner, 
at  least  in  the  East. 

1.  On  the  relative  scarcity  of  the  (^vloaoi^ovvng  see  above  350,  2, 

2.  Capitol.  M.  Ant.  philos.  2,  6  sqq.  philosophiae  operam  vehe- 
menter  dedit,  et  quidem  adhuc  puer.  .  .  usus  est  etiam  Commodi  magistro* 
.  .  Apollonio  Chalcedonio  stoico  philosopho  (cf.  ad  Front.  V  36 :  Apol- 
lonius  magister  meus  philosophiae).  3,  2  sq.:  audivit  et  Sextum  Chae- 
ronensem  Plutarchi  nepotem  (cf.  Dio  LXXI  1.  Philostr.  vit.  soph.  II  1,  9), 
lunium  Rusticum,  Claudium  Maximum  (see  in  4)  et  Cinnam  Catulum, 
stoicos.  peripateticae  vero  studiosum  audivit  Claudium  Severum.  Dio 
LXXI  35:  (ftdaaxcilovg  *7/'  ^^^''  *^  ^ftkoaoffrccc:  koyojp  rou  rf  Povarixor 
rov  lovviov  y.al  jTrokhnmov  tov  Ntxourjd'fa,  rove:  ZrjvuiVfiovg  koyovg 
jufkfToiyTag.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr:  2165  =  149  A.  D.:    Apollonius  stoicus 


238  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

natione  Chalcidicus  et  Basilides  Scythopolitanus  philosophi  inlustres 
habentur,  qui  Verissimi  quoque  Caesaris  praeceptores  fuerunt.  M.  Aurelius 
himself  {fig  sc.vt.  I  6  sqq.)  mentions  among  those  who  influenced  his 
philosophical  studies  the  following:  Jioyvijjog,  Anolluiviog,  2f^Tog, 
^Akk^avd'oog  o  nkaTajpixog,  KarovXog.  Fronto  p.  115,  6  sqq. :  quid  nostra 
memoria  Euphrates,  Dio,  Timocrates,  Athenodotus?  quid  horum  magister 
Musonius? 

3.  Capitol.  1.  1.  (see  n.  2):  lunium  Rusticum  .  .  et  reveritus 
est  et  sectatus,  qui  domi  militiaeque  pollebat,  stoicae  disciplinae  peri- 
tissimum,  cum  quo  omnia  communicavit  publica  privataque  consilia,  .  . 
quem  et  consulem  iterum  designavit  (II  a.  162),  cui  post  obitum  a  senatu 
statuas  postulavit.  Dig.  XLIX  1,  1,  3  from  a  rescriptum  divorum 
fratrum  :  .  .  ad  lunium  Rusticum  amicum  nostrum,  praef.  urbi.  M.  Aurel. 
fig  savT.  I  7:  naQtl  Povorixov  .  .  to  ^U1]  ixTQanrjvai,  dg  C^koy  ffotfKJttxoy 
.  .  xat,  TO  tcnoajrjvai^  QriroQixrjg  xai  noitjTixrjg  xav  affiftokoyiccg  .  .  xcct  to 
(iXQi^iog  avccyLyvMGxft^v  .  .  xal  to  tPTV/flv  To7g  'EnixrtjTfiotg  vtiojup*]- 
ixaaiv,  (ov  oixo,9(y  /ufTsdioxfy.  Themist.  or.  XIII.  XVII.  Orelli  1190  (L. 
lunius  Rusticus  philosophus  stoicvis).  He  is  perhaps  identical  with  Q. 
lun.  Rust.,  Consul  (under  Antoninus  Pius)  with  Q.  Flavins  Tertullus 
(Gruter  p.  131,  3).  See  above  314,  6. 

4.  The  Stoic  Claudius  Maximus  (n.  2)  is  probably  that  Ma|t//o? 
whom  M.  Aurelius  fig  savr.  I  15  {nuQaxktjaig  Mct'^lfxov  to  xqaxflv  lavrov) 
mentions  as  having  influenced  his  education,  and  VIII  25  as  having  died 
(before  his  wife  Secunda).  He  is  probably  that  Claudius  Maximus  before 
whose  tribunal,  when  Proconsul  in  Africa,  c.  150,  Apuleius  had  to 
appear  on  a  charge  of  practising  magic  arts.  See  his  apol.  19  (virum 
tam  austerae  sectae  tamque  diutinae  militiae).  25  (vir  severus).  36  (pro 
tua  eruditione  legisti  profecto  Aristotelis  .  .  multiiuga  volumina  etc.). 
48  (doctrinae  tuae  congruens;  cf:  ib.  91).  64  (scit  me  vera  dicere 
Maximus,  qui  .  .  legit  in  Phaedro  diligenter  etc.). 

5.  Gellius  XIII  8,  4:  Macedo  philosophus,  vir  bonus,  familiaris  mens, 
.  .  censebat.     On  lulius  Aquilinus  see  below  361,  9. 

6.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr.  2192  ==:  176  A.  D.:  Atticus  platonicae 
sectae  philosophus  agnoscitur  (but  this  is  rather  the  year  when  he  died, 
see  above  352,  2). 

7.  M.  Aurel.  VIII  25:  (J'^i'/usTg  fifv  Xaqal  xal  Jtjjui^TQtog  6  nkccTM- 
pixog  xal  fi  Ttf  TOiovTog,   navra  ft^rj^ufqa,  ifS^vrixora  nakat. 

8.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  Abr.  2157  —  141  A.  D. :  lustinus  philosophus 
librum  pro  nostria  religione  scriptum  Antonino  tradidit.  2170  =:  154  A. 
D. :  Crescens  cynicus  agnoscitur,  qui  lustino  nostri  dogmatis  philosopho 
.  .  persecutionem  suscitavit. 

9.  Lucian's  friend,  the  Epicurean  Kfkaog,  who  had  written  against 
magic  arts,  and  to  whom  Lucian  dedicated  his  'Ak&'iai/dQog  (c.  1.  21. 
61)    is  identified  by  the  Schol.  on  Alex.    1   with   the   learned  and  saga- 


Philosophers  and  Historians,  239 

cious  enemy  of  Christianity,  against  whom  Origenes  wrote  his  eight  books 
contra  Celsum  and  on  whom  see  F.  C.  Baur,  Ecclesiastical  History  of 
the  last  three  centuries,  third  ed.,  p.  382 — 409. 

355.  Historical  pursuits  and  studies  were  not  much 
favoured  by  the  prevalence  of  rhetorical  phraseology  and  the 
calmness  of  the  time.  It  is  possible  that  L.  Ampelius  wrote 
his  liber  memorialis  about  this  time,  a  meagre  abridgment  of 
the  most  important  information  concerning  astronomy,  geo- 
graphy and  chiefly  history.  The  abridgment  of  the  history 
of  Kome  in  the  time  of  the  Republic,  which  is  also  conspic- 
uous for  a  great  predilection  for  miracles  and  fictitious  tales, 
and  which  bears  the  name  of  Granius  Licinianus,  should 
be  placed  in  this  time,  at  least  in  the  shape  in  which  it  has 
come  down  to  us. 

1.  The  liber  memorialis  (in  iifty  chapters)  is  dedicated  to  a  certain 
Macrinus  (Macrino  suo)  who  is  not  designated  more  accurately.  If  he 
were  the  same  as  the  Emperor  (from  April  217  to  June  218)  and  who  was 
assassinated  on  8  June  218  at  the  age  of  51  (or  52)  years,  the  work 
would  appear  to  have  been  written  about  the  end  of  the  century.  But 
the  name  of  Macrinus  is  by  no  means  uncommon.  On  the  other  hand 
the  latest  name  mentioned  in  this  work  is  that  of  Trajan  (47,  7 :  for- 
tuna  Traiani  principis;  cf.  23:  Caesar  Dacicus),  and  in  treating  of  the 
wars  with  the  Parthians  the  author  does  not  mention  that  of  L.  Verus. 
Besides  Nepos  and  the  source  of  the  liber  de  viris  illustribus  (and  in 
the  first  chapters  Nigidius  Figulus)  especially  Florus  is  used.  There 
are  some  curious  passages  concerning  the  constitution  of  the  Roman 
state,  c.  29  and  18  extr. :  ex  eo  (Augustus)  perpetua  Caesarum  dicta- 
tura  dominatur.  c.  30  it  is  pronounced  a  mixed  constitution,  probably 
owing  to  the  use  of  a  republican  source :  nam  et  regiam  potestatem 
consules  habent  et  penes  senatum  consihi  publici  summa  est  et  plebs 
habet  suffragiorum  potestatem.  We  may  also  allege  the  extensive  treat- 
ment of  Eastern  affairs  as  an  argument  in  favour  of  the  Non-Italian 
origin  of  the  author.  In  later  centuries  the  name  of  Ampelius  is  more 
frequent,  especially  in  the  cod.  Theodos. 

2.  The  first  edition  of  Ampelius  by  Claudius  Salmasius,  Lugd. 
Bat.  1638  (after  Florus)  from  a  codex  lureti  now  lost;  then  in  the 
editions  of  Florus  by  Duker  and  others.  Separately  by  C.  H.  Tzschucke 
(cum  notis,  Lips.  1793),  F.  A.  Beck  (with  a  comm.,  Leipzig  1826);  by 
E.  Wolfflin  (Lips.  Teubner  1854),  from  Salmasius'  copy  of  the  codex. 

3.  C.  E.  Gliiser,  on  the  age  of  Amp.,  Rh.  Mus.  II  (1843)  p.  145  sq. 
E.  Wolfflin,  de  L.  Amp.  libro  mem.  quaestiones  criticae  et  historicae^ 
Gotting.  1854.     50  pp.     F.  Biicheler,  Rhein.  Mus.  XIII    p.    179  sqq.     H. 


240  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Jacob,  quaestiones  Amp.,  Cleve  1860.  4.  (p.  18 — 25).  Critical  contri- 
butions by  L.  Urlichs  (Rhein.  Mus.  XVII  p.  632—637),  M.  Zink  (Eos  II 
p.  317—328),  A.  Eussner  (Spec,  crit.,  Wurzburg  1868,  p.  37—42). 

4.  Macrob.  I  16,  30:  apud  Granium  Licinianum  libro  secundo. 
Serv.  Aen.  I  737:  Granius  Licinianus  coenae  suae  (V?).  Solin.  polyh. 
II  12  (p.  37, 12  M.)':  Liciniano  placet.  Merely  Granius  ap.  Fest.  v.  ricae 
p.  277  M.  Solin.  II  40  (p.  44,  18  M.:  Gr.  tradit).  Arnob.  adv.  nat.  Ill 
31.  38.  VI  7.  The  latter  quotations  may  also  relate  to  Granius  Flac- 
cus  (Macrob.  I  18,  4),  in  libro  quern  ad  Caesarem  (the  Dictator?)  de 
indigitamentis  scriptum  reliquit  (Censorin.  d.  n.  3,  2)  or  in  libro  de  iure 
papiriano  (above  61,  1),  which  is  very  probable  at  least  of  Festus. 

5.  A.  1853-55  P.  de  Lagarde  (Botticher;  cf.  Philol.  IX  p.  394  sq.) 
and  subsequently  G.  H.  Pertz  discovered  in  London  at  the  British  Mu- 
seum Licinianus  in  an  Egyptian  codex  ter  scriptus  (at  the  uppermost 
a  Syriac  translation  of  Chrysostomus'  Homilies,  underneath  this  a  Latin 
grammarian,  and  quite  below  Licinianus),  consisting  of  13  parchment 
leaves,  more  closely  examined  a.  1856  by  his  son  C.  A.  F.  Pertz  and 
edited  Berol.  1857.  4.:  Gai  Grani  Liciniani  annalium  quae  supersunt  etc. 
The  praenomen,  however,  rests  on  an  unsafe  reading.  The  fragments 
are  of  b.  XXVI,  XXVIII  and  XXXVI,  and  turn  on  events  of  a.  591  and 
676  V.  C.  The  arrangement  is  in  the  manner  of  Annals.  Miracles, 
anecdotes  and  curiosities  are  treated  at  great  length,  and  the  author 
likewise  vigorously  impugns  Sallust's  manner  (see  above  204,  3).  The 
account  appears  not  to  have  been  carried  beyond  Caesar's  death  and 
to  have  embraced  about  40  books :  the  Olympieion  at  Athens,  which 
Adrian  completed,  is,  however,  mentioned  (p.  8  sq.  Bonn.:  aedes  Olympii 
lovis  Atheniensis  diu  imperfecta  permanserat).  This  fact  as  well  as 
the  attention  paid  to  Sallust  while  the  periods  are  intentionally  kept 
asunder  (tempora  reprehendit  sua),  also  the  antiquarian  affectation 
(Ariobardianen,  Archelauo),  suit  the  time  of  the  Antonines  best.  To 
go  lower  down  is  inadvisable  on  account  of  the  quotation  in  Solinus 
or  rather  his  source,  the  chorographia  pliniana  (above  308,  7).  Cf. 
Mommsen,  Solinus  p.  XXVIII.  The  Bonn  editors  (Biicheler  and  others) 
assume,  on  account  of  the  archaic  forms  already  mentioned,  that  the 
work  was  published  under  Augustus  and  epitomized  in  the  time  of  the 
Antonines,  while  Madvig  fixes  its  composition  in  the  third  or  fourth 
century  of  the  Christian  era.  In  giving  up  the  idea  of  the  Augustan 
period,  we  must  also  drop  the  attempt  to  identify  the  author  with 
Granius  Flaccus. 

6.  Editions  by  Pertz  (n.  5)  and:  Grani  Liciniani  quae  supersunt 
emendatiora  edidit  philologorum  Bonnensium  heptas.  Lips.  (Teubner) 
1858.  XXII  and  64  pp. 

On  Lie.  see  especially  G.  Linker  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  LXXVII 
p.  633—640  and  J.  N.  Madvig  in  the  Trans,  of  the  Copenhagen  Society 
of  Sciences,  December  1857. 


Granius  Licinianus.     Jwistis.  241 

7.  Critical  contributions  by  C.  G.  Schmidt  (Philologus  XIII  p.  224 
-226),  G.  Linker  (Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  77,  p.  628—633),  K.  Keil  (ibid. 
p.  640—650),  J.  A.  Wynne  (Philologus  XV  p.  357-362),  H.  Heerwagen 
(Niirnberg  1858.  4.),  D.  Comparetti  (Rhein.  Mus.  XIII  p.  457  sqq.),  C. 
M.  Francken  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  Suppl.  Ill  2  p.  235  sqq. 

8.  On  Fronto's  historical  works  see  above  351,  7  and  8. 

356.  The  Eoman  Jurists  were  in  this  time  divided  into 
practicians  who  returned  answers  to  legal  inquiries  or  pleaded 
in  actions,  with  or  without  any  public  position,  and  actual  pro- 
fessors of  Law.  Most  of  the  first  class  were  pupils  of  Julian; 
e.  g.  Vindius  and  Sex.  lulius  Africanus,  a  man  known  by  the 
difficulty  of  his  definitions,  then  Terentius  Clemens,  Junius 
Mauricianus  and  Saturninus.  M.  Aurelius'  teacher  in  legal 
matters,  L.  Volusius  Maecianus,  wrote,  besides  juridical  works, 
a  treatise  (still  extant)  on  the  divisions  of  money,  weights  and 
measures.  One  of  the  Jurists  most  highly  valued  in  the  suc- 
ceeding centuries  was  Ulpius  Marcellus  under  Pius  and  M. 
Aurelius. 

1.  Gellius  XIII  13,  1:  cum  .  .  in  lucem  fori  prodissem  quaesitum 
esse  memini  in  plerisque  Romae  stationibus  ius  publice  docentium  (cf. 
fragm.  Vat.  150:  neque  geometrae  neque  hi  qui  lus  civile  docent.  Dig. 
XXVII  1,  6,  12.  L  13,  1,  5:  iuris  civilis  professores)  aut  responden- 
tium  etc.  Part  of  the  latter  had  an  official  character;  see  above  I 
p.  387.  Capitolin.  Antonin.  Pi.  12,  1 :  niulta  de  iure  sanxit  usus- 
que  ex  iuris  peritis  Vindio  Vero  (n.  2),  Fulvio  Valente  (above  345,  5), 
Volusio  Maeciano  (n.  7),  Ulpio  Marcello  (n.  8)  et  Diaboleno  (cf.  above 
337,  3). 

2.  M.  Vindius  Verus  (n.  1)  was  Cons.  138.  Fragm.  Vat.  77:  Vin- 
dius dum  consulit  lulianum  in  ea  opinione  est.  Maecian.  Dig.  XXXV 
2,  32,  4:  Vindius  noster.  Cf.  Ulpian.  ib.  II  14,  7,  18  (Vindius  scribit). 
V  1,  5  (Pomponius  et  V.  scripserunt).  Paul.  ib.  II  9,  2,  1  (putat 
V.  .  .  idque  lulianus  scribit  etc.     Pomponius  et  V.  scribunt). 

3.  Gellius  XX  1,  1  sqq.:  Sex.  Caecilius  in  disciplina  iuris  atque  in 
legibus  populi  rom.  noscendis  interpretandisque  scientia  usus  auctori- 
tateque  inlustris  fuit.  ad  eum  forte  .  .  philosophus  Favorinus  accessit 
etc.  in  illis  tunc  eorum  sermonibus  orta  mentiost  legum  decemviralium. 
.  .  eas  leges  cum  Sex.  Caecilius,  inquisitis  exploratisque  multarum  ur- 
bium  legibus,  .  .  eleganti  .  .  brevitate  verborum  scriptas  diceret  etc. 
On  his  relation  to  Julian,  see  Paul.  Dig.  XIX  1,  45  pr.:  idque  et  lulia- 
num agitasse  Africanus  refert.  Ulp.  Dig.  XXV  3,  3,  4:  lulianus  Sexto 
Caecilio  Africano  respondit.  XXX  39  pr. :  Africanus  1.  XX^  Epistolarum 
apud  lulianum    (in  a  work  of  J.)    quaerit.     Afric.    Dig.   XII    6,  38    pr. : 

16 


242  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

id  maxime  consequens  esse  ei  sententiae  quam  lulianus  probaret.  Cf. 
ib.  XII  1,  23  and  XIII  7,  31 :  lulianus  ait.  His  works  (besides  the 
Epistolae) :  Quaestionum  libri  IX,  discussions  of  maxims  and  legal  cases, 
frequently  in  the  shape  of  questions  and  answers,  probably  following 
the  oral  lectures  of  Julian  (Mommsen,  Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsw.  IX  p.  90 — 93), 
composed  at  the  latest  at  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Pius  (Fit- 
ting, Age  of  the  Writings  etc.  p.  15).  In  the  Digest  we  find  131  frag- 
ments of  this  work,  collected  by  Hommel,  Paling,  p.  3 — 26.  With  the 
Jurists  of  the  last  centuries  African!  lex  is  a  proverbial  expression  to 
denote  something  difficult.  The  passages  in  which  Caecilius  or  Sextus 
is  quoted  (e.  g.  Gai.  II  218:  luliano  et  Sexto  placuit)  should  in  all  pro- 
bability likewise  be  understood  of  him.  Mommsen,  Ztschr.  f.  Rechts- 
gesch.  VII  p.  479.  IX  p.  92,  n.  29.  In  general  see  Cujacius  Tractat. 
IX  ad  Afr.,  0pp.  II  p.  1253  sqq.  F.  Kammerer,  Observ.  iur.  civ.  (Rostock 
1827)  I  p.  74  sqq.  Zimmern,  History  of  Roman  private  law,  I  1,  p. 
350-352. 

4.  Terentius  Clemens,  the  author  of  twenty  books  ad  legem 
luliam  et  Papiam,  from  which  there  are  thirty-five  passages  in  the 
Digest  (Hommel,  Palingenesia  II  p.  499—502).  Dig.  XXVIII  6,  6  he 
speaks  of  lulianus  noster  (hoc  ita  interpretari  I.  n.  videtur)  and  in  other 
places  also  pays  attention  to  his  Digest,  whence  his  work  would  appear 
to  belong  to  the  last  time  of  Pius.     Fitting,  Age  of  the  Writ.  p.  16. 

5.  lunius  Mauricianus  wrote  under  Pius  (Dig.  XXXI  57:  divus 
Hadrianus  .  .  et  proxime  Imp,  Antoninus.  XXXIII  2,  23:  nuper  Imp. 
Antoninus  .  .  rescripsit.  XLIX  14,  15)  also  Ad  legem  luliam  et  Papiam 
libri  VI  and  at  least  two  books  De  poenis  (Dig.  II  13,  3)  and  notes  on 
Julian's  Digest;  cf.  Ulp.  Dig.  II  14,  7,  2:  puto  recte  lulianum  a  Mauri- 
ciano  reprehensum  in  hoc  etc.  VII  1,  25,  1 :  lulianus  quidem  libro 
XXXV^  Digestorum  scripsit;  .  .  Marcellus  vero  et  Mauricianus  etc.  sed? 
luliani  sententia  humanior  est. 

6.  Venuleius  Satu  minus  wrote,  according  to  the  ind.  Flor. 
10  books  Actionum,  6  Interdictorum,  4  de  officio  proconsulis,  3  publi- 
corum  or  de  publicis  iudiciis,  19  stipulationum.  Very  different  is  the 
character  of  the  liber  de  poenis  paganorum,  which  the  ind.  Flor.  attri- 
butes to  Venul.  Sat.,  but  Dig.  XL VIII  19,  16  (after  a  fragment  of  Ven. 
Sat.)  to  Claudius  Sat.  to  whom  two  rescripts  of  Pius  were  addressed 
(Marcian.  Dig.  XX  3,  1,  2  and  L  7,  4  pr. :  divus  Pius  Claudio  Saturnino 
rescripsit)  and  who  became  praetor  under  the  divi  fratres  (Dig.  XVII 
1,  6,  7).  But  even  in  the  fragments  of  Venul.  Sat.  (cf.  Hommel,  Palin- 
genesia II  p.  539 — 549)  nothing  would  lead  us  beyond  the  time  of  Pius 
or  the  divi  fratres,  whence  Fitting  p.  17 — 19  assumes  only  one  Jurist 
of  the  name  of  Claudius  Venuleius  Saturninus.  This  is  not  disproved 
by  Cod.  V  65,  1  (Imp.  Antoninus  A.  Saturnino  a.  213)  or  ib.  VII  35,  1 
(Imp.  Alexander  A.  Venuleio  veterano,  a.  224)  or  even  by  a  very  late 
interpolation  in  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev.  68.  But  the  citations  of  Demosthe- 
nes and  of  the  Iliad  in  Claudius  Saturninus  which  are  without  a  parallel 


Jurists:    Africanus,  Maecianus,   Ulpius  Marcellns.  243 

in  Venuleius  Sat.,  oblige  us  to  distinguish  two  Jurists  of  the  same 
cognomen  and  perhaps  of  the  same  time,  but  of  different  gentile  names. 
Q.  Saturninus  Dig.  XII  2,  13,  5  (Marcellus  scribit  etc.  cui  Q.  Sat.  con- 
sentit)  and  XXXIV  2,  19,  7  (Q.  Saturninus  libro  X^  Ad  edictum  scribit) 
seems  to  be  later. 

7.  Capitol.  M.  Ant.  philos.  3,  6:  studuit  et  iuri,  audiens  (c.  a.  146) 
L.  Volusium  Maecianum.  Cf.  ap.  Fronto  p.  61  N.,  and  above  n.  1. 
He  was  on  friendly  terms  with  Salv.  lulianus  (lulianus  noster,  Dig. 
XXXV  1,  86..  2,  30,  7.  XXXVI  1,  65,  1)  and  with  Vindius  (Vindius 
noster,  ib.  XXXV  2,  32,  4).  Dig.  XXXVII  14,  17  pr. :  divi  fratres  .  . 
rescripserunt:  .  .  Volusianus  Maecianus,  amicus  noster.  ut  et  iuris  civi- 
lis  praeter  veterem  et  bene  fundatam  peritiam  anxie  diligens  etc.  Volcat. 
Gall.  Avid.  Cass.  7,  4:  exercitus  .  .  Maecianum,  cui  erat  commissa 
Alexandria,  .  .  invito  atque  ignorante  Antonino  (M.  Aurel.)  interemit 
as  a  member  of  the  conspiracy  of  Cassius,  a.  175.  Under  Antoninus 
Pius  he  wrote  his  sixteen  books  Quaestionum  de  fideicommissis  or 
Fideicommissorum  (Dig.  XL  5,42:  Antoninus  Aug.  Pius  noster  etc.)  and 
probably  also  the  work  Ex  lege  rhodia  (ib.  XIV  2,  9).  Besides  this 
iibri  XIV  de  publicis  iudiciis.  The  fragments  of  these  works  are  col- 
lected by  Hommel,  Paling.  I  p.  353 — 360.  We  possess  the  metrological 
manual  which  he  composed  for  his  princely  pupil :  Distributio  .  .  par- 
tium  in  rebus  quae  constant  pondere,  numero,  mensura.  See  the  pre- 
face: Saepenumero,  Caesar,  animadverti  aegre  ferentem  te  quod  assis 
distributionem,  et  in  heredum  institutione  et  in  aliis  multis  necessariam,, 
ignotam  haberes.  quare,  ne  tam  exigua  res  ingenium  tuum  uUo  modo 
moraretur,  cum  partes  ipsas  tum  vocabula  et  notas  proponendas  existi- 
mavi.  The  end  of  the  work  is  lost.  Editions  by  J.  F.  Gronovius  (de 
sestertiis  etc.,  Lugd.  Bat.  1691),  E.  Booking  (Bonn  1831  and  in  the 
Corpus  iur.  anteiust.  p.  183  sqq.),  Th.  Mommsen  (Trans,  of  the  Saxon 
Society  of  literature  HI.  Leipzig  1853.  4.),  F.  Hultsch  (Scriptores 
metrolog.  rom.  p.  61—71),  Buschke  (iurisprud.  anteiust.^  p.  330 — 340). 
Cf.  Th.  Mommsen  1.  1.  p.  281—288.     Hultsch  1.  1.  p.  17—22. 

8.  Ulpius  Marcellus  (cf.  n.  1)  was  also  an  adviser  of  M.  Au- 
relius,  comp.  his  account  of  a  transaction  proximo  in  cognitione  prin- 
cipis,  when  Sententia  Imperatoris  Antonini  Aug.  Pudente  et  Pollione 
coss.  (a.  166)  Cornelius  Priscianus  being  the  solicitor  of  one  party,  and 
Calpurnius  Longinus  advocatus  fisci.  Dig.  XXVIII  4,  3  (where  the 
maxim  is  mentioned:  in  re  dubia  benigniorem  interpretationem  sequi 
non  minus  iustius  est  quam  tutius)  from  (Ulp.)  Marcellus  libro  XXIX 
Digestorum.  The  identity  of  the  Jurist  with  the  L.  Ulpius  Marcellus 
who  leg.  Aug.  pr.  Pannon.  infer.  (Gruter  p.  100,  4)  and  was  under 
Commodus  governor  of  Britain  is  justly  doubted  by  Walch  and  A. 
Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  2.  p.  2713,  n.  2,  who  considers  the  latter  as 
the  son  of  the  Jurist.  The  works  of  the  Jurist  are:  Digestorum  Iibri 
XXX  (?  isolated  and  doubtful  lib.  XXXI  in  Dig.  XLVI  3,  73  and  lib. 
XXXIX  in  Dig.  XLIX  15,  2),  128  passages  of  which  occur  in  Justinian's 
Digest,  Notae  ad  luliani  Digesta,    Ad  legem  luliam  et  Papiam  Iibri  VI, 


244  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Responsorum  liber  singularis,  De  officio  consulis  (libro  quinto  quoted 
by  Marcian,  Dig.  XL  15,  1,  4)  and  perhaps  (if  not  by  Macer)  Publico- 
rum  (iudiciorum)  libri  (libro  II,  Dig.  Ill  2,  22),  De  officio  praesidis  (Dig. 

IV  4,  43:  Marcellus  libro  I  de  oif.  praes.).  See  the  collection  in  Hom- 
mel's  Palingenesia  I.  p.  363 — 396.  On  Dig.  XXIX  2,  63  (libro  singulari 
Regularum  Pomponii  Marcellus  notat)  cf.  Asher,  Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch. 

V  p.  102  sq.  The  Digest  may  be  shown  to  have  been  written  after 
Pius'  death  (Dig.  IV  1,  7:  Marcellus  libro  III  Digestorum :  Divus  Anto- 
ninus Marcio  Avito  praetori  .  .  rescripsit)  and  (see  above)  to  have  been 
finished  a.  166  or  167.  It  is  not  known  when  the  others  were  com- 
posed. Fitting,  the  Age  of  the  Writ.  p.  23  sq.  In  general  see  M.  Tyde- 
man,  de  L.  Ulpii  Marcelli  icti  vita  et  scriptis,  Utrecht  1762  (=  Oelrichs 
thesaur.  nov.  I  1).  C.  F.  Walch,  Opusc.  (1785.  4.)  I  2.  p.  313  sqq.  (de 
aetate  Ulpii  Marcelli).  Zimmern,  Hist,  of  Roman  private  Law  I  1,  p. 
357—359. 


357.  Gaius,  a  native  of  the  East  of  the  Roman  Empire 
(about  a.  110 — 180),  lived  at  Rome  both  as  teacher  and 
writer.  He  was  the  author  of  many  works,  the  most  famous 
being  his  seven  books  Rerum  cotidianarum  (called  Aurei)  and 
his  four  books  Institutionum,  an  introduction  into  Jurispru- 
dence such  as  there  were  frequently  written  afterwards,  probably 
published  a.  161.  These  Institutions  are  for  the  greater  part 
extant,  and  their  graceful,  lively  and  natural  style  renders  it 
probable  that  they  originated  from  oral  lectures.  On  account 
of  its  clear  and  easy  diction  the  work  became  a  favourite 
manual  and  served  also  as  the  foundation  of  Justinian's  In- 
stitutions. 

1.  Gal.  Dig.  XXXIV  5,  7  pr. :  nostra  quidem  aetate  Serapias  Alexan- 
drina  mulier  ad  divum  Hadrianum  perducta  est.  Gaius  would  thus  ap- 
pear to  have  been  at  Rome  already  under  Adrian.  Notwithstanding 
this,  Th.  Mommsen,  Jahrb.  d.  gem.  deutsch.  Rechts  III  (1859)  p.  1  —  13, 
is  of  opinion  that  G.  lived  and  taught  in  Asia  (perhaps  Troas).  This 
he  infers  from  the  scarcity  of  mention  of  G.  in  literature  (see  n.  2), 
from  his  designation  by  a  mere  praenomen,  the  attention  he  seems  to 
pay  to  provincial  law  (cf.  n.  3  sq.),  to  foreign  law  and  the  earlier  sources, 
while  he  apparently  neglects  more  recent  authorities,  his  accurate  know- 
ledge of  Greek,  and  from  Dig.  L  15,7:  Gaius  .  .:  iuris  italici  sunt  TQioag, 
BriQVTog,  JofiQa/'^oy.  But  all  these  arguments  are  not  sufficient  to  con- 
tradict other  clear  traces  of  the  composition  of  the  Inst,  at  Rome ;  see 
Huschke,  iurispr.  antei.  ^  p.  84 — 86  and  especially  H.  Dernburg,  the 
Inst,  of  G.  p.  80 — 98.  We  should  not  assume  that  the  praenomen  of 
Gaius  was  chosen  in  imitation  of  the  habit  of  the  Professor's  pupils, 
but  is  was  preferred  owing  to  a  common  usage  among  Jurists  and  Empe- 


Gaius.  245 

rors;  see  n.  2  and  4.  It  is  not  quite  impossible  that  Gaius  brought 
this  name  to  Rome  from  his  hellenistic  home.  He  may  have  taught 
there  and  acquired  his  knowledge  of  jJrovincial  law  etc.  before  coming 
to  Rome ;  but  during  his  career  as  teacher  and  writer  he  lived  no  doubt 
at  Rome. 

2.  Pompon.  Dig.  XLV  3,  39  (non  sine  ratione  est  quod  Gaius 
noster  dixit)  relates  to  a  deceased  character,  perhaps  C.  Cassius  Longi- 
nus,  who  is  frequently  called  Gaius;  see  above  293,  3;  cf.  G.  M.  Asher, 
Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch.  V  p.  83  sq.  The  Jurists  of  the  next  time  never 
mention  Gaius,  which  may  be  explained  from  Gaius'  not  having  given  res- 
ponsa,  and  happens  also  in  the  case  of  others;  see  Dernburg  p.  105 — 107. 
The  earliest  certain  mention  of  Gaius  occurs  in  the  law  of  citation 
a.  426.  After  this  Serv.  Georg.  Ill  306  (quod  et  Gaius  homerico  con- 
firmat  exemplo  =  Inst.  Ill  l4l),  Priscian.  VI  p.  282  H.  (Gaius  in  I  In- 
stitutorum  =  Inst.  I  113).  The  Lex  romana  Visigothorum  (a.  506)  con- 
tains also  a  liber  Gaii  in  two  books,  an  abridged  version  of  G.  I.  of  saec. 
V,  which  is  also  alloyed  with  additions  from  other  sources;  see  Dern- 
burg p.  119 — 131.  It  appears  from  Justinian's  Const.  Omnem  reip. 
(Dig.  prooem.)  1  that  until  then  in  the  first  year  of  legal  study  ex  tanta 
legum  multitudine  .  .  nihil  aliud  nisi  sex  tantummodo  libros  et  ipsos 
confusos  .  .  studiosi  accipiebant;  .  .  in  his  autem  sex  libris  Gai  nostri 
Institutiones  et  libri  singulares  quattuor  (so  that  they  appear  to  have 
formed  only  two  books  =  liber  Gai)  .  .  connumerabantur.  The  expres- 
sion 'Gaius  noster'  employed  here  and  Inst,  prooem.  6.  IV  18,  5  proves 
anything  else  but  that  G.  and  Justinian  were  compatriots. 

3.  Gaius  Inst.  I  188:  nos  diligentius  hunc  tractatum  executi  sumus 
et  in  Edicti  interpretatione  et  in  his  libris  quos  Ex  Q.  Mucio  feciraus. 
Ill  33:  de  quibus  (i.  e.  bonorum  possessiones)  in  his  commentariis 
consulto  non  agimus  quia  alias  hoc  ius  totum  propriis  commentariis  ex- 
plicavimus.    54:    alioquin   diligentior  interpretatio  (of  the  iura  patrono- 

rum  et  libertorum)  propriis  commentariis  exposita  est.    Hence  it  appears  ji 

that   G.   had   written   Ex   Mucio   and   a  commentary  on  the  Edict  pre-  « 

viously  to  his  Inst.     But  it   is   not  settled   whether   the   latter  means  || 

merely    the   one  ad  edictum  praetoris  urbani  or  includes  also  the  libri 

XXX  (with  the  aedil.  cur.  XXXII)  ad  edictum  provinciale  (of  any  certain 

province?   cf.   Mommsen,   Ztsch.  f.  Rechtsgesch.   IX  p.  95  —  97  A).     Yet 

the   latter  is   probable,   as    in  the  fragments  of  the  work  (cf.  Hommel, 

Paling.   I  p.   66  — 100)   nothing   leads  us  beyond  Antoninus  Pius,  Divus  %j 

Hadrianus,    Imp.    Antoninus,    princeps   Antoninus   being  mentioned   in 

them,  but  never  divus  Antoninus  or  divus  Pius  or  even  Verus.  Fitting,  '\y 

Age    of   the   writ.   p.    19  sq.     The   commentary   ad   ed.    praet.  urb.  (or 

edictum  urbicum)   was  likewise  an  extensive  work;  cf.  Dig.  XXX  73  and 

L  17,  56:    Gaius  libro  III  de  legatis  ad  ed.  praet.  (or  urbicum).     L  17, 

55 :  Gaius  libro  II  de  testamentis  ad  ed.  urbicum.    Besides  these  works 

two  books  ad  edictum  aedilium  curulium  (Dig.  XXI  1,  32.  2.  57). 

4.  The  title  of  the  Institutions  (or  Instituta,  see  n.  2)  is  not 
preserved.     According  to  the  notion  of  such  a  work,  they  contain  totius 


246  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

doctrinae  substantiam  (Lactant.  inst.  div.  V  4,  3).  Design  1,  8:  omne 
ius  quo  utimur  vel  ad  personas  pertinet  (b.  I)  vel  ad  res  (b.  II  law  of 
matters  aud  hereditary  law  by  will ;  b.  Ill  Intestate  inheritance  and 
obligations)  vel  ad  actiones  (b.  IV).  The  division  into  four  commen- 
tarii  is  due  to  Gains  himself,  see  e.  g.  11  23  (superiore  commentario 
tradidimus  —  I  119).  Ill  38  (sup.  comm.  trad.  =:  II  119.  148  sq.).  The 
designation  of  commentarii  {vnofxnqfxara  as  differing  from  cvyyQay,fAccra) 
is  meant  to  disclaim  any  formal  polish  and  pretension  of  style,  and  is  e. 
g.  used  of  notes  taken  from  lectures ;  see  Dernburg  p.  55 — 62.  The 
Inst,  of  G.,  in  spite  of  accurate  definitions  and  precise  limitation  of  legal 
maxims  (Dernburg  p.  52 — 54),  exhibit  a  certain  ease  of  diction  in  re- 
petitions, variations  and  transitions  (Dernburg  ib.  40 — 50).  There  are 
also  a  number  of  anacoluthias  (ibid.  p.  50  sq.).  His  loose  observation 
of  the  rules  of  consecutio  temporum  G.  shares  with  Suetonius  (above 
342,  6).  On  the  whole  G.'s  diction  is  pure  and  especially  free  from 
archaisms  in  the  style  of  Fronto.  Chiefly  the  fourth  book  offers  much 
new  information  concerning  actions ;  the  first  book  on  public  law.  See 
E.  Schrader,  on  the  gains  of  Roman  jurisprudence  through  G.'s  Insti- 
tutions, Heidelberg  1823  {—  Heidelb.  Jahrb.  1823,  nr.  60—64).  One  of 
the  peculiar  features  of  G.  is  his  way  of  explaining  the  Roman  law  by 
illustrations  taken  from  foreign  law.  He  generally  quotes  only  earlier 
Jurists;  of  his  contemporaries  only  Julianus  (II  218,  280)  and  (II  218) 
Sextus  Pomponius ;  Dernburg  p.  102  sq.  n.  6.  The  work  was  written 
at  Rome,  of.  IV  109  and  Dernburg  p.  85—93.  The  first  book  was  com- 
posed at  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Pius,  who  is  there  styled  optimus, 
imp.  Antoninus  (I  102)  and  imp.  Antoninus  (I  53.  76),  but  II  195  divus 
pius  Antoninus  (whence  II  120.  126.  151  imp.  Ant.  probably  means 
Marcus);  see  Dernburg  p.  67—74,  cf.  74 — 80.  Mommsen,  Ztsch.  f. 
Rechtsgesch.  IX  p.  107  sq.  n.  37. 

5.  We  possess  the  Inst,  of  G.  only  in  the  palimpsest  of  the  Chapter 
of  Verona  saec.  V  (the  upper  writing  being  works  of  Jerome,  and  only 
one  leaf  not  being  written  over),  but  in  a  corrupt  and  defect  state. 
Niebuhr  first  discovered  the  work  1816,  whereupon  Goschen  together 
with  Hollweg  deciphered  the  text  and  published  the  first  edition,  Berol. 
1820.  It  was  revised  by  Bluhme,  Berol.  1824:  ed.  Ill  (rec.  Lachmann) 
Berol.  1842.  A  comparative  collation  of  the  Inst,  of  Gains  and  of 
Justinian  by  Klenze  and  Bocking,  Berl.  1829.  4.  Comp.  the  Collatio  of 
W,  van  Swinderen  (Annal.  acad.  Groning  1821)  and  F.  Potter  v.  Loon 
(Groning.  1823).  Editions  of  Gaius  by  E.  Bocking  (Bonn  1841.  ed.  V.  Lips- 
1865).  Codicis  Veronensisapographum  ..  scripsit. .  etpublicavitE. Bocking, 
Lips.  1866.  Also  in  R.  Gneist's  Institutionum  syntagma  (Lips.  1858)  and  Ph. 
E.  Huschke's  iurisprudentia  anteiustiniana  (ed.  II  Lips.  1867  p.  101—324). 
A  new  collation  and  edition  are  promised  by  W.  Studemund. 

Critical  and  exegetical  contributions  by  E.  Gans  (Scholia  on  G., 
Berlin  1821),  H.  R.  Brinkmann  (notae  subit.,  Schleswig  1821),  C.  A.  D.  Un- 
terholzner  (Coniect.  de  supplendis  lacunis,  Berl.  1823),  H.  E.  Dirksen  (At- 


Gains.  247 

tempts  p.  104  sqq.),  Puclita  (Verisimilia,  Lips.  1837.  4.),  Assen  (Adnotatt., 
Lugd.  B.  1838),  Ph.  E.  Huschke  (especially:  Gaius,  Critical  and  exege- 
tical  contributions  to  Gains'  Institutions,  Leipzig  1855.  244  pp.  and 
Critical  observations  on  Gaius,  Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch.  VII  1868.  p. 
161—192),  M.  S.  Mayer  (ad  IV  48;  Tubing.  1853),  K.  M.  Poschmann 
(Studies  in  G.  I.  Leipzig  1854.  II  1860.  Ill  1862),  F.  P.  Bremer  (on  IV 
44;  Rhein.  Mus.  XV  p.  484—488),  A.  ,F.  Rudorff  (on  lexical  excerpts 
from  the  Inst,  of  G.,  Berlin  1866,  Trans,  of  the  Academy)  A.  v.  d.  Hoven 
(tentamina  crit.,  Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch.  VII  p.  257 — 259),  W.  Studemund 
(on  the  antiquarian  gains  from  the  new  collation  of  G.,  Trans,  of  the 
Wiirzburg  philological  Congress,  Leipzig  1869,  p.  121 — 131). 

C.  F.  Elvers,  promptuarium  Gaianum,  Gotting.  1824. 

6.  After  the  death  of  Pius  (as  appears  from  the  expression  divus 
Antoninus)  G.  wrote  Fideicommissorum  libri  II  (Dig.  XXXII  96.  XXXV 
1,  90.  XXXVI  1,  63,  5),  and  (at  least  the  last  of  the)  XV  libri  ad  legem 
luliam  et  Papiam  (Dig.  XXXI  56)  and  the  liber  singularis  ad  SCtum 
Tertullianum  (Dig.  XXXVIII  17,  8)  under  Marcus  and  Orphitianum,  a. 
178  (Dig.  XXXVIII  17,  9).  After  Julian's  Digest  he  wrote  De  verborum 
obligationibus  libri  III  and  Ad  legem  XII  tabularum  libri  VI,  probaljly 
also  the  liber  singularis  de  formula  hypothecaria  (Dig.  XX  1,  15  pr.), 
and  Rerum  cotidianarum  (s.  Aureorum)  libri  VII,  a  discussion  of  the 
legal  maxims  applicable  to  daily  life,  in  the  order  of  the  Institutions, 
a  work  also  used  bj^  Justinian;  see  prooem.  6:  quas  ex  omnibus  anti- 
quorum  Institutionibus  et  praecipue  ex  commentariis  Gai  nostri  tam 
Institutionum  quam  Rerum  cotidianarum  .  .  compositas  etc.  Cf.  Dig. 
XLIV  7,  5  (from  Gaius  libro  III  Aureorum),  5  (luliano  placuit).  We  do 
not  know  when  G.  wrote  his  works  Ad  legem  Gliciam,  liber  (singularis 
and  libri  III)  Regularum,  libri  III  de  manumissionibus,  the  libri  singu- 
lares  dotalicion,  de  tacitis  fideicommissis  and  de  casibus.  See  the  col- 
lections of  Hommel,  Palingenesia  p.  55 — 126. 

7.  That  Gaius  had  not  obtained  the  ius  respondendi  appears  both 
from  his  silence  Inst.  I  7  and  the  omission  of  his  name  by  the  Jurists 
of  the  succeeding  time,  and  from  his  not  composing  either  Quaestiones 
or  Responsa.  In  his  literary  works  G.  endeavoured  to  go  beyond  the 
pale  of  technical  scholars  and  gained  popularity  without  losing  his 
accuracy  and  logical  strictness. 

8.  On  Gaius  see  Zimmern,  Hist,  of  Roman  private  Law  lip.  341  — 
350.  Rudorff,  Hist,  of  Roman  Law  I  p.  173—176.  Huschke,  iurisprud. 
antei.  ^  p.  82—100.  H.  Dernburg,  the  Institutions  of  Gaius,  considered 
as  Notes  taken  trom  Lectures  A.  D.  161,  Halle  1869.  132  pp. 

358.  The  poetical  productions  of  the  time  of  M.  Antonine 
are  very  insignificant,  unless  the  Pervigilium  Veneris  should 
belong  to  this  period,  a  strophie  poem  in  harmonious  tro- 
chaic septenarii,   on    the   celebration  of  spring  and  in  praise 


248  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

of  Venus,  the  all-penetrating  mother  of  the  universe.  It  is  also 
probable  that  the  jocular  epic  called  Vespa  was  composed 
in  this  time. 

1.  liistinus  Faustinus,  M.  .  .  ,  the  author  of  an  acrostichic  poem 
on  Antoninus  Pius  in  the  Anthol.  lat.  of  Meyer  1  p.  252,  Nr.  812, 

2.  Gellius  XIX  8,  3:  quispiam  familiaris  eius  (i.  e.  Fronto),  bene 
eruditus  homo  et  tum  poeta  inlustris. 

3.  On  the  metrical  compositions  of  Sulpicius  Apoilinaris  see  above 
353,  2. 

4.  On  Mesomedes  see  349,  5. 

5.  The  Pervigilium  Veneris  is  extant  in  the  codex  Salmasi- 
anus  saec.  VII  (A)  and  in  the  Pithoeanus  or  Thuaneus  =z  Par.  8071,  saec. 
IX  or  X  (B),  in  the  first  of  which  the  title  is:  peruirgilium  Veneris 
trocaico  metro,  sunt  uero  versus  (i.  e.  poems  in  that  part  of  the  col- 
lection, A.  Riese,  Anthol.  lat.  I  p.  XXI— XXIV)  XXII.  It  consists  of  93 
lines,  divided  by  the  burden  'eras  amet  qui  numquam  amavit,  quique 
amavit,  eras  amet'  into  stanzas  of  unequal  extent  (of  at  least  four  lines). 
The  religious  views  in  this  composition  bear  a  universal  character  and 
seem  to  have  been  influenced  by  philosophy.  Venus  is  conceived  as 
Genetrix,  whose  worship  had  been  revived  by  Adrian,  and  her  festival 
as  one  of  spring  and  flowers.  Sicily  is  the  scene  (v.  49  sqq.).  The 
diction  is  rhetorical  and  often  almost  sentimental.  The  author  exhibits 
Greek  culture,  but  once  alludes  to  Virgil,  Aen.  XI  458.  The  poem 
closes  in  a  melancholy  strain:  ilia  (the  nightingale)  cantat,  nos  tacemus. 
quando  ver  venit  meum?  quando  flam  uti  chelidon  et  tacere  desinam? 
which  according  to  the  spirit  of  the  poem  should  be  understood  as 
new  revival  by  love.  The  frequent  and  careless  use  of  de  (v.  4,  6,  12, 
24,  34,  38,  45  sq.,  61,  88  Bii.)  should  not  be  considered  a  trace  of 
African  Latin.  Reposianus  (v.  30)  uses  it  in  a  similar  manner. 

6.  It  is  of  course  impossible  to  discover  the  author  of  the  Perv. 
Yen.  The  poem  bears  much  resemblance  to  some  lines  of  Annius  Florus 
(above  336,  7)  who  employed  the  same  metre,  which  would  seem  to 
have  come  into  fashion  in  that  time,  and  the  burden  reminds  us  of  the 
manner  of  Nemesianus.  Itaque,  in  temeritatis  crimen  ne  incurramus, 
acquiescendum  in  hoc  erit  ut  medio  inter  Florum  et  Nemesianum  tem- 
pore, h.  e.  secundo  vel  tertio  p.  Ch.  n.  saeculo,  conditum  Pervigilium 
esse  statuamus  (Biicheler  p.  51).  The  prevailing  cheerful  tone  and  the 
good  taste  of  the  poem,  might  render  us  willing  to  place  it  nearer  the 
time  of  the  Antonines,  if  arguments  of  this  kind  were  not  so  often 
fallacious.  L.  Miiller  assigns  it  to  the  third  or  fourth  century,  which 
is  also  supported  by  its  similarity  of  spirit  with  Reposianus  and 
others  (below  393) .  To  a  similiar  time  and  taste  we  owe  the  hne 
(perhaps  burden)  mentioned  by  some  writers  on  metre:  tolle  thyrsos, 
aera  pulsa,  iam  Lyaeus  advenit. 


Pervigilinm    Veneris.      Vespa.  249 

7.  Editions  of  the  Perv.  V.  by  J.  Lipsius  (Elect.  I  5.  1580),  P. 
Pithoeus  (Errones  Venerii  1587),  J.  Doiisa  (Coniect.  1580.  1592),  P.  Scri- 
verius  (Baudii  amores.  Hag.  1638),  J.  Clericus  (?  cum  comm.  varr..  Hag. 
1712),  Sanadon  (Paris.  1728),  Wernsdorf  (poetae  lat.  min.  IH  p.  463—482, 
with  prooem.  p.  425—462),  L.  C.  F.  Schulze  (comm.  ill.,  Getting.  1812. 
4.),  J.  C.  Orelli  (in  his  ed.  of  Phaedrus  p.  220—227  and  230—239,  with 
praef.  p.  215—219,  and  annot.  p.  228  sq.  234—239),  in  the  treatises  of 
Heidtmann,  Gobel,  0.  Muller  (see  n.  8)  and  elsewhere;  pristino  nitori 
restitutum  (by  F.  Lindemann),  Lips.  1852:  adnotabat  et  emendabat  Fr. 
Biicheler,  Lips.  Teubner  1859.  63  pp.  16.  In  Al.  Riese's  Anthol.  lat. 
I  p.  144—148. 

8.  Treatises  De  Pervigilio  Veneris  by  H.  Paldamus  (Greifswald  1830. 
4.),  G.  H.  Heidtmann  (Greifsw.  1842),  Th.  Bergk  (commentatio  de  etc. 
Halle  1859),  01.  Jacobi  (Lund  1867.  4.),  0.  Miiller,  de  Annio  Floro  (Ber- 
lin 1855)  p.  18  sqq.  F.  C,  Gobel,  de  ephymniorum  rationibus  (Gotting. 
1858)  p.  56—61. 

9.  Critical  contributions  by  J.  Frei  (Rhein.  Mus.  X  p.  195—213), 
F.  Biicheler  (ibid.  XV  p.  446-451),  L.  Miiller  (Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  83, 
p.  639-651),  J.  Mahly  (Philologus  XXIII  p.  356— 361),  K.  Schenkl  (Journal 
of  Austrian  Gymn.  XVIII  1867.  p.  233—243),  Bahrens  (Fleckeisen's 
Jahrb.  105  p.  55  sq.). 

10.  Under  the  title  of  Vespae  indicium  coci  et  pistoris  iudice 
Vulcano  we  possess  an  epic  of  99  hexameters  in  the  codex  Salmasia- 
nus  immediately  preceding  the  Perv.  Ven.,  also  in  the  Parisinus  8071 
(Thuaneus)  saec.  IX— X:  the  last  time  edited  by  A.  Riese,  Anthol.  lat. 
199  (I  p.  140 — 143).  It  contains  a  contest  between  a  cook  and  a  baker, 
each  of  whom  praises  his  art  and  depreciates  that  of  the  other.  The 
umpire,  Vulcan,  gives  sentence  that  both  are  of  value  and  may, 
therefore,  give  over  quarrelling.  It  is  a  comic  epic,  but  follows  the 
form  of  an  idyl  in  representing  a  contest,  a  feature  likewise  connecting 
it  with  the  rhetorical  ^'nctivoi,  and  i/joyot.  See  above  269,  1.  301,  7. 
The  crustula  on  1  Jan.  (v.  46,  cf.  16)  seems  to  indicate  Rome  as  the 
scene  of  the  poem.  The  metre  is  elegant;  the  tone  and  general  exe- 
cution of  the  poem  are  not  displeasing.  The  second  century  appears 
to  be  indicated  in  what  the  author  says  of  himself:  ille  ego  Vespa 
precor  cui  divae  saepe  dedistis  per  multas  urbes  populo  spectante  favorem 
(v.  3  sq.).  He  appears  like  a  travelling  scholar  or  rhetorician,  who 
exhibited  his  art  in  various  towns  of  the  Roman  Empire,  like  Apuleius 
and  many  others  in  this  period  of  the  revival  of  the  Sophists.  We  may 
know  the  rhetorician  by  the  subject  of  the  poem  and  the  scholastic 
character  of  his  jokes;  cf.  v.  44  sq.  Satyros  —  saturos.  Panes  —  panes; 
82  gallos  —  Gallos,  and  also  the  play  on  the  double  meaning  ofiusv. 
29.  60.  6?  His  erudition  appears  in  the  spondaic  measure  of  quasi  (v. 
82  sq.).  The  author  appears  also  well-versed  in  Greek  literature,  es- 
pecially mythology,  and  professes  his  polytheistic  beliefs  with  an  enjoy- 
ment evidently   not   troubled    by   Christian    scruples.      V.    6    he   recom- 


250  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

mends  his  poem  by  saying  aliquid  quoque  iuris  habebit,.  which  seems 
to  suggest  a  time  when  Jurisprudence  enjoyed  much  favour.  See  W. 
Teuffel,  Studies  and  Char.  p.  45  sq. 

b.     The   time   of  M.   Aurelius,  A.  D.  161  —  180. 

359.  In  spite  ot  his  own  excellence,  the  reign  of  M.  Au- 
relius was  a  time  of  terror  for  the  Roman  Empire,  owing  to 
the  incessant  wars  in  the  East  and  North,  and  a  fearful 
plague  and  famine.  Under  the  pressure  of  these  calamities 
mental  life  could  not  develop  much,  though  the  Emperor  al- 
lowed it  the  most  complete  liberty,  being  himself  accessible  to 
all  good  and  noble  aims,  severe  and  strict  only  towards  him- 
self, but  even  too  lenient  towards  others,  especially  in  com- 
parison with  the  difficulty  of  his  task.  The  literature  of  this 
reign  was  still  under  the  influence  of  Fronto,  though  Apuleius 
manifested  far  more  originality  than  Gellius.  Philosophy  was 
much  patronized,  but  Stoicism  shrank  down  to  more  general 
wisdom,  and  the  so-called  Platonism  was  alloyed  with 
mysticism  and  declamation.  Grammar  was  in  Greek  literature 
brilliantly  represented  by  Apollonius  Dyscolus,  medical  science 
by  Galenus.  The  Sophist  Aristides  of  Bithynia  belongs  also 
to  this  time. 

1.  M.  Annius  Verus,  born  26  April  121,  adopted  according  to 
Adrian's  wish  along  with  L.  Verus  by  Antoninus  Pius:  after  whose 
accession  to  the  throne  he  was  styled  M.  (Aelius)  Aurelius  Caesar. 
As  Emperor  (since  1  March  161)  M.  Aurelius  Antoninus  Aug.  (Fronto 
calls  him  Caesar,  then  Antonine  or  M.  Aureli).  His  colleague  L.  Aure- 
lius Verus  Aug.  was  after  his  consecration  (f  Jan.  169)  called  divus 
Veras,  in  legal  works  also  divus  Lucius.  M.  Aurelius  himself  is  after 
his  death  (17  March  180)  called  divus  M.  Antoninus  Pius,  by  the  Jurists 
divus  Marcus,  and  in  the  time  of  the  joint  reign  they  speak  of  divi  fratres. 

2.  He  was  taught  by  Fronto,  see  above  351,  5.  G.  Boissier,  la 
jeunesse  de  Marc-Aurele  et  les  lettres  de  Fronton,  Revue  des  deux 
mondes  1  April  1868,  p.  671—698.  With  his  usual  zeal  the  prince 
excerpted  the  writers  recommended  to  him  by  Fronto,  collected  Synonyms, 
sentences,  similes  and  other  rhetorical  figures,  and  even  made 
hexameters  (Fronto  p.  24.  -34  N.),  but  perceiving  the  emptiness  of  these 
pursuits  he  was  gained  over  by  Junius  Rusticus  (above  354,  2  sq.)  to  (Stoic) 
philosophy,  to  the  great  vexation  of  Fronto ;  see  above  351,  5.  His 
turning  point  is  about  a.  146;  cf.  ad  Front.  IV,  13  (p.  75  N.):  Aristonis 
libri  me  hac  tempestate  .  .  habent  male;  .  .  nimis  quam  saepe  erubes- 
cit  discipulus  tuus  sibique  suscenset  quod  viginti  quinque  annos  natus 
nihildum  bonarum  opinionum   et  puriorum  i-ationum  animo  hauserim. 


I 


M.  Aurelins.  251 

3.  We  possess  by  Marcus  Aurelius  (besides  his  letters  to  Fronto 
and  other  letters,  e.  g.  ap.  Capitol,  Clod.  Alb.  10,  6  sqq.)  his  twelve 
books  €ig  avrov  in  Greek,  written  a.  169 — 176,  aphorisms  and  reflexions, 
good  purposes  manifesting  very  noble  intentions.  That  he  lacked 
dQi/uvTr]g,  he  himself  admits  as  a  fault;  cf.  Avidius  Cassius  ap.  Vulcat. 
Gall.  (Av.  Cass.  14,  3.  5):  Marcus  homo  sane  optimus,  qui  dum  clemens 
dici  cupit  eos  patitur  vivere  quorum  ipse  non  probat  vitam.  .  .  M.  An- 
toninus philosophatur  et  quaerit  de  elementis  et  de  animis  et  de  honesto 
et  iusto,  nee  sentit  pro  republica.  Capitol.  Ant.  phil.  8,  3:  dabat  se 
Marcus  totum  philosoghiae,  amorem  civium  adfectans. 

4.  Digest.  XXVII  1,  6,  8 :  o  S^fwrarog  narrjQ  juov  (probably  M.  Au- 
relius, not  Pius,  whose  order  was  more  limited,  see  above  350,  2)  tkxqsX- 
^(x)v  fvd-vg  inl  Ttjy  (^Q/^^  &iajayfxari>  rag  vTiKQ/ovffag  it^fzccg  xal  CKTflficcg 
i^s^cciMfffp,  yqaxjjcig  (fjikoffo(f>ovg,  qtjroQag,  yQccu^cnixovg,  tccTQOvg  c(T(kf7g 
&lvav  yv^uvaCiaQ)(i(av  etc.  zal  fArjts  XQiJ^fty  /ut]Tf  nQSG^fvfiv  /urjrs  €ig 
arQciTff'ccv  xatakfyfa&ccv  axovjag  etc.  Capitol.  M.  philos.  23,  9:  fama  fuit 
quod  sub  philosophorum  specie  quidam  remp.  vexarent  et  privatos. 

5.  See  on  M.  Aurelius'  life  and  reign  the  article  by  G.  R.  Sievers 
in  Pauly's  Encycl.  lip.  1197—1203.  See  also  E.  Zeller's  Lectures 
and  Essays  (Leipzig  1865)  p.  82—107. 

6.  On  the  correspondence  of  Fronto  and  A.  Verus  (n.  1)  see  above 
351,  7.  The  eloquentia  of  Verus  is  praised  by  Fronto  p.  120  sq.  Verus 
orders  Fronto  to  write  a  panegyric  account  of  his  deeds  ib.  p.  131  sq. 
Verus'  gratiarum  actio  ib.  V  38  sq.  (p.  87);  his  orationes  ad  senatum  et 
allocutiones  ad  exercitum  ib.  p.  131  sq.  An  official  military  report  in 
the  shape  of  a  letter  (a.  163  sq.)  ib.  p.  126  sq. 

7.  Capitol.  Ant.  phil.  8,  1:  adepti  imperium  ita  civiliter  se  ambo 
egerunt  ut  .  .  eos  Marullus,  sui  temporis  mimographos,  cavillando  im- 
pune  perstringeret.  Cf.  ib.  29,  2  (de  quo  mimus  in  scena  praesente 
Antonino  dixit  etc.).  Serv.  Aen.  VII  499  (Marullus  mimographus).  See 
above  8,  6  Add. 

8.  Gellius  XIX  11,  3  sq. :  hoc  distichon  amicus  meus,  ovx  a/uovffog 
adulescens  in  plures  versiculos  .  .  vertit;  after  which  he  places  15 
iambic  dimeters.  An  iambic  inscription  of  the  exodiarius  Ursus  ap. 
Orelli  2591  =:  Biicheler  Greifsw.  Ind.  lect.  1879  p.  18.  Ephemeris  epigr. 
I  (Rome  and  Berlin  1872)  p.  55—57. 

9.  On  Apollonios  o  dvaxokog  of  Alexandria  see  Westermann,  in 
Pauly's  Encycl.  I  2  p.  1319 — 1321.  His  son  was  the  no  less  celebrated 
grammarian  Herodianus,  whose  reliquiae  collegit,  disposuit,  emendavit, 
explicuit,  praefatus  est  Aug.  Lentz,  2  vols.  Lips.  1867  sqq.  Phrynichus 
Atticista  lived  also  in  the  reigns  of  M.  Aurelius  and  Commodus. 

10.  On  P.  Aelius  Aristides  (a.  117 — 189?)  from  Bithynia  cf.  Pauly's 
Enc.  I  1  p.  340—342. 


"ftt 


252  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

11.  On  Galenus  (a.  131 — 201?)  see  L.  Choulant,  Manual  of  the 
Bibliography  of  earlier  medical  art  p.  98 — 120. 

12.  To  the  divi  fratres  (teQcoTcnot  jSnaikfTg  'AviMvlvog  xal  OvrJQog) 
the  rhetorician  Polyaenos,  a  Maxf&Mv  dvrjQ,  dedicated  his  eight  books 
of  J^TouTt^yixcc,  mostly  from  Greek  sources,  some  of  them  now  lost.  Re- 
censuit,  auctiores  edidit,  indicil)us  instruxitE.  Wolfflin,  Lips.  Teubner  1860. 


360.  Of  the  other  pupils  of  Fronto  the  most  important 
seems  to  have  been  his  son-in-law  C.  Aufidius  Victorinus, 
Cons.  II  a.  183;  after  him  we  may  mention  Servilius  Silanus 
and  Postumius  Festus.  On  the  whole  it  would  seem  that 
those  who  lived  at  Rome  as  rhetoricians,  were  influenced  by 
him,  though  not  all  imitated  his  manner.  Thus  e.  g.  Julius 
Titianus  who  wrote  on  a  number  of  different  subjects  (Episto- 
lography,  fables,  rhetoric,  geography  etc.). 

1.  Fronto  p.  95  sq.  N. :  ut  parentes  cum  in  voltu  liberum  oris  sui 
liniamenta  dinoscunt,  ita  ego  cum  in  orationibus  vestris  vestigia  nostrae 
sectae  animadverto,  yiyrjd-f  df  (fQf'ya  Jijtm.  meis  enim  verbis  exprimere 
vim  gaudii  mei  nequeo.  p.  200:  suadeo  vobis  (i.  e.  the  Cirtenses)  pa- 
tronos  creare  .  .  eos  qui  nunc  fori  principem  locum  occupant,  Aufidium 
Victorinum  (n.  2),  quern  .  .  mihi  generum  cum  illis  moribus  tantaque 
eloquentia  elegi.  Servilium  quoque  Silanum  (Cos.  189,  cf.  Lamprid. 
Commod.  7,  5)  optimum  et  facundissimum  virum  iure  municipis  patro- 
num  habebitis,  cum  sit  vicina  et  arnica  civitate  Hippone  regio.  Postu- 
mium  Festum  (Gell.  XIX  13,  1)  et  morum  et  eloquentiae  nomine  recte 
patronum  vobis  feceritis ,  et  ipsum  nostrae  provinciae  et  civitatis  non 
longinquae.  Capitol.  Ant.  phil.  3,  8:  frequentavit  et  declamatorum 
scholas  publicas  amavitque  e  condiscipulis  praecipuos  senatorii  ordinis 
Seium  Fuscianum  et  Aufidium  Victorinum,  ex  equestri  Baebium  Longum 
et  Calenum. 

2.  C.  Aufidius  (Fronto  p.  75)  Victorinus  (cf.  n.  1)  was  praef. 
urbi  and  bis  consul  (Orelli  1176)  and  held  a  command  in  Germany. 
Fronto  p.  232:  Victorinum,  pietate,  mansuetudine,  veritate,  innocentia 
maxima,  omnium  denique  optimarum  artium  praecipuum  virum.  Cf. 
p.  179.  A.  186  he  committed  succide,  xainfQ  xal  vno  tov  Ma^xov  tv 
Tolg  navv  iifxrjd^fig  xcti  rrj  rrjg  V^y/^yf  ^^Q^^fl  ^«t  t^  raJv  koyioy  nccQaaxfvfj 
ov&fvog  TiOf  xcid-^  havTov  dfVTfQog  yfvofxfvog,  Dio  LXXIl  11.  His  son 
(by  Fronto's  daughter  Gratia)  Victorinus  Fronto  (above  351,  2)  is  no 
doubt  the  same  (Aufidius)  Fronto  consul  (a.  199)  who  erected  to  his 
son  M.  Aufidius  Fronto  the  monument  with  the  inscr.  Orelli  1176  (of 
Pisaurum);  and  also  C.  Aufidius  Victorinus,  Cons.  200,  is  probably  a 
younger  son  of  his.  Cf.  W.  Teuflfel  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  I  2  p.  2130  sq. 
nr.  20  and  33. 


I 


i 


Victorinua  and  the  other  pupils  of  Fronto.  253 

3.  Fronto  p.  191  Volumnio  Quadrato :  legam,  fili,  libenter  oratio- 
iiem  istam  quam  misisti  mihi  et  si  quid  videbitur  corrigendum  corrigam. 
Cf.  ib.  p.  190. 

4.  Fronto  p.  191:  Fabianum,  spectatum  in  iudiciis  civilibus,  fre- 
quentem  in  foro,  meum  familiarem.  Cf.  Spart.  Sever,  13,  3:  occidit  .  . 
Masticium  Fabianum. 

5.  On  the  appearance  of  the  son  of  Squilla  Gallicanus  as  orator 
see  Fronto  p.  188  sq.  (orator  noster). 

6.  Fronto  p.  179  N. :  Antoninus  Aquila  vir  doctus  est  et  facundus. 
Fronto  recommends  him  (ib.)  to  Victorinus  for  a  vacant  professorship 
of  rhetoric  in  his  province. 

7.  Fronto  p.  173:  commendando  Corneliano  Sulpicio  familiarissimo 
meo  .  .  industrius  vir  est,  strenuus,  ingenio  libero  ac  liberali,  .  .  litte- 
rarum  studio  et  bonarum  artium  elegantia  mihi  acceptissimus. 

8.  Fronto  p.  175:  Montanum  Licinium  sic  diligo  etc.  bonarum 
artium  sectator  est  meus  Montanus,  tum  doctrina  et  facundia  est 
eleganti. 

9.  Fronto  p.  176:  lulium  Aquilinum,  virum  .  .  doctissimum,  facun- 
dissimum,  philosophiae  disciplinis  ad  optimas  artes,  eloquentiae  studiis 
ad  egregiam  facundiam  eximie  eruditum.  .  .  si  eum  audire  disputantem 
de  platonicis  disciplinis  dignatus  fueris.  (p.  177:)  maximi  concursus  ad 
audiendum  eum  Romae  saepe  facti  sunt. 

10.  Sidon.  Apoll.  Ep.  I  1  :  quem  (Cic.)  nee  lulius  Titianus  sub 
nominibus  illustrium  feminarum  (ficticious  letters)  digna  similitudine  ex- 
pressit.  propter  quod  ilium  ceteri  quique  Frontonianorum.  utpote  con- 
sectaneum  aemulati  cur  veternosum  dicendi  genus  imitaretur  (the  Ci- 
ceronian, instead  of  the  fashionable  style  of  Fronto),  oratorum  simiam 
nuncupaverunt.  He  is  probably  identical  with  Titianus  senior  qui  pro- 
vinciarum  libros  pulcherrimos  scripsit  et  qui  dictus  est  simia  temporis 
sui,  quod  cuncta  esset  imitatus  (Capitolin.  Maximin.  27,  5).  Those  libri 
are  probably  the  chorographia  mentioned  by  Serv.  Ae.  IV  42  (Barcaei 
.  .  secundum  Titianum  in  chorograx^hia  Phoenieem  .  .  superavere),  cf. 
ib.  XI  051  and  Isid.  origg.  IX  2,  64  .  on  the  Amazons  (unimammas). 
Also  the  fragment  on  Etna  ap.  Gregor.  Turon.  de  cursu  stell.  30  (ed. 
Haase  1853,  p.  14:  meminit  et  huius  montis  et  ille  lulius  Titianus  his 
verbis  etc.),  cf.  A.  Mai,  coll.  Vat.  Ill  p.  129,  seems  to  have  belonged 
to  it.  We  should,  therefore,  probably  relate  to  him  Cassiod.  divin. 
lect.  25 :  cosmographiae  quoque  notitiam  vobis  percurrendam  esse  .  . 
suademus;  .  .  quod  vobis  proveniet  absolute  si  libellum  lulii  oratoris 
.  .  studiose  legere  festinetis.  Cf.  Auson.  epist.  16,  81  (above  23,  2), 
accoi'ding  to  which  aesopiam  trimetriam  vertit  (in  prose)  fandi  Titianus 
artifex.  He  seems  to  be  also  identical  with  Titianus  who  wrote  on 
rhetoric  (Isid.  orig.  II  2,  1),  cf.  Serv.  Ae.  X  18:  Titianus  et  Calvus,  qui 
themata  omnia  de  Vergilio  elicuerunt  et  adformarunt  ad  dicendi  usum, 


254  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

and  not  his  son  (below  375,  8).  If  so,  it  becomes  credible  that  we 
should  understand  of  him  Diomed.  I  p.  368,  26  K. :  Titianus  (libri :  ty- 
rannus)  de  agri  cultura  primo.  Cf.  Macrob.  Ill  19,  6.  Fr.  Haase,  Greg. 
Tur.  etc.     Breslau  1853.  4.  p.  37  sq. 

11.  To  about  this  time  we  should  assign  Romanius  lovinus,  rhetor 
eloquii  latini,  to  whom  his  grateful  heirs  put  the  following  epitaph: 
Conditus  hac  Romanius  est  tellure  lovinus,  docta  loqui  doctus  quique 
loqui  docuit.  Manibus  infernis  si  vita  est  gloria  vitae,  vivit  et  hie 
nobis  ut  Cato  vel  Cicero.     Orelli-Henzen  5606  from  Rome. 

12.  Capitol.  Helv.  Pert.  1,  4  sq.:  puer  litteris  elementariis  et  cal- 
culo  imbutus  datus  etiam  graeco  grammatico  atque  inde  Sulpicio  Apol- 
linari  (above  353,  2)  post  quem  idemPertinax  grammaticen  professus 
est.  sed  cum  in  ea  minus  quaestus  proficeret,  per  Lollianum  Avitum, 
consularem  virum  (Cons.  144),  .  .  ducendi  ordinis  dignitatem  petit. 
2,  1 :  bello  parthico  (a.  163  sqq.)  promeritus  etc.  Pertinax  was  born 
1  Aug.  126,  Cons.  179  and  192;  reigned  as  Emperor  for  three  months 
and  was  assassinated  a.  193  =  946  V.  C. 

361.  The  twenty  books  of  Noctes  atticae  by  A.  Gellius 
(about  a.  125 — 175)  are  of  much  importance  for  many  de- 
partments of  literature  and  for  an  accurate  knowledge  of  this 
time.  Though  Gellius  was  a  man  of  hmited  capacities,  who 
either  admired  or  hated  for  insignificant  motives,  he  still  col- 
lected with  much  care  and  honest  industry  all  notices  he  could 
find  both  in  books  and  in  conversations  concerning  archaic 
literature  and  language,  law  and  philosophy  and  natural 
science.  The  arrangement  of  his  work  is  merely  casual,  his 
diction  sober,  but  full  of  archaisms.  Of  the  eighth  book 
only  the  tables  of  contents  have  come  down  to  us. 

1.  On  his  life  and  education.  Gellius  XVIII  4,  1:  cum  iam  adules- 
centuli  Romae  praetextam  et  puerilem  togam  mutassemus  magistrosque 
tunc  nobis  nosmet  ipsi  exploratiores  quaereremus,  .  .  ApoUinaris  Sul- 
picius  (above  353,  2)  etc.  VII  6,  12:  adulescens  ego  Romae,  cum  etiam- 
tum  ad  grammaticos  itarem,  audivi  Apollinarem  Sulpicium,  quem  in 
primis  sectabar.  XX  6,  1 :  percontabar  A.  S.  cum  eum  Romae  adules- 
cens sectarer.  ib.  15:  haec  memini  mihi  Apollinarem  dicere  eaque  tunc 
ipsa  ita  ut  dicta  fuerant  notavi.  In  his  later  yearfj  also  G.  preferred 
in  doubtful  cases  to  apply  to  S.  A.;  cf.  XI  15,  8.  XII  13,  1  (cum  Romae 
a  consulibus  index  extra  ordinem  datus  pronuntiare  .  .  iussus  essem, 
Sulpicium  Ap.  .  .  percontatus  sum).  XIII  20,  1  (ego  et  Ap.  S.  et  quidam 
alii  mihi  aut  illi  familiares).  Rhetoric  Gellius  had  been  taught  by  An- 
tonius  lulianus  (above  346,  1),  and  T.  Castricius  (above  346,  2),  Fronto 
also  having  influence  upon  him  (XIX  8,  1).  But  above  others  Favori- 
nus  (above  346,  5)  engaged  his  attention,  cf.  especially  XVI  3,  1  :    cum 


Gellius.  255 

Favorino  Romae  dies  plerumque  totos  eramus  tenebatque  animos  nostros 
homo  ille  fandi  dulcissimus  atque  eum  quoquo  iret  .  .  sequebamur. 
M.  Hertz,  Rom.  Gell.  mant.  altera  (Breslau  1869.  4.)  p.  5—9. 

2.  Gell.  praef.  12:  volvendis  .  .  multis  admodum  voluminibus  per 
omnia  semper  negotiorum  intervalla  in  quibus  furari  otium  potui  exer- 
citus  defessusque  sum.  XI  3,  1 :  quando  ab  arbitriis  negotiisque  otium 
est  et  motandi  corporis  gratia  aut  spatiamur  aut  vectamur.  XVI  10,  1  : 
otium  erat  quodam  die  Romae  in  foro  a  negotiis  etc.  XIV  2,  1  :  quo 
primum  tempore  a  praetoribus  lectus  in  indices  sum  (for  indicia  pri- 
vata)  libros  .  .  de  officio  iudicis  scriptos  conquisivi,  ut  homo  adulescens 
(at  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  see  Dig.  XLII  1,  57.  L  4,  8),  a  poe- 
tarum  fabulis  et  a  rhetorum  epilogis  ad  iudicandas  lites  vocatus  rem 
iudiciariam  .  .  cognoscerem.  XII  13,  1 :  cum  Romae  a  consulibus  index 
extra  ordinem  datus  .  .  essem.  J.  Steup,  de  Prob.  p.  VII,  cf.  p.  77 
(vix  ante  a.  p.  Chr.  120  videtur  natus  esse).  L.  Friedlander  places  the 
birth  of  Gellius  not  before  a.  130. 

3.  As  iuvenis  (II  21,  1.  4.  cf.  VII  10,  1.  XII  5,  4.  XV  2,  3)  i.  e. 
at  the  age  of  30  years  and  after  his  judicial  duty,  he  continued  his 
studies  at  Athens.  Gell.  I  2,  1 :  Herodes  Atticus  .  .  accersebat  saepe 
nos,  cum  apud  magistros  Athenis  essemus,  .  .  me  et  cl.  v.  Servilianum 
compluresque  alios  nostrates  qui  Roma  in  Graeciam  ad  capiendum  in- 
genii  cultum  concesserant.  Cf.  XVIII  2,  1  sqq.  13,  1  sqq.  He  chiefly 
joined  Taurus  (above  348,  2),  see  XII  5,  1  sq.,  but  had  also  much  inter- 
course with  Peregrinus  Proteus  (f  a.  165);  see  XII  11,  1  cf.  VIII  3. 
He  staid  at  Athens  for  at  least  a  year  (XVIH  2,  1 :  Saturnalia  Athenis 
agitabamus,  and  13,  1:  Saturnalibus  Athenis  .  .  lusitabamus).  Perhaps 
in  the  time  of  his  return  to  Rome  XIII  13,  1 :  cum  ex  angulis  secretis- 
que  librorum  ac  magistrorum  in  medium  iam  hominum  et  in  lucem 
fori  prodissem  (XHI  13,  1)  etc.;  cf.  n.  2  and  I  22,  6:  memini  ego  prae- 
toris  .  .  tribunali  me  forte  adsistere. 

4.  On  the  work  of  Gellius.  Praef.  1 :  hoc  ut  liberis  quoque  meis 
partae  istiusmodi  remissiones  essent.  (2.)  usi  autem  sumus  ordine  rerum 
fortuito  quern  antea  in  excerpendo  feceramus.  nam  proinde  ut  librum 
quemque  in  manus  ceperam  .  .  vel  quid  memoratu  dignum  audieram 
.  .  promisee  adnotabam.  .  .  (3.)  facta  igitur  est  in  his  quoque  com- 
mentariis  eadem  rerum  disparilitas  quae  fuit  in  illis  adnotationibus 
pristinis.  .  .  (4.)  sed  quoniam  longinquis  per  hiemem  noctibus  in  agro 
.  .  terrae  atticae  commentationes  hasce  ludere  ac  facere  exorsi  sumus, 
idcirco  eas  inscripsimus  No  ctium  esse  atticarum.  (13.)  erunt  autem 
in  his  commentariis  pauca  quaedam  scrupulosa  et  anxia  vel  ex  gram- 
matica  vel  ex  dialectica  vel  etiam  ex  geometria,  .  .  item  paucula  remo- 
tiora  ex  augurio  iure  et  pontificio.  (22.)  volumina  commentariorum  ad 
hunc  diem  viginti  iam  facta  sunt.  (23.)  quantum  autem  vitae  mihi 
deinceps  deum  voluntate  erit  quantumque  a  tuenda  re  familiari  pro- 
curandoque  cultu  liberorum  meorum  dabitur  otium,  ea  omnia  .  .  tem- 
pera ad  colligendas  huiuscemodi  memoriarum  delectatiunculas  conferam. 


256  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

It  seems,  however,  that  this  plan  was  not  carried  out,  perhaps  because 
G.  died  a  short  time  after  the  completion  of  his  twenty  books.  The 
beginning  of  the  preface  as  well  as  the  close  of  b.  XX  are  not  extant; 
and  of  b.  VIII  we  possess  only  the  headings  of  the  single  chapters. 

5.  Radulphus  de  Diceto  (above  253,  3  extr.) :  Agellius  scribit  anno 
CLXIX  (F.  Riihl,  on  the  circul.  of  Just.  p.  33,  cf.  35).  This  is  supported 
by  the  fact  that  Gellius  mentions  Herodes  Atticus  (Cos.  143),  Fronto 
(Cons.  143),  and  Erucius  Clarus  (Cons.  146)  as  men  of  consular  dignity. 
That  Gellius  never  refers  to  any  works  of  Fronto's,  e.  g.  not  even  to 
his  Arion  XVI  19,  may  be  explained  from  his  habit  of  never  mentioning 
the  works  of  living  writers  whom  he  admired,  e.  g.  not  even  those  of 
Herodes  Atticus  and  Favorinus,  but  rather  of  introducing  them  speaking 
in  propria  persona.  M.  Hertz,  mant.  alt.  p.  7.  Very  little  appears 
from  XX  1,  6:  trecentesimo  f.  R.  c.  tabulae  (XII)  scrip tae  sunt,  a  quo 
tempore  ad  liunc  diem  anni  esse  non  longe  minus  DCC  (DC?  Vogel) 
videntur.     Th.  Vogel  I  p.  7 — 9. 

In  the  same  way  the  expression  nuper  which  Gellius  uses 
repeatedl}'^  does  not  teach  us  much,  uncertain  as  it  is.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  he  uses  nuper  of  his  sojourn  in  Italy  XI  16,  2.  XIII  13,  1. 
XV  4,  1.  II  24,  2:  but  XVIII  2,  7  it  is  used  of  the  Saturnalia  at 
Athens.  Comp.  also  III  3,  7:  nuperrime,  cum  legeremus  Fretuni  .  . 
Plauti.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  the  collection  of  his  materials  took 
up  some  time.  Cf.  Th.  Vogel  I  p.  7 — 9.  L.  Friedlander,  de  A.  G. 
vitae  temporibus,  Konigsberg  1869.  7  pp.  4.;  Roman  manners  and  mo- 
rals HI  p.  414-420. 

6.  Gellius  has  a  servile  nature ;  he  positively  cannot  help  admiring, 
applauding  and  following  in  the  rear  of  great  persons,  should  they 
even  be  of  the  most  contrary  character,  as  e.  g.  he  praises  Fronto 
and  Cicero  at  one  and  the  same  time  (cf.  XVII  1,  1  sqq.).  His  attach- 
ment to  his  chosen  patrons  is  really  touching,  except  when  it  breaks 
forth  in  depreciation  of  those  who  belong  to  a  different  School.  In 
his  well-meaning  and  somewhat  stujjid  mediocrity  he  is  a  faithful  mir- 
ror of  his  time,  its  important-looking  activity  without  serious  aims,  its 
pursuits  of  non -entities,  its  complete  want  of  individual  talent,  an 
utter  absence  of  the  power  of  production,  judgment  and  discrimination, 
of  its  erudition  and  pedantry.  He  often  succeeds  in  giving  very  lively 
and  amusing  sketches  of  the  pursuits  of  these  days,  though  sometimes 
against  his  intention.  His  collection  of  excerpts  from  lost  works  of 
archaic  literature  is  of  the  greater  imj)ortance  to  us  because  the  author 
is  very  trustworthy  wherever  he  has  used  his  own  eyes.  He  is  of 
course  also  infected  with  the  endeavour  of  his  time  to  appear  more 
learned  than  he  actually  is,  and  some  things  he  may  have  taken  at 
second  hand,  though  he  maintains  to  have  derived  them  from  the 
sources  themselves.     See  Mercklin  p.  641  sqq.     Kretzschmer  p.  13  sqq. 

7.  Vir  elegantissimi  eloquii  et  multae  ac  facundae  scienliae  G.  is 
called    by  Augustin,    de  civ.  dei  IX  4.     Nonius  Marcellus    and   most  of 


A.  Gellius.  25T 

all  Macrobius  copy  him  without  mentioning  him.  See  on  Gellius  M. 
Hertz,  Renaissance  p.  35 — 38.  Th.  Vogel,  de  A.  Gellii  vita,  studiis, 
scriptis  narratio  et  indicium,  Zittau  1860.  4.  p.  1 — 25;  de  A.  Gellii  copia 
verborum,  Zwickau  1862.  4.  p.  1 — 32.  J.  Kretzschmer,  de  A.  G.  fonti- 
bus.  I.  de  auctoribus  Gellii  grammaticis,  Greifswald  1860.  108  pp. 
L.  Mercklin,  on  A.  G.'s  method  of  citation  and  his  employment  of  his 
sources,  Jahrb.  f.  class.  Philol.  Suppl.  Ill  (1860)  p.  635-710;  A.  Gellii 
capita  quaedam  ad  fontes  revocata,  Dorpat  1861.  4.  M.  Hertz,  A.  G. 
and  Nonius  Marcellus,  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  85,  p.  706 — 726.  779 
—799. 

8.  All  the  earlier  known  manuscripts  of  Gellius  contain  either 
only  the  first  seven  or  the  last  twelve  books.  The  text  of  the  first 
seven  books  rests  especially  on  a  Palatine  palimpsest  of  the  Vatican 
Library,  on  Vat.  3452  and  Par.  5765  saec.  XHI,  also  on  a  Rottendorf  ms. 
saec.  Xn  at  Leyden  ;  book  IX  -  XX  on  Paris.  8664  saec.  XIII,  and  Voss.  7 
(Vossianus  maior  of  Gronov)  at  Leyden  and  a  Berne  fragment  saec.  XII. 
Quite  isolated  is  the  lost  Buslidianus  which  embraced  both  halves.  Cf. 
M.  Hertz,  Reports  on  the  Trans,  of  the  Berl.  Acad.  1847,  p.  403  sq. 
408 — 417.  J.  Fr.  Gronovius  had  already  discovered  what  mss.  were  of 
authority,  and  M.  Hertz  has  merely  followed  out  his  theories. 

9.  Editio  princeps  Rom.  1469  fol.  1472  fol.  Ascensiana  1511.  4. 
Aldina  1515.  Ed.  L.  Carrio,  Paris  1585.  Chief  edition  by  J.  Fr.  and 
Jac.  Gronovius.  Lugd.  B.  1706.  4.  (Lips.  1762,  by  J.  L.  Conradi,  2  vols.). 
Ed.  A.  Lion,  Getting.  1824.  Ex  recensione  M.  Hertz,  Lips.  (Teubner) 
1853.    2  vols. 

10.  Gellii  quae  ad  ius  pertinent  by  J.  v.  Gloden  (Rostock  1843), 
H.  E.  Dirksen  (On  the  Excerpts  in  Gellius  from  the  works  of  the  early 
Roman  Jurists,  Posthumous  Writings  I  p.  21  —  63),  M.  Hertz  (capp.  IV, 
Breslau  1868.  4.).  A.  Fleckeisen,  on  the  criticism  of  the  fragments  of 
the  early  Roman  poets  quoted  by  Gellius,  Leipzig  1854. 

Other  exegetical  and  critical  contributions  by  Ch.  Falster  (Adnotatt. 
in  Gellii  libr.  VIII,  Ilafniae  1721),  A.  Cramer  (ad  G.  excursus  I — IV, 
Kiel  1827—1832.  4.),  R.  Klotz  (quaestiones  Gellianae,  Lips.  1857.  4.). 
M.  Hertz  (Vindiciae  G.,  Greifswald  1858.  4. ;  Ramentorum  Gell.  mantissae 
L  II.  Breslau  1868  sq.  4.),  Th.  Mommsen  (ad  Gell.  IV  1.  4.  in  the  Sym- 
bolae  Bethmanno  HoUw.  oblatae,  Berlin   1868)  and  others. 

362.  The  Platonic  philosopher  and  rhetorician  L.  Apule- 
ius  of  Madaura  lived  and  wrote  under  Antoninus  Pius  and 
M.  Aurelius.  Educated  at  Carthage  and  Athens  and  by  his 
travels,  Apuleius  was  during  some  time  a  solicitor  at  Rome, 
and  then  lived  in  Africa  as  a  travelling  rhetorician  and  pro- 
fessor of  eloquence.  He  is  a  genuine  son  of  his  time  and 
country,  manysided  in  knowledge  and  literary  activity,  but 
utterly  uncritical,  phantastic  and  credulous  in  miracles,   vain 

17 


258  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

and  conceited,  void  of  taste  in  his  diction  which  is  an  inju- 
dicious accumulation  of  the  peculiarities  of  all  periods  and 
kinds  of  style.  But  on  the  other  hand,  his  vivacity,  origina- 
lity and  facility  of  production  ensure  to  him  a  prominent 
place  among  the  writers  of  the  second  century. 

1.  His  praenomen  (in  the  cod.  Victor,  of  the  apol.  and  before  de 
dogm.  Plat.)  might  possibly  be  derived  from  the  hero  of  his  novel. 
Apuleius  philosophus  platonicus  Madaurensis,  de  dogm.  PI.  Ill  p.  203 
Bip.  Cf.  apol.  10.  Augustin.  civ.  d.  VIII  14:  Apuleius  Platonicus  Ma- 
daurensis. Charis.  p.  240  K. :  ut  apud  Apuleium  Platonicum  de  pro- 
verbiis  scriptum  est  libro  II.  From  this  Plat,  would  appear  to  have 
formed  part  of  his  headings.  Augustin.  civ.  dei  VIII  12:  in  utraque 
lingua  .  .  Apuleius  Afer  extitit  Platonicus  nobilis. 

2.  On  the  life  of  Apuleius  until  his  law-suit  (see  n.  3)  the  Apo- 
logia contains  abundant  information.  As  this  suit  took  place  under 
Pius  (apolog.  85),  and  as  Ap.'s  wife  was  then  40  years  old  (ib.  89)  and 
there  was  great  disparity  of  age  between  Ap.  and  his  wife,  we  are 
obliged  to  assume  that  Ap.  was  then  not  older  than  25  years,  so  that 
he  would  he  born  about  a.  125.  See  below  363,  2.  Florid.  18,  86  :  pueritia 
apud  vos  (Carthag.)  et  magistri  vos,  et  secta,  licet  Athenis  Atticis  con- 
firmata,  tamen  hie  incohata  est  et  vox  mea  utraque  lingua  iam  vestris 
auribus  ante  proximum  sexennium  probe  cognita.  20,  97 :  ego  et  alias 
crateras  (than  grammar  and  rhetoric)  Athenis  bibi :  poeticae  .  .,  geo- 
metriae  .  .,  musicae  .  .,  dialecticae  .  .,  iam  vero  universae  philosophiae. 
Met.  XI  28:  viriculas  patrimonii  peregrinationis  adtriverant  impensae. 
.  .  quae  res  .  .  vietum  uberiorem  subministrabat  .  .  quaesticulo  forensi 
nutrito  (at  Rome)  per  patrocinia  sermonis  romani. 

3.  On  a  journey  from  Madaura  to  Alexandria  Ap.  fell  ill  at  Oea, 
became  acquainted  with  a  rich  widow,  Aemilia  Pudentilla,  and  married 
her.  Her  relations  became  incensed  by  this  and  brought  an  action 
against  Ap.  before  the  Procons.  Claudius  Maximus  (above  354,  4)  char- 
ging him  with  having  won  the  love  of  the  widow  by  magic  arts.  Ap. 
defended  himself  in  his  extant  apologia  (see  below  363,  1).  He  was 
no  doubt  absolved,  and  after  having  staid  at  Oea  for  three  years  (ap. 
55),  went  to  live  at  Carthage,  from  where  he  undertook  journeys  in 
Africa  to  give  lectures.  In  the  next  centuries  that  adventure  procured 
him  the  reputation  of  magus  and  enchanter,  who  might  rival  even  the 
Christian  workers  of  miracles.  Augustin.  Ep.  II  quaest.  VI  (Vol.  II  p. 
426  c  ed.  Gaume,  Paris  1838):  si  hoc  quod  de  lona  scriptum  est  Apu- 
leius Madaurensis  vel  AjDollonius  Tyaneus  fecisse  diceretur,  quorum 
multa  mira  nullo  fideli  auctore  iactitant.  Epist.  136  (ib.  II  p.  599  a): 
Apollonium  quidem  suum  nobis  et  Apuleium  aliosque  magicae  artis 
homines  in  medium  proferunt,  quorum  maiora  contendunt  extitisse  mi- 
racula.     Ep.  138,  18  (ib.  p.  623  a) :  Apollonium  et  Apuleium  ceterosque 


Apuleitis.  259 

magicarum  artium  peritissimos  conferre  Christo  vel  etiam  praeferre 
conantur.  Lactant.  inst.  V  3,  7 :  Apuleium,  cuius  solent  et  multa  et 
mira  memorari. 

4.  Augustin.  Ep.  138  (II  p.  623  d) :  Apuleius,  ut  de  illo  potissimum 
loquamur  qui  nobis  Afris  Afer  est  notior,  .  .  ne  ad  aliquam  quidem 
iudiciariam  reip.  potestatem  cum  omnibus  suis  magicis  artibus  potuit 
pervenire,  honesto  patriae  suae  loco  natus  et  liberaliter  educatus  magna- 
que  praeditus  eloquentia.  .  .  sacerdos  provinciae  pro  magno  fuit  ut 
munera  ederet  .  .  et  pro  statua  sibi  ad  Oeenses  locanda  .  .  adversus 
contradiction  em  quorundam  civium  litigaret.  quod  posteros  ne  lateret, 
eiusdem  litis  orationem  scriptam  memoriae  commendavit.  Apul.  Flor. 
XVI:  vobis  occipiam,  principes  Africae  viri,  gratiam  agere  ob  statuam 
quam  mihi  praesenti  honeste  postulastis  et  absenti  benigne  decrevistis 
etc.  ib.  (72—74  Oud.) :  testimonia  mihi  perhibuit  in  curia  Carthaginien- 
sium  non  minus  splendidissima  quam  benignissima  vir  consularis.  .  . 
nam  .  .  libello  misso,  per  quem  postulabat  locum  celebrem  statuae 
meae,  .  .  commemoravit  inter  nos  iura  amicitiae  a  commilitio  studiorum 
eisdem  magistris  honeste  incohata.  .  .  quin  etiam  commemoravit  et 
alibi  gentium  et  civitatium  honores  mihi  statuarum  et  alios  decretos. 
.  .  etiam  docuit  argumento  suscepti  sacerdotii  summum  mihi  honorem 
Carthagini  adesse.  .  .  Aemilianus  Strabo,  vir  consularis,  brevi  votis 
omnium  futurus  proconsul,  sententiam  de  honoribus  meis  in  curia 
Carthaginiensium  dixit  etc.  We  know  nothing  further  on  the  rest  of 
Ap.'s  life  and  on  his  death. 

5.  Apol.  55 :  sacrorum  pleraque  initia  in  Graecia  participavi.  .  . 
multiiuga  sacra  et  plurimos  ritus  et  varias  cerimonias  studio  veri  et 
officio  erga  decs  didici.  63 :  morem  habeo  quoquo  cam  simulacrum 
alicuius  dei  inter  libellos  conditum  gestare  eique  diebus  festis  ture  et 
mero  et  aliquando  victimis  supplicare.  The  ostentatious  character  of 
these  meritorious  works  arises  partly  from  Apuleius'  superstition  and 
mysticism,  partly  from  his  opposition  to  Christianity  which  was  sprea- 
ding fast  and  which  he  detested;  see  Met.  XI  14:  nee  vel  unum  vitium 
nequissimae  illi  feminae  deerat:  .  .  saeva  scaeva,  virosa  ebriosa,  per- 
vicax  pertinax,  .  .  inimica  fidei,  hostis  pudicitiae.  tunc  spretis  atque 
calcatis  divinis  numinibus  invicem  certae  religionis  mentita  sacrilega 
praesumptione  dei  quem  praedicaret  unicum  confictis  observationibus 
vacuit  fallens  omnes  homines  etc.  The  Platonism  of  this  time  which 
Ap.  professed  (n.  I)  was  likewise  mystical;  cf.  Flor.  15  (60  sq.  Oud.): 
noster  Plato,  nihil  ab  hac  secta  (of  Pythagoras)  vel  paululum  devius, 
pythagorissat  in  plurimis.  aeque  et  ipse,  ut  in  nomen  eius  a  magistris 
meis  adoptarer,  utrumque  (to  speak  and  to  keep  silence)  meditationibus 
academicis  didici. 

6.  Apol.  4:  accusamus  apud  te  philosophum  et  tam  graece  quam 
latine  disertissimum.  Met.  I  1 :  in  urbe  latia  advena  studiorum  Quiri- 
tium  indigenam  sermonem  aerumnabili  labore,  nullo  magistro  praeeunte, 
aggressus    excolui.     en    ecce    praefamur  veniam  si   quid  exotici    ac    fo- 


260  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

rensis  sermonis  rudis  locutor  offendero.  Ap.'s  diction  always  retained 
a  foreign  tinge  in  spite  of  his  fluent  command  of  the  language.  He 
does  not  perceive  how  very  strange  Plautine  words  and  phrases  sound 
in  his  serious  style.  His  diction  is  overlaid  with  rhetorical  figures  of 
all  kinds,  exaggerated  pathos  and  artificial  mannerism.  Erdmann,  de 
Apulei  elocutione,  Stendal  1864.  4.  H.  Kretschmann,  de  latinitate 
Apulei,  Konigsberg  1865.  140  pp.  Th.  Jeltsch,  de  Apulei  Floridis 
(Breslau  1868)  p.  3—32. 

7.  Apul.  Flor.  9  (31  Oud.) :  plura  mea  extant  in  Camenis  quam 
Hippiae  in  opificiis  operibus.  ib.  (37  Oud.):  fateor  uno  chartario  calamo 
me  reficere  poemata  omnigenus,  apta  virgae  [Qcc^dog,  to  denote  epic 
poems),  lyrae,  socco,  cothurno,  item  satiras  ac  griphos,  item  historias 
varias,  nee  non  orationes  laudatas  disertis,  nee  non  dialogos  laudatos 
philosophis,  atque  haec  et  alia  eiusdem  modi  tam  graece  quam  latine, 
.  .  simili  stilo.  20  (98  Oud.) :  canit  Empedocles  carmina,  Plato  dialogos, 
Socrates  hymnos,  Epicharmus  modos  (?  mimos?  comoedias?),  Xeno- 
phon  historias,  Xenophanes  satiras:  Apuleius  vester  haec  omnia  novem- 
que  Musas  pari  studio  colit.  At  the  time  of  his  accusation  Ap.  had 
not  only  delivered  and  published  speeches  (Apol.  55,  cf.  73.  24.  33 
extr.),  but  also  edited  Naturales  quaestiones  in  Greek  and  in  Latin  (ib. 
36.  38.),  written  poems,  specimens  of  which  are  given  ib.  6  (e  ludicris 
meis  epistolium  de  dentificio,  trimeters  on  a  tooth-powder,  addressed  to 
a  certain  Calpurnius)  and  ib.  9  (versus  amatorii,  in  the  form  of  an  elegy, 
a  far-fetched  praise  of  the  sons  of  Scribonius  Laetus  under  the  names 
of  Charinus  and  Critias,  cf.  Auson.  Idyll.  XIII  s.  f. :  esse  Apuleium  in 
vita  philosophum,  in  epigrammatis  amatorem);  also  Aesculapii  hymnus 
graeco  et  latino  carmine,  cui  dialogum  similiter  graecum  et  latinum 
praetexui  (Flor.  18  =:  91  Oud.) 

8.  His  other  writings :  an  iQcjTixog  (Lyd.  magg.  Ill  64),  Hermago- 
ras  (according  to  the  fragments  quoted  by  Priscian  possibly  a  novel 
like  the  Metamorph.) ;  Epitoma  historiarum  (Priscian.  II  p.  482  Htz. ; 
cf.  I  p.  250  sq. :  Apuleius  in  Epitoma);  works  on  arithmetic  (in  imita- 
tion of  Nicomachus,  see  Cassiod.  de  arithm.  extr.  and  Isid.  Orig.  Ill  2), 
music  (Cassiod.  de  mus.  extr.),  on  astronomy  (Lyd.  de  mens.  IV  7. 
73  and  de  ostent.  3.  4.  7.  10.  44.  54),  medicinalia  (Priscian.  VI  11.  p. 
203,  14  H.),  de  arboribus  (Serv.  Verg.  Ge.  II  126)  and  other  works  con- 
cerning husbandry  (Phot.  bibl.  cod.  163.  PaJlad.  R.  R.  I  35,  9.  Geopon.  I 
14.  XHI  5  and  elsewhere;  see  Otto  Jahn,  Reports  of  the  Saxon  Society 
of  Lit.,  1850,  p.  286.  E.  Meyer  (Hist,  of  Botany  II  p.  196  sq.);  lastly 
also  a  version  of  Plato's  Phaedo  (Sidon.  Ap.  Epist.  II  9,  Priscian.  X  19. 
p.  511  H.)  and  a  work  de  proverbiis  see  n.  1.  Apoll.  Sid.  ep.  IX  13: 
a  platonico  Madaurensi  formulas  mutuare  convivalium  quaestionum  etc. 

9.  G.  F.  Hildebrand,  de  vita  et  scriptis  Ap.,  Halle  1835  and  in 
his  ed.  of  Ap.  0.  Jahn,  Reports  of  the  Saxon  Society  of  Lit.  1850, 
p.  283 — 287.  Chr.  Cavallin,  de  L.  Ap.  scriptore  latino  adversaria,  Lund 
1857.     54  pp.     E.  Goumy,    de  A.  fabularum  scriptore    et  rhetore,    Paris 


Apuleius.  261 

1859.     W.  Teuffel   in  Pauly's  Enc.  I    2.    p.  1348—1353.     M.  Hertz,    Re- 
naissance p.  32 — 34. 

363.  Of  the  numerous  works  of  Apuleius  in  Greek  and 
Latin,  verse  and  prose,  the  following  are  extant: 

1)  Apologia,  his  self-defence  against  a  charge  of  witch- 
craft, subsequently  written  with  evident  enjoyment  of  his  rhe- 
torical power  and  a  lively  sense  of  his  importance. 

2)  Florida,  an  antholop-y  from  the  speeches  and  decla- 
mations of  Apuleius,  of  mixed  contents,  on  history,  philo- 
sophy, natural  science  and  practical  life. 

3)  Metamorphoseon  libri  XI,  a  phantastic  and  satiri- 
cal novel,  written  under  M.  Aurelius  and  imitated  from  Lu- 
cian's  ^lovxiog.  The  subject  is  the  adventures  of  a  young 
man  accidentally  transformed  into  an  ass,  with  the  insertion 
of  various  events  and  especially  the  tale  of  Amor  and  Psyche. 

4)  De  deo  Socratis,  a  lengthy  explanation  of  the  Pla- 
tonic doctrine  of  God  and  Daemons. 

5)  Three  books  de  dogmate  Platonis,  the  third  of  which 
is  a  treatise  on  formal  logic  according  to  Aristotle. 

6)  De  mundo,  after  Theophrastus. 

1.  Apologia  sive  de  magia  liber.  Augustin.  civ.  dei  VIII  19: 
huius  philosophi  platonici  copiosissima  et  disertissima  extat  oratio, 
qua  crimen  artium  magicarum  a  se  alienum  esse  defendit.  See  above 
362,  2  and  3.  The  speech  is  so  written  as  to  give  it  the  appearance 
of  being  delivered  at  a  tribunal,  which  is,  however,  impossible.  The 
frivolous  and  partly  foolish  arguments  alleged  by  the  accusers  (e.  g.  the 
possession  of  a  mirror,  c.  13  sqq.)  made  the  orator's  task  very  easy, 
and  he  employs  the  opportunity  thus  offered  him  of  displaying  his  own 
abilities.  Separate  editions  by  Casaubonus  (Heidelberg  1594.  4.),  Pri- 
caeus  (Paris  1635.  4.);  Commentary  by  Gentilis,  Hannover  1607.  550  pp. 
Edidit  G.  Kriiger,  Berol.  1864.  Cf.  H.  Sauppe,  Gotting.  Gel.  Anz.  1865, 
p.  1545  -  1560. 

2.  The  Florida  are  extensive  extracts  from  the  published  lectures 
of  Apuleius,  composed  on  unknown  occasions  and  treating  of  various 
matters  in  various  kinds  of  diction.  The  commencements  are  sometimes 
wanting,  sometimes  also  the  terminations.  The  single  pieces  diflfer  in 
contents,  purpose,  and  character;  beside  specimens  of  the  floridum 
genus  in  the  sense  of  Ap.  we  find  also  some  of  a  proportionately  simple 
diction.  The  different  pieces  appear  also  to  be  of  different  times;  nr. 
17  is  of  the  time  of  Antoninus  Pius,  as  the  procos.  Africae  (Ser.)  Scipio 
Orfitus  praised  in  it  was  Consul  a.  149.  Nr.  12  is  derived  from  a  choro- 


262  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

graphia  according  to  Pliny  (above  308,  7);  Mommsen,  Solin.  p.  XXII — 
XXlV.  The  title  of  Flor.  may  be  due  to  the  excerptor.  We  do  not 
know  whether  this  selection  has  come  down  to  us  in  its  complete  form, 
and  when  it  was  divided  into  four  books  (a  division  foreign  to  the  ex- 
cerptor). Apulei  Floridorum  quae  supersunt  ed.  Gust.  Kriiger,  Berolin. 
1865.  4.  Al.  Goldbacher,  de  L.  Apul.  Mad.  Floridorum  quae  dicuntur 
origine  (p.  3 — 21)  et  locis  quibusdam  corruptis  (p.  21 — 36),  Lips.  1867. 
Th.  Jeltsch,  de  Apulei  Floridis  (on  the  identity  of  the  diction  of  the 
Flor.  with  the  other  works  of  A.)  Breslau  1868.  Critical  contributions 
by  H.  Miiller,  Rh.  Mus.  XXII  p.  463  sq.  645—648.  XXIII  p.  445—453. 

3.  The  Metamorphoses  were  certainly  written  after  the  Apo- 
logy. The  time  of  composition  is  indicated  I  2:  a  Plutarcho  illo  inclito 
ac  mox  Sexto  philosopho  nepote  eius.  See  above  354,  2.  The  limit  of 
time  is  furnished  by  Capitol.  Clod.  Alb.  12,  12:  cum  ille  neniis  qui- 
busdam anilibus  occupatus  inter  milesias  punicas  Apulei  sui  (Albinus 
was  a  native  of  Africa)  et  ludicra  litteraria  consenesceret  (Albinus  f  197). 
The  work  begins:  at  ego  tibi  sermone  isto  milesio  varias  fabulas  con- 
seram  .  .  :  figuras  fortunasque  hominum  in  alias  imagines  conversas  et 
in  se  rursum  .  .  refectas  ut  mireris  exordior.  .  .  fabulam  graecanicam 
incipimus.  On  the  transformation  of  human  beings  into  animals,  though 
retaining  their  human  consciousness,  but  losing  the  power  of  speech 
(as  we  have  it  as  early  as  Odyss.  y.  239  sq.)  see  Augustin.  civ.  d.  XVIII 
17  sq.  where  (c.  18):  et  nos  cum  essemus  in  Italia  audiebamus  talia 
de  quadam  regione  iilarum  partium,  ubi  stabularias  mulieres  .  .  dare 
solere  dicebantur  .  .  viatoribus  unde  in  iumenta  illico  verterentur  .  . ; 
nee  tamen  in  eis  mentem  fieri  bestialem,  sed  rationalem  humanamque 
servari,  sicut  Apuleius  in  libris  quos  Asini  aurei  titulo  inscripsit  sibi 
ipsi  accidissc  ut  .  ,  asinus  fieret  aut  indicavit  aut  finxit.  This  error  is 
caused  by  the  relation  being  put  into  the  hero's  month.  The  subje<'t 
is  quite  the  same  as  in  Lucian's  Jovxiog  ^'  Ouog,  only  the  names  being 
changed  and  instead  of  Lucian's  jocose  termination  a  serious  and  phan- 
tastic  end,  but  which  is  altogether  unsuitable  to  the  tale,  is  substituted. 
In  other  respects,  much  is  retained  that  was  directed  against  the  proneness 
of  this  period  to  believe  in  miracles ;  whence  we  should  less  doubt  that 
the  Greek  original  was  Lucian's  work  and  not  the  (superstitious)  work 
by  the  supposed  Lucius  of  Patrae ;  see  W.  Teuffel,  Studies  and  Char, 
p.  446 — 457,  cf.  E.  Rhode,  on  Lucian's  work  Jovxiog  etc.  (Leipzig  1869) 
p.  14 — 18.  Some  similar  tales  were  even  older;  see  Met.  X  22  =  Lucian. 
Jovx.  51  with  Charis.  p.  223,  14  K. :  Sisenna  Milesiarum  XIII  (or  XIV) ; 
ut  eum  paenitus  utero  suo  recepit.  Ap.  has  added  from  other  (Greek) 
works  of  fiction,  perhaps  also  from  actual  events  of  the  time,  a  num- 
ber of  miraculous  or  obscene  tales,  also  accounts  of  banditti,  and  IV  28 
— VI  24  the  bella  fabella  on  Amor  and  Psyche,  the  original  subject  of 
which  probably  belongs  to  the  East,  but  which  in  its  present  shape 
was  certainly  derived  from  a  Greek  work,  but  Romanized  in  many 
details.  W.  Teuffel  1.  1.  p.  451  sq.  Besides  the  termination,  Ap.  has  no 
doubt  added  manv  details  ot  his  own  invention,  and  above  all  the  un- 


Apuleius.  263 

natural  and  pretentious  tone  of  the  diction  is  due  to  him.  The  work 
is  of  importance  for  the  history  of  manners  and  often  amusing  to  read. 
Separate  editions :  Bonon.  1500  fol.  (cum  Beroaldi  commentariis).  Venet. 
1501.  fol.  Ed.  Pricaeus,  Goud.  1650.  Rec.  Fr.  Eyssenhardt,  Berlin  1869. 
Fabula  de  Psyche  et  Cupidine  rec.  I.  C.  Orelli,  Zurich  1833;  rec.  et 
emend.  0.  Jahn,  Lips.  1856.  16.  0.  Jahn,  Novelettes  from  Ap.,  in  his 
Popular  Essays  concerning  antiquity,  Bonn  1868,  p.  75—114. 

4.  Augustin.  de  civ.  d.  VIII  14:  Apuleius  Platonicus  Madaurensis 
de  hac  re  sola  unum  scripsit  librum  cuius  esse  titulum  voluit  de  deo 
Socratis,  ubi  disserit  et  exponit  ex  quo  genere  numinum  Socrates 
habebat  adiunctum  etc.  dicit  enim  apertissime  et  copiosissime  asserit 
non  ilium  deum  fuisse,  sed  daemonem,  diligenti  disputatione  pertractans 
istam  Platonis  de  deorum  sublimitate  et  hominum  humilitate  et  dae- 
monum  medietate  sententiam.  Priscian.  X  17  (p.  509,  9  H.) :  Apuleius 
in  dialogo  qui  est  de  deo  Socratis,  Recens.  M.  Buckley,  London  1844. 
Critical  contributions  by  A.  Goldbacher,  Journal  for  the  Austrian  Gymn. 
XIX.    1868  p.  803-818. 

5.  De  dogmate  Platonis  libri  HI.  The  first  book  treats  of  the 
life  of  Plato  and  his  philosophy  of  nature ;  the  second,  addressed  to 
Faustinus  filius,  deals  v^^ith  his  ethics.  The  third,  de  philosophia  rationali 
sive  nfQi  (Qfxrjy^iccg,  treats  of  logic,  but  following  instead  of  Plato, 
rather  Aristotle  and  the  Peripatetics  in  a  most  dry  manner,  so  that  it 
is  evident  that  it  cannot  be  due  to  the  Platonic  Apuleius;  it  being, 
moreover,  wanting  in  the  best  mss.  Hildebrand  I  p.  XLIV  thinks  that 
it  was  added  by  some  grammarian  of  the  third  or  fourth  century 
(Cassiod.  already  quoting  it)  as  a  kind  of  supplement  to  the  work  of 
Ap.  But  0.  Jahn  (Reports  of  the  Saxon  Society  of  Lit.  1850,  p.  282  sq.) 
and  C.  Prantl  (Hist,  of  Logic  in  the  "West  I  p.  579  sqq.)  maintain  the 
authorship  of  Ap.,  0.  Jahn  considering  the  work  as  part  of  a  sort  of 
encyclopaedia.  A.  Goldbacher,  on  the  criticism  and  explanation  of  Ap.  de 
dogm.  PL,  Vienna  1871  (Report  of  the  Meetings  of  the  Ac,  phil.  hist. 
Class  LXVI,  p.  159—192. 

H.  Koziol,  on  the  criticism  and  explanation  of  the  minor  writings  of 
Apuleius,  in  the  sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  Leopoldstadt  Gymn.  at 
Vienna  1870,  p.  22—39. 

6.  Augustin.  de  civ.  dei  IV  2:  quae  .  .  Apuleius  breviter  stringit 
in  eo  libello  quem  de  mundo  scripsit.  The  work  is  also  addressed 
to  Faustinus  and  contains  much  that  is  specifically  Roman,  see  extr. 
(Catonem  in  libris  Originum).  5  (in  nostro  mari).  17  (ut  Vesuvius  noster 
solet).  Holscher,  on  the  books  of  Ap.  de  mundo,  Herford  1846.  4.  In 
the  Prooemium:  quarc  nos  [Aristotelem  prudentissimum  et  doctissimum 
philosophorum  et]  Theophrastrum  auctorem  secuti  the  words  in  bra- 
ckets are  not  given  by  the  best  mss.  They  are  rather  an  addition  of 
some  Grammarian  who  considered  Pseudo-Aristotle's  work  tt^qI  x6(T/uov 
to  be  the  chief  source.  The  opinion  of  A.  Stahr  (Aristotle  among  the 
Romans  p.  164  sqq.)  and  Barthelemy  St.  Hilaire  (in  his  Transl.  of  Arist.'s 


264  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Meteorolog.,  Paris  1863,  p.  325 — 355),  that  the  work  ti^qI  xoa/uov  was 
rather  a  Greek  version  of  Apuleius'  work  made  in  the  third  or  fourth 
century  of  the  Christian  era,  is  not  very  probable.  See  Hildebrand,  in 
his  edition  of  Ap.  I  p.  XLIV — XLIX.  Adam's  view  (de  auctore  libri 
pseudo-arist.  ttsqi  xoa/Ltov,  Berol.  1861),  that  both  the  Latin  and  Greek 
versions  are  due  to  Apuleius,  is  contradicted  by  the  fact  that  Ap.'s  work 
is  addressed  to  Faustinus,  while  the  Greek  work  professes  to  be  ad- 
dressed to  Alexander  M. 

7.  In  the  mss.  the  name  of  Ap.  is  also  given  a)  to  a  Latin  trans- 
lation of  a  dialogue  concerning  God,  the  world  and  man,  entitled 
Asclepius,  as  Hermes  Trismegistus  converses  in  it  with  Asclepius.  In 
this  Latin  translation  the  work  was  already  known  to  Lactautius  (Inst. 
VII  18)  and  St.  Augustin  (de  civ.  dei  VIII  23.  24-  26.  Orat.  de  haeres. 
V  2),  who  did  not,  however,  connect  it  with  Apuleius,  by  whom  it  can- 
not be.  This  rather  absurd  production  of  neoplatonism  exhibits  mani- 
fest traces  of  the  influence  of  Christianity,  See  the  materials  collected 
by  Hildebrand  I  p.  XLIX— LIV. 

]))  A  compilation  probably  due  to  the  fifth,  but  perhaps  already 
to  the  fourth  century,  made  in  Africa  (c.  84,  comp.  with  Plin.  N.  H. 
XX  10,  43)  chiefly  from  Dioscorides  and  Pliny,  entitled  de  herbarum 
virtutibus  (medicaminibus),  128—131  chapters,  part  of  which,  de  beto- 
nica,  was  also  translated  into  Anglosaxon,  edited  (frequently  as  Apuleius 
Barbarus)  especially  in  Parabilium  medicam.  scriptores  antiqui,  ed.  I. 
C.  G.  Ackermann  (Norimb.  1788),  cf.  E.  Meyer,  Hist,  of  Botany  II  p. 
316—327.  L.  Spengel,  Philologus  XXI  p.  120—122  and  L.  Miiller,  Rhein. 
Mus.  XXIII  p,  187—190  (on  the  cod.  Leid,  of  it  saec,  VI). 

c)  de  remediis  salutaribus  (Excerpts  from  Pliny's  N,  H.  XIX  and 
XX.,  see  Sillig  Quaest,  Plin.  I  p.  8  sqq.  E.  Meyer  1,  1.  p.  317  sq.),  a 
fragment  of  which,  e  cod.  Salmasiano  nunc  primum  editum,  in  Sillig's 
ed.  of  Pliny,  vol,  V  at  the  beginning.  Emended  by  M.  Haupt,  Hermes 
IV  p.  156  sq. 

d)  Not  much  povv^er  of  conviction  attaches  to  the  arguments  on 
which  Val,  Rose  (Anecdota  graeca  I,  Berlin  1864,  p,  61 — 102;  text  p. 
1U3 — 169,  cf,  Aristoteles  pseudepigr.  p.  696  sqq.)  has  attributed  to  Ap. 
an  anonymous  Latin  work  on  physiognomy,  after  Polemo  with  additions 
from  Eudoxus  and  Aristotle.  It  seems,  however,  to  have  been  written 
at  the  very  latest  in  the  middle  of  the  third  century  of  the  Christian 
era,  H.  Sauppe,  Gott,  Gel,  Anz.  1866,  p,  22  sq.  and  (on  the  criticism  of 
the  text)  p.  23—26, 

8.  Of  the  manuscripts  of  the  works  of  Ap,  the  most  important 
is  Flor,  3  =  Laur,  LXVIII  2  (F  in  0,  Jahn,  Kriiger  and  Eyssenhardt), 
saec.  XI.  All  the  others  are  derived  from  it,  even  Laur,  XXIX  2  (ff  in 
Jahn  etc.)  saec,  XII,  thougth  this  is  older  than  the  secunda  manus  (f) 
in  F.  The  other  mss,  are  interpolated.  H.  Keil,  Observationes  (above 
111,   7)  p.   77 — 81.     A  list  of  them  is  given  by  Hildebrand  I  p,  LX  sqq. 


Apuleius.     Jurists:  Cervidius  Scaevola  and  others.  265 

9.  Editions.  Ed.  princeps  Rom.  1469.  Junt.  1512.  1522.  Cum 
comm.  Phil.  Beroaldi,  Bonon.  1500.  Aldina  1521.  Emend,  illustr.  P. 
Colvius,  Lugd.  Bat.  1588.  2  vols.  Post  Colvii  ed.  expurg.  B.  Vulcanius, 
Lugd.  B.  1594.  Ed.  sec.  (cura  Jos.  Scaligeri)  ib.  1600.  Cum  nott.  varr. 
1614.  2  vols.  Rec.  Elmenhorst,  Frankfurt  1621.  Ed.  J.  Floridus,  Paris 
1688.  2  vols.  Ed.  Bip.  1788.  2  vols.  The  principal  edition  by  F.  Ouden- 
dorp,  Lugd.  B,  1786 — 1823.  3  vols.  4.  Much  material  is  collected  in 
the  edition  of  G.  F.  Hildebrand,  Lips.  1842,  2  vols.  8.  Ed.  minor,  Lips. 
1843.  L.  Spengel,  on  the  Greek  passages  in  Ap.,  Rhein.  Mus.  XVI  p. 
27 — 37.  Oeuvres  completes  d'Apulee,  trad,  en  frangais  par  V.  Betolaud, 
Paris  1835.  3  vols.  Nouvelle  edition  entierement  refondue,  Paris  1862. 
2  vols. 

10.  The  very  poor  writings  of  the  so-called  Apuleius  minor  (at 
the  earliest  saec.  X),  de  nota  aspirationis  and  de  diphthongis,  were 
published  by  F.  Osann  together  with  L.  Caecilii  Minutiani  Apulei  de 
orthographia  fragmenta  (p.  3  — 13;  animadversiones  on  it  p,  14—83) 
Darmstadt  1826  (XXXIV  and  158  pp.).  But  the  latter  (first  edited  by 
A.  Mai,  Rome  1823),  in  which  there  is  a  great  show  of  quotations  from 
all  , kinds  of  lost  works,  has  been  proved  to  be  a  forgery  of  the  15th 
century  by  Madvig  Opusc.  acad.  I  p.  1 — 25  and  (against  Osann,  in  Jahn's 
Jahrbb.  XIII  p.  306-337)  p.  26—28.  See  R.  Merkel  in  his  edition 
of  Ibis  p.  384  sqq. 

364.  As  Jurists  in  the  reign  of  M.  Aurelius  we  may 
mention  Maecianus,  Ulpius  Marcellus  and  others  who  have  been 
mentioned  in  the  preceding  reign.  To  them  w^e  add  especially 
Q.  Cervidius  Scaevola,  the  teacher  of  Papinian.  His  works, 
chiefly  his  forty  books  of  Digesta,  have  been  much  used  in  the 
Pandects.  In  their  exterior  arrangement  they  followed  Julian's 
system,  which  they  further  developed  on  the  basis  of  actual 
cases.  In  the  same  time  Papirius  Justus  composed  a  collection 
of  Imperial  Constitutions  and  Paternus  wrote  a  work  de  re 
militari.  Papirius  Fronto  was  probably  a  junior  contemporary 
of  these  men. 

1.  Capitol.  M.  Philos.  11,  10:  usus  est  Scaevola  praecipue  iuris 
perito.  Spartian.  Carac.  8,  3:  memoriae  traditur  .  .  eum  (Papinian)  cum 
Severo  (the  later  Emperor  Septimius  Sev.)  professum  sub  Scaevola. 
Dig.  XXXVI  1,  22  pr. :  Scaevola  divum  Marcum  in  auditorio  .  .  iudicasse 
refert.  But  that  he  had  already  been  active  under  Pius,  does  not 
appear  from  his  quotation  Imp.  Antoninus  Pius  libertis  Sextiae  Basiliae 
(Dig.  XXXIV  1,  13,  1).  Tryphoninus  and  Paulus  always  call  him  Scae- 
vola noster,  Paulus  once  (Dig.  XXVIII  6,  38,  3)  even  Q.  Cervidius 
Scaevola  noster  (dicebat),  whence  we  may  infer  that  they  were  his 
pupils,  but  not  that  they  wrote  in  his  life-time;  see  Th.  Mommsen, 
Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsg.  IX  p.   115  sq. 


266  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

2.  The  chief  work  of  Scaevola:  Digestorum  libri  XL,  composed  in 
the  first  half  of  M.  Aurelius'  reign  (Fitting  p.  26) ;  under  Commodus 
(previous  to  a.  195)  Responsorum  libri  VI  and  Quaestionum  libri  XX, 
the  latter,  as  it  seems,  with  extensive  statements  of  the  reasons  of  the 
decisions  given  in  those  works.  Also:  liber  singularis  quaestioiium 
publice  tractatarum;  libri  IV  Regularum  (cf.  n.  4).  The  Excerpts  from 
these  works  (in  307  places)  in  Hommel's  Palingenesia  II.  p.  413 — 491. 
Merely  quoted  are  Scaevola's  Notae  ad  luliani  Digesta  and  Notae  ad 
Marcelli  Digesta  (ib.  p.  457.  491  sq.),  and  only  in  the  Index  Florentinus 
his  liber  singularis  de  quaestione  familiae  is  mentioned.  In  Claudius 
Tryphoninus  and  Paulus,  Scaev.  obtained  commentators. 

3.  Modestinus  Dig.  XXVII  1,  13,  2:  ovTiog  xccl  KsQ^tdiog  Jxai/iokag 
xcii  Ilavkog  xal  Jojulnog  Ovkniavog,  ot  xoQV(imoi  tojv  rojutxcHy,  yqa- 
(fovGir.  Tryphon.  Dig.  XXXV  1,  109 :  magno  ingenio  de  iure  aperto  re- 
spondit.  Cod.  Theod.  IV  4,  3,  3  the  Emperors  Arcadius  and  Honorius 
call  him  auctorem  prudentissimum  ictorum.  The  views  of  others  are 
scarcely  mentioned  in  the  fragments  of  the  Digest  of  Scaevola  (ap, 
Hommel  p.  413 — 457),  but  he  starts  all  the  more  frequently  with  actual 
cases,  probably  in  consequence  of  following  Julian's  work.  But  in  his 
Quaestiones  his  predecessors  are  mentioned  in  not  a  few  passages. 

4.  J.  0.  Westenberg,  de  iurispr.  Q.  C.  Sc,  Lugd.  Bat.  1734.  4. 
(=  Trias  opusc.  acad.  ed.  Piittmann,  Lips.  1795).  J.  L.  Conradi,  de  vita 
et  scriptis  Q.  C.  Sc,  Lips.  1754  sq.  4.  (=  Opusc.  I).  Zimmern,  Hist. 
of  Roman  private  Law  lip.  359  —  361.  Rudorfif,  Hist,  of  Rom.  Law  p. 
186  sq.     Fitting,  Age  of  the  Writ.  p.  25—27. 

5.  In  the  fourth  book  of  his  '^EQf^rjyfv/ucna  (below  370,  5)  Dositheus 
gives  under  the  heading  ovyyQct/u^uanot^  rojiixov  ^uakiara  ttsqI  ikfvSs- 
Q(i)(Xf(op  =  disputatio  forensis  maxime  de  manumissionibus,  a  section  of 
the  work  of  a  Jurist,  partly  with  a  Greek  translation.  It  is,  therefore, 
called  fragmentum  Dositheanum  or  from  its  contents  fragm.  de  iuris 
speciebus  et  manumissionibus.  As  the  fragment  seems  to  be  taken  from 
a  work  entitled  Regulae  (3:  regulas  igitur  exequenti  quae  ad  haec  studia 
pertinent),  Dirksen  has  pronounced  Gaius  to  be  the  author,  Lachmann 
and  Rudorff  (Hist,  of  Roman  Law  I  p.  194.  242)  Paulus,  Voigt  Pompo- 
nius,  Buschke  (iurispr.  antei.^  p.  341  sq.)  Scaevola,  because  this  fragment 
exhibits  a  special  attention  to  Greek.  It  is  printed  in  the  editions  of 
Dositheus  by  E.  Booking  (Bonn  1832.  Corpus  iuris  anteiust.  p.  193  sqq. 
Ulpiani  fragm..  Lips.  1855,  p.  159  sqq.)  and  in  Huschke,  lurisprud. 
anteiust.^  p.  343 — 350. 

6.  On  Claudius  Saturninus  see  above  356,  6. 

7.  Papirius  lustus  de  constitutionibus  libri  XX  according  to 
Index  Flor.  In  the  Digest  passages  are  quoted  from  b.  I,  II  and  VIII 
(see  Hommel  Paling.  I  p.  617—619).  Those  from  the  first  two  books 
commence  without  exception:  Imperatores  Antoninus  et  Verus  Augg. 
fescripserunt,  and  must,  therefore,  belong  to  a.  161—169;  the  fragment 


Jurists  under  M.  Aurelws.     Septimius  Severus.  267 

of  b.  VIII  (Dig.  II  14,  60)  begins:  Imp.  Antoninus  Avidio  Cassio  re- 
scripsit,  and  must,  therefore,  be  of  a.  169 — 175.  If  the  work  was 
arranged  in  chronological  order,  the  first  book  would  appear  to  have 
been  written  under  the  divi  fratres,  the  following  under  M.  Aurelius. 
The  last  third  was  perhaps  written  under  Commodus  and  contained  his 
constitutions.  A.  C.  Stockmann,  Pap.  I.  fragmenta  illustrata.  Lips.  1792. 
4.  P.  E.  Piepers,  de  P.  I.  icto,  Lugd.  B.  1824.  4.  Zimmer,  lip.  155 
sq.  356.  Rudorff,  Hist,  of  Roman  Law  I  p.  185.  274.  Fitting,  Age  of 
the  Writ.  p.  24  sq. 

8.  Tarrutenius  Paternus,  under  M.  Aurelius  his  ab  epistulis 
latinis  (Dio  LXXI  12:  TaQQOvrrjytoy  ds  IlarfQvov  toV  tk?  iniffTokccg 
avTov  rag  karivag  dia  /st^og  i^^opia)  and  also  a  victorious  commander 
against  the  Marcomanni,  under  Commodus  praef.  praet.,  but  then  also 
executed;  see  A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  V  p.  1223  sq.  His  work  de 
re  militari  contained  four  books,  according  to  the  ind.  Flor.  Two  passages 
of  b.  I  and  H  Dig.  XLIX  16,  7.  L  6,  6  cf.  XLIV  16,  12,  1.  Veget.  de 
re  mil.  I  8:  quae  Paternus,  diligentissimus  iuris  militaris  adsertor,  in 
libros  redegit.  H.  E.  Dirksen,  on  the  Jurist  and  tactician  Paternus, 
Berlin  1856.  4.  =:  Posthumous  Writings  II  p.  412  sqq. 

9.  Callistr.  Dig.  L  16,  220,  1:  sed  et  Papirius  Fronto  libro 
tertio  Responsorum  ait,  and  XIV  2,  4  fin :  haec  ita  Papirius  Fronto  re- 
spondit.  Marcian.  Dig.  XV  1,  40  pr. :  eleganter  P.  Fr.  dicebat,  and  XXX 
114,  7  verius  esse  existimo  quod  et  Scaevola  notat  et  Papirius  Fronto 
scribit. 


2.     The  time  of  Commodus  and  Septimius  Severus, 
A.  D.  180-211. 

365.  M.  Aurelius'  dissimilar  son  Commodus  (a.  161 — 192) 
was  void  of  interest  for  intellectual  pursuits.  But  the  excel- 
lent Septimius  Severus  (a.  146 — 211),  who  ascended  the  throne 
after  the  brief  reigns  of  Pertinax  and  Didius  Julianus,  wrote 
an  autobiography.  Papinian  was  especially  active  as  a  Jurist 
in  this  period.  The  Christian  religion  now  gained  ground 
even  among  the  educated  and  was  defended  by  such  eloquent 
pleaders  as  Minucius  Felix  and  Tertullian.  As  concerns 
metrical  compositions,  this  time  produced  only  centos  from  Virgil. 

1.  Commodus  was  born  31  Aug.  161,  Caesar  since  12  Oct.  166, 
Emperor  since  17  March  180,  under  the  title  of  M.  Aurelius  Commo- 
dus Antoninus  Pius  Felix  Aug.,  he  was  assassinated  31  December  192. 
Saevior  Domitiano,  inpurior  Nerone,  Lamprid.  19,  2.  Habuit  litterato- 
rem  Onesicratem,  latinum  Capellam  Antistium;  orator  ei  Ateius  Sanctum 
fuit,  ib.  1,  6. 


268  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

2.  Lamprid.  Comm.  3,  4:  appellatus  est  a  mimis  quasi  constupra-      m 
tus,  eosdemque  .  .  subito  deportavit.     13,  2:   versus   in  eo  (eum)  multi 
scripti  sunt,  de  quibus  .  .  Marius  Maximus  gloriatur. 

3.  P.  Helvius  Pertinax,  Emperor  from  1  Jan.  until  28  March  193; 
see  above  360,  12.  Didius  Salvius  lulianus  reigned  after  him  during 
66  days;  see  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly^s  Enc.  IV.  p.  397—400. 

4.  L,  Septimius  Sever  us  Pius  Pertinax  Aug.  (Arabicus,  Adiabe- 
nicus,  Parthicus  etc.),  in  legal  works  briefly  Severus,  born  8  April  146 
at  Leptis  in  Africa.  Cons,  under  Commodus  (185  ?),  Emperor  193,  appointed 
his  son  Caracalla  to  be  Augustus  a.  198,  f  4  February  211.  See  A. 
Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  1.  p.  1132—1136,  Nr.  1.  Spartian.  Sev.  1,  4 
sq.:  prius  quam  latinis  graecisque  litteris  imbueretur,  quibus  eruditissi- 
mus  fuit.  .  .  octavo  decimo  anno  publice  declamavit.  postea  studiorum 
causa  Romam  venit  (under  M.  Aurelius).  3,  7:  Athenas  petit  studiorum 
sacrorumque  causa.  18,  5:  philosophiae  'ac  dicendi  studiis  satis  deditus, 
doctrinae  quoque  nimis  cupidus.  18,  11:  cum  eum  ex  humili  per  litte- 
rarum  et  militiae  officia  ad  imperium  .  .  fortuna  duxisset.  Victor  Caes. 
20,  28:  ortus  medie  humilis  primo  litteris,  deinde  imbutus  foro ;  quo 
parum  commodante  .  .  dum  tentat  varia  .  .  conscendit  imperium.  Eutrop. 
VIII  18:  hie  primum  fisci  advocatus,  mox  militaris  tribunus  etc.  Spar- 
tian. Sev.  19,  9:  canorus  voce,  sed  afrum  quiddam  usque  ad  senectu- 
tem  sonans.  Cf.  15,  7:  cum  soror  sua  Leptitana  ad  eum  venisset  vix 
latine  loquens.  Dio  LXXVI  16:  naidfiag  tnfd^v^uft  juakkop  ^'  In^Tvyxavf 
xcu   did   lovTO   7iokvyv(i)f.nov  jAcckkov  rj  nokvkoyog  r^v. 

5.  Spartian.  Sev.  18,  6 :  vitam  suam  privatam  publicamque  ipse 
conposuit  ad  fidem,  solum  tamen  vitium  crudelitatis  excusans.  3,  2 : 
uxorem  .  .  de  qua  tacuit  in  historia  vitae  privatae.  Vict.  Caes.  20,22: 
idem  abs  se  gesta  ornatu  et  fide  paribus  conposuit.  Capitol.  Clod.  Alb. 
10,  1:  Seveius  quidem  ipse  haec  de  eodem  loquitur.  Dio  LXXV  7: 
kiyiyi  yaQ  (on  Albinus'  death),  ov/  oaa  o  HfovrJQog  I'yQccipfp,  akk'  oaa 
(ikrjd^iag  tyfysro.  A  letter  addressed  by  Sev.  to  the  Senate  Capit.  Clod. 
Alb.  12,  6  sqq. 

6.  Tertull.  de  praescript.  haeret.  39:  vides  hodie  ex  Vergilio  fabu- 
1am  in  totum  aliam  componi,  materia  secundum  versus,  versibus  secun- 
dum materiam  concinnatis.  denique  Hosidius  Geta  Medeam  tragoediam 
ex  Vergilio  plenissime  exsuxit,  mens  quidam  propinquus  ex  eodem 
poeta  inter  cetera  stiii  sui  otia  Pinacem  Cebetis  explicuit.  A  cento  of 
this  kind,  Medea,  the  metre  of  which  is  rather  careless,  ife  (without  the 
name  of  Hos.  G.)  preserved  in  the  cod.  Salmas.,  in  Riese's  anthol.  lat. 
17  (I  p.  49—66). 

366.  A  friend  of  Severus  and  of  almost  the  same  age 
with  him  was  the  great  Jurist  Aemilius  Papinianus.  Under 
Severus  he  was  praefectus  praetorio,  but  was  executed  by  his  son 


Papinian.  269 

Caracalla  soon  after  his  accession  to  the  throne,  because  he 
was  faithful  to  the  other  son,  Geta.  Papinian  was  remarkable 
not  only  for  his  juridical  genius,  the  lucidity  and  readiness  of 
his  decisions,  but  also  for  his  quick  sense  of  right  and  mora- 
lity, by  which  he  frequently  rose  above  the  barriers  of  national 
prejudices  and  merited  the  veneration  of  succeeding  centuries. 
The  most  important  of  his  works  are  the  37  books  of  Quae- 
stiones  and  the  19  books  of  Responsa,  both  of  which  have 
been  much  used  in  Justinian's  collections. 

1.  Spartian.  Carac.  8,  2  sq. :  Papinianura  araicissimum  fuisse,  im- 
peratori  Severo  et,  ut  aliqui  loquuntur,  adfinem  etiam  per  secundam 
uxorem  (lulia,  of  Syria)  memoriae  traditur,  et  huic  praecipue  utrumque 
filium  (Geta  and  Caracalla)  a  Severo  commendatum,  eumque  cum  Severo 
professum  sub  Scaevola  (above  364,  1  —  4),  et  Severo  in  advocatione 
fisci  (see  above  365,  4)  successisse.  Tryphonin.  Dig.  XX  5,  12  pr:  re- 
scriptum  est  ab  imperatore  (Severus?),  libellos  agente  Papiniano ;  cf. 
Vict.  Caes.  20,  33  sq.:  quern  ferunt  illo  tempore  Bassiani  scrinia  cura- 
visse,  .  .  cum  constet  satis  praefecturam  praetorio  gessisse.  Paul.  Dig. 
XII  1,  40:  lecta  est  in  auditorio  Aemilii  Papiniani,  praefecti  jjraetorio, 
icti  cautio  huius  modi.  Dio  LXXVI  10  (a.  204):  avToy  (a  highwayman) 
o  Ilaniviavog  o  inaQ^og  autjQdo  etc.  Cf.  ib.  14  (A.  208):  nccQiatrjyci  aot 
naniviavog  o  tnaQ/og.  He  succeeded  Plautianus  in  the  praefectura 
(Herod.  Ill  10,  5  sqq.),  who  was  executed  a.  203.  Cf.  n.  2  sq.  Muratori 
p.  351,  1  =  Henzen  5603  (of  28  May  205):  sub  Maecio  Laeto  et  Aemilio 
Papiniano  pp.  pp.  vv.  em(inentissimis). 

2.  Dio  LXXI  1  (a.  211):  rovg  oix&iovg  rovg  /usu  antjkka'^fj/  [C^iVSicalla, 
after  his  accession  to  the  throne),  coy  xal  nctniviavog  o  b'naQ^og  tjv, 
Tovg  ds  Xal  ccnixifiyfy.  ib.  4:  ig  dvo  fxvQiadag  naQa^^tj/ua  anfxrsiyfy, 
.  .  ix  ds  rdiv  kTiK^ayMv  avdQoiv  cckkovg  Tf  xal  T(V  Ilantrtayop.  xal  no 
yh  tov  iLanvvtavov  (^lOvfvGauTv  tmTifirjafv  on  a^ivrj  avrov  xai  ov  g<ff#* 
dis^QtjaaTo.  Spartian.  Carac.  3,  2:  (after  the  assassination  of  Geta,  27 
Febr.  212)  innitens  Papiniano  et  Ciloni  ad  palatium  redit.  4,  1  sq.  dein 
in  conspectu  eius  Papinianus  securi  percussus  a  militibus  et  occisus  est. 
.  .  filium  etiam  Papiniani,  qui  ante  triduum  quaestor  opulentum  munus 
ediderat,  interemit.  8,  7  sq. :  constat  eum  quasi  fautorem  Getae  occisum 
(cf.  Spart.  Geta  6,  3).  et  fertur  quidem  Papinianus,  cum  raptus  a  mili- 
tibus ad  palatium  traheretur  occidendus,  praedivinasse,  dicens  stultissi- 
mum  fore  qui  in  suum  subrogaretur  locum  nisi  adpetitam  crudeliter 
praefecturam  vindicaret.  Other  accounts  ib.  cS,  4-6.  Victor  Caes.  20, 
33  sq.  Zosim.  I  9. 

3.  Spartian.  Sev.  21,  8:  Papinianum,  iuris  asylum  et  doctrinae 
legalis  thesaurum,  quod  parricidium  excusare  noluisset,  occidit,  et  prae- 
fectum  quidem,  ne  homini  per  se  et  per  scientiam  suam  magno  deesset 
et  dignitas.     lust.    II  23,  7  and  Cod.  VI  25,  6,  1  :  homo  excelsi  ingenii 


270  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Papinianus.  Cod.  V  71,  14  and  VI  42,  16:  vir  prudentissimus  Papinia- 
nus.  VI  42,  30:  acutissimi  ingenii  vir  etmerito  ante  alios  excellens  Pap. 
VII  32,  3:  consultissimi  viri  Pap.  VII  45,  14:  Pap.  summi  ingenii  vir. 
Cod.  Theod.  I  4,  3.  Cassiod.  VI  5.  Hieron.  Epist.  77,  3  and  others. 
Cf.  n.  4.  The  malcontent  criticisms  added  by  Marcian,  Ulpian  and  Paulus 
to  the  work  of  Pap.  (cf.  Cod.  Theod.  IX  43.  Dig.  XVIII  1,  72.  XXII  1, 
1,  2)  were  annulled  by  Constantine  a.  321  (Cod.  Theod.  I  4,  1 :  qui  dum 
ingenii  laudem  sectantur  non  tarn  corrigere  eum  quam  depravare  ma- 
luerunt),  but  not  altogether  set  aside  by  Justinian,  who  used  them  with 
much  caution;  see  Cod.  I  17,  1,  6:  ea  quae  antea  in  Notis  Aemilii 
Papiniani  ex  Ulpiano  et  Paulo  nee  non  Marcian o  adscripta  sunt,  quae 
antea  nullam  vim  obtine bant  propter  honorem  splendidissimi  Papiniani, 
non  statim  respuere,  sed  si  quid  ex  his  ad  repletionem  summi  ingenii 
Papiniani  laborum  vel  interpretationem  necessarium  esse  perspexeritis 
et  hoc  ponere  legis  vicem  obtinens  non  moremini. 

4.  Works  of  Pap.  Constit.  Omnem  (Dig.  prooem.)  6:  vobis  .  . 
pulcherrimus  Papinianus  non  solum  ex  Responsis,  quae  in  XIX  libros 
composita  fuerunt,  sed  etiam  ex  libris  XXXVII  Quaestionum  et  gemino 
volumine  Definitionum,  nee  non  De  adulteriis  (libri  II  and  one  liber 
singularis)  .  .  sui  recitationem  praebebit.  ne  autem  tertii  anni  auditores, 
quos  Papinianistas  vocant,  nomen  et  festivitatem  eius  amittere  videantur 
etc.  Besides  those  works  also  De  officio  aedilium  liber  singularis :  cf. 
Dig.  XLni  10:  ix  Tov  aarvvofxixov  fxovo^t^Xov  tov  naniviavov.  A  frag- 
ment ex  libr.  I.  Respons.  sub  titulo  de  pactis  in  the  lex  rom.  Visigo- 
thorum  (Huschke,  iurispr.  anteiust.'^  p.  351) ;  43  Extracts  from  Papinian's 
works  in  the  Fragm.  Vatic,  and  595  passages  in  Justinian's  Digest. 
The  latter  are  collected  by  Hommel,  Palingenesia  II.  p.  515 — 614.  His 
fragments  were  commented  on  by  Cujacius  (Op.  Tom.  IV). 

5.  In  the  fragments  of  the  Quaestiones  (which  follow  the  order  of 
the  edict)  Pap.  repeatedly  mentions  Optimus  Imp.  noster  Severus  (Dig. 
XXXI  67,  9.  L  5,  7  cf.  XXII  1,  6)  but  frequently  omits  the  usual  de- 
signation of  Divus  in  the  case  of  other  emperors  previously  consecrated. 
In  his  Responsa  Pap.  submits  to  the  rules  of  official  diction  in  giving 
the  Emperors  their  usual  titles,  except  in  one  instance  (Dig.  XX  2,  1). 
That  his  Responsa  were  composed  at  a  later  time  (after  198)  appears 
from  the  designation  of  Severus  and  Caracalla  as  optimi  maximique 
principes  nostri  (Dig.  XXXIV  9,  16,  1  cf.  fragm.  Vat.  294) ;  but  book  IV 
was  composed  after  a.  206  and  b.  XV  sqq.  in  the  course  of  211 ;  see 
Dig.  XXXIV  9,  18  pr.  from  b.  XV:  divus  Severus.  Fitting,  the  Age  of 
the  writ.  p.  28—32.  Th.  Mommsen,  Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch.  IX.  p.  100  sq. 

6.  Pap.  never  insists  on  his  opinion  to  the  exclusion  of  others, 
see  e.  g.  Dig.  XVIII  7,  6,  1 :  nobis  aliquando  placebat.  .  .  sed  in  con- 
trarium  me  vocat  Sabini  sententia.  Significantly  he  says  Dig.  XXVIII 
7,  15:  quae  facta  laedunt  pietatem,  existimationem,  verecundiam  nostram 
et,  ut  generaliter  dicam,  contra  bonos  mores  fiunt,  nee  facere  nos  posse 
credendum  est.    The  diction  is  frequently  as  concise  as  if  he  expressed 


Papinian  and  other  Jurists,  271 

an  axiom,  e.  g.  non  videntur  rem  amittere  quibus  propria  non  fuit; 
donari  videtur  quod  nullo  iure  cogente  conceditur;  ius  publicum  pri- 
vatorum  pactis  mutari  non  potest. 

7.  Ev.  Otto,  Papinianus,  s.  de  vita,  studiis,  scriptis,  honoribus  et 
morte  Aem.  Pap.,  Lugd.  Pat.  1718  Brem.  1743.  B.  Voorda,  Papinianus, 
s.  optimi  icti  et  viri  forma  in  A.  P.  spectata,  Lugd.  Bat.  1770.  4.  Zim- 
mern.  Hist,  of  Rom.  private  Law  I  1.  p.  361 — 364.  G.  Bruns  in  Pauly's 
Enc.  V.  p.  1141—1144.  Rudorfif,  Hist,  of  Law  I.  p.  187  sq.  H.  E. 
Dirksen,  on  Pap.'s  eminence  as  an  author,  Posthumous  Writings  II  p. 
449  sqq. 

367.  Contemporaries  of  Papinian  were  the  Jurists  Messius, 
Callistratus  and  Claudius  Tryphoninus,  the  latter  two  known 
as  authors  also  through  the  Digest.  Arrius  Menander,  a  man 
of  half- Greek  origin,  was  an  adviser  of  the  Emperor's,  and 
wrote  de  re  militari.  The  ecclesiastic  writer  Tertullian  wrote 
also  on  law  before  his  conversion  to  Christianity. 

1.  Dig.  XLIX  14,  50:  Valerius  Patruinus  procurator  imperatoris 
.  .  praedia  .  .  addixerat.  .  .  Papinianus  et  Messius  novam  sententiam 
induxerunt;  .  .  pronuntiavit  tamen  secundum  illorum  opinionem  .  . 
Tryphonino  (n.  3)  suggerente  etc.  The  Jurist  Messius  mentioned  here 
is  not  known  from  other  sources;  a  certain  T.  Messius  Extricatus  was 
COS.  II  a.  217. 

2.  Callistratus'  four  books  de  iure  fisci  and  two  books  of  Quae- 
stiones  were  written  under  Severus;  see  Dig.  XLIX  14.  2,  6  (from  de 
iure  fisci  II)  :  imperator  noster  Severus  Aug.  constitut.,  and  Dig.  I  3,. 
38  (from  Quaestionum  I):  imperator  noster  Severus  rescripsit.  But  the 
work  de  cognitionibus  (libri  VI)  dated  from  the  beginning  of  Caracalla's 
joint  reign  (a  198 — 211)  ;  see  Dig.  I  19,  3,  2  (imperatores  nostri  Severus 
et  Antoninus)  from  b.  VI  and  L  2,  11  (principes  nostri)  from  b.  I  with 
which  we  read  imp.  noster  Severus  Aug.  ib.  L  4,  14,  4  (also  from  b.  I). 
He  paid  special  attentioa  to  the  requirements  of  the  judges,  even  by 
such  practical  observations  as  Dig.  I  18,  19.  He  wrote  also  Edicti 
monitorii  libri  or  Ad  edictum  monitorium  and  Institutionum  libri  III, 
as  it  seems  after  Gains.  The  99  passages  from  these  writings  inserted 
in  the  Digest  are  collected  by  Hommel,  Palingen  I  p.  129 — 146.  Not 
rarely  Callistratus'  diction  and  style  show  him  to  be  a  Greek  by  birth. 
G.  A.  Jenichen,  Ep.  singularia  de  Call,  icto,  Lips.  1742.  4.  Pinto,  de 
Call,  icti  scriptis  quae  supersunt,  Lugd.  Bat.  1835.  302  pp. 

3.  A  Claudius  Tryphoninus  (Cod.  I  9,  1),  with  Papinian  in  the 
consilium  principis  (see  n.  1),  wrote  Notae  on  Scaevola's  Digest  in  which 
M.  Aurelius  was  styled  divus  (Dig.  XVIII  7,  10:  Claudius),  but  which  were 
already  quoted  by  Papinian  in  b.  XIV  of  his  Responsa  (Dig.  XXXIV  9, 
25,    1:    apud    Scaevolam   libro   XXX  Digestorum  Claudius  notat).     To  a 


272  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

later  time  we  should  assign  his  21  books  Disputationum;  see  Dig.  XXVII 
1,  44  (from  b.  II)  and  XLIX  15,  12,  17  (from  b.  IV):  imp.  noster  (Ca- 
racalla)  cum  divo  Severo  patre  suo:  XL VIII  19,  39  (from  b.  X):  optimi 
imperatoris  nostri.  Not  accurately  XX  5,  12  pr.  (from  b.  VIII):  rescrip- 
tura  est  ab  imperatore  (Severo),  libellos  agente  Papiniano.  The  frag- 
ments collected  by  Hommel,  Palingenesia  II  p.  509 — 530.  Fitting,  the 
Age  of  the  Writ.  p.  32.  A  rescript  of  Caracalla  addressed  to  him  a.  213 
in  the  Cod.  I  9,  1.     Chr.  Rau,  de  CI.  Tr.  icto  rom..  Lips.  1768.  4. 

4.  Ulp.  Dig.  IV  4,  11,  2  in  a  legal  case  of  the  time  of  imperator 
Severus  (i.  e.  probably  a.  193  —  198);  cum  susceptam  tutelam  non  alii 
soleant  deponere  quam  .  .  hi  qui  circa  principem  sunt  occupati,  ut  in 
consiliarii  Menandri  Arrii  persona  est  indultum  (not  until  Ulpian's 
time?).  His  four  books  on  military  law  were  composed  under  Severus 
between  198  and  211;  see  Dig.  XLIX  16,  13,  6:  divus  Severus  et  Anto- 
ninus .  .  iusserunt,  quod  .  .  Menander  scribit,  while  Menander  in  all 
other  passages  omits  Caracalla's  joint  reign;  see  Dig.  XLIX  16,  4,  9 
(cf.  ib.  5,  4):  imperator  noster  rescripsit.  The  passages  and  quotations 
concerning  this  work  are  collected  by  Hommel  Paling.  I  p.  447  —  450. 
Coelest.  Miral)elli  comm.  ad  fragm.  A.  M.,  Biturig.  1667  and  cum  notis 
ed.  J.  G.  Harnisch,  Lips.  1752.  4.  P.  J.  Suringar,  de  A.  M.  icto  eiusque 
tragmentis,  Lugd.  Bat.  1840.     Fitting,  the  Age  of  ihe  Writ.  p.  33  sq. 

5.  We  do  not  know  the  exact  time  of  Rutilius  Maximus  from 
whose  liber  singularis  ad  legem  Falcidiam  a  passage  is  quoted  Dig. 
XXX  125  (between  passages  of  Neratius  and  Paulus).  Cf.  Fragm.  Vat. 
113:  frustra  Maximus  .  .  iudicavit  etc.  and:  Maximi  sententia  .  .  placuit. 

6.  Two  passages  of  Tertullian's  Quaestionum  libri  VIII  and 
three  of  his  liber  singularis  de  castrensi  peculio  are  quoted  in  the  Di- 
gest; see  Hommel,  Paling.  II  p.  505  sq.  Just  as  he  himself  quoted 
Sex.  Pomponius  (Dig.  XXIX  2,  30,  6),  he  is  repeatedly  mentioned  by 
Ulpian  in  the  libri  ad  Sabinum  which  were  written  under  Caracalla. 
Hence  it  appears  that  Tertullian  the  Jurist  was  at  all  events  a  contem- 
porary of  the  eccle<'iastic  writer  (below  369).  There  is  the  less  reason 
to  assume  the  two  to  be  different  persons,  as  the  latter  had  certainly 
been  a  Jurist  (Euseb.  h.  eccl.  II  2  calls  him  rovg  '^Pm^xccCmv  vofxovg 
^xQi^ojy.oTK  ccyd^a)  and  as  he  often  shows  his  legal  knowledge  in  his 
theological  works  (e.  g.  apolog.  1 — 6.  28 — 44.  de  anima  6),  and  as 
lastly  the  difference  of  diction  in  the  juridical  fragments  as  compared 
with  the  theological  works  may  be  due  to  the  discrepancy  of  the  sub- 
ject. J.  H.  Blumenbach,  de  scto  Q.  Septimio  Florente  presbytero  et 
icto  TertuUiano,  Hildeshcim  1743.  4.  J.  A.  Pagenstecher,  de  iurispru- 
dentia  Tertulliani,  Harderov.  1768.  4.  Zimmern,  Private  Law  II.  p. 
365-367.  Rudorff,  Hist,  of  Law  I  p.  196  sq.  Fitting,  the  Age  of  the 
Writ.   p.  33. 

368.  The  earliest  extant  work  of  Latin  Christian  litera- 
ture is  the  dialogue  Octavius  by  M.  Minucius  Felix.     The 


Minucius  Felice.  273 

current  prejudices  and  arguments  against  Christianity  and  its 
adherents  are  in  it  developed  with  much  vivacity  and  spirit, 
and  refuted  in  an  ingenious,  sagacious  and  eloquent  manner. 
The  author  himself  possesses  the  usual  philosophical  and 
aesthetical  training  of  his  period  and  writes  for  educated  rea- 
ders. In  his  diction  he  imitates  ancient  models  and  his  style 
is  fluent  and  elegant. 

1.  Lactant.  inst.  div.  V  1  (p.  230  Fri.):  si  qui  forte  litteratorum 
se  ad  earn  (i.  e.  sapientia  et  Veritas  =:  Christianity,  cf.  n.  4)  contule- 
runt  defensioni  eius  non  suffecerunt.  ex  iis  qui  mihi  noti  sunt  Minucius 
Felix  non  ignobilis  inter  causidicos  loci  fuit.  huius  liber,  cui  Octavio 
titulus  est,  declarat  quam  idoneus  veritatis  assertor  esse  potuisset  si  se 
totum  ad  id  studium  contulisset.  Septimius  quoque  Tertullianus  etc. 
(below  369,  2).  Cf.  ib.  I  11  (p.  29):  Minucius  Felix  in  eo  libro  qui 
Octavius  inscribitur.  Hieronym.  de  vir.  ill.  58:  Minucius  Felix,  Romae 
insignis  causidicus,  scripsit  dialogum  christiani  et  ethnici  disputantium 
qui  Octavius  inscribitur.  sed  et  alius  sub  nomine  eius  fertur  De  fate 
vel  Contra  mathematicos,  qui  cum  sit  et  ipse  diserti  hominis  non  mihi 
videtur  cum  superioris  libri  stilo  convenire.  This  distinction  was  caused 
by  the  fact  that  Octav.  36,  5  (ac  de  fato  satis  vel,  si  pauca  pro  tem- 
pore, disputaturi  alias  et  uberius  et  plenius)  a  work  of  this  kind  was 
promised.  To  judge  from  the  order  of  enumeration,  which  is  in  gene- 
ral chronological,  though  often  also  inconsistent,  Jerome  seems  to  place 
Minucius  under  Severus.  See  also  Hieron.  Ep.  70,  5  (ad  Magnum  or.) : 
veniam  ad  Latinos,  quid  Tertulliano  eruditius?  .  .  Minucius  Felix,  cau- 
sidicus romani  fori,  in  libro  cui  titulus  Octavius  est  et  in  altero  contra 
mathematicos  (si  tamen  inscriptio  non  mentitur  auctorem)  quid  genti- 
lium  scripturarum  dimisit  intactum  ?  Septem  libros  adv.  g.  Arnobius 
edidit  totidemque  discipulus  eius  Lactantius.  .  .  Victorinus  etc.  Cy- 
prianus  etc.  Jerome  places  the  more  famous  and  perhaps  earlier  of  the 
two  contemporaries,  Minucius  and  Tertullian,  in  the  first  place.  But 
Ebert,  Trans,  of  the  Sax.  Soc.  of  Lit.  1868,  p.  353 — 379,  has  shown 
that  Tert.  in  his  first  large  Christian  work,  his  apologeticum,  employed 
the  Octavius,  so  that  the  latter  would  appear  to  be  earlier  than  Ter- 
tullian's  literary  works  on  Christianity. 

2.  The  form  of  a  dialogue  was  chosen  in  imitation  of  the  manner 
of  Aristotle  and  Cicero,  the  last  time  adopted  by  Annius  Florus  (above 
336,  7).  The  Octavius  exhibits  an  evident  imitation  of  Cicero's  work 
de  deorum  natura;  see  Ebert  (n.  1)  p.  328—331.  354—358.  367  sq. 
E.  Behr,  on  the  Oct.  of  M.  F.  in  its  relation  to  Cic.  d.  d.  n.,  Gera 
1870.  35  pp.  diss.  Seneca's  works  de  superstitione  and  de  providentia 
are  also  employed.  The  speakers  are  Caecilius  Natalis,  Octavius  lanu- 
arius,  and  the  author  (Marcus).  The  latter  and  Caecilius  reside  at 
Rome,    Minucius'  friend  and    companion    in    his  studies  (contubernalis) 

18 


274  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch, 

the  solicitor  (28,  3)  Octavius  in  the  province,  perhaps  Africa.  The 
scene  is  laid  on  the  beach  at  Ostia;  the  time  when  the  dialogue  is  said 
to  have  taken  place  being  remote,  when  Octavius  (now  dead)  had  quite 
young  children  (2,  1)  and  Fronto,  as  it  seems,  was  still  alive  (Cir- 
tensis  nostri  oratio  are  the  words  of  Caecilius  9,  6;  tuus  Fronto  31,  2 
of  Octavius).  Of  modern  writers  Thallus  (21,  4)  and  Antonius  Julianus 
(above  346,  1)  are  mentioned.  From  the  candour  of  the  statements 
and  the  entire  absence  of  any  bitterness  of  tone  we  might  infer  that 
the  work  was  written  at  a  time  when  the  Christian  religion  had  not 
experienced  any  persecution. 

3.  Caecilius  (n.  2)  attacks  Christianity  as  desertion  from  the  belief 
of  the  ancestors  and  hurtful  to  morals  and  decency.  Octavius  (n.  2) 
defends  it  first  (17 — 27)  as  denoting  progress  in  comparison  with  poly- 
theism, the  errors  and  evil  results  of  which  are  emphatically  described, 
then  (28 — 38)  he  pleads  for  the  moral  views  and  usages  of  the  Chri- 
stians. The  adversary  confesses  to  be  convinced  in  all  main  points, 
though  he  retains  certain  doubts,  and  the  author  can  thus  dispense 
with  his  arbitration.  See  the  survey  of  contents  given  by  Ebert  (n.  1) 
p.  332—340. 

4.  This  work  gives  us  a  faithful  idea  of  Christianity  such  as  it 
appeared  to  the  educated  class  of  this  period,  i.  e.  as  a  desertion  of 
the  nonsense  and  shamelessness  of  polytheism  and'  as  the  vivid  con- 
ception of  one  God.  In  enlarging  upon  this  idea  our  writer  grows 
quite  warm  (18);  here  his  tone  becomes  inspired  and  also  in  those 
passages  where  he  speaks  of  the  pride  and  gladness  of  the  Christians 
in  dying,  a  passage  which  reminds  us  of  Seneca  de  provid.  2,  9  c.  37: 
quam  pulchrimi  spectaculum  deo  cum  christianus  .  .  libertatem  suara 
adversus  reges  et  principes  erigit,  soli  deo,  cuius  est,  cedit  etc.  Christi- 
anity appears  to  him  as  a  higher  degree  of  intellectual  culture,  as  op- 
posed to  imperitiae  volgaris  caecitas  (3,  1)  being  lux  sapientiae  et  veri- 
tatis  (1,  4).  The  Christian  doctrines  are  touched  upon  in  a  nice  and 
fastidious  manner,  and  very  peculiar  ones,  such  as  trinity  and  Christo- 
logy  (chiefly  the  doctrine  of  the  Logos)  are  passed  over,  not  even 
baptism  being  mentioned  and  no  quotations  of  biblical  passages  being 
inserted.  This  was  certainly  in  favour  of  the  popular  effect  of  the 
work.  Ethical  and  philosophical  views  prevail  throughout.  The  philo- 
sophers are  recognised  as  such  who  de  divinis  praedictionibus  prophe- 
tarum  umbram  interpolatae  veritatis  imitati  sint.  But  38,  5:  philoso- 
phorum  supercilia  contemnimus,  quos  corruptores  et  adulteros  novimus 
et  tyrannos  et  semper  adversus  sua  vitia  facundos.  This  treatment  of 
Christianity  resembles  Seneca's  treatment  of  Stoicism,  and  in  other 
respocts,  too,  Min.  might  be  described  as  a  kind  of  Christian  Seneca 
(Ebert,  p.  383,  n.  67).  The  form  of  the  dialogue  is  carried  out  with 
much  care  and  ability.  The  diction  is  sometimes  (especially  in  the 
introduction)  somewhat  affected,  but  still  much  more  natural  than  that 
of  Fronto  and  Apuleius.  With  the  latter  Min.  shares  some  peculiar 
phrases,  e.  g.  plurimum  quantum,  impiatus  etc. 


Minucius  Felix.     Tertullian.  275 

5.  We  possess  the  Octavius  only  in  a  Paris  ms.  saec.  IX  (regius 
nr.  1661),  where  it  is  given  as  the  eighth  book  of  Arnobius  adv.  gentes 
and  in  a  very  corrupt  text.  The  second  ms.,  (Burgundicus)  at  Brussels, 
is  merely  a  copy  of  the  Paris  ms. 

6.  Editio  princeps  (from  the  regius)  Rom.  1543  (after  Arnobius). 
The  first  independent  edition  by  Balduinus,  Heidelberg  1560.  With 
emendations  by  Fulvius  Ursinus,  Rom.  1583.  Ed.  Des.  Heraldus  (Paris 
1605.  1613),  Rigaltius  (Paris  1643.  1645),  J.  Ouzelius  (cum  notis  va- 
riorum, Lugd.  Bat.  1672),  J.  Davisius  (cum  observ.,  Cantabrig.  1707), 
J.  Gronovius  (Lugd.  Bat.  1709.  Rotterdam  1743),  J.  Q.  Lindner  (Langen- 
salza  1760;  ed.  II  1773),  C.  de  Muralt  (praef.  est  J.  C.  Orelli,  Ziirich 
1836),  Migne  (Patrolog.  curs.  Ill,  Paris  1844,  p.  231—360,  with  various 
treatises  p.  194—231.  371—652),  Fr.  Oehler  (Lips.  1847),  J.  B.  Kayser 
(in  us.  schol.,  Paderborn  1863),  and  especially  rec.  et  comm.  critico 
inntr.  C.  Halm  (Corp.  script,  eccl.  lat.  II),  Vienna  1867. 

7.  J.  D.  van  Hoven,  de  aetate,  dignitate  et  patria  Min.  Fel.,  Camp. 
1762.  4.  (also  in  Lindner's  ed.  of  1773).  H.  Meier,  comm.  de  Min.  Fel., 
Zurich  1824.  C.  Roren,  Minuciana,  i.  e.  Annotatt.  critt.  ad  etc.  prae- 
missa  commentatione  de  ipsius  scriptoris  aetate,  Bedburgl859.  26  pp.  4. 
J.  B.  Kayser  in  Th.  Wiedemann's  Austrian  'Quartalschrift'  for  Rom. 
cathol.  theol.  I  4.  1862.  A.  Ebert,  TertuUian's  relation  to  Min.  Felix, 
Leipzig  1868  (Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Society  of  Lit.  V  p.  321  —  386). 
Critical  contributions  by  E.  Bahrens,  lectiones  latin.  (Bonn  1870) 
p.  22—31. 

369.  Q.  Septimius  Florus  Tertullianus  (c.  145—220)  is  a 
very  peculiar  character  —  an  author  of  much  independence 
and  genius,  endowed  with  lively  imagination  and  ready  wit, 
and  so  passionate  as  to  be  often  of  an  overpowering  eloquence, 
though  very  frequently  he  oversteps  all  limits  and  consumes 
his  own  passion  in  his  zeal,  without  giving  light  and  warmth. 
The  element  of  his  life  is  in  struggling  and  fighting,  and  his 
numerous  writings  are  chiefly  of  a  controversial  character, 
either  aggressive  or  apologetic.  At  first  he  defended  Christia- 
nity against  its  oppressors  and  enemies,  especially  in  his 
Apologeticum ;  but  within  the  pale  of  Christianity  his  enthu- 
siasm was  not  fully  satisfied  until  he  became  an  adherent 
and  the  Western  defender  of  Montanus'  doctrine  and  its 
phantastical  vaticinations  and  severe  ascetic  habits,  though 
his  penetrating  mind  softened  the  harshest  parts  of  it.  The 
tone  and  character  of  these  works  are  the  same  throughout: 
thoughtful  but  unpolished  in  form,  passionate  and  intricate, 
the  diction  being  eloquent  and  powerful,  concise  and  energetic 
and  frequently  obscure. 


276  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

1.  Hieronym.  de  vir.  illustr.  53:  Tertullianus  presbyter  nunc  demum 
primus  post  Victorem  (sub  Severo  principe,  c.  34)  et  Apollonium  (sub 
Commodo  principe,  c.  42)  Latinorum  ponitur,  provinciae  Africae,  civi- 
tatis  Carthaginiensis,  patre  centurione  proconsulari.  hie  acris  et  vehe- 
mentis  ingenii  sub  Severo  principe  et  Antonino  Caracalla  maxime 
floruit  multaque  scrip  sit  volumina,  quae  quia  nota  sunt  pluribus  prae- 
termittimus.  .  .  hie  cum  usque  ad  mediam  aetatem  presbyter  ecclesiae 
permansisset,  invidia  postea  et  contumeliis  clericorum  romanae  ecclesiae 
(cf.  Tert.  de  cultu  fem.  I  7.  Euseb.  hist.  eccl.  II  2)  ad  Montani  dogma 
delapsus  in  multis  libris  novae  prophetiae  (i.  e.  Montanism)  meminit, 
specialiter  autem  adversum  ecclesiam  texuit  volumina  de  pudicitia,  de 
persecutione,  de  ieiuniis,  de  monogamia,  de  ecstasi  libros  VI  (now  lost) 
et  septimum  quem  adversum  Apollonium  composuit.  ferturque  vixisse 
usque  ad  decrepitam  aetatem  et  multa  quae  non  (Vat. :  nunc)  extant 
opuscula  condidisse.  Such  lost  works  of  Tert.  were  de  vestibus  Aronis 
(Hieron.  Ep.  64,  23);  de  animae  submissione;  de  superstitione  saeculi; 
de  came  et  anima:  de  spe  fidelium ;  detrinitate;  de  animalibus  mundis 
et  immundis ;  de  circumcisione ;  de  virginitate ;  contra  Apellicianos  ; 
de  paradiso  (Tert.  de  an.  55) ;  in  Greek  de  spectaculis;  de  baptismo ; 
de  velandis  virginibus;  de  corona  militis,  the  Latin  version  of  which 
by  Tert.  is  extant.     On  Tert.  as  Jurist  see  above  367,  6. 

2.  Hieron.  Ep.  70,  5:    quid    Tertulliano    eruditius,    quid    acutius? 
Apologeticus    eius  et  Contra  gentes  libri  cunotam  saeculi  obtinent  dis- 
ciplinam.     Lactant.  inst.  div.  V  1    (p.  230  Fri.) :   Septimius  Tertullianus 
fuit  omni  genere  litterarum  peritus,    sed  in  eloquendo  parum  facilis  et 
miniis    comptus   et  multum  obscurus   fuit.     ergo    ne    hie    quidem    satis 
celebritatis    invenit.     Besides    his    obscurity,    his    Montanism    was    also 
much  in  his  way.     His    theological    works    may   be    divided   into    two 
classes,  one  of  a  general  Christian  and  one  of  a  Montanistic  character.    To 
the  first  belong  among  the  writings  we  possess  his   Apologeticum,    Ad 
nationes  libri  H,     De  testimonio  animae,     De  cultu   feminarum  II,     De 
patientia,    De   paenitentia,    De    oratione,    De  baptismo.    Ad  uxorem  H, 
Ad  martyres,    Adversus  ludaeos.     A  certain  bent  to  Montanism   is    in- 
dicated by  the  treatise   De   corona  militis  and  further  by  the  treatises 
in  which  Montanistic    views    are    developed    in   a  positive  manner,    De 
fuga  in  persecutione,  De  exhortatione  castitatis,  De  virginibus  velandis, 
De  monogamia,    De  pudicitia,    De   praescriptionibus   haereticorum,    De 
anima,  De  carne  Christi,  De  resurrectlone  carnis,  Scorpiacum,  Ad  Sca- 
pulam,  De  idololatria,  De  spectaculis,  and  in  those  which  are  intended 
to  defend  them  against    literary    or    dogmatic  attacks:     De  ieiunio  ad- 
versus psychicos  (=  catholicos,  as  opposed  to  pneumatici  or  Montanists), 
Adversus  Praxean,     Adv.  Hermogenem,     adv.  Marcionem  libri  V,    Adv. 
Valentinianos.     Those    writings    of   Tert.  which  admit  of  chronological 
determination  fall  between  199  and  212.   The  most  positive  date  given 
is  adv.    Marc.  I    15:     ad  XV    iam   Severi    imperatoris  =  a.  207.     J.  A. 
Nosselt,    de  vera  aetate  ac  doctrina  scriptorum  Tert.    in  his  Opusc.  ad 
hist.  eccl.  HI  p.  1  sqq.  ==  Tertull.  ed.  Oehler  HI  p.  540—619.     G.  Uhl- 


Tertidlian.  277 

horn,  fundamenta  chronologiae  Tertullianeae,  Getting.  1852.  Kellner, 
on  the  chronology  of  Tert.  1  (de  pallio  and  his  year  of  conversionp93) 
Tiib.  theolog.  Quartalschr.  LII  (1870)  p.  547-566.  II  ibid.  LEI  (1871) 
p.  585—609. 

3.  The  sect  of  the  Montanists  arose  in  Phrygia  and  their 
doctrine  rests  on  a  onesided  exaggeration  of  Christian  religious  feeHng, 
which  manifested  itself  in  ecstatic  visions  and  chiliastic  dreams  of  the 
approaching  end  of  the  world  {owTiUia)  and  the  joys  of  heavenly 
Jerusalem,  for  which  it  was  necessary  to  prepare  by  strict  ascetic 
habits  (abstinence  of  meat  and  wine,  theatre,  veiling  of  \drgins,  chas- 
tity etc.).  x^nalogous  appearances  may  be  found  in  almost  every  one 
century  of  Christianity,  e.  g.  Anabaptists,  Camisards,  Irvingians  etc. 
Montanism  found  a  very  fertile  soil  among  the  female  sex  (prophetes- 
ses). But  such  a  mind  as  Tertul.  thought  it  interesting  to  occupy  a 
higher  pinnacle  of  piety  than  the  rest  of  the  congregation  and  to  be 
a  direct  instrument  of  the  divine  spirit;  his  hatred  of  all  halfness  being 
naturally  pleased  with  the  strictness  of  the  Montanists.  J.  C.  A.  Schweg- 
ier,  Montanism  and  the  Christian  church  of  the  second  century.  Tub. 
1841  and  on  this  L.  Georgii  in  the  German  Jahrb.  1842,  p.  45—59. 
129 — 151.  J.  Ch.  Baur,  Eccles.  Hist,  of  the  three  first  centuries  (Tiib- 
1863)  p.  235—245. 

4.  Among  the  works  of  Tert.  much  interest  attaches  to  the  Apo- 
logeticum,  composed  a.  199,  an  apology  addressed  to  the  rom. 
imperii  antistites  (praesides)  and  containing  elaborate  explanations  con- 
cerning the  political  and  legal  charges  (not  treated  by  Minucius  Felix) 
brought  against  the  Christians  on  account  of  not  worshipping  the  Gods 
and  Emperors,  and  being  indifferent  or  even  hostile  to  the  State.  Cf. 
A.  Ebert  (above  368,  7)  p.  342—349.  Besides  the  Octavius  (above  368,  1) 
Tert.  seems  to  have  employed  Justinus'  dnokoytcc.  The  attack  is  cut- 
ting and  bitter,  the  diction  rhetorical  and  original.  Editions  by  S. 
Havercamp  (Lugd.  B.  1718),  Fr.  Oehler  (with  adnot.,  Halle  1849),  J. 
Kayser  (Paderborn  1865).  J.  L.  Mosheim.  de  vera  aetate  apol.  a  Tert. 
conscripti  initioque  persecutionis  Severi,  in  Oehler's  ed.  of  Tert.  IH 
p.  490—510. 

5.  Of  importance  for  the  history  of  general  culture  and  the  study 
of  antiquities  are  especially  the  works  Ad  nationes,  De  idololatria,  De 
spectaculis,  De  pallio  (ed.  CI.  Salmasius,  Paris  1622.  Lugd.  B.  1656). 
The  treatise  Adversus  ludaeos  agrees  almost  verbally  with  adv.  Marc. 
ni  (Semler  p.  640 — 657  ap.  Oehler);  adv.  Valent.  is  a  free  translation 
of  Irenaeus  c.  haer.  I  (Semler  ib.  p.  658 — 681).  Ad  nationes  is  in  parts 
a  repetition  of  the  apolog.  In  the  earlier  edd.  a  spurious  work  adver- 
sus haereses  is  appended  to  the  work  de  praescr.  haer.  On  the  treatise 
contra  Praxean  see  R.  A.  Lipsius  in  Liebner's  Annals  of  German  Theo- 
logy XIH  (1868)  p.  701—724. 

6.  In  some  mss.  saec.  IX  and  X  some  Christian  poems  (de  So- 
doma,    de  lona)    are   ascribed    to    Tert.,    though    without  much  reason, 


278  The  Second  Centun-  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

no  doubt  merely  because  they  had  once  been  copied  or  bound  together 
with  Tert.'s  works.  Comp.  L.  Miiller,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXII  p.  329— 
344.     464. 

7.  The  editions  of  the  works  of  Tert.  are  enumerated  by  Schone- 
mann,  Bibl.  historico  -  litteraria  patrum  I  p.  9  sqq.  Ed.  princeps  per 
B.  Rhenanum,  Basil.  1521  fol.  Cum  adnotatt.  J.  Pamelii,  Antv.  1579 
fol.,  Franeker  1597  and  elsewhere.  Cum  observ.  N.  Rigaltii,  Lutet. 
1634.  1641  fol.  and  elsewhere.  Rec.  J.  S.  Semler,  Halle  1770.  6  vols. 
Cura  Fr.  Oberthiir,  Wiirzburg  1780,  2  vols.  Ed.  Leopold,  Lips.  1839 
sqq.  (in  Gersdorf's  Bibl.  patr.).  In  Migne's  Patrolog.  curs.  vol.  I — III. 
Tert.  quae  supersunt  omnia,  ed.  Franc.  Oehler,  Lips.  1853  sq.,  3  vols., 
Vol.  ni  (Lips.  1851)  being  a  collection  of  the  treatises  De  Tert.  vita 
by  J.  Pamelius,  P.  Allix,  N.  de  Nourrj  (diss,  in  apolog.,  ad  nat.,  ad 
Scap.),  J.  L.  Mosheim  (see  n.  4.),  G.  Zentner,  J.  A.  Nosselt  (see  n.  2), 
J.  S.  Semler  (de  varia  et  incerta  indole  librorum  Tert.)  and  J.  Kaye 
(de  Tert.  et  eius  scriptis,  p.  697 — 729).  Ed.  minor  cum  adn.  crit.  et 
indicibus,  Lips.  1854. 

8.  Coenen,  comm.  de  Tert.,  Utrecht  1825.  128  pp.  A.  Neander, 
Antignosticus,  on  the  spirit  of  Tertul.,  with  an  introd.  to  his  works, 
Berlin  1825.  1849.  K.  Hesselberg,  Tert's.  doctrine,  developed  from  his 
works.  I.  Introd.,  Life  and  Writings,  Dorpat  1848.  135  pp.  Grotemeyer, 
on  Tert.  Life  and  works,  I.  Kempen  1863.  4.  A.  Hauber,  Tert.'s  struggles 
against  a  second  Christian  marriage,  theol.  Studies  and  Criticisms  by 
Ullmann  1845,  p.  607—662.  F.  A.  Burckhardt,  Tert.'s  doctrine  on  the 
soul,  Budissin  1857.  4.  Dupin,  auteurs  eccles.  I  (ed.  1688)  p.  274—379 
(p.  320  sq.  an  excellent  delineation  of  Tert.)  R.  Ceillier,  hist,  gener. 
des  auteurs  s.  et  eccl.  II  (1730)  p.  374 — 529.  Eccles.  hist,  works,  e.  g. 
by  F.  Bohringer,  Eccles.  Hist,  in  biographies  (Ziirich  1864)  p.  11—767. 

9.  P.  Langen,  de  usu  praepositionum  Tertullianeo,  Miinster  1868. 
18  pp.  4.  See  above  343,  4.  J.  Schmidt,  de  latinitate  Tert.,  Erlangen 
1870.     35  pp.    4. 

370.  Helenius  Acron,  the  commentator  of  Terence  and 
Horace,  perhaps  also  of  Persius,  and  Pomponius  Porphyrion, 
a  grammarian  and  commentator  of  Horace  and  Lucan,  seem 
to  belong  to  the  end  of  the  second  century.  The  schoha  of 
Porphyrion  are  still  extant.  In  the  beginning  of  the  third 
century  we  possess  a  grammar  by  Dositheus  together  with 
exercises  in  Latin  and  Greek.  Of  the  writings  of  the  learned 
Sammonicus  Serenus  the  Elder,  a  great  friend  of  books,  no- 
thing has  come  down  to  us.  In  the  same  way,  we  know  of 
those  of  Statilius  Maximus  on  Cato  Major  and  on  Cicero  only 
from   quotations.    We  may  add  that   Festus,    the    author  of 


i 


Acron.     Dositheus.  279 

the  abridgment  of  Verrius  Flaccus,  would  also  seem  to  belong 
to  this  period,  unless  he  be  even  older. 

1.  Helenius  Acro's  commentaries  on  Terence's  Eunuchus  and 
Adelphoe  are  quoted  13  times  by  Charisius  (from  Julius  Romanus). 
E.  g.  p.  210  K. :  Terentius  in  Eunucho  (v.  5):  nil  prius  n.  f.,  ubi  Hele- 
nium  Acronem  errasse  dicendum  est,  qui  prius  sic  intellexit  etc.  Cf. 
ib.  p.  201,  3.  216,  9.  Helenius  Acron  commentariis  quos  Adelphis 
Terenti  non  indiligentes  attulit,  ib.  p.  192  cf.  p.  200,  16.  219,  5.  126, 
17.  130,  12.  197,  25.  210,  11  also  p.  119,  12  sqq.:  id  Helenius  Acron 
sic  oportere  dici  in  eadem  Terentii  fabula  (Adelph.)  disputavit  Verrium- 
que  dicit  errare  etc.  .  .  qui  autem  cum  Helenio  faciunt  banc  aft'erunt 
causam  etc.  He  would  appear  to  have  lived  (after  Gellius,  who  does 
not  mention  him,  and)  before  Romanus.  For  his  commentary  on 
Horace  see  above  235,  3.  Porphyr.  on  Hor.  S.  I  8,  25  (II  p.  150  Hth.): 
memini  me  legere  apud  Helenium  Acronem,  Saganam  nomine  fuisse 
Horatii  temporibus  etc.  This  is  perhaps  from  the  work  de  personis 
horatianis.  He  also  seems  to  have  written  a  commentary  on  Persius. 
Schol.  Pers.  II  56 :  Acron  tradit  quod  etc.,  and  Parrhasius  (in  Gruteri 
Lampas  I  p.  735)  says:  incidi  in  Probi  grammatici  commentarios  in 
primam  Persii  satiram.  .  .  in  iis  ita  scriptum  legimus:  curas  (v.  1) 
Acroni  proprie  dicere  videtur  etc.  Hence  0.  Jahn  (Persius  p.  CLIX) 
assigns  to  (Helenius)  Aero  those  parts  of  the  Scho'.ia  of  Cornutus  which 
exhibit  too  much  information  to  suit  Cornutus  and  still  cannot  be 
traced  back  to  Valerius  Probus.  There  are  no  certain  traces  of  a  com- 
mentary on  Virgil  by  Aero;  Ribbeck  Prolegg.  p.  175.  Cf.  Grafenhan, 
Hist,  of  Class.  Philol.  IV  p.  308-313. 

2.  The  name  of  Aero  is  (as  early  as  in  a  glossary  of  saec.  VIII, 
at  the  latest  X,  see  Usener  Rhein.  Mus.  XXIII  p.  190  sq.)  given  to  a 
collection  of  Scholia  on  Horace  made  between  saec.  VII  and  IX.  On 
S.  I  5,  97  Theoctistus  (whom  see)  a  grammarian  of  saec.  VI,  is  men- 
tioned. The  original  author  of  these  Scholia  appears  to  have  before 
him  the  genuine  Aero  (n.  1)  and  Porphyrio  (n.  4) ;  but  this  ground- 
work is  quite  overlaid  with  a  number  of  worthless  mediaeval  obser- 
vations by  various  authors.  0.  Keller,  Symb.  phil.  Bonn.  p.  499—502 
thought  that  he  could  distinguish  two  portions,  the  earlier  being  of  the 
beginning  of  saec.  V,  the  later  of  the  close  of  the  same  century.  Cf. 
J.  Schlenger  in  the  Progr.  of  the  College  at  Mayence,  1868,  p.  1  sq. 
and  the  works  enumerated  above  235,  4. 

3.  A  St.  Gall  ms.  saec.  IX — X  of  70  leaves  contains  on  fol.  1 — 31 
the  grammatica  Dosithei  magistri,  with  a  verbal  translation  into 
Greek  (e.g.  2^,yb  i&^i/rj  grammatica /^«/i,M«T*x>y  est  f-oiiv  SGiQuim  ynoai^g)^ 
which  becomes  scanty  soon  after  the  explanation  of  the  noun  and 
finally  disappears  altogether,  perhaps  because  the  scribe  became  tired 
of  such  tedious  work.  Besides  the  Grammar  there  are  also  exercises 
for  translation  {(Qfjrjufvuara),  e.  g.  (with  the  date  of  a.  207)  from  Hygini 


280  The  Second  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

genealogia  (above  257,  5),  Adrian's  ccnoi^aofig  (above  341,  5),  the  piece 
de  manumissionibus  (above  364,  5).  C.  Lachmann,  Essay  on  Dositheus, 
Berlin  1837.  4.  H.  E.  Dirksen,  on  the  legal  sources  of  the  Mag.  Do- 
sitheus, Posthumous  Writings  II  p.  392  sqq.  Besides  these  parts,  which 
had  already  been  published,  H.  Keil  has  recently  edited  the  first  part 
of  the  grammar  (quae  est  de  arte  grammatica  et  de  octo  partibus  ora- 
tionis) :  Dosithei  ars  grammatica  ex  codice  Sangallensi,  Halle  1869—71. 
70  pp.  4.  It  is  derived  from  the  same  sources  as  Charisius,  Diomed, 
Donatus  and  others.  By  rendering  every  Latin  word  in  Greek  a  pecu- 
liar jargon  has  arisen.  Critical  contributions  by  H.  Hagen,  Lit.  Central- 
blatt  1871,  p.  1269  sq.  See  Boucherie,  Comptes  rendus  de  I'acad.  des 
inscr.  1868,  p.  270  sqq.,  and  on  him  Steup,  de  Probis  p.  41  not.  Fol. 
32 — 70  of  the  ms.  contain  various  astrological  and  chronological 
treatises. 

4.  Pomponius  Porphyrio  (according  to  the  Munich  ms.  of  the 
Scholia)  lived  between  140  and  300,  probably  c.  200—250,  and  seems 
to  have  been  a  native  of  Africa  and  adherent  of  Fronto,  though  well 
acquainted  with  Rome  and  a  large  part  of  Italy.  lul.  Romanus  ap.  Charis, 
p.  220,  28  K. :  ut  Porphyrio  ex  Verrio  et  Festo  etc.  Schol.  Lucan.  I 
214:  Porfirion  puniceum  interpretatus  est  quasi  phoeniceum,  .  .  Cornu- 
tus  vero  etc.  His  commentary  on  Horace  exhibits  far  more  judgment 
than  Pseudo-Acro  (n.  2)  and  is  chiefly  devoted  to  the  logical,  rhetori- 
cal and  grammatical  explanation,  while  he  rarely  touches  on  the  sub- 
ject-matter. In  the  Middle  Ages  this  commentary  was  far  less  used 
than  that  of  Pseudo-Acro  and  has,  therefore,  suffered  less  from  inter- 
polation. 0.  Keller,  Symb.  phil.  Bonn.  p.  491 — 499.  E.  Schweikert 
above  235,  4  extr.)  p.  31—36.  44.  W.  Meyer,  Contributions  towards  the 
criticism  of  Porphyrion's  Scholia  on  Horace,  Munich  1870.     45  pp. 

5.  Macrob.  HI  16,  6:    temporibus  Severi  principis,    qui  ostentabat 
duritiam  morum    (i.  e.  Septimius  Sev.),    Sammonicus   Serenus,    vir 
saeculo  suo  doctus,   cum  ad  principem  suum  scriberet,    verba  Plinii  .  . 
praemisit  etc.     Spartian.  Geta  5,  5 :  Sereni  Sammonici  libros  familiaris- 
simos  habuit  quos  ille   ad  Antoninum    (Geta   himself?)    scripsit.     Erro- 
neous if  indeed  of  Samm.,  Lyd.  de  magistr.  HI  32  extr. :  xal  lavra  ^sv 
Tif-qi  Toiv  7ioTa/u(oy  (Rhine  and  Danube)    xard  2afiioxop  (?)    rop  Qoj^uatop 
laroQixop,  og  nqog  Jioxkrjrifcpop  xal  VakiQiop  top  y^QOPra  tisqI  noixik(x)P 
Ct}Ti]^uc'(T(i)p  difkfx&t].    Spartian  Carac.  4,  4:  occisi  (a.  212)  nonnulli  etiam 
cenantes,  inter  quos  etiam  Sanimonicus  Serenus,  cuius  libri  plurimi  ad 
doctrinam    extant.     Macrob.  Ill  9,  6:    repperi    in    libro    quinto    Rerum 
reconditarum  Sammonici  Sereni    utrumque    carmen.     Sidon.  Apoll.    ad 
Polem.  (before  carm.  14) :  sine  M.  Varrone,  sine  Sereno,  non  Septimio, 
sed   Sammonico,     sine    Censorino    etc.     ad    Leont.    (before    carm.  22) : 
luliuni  Firmicum,  Sammonicum  Saturninum  (?),  in  libris  matheseos  peri- 
tissimos  conditores,  .  .  didicisse.     Cf.  Arnob.  adv.  g.  VI  7.     Serv.  Ge.  I 
30.  102.     Capitol.  Gordian.  18,  2:    Sereno  Sammonico,    qui    patris    eius 
amicissimus,  sibi  autem  praeceptor  fuit,  nimis  acceptus  et  carus,  usque 


Serenus  Sammonicus.     Statilws  Maximus.  281 

adeo  ut  omnes  libros  Sereni  Sammonici  patris  sui,   qui  censebantur  ad 
sexaginta  et  duo  milia,  Gordiano  minori  moriens  iile  relinqueret. 

6.  Statilius  Maximus  is  never  mentioned  by  Gellius,  and  thus 
appears  to  be  later.  On  the  other  hand  Julius  Romanus  (below  375) 
in  Charisius  often  quotes  observations  by  him  concerning  adverbs.  Cf. 
Charis.  p.  194,  11  K. :  licet  St.  M.  de  singularibus  apud  Ciceronem  quo- 
que  positis  notat.  Cf.  ib.  p.  196,  4  (cf.  Cic.  de  inv.  II  12,  42).  209,  4 
(quod  St.  M.  notat  nesciens  etc.)  212,  16.  213,  13.  214,  17.  215,  22. 
217,  3  and  8.  218,  28.  219,  24  sq.  A  similar  work  by  St.  M.  on  Ci- 
cero senex  is  indicated  by  the  citations  ib.  p.  202,  11.  (206,  9.)  217,  14. 
220,  16.  240,  1  K.  The  arrangement  of  these  works  of  St.  was  pro- 
bably lexical.  Grafenhan,  Hist,  of  Class.  Phil.  IV  p.  234  sq.  From  some 
good  old  mss.  it  appears  that  St.  M.  emended  the  speeches  of  Cicero; 
see  the  subscription:  Statilius  Maximus  rursus  emendavi  ad  Tyronem 
et  Laetanianum  et  Domm.  et  alios  veteres.  Ill  oratio  eximia.  0.  Jahn, 
Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Society  of  Lit.  1851  p.  329  sq. 

7.  On  Festus  see  above  256,  5  sqq.  If  Porphyrio  had  already 
quoted  him  (see  n.  4),  F'estus  would  appear  to  belong  to  the  middle  of 
the  second  century. 

8.  A  certain  Aquila  {Axvkag)  yQa^u/uaTrxog  xal  /^ovatxog  and  (fji,ko- 
coqjog,  a)(okici  koyixd  ysyQc((fjojg  tisqI  GvlkoyLOfxiov  is  mentioned  by  Suid. 
s.  V.  (I  p.  188  Bnh.). 

C.     The  third  century,   A.  D.  211  —  305. 
The  first  half,    a.  211-253. 

371.  This  period  contains  the  reign  of  Caracalla  (a.  211 
—217),  Macrinus  (a.  217),  Elagabalus  (a.  217—222),  Alexan- 
der Severus  (222—235),  Maximinus  (235—238),  Gordianus  I 
and  II  (238),  Gordianus  III  (238—244),  Philippus  Arabs  (244 
—249),  Deciiis  Traianus  (249—251),  Gallus  (251—253).  Only 
the  reigns  of  Caracalla,  Alexander  and  Gordianus  III  lasted 
some  time.  During  these  years  the  general  regress  was  con- 
tinued, nay  it  now  even  began  to  extend  to  Jurisprudence. 
In  comparison  with  Papinian,  the  works  of  Ulpian  and  Paulus 
bear  rather  the  character  of  compilations  and  revisions  of 
extant  materials.  Censorinus  and  Julius  Romanus  were  re- 
spectable scholars;  likewise  Gargilius  Martialis.  Historical 
composition  was  represented  by  the  predecessor  of  the  scrip- 
tores  historiae  augustae,  Marius  Maximus.  But  Cassius  Die 
and  Herodianus  wrote  in  Greek.  Christianity  produced  Cy- 
prian, and  its  first  poet,  Commodianus,  who,  however,  wrote 
in  a  barbarous  prosody.     Serenus  Samonicus  exhibits   the  in- 


282  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

fluence  of  the  age  of  the  Antonines  in  his  fondness  of  archaic 
forms.  The  provinces,  to  which  Caracalla's  Constitutio  An- 
toniniana  of  a.  212  had  granted  equal  rights  with  Italy,  con- 
tributed largely  to  literature,  just  as  they  furnished  many 
Emperors  to  the  throne. 

1.  Bassianus  Caracalla  (or  Caracallus),  born  4  April  188,  Caesar 
(M,  Aurelius  Antoninus)  196,  appointed  Augustus  by  his  father  Sept. 
Severus  198,  his  successor  Febr.  211,  at  first  with  his  brother  (P.  Septi- 
mius)  Geta,  after  whose  assassination  he  reigned  alone.  He  was  killed 
8  April  217.  Consecrated  uiider  the  name  of  Antoninus  Magnus.  Ulp. 
Dig.  15,  17:  in  orbe  romano  qui  sunt  ex  constitutione  imperatoris  An- 
tonini  (cf,  Dio  LXXVII  9)  cives  romani  effecti  sunt. 

2.  Caracalla's  praef.  praet.  and  assassin  Opilius  Macrinus  reigned 
with  his  son  Diadumenus  during  one  year  and  two  months.  Both  were 
assassinated.  Capit.  Macrin.  14,  4:  quod  cum  Macrinus  audisset  fecit 
iambos,  qui  non  extant,  iucundissimi  autem  fuisse  dicuntur.  Cf.  lb. 
11,  5:  hos  versus  nescio  qui  latinos  .  .  in  foro  posuit.  quibus  acceptis 
Macrinus  his  versibus  respondisse  fertur  (two  distichs). 

3.  Elagabal,  originally  Varius  Avitus  Bassianus,  the  son  of  Soae- 
mias,  whom  his  grandmother  lulia  Maesa  declared  to  be  a  son  of  Ca- 
racalla, hence  called  M.  Aurelius  Antoninus  fleliog.,  assassinated  by  the 
Praetorian  guard  March  222.  He  was  succeeded  by  the  son  of  his 
aunt  (lulia)  Mammaea: 

4.  Alexander  Aug.  (always  so  called  in  legal  works),  adopted  by 
Elagabal,  which  Alex,  however  disclaimed  afterwards  and  called  him- 
self the  son  of  Antoninus  Magnus  (n.  1).  As  Caesar  he  was  called  M. 
Aurelius  Alexander,  as  Augustus  also  Severus.  He  was  born  c.  205, 
reigned  since  222,  and  was  killed  March  235.  Lamprid.  Alex.  27,  5 
sqq. :  facundiae  graecae  magis  quam  latinae  nee  versu  invenustus.  .  . 
vitas  principum  bonorum  versibus  scripsit.  K.  Salzer,  the  Syrian  Em- 
perors Heliog.  and  Alex.  Sev.,  Heidelberg  1866.  Lamprid.  Alex.  44,  4 
sq. :  rhetoribus,  grammaticis,  medicis,  haruspicibus,  mathematicis, 
mechanicis,  architectis  salaria  instituit  et  auditoria  decrevit  et  disci- 
pulos  cum  annonis  pauperum  filios,  modo  ingenuos,  dari  iussit  (at 
Rome),  etiam  in  provinciis  oratoribus  forensibus  multum  detulit,  pie- 
risque  etiam  annonas  dedit,  quos  constitisset  gratis  agere.  68,  1 :  ut 
scias  qui  viri  in  eius  consilio  fuerint:  Fabius  Sabinus,  Sabini  insignis 
viri  filius,  Cato  temporis  sui ;  Domitius  Ulpianus,  iuris  peritissimus; 
Aelius  Gordianus,  Gordiani  imp.  filius  scientia  iuris  insignis;  lulius 
Paulus,  iuris  peritissimus;  Claudius  Venacus,  orator  amplisfaimus;  Ca- 
tilius  Severus,  cognatus  eius,  vir  omnium  doctissimus;  Aelius  Serenia- 
nus,  omnium  vir  sanctissimus ;  Quintilius  Marcellus,  quo  meliorem  ne 
historiae  quidem  continent. 


The  Emperors.  283 

5.  C.  lulius  Maximinus  (litterarum  fere  rudis,  Aur.  Vict.  Caes.  25) 
and  his  cognominous  son,  reigned  three  years,  and  were  killed  a.  238 
by  Pupienus. 

6.  M.  Antonius  Gordianus  (a.  158-238)  and  his  son  (Gord. 
iunior,  193 — 238)  reigned  only  36  days.  The  father,  vita  venerabilis, 
cum  Platone  semper,  cum  Aristotele,  cum  Tullio,  cum  Vergilio  ceteris- 
que  veteribus  agens,  alium  quam  merebatur  exitum  passus  est,  Cajjitol. 
Gord.  7,  1.  Adulescens  cum  esset  .  .  poemata  scripsit,  quae  omnia 
extant,  et  quidem  cuncta  ilia  quae  Cicero  (above  176,  2).  .  .  scripsit, 
praeterea  queraadmodum  Vergilius  Aeneidos  .  .  ita  etiam  ille  Antoni- 
niados  (libros),  h.  e.  Antoninum  Pium  et  Antonium  Marcum  versibus 
disertissimis  libris  XXX  vitam  illorum  et  bella  et  publice  privatimque 
gesta  perscribens.  et  haec  quidem  puerulus.  .  .  ubi  adolevit  .  .  contro- 
versias  declamavit  etc.  ib.  3,  3  sq.  Scripsit  et  laudes  soluta  oratione 
omnium  Antoniorum  qui  ante  eum  fuerunt.  ib.  4,  7.  His  grandson  (by 
a  daughter,  Orelli-Henzen  5529  sq.,  cf.  Capitol.  Gord.  4,  2),  Gordianus 
III  reigned  at  first  together  w^ith  Clodius  Pupienus  Maximus  and  Cae- 
cilius  Balbinus,  and  alone  after  their  speedy  downfall.  Duxit  uxorem 
filiam  Misithei  (or  Timesithei)  doctissimi  viri,  quem  causa  eloquentiae 
.  .  praefectum  statim  fecit,  Capitol.  Gord.  23,  6.  Extat  et  soceri  eius 
ad  eum  epistula  et  ipsius  Gordiani  ad  socerum,  qua  intellegitur  eius 
saeculum  emendatius  ac  diligentius  socero  adiuvante  perfectum,  ib.  24,  1 
and  the  letters  ib.  24,  2 — 25.  4.  0 ratio  Gordiani  ad  senatum  in  praise 
of  Timesitheus  ib.  27,  4  sqq.  But  Gordianu*  M.  Philippi  (n.  7)  praef. 
praet.  insidiis  periit  sexennio  imperii  (Febr.  244),  Victor  Caes.  27,  8. 

7.  M.  lulius  Philippus  Arabs  Thraconites  and  his  son  Philippus 
annos  potentiae  quinque  egere  (Victor  Caes.  28,  1.  11).  A.  248  =  1001 
V.  C.  the  Millennium  of  Rome  was  celebrated. 

8.  C.  Messius  Q.  Traianus  Decius,  Sirmiensium  vico  ortus,  and 
his  son  Etruscus  (Caesar),  fell  in  the  war  with  the  Goths,  a.  251. 

9.  Gallus  and  Hostilianus  Augusti;  but  Host,  died  soon;  then 
Gallus'  son,  Volusianus,  became  Caesar.  Father  and  son  were  supplanted 
and  killed  by  AemiHus  Aemilianus,  who  reigned  only  three  months, 
and  all  together  reigned  only  two  years.     Victor  Caes.  30  sq. 

372.  The  literary  works  of  the  Jurist  Domitius  Ulpianus 
from  Tyre,  praef.  praet.  under  Elagabal  and  Alexander  (Seve- 
rus)  and  for  some  time  all-powerful  under  the  latter,  but  assas- 
sinated a.  228,  were  almost  exclusively  composed  in  the  reign 
of  Caracalla,  The  most  important  of  his  numerous  works 
were  the  83  books  Ad  edictum  and  the  51  books  Ad  Sabinum. 
His  Regularum  liber  singularis  and  Institutionum  libri  II  are 
extant,  but  only  in  fragments.  His  works  enjoyed  for  a  long 
time   high   authority  on  account  of  their  abundance  of  mate- 


284  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

rials,  combined  with  pertinent  criticism  and  a  clear  style.  In 
Justinian's  Digest  the  Extracts  from  his  works  form  a  full 
third  of  the  whole  work. 

1.  Ulp.  Dig.  L  15,  1  pr. :  est  in  Syria  Phoenice  splendidissima 
Tyriorum  colonia,  unde  mihi  origo  est.  Spartian.  Pescenn.  Nig.  7,  4: 
Paulus  (below  373)  et  Ulpianus  .  .  Papiniano  in  consilio  fuerunt  ac 
postea,  cum  unus  ad  memoriam,  alter  ad  libellos  paruisset,  statim  prae- 
fecti  facti  sunt.  Lamprid.  Heliogab.  16,  4:  removit  et  Ulpianum  ictum, 
ut  bonum  virum,  et  Silvinum  rhetorem,  quem  magistrum  Caesaris  fece- 
rat.  et  Silvinus  quidem  occisus  est,  Ulpianus  vero  reservatus.  Alexand. 
Sev.  26,  5:  Paulum  et  Ulpianum  in  magno  honore  habuit,  quos  prae- 
fectos  ab  Heliogabalo  alii  dicunt  factos,  alii  ab  ipso,  nam  et  consilia- 
rius  Alexandri  et  magister  scrinii  Ulpianus  fuisse  perhibetur,  qui  tamen 
ambo  assessores  Papiniani  fuisse  dicuntur.  Vict.  Caes.  24,  6:  Domitium 
Ulpianum,  quem  Heliogabalus  praetorianis  praefecerat,  eodem  honore 
retinens  Pauloque  inter  exordia  patriae  reddito,  iuris  auctoribus,  quan- 
tus  erga  optimos  atque  aequi  studiosos  asset  edocuit.  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev. 
51,  4:  Ulpianum  pro  tutore  habuit,  primum  repugnante  matre,  deinde 
gratias  agente,  .  .  atque  ideo  summus  imperator  fuit  quod  eius  consi- 
liis  praecipue  remp.  rexit.  15,  6:  negotia  et  causas  prius  a  scriniorum 
principibus  et  doctissimis  iurisperitis  et  sibi  fidelibus,  quorum  primus 
tunc  Ulpianus  fuit,  tractari  .  .  praecepit.  31,  2:  neque  umquam  solum 
quemquam  nisi  praefectum  suum  vidit,  et  quidera  Ulpianum,  ex  asses- 
sore  semper  suo,  causa  iustitiae  singulis.  See  also  ib.  27,  2.  34,  6. 
67,  2.  Cod.  VIII  38,  4  (of  30  March  222) :  secundum  responsum  Do- 
mitii  Ulpiani,  praefecti  annonae,  icti,  amici  mei.  IV  65,  5  (of  i  De- 
cember 222) :  ad  Domitium  Ulpianum,  praefectum  praet.  et  parentem 
meum.  Dio  LXXX  1:  ^Al^lavdqog  .  .  Jo/untot  r^vt  Ovkniavia  rrjv  ts 
Tcoy  doQv'fOQMy  TiQoaraaffcv  xcd  ret  komct  r^g  «(>/^?  tnfTQfipf-  nqay^uara. 
ib.  2:  o  Ovkmavog  nokkd  fx(v  riov  ovx  oQdiog  vno  tov  Ha^d'avanakkov 
7iQa)(d'^vroiv  intjyojQdioaf,  lov  ds  di]  <t>kaovvav6v  tov  if  XQrJGTOv  anoxTfi- 
vag,  IV  avTovg  diad'f^tjTctt ,  xal  avrog  ov  nokkM  vajs^ov  vno  r(Zv  doqv- 
<fOQ(i)v  tni,&futvo)V  Of,  vvxTog  xaj&Giictyrj,  xccinsQ  xal  n^og  ro  7iakan,ov 
((vaO^a/Liiov  xat  nqog  ccvtov  tov  avToxQaroQa  Trjv  Tf  fxriTiQa  ccvtov  xaTct- 
(^)vyo)v.  The  principal  author  of  this  Dio  states  to  have  been  a  certain 
Epagathos.  See  more  details  in  Zosim.  I  11.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  2242 
=  228  A.  D. :  Ulpianus  ictus  assessor  Alexandri  insignissimus  habetur. 
This  is  rather  the  year  in  which  Ulpian  died. 

2.  Before  the  death  of  Severus  (a.  211)  Ulpian  published  only  his 
liber  singularis  de  excusationibus,  of  which  the  later  work  de  officio 
praetoris  tutelaris,  published  under  Caracalla,  is  so  to  say  the  second 
edition  (Mommsen).  The  commentary  on  the  Edict,  or  at  least  the  first 
half  of  it,  was  also  written  under  Severus,  though  not  edited  until 
afterwards,  or,  if  indeed  it  was  published  before,  it  was  subsequently 
revised.     The  majority    of   his  publications  belongs  to  the  time  of  the 


I 


Ulpian.  285 

sole  power  of  Caracalla  (a.  211 — 217)  or  was  finally  revised  by  him  in 
this  time.  Caracalla  is  in  them  always  mentioned  as  living  (imperator). 
Only  the  five  books  de  adulteriis  would  seem  to  have  been  written 
under  Macrinus  (or  Elagabal).  Fitting,  the  age  of  the  Writ.  p.  34 — 44, 
with  Th.  Mommsen,  Zeitschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch.  IX  p.  101  sq.  113  sq. 
Lamprid.  Heliog.  16,  2  is  erroneous:  Sabinum  consularem,  ad  quern 
libros  Ulpianus  scripsit,  .  .  iussit  occidi.     See  rather  above  276,  1. 

3.  The  so-called  Fragmenta  Ulpiani  have  been  preserved  in 
a  Vatican  ms.  saec.  X  and  are  there  styled  Tituli  ex  corpore  Ulpiani. 
They  belong  to  his  liber  singularis  Regularum.  Both  the  arrangement 
and  execution  agree  with  Gaius.  Much  is  missing  at  the  beginning, 
and  much  at  the  end;  the  middle  parts  are  unskilful  excerpts  from 
Ulpian's  work.  Huschke,  iurisprud.  anteiust.^  p.  467—470.  Editio  prin- 
ceps  by  Jo.  Tilius,  Paris  1549.  Editions  (chiefly  with  the  Inst.,  n.  4) 
by  Hugo  (Gotting.  1788.  1811.  1814.  1822.  1834),  E.  Bocking  (Bonn 
1831.  1836.  1845.  ed.  IV  Lips.  1855,  with  an  essay  by  Th.  Mommsen, 
de  Ulp.  regul.  libro  sing.),  J.  Vahlen  (Bonn  1856).  Also  in  R.  Gneist's 
Instit.  syntagma  (Lips.  1858)  and  Buschke's  iurisprud.  anteiust.^  p.  472 
—521.  Heimbach,  on  Ulp.'s  fragments,  Leipzig  1834.  K.  D.  A.  Roder, 
Critical  Attempts  on  Ulpian's  fragments,  Gott.  1856.   99  pp. 

