Skip to main content

Full text of "Texas scrap-book : Made up of the history, biography, and miscellany of Texas and its people"

See other formats


Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2012 with funding from 

LYRASIS Members and Sloan Foundation 

Stephen H. Austin. 

See p. 253. 

T- „.: 







D. W. C. BAKER. 




Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year i§75, by 


in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 



Stephen H. Austin Frontispiece 

Mission of San Jose 18 

Indian Charge 35 

First Sunday School in Texas 75 

Plan of Battle of San Jacinto . 94 

Houston and Santa Anna 96 

Storming of the Alamo 109 

Monument to the Heroes of the Alamo . 112 

Ground Plan of the Alamo 115 

House in which First Congress met 119 

The Capitol at Austin. 120 

Texas Indians 132 

Mrs. Eberly Firing off Cannon 143 

Thomas J. Rusk 155 

Santa Anna 189 

Thomas F. McKinney 206 

Mirabeau B. Lamar 226 

Houston pierced by an Arrow 255 

Thomas William Ward 272 

Sterling C. Robertson 288 

Ellis P. Bean 322 

Anson Jones 339 

Duval drawing a Pig through the Floor 371 

General Sam Houston 397 

David Crockett 419 

David G. Burnett 441 

Houston issuing Orders 464 

Cathedral at Mexico 500 

R. M. Williamson 524 

Edward Burleson 565 

Tom Green 584 

Sidney Sherman 600 

Colonel John Caldwell 630 






Early Spanish Missions in Texas 17 

Historical Notes collected from Registers of Old Mission of San Antonio Valero 18 

The Name Texas 19 

Geography of Texas 20 

A Compend of Texas History 23 

The Anahuac, or Opening Campaign of the Texan Revolution 24 

Battle of Velasco, in 1832 30 

The Celebrated Indian Fight of 1831 '. 35 

Storming of San Antonio de Bexar, in 1835 37 

Historical Reminiscences — Memorial from Texas Convention of April,, 1833 39 

The Convention of 1836 53 

Declaration of Texan Independence 55 

Names, etc., of the Signers of the Texan Declaration of Independence 58 

A Declaration adopted by the General Consultation of Texas, November, 1835 60 

A Declaration of Independence made at Goliad, December 20, 1835 61 

Battle of Concepcion 65 

Early History of Texas — Campaign of 1835 . . : 67 

First Sunday School in Texas 69 

The Texas Navy 77 

Expedition West, under Johnson, Grant, and Morris 80 

First breaking out of the Texas Revolution at Gonzales , 83 

Texas 86 

Austin's First Colony ' 88 

Momentous Incident of the Texas Revolution — Reconciliation of Austin and Wharton. 89 

The Grass Fight 92 

Military Events of Texas 92 

The Battle of San Jacinto 95 

Revolutionary Incidents — Burning of Vince's Bridge 98 

Early History of Texas 101 

The Fall of the Alamo 106 




Monument erected to the Heroes of the Alamo x 12 

Names Inscribed on Monument , [ 13 

Description of the Monument . 114 

Ground Plan and Description of the Alamo 115 

The Babe of the Alamo , 116 , 

Seat of Government 1 18 

Historical Statistics concerning Texas 120 

Early History of Texas ±22 

Death of Big Foot ic 

Dawson's Defeat I . 

Santa Fe Expedition of 1841 , ] 

Battle of Mier 

Texas Indians , 13 „ 

Description of Old Goliad, or La Bahia , 1.35 

ie on the Battle-field of Salado 136 

,'xas Indian Wars — Scalping of Wilbarger in 1834 138 

The Morgan Massacre 14c 

Bryant's Fight and Defeat 141 

The Archive War — A Leaf from the History of Austin 142. 

Fannin's Massacre 144 

The Carankawa Indians „ 145 

Texas History 147 

Comache Fight at San Antonio 154 

Another Chapter of our Early History ' , . 155 

Incidents of Texas History 157 

Adventures of a Texan Volunteer 160 

A Relic of the Texas Revolution ] 

More of the Texas Revolution 169 

A Reminiscence of the Mexican war of 1846 ] 

Judicial Organization of Austin's Colony . . . . : 1 

Civil Regulations I 

Fees I/' 

Criminal Regulations *7 

La Salle *79 

Speech of Honorable Guy M. Bryan : 

Old Fort Parker 

Letter from Stephen F. Austin to the Senate of Texas 

Speech of Colonel Charles De Morse 20 

Official Account of the Fall of Bexar, and Surrender of General Cos i 

Revolution of Texas in 1812 


.: i 

Philip Nolan 22 

The Last of the Alabamas ^ 

Waco — A Leaf from its History 

Aboriginal Antiquities of Texas ." 

Fannin's Massacre — Account of the Georgia Battalion 





Distinguished Texans. 

Stephen F. Austin • - • 2 53 

Sam Houston. . 2 55 

David G. Burnett. • 2 57 

Mirabeau B. Lamar • 2 5 8 

Anson Jones 2 59 

Lorenzo de Zavalla 2 59 

Baron de Bastrop • 260 

Don Erasmo Seguin 260 

Benjamin R. Milam ?■' 

William B. Travis . . . 261 

J. W. Fannin 262 

David Crockett . 262 

Thomas J. Rusk. 264 

Dr. Branch T. Archer. 265 

William H. Wharton 267 

John A. Wharton 267 

Patrick C. Jack 267 

William II. Jack , 267 

Dr. James B. Miller 267 

Sidney Sherman , 268 

Edward Burleson , 268 

Frank W. Johnson 269 

James Bowie 269 

J. B. Bonham , 270 

James Hamilton 270 

E. M. Moore 270 

Thomas Green 270 

Albert Sidney Johnston 271 

Ben McCulloch 271 

Mosly Baker „ 272 

G. W. Hockley 272 

Memucan Hunt 272 

Thomas William Ward 272 

Joseph Baker 272 

Dr. Francis Moore 273 

George W. Smyth. , 273 

Albert C. Horton . 

R. M. Williamson 274 

Wylie Martin 274 

Benjamin C. Franklin 274 


Distinguished Texans. 

Henry Smith 

Baily H ardeman , 

David Thomas 2' 

Robert Potter 

Joshua Fletcher _ 

John Rice Jones , 

Tames W. Robinson „ o- 

Samuel P. Carson , . 27 

Thomas J. Chambers 2" 

Thomas Jefferson Green . 

Hugh D. McLeod 

Alexander Somerville 

Lieutenant-Colonel Ward 

Felix Huston 277 

Dr. James Grant 273 

Peter W. Grayson 278 

Robert Morris 278 

" Deaf Smith " 278 

__ Asa Brigham 27S 

James Collingsworth J 

Philip Dimmitt : 

W. S. Fisher 279 

S. Rhoads Fisher '...". 279 

Richard Ellis 279 

Samuel M. Williams 

Thomas F. McKinney 279 

Michael B, Menard 

Oliver Jones • '< 

Jesse Grimes '- 

Kenneth Lewis Anderson 

Martin Parmer 

Henry Karnes. : 

Reminiscences of Early Texans. 

Captain Henry S. Brown 

Captain Randal Jones ■ 

Sketch of the Life of Henry Castro 

John Austin ' 

W. T. Austin 2 

Collin McKinney 

Tames G. Swisher " 

Sam Maverick 

. , t, . 28' 

Andrew Briscoe 

Ira Ingram 

Sterling C. Robertson 

Warren D. C. Hall 



~. :miniscences of Early Texans — Continued. 

George C. Childress ' 289 

Jose Antonio Navarro 289 

Robert Wilson 289 

Thomas J. Hardeman 289 

a Colonel Barnard E. Bee 289 

R. R. Royal 290 

Benjamin Fort Smith 290 

James Kerr 290 

John Caldwell 292 

Matt Caldwell 292 


James Pinckney Henderson 293 

George T. Wood 293 

P. Hansboro Bell 293 

Elisha M. Pease 294 

Hardin R. Runnels 294 

Edward Clark 294 

Frank R. Lubbock 294 

Pendleton Murrah 295 

A. J. Hamilton 295 

J. W. Throckmorton 296 

Edmund J. Davis 296 

Richard Coke , 297 

W. B. Ochiltree 298 

Major Valentine Bennett 29S 

Biographical Notices of Deceased Judges of the Supreme Court of the 
State of Texas. 

John Hemphill 300 

Abner S. Lipscomb 300 

Royal F, Wheeler 301 


Houston's First Inaugural Address 305 

Sudden Floods in Texas , 308---J 

M. De Saligny o IO 

Anecdote of David G. Burnet 310 

Anecdote of Stephen F. Austin 3H 

Fred Dawson t o I2 , 

Governor Bell and Captain S 312 



Another Unpublished Anecdote of General Sam Houston 313 

A Bear Fight 3x3 

A Pig meddles in Diplomacy 3x5 

Judge Burnet's Oration at the Funeral of John A. Wharton 315 

Aaron Burr 3x3 

Ellis F. Bean 322 

Texas Sports t< # # 325 

Floods in the Colorado 327 

Extract from General Houston's Proclamation, December 12, 1835 328 

San Jacinto 329 

A Texas Prairie in Spring-time 330 

A Prairie Sunset 330 

Houston's Letter to Santa Anna, March, 1842 331 

From Governor Smith's Address 332 

President Burnet's Proclamation, June 20, 1836 . 332 

Houston to Santa Anna, March, 1842 „ 333 

The Flag of the Lone Star 334 

From President Lamar's Message, November, 1840 335 

Speech of D. S. Kaufman, welcoming M. de Saligny, November 17, 1840 335 

From a speech of Honorable Forbes Britton, November 21, 1857 336 

From the Remarks of Chief-Justice Hemphill on the death of General James Hamilton, 

December, 1857 337 

From the Eulogy on Honorable James Webb, by Honorable J. C. Wilson, November, 

1836 337 

"^Extract from Address by Stephen F. Austin, in Louisville, Kentucky, March, 1836 338 

Hymn of the Alamo .... 338 

From the Valedictory Address of President Anson Jones, at Inauguration of New State 

Government, February 19, 1849 339 

From Report of Committee on Foreign Relations, June 20, 1845 34° 

The Lone Star of Texas 341 

Ad. Lawrence's Ride 342 

The Currency during the War of i86i-'65 345 

Last Days of the Trans-Mississippi Department 348 

Mexican Revolutions 350 

Another Anecdote of General Houston 35 2 

Copy of Letter by J. W. Fannin, a few days before his capture 353 

Dawson and Sims 354 

Texas Independence 355 

Lafitte 356 

Meteorology of Texas 358 

Texan Scenery 359 

The Wild Man of the Woods 361 

The Mothers of Texas 366 

Adventures of a Young Texan 3°8 

The Soldier's Sweet Home 374 

Up! Men of Texas 375 

Leave it ! Ah no — the land is our own 37° 



My Childhood's Rome 377 

The Tolling Bell 378 

Lament for a Stolen " Pet" 380 

Reply to a Lament for a Stolen Pet 382 

Laurel and Cypress 386 

The Texas Soldier's Address to his Flag 387 

I'm thinking of the Soldier. 388 

Always New 389 

To my Sleeping Wife 39° 

The Marble Lily 39 2 

Texan Hymn 395 

Ode to San Jacinto .' 39 6 

Lone Star of the South 39 8 

Texas, our Home 4 00 

Love and Latin 403 

The Last Tear I shed 404 

Naval Heroes 405 

Texan Song of Liberty 406 

The Lone Star of Texas 407 

A Garnered Memory 408 

An Escape from the Alamo 410 

The Writing on the Wall 413 

The Mier Prisoner's Lament 417 

The Texas Ranger 418 

On the Death of David Crockett 419 

My Early Days ...... 420 

The Girl with the Calico Dress 421 

Mary . , 422 

Resurgam . . '. 423 

Little Babies 424 

Lines in Memory of Midshipman A. J. Bryant 426 

Sunbeams , 428 

The Best 428 

The Night before the Wedding 430 

Swedish Poetry — The Viking , 432 

Not Dead, but gone before 436 

The Texan's Song of Liberty 437 

The Golden Opportunity 438 

Epitaph of the Texas Dead 440 

Boys, Rub your Steels 440 

Character of David G. Burnet 441 

Texas Minerals 442 

Outline of the leading Characteristics of Texas 447 

Wichita and Wilbarger Counties 461 

Unsettled Regions on the Western Limits of Texas and to the Pacific Railroad to 

Guaymas, etc. 464 

-The Pan-handle of Texas 468- 

Game in Texas 474 




Same Subject — Continued 470 

The Yellow Fever in Texas in 1867 , 4S7 

Geological Resources of Texas 433 

The Mineral Resources of Texas 403 

The Coal-Bed of Texas 403 

Climatology of Texas 502 

The Migratory Locust in Texas 5 ! 1 

The Mesquit Tree 512 

Constitutional Government in Texas 515 

Extract from the Address of Honorable Ashbel Smith to the Veteran Association 553 


Austin's Original Thi-ee Hundred 557 

List of all the Men in the Texas Army at the Battle of San Jacinto 562 

List of the Officers and Men under Command of Colonel J. W. Fannin 569 

Constitution of the Texas Veteran Association 574 

Texas Necrology 578 

List of Old Texans who have died and been killed by Mexicans and Indians from 1828 

to 1874 580 

Names of Veterans — First Class 585 

" " Second Class 620 

The General Consultation 633 

Houston's First Administration 636 

Lamar's Administration 636 

Houston's Second Administration 637 

Anson Jones' Administration 637 

Prominent Officials of the Republic — 

Judges of the District Court 638 

District-Attorneys 638 

Speakers of the House of Representatives 639 

Chief Clerks of the House 6 39 

Presidents, pro tem., of the Senate 639 

Secretaries of the Senate 639 


James W. Fannin — Commission, Orders, and Correspondence < • • 643 


The compiler of this volume has for many years been impressed with the 
conviction that much of deep interest connected with the history of our State 
would be lost, unless carefully gathered up by one whose heart should be in 
the work. 

As year by year has passed away, and one after another of the active 
participators in the eventful scenes of 1835-6, has been gathered to his 
fathers, source after source of information has been taken away from us. 

Many incidents of surpassing interest have never been written down, and 
much that would be prized by our posterity can never be given to them. With 
these thoughts the writer has for years been collecting whatever of interest 
he could find relating to the history, biography, and miscellany of Texas and 
its people ; and now, with a view of offering to his fellow citizens of this State 
a book which will embalm the memory of the past, and enshrine it in the 
heart of the present, he has compiled this work. Much that is in the follow- 
ing pages has never been published. Some of it has been published in local 
papers, or periodicals, and has never been reproduced. 

A portion of it will be considered to possess but little literary merit. 
But let it be remembered that in many instances these little pieces are the 
only legacies by which to perpetuate the memory of those who have gone 
forever. This book is not offered to the world as a model of literary excel- 
lence, but as an urn in which is gathered the ashes of the days gone by. 
That portion of it which is devoted to biography, has been made as complete 
as possible, but there are, doubtless, some omitted who should be here. 

The notices are confined to those who came to Texas before the revolution 
of 1836, and who have passed away, with one or two exceptions, among 
which is Colonel F. W. Johnson, of the heroes of San Antonio. 


A complete list of the Governors of Texas, with biographical notices, will 
be found an interesting and valuable feature of the " Scrap-Book." 

In this connection, the undersigned begs leave to tender his grateful 
acknowledgments to Governor E. M. Pease, Swante, Palm, Colonel F. W. 
Johnson, and others, who have kindly aided him in his work. 

The Constitution and By-Laws of the Texas Veteran Association, also, 
a Complete List of all Living Texas Veterans, and a list of all who have 
died or have been killed since 1828 is appended. 

This volume, which is the result of much patient labor, is now offered to 
an indulgent and discriminating public. 

D. W. C. Baker. 

Austin, December, 1874. 





Texas Scrap-Book. 

early spanish missions in texas. 

(Compiled principally from Yoakum's Texas.) 

These were established by Franciscan monks, under the auspices of the 
Spanish government, and were called Presidios. These missions, (los 
missiones) consisted of the chapel for worship, the cells for the monks, the 
dwellings for the inhabitants, and a fort for defence. The mission was 
under the control of the ecclesiastical power, and the military force was 
under an officer of the army, who, in most matters, was under the control of 
the priest. 

In 1690, the mission of San Francisco was established on the Lavaca 
River at Fort St. Louis, by the Spanish under Captain Alonzo De Leon. 

In the same year, the mission of San Juan Batista was founded on the 
Rio Grande River. 

In 1 7 14, Captain Ramon established the mission of San Bernard, also the 
mission of Adaes, among the Indians of that name, fifteen miles west of 

In 1 7 15 was established the mission of Dolores, west of the Sabine, among 
the Orquisaco Indians. 

In the same year a mission was founded among the Nacogdoches Indians, 
near the site of the present town of that name ; also another among the Aes 
Indians, near the site of the present town of San Augustine. 

The mission and fortress of San Antonio de Valero was, soon after this, 
established on the San Pedro River, near the site of the present city of San 

Captain Don Ramon, who was the most efficient and active in building up 
these missions, was a great favorite among the Indians, who adopted him as 
a son, and assisted him in his labors. 

In the year 172 1, a post and mission was located at the crossing of the 
Neches, and another on the bay of San Bernard, called " Our Lady of 


Loretto." In the same year the mission of La Bahia (the bay) was estab- 
lished at the lower crossing of the San Antonio River. 

In 1730, the church of San Fernando, in the present city of San Antonio, 
was founded. 

In 1 73 1 was established, not far from the same place, the mission of La 
Purissima Concepcion de Acuna. 

The mission of San Jose alluded to above, under another name, and an 
excellent picture of which we give, deserves a more extended notice. 

It was first founded on the Rio Grande in 1703. Five years afterward 
it was moved to a place called San Ildephonso. In 17 10 it was taken back 
to the Rio Grande, where it continued under the charge of good Father Jose 
de Soto until 17 18, when it was removed to the west bank of the San Pedro, 
about a mile from the main plaza of the present city of San Antonio. From 
this time it was called San Antonio de Valero. Here it continued until 1722, 
when, for better protection against the Indians, it was removed with the post 
to the San Antonio River. It remained here, and in 1744, the walls of the 
church of the Alamo,* which were never finished, were erected. This chapel 
was used in connection with the mission of San Antonio de Valero, called by 
some, San Jose del Alamo, until the latter part of the eighteenth century, when 
all the missions in Texas were secularized, or subordinated to the Spanish 
civil authorities. 

The missions of Texas yet stand, and will for many centuries continue to 
speak from their crumbling ruins, in trumpet tongues, of the self-sacrificing 
labors and devotion of the Franciscan missionaries, whose efforts to convert 
the native Indians to Christianity challenge the highest admiration. 


Collected from the Registers of the old Mission of San Antonio Valero ft now 
called the Alamo, by F. Geraud, Esq., San Antonio. 

(From Yoakum's Texas.) 

From the heading of the register of baptisms delivered over by Fra. Jose 
Francisco Lopez (the last of the Franciscans remaining at the Alamo, and 
entitled parroes or parish priests of the pueblo or village de San Antonio de 
Valero,) to Gavino Valdez, curate of the Villa de San Fernando y Presidio de 
San Antonio de Bexar — which delivery was made by an order of the Bishop 

* Alamo means Poplar tree. 

f This mission was founded in the year 1703, in the Cienega of the Rio Grande, under 
the invocation of San Francisco From this place it was removed to the neighbor- 
hood called San Ildephonso, having that invocation. Thence it was moved once more to 
the Rio Grande, where it had the name San Jose. Finally it was transplanted to the river 
San Antonio, where it now is under the name of San Antonio de Valero. 




of Monterey, dated January 2, 1793 — we learn that the mission located 
finally where the Alamo now stands was several times removed before it was 
settled on the San Antonio River. 

The following is the translation of the heading referred to : ce Book in which 
are set down the Baptisms of the Indians of this Mission of San Antonio de 
Valero, situated on the bank of the river of San Antonio, in the government 
of this province of Texas, and New Philippines, belonging to the Apostolic 
College of Propaganda Fidei, of the most Holy Cross of the City of Santiago 
de Queretaro." 

» » «■ 



(Texas Almanac, 1872.) 

In the correspondence between John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, 
and Don Onis, the Spanish minister, on the question of the boundary line 
between Louisiana and the Spanish provinces, Don Onis, in order to prove the 
prior possession of Spain, gives the official report of a Spanish officer who took 
possession of the country (west, I believe,) on Matagorda Bay. He stated that 
he met a tribe of Indians soon after his arrival, who saluted him with " Tehas," 
which in their language meant friendly. This is doubtless the true meaning 
of the word. The correspondence is to be found in the state papers pub- 
lished by Congress. 

(From "A Brief History of Texas.") 

How and when Texas received its present name, has been a subject of 
controversy and speculation. Some writers assert that it was so called 
because its supposed discoverer found the dwellings of the inhabitants to 
have roofs, which in the Spanish language are called tejas or texas, and hence 
the name ; but if this be the true reason, then Mexico should also have 
been called Texas, because Jean de Grijalva, who discovered it, found these 
houses not only with roofs, but otherwise in point of construction and 
comfort compared so favorably with those in Spain at the time, that he 
called the newly discovered country New Spain. Others seem to find a solu- 
tion of the difficulty in the assumption that the word tecas, in the language of 
the aborigines meant friends, with which expression they are said to have 
hailed La Salle and his companions ; but he and those of his followers who 
perished at their hands had rather a rough demonstration of the fact. There 
is another hypothesis, which is probably the true one, and that is, that tecas 


was used as an affix to the names of many Indian provinces or countries, to 
denote their inhabitants ; as, for instance, those of Tlaxcalla were called Tlax- 
caltecas ; those of Cholula, Cholutecas ; those of Cuitlahuac, Cuitlachtecas. 
The territory now called Texas was known to the Spanish missionaries in 
1524, as Mixtecapan, and its inhabitants as Mixtecas : these were the de- 
scendants of Mixtecatl, the fifth of the six sons of Iztac Mixtecatl, the 
reputed progenitor of the inhabitants of Mexico at the time of its conquest by 
Cortes. By a slight mistake in copying the word Mixtecas, and using a 
small instead of a capital M, by the Spaniards, in the beginning of the seven- 
teenth century (who it is well known paid but little attention to the use of 
capital letters in their writings), it was probably written tastecas in the old 
manuscript in San Antonio, by which expression some tribes of Texas Indians 
were then known, and thus Texas acquired its name, (See Torquemada's 
Monarquia Indiana, Madrid, 1723.) 

Teja (Spanish) means Roof-tile; Tejas, plural, would be Roof-tiles; and 
this is the way Spanish writers spell the word Texas. Whether the name 
Texas has any reference to this is a question for the reader to investigate. 


Area. — Texas contains about 274,366 * square miles of territory. 

Location. — Texas is bounded on the north and west by the Indian Terri- 
tory, New Mexico, and Mexico ; and on the south and east by the Gulf of 
Mexico and Louisiana. 