4.  Of  the  first  book  of  the  Institutions  of  Ulp.  some  frag- 
ments were  discovered  by  Endlicher  a.  1835  on  part  of  a  binding  in 
the  library  at  Vienna,  originally  appertaining  to  saec.  V.  Endlicher,  de 
inst.  Ulp.  fragmento  Vindob.  nuper  reperto,  Wien  1835.  Cf.  Th.  Momm- 
sen, in  Savigny's  Zeitschr.  f.  gesch.  Rechtswiss.  XV  (Berl.  1850)  p.  372 
sqq.  Huschke,  iurisprud.  anteiust.^  p.  522—524.  Edited  (see  n.  3) 
e.  g.  by  Huschke  1.  1.  p.  525—527.  F.  P.  Bremer,  de  Dom.  Ulp.  instit. 
scripsit  atque  earundem  inst.  reliquias  adiecit,  Bonn  1863.  106  pp.  Be- 
sides that  ms.,  thirteen  passages  of  the  work  occur  in  the  Pandect 
(Hommel  Paling.  HI  p.  411  and  413),  others  in  the  Collatio  legum.  See 
the  complete  collection  in  P.  Kriiger's  Critical  Attempts  on  Roman 
Law  (Berlin  1870)  p.  163-172,  cf.  ibid.  p.  140  sqq. 

5.  The  principal  work  of  Ulp.  was  Ad  edictam  libri  LXXXIII,  i.  e. 
81  excerpted  in  the  Pandect  and  forming  its  groundwork  (Hommel, 
Paling.  IH  p.  39 — 383)  and  two  books  Ad  edictum  aedilium  curulium 
(ib.  p.  383 — 394),  also  (in  two  editions,  see  Cod.  lust,  const.  Cordi  nobis 
§  3  fin.)  Ad  Sabinum  (cf.  n.  2)  libri  LI  (Hommel  HI  p.  459-589).  Also 
Ad  legem  luliam  et  Papiam  libri  XX;  Ad  legem  luliam  de  adulteriis 
libri  II;  Ad  legem  Aeliam  Sentiam  libri  IV;  Protribunalium  or  de 
omnibus  tribunalibus  libri  X;  De  appellationibus  libri  IV;  De  censibus 
libri  VI;  Fideicommissorum  libri  XI;  De  adulteriis  libri  V  (cf.  n.  2); 
De  sponsalibus;  De  officio  proconsulis  libri  X  (b.  VII  contained  the 
Rescripts  against  the  Christians  and  the  mathematici,  Lactant.  inst.  V  11. 
CoUat.  leg.  XV  2;  cf.  A.  F.  Rudorff,  on  the  liber  de  off.  procos.,  Berlin 
1866.  4.  Trans,  of  the  Ac);  De  officio  consulis  libri  HI;  De  officio 
quaestoris  libri  II  (or  I);  libri  singulares  de  officio  consularium,  de  off. 


286  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

curatoris  reip.,  praefecti  vigilum,  praefecti  iirbi,  praetoris  tutelaris,  de 
excusationibus  (n.  2).  Also  Disputationum  (publicarum)  libri  X,  Opini- 
onum  libri  VI,  Responsorum  libri  II,  Institutionum  libri  II  (n.  4),  Re- 
gularum  liber  singiilaris  (n.  3),  Regularum  libri  VII.  In  general  2462 
passages  from  Ulpian  have  been  admitted  into  the  Pandect;  they  form 
the  third  volume  of  Hommel's  Palingenesia  (618  pp.).  Merely  quoted  are 
Ulpian's  Pandectarum  libri  X,  and  his  Notes  on  Aristo  (Dig.  XXIX  7,  9), 
Marcellus  (ib.  XX  1,  27.  XXVI  7,  28,  1)  and  on  Papinian's  Responsa 
(ib.  Ill  5,  31,  2.     L  8,  3  pr.). 

6.  Cod.  IX  41,  11  (Diocletian,  a.  290):  vir  prudentissimus  Domitius 
Ulpianus  in  Publicarum  disputationum  libris  ad  perennem  scientiae 
memoriam  refert.  Justinian  Cod.  VI  25,  9  (a.  531):  tam  Ulpiano  quam 
Papiniano,  viris  disertissimis.  VI  51,  9:  non  ineleganter  summi  ingenii 
vir  Ulpianus.  Novell.  XCVII  6,  1  :  Ovkntavov  toV  Go<f>(ojarov.  His  pupil 
Modestinus  calls  him  o  xQuiKjrog  (Dig.  XXVI  6,  2,  5.  XXVII  1,  2  fin. 
4,  1).  On  the  whole  Ulpian  was  more  reproductive  than  productive, 
and  lacked  the  originality  and  independence  ofPapinian;  but  he  knew 
how  to  deal  with  and  arrange  his  subject.  It  is  strange  that  he  never 
mentions  his  contemporary  Paulus,  who  in  his  turn  mentions  him  in 
only  one  place  (Dig.  XIX  1,  43). 

7.  J.  Lectius,  de  vita  et  scriptis  D.  U.,  Geneva  1601  =  Otto  The- 
saur.  I.  H.  Stager  (F.  C.  Conradi),  de  D.  U.,  Lips.  1725.  4.  Zimmern, 
Rom.  private  Law,  I  1.  p.  367 — 374.  F.  A.  Schilling,  diss,  de  U.,  Breslau 
1824.  G.  Bruns  in  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  2.  p.  2697—2700.  Rudorff,  Hist,  of 
Rom.  Law  L  p.  189—192. 

8.  In  the  mss.  of  the  Notitia  dignitatum  we  find  also  a  brief  Sur- 
vey of  the  various  degrees  of  relation  (cf.  373,  4)  in  agreement  with 
the  terms  used  by  Gaius  and  remarkable  for  its  lucidity,  whence 
Huschke  (iurispr.  anteiust.  ^  p.  529)  believes  it  to  have  been  derived 
from  a  work  by  Ulpian,  either  the  Regulae  or  Inst.  It  is  printed  in 
Booking's  Corp.  iur.  anteiust.  p.  173,  and  in  his  edition  of  Ulpian's  frag- 
ments ^  p.  183,  in  Huschke  1.  1.  p.  530  sq. 

9.  The  fragmentum  de  iure  fisci,  which  is  preserved  by  two 
leaves  of  the  Chapter  Library  at  Verona  and  was  first  published  together 
with  Gaius,  is  by  Huschke,  iurispr.  anteiust.'^  p.  536—538,  attributed  to 
Ulpian  on  account  of  the  scribendi  elegantia  et  tota  tractandi  ratio; 
he  declares  against  the  authorship  of  Paulus,  which  is  accepted  by 
Rudorff,  Hist,  of  Law  I  p.  193  sq.  241  sq.,  and  against  assigning  it  to 
the  age  of  Diocletian  (between  a.  286  and  326),  as  C.  W.  Walch  does 
(de  aetate  fragm.  veteris  icti  de  i.  f.,  Jena  1838).  It  is  certain  that  it 
belongs  to  the  end  of  the  second  or  the  commencement  of  the  third  cen- 
tury. See  the  text  in  Goschen's  edition  of  Gaius  (above  357,  5),  in 
Booking's  edition  of  Ulpian;  also  in  Huschke's  iurisprud.  anteiust.'^  p. 
539-545.     Edidit  P.Kriiger,  Lips.  (Teubner)  1868.     22  pp. 


Ulpian.     Pauliis.  287 

373.  Ulpian  was  surpassed  in  fertility  by  his  contemporary 
Julius  Paulus,  who  was  likewise  under  Alexander  Severus 
praefectus  praetorio  and  possessed  much  influence.  He  seems 
to  have  survived  Ulpian.  He  enjoyed  no  less  authority,  but 
was  decidedly  inferior  to  Ulpian  in  fluency  of  style  and  ac- 
curacy of  detail.  The  titles  and  subjects  of  their  works  were 
frequently  identical.  Paulus  wrote  numerous  monographs  on 
certain  subjects.  The  most  comprehensive  of  his  works  was 
his  Ad  edictum  in  80  books,  the  one  most  generally  circu- 
lated his  Sententiae.  We  possess  an  abridgment  of  the 
latter.  The  extracts  from  his  works  constitute  one -sixth  of 
Justinian's  Digest. 

1.  Paulus  was,  like  Papinian,  a  pupil  of  Scaevola  (above  364,  1) 
and  a  member  of  the  Imperial  consilium  (under  Septimius  Severus).  Paul. 
Dig.  XXIX  2,  97:  Papinianus  putabat,  .  .  dicebam,  .  .  pronuntiavit  (im- 
perator).  IV  4,  38:  victa  tam  apud  praetorem  quam  apud  praefectura 
urbi  provocaverat.  putabam  bene  iudicatum,  .  .  imperator  autem  motus 
est  quod  etc.  dicebam  etc.  movit  etiam  illud  imperatorera  etc.  Cf.  ib. 
XLIX  14,  50.  Originally  a  solicitor  (Dig.  XXXII  78,  6:  cum  vir  ita 
legasset  .  .  ego  apud  praetorem  fideicommissarium  petebam  .  .  nee  ob- 
tinui),  subsequently  assessor  to  the  praef.  praet.  under  Papinian;  see 
Paul.  Dig.  XII  1,  40:  lecta  est  .  .  (above  366,  1)  cautio  huius  modi, 
dicebam  etc.  Magister  scrinii  memoriae,  exiled  under  Elagabal,  re- 
called by  Alexander  (Severus)  and  appointed  praef.  praet. ;  see  above 
372,  1. 

2.  The  three  books  Decretorum  and  the  treatises  de  iurisdictione 
tutelari  (ed.  II)  and  de  excusationibus  tutelarum  had  already  been 
edited  before  the  death  of  Severus  (a.  211);  the  sententiarum  libri  V, 
as  it  seems,  a  short  time  after  Severus'  death.  Under  Caracalla  he 
wrote  the  treatises  de  publicis  iudiciis,  de  libertatibus  dandis,  ad  ora- 
tionem  divi  Severi,  de  cognitionibus,  perhaps  also  the  two  books  ad 
legem  luliam  and  the  three  Fideicommissorum.  Under  Elagabal  (218 
— 222)  the  books  de  censibus.  The  Responsa  were  not  finished  until 
the  reign  of  Alexander  (222—235).  After  Caracalla^s  death  were  writ- 
ten the  treatises  de  adulteriis  and  de  iure  liberorum,  and  the  commen- 
tary on  the  Edict  was  concluded  under  Elagabal  or  Alexander.  In  gene- 
ral Paulus  offers  few  hints  for  the  chronological  determination  of  his 
works,  owing  to  the  want  of  accuracy  in  his  statements.  Cf.  Fitting, 
On  the  Age  of  the  Writ.  p.  44—50,  and  Th.  Mommsen,  Ztschr.  f. 
Rechtsgesch.  IX  p.  106  sq.  Ill  sq.  (n.  53).   114—116. 

3.  The  Sententiarum  ad  filium  libri  V  were  a  sort  of  juridical 
vademecum,  containing  the  uncontested  principles  of  the  most  usual 
cases,  without  statement  of  reasons  and  sources,  according  to  the  order 


288  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

of  the  Edict.  Their  simplicity  and  brevity  recommended  them  to  or- 
dinary readers  and  gained  for  them  public  authority  in  a  time  which 
was  averse  to  long  controversies.  See  an  edict  of  Constantine  a.  327 
(Cod.  Theod.  I  4,  2):  Sententiarum  libros,  plenissima  luce  et  perfectis- 
sima  elocutione  et  iustissima  iuris  ratione  succinctos,  in  iudiciis  prolatos 
valere  non  dubitatur.  Theodosius  II  and  Valentinian  III  (a.  426)  enlarged 
(Cod.  Theod.  14,  3):  Pauli  sententias  semper  valere  praecipimus;  cf. 
Consult.  7,  3.  In  the  leges  barbarorum  these  Sent,  form  the  principal 
source  of  the  prevailing  right  (hence  receptae  sunt).  Being  admitted, 
though  even  more  abridged,  into  the  Breviarium  Alarici,  they  have 
come  down  to  us.  The  Excerpts  given  there  are  supplemented  by  the 
quotations  in  the  fragmenta  Vaticana,  the  Collatio  legum,  Consultatio 
and  especially  the  Digest.  Cf.  Buschke,  iurispr.  anteiust.^  p.  352 — 358. 
The  principal  editions  by  Cujacius  (1566)  and  J.  A.  Schulting  (lurisprud. 
vetus  anteiust.),  L.  Arndts  (in  the  Bonn  Corpus  iuris  anteiust.  and  Bonn 
1833),  G.  Hanel  (Lex  Rom.  Visigoth.,  Lips.  1849),  Huschke  (iurisprud. 
anteiust.^  p.  359—465)  and  others.  The  Excerpts  in  the  Pandect  are 
collected  in  Hommel  Paling.  II.  p.  227—268. 

4.  Through  the  index  Florentinus  and  the  Pandect  and  the  Fragm. 
Vaticana  we  know  the  great  extent  of  Paulus'  literary  activity :  Ad  edictum 
libri  LXXX  and  Ad  edictum  aedilium  curulium  libri  (II?),  also  an 
abridgment  (with  Additions)  Brevium  libri  XXIII  (or  ad  edictum  de 
brevibus).  Quaestionum  libri  XXVI;  Manualium  libri  III;  Sententiarum 
V  (n.  3) ;  Institutorum  11  (cf.  Buschke,  iurisprud.  antei.^p.  466);  Regularum 
VII.  Responsorum  libri  XXIII;  Decretorum  IB;  Decretorum  s.  impe- 
rialium  sententiarum  in  cognitionibus  prolatarum  or  Factorum  libri  VI. 
Ad  Sabinum  libri  (XVII?);  ad  Vitellium  libri  IV  (?  cf.  Mommsen  ad 
Dig.  XXXII  78  pr.  Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch.  IX  p.  116);  Epitomarum 
Alfeni  (above  195,  2)  libri  VIII;  Labeonis  n^&aviou  libri  VIII;  ad 
Plautium  libri  XVIII;  ad  Neratium  libri  IV;  Notae  ad  lulianum,  Scaevo- 
1am,  Papinianum.  Ad  legem  luliam  et  Papiam  libri  X;  ad  legem  Aeliam 
Sentiam  libri  IB;  ad  legem  luliam  libri  II.  De  adulteriis  libri  IB;  Fidei- 
commissorum  libri  IB;  de  officio  consulis  II;  de  off.  proconsulis  II;  de 
censibus  II;  de  iure  fisci  II.  Besides  these  works  there  were  59  libri 
singulares  on  all  departments  of  Law.  e.  g.  de  legibus,  ad  legem 
Cinciam,  municipalem,  Falcidiam,  Velleiam,  Fusiam  Caniniam;  de  senatus 
consultis:  ad  S.  C.  Orfitianum,  Tertullianum,  Silanianum,  Turpilianum, 
Velleianum,  Claudianum,  Libonianum ;  ad  orationem  divi  Marci,  divi 
Severi ;  de  iure  libellorum ;  ad  regulam  Catonianam ;  de  iure  singulari ; 
de  iuris  et  facti  ignorantia ;  de  variis  lectionibus.  De  officio  praefecti 
urbi,  praefecti  vigilium,  praetoris  tutelaris,  assessorum ;  de  iurisdictione 
tutelar!  (in  two  editions),  de  excusationibus  tutelarum;  de  gradibus  et 
affinibus;  de  dotis  repetitione;  de  donationibus  inter  virum  et  uxorem; 
de  intercessionibus  feminarum;  de  usuris.  De  testamentis  in  several 
monographs.  De  libertatibus  dandis ;  de  assignatione  libertorum;  de 
iure  patronatus.  De  actionibus,  concurrentibus  actionibus,  conceptione 
formularum,  hypothecaria  formula,  cognitionibus,  liberali  causa,  septem- 


Paulus  and  other  Jurists.  28© 

viralibus  indiciis,  appellationibus,  De  poenis  omnium  legum,  poenis 
paganorum,  militum :  de  portionibus  quae  liberis  damnatorum  conce- 
duntur;  de  publicis  indiciis,  extraordinariis  criminibus,  adulteriis.  In 
general,  there  are  2080  extracts  from  his  works  in  the  Digest;  see 
Hommel,  Palingenesia  II  p.  3 — 300. 

5.  Modestin.  Dig.  XXVII  1,  13,  2  (above  364).  Gordianns  in  the 
Cod.  V  4,  6  (a.  239),  Diocletian  ib.  IX  22,  11  (a.  287)  and  Justinian, 
const.  Omnem  (Dig.  prooem.)  5:  responsum  viri  prudentissimi  Pauli. 
On  account  of  the  authority  of  his  sententiae  (n.  3)  P.  is  simply  styled 
iuridicus  Consult.  7,  3  and  by  Isid.  Orig.  V  24.  30. 

6.  A.  A.  Pagenstecher,  lul.  Paulus,  in  the  Sylloge  diss.,  Brem.  1713. 
E.  A.  0.  C.  Pagenstecher,  Paulus  iniuria  vapulans,  Wetzlar  1726.  4. 
{=^  Tractat.  iur.  I.  Wiirzb.  1734).  F.  C.  Conradi,  I.  P.  ab  iniuria  criti- 
corum  vindicatus,  Helmst.  1733  (=  Parerg.  IV  p.  507  sqq.).  Zimmern, 
Private  Law.  I  1.  p.  368-171.  374—378.  G.  Bruns,  in  Pauly's  Enc.  V. 
p.  1251  sq.  RudorfF,  Hist,  of  Law  I.  p.  192—195. 

374.  Besides  these  great  authorities  a  number  of  Jurists 
of  the  second  and  third  rank  lived  and  wrote  in  this  time, 
the  most  important  being  Aelius  Marcianus,  Aemilius  Macer, 
and  especially  Ulpian's  pupil  Herennius  Modes tinus,  who 
wrote  his  work  on  'excusationes'  in  Greek,  but  all  others  in 
Latin. 

1.  Paul.  (Quaest.  XII)  Dig.  XL  13,  4:  Licinius  Rufinus  lulio 
Paulo:  .  .  quaere  .  .  peto  itaque  plenissime  instruas.  XXIV  1,41:  Lici- 
nius Rufinus  libro  VI  Regularum:  .  .  nam  et  Imp.  Antoninus  (Caracalla, 
see  Mommsen,  Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch.  IX.  p.  102,  n.  24)  constituit  etc. 
XLII  1,  34:  Licinius  Rufinus  libro  XIII  Regularum  (ind.  Flor.  mentions 
only  XII  books).  The  thirteen  excerpts  from  this  work  in  the  Digest 
collected  by  Hommel  Paling.  11.  p.  399  sq.  Treatises  de  L.  R.  by  H. 
J.  0.  Konig  (Halle  1772.  4.)  and  C.  A.  H.  Clodius  (Lips.  1791.  4.). 

2.  Inst.  IV  3,  1:  sic  et  Homerus  in  Odyssea  ait,  sicut  Aelius 
Marcianus  in  suis  Institutionibus  refert.  Cf.  Dig.  XXXII  65,  4.  Alto- 
gether there  were  sixteen  books,  chiefly  after  Gains,  but  in  family 
law  and  inheritance  following  Sabinus  and  with  the  addition  of  the  ius 
extraord.  (concerning  punishments,  fiscus  and  war) ;  written  after  the 
death  of  Caracalla  (divi  Severus  et  Antoninus).  All  the  other  works 
of  Marc,  were  likewise  written  after  Caracalla's  death  (217),  as  is  he  always 
called  either  divus  Antoninus  or  Ant.  Magnus  (Magnus  Ant.)  or  divus 
Magnus  Ant.;  viz.  Publicorum  iudiciorum  libri  II  (in  which  also  Pa- 
pinianus  Respons.  XVI  is  quoted),  Regularum  libri  V,  and  the  libri 
singulares  de  delatoribus  and  ad  formulam  hypothecariam.  Of  the  two 
books  de  appellationibus  it  is  at  least  certain  that  they  were  written 
after  Severus'  death.  Fitting,  Age  of  the  Writ.  p.  50—52,  with  Momm- 

19 


'^90 


The  Third  Century  of  the  ImperiaJ  Epoch. 


sen,  Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch.  IX  p.  106  sq.  108.  112.  We  do  not  find 
any  chronological  hint  in  the  fragments  of  the  liber  sing,  ad  SC.  Tur- 
pilianum  and  of  the  Notae  ad  Papinianum.  In  the  Digest  these  works 
are  employed  in  275  places ;  see  Hommel  Paling.  I  p.  399 — 436.  Re- 
scripts to  (this?)  Marcianus  by  Alexander  Cod.  11  13,  6  and  X  58  of 
a.  239.  G.  Oelrichs,  de  vita,  studiis,  honoribus  et  scriptis  Ael.  M.  icti, 
Utrecht  1754.  4.  Zimmern,  Rom.  Private  Law  I  1.  p.  380  sq. 

3.  Aemilius  Macer,  the  author  of  always  two  books  Publico- 
rum  iudiciorum,  Ad  legem  vicesimae  hereditatum,  De  officio  praesidis, 
De  appellationibus,  De  re  militari,  which  are  employed  in  62  places 
in  the  Pandect,  see  Hommelj  Paling.  I.  p.  341 — 350.  The  work  de  app. 
was  certainly  written  under  Alexander  (Dig.  XLIX  13,  1),  but  the  others 
after  the  death  of  Severus.  Ulpian,  Paulus,  and  Menander  are  repea- 
tedly mentioned  in  them.  Fitting,  the  Age  of  the  Writ.  p.  52  sq.  A 
devout  inscr.  in  honour  of  Caracalla  by  a  certain  A.  Aem.  Macer,  15 
Aug.  216.  ap.  Orelli  930. 

4.  Florentinus,  the  author  of  Institutionnm  libri  XII  after  the 
system  of  Gains,  also  used  in  the  Digest;  see  Hommel  Paling.  I.  p. 
175 — 178.  In  it  are  mentioned  divus  Pius,  Aquilius  Gallus  and  Treba- 
tius.  We  should  not  hesitate  to  attribute  him  to  the  time  of  Alexander 
if  it  were  certain  that  he  were  identical  with  the  person  mentioned 
in  the  Cod.  Ill  28,  8  a.  223  (Imp.  Alexander  Aug.  Florentino).  Treati- 
ses about  him  and  his  fragments  by  A.  F.  Rivinus  (Wittenb.  1752.  4.), 
C.  F.  Walch  (de  Flor.  icti  philosophia,  Jena  1754  =r  Opusc.  I.  p.  337 — 
346),  J.  Th.  Mathews  (kugd.  B.  1801.  4.),  Th.  Schmalz  (Konigsberg  1801). 

5.  lulius  Aquila  (wrongly  called  Gallus  Aq.  in  the  ind.  Flor.),  the 
author  of  two  books  of  Responsa,  two  passages  from  which  occur  in 
the  Digest  (XXVI  7,  34.  10,  12).  Zimmern,  Rom.  Private  Law  I  1.  p. 
386  sq. 

6.  Furius  Anthianus  wrote  a  commentary  on  the  Edict,  of 
which  the  ind.  Flor.  mentions  five  books  {jufQog  tdixrov  ^t^kCa  nivrf)- 
The  three  excerpts  of  the  first  book  in  the  Digest  (II  14,  62.  IV  3,  40. 
VI  1,  80)  contain  no  hint  to  fix  his  time.  P.  F.  Besier,  de  F.  A.  icto. 
Lugd.  B.  1803. 

7.  Aelius  Florianus  Herennius  Modestinus  (according  to  the 
inscr.  full.  ap.  Kellermann  Vig.  latere,  p.  30  =:  Rhein.  Mus.  XXI.  p. 
10  sq.).  Ulp.  Dig.  XLVII  2,  52,  20:  quod  et  Herennio  Modestino,  studioso 
meo,  de  Delmatia  consulenti  rescripsi.  Capitol.  Maximin.  iun.  (born 
217)  1.  5:  grammatico  latino  usus  est  Philemone,  iurisperito  Modestino. 
Imp.  Gordianus  a.  239  (Cod.  Ill  42,  5):  merito  tibi  anon  contemnendae 
auctoritatis  icto  Modestino  respoasum  est.  a.  244  praef.  vigilum  at 
Rome  (Inscr.  full.  1.  1.).  Cf.  Arcad.  Charis.  Dig.  L  4,  18,  26:  mixta  munera 
.  .  Herenniu.s  Mod.  et  notando  et  disputando  et  optima  ratione  decrevit. 
The  works  of  Mod.:  Excusationum  libri  VI  (in  Greek);  Differentiarum 
IX    and    Regularum    X    (Huschke.    lurisprud.  anteiust.^  p.  546);  Pandec- 


l 


Modestinus.     Julius  Romanus.  2591 

tarum  XII;  Responsorum  XIX;  Ad  Q.  Mucium  at  least  XXXI  books; 
De  poenis  VI;  libri  singulares  de  enucleatis  casibus,  heurematicis,  diffe- 
rentiis  dotis,  in  officioso  testamento,  manumissionibus,  praescriptionibus, 
ritu  nuptiarum,  legatis  et  fideicommissis,  testamentis.  The  344  excerpts 
from  this  in  the  Digest  are  collected  by  Hommel  Paling.  I.  p.  453 — 
494.  None  of  the  fragments  can  be  safely  shown  to  lead  beyond  the  time 
of  Caracalla's  sole  reign.  After  Caracalla's  death  he  certainly  wrote 
the  libri  differentiarum,  Pandectarum,  Excusationum;  under  Alexander 
the  liber  sing,  de  enucleatis  casibus.  In  b.  I  of  the  Excusationes  (Dig, 
XXVI  6,  2,  5)  he  had  quoted  Paulus  libro  IX  Responsorum  (above  373, 
2),  so  that  the  earliest  time  of  their  composition  would  be  under 
Alexander.  This  work  is  dedicated  (jKiQatrriaig  inn^on^g  xai  xovQaioQiag) 
to  Egnatius  Dexter,  Dig.  XXVII  1,  1.  Fitting,  the  Age  of  the  Writ.  p. 
53 — 55.     In  general  see  Zimmern,  Rom.  Private  Law  lip.  383 — 386. 

375.  In  the  first  ten  or  twenty  years  of  the  third  century 
the  learned  grammarian  C.Julius  Komanus,  whom  Charisius 
employed  in  his  grammar,  and  Juba,  a  writer  on  metres 
who  followed  Caesius  Bassus  aud  Heliodorus,  wrote  their  works. 
Censorinus,  who  lived  about  the  same  time,  was  the  author  of 
several  grammatical  works.  We  still  possess  his  treatise  de 
die  natali,  which  is  dedicated  to  his  wealthy  patron  Q.  Caerellius 
and  composed  a.  238.  It  is  chiefly  derived  from  Suetonius 
and  contains  some  valuable  information  on  historical  and 
chronological  details.    The  treatment  is  rhetorical. 

1.  G.  lulius  Romanus  (Charis.  p.  230,  1  K.)  is  the  most  learned 
among  the  grammarians  employed  by  Charisius  (disertissimus  Artis 
scriptor,  ib.  p.  232,  7).  Charisius  takes  from  him  large  portions,  e.  g. 
on  analogy  (p.  116 — 147)  and  on  adverbs  (p.  190 — 224),  copying  him 
faithfully  so  as  to  exscribe  even  the  quotations  by  Romanus  of  other  parts 
of  his  work  or  references  to  his  other  writings  e.  g.  de  consortio  casuum 
(Charis.  p.  132,  31),  de  consortio  praepositionum  (p.  209,  20  sq.),  tkqI 
Qq^oyQci^iiag  quaestiones  (p.  135,  15),  de  distinctionibus  etc.  The  work 
of  Romanus  used  by  Char,  was  perhaps  entitled  ' At^o^fxai,,  and  the 
separate  titles,  such  as  liber  de  analogia  (Charis.  p.  56,  4.  114,  1.  116, 
29),  liber  de  adverbiis  (ib.  p.  114,  28),  were  probably  only  parts  of  it. 
Charis.  p.  230,  1:  G.  I.  R.  libro  ai^o^fx^v  sub  titulo  de  coniunctione ; 
p.  238,  16:  I.  R.  libro  dt^oQfxviv  sub  titulo  de  praepositione.  We  can 
always  tell  I.  R.  by  his  habit  of  saying  Maro  instead  of  Vergilius. 
As  I.  R.  quotes  Fronto's  correspondence  with  M.  Aurelius  (Charis.  p. 
223,  26)  and  Apuleius  (ib.  p.  240,  28.  248,  5)  and  also  Helenius  Aero 
(above  370,  1)  and  Porphyrio  (above  370,  4),  he  probably  belongs  to 
the  first  half  of  the  third  century.  The  principal  sources  of  Rom. 
were  Pliny  and  Flavins  Caper,  also  Asper  and  Terentius  Scaurus.  Cf. 
'W.  Osann,  Contrib.  II.  p.  327—330.    H.  Keil,  grammatici  lat.  1.  p.  XLV 


292  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

— XLVin.     A.   Schottm Tiller,   de   Plini  libr.    gramm.    I.   p.    32  sqq.     W. 
Christ,  Philologus  XVIII.  p.  121—123. 

2.  Mar.  Vict.  ap.  Keil,  gramm.  VI  p.  80,  4  sq.:  luba  noster  atque 
alii  Graecorum  opinionem  secuti  referunt  etc.  ib.  p.  94,  6  sqq.  luba 
noster,  qui  inter  metricos  auctoritatem  primae  eruditionis  obtinuit, 
insistens  Heliodori  (above  347,  9)  vestigiis,  qui  inter  Graecos  huiusce 
artis  antistes  aut  primus  aut  solus  est.  Servius  Aen.  V  222:  secundum 
lubam  artigraphum.  His  time  is  fixed  by  an  allusion  to  a  line  of  An- 
nianus  (whom  see)  in  a  quotation  from  Juba  ap.  Priscian  de  metr. 
Ter.  8  (II  p.  421  ed.  Htz).  He  may  therefore  be  placed  at  the  earliest 
about  a.  200.  This  agrees  also  with  such  phrases  as  intellegi  datur. 
H.  Keil,  quaestiones  grammaticae  (Leipzig  1860)  p.  15 — 22.  R.  Westphal 
on  Greek  metres  II  2  (1865)  p.  146—149  =  12  (1867)  p.  223  sqq.  A 
collection  of  the  fragments  of  Juba  by  B.  ten  Brink  (lubae  Maurusii 
de  re  metrica  scriptoris  latini  reliquiae,  Utrecht  1854),  H.  Wentzel 
(Symbolae  crit.  ad  hist,  script,  rei  metr.  lat.  Breslau  1858,  p.  18 — 25), 
and  Keil  (1.  1.  p.  19  sqq.). 

3.  A  quotation  from  the  fourth  book  of  Juba's  Ars  ap.  Rufin.  p. 
385  Gaisf.  (on  the  iambic  trimeter).  (luba)  in  octavo  ap.  Prise.  II  p.  420, 
25  with  Hertz's  note.  He  agrees  with  the  Scholia  on  Hephaestion  and 
the  treatises  tisqI  rrjg  nor  nodcoy  ovofxaaCccg  edited  by  Keil  from  an 
Ambrosian  ms.  Juba  had  given  numerous  instances  of  each  metre.  The 
work  was  used  by  Sacerdos  and,  as  it  seems,  by  Terentianus,  also  by 
Asmonius;  it  was  abridged  by  Marius  Victorinus.  It  was  also  the 
source  of  Pseudo-Atilius  and  Diomed,  and  of  the  metric  observations 
in  Endlicher's  Analecta  p.  521. 

4.  Priscian.  I  17  (p.  13,  19  sq.  Htz.):  Censorino,  doctissimo  artis 
grammaticae.  Cf.  ib.  16  (p.  13,  9).  Cassiod.  de  art.  gramm.  1  mentions 
him  together  with  Polemon,  Phocas  and  Probus.  Priscian.  XIV  1,  6 
(H  p.  27,  23  H.):  Censorinus  plenissime  de  his  docet  in  libro  quern 
de  accentibus  scribit.  An  extensive  passage  from  it  ib.  4,  40  sq.  (p. 
45 — 47  H.).     Cf.  Cassiod.  de  mus.  p.  576. 

5.  Cassiod.  de  mus.  p.  573  (cf.  ib.  p.  577) :  Censorinus,  qui  ad  Q. 
Caerellium  scripsit  de  natali  eius  die.  It  was  composed  a.  238;  see  18, 
12.  21,  6  (hie  annus,  cuius  velut  index  et  titulus  est  Ulpii  et  Pontiani 
consulatus,  .  .  est  a  Roma  condita  DCCCCXCI"*).  From  the  dedication 
(c.  1):  te,  Q.  Caerelli,  virtutis  non  minus  quam  pecuniarum  divitem 
ista  non  capiunt,  .  .  quod  sapientium  disciplina  formatus  satis  liquido 
comperisti  huiusmodi  .  .  esse  toiv  fiiffwy  etc.  quare  cum  dona  pretiosa 
neque  tibi  .  .  desint  nee  mihi  per  rei  tenuitatem  supersint,  quodcum- 
que  hoc  libri  est  meis  opibus  comparatum  natalicii  titulo  tibi  misi.  in 
quo  non,  ut  plerisque  mos  est,  aut  ex  ethica  parte  philosophiae  praecepta 
ad  beate  vivendum  quae  tibi  scriberem  mutuatus  sum,  aut  ex  artibus 
rhetorum  locos  laudibus  tuis  celebrandis  persecutus,  .  .  sed  ex  philologis 
commentariis   quasdam    quaestiunculas   delegi,    quae   congestae   possint 


I 


Juba.     Censorinus.  293 

aliquantum  volumen  efficere.  iam  vero  cum  tuo  collatu  scirem  me  plura 
didicisse,  .  .  ego  a  quo  plura  in  litteris  percepi  tibi  haec  exigua  reddo 
libamina.  c.  15 :  quare,  sanctissime  Caerelli,  cum  istum  annum  (the  49th) 
.  .  sine  uUo  incommodo  transieris,  (you  will  live  to  the  age  of  81).  .  . 
quem  veterum  nunc  memoria  suspiciraus  prudentia  vel  temperantia  vel 
iustitia  vel  fortitudine  tibi  antestare  dicimus?  .  .  tu  officiis  municipa- 
libus  functus,  honore  sacerdotii  in  principibus  tuae  civitatis  conspicuus, 
ordinis  etiam  equestris  dignitate  gradum  provincialium  supergressus  .  . 
omnium  omnino  amorem  cum  maxima  gloria  consecutus  es.  .  .  de 
eloquentia  qnoque  sileo,  quam  omnia  provinciarum  nostrarum  (Spain 
or  Gaul?)  tribunalia,  omnes  praesides  noverunt,  quam  denique  urbs 
Roma  et  auditoria  sacra  mirata  sunt. 

6.  Censorinus  is  fond  of  showing  up  his  erudition  and  mentions  a 
number  of  Greek  writers,  many  of  whom  we  need  not  doubt  that  he 
had  never  seen.  Among  Latin  writers  he  mentions  Fulvius,  Junius 
Gracchanus,  Licinius  Macer,  Fenestella  whom  he  certainly  had  not  read 
and  the  same  may  perhaps  be  said  of  Varro,  though  he  quotes  him 
very  frequently.  His  chief  source  was  Suetonius'  Pratum  (ReifFersch. 
Suet.  p.  434).  Cf.  Jahn  p.  IX.  Cens.  alludes  repeatedly  to  Horace  (1,  1 
sqq.  =  0.  IV  8.  3,  6  =  0.  I  1,  2).  In  his  diction  he  exhibits  quaesita 
sermonis  elegantia,  quae  nobis  quidem  nimia  videtur  et  affectata,  et 
rhetoricum  artificum  (Jahn  p.  X).  Perhaps  he  thought  that  a  simple 
style  such  as  would  have  suited  his  subject  might  not  have  been  adap- 
ted to  the  day  for  which  he  intended  his  book  as  a  present.  The 
birthday  is  the  centre  of  the  whole  exposition.  He  treats  first  of  that 
which  precedes  a  birthday  (j>eneration  etc.),  adds  music  with  rather  a 
bold  turn  (12,  1 :  nee  vero  incredibile  est  ad  nostros  natales  musicam 
pertinere),  deals  with  the  different  ages  and  the  different  ways  of  di- 
viding time  (c.  17  sqq.),  and  while  he  is  speaking  of  the  parts  of  day 
and  night  and  their  names  (24,  6)  the  mss.  suddenly  break  off. 

7.  This  treatise  has  been  preserved  by  the  codex  Darmstadiensis 
saec.  VII  and  the  Vatic,  saec.  X,  which  generally  agrees  with  the  first 
ms.,  the  text  being  very  corrupt.  All  the  other  mss.  are  of  very 
little  value.  0.  Jahn  p.  XVI — XXII.  On  account  of  the  similarity  of 
the  subject  a  fragment  is  appended  in  the  mss.,  which  is  however 
even  more  corrupt,  author,  time  and  purpose  being  unknown,  and 
which  treats  first  de  naturali  institutione,  then  de  caeli  positione,  de 
stellis  fixis  et  errantibus,  de  terra,  then  suddenly  passes  on  to  statements 
de  geometrica,  formis,  figuris,  postulatis,  which  are  tranrlated  from 
Euclid,  and  then  just  as  unexpectedly  de  rausica  (history),  de  rythmo, 
de  musica  (theory),  de  modulatione,  de  metris  i.  e.  numeris,  de  legi- 
timis  numeris,  de  numeris  simplicibus.  It  seems  therefore  to  contain 
parts  of  an  encyclopaedia.  0.  Jahn  p.  XI:  hoc  fragmentum  .  .  praeter 
multa  volgaria  atque  inepta  haud  pauca  tamen  continet  aliunde  non 
Bota,  quae  satis  probant  scriptorem  (especially  in  the  parts  concerning 
music  and  metres)  fontibus  antiquioribus  usum  esse.    It  agrees  in  some 


2^  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

parts  with  the  Scholia  on  Germanicus  (above  270,  8),  a  fact  possibly 
to  be  explained  from  both  using  one  and  the  same  source  (Suetonius' 
Prata?).  This  fragment  was  first  separated  by  Carrio  from  the  work 
of  Censorinus  and  is  printed  in  most  editions  of  the  latter,  e.  g.  by  0. 
Jahn  p.  75—100  (see,  however,  p.  X— XIII),  by  Hultsch  p.  55—73. 

8.  Editions  of  Censorinus.  Ed.  princeps  Bonon.  1497  fol.  Aldina 
Ven.  1581.  Rec.  L.  Carrion,  Lutet.  1583.  Lugd.  B.  1593.  Rec.  et  ill. 
H.  Lindenbrogius,  Hamburg  1614.  4.  Lugd.  B.  1642.  Cantabr.  1695. 
Ed.  E.  Puteanus,  Lov.  1628.  4.  Ex  rec.  A.  Gotz,  Alt.  1742.  Ex  rec. 
Havercampi,  Lugd.  B.  1743.  1767.  Cum  adn.  J,  S.  Gruber,  Norimberg. 
1805.  1810.  The  first  critical  edition:  Rec.  et  emend.  0.  Jahn,  Berlin 
1845.     Rec.  Fr.  Hultsch,  Lips.  Teubner  1867. 

9.  Critical  contributions  on  Censorinus  by  L.  Ulrichs  (Eos  II  p. 
458-460.  Rhein.  Mus.  XXII  p.  465—476),  F.  Hultsch  (Eos  II  p.  623— 
626),  F.  Liidecke  (Gotti.  Gel.  Anz.  1868,  p.  482—486),  M.  Schanz  (spec- 
crit.  ad  Plat,  et  Censorinum  pertinens,  Gotti.  1867). 

10.  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev.  3,  2  sq.:  in  prima  pueritia  litteratores 
habuit  Valerium  Cordum  et  T.  Veturium  et  Aurelium  Philippum  liber- 
*um  patris,  qui  vitam  eius  postea  in  litteras  misit,  grammaticum  in 
patria  Graecum  Nehonem,  rhetorem  Serapionem,  philosophum  Stilionem, 
Romae  grammaticos  Scaurinum  Scaurini  filium,  doctorem  celeberrimum, 
rhetores  lulium  Frontinum  et  Baebium  Macrianum  et  lulium  Granianum, 
cuius  hodieque  declamatae  feruntur.  Capitol.  Maximin.  27  ,3 — 5 :  usus  est 
magistro  Graeco  litteratore  Fabillo,  cuius  epigrammata  graeca  multa  et' 
extant,  .  grammatico  latino  usus  est  Philemone,  iuris;perito  Modestino 
(above  374,  7),  oratore  Titiano,  filio  Titiani  senioris  (above  360,  10). 
habuit  et  graecum  rhetorem  Eugamium  sui  temporis  clarum. 

11.  M.  Damatius  Urbanus,  summarum  artium  liberalium  litterarum 
studiis  utriusque  linguae  perfecte  eruditus,  optima  facundia  praeditus 
etc.  An  inscription  from  Sitifis  (Africa)  a.  231.  ap.  Henzen  5607  r= 
Renier  Inscr.  de  I'Alg.  3338. 

376.  The  extensive  work  ofGargilius  Martialis  treated 
of  husbandry  including  also  an  account  of  the  medicinal  em- 
ployment of  rural  productions  and  of  veterinary  art,  after 
Greek  and  Roman  sources,  especially  Pliny  the  Elder,  showing  a 
great  amount  of  reading  and  much  physiological  experience.  Con- 
siderable parts  of  it  are  extant,  chiefly  in  the  fourth  book  of 
the  so-called  Plinius  Valerianus.  It  was  no  doubt  the  same 
Martialis  who  wrote  on  Alexander  Severus'  mode  of  life. 

1.  Cassiod.  inst.  div.  litt.  28;  quodsi  huius  studii  requirantur  auc- 
tores,  de  hortis  scripsit  pulcerrime  Gargilius  Martialis,  qui  et  nutri- 
menta  olerum   et   virtutes    eorum  diligenter  exposuit.   Serv.    Georg.   TV 


Gargilius  Martialis.  2^5 

148  (alii s) :  Gargilium  Martialem  significat.  The  mention  of  G.  M.  occurs 
in  Palladius  (Mart.  9.  9.  haec  omnia  G.  M.  asseruit,  cf.  Martialis  ibid- 
Ian.  15,  10.  19.  Mart.  10,  15.  16.  34.  Apr.  3,  5.  Mai  6.  Tun.  5,  3.  Oct! 
12,  5.  7.  Dec.  4,  1.).  There  are  also  quotations  of  M.  (see  n.  5)  Quin- 
tilii,  extirpated  (perhaps  a.  181)  by  Commodus  (Lamprid.  Comm.  4,  9). 
He  appears,  therefore,  to  have  lived  in  the  third  century;  like  the 
historian  Garg.  Mart,  (below  377,  6  and  11),  and  as  both  possessed 
medical  knowledge,  they  may  possibly  be  identical  and  would  appear 
to  have   written  about  a.  240. 

2.  A  (now  lost)  Medicean  ms.  of  the  script,  rer.  rust,  contained 
(according  to  the  Index  given  by  Victorius)  at  the  end  also  unus  (liber) 
Gargili  Martialis.  A.  1826  some  leaves  from  the  section  de  pomis  were 
discovered  in  a  palimpsest  at  the  library  at  Naples  which  agree  with 
Palladius  and  Ps.  Plin.  IV  42.  This  fragment  ed.  by  A.  A.  Scotti,  after- 
wards by  A.  Mai  (Class,  auct.  1  1828.  p.  387  sqq.),  reprinted  Liineburg 
1832.  A  few  years  afterwards,  Mai  himself  discovered  in  two  mss.  (said 
to  be  saec.  X  and  XII)  of  the  Vatican  Library  a  fragment  entitled  Incipit 
liber  tertius  de  pomis  Martialis,  and  which  agrees  with  the  first;  edi- 
ted ibid.  Ill  (1830)  p.  418—426,  cf.  p.  416  sq.  VII  p.  X.  But  more  of 
it  had  already  been  published  by  J.  Schott  (Argentorati  1533  fol.)  in 
the  first  three  books  of  the  supposed  Latin  Oribasius;  see  V.  Rose, 
Anecd.  gr.  II  p.  110  sqq.,  cf.  n.  4. 

3.  Published  from  a  Leyden  ms.  of  Veget.  mulomed.  Curae  boum 
ex  corpore  Gargilii  Martialis  by  M.  Gesner  and  J.  G.  Schneider  (Scrip- 
tores  r.  rust.  IV  1  p.  168—171,  cf.  ib.  IV  2  p.  73—76).  Edited  by  C. 
Th.  Schuch,  Donaueschingen  1857.  47  pp.  8. 

4.  In  the  St.  Gall  ms.  762  (saec.  IX)  which  contains  a  Latin 
version  of  Hippocrates  nfQi  diaiTtjg  b.  II,  the  portions  nfQl  ka/ocvtav 
and  nfQt  onw^rig  are,  instead  of  taking  them  from  Hippocr.,  rather 
borrowed  from  the  work  of  G.  M.  (the  parts  de  oleribus  and  de  pomis). 
In  some  parts  they  agree  verbally  with  c.  I — 38  (de  oleribus)  and  39  — 
58  (de  pomis)  in  b.  IV  of  Pseudo-Pliny  (Valer.),  which  appear  there^ 
fore  to  be  derived  from  Martialis,  the  latter  text  being  more  extensive 
and  faithful  (Rose,  Anecd.  II  p.  125  sq.).  Edited  from  the  St.  Gall 
ms.  by  Rose  II  p.  131 — 150  (de  virtutibus  herbarum).  151 — 156  (Hippo- 
crates de  cibis).  157  sq.  (Excerpts  from  Martialis  and  others,  in  a  Berlin 
ms.  saec.  XII).  Three  extensive  extracts  (in  the  manner  of  Ps.  Pliny 
IV)  at  the  end  of  b.  II  of  the  St.  Gall  ms.;  see  ibid.  p.  129.  De  pruno 
ibid.  p.  130. 

5.  The  chief  sources  of  Mart,  appear  to  have  been  Dioscorides  and 
Galenus ;  but  also  Hippocrates'  work  n^ql  (fuiirrjg  had  been  employed, 
and  Aristoteles  in  Georgicis  (Rose,  Aristoteles  pseudep.  p.  273  sq.)  and 
others  had  been  quoted,  among  the  Roman  writers  Celsus,  Columella, 
Curtius  lustus  (ap.  Mai  p.  496.  sqq.  410),  Julius  Atticus,  Julius  Fron- 
tinus,  G.  Plinius  (p.  412  Mai;  Plinius  noster  ap.  Rose  p.  129),  Quintilii 
(p.  392.  394.  396.  405.  410.  412.  Mai),  Sextilius  Niger  (Rose  p.  129). 


296  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

6.  E.  Meyer,  Hist,  of  Botany  IT  p.  228—236.  Val.  Rose,  Anecdota 
graeca  et  graecolatina  II  (Berlin  1870)  p.  103 — 160. 

376.  Historiography  produced  in  Marius  Maximus 
(about  a.  165 — 230)  a  continuer  of  Suetonius'  biographies  of 
the  Emperors  from  Nerva  down  to  Elagabal,  at  considerable 
length,  but  without  attention  to  truth.  The  first  half  of  the 
Historia  Augusta  consists  of  meagre  extracts  from  his  work. 
Besides  him,  the  authors  of  that  collection  frequently  mention 
as  their  source  and  predecessor  Junius  Cordus,  who  wrote  on 
the  less  known  Emperors  from  Clodius  Albinus  to  Maximus 
and  Balbinus,  taking  in  even  the  smallest  details;  Aemilius 
Parthenianus,  Aelius  Maurus,  Marcellinus,  and  others.  Herodi- 
anus  wrote  in  Greek  a  History  of  his  time  from  the  death  of 
Marcus  (Aurelius)  to  the  accession  of  Gordianus  HI  (a.  180 — 
238),  in  eight  books ;  Cassius  Dio  composed  a  Roman  History 
in  eighty  books,  from  the  foundation  of  the  City  until  the  year 
229  (=  982  V.  C).  The  labours  of  Julius  Africanus,  the 
author  of  comparative  pagan  and  Christian  chronology,  were 
even  more  extensive. 

1.  Cassius  Dio  Cocceianus  of  Nicaea  in  Bithynia,  about  a.  155 — 
230,  Cos.  (under  Macrinus,  221  ?)  II  under  Alexander  a.  229.  He  spent 
ten  years  in  collecting  his  materials  and  twelve  iu  writing  his  work. 
The  years  222 — 229  were  treated  only  summarily.  We  possess  complete 
the  books  37—54,  containing  a.  V.  C.  689 — 744;  of  the  first  34  books 
we  have  only  scanty  fragments,  larger  ones  of  b.  35  and  36.  The  later 
parts  we  know  through  Constantine's  Excerpts,  the  abridgment  of 
Xiphilinus  and  Zonaras.  From  a.  180  Dio  begins  to  describe  the  events 
which  took  place  in  his  life-time  (LXXII  4).  Editions  by  F.  W.  Sturz 
(Lips.  1824—1843.  9  vols.),  Imm.  Bekker  (Lips.  1849.  2  vols.)  and  L. 
Dindorf  (Lips.  Teubner  1863 — 1865,  5  vols.).  Treatises  De  Dionis  Cassii 
fontibus  et  auctoritate  by  R.  Wilmans  (Berol.  1835)  and  Grasshof 
(Bonn  1867).  Schwegler,  Rom.  History  I  p.  124  sq. 

2.  Asinius  Quadratus'  XtkifjtjQig  or  X*>L*«()/e«,  was  a  historj'  of 
the  Roman  Empire  during  the  1000  years  of  its  existence,  in  15  books. 
The  same  writer  composed  IlaQd^ixd  and  r^Qfuayixd ;  see  Pauly's  Encycl. 
I  2  p.  1868  sq.,  nr.  28.  C.  Riibel,  n.  6.  p.  32  sq. 

3.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  63:  lulius  Africanus,  cuius  quinque  de  tempo- 
ribus  extant  volumina,  sub  imp.  M.  Aurelio  Antonino  qui  Macrino  suc- 
cesserat  (i.  e.  under  Elagabal)  legation  em  pro  instauratione  urbie 
Emmaus  suscepit.  .  .  extat  eius  ad  Aristiden  epistola,  in  qua  super 
cf»rt«f  wv/'a  quae  videtur  esse  in  genealogia  salvatoris  apud  Matthaeum  et 


Marius  Maxvmus  and  other  Historians.  297 

Lucam  plenissime  disputat.  He  placed  the  birth  of  Christ  in  the  year 
of  the  world  5500.  His  ^Qot/okoytxoy  nfvm^i^kov  was  carried  down  to 
A.  D.  218.  Idler,  Manuel  of  Chronology  H  p.  456  sqq.  One  of  his 
successors  was  Hippolytus  of  Portus,  whose  Easter-table  for  the 
years  222 — 237  on  a  marble  slab  (which  also  enumerates  the  works  of 
Hipp.,  e.  g,  Xqovixcc)  is  preserved  in  the  Vatican,  Th.  Mommsen,  on 
the  Chronographer  of  a.  354  (Leipzig  1850)  p.  595  sq.  597  sq.  610. 

4.  Herodian  wrote  rijg  fisid  Mkqxov  ^aaddag  iGroQiaif  in  the 
beginning  of  which,  in  opposition  to  most  historians,  who  trig  /ufy 
dkijS-ftug  iy  Tttlg  ai^rjytjasGiy  loktyuiQrjaay,  ov'/  tjxtotcc  ds  in^fXfktjS-riaay 
ifQaa((i)g  t(  xcci  fv<i(ouiag,  he  says  of  himself:  iyoj  ds  taroQiay  ov  naQ' 
akktoy  anodf^a^xfyog  ayycoGToy  rf  xal  afxuqrvqoyj  vno  yf-aqa  df  tfj  rtoy 
iytfv^ofZfycay  fiytj/urj,  judcc  naarjg  ccxQt^siag  rjd^qoiaa  fig  6vyyQaif>T)y, 
an  explanation  by  no  means  infringed  by  his  continuing:  ovx  nrfgnrj 
T^y  yyojciy  xal  roTg  vctf^oy  ^ato^at  nQoodoxrjaag  t^ymy  fxeyakmy  Tf  xal 
7fokk(oy  iy  okiyo)  ytyofiiyioy.  It  should  only  be  confessed  that  Dio's 
higher  position  enabled  him  more  often  to  discover  the  truth.  Editions 
by  F.  A.  Wolf  (Halle  1792).  I.  Bekker  (Berol.  1826.  Lips.  Teubner  1855). 
E.  Volkmann,  de  H.  vita,  scriptis  fideque,  Konigsberg  1859.  J.  A.  Pob- 
locki,  de  H.  vita,  ingenio,  scriptis,  Munster  1864.  R.  Sievers,  on  the 
historical  work  of  H.,  Philologus  XXVI  p.  29—43.  253-271.  E.  Brocks, 
de  IV  prioribus  h.  aug.  script.  (1869)  p.  46 — 69.  J.  J.  Miiller  in  Biidin- 
ger's  Investigations  of  the  Imperial-  Histoi-y  HI  p.  138  sqq.  181 — 191 
(especially  b.  H  and  HI).  K.  Dandliker,  the  last  three  books  of  H., 
ibid.  Ill  p.  203—319. 

5.  Orelli-Henzen  5502  (from  Rome):  L.  Mario  L.  f.  Quir.  Maximo 
Perpetuo  Aureliano  cos.  (a.  195 ;  II  a.  223),  sacerdoti  feciali,  leg.  Augg. 
pr.  pr.  provinciae  Syriae  Colae  (Coelesyria),  leg.  Aug.  pr.  pr.  provin- 
ciae  Germaniae  inferioris,  item  pro  vine,  belgicae,  duci  exercit.  mysiaci 
apud  Byzantium  et  apud  Lugdunum,  leg.  leg.  I  Italic,  cur.  viae  latinae, 
item  reip.  Faventinorum,  allecto  inter  praetorios,  trib.  pleb.,  candidato 
quaesiori  urbano,  trib.  laticl.  leg.  XXII  Primig.,  item  III  Italicae,  IV  vir 
viarum  curandarum.  Cf.  ib.  2275.  Borghesi,  iscrizione  ardeatina  di  M. 
M.,  Oeuvres  V  p.  455 — 484.  The  identity  of  the  historian  with  this 
great  personage  is,  however,  rendered  doubtful  by  the  complete  igno- 
rance of  the  first  as  to  Severus'  Eastern  wars  and  his  general  want  of 
attention  to  military  events.  (J.  J.  Miiller  p.  32,  cf.  170 — 174).  He  seems 
to  be  all  the  better  informed  of  the  events  under  Macrinus  and  is, 
therefore,  no  doubt  identical  with  the  praef.  urbi  of  a.  217  Ma^t/uog 
MccQiog  in  Dio  LXXVIII  14,  and  perhaps  with  the  Cons.  Maximus  of 
a.  207  (and  L.  Marius  Maximus,  cos.  II  a.  223).  In  the  later  years  of 
Commodus  (about  190)  he  was  already  grown  up  and  at  Rome  (Lampr. 
13,  2:  versus  in  eo  —  the  rupture  of  Comm.  —  multi  scripti  sunt,  de 
quibus  etiam  in  opere  suo  Marius  Maximus  gloriatur),  perhaps  already 
as  Senator  (cf.  ib.  18,  1  sq.:  adclamationes  senatus  pest  mortem  Com- 
modi   .   .   de    Mario    Maximo   indidi),    according   to   which  he  might  be 


298  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

horn  c.  165.  As  he  did  not  carry  his  work  beyond  Elagabal  (f  222, 
see  J.  Miiller  p.  26 — 28),  he  appears  not  to  have  lived  until  the  death 
of  Alexander  (a.  235),  but  to  have  written  in  his  reign. 

6.  Capitol.  Clod.  Alb.  12,  14:  quae  qui  diligentius  scire  velit  legat 
Marium  Maximum  de  latinis  scriptoribus,  de  graecis  scriptoribus  Hero- 
dianum,  qui  ad  fidem  pleraque  dixerunt.  Vopisc.  Prob.  2,  7 :  ut  imitarer 
.  .  Marium  Maximum,  Suetonium  Tranquillum,  Fabium  Marcellinum, 
Gargilium  Martialem  (above  376)  ceterosque  qui  haec  et  talia  non  tam 
diserte  quam  vere  memoriae  tradiderunt.  Firm.  1,1:  Marius  Maximus 
Avidium  Marci  temporibus  —  libris  alienis  innexuit  (cf.  Miiller  p.  28  sq.). 

1,  2:  Marius  Maximus,  homo  omnium  verbosissimus,  qui  et  mythistori- 
cis  se  voluminibus  implicavit.  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev.  48,  6:  neque  in  vita 
eius  (Traiani)  id  Marius  Max.  ita  exposuit  etc.  30,  6  :  de  quo  in  libris 
suis  Marius  Max.  loquitur,  cum  Hadriani  disserit  vitam.  Volcat.  Avid, 
Cass.  6,  7:  Marius  Max.  refert  in  eo  libro  quem  secundum  de  vita  Marci 
Antonini  edidit.  Cf.  ibid.  9,  ;').  Capitol.  Pert.  15,  8:  epistiila  quae  vitae 
illius  (i.  e.  Pertinax)  a  M.  M.  apposita  est.  Cf.  Czwalina  I  p.  15 — 19. 
Lamprid.  Alex.  p.  5,   4:  Marius  Max.  dixit  in  vita  Severi.  Spartian.  Geta 

2,  1:  in  vita  Severi  Marius  Max.  primo  septenario  (Miiller  p.  180  sq.) 
satis  Heliogabali.  M.  M.  wound  up  with  the  last-named  Emperor, 
having  commenced  with  Nerva  (Miiller  p.  23 — 28).  He  appears,  there- 
fore, to  have  written  twelve  vitae,  just  like  Suetonius.  The  minusculi 
tyranni  were  mentioned  in  speaking  of  the  generally  recognised  Augusti 
Vopisc.  Firm.  1,  1 :  et  Suet.  Tranq.  Vindicem  tacuit  .  .  et  Marius  Max. 
Ammian.  XXVIIl  4,  14  (quidam  .  .  luvenalem  et  Marium  Maximum 
curatiore  studio  legunt).  J.  J.  Miiller,  on  the  historian  M.  M.,  in  M. 
Biidinger's  Investigations  on  the  Imperial  History  III  (1870).  C.  Riibel, 
de  fontibus  IV  priorum  hist.  aug.  scriptorum  I  (Bonn  1872)  p.  8.  12 — 
18.  22-24.  26-28.  30—32.  37  sq.  40  sq.  44.  48  sq.  49  sq.  53.  57-60. 
62—64. 

7.  Capitol.  Macrin.  1,  3 — 5:  lunio  Cordo  studium  fuit  eorum 
imperatorum  vitas  edere  quos  obscuriores  videbat;  qui  non  multum 
profecit.  nam  et  pauca  repperit  et  indigna  meraoratu,  adserens  se  mi- 
nima quaeque  persecuturum,  quasi  vel  de  Traiano  aut  Pio  aut  Marco 
sciendum  sit  quotiens  processerit,  quando  cibos  variaverit  et  quando 
vestem  mutaverit  et  quos  quando  promoverit.  quae  ille  omnia  exequendo 
libros  mythistoricis  replevit.  Max.  et  Balb.  4,  5 :  placet  aliqua  dici  de 
moribus  atque  genere,  non  eo  modo  quo  Junius  Cordus  est  persecutus 
omnia,  sed  illo  quo  Suetonius  Tranquillus  et  Valerius  Marcellinus,  quamvis 
Curius  Fortunatianus,  qui  omnem  banc  historiam  perscripsit,  pauca  con- 
tigerit,  Cordus  vero  tam  multa  ut  etiam  pleraque  et  minus  honesta 
perscripserit.  ib.  4,  2:  libris  quos  lunius  Cordus  affatim  scripsit.  Gordian. 
21,  3  sq. :  non  nobis  talia  dicenda  sunt  quae  lunius  Cordus  ridicule  ac 
stulte  composuit  de  voluptatibus  domesticis  ceterisque  infimis  rebus, 
quae  qui  velit  scire  ipsum  legat  Cordum,  qui  dicit  et  quos  servos 
habuerit  unusquisque  principum  et  quos  amicos  et  quot  paenulas  quotve 
chlaraydes.     Maximin.    27,    7:    lunius   Cordus,    harum  rerum  persecutor. 


Marius  Maxinnus  and  other  Historians.  299^ 

Cf.  ib.  28,  10.  29,  10.  31,  4.  and  in  other  passages.  Probably  the  same 
writer  is  meant  ib.  12,  7:  Aelius  (or  Helius)  Cordus  dicit  banc  omnina.; 
ipsius  orationem  fuisse.  Cf.  J.  J.  Miiller  (n,  6)  p.  92  sq.  n.  3.  K.  Dand- 
liker,  in  Biidinger's  Investigations  III  p.  306—314.  C.  Riibel  p.  9  sq.  19 
sq.  26.  38—40.  45  sq.  50—52.  53-55.  61. 

8.  Capitol.  Maximin.  32,  1 :  scribit  Aelius  Sabinus. 

9.  Volcat.  Avid.  Cass.  5,  1 :  de  hoc  (Av.  Cass.)  multa  .  .  inveniun-: 
tur  apud  Aemilium  Parthenianum,  qni  adfectatores  tyrannidis  iam  inde 
a  veteribus  historiae  tradidit.  Was  he  the  principal  source  of  Volca- 
tius  in  his  life  of  Avidius  Cassius?  C.  Czwalina  I  p.  19.  C.  Riibel  p.  34  sq. 

10.  Spartian.  Sever.  20,  1:  legisse  me  apud  Helium  Maurum, 
Phlegontis  Hadriani  libertum,  memini  Septimium  Severum  etc.  C.  Riibel 
p.  55  sq. 

11.  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev.  58,  6  sq. :  scio  volgum  banc  rem  .  .  Trai- 
ani  putare ;  sed  neque  in  vita  eius  id  Marius  Maximus  ita  exposuit  neque 
Fabius  Marcellinus  (cf.  n.  6)  neque  Aurelius  Verus  neque  Statins  (or 
Tatius)  Valens,  qui  omnem  eius  vitam  in  litteras  raiserunt.  contra  auten^ 
et  Septimius  (qui  vitam  eius  non  mediocriter  executus  est  ib.  17,  2)  et 
Acholius  et  Encolpius  (ib.  17,  1)  vitae  (of  Alexander  Sev.)  scriptores 
ceterique  de  hoc  (Alex.)  talia  praedicaverunt.  To  which  we  should  add 
ib.  37,  9 :  ne  longum  sit  omnia  inserere  quae  Gargilius  (cf.  n.  6)  eius  tem- 
poris  (of  Alex.)  scriptor  singillatim  persecutus  est.   See  also  above  375, 10. 

12.  Lamprid.  Diadum.  9,  2:  Lollius  Urbicus  in  historia  temporis 
sui  dicit  etc. 

13.  Capitol.  Gordian.  21,  5:  lectum  apud  Volcatium  Terentianum, 
qui  et  ipse  historiam  sui  temporis  scripsit,  .  .  Gordianum  seniorem  Au- 
gust! voitum  repraesentasse  etc.  Grafenhan,  Hist,  of  Class.  Philology  p. 
302  sq.  thinks  him  (or  Vole.  Gallicanus)  identical  with  that  Volcatius 
who  wrote  commentaries  in  orationes  Ciceronis  (Hieron.  apol.  c.  Rufin. 
I  16). 

14.  Lactant.  inst.  div.  I  21  (p.  52  Fri.) :  Pescennius  Festus  in  libris 
historiarum  per  saturam  refert  Carthaginienses  Saturno  humanas  hostias 
solitos  immolare  etc. 

15.  To  the  middle  of  this  century  we  should  probably  assign  the 
map  from  which  the  tabula  peutingeriana  was  copied:   see  vol.  1  p.  78. 

378.  Like  Minucius  Felix  and  Tertullian,  Thascius  Cae- 
cilius  Cyprianus  (c.  200—257),  bishop  of  Carthage,  had  also 
received  a  rhetorical  education.  He  does  not  possess  the  ori- 
ginality, fertility  and  liveliness  of  Tertullian,  whom  he  greatly 
admires,  but  surpasses  him  in  lucidity  and  correctness,  his 
diction  being  also  more  even  and  pleasing.     His  frequent  ci- 


300  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

tations  from  Scripture  impart  to  his  works  a  character  speci- 
fically Christian,  and  owing  to  the  absence  of  all  heretic  elements 
they  long  continued  to  enjoy  a  high  authority.  Their  contents 
are  partly  of  an  apologetic,  and  partly  of  a  practical  and  par- 
aenetic  character.  His  letters  are  of  much  importance  in  illu- 
strating the  history  of  the  administration  of  the  churches* 
Nova ti anus,  who  wrote  at  Rome  about  the  same  time,  like- 
wise employed  Tertullian. 

1.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  67:  Cyprian  us  Afer  primum  gloriose  rheto- 
ricam  docuit,  exinde  suadente  presbytero  Caecilio,  a  quo  et  cognomen- 
turn  sortitus  est,  christianus  factus  omnem  substantiam  suam  pauperi- 
bus  erogavit  ac  post  non  multum  temporis  electus  in  presbyterum  etiam 
episcopus  Carthaginiensis  constitutus  est  (a.  248).  huius  ingenii  super- 
fluum  est  indicem  texere,  cum  sole  clariora  sint  eius  opera,  passus  est 
(by  being  beheaded)  sub  Valeriano  et  Gallieno  principibus  (a.  Abr.  2272 
=  256  A.  D.  according  to  Amand.,  2273  =  257  according  to  the  other 
mss.  of  Hieron.  chron.),  persecutione  octava,  eodem  die  quo  Romae 
Cornelius  (XVIII  Kal.  Oct.),  sed  non  eodem  anno.  68:  Pontius,  diaconns 
Cjrpriani,  usque  ad  et  diem  passionis  eius  cum  ipso  exilium  sustinens, 
egregium  volumen  vitae  et  passionis  Cypriani  reliquit.  He  had  been 
his  companion  in  his  flight  in  the  persecution  under  Decius  (the  seventh). 
The  vita  Cypriani  which  bears  the  name  of  Pontius  is  at  least  very 
much  interpolated  (see  it  e.  g.  in  Hartel's  ed.  Ill  p.  XC  sqq.).  KvnQKtvoy 
aytov  ap&Qci  /uakiata  navrtap  ot  Ka^^rjifovi/Ot  Ge^oyTcct  and  celebrate 
an  annual  festival  in  remembrance  of  him,  KvnQiccya,  Procop.  Vand.  I  21. 

2.  Cyprian's  works :  Ad  Donatum  (de  gratia  dei) ;  Quod  idola  dii 
non  sint  (Hieron.  epist.  70,  5.  p.  429  sq.  Vail.:  Cyprianus  quod  idola 
dii  non  sunt  qua  brevitate,  qua  historiarum  omnium  scientia,  quo  cum 
verborum  et  sensuum  splendore  perstrinxit!  Yet  the  author  has  made 
much  use  of  the  Octavius  and  the  Apologeticum) ;  Testimoniorum  ad- 
versus  ludaeos  libri  IH;  De  habitu  virginum  (according  to  Tertullian's 
work);  De  unitate  ecclesiae ;  De  lapsis;  De  oratione  dominica;  De  mor- 
talitate;  Ad  Fortunatum  de  exhortatione  martyrii,  also  from  Tertullian; 
Ad  Demetrianum  (cf.  Lactant.  inst.  V  4);  De  opere  et  eleemosynis;  De 
bono  patientiae  (a  copy  of  Tertull.  de  pat.);  De  zelo  et  livore;  and  in 
the  last  place  eleven  sermons  and  83  letters,  the  latter  in  two  redac- 
tions of  the  text,  suiting  the  countries  where  they  were  used.  Interesting 
are  also  the  minutes  of  the  provincial  Synod  at  Carthage  a.  256  (de 
haereticis  baptizandis)  in  Hartel's  ed.  I  p.  435—461. 

3.  Lactant.  inst.  div.  V  1  (p.  230  sq.  Fri.) :  unus  igitur  (see  above 
369,  2)  praecipuus  et  clarus  extitit  Cyprianus,  quoniam  et  magnam  sibi 
gloriam  ex  artis  oratoriae  professione  quaesierat  et  admodum  multa 
conscripsit  in  suo  genere  miranda.  erat  enim  ingenio  facili,  copioso, 
Buavi   et,    quae   sermonis   maxima  est  virtus,  aperto,  ut  discernere  non 


Cyprianus.     Novatianus.  301 

queas  utrumnc  ornatior  in  eloquendo  an  facilior  in  explicando  an  po- 
tentior  in  persuadendo  fuerit.  hie  tamen  placere  ultra  verba  sacramen- 
tum  ignorantibus  non  potest,  quoniam  mystica  sunt  quae  locutus  est  et 
ad  id  praeparata  ut  a  solis  fidelibus  audiantur;  denique  a  doctis  huius 
saeculi  quibus  forte  scripta  eius  innotuerunt  derideri  solet.  audivi  ego 
quendam  hominem  sane  disertum  qui  eum  immutata  una  littera  Copre- 
anum  vocaret,  quasi  qui  elegans  ingenium  et  melioribus  rebus  aptum 
ad  aniles  fabulas  contulisset.  Hieron.  Ep,  58,  10  (p.  326  Vail.):  Ter- 
tuUianus  creber  est  in  sententiis,  sed  diflficilis  in  loquendo;  beatus 
Cyprianus  instar  fontis  purissimi  dulcis  incedit  et  placidus.  82,  2  (p. 
523  Vail.):  beatus  Cyprianus  Tertulliano  magistro  utitur,  ut  eius  scripta 
probant.  Cf.  de  vir.  ill.  53:  vidi  ego  quendam  Paulum  Concordiae,  quod 
oppidum  Italiae  et  senem  qui  se  beati  Cypriani  iam  grandis  aetatis 
notarium,  cum  ipse  admodum  esset  adolescens,  Romae  vidisse  diceret 
referreque  sibi  solitum,  numquam  Cyprianum  absque  Tertulliani  lectione 
unum  diem  praeterisse  ac  sibi  crebro  dicere  'Da  magistrum;'  Tertul- 
lianum  videlicet  significans. 

4.  Editions  of  the  works  of  Cyprian  (see  Hartel  111  p.  LXX  sqq.) 
by  Des.  Erasmus  (Basil.  1520  fol.  and  elsewhere),  J.  Pamelius  (cum  adnot., 
Antverp.  1568  fol.  and  elsewhere),  N.  Rigaltius  (ill,  observ.,  Paris  1648 
fol.  and  elsewhere),  St.  Baluzius  (finished  by  the  Maurine  monk  Pru- 
dentius  Maranus,  Paris  1726  fol.  Ven.  1728.  1758  fol.),  Fr.  Oberthiir 
(Wiirzburg  1782.  2  vols.),  Migne  (Patrolog.  curs.  IV  Paris  1844),  J.  G. 
Krabinger  (recogn.  et  adn.  crit.  instr..  Tubing.  1823.  1859.  2  vols.;  which 
contains,  however,  only  the  principal  treatises).  W.  Hartel  (rec.  et 
comm.  crit.  instruxit,  3  vols.  Vienna  1868 — 1871.  The  treatise  de  uni- 
tate  eccl.  ad  opt.  libr.  fid.  expr.    .  .  M.  F.  Hyde,  Buckington  1853. 

5.  H.  Dodwell,  dissert.  Cyprianicae,  1684.  4.  R.  Ceillier,  hist, 
gener.  des  auteurs  s.  et  eccl.  Ill  (Paris  1732)  p.  1—224.  P.  G.  Lumper, 
hist,  theolog.  crit.  XI.  (August.  1790)  p.  58  sqq.  F.  W.  Rettberg,  Th. 
C.  Cypr.  Gotti.  1831.  On  the  share,  which  Cypr.  possibly  had  in  the 
collection  of  the  notae  tironianae  see  W.  Schmitz  in  the  symb.  philol. 
Bonn.  p.  540—543. 

6.  Hieronym.  vir.  ill.  70:  Novatianus  Romanae  urbis  presbyter 
adversus  Cornelium  (a.  250)  cathedram  sacerdotalem  conatus  invadere 
Novatianorum  quod  graece  dicitur  KaS-ccQcHy  dogma  constituit,  nolens 
apostatas  recipere  paenitentes.  huius  auctor  Novatus  Cypriani  presby- 
ter fuit  (cf.  Hier.  on  Euseb.  chron.  2269  =::  253  A.  D.:  Novatus  presby- 
ter Cypriani  Romam  veniens  Novatianum  et  ceteros  confessores  sibi 
sociat,  eo  quod  Cornelius  paenitentes  apostatas  recepisset).  scripsit 
autem  De  pascha,  De  sabbato,  De  circumcisione,  De  sacerdote,  De  ora- 
tione,  De  cibis  iudaicis,  De  instantia,  De  Attalo,  multaque  alia,  et  De 
trinitate  grande  volumen,  quasi  tnno/uijp  operis  Tertulliani  faciens,  quod 
plerique  nescientes  Cypriani  existimant.  Hieron.  Ep.  10,  3  (p.  24  Vail.) 
asks  for  epistolas  Novatiani,  ut  dum  schismatici  hominis  venena  cognos- 
cimus  libentius  sancti  martyris  Cypriani  bibamus    antidotum.     Cf.    also 


302  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Cyprian.  Epist.  60.  Euseb.  hist.  eccl.  VI  43.  R.  Ceillier  (cf.  n,  5)  III  p. 
290 — 296,  The  treatises  de  trinitate  and  De  cibis  iud.  epistola  are  ex- 
tant and  appended  to  many  editions  of  Tertullian  and  Cyprian  (e.  g. 
by  Oberthiir).  They  have  been  separately  edited  by  Ed.  Welchmann 
(Oxon.  1724)  and  Jackson  (London  1728).  In  Migne's  Patrologiae  cursus 
in  (1844)  p.  885—970.     Cf.  ib.  p.  861—884. 

379.  There  was  in  this  time  no  want  of  men  who  could 
manage  metrical  composition,  but  they  did  not  succeed  in  at- 
taining the  harmonious  agreement  of  form  and  matter.  E.  g. 
Alfius  Avitus  wrote  an  account  of  Roman  History  in  iambic 
dimeters  and  Marianus  composed  Lupercalia  in  the  same  metre. 
Septimius  Serenus  in  his  Opuscula  (ruralia)  imitated  many 
Greek  metres  with  much  skill  and  elegance.  The  extant  di- 
dactic poem  of  Q.  Serenus  Sammonicus,  De  medicina  praecepta, 
in  1115  hexameters,  deals  in  a  rhetorical  manner  with  a  sub- 
ject not  well  suited  to  poetry,  but  the  technical  and  proso- 
diacal  details  agree  with  the  best  models.  Gordianus  the  Elder, 
who  wrote  an  Antoninias,  was  a  fertile  versifier. 

1.  Terentianus  2446 — 2451  of  the  iambic  dimeter:  plerumque  nee 
carmen  modo  sed  et  volumen  explicat,  ut  pridem  Avitus  Alfius  libros 
poeta  plusculos,  usus  dimetro  perpeti,  conscribit  Excellentium.  Three 
dimeters  from  the  first  book  of  Alphius  Avitus  Excellentium  in  part  of 
the  msB.  of  Priscian.  IV  29  (p.  134,  3  Htz.) ;  sex  dimeters  of  the  second 
ib.  VIII  71  (p.  426  sq.),  cf.  p.  409  and  II  p.  233  (spatiando);  two  ib. 
Xn  23  (I  p.  591).  Hence  they  have  passed  into  the  collections  (Anthol. 
lat.)  of  Burmann  and  of  Meyer.  Wernsdorf  poetae  lat.  min.  p.  XXXI — 
XXXni.  L.  Miiller  de  re  metr.  p.  102  sq.  and  in  his  ed.  of  Rutil.  Nam. 
p.  51   sq. 

2.  Five  iambic  dimeters  from  Marianus  Lupercaliorum  poeta  ap. 
Philargyr.  (and  Serv.)  on  Verg.  Eel.  1,  20.  Cf.  L.  Miiller  de  re  metr. 
p.  103,  and  in  his  ed.  of  Rutil.  Nam.  p.  53. 

3.  Terentian.  1891 — 1900:  dulcia  S  ep  timius  qui  scripsit  opuscula 
nuper  ancipitem  tali  cantavit  carmine  lanum  etc.  1973 — 1982:  nemo 
tamen  culpet  si  sumo  exempla  novella;  nam  et  melius  nostri  servarunt 
metra  minores.  Septimius,  docuit  quo  ruris  opuscula  libro,  hoc  genere 
adsidue  cecinit.  .  .  sic  hephthemimeres  servavit  carmine  utroque.  1991 : 
ultima  quae  metro  fuit  hoc  inventa  Sereni.  2627 — 2630:  hoc  de  Sep- 
timii  potes  iunctis  noscere  versibus.  Specimens  of  skilful  metrical  for- 
mations of  Serenus  are  given  by  Diomed  p.  511.  513  (cf.  Martian.  Cap. 
V  518).  514.  517.  518  K.,  others  by  Nonius  (e.  g.  p.  539  M.:  Serenus 
opusculo  lib.  I;  p.  210  Ser.  opusculis,  but  p.  214  Ser.  Ruralibus),  Ser- 
vius    and    others;     the    fragments    collected    by    Wernsdorf  poStae  lat. 


Septimius  Serenus.     Serenus  Sammonicus.  303 

min.  n  p.  279—291,  and  L.  Miiller  in  his  ed.  of  Rutil.  Nam.  p.  44-51. 
What  Terentian.  1998  designates  as  docta  Phalisca,  is  by  Mar.  Vict, 
p.  2578  erroneously  attributed  to  Septimius  Severus  (see  L.  Miiller  Rh. 
Mus.  XXV  p.  338—342).  Sept.  Ser.  renovated  the  kind  set  in  vogue 
(349,  3)  by  Annianus;  cf.  Serv.  de  cent.  metr.  p.  465  K.  (T.  IV):  docta 
falisca.  Serene,  reparas.  He  is  probably  meant  by  Sidon.  Ap.  carm.  IX 
260  (Stella  et  Septimius  Petroniusque),  cf.  ad  Polem.  (above  370,  5), 
and  Hieronym.  ep.  53  (p.  279  Vail.) :  Catullus  et  Serenus.  On  Sept- 
Ser.  cf.  Wernsdorf  1.  1.  p.  247 — 253.  G.  Lachmann's  Terentianus  p.  XII 
— XV.  L.  Miiller  metr.  p.  97 :  et  numerorum  elegantia  et  sensuum  pro- 
prietate  excelluit.  quare  abstrusa  quaedam  et  contorta  imitationi  ve- 
terum  et  imbecillitati  saeculi  facile  condonabuntur.  Cf.  Rh.  Mus.  XXV 
p.  343  sq.  The  trifling  tone  occasionally  conspicuous  in  his  composi- 
tions resulted  from  the  artificial  character  of  his  metres. 

4.  Lamprid.  Alex.  30,  2 :  latina  cum  legeret  non  alia  magis  legebat 
quam  de  officiis  Ciceronis  et  de  rep.,  nonnumquam  et  oratores  (or  ora- 
tiones)  et  poetas,  in  quis  Serenum  Sammonicum,  quern  ipse  nove- 
rat  et  dilexerat,  et  Horatium.  Cf.  Capitol.  Gord.  (iun.)  18,  2  (above 
370,  5).  As  the  father  (370,  5)  is  never  mentioned  as  the  author  of  any 
poetical  composition,  and  as  Alexander  was  only  seven  years  old  and 
not  yet  at  Rome,  when  he  was  called,  the  passage  of  Lamprid.  and 
consequently  the  didactic  poem  should  be  referred  to  the  son.  He 
would  then  appear  to  have  died  before  Alexander,  i.  e.  before  235. 
His  father  would  in  all  probability  have  made  the  poem  more  learned. 
All  the  statements  contained  in  it  can  be  traced  in  Pliny,  besides  whom 
the  author  employed  only  Dioscorides  tisqI  vktjg  laxQix^g  and  nfQi 
(vnoQiffTojf  (faQ/u((X(oy.  He  does  not  show  any  individual  knowledge 
of  the  subject-matter,  but  is  very  superstitious,  in  recommending  such 
remedies  as  a  paper  inscribed  with  Abracadabra  (944 — 949),  urina  canis 
(1104)  etc.  He  mentions  Ennius,  Titinius,  (the  writer  of  togatae),  Horace 
(533:  quodque  satis  melius  verbis  dicemus  Horati),  Livy  (728  sq.  : 
tertia  namque  Titi  simul  et  centesima  Livi  charta  docet  etc.).  The 
phraseology  is  derived  from  Virgil,  Horace  and  in  parts  also  from  Lu- 
cretius. At  the  commencement  the  poet  invokes  Phoebus  for  salutiferum 
quod  pangimus  .  .  carmen  (4);  cf.  v.  397  sq.:  dis  ista  requirat,  at  nos 
pauperibus  praecepta  feramus  amica.  Similar  are  v.  523 — 526.  He 
begins  with  remedies  for  aifections  of  the  head  (celsa  de  corporis  arce, 
3),  and  concludes  (if  indeed  the  poem  be  complete)  with  remedies  for 
warts.  In  the  earlier  editions  the  poem  is  divided  into  65  chapters. 
The  poet  follows  very  strict  laws  with  regard  to  synaloepha  and  caesura 
which  he  violates  but  rarely  in  favour  of  technical  expressions;  but 
941  sqq. :  mortiferum  magis  est  quod  Graecis  ^utxQnaXov  volgatur  ver- 
bis; hoc  nostra  dicere  lingua  non  potuere  uUi,  puto,  nee  voluere  pa- 
rentes.  The  whole  work  is  rather  the  trifling  production  of  a  young 
man  well-versed  in  metrical  composition  than  a  serious  work. 

5.  Manuscripts :  Turicensis  saec.  IX  or  X  (F.  A.  Rcuss,  lect.  Sam- 
raon.  part.  1.     Wiirzburg  1836.  4.),  a  Paderborn  ms.  saec.  XIII,  Breelau 


304  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

ms.  (Ch.  G.  Gruner,  variae  lectt.  in  Q.  S.  S.  ex  cod.  vratisl.  decerptae, 
Jena  1782.  4.),  and  a  Leipzig  ms.  Editio  princeps  s.  1.  et  a.  (Milan  before 
1484).  Other  editions  by  G.  Humelberg  of  Ravensburg  (Tigur.  1540.  4. 
1581.  4.),  R.  Keuchen  (Amstelod.  1662.  1706),  J.  Ch.  G.  Ackermann 
(Lips.  1786).  Frequently  together  with  Celsus  and  in  such  collections 
as  Burmann's  poetae  lat.  min.  II  p.  185  sqq..  W.  E.  Weber's  corpus 
poetar.  lat.  p.  1174—1188.  cf.  p.  LXI— LXIII. 

6.  J.  B.  Morgagni  epistolae  duae  in  Serenum  Sam.  e.  g.  in  his 
Opusc.  miscell.  (Naples  1763.  4.)  I  p.  191—226.  Thierfelder,  Q.  S.  S. 
didactic  poem  on  medical  art,  in  Kiichenmeister's  Zeitschr.  f.  Medicin 
V  2  (1866).  Choulant,  Bibliography  of  early  medical  art,  (Leipz.  184h 
p.  210-212.     E.  Meyer,  Hist,  of  Botany  II  p.  209—217. 

7.  D.  Caelius  Balbinus,  Cos.  II  a.  213,  chosen  Emperor  by 
the  Senate  after  the  death  of  Gordianus  the  Elder  together  with  Maxi- 
mus  Pupienus,  but  soon  afterwards  killed  with  him  by  the  Praetorian 
guard  (a.  238) ;  see  Pauly's  Encycl.  I  2.  p.  2243  sq.  n.  4.  Capitol.  Max. 
et  Balb.  7,  5:  eloquentia  clarus,  poeta  inter  sui  temporis  poetas  prae- 
cipuus.  Cf.  ib.  2,  7:  vitae,  quam  a  prima  aetate  in  studiis  semper  ac 
litteris  tenuit. 

8.  Capitol.  Maximin.  27,  6:  Toxotius  .  .  senator,  qui  perit  post 
praeturam,  cuius  etiam  poemata  extant. 

9.  On  the  metrical  compositions  of  Macrinus,  Albinus,  and  Gor- 
dianus (Antoninias)  see  above  365,  6.     371,  2.  6. 

10.  Albinus  from  whose  Rerum  romanarum  primo  Priscian.  VII  2 
(p.  304  H.)  quotes  three  hexameters,  in  which  cui  is  twice  used  with 
an  iambic  prosody,  belongs  to  this  time  at  the  earliest.  Cf.  L.  Miiller, 
metr.  p.  270  with  247,  6  extr.  above. 

380.  A  peculiar  figure  is  Commodianus  of  Gaza,  by 
whom  we  possess  two  poems,  filled  with  a  Christian  zeal  very 
ardent,  though  not  quite  correct  in  a  dogmatical  point  of 
view,  and  in  hexameters  which  in  defiance  of  metre  and  pro- 
sody merely  follow  the  ear  and  the  accentuation  of  every  day 
pronunciation.  The  earlier  poem,  the  Instructiones  composed 
about  a.  238,  is  besides  this  barbarism  also  composed  in  the 
form  of  an  acrostich.  In  the  carmen  apologeticum,  composed 
a.  249,  the  author  has  deserted  that  crotchet  and  exhibits  a 
greater  abundance  of  words. 

1.  Gennadius  de  scriptor.  eccl.  15:  Commodianus  dum  inter 
saeculares  litteras  etiam  nostras  legit  occasionem  accepit  fidei.  factus 
itaque  christianus  .  .  scripsit  mediocri  sermone  quasi  versu  librum  ad- 
versus  paganos.  et  quia  parum  nostrarum  attigerat  litterarum  magis 
illorum  destruere  potuit  dogmata  quam  nostra  firmare.     Instr.  80  bears 


Sereniis  Sammonicus.     Commodianus.  305 

the  heading  Nomen  Gazaei  (from  Gaza  in  Palestine  Syria)  and  reading 
the  initials  backwards  forms  the  words  Commodianus  mendicus  Christi. 
Praef.  4  sqq. :  ego  similiter  erravi  tempore  multo,  fana  prosequendo, 
parentibus  insciis  ipsis  abstiili  me  tandem  inde,  legendo  de  lege.  .  . 
ob  ea  perdoctus  ignaros  instruo  verum.  Apolog.  3  sq. :  errabam  igna 
rus  spatians,  spe  captus  inani,  dam  furor  aetatis  primae  me  portabat 
in  auras.  (11  sqq.)  aggressusque  fui  traditor  in  codice  legis,  quid  ibi 
rescirem.  statim  mihi  lampada  fulsit,  .  .  et  ideo  tales  hortor  ab  errore 
recedant.  In  both  poems  we  have  the  same  Patripassianism  and  Chiliasm. 
Instr.  40,  10:  ipse  deus  vita  est,  pependit  ipse  pro  nobis;  cf.  apolog. 
763  sq. :  unus  est  in  coelo  deus  coeli,  terrae  marisque,  quam  Moises 
docuit  ligno  pendere  pro  nobis.  Instr.  80,  6  sqq.:  hoc  placuit  Christo, 
resurgere  mortuos  imo  .  .  sex  milibus  annis  completis,  mundo  finito ; 
cf.  apol.  783  sq.:  sex  milibus  annis  pervenient  ista  repletis;  .  .  tunc 
homo  resurget  etc.  The  peculiarities  of  diction  and  metre  are  the 
same  in  either  poem,  only  the  carmen  apol.  exhibiting  some  progress 
by  having  correct  hexameters  among  the  accentuated  lines  in  more  in- 
stances, eight  being  right  among  the  first  100  (v.  15,  17,  24,  44  sq.,  49, 
89,  97).  In  the  Instr.  (acr.  41  sq.)  only  one  Antichrist  (Belial)  is  mentioned, 
but  in  the  carmen  two  (Nero  and  the  man  of  the  East,  every  372  years). 
A.  Ebert  p.  414—419.     Leimbach  p.  23—27. 

2.  The  Instructiones  consist  of  eighty  poems  of  various  extent, 
according  to  the  subject  treated  in  an  acrostichic  manner,  e.  g.  prae- 
fatio ;  de  fulmine  ipsius  lovis ;  de  septizonio  et  stellis ;  Apollo  sortilegus 
falsus ;  Hercules ;  de  Ammudate  et  deo  magno ;  repugnantibus  adversus 
legem  Christi  dei  vivi ;  item  gentilibus  ignaris,  qui  iudaeidiant  fanatici ; 
de  populo  absconso  sancto  omnipotentis  Christi  dei  vivi  etc.  The  first 
half  (acr.  1 — 45)  is  chiefly  devoted  to  the  heathens,  acr.  37 — 40  to  the 
Jews,  41 — 45  to  the  end  of  the  world  and  to  resurrection;  46 — 80  to 
the  Christians,  catechumeni  and  ecclesiastics.  The  author's  acquaintance 
with  earlier  apologetic  writings  (above  368  sq.)  is  evident.  The  con- 
straint which  he  imposes  upon  himself  by  the  strange  acrostichic  com- 
position of  his  poems,  is  amply  compensated  by  his  helter-skelter  pro- 
sody. On  the  time  of  composition  cf.  6,  2  sq. :  cur  annis  docentis  (after 
the  death  of  Christ)  fuistis  infantes?  Dodwell,  diss,  de  Commodiani 
aetate,  in  his  annales  Quintil.  (Oxon.  1698)  and  in  the  edition  of 
Schurzfleisch.  A.  Ebert  p.  417.  Editions  by  N.  Kigaltius  (TuUi  Leuc. 
1650.  4.),  H.  L.  Schurzfleisch  (Vitemberg  1704.  4.),  in  Migne's  Patro- 
logiae  cursus  III  (Paris  1844)  p.  202 — 262,  and  in  Fr.  Oehler's  Minuc. 
Felix. 

3.  The  carmen  apologeticum  adversus  ludaeos  et  gentes  was  from 
a  cod.  at  Middle-Hill  saec.  VIII  edited  by  J.  B.  Pitra,  spicilegium  Soles- 
mense  I  (Paris  1852)  p.  21—49.  Cf.  p.  537—543  and  p.  XVI— XXV. 
There  are  altogether  1054  lines,  the  last  thirty  being  fragmentary  and 
illegible  in  the  ms.  At  the  end:  explicit  tractatus  sancti  episcopi  Com- 
modiani (Archives  des  missions  IV  3.  p.  97).  A  chronological  hint 
occurs  V.  798  sqq.:    sed  quidam  haec,    aiunt,    quando  haec  (end  of  the 

20 


306  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

world)  Ventura  putamus  ?  (800)  multa  quidem  signa  fient  tantae  termini 
pesti,  sed  erit  initium  septima  persecutio  nostra  (according  to  August. 
civ.  d.  XYIII  52  the  one  by  Decius).  ecce  ianua  pulsatur  et  cogitur 
esse  (?)  quae  cito  traiciet  Gothis  inrumpentibus  amnem  (the  Danube, 
a.  250)  rex  Apolion  erit  cum  ipsis,  nomine  dirus.  (806)  pergit  ad  Ro- 
mam  cum  multa  milia  gentis  decretoque  dei  captivat  ex  parte  subactos. 
(878  sqq.)  haec  Nero  tum  faciet,  .  .  ut  urbs  et  populus  ille  cum  ipso 
tradatur,  tollatur  imperium  quod  fuit  inique  repletum,  quod  per  tributa 
mala  diu  maceraverat  omnes.  Considering  the  approaching  end  of  the 
world,  all  infidels  are  exhorted  to  be  converted  while  it  is  still  time. 
A.  Ebert,  Commodian's  carmen  apologeticum,  in  the  Trans,  of  the 
Saxon  Society  of  Lit.,  (philol.-hist.  CI.)  1868.  p.  387—420.  C.  Leimbach, 
on  C.'s  carm.  ap,,  Schmalkalden  1871.   28  pp.    4. 

4.  The  hexameters  of  Comm.  have  always  six  arses,  but  are  re- 
gardless of  hiatus  and  prosody,  nay  in  many  instances  the  pronuncia- 
tion supposed  in  them  violates  the  rules  of  Latin  accentuation  (e.  g. 
tollatur,  immites  as  dactyls).  Owing  to  the  arbitrary  practice  adopted 
in  them  (at  least  L.  Miiller's  statements  de  re  metr.  p.  448  cannot  well 
be  accepted  as  principles)  the  lines  of  Comm.  are  much  more  difficult 
to  read  than  correct  verse,  all  the  more  as  their  difficulty  is  increased 
by  such  strange  (perhaps  plebeian)  forms  as  the  sing,  milia  and  the 
plur.  nuntia  and  peculiar  constructions.  He  alludes  to  Terence,  Cicero, 
and  Virgil,  and  borrows  from  the  latter. 

5.  The  same  combination  of  an  acrostichic  arrangement  with  bar- 
baric prosody  and  metre  as  in  the  Instr.  of  Comm.  (n.  2)  appears  also 
in  the  Inscription  of  L.  Praecilius  Fortunatus  of  Cirta  ap.  Renier,  Inscr. 
d'Alg.  2074. 

2.     The   second   half,    A.   D.   253  —  305. 

S81.  The  commencement  of  this  time  inaugurates  an  un- 
fortunate epoch  for  Italy  and  the  Roman  Empire.  The  coun- 
tries themselves  were  ravaged  by  fearful  plagues  and  epide- 
mics, and  sorely  pressed  by  enemies  from  without,  in  the 
West  by  the  Franks,  in  the  North  by  the  Alemanni,  in  the 
North-East  by  the  Goths,  and  in  the  East  by  Sapor.  Another 
misfortune  was  the  reign  of  the  weak  Gallienus  (a.  218 — 268) 
who  first  ruled  conjointly  with  his  father  Valerianus  (a.  253 — 
260),  and  after  the  latter  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  Per- 
sians was  sole  Emperor  (a.  260—268)  —  an  Emperor  whose 
weakness  encouraged  many  provincial  commanders  to  declare 
themselves  independent,  the  result  being  a  general  confusion 
and  dissolution.  In  rapid  succession  we  have  now  a  number 
of  Emperors  of  Thracian  and  Illyrian  origin,  who  were  raised 
to  the  throne  by   their  military   valour,    some   of  them   also 


General  Obser'vations.  307 

excellent  in  other  respects  e.  g.  Claudius  (a.  268 — 270),    Au- 
relianus  (a.  270—275),    Probus    (a.  276—282).    But  none    of 
them  reigned  long  enough;    most  of   them  were  both  raised 
and  assassinated  by  the  armies.   At  last  a  powerful  organizing 
genius    arose   in    Diocletian    (a.    245 — 313,    Emperor   284 — 
305),   the    son    of  a    slave  in  Dalmatia.    But  just  as  he  was 
the  last  Emperor   who   celebrated  a  triumph  and  was  conse- 
crated,   so  it  is  with  him  that  the  old  time,    the  old  Roman 
character  and  Empire  end.   While  until  then  Eastern  influences 
had   penetrated    all  departments   of  life,    Northern  influences 
commenced  now  be  perceptible.    In   external    appearance,    it 
is    true,     all    conformed    to    the   Latin    language,     both   the 
Syrian    Commodianus    and   the  Bithynian    Lactantius    writing 
in  it,  and  in  the  following  time  Ammianus  of  Antiochia,  Clau- 
dianus    of  Alexandria    and   Priscian  of  Caesarea.    But   both 
form  and  contents  suffered  in  this  process.  The  educated  aimed 
at  a  merely  imitative  correctness,  e.  g.  Nemesianus  and  after- 
wards   Terentianus    Maurus;    but   the   multitude    were    more 
and  more  infected  by  barbarism,    and  the   language    as    such 
grew   poor   and   ran    riot.     The  general    oppression    did   not 
allow  anything  great  to  develop  itself,  whether  good  or  bad. 
The  time   before  Diocletian  is  poorest  of  all.    Jurisprudence 
which  had  until  then  kept  above  water,   suddenly  became  si- 
lent, probably  because  the  codification  of  the  Edict  admitted 
of  no  proper  after -growth.     The  state  of  erudition  is  repre- 
sented by  the   stolid  epitomizer  Solinus.     Historical  compo- 
sition dragged  on  in  the  most  miserable  manner.     Grammar 
is  represented  by  such  a  tiro  as  Nonius.    Eloquence  appeared 
only  in  bombastic  flattery  towards  the  rulers;   the  panegyric 
orators  commenced  in  this  time,  beginning  with  Gaul. 

1.  New  views  (especially  in  the  estimation  of  Diocletian)  were 
disclosed  by  J.  Burckhardt,  the  time  of  Constantine  the  Great,  Basle 
1853.  512  pp.  He  was  succeded  by  Th.  Bernhardt,  Hist,  of  Rome 
from  Valerian  until  Diocletian's  death  (253—313).  I.  The  political 
history  of  the  Roman  Empire  from  Valerian  to  the  accession  of  Dio- 
cletian (253—284),  Berlin  1867.  318  pp.  Th.  Preuss,  The  Emperor 
Diocletian  and  his  time,  Berlin  1869.     182  pp. 

2.  Trebell.  Poll.  Gallien.  11,  6—9:  fuit  Gallienus  .  .  oratione, 
poemate  atque  omnibus  artibus  clarus.  huius  illud  est  epithalamion 
quod  inter  centum  poetas  praecipuum  fuit.  nam  cum  fratrum  suorum 
filios  iungeret  et  omnes  poetae    graeci   latinique  epithalamia  dixissent, 


308  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

idque  per  dies  phirimos,  ille  .  .  ita  dixisse  fertur  etc.  (Anth.  lat.  711 
R.)  longum  est  eius  versus  orationesque  conectere,  quibus  suo  tempore 
tam  inter  poetas  quam  inter  rhetores  emicuit.  sed  aliud  in  imperatore 
quaeritur,  aliud  in  oratore  vel  poeta  flagitatur.  G.  Thomas,  on  the 
Epithalamium  of  Gall.,  Reports  of  the  Meetings  of  the  Munich  Academy 
1863,  II  p.  41  sq.     In  general  see  Th.  Bernhardt  I  p.  51  sqq. 

3.  Vopisc.  Car.  11:  Numerianus,  Cari  filius  (the  younger  brother 
of  Carinus)  .  .  eloquentia  praepollens  (cf.  7, 1 :  adulescentem  cum  lectis- 
simum  tum  etiam  disertissimum),  adeo  ut  publice  declamaverit  feran- 
turque  illius  scripta  nobilia,  declamationi  tamen  magis  quam  tuliiano 
adcommodatiora  stilo.  versu  autem  talis  fuisse  praedicatur  ut  omnes 
poetas  sui  temporis  vicerit.  nam  et  cum  Olympio  Nemesiano  contendit 
.  .  et  Aurelium  Aj^ollinarem  iamborum  scriptorem,  qui  patris  eius  gesta 
in  litteras  rettulit,  isdem  quae  recitaverat  editis  veluti  radio  solis  ob- 
texit.  huius  oratio  fertur  ad  senatum  missa  tantum  habuisse  eloquentiae 
ut  illi  statua  .  .  quasi  rhetori  decerneretur,  .  .  cui  subscriptum  est: 
Numeriano  Caesari,  oratori  temporibus  suis  potentissimo.  He  and  Ca- 
rinus were  Caesars,  with  his  father  Carus,  from  Narbo  in  Gaul;  after  Ca- 
ms' death  Augustus  for  a  very  short  time,  but  he  was  soon  killed  by  his 
father-in-law  Arrius  x\per,  Sept.  284.    See  Th.  Bernhardt  I  p.  245 — 263. 

4.  The  corruption  of  the  language  (vulgar  metre  and  vulgar  Latin) 
increased  from  this  time  forth  and  left  its  traces  in  the  inscriptions 
(of  popular  origin  and  such  ,garts  as  Africa) ;  a  glaring  instance  of  this 
is  the  inscr.  of  Praecilius  (above  380,  5).  Cf.  W.  Frohner,  Philol.  XIII 
p.  170  sqq.  XVI  p.  719.  Especially  the  cases  became  hopelessly  con- 
fused, e.  g.  lilias  fecerunt  (Renier  863),  ob  meritis  (ib.  1769),  uum  Al- 
binium  coniugem  (ib.  2275),  per  lulio  Casto  fratre. 

5.  The  provincial  orators  and  writers  strongly  feel  the  difficulties 
with  which  they  have  to  contend.  Panegyr.  Constantin.  (VIII)  1,  2: 
neque  ignoro  quanto  inferiora  sint  ingenia  nostra  romanis,  siquidem 
latine  et  diserte  loqui  illis  ingeneratum  est,  nobis  elaboratum,  et  si 
quid  forte  commode  dicimus  ex  illo  fonte  et  capite  facundiae  imitatio 
nostra  derivat.  Pacat.  in  Theodos.  1,3:  hue  accedit  auditor  senatus, 
£ui  difficile  sit  .  .  pro  ingenita  atque  hereditaria  orandi  facultate  non 
esse  fastidio  rudem  hunc  et  incultum  transalpini  sermonis  horrorem. 

6.  Christianity  now  spread  also  among  the  educated.  Arnob.  II  6: 
tam  magnis  ingeniis  praediti  oratores,  grammatici,  rhetores,  consulti 
iuris  ac  medici,  philosophiae  etiam  secreta  rimantes  magisteria  haec 
expetunt,  spretis  quibus  paulo  ante  fidebant.  A  philosopher  who  wrote 
against  Christianity  at  Nicomedia,  and  hence  probably  in  Greek,  is 
mentioned  by  Lactant.  inst.  V  2. 

a.    The    time    beforeDiocletian,    a.    253 — 284. 

382.  In  the  time  of  Carus  and  his  sons,  M.  Aurelius  Olym- 
pius  Nemesianus   of  Carthage  wrote  his  didactic  poem  on 


General  Observations.     Nemesianus.  309 

the  chase  (Cynegetica),  the  first  425  lines  of  which  have  come 
down  to  us.  They  attest  much  fluency  and  command  of  words, 
all  technical  details  being  the  same  as  in  the  four  eclogues 
usually  appended  to  those  of  Calpurnius,  but  belonging  to 
Nemesianus. 

1.  Vopisc.  Car.  11,  2:  (Numerianus)  cum  Olympic  NemesiaDo  con- 
tendit,  qui  ^Jtkifvnxcc ,  KvrtjysTtxd  et  Navrtxct  scrip  sit  inque  (?)  omnibus 
coionis  illustratus  emicuit.  See  above  381,  8.  In  the  only  one  of  these 
didactic  poems  which  we  possess  the  author  first  shows  why  he  dis- 
dained mythological  subjects,  which  had  been  so  much  treated  by 
others:  nos  saltus  viridesque  plagas  camposque  patentes  scrutamur  (40 
sqq.)  etc.  talique  placet  dare  lintea  curae,  dum  non  magna  ratis,  vi- 
cinis  sueta  moveri  littoribus,  .  .  nunc  primum  dat  vela  notis  portusque 
fideles  linquit  (58  sqq.)  He  promises  (63  sqq.)  the  sons  of  Carinus  a 
work  on  their  deeds:  mox  vestros  meliore  lyra  memorare  triumphos 
accingar,  divi  fortissima  pignora  Cari,  atque  canam  nostrum  geminis 
sub  finibus  orbis  (in  North  and  East)  litus  et  edomitas  fraterno  numine 
gentes  etc.  haec  vobis  nostrae  libabunt  carmina  Musae  cum  primum 
vultus  sacros  .  .  contigerit  vidisse  mihi  etc.  It  appears  that  the  poem 
was  written  away  from  Rome  and  after  the  death  of  Carus,  a.  284. 
The  designation  of  the  Spaniards  by  gens  ampla  iacet  trans  ardua  Calpes 
culmina  (251  sq.)  would  seem  to  suggest  that  the  author  wrote  in  Africa, 
and  indeed  in  the  ms.  of  Th.  Ugoletus  (above  301,  1)  N.  is  styled  poeta 
carthaginiensis.  Of  the  425  hexameters  extant,  102  belong  to  the  in- 
troduction; after  which  the  poet  speaks  of  the  preparations  of  the 
chase,  especially  of  the  hounds.  There  are  some  isolated  archaisms,  like 
mage  (317),  and  frequent  reminiscences,  chiefly  from  Virgil.  On  the 
four  eclogues  of  N.  and  their  relation  to  his  Cynegetica  see  above 
301,  1  and  3—5. 

2.  In  the  time  of  archbishop  Hincmar  of  Rheims  the  work  was 
used  as  a  text-book  in  Schools  (puer  scholarius  in  libro  qui  inscribitur 
Kynegeticon  Carthaginiensis  Aurelii  didici).  In  the  mss.  and  editions 
it  is  generally  appended  to  the  similar  work  of  Gratius;  see  above 
248,  1.  In  Wernsdorfs  poetae  latt.  min.  I  p.  90 — 120,  in  Weber's  cor- 
pus poett.  latt.  p.  1189  —  1191.  Critical  contributions  by  M.  Haupt,  de 
carm.  buc.  (Lips.  1854.  4.)  p.  35—37. 

3.  There  are  two  fragments  of  a  poem  on  the  trapping  of  birds, 
in  28  hexameters:  see  Wernsdorfs  poett.  latt.  min.  I  p.  128—131  and 
Anth.  lat.  883  sq.  R.  But  the  origin  of  this  work  is  quite  apocryphal 
and  though  the  archaism  contemplaverit  (v.  3)  is  not  foreign  to  N.,  he 
could  not  have  used  gulae  as  a  spondee  (v.  28),  nor  would  he  so  fre- 
quently have  used  synaloepha  with  a  long  vowel  (v.  5,  6,  14,  27).  These 
lines  are  probably  a  production  of  modern  times. 

4.  The  beginning  of  the  Pontica  of  an  unknown  author,  consisting 
of  22    well-made    hexameters    in    elegant  diction,   has    accidentally  got 


310  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

into  the  mss.  of  Solinus;  see  Mommsen  Solin.  p.  XXXIX— XLI.  Werns- 
dorf  poet.  latt.  min.  I  p.  153—157.  161—163.  Cf.  J.Klein,  Rhein.  Mus. 
XXII  p.  627  sq.     Anthol.  lat.  720  R. 

5.  The  contents  of  a  prayer  to  Oceanus  for  a  fortunate  voyage 
(in  28  hexameters)  by  a  pagan  author  are  similar,  Wernsdorf  IV  p.  314 
—318,  cf.  p.  51.     Anth.  lat.  718  R. 

6.  The  poem  in  praise  of  Hercules  which  is  found  in  some  mss, 
of  Claudian,  but  was  attributed  to  Nemesianus  by  "Wernsdorf  (I  p.  275 
— 282),  though  on  unsatisfactory  grounds,  might  well  belong  to  this 
time  on  account  of  the  elegance  of  its  rhythms.  L.  Miiller  de  re  metr.  p.  57. 

383.  The  history  of  this  time  was  written  by  a  number 
of  authors,  whose  task  might  have  been  facilitated  by  the 
brevity  of  the  single  reigns,  if  the  majority  had  not  lacked 
real  independence  of  thought.  We  hear  of  them  only  through 
the  scriptores  historiae  augustae  who  availed  themselves  of 
them.  Dexippus,  a  Greek  author,  was  more  important  than 
ail  these  writers. 

1.  Vopisc.  Aurelian.  12,  4:  in  ea  re,  quam  fidei  causa  inserendam 
credidi  ex  libris  Acholii,  qui  magister  admissionum  Valeriani  prin- 
cipis  (a.  253 — 260)  fuit,  libro  Actorum  eius  nono.  Lamprid.  Alex.  64,  5: 
qui  .  .  histoiicos  eius  temporis  legant  et  maxime  Acholium,  qui  et 
itinera  huius  principis  scripsit.     Cf.  ib.  14.  6.    48,  7  (above  377,  11). 

2.  Trebell.  Valerian.  8,  2:  ut  Caelestinus  dicit. 

3.  Trebell.  Gallien.  18,  6:  quae  qui  volet  scire  legat  Palfurium  Su- 
ram,  qui  ephemeridas  eius  vitae  composuit. 

4.  Trebell.  XXX  tyr.  6,  5:  satis  credimus  luli  Atheriani  partem 
libri  cuiusdam  ponere,  in  quo  de  Victorino  sic  loquitur.  This  is  followed 
by  a  very  candid  judgment.  Macrob.  Ill  8,  2:  apud  Calvum  Aterianus 
(libri:  aettierianus)  adfirmat  legendum  etc.  He  is  no  doubt  the  Hateria- 
nus  who  is  mentioned  as  a  commentator  of  Virgil  (Ribbeck,  Prolegg. 
Verg.  p.  177  sq.)  in  the  Veronese  Scholia  (on  Aen.  VII  337.  IX  360. 
390.  397.  X  242).     Grafenhan,  Hist,  of  class.  Philol.  IV  p.  303  sq. 

5.  Trebell.  XXX  tyr.  12,  3:  verba  Ballistae,  quantum  Maeonius 
Astyanax,  qui  consilio  interfuit,  adserit,  haec  fuerunt. 

6.  Trebell.  XXX  tyr.  15,  8  of  Zenobia:  mulier,  ut  Cornelius  Ca- 
pitolinus  adserit,  speciosissima. 

7.  Trebell.  XXX  tyr.  25,  2:  illibato  patrimonio,  quod  quidem  ad 
suos  posteros  misit,  ut  Dagellius  (?)  Fuscus  dicit. 

8.  Trebell.  Claud.  5,  3  sq. :  et  hunc  (Aureolus)  tamen  quidam  histo- 
rici  laudare  conati  sunt,  et  ridicule  quidem.  nam  Gallus  Antipater, 
ancilla  honorum  et  historicorum  dehonestamentum,  principium  de  Au- 
reolo  habuit:  venimus  ad  imperatorem  nominis  sui. 


Historians  before  Diocletian.  311 

9.  Vopisc.  Tacit.  11,  7:  si  quis  omnia  de  hoc  viro  cupit  scire 
legat  Suetonium  Optatianum,  qui  eius  vitam  adfatim  scripsit. 

10.  Vopisc.  Firm.  6,  2:  ea  quae  de  illo  (Firmus)  Aurelius  Festivus, 
libertus  Aureliani,  singillatim  rettulit  (merely  res  leves)  si  vis  cognoscere 
eundem  oportet  legas. 

11.  Vopisc.  Aurelian.  1,  6  sq.:  ephemeridas  illius  viri  (i.  e.  Aure- 
lianus)  scriptas  habemus,  etiam  bella  charactere  historico  digesta.  .  . 
quae  omnia  ex  libris  linteis,  in  quibus  ipse  cotidiana  sua  scribi  prae- 
ceperat,  .  .  condisces. 

12.  Vopisc.  Firm.  etc.  10,  4:  M.  Salvidienus  banc  ipsius  (Saturnini) 
orationum  vere  fuisse  dicit,  et  fuit  re  vera  non  parum  litteratus.  nam 
et  in  Africa  rhetoricae  operam  dederat  et  Romae  frequentaverat  per- 
gulas  magistrales. 

13.  Vopisc.  Car.  4,  3:  Fabius  Ceryllianus,  qui  tempora  Cari,  Carini 
et  Numeriani  solertissime  persecutus  est. 

14.  Vopisc.  Car.  17,  7:  de  eius  luxuria  .  .  quicumque  ostiatim  cupit 
noscere  legat  etiam  Fulvium  Asprianum  usque  ad  taedium  gestorum 
eius  universa  dicentem. 

15.  Vopisc.  Firm.  etc.  14,  4:  ut  Onesimus  dicit,  scriptor  vitae 
Probi.  Cf.  ib.  13,  1.  Car.  4,  2  (0.,  qui  diligentissime  vitam  Probi  scrip- 
sit).  7,  3.  16,  1.  17,  6. 

16.  P.  Herennius  Dexippus  defeated  the  Goths  a.  269.  He  was 
otijioq  xccl  Gvyy^cafjfvg  (C.  Inscr.  gr.  380).  We  possess  information  as 
to  his  four  books  twv  /lktu  \4Xi'^av&^ov,  his  comprehensive  XQopixi]  toroQia 
from  the  beginning  until  a.  268  and  his  JxvS^txa.  Cf.  Westermann  in 
Pauly's  Encych  II  p.  987.  L.  Dindorf,  hist.  gr.  min.  I  (Lips.  Teubner 
1870)  p.  165—200. 

384.  In  about  the  same  time  lived  the  rhetorician  Aquila 
Romanus  to  whom  we  owe  a  meagre  and  hasty  Kttle  book 
De  figuris  sententiarum  et  elocutionis,  to  which  Julius  Rufi- 
nianus  subsequently  added  a  similar  work  as  supplement. 

1.  Jul.  Ruf.  begins:  hactenus  Aquila  Romanus  ex  Alexandro  Nu- 
menio,  exinde  ab  eo  praeteritas,  aliis  quidem  proditas  (figuras)  sub- 
texuimus.  Aquila  dedicates  his  work  to  an  anonymous  person,  whom 
he  thus  addresses  at  the  beginning:  rhetoricos  petis  longioris  morae  ac 
diligentiae  quam  pro  angustiis  temporis,  quod  me  profecto  urget,  ideo- 
que  postea  plenum  hoc  tibi  munus  reddemus.  in  praesenti  autem  no- 
mina  ipsarum  figurarum  cum  (Latin)  exemplis  percurrisse  sufficiat.  17: 
hae  fere  sunt  ab  elegantissimis  electae  figurae  sententiarum.  quibus  si, 
ut  adulescens  acerrimo  ingenio,  utebaris  .  .  ex  imitatione  lectionis  tul- 
lianae,  .  .  nihil  mirum  est.  The  work  is  extant  in  its  complete  form, 
but    is    greatly    inferior    to    that    of  Rutilius  Lupus    (above  265).     The 


S12  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

diction  is   harsh,    careless  and  frequently  at  variance  with  the  rules  of 
good  Latinity. 

2.  The  work  is  in  the  editions  commonly  appended  to  Rutilius 
Lupus,  e.  g.  by  Ruhnken  (Lugd.  B.  1768)  p.  139—194.  In  C.  Halm's 
rhetores  lat.  min.  (Lips.  1863)  p.  22—37.  Critical  contributions  by  J. 
G.  Frohlich  (in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  89,  p.  208—211)  and  J.  Simon  (Phi- 
lologus  XX^TIII  p.  628—647).  Wensch,  de  Aquila  Romano,  Wittenberg 
1861.  4.  (?). 

3.  On  Saturninus  see  383,  12. 

385.  The  grammarian  C.  Julius  Solinus  composed  his 
Collectanea  rerum  memorabilium  in  the  first  ten  or  twenty 
years  of  this  period.  His  work  contains  chiefly  extracts  from 
a  manual  of  geography  made  after  Pliny's  nat.  historia;  in 
all  historical  statements  the  author  has  availed  himself  of 
chronicles  written  in  the  classical  period.  The  individual  ad- 
ditions of  the  author  are  quite  worthless,  his  diction  is  pre- 
tentious and  void  of  taste,  the  style  long-winded.  But  this 
work  still  suited  the  taste  of  the  succeeding  age.  It  was 
revised  in  the  sixth  century  and  then  received  the  new  title 
of  Polyhistor. 

1.  Aldhelm  (f  709)  quotes  (p.  323)  lulius  Solinus  in  collectanea 
rerum  memorabilium;  the  monk  Dicuil  (a.  825)  lulius  Solinus  in  col- 
lectaneis.  In  the  Heidelberg  ms.  the  work  bears  the  title:  lulius  So- 
linus Advento  sal(utem) ;  in  Paris.  6831:  lulii  Solini  collectio  rerum  me- 
morabilium; in  other  mss.  saec.  X  (e.  g.  Monac.  6384)  the  subscription: 
expl.  fel.  G.  luli  Solini  grammatici.  Servius  (Georg.  II  215)  and  Isidor 
(de  rer.  nat.  40,  1)  call  the  author  merely  Solinus:  so  also  Priscian 
with  the  addition  in  coUectaneis  (X  50),  in  memorabilibus  (II  61.  V  15. 
VI  15.  XVIII  213),  and  (erroneously)  in  admirabilibus  (VI  44),  once 
(I  28)  in  coUectaneis  vel  polyhistore,  the  last  two  words  being  probably 
the  addition  of  a  late  interpolator  (Mommsen  p.  LXII). 

2.  Mommsen  p.  VI:  cum  Solini  liber  saeculo  V  iam  pervulgatus 
fuerit  (see  below  n.  5),  a  feliciore  autem  litterarum  latinarum  aevo  tam 
rerum  eius  exilitas  quam  sermonis  infantia  abhorreat,  hoc  restat  quae- 
rendum,  utrum  saeculo  III  probabihus  adscribatur  an  quarto.  Mommsen 
decides  for  the  first  assumption  (the  time  of  Valerianus  and  Gallienus), 
because  Sol.  knows  Constantinople  only  by  the  name  of  Byzantium  and 
on  account  of  the  absence  of  any  trace  of  the  division  of  the  Empire 
into  provinces  by  Diocletian  and  Constantine ;  nor  does  the  author  ever 
allude  to  Christianity.     Cf.  ib.  p.  VII  sq. 

3.  From  Solinus'  dedication  to  Adventus  (1).  Cum  et  auriura  de- 
mentia et  optimarum  artium  studiis  praestare  te  ceteris  sentiam  .  .  re- 


Solimts.  313 

putavi  examen  opusculi  istius  tibi  potissimum  dare.  .  .  (2)  liber  est  ad 
compendium  praeparatus  quantumque  ratio  passa  est  ita  moderate  re- 
pressus  ut  nee  prodiga  sit  in  eo  copia  nee  damnosa  concinnitas.  cui 
.  .  velut  fermentum  cognitionis  raagis  inesse  quam  bratteas  eloquentiae 
deprehendes.  (3)  exquisitis  enim  aliquot  voluminibus  studuisse  me  im- 
pendio  fateor  ut  et  a  notioribus  referrem  pedem  et  remotis  largius  im- 
morarer.  locorum  commemoratio  plurimum  tenet,  in  quam  partem 
ferme  inclinatior  est  universa  materies.  .  .  (4)  inseruimus  et  pleraque 
differenter  congruentia,  ut  .  .  saltem  varietas  ipsa  legentium  fastidio 
mederetur.  .  .  (5)  nonnulla  etiam  digna  memoratu,  quae  praetermittere 
incuriosum  videbatur  quorumque  auctoritas  .  .  de  scriptoribus  manat 
receptissimis.  quid  enim  proprium  nostrum  esse  possit,  cum  nihil  omi- 
serit  antiquitatis  diligentia  quod  intactum  ad  hoc  usque  aevi  permane- 
ret?  .  .  oi^iniones  universas  eligere  maluimus  potius  quam  innovare, 
(6)  .  .  des  velim  infantiae  meae  veniam.  constantia  veritatis  penes  eos 
est  quos  secuti  sumus.  The  author's  attention  is  chiefly  devoted  to 
curiosities  of  any  kind  {nccQado'^a).  He  starts  with  Rome,  passes  on  to 
Italy,  the  islands,  Greece  with  the  northern  countries,  including  Thrace, 
and  the  islands;  Pontus,  Scythia,  Germany,  Gaul,  Britain,  Spain;  the 
North  of  Africa  and  Egypt;  Asia  (Arabia,  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  Assyria, 
India,  Parthia).  He  winds  up  with  the  Gorgades  and  Hesperides,  the 
whole  amounting  to  56  chapters  (see  n.  6). 

4.  Three  fourths  of  Solinus'  subject-matter  are  borrowed  from 
Pliny  whose  diction  is  rhetorically  dressed  up  by  him,  with  the  ad- 
dition of  numerous  mistakes  (Mommsen  p.  IX).  Yet  from  some  ad- 
ditions which  Solinus  cannot  have  made  independently,  especially  of 
sources  not  mentioned  by  Pliny,  or  of  the  praenomina  or  of  the  period, 
it  appears  that  he  cannot  have  used  Pliny  direct  (ib.  p.  XIX  sq.).  The 
additions  from  Mela  were  likewise  found  in  the  source  of  Sol.,  the 
chorographia  pliniana  (above  308,  7).  On  the  chronological  additions 
see  above  286,  4.     Of.  Mommsen,  Sol.  p.  249—254. 

5.  Solinus'  work  was  already  copied  by  Theodosius  II  (a.  402 — 450), 
according  to  the  subscription  in  the  first  class  of  the  mss. :  lulius  So- 
linus (de  memorabilibus)  explicit  feliciter.  studio  et  diligentia  domni 
Theodosii  invictissimi  principis.  0.  Jahn,  Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Soc.  of 
Lit.  1851,  p.  342  sq.  It  was  used  by  St.  Augustin  (de  civ.  dei)  and 
Capella  (with  Pliny),  by  Priscian  (especially  in  his  translation  of  Diony- 
sius  Periegeta),  Servius  (see  n.  1)  and  Isidor  (de  nat.  rer.  and  origg.). 
Capella  and  Isidor  have  frequently  mistaken  the  sense  of  Solinus 
(Mommsen  p.  IX  sq.).  The  numerous  mss.  attest  the  diligent  use  of 
the  work  in  the  Middle  Ages  (n.  6).  Mommsen  p.  XXX-  XXXII  p.  255 
— 259.  An  abridgment  in  hexameters  was  made  in  the  tenth  century, 
under  the  title  of  Theodericus  (e.  g.  in  a  Brussels  ms.  saec.  XII),  also 
called  Petrus  Diaconus  (saec.  XII)  ;  see  Mommsen  p.  XCII  sq.  Latapie, 
mem.  sur  I'abrege  poetique  du  Polyh.  Sol.  par  Thierry  (Theodericus), 
attribue  jusqu'ici  a  Pierre  Diacre  (Petr.  Diac),  Bull,  de  Tacademie  de 
Bruxelles  XVI  p.  79—101:  of.  Boulez  ib.  p.  143  sq. 


3l4  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

6.  The  manuscripts  of  Solinus  are  divided  into  three  classes, 
all  of  which  are  derived  from  an  archetypus  which  was  itself  corrupt 
(Mommsen  p.  XXXII — XXXIV),  but  differ  in  their  headings  (ibid.  p. 
XXXVII  and  p.  239—246)  and  the  divisions  of  chapters  (ib.  p.  XXXVHI 
sq.).  The  first  class  (especially  Heidelberg  and  Paris  6813.  6833) 
saec.  XI  sqq.  is  derived  from  a  ms.  (at  the  latest  saec.  VIII)  in  which 
the  last  leaf  but  one  had  been  lost.  The  few  interpolations  in  this 
class  are  nearly  all  from  Isidor  (Mommsen  p.  238  and  p.  XLI — XLIV). 
The  second  class  is  principally  represented  by  a  Leyden  ms.  saec.  IX.  It 
is  in  some  respects  better  than  the  first  class,  but  contains  numerous 
additions  (p.  XLIV — LII).  The  third  class  contains  partly  variations 
of  the  diction,  partly  amplifications  of  the  contents  (p.  234 — 237  M.) 
from  Pliny  and  other  sources,  which  are  due  to  a  general  revision 
(perhaps  by  Scotch  monks  who  had  settled  on  the  Lake  of  Constance, 
saec.  VI),  with  a  new  preface  (p.  233  M.),  the  title  also  being  changed 
to  the  unsuitable  one  of  Polyhistor,  the  appearance,  however,  being 
kept  up  of  the  authorship  of  Solinus  (Mommsen  p.  LVIII—LXVI).  This 
class  is  most  accurately  represented  by  the  Angelomontanus  saec.  X 
(A).  The  St.  Gall  ms.  (S)  saec.  X  is  a  combination  of  the  first  and 
third  classes,  the  Paris.  6810  (P)  of  the  second  and  third :  see  Momm- 
sen p.  LII— LX  and  his  Elenchus  p.  LXXIX— XCIII. 

7.  Editions  (ed.  princeps  Venet.  1473  sq.)  by  J.  Gamers  (Vienna 
1520  sq.),  El.  Vinetus  (Pictav.  1554.  4.),  M.  Delrio  (Antv.  1572.  Lugd. 
1646)  and  others.  The  chief  work  is:  Claudii  Salmasii  Exercitationes 
in  Sol.  Polyh.,  Paris  1629  and  (cur.  S.  Pitisco)  Utrecht  1869.  2  vols 
fol.  Lips.  1777.  8.  An  excellent  edition  by  Th.  Mommsen  (recogno- 
vit),  Berol.  1864.  XCIV  and  287  pp.  Of.  Fr.  Liidecke,  Gott.  Gel.  Anz. 
1865,  p.  1089—1109. 

8.  On  the  22  hexameters  found  in  the  mss.  of  Solinus  see  above 
382,  4. 

386.  Towards  the  end  of  this  time  Nonius  Marcellus 
seems  to  have  composed  his  extant  lexical  work  (Compendiosa 
doctrina  per  litteras).  It  is  a  mechanical  compilation  in  a 
merely  casual  arrangement  (c.  2  —  4  are  alphabetical),  in 
which  Gellius  has  been  much  used.  In  spite  of  the  glaring 
want  of  solid  information,  criticism  and  accuracy,  the  work  is 
still  invaluable  to  us,  as  better  works  have  been  lost,  and  as 
it  contains  numerous  quotations  of  earlier  Roman  literature. 

1.  Nonius  Marcellus  is  in  the  headings  styled  peripateticus  tubur- 
ticensis,  which  certainly  proves  him  to  have  been  a  native  of  Africa; 
see  Gerlach  and  Roth  p.  IV— VIII.  The  grammaticus  pertenuis  meriti 
Marcellus,  to  whom  amissam  primum  Narbo  dedit  patriam  (Auson.  prof. 
Burdig.  18),  appears  to  be  a  different  person.    The  latest  writers  men- 


Solinns.     Nonius  Marcellvs.  315 

tioned  by  N.  are  Apuleius  (s.  v.  abstemius)  and  (Septimius)  Serenus 
(above  379,  3).  The  exceptional  attention  paid  to  the  latter  appears 
to  be  due  to  personal  relations  or  at  least  to  indicate  proximity  of 
time.  Nonius  is  partly  quoted,  partly  copied  silently  (M.  Hertz,  Philol. 
XI  p,  593—596,  of.  on  Priscian.  XV  13  p.  70)  by  Priscian.  p.  35,  21 
(teste  Nonio  Marcello  de  doctorum  indagine  =  c.  12).  269,  24  (quod 
ponit  N.  M.  de  doct.  ind.).  499,  20  H.  (Nonius  Marcellus  de  mutatis 
coniugationibus  =  c.  10).  The  title  (in  the  Guelferbytanus  and  other 
mss.)  de  compendiosa  doctrina  per  litteras  ad  filium  is  applicable  only 
to  three  out  of  Nonius'  nineteen  chapters ;  but  those  three  are  the  most 
extensive  (p.  49 — 285  out  of  383  in  Gerlach  and  Roth's  edition). 

2.  Contents  and  division,  c.  1:  de  proprietate  sermonum.  2:  de 
honestis  et  nove  veterum  dictis,  per  litteras.  3:  de  indiscretis  generi- 
bus,  per  litteras.  4:  de  varia  significatione  sermonum  (per  litteras). 
5 :  de  diiferentiis  verborum.  6 :  de  inpropriis.  7 :  de  contrariis  generi- 
bus  verborum.  8:  de  mutata  declinatione.  9:  de  generibus  et  casibus. 
10:  de  mutatis  coniugationibus.  11:  de  indiscretis  adverbiis.  12:  de 
doctorum  indagine.  13:  de  genere  navigiorum  (only  17  articles).  14: 
de  genere  vestimentorum.  15:  de  genere  vasorum  vel  poculorum.  16: 
de  (genere  vel)  colore  vestimentonim  (13  articles).  17:  de  genere  ci- 
borum  vel  pomorum  (16  articles).  18:  de  genere  armorum.  19:  de 
propinquitate  (9  brief  articles,  w^ithout  quotations,  but  the  end:  de  qui- 
bus  exempla  multa  sunt  in  antiquis  auctoribus  et  maxime  in  Afranio 
et  iuris  vetustissimis  scriptoribus).  The  last  seven  chapters  (p.  364 
—  383  ed.  G.  et  K.)  appear  therefore  to  be  arranged  in  agreement  w^ith 
the  subject-matter,  but  are  far  from  complete. 

3.  The  work  is  so  mechanically  put  together  that  in  recent  times 
Nonius'  proceeding  in  his  compilation  has  been  successfully  pointed 
out  and  his  rude  tissue  cut  up  into  its  component  shreds.  In  pur- 
suance of  a  hint  by  F.  W.  Schneidewin  (Gott.  gel.  Anz.  1843  p.  697 
sq.),  M.  Hertz  (in  Fleck.'s  Jahrb.  85,  1862,  p.  706— 726.  779—799)  showed 
how  Gellius  had  been  used  by  Nonius;  his  observations  were  then 
carried  further  by  A.  Riese,  Symb.  phil.  Bonn.  p.  483—487,  A.  Schott- 
miiller,  ibid.  p.  809—832  (on  the  first  chapter  of  N.  M.)  and  P.  Schmidt, 
de  Nonii  Marcelli  auctoribus  grammaticis  (Lips.  1868)  155  pp.  with  a 
table  of  contents.  It  is  now  proved  that  N.  followed  the  same  plan 
in  almost  all  his  chapters.  Fixed  series  of  quotations  recur  always  in 
the  same  order,  whence  it  follows  that  he  entered  them  into  this  book 
in  regular  order  from  his  sources.  He  generally  begins  with  Plautus, 
limiting  himself  to  18  of  the  fabulae  Varronianae;  then  come  illustra- 
tions from  Lucretius,  Attius,  Pomponius,  Lucilius  (p.  1—20),  Pacuvius, 
Cic.  de  rep.,  Varro  (22  saturae),  Sallust,  Afranius;  Cic.  de  off.,  Hortens., 
de  sen.  and  de  rep. ;  Virgil,  Terence,  Cic.  Verrinae,  Lucilius  (b.  20—26), 
a  list  of  verbs,  chiefly  in  the  dramatists,  adverbs,  then  the  philosophi- 
cal writings  of  Cicero  already  mentioned ;  then  illustrations  from  Plaut. 
Amphitruo,  Asin.  and  Aulul.;    then   again  from  Varro  (18  saturae)     his 


316  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Excerpts  from  Gellius:  again  from  5  saturae  of  Varro;  Cic.  de  fin.; 
Sisenna:  Cic.  or.,  de  or.,  Acad,  and  Tusc;  lastly  from  Varro  de  vita 
pop.  rom.,  de  re  rust,  and  from  Cato.  Deviations  from  this  order  are 
comparatively  scarce  and  may  no  doubt  be  explained  from  mere 
casualties. 

4.  Nonius  is  very  careful  not  to  mention  his  real  sources,  and 
the  name  of  Gellius,  whom  he  copies  so  very  frequently,  is  never  found 
in  his  pages.  His  principal  authorities  were  secondary  and  late,  such 
as  commentaries  on  writers,  encyclopaedias,  dictionaries  and  grammars, 
though  these  were  no  doubt  based  upon  earlier  works,  e.  g.  on  Verrius 
Flaccus.  There  are  many  points  of  resemblance  between  Nonius  and 
Charisius,  but  merely  because  the  sources  of  the  latter  belonged  to 
the  same  class  of  grammatical  tradition,  or  because  the  authorities 
followed  by  Nonius  had  also  employed  Caper,  Pliny  or  Probus.  Nonius 
used  his  sources  in  a  very  superficial  manner,  without  reading  them 
carefully.  All  the  scholars  who  have  had  to  do  with  him  speak  of  him 
in  very  contemptuous  expressions.  Biicheler  e.  g.  (Rhein.  Mus.  XIH 
p.  596)  says :  cum  Nonio  qui  comparari  posset  levitate  et  stupiditate 
neque  antiquitas  neque  nostra  aetas  ullum  grammaticum  tulit.  So  also 
L.  Miiller  (metr.  p.  25  sqq.),  Schottmiiller  (Symb.  p.  810),  P.  Schmidt 
(p.  38:  homo  inter  omnes  hebetissimus;  p.  92:  splendida  inscitia  ac 
stupor  iste  paene  incredibilis  cuius  documentis  liber  Nonianus  scatet). 
It  has  actually  happened  to  Nonius  to  take  M.  Tulhus  and  Cicero  for 
two  different  authors  (Schmidt  p.  92). 

5.  On  the  manuscripts  of  Nonius  see  Gerlach  in  his  edition  p. 
XXIV — XXVIII.  Ed.  princeps  by  Pomponius  Laetus,  Rom.  1470.  Venet. 
1476.  Ed.  Pius,  Mediol.  1500  and  Paris  1511.  Aldina  Ven.  1513.  1527. 
Basil.  (Froben)  1526.  Ed.  Hadr.  lunius,  Antv.  1565.  Jos.  Mercier,  Paris 
1583  and  especially  1614;  reprinted  Lips.  1825.  Ad  fidem  veterum  codd. 
ediderunt  et  appar.  crit.  indicesque  adiec.  F.  D.  Gerlach  et  C.  L.  Roth. 
Basil.  1842  (c.  1  and  4  by  G.,  the  rest  by  R.).  Collatis  V  codd.  saec. 
IX  et  X  ed.  L.  Quicherat,  Paris  1871.  XXXH  and  678  pp.  A  critical 
edition  by  L.  Miiller  is  advertised  (Lips.,  Teubner). 

6.  J.  Vahlen,  analectorum  Nonianorum  libri  II  Lips.  1859.  40  pp. 
L.  Muller,  de  re  metr.  p.  29—39  and  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  95,  p.  490 
—496.     97,  p.  422—434.     For  others  see  n.  3. 

b)    The  time  of  Di  o  cletian,   a.  284  —  305. 

387.  The  most  important  art  continued  to  be  Elo- 
quence. Its  chief  home  was  now  in  Gaul,  where  Massiha, 
Narbo,  Tolosa,  Burdigala,  Augustodunum,  Remi  (Durocortorum) 
and  Treviri  had  rhetoricians  of  their  own,  whose  lectures  were 
much  favoured  by  the  vivacity  and  linguistic  versatility  of  the 
population.    A  diction  was  formed  here  which  differed  from 


i 


The  Panegyric     Orators.  317 

the  dry  tortuosity  of  the  Africans  by  its  smoothness  and  cor- 
rectness, and  surpassed  it  in  store  of  words,  though  it  was  in- 
ferior to  it  in  thought.  The  subject  and  tone  of  Eloquence 
were  dependent  on  the  state  of  political  affairs.  In  agreement 
with  the  Eastern  and  despotic  ceremonies  introduced  by  Dio- 
cletian which  removed  the  person  of  the  Emperor  from 
ordinary  intercourse,  but  also  from  the  swords  of  the  soldiers, 
Eloquence  was  now  devoted  to  the  praise  of  the  Emperors, 
their  superhuman  virtues  and  performances.  This  was  the  time 
of  the  Panegyrici,  who  started  with  the  example  furnished 
by  Pliny  the  younger,  but  in  their  diction  imitated  Cicero. 
The  earliest  two  speeches  of  this  kind  were  delivered  by  ano- 
nymous orators  at  the  Court  of  Treves  in  praise  of  Diocle- 
tian's colleague,  Maximianus  Herculius,  in  the  years  289  and 
291.  We  possess  other  four  by  the  rhetorician  Eumenius 
of  Autun  (born  c.  250),  an  imitator  of  Cicero's  rotundity  and 
fullness  of  phrase.  They  were  delivered  in  the  years  296  and 
297,  310  and  311;  In  the  first  he  pleads  for  the  restoration 
of  the  Schools  in  his  native  town,  in  the  last  he  returns 
thanks  in  its  name.  The  other  two  are  panegyrics  on  the 
Caesar  Constantius  Chlorus  and  his  son,  the  Emperor  Con- 
stantine. 

1.  The  collections  of  the  panegyrici  veteres  generally  contain 
also  the  earliest  example  of  this  kind,  the  'panegyricus'  of  Pliny  (above 
335,  12),  They  then  extend  from  Diocletian  to  Theodosius;  see  below 
396.  410.  419.  There  are  numerous  manuscripts  of  them,  but 
none  of  them  older  than  saec.  XV,  and  all  derived  from  the  same 
archetype,  probably  the  same  as  John  Aurispa  discovered  at  Mayence 
a.  1433;  see  H.  Keil,  praef.  in  Plin.  p.  38  sq.  and  loa.  Aurispae  epistula 
(Halle  1870.  4)  p.  IV  and  VIII.  Relatively  speaking,  the  best  mss.  are 
the  vetus  Bertiniensis,  vetus  Puteani  and  Vaticanus  3461 ;  see  H.  Riihl 
(n.  3)  p.  7—18.  In  these  mss.  Pliny's  panegyric  is  commonly  followed 
by  Latini  Pacati  Drepani  panegyricus  Theodosio  Aug.  dictus;  Claudi 
Mamertini  pro  consulatu  suo  gratiarum  actio  luliano  Aug, ;  Nazari  pa- 
negyricus Constantino  Aug.  dictus;  then  by  the  shorter  panegyrics  on 
Maximian  and  Diocletian  and  his  successors.  The  editions  (n.  2)  gene- 
rally adopt  the  chronological  arrangement. 

2.  Editions  of  the  panegyrici  by  Jo.  Cuspinianus  (Vienn.  1513,  4), 
B,  Rhenanus  (Basi),  1520,  4.),  P.  Navius  (Venet.  1576),  J.  Livineius  (Ant- 
verp.  1599),  C.  Rittershusius  (cum  notis  J,  Gruteri  et  Acidalii,  Francof. 
1607),  Chr.  Cellarius  (rec.  et  adn,  illustr,,  Hal.  1703),  J.  de  la  Bunae  (in 
us.  Delph.,    Venet,  1728.   4.),    Chr.  G.  Schwarz    (Altorf  1739—1748.    4.), 


318  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

L.  Patarol  (notis  ac  nummis  illustr.,  Venet.  1743.  4.),  Wolfg.  Jager  (ex 
cod.  ms.,  Niirnberg  1779.  2  vols.),  H.  J.  Arntzen  (cum  notis  et  animadv., 
Utrecht  1790-1795,  2  vols.  4.),  Valpy  (London  1838). 

3.  J.  G.  Walch,  parerga  acad.  (Lips.  1721)  p.  849  sqq.  C.  G.  Heyne, 
censura  XII  panegyricorum  veterum,  in  his  Opuscula  acad.  VI  p.  80 
— 118.  J.  Burckhardt,  the  time  of  Cohstantine,  p.  62—66.  H.  Riihl, 
de  XII  panegyricis  latinis  propaedeumata,  Greifswald  1868.  Fr,  Eyssen- 
hardt,  lectiones  panegyricae,  Berlin  1867.  4.    (Fr.  Werder'sches  Gymn.) 

4.  The  earliest  two  speeches,  on  Maximian,  are  usually  attributed 
to  an  elder  Mamertinus,  though  without  any  ms.  authority.  The  difference 
of  their  rhetorical  treatment  and  linguistic  peculiarities  almost  proves 
that  they  are  not  by  the  same  author.     Cf.  n.  6. 

5.  The  first  was  delivered  on  the  birth-day  of  Rome  (21  April) 
before  the  commencement  of  the  expedition  against  Carausius  (c.  12), 
a.  289,  away  from  Rome  (13,  4.  14,  1.  4.)  in  the  North  (12,  5),  in  a 
town  situated  on  a  navigable  river  (12,  6),  no  doubt  in  Maximian's  resi- 
dence at  Treves.  The  orator  doubts  whether  his  hero  had  ever  heard 
of  the  passage  of  Scipio  the  Elder  to  Africa  (c.  8). 

6.  The  second  (Genethliacus)  was  delivered  on  Maximian's  birth- 
day (2,  1),    with    which    that    of   his    colleague  Diocletian  was  joined? 
certainly    before    Constantine    and    Galerius    were    appointed    Caesares 
(1  March  293;    see  Preuss,  Diocl.  p.  172  sq.).     Navalia  tropaea  (on  Ca- 
rausius) are  still  in  view  (19,  5) ;    yet    this    point  is  lightly  passed  over 
so  that  some  time  would  appear  to  have  gone  by  since  this  misfortune. 
This  speech  was  likewise  delivered  away  from  Rome  (12,  1.  19,  5)  and 
beyond  the  Alps    (9,  3  sqq.).     The  author  had  once  before  delivered  a 
speech  in  honour  of  Maximian;  see  1,  1  sqq.:  ut  expectationem  sermo- 
nis  eius  quem  tuis  quinquennalibus  (Nov.  289)    praeparaveram   hac  na- 
talis  praedicatione  compensem  et  dicendi  munus,    quod    tunc  voti   pro- 
missione  susceperam,  nunc  .  .  repraesentem.    voveram  autem  .  .  ut  me 
dignatione    qua   pridem    audieras    rursus    audires.     .  .  gaudeo  igitur  .  . 
dilatam  esse  illam  cupiditatem  meam.    neque  enim  orationis  eius  quam 
composueram    facio    iacturam,    sed    cam   reservo    .  .    decennalibus  tuis. 
5,  1 :  sed  de  rebus  bellicis  victoriisque  vestris  .  .  et  multi  summa  elo- 
quentia   praediti    saepe    dixerunt    et    ego  pridem,    cum  mihi  auditionis 
tuae    divina    dignatio    cam    copiam    tribuit,    quantum  potui  praedicavi. 
This  time  he  says   that    he    confines    himself   to    the   Emperor's   pietas 
(c.  6—12)  and  felicitas  (c.  13 — 18).     The  latter  theme  had  already  been 
treated  by  the  former  rhetorician  (n.  5),  only  more  briefly  (9  sq.  11,  1. 
7.  13,  1  sqq.),    not  only   the  res  bellicae.     The  present  speaker  expects 
more  historical  knowledge  of  the  Emperor.   He  is  also  fond  of  detailed 
description  (10 — 12)    and    bolder    rhetorical  figures  (c.  15).     He  quotes 
(14,  2)  the  line  lovis  omnia  plena  by  the  poeta  romanus  (Vergil.  Eel.  Ill 
60)  and  styles  Ennius  (16,  3)  ille  romani  carminis  primus  auctor.    This 
speaker  differs  from  the  first  (n.  5)  in  his  use  of  the  particles  si  quidem 
and  quasi,  also  at  enim  (7,  5)  and  nihilominus. 


The  Panegyric     Orators.  319 , 

7.  Eumen.  pro  rest,  schol.  1,  1:  certum  habeo  .  .  plerosque  mirari 
quod  ego,  qui  ab  ineunte  adolescentia  usque  in  hunc  diem  numquam 
isto  in  loco  dixerim  et  quantulumcunique  illud  est  quod  .  .  videor  con- 
secutus  exercere  privatim  quara  in  foro  iactare  maluerim,  nunc  demum, 
sero  quodam  tirocinio,  ad  insolitum  mihi  tribunal  adspirem.  3,  1 :  re- 
lictis  docendi  praecipiendique  rationibus.  6,  2:  (Constantium)  mirari 
satis  nequeo,  qui  .  .  me  filio  potius  meo  ad  pristina  mea  studia  aditum 
molientem  ipsum  iusserit  disciplinas  artis  oratoriae  retractare  et  hoc 
mihi  munus  iniunxerit.  11,  2  sq. :  salarium  me  liberalissimi  principes  .  . 
in  sexcenis  milibus  nummum  accipere  iusserunt,  .  .  ut  trecena  ilia 
sestertia  quae  sacrae  memoriae  magister  acceperam  .  .  geminarent. 
hoc  ego  salarium  .  .  cupio  ad  restitutionem  huius  operis  .  .  destinare. 
13, 1 :  litteras  quibus  misi  tanti  principes  instituendam  iuventutem  com- 
mendare  dignati  sunt,  in  which  (14,  3)  e.  g. :  auditorio  huic  .  .  te  po- 
tissimum  praeficere  debuimus,  cuius  eloquentiam  et  gravitatem  morum 
ex  actus  nostri  habemus  administratione  compertam.  hortamur  igitur 
.  .  ut  professionem  oratoriam  repetas  etc.  17,  3 :  illic  avum  meum 
quondam  docuisse  audio,  hominem  Athenis  ortum,  Romae  diu  celebrem, 
mox  in  ista  urbe  (Autun)  .  .  detentum.  cuius  locum,  in  quo,  ut  referunt, 
maior  octogenario  docuit  etc.  Panegyr.  Constantino  Aug.  23,  1  sq.  : 
tibi  .  .  commendo  liberos  meos,  praecipueque  ilium  iam  summa  fisci 
patrocinia  tractantem  (he  would  thus  appear  to  have  been  advocatus 
fisci).  .  .  praeter  illos  quinque  quos  genui  etiam  illos  quasi  meos  nu- 
mero  quos  provexi  ad  tutelam  fori,  ad  officia  palatii.  We  do  not  know 
in  what  year  Eum.  died. 

8.  The  speech  pro  restaurandis  scholis  (of  August© dunum),  was 
delivered  a.  296  (see  c.  21)  before  the  praeses  provinciae  (Gall.  Lugd.  I), 
and  chiefly  contains  the  declaration  that  Eum.  intended  his  salary  for 
it  (n.  7).  We  possess  by  him  also:  2)  panegyricus  on  the  Caesar  Con- 
s  tanti  us,  delivered  at  Treves,  at  the  close  of  296;  cf.  4,  4:  habenda 
est  ratio  temporis,  Caesare  stante  dum  loquimur.  The  orator  does  not, 
however,  keep  this  intention.  5,  3:  aliis  haec  (the  deed  of  Diocle- 
tian, Maximian  and  Galerius)  .  .  celebrabo  temporibus,  .  .  ipsis  qui 
gessere  praesentibus.  Maximian  is  rjtill  in  Mauretania  (5,  2),  and  Con- 
stantine  has  not  yet  gained  his  Lingonica  victoria  (paneg.  Constantin. 
6,  3).  The  author  has  again  given  up  his  chair  and  returned  to  Court; 
see  1,2  sqq. :  quo  in  genere  orationis  quanta  esset  cura  .  .  sensi  etiam 
cum  in  quotidiana  ilia  instituendae  iuventutis  exercitatione  versarer. 
.  .  sed  cum  ex  veteri  illo  curriculo  me  .  .  post  indultam  a  pietate  vestra 
quietem  (pension?)  studium  ruris  abduxerit  etc.  He  alludes  to  a  speech 
in  honour  of  Maximian  1,  5;  to  his  former  charge  at  Court  2,  1 ;  to 
the  restoration  of  his  native  town  of  Augustodunum  20,  2.  —  3)  Pane- 
gyricus Constantino  Aug.  dictus  at  Treves  (22,  4  sq.  cf.  13,  2),  on 
the  dies  natalis  of  the  town  (22,  4),  a  short  time  after  the  execution 
of  Maximian  at  Massilia  (20,  3),  n.  310.  Again  he  declares  his  intention 
to  be  brief  (1,  3.  7,  1).  He  says  of  himself  that  he  is  in  the  media 
aetas  (1,  1).     The    adulation    displayed   in    this    speech   is  very   strong, 


320  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

e.  g.  10—12.  21,  4.  22,  1.  At  the  close  of  the  speech  Constantine  is 
invited  to  visit  Augustodunum  (22,  3  and  7).  —  4)  Gratiarum  actio 
Constantino  Aug.  in  the  name  of  Augustodunum,  his  patria,  whose  ap- 
pellation had  been  changed  to  Flavia,  for  the  remission  of  taxes  and 
other  benefits  Constantine  had  bestowed  upon  the  town  during  his 
recent  sojourn  there  (a.  310  or  311).  The  end  seems  to  be  incomplete. 
It  was  delivered  at  Treves  (2,  1).  For  the  time  see  13,  2:  quinquen- 
nalia  tua  nobis,  etiam  perfecta,  celebranda  sunt.  There  is  no  trace  of 
Christianity  in  all  these  speeches,  but  on  the  contrary  polytheism  is 
displayed  rather  ostentatiously.  On  the  criticism  of  the  text  see  Haupt, 
Hermes  IV  p.  151  sq. 

9.  Burckhardt,  Constantine  p.  66:  Eumenius  surpasses  the  other 
panegyric  orators  not  only  in  tact  and  talent,  but  is  even  quite  a  re- 
spectable patriot,  who  did  not  flatter  for  his  personal  advantage.  Cf. 
n.  7.     Tacitus  (Agr.  12)  is  employed  in  panegyric.  Const.  9,  3. 

10.  Symmach.  ep.  VI  34  wants  a  Gallus  rhetor  for  the  education 
of  his  son  at  Rome.  Cf.  ib.  IX  88:  gallicanae  facundiae  haustus  re- 
quiro,  non  quod  his  septem  montibus  eloquentia  latiaris  excessit,  sed 
quia  praecepta  rhetoricae  pectori  meo  senex  olim  Garumnae  alumnus 
immulsit. 

388.  Of  the  six  scriptores  historiae  augustae  three 
wrote  still  under  Diocletian,  viz.  Aelius  Spartianus,  Vulcatius 
Gallicanus,  and  Trebellius  Pollio.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
lives  of  Adrian,  Helius  Verus,  Septimius  Severus,  Pescennius 
Niger  are  by  Spartianus,  and  it  is  very  probable  that  he 
also  wrote  the  biographies  of  Pius,  Marcus,  Verus,  Albinus 
and  Macrinus.  Vulcatius  Gallicanus  is  the  author  of  the 
biography  of  Avidius  Cassius.  Trebellius  Pollio  wrote  the 
(incomplete)  account  of  the  Valeriani,  Gallieni,  the  thirty  ty- 
rants (so  called  by  him),  and  of  Claudius.  The  whole  collection 
embraces  the  Emperors  from  Adrian  to  Numerianus  (a.  117 
— 284),  only  those  of  244 — 253  not  having  come  down  to  us 
in  a  separate  treatment.  The  time  and  the  author  of  this 
collection  are  not  known  to  us.  In  several  cases  it  is  doubt- 
ful to  whom  the  authorship  belongs.  All  these  writers  are 
void  of  talent  and  ability;  but  their  intentions  are  honest  and 
they  are  our  sole  historical  source. 

1.  All  mss.  of  the  scr.  hist.  aug.  are  derived  from  the  same  source, 
as  all  have  suffered  by  the  same  gap,  in  which  the  biographies  of  the 
Emperors  posterior  to  Gordian.  Ill  and  the  beginning  of  the  vita  Va- 
lerianorum  were  lost.  The  mss.  of  authority  are  the  Bambergensis 
saec.  IX  and  the  Palatinus  (at  Rome)  saec.  X  or  XL     Vatic.  1899  saec. 


Scriptores  historiae  augustae.  321 

XrV  is  copied  from  a  ms.  very  much  resembling  tlie  latter  ms.  All 
the  other  mss.  are  of  saec.  XV  and  without  value.  Cf.  the  preface 
in  H.  Peter's  edition.  The  collection  bears  in  the  mss.  the  title:  vitae 
diversorum  principum  et  tyrannorum  a  divo  Hadriano  usque  ad  Nume- 
rianum  a  diversis  compositae.  The  order  of  the  vitae  in  the  mss.  is  a 
mixture  of  a  chronological  and  a  literary  arrangement;  see  Brocks 
p.  43  sq. 

2.  Ed.  princ.  of  the  scriptores  hist.  aug.  by  Bon.  Accursius,  Mediol. 
1475  fol.  Aldina,  Venet.  1516.  1519.  Editions  by  D.  Erasmus  (Basil. 
1518  fol.  and  often),  J.  B.  Egnatius  (Paris  1544),  J.  Gruter  (Hanov. 
1611  fol.),  Is.  Casaubonus  (Paris  1603.  4.  1620  fol.  with  the  notae  of  CI. 
Salmasius).  A  variorum  edition  Lugd.  Bat.  1671.  2  vols.  Cum  notis 
U.  Obrechti,  Strassburg  1677.  Cum  praef.  J.  L.  E.  Piittmanni,  Lips. 
1774.  Henr.  Jordan  et  Fr.  Eyssenhardt  recensuerunt,  Berol.  1864,  2  vols. 
Recens.  Herm.  Peter,  Lips.  Teubner  1865,  2  vols. 

3.  H.  Dodwell,  praelectiones  Camdenianae  (Oxon.  1692)  p.  32 — 151. 
G.  Mascov,  de  usu  et  praestantia  hist.  aug.  in  iure  civili  (1731)  in  his 
Opusc,  Lips.  1776.  C.  G.  Heyne,  censura  sex  scriptorum  hist,  aug., 
Opuscula  acad.  VI  p.  52 — 78.  H.  E.  Dirksen,  the  script,  h.  aug.  Sug- 
gestions concerning  the  criticism  of  the  text  and  its  interpretation, 
Leipzig  1842.  271  pp.  G.  Bernhardy,  de  script,  h.  a.  prooemia  duo, 
Halle  1847.  4.  Fr.  Richter,  on  the  scr.  h.  a.,  Rhein.  Mus.  VII  (1850). 
p.  16 — 51.  Krause,  de  fontibus  et  auctoritate  scriptorum  h.  a.,  Neu- 
stettin  1857.  24  pp.  4.  H.  Peter,  historia  critica  scriptorum  h.  a,, 
Lips.  1860.  40  pp.  E.  Plew,  de  diversitate  auctorum  h.  a.,  Konigsberg 
1869.  E.  Brocks,  de  IV  prioribus  h.  a.  scriptoribus,  Konigsberg  1869. 
69  pp.  C.  Czwalina,  de  epistularum  actorumque  quae  a  scriptoribus  h. 
a.  proferuntur  fide  atque  auctoritate,  part.  I.  Bonn  1870.  45  pp.  C. 
Riibel,  de  fontibus  IV  priorum  h.  a.  scriptorum,  Bonn  1871.  64  pp. 
J.  J.  Miiller,  in  Bii dinger's  Investigations  on  the  Imperial  History  III 
p.  33 — 116.  C.  Paucker,  de  latinitate  scriptorum  h.  a.  meletemata 
Dorpat  1870.    214  pp. 

Critical  contributions  by  A.  Becker  (Observationes  criticae  in  etc., 
Breslau  1838),  H.  Peter  (Exercitationes  criticae  in,  Posen  1863.  4.)? 
0.  Hirschfeld  (Hermes  III  p.  230—232) ,  M.  Haupt  (Hermes  I  p.  45. 
Ill  p.  217—220.  IV  p.  152  sqq.),  J.  Oberdick  (Journal  f.  Austrian  Gymn. 
11865,  p.  737—745.  1868,  p.  340—343).  J.  J.  Cornehssen  (Coniectanea 
at.,  Daventr.  1870.  4.),  J.  Golisch  (Schweidnitz  1870.  4.  and  in  Fleck- 
eisen's  Jahrb.  103,  p    646—648),  E.  Bahrens  (ib.  p.  649—664). 

4.  The  following  vitae  are  dedicated  to  Diocletian:  1)  Helius 
Caesar,  with  the  title:  Diocletiano  Aug.  Aelius  Spartianus  suus  sal.  In 
animo  mihi  est,  Diocletiane  Aug.,  tot  principum  maxime.  2)  Marcus 
(19,  3 :  ut  vobis  ipsis,  sacratissime  imp.  Diocletiane,  et  semper  visum 
est  et  videtur).  3)  Verus  (11,  4:  praeter  vestram  clementiam,  Diocle- 
tiane Aug.).  4)  Avid.  Cass.  3,  3  (proposui  enim,  Diocletiane  Aug.).  5) 
Septim.  Sever.  20,  4:  reputanti  mihi,  Diocl.  Aug.     G)  Pescenn.  Nig.  9,  1: 

21 


322  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

haec  sunt,  Diocletiane  maxime  Augustorum  etc.     7)  Macrin.  15,  4  (sere- 
nitati  tuae,  Diocl.  Aug.,  detulimus,  quia  te  cupidum  veterum  imperato- 
ram  esse  perspeximus).     Of  these  vitae  that  of  Avidius  Cassius  certainly 
belongs  to  Vulcatius  Gallicanus,    to  whom    it   is  attributed  in  the  mss. 
with  the  addition  (V.  C.)  v.  cl.  which  does  not  recur  in  any  other  plaee. 
The    other   six   are   divided  between  Spartianus  and  Capitolinus  (nr.  1. 
5.  6  Spartianus,    2.  3.  7    to  Capitolinus,    the    latter,    however,     without 
any  statements  of  an  individual  character  and  contrary  to  probability,  as 
Capitolinus  (below  397)  no  doubt  wrote  under  Constantine,   and,    as  it 
seems,  after  the  victory  over  Licinius,  (a.  323).     The  second  and  third 
biography  (which  is  referred  to  Hel.  2,  9:    de   huius   familia  plenius  in 
vita  .  .  filii  huiusce  .  .  disseremus;    cf.  Ver.  1,  6  sqq.  with  Fr.  Richter 
p.  39  extr.)    agree  in  all  particulars  (cf.  Brocks   p.  23  sqq.),    while    the 
seventh  agrees  with  the  sixth.   Both  exhibit  the  same  fondness  of  citing 
letters  and  passages  of  Virgil  (which  appears  also  in  Helius)  and  refer 
to  the  same  sources  (Pesc.  Nig.  9,  1 :    haec   .  .    didicimus    ex    pluribus 
libris.     Macrin.  1,1:    nos    ex    diversis   historicis    eruta    in    lucem  pro- 
feremus,    and  15,  4:    quae    de    plurimis    collecta  etc.)     It  is,  therefore, 
probable  that    all    are  by  Spartianus.     On  the  other  hand,    in  the  life 
of  Clodius  Albinus  that  of  Pescennius   (Alb.  1,  4:    sortem  illam  qua  .  . 
in  Pescennii  vita  diximus  =  Pesc.  8,  1  sq.)  and  of  Severus  (Alb.  12,  14: 
quae    quidem   omnia   in  vita  eius  posita  sunt  =  Sever.  9 — 12)    by    the 
same  author    are    quoted,    so    that    also  Albinus  would   seem  to  be  by 
Spartianus;    and  in   the  Helius    (which  is  no  doubt  by  Spartianus)    the 
author    explains    a    statement    he    had   made  in  his  vita  Hadriani  (Hel. 
5,  5 :  de  quo  genere  cibi  aliter  refert  Marias  Maximus,  non  pentaphar- 
macum  sed  tetrapharmacum   appellans,    ut  et  nos  ipsi  in  eius  vita  per- 
secuti  sumus,  --^  Hadr.  21,  4:  unice  amavit  tetrapharmacum).   Pius  again, 
which  is  in  the  mss.  attributed  to  Capitolinus  (the  addition  of  ad  Diocl. 
Aug.  being  due  to  interpolation,  as  in  the  case  of  Did.  lul.)  quite  agrees 
with  the  lives  of  Adrian,  Marcus  and  Severus    (Brocks  p.  23  sqq.)    and 
therefore  seems  to  be  by  the  same  author.      In  the  mss.  Spartianus  is 
also  credited  with  the  lives  of  Didius  lulianus,  Caracalla,  and  Geta,  the 
latter   probably    by    an   error,    as    it   is  dedicated  to  Constantine,    and 
hence  Spartianus  does  not  appear  to  be  the  author  of  the  life  of  Cara- 
calla  which  is  closely  connected  with  the  other  biography  (Carac.  11,  1: 
occidendi  Getae    multa    prodigia  extiterunt,    ut  in  vita  eius  exponemus 
=^  Get.  3,  3  sqq.;   Get.  1,  1:  quaestionem  .  .  cur  etiam  Geta  Ant.  a  me 
tradatur).     No    trustworthy    argument    against    this   is    implied    by    the 
impersonal  reference  to  Severus  in  Car.  1,  2.    The  manner  of  Did.  lul. 
(except  the  stemma  at  the  beginning)    has    little    in   common  with  the 
manner  of  Spartianus.     This    intricate    question   has   recently  been  ex- 
cellently investigated  by  C.  Brocks,  though  he  does  not  pay  sufficient  atten- 
tion to  the  various  references    (cf.   Fr.  Richter    p.  39—42)    and    dwells 
too  much  on  the  general  aspect  of  arrangement  and  diction  which  may 
be  the  result  of   the    source  adopted  in    each    instance.     To   judge    of 
Spartianus  with  a  certain  degree   of   safety,    we    should   start  with  the 
biography  of  Helius. 


Scriptores  historiae  augustae.  323 

5.  Spartian.  Hel.  1,  1:  in  animo  mihi  est  .  .  non  solum  eos  qui 
principum  locum  .  .  retentarunt,  ut  usque  ad  divum  Hadrianum  feci, 
sed  illos  etiam  qui  vel  Caesarum  nomine  appellati  sunt  nee  principes 
aut  Augusti  fuerunt,  vel  quolibet  alio  genere  aut  in  famam  aut  in  spem 
principatus  venerunt,  cognitioni  numinis  tui  sternere.  7,  5:  de  quo  id- 
circo  non  tacui  quia  mihi  propositum  fuit  omnes  qui  post  Caesarem 
dictatorem,  h.  e.  divum  lulium,  vel  Caesares  vel  Augusti  vel  principes 
appellati  sunt  quique  in  adoptionem  venerunt  vel  imperatorum  filii  aut 
parentes  Caesarum  nomine  consecrati  sunt  singulis  libris  exponere, 
meae  satisfaciens  conscientiae,  etsi  multis  nulla  sit  necessitas  talia  re- 
quirendi.  Hence  his  intention  appears  to  have  been  to  w^rite  a  com- 
plete history  of  the  Emperors  in  the  form  of  biographies.  We  do  not 
know  whether  this  intention  was  actually  carried  out;  at  all  events,  we 
possess  only  parts  of  his  work.  His  principal  source  was  Marius  Maxi- 
mus  (above  377,  5  sq.).  A  chronological  hint  Hel.  2,  2:  nostris  tempo- 
ribus  a  vestra  dementia  Maximianus  atque  Constantius  Caesares  dicti 
sunt  (a.  292). 

6.  Vulcat.  Gall.  Avid.  Cass.  3,  3:  proposui,  Diocletiane  Aug., 
omnes  qui  imperatorum  nomen  sive  iusta  ex  causa  sive  iniusta  habuerunt 
in  iitteras  mittere,  ut  omnes  purpuratos  Augustos  cognosceres.  His 
plan  was,  therefore,  somewhat  more  limited  than  that  of  Spartianus 
(n.  4).  Only  his  Avidius  Cassius  was  admitted  into  the  extant  collection 
—  a  biography  remarkable  for  an  extensive  use  of  the  correspondence 
(also  the  answers).  Cf.  E.  E.  Hudemann,  Philologus  VH  p.  585—588. 
IX  p.   189  sqq. 

7.  Vopisc.  Aurelian.  2,  1:  quoniam  sermo  nobis  de  Trebellio 
Pollione,  qui  a  duobus  Philippis  usque  ad  divum  Claudium  et  eius 
fratrem  Quintillum  imperatores  tam  claros  quam  obscuros  memoriae 
prodidit,  .  .  fuit,  adserente  Tiberiano  quod  Pollio  multa  incuriose,  multa 
breviter  prodidisset.  The  commencement  of  Pollio's  portion  and  his 
dedication  are  lost.  He  is  the  inventor  of  the  incorrect  notion  of  the 
XXX  tyranni.  Pollio  XXX  tyr.  1,  1  sq. :  scriptis  iam  pluribus  libris,  non 
historico  nee  diserto,  sed  pedestri  adloquio  .  .  in  unum  eos  (the  XXX) 
libellum  contuli,  .  .  maxime  cum  vel  in  Valeriani  vel  in  Gallieni  vita 
pleraque  de  his  dicta  .  .  constet.  33,  8:  libellum  non  tam  diserte  quam 
fideliter  scriptum.  neque  ego  eloquentiam  mihi  videor  pollicitus  esse, 
sed  rem,  qui  hos  libellos  quos  de  vita  principum  edidi  non  scribo,  sed 
dicto,  et  dicto  cum  ea  festinatione  .  .  ut  respirandi  non  habeam  facul- 
tatem.  11,  6sq. :  ut  fidelitas  historica  servaretur,  quam  ego  prae  ceteris 
custodiendam  putavi,  qui  quod  ad  eloquentiam  pertinet  nihil  euro,  rem 
enim  vobis  proposui  deferre,  non  verba.  Claud.  11,  5:  vera  dici  fides 
cogit,  simul  ut  sciant  ii  qui  adulatores  nos  aestimari  cupiunt  id  quod 
historia  dici  postulat  [nos]  non  tacere.  ib.  3,  1 :  in  gratiam  me  quispiam 
putet  Constantii  Caesaris  loqui,  sed  testis  est  et  tua  conscientia  et  vita 
mea  me  nihil  umquam  cogitasse,  dixisse,  fecisse  gratiosum.  10,  7:  ut 
sit  omnibus  clarum  Constantium  divini  generis  virum  .  .  esse,  .  .  salvis 
Diocletiano  et  Maximiano  Augg.  et  eius  fratre  Galerio.     He  appears  to 


324  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

have  written  in  the  life-time  of  Chlorus  (f  25  July  306),  but  after  the 
completion  of  Diocletian's  Thermae  (a.  2318  =  304  according  to  Hieron. 
chr.);  see  XXX  tyr.  21,  7:  in  his  locis  fuerunt  in  quibus  thermae  Dio- 
cletianae  sunt  exaedificatae,  tarn  aeterni  nominis  quam  sacrati.  His 
grandfather  had  lived  under  Aurelian  and  had  been  a  friend  of  Tetri- 
cus  (XXX  tyr.  25,  3).  Valerian.  8,  5:  quoniam  vereor  ne  modum  volu- 
minis  transeam,  .  .  ad  aliud  volumen  transeam.  .  .  semper  enim  me 
vobis  dedidi  .  .  et  famae.  Gallien.  14,  2:  Claudius,  ut  suo  dicemus 
loco,  vir  optimus.  XXX  tyr.  31,  5  sqq. :  haec  sunt  quae  de  XXX  tyr  an - 
nis  dicenda  videbantur.  .  .  nunc  ad  Claudium  principem  redeo.  de 
quo  speciale  mihi  volumen  .  .  videtur  edendum.  Claud.  1,  1 :  ventum 
est  ad  principem  Claudium,  qui  nobis  intuitu  Constanti  Caesaris  cum 
cura  in  litteras  digerendus  est.  XXX  tyr.  31,  10:  nemo  in  templo  Pacis 
dicturus  est  me  feminas  inter  tyrannos,  .  .  ut  ipsi  de  me  solent  cum 
risu  et  ioco  iactitare,  po Suisse.  Richter  (Rhein.  Mus.  VII)  p.  20 — 23. 
H.  Peter,  hist.  crit.  p.  9  sq.  H.  Cannegieter,  Treb.  P.  neglegentia  casti- 
gata,  in  his  Liber  sing,  de  mut.  nom.  rom.  rat.  (Utrecht  1758.  4.) 
p.  177  sqq. 

8.  Vopisc.  Aurelian.  44,  2:  Herennianus  teste  Asclepiodoto  saepe 
dicebat  Diocletianum  frequenter  dixisse,  and  44,  3:  Asclepiodotus  .  . 
perhibet. 

9.  Vopisc.  Car.  18,  5:  quorum  (i.  e.  Diocletian  and  his  three  col- 
leagues) vitam  singulis  libris  Claudius  Eusthenius,  qui  Diocletiano  ab 
epistulis  fuit,  scripsit. 

10.  On  2afjKt)}c6g  tdjoQvTcog  mentioned  by  Lyd.  magg.  Ill  32  see 
above  370,  5. 

11.  About  the  close  of  this  century  the  earliest  Latin  translation 
of  the  romance  of  Pseudo-Callisthenes  on  Alexander  the  Great  (n.  200) 
was  composed  under  the  title  Res  gestae  Alexandri  Macedonis  trans- 
ratae  ex  Aesopo  Graeco,  Julius  Valerius  being  given  as  the  name 
of  the  author.  It  is  made  use  of  in  the  Itinerar,  Alex,  (of  a.  340 — 345). 
Cf.  C.  Kluge,  de  it.  Alex.  p.  34—45.  On  the  diction  of  Jul.  Val.  (who 
e.  g.  frequently  uses  quod  instead  of  the  ace.  c.  inf.),  see  ibid.  p.  46 
— 49.  51 — 54.  The  work  was  first  edited,  from  a  codex  Ambrosianus, 
by  A.  Mai  together  with  the  Itin.  Alex.  (Mediol.  1817.  4.)  and  (com- 
pleted) in  his  Classici  auctt.  e  codd.  vaticanis  VIl  p.  61  sqq.  Cf.  Spi- 
cileg.  rom.  VIII  p.  513  sqq.  J.  Zacher,  Pseudo-Callisthenes,  Halle  1867. 
There  is  also  extant  an  abridgment  of  this  translation  (saec.  V),  edited 
by  J.  Zacher,  lulii  Valerii  epitome,  Halle  1867.     XIV  and  64  pp. 

12.  Among  the  historical  documents  of  the  time  of  Diocletian  we 
should  also  mention  the  list  of  the  Roman  provinces  in  a.  297,  dis- 
covered at  Verona  and  edited  by  Mommsen,  Trans,  of  the  Berlin  Acad., 
1862,  p.  489—531.  Cf.  Revue  archeol.  XIII  (1866)  p.  377  sqq.  XIV  p. 
369  sqq.  XV  p.  1  sqq.  In  the  end  of  a.  301  we  possess  Diocletian's 
edictum  de  pretiis;  Th.  Mommsen,  Diocletian's  Edict  etc.  Leipzig  1851. 
H.  W.  Waddington,    edit    de  Diocletien  etc.  public   avec  de  nouveaux 


Scriptores  historiae  augustae.     Codex  Gregorianus.  325 

fragments  et  un  commentaire,  Paris  1864.    Cf.  K.  Keil,  Rhein.  Mus.  XIX 
p.  610—614. 

389.  By  the  division  of  the  Empire  and  the  Imperial 
power  the  possibility  had  arisen  of  conflicting  decisions  of 
legal  questions,  whonce  a  ^general  uncertainty  of  law  might 
easily  result.  Owing  to  this  a  want  was  felt  under  Diocletian 
to  collect  the  existing  laws,  so  far  as  they  rested  on  Imperial 
rescripts.  Hence  a  collection  of  the  constitutions  made  by 
the  Emperors  from  Adrian  until  Diocletian  was  made  by  a 
Jurist  of  the  name  of  Gregorianus,  the  codex  Gregorianus. 
This  was,  in  the  fourth  century,  supplemented  by  the  similar 
collection  of  Hermogenianus,  which  embraced  the  years 
291 — 365  in  three  different  editions.  Both  these  collections 
survive  only  in  those  portions  which  were  inserted  in  Justi- 
nian's Codex. 

1.  The  best  edition  of  the  fragments  of  the  codex  Greg,  and 
Hermog.  is  by  G.  Hanel  in  the  Bonn  Corpus  iuris  anteiust.  (Bonn. 
1837.  4.) :  Codicis  Gregoriani  et  codicis  Hermog.  fragmenta  ad  XXXVI 
librorum  mss.  .  .  fidem  recogn.  et  annot.  crit.  instruxit.  Chr.  Fr.  Pohl, 
diss,  de  codd.  Greg,  atque  Herm.,  Lips.  1774.  4.  Zimmern,  Hist,  of 
Roman  Private  Law  II.  p.  157 — 164.  H.  F.  Jacobson,  diss.  crit.  de 
codd.  G.  et  H.,  Konigsberg  1826.  Hand's  praefationes.  Rudorff, 'Hist, 
of  Roman  Law  1.  p.  274—277.  Huschke,  on  the  cod.  Gr.  and  H.,  Journ. 
f.  Hist,  of  Law  VI  (1867)  p.  279—331. 

2.  The  title  of  codex  Gregorianus  is  probably  an  abridgment  of 
the  original  title  which  probably  was :  Gregoriani  codex  constitutionum 
principalium.  The  earliest  constitution  that  can  be  dated  is  of  a.  196, 
but  as  the  cod.  lust,  which  was  based  on  it  contains  also  a  const,  of 
Adrian,  it  is  probable  that  Greg,  began  with  him.  The  latest  consti- 
tution in  Greg,  is  of  a.  295,  in  which  year  it  is  probable  that  the  col- 
lection was  published.  Diocletian  and  Maximian  are  called  in  it  do- 
mini  nostri  (Collat.  I  10.  Huschke  p.  280—286.  It  seems  likely  that 
Diocletian  encouraged  the  work,  just  as  this  is  certain  in  the  case  of 
the  scriptores  hist.  aug.  (see  388)  who  likewise  commence  with  Adrian. 
A  predecessor  of  Greg,  was  Papirius  lustus,  above  364,  7,  and  Julian's 
redaction  of  the  Praetorian  Edict  (above  345,  2)  was  an  analogous  work. 
Being  a  collection  of  the  imperial  ius  generale,  the  cod.  Gr.  embraced 
constitutions  of  all  kinds,  excluding  what  was  antiquated.  The  arrange- 
ment was  probably  that  of  the  Edict  which  was  also  followed  in  all 
main  points  in  the  cod.  lust.  The  work  probably  contained  sixteen 
books,  like  the  cod.  Theodos.,  which  is  also  arranged  ad  similitudinem 
Gregoriani  atque  Hermogeniani  codicis  (cod.  Theod.  I  1,  5).  The  last 
three  books  seem  to  have  contained  the  criminal  law.    The  documents 


326  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

themselves  with  inscriptions  and  subscriptions  were  inserted,  a  few 
being  also  derived  from  the  works  of  Jurists,  as  there  are  undated 
constitutions  in  the  cod.  Just.     Buschke,  p.  294—303.     314 — 321. 

3.  The  codex  Hermogenianus  is  always  mentioned  after  the 
Greg.,  only  titles,  not  books,  being  quoted  if  it.  It  appears  therefore 
to  have  been  a  supplement  of  the  Greg.  Only  Rescripts  are  quoted 
from  the  Hermog.,  the  earliest  of  a.  ^91.  From  Dig.  IV  4,  17  it  ap- 
pears that  the  collection  was  later  than  Constantine's  edict  of  a.  331, 
enjoining  that  there  should  be  no  further  appeal  from  the  praef.  praet. 
But  Consult.  9,  1 — 7  attributes  to  it  five  more  by  Valentinian  and  Valens 
of  a.  364  sq.  The  last  edition  would  thus  appear  to  have  been  published 
about  365,  cf.  Sedul.  pasch.  op.  praef.  (p.  149  Arev.) :  cognoscant  Hermo- 
genianum,  doctissimum  iuris  latorem,  tres  editiones  su  ioperis  confecisse. 
They  appear  to  have  differed  chiefly  in  the  addition  of  subsequent  Re- 
scripts.    Buschke  p.  291—294. 

4.  Index  florent.  mentions  among  the  sources  of  Justinian^s  Digest 
in  the  last  place  EqfxoyfViavov  Innofxdiv  ^i^kCa  t^  {f/ovffi  gtCx-  g^-), 
an  abridgment  of  the  ius,  made  about  a.  339;  see  J.  Gothofredus  pro- 
legg.  ad  cod.  Theod.  p.  CCX.  The  Excerpts  from  it  are  collected  by 
Hommel  Paling.  I  p.  185 — 194.  J.  Finestres,  comm.  in  Herm.  icti  iuris 
epitomarum  libros  VI,  Cervar.  1757.  4.  2  vols.  H.  E.  Dirksen,  on  H.'s 
libri  iuris  epit..  Posthumous  Writings  II  p.  482  sqq. 

390.  The  grammarian  and  writer  on  metre,  Marius  Plotius 
(Claudius)  Sacerdos,  by  whom  we  have  an  Ars  grammatica 
in  three  books  (the  third  treating  of  metre  and  containing 
many  illustrations  from  Greek),  probably  wrote  in  the  reign 
of  the  Emperor  Diocletian. 

1.  Grammat.  lat.  ed.  Putsch  p.  2623  (=  Scriptores  rei  metr,  ed. 
Gaisford  p.  242):  Marius  Plotius  Sacerdos  composui  Romae  docens 
de  metris.  Cum  de  institutis  artis  grammaticae  primo  libro  me 
tractavisse  comperisset  vir  cl.  Uranius  nee  ei  displicuisset,  vel  quod 
non  absurde  compositum  vel  quod  ad  eius  filium  v.  cl.  mihi  contuber- 
nalem  et  aetate  paene  studiisque  mihi  coniunctum  Gaianum  scriptus 
esset,  compulit  ut  etiam  de  nominum  verborumque  ratione  nee  non 
de  structurarum  compositionibus  exprimendis  breviter  laborarem.  cuius 
praestantissimi  viri  iussionibus  libens  arbitror  libro  secundo  nos  expli- 
cabiliter  oboedisse.  nunc  in  hoc  sive  tertio  sive  novissimo  Artium 
libro  .  .  vobis  viris  amplissimis,  nobilitatis  splendore  praedito  Maximo 
et  omni  laude  praedicabili  Simplicio,  quorum  et  ad  quos  seria  nonnisi 
de  litteris  exercentur,  quoniam  .  .  me  posse  de  metris  etiam  tractare 
iudicastis,  (de  his)  breviter  esse  componendum  decrevi.  Books  I  and  II 
(grammar)  were  first  edited  from  a  Vienna  ms.  saec.  (VII — )  VIII  by 
Endlicher  and  Eichenfeld,  Analecta  gramm.  (Vindob.  1837)  p.  1 — 74. 
Conf.  p.  I — V.     The    first    two    quaternios  as  well  as  the  fifth  are  lost. 


Sacerdos.     Terentianus  Maiirus.  327 

The  first  book  terminates  (p.  46) :  hucusque  Artium  grammaticarum  feci- 
mus  instituta.  de  catholicis  vero  nominum  atque  verborum  latius  ex- 
ponemus.  Subscriptio:  M.  Claudi  Sacerdotis  Artium  grammaticarum 
(lib.  I  expl.)  feliciter.  p.  74:  M.  Claudi  Sac.  Art.  gramm.  lib.  II  expl. 
fel.  The  contents  of  the  second  book  are  nearly  the  same  as  the  Ca- 
tholica  of  Probus  (above  295,  8),  a  fact  explained  by  F..  Osann  (Contri- 
butions II  p.  299  sqq.)  on  the  supposition  that  Sac.  despoiled  Probus, 
while  H.  Wentzel  (Symb.  crit.  p.  28  sqq.,  of.  p.  40 — 43)  assumed  that 
Probus  had  derived  his  work  from  Sacerdos,  and  Steup  (de  Probis 
p.  149 — 166,  cf.  Rhein.  Mus.  XXVI  p.  318  sqq.)  considered  Sacerdos  as 
the  real  author  of  the  work  and  both  writings  (Cath.  Probi,  and  the 
second  book  of  Sacerdos)  only  as  two  copies  of  one  and  the  same 
work.  See  above  295,  8  a.  As  (Cath.  p.  9  sq.)  Saxon  Saxonis  and 
Franco  Franconis  are  quoted  as  instances,  the  work  cannot  have  been 
composed  before  Diocletian.  The  Gaianus  to  whom  the  first  book  of 
Sacerdos  is  dedicated  is  therefore  probably  the  same  to  whom  Reiscripts 
of  Diocletian  and  Maximian  are  addressed  Cod.  lust.  Ill  82,  11.  V46,  3. 
VI  42,  26.  Vm  28,  18.  The  agreement  of  the  contents  with  the  state- 
ments of  Plotius  Sac.  and  the  great  similarity  of  the  two  names  render 
it  probable  that  Plotius  Sacerdos  and  Claudius  Sac.  are  one  and  the 
same  person  (Endlicher,  Wentzel,  Steup).  Diomed  (p.  317  K.)  was  not 
aware  of  this  predecessor.  Wentzel  p.  67.  W.  Christ,  Philol.  XVIII 
p.  130  sq.  178  sq.     Steup  p.  165  sq.  not  44. 

2.  The  third  book  of  Sacerdos  de  metris  has  been  known  for  a 
considerable  time  (ap.  Putsche  p.  2623,  Gaisford  p.  242  sqq.).  luba  is 
already  quoted  in  it  (p.  301  G.).  It  is  dedicated  to  a  certain  Maximus 
(Rescripts  to  Maximus  of  a.  294—305  in  the  Cod.  lust.  VI  9,  5.  IX  22, 
18.  41,  15.  X  31,  11)  and  Simplicius  (see  n.  1).  De  graecis  nobilibus 
metris  lectis  a  me  et  ex  his  quidquid  singulis  fuerit  optimum  decerpto 
composui,  p.  297  G.  Westphal,  allgem.  Metr.  p.  50  sq. 

391.  Terentianus  from  Mauritania,  a  writer  on  metre, 
probably  belongs  to  the  close  of  the  third  century.  In  pur- 
suance of  Caesius  Bassus  and  the  manual  of  his  countryman 
Juba,  he  wrote  in  his  later  years  a  metrical  manual  de  litte- 
ris,  syllabis,  metris,  addressed  to  his  son  Bassinus  and  his  son- 
in-law  Novatus.  It  consists  of  three  parts,  the  last  of  which 
we  do  not  possess  complete.  Though  the  work  is  not  origi- 
nal as  regards  the  subject-matter,  it  is  still  highly  creditable 
to  the  author's  skill  in  managing  the  most  different  metres. 

1.  Mar.  Victor,  p.  2529  P. :  Terentianus,  non  paenitendus  inter 
ceteros  artis  metricae  auctor.  Terentian.  1969  sqq.  (after  quoting  an 
example  from  Pomponius  Secundus) :  non  equidem  possum  tot  priscos 
nosse  poetas  ut  veterum  exemplis  valeam  quae  tracto  probare;  Maurus 
item  quantos  potui  cognoscere  Graios?  .  .  nemo  tamen  culpet  si  sumo 


328  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

exempla  novella,  after  which  he  quotes  Septimius  Severus  (above  379,  3), 
just  as  in  another  passage  he  refers  to  Alfius  Avitus  (above  379,  1). 
These  facts  prove  that  the  age  of  Ter.  has  no  doubt  been  rightly  fixed 
by  Lachmann  (p.  XI),  see  L.  Miiller  de  re  metr.  p.  55.  99.  Westphal, 
allg.  Metr.  p.  44,  71,  though  G.  Studer  doubts  it,  Rhein.  Mus.  II  p.  63 
—66.  Grafenhan  (Hist,  of  class.  Phil.  IV  p.  99.  134  sq.)  still  follows 
the  former  way  of  identifying  this  writer  with  Terentianus  qui  nunc 
niliacam  regit  Syenen,  Martial.  I  86,  6  sq.,  and  places  him  under  Nerva 
and  Trajan. 

2.  Terent.  preface  (stichic  Glyconeans)  51  sqq. :  sic  nostrum  senium 
quoque  .  .  angustam  studii  viam  et  callem  tenuem  terit.  (59  sq.)  quid 
sit  littera,  quid  duae,  iunctae  quid  sibi  syllabae.  This  is  explained  in 
the  first  part,  in  Sotadeans:  v.  85 — 278  (sat  duco  meas  hactenus  occu- 
passe  nugas).  Then  (v.  342— 1281)  de  syllabis  (versus  heroici)  in  trochaic 
tetrameters  and  dactylic  hexameters,  after  a  preface  (279—341)  which 
is,  however,  rather  an  epilogue.  It  begins:  syllabas  .  .  disputatas  at- 
tuli  versibus,  sane  modorum  quo  sonora  laevitas  addita  stili  levaret 
sicciores  taedium.  haec  prius,  Bassine  fili  et  tu  gener  Novate  mi,  per- 
polite  qua  potestis  crebriore  limula.  319  sqq.:  morosa  intentio  tam  le- 
gentis  debet  esse  quam  fuit  nobis  quoque,  qui  .  .  forsitan  nee  lecta 
multis  e  latebris  scalpsimus,  ardui  laudem  expetentes,  non  favorem  ex 
obviis.  348  sq. :  hoc  opus,  de  syllabis  quod  recepi  nunc  loquendum. 
In  the  first  half  the  author  repeats  and  enlarges  upon  the  contents  of 
the  opusculum  de  litteris  (in  Sotadean  metre).  The  discussion  of  syl- 
labic prosody  does  not  begin  before  997.  The  second  epilogue  1282 
— 1299:  forsitan  hunc  aliquis  verbosum  dicere  librum  non  dubitat  etc. 
(1291  sq. :)  haec  ego  cum  scripsi  bis  quinis  mensibus  aeger  pendebam 
etc.  (1296  sqq. :)  sic  varios  tam  longa  dies  renovando  dolores  duxit  ad 
hoc  tempus  semper  sine  fine  minando.  cum  potui  tamen  obrepens  in- 
cepta  peregi,  quo  vitae  dubius  vel  sic  vixisse  viderer.  The  third  part 
treats  de  metris  (v.  1300 — 2981),  special  attention  being  paid  to  (Ca- 
tullus and)  Horace  (from  v.  2914  the  metres  of  the  Epodes  are  treated 
exclusively) ;  whence  the  heading  in  the  ed.  princeps  'de  metris  Horatii' 
might  perhaps  be  genuine.  The  introduction  treats  again  briefly  de 
syllabis,  litteris,  then  (1335  sq.)  de  pedibus.  Metrical  system,  properly 
so-called,  begins  v.  1580,  is  well  arranged  and  contains  imitations  of 
the  metres  treated  of.  This  part  is  without  preface  and  conclusion, 
and  there  are  also  some  repetitions  of  preceding  lines  (1306 — 1312  = 
357  sq.  360 — 364)  and  other  traces  of  the  lack  of  final  polish  (Lach- 
mann p.  IX).  Terentianus  de  litteris  (=:  v.  183)  is  quoted  by  Priscian. 
XIII  15  (H  p.  10  H.);  Terentianus  de  syllabis  (=  v.  238)  id.  VII  22 
(p.  305  H.). 

3.  The  most  important  of  the  three  parts  (or  books)  is  the  third, 
on  metres,  in  spite  of  many  mistakes  and  errors  (e.  g.  1797),  being 
the  reproduction  of  some  earlier  work,  which  had  also  contained  Greek 
illustrations  (cf.  2128).  This  original  was  in  all  probability  the  work 
of  Caesius  Bassus  (above  299, 1 — 3),  whose  order  was,  however,  changed 


Terentianus.     Maurus.     Arnohius.  329 

by  Ter.  in  more  than  one  place.  R.  Westphal,  allg.  Metr.  (1865)  p.  56 
—72.  127—130.  =  On  Greek  metres  ^  I  p.  138—153.  H.  Keil,  gram- 
mat,  lat.  VI  p.  251  sq. 

4.  After  the  loss  of  all  complete  mss.,  the  text  of  Ter.  rests  on 
the  editio  princeps  (Mediolani  1497.  4.),  which  bears  the  title:  Teren- 
tianus de  litteris  syllabis  et  metris  Horatii.  Later  editions  Paris.  1510. 
1531.  4.  Venet.  1533.  4.  In  Putsche's  grammatici  lat.  p.  2383  sqq. 
With  a  lengthy  commentary  by  L.  Santen  (ed.  D.  J.  van  Lennep), 
Utrecht  1825.  4.  Recensuit  C.  Lachmannus,  Berol.  1836.  In  Gaisford's 
Hephaestion  (Oxon.  1855)  I  p.  215—315;  annotationes  11  p.  349—642. 

392.  The  rhetorician  Arnobius  at  Sirca  in  Numidia 
wrote,  still  under  Diocletian,  about  a.  295,  his  seven  books 
adversus  nationes  in  defence  of  his  conversion  to  Christianity. 
This  apology  has  a  chiefly  polemical  character  and  exhibits 
little  comprehension  of  the  purport  of  Christianity.  The 
author  impugns  polytheism  with  rhetorical  exaggeration,  is 
fond  of  strong  expressions  and  uses  quite  a  motley  diction. 

1.     Hieronym.    chron.    ad    a.  Abr.  2343  =  329  =  1082  V.  C.  (pro- 
bably   the    year    in    which   Arnobius   died):     Arnobius  rhetor  in  Africa 
clarus    habetur.     qui  cum  Siccae  ad  declamandum    iuvenes    erudiret  et 
adhuc  ethnicus  ad  credulitatem  (i.  e.   to  Christianity)    somniis    compel- 
leretur,  neque  ab  episcopo  impetraret  fidem  quam  semper  impugnave- 
rat,  elucubravit   adversum    pristinam   religionem   luculentissimos    libros 
et  tandem,  veluti  quibusdam  obsidibus  pietatis  (datis),   foedus  impetra- 
vit.    De  vir.  illustr.  79:  Arnobius  sub  Diocletiano  principe  Siccae  apud 
Africam  florentissime    rhetoricam    docuit    scripsitque    adversum   gentes 
quae  vulgo  extant  volumina.     Epist.  70,  5  (ad  Magnum) :  septem  libros 
adv.    gentes  Arnobius   edidit.     ibid.  58    (ad  Paulin.),    10    (p.  326  Vail.) : 
Arnobius  inaequalis  et  nimius  et  absque  operis  sui  partitione  confusus. 
That  the  work  was  composed  about  a.  295  =  1048  V.  C.  appears  from 
I  13:    trecenti  sunt  anni  ferme,    minus  vel  plus  aliquid,    ex  quo  coepi- 
mus    esse    christian!    et    terrarum  in  orbe  censeri,     and  II  71 :     aetatis 
cuius  urbs  Roma  in  annalibus  indicatur?    annos    ducit   quinquaginta  et 
mille,   aut  non  multum  ab  his  minus.     A  vague  indication  of  past  per- 
secutions  of  the  Christians   occurs  IV  36:     nostra    scripta   cur  ignibus 
meruerunt  dari,  cur  immaniter  conventicula  dirui  ? 

2.  Arnob.  I  1 :  quoniam  comperi  nonnullos  .  .  dicere,  postquam 
esse  in  mundo  Christiana  gens  coepit  terrarum  orbem  perisse,  .  .  statu! 
pro  captu  ac  mediocritate  sermonis  contraire  invidiae  et  calumniosas 
dissolvere  criminationes.  This  is  done  in  b.  I,  which  winds  up  with 
the  justification  of  the  beginnings  of  Christianity.  There  we  read  c.  62: 
Christus  interemptus  est  non  ipse,  (sed)  homo  quem  induerat  et 
secum  ipse  portabat.  The  second  book  contains  a  comparison  of  the 
doctrines    of  the    philosophers    and    of  Christianity   and  a  psychology 


330  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

which  has  a  Gnostic  colouring.  B.  Ill — V  attack  heathen  mythology, 
VI  and  VII  the  worship  of  temples  and  images,  sacrifices  and  spectacles. 
Arn.  does  not  mention  his  sources,  though  he  has  made  considerable 
use  of  his  predecessors,  among  the  Greeks  especially  of  the  ir^oT()f7mxo? 
of  Clemens  Alex.  He  gets  many  of  his  materials  from  the  Epicureans 
(e.  g.  from  Lucretius,  cf.  E.  Klussmann,  Philol.  XXVI  p.  362—366), 
rationalists  (like  the  Euhemerus  of  Ennius),  and  antiquarians  like  Varro. 
Owing  to  the  great  amount  of  materials  accumulated  Arnobius  possesses 
also  some  antiquarian  value. 

3.  Arnobius  knows  nothing  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  very  little 
of  the  New  (Oehler  p.  XIII— XVIII).  The  divinity  of  Christ  is  by  him 
merely  based  upon  his  miracles,  which  he  explains  I  48  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  leave  it  doubtful  whether  he  had  actually  read  the  gospel. 
He  is  not  a  proof  of  his  assertion  (I  58) :  numquam  Veritas  sectata  est 
fucum,  nee  quod  exploratum  et  certum  est  circumduci  se  patitur  ora- 
tionis  per  ambitum  longiorem:  rather  his  loose  views  concerning  bar- 
barisms and  solecisms  (I  59)  apply  to  him.  He  is  fond  of  accumulating 
rhetorical  figures,  e.  g.  II  39 — 42  he  has  one  anaphora  and  rhetorical 
question  after  the  other  (idcirco  deus  animas  misit  ut  etc.).  He  likes 
to  join  synonymous  expressions. 

4.  The  text  of  Arnobius  rests  solely  on  a  Parisinus  saec.  IX  (see 
above  368,  5),  in  which  the  work  is  entitled  Adversus  nationes.  Ed. 
princeps  by  F.  Sabaeus,  Rom.  1543  fol.  Editions  by  Gelenius  (Basil. 
1546.  1560),  Canterus  (Antv.  1582),  Ursinus  (Rom.  1583),  Elmenhorst 
(Hanov.  1603.  Hamb.  1610),  Stewechius  (Antv.  1604),  Salmasius  (Lugd. 
B.  1651),  in  Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  IV  p.  133— 224,  and  by  Oberthiir  (Wiirz- 
burg  1783).  Ed.  J.  C.  Orelli,  Lips.  1816.  Ex  nova  cod.  Paris,  collatione 
rec,  perpet.  comm.  instr.  G.  F,  Hildebrand,  Halle  1844.  In  Migne's 
cursus  "compl.  V  (Paris  1844),  text  p.  718 — 1288;  various  treatises  ib. 
p.  551—714.  1291—1372.  Rec.  ill.  Fr.  Oehler  (in  Gersdorf's  bibl.  patr. 
XII),  Lips.  1846. 

5.  On  Arnobius  cf.  R.  Ceillier,  hist,  gener.  des  auteurs  sacres 
etc.  m  p.  373—387.  Th.  Hug  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  I  2.  p.  1747—1750. 
J.  Meursius,  criticus  Arnobianus,  Lugd.  B.  1598.  J.  C.  Bulenger, 
eclogae  ad  Arnob.,  Tolos.  1623.  Le  Nourry,  Apparat.  ad  bibl.  patr.  II 
p.  257—570. 

6.  E.  Klussmann,  emendationes  Arnobianae,  Lips.  1863.  4;  Philo- 
logus  XXVI  p.  623—641.  Th.  Hug,  Contributions  to  the  criticism  of 
the  Latin  prose -writers  (Basle  1864),  p.  21 — 31.  M.  Zink,  Journal  for 
the  Bavarian  Gymn.,  VII  p.  295—312. 

393.  Arnobius'  pupil  in  eloquence,  Lactantius  Firmi- 
anus,  professor  of  rhetoric  at  Nicomedia  and  subsequently 
in  the  West  tutor  of  the  prince  Crispus,  surpasses  all  other 
Christian  writers  by   the   purity   and  elegance  of  his  diction 


Arnohius.     Lactantius.  331 

which  is  formed  on  the  best  models.  His  conversion  to  Christi- 
anity had  not  impaired  his  gratitude  to  the  sources  from 
which  he  had  previously  derived  intellectual  nourishment.  A 
later  time  thought  his  orthodoxy  less  correct  than  his  style. 
The  more  important  ones  of  his  numerous  works  in  prose  and 
verse  have  come  down  to  us:  his  seven  books  Institutionum 
divinarum,  a  popular  and  apologetic  manual  of  Christian  doc- 
trine considered  as  the  highest  truth  —  a  work  of  which  we 
also  possess  an  abridgment;  De  opificio  dei,  a  popular  anthro- 
pology from  the  Christian  point  of  view;  De  ira  dei,  a  similar 
work  on  the  doctrine  of  God.  More  fanatical  than  the  usual 
manner  of  Lactantius,  but  not  at  all  unlike  his  style  is  the 
work  handed  down  under  the  name  of  Caecilius  on  the  end 
of  all  persecutors  of  the  Christian  religion  from  Nero  down 
to  Galerius  and  Maximinus  Daza,  a  work  of  importance  for 
historical  studies. 

1,  Hieronym.  de  vir.  ill.  80:  Firmianus,  qui  et  Lactantius,  Ar- 
nobii  discipulus,  sub  Diocletiano  principe  accitus  cum  Flavio  gramma- 
tico,  cuius  De  medicinalibus  versu  compositi  extant  libri  (cf.  contra 
lovin.  II  p.  332  Vail. :  Marcellum  Sidetem  et  nostrum  Flavium  hexa- 
metris  versibus  disserentes ;  Plin.  Val.  de  re  med.  Ill  14),  Nicomediae 
rbetoricam  docuit  et  penuria  discipulorum,  ob  graecam  videlicet  civi- 
tatem,  ad  scribendum  se  contulit.  .  .  hie  extrema  senectute  magister 
Caesaris  Crispi,  filii  Constantini,  in  Gallia  fuit,  qui  postea  (a.  326)  a 
patre  interfectus  est.  Chron.  ad  a.  2333  =  319  A.  D.:  Crispum  Lactan- 
tius latinis  litteris  erudivit,  vir  omnium  suo  tempore  eloquentissimus, 
sed  adeo  in  hac  vita  pauper  ut  plerumque  etiam  necessariis  indiguerit. 
Epist.  70,  5  (ad  Magnum) :  septem  libros  adversus  gentes  Arnobius 
edidit  totidemque  discipulus  eius  Lactantius,  qui  De  ira  quoque  et  Opi- 
ficio dei  duo  volumina  condidit;  quos  si  legere  volueris  dialogorum 
Ciceronis  in  eis  Imrofjiriv  reperies,  58,  10  (adPaulin.):  Lactantius  quasi 
quidam  fluvius  eloquentiae  tuUianae  utinam  tam  nostra  affirmare  po- 
tuisset  quam  facile  aliena  destruxit!  Lactant.  inst.  V  2:  ego  cum  in 
Bithynia  oratorias  litteras  accitus  docerem.  I  1 :  professio  .  .  ilia  ora- 
toria  in  qua  diu  versati  non  ad  virtutem,  sed  plane  ad  argutam  mali- 
tiam  iuvenes  erudiebamus.  .  .  multum  tamen  nobis  exercitatio  ilia 
fictarum  litium  contulit  ut  nunc  maiore  copia  et  facultate  dicendi  cau- 
sam  veritatis  peroremus.  Ill  13:  equidem  tametsi  operam  dederim  ut 
.  .  dicendi  assequerer  facultatem  propter  studium  docendi  tamen  elo- 
quens  numqam.  fui,  quippe  qui  forum  ne  attigerim  quidem.  Lactantius 
would  seem  to  be  of  Italian  descent,  as  he  is  used  to  contrast  the 
Romans  as  nostri  (inst.  I  5.  p.  11,  2  Fri.)  with  the  Graeci  (ib.  p.  2,  17). 

2.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  80:  habemus  eius  Symposium,    quod  adolescen- 
tulus    scripsit,    '^OdotnoQixou   de  Africa    usque   Nicomediam,  hexametris 


332  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

scriptum  versibus,  et  aliuiu  librum  qui  inscribitur  Grammaticus,  et 
pulcherrimum  De  ira  dei  et  Institutionum  divinarum  adversum  gentes 
libros  VII  et  ^EnnofXTjv  eiusdem  operis  in  libro  uno  acephale  et  Ad 
Asclepiadem  libros  11;  De  persecutione  librum  unum;  Ad  Probum  Epi- 
stolarum  libros  IV;  Ad  Severum  (cf.  vir.  ill.  Ill)  epistolarum  libros  II; 
Ad  Demetrianum  auditorem  suum  epistolarum  libros  II;  Ad  eundem  de 
opificio  dei  vel  formatione  hominis  librum  unum.  To  the  Grammaticus 
we  should  probably  refer  Victorin.  de  carm.  her.  5  (p.  1957  P.):  nostra 
quoque  memoria  Lactantius  de  metris  pentameter,  inquit,  et  tetrameter. 
The  letters  ad  Probum  were  probably  written  before  his  conversion 
and  dealt  chiefly  with  questions  of  scholarship,  while  those  ad  Deme- 
trianum turned  on  Christian  subjects.  Hieron.  epist.  84,  7  (ad  Pam- 
mach.  et  Oe.):  Lactantius  in  libris  suis  et  maxime  in  epistolis  ad  De- 
metrianum spiritus  sancti  omnino  negat  substantiam  et  errore  iudaico 
dicit  eum  vel  ad  patrem  referri  vel  ad  filium;  and  comm.  in  ep.  ad 
Gal.  4,  6:  multi  per  imperitiam  scripturarum,  quod  et  Firmianus  in 
octavo  (?  Vail. :  altero)  ad  Demetrianum  epistolarum  libro  facit,  asserunt 
spiritum  s.  saepe  patrem,  saepe  filium  nominari  etc.  Damasus  to 
Hieronymus  (Hier.  opp.  ed.  Vail.  lip.  159) :  fateor  tibi,  eos  quos  mihi 
iampridem  Lactantii  dederas  libros  ideo  non  libenter  lego  quia  et  plu- 
rimae  epistolae  eius  usque  ad  mille  spatia  versuum  tenduntur  et  rare 
de  nostro  dogmate  disputant;  quo  fit  ut  et  legenti  fastidium  generet 
longitudo  et  si  qua  brevia  sunt  scholasticis  magis  sint  apta  quam  nobis 
de  metris  et  regionum  situ  et  philosophis  disputantia.  Rufin.  de  metr. 
p.  2712  P.:  Firmianus  ad  Probum  dc  metris  comoediarum  sic  dicit  etc. 
Hieron.  comm.  in  ep.  ad  Gal.  (Opp.  ed.  Vail.  VII  1  p.  426):  Lactantii 
nostri  quae  in  tertio  ad  Probum  volumine  de  hac  gente  (Galate)  opi- 
natus  sit  verba  ponemus.  F.  Osann,  Contributions  II  p.  365 — 367. 
Lactantius  does  not  seem  to  have  carried  out  his  intention  of  writing 
a  special  work  against  the  Jews  (inst.  VII  1  extr. :  sed  erit  nobis  contra 
ludaeos  separata  materia,  in  qua  illos  erroris  et  sceleris  revincemus). 

3.  De  opificio  dei.  Dedication  (not  before  a.  304):  quam  mi- 
nime  sim  quietus,  etiam  in  summis  necessitatibus  (cf.  n.  1),  ex  hoc 
libello  poteris  existimare,  quem  ad  te  rudibus  paene  verbis,  .  .  Deme- 
triane,  perscripsi,  ut  et  quotidianum  studium  meum  nosceres  et  non 
deessem  tibi,  praeceptor  etiam  nunc,  sed  honestioris  rei  meliorisque 
doctrinae  (than  formerly  in  the  study  of  rhetoric).  .  .  profiteer  nulla 
me  necessitate  vel  rei  vel  temporis  impediri  quominus  aliquid  excudam 
quo  philosophi  nostrae  sectae  quam  tuemur  instructiores  doctioresque 
in  posterum  fiant.  .  .  tentabo  .  .  corporis  et  animi  .  .  rationem  expli- 
care.  The  somatic  part  is  also  treated  elaboretely,  after  Aristotle  and 
the  Stoics,  teleologically  and  theologically.  Virgil  and  Lucretius  are 
repeatedly  quoted,  the  latter  impugned.  The  conclusion  (c.  20) :  haec 
ad  te,  Demetriane,  interim  paucis  et  obscurius  fortasse  .  .  peroravi,  .  . 
plura  et  meliora  laturus  si  nobis  indulgentia  caelitus  venerit.  tunc'  ego 
te  ad  verae  philofcophiae  doctrinam  et  planius  et  verius  cohortabor. 
statui    enim   quam   multa   potero    litteris  tradere  quae  ad  vitae  beatae 


Lactantius.  333 

statum  spectent,  et  quidem  contra  philosophos.  .  .  incredibilis  enim 
Tis  eloquentiae  etc.  This  is  doubtless  an  allusion  to  his  institutiones 
which  were  perhaps  originally  dedicated  to  his  pupil  Demetrianus;  cf. 
n.  4.  An  edition  of  the  work  cum  notis  Des.  Erasmi  (Basil.  1529.  Paris. 
1529),  Willichii  (1542). 

4.  Lact.  Instit.  I  1  (p.  4,  4  Fr.):  veritatis,  cui  asserendae  atque 
illustrand'ae  septem  volumina  destinavimus.  .  .  quae  licet  possit  sine 
eloquentia  defendi,  .  .  tamen  claritate  ac  nitore  sermonis  (cf.  V  2:  or- 
nate copioseque)  illustranda  .  .  est,  ut  potentius  in  animos  influat  (p.  2 
n.  M.).  si  quidam  prudentes  .  .  institutiones  civilis  iuris  compositas 
ediderunt,  .  .  quanto  melius  nos  .  .  divinas  institutiones  litteris 
persequemur.  Cf.  de  ira  2:  horura  imperitiam  iam  coarguimus  in  se- 
cundo  divinarum  institutionura  libro.  .  .  quos  ex  parte  iam  refutavi- 
mus  in  quarto  supra  dicti  operis  libro.  11 :  docuimus  in  nostris  insti- 
tutionibus.  17:  quibus  in  sexto  libro  institutionum  satis  respondimus. 
The  first  book  bears  in  the  mss.  the  title  De  falsa  religione,  b.  II:  de 
origine  erroris;  III:  de  falsa  sapientia;  FV:  de  vera  sa?pientia;  V:  de 
iustitia;  VI:  de  vero  cultu;  VII:  de  vita  beata.  He  purposes  to  prove 
the  Christian  religion  to  be  cum  solam  religionem  tum  etiam  et  solam 
et  veram  sapientiam  (V  4  extr.);  he  considers  it  as  revealed  Veritas 
and  iustitia.  His  predecessors  Minucius  Felix,  TertuUian  and  Cyprian 
(e.  g.  V  1)  are  mentioned  and  used.  He  frequently  refers  to  classical 
writers,  especially  Cicero  and  Virgil,  Lucretius  and  Ovid  (Met.  and 
Fasti)  also  Ennius,  Plautus,  Terence,  Lucilius,  Horace,  Persius,  Varro, 
Sallust,  Seneca  and  others.  In  part  of  the  mss.  we  find  I  1  an  exten- 
sive address  to  Constantinus  imperator  maximus,  V  1  after  the  first 
words  at  least  Constantino  imperator  maxime.  If  these  words  are  by 
Lactantius  they  must  be  a  later  addition  in  a  copy  Lactantius  presented 
to  the  Emperor.  The  work  itself  was  doubtless  written  before  the 
official  victory  of  Christianity  (cf.  e.  g.  V  23). 

5.  Besides  the  Institutiones  we  also  possess  an  abridgment  of 
them.  It  begins:  quamquam  divinarum  institutionum  libri  quos  iam 
pridem  ad  illustrandam  veritatem  religionemque  conscripsimus  ita  le- 
gentium  animos  instruant  ut  nee  prolixitas  pariat  fastidium  nee  oneret 
ubertas,  tamen  horum  tibi  epitomen  fieri,  Pentadi  frater,  desideras.  .  . 
faciam  quod  postulas,  etsi  difficile  videtur  ea  quae  septem  maximis 
voluminibus  explicata  sunt  in  unum  conferre.  The  first  complete 
edition  by  C.  M.  Pfaff  (Paris  1712),  then  J.  Davis  (Cantabrig.  1718). 

6.  Hieronym.  comm.  in  ep.  ad  Ephes.  4,  26  (0pp.  VII  1.  p.  628 
Vail.):  Firmianus  noster  De  ira  dei  docto  pariter  et  eloquenti  sermone 
conscripsit.  The  work  is  chiefly  directed  against  the  Epicureans.  Cf. 
c.  22:  haec  habui  quae  de  ira  dei  dicerem.  Donate  carissime,  ut  scires 
quemadmodum  refelleres  eos  qui  deum  faciunt  immobilem.  restat  ut 
more  Ciceronis  utamur  epilogo  ad  perorandum.  .  .  illorum  persuasio- 
nem  revincamus  qui  sine  ira  deum  esse  credentes  dissolvunt  omnem 
religionem.  As  his  source  he  alleges  doctrinam  dei  (c.  1),  without 
ever  proving  it  to  be  so;    on  the    contrary,    all    his  arguments  rest  on 


334  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

his  own  and  foreign  reflexion.    That  the  work  was  composed  after  the 
inst.  appears  from  c.  2,  11  and  17  (see  n.  4). 

7.  The  work  de  mortibus  perse  cutorum  (of  the  end  of  a.  313 
or  the  beginning  of  a.  314,  Ebert  p.  123  sq.)  has  been  preserved  in 
only  one  ms.,  bibl.  Colbert.  1297,  and  was  first  published  from  it  (Paris 
1679)  by  Steph.  Baluze  (Miscell.  II  p.  1  sqq.  347  sqq.)  The  title  is: 
Lucii  Cecilii  ad  Donatum  confessorem  de  m.  p.  It  begins :  audivit  do- 
minus  orationes  tuas.  Donate  carissime.  .  .  ecce  .  .  ecclesia  rursum 
exurgit.  .  .  excitavit  enim  deus  principes  qui  tyrannorum  nefaria  et 
cruenta  imperia  resciderunt  etc.  c.  35:  hoc  edictum  proponitur  Nico- 
mediae  prid.  Kal.  Maias  (a.  311).  tunc  apertis  carceribus,  Donate  ca- 
rissime, .  .  liberatus  es,  cum  tibi  career  sex  annis  pro  domicilio  fuerit. 
48:  Nicomediam  ingressus  .  .  die  id.  lun.  (a.  313)  .  .  litteras  proponi 
iussit.  .  .  sic  ab  eversa  ecclesia  usque  ad  restitutam  fuerunt  anni  decem, 
menses  plus  minus  quattuor.  The  accurate  acquaintance  with  all  the 
events  at  Nicomedia,  the  dedication  to  Donatus  (cf.  n.  6),  the  great 
similarity  of  diction  and  the  frequent  quotations  of  Virgil  (also  Horace) 
render  it  almost  certain  that  the  work  is  actually  the  one  entitled  de 
persecutione  by  St.  Jerome  (n.  2),  and  that  L.  Caecilius  (or  Caelius)  is 
justly  given  by  some  mss.  among  the  names  of  Lactantius.  The  con- 
cise style  of  this  work  as  compared  with  the  profuseness  of  the  Inst, 
is  easily  explained  from  the  difference  of  subject,  and  the  passionate 
tone  may  be  due  to  the  consciousness  of  having  at  last  overcome  all 
dangers  and  to  long  repressed  anger.  There  is,  however,  a  passage 
inst.  V  23 :  quidquid  adversum  nos  mali  principes  moliuntur  fieri  ipse 
(deus)  permittit.  et  tamen  iniustissimi  persecutores  .  .  non  se  putent 
impune  laturos.  .  .  veniet,  veniet  rabiosis  ac  voracibus  lupis  merces 
sua,  qui  iustas  et  simplices  animas  nullis  facinoribus  admissis  excrucia- 
verunt.  The  doubts  advanced  by  N.  Le  Nourry,  0.  F.  Fritzsche  (ed. 
p.  VIII — X)  and  others  do  not  appear  well-founded,  though  the  latter 
justly  says  that  the  author  non  historicum,  sed  suae  partis  patronum 
egit.  J.  Burckhardt,  Const,  p.  46.  327—329.  337,  n.  2.  338  sq.  349 
(n.  1).  355,  n.  1.  356.  366.  368  n.  0.  Rothfuchs,  qua  historiae  fide 
Lactantius  usus  sit  in  libro  de  m.  pers.,  Marburg  1862.  42  pp.  4. 
Hunziker,  in  Biidinger's  Investigations  on  Imperial  Hist.  I  p.  117  sqq., 
and  especially  A.  Ebert,  on  the  author  of  the  work  de  m.  p.,  in  the 
Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Soc.  of  Lit.  1870,  p.  115—138.  A  separate  edition 
by  F.  Diibner,  Paris  1863. 

8.  The  name  of  Lactantius  is  also  given  to  the  poem  on  Phoe- 
nix (170  lines  in  distichs).  It  is  rhetorical  and  in  the  usual  mytholo- 
gical phraseology.  The  last  ten  lines  differ  from  the  rest  in  tone  and 
technical  details,  and  perhaps  the  original  conclusion  may  be  lost. 
The  poem  is  found  in  many  editions  of  Lactantius,  in  Wernsdorf's 
poetae  lat.  min.  Ill  p.  298—322  (cf.  p.  283—297),  in  Weber's  corp.  poett. 
latt.  p.  1416  sq.,  and  especially  in  Al.  Riese's  Anthol.  lat.  nr.  731.  Se- 
parate editioub  by  A.  Martini  (Liineburg  1825)  and  H.  Leyser  (Qued- 
linburg  1839).     Move  questionable  is  the  authorship  of  the  carmen  de 


Lactantius.  335 

passione  domini  (80  hexameters).  The  55  distichs  de  resurrectione  do- 
mini  are  the  production  of  the  bishop  Venantius  Fortunatus,  the  100 
aenigmata  belong  to  Symphosius  (below  442). 

9.  Lactantius  expresses  his  admiration  of  Cicero  in  many  passages, 
e.  g.  de  opif.  1  (vir  ingenii  singularis)  and  20  (eloquentiae  ipsius  uni- 
cum  exemplar),  inst.  I  15  (non  tantum  perfectus  orator  sed  etiam  philo- 
sophus).  Ill  13  (romanae  linguae  summus  orator  .  .  vir  eloquentissimus). 
VII  1  (eximius  orator).  He  even  calls  Ovid  poeta  non  insuavis  (de  ira 
20).  The  doctrine  had  not  yet  been  pronounced  that  all  the  virtues 
of  the  Heathens  were  only  disguised  vices.  Even  Lactantius'  positive 
doctrine,  though  honestly  Christian  and  very  zealous,  does  not  show 
the  slightest  trace  of  dogmatic  casuistry  and  obstinacy.  Such  assertions 
as  inst.  V  3:  non  idcirco  a  nobis  deum  creditum  Christum  quia  mira- 
bilia  fecit,  sed  quia  vidimus  in  eo  facta  esse  omnia  quae  nobis  annun- 
tiata  sunt  vaticinio  prophetarum,  necessarily  appeared  very  unsatisfactory 
to  later  persecutors  of  heretics.  Such  early  writers  as  St.  Jerome  (see 
n.  1  sq.)  and  Sidonius  (Ep.  IX  3 :  instruit  ut  Hieronymus,  destruit  ut 
Lactantius,  adstruit  ut  Augustinus)  dwell  on  this  as  the  weak  part  of 
Lactantius.  Cf.  F.  W.  Ammon,  Lact.  opin.  de  relig.  in  syst.  redig.,  Er- 
langen  1820.  Overlach,  the  Theology  of  Lact.,  Schwerin  1858.  40  pp.  4. 
Dorpat  Journal  of  Theol.  IV.  His  Latinity  was  all  the  more  admired. 
J.  A.  Krebs,  de  stilo  Lact.,  Halle  1706.  4.  M.  N.  Kortholt,  de  Cicerone 
christiano  Lactantio,  Giessen  1711.     4. 

10.  The  mss.  of  Lactantius  (except  mort.  pers.)  are  numerous  but 
mostly  of  saec.  XIV  and  XV,  and  not  yet  employed  in  a  methodical 
manner.  Even  more  numerous  are  the  editions  of  his  works.  We 
may  mention  the  following:  Ed.  princeps  Rom.  1465  fol.  Cum  comm.  X. 
Betulei,  Basil.  1563  fol.  Studio  M.  Thomasii,  Antv.  1570.  Cum  comm. 
op.  S.  Gullaei,  Lugd.  B.  1660.  Rec.  J.  G.  Walchius,  Lips.  1715.  Cum 
notis  ed.  C.  A.  Heumann,  Gotting.  1736.  Rec.  et  notis  ill.  J.  L.  Biine- 
mann,  Lips.  1739.  Ed.  J.  B.  Le  Brun  et  N.  Lenglet  du  Fresnoy,  Paris 
1748.  2  vols.  4.  Ed.  Oberthiir,  Wiirzb.  1783.  2  vols.  In  Gallandi's 
Bibl.  patr.  IV  p.  229  sqq.  Bipontina  1786.  2  vols.  Ed.  0.  F.  Fritzsche, 
Lips.  1842.  1844  (Gersdorfs  bibl.  patr.  X  1.  2).  In  Migne's  Curs,  compl. 
Tom.  VI  and  VII   (Paris  1844). 

11.  R.  Ceillier,  hist,  gener.  des  auteurs  s.  et  eccl.  Ill  p.  387 — 434. 
Le  Nourry,  Apparatus  ad  bibl.  patr.  II  diss.  Ill  p.  571  sqq.  Walch's 
Diatribe  in  his  edition.  J.  G.  Geret,  de  Lact.  eiusque  theologia  iudicia, 
Wittenberg  1722.  4.  P.  Bertold,  Prolegomena  to  Lact.,  Metten  1861. 
38  pp.     4. 

394.  To  the  time  preceding  the  official  victory  of  the 
Christian  religion  we  should  probably  assign  a  number  of 
metrical  compositions  which  turn  on  subjects  of  heathen  my- 
thology with  a  certain  enjoyment  and  in  which  the  traditional 
forms  of  composition  are  generally  employed  with  correctness, 


336  The  Third  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

and  frequently  with  artificiality.  Among  these  the  small  epic 
by  Reposianus  on  the  loves  of  Mars  and  Venus,  the  votive 
inscription  of  T.  Caesius  Taurinus,  the  distichs  of  Pentadius 
deserve  special  mention,  and  on  account  of  their  subjects  we 
may  also  name  the  speech  of  Achilles  on  hearing  the  trumpet 
of  Diomed,  Dido's  epistle  to  Aeneas,  and  similar  imitations 
of  originals  of  the  classical  period. 

1.  On  the  poems  of  Lactantius  see  above  393,  2;  on  those  ascribed 
to  him  393,  8.  On  the  Pervigilium  Veneris  above  358,  5  sqq.;  on 
Vespae  indicium  above  358,  10.     Metrical  Sentences  (Cato)  see  24,  2. 

2.  The  182  hexameters  by  Reposianus  de  concubitu  Martis  et 
Veneris  (Wernsdorf,  poett.  latt.  min.  IV  p.  319 — 345;  in  the  Latin 
anthologies,  last  of  all  in  Riese's  Anth.  I  p.  170 — 176).  Along  with 
a  half- sentimental  description  of  the  beauty  of  nature  (of  a  wood,  v. 
33 — 50),  the  author  exhibits  a  wanton  Imagination  and  somewhat  frivo- 
lous maxims  (140  sqq.  178  sqq.)  The  caesura  and  synaloephe  are  ac- 
cording to  rule,  but  we  notice  tuo  as  a  monosyllable  93,  gratiosa  as 
paeon  III  (or  perhaps  as  palimbacch.)  126.  Wernsdorf  IV  p.  52  sq. 
Burckhardt,  Const,  p.  169  sq. 

3.  By  a  certain  Modestinus  we  have  an  epigram  in  11  hexameters 
on  Amor  asleep,  with  the  synaloephe  myrti  inter  aud  the  hiatus  Dido 
et,  Evadne  igne;  lastly  edited  by  Riese,  anthol.  lat.  I  p.  183.    Cf.  p.  X. 

4.  T.  Caesius  Taurinus  dedicates  the  portrait  of  his  father  T.  Cae- 
sius Primus  who  was  a  fruiterer  or  curator  annonae,  to  Fortuna  quae 
tarpeio  coleris  vicina  Tonanti  in  23  hexameters.  Wernsdorf  IV  p.  309 
—313.     Meyer,  Anthol.  lat.  622  (cf.  I  p.  174). 

5.  The  cod.  Salmasianus  contains  six  poems  in  distichs  by  Pen- 
tadius (cf.  above  393,  5),  in  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  234  sq.  265.  266—268. 
(I  p.  162—164.  181  sq.).  The  first  three  which  are  somewhat  larger 
(de  fortuna,  de  adventu  veris,  on  Narcissus)  are  all  echoici ;  see  above 
32,  9  [Add.];  the  other  three  are  Epigrams. 

6.  By  an  unknown  author  and  rather  a  rhetorical  exercise  is  the 
letter  of  Dido  to  Aeneas  before  killing  herself,  in  150  hexameters,  five 
of  which  are  an  introduction)  which  terminates :  cui  grata  voluptas  esse 
potest,  modicum  dignetur  amare  poetam),  in  Wernsdorf  IV  p.  439 — 461, 
cf.  p.  55  sq.,  and  lastly  ap.  Riese  anth.  I  p.  94 — 99.  The  subject  is 
taken  from  Virgil,  but  the  execution  follows  the  manner  of  Ovid. 
Many  rhetorical  figures,  sentences  etc.  are  employed,  the  author  twice 
repeats  something  very  like  a  burden:  v.  42 — 82  after  every  fourth  line 
sua  taedia  solus  fallere  nescit  amor,  nine  times,  and  v.  100 — 116,  cui 
digna  rependes  si  mihi  dura  paras?  four  times.  He  delights  in  allitera- 
tion. The  form  of  the  poem  is  correct,  except  132,  where  quod  is 
used  long.  The  author's  confession  of  faith  121  sq. :  esse  deos  natura 
docet,  non  esse  timendos  rerum  facta  probant. 


Keposianvs  and  other  Poets.  337 

7.  The  loquacious  speech  of  Achilles  in  parthenone,  cum  tubam 
Diomedis  audisset  (89  hexameters),  is  likewise  a  rhetorical  production 
(suasoria),  not  without  prosodiacal  and  metrical  faults  (v.  12,  47,  60, 
70,  71,  72,  80).  It  would  be  too  much  honour  to  assign  this  poem  to 
the  third  century.  Wernsdorf  IV  p.  425 — 438  cf.  p.  54  sq.  Riese  an- 
thol.  I  p.  136—139. 

D.     The  fourth  Century  after  Christ. 

395.  The  character  ot  the  fourth  Century  was  decided 
by  two  circumstances,  the  official  victory  of  Christianity  and 
the  translation  of  the  Imperial  residence  to  Constantinople. 
Even  under  Diocletian,  Rome  had  ceased  to  be  the  residence 
of  the  Emperor;  when  Constantine  built  a  new  residence  to 
suit  the  new  state  of  affairs,  Rome  was  left  to  itself  and  thus 
retained  its  pagan  and  antique  character  somewhat  longer.  The 
victory  of  the  Christian  religion  perpetuated  the  rupture  with 
the  ancient  world,  but  at  the  same  time  contributed  to  save 
its  culture,  as  the  victorious  barbarians  would  have  mercilessly 
destroyed  the  civilisation  of  the  West,  if  not  restrained  by 
Christianity.  When  polytheism  ceased  to  be  the  religion  of 
the  State,  Christianity  did  not  at  once  step  into  its  place; 
for  though  the  adherents  of  the  Christian  religion  were  fa- 
voured, polytheism  was  at  first  merely  kept  down  in  its  ex- 
crescences, and  subsequently  prohibited  in  all  manifestations  of 
life;  but  in  all  points  of  importance  equality  and  toleration 
reigned  until  the  end  of  the  fourth  century.  The  adherents 
of  the  old  religion  became  now  the  minority  and  clung  all 
the  more  passionately  to  its  forms,  though  quite  in  vain,  as 
polytheism  had  long  since  been  decaying,  the  external  circum- 
stances merely  accelerating  its  expiration  and  surrounding  it 
with  the  halo  of  martyrdom.  Christianity  was,  however,  also 
imperilled  by  its  victory.  Some  deviations  and  extremes  with- 
in its  own  pale,  which  had  remained  unnoticed  during  the 
time  of  common  persecution,  became  now  the  cause  of  great 
discordance  and  mutual  dilaceration.  A  simple  confession  of 
faith  was  not  enough  now:  a  prescribed  dogmatic  form  of  it 
was  required,  and  even  then  faith  began  to  congeal  up  in  ortho- 
doxy and  outward  conformity  to  the  Church.  The  naive  treat- 
ment of  ancient  culture,  which  we  find  in  Minucius  Felix  and 
even  in  Lactantius,  gave  way  to  intentional  estrangement,  and 
not  until  paganism  was  completely   extirpated,    was  this  con- 

22 


338  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

trast  smoothed  over.  In  literature  the  Christian  religion  had 
now  the  epoch  of  its  greatest  brilliancy;  the  great  fathers  of 
the  Church,  Ambrosius,  Hieronymus  and  partly  also  Augustinus 
belong  to  this  century.  But  paganism  also  boasted  of  a 
writer  Jike  Symmachus.  On  the  whole  this  period  did  not  lack 
life,  but  originality.  Like  a  senile  age,  it  lived  on  the  remi- 
niscences of  the  past.  Rhetoric  still  maintained  its  ascendancy 
and  exhibited  many  names,  but  few  of  some  briUiancy.  It 
now  began  to  influence  Jurisprudence  which  consequently  lost 
its  former  fixity  and  firmness  of  terminology.  In  grammar, 
the  old  tracks  were  followed  and  earlier  writers  copied  (Cha- 
risius,  Diomed).  Historical  composition  produced  only  epito- 
mizers  like  AureUus  Victor,  Eutropius,  and  Sex.  Rufus;  a 
higher  flight  was  attempted  only  by  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  a 
worthy  man.  Poetry  was  treated  as  a  supplement  of  prose- 
style  and  was  therefore  strongly  imbued  with  a  scholastic  taste 
and  a  fondness  for  producing  all  kinds  of  artificial  inventions, 
such  as  centos  etc.;  the  numerous  Christian  poets,  the  most 
eminent  of  whom  was  Prudentius,  did  not  succeed  in  combi- 
ning the  ancient  form  with  the  new  subjects,  though  some  of 
them,  e.  g.  Damasus  and  Ambrosius,  preferred  rhymed  poetry. 

1.  The  principal  work  is  J.  Burckhardt,  The  time  of  Constantine 
the  Great  (Basle  1853),  especially  p.  157  sqq.  248  sqq.  346  sqq.  487  sqq. 
See  also  Th.  Mommsen,  Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Soc.  of  Lit.  1850,  p.  69 
—72.  212  sq.  A.  de  Broglie,  Peglise  et  I'empire  romain  au  IV^  siecle; 
I:  Regne  de  Constantin,  2  vols.  Paris  1856;  II:  Constance  et  Julien, 
1859,  2  vols.  H.  Richter,  the  West  Roman  Empire  especially  under  the 
Emperors  Gratian,  Valentinian  II  and  Maximus  (a.  375 — 388),  Berlin 
1865.  p.  540  sqq. 

2.  After  the  death  of  his  father  Constantius  Chlorus  (25  July  306), 
Constantine  made  himself  ruler,  was  recognised  as  second  Caesar  by 
Galerius,  and  after  having  gradually  put  aside  Severus,  Galerius,  Maxi- 
minus  Daza,  Maxentius  and  Licinius,  became  sole  ruler  of  the  Roman 
Empire  a.  323;  he  died  on  "Whitsuntide  337.  His  sons  Constantine  II, 
Constantius  and  Constans  (Caesars  since  317,  323,  333)  a.  337 — 361. 
The  son  of  Julius  Constantius  (Constantine  I's  brother),  Julianus  (born 
331.  t  27  June  363;  see  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  IV  p.  401—413. 
415—417)  was  Emperor  361 — 363;  his  successor  Jovianus  (see  W.  Teuf- 
fel 1.  1.  p.  245—248)  July  363  —  Febr.  364.  After  his  death  the  Empire 
was  divided  between  the  brothers  Valentinian  I  (born  321,  Emperor  of 
the  West  a.  364—375),  and  Valens  (born  326;  ruled  the  East  364-378; 
see  C.  Cless  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  VI  2  p.  2289—2307).  The  first  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Gratianus  (born  359)  375—383  (Cless  1.  1.  p.  2307 


« 


General  Observations.  339 

—2314),  then  by  his  brother  (born  371)  Valentinian  11  a.  383—392 
(Cless  p.  2314  sq.).  In  the  East  Valens  was  succeeded  by  Gratianus, 
the  Emperor  of  the  West,  who  however  transferred  (a.  379)  the  rule 
of  the  East  to  the  Spaniard  Theodosius  I  (born  346).  He  ruled  both 
parts  of  the  Empire  after  the  death  of  Valentinian  II  (a.  392 — 395),  see 
Cless  1.  ].  p.  1824 — 1837.  After  his  death  a  new  division  took  place 
between  his  weak  sons  Arcadius  (born  377.  f  423),  who  received  the 
East,  and  Honorius  (born  384,  f  423),  who  obtained  the  West,  at  first 
under  the  guidance  of  Stilicho  the  Vandal. 

3.  The  tottering  of  everything  and  the  increasing  torrents  of 
hords  of  barbarians  caused,  even  among  the  adherents  of  the  victorious 
religion,  the  feeling  that  the  days  of  the  Empire  were  numbered.  Hie- 
ronym.  Ep.  60  (ad  Heliod.),  16:  horret  animus  temporum  nostrorum 
ruinas  persequi.  .  .  romanus  orbis  ruit,  et  tamen  cervix  nostra  erecta 
non  flectitur.  On  the  relation  of  classical  culture  and  the  Christian 
religion  cf.  ib.  22:  (ad  Eustoch,),  29  sq. :  quid  facit  cum  psalterio  Ho- 
ratius  ?  cum  evangeliis  Maro  ?  cum  apostolo  Cicero  ?  cum  ante  annos 
plurimos  .  .  lerosolymam  pergerem  bybliotheca,  quam  mihi  Romae 
summo  studio  ac  labore  conieceram,  carere  omnino  non  poteram.  itaque 
.  .  lecturus  Tullium  ieiunabam.  post  noctium  crebras  vigilias  .  .  Plau- 
tus  sumebatur  in  manus.  si  quando  .  .  prophetas  legere  coepissem, 
sermo  horrebat  incultus.  Then  he  says  that  he  had  a  vision,  as  if  he 
were  dragged  into  Court,  chastised  and  heard  a  voice :  Ciceronianus 
es,  non  Christianus. 

4.  The  extant  toleration  is  characterized  by  such  combinations  as 
in  Firmic.  math.  VIII  24:  sacerdotes,  prophetas,  aruspices,  religiosos. 
It  is  a  rhetorical  exaggeration  when  Mamertinus  (grat.  act.  23,  5)  says 
that  under  the  Christian  Emperors  nobody  dared  to  look  up  to  heaven 
for  fear  of  being  suspected  of  worshipping  the  Sun  (28,  5;  see  below 
377,  5.  382,  4.  Anthol.  gr.  IE  p.  148  1.  J.  Anth.  lat.  389  R.).  On  the 
other  hand  Julian's  reign  was  for  the  Christians  rather  a  temptation 
than  persecution.  Cf.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  2378::=:  362:  luliano  ad  idolorum 
cultum  converse  blanda  persecutio  fuit,  inliciens  magis  quam  impellens 
ad  sacrificandum.  in  qua  multi  ex  nostris  voluntate  propria  corruerunt. 
One  of  the  notions  and  expressions  suiting  both  religions  was  divinitas 
which  occurs,  therefore,  in  the  two  Firmicus  and  in  Mamertinus  (grat. 
act.  7,  2  and  28,  4:  pro  sancta  divinitas!  cf.  ib.  15,  2.  32,  1)  and  Con- 
stantine's  instinctu  divinitatis  (Orelli  1075).  Symmach.  ep.  II  53  (festa 
divinitatis).  VIII  13.  71  sq.  IX  12.  X  78.  So  still  Sidon.  Ap.  ep. 
Ill  I.     IV  6. 

5.  Statements  of  Symmachus.  Epist.  Ill  11  :  trahit  nos  usus  tem- 
poris  in  argutias  plausibilis  sermonis.  .  .  spectator  veteris  monetae 
solus  supersum,  ceteros  delenimenta  aurium  capiunt.  .  .  te  autem  non 
paeniteat  scriptorum  meorum  ferre  novitatem. 

396.  Constantine  appreciated  literature  and  himself  wrote 
Memoirs,  of  which,  however,  only  scanty  traces  survive.   It  is 


340  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

certain  that  he  considered  literature  merely  as  a  means  for 
the  purposes  of  his  power,  whence  he  was  pleased  with  public 
panegyric  speeches.  Four  such  have  come  down  to  us,  two 
of  which  are  by  the  rhetorician  Eumenius,  and  one  by  Na- 
zarius.  With  regard  to  the  other  rhetoricians  we  know  of 
two  also  as  writers  on  rhetoric,  Marcomannus  and  Titianus, 
both  being  the  sources  of  C.  Julius  Victor. 

1.  Lydus  de  magistr.  II  30:  raTg  diakfifatKcji/ffrauTiuov,  ccg  avrog 
otxfi<;(  (^>(i)vrj  yQccif-'ag  anokikomfp.  Ill  33:  KMvGTavrlvog  .  .  (og  ccvrog  o 
^KGi'kfvg  iy  jolg  fccvrov  ksyfi  ov/yQccju/uaatj/.  .  .  nokvg  (op  Iv  Tfj  nai- 
dfvGfi,  koyiav.  Constantine  used  to  preach  sermons  before  his  Court 
and  other  hearers,  Euseb.  vita  Const.  IV  29 — 33.  Burckhardt,  Con- 
stantine p.  400  sq.  Victor  Epit.  41,  14:  nutrire  artes  bonas,  praecipue 
studia  litterarum;  legere  ipse,  scribere,  meditari.  Eutrop.  X  7:  civili- 
bus  artibus  et  studiis  liberalibus  deditus.  Optatianus  to  Const. :  eius 
imperatoris  qui  inter  belli  pacisque  virtutes  .  .  etiam  Musis  tibi  fami- 
liaribus  adeo  vacas  ut  .  .  huius  etiam  studii  in  te  micet  splendor  egre- 
gius.  A  specimen  of  Constantino's  appreciation  of  art  below  398,  1. 
The  Edicts  which  bear  his  name  are  in  the  bombastic  style  which  had 
become  usual  in  such  compositions,  i.  e.  in  agreement  with  the  super- 
human position  of  the  speaker  he  affects  the  tone  of  heavenly  revelations. 
M.  Voigt,  Three  epigraphic  Constitutions  of  Constantine  the  Great, 
Leipzig  1860.  Of  his  son  Constantius  Vict.  Caess.  42,  22  says:  littera- 
rum ad  elegantiam  prudens  atque  orandi  genere  leni  iucundoque,  but 
after  his  death  in  the  Epit.  42,  18:  facundiae  cupidus;  quam  cum  as- 
sequi  tarditate  ingenii  non  posset  aliis  invidebat. 

•2.  Laws  of  Constantine  of  a.  321,  326,  333  (Cod.  Theodos.  XIII  3) 
confirm  the  Professors  and  physician*?  appointed  by  the  state  and  their 
families  in  the  exemption  chiefly  from  the  decurionship  and  military 
service.  He  himself  writes  to  Optatian:  saeculo  meo  scribentes  dicen- 
tesque  non  aliter  benignus  auditus  quam  lenis  aura  prosequitur,  deni- 
que  etiam  studiis  meritum  a  me  testimonium  non  negatur.  Cf.  Victor 
1.  1.  (n.  1). 

3.  The  history  of  Constantine  may  be  chiefly  derived  from  Euse- 
bius'  vita  Constantini  (an  insincere  servile  work;  Burckhardt,  Const. 
p.  346  sq.  374  sq.  389  sq.  398  sq.  418),  and  the  fragments  of  Praxago- 
ras,  Bemarchios,  Eunapios,  all  of  whom  wrote  in  Greek. 

4.  On  Eumenius'  two  speeches  before  Constantine  see  above  387,  8. 
(nr.  3  and  4). 

5.  A  festive  speech  on  the  marriage  of  Constantine  with  Fausta, 
the  daughter  of  Maximian,  a.  307,  delivered  at  Treves  by  an  anonymous 
Gallic  rhetorician,  nr.  V  in  Jager's  edition.  The  father-in-law's  re- 
newed longing  for  power  is  explained  in  a  prosopopoeia  (address  by 
Roma:    c.  11:     quousque  hoc,    Maximiane,    patiar  etc.)    in   the  style  of 


Confitantine  the  Great  and  the  Panegyrics  concerning  him.        341 

Cicero.  In  an  anachronism  Agrippa  is  13,  4  called  Augustus'  son-in- 
law  in  the  battle  of  Actium.  Of  misfortune  he  says  9,  1 :  quae  non 
illis  (dis)  volentibus,  sed  aut  aliorsum  adspicientibus  aut  fatali  rerum 
cursu  urgente  videntur  accidere.  Cf.  12,  3  of  Sol:  deus  ille  cuius  dona 
sunt  quod  vivimus  et  videmus.     Burckhardt,  Constantine  p.  353  sq. 

6.  Panegyric  on  Constantine  (VIII  in  Jager's  edition),  delivered  at 
Treves  at  the  beginning  of  a.  313,  after  Constantine's  return  from  his 
Italian  expedition,  by  a  provincial  speaker  (1,  2)  who  semper  res  a 
numine  tuo  gestas  praedicare  solitus  est  (1,  1).  The  expedition  is  simply 
related,  the  facts  themselves  speaking  loud  enough.  At  a  later  time 
it  would  perhaps  not  have  been  observed  (or  in  a  different  form)  that 
Constantine  undertook  it  contra  haruspicum  monita  (2,  4).  On  the  re- 
lation of  this  speech  to  the  next  (IX)  see  n.  7.  Cicero  is  called  sum- 
mus  orator  (19,  5),  Virgil  magnus  poeta  (12,  3).  There  are  allusions  to 
Virgilian  (quantae  molis  24,  2)  and  Horatian  (distentus  24,  2,  cf.  Hor. 
S.  II  5,  40)  expressions.  Bolder  phrases  are  excused  (ut  sic  dixe- 
rim  1,  5). 

7.  Hieronym.  chron.  ad  a.  Abr.  2340  =  324  p.  Chr. :  Nazarius 
rhetor  insignis  habetur.  Cf.  ad  a.  2352  =  336:  Nazarii  rhetoris  filia 
(according  to  Pontacus:  Eunomia)  in  eloquentia  patri  coaequatur.  Auson. 
prof.  Burdig.  14,  9 :  (gloria  fandi)  Nazario  et  claro  quondam  delata 
Paterae  (n.  8)  egregie  multos  excoluit  iuvenes.  His  name  is  prefixed 
to  a  panegyric  on  Constantine  of  a.  321.  It  is  the  fifteenth  year  of 
Constantine's  reign  (2,  2)  and  beatissimorum  Caesarum  quinquennia 
prima  (1,  1.  2,  3.  38,  2).  The  Caesar  Crispus  has  already  distinguished 
himself  in  war  (c.  36  sq.)  and  Constantinus  Caesar  can  already  write 
(37,  5).  The  Emperor  himself  is  absent  (3,  1),  but  yet  is  always  ad- 
dressed. The  capture  of  Rome  (a.  312)  pridie  (pridem?)  prolixius  mihi 
dicta  sunt  (30,  2).  This  is  done  in  the  preceding  speech  (see  n.  6), 
which  has  for  this  reason  been  ascribed  to  Nazarius.  But  the  different 
peculiarities  of  these  compositions  do  not  favour  this  identification. 
One  and  the  same  person  is  styled  VIII  Pompeianus,  IX  Ruricius.  In 
VIII  historical  statements  (especially  from  Roman  history)  are  frequent, 
but  rare  in  IX.     The  religious  views  in  VIII  are  vaguely  deistic  (13,2. 

26,  1),  but  in  IX  there  is  more  Christian  colouring  (especially  7,  3,  cf. 
also  c.  14).  Naz.'s  fondness  for  forming  substantives  (ratio cinator,  auxi- 
liator,  discriminatrix,  concitatrix,  incitatrix,  ornatrix,  interpolatrix;  mo- 
litio,  depulsio,  deiectio,  adeptio,  insultatio,  exsultatio),  for  comparatival 
expressions    (benignius  quam  securius  etc.  2,  6.  1,  3.  3,  4.  25,  3.  26,  1. 

27,  4.  28,  5  and  elsewhere)  and  poetical  phrases  (securus  sui,  aevi  im- 
maturus,  immodicus  animi;  dies  conditur;  praecipitante  die,  relaxaverat 
acies;  caeci  eventus,  cruda  hieme  etc.)  is  not  shared  by  VIII;  the  post- 
position of  quippe  occurs  in  VIII  only  in  one  passage  (9,  5)  borrowed  from  I 
(5,  3)  but  is  frequent  in  IX  (1,  2.  3,  6.  8,  2.  9,  4.  32,  8);  while  sed  enim 
(vero)  does  not  occur  in  IX,  but  in  VIII  (8,  1.  20,  4);  so  also  et  qui- 
dem,  alioquin,  the  Inf.  in  an  exclamation    (2,  2).     VIII  attests  a  certain 


342  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

preference  of  a  dactylic  close  of  sentences  (e.  g.  c.  3,  5  and  10),  while 
IX  prefers  bacchic,  ionic  and  trochaic  terminations  (e.  g.  c.  12). 

8.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  2352  =  336  A.  D.:  Patera  rhetor Romae  glo- 
riosissime  docet.  Epist.  120  (ad  Hedybiam),  1  (0pp.  I  p.  818  Vail.): 
maiores  tui  Patera  atqne  Delphidius,  quorum  alter  antequam  ego  nasce- 
rer  rhetoricam  Romae  docuit,  alter  me  iam  adolescentulo  omnes  Gal- 
lias  prosa  versuque  suo  illustravit  ingenio.  Auson.  prof.  Burdig.  4  is 
dedicated  to  him  with  the  title  :  Attius  Patera  pater,  rhetor,  in  which 
e.  g.  Patera,  fandi  nobilis  (2),  .  .  iuvenisque  te  vidi  senem  (4),  doctor 
potentum  rhetorum  (6).  tu  Baiocassis  stirpe  Druidarum  satus  .  .  Beleni 
sacratum  ducis  e  templo  genus  (7,  9).  fratri  patrique  nomen  a  Phoebo 
datum  (Phoebicius,  see  ib.  10,  17  sq.)  natoque  de  Delphis  tuo  (13  sq.). 
The  son,  Attius  Tiro  Delphidius,  is  celebrated  ib.  5,  where  we  read 
e.  g. :  facunde,  docte,  lingua  et  ingenio  celer,  iocis  amoene  Delphidi 
at  an  early  age  poeta  nobilis.  puer  celebrasti  lovem.  mox  inde  .  .  epos 
ligasti  metricum.  He  was  then  famous  as  an  orator  (cf,  Ammian.  XVIII 
1,  4  a.  359  :  Numerium  Narbonensis  paulo  ante  rectorem  accusatum  ut 
furem  .  .  Delphidius  orator  acerrimus  vehementer  impugnans  etc.)  and 
was  carried  by  his  ambition  into  a  political  career  which,  however, 
nearly  destroyed  him.  mox  inde  rhetor,  nee  docendi  pertinax,  .  .  medio 
.  .  aevi  raptus  es.  His  widow  Euchrotia  and  daughter  Procula  joined 
Priscillianus ;  see  Sulpic.  Sev.  chron.  II  48,  2  sq.  51,  3.  J.  Scalige'' 
lect.  auson.  I  10.     See  below  410,  3. 

9.  Hieronym.  ad  a.  2352  =  336  A.  D. :  Tib eri anus  vir  disertus 
praefectus  praetorio  Gallias  regit.  He  is  probably  the  same  who  was 
326  comes  per  Africam  (Cod.  Theod.  XII  5,  1),  332  comes  Hispaniarum 
(Cod.  lust.  VI  1,  6)  and  336  vicarius  Hispaniarum  (Cod.  Theod.  Ill  5,  6). 
Another  is  mentioned  below  397,  2.  cf.  388,  7.  A  hexameter  by  a 
certain  Tiberianus  is  mentioned  by  Serv.  Aen.  VI  136;  cf.  ib.  532:  Ti- 
berianus  inducit  epistolam  vento  allatam  ab  antipodibus,  quae  habet: 
Superi  inferis  salutem.  Tiberianus  in  Prometheo  ait,  in  Fulgent,  myth. 
Ill  7  (p.  120  M.)  cf.  I  26  (p.  62).  Vergil,  cont.  in  Muncker's  mythogr. 
lat.  p.  154  (ut  T.  in  libro  de  Socrate  memorat).  Fulgent,  expos,  serm. 
s.  V.  sudum  (p.  183  Mck.):  Tiberianus:  aureos  subducit  ignes  sudus  ora 
Lucifer.  Versus  Platonis  ad  quendam  Tiberianum  de  graeco  in  latinum 
translati,  from  Vindob.  143  saec.  XIII  published  in  Haupt's  edition  of 
Ovid's  Halieut.  p.  65  sq.  (cf.  p.  XXVI  in  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  490)  cf.  ib. 
II  p.  4,  not.  5).  Quicherat,  Bibl.  de  I'ecole  des  chartes  IV  p.  267  sqq. 
They  are  thirty-two  correct  hexameters,  an  invocation  of  the  omnipo- 
tens  who  is  addressed  v.  21  sq.  in  a  pantheistic  manner :  tu  genus 
omne  deum,  tu  rerum  causa  vigorque,  tu  natura  omnis,  deus  innume- 
rabilis  unus.     Cf.  M.  Zink,  Fulgentius  p.  69  sq. 

10.  Rhetores  latt.  min.  ed.  Halm  p.  371 :  C.  lulii  Victoris  ars  rhe- 
torica  Hermagorae,  Ciceronis,  Quintiliani,  Aquili,  Marcomanni,  Titiani 
(so  Mai  and  Bergk;  the  cod.  has  Taciani).  In  Marcomannus  a  Ger- 
man name  appears  for  the  first  time  in  Roman  literature. 


Rhetoricians.      Vopiscus  and  Lampridivs.  343 

11.  Hieron.  chron.  ad  a.  2361  =  345  A.  D.:  Titian  us,  vir  elo- 
quens,  praefecturam  praet.  apud  Gallias  administrat.  He  is  probably 
the  Cos.  a.  337  Ti.  Fabius  Titianus;  see  A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  2. 
p.  2007,  nr.  9.  Probably  a  different  person  was  the  Titianus  magister 
who  as  tutor  of  an  Emperor  received  compluria  ornamenta,  and  at  last 
municipalem  scholam  apud  Visontionem  Lugdunumque  variando  non 
aetate  quidem,  sed  vilitate  consenuit,  Auson.  grat.  act.  p.  290  Bip. 

12.  Exuperius  of  Burdigala,  a  rhetorician  at  Tolosa  and  at  Narbo, 
the  tutor  of  the  princes  Delmatius  and  Hannibalianus,  who  became 
Caesars  a.  335  and  obtained  for  him  honorem  praesidis  Hispanumque 
tribunal,  Auson.  prof.  Burdig.  17. 

397.  At  the  beginning  of  this  century  the  historical  de- 
sign left  unfinished  by  Trebellius  Pollio  was  carried  out  by 
Flavins  Vopiscus  of  Syracuse.  He  is  the  reputed  author 
of  the  biographies  of  Aurehanus,  Tacitus  and  Florianus,  the 
four  Usurpers,  Firmus,  Saturninus,  Proculus  and  Bonosus,  of 
Probus,  Cams  and  his  sons.  The  biographies  of  Elagabal 
and  Alexander,  which  bear  the  name  of  Aelius  Lampridius, 
and  those  of  the  two  Maximins,  the  three  Gordianus,  and  of 
Maximus  and  Balbus,  which  are  ascribed  to  lulius  Capito- 
linus,  are  dedicated  to  Constantino.  While  the  former  are 
merely  Excerpts  from  Marius  Maximus,  those  later  biographies 
(beginning  with  Severus)  appear  to  be  compilations  from  a 
plurality  of  sources. 

1.  On    the    scrip  tores    historiae    augustae    in    general    see    above 
388,  1  sqq. 

2.  Vopisc.  Aurelian.  1 :  Hilaribus  .  .  impletis  .  .  vehiculo  suo  me 
.  .  praef.  urbis  (a.  303,  see  Richter,  Rh.  Mus.  VII  p.  18  sq.)  .  .  lunius 
Tiberianus  accepit.  Upon  his  request  Vopiscus  wrote  the  life  cf. 
Aurelianus :  parui  Tiberiani  praeceptis,  accepi  libros  graecos,  .  .  ex 
quibus  ea  .  .  in  unum  libellum  contuli  (after  Diocletian's  abdication,  cf. 
44,  2  sq.,  when  Constantino  was  Emperor,  44,  5.)  The  diction  is  garru- 
lous, and  there  is  much  material  not  put  to  any  definite  use.  At  a  later 
time  vita  Taciti  atque  Floriani  (Tac.  16,  5).  nunc  nobis  adgrediendus 
est  Probus.  .  .  haec  ego  in  aliorum  vita  de  Probo  credidi  praelibanda, 
ne  .  .  Probo  indicto  deperirem  (ib.  16,  6  sq.)  Then  the  vita  Probi. 
Prob.  1,  5:  non  patiar  ego  ille  a  quo  dudum  solus  Aurelianus  est  ex- 
peditus,  .  .  Tacito  Florianoque  iam  scriptis  non  me  ad  Probi  facta  con- 
scendere,  si  vita  suppetet  omnes  qui  supersunt  usque  ad  Maximianum 
Diocletianumque  dicturus.  neque  ego  nunc  facultatem  eloquentiamque 
polliceor,  sed  res  gestas.  2,  7  :  mihi  quidem  id  animi  fuit  ut  non  Sal- 
lustios  .  .  atque  omnes  disertissimos  imitarer  viros  in  vita  principum 
et   temporibus    disserendis,    sed   Marium  Maximum    .  .    ceterosque    qui 


344  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

haec  et  talia  non  tam  diserte  quam  vers  memoriae  tradiderunt.  24,  6 
sqq.  haec  sunt  quae  de  Probo  cognovimus.  .  .  nunc  in  alio  libro  .  . 
de  Firmo  et  Saturnino  et  Bonoso  et  Proculo  (the  quadriga  tyrannorum) 
dicemus.  .  .  post  inde  .  .  Carum  incipiemus  propagare  cum  liberis 
Bonos,  15,  10:  supersunt  mihi  Carus,  Carinus  et  Numerianus.  nam 
Diocletianus  et  qui  sequuntur  stilo  maiore  dicendi  sunt.  Car.  18,  3: 
post  quos  Diocletianuni  et  Maximianum  principes  dii  dederunt,  iungen- 
tes  talibus  viris  Galerium  atque  Constantium.  Their  lives,  he  says, 
were  already  written  by  Claudius  Eusthenius  (above  388,  9).  quod  id- 
circo  dixi  ne  quis  a  me  rem  tantam  requireret.  The  life  of  Probus  is 
dedicated  to  a  certain  Celsinus,  the  quadriga  tyrann.  to  Bassus  (see 
below  398,  2).  Firm.  2,  1 :  scis,  mi  Basse,  quanta  nobis  contentio  pro- 
xime  fuerit  cum  amatore  historiarum  M.  Fonteio,  .  .  contra  ego  mecum- 
que  Rufus  Celsus  et  Ceionius  lulianus  et  Fabius  Sosianus  contenderent 
etc.  Other  contemporaries  are  the  Cons.  Furius  Placidus  (Aurel.  15,  4) 
and  lunius  Messala  (Car.  20,  4).  Vopiscus'  grandfather  (Stat.  9,  4.  Bon. 
15,  4.  Car.  13,  3.  14,  1)  and  father  (Aurel.  43,  2)  held  high  positions. 
Vopiscus  himself  lived  at  Rome  and  was  an  adherent  of  the  pagan  reli- 
gion, whose  superstitions  he  shared  (Aurel.  21,  4;  but  mendacia  haru- 
spicum,  Tac.  15,  4).  He  also  believed  in  the  miracles  of  Apollonius  of 
Tyana  and  promises  (Aurel.  24,  9),  si  vita  suppetit,  .  .  breviter  saltem 
tanta  viri  facta  in  litteras  mittam.  Vopiscus  likes  to  display  his  know- 
ledge on  any  opportunity.  He  availed  himself  of  documents.  Whenever 
his  sources  differ,  his  principle  is  in  medio  relinquere,  e.  g.  Aurel.  16, 
2  sq.  Prob.  3,  3.  Car.  4,  1  sqq.  Cf.  F.  Richter,  Rhein.  Mus.  VII  p. 
17—20.     H.  Peter,  hist.  crit.   p.  10—13. 

3.  Clod.  Albin.  (according  to  BP  lulii  Capitolini)  4,  2 :  quae  familia 
hodie  quoque,  Constantine  maxime,  nobilissima  est.  Maximini  II  (ac- 
cording to  BP  likewise  lul.  Cap.)  1,  1:  ne  fastidiosum  esset  clementiae 
tuae.  Const,  max.,  singulos  quosque  principes  .  .  per  libros  singulos 
legere,  adhibui  moderationem.  See  also  Gordiani  HI  (lul.  Cap.  only  in 
the  ed.  princ.)  1,  1:  fuerat  quidem  consilium,  venerabilis  Auguste,  ut 
singulos  quosque  imperatores  .  .  libris  singulis  ad  tuam  clementiam 
destinarem.  .  .  sed  inprobum  visum  est  etc.  Cf.  ib.  34,  6 :  quae  omnia, 
Constantine  maxime,  idcirco  sum  persecutus  ne  quid  tuae  cognitioni 
deesset.  Geta  (after  ed.  pr.  by  Spartian,  cf.  n,  4)  1,  1  :  scio,  Constan- 
tine Aug.,  et  multos  et  clementiam  tuam  quaestionem  posse  movere 
cur  etiam  Geta  Antoninus  a  me  tradatur.  Heliogab.  according  to  BF 
Aeli  Lampridii)  2,  4:  Antoninorum  nomen,  quod  tu,  Constantine  sacra- 
tissime,  ita  veneraris  ut  etc.  34,  1 :  mirum  fortasse  cuipiam  videatur, 
Constantine  venerabilis,  quod  etc.  c.  35  (cf.  n.  4).  Alexand.  (Aeli  Lam- 
pridii according  to  BP)  65,  1 :  soles  quaerere,  Constantine  maxime, 
quid  sit  quod  etc. 

4.  Lampridius  is  in  the  mss.  credited  with  Elagabal  and  Alexan- 
der, and  also  with  Commodus  and  Diadumenus.  The  life  of  the  latter 
is  promised  at  the  close  of  Elagabal.  The  general  agreement  in  all 
peculiarities  of  diction  renders  it  probable  that  Pertinax  and  Geta  are 


1  i 


Vopiscu.s,   Liampridius  and  Capitolivms.  345 

by  the  same  author  (E.  Brocks  p.  32 — 39).  Heliog.  35  :  cuius  vitam  me 
invitum  et  retractantem  ex  Graecis  Latinisque  collectam  scribere  ac 
tibi  oiferre  voluisti,  cum  iam  aliorum  ante  tulerimus.  scribere  autem 
ordiar  qui  post  sequentur.  quorum  Alexander  optimus  et  cum  cura 
dicendus  est,  .  .  Aurelianus  praecipuus  et  ,  .  auctor  tui  generis  Clau- 
dius, de  quo  vereor  ad  clementiam  tuam  scribens  vera  dicere,  ne 
malevolis  adulator  videar  esse.  .  .  his  iungendi  sunt  Diocletianus  .  .  et 
Maximianus  .  .  ceterique  ad  pietatem  tuam.  te  vero,  Auguste  venera- 
bilis,  multis  paginis  isdemque  disertioribus  illi  prosequentur  quibus  id 
felicior  natura  detulerit.  his  addendi  sunt  Licinius,  Severus  atque 
Maxentius,  quorum  omnium  ius  in  dicionem  tuam  venit  (a.  323),  sed 
ita  ut  nihil  eorum  virtuti  derogetur.  non  enim  ego  id  faciam  quod 
plerique  scriptores  solent,  ut  de  is  detraham  qui  victi  sunt.  In  other  ' 
passages  also  Lampridius  manifests  moral  and  patriotic  feeling;  see 
Heliog.  1,  1  sq.  34,  1  sq.  Alex.  1,  2.  His  further  intentions  were  pro- 
bably not  carried  out  entirely  (Alex.  64,  2:  Aurelianum  et  deinceps.  de 
quibus,  si  vita  suppeditaverit,  ea  quae  comperta  fuerint  publicabimus) ; 
at  all  events  the  later  vitae  are  not  extant. 

5.  The  mss.  ascribe  to  Capitolinus  the  vita  of  the  Maximini 
and  in  the  ed.  princ.  he  is  credited  with  the  following  lives  of  the 
Gordiani,  Maximus,  and  Balbinus.  Diction  and  general  treatment  are 
the  same  in  all  three  (Brocks  p.  1 — 14):  self- conceited  attacks  upon 
his  predecessors  (espec.  Cordus),  the  writer's  interest  in  literature,  the 
employment  of  Greek  sources,  the  aim  at  rhetorical  colouring  (chiefly 
by  using  anaphora).  Actual  differences  between  the  life  of  the  Maxi- 
mini and  the  other  two  vitae  (B.  Schulz,  Berl.  Journal  for  Gymn.  XIX, 
1865,  p.  932 — 937)  may  be  explained  from  the  use  of  different  sources. 
On  the  author's  relation  to  Herodianus  see  Brocks  p.  46 — 69.  Brocks 
(p.  14 — 21)  ascribes  to  Capitolinus  also  the  vitae  Clodii  Albini,  Opilii  Ma- 
crini  and  Alexandri,  though  he  admits  that  they  non  plane  eodem  tumido 
stilo  conscriptae  as  those  of  the  Maximini  etc.  On  these  lives  and  others 
bearing  the  name  of  Capitolinus  see  above  388,  4.  To  characterize 
Cap.  cf.  Gordian.  21,  3  sq. :  haec  de  Gordiano  iun.  digna  memoratus 
comperimus;  non  enim  nobis  talia  dicenda  sunt  quae  lunius  Cordus 
ridicule  ac  stulte  composuit  (above  377,  7).  .  .  quorum  etiam  scientia 
milli  rei  prodest,  si  quidem  ea  debeant  in  historia  poni  ab  historio- 
graphis  quae  aut  fugienda  sint  aut  sequenda.  Max.  et  Balb.  4,  5:  pla- 
cet aliqua  dici  de  moribus  atque  genere,  non  eo  modo  quo  lunius  Cor- 
dus est  persecutus  omnia,  sed  illo  quo  Suetonius  Tranquillus  et  Valerius 
Marcellinus.  Maximin.  29,  6  (cf.  28,  10):  ne  quid  praetermissum  esse 
videatur;  33,  4:  ne  quis  me  hoc  nescisse  crederet. 

6.  Capitol.  Max.  II  1,  2 :  servavi  hunc  ordinem  quern  pietas  tua 
(Constantine)  etiam  ab  Tatio  Cyrillo  clariss.  viro,  qui  graeca  in  latinum 
vertit,  servari  voluit. 

7.  On  the  Memoirs  of  Constantine  and  his  historians  see  396,  1.  3; 
on  the  chronicles  of  a.  334  see  below  407. 


346  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

398.  Under  Constantine  poetical  form  was  employed  by 
Optatianus  and  luvencus.  Publilius  Porfirius  Optatianus 
obtained  by  his  nonsensical  poem  in  praise  of  Constantine 
his  recall  from  exile  and  the  favour  of  the  Emperor.  The 
Spanish  presbyter  C.  Vettius  Aquilius  luvencus  composed 
versions  of  the  history  of  the  old  and  the  new  Testament  in 
epic  metre  and  in  the  phraseology  of  the  Roman  epic  poets, 
especially  Virgil,  though  in  a  prosody  frequently  vacillating. 

1.  Hieron.  ad  a.  Abr.  2345  —  Const.  23  —  329  A.  D. :  Porfirius 
misso  ad  Constantinum  insigni  volumine  exilio  liberatur.  This  volumen 
is  extant  together  with  Constantino's  letter  in  praise  of  it,  and  the 
thanks  of  Optatianus  for  the  favourable  reception.  From  Constantino's 
letter  we  extract  the  following  passage :  si  tantum  pondus  et  gravitas 
spectarentur  in  carmine,  et  graeCa  post  chium  maeoniumque  vatem  et 
latina  post  rusticum  mantuanum  eloquentia  siluisset,  .  .  frater  carissime 
.  .  gratum  mihi  est  studiorum  tuorum  facilitatem  in  illud  exisse  ut  in 
pangendis  versibus,  dum  antiqua  servaret,  etiam  nova  nova  lyra  con- 
deret.  vix  hoc  custoditum  pluribus  fuit,  qui  modis  quibusdam  arctis 
innexi  litterarum,  distinctionibus  versuum  —  qui  ita  medium  corpus 
propositi  occulte  permeant  ut  oculorum  sensus  interstincta  colorum  pig- 
menta  delectent  —  hoc  tenuere  propositum  ut  etc.  .  .  gratum  igitur 
hoc  mihi  dicationis  tuae  munus  fuit.  exercitatio  mentis  et  naturae  fa- 
cilitas  comprobata  est.  Optatianus  then  returns  thanks  to  Domino  Con- 
stantino maximo,  pio,  invicto  et  venerabili,  semper  augusto  for  having 
read  carmen  quod  artioribus  Musarum  ligaveram  vinculis.  If  Optatianus 
were  the  prefect  of  Rome  a.  329  and  333,  who  bore  the  same  name, 
the  date  of  his  recall  from  exile  as  given  by  St.  Jerome  would  be 
incorrect. 

2.  J.  Burckhardt,  Const,  p.  314  sq. :  'The  pinnacle  of  all  these  li- 
terary trifles  —  some  of  which  were  however  exceedingly  difficult  — 
was  reached  by  Publilius  Optatianus  Porfirius.  He  had  been  exiled  for 
some  reason  or  other  and  now  endeavoured  to  regain  Constantino's 
good  graces  by  some  desperate  saltos  in  poetry  —  and  behold;  he  suc- 
ceeded. The  work  consists  of  26  pieces,  most  of  them  in  20  to  40  hexa- 
meters, each  amounting  to  the  same  number  of  letters  so  as  to  give 
each  poem  the  aspect  of  a  square.  A  number  of  letters  which  when 
marked  by  red  colour  constitute  some  new  figure  (e.  g.  the  monogram 
XP),  form  again  new  sentences.  The  martyrdom  suffered  by  the  reader 
lets  us  guess  at  that  of  the  poet.  .  .  At  the  end  are  four  hexameters, 
the  words  of  which  can  be  mixed  up  in  eighteen  different  manners,  in 
each  of  which  some  kind  of  sense  and  metre  results.'  Cf.  L.  Miiller 
de  re  metr.  p.  466 — 470.  Such  sentences '  as  arise  from  the  rubricated 
letters  are:  Publilius  Optatianus  Porfirio  haec  lusi;  omne  genus  metri 
tibi  pangens,  optime  Basse;  orbem  totum  pacavit  trucidatis  tyrannis; 
sit  victoria  comes  Aug.  et  natis  eius ;  Constantine  maxime  imperator  et 


Optatianus.     Juvencus.  347 

invicte  .  .  omnia  magnus.  Part  of  them  also  form  such  acrostichs  as: 
omnipotens  genitor,  tuque  o  divisio  mixta,  filius  atque  pater  et  sanctus 
spiritus  unum,  faveas  votis.  For  each  piece  the  author  has  added  a 
peculiar  instruction  how  to  use  it.  In  the  first  poem  Thalia  appears 
in  mourning:  cum  dederit  clemens  veniam  natumque  laremque  reddi- 
derit,  comptis  ibis  et  ipsa  comis. 

3.  Editions  in  P.  Pithoei  poemata  vett.,  Paris  1590.  Lugd.  1596. 
Publ.  Opt.  Porf.  panegyricus  dictus  Constantino  Aug.  ex  codice  mpto 
PauUi  Velseri,  Augsburg  1595,  fol.  and  in  Marci  Velseri  opera  (Niirn- 
berg  1682  fol.)  as  addition  without  special  paging.  Three  specimens, 
the  poems  representing  an  ara  pythia,  a  syrinx  and  an  organon,  with 
introduction  and  notes,  in  Wernsdorf,  poetae  latt.  min.  II  p.  365 — 413. 
F.  Liceti  encyclop.  ad  Syringam  Porphyrii,  Padua  1635.  4.  The  versus 
anacyclici  also  in  the  cod.  Salmasianus  (Riese's  anthol.  lat.  I  p.  92  sq.). 
With  others  in  Meyer's  anth.  lat.  nr.  236 — 240.  Migne's  Patrolog.  XIX 
p.  391  sqq.  Publ.  Opt.  Porf.  carmina  rec.  et  praefatus  est  Luc.  Miiller, 
Lips.  (Bibl.  Teubner.)  1870. 

4.  Hieron.  ad  a.  Abr.  2345  =  Const.  23  =:  329  A.  D. :  luvencus 
presbyter  natione  Hispanus  evangelia  heroicis  versibus  explicat.  Cf: 
Epist.  70,  5  (I  p.  430  Vail.)  a,nd  De  vir.  ill.  84 :  luvencus,  nobilissimi 
generis  Hispanus  presbyter,  quattuor  evangelia  hexametris  versibus  paene 
ad  verbum  transferens  quattuor  libros  composuit  et  nonnulla  eodem 
metro  ad  sacramentorum  ordinem  pertinentia.  floruit  sub  Constantino 
principe.     Cf.  hist.  ev.  IV  808  sq. 

5.  The  works  of  luvenr-us.  1)  Historia  evangelica  in  four  books, 
chiefly  after  St.  Matthew.  The  Gospels  are  employed  in  a  Latin  trans- 
lation. 2)  Historia  veteris  testamenti.  A  cod.  Lorschensis  scti  Lazarii 
contained  according  to  a  catalogue  saec.  XI:  Cypriani  (rather  luvenci) 
metrum  super  Heptateuchum,  libros  regum,  Esther,  ludith  et  Maccha- 
baeorum.  For  a  long  time  only  about  350  hexameters  on  the  Genesis 
were  known,  which  Martenius  (Collect,  vett.  script.  1724;  Gallandi  Bibl. 
patr.  IV  p.  587  sqq.)  increased  by  about  1200,  from  a  very  old  ms.  (it 
is  said  saec.  VII)  codex  Corbeiensis  (=;  Sangermanensis  841  at  Paris). 
At  the  end  (of  luvenci  Historia.  Genesis) :  Incipit  Exodus,  which  part  is 
however  wanting.  Further  3266  lines  were  published  from  mss.  (Can- 
tabrigiensis  and  three  Laudunenses,  of  Laon),  which  are  derived  from 
one  original  (Pitra  p.  XXXVII  sq.),  by  J.  B.  Pitra,  Spicilegium  Soles- 
mense  I  (Paris  1852)  p.  171—258  (cf.  p.  XXXV— XLV),  viz.  a)  54  hexa- 
meters of  the  Genesis;  b)  a  metrical  version  of  Exodus,  v.  55  —  1392 
(1388);  c)  Specimens  of  incomplete  versions  of  Leviticus,  Numeri  and 
Deuteronomium  p.  224 — 258.  d)  The  book  of  Josua,  586  hexameters, 
p.  208 — 223.  The  song  of  Moses  (Deuteron.  32)  is  given  in  Phalaecian 
hendecasyllabics  (p.  253 — 258).  The  book  of  the  Judges  and  Kings  had 
also  been  treated,  as  it  would  seem.     Cf.  above  21,  3  [Add.]. 

6.     Juvencus'  notions    of   the    quantity    of  many  vowels  are  rather 
vague.    He  often  uses  the  diphthong  ae  (instead  of  which  he  probably 


348  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

wrote  e)  short  (as  in  such  endings  of  hexameters  as  Aegypti,  praesen- 
tat,  aeternae,  maerente),  he  likewise  has  amissae,  protinus  etc. ;  on  the 
other  hand  he  uses  short  vowels  long,  not  only  in  caesura,  e.  g.  a  of 
the  neuter  plur.,  as  in  the  second  declension,  also  laborum,  laticibus, 
pedisequis,  cupitum,  fwgacem,  futurum  etc.  Especially  at  the  beginning 
and  end  of  lines  such  incorrect  quantities  are  very  frequent.  Archaic 
forms  (like  mage,  dicier,  miscerier,  faxunt,  cleptat,  lampada)  are  used 
according  to  the  necessity  of  the  verse.  In  the  hendecasyllabic  lines 
he  often  uses  an  iamb  instead  of  the  first  trochee.  Other  specimens ; 
cuius  gloriae  conven2t  honores  (1080);  cui  semper  valida  vigent  inventa 
(1083);  illos  bestiae  mordicus  vorabunt  (1159);  quam  dum  stelligera  per 
astra  tollo  (1183);  quem  cunctus  populws,  angeli  laudant  (1190);  parcit 
subditis  et  pios  reservat  (1194). 

7.  There  is  no  complete  edition  of  luv.  in  existence.  Of  the  earlier 
editions  we  may  perhaps  mention:  ed.  princeps,  Daventriae  c.  1490.  4. 
Studio  Th.  Poelmanni,  Basil.  1551.  Cum  notis  ed.  Erh.  Reusch,  Frankf. 
1710.  Ad  vaticanos  codd.  rec.  F.  Arevalus,  Rom.  1792.  In  Migne's 
Patrolog.  XIX.  0.  Korn,  the  mss.  of  the  hist,  evang.  of  luv.  at  Danzig, 
Rome  and  Wolfenbiittel ;  a  contribution  to  the  criticism  of  luv.,  Dan- 
iiig  1870.     4.     (Leipzig,  Teubner). 

A.  R.  Gebser,  de  C.  Vett.  Aq.  luv.  vita  et  scriptis,  Jena  1827. 

8.  Noteworthy  Old  High-German  glossaries  on  luv.  hist,  evang.  are 
found  in  Pitra  1.  1.  p.  259—261. 

9.  Perhaps  in  Julian's  time  Claudii  hymnus  on  Luna  =:  Iris  =: 
luno  =  Cybele,  Anth.  lat.  723  R. 

399-  Jurisprudence  still  manifested  some  life  in  the 
time  of  Constantine,  but  was  exclusively  devoted  to  collecting 
and  epitomizing.  We  should  here  mention  the  last  two  Ju- 
rists from  whose  works  Excerpts  occur  in  the  Digest,  Aure- 
lius  Arcadius  Charisius,  the  author  of  juridical  monographs, 
and  Hermogenianus,  the  author  of  the  codex  Hermogenia- 
nus  and  of  epitomae  iuris.  The  collection  of  legal  documents 
generally  entitled  Fragmenta  Vatican  a  was  also  made  in 
the  life-time  of  Constantine.  It  was  probably  the  work  of  a 
private  individual,  resembling  the  one  subsequently  carried 
out  upon  Justinian's  order,  but  it  reproduces  the  sources 
employed  with  greater  fidelity  than  Justinian's  work,  and  was 
therefore  perhaps  even  more  extensive  than  it;  but  it  was 
made  with  less  knowledge  and  accuracy  and  was  also  less 
practical.  It  contained  both  Imperial  constitutions  and  Ex- 
tracts from  the  works  of  earlier  Jurists,  especially  Ulpian, 
Paulus   and    Papinian.      Of  the    original    composition  only   a 


Juvenm^s.     Fragmenta   Vaticana.  349 

small  part  has  been  preserved  in  a  palimpsest  in  the  Vatican 
Library,  and  even  that  is  not  quite  complete. 

1.  In  practical  life  Jurisprudence  had  a  place  only  in  the  vocation 
of  solicitor  and  coincided  with  eloquence.  The  astrologer  and  former 
solicitor  Firmicus  never  mentions  Jurists  among  the  numerous  kinds 
of  pursuits  he  names,  but  e.  g.  VIII  27  extr. :  advocati  optimi  et  regum 
amici  ac  praecipui  oratores.  It  appears  also  from  him  that  in  the 
Imperial  Cabinet  not  so  much  Jurists  as  rhetoricians  were  used;  cf. 
e.  g.  VIII  27:  regum  interpretes  vel  magistros,  scribas  quoque  et  sacra- 
rum  (Imperial)  litterarum  officia  tractantes.  30:  litterarum  officia  trac- 
tantes,  regibus  notos  et  eorum  scribas.  Cf.  Mamertin.  grat.  act.  20,  1 : 
iuris  civilis  scientia,  quae  Manlios,  Scaevolas,  Servios  in  amplissimum 
gradum  dignitatis  evexerat,  libertinorum  artificium  dicebatur  (by  the 
nobles  of  the  Byzantine  Court).  But  by  Julian  qui  in  oratoria  facnl- 
tate,  qui  in  scientia  iuris  civilis  excellit  ultro  ad  familiaritatem  voca- 
tur  (ib.  25,  3).  Ammian.  XXX  4,  11  sq.  (a.  374):  secundum  est  genus 
eorum  qui  iuris  professi  scientiam,  .  .  ut  altius  videantur  iura  callere 
Trebatium  loquuntur  et  Cascellium  etc.  ib.  16  sq.  (of  solicitors) :  e  qui- 
bus  ita  sunt  rudes  nonnulli  ut  numquam  se  codices  habuisse  memine- 
rint.  et  si  in  circulo  doctorum  auctoris  veteris  incident  nomen,  piscis 
aut  edulii  peregrinum  esse  vocabulum  arbitrantur. 

2.  Dig.  I  11,  1:  Aurelius  Arcadius  Charisius,  magister  libellorum, 
libro  singulari  de  officio  praefecti  praet.  (in  which  he  was  acquainted 
with  the  Edict  of  Constantine  a.  331  concerning  its  competence).  To 
this  we  should  refer  AvQ^kkiog  o  ro/uixog  ap.  Lyd.  de  magistr.  I  14. 
Dig.  L  4,  18:  Arcadius  Charisius  libro  singulari  de  numeribus  civilibus. 
Also  four  fragments  of  his  liber  sing,  de  testibus,  Dig.  XXII  5,  1.  21. 
25  (Arc.  qui  et  Charisius).  XL VIII  18,  10.  Chr.  Rau,  de  Aur.  Arc.  Ch. 
vetere  icto.  Lips.  1773.   4. 

3.  On  Hermogenianus  and  the  Codex  Hermog.  see  above  389,  3  sq. 

4.  The  palimpsest  of  the  Fragm.  vat.  belonged  originally  to  the 
monastery  of  Bobbio  (near  Piacenza),  whence  the  first  part  (six 
leaves  originally  containing  parts  of  the  cod.  Theod.,  then  Cassian. 
coll.  3  and  4)  came  to  Turin,  the  second  part  which  was  much  larger 
(100  leaves,  57  of  which  were  written  over  with  Cassian.  coll.  4 — 10) 
came  to  Rome  into  the  Vatican  Library  (nr.  5766).  Of  the  57  doubly  re- 
scribed  leaves  of  this  ms.  33  belong  to  the  above  collection,  22  to  the 
cod.  Theod.,  2  to  the  lex  rom.  Burgundionum.  The  original  writing 
agrees  with  that  of  the  Gains  at  Verona  (above  357,  5)  and  of  the  Dig. 
florentina,  probably  of  the  end  of  saec.  IV  or  beginning  of  V.  The 
original  quaternios  were  (probably  saec.  VIII)  cut  down  according  to 
length  so  that  out  of  two  connected  leaves  always  three  new  ones  re- 
sulted. Of  this  ms.  of  Cassian  (see  below  450)  the  beginning  (coll.  1.  2.) 
and  end  (coll.  11 — 24)  are  lost.  After  restoring  the  original  order  18 
complete   leaves    were   regained,    2  which   contained  "^f^,    and  8  which 


350  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

contained  Vs  of  ^^^  juridical  text.  This  is,  however,  only  a  small  part 
of  the  original  extent  of  the  work.  The  text  had  been  emended  partly 
by  the  original  scribe,  partly  by  that  owner  of  the  ms.  who  added  (per- 
haps a  generation  afterwards)  the  Scholia  in  the  margin  and  between 
the  lines.  They  are  divided  in  an  unequal  manner,  most  frequent  in 
the  title  de  donationibus,  and  generally  very  brief  (indications  of  pas- 
sages, quotations  etc.) 

5.  These  fragments  were  first  discovered  (a.  1821)    and  published 
by  Ang.  Mai :  luris  civilis  anteiust.  reliquiae   ineditae  ex  cod.  rescript© 
bibl.  pontif.  vaticanae,    Rome  1823.  118  pp.  =  Paris  1823  and    (with  a 
division  into  341  §§)  Berol.  1824.     Recogn.,    comm.  crit.  et  exeg.  instr. 
A.  de  Buchholtz,  Konigsberg  1828.    Recogn,  A.  Bethman-Hollweg,  Bonn 
1833.    12.    (=  Corpus  iur.   civ.    anteiust.  I  p.  229—302).     After  D.  Det- 
lefsen's    accurate    collation    published    by    Th.    Mommsen   in   a    larger 
(quarto)    edition    (Codicis    vaticani  5766,    in    quo    insunt   iuris  anteiust 
fragmenta  q.  d.  vaticana  exemplum  addita  transcriptione  notisque  critt 
edidit,  Trans,  of  the  Berlin  Academy,  a.  1859,  Berlin  1860,  p.  265—408 
text  p.  266—377)  and  in  a  small  edition  (Bonn  1861,  XXIV  and  144  pp 
12.).     In  Buschke's  iurisprud.  anteiust.^  p.  610 — 721    (text  p.  622  sqq.) 

6.  The  title  of  the  work  has  not  been  preserved.  There  is  no 
trace  of  a  division  into  books,  but  (just  as  in  cod.  Hermog.  and  Collatio) 
of  one  into  titles  (species)  which  extend  over  two  pages  each,  but  are 
not  numbered.  The  sources  are  always  added  at  the  beginning  (e.  g. 
2  Papinianus  libro  III  responsorum)  and  continue  until  another  source 
is  mentioned.  The  principal  source  is  Ulpian,  espec.  ad  Sabinum  and 
de  excusationibus  =:  de  officio  praet.  tutel.  (above  372,  2.)  The  work 
of  an  anonymous  writer  (Venuleius  Saturninus?  see  above  356,  6)  de 
interdictis  is  more  extensively  quoted  90 — 93  (.  .  libro  I  de  interdictis 
sub  titulo  in  eum  qui  etc.)  than  usual  and  may  probably  be  an  addition 
by  some  other  author  (Mommsen  p.  396).  Cf.  Huschke,  p.  615  sq. 
These  Excerpts  are  given  in  their  original  shape,  without  any  change, 
this  being  the  principal  merit  of  the  fragments. 

7.  The  Imperial  Edicts  are,  just  as  in  the  cod.  Just,  and  its  sour- 
ces (cf.  above  389,  2),  given  together  with  title  and  subscription,  without 
any  special  mention  of  those  collections  from  which  they  are  taken. 
Cod.  Theodos.  has  not  been  employed  in  the  Fragm.  vat.,  some  Re- 
scripts being  given  there  in  a  more  complete  shape  than  in  the  cod. 
Theod.  But  cod.  Greg,  and  Hermog.  have  been  much  used.  Besides 
this  there  are  Rescripts  (especially  of  the  years  296  and  298)  from  the 
Western  part  and  which  may  perhaps  have  been  derived  from  an  edition 
of  the  Hermog.  which  was  later  and  more  complete  than  the  one  used 
by  the  Byzantine  compilers  (see  above  389,3).  Finally  unabridged  Edicts 
of  the  time  of  Constantine,  the  titles  moreover  being  differently  con- 
ceived from  the  cod.  Greg,  and  Hermog.  The  latest  Imperial  decree 
mentioned  (§  37)  is  by  Valentinian  (a.  369 — 372),  but  the  preceding 
decree  belongs  to  Constantine's  reign  (a.  312 — 337).   That  Edict  of  Va- 


Fragmenta   Vaticana.  351 

lentinian  seems  to  be  a  later  addition  (cf.  n.  6),  especially  as  it  differs 
from  the  rest  of  the  collection  by  its  lengthy  and  bombastic  diction, 
except  those  of  a.  316  (§  249),  330  (§  243),  337  (§  35),  which  may  also 
be  later  additions.     Cf.  n.  9. 

8.  The  extant  parts  belong  to  the  titles  ex  empto  et  vendito, 
de  usufructu,  de  re  uxoria  ac  dotibus,  de  excusatione  (very  extensive), 
quando  donator  intellegatur  revocasse  voluntatem,  ad  legem  Cinciam  de 
donationibus,  de  cognitoribus  et  procuratoribus.  There  is  no  fixed 
design  followed.  On  the  whole  here  too  (cf.  389,  2)  the  order  of  the 
Edict  is  followed,  though  with  some  unaccountable  deviations  (Momm- 
sen  p.  401).  Within  the  single  titles  the  Excerpts  from  the  Jurists  and 
Rescripts  are  neither  kept  separate  nor  enumerated  in  regular  order 
and  according  to  chronological  succession;  repetitions  and  contra- 
dictions being  by  no  means  scarce.  Less  frequent  abbreviations  are 
wrongly  explained  (e.  g.  f.  e.  by  factum  est,  instead  of  familiae  ercis- 
cundae;  1.  c.  by  litium  causa  instead  of  litis  contestatio).  The  author 
appears,  therefore,  to  have  possessed  a  superficial  knowledge  of  the 
subject  and  to  have  done  his  work  hastily.  Mommsen  p.  401 — 403. 
The  collection  was  doubtless  intended  for  judicial  use,  there  being  no 
trace  of  any  official  character.  It  is  never  quoted.  It  is  not  proved 
that  it  was  composed  by  several  persons  (Huschke '^  p.  616  sq.).  We 
do  not  know  whether  the  work  was  ever  completed. 

9.  It  was  composed  previously  to  cod.  Theod.  (see  n.  7;  i.  e.  be- 
fore 438)  and  the  Law  of  citation  (a.  426),  Gains  being  not  used,  but 
(§  66)  as  it  seems  Ulpian's  Notes  on  Papinian  which  were  invalidated  by 
that  law.  That  it  originated  during  the  life-time  of  Constantine  may 
be  inferred  from  the  omission  of  the  names  of  Maximianus  Herculius  and 
Galerius  Maximianus  (which  the  Byzantines  did  not  observe),  the  ad- 
dition of  divus  solely  with  the  names  of  Diocletian  (and  Constantius), 
but  not  (if  288  d  =  dominus)  with  those  of  preceding  Emperors; 
lastly  the  designation  of  Constantine  as  Aug.,  even  in  case  his  real 
name  is  omitted.  The  unequal  treatment  of  Licinius  (who  is  sometimes 
mentioned,  sometimes  suppressed)  seems  to  prove  that  the  work  was 
composed  before  his  downfall  (a.  323),  and  revised,  though  not  com- 
pletely, after  it.  Cf.  n.  7  extr.  The  Western  origin  of  the  work  (say 
in  Italy  or  Gaul)  may  be  defended  by  the  special  attention  paid  to 
West-Roman  edicts  (see  n.  7),  the  place  where  the  ms.  was  discovered 
(n.  4),  the  absence  of  any  acquaintance  with  Modestinus'  Greek  work 
de  excusationibuis,  and  probably  also  by  the  omission  of  any  employment 
of  this  work  in  Justinian's  collection.  Mommsen  p.  403 — 406.  Cf. 
Buschke  p.  618  sqq.  (who  places  it  in  the  time  of  Honorius  or  Theo- 
dosius  I). 

10.  On  the  Fragm.  vat.  cf.  B.  Borghesi,  giorn.  arcad.  XXII  (Rome 
1824)  p.  48 — 95.  G.  Bruns,  quid  conferant  vat.  fr.  ad  melius  cognos- 
cendum  ius  rom.,  Tiibingen  1842.  Mommsen,  quarto  ed.  p.  379—408, 
with  his  praef.  in  the  small  ed.  Huschke,  iurisprud.  ^  p.  610 — 620. 


352  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

400.  Grammatical  studies  were  more  narrowed  and  li- 
mited to  the  use  of  the  School  and  without  pretence  to  historical 
investigation  and  scholarship.  The  work  of  Cominianus  seems 
to  have  been  of  this  kind ;  it  was  one  of  the  chief  sources  of 
Charisius  and  was  mixed  up  with  his  work  in  a  later  time. 
Metrical  art  was  in  this  time  treated  by  Albinus  (in  metrical 
form),  Asmonius,  and  Atilius  Fortunatianus.  The  grammarian 
Euanthius  wrote  a  commentary  on  Terence. 

1.  Charis.  I  18  (p.  147  K.):  ablativus  casus  singularis,  ut  ait  Co- 
minianus grammaticus,  etc.  II  11  (p.  175  K.)  :  de  coniugationibus  .  . 
Cominianus  disertissimus  grammaticus  ita  disseruit.  II  12  (p.  180): 
Com.  grammaticus  ita  de  participio  breviter  refert.  13  (p.  181):  haec 
quidem  (de  adverbio)  breviter  Com.  gr.  disserit.  14  (p.  224):  de  con- 
iunctione,  ut  ait  Cominianus.  15  (p.  230):  de  praepositione,  ut  ait  C. 
16  (p.  238) :  de  interiectione,  ut  a.  C.  IV  1  (p.  265) :  de  barbarisrao, 
ut  a.  C.  (p.  266)  de  soloecismo,  ut  a.  C.  In  each  instance  an  extensive 
section  is  derived  from  C.  Other  mentions  of  C.  (e,  g.  Schol.  Bern,  on 
Virgil.  Buc.  Ill  21.  Georg.  I  215.  Ill  311)  are  derived  from  Charisius 
or  even  relate  to  himself.  H.  Keil,  gramm.  latt.  I  p.  XL VIII.  The 
author  of  the  so-called  excerpta  Charisii  has  used  Com.,  chiefly  in  the 
section  de  pronomine,  without  mentioning  his  name.  W.  Christ,  Philo- 
logus  XVIII  p.  139. 

2.  The  so-called  excerpta  Cominiani  (A.  Mai  class,  auct.  V  p.  150) 
are  in  reality  extracts  from  Charisius ;  see  H.  Keil,  gramm.  latt.  J  p. 
XXII  sq.  not.  and  on  p.  180,  27.  Hence  the  mention  of  Donatus  which 
once  occurs  in  them  cannot  be  used  to  fix  the  period  of  Com. 

3.  H.  Keil  1.  1.  p.  XL VIII :  adparet  non  solum  de  VIII  partibus 
orationis  .  .  sed  etiam  de  vitiis  orationis  .  .  (Cominianum)  exposuisse 
ea  ratione  usum  ut  brevi  et  simplici  oratione  suae  aetatis  consuetudinem 
doceret  omniaque  quae  ad  usum  antiquitatis  pertinerent  vel  paullo 
doctiorem  disputationem  requirerent  a  suo  consilio  aliena  putaret. 
Hence  he  suspects  Cominianum  non  valde  antiquum  grammaticum  fuisse 
et  librum  suum  non  doctis  hominibus,  sed  pueris  destinavisse  (p.  XLIX). 
See  also  F.  Osann,  Contributions  II  p.  317  sq.,  324—327.  340  and 
against  him  Keil  1.  1.  p.  LVI.     W.  Christ,  Philologus  XVIII  p.  123  sq. 

4.  Charis.  p.  229,  19  after  quoting  a  view  of  Romanus  (above 
375) :  sed  Marcius  Salutaris  vir  perfectissimus  .  .  rectius  sensit.  This 
title  is  a  sufficient  reason  to  assign  the  grammarian  M.  S.,  who  seems  to 
have  commented  on  Virgil,  to  the  time  of  Constantine,  the  quotation 
itself  being  either  derived  from  Cominianus  or  added  by  Charisius. 

5.  Two  hexameters  of  a  certain  Albinus  de  metris  are  quoted  by 
Max.  Victorin.  de  carm.  her.  p.  289  Lind.  It  was  probably  a  work  in 
the  manner  of  Terentianus  (above  391).  He  may  be  the  same  as  the 
Alb.  mentioned  by  Rufin.  I  30  p.  388  Gaisf.     F.  Osann,  Contributions  II 


Cominianus  and  other  G-rammarians.  353 

p.  361,  n.  10  considers  him  identical  with  Alb.  who  wrote  a  manual  on 
metres  (Cassiod.  de  mus.  6)  and  on  geometry  and  dialectic  (Boethius), 
and  with  Ceionius  Rufius  Albinus  Cons.  335  and  345  A.  D.,  who  is  de- 
signated philosophus  in  an  Inscription;  with  which  opinion  Jul.  Caesar 
agrees,  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  lip.  649  sq.    n.  4. 

6.  Priscian.  X  24  (p.  516,  16  H.) :  Asmonius  in  arte  quam  ad 
Constantium  (prob.  II)  imperatorem  scribit.  Priscian.  de  metr.  Terent. 
6—8  (p.  412  Gaisf.)  gives  a  passage  of  A.  on  the  trimeter  of  the  La- 
tin comic  writers.  Cf.  H.  Keil,  quaest.  gramm.  (Lips.  1860)  p.  16  sqq. 
R.  Westphal,  allg.  Metrik  p.  45  sq.  Jul.  Caesar  in  Pauly's  Enc.  I  1. 
p.  1240.     The  name  of  Asmonius  seems  to  suggest  Semitic  descent. 

7.  Under  the  title  of  Ars  Fortunatiani  (at  the  end:  Ars  AtiHi 
Fort,  expl.)  we  possess  (edited  by  Putsche  p.  2685 — 2706,  Gaisford  p. 
333—362,  and  Keil  VI  p.  278  —  304)  a  manual  on  metres  (omnis  summa 
metrorum,  p.  279,  5  K.)  dedicated  to  a  young  Roman  of  rank  who  had 
absolved  grammar,  was  then  studying  rhetoric,  and  had  desired  a  work 
on  metra  Horatiana.  The  author  says  of  his  work:  ut  Sallustius  ait, 
carptim  quae  memoria  digna  videbantur  de  multis  auctoribus  excerpta 
perscripsi.  In  reality  he  followed  Caesius  Bassus  (above  299,  1)  and 
Juba  (above  375),  whence  it  comes  that  his  work  agrees  with  Marius 
A^'ictorinus,  Diomed  and  the  Analecta  Vindob.  (p.  516  sqq.).  He  dwells 
to  a  great  extent  on  the  metra  Horatiana  (p.  294  sqq.  K.).  As  long  as 
the  name  of  Atil.  Fort,  was  applied  to  the  work  of  Caesius  Bassus, 
this  Ars  was  sometimes  called  Atilius  II,  sometimes  Pseudo-Atilius.  Cf. 
J.  Caesar  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  I  2  p.  2025  sq.  H.  Wentzel,  Symb.  critt. 
(Breslau  1858)  p.  11—13.  Westphal,  on  Greek  metres  ^  I  p.  128.  On 
the  mss.  and  editions  see  H.  Keil,  gramm.  VI  p.  245 — 250. 

8.  Hieron.  ad  a.  2375  (according  to  Bong,  and  Freli. :  Schone  ad 
2374)  =  359  A.  D. :  Euantius  eruditissimus  gramm axicorum  Con- 
stantinopoli  diem  obit.  Cf.  Rufin.  Antioch.  de  metr.  com.  jj.  2706  P. 
=  378  Gaisf. :  Euanthius  in  commentario  Terentii  de  fabula  .  .  sic 
dicit:  concinna  etc.  .  .  et  postea  sic:  veteres  etsi  etc.  Both  these  pas- 
sages are  found  in  the  first  part  of  the  treatise  de  tragoedia  et  co- 
moedia  (p.  XXVII.  XXVIII  Zeune  =  XIII.  XIV  Klotz),  which  is  thus 
proved  to  be  by  Euanthius.  Even  of  the  commentary  on  Terence  at- 
tributed to  Donatus  some  part  may  belong  to  Euanthius'  commentum 
in  Terentii  fabulas;  see  Usener  Rhein.  Mus.  XXIII  p.  493—496,  and  cf. 
Dziatzko  ibid.  XXV  p.  438  sq.  Rufin.  1.  1.  p.  2713  P.  ==  388  G.  Ritschl, 
Par.  p.  358.  360. 

9.  To  this  time  belongs  also  the  Ars  vaticana  (above  295,  8b.), 
cf.  p.  119,  26  K. :  ut  puta  Roma,  Tiberis,  Diocletianae  (thermae). 

401.  Durinp^  the  life  of  Constantine,  Firmicus  Mater- 
nus  in  Sicily  commenced  his  eight  books  Matheseos,  which 
were,  however,  not  finished  until  a.  354.   The  work  is  a  com- 

23 


354  The  P'ourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

plete  system  of  astrology,  in  neoplatonic  spirit  and  hostile 
to  Christianity.  The  author  is  quite  an  honest  man  who 
actually  believes  in  his  subject-matter,  but  his  intellectual 
capacities  are  not  very  large  and  his  diction  is  very  monoto- 
nous. About  the  same  time  (a.  347)  the  Christian  writer  who 
bears  the  same  name  addressed  to  Constantine's  sons  Con- 
stantius  and  Constans  his  work  de  errore  profanarum  religio- 
num  in  which  he  exhorts  them  to  eradicate  paganism  alto- 
gether. The  first  work  exists  complete,  but  of  the  latter  four 
leaves  have  been  lost. 

1.  In  the  subscriptio  at  the  end  of  math.  VIII  the  author  is  called 
lulius  Firmicus  Maternus  lunior  Siculus  v.  c(larissimus).  Cf.  Sidon. 
Apoll.  carm.  22,  praef. :  lulium  Firmicum,  .  .  Saturninum  in  libris  ma- 
theseos  peritissimos  conditores.  The  work  is  dedicated  to  the  Procos. 
Mavortius  Lollianus  (praef.  p.  2  cf.  VIII  15  p.  221 :  talis  —  as  the 
Catos  —  nostris  temporibus  Lollianus,  qui  severitatis  merito  etiam  or- 
dinarii  consulatus  insignia  consecutus  est),  who  was  e.  g.  proconsul 
provinciae  Africae  (Orelli-Henzen  6481),  a.  342  praef.  urbi,  355  Cos.  ord. 
(Ammian.  XV  8,  17),  356  praef.  praet.  Italiae  (Ammian.  XVI  8,  5:  vir 
sublimis  constantiae.  Cod.  Theod.  VI  29,  1.  XI  30,  25.  36,  11).  Cf. 
Borghesi  ap.  Gervasio,  Osservazioni  sulla  iscr.  onoraria  di  Mavorzo  Lol- 
liano  (Naples  1846)  p.  14  sqq.  While  the  dedication  and  the  eighth 
book  would  thus  appear  to  have  been  composed  a.  354,  the  mention 
of  the  eclipse  of  the  sun  July  17,  334  (Firm.  I  2.  p.  5  ed.  1551:  cum 
sol  medio  diei  tempore  fulgida  splendoris  sui  denegat  lumina,  quod 
Optatii  et  Paulini  consulatu,  ut  de  recentioribus  loquar,  .  .  futurum 
mathematicorum  sagax  praedixit  intentio)  and  of  Constantine  as  still 
living  (Firm,  praef.  p.  2  and  14.  p.  14:  dominus  et  Augustus  noster  ac 
totius  orbis  imperator,  pius,  felix  ac  providus  princeps,  Constantinus 
scilicet  maximus,  divi  Constantini  filius  etc.  ib.  p.  15 :  Constantinum 
maximum  principem  et  eius  invictissimos  liberos,  dominos  et  Caesares 
nostros)  suggest  a  much  earlier  commencement  of  the  work.  Bursian 
ed.  (n.  6)  p.  VIII.  That  the  composition  of  the  work  extended  over  a 
considerable  space  of  time,  appears  from  the  very  beginning :  olim  tibi 
hos  libellos,  Mavorti,  decus  nostrum,  me  editurum  esse  promiseram, 
verum  saepius  inconstantia  verecundiae  retardavit  etc.  .  .  tibi  omnem 
divinae  matheseos  disciplinam  dicaturum  me  esse  spoponderam.  As  to 
the  author's  personal  circumstances  we  learn  from  the  preface:  cum 
esses  in  Campaniae  provinciae  fascibus  constitutus,  .  .  ad  me  primum 
in  has  oras  siculas,  ad  ea  potissimum  studia  quibus  ab  ineunte  aetate 
uterque  nostrum  devinctus  erat,  suavissime  divertisti.  .  .  posteaquam 
de  actibus  et  processibus  nostris  confabulati  sumus  scrutatus  a  me  es 
.  .  totius  Siciliae,  quam  incolo,  situni,  .  .  cetera  quae  tibi  a  primo 
aetatis  gradu  et  atticae  et  romanae  litterae  de  admirabilibus  provinciae 
siculae  tradiderunt.     He  then  says  that  he  was   prevailed  upon  to  pro- 


Firmicus  Maternus  the  Pagan  luriter.  SSf) 

mise  (p.  2)  ut  promitterem  me  tibi  editurum  quidquid  Aegyptii  veteres 
.  .  Babyloniique  prudentes  (cf.  n.  3)  de  vi  stellarum  ac  potestatibus  .  . 
nobis  tradiderunt.  He  indeed  rued  this  promise  almost  directly;  sed 
trepidationem  meam  hortatio  sermonis  tui  erexit  coegitque  adgredi 
quod  frequenter  ex  desperatione  deserui.  nam  cum  tibi  totius  orientis 
gubernacula  domini  atque  imp.  nostri  Constantini  Aug.  .  .  indicia  tradi- 
dissent,  you  kept  reminding  me  of  my  promise,  proconsuli  itaque  tibi  et 
ordinario  consul!  designato  promissa  reddimus.  .  .  LoUiane  doctissime. 
On  his  career  as  solicitor  he  states  IV  praef.  (p.  83) :  patrocinia  tractantes 
tenuerunt  nos  causarum  conflictationes  et  caninae  (ut  ita  dicam)  con- 
tentionis  iurgiosa  certamina.  ex  quo  studio  nihil  mihi  aliud  per  sin- 
gulos  dies  nisi  periculorum  cumulus  et  grave  onus  invidiae  confereba- 
tur.  .  .  deserui  itaque  hoc  studium.  .  .  liberali  animo,  contemptis  fo- 
rensibus  lucris,  .  .  fidele  patrocinium  defensionis  exhibui.  in  otio  itaque 
constitutus  .  .  hos  ad  te,  Lolliane,  .  .  libellos  scripsi,  ut  a  terrena  quodam 
modo  conversatione  sepositus,  .  .  ad  purganda  animi  vitia,  quae  ex  pra- 
vorum  hominum  conversatione  contraxeram,  caelestibus  ac  divinis  me 
disputationibus  applicarem. 

2.  Firmicus  endeavours  to  give  astrology  a  moral  tendency  and  a 
sacerdotal  character.  Cf.  II  33  (p.  43  sq.) :  nunc  tu,  quicunque  hos 
libros  legere  conaris,  .  .  ad  imaginem  te  divinitatis  similitudinemque 
forma,  ut  sis  semper  praeconio  veritatis  ornatus.  oportet  enim  eum  qui 
quotidie  de  diis  ac  cum  diis  loquitur  animum  suum  ita  formare  atque 
instruere  ut  ad  imitationem  divinitatis  semper  accedat.  quare  disce  et 
exequere  omnia  ornamenta  virtutis.  .  .  esto  pudicus  et  inter  sobrios, 
parvo  victu  parvisque  opibus  contentus.  dato  operam  ut  instituto  .  . 
tuo  institutum  bonorum  .  .  vincas  sacerdotum.  .  .  dabis  sane  responsa 
publice,  .  .  ne  quid  a  te  tale  forte  quaeratur  quod  non  liceat  nee  inter- 
rogare  nee  dicere.  cave  ne  quando  de  statu  reip.  vel  de  vita  rom.  im- 
peratoris  aliquid  interroganti  respondeas.  .  .  sed  et  sceleratus  atque 
omni  animadversione  dignus  est  si  quis  interrogatus  de  fato  dixerit 
imperatoris.  .  .  sed  nee  aliquis  mathematicus  verum  aliquid  de  fato 
imperatoris  definire  potuit;  solus  enim  imperator  stellarum  non  subiacet 
casibus.  .  .  etiam  ipse  in  eorum  deorum  numero  constitutus  est 
quern  ad  facienda  et  conservanda  omnia  divinitas  statuit  principalis. 
It  is,  he  says,  necessary  to  convince  of  this  any  one  that  put  such 
questions,  ut  persuasionibus  tuis  monitus  istum  furorem  temeritatis 
correcto  mentis  errore  deponat.  sed  nee  deferre  te  volo  si  quis  aliquid 
male  quaesierit,  ne  ..  morti  eius  causa  extitisse  videaris,  quod  alienum 
est  a  proposito  sacerdotis.  .  .  tibi  in  omni  conversatione  placeat  qui  eta 
moderatio.  fuge  seditiones,  .  .  amicitiae  fidem  fortibus  copulationibus 
stringe.  .  .  numquam  conscientiam  tuam  falsis  testimoniis  polluas.  .  . 
nolo  te  vitia  hominum  in  tractatu  geniturarum  manifestius  explicare, 
.  .  ne  quod  homini  mains  stellarum  decrevit  cursus  non  dicere,  sed  ex- 
probrare  videaris.  secerne  te  a  spectaculorum  semper  illecebris  ;  .  .  (p.  45) 
antistites  enim  deorum  separatos  et  alienos  esse  decet  a  pravis  illecebris 
voluptatum.  Not  until  a  reader  had  mastered  this  ethical  view,  he  was 
to  go  on  et  posteriores  libros,  quos  de  apotelesmatis  scripsimus,  secura 


356  Tlie  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

mentis  animositate  perdisce.  Similarly  he  prays  Mavortius  (VII  praef. 
p.  193  sq.)  ne  haec  veneranda  communia  profanis  vel  imperitis  auribus 
intimentur.  sed  iis  tantum  quos  animus  incorruptus  ad  rectum  vivendi 
ordinem  .  .  instituit  etc.  Cf.  VIII  33 :  haec  filiis  tuis  tantum  trade,  quos 
a  prima  aetate  ad  omne  virtutis  officium  instituisti  etc.  J.  Burckhardt, 
Constantine  p.  244—246. 

3.     The  author  himself  calls  his  work  Matheseos  libri  in  his  praef. 
to  II  and  III.     In  his  peroratio  VIII  33 :    accipe  itaque,    Mavorti  decus 
nostrum,  .  .  septem  hos  libros,  ad  septem  stellarum  ordinem  numerum- 
que  compositos.     nam  primus  liber  solum   patrocinium  defensionis  ac- 
cepit    (the    defence   of   Astrology   against  its  enemies),    in  ceteris  vero 
libris    Romanis    hominibus    novi    operis    tradidimus    disciplinam.      The 
second  book  contains  the  general  principles  (institutionis  liber,  VIII  5). 
rV  19  (p.  114):    quia  iam  expedita  prima  operis  nostri  parte  ad  secun- 
dam    principalem    accedimus,    quae    etiam   in    quatuor    membra,    veluti 
prima,  divisa  est,  .  .  singulorum  partes  summatim  enumerabimus.     The 
sixth  book  contains  the  genitura  of  Paris,  Demosthenes,  and  Hermodo- 
rus.  Homer,  Thersites  and  others :  VII  the  geniturae  adoptivorum,  pae- 
dicorum,    cinaedorum,    causidicorum,    damnatorum    and    others.      The 
eighth  book  treats  of  the  sphaera  barbarica.   B.  I  gives  instances  from 
Roman  History.     VIII  praef.   (p.  212) :    quod  his  libris  superesse  credo, 
hoc  explicare  curabo ;    nam    aliud  mihi  tempus  ad  explicandam  myrio- 
genesin    reservavi.      The    sources    quoted    are    as    superstitious   as   the 
whole  contents.     Cf.  H  praef.:    nos    omnia    quae    de    ista  arte  Aegyptii 
Babyloniique    dixerunt    docili    sermonis    institutione    transtulimus.     HI 
praef. :     illi  divini  viri    .  .    Petosiris  Necepsoque    .  .    nobis  tradiderunt. 
IV  praef.  (p.  84) :    omnia    quae  Aesculapio  Mercurius  Enichnusque  tra- 
diderunt, quae  Petosiris  explicavit  et  Necepso,  quae  Abraham,  Orpheus 
et  Critodemus    ediderunt    ceterique    omnes  huius  artis  antiscii  perlecta 
pariter    atque    coUecta    .  .    in    his  perscripsimus  libris.     IV  10    (p.  98): 
quae  divinus  ille  Abraam  et  prudentissimus  Achilles  .  .  nobis  tradidere. 
IV  16  (p.  107) :  Necepso,  Aegypti  iustissimus  imperator,  optimus  quoque 
astronomus.    (p.  109):  magnus  ille  Petosiris  banc  partem  leviter  attigit. 
VIU  5:    neque  enim  .  .  Petosiris  et  Necepso,  quorum  alter  imperii  gu- 
bernacula    tenuit,    .  .    id   quod  nos   edituri   sumus    invenire    potuerunt. 
We  notice  specially    III  15    (p.  81):     si    fuerit   haec    domus  Mercurius, 
dabit  astronomiam:    si  Venus,   cantilenas   et  laetitiam;    .  .    si  luppiter, 
divinum  cultum  scientiamque  in  lege;  si  Saturnus,  scientiam  alchimiae. 
This  would  be  the  earliest  mention  of  alchymy,  unless  the  passage  be 
a  later  interpolation,    which    might  be  inferred    from  the  Christian  co- 
louring of  the   phrase    in    lege.     From  this  magic  literature  was  also 
derived  the  application  of  astrological  symbols  of  the  human  body  (cf. 
n.  4),  as  we  have  it  subsequently  in  the  sect  of  the  Priscillianists ;  see 
Bernays,  on  the  chronicles  of  Sulpicius  Severus  p.  14  with  n.  24. 

4.  That  by  the  decreta  planetarum  the  liberty  of  will  and  con- 
scionability  of  man  are  destroyed.  Firm,  does  not  seem  to  have  con- 
eived    clearly,     whence    his    moral    exhortations  (see  n.  2)  are  without 


Firmicus  Maternus  the  Pagan  writer.  357 

foundation,  though  he  enforces  them  very  often.  The  perception  of 
the  firm  preordination  of  our  fate  should,  as  he  thinks,  allay  both  pain 
and  joy  (VIII  praef.).  But  even  the  theological  consequences  of  his 
doctrine  are  not  fully  realised.  I  3  (p.  7)  Firm,  denies  that  his  doctrine 
is  dangerous  to  religion  (homines  a  cultu  deorum  religionumque  revo- 
cari) :  nos  enim  timeri  deos,  nos  coli  facimus,  nos  numen  eorum  maiesta- 
temque  monstramus,  cum  omnes  actus  nostros  divinis  eorum  dicimus 
agitationibus  gubernari.  But  these  dii  are  hazy  and  indefinite  figures, 
which  sometimes  coincide  with  the  sidera,  and  are  sometimes  designated 
as  standing  by  their  side,  sometimes  as  unity,  sometimes  as  plurality. 
Cf.  Ill  praef.  (p.  45) :  ad  imaginem  mundi  formam  hominis  .  .  deus  ille 
fabricator  hominis,  natura  monstrante,  perfecit.  .  .  ita  ut  in  parvo  cor- 
pore  omnium  elementorum  vim  atque  substantiam  natura  cogente  con- 
ferret,  and  made  man  quasi  minorem  quendam  mundum.  V  praef.  (p. 
115):  tu  quicumque  es  deus,  qui  per  singulos  dies  caeli  cursum  .  .  con- 
tinuas,  .  .  solus  omnium  gubernator  ac  princeps,  .  .  cui  tota  potestas 
numinum  servit,  .  .  tu  omnium  pater  pariter  ac  mater,  tu  tibi  pater 
ac  filius,  uno  vinculo  necessitatis  obligatus,  .  .  da  veniam  quod  tuorum 
cursus  siderum  eorumque  efficacias  explicare  conamur.  .  .  vosque 
perennium  siderum  cursus,  tuque  J  etiam  humanorum  corporum  mater, 
ac  tu  .  .  O  optime  maxime,  .  .  ad  cuius  arbitrium  fatorum  ordo  dispo- 
nitur,  da  veniam  quod  gracilis  sermo  ad  numinis  tui  secreta  pervenit 
etc.  Cf.  I  4  (p.  14) :  Sol  optime  maxime,  .  .  mens  mundi  atque  tem- 
peries,  .  .  et  tu  luppiter  (the  jDlanet),  Tarpeiae  rupis  habitator  ^tc. 
The  tone  of  the  work  is  dull  like  its  atmosphere,  sometimes  technical 
and  poor,  sometimes  solemn  and  mystical,  with  numerous  repetitions 
not  only  of  technical  formulas  but  also  of  some  phrases  and  expres- 
sions. Whenever  Firm,  hits  upon  a  rhetorical  figure,  he  wearies  you 
out  with  it.  He  therefore  asks  (praef.  I  p.  2) :  ne  in  istis  libris  pondus 
et  perfectae  gratiam  orationis  requiras.  .  .  in  nobis  tenue  est  ingenium 
et  sermo  subtilis  et,  quod  vere  confitendum  est,  mathesis  permodica. 
Cf.  I  1  (p.  4) :  postulantes  ut  .  .  veritatis  fides,  non  orationis  splendor 
ac  substantia  requiratur.  The  diction  is  remarkable  for  some  expres- 
sions which  appear  first  in  this  century,  e.  g.  animositas,  partilis,  ac 
before  vowels,  and  other  peculiarities. 

5.  There  are  two  mss.  of  Firmicus  in  the  Munich  Library  (accor- 
ding to  Halm),  one  saec.  XI  which  contains  only  b.  I  and  II  1 — 31, 
and  one  saec.  XVI  which  is  complete  with  the  exception  of  a  few  lines 
at  the  end.  Ed.  princeps  (de  nativitatibus)  Venet.  1497  fol.  In  the 
astronomici  vett.  (Venet.  Aid.  1499  fol.),  and  especially  per  Nic.  Pruck- 
nerum  astrologum,  Basil.  1533  and  1551  fol.,  in  the  latter  edition  p.  1 
— 244,  after  which  follow  Ptolemy's  lA/ioTskfanara,  Arabic  and  Chaldaean 
works  in  Latin  versions,  and  Manilius.  There  are  no  modern  editions. 
Some  gaps  are  filled  up  by  Lessing  (Works  edited  by  Lachmann,  IX 
p.  409—430).  —  Fabricius  Bibl.  lat.  Ill  p.  114  sqq.  ed.  Ernesti. 

6.  The  Christian  work  has  been  preserved  in  a  Palatine  ms. 
(nr.  165)  saec.  X  in  the  Vatican  Library,  whence  it  was  first  edited  by 


358  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Matthias  Flacius  lUyricus  (Strasburg  1562),  more  carefully  by  Conr. 
Bursian  (Lips.  1856)  and  by  C.  Halm,  in  his  Minucius  Felix  (Vindob. 
1867)  p.  75 — 130.  The  subscription  is  luhi  Firmici  Materni  v.  c.  de 
errore  profanarum  religione  explicit.  The  four  outward  leaves  (1,  2,  7,  8) 
are  wanting-  of  the  first  quaternio. 

7.  The  Emperors  are  addressed  by  sacratissimi  imperatores  (6,  1. 
8,  4.  16,  4.  20,  7.  24,  9.  28,  6.  29,  1)  or  sacrosancti  imp.  (13,  1)  or 
principes  (17,  1),  also  domini  imperatores  (25,  1).  The  following  pas- 
sages are  characteristic  of  the  work.  16,  4:  amputanda  sunt  haec  (pagan 
sacrifices),  sacr.  imp.,  penitus  atque  delenda  et  severrissimis  edictorum 
vestrorum  legibus  corrigenda.  .  .  ad  hoc  vobis  deus  summus  commisit 
imperium.  20,  7 :  vos  nunc,  Constanti  et  Constans,  sacr.  imp.,  .  .  erigite 
vexillum  fidei.  .  .  hostium  prostravistis  exercitum,  .  .  idololatriae  ex- 
cidium  et  profanarum  aedium  ruinam  .  .  Christus  .  .  vestris  manibus 
reservavit.  28,  6 :  tollite,  tollite  securi,  sacr.  imp.,  ornamenta  templo- 
rum:  deos  istos  aut  monetae  ignis  aut  metallorum  coquat  flamma,  do- 
naria  universa  ad  utilitatem  vestram  dominiumque  transferte.  post  ex- 
cidia  templorum  in  mains  dei  estis  virtute  provecti.  vicistis  hostes, 
.  .  et  insperatam  imperatoris  (i.  e.  Constans,  a.  343)  faciem  Britannus 
expavit.  29,  1  :  vobis,  sacr.  imp.,  .  .  hoc  dei  summi  lege  praecipitur 
ut  severitas  vestra  idololatriae  facinus  omnifariam  persequatur.  29,  3: 
deus  .  .  numquam  vobis  laborantibus  denegavit  auxilium:  strati  sunt 
adversantium  cunei,  .  .  missi  sunt  superbi  sub  iugum  populi  et  persica 
vota  conlapsa  sunt.  This  must  relate  to  Sapor's  giving  up  the  siege 
of  Nisibis  a.  346  {naQsy.ad-KSfv  tj/usQccg  k^&ofiriy.onrc  oxtio  y.ai  naktp 
cciff^vur^^sig  dvf-XMQrjGfv,  Theophanes)  and  could  not  be  said  after  the 
misfortunes  that  happened  to  Constantius  a,  348  in  his  war  against 
Sapor.  Constans  was,  moreover,  killed  a.  350.  Hence  the  work  seems 
to  have  been  composed  346  or  347.  The  author  exhibits  (c.  7)  an  ac- 
curate acquaintance  with  the  environs  of  Henna  in  Sicily  and  was  pos- 
sibly a  native  of  this  island  (like  the  heathen  writer),  or  he  may  have 
resided  there. 

8.  The  arguments  are  in  general  the  same  as  in  the  other  Chri- 
stian apologetic  writers,  except  that  the  author  enters  also  into  the 
religious  notions  and  usages  of  the  East  (Egyptians,  Phrygians,  Assy- 
rians, Persians).  He  also  quotes  the  Bible,  especially  the  Old  Testament, 
more  extensively  than  his  predecessors.  He  quotes  from  an  old  Latin 
version  which  seems  to  have  been  made  in  Africa  in  the  second  cen- 
tury and  which  agrees  with  the  citations  in  Cyprian  and  Primasius 
(saec.  VI),  Bursian  p.  IX— XI.  Firm.,  however,  also  exhibits  knowledge 
of  Greek,  e.  g.  13,  4:  Porphyrins  (s.  n.  9)  .  .  in  libris  quos  appellat 
n(Ql  rrjg  t/.  loyioiv  <fjikoaon)f.(cg.  The  quinque  Minervae  (16,  1)  he  seems 
to  have  borrowed  from  Cicero  de  deorum  nat.  The  diction  is  pathetic 
and  abounds  in  exclamations  and  oratorical  questions,  c.  8  he  intro- 
duces Sol  speaking  (ethopoeiaco  sermone  8,  4).  The  language  is  ple- 
beian in  using  suus  instead  of  eius,  in  the  consecutio  temporum  and 
in  the  use  of  quod  after  nescientes,  persuadetur;  see  Halm  p.  135 — 137. 


Firmiciis  Maternns  the  Christian  ivriter.     Philosophy.  359 

9.  In  point  of  diction  the  Christian  work  frequently  agrees  with 
the  heathen  (Bursian  p.  VII),  but  this  may  be  explained  on  the  supposi- 
tion that  both  received  their  education  at  the  same  school  (Bursian 
p.  IX).  In  all  other  points  their  views  are  diametrically  different.  The 
heathen  is  a  peaceable,  mild  and  resigned  nature,  while  the  Christian 
is  aggressive  and  fanatical;  the  heathen  disapproves  of  robbing  temples 
(III  8.  p.  70.  13  p.  77),  the  Christian  even  advises  it.  Of  the  neoplatonic 
philosopher  Porphyrins  the  heathen  says  (VII  praef.  p.  193) :  apud  Py- 
thagoreos  noster  Porphyrius  religiosa  epulantem  animum  nostrum  silentio 
consecravit  (ib.) ;  the  Christian  calls  him  (13,  4)  hostis  dei,  veritatis 
inimicus,  sceleratarum  artium  magister.  Contradictions  of  this  kind 
which  cannot  possibly  be  assumed  in  the  same  individual,  though  in 
succession,  would  even  have  coexisted,  to  judge  from  the  chronological 
relation  of  the  two  works.  On  the  other  hand,  the  equality  of  the 
two  names  renders  it  probable  that  the  authors  were  brothers  or  cou- 
sins.    Bursian  p.  IX. 

10.  The  principal  editions  of  the  Christian  work  may  be  seen 
above  n.  6.  It  has  also  frequently  been  published  together  with  Minu- 
cius  Felix  or  Cyprian  or  Arnobius;  separately  also  Hamburg  1603  by 
Jo.  a  Wower.  Edidit  Fr.  Miinter,  Copenhagen  1826.  XXX  and  122  pp. 
Fr.  Oehler,  Lips.  1847.  Besides  also  in  Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  V  p.  23  sqq., 
in  Migne's  curs,  patrol.  XII  (Paris  1845)  p.  971 — 1050  (a  reprint  of 
Miinter's  edition). 

Jo.  Mi.  Hertz,  de  lul.  Firm,  Mat.  eiusque  inprimis  de  err.  prof, 
rel.  libello,  Kopenhagen  1817.  J.  Burckhardt,  Constantine  p.  222.  263 
(note).    406. 

402.  Athens  remained  the  high  school  of  philosophy, 
which  was  studied  there  in  the  theosophic  and  theurgic  man- 
ner of  the  Neoplatonists  intended  to  counterbalance  the 
Christian  reUgion.  This  tendency  gained  also  ground  at  Rome; 
though  there  existed  also  sober  Aristotelian  schematism  and 
an  eclectic  philosophy  in  the  style  of  Varro  and  Cicero. 

1.  On  the  Neoplatonism  of  this  time  see  Burckhardt,  Constantine 
p.  248  sq.  254  sqq.  It  was  represented  under  Constantine  by  Porphy- 
rius, lamblichus  and  his  pupil  Sopater,  who  was  first  favoured,  and 
subsequently  (after  330)  executed  by  Constantine  (Burckhardt  1.  1.  p. 
404  sq.);  Nicagoras  of  Athens  (Corp.  inscr.  gr.  4470).  In  Julian's  time 
Maximus  Proaeresius  and  others.  Mamertin.  grat.  act.  luliano  23,  4:  tu 
philosophiam,  paulo  ante  suspectam  ac  nedum  spoliatam  honoribus  sed 
accusatam  ac  ream,  non  modo  iudicio  liberasti  sed  amictam  purpura 
.  .  in  regali  solio  collocasti.  Victor  epit.  43,  5:  iuverat  philosophos  et 
Graecorum  sapientissimos. 

2.  Hicronym.  chron.  a.  2347  =  333  A.  I).:  Metrodorus  philosophus 
agnoscitur.  He  was  UfQaoyspi^g  (Cedren.).  Ammian.  XXV  4,  23  (Con- 
stantius  .  .  Metrodori  mendaciis  avidius  adquiescit).   Socr.  hist.  eccl.  I  19. 


360  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

3.  In  Roman  Literature  Neoplatonism  is  represented  by  Firmicus 
(above  401,  1 — 5).  He  speaks  of  Porphyrius  noster  (see  401,  9)  and 
I  3  (p.  9)  praises  Plotinus  (quas  ille  philosophiae  non  attigit  partes  etc.) 
Other  writers  on  astrology  are  mentioned  by  Sidon.  Ap.  c.  22  praef. : 
lulianum  Vertacum,  Fullonium  Saturninum,  in  libris  matheseos  peritis- 
simos  conditores;  cf.  ib.  ep.  VIII  11.  Augustin.  contra  acad.  Ill  18,  41: 
OS  Platonis  .  .  emicuit  maxime  in  Plotino,  qui  platonicus  philosophus 
ita  eius  similis  iudicatus  est  .  .  ut  in  hoc  ille  revixisse  putandus  sit. 
19,  42:  itaque  nunc  philosophos  non  fere  videmus  nisi  aut  cynicos  aut 
peripateticos  aut  platonicos. 

4.  Donat.  on  Ter.  Eun.  IV  5,  4  (hoc  multum  academicos  iuvat  etc.). 
August.  Epist.  I  1 :  academicos  ego  ne  inter  iocandum  quidem  umquam 
lacessere  auderem.  Contra  acad.  II  23 :  inter  quos  (die  academici)  et 
me  .  .  nihil  distat  nisi  quod  illis  probabile  visum  est  non  posse  inveniri 
veritatem,  mihi  autem  inveniri  posse  probabile  est.  nam  ignoratio  veri 
est  .  .  utrisque  communis. 

5.  August,  confess.  VIII  3  (see  403,  2)  cf.  VII  9  (13)  :  quosdam 
Platonicorum  libros  ex  graeca  lingua  in  latinam  versos.  He  means  those 
of  the  rhetorician  Marius  Victorinus  (below  403,  2).  Cassiod.  expos, 
in  Psalm.  II  p.'  28:  si  quis  .  .  de  modis  syllogismorum  .  .  plenissime 
nosse  desiderat  Aristotelem  in  Graecis ,  Victorinum  autem  Marium 
lectitet  in  Latinis. 

403.  The  grammarian  and  rhetorician  C.  Marius  Victo- 
rinus, about  the  middle  of  this  century,  possessed  much  cul- 
ture and  was  exceedingly  active.  He  wrote  philosophical  and 
rhetorical  Avorks,  and  four  books  on  metres  which  have  come 
down  to  us.  In  his  later  years  Victorinus  was  converted  to 
Christianity  and  then  wrote  commentaries  on  St.  Paul's  letters, 
and  defended  the  orthodox  doctrine  against  the  Arians  and 
Manichaeans.  Some  poems  on  biblical  subjects  are  also  as- 
signed to  Victorinus.  It  is  very  doubtful  whether  this  name 
should  be  understood  of  Marius  Victorinus  concerning  the 
authorship  of  the  poems  and  a  number  of  grammatical, 
metrical  and  rhetorical  works. 

1.  Hieronym.  vir.  illustr.  101:  Victorinus  natione  Afer  Romae 
sub  Constantio  principe  rhetoricam  docuit  et  in  extrema  senectute 
Christi  se  tradens  fidei  (see  Augustin.  confess.  VIII  2)  scripsit  adversus 
Arium  libros  more  dialectico  valde  obscuros,  qui  nisi  ab  eruditis  non 
intelleguntur,  et  commentarios  in  apostolura.  Praef.  comm.  in  epist. 
ad  Galat. :  non  quia  ignorem  C.  Marium  Victorinum,  qui  Romae  me 
puero  rhetoricam  docuit,  edidisse  commentarios  in  apostolum,  sed  quod 
occupatus  ille  eruditione  saecularium  litterarum  omnino  sanctas  ignora- 
verit.  Chron.  ad  a.  2370  (Freh.  ad  a.  2371)  =:  354  A.  D. :  Victorinus 
rhetor  et  Donatus  grammaticus,    praeceptor  meus,  Romae  insignes  ha- 


Philosophy.     Marius   Victor inus.  361 

bentur.  e  quibus  Victorinus  etiam  statuam  in  foro  Traiani  meruit  (cf. 
n.  2).  Cassiod.  de  inst.  div. :  Victorinus  ex  rhetore  episcopus.  He  is 
different  from  Victorinus  Petavionensis  episcopus  whose  commentaries 
on  parts  of  the  Old  Testament  are  enumerated  by  Hieronym.  vir,  ill.  74 
and  who  ad  extremum  martyrio  coronatus  est  (ib.).  The  bishop  was 
somewhat  older  than  the  grammarian. 

2.  Augustin.  confess.  VIII  2  (3):  legisse  me  quosdam  libros  Pla- 
tonicorum  quod  Victorinus  quondam  rhetor  urbis  Romae,  quem  christi- 
anum  defunctum  esse  audieram,  in  latinam  linguam  transtulisset.  .  . 
ille  doctissimus  senex  et  omnium  liberalium  doctrinarum  peritissimus 
quique  philosophorum  tarn  multa  legerat  et  diiudicaverat,  doctor  tot 
nobilium  senatorum,  qui  etiam  ob  insigne  praeclari  magisterii  .  .  sta- 
tuam in  rom.  foro  meruerat  et  acceperat.  Isidor.  Orig.  II  25,  1 :  nunc 
Isagogas  Porphyrii  (an  introduction  to  the  categories  of  Aristotle)  ex- 
pediamus.  ib.  9:  Isagogas  autem  ex  graeco  in  latinum  transtulit  Victo- 
rinus orator,  commentumque  eius  quinque  libris  Boetius  edidit,  who 
styles  Vict,  orator  sui  temporis  ferme  doctissimus.  Victorini  (commen- 
tarii)  in  dialogos  (Ciceronis)  are  mentioned  by  Hieronym,  apol.  c.  Rufin. 
I  16.  Cassiod.  de  dialect,  p.  539  b  (=  Isid.  Or.  II  28,  25):  librum 
Marii  Victorini  qui  inscribitur  de  syllogismis  hypotheticis.  Hence  Isid. 
Or.  II  29  (de  divisione  definitionum  ex  Marii  Victorini  libro  abbreviata). 
F.  Osann,  Contributions  II  p.  373  —  377. 

3.  The  Ars  grammatica  de  orthographia  et  de  metrica  ratione 
which  bears  the  name  of  Marius  Victorinus  deals  in  four  books  almost 
exclusively  with  metre.  Only  the  first  book  contains  first  some  gram- 
matical observations  from  the  same  sources  as  Charisius,  Diomed  and 
Dositheus,  then  extensive  statements  on  orthography,  a  careless  extract 
ro  m  some  good  old  authority,  perhaps  Verrius  Flaccus  (W.  Schady,  de 
Mari  Vict.  I  4  de  orthogr.  P.  1,  Bonn  1869.  49  pp.).  The  second  half, 
p.  37—50,  treats  again  of  letters  and  syllables,  but  chiefly  in  regard  to 
metre.  All  the  rest  deals  with  metre.  The  first  part  (except  book  I 
also  II  and  III  2.  3)  is  a  complete  manual  of  metre  according  to  the 
system  of  Hephaestion,.the  second  (III  1.  4  sqq.  to  the  end)  a  theory 
of  metres  according  to  Varro's  and  Caesius  Bassius'  theory  of  the 
metra  derivata.  The  first  half  is  parallel  to  the  works  of  Atilius  and 
Diomed  (Westphal,  allg.  gr.  Metr.  p.  147  sq.),  the  second  half  agrees 
with  Terentianus  (Westphal  p.  127—129).  The  author  seems  to  have 
chiefly  used  Juba  and  Terentianus,  perhaps  through  the  medium  of 
Aphthonius.  Westphal  p.  43  sq.  135  sq.  143.  The  subscription  of  b.  I 
is:  Marii  Victorini  de  metris  didascalicis  liber  I  expl.  fel.  Citations  of 
b.  II  (Victorinus  dicit)  ap.  Rufin.  de  metr.  terent.  p.  380  sq.  9.  The 
fourth  book  bears  in  all  mss.  the  subscription:  Aelii  Festi  Aphthonii  v. 
p.  de  metris  (omnibus)  explicit  lib.  IV  feliciter.  It  would  therefore 
seem  that  Aphthonius  is  the  author  copied  and  followed  by  Victorinus 
(from  the  second  half  of  b.  I);  see  H.  Keil,  gramm.  quaest.  I  p.  VII — X, 
and  against  him  Th.  Bergk  Philol.  XVI  p.  639—647.  This  metrical 
manual  was  first  edited  (from  Palat.  1753,   saec.  IX — X)    by  J.  Camera- 


362  The  Fourth  Century  of  tlie  Imperial  Epoch. 

rius  (Tubingen  1537.  4),  then  also  in  the  collection  of  Putsche  p.  2450 
sqq.,  in  Gaisford's  Scriptores  rei  metr,  lat.  p.  1 — 241,  in  H.  Keil's 
gramm.  lat.  VI  1.  There  then  follows  (likewise  by  Mar.  Vict.)  an  index 
metrorum  Horatii,  definitions  of  ode,  melos  etc.  (from  a  treatise  de 
partibus  carminum),  which  bear  in  the  Paris,  the  subscription:  explicit 
ars  grammatica  Victorini  Mari  de  orthogr.  et  de  metrorum  ratione.  — 
H.  Keil,  quaestionum  gramm.  P.  I:  de  Marii  Victorini  arte  grammatica, 
Halle  1871   (Index  lect.  of  summer  1871)  XII  pp.  4. 

4.  There  exist  in  many  mss.  and  generally  together  two  trivial 
treatises  De  ratione  metrorum  and  De  finalibus  syllabis.  The  earliest 
ms.  Bobiensis  (now  Vindob.  16)  saec.  VIII  (commentum  Maximini  Victo- 
rini de  rat.  metr.),  Frising.  81  (at  Munich)  saec.  X  (commentarium 
Maximiani  Vict,  de  re  m.)  and  Paris.  7491  saec.  X  (commentum  Maximi 
Vict,  de  re  m.).  The  first  may  possibly  be  derived  from  a  work  of 
Maximus  Vict.,  though  in  a  fragmentary  and  abridged  text.  Cf.  Osann, 
Contributions  II  p.  362 — 364.  De  final,  syllab.  is  without  mention  of 
the  author's  name  contained  in  Paris.  7530  saec.  VIII,  Sangall.  876 
saec.  IX,  Bern.  207  and  Palat.  1753  saec.  IX— X.  In  the  Bern.  338 
saec.  IX  only  the  end  (de  caesuris)  bears  the  name  of  Victorinus;  in 
Vindob.,  Fris.,  Paris.  7491  and  elsewhere  the  author  is  called  Metro  rius 
(or  Metr.  Maximus,  Metr.  Maximinus),  a  name  which  may  have  arisen 
from  the  title  de  final,  metrorum  (Max.  having  been  added  owing  to 
Vict.).  This  work  agrees  in  many  parts  verbally  with  Servius'  work  de 
finalibus  ad  Aquilinum  (Osann  1.  1.  II  p.  377 — 380.  H.  Keil,  gramm.  lat. 
IV  p.  XLIII — XLV),  and  is  a  school-book  derived  from  an  unknown 
source,  with  very  few  traces  of  earlier  scholarshij).  Edited  by  Eichen- 
feld  and  Endlicher,  Anal.  Vindob.  p.  453  sqq.  (Maximus  Vict.),  also  in 
A.  Mai's  auct.  class.  Ill  p.  504  sqq.  (Metrosius  Maximinus),  Keil  gram, 
lat.  VI  1.,  see  his  quaest.  gramm.  (Halle  1871.  4.)   p.  I — VIII  and  p.  X. 

5.  The  same  subjects  as  the  works  mentioned  in  n.  4  and  likewise 
for  school-use,  though  without  direct  coincidence  with  them,  are  treated 
in  the  works  (found  in  but  few  mss.)  De  arte  grammatica  and  De 
hexametro  (s.  heroico)  versu  in  questions  and  answers.  The  oldest  ms. 
is  Vatic.  1587  (saec.  X)  ars  Victurini ;  of  the  gramm.  alone  Sangall.  377 
saec.  X  (ars  Victorini  grammatici) ;  the  beginning  in  Vindob.  16  saec. 
VIII  (liber  Palemonis  de  arte);  De  hexam.  alone  in  Paris,  7559  saec.  X 
(ars  Palamonis  de  metr.  inst.).  Just  as  both  are  joined  and  partly 
ascribed  to  one  and  the  same  author  (Palaemo),  they  resemble  each 
other  in  many  details  (e.  g.  in  their  preference  for  quippe  and  quoties), 
and  from  both  m.uch  has  been  inserted  in  the  ars  grammatica  of  Audax 
(below^  474,  5).  Victorinus  probably  means  Mar.  Vict.,  whom  we  cannot, 
however,  credit  with  the  extant  confused  and  lacunose  shape  of  the 
gramm.  Perhaps  gramm.  may  be  taken  from  him,  but  with  considerable 
abbreviations  and  alterations.  Printed  (as  erotemata)  in  Eichenfeld  and 
Endlicher,  Anal.  Vindob.  p.  199  sqq.  and  Keil  VI  1.  Cf.  Osann  Contrib. 
II  p.  355—358.  H.  Keil,  quaest.  gramm.  II  (Halle  1871.  4.)  p.  V— X. 
The  work  De  hexametro  v.  professes  to  be  a  fragment  of  a  large  me- 


Marws    Victorinus.  363 

trical  work  (see  the  end  of  it)  and  was  composed  in  the  middle  of  the 
fourth  century  (cf.  p.  1957  P. :  nostra  quoque  memoria  Lactantius).  It 
differs  in  several  details  from  the  doctrine  of  Marius  Victorinus.  If  it 
be  by  the  same  author  as  gramm.,  and  by  Mar.  Vict.,  we  should  assume 
that  M.  Vict,  when  first  treating  grammar  dealt  also  with  metre  in  the 
usual  superficial  manner,  but  subsequently,  Aphthonii  librum  nactus, 
de  elementis  artis  grammaticae  pauca  repetivit  iisque  doctiores  quosdam 
commentarios  (especially  de  orthographia)  addidit,  de  metris  autem 
multo  uberius  quam  antea  factum  erat  exposuit  (H.  Keil,  quaest.  gram. 
II  p.  XII).  Cf.  Osann  II  p.  358 — 362.  Both  works  (gramm.  and  de 
hex.)  in  Putsche  p.  1937 — 1974,  Lindemann  p.  271 — 304,  Keil  gramm. 
VI  1.  Cf.  Lersch,  Ztschr.  f.  A.  W.  1840  p.  109,  cf.  Class.  Mus.  IX  1845. 
p.  284—290.  Grafenhan,  Hist,  of  class.  Philol.  IV  p.  91—93.  F.  Osann, 
Contribut.  II  p.  364  sqq.  H.  Wentzel,  Symb.  critt.  (Breslau  1858)  p. 
55 — 63.  H.  Keil,  quaest.  gramm.  II:  de  Maximi  Victorini  libris  de  arte 
grammatica  qui  feruntur,  Halle  1871  (winter)  XII  pp.   4. 

6.  The  lengthy  commentary  on  Cicero's  rhetoric  and  which  con- 
tains little  of  any  value  (above  169,  1)  belongs  to  some  Victorinus,  as 
all  the  mss.  agree  in  this  name,  but  not  to  our  rhetorician  Marius 
Victorinus.  In  the  cod.  Vatic,  (the  first  leaf  being  wanting  in  the 
Darmstad.  saec.  VII)  the  author  is  called  Q.  Laurentius  Fabius  Victori- 
nus Marius,  in  the  Frising.  (saec.  X)  briefly  Victorinus,  and  not  until 
saec.  XI  (in  the  Bamberg.)  Marius  Fabius  Victorinus.  This  commentary 
is  printed  in  the  collections  of  the  Rhetores  latini,  last  of  all  in  Orelli's 
edition  of  Cicero,  vol.  V  1  p.  1 — 180,  and  in  Halm's  Rhetores  lat.  min. 
p.  153 — 304.  Cf.  Halm  p.  VIII  sq.  Grafenhan,  Hist,  of  class.  Philology 
IV  p.  304.  C.  L.  Kayser,  Mar.  Victor,  and  Cic.  de  inv.,  Philol.  VJ 
p.  706—718. 

7.  On  the  Christian  works  of  Vict,  see  n.  1.  The  exegetical  works 
on  the  Bible  do  not  seem  to  be  extant,  except  the  work  De  verbis 
scripturae :  factum  est  vespere  et  mane  dies  unus.  But  we  possess  by 
him  De  trinitate  contra  Arium  libri  IV  and  De  ofxoovGfio  recipiendo. 
His  name  is  also  given  to  the  works  De  generatione  verbi  divini  opus- 
culum  (=  Confutatorium  Candidi  Ariani)  and  Ad  lustinum  Manichaeum 
contra  duo  principia  Manichaeorum  et  de  vera  carne  Christi.  In  the 
Bibl.  patr.  max.  (Lugd.  1677)  Tom.  IV,  in  Gallandi  Bibl.  patr.  Tom.  VIII 
and  Migne's  Patrol.  VIII  these  works  are  printed  together. 

8.  The  Christian  poems  by  some  Victorinus  are  a)  De  fratribus 
VII  Maccabaeis  interfectis  ab  Antiocho  Epiphane,  about  400  hexameters ; 
b)  three  hymns  de  trinitate;  c)  hymnus  de  pascha  domini  s.  de  ligno 
vitae  =  cruce,  70  hexameters;  d)  De  Jesu  Christo  deo  et  domino,  137 
hexameters.  Cf.  G.  Fabricius,  poetae  christ.  and  A.  Rivinus,  sanctae 
rehquiae  Victorinorum,  Gotha  1652. 

9.  Sub  Constantino  et  eius  filiis  Hieronymus  de  viris  ill.  places 
the  following  Christian  writers  (most  in  Greek):  Eustathius  (85), 
Marcellus  (86),  Athanasius  (87),  Antoninus  monachus  (88);  sub  Constantio 


364  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

principe  he  jjlaces  Basilius  (89),  Theodorus  (90),  Eusebius  of  Emesa  (91), 
Triphyllius  (92),  Donatus  the  heretic  (93),  Asteriui?  (94),  Lucifer  (below 
411,  4),  Eusebius  Sardus  (96),  Fortunatianus  (97),  Acacius  (98),  Sera- 
pion  (99)  and  Hilarius  (below  410,  1 — 3). 

404.  The  grammarian  and  rhetorician  Aelius  Donatus 
taught  at  Rome  about  the  middle  of  the  century.  By  him 
we  possess  1)  a  Grammar  (Ars).  drawn  from  the  same  sour- 
ces as  Charisius  and  Diomed,  2)  a  valuable  commentary  on 
Terence^;  which  is  not  however  extant  in  its  original  shape. 
Donatus  had  likewise  written  commentaries  on  Virgil  (Geor- 
gica  and  Aeneid),  which  are  frequently  quoted  by  Servius. 

1.  Hieronym.  chron.  ad  354  A.  D.  see  403,  1.  Comm.  in  Eccles. 
c.  1  (T.  Ill  p.  390  Vail.) :  praeceptor  meus  Donatus.  Apol.  adv.  Rufin.  I 
16  (T.  II  p.  472):  (puer  legeris)  in  Terentii  comoedias  praeceptoris  mei 
Donati  (commentarios),  aeque  in  Vergilium  et  aliorum  in  alios.  The 
commentary  on  Terence  bears  in  the  mss.  the  title:  Aelii  Donati  v.  c. 
oratoris  urbis  Romae.  All  further  statements  concerning  his  life  are 
mediaeval  inventions;  especially  the  scurrilous  vita  Donati  by  Flaccus 
Rebius  in  H.  Hagen's  Anecdota  Helvet.  p.  CCLX  sq. 

2.  The  Ars  Donati  grammatici  urbis  Romae  is  extant  in  a  twofold 
text,  a  brief  one  (Ars  minor)  which  treats  only  of  the  eight  parts  of 
speech  (Keil  IV  p.  355 — 366)  and  a  longer  one  in  three  books  (Putsche 
p.  1735—1779,  Keil  IV  p.  367—402.)  On  the  mss.  coritaining  it  see 
Keil  IV  p.  XXXI — XL.  The  agreement  with  Charisius  and  especially 
with  Diomed  may  be  explained  from  their  using  the  same  sources.  In 
general  Diomed  contains  more  information  (Keil  p.  XL  sq.).  Later 
readers  preferred  Donatus  and  he  was  both  commented  on  and  epito- 
mized. Thus  we  have  Servii  comraentarius  in  artem  Donati  (Keil  IV 
p.  405—448),  by  the  pretended  Servius  or  Sergius  two  books  explana- 
tionum  in  artem  Donati  (Keil  IV  p.  486—565);  Pompelus'  commentum 
artis  Donati  (Keil  V  p.  95 — 312),  the  bishop  Julianus'  commentarius  in 
Donatum  (Excerpta  from  it  in  Keil  V  p.  317 — 328).  The  commenta 
Einsiedlensia  in  Donati  artem  minorem,  maiorem,  barbarismum  (Hagen's 
Anecd.  Helv.  p.  202-274,  with  p.  CVII-CXVI).  Grafenhan,  Hist,  of 
class.  Philol.  IV  p.  107—109. 

3.  Ps.  Serg.  explan.  by  Keil  IV  p.  486:  hie  Donatus  v(ir)  c(larissi- 
mus)  d(ootissimus  ?)  Vergilianum  carmen  et  Terentii  comoedias  mirifice 
commentavit.  The  extant  commentary  on  Terence  (above  98,  3)  is  an 
uncritical  compilation  from  two  or  three  commentaries,  one  of  which 
was  by  Donatus,  the  other  by  Euanthius  (above  400,  8).  The  rhetori- 
cal and  philosophical  notes  are  no  doubt  by  Donatus.  Usener,  Rhein. 
Mus.  XXUI  p.  493—495.  Ed.  princeps  Rome  1472;  then  in  most  of  the 
old  editions  of  Terence  down  to  Zeune.  L.  Schopen,  de  Terentio  et 
Donato  eius  interprete,   Bonn  1821,    and  Specimen  emend,  in  Ael.  Do- 


Donatus.     Palladws.  365 

nati  comm.  Ter.,  Bonn  1826.  4.  A.  Richter,  de  Donati  comra.  Ter.,  Bonn 
1854.  W.  Hahn,  on  the  origin  of  the  Scholia  of  Don.  on  Terence, 
Halberstadt  1870.  10  pp.  4.  (Progr.  of  the  Realsch.).  Of  the  treatise 
De  tragoedia  et  comoedia  the  second  half  (beginning:  Comoedia  est  fa- 
bula  diversa  etc.)  is  probably  from  Donatus'  introduction  (see  above 
12,  2),  and  the  same  is  certain  of  the  excellent  vita  Terentii  (above 
97,  1),  which  Donatus  took  from  Suetonius  merely  adding  a  few  words 
at  the  end.  Grafenhan,  Hist,  of  class.  Philol.  IV  p.  313 — 315.  The  prin- 
cipal ms.  is  a  Parisinus  saec.  XI,  all  the  other  mss.  (saec.  XV)  are  de- 
rived from  the  same  source,  probably  the  codex  found  at  Mayence  by 
J.  Aurispa  a.  1433;  H.  Keil,  lo.  Aurispae  epistula  (Halle  1870.  4.)  p. 
Vm  sq. 

4.  Donatus'  commentary  on  Virgil  mentioned  by  Servius  and 
Priscian  (XV  2.  p.  61  Htz. :  Donatus  in  commento  Aeneidos:  cf.  XVIII 
126.  p.  266)  is  not  extant.  From  the  quotations  it  would  appear  that 
in  it  D.  functus  est  et  emendando  et  distinguendo  et  explicando  et 
quaestionibus  solvendis  omnibus  fere  interpretis  officiis,  tamen  ut  quae 
restant  vituperation e  multo  saepius  quam  laude  digna  videantur,  Rib- 
beck  Prolegg.  in  Verg.  p.  178,  his  detailed  reasons  being  given  p.  178 
— 185.  On  Ti.  Claudius  Donatus,  whose  Interpretationes  on  the  Aeneid 
are  extant  see  below  422,  5  sqq.  M.  D.  A.  v.  d.  Hoeven,  Ep.  ad  Su- 
ringarium  de  Donati  comm.  in  Verg,  Aen.,  Leovard  1846. 

5.  In  a  Berne  ms.  the  following  are  mentioned  as  pupils  of  Do- 
natus and  natives  of  Sicily :  Honoratus  (meaning  especially  the  centi- 
meter, below  423,  4),  Sergius  (probably  the  author  of  the  liber  de  syl- 
laba,  de  pedibus  etc.),  Maximus  (Victorinus)  and  Metrorius  (above  403, 
4).     H.  Hagen,  Anecd.  Helv.  p.  CXLIX  sq. 

405.  It  was  probably  in  this  time  that  Palladius  wrote 
his  14  books  on  husbandry,  in  which  he  merely  collected  the 
views  of  his  predecessors  and  his  own  experience  without  any 
claim  to  erudition.  The  principal  part  is  (b.  II — XIII)  the 
enumeration  of  rural  business,  arranged  according  to  months. 
Book  XIV,  which  treats  of  the  cultivation  of  trees,  is  dedi- 
dicated  to  a  certain  Pasiphilus  and  consists  of  85  elegiac 
distichs. 

1.  The  title:  Palladii  Rutilii  Tauri  Aemiliani,  viri  ill.,  de  re  rustica 
liber  I  etc.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Palladius  belongs  to  the  fourth 
century,  but  we  do  not  know  to  what  part  of  it.  The  person  of  Pasi- 
philus does  not  decide  anything,  as  we  cannot  fix  on  any  one  of  the 
different  persons  of  that  name,  whether  it  be  the  praef.  urbi  of  a.  355 
(Gruter  p.  1080,  1.  Borghesi,  Memor.  of  the  Turin  Acad.  XXXVIH.  1835 
=:  Oeuvres  III  p.  463  sqq.)  or  the  philosopher  who  saved  the  life  of 
Eutropius  a.  371  (Ammian.  XXIX  1,  36)  or  the  one  mentioned  in  the 
Cod.  Theod.  H  1,  8  (a.   395).     It  is  therefore  improbable  that  the  Pal- 


366  The   Foui'th  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

ladius  praised  by  Rutih  Nam.  It.  207  sqq.,  son  of  Exuperantius,  a  fa- 
cundus  iuvenis  of  Gaul,  who  was  also  related  to  Nam.,  is  the  writer  in 
question.  As  he  shares  the  confused  monotheism  of  the  fourth  century 
(II:  si  divina  faverint;  XIV  21 :  ipse  poli  rector  etc.),  but  at  the  same 
time  names  Apollo,  Bacchus,  the  Nymphs  and  other  deities  of  the  old 
creed,  we  are  inclined  to  consider  him  as  a  contemporary  of  the  astro- 
loger Firmicus  Maternus,  and  the  praef.  urbi  a.  355  as  the  person  ad- 
dressed by  him.  The  name  of  Palladius  is  frequently  borne  by  high 
officials  in  saec.  IV  and  V;  see  Hanel,  ind.  leg.  p.  123.  Borghesi's 
Taurus  is  calculated  to  mislead.  The  designation  of  the  chapters  by 
tituli  was  probably  not  introduced,  but  rather  adopted  by  the  cod. 
Theod. 

2.  Book  I  contains  a  survey  of  quae  pertinent  ad  generale  prae- 
ceptum  (I  43,  4).  Style  is  no  matter:  neque  enim  formator  agricolae 
debet  artibus  et  eloquentia  rhetores  aemulari,  quod  a  plerisque  factum 
est  (I  1,  1).  The  sources  are  rarely  mentioned,  most  frequently  Colu- 
mella, then  Gargilius  Martialis,  Mago,  once  also  Apuleius.  Pallad.  Ill 
30  =■  Geopon.  V  38  (Sotion).  P.  generally  appeals  to  Graeci.  For  his 
own  experience  cf.  IV  10,  16:  quod  ego  in  Sardinia  (et  in)  tcrritorio 
Neapolitano  in  fundis  meis  comperi.  ib.  24:  ego  .  .  in  Italia  .  .  plantas 
grandes  ficorum  .  .  disposui.  There  is  a  good  deal  of  superstition. 
The  sentences  are  generally  brief.  B.  XIV  (ad  Pasiphilum,  virum  doctis- 
simum)  is  an  imitation  of  Colum.  X,  though  not  successful.  The  choice 
of  elegiac  metre  is  in  itself  unsuitable.  The  diction  betrays  the  great 
pains  bestowed  upon  it;  it  is  monotonous  and  heavy,  full  of  unneces- 
sary pathos.     The  prosody  is  correct. 

3.  Cassiod.  div.  lectt.  28:  Aemilianus  explanatos  duodecim  (he  is 
probably  thinking  of  the  rural  almanac)  libros  de  hortis  vel  pecoribus 
aliisque  rebus  planissima  lucidatione  disseruit.  In  the  Middle  Ages  Pall, 
was  much  used  on  account  of  the  practical  arrangement  and  also  the 
poverty  of  the  work. 

4.  Text  in  the  Scriptores  rei  rust.,  see  above  44,  2.  A  separate 
edition  Paris  1537.  4.  The  fourtenth  book  (de  insitionibus)  also  in 
Wernsdorf,  poetae  latt.  min.  VI  p.  135 — 159   cf.  p.  15 — 21. 

5.  On  Palladius  see  especially  E.  H.  F.  Meyer,  Hist,  of  Botany, 
II  (1855)  p.  328—333. 

406.  The  fourth  century  produced  also  the  various  books 
of  travel,  itineraria,  which  have  come  down  to  us.  To  the 
commencement  of  it  we  should  probably  assign  the  two  so- 
called  Itineraria  Antonini,  being  lists  of  routes  in  the  Ro- 
man Empire,  both  by  land  and  by  sea.  In  the  year  333  we  pos- 
sess the  route  of  a  pilgrimage  from  Burdigala  to  Jerusalem 
(Itinerarium  Burdigalense  or  Hierosolymitarium).  For  the 
expedition  of  Constantius   against  Persia   (a.  340 — 345)    and 


Palladius.     Itinerarla.  367 

dedicated  to  that  Emperor  was  the  Itinerarium  Alex  and  ri,  a 
sketch  of  the  Persian  expedition  of  Alexander  the  Great.  Of 
the  two  extant  lists  of  the  Regions  of  the  city  of  Rome  the 
one  is  of  the  middle  of  this  century,  the  other  of  the  second 
half  of  it. 

1.  Vetera  Romanorum  itineraria  (Antonini,  Hierosol.  and  Hieroclis 
Synecdemus)  cum  notis  varr.  ed.  P.  Wesseling,  Amsterdam  1735.  4. 
Fortia  d'Urban,  Recueil  des  itineraires  anciens ,  avec  dix  cartes, 
Paris  1845. 

2.  Itinerarium  provinciarum  Antonini  Aug.  (p.  1 — 234  Parthey)  and 
Imp.  Antonini  Aug.  itinerarium  maritimum  (p.  235 — 259  P.).  According 
to  Parthey  (Itinerarium  Antonini  et  Hierosol.  ex  libris  mss.  edd.  G. 
Parthey  et  M.  Pinder;  accedunt  duo  tabulae,  Berlin  1848)  p.  VI  the 
groundwork  is  of  the  age  of  Caracalla,  but  with  continual  additions. 
The  extant  recension  of  the  better  class  of  mss.  Diocletiani  aetate  neque 
vetustior  est  neque  recentior  (ib.),  as  it  contains  the  name  of  Diocle- 
tianopolis,  and  as  the  statements  of  the  distances  are  not  calculated 
from  Constantinople,  but  generally  from  Rome  (p.  VII).  The  Itinerar. 
Antonini  edited  by  T.  Tobler,  St.  Gall  1863. 

3.  L.  Renier,  Itin.  romains  de  la  Gaule,  Paris  1850.  M.  Pinder,  on 
the  It.  Burd.  and  a  ms.  of  it  at  Verona  hitherto  not  used  (Monthly 
Trans,  of  the  Berlin  Academy  1860  p.  316).  A.  de  Barthelemy,  It.  de 
Bordeaux  a  Jerusalem  d'apres  un  ms.  de  Verone,  Revue  archeol.  1864. 
II  p.  98 — 112.  A.  Bertrand,  les  voies  rom.  en  Gaule,  Paris  1863.  Aures, 
concordance  des  voies  apoUinaires  (A.  5)  et  de  I'itineraire  de  Bordeaux 
a  Jerusalem  .  .  et  comparaison  .  .  avec  I'itin.  d'Antonin  et  avec  la  table 
Theodosienne,  Nismes  1868. 

4.  Itinerarium  Alexandri  ad  Constantium  Aug.  ed.  nunc  primum 
.  .  Ang.  Mai,  Mediol.  1817.  4.  (Frankf.  o.  M.  1818.  8.);  also  in  his 
Classici  auct.  T.  VII,  and  by  C.  Miiller  in  F.  Diibner's  edition  of  Ar- 
rianus  (Paris  1846),  after  Pseudo -Callisthenes,  p.  155  —  167.  Ed.  D. 
Volkmann,  Naumburg  1871.  VIII  and  32  pp.  4.  Cf.  Letronne,  Journ. 
des  Savants  1818,  p.  401  sqq.  F.  Haase,  Miscell.  philol.  II  (Breslau 
1858.  4.)  p.  20  sqq.  It  begins:  dextrum  admodum  sciens  et  omini  tibi 
et  magisterio  futurorum,  domine  Constanti,  bonis  melior  imperator,  si 
orso  feliciter  iam  accinctoque  persicam  expeditionem  itinerarium  prin- 
cipum  eodem  opere  gloriosorum,  Alexandri  scilicet  Magni  Traianique, 
componerem,  libens  sane  et  laboris  cum  amore  succubui.  The  end 
(after  c.  120),  being  the  part  concerning  Trajan,  is  lost.  The  work  is 
chiefly  derived  from  Arrianus  (C.  Kluge,  de  itinerario  Alexandri  M., 
Berhn  1861,  p.  4—16)  and  Pseudo-Callisthenes  (ib.  p.  20-31)  in  the 
translation  of  lulius  Valerius  (above  388,  11).  On  the  diction  (archaisms 
etc.)  see  Kluge  p.  46 — 51.  54  sq.  (Graecisms).  Critical  contributions 
by  Kluge  p.  56 — 64. 


368  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

5.  In  the  baths  of  Vicarello  (Aquae  Apollinares)  three  vases  were 
found  with  routes  of  journeys.  A.  Jacob,  les  trois  itin.  des  Aquae  Ap. 
Paris  1859.     Cf.  Revue  archeoi.  1862,  p.  254  sqq.     1870  II  p.  124—129. 

6.  W,  A.  Becker,  Manual  of  Roman  antiquities  p.  709  sqq.  L. 
Preller.  the  Regions  of  the  City  of  Rome,  with  an  introd.  and  com- 
mentary. Jena  1846.  Th.  Mommsen,  Trans,  of  the  Leipzig  Society  of 
Lit.  1850.  4.  p.  601—605.  H.  Jordan,  Topography  of  the  City  of  Rome 
in  ancient  times,  II  Berlin  1871.  680  pp.  (Documents  p.  537—670). 
See  below  407,  3  (XI).  The  texts  are  also  collected  in  C.  L.  Urlicbs' 
codex  urbis  Romae  topographicus,  Wiirzburg  1871.     256  pp. 

7.  The  lists  of  the  Regions  are  probably  derived  from  a  docu- 
ment of  the  time  of  Constantine  which  contained  a  survey  of  the  four- 
teen regions  (quarters)  into  which  Augustus  had  divided  Rome.  The 
earlier  recension  (written  between  a.  334  and  337)  is  found  in  the  mss. 
of  the  Notitia  dignitatum  and  is  therefore  generally  called  Notitia 
(regionum) :  the  later  one  (composed  subsequently  to  a.  357,  probably 
earlier  than  403)  bears  the  title  Curiosum  urbis  Romae  regionum  XIV 
cum  breviariis  (supplements)  suis.  Gf.  H.  Jordan  1.  1.  II  p.  1 — 276.  It 
is  printed  ibid.  p.  537 — 582.  By  additions  to  the  Curiosum  from  the 
basis  capitolina  (above  348,  6)  and  authors,  Italian  scholars  of  the  15th 
century  composed  a  kind  of  topographical  manual  which  was  repre- 
sented as  the  w^ork  of  a  newly  discovered  author  (P.  Victor).  The  name 
of  Sex.  Rufus  was  probably  given  to  the  Curiosum  as  it  was  found  in 
mss,  behind  his  Breviarium  (below  409,  7  sq.).  H.  Jordan,  1.  1.  II  p. 
299—312. 

8.  Notes  by  an  anonymous  monk  of  the  monastery  of  Einsiedeln 
(Anonymus  Einsiedlensis)  on  his  sojourn  at  Rome  (saec.  IX),  edited  by 
G.  Hanel  in  Jahn's  Archiv  V  p.  115  sqq.,  Urlichs  (n.  6)  p.  59 — 78,  and 
H.  Jordan  1.  1.  II  p.  646—663,  cf.  p.  329-356. 

9.  A  production  of  the  middle  of  saec.  XII  is  the  so-called  Mira- 
bilia  Romae,  by  various  authors  and  extant  in  two  recensions.  Edited 
by  G.  Parthey  (e  codd.  vaticanis  emendata),  Berlin  1869,  by  Urlichs 
(n.  6)  p.  91  sqq.  and  H.  Jordan  1.  I.  II  p.  605—643,  cf.  p.  357—536 
(especially  p.  386  sq.) 

2.     The  second  half  of  the  century, 
a.     The    time    before    Theodosius    1. 

407.  In  the  beginning  of  the  second  half  of  the  fourth 
century  we  possess  an  important  historical  source  in  the  ex- 
tensive historical  Handbook  for  the  City  of  Rome  a.  354,  to 
which  a  Vienna  ms.  adds  Chronicles  and  a  List  of  Regions 
of  a.  334  and  continuations  until  a.  539. 

1.     Th.  Mommsen,    on  the  Chronographer  of  a.  354,  in  the  Trans, 
of  the  Saxon  Soc.  of  Lit.  II  (phil.-hist.  Class  I)  of  a.  1850,  p.  549—668. 


Itineraria.     The  Chronographer  of  A.  D.  354: .  369 

2.     In  the  Brussels  ms.    and   the    first    half   of   the   Vindobonensis 
(see  n.  4),  the  Handbook  consists  of  the  following  parts: 

I.  A  calendar,  written  between  340 — 350  by  the  caligrapher  Fu- 
rius  Philocalus,  revised  between  350  and  361  (Mommsen,  p. 
565-571);  see  above  64,  9. 

III.  Fasti  consulares  (the  so-called  Anonymus  Norisianus,  from  the 
edition  by  Norisius,  Florent.  1689),  the  most  complete  and 
trustworthy  of  all  ms.  lists  of  consuls,  from  the  beginning 
until   A.  D.  354.     Mommsen  p.  572.  Edited  p.  611—623. 

IV.  An  Easter-table  carried  down  to  a.  358,  with  later  and  worth- 
less additions  until  a.  410  sq.  Mommsen  p.  572 — 580.  Edited 
p.  624-626. 

V.  A  List  of  the  Roman  prefects,  a.  258—354.  Ibid.  p.  580.  Edited 
p.  627-636. 

VI.  Depositio  episcoporum  et  martyrum,  a  list  of  the  burial  and 
memorial  days  of  the  Roman  bishops  and  of  the  martyrs  from 
a.  255  (235)  until  335,  composed  33(3,  supplemented  352- 369j 
a  precursor  of  the  Christian  calendar.  The  'Martyrologium^ 
is  the  earliest  extant  and  forms  the  basis  of  the  one  ascribed 
to  St.  Jerome.     Ibid.  p.  580  sq.     Edited  p.  631—633. 

VII.  Lists  of  the  Roman  bishops  until  Liberius  (a.  352 — 369)  ac- 
cording to  the  years  of  the  Consuls,  begun  about  230  and 
completed  under  Liberius;  the  first  half  (until  a.  210)  without 
independent  value,  the  second  (231 — 352)  of  an  official  cha- 
racter.    Ibid.  p.  582-585.     Edited  p.  634-637. 

3.     In  the  Vienna  ms.  these  parts,    composed  a.  354  at  Rome,    are 
augmented  by : 

IX.  A  chronicle  of  the  world,  in  agreement  with  the  Bible,  being 
a  later  redaction  of  the  text  extant  in  the  liber  generationis 
(until  a.  234),  two  versions  of  the  same  Greek  original,  pro- 
bably bv  Hippolytus  of  Portus  (above  377,  3).  Mommsen  p. 
585-598.    Edited  p.  637-643. 

X.  A  chronicle  of  the  City,  entitled  Origo  gentis  Romanorum.,  a 
general  survey  of  Roman  History  until  Licinius,  the  earliest 
parts  being  treated  in  the  manner  of  Euhemerus  and  the  Cu- 
riosities of  the  City  being  mentioned  throughout.  Ibid.  p. 
598-601.    Edited  p.  644-648. 

XI.  A  catalogue  of  the  Regions  in  the  recension  of  the  Notitia 
regionum ;  see  above  406,  6  sq. 

Additions  of  a  later  time,  but  not  connected  with  the  rest,  contain 
Annals  in  a  twofold  ttxt,  a  brief  and  meagre  one  (II),  cariied  down  to 
639,  and  a  longer  one  (VJII)  from  Caesar  until  403,  and  agi.ia  455 — 496; 
Mommsen  p.  585.  610.     Edited  p.  656—668. 

21 


370  The  Fovirth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

4.  The  mss.  are  divided  into  two  classes,  the  lost  cod.  Peirescia- 
nus  saec.  VIII  or  IX  and  the  cod.  Bruxellensis  saec.  XVI  which  is  a 
copy  of  it;  on  the  other  hand  Bernensis  saec.  VIII  or  IX  (only  a  few 
leaves),  from  the  original  a  copy  of  which  is  the  Vindobonensis,  the 
most  complete  ot  all.  Mommsen  p.  550—561. 

5.  Edited  by  Mommsen  1.  1.  p.  611 — 668.  The  earlier  editions  of 
some  parts  are  enumerated  ibid.  p.  561 — 564. 

6.  Perhaps  still  in  the  fourth  century  was  written  the  Passio 
sanctorum  IV  coronatorum,  in  which  Pope  Melchiades  (a.  311 — 314)  is 
mentioned  as  dead.  It  was  last  printed  (by  W.  Wattenbach)  in  M. 
Biidinger's  Investigations  on  Roman  Imperial  Hist.  Ill  p.  323  —  338;  cf. 
on  it  0.  Hunziker  ibid.  p.  3—11,  0.  Benndorf  ibid.  p.  339 — 356,  and 
M.  Biidinger,  ibid.  p.  357 — 379. 

408-  The  historical  literature  of  this  time  consists  in  the 
short  abridgments  of  Aurelius  Victor,  Eutropius  and  Sextus 
Rufus.  Sex.  Aurelius  Victor  is  probably  the  author  of  the 
brief  history  of  the  Emperors  (Caesares)  down  to  the  end  of 
Constantius.  To  this  was  added  (probably  in  the  fifth  cen- 
tury) a  sketch  of  Roman  history  during  the  regal  and  repu- 
blican periods  in  the  form  of  biographies  (de  viris  illustribus), 
by  an  anonymous  author,  but  in  the  time  of  Victor.  To  ren- 
der this  complete,  the  compiler  seems  to  have  added  the 
earliest  history  of  Rome  (origo  gentis  romanae),  which  is  like- 
wise extant,  but  destitute  of  historical  value.  The  Imperial 
History  was  abridged  and  carried  down  to  the  death  of  Theo- 
dosius  I.     This  Epitome  has  also  come  down  to  us. 

1.  Hieronym.  Epist.  10,  3  (p.  24  Vail.):  ne  putes  modica  esse  quae 
dejorecor:  .  .  scilicet  commentarios  Fortunatiani  et,  propter  notitiam 
persecutorum,  Aurelii  Victoris  historiam.  This  shows  that  he  means 
the  Imperial  History  which  was,  therefore,  the  work  of  Victor.  Am- 
miaii.  XXI  10,  6  (a.  361):  ubi  (in  Naissus)  Victorem,  apud  Sirmium 
visum  seriptorem  historicum  exindeque  venire  praeceptum,  Pannoniae 
secundae  consularem  praefecit  (Inlianus)  et  honoravit  aenea  statua, 
virum  sobrietatis  gratia  aemulandum,  multo  post  urbi  praefectum.  Lyd. 
de  mag.  Ill  7:  onMina^  oh?  Ovi'xkoq  o  loio^iKoq  tv  rrj  laro^in  nov 
^fi>fvki(i)i'  ^pQovjjL^vTUQi'ov?  o/O'f-  {=■  Cacs.  39,  44).  Victor  Caes.  20,  5: 
mihi  .  .  qui  rure  ortus  tenuique  et  indocto  patre  in  haec  tempora  vitam 
praestiti,  studiis  tantum  honestiorem.  The  work  is  derived  from  good 
sources,  and  becomes  more  extensive  in  approaching  the  author's  own 
time;  it  closes  a.  360.  Constantius  is  called  noster  princeps  42,  5;  cf. 
34,  7  and  41,  9.  nostra  aetate  28,  2;  nostra  memoria  39,  6.  40,  14. 
The  author  is  a  heathen  (cf.  e.  g.  40,  15.  41,  20)  and  thinks  highly  of 
miracles.    The  observations  which  he  intersperses  concerning  the  value 


Aurelius    Victor.  371 

of  litterae  and  morals  (espec.  20,  2  sqq.  and  13.  28,  7  sqq.  39,  5  and  7. 
40,  13  sq.  41,  21.  42,  2  sqq.),  do  not  show  a  large  mental  horizon. 
In  the  title  the  author  is  called  Sex.  Aurelius  Victor,  but  in  the  origo 
g.  r.  Victor  Afer.  An  Aurelius  Victor,  XVvir  sacr.  fac,  leg.  Augg.  propr. 
prov.  Pannoniae  inf.  Orelli  3715  (of  Ameria). 

2.  The  small  treatise  de  viris  illustribus  urbis  Romae  in  86  chapters 
extends  from  Procas,  king  of  Alba,  down  to  Cleopatra  and  treats  also 
of  foreigners  who  appear  in  Roman  History,  e.  g.  Pyrrhus  and  Hanni- 
bal. The  author  employs  Cornelius  Nepos,  Hyginus  (Wolfflin  on  Ampe- 
pelius  p.  25  sqq.),  Suetonius  and  Florus;  but  Livy  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  employed  in  his  original  work.  Cf.  C.  Aldenhoven,  Hermes 
V  p.  150 — 154.  The  work  contains  some  valuable  information,  its  pre- 
cise diction  also  differing  advantageously  from  the  garrulous  diction  of 
Vict,  in  the  Caes.  Separate  editions  by  Brohm,  for  school-use,  Berlin 
1832,  and  E.  Keil,  with  notes,  Breslau  1850. 

3.  The  Epitome  is  entitled:  De  vita  et  moribus  imperatorum  roma- 
norum  excerpta  ex  libris  S'ex.  Aurelii  Victoris,  a  Caesare  Aug.  usque  ad 
Theodosium  imp.  On  comparing  it  with  the  Caes.  we  see  that  the 
author  occasionally  makes  additions  to  his  original  from  other  sources 
or  from  recollection.  Ch.  43 — 48  belong  to  him  entirely.  They  are 
impartial  in  point  of  matter,  but  poor  in  regard  to  diction. 

4.  The    origo    gentis    romanae    is    an     insipid    little     book    which 
gets   in  23  chapters  from  Saturnus  to  Romulus,    this  information  being 
iSrst  derived  from  the  Aeneid,    and    then   dressed  up  with  some  tinsel- 
like erudition,    e.  g.  such  quotations  as:    ut   docet  Alexander  Ephesius 
libro  I  belli  Marsici  (9);    ut   scribunt  Volcatius  et  Acilius  Piso  (10);    ut 
scribit  M.  Octavius  libro  I    at    vero    Domitius    libro  I    docet    (12) ;     ut 
scribit  Lutatius  libro  III  (13);    ut  docet  lulius  Caesar  lib.  I  itemque  A. 
Postumius  in  eo  volumine  quod   de    adventu  Aeneae    conscripsit    atque 
edidit  (15);  ut  scribunt  C.  Caesar  et  Sex.  Gellius  in  origine  g.  rom.  (16); 
ut  scriptum  est  in  annali  pontificum  IV,    lib.  Cincii  et  Caesaris  II,    Tu- 
beronis  I  (17);   ut  scriptum  est  annalium  libro  IV    et  epitomarum  Piso- 
nis  II;    Aufidius   sane  in  Epitomis  et  Domitius    libro  I  tradunt  (18);    ut 
scribit  Valerius  Antias  lib.  I  (19);    at  vero  Fabius  Pictor  lib.  I  et  Ven- 
nonius  (20);  Licinius  Macer  lib.  I  docet  .  .  contra  Egnatius  lib.  I  tradit 
(23).     Such    scarce    and    stupendous    erudition    entitles    this   work  to  a 
place    by    the  side  of  Fulgentius,  and  we  should  be  inclined  to  assign 
it  to  the  fifteenth  century   (Niebuhr,    Orelli,    W.  A.  Becker,    HuUeman, 
Rother,  W.  Harless),  if  not  interior  reasons  and  the  existence  of  older 
mss.  obliged  us  to  ascribe  it  to  some  schoolmaster  of  the  fifth  or  sixth 
century  (Jac.  Mahly,  H.  Jordan),  i.  e.  to  the  time  of  Fulgentius  (459,17). 
Comp.  also    1,  6:    quare  (Vergil.  Aen.  I  243)    addiderit  tutus    suo  loco 
plenissime    adnotavimus^   in    comnientatione    (prius)    quam   hoc  scribere 
coepimus,  cognite  piliiN'Q'  Q^^  inscriptus  est  De  origine  patavina.  Mahly, 
de  auctore  libelli  qui  iftgprib.  de  or.  g.  r.,    Jahn's  Archiv  XVIII  p.   132 
—  153    cf.  XIX  p.  315—319.     C.  L.  Roth  ibid.  XIX    p.  314  sq.     Reiften- 


372  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

berg,  Bull,  de  I'acad.  de  Bruxelles  XI.  Nr.  5,  X  p.  468  sqq.  H.  Rotter, 
de  auctore  libelli  de  or.  g.  r.,  Cottbus  1858.  4.  H.  Jordan,  Rhein.  Mus. 
XVIII  p.  589  sq.,  Caton.  reliq.  p.  XXIX  sq.  and  Hermes  III  p.  389  -  425. 

5.  The  principal  editions  of  these  four  works  are  by  A.  Schott 
(Antverp.  1579),  S.  Pitiscus  (cum  notis,  Utrecht  1696),  J.  Arntzen  (Amste- 
lod.  1733.  4.),  J.  F.  Gruner  (Coburg  1757),  Fr.  Schroter  (Lips.  1829— 31, 
2  vols.).  Also  in  histor.  rom.  scriptores  minores,  Bipont.  1789,  and 
elsewhere. 

409.  Under  Valens,  Eutropius  wrote  his  brief  account 
of  the  entire  Roman  History  (breviarium  ab  urbe  conrlita)  in 
ten  books,  from  the  ordinary  sources,  with  good  judgment 
and  impartiality,  and  in  a  simple  style.  The  brevity  and 
practical  arrangement  of  the  work  soon  recommended  it  to  a 
large  class  of  readers ;  it  was  both  translated  into  Greek  and 
continued  in  the  historia  miscella.  About  the  same  time  as 
Eutropius,  Rufus  Festus  wrote  a  similar  work,  though  much 
poorer  in  the  information  it  contains,  and  which  has  likewise 
come  down  to  us.  Of  perhaps  the  same  time  is  also  Julius 
Obsequens'  List  of  miracles  in  the  years  505—742  V.  C, 
after  an  abridgment  of  Livy. 

1.  Suid.  8.  V,  (I  p.  656  Bnh.) :  EvTQoniog,  'IjaXog,  aoffiar^g.  t>;V 
Q(Ofirdy.t]i/  laroQiay  tnnofxixwq  rr)  Irakoiv  <f(oyt]  t'yQceif'f^  xui  nkka.  Eutrop. 
X  16,  1 :  lulianus  .  .  Parthis  intulit  bellum,  cui  expeditioni  ego  quoqu© 
interfui.  Dedication  to  Valenti  maximo  perpetuo  Aug.:  res  rom.  ex 
voluntate  mansuetudinis  tuae  ab  urbe  condita  ad  nostram  memoriam, 
quae  in  negotiis  vel  bellicis  vel  civilibus  eminebant,  per  ordinem  tem- 
porum  brevi  narratione  collegi  strictim,  additis  etiam  his  quae  in  prin- 
cipum  vita  egregia  extiterunt.  The  work  terminates  with  the  death  of 
Jovianus  (a.  364) :  quia  ad  inclitos  principes  venerandosque  (the  reigning) 
perventnm  est  interim  operi  modum  dabimus.  nam  reliqua  stilo  maiore 
dicenda  sunt,  quae  nunc  non  tam  praetermittimus  quam  ad  raaiorem 
scribendi  diligentiam  reservamus.  According  to  chronological  reasons 
the  author  might  be  the  person  mentioned  by  Ammian.  XXIX,  I  36 
(p.  371):  Eutropius  Asiam  proconsulari  tunc  obtinens  potestate  (cf. 
Gregor.  Naz.  Epist.  138)  ut  factionis  conscius  arcessitns  in  crimen  ab- 
Bcessit  innocuus,  Pasiphilo  eximente  philosopho.  Liban.  de  vita  I  p. 
106  R.  Epist.  IV  191.  Greg.  Naz.  Ep.  137.  In  the  Cod.  Theod.  (and 
Inst.)  this  Eutropius  is  repeatedly  mentioned  as  praef.  pract.  a.  380, 
381,  381 — 387;  see  the  passages  in  Hanel,  index  legum  p.  109.  He  is 
probably  the  same  (cui  pollet  Minerva  III  47)  to  whom  Symmachus 
addressed  his  Ep.  Ill  46—53. 

2.  Suid.  V.  Capito :  /ufTaiiQaaiy  irjg  tnnofxrjg  Kvtqotii'ov  QtofJcciGrt 
inirTf/uoyrog    AC^iov    rov    "Piofxcdov.     This   may  not  generally  be  said  of 


Eutrop'ius      Rufus  Festus.  373 

the  earlier  time,  as  Eutropius  has  several  statements  deviating  from 
Livy;  see  U.  Kohler,  qua  rat.  Liv.  ann.  (1860)  p.  38  sqq.  Especially 
an  enlarged  edition  of  Dio  has  been  used;  A.  Kocher,  de  loann.  Ant. 
(1871)  p.  23  sq.  In  the  Imperial  history,  Suetonius,  the  Chronicles  of 
a.  354  (Mommsen,  the  Chronographer  p.  601)  and  the  scriptores  h.  a. 
are  employed.  Besides  the  facts  Eutropius  generally  gives  a  brief 
characteristic,  of  the  impartiality  of  which  the  judgments  on  Constan- 
tine  and  Julian  (X  6  sqq.   16)   may  be  quoted  as  instances. 

3.  Other  works  of  Eutropius  are  indicated  by  Suidas'  expression 
xcit  akka.  There  are  no  traces  extant  of  them,  except  perhaps  the 
quotation  in  Priscian  I  8  (p.  8,  19  H.):  id  etiam  Eutropius  confirmat. 
dicens  (on  x). 

4.  The    breviarium  was  used  by  St.  Jerome,    Orosius    and  othe 
In  the  historia  miscella  it  is  at  the  beginning;  see  above  39,  5  [Add.J. 
John  of  Antiochia  seems  to  have  used  Eutropius  in  an  enlarged  Greek 
rersion.     A.  Kocher  de  lo.  Ant.  1871,  p.  17—24. 

5.  The  work  was  translated  into  Greek  by  the  Lycian  Capito 
(Suid.  s.  V,  II  p.  66  Bnh.)  perhaps  under  Anastasius.  We  possess  (as 
far  as  X  12)  the  translation  of  Paeanius,  perhaps  of  the  end  of  saec.  V. 
It  is  rather  a  paraphrasis  and  not  free  from  errors.  It  was  first 
edited  by  F.  Sylburg,  hist,  grace,  script,  min.  (Frankf.  1590)  III  p.  62  sqq. 
then  in  the  editions  of  Eutropius  by  Cellarius,  Hearne,  Havercamp, 
Verheyk;  separately  by  C.  F.  Schmid  (Lauenburg  1736),  J.  F.  S.  Kalt- 
wasser  (Gotha  1780).  Weber,  de  lat.  script,  quae  Graeci  transtulerunt 
II  p.  16 — 21.  E.  Schulze,  de  Paeanio  Eutropii  interprete,  Philologus 
XXIX  p.  285—299. 

6.  Among  the  mss.  of  the  brev.  the  Gothanus  saec.  IX  is  of  chief 
importance.  Editio  princeps  Rome  1471.  4.  Other  editions  especially 
by  A.  Schonhov  (Basil.  1546.  1552),  Ch.  Cellarius  (Zeitz  1678  and 
elsewhere),  Th.  Hearne  (Oxon.  1703),  S.  Havercamp  (Lugd.  B.  1729), 
H.  Verheyk  (Lugd.  B.  1762.  1793),  C.  H.  Tzschucke  (Lips.  1796;  abridged 
Lips.  1804).  School-editions  by  F.  W.  Grosse  (Halle  1813),  G.  Seebode 
(Hannover  1817.  1837),  F.  Hermann  (Liibeck  1818),  C.  Ramshorn  (Leip- 
zig 1837).  Texts  (Bibl.  Teubner.)  by  Baumgarten-Crusius  and  R.  Dietsch 
(Lips.  1849.  1853).  The  best  critical  ed.  recogn.  Guil.  Hartel,  Berlin 
(Weidmann),  1872. 

7.  Dedication:  D.  n.  Valenti  imp.  pio  perp.  s^emper  Aug.  Sex. 
Rufus  V.  c.  Brevem  fieri  dementia  tua  praecepit.  parebo  libens  prae- 
ceptis,  quippe  cui  desit  facultas  latius  eloquendi.  .  .  res  gestas  signabo, 
non  eloquar.  accipe  ergo  quae  breviter  dicta  brevius  computentur. 
c.  2:  ab  urbe  cond.  in  ortum  perennitatis  vestrae  .  .  anni  numerantur 
MCXVII.  Termination  (c.  29) :  quam  magno  deinceps  ore  tua,  o  prin- 
ceps invicte,  facta  incluta  sunt  personanda!  quibus  me,  licet  imparem 
dicendi  nisu,  et  aevo  gravior  praeparabo,  .  .  gloriosissime  principum 
Valens  Auguste.     Title:    Breviarium    rerum    gestarum    populi   rom.,    or 


374  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Sex.  Rufi  V.  c.  rerum  gestariim  pop.  rom.  epitome;  Rufi  Festi  v.  c.  rer. 
gest,  pop,  rom.  liber  etc. 

8.  There  are  numerous  mss.  of  Rufus  Festus  in  existence.  Editions 
(after  the  princeps,  probably  Naples  1470.  4.)  by  Chr.  Cellarius  (Zeitz 
1673.  Hal.  1698),  in  the  editions  of  Eutropius  by  Havercamp  and  Ver- 
heyk:  also  by  C.  H.  Tzschucke  (in  us.  schol.,  Lips.  1793),  C.  Miinnich 
(recogn.,  Hannover  1815),  R.  Mecenate  (ad  mss.  emend.,  Rom  1829). 

9.  Of    lulii    Obsequentis    ab  a.  u.  c.    DV  prodigiorum  liber  we 

do  not  possess  a  ms.",  but  only  the  editio  princeps  by  Aldus,  Venet.  ^ 
1508  (with  Pliny  the  younger).  Among  the  later  editions  we  mention 
chiefly  those  by  J.  Scheffer  (Amstelod.  1679),  Fr.  Oudendorp  (Lugd. 
Bat.  1720:  cf.  Acta  phil.  Monac.  H  p.  291  sqq.),  J.  Kapp  (Hof  1772) 
and  espec.  rec.  et  emend.  0.  Jahn  (Lips.  1853,  with  the  periochae  of 
Livy,  vol.  1,  p.  495  cf.  p.  XIII  sqq.).  This  little  work  is  entirely  derived 
from  Livy,  and  not  even  direct  from  him,  but  from  an  abridgment  in 
which  the  names  of  the  consuls  were  prefixed  in  the  ablative,  probably 
the  same  as  was  used  by  Cassiodorus  (Mommsen,  Cassiodor.  p.  552). 
This  narrow  compass  of  the  erudition  of  the  author  and  on  the  other 
hand  his  pagan  and  superstitious  interest  in  miracles  suffice  to  fix  the 
time  of  composition. 

410.  Eloquence  was  practised  by  many  in  this  time,  espe- 
cially in  Gaul  by  Gennadius,  Minervius,  Alcimus,  Delphidius, 
Arborius  and  soon  afterwards  bvAusonius;  while  the  Sophists 
Himerius,  Libanius,  and  others  declaimed  in  Greek.  The  only 
extant  Latin  speech  of  this  period  is  Claudius  Mamertinus' 
gratiarum  actio  for  the  consulate  conferred  upon  by  Julian, 
a  speech  delivered  at  Constantinople  on  1  January  362.  It 
gives,  in  its  way,  a  faithful  portrait  of  Julian's  individuality 
and  character  as  prince. 

1.  Hieron.  ohron.  a.  2369  =  353:  Gennadius  forensis  orator  Romae 
insignis  habetur. 

2.  Hieron.  chron.  a.  2369=353:  Minervius  Burdigalensis  rhetor 
Romae  florentissime  docet.  This  Ti.  Victor  Minervius  taught  first  at 
Constantinople,  then  at  Rome,  and  lastly  at  Burdigala,  his  native  town; 
see  Auson.  prof.  Burd.  I.  His  sons  Alethius  Minervius  (ib.  6.  Symmach. 
Epist.  IV  18.  35—49,  especially  35:  crevisti  .  .  paternae  in  me  familia- 
ritatis  successionem)  and  Protadius  (Symm.  Ep.  IV  17—34;  cf.  ib.  36 
with  18)  were  likewise  rhetoricians  and  attained  good  positions.  Cf. 
Claudian  LXXIV  (epigr.  24).  The  son  of  the  first  was  likewise  called 
Protadius  (Symm.  Ep.  IV  47).  A  third  brother  was  Florentinus  (ib.  IV 
50—57),  who  was  quaestor  under  Honorius  and  had  the  duty  conden- 
darum  sanctionum  (ib.  IV  50).  His  son  was  again  Minervius  (ib.  55) 
and  his  brother  was  perhaps  Nemesius  (ib.  56). 


Mineniius,  Mamertinus  and  other  rhetoricians.  375 

3.  Hieron.  chron.  a.  2371  =  355:  Alchimus  et  Delfidius  rhetores 
in  Aquitanica  florentissime  docent.  On  Delphidius  cf.  above  396,  8. 
Latinus  Alcimus  Alethius  was  according  to  Auson.  prof.  Burd.  2,  21 
sqq.  tutor  to  (the  Emperor)  Julian  and  to  Sallust;  cf.  Sidon.  Apoll. 
Epist.  V  10  (abundantia  Delphidii,  Agroecii  disciplina,  fortitudo  Alcimi), 
VIII  11  (si  a  te  instructio  rhetorica  poscatur,  hi  Paulinum,  illi  Alci- 
mum  non  requirunt).  Lines  ascribed  in  the  mss.  to  Alcimus,  Alcinous 
or  Avitus,  have  been  attributed  to  this  Ale.  (wliom  Ausonius  1.  1.  styles 
palmae  forensis  et  Camenarum  decus)  by  Meyer,  anthol.  let  254—260. 
In  a  Berlin  ms.  saec.  IX  the  following  are  designated  as  Libri  Alchimi : 
In  adulcscentem  qui  in  publico  patre  cadente  risit  etc.  and  a  Contro- 
versia  fullonis  vel  (=  et)  calvi;  see  M.  Haupt,  Hermes  III  p.  222  sq. 

4.  Sulpic.  Sev.  chron.  II  46,  2  sq. :  huius  (i.  e.  Marcus,  who  brought 
Gnosticism  from  Egypt  to  Spain)  auditores  fuere  Agape  quaedam  .  .  et 
rhetor  Helpidius  (Elp.).  ab  his  Priscillianus  est  institutus,  familia  no- 
bilis,  .  .  facundus,  multa  lectione  eruditus,  disserendi  ac  disputandi 
promptissimus.  47,  2:  damnati  (a.  380)  .  .  Helpidius  et  Priscillianus 
laici  (on  the  Synod  of  Caesaraugusta.)  Cf.  51,  3.  Another  head  of  that 
Sect  (the  Priscillianists)  was  Latronianus,  see  below  415,  8. 

5.  Aemilius  Magnus  Arborius,  uncle  by  the  mother's  side  and 
master  to  Ausonius  (Auson.  parent.  3),  a  rhetorician  at  Tolosa,  in  Spain 
and  at  Constantinople,  whither  he  had  been  called,  after  having  made 
at  Tolosa  the  acquaintance  of  Oonstantini  fratres  (his  half-brothers 
Dalmatius,  Hannibalianus  and  Julius  Constantius)  exilii  specie  sepositos, 
and  where  he  also  died  (Auson.  prof.  Burd.  16).  He  may  therefore  be 
the  comes  Arborius  in  the  Cod.  Theod.  I  32,  4  (a.  379)  and  the  praef- 
iirb.  Arb.  ib.  VI  35,  9.  XIV  3,  16  (a.  380).  Cf.  Sidon.  Ap.  Epist.  V  10 
(rigor  Magni) .  A  somewhat  garrulous,  but  correct  erotic  poem  (though 
componendo  occurs  in  it),  46  distichs  in  nympham  nimis  cultam,  ap. 
Meyer  anth.  lat.  262,  Riese  anth.  lat.  897,  is  attributed  to  him  by  Ri- 
vinus  and  Lotichius  without  any  definite  reasons. 

6.  On  Symmachus  the  Elder  see  below  418,  1. 

7.  Claudius  Mamertinus  (grat.  act.  17,  5)  appointed  by  Julian 
in  one  and  the  same  year  (21,  5.  22,  2),  361,  praef.  aerarii  (1.  4.  22,  2; 
Comes  largitionum,  Ammian.  XXI  8,  1),  praef.  praet.  per  Illyricum  et 
Italiam  (1,  5  cf.  Symmach.  ep.  X  60.  Ammian.  XXI  12,  25.  XXVI  5,  5) 
and  Consul  (cf.  Ammian.  XXI  10,  8.  12,  25.  XXII  3,  1)  returned  thanks 
to  the  Emperor  in  the  extant  speech  (nr.  X  in  Jager's  Panegyrici). 
Servility  being  of  less  value  under  this  prince  (21,  1.  26,  3)  than  since- 
rity (libertas,  see  32,  3),  the  orator  merely  praises  rhetorically  his  real 
good  qualities,  his  strictness  with  bad  officials  (4,  3  sqq.),  his  parsi- 
mony towards  himself  and  liberality  towards  others  (10),  his  simplicity 
(11),  steady  activity  (13  sq.),  love  of  truth  (26),  thirst  of  glory  (31),  and 
these  qualities  he  contrasts  with  the  bad  reigns  of  the  preceding  princes 
(11.  19  sq.  25).  He  does  not,  however,  appear  to  have  deserved  Julian's 
confidence,  just  like  most  others;  cf.  Ammian.  XXVII  7,  1   (a.  368):  vix 


376  The  F'ourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

dies  intercessere  pauci  ciim  Mamertinum  praefectum  praet.  ab  urbe  re- 
gressum  .  .  Avitianus  ex  vicario  peculatus  detulerat  reum.  cui  ideo 
Vulcatius  successit  Rufinus  etc.  At  the  time  of  this  speech  Mam.  is 
ah'eady  in  an  advanced  age  (17,  2.  18.  5).  Pecularities  of  diction:  par- 
ticipare  consilium  1,  1.  pati  ut  2,  4.  dent  recordari  19,  3.  nedum 
(23,  4)  and  universi  (9,  4)  not  rightly  u«»ed;  arcana  vacuare  (18,  1).  et 
vere  (20,  2.  26,  3).  Poetical  constructions  like  lata  camporum  (10,  1 
of.  12,  1.  3).  Archaisms  like  voltu  satagente  (28,  3),  adulare,  autumo, 
sublimare  etc.  The  speech  is  found  in  the  editions  of  the  panegyrici 
(above  387,  1—3),  and  in  Migne's  patrol.  XVIII  p.  409—430. 

8.  Julian  himself  was  well-versed  both  in  speaking  and  composing; 
but  his  writings  are  all  in  Greek.  Eutrop.  X  16:  liberalibus  disciplinis 
apprime  eruditus,  graecis  doctior  atque  adeo  ut  latina  eruditio  nequa- 
quam  cum  graeca  scientia  conveniret;  facundia  ingenti  et  prompta. 
Julian  was  bent  upon  noble  aims,  but  phantastical  and  always  went 
beyond  his  aim,  and  erred  in  the  choice  of  his  means.  See  W.  Teuffel 
in  Pauly's  Encycl.  IV  (1845)  p.  401—413.  416  sq."  note,  and  Studies  and 
Char.  p.  168 — 190.  D.  F.  Strauss,  The  romanticist  on  the  throne  of  the 
Caesars,  Mannheim  1847.  F.  Chr.  Baur,  the  Christian  church  in  the 
fourth  to  the  sixth  Centuries  (1863)  p.  17-43.  J.  F.  A.  Miicke,  Flavins 
Claudius  Julianus,  according  to  the  sources.  I.  Julian's  military  actions. 
Gotha  1866.     II.  J.'s  life  and  writings,  Gotha  1869. 

9.  The  merits  of  Valentinian  I  for  the  restoration  of  public  elo- 
quence are  praised  by  Symmach.  in  Valent.  II  22  sq. :  sonet  apud  te 
libertas  forensis  eloqui,  quam  dudum  exulem  tribunalibus  reddidisti. 
ruri  emeritus  torpebat  orator;  .  .  nusquam  mains  silentium  qaam  in  sa- 
crariis  litterarum.  .  .  solvisti  vincla  linguarum.  (23.)  .  .  par  fuit  ut 
eloquentiae  usum  redderes.     .  .  ingenia  liberasti  etc. 

10.  Himerius  about  315 — 385.  A  complete  edition  of  his  speeches 
by  G.  and  J.  Ch.  Wernsdorf  (Gotting.  1790),  Fr.  Diibner  (accurate  ex- 
cusso  cod.  Optimo  et  unico  XXII  declamationum,  Paris,  Didot,  1849; 
with  Philostratus,  Callistratus  and  Eunapius). 

11.  Libanius  about  315 — 393.  Libanii  sophistae  orationes  et  decla- 
mationes  rec.  et  illustr.  J.  J.  Reiske,  Altenburg  1791 — 1797,  4  vols, 
Libanii  epistolae  graece  et  lat.  cuin  not.  J.  Ch.  Wolf,  Amstelod.  1738 
fol.  E.  Monnier,  histoire  de  Lib.  I  Paris  1866.  G.  R.  Sievers,  the  Life 
of  Lib.,  Berlin  1868.  324  pp. 

411.  A  fertile  writer  on  theology  in  the  Galilean  style 
was  Hilarius,  bishop  of  Poitiers.  He  also  took  part  in  the 
Arian  controversy,  addressed  works  to  Constantine  and  wrote 
a  number  of  commentaries  on  Works  of  the  Old  and  the  New 
Testament.  We  possess  also  dogmatic  writings  by  the  Sardi- 
nian bishop  Lucifer,  and  by  the  bishops  Phoebadius  and 
Potaraius. 


Rhetoricians.     Hilarius.  377 

1.  Hieron.  viri  ill.  100:  Hilarius,  urbis  Pictavorum  Aquitaniae 
episcopus,  factione  Saturnini  Arelatensis  episcopi  de  synodo  Biterrensi 
(a.  356)  in  Phrygiam  relegatus,  XII  adversus  Arianos  confecit  libros  et 
alium  librum  De  synodis  quem  ad  Galliarum  episcopos  scripsit,  et  in 
Psalrnos  (I  et  II.  LI— LXII.  CXVIII — CL.)  commentarios,  in  quo  opere 
imitatus  Origenem  nonnulla  etiam  de  suo  addidit.  est  eius  et  ad  Con- 
stantium  libellus,  quem  viventi  Constantinopoli  porrexerat  (a.  360),  et 
alius  in  Constantium  quem  post  mortem  eius  (a.  361)  scripsit,  et  liber 
adversus  Valentem  et  Ursacium,  historiam  Ariminensis  et  Seleuciensis 
(a.  359)  synodi  continens;  et  ad  praefectum  Sallustium  sive  contra 
Dioscorum  ;  et  liber  hymnorum  et  Mysteriorum  alius;  et  commentarii 
in  Matthaeum  et  tractatus  in  lob  quos  de  graeco  Origenis  ad  sensum 
transtulit;  et  alius  elegans  libellus  contra  Auxentium,  et  nonnullae  ad 
diversos  Epistolae  (also  to  Constantius,  a.  355).  aiunt  quidam  scripsisse 
eum  et  in  Cantica  canticorum,  sed  a  nobis  hoc  opus  ignoratur.  mortuus 
est  Pictavis,  Valentiniano  et  Valente  regnantibus  (a.  367).  In  other 
passages  H.  is  frequently  referred  to  by  St.  Jerome,  e.  g.  Epist.  70, 
5  (ad  Magn.  or.,  0pp.  ed.  Vail.  I  p.  430) :  Hilarius,  meorum  confessor 
temporum  et  episcopus,  XII  Quintiliani  libros  et  stilo  imitatus  est  et 
numero  (in  Lis  work  de  trinitate,  contra  Arianos),  brevique  libello  quem 
scripsit  contra  Dioscorum  medicum  quid  in  litteris  posset  ostendit. 
58,  10  (ad  Paulin.,  0pp.  1.  1.  p.  326) :  Hilarius  gallicano  cothurno  attol- 
litur  et  cum  Graeciae  floribus  adornetur  longis  interdum  periodis  in- 
volvitur  et  a  lectione  simpliciorum  fratrum  procul  est.  Also  chron.  a. 
2372  =  356  (exile).  2375  =  359  (return).  2376  =  360:  Gallia  per  Hi- 
larium  Arminiensis  (rather  Ariminensis,  cf.  ad  a.  2375,  u)  perfidiae  do- 
los  damnat.  2384  :^  368  (death).  A  vita  Hilarii  by  Fortunatus  in  the 
editions  of  the  works  of  Hil. ;  a  poem  on  him,  Venant.  misc.  II  19. 

2.  Editions:  Paris.  1510  fol.  Per  Des.  Erasmum,  Basil.  1523.  1526. 
1535  fol.  Ex  ed.  Jo.  Gillotii,  Paris  1572.  1605  fol.  Edition  of  the 
Benedictines  (by  P.  Goutant)  Paris  1693  fol.  (and  Veron.  1730.  2  vols. 
fol.).  Ed.  Fr.  Oberthiir,  Wiirzburg  1785  sqq.  3  vols.  8.  In  Migne's 
Patrolog.  T.  IX  and  X  (Paris  1844.)  To  this  add.  J.  B.  Pitra,  spicileg. 
Solesm.  (Paris  1851)  p.  49 — 159  containing  commentaries  on  Pauline 
letters  probably  written  by  H.  (cf.  Pitra  p.  XXVI— XXXIV),  from  a 
cod.  Corbeiensis  saec.  IX,  p.  159—165  on  Genesis,  and  p.  166—170  from 
a  St.  Gall  ms.  of  the  Gospels  saec.  VIII,  114  hexameters  on  the  birth 
of  Christ  in  very  loose  prosody  (v.  15.  17.  18.  38.  80.  88),  especially 
short  syllables  being  frequently  lengthened  (26.  29.  31.  34.  50.  82.  109. 
113),  but  also  the  authorship  of  this  H.  not  being  (piite  certain. 

3.  R.  Ceillier,  hist.  gen.  V  p.  1 — 150.  J.  H.  Keinkens,  Hilarius  of 
Poitiers,  a  Monograph,  Schaffhausen  1864.  XXXVII  and  359  pp.  Cf. 
J.  Wagenmann,  Gotting.  gel.  Anz.   1865,  p.  1641  —  1658. 

4.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  95:  Lucifer,  Caralitanus  episcopus,  cum  Pan- 
cratio  et  Ililario  rom.  ecclesiae  clericis  ad  Constantium  imp.  a  Liberie 
episcopo  pro  fide  legatus  missus,    cum  nollet  sub  nomine  Athanasii  Ni- 


378  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

caenam  damnare  fidem,  in  Palaestinam  relegatus  .  .  contra  Constantium 
imp.  scripsit  librum  eique  legendum  misit  ac  uon  multo  post,  sub  lu- 
liano  principe,  reversus  Caralis  Valentiniano  regnante  obiit  (a.  371). 
Cf.  Hier.  chron.  ad  a.  2371.  2378  ==  -357.  364  A.  D.  In  the  libri  duo 
Ad  Constantium  Aug.  pro  s.  Athanasio  he  calls  the  Emperor  a  serpent, 
bellua,  immanissima  fera,  latro,  sacrilegus,  carnifex,  homicida,  idololatra, 
templum  daemonum,  religionis  eversor,  haereticus,  apostata,  a  precursor 
of  Antichrist  and  Antichriet  himself.  Being  questioned  by  Florentiua 
mag.  off.,  L.  confessed  to  the  authorship  and  was  ready  to  suffer  the 
death  of  a  martyr  (raoriendum  esse  pro  filio  dei).  This  was  prevented 
by  the  Emperor's  death.  Just  as  orthodox  and  fanatical  are  his  earlier 
works  De  non  conveniendo  cum  haereticis  liber  ad  Constantium  Aug. 
and  De  non  parcendo  in  deum  delinquentibus.  Ed.  princeps  of  Luciferi 
opuscula  (by  Jo.  Tilius)  Paris  1568.  In  the  Bibl.  patr.  max.  (Lugd. 
1677)  IV  p.  181  sqq.,  Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  VI  p.  155  sqq.  Also  Venet. 
1778  fol.  cur.  J.  D.  et  J.  Coletis,  reprinted  in  Migne's  Patrolog.  XIII 
(1845)  p.  692-1038. 

5.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  108:  Phoebadius,  Agenni  Galliarum  episcopus, 
edidit  contra  Arianos  librum  (about  a.  358;  ed.  Th.  Beza,  Genev.  1570; 
ed.  P.  Pithoeus.  Paris  1586.  4.;  rec.  C.  Barth,  Frankf.  1623:  in  Gallandi 
bibl.  patr.  V  p.  250  sqq.,  the  bibl.  patr.  max.  Ill  p.  300  sqq.,  in  Migne's 
Patrolog.  XX).  dicuntur  et  alia  eius  esse  opuscula,  quae  necdnm  legi. 
vivit  usque  hodie  (a.  392)  decrepita  senectute. 

6.  By  Potamius,  bishop  of  Lisbon,  we  possess  an  Epistola  ad 
Athanasium  episc.  Alexandr.  de  consubstantialitate  filii  dei,  written 
about  355,  first  edited  1657,  and  other  works;  see  Gallandi  bibl.  patr. 
V,  Migne's  Patrol.  VIIl. 

7.  Zenonis  sermones,  rec.  et  illustr.  P.  et  Hier.  Ballerini,  Veron. 
1739  fol.     Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  V  p.  109  sqq.,  Migne's  Patrol.  XI. 

8.  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  4:  Vitellius  Afer  Donatianorum  schisma  defen- 
dens  scripsit  de  eo  quod  odio  sint  mundo  servi  dei.  .  .  scripsit  et  ad- 
versum  gentes  etc.  .  .  et  ad  regulam  ecclesiasticam  pertinentia  multa 
disseruit.     claruit  sub  Constante  filio  Constantini  principis. 

412.  The  two  grammarians  Charisius  and  Diomed  wrote 
about  the  same  time  and  independently  of  each  other,  but  as 
they  employed  the  same  sources,  their  works  are  often  in 
verbal  agreement.  Flavins  Sosipater  Charisius  is  important 
on  account  ol  verbally  copying  the  authors  employed  by  him, 
especially  Julius  Romanus,  Cominianus  and  Palaemon,  some- 
times mentioning  them  by  name,  and  sometimes  neglecting 
to  do  so,  but  still  preserving  in  this  manner  a  considerable 
amount  of  earlier  grammatical  information.  We  should,  how- 
ever,   add    that    considerable    parts  of  the  five  books  of  his 


Charisius.  379 

grammar  have  been  lost.  Of  the  three  books  of  the  Ars 
grammatica  of  Diomed  the  third  is  of  especial  value,  as  it 
has  preserved  many  valuable  notices,  probably  from  Sueto- 
nius' work  de  poetis.  To  the  same  time  we  may  probably 
assign  the  Ars  vaticana,  which  bears  the  name  of  Probus. 

1.  Preface:  Fl.  Sosipater  Charisius  v.  p.  magister  [urbis  Romae] 
filio  karissimo  s.  d.  Amore  latini  sermonis  obligare  te  cupiens  f.  k. 
artem  grammaticam  (which  would  thus  appear  to  be  the  title)  sollertia 
doctissimorum  virorum  politam  et  a  me  digestam  in  libris  V  dono  tibi 
misi.  .  .  erit  iam  tuae  diligentiae  frequenti  recitatione  studia  mea  ex 
variis  Artibus  inrigata  memoriae  .  .  mandare,  ut  quod  originalis  patriae 
natura  denegavit  virtute  anirai  adfectasse  videaris.  That  the  author 
was  a  native  of  Campania  does  not  appear  from  p.  215,  23  K.:  hodie- 
que  nostri  per  Campaniam  sic  loquuntur,  nor  is  it  probable  after  the 
above  'orig.  patriae'  (cf.  n.  2  fin.). 

2.  The  age  ot  Charisius  and  Diomed  is  fixed  on  one  hand  by  the 
sources  they  employed  (see  n.  3),  the  latest  of  which  seem  to  be  Co- 
minianus  and  Marcius  Salutaris  (above  400,  1  —  4),  on  the  other  hand 
by  the  writers  who  quote  them,  Priscian,  Rufinus  (de  metris  com.),  and 
Servius  (ad  Aen.  IX  329  and  perhaps  also  Buc.  Ill  21).  The  frequent 
agreement  of  Char,  and  D.  with  Donatus  and  Marius  Victorinus  (above 
403  sq.),  though  they  are  never  mentioned,  may  be  explained  Irom 
their  employing  the  same  sources,  and  probably  proves  that  those  two 
grammarians  lived  about  the  same  time  as  the  others.  Keil,  Gramm. 
lat.  I  p.  LV  sq.  Christ,  Philologus  XVIII  p.  130  sq.  Usener's  con- 
jecture, Rhein.  Mus.  XXIII  p.  492  sq.,  is  likewise  very  probable,  viz. 
that  in  Hieron.  chron.  2375  =  359  (see  above  400,  8):  Euanthius  .  . 
Constantinopoli  diem  obit,  in  cuius  locum  ex  Africa  Charistus  (Bongars,; 
but  Freh.  and  others  Chrestus)  adducitur,  we  should  read:  Charisius. 

3.  The  principal  sources  of  Charisius  are  Palaemo  (above  277,  3), 
Julius  Romanus  (above  375,  1)  and  Cominianus  (above  400,  1  —  3),  to 
whom  Scaurus  (above  347,  1)  and  others  should  probably  be  added 
(Christ,  Philologus  XVIII  p.  127).  Keil,  Gramm.  latt.  1  p.  XLV  sqq. 
A.  Schottmiiller,  de  Plin.  libr.  gramm.  (1858)  p.  7—26.  Charisius  usually 
copies  his  sources  verbatim,  and  whenever  they  differ,  he  rarely  ventures 
on  an  independent  decision.  The  work  is  therefore  altogether  a  com- 
pilation and  made  with  little  care  and  judgment  in  details;  see  Christ 
1.  1.  p.  120.  M.  Hertz,  Rh.  Mus.  XX  p.  320.  The  arrangement  is  like- 
wise very  imperfect.  Charisius  did  not  know  how  to  combine  with  the 
modern  arrangement  according  to  the  eight  parts  of  speech  (which 
was  e.  g.  adopted  by  Cominianus)  the  earlier  monographs  on  detailed 
parts  of  grammar,  whence  it  comes  that  he  gives  in  b.  I  general  state- 
ments on  declension,  comparison,  analogy,  b.  II  a  theory  of  the  eight 
partes    orationis   collected  from  the  various  Artes,    b.  Ill    an  extensive 


380  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

discussion  of  the  formation  of  perfects,  inchoatives,  frequentatives  etc., 
b.  IV  a  variety  of  grammatical  (barbarisms  etc.),  and  rhetorical  (tropi 
and  figures)  observations;  b.  IV  idiomata,  synonyms  etc.  The  beginning 
of  b.  I,  the  last  part  of  b.  IV,  and  most  of  b.  V  are,  however,  lost. 
The  contents  are  stated  after  the  prooemium. 

4.  The  cod.  Neapolitanus  saec.  VII  or  VIII  is  almost  the  only 
source  of  the  text  of  Char.  Editions  by  J.  Pierius  Cyminius  (Naples 
1532.  fol.),  G.  Fabricius  (Basil.  1551;  with  many  Interpolations),  in  the 
Grammatici  latini  of  Putsche  and  Lindemann  (Vol.  IV  Lips.  1840)  and 
especiall}^  of  H.  Keil  (T.  I  Lips.  1857).  The  section  de  versu  saturnio 
(in  Keil  p.  288  sq.)  was  separately  edited  by  F.  W.  Schneidewin,  Get- 
ting. 1841.  4.  On  Char,  see  also  F.  Osann,  Contributions  II  p.  319— 340. 
L.  Spengel,  Munich  gel.  Anz.  1840,  p.  502  sqq. 

5.  Besides  Charisius  we  possess  also  Excerpts  from  his  work,  com- 
posed under  the  Franks,  and  which  occasionally  serve  to  till  up  gaps 
in  the  extant  parts.  Thus  we  have  especially  the  excerpta  Bobiensia 
saec.  VII— VIII,  now  at  Vienna,  first  published  by  Eichenfeld  and  End- 
licher,  Anal,  gramm.  (Vienna  1837)  p.  75 — 124,  the  last  time  by  Keil, 
gramm.  lat.  I  p.  533—565,  cf.  ibid.  p.  XVII  sq.  They  are,  not,  however 
taken  exclusively  from  Charisius,  but  from  his  sources,  especially  from 
Palaemon  and  Cominianus;  see  Christ,  Philol.  XVIII  p.  136 — 139.  See 
also  above  400,  1  sq.  There  are  also  excerpta  Parisina  ib.  p.  XVIIl  sq. 
On  the  excerpts  in  mss.  at  Berne,  Leyden  and  St.  Amand  see  ibid.  p. 
XIX    XXII. 

6.  The  grammarian  Flavianus  is  perhaps  (H.  Keil,  Hermes  I  p.  333. 
H.  Hagen,  Anecd.  Helv.  p.  CLXIII  sqcj.)  identical  with  Charisius,  as  all 
passages  in  which  he  is  quoted  recur  verbally  or  almost  verbally  in 
Charisius.  Riese  (Heidelb.  Jahrb.  1871,  p.  585  sq.)  considers  the 
praenomen  Flavins  (Flav.)  commonly  given  to  Charisius  due  to  this 
coincidence. 

7.  The  work  of  Diomed  is  entitled  Ars  gramniatica  by  Rufinus 
p.  2715  and  in  the  subscriptions,  and  is  dedicated  to  a  certain  Atha- 
nasius.  The  preface  contains  the  following  statement:  artem  merae 
latinitatis  puraeque  eloquentiae  magistram  .  .  summo  studio  .  .  trino 
digestam  libello  .  .  censui  esse  mittendam  etc.  .  .  prima  pars  universi 
eermonis  membra  continet;  altera  non  solum  observationes  quae  arti 
grammaticae  accidere  solent  sed  etiam  structuram  pedestris  orationis 
.  .  demonstrat;  tertia  pedum  qualitatem,  poematum  genera  metrorum- 
que  tractatus  .  .  docet.  The  first  book  thus  corresponds  to  b.  I— III 
of  Charisius,  but  is  more  uniform  and  according  to  a  settled  design. 
The  third  book  serves  as  a  kind  of  supplement  for  the  mutilation 
of  Charisius. 

8.  Diomed  frequently  agrees  verbally  with  Charisius  (cf.  Osann, 
Contrib.  II  p.  331 — 335),  though  they  do  not  mention  each  other.  This 
would  be  less  surprising,  if  D.  had  copied  Charisius,  as  D.  is  altogether 


Charisius  and  Diomed.  381 

very  sparing  in  mentioning  his  sources.  But  precisely  in  those  pas- 
sages which  surprise 'us  by  their  agreement  with  Charisius  we  find 
also  statements  which  do  not  occur  in  Charisius  (e.  g.  Char.  Ill  8  p. 
262  sqq.  when  compared  with  Diom.  p.  389,  10  —  395,  10),  so  that  D, 
would  appear  to  have  used  the  same  sources  to  a  greater  extent.  Be- 
sides the  sources  which  D.  has  in  common  with  Charisius  (especially 
Flavius  Caper),  D.  appears  also  to  have  availed  himself  of  Suetonins 
(0.  Jahn,  Rh.  Mus.  IX  p.  629  sq.  Reifferscheid  Suet.  p.  370-373,  and 
against  him  Steup,  de  Prob.  p.  190),  also  of  Terentianus  and  perhaps 
also  of  Greek  technical  writers  (Christ,  Philol.  XVIII  p.  129  sq.  Keil, 
gramm.  lat.  I  p.  XLIX — LV.)  D.  employs  his  authorities  in  a  less  ser- 
vile and  more  judicious  manner,  but  is  still  so  far  from  the  proper  employ- 
ment that  Reifferscheid  (Suet.  p.  372)  calls  him  miserrimus  gramma- 
ticus,  and  speaks  of  his  stupor  et  supina  neglegentia,  insignis  in  ex- 
cerpendo  neglegentia  (p.  373)  and  insignis  incogitantia  (p.  375).  On  the 
other  hand,  Westphal  (allg.  Metr.  p.  48)  says  'D.  is  of  all  writers  on 
metre  the  most  ignorant,  but  nevertheless  also  the  most  interesting' 
on  account  of  the  sources  he  copied,  see  ibid.  p.  48  sq.  76 — 86. 
125  sq.  135  sq. 

9.  The  age  of  D.  is  fixed  by  that  of  his  contemporary  and  rival 
Charisius  (n.  2).  If  he  wrote  about  the  middle  of  saec.  IV,  he  was 
far  enough  removed  from  Sacerdos  (above  390)  not  to  know  anything 
of  him  (Christ,  Philol.  XVIII  p.  130  sq.). 

10.  Keil  gramm.  I  p.  XXIX:  Diomedis  quamvis  multi  hodie  extent 
libri  manu  scripti,  tamen  tanta  est  eorum  omnium  similitudo  ut  quasi 
pro  uno  codice  habendi  sint.  All  are  derived  from  an  nrcheiypus 
saec.  VIII,  the  earliest  two  offsprings  of  which  are  two  Paris  mss.  7494 
(A)  and  7493  (B)  and  one  Monacensis  (M),  all  three  saec.  IX;  see  ib. 
p.  XXIX— XXXII.  From  the  same  source  were  likewise  derived  some 
Excerpts  from  the  work  of  D.,  the  oldest  of  which  is  Paris.  7530  saec. 
VIII  (ib.  p.  XXXIV). 

11.  Editions  (Keil  I  p.  XLIV  sq.)  Ven.  1476  (ap.  Nic.  lenson.),  by 
J.  Rivius  (Ven.  1511),  J.  Th.  Bellovacus  (Paris.  1516),  H.  Buschius  Pa- 
siphilus  (Colon.  1516.  1523),  J.  Caesarius  (Hagenau  1526.  Colon.  1533. 
1536.  Lips.  1541),  in  the  gramm.  lat.  of  Putsche,  the  scriptores  rei 
metr.  of  Gaisford  (only  b.  Ill)  and  especially  the  gramm.  latt.  of  H. 
Keil  I  (Lips.  1857)  p.  298-529.  Cf.  V^^  Christ,  Philologus  XVIII  p. 
127-136. 

12.  On  the  Ars  vaticana  see  above  295,  86.  Its  time  may  be  fixed 
by  the  mention  made  in  it  (p.  119,  26  K.)  of  the  (thermae)  Diocletianae. 
It  is  later  than  Donatus  and  seems  to  be  the  work  of  a  Christian  author 
(cf.  p.  129,  12  sqq).  Perhaps  his  real  name  was  Probus  (though  not 
Valerius  Pr.);  but  he  is  not  the  patron  of  Lactantius  (above  393,  2) 
who  bore  the  same  name.  Cf.  Steup,  de  Prob.  p.  167  sqq.  173.  175. 
Oratio    molestissima,    praecepta  persaepe  ineptissima,    Keil    gramm.  IV 


382  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

p.  XXVllI  sq.  An  extract  from  it  (also  from  the  section  de  ortho- 
graphia),  but  with  many  foreign  additions  (Steup  p.  170—175),  the  Ap- 
pendix; see  above  295,  8  b. 