Topography. — Texas is naturally divided into three parts, each differing 
from the other. 

First — The sea-board extending from the Sabine to the Rio Grande, and 
running inland sixty to one hundred miles. 

Second — The uplands, or Middle Texas. This constitutes the great part 
of the State. It is from three to six hundred feet above the level of the sea, 
and is well diversified with hills and valleys, prairies and forests. 

Third — The great plains or table-lands stretching away to the northwest. 
The plains are occasionally broken with lofty mountains upon the upper 
waters of the Pecos, the Brazos, and Red rivers. 

* From data obtained at the General Land Office. It is impossible to be exact in this 
particular, but the area of Texas is not far from these figures. 


The first and second of these divisions of Texas cannot be excelled for 
fertility of soil, and scarcely for salubrity of climate. 

The third is still the abode of the Indian and the buffalo. 

Principal Products. — The chief products of the soil in Texas are 
cotton and the cereals. Sugar and tobacco are also raised to considerable 

Cattle and Horses. — In Western Texas, the raising of cattle and 
horses, for the Northern markets, constitutes a very important and lucrative 
branch of industry. Scores of thousands of beef cattle are annually driven 
from Texas to Kansas and Missouri ; and while the mighty prairies continue 
to supply such cheap and abundant pasturage, this trade is not likely to 

Minerals and Metals. — Recent examinations have proved, beyond a 
doubt, the fact that Texas is rich in several of the most valuable ores. Iron 
abounds in Eastern Texas, and iron, lead, and silver is found in Llano, 
Burnet, and other counties. Copper of a rich quality exists abundantly in 
the northwest, and coal-fields of considerable extent have lately been opened. 

Mineral Waters. — A number of mineral springs possessing valuable 
medicinal properties have long since been found in Texas. Among the most 
noted of these are the Sour Lake and wells in Hardin County, and the Sul- 
phur Springs in Lampasas County. 

The following is an analysis of the Lampasas Springs, made by the author 
of this book, in 1855 : 

There are two principal springs — Hancock's, or the Great Boiling Spring, 
and Burleson's, or the Lower Spring. 

The former contains in one wine-pint: sulphuretted hydrogen, 2\ cubic 
inches; carbonic acid, amount undetermined; common salt, 7 grains; car- 
bonate of lime, 2 grains ; carbonate of magnesia, 1 grain. The latter, or 
Burleson's contains in one wine-pint : sulphuretted hydrogen, 4 cubic inches ; 
carbonic acid, amount undetermined ; common salt, 32 grains ; carbonate 
of lime, 3 grains ; carbonate magnesia, \\ grains. The temperature of the 
water is 70 degrees Fahrenheit. 

Principal Towns. — The largest towns in Texas are Galveston (upon 
the eastern part of the island of that name), Houston (at the head of Buffalo 
Bayou), Jefferson (in Marion Co.), San Antonio (in Bexar Co.), and Austin 
(in Travis Co.). 

Oldest Towns. — The oldest towns in Texas are San Antonio, first set- 
tled in 1692 by the Spanish Catholics ; Goliad, or La Bahia, as it was first 
called ; and Nacogdoches. 

Oldest American Towns. — Among the oldest American towns in Texas 
are San Felipe, Liberty, Brazoria, Columbia, and Washington. 


Population. — The population of Texas was — 

In 1820, about 20,000. In 1850, census 212,592. 

" 1830, " 25,000. " i860, " 601,039. 

" 1836, " 52,000. " 1870, " 818,579. 

" 1840, 60,000. " 1873, estimated over one million. 

Climate. — The climate of Texas is generally uniform, pleasant, and 
healthy. A meteorological record kept at Austin for about seventeen years, 
by Professor J. Van Nostrand, shows an average of about 88° in summer, 
and 46 in winter ; and an annual rain-fall of 33 inches during same time. 

Principal Rivers. — The principal rivers of Texas are, the Sabine, on 
the east ; the Trinity,* the Brazos,t the Colorado,! the Guadaloupe,§ the San 
Antonio, and the Rio Grande,|| on the west. 

The three first flow in a southerly course, and empty into the Gulf of 
Mexico. They are partially navigable. The Colorado takes its rise from 
springs in the northwestern part of the State, flows for about four hundred 
miles through the central portion, and empties into Matagorda Bay. The 
Guadaloupe is a clear and rapid stream similar to the Colorado, but smaller. 
The San Antonio takes its rise from springs four or five miles above the city 
of San Antonio, and flows in a limpid current toward the Gulf, receiving in 
its course the Medina, and then uniting with the Guadaloupe above its 
mouth. The Rio Grande is the western boundary of Texas. The rivers 
of western Texas on account of their rapid currents are not navigable, except 
the Rio Grande, which is navigable for light-draft boats for about 250 

Railroads. — Texas has now in operation about 1000 miles of railway. 
The following grand trunk railways are now being, or will soon be, constructed, 
and when completed will open Texas to free communication with all parts of 
the continent. Several other roads have also been chartered and are now 
being built. The railroads of Texas have generally been munificiently 
endowed by the State, which has given liberally of its public domain and 
loaned its money to create these great arteries of commerce and travel. The 
Houston and Great Northern Railroad ; the Houston and Texas Central 

* Trinity means three in one, so called from the three forks of this river, which unite to 
form the main stream. 

\ Brazos means arms ; on the old map called Brazos de Dios, arms of God. 

% Colorado means red, and is so named from the color which the water of this stream 
assumes during a freshet. The color is imparted by the soil through which it flows. 

§ Guadaloupe means Wolf River, from Guada (Arabic) river, and Lupus (Latin) wolf. 

I Rio Grande, meaning Grand River. This stream had much more appropriately been 
called long river, than grand river. 


Railroad ; the Southern Pacific Railroad ; the International Railroad ; The 

Missouri, Kansas and Texas Railroad. 

Texas has granted to railroads in all more than 8,000,000 acres of land.* 
Unappropriated Domain. — Texas has still about 89,000,000 acres of 

vacant and unappropriated land. 



The first organization in Texas, in opposition to Santa Anna, was the 
General Consultation, which met at San Felipe de Austin on the 3d day of 
November, 1835. Of this body, Dr. Branch T. Archer was elected president, 
and P. B. Dexter, secretary. This consultation established a provisional 
government, and elected the following officers, viz : Henry Smith, governor, 
James W. Robinson, lieutenant-governor, Sam Houston, commander-in-chief, 
and Branch T. Archer, Stephen F. Austin, and W. H. Wharton, commis- 
sioners to the United States. This consultation adjourned on the 14th of 
November, 1835, on which day the provisional government went into opera- 
tion. On the 2d day of March, 1836, a convention met at Washington on 
the Brazos, for the purpose of declaring the independence of Texas, and 
establishing a permanent government. Of this convention, Richard Ellis was 
elected president, and H. S. Kimble, secretary. A declaration of indepen- 
dence was adopted, and the Republic of Texas established. A constitution 
was framed, and a government ad interim established, until an election could 
take place under the constitution. David G. Burnett was president, and 
Lorenzo de Zavalla, vice-president of the government ad interim. The first 
congress assembled on the 3d day of October, 1836, and on the 2 2d day of 
October, 1836, a constitutional government for Texas was established, by the 
inauguration of General Sam Houston, president, and M. B. Lamar, vice- 
president. Houston's first administration continued until December 10, 
1838, when M. B. Lamar was inaugurated president, and David G. Burnett, 
vice-president. On the 13th day of December, 1841, Houston's second 
administration commenced, Gen. Ed. Burleson being vice-president. On 
the 9th day of December, 1844, Dr. Anson Jones was inaugurated presi- 
dent, and K. L. Anderson, vice-president of Texas. 

* From the last report of the Commission of the General Land Office. 



On the 23d day of June, 1845, the Congress of Texas approved the joint 
resolution of annexation which had passed the Congress of the United 
States ; and on the 4th of July following, a convention met at Austin, Texas, 
which framed and adopted a state constitution, which being ratified by the 
people, the state government went into operation a few months later. 


First Governor of Texas. 

J. P. Henderson. 

Inaugurated Feb. 19, 1846. 




George T. Wood. 

1847 to 1849 




P. Hansboro Bell. 

1849 " 1853, two terms. 




E. M. Pease. 

1853 " 1857, two terms. 




H. R. Runnels. 

1857 " 1859 




Sam Houston. 

1859 " 1861 




Edward Clark. 

A few months in 1861. 




F. R. Lubbock. 

1861 to 1863 




P. Murrah. 

1863 " 1865 




A. J. Hamilton. 

1865 " 1866 




J. W. Throckmorton. 1866 " 1867 




E. M. Pease. 

1867 " 1870 




E. J. Davis. 

1870 " 1874 




Richard Coke. 

1874 — 




(Texas Almanac, 1859.) 

I have read with much care and interest Dr. N. D. Labadie's manuscript 
in relation to the causes which led to open resistance in 1832, and fully concur 
in his statement of facts and circumstances leading to the first outbreak 
of hostilities. The usurpation of civil power and the arbitrary conduct of 
Colonel Bradburn in deposing the Alcalde (Hugh B. Johnson) and the 
members of the Ayuntamiento of the municipality of Liberty, and substituting 
in their stead, creatures of his own, seizing, and appropriating to his own 
use, private property, arresting and imprisoning, without cause, citizens who 
claimed a trial before the civil authorities of the Jurisdiction^ if guilty of any 


offense, are a few of many causes which might be enumerated, and led to 
resistance. Among the most prominent citizens arrested and held in prison 
by Bradburn, were William B. Travis, Patrick C. Jack, Monroe Edwards, and 
Samuel T. Allen. 

William H. Jack, of San Felipe de Austin, on learning that his brother 
Patrick C, together with others, had been arrested and imprisoned by order 
of Colonel Bradburn, commandant at the post of Anahuac, proceeded to that 
place and waited on Colonel Bradburn for the purpose of ascertaining what, 
if any, offence had been committed by his brother and the other prisoners 
and to obtain for them a trial before the civil authorities, or their release. In 
vain did he urge the necessity and justice of their immediate release or a trial 
before the proper authorities of the Jurisdiction. No argument that Jack was 
master of, had the least effect upon this petty tyrant, who with great effrontery 
informed Jack that the prisoners would be sent to Vera Cruz and tried by a 
military court. Mortified and pained to think that he could not release, nor 
get a trial for the prisoners, nor in any way better their painful situation, he 
returned to his home in San Felipe, determined to make an appeal to the 
people of Austin's Colony. On his arrival at home he called together a few 
friends, and informed them of the result of his visit to Bradburn, and his 
determination to appeal to the people. In this his friends agreed with him. 
The most prominent citizens of the place were consulted, and a plan of opera- 
tions soon agreed upon. Colonel William Pettus and William H. Jack were 
to proceed to the settlements of Fort Bend, Brazoria, etc. Robert M. Wil- 
liamson was to visit the settlements of Mill Creek, Coles on the Goliad road 
and Washington, and give notice to the people of the wrongs and outrages 
committed by Bradburn, and solicit them to aid in subjecting the military 
tyrant to the civil authorities of the country. Benjamin Tennell and Francis 
W. Johnson were to visit the settlements on Spring Creek, Buffalo Bayou, 
San Jacinto and Trinity, as high up as Liberty. These arrangements being 
completed, Horatio Chrisman, Esq., first constitutional Alcalde of the Juris- 
diction of Austin, was informed of what had been done. Each one who had 
volunteered to rally the people proceeded on their routes. Wherever they 
went they were greeted, and the people responded to the call. Tennell and 
Johnson were the first to arrive at Liberty and communicate what was being 
done in Austin's Colony and to solicit their cooperation. They joyously 
joined us, and made common cause. After consulting the Alcalde — Hugh B. 
Johnson — and other citizens of Liberty, it was determined to meet at 
Minchey's, a few miles below Liberty, and there organize and concert such 
measures as the occasion required. As fast as the men from Austin's Colony 
arrived, they were directed to Minchey's, where all were abundantly supplied 
by the citizens. 


Some two or three days after the arrival of Tennell and Johnson at 
Liberty, a respectable number of men assembled at Minchey's, where it was 
resolved that an armed force, composed of the citizens of Austin's Colony, and 
the Jurisdiction of Liberty, should march upon Anahuac, take up a position, 
appoint a committe to wait on Colonel Bradburn, and inform him of the 
object of the assemblage of the citizens before that place. We organized by 
electing Francis W. Johnson ist, Warren D. C. Hall 2d, and Thomas H. 
Bradley 3d, in command. This over, and necessary measures for subsisting 
the force, the troops were formed and took up the line of march for Anahuac. 
Sergeant Blackman with sixteen men under the direction of Robert M. Wil- 
liamson, formed the advance. Flankers were thrown out on each side. Thus 
we moved forward. We had not marched more than half the distance to 
Turtle Bayou when the advance came upon a party of Mexican cavalry. So 
completely were they surprised that not a gun was fired. We halted and 
encamped on the west side of Turtle Bayou — White's crossing. While post- 
ing the guard, a miscreant by the name of Haden — a creature of John M. 
Smith — shot and instantly killed Sergeant Blackman, and escaped under 
cover of night. 

The next morning we resumed our march, and entered Anahuac at or 
before noon. As soon, thereafter, as our little force was properly posted, a 
committee, composed of Alcaldes Austin and Johnson, G. B. McKinstry, 
H. K. Lewis, and Francis W. Johnson, was appointed, and proceeded to the 
Fort. They were conducted, through the guard, to the quarters of Colonel 
Bradburn, and made known to him the object of their visit. The committee 
enforced their demand by every argument they were masters of. Bradburn, 
after being driven to the wall by argument, finally informed the committee 
that Colonel Souverin was the commander of the garrison. This gentleman, 
who had taken part in the conference, now for the first time is pointed out as 
the commanding officer. Not being able to effect any thing peaceably, we 
informed Colonels Bradburn and Souverin that we would try what virtue 
there was in force, made our bows and returned to our camp, where we 
reported the result of our mission. 

Thus matters remained until the following day, when some skirmishing 
took place, but resulted in no loss or injury. Several attempts were made 
to draw the enemy out, but without success. On the third day it was deter- 
mined to send a detachment to take a position opposite and within rifle-shot 
of the fort. For this purpose the ground was examined and found practicable. 
By marching under the river bank, the detachment would be covered, and 
reach the position assigned. The bank at that point being high, completely 
covered the detachment from the fire of the fort. While arrangements were 
being made with this view, John A. Williams solicited an interview, which 


was granted. After expressing his regret at the turn things had taken, he 
stated that he had accompanied Colonel Souverin from Matamoras ; that he 
had had frequent conversations with him ; and that he was devoted to the 
cause espoused by Santa Anna, and was using his influence with the garrison 
at Anahuac to declare for Santa Anna ; that he had been assured by Colonel 
Souverin that he was disposed to accommodate the citizens, and that present 
difficulties could be amicably and satisfactorily arranged through commis- 
sioners. Williams, although strongly suspected of being favorable to Brad- 
burn, manifested such zeal and honesty that the Texans agreed to appoint 
commissioners to meet those of the Fort at a time and place agreed upon 
(Wm. Hardin's). The commissioners on our part were Captains John Austin, 
Hugh B. Johnson, and Wyly Martin. Terms having been agreed upon, they 
were made known to the command. They were not such as had been 
expected, and gave a good deal of dissatisfaction on account of the want of 
confidence in Mexican faith. Captain Martin assured the command that he 
had the utmost confidence in their good faith ; that no one wearing an epau- 
let would be base enough to forfeit his plighted honor. This reconciled 
most of the men. The command was then ordered to march to Taylor 
White's, on Turtle Bayou, and there await the arrival of the commissioners 
and the' Texan prisoners. A small party — from fifteen to thirty — remained 
with the commissioners. At an early hour the next day, firing was heard in 
the direction of Anahuac, and very soon after, an express arrived and informed 
us that the Mexicans had refused to comply with the terms agreed upon, and 
were marching out to attack the small party in Anahuac. The command 
was immediately put under marching order, and had advanced within some 
two miles when they were met by the commissioners and their small party 
retreating in good order. 

The enemy being in position, and occupying a piece of woodland, and 
with artillery to cover their lines, it was deemed prudent not to attack thera 
under such disadvantageous circumstances. The command was faced about 
and marched back to Turtle Bayou. After consulation, a meeting was called 
and its object stated, whereupon a committee was appointed to draw up a 
preamble and resolutions declaratory of the wrongs and abuses committed 
by the chief magistrate of the nation and his minions, the military ; and also 
of the determination of Texas to repel further aggressions by the military, 
and to maintain their rights under the constitution of 1824. The committee 
having performed this duty, the preamble and resolutions were unanimously 
adopted by the meeting. Thus this little band boldly proclaimed their rights, 
and a determination to defend them, and called upon ail Texas to join them. 

In the evening of the same day we marched up to Dunman's. Here it 
was determined that Captain John Austin, Geo. B. McKinstry, and others. 


should proceed to Brazoria, for the purpose of raising men and getting artil- 
lery and munitions, all of which were to be transported by water, and landed at 
some suitable point near Anahuac. Colonel William Pettus and Robert M. 
Williamson were sent to San Felipe, for the purpose of raising and forward- 
ing men. In the meantime, the small force left in the field, were to occupy 
such positions as would enable us to watch the movements of the enemy, and, 
if occasion offered, to strike a blow. From Dunman's we took a position at 
Mosses Spring, where, in a few days after, we were joined by Captain Abner 
Kuykendall and his company, of from forty to sixty men from Austin's Col- 
ony. Small parties were daily arriving. Thus reinforced, we marched for- 
ward again, and took up a position at Dunman's, where we were further 
reenforced by parties from Austin's Colony, and from Bevil's Settlement, on 
the Neches. Thus again we were enabled to resume offensive measures, 
and only awaited the arrival of artillery to march upon Anahuac. Under 
this state of things, and at this point, we were visited by commissioners from 
the camp of Colonel Piedras, who had marched with a part of his forces, 
from Nacogdoches, on a call from Colonel Bradburn. The conference with 
the commissioners resulted in nothing more than the information that Col- 
onel Piedras was encamped some twenty miles north of Liberty. The com- 
missioners were informed of our objects and wishes, and an agreement to 
meet again, on a day named, at James Martin's, near Liberty. 

With the enemy in our front and rear, it was determined to take up a 
stronger position, and, accordingly, we were marched to Mosses Spring. On 
the day appointed, the commissioners of Piedras were met at Martin's. 
Not being able to agree upon anything satisfactory and definite, the com- 
missioners were directed to say to Colonel Piedras that we would meet him 
at or near his camp on a certain day, but that, in the meantime, he was not 
to move forward or backward, as in either event it would be held hostile, and 
and put an end to further negotiation. 

With a view to prevent a junction of the two forces, it was determined to 
take up a position near Martin's, where we could more effectually prevent 
such a union, and, if need be, fight them in detail. Before leaving Mosses 
we received news, by express, of the battle of Velasco. 

On the day appointed, Francis W. Johnson, Captain Randal Jones, and 
James Lindsay, as commissioners, and Captain Francis Adams, as inter- 
preter, met Colonel Piedras and his commissioners near their camp. The 
conference was conducted with all that politeness and courtesy characteristic 
of the Mexican gentleman. We were not long in agreeing on terms, which 
were, that the prisoners should at once be released and delivered over to the 
Alcalde of Liberty ; that Bradburn should be put under arrest, and the com- 


mand given to the next senior officer. Colonel Piedras accompanied us, 
that evening, to Captain George Orr's, where he spent the night. 

The next morning, Colonel Piedras, accompanied by the Alcalde, Hugh 
B. Johnson, passed our encampment. Being notified of their approach, the 
troops were drawn up in line and saluted them. In the evening of that day, 
they arrived at Anahuac, where, the next morning, he was to release and 
turn over the Texan prisoners to the Alcalde. Bradburn was put under 
arrest soon after the arrival of Colonel Piedras. During the night an at- 
tempt, it is believed, was made on the life of the Alcalde and William Hardin 
by some of Bradburn's creatures. Johnson escaped with no clothing or 
covering but pants, shirt, and socks, and arrived at our camp at an early 
hour in the morning. Hardin arrived later on the same day. The arrival 
of these two men and under the circumstances, created great excitement and 
distrust. A company, under Captain Peyton R. Splane, was ordered out on 
the road to Anahuac, to watch the movements of the enemy, and another 
detachment in the direction of Piedras' camp, with orders to report at the 
camp to be established on the west side of Trinity, near Duncan's Ferry. 
The reports, made the following day, show how groundless were the excite- 
ment and fears of the preceding day. Colonel Piedras complied, to the letter, 
with his agreement, and the Texan prisoners, once more admitted to enjoy 
the free air and light of heaven, were greeted by their countrymen as they 
wended their way to Martin's. 

Thus ended the Anahuac campaign, and the citizen soldiers returned to 
their respective homes. Yours respectfully, F.W.Johnson. 

[We should here remark, that, at Colonel Johnson's request, we have 
submitted the above account, given by him, to several of those who partici- 
pated in that first campaign, that subsequently led to the Texas revolution, 
and have received the fullest assurance that the facts are all correctly stated. 
We take pleasure in adding that we have the promise of Colonel Johnson 
that he will furnish us, for a subsequent number of our Almanac, a more full 
and detailed account, not only of all the events of the Anahuac campaign, 
but of other subsequent campaigns in which he participated. — Ed. Texas 





(From the Texas Almanac, 1872.) 

For over two years previous to the battle of Velasco, the Mexican author- 
ities had been engaged in surrounding the colonists with a cordon of mili- 
tary posts, but in so secret and cautious a manner as not to arouse suspicion 
or lead the colonists to suspect their real intention. 

In addition to the old forts at Bexar and La Bahia, they had erected one 
on the Brazos, above the settlements, called Tenoxtitlan, and at Nacog- 
doches ; one at Anahuac, and one at Velasco. To each of these were sent, 
alternately, reinforcements in small numbers. Early in 1832, Colonel Brad- 
burn, in command at Anahuac, openly developed the object of these military 
posts by the arrest and imprisonment of W. B. Travis, Patrick C. Jack, and 
Munroe Edwards, and that too upon the most frivolous pretexts. The news 
of this act of tyranny soon spread through the settlements on the Trinity 
and Brazos, producing great excitement. Meetings were held at San Felipe, 
Brazoria, and at other points on the Trinity. 

In the meeting at Brazoria it was thought to be unsafe for the men to 
leave their families in a defenseless condition, with the avowed intention of 
attacking Bradburn, at Anahuac, while Ugartichea was strongly fortified at 
Velasco, with a garrison of about one hundred and fifty soldiers, who might 
at any moment, in order to save Bradburn, fall upon the defenseless settle- 
ments, and destroy them. Under such circumstances, prudence dictated the 
necessity of an understanding with Ugartichea, and to obtain from him a 
pledge that he would neither interrupt the settlements, nor send reinforce- 
ments to Bradburn to assist him to repel the intended attack upon him ; but 
if a satisfactory pledge could not be obtained from him, to attack him at 
once and drive him from Velasco, and then unite in the attack on Anahuac. 
He gave the pledge, and so for the time was not interrupted. 

This arrangement being satisfactory, a company was soon raised to pro- 
ceed, with all possible despatch, for Anahuac. The names still remembered 
of that small band are— John Austin, W. D. C. Hall, William S. Hall, 
Thomas Chadowin, and William J. Russell, the latter the only survivor. 

By the time this company reached the Trinity, they were joined by others. 
Of these were Wyley Martin, F. W. Johnson, and R. M. Williamson ; soon 
after this, and upon reaching the immediate vicinity of Anahuac, an organi- 


zation was had, and F. W. Johnson was elected captain, and W. D. C. Hall 
first lieutenant. Captain Johnson took possession of an old barrack, which 
Bradburn occupied before moving into his new brick fort, and at once began 
to operate, and that too in a manner that he was not prepared for. On one 
occasion two of Captain Johnson's men, William J. Russell and a man by 
the name of Morrison, crawled over an open prairie for some two hundred 
yards to a point very near the fort, where they discovered two Mexican soldiers 
standing together under a lone tree very near the fort. These two men 
approached to about forty yards of the soldiers, and, after taking a careful 
aim, both fired — Russell with a long, heavy musket, charged with fifteen 
heavy buckshot, and Morrison with a rifle — and then and there, in the 
month of May, 1832, the germ of liberty for Texas was planted ; then and 
there the first blood was spilt, and as it is a historical fact, it may not be 

improper to state that William J. Russell and Morrison are entitled to 

whatever credit may attach to this act. Captain Johnson having no means 
of a direct assault, or an assault on the fort, moved his command up to 
Turtle Bayou, about six miles from Anahuac, and there it was that the meet- 
ing was had, not on the 13th of June, 183 1, as per Yoakum, but in the month 
of May, 1832. In this meeting it was decided to send to Brazoria for rein- 
forcements, and to get some cannon, not from Velasco, as per Yoakum, but a 
few small pieces that were known to be at Brazoria. John Austin and Wil- 
liam J. Russell were selected for that purpose, and started immediately. 

On arriving at Brazoria, they found that Ugartichea had broken his pledge 
by sending assistance to Bradburn, and in addition had created fears of vio- 
lence among the citizens. A meeting was called immediately, when it was 
determined to attack Velasco, and a call for volunteers was made for that 
purpose, intending, so soon as Velasco was disposed of, to raise recruits and 
return to Anahuac, if necessary ; but by the time this was accomplished, 
Bradburn had given up his prisoners and abandoned the fort. Colonel 
Piedras had been compelled to abandon Nacogdoches, and retired toward 
Bexar ; and the garrison at Tenoxtitlan left for the same point, and so all 
these matters were out of the way for the time being. Volunteers for the 
attack on Velasco soon reached an amount believed to be sufficient, but not 
one of whom had ever been in a battle. An organization was effected, placing 
John Austin in command, and William J. Russell second in command, and 
to the immediate command, of a fine large schooner, then lying at mooring 
(Yoakum says, a schooner lying aground above the post was dislodged and 
set afloat, and from whence he derived this information it would be difficult 
to tell), which belonged to Captain John G. Rowland. This gentlemen had 
engaged in the trade to Texas, and built this vessel for that purpose, and 
named her Brazoria. 


At this juncture of time, Captain Rowland was absent on a trip to San 
Felipe, and the vessel was pressed for the attack on Velasco and used for 
that purpose. Volunteers were called for to man the vessel, and a sufficient 
number was soon obtained ; but of them all there were but two besides the 
captain who knew one rope from another. The mate of the vessel under 
Captain Rowland, a Northern man, offered his services to Captain Russell, 
so far as to assist in " working " her down to a point near the post, with the 
understanding that he was not to be called on to take any part in the battle, 
giving as a reason that he was a poor man with a large family dependent on 
him for support. 

This was agreed to, and his services were very valuable. There were three 
small pieces of cannon at Brazoria, which were put on board the vessel, and 
one on board belonging to her, and with these a move was made down the 
river for the fort, some twenty-five or thirty miles distant. Captain Austin 
proceeded by land with the main force. The two divisions met at what was 
known as Calvert's Labor, on the river about two miles above the fort, where 
final preparations were made for the attack. 

The plan and structure of the fort were well understood, of circular form, 
built of logs and sand, with strong stakes, sharpened, and placed close to- 
gether, all around the embankment ; in the center stood a bastion, in height 
considerably above the outer wall, on the top of which was mounted a long 
nine-pounder, worked on a pivot, and around which, on the top of the bastion, 
was a parapet wall made of wood, about two feet in height. This parapet, 
while affording protection to the men working the gun, prevented the 
depression of the gun so as to operate on any object in close proximity to the 
fort. All this was well known to the attacking party, and corresponding 
arrangements were made to save them from the destructive effects of this 
bastion gun. In order to do this, a lot of thick, heavy plank was procured 
from William H. Wharton, which were strongly battened together, in width 
about four feet, and which, it was believed, would afford protection against 
any arms in the fort except the bastion gun. These, together with such tools 
as were necessary for ditching and forming embankments, etc., were carried 
by hand. 

Finally, just at night, 25th of June, 1832, a general move was made, with 
the understanding between the principal officers that, at a point just below 
the mouth of East-Union Bayou, a final interview was to be had. To this 
end, after bringing the vessel to anchor at the point proposed, the captain 
went on shore for the contemplated interview. The plan of attack was : 
The vessel should take position as near as possible to the fort, and open 
and keep up a fire on it, so as to direct the attention of the garrison from 
the point where the main attack was to be made ; this was accomplished 


after great labor and risk, owing to a strong south-easterly wind and rapid 
current, against both of which she had to contend. Auxiliary to this, and 
for a like purpose, Captain Henry Brown, with his company, took a posi- 
tion on the south-east side of the fort, and, concealed among the drift wood, 
opened fire on the fort. From these two points — the schooner, and Captain 
Brown — so constant a fire was poured into the fort that they seemed to have 
no idea that anything else was in store for them. At the proper time, Cap- 
tain Austin moved with his division, carrying the breastworks as above 
described, with tools, etc. Strict orders had been issued for every man to 
empty his gun during the march, and performing all necessary labor, all of 
which was carefully explained to the men, and that the most perfect silence 
should be observed. 

He reached the point proposed, thirty-one yards from the fort, at which it 
was well known the bastion gun could not be made to bear upon them. 

The breastworks were placed as desired, which formed a line of about 
sixty feet, and all went cheerfully to work making a ditch, and throwing up 
an embankment behind and against the wooden works, feeling perfectly con- 
fident that before daylight they would be strongly fortified, at which time — 
daylight — and not before, the fire was to open on the fort. 

The work progressed with entire satisfaction, and was well-nigh com- 
pleted, with no suspicion in the fort of the danger that awaited them from 
this point, until just about midnight, when a man, by name Edward Robinson, 
who had contrary to orders kept the charge in his gun, caught it up and fired 
at the fort. In a moment a blaze of fire opened upon that position. It was 
well known by the attacking party that there was mounted on the wall of the 
fort a small piece of artillery facing the point of their approach, but it was 
believed that the wooden breastwork was of sufficient thickness to protect 
those behincl them. This proved quite a mistake. Very much damage was 
done by this small gun, the balls often passing through the planks, inflicting 
death or wounds. The man Robinson, who gave the alarm, was the first 
man killed. 

There was but little firing from the attacking party until after daylight. 
So soon, however, as it was light enough to use the rifle, the fire was so 
destructive that but little return was made from the fort, The contest con- 
tinued until about eight o'clock a. m., 26th June, when a very heavy fall of 
rain at once put a stop to all operations from that point, and nothing but a 
retreat could save them, leaving the dead, seven in number, where they fell. 
All the wounded succeeded in getting off, and, surprising to tell, not cne of 
the retreating party was touched by the grape and canister shot that fell 
thick and fast among them, so soon as the bastion gun could bear upon them. 

A number of the retreating party, responding to the call of Captain Rus- 


sell, who had climbed nearly to the mast-head that he might be the better 
heard, came on board the vessel ; among whom were Captain Austin and 
Henry Smith, the latter having an ugly but not dangerous wound in the head. 
These were all properly cared for, there being a physician and stores on 
board the vessel. , 

Very little use was made of the artillery after daylight, as by that time the 
ammunition for them was well-nigh exhausted ; enough was reserved to pro- 
tect her from an assault should this be attempted from the fort, it being impos- 
sible to moor her, as during the night her moorings had been shot away, and 
she had drifted on the bank at full tide, where she lay hard upon the ground. 
A brisk and, no doubt, fatal fire was kept up, however, with rifles — the dis- 
tance being only one hundred and sixty-nine yards from the schooner to the 
bastion gun in the fort — to assure the enemy that the contest was not yielded, 
notwithstanding the retreat, in a shattered condition, of the forces from the 
principal point of attack. The only serious damage done on board the vessel 
by the post was, that during the night a nine-pound shot passed through her 
side, striking the mate (who, as per agreement, had retired, as was supposed, 
to a place of safety) just between his shoulders, passing entirely through him. 
His death was instantaneous. 

The rifle fire was continued from the vessel until ten a. m., when a white 
flag was hoisted in the fort. This was a welcome sight to those on board the 
vessel, and was readily responded to. Captain Austin,, who was in the cabin 
enjoying a refreshing and much-needed sleep, was called to the deck. At 
this time two officers were seen approaching the vessel under a white flag. 

Captain Austin dispatched William H. Wharton and William J. Russell to 
meet them, to communicate the terms of capitulation which had been agreed 
upon, if this was the desire or object of the flag of truce. Terms of capitula- 
tion were soon settled, ond the garrison allowed to return, and thus this 
initial movement against tyranny was rewarded by a most signal triumph, 
and that too at a comparatively small sacrifice. Not a soldier was left east 
of the San Antonio River, and the colonists were left to enjoy peace until 
the more important movements of 1835, which led to the independence of 

Note. — A subscription was immediately circulated and a respectable 
amount of money was raised — the amount not remembered — and given to 
Captain Rowland, to be handed by him to the family of his mate, who was 
unfortunately killed on board the vessel. 







(Compiled from Mrs. Holly's Texas.) 

On the 2d day of November, 1831, Rezin P. Bowie, James Bowie, David 
Buchanan, Robert Armstrong, Jesse Wallace, Mathew Doyle, Cephas Hamm, 
James Coriell, Thomas McCaslin, and two servant boys, Charles and Gon- 
zales, set out from San Antonio to search for the old silver mines at the 
San Saba Mission. " On the nineteenth," says Rezin P. Bowie, whose narra- 
tion we quote, "we fell in with two Comanche Indians, and a Mexican, who 
informed us that we were followed by one hundred and twenty-four Twowo- 
kana and Waco Indians, and forty Caddoes, who were determined to have 
our scalps. We were at this time within thirty miles of the old San Saba fort, 
to which place we determined to press forward the same day. Our horses 1 
feet being sore, we did not reach the fort, and made choice of a cluster of 
live-oak, thirty or forty in number, as a camping place for the night. To 
the north of these trees was a thicket of oak bushes, and near by was a 
stream of water. The surrounding country was an open prairie. We 
were at this time six miles distant from the San Saba fort. We prepared 
ourselves for defense as well as we could, by clearing away the inside of the 
thicket, and going in there with our horses, thereby concealing ourselves, as 
well as having the protection of the dense undergrowth in case of sudden 
attack. Nothing occurred during the night, and early in the morning we were 
about resuming our journey, when we discovered the Indians following us, 
about two hundred yards distant. Instantly the cry was " All hands to arms ! " 
We dismounted, and tied our horses to the trees. The Indians gave the war- 
whoop, and commenced stripping for the fight. The disparity in numbers 
was so enormous, one hundred and sixty to eleven, that I was deputed to go 
toward them and try to compromise rather than fight. Accordingly I, with 
Buchanan, proceeded to within forty yards of them, and in their own tongue 
asked them to send out their own chief to talk. They replied, " How de do," 
" How de do," and at once fired a volley of buckshot at us, which broke 
Buchanan's leg. This salutation I answered by a discharge from my double- 
barrel gun, and taking my companion's arm started back. They now opened 
a heavy fire upon us, and eight of their number pursued us to cut us off. 
When they were close upon us, our friends rushed forward and gave them a 
volley which killed four of their number, and sent the others howling back. 
We now discovered on a hill behind us, and within sixty yards, a large body 


of Indians, who with loud yells, opened a heavy fire upon us, their chief 
urging them to the charge in a loud voice. Our guns were at this moment 
all empty, except Mr. Hamm's. James Bowie cried out, " Who is loaded ? " 
" I am," responded Mr. Hamm, and he fired at the chief, breaking his leg 
and killing his horse. He fell and was immediately picked up and borne 
off by his warriors. The whole body then retreated behind the hill out of 
sight. Again they approached, under the leadership of another chief, and 
opened upon us with bows and arrows, as well as bullets. This time, James 
Bowie's rifle brought their leader from his horse, and he was at once picked 
up and borne off by six or eight warriors. While defending ourselves from 
these attacks, a party of Caddoes had, by creeping along under the bank of 
the stream, succeeded in getting within forty yards of us, and poured a volley 
from their rifles, which severely wounded Doyle. As he cried out, McCaslin 
rushed to the spot, shouting " Where is the Indian that shot Doyle ? '*' and 
at the same instant, while raising his gun, he fell mortally wounded. Arm- 
strong cried out, ' : Where is the Indian that shot McCaslin ? " and on the 
instant a bullet cut away a part of his gun-stock. Our enemies had now 
surrounded us, and the firing was general from behind rocks, trees, and bushes. 
We made a rush from the trees, and gained the thicket before spoken of. This 
afforded us partial shelter, as we could see our enemies through the under- 
growth, while they could not see us. They now suffered severely from our 
rifles, losing four or five men at every discharge, while they could only fire at 
us at random, not seeing us. Finding they could not dislodge us from the 
thicket, they resorted to the alternative of burning us out. They set fire to 
the dry grass of the prairie to the windward of us. At this fearful mcment 
we saw no chance of escape. The fire was coming toward us, impelled by a 
high wind, and leaping high in the air. What could we do ? We must either 
be burned up alive, or rush into the prairie to be killed by the savages. At 
the same time their yells rent the air, and they fired volley after volley into 
our covert. We held a hurried consultation. W 7 ould they charge us under 
the smoke ? The sparks#were flying so thick that we could not open our 
powder-horns to load our pieces without being blown up. Should they charge 
upon us, we agreed to give them one volley, then, standing together, to fight 
them with our knives to the death. Our thicket was now so much scorched 
and thinned that it afforded little shelter ; and getting together into the cen- 
ter of it, we hurriedly threw up around us our baggage, consisting of buffalo 
robes, blankets, saddles, loose rocks, brush, etc., and stood ready to sell our 
lives as dearly as possible. Meantime the fire had pretty much spent itself, 
and the Indians, seeing us alive and still ready for fight, drew off without range 
of our rifles, and held a council of war. During the respite thus afforded us, 
we busied ourselves in piling up every thing movable we could find, behind 


which to shelter ourselves. It was now night, and our enemies did not 
seem inclined to renew the engagement that day. During the night we heard 
them wailing over their dead, and at daylight, they shot a mortally wounded 
chief, which is a custom of theirs. Their dead and wounded they carried to 
a cave in a mountain a mile distant, and there deposited them. After this, 
though they hovered around us several days, they did not renew the battle. 
Our loss was one man killed and three wounded ; theirs, as we afterwards 
ascertained, was eighty-two killed and wounded. 

We remained in our fortification eight days, and then, the coast being 
clear, started for San Antonio, which we reached safely in twelve days. 


(From the State Gazette, 1849.) 

In December 1835, the Texan forces under General Burleson invested San 
Antonio, then held by General Cos, with twelve or fifteen hundred regular troops. 
It had been determined by the officers, after consultation, not to attempt 
carrying the place by storm against the great odds, but to go into winter 
quarters. At this juncture, a deserter from the town gave information that 
the place was not as strong as had been represented, and he advised an 
immediate attack. Colonel Ben Milam at once made a call for volunteers, 
in these words: "Who will go with old Ben Milam into San Antonio?" 
Officers and men, to the number of about four hundred, responded with a 
shout. General Burleson was requested to hold his position with the rest of 
the army until the result of the attack should be known, which he promised 
to do. The attacking force was divided into two companies, the first under 
command of Colonel Milam, assisted by Colonel Frank and Major Morris : 
the second under the command of Colonel F. W. Johnson, assisted by Dr. 
Grant and Colonel Austin. Arnold, Cook, and Maverick, and Deaf and John 
W. Smith acted as guides. Colonel Neil was sent to make a feint on the Alamo, 
which he did in good style, and then joined Milam in town. The attack was 
made early on the morning of the 5th of December, the signal being the dis- 
charge of a cannon near the Alamo. The enemy were unprepared. Their 
bugle sounded a wild alarm, and their drums beat hastily to arms. Silently 
cutting down the sentinels at their posts, the Texans entered the town amid 
the roar of artillery. Grape-shot and musket fell thick around them, doing 
but little execution, as they had got near enough to be sheltered by the walls of 


the houses. Having effected an entrance, the desperate fight was waged from 
house to house, by making holes through the soft adobe walls, and dislodg- 
ing the enemy, driving him before them step by step, and street after street. 
We proceed in the language of the narrator. 

" The order was given for fifteen or twenty men to take possession 
of the roofs of some houses ; ten succeeded in gaining the roof, but it was a 
hot berth, for the enemy poured a deadly fire upon us, killing and wounding 
several. In the main plaza, or public square, was a large church, in the 
cupola of which was a [arty of the enemy's sharp-shooters, who were picking 
us off. The weather being very cold, and a stiff norther blowing, we had 
great difficulty in loading our rifles, as the wind blew the powder away. At 
this moment, Deaf Smith, the spy of the army, the Harvey Birch of Texas, 
appeared upon the roof of the house where we were, but as he raised himself 
up and shouted to us the order to come on, he received a ball in the shoulder 
which disabled him. There were now but five men remaining of the ten who 
had mounted the roof, and finding that it was certain death to remain in that 
position, we attempted to return to the ground. We soon cut a hole through 
the roof large enough to admit of a man's body, and placing myself in my 
blanket, I requested my comrades to lower me through the opening into the 
house. Down I went, holding on tight, as I did not know how far it was to 
the bottom. It was an uncomfortable position to be in, but my friends did not 
leave me long to my apprehensions, for the blanket slipping through their 
grasp, down I went ten or twelve feet into the middle of a fire which was 
burning on a dirt floor, scattering embers and ashes in all directions. 
Tumping up, the first thing that met my gaze was a Mexican officer about 
to make an attack upon me, but jerking a pistol from my belt, I fired at him 
before my somewhat disordered faculties assured me that my foe was not an 
officer, but an officer's uniform hanging in such a position as to resemble one. 
My friends hearing the report, supposed it to be a gone case with me, but 
their fears being relieved, they joined me in the room below, from which the 
late occupant had evidently beat a hasty and undressed retreat." Then the 
fight continued from house to house, and from street to street, for five days, 
the loss of the assaulting party being comparatively small. On the 7th, the 
brave Milam, while leading a charge, was instantly killed by a rifle ball in the 
head, from a sharp-shooter. The impetuous Captain Thomas Wm. Ward, 
also, lost a leg in the fight. On the night of the 9th, a combined attack 
was made upon the priest's house and other buildings upon the public 
square, and after a determined resistance, the enemy retreated and fled pre- 
cipitately across the river to the Alamo, where they afterward capitulated. 

By this affair General Cos and twelve hundred Mexican troops, together 
with a large quantity of army stores and munitions of war, fell into our hands. 




To the General Congress of the United Mexican States: 

The inhabitants of Texas, by their representatives elect, in convention 
assembled, would respectfully approach the National Congress, and present 
this their Memorial, praying that the union which was established between 
Coahuila and Texas, whereby the two ancient provinces were incorporated 
into one free and independent State, under the name of Coahuila and Texas, 
may be dissolved, abrogated, and perpetually cease ; and that the inhabitants 
of Texas may be authorized to institute and establish a separate State govern 
ment, which shall be in accordance with the Federal Constitution, and the 
Constitutive Act: and that the State so constituted shall be received and in- 
corporated into the great Confederation of Mexico, on terms of equality 
with the other States of the Union. 

To explain the grounds of this application, your memorialists would 
respectfully invite the attention of the General Congress to the following 
considerations : 

The consolidation of the late Provinces of Coahuila and Texas was, in its 
nature, provisional, and in its intention, temporary. 

The decree of the Sovereign Constituent Congress, bearing date May 7th, 
1824, contemplates a separation, and guarantees to Texas the right of hav- 
ing a State government whenever she may be in a condition to ask for the 
same. That decree provides that " so soon as Texas shall be in a condition to 
figure as a State of itself, it shall inform Congress thereof for its resolution." 
The implication conveyed by this clause is plain and imperative, and vests in 
Texas as perfect a right as language can convey ; unless it can be presumed 
that the Sovereign Constituent Congress, composed of the venerable fathers 
of the Republic, designed to amuse the good people of Texas by an illusory 
and disingenuous promise, clothed in all the solemnity of a legislative enact- 
ment. Your memorialists have too high a veneration for the memory of that 
illustrious body to entertain any apprehensions that such a construction will 
be given to their acts by their patriotic successors, the present Congress of 
Mexico. The decree is dated anterior to the adoption of the Federal Consti- 
tution, and therefore, by a clear and fundamental principle of law and of justice, 
it obviates the necessity of recurring to the correspondent provision in the 
50th article of that instrument, which requires " the ratification of three-fourths 


of the other States" in order "to form a new State out of the limits of thosa 
that already exist." And it assures to Texas, by all the sanctity of a legis 
lative promise, in which the good faith of the Mexican nation is pledged, an 
exemption from the delays and uncertainties that must result from such mul- 
tiplied legislative discussion and resolution. To give to the Federal Constitu- 
tion, which is the paramount law of the land, a retrospective operation, would 
establish a precedent that might prove disastrous to the whole system of the 
nation's jurisprudence, and subversive of the very foundations of the gov- 

The authority of precedent is decidedly in favor of the position which your 
memorialists would respectfully sustain before the General Congress. By the 
Constitutive Act, adopted 31st of January, 1824, Coahuila, New Leon, and 
Texas were joined together, and denominated "the Internal Eastern State." 
By a law passed by the Constituent Congress on the 7th of May, 1824, that 
union was dissolved, and the province of New Leon was admitted into the 
confederacy as an independent State. It is on the second article of this law 
that the people of Texas now predicate their right to a similar admission. 
The Constitutive Act above mentioned consolidated the late provinces of Chi- 
huahua, Durango, and Mew Mexico, under the style of " the Internal Northern 
State ; " and on the 22d day of May, 1824, a summary law decreed, that " Du- 
rango should form a state of the Mexican federation," and she was admitted 
accordingly. The same privilege was extended to Chihuahua, by a decree of 
the 6th of July of the same year. These conjunct provinces stood, at the 
period of their separation, in precisely the same relation to the Federal gov- 
ernment that Texas and Coahuila occupy now. They have been separated 
and erected into free and independent States in a summary manner, and the 
same right was guaranteed to Texas "whenever she should be in a condition 
to accept it." The other case of Sonora and Sinaloa is materially variant in 
matter of fact. Those provinces were originally incorporated into the confed- 
eration as one State, without any antecedent condition or guarantee ; and, at 
the adoption of the present constitution, they justly became liable to all the 
forms and restrictions prescribed in that national pact. 