13.  Carminius  wrote  de  elocutionibus  (Serv.  Aen.  V  233)  and 
seems  also  to  have  commented  on  Virgil  (cf.  Serv.  Aen.  VI  638.  862. 
Vlli  406).  Carmini  curiosissimi  et  docti  verba,  qui  in  libro  de  Italia 
secundo  ait,  Macrob.  S.  V  19,  13  sq. 

14.  Statilins  Tullianus  de  vocabulis  rerum  libro  I  ait  etc.  Macrob. 
Ill  8,  6,  cf.  Serv.  Aen.  XI  543. 


413.  This  time  possessed  a  poet  of  much  talent  in  Rufius 
Festus  Avienus,  Proconsul  of  Africa  (a.  366  sq.)  and  Achaia 
(a.  372).  In  his  attempt  to  leave  the  usual  worn-out  tracks 
of  poetical  composition,  he  was  by  the  unpoetical  bent  of 
his  age  driven  to  attempt  prosaic  subjects,  and  thus  became 
an  imitator,  nay  translator.  His  works  are  chiefly  didactic 
poems,  in  epic  metre  a  translation  of  Aratus'  0cciv6^€va,  and 
a  Descriptio  orbis  terrae  after  Dionysius'  BsQu^vrjaig.,  in  iam- 
bic trimeters  a  description  of  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean, 
the  Black  Sea  and  the  Caspian  Sea  (ora  maritima),  in  seve- 
ral books,  but  of  which  only  the  greater  part  of  the  first  book 
is  extant;  also  a  version  of  early  Roman  History  after  Livy, 
and  an  abridgment  of  the  Aeneid;  which  two  works  have, 
however,  been  lost.  Besides  these  works  he  wrote  smaller 
poems,  and  epigrams  in  hexameters.  Avienus'  poems  manifest 
throughout  noble  aims  and  purity  of  form  in  imitation  of  the 
best  models,  chiefly  Virgil,  but  also  rhetorical  loquacity  and 
a  depression  of  his  poetical  power  by  the  overweight  of  his 
erudite  materials. 

1.  An  inscription  from  Rome  ap.  Fabretti  X  507  =^  Meyer  anthol. 
lat.  278  (H.  Festus  v.  c.  de  se  ad  deam  Nortiani):  Festus,  Musoni  su- 
boles  prolesque  Avieni,  unde  tui  latices  traxerunt,  Caesia,  nomen,  Nortia, 
te  veneror,  lare  cretus  Volsiniensi,  Romam  habitans,  gemino  proconsu- 
lis  auctus  honore,  carmina  multa  serens,  vitam  insons,  integer  aevom, 
coniugio  laetus  Placidae  numeroque  frequenti  natorum  exultans  etc. 
The  poet  was,  therefore,  a  descendant  of  Musonius  Rufus  (above  294, 
3),  a  native  of  Volsinii  in  Etrurja  like  him  and  therefore  attached  to 
Nortia  who  was  worshipped  there,  and  to  the  aqua  Caesia  (cf.  Meyer's 
anth.  lat.  899),  the  father  of  a  numerous  family,  one  of  whose  members 
Placidus  seems  to  have  been  who  added  two  distichs  to  the  above  in- 
scription: sancto  patri  filius  Placidus.  Ibis  in  optatas  sedes,  nam  lup- 
piter    aethram    (cf.    Avien.  phaen.  2)    pandit,    P'este,    tibi,    candidus    ut 


Avienus.  383 

venias.  iamque  venis,  tendit  dextras  chorus  inde  deorum  et  toto  tibi 
iam  plauditur  ecce  polo.  His  being  twice  proconsul  is  in  agreement 
with  Cod.  lust.  Ill  16,  1  (a.  366)  and  Cod.  Theod.  IX  19,  3  (a.  367) 
where  Festus  is  mentioned  as  Proconsul  Africae,  and  C.I.  gr.  372  where 
the  Athenians  testify  their  gratitude  a.  372  to  their  Proconsul  '•Pov<fiog 
'Prjarog.  He  may  also  be  identical  with  Festus  consularis  Syriae  in 
Cod.  lust.  XII  58,  3  (a.  365).  A  prolonged  sojourn  of  the  poet  in 
Africa  may  be  inferred  from  orb.  terr.  329—333  or.  mar.  273  sq.,  in 
Greece  orb.  terr.  603  sq. 

2.  Hieronym.  comm.  on  epist.  ad  Titus  c.  1  (0pp.  VII  1,  p.  706 
Vail.):  Arati,  quem  Cicero  in  latinum  sermonem  transtulit  et  Germani- 
cus  Caesar  (above  270,  6)  et  nuper  Avienus  et  multi  quos  enumerare 
perlongum  est.  But  Lactantius  knows  the  Aratea  only  in  the  version 
of  Cicero  (inst.  V  5.  p.  238  Fr.)  and  Caesar  (I  11.  p.  30)  Germanicus 
(I  21.  p.  54  sq.  V  5).  The  title  is  in  the  Gudianus  saec.  X:  Rufi  Festi 
Avieni  v.  c.  Arati  Phaenomena  (in  the  Vindobon.  saec.  X:  Rufi  Festi 
Arati).  The  <I*f(iy6jusy(i  number  1325,  the  Prognostica  or  Jtoarjui-lu  552 
hexameters.  Av.  endeavours  to  surpass  his  predecessors  by  a  faithful 
rendering  of  the  Greek  original,  poetical  diction  and  the  insertion  of 
various  information  from  the  works  of  philosophers  and  astronomers, 
even  from  mystical  sources.  Av.  follows  Germanicus  more  closely  than 
Cicero.  In  the  ed.  princeps  (Ven.  1488)  p.  5 — 56.  Editions  in  the 
majority  of  the  collections  of  the  Aratea.  J.  C.  Schaubach  (above 
270,  9),  novRe  edit.  Avieni  specimen  (Meiningen  1817  sqq.  4.)  and  On 
Cicero's  Aratea  in  Jahn's  Archiv  XII  (1846)  p.   197—210. 

3.  Orbis  terrae  or  Descriptio  o.  t.  in  1394  hexameters  according 
to  the  nfQujyt]ai,g  of  Dionysius,  who  is  not  mentioned.  The  original 
work  is  sometimes  shortened,  sometimes  enlarged  upon  by  erudite  ad- 
ditions; it  is  surpassed  in  liveliness  of  diction.  Both  at  beginning  and 
end  the  Muses  and  Apollo  are  invoked  in  the  usual  manner.  In  the 
ed.  princ.  p.  56—95.  Other  editions:  Venet.  1502.  Vienn.  1508.  4. 
1515.  4.  Bonon.  1513.  4.  Antverp.  1632.  4.  Cum  notis  N.  Heinsii  all- 
cur.  H.  Friesemann,  Amstelod.  1786.  In  Wernsdorf's  poetae  latt.  min' 
V  p.  725-888,  with  introd.  (p.  719  sqq.)  and  animadv.  (p.  889-1153)* 
In  Dionysius  Perieg.  ed.  G.  Bernhardy  (Lips.  1828)  I  p.  427—460;  in 
Geographi  graeci  min.  ill.  C.  Miillerus  (Par.  1861)  II  p.  176 — 189.  Exe- 
getical  works:  (I.  Wassii)  Animadversiones  in  Av.  descr.,  in  Miscellan. 
observ.  1  2  p.  273—277  (Oudendorp).  3.  p.  373—390.  V  1  p.  64-80. 
2.  p.  165.     Symbolae  litterar.  II  3  (Brem.  1745).  p.  569—584. 

4.  Orae  maritimae  liber  primus  (ed.  princ).  We  possess  only  a 
fragment  of  703  senarii,  which  contains  the  description  of  the  coast  of 
the  Atlantic  as  far  as  Massilia,  and  even  this  part  is  in  a  fragmentary 
state  with  gaps.  The  work  is  dedicated  to  a  certain  Probus  who  is 
liberum  loco  .  .  amore  sanguinisque  vinculo  (14  sq.)  and  eager  for 
information  (16  sqq.),  probably  Anicius  Probus  Cos.  406.  A  reference 
to  the  orbis  in  v.  71   sqq.  :     reliqua    scripta    sunt    nobis  in  illo  plenius 


384  The  Fourth   Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

volumine  quod  de  orbis  oris  partibusque  fecimus.  On  his  sources  the 
author  states  v.  37  sqq.  in  a  somewhat  boastful  manner:  ad  eius  (i.  e. 
Sallust)  inclitam  descriptionem  .  .  multa  rerum  iunximus  ex  plurimorum 
sumpta  commentariis,  viz.  Hecataeus,  Hellanicus,  Phileus,  Scylax,  Pau- 
simachus,  Damastes  (cf.  372),  Bacorus,  Euctemon  (cf.  350),  Cleon,  Hero- 
dotus and  Thucydides.  To  these  he  adds  in  other  passages  Dionysius 
(331),  Juba  (280)  and  others.  That  he  used  Eratosthenes  without  naming 
him  has  been  proved  by  W.  Christ,  Avien.  and  the  earliest  information 
p.  154 — 165.  The  materials  derived  from  the  different  sources  have 
not  been  worked  up  to  an  independent  composition.  The  diction  is 
fluent.  Besides  such  archaisms  as  ducier  the  poet  uses  such  words  as 
intimare,  intimatio.  Greek  proper  names  are  often  treated  in  an  arbi- 
tr'^ry  manner  with  regard  to  prosody,  instead  of  the  familiar  new  names 
obsolete  names  are  preferred,  and  barbarous  names  replaced  by  more 
harmonious  ones.  The  mss.  of  the  poem  are  lost.  The  earliest  text  in 
the  ed.  princ.  p.  95 — 113.  Also  in  Wernsdorf's  poetae  lat.  min.  V  p. 
1165—1295;  cf.  p.  1157—1164.  F.  A.  Ukert,  on  A.  Ora  maritima,  in 
his  Geogr.  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans  11  1.  (Weimar  1821)  p.  473 — 
484.  Description  que  Festus  Avienus  a  faite  de  la  cote  de  la  Gaule 
Narbonnoise  dans  le  poeme  intitule  Ora  maritima,  par  (Jean)  Astruc, 
in  the  Memoires  pour  I'hist.  nat.  de  Languedoc,  Paris  1737.  4.  W. 
Christ,  Avienus  and  the  earliest  information  on  Iberia  and  the  Western 
coast  of  Europe,  Miinchen  1866.  4.  (Trans,  of  the  Bav.  Ac.  XI.  1868, 
p.  113 — 187),  especially  p.  150 — 177.  F.  de  Saulcy,  etude  topographique 
sur  I'O.  mar.  de  R.  F.  Av.,  Revue  archeol.  1867.  I  p.  54—62.  81—98. 
K.  Miillenhoff,  German  Antiquities  I  (Berlin  1870)  p.  73  -210,  with  A. 
V.  Gutschmid,  Lit.  Centralbl.  1871,  p.  523  —  526,  and  W.  Christ  in  Fleck- 
eisen's  Jahrb.  103    p.  710-715.     C.  Miiller,    Philol.  XXXII   p.  106—121. 

5.  Rufus  Festus  Avienus  v.  c.  Flaviano  Myrmecio  v.  c.  an  in- 
scription in  31  hexameters,  a  jocular  poem  containing  a  request  to 
send  pome-granates,  printed  already  in  the  ed.  princeps.  then  in  the 
Anth.  latt,  of  Burmann  and  Meyer  (nr.  279),  in  Werndorf  s  poetae  latt. 
V  p.  1296—1301  and  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  876.  It  is  perhaps  addressed  to 
Flavianus  who  was  procos.  Africae  a.  358  —  361  (Cod.  Theod.  VIII  5,  10. 
XI  36,  14)  or  the  one  who  was  a.  377  vicarius  Africae  (ib.  XVI  6,  2), 
382  sq.  praef.  praet.  Illyrici  et  Italiae  (ib.  VII  18,  8.  IX  29,  2.  40,  13). 
But  nr.  280  of  Meyer  =  26  (I  p.  82  sq.)  Rse  is  attributed  to  Av.  only 
in  part  of  the  mss.,  and  his  claim  to  277  M.  (de  cantu  Sirenum)  is  even 
more  doubtful.     Other  compositions  are  unjustly  ascribed  to  Av. 

6.  Servius  Aen.  X  272:  Stoici  dicunt  has  stellas  (cometas)  esse 
ultra  XXXIl  quarum  nomina  et  effectus  Avienus,  qui  iambis  scripsit 
Virgilii  fabulas,  [comjmemorat.  .  .  sane  Avienus  cometarum  has  differ- 
entias  dicit  etc.  On  Georg.  I  488:  diri  comctae]  criniti  [et]  pessimi, 
quia  sunt  et  boni,  .  .  quam  rem  plenissime  Avienus  exsequitur.  On 
Aen.  X  388:  haec  fabula  in  latinis  nusquam  invenitur  auctoribus.  Avie- 
nus tamen,    qui  totum  Virgiiium  et  Livium  iambis    scripsit,    banc  com- 


Avienus  and  Ausonius,  385 

memorat  dicens  graecam  esse.     The  latter  would  appear  to  be  a  work 
in  the  manner  of  Alfius  Avitus  (above  379,  1). 

7.  Complete  editions  of  Av. :  editio  princeps  (Venet.  1488.  4.)  and 
by  Ramirez  de  Prado  (Madrid  1634.    4.). 

8.  On  Avienus  cf,  "Wernsdorf,  poetae  latt.  min.  V  p.  621 — 716.  A. 
Holder  in  Pauly's  Enc.  1  2.  p.  2149—2153. 

414.  The  life  of  the  rhetorician  D.  Magnus  Ausonius 
of  Burdigala  embraces  nearly  the  whole  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury (c.  310 — 390).  Being  appointed  tutor  to  prince  Gratia- 
nus,  he  was  honoured  with  political  offices,  and  a.  379  eVen 
with  the  Consulate,  after  his  pupil's  accession  to  the  throne. 
Under  Theodosius  I  he  lived  in  his  native  town  occupied 
with  literary  labours,  and  in  this  time  he  wrote  most  of  his 
works,  a  great  number  of  which  has  come  down  to  us.  The 
only  specimen  of  his  prose-style  is  his  Gratiarum  actio  to  Gra- 
tianus  for  the  Consulate;  but  we  have  very  many  of  his  poeti- 
cal compositions.  They  have  indeed  little  value,  viewed  as 
poetry;  but  in  point  of  contents  and  diction  they  are  of  much 
interest.  His  varied  knowledge,  faithful  memory,  and  great 
versatility  in  form  do  not  easily  forsake  Ausonius  in  any  task 
he  may  impose  upon  himself,  though  the  subject  should  be 
dry,  or  even  when  he  merely  intends  to  imitate  some  form  of 
metre.  His  poems  contain  a  faithful  image  of  the  persons 
and  affairs  of  his  age  and  country,  especially  with  regard  to 
the  author's  relations  and  colleagues  (professores  Burdiga- 
lenses).  His  description  of  a  journey  down  the  Rhine  and  up 
the  Moselle  from  Bingen  to  Treves  (Mosella)  in  the  epic  style 
is  in  some  parts  interesting  for  its  diction  and  design. 

1.  Auson.  in  the  praef.  epigramm.  to  Syagrius:  Ausonius  genitor 
nobis ;  ego  nomine  eodem  qui  sim,  qua  secta,  stirpe,  lare  et  patria,  ad- 
scripsi.  .  .  Vasates  patria  est  patri;  gens  Aedua  matri  de  patre,  Tar- 
bellis  sed  genetrix  ab  Aquis.  (7.)  ipse  ego  Burdigalae  genitus.  .  . 
genitor  studuit  medicinae.  .  .  (15.)  nos  ad  grammaticen  studium  con- 
vertimus  et  mox  rhetorices  etiam  quod  satis  attigimus.  nee  fora  non 
celebrata  mihi,  sed  cura  docendi  cultior,  et  nomen  grammatici  merui. 
.  .  (23.)  exactisque  dehinc  per  trina  decennia  fastis^  asserui  doctor  mu- 
nicipalem  operam.  aurea  et  Augusti  (Valentinian  I)  palatia  iussus 
adire  augustam  subolem  grammaticus  docui,  mox  etiam  rhetor.  .  . 
(35.)  cuius  (i.  e.  Gratianus)  ego  Comes  et  Quaestor  (sacri  palatii)  et, 
culmen  honorum,  praefectus  Gallis  et  Libyae  et  Latio  (praef.  praet. 
Africae,  lUyrici,  Italiae  a.  376;  praef.  Galliarum  a.  378),  et  prior  indep- 

25 


386  'The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

tus  fasces  latiamque  curulem  Consul  (a.  379),  collega  (Q.  Clodius  Her- 
mogenianus  Olybrius)  posteriore,  fui.  The  vain  rhetorician  mentions 
his  Consulate  in  numerous  places,  but  most  extensively  in  his  Gratia- 
rum  actio.  When  he  accompanied  his  Imperial  pupil  on  an  expedition 
in  Germany,  he,  being  then  a  widower,  had  received  as  his  share  of 
the  booty  a  young  Swabian  girl,  Sulpitilla  Bissula;  see  Idyll.  7  and  A. 
Bacmeister,  Alemannic  Wanderings  I  (Stuttg.  1867)  p.  76 — 92  (an  Ale- 
mannic  Idyl  of  the  fourth  Century).  On  his  relation  to  Symmachus  see 
the  latter,  Ep.  I  13 — 43,  especially  32  (Auson.  to  Symm.) :  expertus  es 
fidem  meae  mentis  atque  dictorum  cum  in  comitatu  degimus  ambo 
aevo  dispari,  ubi  tu  veteris  militiae  praemia  tiro  meruisti,  ego  tirocinium 
iam  veteranus  exercui.  After  the  death  of  Gratianus  (a.  383)  Auson. 
retired  to  his  native  town,  where  he  lived  in  much  comfort.  R. 
Dezeimeris,  note  sur  I'emplacement  de  la  villula  d'Ausone,  Bordeaux 
1869.  14  pp.  8.  The  year  of  his  death  is  not  known,  but  it  was  no  doubt 
in  the  last  ten  years  of  the  century.  E.  Booking's  pref.  to  his  edition 
of  the  Mosella,  the  last  time  in  the  Annals  of  the  Rhenish  Antiquarians 
VII  (Bonn  1845)  p.  60—68.  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  I  2  p. 
2186   sq. 

2.  His  prose-works :  Gratiarum  actio  addressed  to  Gratianus,  deli- 
vered at  Treves,  an  anthology  of  rhetorical  figures  and  flatteries  to- 
wards the  Emperor,  though  the  speaker  does  not  forget  himself.  In 
the  ed.  Bipontina  p.  284—302.  Cf.  Hermes  IV  p.  150  sq.  In  prose  he 
also  wrote  the  Periochae  in  Homeri  Iliadem  et  Odysseam,  with  a  metri- 
cal translation  of  the  first  lines  of  each  book;  ed.  Bip.  p.  303 — 328. 
We  have  lost  the  apologi  Aesopi,  and  the  fasti  dedicated  to  his  son 
Hesperius,  carried  down  to  a.  382  (his  own  name  being  quartus  ab  imo) 
and  terminating  with  epigrams  still  extant. 

3.  His  metrical  compositions  are  as  follows: 

a.  Epigrammata,  146  pieces,  with  three  prefaces,  to  Theodo- 
sius,  Syagrius  and  Latiniis,  of  various  contents  and  mostly  in  elegiac  metre, 
but  some  also  in  heroic,  iambic,  and  other  metres.  There  are  also 
Greek  epigrams  among  them  (29.  31.  88)  and  some  mixed  of  the  two 
languages  (28.  32.  40).  They  are  of  varied  contents,  some  being  trans- 
lations (especially  from  the  Greek  Anthology),  others  original,  some  on 
art  (e.  g.  Myron's  Cow,  Timomachus'  Medea),  anecdotes  and  on  perso- 
nal affairs  (e.  g.  against  the  rhetorician  Rufus  45 — 52),  of  various  pe- 
riods (e.  g.  18  sq.  during  the  life  of  his  wife  who  died  very  early); 
some  merely  variations  of  the  same  idea  (22  sq.  29  sq.  40  sq.  42  sq. 
82  sq.  84  sq.  86  sqq.  91  sq.  123  sq.  129  sq.  132  sq.),  much  also  being 
quite  insignificant.     To  this  we  add  the  four  epigrams  on  his  Fasti. 

b.  Ephemeris,  on  the  division  of  the  day,  in  various  metres. 
We  possess,  however,  only  the  commencement  and  end  of  this. 

c.  Parentalia,  30  poems  of  different  extent  and  mostly  in  elegiac 
metre,  on  deceased  relations,   some  of  them  exhibiting  much  affection, 


A^fSonius.  387 

composed  after  his  Consulate  (4,  31)  and  when  he  had  been  a  widower 
for  36  years  already  (9,  8). 

d.  Commemoratio  professorum  Burdigalensium,  so  far 
as  Ausonius  knew  them  personally  and  had  been  in  intercourse  with 
them  (8,  7  sq.  12,  7),  a  kind  of  continuation  and  pendant  of  his  Paren- 
talia  (cf.  11,  7.  16,  1.  25,  9  and  praef.),  treating  only  of  the  dead, 
some  also  men  of  no  note  (8,  7  sq.  10,  5  sqq.  48  sqq.  12),  all  natives 
of  Burdigala  down  to  19,  from  20  also  such  as  merely  resided  there; 
a  work  which  had  grown  up  gradually  (see  14,  1  sqq.)  and  is  in  varying 
metres  (eleg.,  iamb.,  troch.,  tetr.,  anapaests,  sapph.). 

e.  Huic  libello  Epitaphia  subnexi,  sc.  titulos  sepulcrales  heroum 
qui  bello  troico  interfuerunt  (Aus.),  found  apud  philologum  quendam 
and  translated  into  Latin  by  Auson.  Only  the  smaller  part  of  them 
agree  with  the  Peplos  of  Ps. -Aristotle. 

f.  Aliquot  aliorum  epitaphia,  on  Niobe,  Dido,  Diogenes  Sinop.,  but 
also  original  ones,  e.  g.  on  Anicia,  on  an  ^quus  admirabilis  (iussu  Au- 
gusti)  etc. 

g.  De  XII  Caesaribus  per  Suetonium  Tranquillum  scriptis,  ad- 
dressed to  his  son  Hesperius  (versus  memoriales),  at  first  monostichic,  al- 
ways 12  hexameters  on  their  succession,  time  of  reign,  and  death;  then 
so  that  each  Emperor  fills  two  distichs,  and  the  series  is  carried 
down  to  Helagabal,  though  the  writer  also  intended  to  bring  it  down  to 
his  own  time. 

h.  Ordo  nobilium  urbium,  containing  17  towns  in  14  pieces 
(Rome  to  Burdigala),  in  hexameters,  and  composed  subsequently  to  the 
downfall  of  Maximus  (a.  388) ;  see  7,  5  sqq.  Also  in  Wernsdorf,  poetae 
latt.  min.  V  p.  1312—1349. 

i.  Ludus  VII  sapientum  with  the  heading  Ausonius  cos.  Latino 
Drepanio  Pacato  procos.  and  a  dedication  in  elegiac  metre;  the  rest  in 
senarii;  after  a  prologue  and  a  Ludius  the  seven  wise  men  appear  suc- 
cessively and  say  their  say,  Solon  being  the  most  loquacious ;  at  the 
end  a  request  for  applause.  In  the  mss.  we  have  then  a  variation  of 
these  seven  sentences  in  7  lines  each  in  different  metres  (printed  also 
in  Wolffiin's  Publil.  Syr.  p.  149 — 152),  which,  however,  are  not  com- 
posed by  Ausonius,  who  is  not  even  the  author  of  the  nine  hexameters 
appended  and  which  were  translated  from  the  Greek:  in  these  each 
sentence  is  expressed  in  a  monostich,  after  an  introduction  of  two  lines. 

k.  Idyllia,  i.  e.  twenty  small  poems,  most  of  them  in  epic  or 
elegiac  metre,  some  with  introductions  in  prose,  some  merely  scholastic 
trifles,  e.  g.  on  the  number  three  (XI),  de  aetatibus  animalium,  '^Haio- 
dfiov  (XIII),  the  Tersus  memoriales  on  the  twelve  labours  of  Hercules 
(XIX)  and  the  nine  Muses  and  their  duties  (XX) ;  XV — XVII  being  pro- 
fessedly Pythagorean  and  translations.  We  may  draw  special  attention 
to  I,  an  epicedium  on  his  father;  XIV  a  pretty  poem  on  Roses  (ex- 
cepting the  conclusion),  cf.  above  225,  5n.5;  XII  T  echnopaegnion. 


388  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

verbal  and  metrical  trifling  with  monosyllabic  words,  arranged  accor- 
ding to  matters  (de  membris,  de  diis,  cibis,  alphabet  etc.);  XIII  cento 
nuptial  is  composed  exclusively  of  lines  and  parts  of  lines  from  Vir- 
gil, composed  in  compliance  with  a  request  of  the  Emperor  Valenti- 
nian  I  and  addressed  both  to  him  and  to  Gratianus;  the  concluding 
section  which  contains  the  consummation  of  marriage  and  is  as  ex- 
plicit as  possible,  is  excused  by  the  author  in  a  special  preface,  in  which 
he  begs  not  to  draw  inferences  from  it  as  to  his  own  mode  of  life 
and  thought.  The  most  famous  piece  of  this  collection  is  nr.  X,  Mo- 
sella,  483  hexameters,  composed  at  Treves  about  the  close  of  a.  370 
(Booking  p.  69.  97  sq.).  This  poem  which  is  highly  interesting  on  ac- 
count of  its  subject  is  not  without  some  pretty  passages  in  an  aesthetic 
point  of  view,  e.  g.  50 — 77  (feeling  for  the  beauty  of  nature),  230 — 
237,  259  sqq.  It  is  arranged  in  the  usual  epic  manner,  with  invocations 
of  gods  and  numerous  excursuses,  e.  g.  on  the  fish  of  the  Moselle  (77 
— 151),  the  catching  of  fish  (240  sqq.),  architects  and  magnificent  buil- 
dings (298  sqq,  by  way  of  treating  of  the  villas  on  the  banks,  283  sqq. 
318  sqq.),  also  some  theological  excursuses  (170  sqq.  208  sqq.).  An  ac- 
curate work  on  the  famous  men  and  towns  of  the  valley  of  the  Mo- 
selle is  put  off  by  the  author  until  he  shall  have  retired  to  his  native 
town,  382  sqq.  448  sqq.  Symmach.  ep.  I  14:  volitat  tuus  Mosella  per 
manus  sinusque  multorum,  divinis  a  te  versibus  consecratus.  The  poem 
is  printed  e.  g.  in  Wernsdorf  s  poet.  latt.  min.  I  p.  192 — 230.  Sepa- 
rate editions  by  L.  Tross  (Hamm  1821  and  1824)  and  E.  Booking  (Lat- 
and  German,  Berlin  1828.  4.  recogn,,  s.  1.  et  a.  =;  Bonn  1842;  the 
poems  on  the  Moselle  by  Ausonius  and  Venantius,  Lat.  and  Germ., 
with  critical  and  exeg.  notes.  Annals  of  the  Rhenish  Antiquarians,  VII 
Bonn  1845).  A  critical  contribution  on  the  Mosella  by  C.  C.  C.  Volker, 
in  the  Symb,  phil.  Bonn.  (1864)  p.  447—454. 

1.  Eclogarium,  a  number  of  astronomical  and  astrological  versi- 
fications in  epic  and  elegiac  metre,  on  the  names  of  the  stars,  days, 
months,  Roman  festivals,  Greek  Agones  etc. 

m.  Epistolarum  liber,  25  pieces,  in  different  metres  (XVII 
altogether  in  prose,  some  only  partly,  e.  g.  XI,  XIX,  XXI  sq.),  XIII 
two  Greek  hexameters,  XII  in  a  jocular  mixture  of  Greek  and  Latin 
words  and  forms  (R.  Kohler,  Ausonius  and  Macaronic  poetry,  Rhein. 
Mus.  XII  p.  434—436).  The  collection  is  arranged  according  to  the 
persons  addressed  and  consists  of  real  letters  (some  occasional  poems), 
most  of  them  in  a  jocular  tone  and  composed  subsequently  to  his  con- 
sulate (6,  1.  15,  30.  20,  5)  and  during  the  author's  last  stay  at  Burdi- 
gala  (cf.  9,  11.  12,  31.  19  extr.  20,  7);  but  I  is  addressed  to  his  father, 
on  the  birth  of  a  grandson,  II  (fragmentary)  and  III  to  his  son  Hespe- 
rius,  IV  and  XVI  (a.  376—378)  in  the  time  when  A.  was  tutor  to  the 
prince  and  was  in  the  field  (4,  81.  16,  75).  IV— VII  are  addressed  to 
Theon,  VIII— XIV  to  Axius  Paulus,  XIX— XXV  to  Pontius  Paulinus. 
To  the  last  three  letters  which  are  very  lively  but  reached  their  ad- 
dress only  after  the  lapse  of  full  three  years,    we  also  possess  the  an- 


I 


Aifsonms.  389 

swers,  Paulin.  carmin.  10  and  13   in  Migne's  edition,  and  in  the  Bipont 
edition  of  Ausonius,  p.  342 — 354. 

4.  Ausonius  became  a  convert  to  Christianity,  perhaps  on  receiving 
a  Court  appointment,  perhaps  also  in  his  early  years,  as  he  had  very 
devout  aunts.  He  repeatedly  professes  in  his  poems  his  respect  for 
the  Christian  religion;  in  the  Ephemeris  he  has  a  lengthy  prayer  to 
Christ,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Id.  an  Easter  prayer,  and  he  repeatedly 
uses  Christian  turns  of  expression.  This  Christian  white-wash  is,  how- 
ever, not  very  deep.  The  poet  knows  his  Terence,  Virgil  and  Horace 
much  better  than  the  Bible ;  whenever  he  speaks  in  the  tone  of  a  Christian, 
he  does  so  to  please  others,  e.  g.  in  his  speech  before  the  pious  Gratia- 
nus(p.  284.  300.  301),  in  his  letter  to  the  orthodox  Paulinus  (Ep.  25,  113 
sq.)  —  but  his  pagan  mode  of  thought  asserts  itself  almost  unconsci- 
ously in  by  far  a  greater  number  of  passages.  E.  g.  Prof.  Burd.  26, 
12  sqq. :  dum  remeat  illud,  iudicis  dono  dei,  commune  cum  dis  sae- 
culum,  or  when  he  compares  (Id.  I  24  sqq.)  the  division  of  the  throne 
between  three  rulers  (Valentinian  I  and  his  sons  Gratianus  and  Valen- 
tinian  II  a.  375—383)  with  the  Trinity  (cf.  also  Ephem.  2,  15  sqq.  Id. 
11,88),  or  in  calling  the  Emperor  deus  in  several  passages,  (praef.  epigr. 
ad  Theodos.  15:  non  tutum  rennisse  deo;  cf.  grat.  act.  p.  285.  288. 
300  extr.  Bip.),  or  talking  of  Nemesis  (Ep.  24,  51  sqq.)  and  the  in- 
vidia  fati  (Prof.  Burd.  13,  10).  He  is  not  even  quite  convinced  of  the 
immortality  of  man  as  individual,  see  Par.  15,  9  sq.  22,  15.  Prof. 
Burd.  1,  39  sqq.,  22,  22.  23,  13.  26,  7.  But  nothing  is  easier  to  under- 
stand in  a  time  of  transition  than  this  vacillation.  Cf.  Booking,  Annal-8 
of  the  Rhenish  Antiqu.  VII  p.  66—68. 

5.  Symmach.  ep.  I  21  praises  A.  for  morum  gravitas  et  discipli- 
narum  vetustas;  cf.  ib.  30:  es  ingenio  placabili  inter  reliqua  virtutum. 
Idyll.  II  43  A.  describes  himself  as  tranquillus,  clemens,  oculis,  voce, 
ore  serenus.  What  he  says  ib.  IV  praef.  of  one  of  hie  works,  that  it 
was  fucatius  concinnata  quam  verius  et  plus  coloris  quam  suci  habens 
(and  venustula  magis  quam  forticula),  may  be  said  of  all.  But  that  his 
character  was  good  at  the  bottom,  may  be  inferred  from  the  piety 
with  which  he  speaks  of  his  relations  especially  of  his  father  (though 
here  also  he  appears  vain)  and  from  the  attachment  of  his  pupils.  His 
memory  was  inexhaustible  and  furnished  him  with  facts,  notices  and 
reminiscences  in  abundance,  frequently  even  where  they  were  quite 
out  of  place  and  supplanted  actual  thought.  He  often  mentions  in 
how  short  a  time  he  wrote  off  a  poem.  The  consequence  was  that  his 
productions  often  lack  polish.  He  imitates  the  various  metrical  forms 
with  much  versatility,  but  without  any  fine  perception  of  the  details 
and  of  the  actual  character  of  each.  His  dactylic  lines  are  generally 
correct  with  regard  to  caesura,  a^d  in  his  Sapphics  he  observer^  the 
strict  rules  of  Horace,  but  in  his  iambic  lines  he  admits  spondees  also 
m  the  even  feet  and  is  often  arbitrary  with  regard  to  the  shortening 
of  long  and  the  lengthening  of  short  syllabes.  Th.  Riihse,  de  re  metr. 
Ausonii,  Berlin  1868.  39  pp.     See  in  general  P.  Bayle,  dictionnaire  s.  v. 


/ 


390  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

C.  G.  Heyne,  censura  ingenii  et  morum  Ausonii,  in  his  Opusc.  acad.  VI 
p.  22 — 34.  J.  C.  Demogeot,  etudes  historiques  et  litteraires  sur  Ausone, 
Bordeaux  1838.  P.  G.  Deydou,  un  poete  bordelais:  Ausone,  Bordeaux 
1868.  22  pp.  G.  Kaufmann,  in  F.  Raumer's  Hist.  Taschenbueh  1869, 
p.  8—28,    90—92. 

6.  The  earliest  mss.  are  the  Vossianus  111  saec.  IX  (comp,  Riese, 
Anth.  lat.  II  p.  XVI— XIX)  and  the  St.  Gall  ms.  899  with  the  date  867, 
which  seems,  however,  rather  to  be  the  date  of  the  ras.  from  which  it 
was  copied.  A  confused  list  of  the  mss.  is  given  by  Rahse  p.  4  sq. 
In  the  mss.  of  Ausonius  are  also  preserved  three  Sapphic  stanzas  (de 
vetustate)  by  a  scholastic  author  Sulpicius  Luperius  (Servasius  lunior)^ 
and  an  elegiac  complaint  on  the  neglect  of  studies  arising  from  the  pursuit 
of  money.  The  first  poem  illustrates  the  vanity  of  things  in  five 
instances.  There  are  no  traces  of  the  Christian  religion  or  phrases  in 
this  poem  as  well  as  in  the  Elegy  (42  lines) ;  a  pagan  tone  is  rather  in 
V.  21 :  illud  (aurum)  templorum  damno  excidioque  requirit.  The  scene 
Is  outside  Italy,  perhaps  in  Gaul,  cf.  29  sq.  (romani  sermonis  egent 
etc.).  There  is  a  terrific  description  of  the  appearance  of  a  school- 
master, V,  31  sqq.  Diction  and  metre  are  alike  prosaic  and  painful, 
e.  g.  V.  27  sq.  The  usual  archaisms  mage  and  fundier  are  of  course 
not  forgotten.  These  poems  are  printed  e.  g.  in  Wernsdorf's  poet.  lat. 
min.  Ill  p.  235—241.  408  sq.  cf.  ib.  p.  142—144,  and  Riese's  Anth.  lat. 
648  sq.  (II  p.  101—103). 

7.  In  the  manner  of  Aus.  is  the  Tetrastichon  authenticum  de  sin- 
gulis mensibus,  in  the  cod.  Voss.  86,  printed  in  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  395 
(p.  259—261). 

8.  On  the  Editions  of  Ausonius  see  Booking,  Annals  of  the 
Rhenish  Antiqu.  VII  p.  3 — 11.  We  mention  the  edition  princep?  (Venice 
1472.  foL),  the  Ascensiana  (Paris.  1511.  4),  Aldina  (1517.  8),  the  ed.  by 
Pulmann  (Antwerp  1568.  16.),  Jos.  Scaliger  (with  his  lectiones  Ausonianae 
Lugd.  1575.  Heidelberg  1588  and  elsewhere).  El.  Vinetus  (Bordeaux 
1580.  1590.  4.),  J.  ToUius  (Amsterdam  1669.  12.),  J.  B.  Souchay'  (Paris 
1730.  4.),  ed.  Bipontina  (1785),  W.  E.  Weber's  Corp.  poet.  lat.  p.  1206 
— 1267  (without  the  gratiarum  actio). 

415.  The  requirements  of  the  Christian  worship  occasioned 
the  composition  of  Christian  hymns.  Among  the  earliest  which 
we  possess  are  those  of  Damasus  (a.  305 — 384),  in  which 
there  is  a  certain  tendency  to  use  rhyme.  Besides  his  lyrical 
poems,  we  have  also  epic  poems  by  him,  as  well  as  epitaphs; 
of  his  prose-writings  we  possess  only  letters.  Dogmatic  works 
are  extant  of  Pacianus,  Optatus,  and  Philastrius.  As  Chri- 
stian writers  of  this  time  Aquilius  Severus,  Latronianus,  and 
others  are  mentioned. 


Ausonius.     Damasus.     Pacianus.  391 

1.  Hieron.  de  vir.  ill,  103:  Damasus,  romanae  urbis  episcopus 
(after  a.  366,  cf.  Amm.  XXVII  3,  12  sq.),  elegans  in  versibus  compo- 
nendis  ingenium  habuit  multaque  et  brevia  metro  edidit  et  prope  octo- 
genarius  sub  Theodosio  principe  (a.  384)  mortuus  est.  Cf.  chron.  ad 
a.  2382  ■=■  366.  Suid.  v.  Ja^uaaog.  Hieron.  epist.  22,  22:  legas  .  .  de 
virginitate  libellos  .  .  papae  Damasi  .  .  versu  prosaque  composita  (vo- 
lumina).     48,  18.     Ammian.  XXVII  3,  12  sq.  and  other  passages, 

2.  Verses  by  Damasus  are  extant  partly  in  mss.,  partly  in  epitaphs 
(at  Rome).  The  latter  have  been  chiefly  collected  by  de  Rossi,  Inscriptt. 
Christ.  I  329  (p.  146)  II.  Dam.  cultor  atque  amator,  Furius  Dionysius 
Philocalus  (above  64,  9),  copied  with  much  caligraphic  neatness;  de 
Rossi  I  p.  LVI.  Most  of  the  verses  of  Dam.  are  hexameters,  some  in 
elegiac  metre;  c.  8  consists  of  iambic  dimeters,  c.  30  of  catalectic 
dactylic  tetrameters.  The  latter  two  are  rhymed,  c.  8  in  a  free  manner 
(observe  v.  3  sq.  the  rhyme  praedicat  .  .  gloria;  11  sq.  praeparat  .  . 
gaudia),  c.  30  is  more  regular.  In  his  lines  in  epic  metre  an  arbitrary 
treatment  of  metre  appears  chiefly  at  the  beginning  of  the  line  (e.  g. 
sordibus  depositis,  impium  maledicum,  prophetam  Christi)  and  at  the 
end  (preces,  fratremque,  zrenen).  3,  1:  haec  verba  cecinit;  4,  1: 
trina  coniunctio  mundi;  6,  1  the  hexameter:  spes,  vita,  salus,  ratio, 
sapientia,  lumen;  he  has  also  the  synaloephe  of  a  long  vowel  and 
hiatus.  His  subjects  are  apostles,  martyrs,  popes,  departed  Chri- 
stians (e.  g.  the  mother  and  sister  of  D.) ;  c.  2  is  an  Easter  congratu- 
lation addressed  to  the  Emperor.  In  37  poems  D.  mentions  his  own 
name  no  less  than  27  times,  c.  6  belongs  to  a  certain  Silvius;  see 
Anth.  lat.  689  a.  R. 

3.  Damasi  papae  opera  quae  extant  .  .  cum  notis  Martii  Milesii 
Sarrazanii  ed.  F.  Ubaldin,  Rom.  1638.  4.  Paris  1672.  Damasi  carmina 
sacra  .  .  illustr.  ab  A.  Rivino,  Lips.  1652.  Aucta  et  illustr.  ab  A.  M. 
Merenda,  Rom.  1754.  fol.  In  Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  VI.  Maittaire,  opera 
veterum  poett,  latt.  (2  vols.  London  1713  fol.),  Migne's  Patrolog.  XIII 
p.  347-375  (Epistolae).     375—417;  opera  apocrypha  p.  423—441. 

On  Damasus  see  e.  g.  the  prolegomena  of  Merenda  (ap.  Migne 
XIII  p.  109-347  cf.  p.  417—423).  R.  Ceillier,  hist,  gener.  VI  p.  454— 
477,  Holscher,  de  Damasi  et  Hilarii  qui  feruntur  hymnis  sacris,  Miinster 
1858.  4.     A.  Couret,  de  Damasi  .  .  carminibus,  Grenoble  1870.  79  pp. 

4.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  106:  Pacianus,  in  Pyrenaei  iugis  Barcilonae 
episcopus  castitate  et  eloquentia  et  tam  vita  quam  sermone  clarus, 
scripsit  varia  opuscula,  de  quibus  est  Cervus  (?)  et  Contra  Novatianos. 
sub  Theodosio  principe  (a.  291)  iam  ultima  sonectute  mortuus  est.  He 
was  father  to  Flavius  Dexter.  The  work  Contra  Nov.,  a  sermon  ex- 
horting to  do  penance,  and  other  works,  are  extant;  see  Paciani  opera 
studio  Jo.  Tilii,  Paris  1538,  in  the  Bibl.  patr.  max.  IV  p.  305,  in  Gal- 
landi bibl.  patr.  VII  p.  257  sqq.,  and  in  Migne's  Patrolog.  XIII.  On  P. 
cf.  R.  Ceillier  VI  p.  713—739. 


392  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

5.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  llO:  Optatus  Afer,  episcopus  Milevitanus,  ex 
parte  catholica,  scripsit,  Valentiniano  et  Valente  principibus  adversum 
Donatianae  partis  calumniam  libros  VI  (Var. :  VII).  Editions:  1549  fol. 
Ed.  Fr.  Balduinus,  Paris  1563,  and  elsewhere.  Opera  et  studio  L.  Ellies 
du  Pin,  Paris.  1700  fol.  and  elsewhere.  In  Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  V  p. 
461   sqq.  Cur.  F.  Oberthiir,  Wiirzburg  1790.  In  Migne's  Patrolog.  XI. 

6.  Augustin.  de  haeres.  praef. :  Philastrius  quidaro  Brixiensis 
episcopus,  quern  cum  sancto  Ambrosio  Mediolani  etiam  ipse  vidi,  scripsit 
liinc  librum  nee  illas  haereses  praetermittens  quae  in  populo  iudaeo 
fuerunt  ante  adventum  domini  easque  XXVIII  commemoravit  et  post 
dom.  adv.  CXXVIII  scripsit  hinc  etiam  graece  episcopus  Cyprius  Epi- 
phanius,  availing  himself  of  Philastrius.  Philastri  de  haeresibus  liber 
in  Migne's  Patrol.  XII  and  especially  in  Fr.  Oehler's  Corpus  haeresio- 
logicum  I  (Berlin  1856)  p.  1—185.  Cf.  R.  Ceillier,  hist.  gen.  VI  p.  739 
— 751.  Philastrius  was  succeeded  by  Gaudentius,  in  the  time  of  Am- 
brosius. 

7.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  Ill:  Aquilius  Severus  in  Hispania,  de  genere 
illius  Severi  ad  quem  Lactantii  duo  epistolarum  (in)8cribuntur  libri 
(above  393,  2),  composuit  volumen  quasi  odoinoQtxoj/  totius  suae  vitae 
statum  continens  tam  prosa  quam  versibus,  quod  vocavit  KcaaoTQOifijy 
sive  Uf-TQuv^  et  sul)  Valentiniano  principe  obiit. 

8.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  122:  Latronianus,  provinciae  Hispaniae,  valde 
eruditus  et  in  metrico  opere  veteribus  comparandus,  caesus  est  Treve- 
ris  cum  Priscilliano  (a.  385;  cf.  Sulpic.  Sev.  chron.  II  51,  3).  .  .  extant 
eius  ingenii  opera  diversis  metris  edita.     See  above  410,  4. 

9.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  123:  Tiberianus  Baeticus  scripsit  pro  suspicions 
(pia  cum  Priscilliano  accusabatur  haereseos  apologeticum  tumenti  com- 
positoque  sermone. 

416.  In  about  this  time  two  Latin  versions  of  Dictys  and 
of  Josephus  were  executed.  The  Latin  version  of  the  fabulous 
history  of  the  Trojan  war  by  the  pretended  Cretan  Dictys 
bears  the  name  of  a  certain  Septimius  and  is  in  an  artificial 
diction,  borrowed  from  all  sides,  abounding  in  archaisms, 
poetical  phrases,  and  late  formations.  Among  the  earlier 
models  Sallust  is  chiefly  imitated.  The  translation  of  Josephus' 
History  of  the  Jewish  war,  which  was  long,  though  erroneously, 
considered  the  work  ofHegesippus,  is  of  the  time  of  Am- 
brosius,  if  not  indeed  by  him.  The  original  work  has  been 
much  abridged  in  some  parts,  and  rhetorically  enlarged  upon 
in  others;  the  Christian  point  of  view  of  the  translator  is 
strongly  discernible.  To  this  time  we  may  also  assign  the 
earliest  Latin  translation  of  the  Bible  (Itala),  and  the  trans- 
lation of  Pelagonius  is  not  much  later. 


Philastr'ms  and  others.     Dictys  Cretensis.  393 

1.  Siiidas  s.  V.  Ji/.rvg  (I  p.  1369  sq.  Bnli.)  Jixrvg  laroQr/.og.  tyQuxpfv 
'F.<itj/iif()id'<x.  t-GTt  df  Tti  |Wf,9^  OfAT^Qov  yAittxloycidtjv  hP  ^t^lioig  d-  ,  Iralixcc 
TQOj'ixov  dicixoa^ov.  ovTog  t'yqcajjf  ja  irfQi  aQnayrjg  Ek^yrjg  xccl  nfQi  Mf- 
vfXaov  xcii  Tidafjg  iktaxrjg  vnod-fGfoDg.  Eudocia  (p.  128)  mentions  also  the 
translator  {2fmrjiJ^7utg  ng  Qiofxcaog  ffoifog  .  .  fig  rrjv  ^Mua'ixriv  qojutjy 
^fT1]yfyxfp).  Malala  inserted  an  abridgment  of  the  work  to  his  Chrono- 
logy, and  it  was  likewise  used  by  other  Byzantine  writers  as  a  historical 
source.  Suidas  relates  of  the  work  1.  1.:  ort  tnl  Kkavdiov  trjg  Kq-mrig 
vjio  (Tfiauov  xar(r€/d^fiGi]g  xcd  nokkcoy  raqcor  jKVfoi^d^iVTMV  fvqid^rj  tv 
h'i  rovT(Ov  to  Gvi'Tayua  irjg  iGTOQf.ag  Jixrvog,  Toy  tqm'ixov  nfQi^/ov 
TTokf^uov,  oTTfo  ka[iiou  Kkavdiog  tltcfwxf  yQccfifGr^ci.  This  agrees  with 
the  'prologus'  of  the  Latin  version,  2,  4  sqq.  Meister:  Dictys  .  .  fuit 
socius  Idomenei  .  .  et  Merionis,  .  .  a  quibus  ordinatus  est  ut  annales 
belli  troiani  conscriberet.  igitur  de  toto  bello  X  (Dederich  and  Meister : 
IX)  volumina  in  tilias  digessit  phoeniceis  litteris.  quae  .  .  praecepit 
moriens  ut  secum  sepelirentur.  .  .  verum  .  .  tertio  decimo  anno  Ne- 
ronis  imperii  (a.  66  =  819  V.  C.)  in  Gnoso  civitate  tcrrae  motus  facti 
etc.  pastores  .  .  ad  suum  dominum  Eupraxidem  .  .  pertulerunt.  qui  .  . 
litteras  Rutilio  Rufo,  illius  insulae  (Creta)  tunc  consulari,  pbtulit.  ille  .  . 
ad  Neronem  oblata  sibi  transmisit.  .  .  Nero  .  .  iussit  in  graecura  ser- 
monem  ista  transferri.  .  .  quorum  seriem  qui  sequitur  textus  ostendit. 
The  writer  states  repeatedly  (I  13.  V  17.  Yl  10)  that  he  himself  was 
an  eyewitness  of  all  the  events.  This  work  belongs  to  the  fictitious 
literature  which  grew  up  in  the  first  century  of  the  Christian  era  (cf. 
E.  Zeller,  Lectures  p.  297  sqq.  Hercher,  on  Ptoh  Chennus,  in  Fleck- 
eisen's  Jahrb.  Suppl.  1855,  p.  276  sqq.  E.  Rohde,  on  Lucian's  Jovxiog 
p.  21).  The  Greek  original  might  therefore  belong  to  that  time.  But 
even  in  the  fifteenth  century  Lascaiis  could  not  find  it,  and  H.  Dunger 
(the  Legend  of  the  Trojan  war  1869,  p.  18  sq.)  is  therefore  inclined  to 
believe  that  it  never  existed,  just  as  in  the  case  of  Dares.  Cf.  above 
396,  9  and  below  459,  17. 

2.  To  the  preface  of  his  (pretended?)  Greek  original  the  translator 
has  added  another,  in  which  most  statements  of  the  first  are  reiterated 
so  that  his  preface  seems  to  have  been  intended  to  fill  the  place  of 
the  other.  It  was,  however,  more  exposed  to  danger  owing  to  its 
position  and  is,  therefore,  omitted  iu  many  mss.  The  principal  state- 
ments are  contained  in  the  following  extract:  L.  (Var. :  Q.)  Septimius 
Q.  Aradio  s.  d.  Ephemerida  belli  troiani  Dictys  Cretensis  .  .  conscripsit 
litteris  punicis  etc.  nobis  cum  in  manus  forte  libelli  venissent  avidos 
verae  historiae  cupido  incessit  ea  uti  erant  letine  disserere,  non  magis 
confisi  ingenio  quam  ut  otiosi  animi  desidiam  discuteremus.  itaque 
priorum  quinque  voluminum  .  .  eundcm  numerum  servavimus;  residua 
quattuor  de  reditu  Graecorum  in  unum  redegimus  atque  ad  te  misimus. 
tu,  Rufine  mi,  ut  par  est,  fave  coeptis..  The  person  addressed  is,  there- 
fore, called  Q.  Aradius  Rufinus.  A  certain  Aradius  Rufinus  was  praef. 
urbis  a.  304,  and  then  twice  again  a.  312  (Chronographcr  of  354,  p.  628 
Mo.)   and  is  possibly  identical  with  the  Cons.  Rufinus  of  a.  316;  another 


394  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

(perhaps  his  son  or  grandson)  is  mentioned  by  Ammian.  XXIII  1,  4: 
Rufinum  Aradium  comitem  orientis  in  locum  avunculi  sui  luliani  recens  ' 
defuncti  provexit  (Julian,  a.  363).  Cf.  Cod.  Theod.  X  19,  2.  We  should 
probably  refer  to  the  first  the  epigram  by  the  father  of  Symmachus 
(Symm.  Ep.  I  2)  in  which  Ar,  Ruf.  is  e.  g.  styled  unus  amor  cunctis 
et  praesidium  trepidorum.  One  of  these  two  seems  to  be  the  person 
addressed  by  Septimius,  for  whom  we  should  rather  look  among  the 
rhetoricians  of  the  period  than  among  high  functionaries,  as  Perizonius 
does. 

3.  With  regard  to  the  age  of  Septimius,  the  person  whom  he 
addresses  (see  n.  2)  allows  us  merely  to  choose  between  the  beginning 
of  the  fourth  century  and  the  second  half  of  it.  This  suits  also  his 
diction  which  indeed,  as  Dederich  shows  p.  XXXVIII — LVI,  and  in  his 
Gloss.  Sept.  p.  241  sqq.  (see  also  Perizonius  ib.  p.  LXXXVI  sq.)  resembles 
in  some  details  the  style  of  Apuleius  (p.  XLXIII — LIV),  but  also  the 
pretended  Hegeslppus,  Ammianus,  Sulpicius  Severus,  Orosius  and  others. 
We  decide  in  favour  of  the  time  of  Theodosius  I.  The  speeches  (espec. 
II  21  sqq.  Y  2)  are  evident  imitations  of  the  style  of  Sallust.  Besides 
Sallust,  the  writer  avails  himself  also  of  Cornelius  Nepos,  Livy  und  others. 

4.  The  Latin  translation  by  Septimius  was  much  used  in  the 
Middle  Ages  (especially  to  supplement  Dares;  see  H.  Dunger.  the 
Legend  of  the  Trojan  war  p.  26.  32.  37—39.  59  sq.,  also  69  sq.)  and 
therefore  frequently  copied.  The  earliest  and  best  ms.  is  the  Sangal- 
lensis  205  saec.  IX.  In  the  editions  the  work  is  commonly  joined 
with  Dares.  Colon.  1470  or  1475.  Mediol.  1477  fol.  Ed.  Cratander, 
Basil.  1529.  Later  ed.  by  Jos.  Mercerius  (Paris  1618.  Amstel.  1631), 
Anna  Tan.  Fabri  filia  (Paris  1680.  Amstel.  1702.  4.),  U.  Obrecht  (cura 
S.  Artopoei,  Argentor.  1691),  L.  Smids  (Amstelod.  1702.  4.),  and  espe- 
cially A.  Dederich  (Bonn  1832;  a  cheaper  ed.  Bonn  1837;  CXVIII  and 
544  sqq.),  where  also  (p.  LVII— CXVII)  lac.  Perizonii  dissertatio  de  D. 
Cr.  etc.  Cf.  G.  F.  Hildebrand  in  Jahn's  Jhbb.  XXIII  p.  278  sqq.  Recogn. 
Ferd.  Meister,  Leipzig  1872. 

6.  The  Heading  is  in  the  Cassel  ms.  losephi  liber  I  etc.  Hence 
arose  loseppus,  losippus,  Aegesippus,  Egesippus,  Hegesippus.  The 
Greek  original  is  partly  abridged  (B.  V  =.  Joseph.  V — VII),  partly  en- 
larged upon  from  other  (chiefly  Roman)  sources  and  with  rhetorical 
additions,  also  coloured  over  so  as  to  give  it  a  C!bristian  appearance 
(e.  g.  II  12.  Ill  2.  IV  5).  Constantinople  is  the  Imperial  residence,  III 
5;  and  composition  about  the  end  of  saec.  IV  may  be  inferred  from 
V  15,  24  sqq.  This  is  the  time  of  Ambrosius,  to  whom  the  work  is 
ascribed  in  the  Milan  and  other  mss.  This  would  also  agree  with 
the  rhetorical  education  of  the  author  and  his  acquaintance  with 
Sallust,  also  with  some  details  of  diction.  It  cannot  be  proved  that 
St.  Jerome's  translation  of  the  Bible  was  used,  but  it  may  be  shown 
that  Isidore  employed  the  translation  of  Josephus.  J.  Caesar  in  Weber's 
edition  p.  390—399. 


Hegesippus.     The   Versio  Itala.  395 

7.  On  the  mss.  of  this  translation  of  Josephus,  among  which  the 
Milan  (saec.  VII)  and  Cassel  (saec.  VIII— IX)  mss.  are  the  best,  see 
Caesar  p.  399—403. 

8.  Editio  princeps  Paris  1510.  Then  1511.  1524.  Colon.  1525. 
1530.  1544.  Ed.  Cornelius  Gualtherus  Gaudavensis,  Colon.  1559.  1575. 
In  the  Bibl.  patr.  maxima  (1677)  V  p.  1123-1209;  in  Gallandi  bibl. 
patr.  (Ven.  1788)  VII  p.  653—771,  and  Migne's  Patrol,  curs.  XV  (1845). 
p.  1962—2206.  A  critical  edition  by  C.  F.  Weber:  Hegesippus  qui 
dicitur  s.  Eges.  de  bello  iudaico,  ope  cod.  Cassell.  recognitus;  opus 
morte  Weberi  interruptum  absolvit  C.  I.  Caesar,  Marburg  1864,  404  pp. 
4.  (originally  in  8  programs  of  the  University  of  Marburg,  1857 — 1864). 

9.  Other  translations  made  in  this  time.  Symmach.  ep.  Ill  11 
(Nauceilio) :  opusculi  tui  quo  prisca  cuiusque  reip.  ex  libro  graeco  in 
latinum  transtulisti. 

10.  A  Latin  translation  of  the  apocryphal  book  of  Esra  from  the 
Greek  is  quoted  by  Tertullian  and  others ;  see  A.  Hilgenfeld,  Messias 
ludaeorum  (Lips.  1869)  p.  XXII  sqq. 

11.  Of  great  importance  for  our  knowledge  of  vulgar  Latin  is  a 
literal  translation  of  the  Bible  from  the  Greek  of  the  LXX  made  before 
St.  Jerome  (Itala),  which  for  Leviticus  and  Numeri  was  edited  e  codice 
perantiquo  Ashburnhamiense  London  1868.  Bibliorum  sacr.  latinae  ver- 
siones  antiquae,  sen  vetus  italica  etc.  opera  et  studio  P.  Habatier, 
Paris  1751.  3  vols.  fol.  Latinae  vet.  test,  versionis  antehieronymianae 
fragmenta  e  cod.  Fuldensi  aucta  ed.  E.  Ranke,  Marburg  1856;  and  Pa- 
palimpsestorum  Wirceburgensium  (of  saec.  V)  antiquissimae  vet.  test, 
versionis  latinae  (probably  by^two  authors)  fragmenta;  e  cod.  rescr.  emit 
E.  R.  Vienna  1871.  Fr.  Kaulen,  History  of  the  Vulgate,  Mayence  1868; 
A  Manual  on  the  Vulgate,  being  a  Systematic  collection  of  the  pecu- 
liarities of  its  Latin,  Mayence  1870.  280  pp.  H.  Ronsch,  Itala  and  Vulffata, 
the  idioms    of  the  early  Itala  and  the  Catholic  Vulgata,  Marburg  1869. 

12.  For  St.  Jerome's  and  Rufinus'  translations  of  the  Bible  see 
below  427  sq. 

13.  We  may  probably  assign  to  the  commencement  of  the  fifth 
century  the  translation  of  Pelagonius'  work  on  veterinary  art,  which 
we  owe  to  palimpsests  from  Bobbio.  He  quotes  Columella  and  had 
probably  written  in  the  time  of  Constantine.  In  the  Hippiatrici,  Paris 
1530  fol.,  Basil.  1537.  4.  Pelagonii  veterinaria  ex  Riccardiano  codice 
excripta  ab  los.  Sarchiano  nunc  primum  edita  cura  C.  Cionii,  Florent. 
1826.  On  this  see  also  Wiener  Jahrb.  XXVI  (1824),  Anzeigebl.  p.  25  sqq. 
32  sqq.  XLIV  (1828)  p.  141  sqq.  Anzeigebl.  p.  46  sqq.  H.  Moliiii,  sopra 
la  veterinaria  di  P.,  Padua  1828.  F.  Osann,  quaedam  de  Pelagonio 
Hippiatricorum  scriptore,  Giessen  1843.  4. 


396  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

h)     The   time   of  Theodosius   1.     A.  379  sqq. 

417.  Of  the  Emperors  who  ruled  in  the  last  twenty  years 
of  the  fourth  century  only  Gratianus  '(a.  359—383)  may  be 
said  to  have  taken  interest  in  literature.  Theodosius  I.  (a. 
346—395),  chiefly  a  warrior,  like  Trajan,  spent  his  vigour 
partly  in  his  wars  against  the  enemies  who  threatened  the 
Empire  on  the  East  and  North  frontiers,  and  against  usurpers 
(Maximus  and  Eugenius),  partly  in  his  endeavours  to  promote 
the  orthodox  Nicaean  creed  at  the  expense  of  polytheism  and 
of  the  Arian  doctrine.  Polytheism  became  gradually  extinct. 
Some  circles,  e.  g.  at  Rome  the  families  of  Symmachus  and 
Nicomachus,  maintained  their  interest  in  the  old  literature 
and  remained  faithful  to  the  old  faith.  But  their  endeavours 
were  isolated  and  fruitless;  Symmachus  and  Ammianus.were 
in  fact  the  last  representatives  of  polytheism  in  literature. 
The  number  and  importance  of  the  Christian  writers  were  of 
course  daily  increasing.  Above  all  we  discern  the  towering 
figure  of  Ambrosius.  Hieronymus  was  indeed  unequalled  dn 
varied  knowledge  and  literary  exertion.  The  beginning  of  the 
literary  activity  of  St.  Augustine  belongs  likewise  to  this  time. 
Prudentius  wrote  poems  on  Christian  subjects  in  various  metres, 
and  not  long  after  him  Sulpicius  Severus  and  Orosius  treated 
history  from  the  Christian  point  of  view.  Dogmatic  influences 
asserted  their  power  even  in  the  department  of  history  and 
in  the  interpretation  of  biblical  events  and  characters  by  alle- 
gorical or  symbolical  views.  The  medical  part  of  literature 
consists  in  translations  of  Greek  works  (Theodorus  Priscianus) 
or  the  superstitious  enlarging  of  earlier  Latin  works  (Mar- 
cellus  Empiricus,  Sex.  Placitus).  This  period  possessed,  be- 
sides Vegetius,  only  rhetoricians  like  Pacatus  and  grammarians 
like  Servius  and  Ti.  Donatus. 

1.  Victor  Ejjit.  47,  4:  fuit  Gratianus  (see  above  395,  a)  litteris 
haud  mediocriter  institutus  (cf.  417,  1):  carmen  facere,  ornate  loqui, 
explicare  controversias  rhetorum  more.  Auson.  epigr.  ],  5  (bellandi 
fandique  potens  Augustus)  and  grat.  act.  p.  297.  Symmach.  panegyr. 
Grat.  7.  Ep.  X  21  :  Musis  in  palatio  loca,  lantia  tu  dedisti.  Cf.  Cod. 
Theod.  XIII  13,  11.  Sozom.  VIT  1  :  voimov  i^'d-f-To  ,w#/  ad  frag  sxdffTovg 
^qrjoy.fvf-ip  (og  ^ovkovrai,  xat  ty.xktjffiaCfty,  nkijy  Mavi^aCiov  y.al  tmv  ra 
tpioTHfov  xnl  Evrojuiov  (iQovovvriov.  Symmach.  ep.  X  61  :  nil  ille  de- 
cerpsit  sacrarum  virginum  privilegiis,  decrevit  nobilibus  sacerdotia,  ro- 


Theodosius  I.     Symmachus.  397 

manis  caerimoniis  non   negavit    imp  ensas,    .  .    cumque    alias    religiones 
Ipse  sequeretur  has  servavit  imperio. 

2.  Victor  epit.  48,  9  on  Theodosius  (above  395,  2):  simplicia 
ingenia  aeque  diligere,  erudita  mirari,  sed  innoxia.  Theodos.  ad  Auso- 
nium  (Auson.  opp.  p.  335  Bip.) :  amor  mens  qui  in  te  est  et  admiratio 
ingenii  atque  eruditionis  tuae  .  .  fecit,  parens  iucundissime,  ut  .  .  fami- 
liarem  sermonem  autographum  ad  te  transmitterem,  postulans  pro  iure 
.  .  privatae  inter  nos  caritatis  ne  fraudari  me  scriptorum  tuorum  leclione 
patiaris,  quae  olim  mihi  cognita  et  iam  per  tempus  oblita  rursum  desi- 
dero.  Auson.  epigr.  praef.  9  sq. :  scribere  me  Augustus  iubet  et  mea 
carmina  poscit  paene  rogans.  Libanius  and  Themistius  as  well  as 
Symmachus  were  never  troubled  by  their  Emperor,  notwithstanding  his 
orthodox  zeal,  nay  were  even  esteemed  and  promoted  by  him.  Sym- 
mach.  ep.  V  35 :  romanae  iuventutis  magistris  subsidia  sollemnis  alimo- 
niae  detracta  sunt.  Pet.  Erasm.  Miiller,  comm.  hist,  de  genio,  raoribus 
et  luxu  aevi  Theodosiani,  2  partes,  Copenhagen  1797.  H.  Richter,  on 
the  West-Roman  Empire  (1865)  p.  407  sqq.  A.  de  Broglie,  I'eglise  et 
I'empire  romain  au  IVe  siecle  ;  III:  Valentinien  et  Theodose,  Paris  1866. 
2  vols.  464  and  533  pp.  (x.  R.  Sievers,  Studies  on  the  History  of  the 
Roman  Emperors  (1870)  p.  281—334. 

418.    A   prominent   position    among  the  adherents  of  the 
old  faith  was  occupied  in  three   generations  by  the  family  of 
Symmachus,  the  most  famous   of  whom  is  the  middle  one,  Q. 
Aurelius   Symmachus   (c.  350 — 420),    Consul  391.     Of  a  very 
honourable    character,    but   without  energy  and  possessed  of 
all  the  prejudices  of  a  Roman  patrician,    he    himself  had  not 
much  faith  in  the  continuation  of  his  cause.    His  fluency  and 
elegaiice  both  in  oral  expression  and  literary  composition  was 
acknowledged  even  by  his  adversaries.    We  possess  specimens 
of  his  youthful  eloquence  in  three  panegyric  speeches  (mostly 
extant)  on  Valentinian  I  and  his  son,    young  Gratianus;    they 
are  in  the  manner  of  the  other  Panegyrics,   but  decidedly  in- 
ferior to    the   better  among  them  in  point  of  matter.     In  his 
mature   years  we  possess  large   fragments  of  six  speeches  in 
the  Senate.     His  letters   are   very  important;    they  were  col- 
lected by  his  son  and  edited  in  ten  books,  in  imitation  of  the 
collection  of  Pliny  the  younger.   Their  smooth  style  and  want 
of  meaning  impress  us  with  an   idea  of  the  feebleness  of  the 
/writer  and  his  circle.   The  official  correspondence  in  the  tenth 
'  book  is  the  most  interesting  part  of  the  work,  especially  the 
petition  for  the  restoration  of  the  altar  of  Victory  in  the  Hall 
of  the  Senate,  which   provoked  Ambrosius  and  Prudentius  to 
write  replies. 


398  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

1.  The  father  of  the  orator.  Orelli  1186:  Lucio  Aur.  Avianio 
Symmacho  v.  c.  praefecto  urbi  (a.  364  according  to  cod.  Theod.  e.  g. 
I  6,  2;  cf.  Symm.  Ep.  II  44.  Ammian.  XXVII  3,  3:  inter  praecipua 
nominandus  exempla  doctrinarum  et  modestiae),  consuli  (about  376? 
cf.  n.  4),  pro  praefectis  praetorio  in  urbe  Roma  finitimisque  provinciis, 
praefecto  annonae  urbis  Romae,  pontifici  maiori,  Quindecemviro  s.  f., 
multis  legationibus  pro  ampl.  ord.  desideriis  apud  divos  principes  functo 
(e.  g.  with  Con stan tins,  Ammian.  XXI  12,  24),  qui  primus  in  senatu 
sententiam  rogari  solitus  auctoritate,  prudentia  atq.  eloquentia  .  .  magni- 
tudinem  loci  eius  inpleverit,  auro  inlustrem  statuam  etc.  (a.  377).  A.  381 
or  382  he  was  still  alive;  see  Symmach.  ep.  I  101.  Cf.  I  44:  egit  ille 
senatui  gratias  ea  facundiae  gravitate  qua  notus  est.  A  letter  from  him 
to  his  son  ep.  I  2,  in  which  he  says :  quia  nihil  est  quod  agam  et,  si 
nihil  agam,  subit  me  maiorum  meorum  misera  recordatio,  inveni  quod 
illis  libellis  quos  nuper  dictaveram  possimus  adicere.  He  means  five 
(mediocre)  epigrams  in  six  hexameters  each,  on  important  men  of  his 
time,  in  imitation  of  Varro's  Hebdomades  (vol.  I  p.  244).  Similar  com- 
positions are  found  Anth.  lat.  831—849.  851  —  855  R.  A  letter  of  his 
son  to  him  Ep.  I  1.  3-12. 

2.  Orelli  1187  (of  Rome) :  Q.  Aur.  Symmach  o  v.  c,  Quaest.  (Epp. 
IX  119),  Praet.  (Epp.  VIII  14),  Pontifici  maiori  (cf.  Epp.  I  47.  49.  51. 
IX  108.  128  sq.),  correctori  Lucaniae  et  Brittiorum  (a.  365,  see  Cod. 
Theod.  VIII  5,  25),  comiti  ordinis  tertii,  procons.  Africae  (a.  373,  Cod. 
Theod.  XII  1,  73;  cf.  Renier  Inscr.  de  I'Alg.,  2740.  Symm.  ep.  VIII 
5,  20.  X  1),  praef.  urb.  (a.  384  and  418  sq.),  cos.  ordinario  (a.  391,  cf. 
Epp.  II  62—64.  81.  V  15.  IX  130),  oratori  disertissimo.  His  wife  was 
Rusticiana  (ep.  X  54,  cf.  Sidon.  Ap.  ep.  II  10),  the  daughter  of  Orfitus 
(ep.  IX  131.  X  54),  probably  the  praef.  urbi  a.  355—359,  and  by  her 
he  had  a  daughter  and  one  (only,  see  ep.  IV  5.  V  68.  VI  7.  41.)  son 
Q.  Fab.  Memmius  Symmachus  (Orelli  1187  f.),  who  obtained  during  his 
father's  life -time  the  Quaestorship  (e.  g.  quaestorium  parvuli  nostri 
munus,  ep.  V  22)  and  Praetorship  (praet.  urb.),  received  a  rhetorical 
education  (ep.  VI  34  cf.  61.  VII  9.  VIII  69.  IV  20),  and  was  married 
to  the  granddaughter  of  the  elder  Nicomachus  Flavianus  (Orelli-Henzen 
5593,  a.  431;  cf.  ib.  1188),  while  Symmachus'  daughter  was  married  to 
the  uncle  of  his  daughter-in-law,  the  younger  Nicomachus  Flavianus 
(below  421,  1  sq.).  The  daughter's  children:  dulcissimi  nepotes,  Ep. 
VI  40;  nepticula  mea  Galla  ib.  VI  32.  Probably  descendants  of  the  son 
were  the  Q.  Aurelii  Symmachi,  who  were  Consuls  a.  446,  485,  522  (Q. 
Aur.  Anicius  Symm.).  The  orator  resided  at  Rome  on  the  mons  Caelius 
(Epp.  VII  18  cf.  19);  but  had  numerous  other  estates,  e.  g.  near  For- 
miae,  Cora,  in  the  Laurens  ager,  near  Rome  (suburbanum)  and  in  Si- 
cily (IX  51)  and  Africa  (VII  66).  Two  brothers  died  before  him  (I  46. 
101.  Ill  6.  19). 

3.  The  tirocinium  of  the  orator  Symm.  in  Germany  together  with 
Ausonius ;  see  above  414,  1.  Cf.  Epist.  I  14.  in  Valent.  II  6,  8.  A 
Gallic    professor    of   eloquence;    see  above    387,  10.     As   Symm.   was  a 


Symmaclius.  399 

promising  boy  about  a.  360  (Liban.  epist.  923),  he  appears  to  be  born 
at  the  latest  about  350.  He  cannot  have  died  before  420,  as  he  took 
a  part  as  praef.  urbi  in  the  confusion  that  ensued  after  the  death  of 
pope  Zosimus  (f  26  Dec.  418)  in  the  contest  between  Eulalius  and 
Bonifacius  I  (Ep.  X  71 — 83).  With  regard  to  his  health  Symm.  has 
almost  as  many  complaints  as  Fronto,  especially  as  to  podagra  and 
chiragra. 

4.  Speeches  by  Symmachus  (but  none  of  them  complete)  have 
been  preserved  in  a  Milan  palimpsest  saec.  VI  edited  by  A.  Mai  (Me- 
diol.  1815  =  Frankf.;816  and  in  Niebuhr's  ed.  of  Fronto,  Berol.  1816), 
subsequently  augmented  from  a  cod.  Vatic,  and  Bobiens.  in  Mai's  iuris 
civ.  anteiust.  reliqq.  (Rome  1823),  in  the  Scriptor.  vett.  nova  coll.  T.  I 
4  and  in  Mai's  ed.  of  Cic.  de  rep.  (Rome  1846).  H.  C.  A.  Eichstadt, 
de  Symm.  oratt.  partic.  ab  A.  Maio  in  lucem  protr.,  Jena  1816.  4.  H. 
Meyer,  oratt.  rom.  fragm.  ^  p.  627—636.  These  pieces  belong  to  the 
following  nine  speeches:  Two  speeches  in  praise  of  Valentinian  I,  de- 
livered in  Gaul,  the  one  at  the  earliest  a.  368  (on  account  of  c.  9 
lustrum  imperialium  annorum),  the  other  on  the  Emperor's  third  Con- 
sulate, a.  370,  both  in  a  bombastic  youthful  style  and  in  some  places 
offending  good  taste  (e.  g.  I  1  caesam  glaciem  potare ;  I  3  Gratianus 
is  called  seminarium  principatus  et  vena  regalis;  II  12:  navigia  ripam 
momorderunt).  3.  A  speech  in  praise  of  young  Augustus  Gratianus, 
i.  e.  delivered  at  the  earliest  about  the  close  of  367,  before  Gratianus 
at  Treves.  4-5  Speeches  in  the  Senate,  merely  short  sentences  (at 
best  four  chapters),  viz.  4.  on  introducing  a  Consul,  about  the  usual 
method  of  electing  a  Consul  (appointment  by  the  Emperor  in  agree- 
ment with  the  recommendation  —  postulation  —  of  the  Senate) ;  5.  to 
return  thanks  for  his  father's  appointment  as  Consul,  after  the  death 
of  Valentinian  I,  a.  376  or  377 ;  6.  to  recommend  young  Trygetius  for 
the  quaetorship  (cf.  Ep.  I  44.  52).  7.  Request  (petitio  cf.  Ep.  V  43)  to 
admit  the  son  of  Julianus  Rusticus  (see  n.  6),  Synesius,  into  the  Senate; 
8.  to  recommend  Severus,  a  recently  appointed  Senator;  9.  to  recom- 
mend Valerius  Fortunatus  for  the  quaestorship  (edited  by  Mai  1823). 

5.  In  Symmachus'  letters  we  find  besides  mentions  of  two  Speeches 
in  the  Senate,  quarum  una,  ad  Polybii  filium  pertinens,  ex  recenti  ne- 
gotio  nata  est,  altera  dudum,  cum  res  in  curia  agitaretur,  a  me  parata, 
nunc  opere  largiore  aucta  processit;  huic  argumentum  est  repudiata 
censura  (the  omission  of  the  renewed  adoption  of  it),  quam  tunc  totius 
senatus  fugavit  auctoritas  (Ep.  IV  45).  Cf.  Ep.  fV  29.  V  9  (una  ad  ur- 
banos  fasces  resultantem  candidatum  tenuit,  alteri  argumentum  dedit 
iam  pridem  decreto  senatus  improbata  censura).  I  105  (libellus  quo 
nuper  in  senatu  sustuli  civium  secunda  suffragia).  VII  58.  To  these 
we  may  add  his  speech  in  praise  of  the  Usurper  Maximus  (Ep.  II  31), 
which  excited  the  wrath  of  Theodosius  (post  amaros  casus  orationum 
mearum,  Ep.  VIII  69  cf.  Cassiod.  hist.  trip.  IX  23.  Socr.  h.  e.  V  14. 
Suid.  V.  x((,')^oGi(o(>ig)  and  caused  Symm.  to  write  conciliating  epistles 
and  laudes   Theodosii    (Ep.  II  13).      Ep.  IV  64:    nee   tantum   epistulas 


400  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

poscis,    oratiunculas    quoque   nostras   non    editas  deferri  in  nianus  tuas 
praecipis.     .  .  misi  igitur  ex  recentioribus  numero  quinque. 

6.  The  Letters  are  arranged  according  to  the  receivers,  frequently 
in  violation  of  chronological  order.  B.  I  contains  the  letters  to  his 
father  (1—1*2),  Ausonius  (13—43),  Agorio  Praetextato  (44—55.  74), 
(Anicio)  Probo  (56 — 61),  Celsino  Titiano  fratri  (62—73),  Hesperio  (75 
—88),  Antonio  (below  419,  2),  Syagrio  (94—107.  II  14  sq.  49).  The 
second  book  contains  almost  exclusively  letters  to  Flavianus  frater 
(below  421,  1).  B.  Ill:  luliano  Rustico  (1-9),  Naucellio  (10—16),  Gre- 
gorio  (below  419,  3),  Mariniano  (23—29),  Ambrosio  (30—37),  Hilario 
(38—42),  Silurio  (43—45),  Eutropio  (46—53),  Ricomeri  (54—70),  Timasio 
(7J_73),  Promoto  (74—80),  Rufino  (81—91).  B.  IV:  Stiliconi  (1-14), 
Batoni  (15  sq.),  Protadio  (17—34),  Minervio  (35—49),  Florentine  (50 
—57),  Eupraxio  (58—65),  Eusignio  (66—84).  B.  V:  Hierophanti  (1—3), 
Theodoro  (4—16),  Magnillo  (16—33),  Hephaestioni  (34-37),  Neoterio 
(38—46),  Felici  (47—54),  Sallustio  (55—57),  Paterno  (58—66),  Olybrio 
et  Probino  (67—71),  Licinio  (72—77),  Helpidio  (78-98).  B.  VI:  the 
letters  Nicomachi  filiis,  to  the  son-in-law  of  Symm.  and  his  brother. 
B.  VH:  Symmacho  filio  (1—15),  Attalo  (16—25),  Macedonio  (26—29), 
Attico  (30—34),  Decio  (35-60),  Patricio  (61—66),  Alypio  (67—71),  fra- 
tribus  (72-80),  Messalae  (81—92),  Longimano  (93—101),  Petronio  et 
Patruino  (102-104),  Patruino  (105—128.  VIII  18  sq.),  Sibidio  (129— 
131).  B.  VIII  contains  isolated  letters  to  many  persons,  and  some  to 
unknown  addresses,  which  is  even  more  frequent  in  the  ninth  book. 
In  the  tenth  book  we  have  his  official  correspondence  with  Theodosius 
sen.,  Gratianus  Aug.,  Valentinianus,  Theodosius,  Honorius;  especially  as 
praef.  urbi  (22 — 83).  He  rarely  inserts  letters  from  his  correspondents, 
except  one  by  his  father  (I  2),  by  Ausonius  (I  32)  and  the  Imperial 
Decrees  X  72  sqq. 

7.  In  spite  of  the  high  position  of  the  writer  and  of  most  of  his 
correspondents  these  letters  do  not  add  much  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
history  of  the  time  (cassa  rebus  oratio,  Ep.  Ill  10,  cf.  II  35).  Even 
gossip  is  not  much  represented  in  this  collection,  only  in  b.  VI  we  find 
some  (cf.  I  46.  II  36.  57),  and  even  business  letters  would  not  be  nu- 
merous if  not  the  purchase  of  race-horses,  gladiators  and  rare  animals 
(VI  43.  IX  132.  125.  X  19)  roused  Sym.'s  pen  to  an  almost  feverish 
activity.  The  letters  of  introduction  are  almost  numberless  (Ep.  IV  48: 
litteras  nonnullis  humanitate  praestamus),  the  intercessions  in  favour 
of  persons  in  whom  the  writer  is  somehow  interested  (I  64:  commen- 
dari  a  me  episcopum  forte  mireris.  causa  istud,  non  secta,  persuasit; 
cf.  VII  51 :  trado  sancto  pectori  tuo  .  .  Severum,  episcopum  omnium 
sectarum  attestatione  laudabilem),  even  begging  letters  (e.  g.  IV  67. 
VII  116)  and  wooing  in  the  name  of  others  (IX  7.  43.  49).  There  are, 
besides,  congratulations,  letters  of  condolence,  deaths,  invitations,  jour- 
neys, the  writer's  and  his  friends'  health,  dearth,  etc.,  and  frequent 
complaints  of  the  scarcity  or  brevity  of  his  friends'  letters,  or  apologies 
concerning  such  charges  brought  against  the  writer   by  others.     Repe- 


! 


Symmachus.  401 

titions  are  not  scarce,  e.  g.  the  sentence  that  a  friend  who  goes  away 
ought  to  be  the  first  to  write,  occurs  ten  times  (III  3.  IV  23.  V  30. 
70.  73.  VI  60.  VIII  56.  60.  63.  IX  63).  VII  81.  83.  89  the  same  is  ad- 
dressed over  again  to  the  same  person;  V  54  and  66  the  same  is  writ- 
ten to  different  persons.  In  the  same  way  a  number  of  expressions 
(e.  g.  stilus,  paginae,  summates,  delenimentum)  recur  frequently,  and 
the  letters  often  begin  with  a  general  sentence.  In  general,  however, 
it  is  evident  that  Symm.  endeavours  to  diversify  his  expressions,  and 
his  letters  are  a  collection  of  polite  and  neat  phrases.  See  above 
45,  9  [Add.]. 

8.  Ep.  V  85  (to  Helpidius) :  quod  epistulas  meas  condis  amoris  est 
tui,  qui  describenda  nescit  eligere.  .  .  nimis  vereor  ne  ista  simplicitas 
incidat  in  lectorem  alterum,  tibi  disparem.  quare  velim  tibi  habeas 
quae  incogitata  i^roferimus ;  licet  eadem  mei  quoque  librarii  servare 
dicantur.  Cf.  V  86:  si  quid  horum  quae  apud  te  incuriosius  loquor 
cuipiam  lectori  nauseam  moverit,  non  tam  in  scribendo  neglegentia 
displicebit.  It  may  therefore  be  admitted  that  these  letters  were  origi- 
nally written  with  a  view  to  publication.  But  their  rude  state  may 
tend  to  show  that  they  were  not  published  by  the  author  himself.  Even 
mere  scraps  have  been  admitted,  e.  g.  VIII  71  sq.  two  sketches  of  an 
invitation  to  his  son's  inauguration  of  his  praetorship.  This  renders  it 
probable  that  his  son   edited  the  collection. 

9.  The  chief  ms.  of  the  letters  is  Paris.  8623  saec.  X;  see  0.  Clason, 
de  Symm.  epp.  codice  Par.,  Bonn  1867.  This  may  be  hoped  to  be  the 
fore-runner  of  a  critical  edition,  for  which  we  should  willingly  sacrifice 
several  dozens  of  worthless  treatises  on  Horace.  Editions:  ex  off. 
J.  Schotti,  Argent.  1510.  4.  Basil.  1549.  Cura  Fr.  lureti,  Paris.  1580. 
1604.  4.  rec.  et  auxit  J.  Lectius,  Genev.  1587.  1598  and  elsewhere. 
E  rec.  C.  Scioppii,  Mogunt.  1608.  4.  Ex  rec.  J.  Ph.  Parei  (with  Lexicon 
Symm.),  Neustadt  a.  d.  H.  1617.  Frankf.  1642.  1651.  Lastly  in  Migne's 
Patrol.  XVIII  (Paris  1848)  p.  145—406. 

Critical  contributions  by  C.  F.  W.  MuUer  (Jahn's  Jahrbb.  73,  p. 
324  —  334)  and  C.  Schenkl  (the  Excerpts  from  S.  letters  in  the  Spec, 
hist,  of  Vincent.  Bell.,  Ztschr.  f.  d.  ostreich.  Gymn.  I860,  p.  412—416). 

10.  Verses  of  Symm.  Epist.  I  1  (hexameters  and  distichs).  8  (Ana- 
creontea).  Vergilius  noster  (vates)  Ep.  I  1.  9.  paneg.  Grat.  9.  Flaccus 
tuus  (of  the  father)  ep.  I  4. 

11.  Macrob.  V  1,  7:  (genus  dicendi)  pingue  et  floridum,  in  quo 
Plinius  Sec.  quondam  et  nunc  nullo  veterum  minor  noster  Symmachus 
luxuriatur.  Prudent,  c.  Symm.  I  632  sqq. :  o  linguam  miro  verborura 
fonte  fluentem,  romani  decus  eloquii  etc.  II  praef.  55  sqq.:  tanti  .  . 
viri,  quo  nunc  nemo  disertior  etc.  Ap.  Sidon.  Ep.  II:  Q.  Symmachi 
rotunditatem.  The  Speeches  are  generally  written  in  brief  and  harmo- 
nious sentences  and  are  well  decorated  with  rhetorical  ornaments.  The 
letters  likewise  bear  an  oratorical  colouring,  especially  in  endeavouring 

26 


402  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

to  avoid  technical  expressions  (e.  g.  acta  Senatus)  as  ignoble.  Though 
Synimachus'  diction  aims  at  classicality,  he  intentionally  admits  modern 
expressions.  Cf.  such  formations  of  words  as  genialitas,  optimitas,  pla- 
ciditas,  autumnitas,  incentor,  edecimo,  exambio;  and  phrases  like  fors 
fuat  an  (ut),  quin  immo,  incoram;  constructions  like  fungi  officium,  ho- 
noris tui  delector,  sollicitor  tarditatis,  bonarum  artium  spectatus,  the 
frequent    use   of   quod   after  verb.   sent,   et   declarandi    (e.  g.    VIII  46. 

IX  10.  39.  X  24.  78),  aliquanti  servi  etc.  Cf.  Ep.  Ill  11  :  trahit  nos 
usus  temporis  in  argutias  plausibilis  sermonis.  quare  aequius  admitte 
linguam  saeculi  nostri  et  deesse  huic  epistulae  atticam  sanitatem  boni 
consule.  .  .  te  non  paeniteat  scriptorum  meorum  fefre  novitatem. 
Ill  44:  uQ'/aiaaoy  scribendi  non  invitus  adfecto.  .  .  praestat  Tullium 
sequi. 

12.  As  man  Symm.  reminds  us  of  Cicero;  he  was  of  blameless 
moral  purity,  benevolent  and  always  ready  to  help,  a  good  father, 
easily  reconciled  (Ep.  VII  100.  128),  pliable  so  as  to  become  anxious 
and  sensitive.  This  pliability  assumed  also  the  appearance  of  egotism; 
though  rich,  he  soon  called  out  about  oppression  (impressio),  when 
the  need  of  the  time  threatened  to  disturb  his  usual  comfort;  with 
regard  to  himself  and  his  friends  the  questions  of  right  were  not  to 
be  strained.  His  anxiety  never  allowed  him  to  speak  of  anything  joy- 
ful without  a  praffiscine:  praefata  dei  (numinum,  fortunae,  divinitatis) 
venia  or  praefato  (praemisso)  divinitatis  honore  (favore).  Cf.  also  Ep. 
I  49.  VI  40.  Besides  this  superstition  he  had  all  the  overbearing  and 
arrogance  of  a  Roman  and  of  an  aristocrat.  Ep.  II  46 :  in  bonam  par- 
tem traho  quod  Saxonuni  numerus  morte  contractus  intra  summam  de- 
cretam  populi  voluptatibus  stetit,  ne  nostrae  editioni  .  .  abscederet. 
nam  quando  prohibuisset  privata  custodia  desperatae  gentis  impias 
manus,  cum  XXIX  fractas  sine  laqueo  fauces  primus  ludi  gladiatorii 
dies  viderit?  Ep.  I  3:  Bais  .  .  otiabar.  eo  postquam  rumor  allatus  est 
terrae  filios  convenire,  oppido  cavimus  ne  sobriam  solitudinem  nostram 
sodalitas  plebeia  fnscaret.  I  52:  pars  melior  humani  generis  senatus 
(cf.  p.  Sever.  I:  apud  nobilissimos  humani  generis).  Yet  he  was  fully 
aware  of  the  miserable  character  of  that  assembly;  cf.  VI  22.  VIII  19. 

X  12.  On  the  other  hand  his  pride  does  not  allow  him  to  crouch  to 
the  powerful  men  of  the  Imperial  Court  (Ep.  IX  88.  X  61)  and  even 
towards  the  Emperor  he  shows  a  noble  candour  (Ep.  X  34.  41.  43.  61). 
He  cannot,  however,  be  credited  with  political  sagacity. 

13.  Of  his  time  Symm.  speaks  differently  according  to  his  humour 
and  the  position  of  the  person  addressed.  He  sometimes  praises  (bo- 
norum)  temporum  iustitia,  dementia,  aequitas,  felicitas,  serenissima 
tempora,  saeculi  humanitas  and  that  it  was  virtuti  amicum,  sometimes 
he  complains  of  the  prevailing  arbitrariness  and  injustice.  On  the  whole 
his  heart  belongs  to  the  glorious  past  and  thus  also  to  the  belief  of 
the  ancestors,  with  which  Rome  was  great.  For  his  own  person  he 
does  not  make  much  use  of  polytheism;  he  rarely  mentions  individual 
gods  (love  teste,  Ep.  IX  92),  but  either  dii  in  general  or  caelestes,  nu- 


Symmachus.  403 

mina,  divina,  or  deus,  fortuna,  mens  divina  etc.;  with  Christians  he 
even  condescends  to  the  declaration:  in  eligendo  episcopo  dei  omni- 
potentis  expectandum  esse  indicium  (Ep.  X  71).  He  is  aware  of  the 
want  of  zeal  in  his  own  host  (I  51)  and  is  himself  so  little  free  from 
scepticism  (si  innocentiam  divina  respiciunt,  VIII  18  cf.  ib.  6:  nihil 
curare  caelestes,  a  qua  opinione  dissentio.  IX  61 :  quid  interest  qua 
quisque  prudentia  verum  inquirat?  uno  itinere  non  potest  perveniri 
ad  tam  grande  secretum)  that  his  attempt  to  proceed  against  the  Vestal 
virgin  Primigenia  (IX  128  sq.)  appears  both  inconsistent  and  out  of 
keeping  with  the  time.  But  the  old  belief  is  in  his  eyes  a  standard, 
round  which  it  is  necessary  to  rally  openly:  nunc  aris  deesse  Romanos 
genus  est  ambiendi  (I  51).  He  despairs  of  obtaining  for  his  belief  its 
former  universal  sway,  and  merely  prays  for  toleration  and  freedom 
from  persecution  in  his  celebrated  relatio  to  Valentinian  II  and  his 
colleague  concerning  the  altar  of  Victory  (Ep.  X  61),  which  is  excellent 
in  point  of  style  and  touching  as  an  appeal  in  need  (e.  g. :  repetimus 
religionum  statum  qui  reip.  diu  profuit.  .  .  praestate,  oro  vos,  ut  ea 
quae  pueri  suscepimus  senes  posteris  reliuquamus),  and  which  it  would 
be  difficult  to  refute,  but  for  the  statement  that  the  endangered  posi- 
tion of  the  Empire  was  due  to  the  neglect  of  religion,  i.  e.  to  the 
adoption  of  Christianity.  The  successful  replies  of  Ambrosius  in  his 
Epist.  17,  18  (Migne,  Patrol.  XVI  p.  961—982).  Villemain,  Melanges 
n  p.  36  sqq.  H.  Richter,  the  West-Roman  Empire  p.  550  sqq.  587  sqq. 
599  sq.  In  the  contest  between  Eulalius  and  Bonifacius,  Symmachus 
conducted  himself  as  impartially  as  possible  (ab  impugnatione  et  favore 
ambarum  partium,  ut  decebat,  credidit  temperandum  X  76),  and  even 
the  partisans  of  the  one  side  admit  that  his  falsidica  relatio  arose  me- 
rely from  his  being  disciplinae  et  religionis  inscius  (Ep.  X  74). 

14.  J.  Gothofredus,  vita  Symmachi,  before  Parens'  lex  Symm.  C.  G. 
Heyne,  censura  ingenii  et  morum  Symm.,  Opusc.  ac.  VI  p.  6-18.  Su- 
siana  (von  Suse)  ad  Symm.  ed.  J.  Gurlitt,  Hamburg  1816 — 1818.  4.  E. 
Morin,  etude  sur  la  vie  et  les  ecrits  de  S.,  Paris  1847.  J.  Burckhardt, 
Constantine  p.  491—497. 

419.  Symmachus  himself  mentions  among  the  orators  of 
his  time  (Anicius)  lulianus,  Antonius,  Gregorius,  and  Severus. 
We  possess  only  the  panegyric  on  Theodosius  I  delivered 
a.  389  in  the  Senate  at  Eome  by  the  rhetorician  Latinus  Dre- 
panius  Pacatus,  a  younger  friend  and  countryman  of  Auso- 
nius.  It  is  remarkable  for  the  rich  information  it  contains 
and  its  lively  diction,  which  also  attests  the  author's  familia- 
rity with  classical  literature. 

1.     Symm.  Ep.  I  43  to  Ausonius:  scis  in  illo  forensi  pulvere  quam 
rara  cognatio  sit  facundiae  et  boni  pectoris.     .  .    haec  in  meo  familiari 


404  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

ac  necessario  (Julianus)  ea  societate  viguerunt  ut  etc.  numquam  in 
mercedem  ornamenta  hnguae  corrupit  etc.  He  was  probably  son  to 
the  Cons.  322,  praef.  urb.  339,  Anicius  lulianus.  See  also  above  418, 
4  and  6. 

2.  Symm.  Epp.  I  89  (Antonio) :  non  incognito  quidem  nobis  eloquii 
splendore  nituisti,  sed  .  .  maiestate  scripti  aptata  gloriam,  quam  ma- 
gisterio  arte  quaesisti,  recens  auxit  oratio.  nam  .  .  simile  quiddam 
planeque  conveniens  auribus  patrum  .  .  sonuisti  etc.  Antonius  appears 
to  have  been  a  Senator.     Addressed  to  him  are  ib.  I  90 — 93. 

3.  Symm.  ep.  Ill  18  (Gregorio) :  cum  mihi  de  scriniis  tuis  profecta 
delegaretur  oratio.     Addressed  to  him  ib.  17 — 22. 

4.  Symmach.  p.  Sever.  3  (p.  56  M.  1815):  quis  credat  summatem 
facundiae,  diu  inter  fori  ornamenta  numeratum,  praesidalem  dudum 
(only  recently)  recepisse  provinciam?  This  is  perhaps  Severus,  optimus 
senator  to  whom  Ep.  VIII  6  is  addressed;  cf.  ib.  VI  5  (sanctus  amicus 
noster  S.).     33.  49.  VII  51.  116  (illustris  memoriae  vir  S.). 

5.  Macrob.  15,  13 :  Postumianum,  qui  forum  defensionum  digna- 
tione  nobilitat.  Cf.  ib.  2,  1.  3.  6.  Perhaps  identical  with  one  of  those 
previously  mentioned.  An  anonymous  person  who  pari  nitore  atque 
gravitate  writes  speeches  and  historical  works  is  mentioned  by  Symmach. 
ep.  IX  110. 

6.  Eusebio,  oratorum  eloquentissimo  Macrob.  Sat.  I  24,  14.  An 
Eusebius  is  mentioned  among  th2  scriptores  de  numeris  in  Halm's  rhet. 
lat.  min.  p.  581,  18.  cf.  p.  598,  20. 

7.  Augustin.  confess.  IV  14,  21 :  Hierium  romanae  urbis  oratorem 
.  .  efferebant  laudibus,  stupentes  quod  ex  homine  Syro,  docto  prius 
graecae  facundiae,  postea  in  latina  etiam  dictor  mirabilis  extitisset. 

8.  Ausonius  dedicates  (Aus.  cos.)  Latino  Drepanio  Pacato  pro- 
consuli  his  Indus  VII  sapp,  and  the  technopaegnion  (Pacato  procos.), 
in  the  grammaticomastix  of  which  he  styles  him  bonus,  doctus,  facilis 
vir.  The  third  dedication  of  the  epigrams  relates  to  Latino  Pacato 
Drepanio  filio  (hoc  nullus  mihi  carior  eorum,  quem  pluris  faciunt  novem 
sorores  quam  cunctos  alios,  Marone  dempto).  He  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  a  native  of  Burdigala,  as  Ausonius  does  not  mention  him 
among  the  profess.  Burdig. ;  cf.  Sidon.  epist.  VIII  11:  quid  agunt  Nitio- 
broges  (Capital  Aginnum),  quid  Vesunnici  tui?  .  .  tu  .  .  nunc  Drepanium 
illis,  modo  istis  restituis  Anthedium  (below  459,  4).  Pacat.  2,  1  :  cum 
ab  ultimo  Galliarum  recessu,  qua  littus  oceani  cadentem  excipit  solem 
et  deficientibus  terris  sociale  miscetur  elementum,  ad  contuendum  te 
properassem.  Cf.  ib.  23,  1.  24,  4  sqq.  47,  5.  Symm.  Ep.  IX  72  might 
perhaps  relate  to  him. 

9.  Pacatus,  like  most  of  his  contemporaries  of  classical  education, 
professes  a  neutral  monotheism.  Cf.  4,  2:  supremus  rerum  fabricator; 
21,  1:  numen  summum,  as  different  from  the  numen  e.  g.  of  the  Em- 


Pacatus  and  other  rhetoricians.  405 

peror  (21,  2.  cf.  18,  4),  who  is  the  visible  god  (deum  quern  videmus 
3,  5).  He  speaks  much  of  fata  (8,  1.  11,  4.  15,  3)  and  fortuna  (8.  2.  9, 
1.  23,  4.  42,  2).  From  his  bird's  eye  view  he  thinks  the  sole  guilt  of 
the  Priscillianists  murdered  by  Maximus  to  have  consisted  in  their 
nimia  religio  and  diligentius  culta  divinitas  (29,  2).  Theodosius'  ortho- 
doxy and  persecutions  of  the  heathens  are  never  mentioned.  His  illu- 
strations from  Roman  History  are  purposely  derived  from  the  time  of 
the  Republic  (c.  5.  7.  8.  9.  18.  19.  20.  23.  33.  46),  and  from  mythology 
(17,  1.  39,  4.  44,  5);  from  the  Imperial  period  only  11,  6.  12,   1. 

10.  The  chief  contents  of  the  speech  of  Pacatus  are,  after  a  lau- 
datory characteristic  of  Theodosius  as  man  and  Emperor,  an  energetic 
description  of  the  state  of  affairs  under  the  usurper  Maximus  and  of 
the  victorious  expedition  of  Theodosius  against  him.  The  speech  is 
therefore  an  important  historical  document,  especially  as  it  evidently 
adheres  to  truth  and  as  the  exaggerations  resulting  from  the  style  of 
a  panegyric  may  be  easily  deducted.  The  author  shows  himself  well- 
versed  both  in  the  literature  of  the  classic  period  and  of  his  own  age; 
he  frequently  alludes  to  Cicero,  Virgil,  Horace  and  Ovid,  and  chiefly 
employs  Mamertinus  among  his  predecessors.  His  knowledge  of  Roman 
history  is  principally  derived  from  Valerius  Maximus  and  Florus.  He 
occasionally  reminds  us  of  Tacitus  in  the  general  tone  of  some  of  his 
maxims  (e.  g.  38,  1 :  spem,  quae  postrema  homines  deserit).  The  Res- 
publica  is  introduced  speaking  in  the  usual  manner  11,  4  sqq.,  and 
there  is  a  contest  between  Constantia,  Patientia,  Prudentia,  Fortitude 
and  Fortuna  c.  40.  He  uses  rhetorical  figures  very  often  and  manages 
them  very  happily.  His  diction  is  proportionately  simple,  but  abounds 
in  cadences  and  poetical  expressions;  in  many  peculiarities  also  it 
preserves  the  general  character  of  the  period  Thus  we  find  parcam 
replicare  (3,  4.  6,  3),  aevi  maturus  (8,  3  cf.  31,  1),  memoriam  convenire 
(18,  2  cf.  41,  1),  oblita  fide  (12,  2  cf.  24,  2),  ire  in  litteras  (33,  1) ;  the 
official  retro  =  olim  (c.  1.  13.  14.  22.  31),  iugis,  impervius;  a  certain 
preference  of  the  perfect  infin.,  and  the  employment  of  a  gerundival 
construction  to  denote  possibility  (e.  g.  39,  5.  45,  3)  etc. 

11.  The  speech  is  printed  in  the  editions  of  the  panegyrici  veteres, 
see  above  387,  1 — 3.     In  the  edition  by  Schwarz-Jager  it  is  nr.  XI. 

12.  Symm.  in  his  epp.  mentions  as  causidici  Lampadius  (V  16), 
Epictetus  (V  41.  IX  31),  Celsus  (X  43).  Cf.  ib.  H  42.  V  75.  IX  32 
(causidicinae  candidati).  A  Jurist  Marinianus  ib.  Ill  23;  Prosdocius  VI 
74  cf.  ib.  V  74.  A  law-suit  of  the  time  is  described  ib.  X  39.  48. 
Rufinus,  the  minister  of  Arcadius  known  to  us  from  Claudian,  was  like- 
wise originally  a  causidicus  (Philostorg.  XI  3). 

420.  Other  rhetoricians  of  the  time  of  Symmachus  were 
Palladius,  Syagrius,  and  Eugenius,  whom  Arbogast  raised  to 
the  Imperial  throne.    As  a  writer  we  know  Messius  Aiusia- 


406  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

nus  through  his  Exempla  elocutionum  which  he  dedicated  to 
Olybrius  and  Probinus  (Cons.  395),  and  we  likewise  possess 
Chirius  Fortunatianus'  text-book  of  rhetoric,  a  work  which 
we  should  not  assign  to  a  later  time,  on  account  of  its  pre- 
ference of  classical  illustrations. 


1.  Symmach.  Ep.  I  15  (Ausonio) :  Palladii  rhetoris  nostri  decla- 
matio  .  .  complacita  suromatibus  litterarum.  .  .  movit  novus  Athenaei 
hospes  latiare  concilium  divisionis  arte  etc.  ib.  94  (Syagrio) :  Palladium 
spectatum  bonis  omnibus  facundiae  atque  eruditiouis.  .  .  mereri  facun- 
diam  Palladii  ut  doleamus  quod  urbi  negatus  est,  mereri  amabilitatem 
eius  ut  quod  accitus  est  gaudeamus.  Cf.  Ap.  Sidon.  ep.  V  10.  He  is 
probably  that  Palladius  by  whom  the  scholastic  verses  on  Orpheus  (in 
the  metre  of  Hor.  0.  I  14)  were  composed,  ap.  Wernsdorf,  poetae  latt, 
min.  Ill  p.  396  sq.  cf.  p.  342—345. 

2.  Flavius  Syagrius  Cons.  381,  Afranius  S.  Cons.  382.  Cf.  Consul 
amplissime,  Symmach.  ep.  I  101  (Syagrio).  ib.  95:  es  linguae  melior. 
96 :  de  facundiae  penu.  Ausoiiius  dedicates  his  epigrams  Syagrio  (v. 
40:  patronum  nostris  te  paro  carminibus).  For  Symmachus'  letters  to 
him  see  above  418,  6.  He  is  probably  magister  officiorum  a.  379  Sya- 
grius mentioned  in  Cod.  Theod.  VII  12,  2,  perhaps  also  the  praef. 
praet.  Syagr.  a.  380—382  in  the  Cod.  Theod. 

3.  The  Frank  Arbogast  put  a.  392  Evytnov  Ttva  fxaytoTQop  (Philost. 
X  2)  in  the  place  of  Valentinian  II  whom  he  had  assassinated.  Cf. 
Socrat.  h.  e.  V  25 :  yQa^u/uany.og  ng  ovofjiccji,  Evy.  Zosim.  IV  54,  1:  i^v 
Tt?  hv  joTg  ^(iGikftoi^g  apaOTQfi^ofxivog  Evy.  ovofxa,  naid'fCa  TiQorjxcoy  inl 
TOGovTOv  iOGTS  Xf/.l  orjTOQixop'  kTiavfkiGd-cn  ftiov  y.al  TiQOfGTCcyat  did'aGxa- 
kfiov.  Hist.  misc.  XIII  11:  grammaticus  quidam  nomine  Eug.,  littera- 
rum doctor,  .  .  imp.  Valentiniani  antigraphus  et  propter  eloquentiam  a 
multis  honoratus.     A.  394  he  was  beaten  and  killed  by  Theodosius. 

4.  In  the  apographum  Gudii  the  heading  is:  Arusiani  Messi  v. 
c,  or.,  comitis  primi  ordinis  Exempla  elocutionum  ex  Vergilio,  Sallustio, 
Terentio,  Cicerone.  In  the  Berlin  cod.  Santen.  saec.  IX:  Incipit  messi 
oratoris  de  elocutionibus.  Olybrio  et  probino  messius.  In  agreement 
with  this,  Symmachus  is  mentioned  p.  217.  244  L.  It  is  an  alphabetical 
collection  of  substantives,  adjectives,  prepositions  and  especially  verbs 
admitting  of  different  constructions,  with  one  quotation  for  each  con- 
struction from  one  or  several  of  the  four  writers.  Hence  Cassiod.  de 
inst.  div.  15:  regulas  elocutionum  latinarum,  i.  e.  quadrigam  Messii. 
The  work  was  probably  intended  for  rhetorical  schools.  It  is  printed 
in  Mai's  edition  of  Fronto,  and  in  Lindemann  corp.  gramm.  I  p.  209— 
266  cf.  p.  201—207.  Suringar,  hist.  cr.  schol.  latt.  II  p.  202—206. 
Osann,  Contributions  II  p.349— 351.  M.  de  Am.  van  der  Hoeven,  Spec, 
litt.  .  .  cum  appendice  de  Ar.  M.  ex.  el.,  Amsterdam  1845.  Grafenhan, 
Hist,  of  class.  Philol.  IV  p.  194—196. 


'    Arimanits.     Ammianus.  407 

5.  C.  Chirii  Fortunatiani  artis  rhetoricae  libri  III  in  C.  Halm's 
rhetores  latini  minores  p.  79  —  134.  The  form  of  questions  and  answers 
is  carried  out  very  unskilfully.  Thus  the  last  question  is :  Quae  y.ad^okov 
in  actione  observanda  sunt?  the  answer  being:  ne  pronuntiatio  artem 
reddere  videatur  etc.  Quintilian  is  the  chief  source ;  most  of  the  illu- 
strations are  taken  from  Cicero.  C.  Halm,  Reports  of  the  Sessions  of 
the  Munich  Academy  H  (1862)  p.  13  sqq. 

421.  The  family  of  the  Nicomachi  Flaviaiii,  who  were  clo- 
sely related  to  Symmachus,  manifested  much  zeal  for  early 
history,  the  one  by  himself  writing  Annals  and  other  works, 
the  other  by  devoting  much  care  to  the  text  of  Livy.  The 
work  of  Ammianus  Marcellinus  (c.  330 — 400)  of  Antiochia 
was  composed  in  this  time  and  within  the  pale  of  polytheism. 
After  a  long  and  meritorious  mihtary  career  he  wrote  at 
Kome,  about  a.  390,  a  continuation  of  Tacitus  in  31  books. 
It  contained  the  years  96—378,  from  Nerva  to  the  death  of 
Valens;  but  the  first  thirteen  books,  in  which  the  relation  was 
in  a  cursory  manner  brought  down  to  a.  353,  have  been  lost; 
the  extant  portion  is  especially  valuable  as  an  account  of  the 
author's  own  time,  he  having  frequently  been  very  close  to 
the  events  and  honestly  endeavouring  to  state  the  truth. 
Ammianus  is  a  soldierlike  nature,  intelligent  in  his  judgment, 
honest  and  straightforward,  superstitious  and  tolerant,  fond 
of  displaying  his  erudition,  but  not  well-practised  in  compo- 
sition. His  diction  is  very  difficult  to  understand,  unbearably 
decked  out  and  too  much  ornamented,  wearisome  to  read.  The 
Anonymus  Valesii,  a  collection  of  Excerpts  of  historical  value 
on  the  time  of  Constantino  and  Theodorich,  forms  a  usual 
appendix  to  the  editions  of  Ammianus. 

1.  Orelli  1188:  Virio  Nicomacho  Flavi  ano  v.  c,  quaest.,  praet. 
pontif.  maiori,  consulari  Siciliae,  vicario  Africae  (a.  388),  quaestori 
intra  palatium  (=  aulae  divi  Theodosi,  c.  381  sq.),  praef.  praet.  (Italiae, 
Illyr.  et  Africae)  iterum  (a.  382  and  c.  391  sq.),  cos.  ord.  (a.  394), 
historico  disertissimo,  Q.  Fab.  Memmius  Symmachus  v.  c.  prosocero 
Optimo.  The  son  of  the  orator  Symmachus  had  married  the  grand- 
daughter of  Nicom.  I,  and  the  son  of  Nic.  the  daughter  of  Symmachus; 
see  above  418,  2.  After  Nicom.  I  had  been  deprived  of  his  offices  by 
Theodosius  on  account  of  having  joined  Eugenius  (see  420,  3),  he  was 
rehabilitated  a.  431  after  his  death,  and  so  was  his  son  (n.  2) ;  see  Orelli- 
Henzen  5593,  where  the  decree  in  question  of  Theodosius  H  and  Tla- 
cidus  Valentinianus  is  given.  Comp.  also  the  Christian  poem  in  the 
cod.   Paris.  8084  (below  330,  14)  v.  25  sqq.  with  Mommsen,  Hermes  IV 


408  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

p.  358—363.  Flavium  seniorem  sic  in  monumenta  virtutum  suarum 
titulosque  revocamus  ut  quidquid  in  istum  caeca  insimulatione  commis- 
sum  est  procul  ab  eius  principis  (Theodosi  I)  voto  fuisse  iudicetis  cuius 
in  eum  eiTusa  benivolentia  et  usque  ad  annalium,  quos  consecrati  sibi  a 
quaestore  et  praefecto  suo  (being  Nicom.  I)  voluit,  (praedicationem?) 
provecta  excitavit  livorem  inproborum  (Henzen  1.  1.).  Macrob.  I  5,  13, 
Flavianum,  qui  quantum  sit  mirando  viro  Venusto  patre  praestantior 
non  minus  ornatu  morum  gravitateque  vitae  quam  copia  profundae  eru- 
ditionis  (e.  g.  in  augural  science,  Macrob.  I  24,  17.  Sozom.  VII  22. 
Nicephor.  XII  32)  adseruit.  In  Macrobius  he  is  one  of  the  speakers. 
For  his  philosophical  education  see  Symmach.  ep.  II  61 :  de  hoc  vestra 
existimatio  sit,  qui  talium  rerum  profitemini  notionem.  Cf.  Macrob.  I 
6,  4:  Flavianus  et  Eustathius  (below  422,  6),  par  insigne  amicitiae.  It 
is  therefore  possible  that  the  work  De  vestigiis  philosophorum  used 
by  Johannes  Saresber.  (policr.  II  26.  VIII  11  sq.)  by  a  certain  Flavianus 
is  by  him.  Cf.  Reifferscheid,  Rhein.  Mus.  XVI  p.  23-25.  Sidon.  Apoll. 
epp.  VIII  3 :  Apollonii  pythagorici  vitam  non  ut  Nicomachus  senior  e 
Philostrati,  sed  ut  Tascius  Victorianus  e  Nicomachi  schedio  excripsit, 
.  .  misi. 

2.  His  son,  Nicomachus  Flavianus  II.  Orelli-Henzen  5593:  N.  Fl. 
cons.  Camp.,  procons.  Asiae  (a.  383),  praef.  urbi  saepius  (e.  g.  a.  399 
sq.,  402),  nunc  (a.  431)  praef.  praet.  Italiae,  Illyrici  et  Africae.  Liban. 
or.  XXVII.  Cod.  Theod.  (Hanel  Corp.  leg.  p.  111).  The  subscription  of 
the  first  decade  of  Livy  (above  251,  10):  Nicomachus  Flavianus  v.  c.  Ill 
praefect.  urbis  (when  he  was  not  yet  praef.  praet.,  hence  written  before 
431)  emendavi  apud  Hennam.  His  father-in-law  Symmachus  possessed 
a  copy  of  Livy;  see  ep.  IX  13:  munus  totius  Liviani  operis,  quod 
spopondi,  etiam  nunc  diligentia  emendationis  moratur.  That  the  Nico- 
machi possessed  estates  in  Sicily,  appears  from  ib.  II  30.  VI  57.  66. 

3.  Orelli-Henzen  5593 :  Appius  Nicomachus  Dexter,  v.  c,  ex  praef. 
urb.  (between  427  and  431),  avo  optimo  (i.  e.  Nic.  1)  statuendam  curavi 
(a.  431).  This  Nic.  HI  was  probably  son  to  a  younger  brother  of  Nic. 
II  and  a  daughter  of  Appius  Claudius  Tarronius  Dexter  (Gruter  p.  34, 
1).  The  subscription  of  Livy  (n.  2) :  Nicomachus  Dexter  v.  c.  emendavi 
ad  exemplum  parentis  niei  (see  above  45,  9)  Clementiani. 

4.  On  the  three  Nicomachi  see  G.  B.  de  Rossi,  Annali  dell'  inst. 
arch.  XXI  (S.  N.  VI  1849)  p.  285-356,  and  B.  Borghesi  ib.  p.  357—363. 

5.  Ammianus  Marcellinus  was  of  a  good  family,  see  Amm.  XIX  8,  6. 
He  had  early  entered  the  Roman  army,  was  a.  353  in  the  East  in  the  suite 
of  the  mag.  eq.  Ursicinus,  accompanied  him  to  Italy  and  Gaul,  fought 
under  (the  Emperor)  Julian  against  the  Alemanni  and  took  part  in  his 
Persian  expedition.  A.  371  he  lived  at  Antiochia  (XXIX  1,  24),  after- 
wards at  Rome.  He  had  also  been  in  Egypt,  see  XVII  4,  6.  XXII  5,  1. 
He  terminates  (XXXI  16,  9):  haec  ut  miles  et  Graecus  a  principatu 
Caesaris  Nervae  exorsus  adusque  Valentis  interitum  pro  virium  explicavi 


Ammiamts  Mavcellinus.  409 

mensura,  opus  veritatem  professum  numquam  (ut  arbitror)  sciens  silentio 
ausus  corrumpere  vel  mendacio.  scribant  reliqua  potiores,  aetate  doc- 
trinisque  florentes.  Liban.  ep.  983:  tV  tnidtClfai  raXg  /ufu  ytyovag, 
jcdg  df  tffr],  jrjg  avyyQCci^rjg  fig  nokkd  rf-Tf^rjl^fprjg.  .  .  axov(0  ds  Trjv 
Fojfxrjp  (iVTfjy  Git<f)C(i/ovv  Got  jov  Jiovov.  iccvti  Os  ov  rov  ovyyoat^ia 
xoofx&T  fjLovop  akkd  xal  vjuctg  (the  Antiochians)  mp  ioru^  6  avyyQf«i>fvg. 
ib.  235:  og  vno  /ufu  rov  c^tjf^icaog  dg  aTQunMrag,  vno  df  tmv  tQycoy  fig 
'fikoGO(f)Ovg  iyyfyQanrat,   .   .  o  xakog    Af^ifAiavog. 

6.  Ammianus  is  a  confirmed  believer  in  Polytheism,  but  in  the 
syncretistic  and  feeble  manner  of  his  time  (cf.  419,  9).  At  the  head 
of  the  world  he  places  numen  caeleste,  divinum,  superum,  aeternum  of 
undefined  outlines,  and  in  the  main  all  is  governed  by  fortuna  or  fatum 
(XXllI  5,  5:  nullla  vis  humana  vel  virtus  meruisse  umquam  potuit  ut 
quod  praescripsit  fatalis  ordo  non  fiat).  A  greater  amount  of  indivi- 
duality is  attributed  to  the  inferior  gods.  Cf.  XVl  5,  5:  Mercurio  sup- 
plicabat,  quern  mundi  velociorem  sensiim  esse,  motum  mentium  susci- 
tantem,  theologicae  prodidere  doctrinae.  XIV  11,  25:  haec  .  .  aliquoties 
operatur  Adrastia,  quam  vocabulo  duplici  etiam  Nemesin  adpellamus. 
.  .  quam  theologi  veteres  fingentes  lustitiae  filiam  ex  abdita  quadam 
aeternitate  tradunt  omnia  despectare  terrena.  (26.)  haec  ut  regina 
causarum  et  arbitra  rerum  ac  disceptatrix  urnam  sortium  temperat  etc. 
(27.)  eademque  necessitatis  insolubili  retinaculo  mortalitatis  vinciens 
fastus  tumentes  incassum  .  .  opprimit  etc.  XXII  3,  12:  humanorum 
spectatrix  Adrastia.  XXI  1,  8:  vaticina  verba,  quibus  numen  praeesse 
dicitur  Themidis.  XVII  7  12:  Neptunum,  humentio  substantiae  potes- 
tatem,  Ennosigaeon  et  Sisichthona  poetae  veteres  et  theologi  nuncu- 
paverunt.  He  believes  in  portenta,  prodigia,  omina  (XXV  10,  1  II. 
XXI  16,  21),  also  in  auspicia  and  auguria.  But  he  is  also  just  to  Chri- 
stianity (XXI  16,  18:  christianam  religionem  absolutam  et  simplicem 
anili  superstitione  confundens),  and  blames  Julian  whom  he  almost 
worships  in  other  respects  as  inclemens  quod  docere  vetuit  magistros 
rhetoricos  et  grammaticos  christianos  ni  transissent  ad  numinum  cultum 
(XXV  4,  20).  He  loves  to  glance  back  into  the  olden  time,  which  he 
employs  to  criticize  his  own,  e.  g.  XXV  9,  9  sqq.  10,  13.  His  description 
of  eloquence  and  the  administration  of  law  in  his  time  (c.  370),  XXX 
4,  is  very  characteristic. 

7.  The  work  was  composed  previously  to  the  destruction  of  the 
Serapeum  (XXII  16,  12)  July  391,  and  subsequently  to  the  praefectura 
of  Aur.  Victor  (XXI  10,  6)  a.  389,  see  Cart  p.  46  sqq.  The  title  in  the 
Vatic.  1873  is:  rerum  gestarum  libri.  Wolfflin  supposes  an  original  title 
A  principatu  divi  (or  Caesaris)  Nervae  (cf.  XXXI  16,  9),  or  a  combi- 
nation of  it  with  the  title  given  by  the  Vat.  ms.  B.  1  — 13  had  probably 
been  lost  as  early  as  the  time  of  Priscian  (Gardthausen  in  Fleckeisen 
103  p.  846,  n.  12). 

8.  Ammian.  XV  1,  I  :  utcumque  potuimus  veritatem  scrutari  ea 
quae    videre    licuit    per   aetatem   vel  perplexe  interrogando  versatos  in 


410  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

medio  scire  narravimus  ordine  casuum  exposito  diversorum.  XVII  16, 
23 :  cum  iios  cauti,  vel,  ut  verius  dixerim,  timidi  nihil  exaggeremas, 
praeter  ea  quae  fidei  testimonia  neque  dubia  neque  incerta  monstrarunt. 
XXVI  1,  1:  dictis  impensiore  cura  rerum  ordinibus  adusque  memoriae 
confinia  propioris  convenerat  iam  referre  a  notioribus  pedem,  ut  et  pe- 
ricula  declinentur  veritati  saepe  contigua  et  examinatores  contexendi 
operis  deinde  non  perferamus  intempestivos,  who  insist  on  the  insertion 
of  all  details,  praeceptis  historiae  dissonantia,  discurrere  per  negotiorum 
celsitudines  adsuetae,  non  humilium  minutias  indagare  causarum.  But 
inscitia  volgari  contempta  ad  residua  narranda  pergamus  (ib.  2).  The 
account  generally  follows  the  chronological  order  and  goes  by  years, 
just  as  in  Tacitus.  He  frequently  adds  large  excursuses,  especially  on 
geography  (cf.  V.  Gardthausen  p.  1  sq.),  partly  based  on  his  personal 
experience  (e.  g.  XXII  16,  12),  but  mostly  on  books,  especially  the 
chorographia  pliniaua  (Mommsen,  Solin.  p.  XXIV — XXVIII)  and  an 
abridgment  of  Ptolemy.  In  some  instances  (see  XXIII  6,  6)  it  happens 
to  Ammianus  to  overlook  the  difference  between  the  time  of  his  sources 
and  his  own  age.  There  are  also  other  chronological  errors.  Speeches 
are  frequently  interposed.  A.  and  Zosimus  frequently  agree  in  their 
accounts  of  Julian  ;  see  B.  Gudhaus,  de  ratione  quae  interCedat  inter 
Zosimi  et  Amm.  de  bello  a  lul.  imp.  cum  Persis  gesto  relationes, 
Bonn  1870. 

9.  Salmasius  praef.  de  hellenist.  p.  39  says  of  Amm.:  quis  phrases 
umquam  usurpavit  duriores,  inconcinniores,  rusticiores?  prorsus  loqui- 
tur ut  homo  graecus  et  militaris,  qui  voces  tantum  latinas  tenet,  quo- 
modo  collocandae  sint  nescit.  Ammianus'  order  of  words  is  simply 
unaccountable;  besides  this,  he  is  pathetic  and  stilty,  abounds  in  meta- 
phors and  poetical  phrases,  and  uses  the  most  unnatural  constructions. 
This  diction  is  the  result  of  various  circumstances,  especially  the  want 
of  independence  peculiar  to  a  foreigner  as  compared  with  his  hetero- 
geneous reading  and  information,  comprising  poets  and  prose-writers, 
Sallust  (Gardthausen  p.  7.  36),  Tacitus  (E.  Wolfflin,  Philol.  XXIX  p.  558 
— 560)  and  Gellius,  and  also  the  bad  taste  of  the  whole  period. 

10.  There  are  about  twenty  mss.  extant,  the  principal  being  the 
Fulda  ms.  (saec.  IX — X)  which  was  brought  to  Italy  before  a.  1417  by 
Poggio  (A.  Mdi,  spicilegium  rom.  X  p.  311)  and  is  now  Vatic.  1873 
(V.  Gardthausen,  Hermes  VI  p.  243— 247.  A.  Kiessling  p.  481),  and  the 
now  lost  Hersfeldensis,  which  we  know  only  through  S.  Gelenius  (n. 
11);  M.  Haupt  in  the  Berlin  Ind.  lect.  summer  1868.  4.  Mommsen, 
Hermes  VI  p.  231  sqq.  The  best  representative  of  the  inferior  (and 
incomplete)  class  of  mss.  is  the  Petrinus  (in  the  Archives  of  St.  Peter's), 
written  a.  1342.  The  French  mss.  of  Ammianus  are  all  copies  of  the 
Fuldensis.  The  earliest  and  best  of  the  copies  taken  in  Italy  is  the 
ms.  in  the  Magliabecchian  library,  a  legacy  of  Niccolo  Niccoli.  Cf.  V. 
Gardthausen  in  P'leckeisen's  Jahrb.   103  p.  829—854. 

11.  Editions.  Book  14—26  were  first  printed  Rome  1474  by 
A.  Sabinus  from  a  copy  of  the  Fulda  ms.,    amended   Bologna  1517    by 


AmmiariKs  Marcellinns.  411 

P.  Castellus.  A  reprint  of  this  (by  D.  Erasmus)  Basil.  1518  (Corpus  hist, 
rom.).  A  new  edition  of  this,  in  which  the  Hersfeld  ms.  was  unequally 
used  (chiefly  in  b.  27—30)  by  S.  Gelenius,  Basil.  li>33  (July).  Cf.  Her- 
mes VI  p.  235  —  242.  V.  Rose,  Anecd.  11  p.  163  sq.  At  the  same  time 
Accursius  published  A.  at  Augsburg  May  1533,  from  a  copy  taken  of 
the  Fulda  ms.  in  Germany.  Cum  notis  integris  Frid.  Lindenbrogii 
(Hamburg  1609.  4.),  Henr.  et  Hadr.  Valesiorum  (Paris  1636.  4.  1681.) 
et  lac.  Gronovii  (Lugd.  Bat.  1693.  fol.  et  4.),  quibus  Thom.  Reinesii 
quasdam  et  suas  adiecit  Jo.  Aug.  Wagner.  Ed.  absolvit  C.  G.  A.  Er- 
furdt,  Lips.  1808.  3  vols.  Rec.  Fr.  Eyssenhardt,  Berl.  1871.  Cf.  A. 
Kiessling  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  103,  p.  481—504.  V.  Gardthausen, 
Gott.  Gel.  Anz.  1871,  p.  1302-1310.  Mommsen  Hermes  VI.  p.  231— 242. 
Edidit  V.  Gardthausen,  Lips.  (Bibl.  Teubner.)   1872. 

12.  CI.  Chifflet,  de  A.  M.  vita  et  libris,  Lovan.  1627  and  in  the 
editions.  C.  G.  Heyne,  censura  ingenii  et  historiarum  Am.  Marc, 
Opusc.  VI  p.  35 — 51.  Treatises  De  Ammiano  Marc,  by  A.  A,  Ditki 
(Rossel  1841.  4.),  C.  A.  Miiller  (Posen  1852.  4.),  E.  A.  W.  Moller  (K6- 
nigsberg  1863).  Quaestiones  Ammianeae  by  Reuscher  (I:  A.  vita,  Frank- 
furt a.  0.  1859.  4.),  E.  E.  Hudemann  (Landsberg  a.  W.  1864.  4.),  W.  A. 
Cart  (Berlin  1868),  P.  Langen  (Diiren  1868.  4.  and  Philologus  XXIX 
p.  469 — 487),  H.  Kallenberg  (grammaticae,  Halle  1868).  J.  Hermann, 
observationes  critt.  Amm.,  Bonn  1865.  R.  Unger,  de  A.  M.  locis  con- 
troversis,  Neustrelitz  1868.  M.  Haupt,  Berlin  1868.  4.  V.  Gardthausen, 
coniectanea  Amm.  codice  adhibito  Vat.,  Kiel  1869.  46  pp.  A.  Keller- 
bauer  in  the  Journal  of  Bav.  Gymn.  VII  p.  11 — 24. 

13.  The  Excerpta  de  Constantino  Chloro,  Constantino  M.  et  aliis 
imperatoribus  (espec.  de  Odoacre,  Theoderico)  were  first  published  by 
H.  Valesius  (Valois)  in  his  edition  of  Ammianus  (Paris  1636)  and  sub- 
sequently in  most  editions  of  A.  (e.  g.  Wagner-Erfurdt  I  p.  609—628); 
they  are  also  printed  in  Muratori's  script,  rer.  ital.  XXIV  p.  635  sqq. 
The  first  half  forms  a  noteworthy  source  of  the  history  of  Constantine. 
J.  Burckhardt,  Const,  p.  367,  n.  3.  p.  372.  374.  The  second  half,  be- 
ginning with  Zeno,  bears  quite  a  different  character.  Though  important 
in  their  matter,  these  Excerpts  are  in  a  barbarous  diction.  Both  halves 
were  composed  by  a  Christian  writer.  G.  Waitz,  Gott.  Gel.  Anz.  1865, 
p.  81  sqq.     Wattenbach's  sources  of  Germ,  history,  p.  44. 

14.  Sulpicius  Alexander,  from  whose  Historia  (books  III  and  IV) 
Gregorius  of  Tours  (hist.  Franc.  II  9)  quotes  some  passages,  probably 
belongs  to  the  time  of  Ammianus. 

422.  Philosophy  was  in  this  time  chiefly  studied  by  those 
who  hoped  to  find  in  it  a  useful  weapon  against  the  over- 
whelming power  of  the  Christian  religion,  e.  g.  by  Vettius 
Praetextatus,  a  noble  character  and  who  occupied  a  high  po- 
sition. None  of  those  whom  Symmachus  mentions  as  philo- 
sophers can  claim  an  independent  value. 


412  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

1 .  Vettius  Agorius  Praetextatus,  augur,  pontifex  Vestae,  pontif. 
Solis,  XVvir,  curialis  Herculis,  sacratus  Libero  et  Eleusiniis,  hierophanta, 
neocorus,  taurobolatus,  pater  patrum,  in  rep.  vero  quaestor  candidatus, 
praetor  urb.,  corrector  Tusciae  et  Umbriae,  consularis  Lusitaniae,  pro- 
cons.  Achaiae  (Zosim.  IV  3),  praef.  urbi  (a.  367—370,  see  Cod.  Theod.), 
legatus  a  senatu  missus  V  praef.  praet.  II  Italiae  et  Illyrici  (the  second 
time  a.  384,  see  Cod.  Theod.  VI  5,  2.  Cod.  lust.  I  54,  5),  cons.  ord. 
designatus  (a.  385,  when  he  died),  according  to  his  epitaph  in  the  Ca- 
pitol (Donati  72,  2.  cf.  Orelli  2354),  which  proves  that  even  then,  just 
as  in  the  time  of  Apuleius,  the  best  adherents  of  the  old  religion  endea- 
voured to  make  up,  by  a  multiplicity  of  worship,  what  they  lacked  in 
real  satisfaction  and  certainty.  Philosophy  was  intended  to  assist  Prae- 
textatus in  the  same  purpose  (Macrob.  Sat.  I  24,  21).  Boeth.  de  inter- 
pret, ed.  sec.  I  p.  289:  Vettius  Praetextatus  priores  postremosque  Ana- 
lyticos  non  vertendo  Aristotelem  latino  sermoni  tradidit,  sed  trans- 
ferendo  Themistium.  He  is  perhaps  the  author  of  the  treatise  De  X 
categoriis  which  goes  under  the  name  of  St.  Augustine.  In  the  poem 
which  his  wife  Aconia  Fabia  Paulina  engraved  upon  his  tomb  (the  last 
time  printed  by  Biicheler,  in  the  Greifswald  List  1870,  p.  13  —  15),  it 
is  stated  of  him  v.  8  sqq. :  tu  quidquid  lingua  utraquest  proditum  cura 
sophorum  porta  quis  caeli  patet,  vel  quae  periti  condidere  carmina, 
vel  quae  solutis  vocibus  sunt  edita,  meliora  reddis  quam  legendo  sump- 
seras  (partly  by  translating,  and  partly  by  emending;  see  above  421,  2 
sq.).  A.  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Enc.  VI  2  p.  2536,  nr.  42.  0.  Jahn,  Trans, 
of  the  Saxon  Society  of  Lit.  1851,  p.  338-342.  H.  Richter,  the  West 
Roman  Empire  (1865)  p.  339  sq.     See  above  418,  6. 

2.  Symmach.  epist.  I  29 :  nihil  moror  ceteros  .  .  qui  philosophiam 
fastu  et  habitu  mentiuntur.  paucos,  et  in  his  praecipue  familiarem 
meum  Batrachum,  nostra  aetas  tulit  quorum  germana  sapientia  ad  vetu- 
statem  vergeret.  Augustin.  epist.  I  1 :  hoc  saeculo  cum  iam  nullos  vi- 
deamus  philosophos  nisi  forte  amiculo  corporis,  quos  quidem  baud  cen- 
suerim  dignos  tarn  venerabili  nomine. 

3.  A  request  concerning  the  salary  of  the  professor  philosophiae 
Priscianus  ap.  Symmach.  ep.  I  79.    A  philosophiae  candidatus  ib.  I  41. 

4.  In  the  letters  of  Symm.  the  following  are  mentioned  as  philo- 
sophers:  Maximus  (II  29),  Asclepiades  (V  31),  lamblichus  (IX  2),  Nicias 
(IX  39),  Celsus  (X  25). 

5.  Macrob.  I  7,  3 :  Horus  (cf.  Symm.  Ep.  II  39),  vir  corpore  atque 
animo  iuxta  vahdus,  qui  post  innumeras  inter  pugiles  palmas  ad  philo- 
sophiae studia  migravit  sectamque  Antisthenis  et  Cratetis  atque  ipsius 
Liogenis  secutus  inter  Cynicos  non  incelebris  habebatur. 

6.  Macrob.  I  5,  13:  Eustathium,  qui  tantus  in  omni  genere  philo- 
sophiae est  ut  etc.  VII  1,  8:  quia  te  unicum,  Eustathi,  sectatorem  phi- 
losophiae nostra  aetas  tulit.     See  above  421,  1. 

7.  On  Nicomachus  Flavianus  I    see  above  421,  1. 


Praetextatus.     Servius.  413 

On    the    philosophical    writings    of    St.    Augustine    see    below 


434,   5. 


423.  A  younger  contemporary  of  Symm.  was  the  gram- 
marian Servius  Honoratus,  who  taught  and  wrote  at  Rome, 
and  is  chiefly  known  as  the  author  of  the  excellent  commen- 
tum  on  Virgil  which  has  come  down  to  us,  though  disfigured 
by  omissions  and  interpolations.  Its  principal  merit  con- 
sists in  the  wide  range  of  reading  which  enabled  Servius  to 
gather  an  abundance  of  materials  from  the  departments  of 
mythology,  history,  geography  and  especially  religious  anti- 
quities. Servius,  it  is  true,  shows  little  judgment  and  taste, 
but  still  surpasses  his  colleague  Ti«  Claudius  Donatus  by 
whom  we  also  possess  a  commentary  on  Virgil  addressed  to 
his  son  Donatianus.  It  does  not  enter  upon  the  subject- 
matter;  but  there  is  a  vita  Vergilii  prefixed  to  it  which  is 
important  so  far  as  derived  from  Suetonius.  Besides  his  com- 
mentary on  Virgil  we  possess  by  Servius  a  commentary  on  the 
Ars  of  Aelius  Donatus  and  a  Survey  on  the  different  metres 
(Centimeter).  His  name  is  also  prefixed  to  various  treatises 
de  accentibus,  de  ultimarum  syllabarum  natura  (de  finalibus) 
and  de  metris  Horatii. 

1.  In  Symmachus  one  of  the  speakers  is,  together  with  Vettius 
Praetextatus  (a.  385,  see  above  422,  1)  Symmachus  and  others,  Ser- 
vius inter  grammaticos  doctorem  recens  professus,  iuxta  doctrina  mi- 
rabilis  et  amabilis  verecundia,  Macrob.  I  2,  15  cf.  24,  8.  20.  VII  11,  2: 
et  Disarius,  age,  Servi,  non  solum  adulescentium  qui  tibi  aequaevi  sunt 
sed  senum  quoque  omnium  doctissime,  etc.  If  the  scene  of  the  con- 
versation be  assumed  about  a.  380,  Servius  would  appear  to  have  been 
born  about  a.  355.  In  agreement  with  the  general  character  of  the 
persons  with  whom  Serv.  is  associated  in  Macr.,  his  erudite  interest  in 
religious  antiquities  (pontifical  and  augural)  renders  it  probable  that  he 
adhered  to  the  old  religion.  There  is  no  trace  of  Christianity  in  his 
commentary.  Servius  magister  urbis.  Aero  on  Hor.  S.  I  9,  76.  Cf. 
Macrob.  VI  6,  1 :  Servius  .  .  cotidie  romanae  indoli  enarrando  eundem 
vatem  (Virgil)  necesse  est  habeat  huius  .  .  scientiam  promptiorem. 
His  name :  Marius  (or  Maurus)  Servius  Honoratus ;  often  mixed  up 
with  Sergius. 

2.  That  Servius'  commentary  on  Virgil  has  not  come  down  to  us 
in  its  original  shape,  appears  from  the  passages  in  which  Servius  him- 
self is  quoted  in  it  (ad  Eel.  I  12.  IX  1:  ut  Servius  dicit),  and  likewise 
from  the  difference  of  the  extent  of  this  commentary  in  the  mss. ;  see 
G.  Thilo,  Rhein.  Mus.  XIV  p.  535— 550.  XV  i).   119  sqq.     Mommsen  ib. 


414  Tlie  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

XVI  p.  442  sqq.  The  principal  edition  hy  P.  Daniel,  Paris  1600  fol. 
(Geneva  1636).  Others  by  P.  Burmann  (in  his  Virgil,  Amsterd.  1746.  4.) 
and  by  H.  A.  Lion  (Gotting.  1826,  2  vols.).  A  critical  edition  in  which 
the  various  parts  are  discriminated,  is  promised  by  G.  Thilo;  specimens: 
Servii  comm.  Aen.  I  129-300  (Naumburg  1856.  4.);  Georg.  I  1—100 
(Halle  1866.  4.),  also  Qnaestiones  Servianae,  Halle  1867.  53  pp.  4.  Th. 
Bergk,  Servii  Casselani  Part.  I— V,  Marburg  1843—45.  4.  Bohmer,  lec- 
tionum  Serv.  fasc,    Oels  1858.    4. 

3.  On  Servius  and  his  commentary  on  Virgil  see  Lion  p.  V — VIII. 
Suringar,  hist.  crit.  scholl.  latt.  II  p.  59—92.  E.  Teuber,  de  Mauri 
Servii  gramm.  vita  (p.  1  — 17)  et  commentariis  part.  I  Breslau  (1843) 
Diss.  (p.  17 — 28  de  codicibus  Servii;  p.  28 — 36  de  editionibus;  p.  38 — 59 
on  the  value  and  sources  of  the  Commentary).  Grafenhan,  Hist,  of 
class.  Philol.  IV  p.  93  sq.  325—327.     Ribbeck,  prolegomena  p.  189—192. 

4.  On  the  commentary  on  the  Ars  of  Donatus  see  above  404,  2. 
The  Explanationes  in  Donatum  (ibid.)  were  probably  merely  composed 
with  the  help  of  Servius'  erudition,  and  resemble  him  so  little  that 
his  name  was  replaced  by  that  of  Sergius  (n.  10).  De  accentibus  ap. 
Endlicher  and  Eichenfeld,  Analecta  gramm.  p.  525  sqq.  It  cannot  be 
proved  that  this  work  is  based  on  Varro.  De  ratione  ultimarum  sylla- 
barum,  ad  Aquilinum,  in  Putsche  gramm.  p.  1799—1810,  and  in  End- 
licher 1.  1.  p.  491  sqq.  (sometimes  attributed  to  Donatus,  H.  Hagen, 
Anecd.  Helv.  p.  CL.).  Identical  with  this  in  point  of  subject-matter  is 
the  treatise  de  finalibus,  ad  Aquilinum,  in  Keil,  gramm.  IV  p.  449 — 
455,  see  above  403,  4  extr.  See  also  L.  Miiller  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb. 
93  p.  564  sq.  Dedicated  to  a  youth  called  Albinus  (praetextatorum 
decus)  to  whose  pater  avusque  .  .  maximam  reverentiam  litterae  debent 
(the  father  being  probably  identical  with  the  Albinus  in  Macrob.)  is  the 
Centimeter  libellus  (tot  enim  metrorum  genera  digessi  quanta  potui 
brevitate),  in  Putsche  p.  1815  sqq.,  in  Gaisford's  scriptores  rei  metr. 
p.  363  sqq.,  in  KeiPs  gramm.  IV  p.  456—472;  cf.  ib.  p.  XL V— XL VII. 
Westphal,  allg.  Metrik  p.  47  sq.  with  L.  Miiller  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb. 
93,  p.  563  sq.,  who  places  the  author  in  the  time  of  the  Gothic  rule 
over  Italy  and  assumes  Albinus  to  be  the  Consul  of  493,  while  he  also 
points  out  that  all  the  instances  are  self-made  (cf.  p.  461,  25  K.:  versi- 
culos  tibi  dactylicos  cecini,  puer  optime,  quos  facias;  p.  463:  Vergilius, 
Mantua  quern  creavit;  .  .  Maecenas  atavis  Lydia  quos  fert  genite,  and 
the  verse  of  rest  p.  467 :  rem  tibi  confeci,  doctissime,  dulcisonoram). 
This  seems  a  reason  more  for  considering  the  author  to  have  been  a 
grammarian  of  greater  note.  See  above  404,  5.  This  work  is  succeeded 
in  the  Paris,  ms.  7530  by  Servii  de  metris  Horatii  (in  Keil  IV  p.  468 — 472 
cf.  p.  XL VII  sq.)  with  the  dedication:  Servius  Fortunatiano  dn.  Super- 
fluum,  amice,  fore  putavi  et  post  Terentianum  metra  digerere  [gap]  .  . 
aliud  agenti  obtulerat  exposita  viderentur  (is  this  a  reference  to  the 
Centimeter  or  to  Terentianus?).  quare  Horatium  cum  in  Campania 
otiarer   excepi    etc.     This   holiday  work  is  much  inferior  to  the  Centi- 


Serviifjf.     Donatus.  415 

meter  and  seems  to  be  b}^  a  different  author;  cf.  L.  Miiller  1.  1.  Rhein. 
Mus.  XXV  p.  340  sq. 

5.  Donatus'  interpretations  of  Virgil  were  edited  at  Naples  1535 
and  in  the  editions  of  Virgil  by  G.  Fabricius  (Basil.  1561  fol.)  and  Lu- 
cius (Basil.  1613  fol.).  The  work  is  preceded  by  the  following  epistle. 
Ti.  Claudius  Donatus  Ti.  Claudio  Maximo  Donatiano  filio  s.  p.  d.  In- 
certum  metuens  vitae,  quod  magis  senibus  incumbit  et  proximum  est, 
cursim  scripsi  quae  potui,  relinquens  plurima.  .  .  ut  si  quid  mihi  ad- 
versi  accideret  haberes  interpretationum  mearum  quod  imitareris  exem- 
plo.  verum  quia  .  .  contigit  diutius  vivere  hos  libros  interim  legendos 
curavi.  The  author  states  that  he  is  resolved  to  give  an  explanation 
of  the  subject-matter  in  a  separate  work,  sic  fiet  ut  origines  singula- 
rum  personarum  quas  Vergilius  Aeneidos  libris  comprehendit  .  .  (cognos- 
cas).  simul  etiam  cognosces  oppidorum  insularumque  rationem,  regio- 
num,  .  .  templorum  ac  fanorum,  herbarum,  quin  etiam  et  lignorum  vo- 
cabula  et  cetera  his  similia.  sed  haec  sic  accipias  velim  ut  ex  com- 
mentariis  scias  veterum  me  esse  collecturum;  antiqua  enim  et  fabulosa 
ac  longinquitatis  causa  incognita  nisi  priscorum  docente  memoria  non 
poterunt  explicari.  He  does  not  seem  ever  to  have  completed  a  work 
of  this  kind  on  the  matter  of  the  Aeneid  (which  would  have  resembled 
the  work  of  Vibius  Sequester).  It  was  intended  to  form  an  appendix 
to  the  Interpretations  or  to  fill  the  place  of  a  register;  cf.  on  VII  646: 
catalogus  iste  huic  Interpretationum  libro  non  fuerat  inserendus.  nihil 
enim  habet  quod  artificiose  possit  exponi.  est  quippe  nominibus  homi- 
num,  gentium,  fluviorum,  deorum,  .  .  herbarum,  .  .  fontium  plenus. 
tamen  ne  quid  libro  decerpi  videatur  dicemus  aliqua  eius  uno  libro 
qui  XIIIus  erit,  cum  totius  operis  conplexione  dicturi,  ut  historiae  per 
XII  libros  sparsae  et  cetera  quae  supra  dicta  non  sunt  possint  eviden- 
ter  apparere. 

6.  Servius  repeatedly  quotes  (e.  g.  Aen.  II  557.  798.  Eel.  Ill  38) 
Donatus,  generally  in  a  polemical  manner  and  without  distinguishing 
two  persons.  He  would  thus  seem  to  have  known  only  one  commen- 
tator of  this  name,  no  doubt  the  earlier  (above  404,  4).  In  the  inter- 
polated passages  the  interpretations  of  the  younger  Donatus  might 
possibly  have  been  used. 

7.  On  Donatus'  vita  Vergilii  see  above  220,  1,  6.  In  Paris.  1011 
it  has  at  its  head  a  letter  with  the  inscription :  Fl.  Donatus  L.  Munatio 
suo  salutem.  In  the  other  mss.  it  is  added  to  the  commentary  of  Ser- 
vius without  any  further  title. 

8.  On  Donatus  comp.  Suringar,  hist.  crit.  scholl.  II  p.  31—58.  Gra- 
fenhan,  Hist,  of  class.  Philol.  IV  p.  315—318. 

9.  Claudius,  five  times  quoted  in  the  Ars  anonyma  cod.  Bern.  123 
and  scarcely  identical  with  Claudius  Sacerdos  (above  390),  but  rather 
a  compiler  from  him.     J.  Steup,  Rh.  Mus.  XXVI  p.  320—323. 


416  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

10.  Sergii  (from  Italy)  novem  (libri)  de  littera  et  de  barbarismo 
are  quoted  in  the  catalogue  of  a  cod.  Bern.  (Hagen,  Anecd.  Helv.  p. 
CXLIX),  which  probably  means  commentaries  on  Donatus.  Part  of  the 
nine  books  which  bore  in  the  Middle  Ages  the  name  of  Sergius  seems 
to  have  been  the  treatise  in  Hagen  1.  1.  p.  143 — 158  (see  above  404,2), 
perhaps  also  the  fragments  ib.  p.  CXCII — CCII.     Cf.    Hagen  ib.  p.  CL. 

11.  A  grammarian  Maximus  of  Madaura  who  defended  polytheism 
against  St.  Augustine  is  mentioned  by  Aug.  ep.  16  (Migne  XXXIII 
p.    81). 

12.  On  the  artigrapher  Probus  see  above  412,  12;  on  Junius  Phi- 
largyrius  below  465,  13. 

424.  Flavius  Vegetius  Renatus  dedicated  his  Epitoma 
rei  militaris  in  four  books  to  Theodosius  L,  a  work  chiefly 
historical  and  professing  to  be  merely  a  careful  compilation 
without  claim  to  independent  researches  or  stylistic  elabora- 
tion. The  Mulomedicina  of  a  certain  P.  Vegetius  is  perhaps 
ten  or  twenty  years  earlier,  a  work  in  uneducated  language 
and  from  older  sources. 

1.  Title:  Plavi  Vegeti  Renati  viri  inlustris,  comitis  Epitoma  rei 
militaris.  Though  the  Emperor  to  whom  the  work  is  dedicated  is  not 
mentioned,  it  is  nearly  certain  that  Theodosius  I.  is  meant;  see  C.  Lang 
in  his  ed.  p.  VII  sq.  When  the  work  was  composed,  Gratianus  was 
already  dead  (p.  21,  6  :  tempus  divi  Gratiani),  so  that  it  would  appear 
to  have  been  written  between  384  and  395.  There  was  an  interval  of 
some  time  between  the  publication  of  b.  I  and  the  rest.     See  n.  3. 

2.  The  author  professes  the  Christian  religion,  but  his  religious 
ideas  are  still  rooted  in  the  olden  time ;  and  his  way  of  treating  reli- 
gion does  not  differ  from  that  of  this  heathen  contemporaries.  Cf.  II 
5  (p.  37  L.):  iurant  (milites)  per  deum  et  Christum  et  sanctum  spiritum 
et  per  maiestatem  imperatoris,  quae  secundum  deum  generi  humano 
diligenda  est  et  colenda.  nam  imperatori  .  .  tanquam  praesenti  et  cor- 
porali  deo  fidelis  est  praestanda  devotio.  His  other  expressions  of 
this  kind  might  just  as  well    occur   in    Firmicus  or  Symmachus ;     e.  g. 

I  praef. :    non  recte  aliquid  incohatur  nisi  post  deum  faverit  imperator. 

II  21  :  etiam  divinitatis  (see  above  395,  4)  instinctu  legiones  a  Romanis 
arbitror  constitutas.  IV  40:  transitus  siderum  .  .  cum  praescripto  cursu 
dei  arbitrio  creatoris  suscipiunt  signa.  The  superstitious  character  of  his 
faith  appears  in  IV  35  where  he  says  that  timber  for  building  ships 
should  only  be  cut  in  the  week  a  XVa  kma  usque  ad  Xllam^  to  pre- 
vent its  being  worm-eaten,  et  ars  ipsa  et  .  .  cotidianus  usus  edocnit  et 
contemplations  ipsius  religionis  agnoscimus,  quam  pro  aeternitate  his 
tantam  diebus  placuit  celebrari. 


Cyprianus.     Novaticmns*  417 

3.  Veget.  I  praef. :  tanto  inferiorem  me  antiquis  scriptoribus  esse 
vix  sensi,  licet  in  hoc  opusculo  nee  verborum  concinnitas  sit  necessaria 
nee  acumen  ingenii,  sed  labor  diligens  ac  fidelis,  ut  quae  apud  diversos 
historicos  vel  armorum  disciplinam  docentes  dispersa  et  involuta  celan- 
tur  pro  utilitate  rom.  proferantur  in  medium.  II  praef.:  cum  haec  (in- 
stituta  maiorum  partis  armatae)  litteris  breviter  comprehendere  maiestati 
vestrae  .  .  recognoscenda  praeciperer,  certavit  saepius  devotio  cum  pu- 
dore.  .  .  libellum  de  dilectu  atque  exercitatione  tironum  (b,  I)  dudum 
tamquam  famulus  obtuli,  non  tamen  culpatus  abscessi.  Ill  praef. :  quae 
per  diversos  auctores  librosque  dispersa,  imperator  invicte,  mediocrita- 
tem  meam  abbreviare  iussisti.  II  3  V.  mentions  as  his  chief  predecessors 
Cato  and  Frontinus :  horum  instituta,  horum  praecepta  in  quantum  valeo 
strictim  fideliterque  signabo.  Cf.  I  28.  Ill  26.  IV  praef.  Vergilius  in 
Georgicis  and  Varro  in  libris  navalibus  are  quoted  IV  41  cf.  II 1 :  Lati- 
norum  egregius  auctor  (Verg.  Aen.).  Sallustius  is  quoted  I  4,  9. 

4.  Each  book  has  a  preface,  b.  I  and  II  also  an  epilogue  of  a 
courtierlike  rhetorical  character.  Book  I  treats  of  dilectus  atque  exercitatio 
tironum,  b.  II  institutionem  disciplinamque  militarem  (III  1),  b.  Ill  of  war 
and  strategic  art,  b.  IV  of  the  art  of  besieging  (rationes  quibus  vel  nostrae 
civitates  defendendae  sint  vel  hostium  subruendae),  c.  1 — 30.  Then 
IV  31 :  praecepto  maiestatis  tuae,  imperator  invicte,  terrestris  proelii 
rationibus  absolutis  navalis  belli  residua  .  .  est  portio ;  de  cuius  artibus 
ideo  pauciora  dicenda  sunt  quia  iam  dudum  pacato  mari  cum  barbaris 
nationibus  agitur  terrestre  certamen.  The  summaries  of  each  chapter 
(rubricae)  are  not  by  Veg.  himself,  but  composed  as  early  as  the  fifth 
or  sixth  century;  see  C.  Lang,  praef.  p.  X  sq. 

5.  On  account  of  the  subject  and  the  employment  of  earlier 
authors  we  do  not  find  many  late  words  in  Vegetius.  But  such  words 
as  missibilis,  in  ante,  aliquanti,  proximior,  clearly  show  the  time  when 
the  book  was  composed. 

6.  We  possess  more  than  140  mss.  of  Vegetius,  the  earliest  being 
of  saec.  X.  They  are  enumerated  and  criticized  by  Lang  p.  XI — XL. 
Part  of  them  bear  the  subscription :  Fl.  Eutropius  emendavi  sine  exem- 
plario  Constantinopolim  Consul  Valentiniano  Aug.  VII  et  Abien.  (==;  A. 
D.  450).  0.  Jahn,  Journ.  of  the  Saxon  Soc.  of  Lit.  1851  p.  344  sq. 
An  abridgment  ol  I  1  sqq.  II  23  sq.  by  Rabanus  Maurus  (14  chapters) 
published  from  a  ms.  at  Treves  saec.  XII  by  E.  Diimmler,  Ztschr.  f. 
Germ.  Antiq.  N.  S.  Ill  p.  443—451.  Excerpts  from  b.  IV  in  a  palimp- 
sest Vatic.  Reg.  2077  saec.  VII.  / 

7.  Editions.  Ed.  pr.  Utrecht  about  1473  fol.  Later  editions  chiefly 
by  Modius  (Colon.  1580),  G.  Stewechius  (Antv.  1584.  4.);  by  P.  Scrive- 
rius,  cum  notis  Stewechii,  Modii,  Antv.  1607,  2  vols.  4.  (Wesel  1670.  8.). 
Ed.  N.  Schwebelius,  Niirnberg  1767.  4.  Cum  notis  varr.  Strassburg 
1806.  Rec.  C.  Lang,  Lips.  (Teubner)  1869.  A.  Gemoll,  exercitationes 
Veg.,  Hermes  VI  p.  113—118. 

27 


418    .  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

8.  P.  Vegetius'  mulomedicina  sive  ars  veterinaria  was  printed 
Basil.  1528.  4.  1574.  4.  (ed.  J.  Sambucus),  in  J.  M.  Gesner's  (II  p.  173 
— 305)  and  J.  G.  Schneider's  (Vol.  IV)  scriptores  rei  rusticae,  divided 
by  the  earlier  editors  into  four,  by  Schneider  into  six  books  (b.  I  = 
I  II  Schn.;    IH  =  IV  and  V  Schn.). 

9.  P.  Vegetius  states  his  principles  in  several  prefaces.  I  praef.  6 : 
cum  ab  initio  aetatis  alendorum  equorum  studio  flagrarem  hanc  operam 
non  invitus  arripui  ut  conductis  in  unum  latinis  dumtaxat  auctoribus 
universis,  adhibitis  etiam  mulomedicis  et  medicis  non  omissis  .  .  in 
quantum  medio  critas  ingenii  patitur  plene  ac  breviter  omnia  epitome 
congererem.  II  (Gesn.)  praef.  1  :  mulomedicinae  ars  iamdudum  .  .  col- 
lapsa  est.  numquid  vero  exemplo  Hunnorum  .  .  artis  usus  intercidet? 
m  (Gesn.)  praef.  1  sq.:  mulomedicinae  me  commentarios  ordinante 
civium  atque  amicorum  frequens  querela  .  .  suspendit.  .  .  cedens  ita- 
que  familiarium  honestissimae  voluntati  ex  diversis  auctoribus  enucleata 
coUegi  pedestrique  sermone  in  libellum  contuli.  cuius  erit  praecipua 
felicitas  si  eum  nee  scholasticus  fastidiat  et  bubulcus  intellegat.  In 
agreement  with  the  horizon  and  style  of  the  fourth  century  the  author 
says  IV  (Gesn.)  praef.  1  sqq. ;  sollemnis  excusatio  neglegentium  est 
dispendia  ex  dissimulatione  venientia  deo  imputare  vel  casibus.  .  . 
quae  fortasse  vera  videantur  in  homine,  qui  divina  providentia  ac  dis- 
positione  fatorum  creditur  regi.  animalia  vero,  cum  quibus  divinitas 
nihil  dignatur  habere  commune,  nisi  hominum  studio  impensisque  cu- 
rentur  absque  ambiguitate  depereunt. 

10.  As  his  predecessors  (and  sources)  Veg.  I  praei.  2  aq.  mentions 
Pelagonius  (cf.  ib.  17,  15.  IV  13,  3.  14,  2.  27,  3),  Columella,  Chiron  and 
Absyrtus  (cf.  ib.  38,  5.  IV  13,  4.  22,  1.  27,  1  sq.).  He  quotes  Virgil  I 
praef.  8  (Mantuanus  poeta  divino  ore  testatur)  and  56,  36  (quod  natu- 
raliter  laudat  Vergilius).  The  breeds  of  horses  mentioned  by  him  attest 
his  great  knowledge  of  geography.  E.  g.  I  56,  37  :  equos  quos  vulgo 
trepidiarios,  militari  verbo  tottonarios  vocant  ita  edomant  (Parthi)  etc- 
IV  6,  2  sq.  (G.) :  ad  bellum  Hunniscorum  longe  primo  docetur  utilitas 
patientiae  etc.  Toriugos  deinde  et  Burgundiones  iniuriae  tolerantes. 
tertio  loco  Frigiscos  etc.  The  anatomy  of  the  horse  given  by  Veg.  is 
praised    by   experts. 

425.  Of  the  five  books  which  form  the  collection  of  the 
so-called  Plinius  Valerianus  the  first  three  are  an  accu- 
mulation of  supposed  remedies  mostly  gathered  from  the  Na- 
tural History  of  Pliny  and  arranged  according  to  maladies. 
The  fourth  book  is  derived  from  the  work  of  Gargilius  Mar- 
tialis  on  horticulture  (de  pomis  and  de  oleribus).  The  fifth 
is  a  collection  of  dietetic  precepts  (diaetae)  from  the  Latin 
version  of  the  dietetic  work  of  Alexander  Trallianus  which 
belongs  to  the  sixth  century  of  the  Christian  era. 


Vegetius.     Plinius   Valerianus.  419 

1.  The  five  books  are  not  rare  in  mss.  (e.  g.  St.  Gall  751  saec.  X) 
and  bear  the  title  (which,  however,  suits  only  the  first  three)  Plini 
Secundi  de  remediis  or  de  fisicis.  The  work  was  first  published  by 
Pighinucci  (Rome  1509)  as  Medicina  pliniana,  then  by  Albanus  Forinus 
(Basle  1528  fol.)  in  his  collection  de  re  medica,  in  which  (after  Sorani 
isagoge,  Oribasii  fragmentum  and  before  Apuleius  de  herbarum  virtute 
and  de  betonica)  fol.  13 — 98  C.  Plinii  Secundi  de  re  medica  libri  V 
accuratius  recogniti  et  (nothis  ac  pseudepigraphis  remotis)  ab  innumeris 
mendarum  millibus  fide  vetustissimi  codicis  repurgati.  The  Basle  text 
was  reprinted  in  the  Medici  antiqui,  Venet.  Aid.  1547.  The  name  of 
Valerius  is  an  invention  of  Paolo  Giovio  at  Como  (Pauli  lovii  tractatus 
de  piscibus  romanis,  Rome  1524  fol.,  cap.  35).  See  E.  Meyer,  Hist,  of 
Botany  II  p.  398—405.     V.  Rose,  Anecd.  gr.  II  p.  105—114. 

2.  The  first  three  books  belong  together  and  occur  also  separately 
in  mss.  without  the  fourth  and  fifth,  though  frequently  differing  in  size, 
style  and  arrangement,  as  they  were  continually  altered  in  the  course 
of  time  by  omissions  and  additions.  In  the  St.  Gall  ms.  751  another 
fourth  book  is  added  (though  without  the  name  of  Pliny) :  Antidota 
per  singulas  passiones  de  diversis  auctoribus  electa.  Extracts  from  the 
three  books  are  found  in  two  Bamberg  mss.,  Capitulatio  secunda  (saec. 
IX)  and  liber  Pauli. 

3.  The  preface  to  b.  1—3  begins:  Frequenter  mihi  in  peregrina- 
tionibus  accidit  ut  aut  propter  meam  aut  propter  raeorum  infirmitatem 
varias  fraudes  medicorum  experiscerer,  quibusdam  utilissima  remedia 
ingentibus  pretiis  vendentibus,  aliis  curare  nescientibus,  cupiditatis  causa 
suscipientibus  .  .  quapropter  necessarium  mihi  visum  est  undique  vali- 
tudinis  auxilia  contrahere  et  velut  in  breviarium  coUigere,  uti  quocumque 
venissem  possem  huius  modi  insidias  vitare.  The  author  would  thus 
appear  a  traveller,  but  not  a  physician.  Similar  invectives  I  9  in. 
The  arrangement  follows  the  parts  of  the  body  and  their  afflictions, 
from  head  to  toe  (II  52:  clavis  et  callis  curandis;  II  54  ad  ungularum 
dolorem).  The  third  book  contains  remedies  against  constitutional 
illnesses  and  poisons.  The  tone  is  dry,  except  17:  De  capillis  deni- 
grandis.  Potest  videri  supervacuum  inter  remedia  corporis  ponere  ea 
quae  ad  decorem  pertinent,  sed  quosdam  pudet  aut  ipsos  rubeos  esse 
aut  in  tantum  luxuriae  indulgent  ut  etc.  .  .  operae  prctium  est  his 
qui  erubescunt  senes  esse  succurrere  etc.  The  plants  mentioned  in  the 
three  books  are  enumerated  by  E.  Meyer  (n.  1)  ]}.  405 — 412. 

4.  Rose  (n.  1)  p.  106:  'The  original  conception  of  this  collection 
(b.  1 — 3)  was  perhaps  made  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century, 
previously  to  that  of  Marcellus  (see  426,  1  sqq.),  who  is  already  ac- 
quainted with  our  writer  under  the  fictitious  name  of  Pliny  (Plinius 
uterque)  and  employs  his  work  to  a  great  extent'.  See  ibid.  p.  177. 
But  Plinius  uterque  may  be  said  with  regard  to  the  fictitious  epistle 
of  Pliny  (the  younger)  ad  amicos  (sec  426,  3)  which  Marcellus  inserts, 
and  the  agreement  may  be  explained  from  their  using  the  same  source. 


420  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

In  the  coinciding  portions  the  arrangement  is  generally  different,  while 
Marc,  always  retains  the  arrangement  of  those  parts  he  takes  from 
Scribonius  Largus.  Cf.  Ps.  Plin.  I  7  (ovum  corvinum  from  Plin.  n,  h. 
XXIX  109  .  .  sextarius  sanguisugarum  from  Plin.  XXXII  68  .  .  siliquae 
ervi  from  ibid.  XXII  153  .  .  folia  cupressi  from  ib.  XXIV  15  .  .  spodi- 
lum  from  ib.  XXIV  26  .  .  vermium  terrenorum  cinis  from  ibid.  XXX 
134)  with  Marcell.  I  7  (hirundinum  stercus  .  .  medium  lapidem  .  .  ovi 
corvini  interiora  .  .  vermium  terr.  cinis  .  .  folia  cupressi  .  .  nuces  iu- 
glandes  .  .  sanguisugarum  sextarius  .  .  ervi  siliquae).  Marcell.  I  1  p.  36 
extr.  we  find  the  last  five  remedies  in  the  same  order  as  in  Ps.  Plin. 
fol.  1  (13)  B,  but  various  others  in  quite  a  different  arrangement.  The 
medicin.  respons.  of  Caelius  Aurelianus  appear  to  have  been  used  in  a 
good  text  (Rose  p.  175.  177). 

5.  The  fourth  und  fifth  books  are  neither  connected  with  each 
other  nor  with  b.  I— III;  they  were  originally  independent  extracts, 
which  were  at  a  later  time  joined  to  the  supposed  liber  Plinii  (1 — 3) 
by  the  arbitrary  decision  of  some  copyist  or  collector.  As  part  of  the 
complete  works  of  Pliny  they  are  found  in  later  mss.,  e.  g.  the  Prague 
ms.  saec.  XIV  sq.,  which  contains  the  nat.  hist.,  Phisice  Plinii  Sec.  lib. 
I — IV,  then  book  V  as  liber  dietarum  Plinii,  and  a  liber  urinarum, 
Anthimus  with  Nomina  herbarum,  in  the  last  place  the  letters  of  Pliny 
the  younger.     Rose  p.  61.  107. 

6.  The  fourth  book  is  found  in  some  mss.  independently  (without 
title)  and  is  an  old  extract  verbally  copied  from  the  large  work  of 
Gargilius  Martialis  on  husbandry;  see  above  376. 

7.  Book  V  (45  chapters,  some  very  brief)  is  likewise  found  in  mss. 
by  itself",  or  it  is  appended  to  the  four  books  Plinii  iun.  de  medicina, 
but  with  a  special  title:  liber  diaetarum  diversorum  medicorum,  h.  e. 
Alexandri  et  aliorum.  It  is  indeed  with  but  few  exceptions  (c.  14  and 
22  Sorani  dieta;  37  sq.  dieta  Sorani)  a  verbal  extract  from  the  Latin 
Alexander  (below  489,  9),  and  belongs  to  saec.  VII,  if  indeed  it  be  so 
early.     V.  Rose  (n.  1)  p.  107—109. 

426.  Under  the  name  of  Marcellus,  ex  mag.  officiorum 
under  Theodosius,  we  possess  a  work  on  remedies,  chiefly 
drawn  from  Scribonius  Largus,  but  mixed  with  many  super- 
stitious additions.  Merely  superstitious  and  mixed  with  ob- 
scenity is  the  collection  of  animal  remedies  which  bears  the 
name  of  Sextus  Placitus  (Papyriensis),  and  of  which  we  have 
also  an  abridgment  (by  Constantinus  Africanus).  The  medical 
work  of  Theodorus  Priscianus  aims  at  scientific  treatment 
in  its  way. 

1.     Marcelli  de  medicamentis  empiricis,    physicis    ac  rationabilibus 
liber  .  .    iam  primnm  in  lucem    emergens    .  .    per    Janum    Cornarium, 


Plinius   Valerianus.     Marcellus  Empiricus.  421 

Basil.  1543  fol.  Also  in  the  Collections  of  the  Medici  antiqui  by  Aldus 
(Venet.  1547)  and  Stephanas  (Paris  1567).  Preface:  Marcellus  vir  ill. 
ex  mag.  off.  Theodosii  sen.  filiis  suis  s.  d.  He  wrote  therefore  under 
Theodosius  II,  and  not  before  408.  He  is  probably  Marcellus  magister 
off.  a.  C.  395  in  the  Cod.  Theod.  VI  29,  8  and  XVI  5,  29  (where  he 
is  charged  to  proceed  against  pagan  Court  officials).  Cf.  Suidas  II  p. 
702  Bnh.  :  MccQxtkkog,  fxayiOT^og  A^xadCov  rov  ^ccoikhtog,  xoojuog  cxQST^g 
KTiaarjg  etc.  As  he  (in  his  praef.)  names  Ausonius  among  his  fellow- 
citizens,  he  is  designated  as  Burdigalensis;  Empiricus  he  is  called  by 
others  from  his  merely  empirical  tendency.  He  was  not  a  physician 
by  profession. 

2.  The  work  de  medicamentis  contains  in  36  chapters  a  number 
of  simple,  compound  and  magic  remedies  against  all  illnesses  from  top 
to  toe.  The  pretended  sources:  non  solun  veteres  medicinae  artis 
auctores  latino  dumtaxat  sermone  perscriptos  .  .  lectione  scrutatus  sum, 
sed  etiam  ab  agrestibus  et  plebeiis  remedia  fortuita  atque  simplicia 
quae  experimentis  probaverant  didici.  In  reality  the  author  generally 
copies  Scribonius  Largus  (above  389,  2—6)  and  adds  plenty  of  other 
materials  from  other  sources.  See  above  435,  4.  Very  interesting  are 
the  numerous  names  of  plants  (E.  Meyer,  Hist,  of  Botany  II  p.  305 — 
315),  partly  with  their  Celtic  names  (e.  g.  p.  48:  herba  quae  graece 
chamaeacte,  latine  ebulus,  gallice  odocos  dicitur) ;  J.  Grimm,  on  Mar- 
cellus Burdig.,  Berlin  1849.  4.  (Trans,  of  the  Berl.  Academy  1847).  The 
preface  ends :  epistolas  quoque  eorum  quorum  studium  aemulatum  me 
esse  scrips!  huic  operi  .  .  adieci  (n.  3)  .  .  versiculis  quoque  lusimus 
migmatum  et  specierum  digestione  compositis  .  .  quod  opusculum  in 
infima  parte  huius  codicis  coUocavi  (see  n.  4),  et  ut  sermone  nostro 
opera  haec  .  .  claudantur  et  nugas  nostras  multiplex  foliorum  celet 
obiectus. 

3.  After  the  praefatio  and  a  sketch  of  the  Roman  and  Greek 
measures  we  find  Epistolae  diversorum  de  qualitate  et  observatione 
medicinae  (cf.  n.  2),  first  of  Hippocrates  (rather  Diodes)  to  king 
Antiochus  (Antigonus),  of  Largius  Designatianus  (cf.  above  289,  2) 
for  his  sons,  then  eiusdem  Hippocratis  ex  graeco  translata  ad  Mae- 
cenatem,  Plinii  Secundi  ad  amicos  de  medicina,  Scribonius  Largus 
to  Callistus  (above  289,  3),  under  the  erroneous  heading  Cornelius 
Celsus  0.  Julio  Callisto  s.  d. ;  then  Cornelius  Celsus  Pullio  Natali  s.  d. 
(beginning:  Lectis  duobus  libris  compositionum  graecis,  P.  N.,  quos 
misisti  mihi  ut  in  latinum  sermonem  converterem,  libenter  parui  tuae 
voluntati  etc.) :  lastly  Epistula  Vindiciani  comitis  archiatrorum  ad  Va- 
lentinianum  Imp.  The  last  letter  served  perhaps  originally  as  the  de- 
dication of  the  work  de  expertis  remediis  mentioned  in  it,  from  which 
collection  of  prescriptions  (de  vindiciani  afri)  a  quotation  occurs  in  the 
Latin  translations  of  Cassius  Felix  (see  456,  2);  Rose,  Aneed.  II  j). 
177  n.  On  Vindicianus  cf.  Cod.  Theod.  XIII  3,  12  (a.  379).  X  19, 
9  (a.  378:  V.  c,  vicarius) .  August.  Ef)ist.  138,  3.  Confess.  IV  1,  5. 
VII  6,  8. 


422  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

4.  78  hexameters,  in  which  all  kinds  of  remedies  are  enumerated, 
are  appended  to  the  work  de  med.  (see  n.  2).  The  epilogue  to  the 
reader  is :  quotque  his  sunt  versus,  tot  agant  tua  tempora  lanos.  The 
prosody  of  Greek  names  is  arbitrary,  e.  g.  Abdera  (5).  Cf.  E,  Meyer, 
Hist,  of  Botany  II  p.  301 — 304-  They  are  printed  in  the  editions  of 
Marcellus  (n.  1)  and  Celsus,  frequently  under  the  name  of  Vindicianus 
(n.  3)^or  even  of  Serenus  Samonicus;  in  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  910. 

5.  Title  in  the  mss.:  Sexti  Placiti  Papyriensis  de  medicina  ex 
animalibus  liber.  In  thirty-four  chapters  (cf.  n.  7)  remedies  for  any 
kind  of  illnesses  are  enumerated,  derived  from  22  mammalia  (c.  17: 
de  puello  et  puella  virgine),  and  from  12  birds.  The  author  generally 
begins  with  the  brains  of  the  animal  and  then  goes  downwards  to  the 
extremities.  Among  the  evils  mentioned  are  impotence,  sterility  etc.  Always 
a  prominent  place  among  the  remedies  is  given  to  the  partes  obscenae, 
excrements  etc.  Cf.  1,  15:  cervi  testiculorum  siccorum  aliqua  pars  pota 
concubitum  excitat.  sed  hoc  non  agit  nisi  voluntas  sibi  praeveniat.  17, 
18 :  Ad  profluvium  mulieris.  Si  locum  saepe  lotio  viri  laverit.  —  5,  1 :  cere- 
brum apri  coctum  et  potatum  cum  vino  omnes  dolores  sedat.  7, 1 :  lupi  car- 
nes  conditas  et  decoctas  qui  ederit  a  daemonibus  seu  ab  umbris  quae 
per  phantasmata  apparent  vel  apparere  creduntur  non  potest  inquietari. 
3,  13:  Ad  morbum  articulorum.  vulpes  viva  in  amplo  vase  decocta 
donee  ossa  relinquat  mire  sanat  (used  as  a  bath).  The  statement  that 
the  author  had  himself  tested  the  efficacy  of  some  of  his  remedies  (27, 
2,  cf.  2,  12)  does  not  prove  him  to  have  been  a  physician,  considering 
the  nature  of  these  remedies. 

6.  As  the  author  uses  Pliny's  Natural  History  (especially  b.  28)  as 
his  principal  source,  he  seems  to  be  a  Roman.  Cf.  17,  19:  Ad  febres 
acerrimas .  A  vestigio  spadonis  discedentis  a  ianua  si  sustuleris  quod- 
libet  dicens.  Tolle  te  ut  ille  Gains  febribus  liberetur.  24,  12:  Ad  pe- 
diculoses, quern  affectum  Grueci  phthiriasin  vocant.  Cf.  16,  22:  Ad 
phthiriacos,  i.  e.  pediculosos.  5,  7:  epinyctidas,  i.  e.  pustellas  quae 
nocte  ingravescunt.  The  numerous  Greek  technical  terms  and  his 
computation  by  drachms  and  oboli  (as  weights)  do  not  furnish  an 
argument  against  this  assumption;  cf.  Hultsch,  Metrol.  p.  114.  The 
work  does  not  contain  any  chronological  statements ;  but  both  its  super- 
stitious character  and  the  relative  simplicity  and  correctness  of  the 
style  are  in  favour  of  assigning  it  to  the  fourth  century.  See  also  18: 
de  catta  seu  fele,  and  n.  7. 

7.  The  commencement  is  wanting  and  is  in  the  abridgment  of 
Constantinus  Africanus  (c.  a.  1087):  Regi  Aegyptiorum  Octaviano  Aug. 
salutem.  Plurimis  exemplis  expertus  sum  victoriam  tuam  et  prudentiara 
tuam,  taroen  arbitror  numquam  incidisse  in  manus  tuas  tantae  utilitatis 
virtutem  quae  ab  Aesculapio  acceptas  etc.  If  Octavianus  had  already 
become  a  legendary  figure  in  the  complete  work,  we  should  be  obliged 
to  place  it  much  later.  With  the  dedication  of  Sex.  Plac.  the  first 
chapter   (de    taxione)   has   been  lost  and  preserved  only  by  the  author 


Placitus.     Priscianus.     Amhroeius.  423 

of  the  abridgment,  unless  it  be  a  later  interpolation,  of  which  kind  there 
are  many  in  this  work. 

8.  Editions  by  Fr.  Emericus  (Norimberg.  1538,  4).  Albanus  Torinus 
(Basil.  1538),  G.  Hummelberg  (Zurich  1539.  4),  in  the  Collections  of 
Stephanus  (1527),  Rivinus  (1654)  and  T.  Chr.  G,  Ackermann  (Parabilium 
medicamentorum  scriptores  antiqui,  Nurenberg  and  Altorf  1788),  where 
it  occupies  p.  1—76  (praef.  1 — 22,  notae  p.  77  -112)  and  the  Epitome 
of  Constantinus  Africanus  p.  115 — 124. 

9.  By  the  archiater  Theodorus  Priscianus,  a  pupil  of  Vin- 
dicianus  (n.  3),  we  possess  five  books  Medicinae  praesentaneae,  a  Latin 
version  of  a  (lost)  Greek  work  of  the  same  author.  He  professes  the 
pagan  belief.  He  is  quoted  as  early  as  by  Alexander  of  Tralles  (saec. 
VI).  Edited  by  S.  Gelenius  (Basle  1532.  4.)  and  (under  the  name  of 
Octavius  Horatianus)  by  H.  Neuenar  (Strassburg  1532.  fol.)  and  (though 
incomplete)  by  J.  M.  Bernhold  (Ansbach  1791).  Th.  Pr.'s  Antidotarium 
and  his  book  de  simplici  medicina  are  lost.  E.  Meyer,  Hist,  of  Botany 
II  p.  286 — 299.  His  name  is  unjustly  given  to  a  badly  written  treatise 
entitled  Diaeta  (in  20  chapters),  edited  by  G.  E.  Schreiner  (Halle  1632) 
and  elsewhere.  Choulant,  Bibliogr.  Manual  p.  216 — 218. 

427.  The  most  brilliant  figure  among  the  Christians  of 
that  age  was  the  powerful  bishop  of  Milan,  Ambrosius  (c. 
340 — 397),  both  skilful  and  energetic  and  bold,  unselfish  and 
philanthropic,  but  insatiable  with  regard  to  the  power  and 
glory  of  his  Church.  Among  his  writings  his  Letters  and  the 
funeral  sermons  on  Valentinian  and  Theodosius  are  important 
for  history.  His  hymns  became  very  famous;  they  kept  more 
closely  to  classical  form  than  those  of  Damasus. 

1.  There  is  extant  a  biography  of  A.  by  Paulinus,  in  which  we 
read  c.  3  sqq. :  posito  in  administratione  praefecturae  Galliarum  patre 
eius  Ambrosio  natus  est  (perhaps  at  Treves)  Ambrosius.  .  .  postquam 
edoctus  liberalibus  disciplinis  ex  urbe  (Roma)  egressus  est  .  .  ita  splen- 
dide  causas  peroravit  ut  eligeretur  a  viro  ill.  Probo  tunc  praef.  praet. 
ad  consilium  tribuendum.  post  haec  consul aritatis  suscepit  insignia,  ut 
regeret  Liguriam  Aemiliamque  provincias,  venitque  Mediolanum.  per 
idem  tempus  mortuo  Auxentio  Arianae  perfidiae  episcopo  etc.  Ambros. 
de  off.  I  1,  4:  ego  raptus  de  tribunalibus  et  administrationis  infulis  ad 
sacerdotium.  Hieron.  ad  a.  2390  (Bong.  ad.  a.  2391)  ==  374:  post  Au- 
xenti  seram  mortem  Mediolanii  Ambrosio  episcopo  constituto  omnis  ad 
fidem  rectam  Italia  convertitur.  He  exercised  great  influence  on  St. 
Augustine  (conf.  V  13  sq.  VI  3  sq.).  He  was  firm  against  the  Arian 
Empress  Justina  and  her  son,  the  young  Emperor  Valentinian.  He  was 
employed  in  diplomatic  missions  to  the  Usurper  Maximus.  He  proceeded 
very  energetically  against  Theodosius  on  account  of  the  slaughter  of  Thes- 
salonica  (a.  390).  He  died  on  Easter  (4  April)  397.  Paulinus' vita  Ambrosii. 
Tillemont,   Memoires  T.  X  (1705).  p.  78  sqq.  729  sqq.  R.  Ceillier,  hist.  gen. 


424  The  Fourth  Century  of  the    mperial  Epoch. 

des  auteurs  sacres  VII  (1738).  p.  329—693.  F.  Bohringer,  the  Church 
of  Christ  I  3  (Zurich  1845)  p.  1-98.  G.  Richter,  the  West  Roman 
Empire  p.  302  sq.  578  sq.  592—619.  643  sqq.  Pruner,  on  the  Theology 
of  St.  Ambrosius,  Eichstadt  1862.  59  pp.  4. 

2.  G.  Richter  1.  1.  p.  602 :  'Ambrosius  was  neither  a  very  great  nor 
a  very  accurate  scholar;  his  explanations  of  the  bible  are  often  violent, 
confused  and  strange;  his  speculations  did  not  go  far  beyond  the  symbol 
of  Nicaea;  his  polemic  works  are  not  strictly  dialectic  and  often  mere 
sermons;  and  in  these,  though  A.  was  considered  a  masterly  preacher, 
we  find  ordinary  thoughts  in  a  pathetic  and  exaggerated  diction.  They 
produce,  a  greater  impression  only  when  the  speaker  is  vehemently  ex- 
cited and  allows  his  full  character  to  break  forth.  The  power  of  A. 
consisted  in  his  personal  appearance;  he  is  the  leader  and  politician 
of  the  Church  militant,  who  extended  its  outward  power  more  than  any 
one  else.  To  bend  the  neck  of  the  most  powerful  under  the  yoke  of 
the  Church,  to  frighten  and  repel  and  annihilate  her  adversaries,  wa^ 
his  glory'. 

3.  Ambrosii  opera  e.  g.  Basil.  (Froben)  1527  fol.  (by  Des.  Erasmus), 
especially  studio  et  labore  monachorum  ord.  Sti.  Benedict!  (Jac.  du 
Frische  and  Nic.  Le  Nourry),  Paris.  1685 — 1690,  2  vols,  fol.  In  Migne's 
Patrol.  T.  XV  and  XVI  (Paris  1845).  Cf.  also  W.  Cureton,  spicilegium 
syriacum,  London  1855. 

4.  Among  the  writings  of  A.,  St.  Jerome  attaches  special  impor- 
tance to  de  viduis  liber  and  de  virginitate  tres  libelli  (Epist.  48,  14 
cf.  22,  22:  de  virginitate  .  .  Ambrosii  nostri  quae  nuper  scripsit  ad 
sororera  opusc.da,  in  quibus  tanto  se  effudit  eloquio  etc.).  Augustin.  ad 
Hier.,  Ep.  116,  21  (p.  774  Vail.):  Ambrosius  noster  .  .  suos  libros  utilium 
praeceptionum  plenos  De  officiis  (ministrorum)  voluit  appellare.  They 
are  an  imitation  of  Cicero's  work.  A  separate  edition  (cum  Paulini  libello 
de  vita  St.  Ambrosii)  by  J.  G.  Krabinger,  Tubing.  1857.  Bittner,  de 
Cic.  et  Ambr.  officio  rum  libris,  Braunsberg  1849.  4.  Hieron.  Ep.  84,  7 
(p.  529  Vail.) :  nuper  sanctus  Ambrosius  sic  Hexaemeron  (history  of  the 
creation)  illius  (i.  e.  Origenes)  compilavit  ut  magis  Hippolyti  sententias 
Basiliique  sequeretur.  In  this  A.  inserted  parts  of  Suetonius'  Prata, 
see  Reifferscheid  Sueton.  p.  442  sq.  There  are  91  letters  extant  by 
him,  some  long  enough  to  be  called  treatises.  On  those  against  Sym- 
machus  see  above  418,  13.  Speeches:  De  obitu  Valentiniani  consolatio ; 
De  obitu  Theodosii  oratio ;  De  excessu  fratris  sui  Satyri  libri  II.  Other 
works:  a)  dogmatical:  De  fide  libri  V  ad  Gratianum  Aug.;  De  spiritu 
sancto  libri  III  ad  Gratianum;  De  poenitentia  libri  II;  De  mysteriis ;  De 
incarnationis  dominicae  sacramento.  b)  practical  (except  de  off',  min. 
libri  III,  de  virginibus  ad  Marcellinam  sororem  libri  III,  de  viduis).- 
De  virginitate,  De  institutione  virginis  ad  Eusebium,  Exhortatio  virgi- 
nis  consecratae.  De  bono  mortis;  De  fuga  saeculi.  c)  exegetical.-  De 
paradiso;  De  Cain  et  Abel;  De  Noe  et  area;  De  Abraham  libri  II:  De 
Isaac  et  anima ;  De  Jacob  et  vita  beata  libri  II;  De  losepho  patriarchal 
De  benedictionibus  patriarcharum ;  De  Elia  etieiunio;  DeNabuthe;  De 


Ambrosiffs.     HUronymns.  425 

Tobia;  De  interpellationibus  lob  et  David  libri  IV;  Apologia  prophetae 
David  ad  Theodosium  Aug.;  Enarrationes  in  XII  psalmos;  Expositio  in 
psalmum  CXVIII;  Expositio  evangelii  secundum  Lucam,  libri  X. 

5.  The  twelve  hymns  of  Ambrosius  (morning-prayers,  praise  of 
God  and  Christ)  are  all  in  iambic  dimeters  and  generally  divided  into 
stanzas  of  four  lines  each.  They  are  frequently  rhymed  but  not  regu- 
larly. The  syllables  are  sometimes  lengthened  by  the  rhythm,  e.  g. 
castus  amor;  honor  natiis  et  gaudium;  a  fact  of  very  frequent  occur- 
rence in  hymn  6,  (where  we  have  it  five  times  in  six  lines) ;  likewise 
shortening  (cum  spiritu  paracl^to).  Synaloephe  is  not  scarce.  A.  intro- 
duced responses  (cantus  Ambrosianus) ;  cf.  Augustin.  conf.  IX  7,  15:  tunc 
(under  Ambr.)  hymni  et  psalmi  ut  canerentur  secundum  morem  orien- 
talium  partium  .  .  institutum  est  et  ex  illo  in  hodiernum  retentum. 
From  this  famous  author  of  hymns  the  name  of  Ambrosian  songs  became 
afterwards  a  general  appellation,  e.  g.  as  applied  to  the  well-known  Te 
deum  laudamus. 

6.  On  the  translation  of  Josephus'  bell,  iud.,  which  may  possibly 
be  by  Ambrosius,  see  above  416,  6-8. 

428.  The  most  learned  ChriGtian  writer  and  at  the  same 
time  an  excellent  dialectician,  though  not  without  passion,  is 
Hieronymus  of  Stridon,  whose  long  life  (c.  340 — 420)  was 
spent  in  assiduous  literary  labours,  in  which  he  both  inter- 
preted and  translated  the  books  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testa- 
ment, and  connected  classical  culture  with  the  Christian 
religion  and  his  time,  ever  ready  to  impart  instruction  through 
letters  and  to  defend  his  views  in  passionate  polemical  works. 
Of  chief  importance  are  his  enlarged  version  of  the  Chronicles 
of  Eusebius,  his  history  of  Christian  literature  (viri  illustres), 
his  translation  of  the  Bible,  and  his  letters. 

1.  Hieronym.  viri  ill.  135:  Hieronymus.  patre  Eusebio  natus,  oppido 
Stridonis,  quod  .  .  Dalmatiae  quondam  Pannoniaeque  confinium  fuit, 
usque  in  praesentem  annum ,  i.  e.  Theodosii  principis  XIV"™  (a.  392) 
haec  scripsi  (see  n.  2).  According  to  Prosper  Aq.  he  was  born  331, 
more  probably  (Zockler  p.  21 — 24)  340,  if  indeed  so  early.  His  instructors 
in  grammar  were  at  Rome  Donatus  (above  404),  and  an  anonymous 
rhetorician  (adv.  Rufin.  I  30),  scarcely  Victorinus  (Zockler  p.  30  sq.). 
He  travelled  in  Gaul,  sojourned  at  Aquileia,  and  repeatedly  travelled  to 
the  East  (Syria).  A.  374 — 378  he  stayed  in  the  Desert,  chastising  him- 
self. Epist.  123,  10.-  cum  in  chartis  ecclesiasticis  iuvarem  Damasum 
romanae  urbis  episcopum  et  orientis  atque  occidentis  synodicis  consul- 
tationibus  responderem  (a.  382).  He  had  intercourse  with  noble  Roman 
ladies,  especially  Marcella,  Melania,  Paula  (Zockler  p.  109—126.  14U  sqq. 
276  —  278.   288   sq.).     Adv.  Rufin.  HI  6.-  ego  philosophus,  rhetor,  gram- 


426  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

maticus,  dialecticus,  Hebraeus,  Graecus,  Latinus,  trilinguis.  Prosper  de 
ingrat.  56  sqq.;  hebraeo  simul  et  graio  latioque  venustus  eloquio,  morum 
exemplum  mundique  magister  Hieronymus.  Cf.  Zockler  p.  365  sqq. 
Most  of  his  works  were  written  in  the  Monastery  of  Bethlehem,  whither 
he  retired  a.  386  and  where  he  staid  until  his  death  (30  Sept.  420). 
Vita  Hieronymi  ex  eius  potissimum  scriptis  concinnata  by  D.  Erasmus 
(Ed.  Vol.  I)  and  especially  by  Vallarsi  (ed.  t.  XI  p.  1 — 280).  Martianay, 
la  vie  de  Jerome,  Paris  1706.  4.  Tillemont,  Memoires  T.  XII.  R,  Ceillier, 
hist.  gen.  des  aut.  sacres  X  p.  172 — 463.  L.  Engelstoft,  H,  Strid.  inter- 
pres,  criticus,  exegeta,  apologeta,  historicus,  doctor,  monachus,  Copenh. 
1797.  Lauchert  and  Knoll,  the  History  of  St.  Jerome,  from  the  French 
of  F.  CoUorabet,  Rottweil  1848.  0.  Zockler,  H.;  his  Life  and  works 
according  to  his  writings,  Gotha  1865.  A.  Thierry,  St.  Jerome,  la  societe 
chretienne  a  Rome  et  P  emigration  romaine  en  terre  sainte,  2  vols. 
Paris  1867. 

2.  Hieron.  v.  ill.  135  :  usque  in  praesentem  annum  (392  A.  D.)  .  . 
haec  scrip  si :  Vitam  Pauli  monachi.  Epistolarum  ad  diversos  librum 
unum.  Ad  Heliodorum  exhortatoriam.  Altercationem  Luciferiani  et 
orthodoxi.  Chronicon  omnimodae  historiae.  In  Hieremiara  et  in 
Ezechiel  homilias  Origenis  XXVIII,  quas  de  graeco  in  latinum  verti. 
De  Seraphim,  de  Osanna  et  de  frugi  et  luxurioso  filiis.  De  tribus 
quaestionibus  legis  veteris.  Homilias  in  cantica  canticorum  duas.  Ad- 
versus  Helvidium  de  virginitate  Mariae  perpetua.  Ad  Eustochium  de 
virginitate  servanda.  Ad  Marcellam  epistolarum  librum  unum.  Con- 
solatorium  de  morte  filiae  ad  Paulum.  In  epistolam  Pauli  ad  Galatas 
commentariorum  libros  III.  Item  in  ep.  ad  Ephes.  libros  III.  In  ep.  ad 
Philem.  librum  unum.  In  Ecclesiasten  commentarios.  Quaestionum 
hebraicarum  in  Genesim  librum  unum.  De  locis  librum  unum.  Hebrai- 
corum  nominum  librum  unum.  De  spiritu  sancto  Didymi,  quem  in  la- 
tinum transtuli,  librum  unum.  In  Lucam  homilias  XXXIX.  In  psalmos 
X — XVI  tractatus  VII.  Malchi,  captivi  monachi,  vitam  et  beati  Hilario- 
nis.  Novum  testamentum  graecae  fidei  reddidi  (the  four  Gospels  codi- 
cum  graecorum  emendata  collatione,  sed  veterum,  according  to  praef. 
to  Damasus),  vetus  iuxta  hebraicam  transtuli.  Epistolarum  autem  ad 
Paulam  et  Eustochium,  quia  quotidie  scribuntur,  incertus  est  numerus. 
Scrips!  praeterea  in  Michaeam  explanationum  libros  II,  in  Sophoniam 
librum  unum,  in  Nahum  librum  unum,  in  Habacuc  libros  II,  in  Aggaeum 
librum  unum,  multaque  alia  de  opere  prophetali  quae  nunc  habeo  in 
manibus  et  necdum  expleta  sunt.  On  account  of  the  absence  of  any 
arrangement  according  to  the  subject-matters  and  in  agreement  with 
Hieronymus'  general  manner  we  may  suppose  that  this  list  follows  the 
chronological  order.  Cf.  comm.  in  lonam,  praef.:  triennium  circiter 
fluxit  postquam  quinque  prophetas  interpretatus  sum,  Michaeam,  Nahum, 
Abacuc,  Sophoniam  et  Aggaeum,  et  alio  opere  detentus  non  potui  im- 
plere  quod  coeperam.  scripsi  enim  librum  de  illustribus  viris  et  ad- 
versum  lovinianum  duo  volumina,  Apologeticum  quoque  et  De  optimo 
genere  interpretandi  ad  Pammachium  et  Ad  Nepotianum  vel  De  Nepo- 


Hieronymus.  427 

tiano  duos  libros,  et  alia  quae  enumerare  longum  est.  Among  the  ex- 
tant works  of  H.  (except  his  later  letters)  we  may  assign  to  even  a 
later  age :  Contra  loannem  Hierosolymitanum,  Adversus  Rufinum  libri 
III,  Regula  S.  Pachomii,  Contra  Vigilantium,  Dialogorum  contra  Pela- 
gianos  libri  III,  Commentariorum  in  Matthaeum  libri  IV,  Commentarius 
in  Danielem,  Commentarii  in  lesaiam  and  in  leremiam. 

3.  Complete  editions  by  Des.  Erasmus  (Basil.  1516,  last  ed.  Basil. 
1565.  9  vols,  fol.),  Marianus  Victorius  of  Rieti  (Rom.  1566,  9  vols.  fol. 
Antv.  1578  sq.),  the  Benedictine  monks  (studio  et  labore  lo.  Martianay 
et  Ant.  Pouget,  Paris  1693 — 1706,  5  vols,  fol.)  and  especially  by  Dan. 
Vallarsi  (Veron.  1734—1742,  11  vols.;  Venet.  1766-1772).  Also  in 
Migne's  Patrol.  XXII— XXX  (Paris  1845.    4.). 

4.  G.  Richter,  the  West-Roman  Empire  (1865)  p.  602:  'St.  Jerome 
was  the  disputant  and  dialectician  of  the  Church  militant.  His  pen 
was  ready  for  the  war  of  opinions,  ingenious,  witty,  bold,  artful,  mer- 
ciless and  pungent.  He  also  shone  by  his  brilliant  erudition'.  His 
rhetorical  training  appears  in  his  fondness  for  efficient  descriptions,  his 
predilection  for  exaggeration  and  tricks,  and  a  certain  vanity  and 
sensitiveness.  Among  the  profane  writers  he  was  fond  of  Cicero  and 
Virgil,  also  of  Horace,  Terence  and  Persius,  while  he  never  mentions 
Juvenal.  He  was  less  familiar  with  Greek  literature  (E.  Liibeck,  Hier. 
quos  noverit  scriptores  et  ex  quibus  hauserit.  Lips.  1871.  54  pp.) 
Zockler  p.  323 — 340,  Next  to  the  rhetorical  character  of  his  works 
we  are  chiefly  struck  with  their  ascetic  colouring. 

5.  The  knowledge  which  H.  had  obtained  of  Hebrew  with  the  help 
of  Rabbis  (Zockler  p.  56—58.  154  sq.  cf.  p.  171  sq.  179  sqq.  344  sqq.) 
is  thought  quite  respectable  by  all  experts.  M.  Rahmer,  the  Hebrew 
traditions  in  the  works  of  H.  critically  explained  by  a  comparison  with 
the  Jewish  sources;  I:  the  Quaestiones  in  Genesin,  Breslau  1861.  Hiero- 
nymi  quaestiones  hebraicae  in  libro  Geneseos  e  recogn.  P.  de  Lagarde, 
Lips.  1866.  The  treatise,  Interpretationis  hebr.  nominum  and  De  situ 
et  nominibus  locorum  hebr.  in  P.  de  Lagarde's  Onomastica  sacra, 
Getting.  1870.  His  translation  of  the  Bible  is  in  its  way  a  masterpiece; 
it  completely  superseded  the  earlier  translation  (416,  11)  and  became 
itself  the  foundation  of  the  Vulgate  translation.  G.  Riegler,  A  critical 
history  of  the  Vulgate  tr.,  Sulzbach  1820.  L.  van  Ess,  a  pragmatical 
and  critical  history  of  the  V.,  Tiibingen  1824.  Zockler  p.  99—106. 
183—186.  207  sq.  282.  342—367.  On  his  commentaries  see  Zockler  p. 
368—381. 

6.  The  letters,  some  of  which  are  large  enough  to  be  called 
small  books  (e.  g.  ep.  22  yd  Eustochium  de  conservanda  virginitate) 
have  been  divided  into  five  classes  by  Vallarsi  according  to  chronolo- 
gical order.  Cf.  I  p.  XXXVI:  prima  (Ep.  1 — 18)  illas  exhibet  quas 
Hier.  ab  a.  370,  antequam  eremum  peteret  et  in  ipsa  eremo,  scripsit  ad 
usque  381,  quo  relicta  solitudine  contendit  Romam.  in  altera  (19 — 45) 
illae  succedunt  quas  Romae  dedit  ab  a.  382  ad  385,  quo  Hierosolymam 


428  The  Fourth  ("entury  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

navigavit.  tertia  (46 — 95)  illas  complectitur  quas  e  Bethleemi  moriasterio 
scripsit  ab  a.  386  usque  ad  400,  quo  in  alexandrina  synodo  Origenes 
damnatus  est.  quarta  (96 — 144)  illas  repraesentat  quas  ab  eo  tempore, 
a.  401,  ad  vitae  usque  finem,  a.  420,  exaravit.  in  quintam  deuique 
classem  tres  illas  (145 — 147)  redegi  quarum  tempus  minus  compertum, 
iisque  tres  alias  (148—150)  subdidi  quarum  auctor  incertus  est.  He 
justifies  the  chronological  arrangement  ib.  p.  XXXVI — LXIV.  Ep.  85,  1 
(p.  533  Vail.)  :  uno  ad  occidentem  navigandi  tempore  tantae  a  me  simul 
epistolae  flagitantur  ut  si  cuncta  ad  singulos  velim  rescribere  occurrere 
nequeam.  unde  accidit  ut  omissa  compositione  verborum  et  scriben- 
tium  sollioitudine  dictem  quidquid  in  buccam  venerit.  Schaubach,  on 
the  letters  of  St.  Jerome,  Coblenz  1855.    4. 

7.  The  translation  of  the  Chronicles  of  Eusebius  is  dedicated  Vin- 
centio  et  Gallieno.  The  preface  dwells  on  the  difficulty  common  to  all 
translations :  et  ad  communem  difficultatem  .  .  hoc  nobis  proprium  ac- 
cedat  quod  historia  multiplex  est,  habens  in  barbara  nomina  res  in- 
cognitas Latinis,  numeros  inextricablies,  virgulas  rebus  pariter  ac  nu- 
meris  intertextas  (p.  2  Sch.).  .  .  (p.  3:)  Graecorum  fidem  suo  auctori 
adsignent  et  quae  nova  inseruimus  de  aliis  probatissimis  viris  libata 
cognoscant.  sciendum  etenim  est  me  et  interpretis  et  scriptoris  ex 
parte  officio  usum,  quia  et  graeca  fidelissime  expressi  et  nonnulla  quae 
mihi  intermissa  videbantur  adieci,  in  romana  maxime  historia,  quam 
Eusebius  huius  conditor  libri  .  .  perstrinxisse  mihi  videbatur.  itaque 
a  Nino  et  Abraham  usque  ad  Troiae  captivitatem  pura  graeca  trans- 
latio  est.  a  Troia  autem  usque  ad  XX  Constantini  annum  nunc  addita 
nunc  mixta  sunt  plurima  quae  de  Tranquillo  et  ceteris  inlustribus  in 
historicis  curiosissime  excerpsi.  a  Constantini  autem  supra  dicto  anno 
(a.  325)  usque  ad  consulatum  Augg.  Valentis  sexies  et  Valentiniani  iterum 
(a.  378)  totum  meum  est.  quo  fine  contentus  reliquum  temporis  Gra- 
tiani  et  Theodosii  latioris  historiae  stilo  reservavi,  .  .  quoniam  dibac- 
chantibus  adhuc  in  terra  nostra  barbaris  incerta  sunt  omnia.  In  agree- 
ment with  this  we  read  after  01.  276,  2  —  a.  Abr.  2342  —  Const.  20; 
hue  usque  historiam  scripsit  Eusebius  Pamphili  martyris  contubernalis. 
cui  nos  ista  subiecimus.  Eusebius  began  with  the  first  year  of  Abraham 
=  43  of  Ninus  =  22  of  Europs  =r  the  first  of  the  16th  dynasty  of 
the  Theban  Kings.  01.  I  1  =  a.  Abr.  1240  (Mai:  Scaliger  and  Ponta- 
cus  1241).  Abr.  2016  :=  1  A.  D.  Eusebius  placed  the  birth  of  Christ 
in  the  year  of  the  world  5199.  A.  v.  Gutschmid,  de  temporum  notis 
quibus  Eusebius  utitur  in  chronicis  canonibus,  Kiel  1868.     4. 

8.  Hieronymus'  own  additions  to  these  Chronicles  may  be  con- 
trolled by  the  Armenian  translation  of  Eusebius  which  is  free  from 
interpolations;  found  1816  and  edited  by  I.  Zorab  et  A.  Mai  (Milan 
1818),  better  opera  I.  B.  Aucher  (Venet.  1818).  The  fragments  of  the 
Greek  original  and  the  translation  of  Hieronymus  edited  by  A.  Ponta- 
cus  (Bordeaux  1604.  fol.),  in  Jos.  Scaliger's  thesaurus  temporum  (Lugd. 
1606.  Amsterd.  1658.  fol.),  Vallarsi  (ed.  Hier.  t.  VIII),  Th.  Roncalli 
(vetust.  lat.  scr.  chronica,  Patav.  1787,  t.  I),  in  Mai's  Scriptt.  vett.  nova 


I 


Hieronymus.     Rujinus.  429 

coll.  VIII  (Rome  1833),  and  especially  by  A.  Schone  (Eusebi  chronico- 
rum  libri  duo,  vol.  II.  Berol.  1866) ;  see  his  Quaestionum  Hieronym. 
capita  selecta  (Lips.  1864)  and  Gott.  Gel.  Anz.  1867,  p.  986 — 996.  A. 
V,  Gutschmid  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  95,  p.  677 — 688. 

9.  Th.  Mommsen,  on  the  sources  of  the  Chronicles  of  Hier., 
Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Society  of  Literature  II  (phil.  and  hist.  Class  I), 
Leipzig  1850,  p.  669  —  693.  According  to  Mommsen  (p.  683  sq.),  Hier. 
employed,  besides  the  Canon  and  the  series  regum  of  Eusebius,  the 
breviarium  of  Eutropius,  breviarium  Sex.  Rufi,  the  City  Chronicles, 
Suetonius'  work  de  viris  in  litteris  illustribus  (above  342,  7)  which  he 
possessed  complete,  a  lost  latina  historia  de  origine  gentis  rom.  and  a 
lost  work  on  the  time  from  Pompey's  death  to  the  battle  of  Actium. 
His  dates  are  not  always  trustworthy,  as  he  arbitrarily  placed  his  notes 
under  certain  years  whenever  his  sources  did  not  give  a  date  (cf.  e.  g. 
above  198,  2.  372,  1  extr.,  392,  1.  Ritschl,  Parerga  p.  609  sqq.  Reiffer- 
scheid's  Sueton.  p.  365.  380 — 387).  Hieron.'s  Chronicles  were  continued 
by  Prosper  and  Cassiodorus. 

10.  The  work  de  viris  illustribus  (or  de  scriptoribus  ecclesia- 
sticis)  was  composed  a.  392  and  dedicated  to  the  praef.  praet.  Dexter. 
Preface:  hortaris  me.  Dexter,  ut  Tranquillum  sequens  ecclesiasticos 
scriptores  in  ordinem  digeram  et  quod  ille  in  enumerandis  gentilium 
litterarum  viris  fecit  illustribus  ego  in  nostris  faciam,  i.  e.  ut  a  passione 
Christi  usque  ad  XIV^i™  Theodosii  Imp.  annum  (392)  omnes  qui  de 
scripturis  sacris  memoriae  aliquid  prodiderunt  tibi  breviter  exponam. 
.  .  ego  .  .  magistrum  memet  ipsum  habeo,  quamquam  Eusebius  Pam- 
phili  in  X  eccles.  hist,  libris  maximo  nobis  adiumento  fuerit  et  singu- 
lorum  de  quibus  scripturi  sumus  volumina  aetates  auctorum  suorum 
saepe  testentur.  In  Vallarsi's  edition  (T.  II  2.  p.  821  sqq.)  the  old 
Greek  version  edited  by  D.  Erasmus  under  the  name  of  Sophronius, 
and  (p.  967  sqq.)  Gennadius'  continuation  of  Hier.,  are  also  printed. 

429.  Tyrannius  (Turanius)  Rufinus  (c.  345—410)  of 
Aquileia,  owes  his  celebrity  chiefly  to  the  bitter  invective 
written  against  him  by  his  former  friend  Hieronymus.  He 
exerted  himself  principally  in  translating  the  works  of  the 
Greek  fathers,  especially  Origenes  and  Eusebius.  He  did  not, 
however,  endeavour  to  render  them  faithfully.  His  translation 
of  the  Sentences  of  Sextius  is  in  the  same  character.  Other 
Christian  prose-writers  of  this  time  were  the  grammarians 
Cresconius,  Euagrius,  Dexter,  Anastasius,  and  Chromatins. 

1.  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  17:  Rufinus  Aquileiensis  ecclesiae  presbyter 
non  minima  pars  fuit  doctorum  ecclesiae  et  in  transferendo  de  graeco 
in  latinum  elegans  ingenium  habuit.  denique  maximam  partem  Grae- 
corum    l)ybliothecae  Latinis    exhibuit:    Basilii    scilicet   Caesariensis  .  ., 


430  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Gregorii  Nazianzeni  .  .,  Clementis  Romani  recognitionum  libros,  Eusebii 
Caesariensis  .  .  ecclesiasticam  historiam,  Sexti  sententias,  Evagrii  sen- 
tentias  (see  n.  4).  interpretatus  est  etiam  sententias  Pamphili  martyris 
adversum  mathematicos.  .  ,  Origenis  autem  non  omnia,  quia  et  Hiero- 
nymus  transtulit  aliquanta.  .  .  exposuit  idem  Rufinua  Symbolum.  .  . 
disseruit  et  benedictionem  Jacob  super  patriarchas  triplici,  i.  e.  histo- 
rico,  morali  et  mystico,  sensu.  scripsit  et  Epistolas  ad  timorem  del 
hortatorias  multas,  inter  quas  praeminent  illae  quas  ad  Probam  dedit. 
Historiae  etiam  ecclesiasticae  (ofEusebius)  .  .  addidit  X  et  Xlum  librum. 
sed  et  obtrectatori  opusculorum  suorum  (i.  e.  Hieronymus)  respondit 
duobus  voluminibus,  arguens  et  convincens  de  dei  intuitu  et  ecclesiae 
utilitate  .  .  ingenium  agitasse,  ilium  vero  aemulationis  stimulo  incitatum 
ob  obloquendum  stilum  vertisse.  Cf.  Ap.  Sidon.  Ep.  II  9 :  Origenes 
Turranio  Rufino  interpretatus  .  .  inspiciebatur  .  .  ad  verbum  sententiam- 
que  translatus. 