We would further suggest to the honorable Congress, that the present 
juncture is peculiarly felicitous for dispensing with interminable and vexa- 
tious forms. The Federal government is wisely employed in adopting impor- 
tant organic improvements, and aiming at a salutary renovation of the polit- 
ical system. The disasters of an eventful civil convulsion are yielding to the 
regenerating influences of domestic concord and improved experience; and 
every department of the confederacy is open to such needful modifications as 
the wisdom of the renewed Congress may designate. Texas solicits, as her 
portion in the general reformation, to be disenthralled from her unhappy con- 


nection with Coahuila : and she avails herself of this opportunity, by means 
of her chosen delegates, who are the authorized organs of the people, to com- 
municate " to the General Congress " that she is now "in a situation to figure 
as a Stale of herself," and is profoundly solicitous that she may be permitted 
to do so. 

The General Congress may possibly consider the mode of this communica- 
tion as informal. To this suggestion, we would, with great deference, reply, 
that the events of the past year have not only violated the established forms 
and etiquette of the government, but have suspended, at least, its vital func- 
tions ; and it would appear exceedingly rigorous to exact from the inhabitants 
of Texas, living on a remote frontier of the republic, a minute conformity to 
unimportant punctilios. The ardent desire of the people is made known to 
the Congress through their select representatives, the most direct and un- 
equivocal medium by which they can possibly be conveyed. And surely, the 
enlightened Congress will readily concur with us in the sentiment, that the 
wishes and the wants of the people form the best rule for legislative guid- 
ance. The people of Texas consider it not only an absolute right, but a 
most sacred and imperative duty to themselves and to the Mexican nation to 
represent their wants in a respectful manner to the general government; and 
to solicit the best remedy of which the nature of their grievances will admit. 
Should they utterly fail in this duty, and great and irremediable evils ensue, 
the people would have reason to reproach themselves alone ; and the General 
Congress, in whom the remedial power resides, would also have reason to cen- 
sure their supineness and want of fidelity to the nation. Under this view, we 
trust the Congress will not regard with excessive severity any slight depar- 
ture which the good people of Texas may, in this instance, have made from 
the ordinary formalities of the government. 

And we would further suggest to the equitable consideration of the Federal 
Congress that, independent of and anterior to the express guarantee contained 
in the decree of the 7th of May, 1824, the right of having a separate State 
government was vested in and belonged to Texas, by the fact that she partici- 
pated as a distinct province in the toils and sufferings by which the glorious 
emancipation of Mexico was achieved, and the present happy form of govern- 
ment was established. The subsequent union with Coahuila was a temporary 
compact, induced by a supposed expediency, arising from the want of an ade- 
quate population on the part of Texas " to figure as a State of itself." This 
inducement was transient in its nature, and the compact, like all similar agree- 
ments, is subject to abrogation at the will of either party, whenever the design 
of its creation is accomplished, or is ascertained to be impracticable. The 
obvious design of the union between Coahuila and Texas was, on one part at 
least, the more effectually to secure the peace, safety, and happiness of Texas. 


That design has not been accomplished ; and facts piled upon facts afford a 
melancholy surplusage of evidence that it is utterly impracticable. Texas 
never has, and never can, derive from the connection benefits in any wise com- 
mensurate with the evils she has sustained, and which are daily inci easing in 
number and in magnitude. * 

But our reasons for desiring the proposed separation are more explicitly 
set forth in the subjoined remarks. 

The history of Texas, from its earliest settlement to the present time, ex- 
hibits a series of practical neglect and indifference to all her peculiar interests 
on the part of each successive government which has had the control of her 
political destinies. The recollection of these things is calculated to excite the 
most pungent regrets for the past, and the most painful forebodings for the 
future. Under the several regal dominations, Texas presented the spectacle 
of a province profusely endowed by nature, abandoned and consigned to 
desolation by the profligate avariciousness of a distant despot. The tyrants of 
Spain regarded her only as a convenient barrier to the mines of the adjacent 
provinces ; and the more waste and depopulated she was, the more effectually 
she answered their selfish and unprincipled purpose. Her agricultural re- 
sources were either unknown or esteemed of no value to a government anx- 
ious only to sustain its wasting magnificence by the silver and gold wrung 
from the prolific bosom of Mexico. To foster the agricultural interests of any 
portion of her splendid viceroyalty, or of her circumjacent conquests, was 
never the favorite policy of Spain. To have done so, would have nurtured 
in her remote dominions a hardy and industrious population of yeomanry — 
the peculiar dread of tyrants and the best assurance of a nation's indepen- 

It was natural, then, that the royal miscreants of Spain should regard 
Texas with indifference, if not. with a decided and malignant aversion to her 
improvement. But it would be both unnatural and erroneous to attribute 
similar motives to the paternal government of independent, confederate, re- 
publican Mexico. She can have no interest adverse to the common weal, can 
feel no desire to depress the agricultural facilities of any portion of her com- 
mon territory, and can entertain no disquieting jealousies that should prompt 
her to dread the increase or to mar the prosperity of any portion of her agri- 
cultural population. These are the best, the broadest, and the most durable 
basis of free institutions. 

We must look to other causes, therefore, for the lamentable negligence 
that has hitherto been manifested toward the prosperity of Texas. The fact 
of such negligence is beyond controversy. The melancholy effects of it are 
apparent, both in her past and present condition. The cause must exist 
somewhere. We believe it is principally to be found in her political annexa- 


tion to Coahuila. That conjunction was, in its origin, unnatural and con- 
strained, and the longer it is continued the more disastrous it will prove. 
The two territories are disjunct in all their prominent respective relations. In 
point of locality, they approximate by a strip of sterile and useless territory, 
which must long remain a comparative wilderness, and present many serious 
embarrassments to that facility of intercourse which should always exist 
between the seat of government and its remote population. In respect to 
commerce, and its various and intricate relations, there is no communion 
of interests between them. The one is altogether interior — is consequently 
abstracted from all direct participation in maritime concerns, and is naturally 
indifferent, if not adverse, to any system of polity that is calculated to pro- 
mote the diversified and momentous interests of commerce. The other is 
blest with many natural advantages for extensive commercial operations, which, 
if properly cultivated, would render valuable accessions to the national 
marine and a large increase to the national revenues. The importance of 
an efficient national marine is evinced not only by the history of other and 
older governments, but by the rich halo of glory which encircles the briet 
annals of the Mexican navy. In point of climate and of natural productions, 
the two territories are equally dissimilar. Coahuila is a pastoral and a mining 
country. Texas is characteristically an agricultural district. The occupa- 
tions incident to these various intrinsic properties are equally various and 
distinct ; and a course of legislation that maybe adapted to the encouragement 
of the habitual industry of the one district might present embarrassment and 
perplexity, and prove fatally deleterious to the prosperity of the other. 

It is not needful, therefore, neither do we desire to attribute any sinister 
01 invidious design to the legislative enactments or to the domestic eco- 
nomical policy of Coahuila, (whose ascendency in the joint councils of the 
State gives her an uncontrolled and exclusive power of legislation,) in order 
to ascertain the origin of the evils that afflict Texas, and which, if longer per- 
mitted to exist, must protract her feeble and dependent pupilage to a period 
coeval with such existence. Neither is it important to Texas, whether those 
evils have proceeded from a sinister policy in the predominant influences of 
Coahuila, or whether they are the certain results of a union that is naturally 
adverse to her interests. The effects are equally repugnant and injurious, 
whether emanating from the one or the other. 

Bexar, the ancient capital of Texas, presents a faithful but gloomy portrait 
of her general want of protection and encouragement. Situated in a fertile, 
picturesque, and beautiful region, and established a century and a half ago, 
(within which period populous and magnificent cities have sprung into exist- 
ence,) she exhibits only the decrepitude of age, the sad testimonials of the 
absence of that political guardianship which a wise government should always 


bestow upon the feebleness of its exposed frontier settlements. A hundred 
and seventeen years have elapsed since Goliad and Nacogdoches assumed 
the distinctive names of towns, and they are still entitled to the diminutive 
appellations of villages only. Other military and missionary establishments 
have been attempted, but, from the same defect of protection and encourage- 
ment, they have been swept away, and scarce a vestige remains to rescue their 
localities from oblivion. 

We do not mean to attribute these specific disasters to the union with 
Coahuila ; for we know they transpired long anterior to the consummation of 
that union. But we do maintain that the same political causes, the same 
want of protection and encouragement, the same mal-organization and impo- 
tence of the local and minor faculties of the government, the same improvi- 
dent indifference to the peculiar and vital interests of Texas, exist now, that 
operated then : and like causes will produce like effects, ad infinitum. Bexar 
is still exposed to the depredations of her ancient enemies, the insolent, vin- 
dictive, and faithless Comanches. Her citizens are still massacred, their 
cattle destroyed or driven away, and their very habitations threatened, by a 
tribe of erratic and undisciplined Indians, whose audacity has derived confi- 
dence from success, and whose long continued aggressions have invested them 
with a fictitious and excessive terror. ' Her schools are neglected, her churches 
desolate ; the sounds of human industry are almost hushed, and the voice of 
gladness and festivity is converted into wailing and lamentations, by the dis- 
heartening and multiplied evils which surround her defenseless population. 
Goliad is still kept in constant trepidation ; is paralyzed in all her efforts for 
improvement ; and is harassed on all her borders by the predatory incur- 
sions of the Wacoes, and other insignificant bands of savages, whom a well- 
organized local government would soon subdue or exterminate. 

These are facts not of history merely, on which the imagination must 
dwell with an unavailing melancholy ; they are events of the present day, 
which the present generation feel in all their dreadful reality. And these 
facts, revolting as they are, are as a fraction only in the stupendous aggregate 
of our calamities. Our misfortunes do not proceed from Indian depredations 
alone ; neither are they confined to a few isolated, impoverished, and almost 
tenantless towns. They pervade the whole territory — operate upon the whole 
population ; and are as diversified in character as our public interests and ne- 
cessities are various. Texas, at large, feels and deplores an utter destitution 
of the common benefits which have usually accrued, from the worst system of 
internal government that the patience of mankind ever tolerated. She is vir- 
tually without a government — and if she is not precipitated into all the un- 
speakable horrors of anarchy, it is only because there is a redeeming spirit 
among the people which still infuses a moral energy into the miserable frag- 


ments of authority that exists among us. We are perfectly sensible that a 
large portion of our population, usually denominated " the colonists/' and 
composed of Anglo-Americans, have been greatly calumniated before the 
Mexican government. But could the honorable Congress scrutinize strictly 
into our real condition ; could they see and understand the wretched confusion 
in all the elements of government which we daily feel and deplore, our ears 
would no longer be insulted, nor our feelings mortified, by the artful fictions 
of hireling emissaries from abroad, nor by the malignant aspersions of disap- 
pointed military commandants at home. 

Our grievances do not so much result from any positive misfeasance on 
the part of the present State authorities, as from the total absence, or the very 
feeble and inutile dispensation of those restrictive influences which it is the 
appropriate design of the social compact to exercise upon the people, and 
which are necessary to fulfil the ends of civil society. We complain more 
of the want of all the important attributes of government, than of the abuses 
of any. We are sensible that all human institutions are essentially imperfect. 
But there are relative degrees of perfection in modes of government, as in 
other matters, and it is both natural and right to aspire to that mode which is 
most likely to acccomplish its legitimate purpose. This is wisely declared in 
our present State constitution, to be "the happiness of the individuals who 
compose it." It is equally obvious that the happiness of the people is more 
likely to be secured by a local than by a remote government. In the one 
case, the governors are partakers in common with the governed, in all the 
political evils which result to the community, and have therefore a personal 
interest in so discharging their respective functions, as will best secure the 
common welfare. In the other supposition, those vested with authority are 
measurably exempt from the calamities that ensue an abuse of power, and 
may very conveniently subserve their own interests and ambition, while they 
neglect or destroy " the welfare of the associated." 

But independent of these general truths, there are some impressive 
reasons why the peace and happiness of Texas demand a local government. 
Constituting a remote frontier of the republic, and bordering on a powerful 
nation, a portion of whose population, in juxtaposition to hers, is notoriously 
profligate and lawless, she requires, in a peculiar and emphatic sense, the 
vigorous application of such laws as are necessary, not only to the preserva- 
tion of good order, the protection of property, and the redress of personal 
wrongs, but such, also, as are essential to the prevention of illicit commerce, 
to the security of the public revenues, and to the avoidance of serious col- 
lision with the authorities of the neighboring republic. That such a judicial 
administration is impracticable under the present arrangement, is too forcibly 
illustrated by the past to admit of any rational hope for the future. 


It is an acknowledged principle in the science of jurisprudence, that the 
prompt and certain infliction of mild and humane punishment is more 
efficacious for the prevention of crime than a tardy and precarious adminis- 
tration of the most sanguinary penal code. Texas is virtually denied the ben- 
efit of this benevolent rule, by the localjty and the character of her present 
government. Crimes of the greatest atrocity may go unpunished, and hard- 
ened criminals triumph in their iniquity, because of the difficulties and delays 
which encumber her judicial system, and necessarily intervene between a 
trial and a conviction, and the sentence and the execution of the law. Our 
{i supreme tribunal of justice " holds its sessions upwards of seven hundrecj 
miles distant from our central population ; and that distance is greatly en- 
larged, and sometimes made impassable, by the casualties incident to a mail 
conducted by a single horseman through a wilderness often infested by 
vagrant and murderous Indians. Before sentence can be pronounced by 
the local courts on persons charged with the most atrocious crimes, the copy 
of the process must be transmitted to an assessor, resident at Leona Vicario, 
who is too far removed from the scene of guilt to appreciate the importance 
of a speedy decision, and is too much estranged from our civil and domestic 
concerns to feel the miseries that result from a total want of legal protection 
in person and property. But our difficulties do not terminate here. After 
the assessor shall have found leisure to render his opinion, and final judgment 
is pronounced, it again becomes necessary to resort to the capital, to submit 
the tardy sentence to the supreme tribunal for " approbation, revocation, or 
modification," before the judgment of the law can be executed. Here we 
have again to encounter the vexations and delays incident to all governments, 
where those who exercise its most interesting functions are removed by dis- 
tance from the people on whom they operate, and for whose benefit the social 
compact is created. 

These repeated delays, resulting from the remoteness of our courts of 
judicature, are pernicious in many respects. They involve heavy expenses, 
which, in civil suits, are excessively onerous to litigants, and give to the rich 
and influential such manifold advantages over the poor as operate to an 
absolute exclusion of the latter from the remedial and protective benefits of 
the law. They offer seductive opportunities and incitements to bribery and 
corruption, and endanger the sacred purity of the judicirry, which, of all the 
branches of government, is most intimately associated with the domestic and 
social happiness of man, and should therefore be, not only sound and pure, 
but unsuspected of the venal infection. They present insuperable difficulties 
to the exercise of the corrective right of recusation, and virtually nullify the 
constitutional power of impeachment. In criminal actions they are no less 
injurious. They are equivalent to a license to iniquity, and exert a dangerous 


influence on the moral feelings at large. Before the tedious process of the law 
can be complied with, and the criminal, whose hands are perhaps imbrued in 
a brother's blood, be made to feel its retributive justice, the remembrance of 
his crime is partially effaced from the public mind, and the righteous arbitra- 
ment of the law, which, if promptly executed, would have received universal 
approbation, and been a salutary warning to evil-doers, is impugned as vin- 
dictive and cruel. The popular feeling is changed from a just indignation 
of the crime into an amiable but mistaken sympathy for the criminal ; and 
by an easy and natural transition, is converted into disgust and disaffection 
toward the government and its laws. 

These are some of the evils that result from the annexation of Texas to 
Coahuila, and the exercise of legislative and judicial powers by the citizens of 
Coahuila over the citizens of Texas. The catalogue might be greatly enlarged ; 
but we forbear to trespass on the time of the honorable Congress, confiding 
to the worthy citizens who shall be charged with the high duty of presenting 
this memorial, and the protocol of a constitution which the people of Texas 
have framed, as the basis of their future government, the more explicit enun- 
ciation of them. Those evils are not likely to be diminished, but they may 
be exceedingly aggravated by the fact that that political connection was formed 
without the cordial approbation of the people of Texas, and is daily becoming 
more odious to them. Although it may have received their reluctant acqui- 
escence in its inception, before its evil consequences were developed or fore- 
seen, the arbitrary continuance of it now, after the experience of nine years 
has demonstrated its ruinous tendencies, would invest it with some of the 
most offensive features of usurpation. Your memorialists entertain an 
assured confidence that the enlightened Congress of Mexico will never give 
their high sanction to anything that wears the semblance of usurpation or of 
arbitrary coercion. 

The idea may possibly occur in the deliberations of the honorable Con- 
gress, that a territorial organization would cure our political maladies, and 
effectuate the great purposes which induce this application ; and plausible 
reasons may be advanced in favor of it. But the wisdom of Congress will 
readily detect the fallacy of these reasons, and the mischief consequent to 
such vain sophistry. In this remote section of the republic a territorial 
government must, of necessity, be divested of one essential and radical prin- 
ciple in all popular institutions — the immediate responsibility of public 
agents to the people whom they serve. The appointments to office woula, 
in such case, be vested in the general government. And although such 
appointments should be made with the utmost circumspection, the persons 
appointed, when once arrayed in the habiliments of office, would be too far 
removed from the appointing power to feel the restraints of a vigilant super- 


vision and a direct accountability. The dearest rights of the people might 
be violated, the public treasures squandered, and every variety of imposition 
and iniquity practised, under the specious pretext of political necessity, which 
the far distant government could neither detect nor control. 

And we would furlher present, with great deference, that the institution 
of a territorial government would confer upon us neither the form nor the 
substance of our high guarantee. It would, indeed, diversify our miseries, 
by opening new avenues to peculation and abuse of power; but it would 
neither remove our difficulties nor place us in the enjoyment of our equal 
and vested rights. The only adequate remedy that your memorialists can 
devise, and which they ardently hope the collective wisdom of the nation will 
approve, is to be found in the establishment of a local State government. We 
believe that if Texas were endowed with the facilities of a State government, 
she would be competent to remedy the many evils that now depress her 
energies and frustrate every effort to develop and bring into usefulness the 
natural resources which a beneficent Providence has conferred upon her. 
We believe that a local legislature, composed of citizens who feel and par- 
ticipate in all the calamities which encompass us, would be enabled to enact 
such conservative, remedial, and punitive laws, and so to organize and put 
into operation the municipal and inferior authorities of the country, as would 
inspire universal confidence ; would encourage the immigration of virtuous 
foreigners ; prevent the ingress of fugitives from justice of other countries; 
check the alarming accumulation of ferocious Indians, whom the domestic 
policy of the United States of the North is rapidly translating to our borders ; 
would give impulse and vigor to the industry of the people ; secure a cheer- 
ful subordination and a faithful adhesion to the State and general govern- 
ments ; and would render Texas, what she ought to be, a strong arm of the 
republic, a terror to foreign invaders, and an example of peace and prosperity, 
of advancement in the arts and sciences, and of devotion to the Union, to 
her sister States. We believe that an executive chosen from among ourselves 
would feel a more intense interest in our political welfare, would watch with 
more vigilance over our social concerns, and would contribute more effectu- 
ally to the purposes of his appointment. We believe that a local judiciary, 
drawn from the bosom of our own peculiar society, would be enabled to 
administer the laws with, more energy and promptitude ; to punish the dis- 
obedient and refractory ; to restrain the viciousness of the wicked ; to impart 
confidence and security, both of person and property, to peaceable citizens ; 
to conserve and perpetuate the general tranquillity of the State, and to render 
a more efficient aid to the coordinate powers of the Government in carrying 
into effect the great objects of its institution. We believe that if Texas were 
admitted to the Union as a separate State, she would soon "figure" as a 


brilliant star in the Mexican constellation, and would shed a new splendor 
around the illustrious city of Montezuma. We believe she would contribute 
largely to the national wealth and aggrandizement, would furnish new staples 
for commerce and new materials for manufactures. The cotton of Texas 
would give employment to the artisans of Mexico, and the precious metals, 
which are now flowing into the coffers of England, would be retained at 
home, to reward the industry and remunerate the ingenuity of native citizens. 

The honorable Congress need not be informed that a large proportion of 
the population of Texas is of foreign origin. They have been invited here 
by the munificent liberality and plighted faith of the Mexican government; 
and they stand pledged by every moral and religious principle, and by every 
sentiment of honor, to requite that liberality, and to reciprocate the faithful 
performance of the guarantee to "protect their liberties, property, and civil rights" 
by a cheerful dedication of their moral and physical energies to the advance- 
ment of their adopted country. But it is also apparent to the intelligence of 
the honorable Congress that the best mode of securing the permanent attach- 
ment of such a population is to incorporate them into the federal system on 
such equitable terms as will redress every grievance, remove every cause of 
complaint, and insure not only an identity of interests, but an eventual blend- 
ing and assimilation of all that is now foreign and incongruous. The infancy 
of imperial Rome was carried to an early adolescence by the free and unre- 
stricted admission of foreigners to her social compact. England never aspired 
to " the dominion of the seas " until she had united the hardiness of Scotland 
and the gallantry of Ireland to her native prowess. France derives her 
greatness from the early combination of the Salii, the Frank, and the Bur- 
gundian. And Mexico may yet realize the period when the descendants of 
Montezuma will rejoice that their coalition with the successors of Fernando 
Cortes has been strengthened and embellished by the adoption into their 
national family of a people drawn by their own gratuitous hospitality from the 
land of Washington and of freedom. 

For these and other considerations, your memorialists would solemnly 
invoke the magnanimous spirit of the Mexican nation, concentrated in the 
wisdom and patriotism of the Federal Congress. And they would respect- 
fully and ardently pray, that the honorable Congress would extend their 
remedial power to this obscure section of the republic ; would cast around it 
"the sovereign mantle of the nation," and adopt it into a free and plenary 
participation of that "constitutional regime" of equal sisterhood, which alone 
can rescue it from the miseries of an ill-organized, inefficient internal govern- 
ment, and can reclaim this fair and fertile region from the worthlessness of 
an untenanted waste, or the more fearful horrors of barbarian inundation. 
Your memorialists, in behalf of their constituents, would, in conclusion, 


avail themselves of this opportunity to tender to the honorable Congress their 
cordial adhesion to the plan of Zavaleta, and to express their felicitations on 
the happy issue of the late unhappy conflict. They would also declare their 
gratitude to the patriot chief and his illustrious associates, whose propi- 
tious conquests have saved from profanation " the august temple in which 
we have deposited the holy ark of our federal constitution," and have secured 
the ultimate triumph of the liberal and enlightened principles of genuine 
republicanism. And they would unite their fervent aspirations with the 
prayers that must ascend from the hearts of all good Mexicans, that the 
Supreme Ruler of the universe, "who doeth his will in the army of heaven, 
and among the inhabitants of the earth," would vouchsafe to this glorious 
land the blessings of peace and tranquillity ; would preserve it, in all future 
time, from the horrors of civil discord, and shed down upon its extended 
population the increased and increasing effulgence of light and liberty, 
which is fast irradiating the European continent, and extirpating the relics 
of feudal despotism, the antiquated errors of a barbarous age, from the 
civilized world. 

David G. Burnett, Chairman of Committee. 

Thomas Hastings, Secretary of the Convention. 

William H. Wharton, President of the Convention. 

To the Federal Congress of Mexico : 

The people of Texas, by their chosen representatives, in General Con- 
vention met, for the purpose of making known their wants and grievances 
to the Congress of the Confederation, respectfully represent: 

That they view with emotions of regret the existence and operation of 
the nth article of the law of 6th of April, 1830. A retrospective view of the 
kind partiality manifested toward the citizens of the republic from which we 
emigrated, furnishes some apprehension that a suspicion of our fidelity was 
the cause of its enactment. Relying, however, upon the justice of the nation, 
and the purity of intention by which we are and ever have been actuated, as 
well as upon the identity of interest existing between the States of Mexico 
and the colonies in Texas, your memorialists confidently anticipated its 
speedy repeal. In respect of our claims to the indulgent and confiding 
consideration of the Congress of the republic, we submit the following state- 
ment of facts: 

The products of agriculture and of manufactures are worth nearly a 
hundred per cent, more in the markets of Mexico than they are in those of 
the United States of the North. Our interest, therefore, as an agricultural 
and commercial people, the strongest cement of society, is diametrically 


opposed to any convulsion or change of situation that might deprive us of 
that preference in the Mexican market, to which, as colonists, we are clearly 

This law, if permitted to operate, must defeat the original design of the 
Mexican republic, in relation to the settlement of Texas. In 1823, the 
Congress of the nation invited citizens of the United States of the North to 
settle on this frontier ; and, as an inducement, offered a liberal donation of 
land to each family. The supposed object of the government was to reclaim 
a wilderness, and make the country subservient to the best interests of the 
nation. It was then unexplored by civilized man. It was the abode of 
prowling and hostile Indians. They had long obstructed the extension of 
the Mexican settlements, had harassed the frontier establishments, and 
excluded them from any participation in the commerce of the North, and, at 
times, threatened their depopulation. Thus situated, Texas was not only a 
useless but a dangerous appendage of the republic. It presented an uncov- 
ered flank to the invader, and was dependent on the mercy of a foreign 
enemy. Without any adequate means of defense against the depredations 
of hostile Indians, the attention of your statesmen was invited to the adop- 
tion of measures for its future protection and repose. Had the liberal policy 
of 1823 been steadily pursued — had no blighting restrictions been imposed 
by future legislatures — Texas would, ere this, have exhibited the proud 
achievement of legislative wisdom, and the government have realized the 
glorious meed of its munificence and bounty. 

Colonies were granted, and North Americans were the first to brave the 
dangers and privations attending an acceptance of the liberality of the gov- 
ernment. The native citizens of Mexico, unwilling to dispute with the savage 
the occupancy of an unsubdued wilderness, declined its participation. Spain 
had not, as yet, ceased her hostilities ; the cabinets of Europe, shocked at the 
threatened establishment of republican institutions, denounced your glorious 
struggle for independence as treasonable and rebellious. But the republic of 
the North boldly defended your declaration, recognized your independence, 
and gave you admission into the community of nations. Many of her sons 
espoused your cause, heroically aided in the expulsion of your ancient tyrants, 
and joyfully celebrated, with the friends of freedom throughout the earth, the 
final consummation of Mexican emancipation. The doors of immigration 
were then open. Confiding in the honor, the proffered liberality, and the 
plighted faith of the Mexican government, many who had fought in the ranks 
of your armies settled, under the provisions of your laws, on a wild frontier 
of the land which they had volunteered to defend. They had acquired an 
unrivaled character for daring enterprise, and they contended, face to face, 
with the barbarian for the forests of Texas. They succeeded. The savage 


has been driven back. Extensive improvements, cultivated fields, and an 
enterprising population are the fruits of your bounty, and of their untiring 

What have we done to tarnish this faithful picture of the past and invite 
the blasting restrictions of the government for the future ? To what event 
in our past history can we refer, meriting either the want of confidence or the 
unfriendly feeling so emphatically proclaimed to the world by the nth article 
of the law of the 6th of April, 1830 ? In what point of view does it place the 
settlers of Texas? Does it not present us in the most suspicious and odious 
light ? Does it not brand our countrymen as undeserving the confidence of 
any government? Have our acts provoked it as a just punishment for sup- 
posed aberrations from the path of duty heretofore, or is it feared or suspected 
that we may become dangerous hereafter ? Of the past, at least we are in no 
danger ; it is the property of history now ; and the fair fame of Americans 
can not be soiled by the historic details of the part which they have borne in 
the redemption of Texas from a savage to a civilized state. For the future, 
the past is the best guarantee that we can offer. The interest of Texas is the 
interest of Mexico. Each is necessary to the other. And unless we are fool- 
ish and unwise enough to wage a war with our own best and dearest interests, 
any other change than a repeal of the above article, accompanied with such 
other advantages as are guaranteed by the laws of Congress, would be depre- 
cated as the heaviest misfortune that could fall upon her infant society. 

We feel and we vow every attachment to the government of our adoption 

which the one can merit or the other can cherish. With these remarks we 

rest our cause, relying on a returning sense of magnanimity in the delegated 

authorities of the nation to remove all the causes which impede our prosperity, 

to relieve us, particularly, from the pernicious and disheartening influence of 

the above-named law, and to restore us to all the promised enjoyments of the 

laws of colonization. 

Wyly Martin, Chairman of Committee. 

We here close our compendium of Texan early history as taken from the 
files of The Constitutional Advocate. We find nothing more worthy of notice. 

D. W. Anthony, editor and proprietor of The Advocate, died of the cholera 
in July, 1833, at which time, Colonel William T. Austin informs us, that paper 
was suspended. The foregoing shows that the cholera commenced in the 
preceding February in a family just arrived from New Orleans, where it was 
then epidemic. In the month of May of that year (1833), the Brazos River 
overflowed fully four feet higher in Brazoria than has ever been known since 
that time. As the water receded, the cholera made its appearance ; and from 
Velasco to Columbia it scourged and decimated that section of the country, 


taking off entire families. The water disappeared about the 23d of June, 
having entirely destroyed all the planted crops. Some cotton and corn were 
replanted, but even these second-planted crops were destroyed by an early 
frost, and the consequence was an entire destitution of breadstuffs, so that 
the people had to live on jerked beef as their principal sustenance, until the 
crop of 1834 was made. 

[We have been indebted to Colonel William T. Austin, one of the early 
pioneers of Texas, for some of the foregoing reminiscences.] 




By authority of a resolution adopted December 10th, 1835, by the provis- 
ional government of Texas, which existed from November, 1835, to March, 
1836, delegates, clothed with plenary powers, were elected on the first day of 
February, 1836, to meet in convention at Washington, on the Brazos, on the 
first day of March. The provisional government was composed of Henry 

Smith, Governor, James W. Robinson, Vice- Governor, and a Council of 

members. At the period of the meeting of the Convention, the Council had 
quarreled with and deposed the Governor, and Mr. Robinson was occupying 
the gubernatorial chair. 

The Convention assembled accordingly on the first day of March, 1836. 
Its official journal opens thus : " Convention of all the People of Texas, through 
their Delegates elect" 

On motion of Mr. George C. Childress, of Milam (the counties being then 
called municipalities), Mr. James Collingsworth, of Brazoria, was called to the 
chair, and Willis A. Farris appointed Secretary /r# tem. 

After the roll of members was completed, on motion of Mr. Robert Potter, 
the Convention proceeded to the election of a President, when Mr. Stephen 
H. Everitt, of Jasper, nominated Mr. Richard Ellis, of Red River (then 
called Pecan Point), who was unanimously elected. 

For Secretary of the Convention, Messrs. H. S. Kimble, E. M. Pease, and 
Willis A. Farris were nominated. The vote stood : Kimble, 24 ; Farris, 10 ; 
Pease, 7. E. M. Pease was then elected assistant secretary ; Iram Palmer, 
sergeant-at-arms ; John A. Hizer, door-keeper ; Mr. Saul, engrossing clerk. 

On the afternoon of the first day, Mr. George C. Childress offered the 
following : 


Resolved, That the president appoint a committee, to consist of five dele- 
gates, to draft a Declaration of Independence. 

Mr. Martin Palmer offered the following as a substitute : 

Resolved, That the president appoint one delegate from each municipality, 
as a committee to draft a Declaration of ftidependence. 

Dr. Palmer's resolution was negatived, and that of Mr. Childress adopted ; 
whereupon the president appointed as the committee Messrs. George C. Chil- 
dress, of Milam; James Gaines, of Sabine ; Edward Conrad, of Refugio ; 
Collin McKinney, of Red River ; and Bailey Hardeman, of Matagorda. 

On the second day, March 2d, Mr. Robert Potter moved the appointment 
of a committee of one from each municipality to draft a constitution for the 
(contemplated) Republic of Texas, which was carried, and Messrs. Martin 
Parmer, chairman, Robert Potter, Charles B. Stewart, Edwin Waller, Jesse 
Grimes, Robert M. Coleman, John Fisher, John W. Bunton, James Gaines, 
Lorenzo de Zavala, Stephen H. Everict, Bailey Hardeman, Elijah Stapp, 
William C. Crawford, Claiborne West, James Power, Jose Antonio Navarro, 
Collin McKinney, William Menefee, William Motley, and Michael B. Menard 
were appointed the committee. 

On the same day, March 2d, Mr. Childress, chairman of the committee, 
reported the draft of a Declaration of Independence, and " asked that the 
same be received by the Convention as their report." 

Here I quote from the journals : 

" Mr. Houston moved that the report be received by the Convention, 
which, on being seconded, was done. 

" On Mr. Collingsworth's motion, seconded, the House resolved into a 
committee of the whole, upon the report of the Committee on Independence. 

Mr. Collingsworth was called to the chair, whereupon Mr. Houston intro- 
duced the following resolution : 

" Resolved, That the Declaration of Independence, reported by the com- 
mittee, be adopted ; that the same be engrossed and signed by the delegates 
of this Convention. 

"And the question being put, the resolution was unanimously adopted." 

The Declaration of Independence was thus unanimously adopted, enrolled, 
and signed on the second day of the session — being March 2d — as follows : 



Made by the Delegates of the People of Texas, in General Convention, at 
Washington, on March 2d, 1836. 

When a government has ceased to protect the lives, liberty, and property 
of the people from whom its legitimate powers are derived, and for the advance- 
ment of whose happiness it was instituted ; and, so far from being a guaran- 
tee for their inestimable and inalienable rights, becomes an instrument in the 
hands of evil rulers for their oppression ; when the federal republican consti- 
tution of their country, which they have sworn to support, no longer has a 
substantial existence, and the whole nature of their government has been 
forcibly changed, without their consent, from a restricted federative republic, 
composed of sovereign states, to a consolidated central military despotism, in 
which every interest is disregarded but that of the army and the priesthood, 
both the eternal enemies of civil liberty, the ever-ready minions of power and 
the usual instruments of tyrants; when, long after the spirit of the constitu- 
tion has departed, moderation is at length so far lost by those in power, that 
even the semblance of freedom is removed, and the forms themselves of the 
constitution discontinued, and, so far from the petitions and remonstrances 
being disregarded, the agents who bear them are thrown into dungeons, and 
mercenary armies sent forth to enforce a new government upon them at the 
point of the bayonet. 

When, in consequence of such acts of malfeasance and abduction on the 
part of the government, anarchy prevails, and civil society is dissolved into 
its original elements, in such a crisis, the first law of nature, the right of self- 
preservation, the inherent and inalienable right of the people to appeal to 
first principles, and take their political affairs into their own hands, in extreme 
cases, enjoins it as a right toward themselves, and a sacred obligation to their 
posterity, to abolish such government and create another in its stead, calcu- 
lated to rescue them from impending dangers, and to secure their welfare and 

Nations, as well as individuals, are amenable for their acts to the public 
opinion of mankind. A statement of a part of our grievances is therefore 
submitted to an impartial world in justification of the hazardous but unavoid- 
able step now taken, of severing our political connection with the Mexican 
people, and assuming an independent attitude among the nations of the earth. 

The Mexican government, by its colonization laws, invited and induced 
the Anglo-American population of Texas to colonize its wilderness under the 
pledged faith of a written constitution, that they should continue to enjoy that 


constitutional liberty and republican government to which they had been 
habituated in the land of their birth, the United States of America. 

In this expectation they have been cruelly disappointed, inasmuch as the 
Mexican nation has acquiesced in the late changes made in the government 
by General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, who, having overturned the con- 
stitution of his country, now offers us the cruel alternative, either to abandon 
our homes, acquired by so many privations, or submit to the most intolerable 
of all tyranny, the combined despotism of the sword and the priesthood. 

It hath sacrificed our welfare to the State of Coahuila by which our interests 
have been continually depressed, through a jealous and partial course of legis- 
lation, carried on at a far-distant seat of government, by a hostile majority, 
in an unknown tongue ; and this, too, notwithstanding we have petitioned in 
the humblest terms for the establishment of a separate state government, and 
have, in accordance with the provisions of the national constitution, presented 
to the general congress a republican constitution, which was, without a just 
cause, contemptuously rejected. 

It incarcerated in a dungeon, for a long time, one of our citizens, for no 
other cause but a zealous endeavor to procure the acceptance of our constitu- 
tion and the establishment of a state government. 

It has failed and refused to secure, on a firm basis, the right of trial by 
jury, the palladium of civil liberty, and only safe guarantee for the life, liberty, 
and property of the citizen. 

It has failed to establish any public system of education, although pos- 
sessed of almost boundless resources (the public domains), and although it 
is an axiom in political science that, unless a people are educated and enlight j 
ened, it is idle to expect the continuance of civil liberty or the capacity for 

It has suffered the military commandants, stationed among us, to exercise 
arbitrary acts of oppression and tyranny, thus trampling upon the most 
sacred rights of the citizen, and rendering the military superior to the civil 

It has dissolved, by force of arms, the State Congress of Coahuila and 
Texas, and obliged our representatives to fly for their lives from the 
seat of government, thus depriving us of the fundamental political right of 

It has demanded the surrender of a number of our citizens, and ordered 
military detachments to seize and carry them into the interior for trial, in con- 
tempt of the civil authorities, and in defiance of the laws and the constitution. 

It has made piratical attacks on our commerce, by commissioning foreign 
desperadoes, and authorizing them to seize our vessels, and convey the 
property of our citizens to far distant parts for confiscation. 


It denies us the right of worshipping the Almighty according to the dic- 
tates of our own conscience, by the support of a national religion, calculated 
to promote the temporal interests of its human functionaries, rather than the 
glory of the true and living God. 

It has demanded us to deliver up our arms, which are essential to our 
defense — the rightful property of freemen, and formidable only to tyrannical 

It has invaded our country both by sea and by land, with the intent to 
lay waste our territory, and drive us from our homes, and has now a large 
mercenary army advancing to carry on against us a war of extermination. 

It has, through its emissaries, incited the merciless savage, with the toma- 
hawk and scalping-knife, to massacre the inhabitants of our defenseless 

It has been, during the whole time of our connection with it, the contemp- 
tible sport and victim of successive military revolutions, and hath continually 
exhibited every characteristic of a weak, corrupt, and tyrannical government. 

These and other grievances were patiently borne by the people of Texas, 
until they reached that point at which forbearance ceases to be a virtue. We 
then took up arms in defense of the national constitution. We appealed to our 
Mexican brethren for assistance ; our appeal has been made in vain ; though 
months have elapsed, no sympathetic response has yet been made from the 
interior. We are therefore forced to the melancholy conclusion that the 
Mexican people have acquiesced in the destruction of their liberty, and the 
substitution therefor of a military government ; that they are unfit to be free, 
and incapable of self-government. 

The necessity of self-preservation, therefore, now decrees our eternal 
political separation. 

We, therefore, the delegates, with plenary powers, of the people of Texas, 
in solemn convention assembled, appealing to a candid world for the neces- 
sities of our condition, do hereby resolve and declare, that our political con- 
nection with the Mexican nation has forever ended, and that the people of 
Texas do now constitute a free, sovereign, and independent republic, and are 
fully invested with all the rights and attributes which properly belong to 
independent nations ; and, conscious of the rectitude of our intentions, we 
fearlessly and confidently commit the issue to the Supreme Arbiter of the 
destinies of nations. 

In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names. 

Richard Ellis, President and Delegate from Red River. 
H. S. Kimble, Secretary. 



MARCH 2, 1836. 


Richard Ellis 

C. B. Stewart 

James Collingsworth. 

Edwin Waller 

Asa Brigham 

J. S. D. Byrom 

Eras. Ruis 

J. Anto. Navarro 

J. B. Badsett , 

W. D. Lacy 

William Menifee , 

John Fisher 

M. Coldwell 

W. Motley 

L. D. Zavala 

George W. Smyth 

S. H. Everitt 

E. Stapp 

Clae. West 

W. B. Scates 

M. B. Menard 

A. B. Hardin 

J. W. Bunton 

Thomas G. Gazeley... 

R. M. Coleman 

S. C. Robertson* 

George C. Childress*. 

B. Hardiman 

R. Potter 

Thomas J. Rusk 

Charles S. Taylor 

John S. Roberts 

R. Hamilton 

C. McKinney 

A. H. Lattimer 

James Power 

Sam Houston... 

David Thomas 

E. Conrad 

Martin Parmer 

E. O. Legrand 

S. W. Blount 

James Gaines 

W. Clark," Jr 

S. O. Pennington 

W. C. Crawford 

John Turner 

B. B. Goodrich 

G. W. Barnett 

J. G. Swisher 

Jesse Grimes 

S. Rhoads Fisher*.... 
Samuel A. Maverick*. 
John White Bower* . . . 

James B. Woods* 

Andrew Briscoe* 

John W. Moore* 

Thomas Barnett 












Place of Birth. 


South Carolina. 



Massachusetts . 


Bexar, Texas... 
Bexar, Texas. .. 
North Carolina. 


Tennessee , 


Kentucky , 



North Carolina. 

New York 

Virginia , 






New York , 


North Carolina. 


Tennessee , 

North Carolina. 
South Carolina., 




New Jersey 





Pennsylvania.. . , 


North Carolina . 



North Carolina . 


North Carolina . 
North Carolina . 


South Carolina.. 


North Carolina. 
Pennsylvania ... 
South Carolina. . 



Former Residence. 







Arkansas Territory. 

Tennessee. _ 







New York. 












North Carolina. 


New York. 


North Carolina. 












Arkansas Territory. 








South Carolina. 

Arkansas Territory. 


Members who failed to reach the Convention in time : James Kerr, from Jackson, born in Kentucky, 
September 24, 1790 ; came to Texas in 1825. John J. Linn, from Victoria, born in Ireland, in 1S02 ; came 
to Texas in 1830. Juan Antonio Padilla, from Victoria, a Mexican. 

The above is from a statement furnished in the Convention to Dr. B. B. Goodrich by the members 


* Not present at the signing. 


On the 16th of March, the Convention adopted the Executive Ordinance 
by which was constituted the government ad interim of the Republic of Texas. 

The Constitution of the Republic of Texas was adopted at a late hour on 
the night of the 17th of March, but was neither engrossed nor enrolled for 
the signature of the members prior to the adjournment next day. The secre- 
tary was instructed to enroll it for presentation. As I learn from the Hon. 
Jesse Grimes, Mr. Kimble, the secretary, took it to Nashville, Tennessee, 
where it was published in one of the papers, from which it was republished 
in a Cincinnati paper, and from the latter copied into the Texas Telegraph 
of August 2d of the same year, being its first publication in Texas. No 
enrolled copy having been preserved, this printed copy was recognized and 
adopted as authentic, and became the Constitution ; thus adding another strik- 
ing evidence of the wonderful capacity of our people for self-government, of 
their ability to establish order out of chaos, and of their power to enforce law 
and order even in the turmoils of revolution. 

During the sitting of the Convention, General Sam Houston took leave of 
the body in order to take command of the army, then concentrating at Gonzales. 

At eight o'clock, on the 18th of March, the convention assembled for the 
last time, and elected David G. Burnett, president, ad interim, of the republic, 
and Lorenzo de Zavala, a patriot Mexican exile, vice-president. They also 
elected the members of the cabinet, to wit : Samuel P. Carson, secretary of 
state ; Bailey Hardeman, secretary of the treasury ; Thomas J. Rusk, secre- 
tary of war; Robert Potter, secretary of the navy; and David Thomas, 
attorney-general. Having closed its business, the Convention adjourned sine 
die at eleven o'clock of the same day. 

The Convention adjourned somewhat hastily, in consequence of the rapid 
advance of the enemy, reported on the evening previous. Some members 
repaired to the army, and some to their respective homes. 

President Burnet, with two members of the cabinet — Mr. Hardeman and 
Mr. Rusk — remained in Washington for three days after the adjournment of 
the Convention. Late in the afternoon of the third day they left, and stayed 
a night and part of the ensuing day at the house of Colonel Croce, and from 
thence proceeded to Harrisburg. Before leaving Washington, the president 
issued a proclamation that the government would assemble at Harrisburg, on 
Buffalo Bayou, alleging that the movement was not made merely in conse- 
quence of the advance of the enemy. He had, previous to the election, sug- 
gested Harrisburgh as in all respects a more eligible position for admin- 
istrative purposes than the more interior town of Washington. At the time 
he left Washington, there was but one family (Mr. Lott's, who kept the hotel) 
remaining in town, and the entire population west of the Brazos had broken 
up and fled eastward, such as were not in the army. 


The names of the delegates in attendance appear to the Declaration and 
the Constitution \ but several western members were unable to be present, on 
account of the advance of the Mexican army. Of this number were Major 
James Kerr, of Jackson, John J. Linn and Juan Antonio Padilla, of Victoria. 



l< Whereas General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, and other military 
chieftains, have by force of arms overthrown the federal institutions of Mexico 
and dissolved the social compact which existed between Texas and other 
members of the Mexican Confederacy, now the good people of Texas, availing 
themselves of their natural rights, 


" i. That they have taken up arms in defense of their rights and liberties, 
which are threatened by the encroachment of military despots, and in defense 
of the republican principles of the Federal Constitution of Mexico, of 1824. 