2.  Rufini  opera  ad  codd.  emend.  Domin.  Vallarsi,  Veron.  1745.  fol. 
Tom.  I  (unfinished)  =^  Migne's  Patrolog.  XXI,  Paris  1849.  Contains: 
de  benedictionibus  patriarcharum  libri  II;  Commentarius  in  symbolum 
apostolorum;  Historia  monachorum ;  Historiae  eccl,  libri  II;  Apologiae 
in  Hieronymum  libri  II;  Apologia  altera  ad  Anastasium  papam,  also 
works  merely  ascribed  to  Rufinus.  The  translations  of  Rufinus  are 
found  in  the  editions  of  Origenes  etc.,  the  invectives  in  those  of  Hie- 
ronymus. On  Rufinus  see  R.  Ceillier,  hist.  gen.  X  p.  1 — 65.  J.  Fon- 
tanini,  hist.  lit.  Aquileiensis  (Rome  1742.  4.),  also  in  Vallarsi's  and 
Migne's  Edit.  F.  J.  F.  B.  M.  de  Rubeis,  dissertationes  (Venet.  1754. 
4.).  J.  H.  Marzuttini,  de  Turanii  Rufini  pr.  Aq.  fide  et  religione, 
Patav.    1835. 

3.  Hieronym.  Ep.  4  (p.  14  Vail.) :  Rufinus,  qui  cum  sancta  Melania 
ab  Aegypto  Hierosolymam  venisse  narratur,  individua  mihi  germanita- 
tis  caritate  conexus  est.  .  .  in  illo  conspicies  expressa  sanctitatis  in- 
signia etc.  Hieronymus'  dispute  with  Rufinus  related  to  his  criticism 
on  Origenes,  to  whom  Rufinus  adhered  even  after  he  had  been  pro- 
nounced a  heretic.  The  more  openly  Hier.  had  formerly  praised  and 
admired  Origenes  (see  Ep.  84),  the  ruder  did  he  become  to  Rufinus 
who  publicly  reminded  him  of  this.  Literary  jealousy  may  also  have 
been  of  influence.  See  above  428,  2  extr.  Specimens  of  Hier  's  altered 
tone  towards  Rufin.  are  given  by  Funccius  de  veg.  senect.  74,  p.  800. 
Rufinus  is  considered  a  high  authority  on  all  questions  of  scholarship 
by  Paulinus  (Nol.) ;  see  Paulin.  epist.  28,  5  and   ep.  46. 

4.  On  Rufinus'  version  of  the  Maxims  of  Sextius  see  above  261,  6. 
Hieronym.  ep.  133,  3  (p.  1029  Vail.):  Evagrius  Ponticus  Iberita  (cf. 
Gennad.  vir.  ill.  11)  .  .  edidit  librum  et  sententias  nf^t  dnad-f^Cag.  .  . 
huius  libros  per  orientem  graecos  et  interpretante  discipulo  eius  Rufino 
latinos  plerique  in  occidente  lectitant.  qui  librum  quoque  scripsit  quasi 
de  monachis.  .  .  illam  autem  temeritatem,  immo  insaniam  eius  quis 
digno  possit  explicare  sermone  quod  Sexti  Pythagorei,  hominis  absque 


Rujinus,  Dexter,  and  others.  431 

Christo  atque  ethnici,  immutato  nomine  Sixti  martyris  et  romanae  ec- 
clesiae  episcopi  praenotavit  (no  doubt  bona  fide),  in  quo  iuxta  dogma 
Pythagoricorum  .  .  raulta  de  perfections  dicitur,  ut  qui  volumen  philo- 
sophi  nesciunt  sub  martyris  nomine  bibant  de  aureo  calice  Babylonis. 
denique  in  ipso  volumine  nulla  prophetarum,  .  .  nulla  Christi  fit  mentio 
ut  episcopum  et  martyrem  sine  Christi  fide  fuisse  contendat.  fecerat 
hoc  et  in  sancti  Pamphili  martyris  nomine,  ut  librum  primum  VI  libro- 
rum  defensionis  Origenis  .  .  nomine  Pamphili  martyris  praenotaret, 
quo  scilicet  egregia  ilia  IV  Origenis  nfQl  aQx^^  volumina  latinis  in- 
funderet  auribus.  The  last  work  exists  only  in  the  translation  of 
Rufinus. 

5.  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  16 :  Faustinus  presbyter  scripsit  ad  personam 
Flaccillae  reginae  (f  386)  Adversum  Arianos  et  Macedonianos  libros  VII 
.  .  scripsit  et  librum  quem  Valentiniano,  Theodosio  et  Arcadio  impp. 
pro  defensione  suorum  .  .  obtulit.  Both  are  extant  and  printed  e.  g. 
in  the  Bibl.  patr.  max.  V,  in  Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  VIII,  and  in  Migne's 
Patrol.  XIII. 

6.  Augustin.  retract.  II  26  :  grammaticus  quidam  donatista  Cresco- 
nius  cum  invenisset  epistolam  meam  .  .  putavit  mihi  esse  responden- 
dum et  hoc  ipsum  scripsit  ad  me.  cui  operi  eius  libris  quattuor  re- 
sponds .  .  hos  autem  IV  libros  quando  scripsi  iam  contra  Donatistas 
leges  dederat  Honorius  imperator. 

7.  On  the  Donatist  Tichonius  see  below  436,  2. 

8.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  125:  Evagrius  Antiochiae  episcopus  .  .  vilam 
beati  Antonii  de  graeco  Athanasii  in  sermon  em  nostrum  transtulit. 

9.  Hieron.  vir.  ill.  132:  Dexter  Paciani  (above  415,  4)  filius,  cla- 
rus  apud  saeculum  et  Christi  fidei  deditus,  fertur  ad  me  omnimodam 
historiam  texuisse,  quam  necdum  legi.  The  work  was  either  never 
finished  or  lost.  The  Chronicon  Dextri  (cf.  a.  752 — 1183  v.  c),  which 
the  Spanish  Jesuit  Hieronymus  Romanus  de  Higera  pretended  to  have 
found  (printed  e.  g.  Caesaraugust.  1694.  4.  in  Migne's  Patrol.  XXXI)  is 
a  forgery. 

10.  Two  letters  of  Anastasius,  Bishop  of  Rome  a.  398—402,  see 
Constant,  Epist.  pontiff.  I  p.  719  sqq.  (485  sqq.  Schon.).  Gallandi  bibl. 
patr.  Vm  p.  246  sqq.     In  Migne's  patrol.  XX  p.  68—76.  XXI  p.  627  sqq. 

11.  By  Chromatins,  Bishop  of  Aquileia,  f  406,  we  possess  Sermons 
on  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  e.  g.  in  Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  VIII  p.  333 
sqq.  and  in  Migne's  patrol.  XX  p.  323  sqq. 

430.  The  most  eminent  Christian  poet  is  Aurelius  P ru- 
de n  tins  Clemens  (a.  348 —  c.  410),  whose  rhetorical  training 
exhibited  itself  in  the  abundance  and  versatility  of  words  with 
which  he  treated  a  number  of  indifferent  subjects,  some  of  them 
of  quite  an  abstract   nature,    in  various  metres,    especially  in 


432  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

epics.  His  best  performance  is  his  work  on  martyrdoms  (pe- 
ristephanon),  which  are  often  related  with  much  warmth  and 
life  and  in  a  graphic  manner.  His  poems  in  lyrical  metres 
exhibit  imitation  of  Horace.  His  prosody  bears  the  traces  of 
his  time,  but  to  a  far  smaller  degree  than  other  contemporary 
works.  We  may  point  to  the  account  of  Sacred  History  in 
Virgilian  verse  by  Proba  Faltonia,  and  some  other  per- 
formances. 

1.  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  13:  Prudentius,  vir  saeculari  litteratura  eruditus, 
composuit  d'uro/mov  de  toto  veteri  et  novo  testamento  personis  ex- 
ceptis.  commentatus  est  autem  in  morem  Graecorum  Hexaemeron  de 
mundi  fabrica  (not  extant  cf.  ib.  67).  .  .  fecit  et  in  laudem  martyrum 
sub  aliquorum  nominibus  Invitatorium  ad  martyrium  librum  unum  et 
Hymnorum  alterum.  His  complete  name  Aurelius  Prudentius  Clemens 
is  given  e.  g.  by  the  old  cod.  Puteaneus.  He  was  born  Salia  cos. 
(praef.  24)  =  a.  348,  in  Spain  (probably  at  Calagurris,  see  Perist.  IV 
31  cf.  I  116  nostro  oppido;  ib.  IV  1.  97  proving  less  in  favour  of 
Caesaraugusta  =.  Saragossa).  On  his  Life  see  praef.  7  sqq. :  docuit 
toga  (virilis)  infectum  vitiis  falsa  loqui  (in  a  Rhetorical  School).  (13) 
.  .  exin  iurgia  turbidos  armarunt  animos  (advocate).  .  .  (16  sqq.)  bis 
legum  moderamine  frenos  nobilium  reximus  urbium  (as  praeses  of  a  pro- 
vince), ius  civile  bonis  reddidimus,  terruimus  reos.  tandem  militiae 
(some  office  at  Court)  gradu  evectum  pietas  principis  (Theodosius)  ex- 
tulit,  adsumptum  propius  stare  iubens  ordine  proximo.  At  the  age  of 
57  years  (praef.  1  sqq.)  ^  405  he  published  the  collection  of  his  poems. 

2.  Praef.  34  sqq. :  fine  sub  ultimo  peccatrix  anima  stultitiam  exuat, 
saltem  voce  deum  concelebret,  si  meritis  nequit :  hymnis  continuet  dies, 
nee  nox  ulla  vacet  quin  dominum  canat,  pugnet  contra  hereses,  catho- 
licam  discutiat  fidem,  conculcet  sacra  gentium,  labem,  Roma,  tuis  in- 
ferat  idolis,  carmen  martyribus  devoveat,  laudet  apostolos.  If  the  order 
of  composition  be  observed  here,  the  succession  would  be:  Cathemeri- 
non.  Apotheosis,  Hamartigenia,  Psychomachia,  Contra  Symmachum  libri 
II,  Peristephanon,  Dittochaeon.   His  titles  are  almost  exclusively  Greek. 

3.  Ka^tj/bif^u/ioy  liber  treats  of  the  course  of  day  and  life  in  the 
Christian  sense,  and  contains  1.  hymnus  ad  galli  cantum.  2.  hymnus 
matutinus  (both  in  dim.  iamb.  ac).  3.  h.  ante  cibum  (tetr.  dact.  c). 
4.  h.  post  cibum  (phalaec).  5.  h.  ad  incensum  lucernae  (asclep.  min.). 
6.  h.  ante  somnum  (dim.  iamb.  c).  7.  h.  ieiunantium  (trim.  iamb.  ac). 
8.  h.  post  ieiunium  (sapph.  strophes).  9.  h.  omnis  horae  (tetr.  troch. 
c).  10.  h.  ad  exequias  deluncti  (dim.  anap.  c).  11.  h.  VIII  kal.  Ian. 
(Christmas).     12.  h.  Epiphaniae,  both  in  dim.  iamb.  ac. 

4.  AnoS^iinatg,  a  versified  account  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity, 
with  occasional  attacks  against  the   principal   heresies,    e.  g.    those   of 


Prudentius,  433 

the  Patripassians,  Arians,  Sabellians,  Manichaeans,  the  Docetists  etc. 
After  a  twofold  introduction  in  hexameters  and  in  the  metre  of  Hor. 
epo.  1 — 10,  the  poem  itself  follows  in  1084  hexameters. 

5.  '^Afxaqriyiv^ia.  After  an  introduction  concerning  Cain  and  Abel 
(in  iambic  trim.),  the  poet  discusses  the  origin  of  sin  (in  966  hexameters), 
principally  as  opposed  to  the  dualistic  views  of  the  Gnostics  and  of 
Marcion  (praef.  36;  v.  56.  124.  502). 

6.  ^^v/ojua/ia  consists  of  an  iambic  preface  and  915  hexameters. 
The  contest  for  the  soul  of  man  is  carried  on  by  the  abstract  figures 
of  Ira,  Patientia,  Superbia,  Sobrietas,  Avaritia,  Virtus,  Spes,  Fides, 
Ratio,  Concordia,  Discordia  etc. 

7.  Contra  Symmachum  libri  II.  After  a  preface  in  asclep.  min. 
b.  I  contains  657  hexameters,  b.  II  (with  praef.  in  glyconean  metre) 
1132  hexameters.  On  the  subject  see  above  418,  13.  The  first  book 
goes  against  polytheism  in  general,  the  second  against  the  single  state- 
ments of  Symmachus. 

8.  IlfQi  aTS(idt/(oy  liber,  in  praise  of  Christian  martyrs:  1.  In 
honorem  Emeterii  et  Chelidonii  Calagurritanorum,  120  tetr.  troch.  c. 
2.  Laurentii,  584  dim.  iamb.  ac.  in  strophes  of  four  lines  each.  3.  Eula- 
liae,  215  tetr.  dact.  c.  4.  XVIII  martyrum  Caesaraugustanorum ,  50 
Sapphic  Strophes.  5.  Vincentii,  575  dim.  iamb.  ac.  6.  Fructuosi  episc. 
Tarraconensis  et  Augurii  et  Eulogii  diaconorum,  162  phalaecean  hende- 
casyllabics.  7.  Quirini  episc.  eccl.  siscianae,  90  glyconean  lines.  8.  De 
loco  in  quo  martyres  passi  sunt,  nunc  baptisterium  Calagurri,  9  distichs. 

9.  Passio  Cassiani  forocorneliensis,  106  lines  in  the  metre  of  Hor.  epo.  16. 

10.  Romani,  of  almost  the  size  of  an  epic,  but  in  (1140)  iambic  senarii 
(perhaps  in  strophes  of  five  lines  each),  a  lengthy  exposition  of  the 
Christian  and  pagan  point  of  view  in  speeches  pro  and  con.  11.  Hip- 
polyti,  123  distichs.  12.  Petri  et  Pauli  apostolorum,  66  lines  in  the 
metre  of  Hor.  0.  14.  13.  Cypriani,  106  archilochic  lines.  14.  Agnetis 
virginis,  133  alcaeic  hendecasyllabics. 

9.  Dittochaeon  (double  food?),  49  hexametrical  epigrams  in  four 
lines  each  on  subjects  taken  from  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament,  from 
Adam  and  Eve  to  the  Apocalypse,   a  kind  of  Christian  picture-gallery, 

10.  The  violations  of  prosody,  caused  by  rhythmical  influences 
are  rarely  so  close  together  in  Prudentius  as  praef.  39  sqq.  (above  n.  2). 
A  collection  of  them  in  Dressel's  edition  p.  XVII  cf.  not.  54.  Archaisms 
like  aquai  and  venarier,  to  help  the  metre,  though  not  frequent. 

11.  There  are  numerous  mss.  of  Prudentius;  the  earliest  (saec. 
V — VI)  and  most  important  is  the  cod.  Puteancus  (now  Paris.  8084) 
used  by  N.  Ileinsius.  P.  Kriiger,  Hermes  IV  p.  352  sq.  A  catalogue  of 
the  Italian  mss.  in  Dressel  p.  XLVI  sqq. 

12.  A  catalogue  and  description  of  the  editions  in  Dressel  p.  XXV 
— XLVI.     We  may  principally  mention  those  by  V.  Giselin  (Antv.  1564 

28 


434  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

and  often),  J.  Weitz  (Hanau  16j3),  N.  Heinsius  (Amstel.  1667),  Chr. 
Cellarius  (Halle  1703),  Faustinus  Arevalus  (Rom.  1788  sq.  2  vols.),  Th. 
Obbarius  (rec.  et  expL,  Tubing.  1845),  Migne  (Patrolog.  LIX  and  LX), 
Alb.  Dressel  (ad  vatic,  all.  codd.  fid.  rec.,  ill.  expl..  Lips.  1860). 

13.  H.  Middeldorpf,  de  Prudentio  et  theologia  Prudentiana,  Berl. 
1823.  1827.  4.  =  lUgen's  Journal  of  hist.  Theol.  II  (1832)  p.  127—190. 
F.  Delavigne,  de  lyrica  apud  Prud.  poesi,  Toulouse  1848.  J,  B.  Brys, 
de  vita  et  scriptis  Prud.,  Luvai  1855.  C.  G.  Schmidt,  Prudentiana,  in 
the  Journal  of  Lutheran  theology  edited  by  Delitzsch  XXVII  (1866). 
CI.  Brockhaus,  Aus.  Prud.  CI.  in  his  importance  for  the  Church  of  his 
time,  Leipzig  1872.     355  pp. 

14.  In  the  cod.  Paris.  8084  of  Prudentius  (see  n.  11)  is  also  found 
a  Christian  poem  in  122  hexameters  of  a.  394  or  395,  in  which  poly- 
theism is  impugned,  with  many  violations  of  prosody  (e.  g.  v.  44:  col- 
laribus  subito  membra  circumdare  suetus)  and  in  pursuance  of  the  events 
of  recent  times  (Flavianus,  above  421,  1).  Ch.  Morel,  Revue  archeol. 
1868.  I  p.  453—457.  II  p.  44—55.  A.  Riese,  Anthol.  lat.  I  p.  13—17, 
cf.  p.  XI.  J.  B.  Rossi,  Bull,  di  arch,  crist.  1868,  p.  49—58.  61—75.  Th. 
Mommsen,  Hermes  IV  p.  350—363  (carmen  non  minus  pium  et  christia- 
num  quam  ineptum  et  barbarum). 

15.  Isidor.  orig.  I  38,  25  (cf.  de  script,  eccl.  5):  Proba,  uxor 
Adelphi  (proconsulis),  centonem  ex  Vergilio  de  fabrica  mundi  et  evan- 
geliis  plenissime  expressit.  Ct.  ill.  5.  J.  Fontanini,  de  antiquitt.  Hortae 
(Rome  1708.  4.)  II  1  sq.,  who  distinguishes  this  Falconia  (Faltonia) 
Proba  of  Horta  from  Anicia  Faltonia  Proba  and  from  Valeria  Proba. 
The  cento  has  often  been  printed  (Fabricius,  bibl.  lat.  med.  aet.  ed. 
Mansi  I  p.  143  sq.),  at  first  Venet.  1472  fol.,  then  e.  g.  by  Meibom 
(Helmstadt  1597.  4.),  in  the  Centones  homerici  et  vergiliani  of  H. 
Stephanus  (1578),  J.  H.  Kromayer  (Hal.  1719).  L.  H.  Teucher  (Lips. 
1793),  the  last  time  in  Migne's  patrol.  XIX  p.  803—817.  According  to 
Montfaucon,  diar.  ital.  p.  36,  a  ms.  saec.  X  bears  the  subscription:  Proba 
uxor  Adelphi,  mater  Olybrii  et  Alypii,  cum  Constantini  bellum  adversus 
Magnentium  conscripsisset,  conscripsit  et  hunc  librum.  In  her  preface 
she  actually  refers  to  publications  of  that  kind :  iamdudum  temeras^Be 
duces  pia  foedera  pacis,  .  .  diversasque  neces  regum,  crudelia  bella,  .  . 
confiteor,  scripsi ;  satis  et  meminisse  malorum.  nunc,  deus  omnipotens, 
sacrum,  precor,  accipe  carmen,  .  .  arcana  ut  possim  vatis  Proba  cuncta 
referre.  .  .  Vergilium  cecinisse  loquar  pia  munera  Christi.  Of  the  Old 
Testament  only  the  creation,  origin  of  sin  and  the  flood  are  related, 
cetera  facta  patrum  pugnataque  in  ordine  bella  praetereo  atque  aliis 
post  me  memoranda  relinquo.  She  then  turns  to  the  birth  of  Christ 
and  relates  his  history  until  his  ascension.  A  grammarian  who  copied 
this  (or  a  similar?)  cento  for  some  Emperor  (perhaps  Arcadius),  added 
some  bad  dedicatory  lines  (Anth.  lat.  735  R.) :  Romulidum  ductor,  .  . 
dignare  Maronem  mutatum  in  melius  divino  agnoscere  sensu,  scriben- 
dum  famulo  quern  iussisti.    .  .    haec    relegens    servesque   diu  tradasque 


Proha.     Paidinus  of  Nola.  435 

minori  Arcadio^  haec  legat  ille  tuo  generi,  haec  tua  semper  accipiat 
doceatque  suos  augusta  propago.  See  below  466,  6.  J.  Aschbach,  on 
the  Anicii  and  the  Roman  poetess  Proba,  Vienna  1870  (Trans,  of  the 
Academy  at  Vienna,  phil.  and  hist.  Class  LXIV  p.  369—496). 

16.     On  Severus  Sanctus  Endelechius  see  below  441,  1  and  2. 

431.  Meropius  Pontius  Anicius  Paulinus  of  Burdigala 
(a.  353 — 431),  a  relative  and  friend  of  Ausonius,  wrote  both 
in  verse  and  prose.  As  he  had  received  a  careful  rhetorical 
training,  he  composed  a  panegyric  on  Theodosius  after  his 
victory  over  Eugenius.  We  possess  by  him  51  letters  and  a 
number  of  poems  in  epic  and  melic  metres.  A.  389  Paulinus 
became  a  convert  to  Christianity  and  henceforth  devoted  his 
pen  to  the  glorification  of  his  faith;  after  he  had  become 
bishop  of  Nola  a.  409,  he  wrote  in  praise  of  the  martyr  Felix, 
who  was  venerated  there.  His  skill  in  formal  respects  and 
his  comprehensive  acquaintance  with  secular  literature  appear 
in  these  works  very  conspicuously. 

1.  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  48:  Paulinus,  Nolae  Campaniae  episcopus,  com- 
posuit  versu  brevia  (?),  sed  niulta,  et  ad  Celsum  quondam  epitaphii 
vice  consolatorium  libellum  super  mortem  christiani  et  baptizati  in- 
fantis,  spe  christiani  munitum;  et  ad  Severum  (n.  2  fin.)  plures  episto- 
las,  et  ad  Theodosium  imp.  ante  episcopatum  prosa  panegyricum  super 
victoria  tyrannorum,  eo  maxime  quod  fide  et  oratione  plus  quam  armis 
vicerit  (cf.  Hieron.  ep.  58,  8 :  librum  tuum  quem  pro  Theodosio  prin- 
cipe  prudenter  ornateque  compositum  transmisisti  libenter  legi  et  prae- 
cipue  mihi  in  eo  subdivisio  placuit  etc.  Paulin.  epist.  28,  6 :  ut  in 
Theodosio  non  tam  imperatorem  quam  Christi  servum  .  .  praedicarem). 
fecit  et  Sacramentarium  et  Hymnarium.  ad  sororem  quoque  epistolas 
multas  de  contemtu  mundi  dedit.  edidit  et  ex  diversis  causis  diversa 
disputatione  tractatus,  praecipuus  tamen  omnium  eius  opusculorum  est 
Liber  de  poenitentia  et  laude  generali  omnium  martyrum.  claruit  tem- 
poribus  Honorii  et  Valentiniani  non  solum  eruditione  et  sanctitate  vitae 
sed  et  potentia  adversum  daemones.  Extensive  Prolegomena  by  Mu- 
ratori  in  Migne  LXI  p.  16—124  and  the  testimonies  on  P.  ib.  p.  125 
—152.  R.  Ceillier,  hist.  gen.  X  p.  543—631.  A.  Buse,  Paulinus  bishop 
of  Nola  and  his  time,  Regensburg  1856.    2  vols. 

2.  Ausonius  dedicated  to  P.  his  Technopaegn.  and  addressed  to 
him  Epist.  19 — 25  (e.  g.  23,  33  sqq. :  ego  sum  tuus  altor  et  ille  prae- 
ceptor  primus,  veterum  largitor  honorum,  primus  in  Aonidum  qui  te 
collegia  duxi).  See  above  §  414,  3  m.  Paulinus'  poetical  answer  in  his 
c.  10,  where  we  read  v.  93  sqq.:  tibi  disciplinas,  dignitatem,  litteras, 
linguae,  togae,  famae  decus,  provectus,  altus,  institutus  debeo,  patrone^ 
praeceptor,  pater.     Yet  Ausonius  had  soon  to  learn  that  his  pupil  was 


436  The  Fourth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

more  influenced  by  his  rich  and  pious  wife,  Therasia,  than  by  his  old 
semi-pagan  teacher.  Augustin.  de  civ.  del  I  10:  Paulinus  noster,  No- 
lensis  episcopus,  ex  opulentissimo  divite  voluntate  pauperrimus  (he  gave 
his  riches  to  the  poor,  see  Sulpic.  v.  Mart.  25,  4).  He  corresponded 
with  Hieronymus,  Augustine  and  Suipicius  Severus.  Cf.  435,  1.  441, 
1.  4.     Cos.  (suff.)  before  Ausonius  (Aus.  epist.  20),  i.  e.  before  379. 

3.  Editions  of  the  works  of  P.  by  H.  Rosweyd  (Antv.  1622),  P.  F- 
Chifflet  (Dijon  1662.  4.),  J.  B.  Lebrun  des  Mareltes  (Paris  1685.  2  vols. 
4.),  L,  A.  Muratori  (Veron.  1736.  fol.),  in  the  Bibl.  patr.  max.  VI  and 
in  Migne's  patrol.  LXI  (Paris  1847).  Carmen  eucharisticum  prolegome- 
nis  et  adnot.  ill.  ed.  L.  Leipziger,  Breslau  1858. 

4.  Of  the  extant  36  poems  of  P.  we  possess  from  his  pagan  period 
jocular  poetical  Epistles  to  Gestidius  (1.  2),  and  a  fragment  de  regibus 
after  Suetonius  (3).  The  greater  half  of  the  Christian  poems  is  devoted 
to  Felix  (c.  12-14.  18  in  469  hexameters;  19  in  730,  21  in  858  hexa- 
meters; 23,  26 — 34  partly  in  fragments),  c.  6  treats  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist;  others  are  prayers  (4  sq.),  paraphrases  of  psalms  (e.  g.  7: 
beatus  ille  qui  procul  vitam  suam  ab  impiorum  segregarit  coetibus), 
or  polemical  and  apologetic  in  their  contents  (c.  36:  discussi,  fateor, 
sectas,  Antonius,  omnes,  plurima  quaesivi,  per  singula  quaeque  cucurri, 
sed  nihil  inveni  melius  quam  credere  Christo).  In  his  melic  metres  P. 
imitates  Horace,  principally  in  his  Sapphic  stanzas  and  in  the  Epodes 
(Hor.  epo.  1 — 10),  the  first  especially  c.  17  addressed  to  bishop  Nicetas 
in  Dacia  (85  strophes),  the  latter  in  c.  24  addressed  to  Cytherius  (942 
lines).  In  elegiac  metre  the  epithalamium  c.  25,  and  c.  35  on  the  death 
of  young  Celsus  (630  lines). 

432.  The  Lex  dei  or  a  Comparison  of  the  Mosaic  and 
Roman  law  concerning  the  most  frequent  sins  (Collatio  legum 
mosaicarum  et  romanarum)  seems  to  be  by  a  theologian  who 
wrote  in  the  reign  of  Theodosius.  The  work  endeavours  to 
trace  the  agreement  of  either  law  and  to  prove  the  Mosaic 
law  as  the  foundation  of  the  Roman  law. 

1.  Title  in  the  mss. :  Lex  dei  quam  deus  praecepit  ad  Moysen. 
The  sixteen  titles  treat  1)  de  sicariis  ethomicidis;  2)  de  atroci  iniuria; 
3)  de  iure  et  saevitia  dominorum  cohibenda;  4)  de  adulteris;  5)  de 
stupratoribus;  6)  de  incesti?;  7)  de  furibus;  8)  de  falso  testimonio ; 
9)  do  familiari  testimonio  non  admittendo;  10)  de  deposito;  11)  de 
abigeis;  12)  de  incendiariis;  13)  de  termino  moto;  14)  de  plagiariis; 
15)  de  mathematicis  et  Manichaeis;  16)  de  legitima  successione.  The 
Mosaic  law  is  always  put  first  (Moyses  dicit;  scriptura  divina  dicit),  in 
a  translation  which  is  neither  by  Hieronymus  nor  by  Suipicius  Severus 
and  does  not  even  closely  follow  the  LXX.  There  follows  the  Roman 
law  extracted    from   the   principal   works   of    Gains,    Papinian,    Ulpian, 


PauUnus  of  Nola.     Lex  dei.  437 

Paulus  and  Modestinus,  and  Imperial  Constitutions  from  the  Codex 
Gregorianus  and  Hermogenianus  together  with  some  laws  of  more 
recent  origin.  The  latest  law  quoted  is  by  Theodosius  of  a. 
390    (v.  2). 

2.  For  the  tendency  of  the  work.  VII  1:  quodsi  XII  tabulae  .  . 
iubent,  scitote  iurisconsulti  quia  Moyses  prius  hoc  statuit,  sicut  lectio 
manifestat.  Cf.  VI  7 :  maledicti  sunt  omnes  incesti  per  legem,  cum  ad- 
huc  rudibus  populis  ex  divino  nutu  condita  iisdera  adstipulantibus 
sanciretur,  et  utique  omnes  malefici  puniti  sunt  quos  divina  et  humana 
sententia  consona  voce  damnavit.  XIV  3,  6:  sciendum  tamen  est  ex 
novellis  constitutionibus  .  .  plagiatores  .  .  puniendos,  quamvis  et  Pau- 
lus etc.  V  2:  hoc  quidem  (the  opinion  of  Paulus  sent.  II)  iuris  est; 
mentem  tamen  legis  Moysis  Imp.  Theodosii  constitutio  (a.  390)  ad  ple- 
num secuta  cognoscitur.  These  specimens  of  the  diction  of  the  work 
might  lead  us  to  think  that  the  author  was  of  Greek  descent. 

3.  As  the  author  knows  only  the  codex  Gregorianus  and  Hermo- 
genianus, and  not  the  Theodosianus,  and  as  he  mentions  only  the  Ma- 
nichaeans  among  the  heretics  and  seems  to  speak  of  Theodosius  the 
Great  as  a  living  person  (V  2;  see  n.  2),  it  is  credible  that  the  work 
was  composed  at  the  close  of  his  reign,  i.  e.  in  the  time  of  Ambrosius 
and  Rufiniis,  though  we  find  no  traces  to  infer  the  authorship  of 
either  of  them.  The  author  must,  however,  have  been  well-versed  in 
the  works  of  the  Roman  Jurists  and  more  so  than  was  usual  among 
theologians.  He  may,  therefore,  originally  have  been  an  orator.  That 
the  work  was  composed  after  the  law  of  citation  (426)  does  not  im- 
mediately follow,  because  the  author  has  voluntarily  limited  himself  to 
the  five  Jurists  mentioned  in  it,  that  law  merely  fixing  as  legal  a  custom 
which  had  long  been  in  existence.  That  it  arose  in  the  East  (cf.  n.  2 
fin.)  may  be  inferred  from  a  law  made  by  Valentinian,  Theodosius  and 
Arcadius  conjointly  a.  390  being  in  the  text  merely  called  Theodosii 
constitutio. 

4.  We  possess  this  work  in  three  mss.,  the  Pithoeanus  (at  Berlin) 
saec.  IX,  Vercellensis  and  Vindobonensis  saec.  XL  The  first  edition 
by  Pithoeus,  Paris.  1573.  4.  Modern  editions  by  F.  A.  Biener  (ius  civ. 
anteiust.  II  p.  1417  sqq.)  and  especially  F.  Blume  (Bonn  1833  =  Bonn 
Corp.  iur.  anteiust.  I  p.  389 — 396)  and  Ph.  E.  Huschke  (iurisprud.  ante- 
iust. p.  530—590  =:  549—609.  ed.  II). 

5.  Huschke,  on  the  age  and  author  of  the  leg.  m.  et.  r.  collatio, 
Journal  of  scientific  Jurispr.  XIII  p.  1 — 49,  and  in  his  iurisprud.  ant. 
p.  528-530  =  547—549.  A.  F.  Rudorff,  Hist,  of  Rom.  Law  I  p.  284 
— 286  and :  on  the  origin  and  design  of  the  lex  dei  or  mos.  et  rom. 
leg.  coll.,  Berlin  1869.  32  pp.  4.  (Trans,  of  the  Ac.)  H.  E.  Dirksen, 
on  the  coll.  leg.  etc..  Posthumous  Writings  II  p.  100  sq. 


438       The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 
3.     The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  century. 

433.  At  the  close  of  the  fourth  and  the  beginning  of  the 
fifth  century  we  have  a  number  of  writers,  among  whom  Clau- 
dian  is  the  most  important  heathen  and  St.  Augustine  the 
most  prominent  Christian  author.  Though  a  native  of  Alexan- 
dria, Claudius  CI  audi  an  us  wrote  principally  in  Latin,  and 
had  studied  the  poets  of  the  classical  age  so  accurately  that 
he  imitated  their  diction  and  metres  with  perfect  success. 
Claudian  reminds  us  of  Statins  by  his  great  command  of  form 
and  phrases,  also  by  his  flattery  to  the  great,  but  he  far  sur- 
passed him  in  imagination  and  thought  and  in  his  varied  range 
of  subjects.  He  generally  derived  his  subjects  from  his  time, 
in  praising  high  patrons  like  Stilicho  and  Honorius,  and  in- 
veighing against  common  adversaries  like  Kufinus,  and  Eutro- 
pius.  He  bestowed  the  whole  ornament  of  epic  poetry  upon 
mere  occasional  pieces.  His  works  contain  much  that  is  histori- 
cally interesting,  though  the  value  of  this  information  is 
greatly  impaired  by  poetical  exaggeration  and  the  poet's  per- 
sonal connexion  with  the  acting  persons.  The  mastery  of 
Claudian  in  descriptions  appears  very  brilliantly  in  his  Rape 
of  Proserpina.  In  his  other  poems  he  likewise  proves  himself 
to  have  inherited  the  skill  of  the  Alexandrine  poets  in  mytho- 
logical narrations.  We  find,  however,  fault  with  Claudian  for 
using  means  too  elaborate  as  compared  with  the  insignificance 
of  his  subjects,  and  for  being  farfetched  and  exaggerating  his 
description  too  rhetorically. 

1.  Orelli  1182  ==  Mommsen  I.  R.  N.  6794  (C.  I  gr.  Ill  6246):  Clau- 
dio  Claudiano  v.  c.  tribuno  et  notario  inter  ceteras  (vig)entes  artes 
praegloriosissimo  poetarum,  licet  ad  memoriam  sempiternam  carmina 
ab  eodem  scripta  sufficiant,  adtamen  testimonii  gratia  ob  iudicii  sui 
fidem  dd.  nn.  Arcadius  et  Honorius  felicissimi  ac  doctissimi  imperato- 
res  senatu  petente  statuam  in  foro  divi  Traiani  erigi  collocarique  ius- 
serunt.  KJv  hd  BiQyvkfoio  voov  y.ccl  Movaav  O^atjQov  Kkavdiavop-  Pm/utj 
xccl  Baffikijg  tfhfcruiy.  Ap.  Sidon.  carm.  1X271  sqq.:  non  pelusiaco  satus 
Canopo,  qui  ferruginei  toros  mariti  et  Musa  canit  inferos  superna. 
Suid.  II  p.  272  Bernh.  :  Klavd\av6g  l^Jkf'^ard'Qfvg,  tnonotog  pSMTfQog. 
yfyopfv  inl  tmp  yjyoviav  Aqy.udiov  xcd  OvuiQiov  tmv  ^aaik^MV.  Claud. 
XXXIX  ,(ep.  1),  20:  conditor  hie  (Alexander  M.)  patriae.  56  sqq.  XLIII 
(ep.  5),  3:  nostro  cognite  Nilo.  Augustin.  civ.  dei  V  26:  unde  et  poeta 
Olaudianus,  quamvis  a  Christi  nomine  alienus,  in  eius  (Theodosii)  tamen 
laudibus    dixit.     Cf.    Ores.  VII  35:    unus    ex    ipsis    (the    adversaries    of 


Claudian.  439 

Christianity)  poeta  quidem  eximius,  sed  paganus  pervicacissimus,  .  . 
testimonium  tulit.  In  the  poems  of  CI.  nothing  seems  to  lead  beyond 
the  year  404:  we  may,  therefore,  consider  it  certain  that  he  did  not 
survive  the  fall  of  his  patron  Stilicho. 

2.  The  arrangement  of  the  poems  of  CI.  is  very  different  in  the 
mss.  and  editions  (Gesner  p.  XXXIX  sqq.).  Since  Gesner  the  poems 
generally  occupy  the  ^rst  place,  and  are  followed  by  the  Epistles, 
Idyls  and  Epigrams. 

3.  Greater  poems  on  historical  subjects.  The  principal  ms.  Vatic. 
2809  saec.  XI;  see  L.  Jeep  (n.  11).  I:  in  consulatum  Olybrii  et  Pro- 
bini  (a,  395),  279  hexameters.  II — V :  the  two  books  in  Rufmum,  in 
387  and  527  hexameters,  to  each  of  which  an  introduction  in  elegiac 
metre  is  prefixed.  VI  and  VII:  de  III  consulatu  Honorii  Aug.  (a.  396), 
211  hexameters  with  an  elegiac  preface.  VIII:  de  IV  cons.  Honorii 
Aug.  (a.  398).  656  hexam.  IX  and  X:  de  nuptiis  Honorii  et  Mariae  (a. 
398),  341  hex.  with  an  elegiac  preface.  Berchem,  de  CI.  epithalamio 
in  nupt.  H.  et  M.,  Crefeld  1861.  4.  XI— XIV:  fescennina  written  on 
the  same  occasion  in  Alcaeics,  Anacreontics,  Anapaestics  and  Asclepia. 
deans.  XV:  de  hello  Gildonico,  526  hexameters,  describing  the  prepa- 
rations of  the  war  against  Gildo,  a  Maurian  prince  (a.  398).  XVI  and 
XVII:  de  cons.  Fl.  Mallii  Theodori  v.  c.  (a.  399),  339  hex.  with  an 
elegiac  preface.  XVIII — XX  two  books  in  Eutropium,  513  and  602  hex., 
the  second  with  a  preface  in  elegiac  metre,  composed  subsequently  to 
a.  399.  XXI  and  XXII,  in  praise  of  the  Vandal  Stilicho,  two  books  in 
385  and  476  hexameters;  to  which  XXIII  sq. :  de  consulatu  Stilichonis 
(a.  400),  369  hex.  with  an  elegiac  preface.  XXV  sq.:  de  bello  getico, 
647  hex.  with  an  elegiac  preface,  Stilicho's  Wars  against  the  Goths 
a.  400—403.  XXVII  sq. :  in  VI  cons.  Honorii  Aug.  (a.  404),  660  hex. 
with  elegiac  preface.  XXIX:  laus  Serenae  Reginae,  the  niece  and 
adopted  daughter  of  Theodosius  I  and  wife  of  Stilicho,  left  unfinished, 
237  hexameters.  XXX  sq. :  Epithalamium  dictum  Palladio  v.  c.  tribuno 
et  notario  et  Celerinae,  145  hex.  with  a  preface  in  four  distichs. 

4.  In  these  historical  poems  Claudian  adheres  to  historical  truth 
so  far  as  never  to  invent  or  alter  facts;  but  he  leaves  his  imagination 
full  play  in  psychological  description  and  poetical  additions,  and  there 
his  preference  or  hatred  fully  display  themselves.  His  real  hero  is 
the  brave  Stilicho;  Honorius  being  praised  merely  as  the  possessor  of 
the  throne,  without  any  fictitious  qualities  being  added  to  him.  Just 
as  Claudian  is  never  satisfied  in  his  love  for  Stilicho,  he  openly  ex- 
hibits his  hatred  against  Rufinus ,  the  Minister  of  the  Eastern  half  of 
the  Empire,  and  his  contempt  of  his  successor,  the  Eunuch  Eutropius ; 
both  times  in  the  interest  of  Stilicho  and  in  the  most  passionate  manner, 
but  without  violating  truth  in  any  fact.  Ed.  Vogt,  de  CI.  Claudiani 
carminum  quae  Stiliconem  praedicant  fide  historica,  Bonn  1863,  p.  1 — 13. 
50—66.  G.  Zeiss,  Claudian  and  the  Rom.  P^mpire  from  359  to  408.  I. 
Landshut  1863.    4.   II.     1865.  4.     P.  Schultz,    de  Stilichone  iisque  quae 


440        The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

<le  eo  agunt  fontibus,  Claudiano  imprimis  et  Zosimo,  Konigsberg  1864. 
J.  H.  Ney,  Vindiciae  Claudianeae,  sive  de  CI.  fide  historica.  Marburg 
1865.  4.  E.  Vogt,  the  political  tendencies  of  Stilicho  etc.  I:  Introduc- 
tion and  sources,  Cologne  1870.     24  pp.  4. 

5.  Poems  on  mythological  subjects.  The  three  (Jeep:  four)  books  de 
raptu  Proserpinae,  in  286,  372  and  448  hexameters  (with  strange 
introductions  to  b.  I  and  II,  the  latter  ad  Florentinum),  do  not  bring 
the  subject  down  to  the  end,  but  only  to  Ceres'  resolution  to  seek 
for  her  lost  daughter.  The  poem  was  probably  never  completed.  We 
possess  the  poem  in  more  than  fifty  mss.,  the  relatively  best  of  which 
is  Laurent.  XXIV  112  saec.  XII — XIII.  L.  Jeep,  on  the  mss.  of  Clau- 
dian's  R.  Pr.  in  Ritschl's  Acta  soc.  Lips.  I  p.  345—390.  B.  Gr.  Walch, 
uberioris  commentationis  de  CI.  c.  de  r.  P.  inscr.  specimen,  Gotting. 
1770.  4.  J.  B.  Merian,  I'enlevement  de  Pr.  traduit  avec  un  discpurs, 
Berlin  1767.  Baden,  lectiones  var.  ad  CI.  de  r.  P.  e  duobus  codd.  ital., 
Kiel  1796.  4.  J.  Svedborg,  de  Claud,  quod  de  r.  Pr.  inscribitur  carmine 
epico  quaestiones,  Upsala  1860.  4.  Of  Claudian's  Gigantomachia  we 
possess  129  hexameters,  and  a  fragment  (77  lines)  of  a  Greek  poem  on 
the  same  subject  with  the  heading  Kkccvdiayov ;  see  Kochly,  coniect. 
ep.  I  (Zurich  1851.  4.)  p.  19  sqq.  Schenkl,  Reports  on  the  meetings  of 
the  Acad,  at  Vienna  XLIII  (1863)  p.  32-42. 

6.  There  are  five  letters  extant  (XXXIX — XLIII):  1.  to  Hadrianus 
(mag.  off.  397 — 399,  praef.  praet.  400—416),  a  request  not  to  be  angry 
with  the  poet  so  long  for  an  offence  committed  in  his  lubrica  aetas 
(cf.  n.  8).  2.  to  Serena  (n.  3),  thanking  for  her  mediation  in  the  poet's 
wooing,  after  a.  398.  3.  to  Olybrius,  and  4.  to  Probinus  (after  395), 
complaints  of  the  want  of  letters  from  them.  5.  to  Gennadius  ex  pro- 
cos.,  a  reply  to  his  request  for  poems.  All  five  are  in  elegiac  distichs, 
actual  letters,  and  therefore  in  a  simple  diction.  Only  the  first  two  rise 
somewhat  above  the  extent  and  tone  of  letters. 

7.  The  seven  Eldyllia  (XLIV — L)  are  studies  descriptive  of  nature 
and  containing  narratives,  in  epic  or  elegiac  form.  1.  Phoenix,  110 
hexameters.  Edd.  J.  G.  Linsen  et  A.  Ingman,  Helsingfors  1838.  18  pp.  4. 
2.  Hystrix,  48  hexameters,  a  description  of  a  hedgehog.  3.  Torpedo, 
a  description  of  a  roach  in  21  hexameters.  4.  Nilus,  42  hexameters. 
5.  Magnes  (Magnet),  57  hex.  6.  Aponus,  on  the  hot  sulphurate  wells 
near  Patavium,  50  distichs.  7.  On  the  brothers  Amphinomos  and  Ana- 
pias,  who  saved  their  aged  parents  at  an  eruption  of  Vesuvius,  24 
distichs. 

8.  Among  the  44  epigrams  (LI— XCIV)  in  Gesner's  edition  we  also 
find  some  spurious  and  doubtful  compositions,  e.  g.  27 — 29.  41.  No 
doubt  by  Claudian  are  the  occasional  pieces  on  the  concha  of  Serena 
(5)  and  those  intended  to  accompany  presents  sent  by  her  to  Honorius 
and  Arcadius  (20 — 23).  24  is  an  ironical  poem  asking  pardon  for  an 
unfavourable  criticism  on  the  poems  of  the  Quaestor  Alethius.  25  sq. 
on  the  glutton  Curetius.     30  on  Mallius  and  Hadrianus;   see  n.  6.     Al- 


Claudian.  441 

most  idyls  ] — 4.  Variations  on  the  same  theme  (a  glass  vase  with  ice) 
6 — 14  (13  sq.  in  Greek).  In  other  poems  taken  from  the  Greek  Antho- 
logy (15 — 17)  we  should  perhaps  think  of  CI.  {Kkavdtaj/og  xcd  KvQog 
noirjTcd,  Evagr.  h.  e.  I  19  under  Theodosius  II).  Not  by  the  Claudian 
of  Stilicho  (but  by  Claud.  Mamertus,  Merobaudes  or  others)  are  the 
Christian  poems  46—49;   45  belongs  undoubtedly  to  Damasus. 

9.  In  some  mss.  of  Claudian  a  number  of  poems  are  appended 
which  resemble  those  of  CI.  in  technical  details  and  in  style  and  seem 
to  be  of  perhaps  the  same  period.  The  most  important  of  them  is  the 
epithalamium  Laurentii  (above  22,  7)  in  87  lines,  which  occupied  the 
last  three  pages  of  the  original  ms.  (at  29  lines)  and  the  beginning  of 
which  has  been  lost.  The  other  poems  in  these  mss.  (in  epic  and  ele- 
giac metre)  cannot  be  compared  with  the  ep.  Laur.  and  are  of  later 
origin;  of  some  of  them  only  the  titles  are  extant.  They  are  printed 
in  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  753—758;  cf.  ib.  II  p.  XXVII  sq.  L.  Jeep,  quaest. 
critt.  p.  27  sqq.,  on  the  mss.  of  the  Rape  of  Pros.  p.  378  sq. 

10.  Editio  princeps  Vicent.  1482  fol.  Emend,  p.  Th.  Ugoletum, 
Venet.  1495.  4.  Other  editions  chiefly  by  Th.  Pulmann  (Antverp.  1571 
and  elsewhere),  J.  Scaliger  (Lugd.  B.  1603;  cf.  Bernays,  Rh.  Mus.  XV 
p.  163—165),  C.  Barth  (Hanov.  1612,  Francf.  1650.  4.),  N.  Heinsius 
(Lugd.  Bat.  1650.  1665),  J.  M.  Gesner  (Lips.  1759),  P.  Burmann  (Amstelod. 
1760.  4.),  G.  L.  Konig  (Gotting.  1808.  Vol.  I),  in  W.  E.  Weber's  Corpus 
poett.  p.  1270—1359.  The  first  critical  edition  by  L.  Jeep,  Lips.  (Bibl. 
Teubner).     1872. 

Claud,  paneg.  in  cons.  01.  et  Prob.,  in  Rufinum  libri  II  cum  var. 
lectt.  ed.  Orelli,  Ziirich  1843.    4. 

11.  J.  Parrhasii  comm.  in  Claudianum,  Basil.  1539.  4.  Hertel,  de 
nonnullis  Ch  carminum  locis,  Torgau  1848.  4.  Th.  G.  Paul,  quaestionum 
CI.  particula,  Glogau  1857.  4.  and  quaest.  Claud.,  Berlin  1866.  4.  L.  Jeep, 
quaest.  criticae  ad  emendationem  CI.  panegyricorum  spectantes,  Naum- 
burg  and  De  CI.  codice  (saec.  IX)  Veronae  nuper  reperto,  'Begriissungs- 
schr.  der  Thomasschule'  (Lips.  1872.  4.)  p.  43— 54.  Cf.  n.  5.  R.  Unger, 
Friedland  1869.   4. 

434.  Not  merely  among  the  Christian  writers  nor  only  in 
his  own  time  is  the  African  Aurelius  Aug  us  tin  us  (a.  354 
— 430)  conspicuous  for  mental  significance  and  far-reaching 
influence.  After  a  stormy  youth  A.  was  during  nine  years  an 
adherent  of  the  Manichaean  heresy  and  professor  of  rhetoric 
in  Africa,  at  Rome  and  Milan;  but  Ambrosius  a.  356  gained 
him  over  to  a  deeper  understanding  of  Christianity,  and  he 
subsequently  became  presbyter  at  Hippo  a.  392  and  bishop 
about  395.  Augustine  combined  in  his  character  qualities  see- 
mingly opposite:  an  abundant  imagination  and  penetrating  in- 


442         The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

tellectual  vigour,  a  passionate  want  of  regard  and  affectionate 
tenderness,  a  tender  heart  and  zelotism,  a  blind  belief  in  superior 
authority  and  originality  of  thought,  zeal  for  the  unity  of  the 
Church  and  individual    piety,    romanticism  and  scholasticism, 
mysticism    and    sophistry,    poetical    talent    and   philosophical 
genius,  rhetorical  pathos  and  grammatical  pedantry.    Himself 
a  psychological  mystery  and   drawn    into    errors   by  his  hot 
blood,  Augustine  was  absorbed  in  the  mysteries  of  the  life  of 
the  human  soul,  and  he  led  the  Christian  dogmas,  which  the 
Eastern  theologians  had  buried  in  sterile  quibbles  on  theolo- 
gical and  christological  details,  back  to  the  study  of  man,  to 
the  observation  of  hi3  inner  being  and  the  means  of  his  sal- 
vation and  blessing.     Owing  to  this  double  aspect  of  his  na- 
ture, Augustine's  writings  are  now  devoted  to  self-reflexion  or 
descend  into  the  nature  of  the  deity  with  religious  earnestness, 
now  again  they  enlarge  upon  the  doctrine  and  oppose  devia- 
tions from  the  Church  with   unconquerable   logic,    sometimes 
also   sophistically.     To  the  first  class  belong  his  Confessions, 
to  the  second  his  letters,   sermons,   dogmatic  and  exegetical 
treatises  and  his  invectives.  The  diction  of  Augustine  is  likewise 
uneven:    sometimes   too  ornate   and  verbose,    but  not  rarely 
also    logical  and   precise.    Among  his  best  compositions  we 
mention  the   22  books  de  civitate    dei,    a  work  containing  a 
great  wealth  of  materials. 

1 .  The  chief  source  on  Augustine  are  his  Confessiones  (n.  9)  and 
Retractationes  (n.  4).  Vita  Augustini  by  his  pupil  and  friend  Possidius, 
Bishop  of  Calama,  about  432,  printed  in  most  editions  of  Augustine 
(e.  g.  in  that  of  the  Benedictine  monks  t,  X,  Append,  t.  Ill),  separately 
edited  studio  et  labore  Jo.  Salinas,  Naples  1731  (Augsburg  1768);  in 
Migne's  Augustin.  XI  p.  105—128,  patrol.  XXXII  p.  33—66;  the  indi- 
culus  ib.  XLVI  p.  1—21.  Recent  works  on  A.  e.  g.  by  the  Benedic- 
tines (in  Migne  August.  XI  p.  153—868  —  Patrol.  XXXII  p.  66—578), 
by  Tillemont,  Memoires  T.  XIII  (Paris  1702.  4.),  R.  Ceillier,  hist.  gen. 
T.  XI  p.  1—754.  XII  p.  1—685.  J.  Bohringer,  the  Church  of  Christ 
and  her  witnesses  I  3  (Ziirich  1844).  Poujoulat,  histoire  de  St.  Augustin, 
Paris  1846.  3  vols.  C.  Bindemann,  St.  Augustine,  Greifswald  (Leipzig) 
1854—1869,  3  vols.  Flottes,  etudes  sur  St.  Aug.,  son  genie,  son  ame, 
sa  philosophic,  Montpellier  1861.     646  pp. 

2.  He  was  born  13  Nov.  354  at  Tagaste.  His  father  was  the  pas- 
sionate Patricius,  the  son  being  chiefly  influenced  by  his  tender  and 
pfous  mother  Monica.  Madauris  coeperam  litteraturae  atque  oratoriae 
percipiendae  gratia  peregrinari  (Conf.  II  3,  5).   He  continued  his  studies 


St.  Augustine.  443 

and  lived  rather  wildly  (his  son  Adeodatus)  at  Carthage,  were  he  was 
converted  to  the  Manichaean  doctrine.  He  was  then  professor  of  rhe- 
toric at  Tagaste  and  Carthage  (cf.  IV  7,  12.  V  7,  13),  and  subsequently 
went  to  Rome  (ib.  V  8,  14),  ut  docerem  artem  rhetoricam  (12,  22). 
Posteaquam  missum  est  a  Mediolano  Romam  ad  praef.  urbis  ut  illi  civi- 
tati  rhetoricae  magister  provideretur,  .  .  ego  ipse  ambivi,  .  .  ut  dictione 
proposita  me  probatum  praefectus  tunc  Symmachus  (above  418,  2)  mit- 
teret,  et  veni  Mediolanum  ad  Ambrosium  episcopum  (13,  23),  by  whom 
and  by  his  mother  his  conversion  took  place.  He  was  baptized  at 
Easter  387,  and  died  during  the  siege  of  Hippo  by  the  Vandals,  28 
August  430. 

3.  Ap.  Sidon.  ep.  IX  2:  Hieronymus  interpres,  dialecticus  Augusti- 
nus.  In  his  philosophy  A.  chiefly  adhered  to  the  idealism  of  Plato,  which 
he  turned  into  Christian  theism.  E.  Feuerlein,  on  A.'s  position  in  the 
History  of  the  Church  and  of  general  culture,  Sybel's  Hist,  Journal 
XI  (1869.)  p.  270—313.  Ferraz,  de  la  psychologic  de  St.  Aug.,  Paris 
1862.  498  pp.     Heinichen,  de  Aug.  anthropolog.  orig..  Lips.  1862. 

4.  The  vita  of  Possidius  (n.  1)  gives  a  sketch  of  the  literary  acti- 
vity of  Augustine  and  an  indiculus  of  his  w^orks,  but  above  all  Augustine 
himself  in  his  two  books  of  Retractati  on  e  s  (in  Possidius:  de  recen- 
sione  librorum)  which  he  wrote  towards  the  end  of  his  life  (c.  427)  and 
in  which  he  enumerates  his  works  so  far  as  published,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  his  sermons  and  letters,  in  chronological  order,  adding  also 
remarks  calculated  to  rectify  some  dogmatical  incorrectness.  The  first 
book  deals  with  the  works  j)ublished  before  he  was  chosen  bishop,  the 
second  with  those  subsequent  to  his  election.  Cf.  the  preface:  lam  diu 
est  ut  facere  cogito  .  .  ut  opuscula  mea  sive  in  libris  sive  in  epistolis 
sive  in  tractatibus  cum  quadam  iudiciaria  severitate  recenseam  et  quod 
me  offendit  velut  censorio  stilo  denotem.  (3.)  scribere  autem  ista  mihi 
placuit  ut  haec  emittam  in  manus  hominum,  a  quibus  ea  quae  iam 
edidi  revocare  emendanda  non  possum,  nee  ilia  sane  praetereo  quae 
catechumenus  iam,  licet  relicta  spe  quam  terrenam  gerebam,  sed  adhuc 
saeeularium  litterarum  inflatus  consuetudine  scripsi.  .  .  inveniet  for- 
tasse  quomodo  scribendo  profecerim  quisquis  opuscula  mea  ordine  quo 
scripta  sunt  legerit.  quod  ut  possit,  hoc  opere  quantum  potero  curabo 
ut  eundem  ordinem  noverit.  And  at  the  close  of  the  work  (II  67) : 
haec  opera  XCIII  in  libris  CCXXXIII  me  dictasse  recolui  quando  haec 
retractavi,  utrum  adhuc  essem  aliquos  dictaturus  ignorans;  atque  ipsam 
eorum  retractationem  in  libris  II  edidi  .  .  antequam  epistolas  ac  ser- 
mones  ad  populum,  alios  dictates,  alios  a  me  dictos,  retractare  coepis- 
sem.  From  the  list  of  Possidius  we  may  add  as  the  fruits  of  the  last 
years  of  Augustine's  life:  Speculum;  De  haeresibus  ad  Quodvultdeum 
liber  (also  in  Oehler's  corpus  haeresiol.  I),  against  the  Armenian  bishop 
Maximinus  and  the  Pelagian  Julianus,  and  especially  De  praedestina- 
tione  sanctorum  and  De  dono  perseverantiae. 

5.  August,  conf.   IV    13,  20:    scripsi    (at  Carthage   about  the  year 
380)  libros    de    pulchro  et  apto,    puto  duo  aut  tres.     tu  scis,  deu8; 


444       The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

nam  excidit  mihi.  non  enim  habemus  eos,  sed  aberraverunt  a  nobis 
nescio  quomodo.  14,  21 :  quod  me  moyit  .  .  ut  ad  Hierium  (above 
419,  7)  romanae  urbis  oratorem  scriberem  illos  libros.  This  youthful 
work  is  omitted  in  the  retract.,  which  begin  with  the  three  books 
contra  academicos.  Retract.  I  1 :  cum  reliquissem  vel  quae  adeptus 
fueram  in  cupiditatibus  huius  mundi  vel  quae  adipisci  volebam  et  me 
ad  christianae  vitae  otium  contulissem,  nondum  baptizatus  contra 
academicos  vel  vie  academicis  primum  scripsi  (a.  386),  ut  argumenta 
eorum,  quae  .  .  prohibent  cuiquam  rei  assentiri  et  omnino  aliquid 
tanquam  manifestuni  eertumque  sit  adprobare  .  .  ab  animo  meo  .  . 
quantis  possem  rationibus  amoverem.  He  followed  Cicero's  work  which 
bore  the  same  title  (above  vol.  I  §  173,  7)  in  giving  his  work  the  shape 
of  a  dialogue  with  his  patron  Romanianus,  his  son  Licentius  (see  above 
491,  4  sqq.)  and  another  youth,  Trygetius.  Edited  in  Cicero's  Acad, 
by  Orelli,  Turici  1827. 

6.  Retract.,  I  2:  librum  de  beata  vita  non  post  libros  de  acad. 
sed  inter  illos  ut  scriberem  contigit.  ex  occasioue  quippe  ortus  est 
diei  natalis  mei.  .  .  Manlio  Theodoro  (see  416,  3),  ad  quem  librum 
ipsum  scripsi,  quamvis  docto  et  christiano  viro,  plus  tribui  quam  debe- 
rem.  .  .  istum  librum  nostro  in  codice  interruptum  repperi  .  .  nee 
adhuc  apud  aliquem  integrum  inveneram  ex  quo  emendarem  quando 
haec  retractavi.  I  3:  per  idem  tempus,  inter  illos  qui  de  acad.  scripti 
sunt,  duos  etiam  libros  de  ordine  scripsi,  in  quibus  magna  quaestio 
versatur  utrum  omnia  bona  et  mala  divinae  providentiae  ordo  contineat. 
sed  .  .  de  ordine  studendi  loqui  malui  quo  a  corporalibus  ad  incorpo- 
ralia  potest  profici.  in  his  libris  .  .  nee  illud  mihi  placet  quod  Pytha- 
gorae  philosopho  tantum  laudis  dedi.  14,  1 :  inter  haec  scripsi  etiam 
duo  volumina  .  .  de  his  rebus  quas  maxime  scire  cupiebam,  me  inter- 
rogans mihique  respondens  tamquam  duo  essemus,  ratio  et  ego,  cum 
solus  essem;  unde  hoc  opus  Soliloquia  nominavi,  sed  imperfectum 
remansit.  I  5,  1 :  post  libros  Soliloquiorum  iam  de  agro  Mediolanum 
reversus  scripsi  librum  De  immortalitatc  animae.  .  .  qui  ratioci- 
nationum  contortione  atque  brevitate  sic  obscurus  est  ut  fatiget  cum 
legitur  .  .  vixque  intellegatur  a  me  ipso.  Augustini  de  anima  53  hexa- 
meters in  a  dialectic  spirit,  with  an  address  to  God,  but  in  very  in- 
correct form,  in  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  489  (II  p.  38—40). 

7.  Retr.  I  6:  per  idem  tempus  quo  Mediolani  fui,  baptismum  per- 
cep turns  (a.  387),  etiam  Disciplinarum  libros  conatus  sum  scribere, 
interrogans  eos  qui  mecum  erant  atque  ab  huiusmodi  studiis  non  ab- 
horrebant,  per  corporalia  cupiens  ad  incorporalia  quibusdam  quasi 
passibus  vel  pervenire  vel  ducere.  sed  earum  solum  de  grammatica 
librum  absolvere  potui,  quem  postea  de  armario  nostro  perdidi,  et  de 
musica  sex  volumina,  quantum  attinet  ad  earn  partem  quae  rhythmus 
vocatur.  sed  eosdem  sex  libros  iam  baptizatus  iamque  ex  Italia  re- 
gressus  in  Africam  scripsi  (cf.  ib.  I  11);  incohaveram  quippe  tantum- 
modo  istam  apud  Mediolanum  disciplinam.  de  aliis  vero  quinque  dis- 
ciplinis    illic   similiter  incohatis,  de  dialectica,  de  rhetorica,  de  geome- 


St.  Augustine.  445 

trica,  de  arithmetica,  de  philosophia,  sola  principia  remanserunt,  quae 
tamen  etiam  ipsa  perdidimus,  sed  haberi  ab  aliquibus  existimo.  This 
encyclopaedia  was  even  in  its  title  imitated  from  Varro  (above  vol.  I 
p.  245,  6)  and  treated  of  the  seven  artes  liberales.  The  part  extant, 
six  books  de  musica,  are  in  the  form  of  a  conversation  between 
master  and  pupil,  'very  garrulous  and  meaningless  discussions  on  rhythm 
and  metre'  (Westphal,  allg.  gr.  Metr.  p.  46),  but  deviating  from  the 
general  theories  by  assuming  pauses  to  restore  the  equality  of  tact 
between  unequal  metrical  feet,  and  no  doubt  chiefly  derived  from  Varro. 
Westphal  1.  1.  and  Fragments  of  the  Greek  writers  on  rhythm  p.  19 
sqq.  with  H.  Weil  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  1862  p.  335  sqq.  1867,  p.  132 
sqq.  An  early  abridgment  of  this  work  is  printed  in  Mai,  Collectio  script. 
vett.  Ill  (Rome  1828)  p.  116 — 144,  with  the  additions  of  du  Rieu,  schedae 
Vaticanae  (Lugd.  B.  1860)  p.  216—220.  Of  the  section  De  rhetorica 
we  possess  in  the  mss.  of  Fortunatianus  (above  420,  5)  a  part  (bonae 
frugis  plena.  Halm)  under  the  title  of  principia  rhetorices,  printed  e.  g. 
in  Migne  patrol.  XXXII  p.  1440—1448,  the  best  text  in  Halm's  Rhetores 
lat.  min.  (1863)  p.  137  — 151.  Especially  Cicero  and  Hermagoras  are 
often  mentioned  in  it.  It  is  not  in  the  form  of  questions.  The  Prin- 
cipia dialecticae  (in  Migne  patrol.  XXXII  p.  1409 — 1419  and  especially 
edited  by  W.  Crecelius,  Aug.  de  dialectica  liber,  recogn.  et  adn.  Elber- 
feld  1857)  mention  Augustine  as  their  author  (c.  7;  ut  cum  Augustino 
nominato  nihil  aliud  quam  ego  ipse  cogitor  ab  ipso  cui  notus  sum  etc.). 
The  former  doubts  of  the  genuine  origin  of  the  work  consisted  chiefly 
in  the  deviations  from  Augustine's  general  manner  (e.  g.  in  the  use  of 
many  Greek  terms  and  avoidance  of  the  form  of  a  dialogue),  which 
are  of  small  importance  in  works  based  throughout  on  foreign  models. 
Of  the  part  De  grammatica  only  an  abridgment  (probably  made  by 
a  Benedictine  monk)  is  extant,  from  a  cod.  Lauresham.  (now  Vatic.) 
first  edited  by  A.  Mai  (Nova  patrum  bibl.  I  2  p.  155  sqq.  Rome  1852), 
better  (from  a  Paris  and  Brussels  ms.)  by  C.  Fr.  Weber  (Aur.  Aug.  ars 
grammatica  breviata,  Marburg  1861.  4.).  By  its  diS"erence  from  this 
abridgment  the  claims  (even  formerly  doubtful)  of  the  treatise  de 
grammatica  in  Putsche  gramm.  latt.  p.  1975  sqq.  (and  e.  g.  in  Migne's 
patrol.  XXXII.  p.  1385 — 1408)  to  the  name  of  Augustine  are  even  more 
imperilled.  Weber  1.  1.  p.  2  sq.  The  Categoriae  X  ex  Aristotele  de- 
cerptae  (Migne  XXXII.  p.  1419  —  1440)  should  probably  be  attributed  to 
Praetextatus  (above  422,  1),  as  A.  was  remarkable  neither  for  his  know- 
ledge of  Greek  nor  for  his  admiration  of  Aristotle. 

8.  Retract.  I  7:  iam  baptizatus  cum  Romae  essem  (a.  387)  nee  ferre 
tacitus  possem  Manichaeorum  iactantiam  de  falsa  et  fallaci  continentia 
vel  abstinentia,  .  .  scripsi  duos  libros,  unum  De  moribus  ecclesiae  ca- 
tholicae,  alterum  De  moribus  Manichaeorum.  I  8 :  in  eadem  urbe  scripsi 
dialogum  in  quo  de  anima  multa  quaeruntur  ac  disseruntur.  .  .  totus 
liber  nomen  accepit  .  .  De  animae  quantitatc.  I  9:  cum  adhuc  Romae 
demoraremur  voluimus  disputando  quaerere  unde  sit  malum.  .  .  tres 
libri    quos  eadem    disputatio    peperit    appellati  sunt  De  libero  arbitrio. 


446        The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

quorum  secundum  et  tertium  in  Africa,  iam  etiam  Hippone  regio  pres- 
byter ordinatus,  .  .  terminavi.  I  10:  iam  vero  in  Africa  constitutus 
scripsi  duos  hbros  de  Genesi  contra  Manichaeos.  I  11:  deinde  .  .  sex 
libros  de  musica  (n.  7)  scripsi,  quorum  ipse  sextus  maxime  innotuit. 
I  14:  iam  vero  apud  Hipponem  regium  presbyter  scripsi  librum  De 
utihtate  credendi .  Both  this  and  his  next  work  were  against  the  Ma- 
nichaeans:  De  duabus  animabus  (ib.  I  15),  also  Contra  Fortunatum 
quendam  Manichaeorum  presbyterum,  probably  a  disputation  with  him 
quae  excepta  est  a  notariis  veluti  gesta  (minutes)  conficerentur;  nam  et 
diem  habet  et  consulem.  I  20:  volens  etiam  causam  Donatistarum  ad 
ipsius  humillimi  vulgi  .  .  notitiam  perveaire  .  .  psalmum  qui  eis  can- 
taretur  per  latinas  litteras  feci,  sed  usque  ad  V  litteram.  tales  autem 
abecedaries  appellant.  .  .  hypopsalma  etiam  quod  responderetur  et 
prooemium  causae  .  .  non  sunt  in  ordine  litterarum.  ideo  autem  non 
aliquo  carminis  genere  id  fieri  volui  ne  me  necessitas  metrica  ad  aliqua 
verba  quae  vulgo  minus  sunt  usitata  compelleret. 

9.  Retract.  II  6:  confessionum  mearum  libri  XIII  .  .  a  primo 
usque  ad  decimum  de  me  scripti  sunt;  in  tribus  ceteris  de  scripturis 
Sanctis.  .  .  multis  fratribus  eos  multum  placuisse  et  placere  scio.  They 
are  very  interesting  for  the  history  of  morals.  The  confessions  are 
addressed  to  God  (e.  g.  IV  2 :  malebam  tamen,  domine  tu  scis,  bonos 
habere  discipulos  etc.  et,  deus,  vidisti  de  longinquo  lapsantem  in  lubrico). 
The  person  of  Christ  does  not  appear  conspicuously.  They  have  often 
been  edited  separately,  e.  g.  by  A.  Neander  (Berlin  1823);  on  the  basis 
of  the  Oxford  edition  (Bibl.  patrum  eccl.  cath.  ed.  Pusey,  Vol.  I,  Oxford 
1838)  edited  and  explained  by  K.  v.  Raumer,  Stuttg.  1856. 

10.  Retract.  II  43,  1 :  interea  Roma  Gothorum  irruptione  (a.  410) 
.  .  eversa  est;  cuius  eversionem  deorum  falsorum  multorumque  cultores 
.  .  in  christianam  religionem  referre  conantes  solito  acerbius  .  .  deum 
veram  blasphemare  coeperunt.  unde  ego  .  .  libros  de  civitate  dei 
scribere  institui.  quod  opus  per  aliquot  annos  me  tenuit,  eo  quod  alia 
multa  intercurrebant.  .  .  hoc  autem  de  civ.  d.  grande  opus  tandem 
XXII  libris  est  terminatum  (c.  a.  426).  quorum  V  primi  eos  refellunt 
qui  res  humanas  ita  prosperari  volunt  ut  ad  hoc  multorum  deorum 
cultum  .  .  necessarium  esse  arbitrentur  et  quia  prohibetur  mala  ista 
exoriri  .  .  contendunt.  sequentes  autem  V  adversus  eos  loquuntur  qui 
fatentur  haec  mala  nee  defuisse  umquam  nee  defutura  mortalibus,  .  . 
sed  deorum  cultum  .  .  propter  vitam  post  mortem  futuram  esse  utilem 
disputant.  (Cf.  Epist,  169,  1.)  his  ergo  X  libris  duae  istae  vanae  opi- 
niones  christianae  religioni  adversariae  refelluntur.  (2.)  sed  ne  quis- 
quam  nos  aliena  tantum  redarguis'se,  non  autem  nostra  asseruisse  repre- 
henderet:  id  agit  pars  altera  operis  huius,  quae  libris  XII  continetur. 
.  .  primi  quattuor  (XU — XV)  continent  exortum  duarum  civitatum,  quarum 
est  una  dei,  altera  huius  mundi.  secundi  quattuor  (XVI — XIX)  excursum 
earum  sive  procursum.  tertii  vero,  qui  et  postremi  (XX — XXII),  debitos 
fines,     ita    omnes    XXII    libri,    cum  sint  de  utraque  civitate  conscripti, 


*St.  Augustine.  447 

titulum  tamen  a  meliore  acceperunt.  The  work  is  dedicated  to  Mar- 
cellinus,  no  doubt  the  same  who  had  been  sent  to  Africa  a.  450  to 
appease  the  disturbances  of  the  Donatists  and  to  whom  other  works 
were  also  addressed  by  Augustine,  see  also  Epist.  128  sq.  138  sq.  143. 
His  chief  sources  are  Cic.  (esp.  de  rep.)  and  Varro  (Antiquitates  and 
de  gente  rom.,  perhaps  also  some  logistorici)  ;  in  all  matters  concerning 
the  East  he  avails  himself  of  Hieronymus'  version  of  Eusebius;  besides 
these  works  Plato,  Sallust,  Pliny  the  Elder  and  Solinus  are  used, 
among  the  poets  Virgil  is  often  quoted,  next  to  him  Terence,  Horace, 
Persius,  Lucan,  Terentianus,  Claudian  and  others.  Kettner,  Varronian 
Studies  p.  40 — 46.  Separate  editions  especially  by  J.  L.  Vivis  (comment, 
illustr.,  Basil.  1522.  1555.  1570)  and  B.  Dombart  (Lips.  Teubner  1863, 
2  vols.).     Redner,  the  civitas  dei  of  St.  Aug.,  Conitz  1856.  4. 

11.  Among  the  other  works  of  St.  Augustine  we  may  notice  as  of 
special  importance  the  dogmatic  writings  de  doctrina  Christiana  libri 
IV  (composed  397—426),  de  trinitate  libri  XV  (a.  400—416),  de  pecca- 
torum  meritis  et  remissione  libri  III  (c.  412),  de  gratia  et  lib ero  arbitrio  ; 
de  correptione  et  gratia;  de  praedestinatione  sanctorum  and  de  dono 
perseverantiae .  In  the  domain  of  practical  theology  we  may  mention 
the  works  de  mendacio,  de  continentia,  de  patientia,  de  agone  christi- 
ano,  de  bono  coniugali,  de  nuptiis  et  concupiscentia,  de  adulterinis  con- 
iugiis,  de  opere  monachorum,  de  unico  baptismo,  de  cura  pro  mortuis 
gerenda  and  others.  The  polemical  works  of  A.  are  directed  against 
the  sects  and  heresies  of  the  Manichaeans,  Donatists,  Pelagians,  Pris- 
cillianists,  Arians  and  Origenists.  The  sermons  fill  a  large  volume, 
which,  however,  contains  also  some  doubtful  and  spurious  pieces.  Though 
simple,  they  are  often  rhetorical  and  effective,  sometimes  also  touching. 
On  the  character  of  the  audience  see  J.  Verin,  St.  Augustini  auditores, 
s.  de  Afrorum  christianorum  circa  Aug.  ingenio  ac  moribus,  Paris  1870. 
These.  Part  of  them  are  devoted  to  the  explanation  of  biblical  passages 
(homilies),  e.  g.  on  the  Psalms,  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  and  the  sermon 
of  the  Mount.  Aug.  did  not  write  very  many  or  good  commentaries 
on  the  Bible,  owing  to  his  imperfect  knowledge  of  Greek  aud  his  com- 
plete ignorance  of  Hebrew.  He  wrote,  however,  on  Job,  the  Gospels 
(de  consensu  evangelistarum  libri  IV;  quaestionum  evangelicarum  libri 
II),  the  Epistles  to  the  Romans  and  to  the  Galatians.  H.  N.  Clausen, 
Aug.  .  .  sacrae  scripturae  interpres,  Berlin  1827.  Passages  from  the 
Bible  are  always  quoted  from  the  Itala.  The  collection  of  the  Letters 
embraces  270  pieces,  inclusive  of  those  addressed  to  Augustine.  Only 
few  of  them  are  brief,  some  (e.  g.  nr.  147,  de  videndo  deo)  are  so  long 
that  they  might  well  be  quoted  among  his  treatises.  They  deal  with 
all  the  contemporary  questions  of  the  Church,  and  several  are  on  con- 
fessional affairs.  An  epistolary  character  belongs  also  to  the  work  De 
diversis  quaestionibus  LXXXIII  (Retract.  I  26).  The  Benedictines  have 
divided  the  letters  into  four  classes:  1  of  a.  386—395  (from  the  time 
of  his  conversion  to  his  election);  2.  a.  395 — 410;  3.  a.  411  (Disputation 
with  the  Donatists)  until  a.  430  (death) ;  4.  those  which  cannot  be  dated. 


448        The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

12.  Editions  of  the  complete  works  of  St.  Augustine  e.  g.  Basileae 
1506  apud  Jo.  Amerbachium;  Ex  emendatione  D.  Erasmi,  Basil.  1528 
fol.  10  vols,  (often  reprinted);  Per  theologos  Lovanienses  (Antv.  1577 
fol.  11  vols.);  with  a  supplement  by  H.  Vignerius  (Paris  1654.  fol. 
2  vols.);  especially  the  edition  by  the  Benedictine  monks  e  congre- 
gatione  S.  Mauri,  Paris  1679  sqq.  11  vols.  fol.  Mere  repetitions  of  this 
edition  are  those  by  Jo.  Pheroponus  (Clericus),  Antv.  1700—1703  (12 
vols,  fol.),  and  the  two  edd.  by  J.  P.  Migne,  Augustini  opera  omnia  in 
11  vols.  (Paris  1835—1836—1839)  and  Patrolog.  XXXII-XLVII. 

435.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  the  Presbyter 
Sulpicius  Severus  (c.  365 — 425)  in  Aquitania  wrote  a  short 
account  of  universal  history  from  the  creation  of  the  world 
down  to  his  own  time,  from  the  best  sources,  with  historical 
criticism  and  in  a  simple  but  polished  diction,  imitated  from 
the  best  historians.  His  biography  of  Martinus  of  Tours  is  a 
pious  novel  attesting  his  enthusiastical  veneration  of  his  hero, 
but  full  of  strange  miracles.  The  two  dialogues  in  the  manner 
of  Cicero  are  likewise  devoted  to  Martianus. 

1.  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  19:  Severus  presbyter  cognomento  Sulpicius, 
Aquitanicae  provinciae,  vir  genere  et  litteris  nobilis  et  paupertatis  atque 
humilitatis  amore  conspicuus  (cf.  vita  Mart.  24,  4  sqq.),  earns  etiam 
sanctorum  virorum  Martini  Turonensis  episcopi  et  Paulini  Nolensis, 
scripsit  non  contemnenda  opuscula.  nam  epistolas  ad  amorem  dei  et 
contemptum  mundi  hortatorias  scripsit  sorori  suae  multas,  quae  notae 
sunt,  scripsit  ad  Paulinum  praedictum  duas  et  ad  alios  alias,  sed  quia 
in  aliquibus  etiam  familiaris  necessitas  inserta  est  non  digeruntur.  com- 
posuit  et  chronica,  scripsit  et  ad  multorum  profectum  vitam  b.  Martini 
monachi  et  episcopi,  signis  et  prodigiis  ac  virtutibus  illustris  viri,  et 
Collationem  Postumiani  et  Galli  se  mediante  et  iudice  de  conversatione 
monachorum  orientalium  et  ipsius  Martini  habitam  in  dialogi  speciem 
duabus  incisionibus  comprehendit.  .  .  hie  in  senectute  sua  a  Pelagia- 
nis  deceptus  .  .  silentium  usque  ad  mortem  tenuit.  In  the  genuine 
works  of  St.  Augustine  Severus  is  never  mentioned,  but  Hieroliymus 
speaks  of  him  (V.  p.  422  Vals.) :  Severus  noster.  Paulin.  Nol.  epist.  5 
(Severe  fratri),  5 :  tu  .  .  es  aetate  florentior,  laudibus  abundantior,  in 
.  .  fori  celebritate  diversans  et  facundi  nomlnis  palmam  tenens.  repen- 
tino  impetu  discussisti  servile  peccati  iugum  .  neque  te  divitiae  de  ma- 
trimonio  familiae  consularis  aggestae  neque  post  coniugium  peccandi 
licentia  et  caelebs  iuventas  ab  angusto  salutis  introitu  .  .  revocare 
potuerunt.  (6.)  tu  ergo  verus  factor  legis  .  .  merito  socrum  (Bassulam) 
.  .  in  matrem  sortitus  aeternam  .  .  relicto  patre  .  .  Christum  secutus 
es.  .  .  piscatorum  praedicationes  tullianis  omnibus  tuis  litteris  praetu- 
listi.  confugisti  ad  pietatis  silentium  (when  he  retired  into  a  monastery). 
Cf.  ib.  epist.  1   (from  which  it  appears  that  Sev.  lived  Elusone).  11.  17. 


Sulpielus  Seuerus  449 

22.  23.  24.  27.  28.  29.  30.  31  (ad  basilicam  quam  modo  apud  Primulia- 
cum  .  .  condideris).  32.  above  431,  1  and  2.  R.  Ceillier,  hist.  gen.  X 
p.  635—660. 

2.  Sulp.  Sev.  chron.  1 :  res  a  mundi  exordio  sacris  litteris  editas 
breviter  constringere  et  cum  distinctione  temporum  usque  ad  nostram 
memoriam  carptim  dicere  aggressus  sum.  .  .  non  peperci  labori  meo 
quin  ea  quae  permultis  voluminibus  perscripta  continebantur  duobus 
libellis  concluderem,  ita  brevitati  studens  ut  paene  nihil  (?  of.  Bernays 
p.  45)  gestis  subduxerim.  .  .  non  pigebit  fateri  me,  sicubi  ratio  exegit, 
ad  distinguenda  tempora  continuandamque  seriem  usum  esse  historicis 
mundialibus  atque  ex  his  quae  ad  supplementum  eognitionis  deerant 
usurpasse.  As  he  did  not  know  Hebrew,  he  used  the  Old  Testament 
in  the  translation  of  the  LXX.  He  takes  from  it  the  historical  events, 
frequently  using  them  for  polemical  observations  on  his  own  time. 
Having  been  a  Jurist  and  advocate,  he  exhibits  also  a  certain  interest 
in  the  Mosaic  law,  both  civil  and  criminal  (Bernays  p.  31  sqq.).  See 
above  432,  3.  On  the  time  of  the  book  of  Judith  II  14,  1—6.  The  histo- 
rical contents  of  the  New  Testament  are  purposely  left  aside  (II  27,  3), 
as  he  might  have  found  it  dangerous  to  use  them  as  freely  as  he  did  in 
the  case  of  the  Old  Test.  He  never  mentions  his  non-biblical  authori- 
ties, not  even  the  Chronicles  of  Eusebius:  cf.  II  5,  7.  Josephus  has  not 
been  used,  but  Tacitus;  especially  in  the  account  of  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  Sev.  uses  parts  of  the  History  now  lost  (Bernays  p.  53 — 61). 
We  rarely  meet  with  traces  of  carelessness  (Bernays  n.  81).  The  work 
goes  by  the  Consulate  of  Stilicho  (a.  400)  and  was  finished  a.  403.  The 
diction  is  successfully  imitated  from  the  classical  writers,  especially 
Sallust  (Bernays  n.  9.  15.  24.  33.  37.  45.  50.  59)  and  Tacitus  (ibid.  n.  6.  70), 
also  Velleius  (n.  49)  and  Curtius  (n.  35),  without  being  unpleasant  nor 
without  traces  of  the  time  (n.  58).  Sulpicius  neither  intended  nor  fur- 
nished a  scientific  work  on  history,  but  a  good  and  pleasant  book  for 
general  reading.  J.  Bernays,  on  the  Chronicles  of  S.  S.,  Berlin  1861. 
72  pp.  4. 

3.  We  possess  the  Chronicles  in  only  one  mss.  saec.  XI,  first  used 
by  M.  Flacius  (n.  4:  libellum  hunc  .  .  ex  quadam  celeberrimae  Saxonum 
civitatis  Hildesiae  bibliotheca  erutum)  and  which  came  from  the  Pala- 
tine Library  a.  1623  into  the  Vatican  (Vat.  824).  C.  Halm,  Reports  of 
the  Munich  Acad.  1865.  II  2  p.  37—64.  From  its  heading  (incipit  pro- 
logus  Sulpitii  Severi  in  chronica,  quae  ipsa  fecit  ab  exordio  mundi 
usq.  ad  tempus  suum)  Chronica  would  appear  to  be  the  original  title. 
As  Sulpicius  several  times  (I  36,  6.  42,  1.  46,  5.  II  5,  7.  6,  1)  mentions 
Eusebius  merely  as  chronica,  Bernays  (p.  71  sq.)  considers  A  mundi 
exordio  libri  II  as  the  authentic  title. 

4.  Editio  princeps  of  the  Chronicles  by  M.  F.  (Matthias  Flacius): 
Sulpitii  Severi  sacrae  historiae  .  .  libri  II  nunc  primum  in  lucem  editi, 
Basil.  1556.  Later  editions  by  Victor  Giselinus  (Antv.  1574),  C.  Sigo- 
nius  (Bonon.  1581,  with  notes),  Jo.  Drusius  (Arnhem.  1607). 

19 


450        The  F'ourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

5.  The  vita  Martini  gives  a  lively  image  of  the  religious  excite- 
ment of  the  time,  which  produced  even  visions.  The  Saint  has  violent 
struggles  with  the  Devil,  hears  and  sees  Christ  and  the  angels,  per- 
forms various  miracles,  and  announces  the  approaching  end  of  the 
vyrorld  (dial.  II  14)  etc.  The  same  subject  is  further  developed  in  the 
two  (formerly  three)  dialogues.  Three  letters  ad  Eusebium,  Aurelium 
diaconum,  Bassulam  (see  n.  1)  serve  as  introductions  to  these  dialogues. 
Cf.  Ep.  I  1:  mentio  incidit  libelli  mei  quem  de  vita  beati  viri  Martini 
episcopi  edidi  studioseque  eum  a  multis  legi  libentissime  audiebam. 
Paulin.  Epist.  11,  11.  J.  H.  Reinkens,  Martinus  of  Tours,  Bresl.  1866. 
The  diction  of  these  works  is  likewise  generally  pure  and  select.  They 
exist  in  numerous  mss.,  the  earliest  and  most  important  of  which  is 
the  ms.  of  the  Chapter  Library  of  Verona  saec.  VII,  which  is  copied 
from  a  ms.  written  a.  519.  The  earliest  ms.  of  the  class  common  in 
France  and  Germany  is  the  Quedlinburg  ms.  saec.  IX;  see  Halm,  praef. 
p.  VIII  sq. 

6.  From  these  genuine  letters  we  should  distinguish  the  seven 
bearing  the  name  ofSulpicius  with  doubtful  claim  (Appendix  in  Halm), 
and  the  second  of  which  is  also  found  among  the  letters  of  Hierony- 
mus.  They  differ  greatly  from  the  tone  of  Sulpicius.  The  first  two 
(ad  Claudiam  sororem  de  ultimo  iudicio  and  de  virginitate)  are  edifying; 
the  third,  in  monkish  humour,  is  also  found  Paul.  Nol.  Epist.  22. 

7.  Complete  editions  of  the  works  of  Sulp.  Sev.  by  J.  Vorst  (cum 
notis,  Berlin  1668  and  elsewhere),  PI.  de  Prato  (Veron.  1741—1754,  2 
vols.  4.),  in  Migne's  Patrol.  XX  p.  95  —  248,  and  especially  by  C.  Halm 
(rec.  cum  comment,  crit.  instr.,  Vienna  1866). 

Critical  contributions  by  de  Rooy,  spicileg.  critic,  Dordrecht  1771. 

436.  '  Q.  lulius  Hilario,  a  contemporary  and  compatriot 
of  Sulpicius  Severus,  composed  a.  397  a  treatise  on  the  dura- 
tion of  the  world ;  the  Donatist  Tichonius  from  Africa  three 
books  on  the  inner  war,  besides  other  writings.  About  the 
same  time  Flavius  Mallius  Theodorus  (Cons.  399)  wrote, 
not  without  originality,  his  extant  work  de  metris. 

1.  Hilario's  work  de  duratione  mundi,  though  barbarous  in  con- 
tents and  diction,  still  exhibits  considerable  audacity  of  investigation, 
in  the  Bibl.  patrum  ed.  de  la  Bigne  VII  p.  277—284.  A.  v.  Gutschmid 
in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  87    p.  714. 

2.  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  18:  Tichonius,  natione  Afer,  in  divinis  litteris 
eruditus  iuxta  historiam  sufficienter  et  in  saecularibus  rion  ignarus  fuit, 
in  ecclesiasticis  quoque  negotiis  studiosus.  scripsit  De  bello  intestine 
libros  III  et  Expositiones  diversarum  causarum,  in  quibus  ob  suorum 
defensionem  antiquanim  meminit  synodorum.    e  quibuB  omnibus    agno- 


Sid^iciu^-.     Theodorus.     Jfelagius.  451 

scitur  Donatianae  partis  fuisse.  composuit  et  Kegulas  ad  investigandam 
.  .  intellegentiam  scripturaram  VII,  quas  in  uno  volumine  conclusit  (cf. 
J,  B.  Pitra,  Spicileg.  Solesm.  p.  294  sq.).  exposuit  et  Apocalypsin  loan- 
nis  etc.  floruit  hie  vir  aetate  qua  lam  memoratus  (above  429,  I  sqq.) 
Rufinus,  Theodosio  et  filio  eius  regnantibus. 

3.  Flavius  Mallius  Theodorus,  Cons.  399  (C.  I.  gr.  6232  and  else- 
where) among  the  compilers  of  this  time  the  one  who  manifests  most 
freedom  and  independence  in  the  form  of  his  work  (Westphal,  allg. 
gr.  Metr.  p.  46  sq.  =:  1'^  p.  130).  The  work  is  addressed  to  his  son 
Theodorus.  Among  his  predecessors  he  mentions  Juba  and  Terentia- 
nus.  The  first  edition  of  the  work  de  metris  by  J.  ¥v.  Heusinger  (with 
De  pedibus  expositio  by  an  unknown  writer,  lulius  Severus),  Wolfen- 
biittel  1755  (cura  Ruhnkenii,  Lugd.  Bat.  1766);  in  Gaisford's  script,  lat. 
rei  metr.  (1837)  p.  525—559.  Of.  p.  560—567.  lulius  Sev.  ib.  p.  567— 
573.  A.  Ruben,  diss,  de  vita  Fl.  Mallii  Theodori,  Utrecht  1694.  Lips. 
1754.     See  also  a])ove  433,  3  and  8.     434,  6. 

437.  Among  the  numerous  friends  and  enemies  of  St. 
Augustine  the  following  were  active  in  literature  (besides  those 
already  mentioned):  the  well-known  author  of  Pelagianism, 
the  respectable  Briton  Pelagius,  of  whose  writings  we  have 
especially  a  well-written  confession  of  faith  addressed  to  In- 
nocentius;  his  compatriot  and  younger  friend  Caelestius;  the 
translator  Anianus,  and  Bishop  Julianus  known  through  the 
invectives  of  Augustine.  Among  the  other  Christian  writers  of 
this  time  we  may  mention  Antiochius,  Severianus,  Bachiarius, 
Sabbatius,  Helvidius,  Vigilantius,  Simplicianus,  Innocentius. 

1.  Extant  works  of  Pelagius:  Expositionum  in  epistulas  Pauli 
libri  XIV;  Epistola  ad  Demetriadem;  Libellus  fidei  ad  Innocentium; 
and  probably  the  Papist,  ad  Celantiam  matronam  de  ratione  pie  vivendi. 
His  works  De  natura  and  De  libero  arbitrio  libri  IV  are  merely  known 
from  Augustine's  replies.  He  also  wrote  De  trinitate  libri  HI  and 
other  works. 

2.  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  44:  Caelestius  .  .  adhuc  adolescens  scripsit  ad 
parentes  suos  de  monasterio  epistolas  in  modum  libellorum  tres.  His 
works  are  only  known  so  far  as  Augustine  mentions  or  uses  them,  e.  g. 
Contra  traducem  peccati,  Definitiones  (see  Aug.  de  perf.  iust.  hom.), 
and  his  confession  addressed  to  Zosimus  (libellus  fidei;  see  Aug.  de 
peccato  orig.). 

3.  Anianus,  Deacon  at  Celeda,  translated  some  Homilies  of  Chry- 
sostomus,  which  translations  are  printed  in  the  editions  of  the  latter. 

4.  lulianus,  416  Bishop  of  Aeclanum,  but  deposed  a.  418  as  a 
Pelagian.     Gennad.  vir.  ill.  45:    vir    acris    ingenii,    in    divinis   seripturis 


452       The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

doctus,  graeca  et  latina  lingua  scholasticus.  .  .  scripsit  Adversus  Au- 
gustinum  libros  IV  et  iterum  libros  VII.  est  etiam  liber  altercationis 
amborum  partes  suas  defendentium.  At  the  time  of  a  famine  he  di- 
stinguished himself  by  charity,  moritur  Valentiniano  et  Constantino 
filio  eius  imperante.     See  above  434,  11. 

5.  On  the  Donatists  Tichonius  and  Cresconius  see  above  436,  2. 
429,  6. 

'  6.  Gennadius  vir.  ill.  20  sqq.  mentions  the  following  as  Christian 
writers  of  the  time:  20.  Antiochius  episcopus  (moritur  Arcadii  imp. 
tempore);  21.  Severianus  Gabalensis  ecclesiae  episcopus  (in  homiliis 
declamator  admirabilis  .  .  imperatore  Arcadio;  .  .  moritur  minore  Theo- 
dosio  imperante;  Fragments  in  Pitra,  spicileg.  Solesm.  p.  275  sq.) ;  22. 
Niceas;  23.  Olympius,  natione  Hispanus,  episcopus;  24.  Bachiarius  (vir 
christianae  philosophiae);  25.  Sabbatius,  gallicanae  ecclesiae  episcopus; 
26.  Ursinus  monachus;  27.  Macarius,  alius  monachus  (scripsit  in  urbe 
Roma  adversus  mathematicos  librum);  29.  Heliodorus  (Antiochenae  ec- 
clesiae presbyter);  30.  loannes  (lerosolymorum  episcopus);  31.  Paulus 
episcopus ;  32.  Helvidius,  Auxentii  (the  Arian)  discipulus,  Symmachi 
imitator  (Hieronymus  wrote  against  him);  33.  Theophilus  (Alexandrinae 
civitatis  episcopus);  35.  Vigilantius  presbyter,  natione  Gallus,  Hispaniae 
Barcilonensis  parochiae  ecclesiam  tenuit  (huic  et  b.  Hieronymus  pres- 
byter respondit) ;  36.  Simplicianus  episcopus  Mediolanensis  (multis 
epistolis  hortatus  est  Augustinum  adhuc  presbyterum  ut  etc.);  37.  Vi- 
gilius  episcopus  (scripsit  .  .  epistolam  continentem  gesta  sui  temporis 
apud  barbaros  m  arty  rum ) ;  40.  Maximus,  Taurinensis  ecclesiae  episcopus 
(moritur  Honorio  et  Theodosio  iun.  regnantibus) ;  41.  Petronius,  Bono- 
niensis  eccl.  episc.  (f  Theodosio  Arcadii  filio  et  Valentiniano  regnanti- 
bus);  43.  Innocentius  urbis  Romae  episcopus  (a.  401 — 417),  author  of 
a  number  of  extant  letters  (Constant,  epist.  pontiff,  rom.  I  p.  739  sqq. 
Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  VIII  p.  545  sqq.) ;  47.  Avitus  presbyter,  homo 
Hispanus  genere. 

7.  The  Platonic  philosopher  Synesius  of  Cyrene,  born  379,  bishop 
of  Ptolemais  since  about  41.0,  wrote  in  Greek  speeches,  treatises,  let- 
ters, hymns,  and  other  works.  Cf.  R.  Volkmann,  Synesius  of  Cyrene, 
Berlin  1869. 

438.  At  the  end  of  the  fourth  and  the  beginning  of  the 
fifth  century,  Macrobius  Theodosius  wrote  his  commentary 
on  Cicero's  dream  of  Scipio  in  two  books,  and  seven  books 
of  Saturnalia.  The  latter  work  deals  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue 
with  a  series  of  subjects  concerning  literature  and  early  Ro- 
man ritual  and  religious  antiquities,  in  which  Macrobius  has 
greatly  used  Gellius,  and  Servius'  Commentary  on  Virgil,  also 
Seneca,  Plutarch  and  others,  though  without  mentioning  these 
writers. 


McLcrobius.  453 

1.  In  the  Bamberg,  the  name  is  before  the  Saturn.:  Macrobius 
Theodosius  v.  c.  et  illustris;  before  the  Somn.  Scip. :  Macrobius  Am- 
brosias Theodosius  v.  c.  et  incl.  As  he  thus  appears  to  have  been  of 
high  rank,  he  may  probably  be  the  same  Macrobius  who  was  a.  399 
sq.  praef.  praet.  Hispaniarum  (Cod.  Theod.  XVI  10,  15.  VIII  5,  61),  a. 
410  procos.  Africae  (ib.  XI  28,  6)  and  is  called  vir  illustr.  as  late  as  a. 
422,  and  held  the  position  of  praepositns  sacri  cubiculi  (ib.  VI  8,  1). 
This  presupposes  that  he  was  subsequently  converted  to  Christianity, 
as  he  could  not  have  attained  to  the  latter  high  office  without  this.  In 
his  works  he  appears  still  to  be  a  heathen  (see  n.  3);  they  were,  there- 
fore, probably  composed  previously  to  them,  the  complete  titles  of  the 
author  being  added  afterwards.     See  also  below  443,  1. 

2.  Macrob.  Sat.  praef.  11  sq.:  sicubi  nos  sub  alio  ortos  caelo  lati- 
nae  linguae  vena  nun  adiuvet.  .  .  si  in  nostro  sermone  nativa  romani 
oris  elegantia  desideretur.  The  interest  he  feels  in  Cicero  and  Virgil 
renders  it  less  probable  that  he  was  a  native  of  some  hellenic  or 
hellenistic  country ;  he  may  rather  have  been  of  African  descent,  as  L. 
v.  Jan  supposes. 

3.  He  admires  Symmachus  (above  418),  Nicomachus  (above  421. 
1)  and  Praetextatus  (above  422,  1);  see  Sat.  1  1,  4.  All  these  men 
belong  to  the  pagan  party.  There  is  no  trace  of  Christianity  in  Ma- 
crobius, but  he  rather  exhibit*'  great  interest  in  the  gods  of  nolytheism 
(esp.  I  17  sqq.)  and  a  fondness  for  Neoplatonism  (n.  4).  Cf.  Sat.  I  12, 
8:  cum  hodieque  in  sacris  Martem  patrem,  Venerem  genetricem  voce- 
mus.  24,  1 :  laudare  .  .  cuncti  religionem  (of  Praetext.),  adfirmantes  hunc 
esse  unum  arcanae  deorum  naturae  conscium,  qui  solus  divina  et  adse- 
qui  animo  et  eloqui  posset  ingenio.  He  is  a  somewhat  younger  con- 
temporary of  Servius  (see  above  423,  1)  and  employs  his  writings  (see 
n.  6). 

4.  To  Macrobius  we  owe  the  preservation  of  Cicero's  Somnium 
Scip.  ^from  de  rep.  VI);  see  above  vol.  1  *\  292.  Macrobius  has  ar- 
ranged his  commentary  so  ut  praemissis  Ciceronis  verbis  promeret 
quidquid  e  placitis  Platonicorum  atque  e  praeceptis  geometriae,  geo- 
graphiae,  aetronomiae  ad  ea  referri  posse  videretur  (L.  v.  Jan  p.  VIII). 
After  an  introduction  on  the  relation  of  Cic.  de  rep.  to  Plato's  Republic 
and  on  the  significance  of  dreams  the  commentary  itself  ))egins  in 
which  the  Platonic  tenets  (on  number,  tone,  the  soul,  the  motions  of 
the  stars,  the  zones  etc.)  are  added  to  Cicero's  words  in  rather  a  loose 
and  unequal  manner.  Cf.  I  5,  1  :  disrutienda  nobis  sunt  ipsius  somnii 
verba,  non  omnia,  sed  ut  quaeque  videbuntur  digna  quaesitu.  Many 
writers  are  mentioned,  especially  Greek  authors  (L.  v.  Jan  p.  XI),  but 
rathe^  for  show  than  real  use.  No  doubt  Macr.  follows  principally  one 
authority.  He  addresses  his  son:  I  1,  1  :  Kustachi  fili,  vitae  mihi  dul- 
cedo  pariter  et  gloria;  II  1,  1:  superiore  commentario,  Eustachi  luce 
T»ihi  dilectior  fili,  usque  ad  stelliferae  sphaerae  cursum  .  .  sermo  pro- 
cesserat.     We    possess    the    work    complete    11    17,  15:    sed  iam  finem 


454  The  Fourth  \o  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

somnio  c-ohibita  disputatione  faciamus,  lioc  adiecto  quod  eonclusionem 
decebit  etc.  L.  Petit,  do  Macrobio  Ciceronis  interprete  philosopho,  Paris 
18^6.  136  sqq.  4. 

5.  From  the  preface  to  the  Saturnalia:  (1)  multas  variasque  res 
in  hac  vita  nobi«,  Eustachi  fili.  natura  conciliavit;  but  nothing  surpas- 
ses love  for  one's  children.  (2.)  hinc  est  quod  mihi  quoque  institutione 
tua  nihil  antiquius  aestimatur,  ad  cuius  perfectionem  .  .  quidquid  mihi 
vel  te  iam  in  lucem  edito  vel  antequam  nascereris  in  diversis  seu  grae- 
cae  seu  romanae  linguae  voluminibus  elaboratum  est,  id  totura  sit  tibi 
scientiae  supellex  etc.  (3.)  nee  indigeste  .  .  congessimus  digna  memo- 
ratu,  sed  variarum  rerum  disparilitas  .  .  ita  in  quoddam  digesta  corpus 
est  ut  quae  indistincte  atque  promiscue  ad  subsidium  mem6riae  adno- 
taveramus  in  ordinem  .  .  convenirent.  (4.)  nee  mihi  vitio  vertas  si  res 
quas  ex  lectione  varia  Tnutuabor  ipsis  saepe  verbis  quibus  ab  ipsis 
auctoribus  enarratae  sunt  explicabo,  quia  praesens  opus  non  eloquentiae 
ostentationem,  sed  noscendorum  congeriem  pollicetur.  '^6.)  nos  quoque 
quidquid  diversa  lectione  quaesivimus  committemus  stilo.  For  M.'s 
apology  concerning  his  diction  see  n.  2. 

6.  The  subject  treated  in  the  Saturnalia  is  put  in  the  shape  of 
dialogues  which  are  supposed  to  have  taken  place  on  the  three  days 
of  the  Saturnalia  and  the  preceding  day  sometimes  before  and  sometimes 
during  dinner,  between  Praetextntus  (n.  3)  and  his  friends,  though  the 
author  claims  the  privilege  of  going  also  beyond  his  time  (I  1,  5:  nee 
mihi  fraudi  sit  si  uni  aut  alteri  ex  his  quos  coetus  coegit  matura  aetas 
posterior  saeculo  Praetextati  fuit).  He  aj^pears,  therefore,  to  write  a 
considerable  time  after  his  death  (a.  385).  The  form  is  derived  partly 
from  Gellius,  partly  from  Plato  (Symp.).  Euangelus  represents  the 
opposition  in  mainly  attacking  Virgil,  while  F^ustathius  (above  422,  6) 
praises  him  as  a  philosopher  and  skilful  imitator  of  the  Greeks,  Nico- 
machus  Flavianus  and  Praetextatus  as  an  expert  on  ius  augurale  and 
pontificium,  the  two  Albinus  as  antiquarian,  Avianus  and  Servius  the 
other  sides.  This  discussion  on  Virgil  forms  the  chief  part  of  the  work, 
a  variety  of  subjects  being,  moreover,  treated  in  the  table  talk.  Macro- 
bius  defends  his  piratical  manner  with  the  example  of  others,  VI  1,  2  sqq. 

7.  The  mss.  of  the  Satur.  are  all  derived  from  the  same  source, 
as  they  have  the  same  gaps  in  common.  We  have  lost  the  conclusion 
of  the  second  and  the  beginning  of  the  third  ^>ook,  the  second  half  of 
the  fourth  and  the  conclusion  of  the  seventh  book.  Most  of  the  mss. 
omit  the  Greek  passages.  The  most  complete  is  Paris  6371  saec.  XI, 
the  best  a  Bamberg  ms.  of  the  end  of  saec.  IX,  which  now  contains 
only  Sat.  I  and  II  and  the  greater  part  of  IV.  Another  Bamberg  ms. 
(saec.  XI)  is  with  a  Paris  ms.  the  principal  authority  for  the  text  of 
the  commentary  on  the  somn.  Scip.  \  catalogue  of  the  mss.  in  L.  v. 
Jan  I.  c.  5  (p.  LXII-LXXXVII). 

8.  Of  the  treatise  De  difterentiis  et  societatibus  graeci  latinique 
verbi    only  mediaeval  excerpts  in  a  Paris  and  Vienna  (Endlicher,  Anal. 


Macrohius.      Vihivs  Sequester.  455 

gramm.  p.  187  sqq.)  ms.  are  extant;  in  L.  v.  Jan^s  edition  I  p.  229 — 276, 
and  in  Keil's  gramm.  lat.  V  p.  599 — 654.  Thej  are  the  sole  represen- 
tatives of  a  comparative  study  of  Greek  and  Latin  in  antiquity.  Apol- 
lonius  Dyscolus'  '^PrjfAaTixov  served  as  source  in  many  places.  G.  Uhlig, 
Rh.  Mus.  XIX  p.  38  sq.  G.  F.  C.  Schomann,  commentatio  Macrobiana, 
Greifswald  and  Leipzig  187L  48  pp.  They  are  dedicated  (Theodosius 
Symmachus  suo)  to  some  Symmachus  (the  son  or  grandson  of  the  orator, 
see  above  418,  2).  Similar  to  this  treatise  is  an  anonymous  fragment 
De  verbo,  printed  in  v.  Jan's  ed.  p.  278 — 306.  It  is  addressed  to  Seve- 
rus,  disertissimus  studiosorum. 

9.  The  editions  are  enumerated  in  L.  v.  Jan's  prolegg.  c.  VI  (p. 
LXXXVIII— XCVIII).  Ed.  princeps  Venet.  1472  fol.  Aldina  Venel.  1528. 
Hervagiana  Basil.  1535.  The  ed.  of  J.  J.  Pontanus  (Lugd.  B.  1597  and 
elsewhere)  is  remarkable  for  its  arbitrary  alterations  (L.  v.  Jan  p.  XXXII 
— XXXVII).  Cum  notis  J.  Meursii,  J.  Gronovii,  Lugd.  B.  1670.  Emendavit, 
app.  crit.,  adnotationes  .  .  adiecit  L.  lanus,  Quedlinburg  and  Leipzig 
1848—1852.  2  vols.    Recognovit  Fr.  Eyssenhardt,  Lips.  Teubner  1868. 

439.  To  nearly  the  same  time  we  assign  some  poor  trea- 
tises for  school-use,  viz.  an  alphabetical  list  of  the  names  of 
localities  in  the  most  common  poets  by  the  pretended  Vi- 
bius  Sequester,  and  Julius  Exuperantius'  brief  account 
of  the  first  Civil  War  after  Sallust.  Other  grammarians  and 
rhetoricians  of  this  time  were  Claudius,  Donatianus,  Grillius, 
Julius  Honorius,  Papirianus,  and  others. 

1.  The  title:  Vibii  Sequestris  de  Huminibus,  fontibus,  lacubus, 
nemoribus,  paludibus,  montibus,  gentibus  per  litteras.  The  name  of 
Vib.  Seq.  is  probably  a  jocular  fiction  from  Cic.  pro  Cluent.  8,  25:  Sex. 
Vibium,  quo  sequestre  .  .  dicebatur  esse  usus.  So  Hassel  (a.  1711),  M. 
Herti,  F.  Liidecke;  against  them  Bursian  p.  Ill  not.  None  of  the  names 
given  leads  us  beyond  saec.  IV,  and  the  complete  absence  of  all  traces 
of  Christianity  as  well  as  the  frankness  with  which  the  author  speaks 
of  pagan  worship  as  extant  (e.  g.  p.  2,  15  Bu. :  Almon  Romae,  ubi 
mater  deum  VI  kal.  apr.  lavatur;  p.  12,  13:  Angitiae  nemus  Lucaniae) 
would  even  cause  us  to  infer  a  much  earlier  time  of  composition,  if 
the  author's  stupidity  did  not  oblige  us  to  limit  this  to  his  authorities. 
Preface:  Vibius  Sequester  Virgihano  filio  salutem.  Quanto  ingenio  ac 
studio,  fili  carissime,  apud  plerosque  poetas  flurainum  mentio  liabitast, 
tanto  labore  sum  secutus  eorum  et  regiones  et  vocabula  et  qualitates 
in  litteram  digerens,  .  .  cum  tuae  professioni  sit  necessarium.  The 
poets  taken  into  account  are  Virgil,  Ovid's  Met.  and  Fasti  (perhaps  also 
ex  Ponto),  Lucan's  Phars.,  Silius  Italicus,  and  perhaps  Statins' Thebaid. 
There  ar**  also  commentaries  on  these  poets  employed,  some  of  which 
are  now  lost  (Bursian  p.  V — VIII).  Whenever  the  author  attempts  to 
give  more  than  a  mere  register,  he  becomes  absurd.    Numerous  errors 


456       The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

attest  his  ignorance,  and  his  style  proves  him  to  be  a  barbarian.     The 
text  has,  however,  come  down  to  us  in  a  very  corrupt  state. 

2.  The  earliest  ms.  of  Vib.  Seq.  is  Vaticanus  4929  saec.  X  (see 
above  291,  3).  All  the  others  are  derived  from  this  and  even  worse 
than  it. 

3.  Editio  princeps  of  Vib.  Seq.  by  J.  Mazochi,  Rom.  (time  unknown), 
Aldina  (with  Mela  etc.),  Ven.  1514.  1.^18  {—  lunt.  1519);  then  with  a 
Commentary  by  Fr.  Hessel  (Rotterdam  1711),  J,  J.  Oberlin  (Strassburg 
1778),  L.  Baudot  (with  a  French  translation,  Paris  1843);  lastly  Vibi 
Sequestris  de  fluminibus  etc.  libellus  a  Conr.  Bursian  recognitus  (Zurich 
1867.  4.).  20  pp.  with  XIII  pp.  of  introduction.  Cf.  Fr.  Liidccke,  Gotti. 
gel.  Anz.,  1868,  p.  561  —  569. 

4.  lulii  Exuperantii  opusculum  has  been  preserved  in  a  Sallust 
ms.  saec.  XI  Paris.  6085,  which  once  belonged  to  P.  Pithoeus;  from 
this  it  was  first  published  by  F.  Sylburg  1588  and  in  many  editions  of 
Sallust,  separately  also  by  Bursian,  Ziirich  1868.  4.  On  a  Basle  ms. 
and  Goldast's  copy  of  it  see  F.  Liidecke,  Gott.  gel.  Anz.  1869,  p.  77—  80. 

5.  That  the  opusc.  of  lul.  Exup.  belongs  to  the  fourth  or  fifth 
century  becomes  probable  partly  by  the  fact  of  its  exclusive  use  of 
Sallust,  who  was  then  the  fashion,  and  by  the  mode  of  employment. 
Not  only  the  subject-matter  is  taken  from  Sallust  (especially  Jugurtha 
and  Historiae),  but  also  numerous  phrases.  The  author  shows,  however, 
but  a  confused  idea  of  the  constitution  of  the  Republic,  commits  several 
flagrant  historical  errors  (e.  g.  in  confounding  the  younger  Marius  with 
the  elder),  and  is  both  trivial  and  awkward  in  his  style  and  diction. 
He  lacks  tact  in  arranging  his  words  and  choosing  his  expressions,  e. 
g.  in  saying  praelium  instead  of  bellum,  leges  ac  iura  praescribere, 
comportatur  exercitus  (meaning  'it  is  brought  together')  etc.  Cf.  G. 
Linker,  Reports  of  the  Ac.  at  Vienna,  philolog.  and  hist.  Class  XIII 
(1854)  p.  286  sqq.     Bursian  p.  VI— VIII. 

6.  The  name  of  Exuperantius  was  borne  by  several  persons  in  the 
fourth  and  fifth  centuries  (Wernsdorf  poetae  latt.  min.  V  1.  p.  549—552. 
Bursian  p.  IV  sq.),  though  we  cannot  identify  our  author  with  any  one 
of  them.  Some  E.  was  bishop  of  Ravenna  a.  386 — 418;  Hieronym.  Ep. 
145  (p.  1079  Vail.)  is  addressed  to  another  qui  militiae  operam  dat, 
perhaps  the  one  called  decurialis  Cod.  Theod.  XIV  1,  14  (a.  404),  and 
vir  clariss.  Vat.  fr.  86.  The  fact  that  a  Julius  is  mentioned  after  him 
in  the  Cod.  Th.,  merely  shows  what  was  the  principal  name  of  both 
without  proving  the  impossibility  of  the  person  in  question  being  the 
author  of  the  opusc.  It  is  less  probable  that  he  was  the  praeses  Are- 
moricae  mentioned  by  Rutil.  Namat.  I  213  sqq.  (Wernsdorf  1.  c.  p.  551 
sq,),  as  his  son  was  called  Palladius  Rutilius  (not  Julius  or  Exuperan- 
tius); see  above  405,  I. 

7.  On  the  grammarian  Claudius  who  had  among  others   used  Sa- 


E^i'uperanfms,   Grillms,  mid  others.  Abl 

cerdos,  see  J.  Steup  Rh.  Mus.  XXVI  p.  320 — 323,  cf.  H.  Hagen,  Anecd. 
Helv.  p.  LXXXVI  sq. 

8.  After  the  treatise  de  metris  Horatii  (see  above  299,  2)  a  cod. 
Bobiensis  gives  grammatical  Excerpts,  Ars  grammatica  accepta  ex  audi- 
torio  Donatiani,  derived  from  Charisius  (Keil  gramm.  VI  p.  254).  They 
are  printed  in  Keil,  gramm.  latt.  VI  p.  275—277. 

9.  Excerpta  ex  Grillii  commento  in  Cic.  libr.  de  inventione  in 
Halm's  Rhett.  latt.  min.  p.  596—606.  Grillius  quotes  (p.  598,  20)  the 
rhetorician  Eusebius  (above  419,  6)  and  is  himself  quoted  by  Priscian 
I  47  (Grillius  ad  Vergilium  de  accentibus).  His  diction  also  suits  this 
period. 

10.  Under  the  title  of  Julii  Honorii  oratoris  excerpta  quae  ad 
cosmographiam  pertinent  we  possess  a  list  of  geographical  names  printed 
in  A.  Gronovius'  edition  of  Mela,  Leyden  1696  and  1722  (p.  691 — 702). 
The  author  is  probably  the  same  as  Julius  orator  mentioned  by  Cas- 
siodorus  divin.  lect.  25.  Miillenhoflf,  on  the  Chart  of  A.  (Kiel  1856)  p. 
6  sqq.  considers  him  a  Spaniard.  Possibly  a  diluted  version  of  it 
is  the  Cosmography  arbitrarily  assigned  to  Aethicus  Ister  (below  488, 
1 — 3),  the  last  ed.  of  which  is  found  in  A.  Gronovius'  Mela  (1722)  p. 
705—722.  Another  (alia  totius  orbis  descriptio,  Gronov.  p.  723 — 733) 
contains  a  description  of  Asia,  Europe  and  Africa  (cum  limitibus  suis 
et  populis)  and  of  the  islands  of  the  Mediterranean,  mostly  in  agree- 
ment with  Oros.  I  2.  Cf.  Ritschl  and  Petersen  (above  vol.  I  p.  397,  12). 
Pertz,  de  cosmogr.  p.  12  sqq. 

11.  Priscian  I  35  (p.  27,  11  H.),  cjuod  testatur  Papirianus  de 
orthographia.  XII  26  (p.  593,  14) :  teste  Papiriano  qui  de  orthographia 
hoc  ostendit.  Cf.  ib.  I  39  (auctore  Plinio  et  Papiriano  et  Probo).  X  11 
(Nisus  et  Papirianus  et  Probus).  An  extract  from  this  work  in  Cassiod. 
de  orthogr.  4  =  Putsche  p.  2292  sqq.  Pap.  himself  mentions  Donatus 
(p.  2292,  31  P.)  and  was  used  by  Cassiodorus  (div.  inst.  30).  He  can, 
therefore,  at  the  earliest  have  written  a.  400.  Tortellius  (saec.  XV) 
quotes  of  him  b.  II,  III,  IV.  He  is  probably  identical  with  the  Q.  Pa- 
pirius  of  whom  Lipsius  (de  recta  pronunt.  lat.  ling.  c.  14)  quotes  a 
fragment,  probably  taken  from  Adamus  Petrus  in  his  edition  of  Palae- 
mon  etc.  (Basle  1527.  8)  fol.  106:  Q.  Papyrii  de  orthographia  frag- 
mentum.  Brambach,  lat.  Orthogr.  p.  55  sq.  In  a  Berne  ms.  Papperinus 
is  likewise  mentioned  as  a  Spanish  grammarian  who  wrote  on  ortho- 
graphy and  elsewhere  (H.  Keil,  de  gramm.  inf.  aet.  p.  15  not.  H.  Ha- 
gen, Anecd.  Helv.  p.  CCLII  sq.)  he  (Paperinus)  is  credited  with  state- 
ments partly  agreeing  with  those  of  Paperianus,  but  which  do  not  by 
any  means  teach  us  anything  new. 

12.  On  Julius  Paris  see  above  274,  9  and  II. 

13.  On  the  Scholia  Bobiensia  on  Cicero's  orations  see  above  290, 
4;  on  those  by  Ps.  Asconius  above  290,  3. 


45S        The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

14.  On  ms9.  of  Virgil  in  this  time  see  above  226,  9;  on  a  palimp- 
sest see  above  399,  4. 

440.  Probably  of  this  time  are  some  Gromatic  writers  by 
whom  w^e  possess  commentaries  on  earlier  works,  viz.  Ag- 
geniis  Urbicus,  Nipsus  and  Innocentius. 

1.  C.  Lachmann,  The  Writings  of  the  Rom.  Surveyors  II  p.  104 
'the  Comraentum  Aggeni  Urbici,  only  in  the  mss.  of  the  second  class 
and  not  employed  in  the  appendix  of  Boethius,  the  wretched  work  of 
some  Christian  schoolmaster.'  Of.  p.  9:  suscepimus  quoque  tractandos 
controversiarum  status  cum  divino  praesidio.  The  commentary  is  on 
Jul.  Frontinus  (above  322,  3);  printed  1.  1.  p.  1—58.  The  heading  p.  9: 
explicit  commentum  de  agrorum  qualitate,  incipit  de  controversiis.  In 
addition  some  designs,  entitled  Liber  diazografus.  Cf.  ibid.  II  p.  142. 
Different  from  this  I  jj.  59 — 90:  Ageni  Urbici  de  controversiis  agrorum. 
Cf.  liber  colon.  I  (ibid.  I)  p.  246:  ex  commentario  Urbici  edictorum  VI 
Caesaris  Quinto  Pedio  Camidiano  quae  oppressit  ilia  agrorum. 

2.  Writings  of  the  Roman  Surveyors  I  (Berlin  1848)  p.  285:  inci- 
pit Marci  Juni  Nipsi  liber  II  feliciter.  Fluminis  varatio  (p.  285  sq.). 
Limitis  repositio  (p."  286—288).  varationis  repositio  p.  288  sq.  On 
placing  lapides  p.  289—295.  Podismus  p.  295 — 301.  In  a  cod.  Bamberg, 
saec.  XI  we  find  fragments  entitled  Liber  Junii  Nipsi  de  mensuris;  L. 
V.  Jan,  Z.  f.  Alt.  1844,  nr.  65. 

3.  Works  of  the  Roman  Surv.  I  p.  310  with  the  title :  Ex  libro  XII. 
Innocentius  v.  p.  (vir  perfectiss.)  auctor  de  litteris  et  notis  iuris  ex- 
ponendis.  Casa  per  A  nomen  habens  etc.  Casa  per  B  nomen  habens 
etc.  (p.  310 — 318,  and  after  the  Greek  alphabet  p.  318 — 325.).  Expo- 
sitio  litterarum  finalium  ib.  p.  325 — 331  (Greek  and  Lat.  alphabet),  p. 
331  the  heading:  incip.  et  de  casis  litterarum  montium  in  ped.  V  fac. 
pede  uno  (p.  331—338).  See  Rudorff  1.  1.  II  p.  406  'the  casae  littera- 
rum, .  .  the  most  peculiar  piece  of  the  whole  collection,  which  has 
severely  suffered  by  long  school-use.'  p.  408  'the  Latin  is  not  so  much 
rustic  as  rather  altogether  barbarous  in  the  constructions,  prepositiona 
and  even  the  substantives'.  Cf.  de  sub  rivo  latus  ('from  the  brookside') 
p.  316,  17  and  others,  ibid.  n.  452.  Similar  compositions  from  a  Milan 
ms.  saec.  X  in  the  Reports  of  the  Meetings  of  the  Ac.  at  Berlin  1861, 
p.  1014  sqq. 

4.  On  Frontin.  Strateg.  IV  see  above  322,  5. 

441.  In  this  time  the  rhetorician  Severus  Sanctus  E n de- 
le chius  composed  in  neat  Asclepiadean  and  Glyconean  lines 
his  pleasant  idyl  on  a  rinderpest.  In  the  last  years  of  the 
fourth  century  Augustine's  countryman  and  pupil  Licentius 
addressed  to  him  from  Rome  a  poem  in  154  hexameters,  over- 


Writers  on  Gromatics.     Endelech'ws.  459 

laid  with  phrases  both  archaic  and  quite  modern,  confused  in 
thought  and  most  unclassical  in  prosody.  By  another  con- 
temporary poet,  Audax,  we  possess  also  some  tiro-like  verses 
on  Augustine.  The  Satires  which  Lucillus  had  composed 
are  lost. 

1.  Subscription  of  the  cod.  Flor.  of  Apuleius  (above  363,  8):  ego 
Salustius  legi  et  emendavi  Romae  felix  Olibrio  et  Probino  v.  c.  cons, 
(a.  395)  in  foro  Martis  controversiam  declamans  oratori  Endeleohio. 
The  rhetorician  whose  pnpil  made  this  entry  in  his  copy,  was  no  doubt 
identical  with  the  End.  who  composed  the  Christian  Idyl  entitled  in 
editio  princeps  by  P.  Pithoeus  (veterum  aliquot  Galliae  theologorum  scripta, 
Paris  1586.  4.  p.  144  =r.  Epigramm.  1596.  p.  573 — 576):  Incipit  carmen 
Severi  Sancti  i.  e.  Endeleichi  rhetoris  de  mortibus  bourn.  It  is  pos- 
sible that  he  did  not  assume  the  names  Severus  Sanctus  until  after  his 
conversion  to  Christianity.  He  was  on  friendly  terms  with  Paulinus 
Nol. ;  see  his  epist.  28,  6:  alius  libellus  ex  his  est  quos  ad  benedictum 
i.  e.  christianum  virum,  araicum  meum  Endelechium  scripsisse  videor 
(the  panegyric  on  Theodosius;  see  above  431,  1).  .  .  is  enim  mihi 
auctor  huius  .  .  opusculi  fuit,  sicut  ipsius  epistola,  quae  libello  meo 
pro  themate  praescribitur,  docet.  It  is  very  probable  that  End.  was  a 
Gaul,  but  that  he  was  an  Aquitanian,  does  not  appear  from  v.  21  sqq. : 
haec  iam  dira  lues  serpere  dicitur.  pridem  Pannonios,  lUyrios  quoque 
et  Belgas  graviter  stravit  et  impio  cur.su  nos  quoque  nunc  petit.  These 
words  do  not  state  that  the  plague  invaded  the  poet's  country  from 
Belgium.     See  Bernays,  on  the  chron.  of  Sulp.  Sev.  p.  2  sq.  n.  3. 

2.  The  poem  is  a  dialogue  between  two  cowherds.  Aegon  asks 
Buculus  for  the  cause  of  his  sadness,  M^ho  then  says  that  it  arises  from 
the  rinderpest  which  he  describes  most  pitifully.  Tityrus  then  drives 
past  his  healthy  flock  and  requested  to  say  what  remedy  he  had  used 
he  answers:  signum  quod  ijerhibent  esse  crucis  dei,  .  .  mediis  frontibus 
additum,  cunctarum  pecudum  certa  salus  fuit,  upon  which  Aegon  and 
Buculus  immediately  resolve  to  become  also  Christians :  nam  cur  addu- 
bitem  quin  homini  quoque  signum  prosit  idem  .  .  quo  vis  morbida  vin- 
Citur?  A  popular  (cf.  Minuc.  Fel.  Oct.  32,  2  sq.)  or  also  Augustinian 
conception  of  Christianity  v.  117  sqq:  non  ullis  madidast  ara  cruoribus, 
nee  morbus  pecudum  caede  repellitur,  sed  simplex  animi  purificatio 
optatis  fruitur  bonis.  The  33  strophes  are  in  the  metre  of  Hor.  0.  I  6. 
If  the  rinderpest  ])e  the  lues  pariter  boum  atque  hominum  of  wliich 
Ambrosius  speaks  (comm.  in  Lucam  X  10),  the  poem  would  appear  to 
be  still  of  saec.  IV. 

3.     Besides  in  Pithoeus  (n.  1)  the  poem  is  also  found  e.  g.  in  Werns 
dorf  poetae  latt.  min.  II  p.  218—229,  cf.  p.  53—61  ;   recent  editions  l)y 
E.  Piper    (Gotting.  1835)    and    J.  A.  Giles    (London  1838);     also    (from 
Fallandi  bibl.  patr.  IX)  in  Migne's  patrol.  XIX.  p.  797-800;   in  Riese's 
Anth.  lat.  893  (II  p.  314—318). 


460         The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

4.  Licentius,  the  son  of  Romanianus  to  whom  Augustine  dedi- 
cated his  books  de  academicis  and  who  was  a  cognatus  of  the  bishop 
of  Thagaste,  Alypius  (Aug.  epp.  27,  4  sq.),  a  pupil  of  Augustine  at 
Carthage,  Rome  and  Milan,  but  who  had  remained  at  Rome  on  A.'s 
return  to  Africa  in  order  to  continue  his  rhetorical  and  poetical  studies 
to  which  he  always  had  a  bent  (Aug.  c.  acad.  II  3.  Ill  1.  de  ordine 
1  2.  5.  8)  being  especially  fond  of  romantic  subjects  like  Pyramus  and 
Thisbe.  From  Rome  he  addressed  a  letter  to  A.  and  the  poem  in 
which  he  first  speaks  of  his  difficulties  in  studying  Varro's  encyclopae- 
dia in  those  parts  which  treated  of  music,  asks  his  old  master  to  send 
him  his  work  de  musica,  assures  him  of  his  attachment  and  himself 
appears  as  an  industrious,  but  vain  student  of  rhetoric,  displaying  much 
cheap  erudition  in  borrowed  phrases.  But  as  he  is  foolish  enough  to 
confess:  et  nunc  Romulidum  sedes  .  .  desererem,  .  .  ni  mens  coniugio 
incnmbens  retineret  euntem  (71  sqq.),  having  probably  further  dwelt 
upon  his  views  in  his  letter,  A.  (ep.  26  Bened.  :=^  39)  warned  him  (mi 
Licenti,  .  .  timeo  te  rebus  mortalibus  .  .  compediri.  .  .  imaginationi- 
bus  mortiferarum  voluptatum  aurem  accommodas.  .  .  ornari  abs  te 
diabolus  quaerit)  and  employed  also  the  eloquence  of  his  friend  Pau- 
linus  of  Nola,  to  whom  he  communicated  his  letter  and  Lie's  poem, 
and  who  assailed  Lie.  both  in  prose  and  (elegiac)  poetry  (epist.  8  = 
46;  in  Aug.  epp.  32  =  36)  writing  e.  g.  to  the  father:  credimus  in 
omnipotentem  Christum  quod  adolescentis  nostri  votis  carnalibus  spiri- 
tualia  Yota  Augustini  praevaleant;  and  to  the  son:  vere  pontifex  et 
vere  consul,  Licenti,  eris  si  Augustini  vestigiis  propheticis  apostolicis 
disciplinis  .  .  adhaereas,  and  in  verse:  tu  thalamos  licet  et  celsos  me- 
diteris  honores,  .  .  vive,  precor,  sed  vive  deo ;  nam  vivere  mundo  mortis 
opus:  viva  est  vivere  vita  deo).  It  would  seem  that  the  united  efforts 
of  Paulinus  and  Augustine  succeeded  in  bringing  the  stray  sheep  back 
to  the  flock;  at  least  Licentius'  name  never  again  appears  in  the  poli- 
tical or  literary  history  of  the  time. 

5.  Licent.  ad  Aug.  137  sqq.:  sed  nos,  praeterea  quod  ab  una  exur- 
gimus  urbe,  quod  domus  una  tuHt,  quod  sanguine  tangimur  uno  saeclo- 
rum,  Christiana  fides  connexuit.  Biblical  phrases  v.  44.  102.  But  beside 
them  v.  26  clari  rector  Olympi  and  32  tibi  noster  Apollo  corda  replet, 
meaning  Christ.  A  similar  want  of  tact  148:  conceptum  in  lucem  vo- 
muisti  nectareum  mel.  Reminiscences  of  Virgil  v.  52  (o  mihi  trans- 
actos  revocet  si  pristina  soles  etc.).  97.  132  sq.  (non  si  mihi  murmura 
centum  det  Boreas  etc.!)  141;  of  Persius  v.  47;  especially  of  Claudian, 
which  are  sometimes  so  strong  as  to  resemble  an  attempt  to  deck 
himself  with  strange  feathers;  see  v.  60.  98  sq.  114.  132.  In  Claudian 
Lie.  chiefly  admires  and  imitates  his  Alexandrine  phrases.  As  v.  98  sq. 
is  taken  from  Claudian's  poem  on  the  consulate  of  Probinus  (a.  395), 
Lie's  poem  was  probably  written  396.  Lie.  deviates  from  Claud,  in 
shortening  a  long  final  o  (e.  g.  scrutando,  omnino),  in  saying  Pelopum 
(125)  and  admitting  the  hiatus  spem  ac  (29),  and  similar  mistakes. 


Licentivs.     S^mpho.Hus.  461 

6.  The  poem  of  Lie.  (taken  from  A.'s  correspondence)  has  been 
printed  e.  g.  in  P.  Pithoeus'  epigr.  (Lugd.  1596)  p.  471  sq.  and  especially 
Wernsdorf  poetae  latt.  min.  IV  p.  516 — 544,  cf.  p.  504—516. 

7.  The  five  hexameters  of  Audax  (among  them  one  in  seven  feet) 
in  his  letter  in  Aug.  Epp.  260  =  139;  in  Wernsdorf,  poetae  latt.  min. 
IV  p.  514. 

8.  Versus  Bassi  excijsule  scrip ti  in  tumulo  .  .  Manice  (Monicae) 
metris  scti  Augustini  from  Paris.  8093  in  Riese,  Antli.  lat.  670  (II  p. 
127  sq.). 

9.  Rutil.  Nam.  I  599 — 614;  huius  (i.  e.  Lucillus,  the  father  of  De- 
cius.  consularis  Tusciae  a,  416:  see  above  418,  6)  vulnificis  satira  ludente 
Camenis  nee  Turnus  potior  nee  luvenalis  erit.  restituit  veterem  cen- 
soria  lima  pudorem,  dumque  malos  carpit  praecipit  esse  bonos.  His 
Satires  appear,  therefore,  to  have  treated  of  ethic  subjects  in  a  po- 
lemic manner. 

442.  The  hundred  riddles  of  Symphosius  were  prob- 
ably composed  about  this  tmie.  They  consist  of  three  hexa- 
meters each,  with  an  awkward  prologue.  His  diction  and  pro- 
sody are  in  good  taste  and  prove  the  author  to  be  an  imitator 
of  Ausonius. 

1.  Title  in  the  cod.  Salm. :  Enigmata  Symfosi  scolastici.  In  the 
prologue  (in  17  hexameters)  the  unfortunate  attempt  is  made  to  repre- 
sent this  collection  as  the  production  of  jocular  improvisation  at  a  Sa- 
turnalian  feast,  cf.  1  sq. :  haec  quoque  Symphosius  de  carmine  lusit 
inepto.  sic  tu,  Sexte,  doces,  sic  te  deliro  magistro.  15:  hos  versus 
feci  subito  de  carmine  vocis.  17:  da  veniam,  lector,  si  non  sapit  ebria 
Musa.  The  author  still  moves  in  the  ancient  traditions  without 
showing  any  trace  of  Christianity. 

2.  Chr.  A.  Heumann  perversely  attributed  these  riddles  to  Lactan- 
tius  (above  393,  8) :  Lactantii  symposium,  sive  C  epigrammata  etc.  (Han- 
nover 1722),  whence  they  are  found  in  many  editions  of  Lactantius, 
even  in  that  by  Fritzsche  (II  p.  298—308,  cf.  p.  XI  sq.)  A.  Riese  places 
the  poet  at  the  beginning  of  saec.  VI;  W.  Th.  Paul  (de  Symposii  aenig- 
matis,  Berlin  1854)  and  Schenkl  (see  n.  3)  in  saec.  IV — V;  L.  Miiller 
(metr.  lat.  p.  55 — 57)  in  saec.  II — III  on  account  of  his  accuracy  in 
prosody  and  metre. 

3.  The  collection  has  been  preserved  in  a  number  of  mss.  repre- 
senting two  recensions.  The  earliest  is  the  codex  Salmasianus  (A  in 
Riese)  at  the  end  of  saec.  VII  or  beginning  of  VIII.  A.  Riese  in  the 
Journal  of  the  Austrian  Gymn.  XIX  (1868)  p.  483-500.  Cf.  K.  Schenkl, 
Reports  of  the  Meetings  of  the  Ac.  at  Vienna  XLIII  (1863)  p.  II  sqq. 
L.  Miiller  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  93,  p.  266—272.  J.  Klein,  Rh.  Mua. 
XXIH  p.  525-531. 


462         The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

4.  The  riddles  are  printed  e.  g.  in  Wernsdorf,  poetae  latt.  min. 
VI  2.  p.  473—579  cf.  p.  410—472.  Symp.  enigmes  revues  sur  plusieurs 
manuscripts  et  traduites  par  E.  F.  Corpet,  Paris  1868.  78  pp.  The 
best  text  in  A.  Riese,  Anthol.  lat.  I  286  (p.  187—207). 


443.  In  perhaps  the  same  time  Avianus  composed  42 
Aesopian  fables  in  elegiac  metre  and  dedicated  them  to  a 
certain  Theodosius.  They  were  used  as  a  school-book,  fre- 
quently copied,  augmented,  paraphrased  and  imitated. 

1.  From  the  preface:  Dubitanti  mihi,  Theodosi  optime,  quoinam 
litterarum  titulo  nostri  nominis  memoriam  mandaremus  fabularum  tex- 
tus  occurrit.  .  .  nam  quis  tecum  de  oratione,  quis  de  poemate  loque- 
retur,  cum  in  utroque  litterarum  genere  et  Atticos  graeca  eruditione 
superes  et  latinitate  Romanos?  huius  ergo  materiae  ducem  nobis  Aeso- 
pum  noveris,  after  which  Socrates,  Flaccus,  Babrius  and  Phaedrus  are 
mentioned  as  predecessors,  de  his  ego  ad  XLII  in  unum  redactas  fa- 
bulas  dedi,  quas  rudi  latinitate  compositas  elegis  sum  explicare  conatus. 
It  is  possible  that  this  preface  is  addressed  to  the  grammarian  Macro- 
bius  Theodosius. 

2.  The  author  moves  among  the  creations  of  polytheism  (luppiter, 
Phoebus,  Neptune,  Fortuna  etc.)  without  gene,  mentions  both  the 
erection  of  altars  (12,  5)  and  sacrifices  (29,  25),  speaks  merely  of  the 
campus  (10,  3)  and  therefore  seems  to  have  lived  at  Rome  and  in  a 
heathen  sphere.  His  diction  is  not  always  simple,  but  generally  pure ; 
his  metre  correct,  sometimes  even  elegant.  C.  Lachmann  (de  aetate 
Flavi  Aviani,  Berlin  1845.  4  pp.  4.)  followed  Cannegieter  (de  aetate  et 
stilo  Flavii  Av.,  in  his  ed.  p.  254  sqq.),  iu  assigning  this  author  to  the 
second  century;  L.  Mliller  (de  re  metr.  p.  55)  to  ultimis  imperii  rom. 
temporibus;  Edelestand  du  Meril  (poesies  inedites  p.  95  sqq.)  to  the 
sixth;  W.  Frohner  (ed.  p.  XII)  to  the  fifth  (fabulator  rusticissimus  quinti 
saec.  tam  est  quam  potest),  0.  Keller  (Pauly's  Real-Enc.  I  2.  p.  1326) 
to  the  end  of  saec.  IV  or  beginning  of  V.  Similarly  Wernsdorf,  poetae 
latt.  min.  V  2.  p.  663—670.  A  treatise  de  aetate  et  fabuHs  Aviani  by 
F.  Zorn  is  announced  as  forthcoming. 

3.  There  are  numerous  mss.  beginning  with  saec.  IX.  The  text 
of  Frohner  is  based  on  A  (Paris.  8093),  P  (St.  Germain  1188),  C  (Paris. 
5570)  and  K  (Karlsruh  Court  Library  85;  Fragment).  Cf.  K.  Schenkl, 
Journal  of  Austrian  Gymn.,  XVI  (1865)  p.  397-413. 

4.  Editions  with  Phaedrus  and  others  (e.  g.  in  P.  Pithoeus  epigr.). 
Separately  by  H.  Cannegieter  (Amstelod.  1731),  C.  H.  Tzschucke  (Lips. 
1790),  C.  Lachmann  (rec.  et  emend.,  Berlin  1845),  W.  Frohner  (ex  ree. 
et  cum  instrum.  crit..  Lips.  Teubner  1862). 

5.  These  fabulae  were  chiefly  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  epimy- 
thia;    see  Frohner  p.  50  sqq.     In  general  they  betray   their    mediaeval 


Avianus.     Carman  de  Jigutis.  463 

origin  even  by  their  leonine  rhythm.  Such  appear  also  in  the  para- 
phrase (perhaps  of  saec.  XI)  entitled  Novus  Avianus  (from  a  Munich 
and  Brussels  ms.  edited  by  E.  Grosse,  Konigsberg  1868.  4.).  In  saec. 
XII  we  have  the  Novus  Avianus  of  Alexander  Neckam  (f  1227)  ap. 
Frohner  p.  55  sqq.  A  paraphrase  of  Av.  in  prose  and  verse  from  a 
Paris  ms.  saec.  XIV  in  Frohner  p.  65  sqq. 

444.  To  this  time  we  may  also  ascribe  some  anonymous 
didactic  poems,  among  which  the  most  important  is  on  rhe- 
toric (carmen  de  figuris). 

1.     The  carmen    de    figuris  was  discovered  in  a  Paris  ms.  and 
published  by  Quicherat  (Bibl.  de  I'ecole  des  chartes  I  p.  51   sqq.),  then 
by    Schneidewin    (Gott.    1841),    the    most  complete  and  best  edition  in 
Halm's  rhetores  latini  minores  p.  63 — 70,  who  also  used  the  critical  ob- 
servations   of   H.    L.    Ahrens    (Z.  f.  Alt.  1843,  p.  162  sqq.),  Bergk  and 
Mommsen  (ibid.  1845  p.  81  sqq.),  H.  Sauppe  (Epist.  crit.  ad  G.  Hermann. 
p.    152   sqq.),   F.  Ritschl  (Rh.  Mus.  XVIII  p.  138—141.  320)  and  others. 
The  last  ed.  in  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  485  (II  p.  16—26).     It  consists  of  185 
or  186  hexameters   and  treats  of  the  figurae  lexeos  so  that  each  figure 
gets  three  lines,    one    of    which    generally    contains    the  definition  and 
two    the    illustrations.     After  a  preface  in    three    lines    (collibitum    est 
nobis  in  lexi  schemata  quae  sunt  trino  ad  te,  Messi,  perscribere  singula 
versu  et  prosa  et  versu  pariter  planare  virorum),  the  author  treats  first 
of  the    three    principal   terms    of    xouf-ia,    xcokoy    and    TifQiodog^    which 
Aquila  also  has  from  Alexander  Numenius;    then   the   single   figures  in 
the    alphabetical    succession  of  the  Greek   terms  so  that  in  each  letter 
they  are  first  taken  from  Rutilius  Lupus    and   in   observance  of  his  ar- 
rangement, then  from  others  are  added  from  other  sources,  especially 
Alexander  Numenius,  (see  Dzialas,  quaest.  Rutil.  p.  21  sqq.  cf.  F.  Haase 
p.  389 — 391).     With  v.  151  follows  another  supplement  of    (less  impor- 
tant) figures  formerly  passed  over.     The  instances  are  generally  happy 
and  partly  self-made  partly  derived    from    Greek    and    Roman    writers, 
both  poets  and    prosaists,    merely    transformed   so  as  to  suit  the  hexa- 
meter.   Thus  we  have  instances  from  Sallust  (Catil.  20,  4)  v.  8  sq.,  En- 
nius  (Trag.  47  Vahl.),  v.  51    (also  in  Rutilius  Lupus),    from  Virgil  (Aen. 
I  664  sq.)    V.  78,    from  Horace  (S.  I  5,  23)    in    the    supplement  v.  179. 
The  poem  has  a  pronounced    archaic    character,    not   only  in  ignoring 
final  s  in  prosody  and  using  such  forms  as  dixem,  indupetravi,  prosiet, 
silasi,  but  also  in  divisions  of  words  like  (v.  10)  peri-quam  dicunt-odos; 
especially  Lucretius    seems    to   be   often  used    (e.  g.    difieritas,    bucera 
saecla  etc.).    These  archaisms  are  so  numerous  and  strange  as  to  deserve 
the    appellation    of   far   fetched.      While,    therefore,    the    first    editors 
ascribed  the  poem  to  the  Augustan  period,  W.  Christ  (Rhein.  Mus.  XX 
p.  67  sq.)    moved  it  down  to  the  age  of  the  Antonines.     But   the  con- 
stant shortening  of  final  o,    and  v.  167  the    erroneous    use  made   of   a 
trifling  late  epigram  (nr.  210  in  Meyer's  Anth.  lat.)  lead  us  even  lower 


464        The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

down.  The  poem  appears,  therefore,  to  be  the  trifling  versification  of 
a  schoolmaster  well-versed  in  Greek  (lemodes  150  =  kf]/u(od'r]g)  and  in 
the  archaic  and  classical  literature  of  the  Romans,  of  the  time  of  Jul. 
Rufinianus,  Ausonius  and  Paulinus  of  Nola,  when  we  also  meet  with 
other  instances  of  the  dropping  of  final  s.  Fr.  Haase,  Haller  Allg. 
Zeitg.  1844,  nr.  217  sq.  p.  386—400.  L.  Miiller,  de  re  m.  p.  345  and 
Rh.  Mus.  XXIII  p.  683  sq.  A  writer  of  this  kind  could  also  venture 
on  such  formations  as  parimembris  (rffoxeukog),  distribuela,  suffragiolum. 

2.  In  some  mss.  of  Priscian  we  find  a  carmen  de  ponderibus 
et  mensuris  which  is  for  this  reason  frequently  ascribed  to  him, 
though  unjustly  (nam  nee  niss.  librorum  auctoritate  satis  defenditur 
nomen  grammatici  nee  rerum  de  quibus  agitur  argumento,  Keil  gram. 
VI  p.  402).  It  was  probably  composed  at  the  end  of  saec.  IV  or  the 
beginning  of  V  (C.  Schenkl,  Reports  of  the  Meetings  of  the  Acad,  at 
Vienna,  hist.  phil.  Class  XLIII.  1863.  p.  35  sqq.).  W.  Christ  (Rh.  Mus. 
XX  p.  66 — 70)  places  it  even  under  Diocletian.  See  L.  Miiller  in  Fleck- 
eisen's  Jahrb.  93  p.  559.  In  mss.  saec.  IX  and  X  it  bears  the  title: 
Remi  Fauini  de  ponderibus  (et  mensuris)  (ex  sensu  eiusdem  clari  ora- 
toris  —  Rufini  —  below  405,  6  sqq.  —  ad  Symmachum  —  below  469,  4 
—  metrico  iure  missa),  also  ex  opere  Rufini  uel  Fauini.  It  is  printed 
(in  163  hexameters)  in  Wernsdorf,  poet.  lat.  min.  V  p.  494 — 519  (cf.  p. 
235—240),  then  (increased  to  208  lines)  from  Vindob.  16  (saec.  VIII— 
IX)  by  Endlicher  (Vienna  1828):  the  best  edition  in  F.  Hultsch,  script, 
metrolog.  rom.  (1866)  p.  88—98  (cf.  p.  24—31),  and  after  him  by  Riese, 
anth.  lat.  486  (II  p.  27-37,  cf.  p.  VIII  sq.) 

3.  On  the  scholastic  poem  of  the  XII  sapientes  see  above  23,  2. 

4.  On  the  poem  in  praise  of  Sol   see  above  21,  4. 

445.  In  the  North  of  Africa  and  before  it  was  conquered 
by  the  Vandals,  Martianus  Capella  wrote  his  encyclopaedia 
of  the  seven  artes  liberales  in  nine  books.  The  very  strange 
invention  according  to  which  the  single  Arts  appear  at  the 
nuptials  of  Mercury  and  Philology,  is  executed  in  a  very  pe- 
dantic manner.  In  most  parts  of  the  subject-matter  Varro 
was  the  principal  source;  in  rhetoric  (b.  V)  the  author  used 
especially  Aquila  Romanus,  in  geometry  and  geography  (b.  VI) 
Solinus  and  Pliny;  in  music  (b.  IX)  Aristides  Quintilianus. 
Many  passages  are  in  poetical  form,  likewise  in  imitation 
of  Varro.  These  parts  are  relatively  more  enjoyable  than 
those  in  prose  which  often  disgust  the  reader  with  their  pe- 
dantry and  then  again  exaggerate  the  ornate  style  of  Apuleius 
to  an  unbearable  degree. 

1.     Subscription  in  the  Bambergensis :  Martiani  Minnei  Felicis  Ca- 
pellae  Afri  Carthaginensis  .  .  liber  VIIIF  explicit.     According  to  Cassi- 


i 


Martianus  Capella.  465 

odorus  lie  was  a  native  of  Madaura.  On  the  author  and  his  work  the 
epilogue  contains  the  following  statement  (p.  374  sq.  Eyss.) :  habes 
senilerc,  Martiane,  fabulam,  miscilla  lusit  quam  lucernis  flamine  Satura; 
Pelasgos  dum  docere  nititur  artes  creagris  vix  arnicas  Atticis  sic  in 
novena  decidit  volumina.  haec  quippe  .  .  immiscuit  Musas  deosque, 
disciplinas  cyclicas  garrire  agresti  cruda  finxit  plasmate.  .  .  Felicis  sed 
Capellae  flamine  (cf.  VIII  806:  ne  tu  Felix  vel  Capella  vel  quisquis  es)j 
indocta  rabidum  quom  videre  saecula  iurgis  caninos  blateratus  pendere, 
proconsulari  perorantem  (?BR:  vero  dantem)  culmini,  .  .  beata  alumnum 
urbs  Elissae  quern  videt  iugariorum  murcidam  viciniam  parvo  obsiden- 
tem  vixque  respersum  lucro,  nictante  cura  somnolentum  lucibus.  The 
author  was,  therefore,  a  solicitor  (cf.  VI  577:  ex  quo  desudatio  cura- 
que  destrictior  tibi  forensis  rabulationis  partibus  inligata  aciem  .  .  ob- 
tudit)  in  Africa  (Carthage)  while  there  were  still  proconsuls,  i.  e. 
before  Geiserich's  capture  of  Carthage  (a.  439)  or  landing  in  Africa  (a. 
429),  and  lived  in  modest  circumstances.  His  calling  Constantinople 
Byzantium  oppidum  p.  224,  19  sq.  (in  agreement  with  his  source)  is 
almost  compensated  by  p.  213,  25  sq:  caput  gentium  Roma,  armis,  viris 
sacrisque  quam  diu  viguit  coeliferis  laudibus  conferenda,  if  this  suggests 
the  time  after  Alarich's  conquest  of  Rome  (a.  410)  and  not  rather  the 
actual  removal  of  the  Emperor  from  Rome  in  the  reigns  of  Dioletian 
and  Constantine.  To  the  latter  time  Capelia's  complete  silence  as  to 
Christianity  (except  perhaps  by  sacrisque  1.  1.)  and  his  spacious  com- 
position, which  is  out  of  keeping  with  the  generally  depressed  state 
of  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  would  be  more  favourable.  But 
at  the  close  of  the  third  or  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  Mart.'s 
taste  was  shared  by  his  countryman  Arnobius  (above  392),  the  heathen 
Firmicus  (above  403,  1  sqq.)  and  others.  At  all  events  we  can  scarcely 
see  "refined  malice"  in  that  designation  of  Constantinople,  as  L.  Miiller 
does,  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  93  p.  705 — 715.  Cf.  Liidecke,  Gott.  gel.  Anz. 
1867  p.  82-86. 

2.  The  first  two  books  contain  the  fable.  Fabellam  tibi  quam 
Satira  comminiscens  hiemali  pervigilio  marcescentes  mecum  lucernas 
edocuit  .  .  explicabo.  Cum  inter  deos  fierent  sacra  coniugia  (I  2),  .  . 
Cyllenius  .  .  uxorem  ducere  instituit  (I  5).  After  several  failures  Mer- 
cury consults  Apollo,  who  advises  him  to  marry  a  'doctissima  virgo'  of 
the  name  of  'Philologia'.  Mercury  agrees  and  obtains  permission  to 
marry  her.  The  bride  is  then  raised  to  divine  state  and,  after  some 
reluctance  on  her  part,  fetched  to  heaven,  with  songs  of  the  Muses, 
but  first  has  to  give  up  all  her  learning  (II  135  sqq).  They  journey 
by  the  milky  way  and  after  various  festivities  the  contract  is  made  out 
(II  217).  The  description  resembles  Apuleius'  Met.,  but  is  weighed 
down  with  erudite  details  in  a  most  tasteless  manner.  The  second 
book  terminates :  nunc  ergo  mythus  terminatus,  infiunt  artes  libelli  qui 
sequentes  asserent.  nam  fruge  vera  omne  fictum  dimovent  ct  discipli- 
nas annotaburit  sobrias  etc.  But  as  early  as  at  the  beginning  of  the 
third  book  the  author  repents  his  purpose  and  resolves  to  maintain  his 

30 


466        The  Fourth  to  the  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

fable.  The  single  disciplines  are  therefore  introduced  as  persons  of 
the  Court  of  the  bridegroom  (dotales  virgines  VIII  810;  Mercuriales  IX 
897.  899)  and  described  in  details,  sometimes  not  unwittily,  but  then 
again  their  subjects  are  discussed  very  drily;  in  b.  Ill  grammar,  IV 
dialectic,  V  rhetoric,  VI  geometry,  VII  arithmethic,  VIII  astronomy, 
IX  music.  The  undue  extent  of  the  fable  (even  quite  at  the  end  Har- 
monia  takes  the  bride  to  her  thalamus)  and  the  frequent  insertion  of 
poetical  j)ieces  render  the  contrast  with  the  pedantry  of  the  theoretic 
passages  much  more  glaring,  and  the  whole  thus  becomes  disagreeably 
diversified.  The  order  in  which  the  single  arts  are  discussed  agrees 
with  Varro  (see  above  154,  6  a),  the  number  of  books  also  being  the 
same,  as  the  omission  of  medicine  and  architecture  (cf.  IX  891)  is  com- 
pensated by  the  two  books  of  the  introduction.  It  is  therefore  probable 
that  the  works  agreed  also  in  the  title  (Disciplinae).  But  at  the  end 
of  the  second  book  the  Bamberg  ms.  has  the  subscription:  Martiani 
Minei  Felicis  Capellae  de  nuptiis  philologiae  lib.  II  explicit,  and  then 
the  title :  incipit  do  arte  grammatica  lib.  III. 

3.  On  the  sources  of  the  single  books  see  Eyssenhardt's  edition 
p.  XXXI— LVIII.  The  fable  (b.  I.  II)  is  probably  the  author's  own  in- 
vention, though  there  also  some  uncommen  statements  (e.  g.  such  as 
were  peculiar  to  the  Orphics)  may  have  been  taken  from  Varro. 
This  may  especially  be  the  case  in  the  occasional  identification  of  the 
gods  with  stars  and  the  division  of  them  into  16  regions.  And  as  the 
form  of  the  satira  menippea  was  no  doubt  borrowed  from  Varro,  it 
becomes  probable  that  Mart,  used  him  to  a  large  extent  (espec.  in 
b.  VII  and  VIII).  In  rhetoric  Aquila  is  copied  in  the  doctrine  of  the 
figurae  (above  384) ;  but  Fortunatianus  (above  420,  5)  may  just  as  well 
have  borrowed  from  Mart,  or  from  his  sources  as  vice  versa.  Most  of 
the  instances  are  from  Cicero,  then  from  Terence  and  Virgil,  also  from 
Sallust  and  Ennius.  The  sixth  book  is  a  compilation  from  Pliny  and  So- 
linus,  but  without  any  employment  of  the  so-called  chorographia  pliniana ; 
see  Fr.  Liidecke,  de  M.  C.  libro  sexto,  Gotting.  1862.  48  pp.  (diss.)  and 
Gott.  gel.  Anz.  1867,  I  p.  88—90.  Where  we  are  able  to  control  Mart, 
in  his  use  of  the  sources,  we  always  find  traces  of  haste  and  ignorance. 
So  especially  in  his  theory  of  harmony  and  rhythm  (c.  IX)  which  is 
generally  a  verbal  translation  from  a  bad  source  (Aristides  Quintilianus), 
with  numerous  errrors;  see  R.  Westphal,  Greek  writers  on  rhythm 
(1861)  p.  47—65. 

4.  In  the  later  literature  the  work  is  most  like  the  Disciplinarum 
libri  of  St.  Augustine  (434,  7).  According  to  the  chronological  succes- 
sion (see  n.  1)  of  the  .two,  we  should  either  assume  that  the  latter 
derived  his  matter  from  the  same  sources  as  Mart.,  but  more  exten- 
sively and  omitting  the  insipid  fable  and  poetical  digressions,  or  Mart, 
may  have  used  Augustine's  work,  omitting  the  Christian  additions  and 
sweetening  his  book  by  a  novel-like  dress-up. 

3.  Each  book  opens  and  generally  also  terminates  with  a  poetical 
piece.     Not  only  are  many  poems  inserted  (especially  in  b.  II  and  IX), 


Martianus  Captlla.  467 

but  also  often  the  prose  passes  into  poetry,  even  in  very  abstruse  dis- 
cussions; e.  g.  Ill  289.  Variety  of  metrical  forms  is  evidently  aimed 
at  and  the  author  endeavours  to  follow  classical  models.  Most  frequently 
he  has  epic  and  elegiac  liaes,  and  senarii;  but  there  are  also  Anacre- 
ontics, Anapaestics,  Asclepiadeans,  hendecasyllabics,  Ionics  (e.  g.  IV 
424)  and  other  metres.  Burdens  II  117  sqq.  IX  915  sqq.  The  prosody 
shows  the  influence  of  a  later  time  (e.  g.  stoici,  Sabaeorum  as  an  loni- 
cus  II  124);  instances  of  synaloephe  of  long  vowels  (e.  g.  si  erudita  IX 
888)  are  not  scarce,  even  more  frequent  is  hiatus  (minore  ambigens  I 
31;  vera  omne  and  Musae  et  II  220;  mando  oculos  IX  903). 

6.  C.  Bottiger,  on  M.  C.  and  his  satira,  in  Jahn's  Archiv  XIII  (1847) 
p.  590—607  ;  on  his  diction  ibid.  p.  620 — 622.  Eyssenhardt's  praef.,  e. 
g.  p.  XVIII:  indigestus  in  particulis  ab  ipso  (M.  C.)  excogitatis  tumor 
sermonis,  .  .  foeda  neglegentia  in  locis  aliorum  scriptorum  a  Martiano 
excerptis.     .  .  scriptoris  immanis  oscitantia  et  neglegentia. 

7.  In  several  mss.  of  M.  C.  we  find  the  following  subscription : 
Securus  Memor  Felix  v.  sp(ectabil.),  com(es)  consist:  rhetor  (urbis)  It. 
ex  mendosissimis  exemplaribus  emendabam  contra  legente  Deuterio 
scholastico,  discipulo  meo,  Romae  ad  portam  Capenam  cos.  Paulini  v. 
c.  sub  d.  non.  Martiarum  Christo  adiuvante.  The  Cons.  Paulinus  is  more 
probably  the  one  of  534  than  of  498,  and  hence  Deuterius  not  the  one 
mentioned  by  Ennodius  (below  469,  5).  0.  Jahn,  Trans,  ot  the  Saxon 
Soc.  of  Lit.  1851,  p.  351—354. 

8.  The  work  of  M.  C.  was  used  as  a  school-book  in  the  Middle 
Ages.  Already  Gregorius  of  Tours  (born  539)  X  extr.:  si  te  .  .  Martia- 
nus noster  septem  disciplinis  erudiit  etc.  (Eyssenhardt  p.  XIX  sq.). 
Hence  the  great  number  of  mss.;  see  Eyssenhardt  p.  X — XVIII.  XX — 
XXXI.  The  extant  mss.  are  all  derived  from  one  original,  and  agree 
in  the  corruptions  of  the  text.  By  far  the  oldest  and  best  ms.  is  Bam- 
bergensis  of  beginning  of  saec.  X;  after  which  come  the  Reichenau  ms. 
(now  at  Karlsruhe)  and  one  at  Darmstadt,  both  of  the  tenth  or  the 
beginning  of  the  eleventh  century. 

9.  Ed.  princeps  by  Fr.  Vitalis  Bodianus,  Vincent.  1499  fol.  Sub- 
sequent editions  especially  by  B.  Vulcanius  (Basil.  1577,  with  Isidore), 
H.  Grotius  (Lugd.  1599),  U.  F.  Kopp  (and  C.  F.  Hermann,  Frankf.  1836. 
4.)  and  F.  Eyssenhardt  (rec,  Lips.  Teubner  1866).  The  fifth  book  also 
in  Halm's  Rhetores  latt.  min.  (1863)  p.  449—492  of.  p.  XI  sq.),  B.  IX 
in  Meibom's  auct.  vett.  mus.  (1652.  4.)  II  p.  165  sqq. 

10.  Critical  contributions  by  C.  Bottiger  (Jahn's  Archiv  XIII  p.  607 
-620)  and  Fr.  Eyssenhardt  (Rhein.  Mus.  XVII  p.  638—640.  XVIII  p. 
323—326.  637—639.  XIX  p.  152—154.  479  sq.  and  comment,  ci  it.  de  M. 
C.  particula,  Berlin  1861). 

E.     The  Fifth  century. 

446.  With  the  fifth  century  we  are  in  the  midst  of  the 
migration  of  tribes.   One  country  of  the  West  after  the  othei- 


468  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

was  seized  and  swallowed  up  by  this  torrent  of  nations,  ancient 
culture  perishing  with  it.   At  the  beginning  of  this  century  (a.  406 
sqq.)  Gaul  was  flooded  by  the  horde  of  Radagais;  a.  410  Rome 
was  taken  by  Alarich,  the  king  of  the  Visigoths;    a.  415   his 
successor  Wallia  founded   the  kingdom    of  the    Visigoths   in 
Southern    France    and    Spain;     a.    429    the    kingdom    of   the 
Vandals  in  Africa  was  founded    by  Geiserich.     Italy  was  de- 
vastated   by    the    Huns  under  Attila  a.  452,    Rome    escaping 
destruction  with  great  difficulty;  but  a.  455  it  was  plundered 
by  Geiserich.     After  a  series  of  feeble  Emperors,    the  West- 
Roman   Empire   was  finally  overthrown  by  the  Herulian  Odo- 
acer,  and  a.  486  Gaul  passed  into  the  possession  of  the  Franks 
under  Chlodwic.    The  ruling  nations  were  now  barbarians  who 
oppressed  civilisation  and  were  accessible  only  to  its  bad  in- 
fluences.    The    conquered    nations    submitted  in  dull  despair. 
At  first  some  whose  culture  was  due  to  a  better  time  showed 
a  purer  taste  in  their  works,   e.  g.  Rutilius  Namatianus,  Vin- 
centius  of  Lerinum,  and  Leo  the  Great.   But  by  degrees  lite- 
rary production  became  extinct,  and  those  who  still  attempted 
it  were  either  infected    by    the    prevalent    barbarity   or,    like 
Salvianus  and  Apollinaris  Sidonius,   proved  by  their  artificial 
diction  that  the  literature  they  intended  to  continue  was  al- 
ready dead.    Culture  and  literature  gradually  passed  into  the 
exclusive  possession  of  the  clergy.    Only  Jurisprudence  gained 
some  new  importance  by  the  necessity   of  arranging  the  new 
States   and   adopting  the  Roman  law  to  the  requirements  of 
the  Conquerors.     A.  426  the  Law  of  Citations   regulated  the 
treatment  of  classical  Jurisprudence,  and  a.  438  the  Imperial 
Edicts  which  were  still   valid  were  collected  and  arranged  in 
the  Codex  Theodosianus.    This  facilitated  also  such  abridgments 
as  were  now  undertaken  both  by  private  individuals  and  public 
authorities.    In  the  same  manner  abridged  translations  of  me- 
dical works  became  more  frequent,  at  the  close  of  the  century 
the  Greek  Anthimus   even  addressed  a  Latin  work  on  diete- 
tics to  Theuderich,  king  of  the  Franks.    The  East  of  Europe 
was  less  afflicted  by  the  horrors  of  the  time ;  there  paganism 
was    energetically    defended   by  Eunapius,   Olympiodorus   and 
Zosimus    in    their    historical    works;    Roman  law  was  studied 
more    zealously,    and    even    traditional   Latin    grammar   was 
diligently  represented  at  Constantinople  by  Priscian.     In  the 
West,  Gaul  retained  and  appreciated  ancient  culture  perhaps 


General  Observations.  469 

longer  than  other  parts;  but  the  united  efforts  of  the  Germans 
and  of  the  Church  overthrew  it  at  last,  feeble  as  it  was.  At 
last  deep  and  deeper  night  overspread  the  nations  and  countries. 

1.  Salvian,  de  gubern.  VI  18:  ubi  sunt  antiquae  Romanorum  opes 
ac  dignitates?  fortissimi  quondam  Romani  erant,  nunc  sine  viribus.  .  . 
vectigalia  illis  solvebant  populi  barbarorum,  nos  vectigales  barbaris  su- 
mus.  VII  1 :  totus  romanus  orbis  et  miser  est  et  luxuriosus.  Sidon.  ep. 
VIII  6:  mundus  iarn  senescens.  ib.  Ill  8:  romana  resp.  in  extrema  haec 
miseriarum  defluxit.  Orient,  commonit.  II  185:  labentis  funera  mundi. 
Claudian.  Mam.  in  his  letters  to  Sapaudus:  bonarum  artium  iam  inde 
a  proavorum  nostroruni  saeculis  facta  iactura  et  animi  cultum  despuens 
.  .  deliciis  et  divitiis  serviens  .  .  pessum  dedit  cum  doctrina  virtutem. 
Fulgent,  myth,  praef. :  quamvis  nostri  temporis  aerumnosa  miseria  non 
dicendi  petat  studium,  sed  vivendi  fleat  ergastulum,  nee  famae  assisten- 
dum  poeticae,  sed  fami  sit  consulendum  domesticae. 

2.  Apoll.  Sidon.  carm.  12,  1  sqq. :  quid  me,  etsi  valeam,  parare 
carmen  fescenninicolae  iubes  Diones  inter  crinigeras  situm  catervas  et 
germanica  verba  sustinentem,  laudantem  tetrico  subinde  vultu  quod 
Burgundio  cantat  esculentus,  infundens  acido  comam  butyro  ?  vis  dicam 
tibi  quid  poema  I'rangat?  ex  hoc  barbaricis  abacta  pleetris  spernit  seni- 
pedem  stilum  Thalia  ex  quo  septipedes  videt  patronos.  Yet  the  Courts 
of  the  Visigothic  king  at  Toulouse,  the  Burgundians  at  Vienna,  and 
subsequently  of  the  Franks  long  continued  to  be  the  refuge  of  the 
last  representatives  of  Roman  literature.  Of  Carthage  Salvian.  de  gub. 
VII  16:  illic  artium  liberalium  scholae,  illic  philosophorum  officinae  etc. 
Cf.  Apulei.  Flor.  16  and  (on  the  time  of  Thrasamund)  Florent.  (Anth. 
lat.  376,  32  IX) :  Carthago  studiis,  Carthago   ornata  magistris. 

3.  Cod.  Theod.  I  4,  3  (of  a.  426):  Papiniani,  Paulli,  Gaii,  Ulpiani 
atque  Modestini  scripta  universa  firmamus  ita  ut  Gaium  quae  Paullum, 
Ulpianum  et  cunctos  comitetur  auctoritas  lectionesque  ex  omni  eius  opere 
recitentur.  eorum  quoque  sententiam  quorum  tractatus  atque  sententias 
praedicti  omnes  suis  operibus  miscuerunt  ratam  esse  censemus,  ut  Scae- 
volae,  Sabini,  luliani  atque  Marcelli.  .  .  ubi  autem  diversae  sententiae 
proferuntur  potior  numerus  vincat  auctorum,  vel,  si  numerus  aequalis 
sit,  eius  partis  praecedat  auctoritas  in  qua  excellentis  ingeuii  vir  Papi- 
nianus  emineat.  The  name  'law  of  citation'  is  due  to  Hugo.  Cf.  Ru- 
dorff,  Hist.,  of  Roman  Law  I  p.  202  sq.     Dernburg,  Gains  p.   ill  sqq. 

4.  An  edict  of  Thcodosius  and  Valentinian  of  a.  438  (cod.  Theod. 
praef.):  saepe  nostra  dementia  dubitavit  quae  causa  faceret  ut  tantis 
propositis  praemiis  quibus  artes  et  studLtx  nutriuntur  tam  pauci  raroque 
extiterint  qui  plena  iuris  scientia  ditarentur  et  .  .  vix  unus  aut  alter 
receperit  soliditatem  perfectae  doctrinao  (knowledge  of  the  Law).  See 
below  451,  1. 

5.  Eunapius  (born  c.  346),  was  the  author  of  (iroi  rf  aorro'*/ w;/  xal 
GoifjiGTMi^    (ed.   J.   Fr.  Boissonade,    Amsterdam  1822,  and  in  Didot's  col- 


470  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

lection  T.  XXXII)  and  continued  the  history  of  Dexippus  (above  382, 
16)  until  A.  D.  404.  The  fragments  in  Niebuhr's  edition  of  Dexippus 
(Bonn  1829)  and  in  Dindorfs  hist.  gr.  niin.  I.  (Li])s.  Teubner  1870)  p. 
205  sqq. 

6.  Olympiodorus  of  Thebes  continued  Eunapius  until  A.  D.  427; 
the  fragments  in  Niebuhr's  Dexippus  and  L.  Dindorf's  hist.  gr.  min.  I 
p.  450  sqq.  J.  llosenstein,  Critical  Investigations  on  the  relations  of 
01.,  Zosimus  and  Sozomenus,  in  the  Invest,  on  German  history,  edited 
by  the  Munich  Historical  Commission  I  2. 

7.  Zosimus,  the  author  of  the  IotoqCu  vbu  in  six  books  from  Au- 
gustus and  extensively  from  Constantine  to  the  capture  of  Rome  a.  410. 
Edited  by  C.  F.  Reitenieier  (Lips.  1784)  and  I.  Bekker  (Bonn  1837).  P. 
Schmidt,  de  auctoritate  et  tide  historica  Zi.  vitam  Constantmi  narrantis, 
Berlin  1866.  R.  C.  Martin,  de  fontibus  Zosimi,  Berlin  1866.  See  above  421,  8. 

8.  A  very  important  source  of  the  histor}'^  of  saec.  V  is  Priscus, 
whose  fragments  are  collected  in  L.  Dindorf's  hist.  gr.  min.  p.  275 — 352. 
Cf.  n.  11. 

9.  An  epigram  on  an  official  chart:  hoc  opus  egregium  .  .  Theo- 
dosius  princeps  venerando  iussit  ab  ore  confici,  ter  quinis  aperit  cum 
fascibus  annum  (the  15th  year  of  the  reign  of  Theodosius  the  younger 
422 — 423,  15th  Consulate  a.  435).  supplices  hoc  famuli,  dum  scribit 
Xjinget  et  alter  mensibus  exiguis  .  .  in  melius  reparamus  opus  etc.  It 
is  preserved  in  the  geographical  work  of  Dicuil,  a.  825;  Riese  anth. 
725.  It  is  erroneous  to  ascribe  this  to  the  elegant  poet  Seciulius,  see 
ludow  466,  8. 

10.  In  the  West  Honorius  (a.  395—423)  and  Valentinian  III  (a.  425 
--455)  reigned  as  Emperors,  in  the  East  Arcadius  (395-408),  from  a. 
402  together  with  Theodosius  II  (—405).  The  latter  is  also  known  as 
caligrapher;  see  above  195,  7  and  385,  5. 

11.  A.  F.  Ozanam,  la  civilisation  au  Ve  siecle,  Paris  1855.  2  vols. 
(Oeuvres  compl.  I.  II).  On  the  history  and  criticism  of  the  sources  of 
saec.  y    cf.  A.  Kocher,    de  loanne  Antiocheno    (Bonn  1871)    p.  35 — 37. 

42—80. 

447.  We  possess  a  poem  in  two  books  by  Rutilius  Na- 
inatianiis  composed  a.  416,  describing  in  elegiac  metre  the 
author's  return  from  Rome  to  Gaul,  with  numerous  excursuses 
on  persons  and  things.  The  poem  is  lively  and  interesting 
on  account  of  the  warm  feeling  pervading  it,  while  at  the 
same  time  all  formal  details  are  correct  and  pure.  Unfortu- 
nately the  greater  part  of  the  second  book  is  lost. 

1.  The  author's  name  in  the  (only)  codex  Bobiensis  (discovered) 
1494):    Claudius    RutiHus    Namatianus    v.   c.     He    was    a  native  of  Gaul 


Rutilms  Namatianus.  /  471 

(I  20:  indigenamque  sunm  gallica  rura  vocant),  but  m agister  officiorum 
(I  563  sq.)  at  the  West-Roman  Court,  and  at  Rome  praef.  urbi  (I  157 
— 160),  probably  in  the  course  of  a.  414,  as  the  predecessor  of  Albinus 
(1473  sq.  cf.  Cod.  Theod.  XIII  5,  38).  If  he  be  the  mag.  off.-Namatius  in  the 
cod.  Theod.  VI  27,  15,  he  belongs  to  a.  412.  His  father  Lachanius  held  this 
appointment  (I  595),  had  beenconsularisTusciae,  comes  sacr.larg..  Quaestor 
and  praef.  (urbi?)  and  had  a  statue  at  Pisa  (I  575 — 596).  He  is  perhaps 
the  Claudius  Mdio  was  a.  389  cons.  Tusciae  (cod.  Theod.  II  4,  5)  and 
896  praef.  urb.  (ib.  VI  26,  8.  XV  13,  1).  He  was  related  to  Palladius, 
the  son  of  Exuperantius  (I  207  sqq.) ;  see  above  439,  6.  His  journey 
home  was  caused  by  the  devastation  of  his  estates  (I  20—34),  perhaps 
by  the  Visigoths  (near  Tolosa?). 

2.  The  journey  takes  place  by  sea  (on  account  of  the  Goths,  I  37 
sqq.)  and  suffers  many  delays  in  consequence  of  the  bad  season  (de- 
parture from  Ostia  at  the  beginning  of  October).  Many  digressions 
(deverticula  II  61)  are  joined  to  the  account,  containing  descriptions 
of  places,  myths  and  legends,  rhetorical  excursuses  (on  gold  and  iron 
I  357  sqq.);  especially  friends  receive  memorials,  e.  g.  Rufius  Vo- 
lusianus  (I  167  sqq.  417  sqq.),  Palladius  (I  208  sqq.),  Albinus  (I  466  sqq.), 
Victorinus  (I  493  sqq.),  Protadius  (I  542  sqq.),  his  father  Lachanius 
(n.  I)  and  others  (n.  6).  The  invective  against  the  Jews  is  probably 
also  intended  against  the  Christians.  Christianity  is  in  the  poet's  eye 
a  deterior  circaeis  secta  venenis  (I  525)  and  he  inveighs  very  much 
against  monks  and  ascetic  life  (I  440  sqq.  517  sqq.).  He  is  a  sincere 
believer  in  polytheism,  cf.  e.  g.  I  67  sqq.  233  sqq.  259  sqq.  Rome  is 
enthusiastically  praised  at  the  beginning  of  the  first  book. 

3.  On  the  date  of  composition  see  I  135  sq. :  quamvis  sedecies 
denis  et  mille  pcractis  annus  praeterea  iam  tibi  (Roma)  nonus  eat.  a. 
1169  V.  C.  (Varr.)  =  416  A.  D.  The  Goths  (Getae)  are  often  mentioned 
(140.  142.  336.  II  51).  Capture  of  Tolosa  I  496.  Stilicho  is  attacked 
for  his  treaty  with  them  II  41—60.  Half  idyl,  half  satire,  the  poem  is 
very  interesting  as  a  picture  of  the  time.  Of  b.  II  only  the  first  tenth 
is  extant,     The  beginning  of  the  first  book  has -likewise  been  lost. 

4.  After  the  loss  of  the  codex  Bobiensis  (originally  discovered  a. 
1494),  the  text  of  the  poem  rests  exclusively  on  a  copy  at  Vienna,  saec. 
XVI.  Editio  princeps  (as  Itinerarium)  by  J.  B.  Pius  (Bonon.  1520.  4.) 
Ab  Jos.  Castalione  emend,  et  adn.  illustratum,  Rom.  1582.  Cum  ani- 
madv.  Th.  Sitzmanni,  Lugd.  1618.  Rec.  C.  Barth,  Frankf.  1623.  Cum 
Simleri,  .  .  Graevii  all.  animadv.  ed.  Th.  J.  ab  Almeloveen,  Amstelod. 
1687.  Rec.  T.  Damm  (Brandenb.  1760),  J.  Chr.  Kapp  (Erlangen  1786), 
J.  C.  Gruber  (Niirnberg  1804).  In.P.  Pithoeus'  Epigrammata  (p.  475  sqq.), 
the  poetae  latini  minores  by  P.  Burmann  (T.  II  p.  3  sqq.),  Wernsdorf 
(V  1  p.  77—202).  CI.  R.  N.  de  reditu  suo  rec.  et  illustr.  A.  W.  Zumpt, 
Berlin  1840.  With  a  French  translation  by  J.  Z.  Collombet,  Lyons  and 
Paris  1842.     Rec.  et  praefatus  est  L.  Midler,  Li[>s.  Teubncr.  1870. 


472  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

5.  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Observationum  in  R.  CL  Nam.  carmen  de  reditu 
siio  pars  prior,  Berlin  1836.  44  pp.  On  R.  N.  also  Wernsdorf  poet, 
latt.  min.  V  p.  5 — 28  and  (on  the  edition  etc.)  p.  40  sqq.,  also  Zumpt's 
Prolegomena.     On  his  prosody  see  L.  Miiller's  edition  p.  XI  sq. 

6.  As  contemporary  poets  R.  N.  mentions  the  Satirist  Lucillus 
(above  441,  8)  and  a  certain  (Valerius)  Me  s  sal  a  (1268—276),  probably 
the  same  as  is  often  mentioned  as  praef.  praet.  a.  396,  399—401, 
403  in  the  cod.  Theodos.,  and  to  whom  Symmachus  addressed  Epp. 
VII  81 — 92;  cf.  Ap.  Sidon.  carm.  IX  302:  Messalam  ingenii  satis 
profundi. 

448.  About  this  time  the  Spanish  Presbyter  Orosius 
wrote,  at  St.  Augustine's  request,  for  apologetic  purposes  his 
work  on  universal  history  from  Adam  to  A.  D.  410,  without 
much  study  and  knowledge,  chiefly  from  Livy  and  Hieronymus' 
version  ol  Eusebius'  Chronicles,  but  arbitrarily  selecting  and 
treating  his  materials  so  as  to  suit  his  views,  in  an  unequal 
diction,  mostly  bombastic.  Besides  this  work  we  have  by 
Orosius  a  treatise  on  the  liberty  of  human  will,  caused  by 
the  Pelagian  disputes. 

1.  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  39:  Orosius  presbyter,  Hispanus  genere,  vir 
eloquens  et  historiarum  cognitor  (from  Prosper  chron.  ad  a.  396),  scripsit 
adversum  queruJos  et  infamatores  christiani  nominis,  qui  dicunt  de- 
fectum romanae  reip.  Christi  doctrina  invectum,  libros  VII.  .  .  hie  est 
Orosius  qui  ab  Augustino  pro  discenda  animae  ratione  ad  Hieronymum 
(to  Bethlehem)  missus  rediens  reliquias  b.  Stephani  primi  martyris  tunc 
nuper  inventas  primus  intulit  occidenti  (Minorca),  claruit  extreme  paene 
Honorii  imperatoris  tempore.  The  name  of  Paulus  is  due  to  an  erro- 
neous interpretation  of  the  abbreviation  P  (for  presbyter).  His  native 
town  was  perhaps  Tarraco.  Oros.  VII22:  nos  quoque  in  Hispania  Tar- 
raconem  nostram.  He  was  presbyter  probably  at  Braccara  in  Lusitania, 
Avitus  of  Braccara,  presbyter  in  Palestine,  writes  to  the  bishop  of 
Braccara,  Balchonius  (Baron,  annal.  eccl.  ad  a.  415):  ut  dilectissimus 
filius  et  compresbyter  mens  Orosius  usque  ad  has  partes  ab  africanis 
episcopis  mitteretur,  cuius  mihi  caritas  .  .  vestrum  omnium  praesen- 
tiam  reddidit.  Cf.  Augustin.  ep.  166,  2  (to  Hieronymus):  venit  ad  me 
(a.  413  or  414)  religiosus  iuvenis,  catholica  pace  frater,  aetate  filius, 
honore  compresbyter  noster  Orosius,  vigil  ingenio,  promptus  eloquio, 
fiagrans  studio  .  .  ad  refellendas  falsas  perniciosasque  doctrinas,  quae 
animas  Hispanorum  multo  infelicius  quam  corpora  barbaricus  gladius 
trucidarunt.  nam  inde  ad  nos  usque  ab  oceani  littore  properavit  etc. 
Ibid.  169,  13  (ad  Euodium  episc):  sanctissimi  et  studiosissimi  iuvenis 
presbyteri  Orosii,  qui  ad  nos  ab  ultima  Hispania,  i.  e.  ab  oceani  littore 
.  .  advenit.  He  found  Augustine  engaged  on  his  v/ork  de  civ.  dei,  the 
first  five  books  of  which  were  already  finished    (ib.  169,  1).     In  conse- 


Orosius.  473 

quence  of  Orosius'  request  to  be  enliglitened  about  the  nature  of  the 
human  soul,  Augustine  wrote  his  treatise  contra  Priscillianistas  et  Ori- 
genistas  ad  Orosium.  Orosius  may  have  been  born  about  390  at  the 
latest;  we  do  not  know  in  what  year  he  died. 

2.  Oros.  hist,  praef. :  praeceptis  tuis  parui,  beatissime  pater  Au= 
gustine.  .  .  praeceperas  mihi  ut  scriberem  adversus  vaniloquam  pravi- 
tatem  eorum  qui  .  .  pagani  vocantur.  .  .  qui  .  .  praesentia  tantum  tem- 
pora  veluti  malis  extra  solitum  infestissima  ob  hoc  solum  quod  creditur 
Christus  et  colitur  deus,  idola  autem  minus  coluntur,  infamant.  prae- 
ceperas ergo  ut  ex  omnibus  qui  haberi  ad  praesens  possunt  historiarum 
atque  annalium  fastis  quaecumque  aut  bellis  gravia  aut  corrupta  morbis 
aut  fame  tristia  aut  terrarum  motibus  terribilia  aut  inundationibus 
aquarum  insolita  aut  eruptionibus  ignium  metuenda  aut  ictibus  fulmi- 
num  plagisque  grandinum  saeva  vel  etiam  parricidiis  flagitiisque  misera 
per  transacta  retro  saecula  reperissem  ordinate  breviter  voluminis  textu 
explicarem.  maxime  cum "  reverentiam  tuam  perliciendo  adversus  hos 
ipsos  paganos  undecimo  libro  (de  civ.  dei,  see  above  434,  10)  insisten- 
tem,  quorum  iam  decern  .  .  elati  sunt,  .  ,  levi  opusculo  occupari  non 
oporteret,  .  .  dedi  operam  etc.  .  .  ut  merito  hac  scrutatione  claruerit 
regnasse  mortem  avidam  sanguinis  dum  ignoratur  religio,  .  .  ista  illus- 
cente  illam  constupuisse.  For  this  purpose  Orosius  always  chooses  the 
most  sanguinary  account,  in  case  his  authorities  differ,  and  perhaps 
also  exaggerates  horrors  intentionally.  In  the  preface  of  b.  Ill  bello- 
rum  miseriae  is  stated  to  be  the  subject,  and  perhaps  the  obscure  or- 
mesta  etc.  in  the  title  of  some  mss.  may  point  to  something  like  moesta 
mundi  or  Orosii  miseriae  mundi;  see  Morner  p.  178 — 181. 

3.  Oros.  I  21  extr. :  quoniam  spopondisse  me  memini  .  .  dicturum 
me  esse  ab  orbe  condito  usque  ad  urbem  conditam,  huic  volumini, 
quod  ab  orbe  condito  explicuimus,  finis  hie  sit.  The  second  book  con- 
tains the  history  of  Rome  to  the  capture  by  the  Gauls  and  an  account 
of  the  other  contemporary  events  from  the  conquest  of  Babylon  by 
Cyrus  to  the  battle  of  Cunaxa;  the  third  book  goes  to  a.  280  B.  C; 
the  fourth  book  from  the  wars  with  Pyrrhus  to  the  destruction  of 
Carthage;  the  fifth  book  from  the  destruction  of  Carthage  to  the  first 
Civil  War;  VI  from  the  wars  with  Mithridates  to  Augustus  and  the 
birth  of  Christ;  VII  History  of  the  Emperors  to  the  author's  own  time 
(Vallia),  special  attention  being  paid  to  the  history  of  the  Christian 
Church.  This  disposition  is  the  best  part  of  the  book,  though  the 
number  seven  is  no  doubt  due  to  superstitious  considerations  (VII  2: 
septenarius  ille  numerus  quo  iudicantur  omnia)  and  the  distinction 
(based  on  the  book  of  Daniel)  of  four  monarchies  according  to  the 
four  quarters  of  the  globe  (Babylonian,  Roman,  Macedonian,  and  Car- 
thaginian) sometimes  interferes  with  the  arrangement.  The  synchro- 
nistic design  and  the  interest  shown  in  chronology  deserve  praise, 
though  the  latter  ])art  is  carried  out  indifferently  and  with  many  errors. 
In  accordance  with  his  source,  the  Chronicles  of  Eusebius,  Orosius 
follows  the  Catonian  era  (752)  in  the  time  before  Christ;  in  the  Impe- 


474  The  Fifth  Centuiy  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

rial  period  he  states  the  years  of  each  Emperor's  reign  merely  in  a 
round  sum.  Morner  p.  67 — 82.  Everything  relating  to  Spain  is  treated 
with  a  certain  preference,  and  in  prefatory  remarks  and  epilogues  to 
the  single  books  many  edifying  observations  are  made.  The  author's 
consciousness  of  being  a  Roman  citizen  and  a  Christian  appears  especi- 
ally V  1   sq. 

4.  A  careful  discussion  of  the  sources  of  Orosius  in  Morner  p.  49 — 
165.  Orosius  would  like  to  create  the  impression  that  he  used  a 
great  many  works  for  his  book,  and  therefore  copies  especially  those 
passages  from  his  authorities  in  which  other  authors  are  mentioned 
(e.  g.  VII  10  from  Tac.  Hist,  a  passage  on  Sallust);  he  also  mentions 
many  Greek  and  Roman  writers  (e.  g.  Plato,  Polybius,  Palaephatus, 
Phanocles;  Fabius,  Claudius,  Valerius  Antias,  Galba,  Pompeius  Trogus ; 
also  Josephus)  whom  he  never  had  in  his  hands,  being,  moreover, 
scarcely  competent  to  understand  Greek.  In  reality  he  has  employed 
only  very  few  and  (with  the  exception  of  part  of  Tac.  Hist.)  only  such 
as  we  still  possess,  so  that  we  can  control  him,  even  when  he  does  not 
mention  his  source,  which  is  habitual  with  him.  He  used  and  occasio- 
nally quotes  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament,  Livy,  Justinus,  Tacitus,  Sue- 
tonius, Eutropius;  he  uses  without  mentioning  Hieronymus'  version  of 
Eusebius,  Florus,  and  a  Cosmography.  The  basis  of  his  design  is 
Eusebius:  his  principal  pource  of  Roman  history  is  sometimes  Livy, 
sometimes  Florus,  and  lastly  Eutropius ;  in  foreign  history  Justinus ; 
in  the  Imperial  time  Eutropius  and  beside  him  Tacitus  and  Suetonius. 
In  his  account  of  the  conquest  of  Gaul  Caesar's  b.  gall,  is  also  used, 
though  0.  considers  it  a  work  of  Suetonius;  see  VI  7:  banc  historiam 
Suetonius  Tranquillus  plenissime  explicuit,  cuius  nos  competentes  por- 
tiunculas  decerpsimus  (Morner  p.  148—152,  see  above  183,  1  extr.). 

5.  Orosius'  haste  in  using  his  sources  has  caused  numerous  mis- 
takes, repeated  mentions  of  the  same  fact  from  different  sources,  con- 
fusions etc  ;  cf.  U.  Kohler,  qua  rat.  Livii  ann.  p.  42—46.  95 — 98.  Or. 
himself  feels  that  he  is  not  equal  to  his  task;  cf.  e.  g.  Ill  praef. :  re- 
peto  .  .  nee  omnia  nee  per  omnia  posse  quae  gesta  et  sicut  gesta  sunt 
explicari,  quoniam  magna  atque  innumera  copiosissime  et  a  plurimis 
scripta  sunt.  .  .  praeterea  ex  hac  ipsa  de  qua  queror  abundantia 
angustia  oritur  mihi  et  concludit  me  sollicitudo  nodosior,  the  difficult 
task  of  avoiding  the  charge  both  of  incompleteness  and  obscurity. 

6.  Orosius'  education  and  diction  were  under  the  influence  of 
Virgil  (Morner  p.  177  sq.)  and  subsequently  of  Augustine  (ib.  p.  52— 
55).  Orosius  shows  also  certain  traces  of  an  acquaintance  with  Lucan 
(VI  1  extr.)  and  Cicero  (Morner  p.  177),  and  in  general  of  rhetorical 
training.  His  style  depends  on  the  sources  he  is  copying;  when  Oros. 
himself  speaks,  he  commonly  gets  into  clerical  loquacity  and  unction, 
and  is  easily  entangled  in  his  periods. 

7.  P^pilogue  (VII  43  extr.):  explicui  adiuvante  Christo  secundum 
tuiim  praeceptum,    beatissime   pater  Augustine,    ab    initio  mundi  usque 


Orosius.  475 

in  praesentem  diem,  h.  e.  per  annos  MMMMMDCXVII,  cupiditates  et 
punitiones  hominum  peccatorum,  conflictationes  saeculi  et  iudicia  dei 
quam  brevissime  et  quam  simplicissime  potui.  .  .  de  qualitate  autem 
opusculorum  tii  videris  qui  praecepisti:  tibi  adiudicanda  si  edas,  per 
te  iudicata  si  deleas.  The  5617  years  point  to  a.  418  as  the  time  when 
the  author  terminated  his  work  (birth  of  Christ  a.  5199),  cf.  VII  41 : 
irruptae  sunt  Hispaniae.  .  .  nihil  quidem  novum,  hoc  enim  nunc  per 
biennium  .  .  sustinuere  a  barbaris  quod  per  CC  quondam  annos  passae 
fuerunt  a  Romanis.  The  greater  part  had  been  written  before  his 
journey  to  Palestine,  soon  after  his  interview  with  St.  Augustine.  (V2: 
nunc  me  Africa  excei)it),  near  whom  and  perhaps  from  whose  library 
the  rest  was  subsequently  composed.  The  apologeticus  de  arbitrii 
libertate  was  written  in  Palestine  about  the  end  of  a.  415  (Morner  p. 
23  sq.    29  sq.). 

8.  The  orthodoxy  of  Orosius  and  his  relations  to  Augustine  were 
long  in  favour  of  the  work.  King  Alfred  had  it  translated  into 
Anglosaxon  (edited  by  D.  Barrington,  London  1773,  and  J.  Bosworth, 
London  1855:  cf.  R.  Pauli,  King  Alfred  p.  226  sqq.  307  sqq.).  Hence 
there  are  also  numerous  mss.,  beginning  with  saec.  VII  (at  Florence 
andLaon);  of  saec.  IX  there  are  mss.  at  Chartres  and  Donaueschingen; 
of  saec.  X  Vat.  1974.  These  mss.  have  not  yet  been  used  methodically. 
Critical  contributions  by  E.  Grubitz  (Emendationes  Orosianae,  Naum 
burg  1835.  4.)  and  U.  Kohler  (Philologus  XVIII  p.  552—555). 

9.  Ed.  princeps  per  Jo.  Schiissler,  Augsburg  1471.  fol.  Subsequent 
editions  Vincent,  c.  1575  fob;  by  G.  Bolsuinge  (Cologne  1526.  fol.),  Fr. 
Fabricius  (Cologne  1561  and  elsewhere)  and  especially  S.  Havercamp 
(Lugd.  B.  1738  and  1767.  4.).  Text  also  in  the  Bibl.  patr.  max.  VI  p. 
376  sqq.,  in  Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  IX,  and  in  Migne's  patrol,  t.  XXXI. 
(1846.)  p.  636—1212  (hist,  and  apol.)  and  p.  1212-1216  (Commonitorium). 
Ad  fid.  rec.  Havercampi.  Thorn  1857. 

10.  The  principal  work  on  0.  is:  Th.  v.  Morner,  de  Orosii  vita 
eiusque  historiarum  !il)ris  VII  adversus  paganos,  Berlin  1844.  182  pp. 
Cf.  also  R.  CeilHer,  hist.  gen.  des  aut.  XIV  p.  1  —  10.  G.  F.  H.  Beck, 
de  Orosii  historici  fontibus  et  auctoritate  (Marburg  1832)  p.  1 — 9.  E. 
Mejean,  Paul  Orose  et  sou  apologetique  centre  les  paiens,  Strassburg 
1862.     33  pp.    These. 

449.  Among  the  other  friends  of  Augustine  in  his  war 
with  the  Pelagian  sect  one  of  the  most  zealous,  both  orally 
and  in  literary  works,  was  Marius  Mercator;  we  may  also 
mention  Aurelius,  bishop  of  Carthage,  Leporius,  the  Presbyter 
Paulinus  of  Milan,  and  others. 

].  Augustin.  epist.  193  (of  the  close  of  418)  to  Mercator:  litteras 
tuae  sinceritatis  inveni  et  alium  adversus  novos  haereticos  librnm.    The 


476  The  Fiith  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

extant  works  of  Marius  Merc,  were  edited  studio  Jo.  Garnerii  (Paris, 
1673  fol.),  emend.  St.  Baluzius  (Paris.  1684)  and  in  the  collections  of 
Galland.  (VIII  p.  615  sqq.),    Migne  (Patrol.  XL VIII)  and  others. 

2.  An  Epistle  by  Aurelius  De  damnatione  Pelagii  atque  Caelestii 
in  Garnier's  ed.  of  Mercator,  Gallandi  bibl.  VIII  p.  129  sqq.,  Migne's 
Patrol.  XX  and  others.  By  his  successor  Capreolus  (since  430)  we  have 
letters  against  the  heresy  of  Nestorius,  e.  g.  in  Gallandi  bibl.  IX  p.  490 
sqq.,  Migne's  patrol.  LIII  p.  843  sqq. 

3.  Gennad.  ill.  59:  Leporius  adhuc  monachus,  postea  presbyter, 
.  .  pelagianum  dogma  coeperat  sequi.  sed  a  gallicanis  doctoribus  ad- 
monitus  et  in  Africa  per  Augustinum  a  deo  emendatus  scripsit  Emen- 
dationis  suae  libellum,  in  quo  et  satisfacit  de  erroribus  et  gratias  agit 
de  emendatione.  Printed  in  Garnier's  ed.  of  Mercator  (I  p.  224  sqq.) 
and  in  the  patristic  collections,  e.  g.  Gallandi  bibl.  IX,  Migne's  Pa- 
trol. XXXI. 

4.  Cassian.  de  incarn.  dom.  7:  Paulinus  presbyter,  non  ille  No- 
lanus  episcopus,  conscripsit  s.  Ambrosii  vitam.  See  above  427,  1. 
Printed  in  most  editions  of  the  works  of  Ambrosius.  Paulini  Medio- 
lanensis  libellus  adversus  Caelestium  Zosimo  papae  oblatus  (c.  417)  and 
De  benedictionibus  patriarcharum  e.  g.  in  Gallandi  bibl.  patr,  IX  and 
Migne's  patrol.  XX. 

5.  The  letters  from  Evodius  Uzalensis  episcopus  to  Augustine 
Epist.  158—164.  169  —  98—102.  246  sq.  The  other  works  ascribed 
to  Evodius  e.  g.  in  Migne's  Patrol.  XXXI. 

6.  On  Prosper  see  below  453,  1  sqq. 

450.  On  the  opposite  side  the  most  prominent  writer  is 
John  Cass ianus  of  Massilia,  the  diligent  promotor  of  mona- 
sticism  and  who  is  considered  the  author  of  the  semi-pelagian 
heresy.  There  are  three  works  extant  by  him:  De  institutis 
coenobiorum  libri  XII;  Collationes,  four  and  twenty  pious 
dialogues  with  Egyptian  monks;  De  incarnatione  Christi  libri 
VII.  Contemporary  writers,  mostly  of  the  same  theological 
party,  are  the  rhetorician  Victorinus  of  Massilia,  the  Pres- 
byters Philippus  and  Eucherius,  the  bishop  Hilarius  of  Aries 
and  others.  There  are  works  extant  by  the  three  last-menti- 
oned writers. 

1.  Gennad.  ill.  61:  Cassianus,  natione  Scytlia,  Constantinopoli 
a  loanne  (Chrysostomo)  magno  episcopo  diaconus  ordinatus,  apud 
Massiliam  presbyter  condit  duo  monasteria.  .  .  scripsit,  experientia 
magistrante,  litterato  sermone  et  .  .  sensu  verba  inveniens  et  actione 
linguam  movens  res  omnium  monachorum  professioni  necessarias,  i.  e. 
De  habitu  monachi  et  De  canonico  orationum  modo  atque  Psalmorum 


Cassiani's  and  others.  477 

qui  in  monasteriis  Aegypti  diu  noctuque  tenentur  libros  III;  Institutio- 
num  librum  unnm;  De  origins  et  qualitate  ac  remediis  VIII  principa- 
lium  vitiorum  libros  VIII,  singulos  scilicet  de  singulis  vitiis  expediens. 
digessit  etiam  Collationes  cum  patribus  aegyptiis  habitas.  .  .  et  ad 
extremum  rogatus  a  Leone  urbis  Romae  episcopo  (then  still  archidia- 
conus)  scripsit  adversus  Nestorium  De  incarnatione  domini  libros  VII 
et  in  his  scribendis  apud  Massiliam  et  vivendi  finem  fecit,  Theodosio 
et  Valentiniano  regnantibus  (i.  e.  425 — 450). 

2.  Editions  of  the  works  of  Cassianus  opera  et  stud.  Henr.  Cuykii 
(Antverp.  1578),  Al.  Gazaei  (Atreb.  1628  fol.  and  elsewhere,  also  in  the 
patristic  collections  e.  g.  Migne's  Patrol.  XLIX  and  L  (Paris  1846).  On 
a  ms.  of  the  Collationes  see  above  399,  4. 

3.  On  Cassianus  see  especially  Voss.  hist,  pelag.  I  7.  Norisius 
hist.  pel.  II  1  sqq.  G.  F.  Wiggers,  de  lo.  Cass.  Massil.  qui  semipela- 
gianismi  auctor  vulgo  perhibetur,  Rostock  1824  sq.  4.  and  in  Ersch  and 
Gruber's  Enc.  I  21.  p.  105  sqq.  J.  Geffken,  historia  semipelagianismi 
antiquissima,  Gotting.  1826.  4.  G.  Kaufmann  in  Raumer's  hist.  Taschen- 
buch  1869,  p.  64—73. 

4.  Gennad.  ill.  60:  Victorinus  (Var.  Victorius)  rhetor  Massilien- 
sis  ad  filii  sui  Aetherii  personam  commentatus  est  in  Genesim,  i.  e.  a 
principio  libri  usque  ad  obitum  patr.  Abrahae,  tres  diversos  edidit 
libros,  christiano  quidem  et  pio  sensu,  sed  utpote  saeculari  litteratura 
occupatus  homo  et  nullius  magisterio  in  divinis  scripturis  exercitatus 
levioris  ponderis  sententiam  figuravit.  moritur  Theodosio  et  Valentiano 
regnantibus.     See  below  457,  5.  459,  13. 

5.  Gennad.  ill.  62:  Philip  pus  presbyter,  optimus  auditor  Hiero- 
nymi,  commentatus  in  lob  edidit  sermone  simplici  librum.  legi  eius  et 
Familiares  epistolas  et  valde  salsas  et  maxime  ad  paupertatis  et  dolo- 
rum  tolerantiam  exhortatorias.  moritur  Marciano  (a.  450—457)  et  Avito 
(a.  455  sq.)  regnantibus,  i.  e.  a.  455  or  456.  His  commentary  on  Job 
(in  historiam  lob  commentariorum  libri  III)  edited  (by  J.  Sichard)  Basil. 
1527  and  in  the  works  of  Hieronymus  (e.  g.  in  Migne's  Patrol.  XXIII 
p.  1401   sqq.). 

6.  Gennad.  ill.  63:  Eucherius,  Lugdunensis  ecclesiae  presbyter, 
scripsit  ad  Valerianum  propinquum  suum  De  contemtu  mundi  et  saecu- 
laris  philosophiae  epistolam  unam,  scholastico  sermone  et  rationabili. 
disseruit  etiam  ad  personam  filiorum  Salonii  et  Veranii,  postea  episco- 
porum,  obscura  quaeque  sanctarum  capitula  scripturarum.  sed  et  Cas- 
siani  quaedam  opuscula  lato  tensa  sermone  angusto  verbi  resolvens 
tramite  in  unum  coegit  volumen,  aliaque  tam  ecclesiasticis  quam  mo- 
nasticis  studiis  necessaria.  moritur  sub  Valentiniano  (a.  425 — 455)  et 
Marciano  (a.  450—457)  principibus  (i.  e.  between  450  and  455).  Edit, 
of  his  works  e  recogn.  B.  Rhonani  (Basil.  1516.  4.),  cum  scholiis  Erasmi 
Rot.  (Basil.  1530.  4.),  and  in  the  patristic  collections,  e.  g.  Migne  (Pa- 
trol. L).     On  a  work  by  him  see  Salvian,  epist.  8. 


478  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

7.  Gennad.  ill.  69:  Hilarius,  Arelatensis  episcopus  (since  429), 
vir  in  Sanctis  scripturis  doctus,  paupertatis  amator,  .  .  homo  genere 
clarns,  .  .  ingenio  immortali  aliqua  et  parva  edidit,  quae  eruditae  ani- 
mae  et  fidelis  linguae  indicio  sunt,  in  quibus  praecipue  .  .  vitam  scti 
Honorati  (see  below  462,  7),  praedecessoris  sui,  composuit.  moritur 
Valentiniano  et  Marciano  regnantibus  (i.  e.  450 — 455).  This  vita  is 
e.  g.  printed  in  Salina's  edition  of  Vincent.  Lerin.,  in  Migne's  Patr.  L. 
Four  lines  by  him  in  the  Anth.  lat.  487  R.  (II  p.  37).  Prosper  to  Au- 
gustin.  (ep.  225,  9) :  unum  eorum  (of  the  Semi-Pelagians  who  held  high 
positions)  praecipuae  autoritatis  et  spiritualium  studiorum  virum,  sanc- 
tum Hilarium  Arelatensem  episcopum,  sciat  beatitudo  tua  admiratorem 
sectatoremque  in  aliis  omnibus  tuae  esse  doctrinae.  Gallicanism  and 
Romanism  fought  their  first  struggles  in  the  persons  of  H.  and  Leo  I., 
see  Leo's  Epist.  10  sq. 

8.  By  Hilarius'  brother-in-law  Lupus,  Bishop  of  Troyes  (episc. 
Trecensis)  a.  429—479,  letters  in  Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  IX.  p.  516  sqq. 
and  Migne's  patrol.  LVIII  p.  63  sqq. 

9.  Sermons  and  letters  by  Petrus  Chrysologus  (c.  405 — 450)  from 
Imola,  Bishop  of  Ravenna  since  433,  in  the  ed.  of  Dom.  Mita  (Bonon. 
1643.  4.  Venet.  1742  fob);  rec.  Seb.  Pauli  (Venet.  1750  fob),  in 
Migne's  Patrol.  LII  and  elsewhere.  A  letter  to  the  Presbyter  Eutyches 
ib.  LIV  p.  739  sqq. 

10.  Sermons  by  Valerianus,  abbot  at  Lerinum,  Bishop  of  Cemele 
(near  Nice)  c.  440,  with  an  Epistola  ad  monachos  de  virtutibus  et 
ordine  doctrinae  apostolicae,  edited  by  Syrmond  (Paris.  1612),  in  Mita's 
ed.  of  Petrus    (n.  9),    Gallandi  bibl.  X  p.  123  sqq.,   Migne's  Patrol.  LII. 

11.  Agroecius  dedicated  to  the  bishop  Eucherius  (n.  6),  prob- 
ably in  Gaul,  his  opus  de  orthograj)hia  et  proprietate  et  differentia 
sermonis,  which  was  intended  to  form  an  appendix  to  the  work  of 
Flavius  Caper  (above  338,  3).  Cf.  p.  2266  P.:  huic  Capri  libello  .  . 
quaedam  adicienda  subieci,  non  quod  vir  tantae  peritiae  aliquid  prae- 
termiserit,  tam  multis  praesertim  litterarum  operibus  celebratus,  qui 
in  commentando  etiam  Cicerone  praecipuus,  sed  quia  nos  difficilia  pu- 
tamus  quae  ille  ut  facilia  neglexit.  The  whole  in  Putsche's  gramm. 
lat.  p.  2266—2275.  Cf.  Apoll.  Sidon.  VII  5.  Prob.  on  Verg.  Eel.  V  80. 
F.  Osann,  comm.  de  Fl.  Capro  et  Agroecio  grammaticis  (Giessen  1849. 
4.)  p.  4  sq.  20.     Brambach,   Latin  Orthogr.  p.  44  sq. 

451.  A.  434  Vincentius  of  Lerinum  wrote,  under  the 
name  of  Peregrinus,  his  Commonitorium,  an  exhortation  i^to 
maintain  genuine  Catholic  doctrine,  based  on  the  Bible  and 
on  tradition,  and  a  caution  to  beware  of  heresies  of  all  kinds, 
in  a  simple  and  comparatively  educated  style.  It  is  evident 
that  Vincentius,  too,  thinks  Augustine's  views  too  abrupt  and 
onesided,  and  that  he  professes  a  mild  Pelagianism. 


Vincentius  Lerinensis.  479 

1.  Gennad.  ill.  64:  Vincentius,  nations  Gallus  (of  the  North  of 
France)  apud  monasterium  Lerinensis  insulae  (near  Nice)  presbyter,  vir 
in  scripturis  Sanctis  doctus  et  notitia  ecclesiasticorum  dogmatum  suffi- 
cienter  instructus,  composuit  ad  evitanda  haereticorum  collegia  nitido 
satis  et  aperto  sermone  validissimam  disputationem,  quam  absconso 
nomine  suo  titulavit  Peregrini  adversus  haereticos  (cf.  n.  2).  cuius  operis 
quia  secundi  libri  maximam  in  schedulis  partem  a  quibusdam«furatam 
perdidit,  recapitulato  eius  paucis  sermonibus  sensu  pristine,  composuit 
et  uno  in  libro  edidit.  moritur  Theodosio  et  Valentiniano  regnantibus 
(i.  e.  a.  425-450). 