" 2. That Texas is no longer morally or civilly bound by the compact of 
Union, yet, stimulated by the generosity and sympathy common to a free peo- 
ple, they offer their support and assistance to such members of the Mexican 
Confederacy as will take up arms against military despotism. 

u 3. They do not acknowledge that the present authorities of the nominal 
Mexican Republic have the right to govern within the limits of Texas. 

" 4. They will not cease to carry on war against the said authorities while 
their troops are within the limits of Texas. 

" 5. They hold it to be their right, during the disorganization of the Fed- 
eral system and the reign of despotism, to withdraw from the Union, and 
establish an independent government, or adopt such measures as they may 
deem best calculated to protect their rights and liberties, but they will con- 
tinue faithful to the Mexican Government so long as that nation is governed 
by the constitution and laws that were formed for the government of the 
political association. 

" 6. That Texas is responsible for the expenses of her armies now in 
the field. 

" 7. That the public faith of Texas is pledged for the payment of all debts 
contacted by her agents. 


"8. That she will reward by donations in land all who volunteer their 
services in her present struggle, and receive them as citizens. 

" 9. These declarations we solemnly avow to the world, and call God to 
witness their truth and sincerity ; and invoke defeat and disgrace upon our 
heads, should we prove guilty of duplicity." 


Made at Goliad, Dec. 20, 1835. 

(Texas Almanac, i860,) 

[We take the following interesting document from the State Gazette, in 
1852, as copied from the Texas Republican, published at Brazoria, and dated 
January 13th, 1836. It is said to have been the only copy in existence.] 

Solemnly impressed with a sense of the danger of the crisis to which recent 
and remote events have conducted the public affairs of their country, the 
undersigned prefer this method of laying before their fellow-citizens, a brief 
retrospect of the light in which they regard both the present and the past, 
and of frankly declaring for themselves, the policy and the uncompromising 
course which they have resolved to pursue for the future. 

They have seen the enthusiasm and the heroic toils of an army bartered 
for a capitulation, humiliating in itself, and repugnant in the extreme to the 
pride and honor of the most lenient, and no sootier framed than evaded or 
insultingly violated. 

They have seen their camp thronged, but too frequently, with those who 
were more anxious to be served by, than to serve their country — with men 
more desirous of being honored with command than capable of commanding. 

They have seen the energies, the prowess, and the achievements of a band 
worthy to have stood by Washington and receive command, and worthy to 
participate of the inheritance of the sons of such a Father, frittered, dissipated, 
and evaporated away for the want of that energy, union, and decision in coun- 
cil, which, though it must emanate from the many, can only be exercised 
efficiently when concentrated in a single arm. 

They have seen the busy aspirants for office running from the field to the 
council hall, and from this back to the camp, seeking emolument and not 
service, and swarming like hungry flies around the body politic. 

They have seen the deliberations of the council and the volition of the 


camp distracted and paralyzed, by the interference of an influence anti-patri- 
otic in itself, and too intimately interwoven with the paralyzing policy of the 
past, to admit the hope of relief from its incorporation with that which can 
alone avert the evils of the present crisis, and place the affairs of the country 
beyond the reach of an immediate reaction. 

They have witnessed these evils with bitter regrets, with swollen hearts, 
and indignant bosoms. 

A revulsion is at hand. An army, recently powerless and literally impris- 
oned, is now emancipated. From a comparatively harmless, passive, and 
inactive attitude, they have been transferred to one pre-eminently command- 
ing, active, and imposing. The North and East of Mexico will now become 
the stronghold of centralism. Thence it can sally in whatever direction its 
arch deviser may prefer to employ its weapons. The counter-revolution in 
the interior once smothered, the whole fury of the contest will be poured on 
Texas. She is principally populated with North- Americans. To expel these 
from its territory, and parcel it out among the instruments of its wrath, will 
combine the motive and the means for consummating the scheme of the Pres- 
ident Dictator. Already, we are denounced, proscribed, outlawed, and exiled 
from the country. Our lands, peaceably and lawfully acquired, are solemnly 
pronounced the proper subject of indiscriminate forfeiture, and our estates of 
confiscation. The laws and guarantees under which we entered the country 
as colonists, tempted the unbroken silence, sought the dangers of the wilder- 
ness, braved the prowling Indian, erected our numerous improvements, and 
opened and subdued the earth to cultivation, are either abrogated or repealed, 
and now trampled under the hoofs of the usurper's cavalry. 

Why, then, should we longer contend for charters, which, we are again and 
again told in the annals of the past, were never intended for our benefit ? 
Even a willingness on our part to defend them, has provoked the calamities 
of exterminating warfare. Why contend for the shadow, when the substance 
courts our acceptance ? The price of each is the same. War — exterminating 
war — is waged ; and we have either to fight or flee. 

We have indulged sympathy, too, for the condition of many whom, we 
vainly flattered ourselves, were opposed, in common with their adopted 
brethren, to the extension of military domination over the domain of Texas. 
But the siege of Bexar has dissolved the illusion. Nearly all their physical 
force was in the line of the enemy and armed with rifles. Seventy days' occu- 
pation of the fortress of Goliad, has also abundantly demonstrated the 
general diffusion among the Creole population of a like attachment to the 
institutions of their ancient tyrants. Intellectually enthralled, and strangers 
to the blessings of regulated liberty, the only philanthropic service which we 
can ever force on their acceptance, is that of example. In doing this, we 


need not expect or even hope for their co-operation. When made the reluc- 
tant, but greatly benefited recipients of a new, invigorating, and cherishing 
policy — a policy tendering equal, impartial, and indiscriminate protection to 
all ; to the low and the high, the humble and the well-born, the poor and the 
rich, the ignorant and the educated, the simple and the shrewd — then, and 
not before, will they become even useful auxiliaries in the work of political 
or moral renovation. 

It belongs to the North-Americans of Texas to set this bright, this cheer- 
ing, this all-subduing example. Let them call together their wise men. Let 
them be jealous of the experienced, of the speculator of every one anxious to 
serve as a delegate, of every one hungry for power, or soliciting office ; and 
of all too who have thus far manifested a willingness to entertain or encourage 
those who have already tired the patience of the existing Council with their 
solicitations and attendance. Those who seek are seldom ever the best quali- 
fied loflll an office. Let them discard, too, the use of names calculated only 
to deceive and bewilder, and return like men to the use of words whose signi- 
fication is settled and universally acknowledged. Let them call their as- 
sembly, thus made up, a Convention; and let this convention, instead of 
declaring for " the principles " of a constitution, for " the principles " of Inde- 
pendence, or for those of Freedom and Sovereignty, boldly, and with one 
voice, proclaim the Independence of Texas. Let the convention frame a con- 
stitution for the future government of this favored land. Let them guard the 
instrument securely, by the introduction of a full, clear, and comprehensive 
bill of rights. Let all this be done as speedily as possible. Much useful 
labor has already been performed ; but much is yet required to complete 
the work. 

The foregoing, we are fully aware, is a blunt, and in some respects, a 
humiliating, but a faithful picture. However much we may wish, or however 
much we may be interested, or feel disposed to deceive our enemy, let us 
carefully guard against deceiving ourselves. We are in more danger from this 
— from his insinuating, secret, silent, and unseen influence in our councils, 
both in the field and in the cabinet, and from the use of his silver and gold, 
than from his numbers, his organization, or the concentration of his power in 
a single arm. The gold of Philip purchased what his arms could not subdue 
— the liberties of Greece. Our enemy, too, holds this weapon. Look well 
to this, people of Texas, in the exercise of suffrage. Look to it, Counselors, 
your appointments to office. Integrity is a precious jewel. 

Men of Texas ! nothing short of independence can place us on solid 
ground. This step will. This step, *oo, will entitle us to confidence, and 
will procure us credit abroad. Without it, every aid w T e receive must emanate 
from the enthusiasm of the moment, and with the moment, will be liable to 

6 4 


pass away or die forever. Unless we take this step, no foreign power can 
either respect or even know us. None will hazard a rupture with Mexico, 
impotent as she is, or incur censure from other powers for interference with 
the internal affairs of a friendly State, to aid us in any way whatever. Our 
letters of marque and reprisal must float at the mercy of every nation on the 
ocean. And whatever courtesy or kindred feeling may do, or forbear to do, 
in aid of our struggle, prosecuted on the present basis, it would be idle 
and worse than child-like to flatter ourselves with the hope of any permanent 
benefit from this branch of the service, without frankly declaring to the world, 
as a people, our independence of military Mexico. Let us then take the tyrant 
and his hirelings at their word. They will not know z/j"but as enemies. Let 
us, then, know them hereafter, as other independent States know each other 
— as " enemies in war, in peace, friends." Therefore, 

i. Be it Resolved, That the former province and department of Texas is, 
and of right ought to be, afree^ sovereign, and independent State. 

2. That as such, it has, and of right ought to have, all the powers, facul- 
ties, attributes, and immunities of other independent nations. 

3. That we, who hereto set our names, pledge to each other our lives, ^our 
fortunes, and our sacred honor, to sustain this declaration — relying with 
entire confidence upon the co-operation of our fellow-citizens, and the 
approving smiles of the God of the living, to aid and conduct us victoriously 
through the struggle, to the enjoyment of peace, union, and good government ; 
and invoking His malediction if we should either equivocate, or, in any man- 
ner whatever, prove ourselves unworthy of the high destiny at which we aim. 

Done in the town of Goliad, on Sunday, the 20th day of December, in the 
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-five. 

Wm. G. Hill, 
Joseph Bowman, 
Geo. W. Welsh, 
J. D. Kilpatrick, 
Wm. E. Howth, 
Albert Pratt, 
Alvin Woodward, 

D. M. Jones, 

J. C. Hutchins, 

E. B. W. Fitzgerald, 
Hugh McMinn, 
Wm. Robertson, 
Horace Stamans, 
Peter Hynes, 

John Shelly, 
Patrick O'Leary, 
Timothy Hart, 
James St. John, 
John Bowen, 
Michael O'Donnell, 
Nathaniel Holbrook, 
Alexander Lynch, 
J. W. Baylor, 
H. George, 
Benj. J. White, 
R. L. Redding, 
James W. Scott, 
Lewis Powell, 

Thomas Todd, 
Jeremiah Day, 
Wm. S. Brown, 
Benjamin Noble, 
M. Carbajal, 
T. Hanson, 
John Johnson, 
Edmund Quirk, 
Robert McClure, 
Andrew Devereau, 
Charles Shingle, 
J. B. Dale, 
Ira Ingram. 
John Dunn, 



Dugald McFarlane, 
H. F. Davis, 
Francis Jones, 
G. W. Pain, 
Allen White, 
Joseph Cache, 
W. H. Living, 
Victor Loupy, 
Sayle Antoine, 
Michael Kelly, 
Geo. W. Cash, 
Charles Malone, 
C. J. O'Connor, 
Edward McDonough 
Wm. Gould, 
Charles Messer, 
Isaac Robinson, 

I hereby certify the 

John Pol Ian, 
James Duncan, 
David George, 
Gustavus Cholwell, 
John James, 
Morgan Bryan, 
Thomas O'Connor, 
Henry J. Moris, 
James O'Connor, 
Spirse Dooley, 
E. Brush, 
W. Redfield, 
Albert Silsbe, 
Wm. Haddon, 
James Eider, 
John J. Bowman, 

foregoing to be a true 

Walter Lambert, 
Miguel Aldrete, 
William Quinn, 

B. H. Perkins, 
Benj. J. White, Jr., 
Edward St. John, 
D. H. Peeks, 
Philip Dimitt, 
Francis P. Smith, 
T. Mason Dennis, 

C. A. Parker, 

C. M. Despallier, 
Jefferson Ware, 
David Wilson, 
William Newland, 
J. T. Bell. 

copy of the original in my 
Ira Ingram, Secretary. 

Town of Goliad, December 22, 1835. 


(Texas Almanac, 1859.) 

The assemblage of volunteers at Gonzales increased rapidly, insomuch 
that Colonel Ugartechea, having made a demonstration with five hundred 
troops, of all arms, including two field-pieces, to expunge the blot which the 
affair with Castonado had fiung upon his own military reputation and on his 
nation's escutcheon, was constrained to return to his quarters and relinquish 
his commendable purpose. Scon after the institution of the general Council, 
Colonel Austin proceeded to Gonzales, and was elected Commander-in-Chief 
of all the forces of Texas. The western settlements, sparse and few, had 
from the beginning, been foremost in every military operation. The East 
now sent forth some volunteers and gallant men, such as Thomas J. Rusk, 
our late distinguished Senator, Colonel Frank W. Johnson and others, who 
repaired to the camps to participate in the conquest of San Antonio, the 


little MalakofT of Texas. The Municipality of Liberty also contributed its 
quota of brave men. 

General Austin became impatient of delay, and on the 20th of October, 
1835, advanced to the Salado, a tributary of the San Antonio, and took a 
strong position about five miles from the town. Cos was busily occupied in 
strengthening his fortifications, barricading the streets, and preparing for the 
assault. He had about one thousand men, and was looking for re-enforce- 
ments. Austin's force was about six hundred, recruits occasionally arriving. 
He dispatched a flag of truce to the enemy ; but Cos in the fullness of his mili- 
tary hauteur, refused to recognize General Austin, and peaceful interchanges 
became impracticable ; the sword must do its work. Occasional skirmishes 
took place, but of slight effect. On the 27th of October, Austin directed 
Colonel James Bowie and Captain J. W. Fannin, both eventually victims in 
the strife, to proceed with ninety men to make recognizances about the old 
Missions, and select an eligible and more proximate position for the army. 
Passing the Missions of San Juan and San Jose, now in ruins, they reached 
that of La Purissima Concepcion,* about one and a half miles from San Anto- 
nio. They encamped for the night and reposed in peace. The morning of 
the 28th revealed the startling fact that they were surrounded on three sides by 
the enemy ; the river making a sharp bend, forming an obtuse triangle, and 
fordable at several points, being on the other side. To cross it and retreat 
through an open prairie, in face of the town, was worse than forlorn. A desper- 
ate fight in their position presented a better and more genial hope of relief. 
They descended to the river bottom, an irregular depression of six to ten 
feet along the margin of the stream, and about one hundred yards wide, 
interspersed with timber. The prairie in front, occupied by the enemy, was 
a level plain, running into the bend. From their natural covert, the rifle- 
men could fire and reload without being fully exposed. 

The enemy's infantry advanced imposingly, with trailed arms, but halted 
about two hundred yards from the bluff, and opened a general fire. While 
the air was illumined by their rapid and random discharges, the rifles coolly, 
deliberately, and fatally sent forth their deadly missiles. They then pushed 
forward their brass six-pounder, escorted by a corps of cavalry, within about 
eighty yards, and sounded a charge. The rifles soon swept away the gunners 
and halted the charging column. The cannon had been fired five times 
without effect, and three times cleared of men, and the charge as often 
repulsed ; when the Texans, coveting the gun, resolved to take it. The 
resolution had scarcely assumed an active form, when the enemy hastily 
retreated, leaving the gun with its munitions, to the victors. The Mexicans 

* The Immaculate Conception. 


numbered about four hundred ; the Texans precisely ninety-two men, includ- 
ing officers. The enemy's loss was about sixty killed and forty wounded. 
Sixteen lifeless bodies were strewed around the useless cannon. The Tex- 
ans lost one brave man (Robert Andrews), killed. Thus ended the battle of 
Concepcion, presenting another instance of the disparity in military prowess 
of the two contending races. 



The Campaign of 1835. 

(From the Austin Record.) 

As a contribution to the history of the country, and for the use of the 
future historian of Texas, as well as for the interest of our columns, we con- 
tinue this week the publication of a series of letters connected with the 
campaign of 1835, at Goliad and Bexar. These letters are produced from 
the originals that have been placed at our disposal ; from which it will be seen 
that the current of events did not run smoothly at that early day. 

Camp below Bexar, Nov. 2d, 1835. 
To General S. F. Austin. 

Sir: I take the liberty to tender to you my resignation of the nominal 
command I hold in the army. I hope you will appoint some other person to 
occupy the post, more capable than myself. 

Very respectfully, 

Jas. Bowie. 

N.B. I deem it of the utmost importance for you to effect a union of the 
two divisions of the army as soon as practicable. Great dissatisfaction now 
exists in this division,, and unless counteracted by the measure suggested, I 
1 eriously apprehend a dissolution of it. The causes which have produced 
this state of things will be explained when I see you ; when I will also 
explain my motives for taking the step I have taken in reference to my- 
self. Very respectfully, 

Jas. Bowie. 
A true copy. 

W. Richardson. 


Headquarters, Nov. 2d, 1S35. 
To Colonel Bowie and Captain Fannin : 

In accordance with the decision of a majority of your officers and my own 
views, you will march the detachment under your command to this encamp- 
ment, either to-night or in the morning, as you may choose. It may be incon- 
venient to march to-night after receiving this dispatch. Of this you will how- 
ever be able to judge, and can use your own discretion. I send you a good guide. 
The mill is at present occupied by a detachment under Colonel Burleson. 

S. F. Austin. 
W. D. C. Hall, Adj. -Gen. 

Headquarters, Nov. 2d, 1835. 
At a council of war called on this morning, consisting of General S. F. 
Austin, commander-in-chief, Colonel Warren D. C. Hall, adjutant-general, 
Colonel John H. Moore, Lieutenant-Colonel Burleson, Major William IT. 
Jack, Colonel Patrick Jack, quartermaster-general, Major Somerville, Major 
Benjamin W. Smith, Captain Caldwell Captain Ebberly, Captain Bennett, 

Captain Swisher, Captain Bird, Captain -, Captain John Alley, 

Captain Nail, Lieutenant Aldridge, Lieutenant Spear, Lieutenant Hallsell, 
Lieutenant Barnett, Lieutenant Money, Lieutenant Hunt, Lieutenant Pivey, 
Lieutenant Stapp, Lieutenant Hensley, Lieutenant Richardson. The object 
of the call of the council being explained by the commander-in-chief to be to 
have the opinion and determination of the officers in regard to the best meas- 
ures of immediate operation on the enemy, whether by close investment sim- 
ply, or by storm. After much conversation and discussion, it was proposed 
by Major William H. Jack, that the question be directly put to the council 
whether a storm would or would not be expedient at the present moment. 
All the information in possession of the commander-in-chief in regard to the 
state of fortifications in Bexar, being submitted, the question was submitted 
by the commander-in-chief, and the same was decided in the negative by all 
the officers present, with the exception of Major Benjamin W. Smith, who 
voted substantially in the affirmative, saying, that in his opinion the town 
ought to be taken immediately. It was then decided unanimously by the coun- 
cil that such positions should be taken for the army at present as would best 
secure it from the cannon shot of the enemy, and enable it at the same time 
to carry on offensive operations, whilst we are waiting for the large cannon 

(18-pounders) and additional re-enforcements. 

S. F. Austin. 




In the Fall of 1828, I started from the western part of the State of New 
York for Texas, in company with sixty others, men, women and children, 
under the leadership of Elias R. Wightman, who had resided about three 
years in the country, and whose intelligence, energy, and enterprise well 
fitted him to be the leader of a colony. We traveled in wagons to Olean 
Point, on the head waters of the Alleghany River; then constructed a craft in 
two pieces, turning up at one end, the other square, and the square ends being 
lashed together formed a scow with two apartments ; in these we placed our 
baggage and pushed off to drift down the stream at the mercy of the current. 
Our voyage the first day was prosperous, but night at length coming on cold 
and wet, we sought shelter in an Indian village on the north bank of the 
stream. The old chief seemed moved with pity at our forlorn condition, for 
the weather was very inclement, and pointed out to us a cabin about twenty 
feet square, with a good floor and fire-place ; the floor was covered with peas 
and beans in the shuck, which he showed us could be scraped up in one 
corner and a fire made in the fire-place; truly grateful for his kindness, we 
soon had a good fire and a plain but comfortable meal, and all slept soundly. 
The next day being Sunday, we lay by and spent it in such devotional exer- 
cises as the surrounding circumstances would permit. The next morning 
we started on our voyage, having taken on board a pilot to accompany us as 
far as Pittsburg. About noon we heard a roaring ahead resembling a water- 
fall, and soon found it proceeded from a dam constructed across the stream. 
On one side was a mill, on the other a narrow space was left, through which 
a gentle current flowed, and where boats or rafts could pass with safety ; but 
our pilot, through either ignorance or obstinacy, kept the center of the cur- 
rent, and we were soon passing over a fall about four feet high, and now was 
evident the advantage of our mode of construction, for the lashing giving 
way, the scow parted, which enabled the forepart to rise, but both apart- 
ments were nearly full of water, and all completely drenched. We all fell to 
bailing with such vessels as we could seize, and were again on our way in fair 
trim, but overtaking a raft of pine plank before night, we exchanged our rude 
craft for still ruder accommodations, though much more ample, on board the 
raft. Soon we reached Pittsburg, where we discharged our pilot, feeling that 
he had been the cause of our greatest calamity, without rendering us any 
valuable service. Here it bad been intended to take a steamer, but finding 


none ready to leave, we continued on our raft to Cincinnati. Here we 
remained for several days, and I purchased a set of Spanish books and com- 
menced to study the language. Soon we took passage on a steamer's deck 
for Orleans, and in due time arrived at the Crescent City. Cincinnati was at 
this time a small town of about 10,000 inhabitants. St. Louis was just com- 
ing into notice, and between that and the Pacific was an unbroken wilderness. 
In Orleans we remained about a fortnight, waiting for a conveyance, as there 
was little trade between Orleans and Texas, and vessels seldom passed from 
one to the other. At length we found a little vessel from Maine, of twenty- 
two tons burden, manned by only three hands, and only one of these very 
efficient. The captain offered to sell us the vessel for 500 dollars, or to take 
us to Texas for that amount ; we bargained for the latter, and having pro- 
vided ourselves with a suitable outfit for the voyage, we all embarked, and 
were soon drifting down the Mississippi in a perfect calm, at the mercy of 
the current. This calm continued for many days, until we were far out of 
sight of land, on the bosom of the Gulf, drifting about we knew not whither, 
as there was not sufficient breeze to steer the vessel. At length the wind 
rose and blew a gale, but directly ahead, and soon all on board except 
myself and crew were suffering severely from sea-sickness, and perfectly 
helpless ; and then might have been heard many a regret expressed at ever 
having undertaken the journey, and many a wish to once more step foot on 
land. For two days the gale continued, and then again a perfect calm, and 
thus gale and calm succeeded each other, until we found ourselves off the 
entrance to Matagorda Bay ; but the wind blowing directly out of the pass, 
there was little prospect of being able to enter, yet we resolved to make 
the effort. Of all on board, I was the only one who knew how to work a 
vessel, and the only one who was not liable to sea-sickness ; and, as the 
captain and one hand were frequently intoxicated, the labor devolving on 
me was necessarily very great ; besides, we were nearly out of provisions, and 
had been for several days allowanced to one half pint of water each daily, 
and for several days I drank none, giving mine to the children, and subsist- 
ing only on pilot bread and raw whiskey. Everything seemed to indicate 
that, if within the reach of human skill, we must make harbor. 