2.  Vincent,  comm.  praef. :  videtur  mihi  rainimo  omnium  servorum 
dei  Peregrino  quod  res  non  minimae  utilitatis  .  .  futura  sit  si  ea  quae 
fideliter  a  Sanctis  patribus  accepi  litteris  comprehendam.  .  .  remotioris 
villulae  et  in  ea  secretum  monasterii  incolimus  habitaculum.  .  .  cum 
aliquamdiu  variis  ac  tristibus  saecularis  militiae  turbinibus  volveremur 
tandem  nos  in  portum  religionis  .  .  condidimus.  .  .  hac  scribendi  lege 
servata  ut  nequaquam  omnia,  sed  tantum  necessaria  quaeque  perstrin- 
gam,  neque  id  ornato  et  exacto,  sed  facili  communique  sermone.  .  .  me 
sublevandae  recordationis  rel  potius  oblivionis  meae  gratia  Commoni- 
torium  mihimet  parasse  suffecerit.  42  in. :  exemplum  adhibuimus  sancti 
concilii  quod  ante  triennium  ferme  in  Asia  apud  Ephesum  celebratum 
est  vv.  cc.  Basso  Antiochoque  coss.  (a.  431).  c.  40:  iam  tempus  est  ut 
pollicitum  proferamus  exemplum,  ubi  et  quomodo  sanctorum  patrum 
sententiae  congregatae  sint,  ut  secundum  eas  .  .  fidei  regula  figeretur. 
quod  quo  commodius  fiat  hie  sit  iam  huius  pommonitorii  modus,  ut 
cetera  quae  sequuntur  ab  alio  sumaiaus  exordio.  This  second  commo- 
nitorium  has,  however,  been  lost  except  the  summing  up  at  the  end 
(c.  41—43);  cf.  c.  41  in.:  iam  tempus  est  ut  ea  quae  duobus  his  com- 
monitoriis  dicta  sunt  in  huius  secundi  fine  recapitulemus.  The  conclu- 
sion (c.  43) :  haec  sunt  fere  quae  duobus  coramonitoriis  latius  diserta 
aliquanto  nunc  brevius  recapitulandi  lege  constricta  sunt,  ut  memoria 
mea  .  .  prolixitatis  fastidio  non  obruatur. 

3.  The  definition  of  catholicity  c.  3;  id  quod  ubique,  quod  semper, 
quod  ab  omnibus  creditum  est.  All  'novitas'  is  thus  suspected  by  Vine, 
and  he  quite  agrees  with  the  word  of  Caelestinus :  desinat  incessere 
novitas  vetustatem  (c.  43).  Cf.  39:  eorum  dumtaxat  patrum  sententiae 
conferendae  sunt  qui  in  fide  et  communione  catholica  sancte  .  .  viventes 
.  .  mori  in  Christo  fideliter  .  .  meruerunt.  quibus  tamen  hac  lege 
credendum  est  ut  quidquid  vel  omnes  vel  plures  uno  eodemque  sensu 
manifeste,  frequenter,  perseveranter  .  .  firmaverint,  id  pro  indubitato, 
certo  ratoque  habeatur;  quidquid  vero,  quamvis  ille  sanctus  et  doctus, 
quamvis  episcopus,  quamvis  confessor  et  martyr,  praeter  omnes  aut 
etiam  contra  omnes  senserit,  id  inter  proprias  et  occultas  et  privatas 
opiniunculas  .  .  secretum  sit.  37:  (haeretici)  audent  ])()lliceri  et  docere 
quod  in  ecclesia  sua  .  .  magna  et  specialis  ac  plane  personalis  quaedam 
sit  dei  gratia,  adeo  ut  sine  ullo  labore,  etiamsi  noc  petant  nee  quae- 
rant  nee  pulsent,  quicumque  illi  ad  numerum  suurn  pertinent  .  .  num- 


480  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

quam  possint  offendere.  This  is  a  manifest  allusion  to  Augustine  de 
dono  persev.  23:  falluntur  qui  putant  esse  a  nobis,  non  dari  nobis,  ut 
petamus,  quaeramus,  pulsemus.  But  the  statement  of  Vossius  is  exag- 
gerated, hist,  pelag.  I  9:  commonitorium  adversus  Augustinum  ipsum 
vel  eos  saltern  qui  Augustini  sententiam  sequerentur  scripsisse  Vincen- 
tium  existimamus.  Similarly  Norisius  and  A.  Neander,  Hist,  of  the 
Church  II  3  p.  1327.  While  Vincentius  and  his  adherents  defend  their 
doctrine  'vetustate'  (Prosper  epist.  ad  August,  of  a.  428  or  429)  and 
call  Augustine's  doctrine  of  predestination  an  individual  heresy  (Prosper 
1.  1. :  multi  qui  in  Massiliensi  urbe  consistunt  in  .  .  scriptis  quae  adversus 
Pelagianos  coudidisti  contrarium  putant  patrum  opinioni  et  ecclesiatico 
sensui  quidquid  de  vocatione  electorum  secundum  dei  propositum  dis- 
putasti),  they  were  themselves  designated  as  Semipelagians  by  Augustine's 
partisans.    Against  the  Pelagian  Julianus  Vincentius  speaks,  common.  40. 

4.  Editions  especially  by  G.  Calixtus  (Helmstedt  1629.  1655),  St. 
Baluzius  (with  Salvianus,  Paris  1663  and  elsewhere),  E.  Kliipfej  (notis 
illustr.  and  with  78  pp.  prolegg.,  Vienn.  1809),  in  Migne's  patrolog.  L 
and  others. 

5.  Vincentius  does  not  seem  to  have  written  his  intended  work 
on  the  Trinity  (comm.  22  extr.).  But  that  he  further  participated  in 
the  Pelagian  contests  may  be  inferred  from  the  invective  of  Prosper 
entitled  pro  Augustino  responsiones  ad  capitula  (XVI)  obiectionum  Vin- 
centianarum.  In  a  similar  circle,  though  not  Ijy  Vine,  himself,  were 
composed  the  three  books  of  Praedestinatus  (ed.  Sirmond,  Paris  1643; 
in  Migne's  Patrol.  LIII  p.  587  sqq.).  Not  at  all  by  Vine,  is  the  symbolum 
Quicumque.     E.  Kliipfel  p.  56 — 71. 

452.  The  works  of  the  founder  of  papal  power,  the  Roman 
bishop  Leo  I.  (or  the  Great),  a.  440—461,  are  both  important 
for  their  subject-matter  and  interesting  in  their  form.  They 
consist  of  sermons  and  letters,  the  latter  embracing  nearly 
the  whole  time  of  his  episcopal  rule,  the  years  442 — 460. 
Leo  appears  in  them  both  as  a  strict  thinker  and  excellent 
man  of  business,  and  as  a  perfect  master  of  style,  no  less 
prudent  than  energetic;  unshakeable  in  his  purposes,  full  of 
invention  and  fine  calculation  with  regard  to  the  means  lead- 
ing to  them ;  moderate  and  fair  in  practical  questions,  of  ex- 
cellent tact  in  all  dogmatic  questions,  though  he  obstinately 
defended  the  doctrines  once  fixed  on  against  deviations  of  any 
kind,  but  above  all  jealously  watchful  as  to  the  privileged  po- 
sition claimed  by  him.  His  diction  is  pure  and  fluent,  in  some 
parts  even  elegant. 

1.     Gennad.    ill.    70:    Leo,    urbis    Romae    episcopus    (a.    440 — 461), 
scripsit  ad  Flavianum,  Constantinopolitanae  ecclesiae  episcopum,  adver- 


Pope  Leo.  481 

sus  Eutychen  presbyterum  .  .  epistolam.  moritur  Leone  et  Maioriano 
imperatoribus  (10.  November  461).  As  acolouthos  he  appears  first  a. 
418,  whence  he  would  seem  to  have  been  born  about  395.  His  letter 
to  Flavianus  (Epist.  28)  on  the  relation  of  the  two  natures  in  Christ 
became  the  basis  of  the  decrees  of  the  Synod  of  Chalcedon  (a.  451) 
and  gradually  assumed  a  symbolic  character.  Even  longer  is  his  letter 
to  the  Emperor  Leo  (Epist.  165)  written  a.  458  in  justification  of  the  first 
(and  the  resolutions  of  Chalcedon)  on  the  ground  of  Scripture  and  tra- 
dition. The  claims  of  the  Roman  See  to  the  Primate  are  very  distinctly 
put  forward  Epist.  16  and  156,  2.  Marcianus  acknowledged  directly  on 
his  accession  to  the  throne  Leo's  principatus  in  episcopatu  (epist.  73). 
Leo  wisely  avoided  exposing  his  person  to  the  intrigues  and  tempests 
of  the  East;  but  he  required  from  the  bishops  regular  reports  on  all 
mportant  events  in  the  Church,  energetically  opposed  an)^  manifestation 
lof  independence  (e.  g.  in  the  case  of  Hilarius  Arelat.  and  Anatolius 
Cpol.)  as  ambitus  (ep.  104 — 106.  157,  4)  and  invoked  even  the  temporal 
power  against  it  (ep.  II  24  and  other  passages). 

2.     Towards    the    Emperors    Leo    combines    strictness    in    matter 
with    the    utmost    politeness  in  form ;  he  exhibits  great  cleverness  and 
immense  industry,    and  practises  also  the  small  arts  of  diplomacy.     He 
never   sends    an  important  letter  to  the  Emperor  without  an  accompa- 
nying letter  to  the  Empress,  or  an  additional  letter  to  the  priest  who 
possessed  the  greatest  influence  at  Court  (with  a  copy  of  his  letter  to  their 
Majesties).     When   it   was   necessary   (a.  449)  to  persuade  the  Emperor 
Theodosius  to    withdraw  his  countenance  from  the  Alexandrine  bishop 
Dioscorus    and    the  so-called  Robber-Synod  of  Ephesus  (Epist.  43  sq.), 
Leo    wrote    not    only   also  to  the  Empress  Pulcheria  (45)  and  lulianus 
episcopus    Coensis    (quern  in  speculis  propter  fidem  illic  esse  constitui, 
ep.   134,   2    cf.   136,  3)  and  other  powerful  men  at  Constantinople,  but 
caused   also    the  Emperor  to  be  influenced  by  a  letter  of  the  Western 
Emperor  Valentinian  (55),   the  Empress  Galla  Placidia  (56  58)  and  Li- 
cinia    Eudoxia    (57),    all    which    letters  appear  in  Leo's  collection  with 
good    reason.     Under    Marcianus  also  Pulcheria  and  Julianus  were  the 
channels   through   which  Leo  influenced  the  weak  Emperor;  once  (Ep. 
123)  Eudocia  is  used;  under  the  Emperor  Leo  the  Presbyter  Aetius  is 
requested   to   make   opportunas  suggestiones,  nor  is  the  influential  pa- 
tricius    Asper   forgotten   (Ep.  153,  1).     Significantly  Leo  says  of  Marci- 
anus (Ep.  140,   a.   454) :   multis  experimentis  probavimus  earn  esse  glo- 
riosissimi  Augusti   fidem   ut   tunc  maxime  se  arbitretur  regno  suo  con- 
sulere   cum   praecipue   studuerit  pro  integritate  ecclesiae  laborare;  and 
ep.    156,   3  to  the  Emperor  Leo  (a.  457):  debes  incunctanter  advertere 
regiam    potestatem    tibi    non    ad  solum  mundi  regimen  sed  maxime  ad 
ecclesiae  praesidium  esse  collatam. 

3.  To  protect  the  interests  of  ecclesiastical  unity  Leo  is  an  in- 
exorable defender  of  orthodoxy;  cf.  ^4).  165,  2:  catholica  fides,  quae 
est  singularis  et  vera  cuique  nihil  addi,  nihil  minui  potest.  In  questi- 
ons   of   practical    life    he  was  free  from  rigour  and  ])edantry;  cf.  e.  g. 

31 


482  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch 

ep.    159.    167  sq.  E.  D.  Baur,  on  the  Church  in  the  fourth  to  the  sixth 
century  (Tiibi.  1863)  p.  114—116.  238—243.  246  sq.  248  sq. 

4.  The  extant  sermons  of  Leo  amount  to  the  number  of  96,  most 
of  them  brief,  as  sermons  ought  to  be,  and  similarly  the  173  letters  are 
free  from  loquacity.  The  first  attest  rhetorical  training.  Leo's  purity  of 
diction  is  not  carried  to  classicity  (late  Latin  words  and  phrases  like 
aliquant!  homines,  obviare,  fiducialiter,  pervasor,  subadiuva,  tribulatio 
being  not  rare),  but  it  is  admirable  in  his  time  and  may  tend  to  prove 
that  Leo  was  a  native  of  Rome  and  descended  from  a  good  family  with 
an  original  talent  for  formal  elaboration. 

5.  Works  erroneously  ascribed  to  Leo:  Capitula  s.  praeteritorum 
sedis  apostolicae  episcoporum  auctoritates  (of  a.  431);  De  vocatione  om- 
nium gentium;  Epistola  ad  Demetriadem,  s.  de  humilitate  tractatus; 
Sacramentarium  or  codex  sacramentorum  vetus  romanae  ecclesiae ;  Bre- 
viarium  adversus  haereticos. 

6.  The  chief  editions  of  the  works  of  Leo  are  by  Paschasius  Ques- 
nellus  (Paris  1675.  2  vols.  4.  Lugd.  1700.  2  vols,  fol.)  and  cur.  P.  et 
Hieron.  fratr.  Balleriniis  (Venet.  1755  sqq.  3  vols.  fol.).  Hence  in  Migne's 
Patrol.  LIV— LVL    The  letters  are  also  in  the  collections  of  the  Councils. 

7.  Treatises  on '  Leo  chiefly  by  Quesnelle  and  Ballerini  in  their 
editions.     A.  Arendt,  Leo  the  Great  and  his  time,  Mayence  1835. 

453.  A  zealous  adherent  of  Augustine  in  dogmatic  que- 
stions was  the  Aquitanian  Prosper,  by  whom  we  have  both 
works  against  the  Pelagians  and  Semipelagians  and  poems  of 
similar  contents,  and  especially  Chronicles  accurately  joining 
those  of  Hieronymus,  whose  work  was  thus  continued  to  A. 
D.  455.  Prosper's  Chronicles  were  both  continued  and  abrid- 
ged by  later  writers.  The  list  of  the  Consuls  from  A.  D.  29 
is  the  only  part  derived  from  sources  now  inaccessible  to  us. 
Among  other  Christian  writers  we  may  especially  mention  the 
Scotchman  Patricius. 

1.  Gennad.  ill.  84:  Prosper,  homo  aquitanicae  regionis,  sermone 
scholasticus  et  assertionibus  nervosus,  multa  composuisse  dicitur,  ex 
quibus  ego  Chronica  illius  nomine  praetitulata  legi,  continentia  a  primi 
hominis  conditione  .  .  usque  ad  obitum  Valentiniani  Aug.  et  captivitatem 
urbis  Romae  a  Genserico  Vandalorum  rege  lactam  (so  also  Cassiod.  div. 
lect.  17)..  legi  et  librum  adversus  opuscula  sub  persona  Cassiani  (above 
450).  .  .  epistolae  quoque  papae  Leonis  adversus  Eutychen  de  vera 
Christi  incarnatione  ad  diversos  datae  et  ab  ipso  dictatae  dicuntur.  A 
letter  of  Prosper  to  Augustine  (ignotus  quidem  facie)  a.  428  or  429,  on 
the  remainders  of  Pelagianism  in  Gaul,  among  Aug.  Ep.  225 ;  cf.  ibid, 
the  similar  letter  of  Prosper's  friend  Hilarius,  and  Prosper's  letter  to 
Rufinus.    opp.    Aiigustini,    append.  X  p.  109  sqq.     In  Augustine's  works 


Prosper'  of  Aquitania.  483 

(and  Migne's  patrol.  LI)  we  have  also  Prosper's  pro  Augustino  respon- 
siones  ad  capitula  obiectionum  Gallorum  calumniantium,  ad  cap.  obiect. 
Vincentianarum  (abore  451,  3).  ad  excerpta  quae  de  genuensi  civitate 
sunt  missa,  and  especially  his  work  De  gratia  dei  et  libero  arbitrio. 
Also  an  abridgment  of  Augustine's  commentary  on  the  Psalms  and  a 
collection  of  the  principal  dogmatic  sentences  in  his  works.  Part  of 
the  latter  were  also  put  in  elegiac  metre  by  Prosper  (106  epigrams). 

2.  Prosper's  works  edited  by  the  Benedictines  (Paris  1711.  fol.)  =z 
Migne  LI.  A  complete  edition  of  his  Chronicles  by  Labbe,  nova  bibl. 
ms.  (Paris  1657.  fol.)  and  in  Goncalli's  vetustorum  latinorum  scriptorum 
chronica  (Padua  1787.  2  vols.  4)  I  p.  522  sqq.  Cf.  v.  d.  Hagen,  obser- 
vationes  in  Prosp.  Aq.  chronicon,  Amsterd.  1733.  4.  The  list  of  the 
Consuls  in  Mommsen's  Essay  on  the  Chronicles  of  Cassiodorus  (Trans, 
of  the  Saxon  Soc.  of  Lit.  YlII  r=  philol.  hist.  Class  III,  Leipzig  1861) 
p.  661 — 674.  See  there  p.  563  sq.  note  p.  660  (the  Chronicles  'a  bad 
piece  of  work').  675  sq.  ('On  the  whole,  this  late  and  pious  Chronology 
appears  to  have  been  made  up  with  a  carelessness  almost  incompre- 
hensible to  us'.)  An  abridgment  of  the  last  piece  of  Prosper's  Chro- 
nicles is  the  so-called  Prosper  Augustanus,  edited  by  Canisius  from  an 
Augsburg  ms.  H.  Fernow,  in  Ebert-Lembcke,  Jahrb.  f.  rom.  Lit.  XI 
(1870)  p.  257—280. 

3.  Just  as  Prosper  copied  and  continued  Hieronymus,  he  was  him- 
self employed  in  the  Easter-table  of  Victorius  Aquitanicus,  of  which 
Cassiodorus  again  availed  himself  in  a  similar  manner.  Mommsen  1.  1. 
p.  565.  Prosperi  Aquitani  Chronici  continuator  Havniensis;  nunc  primum 
edidit  G.  Hille,  Berlin  1866.  37  pp.  On  the  Easter-table  at  Zeitz  of  a. 
447  see  Mommsen,  Trans,  of  the  Berlin  Academy  1862  p.  539 — 566. 

4.  '  Prosper  composed  also  a  didactic  poem  de  ingratis  in  four 
parts  (1002  hexameters  altogether),  about  a.  430,  in  Augustine's  life-time 
(v.  90  sqq.)  and  directed  against  the  dogma  quod  .  .  pestifero  vomuit 
coluber  sermone  Britannus  (Pelagius).  Cf.  693.  praef.  1  sqq. :  unde 
voluntatis  sanctae  subsistat  origo,  unde  animis  pietas  insit  et  unde  fides 
Adversum  ingratos  (not  recognising  the  mercy  of  God)  falsa  et  virtute 
superbos  centenis  decies  versibus  exposui.  The  dry  subject  is  treated 
with  much  life  and  spirit,  and  though  the  refined  laws  on  caesura,  syna- 
loephe  etc.  are  not  observed,  the  author  (except  in  a  few  instances,  like 
aliud  239)  does  not  violate  the  ordinary  laws,  and  gives  proofs  of  his 
familiarity  with  the  pagan  poets  and  of  his  rhetorical  training.  He  uses 
archaisms  like  nascier  (10)  and  mage  (962)  to  suit  his  metre.  There 
are  also  two  epigrams  (in  elegiacs)  against  a  literary  adversary  of  Au- 
gustine and  defender  of  the  liberty  of  human  volition,  and  also  an 
epitaph  on  the  (kindred)  Nestorian  and  Pelagian  heresies.  The  preface 
of  the  106  dogmatic  epigrams  (see  n.  1  extr.) :  Dum  sacris  mentem 
placet  exercere  loquelis  quosdam  ceu  prato  libuit  decerpere  flores  di- 
stinctisque  ipsos  texere  versiculis.  On  Pr.  cf.  F.  Papencordt,  the  reign 
of  the  Vandals    1837)  p.  355—358. 


484  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

5.  Among  the  works  wrongly  ascribed  to  Fi-u\5ij)er  Aquit.  we  may 
especially  mention  a  poem  in  which  the  author  exhorts  his  wdfe  to 
devote  herself  entirely  to  God  in  company  with  himself.  It  begins  with 
16  neat  Anacreontics  in  4  strophes  (also  in  Bede  p.  2379  P.  and 
Wernsdorf  poetae  lat.  min.  Ill  p.  413  8q.)  and  then  goes  on  in  elegiacs 
(116  lines).  Then  a  didactic  poem  de  providentia  divina  (v.  97 — 972), 
with  an  introduction  (v.  1—96)  in  elegiacs.  Transition  (95  sq.) :  at  ne 
sermo  moram  patiatur  ab  impare  versu,  heroi  numeris  porrige  penta- 
metrum.  That  it  is  not  by  Prosper  Aq.  appears  sufficiently  from  the 
Pelagian  views  of  this  poem.  Cf.  e.  g.  238  sqq. :  quia  liber  homo  et 
sapiens  discernere  rectis  prava  potest,  in  se  intus  habens  discrimina 
rerum  iusque  voluntatis,  quo  temperat  arbitrium  mens.  554  sqq.  and 
elsewhere.  The  style  is  fluent  and  correct,  but  garrulous  and  often 
trivial. 

6.  Other  Christian  writers  of  this  time  by  whom  we  possess  works 
in  Latin.  Patricius  (born  near  Glasgow,  originally  called  Succath), 
the  well-known  apostle  of  the  Irish  (St.  Patrick),  the  author  of  a  con- 
fessio  (in  Migne  LIII  p.  801 — 814),  letters  and  other  compositions  (ib. 
p.  814 — 838);  also  31  hexameters  (a  list  of  miracles)  are  ascribed  to 
him  (Anth,  lat.  791  R.).  Turribius  Asturicensis  (bishop  since  447), 
the  author  of  a  letter  to  the  bishops  Idacius  and  Ceponius  against  the 
apocryphal  works  and  the  Priscillianists,  printed  after  Leo's  epist.  15 
(Migne  LIV  p.  693 — 695).  Leo  Bituricensis  (bishop  of  Bourges)  a  letter 
by  whom  is  likewise  found  among  the  Correspondence  of  Leo  the 
Great,  addressed  to  the  bishops  of  the  provincia  III  Lugd.  (Turonica) : 
Migne  LIV. 

7.  Christian  prose-writers  of  the  West  of  about  this  time,  whose 
works  have  been  lost.  Syagrius  (Gennad.  ill.  65);  Paulinus  (ib.  68); 
Asclepius  Afer,  in  baiensi  territorio  episcopus  (ib.  73) ;  Paulus  presbyter 
natione  .  .  Pannonius  (ib.  75) :  Pastor  episcopus  (ib.  76) ;  Victor,  Car- 
tennae  Mauritaniae  civitatis  episcopus  (scripsit  adversus  Arianos  librum 
unum  longum,  quern  Genserico  regi  .  .  obtulit  etc.,  ib.  77);  Voconius, 
Castellani  Mauritaniae  oppidi  episcopus  (ib.  78) ;  Musaeus,  Massiliensis 
ecclesiae  presbyter  (moritur  Leone  et  Maioriano  regnantibus,  ib.  79) ; 
Vincentius  presbyter,  et  ipse  natione  Gallus  (linguam  habens  usu  lo- 
quendi  et  maiore  lectione  politam,  ib.  80). 

8.  Dictinii  tractatus  quos  secundum  Priscilliani  dogma  conscripsit 
mentioned  by  Leo  epist.  15,  16. 

9.  Gregor.  Tur.  hist.  Franc.  II  8:  quid  de  Actio  .  .  Renati  Frige- 
ridi  narrat  Historia.  .  .  cum  in  duodecimo  Historiarum  libro  referat 
.  .  adicit.  Cf.  ib.  9:  Renatus  Profuturus  Frigeridus,  cum  Romam  refert 
a  Gothis  captam  atque  subversam,  ait.  Both  mentions  are  followed  by 
long  quotations. 

10.  On  the  calendar  of  Polemius  Silvius  (a.  448  sq.)  see  above 
[Add.  on  §  64]. 


Minor  Christian  writers.     Codex  Theodosianus.  485 

454.  A.  438  the  codex  Theodosianus,  which  had  been 
in  preparation  by  a  Committee  during  nine  years,  was  finished. 
It  is  an  official  collection  of  the  decrees  made  by  the  Empe- 
rors since  Constantine  (ius  principale).  It  consists  of  sixteen 
books,  arranged  according  to  the  subject-matters,  the  Imperial 
Edicts  being  mentioned  in  chronological  order  within  each 
section.  In  the  Eastern  Empire  this  collection  was  law  as 
well  as  its  Supplements  (novellae  leges),  until  Justinian  worked 
it  up  in  his  Digest;  in  the  West  it  was  soon  abridged,  and 
the  first  third  has  come  down  to  us  oiJy  in  this  abridged 
form. 

1.  From  the  law  introductory  to  the  Cod.  Theod.,  given  15  Febr. 
438:  electis  viris  nobilibus  exploratae  fidei.  famosae  doctrinae,  quibus 
delegata  causa  civilis  officii,  .  .  retro  principum  scita  volgavimus,  ne 
iurisperitorum  ulterius  severitate  mentita,  dissimulata  scientia,  velut  ab 
ipsis  adytis  expectarentur  formidanda  respousa.  (3.)  quam  ob  rem  de- 
tersa  nube  vohiminum  in  quibus  multorum  nihil  explicantium  aetates 
attritae  sunt  compendiosam  divalium  constitutionum  scientiam  ex  d. 
Constantini  temporibus  roboramus,  nulli  post  kal.  Ian.  (439)  concessa 
licentia  ad  forum  et  quotidianas  advocationes  ius  principale  deferre  vel 
litis  instrumenta  componere  nisi  ex  his  videlicet  libris,  qui  in  nostri 
nominis  vocabulum  transierunt  et  sacris  habentur  ir.  scriniis.  (7.)  Ion- 
gum  est  memorare  quid  in  huius  consummationem  negotii  contulerit 
vigilils  suis  Antiochus  .  .  expraef.  et  cos.,  quid  Maximinus,  .  .  Marty- 
rius,  quid  etiam  Sperantius,  Apollodorus,  Theodorus,  .  .  quid  Epigenes, 
.  .  Procopius.  From  the  minutes  of  the  Roman  Senate,  a.  438 :  cum 
.  .  banc  quoque  orbi  suo  .  .  d.  n.  Theodosius  adicere  voluit  dignitatem 
ut  in  unum  collectis  leguni  praeceptionibus  sequenda  per  orbem  XVI 
librorum  compendio,  quos  sacratissimo  suo  nomine  voluit  consecrari, 
constitui  iuberet.  From  the  Decree  of  a.  429  (cod.  Theod.  I  1,  5):  Ad 
similitudinem  Gregoriani  atque  Hermogeniani  codicis  cunctas  colligi 
constitutiones  decernimus  quas  Constantinus  inclitus  et  post  eum  divi 
principes  nosque  tulimus  edictorum  viribus  aut  sacra  generalitate  sub- 
nixas.  .  .  sed  cum  simplicius  iustiusque  sit  praetermissis  iis  quas  pos- 
teriores  infirmant  explicari  solas  quas  valere  conveniet,  hunc  quidem 
codicem  .  .  cognoscamus  etc.  ad  tanti  consummationem  operis  et  con- 
texendos  codices  (quorum  primus  omni  geneT-alium  constitutione  col- 
lecta  nullaque  extra  se  quam  iam  proferre  liceat  praetermissa  inanem 
verborum  copiam  recusabit,  alter  omni  iuris  diversitate  exclusa  magi- 
sterium  vitae  suscipict)  deligendi  viri  sunt  singularis  fidei,  limatioris 
ingenii.  .  .  Antiochum  v.  i.  exquaest.  et  praef.  elegimus,  Antiochum 
V.  i.  quaestorem  s.  pal.,  Theodorum,  .  .  Eudicium  et  Eusebium,  loannemj 
.  .  Comazontem  atque  Eubulum,  .  .  et  Apellem,  virum  disertissimum, 
scholasticum.  hos  a  nostra  perennitate  electos  eruditissimum  quemque 
adhibituros   esse  confidimus  etc.     Cod.  Th.  I  1,  6  (a.  435):  .omnes  edic- 


486  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

tales  generalesque  constitutiones  vel  in  certis  provinciis  sen  locis  valere 
ant  proponi  iussae  quas  divus  Constantinns  posterioresque  principes  ac 
nos  tulimns  indicibus  rernm  titnlis  distinguantur,  ita  nt  non  solum  con- 
sulum  dieruraque  supputatione  sed  etiam  ordine  compositionis  apparere 
possint  novissimae.  .  .  (1.)  quod  ut  brevitate  constrictum  claritate  lu- 
ceat  aggressuris  hoc  opus  et  demendi  supervacanea  verba  et  adiciendi 
necessaria  et  mutandi  ambigua  et  emendandi  incongrua  tribuimus  po- 
testatem.  (2.)  contextores  huius  Theodosiani  codicis  Antiochus  .  .  con- 
sularis,  Eubulus,  .  .  Maximinus,  .  .  Sperantius,  Martyrius,  Alipins,  Se- 
bastianus,  Apollodorus,  Theodorus,  Oron,  .  .  Maximus,  Epigenes,  Diodo- 
rus,  Procopius,  .  .  Erotius,  .  .  Neuterius. 

2.  Book  1 — 5  contain  the  ius  ordinarium  in  the  codex  of  the 
Edict,  the  following  parts  the  ius  extraordinarium  and  novum,  b,  6 — 8 
the  new  law  on  the  administration  of  the  state,  b.  9  criminal  law, 
b.  10  sq.  fiscal  law,  b.  12 — 15  administration  of  communities;  b.  16 
ecclesiastical  law. 

3.  The  cod.  Theod.  was  epitomized  in  the  Visigothic  lex  romana 
and  summaries  of  it  were  used  as  late  as  saec.  VII,  probably  at  the 
university  of  Ravenna.  Antiqua  summaria  codicis  Theod.  ed.  G.  flaenel, 
Lips.  1834. 

4.  The  earliest  edition  (by  Sichard,  Basil.  1528  fol.)  contains  only 
the  cod.  Th.  epitomatus.  It  was  completed  in  b.  1 — 8,  books  9 — 16 
being  added  for  the  first  time,  from  a  cod.  Vat.,  by  J.  Dutillet  (lo. 
Titius,  Paris  1550).  It  was  further  augmented  and  VI  2  sqq.  VII  and 
VIII  were  first  published  by  Cuiacius  (Lugd.  1566.  Paris  1586  fol.). 
Codicis  Theod.  fragmenta  inedita  ex  cod.  palimpsesto  bibl.  reg.  Taurin. 
Athenaei  (see  above  399,  4)  in  lucem  protulit  atque  ill.  Am.  Peyron, 
Turin  1823.  4.  Theod.  codicis  genuini  fragmenta  ex  membranis  bibl. 
ambrosianae  Mediol.  nunc  primum  ed.  W.  F.  Clossius,  Tubing.  1824. 
Th.  cod.  genuina  fragmenta  ed.  E.  Pugge,  Bonn.  1825.  Codicis  Th. 
libri  V  priores  ed.  C.  F.  C.  Wenck,  1825.  Fourteen  rescribed  leaves 
which  Peyron  had  overlooked,  were  added  by  Carlo  Baudi  a  Vesme, 
Turin  1839  sqq. 

5.  An  edition  with  the  full  commentary  of  Jac.  Gothofredus  (opus 
po'^tumum)  in  6  vols.  Lugd.  1655  fol.  Ed.  nova  .  .  collata  cum  ms. 
Wtirceburg.  cur.  I.  I).  Ritter,  6  vols.  Lips.  1736—1745  fol.  Critical 
edition :  codex  Theod.  ad  LIV  librorum  mss.  et  priorum  editionum  fidem 
recogn.  et  annot.  crit.  instruxit  G.  Haenel,  Bonn.  1837 — 1842.  XLVIII 
and   1715  pp.    4. 

6.  On  the  cod.  Th.  see  Zimmern,  Hist,  of  Rom.  private  Law  I  1. 
p.  165-172.     Rudorft;  Hist,  of  Rom.  Law  I  p.  277—280. 

7.  Cod.  Th.  I  1,  6,  3  (a.  435):  nullum  extra  se  novellae  constitu- 
tionis  locum  relicturi  nisi  quae  post  editionem  huius  fuerit  promulgata. 
These  subsequent  laws  were  to  be  mutually  communicated  by  each  of 
the  Courts  (at  Rome  and  Constantinople)    and    then  published.     A.  447 


Codex   Theodosianus.     Consultatio.  487 

— 472  Eastroman  'novellae'  were  actually  sent  to  Rome  and  published 
there,  but  Westroman  'novellae'  do  not  occur  in  the  cod.  Just,  after 
a.  438.  The  novellae  of  Theodosius  II,  Valentinian  III,  (Maximus), 
Marcianus,  Maiorianus,  Severus  and  Anthemius,  in  six  divisions  with 
rubrics,  partly  in  the  Visigothic  abridgment,  partly  in  the  original 
state:  nunc  primum  ed.  P.  Pithoeus  (Paris.  1571.  4.  and  elsewhere). 
They  were  augmented  by  Cuiacius,  Zirardinus,  Amadutius.  A  complete 
critical  edition  by  G.  Hanel,  novellae  constitutiones  imperatorum  Theo- 
dosii  II  etc.  ad  librorum  mss.  et  editionum  fidem  recogn.  et  annot.  crit. 
instr.,  Bonn.  1844  (in  the  Bonn  corp.  iur.  anteiust.) 

8.  The  21  so-called  Constitutions  of  Sirmond  (J.  Sirmond,  appen- 
dix codicis  Theod.  novis  constitutionibus  cumulatior,  Paris  1631  and 
elsewhere)  are  on  canon  law  and  were  promulgated  by  Constantine 
and  other  Emperors  saec.  IV.  They  are  derived  from  a  chronological 
collection  made  in  Gaul  a.  581 — 720,  and  appended  to  the  Decrees  of 
the  Councils  there.  They  have  been  preserved  in  a  ms.  saec.  VIII. 
G.  Hanel,  de  constitutionibus  quas  Jac.  Sirmondus  edidit,  Lips.  1840, 
and  in  the  Bonn  Corpus  iur.  anteiust.  II  p.  405 — 480. 

455.  After  the  promulgation  of  the  codex  Theodosianus, 
but  perhaps  still  anterior  to  the  death  of  Theodosius  II  (a. 
450),  the  so-called  Consultatio  was  composed  in  Gaul,  being 
the  replies  of  one  or  several  Jurists  to  the  queries  of  soli- 
citors, the  legal  passages  of  the  codex  Gregorianus,  Hermo- 
genianus  and  Theodosianus  being  quoted  verbatim 

1.  It  was  first  edited  by  J.  Cuiacius  (Paris  1577)  from  a  copy  of 
the  sole  ms.  (since  then  lost)  belonging  to  A.  Loisel.  Subsequent 
editions   by  Schulting    (lurisprud.  p.  813  sqq.),    Biener  (lus  civ.  ant.  p. 

J477  sqq.),  Pugge  (in  the  Bonn  Corp.  iur.  ant.  p.  391 — 408)  and  Huschke 
(iurisprud.  anteiust.^  p.  725 — 747). 

2.  A.  F.  Rudorff,  on  the  origin  of  the  Consult.,  Journal  of  histor. 
Jurisprudence  XIII  p.  50—66.     Cf.  Huschke  1.  1.  p.  722—725. 

3.  The  work  may  be  divided  into  three  parts  (c.  1 — 3,  4 — 6,  7 — 9), 
each  of  which  contains  several  queries.  Just  as  in  the  lex  rom.  Burg., 
the  citations  are  merely  taken  from  Paulus'  sententiae  (above  373,  3), 
previously  to  their  being  abridged.  The  lex  romana  Visigoth,  and 
Burgund.  are  not  mentioned.  The  author  is  unknown.  That  the  work 
was  composed  in  the  life-time  of  Theodosius  II  appears  (as  Rudorfi 
points  out)  from  c.  7,  3  (Pauli  iuridici,  cuius  sententias  sacratissimorum 
principum  scita  semper  valituras  ac  divalis  constitutio  declarant)  the 
omission  of  any  mention  of  his  name  (sacrat.  princ),  whether  it  be 
that  'ac  divalis  constitutio'  means  that  of  Constantine  (cod.  Theod.  I 
4,  2;  a.  327)  or  should  be  explained  (with  Huschke  p.  739,  not.  1)   pe- 


488  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

rinde    ac    div.    const,    (semper    valet).     The    other   reasons    alleged  by 
Buschke  (p.  723  sq.)  do  not  seem  to  agree  with  this, 

4.  The  work  is  first  quoted  by  Ivo  of  Chartres  (a.  1090 — 1115) 
Decret.  16,  201. 

5.  On  the  libri  coloniarum  (perhaps  c.  450)  see  above  339,  4. 

6.  On  the  subscriptio  of  Vegetius  (c.  450)  see  above  424,  6.  For 
other  notices  see  above  372,  4.     416,  11. 

456.  In  the  fifth  century  many  works  on  medical  art  and 
natural  history  were  translated  from  Greek  into  Latin  for  the 
use  of  the  German  tribes,  especially  works  of  Dioscorides, 
Hippocrates  and  Galenus,  but  even  Cassius  Felix  was  trans- 
lated, and  the  translator  of  Soranus,  the  head  of  the  metho- 
dical School,  the  African  Caelius  Aurelianus,  belongs  also 
to  this  time.  By  him  we  possess,  besides  the  works  on  chro- 
nic and  acute  diseases,  also  extensive  pieces  of  his  abridgment 
of  medical  science  in  questions  and  answers  (medicinales  re- 
sponsiones). 

1.  Cassiod.  de  inst.  div.  litt.  31:  quodsi  vobis  non  fuerit  graeca- 
rum  litterarum  nota  facundia,  inprimis  liabetis  Herbarium  Dioscoridis, 
qui  herbas  agrorum  mirabili  proprietate  disseruit  atque  depinxit,  post 
haec  legite  Hippocratem  atque  Galenum  latina  lingua  converses,  i.  e. 
Therapeutica  Galeni  ad  philosophum  Glauconem  dsstinata  et  anonymum 
quendam  qui  ex  diversis  auctoribus  probatur  esse  collectus.  deinde 
Aurelii  Caelii  de  medicina  et  Hippocratis  de  herbis  et  curis  (cibis  ac- 
cording to  V.  Rose)  diversosque  alios  de  medendi  arte  compositos  quos 
vobis  in  bybliothecae  nostrae  sinibus  reconditos  .  .  dereliqui.  See 
below  489. 

2.  The  translator  (de  graeco  in  latinum  liber  translatus)  of  Cas- 
sius Felix  {laiQoooi^taT^g,  probably  Cassius,  ingeniosissimus  saeculi 
nostri  medicus,  quern  nuper  vidimus,  in  Cels.  1  prooem.  p.  11  extr. 
Dar.  cf.  ib.  IV  21.  V  25,  12.  Gael.  Aur.  chron.  IV  7,  99)  wrote,  accor- 
ding to  cod.  Paris,  lat.  6114  sub  ardebre  et  asclepio  consulibus,  i.  e. 
a.  447  (V.  Rose,  Aristot.  pseudepigr.  p.  388).  A  ms.  of  this  translation 
is  also  at  Cambridge,  see  Daremberg's  Oribase  I  p.  XL. 

3.  On  Caelius  Aurelianus  see  above  348,  5.  As  he  is  chiefly  trans- 
lator (of  Soranus),  his  omission  of  any  mention  of  Galenus  proves  only 
the  time  of  Soranus  (above  339,  8),  not  his  own.  The  diction  of  Cael. 
Aur.,  which  inclines  greatly  to  the  Romance  languages  (e.  g.  quod  after 
verbs  of  saying  and  declaring)  assigns  him  to  saec.  V.  The  comparison 
of  a  fragment  ex  genecia  (Gynaecia)  celii  aureliani  methodic!  siccensis 
(Hermes  IV  p.  141  sqq.)  with  the  extant  original  (jhqI  yvyafx^fotyy 
Ttiu^ioy)    shows   that  Cael.  Aur.  translates  literally,    but  sometimes  also 


I 


Caelius  Aurelianus.  489 

abridges.  The  quotations  of  other  writings  by  himself  (see  Amman's 
Index  s.  v.  Gael.  Aur.)  apply  merely  to  his  translations  of  other  works 
of  Soranus.     V.  Rose,  Anecd.  II  p.  167. 

4.  Gael.  Aur.  acut.  I  praef. :  placet  itaque,  Bellice  discipulorum 
summe,  celerum  passionum  libros  scribere.  .  .  nam  interrogationum 
ac  responsionum  libros,  quibus  omnem  medicinam  breviter  dixi,  iam- 
dudum  ad  Suaretium  nostrum  perscriptos  aptissime  destinavi.  is  enim, 
ut  nosti,  ex  omni  parte  graecarum  scientia  praeditus  est  litterarum. 
In  the  monastery  at  Lorsch  existed  Caelii  Aureliani  methodici  siccen- 
sis  medicinalium  responsionum  libri  III  in  uno  codice.  This  ms.  (saec. 
IX  at  the  latest)  is  now  lost,  but  Valentin  Rose  discovered  in  a  Garls- 
ruhe  (saec.  X)  (originally  Reichenau)  and  a  London  ms.  saec.  XII  con- 
siderable parts  of  the  work,  in  the  latter  beginning  Incipit  liber  So- 
rani  de  digestionibus,  which  he  edited  in  his  Anecd.  gr.  et  graecol.  II 
p.  183 — 202.  Cf.  ibid.  p.  168 — 172.  It  begins:  Gum  nobis  saepius,  mens 
Lucreti,  de  medicina  fuerit  sermo  etc.  .  .  hoc  dabit  occasionem  meis 
interrogationibus  (p.  183.  196).  This  piece  contains  rules  on  health 
(salutaria  praecepta,  cf.  Gael.  Aur.  p.  76.  341.  Amman).  From  the  same 
Reichenau  ms.  a  further  piece  has  been  published  ibid.  (p.  206  —  225. 
226 — 240,  cf.  p.  174 — 179),  beginning:  Duobus  me  libris  diaeticarum 
partem  traditurum  promisi,  ex  quibus  superiore  libro  respondens  de 
curatione,  de  passionibus,  de  temporibus  et  inspectione  et  de  pulsu  et 
de  generali  significatione  et  de  typis  et  de  diatritis  et  de  adiutoriis  .  . 
ordinavi.  nunc  de  speciali  significatione  diaeticarum  passionum  et  de 
generali  curatione  respondeamus,  ut  isto  volumine  omnis  diaeticarum 
cura  compleatur.  This  third  book  would  have  embraced  surgery  and 
gynaecology,  if  it  was  indeed  the  last.  Lib.  Ill  Responsionum  medici- 
nalium is  quoted  by  Gael.  Aur.  p.  206.  274.  436.  cf.  207  ed.  Amm.  1757. 
This  work  was  likewise  translated  from  Soranus;  cf.  Soran.  gynaec.  p. 
27  and  37  (*V  tw  vyvfivM).     Rose  p.  172. 

5.  The  diction  of  the  Reichenau  (n.  4)  medic,  resp.  agrees  with 
that  of  Gael.  Aur.  ^cf.  Rose  p.  202 — 205).  In  his  later  works  (chron. 
and  acut.)  G.  A.  made  use  of  his  former  ones,  and  sometimes  even 
inserted  complete  sections.  The  questions  of  G.  A.  were  also  used  by 
by  Ps.  Pliny,  Isidore  (Origg.  IV)  and  Aurelius  -  Esc<jlapius.  Rose 
p.  175  sq. 

6.  The  name  of  Soranus  is  borne  by  two  large  Latin  fragments 
at  Garlsruhe  (Reichenau  ms.  saec.  IX — X)  and  London  (Gotton.  saec. 
Xlll),  both  with  the  heading  Suranus  filio  karissimo  salutem,  the  Garls- 
ruhe fragment  (printed  by  Rose  p.  275 — 280,  cf.  ibid.  p.  170  sq.)  also 
Peri  sfigmon  {nhQl  a(^vy/u(t)y,  de  pulsibus),  at  the  end  in  the  form  of 
questions.  The  London  fragment  (printed  ibid.  p.  243 — 274)  contains 
an  introduction  ad  medicinam,  composed  in  interrogationum  et  respon- 
sionum modus  (p.  247,  6  sq.),  after  a  long  preface  (printed  also  in  the 
collection  of  Albanus  Torinus  De  re  mcdica;  Basil.  1528  fob,  fol.  1  and 
2  =  c.  1 — 4).     The    first  question  is  quid  est  horus  Co^og)?    This  is  a 


490  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Latin  version  of  the  "OQog  attributed  to  Galenus.  The  section  de  pul- 
sibus  (p.  263 — 266)  shows  a  liberal  use  of  the  extensive  treatise  on 
this  subject  in  the  Reichenau  ms.  The  pieces  given  by  Alb.  Torinus 
1.  1.  as  c.  5 — 23  are  unconnected  fragments  from  unknown  sources. 
Kose  p.  169—171. 

457.  Among  the  Christian  poets  of  the  time,  the  Spanish 
rhetorician  Merobaudes,  who  had  also  served  in  the  army 
and  by  whom  we  formerly  knew  only  a  brief  poem  on  Christ, 
has  recently  gained  in  importance  by  some  newly  discovered 
historical  poems,  especially  on  Aetius.  The  tone  of  these 
poems  is  pretentious,  the  form  correct.  The  orthodoxy  and 
prosody  of  Marius  Victor's  versification  of  the  Genesis  are 
blameless,  but  his  letter  to  the  abbot  Salomo  is  more  inter- 
esting, containing,  as  it  does,  a  satirical  description  of  the 
morals  of  the  time  among  either  sex.  The  commonitorium  of 
Orientius  is  perhaps  of  the  same  time,  being  two  books  in 
elegiacs,  and  recommending  a  Christian  mode  of  life. 

1.  A  Roman  inscription  (Orelli  1183)  of  a.  435:  Fl.  Merobaudi 
V.  s.  com.  SC.  Then:  Fl.  Merobaudi  aeque  forti  et  docto  viro,  tam 
facere  laudanda  quam  aliorum  facta  laudare  praecipuo,  castrensi  ex- 
perientia  claro,  facundia  vel  otiosorum  studia  supergresso,  cui  a  cre- 
pundiis  par  virtutis  et  eloquentiae  cura  ingenium  ita  fortitudini  ut 
doctrinae  natum  stilo  et  gladio  pariter  exercuit,  nee  in  umbra  vel  la- 
tebris  mentis  vigorem  scholari  tantum  otio  torpere  passus  inter  arma 
litteris  militabat  et  in  Alpibus  acuebat  eloquium.  ideo  illi  cessit  in  prae- 
mium  .  .  imago  acre  formata.  .  .  quod  huic  quoque  cum  Augustissimis 
Roma  principibus  Theodosio  et  Placido  Valentiniano  rerum  dominis  in 
foro  Ulpio  detulerunt,  remunerantes  in  viro  antiquae  nobilitatis  novae 
gloriae  vel  industriam  militarem  vel  carmen,  cuius  praeconio  gloria 
triumfali  crevit  imperio.  Cf.  Sidon.  carm.  IX  (ad  Felic),  293  sqq. :  sed 
nunc  tertius  ille  non  legetur  Baetin  qui,  patrium  solum,  relinquens  un- 
dosae  petiit  sitim  Ravennae,  plosores  cui  fulgidam  Quirites  et  carus 
popularitate  princeps  Traiano  statuam  foro  locarunt.  These  expressions 
betray  jealousj'^  and  bad  temper.  Merobaud.  carm.  5  praef. :  pro  his 
me  laudibus  tuis  (of  Aetius)  Roma  cum  principe  victuro  aere  formavit, 
pro  hip  denique  nuper  ad  honoris  maximi  (Consulate)  nomen  .  .  Impe- 
rator  evexit.  .  .  vel  ego  vel  alii  qui  in  hac  dicendi  professione  sunt. 
.  .  delatus  ego  in  .  .  sinum  qua  Salonas  usque  pelagus  illabitur  nactus 
sum  quendam  qui    etc. 

2.  Merobaudis  Hispani  scholastici  carmen  de  Christo  (30  hexa- 
meters) e.  g.  in  Migne  patrol.  LXI  p.  972  sq.  and  in  the  editions  of 
Claudian  (nr.  XCVIII  in  Gesner),  hence  Niebuhr  also  attributes  to  Mero- 
baudes ib.  XCV  (carmen  paschale,  generally  ascribed  to  Damasus)  and 
XCIX  (miracula  Christi). 


Merobaudes  and  other  Poets.  491 

3.  A.  1823,  B.  G.  Niebuhr  discovered  in  a  palimpsest  of  the  St. 
Gall  Library  some  fragmentary  pieces  of  poems  which  he  recognised 
to  be  by  Merobaudes  and  edited  as  such  (St.  Gall  1823,  Bonn  1824; 
then  W.  E.  Weber,  corpus  poett.  latt.  p.  1367—1370).  Subsequently 
by  I.  Bekker  (with  Corippus)  in  the  Corp.  script,  byzant.  (Bonn  1836), 
of.  C.  F.  Heinrich,  Rhein.  Mus.  11  p.  532-543.  The  writing  of  the 
eight  leaves  resembles  that  of  the  Verona  palimpsest  of  Gains.  The 
first  fragment  consists  of  23  elegiac  lines  and  praises  the  Imperial  fa- 
mily (of  Valentinian  III)  assembled  at  dinner;  fr.  2  (7  distichs)  the 
same  at  a  villa;  fr.  3  (4  incomplete  distichs)  bears  the  title  (Vi)ridiaris 
viri  inl.  Fausti  (Cos.  438  ?).  Of  c.  46  only  46  hendecasyllabies  are  ex- 
tant on  the  second  birthday  of  Aetius'  little  son.  Carm.  5  is  a  Pane- 
gyric on  the  third  Consulate  of  Aetius  (a.  446),  with  a  long  preface  in 
prose.     Of  the  Panegyric  197  hexameters  could  be  made  out. 

4.  Merobaudes  greatly  exaggerates  his  praise.  His  diction  pos- 
sesses the  correctness  and  elegance,  but  not  the  ease,  of  Claudian.  On 
the  subject-matter  comp.  A.  Hansen,  de  vita  A6tii  (Dorpat  1840)  11  p. 
24  sqq.     G.  Wurm,  de  rebus  gestis  Aetii  (Bonn  1844). 

5.  The  identity  of  Claudius  Marius  Victor  with  Victorinus  (above 
450,  4)  is  doubtful.  We  have  neither  a  dedication  to  Aetherius  nor  is 
the  narrative  carried  down  to  the  death  of  Abraham,  nor  does  the 
Semipelagianism  which  might  be  expected  of  a  Massiliote  of  this  time 
appear  very  strongly  (arbitriumque  sui  largitus  es  omnibus,  I  praef.). 
The  three  books  on  Genesis  closely  follow  its  contents,  in  a  lengthy 
rhetorical  description.  Pars  prima  (I  28)  narrates  the  history  of  Crea- 
tion down  to  the  fall,  b.  II  its  consequences  to  the  Flood,  b.  Ill  the 
end  of  it,  the  building  of  the  Tower,  Abraham,  the  destruction  of  So- 
dom. The  author  himself  speaks  of  his  orthodoxy.  See  praef.  9  fin. : 
quod  si  lege  metri  quidquam  peccaverit  ordo,  peccavit  sermo  impro- 
prius  sensusque  vacillans,  hinc  nullum  fidei  subeat  mensura  periclum. 
II  1  sq.:  hac  tenus  .  .  primordia  mundi,  ut  sincera  fides  docuit,  sine 
fraude  cucurri.  The  work  was  written  with  a  pedagogic  purpose; 
praef.:  te,  deus  alme,  precor,  .  .  linguas  nobis  infunde  disertas,  dum 
teneros  formare  animos  et  corda  paramus  ad  verae  virtutis  iter  pueri- 
libus   annis. 

6.  The  letter  to  the  abbot  Salomon  consists  of  105  hexameters. 
Chronological  allusions:  agris  .  .  barbarus  incumbit  (10  sqq.).  .  .  si 
quid  vastavit  Sarmata,  si  quid  Vandalus  incendit  veloxque  abducit  Ala- 
nus  (18  sq.).  si  falcem  verbi  cordi  imprimeremus,  .  .  nee  nos  riphaei 
prosterneret  arcus  Alani  nee  servile  etiam  subverteret  omnia  bellum  et 
qui  nunc  nostra  grassantur  clade  superbi.  The  male  sex  are  especially 
accused  of  material  tendencies  (nil  sanctum  est  nobis  nisi  quaestus 
etc.  34),  the  female  of  a  desire  to  dress  immoderately  (si  gravis  ignotis 
processit  Lesbia  gemmis,  .  .  confestim  ornatum  sibi  quaeque  exposcit 
eundem,  60  sqq.),  but  the  men  are  held  responsible  for  their  faults. 
Paulo  et  Salomone    relicto    quod    Maro    cantatur  Phoenissae  (Dido)    et 


492  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Naso  Corinnae,  quod  plausum  accipiunt  lyra  Flacci  aut  scena  Terenti, 
nos  horum,  nos  causa  sumus  (72  sqq.).  cur  infelix  in  culpa  est  femina 
tantum,  cum  placeat  stolido  coniux  vitiosa  marito  ?  (79  sq.)  The  author 
finds  the  only  chance  of  salvation  in  the  increase  of  a  Christian  mind, 
such  as  the  abbot  e.  g.  possesses. 

7.  Edition  of  Victor  by  Jo.  Gagneius  (Lugd.  1536.  Paris.  1545) 
and  hence  in  G.  Fabricius'  (p.  307  sqq.)  and  Maittaire's  (II  p.  1567  sqq.) 
corpus  poetarum  latt.,  and  in  the  patristic  collections  (e.  g.  Migne  LXI 
p.  937—971). 

8.  The  conclusion  (subscriptio)  of  the  commonitorium :  ut  pecca- 
tores  vincens  Orientius  omnes  sanctorum  veniam  promerear  precibus. 
Venant.  Fort,  de  vit.  Mart.  I  17:  paucaque  perstrinxit  florente  Orientius 
ore.  It  was  therefore,  no  doubt  written  before  the  sixth  century.  Cf. 
also  the  description  of  the  time  in  the  commonit.  II  165  sqq.,  e.  g. : 
respice  quam  raptim  totum  mors  presserit  orbem,  quantos  vis  belli 
perculerit  poioulos,  .  .  (171  sq.)  non  cava,  non  etiam  metuendis  sub 
rupibus  antra  ludere  barbaricas  praevaluere  manus.  (181  sqq.)  per  vicos, 
villas,  per  rura  et  compita  .  .  mors,  dolor,  excidium,  strages,  incendia, 
luctus  uno  fumavit  Gallia  tota  rogo.  The  confession  I  405  sq. :  non 
ignarus  enim  miseris  succarrere  quaero,  omnia  perpessus  quae  fugienda 
loquor.  Hence  the  statement  of  the  Acta  sanctorum  of  the  Bollandists 
is  credible:  b.  Orientium,  mundanae  lubricitatis  squalore  deposito,  se 
totum  casta  mente  divinae  maiestati  devovisse  et  .  .  pontificalis  Auxio 
civitate  cathedrae  dignitatem  ascendisse.  It  is  further  stated  that  in 
his  great  old  age  he  was  entrusted  with  a  mission  to  Aetius  and  Litorius 
(about  a.  439)   by  king  Theodoric  who  resided  at  Tolosa. 

9.  The  first  book  of  the  commonit.  consists  of  618,  the  second  of 
418  elegiac  lines.  The  ideas  are  not  developed  very  clearly.  The  single 
faults  (e.  g.  Envy,  avarice,  vanity)  are  discussed,  especially  in  a  lively 
manner  the  allurements  of  love  (I  407  sqq.),  ebrietas  (II  51  sqq.),  the 
thoughts  of  death  and  of  reward  in  the  next  world  described  (II  185 
sqq.  273  sqq.)  In  the  latter  the  monks  (II  333)  are  specially  mentioned. 
Prosodiacal  licences  (e.  g.  ibi  as  a  spondee,  posses,  eremo,  millesimus) 
are  not  rare,  some  pieces  even  corrupt  (e.  g.  II  227 :  cumque  tua  hodie 
stringat  assidua  sitis).     Cf.  n.  10. 

10.  In  the  editions  the  comm.  is  followed  by  7  hexameters  de 
nativitate  domini,  5  distichs  on  the  names  of  Christ  (e.  g.  hostia,  lex, 
ratio,  virga,  piscfs,  aquila),  179  hexameters  de  trinitate  (v.  1  :  quod  fuit 
a  saeclis  quodque  est  in  saecla  seclorum) ;  181:  crucifixe,  paracltte, 
Christe).  Then  incipiunt  orationes  Orientii  XXIV  in  (spondees  with 
numerous)  iambic  Senarii,  of  which,  however,  only  the  first  and  last  are 
extant,  the  first  in  35  lines  divided  into  7  stanzas  by  the  burden  Amen 
sonamus,  alleluia  dicimus,  the  second  beginning:  postremo  dico  depre- 
canUi  canticum.  id  facio  quantum  per  viginti  cantica.  sed  ne  quis  audax 
interpellet  quidpiam :  anguem  magistrum  falsitatis  increpo  ut  non  adiciat 
sive    demat   litteram.     The    last    two   lines  serve  as  the  burden  of  the 


Orientiiis,     Salvianus.  493 

poem,  the  text  of  which  is  greatly  corrupt;  it  terminatas  with  the 
trochaeic  tetrameters:  Deus  sancte,  te  rogamus  patrem  unigeniti;  Christe 
deus,  te  precamur  vivum  dei  filium;  Sancte  Christe,  te  obsecramus 
indicem  verum  dei. 

11.  Editions  of  Or.  by  M.  A.  Delrio  (Antverp.  1600),  A.  Rivinus 
(Lips.  1651),  E.  Martene  (Rotomag.  1700.  4.),  H.  L.  Schurtzfleisch  (Vitem- 
berg.  1706.  4.)  and  in  the  patristic  collections  e.  g.  in  Migne  LXI.  p. 
974_1006. 

12.  Ap.  Sidon.  carm.  9,  274 — 285:  nee  (hie  tibi  legetur)  qui  iam 
patribus  fuere  nostris  primo  tempore  maximi  sodales.  quorum  unus 
Bonifacium  secutus  nee  non  praecipitem  Sebastianum  natales  puer  hor- 
ruit  Badurcos,  plus  Pandionias  amans  Athenas.  cuius  si  varium  legas 
poema  (perhaps  in  Greek),  turn  Phoebum  .  .  sonare  collato  modulamine 
arbitreris. 

13.  Ap.  Sidon.  carm.  9,  286 — 292:  non  tu  hie  nunc  legeris  tuum- 
que  fulmen,  o  dignissime  Quintianus  alter,  spernens  qui  Ligurum 
solum  et  penates  mutato  lare  Gallias  amasti,  inter  classica  signa,  pila, 
turmas,  laudans  Aetium  vacansque  libro,  in  castris  hedera  ter  aureatus. 

458.  In  the  first  half  of  this  century  the  Gallic  Presbyter 
Salvianus  composed  those  works  which  we  still  possess: 
four  books  against  avarice,  a  work  in  eight  books  in  which 
the  misfortunes  of  the  time  are  proved  to  be  well-merited 
punishments,  and  nine  letters.  These  works  are  valuable  as 
lively  and  well-written  portraits  of  the  period,  though  they 
are  not  free  from  rhetorical  exaggeration  and  garrulousness. 

1 .  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  67:  Salvianus,  Massiliensis  ecclesiae  presbyter, 
humana  et  divina  litteratura  instructus  et  .  .  episcoporum  magister, 
scripsit  scholastico  et  aperto  sermone  raulta.  ex  quibus  ista  legi :  De 
virginitatis  bono  ad  Marcellum  presbyterum  libros  III,  Adversum  ava- 
ritiam  libros  IV,  De  praesenti  iudicio  libros  V  (=  de  gub.  VIII)  et  pro 
eorum  merito  satisfactionis  ad  Salonium  episcopum  librum  I  et  Expo- 
sitionis  extremae  partis  libri  Ecclesiastis  ad  Claudium  episcopum  Vien- 
nensem  librum  I;  librum  Epistolarum  I;  et  in  morem  Graecorum  a 
principio  Genesis  usque  ad  conditionem  hominis  composuit  versu  Hexae- 
meron  librum  1,  Homilias  episcopis  factas  multas,  sacramentorum  vero 
quantas  nee  recorder,  vivit  usque  hodie  (c.  a.  495)  in  senectute  bona. 
Salvian,  gub.  VI  13:  cum  sciam  etiam  in  solo  patrio  atque  in  civitati- 
bus  gallicanis  omnes  ferme  praecelsiores  viros  .  .  factos  fuisse  peiores, 
vidi  siquidem  ego  ipse  Treveros  domi  nobiles  etc.  .  .  vidi  ego  illic  res 
lacrimabiles  etc.  ib.  15 :  iacebant  passim,  quod  ipse  vidi  atque  sustinui, 
.  .  cadavera  nuda  (at  the  late  capture  of  Treves).  VII  6:  terrae  vel 
Aquitanorum  vel  nostrorum  omnium  a  deo  barbaris  datae  sunt.  ib.  10: 
ille  dux  nostrae  partis  (Litorius)    qui    eandem   urbem  hostium  (Tolosa) 


494  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

quam  eodem  die  victorem  se  intraturum  esse  praesumpsit  captivus  in- 
travit  (a.  439).  But  Attila's  invasion  and  the  battle  on  the  Catalaunian 
fields  (a.  451)  are  unknown  to  Salv.  His  sojourn  in  Africa  appears 
from  de  gub.  VII  16  (video  scaturientem  vitiis  civitatem  etc.).  Cf.  VIII 
4  sq.  Epist.  1 :  adolesceus  quern  ad  vos  misi  Agrippinae  (Cologne)  .  . 
captus  est,  .  .  familia  non  obscurus,  .  .  propinquus  mens.  Epist.  4  (ad 
socerum  et  socrum) :  Hypatio  et  Quietae  parentibus  Salvianus.  Palladia 
(wife)  et  Auspiciola  (daughter)  salutem.  .  .  septimus  iam  ferme  annus 
est  ex  quo  nulla  ad  nos  tarn  longe  a  vobis  sitos  scripta  misistis.  .  . 
tu  quid  succenses  qui  ex  quo  christianus  factus  es  etiam  falsas  (irascen- 
di  filiis  causas)  habere  desiisti.  esto  enim,  conversiunculam  nostram 
paganus  quondam  non  aequanimiter  acceperis.  .  .  nunc  longe  aliud 
est.  His  parents-in-law  were  angry  because  Salv.  had  converted  his 
wife  to  Christianity  and  himself  soon  afterwards  become  a  priest  (he 
calls  his  wife  carissima  etc.  soror). 

2.  Besides  his  rhetorical  training  Salv.  shows  also  some  legal 
knowledge;  cf.  de  gub.  V  8  (genus  venditionis  et  emtionis).  VII  16 
(Gaius-Seius)  and  20  (in  iura  migrare).  VIII  5  (XII  tabularum  decreta). 
His  philosophical  knowledge  is  very  scanty,  and  he  actually  believes 
de  gub.  VII  23  Socrates  to  be  the  author  (<f  Plato's  Republic.  The 
refutation  of  the  Epicureans,  de  gub.  I,  is  borrowed  from  Cicero,  who 
is  with  Virgil  (de  gub.  I  1)  the  only  writer  mentioned  and  to  whom 
ib.  Ill  1   (=  Cic.  p.  Mur.  6,  14)  is  an  allusion. 

3.  The  work  adversus  avaritiam  is  quoted  by  Salvian.  de  gub. 
IV  1:  sicut  ait  quidam  in  scriptis  suis  =  adv.  av.  II  9.  Salvian  epist.  9 
(domino  ac  beatissimo  discipulo,  .  .  per  institutionem  discipulo,  per 
amorem  filio,  .  .  Salonio  episcopo) :  quaeris  a  me  ,  .  cur  libellis  nuper 
a  quodam  huius  temporis  homine  (Salvianus  himself)  ad  ecclesiam 
factis  Timothei  nomen  inscriptum  sit.  .  .  tria  sunt  quae  in  libellis 
istis  .  .  quaeri  possunt:  cur  is  qui  scripsit  ad  ecclesiam  scripserit,  et 
utrum  alieno  nomine  an  suo ;  .  .  si  alieno,  cur  Timothei  potissimum 
nomen  .  .  elegerit.  These  three  questions  are  carefully  answered,  e.  g. 
the  second :  idcirco  scriptor  ille  abscondi  et  latitare  omnibus  modis 
voluit  ne  scripta  quae  in  se  habent  plurimum  salubritatis  minora  for- 
sitan  fierent  per  nomen  auctoris. 

4.  The  work  de  gubernatione  dei  (or  de  providentia)  is  dedicated 
to  bishop  Salonius  (below  462,  11).  From  it:  nos,  qui  rerum  magis 
quam  verborum  amatores,  utilia  potius  quam  plausibilia  sectamur;  .  . 
in  scriptiunculis  nostris  non  lenocinia  esse  volumus,  sed'  remedia  etc. 
It  is  true,  the  author  really  tells  his  contemporaries  the  truth.  All 
misfortunes  that  have  come  over  them  are,  as  he  says,  well -merited 
by  them  (patimur  quod  meremur).  The  victories  of  the  barbarians 
over  the  Romans  are  deduced  from  their  moral  value  (both  of  the  pa- 
gans and  heretics)  and  the  depravation  of  the  Romans.  Cf.  IV13:  ego 
.  .  Roman orum  .  .  paene  omnes  maioris  reatus  dico  et  criminosioris 
vitae    esse    quam    barbaros.     VII  6 :    inter    pudicos    barbaros    impudici 


Salvianus.  495 

siimus.   plus  adhuc  dico:  ofFenduntur  barbari  ipsi  impuritatibus  nostris. 
13:  et  quod  Vandali  ad  Africam  transierunt  non  est  divinae  severitati, 
sed  Afrorum  sceleri  deputandum.     23:  quae  esse,    rogo,   romano  statui 
spes  potest  quando  castiores  ac  puriores    barbari    quam  Romani  sunt? 
.  .  pudeat  vos,   romani  ubique  populi,    pudeat  vitae  vestrae.     .  .  et  mi- 
ramur  si  miseri  qui  tarn  impuri    sumus,    miramur    si    ab    hoste   viribus 
vincimur  qui  honestate  superamur?  .  .  sola  nos  morum  nostrorum  vitia 
vicerunt.    This  depravation  of  morals  is  extensively  proved  in  the  case 
of  the  Aquitanians  (VII  2  sqq.)  and  Africans  (VII  14  sqq.  VIII  2  sqq.); 
the  others  being  chiefly  accused  of  an  undue  fondness  for  circenses  ac 
theatra.     VI  8 :    non    hoc    agitur   iam   in    Moguntiacensium    civitate,  — 
sed  quia  excisa  atque  deleta  est.     non   agitur  Agrippinae,    —    sed   quia 
hostibus  plena,   non  agitur  in  Treverorum  urbe  excellentissima,  —  sed 
quia  quadruplici  est  eversione  prostrata  (cf.  ib.  13.   15  extr.).    .  .  ludicra 
ipsa  ideo  non  aguntur    quia  agi  iam  prae  miseria  temporis  atque  eges- 
tate  non  possunt.    12:  vastata  est  Italia  tot  iam  cladibus  :  ergo  Italorum 
vitia  destiterunt?  obsessa  est  urbs  Roma  et  expugnata :  ergo  desierunt 
blasphemi  ac  furiosi  esse  Romani  ?  inundarunt  Gallias  gentes  barbarae : 
ergo  .  .  non  eadem  sunt  Gallorum  crimina  quae  fuerunt?  transcenderunt 
in  Hispaniae  terras  populi  Vandalorum :  mutata  quidem  est  sors  Hispa- 
norum,    sed    non    mutata    vitiositas.     .  .    circumsonabant    armis    muros 
Cirtae  atque  Carthaginis  populi  barbarorum ;  et  ecclesia  carthagiuiensis 
insaniebat  in  circis,  luxuriabat  in  theatris.   The  description  of  manners 
and  morals  is  always  emphatic.     The  author  employs  all  kinds  of  rhe- 
torical   figures,    but    tires    his   readers   by  his  want  of  moderation,   his 
prolixity  (stili  prolixitas  VIII  1)  and  the  too  frequent  recurrence  of  the 
same  thoughts  (cum  de  ludicris  ac  foeditatibus  publicis  diutissime  dixeri- 
mus,  VII 2),  phrases  and  expressions,  nay  even  of  the  same  puns  (e.  g. 
divitiis  —  vitiis).     The  eighth  book  is  evidently  incomplete.     There  is 
also  wanting  the  demonstration    promised  VII  1    that   the    old  Romans 
were  better  than  those  of  the  writer's  own   time    (VII  1  :    scio  .  .  hinc 
maxime  probari  quod  non  respiciat  res  humanas    deus    quia,    cum  Ro- 
mani quondam  pagani  et  vicerint  et  regnaverint,  nunc  christiani  et  vin- 
cantur  et  serviant.     .  .    sed  tamen    .  .    cum  ad  eam  negotii  partem  ac- 
cesserimus  ut  de  veteribus  Romanis  aliqua    dicantur    .  .    approbabimus 
tam  iustum  tunc  erga  illos  fuisse  domini  favorem  quam  nunc  erga  nos 
iustam  severitatem.     The  division  into  books  is  by  the  author  himself; 
cf.  VII  1 :  cum  in  conclusione  libelli  huius  qui  nunc  finitus  est  etc. 

5.  Salviani  opera  ed.  P.  Pithoeus  (Paris.  1580.  1594),  C.  Ritters- 
husius  (Norimberg.  1623),  and  especially  Steph.  Baluzius  (Paris.  1663. 
1669.  1684);  hence  in  CJallandi  bibl.  patr.  X,  the  bibl.  patr.  max.  (1677) 
VIII  p.  339  sq.  and  in  Migne's  patrol.  LIII.  Also  cum  comm.  varr., 
Bremae  1688.     4. 

6.  C.  G.  Heyne,  censura  ingenii  et  doctrinae  Salviani  librique  de 
gub.  d.,  in  his  Opusc.  acad.  VI,  nr.  VII  p.  119—140.  G.  Kaufmann  in 
Raumer's  hist.  Taschenbuch   1869,  p.  47—54. 


496  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 


The  second  half  of  the  century. 

459.  The  existence  of  literature  lasted  longest  in  Gaul, 
where  the  art  of  correct  expression  both  in  prose  and 
poetry  prospered  as  on  a  favourable  soil.  The  contents  were, 
indeed,  chaotic,  moving  on  in  the  usual  tracks  without  serious 
aims,  merely  to  satisfy  the  authors  and  to  provoke  the  ad- 
miration of  their  friends.  Versification  soon  became  mere 
trifling.  Hendecasyllabics  were  a  favourite  metre  in  this  time. 
In  the  pages  of  Apollinaris  Sidonius  we  find  the  names  of 
numerous  orators,  writers  and  poets,  e.  g.  Consentius,  Lam- 
pridius,  Leo,  Petrus,  Sapaudus,  Secundinus,  Tonantius  Ferre- 
olus,  Thaumastus,  and  many  others.  Some  circles  were  fond 
of  displaying  their  erudition,  but  the  amount  of  their  actual 
knowledge  being  but  scanty,  some  ingenious  spirits  like  the 
author  of  the  origo  gentis  romanae,  Fulgentius  and  the  gram- 
marian Vergilius  hit  upon  the  expedient  of  inventing  their 
quotations. 

1.  Sidon.  ep.  V  10:  pauci  studia  nunc  honorant.  ib.  II  10:  tantum 
increbuit  multitude  desidiosorum  ut,  nisi  vel  paucissimi  quique  meram 
latiaris  linguae  proprietatem  de  trivialium  barbarismorum  robigine  vin- 
dicaveritis  earn  brevi  abolitam  defleamus  interitamque.  IV  17:  sermo- 
nis  pompa  romani,  si  qua  adhuc  uspiam  est,  belgicis  olim  sive  rhenanis 
abolita  terris. 

2.  Teaching  and  literary  activity  in  Gaul  embraced  principally 
grammar  and  rhetoric,  the  latter  including  also  metrical  composition. 
Ap.  Sid.  c.  23,  210  sq. :  quidquid  rhetoricae  institutionis,  quidquid  gram- 
maticalis  aut  palaestrae  est,  .  .  vorasti.  ib.  ep.  IV  21 :  te  imbuendum 
liberalibus  disciplinis  grammatici  rhetorisque  studia  florentia  .  .  foverunt. 
Greek  had  been  forgotten  in  Gaul,  except  at  Massilia;  the  Celtic  and 
Germanic  speech  of  the  common  people  were  strangely  despised,  ib. 
carm.  14  praef. :  quae  si  quispiam  ut  graeca  .  .  et  peregrina  verba  con- 
tempserit.  ep.  Ill  3:  tuae  personae  debitum  quod  sermonis  celtici 
squamam  depositura  nobilitas  nunc  oratorio  stilo,  nunc  etiam  camena- 
libus  modis  imbuebatur.  ib.  V  5:  cum  sis  (Syagrius)  consulis  pronepos 
.  .  immane  narratu  est  quantum  stupeam  sermonis  te  germanici  noti- 
tiam  tanta  facilitate  rapuisse,  a  few  stupid  jokes  being  added  to  this 
remark.  Venant.  Fort.  misc.  VII  8,  63 :  plaudat  tibi  barbarus  harpa. 
ib.  69:  nos  tibi  versiculos,  dent  barbara  carmina  leudos  ('Lieder').  I  1 
prol. :  barbaros  leudos  harpa  (Harp)  relidebat.  G.  Kaufmann,  in  Rau- 
mer's  hist.  Taschenbuch  1869,  p.  3"— 94.  On  the  West-Roman  Empire 
a.  455 — 480  cf.  G.  R.  Sievers,  Studies  on  the  History  of  the  Roman 
Emperors  (1870)  p.  515—556.     See  also  above  446,  2. 


General  Observations.  497 

3.  In  the  churches  in  Gaul  the  congregation  listened  standing  and 
applauded  the  preacher  (as  they  also  did  in  the  East,  Hieron.  ep.  52,  8 
ad  Nepot.).  Ap.  Sidon.  carra.  16,  126:  contionaturum  plebs  sedula  cir- 
cumsistit.  ep.  IX  3 :  licet  praedicationes  tuas  .  .  raucus  plosor  audierim, 
tunc  praecipue  cum  in  Lugdunensis  ecclesiae  dedicatae  festis  etc.  See 
also  below  462,  7. 

4.  Ap.  Sidon.  carm.  9,  299—314:  ne  tu  mihi  comparare  tentes  quos 
multo  minor  ipse  plus  adoro,  Paulinum  Ampeliumque  Symmachumque 
(see  above  418,  2),  Messalam  (above  447,  6)  .  .  et  nulli  modo  Martium 
secundum,  dicendi  arte  nova  parem  vetustis,  Petrum  (see  n.  8)  et  cum 
loquitur  nimis  stupendum,  vel  quem  municipalibus  poetis  praeponit  bene 
Villicum  senatus,  nostrum  aut  quos  retinet  solum  (Gaul)  disertos,  dul- 
cem  Anthedion  (in  Vesontio ,  see  ep.  VIII  11  cf.  carm.  22  praef.)  et 
mihi  magistri  Musas  sat  venerabiles  Hoeni;  acrem  Lampridium  (see  n. 
6),  catum  Leonem  (see  n.  7),  praestantemque  tuba  Severianum  (see  n. 
8)  et  sic  scribere  non  minus  valentem  Marcus  Quintilianus  ut  solebat. 

5.  Ap.  Sidor..  ep.  VIII  4  (to  Consentius):  tu  .  .  citos  iambos, 
elegos  acutos  ac  rotundatos  hendecasyllabos  et  cetera  carmina  .  .  nunc 
Narbonensibus  cantitanda,  nunc  Biterrensibus,  ambigendum  celerius  an 
pulchrius  elucubrasti.  Cf.  ib.  IX  15  (cf.  n.  7):  Consentiorum  qui  super- 
stes  est  patri  (who  had  also  been  an  author,  see  ib.  carm.  23,  97 — 176) 
.  .  cecinisse  dictus  omniforme  canticum.  To  him  ib.  carm.  23  (ad  Con- 
sentium  v.  c.  civem  Narbonensem),  in  which  v.  20  sqq.:  misisti  mihi 
multiplex  poema.  .  .  ibant  hexametri  superbientes  et  .  .  per  quinos 
elegi  pedes  ferebant;  misisti  et  triplicis  metrum  trochaei,  spondeo  comi- 
tante  dactyloque,  dulces  hendecasyllabos. 

6.  Sidon.  ep.  VIII  11:  Lampridius  orator  (at  Burdigala)  modo 
primum  mihi  occisum  agnoscitur.  .  .  hie  me  quondam,  ut  inter  amicos 
ioca,  Phoebum  vocabat,  ipse  a  nobis  vatis  edrysii  (i.  e.  Orpheus)  nomine 
accepto.  .  .  si  orationes  illius  metiaris,  acer,  rotundus,  compositus,  ex- 
cussus,  si  poemata,  tener,  multimeter,  argutus,  artifex  erat.  faciebat 
siquidem  versus  oppido  exactos  tam  pedum  mira  quam  ligurarum  varie- 
tate:  hendecasyllabos  lubricos  et  enodes,  hexametros  crepantes  et  cothur- 
natos,  elegos  vero  nunc  echoicos,  nunc  recurrentes  (cf.  c.  13),  nunc  per 
anadiplosin  fine  principiisque  conexos.  .  .  in  materia  controversiali 
fortis  et  lacertosus,  in  satirica  sollicitus  et  mordax,  in  tragica  saevus 
et  flebilis,  in  comica  urbanus  multiformisque,  in  fescennia  vernans  ver- 
bis, aestuans  votis,  in  bucolica  vigilax,  .  .  in  georgica  rusticans.  .  .  prae- 
terea  quod  ad  epigrammata  spectat,  .  .  acumine  placens,  .  .  in  lyricis 
autem  Flaccum  secutus  etc.  Hence  ib.  in  a  poem  addressed  to  him  : 
Arpinas  modo  quem  tonante  lingua  ditat,  nunc  stilus  aut  Maronianus 
aut  quo  tu  Latium  beas, ''Horati,  Alcaeo  potior  lyristes  ipso,  et  nunc 
inflat  epos  tragoediarum,  nunc  comoedia  temperat  iocosa,  nunc  Ham- 
mant  satirae  et  tyrannicarum  declamatio  controversiarum.  ('f.  ib.  IX 
13:  istud  vix  Leo  (n.  7),   rex  castalil   chori,  vix  hunc  qui  sequitur  Lam- 

32 


498  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

pridius   queat,   declaraans   gemini  pondere  sub  stili  (prose  and  verse  V) 
coram  discipulis  Burdigalensibus. 

7.  Sidon.  ep.  IX  13  (see  n.  6).  15:  epos  sed  istud  aptius  paraverit 
Leo,  Leonis  aut  secutus  orbitas  cantu  in  latino  .  .  Consentiorum  qui 
etc.  (n.  5).  Cf.  ep.  VIII  3  (Leoni):  sepone  tantisper  pythicas  lauros  Hip- 
pocrenenque  et  illos  carminum  modos  etc.  suspende  perorandi  illud 
quoque  celeberrimum  flumen  quod  .  .  in  tuum  pectus  .  .  ab  atavo  Fron- 
tone  (above  351)  transfunditur.  sepone  pauxillulum  conclamatissimas 
declamationes  quas  oris  regii  vice  conficis.  He  was  private  secretary  to 
Euric,  the  king  of  the  Visigoths;  cf.  ib.  IV  22.  carm.  9,  311  (n.  4).  14 
praef.  (spectabill  viro  Leone).  23,  448 — 456:  ad  doctiloqui  Leonis  aedes, 
quo  bis  sex  tabulas  docente  iuris  ultro  Claudius  Appius  taceret.  .  .  at 
si  dicat  epos  metrumque  rhythmis  flectat  commaticis  .  .  faciat  siiere 
Flaccum. 

8.  Sidon.  ep.  IX  13:  quod  temporibus  Aug.  Maioriani  .  .  in  Petri 
librum  magistri  epistcdarum  .  .  effudi,  meis  quoque  contubernalibus  .  . 
Domnulo,  Severiano  atque  Lampridio  (n.  6)  paria  pangentibus.  In  it: 
Petrus  est  tibi  legendus,  in  utraque  disciplina  satis  institutus  auctor. 
.  .  opus  editum  tenemus  bimetra  quod  arte  texens  etc.  ib.  15:  Seve- 
rianus  ista  rhetor  altius,  Afer  vaferque  Domnulus  (see  below  461,  I 
sq.)  politius,  scholasticusque  sub  rotundioribus  Petrus  Camenis  dictitasset 
acrius.  .  .  humo  atque  gente  cretus  in  Ligustide  Proculus  melodis 
insonare  pulsibus  etc.  ib.  carm.  3:  mihi  Petrus  erit  Maecenas  temporis 
huius. 

9.  Doctissimo  viro  Sapaudo  (cf.  Sidon.  ep.  V  10)  rhetori  Clau- 
dianus  (below  461,  3—6).  .  .  declamationum  tuarum  suavitas.  They  are 
praised  in  an  exaggerated  manner,  ib. :  fac  memineris  docendi  munus 
tibi  a  proavis  et  citra  hereditarium  fore  (=  esse).  .  .  admonitus  quoque 
sis  oportet  Viennensis  urbis  nobilitatis  antiquae,  cuius  tu  civis  et 
doctor  etc. 

10.  Sidon.  ep.  V  8  (to  Secundinus):  diu  quidem  est  quod  te 
hexametris  familiarius  inservientem  stupentes  praedicantesque  lectita- 
bamus.  erat  siquidem  materia  iocunda,  seu  nuptiales  tibi  thalamorum 
faces  sive  perfossae  regiis  ictibus  ferae  describerentur.  sed  triplicibus 
trochaeis  nuper  in  metrum  hendecasyllabum  compaginatis  nihil  .  .  simile 
fecisti.  deus  bone,  quid  illic  inesse  fellis,  leporis  piperataeque  facundiae 
.  .  inspexi!  .  .  operam  facetis  satirarum  coloribus  intrepidus  impende. 
nam  tua  scripta  nostrorum  vitiis  proficientibus  tyrannopolitarum  locu- 
pletabuntur,  Cf.  ib.  II  10:  ab  hexametris  eminentium  poetarum  Con- 
stantii  (to  him  ep.  I  1.  VII  18)  et  Secundini  vicinantia  altari  basilicae 
(at  Lugdunum)  latera  clarescunt. 

11.  Sidon.  ep.  17:  legati  provinciae  Galliae  T  o  nantius  Ferreo- 
jus  praefectorius,  Afranii  Syagrii  consulis  (under  Gratianus)  e  filia 
nepos,  Thaumastus  quoque  et  Petronius,  maxima  rerum  verborumque 
scientia  praediti  et  inter  principaha  patriae  nostrae  der-ora  ponendi. 
(They   accused  at  liome  Arvandus,    praef.  praet.  Galliarum.     The  latter 


i 


The  Contemporaries  of  ApoUinaris  Sidonitfs.  499 

was  defended  by  Sidonius  and  Auxanius.).  II  9  (Tonantium  cum  fra- 
tribus).  carm.  24,  34  sqq. :  hie  docti  invenies  patrem  Tonanti,  rectorem 
columenque  Galliarum,  Prisci  Ferreolum  parem  Syagri.  ib.  84  sqq. :  exin 
tende  gradum  Tribusque  villis  Thaumastum  expete,  quern  libet  duorum ; 
quorum  iunior  est  mihi  sodalis  et  collega  simul  graduque  frater. 

12.  Other  speakers  of  the  time:  Pragmatius  (Sidon.  ep.  V  10); 
Flavius  Nicetius  (ib.  VIII  6);  bishop  Remigius  at  Rheims  (ib.  IX  7:  de- 
clamationum  tuarum  schedio  ,  .  tot  voluminibus).  Professors  of  elo- 
quence were  Lupus  (ib.  VIII  11),  and  Joannes  (ib.  VIII  2). 

13.  Other  versifiers  of  the  time:  Heronius  at  Lugdunum  (Sidon. 
ep.  I  9:  Clius  tuae  hexametris) ;  Victorius  (potentissime  condidit  versus, 
ib.  V  21).  An  anonymous  satire  (temporibus  Aug.  Maioriani)  on  affairs 
and  persons  of  Arelate  is  mentioned  by  Sidon.  ep.  I  11. 

14.  Other  scholars  of  the  time:  Paulus  at  Rome  (Sidon.  ej).  I  9) 
Probus  (ib.  carm.  9.  330.  24,  94).  Marcellinus  (ib.  23,  446  sqq.)  and  Te- 
tradius  (ib.  24,  81  cf.  ejj.  Ill  10)  are  mentioned  as  Jurists. 

15.  The  following  are  mentioned  as  philosophers  aud  writers  on 
philosophy:  Claudianus  Mamertus  (below  461,  3  sqq.),  Domitius  (Sidon., 
ep.  II  2  cf.  carm.  24,  10  sqq.),  Eusebius  (Sid.  ep.  IV  1),  Eutropius  (ib. 
Ill  6:  consectanei  vestri  Plotini  dogmatibus),  Faustus  (below  461,  7  sqq.), 
Polemius  (Sidon.  ep.  IV  14  cf.  carm.  14  praef. :  complatonicis  tuis;  15, 
187  sqq.:  stoica  pone  supercilia  etc.).  Among  the  membra  philosophiae 
astrology  is  mentioned  by  Sid.  carm.  22  praef. 

16.  Just  as  Sidonius  likes  to  accumulate  the  names  of  ancient 
authors  generally  with  an  epithet  which  he  means  to  be  charasteristic, 
though  it  is  generally  only  a  phrase,  so  also  Mamertus  Claudianus  in 
his  letter  to  Sapaudus  (see  n.  ^9). 

17.  Quotations  were  invented  even  in  the  novels  of  the  time,  e.  g. 
in  Antonius  Diogenes  and  others.  R.  Herscher,  on  Ptol.  Chennus  p.  270 
sqq.  279  sq.  E.  Zeller,  Lectures  p.  279  sqq.  E.  Rohde,  on  Lucian's 
Aovyuog  p.  21.  23.  See  below  472,  7.  474.  6.  Fantastical  inventions 
above  396,  9.  416,  1. 

460.     The  aspirations  and  polish,  but  also  the  poverty  of 
thought   and    phrases   of  the  Gallo- Roman  literature  of  this 
time    are    eminently    conspicuous  in   C.  Sollius  ApoUinaris 
Sidonius  (c.  430 — 458)     the  descendant  of   a  noble    family 
at  Lugdunum,  and  (since  about  472)  bishop  of  Clermont  (Ar- 
verni).    We  possess  by  him  a  collection  of  twenty-four  poem 
and  nine  books  of  letters,  which  likewise  contain  many  poems. 
The    longest   poems    are    epics   in  praise  of  his  father-in-law 
Avitus  (c.  7),    his  victorious  adversary  Maiorianus  (c.  5)    and 
the  Emperor  Anthemius  (c.  2),  all  artificially  dressed  up  with 


500  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

the  help  of  mythology  and  erudition,  and  composed  according 
to  a  rhetorical  scheme  in  conventional  phraseology.  Next  to 
epic  metre,  the  author  uses  elegiacs  and  hendecasyllabics  in 
many  places.  His  letters  are  in  imitation  of  those  of  Pliny 
and  Symmachus  and  contain  a  faithful  portrait  of  the  tender, 
kind  and  vain  character  of  the  author,  as  well  as  of  his  ornate 
and  confused  style. 

1.  The  praenomen  was  C.  according  to  the  dedication  of  Claudian, 
below  461,  4,  the  headings  of  the  letters  and  the  poems.  In  the  first 
we  generally  read  Sidonius  Constantio  s.  s.;  comes  Sidoni  Ep.  I  11. 
Doraine  Solli,  Solli  mens  etc.  ep.  V  17.  I  9.  IX  15.  SoUius  Ap.  Sid. 
carm.  9  in  and  22  praef.  (Soil.  Ap.  Sid.  Pontio  Leontio  s.). 

2.  His  birthday  non.  novembr.  (c.  20)  about  430  (a.  449  adolescens,  ep. 
VIII 6).  familiapraefectoria  (ep.  V  16);  his  grandfather  praef,  Apollinars 
already  baptized  (ep.  Ill  12.  V  9);  his  father  praef.  praet.  Gall.  (ep. 
V  9.  VIII  6).  He  composed  verse  a  parvo  (ep.  V  21),  married  (c.  452) 
Papianilla  (ep.  V  16),  the  daughter  of  Avitus  who  usurped  the  Imperial 
title  at  Tolosa  (and  Arelate)  about  the  close  of  455.  His  son  was  Apol- 
linaris,  his  daughter  Roscia  (ep.  V  11.  16).  Through  his  father-in-law  Ap. 
was  honoured  with  a  statue  at  Rome.  A.  456  Avitus  was  overthrown  by 
Ricimer  and  Maiorianus.  Sidonius  submitted  to  the  latter  (457  or  458)  with 
the  rest  of  the  Gallic  nobility.  M- jorianus  was  overthrown  461,  and  Theo- 
deric  II,  king  of  the  Visigoths,  became  the  actual  ruler  of  Gaul.  A.  467 
Anthemius  was  raised  to  the  Western  throne  by  the  Eastern  Emperor  Leo. 
Under  him  Sidonius  became  at  Rome  praef.  urbi  467,  see  n.  3  and  c.  8,  9  sq. 
ep.  I  99.  About  472  he  became  bishop  of  Clermont  (ep.  Ill  1.  VI 1)  and  as 
such  the  head  of  resistance  against  the  Goths.  After  the  capture  of  Clermont 
(a.  474)  Sid.  was  during  some  time  the  prisoner  of  king  Euric  (ep.  VIII  9.  IX 
3).  As  bishop  he  lived  at  least  tres  olympiadas  (ep.  IX  12),  f  c.  487 
(Greg.  Tur.),  XII  k.J.  sept.  (21  Aug.)  according  to  his  epitaph,  but  accor- 
ding to  the  martyrolog.  on  23  Aug.,  and  was  canonized.  Cf.  Gregor. 
Tur.  hist.  Franc.  II  22  sq. 

3.  Gennad.  ill.  92:  Sidonius,  Arvernorum  episcopus,  scripsit  varia 
et  grata  opuscula  et  sanae  doctrinae.  homo  si  quidem  tam  divinis  quam 
humanis  ad  int3grum  imbutus  :  cerque  ingenio,  scripsit  ad  diversos  di- 
verso  metro  vel  prosa  compositum  Epistularum  insigne  volumen,  in 
quo  quid  in  litteris  posset  ostendit.  verum  in  christiano  vigore  pollens, 
etiam  inter  barbarae  ferocitatis  duritiem  quae  eo  tempore  Gallos  op- 
presserat,  catholicus  pater  et  doctor  habetur  insignis.  floruit  ea  tem- 
pestate  qua  Leo  et  Zeno  Romanis  imperabant.  Sidonius  himself  gives 
a  sketch  of  his  life  and  literary  activity  in  the  poem  ep.  IX  16,  v.  20 
sqq. :  coronae  quam  mihi  indulsit  populus  Quirini,  blattifer  vel  quam 
tribuit  senatus,  .  .  cum  meis  poni  statuam  perennem  Nerva  Traianus 
(his  forum)  titulis  videret  inter  auctorcs  utriusque  iixam  bybliothecae; 
quamque  post  visus  prope  post  bilustre  tempus  accepi  capiens  honorem 


ApolUnans  Sid^nius.  501 

(of  praef.  urb.).  (33  sqq.)  praeter  heroos  ioca  miilta  multis  texui  pannis, 
elegos  frequenter  subditos  senis  pedibus  rotavi  commate  bino ;  nunc  per 
undenas  equitare  suetus  syllabas  lusi  ccler,  atque  metro  sapphico  cre- 
ber  cecini,  citato  rarus  iambo.  (45  sqq.)  iam  senectutis  propiore  meta 
.  .  plus  pudet  si  quid  leve  lusit  aetas  nunc  reminisci.  quod  perliorres- 
cens  ad  epistolarum  transtuli  cultum  genus  omne  curae,  .  .  clerici  ne 
quid  maculet  rigorem  fama  poetae.  .  .  nullum  cito  cogar  exhinc  promere 
carmen,  persecutorum  nisi  quaestiones  forsitan  dicam  meritosque  caelum 
martyres  etc.     This  was  not  carried  out. 

4.  The  first  half  of  the  literary  activity  of  Sid.  is  in  metrical  form. 
The  collection  of  the  poems  embraces  24  pieces.  The  three  panegy- 
ric pieces  with  accompanying  poems  hi  elegiac  metre  occupy  the  first 
place,  though  in  an  arrangement  deviating  from  history.  The  earliest 
(a.  456)  is  that  on  Avitus  (c.  7),  603  hexameters  (G.  Kaufmann,  the 
Works  ^  of  Sid.,  p.  20—28),  then  a.  458,  when  Majorianus  was  at  Lug- 
dunum,  the  panegyric  on  him  (c.  5),  599  hexameters  (G.  Kaufmann, 
ibid.  p.  28—32);  a.  468  that  on  the  Emperor  Anthemius  (c.  2),  549 
hexameters  (ibid.  p.  33 — 38).  The  second  half  of  the  collection  begins 
with  c.  9  (343  hendecasyllabics)  v.  6  sqq. :  nugas  .  .  quas  sparsit  tene- 
rae  iocus  iuventae  in  formam  redigi  iubes  libelli;  a  poetical  epistle  (ex- 
cusatorium  ad  v.  c.  Felicem)  in  which  v.  13 — 314  contain  a  monotonous 
account  of  what  one  ought  not  to  expect  from  the  collection.  Epitha- 
lamia  Ruricio  et  Iberiae  (c.  11,  in  133  hexameters)  and  Polemio  et  Ara- 
neolae  (c.  15,  in  201  hexameters),  with  a  preface  to  each,  c,  10  in  ele- 
giacs, c.  14  in  hendecasyllabics  and  prose.  C.  12  (22  hendecasyllabics), 
13  to  Majorianus  (request  for  remission  of  taxes  for  Lugdunum,  20 
elegiacs  and  20  hendecasyllabics),  16  (thanking  Faustus,  episcopus 
Keiensis,  129  hexam.),  also  c.  22  (with  an  address  in  prose),  the  des- 
cription of  an  estate  of  Pontius  Leontius  (237  hexameters)  and  23  (513 
hexameters  addressed  to  Consentius)  are  poetical  epistles.  Nr.  17 — 21 
are  occasional  pieces  is  a  few  distichs,  c.  24  the  epilogue  (propempticon 
ad  libellum,  101  hendecasyllabics).  When  c.  23  was  written,  Narbo  was 
still  in  the  possession  of  the  Goths  (v.  68  sqq.  te  .  .  decus  Getarum  .  . 
Theudericus  amat),  who  had  taken  it  a.  462. 

5.  After  his  election  to  the  episcopal  see  Sid.  renounced  versifying, 
but  had  many  a  relapse.  Epist.  IX  12:  ab  exordio  religiosae  professi- 
onis  huic  principaliter  exercitio  renuntiavi  (cf.  n.  3).  But  ep.  IX  13  an 
admirer  of  his  muse  receives  a  poem  composed  20  years  ago  and  a  new 
one,  the  latter  (in  Asclepiadean  metre)  even  for  recitation  inter  bibendum; 
80  also  ep.  IX  15  (in  iambics)  and  16  (Sapphic).  He  is  always  ready  to 
send  poetry  when  requested.  E.  g.  ep.  II  10  (Hendecas.  for  the  con- 
secration of  a  church  at  Lugdunum).  lY  8  (on  a  concha  to  be  presented 
to  Queen  Ragnahilda).  VII  17  (nenia  sepulcralis  on  an  Abraham).  Other 
poems  in  the  collection  of  the  Letters:  II  8  (nenia  funebris  .  .  per 
hendecasyllabos,  on  Phileraatia,  .  .  quam  .  .  ceteris  epigrammatum 
meorum  volumini])us  applicandam  merceuarius  hybliopola  suscipiet).  Ill 
12  (Hendecas.  on  the  tomb  of  his  grandfather).    IV  11    (on  Claudianus). 


502  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

18  (consecration  of  a  church  at  Tours).  VIII  9  (Hendecasyllabics  to 
Lampridius).  Early  poems  VIII  II  (Hendecas.)  and  IX  13  (Anacreontics) 
He  mentions  his  poetical  improvisations  ep.  I  II.  V  17.  IX  13.  His 
promise  Attilae  bellum  stilo  me  posteris  intimaturum  subsequently 
appeared  impossible  to  execute  (ep.  VIII  15),  and  Sid.  was  also  right 
in  refusing  to  compose  a  historical  work  (ep.  IV  22).  Epist.  VII  3: 
contestatiunculas  quas  ipse  dictavi  .  .  tibi  transmisi.  ib.  9:  orationem 
quam  videor  ad  plebem  Biturigis  in  ecclesia  sermocinatus,  .  .  quam 
(headds)  duabus  vigiliis  unius  noctis  aestivae,  Christo  teste,  dictatam.  Ill 
14:  meas  nugas,  sive  confectas  opere  prosario,  seu  poetarum  stilo  cantile- 
nosas.  I  1  :  contenti  versuum  .  .  editorum  opinione,  de  qua  mihi  iam 
pridem  in  portu  iudicii  publici  .  .  sufficientis  gloriae  ancora  sedet. 

6.  The  nine  books  of  Letters  embrace  147  pieces,  among  which 
IV  2  is  by  Mam.  Claudianus  (461,  3  sqq.).  The  receivers  of  these  letters 
were  senatores  et  pontifices  (ep.  VII  12);  to  bishops  he  writes  B.  VI 
VII  1—11.  VIII  13  —  15.  IX  2—11.  The  dedication  is  to  Constantius 
(presbyter  Lugdunensis) ;  ep.  I  1  :  din  praecipis  .  .  ut  L,i  quae  litterae 
paulo  politiores  varia  occasione  fluxerunt  .  .  omnes  retractatis  exem- 
plaribus  enucleatisque  uno  volumine  includam  (in  imitation  of  Cicero, 
Pliny,  Titianus  and  Symmachus) .  In  case  of  a  favourable  reception 
actutum  tibi  a  nobis  volumina  numerosiora  .  .  multiplicabuntur.  IV  2 
the  complaint  of  Claudian  because  he  was  not  mentioned  in  the  collec- 
tion. IV  10:  post  terminatum  libellum  qui  parum  (paulo?)  cultior  est 
reliquas  denuo  litteras  usuali  .  .  sermone  contexo.  non  enim  tanti  est 
poliri  formulas  editione  carituras.  IV  22:  ut  epistolarum  curam  iam 
terminatis  libris  earum  converteremus  ad  stilum  historiae.  The  first 
three  books  seem,  therefore,  to  have  been  published  conjointly,  and 
books  IV — VII  were  subsequently  appended;  see  ep.  VII 18  (to  Constan- 
tius): a  te  principium,  tibi  desinet  (Vergil,  eel.  VIII  11):  nam  petitum 
misimus  opus,  raptim  relectis  exemplaribus,  quae  ob  hoc  in  manus 
pauca  venerunt  quia  mihi  nihil  de  libelli  huiusce  conscriptione  medi- 
tanti  hactenus  incustodita  nequeunt  inveniri.  The  eighth  book  was  sub- 
sequently added  in  compliance  with  a  request  of  Petronius  (at  Arelate): 
ep.  VIII  1 :  scrinia  Arverna  petis  eventilari,  cui  sufflcere  suspicabamur 
si  ^uid  superiore  vulgatu  protulissemus.  itaque  morem  geremus  iniunc- 
tis,  .  .  ut  epistolarum  seriem  .  .  in  extimo  fine  parvi  adhuc  numeri 
summa  protendat.  Cf.  ib.  16:  spoponderam  Petronio  .  ,  praesens  opus- 
culum  panels  me  epistolis  expediturum.  .  .  malui  ut  ilium  correctionis 
labor,  te  (Constantius)  honor  editionis  aspiceret.  .  .  peracta  promissio 
est.  Finally  the  ninth  book  was  added;  see  IX  1  (Firmino) :  exigis  ut 
epistolarum  priorum  limite  irrupto  stilus  noster  in  ulteriora  procurrat. 
,  .  addis  et  causas  quibus  hie  liber  nonus  octo  superiorum  voluminibus 
aderescat:  eo  quod  C.  Secundus,  cuius  nos  orbitas  sequi  hoc  opere 
pronuntias,  paribus  titulis  opus  epistolare  determinet  (above  355,  5  sq.). 
.  .  nos  vero  si  quod  exemplar  (of  b.  I — VIII)  manibus  occurrerit  libri 
marginibus  octavi  celeriter  addemus .  The  collection  has,  therefore, 
triplices  epilogos  (IX  1). 


Apollinaris  Sidon'ws.  503 

7.  Sid.  ep.  VII  18:  ita  mens  patet  in  libro  veluti  vultus  in  spe- 
culo.  dictavi  enim  quaepiam  hortando,  laudando  plurima,  aliqua  sua- 
dendo,  maerendo  pauca  iocandoque  nonnulla.  .  .  singulae  causae  sin- 
gulis ferme  epistolis  finiuntur.  Many  letters  had  arisen  accidentally  to 
serve  real  purposes  (letters  of  introduction  or  congratulation,  deaths? 
business  etc.),  but  in  course  of  time  the  collection  increased  in  inten- 
tional imitation  of  Pliny  and  Symmachus,  and  by  the  desire  of  friends 
and  acquaintances  to  become  immortal  by  such  letters  (ep.  VII  12. 
VIII  5.  IX  11.  15.).  Many  letters  are  real  panegyrics  (e.  g.  ep.  I  2  on 
Theoderic;  ib.  Ill  3  on  Ecdicius;  IV  11  on  Claudianus;  IV  20  on  Si- 
gismer  regius  iuvenis),  generally  on  the  receiver  himself  (IV  9.  13.  21. 
VI  1.  12.  VII  1.  12-14.  IX  7  and  elsewhere).  The  extent  of  the  com- 
position is  frequently  out  of  keeping  with  the  subject  (sunt  omnes 
loquacissimae  IX  11,  cf.  II  9.  Ill  7.  11.  IV  3.  VII  2.  IX  15  and  else- 
where). The  letters  addressed  to  bishops  (n.  6)  are  in  a  more  solemn 
tone  and  terminate  with  a  formula  resembling  a  litany  (memor  nostri 
esse  dignare,  domine  papa).  The  author  is  scarcely  in  earnest  when 
he  assures  us  (ep.  VIII  16) :  nos  opuscula  sermone  edidimus  arido,  exili, 
certe  maxima  ex  parte  vulgato. 

8.  Sidonius  greatly  resembles  those  men  who  were  his  models  in 
literature,  Pliny  the  younger  and  Symmachus  (see  n.  6  and  ep.  IV  22: 
ego  Plinio  ut  discipulus  assurgo):  kind  and  ready  to  help  others,  of 
unquestionable  purity  of  morals  in  a  savage  period,  devoted  to  refine- 
ment and  culture,  a  faithful  friend  (tenues  nobis  esse  amicitias  nee 
inimici  fingere  queunt,  ep.  IX  9)  and  a  good  father;  but  at  the  same 
time  immensely  vain,  always  thirsting  for  praise  and  thinking  too  much 
of  himself  and  of  others  (see  the  judgments  above  459,  4  sqq.  and 
below  461,  1 — 5.  8),  a  crouching  flatterer  to  the  great,  a  mere  phrase- 
turner,  full  of  the  prejudices  of  his  nation  (see  above  459,  2)  and  noble 
family  (e.  g.  ep.  IX  6).  His  Christianity  appears  strongest  in  his  letters 
to  his  fellow  bishops  (e.  g.  ep.  IX  2  he  calls  himself  a  novus  clericus, 
peccator  antiquus),  but  is  always  sincere  and  correct  (ep.  VIII  4:  tem- 
pus  est  .  .  de  perpetua  vita  potius  quam  memoria  cogitari;  1X8:  iudicii 
dies,  resurrectio;  VIII  11  :  quisque  praesumpserit  .  .  vetita  rimari,  ve- 
reor  huiusmodi  a  catholicae  fidei  regulis  exorbitaturum),  though  free 
from  dogmatic  harshness  (for  spiritales  quaestiones  he  refers  ep.  IV  17 
to  sacerdotes  fide  clari,  and  is  humane  even  to  the  Jews,  though  their 
'secta'  is  'despectui'  to  him,  il).  Ill  4,  cf.  VI  11.  VIII  13)  and  allowing 
him  to  admire  classical  literature.  Cf.  ep.  II  9:  similis  scientiae  viri, 
hinc  Augustinus,  hinc  Varro,  hinc  Horatius,  hinc  Prudentius  lectitaban- 
tur.  He  is  indeed  perfectly  clear  as  to  the  difference  of  the  two  views 
(ep.  IX  13:  procul  hinc  et  HippO(;renen  .  .  et  Apollinem  canorum  . 
abigamus,  et  Minervam.  ..  removete  ficta  fatu :  deus  ista  praestat  unus; 
cf.  Vni  4:  talibus  studiis  anterior  aetate  iuste  .  .  occupabatur;  modo 
tempus  est  seria  !egi,  seria  scribi  etc.);  but  he  uses  the  figures  atid 
ideas  of  antiquity  without  embarrassment,  and  is  well-versed  in  ancient 
literature   (see  especially  c.  9).   But  that  he  was  not  originally  at  home 


504  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

in  it,  but  merely  accustomed  to  it  by  scholastic  training  and  continued 
study,  may  be  inferred  from  the  many  strange,  confused,  and  irregular 
words  and  constructions  of  his  Latin  style  (ex  asse  gaudeo  etc.,  gran- 
diter  anxius  sis  meminens,  ilicet  rrz:  nam,  phthisiscere,  crepusculascens, 
combinans,  bonuscula,  complices,  spontaliter,  trebaciter,  ducalius,  ster- 
nax,  incursax  etc.),  a  curious  mixture  of  reminiscences  of  all  periods 
and  styles.  Except  some  arbitrary  licences  in  proper  names  and  foreign 
words  e.  g.  Euripidis  (c.  9,  231.  23,  126),  Ctesiphon  (c.  23,  139),  cwtho- 
licam  (ep.  IV  11),    philosophi  (c.  15,  182.   187),    his  prosody  is  correct. 

9.  Editions  by  El.  Vinetus  (Lugd.  1552),  J.  Wower  (cum  notis  P- 
Colvii,  Paris,  et  Lugd.  1598),  J.  Savaro  (Paris.  1599.  1609.  4.),  G.  Elmen- 
horst  (Hannover  1617  and  especially  J.  Sirmond  (Paris.  1614.  1652.  4. 
in  Sirmondi  epp.  I  p.  464  sqq.).  In  the  Bibl.  patr.  max.  VI  p.  1075 
sqq.,  Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  X  p.  463  sqq.,  Migne's  patrol.  LVIII.  There 
is  still  a  great  field  for  learned  exertion  in  the  works    of  this    author. 

10.  A.  Germain,  essai  litteraire  et  historique  sur  Ap.  Sid.,  Mont- 
pellier  1840.  M.  Fertig,  C.  S.  A.  S.  and  his  time,  according  to  his 
works,  3  parts,  Wiirzburg  1845.  1846.  Passau  1848.  4.  G.  Kaufmann, 
the  works  of  A.  S.  as  a  source  of  the  history  of  his  time,  Gott.  1864. 
44  pp.;  C.  S.  A.  S.  in  the  New  Swiss  Museum  V  (Basle  1865)  p.  1—28. 
C.  A.  Chaix,  St.  Sidoine  Ap.  et  son  siecle,  2  vols.  (462  and  408  pp.) 
Clermont-Ferrand  1867;  cf.  G.  Kaufmann,  Gotting.  gel.  Anz.  1868,  p. 
1001—1020. 

461.  With  regard  to  the  friends  of  Sidonius  we  still  have 
writings  by  Kusticius  Elpidius  Domnulus,  Mamertus  Claudia- 
nus  and  Faustus.  There  are  some  Christian  poems  in  existence 
by  Domnulus,  and  three  books  de  statu  animae  by  the  Pres- 
byter Mamertus  (Ecdicius)  Claud i anus,  dedicated  to  Sido- 
nius a.  470.  The  subject  of  this  work  is  scholastic,  the  style 
sometimes  dry,  sometimes  pompous.  We  have  also  by  him 
a  Christian  hymn  in  a  prosaic  tone.  Another  friend  of  Sido- 
nius was  Faustus,  bishop  of  Reii  (Riez),  against  whom  Clau- 
dianus'  w^ork  is  directed,  and  by  whom  we  have  a  work  de 
gratia  dei,  letters,  sermons,  and  similar  compositions. 

1.  Subscription  of  Vat.  4229  of  Pomponius  Mela:  Fl.  Rusticius  Hel- 
pidius  Domnulus  v.  c.  et  spectab.  com.  consistor.  emendavi  Eabennae. 
Similarly  in  lulius  Paris  (above  274,  9  fin.).  Cf.  Elpidio  viro  spect.  comiti 
sacri  consistorii  in  the  Acta  concil.  ephes.  of  Harduin  II  p.  77.  The  next 
degree  after  the  comites  cons,  was  that  of  quaestor.  The  Domnulus 
of  whom  Sidonius  ep.  IX  13  relates  that  he  wrote  poetry  at  Aries  un- 
der Majorianus  (a.  457—461)  and  to  whom  Sid.  ep.  IV  25  is  addressed, 
is  called  ib.  carm.  14  praef. :  vir  quaestorius;  and  the  Christian  poems 
(see  n.  2)  are  entitled:  Rustici  Helpidi  v.  c.  et  inl.  ex  quaestore.      It  is 


DomniAli^s  and  Mam.  Clandiarms.  505 

therefore,  highly  probable  that  we  have  here  to  deal  with  the  same 
person.  0.  Jahn,  Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Society  of  Lit.  1851,  p.  345 
—  347. 

2.  Rustici  Elpidii  carmen  de  Christi  beneficiis  (ed.  Herm.  Miiller, 
Gottingen  1868.  4.)  in  hexameters  and  Historiarum  testamenti  veteris 
et  novi  tristicha,  24  strophes  in  three  hexameters  each.  Both  printed 
in  G.  Fabricius,  corpus  poett.  christ.  p.  754  sqq.  and  in  patristic  col- 
lections, (e.  g.  Bibl.  patr.  max.  IX  p.  462  sqq.). 

3.  Gennad.  vir  ill.  83:  Claudianus  Viennensis  ecclesiae  pres- 
byter, vir  ad  loquendum  artifex  et  ad  disputandum  subtilis,  composuit 
tres  quasi  de  statu  vel  de  substantia  animae  libros,  in  quibus  agit  .  . 
ut  ostendat  aliquid  esse  incorporeum  praeter  deum.  scripsit  et  alia 
nonnulla,  inter  quae  et  hymnum  de  passione  domini  cuius  principium 
est:  'Pange  lingua  gloriosi'.  fuit  autem  frater  Mamerti  A^iennensis 
episcopi.  His  death  (nuper  ercptus)  is  bewailed  by  Sidon.  epist.  IV  11. 
where  he  is  praised,  e.  g. :  vir  providus,  prudens,  doctus,  eloquens, 
acer  et  hominum  aevi,  loci,  populi  sui  ingeniosissimus  quique  indesi- 
nenter  salva  religione  philosopharetur  et  .  .  a  collegio  complatonicorum 
solo  habitu  ac  fide  dissociabatur.  .  .  episcopum  fratrem  maiorem  natu 
affectuosissime  observans  etc.  sed  et  ille  suspiciebat  hunc  granditer, 
habens  in  eo  consiliarium  in  iudiciis,  vicarium  in  ecclesiis  etc.  In  the 
nenia  attached:  Claudianus,  triplex  bybliotheca  quo  magistro  —  romana, 
attica,  Christiana  —  fulsit.  .  .  orator,  dialecticus,  poeta,  tractator,  geo- 
metra  musicusque,  doctus  solvere  vinqla  quaestionum  et  verbi  gladio 
secare  sectas,  si  quae  catholicam  fidem  lacessunt.  psalmorum  hie  mo- 
dulator et  phonascus  etc.  A  letter  of  Claudianus  to  Sidonius  in  his 
epist.  IV  2.    For  another  to  the  Rhetorician  Sapaudus  see  above  459,  9. 

4.  The  work  de  statu  animae  is  dedicated:  praefectorio  (i.  e.  after 
a.  467,  see  above  400,  2),  patricio,  doctissimo  et  optimo  viro  C.  Sollio 
Sidonio  Claudianus  sal.  and  the  epilogue:  Claudianus  C.  Sollio  Apolli- 
nari.  It  begins:  editionem  libellorum  quos  de  animae  statu  condidi~.  . 
mihi  imperasti;  it  contains  also  a  short  statement  on  the  Contents.  B.  I 
begins:  magnum  in  genere  humano,  SoUi  Sidoni,  frater  amantissime,  mul- 
torum  vitium  est  etc.  In  the  epilogue:  libellorum  a  me  transmissorum, 
quos  philosophicae  artis  subtilissima  disputatione  disposui  etc.  This  work 
is  praised  in  an  exaggerated  manner  by  Sidon.  ei)ist.  IV  3,  cf.  Y  2:  librum 
de  st.  an.  tribus  voluminibus  illustrem  Mamertus  Claudianus,  peritissi- 
mus  christianorum  philosophus,  .  .  excolere  curavit  etc.  He  inveighs 
against  chartula  quaedam  (I  1),  an  opusculum  (I  2)  published  anonym- 
ously (ib.),  l)ut  which  had  been  composed  by  Faustus:  see  n.  7. 

5.  The  hymn  Pange  etc.  consists  of  30  trocliaeic  tetrameters.  On 
it  Sidon.  epist.  IV  3:  de  hymno  tuo  si  percontere  quid  sentiam,  com- 
maticus  est,  copiosus,  dulcis,  elafus  et  quoslibet  lyricos  dithyrambos 
amoenitate  poelica  et  historica  veritatc  supereminet  etc.  in  the  same 
stylo.  But  other  compositions  also  in  a  metrical  form  bear  his  name, 
some  of  tliem  having  also  got  among    the  works  of  the  elder  Claudia- 


506  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

BUS  (above  433).  E.  g.  in  epic  metre  contra  poetas  vanos,  on  carmen 
paschale,  laus  Christi,  fig  roy  aonrJQa,  fig  toy  d^sanortjy  XQioroy;  in 
elegiacs  in  lacobnm  mag.  eq.  and  miraciila  Christi.  As  Sidonius  (ep. 
IV  11;  see  n.  3)  attributes  to  him  poems  in  Greek,  it  is  possible  that 
he  was  the  author  of  these  works. 

6.  The  extant  works  of  Mam.  Clandianus  are  printed  e.  g.  in  Gal- 
landi  bibl.  patr.  X  and  in  Migne's  patrol.  LIII  (p.  693 — 790) ;  the  poems 
also  in  G.  Fabricius'  Corp.  poett.  christ.  p.  775  sqq.  and  in  other  col- 
lections. 

7.  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  85 :  Faustus,  ex  abbate  Lerinensis  monasterii 
apud  Regium  (rather  at  Reii)  Galliae  episcopus  factus  (c.  462),  vir  in 
divinis  scripturis  satis  intentus,  .  .  composuit  librum  de  spiritu  sancto. 
.  .  edidit  quoque  opus  egregium  de  gratia  dei  (see  n.  8).  .  .  legi  eius 
et  Adversus  Arianos  et  Macedonianos  parvum  libellum  .  .  et  alium  Ad- 
versus  eos  qui  dicunt  esse  in  creaturis  aliquid  incorporeum,  in  quo 
divinis  testimoniis  et  patrum  confirmat  sententiis  nihil  credendum  in- 
corporeum praeter  deum  (against  this  Claudianus,  see  n.  3  and  4).  est 
et  eius  Epistola  in  modum  libelli  ad  diaconum  quendam  Gratum  nomine 
edita,  qui  a  fide  catholica  discedens  ad  Nestorianam  abiit  impietatem. 
.  .  sunt  vero  et  alia  eius  scrip ta,  quae  quia  necdum  legi  nominare 
nolui.  .  .  scripsit  postea  ad  Felicem  praef.  praet.  et  patriciae  dignita- 
tis virum,  filium  Magni  consulis,  iam  religiosum,  epistolam  ad  timorem 
dei  hortatoriam.  Cf.  ib.  86:  floruit  hie  (Caesarius,  episc.  Arelatensis) 
eo  tempore  quo  et  Faustus,  Anastasio  remp.  administrante.  Sidon. 
carm.  16  epist.  IX  3.  9.     See  above  460,  4. 

8.  Faustus'  work  De  gratia  Dei  in  two  books,  attacked  as  Pela- 
gian by  Gelasius,  Fulgentius  (below  472,  1)  and  others,  is  extant.  The 
letters  of  F.  (to  Leontius,  Paulinus,  Felix,  Ruricius  and  others)  which 
have  come  down  to  us  are  of  dogmatic  contents  and  generally  lengthy. 
E.  g.  the  one  to  Leontius  contra  eos  qui  dum  per  solam  dei  volunta- 
tem  alios  dicunt  ad  vitam  attrahi  .  .  liberum  arbitrium  cum  Manichaeis 
negant ;  his  Correspondence  against  Praedestination  with  the  presbyter 
Lucidus,  the  letter  against  Arianism  etc.  The  latter  drew  upon  him 
the  displeasure  of  Euric  (a.  481).  Also  sermons  and  other  works.  Cf. 
Sidon.  epist.  IX  3  to  Faustus  :  immane  suspicio  dictandi  istud  in  vobis 
tropologicum  genus  ac  figuratum  limatisque  plurifariam  verbis  eminen- 
tissimum.  ib.  9:  legi  volumina  tua  etc.  legimus  opus  operosissimum, 
multiplex,  acre,  sublime,  digestum  titulis  exemplisque  congestum,  bi- 
partitum  sub  dialogi  schemate,  sub  causarum  themate  quadripartitum. 
,  .  mulierem  pulchram  .  .  tibi  iugasti,  .  .  philosophiam  scilicet.  .  .  huic 
copulatum  te  matrimonio  qui  lacessiverit  sentiet  ecclesiae  Christi  Pla- 
tonis  academiam  militare  teque  nobilius  philosophari. 

9.  The  works  of  Faustus  in  P.  Pithoeus,  collectio  vett.  Galliae 
theolog.  (Paris.  1586.  4.),  in  the  Bibl.  patr.  max.  (Lugd.  1677)  VIII,  in 
Migne's  patrol.  LVIII  (p.  783-889  cf.  LIII  p.  681—685).  Cf.  Wiggers, 
Pelag.  II  p.  228  sqq. 


Faustii^.     Arnobius  iunior  etc.  507 

462.  Just  as  in  Claudian  and  Faustus,  we  observe  also 
that  the  works  of  other  theologians  of  this  time  which  are 
still  extant  turn  chiefly  on  the  relation  of  liberty  of  will  and 
mercy,  sometimes  also  on  the  old  disputes  concerning  the 
person  of  Christ.  Others  wrote  commentaries  on  biblical 
works,  sermons  etc.  Theological  authors  of  this  kind  were 
Arnobius  (iunior),  Cerealis,  Gelasius,  Honoratus,  Ruricius,  Sa- 
lonius  and  others.  Of  chief  importance  is  Gennadius'  con- 
tinuation of  Hieronymus'  list  of  Ecclesiastical  writers  (viri 
illustres)  down  to  himself  (c.  495). 

1.  Arnobius'  Commentarius  in  psalmos  is  dedicated  Leontio 
et  Rustico  episcopis,  who  lived  c.  460.  There  are  also  extant  Arnobii 
catholici  et  Serapionis  conflictus  de  deo  trino  et  uno  etc.,  in  the  form 
of  a  process  before  a  Court  of  arbitration,  in  such  manner  ut  Arno- 
bius a  parte  sedis  apostolicae  defensor  fieret  et  Serapion  a  synedrio 
Aegyptiorum  altercator  existeret,  indices  vero  essent  a  parte  catholica 
Decius  Constantius  et  a  parte  Aegyptiorum  Amraonius.  Edited  in  the 
Bibl.  patr.  max.  VIII,  in  Migne's  patrol.  LIII  (p.  238—569). 

2.  Gennad.  vir.  ill.  86:  Cae  sarins,  Arelatensis  urbis  episcopus, 
scripsit  egregia  et  grata  et  valde  monachis  necessaria  opuscula.  de 
gratia  quoque  et  libero  arbitrio  edidit  testimonia.  .  .  quod  opus  etiam 
papa  Felix  per  suam  epistolam  roboravit  et  in  latins  promulgavit.  floruit 
hie  .  .  Anastasio  remp.  administrante  (a.  491 — 518).  Cf.  Greg.  Tur. 
hist.  Franc.  IX  39. 

3.  Gennad.  ill.  96:  Cerealis  episcopus  natione  Aler,  interrogatus 
a  Maximino  Arianorum  episcopo,  si  paucis  posset  .  .  fidem  catholicam 
assignare,  .  .  copiosis  tam  veteris  quam  novi  testamenti  indiciis  appro- 
bavit  et  libello  edidit.  This  work  is  printed  e.  g.  in  Migne's  patrol. 
LVIII  p.  757-767. 

4.  Gennad.  ill.  97:  Eu  genius,  Carthaginis  .  .  episcopus  et  con- 
fessor publicus,  admonitus  ab  Hunerico  Vandalorum  rege  catholicae 
fidei  expositionem  et  maxime  verbi  homousii  proprietatem  disserere 
(a.  484)  .  .  composuit  librum  fidei  (printed  e.  g.  in  Migne  patrol.  LVIII 
p.  219—234).  .  .  iam  vero  asportandus  pro  fidelis  linguae  remunera- 
tione  in  exilium  epistolas  velut  commonitorias  fidei  .  .  dereliquit  (e.  g. 
in  Migne  LVIII  p.  770—775).  altercationes  quoque  quas  cum  Ariano- 
rum praesulibus  per  internuntios  habuit  conscripsit  et  relegendas  per 
maiorem  domus  Hunerico  transmisit.  similiter  et  preces  pro  quiete 
christianorem  eidem  velut  apologias  obtulit.  vivere  adhuc  (c.  495)  .  . 
dicitur.     He  died  a.  505.     Cf.    Greg.  Tiir.  hist.  PVano.  II  3.  mirac.  I  58. 

5.  Gennad.  ill.  94:  Gelasius,  arbis  Romae  episcopus  (a.  492— 
496),  scripsit  adversus  Eutychen  et  Nestorium  grande  et  praeclarum 
volumen  et  tractatus  diversarum  scripturarum  ot  sacramentorum  elimato 


508  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

sermone  et  adversus  Petrum  et  Acacium  scripsit  epistolas.  .  .  fecit  et 
hymnos  in  similitudinem  Ambrosii  episcopi.  obiit  sub  Anastasio  Aug 
His  extant  works  (among  which  de  lupercalium  intermissione)  in  the 
Collections  of  Councils,  in  the  Bibl.  patr.  max.  VIII,  in  Migne's  patrol. 
LIX.  Letters  of  his  predecessors,  the  Popes  Hilarius  (a.  461 — 467), 
Simplicius  (a.  467—483),  Felix  III  (a.  483-492),  in  Migne  LVIII. 

6.  Gennad.  ill.  95:  (Antonius)  Honor atus,  Constantinae  (Africae 
civitatis)  episcopus,  scripsit  ad  Arcadium  quendam  qui  pro  confessione 
fidei  catholicae  in  partibus  Africae  a  Genserico  rege  missus  exulabat 
epistolam  .  .  hortatoriam.     In  Migne's  patrol.  L.  p.  567 — 570. 

7.  Gennad.  ill.  99:  Honoratus,  Massiliensis  ecclesiae  episcopus, 
vir  eloquens  et  absque  ullo  linguae  impedimento  ex  tempore  in  ecclesia 
declamator  .  .  in  homiliarum  modum  .  .  multa  componit.  He  also 
preached  during  his  travels.  .  .  sanctus  quoque  papa  Gelasius  (n.  5) 
per  scripturam  agnoscens  eius  fidei  integritatem  rescripto  suo  proba- 
tam  iudicavit.  sanctorum  quoque  patrum  vitas  .  .  coaptat  ipse  legen- 
das,  praecipue  nutritoris  sui  Hilarii  (above  450,  7).  litanias  ad  suppli- 
candam  dei  clementiam  cum  plebe  sibi  credita  pro  viribus  agit.  His 
vita  Hilarii  e.  g.  in  Migne's  patrol.   L.  p.  1220 — 1246.  « 

8.  Maxim  us,  Taurinensis  ecclesiae  episcopus  (as  which  he  is 
mentioned  a.  451  and  465)  moritur  Honorio  et  Theodosio  iun.  regnanti- 
bus  (Gennad.  vir  ill.  40).  We  possess  by  him  118  homilies,  116  ser- 
mons and  six  tractatus  (especially  de  baptismo,  contra  paganos,  contra 
Judaeos),  edited  by  Br.  Bruni,  Rome  1784.  fol.  and  in  Migne^s  Patrol. 
LVII. 

9.  Gennad.  ill.  98:  Pomerius  natione  Maurus,  in  Gallia  presby- 
ter ordinatus,  interrogantibus  luliano  episcopo  et  Vero  presbytero  dia- 
lecticorum  more  respondens  arte  dialectica  .  .  composuit  De  natura 
animae  et  qualitate  eius  et  De  resurrectione  .  .  libros  VIII  (e.  g.  in 
Migne  LIX).  .  .  memini  legisse  me  olim  eius  dictatum  ad  quendam 
nomine  Principium  de  contemtu  mundi  ac  rerum  transiturarum  hor- 
tatorium  et  alium  De  vitiis  et  virtutibus  praetitulatum.  scripsisse  di- 
citur  et  aha  et  adhuc  scribere,  quae  ad  meam  notitiam  non  venerunt. 
vivit  usque  hodie  (c.  495).  Isid.  ill.  12  calls  him  lulianus  cognomento 
Pomerius. 

10.  By  Kuricius,  episcopus  Lemovicensis  (Limoges)  a.  484--'^07, 
we  possess  82  letters  in  two  books,  chiefly  addressed  to  bishops,  e.  g. 
Sidonius,  Faustus,  Aeonius,  Euphrasius,  Caesarius,  Sedatus,  Apruncu- 
lus,  Volusianus  and  others.  It  is  evident  that  he  imitates  Sidonius. 
(II  18  R.  attempts  even  hendecasyllabics),  but  his  letters  cannot  bear 
comparison  with  those  of  Sid.  in  point  of  contents.  Edited  e.  g.  in 
Migne's  Patrol.  LVIII  p.  68—124.  See  above  460,  4.  There  is  an  epi- 
taph extant  by  Venant.  Fort.  (IV  5)  on  the  two  Ruricii  Anicii,  grand- 
father and  grandson. 


Gennadius  and  others.      Victor.  509 

11.  Salonius,  the  son  of  Eucherius  (above  450,  6)  and  author 
of  an  Expositio  mystica  on  the  Proverbs  of  Salomo  in  the  form  of  a 
dialogue  (e.  g.  Migne  LIII  p.  967—993)  and  a  similar  one  on  Eccle- 
siastes  (ib.  p.  993 — 1011).  A  letter  by  him,  Ceretius  and  Veranius  to 
Leo  M.  in  Migne  LIV  p.  887  sqq.  Letters  and  writings  of  Salvianus 
were  addressed  to  him,  above  458,  1.  3.  4,  and  also  letters  of  Si- 
donius. 

12.  Vigilius,  bishop  of  Thapsus  (Africa),  exiled  a.  484;  the 
author  of  Adversus  Nestorium  et  Eutychem  libri  V  pro  defensione  sy- 
nodi  Chalcedonensis  (edited  Tubing.  1528  fol.  Colon.  1555).  Under  the 
name  of  Athanasius  he  wrote  his  Altercatio  adversus  Arium.  The  author- 
ship of  the  libri  XII  de  trinitate  is  doubtful.  Edited  in  Chifflet's  edit, 
of  Victor  Vit.  (Divion.  1664.    4). 

13.  Gennad.  ill.  100:  ego  Gennadius,  Massiliae  presbyter,  scripsi 
adversus  omnes  haereses  libros  VIII  et  adversus  Nestorium  libros  VI, 
Adversus  Pelagium  libros  III  et  tractatus  de  mille  annis  et  de  apoca- 
lypsi  b.  loannis,  et  hoc  opus,  et  epistolam  de  fide  mea  (=-.  de  ecclesias- 
ticis  dogmatibus,  in  Migne  LVIII  p.  979—1000)  misi  ad  b.  Gelasium, 
uibis  Romae  episcopum.  Cf.  ib.  72  extr. :  hunc  ipsum  libellum  (Timo- 
thei  ad  Leonem  imp.)  noscendi  gratia  ego  rogatus  a  fratribus  in  lati- 
num  transtuli.  In  the  Verona  ms.  the  principal  work  bears  the  fol- 
lowing title :  catalogus  virorum  illustrium  quos  b.  Hieronymum  sequens 
commemorat.  Edited  after  the  work  of  Hieronymus  (e.  g.  ed.  Vallars. 
II  2  p.  967—1016),  in  Migne's  patrol.  LVIII  p.  1053—1120  and  elsewhere. 
It  was  subsequently  continued  by  Isidore.  A\\  these  and  the  mediaeval 
continuations  are  found  together  in  the  works  De  illustribus  ecclesiae 
scriptoribus  by  Suffridus  Petrus  Leovardiensis  Frisius  (Colon,  1580)  and 
by  Aub.  Miraeus  (Antverp.  1639  fol.). 

463.  Historical  works  of  the  second  half  of  the  fifth  cen- 
tury are  Victor  Vitensis'  history  of  the  persecution  of  the 
orthodox  church  by  the  Arian  Vandals,  and  the  Chronicles  of 
the  Spaniard  Idacius  which  embrace  the  years  379 — 469  and 
contain  a  special  account  of  his  native  country.  A  List  of  the 
Consuls  from  the  beginning  of  the  Republic  until  A.  D.  468, 
derived  from  the  old  Fasti  and  an  abridgment  of  Livy,  has 
also  been  ascribed  to  Idacius,  though  without  sufficient  reason. 

1.  Victor,  episcdpus  Vitensis  (in  Byzacene),  no  doubt  a  native  of 
Africa  (historia  persecutionis  africanae  a  s.  Victore  patriae  Vitensis 
episcopo  in  a  ms.).  From  the  preface:  ego  iubentis  imperio  oboedien- 
tiae  cervicem  submittens  quae  obvenerunt  in  partibus  Africae  debac- 
chantibus  Arianis  sensim  breviterque  indicnrc  tcntabo.  Ghronological 
statement  I  1 :  sexagesimus  nunc,  ut  clarum  est,  agitur  annus  ex  quo 
populuR    ille    crudelis    ac   saevus  Aandalicae  gentis  Africae  attigit  fines 


510  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

(a.  428  +  59  =  486;  according  to  Papencordt  429  +  59  :=:  488).  The 
first  book  (according  to  Chifflet's  division)  contains  the  persecutions 
by  Geiserich  (-f-  477);  the  second,  fourth  and  fifth  those  by  his  son 
and  successor  Huneric  (a.  477 —  end  of  484);  the  third  book  the  con- 
fession presented  to  the  latter  by  the  orthodox  bishops  (see  above  462, 
4).  Under  the  fresh  impressions  of  the  events  the  account  is  onesided 
and  highly  coloured,  the  diction  rude.  F.  Papencordt,  the  Hist,  of 
the  Vandal  reign  in  Africa  (Berl.  1837)  p.  366-370. 

2.  Printed  Colon.  1517.  1538  (cura  E.-  Lorichii);  cum  notis  Fr, 
Balduini  (with  Optatus  Mile  v.)  Paris.  1569)  cum  notis  P.  Fr.  Chiffletii 
(with  Vigil.  Thaps.),  'Divion.  1664.  4.  c.  n.  et  obss.  Th.  Ruiart,  Paris. 
1694.  8.  Veron.  1732.  4.  In  the  patristic  collections,  e.  g.  Migne  (LVIII. 
p.  180-260.     Prolegg.  p.  125-179.     Appendices  p.  260—434). 

3.  Idac.  praef.:  Idacius,  provinciae  Gallaeciae  natus  in  Lemica 
civitate  (Lamego),  .  .  summi  praesul  creatus  officii  (cf.  c.  4:  capto 
Idacio  episcopo  VII  kal.  aug,  —  a.  464  —  in  Aquaeflaviensi  ecclesia), 
.  .  perexiguum  informatus  studio  saeculari, .  .  sanctorum  eruditissimorum 
patrum  in  praev.edenli  opere  suo  .  .  ostensum  ab  his  secutus  exemplar, 
quorum  primus  Eusebius  etc,  post  hunc  Hieronymus  presbyter  etc.  quern 
quodam  tempore  propriae  peregrinationis  (in  Palestine)  .  .  adhuc  in- 
fantulus  vidisse  me  certus  sum.  .  .  partim  ex  studio  script'oram,  partim 
ex  certo  aliquantorum  relatu,  partim  ex  cognitione  quam  iam  lacrima- 
bile  propriae  vitae  tempus  ostendit  quae  subsequuntur  adiecimus.  .  . 
ab  anno  primo  Theodosii  Aug.  in  annum  III  Valentiniani  Aug.,'Placidiae 
reginae  filii,  .  .  a  nobis  conscripta  sunt  studio  vel  ex  scriptorum  stilo 
vel  ex  relationibus  indicantum.  exin  immerito  allectus  ad  episcopatus 
officium  .  .  subdidimus  etc.  posteris  in  temporibus  quibus  offenderint 
reliquimus  consummanda.  The  author  evidently  endeavours  to  relate 
the  truth,  and  unless  prevented  by  his  credulity,  he  is  a  valuable 
witness.     Cf.  F.  Papencordt,  Hist,  of  the  Vandals  (1837)  p.  352—355. 

4.  Sirmond  edited  this  work  from  a  ms.  belonging  to  himself.  Paris. 
1619  and  in  his  0pp.  (Paris.  1696.  II.  p.  291  sqq.  Venet.  1728.  II.  p. 
228  sqq.);  edited  by  Bouquet  (recueil  des  hist,  de  la  France  I.  p.  612  sqq.), 
Florez  (Esp.  sagr.  IV  p.  345  sqq.),  Roncalli  (vetust.  latt.  scr.  chron.  II 
p.  337  sqq.).     Also  in  Migne  patrol.  LL  p.  873 — 890. 

5.  The  list  of  Consuls  ascribed  to  Idacius  by  Sirmond  contains 
also  historical  notices,  at  first  but  few  and  more  in  the  last  two  cen- 
turies. It  is  no  doubt  of  the  same  time  as  Idacius,  and  also  preserved 
in  the  same  mss.  Edited  by  Sirmond  and  Roncalli  (see  n.  4),  in  Grae- 
vius'  Thesaur.  antiqq.  rom,  XI.  p.  246  sqq.,  Migne's  patr.  LI.  p.  891 — 
894  and  elsewhere. 

464.  The  history  of  the  destruction  of  Troy  by  the  pre- 
tended Phrygian  Dares  belongs  to  the  forgeries  composed  in 
the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries.  This  Dares  became  the  source 
of  the  Trojan  romances  of  the  Middle  Ages 


Idacms.  Dares.  511 

1.  The  earliest  mention  of  the  pretended  work  of  Dares  occurs 
in  the  forger  Ptolemaeus  Chennus  (the  son  of  Hephaestion,  c.  70 — 100) 
I  (in  Phot.  BibL  cod.  120):  UminaT^og  &i  'ftjaip  o  l^x«V,9^tos"  (one  of  the 
numerous  writers  invented  by  Ptol.  Chenn. ,  see  Hercher  p.  269  sqq.) 
JaQt]Tcc  TiQO  OfxrjQov  yqaxj'avjd  nqv  Iktada,  fjyt]f4oy(c  y^yfaS^cci  Ey.joQog 
vTifQ  Tov  nrj  uvikf-Jy  IlaT^oxkov.  The  name  of  Dares  was  derived  from 
Iliad  V  9  sqq.  Aclian  (c.  A.  D.  170)  probably  derived  his  knowledge 
from  Ptol.  Chennus ;  see  Var.  hist.  XI  2 :  y.id  tov  4^Qvya  ds  JccQtjra,  ov 
(f)Qvymv  Ikiada  *Vt  xccl  vvv  a7ioaioC,ofi^vrjr  oJdcc,  tiqo  0/utjQov  xal  tovtou 
yiviad^ai  kiyovGv.  So  also  Eustath.  ad  Odyss.  XI  p.  1697  whose  state- 
ment {JaQfjTa  <I*Qvy(i  .  .  .  avTo^uokrjaavTci  vn  Odvoa4a)g  avuiQfx^rjvai) 
does  not  agree  with  the  extant  Dares.  Dunger  has  proved  that  a  Greek 
version  of  Dares  probably  never  existed  (p.  12—17). 

2.  The  author  of  the  historia  de  excidio  Troiae  assumes  the  mask 
of  Cornelius  Nepos,  who  is  here  made  to  dedicate  his  pretended  trans- 
lation to  Sallust  (a  trait  rather  characteristic  of  the  author's  knowledge 
of  history).  He  says:  Cum  multa  Athenis  studiosissime  agerem,  inveni 
historiam  Daretis  Phrygis  ipsius  manu  scriptam,  ut  titulus  indicat,  quae 
de  Graecis  et  Troianis  memoriam  mandat.  quam  ego  summo  am  ore 
complexus  continuo  transtuli.  cui  nihil  adiciendum  rei  formandae 
causa  putavi,  alioqui  mea  posset  videri .  optimum  ergo  duxi  ut  ita  ut 
fuit  vere  et  simpliciter  perscripta  sic  eam  in  latinitatem  ad  verbum 
transverterem,  ut  legentes  cognoscere  possent  .  .  utrum  magis  vera  esse 
existiment  quae  Dares  Phrygius  memoriae  commendarit .  .  anne  Homero 
credendum  .  .  de  qua  re  Athenis  iugiter  fuit  mentio,  cum  pro  insano 
Homerus  haberetur  quod  (which  shows  that  we  have  to  deal  with  a 
Christian  writer)  deos  cum  hominibus  belligerasse  descripserit.  The 
assertion  with  regard  to  a  faithful  rendering  of  the  Greek  original 
cannot,  however,  be  right,  as  the  advice  given  in  the  original  by  Dares 
to  Hector  (n.  1)  deos  not  occur  in  the  Latin  version.  The  existence 
of  the  Greek  work  would  appear  to  be  a  myth  altogether.     Cf.  n.  1. 

3.  The  author  pretends  to  have  been  an  eyewitness  of  the  events, 
an  assertion  which  gave  him  great  importance  in  the  Middle  Ages 
Cf.  c.  12:  Dares  Phrygius  qui  hanc  historiam  conscripsit,  ait  se  militasse 
usque  dum  Troia  capta  est.  hos  se  vidisse  etc.  c.  44:  Hactenus  Dares 
Phr.  graecis  litteris  mandavit.  .  .  hucusque  historia  Daretis.  At  the  end 
he  sums  up  the  number  of  the  slain  on  both  sides,  according  to  his  acta 
diurna:  those  of  the  Trojans  he  calculates  at  676000,  those  of  the  Greeks 
at  886000.  He  is  very  much  on  the  side  of  the  Trojans,  and  even  this 
was  in  his  favour  in  the  Middle  Ages,  which  were  entirely  under  the 
influence  of  Virgil.  He  gives  c.  12  sq.  accurate  descriptions  of  the 
principal  persons,  e.  g.  Helenam  .  .  cruribus  optimis,  notam  inter  duo 
supercilia  habentem.  The  wooden  horse  he  transforms  into  a  horse's 
head  painted  at  the  Scaean  gate  (c.  40).  In  reality  the  author  is  a 
Roman,  as  he  mentions  Valerius  by  the  brief  appellation  of  Argonautae 
(c.  1:  qui  volunt  eos  cognoscere,  Argonautas  legant,  cf.  ib.  15.  Dunger 
p.    8.    15);    he  wrote  in  the  Christian  period  (see  n.  2),    before  Isidore 


512  1         The  Fifth  Century    of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

(see  n.  4),  perhaps  in  the  fifth  century,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the 
diction  (15:  audivit  quia;  31:  mittit  indutias  petere)  and  from  the  dry- 
ness and  poverty  of  the  style  of  the  work,  in  nothing  but  brief  monotonous 
sentences.  His  sources  (next  to  his  own  invention)  were  Dictys  and 
perhaps   also    the   so-called  Pindarus  Thebanufj  (cf.  Dunger,  p.  15 — 17). 

4.  Isidore  is  acquainted  with,  and  believes  in,  the  book;  see  Orig. 
I  41:  historiam  primus  apud  nos  Moyses  .  .  cofiscripsit;  apud  gentiles 
vero  primus  Dares  Phr.  de  Graecis  et  Troianis  historiam  edidit,  quam 
in  foliis  palmarum  ab  eo  conscriptam  esse  ferunt.  post  Daretem  autem 
in  Graecia  Herodotus  primus  historiographus  habitus  est.  The  oldest 
ms.  is  the  Florentine  (saec.  IX — X),  after  it  (saec.  X)  the  St.  Gall, 
Berne  and  Bamberg  mss.,  and  (saec.  XII)  the  Vienna  ms.,  see  F.  Meister 
p.  1 — 23.  The  Middle  Ages  knew  (as  Dunger  has  proved)  Dares  merely 
in  the  present  shape  of  the  work,  not  in  a  longer  version.  The  first 
mention  of  him  (as  Daires)  is  by  the  Norm.  French  Trouvere  Benoit 
de  Ste  More  (about  1150)  in  his  Destruction  de  Troyes  (Dunger  p.  32 
34—36.  37),  and  (as  vates  phrygius  I  25)  in  Joseph  of  Exeter  (Iscanus) 
in  his  six  books  De  bello  troiano  (between  a.  1184 — 1191  ;  cf.  Dunger 
p.  23 — 26),  then  in  Albert  of  Stade  (Dunger  p.  26  sq.)  about  1230,  in 
the  Trojumanna  saga  (Dunger  p.  75 — 80)  and  in  Konrad  of  Wiirzburg 
(c.  1280).  Cf.  F.  Meister  p.  25 — 36.  In  mss.  is  also  extant  a  Historia 
Daretis  Frigii  de  origine  Francorum  (derived  from  the  Trojans),  but 
it  still  waits  for  publication.  It  is  possible  that  the  Historia  excidii 
Troiae  was  composed  in  Gaul. 

5.  Editions  generally  together  with  Dictys-Septimius ;  see  above 
416,  1—5.  The  last  edition  by  Dederich,  Bonn  1835,  and  appended  to 
his  ed.  of  Dictys  1837. 

6.  A  poor  treatise  de  Darete  Phrygio  by  J.  G.  Eccius  (Lips.  1768), 
an  excellent  one  by  H.  Dunger,  the  Legend  of  the  Trojan  war  in  the 
versions  of  the  Middle  Ages  etc.,  Dresden  1869  (Progr.  of  the  Vitzthum 
Gymn.).  F.  Meister,  on  Dares  of  Phrygia,  de  exc.  Tr.  hist.,  Breslau 
1871.  36  pp.  4.  Critical  contributions  by  J.  Schmid,  Journal  of  the  Austrian 
Colleges  XX  (1869)  p.  819—830. 

465.  In  about  this  time  lived  the  grammarians  Cledo- 
nius  of  Rome,  professor  at  Constantinople,  and  Pomp ei us 
from  Mauretania,  both  commentators  on  the  Ars  of  DonatuSo 
Of  the  grammatical  work  of  the  GalHc  writer  Consentius 
we  possess  two  sections  de  nomine  et  verbo  and  de  barbaris- 
mis  et  metaplasmis;  by  the  grammaticus  urbis  Romae  Phocas 
an  Ars  de  nomine  et  verbo  and  a  vita  Vergilii  in  hexameters. 
By  Rufinus  of  Antioch  we  possess  a  commentarius  in  metra 
Terentiana,  and  a  treatise  on  the  metres  of  the  orators,  both 


Dares.     Cledonius,   Pompeius  and  other  Grammarians.  513 

partly    in   metrical   form.     Priscian's  master  Theoctistus  and 
the  giossographer  Placidus  belong  also  to  this  time. 

1.  Ars  Cledonii  romani  senatoris,  Constantinopolitani  gramma- 
tici  in  Putsche  p.  1861 — 1936  and  Keil  V  p.  9 — 79.  It  has  come  down 
to  us  in  a  cod.  Bernensis  saec.  VI,  which  is  however  greatly  confused 
and  corrupt.  It  forms  a  continuous  commentary  on  Donatus,  derived 
from  the  authorities  current  in  school-use  (e.  g.  commentaries  on  Vir- 
gil), the  same  as  are  also  used  in  the  more  extensive  works  of  Sergius 
(above  404,  2)  and  Pompeius  (see  n.  2) ;  he  mentions  Varro,  Pliny, 
Probus,  Terentianus,  Sabinus.  Besides  the  ordinary  information  the 
work  contains  also  some  of  a  higher  character.  It  arose  from  school- 
lectures ;  cf.  p.  14,  4  sqq.  K.:  quodam  tempore,  dum  Ars  in  Capitolio 
die  competenti  tractaretur,  unus  e  florentibus  discipulis  lohannes  a 
grammatico  venia  postulata  .  .  sciscitatus  est  etc.  F.  Osann,  Contri- 
butions II  p.  314—316.     Keil  V  p.  3—8. 

2.  Pompei  commentum  Artis  Donati  edited  by  Lindemann  (Lips. 
1820)  p.  3—480,  in  Keil  gramm.  latt.  V  p.  95—312.  On  the  mss.  see 
Keil  p.  83 — 88.  That  this  work  was  intended  to  form  a  text-book  in 
schools,  appears  from  more  than  one  peculiarity,  e.  g.  from  the  que- 
stions, addresses  etc.  verbosa  et  puerilis  tractandi  ratio,  molestissima 
rerum  tritissimarum  repetitione  fastidium  creans,  hac  sola  re  quodam 
modo  vel  excusatur  vel  intellegitur  quod  scholarum  consuetudinem 
grammaticus  scribendo  imitatus  est  (Keil  p.  90).  The  principal  works 
used  are  Donatus'  longer  Ars  and  Servius'  commentary  on  Donatus  in 
its  original  shape,  with  arbitrary  alterations.  Probus  and  Pliny  are 
very  frequently  mentioned;  besides  them  also  Claudius  Sacerdos,  Caper, 
luba,  Terentianus,  and  many  earlier  ones  (Lucilius,  Cato,  Varro,  Caesar, 
Verrius  Flaccus  and  others),  no  doubt  only  from  later  sources.  P.  de- 
signates himself  as  Maurus  j).  205,  5  sq.  K.,  cf.  p.  287,  5.  In  the  Middle 
Ages  his  book  was  often  mentioned  and  quoted  beside  Priscian,  Do- 
natus and  Servius,  the  first  time  by  Julian  of  Toledo  (towards  the 
end  of  saec.  VII).  There  are  also  Excerpts  extant  from  it  (Keil  V  p.  88). 
Osann,  Contributions  II  p.  311 — 313.  Grafenhan,  Hist,  of  class.  Philol. 
IV  p.  108  sq.  n.  45.  Keil  gramm.  lat.  V  p.  89—94,  cf.  the  Progr.  of 
Erlangen  1868,  p.  3:  eo  tempore  quo  primum  cum  vetere  eruditione 
misceri  nova  barbaries  coepta  est,  id  quod  inde  a  sexto  fere  saec.  vel 
exeunte  quinto  factum  esse  suspicor,  Pompeius  .  .  scripsit.  qui  quam- 
vis  rudi  sermone  et  molesMssimis  verborum  ambagibus  usus  pleraque 
inepte  et  pueriliter  disputet,  tamen  multa  melioris  doctrinae  vestigia 
ex  antiquioribus  .  .  retinuit. 

3.  Ars  Consentii  v.  c.  de  duabus  partibus  orationis,  nomine  et 
verbo  in  Putsche  p.  2017 — 2074;  Ars  Cons.  v.  c.  de  barb,  ei  metapl., 
edited  at  Regensburg  by  A.  Cramer  and  published  by  Buttmann  both 
together  in  Keil  gramm.  latt.  V  ]).  338 — 404.  From  tho  choice  of  the 
instances    given    of    local    names  the  author  appears  to  be  a  Gaul  (F. 

33 


514  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Osann,  Contributions  II  p.  346  sq.)  and  probably  belonged  to  the  fa- 
mily of  Sidonius'  poetical  friend  Consentius  at  Narbo  (see  above  459,  5), 
though  it  is  improbable  to  identify  him  with  him.  dicendi  genus  ex- 
quisitum  et  artificiosum  et  a  vulgari  grammaticorum  consuetudine  di- 
yersum  gallico  homine  studio  rhetoricae  artis  .  .  exculto  non  videtur 
esse  indignum  (H.  Keil  p.  333).  References  to  non-extant  earlier  (p. 
353,  17.  398,  35  sq.  399,  30  K.)  and  later  (p.  377,  26.  393,  30  sqq.  K.) 
parts  of  the  work  tend  to  show  that  the  two  treatises  are  remains  of 
a  complete  grammar  accidentally  preserved.  Consentius  rarely  mentions 
the  names  of  any  of  his  predecessors,  though  we  meet  with  those  of 
Varro,  Probus,  (Aruntius)  Celsus,  Palaemo,  Pansa  and  Asper.  The  ex- 
tensive agreement  with  Donatus,  Charisius  and  Diomede  (which  does 
not,  however,  look  like  direct  use)  seems  to  prove  that  Consentius 
used  the  same  sources  as  they  did,  i.  e.  Palaemo,  Probus  and  Comi- 
nianus.     H.  Keil  1.  1.  p.  334 — 336. 

4.  Prefixed  to  the  Ars  ofPhocas  are  two  prefaces,  one  in  metri- 
cal form  (6  distichs  beginning:  Ars  mea  multorum  es)  and  one  in  prose. 
From  the  latter:  praecipue  discipulis  nostris  .  .  nominum  regulas  et 
verborum  in  unum  congessi,  quoniam  .  .  super  ceteris  abunde  dictum 
a  summis  auctoribus  aestimo.  quo  in  opere  nihil  mihi  sumam  nee  a 
me  novi  quidquam  repertum  adfirmabo.  multa  namque  ex  multorum 
libris  decerpta  concinna  brevitate  conclusi.  The  work  is  based  on  the 
same  sources  as  Charisius,  especially  on  Palaemon  and  (the  Catholica 
of)  Probus.  Ph.  is  quoted  by  Priscian  (X  23  p.  515,  16  H.)  and  Cassio- 
dorus  (de  orthogr.  p.  2279  P.  cf.  p.  2321  inst.  div.  30);  and  Phocas' 
vita  Vergilii  is  chiefl)'^  derived  from  Donatus.  There  are  numerous  mss. 
of  the  ars  (Keil  V  p.  405—407).  It  is  found  in  Putsche  (p.  1688—1722), 
Lindemann  (p.  321 — 353)  and  especially  Keil,  gramm.  latt.  V  p.  410 — 
439.     Cf.  ib.  p.  407  sq.  Wern^dorf,  poetae  latt.  min.  Ill  p.  347  sq. 

5.  The  name  of  Phocas  is  also  prefixed  to  the  treatise  de  aspi- 
ratione  (in  Keil  V  p.  439 — 441),  probably  wrongly,  nam  et  dicendi 
genus  quaedam  quae  ab  illius  sermone  aliena  sunt  continet  et  rerum  trac- 
tandarum  ratio  tam  diversa  est  ab  iis  quae  de  eodem  argumento  a  vete- 
ribus  grammaticis  composita  sunt  ut  recentiore  aetate  haec  ex  anti- 
quorum  commentariis  congesta  et  veteris  grammatici  nomine  inscripta 
esse  videantur.     Keil  1.  1.  p.  409. 

6.  Rufinus',  grammaticus  Antiochensis,  comm.  in  metra  Ter.  is 
printed  in  Putsche  p.  2706  sqq.  and  Gaisford  (script,  rei  metr.)  p.  378 
sqq.  The  similar  treatise  of  Priscian  (below  473,  56)  is  not  used  in  it; 
but  R.  quotes,  besides  many  other  grammarians,  also  Donatus,  Victori- 
nus  and  Servius  (Osann,  Contributions  II  p.  307  sq.). 

7.  Rufini  V.  c.  litteratoris  versus  (hexameters  and  Sapphic  stanzas) 
et  excerpta  de  compositione  et  de  metris  oratorum  in  the  Collections 
of  Pithoeus,  Capperonnier,  Gaisford  (script,  rei  metr.  p.  388  sqq.),  in 
Orelli's  Schol.  Cic.  I  p.  183  sqq.  The  best  edition  in  Halm's  Rhetores 
latt.  p.  575 — 584.     Among  the  later  writers  he  mentions  Charisius,  Dio- 


Phocas,    Rufinus  and  other  Grammarians.  515 

medes,  Victorinus,  Terentianus;  also  a  certain  Pompeius  Messalinus  (de 
numeris  et  pedibus  oratorum  sic  dicit,  p.  582,  22). 

8.  That  the  22  Hnes  on  Pasiphae  in  all  the  Horatian  metres  (in 
Wernsdorf,  poetae  latt.  min.  Ill  p.  393 — 395,  in  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  732) 
are  the  composition  of  Rufinus,  is  a  conjecture  by  Dousa,  approved  of 
by  Wernsdorf  (1.  1.  p.  339—342)  and  others. 

9.  On  the  pupil  of  Rufinus,  Remius  Favinus,  see  above  444,  2. 
Cf.  Riese,  Anth.  lat.  II  p.  IX. 

10.  Cassiod.  divin.  lect.  30:  orthographos  antiquos  legant  Velium 
Longum  (above  398,  2),  Curtium  Valerianum,  Papirianum  (above  439, 
11),  Adamantium  Martyrium  de  v  et  b,  eiusdem  de  primis,  mediis 
atque  ultimis  syllabis,  eiusdem  de  b  littera  trifariam  in  nomine  posita. 
An  abridgment  of  the  first  work  of  Adamantius  in  Cassiod.  de  orthogr.  5 
and  hence  in  Putsche  p.  2295  sqq.The  i^rooemium  of  it  also  in  Mai's 
edition  of  Fronto  p.  548  sqq.  F.  Osann,  Contributions  II  p.  288 — 294. 
An  extract  of  Curtius  Val.  (cf.  Symmach.  ep.  VIII  69)  in  Cassiod. 
de  orthogr.  3. 

11.  On  Lactantius  Placidus  see  above  316,  3. 

12.  Priscian.  inst.  VI  51  (p.  238,  5  sqq.  H.) :  quod  .  .  doctissime 
attendit  noster  praeceptor  Theoctistus,  omnis  eloquentiae  decus, 
cui  quidquid  in  me  sit  doctrinae  post  deum  imputo.  Cf.  XVIII  56'  (II 
p.  231,  24  sq.  H.) :  teste  sapientissimo  domino  et  doctore  meo  Theo- 
ctisto,  quod  in  institutione  artis  grammaticae  docet  etc.  Cassiod.  divin. 
lect.  30:  Theoctistum  quoque  aliqua  de  tali  arte  (orthogr.)  conscripsisse 
comperimus.  Ps.  Aero  on  Hor.  S.  15,  97 :  (Barium)  civitas  est  quae 
Atharis  dicitur  hodieque,  ut  dixit  grammaticus  Theoctistus. 

13.  Schol.  Bern,  on  Virgil.  Eel.  X  fin.  (p.  839  H.):  haec  omnia  de 
commentariis  Romanorum  congregavi,  i.  e.  Titi  Galli  et  Gaudentii  et 
maxime  lunilii  Fiagrii  Mediolanensis.  The  author  himself  is  not  a 
Roman,  but,  as  it  seems,  a  Scot  (Adananus),  perhaps  of  the  eighth 
century.  With  regard  to  his  three  sources  he  mentions  T.  (Titius?) 
Gallus  only  on  Georg.  I  1 — 149  eleven  times,  and  then  never  again, 
perhaps  because  the  work  of  Gaudentius  whose  commentary  embraced 
the  Eclogues  and  Georgics,  (both  Gallus  and  Gaudentius  having  used 
Servius)  was  better  adapted  for  this  purpose.  The  attempt  of  H.  Ha- 
gen,  Jahrb.  f.  class.  Phil.  Suppl.  IV  p.  697 — 703,  to  prove  that  Servius 
had  rather  used  these  two,  has  not  been  successful,  Hagen  moreover 
not  taking  into  account  that  Servius'  Latin  is  in  general  more  correct, 
and  that  such  deviations  as  p.  701 :  omnis  terra,  ut  etiam  Varro  docet, 
quadrifariam  dividitur,  Servius  —  compared  with  Gaudentius  omnis 
terra  quadrifaria  —  evidently  show  that  Servius  was  the  predecessor, 
lunius  Philargyrius  (in  the  Schol.  Bern,  depraved  into  lunilius 
Flagrius)  had  neither  used  Servius  in  his  commentary  on  Virgil's  Eel. 
and  Georg.,  nor  was  he  used  by  him  (in  spite  of  H.  Hagen  1.  1.  p.  704 
— 708);    his    statements    exhibit    good   information  and  are  trustworthy 


516  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

(Ribbeck  prolegg.  p.  193  sq.).  Ph.  Wagner,  de  lunio  Philargyr.  (Dres- 
den 1846.  1847)  especially  I  p.  25—30  considered  Ph.  a  contemporary 
of  Servius,  while  G.  Thilo  (Rh.  Mus.  XV  p.  134)  assigns  him  to  saec.  VI 
or  perhaps  even  to  an  earlier  time. 


466.  Among  the  Christian  poets  of  this  time  Sedulius, 
who  died  at  an  early  age,  is  remarkable  for  simplicity  and 
vivacity  of  diction  and  a  treatment  of  technicalities  not  great- 
ly deviating  from  classical  usage.  He  composed  a  poetical 
version  of  the  history  of  the  New  Testament  under  the  title 
of  Paschale  carmen,  at  first  in  epic  metre  in  four  or  five  books, 
and  then  wrote  an  enlarged  account  in  prose.  Both  versions 
have  come  down  to  us.  The  poetical  version  is  more  natu- 
ral and  interesting  than  the  one  in  prose.  We  also  possess  by 
Sedulius  an  artificial  elegy  with  parallels  between  the  Old  and 
the  New  Testament,  and  a  hymn  on  Christ  in  iambic  dimeters 
in  alphabetical  succession  of  stanzas  in  four  lines  each  which 
are  frequently  rhymed. 

1.  .  .  Macedonio  presbytero  Sedulius  Caelius  .  .  salutem.  .  ,  cum 
saecularibus  studiis  occupatus  vim  impatientis  ingenii  .  .  inani  vitae 
dependerem  et  litterariae  sollertia  disciplinae  lusibus  infructuosi  operis 
.  .  serviret,  tandem  deus  .  .  ingenium  caelestis  (prudentiae)  sale  con- 
divit.  .  .  quattuor  ergo  Mirabilium  divinoruin  (because  the  vi^ork  trea- 
ted of  the  miracles  of  Christ)  libellos,  quos  ex  pluribus  pauca  com- 
plexus  usque  ad  passionem  et  resurrectionem  ascensionemque  .  .  Christi 
quattuor  evangelistarum  dicta  congregans  ordinavi,  .  .  tuae  defensioni 
commendo.  huic  autem  operi  .  .  Paschalis  carminis  nomen  imposui, 
quia  pascha  nostrum  immolatus  est  Christus.  From  the  dedication  of 
the  prose  version  to  the  same  Macedonius:  praecepisti  .  .  paschalis 
carminis  textum  .  .  in  rhetoricum  me  transferre  sermonem.  .  .  in- 
iunctam  suscepi  provinciam.  .  .  tradita  multa  pro  metricae  necessita- 
tis angustia  priori  commentario  nequaquam  videntur  inserta  quae  post- 
modum  linguae  resolutio  magis  est  assecuta.  .  .  quae  defuerant  primis 
addita  sunt  secundis  (libellis).  .  .  priores  libri,  quia  versu  digesti  sunt, 
nomen  Paschalis  carminis  acceperunt;  sequentes  autem  in  prosa  .  .  con- 
versi  Paschalis  designantur  operis  vocabulo  nuncupate  The  time  of  Sedu- 
lius is  fixed  by  the  fact  that  be  seems  to  have  been  a  friend  of  Asterius, 
Cons.  494  (see  n.  5),  and  that  he  is  not  mentioned  by  Gennadius, 
though  referred  to  by  Venantius  Fortunatus  (vita  Mart.  I  16  misc.  VIII 
1,  59:  Sed.  dulcis),  Isidore  (ill.  7)  and  C.assiodorus.  There  is  not  much 
reliance  on  the  (perhaps  forged)  decree  of  Pope  Gelasius  de  libris  re- 
cipiendis :  item  venerabilis  viri  Sedulii  paschale  opus,  quod  heroicis 
descripsit  versibus,  insigni  laude  praeferimus.  item  luvenci  (above  379) 
nihilominus  laboriosum  opus  non  spernimus,  sed  miramur.   Cf.  Arevali's 


Sedulius.  517 

prolegg.  150  sqq.  In  the  absence  of  further  confirmation,  we  cannot 
rely  on  the  statements  quoted  by  Arevali  23  from  some  (though  we  do 
not  know,  which)  codd.  :  libros  suos  scripsit  tempore  Valentiniani  et 
Theodosii  (the  younger)  and  similar  statements. 

2.  Sedul.  I  23  sqq. :  cur  ego  davidicis  assuetus  cantibus  odas 
chordarum  resonare  decem  sanctoque  verenter  stare  choro  et  placidis 
caelestia  psallere  verbis  clara  salutiferi  taceam  miracula  Christi?  As 
such  he  considers  the  miracles  contained  in  the  Old  Testament,  and  in 
the  first  book  he  describes  them  (after  a  preface  in  elegiacs).  The 
second  book  begins  with  the  birth  of  Christ,  the  third  with  the  wed- 
ding of  Canaan.  The  fifth  book  (in  some  of  the  mss.  the  work  is  di- 
vided into  only  four  books)  terminates  with  the  ascension  and  an  epi- 
logue. Speeches  of  Christ  are  also  put  in  verse.  The  poet  does  not 
bestow  much  attention  upon  transitions  of  the  narrative  and  the  con- 
nexion of  the  single  parts.  His  diction  attests  rhetorical  training  and 
familiarity  with  Virgil.  The  prose  version  is  very  artificial  in  the  ex- 
pressions and  the  order  of  words. 

3.  Sedulius'  prosodiacal  and  metrical  deviations  from  claisical 
usage  consist  in  the  lengthening  of  short  syllables  by  arsis  (e.  g.  I  35 
V  162.  Eleg.  69  sq.  :  per  hominem),  the  shortening  of  long  syllables  in 
thesi  (e.  g.  haec  spjtta  V  102;  /dola  V  146;  fulget  eous  V  191;  also 
sperando  I  350  etc.)  and  hiatus  (e.  g.  II  77  ducem  hoc ;  el.  6  and  62 
between  the  two  parts  of  the  pentameters;  hymn.  17:  enixa  est?). 
The  use  of  caesura  is  limited  to  7ifrr9-?]/utusQyjg  and  the  combination  of 
7Qtr')^r}Uifx8Qrjg  with  [rQiTog  TQo/cdog  and)  hf^'d^rjiJ-if.iSQrjg.  In  his  elegies 
the  same  words  form  both  the  TKy^^tjut/us^t^g  of  the  hexameter  and 
the  second  half  of  the  pentameter,  the  arrangement  being  epanaleptic. 
In  the  hymn,  X  is  represented  by  Xristo,  Y  by  Ymnis.  That  final  m, 
s,  t,  were  not  pronounced  then,  appears  from  the  rhymes  pectoris  — ^  dei; 
inpie  —  times  ;  viderant  —  praeviam  ;  personat  —  pignora ;  millia  —  vic- 
timam  ;  fundere  —  originem;  plurimus  —  febrium  ;  vinculis  —  sibi ;  torridi 
—  obstruit  etc.     See  above  415,  2  and  below  467,  2.  468,  4  extr. 

4.  A  cento  virgilianus  De  verbi  incarnatione  has  been  ascribed  to 
Sedulius  merely  because  in  a  ms.  of  the  monastery  of  Corvey  it  is 
inserted  in  the  carmen  paschale  without  break  and  heading.  This  cento 
was  first  edited  by  Martene  and  Durand  (Collectio  ampl.  IX  p.  125), 
then  in  Arevali's  edition  of  Sed.  (see  n.  6)  =;  Migne  XIX  p.  773 — 780. 
It  is  far  beneath  the  art  of  Sedulius.  E.  g.  v.  72  the  two  Virgilian 
passages  ore  favete  omnes  and  et  ad  hoc  advertite  mentem  are  though- 
lessly  united  in  one  line.     See  also  above  430,  15.  446,  9. 

5.  P>om  a  Rheims  ms.  of  Sedulius,  Sirmond  on  P]nnod.  epp.  I  24 
published  the  subscription :  Hoc  opus  Sedulius  inter  chartulas  disj^ersum 
reliquit.  quod  recollectum  adornatumque  ad  omnem  elegantiana  divul- 
gatum  est  a  Turcio  Rufio  Asterio  v.  c,  consule  ordinario  (a.  494)  atque 
patricio.  This  is  followed  by  an  epigram  in  4  distichs  addressed  to 
Macedonius  presbyter  (v.  6:   Asteriique  tui,  .  .  cuius  ope  et  cura  edita 


518  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

sunt  populis).  0.  Jahn,  Trans,  of  the  Saxon  See.  of  Lit.  1851,  p.  350 
sq.  Riese,  Anthol.  lat.  491.  This  same  Asterius  is  also  in  the  famous  sub- 
scription in  the  Medicean  ms.  of  Virgil:  Turcius  Rufius  Apronianus 
Asterius  v.  c.  et  inl.,  ex  comite  domest.  protect.,  ex  com.  priv.  largit., 
ex  praef.  urbi,  patricius  et  consul  ordin.  legi  et  distincxi  codicem  fratris 
Macharii  v.  c.  .  .  XI  kal.  mai.  Romae.  To  this  are  again  subjoined 
eight  distichs  (v.  4:  scenam  euripo  extulimus  subitam)  of  similar  contents. 
Cf.  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  I  p.  11  sq.  Acro(-  and  tele-)stichs  on  Sedulius 
antistes  by  a  Belisarius  scholasticus  and  a  Liberius  in  Migne  XIX  p. 
782—786  (from  Arevalus),  and  in  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  492  sq.  ^cf.  II  p. 
44    sq.). 

6.  Editions  of  Sed.  partly  with  luvencus  (Venet.  1502.  4  apud 
Aldum;  Basil.  1541)  partly  in  the  collections  of  the  Christian  poets  by 
Fabricius  and  by  Maittaire  (II.  p.  1660  sqq.),  and  of  the  Christian  fathers 
(e.  g.  Bibl.  patr.  max.  VI.  p.  558  sqq.).  Separate  editions  by  Chr.  Cel- 
larius  (Halle  1704.  1739),  H.  J.  Arntien  (Leovard.  ll^^l)  anp  especially 
recogn.  et  ill.  a  Faustino  Arevalo,  Rom.  1794.  4.  A  reprint  of  the  latter 
in  Migne's  Patrol.  XIX  (Paris  1846)  p.  433—772. 

7.  On  Sedulius  cf.  R.  Ceillier,  hist.  gen.  X.  p.  631 — 635  and  Are- 
vali's  Prolegg.  J.  Kayser,  Contributions  to  the  history  of  hymns  II  (Pa- 
derborn  1868)  p.  212—229. 

8.  In  the  Scotch  monk  Dicuil  (a.  825),  de  mens.  p.  13:  auctoritate 
.  .  Virgilii,  quem  in  talibus  causis  noster  simulavit  (=  imitatus  est) 
Sedulius  etc.  the  reference  is  to  the  compatriot  of  Dicuil,  the  Scotch 
grammarian  Sedulius,  a  writer  of  poetry  and  of  an  expositio  in  pri- 
mam  artem  Donati,  of  commentarii  in  artem  Eutychii,  and  in  mains 
volumen  Prisciani,  in  secundam  editionem  Donati.  Cf.  Arntgen^s  ed. 
(n.  6)  praef.  p.  2—6.  L.  Miiller,  Rhein.  Mus.  XX  p.  358  sq.  Sedulii 
Scoti  carmina  edita  ab  Aem.  Grosse  (Konigsberg  1868.  16  pp.  4.)  and  Sed 
Sc.  carmina  XL  ex  cod.  Bruxell.  ed.  E.  Diimmler,  Halle  1868.  36  pp.  4 
His  commentum  in  Eutychis  Artem  de  discernendis  coniugationibus 
edited  from  a  Zurich  ms.  saec.  IX  in  H.  Hagen's  Anecd.  Helv.  p.  1 — 38, 
cf.  ib.  p.  LXXIl— LXXIX,  where  the  work  is  placed  before  the  time  of 
Charlemagne  on  account  of  its  sound  information  (especially  with  regard 
to  Greek) .  As  it  does  not  show  traces  of  Christianity,  Hagen  disting- 
uishes this  grammarian  Sedulius  from  the  author  of  the  work  De  rec- 
toribus  christianis  edited  by  A,  Mai,  spicileg.  rom.  VIII  p.  1 — 69. 

467.  The  other  writers  who  composed  in  metrical  form  in 
this  time  either  correctly  observed  the  traditional  rules,  some 
times  even  adding  to  their  difficulties  by  new  artificial  inven- 
tions, or  they  made  their  verse  according  to  accentual  rhythm. 
In  the  latter  class  we  mention  Auspicius,  bishop  of  Toul 
about  a.  470,  in  his  letter  to  Arbogast,  and  also  the  Gallic 
writer   Amoenus.     Among   the   first   we   have   Paul  in  us    of 


Auspicius.     Amoenu.'^.     Paulimis  Petricord.  .  519 

Perigueux  (c.  470)  with  an  epic  poem  in  six  books  on  the 
life  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours,  and  Draco ntius  by  whom  we 
possess  a  didactic  poem  de  deo  in  three  books,  and  an  ele- 
giac poem  (satisfactio)  in  which  the  author  asks  pardon  of 
the  Vandal  king  Gunthar  or  Guthamund  (a.  484—496)  for 
having  made  a  poem  in  praise  of  his  enemy  instead  of  him- 
self. Both  poenis  are  very  rhetorical  and  show  some  knowledge 
of  biblical  and  classical  literature.  The  poems  of  Alcimus 
Ecdidius  Avitus,  bishop  of  Vienne  (f  523)  are  remarkable 
for  correct  and  careful  versification. 

1.  Auspicii  episcopi  ecclesiae  Tullensis  ad  Arbogastem  comitem 
Treverorum  epistola,  printed  e.  g.  in  Migne  patrol.  LXI  p.  1006—1008. 
The  lines  run  like  Alexandrines  without  caring  in  the  least  for  quan- 
tity or  hiatus.  Instances:  praecelso  et  spectabili  his  Arbogasto  comiti 
Auspicius,  qui  diligo,  salutem  dico  plurimam  (1  sq.),  quod  te  TuUensi 
proxime  magnum  in  urbe  vidimus  (4) .  clarus  etenim  genere,  clarus  et 
vitae  moribus  (15).  pater  in  cunctis  nobilis  fuit  tibi  Arigius  (17).  fuit 
in  armis  alacer  ille  antiquus,  verum  est  (33).  tamen  non  generaliter 
ista  de  cunctis  dixerim  etc. 

2.  Amoeni  enchiridion  veteris  et  novi  testamenti,  discussing  de- 
tailed points  of  it  in  always  4  hexameters  (see  above  461,  2) ;  fraj^ments 
of  an  epic  poem  on  Martinus;  22  hexameters  on  an  Egyptian  who  was 
saved  in  a  tempest  by  calling  upon  Martini  deus;  in  the  last  place  a 
poem  in  iambic  dimeters  in  Leontium  episcopum  redditum  Burdegalensi 
ecclesiae  in  23  acrostichic  strophes  at  4  lines  each  and  generally 
rhymed.  Strophe  1  :  Agnoscat  omne  saeculum  antistitem  Leontium, 
Burdegalense  praemium,  dono  superno  redditum.  10:  Karus  sacerdos 
ordinem  Hilarius  non  ambiit,  Martinus  illud  effugit,  Gregorius  vix  sustulit. 
21:  Xus  sereno  lumine  etc.  22:  Ymnum  canendo  concrepet.  23 :  Zelante 
fido  pectore  tam  vera  dici  non  pudet.-  haec  parva  nobilissimo  papae 
damns  Leontio.  Just  as  here  pectore  —  and  pudet  are  considered 
rhymes,  we  have  before  tempore  —  conscriberet;  pectore -- praesu- 
meret;  desiderat  —  improba;  defieverat  — anxia,  see  above  466,  3. 
Edited  in  Migne  LXI  p.  1076—1082;  but  also  (ib.  LXXXVIII.  p.  81  sq.) 
in  Venant.  Fort.  misc.  I  16. 

3.  The  work  of  b.  Paulinus  Petricordiensis  is  dedicated  to 
Bishop  Perpetuus  of  Tours,  who  had  himself  been  a  pupil  of  St.  Martin. 
Cf.  VI  13:  quinque  prius  recolens  signavi  gesta  libellis  etc.  27  sq. :  tanti 
revehens  praecepta  magistri  Perpetuus,  and  at  the  end:  Perpetuum  urbs 
Twronum  Martino  antistite  gaudet.  The  subject  is  derived  ironi  Sul- 
picius  Severus,  the  legend  being  merely  more  detailed.  The  form  is 
on  the  whole  correct,  though  there  are  the  usual  arbitrary  licences  in 
eremo,  munerante  and  such  convenient  archaisms  as  mage.  Paulinus' 
versus  quos  pagina  in  pariete  reserata  (in  St.  Martin's  Church  at  Tours) 


520  The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

susciperet,  and  those  de  visitations  nepotuli  mei,  whom  Perpetuus  had 
cured,  are  likewise  dedicated  domino  sancto  ac  beatissimo  patrono 
Perpetuo  episcopo.  Edition:  cum  notis  lureti  all.  cura  et  studio  Chr. 
Daumii,  Lips.  1681.  In  the  patristic  Collections,  e.  g.  Migne  LXI.  p. 
1009-1075. 

4.  By  another  Paulinus  (Pellaeus)  of  Burdigala,  the  grandson  of 
Ausonius,  wc  possess  a  thanksgiving  in  more  than  600  hexameters 
(eucharisticon  de  vita  sua),  of  a.  457.  The  metrical  form  is  not  very 
correct,  but  the  general  tone  of  the  poem  is  more  elevated  than  in 
Paul.  Petric.  Printed  e.  g.  in  the  Appendix  of  the  bibl.  patr.  (Paris 
1579).  T.  VIII. 

5.  Isid.  ill.  24:  Dracontius  composuit  heroicis  versibus  bexa6- 
meron  creationis  mundi  etc.  These  three  books  de  deo  consist  of  754, 
808  and  682  hexameters.  The  first  book  contains  especially  the  Mosaic 
account  of  the  Creation;  the  second  chiefly  the  Flood;  the  third  con- 
firms the  dogmas  with  numerous  instances  of  biblical  and  Roman  history 
(Abraham  and  Isaac,  the  three  men  in  the  burning  furnace,  Daniel  in 
the  lions'  pit;  Paulus;  Brutus,  Curtius,  Regulus,  Saguntum;  Judith,  Dido 
and  other  ladies),  the  dry  didactic  tone  frequently  disappears.  Ildefons. 
vir.  ill.  14:  Eugenius  (bishop  of  Toledo  about  a.  650)  .  .  libellos  Dra 
contii  de  creatione  mundi  conscriptos,  quos  antiquitas  protuleratvitiatos, 
ea  quae  inconvenientia  repperit  subtrahendo,  immutando  vel  ^eliora 
coniciendo  ita  in  pulchritudinis  formam  coegit  ut  pulchriores  de  artificio 
corrigentis  quam  de  manu  processisse  videantur  auctoris.  et  quia  de 
die  septimo  idem  Dracontius  omnino  reticendo  semiplenum  opus  visus 
est  reliquisse,  iste  et  sex  dierum  recapitulationem  singulis  versiculis 
renotavit  et  de  die  septimo  quae  illi  visa  sunt  eleganter  dicta  subiecit. 
clarus  habitus  fuit  temporibus  Chindasvinthi  et  Reccesvinthi  regum  etc. 
The  poem  de  philomela,  Anth.  lat.  658  R.,  is  perhaps  by  him,  see  Riese 
in  the  Heidelb.  Jahrb.  1871,  p.  587.  Carmen  de  deo  quod  Dr.  scripsit 
libr.  II  emend,  ac  suppl.  C.  E.  Glaeser,  Bresl.  1847.  4.,  libr.  Illib.  1848.  4. 

6.  The  satisfactio  (316  lines)  seems  to  be  a  hasty  composition 
in  which  the  preceding  didactic  poem  was  much  used.  The  author 
overdoes  the  accumulation  of  instances  of  legends  and  hiitory.  The 
occasion:  mea  corda  deus  .  .  pellit  ad  illicita,  ut  qui  facta  ducum  possem 
narrare  meorum,  nominis  asdingi  bella  triumphigera,  .  .  praemia  despi=' 
cerem  .  .  et  peterem  subito  certa  pericla  miser  (19 — 26).  culpa  mihi 
fuerat  dominos  reticere  modestos  ignotumque  mihi  scribere,  nee  dominum 
(93  sq.) .  te  coram  (God)  .  .  me  carminis  illius,  ausus  quod  male  dis- 
posui,  pa«^nitet  et  fateor  (105  sq.).  For  this  he  has  suffered  verbera, 
vincla,  fames  (312)  and  now  asks  the  king's  pardon,  avi  ut  laudes 
dicam  patriasque  suasque  (51).  The  king's  terrae  pelagique  triumphos 
Ansila  testatur,  Maurus  ubique  iacet  (213  sq.).  Of.  Papencordt,  Hist, 
of  the  Vandal  kingdom  p.  374 — 379. 

7.  Dracontius  is  well-versed  in  ancient  mythology  (Cynthia  =  luna 
TI    339.    satisf.    239;    Phrixus  II  449;  Hecate  II  539;  Iph.  Taur.  HI  212 


Dracontius,   Avitiis,    Lvxorius.  521 

sqq.;  Oedipus  III  265  sqq.)  and  quotes  (III  257)  Statius  (Theb.  X).  But 
sat.  188  he  confounds  Commodus  and  M.  Aurelius  and  makes  prosodia- 
cal  mistakes  in  several  proper  names.  E.  g.  Menecea  (III  256),  Stephanus 
(sat.  171),  T«tus  (ib.  183).  We  may  especially  observe  II  660  and  sat. 
161:  ex  eadem  muliere.  Especially  idola  (II  579)  and  the  frequent  leng- 
thening of  short  syllables  by  means  of  rhythmical  accent,  which  pecu- 
liarity Dracontius  shares  with  many  preceding  Christian  poets. 

8.  Editions  of  Dracont.  especially  by  J.  Sirmond  (Paris  1619  and 
elsewhere),  Faust.  Arevalus  (Rome  1791.  4),  J.  B.  Carpzov  (Helmstedt 
1794).  The  edit,  of  Arevalus  is  reprinted  in  Migne,  patrol.  LX  p.  595 
—932. 

9.  Isid.  ill.  23:  Avitus  episcopus  (for  his  epitaph  see  Rhein. 
Mus.  XXI  p.  271  sq.)  scientia  saecularium  litterarum  doctissimus  edidit 
quinque  libellos  heroico  metro  compositos.  quorum  primus  est  de 
origine  mundi,  II  de  original!  peccato,  III  de  sententia  dei,  IV  de  di- 
luvio  mundi,  V  de  transitu  maris  rubri.  scripsit  et  ad  Fuscinam  soro- 
rem  de  laude  virginitatis  librum  unum,  pulcherrimo  compositum  car- 
mine et  eleganti  epigrammate  coaptat^m.  Principal  edition  by  J.  Sir- 
mond (Paris  1643;  in  Sirmondi  opera,  Paris.  1696,  II  p.  185  sqq.  and 
elsewhere).  Hence  in  the  collections  of  the  Christian  poets,  e.  g.  by 
Maittaire  (II  p.  1673  sqq.),  the  patristic  Collections  (e.  g.  Migne  LIX). 
The  Homilies  of  Av.  (St.  Avit)  e.  g.  in  the  Etudes  paleographiques  et 
hist,  sur  des  papyrus  du  Vie  siecle  by  Delisle,  Rilliet  and  Bordier 
(Paris  1866.  4.),  that  concerning  the  basilica  of  Annemasse  in  a  fac- 
simile. 

10.  On  an  epic  version  of  the  Jewish  History  see  above  21,  3 
(Add.) 

468.  In  the  codex  Salmasianus  are  preserved  the  poems 
of  Flavius  Felix,  Florewtinus  and  Luxorius,  all  three  poets 
living  under  the  Vandal  kings  Thrasamund  (a.  496 — 523)  and 
Hilderic  (a.  523—530)  in  Africa  (at  Carthage)  and  who  also 
resemble  one  another  in  the  poverty  of  their  situation  and 
the  wretchedness  of  their  manner.  The  latest  and  most 
fertile  of  them  was  Luxorius  who  imitated  Martial  in  jocu- 
lar poems  in  various  metres  (especially  elegiacs  and  hende- 
casyllabics).  A  countryman  and  friend  of  Luxorius'  was  the 
grammarian  Coronatus,  a  few  poems  by  whom  have  been 
preserved  in  the  same  ms. 

1.  Fl.  Felicis  v.  cl.  postulatio  honoris  apud  Victor! (ni)anum  v. 
inl.  et  primiscriniarium  in  cod.  Salm.  (Riese's  anthol.  lat.  254,  p.  177  sq.) 
with  the  prosodies  stdlida,  meroris,  ecclcsiae  and  the  termination :  adnue 
poscenti,  miscrum  sustolle  ruinac :  clericus  ut  fiam,  dum  velis,  ipse 
potes.   He  is  no  doubt  that  Felix  by  whom  we  read  ibid.  210 — 214  five 


422  ,        The  Fifth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

epigrams  de  thermis  Alianarum,  the  last  (214)  with  the  acrostich  Thra- 
samundus,  the  mesostich  cunta  innovat,  and  the  telestich  vota  serenans. 
Each  line  consists,  moreover,  of  37  letters.  Cf.  L.  Miiller  in  Fleck- 
eisen's  Jahrbb.  95,  p.  796—798.     Riese,  anth.  lat.  p.  XXIV.  XXVII. 

2.  Florentinus'  39  hexameters  in  praise  of  king  Thrasamund 
in  Riese's  anthol.  lat.  376  (p.  243  sq.). 

3.  By  Lux ori us  we  have  in  the  anthol.  lat.  of  Riese  nr.  18  (p.  66 
—68).  203  (p.  148  sq.)  and  287—375  (p.  208-243).  Nr.  18  a  somewhat 
rude  epithalamium  Fridi  (68  hexameters);  203  relates  to  Hildericus  rex 
(a.  523—530).  Nr.  287  sqq.  form  a  connected  series  of  juvenile  poems 
(quos  olim  puer  in  foro  paravi  versus  ex  variis  locis  deductos,  287  cf, 
288:  paginam  .  .  quam  tenello  tiro  lusi  viscere),  dedicated  to  his  friend 
Faustus,  grammaticae  magister  artis  (287).  The  heading  in  the  cod. 
Salmas.  is:  incipit  liber  epigrammaton  viri  clariss.  Luxori  et  spectabilis 
(cf.  ib.  18).  They  are  epigrams  both  on  persons  and  things,  especially 
ludi  circenses  and  works  of  art  (374  even :  de  Diogene  picto,  ubi  lasci- 
vienti  meretrix  barbam  vellit  et  Gupido  mingit  in  podice  eius).  Ob- 
scenity is  conspicuous  throughout  (e.  g.  297.  301  sq.  308  sq.  317.  322 
sq.  340.  358.  363.  368).  The  author  seems  to  be  a  heathen;  at  all 
events  there  is  no  allusion  to  Christianity  by  the  side  of  so  many 
allusions  to  ancient  mythology.  For  his  personal  affairs  cf.  nostri  de- 
fugiens  pauperiem  laris  (289). 

4.  Most  pieces  of  Lux.  are  in  elegiacs,  next  to  which  we  have 
many  hendecasyllabics.  There  are  also  hexameters,  iambic  poems 
(288.  315.  360.  309),  trochaeics  (291),  anapaestic  Dimeters  (299.  322. 
357),  Glyconeans  (295),  Anacreontics  (298)  and  Asclepiadeans  (314.  316. 
323.  356.  361),  also  Asynarteti  (292.  305).  Foreign  wor-ds  are  often 
used  so  as  to  suit  the  verse  (Solon  351;  methodicis  302;  phflosophum 
374;  sdphismate  365).  Short  syllables  are  lengthened  (ut,  pes),  long 
syllables  shortened  (vivas  318;  negotii  340)  though  comparatively  in 
rare  instances.  The  anapaests  coniugis  carae  (322),  cui  dedit  plures 
(357)  follow  the  plebeian  pronunciation  (see  above  466,  3). 

5.  On  Lux.  see  L.  Miiller  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  95,  p.  783—786. 
Riese,  anthol.  I  p.  XXIV  sq.  XXVII. 

6.  ByCoronatusin  Riese's  Anthol.  lat.  Nr.  223  (a  variation  on 
a  Virgilian  theme,  29  hexameters)  and  the  two  epigrams  226.  228  always 
designating  C.  as  vir  clarissimus.  Fragments  of  Coronati  scholastici 
de  ultimis  syllabis  partium  orationis  with  the  dedication:  Domino  erudi- 
tissimo  peritissimorum  atque  inlustri  fratri  Luxorio  Coronatus.  H.  Keil 
gramm.  lat.  IV  p.  L.  cf.  De  gramm.  inf.  aetat.  (Erlang.  1868.  4.)  p.  4 
with  note.     Riese  anthol.  p.  XXIV.    XXVI. 

7.  As  the  codex  Salmas.  contains,  among  the  poems  of  a  later 
period,  mostly  the  works  of  African  poets,  we  may  assign  to  the  same 
period  and  country  the  versifiers  only  known  though  it:  Calbulus  gram- 
maticus  (a  Christian   poem  on  a  spring,    Anth.  lat.   378  R.),    Petrus  re- 


Luxoriu^.     Coronatus  and  others.  52S 

ferendarius  (ib.  nr.  380,  p.  247),  Octavianus  vir  illustris  ann.  XVI,  filius 
Crescentini  viri  magnifici  (ib.  20  p.  70),  Cato  (ib.  387)  under  Huneric 
(a.  477 — 484),  and  altogether  the  carmina  de  singulis  causis  (ib.  nr. 
383—388,  of.  p.  XXV).     Cf.  Riese,  Anth.  I  p.  XXVI— XXVIII. 

8.  To  a  certain  presbyter  ^arthenius  in  Africa  we  have  a  barba- 
rous and  affected  letter  by  the  comes  Sigisteces,  with  an  answer  from 
Parth.,  and  verses  the  flattery  and  prosody  of  which  are  evidently  cal- 
culated for  a  barbarian^s  stomach,  in  Reifferscheid's  Analecta  Casinensia 
(Bresl.  1871.  4.)  nr.  2  sq.  (p.  3  sq.),  e.  g.  te  clipeo  ldr?caque  et  galea 
caelitus  armet  omnipotens,  or  credo  equidem  quod  docta  talem  nee 
Graecia  misit  neque  Larissa  potens  similem  procreavit  Achillem,  nostrzs 
qualem  armipotens  tarn  fertilis  Africa  frugum  vexit  ad  astra  virum. 

9.  From  a  collection  similar  to  that  of  Luxorius  are  the  epigrams 
in  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  90  sqq.  (I  p.  102  sqq.) 

F.     The  sixth  Century. 

469.  After  the  German  soldier  Odoacer,  who  had  over- 
thrown a.  476  the  last  Westroman  Emperor,  was  himself 
conquered  by  Theoderic,  the  king  of  the  Eastern  Goths  (a. 
493),  who  then  made  himself  king  of  Italy  with  the  sanction 
of  the  Eastroman  Emperor,  that  country  enjoyed  during  thirty 
years  the  blessings  of  peace  and  order.  Under  Theoderic 
wrote  Boetius,  Ennodius  and  partly  Cassiodorus,  while  Priscian 
lived  at  Constantinople  about  the  same  time.  Under  his  weak 
successors  the  kingdom  was  again  shaken,  and  the  country 
was  exposed  to  continual  devastations  which  destroyed  the 
last  remnants  of  intellectual  life.  In  the  other  countries  of  the 
West,  Roman  civilisation  could  hardly  weather  the  storms  that 
threatened  to  destroy  it.  It  survived  longest  in  Gaul,  where 
Gregory  of  Tours  and  Venantius  Fortunatus,  Arator  and 
others  may  be  mentioned  among  its  literary  representatives. 
Historical  composition  was  most  studied;  Africa  possessed 
bishop  Victor,  Britain  Gildas,  and  even  the  Goth  Jordanis 
wrote  a  historical  work.  The  East  produced  under  Justinian 
Procopius  of  Caesarea.  The  numerous  attempts  to  compose 
comprehensive  works  on  Roman  law  for  the  use  of  the  different 
countries  were  at  last  terminated  under  Justinian  by  the  Cor- 
pus iuris.  In  general,  literature  was  chiefly  cultivated  by  the 
clergy;  at  the  close  of  the  century  literature  received  the 
special  attention  of  the  Roman  bishop  Gregory  I,  and  as 
early  as  529  the  Benedictine  order  was  founded. 


524  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

1.  The  ode  vie,  born  454,  invaded  Italy  at  the  request  of  the 
Eastern  Emperor  Zeno  a.  489,  and  was  victorious  after  a  war  of  four 
years.  After  Zeno's  death  (491)  he  was  actual  ruler  and  acknowledged 
as  such  by  Anastasius  a.  498.  He  kept  court  at  Ravenna  and  Verona 
(Dietrich  of  Bern) .  He  visited  Rome  a.  500,  and  died  26  August  526. 
A  panegyric  on  him  by  Ennodiug,  see  below  471,  2.  C.  Cless  in  Pauly's 
Enc.  YI  1.  p.  1799—1815.    R.  Kopke,  German  Investigations  p.  148— 184. 

2.  lustinianus,  born  11  May  482,  Emperor  after  1  April  527, 
died  11  November  565;  see  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Enc.  IV  (1845)  p. 
664 — 677.  Isambert,  histoire  de  Justinien,  Paris  1856.  2  vols.  On  his 
historian  Procopius  see  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Encycl.  VI  1  p.  84—86, 
and  Studies  and  Charact.  p.  191 — 236.  F.  Dahn,  Procop.  of  Caes., 
Berlin    1865.  502  pp. 

3.  Vettius  Agorius  Basilius  Mavortius,  Cos.  527,  and  his  assistant 
in  emending  mss.,  Felix  orator  urbis  Romae;  see  above  235,  4  cf. 
445,  7.  The  name  of  Mavortius  (but  probably  a  different  person)  is 
prefixed  to  the  cento  vergilianus  in  the  cod.  Salm.  on  the  judgment  of 
Paris  (Riese's  anth.  lat.  10  p.  28—30),  and  also  the  one  de  ecclesia  (ib. 
16.  p.  44 — 49)  professes  to  be  by  some  Mavortius;  see  Riese  I  p.  XXVIII. 
W.  H.  D.  Suringar,  Anonymi  cento  vergilianus  de  ecclesia,  Utrecht 
1867.     F.  Latendorf  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  103  p.  861   sq. 

4.  At  the  end  of  Macrob.  somn.  Scip.  I  the  mss.  read:  Aurelius 
Memmius  Symmachus  v.  c.  emendabam  vol  (=  et)  disting.  meum 
Ravennae  cum  Macrobio  Plotino  Eudoxio  v.  c.  This  is  no  doubt  Q. 
Aur.  Memm.  Symm.,  Cons.  485,  who  was  executed  a  short  time  after  his 
son-in-law  Boetius  (below  470)  a.  526;  0.  Jahn,  Trails,  of  the  Sax.  Soc. 
of  Lit.  1851,  p.  347  sq.     Cf.  n.  6.     444,  2.     472,  5. 

5.  Deuterius,  jirofessor  of  grammar  and  rhetoric  at  Milan,  :to 
whom  Ennodius  (diet.  8  and  9)  recommends  his  nephew  Lupicinus  and 
AratorTas  pupils,  whom  he  praises  in  a  jocular  poem  (II  104,  verenda 
calvities)  and  consoles  in  a  letter  on  account  of  the  weakness  of  his 
eyes  (tua  lumina  nube  doloris  hebetantur,  cuius  tarn  clara  sunt  car- 
mina?).  A  poetical  begging  letter  in  his  name  in  Ennod.  carm.  I  2 
(Deut.  V.  s.  grammatico).  It  is  doubtful  whether  he  be  the  Deut.  scho- 
lasticus  in  the  subscription  of  Capella  (above  445,  7).  Cf.  0.  Jahn, 
Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Soc.  of  Lit.  1851  p.  350  sq. 

6.  Ennod.  paraenes.  didasc.  p.  253  sq.  M.  enumerates  the  Roman 
nobles  who  had  received  a  rhetorical  education:  Faustus  and  Avienus, 
the  patricii  Festus,  Symmachus,  Probinus,  Cethegus,  Boetius,  Agapetus, 
Probus.  To  these  we  may  add  Olybrius  (Ennod.  carm.  I  8),  and  out- 
side Rome  Parthenius  (Arator  ep.  ad  Parth.  19  sqq.).  Faustus  com- 
posed also  poems  in  several  books  (Ennod.  carm.  I  7.  II  3.  143).  The 
custom  of  public  recitations  still  existed  in  Italy  in  this  period;  see 
Ennod.  carm.  I  9  praef. :  cur  recitet  publice  quern  laus  nee  decet  pu- 
blica  nee  delectat?     See  below  480,  2. 


Mavortius,  Deuterins  and  otherts.  525 

7.  To  the  beginning-  of  saec.  Yl  we  may  assign  the  pretended 
Epistola  Valerii  ad  Rufinum  ne  uxorem  ducat,  a  kind  of  suasoria  in 
which  the  subject  is  partly  derived  from  Hieronymus  and  Augustine. 
Printed  in  Hieronym.  0pp.  XL  Cf.  L.  Miiiler  in  Fleckeisen^s  Jahrbb. 
95  p.  790. 

8.  To  the  first  half  of  saec.  VI  we  may  ascribe  the  mythographus 
vat.  I;  see  above  41,  12  (Add.). 

9.  To  this  time  we  assign  also  the  Roman  senator  Euclerius,  who 
prays  to  God  (=  Christ)  for  enlightenment,  Anth.  lat.  789  R. 

10.  The  prevailing  views  of  the  time  on  philosophy  are  explained 
by  Gregor.  Tur.,  Mirac.  I  praef. :  philosophorum  inimicam  deo  sapien- 
tiam.  Cf.  Ennod.  euchar. :  ilia  saecularis  pompae  philosophia.  Venant. 
Fort.  ep.  V  1  confesses :  Plato,  Aristoteles,  Chrisippus  vel  (et)  Pittacus 
mihi  vix  opinione  noti  sunt. 

11.  Of  the  Frankish  king  Chilperic  (f  584)  Gregory  of  Tours 
relates  hist.  Franc.  VI  46:  confecit  duos  libros  quasi  Sedulium  medita- 
tus,  quorum  versiculi  debiles  nullis  pedibus  subsistere  possunt,  in  qui- 
bus,  dum  non  intellegebat,  pro  longis  syllabis  breves  posuit  et  pro  bre- 
vibus  longas  statuebat;  et  alia  opuscula,  vel  hymnos  sive  missas.  King 
Charibert  is  praised  by  Venant.  Fort.  misc.  VI  4  for  his  fluent  command 
of  the  Latin  language. 

12.  A  specimen  of  the  diction  of  the  end  of  saec.  VI,  perhaps  in 
Africa,  may  be  found  in  the  praefatio  of  the  codex  Salmasianus  (Riese's 
Anth.  lat.  I  p.  69  sq.),  in  which  the  manner  of  Tertullian,  Apuleius  and 
Martianus  Capella  is  carried  to  a  degree  quiie  insane. 

13.  A  specimen  of  the  metre  and  prosody  of  the  same  time  in 
Riese's  Anth.  lat.  481,  with  II  p.  LVI. 

14.  A  ms.  of  saec.  VI  is  the  Vossianus  Q  9  or  Leidensis,  see 
Riese's  Anth.  lat.  I  p.  18—20,  cf.  p.  XII.  See  also  below  479,  4.  Of 
the  same  time  we  have  mss.  of  Cyprian  at  Paris  and  Turin;  see  W. 
Hartel's  edition,  praef.  p.  II — IX.  For  other  notices  see  above  418,  4. 
424,  4.     430,  11.    465,  1. 

470.  The  Roman  patrician  Anicius  Manlius  Torquatus  Seve- 
rinus  Boetius,  Cons.  510,  executed  by  Theoderic  a.  525,  oc- 
cupies a  prominent  position  in  this  time  both  on  account  of 
his  character  and  culture.  The  work  de  consohitione  philo- 
sophiae  in  five  books,  which  he  composed  in  prison,  is  a 
splendid  testimony  of  his  noble  mind  and  his  familiarity  with 
the  spirit  and  form  of  the  classical  period.  We  possess  also 
by  him  numerous  translations  of  Greek  works  on  philosophy, 
rhetoric  and  mathematics.  By  his  translations  from  Aristotle 
he  gained  especially  great  influence  on  mediaeval  scholasticism. 


526  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

This  as  well  as  the  halo  which  surrounds  the  end  of  his  life 
caused  many  Christian  theological  works  to  be  erroneously 
attributed  to  him. 

1.  Boetius,  born  about  475 — 480,  married  Rusticiana,  the  daughter 
of  Symmachus  (above  469,  4),  received  Theoderic  with  a  well-set  speech 
in  the  Senate  and  was  employed  by  him  in  various  business.  Bui  when 
the  Eastern  Emperor  Justinus  attempted  to  undermine  Theoderic's 
throne  by  stirring  up  Italy  against  the  Arian  Goths,  and  when  the 
national  Roman  party  was  suspected  of  entering  into  this  scheme,  B. 
was  drawn  into  the  affair,  and  his  candid  defence  of  the  Senator  Albi- 
nus,  who  had  been  accused  of  a  clandestine  correspondence  with  Ju- 
stinus, was  used  by  his  enemies  to  accuse  him.  As  his  independent 
patriotic  conduct  during  his  whole  life  might  render  any  such  accu- 
sation likely  enough,  B.  was  imprisoned  at  Ticinum  (Pavia),  sentenced 
by  the  servile  Senate  without  a  hearing  and  executed  in  agro  Calven- 
tino  under  torments  (Anon.  VaL).  His  death  by  the  Arian  king  of  the 
Goths,  the  confusion  with  others  of  the  name  of  Severinus,  and  his 
supposed  authorship  of  theological  works  procured  B.  at  a  later  time 
the  reputation  of  a  martyr  for  the  Catholic  faith  and  the  odour  of 
sanctity.     Cf.  n.  2.  3.     W.  Teufi'el  in  Pauly's  Enc.  I  2  p.  2415  sq. 

2.  Ennodius  ep.  VII  13  to  Bo6tius  :  tu,  emendatissime  hominum, 
.  .  quem  in  annis  puerilibus  .  .  industria  fecit  antiquum,  qui  per  dili- 
gentiam  imples  omne  quod  cogitur,  cui  inter  vitae  exordia  ludus  est 
lectionis  assiduitas,  .  .  in  cuius  manibus  duplicato  igne  rutilat  qua  ve- 
teres  face  fulserunt.  Theoderic  (Cassiod.  Var.  I  45)  to  B. :  te  multa 
eruditione  saginatum.  .  .  translationibus  tuis  Pythagoras  musicus,  Ptole- 
maeus  astronomus  leguntur  Itali.  Nicomachus  arithmeticus,  geometri- 
cus  Euclides  audiuntur  Ausoniis.  Plato  theologus,  Aristoteles  logicus 
quirinali  voce  disceptant.  mechanicum  etiam  Archimeden  Latialem  Si- 
culis  reddidisti.  et  quascunque  disciplinas  vel  artes  fecunda  Graecia 
per  singulos  viros  edidit  te  uno  auctore  patrio  sermone  Roma  suscepit. 
quos  tanta  verborum  luculentia  reddidisti  claros,  tanta  linguae  propri- 
etate  conspicuos  ut  etc.  Cf.  Procop.  Goth.  I  1.  p.  11  Bonn.  This  acti- 
vity was  the  result  of  a  genuine  enthusiasm  for  ancient  literature  and 
the  glorious  past;  cf.  praef.  to  the  comm.  in  praedicam.  Aristot. :  etsi 
nos  curae  officii  consularis  (a.  510)  impediunt  quo  minus  in  his  studiis 
omne  otium  plenamque  curam  consumamus,  pertinere  tamen  videtur 
ad  aliquam  reip.  curam  elucubratae  rei  doctrina  cives  instruere  etc. 
The  convictions  of  B.  were,  therefore,  scarcely  different  from  those 
of  his  wife's  ancestor  (above  418,  13),  though  there  is  no  doubt  that 
he  professed  the  Christian  religion.  Cf.  K.  Schenkl,  Trans,  of  the 
Philol.  Congress  at  Vienna,  Vienna  1859,  p.  79  sqq. 

3.  The  work  de  consolatione  begins  with  a  complaint  in  ele- 
giacs (Carmina  qui  quondam  studio  florente  peregi  flebilis,  heus,  maestos 
cogor  inire  modos)    concerning    the    author's   present   situation.     Then 


Boetius.  527 

Philosophy  appears  to  him  and  consoles  him  about  it  in  a  kind  of 
Theodicea.  The  arguments  are  merely  philosophical,  and  scarcely 
leave  room  for  specifically  Christian  views.  (G.  Arnold,  impartial  History 
of  the  Church  and  of  Heresies  p.  260  "not  a  single  period  of  the  work 
flows  from  Christian  principles,  but  merely  heathen  arguments  are  al- 
leged".) The  mode  of  thought  conspicuous  in  this  work  is  a  Platonic 
eclecticism.  "With  regard  to  all  religions,  even  the  Christian,  the  author 
holds  the  cool  position  of  a  cultivated  aristocrat;  he  abstains  from  im- 
pugning them,  but  keeps  them  at  a  distance  and  endeavours  to  find  his 
mental  support  in  other  regions.  There  are  everywhere  proofs  of  the 
noblestthought,  of  aiming  at  the  highest  ends  of  humanity,  sometimes  even 
a  true  religious  disposition,  but  always  free  from  any  specifically  Chri- 
stian colouring.  Though  the  author  would  know  the  Christian  works 
from  his  early  training,  he  never  appeals  to  them;  but  all  the  more 
frequently  does  he  mention  Plato,  Aristotle,  Cicero,  and  Seneca.  Cf. 
F.  Nitzsch  p.  42 — 89.  His  mention  of  the  heathen  names  of  gods 
(especially  Phoebus,  the  Muses,  Ceres  and  others)  is  hardly  more  serious 
than  in  the  pages  of  writers  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  work  is 
partly  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue,  partly  it  resembles  the  satura  Me- 
nippea,  as  the  prose  is  frequently  interrupted  by  metrical  pieces  in  the 
manner  of  Seneca's  tragedies  and  in  the  most  varied  metres  offered  by 
epic,  melic,  iambic  and  elegiac  poetry,  and  in  which  the  author  ex- 
hibits great  versatility,  though  not  always  great  strictness.  His  diction 
is  the  ornate  and  mannered  diction  of  his  time,  but  moderated  by  a 
sober  syllogistic  element. 

4.  Ed.  princeps  of  the  work  Niirnberg  1473  (per  Ant.  Coburger) ; 
later  editions  e.  g.  cum  comment.  Thome,  Colon.  1504.  4.;  in  usum 
Delphini  cum  nott.  P.  Callyi,  Lutet.  1680.  4.;  cum  nott.  P.  Bertii, 
Lugd.  Bat.  1671;  cur.  J.  A.  Vulpio,  Patav.  1721  and  1744;  cum  nott. 
varr.,  Glasgov.  1751.  4.;  with  a  (German)  translation  and  notes  by  Fr. 
C.  Freitag,  Riga  1794;  ed.  Helfrecht,  Cur.  Regn.  1796;  especially  by 
Th.  Obbarius  (ad  opt.  libr.  mss.  nondum  collatorum  fidem  rec.  et  pro- 
legg.  instr.),  Jena  1843;  with  LXIV  pp.  prolegg.  Also  by  R.  Peiper, 
with  the  opuscula  sacra  quae  feruntur  (see  n.  8),  Lips.  1869.  It  has 
been  translated  into  ever  so  many  languages.  An  Anglosaxon  trans- 
lation by  Alfred  the  Great  (a.  871 — 901)  edited  by  Ch.  Rawlinson  (Ox- 
ford 1698)  and  J.  S.  Cardale  (London  1828.  1835).  A  German  transl., 
of  the  beginning  of  saec.  XI,  at  St.  Gall,  published  by  E.  G.  Graff 
(Berlin  1837),  H.  Hattemer  (Denkmiiler  des  MAlters  HI  1). 