For twenty-four hours we beat against wind and current, every one doing 
his duty and sparing no effort which might promise success ; but all in vain, 
for we fell to leeward about three miles. It was now evident we must make 
some harbor, as we could not longer continue at sea, and as the wind would 
permit and was still blowing fresh, we ran down to Aransas and soon entered 
the bay in safety. Soon all were landed, and having made fires and pro- 
cured water, the women proceeded to do some washing, which was greatly 
needed, and the men, with their rifles, twelve in number, proceeded in search 


of game, leav. ng on board only three men, the captain, mate, and myself. 
The vessel was anchored about 200 yards from shore, and we had remained 
about one hour when we saw several canoes coming down the bay with 
Indians. These we knew to be Carankawans, who were said to be cannibals, 
and as the men were gone and only one old musket on board, no little fear 
was felt for the safety of the women and children; but we could only watch 
their movements and act according to circumstances. Soon they were seen to 
halt and turn toward the shore, and shortly landed and were proceeding in the 
direction of the women. The mate and myself jumped into our little skiff, or 
bateau ; he took the oars and I the old musket and stood in the bow 3 we 
proceeded in the direction of the Indians, but keeping between them and the 
women, and when near I drew the musket and presented it toward the chief, 
who beckoned not to fire and made signs of friendship. This position we 
both maintained for some time, we seeking to detain them, hoping the men 
would soon appear. Soon we raised our eyes and beheld the men all running 
toward the boat and not far from us. We then felt safe. The women were 
taken on board first, then the men, and lastly a few Indians were allowed to 
come. They manifested no hostility, for they evidently saw that all hostility 
would be unavailing. Their canoes were well stored with fish, all neatly 
dressed, which they bartered to us in such quantities as we needed, and then 
left us, truly glad that we had escaped so well. After remaining here for sev- 
eral days, and supplying ourselves with water and such provisions as we 
could obtain, which consisted only of wild meats, and an article of greens 
resembling purslane, and the wind becoming fair, we again crossed the bar, 
and shaped our course for Pass Caballo. The captain gave me the helm, 
and retired to his berth for sleep. In a few moments the wind subsided and 
a dead calm ensued ; the current tended toward the shore, and a gentle 
swell was rolling in. I now felt quite disheartened, and thought our chance 
of reaching our destination by water was small. I went to Mr. Wightman, 
whom we considered our leader, and informed him of our condition and 
danger, and told him I had charge of the vessel, and if he consented I 
would beach her, and we would make our way as best we could by land. 

He said that would never do, we were more than one hundred miles from 
any white settlement, there was no means of conveyance, and the country 
was infested with hostile Indians. Our only safety consisted in clinging to our 
vessel. I went to the captain, awoke him, and informed him of our danger ; 
he at once saw and recognized it. I told him there were four sweeps on 
board, and, if he approved, I would rig them, and we would try to sweep her 
up to the pass. He consented, and by night the vessel was swept up oppo- 
site the pass ; but no one knew the channel. The mate and myself went in 
our skiff, and sounded till we found it, then taking a long rope, we carried it 


on shore, and soon conducted our little vessel into the bay. A gentle breeze 
and fair wind sprang up, and soon we were off the mouth of the Colo- 
rado, and within about two miles of Matagorda, which then contained two 
families, who had lately moved down and commenced a settlement. The 
next day Mr. Wightman and another went to the settlement, and returned 
with the present of a Christmas dinner, which consisted of some hominy, 
beat in a wooden mortar, and fresh milk, which were gratefully received and 
promptly dispatched. The people of the new settlement, anxious to have it 
said that a vessel had arrived at Matagorda, came down to assist us ; the 
women and chattels were taken on shore, the little vessel was careened over 
on one side, and by main strength dragged over the bar, and soon lay along- 
side of Matagorda. Our Christmas dinner, as stated, was taken on board, 
and the next day we landed, having been twenty-two days from New Orleans. 
Some went to work immediately to prepare a home on the spot, and five 
young men started to go up the country, in search of some conveyance. We 
were told it was twenty-two miles to a settlement, and as we had been con- 
fined so long on board a vessel, we thought to walk this distance would be 
a mere recreation. In the morning we started fresh and vigorous, without a 
blanket or overgarment, and with no other provision than three little biscuits, 
which one of our number was so fortunate as to procure. This was the last 
of December, and the whole face of the country was nearly covered with 
water, and the only road was a dim trail made through the high grass by 
the passage of a single-horse carryall. Many of the little streams had to be 
swum ; sometimes we traveled with the water to our waists, and all our shoes 
were worn through at the toes, by striking them against the high sedge grass. 
About noon the rain began to fall in torrents, the wind blew strong from the 
north, the depth of water increased, and night was approaching, with no ap- 
pearance of settlement, when three of our number, and those apparently the 
strongest, fell to the ground, declaring they could go no farther. I remon- 
strated with them, and told them that to remain there was certain death, that 
our only hope was to keep moving, and thereby promote circulation ; but in 
vain, they stated that if life depended upon it, they could go no farther. Near 
us was a venerable looking live-oak, which had fallen and perhaps lain there for 
ages ; on the under side of its trunk, we contrived to kindle a fire, which we 
kept burning during the night, and having gathered sufficient of the tall grass 
to raise us above the water, we laid down and rested quite well, notwith- 
standing the falling rain and whistling blast. In the morning we arose quite 
refreshed, and started forward, the rain still falling, the wind increasing in 
coldness, and the water deepening. We had proceeded only about a mile, 
when we heard the crowing of chickens, when all jumped up, clapped their 
hands, and said they must be on the borders of civilization. Soon we struck 


a plain path, and were shortly at the hospitable residence of Daniel Rawls, 
where Captain John Duncan now resides. Here we found plenty of good 
country fare, which was provided without money or price. The rain con- 
tinued to fall, and in the evening of the second day, looking out we saw a 
miserable looking object approaching, and as he neared us, we discovered it 
was one of our number who had been left behind. He had left with another, 
from whom he had become separated on the way, and could give no further 
account of him. Mr. Rawls remarked that we must go in search of him, as 
it would not do to leave him to perish ; two horses were soon ready, and he 
taking one and I the other, we soon started ; darkness soon overtook us, and 
unable to follow the trail longer, we entered a thicket, staked out our horses, 
and by breaking off limbs of bushes, which we covered with the long moss, 
and raising a bed above the water, contrived to rest very comfortably until 
morning, when we continued our course to Matagorda; but finding the lost 
one had not returned, and hearing nothing of him, we returned, and found 
that during our absence he had come in. Here we all remained, until the 
weather cleared up, when we separated and left, the others going east toward 
the Brazos, and I on foot and alone, wending my way north in the direction 
of San Felipe de Austin, about sixty miles distant. On the Bernard I was 
hospitably entertained by a Mr. Huff, where I met Josiah H. Bell on his way 
to his home in Columbia, and from him I received a cordial invitation to ac- 
company him home. I cheerfully accepted, and the next night was spent with 
his estimable family. Mr. Bell was an estimable gentleman, a pure patriot, 
of stern, unyielding integrity; he had endured the privations, toils, and 
hardships incident to the settlement of a new country, and knew well how to 
sympathize with others in like circumstances. He told me had gone thirty 
miles and packed corn horseback to feed his family, had taken his rifle in 
the morning and gone in search of a deer, knowing if successful, they would 
have meat, if not, they must all do without ; but seldom did his trusty rifle 
fail him or his family suffer. They were now living in comparative affluence, 
with an interesting family of children. Mrs. Bell was one of the noblest 
women I ever knew in any country ; though living in the wilds of Texas, her 
intelligence, good taste, and polished manners, would have graced the most 
refined circles of New York or Philadelphia. Her house was a welcome 
home to every stranger, where the hungry were fed, the naked clad, the sick 
nursed with that tenderness and sympathy which removed many a dark cloud 
from the brow of sorrow, and caused the lonely wanderers to feel less acutely 
the absence of home and relatives. Texans now know very little how much 
the country owes to the early efforts of this pure woman, how much suffering 
she was instrumental in relieving, and when the dark clouds of war lowered, 
what confidence and courage she inspired in the bosoms of the timorous 


and desponding; for she was a stranger to fear, and of our final success 
she never doubted. 

While here I became acquainted with Stephen F. Richardson, on his 
way to his home in San Felipe de Austin, and as that was my destination, I 
cheerfully accepted an invitation to accompany him ; and on the night of the 
second day I was at the capital of the little colony. The following day I 
was introduced to the empresario, Stephen F. Austin, whom I found an 
intelligent and affable gentleman, and whom, so long as he lived, I was proud 
to number among my warmest and most devoted friends. To speak here of 
his many virtues would be superfluous, as his fame is world-wide and his 
works follow him ; and when Texas shall become the wealthiest and most 
populous State in the Union, as, from her size and natural advantages she 
must soon be, her intelligent millions, looking back to his early efforts, will 
do justice to the memory of this great and good man. 

I soon engaged in teaching, and succeeded in a short time in raising a 
school of about forty scholars, mostly boys, with expressive and intelligent 
countenances who were easily controlled, and some of whom gave indications 
of future greatness and usefulness. Contemplating, in imagination, what 
Texas, from its great natural advantages, must soon become, I felt the neces- 
sity of moral and religious, as well as intellectual culture, and resolved to 
make an effort to found a Sunday-school. Notice was given through the 
school, that on the following Sunday an address would be delivered on the 
subject, and I was gratified to see at the time appointed, a large and respect- 
able audience assembled. An address was delivered ; they seemed to feel 
interested, and on the following Sunday a school was organized of thirty-two 
scholars. There were not lacking intelligent gentlemen and ladies to act as 
teachers, but of the other appurtenances of a well-regulated Sunday-school we 
had none. This lack was supplied, as best it could be, by contributions of 
the citizens of such books as they had, and by the oral instructions of super- 
intendents and teachers. 

The next Sunday found the school under way, and giving promise of great 
success. A lecture was delivered each Sunday morning, intended for both 
old and young ; and to hear these lectures, people came from the distance of 
ten miles ; and as this town was the capital of the colony, many people were 
sometimes in attendance from different parts of the country, who carried the 
good seed here sown all over the colony. This school, and these morning 
lectures, were continued regularly, and well attended, until a difficulty occur- 
ring between some intelligent Mexicans visiting the place from the interior 
and some citizens, growing out of a law-suit which was decided against the 
Mexicans, the empresario deemed it prudent to discontinue them for a time, 
as these Mexicans could not be deceived in relation to the character of our 


exercises, and it was well known that we were acting in violation of the col- 
onization law, which strictly prohibited Protestant worship and prohibited 
Austin from introducing any but Catholics as colonists. 

Now let us for a moment contemplate this little Sunday-school. In a 
black-jack and post-oak grove near the center of the town is a rude log- 
cabin about eighteen by twenty-two feet, the roof covered with boards held 
down by weight-poles, the logs unhewn, and the cracks neither chinked or 
battened, a dirt floor, and across it are placed several logs hewn on one side 
for seats. At one end stands the superintendent, a mere stripling, and before 
him are about half a dozen gentlemen and ladies as teachers, and thirty-two 
children, without any of those appendages which are now considered neces- 
sary to a well conducted Sunday-school. Forty-five years have passed since 
the organization of that little Sunday-school, and now on a Sunday morning 
of a pleasant day 60,000 children are assembled in our beloved State, under 
the guidance of 10,000 intelligent and, for the most part, pious young gentle- 
men and ladies, with a good supply of papers and libraries written by the 
ablest divines of our age, and containing interesting biographies, and the 
very pith and marrow of Christian theology. Surely we may exclaim, What 
hath God wrought? That same superintendent still lives and still labors in 
the delightful task of training the young in the Sunday-school, and as he 
contemplates, in imagination, the five and a half millions of children now being 
trained in the Sunday-schools of the United States, and then looks forward down 
the long corridors of time when these children shall be the actors in the great 
drama of life, he sees the dawn of that happy day foretold by seers and pro- 
phets when the knowledge of God shall cover the whole earth, the lion shall 
lie down with the lamb, and " the wilderness and the solitary place shall be 
glad for them ; and the desert shall rejoice and blossom as the rose." 

I would here correct one erroneous impression in relation to the character 
of the early settlers of Texas. Many believe they were rude and ignorant, 
with many vices and very few virtues, and for the most part refugees from 
justice and enemies to law and order. That there were some rude and illit- 
erate people among them is no more than may be said of almost any 
society, and that some were vicious and depraved is equally true, but what 
there was of evil you saw on the surface, for there was no effort at 
concealment and no reason to act a borrowed part. Assassins, if there 
were any, appeared as such ; now they often appear in the guise of 
gentlemen, that they may conceal their true characters and accomplish their 
object. No one estimates more highly than the writer, the intelligence, 
enterprise, and virtue of the present population, and yet he fully believes there 
were in the early history of Texas more college-bred men, in proportion tc 
the population, than now, and as much intelligence, good common sense, and 


moral and religious culture among the females as among the ladies of the 
present day. Many had moved in the higher circles of our large cities, and 
some had filled stations of honor and responsibility. Some, were incited to 
emigrate by a spirit of enterprise and romance, and some, having been unfor- 
tunate in their pecuniary enterprises, sought to improve their circumstances 
in a new country, and not a few were the votaries of health who, unable to 
endure longer the rigors of a cold climate, sought relief in the sunny climes 
of the South. 

If they had failings, let us throw the mantle of charity over them, and let 
their acts proclaim their noble virtues. When Texans took up arms against 
Mexico, it was in the maintenance of rights guaranteed to them by the con- 
stitution under which they had been invited to settle, and their population 
did not exceed 35,000 ; and does it not argue great energy, enterprise, and 
courage in their small numbers to take up arms against 8,000,000, and, with 
few resources except their own courage and power of endurance, to win the day? 

A kinder and more hospitable people, perhaps, never lived. Their 
houses were welcome homes to each other ; and never was the stranger 
rudely repulsed or sent empty away. When one was seen approaching, the 
inference was that he had come a considerable distance and was hungry and 
tired : preparations were immediately made to give him as comfortable a 
meal as their plain larder would permit, and without money or price, and 
although they could not boast then of the luxuries we now enjoy, their fare 
■was nevertheless far from being meager. Bears, deer, turkeys, geese, ducks, 
and squirrels were plenty and easily obtained, and chickens, eggs, sweet 
potatoes, milk, butter, and honey were found in abundance on every table. 
The traveler always carried with him a blanket laid over his Spanish saddle- 
tree on which he rode, and a pair of saddle-bags ; the former always furnished 
him wherever he stopped, a bed, and the latter a pillow, and, if he slept out 
of doors, which many preferred, the canopy of heaven was his covering. 

New Englanders have always been proud of their Christian ancestors who 
bequeathed to them so rich an inheritance, and well may the present genera- 
tion of Texans look back with gratitude and pride to those noble-souled 
heroes who by their toils, energy, self-sacrifice and daring, won and be- 
queathed to them the fairest land on which the sun ever shone. A few of 
these old heroes still survive and move among us as mementoes of the past, 
their heads whitened with the frosts of many winters, and their steps totter- 
ing with the weight of years. God forbid that they should ever feel want 
where plenty abounds, and that the sun of their brighter days should set be- 
hind the dark clouds of sorrow. 

T. J. P 




During the busy period of the Revolution which began in 1835, the 
"Authorities" managed, through the kindness of good friends, in the early 
part of the year 1836, to pick up a small navy of three vessels, viz., the Invinci- 
ble, Captain L. Brown ; the Brutus, Captain Hurd ; and the Independence, 
Captain Hawkins. These vessels were not idle, but were of infinite service 
to Texas in preventing the enemy from receiving supplies. In the first days 
of April the Invincible sailed on a cruise off Brazos Santiago, and fell in with 
the Montezuma, Captain Thompson. After a fight of two hours, the Mexi- 
can vessel was driven en shore, and left in a sinking condition. After repair- 
ing his rigging (the only injury he received), Captain Brown stood out from 
the harbor, and fell in with the brig Pocket, from New Orleans to Matamoras, 
freighted with flour, lard, rice, and biscuits for the Mexican army, under con- 
tract with a house from the former city. The Pocket was brought into Gal- 
veston. In August following, the Texan Navy consisted of the Invincible, 
carrying eight port-guns and one pivot nine-pounder; the Brutus, of like 
force ; the Independence, of eight guns ; and the liberty of three guns, 
undergoing repairs. 

The appearance of the Mexican fleet in the gulf was followed by some 
damage to Texas. The Champion, freighted with provisions, etc., for the 
army, was taken by the enemy; and also, on the 12th of April, 1837, the 
Julius Ccesar, whose cargo was valued at thirty thousand dollars. Presi- 
dent Houston had previously issued an order for the release of the Mexican 
prisoners taken at the battle of San Jacinto and at other fights ; but, learn- 
ing that those on board the captured vessels had been taken into Matamoras 
and confined, he revoked the order of release. 

The blockading navy of the enemy necessarily came in contact with the 
commerce of the United States; and the Mexican brig of-war Urrea, having 
captured some American vessels and property, was taken by the United 
States sloop-of-war Natchez, and sent into Pensacola as a pirate. On the 
17th of April, the Texan schooner Independence, having a crew of thirty- one 
men, besides several passengers, among whom was William H. Wharton, on 
his return from his mission to the United States — was met, about thirty 
miles from Velasco, by two Mexican brigs-of-war, the Libertador, having six- 
teen eighteen-pounders and one hundred and forty men, and the Vincedor 


del Alamo, carrying six twelves and one long eighteen-poimder, and one 
hundred men. After a severe fight, in which the Texans behaved most 
gallantly, the Independence was overpowered and taken into Brazos Santiago, 
where the crew and passengers were transferred to Matamoras and confined. 
In this engagement, Captain Wheelwright, of the Independe?ice, was severely 

The Texan navy, on leaving Galveston in May, proceeded to the mouth 
of the Mississippi, but, failing to find any of the enemy there, after a cruise 
of seven or eight days, turned to the coast of Mexico. The Texans made 
some small prizes about the island of Mugere, and thence proceeded to 
Yucatan, where they cannonaded the town of Sizal for some three hours, but 
with little effect. The Texan schooner Invincible took, and sent into port as 
a prize, the Mexican schooner Alispa, of eighty tons ; and the Brutus cap- 
tured and sent in the schooner Telegraph. The Texans also made repeated 
landings along the coast, and burnt eight or nine towns. Another vessel, 
the Eliza Russell, of one hundred and eighty tons, belonging to English sub- 
jects, which was taken by the Invincible off the Alicranes, and brought into 
Galveston, not being freighted with a contraband cargo, was afterward 
restored, with damages, by the Republic. 

Colonel John H. Wharton, desirous of making an effort to release his 
brother from the prison in Matamoras, obtained permission and a flag, and 
proceeded with thirty Mexican prisoners to that town, to make an exchange. 
But on landing, he was made a prisoner, and confined in a dungeon. After 
an imprisonment of six days, he made his escape and returned to Texas. In 
the meantime, his brother, William H. Wharton, through the aid of the well- 
known Captain Thompson, of the Mexican navy, also escaped and reached 
home. It was intended that Thompson should desert the enemy's service, 
and leave with him ; but Thompson's departure was precipitated by some 
information given to the Mexican authorities, and he arrived in Texas before 
either of the Whartons. 

On the 25th of August, the Brutus and the Invincible arrived off the bar 
at Galveston, having in tow a Mexican armed schooner, which they had cap- 
tured near the banks of Campeachy. On the same evening, the Brutus and 
the prize entered the harbor, but the Invincible could not get in. On the 
following morning the latter was attacked by two of the enemy's armed brigs. 
The Brutus, in attempting to go out to her aid, ran aground ; so the Invincible 
was obliged to continue the unequal contest alone during the day. Toward 
evening she attempted a retreat, but struck on the breakers near the south- 
east channel. The crew landed in safety, but during the night the vessel 
went to pieces. The Invincible was a favorite craft in the Texan navy, and 
her loss much regretted. 


In pursuance of an act for augmenting the navy, November 4, 1837, 
Samuel M. Williams was appointed by the President to contract for the 
vessels required by the law. Accordingly, on the 13th of November, 1838, 
he contracted with Frederick Dawson, of Baltimore, for one ship, two brigs, 
and three schooners, to be fully armed, furnished with provisions and muni- 
tions, and delivered in the port of Galveston. In accordance with this con- 
tract the Texan government received, on the 27th of June, 1839, the schooner 
San Jacinto ; on the 7th of August, the schooner San Antonio ; on the 31st 
of August, the schooner San Bernard ; and, on the 18th of October the brig 
Colorado. A corvette and a brig were yet wanting to complete the contract. 
On the 23d of March following, was also delivered the steam ship-of-war 
Zavala, purchased by General James Hamilton, agent of James Holford. 
These vessels, with the Charleston, undergoing repairs, and the receiving-brig 
Potomac, constituted the navy of Texas, and with which the Secretary of the 
Navy said " it was confidently believed that, in a very short time after the navy 
should have received orders for capture and reprisal, it would be enabled to 
afford a source of revenue to the government, equal to the amount which had 
been expended for its creation." 

In 1841 the fifth Congress digested and passed an act, January 18th, 
greatly reducing the number of officers of the government; placed all the 
public vessels in ordinary, except a schooner. On the subject of the navy, 
etc., the president, on the 22d of December, 1842, sent a secret message to 
Congress. He had not referred to it in his annual message, not wishing the 
world to know the deplorable condition of that arm of the public service. 
The vessels of the navy had returned from Yucatan early in May previous, 
and were ordered to repair to New Orleans and Mobile to refit, preparatory 
to the enforcement of the blockade of the ports of Mexico. This blockade 
had been proclaimed by Texas in the confident belief as expressed by Com- 
modore Moore, that, with the aid of the friends of the republic in the United 
States, the squadron would be ready for sea in a few weeks. In July the navy 
was ordered to report at Galveston for further instructions ; and Commodore 
Moore was directed on the day the secret message was sent to Congress, he 
having disobeyed repeated orders, to turn over the command to the senior 
officer present and report in person. The San Antonio had been dispatched 
to Yucatan in August, 1842, without the knowledge of the Texan govern- 
ment, and was lost in a storm. The president recommended the sale of the 
vessels, and he believed that the person from whom they had been purchased 
could be induced to take them again ; and owing to the impoverished 
treasury and this representation, the Texas Congress passed a secret act 
authorizing the president to sell the war vessels. Through the Commissioners 
appointed to do so Commodore Moore was informed of this act. One of 


them reported that Commodore Moore had large claims against the navy for 
money expended for its use, that he was inclined to hold on to the vessels, and 
that he considered himself not bound to obey orders from the navy depart- 
ment, under a law not promulgated. It was also stated that Colonel Zavala, 
of Yucatan, was at New Orleans, urging Commodore Moore to sail down 
the Gulf coast and capture the Mexican fleet. Commodore Moore, after 
corresponding on the subject, at last declared himself without authority to 
enter into any arrangement with Yucatan, and Commodore Moore sailed for 
Galveston ; one of the commissioners, Colonel Morgan, being on board. 
Arriving at the mouth of the Mississippi, they learned that the Mexican war- 
steamship Montezuma was at Telchak, and that it could probably be taken. 
Sailing to that point, the steamship had on their arrival left. Commodore 
Moore, proceeding down the coast with the Austin and Wharton, had two 
important engagements with several of the enemy's vessels, in which the 
Texans fought gallantly and gained much advantage. At last Commodore 
Moore, in command of the navy, arrived in Galveston in July. After the 
return of the vessels of the navy to Galveston, they were placed in ordinary, 
and, for want of funds to equip and man them, they so remained until the 
annexation of the Republic to the United States. 