P.  Langen,  quaestiones  Boetianae,  in  the  Symb.  philol.  Bonn.  p.  261 
— 268.  R.  Volkmann,  in  B.  de  cons.  phil.  librOs  commentariolum  criti- 
cum,  Jauer  1866.  8  pp.  4. 

5.  Other  extant  works  of  B.  Dialogi  II  in  Porphyrium  a  Victo- 
rino  translatum,  Commentariorum  in  Porph.  a  se  translatum  libri  V, 
Translations  and  commentaries  on  Aristotle's  Categoriae  (libri  IV),  of 
the    work    de    interpretatione    (the    first   edition  in  2,    the  second  in  6 


528  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

books),  the  Analytica  (prior,  and  post.),  the  Elench.  sophist.,  the  Topics 
of  Aristotle;  a  Commentary  on  the  Topics  of  Cicero  (above  169,  6,  2); 
de  syllogismo  categorico  libri  II;  de  syll.  hypothetico  libri  II;  de  divi- 
sione,  de  definitione,  de  differentiis  topicis  (libri  IV) ;  de  musica  libri  V; 
de  arithmetica  libri  II,  with  a  translation  of  Euclid's  Geometry  in  two 
books. 

6.  The  treatises  which  A.  Mai  (class,  auctt.  e  vaticc.  codd.  ed.  Ill 
p.  317  sqq.,  327  sqq.)  imagined  that  he  was  the  first  to  publish  from 
a  Vatican  ms.  saec.  XI,  Communis  speculatio  de  rhetoricae  cognatione 
and:  Locorum  rhetoricorum  distinctio,  had  previously  been  printed  in 
the  fourth  book  of  B.'s  differentiae  topicae,  p.  880  sqq.  ed.  Basil.,  and 
(with  other  pieces  of  the  diff.  top.)  had  passed  over  into  the  dialectics 
of  Cassiodorus:  see  C.  Halm,  Rhein.  Mus.  XVIII  p.  463  sq.  The  work 
following  in  Mai  p.  331  sqq.  and  which  was  also  attributed  to  B.,  is 
rather  a  production  of  the  eleventh  century :  Franconis  ex  opere  de 
quadratura  circuli  specimen. 

7.  Among  the  mathematical  works,  the  Geometry  ascribed  to  B. 
is  of  especial  interest,  being  a  contribution  to  the  knowledge  of  ancient 
arithmetical  methods  (especially  of  division)  and  to  the  history  of  nu- 
merical symbols.  M.  Cantor,  mathem.  Contrib.  (1863)  p.  181 — 198. 
199 — 230.  G.  Friedlein,  Gerbert,  the  geometry  of  B.  and  the  Indian 
numbers,  Erlangen  1861  (cf.  F.  Hultsch  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  87  p. 
422 — 425),  and  On  the  question  of  the  authenticity  of  B.  Geometry 
(ib.  87  p.  425 — 427).  Boetii  de  institutione  arithmetica  libri  II,  de 
instit.  musica  libri  V.  Accedit  Geometria  quae  fertur  Boetii.  Ex  libris 
mss.  ed.  G.  Friedlein,  Lips.  (Teubner)  1867. 

8.  The  earliest  mention  of  works  of  B.  concerning  Christian  theo- 
logy occurs  in  Alcuin  (c.  770).  The  titles  of  these  works  are  quomodo 
trinitas  unus  deus  ac  non  tres  dii;  utrum  pater  et  filius  ac  spiritus 
sanctus  de  divinitate  substantialiter  praedicentur;  brevis  fidei  christia- 
nae  complexio;  de  persona  et  duabus  naturis  contra  Eutychen  et  Nesto- 
rium.  There  is  no  doubt  as  to  their  spuriousness ;  see  Nitzsch,  on  the 
system  of  B.  and  the  theological  works  ascribed  to  him  (Berlin  1860. 
183  pp.)  p.  93 — 174.  There  are  no  better  grounds  for  ascribing  to  B. 
the  works  de  unitate  et  uno,  quomodo  substantiae  bonae  sint,  and  de 
disciplina  scholarium,  the  last  being  the  production  of  a  Brabant  monk 
of  the  I3th  century,  Thomas  (Brabantinus  Cantipratanus). 

9.  Complete  editions  of  the  works  of  B.  Venet.  1491.  1492  fol. 
(cum  comm.  s.  Thomae).  Basil.  1546.  1570  (ex  rec.  Glareani).  fol.  All 
is  collected  and  mixed  up  in  Migne's  patrol.  LXIII  and  LXIV. 

10.  C.  G.  Heyne,  censura  Boethii,  Opusc.  acad.  VI  p.  144 — 166- 
C.  F.  Bergstedt,  de  vita  et  scriptis  B.,  Upsala  1842.  J.  G.  Sutterer,  B. 
the  last  Roman,  his  life  etc,     Eichstadt  1852.  4. 

471.  A  rhetorician  and  versifier  of  the  time  of*Theo(ieric 
is  the  bishop  of  Pavia,    Magnus  FeUx  Ennodius    (a»  473 — 


Ennodius.  529 

521),  a  native  of  Gaul.  Those  of  his  writings  which  are  in- 
teresting in  regard  to  history  are  the  biography  of  his  prede- 
cessor Epiphanius  and  the  Panegyric  on  Theoderic  (about 
a.  507 j,  the  latter  exaggerated  in  flattery,  cautious  in  con- 
cealing, and  unbearable  in  form.  His  nine  books  of  Letters 
are  weighed  down  with  emptiness,  and  even  more  so  his  scho- 
lastic declamations.  Ennodius  was  in  his  time  considered  an 
excellent  stylist  and  thus  was  called  upon  to  write  speeches 
and  letters  for  others,  nay  even  sermons  for  bishops.  The 
collection  of  the  poems  of  Ennod.  contains  more  lengthy  com- 
positions in  the  first  book  (description  of  journeys,  an  Epi- 
thalamium,  several  hymns),  while  the  second  is  made  up  of 
short  occasional  pieces,  and  the  third  of  some  very  insignifi- 
cant poems  both  in  praise  and  blame.  The  form  is  not  rarely 
incorrect. 

1.  Ennodius  of  Gall  (ep.  I  2  cf.  c.  II  73),  perhaps  Arelate.  Eucha- 
rist, (p.  248  M.) :  tempore  quo  Italiam  optatissimus  Theoderici  regis 
resuscitavit  ingressus  (a.  489)  .  .  ego  annorum  ferme  XVI  amitae  quae 
me  aluerat  .  .  solatio  privatus  sum  .  remansi  solus,  inops  etc.  poposci 
in  matrimonium  cuiusdam  nobilissimae  .  .  parvulam  ftliolam,  protinus 
.  .  exceptus,  .  ,  ut  alimentis  affiuerem,  .  .  ex  mendico  in  regem  muta- 
tus.  After  having  easily  got  through  what  he  had  gained,  E.  became 
a  priest  and  his  wife  a  nun.  He  became  bishop  of  Ticinum  (Pavia)  511. 
He  was  sent  by  Pope  Hormisdas  to  the  Byzantine  Emperor  Anastasius 
to  bring  about  the  union  of  the  two  churches.  Former  travels  I  1  (to 
Briangon  at  the  request  of  a  vates,  i.  e.  a  bishop).  5  across  the  Po 
to  a  sister.     6  (from  Rome  by  sea). 

2.  Panegyricus  dictus  clementissimo  regi  Theoderico,  after  a.  504 
(when  Sirmium  had  been  retaken,  see  12,  3)  and  before  508  (before 
Theoderic  became  governor  of  the  Visigothic  kingdom  for  his  grand- 
son Amalaric).  Character:  adeo  omnia  sunt  plena  argutiarum  et  in- 
eptiarum,  tot  undique  calamistri  adhibiti,  tot  mira  verborum  et  com- 
positionis  monstra  ut  nauseam  moveat  oratio  turgida  atque  inflata,  sto- 
machum  ambigua  et  obscura.  verum  etsi  graviter  cum  rerum  iudicio 
tum  sententiarum  delectu  laborat  Ennodius,  he  still  remains  an  im- 
portant source  of  history  (cf.  R.  Kopke,  German  Investigations  p.  165 
sqq.,  especially  p.  173.  175.  178),  Manso  p.  435,  cf.  M.  Fertig  III  4:  "In 
spite  of  some  good  passages,  there  is  much  in  this  latest  production 
of  Roman  eloquence  that  is  awkward,  stiff",  distorted,  empty,  immode- 
rate and  barbaric".  Printed  in  the  collections  of  the  Panegyrici  (above 
387),  cum  annotationibus  in  Manso's  Hist,  of  the  Visigothic  reign  p. 
437-487,  cf.  p.  435  sq.  487-490. 

34 


530  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

3.  Vita  b.  Epiphanii  episcopi  Ticinensis  (f  496)  ;  b.  Antonii  moii- 
achi  Lerinensis  (composed  soon  after  his  death).  Libellus  adversus  eos 
qui  contra  synodum  (of  a.  502)  scribere  praesumpserunt  (for  Pope 
Symmachus).  Eucharisticum  de  vita  sua,  a  brief  autobiography,  in  the 
form  of  a  prayer  in  imitation  of  Augustine's  Confessiones  (Fertig  I  p. 
7 — Jl).  Paraenesis  didascalica  ad  Ambrosium  et  Beatum  (students  at 
Rome,  being  a  recommendation  of  poetry,  verecundia,  castitas,  fides, 
grammatica,  rhetorica,  always  introduced  by  verse).  Among  the  (ten) 
opuscula  are  also  numbered  praeceptum  quando  iussi  sunt  omnes  epi- 
scopi cellulanos  habere ;  petitorium  quo  absolutus  est  Gerontius  puer 
Agapeti,  and  two  benedictiones  cerei. 

4.  The  28  dictiones  contain  speeches  written  for  others,  occasio- 
nal speeches  (e.  g.  in  natali  Laurentii  Mediolanensis  episcopi)  and  scho- 
lastic declamations,  seven  of  which  were  actually  delivered  in  schools 
(on  introducing  or  advancing  pupils),  fifteen  being  model  speeches  (10 
controversiae,  5  ethicae  or  suasoriae)  remarkable  for  the  choice  of  the 
subjects:  in  novercam  quae  cum  marito  privigni  odia  suadere  non  posset 
utrisque  venena  porrexit ;  in  eum  qui  praemii  nomine  Vestalis  virginis 
nuptias  postulavit ;  in  tyrannum  qui  praemii  nomine  parricidae  statuam 
inter  viros  fortes  dedit ;  in  eum  qui  in  lupanari  statuam  Minervae  loca- 
vit;  and  as  ethicae:  verba  Thetidis  cum  Achillem  videret  extinctum; 
verba  Menelai  cum  Troiam  videret  exustam ;  verba  Didonis  cum  abe- 
untem  videret  Aeneam  etc. 

5.  The  nine  books  of  letters  (the  number  in  imitation  of  Sidonius), 
altogether  297,  without  chronological  order,  are  partly  addressed  to  men 
of  high  positions  in  the  Church  (e.  g.  Symmachus,  Hormisdas)  and 
the  State  (e.g.  Boetius  and  Liberius) ;  to  Venantius  V  22  and  p.  364M., 
23  to  eleven  ladies,  e.  g.  to  his  sister  Euprepia.  All  seem  to  have 
been  written  by  E.  while  deacon  (at  Milan)  and  previously  to  a.  510. 
Public  affairs,  least  of  all  political  ones,  are  scarcely  ever  mentioned. 
The  diction  ist  greatly  affected. 

6.  Enn.  feels  as  much  as  Sidonius  that  versifying  was  not  proper 
for  a  priest  and  excuses  himself  repeatedly  (c.  I  6  praef.  and  9  praef.). 

-Pagan  mythology  was  considered  a  necessary  part  of  verse  and  even 
Enn.  repeatedly  uses  Phoebus,  Apollo,  Cynthia,  Venus  (especially  I  4), 
Parcae  (I  5.  11  2,  109),  Pierides,  di  (II  24,  1),  though  of  course  quite 
innocently,  taking  Olympus  e.  g.  merely  in  the  sense  of  the  Christian 
heaven  (cf.  I  6  of  Christ:  ille  per  excelsum  videat  me  dexter  Olympum). 
But  there  were  also  moral  objections  to  versifying,  if  ticklish  subjects 
were  so  little  avoided  as  by  Enn.  11  25  sqq.  51  sqq.  70  sqq.  97.  101  sqq. 
apparently  because  he  like  Luxorius,  considered  a  little  dirt  inseparable 
from  epigrams.  But  that  versifying  was  only  a  way  of  practising  style, 
appears  from  the  frequent  combination  with  a  prose  preface  (in  Enn.  I 
6.  7.  8.  9.  II  150)  or  epilogue  (II  107),  the  use  of  verse  as  dictiones 
(Enn.  I  2.  6.  9)    and    such    subjects    as    Ennod.  II  23  sq.  (de  eo  qui  ut 


Ennodius.  531 

filium  matri  reconciliaret  furtum  fecit;    de  eo  qui  dicebatur   meretricis 
filius  esse),  cf.  n.  4. 

7.  The  poems  of  the  first  book  contain,  owing  to  their  phra- 
seological manner,  less  of  material  interest  than  one  would  expect  from 
such  headings  as  Itinerarium  Brigantionis  castelli,  Itinerarium  Padi, 
Dictio  Ennodii  diaconi  quando  Roma  rediit  (cf.  n.  1).  The  Epithala- 
mium  dictum  Maximo  v.  s.  is,  in  imitation  of  the  manner  of  Claudian, 
in  a  variety  of  forms  (elegiac  preface,  4  tetr.  troch.,  6  Sapphic  Strophes, 
the  principal  part  in  epic  metre,  at  the  end  6  hendecasyllabics)  and 
speaks  freely  of  sensual  pleasure.  I  7  is  an  answer  to  Faustus'  pre- 
sent (above  469,  6):  a  preface  in  prose,  16  distichs,  12  hexameters, 
again  two  distichs,  5  Sapphic  stanzas,  and  at  the  end  12  anapaeetic 
dimeters.  I  9  is  an  epic  poem  on  the  birthday  of  Epiphanius  (see 
n.  3),  in  annum  XXX  sacerdotii  :=  a.  496.  I  10 — 21  are  hymns  in  dim. 
iamb.  acat.  chiefly  on  saints. 

8.  The  second  book  consists  of  151  poems  (to  it  we  should  add 
epist.  V  8),  most  in  elegiac  and  epic  metre  (c.  107  Sapphic  stanzas, 
123  tetr.  troch.),  epitaphs,  on  the  consecration  of  churches,  on  works 
of  art,  derisive  epigrams,  poems  in  praise  especially  of  bishops  (77  sqq.) ; 
cf.  150  praef. :  qui  miratur  officii  terminos  in  amicorum  me  laudibus 
egressum  recolat  quam  imperiosa  est  semper  affectio  etc.  De  horto 
regis  (Theoderici)  111.  De  eo  quod  Messala  consul  (a.  506)  Ennodius 
in  cognomine  dictus  est,  32  cf.  144 — 146.  Much  is  so  insignificant  that 
it  was  scarcely  worth  while  to  preserve  it;  Enn.  however  expressly 
adds  when  he  wrote  some  poem  ex  tempore  (25.  57.  107)  or  subito 
(142).  Comp.  also  57,  6:  carmina  byblis  sulcavi,  tumulo  ne  tenear 
moriens. 

9.  Ennod.  excuses  carm.  II  57,  8  sqq.  and  146  his  incorrect  pro- 
sodies. They  occur  most  frequently  in  proper  names  and  foreign 
words  (e.  g.  Melzssa,  Saturn^us,  ceruchus,  physica;  also  thyrambus  in- 
stend  of  dith.  I  7.  II  109);  but  there  also  such  errors  as  venerandum, 
remisse,  renuis,  mulicrem,  (above  466,  7),  rigent,  btamus  and  on  the 
other  hand  otii,  nominasse,  convzvii,  astutia,  immobilis,  pauperes, 
possides. 

10.  Editions  of  the  works  of  E.  by  J.  Sirmond,  Paris  1611  and  in 
Sirmond's  Opera  I,  Paris.  1696.  p.  1353  sqq.,  Venet.  1728  p.  371  sqq., 
printed  also  in  Gallandi  bibl.  patr.  and  Migne's  j)atrol.  LXIII  (p. 
13—364). 

11.  M.  Fertig,  Enn.  and  his  time,  I.  II.  Passau  1855.  4. 

472.  The  vain  grammarian  Fabius  Planciades  Fulgen- 
tius  probably  lived  in  Africa  about  480 — 550;  we  possess  by 
him  four  works:  Mythologiarum  (or  mythologicon)  libri  III 
dressed  up  in  the  manner  of  Martianus  Capella  and  full  of 
strange  explanations  of  the  legends  and  names;  an  allegorical 


532  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

explanation  of  the  subject  of  the  Aeneid  (Virgiliana  conti- 
nentia);  a  very  peculiar  kind  of  Universal  History  (de  aetati- 
bus  mundi),  and  lastly  an  Expositio  sermonum  antiquorum, 
in  which  quotations  are  invented  by  the  author,  whenever  he 
cannot  lay  his  hand  on  any  at  once.  His  diction  is  conspi- 
cuous for  peculiar  bombastic  and  tasteless  phrases.  The 
bishop  Fulgentius  of  Ruspe  in  Africa  (a.  468—533;  bishop 
since  508)  has  often  been  mistaken  for  him  and  was  probably 
related  to  him;  in  the  numerous  theological  works  extant  of 
the  latter  we  observe  a  style  just  as  sober  and  dry  as  that 
of  his  confused  namesake  is  distorted. 

1.  Isidor.  vir.  ill.  14:  Fulgentius  Afer,  ecclesiae  Ruspensis  e pi- 
se op  us,  .  .  scripsit  multa,  ex  quibus  legimus  De  gratia  dei  et  libero 
arbitrio  libros  responsionum  VII,  in  quibus  Fausto  (above  461,  7)  Gal- 
liae  Regiensis  urbis  episcopo,  pelagianae  pravitati  consentienti,  respon- 
dens  obnititur  etc.  legimus  et  eius  librum  de  s.  trinitate  ad  Felicem 
etc.  extant  et  duo  eius  libri  de  veritate  praedestinationis  etc.  est  et 
liber  altercationis  eius  quo  de  fide  cum  Thrasamundo  rege  .  .  dispu- 
tavit,  and  others.  .  .  claruit  sub  Thrasamundo  (a.  496 — 523)  rege  Van- 
dalorum,  Anastasio  imp.  regnante  (a.  491 — 518).  Besides  numerous 
writings  of  this  F.  (in  Migne  LXV)  we  possess  also  a  Vita  of  him,  pro- 
bably by  his  pupil  (Fulgentius)  Ferrandus,  deacon  at  Carthage  (ed. 
P.  Fr.  Chifflet,  Divion  1649.  4. ;  in  Migne  LXVII),  a  source  of  history 
respectable  for  its  veracity. 

2.  From  Fulg.  praef.  to  the  myth,  ad  Catum  presbyterum.  me 
discedentem  a  te,  domine,  dum  quasi  urbanis  extorrem  negotiis  ruralis 
otii  torpor  astringeret,  evitans  aerumnosa  caJamitatum  naufragia  quibus 
publicae  incessabiliter  vexantur  actiones  (p.  5).  .  .  sopitis  in  favilla 
silentii  raucisonis  iurgiorum  classicis  quibus  me  galagetici  (Salmasius: 
gallogetici;  L.  Miiller:  galaecici)  quassaverant  impetus  defaecatam  si- 
lentio  vitam  agere  creditabam  (p.  6).  .  .  tributaria  in  dies  conventio 
compulsantium  pedibus  limen  proprium  triverat,  nova  indictionum  ac 
momentanea  proferens  genera.  .  .  addebatur  his  quod  etiam  bellici 
frequenter  incurfius  pedum  domo  radiccm  infigere  iusserant.  .  .  tandem 
domini  regis  felicitas  (p.  7)  .  .  pavores  extorsit,  .  .  licuit  tandem  arva 
visere  etc.  (p.  8).  In  the  headings  the  author  is  called  Fabius  (cf. 
p.  19  M.)  Planciades  Fulgentius  (cf.  p.  23.  27  M.)  v.  cl. ;  Goth.  55  he 
also  bears  the  praenomen  Gaius.  The  designation  of  Carthaginieneis 
is  understood,  by  Lersch  and  L.  Miiller,  of  New  Carthage  in  Spain. 
At  all  events,  F.  was  not  an  Italian ;  see  p.  142  M. :  serva  istaec  tuis 
Romanis ;  .  .  nobis  vero  erit  maximum  si  etc.  Cf.  M.  Zink,  p.  4 — 8. 
As  he  speaks  of  the  pagani  as  foreign  persons,  (myth.  I  23.  II  9.  Ill  7. 
Vergil,  cont.  p.  162  M.),  he  must  have  been  a  Christian.  His  time  is 
certainly  after  Martianus  Cap.  (cf.  expos,  s.  v.  caelibatus);    but  all  the 


Fulgentius  the  Grammarian  and  the  Bishop.  533 

rest  depends  on  the  explanation  of  the  confused  statements  of  F.  p. 
5  sqq.  Zink  takes  the  dominus  rex  of  the  Vandal  king  Huneric  (a. 
477—484)  and  places  F.  before  the  mythogr.  vat.  I  (Zink  p.  13—15), 
perhaps  a.  480  (cf.  Jungmann  p.  51  sq.) ;  L.  Miiller  (Fleckeisen's  Jahrb. 
95  p.  791 — 796)  refers  the  chronological  allusions  to  the  victory  of 
Theoderic  the  Goth  over  Rechiarius,  king  of  the  Suevians,  in  Gallaecia 
a.  456.  A.  Reifferscheid  (see  n.  10)  thinks  of  the  invasions  of  the  Van- 
dal territory  in  Africa  by  the  Maurians  who  were  beaten  at  Capsa  by 
Hilderich,  the  successor  of  Thrasamund  (a.  523 — 530),  and  similarly 
Jungmann  (p.  53  sq.)  of  the  contests  subsequent  to  Thrasamund's  death 
between  his  widow  Amalafrida  with  her  Gothic  adlierents  and  the 
Maurians  on  one  side  and  Hilderich  on  the  other,  which  ended  with 
the  annihilation  of  the  Goths  (at  Capsa).  Emil  Jungmann,  de  Fulgentii 
aetate  et  scriptis,  in  Ritschl's  Acta  soc,  phil.     Lips.  I  (1871)  p,  45  —  61. 

3.  Earlier  works  which  have  been  lost.  Fulg.  verg.  cont.  p.  149  M.: 
saturanter  haec  in  libro  physiologo  quem  nuper  edidimus  de  medicinalibus 
causis  et  de  septenario  ac  de  novenario  numero  etc.  qui  ista  discere 
cupit  nostrum  physiologicum  perlegat  librum.  The  physiologus  of  which 
there  are  Vatican  and  Berne  mss.  saec.  IX  (edited  by  Mai,  class,  auct. 
VII  p.  589 — 596)  does  not  seem  to  be  the  work  of  Fulgentius.  On 
the  youthful  poems  of  F.  see  praef.  myth.  p.  2  sq.  M. :  meas  cachin- 
nantes  saepius  nenias  lepore  satirico  litas,  .  .  dum  ludicro  Thalia  ven- 
tilans  epigrammate  comoedia  solita  (est)  vernulitate  mulcere.  Specimens 
of  his  poetical  talent  myth,  praef.  p.  11  sq.  (trochaeic  tetrameters,  ac- 
cording to  accentual  rhythm,  e.  g. :  Thespiades  Hipjjocrene ;  ferte  gra- 
dum  properantes  ;  ubi  guttas  florulentae ;  rupe  pastor  cecinit;  quod  ce- 
cinit  pastorali  Maro  silva  Mantuae  etc.)  and  p.  23—25  (hexameters). 
Verg.  cont.  p.  140  (five  hexameters). 

4.  Fulg.  myth,  praef.  p.  3  M. :  parumpcr  ausculta  dnm  tibi  .  . 
ordior  fabulam  quam  nuper  .  .  nocturna  praesule  lucerna  commentus 
sum,  the  introductory  dialogue  with  Calliope  ib.  p.  20:  mihi  non  cor- 
nutus  adulter  arripitur  (in  the  book)  etc.  (p.  21) :  certos  rerum  prae- 
stolamur  eftcctus,  quos  repulsos  mendacis  Graeciae  fabuloso  comment© 
quid  mysticum  in  his  sapere  debeat  cerebrum  agnoscamus.  Specimens 
of  his  explanation  of  names:  Cybebe  ^  xvdog  ^i^aiov  (III  5  p.  Ill); 
Alpheus  =  akri^hfiag  (fdUg  (III  12).     More  in  Zink  p.  33—35. 

5.  The  title  of  the  second  work  is  in  the  mss.  e.  g.  moralis  ex- 
positio  Vergilianae  continentiae,  in  the  subscriptio :  Vergilianae  conti- 
nentiae  secundum  philosophos  moralis  expositio.  It  is  dedicated  ad 
Chalcidium  grammaticum  (Levitarum  sanctissimum,  p.  137).  p.  138; 
Vergilianae  continentiae  (subject)  secreta  physica  tetigi.  .  .  bucolicam 
georgicamque  omisimus.  The  author  is  so  much  pleased  with  his  work 
that  he  even  puts  his  explanation  in  Virgil's  own  mouth.  Towards  the 
end  he  seems  to  become  tired  of  the  affair  and  breaks  off  suddenly, 
or  else  the  end  may  he  lost. 


534  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

6.  The  mss.  of  the  Myth,  and  Virg.  cent,  are  all  descended  from 
the  same  archetypus.  The  earliest  (and  best)  of  the  extant  mss.  is  the 
Vaticano-Palatinus  1578  saec.  IX.  On  their  mutual  relations  see  E. 
Jungmann  (n.  2)  p.  61  —  73. 

7.  The  preface  of  the  expositio  de  abstrusis  sermonibus  (to  Chal- 
cidius) :  .  .  libellum  quem  de  abstr.  serm,  parari  iussisti  in  quantum 
memoriae  entheca  subrogare  potuit  absolutum  retribui,  non  tam  pha- 
leratis  sermonum  studentes  spumis  quam  rerum  manifestationibus  dan- 
tes  operam  dilucidandis.  The  work  contains  explanations  of  63  obso- 
lete and  rare  words  chosen  at  random,  with  numerous  forged  or  ficti- 
tious citations  from  real  or  fictitious  writers  (e.  g.  Crispinus  Heraclea, 
Q.  Fabius  Lucullus  epico  carmine,  Lucilius  comicus  in  Immolaria,  Cal- 
limorphus  Pitaeis,  Antidamas  in  moralibus  libris).  L.  Lersch,  Fab.  PI. 
Fulg.  de  abstr.  serm.  edited  and  criticized  from  two  Brussels  ms.,  Bonn 
1844.  XXIV  and  100  pp.  and  on  it  R.  Klotz  in  Jahn's  Jahrb.  43  p.  71 
—  96.  On  a  Berlin  ms.  see  Rh.  Mus.  XIV  p.  297—301.  The  work  is 
also  found  in  P.  Daniel's  Servius,  Mercer's  Nonius,  and  in  Gerlach  and 
Roth's  edition  of  the  same  writer  (p.  387—398)  and  elsewhere.  As  the 
anecdote  of  Metennia  is  fully  related  in  the  aetat.  but  merely  briefly 
mentioned  in  the  Expos,,  the  latter  would  seem  to  have  been  written 
after  the  liber  de  aet.  (Jungmann  p.  55). 

8.  Fulgentius'  models  in  style  are  Apuleius  and  Martianus  Capella. 
But  he  also  bears  sufficient  resemblance  to  Sidonius  to  keep  away  all 
thought  of  talking  of  a  "special  African  latinity"  of  F.  His  sentences 
are  so  verbose  that  a  reader  has  difficulty  to  get  at  the  idea  he  wants 
to  express  (Zink  p.  39).  Irregularity  is  the  rule  with  him,  and  espec. 
in  the  use  of  tenses  and  moods  he  is  altogether  confused  and  anoma- 
lous; see  the  proofs  in  Zink  p.  37 — 52  (Grecisms,  idiotisms,  poetical 
constructions,  inversions  etc.).  On  the  pretended  and  in  reality  very 
scanty  erudition  of  F.  in  his  quotations  see  ibid.  p.  62—93. 

9.  The  works  of  Fulgentius  are  found  in  the  mythographi  latini 
of  Th.  Muncker  (II  p.  1—184)  and  van  Staveren  (p.  595—783).  M.  Zink 
the  mythologer  Fulgentius,  Wiirzburg  1867.  94  pp.  4.  E.  Jungmann 
quaestionum  Fulgentianarum  capita  III  (two  until  now,  see  n.  2  and  6) 
in  Ritschl's  Acta  soc.  phil.  Lips.  I  (1871),  and  Coniectanea  Fulgentiana 
in  the  Begriissungschr.  der  Leipz.  Philologenvers.  (Lips.  1872.  4.)  p 
27-42. 

10.  Liber  absque  litteris  de  aetatibus  mundi  et  hominis  .  .  auctore 
Fabio  Claudio  Gordiano  Fulgentio  v.  cl.  eruit  e  mss.  codd.  (especially 
the  Sorbonne)  Jac.  Hommey  et  notis  illustravit,  Pictav.  1694,  Paris. 
1696.  (b.  X  and  XI  printed  Rhein.  Mus.  XXIII  p.  137—142).  According 
to  the  preface  the  work  was  intended  to  consist  of  23  books  (in  har- 
mony with  the  number  of  letters),  but  in  the  mss.  we  find  only  b.  1 — 14. 
The  historical  contents  are  very  poor;  most  space  being  devoted  to 
biblical  history.  The  tenth  book  contains  the  history  of  Alexander  M., 
XI  that  of  Rome  until  Caesar,    XII  the    contents    of   the    four    gospels, 


Fulgentiiis  the  Grammarian.     Priscian.  535 

XIII  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  XIV  the  Imperial  history.  The  execution 
is  kfinoyQccfxacaog  so  that  in  the  single  books  always  one  letter  of  the 
alphabet  remains  unemployed;  in  the  first  book  the  letter  A,  in  the 
second  B.  etc.,  which  is  always  stated  at  the  end  (e.  g.  decimo  libro 
absque  K  finito  undecimus  absque  L  incipit).  This  idea  is  quite  in 
keeping  with  the  talent  of  the  grammarian  F.,  with  whom  the  work 
shares  also  the  mystic  significance  of  numbers  (cf.  n.  3),  style  and 
diction,  and  that  the  model  of  the  mirificum  opus  is  said  to  be  libro- 
rum  bis  duodenum  volumen  Xenophontis  poetae,  unless  this  should  be 
put  entirely  to  the  account  of  F.  That  the  author  repeatedly  calls 
himself  an  African,  is  likewise  in  agreement  with  this.  Only  the  middle 
part  of  the  name  is  different,  but  Claudius  returns  in  the  name  of  the 
father,  and  Gordianus  in  that  of  the  grandfather  of  Fulg.  Ruspensis 
(n.  1),  so  that  it  might  have  been  transferred  to  the  grammarian  from 
the  bishop.  The  bishop  had  received  the  name  of  Fulg.  from  his  father 
quasi  praescius  qualis  esset  futurus  (vita  Fulg.),  though  it  had  not 
been  a  usual  name  in  the  family  before.  A.  Reifferscheid,  Rhein.  Mus. 
XXIII  p.  133—137.  142  sq.     Jungmann  p.  46-49. 

473.  About  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Anastasius,  the 
grammarian  Priscianus  wrote  at  Constantinople  in  Latin. 
We  owe  to  him  the  most  complete  and  perfect  work  on  the 
Latin  languaiaje,  being  eighteen  books  Institutionum  gramma- 
ticarum  which  abound  in  quotations  from  classical  and  early 
literature,  and  the  terminology  of  which  maintains  its  influence 
even  in  our  own  time.  The  work  was  most  widely  read  in  the 
Middle  Ages  and  has  been  preserved  in  a  great  number  of 
mss.  Besides  this  great  work  we  possess  also  some  smaller 
works  by  Priscian,  the  most  important  of  which  are  the  three 
addressed  to  Symmachus;  in  metrical  form  also  a  Panegyric 
on  Anastasius  and  a  text-book  on  geography. 

1.  The  time  of  Pr.,  a  native  of  Caesarea  in  Mauretania,  is  fixed 
by  his  Panegyric  on  Anastasius  (a.  491 — 518),  the  subscription  of  Theo- 
dorus  (see  n.  3)  and  the  title  of  Cassiod.  de  orthogr.  13:  ex  Prisciano 
grammatico,  qui  nostro  tempore  Constantinopoli  doctor  fuit.  H«  had 
lived  at  Rome,  as  appears  from  his  dedication  to  Symmachus  (n.  5). 
On  his  master  Theoctistus  see  above  465,  12.  A  vita  Prisciani  in- 
inedita  from  a  Berne  ms.  saec.  XI  in  H.  Hagen,  Anecd.  Helv.  p. 
CLXVIII  sq. 

2.  The  dedication  of  the  inst. :  luliane  consul  ac  patricie,  cui  sum- 
mus  dignitatis  gradus  surama  adquisivit  in  omni  studio  ingenii  clari- 
tudo,  .  .  tibl  hoc  opus  devoveo.  The  end  of  the  preface  contains  a 
list  of  the  contents.  B.  I~XVI  contain  the  accidence,  XVI  and  XVIII 
treat    de    constructione  s.    ordinatione    partium   orationis  inter  se.     On 


5S6  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

the  sources  ib.:  cum  eos  (Apollonius  Dysc.  and  Herodian)  omnia  fere 
vitia  quaecumque  antiquorum  Graecorum  commentariis  sunt  relicta  artis 
grammaticae  expurgasse  comperio,  .  .  nostrorum  autem  neminem  post 
illos  imitatorem  eorum  extitisse,  .  .  conatus  sum  .  .  supra  nominatorum 
praecepta  virorum  quae  congrua  sunt  visa  in  latinum  transferre  sermo- 
nem,  collectis  etiam  omnibus  fere  quaecumque  necessaria  nostrorum 
quoque  inveniuntur  artium  commentariis  grammaticorum.  A  great  part 
of  Pr.  proves  to  be  a  translation  of  Apollonius'  nfQl  avfTa'^sojg,  nf^l 
aPTii)vv(xCctg,  nfQl  avvd'4Gixiov,  tkqI  tniQQtj/uaTMi/,  and  of  the  Scholia  on 
Dionysius  Thrax.  In  accordance  with  these  Greek  sources  Pr.  deviates 
from  the  usual  arrangement  in  details  which  he  generally  proclaims 
with  much  noise.  He  does  so  in  omitting  qualis,  quantus,  quot,  unus, 
alter,  alius,  totus  etc.  among  the  pronouns,  in  taking  a  different  view 
of  nomina  adiectiva  and  several  technical  expressions,  also  in  a  different 
division  of  the  conjunctions  (W.  Christ,  Philol.  XVIII  p.  140).  All  the 
more  closely  does  he  follow  his  Roman  predecessors  (especially  Flavins 
Caper)  in  details  and  in  quotations.  In  the  last  two  books,  in  which 
Priscian  could  not  avail  himself  of  such  ready  made  materials,  the  in- 
sufficiency of  his  studies  and  the  narrowness  of  his  circle  of  authors 
become  very  evident.  His  diction  is  very  prolix  and  he  seems  to  have 
but  faint  ideas  of  the  Latin  order  of  words. 

3.  Hertz  I  p.  XIII  calculates  the  number  of  the  mss.  of  Priscian 
at  about  a  thousand,  quorum  quidem  libros  XVIII  omnes  complectuntur 
pauci,  libros  postremos  duos  (XVII  et  XVIII,  de  constructione,  sive 
Priscianum  minorem)  itidem  satis  pauci,  libros  XVI  priores  (de  VIII 
partibus  orationis  s.  Priscianum  maiorem)  plerique  (1.  1.)  They  are  all 
descended  from  the  recension  of  Flavins  Theodorus  (confounded  by 
Aldhelmus  with  Theodosius)  antiquarius  (caligrapher)  who  subsequently 
held  a  charge  at  Court  (below  474,  3)  and  says  of  himself:  scripsi  Ar- 
tem  Prisciani  eloquentissimi  grammatici,  doctoris  mei,  manu  mea  in 
urbe  Roma  Constantinopoli  in  the  course  of  a.  526  and  527 ;  see  0. 
Jahn,  Trans,  of  the  Sax.  Soc.  of  Lit.  1851  p.  354—359.  Hagen,  Anecd. 
Helv.  p.  CLXIX  12  sqq.  "We  possess,  however,  neither  the  recension 
of  Theodorus  nor  a  copy  of  it;  on  the  contrary  even  our  earliest  mss. 
give  a  text  interpolated  and  depraved  in  many  places.  The  principal 
ms.  is  Paris.  7496  saec.  IX  (R  in  Hertz),  chiefly  important  for  the  cor- 
rections of  the  second  hand  (r)  which  go  back  to  a  codex  vetustus. 
Cf.  M.  Hertz,  Reports  of  the  Trans,  of  the  Acad,  at  Berlin  1847,  p.  417 
—421 ;  ed.  Prise.  I  p.  X— XXIH.  W.  Christ,  Philol.  XVHI  p.  142—151. 
H.  Hagen,  Anecd.  Helv.  p.  CLXX-CLXXIV. 

4.  On  the  editions  of  the  Inst,  see  M.  Hertz  I  p.  XXIII— XXVII. 
In  Putsche's  gramm.  (Hanau  1605.  4.)  p.  533—1214.  Ed.  A.  Krehl,  Lips. 
1819  sq.  2  vols.  The  principal  edition  ex  recens.  M.  Hertzii,  in  Keil's 
gramm.  lat.  II  and  III,  Lips.  1855.  1859. 

5.  Smaller  writings.  Three  of  them  are  dedicated  to  Symmachus 
(cons.  485?).     The  preface:    Omni  te,    Symraache,  nobilitatis  splendore 


Priscian.  537 

celebratum,  .  ,  studiis  etiam  optimarum  artium  disciplinarumque  floren- 
tem  .  .  fama  quidem  antea  nobis  absentem  venerabilem  faciebat,  nunc 
autem  praesentem  .  .  ostendit.  .  .  itaque  .  .  (a)  de  figuris,  sicut  iussisti, 
numerorum  breviter  collecta  demonstrabo  et  de  nummis  vel  (=  et) 
ponderibus,  praeterea  (b)  de  Terentii  metris,  nee  non  etiam  (c)  de  prae- 
exercitamentis  rhetoricis,  quae  Graeci  nQoyv/upccfff^arcc  vocant,  quoniam 
diligentius  ea  sophistae  iuniores,  quos  sequimur,  .  .  exposuisse  videntur. 
The  first  treatise  (on  the  numerical  symbols  usual  on  Latin  and  Greek 
coins,  and  the  formation  of  Latin  numbers)  is  derived  from  Dardanus 
(perhaps  saec.  IV)  nfQi  ara^/uMp;  the  second  (printed  also  in  Gaisford, 
script,  rei  metr.  latt.  p.  410  sqq.)  is  intended  to  prove  that  the  plays 
of  the  palliata  comedy  were  actually  written  in  metre,  though  in  an 
irregular  kind,  and  is  taken  from  Heliodorus,  Hephaestion,  Terentianus 
and  Asmonius;  the  third  is  a  translation  of  the  nQoyv^v.  of  Hermoge- 
nes.     Keil  p.  395  sq. 

d.  Institutio  de  nomine  et  pronomine  et  verbo  (entitled  de  decli- 
nationibus  etc.  in  earlier  editions),  an  abridgment  of  a  larger  work  for 
school-use.     Keil  p.  395  sq. 

e.  Partitiones  XII  versuum  Aeneidos,  to  which  the  scholastic 
exercise  (/us^iaiuog,  later  tnt/ufQ.)  is  applied,  which  the  Greeks  usually 
practised  with  Homer,  the  metrical  and  grammatical  parsing  of  lines, 
in  the  form  of  questions  and  answers.     Keil  p.  397  sq. 

f.  De  accentibus  ;  rules  on  accent,  generally  agreeing  with  Priscian, 
but  not  by  himself,  nam  non  solum  omne  dicendi  genus  ab  hoc  gram- 
matico  prorsus  alienum,  ne  dicam  rude  et  saepe  etiam  ineptum  est, 
sed  etiam  res  ipsae  de  quibus  agitur  speciem  eius  aetatis  quae  iam 
usum  et  scientiam  latinae  linguae  non  habebat  prae  se  ferunt,  in  exem- 
plis  vero  barbara  quaedam  vocabula  hie  scriptor  posuit.    Keil  p.  400  sq. 

6.  Editions  of  the  minor  writings  (except  Putsche  and  Krehl,  n.  4) 
by  F.  Lindemann  (Lugd.  B.  1818)  and  especially  by  H.  Keil,  gramm. 
latt.  III.  (Lips.  1860)  p.  405—528;  cf.  his  praef.  p.  387  sqq.  W.  Christ, 
Philol.  XVIII  p.  153-158. 

7.  Prisciani  grammatici  de  laude  imp.  Anastasii  .  .  nunc  primum 
.  .  ed.  et  illustr.  St.  L.  Endlicher,  Vienna  1828  (comment,  p.  21 — 78). 
This  panegyric  (312  hexameters  with  a  preface  in  22  monotonous  iam- 
bic senarii)  seems  to  have  been  composed  about  a.  512.  In  spite  of 
the  author's  efforts  it  remains  prosaic  throughout.  The  termination  (in 
the  Bobbio  ms.  now  at  Vienna):  expl.  laudes  sapientissimi  imp.  An.  .  . 
dictae  a  Prisciano  grammatico. 

8.  Prisciani  periegesis  e  Dionysio,  1807  hexameters  with  the  end: 
.  .  pelagi  partes  percurri  carmine  vastas  et  terrae  pariter  regiones  fini- 
bus  amplis.  omnipotens  pro  quo  genitor  mihi  })raemia  donet.  Printed 
also  in  Wernsdorf,  poetae  lat.  min.  V  p.  265 — 422  (cf.  p.  225  —  234  and 
the  notes  p.  423—493),  in  G.  Bernliardy's  Geogr.  gr.  min.  I  p.  461  sqq., 
and  in  C.  Miiller's  Gcogr.  gr.  min.  II  (1861)  p.   190  sqq. 


538  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

9.  In  the  some  m§s.  saec.  X  and  XI  Priscian's  name  is  prefixed 
to  an  epitome  Phaenomenon  s.  versus  (12  to  16  hexameters)  de  sideri- 
bus,  e.  g.  in  Wernsdorf,  poetae  lat.  min.  V  p.  520—422,  in  Riese's 
Anth.  lat.  679. 

10.  Probably  in  the  sixth  century  was  written  the  carmen  de 
librae  sive  assis  partibus,  20  hexameters,  appended  in  the  mss.  to  the 
poem  de  ponderibus  (see  above  444,  2).  The  best  edition  of  it  is  in 
Hultsch,  script,  metrol.  rom.  p.  99  sq.  cf.  p.  31  sq.  Schenkl,  Reports 
of  the  Meetings  of  the  Academy  at  Vienna,  hist.  phil.  Class,  XLIIL 
1863.  p.  58.  n.     In  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  741. 

474.  Still  during  Priscian's  life -time  his  pupil  Eutyches 
wrote  also  grammatical  works,  of  which  an  Ars  de  verho  has 
come  down  to  us  in  two  books.  It  shows  that  he  used  the 
works  of  his  master,  but  also  earlier  authorities.  The  great 
superiority  of  the  East  in  this  department  appears  most 
clearly  by  comparing  with  the  work  of  Priscian  the  wretched 
performances  of  Asper  and  Audax  which  are  little  later,  or 
even  the  strange  humbug  of  Vergilius. 

1.  Cassiod.  de  orthogr.  9  bears  the  heading:  Eutychis  de  aspira- 
tione.  The  mss.  of  E.  generally  give  the  form  Euticii  or  Euticis.  Eut. 
p.  456,  28  sqq.  K. :  de  quibus  .  .  quia  romanae  lumen  facundiae,  meus, 
immo  communis  omnium  hominum  praeceptor,  in  quarto  de  nomine 
libro  summa  cum  subtilitate  copiosissime  grammaticus  Priscianus  dis- 
seruisse  cognoscitur  etc.  From  the  prologus :  tuis  petitionibus  satis- 
faciens,  meorum  dilectissime  discipulorum  Cratere,  .  .  opusculum  hoc 
ad  discernendas  pertinens  coniugationes  duobus  libellis  inclusi,  quorum 
prior  observationibus  instruitur  generalibus,  alter  .  .  speciales  exe- 
quitur  regulas. 

2.  Editions  of  the  work  of  Eut.  by  Jo.  Camerarius  (Tubing.  1537/ 
with  Mar.  Vict,  and  others),  in  Putsche  (p.  2143 — 2189)  and  Lindemann 
(p.  153—198)  and  especially  by  H.  Keil,  gramm.  lat.  V  p.  447—489,  cf. 
p.  442-446.     F.  Osann,  Contributions  II  p.  162—165. 

3.  On  another  pupil  of  Priscian,  Fl.  Theodorus  Dionys.  v.  d., 
memorialis  sacri  scrinii  epistolarum  et  adiutor  v.  m,  quaestoris  sacri 
palatii,  see  above  473,  3. 

4.  Under  the  name  of  a  grammarian  Asper  we  possess  two  dif- 
ferent treatises,  though  both  alike  worthless.  The  one  has  been  edited 
(from  Berne  mss.  saec.  VIII  and  IX)  by  H.  Hagen,  Anecd.  Helv.  p.  39 
— 61,  cf.  praef.  p.  LXXX — LXXXIII.  minorem  Artem  Donati  secutus 
hie  grammaticus  de  VIII  partibus  orationis  disseruit  et  maximo  exem- 
plorum  numero  congesto  .  .  praecepta  illius  illustravit.  .  .  eruditionis 
autem  nulla  in  hoc  libro  sunt  vestigia,    neque  ulla  veterum  scriptorum 


Entyches  and  other  Grammarians.  539 

exempla  adscripta  sunt.  H.  Keil,  gramm.  latt.  V  p.  530.  The  other  is 
printed  in  Putsche  p.  1725—1736,  Lindemann  p.  309—316,  Keil  V  p. 
547 — 554,  cf.  p.  530 — 532;  p.  531:  tarn  multa  in  definitionibus  et  in 
divisionibus  partium  orationis  et  in  verbis  quibus  praecepta  artis  eft'er- 
untiir  et  in  genere  tractandi  a  more  antiqiiornm  grammaticorum  dis- 
sentiunt  ut  recentis  .  .  scriptoris  manum  prodant.  Both  works  are  in- 
dependent of  each  other. 

5.  Audax,  the  author  of  a  grammatical  work  de  Scauri  et  Pal- 
ladii  libris  excerpta  per  interrogationem  et  responsionem,  not  mentioned 
before  saec.  VII  and  preserved  in  Berne  and  Munich  mss.  saec.  IX,  and 
another  version  in  a  Karlsruhe  ms.  saec.  IX:  Volfuinus  incipiunt  artes 
Audaci  de  Sc.  et  P.  libris  exc.  H.  Keil,  Hermes  I  p.  332  sq.  cf.  De 
gramm.  quibusd.  inf.  aet.  (Erlang.  1868.  4.)  p.  4:  plura  sane  (than 
Asper)  ex  antiquiore  doctrina  servavit,  sed  eorum  maximam  partem  e 
Maximi  Victorini  libris  qui  feruntur  recepit. 

6.  H.  Keil,  de  gramm.  inf.  aet.  (Erl.  1868)  p.  5:  omnium  qui  in- 
feriore  aetate  de  grammatica  arte  scripserunt  longe  ineptissimus  fuit 
Vergilius  a  Maio  (Class,  auct.  V  p.  1  sqq.)  editus,  qui  sexto  septi- 
move  saeculo  in  Gallia  vixisse  videtur  (the  arguments  for  which  asser- 
tion he  gives  in  his  note),  is  eaim  de  grammatica  arte  ita  disputavit 
ut  potius  insulsas  fabulas  quam  veram  artis  tractationem  exhiberet. 
neque  omnino  certam  disciplinam  et  rationem  disputandi  secutus  est, 
sed  plerumque  de  controversiis  quibusdam  quas  a  grammaticis  suae 
aetatis  tractatas  esse  ait  disseruit.  in  quibus  omnia  fictis  fabulis  con- 
texuit.  (Instances  are  subjoined  here).  .  .  de  plurimis  autem  quaestioni- 
bus  quas  tractat  se  institutum  esse  scribit  ab  Aenea,  praeceptore  suo, 
quem  saepe  laudibus  effert;  de  aliis  praecepta  ponit  Mitterii  cuiusdam 
Spaniensis,  quem  senem  noctu  .  .  interroganti  sibi  de  rebus  difficillimis 
respondisse  scribit  (p.  12  sqq.)     See  also  H.  Hagen  1.  1.  p.  CVI  sq. 

7.  An  adherent  of  Priscian  and  of  importance  in  the  criticism  of 
his  writings  is  the  author  of  the  Ars  anonyraa  Bernonsis,  edited  by 
H.  Hagen,  Anecd.  Helv.  p.  62-142,  cf.  p.  LXXXHI -LXXXIX. 

475.  Next  to  Boetius,  the  most  important  man  of  this 
century,  both  as  concerns  his  official  position  and  his  perso- 
nal value,  is  Magnus  Aurelius  Cassiodorus  Senator,  of  a 
noble  and  rich  family  in  Bruttia.  His  long  life  (about  480— 
575)  extends  from  Theoderic  to  Justinian,  but  the  acme  of  it 
was  under  Theoderic,  when  Cassiodorus  was  Consul  (a.  514) 
and  presided  over  the  actual  administration  of  affairs  in  his 
position  as  private  secretary  to  the  king.  Independently  of 
his  speeches,  his  Chronicles  were  his  first  publication,  a  work 
embracing  the  history  of  the  World  from  Adam  to  A.  D.  519, 
a  compilation  from  earlier  sources,   from  a.  406  on  the  basis 


540  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

of  the  author's  personal  knowledge,  but  in  an  inaccurate 
courtier-like  manner.  His  history  of  the  Goths  is  more  valu- 
able, though  we  possess  it  only  in  the  barbaric  version  of 
Jordanis;  and  his  twelve  books  Variarum,  being  a  collection 
of  the  official  documents,  decrees  in  the  name  of  the  ruler, 
and  other  papers,  composed  by  Cassiodorus.  He  retired  into 
a  monastery  in  his  later  years,  and  then  wrote  a  series  of 
theological  and  encyclopedian  works,  among  which  we  mention 
a  survey  of  the  literature  commendable  to  his  brethren,  in 
two  books  (lectiones  divinae);  a  sketch  of  the  seven  liberal 
Arts,  Institutiones  divinarum  et  saecularium  litterarum,  also 
in  two  books,  though  only  partly  extant;  also  de  anima,  de 
amicitia  and  others,  also  grammatical  treatises  (de  ortho- 
graphia  etc.).  Cassiodorus  shows  throughout  a  respectable 
knowledge  and  appreciation  of  classical  literature  and  a  solid 
character.  His  diction  is  in  the  manner  of  his  style  and 
bombastic. 

1.  Concerning  his  ancestors  in  three  generations  C.  himself  informs 
us  through  king  Theoderic  in  the  two  Edicts  (Var.  I  3  and  4)  in  which 
distinctions  are  granted  to  his  father.  From  I  4:  Cassiodoros  praece- 
dentes  (previous  to  the  lather  of  our  writer)  fama  concelebrat  .  . 
antiqua  proles,  .  .  cum  togatis  clari,  inter  viros  fortes  eximii,  quando 
et  valetudine  membrorum  et  corporis  proceritate  florueri?,nt.  pater 
enim  candidati  sub  Valentiniano  (III)  principe  (a.  425 — 455)  gessit  tri- 
buni  et  notarii  laudabiliter  dignitatem.  .  .  patricio  Actio  .  .  magna 
fuit  caritate  sociatus.  He  was  sent  to  Attila,  and  then  retired  in  amoe- 
nissima  Bruttiorum.  avus  enim  Cassiodorus  .  .  a  Vandalorum  (under 
Genseric)  incursione  Siciliam  Bruttiosque  armorum  defensione  liberavit. 
.  .  vixit  et  ipse  in  provincia  honore  iudicis  et  securitate  privati  etc. 
tanta  etiam  patrimonii  sui  ubertate  gloriatus  est  ut  etc.  On  his  father 
ib.:  primus  administrationis  introitus  comitivae  privatarum  mole  fun- 
datus  est  (Comes  rer.  privat.).  .  .  qui  mox  deinde  sacrarum  largitionum 
honore  suscepto  crevit  etc.  his  itaque  sub  praecedenti  rege  (Odoacer?) 
gymnasiis  exercitatus  emeritis  laudibus  ad  palatia  nostra  pervenit.  I  3: 
in  ipso  imperii  nostri  exordio  .  .  Siculorum  suspicantium  mentes  ab  ob- 
stinatione  praecipiti  deviasti.  .  .  ubi  sub  procinctu  martio  civilia  iura 
custodiens  publica  privataque  commoda  inavarus  arbiter  aestimabas. 
.  .  Bruttiorum  et  Lucaniae  tibi  dedimus  mores  regendos  (as  corrector), 
ne  bonum  quod  peregrina  provincia  (Sicily)  meruisset  genitalis  soli  (cf. 
Var.  XII  15)  fortuna  nesciret.  .  .  oblectat  nos  actus  praefecturae  (cf. 
Var.  IX  24)  recolere  etc.  .  .  patriciatus  tibi  apicem  iusta  remuneratione 
conferimus.  The  writer  himself  (Senator,  cf.  the  Bishop  Senator  in 
Ennod.  carm.  II  87)  as  primaevus  under  Theoderic  became  quaestor, 
then  magister    officiorum,    514  Consul    (Chronicles  ad  a.:    Senator  v.  c 


Cassiodorus.  541 

cons,  me  consule  etc.),  on  Athalaric's  accession  still  magister,  sed  im- 
plevit  quaestoris  officium  (Var.  IX  25  cf.  I  praef. :  frequenter  qiiaesturae 
vicibus  ingravato),  protected  and  governed  for  some  time  the  maritime 
provinces  (Var.  IX  25)  and  became  a.  534  praef.  praet.  (Var.  IX  25). 
Cf.  Var.  I  praef. :  praefectum  te  praetorianae  sedis  omnes  noverunt. 
IX  25:  cumulavimus  (Athalaric)  beneficiis  nostris  copiosum  virtutibus, 
divitem  moribus,  plenum  magnis  honoribus  Senatorem.  Four  times  be 
was  prefect,  and  served  four  kings  during  at  least  forty  years.  Prob- 
ably after  the  fall  of  Vitigis  (a.  540)  he  retired  into  the  monastery  of 
Vivarium  in  Bruttium,  which  he  himself  had  founded;  there  he  wrote 
his  theological  and  general  writings,  and  died  about  the  year  575.  Cf. 
n.  2.     R.  Kopke,  German  Investigations  p.  85-89. 

2.  The  literary  career  of  C.  may  be  divided  into  two  parts :  a 
historical  and  political  on<^  (speeches,  chronicles,  Goth.  hist,  and  Variae) 
during  his  official  position,  and  a  theological  and  grammatical  one, 
beginning  with  his  retreat  to  Vivarium.  Cf.  Var.  I  praef. :  dixisti  ad 
commend ationem  universitatis  frequenter  reginis  (especially  Amala- 
suntha)  ac  regibus  (especially  Theoderic,  Var.  IX  25)  laudes  (the  frag- 
ments in  C.  Baudi  di  Vesme,  frammenti  di  orazioni  panegiriche  di 
Magno  Aur.  Cass.  Senatore  raccolti,  in  the  Memorie  of  the  Turin  Aca- 
demy VIII  p.  169  sqq.).  duodecim  libris  Gothorum  historiam  defloratis 
prosperitatibus  condidisti  (see  n.  4).  The  Chronicles  which  had  been 
previously  (a.  519)  composed  (see  n.  3)  are  passed  over  as  a  work  not 
political.  His  works  written  in  the  monastery  are  enumerated  de 
orthogr.  praef.:  post  commenta  psalterii,  ubi  praestante  domino  con- 
versionis  meae  (i.  e.  after  his  becoming  a  monk)  tempore  primum  stu- 
dium  laboris  impendi;  deinde  post  institutiones  quemadmodum  divinae 
et  humanae  debeant  intellegi  lectiones  duobus  libris  .  .  sufficienter 
impletis ;  .  .  post  expositionem  epistolae  quae  scribitur  ad  Romanos, 
unde  pelagianae  haereseos  pravitates  amovi;  .  .  post  codicem  in  quo 
artes  Donati  cum  commentis  suis  et  librum  de  etymologiis  et  alium 
librum  Sacerdotis  de  schematibus  dom.  praest.  collegi;  .  .  post  librum 
quoque  titulorum,  quem  de  divina  scriptura  collectum  Memorialem  volui 
nuncupari ;  .  .  post  complexiones  in  epistolis  apostolorum  et  Actibus 
apostolorum  et  apocalypsi,  quasi  brevissimas  explanationes  decursas  ad 
amantissimos  orthographos  discutiendos  anno  aetatis  meae  nonagesimo 
tertio  (perhaps  a.  572)  perveni.  The  computus  paschalis,  a  method 
of  computing  the  date^  of  the  Christian  calendar,  composed  a.  562,  and 
which  is  found  among  his  works,  is  not  mentioned  here,  not  so  much 
because  it  was  written  after  this  93rd  year,  but  rather  because  it  is  not 
by  C,  but  by  a  copyist  of  his  chronicles;  see  Mommsen,  on  Cassiod. 
p.  572. 

3.  Chronica  M.  A.  C.  Senatoris,  v.  c.  et  ink,  ex  quaestore  sacri 
palatii,  ex  cons,  ord.,  ex  mag.  off.,  praef.  po.  atque  patricii.  It  was 
composed  at  the  request  of  Eutharic,  the  son-in-law  of  Theoderic. 
From  Adam  to  Eutharic's  Consulate,  a.  519,  5271  years  are  assumed. 
The  first  five  epochs  (from  Adam  to  the  primi  consules)  are  ex  chroni- 


542  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

cis  Eusebii-Hieronymi.  The  sixth,  a  Bruto  et  Tarquinio  usque  ad  con- 
sulatum  vestrum,  1031  years,  the  longest  ancient  list  of  Consuls.  The 
older  part,  until  A.  D.  31,  ex  Tito  Livio  (probablj^  an  abridgment)  et 
ex  Aufidio  Basso,  gives  the  Consuls  always  two  names,  the  later  one 
(from  the  Easter-table  of  Victorius  Aquit.)  only  one.  The  Xviri  and 
military  tribunes  are  omitted  and  the  decemvirate  calculated  at  forty 
years,  instead  of  three.  The  annals  of  the  Imperial  jjeriod  with  the 
historical  notices  are  added  from  those  of  Hieronymus,  and  then  from 
Prosper's  List  of  Consuls  (arranged  according  to  the  Emperors).  A. 
455 — 495  are  probably  taken  from  the  Ravenna  Chronicles  in  their  ori- 
ginal complete  state.  From  496,  C.  seems  to  have  drawn  upon  his 
own  knowledge,  but  in  such  poorest  selection  as  a  courtier  would  make. 
The  errors  are  numerous  and  partly  flagrant.  The  historical  tradition 
is  frequently  made  to  suit  party  views.  Special  attention  is  due  to  the 
additions  concerning  Gothic  history.  Mommsen,  Trans,  of  the  Saxon. 
Soc.  of  Lit.  VIII  (philol.  and  hist.  Class  IIL)  Leipzig  1861.  p.  549— 
570.  On  the  mss.  of  the  Chronicles  ibid.  p.  571 — 588.  The  editions 
(in  the  works  of  Cass,  and  the  collections  of  the  chronicles)  give  on 
the  whole  the  text  of  Sichardus  according  to  Panvinius;  a  critical  edit, 
by  Mommsen  1.  1.  p.  589—659. 

4.  Cassiod.  lets  Athalaric  say  of  himself  a.  533  (Var.  1X25):  teten- 
dit  se  etiam  in  antiquam  prosapiem  nostram,  lectione  discens  quod  vix 
maiorum  notitia  cana  retinebat.  iste  reges  Gothorum  .  .  latibulo  vetu- 
statis  eduxit,  iste  Amalos  cum  generis  sui  claritate  restituit,  evidenter 
ostendens  in  XVIIa°i  progeniem  stirpem  nos  habere  regalem.  originem 
gothicam  historiam  fecit  esse  romanam,  colligens  .  .  quod  per  librorum 
campos  passim  fuerat  ante  dispersum.  Cf.  n.  2.  Var.  XII  20:  in  historia 
nostra  .  .  retulimus.  Jordan.  Get.  praef. :  XII  Senatoris  volumina  de 
origine  actibusque  G  eta  rum  ab  olim  usque  nunc  per  generationes  re- 
gesque  descendentia.  On  the  death  of  Athalaric  (2  Oct.  534)  Cassiod. 
seems  to  have  broken  off  his  work,  which  was  probably  finished  as 
early  as  a.  533  and  published  a.  535.  He  used  Orosius  (Kopke,  German 
Investigations  p.  71),  Trogus,  Ammianus  and  Greek  writers  (Kopke,  p. 
79 — 82),  also  the  traditions  and  heroic  legends  of  the  Goths  (ibid.  p. 
84  sq.  cf.  p.  89-^93).  H.  v.  Sybel,  de  fontibus  Jord.  p.  12  sqq.  The 
abridgment  of  Jordanis  (below  477,  2  sq.)  probably  caused  the  loss  of 
the  original  work. 

5.  Var.  I  praef. :  dicta(ta)  mea  quae  in  honoribus  saepe  positus 
pro  explicanda  negotiorum  qualitate  pi'ofuderam  in  unum  corpus  redi- 
gere  suadebant  (diserti).  .  .  ideo  quod  in  quaesturae,  magisterii  ac 
praefecturae  dignitatibus  a  me  dictatum  in  diversis  publicis  actibus 
potui  reperire  bissena  librorum  ordinatione  composui.  .  .  cunctarum 
dignitatum  sexto  et  VIIo  libris  formulas  comprehendi.  .  .  librorum 
vero  titulum  .  .  Variarum  nomine  praenotavi,  quia  necesse  nobis  fuit 
stilum  non  unum  sumere  qui  personas  varias  suscepimus  admonere. 
.  .  hue  accedit  quod  modo  regibus,  modo  potestatibus  aulicis,  modo 
loqui  videamur  humiUimis,    .  .    ut  merito  Variarum  dicatur  quod  tanta 


<^. 


Casslodorus.  543 

diversitate  conficitur.  The  first  five  books  contain  the  Edicts  and 
Decrees  under  Theoderic,  b.  VIII — X  those  in  the  name  of  Athalaric, 
Theodat  and  Wittiges ;  b.  XI  and  XII  the  letters  and  edicts  of  the  time 
when  Cass,  was  praef.  praet.  The  latest  date  (and  probably  time  of 
publication)  is  a.  538  (Var.  XII  16).  That  these  edicts  were  partly  revised 
and  altered  for  publication,  is  the  conjecture  of  C.  Schirren,  de  ratione 
p.  69.  L.  Tross,  in  Cass.  Varr.  libros  sex  priores  symbolae  criticae, 
Hamm  1853. 

6.  Cassiod.  de  anima  praef. :  cum  iam  suscepti  operis  optato  fine 
gauderem  meque  XII  voluminibus  (Variarum)  iactatum  quietis  portus 
exciperet,  .  .  amicorum  me  suave  collegium  in  salum  rursus  cogitatio- 
nis  repressit,  postulans  ut  aliqua  quae  tarn  in  sacris  libris  quam  in  sae- 
cularibus  abstrusa  compereram  de  animae  substantia  vel  de  eius  vir- 
tutibus  aperirem.  This  is  carried  out  in  the  usual  (see  n.  12)  twelve 
sections.  Cf.  c.  19:  clausimus  itaque  nostrum  munusculum  numero  duo- 
denario,  qui  coelos  signorum  diversitate  decoravit  etc.  The  sources  are 
not  mentioned.     The  conclusion  of  the  book  is  edifying. 

7.  Cassiod.  de  inst.  div.  litt.  (=  divin.  lect.)  I  praef. :  cum  studia 
saecularium  litterarum  magno  desiderio  fervere  cognoscerem,  ,  .  gra- 
vissimo  sum  dolore  permotus  quod  scripturis  divinis  magistri  public! 
deessent.  .  .  nisus  sum  cum  beat.  Agapeto  urbis  Romae  episcopo  (a. 
535 — 536)  ut  .  .  coUatis  expensis  in  urbe  romana  professos  doctores 
scholae  acciperent  christianae.  .  .  sed  cum  propter  bella  ferventia  et 
turbulenta  nimis  in  italico  regno  certamina  desiderium  meum  nullate- 
nus  valuisset  impleri,  .  .  ad  hoc  divina  caritate  probor  esse  compulsus 
ut  ad  vicem  magistri  introductorios  vobis  libros  istos  .  .  confecerim, 
per  quos  .  .  et  scripturarum  divinarum  series  et  saecularium  litterarum 
compendiosa  notitia  .  .  panderetur.  .  .  in  quibus  non  propriam  doctri- 
nam,  sed  priscorum  dicta  commendo.  .  .  nos  potius  latinos  scriptores 
.  .  sectamur,  ut  quoniam  Italis  scribimus  romanos  quoque  expositores 
commodissime  indicasse  videamur.  Book  II  (c.  24  sqq.)  treats  also 
briefly  of  secular  literature;  c.  28  e.  g.  exhorts  to  study  the  scripto- 
res rei  rusticae:  invitat  siquidem  vos  locus  Vivariensis  monasterii  ad 
multa  peregrinis  et  egentibus  praeparanda,  quando  habetis  hortos  irri- 
guos  et  piscosi  atanis  Pellenae  fluenta  vicina.  It  terminates  with  a 
prayer. 

8.  Preface  of  the  Encyclopedia:  Superior  liber  (see  n.  7)  domino 
praestante  completus  institutionem  divinarum  continet  lectionum. 
hie  XXXIII  titulis  noscitur  comprehensus.  qui  numerus  aetati  domi- 
nicae  probatur  adcommodus  etc.  nunc  tempus  est  ut  afiis  septem  titu- 
lis saecularium  lectionum  praesentis  libri  textum  percurrere  debea- 
mus;  qui  tamen  calculus  per  septimanas  sibimet  succedentes  .  ..  usque 
ad  totius  orbis  finem  semper  extenditur.  Dialectic  receives  the  longest 
treatment.  Subscription  in  the  cod.  Bamberg,  saec.  VIII:  Cassiodori 
Senatoris  institutionum  div.  e.  human,  rerum  libri  II  cxpl.  fel.  (3odex 
archetypus    ad    cuius    exemplaria    sunt   reliqui  corrigendi.     Cf.  A.  Mai, 


544  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

class,  auctt.  Ill  p.  350  sqq.  The  portion  concerning  rhetoric  is  best 
printed  in  Halm,  rhetores  latt.  min.  p.  495 — 500.  The  30  brief  chapters 
preceding-  in  later  mss.  (in  Halm  p.  501 — 504)  are  a  selection  of  maxims 
chiefly  from  Quintilian  which  have  no  connexion  with  the  work  of  Cassio- 
dorus;  see  Halm  1.  1,  p.  XII  sq. 

9.  C's  interest  in  orthography  of  which  he  had  given  proofs  in 
his  div.  lect.  praef.  and  ch.  30  caused  him  at  last  (see  n.  2)  to  write 
a  special  work  about  it:  XII  auctorum  opuscula  deducimus  in  medium, 
quae  ab  illis  breviter  et  copiose  dicta  sunt  (praef.).  It  is  addressed  to 
Aemilius  amicus  and  forms  an  appendix  to  his  encyclopedia;  see  praef.: 
iam  tempus  est  ut  totius  operis  nostri  conclusionem  facere  debeamus, 
ut  melius  in  animo  recondantur  quae  septenaria  conclusione  distincta 
sunt.  The  favorite  number  of  XII  auctores  is  made  up  by  Adamantius 
Martyrius  being  mentioned  four  times  (5 — 8)  and  Caesellius  Vindex 
twice  (10.  11);  the  others  are  Annaeus  Cornutus,  Velius  Longus,  Cur- 
tius  Valerianus,  Papirianus,  Eutyches  and  Priscianus.  To  these  we 
should  add  Auctores  anonymi  de  orthographia  IV,  see  H.  Hagen,  Anecd. 
Helv.  p.  291—301,  cf.  p.  CXXXV— CXL. 

10.  Cassiodorus  was  merely  editor  of  the  Latin  versions  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  History  of  Theodoretus,  Sozomenus  and  Socrates  (Tripar- 
tita) :  quos  nos  per  Epiphanium  scholasticum  latino  condentes  eloquio 
necessarium  duximus  eorum  dicta  deflorata  in  unius  stili  tractum  deo 
iuvante  perducere  et  de  tribus  auctoribus  unam  facere  dictionem  (praef.). 
Cf.  divin.  lect.  17:  quos  a  viro  Epiphanio  disertissimo  in  uno  corpore 
XII  libris  fecimus  deo  auxiliante  transferri.  This  is  so  to  say  a  synop- 
tical version  of  the  three  works,  also  divided  per  XII  libros  (praef.). 

11.  The  very  verbose  commentary  on  the  Psalms  (in  Migne  LXX 
p.  9  —  1056)  begins:  repulsis  aliquando  in  Ravennate  urbe  sollicitudini- 
bus  dignitatum  .  .  cum  psalterii  caelestis  animarum  mella  gustassem  .  . 
avidus  me  perscrutator  immensi  etc.  As  there  was  much  he  did  not 
understand,  ad  Augustini  confugi  lectionem.  The  work  itself  professes 
to  be  merely  a  set  of  extracts  from  Augustine,  quem  taraen  codicem 
etiam  per  quinquagenos  psalmos  .  .  trina  sum  divisione  partitus,  ut 
claritas  litterae  senioribus  oculis  se  pulchrius  aperiret  etc.  The  epilogue 
begins:  explicitus  est  decorus  et  mirabilis  ordo  psalmorum,  numero 
quidam  mystico  terminatus  etc.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  preface  to 
the  complexiones  in  epist.  apost. :  Cass.  Senatoris,  iam  domino  prae- 
stante  conversi,  explicit  praefatio. 

12.  Cassiod.  Var.  IX  25  on  Cass.:  numquid  .  .  aliqua  se  elatione 
iactavit  .  .  ?  .  .  benevolus  cunctis,  moderatus  in  prosperis,  ignorans 
nisi  graviter  lacessitus  irasci.  qui  cum  iustitia  sit  rigidus  ad  remissio- 
nes  irarum  non  perdurat  austerus;  suarum  rerum  distributor  egregius 
et  dum  nescit  aliena  quaerere  novit  propria  largus  offerre.  As  a  writer 
C.  may  be  known  by  his  peculiarities,  his  ever  recurring  phrases  (espec. 
pious  ones),  his  mystical  views  of  numbers  (especially  12,  7  and  3;  cf. 
n.  5.  6.  8.  9.   10.  11),    by  which  he  pays  his  tribute  to  the  superstition 


Castiodorus.     Marctllinus  Comes.  545 

of  his  time.  His  knowledge  of  books  is  unusual  in  his  time  and  em- 
braces also  Greek  works,  though  he  preferred  Latin  translations;  see 
lect.  divin.  17  and  n.  10.  Among  the  Roman  poets  he  is  also  familiar 
with  Horace;  see  Var.  I  praef.  A.  Olleris,  Cassiodore  conservateur  des 
livres  de  I'antiquite  latine,  Paris  1841. 

13.  Editions  of  his  works.  Cum  notis  Fornerii,  Paris.  1584.  4.  Ex 
fide  mss.  auctiora  et  locupletiora,  Genevae  1656.  1663.  4.  Studio  Jo. 
Garetii  cum  notis,  Rothomag.  1679.  Venet.  1729.  2  vols  fol. ;  reprinted 
in  Migne's  patrol.  LXIX  and  LXX,  augmented  by  the  complexiones  in 
epistolas  Pauli,  quas  ed.  et  annot.  Scipio  Mafieius. 

14.  Vita  Cassiodori  in  Garet's  edition.  Manso,  Hist,  of  the  Visi- 
gothic  kingdom  (1824)  p.  85—92.  332-341.  A.  Thijm,  jets  over  .  . 
Cassiodorus  en  zijne  eeuw,  Amsterdam  1858.  152  pp.  A.  Thorbecke, 
Cass.  Senator,  a  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  time  of  the  migra- 
tion of  tribes,  Heidelberg  1867.  A.  Franz,  M.  A.  C.  S.,  a  contribution 
to  the  hist,  of  theological  literature,  Breslau  1872.    137  pp. 

476.  Before  and  after  Cassiodorus'  Chronicles  were  writ- 
ten by  Marcellinus  Comes  on  the  years  379—354  (566), 
exclusively  on  the  events  in  the  Eastern  Empire;  by  the 
African  bishop  Victor  of  Tunnuna  from  the  Creation  until 
a.  566,  of  which  however  only  the  last  part,  from  a.  444,  is 
extant,  being  a  continuation  of  Prosper's  work  and  specially 
intended  for  Africa.  The  Chronicles  of  Prosper  were  also 
continued  by  the  bishop  Marius  of  Avenches,  in  the  years 
455 — 581,  and  the  abbot  Johannes  Biclariensis  in  his  time, 
a.  565—590. 

1.  Cassiod.  div.  lect.  17:  Marcellinus  quattuor  libros  de  tem- 
porum  qualitate  et  positionibus  locorum  pulcherrima  proprietate  con- 
ficiens.  .  .  chronica  vero  .  .  scripsit  graece  Eusebius,  quern  transtulit 
Hieronymus  in  latinum.  .  .  hunc  subsecutus  est  suprascriptus  Marcel- 
linus Illyricianus,  qui  adhuc  patricii  lustiniani  fertur  rexisse  cancellos, 
sed  meliore  condicione  devotus  a  tempore  Theodosii  principis  usque  ad 
fores  (Garet:  finem,  a.  565)  imperii  triumphalis  Aug.  lustiniani  opus 
suum  domino  iuvante  perduxit.  Marcell.  chron.  praet. :  ego  simplici 
dumtaxat  computatione  orientale  tantum  secutus  imperium  per  indictio- 
nes  perque  consules  infra  scriptos  CXL  annos,  .  .  a  consulatu  Ausonii 
et  Olybrii  (a.  379)  .  .  enumerans  et  usque  in  consulatum  Magni  (a.  518) 
.  .  coUigens  eorundem  auctorum  (Eusebius-Hieronymus)  opeii  subrogavi. 
itemque  alios  XVI  annos,  a  consulatu  Idstini  Aug.  primo  (a.  519)  usque 
in  consulatum  lustiniani  Aug.  quartum  (a.  534),  sutieci.  id  sunt  simul 
anni  CLVI,  et  meum  rusticum  opus  sup})Osui.  The  extant  work  goes 
until  a.  558,  two  continuations  having  been  added  to  it  (the  first  until 
547  by  a  Prankish  writer),  and  the  datos  (without  the  events)  descend 

35 


546  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

to  a.  566.     Jordanis    seems   to   have  used  an  edition  extending  to  547; 
V.  Sybel,  font.  lord.  p.  32.     Title:  Marcellini  comitis  v.  c.  chronicon. 

2.  Editions  of  Marc,  by  J.  Sirmond  (Paris  1619  rrr  Opera  II,  Paris 
1696,  p.  309  sqq.  Venet.  1728,  p.  269  sqq.),  in  Roncalli  (vetust.  latt.  scr. 
chronica)  II  p.  266  sqq.;  in  Gallandi  bibl.  pair.  X  =  Migne's  patr.  LI 
p.  917-948. 

3.  Isid.  ill.  38  (script,  eccl.  25):  Victor  Tunnunensis  ecclesiae 
africanae  episcopus  a  principio  mundi  usque  ad  primum  lustini  iunioris 
imperium  (a.  566)  brevem  per  consules  annuos  bellicarum,  ecclesiasti- 
carum  rerum  nobilissimam  promulgavit  historiam.  He  took  part  in  the 
three-chapter-quarrel  and  was  therefore  imprisoned  in  a  monastery  by 
Justinian,  first  in  Egypt,  then  at  Constantinople,  where  he  also  died 
(a.  569).  Cf.  Victor  ad  a.  555.  556.  Isid.  chron.  p.  419  Rone:  Victor 
Tunnunensis  ecclesiae  episcopus  recensitis  praedictorum  (Hieronymus 
and  continuator)  historiis  gesta  sequentium  aetatum  usque  ad  consula- 
tum  lustini  iunioris  explevit.  The  extant  part,  however,  begins:  a 
XVIII  consulatu  Theodosii  iunioris  (a.  444)  Victor  episc.  Tunn.  ecclesiae 
Africae  historiam  prosequitur  ubi  Prosper  reliquit.  But  as  V.  in  a. 
444 — 455  agrees  with  Prosper  not  only  in  the  facts,  but  not  rarely  also 
in  the  expressions,  Papencordt  (Hist,  of  the  Vandals  p.  359 — 364)  con- 
jectured that  Isidore's  statement  was  right  and  that  the  contradictory 
statement  of  the  mss.  of  Victor  was  merely  due  to  a  copyist  wlio  pos- 
sessed Prosper's  work  only  in  the  edition  extending  to  a.  444  or  in  a 
mutilated  ms.,  and  that  he  added  Victor's  description  of  the  later  time 
as  continuation,  omitting  the  preceding  parts  from  the  Creation  until 
a,  444^  which  were  consequently  lost. 

4.  The  political  events  of  the  years  444 — 455  are  treated  more 
briefly  by  Vict.,  while  Prosper  dwells  more  on  the  ecclesiastical  events. 
In  the  following  parts  he  devotes  his  attention  almost  exclusively  to 
the  ecclesiastical  history  of  Africa.  His  information  bears  the  stamp 
of  honesty,  but  there  is  much  confusion  in  chronological  details.  Mar- 
ginal additions  to  his  Chronicle  by  anonymous  authors  contain  some 
facts  of  no  mean  importance.  Papencordt  p.  364  sq.  Edition  in  Ron- 
calli II  p.  337  sqq.,  and  in  the  patristic  Collections  of  Galland  and  of 
Migne  (LXVHI  p.  937—962). 

5.  Marii  Aventicensis  (f  a.  596)  chronicon,  first  edited  by  Chifflet, 
then  in  the  collections  of  Bouquet  (Recueil  des  hist,  de  la  France  II 
p.  12  sqq.),  Roncalli  (II  p.  399  sqq.),  and  Gallandi  and  Migne  (T.  LXXII 
p.  793—802). 

6.  Isid.  ill.  31:  loannes,  Gerundensis  ecclesiae  episcopus,  natione 
Gothus  provinciae  Lusitanae  Scallabitanus.  At  Constantinople  he  stu- 
died Latin  and  Greek,  and  septimo  demum  anno  in  Hispanias  reversus 
est.  He  was  persecuted  by  the  Arians.  postea  condidit  monasterium 
quod  nunc  Biclaro  dicitur  (hence  Joa.  Biclarensis).  .  .  addit  et  in  libro 
chronicorum  ab  anno  primo  lustini  iun.  principatus  usque  ad  annum 
octavum  Mauritii    principis    Rom.    et   quartum   Recaredi    regis    annum. 


Victor  Tunnunenms  and  others.     Jordanis.  547 

historico  compositoque  sermone.  This  chronicle  is  printed  in  H.  Florez 
Espafia  sagrada  VI  (Madrid  1773)  p.  382  sqq.  430  sqq.,  in  Migne's 
patrol.  LXXII  (p.  863—870)  and  elsewhere.  Cf.  from  the  praef. :  post 
Eusebium,  .  .  Hieronymum,  .  .  nee  non  et  Prosperum  .  .  atque  Victo- 
rem  Tunn.  eccl.  afr.  episc.  .  .  nos  .  .  quae  temporibus  nostris  acta  sunt, 
ex  parte  quod  oculata  fide  pervidimus  et  ex  parte  quae  ex  relatu  fide- 
lium  didicimus,  studuiraus  ad  posteros  notescenda  brevi  stilo  trans- 
mittere. 

7.  On  the  Anonymus  Valesii  see  above  421,  13;  on  lanuarius  Ne- 
potianus  above  274,  10. 

477.  Between  the  years  551  and  555,  the  Goth  Jorda- 
nis composed  the  two  extant  works  de  rebus  geticis  and  de 
origine  mundi  (or  de  breviatione  chronicorum),  the  latter  a 
compilation  on  Universal  History  from  the  usual  sources,  while 
the  history  of  the  Goths  is  important  after  the  loss  of  the 
original  work  of  Cassiodorus,  which  was  merely  excerpted  by 
Jordanis  in  a  superficial  and  awkward  manner. 

1.  A  letter  by  Pope  Vigilius  (sentence  of  condemnation  against 
Theodoras  of  Caesarea,  in  the  contest  of  the  three  chapters),  of  14 
August  551  (Migne  patr.  LXIX  p.  62):  nos  .  .  cum  Dacio  Mediolanensi, 
.  .  atque  lordane  Crotonensi,  fratribus  et  coepiscopis  nostris,  .  .  decer- 
nimus.  We  cannot  decide  whether  this  J.  was  himself  present  at  Con- 
stantinople or  sent  a  written  declaration  of  consent.  Jord.  is  nowhere 
else  styled  bishop,  and  he  may  perhaps  be  rather  identical  with  the 
one  mentioned  in  the  letter  of  Pelagius  (the  successor  of  Vigilius)  15. 
Febr.  556  (directam  a  vobis  relationem,  defensore  ecclesiae  nostrae 
Jordane  deferente,  suscipientes  etc.).  Kopke  p.  58 — 60.  Jord.  get.  50: 
Scyri  .  .  et  ceteri  Alanorum  cum  duce  suo  nomine  Candax  Scythiam 
minorem  inferioremque  Moesiam  accepere  cuius  Candacis  Alanowamu- 
this  patris  mei  genitor  Peria,  i.  e.  meus  avus,  notarius  .  .  fuit  etc.  ego 
item,  quamvis  agrammatus,  lordianis  ante  conversionem  meam  notarius 
fui.  He  is  also  styled  lordanus  or  lordanis  by  the  Geogr.  Rav.  Peutinger 
and  Rhenanus  were  the  first  to  adopt  the  name  of  Jornandes,  for  which 
J.  Grimm,  Minor  Writings  III  p.  151  —  179.  234.  pleads. 

2.  The  title  is  lordanis  de  rebus  geticis  or  de  Getarum  s.  Gotho- 
rum  origine  et  rebus  gestis  (cf.  n.  5).  From  the  preface  which  is  almost 
verbally  copied  from  Rufinus'  preface  to  his  translation  of  Origenes' 
Commentary  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  (v.  Sybel,  comp.  Kopke  p. 
65—67) :  me,  .  .  frater  Castali,  laxare  vela  compellis  relictoque  opuscule 
quod  intra  manus  habeo,  i.  e.  de  breviatione  (Var. :  abbrev.)  chronicorum, 
suades  ut  nostris  verbis  XII  Senatoris  volumina  de  origine  actibusque 
Getarum  ab  olim  usque  nunc  per  generationes  regesque  descendontia 
in  uno  et  hoc  parvo  libello  coartem.  dura  satis  imperia  etc.  super  omne 
autem  pondus  quod  nee  facultas  eorundem  librorum  nobis  datur,  qua 


548  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

tenus  eius  sensui  inserviamus.  sed,  ut  non  mentiar,  ad  triduanam  lectionem 
dispensatoris  eius  beneficio  libros  ipsos  antehac  legi.  quorum  quamvis 
non  verba  recolo  sensus  tamen  et  res  actas  credo  me  integre  tenere. 
ad  quos  nonnulla  ex  historiis  graecis  ac  latinis  addidi  convenientia, 
initium  finemque  et  plura  in  medio  mea  dictione  permiscens.  His  ini- 
tium  is  from  Orosius  and  some  other  Cosmography.  The  conclusion 
is :  haec  qui  legis  scito  me  maiorum  secutum  scripta  ex  eorum  spatiosis 
pratis  paucos  floras  collegisse,  unde  inquirenti  pro  captu  ingenii  mei 
coronam  contexam.  nee  me  quis  in  favorem  gentis  praedictae,  quasi 
ex  ipsa  trahentem  originem,  aliqua  addidisse  credat  quam  quae  legi 
aut  comperi.  n6c  si  tamen  cuncta  quae  de  ipsis  scribuntur  aut  referuntur 
complexus  sum  etc.  The  work  was  written  a.  552:  see  c.  14  (Amalorum 
regnum  destructum  est,  under  Totila  and  Teja,  at  the  earliest  Oct.  552). 
19  (pestilens  morbus  .  .  ut  nos  ante  hos  novem  annos,  i.  e.  543  in 
Italy,  experti  sumus).  58  (Agil,  contra  quem  Athanagildus  insurgens 
.  .  ubi  et  Liberius  etc.).    Kopke  p.  55 — 57.     Cf.  n.  5. 

3.  That  the  work  of  J.  is,  on  the  whole,  a  mere  abridgment  of 
the  work  of  Cassiodorus,  was  first  said  by  S.  Cassel  (Magyar  Antiqu. 
p.  299),  and  proved  by  C.  Schirren  (de  ratione  quae  inter  J.  et  Cassiod. 
intercedat  commentatio,  Dorpat  1858.  94  pp.)  on  linguistic  grounds, 
and  by  R.  Kopke  (German  Investig.,  Berlin  1859,  p.  50 — 79)  by  real 
arguments.  See  A.  v.  Gutschmid  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  85,  p.  124 — 151. 
The  learned  citations  with  which  J.  decks  out  his  work  are  mostly 
copied  from  Cass.;  he  himself  speaks  (e.  g.)  of  (c,  9)  of  Dio  historicus 
qui  operi  suo  Getica  titulum  dedit  (a  mistake  for  Dio  Chrysostomus, 
J.  Grimm  p.  189).  J.  amplified  his  abridgment  of  Cass,  with  numerous 
marginal  glosses  (Kopke  p.  74-  76).  Besides  C,  he  used  perhaps  Mela, 
Orosius  and  especially  Marcellinus  Comes,  the  latter  without  mentioning 
his  name  (Kopke  p.  52.  62.  63).  The  numerous  bad  errors  may  all  be 
placed  to  J.'s  account.  His  careless  production  is  made  up  of  isolated 
fragments  and  episodes,  some  merely  sketched,  others  broadly  executed, 
it  is  full  of  awkward  repetitions  and  yet  abounds  in  gaps,  it  offers 
numerous  wrong  transitions  and  arbitrary  jumps  from  one  subject  to 
another.  At  the  conclusion  J.  has  apparently  forgotten  his  promises 
at  the  beginning,  and  in  another  passage  he  refers  to  preceding  state- 
ments he  has  never  made.  His  work  is  altogether  a  rudis  indigestaque 
moles,  but  in  details  the  information  is  of  much  importance,  and  when 
the  original  colouring  is  not  quite  efiaced,  the  matter  is  even  highly 
interesting  (Kopke  p.  72).  The  safety  of  the  remnants  of  his  nation  is 
laid  by  J.  in  its  connexion  with  Rome,  which  he  thinks  to  be  entitled 
to  Universal  sway  by  the  decree  of  Providence  (Kopke  p.  77). 

4.  A  separate  edition  of  the  work  by  C.  A.  Closs  (recogn.,  adn. 
cnt.  iiistr.,  Stuttgart  1861).  c.  1—3  ed.  C.  Stahlberg,  Hagen  1859.  24 
pp.  4.  A  critical  edition  in  Pertz's  Monumenta  Germ,  has  long  been 
expected. 

5.  From  the  preface  to  the  breviatio  (or  de  regnorum  ac  tem- 
porum    successione).     Vigilantiae  vestrae,  nobilissime  frater  Vigili  (the 


Jordanis.  549 

Pope  a.  537—555,  see  n.  1),  gratias  refero  quod  me  perlongo  tempore 
dormientem  vestris  tandem  interrogationibus  excitastis.  .  .  vis  enim 
praesentis  mundi  cognoscere  aerumnas.  addis  praeterea  ut  tibi  quo- 
modo  resp.  coepit  et  tenuit  totumque  paene  mundum  subegit  .  .  ex 
dictis  maiorum  flosculos  carpens  breviter  referam,  vel  etiam  quomodo 
regnum  a  Romulo  .  .  in  Aug.  venerit  lustinianum,  quamvis  simpliciter, 
meo  tamen  pandam  eloquio.  .  .  quoquo  modo  valuimus  late  sparsa 
collegimus  et  prius  ab  auctoritate  divinarum  scripturarum  .  .  incohantes 
.  .  devenimus  ad  regnum  Nini  etc.  .  .  in  XXIV^  anno  lustiniani  imp. 
(April  550 — 551;  cf.  p.  240),  quamvis  breviter,  uno  tamen  in  tuo  nomine, 
et  hoc  parvissimo  libello  confeci,  iungens  ei  aliudvolumen  de  origine 
actuque  geticae  gentis,  quod  iam  dudum  communi  amico  Castalio  edi- 
dissem  etc.  Comp.  n.  2.  A.  550  or  at  the  beginning  of  551,  J.  had 
carried  the  brev.  down  to  a.  539  (end  of  Vitiges),  when  he  received 
the  request  of  Castalius  (n.  2) ;  552  he  completed  the  History  of  the 
Goths,  which  he  had  likewise  brought  down  to  a.  539;  whereupon  he 
reverted  to  his  Chronicle  and  added  to  it  statements  down  to  551. 
Vigilius  died  7  June  555.     Kopke  p.  57  sq.  cf.  p., 53— 55. 

6.  An  abridgment  of  Jerome's  Chron.  (and  its  sources  Florus, 
Eutrop.  and  Sext.  Rufus)  is  in  the  brev.  succeeded  by  excerpts  from 
Orosius,  and  then  it  winds  up  with  Marcellinus,  who  is  extensively  used 
down  to  a.  547  (see  above  476,  1  fin.).  The  author  has  often  inserted 
statements  from  Eutropius  and  Orosius  in  Jerome  without  observing 
that  Jerome  had  himself  employed  Eutropius,  and  Orosius  Eutropius 
and  Jerome  (Kopke  p.  52  sq.) .  There  is  in  some  passages  a  literal 
agreement  with  the  Getica,  while  in  others  he  deviates  from  it  (owing 
to  Cassiod.) :  see  Kopke  p.  60 — 63.  A  separate  edition  by  Fr.  Linden- 
brog,  Hamburg  1611.  4. 

7.  Complete  editions  in  Garet's  Cassiodorus,  Gruter's  hist.  aug. 
script,  latt.  mm.,  Hanau  1611  fol.,  and  in  Muratori's  Script,  rer.  ital.  I. 

8.  Papencordt,  on  the  Rule  of  the  Vandals,  p.  383  —388.  S.  Freuden- 
sprung,  de  lornande  eiusque  libr.  natalibus,  Miinster  1837.  4.  H.  v.  Sybel, 
de  fontibus  libri  lordani  de  or.  act.  Get.,  Berlin  1838.  45  pp.  J.  Jordan, 
Jordanes'  Life  and  Writings,  Ansbach  1843.  28  p.  3.  Hansen  in  Pauly's 
Enc.  IV  p.  541  sq.  J.  Grimm  on  Jorn.  and  the  Getae,  Trans,  of  the 
Berl.  Ac.  of  1846  =  Minor  Writings  III  (Berlin  1866).  p.  171—235.  J. 
Stahlberg,  Contributions  on  German  Historiography  in  the  middle  ages ; 
I.  Jornandes;  Miihlheim  a.  R.  1854.  24  pp.  4.  R.  Kopke  and  others  (see 
n.  3).  W.  Wattenbach,  on  the  sources  of  the  History  of  Germany^ 
p.  55—60. 

478.  Works  on  special  parts  of  history  were  also  com- 
posed by  the  Briton  Gildas  (Sapiens)  of  Bath,  and  Gregorius, 
bishop  of  Tours,  a  native  of  Auvergne.  Gildas  (about  493 
— 573)    described    the    sutferings    of   his  native  country  sub- 


550  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

sequent  to  the  landing  of  the  Saxons,  in  his  liber  querolus 
de  calamitate,  excidio  et  conquestu  Britanniae;  Gregorius 
of  Tours  (c.  540—  594)  composed  miraculous  legends  of  Saints 
and  other  theological  works,  and  more  especially  tefti  books 
on  the  history  of  the  Franks,  in  pursuit  of  truth  and  not 
without  criticism,  but  with  all  the  prejudices  and  drawbacks 
of  his  time,  and  in  a  fragmentary  and  awkward  diction. 

1.  Gildas  I  26:  usque  ad  annum  obsessionis  Badonici  montis  (a. 
449),  .  .  quique  quadragesimus  quartus  oritur  annus,  mense  iam  primo 
emenso,  qui  iam  et  meae  nativitatis  est.  A.  449  -j-  44  =  493.  Praefatio : 
in  hoc  libro  quidquid  deflendo  potius  quam  declamando  .  .  fuero  pro- 
secutus  .  .  non  tarn  fortissiraorum  militum  enuntiare  trucis  belli  pericula 
mihi  statutum  est  quam  desidiosorum.  silui  .  .  spatio  bilustri  temporis 
vel  eo  amplius  praetereuntis.  .  .  amicis  imperantibus  ut  qualemcunque 
gentis  britannicae  historiolam  sive  admonitiunculam  scriberem.  .  .  nunc 
persolvo  debitum  multo  tempore  antea  exactum,  vile  quidem  stilo,  sed 
fidele  (ut  jDuto)  et  amicale  quibusque  egregiis  christianis  etc.  It  was 
composed  after  a.  543.  The  first  half  (Historia)  contains  in  26  chapters 
an  historical  account,  the  second  (Epistola)  adds  increpationes,  first 
against  the  reges  patriae  (Constantinus,  Aurelius  Conanus,  Vortiporius, 
Cuneglassus,  Maglocunus),  non  minus  prophetarum  oraculis  (citations 
from  the  Old  Testament)  quam  nostris  sermonibus  (II  18),  then  (pars 
III)  also  against  the  Clergy.  The  tone  is  violent,  and  the  diction  some- 
times almost  unintelligible,  ov/ing  also  to  the  long  and  entangled  sen- 
tences. 

2.  Editions  of  Gildas  in  Th.  Gale's  hist.  brit.  scriptores  XV  (Ox- 
ford 1691  fol.),  in  C.  Bertram's  britann.  gentium  hist.  ant.  scriptores 
III  (Copenhagen  1759)  and  in  the  Monumenta  historica  britannica 
(London  1848.  fol.)  I.  In  Migne's  patrol.  LXIX  (p.  328—391)  from 
Gallandi  bibl.  patr. 

3.  Gregorius  (originally  Georgius  Florentius),  the  descendant 
of  a  noble  family  in  Auvergne  (Venant.  Fort.  VIII  21,  3  sqq.),  was 
born  between  539  and  543,  became  bishop  of  Tours  573,  f  17  Nov. 
594.  His  vita  (by  Odo)  is  of  small  value.  Greg.  hist.  Fr.  IV  1 :  veniam 
precor  si  aut  in  litteris  aut  in  syllabis  grammaticam  artem  excessero, 
de  qua  adplene  non  sum  imbutus.  Cf.  de  glor.  confess,  praef.  and  vitae 
patr.  pr. :  non  me  artis  grammaticae  studium  imbuit  neque  auctorum 
saecularium  polita  lectio  erudivit.  He  appears  to  be  acquainted  with 
Sallust,  Virgil,  Pliny,  Gellius,  Prudentius,  Orosius,  Sidonius;  but  his 
knowledge  of  ancient  history  and  geography  is  very  scanty.  Kries,  de 
Gr.  Tur.  episc.  vita  et  scriptis,  Breslau  1839.  J.  W.  Lobell,  Gregory 
of  Tours  and  his  time  (Bresl.  1839;  sec.  ed.,  Leipzig  1869),  p.  5 — 12. 

4.  Greg.  hist.  P'ranc.  X  31,  19:  decern  libros  Historiarum,  VII 
Miraculorum   (1.    de  miraculis  domini  ac  s.  apostolorum  reliquorumque 


Gildas.     Gregory  of  Tours.  551 

martyrum.  2.  de  virtutibus  s.  luliani  martyris.  3 — 6.  de  virtutibus  s. 
Martini.  7.  de  quorundam  feliciosorum  vita  =  vitae  patrum  ;  cf.  de  glor. 
conf.  praef.),  unum  De  vitis  patrum  scripsi;  in  psalteriis  tractatum  librum 
unum  commentatus  sum;  De  cursibus  etiam  ecclesiasticis  unum  librum 
condidi  (see  n.  7).  quos  iibros  licet  stilo  rusticiori  conscripserim,  tamen 
coniuro  omnes  sacerdotes  domini  .  .  ut  numquam  Iibros  hos  abolere 
faciatis  aut  rescribi  quasi  quaedam  legentes  et  quasi  quaedam  praeter- 
mittentes.  De  gloria  confessorum  is  in  the  pref.  designated  as  the  eighth 
book  of  de  miraculis.  These  works  were  not  written  successively  by 
Gregory,  but  in  turns;  he  was  engaged  on  the  lives  of  the  Saints 
during  all  his  life  (perhaps  575—  594)  and  was  always  working  at  his 
history  of  the  Franks,  which  was  composed  about  577  as  far  as  perhaps 
the  middle  of  the  fifth  book,  a.  584  or  585  to  the  end  of  the  eighth 
book,  and  a.  590  or  591  from  there  to  the  conclusion,  the  epilogue 
being  of  a  still  later  date.  The  commentary  on  the  Psalms  is  nearly 
completely  lost.  The  works  mentioned  Hist.  Franc.  II  23  (in  praefatione 
libri  quem  de  missis  ab  eo  —  Sidonius  —  compositis  coniunximus) 
and  de  glor.  mart.  I  95  extr.  (passio  eorum,  quam  Syro  quodam  inter- 
pretante  in  latinum  transtulimus)  are  likewise  lost. 

5.  Greg.  hist.  Franc.  I  praef.:  scripturus  bella  regum  cum  gentibus 
adversis,  martyrum  cum  paganis,  ecclesiarum  cum  haereticis,  prius  fidem 
meam  proferre  cupio,  ut  qui  legerit  me  non  dubitet  esse  catholicum. 
.  .  illud  tantum  studens  ut  quod  in  ecclesia  credi  praedicatur  sine  aliquo 
fuco  aut  cordis  haesitatione  retineam.  The  church  in  its  relations  to 
the  time  forms  the  subject  of  the  author's  interest,  he  is  very  orthodox 
and  shares  the  tendency  of  his  time  to  believe  in  miracles.  He  speaks, 
however,  with  great  candour  of  the  vices  of  many  ministers  of  the 
church,  and  is  never  intentionally  partial.  His  political  horizon  is  not 
large,  especially  with  regard  to  foreign  events  ;  see  n.  4.  In  general 
he  accepts  traditional  accounts  without  much  examination,  but  in  im- 
portant details  he  carefully  balances  his  pro  and  con.  Lobell^  p.  320  — 
354.  Wattenbach,  Sources  of  etc.  ^  p.  70 — 75.  A  German  translation 
of  Gregory's  history,  by  Wattenbach,  Berlin  1851 ,  in  the  Historians 
of  German  antiquity.  Junghans,  on  the  History  of  Childerich  and  Chlo- 
dewech,  kings  of  the  Franks,  p.  121  sq. 

b.  An  edition  of  the  works  of  Gr.  by  Th.  Ruinart,  Paris  1699  fol., 
reprinted  in  Migne's  patrol.  LXXI.  This  contains  also  the  other  Legends 
attributed  to  Gr.,  (e.  g.  historia  septem  dormientium),  but  unjustly,  as 
Gregorius'  own  list  goes  down  to  the  last  year  of  his  life.  Cf.  Lobell 
p.  14  sq. 

7.  Gregorii  Tur.  episc.  liber  de  cursu  stellarum  qualiter  ad  officium 
implendum  debeat  observari,  sive  de  cursibus  ecclesiasticis,  nunc  primum 
(from  a  cod.  Bamberg,  saec.  VIII)  ed.  F.  Haase,  Breslau  1853.  4.  (Ad- 
not.  p.  29—51.)  The  author's  name  is  not  given  in  the  ms.,  but  Haase 
has  proved  the  authorship  of  Gregory  p.  1  —  3  (cf.  p.  24:  ante  pesti- 
lentiam    Arvernae  regionis  =  hist.  Franc.  IV  31;    and  priusquam  Sigi- 


552  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

bertus    rex    obiit    =    hist     Fr.  IV  52)  and  p.  3 — 5  the  identity  of  this 
treatise    with  the    one    briefly   styled  above,    n.  4,  de  curs.  {:=z  officiis)  ' 
eccl.     Cf.  483,  6. 

8.  For  works  concerning  Gregory  see  n.  3.  A.  Jacobs,  geogra- 
phie  de  Gregoire  de  Tours,  Paris  1858.  155  pp.  A.  Lecoy  de  la  Marche, 
de  I'autorite  de  G.  de  T. ;  etude  critique  sur  le  texte  de  I'hist.  des 
Francs,  Paris  1861.  131  pp.  G.  Monod,  etudes  critiques  sur  les  sources 
de  I'histoire  meroving.  I  p.  21 — 146  (Biblioth.  de  I'ecole  des  hautes  etudes). 

479.  To  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  we  may  assign 
a  small  diaetetic  treatise  addressed  by  a  Greek  physician 
Anthimus,  in  the  Gothic  part  of  Italy,  to  Theuderich,  king 
of  the  Franks,  which  is  also  one  of  the  earliest  documents 
showing  the  transition  of  the  Latin  language  into  the  Romance. 
The  Latin  versions  of  some  writings  of  Oribasius  were  like- 
wise intended  for  Germanic  tribes. 

1.  The  title  of  the  work:  Incipit  epistula  Anthimi  viri  inl.  comitis 
et  legatarii  ad  gloriosissimum  Theudericum  regem  Francorum  de  ob- 
servatione  ciborum .  He  is  perhaps  the  physician  Anthimus  who  was, 
a.  478,  accused  at  Constantinople  of  a  treacherous  connexion  with  the 
Goth  Theoderic  Strabon  (f  481)  and  banished  (Malch.  in  Hist.  gr.  min. 
I  p.  400  Ddf.).  We  may  suppose  that  A.  fled  to  the  Goths,  went  to 
Italy  489  with  Theodoric  the  Great,  and  was  despatched  as  his  ambas- 
sador a.  511  to  Chlodwic's  son,  Theuderich,  king  of  the  Franks  (a. 
511-534).  V.  Rose  p.  44  sqq.  The  author  of  this  treatise  professes 
to  be  a  Greek  and  a  physician;  he  alloys  the  traditions  of  Greek  phy- 
sicians to  which  he  appeals  with  various  observations  derived  from 
his  own  experience  among  the  Goths  and  Franks.  Cf.  c.  14:  de  lardo, 
unde  non  est  qualiter  exire  delicias  Francorum,  tamen  qualiter  melius 
comedatur  ad  horam  expono :  .  .  de  crudo  vero  lardo,  quod  solent  ut 
audis  Franci  comedere,  miror  satis  quis  illis  ostendit  talem  medicinam. 
64:  fit  etiam  de  hordeo  opus  bonum,  quod  nos  graece  dicimus  alfita, 
latine  vero  polentam,  Gothi  vero  barbarice  fenea.  15:  cervisa  bibendo 
vel  medus  vel  aloxinum  quam  maxime  omnibus  congruum  est,  quia 
cervisa  quae  bene  facta  fuerit  beneficium  praestat  et  rationem  habet 
sicut  tisanae  quam  nos  facimus.  78:  oxygala  graece  quod  latine  vocant 
melca  (milk). 

2.  The  treatise  treats  of  94  articles  of  food,  of  some  quite  briefly, 
according  to  their  being  digestible  or  indigestible  in  a  raw  or  prepared 
state,  also  of  bacon  and  beer  (n.  1)  and  several  kinds  offish  (c.  39  sqq. 
cf.  Rose  p.  53  sqq.).  There  are  many  points  of  resemblance  between 
this  work  and  the  cooking  book  of  Apicius  (above  278,  4).  It  is  chiefly 
interesting  for  its  Latin,  which  is  the  language  then  spoken  and  which 
the  author  himself  had  learnt  by  way  of  conversation.    Rose  p.  46  sqq. 


Gregory  of  Tours.     Anthimus.  553 

9P — 102.  Comp.  the  phrase  devenire  sera  'become  evening',  de  for  the 
genitive,  ille  as  article,  caballicare,  medietas  'half,  sodinga,  and  others 
(Rose  p.  46-48.  62  sqq.  99—105).  The  number  of  the  mss.  attests  the 
great  success  this  treatise  obtained  among  the  Franks,  and  there  are 
also  various  recensions  traceable  in  it  (Rose  p.  50—52.  56—62). 

3.  The  text  (chiefly  from  a  St.  Gall  ms.  saec.  IX)  in  Val.  Rose, 
Anecdota  gr.  et  graecol.  II  (Berlin  1870)  p.  65—98. 

4.  Paris.  10233,  an  uncial  ms.  of  saec.  VI  or  VII,  contains  a  Latin 
translation  of  the  Synopsis  (ad  Eustathium)  by  Oribasius.  V.  Rose, 
Anecd.  II  p.  116. 

5.  From  the  second  book  of  Oribasius'  EvnoQiGra  (Synopsis  ad 
Eunapium)  a  list  of  plants  (ed.  Rasar.  II  1  p.  50—98)  in  Latin  and  in 
an  order  adopted  to  the  Latin  alphabet  (agnus  to  ysopus),  which  was 
used  by  Macer  Floridus  saec.  X,  and  of  which  there  is  a  ms.  saec.  X 
at  Laon;  as  Apia  {anka)  Urivasii  de  herbarum  virtutibus,  it  is  found 
in  cod.  Sloan.  670  (saec,  XII)  in  London.  As  the  fourth  book  of  Oribasii 
med.  de  simplicibus  libri  V,  it  was  edited  by  Jo.  Schott,  Argentorati 
1533  fol.  Rose  p.  110.  114. 

6.  After  the  ed.  princeps  of  Caelius  Aurelius  tard.  (ed.  J.  Sichard, 
Basle  1529.  fol.)  under  the  title  of  Euporiston  libri  III  are  printed  parts 
of  an  old  Latin  translation  of  the  two  (very  similar)  Synopsis  of  Oriba- 
sius to  Eustathius  and  to  Eunapius,  book  I  =  ad  Eunap.  I  1  — 17;  b.  II 
(de  virtut.  simpl.  med.  ad  Eunap.)  =.  ad  Eustath.  II;  b.  Ill  (de  confec- 
tione  ciborum)  =  ad  Eunap.  II  18 — 50.  B.  II  (list  of  names)  p.  257: 
isatis  nomen  Gothi  visdilem  (?  Rose  p.  117  sq.)  vocant.  Some  phrases 
also  (commalaxare)  and  expressions  (plus  utilissimum,  sordes  de  statuis 
etc.),  remind  us  of  Anthimus  and  the  translation  of  Alex.  Trail,  (below 
489,  9).     Of.  Rose  p.  116-118. 


480.  The  want  of  a  sound  collection  of  the  existing  prin- 
ciples of  law  and  the  laws  themselves  was  felt  both  in  the 
W^estern  and  in  the  Eastern  Empire.  In  the  Western  parts 
there  was  also  the  desire  to  define  the  position  of  the  Ger- 
man conquerors  towards  the  conquered  Romans ;  and  an  essen- 
tial difference  arose  from  the  fact  that  in  the  East  schools 
of  law  and  historical  studies  of  law  were  still  kept  up,  while 
these  had  nearly  disappeared  in  the  West.  Hence  the  endea- 
vours pursued  in  both  parts  of  the  Empire  and  which  aimed 
at  the  same  ends,  bear  a  very  different  character:  in  the 
West  they  appear  awkward  and  rude,  e.  g.  the  edictum  Theo- 
derici  regis  of  a.  500,  among  the  Visigoths  the  lex  romana  or 
breviarium  Alarici,  in  the  Burgundian  kingdom  the  so-called 
Papianus;    but   in    the  East   Justinian    created    the    Corpus 


554  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

ill r is.  This  consists  of  two  principal  parts,  the  laws  of  the 
Jurists  (ius  vetus)  and  the  Imperial  law  (ius  principale),  the 
latter  of  which  was  first  worked  out  (a-  528  sq. ;  an  improved 
edition  a.  534).  A  committee  was  appointed  for  this  purpose, 
the  chief  member  being  Tribonianus  (f  545).  The  Consti- 
tutions of  the  Emperors  were  again  sifted  on  the  basis  of 
extant  Collections  and  the  Additions  to  them;  they  were 
abridged  and  united  in  the  twelve  books  of  the  codex  Ju- 
stinianeus.  The  Extracts  from  the  ius  vetus  were  arranged 
in  fifty  books  called  'Digesta',  a.  530—533.  To  suit  the 
new  codification  a  new  manual  was  likewise  elaborated  by 
Tribonian,  Theophilus  and  Dorotheus,  the  four  books  of  In- 
stitutiones,  chiefly  after  Gains.  To  these  were  added  sub- 
sequent edicts,  Novell ae,  in  three  private  collections,  from 
a.  533  to  about  the  end  of  the  century,  mostly  in  Greek. 
Though  Justinian's  motive  in  causing  these  Collections  to  be 
made  was  also  a  desire  to  immortalise  his  name,  to  create 
a  mechanic  equality  in  all  legal  matters,  and  to  prevent  con- 
troversies among  the  lawyers,  while  arbitrary  decisions  of  the 
judges  were  rendered  impossible  —  we  should  still  acknow- 
ledge, that  it  was  ha  that  saved  the  treasures  of  ancient  Ju- 
risprudence already  doomed  to  destruction,  and  that  a  histo- 
rical treatment  of  Roman  Law  was  facilitated  by  his  Collection, 
which  at  the  same  time  formed  the  basis  for  a  further  de- 
velopment of  Law. 
• 

1.  The  Edictum  Theoderici  regis  is  a  public  edict  of  Theodoric 
made  (perhaps  by  Cassiodorus)  during  his  sojourn  at  Rome  (a.  500). 
It  contains  154  articles  arranged  at  random,  drawn  ex  novellis  legibus 
ac  veteris  iuris  sanctimonia  (i.  e.  the  cod.  Theod.  and  later  Novellae, 
also  Pauli  Sent,  and  cod.  Greg.),  and  was  intended  to  furnish  norms 
for  the  decisions  of  military  and  civil  judges.  It  is  found  edited  at 
the  end  of  Pithoeus'  Cassiodorus  (Paris  1579  fol.),  in  tho  collections 
of  Lindenbrog,  Goldast,  and  others;  the  best  edition  by  G.  F.  Rhon, 
comm.  ad  ed.  Th.  r.  Ostrog.,  Halle  1816.  4.  iiudorff,  Hist,  of  Roman 
Law  I  p.  293  sq. 

2.  The  Lex  Visigothorum,  published  by  king  Euric  (a.  466—484) 
served  as  law  to  the  Visigoths  in  Gaul  and  Spain.  His  son,  Alaric  II, 
appointed  u.  506  a  committee  under  the  Count  Palatine  Goiaric  in  order 
to  codify  the  extant  law.  His  work  is  the  so-called  lex  romana 
Visigothorum  (to  be  distinguished  from  the  national  right  in  the 
leges  Visigoth.),  since  1550  arbitrarily  called  Breviarium  Alaricl  or 
(from  the  referendarius  Anianus  who  certified  the  copies)  Aniani:  first 


Lex  romana   Visig.  and  Burgund.  bbb 

published  by  Sichard  (in  his  ed.  of  the  cod.  Theod.,  Basil.  1528  foL), 
then  by  G.  Hanel  (ad  LXXVI  librorum  mss.  fidem  recogn.  etc.  Lips. 
1849.  4).  398  Constitutions  are  taken  from  the  Cod.  Theodos.  together 
with  33  Novellae,  from  cod.  Gregor.  22,  Hermog.  2  Constitutions,  one 
passage  from  Papinian.  Gains  is  admitted  in  an  abridgment,  and  Paulus' 
Sententiae  in  a  similar  manner.  In  most  passages  a  paraphrasis  or 
interpretation  has  been  added.  In  this  shape  the  Roman  law  continued 
during  the  first  part  of  the  middle  ages  in  a  great  part  of  the  West, 
and  was  even  again  abridged.  Rudorff,  Hist,  of  Rom.  Law  I  p.  288 — 
291.  303.  G.  Hanel's  preface  (and  in  the  Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Soc.  of 
Lit,  1865,  p.  1—18).  Dernburg,  Gaius  p.  119  sqq.  E.  de  Roziere,  for- 
mules  Visigothiques  inedites,  Paris  1854.  4.  J.  G.  0.  Biedenweg,  comm. 
ad  formulas  visigoth.  novissime  repertas,  Berlin  1856. 

3.  Lex  Burgundionumofa.  472  (under  king  Gundobald),  altered 
a.  517  (under  king  Sigismund),  also  called  Gundobada.  It  is  an  instruc- 
tion how  to  use  Roman  and  Burgundian  law.  Forma  et  expositio  legum 
conscripta,  in  47  titles,  arranged  according  to  the  titles  of  the  Gundo- 
bada and  drawn  from  the  Burgundian  laws,  the  codex  Gregor.,  Hermog. 
and  Theodos.  with  the  Novellae  pertaining  to  them,  and  from  an  una- 
bridged Gaius  and  Paulus.  The  relation  of  this  work  to  the  breviarium 
Alar.  (n.  2),  to  which  it  is  frequently  appended  in  the  mss.,  is  doubtful. 
In  the  mss.  it  has  been  considered  as  the  text  of  the  last  rubric  and 
hence  entitled  Papiani  liber  primus  responsorum.  There  are  also 
abridgments  of  this  work  extant,,  Editions  by  Cuiacius  (1566.  1586  fol.), 
Schulting  (iurispr.  1717.  1737.  4.  1744),  J.  C.  Amaduzzi  (Rom.  1767  fol.), 
F.  A.  Biener  (ius  civ.  antei.  p.  1501 — 1541),  F.  A.  Barkow  (lex  rom. 
Burg.  1846),  F.  Bluhme  (in  Pertz  Monum.  Germ.,  Leges  III  1863.  p.  497 
sqq.).  Rudorff,  Hist,  of  Rom.  Law  I  p.  291—293.  F.  Bluhme,  on  the 
Burgundian  Papianus,  in  Rekker  and  Muther's  Annals  of  common  German 
Law  II  (1858),  and  in  H.  v.  Sybel's  Historical  Journal  1869,  p.  234  sqq. 

4.  Const.  lust,  de  novo  Co  dice  faciendo  of  13  Febr.  529:  Haec 
quae  uecessario  corrigenda  esse  multis  retro  principibus  visa  sunt,  interea 
tamen  nullus  eorum  ad  effectum  ducerc  ausus  est,  .  .  rebus  donare 
publicis  .  .  censuimus  et  prolixitatem  litium  amputare,  multitudine 
quidem  constitutionum  quae  tribus  codicibus,  Greg.,  Herm.  atque  Theod. 
continebantur,  illarum  etiam  quae  post  eosdem  codices  a  Theodosio  .  . 
aliisque  post  eum  retro  principibus  et  a  nostra  etiam  dementia  positae 
sunt,  resecanda,  uno  autem  codice  sub  felici  nostri  nominis  vocabulo 
componendo,  in  quem  colligi  tam  memoratorum  trium  codicum  quam 
novellas  post  eos  positas  constitutiones  oportet.  (1.)  ideoque  ad  hoc 
.  .  opus  efficiendum  elegimus  .  .  loannem,  .  .  Leontium,  .  .  Phocam, 
.  .  Basilidem,  .  .  Thomam,  .  .  Tribonianum,  v.  magnif.,  magisteria  dig- 
nitate  inter  agentes  decoratum,  Constantinum,  .  .  Theophilum,  v.  cl., 
comitem  sacri  nostri  consistorii  et  iuris  in  hac  alma  urbc  doctorem, 
Dioscorum  et  Praesentinum,  disert^ssimos  togatos  fori  ampl.  praetoriani. 
(2.)  quibus  specialiter  permisimus,  resecatis  tam  supervacuis  .  .  praefa- 
tionibus  quam  similibus  et  contrariis,  .  .  illis  etiam  quae  in  desuetudinem 


556  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

abierunt,  cartas  et  brevi  sermone  conscriptas  .  .  leges  componere  et 
congruis  titulis  subdere,  adicientes  quidem  et  detrahentes,  immo  et 
mutantes  verba  earum,  ubi  hoc  rei  commoditas  exigeret,  colligentes  vero 
in  unam  sanctionem  quae  variis  constitutionibus  dispersa  sunt,  .  .  ita 
tamen  ut  ordo  temporum  earum  constitutionum  non  solum  ex  adiectis 
diebus  consulibusque  sed  etiam  ex  ipsa  compositione  earum-  clarescat. 
On  7  April  529  the  finished  work  was  sent  to  the  praef.  praet.  Menna 
at  Constantinople  (accompanied  by  the  Constitution  Summa  reip.  tuitio), 
with  the  injunction  that  after  16  April  529  recitationes  constitutionum 
ex  eodem  nostro  codice  fiant. 

5.  Numerous  new  decrees  having  been  promulgated  until  the  Digest 
and  the  Institutions  were  completed  (especially  50  'Decisions'  of  con- 
troversies), which  then  extra  corpus  eiusdem  codicis  divagabantur,  a  new 
edition  of  the  Codex  was  undertaken  (codex  repetitae  praelectionis), 
per  Tribonianum  v.  exc,  magistrum,  ex  quaest.  et  ex  cons.,  legitime 
operis  nostri  ministrum,  nee  non  v.  magnif.,  quaest.  et  Beryti  legum 
doctorem  Dorotheum,  Mennam  insuper  et  Constantinum  et  loannem, 
viros  eloquantissimos,  togatos  fori  amplissimae  sedis.  They  were  in- 
vested with  extensive  powers  to  introduce  corrections.  This  improved 
cod.  Inst,  was  promulgated  by  the  Constitution  (of  16  Nov.  534)  Cordi 
nobis,  and  received  legal  authority  from  26  Dec.  534,  to  the  exclusion 
of  all  other  Constitutions  and  even  of  the  first  cod.  lust.  (n.  4),  which 
has,  therefore,  entirely  perished.  The  new  cod.  lust,  is  divided  into 
twelve  books,  and  these  again  into  765  titles.  The  latter  contain  in 
chronological  order  the  (about  4652)  constitutions  and  rescripts.  The 
earliest  Constitution  is  by  Adrian,  the  latest  of  4  Nov.  534;  the  greatest 
number  by  Diocletian  and  Maximian  (1222),  Alexander  Severus  (447) 
and  Justinian  (402).  See  a  chronological  list  of  them  in  Wieling,  iurisprud. 
restituta  11  p.  3 — 143,  which  is  supplemented  by  G.  Hand's  Corpus 
legum  ab  imperatoribus  romanis  ante  lustinianum  latarum  quae  extra 
Constitutionum  codices  supersunt,  Lips.  1857.  282  pp.  4.  with  fasc.  II, 
which  contains  excellent  indices  to  the  collections  of  Theodosius  and 
Justinian  (278  pp.  4).  The  constitutions  of  the  time  preceding  Con- 
stantine  are  excellently  written  (cod.  Greg,  and  Hermog.),  those  after 
Constantine  badly  composed,  in  the  Byzantine  manner.  The  ecclesias- 
tical law  is  at  the  top,  but  in  general  the  arrangement  of  the  Digest 
(and  thus  of  the  Edict)  is  observed. 

6.  Decree  to  examine  and  arrange  the  ius  vetus  (de  vetere  iure 
enucleando)  of  15  Dpb.  530  (Deo  auctore)  in  the  cod.  lust.  I  17  (Tri- 
boniano  quaestori),  where  we  read  §  3 :  tibi  primo  et  hoc  opus  com- 
misimus,  ingenii  tui  documentis  ex  nostri  Codicis  ordinatione  acceptis, 
et  iussimus  quos  probaveris  tam  exfacundissimis  antecessoribus  (professors 
of  law)  quam  ex  viris  disertissimis  togatis  fori  ampl.  sedis  (practical 
lawyers)  ad  sociandum  laborem  eligere.  (4.)  iubemus  igitur  vobis  anti- 
quorum  i:)rudentium  quibus  auctoritatem  conscribendarnm  interjDretan- 
darumque  legum  sacratissimi  principes  praebuerunt  libros  ad  ius  rom. 
pertinentes    et    legere    et    elimare,    ut  ex  his  omnis  materia  colligatur, 


Codex  Ivstinian.  and  Digest.  557 

nulla  .  .  neque  similitudine  neque  discordia  derelicta.  .  .  (5.)  cumque 
haec  materia  .  .  collecta  fuerit,  oportet  .  .  in  libros  L  et  certos  titulos 
totum  ius  digerere,  tarn  secundum  nostri  constitutionem  Codicis  quam 
edicti  perpetui  imitationem.  .  .  (10.)  si  quae  leges  in  veteribus  libris 
positae  iam  in  desuetudinem  abierunt  nullo  modo  vobis  easdem  ponere 
permittimus.  .  .  (12.)  nostram  autem  consummationem,  quae  a  vobis  .  . 
componetur,  Digestorum  vel  Pandectarum  nomen  habere  sancimus, 
nullis  iuris  peritis  in  posterum  audentibus  commentaries  illis  applicare 
etc.  The  work,  when  ready,  was  promulgated  in  the  Const,  (of  16  Dec. 
533)  Tanta  circa  nos  (Cod.  lust.  I  17,  2  :=  Jsdioxfp  in  the  prooem.  of 
the  Dig.),  where  §  1  it  is  stated  on  the  authority  of  Tribonianus,  duo  paene 
milia  librorum  esse  conscripta  et  plufj  quam  trecenties  decem  milia 
versuum  a  veteribus  effusa,  which  the  Committee  abridged  to  CL  paene 
milia  versuum,  and  divided  into  seven  parts.  Legal  power  attached 
to  this  collection  since  30  Dec.  533  (ib.  23).  A  list  of  the  members  of 
the  Committee  ib.  9:  Tribonianus  (mag.,  ex  quaest.  et  ex  cons.,  quj 
similiter  eloquentiae  et  legitimae  scientiae  artibus  .  .  emicuit),  Constan- 
tius  (conies  sacr.  larg.  etc.),  Theophilus  (vir  ill.,  magister  iurisque  peritus 
at  Cple),  Dorotheus  (vir  ill.  et  facundissimus  quaestorius,  lawyer  of 
Berytus),  Anatolius  (also  apud  Berytienses  iuris  interpres,  of  an  old 
family  of  lawyers),  Cratinus  (comes  sacr.  larg.  and  antecessor  at  Cple), 
together  with  eleven  advocates  of  the  praefectura  orientis  (Stephanus, 
Menna  etc.). 

7.  A  list  of  the  (38)  iuris  auctores  excerpted  with  statements  of 
the  titles  and  numbers  of  their  works  is  found  in  the  cod.  Flor.  (n.  11)^ 
and  hence  generally  called  index  Florentinus;  it  is  printed  in  most 
editions  at  the  end  of  the  Digest,  and  also  in  Rudorff's  Hist,  of  Roman 
Law  I  p.  305 — 307.  The  Excerpts  of  the  Pandects  have  been  arranged 
according  to  the  authors  and  works  in  C.  F.  HommePs  Palingenesia  libro- 
rum iuris  veterum,  3  vols.  Lips.  1767  sq.  The  Committee  used,  without 
much  criticism,  all  ancient  sources  of  law  accessible  to  them,  separated 
the  component  parts  and  cleverly  united  them  again  in  the  shape  of 
a  new  building.  This  official  work  was,  at  all  events,  much  more  com- 
plete and  trustworthy  than  previous  works  undertaken  by  private 
individuals,  e.  g.  the  fragmenta  vaticana  (above  399).  Fr.  Blume,  on 
the  arrangement  of  the  fragments  in  the  Pandects,  Ztschf.  f.  Rechts- 
gesch.  IV.  1820.  p.  257—472.  See  Rudorff  1.  1.  p.  303  sq.  Th.  Mommsen's 
editions  of  the  Digest,  Addit.  p.  50* — 58*,  and  the  index  librorum  ex 
quibus  Digesta  compilata  sunt,  ib.  p.  59* — 67*. 

8.  Const.  Tanta  (see  n.  6)  11  :  cum  prospeximus  quod  ad  portan- 
dam  tantae  sapientiae  molem  non  sunt  idonei  homines  rudes,  .  .  ideo 
Triboniano,  viro  exc,  qui  ad  totius  operis  gubernationem  electus  est, 
nee  noij  Theophilo  et  Dorotheo,  viris  ill.  et  facundissimis  antecessoribus, 
accersilis  mandavimus  quatenus  libris  .  .  qui  prima  legum  argumenta 
contin^bant  et  Institu  tiones  vocabantur  separatim  collectis  quidquid 
ex  hi  utile  .  .  sit  .  .  capere  studeant  et  IV  libris  rcponere  et  totius 
erudit  onis    prima    fundamenta  atque  elementa  ponere,    quibus  invenes 


558  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

suffulti  possint  graviora  .  ,  legum  scita  sustentare.  .  .  (12.)  omni  igitur 
rom.  iuris  dispositione  composita  et  in  tribus  voluminibus,  i.  e.  Institu- 
tionum  et  Digestorum  s.  Pandectarum  nee  non  Constitutionum,  perfecta 
et  in  tribus  annis  consummata  etc.  From  the  Const,  (of  21  Nov.  533) 
Iraperatoriam  (before  the  Inst.)  4:  post  libros  L  Digestorum  s.  Pandec- 
tarum .  .  in  hos  IV  libros  easdem  Institutiones  partiri  iussimus,  ut  sint 
totius  legitimae  scientiae  prima  elementa.  (6.)  quas  ex  omnibus  anti- 
quorum  Institutionibus  et  praecipue  ex  commentariis  Gai  nostri  .  . 
aliisque  multis  commentariis  compositas  .  .  cognovimus.  On  the  rela- 
tion to  Gains  (above  357,  5)  see  C.  A.  Klenze  and  E.  Booking,  Gai  et 
lustiniani  Institut.  iuris  rom.  cognoverunt,  adnotationem  adiecerunt 
coniunctasque  ediderunt,  Berlin  1829.  4.  Other  editions  of  the  Inst,  by 
G.  Haloander  (Norimb.  1529),  F.  Hotomann  (ed.  II,  Basil.  1569  foL), 
J.  Cujacius  (Paris.  1585  and  elsewhere),  F.  A.  Biener  (Berol.  1812),  E. 
Schrader  (Berol.  1832.  4.),  P.  Kriiger  (rec,  Berlin  1867),  Ph.  E.  Buschke 
(cum  praef.,  Lips.  Teubner  1868). 

9.  The  extinction  of  independent  jurisprudence,  which  was  intenti- 
onally promoted  by  Justinian,  and  the  inconsistency  between  Roman 
law  and  the  actual  state  of  the  Byzantine-Greek  Empire,  caused  new 
Imperial  edicts:  viuQcd  diard^fig  fxsm  rot'  xcodtxa^  novellae  constitutio- 
nes,  briefly  NfaQal,  Novellae.  The  projected  official  collection  of  these 
subsequent  constitutions  was  not  carried  out;  but  there  are  three  pri- 
vate collections  of  them  extant.  The  earliest  (perhaps  of  a.  556)  con- 
sists of  125  Novellae  and  bears  the  title:  Constitutiones  novellae  lusti- 
niani de  graeco  in  latinum  translatae  per  lulianum,  virum  eloquentissi- 
mum,  antecessorem  civitatis  Cpolitanae,  hence  briefly  Epitome  lu- 
liani.  The  second  of  168  Novellae  in  Greek,  perhaps  of  a.  580,  is 
more  complete.  A  third  consists  of  134  Novellae  (the  Latin  in  the 
original  language,  the  Greek  in  a  Latin  translation)  and  was  in  the 
middle  ages  styled  Authenticum  (or  liber  authenticorum),  now  versio 
vulgata  (Authenticum,  novellarum  const.  lust,  versio  vulg.  .  .  rec.  pro- 
legg.  etc.  instruxit  G.  E.  Heimbach,  Lips.  1846  —  1851).  F.  A.  Biener, 
History  of  the  Novellae  of  Justinian,  Berlin  1824. 

10.  Justinian  allowed  only  verbal  translation  {sQ/urjvfuci  xara  nodcc), 
and  paraphrases  [sQjutjpsiai,  fig  nkuTog)  of  his  legal  Collection,  as  well 
as  references  to  other  titles  and  passages  (indices  and  naQccrnka)  while 
he  forbade  commentaries  (vnoupijjuaTa).  But  the  studies  of  the  legal 
schools  at  Rome,  Ravenna  and  Pavia  were  of  themselves  kept  within 
this  circle.  Hence  date  the  earliest  works  on  Justinian's  legal  collection  : 
Glosses  and  Scholia  on  Julian  and  the  Collatio  leg.;  the  dictatum  de 
consiliariis  and  the  collectio  de  tutoribus,  the  legal  collection  of  the 
Agrimensores,  and  the  Turin  Gloss  on  the  Institutions  (all  of  saec.  VI) 
also  Summaries  of  the  cod.  Theod.  (Fitting,  Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch.  X 
p.  317—341).  P.  Kriiger,  the  Turin  Gloss,  Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch.  VH 
1868.  p.  44—78.  H.  Fitting,  on  the  so-called  Turin  Gloss  and  the  so- 
called  Brachylogus,  Halle  1870.  103  pp.  Cf.  Liter.  Centralbl.  1871 
p.  153-155.     A.  Ficker,    on    the    time    and   place  of  the  origin  of  the 


Institutions.      The  Corpus  iuris.  559 

Brachyl.  iuris  civ.,  in  the  Trans,  of  the  Vienna  Acad.  1871  (vol.  LXVII) 
p.  581 — 644.  The  earliest  medieval  school  of  glossators  was  that  of 
Bologna  (c.  1075).  v.  Savigny,  Hist,  of  Roman  Law  in  the  middle  ages, 
Heidelberg  1815—1831.     6  vols. 

11.  There  is  no  ms.  containing  the  whole  of  Justinian's  Corpus 
iuris  civilis.  The  Institutions,  which  are  easily  copied  on  account  of 
their  brevity,  are  found  pretty  frequently;  the  earliest  mss.  are  of 
saec.  X.  The  principal  ms.  of  the  Pandect  is  the  codex  florentinus 
(littera  florentina)  saec.  VII,  the  last  time  collated,  for  Mommsen,  by 
Reifferscheid  and  Kiessling.  Its  gaps  are  supplemented  by  the  nume- 
rous vulgate  mss.  (saec.  XI  sqq.),  which  generally  distribute  the  Digest 
into  Digestum  vetus  (I— XXIV  2),  Infortiatum  (XXIV  3  to  XXXVIII)  and 
Digestum  novum  (XXXIX — L).  See  C.  Fuchs,  Critical  Studies  on  the 
text  of  the  Pandect,  Leipzig  1867.  Mommsen's  Prolegomena.  Only 
two  of  the  mss.  of  the  Codex  (at  Pistoja  and  at  Monte  Cassino)  are 
as  old  as  saec.  X.  P.  Kriiger,  on  the  Criticism  of  Justinian's  Codex, 
Berlin  1867.  E.  Zacharia,  on  the  Greek  versions  of  the  Cod.  Just., 
Ztschr.  f.  Rechtsgesch.  X  (1871)  p.  48—69. 

12.  The  editions  may  be  divided  into  glossed  and  un- 
glossed  ones,  i.  e.  some  contain  the  notes  (glossae)  of  the  Bolognese 
School  (first  collected  by  F.  Accursius,  as  glossa  ordinaria,  a.  1220  sqq.), 
and  some  do  not.  The  earliest  unglossed  edition  is  by  CI.  Chevallon 
(Paris  1525 — 1527),  the  latest  glossed  edition  opera  Fehii  (Lyon  1627, 
5  vols.  fol.).  Unglossed  editions  without  notes  by  G.  Haloander  (Norimb. 
1529.  4.  3  vols.),  D.  Gothofredus  (the  first  under  the  name  of  Corpus 
iuris  civilis,  Genev.  1583.  4.),  Freyesleben  (Corp.  i.  c.  academicum. 
1721 — 1789);  with  critical  or  exegetical  notes  especially  by  D.  Gotho- 
fredus (Lugd.  1590,  the  last  reprint  1624.  fol.  by  J.  Gothofredus;  re- 
peated Amst.  ap.  Elzevir  1663  fol.),  G.  Chr.  Gebauer  and  G.  A.  Span- 
genberg  (Gotting.  1776.  1797.  4.  2  vols.),  J.  L.  W.  Beck  (Lips.  1825— 
1836,  5  vols.),  A.  and  M.  Kriegel,  E.  Herrmann,  E.  Osenbriiggen  (Lips. 
1828 — 1843.  4.    and  often  reprinted). 

Of  the  Digest  alone  especially  the  editions  ex  officina  Laurentii 
Torrentini  (ex  florentinis  pandectis  repraesentati,  Florent.  1553  fol. 
3  vols.)  and  recogn.  Th.  Mommsen  et  P.  Kriiger  (Berlin  1866 — 1870. 
2  vols.  4.)  with  the  ed.  stereotypa  of  it  (Berlin  1863  sqq.) 

13.  E.  Spangenberg,  Introduction  into  Justinian's  manual  of  Roman 
Law,  or  the  Corp.  iur.  civ.,  Hanover  1817.  The  Manuals  of  the  Insti- 
tutions, e.  g.  by  J.  E.  Kuntze  (Leipzig  1869.  2  vols.),  of  the  Pandect, 
especially  by  E.  Rocking  (I  p.  58—69  with  the  supplements  p.  *1— *22); 
the  works  in  the  history  of  Roman  liaw  by  Hugo  and  especially  by  Ru- 
dorff  (I  p.  196 — 353).  H.  E.  Dirksen,  manuale  latinitatis  fontium  iuris 
civilis  Romanorum ;  thesauri  latinitatis  epitome,  Berlin  1837.  4.  1029  pp. 

481.  A  position  midway  between  prose  and  poetry  is  due 
to  the  novel,    which  is  in  this    century    represented    by  the 


560  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

fabulous  account  of  king  Apollonius  of  Tyre.  It  is  a  free 
version,  in  a  Christian  spirit,  of  some  Greek  original  which 
may  have  been  written  in  Asia  Minor  in  the  third  century, 
but  the  extant  version  belongs  to  a  Germanic  period.  It  was 
much  read  in  the  Middle  Ages. 

1.  That  this  novel  is  a  translation  appears  from  the  numerous 
Grecisms  found  in  it  (Riese  p.  XI — XIII).  In  c.  34  one  pound  of  gold 
is  coined  into  50  pieces,  which  was  the  custom  since  the  time  of  Ca- 
racalla,  while  after  Constantine  it  became  usual  to  go  by  solidi,  whence 
the  original  would  appear  to  have  been  composed  in  the  time  between 
Caracalla  and  Constantine  (W.  Christ,  Trans,  of  the  Munich  Acad., 
phil.  hist.  CI.  1872.  p.  4).  The  author  of  the  original  work  was  a  na- 
tive of  Asia  Minor  (W.  Teuffel,  Rh.  Mus.  XXVII  104)  and  a  pagan.  The 
translator  dressed  up  the  work,  though  carelessly,  in  a  Christian  garb 
(ibid.  p.  103  sq.     Riese  p.  IX  sq.). 

2.  The  translation  must  have  been  composed  after  Symposius 
(above  442),  whose  enigmas  are  inserted  c.  42  sqq.,  and  before  the 
treatise  de  dubiis  nominibus  (in  saec.  VII,  cf.  p.  582,  10  K.),  in  which 
(Gramm.  lat.  ed.  Keil  V  p.  579,  25)  the  novel  is  quoted:  in  Apollonio 
(p.  16,  21  R.)  'gymnasium  patet'.  In  the  library  of  some  monastery 
we  find,  a.  747,  a  mention  of  Historia  Apollonii  regis  Tyri  in  codice 
uno.  Hence  we  might  infer  that  the  work  was  translated  in  the  course 
of  the  sixth  century,  which  agrees  also  with  the  general  character  of 
the  Latin  (n.  3)  and  especially  with  the  peculiar  use  of  dos  (c.  1  and 
19)  in  a  sense  opposite  to  the  Latin  meanning,  but  peculiar  to  the 
German  period  =  pretium  puellae,  'Muntschatz' ;  see  W.  Teuffel  (n.  1) 
p.  104  sq.  (a  peculiar  mistake  by  W.  Meyer,  p.  26 — 28).  By  the  side 
of  this,  Bern.  208  has  dos  in  the  Roman  sense,  c.  23  (numeratur  dos 
amplissima). 

3.  Through  the  medium  of  the  Latin  version  we  discern  that  the 
original  was  a  novel  in  the  manner  of  the  Greek  erotic  writers,  espe- 
cially Xenophon  of  Ephesus.  The  characters  are  but  faintly  delineated, 
the  facts  narrated  are  destitute  of  local  and  temporal  colouring,  and 
the  style  is  originally  affected.  The  Latin  translator  gave  his  subject 
a  Christian  colouring  in  agreement  with  the  taste  of  his  period;  at  the 
same  time  he  barbarized,  enlarged  and,  towards  the  end,  abbreviated 
the  original  work.  The  sentences  are  frequently  built  up  in  a  plebeian 
manner  and  diction,  the  style  is  without  any  literary  culture,  and  there 
are  words  and  phrases  which  belong  to  the  sermo  plebeius  and  remind 
us  greatly  of  the  Romance  languages  (Riese).  See  above  479,  2.  See 
the  collection  of  the  late  Latin  peculiarities  in  Riese  p.  XIII — XV. 

4.  Just  as  in  the  historical  romance  of  Julius  Valerius  (above 
388,  11),  the  text  of  the  tale  of  Apollonius  was  very  freely  dealt  with, 
and  arbitrarily  abridged  or  altered.  We  possess  short  recensions  in  a 
Laurentian  ms.  (65,  35)  saec.  X,    and    in  Vincentius   of  Beauvais.     The 


Apollonms  of  Tyre.  561 

numerous  mss.  (about  100)  exhibit  the  strangest  varieties.  Three  prin- 
cipal redactions  have  as  yet  been  traced,  the  one  (A)  represented  by 
the  mutilated  Laurent.  66,  40  saec.  IX — X,  the  second  (B)  chiefly  by 
9V2  leaves  of  Tegernsee  (T)  in  Munich  (W.  Meyer  p.  6  sq.  22 — 26),  a 
Vossianus  saec.  IX — X  (b),  Vaticanus  1869  (R)  and  others  (Meyer  p.  7 
— 10),  containing  a  recension  parallel  to  A;  the  third  (C)  best  in  the 
Sloanianus  (;')  saec.  XI  and  Vindobonensis  510  (Vi)  saec.  XIII,  also 
Berne,  208  saec.  XIII  (H.  Hagen,  phil.  Anz.  1871,  p.  539).  See  Meyer 
p.  11-17  with  AV.  Teuffel  p.  106-108.     Riese  p.  Ill— VII. 

5.  Editio  princeps  s.  1.  et  a.  about  1471,  then  by  M.  Velser  (Augs- 
burg 1595;  Opera  1682,  p.  681 — 704),  Lapaume  (Scriptores  erotici  ed. 
Didot,  Paris  1856,  p.  611)  and  especially  A.  Riese  (rec.  et  praefatus  est, 
Lips.  Teubner  1871). 

6.  Translations  and  Versions.  German  a.  1471.  Anglosaxon,  ed. 
B.  Thorpe,  London  1834  (cf.  W.  Meyer  p.  17—19),  Old  French  in 
prose  and  poetical  imitation,  see  K.  Hofmann,  ou  Jourdain  de  Blaivies, 
Apollonius  of  Tyre,  Solomon  and  Marcolf,  in  the  Trans,  of  the  Munich 
Acad.  (phil.  Class)  1871,  4.  In  (Pseudo?-)  Shakespeare's  Pericles, 
prince  of  Tyre  (K.  Simrock,  sources  of  Shakespeare  II  p.  163  sqq.). 
A  version  in  vulgar  Greek  (from  the  Latin)  in  852  rhymeless  politic 
lines,  in  W.  Wagner's  Medieval  Greek  Texts  I  (London  1870)  p.  63—90 
{Jii^yrjGig  nolvnaO-ovg  ^dnokktoviov  r.  T.)  cf.  p.  57 — 62.  102 — 104  and 
(C.  Gidel,  etude  sur  Ap.  de  T.)  p.  91—101.  Also  A.  d'Ancona,  la  rap- 
presentazione  di  S.  Uliva,  Pisa  1863.  Grasse,  Literaturgesch.  IV  p. 
p.  457  sqq. 

7.  W.  Teuffel,  on  the  hist.  Ap.  regis  Tyri,  Rh.  Mus.  XXVII  p.  103 
—113.  A.  Riese,  ibid.  XXVI  p.  638  sq.  W.  Hartel,  in  the  Austrian 
weekly  Journal  for  Art  and  Science  1872,  p.  161  — 172.  W.  Meyer,  on 
the  Latin  text  of  the  history  of  Apollonius  of  Tyre,  Trans,  of  the 
Munich  Acad.  (phil.  CI.)  1872  p.  3—28.  E.  Bahrens,  in  Fleckeisen's 
Jahrb.  103  p.  856-858. 

482.  At  the  beginning  of  this  century  the  Etruscan  Ma- 
ximianus  composed  poems  in  the  spirit  of  ancient  elegy, 
full  of  life  and  sensuality,  in  which  much  is  borrowed  from 
the  ancient  poets;  in  many  instances  he  appears  affected  and 
exaggerating,  nor  is  he  always  correct.  The  principal  subject 
of  these  poems  consists  in  retrospective  views  of  the  poet's 
youth,  and  complaints  as  to  its  loss. 

1.  Personal  relations.  M.  lets  a  connoisseur  of  humanity  say  of 
himself  (4,  26):  cantat,  —  cantantcm  Maximianus  amat.  5,  5:  me  etruscae 
gentis  alumnum  (cf.  5,  40:  tusca  simplicitato  seiicm).  lie  spent  his 
youth  at  Rome  (1,  63.  37).  dum  iuvenile  decus  .  .  mnncbat  orator  toto 
clarus  in  or})e  fiii.     saepc    i)oetannn    mendacia    dulcia    finxi,    .  .    saopo 

36 


562  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

perorata  percepi  lite  coronam  (1,  9 — 13).  Perhaps  he  taught  at  school 
(pueri  .  .  irrident  gressus  .  .  et  tremulum  quondam  quod  timuere  ca- 
put 1,  283  sqq.).  In  later  years  missus  ad  eoas  legati  munere  partes 
(5,  1)  to  conclude  a  peace  (5,  2  sq.).  If  the  philosopher  Boetius  whom 
he  mentions  as  his  elder  friend  (magnarum  scrutator  maxime  rerum, 
.  .  .  Boeti  3,  47  sq.)  was  the  well-known  character  (above  470),  and 
the  Max.  to  whom  Cassiod.  Var.  I  21  is  addressed  (Theodericus  rex 
Maximiano  viro  illustri  etc.,  cf.  ib.  IV  22  Max.  vir.  ill.)  be  identical 
with  our  poet,  that  diplomatic  mission  might  have  been  from  Theode- 
ric  to  Anastasius  (Wernsdorf,  poetae  lat.  min,  IV  1  p.  221.  223 — 227). 

2.  The  six  elegies  appear  all  to  be  the  productions  of  the  last 
years  of  the  poet.  The  first  (in  146  distichs)  compares  'now'  and  'then' 
in  his  life.  The  second  (in  36  distichs)  turns  on  the  formosa  Lycoris 
who  despises  the  grey-haired  poet.  The  third  (in  47  distichs)  contains 
a  relation  of  some  decent  youthful  passion,  Aquilina;  the  fourth  (in  30 
distichs)  of  a  similar  passion  for  the  dancer  and  singer  Candida.  The 
fifth  (in  67  distichs)  contains  an  erotic  adventure  with  a  coquettish 
Greek  girl,  in  which  the  grey  diplomatist  is  worsted  and  gives  the  girl 
cause  for  a  pathetic  speech  on  the  mentula  (non  fleo  privatum,  sed  ge- 
nerale  chaos  5,  112).  The  sixth  is  merely  a  conclusion  in  6  distichs. 
The  author  is  a  heathen  (5,  45  sq.:  nee  memorare  pudet  tali  me  vul- 
nere  victum ;  subditus  his  flammis  luppiter  ipse  fuit),  well-versed  in 
ancient  mythology,  and  even  more  so  in  Virgil,  Catullus  and  the  elegiac 
and  lyric  poets  of  the  Augustan  time.  He  studiously  endeavours  to 
imitate  ihe  requisites  of  ancient  elegy,  and  besides  individual  character 
and  rhetoric  he  has  also  some  obscene  passages  (el.  5).  Cf.  471,  6. 
Very  strong  passages  occur  1,  253  sqq.  2,  11  sqq.  5,  27  sqq.  In  all 
main  points,  the  metre  and  prosody  are  correct;  there  are  deviations 
from  classical  usage  in  the  synaloephe  in  caesura  (1,  77.  283.  5,  99. 
153).  Mortis  is  considered  as  a  spondee  (1,  208),  ergo  as  a  trochee 
(6,  9),  and  there  are  mistakes  in  Greek  names  (Socrates  1,  48.  pedago- 
gus  2,  17.    sfreniis  5,  19),  according  to  the  manner  of  the  time. 

3.  The  first  editor,  Pomponius  Gauricus  (Venet.  1501.  4.)  sup- 
pressed 4,  26  the  name  of  Maximianus  to  assist  his  supposition  that 
Cornelius  Gallus  (above  227)  was  the  author  of  these  poems.  Among 
later  editors  we  mention  especially  Th.  Pulmann  (Antverp.  1569),  P. 
Pithoeus  (Epigr.  et  poem.  vett.  p.  423),  and  Wernsdorf,  poet.  lat.  min. 
VI  1  p.  269 — 382,  cf.  p.  207 — 229  and  (on  some  literary  questions)  p. 
229-247.  260—268,  also  III  p.  125—134. 

483.  Among  the  Christians,  metrical  composition  was  prac- 
tised (in  Italy,  about  the  middle  of  this  century)  by  the  youn- 
ger friend  of  Ennodius,  the  rhetorician  Ar  a  tor,  who  wrote  a 
rhetorical  versification  of  the  contents  of  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  in  two  books     With  greater  facility,  but  less  accu- 


Maximianus.     Arator.  563 

racy,  Venantius  Fortunatus  wrote  his  poems  some  time 
afterwards  (c.  535 — 600).  He  was  an  Italian,  who  found  a 
new  home  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Franks,  was  Presbyter 
at  Poitiers  for  some  time,  and  even  rose  to  the  episcopal 
dignity  about  the  end  of  his  life.  Fortunatus  evinced  his 
metrical  skill  both  in  a  rapidly  written  epic  poem  in  4  books 
on  Martinus,  the  patron  Saint  of  Tours,  and  in  many  other 
poems,  hymns,  and  congratulations  addressed  to  royal  per- 
sons, bishops,  and  other  dignitaries.  The  latter  poems  form 
a  miscellaneous  collection  (Miscellanea)  in  eleven  books  of 
varying  contents.     He  also  wrote  lives  of  Saints  in  prose. 

1.  Cassiod.  var.  VIII  12  (Aratori  Athalaricus  rex):  primaevus  ve- 
nisti  ad  honores.  advocationis  te  campus  exercuit.  .  .  intra  te  fuit 
quamvis  ampla  professio  litterarum.  .  .  auspicatus  es  militem.  .  .  iuvat 
repetere  pomposam  legationem  (de  partibus  Dalmatiarum  to  Theoderic, 
c.  525),  quam  .  .  torrenti  eloquentiae  flumine  peregisti.  .  .  genitoris 
facundia  et  moribus  adiuvaris,  cuius  te  eloquium  instruere  potuit,  etiam 
si  libris  non  vacasses,  erat  enim  .  .  egregie  litteris  eruditus.  .  .  ibi 
te  tuUiana  lectio  disertum  reddidit  ubi  quondam  gallica  lingua  resona- 
vit.  .  .  mittit  et  Liguria  Tullios  sues,  .  ,  te  comitivae  domesticorum 
illustratum  honore  decoramus.  Ennod.  carm.  II  105  (in  natalem  in- 
fantis  Aratoris).  114 — 116  (de  flagello  inf.  Ar.).  diet.  9  (praefatio  quando 
Arator  auditorium  ingressus  est).  A  ms.  from  Rheims:  oblatus  hie 
codex  ab  Aratore  illustri  ex  comite  domesticorum,  ex  comite  privatarum, 
viro  religioso  etc.  He  had  studied  at  Milan  (under  Deuterius)  and  Ra- 
venna (ep.  ad  Parthen.  35  sqq.) ;  he  took  orders  at  Rome  c.  540  (cf. 
ep.  ad  Parth.  70)  and  became  subdiaconus. 

2.  The  Epos  de  actibus  apostolorum  (cf.  Venant.  vit.  Mart. 
I  22  sq.)  is  preceded  by  two  dedications  in  elegiac  measure,  to  the 
learned  Florianus  (prisca  volumina  linquens,  cede  dies  operi  quod  pia 
causa  iuvat)  and  to  Pope  Vigilius  (a.  537 — 555) :  versibus  ergo  canam 
quos  Lucas  rettulit  actus  historiamque  sequens  carmina  vera  loquar. 
Subscription:  oblatus  est  huiusmodi  codex  ab  Aratore  subdiacono  .  . 
papae  Vigilio  et  susceptus  ab  eo  die  VIII  id.  Apr.  (of  a.  544)  in  pres- 
byterio.  .  .  quern  cum  ibidem  legi  mox  pro  aliqua  parte  fecisset  Sur- 
gentio  .  .  in  scrinio  dedit  recte  coUocandum.  cuius  beatitudinem  lit- 
terati  omnes  doctissimique  continuo  rogaverunt  ut  eum  iuberet  publice 
recitari.  quod  cum  fieri  praecepisset  in  ecclesia  b.  Petri  quae  vocatur 
Ad  vincula,  .  .  turba  convenit  atque  eodem  Aratore  subdiac.  recitante 
distinctis  diebus  ambo  libri  quattuor  vicibus  sunt  auditi,  .  .  propter 
repetitiones  assiduas  quas  cum  favore  multiplici  postulabant.  The  work 
was  sent  Parthenio  mag.  oft",  atque  patricio  (in  Gaul),  his  early  friend 
(at  Ravenna)  and  son  of  the  sister  of  Ennodius,  with  a  dedication  in 
elegiac  measure,  in  which  Martial  and  Claudian  arc  used. 


564  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

3.  The  first  book  contains  1076,  the  second  1250  hexameters.  The 
subject  quite  disappears  in  the  rhetorical  treatment.  The  form  is 
elegant,  though  there  are  numerous  inaccuratenesses,  just  as  in  the 
poets  preceding  Arator  (ecclesiae,  idola,  Macedo,  Pharao,  affatim,  spado 
etc.).  Edited  in  G.  Fabricius,  corp.  poett.  christ.  p.  569  sqq.  in  the 
bibl.  patr.  max.  X  and  especially  (cum  observatt.)  by  H.  J.  Arntzen 
(Zutphan.  1769).  Hence  in  Migne's  patrol.  LXVIII  p.  45—252.  Ed.  A. 
Hiibner,  Neisse  1850. 

4.  Venantius  Honorius  Clemens  For  tuna  tus  was  a  native  of  the 
East  of  Upper  Italy  (vit.  Mart.  IV  665  sqq.:  mea  Tarvisus.  .  .  per  Ce- 
netam  gradiens  et  amicos  Duplavenenses,  qua  natale  solum  est  mihi). 
He  studied  rhetoric,  grammar  and  jurisprudence,  perhaps  at  Ravenna, 
V.  Mart.  I  26  sqq.  He  went  (s.  misc.  I  prol.)  to  Gaul,  as  he  says  on 
account  of  the  miraculous  power  of  St.  Martin  (v.  Martin.  I  44.  IV 
684  sqq.  VIII  1,  21),  about  a.  564,  under  King  Sigibert  (X  20,  1  sq.). 
At  Tours  Gregory  (above  478)  was  then  bishop  and  took  some  interest 
in  Fortunatus  (VIII  21,  11.  26,  2  sqq.  27,  11  sqq.).  Many  poems  of  F. 
are  addressed  to  him  (misc.  V  3—5.  9—20.  VIII  16—27.  IX  6  sq.  cf. 
X  5  sq.  12  sq.  19).  At  Poitiers  he  was  detained  (VIII  1,  21:  Martinum 
cupiens  voto  Radegundis  adhaesi;  cf.  ib.  11  sq. :  Fortunatus  ego  .  . 
Pictavis  residens)  by  the  pious  Thuringian  princess  Radagund,  the  for- 
mer wife  of  Lotharius  I.,  (misc.  VIII  1,  22),  to  whom  many  poems  are 
addressed,  some  in  quite  an  enthusiastic  tone  (misc.  VIII  14,  6:  sine 
te  nimium  nocte  premente  gravor.  .  .  tempora  subducis  ceu  non  vi- 
dearis  amanti,  cum  vos  dum  cerno  hoc  mihi  credo  parum.  15,  3:  ab- 
stuleras  tecum,  revocas  mea  gaudia  tecum.  XI  2:  quamvis  sit  caelum 
nebula  fugiente  serenum,  —  te  celante  mihi  stat  sine  sole  dies).  After 
her  death  (587)  F.  wrote  also  her  life.  To  her  daughter  Agnes  XI  5 
sqq.  At  Poitiers  primum  presbyter,  deinde  episcopus  ordinatus  est  at- 
que  in  eodem  loco  digno  tumulatus  honore  quiescit  (Paul.  Diac.  hist. 
Langob.  II  13).  In  his  poems  he  never  calls  himself  presbyter  or 
bishop,  but  XI  4,  3  Fortunatus  agens  (of  Radegundis)  and  there  is  no 
mention  of  his  taking  orders  before  XI  29.  Gregory  of  Tours  (hist. 
Franc.  V  8)  calls  him  merely  presbyter;  F.  would,  therefore,  seem  to 
have  become  bishop  after  the  completion  of  that  work,  i.  e.  592.  His 
poems  often  indicate  a  somewhat  parasitic  kind  of  life  (e.  g.  Ill  16. 
VII  14  sq.  X  12.  XI  9  sqq.).  Th.  Bormann  on  the  Life  of  the  Latin 
poet  Venantius  etc.  (Fulda  1848.  4.)  p.  3—22;  cf.  p.  15:  'V.  appears  in 
his  poems  as  a  man  who  largely  offers  incense  to  the  temporal  and 
spiritual  dignitaries,  without  being  very  strict  as  to  truth.  He  heaps 
upon  such  characters  as  Charibert,  Childerich,  and  Fredegunda  praises 
certainly  not  merited;  in  relating  the  death  of  Galsuinta  he  pretends 
not  to  know  anything  of  the  author  of  that  disgraceful  deed'  etc. 

5.  Prose-works  of  F.:  biographies  of  bishop  Hilarius  of  Poitiers, 
written  at  the  request  of  his  successor  Pascentius  (P.  II:  de  miraculis 
8.  Hilarii) ;  of  Albinus  confessor;  Germanus,  Bishop  of  Paris  ;  Severinu?, 
Bishop  of  Bordeaux  (Greg.  Tur.  de  glor.  conf.  45:  not  preserved):  Me- 


Venantius  Fortunatvs.  565 

dardus,  Bishop  of  Noyon  (in  Surius  III  p.  658 — ^0) ;  Amantius,  Rade- 
gunda  and  others.  They  are  edited  e.  g.  in  Migne  LXXXVIII  p.  513 
— 561.  There  are  many  prose-compositions  in  the  Miscellanea,  espec. 
letters  to  bishops,  an  explanation  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  (X  I)  and  the 
Apostolic  Symbol  (XI  1).  The  prose-style  of  F.  is  throughout  affected, 
heavy  and  stilty. 

(').  De  vita  s.  Martini  libri  IV.  Dedication  to  Gregory:  cum  ius- 
seritis  ut  opus  illud  .  .  quod  de  suis  virtutibus  explicuisti  (above  478,  4) 
versibus  debeat  digeri,  id  agite  ut  ipsum  mihi  relatum  iubeatis  trans- 
mitti.  nam  .  .  (juod  de  vita  eius  vir  disertus,  domnus  Sulpicius  (above 
435),  sub  uno  lil)ello  prosa  descripsit  et  reliquum  quod  dialogi  more 
subnectit,  primum  quidem  opus  a  me  duobus  libellis  et  dialogus  sub- 
sequens  aliis  duobus  libellis  complexus  est,  ita  ut  brevissime  .  .  in  IV 
libellis  totum  illud  opus  versu  inter  hoc  bimestre  spatium,  inter  frivo- 
las  occupationes  sulcarim.  Cf.  Ill  10  sq. :  cum  duce  Sulpicio,  bene 
cuius  ab  ore  venusto  Martini  sacros  dulcis  stilus  edidit  actus.  The 
extensive  work  (613-|-491  + 529 -|-7 12=2245  hexameters)  sufficiently  be- 
trays the  haste  with  which  it  was  executed:  the  design  is  hasty  (cf.  I 
45  sq.  50  sqq.  56  sqq.),  mechanically  taking  the  matter  from  Sulpicius, 
the  execution  is  lenghthy  and  trivial,  with  many  empty  puns  (e.  g.  I  19: 
prudens  prudenter  Prudentius  immolat  actus ;  perhaps  an  allusion  to 
the  words  of  his  patron  Gregory,  de  curs.  eccl.  p.  24Hse:  Prudentius 
cum  de  .  .  stella  prudenter  dissereret;  I  99:  ne  timeam  timidum,  timor 
est  dens,  arma  timentum);  in  his  form  the  author  combines  the  incor- 
rectnesses of  all  his  predecessors  (heresis,  ecclesiae,  problema,  Apolli- 
naris,  Arrius  = 'l^(j#tof,  ergone,  miscam  etc.)  and  adds  to  them  a  negli- 
gent treatment  of  his  verse  (e.  g.  I  140 :  dogmate,  luce,  fide  informans 
virtute  sequaces).  The  work  was  composed  before  576,  as  at  the  time 
of  composition  (IV  636  sq.)  Germanus  was  still  bishop  of  Paris  (cf.  Greg. 
Tur.  V  8). 

7.  A  considerable  historical  and  topographic  value  attaches  to  the 
eleven  volumes  (>f  poetry  (miscellanea),  of  varied  contents,  most  of 
them  occasional  pieces.  From  the  affectedly  modest  preface  to  Gre- 
gory: quia  viriliter  ffagitas  ut  quaedam  ex  opusculis  imperitiae  meae 
tibi  transferenda  proferrem,  nugarum  mearum  admiror  te  amore  seduci, 
.  .  praesertim  quod  ego  imperitus  de  Ravenna  progrediens  Padum  .  . 
Tiliamentumque  tranans,  .  .  Rhenum  Germauia  transiens  ac  post  Mo- 
sellam,  .  .  Ligerim  et  Garomnam  .  .  transmittens,  Pyrenaeis  occurrens 
.  .  paene  aut  equitando  aut  dormitando  conscripserim.  Only  1  1.  2. 
relate  to  Italy;  all  the  other  poems  seem  to  have  been  written  in 
Gaul.  The  arrangement  is  partly  chronological,  partly  according  to  the 
rank  of  the  persons  addressed.  The  bishop  Leontius,  who  is  addressed 
as  living  1  15,  receives  an  epitaph  IV  10;  in  the  sixth  book  Sigibert 
(t  575)  and  Charihert  (f  567)  are  king";  but  in  the  ninth  Chilperich 
(I.,  t  584)  and  in  the  tenth  Childebert  (II.,  born  57U),  Sigibert's  son 
and  successor  (a.  /)75  — 596).  VI  2  treats  of  the  marriage  of  Sigibert 
and  Brunhild  (a.  566).     VII  9,  7    F.   has  been   away   from  his   homo   for 


566  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

nine  years,  VII  9,  7 ;  "in  IX  7,  50  he  mentions  poems  written  by  him 
twenty  years  ago.  Books  I — III  treat,  above  all  things,  of  ecclesiastif  al 
matters  (buildings  etc.)  and  persons,  IV  contains  epitaphs  on  a  bishop, 
an  abbot,  presbyter,  dean,  then  on  lay  persons,  last  of  all  on  ladies ; 
V  is  addressed  to  bishops,  especially  St.  Martin  and  Gregory;  VI  to 
kings,  queens  and  princesses;  VII  to  high  persons  at  the  Court  and  in 
the  State  (Gogo,  Bodegisil,  Lupus,  Mummulenus,  Sigismund,  and  others); 
VIII  contains  compositions  of  a  Christian  character,  and  poems  addressed 
to  Radegundis  and  Gregory;  IX  to  Chilperic  and  Fredegunda  and  her 
children,  to  Gregory  and  several  bishops  and  other  Clergymen;  IX 
again  to  Mummulenus,  to  Childebert  and  Brunhild,  Sigoald;  XI  a  poe- 
tical correspondence  with  Radegundis  and  her  abbess  Agnes.  The  col- 
lection seems  to  have  originally  terminated  with  the  eighth  book,  IX 
— XI  being  subsequent  additions. 

8.  The  majority  of  the  poems  are  in  distichs;  only  V  8,  VI  2  (an 
epithalamium)  VIII  9  being  in  hexameters.  IX  7  is  in  Sapphics,  at  Gre- 
gorius'  request.  A  prosaic  preface  to  a  poem  occurs  V  5  (and  IX  6); 
prose-letters  terminate  with  verse  III  4.  V  1.  An  elegy  in  the  shape 
of  a  serpent  (ophites,  serpentinus,  echoicus;  see  above  32,  9)  III  37. 
Several  poems  treat  of  personal  adventures  quite  in  the  manner  of 
elegies  (VI  12.  VII  14),  travels  (X  10.  XI  27  sq.),  health  (VI  12.  VIII  16); 
also  the  elegy  de  excidio  Thuringiae  (ex  persona  Radegundis)  maj''  be 
ascribed  to  this  class,  and  VI  7  (on  the  death  of  Galesuinta),  and  V  20 
(on  the  death  of  Medardus).  Others  again  are  versified  letters  (in  com- 
mendation of  himself  and  of  others).  There  are  numerous  instances  of 
laudatory  poems  addressed  to  living  persons,  especially  bishops  (Leon- 
tius,  Felix,  Gregorius),  There  are  inscriptions  of  churches  and  vases; 
and  epigrams  as  short  occasional  pieces. 

9.  Ecclesiastical  hymns  in  four  strophes  each,  mostly  in  rhymes 
and  accentual  prosody;  the  majority  in  iambic  rhythm  (dim.  iamb.  ac. 
II  7.  10.  VIII  3  sq. ;  cat.  II  8),  trochaic  II  9  (dim.  troch.  ac.  and  cat); 
the  accentual  prosody  is  particularly  powerful  VIII  5  (ave,  maris  stella, 
dei  mater  alma,  .  .  solve  vincla  reis,  mala  nostra  pelle,  iter  para  tutum 
etc.).  Hiatus  is  quite  disregarded  (II  9:  arbor  feta  alma  luce;  stans  ad 
aram  immo  supplex).  II  4.  5.  are  artificial  poems  in  the  manner  of 
Porfirius  (above  398,  1 — 3):  poems  the  initials  of  which  form  the  shape 
of  a  cross  or  the  beginning  of  the  name  of  Christ  (V  7  being  at  the  same 
time  an  acrostich).  The  hymn  on  Leontius  (116),  the  strophes  of  which 
are  arranged  according  to  the  alphabet,  is  generally  ascribed  to  Amoe- 
nus  (above  467,  2),  and  the  trochaic  hymn  II  1  (pange  lingua  etc.)  is 
dinstinctly  ascribed  to  Claudianus  Mam.  (above  461,  3  and  5)  by  Gennadius. 

10.  F.'s  knowledge  of  Greek  literature  is  very  poor  (VII  12,  25  sqq. : 
Archyta,  Pythagoras,  Aratus,  Cato,  Plato,  Chrysippus.  .  .  quidve  poeta 
potest  Maro,  Lysa,  Menander,  Homerus;  comp.  such  quantities  as  Chal- 
cedon.  While  at  home,  he  may  have  been  better  versed  in  Roman 
literature;    but    in    Gaul    his    knowledge    gradually    dwindled    down  to 


Venant'ms  Forttmatus.  567 

Cicero  and  Virgil  with  a  few  reminiscences  of  Horace  (V  6.  IX  7). 
Comp.  IX  7,  35  sqq.  He  is  more  at  home  in  Christian  literature  (Mart. 
115  sqq.  misc.  VIII  1  54  sqq.  VIII  6).  His  Christian  zeal  is  very  great, 
but  somewhat  obtrusive.  Cf.  misc.  II  12,  3  sqq.:  iam  pietatis  opus, 
victores  (martyrs)  texere  libris,  admonet  ingenium,  res  ratione  duplex, 
una  quod  est  habilis  de  magnis  magna  fateri.  .  .  altera  causa  monet 
quoniam  successus  amatur  etc.  We  frequently  discern  very  mundane 
motives,  e.  g.  in  the  epithalamium  (VI  2),  and  VIII  6,  205  sqq.  womanly 
love  for  Christ  is  described  in  rather  strong  colours.  Altogether  F. 
possesses  more  of  talent  than  of  character.  His  distichs  have  as  easy 
a  flow  as  Ovid's,  but  they  lack  Ovid's  clearness,  elegance,  and  art.  ^In 
the  prosody  of  proper  names  F.  appears  to  consult  merely  his  conve- 
nience (e.  g.  Cesaria,  Agr«ppina);  short  syllables  are  very  frequently 
lengthened  by  arsis,  and  long  ones  are  not  rarely  shortened.  There 
are  harsh  synaloephes  (e.  g.  si  Hilarium  quaeris,  quae  ut  foveas,  pro 
undis);  hiatus  is  admitted,  especially  between  the  two  parts  of  the 
pentameter),  and  the  caesura  is  often  neglected.  There  are  plebeian 
forms  like  moveret  (VII  1,  1),  regionis  utraeque  (VII  5),  concivis  (VII 
14)  etc.  F.  is  inded  sermone  levis  (Mart.  I  27)  and  wrote  but  too  fast; 
see  n.  6  and  misc.  HI  27  (garrulitate  levi).  V  5  praef.  X  12  (ex  tem- 
pore) ;  frequently  he  wrote  at  order.  He  is  fond  of  puns  (funis,  finis  5 
febris  fibris ;  saluto  salutem  etc.). 

11.  Editions  of  the  works  of  F.  by  Ch.  Brower  (Mayence  1603. 
4.),  M.  A.  Luchi  (Rome  1786,  2  vols.),  the  latter  reprinted  in  Migne's 
patrol.  LXXXVIH.  The  poems  on  the  Moselle  in  the  editions  of  Auso- 
nius'  Mosella  by  Tross  and  by  Bocking  (p.  105 — 123);  see  above  p.  388. 

12.  Ven.  Fort.  misc.  Ill  23  to  the  bishop  Bertechramnus  of  Bor- 
deaux; ardua  suscepi  missis  epigrammata  (of  B.)  chartis.  .  .  nitido  pom- 
posa  poemata  cultu.  He  finds,  however,  plagiarisms  in  them  (carmine 
de  veteri  furta  novella)  and  metrical  mistakes  (superaddita  syllaba, 
pede  laesa). 

13.  There  are  28  elegiac  lines  by  some  Honorius  scholasticus  to 
Jordanes,  bishop  of  Ravenna  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century,  in 
reply  to  his  exhortation  to  retire  from  the  world,  in  Mabillon,  Analecta 
I  p.  364  (387). 

484.  With  the  correctness  of  a  grammarian  and  the  ser- 
vility and  bombast  of  a  Byzantine,  the  African  Fhivius  Cresco- 
nius  Co  rip  pus  wrote  epic  poems  on  historical  subjects  with 
a  panegyric  tendency,  seven  books  Johannidos  s.  de  bellis 
libycis,  and  four  books  de  laudibus  Justini  Aug.  l>ut  rarely 
the  thick  clouds  of  incense  are  lighted  up  by  a  spark  of  hi- 
storical tiuth;  but  his  form  is  fluent  and  imitated  from  such 
masters  as  Virgil   and  Claudian.     But    the    ei)ic   poem   of  an 


568  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

anonymous  author,  entitled  Orestis  tragoedia,  attests  the 
barbarous  state  of  the  diction  and  prosody  prevailing  in 
the  West,  though  the  hexameters  are  faultless. 

1.  In  the  headings  we  have  the  statement  Corippus  africanus 
grammaticus.  His  Johannis  consists  of  (581  +  488  +  460-[-ll71-|-773  + 
5424-656=:)  4671  hexameters  (b.  VIII  having  a  gap  at  the  end),  with 
a  preface  in  40  elegiac  linis;  it  treats  of  the  war  carried  on  by  John 
the  Patrician  against  the  Mauritanians  in  Africa,  c.  550  (cf.  Procop.  Va7id. 
II  28).  From  the  preface  (ad  proceres  Carthaginienses) :  descripsit  .  . 
Aeneam  doctus  carmine  Vergilius,  meque  lohannis  opus  docuit  descri- 
bere  pugnas  etc.  Aeneam  superat  melior  virtute  lohannes,  sed  non 
Vergilio  carmina  digna  cano.  .  .  nutat  in  angustum  discors  fortuna 
poetae.  .  .  quid  [quod  ego]  ignarus  quondam  per  rura  locutus  urbis 
per  populos  carmina  mitto  palam.  forsitan  ex  fracto  ponetur  syllaba 
versu :  confiteor;  Musa  est  rustica  namque  mea.  .  .  quos  doctrina  negat 
confert  victoria  versus  (an  allusion  to  Juv.  I  79).  Ed.  princeps :  ex  cod. 
mediolanensi  op.  et  stud.  Petri  Mazzuchelli,  Mailand  1820. 

2.  The  panegyric  on  the  Emperor  Justinus  minor  (a.  565 — 578; 
see  W.  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Enc.  IV  1845.  p.  681—68--)  was  written  after 
the  Johannis  (praef.  35  sq. :  quid  libycas  gentes,  quid  syrtica  proelia  dicam, 
lam  libris  completa  meis?),  and  has  a  preface  (mutilated  at  the  be- 
ginning) in  48  hexameters,  candidly  stating  the  purpose  of  the  poem 
(v.  39  sqq.) :  cui  vincere  fas  est  indomitas  gentes,  .  .  vince  meae  saevam 
fortunae,  deprecor,  iram.  .  .  nudatus  propriis  et  vulnera  plurima  passus 
ad  medicum  veni.  .  .  huic  ego  sananti  .  .  grates  semper  ago  et  pro 
munere  carmina  porto.  (Cf.  IV  182  sqq.)  There  follows  a  dedication 
to  an  influential  officer  at  Justinus'  Court,  the  quaestor  Anastasius,  in 
51  hexameters.  The  first  book  of  this  poem  consists  of  367  hexameters, 
the  second  of  430,  the  third  of  407,  the  fourth  of  377,  but  it  is  muti- 
lated at  the  conclusion.  The  design  is  so  lengthy  that  these  four 
books  embrace  only  the  first  week  of  Justinus'  reign.  The  unique  ms. 
from  which  M.  Ruiz  published  the  poem  (Antv.  1581)  has  now  disap- 
peared. Later  editions  by  Th.  Dempster  (Paris  1610),  A.  Rivinus  (Lips. 
1653),  N.  Rittershaus  (Altorf  1664.  4.)  and  in  W.  Jager's  Panegyric!, 
No.  XII. 

3.  A  complete  edition  of  Corippus  with  the  notes  and  introductions 
of  the  preceding  editors  in  the  Bonn  Corpus  scriptor.  hist,  byz.,  with 
Merobaudes  (recogn.  Imm.  Bekker),  Bonn  1836. 

4.  In  two  mss.,  an  Ambrosian  (Mai,  Spicileg.  I.  p.  XXIV)  and  a 
Berne  ms.  saec.  IX  we  possess  Orestis  tragoedia,  in  971  hexameters. 
The  nionstrous  idea  of  putting  this  subject  into  an  epic,  and  styling  it 
a  tragoedia,  points  to  a  period  entirely  foreign  to  classical  traditions. 
This  agrees  also  with  the  numerous  vulgarisms  (cf.  Mahly  p.  XI — XXVII) 
and  the  prosodiacal  licences  which  are  quite  in  the  style  of  Fortunatus 
(Mahly,    p.    XXVIII— XXXIX),    while  the  caesurae  and  synaloephae  are 


Corippus.    Orestis  tragoedia.  569 

even  elegant,  and  we  meet  with  numerous  reminiscences  especially  of 
Virgil,  Statins  and  Lucan  (Schenkl  ed.  p.  20  sq.  Rothmaler  in  Fleck- 
eisen  95,  p.  863).  Such  quantities  as  Pylades,  egistus  (Aegisthus)  render 
it  impossible  that  the  author  should  have  been  a  Greek. 

5.  Editions  of  Orest.  trag.  by  C.  W.  Miiller  (Rudolstadt  185'8  sq. 
4),  J.  Mahly  (Lips.  Teubner  1866.  16.),  C.  Schenkl  (Prague  1867.  83  pp.). 

6.  Critical  contributions  by  F.  Haase  (miscell.  philol.  Ill  6.  Bresl. 
1861.  4.),  A.  Rothmaler  (Nordhausen  1865.  4.  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  95, 
p.  861—870),  L.  Miiller  (Rhein.  Mus.  XXL  p.  455—467),  C.  Schenkl 
(Zeitschr.  f.  ostreich.  Gymn.  XVIIL  1867.  p.  81-95),  L.  Schwabe  (Dor- 
pat  Progr.  of  1867,  IL  13  pp.  4.),  H.  Hagen  (Philologus  XXVII.  p. 
157-168). 

485.  At  the  head  of  the  theological  writers  of  this  cen- 
tury is  Pope  Gregory  I  (c.  540 — 604),  whose  estrangement 
from  classical  lore  and  enthusiasm  for  monastic  institutions 
combined  with  credulity  characterize  him  as  a  genuine  son  of 
his  period,  though  personal  advantages,  adroitness  and  firmness 
procured  him  a  prominent  position  in  it.  His  letters  are  of 
much  historical  importance  among  his  numerous  works.  He 
had  great  merits  with  regard  to  the  improvement  of  ecclesia- 
stical singing,  and  even  wrote  hymns.  The  high  authority  he 
and  his  works  continued  to  enjoy  soon  caused  forgeries  and 
interpolations  in  his  name.  By  his  side  we  may  mention  his 
friend  Leander,  bishop  of  Seville,  and  Eugippius  and  Martinus, 
archbishop  of  Braga. 

1.  Gregorius  the  descendant  of  a  rich  and  noble  Roman  family, 
born  between  540  and  550,  praet.  urb.  c.  571 — 574,  Pope  since  590,  died 
12.  March  604.  E.  W.  Marggraf,  de  Gregorii  M.  vita,  Berlin  1844.  G.  J. 
Th.  Lau,  Gregory  I  the  Great,  described  according  to  his  life  and  doc- 
trine, Leipzig  1845.  556  pp. 

2.  Greg.  Tur.  hist.  Franc.  X  1  :  litteris  grammaticis  dialecticisque 
ac  rhetoricis  ita  erat  institutus  ut  nulli  in  urbe  ipsa  putaretur  esse  se- 
cundus.  Very  hyperbolically  Isid.  ill.  27:  tantum  .  .  scientiae  iumine 
praeditus  ut  non  modo  illi  praesentium  temporum  quisquam  doctorum 
nee  in  praeteritis  quidem  illi  par  fuerit  umquam.  But  Gregory  him- 
self, in  the  pref.  to  his  expos,  in  Job  (Moral.):  ipsam  lo(iuendi  artcni 
quam  magisteria  disciplinac  exterioris  insinuant  servare  despexi.  nam 
.  ,  non  mutacismi  collisionem  fugio,  non  barbarismi  confusionem  devito, 
hiatus  motusque  etiam  et  praepositiouum  tasus  servare  contemn o,  quia 
indignum  vehementer  existimo  ut  verba  caelestis  oraculi  rcstringam  sub 
regulis  Donati.  Cf.  epist.  VII  32:  quamvis  graecae  linguae  nescius,  in 
contentione  tamen  vestra  iudex  resedi.    This  agrees  with  the  statement 


570  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

of  Joann.  Saresber.  nug.  cur.  VIII  19  that  Gregory  caused  the  books 
of  the  Palatine  Library  to  be  burnt,  lest  they  should  injure  the  Scrip- 
tures.    Lau  p,  11   sq. 

3.  His  genuine  prose-works:  Expositio  in  b.  lob,  also  Moralia, 
a  practical  allegorical  explanation  of  the  book  of  Job,  composed  between 
a.  580  and  590,  divided  into  six  codices  and  35  books,  dedicated  to 
bishop  Leander.  XXII  homilies  on  Ezechiel,  in  two  books  (about  595). 
XL  homilies  on  the  Gospels  in  two  books  (c.  592).  Regula  pastoralis, 
excellent  hints  as  to  the  administration  of  clerical  duties,  dedicated  to 
John,  archbishop  of  Ravenna,  c.  590.  Four  books  of  Dialogues  (with 
the  deacon  Petrus)  on  the  lives  and  miracles  of  the  Italian  Saints, 
abounding  in  strange  credulity  (593  or  594).  Fourteen  registers  of  let- 
ters, arranged  according  to  the  years  of  his  pontificate,  with  interpo- 
lations (e.  g.  the  privilege  of  the  Monastery  of  St.  Medardus).  Lau 
p.  311-319. 

4.  The  authenticity  of  the  following  works  is  doubtful:  A  Com- 
mentary in  six  books  on  the  first  book  of  Kings;  A  Commentary  on 
the  Canticum  Canticorum;  the  Commentary  on  the  seven  penitential 
Psalms ;  Concordia  quorundam  testimoniorum  sacrae  scripturae.  Lau 
p.  319-323. 

5.  There  are  nine  hymns  by  Gregory  in  the  Benedictine  edition 
III  p.  877  sq.  (Migne  LXXVIII  p.  849—851).  Most  of  them  are  in  the 
usual  form  of  the  dim.  iamb,  in  strophes  of  four  lines  each,  two  are 
in  Sapphics.  The  rhyme  is  sometimes  strongly  expressed  (intimum  — 
praemium  —  noxium  —  pessimum)  sometimes  indistinctly  (optime  — 
proferens  —  novae  —  originem).  The  diction  is  simple.  Hiatus  and 
accentual  prosody  as  usual  (Honor,  virtus,  imperium  sit  trinitati  unicae, 
patri,  nato,  paracleto  etc.),  even  in  the  Sapphic  poems  (spiritus,  cuius 
reboat  in  omni,  lucis  aurora  rutilans  coruscat).  Gregory's  liturgic 
works  (Sacramentarium,  Antiphonies)  were  frequently  altered  by  col- 
lectors and  revisors  in  the  Middle  Ages.  He  founded  schools  of  sing- 
ers and  introduced  choral  chanting.     Lau  p.  244—298. 

6.  Lau  p.  326  sq.:  Gregory  was  not  destitute  of  imagination,  nay 
in  his  allegorical  explanations  it  often  decamps  with  his  intellect. 
Though  he  is  garrulous  and  lengthy,  he  is  also  sententious,  and  his 
works  are  a  store-room  of  practical  observations  and  ingenious  thoughts. 
In  his  explanation  of  texts  he  mostly  follows  St.  Augustine,  for  whom 
he  expresses  great  admiration,  Ambrosius  and  Jerome,  though  he  is 
also  sometimes  original.  We  miss  in  him  systematic  treatment,  even 
accurate  arrangement.  .  .  The  basis  of  his  explanations  is  the  Latin 
version  of  Scripture,  sometimes  the  Itala,  sometimes  Jerome. 

7.  Complete  editions  of  his  works.  Lyons  1516.  1539  sq.  fol.  Paris 
1518.  1523  fol.  Basil,  ap.  Froben.  cura  Huldr.  Coccii  1551.  1564.  fol. 
Ed.  Jo.  Gillotius,  Paris.  1571.  1586.  Cur.  Petro  Tussianensi,  Rome 
1588 — 1593,  6  vols.  fol.  and  elsewhere.  Studio  Petri  Gussanvillaei, 
Paris  1675.    3  vols.    fol.     The    principal    edition  is  by  the  Benedictines 


Pope  Gregoiy  the  Great  and  his  friends.  571 

e  congreg.  s.  Mauri  (cur.  Dionys.  Sammarthanus  et  Gu.  Bessin),  Paris. 
1705,  4  vols.  fol.  A  reprint  Venet.  1768—1776  by  J.  B.  Gallicioli  in 
17  vols.  4.     Migne  patrol.  LXXV— LXXIX  (1849).     Lau  p.  327  sq. 

8.  Isid.  ill.  28 :  Leander,  genitus  patre  Severiano,  Carthaginiensis 
provinciae  Hispaniae,  .  .  ex  monacho  Hispalensis  ecclesiae  provinciae 
Baeticae  constitutus  episcopus  (a.  576—596),  wrote  against  Arianism. 
praeterea  edidit  unum  ad  Florentinam  sororem  de  institutione  virginum 
et  contemptu  mundi  libellum  etc.  scripsit  et  epistolas  multas  ad  papam 
Gregorium  et  .  .  ad  ceteros  quoque  episcopos.  floruit  sub  Recaredo, 
viro  religioso  ac  principe  glorioso,  under  whom  his  death  took  place. 
His  works  in  Migne  LXXII. 

9.  Martin  us  from  Pannonia,  abbas  Dumiensis,  archbishop  of 
Braga  (Braccarensis),  f  580,  nulli  in  litteris  secundus  suis  tempori- 
aus  habitus,  .  .  versiculos  qui  super  ostium  sunt  in  basilica  s.  Martini 
ipse  composuit  (Greg.  Tur.  hist.  Franc.  V  38).  floruit  regnante  Teu- 
dummiro  rege  Suevorum,  temporibus  illis  quibus  lustinianus  in  rep.  et 
Anatagildus  Hispanus  imperium  tenuere  (Isid.  ill.  22).  Besides  political 
writings  (above  284,  lOsqq.  Fabricius,  bibl.  lat.  med.  aet.  V  p.  38  sq.) 
we  also  possess  verses  by  him.  See  Migne's  patrol.  LXXII.  A.  Weid- 
ner,  Martini  Dum.  Formula  rec,  Magdeburg  1871.  4. 

10.  Isid.  ill.  13:  Eugippius  abbas  ad  quendam  Paschasium  dia- 
conum  libellum  de  vita  s.  monachi  Severini  (f  482)  transmissum  brevi 
stilo  composuit.  .  .  claruit  post  consulatum  Importuni  iunioris  (a.  509), 
Anastasio  imp.  regnante.  His  extant  works  are  found  in  Migne's  patr. 
LXII.  The  vita  Severini  Noricorum  apostoli  edited  by  M.  Velser  (Augs- 
burg 1595.  4.),  the  last  time  by  A.  Kerschbaumer  (Schaffhausen  1862). 
It  is  written  in  common  speech  and  interesting  for  the  plebeian  Latin 
of  the  time.     H.  Sauppe,  Gott.  gel.  Anz.  1862,  p.  1545-1552.    See  n.  12. 

11.  Isid.  ill.  17:  Apingius,  ecclesiae  Pacensis  Hispaniarum  episco- 
pus, disertus  lingua  et  scientia  eruditus,  interpretatus  est  Apocalypsim 
etc.  scripsit  et  nonnuUa  alia.  .  .  claruit  temporibus  Theodi  principis 
Gothorum, 

12.  Fulgentius  F  errand  us,  ecclesiae  Carthaginiensis  diaconus  c. 
a.  540,  the  author  of  an  extant  systematic  breviary  of  the  canons, 
(breviatio  canonum),  see  F.  Maassen,  A  History  of  the  Sources  of  Ca- 
nonic Law,  I  (Gratz  1870)  p.  799 — 802.  On  his  vita  of  Fulgentius  see 
above  472,  1.  Edited  by  P.  Fr.  Chifflet  (Divion.  1649.  4.)  and  in  Migne's 
Patrol.  LXVII.  Besides  the  letter  of  F.  published  by  A.  Mai  from  a 
cod.  Casinas  of  the  Letters  of  St.  Augustine,  five  more  in  rhetorical 
style  (e.  g.  sancto  patri  Eugippio  presbytero  Ferrandus  exiguus)  are 
found  in  A.  Reifferscheid,  Anecdota  Casinensia  (Bresl.  1871.  4.)  p.  6  sq. 
(nr.  4—8). 

13.  lunilius,  the  author  of  a  work  de  partibus  diviiiae  legis,  ad 
Primasium    episcopum    in    provincia   Byzacena,    and   other  works  (edil 


572  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

Paris.  1556,    and  in  Migne's  Patrol.  LXVIII).     A  letter  to  him  by    Fer- 
randus  (n.  12)  in  Reifferscheid  1.  1.  p.  7. 

14.  Isid.  ill.  20 :  lustinianus,  ecclesiae  Valentinae  episcopus,  .  . 
scripsit  librum  Responsionum  ad  quendam  Rusticum,  de  interrogatis 
(luaestionibus  (dogmatic).  .  .  floruit  in  Hispaniis  temporibus  Theudi 
principis  Gothorum. 

15.  Isid.  ill.  21:  lustus,  Orgellitanae  ecclesiae  episcopus  et  frater 
praedicti  lustiniani,  wrote  an  allegorical  explanation  of  the  Canticum 
Canticorum  (in  Migne  LXVII).  huius  quoque  fratres  (likewise  bishops) 
Nebridius  et  Elpidius  quaedam  scripsisse  feruntur. 

16.  Isid.  ill.  29:  Licinianus,  Cartkaginis  Spartariae  episcopus  (c. 
584),  in  scripturis  doctus,  the  author  of  numerous  letters  on  dogmatic 
subjects  (in  Migne  LXXII).  claruit  temporibus  Mauritii  Aug  (a.  582 — 
602).     occubuit  Constantinopoli. 

17.  Isid.  ill.  30:  Severus,  Malacitanae  sedis  antistes  (c.  580),  collega 
et  socius  Liciniani  episcopi,  edidit  libellum  unum  adversus  Vincentium 
Caesaraugustanae  urbis  episcopum  (Arians).  .  .  est  et  alius  eiusdem  de 
virginitate  ad  sororem  libellus,  qui  dicitur  Anulus.  .  .  claruit  tempori- 
bus praedicti  imp.  (Mauricius),  under  whom  he  also  died. 

18.  Isid.  ill.  32:  Eutropius,  ecclesiae  Valentinae  (in  Spain)  episco- 
pus, .  .  scripsit  ad  episcopum  Lucianum  .  .  epistolam  etc.  scripsit  et 
ad  Petrum  episc.  Ircabicensem  de  districtione  monachorum  epistolam. 
In  Migne  LXXX. 

486.  In  the  seventh  century  we  find  no  traces  of  any 
cultivation  of  poetry  in  Italy  or  France,  but  we  meet  with 
such  in  Ireland  and  Spain.  The  Spanish  kingdom  of  the  Visi- 
goths maintained  much  intellectual  life.  We  find  there  the 
bishops  Eugenius  and  Julian  of  Toledo,  perhaps  also  Eucheria; 
and  the  bishops  Maximus  and  Braulio  of  Saragossa. 

1.  By  Sisebutus  (see  487,  1.  3)  we  possess  in  some  mss.  oflsidore 
61  correct  hexameters  on  eclipses  of  the  Sun  and  the  Moon,  Anth.  lat. 
483  (II  p.  9—13)  R.  See  L.  Miiller,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXII  p.  86  sq.  88  sq. 
They  commence:  tu  forte  in  luco  contendis  carmine  cygnis  (L.  Miiller), 
.  .  at  nos  congeries  obnubit  turbida  rerum  ferrataeque  premunt  milleno 
milite  curae,  legicrepi  tundunt,  latrant  fora,  classica  turbant,  et  trans 
oceanum  ferimur  porro,  usque  nivosus  cum  teneat  Vasco  nee  parcat 
Cantaber  horrens. 

2.  By  Eucheria  poetria  we  hare  sixteen  distichs  Anth.  lat.  390  R. 
As  V.  31  is  quoted  by  Julian  of  Toledo  (n.  6),  some  connexion  between 
the  two  may  be  supposed. 

3.  Eugenius  Toletanus  (f  657,  see  above  467,  5)  is  perhaps  the 
author  of  the  poem  de  philomela,    Anth.  lat.  658  R.     Cf.  Riese,    ib.  II 


Writers  in  Spain.  573 

p.  115  not.    and    p.  XXXVI  sq.     His    works    are    collected    in    Migne's 
Patrol.  LXXXVII. 

4.  Isid.  ill.  33:  Maximus  Caesaraugustanae  civitatis  episcopus  multa 
versu  prosaque  componere  dicitur.  scripsit  et  brevi  stilo  historiolam 
de  his  quae  temporibus  Gothorum  in  Hispaniis  acta  sunt  (a.  431 — 644, 
a  continuation  of  Dexter),  historico  et  composito  sermone.  sed  et 
rnulta  alia  scribere  dicitur,  quae  necdum  legi.  His  extant  works  e.  g. 
in  Migne's  Patrol.  LXXX  p.  618-632.  In  the  years  644—668  Eutrandus 
continued  Max.,  ib.  p.  633—635. 

5.  Ildefons.  ill.  22:  Braulio  I'rater  loannis  in  Caesaraugusta  de- 
cedentis  adeptus  est  locum.  .  .  clarus  est  iste  habitus  .  .  quibusdam 
opusculis.  scripsit  vitam  Aemiliani  cuiusdam  monachi.  .  .  habuit  sacer- 
dotium  ferme  XX  annis.  .  .  duravit  in  regimine  temporibus  Sisenandi, 
Chintilae,  Tulganis  et  Chindasuinthi  regum.  Comp.  487,  1.  5.  His 
extant  writings  (44  letters,  vita  Aemiliani,  Acta  de  martyribus  Caesar- 
augustanis)  e.  g.  in  Migne's  Patrol.  LXXX  p.  649—720. 

6.  lulianus,  bishop  of  Toledo  a.  680 — 690,  the  author  of  a  Pro- 
gnosticon  futuri  saeculi  ad  Idalium  (])ishop  of  Barcelona)  sive  de  prae- 
scientia  futuri  saeculi  libri  III.  a  Demonstratio  sextae  aetatis  s.  de 
Christi  adventu  adversus  ludaeos  libri  III,  addressed  a.  686  to  King 
Erving  (a.  680  — 687),  a  Historia  de  Wambae  (or  Wambanis)  regis  Gotho- 
rum Toletani  expeditione  (a.  674),  a  Vita  Ildefonsi  Toletani  and  others 
(Fabric,  bibl.  lat.  med.  et  inf.  aet.  IV  p.  198—200),  printed  together  in 
Migne's  Patrol.  XCVI.  luliani  ep.  Tol.  Ars  grammatica,  poetica  et 
et  rhetorica  .  .  nunc  primum  edita,  Rome  1797  fol.  Extracts  from  it 
in  KeiFs  gramm.  lat.  V  p.  317 — 326,  with  H.  Hagen,  Anecd.  Helv.  p. 
CCIV — CCXXXIX.  The  Ars  is  partly  in  the  form  of  questions  and 
answers,  and  generally  follows  verbatim  the  works  of  Dc-natus,  Maxiraus 
Victorinus,  Mallius  Theodorus,  and  Pompeius.  Audax  and  Isidorus  are 
also  quoted.     Keil  1.  1.  p.  313 — 316. 

7.  A  short  time  after  Isidore  (who  is  quoted  p.  582,  19  K.)  th€ 
brief  treatise  de  dubiis  nominibus  seems  to  have  been  composed,  prob- 
ably chiefly  after  the  treatise  of  Flavins  Cajjer,  which  bears  the  same 
title  (above  338,  3).  It  was  first  edited  by  M.  Haupt  (in  his  edition  of 
Ovid's  Hal.  etc.  1838,  p.  74—105),  then  by  V.  Leclerc,  F.  W.  Otto 
(Giessen  1850.  4.),  lastly  by  Keil,  gramm.  lat.  V  p.  571  —  594,  cf.  p. 
567-570. 

8.  In  the  seventh  century  the  famous  codex  Salmasianus  ==;  Divio- 
nensis  m  Paris.  10318  in  uncial  writing  (cf.  469,  12)  was  written:  it 
contains  chiefly  a  collection  of  Latin  poems;  see  Riese,  Anth.  lat.  I  p. 
XII  sqq.  XVIII — XX.  On  the  codex  Darmstadiensis  saec.  VII  see  above 
375,  7.  403,  6.     On   other  mss.  see  above  416,  7. 

487.  The  most  prominent  figure  of  this  century  is  the 
last  pliih)]oger  of  the  Roman  Empire,  the  industrious  hishop 


574  The  Sixth  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

of  Seville,  Isidorus  (c.  570—640),  who  did  his  best  to  main- 
tain and  promote  the  cause  of  ancient  literature,  though  him- 
self possessed  but  little  knowledge  and  judgment.  Among  his 
numerous  works  on  historical,  grammatical  and  theological 
subjects  the  most  important  is  his  lengthy  work  Originum 
libri  XX,  which  he  left  unfinished,  interesting  for  the  variety 
of  the  contents  and  the  use  he  made  in  it  of  sources  sub- 
sequently lost,  especially  Suetonius.  His  work  de  natura 
rerum  has  also  been  of  much  importance  in  the  Middle  Ages. 

1.  Praenotatio  librorum  d.  Isidori  a  Braulione  Caesaraugustano 
episcopo  (see  486,  5)  edita:  Isidorus  .  .  Hispalensis  ecclesiae  episco- 
pus,  Leandri  (above  485,  8)  episcopi  successor  et  germanus,  floruit  a 
tempore  Mauritii  imp.  (a.  582—602)  et  Reccaredi  regis.  .  .  vir  in  omni 
locutionis  genere  formatus.  .  .  edidit  libros  differentiarum  II  (on  syno- 
nyms 253  articles,  and  de  diff.  spiritalibus  35  articles).  .  .  prooemio- 
rum  librum  unum  (short  arguments  of  the  Writings  of  the  N.  T.).  .  . 
de  ortu  et  obitu  patrum  librum  unum.  .  .  ad  germanum  suum  Ful- 
gentium  episcopum  astigitanum  officiorum  libros  II  (liturgical).  .  .  sy- 
nonymorum  libros  II  (s.  soliloquia,  cf.  n.  2).  .  .  de  natura  rerum  ad 
Sisebutum  regem  librum  unum,  in  quo  tam  de  ecclesiasticorum  docto- 
rum  quam  etiam  de  philosophorum  indagine  obscura  quaedam  de  de- 
mentis absolvit  (see  n.  4).  de  numeris  librum  I  (cf.  M.  Cantor,  ma- 
tbemat.  Beitrage  zum  Culturleben,  1863,  p.  277  sq.).  .  .  de  nominibus 
legis  et  evangeliorum  librum  I.  .  .  de  haeresibus  librum  I.  .  .  senten- 
tiarum  libros  III,  quos  floribus  ex  libris  papae  Gregorii  moralibus  deco- 
ravit,  chronicorum  a  principio  mundi  usque  ad  tempus  suum  librum  I 
(see  n.  3).  .  .  contra  ludaeos  postulante  Florentina  germana  sua  .  . 
libros  II.  .  .  de  viris  illustribus  librum  unum,  cui  nos  ista  subiunximus 
(see  n.  3).  monasticae  regulae  libr.  I.  .  .  de  origine  Gothorum  et 
regno  Suevorum  et  Wandalorum  historia  librum  I  (ed.  1601,  p.  398 — 
404).  quaestionum  libros  II.  .  .  etymologiarum  codicera  nimia  magni- 
tudine,  distinctum  ab  eo  titulis,  non  libris.  quern  quia  rogatu  meo 
fecit,  quamvis  imperfectum  ipse  reliquerit,  ego  in  XX  libros  divisi.  .  . 
ibi  redundans  diversarum  artium  elegantia,  ibi  quaecunque  fere  sciri 
debentur  restricta  collegit  (see  n.  5).  sunt  et  alia  huius  viri  multa 
opuscula  et  in  ecclesia  del  multo  cum  ornamento  inscripta.  quern  deus 
post  tot  defectus  Hispaniae  novissimis  temporibus  suscitans,  credo  ad 
restauranda  antiquorum  monumenta,  ne  usquequaque  rusticitate  vetera- 
sceremus,  quasi  quandam  apposuit  destinam.  .  .  quo  vero  flumine  elo- 
quentiae  .  .  Acephalitarum  haeresim  confoderit  synodalia  gesta  coram 
eo  Hispali  acta  declarant.  .  .  obiit  temporibus  Heraclii  imperatoris 
(a.  610—641)  et  christianissimi  Chintilani  regis.  Ildefons.  vir.  ill.  9 
(Isid.  opp.,  Paris.  1601,  p.  737):  floruit  temporibus  Reccaredi,  Liwanis, 
Witterici,  Gundemari,  Sisebuthi,  Suinthilani  et  Sisenandi  regum,  annis 
fere  XL  tenens  pontificatus  honorem. 


IsidoTus.  575 

2.  Braulio's  list  of  Is.'s  works  seems  to  be  chronological,  in  the 
main  points;  at  all  events  the  incomplete  Etymologiae  (or  Origines)  are 
placed  at  the  end,  and  we  cannot  discern  an  arrangement  according  to 
subjects.  The  complete  edition,  Paris  1601  fol.  contains,  moreover,  the 
following  works  not  enumerated  above:  de  contemptu  mundi,  Norma 
Vivendi,  Exhortatio  poenitendi,  with  a  Lamentum  poenitentiae  (cf. 
Ildefons.  ill.  9  :  librum  lamentationis,  quem  ipse  Synonymorum  vocavit) 
in  strophes  of  6  lines  each  in  iambic  rhythm.  It  begins:  Audi,  Christe, 
tristem  fletum  amarumque  canticum,  and  terminates:  Gloriam  iam  vigil 
canam  alphabetum  finiens,  tibi  patri  filioque,  inclito  paracl«to,  cui  laus 
erit  et  potestas  per  aeterna  saecula.  Besides  these  works,  there  are 
commentaries  on  the  Old  Testament,  (ed.  1601  p.  413 — 515),  and  an 
allegorical  explanation  of  it  (ib.  p.  515  —  525). 

3.  The  chronicle  (ed.  1601  p.  374 — 397),  as  is  stated  in  the  preface, 
joins  Julius  Africanus,  Eusebius,  St.  Jerome  and  Victor  Tunn.  (above 
476,  3  sq.).  .  .  horum  nos  temporum  summam  ab  exordio  mundi  usque 
ad  Aug.  Heraclii  et  Sisebuti  Gothorum  regis  principatum  quanta  potui- 
mus  brevitate  notavimus,  adicientes  e  latere  descendentem  lineam  tem- 
porum, cuius  indicio  summa  praeteriti  saeculi  cognoscatur.  The  divi- 
sion according  to  the  six  ages  of  the  world,  in  agreement  with  the  six 
days  of  creation,  is  an  invention  of  Is.  The  continuation  of  Gennadius' 
viri  ill.  in  33  chapters  is  also  printed  in  the  collections  of  de  ill.  eccl. 
scriptoribus  (above  462,  13).  W.  Wattenbach,  Sources  of  German  Hi- 
story ^  p.  62—64. 

4.  The  treatise  de  natura  rerum  (see  n.  1)  professes  to  expedire 
.  .  rationem  dierum  ac  mensium,  anni  quoque  metas,  .  .  solis  denique 
ac  lunae  cursus,  .  .  tempestatum  signa  atque  .  .  terrae  positionem  alter- 
nosque  maris  aestus.  This  seems  to  indicate  a  manual  of  the  most 
memorable  things  of  natural  science,  quae  omnia  secundum  id  quod 
a  veteribus  viris  (chiefly  Suetonius  in  his  Prata,  also  Solinus  and  per- 
haps Hyginus)  ac  maxime  sicut  in  litteris  catholicorum  virorum  (Am- 
brosius  and  Augustine)  scripta  sunt  proferentes  etc.  Cf.  G.  Becker's 
Prolegg.  p.  VI — XXIII.  It  was  much  read  and  copied,  and  also  much 
employed,  in  the  Middle  Ages.  Cf.  G.  Becker  p.  XXIII— XXXIX.  It  is 
printed  in  all  the  editions,  e.  g.  ed.  Paris.  1601  p.  354 — 373.  Recensuit 
G.  Becker,  Berol.  1857. 

5.  There  is  a  correspondence  of  Is.  with  his  friend  Braulio  (see 
486,  5)  on  the  subject  of  the  Origines.  Elp.  5:  codicem  etymologia- 
rum  cum  aliis  codicibus  de  itinere  transmisi  et  lieet  inemendatum  prae 
valitudine  tibi  tamen  modo  ad  emendandum  studueram  offerre.  Ep.  6: 
en  tibi,  sicut  pollicitus  sum,  misi  opus  de  origine  quarundam  rerum  ex 
veteris  lectionis  recordatione  collectum  atque  ita  in  quibusdam  anno- 
tatum  sicut  extat  conscriptum  stilo  maiorum  (i.  e.  verbally  copied). 
There  follows  a  list  of  contents.  The  four  first  books  contain  the 
artes  liberales,  the  fifth  juridical,  VI  antiquarian  matters  in  relation 
to  the  Old  Testament;    VII  Christian  subjects,    VIII   on  the  history    of 


576  The  Seventh  Century  of  the  Imperial  Epoch. 

religion.  Observations  on  language  begin  with  the  ninth  book  and 
extend  to  the  twentieth,  being  arranged  according  to  the  subjects 
just  as  in  Nonius  Marcellus,  with  the  exception  of  the  tenth  book, 
which  is  alphabetical.  This  encyclopaedia  is  chiefly  derived  from  Sue- 
tonius' Prata,  without  any  criticism,  the  authors  mentioned  by  Sueto- 
nius being  sometimes  copied  along  with  him,  (especially  Varro,  see 
above  157,  1),  and  sometimes  their  names  being  replaced  by  indefinite 
expressions  (e.  g.  gentiles,  veteres,  philosophi).  Reifferscheid,  Sueton. 
reliqq.  p.  420 — 433.  476  sq.,  cf.  p.  429  (neglegentissimus  breviator). 
431  (diversissimas  res  diversissimosque  auctores  confundere  solet).  444 
sq.  447.  449.  454.  The  work  has  been  printed  Augsburg  1472  fob:  cum 
scholiis  B.  Vulcanii  (Basil.  1577),  the  latest  edition  being  by  ¥.  W. 
Otto  in  Lindemann's  corpus  gramm,  latt.  Ill  (Lips.  1833.  4.),  but  the 
one  in  Arevali's  edition  (n.  6)  T.  III.  IV.  is  much  better.  The  sections 
relating  to  rhetoric  (from  b.  11)  are  best  printed  in  Halm's  rhetores 
latt.  min.  p.  505 — 522,  cf.  p.  XIII.  On  the  sources  of  Roman  Law  used 
by  Isidore  see  H.  E.  Dirksen,  Posthumous  Writings  I  p.  185 — 199. 

6.  Complete  editions:  Paris.  1580  (studio  Marg.  de  la  Bigne).  fol. 
Cum  notis  J.  B.  Perez  et  J.  Grial,  Madriti  1599  fol.  and  1778,  2  vols, 
fol.  Emendata  per  fratr.  Jacobum  du  Breul,  Paris  1601  fol.  Colon. 
1617  fol.  The  principal  edition  by  Faust.  Arevalus,  Rom.  1797 — 1803. 
7  vols.  4.,  reprinted  in  Migne's  Patrol.  LXXXI— LXXXIV. 

488.  The  writer  who  composed,  under  the  names  of 
Aethicus  Ister  and  Hieronymus,  a  Christian  cosmography 
in  six  books  in  the  Latin  of  Fredegarius,  seems  to  have 
written  about  the  year  630  and  probably  under  the  Merovin- 
gians. The  so-called  Geo  graph  us  (Anonymus)  Ravennas 
is  no  less  barbarous:  his  basis  being  some  Greek  Cosmo- 
grapher  of  the  end  of  the  seventh  century. 

1.  According  to  the  heading,  the  work  professes  to  be  Edicta 
Aethici  philosophi  cosmographi,  which  Aethicus  (i.  e.  Ethicus)  accord- 
ing to  c.  2  Historiae  region e  sophista  claruit  primusque  codices  suos 
Cosmographiam  nuncupavit.  It  was,  as  is  stated,  originally  composed 
in  Greek,  but  St.  Jerome  made  a  Latin  abridgment  of  it,  a  statement 
analogous  to  that  of  Dares  (above  464,  2).  It  is  refuted  by  the  quo- 
tation (c.  11  sq.)  of  the  bishop  Alcimus  Avitus,  f  523  (above  467,  9) 
and  other  historical  references.  In  this  work,  Trogus  Pompeius  was 
used  in  an  abridgment  by  Cassiodorus  (F.  Riihl,  on  the  Circulation  of 
Justinus  p.  6  -  10).  On  the  other  hand,  the  work  was  known  to  and 
used  by  Isidor.  Origg.  XIII  and  XIV  (see  Pertz  p.  5,  note  13)  and 
Fredegarius  (in  Wuttke  p.  LV  sq.),  who  has  it  in  his  mind  when  quot- 
ing Jerome  as  an  authority  for  the  descent  of  the  Franks  from  the 
Trojans. 


Aethicus  Ister.  till 

2.  Editions  by  d'Avezac  in  the  Memoires  de  I'acad.  des  inscr. 
XIX  p.  230—531,  Paris  1852,  and  by  H.  Wuttke,  Leipzig  1853,  (136  pp.), 
with  an  introduction  (CXXXIII  pp.),  to  which  1854  the  treatise  on  the 
authenticity  of  the  abridgment  of  the  Cosmography  of  the  Istrian 
Aethicus. 

3.  Treatises  by  Wuttke  (n.  2)  and  C.  L.  Roth  on  him  in  the  Hei- 
delberg Jahrb.  1854,  p.  269—277.  1855,  p.  100—106.  Kunstmann  in 
the  Munich  gel.  Anz.  1854,  nr.  31—34,  and  III  p.  46—60.  C.  A.  F. 
Pertz,  de  cosmogr.  Ethici  libri  III,  Berlin  1853.  E.  Wolfflin,  in  Pauly's 
Real-Enc.  I  1   p.  478.     See  above  439,  10. 

4.  On  the  Geographus  Ravennas  see  above  58,  2.  To  this  Momm- 
sen.  Trans,  of  the  Saxon  Soc.  of  Lit.  1851  (III)  p.  80—117.  G.  B.  de 
Rossi,  sopra  il  cosmografo  Ravennate  e  gli  geografi  citati  da  lui, 
Rome  1852. 

5.  Mommsen  1.  1.  p.  116  sq.:  "The  Cosmographj^  was  originally 
written  in  Greek  at  Ravenna  about  the  end  of  the  seventh  century.  It 
was  not  long  afterwards  published  in  Greek,  but  in  an  enlarged  form. 
The  first  draft  of  it  was  translated  into  Latin  about  the  ninth  century 
and  some  time  afterwards  the  second  version  was  likewise  translated; 
this  was  excerpted  by  Guido  of  Piso  a.  1118.  On  the  whole,  this  work 
js  one  of  the  few  literary  productions  of  the  West  in  the  seventh 
century,  the  barbarity  of  which  it  breathes  —  but  only  a  small 
number  of  the  geographical  statements  contained  in  it  belongs  to  this 
time.  Besides  the  Carlovingian  interpolations,  the  book  contains  a 
number  of  statements  derived  from  some  Roman  map  of  the  third 
century. 

6.  We  possess  the  text  especially  in  two  mss.,  the  Paris,  reg.  4794 
saec.  XIII  or  XIV  (A  in  Pinder  and  Parthey),  and  the  Urbinas  of  the 
Vatican  Library  (961  or  678)  saec.  XIII  (B),  to  which  the  Bale  ms.  (C) 
saec. .XIV  sq.  The  title  is  cosmographya  in  the  Urbinas,  cf.  I  18  (lectio- 
nem  nostrae  cosmographiae  exactionem  facientes).  IV  31  (Ravenna 
nobilissima,  in  qua  licet  idiota  ego  huius  cosmographiae  expositor 
Christo  adiuvante  genitus  sum).  There  is  an  address  mi  frater  caris- 
sime   (p.  1,  11  P.)-,  Odo  care  (p.  32,  1). 

7.  The  sources  may  be  divided  into  two  classes.  The  one  embraces 
a  number  of  Roman,  Greek,  Macedonian,  and  Gothic  so-called  philo- 
sophi,  to  whom  belong  also  the  Amazons  Penthesilea  and  Marpesia 
(from  Jordan.  Goth.  7  sq.),  see  p.  174  sq. :  de  qua  patria  subtilius  agunt 
supra  scriptus  Pantesilius  at  Marpesius  atque  Ptolomaeus  rex  .  .  philo- 
sophi;  these,  however,  serve  merely  to  cover  the  poverty  of  the  author 
who  seems  to  draw  all  his  information  from  one  sole  source,  a  circu- 
lar map.  The  other  class  is  serious  and  trustworthy.  The  author 
mentions  among  Greek  theologians  Athanasius  of  Alexandria,  Basilius 
of  Caesarea,  Epiphanius  of  Cyprus,  and  the  nefandissimus  Porphyrins; 
among  Roman  authors  Orosius  (p.  50,  26.     420,  11  P.),  Jordanis  (chro- 

37 


578  The  Seventh  Century  of  the  Imperial  P^poch. 

nographus  p.  205,  2.  221,  3.  422,  6.  cosmographus  p.  168,  12.  14. 
179,  18.  185,  8;  lordanus  cosm.  p.  29,  13),  S.  Gregorius  (p.  159,  8) 
and  Sanctus  Ysidorus  Ispalensis  (p.  13,  8).  Mommsen  p.  115.  The 
original  work  was,  therefore,  written  after  Isidore's  death  (f  636),  and 
on  account  of  p.  185,  3  sqq.  after  678,  also  because  p.  248,  7  the  pro- 
vince of  Brundisium  is  still  called  Calabria  (Mommsen  p.  116).  The  ex- 
pressions iuxta,  desuper  etc.  do  not  denote  the  real  situation  of  the 
places,  but  the  position  they  occupied  on  the  map  used  by  the  author 
(ibid.  p.  97). 

8.  Extracts  from  the  Geogr.  Rav.  in  a  historical  and  geographical 
abridgment  compiled  by  Guido  of  Pisa  a.  1118.  The  mss.  of  this  are 
enumerated  in  Pinder  and  Parthey's  edition  of  the  Rav.,  p.  X — XIII; 
the  text  ib.  p.  449  —  556.    On  the  recension  of  the  Geogr.  Rav.  employed 

by  Guido  see  Mommsen  1.  1.  p.  109^113. 

f 

489.  On  the  boundary  line  between  antiquity  and  the 
Middle  Ages,  i.  e.  between  the  sixth  and  eighth  centuries, 
arose  a  number  of  Latin  translations  of  Greek  works,  most 
of  them  on  natural  science  and  medicine.  We  may  mention 
translations  of  works  of  Euclid,  Philo  and  Hero,  Hippocrates, 
Dioscorides  and  Galenus,  among  later  writers  of  Soranus, 
Oribasius  and  Alexander  of  Tralles.  These  translations,  part 
of  which  were  expressly  made  for  Germanic  tribes,  contri- 
buted to  keep  up  a  certain  connexion  between  antiquity  and 
modern  times,  Romanism  and  Germanism. 

1.  A  list  of  the  Latin  versions  extant  in  the  time  of  Cassiodorus 
is  given  by  him  inst.  div.  31;  see  above  456,  1.  These  translations 
were  used  by  the  Italian  and  Franconian  physic;ians,  and  by  the  school 
of  Salerno,  long  before  the  Arabic  translations. 

2.  For  a  translation  of  Euclid  see  above  375,  7. 

3.  A  piece  from  Philo's  npfv/uaTixd  (liber  Philonis  de  ingeniis 
spiritualibus),  treating  of  the  motion  of  water  in  pipes,  in  a  Latin  trans- 
lation (from  the  Arabic),  edited  from  London,  Paris  and  Munich  mss. 
by  V.  Rose,  Anecd.  graecolat.  II  (1870)  p.  299—313  (with  two  tables). 
See  ibid.  p.  283  —  290.    This  is  the  only  hydraulic  treatise  of  antiquity. 

4.  Of  Heron's  Catoptrics  we  have  a  Latin  translation  (probably 
greatly  abridged)  with  the  heading  liber  Ptolomei  de  speculis,  edited 
from  an  Erfurt  ms.  (end  of  saec.  XIV)  by  Y.  Rose,  Anecd.  graecolat. 
II  p.  317-330.     See  ibid.  p.  290-296. 

5.  Translations  of  some  of  the  most  famous  works  of  Hippocrates, 
especially  his  A(i>oQKJibioi,  nQoyvojOTixa,  nf-Qi  d'tca'rtjg  o^^'toi',  tt^qI  rtfQiov 
vd.  Ton.  Thus  b.  I  of  tt&qI  di^a/'irjg  is  translated  (saec.  VI)  in  Paris. 
7027  (together  with   ti^qI  f^do/uddMr),  and  b.  II  in  Sangall.  762  (p.  187: 


Latin  translations  of  medical  works.  579 

lib.  IIII  ippocrati  de  cibis  vel  de  potura).  In  ancient  mss.  we  frequently 
find  an  old  medical  collection  in  five,  books,  edited  under  the  erroneous 
title  Oribasii  de  simplicibus  libri  V  by  John  Schott  (Strassburg  1533. 
fol.),  and  by  A,  Mai,  class,  auct.  VII  p.  399 — 458,  with  an  erroneous  appli- 
cation of  the  first  title  to  the  whole  as  Dynamidia  (Dynameus,  dvyii- 
fxsiog,  de  virtutibus  herbarum).  Similar  collections  are  found  in  the 
Sangallensis  762  (saec.  IX).  The  first  book  is  an  abridgment  of  Ps. 
Apuleius  de  herbis  (the  Latin  names  of  plants  being  prefixed);  the 
second  book  (in  the  St.  Gall  ms.  762,  b.  I:  de  virtutes  herbarum  (Dy- 
namidia Hipp.) ;  b.  Ill  (St.  Gall  b.  II,  see  p.  72 :  de  erbas  galieni  et 
apollei  etc.)  again  de  herbis,  from  Galenus  and  Apuleius  (the  Greek 
names  being  prefixed).  B.  IV  is  an  enlarged  translation  of  the  second 
book  of  the  EvnoQiora  {dnkci)  of  Oribasius,  a  work  itself  derived  from 
Galenus.  The  preface  to  this  was  erroneously  prefixed  to  the  whole 
by  J.  Schott.  See  above  479,  5  and  6.  Book  V  is  again  an  (incom- 
plete) treatise  on  the  Simplicia  in  alphabetic  arrangement,  employed 
in  the  Latin  Dioscorides.  This  fifth  book  is  completely  printed  as  Ga- 
lenus de  simpl.  medicamentis  ad  Paternianum  in  the  editions  of  the 
Spuria  ad  Galenura.  See  V.  Rose,  Anecd.  gr.  II  p.  110—114,  cf.  p.  120 
— 125,   and  above  376,  4. 

6.  The  translation  of  Dioscorides  is  extant  in  the  original  shape, 
an  abridgment  and  an  alphabetic  arrangement.  The  latter  was  first 
printed  at  CoUe  (Tuscany)  1478  fol.  The  Latin  translator  made  also 
additions  from  the  supposed  Oribasius  (b.  V,  see  n.  5),  Ps. -Pliny,  Apu- 
leius de  herbis.     V.  Rose,  Anecd.  II  p.  113.  119,  n.  2. 

7.  Galenus'  Therap.  ad  Glauc.  (m  nQog  rkavxiDva  x^f()K7ifvnx(i  in 
two  books,  called  also  Gal.  de  febribus  or  de  curatione  febrium)  was 
long  used  in  a  Latin  translation;  it  was  one  of  the  chief  sources  of 
Garipotus  (saec.  XI,  school  of  Salerno).     See  n.  5  fin. 

8.  On  the  translation  of  Soranus  by  Aurelianus  see  above  456,  8 
sqq.;  of  Pelagonius  above  416,  13. 

9.  Of  the  work  of  Alexander  of  Tralles  under  Justinian,  a  Practi- 
cian at  Rome,  (it^kia  IcaQixd  t/?',  in  wich  the  various  diseases  from  the 
crown  of  the  head  to  the  feet  (excluding  female  illnesses)  were  dis- 
cussed, a  Latin  translation  appeared  as  early  as  the  end  of  saec.  VI;  it 
was  printed  as  Practica  alexandri  yatros,  Papie  1520.  8.  It  was  copied 
by  Garipotus  (n.  7),  Passionar.  IV  4 — 18,  and  verbally  excerpted  by 
Pseudo-Pliny;  see  above  424. 

490.  In  conclusion,  we  may  mention,  at  the  end  of  the 
seventh  and  the  first  half  of  the  eighth  century  some  English 
clergymen  who  acquired  in  their  way,  some  merit  in  classical 
literature.  These  are  Aldheimus,  a  writer  on  metres,  and 
the    learned    monk  and  polyhistor   Bed  a  (Venerabilis),    also 


580  The  Seventh  Century,  of  the  Imperial  Epoch 

the  two  archbishops  Tatuinus  and  Bonifacius,    by   whom    we 
possess,  among  other  works,  also  some  grammatical  treatises. 

].     Aldhelmus,  abbot  of  Malmesbury  since  675,  f  709  as  bishop 
of  Sherburn  (Salisbury).     We    possess    by   him  a  number   of  riddles  in 
hexameters  (printed  in  the  Bibl.  patr.  IV,  to  which  additions  might  be 
given  from  Berne  and  Vienna  mss.).     The  author  prefixes  to  them  the 
rules  of  heroic  measure  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue  (generally  in  verbal 
agreement   with   the   so-called   Maxiraus  Victorinus),    together    with  a 
list  of  all  metrical  feet  and  exemples  of  the  different  classes  of  words. 
This    part    was    first  edited  by  A.  Mai  (Class,  auct.  e  vatt.  codd.  editi, 
T.  V.  1833.  p.  501—599)  under  the  title  S.  Aldhelmi  de  septenario  (i.  e. 
the  number  seven)   et  de  re  grammatica  ac  metrica  ad  Acircium  regem, 
and  with  the  riddles,  emended  from  a  cod.  Paris,  in  Aldhelmi  opera  ed. 
A.  Giles  (Oxon.  1844)  p.  216— 329,  under  the  title:  Epistola  ad  Acircium 
sive  liber  de  septenario  et  de   metris,    aenigmatibus    ac  pedum  regulis. 
Aldhelmus  mentions  also  (p.  540  Mai)    the  sixth  book  of  his  work    de 
nomine.     Besides  this  de  laudibus  virginitatis  (virginum)  both  in  prose 
and  in  hexameters   (the  latter  version  with  an  acrostichic   praefatio  ad 
Maximam  abbatissam),  and  (in  epic  metre)  De  VIII  principalibus  vitiis. 
His  verses  show  that  he  studied  Sedulius,    and   his   subject  shows  that 
he  employed  Suetonius'  Prata  and  Solinus.     Reifferscheid,  Suet,  reliqq. 
p.  449  sq.     Mommsen,  Solin.  p.  XXXV.     J.  Caesar  in  Pauly's  Real-Enc. 
I  I.  p.  689.     H.  Keil,    de  gramm.  inf.  aet.   p.  6    (not.  2),     A  reprint   of 
Giles'  edition  in  Migne's  Patrol.  LXXXIX  p.  64-  314. 

2.     B  e  d  a    born  c.  672   in   Northumberland,    Presbyter  702,    f  735. 
Numerous  writings  (ed.  Colon.  1688,  8  partes  fol.;  ed.  J.  A.  Giles,  Lon- 
don 1843  sq.   12  vols.,  in  Migne's  patrolog.  1850  sq.  T.  XC— XCV).     In 
metre  he  composed  Lives  of  Saints  and  Martyrs  in  iambics    and  hexa- 
meters,   some    being    of   doubtful    authenticity.     Among  the    historical 
works  we  notice  especially   his    historia    ecclesiastica   gentis  Anglorum 
in  five  books,  and  his  Chronicon  s.  de  VI  huius  saeculi  aetatibus  (from 
the  creation  of  the  world  to  a.  726),    both  also  in  the  Monumenta  hi- 
storica  britannica  by  Petrie  and  Sharpe  (London  1848.  fol.)  p.  83 — 289. 
On  his  chronological  statements  cf.  G.  Oppert  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  91 
p.  822  sqq.   Among  the  historical  works  we  notice  especially  De  ortho- 
graphia  (Usener,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXIV  p.  110  sqq.),  De  VIII  partibus  ora- 
tionis,  Cunabula  grammaticae  artis  Donati  restituta,  De  schematibus  et 
tropis  (in  Halm's  rhett.  latt.  min.   p.  607—618    cf.  p.  XV),    De   metrica 
ratione  a;  d  other  works   from    earlier    sources.     On    his    mathematical 
works  (De  arithmeticis  numeris,  De  divisionibus  temporum  and  others) 
see  M.  Cantor,  mathemat.  Beitrage  zum  Culturleben  (1863)    p.  279  sqq. 
There  are  numerous  theological  works,  of  exegetic  and  dogmatic  con- 
tents, and  also  sermons.    H.  Gehle,  de  Bedae  Venerabilis  presb.  anglo- 
saxonis    vita    et    scriptis    disp.    historico -theoiogica,    Lugd.    Bat.   1838. 
113  pp. 


I 


Aldheltnus.     Beda    VenerabiUs.     Bonifacivs.  581 

3.  Tatuinus,  an  Anglosaxon  Benedictine  in  the  Monastery  of 
Bruidune  in  Mercia,  last  of  all  (a.  731)  archbishop  of  Canterbury  (cf. 
Beda  hist.  eecl.  Angl.  V  23),  f  734,  the  author  of  a  grammar  (de  VIII 
partibus  orationis)  after  Donatus  and  his  Commentators ;  see  A.  Wil- 
manns,  Rh.  Mus.  XXIII  p.  398 — 401.  We  possess  by  him  also  riddles 
L.  Miiller  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrbb.  93,  p.  566. 

4.  Bonifacius  (originally  Winfrid),  born  683  at  Kirton  in  De- 
vonshire, a  Benedictine,  the  well-known  Apostle  of  the  Germans,  last 
of  all  archbishop  of  Mayence  a.  745 — 755.  Besides  doubtful  works 
(vita  s.  Laevini)  we  possess  by  him  letters  s.  B.  et  ad  eum  scriptae 
epistolae  CLVI),  edited  cum  notis  (a.  N.  Serario),  Mogunt.  1605.  1629.4. 
in  the  bibl.  patr.  max.  XIII;  in  Migne  patrol.  LXXXIX.  Ordine  chronol. 
dispositae,  notis  etc.  illustr.  a  St.  Al.  Wiirdtwein  (Mayence  1789).  There 
is  also  the  school-treatise  de  VIII  partibus  orationis,  edited  from  cod. 
palat.  1746  by  A.  Mai  (class,  auct.  VII  p.  475  sqq.).  Cf.  H.  Keil,  de 
gramm.  inf.  aet.  (1868)  p.  6:  simpliciter  et  sine  ulla  reconditions  doctri- 
nae  specie,  sicut  usus  discentium  requirebat,  scriptus,  in  quo  non  so- 
lum Donati  Ars  et  commentarii  in  Donatum  tum  vulgo  usurpati  sed 
aliorum  etiam  grammaticorum  libri  adhibiti,  e  Charisii  vero  libris  com- 
plura  descripta  sunt.  Some  metrical  treatises  have  been  published  from 
the  same  ms.  by  A.  Wilmanns,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXIII  p.  403 — 405.  Opera 
quae  extant  omnia  ed.  J.  A.  Giles,  2  vols.  London  1844;  Migne  patrol. 
LXXXIX  p.  598-891. 


Addenda. 

§  2,  3.  A  significant  result  of  the  conservative  and  practical  ten- 
dency of  that  part  of  the  literature  which  may  be  called  typically  Ro- 
man, should  be  found  in  the  great  number  and  importance  of  the 
works  intended  to  form  introductions  to  the  various  departments  of 
public  life.  We  should  here  especially  mention  the  works  of  Cato  the 
Elder  and  many  of  Varro's  works.  But  also  Q.  Cicero's  treatise  de  pe- 
titione  consulatus  and  Frontinus'  de  aquis  belong  to  this  class.  L. 
Mercklin,  on  the  Isagogic  writings  of  the  Romans,  Philol.  IV  p.  413 — 
437.  0.  Jahn,  on  Roman  encyclopaedias,  Trans,  of  the  Sax.  Soc.  of 
Lit.   1850,  p.  263  sqq. 

6,  4.     See  0.  Jahn,  Hermes  II  p.  227. 

10,  3.  W.  Grimm,  on  the  history  of  rhyme,  Trans,  of  the  Berlin 
Academy,  1851. 

10,  4.  L.  Miiller,  de  re  metr.  poet.  latt.  p.  445  —  449  (de  poesi 
rhythmica). 


582  Addenda. 

13,  1.     The  new  edition  of  Ribbeck's  Tragici  has  come  out. 

13,  5  (p.  19).     See  0.  Jahn,  Hermes  11  p.  227—229. 

14,  2.  The  'praetextae'  were  perhaps  performed  on  the  ludi  trium- 
phales  (G.  Roper). 

15,  2  (p.  20,  3  from  below).  \4Qvaiof.iivtig  o  ^AO^tjvalog,  .  .  vnoxqi- 
tV?  ^^?  (iQ/aCag  THOfnodiag,  anfkfvO^f^og  tov  ^ixaikhtog  A&Qiuvov  (Athe- 
naeus  III  p.  115  B)  no  donbt  acted  in  Greek. 

15,  3.  On  the  criticism  of  the  fragments  of  the  poets  of  the  ^pal- 
liata'  see  Th.  Bergk  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  1870,  p.  823—846. 

16,  1.  See  also  Manil.  astr.  V  472  sqq.  Apul.  Flor.  Ill  16  (p.  20, 
17  sqq.     Kr.). 

16,  3.  Fr.  Schmidt,  on  the  number  of  actors  employed  by  Plautus 
and  Terence  and  the  distribution  of  the  different  parts  between  them. 
Erlangen  1870.     58  pp. 

16,  4.  E.  V.  Bruner,  quaestiones  terentianae  (1868)  p.  1 — 79  (de 
canticis  et  tibiis  fabularum  Ter.). 

[After  16,  5  a  special  §  is  added.]  The  division  into  scenes  occurs 
in  all  the  mss.  of  Plautus  and  Terence,.-!  the  statement  of  the  names  of 
the  speakers  being,  in  fact,  indispensable.  They  are  commonly  denoted 
by  letters  (A,  B  etc.),  the  tibicen  by  to,  as  the  last.  Ritschl,  Khein. 
Mus.  IV  p.  356  sq.  607—610  =  Opusc.  phil.  II  p.  294  sq.  365-368. 

19,  2.  That  the  dactylic  hexameter  was  frequently  at  variance 
with  the  phonetic  structure  of  Latin  and  that  its  requirements  often 
laid  the  Roman  poets  under  a  certain  constraint,  has  been  elaborately 
shown  by  Kone,  On  the  Diction  of  the  Roman  epic  poets,  Miinster  1840. 

19,  3.  From  the  epic  poem  of  a  certain  Gannius  (G.  Annius?)  in 
at  least  three  books  three  hexameters  are  quoted  by  Priscian  VI  9,  49 
(p.  237  H.).  From  an  (orator)  Gannius  words  in  prose  are  quoted  by 
Paulus  V.  veteratores  (p.  369  M.).     [19,  2  becomes  19,  4.] 

20,  3.  On  VirgiPs  influence  see  below.  L.  Cholevius,  epitheta 
ornantia  quibus  utitur  Vergilius  cum  iis  comparata  quibus  posteriores 
epici  latini,  maxime  quidem  Silius,  carmina  sua  distinxerunt,  Konigs- 
berg  1865.  A.  Joly,  les  metamorphoses  de  I'epopee  latine  au  moyen 
age,  Revue  contemporaine  LXXIV  (1870)  p.  613—640.    LXXV  p.  21—43. 

[§  29.  p.  29,  16  sqq.  appears  in  the  sec.  ed.  as]  §  21  [with  the 
following  addition.].  By  the  side  of  these  compositions  we  meet  with 
hymns  on  God,  Christ,  Martyrs  and  Saints,  and  also  bishops  and  popes. 
On  Christ  we  jjossess  one  by  Mamertus  Claudianus ;  on  Martyrs  by 
Damasus,  Prudentius  (Peristeph.),  Paulinus  ot  Nola  (Felix);  and  St. 
Martin  of  Tours  was  made  the  subject  of  panegyric  epics  by  Paulinus 
joi  Perigueux,  Amoenus  and-  Venantius  Fortunatus,  the  latter  of  whom 
wrote  also  numerous  poems  on  bishops.    Under  the  influence  of  rheto- 


Addenda.  583 

rical  schools  panegyrics  continued  to  be  written  in  epic  metre  on  sub- 
jects of  polytheism,  both  in  a  jocular  and  serious  vein. 

21,  1.  Christian  epic  poems  are  enumerated  by  Venantius  Fort, 
vita  Mart.  I  14 — 25.  Collections:  G.  Fabricius,  poetarum  veterum  ec- 
clesiasticorum  opera  Christiana  et  operum  reliquiae  ac  fragmenta,  Basle 
1564.  fol.  M.  Maittaire,  opera  et  fragmenta  veterum  poetarum  latino- 
rum,  London  1713.  2  vols  fol.  P.  Leyser,  historia  poetarum  et  poema- 
tum  medii  aevi  decern  post  ann.  a  Chr.  n.  400  saeculorum,  Halle  1721. 
Henry,  histoire  de  la  poesie  chretienne,    Paris  1856. 

2.  Verses  on  Sodom  and  Gomorrha  and  on  the  Prophet  Jonah 
have  often  been  printed  together  with  the  works  of  Tertullian 
(whom    see). 

3.  There  are  several  thousand  hexameters  extant  of  a  Version  of 
Jewish  history  to  which  the  mss.  prefix  sometimes  the  name  of  Ter- 
tullian, sometimes  that  of  Cyprian,  and  again  that  of  Juvencus  (whom 
see).  The  work  seems  to  have  arisen  in  the  fifth  century  of  the  Chri- 
stian era,  and  diction  and  metre  are  not  bad,  considering  the  period. 
There  are  numerous  reminiscences  from  Virgil  in  this  work,  likewise 
from  Ovid  and  Horace,  Juvenal  being  also  employed,  and  the  Old 
Testament  in  the  Itala.  Cf.  L.  Miiller,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXI  p.  123—132 
and  ibid.  p.  266  sqq. 

4.  Laudes  Herculis  in  137  elegant  hexameters  by  an  anonymous 
author,  Anth.  lat.  881  R.  Hymnus  Claudii  on  Luna  (=  Isis,  Cybele, 
etc.)  ib.  723;  on  Mars  ib.  749;  on  Liber  ib.  751  (a  prayer  for  a  happy 
return  home).  In  laudem  Solis  ib.  389,  by  a  scholastic  poet,  perhaps 
a  countryman  and  contemporary  of  Martianus  Capella  (Rh.  Mus.  XXV 
p.  454  sq.).     A  parodic  hymn  in  derision  of  Pan,  ib.  682  R. 

§  22.  The  Epithalamium  gradually  became  a  panegyric  poem 
caused  by  a  wedding,  but  in  consequence  of  this  it  always  retained  a 
certain  sensual  boldness,  and  vigour.  From  an  earlier  time  we  possess 
Catullus'  Epithalamium  Pelei  et  Thetidos,  and  we  know  that  Calvus  and 
Ticidas  wrote  compositions  of  this  kind;  in  the  Imperial  Epoch  we 
have  epithalamia  by  Statins,  Ausonius,  Claudianus,  Paulinus,  Apollinaris 
Sidonius,  Ennodius,  Luxorius,  Venantius  Fortunatus  (on  Sigibert),  and 
the  Epithalamium  Laurentii. 

1.  An  epithalamium,  in  praise  of  some  youthful  pair,  their  parents 
and  ancestors,  is  generally  in  epic  metre.  There  is  also  one  mentioned 
by  Gallienus. 

2.  The  epithalamium  Laurentii  in  87  hexameters  (Anth.  lat. 
742  R.)  by  an  anonymous  author,  has  a  certain  dash  of  sentimentality. 
From  the  technical  treatment  of  the  verse  and  the  religious  character 
of  the  nuptial  customs  we  should  conclude  that  it  belongs  to  the  fourth 
century.  The  bridegroom  (Laurentius)  is  praised  for  his  exertions  as 
a  pleader,  the  bride  (Florida)  for  her  education  and  lanificium.  Totum 
is  used  for  omnia.     Wernsdorf,    poetae    lat.  min.  IV  2  p.  462—503.     L. 


584  Addenda. 

Miiller,  Rh.  Mus.  XXII  p.  83  sq.  89-100.  XXIV  p.  126—130.  M.  Haupt, 
Hermes  II  p.  13—15. 

§  21  =  §  23  sec.  ed. 

23,  1.  E.  J.  W.  Bruner,  de  carmine  didascalico  Romanorum,  Hel- 
singfors  1840.  4. 

2.  Scholastic  poems  like  the  poetical  tournament  of  the  twelve 
wise  men  Palladius,  Asclepiadius,  Eusthenius,  Pompilianus,  Maximinus, 
Vitalis,  Basilius,  Asmenius,  Vomanius,  Euphorhius,  Julianus,  Hilasius, 
in  the  Anth.  lat.  495 — 638  R.  At  first  each  has  to  recite  a  hexameter 
de  ratione  tabulae,  then  a  distich  as  an  epitaph  on  Virgil,  then  two 
hexameters  de  unda  et  speculo,  fourthly  a  distich  on  ice,  fifthly  three 
hexameters  on  the  rainbow,  6)  two  distichs  on  Virgil;  7)  four  hexa- 
meters on  the  four  Seasons  of  the  year  (upon  an  Ovidian  theme);  8) 
two  distichs  on  Dawn  and  the  Sun  (most  of  them  with  mythological 
colouring);  9)  five  hexameters  on  the  subject  of  the  Aeneid:  10)  an 
epitaph  on  Cicero  in  three  distichs;  11)  the  twelve  signs  of  Heaven  in 
six  hexameters;  and  12)  on  some  individual  theme  in  a  metre  left  to 
free  choice  (iambic  senarii  635 ;  hendecasyllabics  636 ;  Horatian  metres 
628  sq.),  the  number  of  lines  being  likewise  free.  Besides  a  great  vene- 
ration for  Virgil  and  Cicero,  subjects  of  inanimate  nature  are  frequently 
represented  (635).  We  discern  some  good  classical  tradition  especially 
608.  611.  614.  Only  559  bears  a  slight  Christian  colouring  (his  meruit 
perpetuam  requiem).  This  consideration  as  well  as  the  technical  ele- 
gance (only  628,  7  we  perceive  a  makeshift)  do  not  allow  us  to  place 
this  collection  later  than  saec.  4 — 5.  There  are  no  local  allusions,  but 
the  fourth  theme  and  the  description  of  winter  in  the  seventh  seem 
to  point  to  some  country  more  northerly  than  Italy,  probably  Gaul. 

3.  'Versus  memoriales'  on  the  names  of  the  Muses  (Anth.  lat. 
664  R.),  the  stars  (ibid.  679).  A  list  of  the  names  of  the  winds  in 
Greek  and  Latin  in  27  hexameters  is  extant  in  some  mss.  of  Cassiodo- 
rus  and  Isidore,  among  which  the  Ovetensis  saec.  VII — VIII,  Anth.  lat. 
484  R.  From  their  contents  they  would  appear  to  have  been  derived 
from  Isidore  de  rer.  nat.,  and  they  were  probably  composed  about 
his  time. 

4.  Hexameters  on  the  Stars,  division  of  time,  and  similar  subjects 
Anth.  lat.  676-680,  part  of  them  from  mss.  of  Bede.   A  didactic  poem 
on  astronomy  in  a  dry  and    awkward    tone,    in  76  hexameters,    from  a 
cod.  saec.  XI,  ib.  761. 

5.  An  enumeration  of  words  denoting  the  voices  of  different  ani- 
mals from  a  cod.  saec.  X,  Anth.  lat.  730.  733,  and  ib.  762  under  the 
title  de  philomela  in  70  elegiac  lines  of  somewhat  doubtful  condition 
(e.  g.  V.  53  is  a  heptameter)  from  a  cod.  saec.  XI  (also  in  Reifferscheid, 
Suet.  p.  308—311).  There  is  a  Christian  turn  at  the  end  of  the  poem. 
It  may  have  originated  in  Germanic  circles  (cf.  v.  11 :  dulce  per  ora 
sonat  quam  dicunt  nomine  drostam).     Goldast,    Catal.  Ovid.  p.  71   says 


Addenda.  585 

that  in  a  St.  Gall  ms.    he    found    the    author's    name    stated   as  Albius 
Ovidius  Juventius  —  but  this  is  no  doubt  merely  a  fiction. 

§  24.  Poems  consisting-  of  sentences  may  be  considered  as  small 
didactic  poems.  Sentences  of  this  kind  were,  in  the  Imperial  Epoch, 
partly  selected  from  other  poems,  partly  purposely  composed,  chiefly 
with  pedagogic  tendencies.  A  collection  of  the  latter  kind  in  four 
books  is  the  one  which  bears  the  name  of  Cato,  each  sentence  in 
two  hexameters,  a  work  which  plays  an  important  part  in  the  Middle 
Ages.  We  possess  also  other  versions  of  this  collection,  both  in  prose 
and  verse. 

1.  A  sententious  poem  holds  the  same  relation  to  a  didactic 
poem  as  the  epigram  to  elegy.  On  the  sentences  in  iambic  senarii 
connected  with  the  name  of  Publilius  Syrus  see  below,  v.  Publilius 
Syrus. 

2.  The  collection  in  Paris.  2659  saec.  IX  is  entitled:  liber  (quar- 
tun)  Catonis  philosophi,  Paris.  8320  saec.  X  in:  Catonis  Cordub. 
(probably  owing  to  a  confusion  with  Seneca).  Scaliger  mentions  a 
vetustissimus  codex  Simeonis  Bosii  with  the  title:  Dionysii  Catonis 
disticha  de  moribus  ad  filium;  but  nothing  further  is  known  about  this 
ms.  (Hauthal  p.  XXII  sq.),  and  the  name  of  Dionysius  may  have  been 
caused  by  a  translation  of  the  Periegesis  of  Dionysius  in  the  same  ms. 
(Haupt,  de  carm.  buc.  p.  15).  The  name  of  Cato  is  probably  intended 
to  denote  those  sentences  as  very  wise,  see  H.  Jordan,  Rh.  Mus.  XIV 
p.  277—280.  The  first  book  contains  40,  the  second  31,  the  third  24, 
the  fourth  49  sentences.  The  second,  third,  and  fourth  books  have, 
moreover,  special  prologues  in  praise  of  the  collection,  so  that  the  one 
to  the  first  book  might  seem  to  have  been  lost.  In  the  prologue  to 
the  second  book  mention  is  made  of  the  pharmaceutic  poem  of  Macer. 
IV  49  is  a  kind  of  epilogue.  The  tendency  of  these  sentences  is 
monotheistic  and  humane,  though  not  specifically  Christian,  some  (e.  g. 
I  26.  II  26.  Ill  3.  IV  26)  bear  even  quite  a  pagan  character,  and  even 
the  dissuasion  from  'sortes'  (II  12)  and  bloody  sacrifices  (IV  14.  38)  is 
free  from  Christian  motives.  The  sentences  concerning  the  treatment 
of  women  and  slaves  are  likewise  of  a  pagan  character,  cf.  IV  44 :  cum 
servos  .  .  famulos  dicas,  homines  tamen  esse  memento,  and  III  12: 
uxorem  .  .  nee  retinere  velis  (for  the  sake  of  her  dowry)  si  coeperit 
esse  molesta.  The  want  of  rhetorical  pomp  (nudis  scribere  verbis)  is 
excused  IV  49.  The  diction  (mage;  officipcrdus  IV  42)  and  prosody 
are  tolerable.  The  worst  incorrectnesses  are  petere  as  an  anapaest  in 
the  arsis  of  a  /Kt^d^tj/ui/ufQ^g  (I  31),  the  hiatus  in  the  thesis  iudex  tu 
esse  memento  (I  14),  and  denarium  used  as  a  trisyllabic  word  (IV  4). 
All  these  facts  tend  to  show  that  the  collection  was  made  in  a  relati- 
vely good  period,  perhaps  saec.  Ill — IV  after  Christ.  Vindicianus  (end 
of  the  fourth  century)  is  acquainted  with  it. 

3.  This  collection  is  preceded  by  a  prosaic  work  containing  56 
short  sentences    with    a    special    preface    (Cum    animadverterom    quam 


586  Addenda. 

plurimos  graviter  in  via  morum  errare  succurrendum  opinioni  eorum 
.  fore  existimavi,  maxime  ut  gloriose  viverent.  .  .  nunc  te,  fili  caris- 
sime,  docebo  etc.)  by  a  different  author  and  probably  belonging  to  a 
later  period,  perhaps  even  of  different  periods.  Nr.  1—40  are  quite 
in  conformity  with  the  views  of  antiquity  (e.  g.  v.  5  •  foro  pare ;  23 : 
pugna  pro  patria) ;  but  the  Christian  origin  appears  strongly  in  the  later 
ones  which  are  also  more  verbose  (53:  minime  iudica;  54:  alienura 
noti  concupiscere).  In  the  first  part  (which  generally  consist  of  two 
words)  we  discern  a  pedagogic  tendency  very  clearly  (nr.  11,  26,  27, 
38);  cf.  36  sqq.:  trocho  lude.  aleam  fuge.  litteras  disce.  These  sentences 
differ  greatly  in  the  mss. 

4.  A  list  of  the  mss.  (beginning  with  saec.  IX)  in  Hauthal  p.  IV 
—  XIV,  of  the  editions  from  saec.  XV  downwards  ib.  p.  XV — XXI.  The 
principal  modern  edition  is  by  0.  Arntzen  (Utrecht  1735  and  1754), 
which  contains  also  Boxhorn's  and  Cannegieter's  treatises  de  Catone. 
Catonis  philosophi  liber  .  .  ad  fidem  vetustissimorum  librorum  mss. 
atque  impressorum  rec.  F.  Hauthal,  Berlin  1869,  XXXVIII  and  81  pp. 
¥.  Zarncke,  the  German  Cato;  a  history  of  the  German  translations  of 
the  distichs  circulated  in  the  Middle  Ages  under  the  name  of  Cato. 
Leipzig  1852.  J.  Teifalik,  on  the  early  Bohemian  Cato,  Trans,  of  the 
Academy  at  Vienna  1861,  hist,  and  phil.  Class  XXXVI  p.  211  sqq. 

5.  Single  sentences,  consisting  of  one  hexameter  each,  entitled 
Sententiae  generales  in  singulis  versibus,  or  monosticha  de  moribus 
incerti,  also  proverbia  Catonis  philosophi,  mostly  good  both  as  to  con- 
tents and  diction,  from  mss.  saec.  IX— XI  in  Riese's  anth.  lat.  716 
(ll  p.  163  —  166).  Besides  the  68  sentences  of  one  line  each  we  find 
"^hree  in  two  lines  each  which  are  also  in  a  different  tone. 

§  22  =  25  sec.  ed. 

25,  2.     Tibullus  II  1   (cf.  W.  Teuftel's  Studies  p.  372)    and    (Lygd.) 

III  5  are  letters.  A  letter  written  by  a  wife  to  her  husband  who  is 
with  a  military  expedition  far  away  in  the  East,  is  found  in  Propert. 
V  3.  Both  name  and  situation  may  be  fictitious.  Dido  Aeneae  Anth. 
lat.  83  (p.  94—99)  R.    with  a  burden;     cf.  Wernsdorf,    poetae  lat.  min. 

IV  p.  55  sq.  439-461.  Real  letters  e.  g.  Stat.  Silv.  IV  4  (to  Victorius 
Marcellus)  and  IV  8  (a  letter  of  congratulation),  also  by  Licentius  to 
St.  Augustine. 

§  26.  Several  trifling  compositions,  which  belong  to  the  table  and 
the  school,  are  for  the  greater  part  likewise  in  epic  metre.  The 
riddles  had  a  certain  connexion  with  Greek  literature;  this  kind 
which  belongs  to  the  last  centuries  of  Roman  history  was  persistently 
cultivated  until  the  Middle  Ages.  Scholastic  circles  produced  especially 
the  numerous  variations  on  Virgilian  themes  and  the  so-called  cen- 
tones,  in  which  lines  or  parts  of  lines  from  earlier  poets  are  arbi- 
trarily   strung    together    so  as  to  produce  a  new  sense.     Other  trifling 


Addenda.  587 

compositions  of  a  later  time  are  acrostichs  and  other  poems  aiming  at 
some  outward  configuration. 

1.  The  Greeks  had  y^lifot  for  amusement  at  the  dinner-table;  cf. 
Athen.  b,  X.  Hence  Symphosius,  the  earliest  Roman  poet  in  this  de- 
partment, invents  a  similar  origin  for  his  collection.  The  earliest 
'aeni^ma'  in  Latin  literature  (perantiqunm,  perquam  lepidum,  tribus 
versibus  senariis  compositum  with  the  solution  in  M.  Varronis  de  ser- 
mone  lat.  ad  Marcellum  libro  II)  in  Gell.  XII  6.  Solution  of  riddles  is 
considered  a  test  of  wisdom  in  Hist.  Apollonii  42  sq.  cf.  4  sq.  At  a 
later  time,  Latin  riddles  became  a  favourite  pastime  in  the  Monasteries, 
and  hence  we  possess,  besides  the  riddles  of  Aldhelmus  and  Tatuinus, 
numerous  compositions  of  this  kind  by  anonymous  authors,  many  of 
which  remain  unprinted;  cf.  n.  2.  A  number  of  riddles  of  a  barbarous 
form,  from  a  cod.  Bern.  saec.  VIII,  in  Riese's  anth.  lat.  481  (I  p.  296 
—304),  and  completed  from  a  Vienna  ms.  ib.  II  p.  LXVI— LXXVL 
Other  compopitions  ib.  656  sq,  (^rom  a  Voss.  saec.  IX).  685.  770  sqq. 
cf.  II  p.  XLII.  L.  Miiller  in  Fleckeisen's  Jahrb.  93  p.  266—272.  566. 
95  p.  497.     Rh.  Mus.  XH  p.   151  sq.     J.  Klein,  ib.  XXHI  p.  662—665. 

2.  H.  Hagen,  on  ancient  and  mediaeval  riddles,  after  sources  not 
yet  explored  in  the  libraries  ot  Berne  and  Einsiedeln  (Biel  1869.  51 
pp.),  especially  p.  23  sqq. 

3.  Isidor.  orig.  I  38,  25:  cen tones  apud  grammaticos  vocari 
solent  qui  d^  carminibus  Homeri  vel  Vergilii  ad  propria  opera  more 
centonario  ex  multis  inde  compositis  in  unum  sarciuntur  corpus,  ad 
facultatem  cuiusque  materiae.  denique  Proba,  uxor  Adelphi,  centonem 
ex  Vergilio  De  fabrica  mundi  et  Evangeliis  plenissime  expressit,  ma- 
teria composita  secundum  versus  et  versibus  secundum  materiam  con- 
cinnatis.  sic  quoque  quidam  Pomponius  ex  eodem  poeta  inter  cetera 
stili  sui  otia  Tityrum  in  Christi  honorem  composuit;  similiter  (as  from 
Virgil's  Bucolica)  et  de  Aeneidos  (versibus).  Other  centonarii  are  Ho- 
sidius  Geta  (Medea),  Ausonius  (cento  nuptialis  =■  Idyll.  XIII),  Sedulius 
(de  incarnatione  verbi),  Mavortius  (indicium  Paridis  and  de  ecclesia; 
see  W.  H.  D.  Suringar,  Anonymi  cento  Virgilianus  de  ecclesia,  Utrecht 
1867.  Anth.  lat.  10  and  16,  p.  44 — 49  R.),  Luxorius  (epithalamium 
Fridi,  Anth.  lat.  18,  p.  66 — 68  R.).  A  short  attempt  appears  in  Petron. 
sat.   132,  p.  185  Bii. 

4.  Disconnected  lines  from  Virgil  were  frequently  put  together 
like  mosaic  so  as  to  form  a  new  sense,  e.  g.  by  Ausonius,  or  to  make 
up  a  didactic  j^oem  (de  alea.  Narcissus,  Hippodamia,  Europa,  Alcesta, 
Medea  etc.).  In  many  instances  there  was  an  attempt  to  render  the 
pagan  words  subservient  to  a  Christian  subject  (Maronem  mutatum  in 
melius,  Anth.  lat.  735,  4  R.).  The  Aeneid  was  transformed  into  a  Chri- 
stian poem  as  late  as  by  A.  Rosaeus :  Virgilii  evangelisantis  Christiados 
libri  XIII,  Tigur.  1664.  A  later  time  was  not  over-strict  in  joining  two 
disconnected  parts  of  lines;  e.  g.  Medea  (Anth.  lat.  17)  93:  nunc  scio 
quid  sit  amor,    hospitio    prohibemur    harenae,    a!id    ib.  64  sq.    87.    172. 


588  Addenda. 

196.  211  sq.  226.  250.  269.  315.  320.  357.  377.  387.  391  sq.  430.  435. 
446  (a  collection  taken  from  461  lines).  Luxorius  (ib.  18)  33:  nomen 
inest  virtutis  et  nota  maior  imago.     Anth.  lat.  719,  20.  25.  78  etc. 

5.  Centones  vergiliani  in  tlie  cod.  Salmas.  p.  1 — 46  =  nr.  7 — 18, 
p.  23—68  R.  36.  719  (II  p.  169-172).  A  Collection  of  the  centones 
homerici  and  vergiliani  by  H.  Stephanus  (1578),  J.  H.  Kromayer  (Hal. 
1719),  L.  H.  Teucher  (Leipzig  1793). 

6.  B.  Borger,  de  centonibus  homer,  et  vergil.,  Copenh.  1828.  4. 
F.  Hasenbalg,  de  centon,  vergil.,  Putbus  1846.  4.  L.  Miiller,  metr.  lat. 
p.  465  sq. 

7.  Acrostichs,  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  covertly  stating  some 
name,  e.  g.  of  an  author  or  founder  (Anth.  lat.  120  R.)  were  derived 
from  Greek  literature,  and  appear  even  in  the  earliest  time  of  Roman 
literature.  Ennius  wrote  one  (Cic.  de  divis.  II  54,  111)  and  Aurelius 
Opilius  others  (Suet,  gramm.  Cf.  Ritschl's  parerg.  p.  XVI  sq.).  In  a  later 
time  we  have  some  from  inscriptions;  see  Renier,  Inscr.  de  I'Alg.  2074 
(by  Fortunatus)  and  2928  (Lovella);  for  Christian  acrostichs  see  de 
Rossi,  Inscr.  christ.  nr.  425  (A.  D.  395),  753.  831.  See  Rhein.  Mus.  XX 
p.  138.  457.  634  sq.  Philologus  XIII  p.  183  sq.  Commodianus  wrote 
a  whole  series  of  poems  (Instructiones)  in  this  manner.  Acrostichs 
and  telestichs  are  joined  Anth.  lat.  669  R.  (Nicholao  Euantius),  by  Se- 
dulius  (ib.  492  sq.),  and  (from  a  cod.  saec.  VI— VII)  ib.  II  p.  LVI  (Lau- 
rentius  vivat  senio).  Rh.  Mus.  XXIII  p.  94  sq.  Felix  under  Thrasa- 
mund  joined  acrostichs,  mesostichs  and  telestichs. 

8.  Other  pedagogic  and  monkish  trifling  compositions  are  the 
poems  forming  a  cross  etc.,  e.  g.  by  Porfirius  Optatianus  and  Venantius 
Fortunatus,  with  a  fixed  number  of  lines  (e.  g.  by  Felix  and  others) 
or  without  a  certain  letter  etc.  On  the  versus  serpentini  and  recur- 
rentes  see  below  32,  9. 

§  23  r=  27  sec.  ed. 

3.  Quintil.  I  9,  2.  Phaedr.  I  prol.  Cf.  ib.  II  prol.  Ill  prol.  33  sqq. 
IV  2,  1   sqq.     Append,  epil. 

4.  H.  Oesterley,  Romulus,  the  Paraphrases  of  Phaedrus  and  the 
Aesopean  fables  in  the  Middle  Ages,  Berlin  1870.  124  pp.  G.  Diestel, 
on  the  history  of  the  German  fable  (Program  of  the  Vitzthum  Gym- 
nasium at  Dresden,  1871)  p.  25  —  32. 

§  24  =  28  sec.  ed. 

6.  E.  Szalinski,  de  nominibus  personarum  .  .  apud  poetas  satiricos 
Rom.,  Konigsberg  1862.  4.  J.  Schultz,  de  prosodia  satiricorum  rom. 
capita  duo  (de  muta  cum  liq.  et  de  synaloephe),  Konigsberg  1864. 

§  25  =  29  sec.  ed. 
2.     On  Sueius  see  also    L.  Miiller,    Rhein.  Mus.  XXIV  p.  553—557. 


Addenda.  589 

3.  H.  Hagen,  Philol.  XXVIII  p.  338-341  =  Anth.  lat.  725  and 
726  R.  —  See  also  Anth.  lat.  687  R.  iudicium  coci  et  pistoris  iudice 
Volcano  (by  Vespa)  ib.  199. 

§  26  =  30  and  31  sec.  ed.;  §  31  containing  the  remarks  on  epi- 
grams.    [§  32:  see  below  on  §  29.] 

§  27  =  §  33  sec.  ed. 

2.     Cf.  Riese's  Anth.  lat.  II  p.  372. 

§  28  —  §  34  sec.  ed. 

4.  As  the  Romans  considered  singing  contrary  to  decorum, 
melic  poems  may,  in  the  classical  time,  be  supposed  not  to  have  been 
intended  for  actual  singing.  It  may  have  been  so  with  the  poems  of 
Horace.  It  is  true,  be  says  Od.  IV  9,  4:  verba  loquor  socianda  choris, 
and  he  frequently  speaks  of  his  lyra,  cithara,  testudo,  barbitos,  of 
plectrum  and  fides,  canere,  cantare,  dicere.  The  passages  have  been 
collected  by  0.  Jahn,  Hermes  II  p.  418 — 433,  who  arrives  at  the  con- 
clusion that  the  lyric  poems  of  Horace  were  actually  intended  to  be 
sung.  But  we  should  first  deduct  the  mere  imitations  of  Greek  phra- 
seology and  a  certain  limitation  to  Grecizing  circles,  like  that  of  Ho- 
race, and  such  as  were  connected  with  the  musical  demi-monde  of 
that  time.  Both  the  designation  of  lyric  and  epic  poets  as  such  qui 
se  lectori  credere  malunt  (quam  spectatoris  fastidia  ferre  superbi  like 
the  dramatic  poets),  and  the  fact  of  the  caesura  form  grave  objections 
to  the  generality  of  the  custom,  and  these  should  not  be  overlooked. 
But  in  the  Imperial  Epoch  the  notions  and  customs  became  less  strict 
in  this  respect.  Cantus  inter  convivia  dulcis  occurs  as  early  as  Manil. 
astr.  V  333.  Musical  accompaniment  became  usual  for  songs.  Plin.  Ep. 
VII  17,  3  is  merely  historical:  lyrica  quae  non  lectorem,  sed  chorum 
et  lyram  poscunt.  But  it  is  different  when  he  praises  his  wife:  versus 
meos  cantat  etiam  formatque  cithara  .  .  docente  amore.  So  late  a  writer 
as  Apoll.  Sidon.  ep.  VIII  4:  iambos,  elegos,  hendecasyllbos  et  cetera 
carmina  .  .  Narbonensibus  cantitanda. 

§  29  =  32  sec.  ed. 
[3,  4,  and  5  are  omitted  here.] 

4.  For  the  custom  of  the  Roman  Erotic  poets  to  disguise  the 
names  of  their  flames  see  Apul.  apol.  10.  L.  Schwabe,  Quaest.  Catull. 
p.  231 — 235.  Lists  of  such  girls  in  Martial  VIII  73,  5  sqq.  and  Apoll. 
Sidon.  epist.  II  10. 

5.  On  antithetic  composition  see  E.  Rautenberg,    de  arte  compo 
sitionis  in  Ovidii  Amoribus,  Breslau  1868. 

6.  De  rosis  nascentibus  Anth.  lat.  646  R. 

7.  As  taste  became  more  and  more  conspicuous  for  its  absence, 
forms  more  and  more  artificial  were  excogitated.    Such  are  the  versus 


590  Addenda. 

echoici  or  serpentini,  in  which  the  first  words  of  the  hexameter  (to 
the  penthemimeres)  recur  as  the  second  half  of  the  pentameter.  Pen- 
tadius  was  one  of  the  principal  writers  of  this  kind.  Others  in  Apoll. 
Sidon.  (ep.  VIII  11),  Sedulius,  Venantius  Fortunatus  (VIII  37)  and  Anth. 
lat.  38—80  R.  See  above  26,  7  sq.  Sidonius  ep.  IX  14:  versus  recur- 
rentes,  .  .  qui  metro  stante  .  .  ut  ab  exordio  ad  terminum  sic  a  fine 
releguntur  ad  sumraum.  sic  est  illud  antiquum:  Roma  tibi  subito  moti- 
bus  ibit  amor,  nee  non  habentur  pro  recurrentibus  qui  pedum  lege 
servata  .  .  per  singula  verba  repetuntur,  qualia  equidem  legi  multa  mul- 
torum,  e.  g.  praecipiti  modo  quod  decurrit  tramite  tlumen.  tempore 
consumptum;  an  cito  deficiat.  Such  verses  were  also  called  anacyclici, 
and  we  possess  specimens  chiefly  by  Porfirius,  anth.  lat.  81  (I  p.  92  sq.)  R. 

§  30  =:  35  sec.  ed. 
1.     Isidor.  orig.  I  37,  2. 

§  31  =1  36  sec.  ed. 

1.  M.  Hertz,  de  hist.  roni.  reliquiis  quaestionuni  capita  quinque, 
Breslau  1871.     4. 

5.  In  consequence  of  their  prevalent  rhetorical  bent,  the  Roman 
historians  readily  adopted  the  habit  of  the  Greek  writers  to  insert 
speeches  in  their  works.  Even  Cato  did  so  more  than  was  necessary, 
and  after  him  Antipater.  The  historians  of  the  classical  period  employed 
speeches  as  a  means  of  variation  and  for  the  purpose  of  characterizing 
both  persons  and  situations.  The  descriptions  of  battles  which  we  find 
in  such  rhetorical  historians  as  Sallust,  Livy,  and  Tacitus,  are  mere  pro- 
ductions of  their  imagination  and  resemble  one  another  very  much, 
while  they  greatly  differ  from  the  accounts  of  technical  writers  like 
Xenophon,  Polybius  and  Caesar.  See  the  Trans,  of  the  Phil.  Congress 
of  V^iirzburg  (Leipzig  1869)  p.  190.  191.  200. 

[N.  5  =:  6.]. 

§  32  =  37  sec.  ed. 

1.  Direct  untruths  were  avoided  by  the  earlier  writers  of  Annals, 
but  they  silently  passed  by  many  unpleasent  facts,  e.  g.  the  subjection 
of  Rome  by  Porsena,  the  fine  paid  to  the  Gauls,  the  Caudine  forks  and 
the  subsequent  violation  of  the  treaty.  Nor  were  they  very  scrupu- 
lous with  regard  to  transpositions.  Nissen,  Rhein.  Mus.  XXV  p.  64. 
They  wrote  in  Greek,  just  as  the  earliest  chroniclers  of  Germany 
wrote  in  Latin,  and  many  German  writers  of  the  I7th  and  18th  cen- 
turies in  French. 

3.  See  H.  Nissen,  Rh.  Mus.  XXV  p.  1.  —  Critical  Investigations 
p.  87  note.  F.  Thiersch,  Munich  Gel.  Anz.  1848,  nr.  131  sqq.  H.  Peter, 
hist.  I  p.  XLVIII-L.    LXIII. 

§  33  a  =  38  sec.  ed.  down  to  p.  45,  1.  4  from  below. 


Addenda.  591 

1.  Livy,  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  and  the  Capitoiine  Fasti,  con- 
tain so  to  say  the  sum  of  the  preceding  works.  Nissen,  Rhein.  Mus. 
XXV  p.  65. 

§  33  b  (p.  45,  4  from  below)  =  §  39  sec.  ed. 
1.     Add  Joseph.  Antiq.  XX  8,  3. 

4.  On  the  habit  of  copying  the  works  of  predecessors,  see  Momm- 
sen,  on  Cassiod.  p.  565  sq.  Ausonius'  epigram  at  the  end  of  his  Fasti. 
Procop.  aedif.  VI  7. 

5.  The  historia  miscella  exists  in  two  recensions.  The  first 
bears  in  the  mss.  the  name  of  Paulus  Diaconus  and  is  based  on  Eutro- 
pius,  whose  work  is  enlarged  and  carried  down  to  Justinian.  The 
second  text  is  ascribed  to  Landolfus  Sagax:  it  repeats  the  first  and 
carries  it  down  to  Leo  the  Armenian.  Edited  by  P.  Pithoeus  (1569), 
J.  Gruter  (1611),  Muratori  (script,  rer.  ital.  I),  H.  Canisius  (ed.  noviss. 
Cherii  1855.  XIII  and  556  pp.),  and  quite  recently  by  Fr.  Eyssenhardt 
(Berol.  1869.  721  pp.). 

§  40  sec.  ed.  =  §  33,  note  4. 
§  34  =  §  41  sec.  ed. 

3.  A  supplement  has  been  given  in  H.  Hagen's  Anecdota  helvetica 
quae  ad  grammaticam  latinam  spectant,  CCLXI  and  399  pp.  (Leipzig, 
Teubner  1870).  —  Scriptores  latini  rei  metricae;  mss.  codd.  ope 
subinde  refinxit  Th.  Gaisford,   Oxon.  1837.     XIV  and  616  pp. 

4.  For  the  glossographer  Placidus  see  Ritschl,  Rh.  Mus.  XXV 
p.  459  sqq.  A.  Mai's  classici  auctores  III,  VI  p.  554  —  574.  R.  Klotz  in 
Jahn's  Archiv  II.  1833,  p.  439  sqq.  489  sqq. 

5.  On  the  abbot  Salomo  of  Constance,  whose  name  frequently 
recurs  in  the  collections  of  glosses,  see  Rh.  Mus.  XXIV  p.  388  sqq. 

6.  On  the  glossae  Pithoeanae  see  Rh.  Mus.  XXIII  p.  491.  On  the 
Latin-Greek  glossaries  (ed.  Labbaeus,  Paris  1679.  fol.)  see  ibid.  XVII 
p.  159  sq.  XVIII  p.  253  sqq.  XXIV  p.  362—382.  382—391.  XXV 
p.  456—463. 

§  35  =  42   sec.  ed. 

§  36  :=  43  sec.  ed. 

6.     Add  Fronto  ep.  II  1   (p.  123  N.). 

(The  number  of  notes  is  enlarged  to  twelve). 

§  37  =1  44  sec.  ed. 

§  45.  Letters,  both  official  and  personal,  appear  at  an  early 
time  in  Roman  literature,  both  by  themselves  and  as  parts  of  historical 
works;  the  correspondcnci  of  eminent  men  was  soon  collected  sepa- 
rately.    Thus  we  hear  of  letters    addressed    by    Cato  the  Elder    to  his 


592  Addenda. 

son,  by  Cornelia  to  her  son  C.  Gracchus,  subsequently  letters  of  Caesar 
and  M.  Brutus  are  mentioned,  and  the  correspondence  of  Cicero  is, 
even  in  its  present  condition,  one  of  the  most  important  sources  of 
the  history  of  the  writer's  time.  But  only  in  rare  instances  letters  may 
be  looked  upon  as  such  purely  confidential  outpourings  of  intimacy  as 
the  majority  of  Cicero's  letters;  they  are  generally  calculated  for  some 
political  or  personal  motive  and  seem  to  have  been  originally  written 
with  a  view  to  publication.  Rhetoric  soon  seized  on  this  form  of  compo- 
sition and  furnished  'suasoriae'  in  the  shape  of  letters,  like  those  of 
Seneca;  or  some  subject,  even  of  a  learned  nature,  was  treated  in  this 
form  which  admitted  of  much  liberty.  The  letters  of  Pliny  are  intended 
to  exhibit  a  great  variety  of  questions  and  facts,  and  chiefly  to  show 
the  writer  in  as  favourable  a  light  as  possible.  Since  the  second  cen- 
tury of  the  Christian  era  Epistologr aphy  became  a  separate  species 
of  composition,  frequently  with  little  pretension  to  contents.  Of  this 
kind  are  the  letters  of  Fronto,  Symmachus,  Apollinaris  Sidonius;  in 
the  fifth  century  those  of  Salvianus,  Ruricius  and  Ennodius.  The  letters 
of  Cyprian,  Lactantius,  Ambrosius,  St.  Jerome,  Augustine,  Paulinus  of 
Nola,  and  others,  formed  part  of  their  pastoral  duties  and  are  generally 
very  unctuous  and  verbose,  those  of  St.  Jerome  containing  most  matter. 
The  letters  of  Cassiodorus  are  about  business  affairs,  and  in  part  were 
official  edicts  concerning  secular  matters,  just  as  Papal  letters  treat  of 
ecclesiastic  affairs.  Among  the  latter  the  correspondence  of  Leo  and 
Gregory  the  Great  is  of  importance  for  literature.  The  rotundity  of 
style  aimed  at  in  these  compositions  led  in  those  times,  when  Byzantine 
taste  became  prevalent,  to  endless  verbosity. 

1.  Actual  private  letters,  addressed  to  intimate  friends  and  without 
any  thought  of  publicity,  are  free  and  easy  in  regard  to  form  and  style. 
Cic.  Phil.  II  4,  7.     and  Fam.  IX  21,  1.     XV  21,  4.     See  n.  8. 

2.  A  pedagogic  tendency  and  a  certain  personal  interest  were 
conspicuous  in  the  letters  addressed  to  their  sons  by  Cato  the  Elder 
and  by  Livy.  The  letters  of  Cornelia  had  a  political  tendency.  But  in 
the  letter  which  Africanus  the  Elder  addressed  to  king  Philip  on  his 
own  performances,  and  in  the  one  written  by  Scipio  Nasica  concerning 
the  expedition  against  Perseus  (Plut.  Aem.  Paul.  15),  perhaps  also  in 
C.  Gracchus'  letter  to  M.  Pomponius,  the  form  of  an  epistle  was  not 
of  prominent  importance. 

3.  Letters  were  inserted  in  the  historical  works  of  Antipater, 
Quadrigarius,  Macer  and  especially  of  Sallust.  Fronto  ep.  ad  Ver.  II  1 
(p.  126,  1  sqq.  N.).  The  ignorance  of  later  times  considered  fictitious 
letters  in  historical  and  rhetorical  works  as  historical  documents;  e.  g. 
most  compositions  of  this  kind  found  in  the  scriptores  hist.  aug.  seem 
to  be  the  productions  of  rhetoricians;  see  C.  Czwalina,  de  epistularum 
actorumque  quae  a  script,  h.  a.  proferuntur  fide  atque  auct.  P.  L  Bonn 
1870.     See  n.  6. 


Addenda.  593 

4.  Epistolary  form  was  frequently  employed  in  the  works  of  Ju- 
rists, e.  g.  Antistius  Labeo,  Ateius  Capito,  Proculus,  Neratius,  luventius, 
lavolenus,  Africanus.  It  seems  to  have  taken  its  origin  from  actual 
'responsa'  to  matters  of  law  (46,  5).  From  legal  matters  this  habit 
was  applied  to  other  departments  of  literature,  e.  g.  history  and  gram- 
mar.    Gellius  XIII  18,  2.     See  n.  5. 

5.  Learned  disquisitions  in  epistolary  form  were  contained  in 
Varro's  Epistolicae  quaestiones,  in  Valgius  Kufus,  Valerius  Messala,  Sin- 
nius  Capito,  Verrius  Flaccus,  M.  Valerius  Probus,  Sulpicius  Apollinaris, 
and  Lactantius. 

6.  In  the  rhetorical  schools  epistolary  composition  was  in  the  Im- 
perial epoch  a  favourite  occupation,  and  it  was  preferred  to  connect 
these  compositions  with  famous  names.  Numerous  fictitious  letters 
arose  in  this  manner,  e.  g.  Horace's  epistola  prosa  oratione  quasi  com- 
mendantis  se  Maecenati,  the  spuriousness  of  which  was  seen  even 
by  Suetonius,  the  epistle  ad  Caesarem  senem  in  the  style  of  Sallust, 
and  subsequently  the  fictitious  correspondence  between  Seneca  and 
St.  Paul. 

7.  Apoll.  Sid.  epist.   I  1. 

^.  Quintil.  IX  4,  19.  Plin.  Ep.  VI  16,  22.  VII  9,  S.  Symmach. 
ep.  VII  9.     Apollin.  Sid.  ep.  VII  18.     VIII  16.     IX  3. 

9.  Symmach.  ep.  II  35.  The  more  these  compositions  lost  in 
matter  and  contents,  the  more  pompous  was  the  form.  The  formal 
character  peculiar  to  the  Romans  from  the  earliest  time  of  their  history 
and  which  had  become  quite  absurd  under  the  influence  of  despotism, 
appears  very  strongly  in  the  letters  of  Symmachus.  With  him  it  be- 
comes the  rule  to  open  his  letters  with  a  general  sentence.  It  goes 
out  of  fashion  to  address  a  person  by  'Tu'  and  instead  of  this  many 
ceremonious  phrases  creep  in.  The  Emperor  is  addressed  by  Sym- 
machus as  tua  (vestra)  aeternitas,  perennitas,  dementia,  mansuetudo, 
serenitas,  tranquillitas,  maiestas  or  tuum  numen,  others  being  styled, 
according  to  their  rank,  tua  sanctitas,  religio,  reverentia,  praestantia, 
celsitudo,  sublimitas,  excellentia,  magnificcntia,  laudabilitas,  eximietas, 
and  the  sons  of  Nicomachus,  his  friends,  are  styled  by  Symmachus  tua 
(vestra)  unanimitas.  In  the  same  way  the  epithet  of  sanctus  becomes 
very  common  (e.  g.  Symm.  ep.  V  16.  21.  31.  41).  This  style  is  rendered 
even  more  affected  by  the  habit  of  calling  friends  and  colleagues,  ac- 
cording to  their  respective  ages,  either  parens  or  frater  or  filius,  gene- 
rally in  connexion  with  dominus  (e.  g.  dominus  et  filius  mens).  In  his 
official  decrees  Honorius  addresses  Symmachus  as  parens  carissimo 
(atque  amantissime).  In  letters  written  by  Christian  authors  we  find, 
moreover,  frater  in  Christo  dilectissime  etc.  lu  the  latter  both  the 
beginning  and  the  end  generally  treat   of  business,    while   the    middle 

38 


594  Addenda. 

contains    outpourings    of  Christian   piety   decked   out   with  many  bibli- 
cal passages. 

10.  Earlier  collections  of  the  Papal  letters  are  by  A.  Carafa 
(1591),  Holstenius  (1662),  and  in  those  of  the  decrees  of  Councils,  Ca- 
nons, Bullaria  (the  latest  publication  at  Turin,  with  an  appendix,  1867), 
and  others.  The  best  collection  is  by  the  Benedictines  :  Epistolae  ro- 
manorum  pontificum  et  quae  ad  eos  scriptae  sunt  a  s.  Clemente  usque 
ad  Innocentiura  III  quotquot  reperiri  potuerunt;  T.  I  ab  a.  Chr.  67  ad 
a.  440;  Paris  1721.  This  has  been  continued  (but  not  published)  by 
Mopinot  and  Durand.  Their  papers  were  used  by  A.  Thiel  who  adhi- 
bitis  praestantissimis  codd.  Italiae  et  Germaniae,  rec.  et  ed.  (the  letters 
a  S.  Hilario  ad  Pelagium  II);  T.  I,  Braunsberg  1868.   LX  and  1018  pp. 

11.  The  novel  forms  part  of  amusing  literature,  being  a  ficti- 
tious narrative  chiefly  of  erotic  complications.  Among  the  Romans  it 
may  be  dated  back  to  a  very  respectable  antiquity,  and  from  the  be- 
ginning they  enjoyed  somewhat  strong  seasoning.  So  in  Sisenna's  trans- 
lation of  Aristides'  Milrjai^axa;  and  hence  (fabula)  milesia  jDCcame  the 
general  name.  Petronius  added  a  dash  of  satire  to  the  obscenity  of 
the  kind.  Apuleius  in  his  Metamorphoses  translated  a  magic  novel  to 
which  he  added  other  tales  and  which  he  seasoned  with  pagan  mysti- 
cism. Capitol.  Clod.  Albin.  11,  8  speaks  of  the  same  time.  See  also 
Hieron.  c.  Rufin.  I  17  (II  p.  473  Vail.).  Comm.  in  lesai.  XII  in.  IV  p. 
491  Vail.  Martian.  Cap.  II  100  (p.  28,  7  Eyss.).  The  novel  on  Apollo- 
nius  of  Tyre  was  likewise  written  in  imitation  of  some  Greek  original 
in  the  sixth  century  of  the  Christian  era,  and  the  work  of  the  pretended 
Darius  Phrygius  belongs  to  the  same  time. 


EST  ED 

SEC.  ED. 

§  38 

=z      46 

§  39 

=:    47 

§40 

=      48 

§  41 

r=   49 

§42 

=zz   50 

§43 

=   51 

§  44 

=   52 

§45 

=   53 

§46 

=   54 

§  47 

=      55 

§  48 

=   56 

§49 

=   57 

§  50 

=   58 

§51 

=   59 

§  52 

=   60 

§  53 

=   61 

§  54 

=z      62 

§  55 

=   63 

FIRST  ED 

SEC.  EO 

§  56 

=   64 

§  57 

=z   65 

§  58 

=   66 

§  59 

=   67 

§  60 

=   68 

§  61 

=   69 

§  62 

=   70 

§  63 

=   71 

§64 

=      72 

§  65 

r=    73 

§  66 

=^   74 

§  67 

==   75 

§  68 

=   76 

'  §  69 

=   77 

§  70 

=   78 

§  71 

:=^        79 

§  72 

=   80 

§  73 

rrz    81 

Addenda. 

595 

SEC.  ED. 

FIEST  ED. 

SEC.  ED. 

82 

" 

§  ^9 

=:    87 

83 

§  80 

=   88 

84 

§  81 

=   89,  90and9l 

85 

§  82 

==   92 

86 

FIRST  ED. 

§  74 
§  75 
§  76 

§77 
§  78 

From  here  down  to  §  191,  the  numbers  of  the  paragraphs  of  the 
second  edition  are  always  higher  by  ten  than  the  corresponding  sections 
of  the  first  edition.  From  §  201  sec.  ed.  =  191  first  ed.,  the  new  edi- 
tion has  been  followed  in  the  translation. 


INDEX. 

The  first  number  indicates  the  paragraph,  the  second 


the  notes. 


L 


ab  actis  seiiatus  213,  1. 

abcedarii  hymni-  434,  8. 

Abronius  Silo  247.  14. 

Absyrtus  424,   10. 

Aburnius  Valens  345,  5. 

ac  before  vowels  401,  4  fin. 

Academica    of   Cicero    173,   7 ;    of 

Augustine  434,  5. 
Accius  L.  119. 
Achilleis  of  Statius  316,  4. 
Achilles  in  parthenone  394,  7. 
Acholius  383,  1. 

Acilia  and  Acilius  Lucanus  292,  13. 
Acilius  C.  116,  1. 
Aconia  422,  1. 
Aero  370,  1   sq. 
acrosticha  29,  5. 
acta  diurna  or  populi  213,  2. 
acta  fratrum  arvalium  55,  2. 
acta  senatus  213,   1. 
acts,  division  into,  16,  5. 
actiacum  bellum,  epos,  247,  9. 
actibus  apost.  (de)  483,  2  sq. 
actiones  78,  3    cf.  legis  actiones. 
actio  Rutiliana  136,  1. 
actores    comoediarum    15,    1.     16, 

3  and  9. 
actores  secundarum  8,  5. 
actores  tragoediarum  13,  4. 
actors  in  tragedy  13,  4. 
actors,  confined  to  the  number  of 

three.    13,  4    (tragedy),    16,  3 

(comedy). 
Actorius  Naso  209,   12. 
.actuarii  36,  7. 
Aculeo  141,  4. 
Adamantius  Martyrius  465,   10. 


Adananus  465,  13. 

additional  names  3,  1. 

Adelphi  of  Terence   99,  6. 

Admiranda  of  Cicero  175,  6. 

Adventus  385,  3. 

Aebutius  Liberalis   284,   4  fin.     cf. 

292,  11. 
Aelianus  Tact.  339,  7. 
Aelius  Cordus  377,  7  fin. 
Aelius  Donatus  404. 
Aelius  Gallus  205,  4. 
Aelius  Lampridius  397,  4. 
Aelius  Marcianus  374,  2. 
Aelius  Maurus  377,  10. 
Aelius  Melissus  347,  3. 
Aelius  Paetus  (P.)  114,  1. 
Aelius  Paetus  (Sex.)  114,  2. 
Aelius  Sabinus  377.  8. 
Aelius  Saturninus  269,  3. 
Aelius  Serenianus  371,  4. 
Aelius  Spartianus  388,  4  sq. 
Aelius  Stilo  137.  1—3. 
Aelius  Tubero  134,  2. 
Aelius  Tubero  (L.)  159,  7. 
Aelius  Tubero  (Q.)  205,  1. 
Aelius  Verus  349,  2. 
Aemilia  Pudentilla  362,  3. 
Aemilianus  (Palladius)  405. 
Aemilianus  (Strabo)  3()2,  4. 
Aemilius  Aspcr  323,  3. 
Aemilius  Lepidu<?Poroina  (M.)  1 27, 5. 
Aemilius  Macer   219,  6 — 9.     Jurist 

374,  3. 
Aemilius  Papinianus   306. 
Aemilius  Parthenianus  377.  9. 
Aemilius  Paulus  (L.)  112,  8. 
Aemilius  Pro])us  185,  6. 
Aemilius  Scaurus  (M.)    131  10    his 

greai-grandson  v  :   (M)   271,  2. 


598 


Index. 


Aemilius  Severianns  8,  1. 
Aemilius  Sura  272,  5. 
Aeneadae  224,  5. 
-Aeneas  224,  5. 
Aeneid  of  Virgil  224. 
aenigmata  29,  4. 
Aeserninus  262,  8. 
Aesopean  fables  23,  2. 
Aesopus,  Mimographer,  8,  ]. 
Aesopus,  the  actor,   13,  4. 
aestuaria  154,  6  c. 
Aethicus  Ister   50.     488,  1 — 3. 
Aetia  of  Varro  154,  4  sq. 
Aetius  452,  21.     457,  1—4.  13. 
Aetna  302. 

Afranius,  L.,  121   cf.   135. 
African  Latin  472,  8. 
African  rhetoricians  37  fin. 
Africanum  helium  184,  3. 
Africanus,  the  Elder,  46,  1.  112,5. 

his  son  116,  3. 
Africanus,  minor  127,  1   cf.  132,  3. 
Africanus,  see  lulius    Caecilius. 
Aggenus  Urbicus  440,  1. 
Agnes  483,  4. 
Agons,  Capitolian  314,  4. 
Agorius,  see  Vettiu.s. 
agraria,  de  lege.  166,  16 — 18. 
Agricola  of  Tacitus  330. 
agriculture  44. 
agrimensores  48. 
Agrippa  217,  10—14. 
Agrippina  281,  6. 
Agroecius  450,  11. 
Acetius  Pastor  263,  6. 
Academy  old  and  new  at  Rome.  40 

Its    influence    upon  eloquence 

40,  3. 
Acrostichs   29,  5. 
acrostichic    arguments    on  Plautus 

88,  2. 
Albinovanus,   see  Celsus  and  Pedo. 
Albinus  423,  4.    438,  6.    447,  1  sq. 

470,  1.     Poet  247,  6.     379,  10. 

On    metre    400,    5.      See    also 

Clodius  and  Postumius. 
Albius  Tibullus  240. 
Albucius.  L.     179,  1.     T.  135,  4. 
Albucius  Silus  263,  4. 
alchemy  401,  3  fin. 
Alcimus  410,  3.  cf.  467,  9. 
Aldhelmus  490,  1. 
Alethius  410,  2  sq.  433,  8. 
Alexander  Neckam  443,  5. 
Alexander  Severus  371,  4. 
Alexander  Trail.  489,  9. 
Alexandri  Itinerarium  406,  4. 
alexandrinum  helium  184,  3. 
Alexis  221,  2. 
Alfenus  Varus  205.  3  cf.  220.  3. 


Alfius  (Alphius)  Avitus  379,  1. 

Alfius  Flavus  263,  9. 

alimentariae  (tabulae)  325,  86. 

alliteration  p.  136. 

alphabet  (Latin)  cf.  281,  3.  versus 
de  alphab.  442,  5. 

Alphius,  see  Alfius. 

Alpinus  189,  9  fin. 

Antiquarian  Studies  among  the  Ro- 
mans 34. 

Alypius  418,  6.     441,  1. 

Amafinius  160,  1. 

Amazonis  258,  3. 

Ambivius,  M.  147,  4. 

Ambrosius  427. 

Ammianus  Marcellinus  421,  5 — 12. 

amoebaean  composition  3,  2. 

amoebaean  songs  and  dialogues 
3,  2  sq. 

Amoenus  467,  2. 

Amores  of  Ovid  243,  1   sq. 

Ampehus  355,  1—3.     459,  4. 

Amphitruo  of  Plautus  85,  1. 

Ampius  Balbas  209,  11. 

Anacreontic  metre  453,  5. 

analogia  (de)  by  Caesar  182,  4. 

Anastasius  429,  JO.  (Pope).  Pane- 
gyric   on  A.  473,  7  cf.  484,  2. 

Anatolius  480,  6. 

Anauni  281,  5. 

Andria  of  Terence  99,  1. 

Andronicus,  Livius  82. 

Andronicus  Pompilius  146,  6. 

Anecdota  of  Cicero  175,  5. 

Anecdotum  Parisinum  295,  4. 

Anglosaxon  470,  4. 

Anianus  437,  3.     480,  2. 

Anicius  lulianus  419,  1. 

Anicius  Probus  413,  4. 

animae,  fables  23. 

Annaeus  Cornutus  294,  2. 

Annaeus  Lucanus  298. 

Annaeus  Mela  264,  2  cf.  298,  2. 

Annaeus  Novatus  263,  7. 

Annaeus  Seneca  the  father  64:  the 
son  282-285. 

annales  32,  1,  annales  pontificum 
66.  annales  maximi  66,  1 — 5. 
annales  of  Ennius  90.  of  Ta- 
citus 333. 

annaHs  of  Atticus  159,  1.  6. 

annalists.  32.   66,  5. 

Annianus   349,  3. 

Annius  Bassus  336,  11. 

Annius  Cimber  206,  12. 

Annius  Fetialis  254,  8. 

Annius  Florus  336,  7. 

Annius  Luscus  131,  6. 

Anonymus  Einsiedlensis  406,  8. 

Anonymus  ^orisianus  407,  2    (III). 


Index. 


599 


Anonymus  Ravennas  488,  4  sqq. 

Anonymiis  Valesii  421,  13. 

Anser  210,  8. 

Anthedius  419,  8.    459,  4. 

Anthianus  374,  6. 

Anthimus  479,  1—3. 

anthologia  latina  26,  2. 

anthology,  erotic  26,  1. 

Antias  (Valerius)  142,  3. 

Anticato  of  Caesar  182,  7. 

Antiochius  437,  6. 

Antiochus    144,    2    fin.     158,    5   — 

454,  1. 
Antipater,  Acanth.  464,  1. 
Antipater,  Caelius  132,  4. 
Antipater  of  Tarsus  134,  1.  Gallus 

383,  8. 
antiquitatum  libri  of  Varro  154,  4. 
Antistius  Capella  365,  1. 
Antistius  Labeo  260  sq. 
Antistius,  P.   140,  4. 
Antistius  Sosianus  27,  2. 
Antonini  itinerarium  406,  2. 
Antoninus  Aqnila   360,  6. 
Antoninus  philosophus  359. 
Antoninus  Pius  350,  1   sq. 
Antonius  orator  419,  2. 
Antonius  Castor  278,  2. 
Antonius  Gnipho  146,  5. 
Antonius  Honoratus  462,  7. 
Antonius  lulianus  309,   7  —  346,  1. 
Antonius  lulus  237,  6. 
Antooius  Liberalis  292,  11. 
Antonius,  M.,    the  orator  139    and 

n.  1   sq. 
Antonius,  M.  the  triumvir,  196,  3. 
Antonius  Musa  258,  10. 
Antonius  Rufus  249,  5. 
anulo  (de)  246,  5. 
Apelles  454,  1. 
Aper,  M.  310,  3. 
Aphthonius  403,  3. 
Apicius  278,  4. 
Apingius  485,   11. 

Apocolocyntosis  of  Seneca  284,  7. 
Apollinaris    460,    2.     cf.    Sulpicius 

and  Sidonius. 
Apollodorus  Pergamenus  36,  8. 
ApoUoniense  monumentum  217,  4. 
Apollonius   Chalced.  354,  2. 
Apollonius  Dysc.  359,  9.     Tyaneus 

362,  3.     Tyrius  481. 
apologeticum  of  Tertullian  369,  4. 
apologeticum    carmen    of  Conimo- 

dianus  380,  3, 
Apologia  of  Apuleius  363,  1. 
Apophthegmata  of  Caesar  182,  5. 
Appendix  fab.  279,  4. 
Appianus  352,  3. 
ADuleius.   L..    146.  1. 


Apuleius  ot  Madaura  362  sq. 
Apuleius  minor  363,  7  b.  and  10. 
Apuleius  Saturninus  135,  7. 
Aquae  apollinares  406,  5. 
Aquila  178,  4.  370,  8.  Jurist  359,  5. 

Aq.  Romanus  384.  cf.  Antonius. 
Aquilinus  423,  4. 

Aquilius,  a  writer  of  palliatae  96,  3. 
Aquilius  Gallus  161   and  n.  1. 
Aquilius  Regulus  321,  3. 
Aquilius  Severus  415,  7. 
Aquinus  208,  5  cf.  Julius, 
aquis  (de)  by  Frontinus  322,  6. 
Aradius  Rufinus  416,  2. 
Aratea  of  Cicero    176,  2.     of   Ger- 

manicus  270  sqq.     of  Avienus 

413,  2. 
Arator  483,  1—3. 
Arbiter,  see  Petronius. 
Arbogast  467,  1. 

arboribus  (de)  by  Columella  288,  3. 
Arborius  410,  5. 
Arbronius  Silo  8,  1.    247,  14. 
Arcadius  Charisius  399,  2. 
Archelaus,  Laelius  137,  4. 
Archia,  pro,  166,  26. 
archimimae  8,  5. 
archimimus  8,  1   and  5. 
Archippus  324,  7. 
architecture  47. 
Ardea  59,  4. 
Arellius  Fuscus  263,  3. 
Argentaria  Polla  298,  4. 
Argentarius  263,  6  fin. 
Argonautica  of  Varro  Atacinus  208, 

1.  of  Valerius  Flaccus  312. 
Arguments  on    the   Plautine    plays 

88,  2. 
Aristides  346,  1.  359,  9. 
Aristius  Fuscus  239,  1. 
Armenian  Eusebius  428,  8. 
Armillatus  321,  5. 
Arnobius  392.    iunior  462,  1. 
Arrianus  223,  2  fin.  Nicomed.  352,  4. 
Arrianus     (Maturus     and     Severus) 

337,  8. 
Arrius  Antonius  319,  4. 
Arrius  Menander  367,  4. 
Arruntius,  L.,  254,  7   cf.  289,  1. 
Arruntius  Celsus  353,  3. 
Arruntius  Stella  318,  1. 
ars    amatoria    of    Ovid    243,    5    cf. 

242,  3. 
ars  Bernensis  474,  7. 
ars  Donati  404,  2. 
ars  poetica  of  Horace   234,  6  sqq. 
ars  vaticana  295,  8b  cf.  412,  12. 
art  of  writing  at  Rome  51,  1. 
Artemidorus  314,  6         352,  4. 
artes  liberal cs    154,  (hi. 


600 


Inde,\ 


Artorius  Proculus  258,  4. 

arvales  fratres  55  and  55,  1. 

Arulenus  Rusticus  324,  2  cf.  311,1. 

Arusianus  420,  4. 

Asclepiodotus  388,  8. 

Asclepius  363,  7.   453,  7. 

Asconius  290,  his  son  315,  3  lin. 

Asellio,  Sempronius  132,  6. 

Asellius  Sabinus  269,  1. 

Asiatic  eloquence  36. 

Asilius  and  Asillius  269,  1. 

Asinaria  of  Plautus  85,  2. 

Asinius  Cornelius  29,  2. 

Asinius  Galius  271,  3. 

Asinius  Pollio  218  and  n.  1-4. 

Asinius  Pollio  of  Tralles  218,  3. 

Asinius  Quadratus  377,  2. 

Asclepiades  of  Clazomenae  215,  3. 

Asclepiades  of  Prusa  45,  1. 

Asmonius  400,  6. 

Aspar  452,  2. 

Asper  474,  4. 

Asper  (Aemilius)  323,  3. 

aspiratione  (de)  465,  5. 

Asprenas  and  Asprenates  262,  2. 

asse  (de)  339,  5. 

Asteris  318,  1. 

Asterius  466,  5. 

astris,  de,  by  Caesar  182,  6. 

astrology  42. 

astronomy  among   the  Romans   42 

and  42,   1. 
astronomia  of  Hyginus  257,  6. 
astronomica  of  Manilius  248,  2 — 8. 
Astyanax  383,  5. 
Atacinus  (Varro)  208,  1. 
Atedius  Melior  319,  1. 
Ateius  Capito  260,  3  sq. 
Ateius,  G.,    161,  5. 
Ateius  Philologus   207,  1. 
Ateius  Sanctus  365,  1. 
Atellanae,  9  sq.  6,  4. 
Aterianus  383,  4  sq. 
Athanasius  462,  12. 
Atherianus  383,  4. 
Atilicinus  293,  4. 
Atilius  Caiatinus  73,  3. 
Atilius  Fortunatianus  400,  7. 
Atilius,  L.,  Jurist  114,  4. 
Atilius,  a  writer  of  palliatae  96,  2. 
Atratinus  206,  10. 
Atta,  see  Quintius. 
Attalus  277,  5. 
Atticus,  T.  Pomponius  159  and  n.  1. 

,  Cicero's  letters  to  A.  171,  2. 
Atticus,  Mimographer  8,  1. 
Atticus  of  Ovid  242,  2. 
Atticus  (Herodes)  352,  2. 
Attic  eloquence  36.  cf.  p.  220.  224. 
Attiua,  L.,  119. 


Attius  (Labeo)  303,  5. 

Attus  Patera    and  Tiro  Delphidius 

396,  8. 
auctoritas  prudentum  38. 
Audax  441,  7.    474,  5. 
Aufidia  218,  9  fin. 
Aufidius,   Cn.,  142,   1. 
Aufidius  Bassus  272,  2. 
Aufidius  Chius  323,  1. 
Aufidius  Fronto  360,  2. 
Aufidius  Nomusa  161,  5. 
Aufidius  Victorinus  360,  2. 
augural  writers  186,  10  sqq. 
auguriis,  de,  by  Cicero  173,  20. 
Augurinus  (Sentius  or  Serius)  327, 6. 
augustae  hist,  scriptores  388. 
Augustan  age  216  p.  417  sqq. 
Augustinus  434. 
Augustodunum  387,  7.  8. 
Augustus  217,  1  —  5.   cf.  p.  422  sq. 

relations  to  Horace  230,  3. 
Ayianus  443;  novus  443,  5. 
Avienus  413. 
Avitus  437,  6    fin.     460,    2   and  4. 

467,  9.  see  also  Alfius  and  Octa- 

vianus. 
Aulularia  of  Plautus  85,  3. 
Aurelianus  383,  11  see  also  Caelius. 
Aurelius  (})ishop)  449,  2. 
Aurelius,  M.  359. 
Aurelius  Apollinaris  381,  3. 
Aurelius  Augustinus  434. 
Aurelius  Charisius  399,  2. 
Aurelius  Cotta  140,  4. 
Aurelius  Cotta  Maximus  262,  6. 
Aurelius  Festivus  383,  10. 
Aurelius  Opilius  146,  4. 
Aurelius  Philippus  375,  10. 
Aurelius  Scaurus  145,  7. 
Aurelius  Verus  377,  11. 
Aurelius  Victor  408,  1  fin.  Sex.  408, 

1—3. 
Ausonius  414. 
Auspicius  467,  1. 
Authenticum  39  fin.   480,  9, 
authors  of  glosses  480,  10. 
Autobiographers  32,  6. 
Auxanius  459,  11. 
axamenta  54. 

B. 

Babrius  23. 

Bacchides  of  Plautus  85,  9. 

Bachiarius  437,  6. 

Baebius,  C.  150,  5. 

Baebius  Macrianus  375,  10. 

Baebius  Massa  321,  4. 

Balbinus,  see  Caelius. 

Balbo,  pro,   166,  36. 

Balbus,  see  Ampius,  Cornelius. 


Indeo 


601 


Balbus  memor  339,  3  sq. 

Balista  225,  1  n.  1. 

Bandusia  229,  5  fin. 

Barea  Soranus  294,  8. 

Barth   (Caspar)  318,  5. 

Basilides  354,  2. 

basis  capitolina  348,  6. 

Bassinus  391,  2. 

Bassula  435,  1,  5. 

Bassulus  327,  8. 

Bassus  279,  4.  313,  2.  319,  2.  397, 
2.  398,  2.  441,  8.  cf.  Aufidins 
lulius,  Gavius,  Saleius. 

Batrachus  422,  2. 

Battarus  187,  2. 

Bavius  228,  3. 

Beda  (Venerabilis)  490,  2. 

Belisarius  schol.  466,  5. 

Bella  of  Salliist  203,  7. 

Be.llicus  456,  4. 

bellum  civile  of  Lucan  293,  9;  of 
Petronius  300,  3  sq. ;  dacicum 
327,  3;  sicuhim  247,  5. 

Bertechraninus  483,  12. 

Betilienus  150,  8. 

betonica  (de)  363,  76. 

Betutius  140,  7. 

Bibaculus  179,  5. 

Bibulus,  see  Oalpurnius. 

biographies  33,  5. 

birds,  didactic  poem  about  the  art 
of  catching  382,  3. 

Bissula  414,  1. 

Blaesus  260,  5. 

Blandus  37,  1   cf.  261,  10. 

Blassius  134,  1. 

Bocchus  236,  4. 

Boeotia  96,  3. 

Boetius  470. 

Bonifacius  490,  4. 

books  of  chance  oracles  226,  4. 

botany  43  and  43,  1. 

Braulio  459,  2. 

Breviary  of  Entropius  409,  1 — 6; 
of  Sex.  Rufus  409,  7.  Alarici 
480,  2. 

bricks  covered  which  inscriptions 
215,  11. 

Bruttidius  Niger  271,  6. 

Brutus  of  Cicero  169,  3.  praetexta 
of  Cassius  209,  4. 

Brutus,  correspondence  with  Ci- 
cero 171,  4. 

Bucco  9,  3. 

bucolica  25,  1  ;  of  Virgil  223. 

Buculeius  141,  4. 

Burdigalense  itinerarium  406,  3. 

Burdig.  profess,  p.  950  d. 

Burgundionum  lex  480,  3. 


c. 

Caecilius  210,  4. 
Caecilius  Africanus  356,  3. 
Caecilius  Apuleius  363,  10. 
Caecilius  Epirota  258,  1. 
Caecilius  Metellus  (Q.)  112.  2  :  Celer 

211,  3;     Macedonicus    127,    7; 

Nepos  214,  3;   Numidicus  135, 

3,  cf.  137,  1. 
Caecilius  Natalis  368,  2. 
Caecilius  Niger  166,  5.  1. 
Caecilius  Secundus  322,  7. 
Caecilius  Statius  95. 
Caecina,  A.,   186,  13. 
Caecina,  pro,  166,  13. 
Caelestinus  295,  8    fin.     cf.    383.  2 

and  451,  3. 
Caelestius  437,  2. 
Caelio,  pro,  166,  34. 
Caelius  Antipater  132,  4. 
Caelius  Aurelianus  456. 
Caelius  Balbinus  379,  7. 
Caelius  Rufus  206,  5  sqq. 
Caelius  Sabinus  311,  1   sqq. 
Caepio  278,  1. 
Caerellius  375,  5. 
Caesar,    C.    lulius,    181—183.     C.'s 

plan  of  legal  codification  189,  1. 
Caesar,  L.,  186,  12. 
Caesarinus  462,  2. 
Caesellius  Yindex  338,  4. 
Caesius  208,  5. 
Caesius  Bassus  299,  1 — 3. 
Caesius  Primus  and  Taurinus  394.4. 
Caesonius  Maximus  382,  1. 
Calbulus  468,  7. 
calendars    (complete)    64,    9.       cf. 

407,  2  (I). 
Calenus  318,  6. 
Calidius,  M.,  200,  1. 
Calidius,  see  lulius. 
Caligula  281,  1. 
Callistratus,  Jurist  367.  2. 
Callistus  289,  3. 
Calpetanus  289,   1. 
Calpurnius  Bibulus  250,  4. 
Calpurnius  Flaccus  346,  9. 
Calpurnius  Longinus  356,  8. 
Calpurnius  Piso  (C)   144,  3.    under 

Caligula  296,  1 :  under  Trajan 

327,   5. 
Calpurnius  Piso  Frngi   (L.)   128,  4. 
Cal})urnius  Siculus  301,   1 — (), 
Calpurnius  Statura  299,   1. 
Calvisius  Taurus  341,  2. 
Calvus  324,  8.  360.  10  fin.,  see  also 

Licinius. 
Camerinus  247.  8. 


602 


Index. 


Camillus  161,  8. 

Campanus  337,  9. 

Caniniiis  Rufus  327,  3. 

Canius  Rufus  319,  2. 

canticum  in    the    mimus    8,  7;     in 

the  tragedies  13,  4;  in  the  pal- 

liata  16,  3    q. 
Capella  249,  3.   Martianus  245.  cf. 

Antistius. 
Caper  (Flavins)  338,  3. 
Capito    263,    10;      409,    2.    5;     see 

Ateius,  Sinnius,  Titinius. 
Capitolian,   see  fasti. 
Capitolinus,  seeCornelius  andlulius. 
Capreolus  449,  2. 
Captivi  of  Plautus  85,  4. 
Caracalla  371,  1. 
Carlo  see  Papirius. 
carmen   51,  2;     carmen  de   figuris 

444,  1;    de  ponderibus  444,  2; 

de  librae  partibus  473,  10;   co- 

dicis  Par.  8084,  see  410,  14. 
Carmentis   56,  1. 
carmina  triumphalia  74. 
Carminius  412,  13. 
Carthage    446,  2;     treaty    with    C. 

59,  1. 
Cartilius  276,  3. 
Carvilius  (Sp.)  117  and  p.  107. 
Carvilius  Pictor  221,  2. 
Cams  in  Ovid  247,  7,     in    Martial 

319,  2,  see  also  Mettius. 
Casca  304,  1. 
Cascellius  (A.)  189,  4. 
Casina  of  Plautus  85,  6. 
Cassiani  293,  3. 
Cassianus  450,  1  —  3. 
Cassii  209,  7. 
Cassiodorus  475. 
Cassius  Dio  377,  1. 
Cassius  Etruscus  209,  8. 
Cassius  Felix  456,  2. 
Cassius  Hemina  128,  1. 
Cassius  Longinus  209,  6. 
Cassius  Longinus,    Jurist,    293,    3; 

historian  344,  3. 
Cassius  Parmensis  209,  7. 
Cassius  Salanus  262,  9. 
Cassius  Severus  262,  11. 
Castalius  477,  2  and  5. 
Castor,   see  Antonius. 
Castricius  (T.)  346,  2. 
catachannae  341,  3. 
Catalecta  225,  5  and  n.  1-  3. 
Catholica  of  Probus  295,  8. 
Catiline  of  Sallust  203,  2. 
CatiHnarian  speeches  of  Cicero  166, 

20-23. 
Catilius  Severus  371,  4. 
Catius  Fronto  336,  4. 


Catius  Insuber  160,  3. 

Cato,    see  Valerius.      Cato  ethicus 

110,  6  fin.  Cato  in  Africa  468,  7. 
Cato  the  Elder  107 — 111;    his  son 

114,  6. 
Cato  maior  of  Cicero  183,  11. 
Cato  minor  of  Cicero  177,  6. 
Cato  Uticensis  198.  cf.  212,  2. 
Catullus  211,     cf.  225,  2     n.  1.    5. 

n.  2. 
Catullus,  mimographer  280,  1. 
Catulus,  see  Cinna  and  Lutatius. 
Catulus  Cinna  354,  2. 
Catus  presb.  472,  3.  4.  5.  7. 
causidici  37,  3  and  5.  39,  3. 
Ceconius  Albinus  400,  5. 
Ceconius  lulianus  397,  2. 
Celsus,    see    Apuleius ,    Arruntius, 

Cornelius,  lulius,  luventius. 
Celsus  Balbus  339,  3  fin. 
Celsus  Albinovanus  237,  5. 
Celsus,  E|)icurean  354,  9. 
Celsus  pater  311,  4. 
Celsus  Rufus  397,  2. 
Censurinus  375,  4—9. 
Centimeter  of  Ps.  Servius  423,  4. 
centones  29,  3.  cf.  469,  3,   nuptia- 

hs  of  Ausonius  p.  951. 
centunculus  8,  6. 
Cerealis  462,  3  cf.  lulius. 
Cerinthus  240,  3. 
certamen  albanum,  capitolinum  314, 

4,  cf.  p.  583  n.  4. 
Cervidius  Scaevola  364,  1  —  4. 
Cestius  Pius  263,  6. 
Chaeremon  324,  5. 
Chalcidius  472,  7. 
Character  of  the  Roman  people  1  sq. 
Charax  354,  7. 
Charibert  469,  11. 
Charisius,  Jurist  399,  2. grammarian 

412,  1—6. 
Chilperich  469,  11. 
Chirius  Fortunatianus  420,  5. 
chorus  in  the  Roman  tragedy  13,  5; 

in  the  Roman  comedy  (palliata) 

16,  3  and  4. 
Chorographia  of  €icero  175,  7. 
Chorographia  pliniana  308,  7. 
Christian  religion    p.  778,    902  sq. 

cf.  368,  4;  381,  6. 
Chromatins  429,  II. 
chronica  of  Cornelius  Nepos  185,  3' 
chronicle    of    Hieronymus    428,  7' 

of  Dexter  429,  9;  Pros  per  453^ 

2  sq. ;  Cassiodor  475,   3;    Mar- 

cellinus   a.  u.  476. 
chronicles  (Chronicles  of  the  city, 

domestic     chronicles    and     fa- 
mily chronic] os)   70. 


Index. 


603 


chronicle  of  the  world  407,  3  (IX). 
Chronographer  of  a.  354.  p.  Chr.  407. 
Cicero  p.  219  sq.  225.  §  162—176. 

Editor  of  Lucretius  201,  2.  Q. 

Cicero   177. 
Ciceronian  age  p.  216  sqq. 
Cicuta  of  Marsus  238,  2. 
Cimber,  see  Annius. 
Cincius,  L.  Alimentus  106. 
Cincius,    Jurist,    106,   4.     historian 

250,  9. 
Cinna  161,  5;    Catulus  354,  2. 
Cinna,  Helvius,  210,  2  sq. 
Circle    of    the    Scipios    p.  lOl    sq. 

103  sq. 
Ciris  225,  2  and  n.  1 — 4. 
Cistellaria  of  Plautus  85,  7. 
citations  (invented)  459,  17. 
civile  bellum,  see  bellum  civile, 
civitate    (de)   dei  by  St.  Auo-ustine 

434,  10. 
Claranus  323,  6. 

Claudia  of  Statins  316,  2;  of  others 

435,  6. 

Claudianus     433;     Mamertus     461, 

3-6. 
Claudii  hymnus  398,  9. 
Claudius  447,  1. 
Claudius  historicus  116,  1.  emperor 

281,  2 — 5.  grammarian  423,  9. 

439,  7. 
Claudius  Aesominus  262,  S. 
Claudius  Agaturrinus  294,   11. 
Claudius  (Ap.)  131,  2  —  186,  10. 
Claudius  (Ap.)  Caecus  80. 
Claudius  Capito  336,  4. 
Claudius  Donatus  423,  5 — 8. 
Claudius  Etruscus  316,  2. 
Claudius  Eusthenius  388,  9. 
Claudius  Gordianus  472,  10. 
Claudius  Mamertinus  410,  7  sq. 
Claudius  Marcellinus  336,  4. 
Claudius  Marcellus  (C.)  186,  10  (M.) 

262,  8. 
Claudius  Marius  Victor   457,  5  —  7. 
Claudius  Maximus  354,  4. 
Claudius  Pollio  336,  11. 
Claudius  Quadrigarius  142,  2. 
Claudius  Kestitutus  336,  4. 
Claudius  Sacerdos  390. 
Claudius  Saturninus  356,  6. 
Claudius  Severus  354,  2. 
Claudius  Tryphoninus  367,  3. 
Claudius  Venacus  371,  4. 
Cledonius  465,  1. 
Clemens,  see  Pactumeius. 
Cloatius  Verus  338,  5. 
Clodia  211,  3  cf.  2(H),  6.  7.  fin. 
Clodius  Albinus  365,  6. 
Clodius  Licinns  132.  5.  254.  (>. 


Clodius  Pollio  281,  9. 

Clodius  Pulcher  200,  6. 

Clodius  Quirinalis  292,  10. 

Clodius  Sabinus  263,  10. 

Clodius  Ser.  137,  1.  146,  9. 

Clodius  Sex.  207,  5. 

Clodius  Turrinus  263,  3.  10. 

Clodius  Tuscus  258,  6. 

Cluentio,  pro,  166,  15. 

Cluvius  Rufus  309,  2. 

Cocceius  Nerva  276,  2.  filius  293,  2. 

emperor  325,  1. 
codex    Gregorianus    and    Hermog. 

379.   Theodosianus  454.    Justi- 

nianus  480,  4  sq.    Salmasianus 

486,  8.  Vossianus  304.  469,  14. 
Codrus  228,  2.  —  319,  3. 
collatio  legum  mos.  432, 
collection  of  sentences  of  Sextius 

41,  1,   250,  6. 
collegium  poetarum  82,  6.    119,  3. 
coloniarum  libri  339,  4. 
Columella  288.  M.  Columella  288,  1. 
columna  rostrata  73  a. 
comedy  (Attic)   15,  2.  16,  1. 
comici  15,  1. 
Cominianus  400,  1 — 3. 
Cominius  269,  3. 
commentarii    of  Cicero  36,  7.   167, 

4,     of    Caesar   183.     of    Gains 

357,  4. 
commentarii  augurum  672. 
commentarii  censorum  68,  3. 
commentarii  consulum  68,  1. 
commentarii  magistratuum  68. 
commentarii  pontificum  63  and  63, 

1   sq. 
commentarii  XVvirum  67,  4. 
commentarii  regum  62, 
commentator  Cruqianus  235,  3. 
commentators  on  the  twelve  tables 

76,  6.     on  Naevius    83,  8.     on 

Plautus  88,  4—  6.    on  Terence 

98,  3. 
Comminianus  400,  1 — 3. 
Commodianus  380. 
Commodus  365,  1   sq. 
coramonitorium  of  Vincentius  451 ; 

of  Orientius  457,  8  sq. 
comoedia  12,  1.  15,  1.  16,2.  17,  2. 
computus  paschalis  475,  2. 
confessiones  of  Augustine  434,  9. 

Consentius     459,    5.       grammarian 

465,  3. 
consolatio    of    Cicero    173,    4.     of 

Boctius  470,  3  sq. 

consolatio  ad  Liviam  246,  6. 
Constantinus  (emperor)    395,   1   sq, 
396.    1    sq.     s))eei'hes    on    him 


604 


hidex. 


387,  8.    396,  4-7.     cf.    397,  3. 

4.  6.  398,  1   sq.  421,  15. 
Constantiniis,  Jurist,  480,  4—6. 
Constantius,  speeches  on  him  387, 

8.    speeches  addressed  to  him 

406,  4.  411,  1—4. 
Constantius     (son    of  Constantine) 

395,  2.  396,  1  fin. 
Constantius  Afr.  426,  7  sq. 
Constantius    of   Sidonius    459,    10. 

460,  6. 
constitutiones    39,    2.     cf.    389,    2. 

Sirmondi  454,  8. 
consulere  38,  4. 
consultatio  455. 
contamination  16,  8.  83,  7.  100,  3. 

of    22'?    9 

controversiae  of  Seneca  264,  4  sqq. 

conversio  475,  2. 

Copa  225,  4  and  n.  1. 

Corbulo  286,  3. 

Cordubenses  poetae  247,  10. 

Cordus,   see  Cremutius  and  Junius. 

Corippus  434,  1 — 3. 

Cornelia  (letters)  112,  6. 

Cornelianae  of  Cicero  167,  1. 

Cornelius  (L.)  150,  6. 

Cornelius  Alexander   257,  1.    Alpi- 

nus  179,  5  nti. 
Cornelius    Balbus    (maior)    184,   2. 

(minor)  196,  4. 
Cornelias  Bocchus  286,  4. 
Cornelius  Capitolinus  388,  6. 
Cornelius  Celsus  275. 
Cornelius  Cethegus  112,  3. 
Cornelius  Cassus  73,  1. 
Cornehus  Epicadus  144,  1.  146,  8. 
Cornelius  Galius  227. 
Cornelius  Labeo  258,  7. 
Cornelius  Maximus  141,  4  fin. 
Cornelius  Nepos  185.  ■ 
Cornelius  Priscianus  356,  8. 
Cornelius  Scipio,  see  Scipio. 
Cornelius  Severus  247,  5. 
Cornelius  Sisenna  143,   1   sq. 
Cornelius  Sulla  144,  n.  1. 
Cornelius  Tacitus  328—334. 
Cornificia  206,  2. 
Cornificii  149,  4. 
Cornificius  149,  4. 
Cornificius  (poet)  206,  2. 
Cornificius  (grammarian)  206,  2  fin. 
Corvinus  Messala  218,  8—12. 
Coruncanius,  Ti.  79,  1.  2. 
Cornutus  240,  4.  282,  2. 
Cornutus,  commentator  of  Persius 

297,  6.  of  Juvenal  326,  7. 
Coronatus  468,  6. 
Cosconius,  C,  135,  1. 
Cosconius,  Q.,  97,  6.  146,  7. 


cosmographia  439,  10.    488,  1   sqq. 

Cotta  see  Valerius. 

Cottius  318,  5. 

Crassicius  (L.)  258,  2. 

Crates  133,  3. 

Cremutius  Cordus  272,   1. 

Cremutius  Ruso  336,  4. 

crepidata  14,  2. 

Crescens  354,  8. 

Cresconius  429,  6. 

Crispinus  (Plotius)  261,  3  —  321,  11. 

Crispus,  see  Passienus,  Sallu.stius 
and  Vib'us. 

Crispus,  son  of  the  emperor  Con- 
stantine 393,  1. 

Culex  225  and  n.  4—6. 

Curculio  of  Plautus  85,  5. 

Curiatius  Maternus  313,  1. 

Curionum  familia  131,  7.  cf.  Scri- 
bonius. 

Cariosum  urbis  Romae  406,  7. 

Curius  Fortunatianus  ,  377,  7. 

Curtius  Justus  376,  5. 

Curtius  Montanus  299,  5. 

Curtius  Nicias  187,  4. 

Curtius  Rufus  287. 

Curtius  Valerianus  465,  10. 

Cynegetica  of  Gratius  248,  1.  cf. 
Nemesianus  382,  1  sq. 

Cynthia  of  Propertius  241,  1.  3. 

Cynthius  Cenet.  226,  6  fin. 

Cypria  Jlias  of  Laevius  138,  5. 

Cyprianus  378,  1 — 5.  i 

Cyrus  433,  8. 

Cytheris  209,  1,  cf.  227,  1. 

D. 

Dagellius  Fuscus  383,  7. 

Damasus  415,  1 — 3. 

Damatius  375,  11. 

Daphnis,  see  Lutatius. 

Dardanus  473,  5. 

Dares  Phrygius  464. 

Decianus  324,  4. 

Decius  418,  6.   441,  9. 

Decius,  P.,  131,  5. 

Decius  Trajanus  371,  8. 

declamation  37  and  p.  419,  426.  584. 

declamationes  of  Quintilian  320,  11. 

Deillius  250,  5. 

Deiotaro  (pro)  166,  43:  by  M.  Bru- 
tus 209,  1. 

Delia  of  Tibullus  240,  2  sq. 

Dellius  250,  5. 

Delphidius  396,  8.  410,  3. 

Demetrianus  393,  3. 

Demetrius  (philosopher)  294.  7  cf. 
306,  2. 

deo  (de)  467,  5. 

deo  (de)  Socratis  363,  4. 


Inde. 


605 


deorum  (de  natura)  of  Cicero  173, 10. 

depositio  episc.  407,  2  (VI). 

devotiones  215,  12. 

Deuterius  445,  7.  469,  5. 

Dexippus  383,  16. 

Dexter  429,  9    cf.  421.  3.    428,  10. 

Diaboleims  337,  3. 

Diacta  426,  9. 

dialogi  of  Seneca  284,  4. 

dialogus  of  Tacitus  329. 

Diana  of  Valerius  Catu  187,  1. 

Dictinius  453,  8. 

Dictys  416,  1—5. 

Dicuil  446,  9  cf.  466,  8. 

didactic  poems  21 . 

Didascalia  of  L.  Attius  119,  7. 

didascaliae  on  Terence  98,  4. 

Didius  (Epidius?)  203,  6. 

Didius,  lulianus  365,  3. 

Dido  to  Aeneas  394,  6. 

dies  fasti   et  nefasti    64.  1.     77,  3. 

78,  2. 
differentiae   sermonum    342,  3    fin. 

cf.  277,  3.  283,  6.  351,  7.  438,  3. 
Digesta  of  Justinian  480,  6  sq. 
Dicaearchus  173,  8.  1. 
Diocletianus  381.    historical  works 

addressed  to  him  388,  4.    D.'s 

edict  388,  12. 
Diomedes,   grammarian  412,  2  and 

7-11. 
Dionysius  of  Miletus  346,  8. 
Dionysius  (Cassius)  44,  1. 
Dionysius  Cato  110,  6  fin. 
Dionys.  peri  eg.  473,  8. 
Diophanes  44,  1.    130,  3.    134,  1. 
Dirae  187,  2. 
disciplinarum    libri    of   Varru  154, 

6a;    of  Augustine    434,  7.    of 

Mart.  Gap.  445,  2. 
disguises  4. 
ditties  11,  2,  d.  26. 
division  into  scenes  16,  5. 
diverbium  13,  4,  16,  3. 
divinatio  in  Caecilium  166,  5. 
divinatione,  de,  by  Cicero  173,   12. 
divinitas  395,  4. 
diurna  213,  2. 

Dodwelliana  fragmenta  213,  4. 
Domitianus  314,  cf.  305. 
Domitius  347,  4.  —.459,  15. 
Domitius  Afer  271,  5. 
Domitius  Corbulo  286,  3. 
Domitius  Marsus  238. 
Domitius  Ulpianus  372. 
Domitius  Aj)ollinaris   323,  4. 
Domnulus  461,  1   sq. 
Donatianus  423.  5.  439,  8. 
Donntists  437,  5. 


Dcmatus    Aelius  404;     Claudius  D. 
423,  5  —  8;  confessor  393,6  sq. 
Dorotheus  480,  5.  6.  8. 
Dositheanum  fragmentum  364,  5. 
Dositheus  370,  3. 
Dossennus  9,  3. 
Dracontius  467,  5—S. 
drama  3  sqq. 
The  drama  in  art  12, 
Dreponius  Pacatus  419,  8—11. 
dubiis  (de)  nominibus  486,  7. 
Duellius  (Duilius)  73,  a. 
dynamidia  489,  5. 


E. 


Earinus  316,  2,   cf.  317,  2. 

Easter-table  407,  2  (IV)  453,  3. 

Ecdicius  461,  3  sqq. 

echoici  versus  32,  9. 

Ecdidius  467,  9. 

edictum  (piaetorian)  345,  2. 

edictum  Theoderici  480,   1. 

Egnatius  179,  2. 

Egnatius  Celer,  294,  8. 

Egnatius  Dexter  374,  7  fin. 

fidvkkta  25. 

Einsiedlensis     anonymus     406,     8. 

poems  301,  7. 
eclectics  40. 
elegy,  Roman,  29. 
elegists,  Roman,  29,  1  sq. 
ologia  71,  2.  73,  6.  118,  2. 
Eloquence  among   the  Romans  35 

-  37. 
Elpidius  410,  4.  485,  15.    Rusticius 

Elp.  461,  1  sq. 
embolaria  and  emboliuni  7,  4. 
empirics  45. 

Encolpius  300.  3.  —  377,  11. 
Endelechius  441,  1  —  3. 
enigmas  29,  4, 

Ennius  p.  100.  105  sq.  §  89  -  93. 
Ennodius  471. 
epanaleptic  verses  466.  2. 
ephemerides  33,  5 ;  of  Varro  154,  6  c. 
Ephemeris  of  Atacinus  208,  1. 
epic  descriptions  20,   1. 
JKpicadus  144  and  n.  1.    146,  8. 
epicedium  Drusi  246,  6. 
Epicharmus  of  Ennius  92,  6. 
]:pictetus  294,  4.  —  419.  12. 
Epidicus  of  Plautus  85.  8. 
Epidius  207,  4. 
epigram  26. 
epigrammata  of  Virgil  225,  5  n.  4; 

of  Seneca  285,  1  ;     of   Martial 

317,  4  sq. 
cpigraphic  33,  4. 


606 


Index. 


Epicurism  40  sq.  41,  1  and  8. 

epilogue  16,  7. 

epimythia  443,  5. 

Epiphanius    471,    3   and  7.     schol. 

475,  10. 
epistle  (poetic)  22. 
epistola  Valerii  469,  7. 
epistolae  of  Ausonius  p.  952  sq. 
epistolae  ad  Caesarem  senem  203,  5. 
epistolae  of  Ovid  243,  3. 
epistolae  ex  Ponto  by  Ovid  245,  2. 
epistolae  of  M.  Varro  154,  6,  d.  of 

Seneca  284,  5. 
epistolary  form  33,  3. 
epistolography  33.  3. 
epitaphs    of    Plautus    104,    2.     cf. 

215,  13. 
epitaphs  of  the  Scipios  73,  b.     cf, 

104.  1.  118,  2.  126,  2. 
epithalamia  29,  3.  5,  4  sq. 
epitome  Iliadis  303. 
epitome  of  Victor   408,  3.     luliani 

480,  9. 
epodes  of  Horace  220. 
tnufdoi^,   tTTMdog  231,   1. 
epos.  Roman  19  sq.    cf.  p.  424. 
Eprius  Marcellus  292,  3. 
Eratosthenes  223,  2. 
Erigone  177,  2. 
erotic  anthology  26,  1. 
erotic  poets  26,  1. 
Erotopaegnia  of  Livius  138,  5. 
Erucius  158,  10. 

Erucius  Clarus  336,  4.  —  353,  5. 
est  et  non  225.  5,  n.  5. 
Euagrius  429,  8. 
Euangelus  438,  6. 
Euanthius  400,  8. 
Eucheria  486,  2. 
Eucherius  450,  6. 
Eucherius  469,  9. 
Euemerus  of  Ennius  92,  7. 
Eugenius  420,  3.  —  462,  4.  Tolet. 

486,  8. 
Eugippius  435,  10. 
Eugraphius  98,  3. 
Euclid,  489,  2. 
Eumenius  387,  7 — 9. 
Eumolpus  300,  3. 
Eunapius  446,  5. 
Eunuchus  of  Terence  99,  2. 
Euodius  449,  5. 
Euodus  280,  2. 
Euphorion  227,  1. 
Eurich  460,  2     cf.  459,  7.     461,  8. 

480,  2. 
Eusebius  396,  3.     419,  6.     459,  15. 

cf.  428,  7. 
Eustachius  438,  4  sq. 
Eustatbius  422,  6. 


Eustochium  428,  2.  4. 
Eutrandus  486,  4  fin. 
Eutropius  409,  1—6.  —  424,  (i.  433, 
3  sq.  459,  15.    bishop  485,  18. 
Ii^utyches  474,  1  sq. 
Eutychius  353,  4. 
Eutychus  279,  1  and  2. 
excerpta  Charisii  412,  5. 
excerpta  Cominiani  400,  2. 
excerpta  Diomedis  412,  10. 
excerpta  Frising  240,  7. 
excerpta  Valesiana  421,  13. 
exempla  of  Cornelius  Nepos  185.  3. 
exodiarius  6,  4. 
exodium  6,  4.     7,  4. 
Exuperantius  439,  4 — 6. 
Exuperius  396,  12. 

F. 

Fabia  of  Ovid  242,  2. 

F'abianus  360,  4;    Maximus  262.  7. 

Papirius  261,  10  sq. 
Fabii  (chronicle)  70  fin. 
Fabillus   375,  10. 
Fabius,  M.,  257,  6. 
Fabius  Aemilianus  127,  2. 
Fabius  Ceryllianus  383,  13. 
Fabius  Hispanus  336,  4. 
Fabius  Labeo  103,  4.  114,  5. 
Fabius  Marcellinus  377,  6.  11. 
Fabius  Maximus  Cunctator  112,  1  : 

Paulus    F.  M.    262,  7;     F.   M. 

Servilianus  128,  3. 
Fabius  Mela  260,  5. 
Fabius  Pictor,  Q.  105;  Ser.  129,  3. 
Fabius  Planciades  472,  2, 
Fabius  Quintilianus  320. 
Fabius  Rusticus  309,  6. 
Fabius  Sabinus  371,  5. 
Fabius  Severus  352,  6. 
Fabius  Sosianus  397,  2. 
Fabius  Vestalis  262,  11  fin. 
Fabius  Yictorinus  403,  6. 
fable  23. 

Fabricius  Tuscus  258,  6  fin. 
Fabricius  Veiento  292,  7. 
fabula    palliata,    praetexta,    togata 

etc.  14  sqq. 
fabulae  of  Hyginus  257,  5. 
fabulae  Varronianae  84,  4—6. 
facetiarum  liber  334,  2. 
Fadius  Gallus  212,  2. 
Faltonia  430,  15. 
familiares,  ad  (by  Cicero)  171,  1. 
Fannius,  C.,  33,  1  sq. 
Fannius,  C,  132,  3.  336,  8. 
Fannius  Strabo  131,  9. 
fasti  64.     fasti    dies    64,  1.     77,  3. 

78,  2.  fasti  (books)  64,  4.  fasti 

consulares  and  triumphales  65 


Index. 


607 


and  65,    1 — 5.     fasti  capitolini 

65,  2 — 4.   fasti  sacerdotum  65, 

6.    fasti  of  Ovid  244,  6  and  7. 
fatalism  of  Livius  252,  5,    of  Tro- 

gus  253,  3. 
fato,  de,  by  Cicero  173,  13. 
Faunus  56,  1. 
Fauorinus  346,  5.    352,  1. 
Faustinus  319,  2.    cf.  363,  5  sq.  — 

429,  5. 
Faustus  319,  5;  461,  7  sqq.  468,  3; 

469,  6. 
Felix  (martyr)  431,  4.  cf.  461,  7  sq. 

462,  2  and  5.     468,  1.     orator 

459,  5.  cf.  also  Cassius  Flavius 

Minucius. 
females  in  the  mimi  8,  5. 
Fenestella  254,  1—4.  forged  33,  8. 

254,  5. 
feriale  Cumanum  64,  8  nr.  8. 
Ferox,  see  Urseius. 
Ferrandus  485,  12. 
Ferreolus  459,  11. 
fescenninae  5. 
fescenninus  5,  6. 
Festivus,   see  Aurelius. 
Festus  256,  4  sq.  cf.  370,  7.  Rufiis 

409,  7    sq.     Avienus    413.     cf. 

Pescennius. 
Fidus  Optatus  353,  6. 
Figulus,  see  Marcius  andNigidius. 
figuris,  de  (carmen)  441,   J. 
Fimbria,  C,  135,  6. 
final  consonants  (dropped)    415,  2. 

443,  3. 
finalibus  (de)  syllabis  403,  4. 
finibus,  de,  by  Cicero  173,  6. 
Firmianus,  see  Lactantius. 
Firmicus  Maternus  the  pagan  wri- 
ter  401,  1—5;     the    Christian 

401,  6—10. 
fisci  (de  iure)  372,  9. 
Flacco,  pro,  166,  27. 
Flaccus,  see   Calpurnius,  Horatias, 

Persius,  Siculus,  Valerius,  Ver- 

rius. 
Flaccus  of  Patavium  312,  1. 
Flaccus  Rebius  404,  1. 
Flagrius  465,  13  fin. 
Flavianus  412,  6  —  413,  5.    421,  1 

sq.,  452,  1. 
Flavian  dynasty  305. 
Flavius,   Cn.,  78,  1 — 3. 
Plavius  Archippus  324,  7. 
Flavius  Caper  338,  3. 
Flavius  Charisius  412,  1   sqq. 
Flavius  Eutropius  424,  6. 
Flavius  Felix  468,  1. 
Flavius  Fimbria  135,  G. 
Flavius  grammaticus  393,   1. 


Flavius  Mallius  Theodorus    436,  3. 

Flavius  Merobaudes  457,  1—4. 

Flavius  Nicetas  459,  12. 

Flavius  Syagrius  420,  2. 

Flavius  Theodorus  473,  3.    474,  3. 

Flavius  Ursus  321,  10. 

Flavius  Vegetius  424. 

Flavius  Vopiscus  397,  2. 

Flavus    see    Alfius,    Sergius,    Ver- 

ginius. 
Florentina  374,  4.    410,  2.    411,  4. 

433,  5.  468,  2. 
florentinus  index  480,  7. 
Florianus  488,  2. 
Florida  of  Apuleius  363,  2. 
Florus  (M.)  320,  11   and  (historian) 

343;  cf.  Annius  and  lulius. 
Fonteio,  pro,   166,  12. 
Fonteius,  M._,  397,  2. 
formulae  of  incantation  75,  1. 
Fortunatianus,  see  Atilius  Chirius, 

Curius. 
Fortunatus,  see  Venantius. 
fragmenta  Ulpiani  372,  3, 
fragmenta  vaticana  399,  4 — 10. 
fragments  of  a  calendar  64,  8. 
fragments  of  Cicero    176,  6. 
fragmentum  Dosith.    (de  manumiss.) 

364,  5;     de    iure    fisci  372,  9; 

attached  to  Censorinus  375,  7. 
Franco  470,  6  fin. 
fratres  arvales  55  and  55,  1. 
Freinsheim   251,  12. 
Frigeridus  453,  9. 
Frontinus  322. 
Fronto,  orator  351 ;  age  of  Fr.  130, 

4 ;  pupil  of  Fr.  360. 
Fronto  (Cos.  96)  322,  4  fin. ;   Stoic 

324,  3;  cf.  351,  12;  cf.  Catius, 

Papirius,  Victorinus. 
Fufidius  298,  5. 
Fufius,  L.,   140,  4. 
Fulcinius  337,  10. 
Fulgentius    226,  6.     472.     485,    12. 

487,  1. 
Fullonius  Saturninus  402,  3. 
Fulvius  Asprianus  383,  14. 
Fulvius  Flaccus  131,  3. 
Fulvius  Nobilior  64,  2.    father  and 

son  89,  4  sq.  115,  1  and  2. 
Fulvius,  Ser.,  129,  3.   131,  12. 
Fulvius  Sparsus  263,  10. 
Fulvius  Yalens  345,  5. 
Fundania  156.  1. 
Fundanius  237,  2. 
Furii  (epitaphs)  73,  c. 
Furius,  A.,  poet  123,  4    cf.   136,  4. 
Furius  Ali)inus   179,  5  fin. 
Furius  Anthianus  374,  (>. 
Fujius  Biliaculus  i79,  5. 


608 


Indej 


Furius  Camillus  161,  8. 

Furius  Philocalus  64,  9.  cf.  407,  2 

(I)  405,  2. 
furius  Philus  127,  6. 
Furius  Placidus  397,  2. 
Furnii  206,  7. 
Fuscus,  see  Arellius,  Arislius,   Da- 

gellius. 
Fusius  Philocalus  353,  8. 

G. 

Gabinianus  310,  2. 

Gaetulicus  286,  1. 

Gaianus  390,  1. 

Gaius  337. 

Galba,  see  Sulpicius. 

Galenus  359,  11  cf.  489,  7. 

Galerius  Trachalus  292,  6. 

Gallicanus  (Vulcatius)  388,  6. 

gallicum  bellum  of  Caesar  183,  5  sq. 

Lib.  VIII,  184,  3. 
Gallieims  381,  2  and  p.  873. 
Gallio  (L.  lunius)  263,  7. 
Gallic  eloquence  p.  584,  n.  5.    882 

sq.  and  884,  10.  459. 
Gallus  320,  7;    371,  9;    see  Aelius, 

Antipater,  Asinius,    Cornelius, 

Fadius. 
Gallus,  T.,  465,  13. 
Gargilius  Martialis  376. 
Gaudentius  465,  13. 
Gavius  Bassus  207,  6. 
Gavius  Sabinus  and  Silo  263,  10. 
Gelasius  462,  5. 
Gellius,  A.,  361. 
Gellius,  Cn.,   132,  1. 
Gellius,  P.,   161,  5. 
Geminus,  see  Tanusius  and  Vnrius. 
Genealogiae  of  Hyginus  257,  5. 
Generibus  (de)  nom.  486.  7. 
Genesis  457,  5. 

Gennadius  317,  8  fin.;  410,  1;  462,  13. 
Geography  50.    cf.   154,  6.  b;  185, 

3  fin. 
Geographus  Ravennas    488,  4  sqq. 
Geometry  among  the  Romans  42,  2. 
Georoica  of  Virjril  223. 
Germania  of  Tacitus  331,  3. 
Germanicus  270,  4 — 11. 
Germans   in   literature  446,  2.     f^f. 

459,  2. 
Getarum  de  orig.  475,  4.  477,  2  sq. 
Gigantomachia  of  Claudian  433,  5. 
Gildas  Sapiens  478,  1  sq. 
Gildonicum  bellum  433,  3. 
i^landes  215,  9.  > 

Glitius  Felix  226,  2. 
gloria,  de,  by  Cicero  173,  15. 
glossae  ofPetronius  300,2.  on  the 

Corp.  iur.  480,  10.  12. 


glosses,  in  Old  High  German,  398,  8. 

Glycera  of  Tibullus  240,  2. 

The  golden  age  of  Roman  literature 

p.  216. 
Gordianus  371,  6. 
Gorgias  265,  1. 
Gracchanus,  lunius  133,  2. 
Gracchi  130,   and  see  Sempronins, 
Gracchus,  tragedian  249,  7. 
Graecinus  of  Ovid  242,  2.  see  also 

lulius. 
grammatica  (de)  403,  5;  434,  7  fin. 
grammar  and    grammarians  34    cf. 

146. 
grammatical    works    of    M.    Varro 

154,  6e. 
Granianus  (lulius)  375,  10. 
Granius  Flaccus  196,  15. 
Granius  Licinianus  355,  4—7. 
Gratia  351,  2. 
Gratianus  395,  2;  417,  1. 
Gratius  Faliscus  248,  1. 
Greek    influence    at  Rome    and  in 

Italy  p.  99  sqq.;  217  sqq. 
Gregorianus  (codex)  389,  1  and  2. 
Gregorius  (orator)  419,  3.  of  Tours 

478,    3—8.     cf.    483,    4.   6.    7. 

Pope  G.  I,   485,  1—7. 
Grillius  439,  9. 
Groma  48,  2. 
gromatici  48  and  48,  2.  cf.  154,  6  b. 

322,  2  sq.   (Frontinus)  339.  340. 
Gun  dab  ad  a  480,  3. 

H. 

Hadrianus  341-433,  6.  8. 
Halcyone  of  Cicero  176,  2, 
Halieutica  of  Ovid  245,  4. 
Haterianus  383,  4. 
Haterius,  Q.,  262,  5. 
Hatilius  96,  2. 
Hautontimorumenos     of     Terence 

99,  3. 
Hebdomades  of  Varro  154,  5. 
Hecyra  of  Terence  99,  5. 
Hegesippus  416,  6 — 8. 
Helenius  Arco   370,  1 
Heliodorus,  Stoic  324,  5;  on  metre 

347,  9.  cf.  437,  6. 
Heliogabalus  371,  3. 
Helius  Cordus,  see  Aelius. 
Helius  Maurus  377,  10. 
Helpidius  410,  4.  461,  1. 
Helvia  264,  1  and  2.  282,  1. 
Helvidius  437,  6. 
Ilelvidius  Prisons  294,  12. 
Helvius  Cinna  210,  2  sq. 
Helvius  Pertinax  360,  12. 
hemerologia  64,  5  and  8. 
hendecasyllables  27,  1-3.  28,  2. 


Index. 


609 


herbarum,  de  virt.,   363,  7  b. 
Herculis  laucies  382,  6. 
Herennius  221,  3.  Rhetoric  ad  He- 

rennium  149.        ' 
Herennius  Modestinus  374,  7. 
Herennius  Senecio  321,  7. 
Hermagoras  36,  8. 
Hermogenianus  389,  5;  codex  389,  3. 
Herodes  Atticus  352,  2. 
Herodianus  the  grammarian  359,  9 ; 

historian  377,  4. 
Heroides  of  Ovid  243,  3. 
Heron  489,  4. 
Heronius  450,  13. 
Hesperius  414,  2.  3. 
Hexaemeron  467,  5,  cf.  430,  1;  458,  1. 
hexametro   (de)  403,  5. 
Hieria  221,  2. 
Hierius  419,  7. 
Hieronymus  428,  488,  1. 
hierosolymitanum    itinerarium 

406,  3. 
Hilario  436,  1. 
Hilarius  of  Poitiers  411,  1 — 3;     of 

Aries  450,  7  cf.  453,  1. 
hilarotragoedia  18,  2. 
Himerius  410,  10. 
Hippolytus  of  Portus  377.  3  fin.  cf. 

388,  3  (IX). 
Hirtia  rogatio  215,  7. 
Hirtius,  A.,  184,  1  and  2. 
hispaniense  bellum  184,  3;  historia 

32,  1 ;  miscella  39,  5 ;  augusta 

388;  Apollonii  481. 
Historiae    of    Sallust    203,    4;     of 

Asinius    PoUio    218,    3  b.;    of 

Pliny  307,  5;    of   Tacitus    332. 
historians,  Roman  31 ;  32,  3. 
histricum  bellum  138,  6. 
Hoenus  459,  4. 
Homerus  latinus  303. 
Honoratus  404,  5 ;  462,  6  and  7. 
Honorius  483,  13.  see  also  Julius. 
Horace   229—235    and    p.  417  sq. ; 

422;     424;     reminiscences    in 

Lucretius    201,    2    fin.;    metra 

horatiana  206,  12. 
Hortensius  158  and  n.  1   and  2.  by 

Cicero   173,  5. 
Horns  422,  5. 
Hosidius  Geta   365,  7. 
Hostilius,  mimographer  8,  1 ;  philo- 
sopher 30(>,  2  fin. 
Hostius  138,  6. 

Hyginus  24():  grammaticus  339,  1  sq. 
livmiii  4S3.   '.)'.   135,  5. 

I. 

I,  long,  }).  262  and  n.  3. 
lacchus   146,  1. 


iambi  of  Horace  232,  1. 

iambographers,  Roman,  27,  1  sq. 

iambus  27. 

lanthis  318,  1. 

lanuarius  Nepotianus  274,  10. 

lavolenus  Priscus  337,  3. 

Ibis  of  Ovid  245,  3. 

Idacius  463,  3  sq. 

idyl  25. 

Idyllia    of   Ausonius    414,   3c;     of 

Claudianus  433,  7. 
Iguvinae  tabulae    57  and  57,  1  sq. 
Iliad,  Latin,  303. 
illustres    viri    of    Cornelius    Nepos 

185,  4;  of  Suetonius  342,  7;  of 

Victor  408,  2;    of  Hieronymus 

428,  10. 
imagines  of  Varro  154,  5;  of  Atti- 
cus 159,  1  d. 
imperial  period  266  sq. 
imperio  Porapei  (pro)  166,  14.        / 
improvising  208,  2. 
index  florentinus  480,  7. 
indigitamenta  63,  2. 
indignatio  of  Valerius  Cato  187,  1. 
Ineptiae  239,  2. 

Innocentius  437,  6;  Gromat.  440,  3. 
inscriptions  33,  4. 
inscriptions  on  votive   offerings  73 

cf.  104;  118;  150.  215;  325,  8. 
instituta  artium  295,  8  sq.  Inst,  of 

Gains  357,  2.  4. 
Institutio     oratoria     of     Quintilian 

320,  7  sqq. 
Institutiones    of    Gains    357,  4  sq., 

of  Ulpian    372,    4;    of   Lactan- 

tius   393,    4  sq. ;    of    Justinian 

480,  8. 
Instructiones    of    Commodianus 

380,  2. 
Invectiva  in  Ciceronem  203,  6. 
inventione,  de,  by  Cicero  169,  1. 
lo  of  Calvus  210,  7. 
loannes  437,  6;  480,  4  sq. 
loannes  Bicl.  476,  6. 
loannes  Cassianus  450,  1 — 3. 
ioci  Ciceronis  178,  2.  cf.  110,  5  sq. 
ioculatores  8,  8. 
lohannis  of  Corippus  487,  1. 
lona  (de),  369,  6. 
lordanes,  bishop,  477,  1.   483,  13. 
lordanis  477. 
losephus  306  fin.;    309,  5;  314,  7; 

translation  416,  6 — 8. 
lovinus,  see  Romanius. 
ira  (de)    of    Seneca   284,  4.  3  sqq. 

de  ira  dei  of  Lactantius  393,  6 
Isaeus  336,  6. 
Isidorus  Ilisp.  487. 
itala  41«'),   J  I.      • 

39 


I 


610 


Index 


ItakiXYj   18,  1. 

iter  of  Caesar   182,  3 ;     of   Balbus 

206,  4. 
Itineraria  50;  406. 
luba  (on  metre)  375,  2  sq. 
iudicium  pistoris  358.  10. 
lugurtlia  of  Sallust  203,  3. 
lulia  minor  242,  3.    Livilla  282,  1. 
lulianus,  see  Anicius,  Antonius,  Di- 

dius,  Salvius. 
lulianus  Aeclan.  437,  4 ;  Pom.  462,  9 ; 

jurist  480,  9  ;  Toletanus  486,  6  ; 

COS.  473,  2. 
lulianus,    emperor,    395,  2    and  4; 

410,  7  sq.;    cf.  402,  1. 
Julius,  C.,  senator  116,  1. 
lulius  Africanus  292,  4;  cf.  336,4; 

chronicles  377,  3. 
lulius  Aquila  374,  5. 
lulius  Aquilinus  360,  9. 
lulius  Atherianus  383,  4. 
lulius  Atticus  278,  5. 
lulius  Avitus  327,  9. 
lulius  Barsus  249,  4. 
lulius  Caesar  (Dictator)    181 — 183; 

Strabo  140,  3. 
lulius  Calidus  208,  6. 
lulius  Capitolinus   397,  5. 
lulius  Celsinus  353,  1. 
lulius  Celsus  337,  1, 
lulius  Cerealis  319,  3. 
lulius  Exuperantius  439,  4 — 6. 
lulius  Florus  24,  4  (satirist) ;  292,  5 

(orator);  343,   1   (historian), 
lulius  Frontinus  322,  cf.  375,  10. 
lulius  Gabinianus   310,  2. 
lulius  Genitor  336,  6. 
lulius  Graecinus  278,  6. 
lulius  Granianus   375,  10. 
lulius  Hilario  436.   1. 
lulius  Honorius  439,  10. 
lulius  Hyginus  257. 
lulius  Kanus  294,  6. 
lulius  Marathus  254,  9. 
lulius  Modestus  277,  1. 
lulius  Montanus  247,  13. 
lulius  Obsequens  409,  9. 
lulius  orator  439,  10. 
lulius  Paris  274,  4.  9.  11. 
lulius    Paulus    (jurist)    373.    poeta 

349,  4. 
lulius  RomanuR  375,  1. 
lulius  Rufus  306,  5. 
lulius  Secundus  310,  4. 
lulius  Severus  436,  3. 
lulius  Solinus  385. 
luhus  Tiro  321,  2. 
lulius  Titianus  360,  10. 
lulius  Valerius  388,  11. 
lulius  Antonius  237,  6. 


lunicus  326,  1. 

lunilius  485,  13. 

Junius  D.  Brutus  209,  5;  M.  Bru- 
tus, jurist,  129,  2;  M.  Brutus, 
assassin  of  Caesar,  209,  1 — 4. 

Junius  Cordus  377,  7. 

Junius  Gallio  263,  7. 

Junius  Gracchanus  133,  2. 

lunius  Mauricianus  356,  5. 

Junius  Maximus  324,  1. 

Junius  Messala  397,  2. 

lunius  Nipsus  440,  2. 

Junius  Otho  263,  8. 

Junius  Philargyrius  465,  13. 

Junius  Rusticus  314,  6.  Arulenus 
324,  2. 

Junius  Silanus  27 J,  8. 

jurisprudence  38  sq.  cf.  399. 

jus  aelianum  78,  3. 

jus  flavianiim  78,  3. 

jus  papirianum  61. 

jus  principale  454. 

Justinian  (emperor)  469,  2.  cf. 
480.    bishop  485,  14. 

Justinus  253,  4  sqq.  Christian  354, 
8.  Emperor  484,  2.  Faustinus 
358,  1. 

Justus  485,  15.  cf.  Curtius  and 
Papirius. 

Juvenalis  326. 

Juvencus  398,  4 — 7. 

Juventius  103,  1.    141,  3. 

Juventius  Celsus,  the  father.  311,  4; 
the  son  337.,  2. 

Juventius  Martialis  344,  2. 

K. 

Kanus  (Julius)  294,  6. 
Karneades  40. 
K(})fXixi&orqayii)dicc    18,  2. 

L. 

Labeo  the  poet  303,  5.  see  also  An- 

tistius,  Attius,  Cornelius. 
Laberius  179,  4. 
Labienus,  T.,   262,  10. 
Lachonius  447,  1   sq. 
Lactantius  (P^irmianus)  393. 
Lactantius  Placidus  316,  13. 
Laelius  the  father  112,  5. 
Laelius  the  son  96,  5 ;  127,  3. 
Laelius  of  Cicero  173,  14. 
Laelius  Archelaus  137,  i4. 
Laelius  Balbus  271,  9. 
Laelius  Felix  337,  7. 
Laenas,  see  Fopillius. 
Laevinus  338,  6. 
Laevius   148,  5  sqq. 
Jjampadio,  ()ctavius,  133,  3.1  46,  10. 
Lampadius  419,  12. 


Index. 


611 


Lampridius  397,  4.  459,  6. 

Largius  Licinus  323,  7. 

Largus  247,  8  see  also  Licinius 
and  Scribonius. 

Latins,  their  historians  31,  3;  ora- 
tors 36,  4;  treaty  with  the  L. 
59,  3. 

Latinus  319,  5.  Drepanius  419,  8  sqq. 

Latro,  see  Porcius. 

Latronianus  415,  8. 

laudatio  Caesaris  and  Porciae  by- 
Cicero  167,  5. 

laudatio  Catonis  by  Cicero    167,  6. 

laudationes  funebres  35,  3;  71,  3 
sq.;  on  Murdia  352,  5. 

Lavinius  338,  6. 

Laurentii  epithalamium  433,  9. 

Laurentius  Lydus  258,  6. 

Laureolus  280,  1. 

law  of  citation  446,  3. 

the  law  of  the  twelve  tables  76. 

Leander  485,  8. 

leges  regiae  60. 

legibus,  de,  by  Cicero  173,  2. 

legis  actiones  77,  2.    78,  3. 

^fi>7ioy(jajujuc(roy  472,   10. 

Lenaeus  207,  3;  cf.  43,  1. 

Lentuli  158,  7. 

Lentulus  Gaetulicus  286,  1. 

Lentuius  the  Mimographer  8,  1. 

Leo,  M.,  452.  Bituric.  453,  6.  in  Si- 
donius  459,  7. 

Leontius  460,  1  and  4  461,  8.  467, 
2.  cf.  Pontius. 

Leporius  449,  3. 

Lesbia  of  Catullus  211,  3. 

letters  and  collections  of  letters 
33,  3;  by  Cicero  170  sq;  to 
Cicero  214,  2;  by  Caesar  182,  8; 
ad  Caesareni  203,  5;  by  Se- 
neca 284,  5. 

lex  agraria  150,  5. 

lex  Antonia  215,  4. 

lex  Burgundionum  480,  3. 

lex  Cornelia  215,  2. 

lex  dei  432. 

lex  de  quaestione  perpetua  150,  3. 

lex  Icilia  59,  6. 

lex  Julia  municipalis  215,  6. 

lex  parieti  faciendo   150,  7. 

lex  repetundarum  150,  2. 

lex  roinana  Visig.  480,  2. 

lex  Rubria  215,  5. 

lex  tril)uiiicia  67,  5. 

Libanius  410,   11 

Liberalis,  see  Salvius. 

Liberius  466,  5  tin. 

Libo,  see  Scribonius  and  159,  5. 

librae  (de  {)urtibu.s)  473,  10. 


libraries  at  Rome  p.   218  and  423, 

Palatine  257,  1. 
libri    augnrales    and    augurum    67; 

1  and  2. 
libri  censorii  68,  6. 
libri  coloniarum  339,  4, 
libri  lintei  69,  3. 
libri  magistratuum  68  and  69 ;   69, 

1.  3. 
libri  pontificum  63  and  63,  2. 
libri  Saliorum  67,  3. 
Licentius  441,  4—6. 
Licinianus,  bishop  485,  16.  see  also 

Granius  and  Valerius. 
Licinius  Calrus  210,  5 — 7. 
Licinius,    L.    Crassus,    the     orator 

139  and  n.  3  sq. 
Licinius,  M.  Crassus,  Illvir  158,  3. 
Licinius,  P.  Crassus,  112,  4. 
Licinius  P.  Crassus  Mucianus,  129, 

5.  cf,  131,  1. 
Licinius  Imbrex  96,  4. 
Licinius  Largus  290,  1. 
Licinius    Lucullus    144    and    n.    2; 

his  brother  158,  4. 
Licinius  Macer  143,  3.  cf.  210,  5. 
Licinius  Maenas  147,  4. 
Licinius  Montanus  360,  8. 
Licinius  Mucianus  309,  1. 
Licinius  Nepos  336,  5. 
Licinius  Rufinus  374,  1. 
Licinius  Sura  321,  14. 
Licinus,     see     Clodius,     Largius, 

Porcius. 
Ligario  (pro)  166,  42. 
Limon  of  Cicero  176,  3. 
linen  69,  2. 

lingua  latina  (de)  of  Varro  155. 
lists  of  consuls  407,2  (III)  463,  5; 

475,  3. 
lists  of  Popes  407,  2  (V  and  VI). 
list  of  the  provinces  388,  12. 
list  of  the  regions  387,  6  sq. 
Litorius  458,  1. 
Livius,  T.  251  sq. ;  in  the  imperial 

epoch  33,  6. 
Livius  Andronicus  82. 
Livius  Drusus,  C,  134,  4. 
Livius  Drusus,  M.,  131,  11. 
Logistorici  of  M.  Varro,  154,  2. 
logographers  (Roman)  36,  6. 
Lollianus  346,  7. 
Lollianus  Mavortius  401,   1. 
Lollius  212,  3. 
Lollius  IJrbicus  377,  12. 
Longinus  293,  2  cf.  Cassias. 
Lungulanus  262,  11   fin. 
Lucanus  298. 
Luccoius  Albi'iiis  '.VM'),  4. 


612 


Index. 


Lucceius,  L.,  159  4. 

Lucianus  350,  4. 

Lucifer  411,  4. 

Lucilius,  C,    the  satirist,  122.     cf. 

135.  137,  1. 
Lucilius  of  Seneca  284,  5  sq. 
Lucilius  Balbus  141,  3.   148,  1. 
Lucilius  iunior  302,  2  sqq. 
Lucilius  441,  9. 
Lucretius    Carus    191     and  n.     cf. 

224,  6  fin. 
Lucretius  Yespillo  262,  4. 
Lucretius  Vispillo  141,  4. 
LucuUus  144    and   n.  2.    of  Cicero 

173,  7  and  n.  1. 
ludi  p.  101,  103,  104  sq. 
lullabies  11,  2  b. 
Lupus   247,  8,     bishop    45Q,  8     cf. 

Rutilius  459,  12. 
Luranius  218,  10  fin. 
Luccius  Lavinius  96,  5. 
Lutatius,  Q.  Catulus,  123,'"4.  136,4. 
Lutatius  Daphnis  146,  1. 
Lutatius  Placidus  316,  13. 
Lutorius  Priscus  269,  2. 
Luxorius  468,  3—5. 
Lycoris  227,  1. 
Lydia    of    Valerius    Cato     187,    1. 

others  187,  2. 
Lydus,  see  Laurentius. 
Lygdamus  240,  4. 
Lynceus  239,  3. 
lyric  poetry  26  and  28. 
lyric  poets  26,  1.    28,  1  sq, 
lyric  poems  of  Horace  233. 

M.,  final  (dropped)  466,  3. 

Macarius  437,  6. 

macaronic  poetry  <!;-!      I 

Maccius  (Macius)  Plautus  84—88. 

Maccus  9,  3. 

Macedo  354,  5. 

Macedonius  466,  1.  5. 

Macer,  see  Aerailius,  Licinius,Pom- 

peius. 
Macharius  466,  5. 
Macrinus  355,  1,  cf.  Opilius. 
Macrobius  438. 
Maecenas   217,  6.,     elegies    on    M. 

225,  5  and     6. 
Maecianus  356,  7. 
Maecius  Tarpa  180,  1. 
Maenius  see  Licinius. 
Maeonius  Astyanax  383,  5. 
Maevii  fratres  304,  1. 
Maevius  228,  2. 
magic  incantations  75,  1. 
macjic  literature  401,  3. 
j\lagius.251,  7. 


Magnus  Arborius  410,  5. 

Mago  44,  1. 

Maiorianivs  437,  4  cf.  12. 

Mallius  145,  1.    Theodoras  436,  3. 

Mamertinus    387,    4.     Claudius    M. 

410,  7  sq. 
Mamertus  (Claudianus)  461,  3—  6. 
Mamilius  and  Manilius  145,  1, 
Mamilius  Sura  147,  3. 
Mamurra  206,  11  cf.  211,  5. 
Manichaei  434,  8. 
Manilla,  pro  lege,  166,  14. 
Manilius    186,    15.       Astronomica 

248^  2-8. 
Manilius  Antioch.  208,  2. 
Manilius,  C,  190,  3. 
Manilius,  M',  129,  1. 
Manlius,  L.,    145,  1.     T.  Torquatus 

158,  10. 
Manlius  Vopiscus  319,  2.       / 
Manneius  215,   13. 
manumissionibus  (de)  364,  5. 
Marathus  240,  3,  see  also  lulius. 
Marcellinus,  see  Ammianus,  Fabius, 

Valerius. 
Marcellinus  ap.    Augustin.    434,  10 

cf.  459,  14. 
Marcellinus  Comes  476,   1  sq. 
Marcello,  pro,  176,  41. 
Marcellus  386,  1.    426,  1.    see  also 

Claudius,  E]3rius,  Marcius,  No- 
nius, Pomponius,  Ulpius,  Victo- 

rinus. 
Marcellus  Empiricus  (Burdig.)  426. 
Marsia  272,  1. 
Marcianus    379,  2    cf.    also    Aelius 

and  Martianus. 
Marcius  Figulus  129,    6.  Philippus 

140,  2.'  Salutaris  400,  4. 
Marcius  vates  56,  1   sq. 
Marcomannus  396,  10. 
Marcus  410,  4. 
Marianus   379,  2. 
Marillus  263,  2.  10. 
Marinianus  419,  12. 
Marius  (poet)  247,  12.  Atin.  319,  1. 
Marius  Avent.  476,  5. 
Marius  of  Cicero  176,  2. 
Marius  Maximus  377,  5.    M creator 

449,  1.     Victorinus   403,  1—7. 
Maro,  see  Vergilius. 
Mars  54,  5. 

Marsus,  see  Domitius  and  Vibius. 
Martialis  317.  cf.  Gargilius. 
Martianus  Capella  445. 
Martinus  Dumiensis  284,  10.  485,  9. 

Turonensis  435,  5     cf.  467,  3. 

483,  6. 
'Martins  469,  4. 
martyrologium  388,  2  (VI). 


Index. 


613 


Marullus,  mimograplier,  359,  7.  cf. 

Marillus. 
masks  in  palliatae  16,   9. 
Masurius  Sabinus  276,   1. 
Maternus  321,  16,  cf.  Ciiriatius  and 

Firmicus. 
matheseos    libri    of    Firmicus  401, 

3—5. 
mathematics  of  the  Romans "42. 
Matidia  341,  4. 
Matins,    C,    147,    4;     205,   5;     Cn. 

148,  4. 
Mauortius  469,   3;  Lollianus  401,  1. 
Mauricianus  356,   5. 
Maurus,    see  Helius,    Servius,    Te- 

rentianus. 
Maximianus  29,  2;   speeches  on  M. 

387,  4-6.  8;  cf.  396,  5. 
Maximianus,    grammarian,  403,    4; 

elegist  482. 
Maximinus  Victorinus  403,  4. 
Maximus  386,  9;    390,   1;    423,  11; 

462,  8;   cf.  also  Claudius,  Ma- 

rius  Rutilius,    Fabius,    Junius, 

Statilius,  Valerius. 
Maximinus  see  Metrorius. 
Maximinus,  Emperor,  371,  5, 
Maximus  Taurius  462,  6. 
Maximus  Victorinus  403,  4. 
Maximus  of  Saragossa  486,  4. 
Medea  of  Ovid  243,  8. 
medical  art  45. 

raedicamina  faciei  of  Ovid  243,  7. 
medicin  45;  de  medicina  of  Celsus 

275,  6. 
Mela,    see    Annaeus,    Fabius,    and 

Pomponius. 
Melaenis  238,  2. 
Melania  428,  1  ;  429,  3. 
melic  poetry  and  melic  poets  28. 
Melissus,   see  Aelius. 
Melissus,  C,  239,  2. 
melodie«5  adapted  to  Horace  233,  11. 
Memmii   135,  7. 
Memmius,  C,  190,  2. 
memoirs  32,   6. 

Memor,  see  Scaevus  and^Securus. 
Menaechmi  of  Plautus  85,   11, 
Menander,  see  Arrius. 
Menelaus   130,   5. 
Menippeae  (saturae)  24,  3;  of  Varro 

153,  3. 
Menippus  24,  3.   153,  3. 
Menna  480,  4.  5.  6  fin. 
menologium  rusticum  64,   11. 
Mentula  in   ('atullus  211,  4. 
Mercator  of  Plautus  85,  13.  Marius 

M.  449,   1. 
u^QisiAog  473,  5  c. 
Merobaudes  457,  1—4. 


Mesomedes  349,  5. 
Messala  37,  5.   447,  6. 
Messala  (orator)  218  and  n.  8 — 11; 
M.'s  circle  p.  422.  augur  186,  11. 

Messala    Corvinus,    forged    33,    8; 

218,  12. 
Messala  (Vipstanus)  309,  3. 
Messalinus  262,  6. 
Messius  367,  1.  cf.  444;   Arusianus 

420,  4. 
Metamorphoses  of  Ovid  244,  1 — 5; 
V       of  Apuleius  362,  3. 
Metella  210,  I. 
Metelli  158,  8.   cf.  Caecilius. 
Metellus  Scipio  212,  2. 
Metius  Celer  316,  2. 
metra  horatiana  403,  3. 
Metrodorus  402,  2. 
metrologici  49. 

Metrorius  (Maximinus)  403,  4. 
Mettius  Carus  321,  4. 
Mettius  Modestus  321,  3. 
Mettius  Pompusianus  314,   6. 
miles  gloriosus  of  Plautus  85,  12. . 
Milesiaca  143,  2. 
Milone,  pro,  166,  40 ;  by  M.  Brutus 

209,  2  fin. 
mimi  and  mimae  8,  6;  16,  9. 
mimiambi  138,  4. 
lut/uMdoi  8,  7. 
mimographi  8,   1  and  4. 
mimus  7  sq. 
Minervius  410,  2. 
Minicius  336,  4.     cf.    337,  6    (Min. 

Natalis). 

Minucii,  their  decision,  150,  4. 
Minucius  Felix  368. 
minutes  of  the  senate  213,  1. 
mirabilia  Romae  406,  9. 
miscellanea  of  Fort.  483,   7. 
Misitheus  37,  5. 
Modestinus  374,  7;  394,  3. 
Modestus,  see  lulius. 
modulus  259,  9. 
monastic  annals  33  fin. 
Montanism  369,  3  cf.  1.  2. 
Montanus  247,  13;  cf.  Curtius,  lulius 

and  Votienus. 
monumentum  ancyranum  217,  4. 
moretum  25,  2.  225,  3  and  n.  1  sq. 
moribus  (de)  284,  10. 
mortibus  (de)  persecutorum  393,  7. 
Moschus  263,  12. 
Mosella  of  Ausonius  414,  3  k. 
Mostcllaria  of  Plautus  85,  10. 
motoriae  16,  2. 
Muciauus  309,   1. 
Mucius,  P.   Scaevola,  66,  2  and  3; 

139,  4.  cf.  131,   1. 


614 


Index. 


Mucins,  Q.  Scaevola,  augur  134,  3; 

his  son  Q.  Scaevola  134,   3  fin. 
Mucins,  Q.  Scaevola,  pontifix  maxi- 

mus  141   and  n.  1 — 3. 
muliere  467,  7.   471,  9. 
mulomedicina  424,  8 — 10. 
Mummius,  a  writer  of  Atellan  plays 
Mummius,  L.,  127,  8.  [10,  2. 

Mummius,  Sp.,  22,   1.  127,  8. 
Munatius  212,  2.     Trail.  346,  4. 
Munatius  Plancus  206,  8. 
mundo  (de)  363,  6. 
Murdia  352,  5. 
Murena  (pro)  166,  24. 
Murredius  263,  10. 
Musa,  see  Octavius  and  263,   10. 
Musaeus  324,  9;  presb.  458,  7. 
musica  (de)  by  Augustine  434,  7  sq. 

by  Boetius  470,  5. 
Musonius  Rufus  294,  3. 
Mystes  236,  2.  cf.  301,  7. 
mystical  interpretation  of  numbers 

472,  3.  10.  475,  12. 
mythology,     heathen,  471,     6.     cf. 

470,   3. 
mythological  subjects  employed  in 

mimi  and  pantomimi  8,  3. 

N. 

Naevius,  Cn.,  83  and  n. 

Namatianus,  see  Rutilius. 

Namatius  447,  1. 

national  poetry  11. 

national  songs  75. 

natural  science  among  the  Romans 

43;    works  on  natural  science 

186,  8. 
naturales    quaestiones    of    Seneca 

284,  6. 
naturalis  historia  of  Pliny  308. 
Naucellius  416,  9. 
Nazarius  396,  7. 
Necepso  401,  3. 
Neckam  (Alex.)  443,  5. 
Nemesianus  301   and  382,  1    sq. 
Nemesis  of  Tibullus  240,  2. 
Nemesius  410,  2  fin. 
nenia  72,  2. 

Nepos,   see  Cornelius,  Licinius. 
Nepotianus,  see  lanuarius;  see  also 

428,  2. 
Neratius  Priscus  337,   1. 
Nero  281,  7-10. 
Nerva,  see  Cocceius. 
Nerva  filius  293,  2. 
Nerva  the  Emperor  325,  1. 
Neoplatonism  402,  1  — 3. 
Nicaeus  326,  8. 
Nicagoras  402,    1. 


Niceas  437,  6. 

Nicetius  459,   12. 

Nicomachus  Dexter  421,  3. 

Nicomachus  Flavianus  421,  1  sq. 

Nigidius  Figulus  186,  1 — 8. 

Nigrinus  336,  5. 

Nikandros  219,   6. 

Ninnius  Crassus  148,   7. 

Nipsus  440,  2. 

Nisus  gramm.  277,  4. 

noctes  atticae  of  Gellius  361,  4  sqq. 

nominibus  (de)  dubiis  486,  7,  cf. 
481,  2. 

Nonianus  (Servilius)  286,  2. 

Nonius  Asprenas  262,  2  and  11. 

Nonius  Marcellus  386. 

Nonius  Maximus  327,  9. 

notae  295,  4. 

notae  Einsiedlenses  etc.  295,  4. 

notae  Tironianae  178,  4. 

notitia  dignitatum  50,  3;  regionum 
406,  7. 

Novatianus  378,  6. 

Novatus  (M.  Annaeus)  263,  7;  pres- 
byter 391,  2. 

novellae  Theodos.  all.  454,  7.  of 
Justinian  480,  9. 

Novius,  a  writer  of  Atellan  plays  125, 
3-5. 

Novius  Vindex  319,  2. 

Numa,  epic  poet  247,  11. 

Numae  commentarii  62,  1  and  3; 
cf.  133,  1. 

number  of  actors  16,  3. 

Numerianus  381,   3. 

Numitorius  222,  1. 

nursery  songs  11,  2   c. 

Nux  elegia  246,  4. 

0. 

0,   shortened  441,  5;    444,  1. 
Obsequens  409,  9. 
oceanum   (ad)  582,  5. 
Octavenus  337,  12. 
Octavia  (praetexta)  285,  7. 
Octavianus  468,  7. 
Octavii  158,  4. 
Octavium,  ad,  letter  171,  5. 
Octavius  Avitus  221,  3. 
Octavius  of  Minucius  Felix  368. 
Octavius  lanuarius  368,  2. 
Octavius  Lampadio  133,  3. 
Octavius  Musa  250,  2. 
Octavius  Rufus   327,  1. 
Octavius  Sagitta  298,  4. 
Octavius  Teucer  146,  1. 
oculists  45,  1. 
odes  of  Horace  238. 
oeconomicus  of  Cicero  173,   18. 


Index. 


615 


officiis,  (de)  by  Cicero  173,  16;  by 
M.  Brutus  209,  1  ;  by  Ambro- 
sius  427,  4. 

Ofilius  189  and  n.  2. 

Olympiodorus  446,  6. 

Olympius  437,   6. 

Onesimus  383,  15. 

Opilius  Aurelius  146,  4. 

Opilius  Macrinus  371,  2. 

Opimius,  L.,  130,  1.  131,  4.  5. 

Oppius  258,  9. 

Oppius,  C,  184,  1  and  2. 

Oppius  Chares  146,  1. 

Optatianus  398,  1 — 3 ;  see  also  Sue- 
tonius. 

Optatus  415,  5. 

Optimo  de  genere  oratorum  by  Ci- 
cero 169,   7. 

ora  maritima  of  Avienus  413,  4. 

orator  of  Cicero  169,  4;  de  oratore 
169,  2. 

orators,  Roman,  36,  9;  37,  2. 

Orbilius  187,   3. 

orbis  terrae  by  Avienus  394,  3, 

Orbius  161,  6. 

Orestis  tragoedia  434,  46. 

Orfitus  418,  2. 

Oribasius  479,  4-6;   489,  5. 

Orientius  457,  8—11. 

Origines  of  Cato  109;  of  Isidore 
487,  5. 

origo  gentis  rom.  407,  3  (X);  of 
Pseudo-Victor  408,  4. 

Orosius  448. 

Orpheus  176,  5;  420,  1. 

orthography  81  fin.  ;  de  orthogr. 
403,  3;  465,   10;  475,  9. 

oscae  personae  9,   2. 

osci  ludi  9,  2  and  6;  10,  2. 

Otho,  see  lunius. 

Ovidius  242—246. 


P. 

Pacatus  419,  8—11. 
Paccius  319,  5. 
Paccius  Antiochus  289,  4. 
Pacianus  415,  4. 
Paconianus  269,  3. 
Paconius  337,   15. 
Pactumeius  Clemens  345,  6. 
pactum  fiduciae  260,  9. 
Pacuvius,  M.,  94. 
Pacuvius  Labeo  199,  6. 
Paeanius  409,  5. 
Paetus,  see  Aelius. 
Paetus  Thrasea  -94,  7 
Palaemo  (Remmina)  277,  3. 
Palfurius     Sura     321,  5.     historian 
364,  3. 


Palimpsests  86,  2.  225,  9.  251,  11. 
257,  5.  298,  9.  338,  12.  351,  9, 
355,  5.  357,  5.  376,  2.  399.  4. 
418,  4.    424,  6.  457,  3. 

Palladius  405,  rhetorician  420,  1. 

palliata  15  sq. 

Pamphilius  429,  1.  4  fin. 

Panaetios  40  cf.  134,  2.  3.  136,    2. 

IlKPdfXTca  of  Tiro  178,  3.  of  Justi- 
nian 480,  6  sq. 

panegyrici  387,  1     3. 

Panegyricus  on  Messala  240,  3.  on 
Piso  296.  of  Pliny  335,  12. 
on  Constantine  396,  5  sq.  on 
Theodorich  471,  2.  on  Theo- 
dosius  431,  1.  on  Aetius  437,  3. 
of  Sidonius  460,  4.  of  Cassiodo- 
rus  475,  2.  on  Anastasius  472,  7. 

Pange  (Hymnus)  461,  3.  5, 
Panniculus  319,  5. 
Pantomimographers  8,  1. 
Pantomimes  8,   7. 
Papianilla  460,  2. 
Papianus  480,  3. 
Papinianistae  366,  4. 
Papinianus   366. 
Papinius  123,  1. 
Papirianus  439,  11. 
Papirii  historia  33,  8. 
Papirius,  L.,   112,  7.     Q.  (gramma- 
rian) 439,  11. 

Papirius,  Sex.,  61,  1  —  141,  3. 
Papirius  Carbo  131,  4, 
Papirius  Carbo  140,  4. 
Papirius  Fabianus  261,  10  sq. 
Papirius  Fronto  364,  9. 
Papirius  lustus   364,   7. 
Papirius  Paetus  146,  9. 
Papperinus  439,  11. 
Pappus  9,  3. 
Papulus  298,  9. 
Papyriensis  426,  5. 
paradoxa  of  Cicero  173,  3. 
parasitus  8,  5.   17,  5. 
Parthenius  225,  2  n.  3.     3,  n.  1.  — 
319,  2.   468,  8.   459,  6. 

Particulo  279,  2. 
partitiones    oratoriae    of   Cicero 
169,  5. 

paschale  carmen  466,   1. 
Pasiphae  (de)  465,  8. 
Pasiphilus  405,  1  sq.     409,  1. 
pasquils  11,  3. 
PassennuR  Paulus  327,  4. 
Passieni  Crispi  263,  5. 
Passio  sanctorum  407,  6. 
Pastor  453.  7. 

patavinitas  of  Livy  252.   14. 
Patera  396.  8. 


616 


Index. 


Patricius  453,  6. 

Paula  428,  1   sq. 

Paulinus  in  Martial  319,  3. 

Paulinus   453,  7.     459,  4.     Mediol. 

449,  4.  Nol.  431,  1.  Petricord. 
467,  3.  Pell.  467,  4. 

Paulus  437,  6.     459,  14.     see    also 

lulius  and  Passennus. 
Paulus  (apostle)   and  Seneca  284,  9. 
Paulus,  commentator  on  Antipater 

132,  4  fin. 
Paulus,  epitomator  of  Festus  256,  6. 
Paulus,  jurist,  573. 
Paulus,  presb.,  453,  7. 
Pausanias  350,  3. 
Pedianus,  see  Asconius. 
Pedius  (Sex.)  293,  6. 
Pedo  Albinovanus  247,   6. 
Pegasus  (jurist)  31 1^  2. 
Pelao^ius  437,   1. 
Pelagonius  416,  13.   424,   10. 
Pentadius  394,  5. 
Peregrinus  451,   1   sq. 
Perellius  Faustus  221,  3. 
Perilla  of  Ticida  210,    1.     of  Ovid 

242    2 
periochae    on    Terence    98,   6.     on 

Livy  251,  9. 
peripatetics  40.  41,  3. 
Perpetuus  467,  3. 
Persa  of  Plautus  85,   16. 
Persius  Flaccus  297. 
personal  allusions  in  mimi  8,  4, 
personati  9,  4.  16,  9. 
Pertinax  360,   12. 
Pervigilium  Veneris  358,  5 — 9. 
Pescennius  Festus  377,   14. 
Petosiris  401,  3. 
Petrarca  170,  5.     229,  5. 
Petronius,  C,  300,   5. 
Petronius  Arbiter  300. 
Petronius  Aristocrates  294    11. 
Petronius,   episc,  437,  6.     459,   11. 

460,  6. 
Petronius  Musa  258,   12. 
Petrus  436,  8. 
Petrus  in  Sidonius    459,   4.    8.    re- 

ferend.  468,  7. 
Petrus  Chrysol.  450,   9. 
Petrus  Diaconus  385,  5. 
Phaedrus  279. 
phaenom.  epit.  473,   9. 
pharmacologies  45. 
Philargyrus  178,  4. 
Phiiastrius  415,  6. 
Philippicae  of  Cicero    166,  44—67. 
Philippus  Arabs  371,   7.    presbyter 

450,  5.    see    also  Aurelius  and 
Marcius. 

Phihstio  249,  8. 


Pliilocalus   64,  9;    see    also      urius 

and  Fusius. 
Philologus,  see  Ateius. 
philomela  (de)  467,  5.     486,  3. 
philosophy  among  the  Romans   40 

sq.     148.    402.    261.    348,    354. 

422.    459,   15.    469,  10.   p.  102. 

425.  of  Horace  230,  5. 
philosophical  writings  of  M.  Varro 

154,  6  b.   of  Cicero  172. 
Phlegon  344,  4. 
Phocas  465,  4  sq. 
Phoebadius  411,  5;  cf.  433,  7. 
Phoenix  (elegy)  393,  8. 
Phormio  of  Tertnce  99,  4. 
Phrynichus  359,  9. 
physicians  at  Rome  45,  1. 
physiognomica  363,  7  d, 
physiologus  472,  3. 
Pictor,  see  Fabius. 
Pilutus,   see  Voltacilius. 
Pindarus  Thebanus  (so-called)  303. 
Piso,  see  Calpurnius. 
Piso,  M.,  148,  1. 
Piso,  M.  Pupius,  158,  5. 
Pisonem,  in,   166.  37. 
Pitholaus  209,  10. 
Pitholeo  209,  10. 
Pius,  see  Antonius,   Cestius. 
Placidus  413,  1.    Lutatius  516,   13. 
Placitus  (Sex.)  426,  5-8. 
Planciades  472,  2. 
Plaucio,  pro,  166,  38. 
Plancus,   see  Munatius. 
planipedia  7,  3. 
planipes  7,  2  sq.  8,  6.  n 

Planta,  see  Pompeius. 
Plautius,  poet,  84,  5.  jurist  311,  5. 
Plautus  84-88.  philosopher  261,  9. 

294,  5.  see  also  Rutilius. 
plebeianisms,  see  vulgarisms. 
Pliny,     the    elder,    307  sq.     minor 

335. 
Plinius  Valerianus  425. 
Plotia  Hieria  221,  2. 
Plotius    Crispinus    261,    3.     Gallus 

146,    2.     Grypus    316,    2     and 

321,  12.    Sacerdos  390.    Tucca 

223,  1.    224,  2. 
Plutarch  171,   1. 
Poenulus  of  Plautus  85.   15. 
poemata  cf.  210,  3. 
poetae  82,  6. 

Poggio  312,  4.  315,  5.  316,  8. 
poets  of  togatae  17,  4. 
Polemius  459,   15. 
Polemius  Silvius  64,  10. 
Polemo  346,  5. 
political  literature  p.  220. 
Pollio  218,  5.  294,  3,  see  al  so  Asi- 


Index. 


617 


nius,  Claudius,  Clodius,  Pu- 
blilius,  Trebellius,  Vitrasius, 
Vitruvius . 

Pollius  Felix  316,  1 ;  319,  1 ;  324,  6. 

Polyaenus  359,  12. 

Polybius  226,  4.  cf.  284,  4. 

Polyhistor  (Solinus)  335,  6.  cf. 
also  257,   1. 

Pomerius  462.  9 . 

Pompedius  41.  1 . 

Pompeia  Macrina  247.  3. 

Pompeius,  Cn.  Magnus,  158,  6. 

Pompeius,  Sex.,  141,  4.  148,  1.— 
271,  7. 

Pompeius  Bitliynicus  214,,   3. 

Pompeius  Festus  256,  4  sq. 

Pompeius,  grammarian,  465,  2. 

Pompeius  Macer  247,  3. 

Pompeius  Messalinus  465,  7. 

Pompeius  Planta  336,  9. 

Pompeius  Rufus  140,  7. 

Pompeius  Saturninus  336,  1. 

Pompeius  Silo  263,  10. 

Pompeius  Trogus  253. 

Pompilius  123,  1 ;  Andionicus  146,  6. 

Pomponius,  father  of  Atticus  133,2, 

Pomponius,  Cn.,  140.  4.  6 ;  L.  125, 
1  sq.  ;  Sex.  141,  2;  jurist  345, 
7  —  11. 

Pomponius  Bassulus  327,  8;  Pom- 
ponius Laetus  256,  5;  Marcel- 
lus  277.  2.  Mela  291:  Porphy- 
rio  270,  4;  Rufus  274,  3;  336, 
4;  Secundus  279,   7, 

ponderibus  (de)  carmen  444,    2. 

Pontica  382,  4. 

Ponticus  247,  1. 

Pontidius  141,  4. 

pontificum  annales  66;  libri  63. 

Pontius  378  fin. 

Pontius  Glaucus  of  Cicero  176,  2. 

Pontius  Leontius  460,  1.  4. 

Ponto  (ex)  of  Ovid  245,  2. 

Popilius  Laenas  263,  11;  M.  103,4; 
114,  5;  P.  131,  8. 

Porcia  212,  3. 

Porcius  Cato  (M.)  107—111;  the 
son  114,  6;  the  grandson  135, 
2;  the  great-grandson  (Uticen- 
sis)  188. 

Porcius  Latro  263,  2. 

Porcius  Licinus  123,  3;  cf.  135,    1. 

Porfirius  Optatianus  398,   1—3. 

Porphyrio  370,  4. 

Porphyrins     (neoplatonic)     401,    9; 

402,  1. 
Porsena  59,  2. 

Possidius  434,  1   and  4. 
post  reditum :  Cicero'  speeches  166 
28-31. 


Postumianus  419,  5. 
Postumius,  A.  Albinus,  116,   2. 
Postumius,  Sp.  Albinus,  127,  9. 
Postumius  Festus  360,  1. 
Postumus  37.  5. 
Potamius  411,  6. 
Potitus  323,  6. 
Praecilius  Fort.  380,  „5. 
Praedestinatus  451,  5. 
praefecti  urbis  (list  of)  407.  2.  (V). 
praeficae  72,  2. 
praenominibus  (de)  274,   11. 
praetexta  14;  Ennius   91,    2;    of   L. 
Attius  119,  6. 

praetextata  14,  1. 

Praetextatus  422,  1;  see  also  207,1. 

pragmatici  37,  3. 

Pragmatius  459,  12. 

Prata  of  Suetonius  342.  3, 

Precianus  161.  7. 

Priapeia  28,  1  cf.  249,  8. 

pridie  quam  in  exilium  iret  167.  8. 

Princeps  321,  2. 

Priscianus  422,    3;    Theodorus    Pr. 

426.  9, 

Priscillianus  410,  4;  cf.  396,  8  fin.; 
401,  3  fin.  419,  9;  453,  6.  8. 

Priscus  247,  11;  324,  8;  446,  8; 
cf.  Helvidius,  Javolenus,  Luto- 
rius,  Neratius,  Tarquitius. 

Proba  429,  15;  430,  15. 

Probus    383:    2—412,    12;    413,    4; 

427,  1;  459,  14;    see   also    Ae- 
milius,  Anicius,  Titius,  Valerius. 

Procilius  159,  2. 

Procopius  Caes.  469.  2. 

Proculus249,  1.  258J  5;  jurist  293, 
1 ;  in  Sidonius  459,  8. 

Profuturus  453.  9 

prologue  of  palliatae  16,  6;  of  the 
togatae  17,  5. 

prologues  in  Plautus  88,  1;  in  Te- 
rence 98,  7, 

prolog!  of  Pompeius  Trogus  253, 
4  sq.  8. 

prolusiones  225,  5.  n.  1. 

proi)empticon  210,  2  sq. 

Proper  tins  241. 

prose  30.  80,  5. 

Proserpinaera])tu<?  of  Claudian433, 5. 

Prosody  p.  105  sq    of  Plautus  87,  9. 

TTQoaoiTia    nQOTUTixu  16,  8  ;    100.  3. 

Prosper  Aq.  453,   1 — 5. 

Protadius  410,  2. 

Protagoras  of  Platoii   173,  19. 

Protarchus  257,  2  fin. 

providentia  (de)  didactic  poem 
453,  5. 

proviiiciis  consularibus,  de,   166,35. 


618 


Index. 


Prudentius  430. 

Pseudo-Acro  372,  2. 

Pseudo-Ascoiiius  290,  3, 

Pseudo  -  Atilins  400,  7. 

Pseudolus  of  Plautus  85.  1  n. 

Ptolemaeus  350,  5;Chennus  464,1. 

Pseudon3^inus  451,  1  sq. ;  458,  3. 

Pseudo -Ovidius  246,  4 — 6. 

Pseudo -Plinius  425. 

Publicius  vates  56,   1  sq, 

Publicius,  jurist,  161,  5. 

Publilius  Optatianus  398,  1 — 3. 

Publilius  Pollio  16,  9. 

Publilius  Syrus  208,  2  sq. 

Pudens  314,  4. 

Punica  of  Silius  It.  302,  4  sqq. 

Pupius  249,  1. 

Pyrrhus  236,  1. 

Pythagorean  philosophy  10  and  40, 4. 


Quadratus  348.  1. 

quadriga  Messii  420,  4. 

Quadrigarius  142,  2. 

Querulae  of  A.  Caecina  186,  13. 

quia  cf.  quod. 

Quintianus  181,  9;  457,  13. 

Quintilia  210,  7. 

Quintilianus    320  ;    the    father  320. 

1;  others  320.  4,  12. 
Quintilii  376,  1   and  5 
Quintilius  Marcellus  371,  4. 
Quintilius  Varus  263,  6. 
Quintio,  pro,  166,  1. 
Quintipor  Clodius  279    3, 
Quintius,  T.,  73,  2. 
Quintius,  T.  Atta,  120.  ci.  135,  1, 
quod  (quia)  instead  of  ace.  c.   inf, 

388.  11;   401,   8;   418,  11;   451, 

2  sq.,  456,  3;  464,    3;    468,  3; 

469,  7. 


Rabanus  Maurus  424,  6. 
Rabirio,  pro  G.  166,  19. 
Rabirio,  pro  Postumo   166,  39. 
Rabirius  160,  2;    epic  poet  247,  9. 
Radegundis  483,  4.  5.  7. 
Radulfus  253,  3  fin. 
raptus  Proserpinae  433,  5. 
recinium  8,  6. 
recitationes  p.    423    sq.    and    n.    3 

sqq.    319,    1;    352,    4;    469,    6. 

463.  2. 
recurrentes  versus  32,  9. 
regal  period  (Roman),  treaties  ap- 

partaining  to  it  58. 
regula  Catoniana  114,  6. 


Regulus  (Aquilius)  321,  3. 

relationship,  on  the  various  degrees 
of,  372.  8. 

remedia  amoris  by  Ovid  243,  6. 

Remigius  459,  12. 

Remius  Favinus  433.  2.  cf.  465,  9. 

Remmius  Palaemo  277,  3. 

Renatus  453,  9. 

Reposianus  394'  2. 

republica,  de,  by  Cicero  173,  1. 

respondere  38.  4. 

responsa  38  sq.  cf.  p.  420.  n.  2. 

responsio  Celsina  337,  2 

responsio  Ciceronis  in  .Sallustium 
203    b. 

Restitutus  321,  17.  cf.  Claudius. 

retractationes  of  Augustine  434,  4. 

retro  419,  10  fin. 

rhetores  latini  36,  8 ;  of  the  impe- 
rial period  37. 

Rhetorica  ad  Herennium  149.  rhet. 
(de)  of  Augustine  434,  7. 

Rhetorica  of  Cicero  169,  1. 

Rhetoric  37 

Rhinthon   18,  1. 

Rhinthonica  18.  1   and  3. 

rhyme  11,  3  cf.  427,  5. 

rhytmical  poetry,  cf.  vulgar  pro- 
sody. 

ricinium  8,  6. 

ritual  songs  11,  3. 

Roman  stage  6,  3. 

romance  300,  6;  365,  6;  388,  11; 
481. 

Romanianus  441,  4. 

Romanius  Hispo  263,  10. 

Romanins  lovinus  360,  11. 

Romanus  (lulius)  375,  1;  see  also 
Aquila,  Vergilius  and  Voconius. 

Romulus  58,  1. 

Roscio,  pro  Amerino  166,  2.  pro 
R.  comoedo  166,  3. 

Rosetum  225,  5  n.  5. 

Rosianus   (ieminus  345,  6. 

Rubellius  Plautus  294,  9. 

Rubrenus  319,  5. 

Rubrius  289,  1. 

Rudens  of  Plautus  86,  17. 

Rufinus  (causidicus)  419,  12;  cf. 
433,  3. 

Rufinus  Antioch.  465,  6.  8.  Aqui- 
leiensis  429,  1—4. 

Rufinus,  see  Aradius,  Licinius. 

Rufius  Festus  Avienus  413, 

Rufus  Festus  409,  7  sq. 

Rufus  Sex.  406,  7;  409,  7  sq. 

Rufus,  melic  poet  28,  1;  249,  5. 
poet  219,  2.  5.  5. 

Rufus,  see  Caelius,  Caninius,  Ca- 
nius,  Cluvius,  Musonius,  Octa 


Index. 


619 


vius,  Pompeius,    Rutilius,    Sul- 
picius,  Valgius,  Verginius. 

Ruricius  462,  10. 

rusticae  res   of  M.  Varro  156. 

Rusticelius  140,  7. 

Rusticiana  418,  2;  470,  1. 

Rusticius  Helpidius  461,  1   sq. 

Rusticus,  see  Fabius,  Junius. 

Rutilia  lex  136,  1. 

Rutilius  Lupus  265. 

Rutilius  Maximus  367,  5. 

Rutilius  Namatianus  447. 

Rutilius  Rufus  136,  1 — 3. 


S  final  444,  1. 

s  final  (dropped)  466,  3. 

Sabbatius  437,  6. 

Sabellus  319,  6. 

Sabidius  54,  2. 

Sabina  319,  2. 

Sabini  epistolae  242,  4. 

Sabinum  of  Horace  229,  5. 

Sabinus,  see  Aelius,  Caelius,  Fa- 
bius, Masurius. 

Sabinus  of  Ovid  247,  4. 

Sabinus  Tiro  247,   10. 

Sacerdotal  fasti  65,  6. 

Sacerdos,  grammarian,  390. 

Saevius  Nicanor  146,    3. 

Salanus,  see  Cassius. 

Saleius  Bassus  313,  2. 

Salii  54,   1  and  5. 

Saliorum  libri  67,  3 

Sallustius  203  and  204. 

sallies,  collections  of,  110,  5  sq. 
cf.  178,  2. 

Salomo  475,  6. 

Salonius  462,  11   cf.  458,  1.  3.  4. 

Salvanius  453. 

Salvidienus  383,  12. a 

Salvius  lulianus  345,   1 — 4.  8. 

Salvius  Liberalis  336,  3. 

Salvius  Valens  345,  5. 

Samraonius  Serenus  the  father  370, 
5;  the  son  379.  4—6. 

Samocus  370,  5. 

Santra  207,  2. 

Sapaudus  459,  9. 

sapientes  (XII)  414,  3  i. 

Saserna  147,   1. 

satira  6,  2.  24,   1. 

satirae,  see  saturae. 

satire  24. 

satirists  24,  2  and  4. 

Satrius  Rufus  32 L    13. 

saturae  6 ;  of  Ennius  92,  1  sq.,  of 
Lucilius   122,    6  sqq.,  of  Varro 


153,  2  and  3;  of  Horace   231. 

of  Petronius  300,   1. 
saturae  Menippeae  24,   3:  of  Varro 

153,  3. 
Saturnalia    of   Macrobius  418,  5. 
Saturninus  383,  12;  401,  2  and  cf. 

Aelius,  Fullonius,  Pompeius. 
Saturninus,  jurists.  356,  6. 
saturnian  verse  52. 
Scaevius  Memor  318,  3. 
Scaevola  141,  1  and  see  Cervidius, 

Mucins. 
Scaevus  Memor  318,  3. 
Scaurianae  of  Ci-.ero  167,   1. 
Scaurinus  375,   10. 
Scaurus,   see  Aemilius,  Aurelius,Te- 

rentius. 
scholia    Bernensia,    Veronensia    on 

Vergil  226,  7. 
scholia  on    Horace    235.  3  sq. ;    on 

Persius  297,  6;  on  Lucan  298, 

8;  on  Stat.  Theb.  316,   10;    on 

Juvenal  326,  7  ;  on  fragm.  vat. 

396,  4. 
scholia  Bobiensia  on  Cicero  290,4. 
scholiast  on  Germanicus  270,  10  sq. 
schoHasta  Gronovianus    164,  6. 
school  reading  226,   1. 
Scipio  of  Ennius  92,  2. 
Scipio  Nasica  116,  4, 
Scipio  Nasica  Serapio  131,  7. 
Scipio  Optimus  79,  1.  114,  3. 
Scipios,  see  Africanus  and  Metellus 
Scoti  versus  442,  5. 
Scribonius  Aphrodisiensis  258,   3.  . 
Scribonius  Curio  131,   12, 
Scribonius  Curio  140,  6. 
Scribonius  Curio   (f  705)  196,   1. 
Scribonius  Largus  389,  2—6. 
Scribonius  Libo  159,   5. 
Scribonius,  L.  Libo  138,  2. 
scriptores      hist.      augustae      388, 

cf.  397. 
scriptores  rei  rusticae  44,  1  and  2. 
Scrofa  147,  2. 
Sebosus  207,  7. 
Secundinus  459,  10. 
Secundus,   see  Julius,  Plinius,  Pom- 

ponius,  rhetorician  ;  346.  4. 
Securns   Memor  445,  7. 
Sedigitus,  see  Volcatius. 
Sedulius  466,   1  —  7;  minor  466,    8. 
Sempronius  Asellio  132,  6. 
Sempronius  Atratinus  206,  10. 
Sempronius     Gracchus,    Tragedian 

249,  7. 
Sempronius,    C.  Gr:  cchus,    130,    2. 

4-6. 
Sempronius,    Ti.  Gracchus,    112,  6 

cf.  130,  6. 


620 


Index. 


Sempronius,    T.    Gracchus    130, 

1-3. 
Sempronius  Proculus  293,  5. 
Sempronius  Sophus  79,  1  and  2. 
Sempronius  Tuditanus  133,  1. 
senarii  (iambic)   13,  4. 
senator  476,  1. 
senatus  consulta  213,  1 ;  in  favour 

of  Asclepiades  etc.  215,  3. 
senatus  consultum   de  Bacanalibus 

118,  9. 
Seneca  the  father  294;  the  son  282 

—285. 
sentences  in  the  mimi  8,4.    cf.  11, 

2  c. 
sententiae  Pauli  373,  3;  Publilii  308, 

219;  Senecae  208,  3;  Varronis 

157,  2. 
Septicius  Clarus  342,  8. 
Septimius  310,  5. 
Septimius  (Dictys)  419,  1 — 5, 
Septimius  Serenus  379,  3. 
Septimius  Severus  310,  5;  321,    9; 

395,  4  sq.  (Emperor) 
Sequester,  see  Vibius. 
Serena  433,  3.     9.     8. 
Serenus,  see  Annaeus,  Sammonicus 

and  Septimius. 
Sergius  Flavus  291,  9. 
sermones  of  Horace  231,  3  cf.  234,1. 
Serranus  299,  6. 
Servilianus  (Fabius)  128,  3. 
Servilius  337,  13. 
Servilius  Barea  294,  8. 
Servilius  Nonianus  286,  2. 
Servilius  Silanus  360,   1, 
Servius  Maurus  423,  1-4. 
Servius  Tullius  58,  3;  his  comraen- 

tarii  62,  1. 
Sestius  (P.)  190,  4;  pro  Sestio  166, 

32. 
Severianus  437,  6;  459,  8. 
Severinus  485,  10. 
Severus  393,  2;  438,  8  fin.;  orator 

419,    4;  bishop    485,    17;    see 

also  Aquilius,  Alexander,  Cas- 

sius,    Cornelius,     Endelechius, 

Fabius,  lulius,  Septimius,  Sul- 

picius. 
Sextilius  Enna  247,  10. 
Sextius  41,  4. 
Sextius     Calvinus     141,    4;     Niger 

376,  5. 
Sextus  354,  2.     356,  3 :  357,  4. 
Sibylla  56,  1. 
Siculus,  see  Calpurnius. 
Siculus  Flaccus  321,  6. 
Sidonius  460, 

Silanus  (D.)  44,  1;  242,    3. 
Silanus  (M.)  271,  8. 


Silenus  132,  4. 
Silius   Italicus  315. 
Silo,  see  Albucius,  Arbronius    and 
Pompeius. 

Silvae  of  Statins  303.  5. 
Silvinus  372,  1. 
Silvius  415,  2  fin. 
Silus,  see  Albucius. 
silver  age  of  Roman  literature, 
vol.  2  introd. 

Simplicianus  437,  6. 

Simplicius  390,  1  sq. 

Sinnius  Capito  255,  3 — 5. 

siparium  7,  4. 

Sirmondian  Constit.  454,  8. 

Siro  220,  3. 

Sisebutus  496.  1. 

Siscnna,   L.   Cornelius,  143  and   n. 

1.     sq. 
Sittius  136,  3. 
Sixtus  429,  4. 
Smyrna  of  Cinna  210,  2. 
Sodoma  (de)  369,6. 
solar  worship  395,  4;  401,  4. 
Solintis  (lulius)  367. 
Sollius,  Apoll.  Sidonius,  460. 
Somnium  Scipionis  173,  1.4;  438,4. 
songs  in  praise  of  the  departed  72, 
song  of   the    Salians    54    and    54, 

2  sqq. 
Sopater  402. 
Sophronius  428,  10  fin. 
Soranus  (Barea)  294,  8;  (Ephesius) 

339,  8;  cf.  456,  3—6. 
sortes    Praenestianae    126,  2. 
sortes  Vergilianae  226,  4. 
Sotion  261,  8;  282,  1. 
Sparsus,  see  Fuivius. 
Spartianus  370,  4  sq. 
speeches  in  Livy  252,  12. 
GTiovd^iat^opT^g  210,  2;  cf.   p.  22  4, 

n.  1. 
Spurinna  (Vestricius)  305,  5. 
Staberius  Eros  146,  10.;    cf.  198,2. 
statariae  16,  2. 
Statilius  Maximus  370,  6. 
Statins  316.     his  father  318,  3- 
Statius  Caecilius  95. 
Statins  Sebosus  207,  7. 
Statins  Ursulus  292.  12. 
Statins  Valens  377,  11. 
Stella  (Arruntius)  318, 
stemnata  71  and  71,  1. 
Stephanio  17,  4. 
Stertinius  261,  4.  physician  289,1; 

Avitus  319,  2. 
Stichus  of  Plautus  85,  18. 
Stilicho  433,  1.     3     sq. 
Stilo,  Aelius  137  and  n.   13. 


Index. 


621 


stoicism  at  Rome  40  sq.  41,  2  sq.  ; 
its  influence  on  jurisprudence 
38,  5  cf.  134,  2;  on  eloquence 
40,  3.     cf.  134,  2.     188,  2. 

Strategemata  of  Frontinus  322,  5. 

strophic  composition  in  Virgil's  Eel. 
222,  3;  in  Horace  (Odes)  233, 
4;  in  the  elegists  29 ,  1  ;  in 
Seneca  285,  3. 

stupidus  8,  5. 

suasoriae  of  Seneca  264,   4  and  7. 

Suetonius  342. 

Suetonius  Optatianus  383,  9. 

Suevius  25,  2. 

Suffenus  208,  5. 

Suillius  292,  1. 

Sulla  144  and  n.  1 ;  under  Domitian 
318,  6. 

Sulpicius  Alexander  421,  14. 

Sulpicius  ApoUinaris  366,  1   sq. 

Sulpicius  Blitho  169,  7. 

Sulpicius  Camerinus  247,  8. 

Sulpicius  Cornelianus  360,  7. 

Sulpicius  Flavus  281,  2. 

Sulpicius  Galba  205,  2. 

Sulpicius,  Ser.  Galba,   127,  4. 

Sulpicius,  C.  Gallus,  113,  1. 

Sulpicius  Lupercus  414,  6. 

Sulpicius  Maximus  314,  4. 

Sulpicius,  P.  Rufus,  140,  5.  cf» 
161,  3  fin.  Ser.  Rufus  161,  2— 

Sulpicius  Ser.  237,  3. 

Sulpicius  Severus  435. 

Sura,  see  Aemilius,  Licinius,  Pal- 
furius. 

Surdinus  15,  2. 

survey  48. 

Syagrius  ^'20,  2.     cf.  459,  11. 

Symmachi  418,  2  fin. 

Syramachus,  father  418,  1;  son, 
418,  2  —  14;  grand -son  and 
great-grandson  418,  2;  cf.  469. 
4;  473,  5. 

Sympiiosius  442. 

Synesius  437,  7. 

Synonyma  of  Cicero  175,  8. 

Syrus,  see  Publilius. 

T. 

T  final  (dropped)  466,  3 
tabernaria  17,  2  and  4. 
tabula  Bantina  150,  1. 
tabula  Peutingeriana  50,  2. 
tabulae  alimentariae  32.5,  8,  b. 
tabulae  censoriae  68  and  67,  2. 
tal)ulae  duodecim  7  sq. 
tabulae  Ileracleenses  215,  6. 
tabulae  iguvinae  57,    1  sq. 
Tacitus  328-334. 
Tanusius  Ocniiiius  208.  4. 


Tarquinius  58,  4. 

Tarrutenius  Paternus  64,  8. 

Tarutius,  L.  186,  9. 

Tascius  Vict.  421,   1  fin. 

Tatius  Cyrillus  396,  6. 

Tatius  Valens  377,  11. 

Tatuinus  460,  3. 

Taurus,  see  Calvisius. 

Terentianus  Maurus  391. 

Terentius  (P.)  Afer  97—100. 

Terentius  Clemens  356,  4. 

Terentius  Libo  124,  2. 

Terentius  Scaurus  347,   1. 

Terentius  (M.)  Varro  Reatinus 
152-157. 

Terentius  (P.)  Varro  Atacinus  208,1. 

Terentius  Varro  Lucullus   215,    8. 

Tereus  219,  4. 

Tertullianus  Jurist  367,  6:  ecclesi- 
astic writer  369. 

tesserae  gladiatoriae  215,   10. 

testamentum  Dasumii  325,  8  a. 

testamentum  suis  24,  4;  39,   1. 

Tetradius  24,  4-459,  14. 

tetrastichon  de  mensibus  414,  7. 

Tettius  Cab.  319,  5  fin. 

Thallus  368,  2. 

Thaumastus  459,  11. 

theatres:    stone   theatres  at  Rome 
259,1  fin. 

Thebais  of  Statins  376,  3. 

Theoctistus  465,   12. 

Theodericus  385,  5;  king  Theode- 
rich  469,  1 ;  panegyric  on  him 
471,  2.  Theoderici  edictura 
480,  1. 

Theodorus  474,  3.  Theodorus  Pris- 
cianus  426,  9;  Flavins  473,  3; 
see  also  Mallius. 

Theodorianus  codex  454. 

Theodosius  I.  417,  2;  cfr.  419,  10; 
Tb.    11  446,  9  sq. 

Th.  M^crobius438.     cf.  443,   1. 

Theocritus  222,  2. 

Theophilus  437,  6.     480,  4.     6.    8. 

Therasia  431,  2. 

Theuderich  479,   1. 

Thomas  Rrab.  470,  8. 

Thrasamundus  468,   1.  sq. 

Thrasea  Paetus  294,  7. 

Thucydides  204,  1.     3.     4,     5. 

Thycstes  of  L.    Varius  219,    2  cf. 
249,  7. 

Tibcrianus  388,  7;  396,  9.-415,  9. 

Tiberius  270,  1—3. 

tibia  in  the  mimi  8,  7;  in  the  tra- 
gedies 13,  4;  in  palliatae  1(),  4. 

tibiae  pares,    dextrae    etc.    16,    4. 

TibulluH  240. 

Ticlnmiiiv    43(>.    2. 


622 


Index. 


Ticidas  210,   1. 

Timaeus  of  Cicero  183,  9. 

Timesitheus  371,  6. 

Timotheus  458,  3. 

Tiro  of  Cicero  167,  4  and  171  and 

n.  4;  178,  and  n.  see  also  lulius. 
Tiro  Sabinus  44,   1. 
Titianus  23,   2,   360,    10.     396,    11 

cf.  375,  10. 
Titinius  101. 
Titinius  Capito  327,  2. 
Titius  237,  4. 
Titius  Aristo  337,  4. 
Titius,  C.  123,  2. 
Titius,  C.  Probus,  274,   11. 
Titius  Gallus  465,   13, 
Titius  Homullus  336,  4. 
Titus  (Emperor)  305.   sq. 
togatae  14,  2.  §  17. 
togatorius  17,  4. 
togati  480,  5.     6. 
Tonantius  Ferreolus  459,  11. 
Topica  by  Cicero  169,  6. 
Torquatus  262,  2. 
Toxotius  379,  8. 

Trabea,  a  writer  of  palliatae  96,   1. 
trabeatae   17,   1:239,  2. 
Trachalus  292,  6. 
tragicomoedia  18,  2. 
tragedy,  Roman   13.  of  Seneca  285. 
Traianus    325,    2;     correspondence 

of  Pliny  with  T.  335,   6,  9. 
translations  of  the  Bible  416,  10 — 12. 
translations  from  the  Greek  388,  11; 

402,   5;    403,    2;    416;    422,    1; 

426,    3;  429,    1.     8;   456:    470, 

2.     5.     sq.    479,  4-6;  481;  489. 
treaties  of  the  regal  period  58;  in 

the  third  century  u.  c.  59. 
Trebatius  Testa  189  and  n.  3. 
Trebellius  (M.)  288,   1  fin. 
Trebellius  Pollio  386,  7. 
Trebonius,  C,  209,  9, 
Tremellius  Scrofa  147,  2. 
Triarius  263,   10. 
Tribonianus  480,  4.     5.     6. 
Trinacrius  247,  8. 
Trinummus  of  Plautus  85,   19. 
Tristia  of  Ovid  245,   1. 
triumphal  songs  74. 
Trogus  Pompeius  253 
Troiae  excidium  464. 
Troiae  halosis  300,  3  sq. 
Troica  of  iSero  281,  8. 
Troicus  Aper  353,  4. 
Truculentus  of  Plautus  85,  20. 
Trypho  289,  2.  ' 
Tryphonius  367,   3. 
Tubero,  see  Aelius. 
Tucca,  see  Plotius. 


Tuditanus,   Sempromus,  133,   1. 
TuUio,  pro  166,  4. 
Tullius,  M.  Cicero,  162—176. 
Tullius,     Q.    Cicero,     177;     letters 

addressed  to    him    171,  3;    by 

him  177,  3. 
Tullius,  M.  Laurea,  26.   1. 
Tullius  Tiro  167,  4  5  171   and  n.  4. 
Tullus  HostiHus  58,  2. 
Tullus  (Volcatius)  241,  2. 
Turcius  Asterius  466,  5. 
Turia  262,  4. 
Turin  gloss  480,   10. 
Turnus  318,   2. 
Turpilius  103. 
Turranius  249,  6. 
Turranius  Rufinus  429,   1—4. 
Turribius  453,  6. 
Tuscianus  345,   1. 
Tuscilius  336,  4. 
Tusculanae  of  Cicero  173,  8, 
Tuscus  247,  8  fin.  258,    6;  272,  4. 
Tuticanus  247,  2. 
Tutiliuo,  Rhetorician,  321,  1. 

V. 

Vacca  298,  1. 

Vagellius  299,  4. 

Valens  and  Valentianus  (Emperors) 

395,  2  cf.  410,  9. 
Valens,  see  Aburnius,  Fulvius,  Sal- 

vius,  Vettius. 
Valeria  237,  3. 
Valerianus  353,  7;  bishop  450,    10; 

cf.  Curtius  and  Plinius. 
Valerii  epistola  469,  7. 
Valerius,      commentator     on      the 

twelve    tables  76,   6;    a  writer 

of  palliatae    103,    2;    L.  jurist 

189,  5;  see  also  Julius. 
Valerius  Aedituus  123    2. 
Valerius  Antias  142,   3. 
Valerius  Cato  187,   1. 
Valerius  Catulus  211  . 
Valerius  Cotta  262,  6. 
Valerius  Flaccus  312. 
Valerius  Largus  247,   8. 
Valerius  Licinianus  321,  15. 
Valerius  Marcellinus  377, 7. 397, 5  fin. 
Valerius  Martialis  317. 
Valerius  Maximas  274. 
Valerias  Messala  (M.)  218,    8—11. 
Valerius  Messala  (Cos.  701)  186,  11; 

Messalinus  262,  6. 
Valerius  Primanus  292,  8. 
Valerius  Probus  295. 
Valerius  Pudens  314,4. 
Valerius  Severus  337,   14. 
Valerius  Soranus  124,  1   cf.     135,1, 

his  sons  140,  7. 


Index. 


623 


Valerius  Valentinus  135,  1. 

Valgius  Rufus  236. 

Yargunteius  J  33,    3. 

Variae  of  Cassiodorus  475,  5. 

Varius  Geminus  262,  12. 

Varius,  L.,    219,  1—5. 

Varius  Lucullus  337,5. 

Varro  Atacinus  208,  1. 

Varro  in  Martial  319,  2  fin. 

Varro  152—157. 

Varroniauae  fabulae  84,  4 — 6. 

Varro  in  the  Carolingian  age    157, 

2. 
Varus,   see  Alfenus,    Quintilius. 
vaticana  fragmenta  399,4 — 10.    ars 

412,  12. 
Vatinium,  in  166,  33. 
Vatinius  214,  3;  cf.    210,  6.    211,2. 
Vavius,   see  Bavius. 
Vegetius   424. 
Veiento  292,  7. 
Velius  Longus  338,  3. 
Velleius,  C,     148,1. 
Velleius  Ceier  347,  2. 
Velleius  Paterculus  273. 
Venantius  Fortunatus  483.  4 — 10. 
Vennonius  132,  2. 
Ventidius  204,  3. 
Venuleius  Saturninus  356.  6. 
Veranius  186,   14. 
vergiliana  continentia  472,    4. 
Vergilianus  439,  1. 
Vergilius  (grammarian)    474,  6. 
Vergilius  (magician)  226,  12. 
Vergilius  Maro  220 — 226. 
Vergilius  Roman  us  327,7. 
Verginius,  rhetorician, 275,  1. 
Verginius,  A.,    141,  4. 
Verginius  Flavus  292,  9. 
Verginius  Kufus  318,  4. 
Verrinae  orationes  166,  6 — 11. 
Verrius  Flaccus  64,  3.    (fasti)   245. 
Vertacus  402,  3. 
Verus,  L.,    the  father  350,  1.     the 

son  359,  1  and  6. 
Vespae  indicium  358,   10. 
Vespasianus  305,  sq. 
Vespillo,   see  Lucretius. 
Vestricius  Spurinna  318,  5. 
veteres  39,  4. 

Vettius  (rhetorician)  336,  6. 
Vettius  Agorius  Praetextatus  422,1. 
Vettius  Crispinus  316,  2. 
Vettius  Mavortius  469,  3. 
Vettius  Philocomus  137,  4. 
Vettius  Vettianus  140,  7. 
vetula  (do)  246,  5. 
Vibius  Crispus  292,  2. 
Vibius   Gallus,    Vibius  Kufinus  and 

Rufus  2t)3,   10. 


Vibius  Marsus  271,  10. 
Vibius  Sequester  439  ,  1 — 3. 
Victor  (P.)  406,  7  fm.  ;  bishop  453, 

7;    Christian    poet    457,  5 — 7; 

Vitensis    463,   1    sq. ;    Tunme  •• 

nensis    476,     4    sq.     See     also 

Aurelius. 
Victoria,  altar  of,  418,  13. 
Victorianus  251,  10. 
Victorinus,  Christian    poet   403,  8; 

Christian    writer  403  ,    1    fin. ; 

Massil.  450,  4;  for  others   see 

Aufidius,  Fabius,  Marius,  Ma- 

ximianus  Maximus.     ,i.v 
Victorinus  Fronto  351,  2.      360,  2. 
Victorius  450,  4;  459,  13. 
Victorias  Marcellus  321,  8. 
Vidularia    of   Plautus  p.    118     fin. 
Vigellius  148,   1. 
Vigilantius  437,  6, 
Vigilius  437,  6;  462,  12;  477,  1.  5; 

483,  2. 
Villicus  459,  4. 
Vincentius  Bellovac   240,  7;  Leri- 

nensis  451  ;  others  453,  7. 
Vindex,  see  Caesellius,  Novius. 
Vindicianus  426,  3  sq. 
Vindius  Verus  356,  2. 
Vinicii  263,  10;  cf.     273,  1-3. 
Violantilla  318,    1. 
Vipsanius  178,  4. 
Vipsanius  Agrippa  217,   10  sqq. 
Vipstanus  Messala  309,  3. 
Vir  bonus  225,  5  n.     5. 
viri  illustres  of  Suetonius  342,  7  ;  of 

Victor  408,   2;    Christian  428, 

10;  462,  12. 
Virius  Nicomachus  421,  1. 
virtutibus,  de,  hj  Cicero  173,  17; 

cf.  also  284,  10. 
Visellius  Aculeo  141,  4. 
Visellius  Varro  141,  4  fin. 
Visigothorum  lex,  480,  2. 
Vispillo,  see  Lucretius. 
Vitellius,  jurist  260,  7. 
Vitellius,   P.,  271,4. 
Vitellius  Afer  411,  8. 
Vitrasius  PoUio  282,   1. 
Vitruvius  Pollio  259. 
Vivarium  485,  1.     7. 
Vivanus  337,  11.. 
Ulpianus  372. 
Ulpius  Marcellus  356,  8. 
(Jlpius  Travianus  325,  2. 
Ummidius  Quadratus  336,4.  fin. 
Unicus  319,  4. 

Voconius  341,  5;   bishop  453,  7. 
Voconius  Romanus  336,  2. 
Voconius  Victor  319,  4. 
Volcatius  ('uUicanus  388,  (>. 


624 


Index. 


Volcatiiis   (grammarian)  377,  3. 
Volcatius  (jurist)  141,  4  cf.  161,7. 
Volcatius  tSedigitus  15,  3  (Canon). 

124,  3. 
Volcatius  Terentianus  377,  13. 
Volcatius  Tullus  241,  2. 
Voltacilius  Pilutus  31,  3;  36,  8; 

145. 
Voltacilius  Pitholaus  209,  10. 
Volumn'iis  250,  3. 
Volumnius  Quaclvatus  360,  3. 
Volusenus  Catulus  271,  5  and  9. 
Volusius  (L.)  288,  1  fin. 
Volusius  Maecianus  356,  7. 
Volusius,  Q.  2P6,  11. 
Volusius ::=Tanusius  208,  4. 
Vopiscus  397,  2. 
Vossianus  cod.  304. 
Votienus  Montanus  271,  1.     cf. 

322,  17. 
U  rani  us  390,  1. 
Urbanus  338,  1. 
Urbicus,  see  Ag-genus. 
Urseius  Ferox  311,  3. 
Ursinus  437,  6. 
Ursus  321,  10;  cf.  359,  8. 
Vulcatius,  see  Volcatius. 


vulgarisms  483,  10;  484,  4. 

vulgar  Latin  381,  4. 

vulgar  metres  cf.  381,    4;    467,    1. 

2. 
vulgar  prosody  p.    106  cf.  430,  10. 

14;  467,  1.     2. 
vulgata  428,  5. 

w. 

war  of  Hannibal  p.  100. 

war,  history  and  science  of,  59. 

weather  —  rules  75;  75,  1. 

wigs  in  palliatae  19,  9. 

will  of  a  pig  24,  4;  39,  1. 

writers  on  veterinary  art  45  fin. 

X. 

Xenophon's  Oeconomicus  173,  18 
cf.   223,  2. 

z. 

Zeno  411,  7. 
Zenobius  203,  7. 
Zmyrna  of  Cinna  210,  2. 
Zoology  43  and  n.  1. 
Zosimus  449,  7. 


Printed  by  Ferd.  Schlotke,  Hamhurg.