The above sketch is principally from Yoakum's History of Texas and 
the archives of the Republic. 





This expedition had for its object the taking and holding of Matamoras, 
an important commercial post, which yielded a large revenue to the govern- 
ment of Mexico. As a military point it is of but little value except as a depot. 

After the capitulation of General Cos, and the surrender of San Antonio 
de Bexar and the Alamo, December, 1835, most of the Texans, then in the 
volunteer army, returned to their homes, leaving the place to be garrisoned 
by United States volunteers, who had joined previously, and were still arriv- 
ing almost daily. All were anxious for active service. An expedition 
against Matamoras was soon organized, consisting of the major part of the 
troops at that place. Under this state of things it only remained to obtain 
the consent of the Provisional Government. For this purpose Colonel John- 


son, then in command of the post, turned the command over to Colonel 
Niel, and repaired to San Felipe de Austin, made known his object, which 
was readily approved by the Government, and the necessary order was made 
for the expedition, which he communicated to his friends, who left San 
Antonio de Bexar the latter part of December and proceeded to Goliad, and 
thence to Mission Refugio, where Colonel Johnson joined them. While at 
Goliad, General Houston arrived, and followed them to Refugio. At first the 
general favored the expedition, but on his arrival at Refugio, declared the 
expedition both unwise and unauthorized. This caused a division of opinion, 
which ended in most of the men joining Houston's forces, which, at the time, 
consisted of a single company at Goliad. 

A considerable number of volunteers from the United States, at the time 
spoken of, were at Velasco, mouth of the Brazos, and had tendered their ser- 
vices to the government and were accepted. Colonel I. W. Fannin was author- 
ized to transport them to Copano, thence by land to Refugio, and join Colonel 
Johnson, with whom they were to co-operate. The difficulty of procuring vessels 
delayed Fannin. In the meantime Colonels Johnson and Grant, and Major 
R. C. Morris, formerly of the New Orleans Grays, marched to San Patricio, 
with a force of less than ioo men. Here they remained until Colonel Fannin 
arrived at Refugio. In the meantime learning that there was a small detach- 
ment of Mexican "soldiers west and below San Patricio, Colonel Grant, with, 
a small force, marched down, surprised and made them prisoners. 

After conferring with Colonel Fannin, Colonel Johnson determined to 
proceed west for the purpose of getting horses. They pursued their way 
within some twenty or twenty-rive miles of Sal Colorado, and had horses 
sufficient to mount ioo men. Here the command divided, and Grant and 
Morris with the largest half of the men, went in pursuit of more horses. 
This was contrary to Johnson's judgment ; however, Grant and Morris 
insisted on visiting a rancho where it was said there was a large number of 
horses belonging to the Mexican government 

About this time they had received intelligence of the advance of General 
Santa Anna with a well appointed army, for the purpose of invading Texas. 
General Urrea, in the meantime, was collecting a force at Matamoras, intend- 
ing to enter Texas from that point. 

Grant and his party were successful, and obtained a large number of horses. 
In the meantime Johnson and his band had returned with the horses they had, 
to San Patricio, where Grant was to join them and proceed together to Goliad, 
where Fannin had established his headquarters. While waiting at San 
Patricio for Grant, Johnson and his party were surprised, and most of the men 
killed. In this connection it is proper to remark that there were no sentinels 
posted ; first, for the reason that Grant's force was in the rear, and, sec- 


ond, the men were thinly clad, and the weather very cold. Johnson and four 
others — Dan. J. Toler, John, H. Love, James M. Miller, and a Frenchman, 
escaped in the following manner. The attack was simultaneous. The house 
occupied by Johnson and his companions was surrounded, and being hailed 
they were ordered to make a light. Toler, who spoke Spanish well, kept them 
in conversation, but was in no hurry to make a light. But a few minutes had 
elapsed when there was a discharge of arms in front of the house, which caused 
those in rear to move to the front. Johnson took advantage of this propitious 
moment, and ordered his companions to open the back door and try to escape. 
They acted promptly, and Johnson followed. The Frenchman secreted 
himself until morning, when he surrendered. Having resided in Matamoras, 
and being acquainted with many of the officers, he was kindly treated. 

Toler, Love, and Miller kept together, and made their way as best they 
could for Refugio. The night was very dark, and greatly favored their 
escape. The next morning Johnson overtook them, and they proceeded to- 
gether, keeping the brush, and halting and secreting themselves in clumps of 
bushes as long as they could for the coldness of the weather. In this way 
they traveled until night, when they struck out for the road to Refugio, and, 
after getting to it, kept it to within some two miles of Refugio, deeming it 
unsafe to enter it at night. Here they were joined by another companion 
who had made good his escape. 

After resting, refreshing themselves, and giving notice to the few families 
at that place, they proceeded to Goliad, where they arrived the second day. 
From thence, Johnson, Toler, and Love proceeded to San Felipe de Austin. 
On their way thither, at Victoria, they learned the sad fate of Grant's party, 
all of whom were butchered, except Plaude, who brought the information 
to Goliad and Victoria, and William Innlock. Colonel R. R. Brown was 
made prisoner and held for months before he effected his escape from 

Miller who joined Fannin, was butchered with his command. Innlock 
escaped death by being retained as a nurse. 





(Texas Almanac, 1861.) 

The writer of this has not yet seen any full and correct account of the 
first breaking out of the Texas revolution at Gonzales in 1835, anc * having 
been personally present, he gives the following details of facts from his own 

The usurper, Santa Anna, having prostrated the constitution of 1824, which 
the Texans had subscribed to and sworn to support, and having reduced 
some of the Mexican states, to the most humiliating subjection, by forcing upon 
them a Central Military Despotism, his ire was then turned toward Texas, 
as a part of the State of Coahuila. Knowing what kind of men he had to 
contend with, his first object was to disarm, and then to coeree. 

For the consummation of these tyrannical objects, the usurper sent an 
armed force from San Antonio of some three hundred cavalry to take a con- 
non from the citizens of Gonzales, which had been furnished them by the 
Mexican government to defend themselves against the incursions of the 

The Mexican commander demanded the cannon. The citizens replied 
that their Alcalde was absent, and that they would give him an answer on the 
Alcalde's return. This produced a suspense of some three days. No time 
was lost in sending an express to the Guadaloupe, the Colorado, and the 
Brazos, for aid. Volunteers from each of these points turned out and hastened 
to the rescue. 

On the arrival of Captain Goheen from the Guadaloupe, Captains Moore 
and Coleman from the Colorado, and Captain Smith from the Brazos, with 
their companies, the citizens then informed the Mexican commander that Mr. 
Williams, their Alcalde, had returned, and that he had determined not to give 
up the cannon. The Mexican officer said : " I have eomefor the cannon, and 
will not return without it." He was then informed that he would not get the 
cannon without a fight. 

The Mexican force occupied the west and the Texans the east bank of 
the Guadaloupe river, for some two days. In this time of suspense, Major 
R. M. Williamson and others drew the cannon in open view of the Mexican 
army, and elevated upon it in large and glaring letters : " Come and take it ! " 
The Mexican officer, thinking prudence the better part of valor, declined mak- 


ing the effort ; but moved his encampment about six miles on the direction to 
San Antonio. The Texans completed their organization by electing Colonel 
John H. Moore and Lieutenant-Colonel J. W. E. Wallace to the command. 
There were seven physicians in the army — they formed themselves into a 
medical board by electing Rev. W. P. Smithy M.D., President, and Thomas 
J. Gazley, M.D., Secretary. 

On the ist of October, 1835, Colonel Moore called a council of war, con- 
sisting of the field, staff, and company officers. It determined that it was too 
much to bear their own expenses and to ride the distance that they had done 
to meet the enemy, and then to return home without a fight. Hence the 
unanimous voice of the council was : " We will hoist the flag of liberty and 
attack the Mexicans in their encampment on to-morrow morning at daybreak" 
Orders were issued on the evening of the same day, that the army take up 
the line of march, cross the Guadaloupe River, form on the west bank, and 
await further orders. The army having crossed, and at about the hour of 
eleven at night, being formed into a hollow square, Colonels Moore and 
Wallace, with the Rev. W. P. Smith, rode into the square, when the latter, 
being seated on his favorite mule, addressed the army as follows : 

" Fellow-Soldiers : To cap the climax of a long catalogue of injuries 
and grievances attempted to be heaped upon us, the government of Mexico, 
in the person of Santa Anna, has sent an army to commence the disarming 
system. Give up the cannon, and we may surrender our small-arms also, 
and at once be the vassals of the most imbecile and unstable government 
upon earth. 

" But will Texas give up the cannon ? will she surrender her small-arms ? 
Every response is JVb, never ! never will she submit to a degradation of that 
character ! 

" Fellow-soldiers, the cause for which we are contending is just, honorable, 
and glorious — our liberty ! The same blood that animated the hearts of our 
ancestors of '76 still flows warm in our veins. 

" Having waited several days for the Mexican army to make an attack 
upon us, we have now determined to attack them on to-morrow morning at 
the dawn of day. Some of us may fall, but if we do, let us be sure to fall 
with our faces toward the enemy. Your humble speaker has had the pleasure 
of examining the contemplated plan of attack. It is judiciously arranged ; 
and to show you that he has had some opportunity of judging, he would 
simply say that he was with Generals Jackson, Carroll, and Coffee in the 
great battles at New Orleans in 1814-15. 

" Fellow-soldiers, let us march silently, obey the commands of our superior 
officers, and united as one man, present a bold front to the enemy. Victory 
will be ours ! We have passed the Rubicon, and we have borne the insults 


and indignities of Mexico until forbearance has ceased to be a virtue. A 
resort to arms is our only alternative ; we must fight and we will fight. In 
numerical strength, the nation against whom we contend is our superior ; but 
so just and so noble is the cause for which we contend that the strong arm 
of Jehovah will lead us on to victory, to glory, and to empire. 

" With us, every thing is at stake — our firesides, our wives, our children, 
our country, our all ! Great will be the influence over the colonies resulting 
from the effort we are about to make. We must sustain ourselves in the contest. 
This will inspire confidence in the minds of our countrymen. 

" Fellow-soldiers, march with bold hearts and steady steps to meet the 
enemy, and let every arm be nerved, while our minds are exercised with the 
happy reflection that the guardian angels are directing our course. 

" Let us all go into battle with the words of the immortal Patrick Henry, 
before the Virginia House of Burgesses, deeply impressed upon our hearts, 
when, with arms extended toward heaven, and with a voice of thunder, he 
exclaimed in the most patriotic manner, ' Give me liberty, or give me death /' " 

The address being concluded, the army took up the line of march silently 
and in good order. As soon as daylight had fairly dawned, Colonel Moore 
demanded of the Mexican officer to surrender. On his refusal to do so, the 
order passed rapidly along the line — "Fire." Immediately the Mexicans 
were saluted by a volley of grape thrown into their camp from that very 
cannon which had been the bone of contention. Being quickly seconded 
by a general discharge of small-arms, the Mexicans retreated precipitately 
toward San Antonio, and in accordance with their usage, took their killed 
and wounded with them. The Texans then returned to Gonzales, where all 
hearts were made glad at the arrival of the Father of his Country, Colonel 
Stephen F. Austin, from the prisons of Mexico. 

Several other companies of volunteers having arrived, so as to make 
a more extensive organization of the army necessary, Colonel S. F. Austin 
by acclamation was announced the commanding General of the army, and 
he appointed Colonel William T. Austin his aid, and Rev. W. P. Smith, 
Surgeon-General. While drilling and preparing for the march to San An- 
tonio, the Sabbath day arrived, on the evening of which Rev. W. P. Smith, 
acting in the joint capacity of surgeon and chaplain to the army, preached to 
a large and promiscuous assembly of officers, soldiers, and citizens on these 
words : " If ye be willing and obedient ye shall eat the good of the land ; but 
if ye refuse and rebel, ye shall be devoured by the sword, for the mouth of 
the Lord hath spoken it." (Isaiah i. 19, 20.) This text was appropriate 
at the commencement of a revolution. Other battles had previously been 
fought in defense of the Constitution of 1824, but the attack as above narrated 


may justly be considered the one which put in motion the great ball of the 
Texan Revolution. 

A few days having been spent in preparations, the line of march was 
taken up for San Antonio. While en route for that point, General Austin 
received an appointment from the Provisional Government as one of the 
financial commissioners to the United States, and as war can not be success- 
fully carried on without money, duty compelled him to accept. 

His vacancy being filled by the election of General Edward Burleson, the 

army continued its march to San Antonio, where by a bold and patriotic 

effort, in which the lamented Colonel Benj. R. Milam, with other noble 

spirits, fell, the Texan army were successful in gaining a signal victory over 

General Cos and his numerous army. The country being cleared of its 

enemies, the sunshine of peace again shone brightly in all her borders during 

the little remainder of 1835. 

An Old Soldier. 


(From the New York Times.) 

Texas was a name to conjure with, some thirty or forty years ago, and it 
will always be remembered as the origin of these exasperations, which, in 
1848, left the United States in possession of nearly half the Republic of 
Mexico. The area of Texas is 274,000 square miles, about six times as 
large as the State of New York ; and nature seems to have formed it to be, 
like Arabia and Poland, a broad field of warlike enterprise and liberty — 
though the Polish part of the parallel must be assumed to represent the 
Sobieski days of the Liberum Veto and the equestrian parliaments with 
drawn swords. 

The name Texas is Celtiberian or Spanish. Some tell us it has the 
meaning of " Paradise," — the suggestion no doubt, of a Carankawa buffalo- 
hunter ; and others — our author among them — seem to think it meant 
Friend, a much feebler sort of guess. But, as in all original cases of the 
kind, nature herself has vindicated the sense of the nomenclature. ~ Tehas 
meant and means Plain, in the Celtic — the great plain near Spanish Seville 
being named Dehesa. Texas and Poland were named in the same way, and 
for the same reason, meaning level or plain countries. There was a Texas, 
or raised platform for the noble family, in the hall of every prince and baron 


of the mediaeval ages, and it was spelled Dais — a term curiously mistaken 
for a canopy. 

Texas was always a " hard " ground for the march of civilization. The 
Indians loved " horse to ride and weapon wear," better than they loved the 
Catholic missionaries, and the latter were by degrees exterminated. In 
1758, the last lingering priests were massacred at La Saba, and the station 
broken up. France had a claim on Texas as touching on Louisiana ; but in 
1763 she gave it up. In 1806, Aaron Burr planned an expedition for the 
invasion of that derelict and debatable ground, but it was arrested by the 
Government while on its way, and Burr tried for the offense. 

In 1 8 14, Magee, Kemper, Gutierez, Perry, and others, whose names sug- 
gest the very mixed quality of the enterprise, made a more resolute attempt 
on that territory, and fought battles with the Mexican forces for three or four 
years before they were overpowered. Others made similar attempts ; and in 
18 19 Dr. Long of Tennessee went in and established a provisional government 
at Nacogdoches. But he, too, failed, and was put to death in the city of Mexico. 
Then came the daring corsair, Jean Lafitte of Bordeaux, who raised his flag 
at Galveston, in the Gulf, and had an idea of establishing a Texan Carthage 
in that place. He offered a reward of $5,000 for the head of Governor 
Claiborne of Louisiana, who had begun the quarrel by offering the same 
amount for his ; and when he had captured the whole expedition sent against 
him by Claiborne, he feasted them with a piratical magnanimity, and sent 
them back to his enemy with a sarcastic message. Lafitte also failed ; and 
then, in 182 1, came Stephen F. Austin, of Missouri, armed with a grant of 
territory on the Brazos River, conceded by the Republican Congress of Mex- 
ico. From the ground of that advance there was no more retreating. The 
modern growth of Texas is sufficiently remembered. In 1830 it held 20,000 
Americans. It has now about 1,000,000, and holds 90,000,000 of acres to 
dispose of as public lands. In his " Brief History of Texas," Mr. Baker gives 
a concise and authentic record of all its early troubles, and the subsequent 
administrations, acts of legislature, remarkable events, and domestic progress 
of the territory, both as " Lone Star " and State of the Union. It is very well 
fitted to be a book of instruction in schools. 



(Texas Planter.) 

Peach Point, Brazoria Co., July ist, 1852 
Mr. Editor : 

In the last number of the " Planter," I noticed an article under caption of 
Austin's First Colony, in which I detected several errors which I respectfully 
beg leave to correct. You say that Austin arrived on the banks of the 
Brazos River on the first day of January, 1822. He arrived on the banks 
of the Brazos on the first day of August, 182 1, with Edward Lovelace, Neil 

Gaspar, Bellew, H. Holstein, William Little, Joseph Polly,* James 

Beard, Beard, Marple, William Wilson, Dr. Hewitson, Irwine, 

W. Smithers, and Barre. These were the hardy men with whom Austin 

first blazed his way through the Brazos bottom. They were the first pioneers 
of the old "three hundred." None preceded them. Austin arrived at San 
Antonio with his little party, in company with the commissioner Don Erasnio 
Seguin, on the 12th day of August, 182 1, and not in January, 1822, as stated 
by you. In justice to the name of Seguin, let me add that no Mexican 
ever did more for Texas and the colonists, than did that true-hearted man. 
In the infancy of Texas, in the days of her weakness and his strength, he 
was the faithful friend of the Americans. (Would I could say the same of 
the Americans toward him.) A man of intelligence and position, having 
the confidence of his government, through him Austin obtained many 
favors for the colonists. 

In San Antonio, whenever an American got into difficulty, Seguin was 
the first and best friend he had, and those who lived here in early times, 
when the Mexican was strong, know how valuable such a friend could prove. 
Austin, through the representations of Seguin and Beumende, was received 
with great kindness by General Martinez. 

Pie obtained permission of the Governor to explore the country on the 
Colorado and Brazos, and to sound the entrances, harbors, etc., of those 
rivers. With nine of his men he made these explorations sufficiently to 
satisfy him of the great fertility of the land along these streams. He then 
returned to Louisiana, preparatory to carrying out the colonization plan. 

In December, 182 1, he arrived on the Brazos, where the La Bahia road 
crosses it, with his settlers, the first families of the old u three hundred." 

* Recently of this county. 


On New Year's eve, he encamped on New Year's creek. Andy Robinson* 
was the first permanent settler on the Brazos, near where the town of Wash- 
ington now stands. In March following, Austin went to San Antonio to 
report to the Governor, when he was informed that it would be necessary for 
him to proceed to Mexico, to procure from Congress, then in session, confir- 
mation of the grant to his father, Moses Austin, and to receive special 
instructions as to the distribution of land, issuance of titles, etc. This trip 
to Mexico was totally unexpected and very embarrassing ; for, not anticipating 
anything of the kind, he was entirely unprepared. 

There was no time for hesitation. Arrangements were at once made for 
Mr. Josiah H. Bell to take charge of the settlement, and Austin departed 
for Mexico, a distance of twelve hundred miles by land. The greater part 
of this journey he performed on foot, dressed like a mendicant soldier to 
avoid robbers. Mrs. Mary Bell, widow of Josiah H. Bell, now lives in this 
county ; and a purer, nobler-minded woman never breathed its air. Not an 
old Texan lives who does not love and revere this admirable lady — this 

good Samaritan of Austin's Colony. 

Guy M. Bryan. 



(Galveston News.) 

Austin, May, 1874. 

Editors News: 

Believing as I do, that incidents often indicate the character of men, I 
propose to relate one connected with the undisputed and practical commence- 
ment of the revolution which separated Texas from Mexico. 

Early in the month of October, 1835, and but a day or two previous to 
the organization of the volunteer army of Texas, at Gonzales, the writer, in 
company with Wm. H. Wharton, and Wm. G. Hill, arrived at that place 
a short time after dark, and seeing a glimmering light in an old-fashioned 
double-logged cabin, we rode to it. At the suggestion of Mr. Wharton, the 
writer dismounted and entered the house, and much to our gratification, 
found Pleasant D. McNeil of Brazoria county. I at once asked him the 
news. He replied, "I fear we are to have trouble: there are several gentle- 
men here (and he named them), each of whom has been, and is, aspiring to 
the chief command of the army ; each one has his squad of friends, but neither 

* Now living in this county. 


seems able to harmonize a majority ; so that a few days ago it was agreed to 
send an express to San Felipe for Colonel S. F. Austin, with the hope that, 
sooner than abandon the contemplated and cherished object of driving the 
garrison from San Antonio, all would unite on him : and," said he, in conclu- 
sion, "Colonel Austin reached here a short time since, very much fatigued, 
and is in the next room lying down." I asked for nothing more, but without 
ceremony entered the room where Colonel Austin was, and found him lying 
on his blanket, with an " inch " of candle stuck on a chip by his side, evi- 
dently in feeble health. He greeted me very cordially, and prepared a seat 
for me on the side of his blanket. I accepted, and he related to me in a few 
words what he understood to be the condition of matters, and with much 
feeling expressed fears that he would not be able to reconcile existing 
difficulties ; that it was well known by all that he knew nothing practically 
about military matters; that there were men of influence whose feelings, he 
regretted to say, were so bitter toward him that he greatly feared that they 
would never consent to abandon their ambitious views for the purpose of 
harmonizing any difficulty by uniting on him. 

Just then he recognized the voice, as he thought, of Mr. Wharton in the 
next room, and asked me if he was there. I told him he was ; that we came 
together. He then spoke of Mr. Wharton as one of the men of ability and 
influence, whose feelings toward him were very bitter — than whom there was 
not a man who would use greater exertions to defeat any effort to unite on 
him, without reference to the object to be accomplished thereby. He then 
came to a pause, evidently desiring to have my opinion as to what he had 
expressed, for he well knew that the personal relations between Mr. Wharton 
and myself were of the most cordial nature. I said to him, " Colonel Austin, 
both Mr. Wharton and yourself are sensible and patriotic men, and it will not 
do for the feelings to which you refer, and which I understand, to militate 
against the public good ; we have too much at stake ; this must be settled, at 
least for the present." He sprang from off his blanket and, deeply excited, 
grasped me by the hand and asked if I thought Mr. Wharton would listen to 
an advance of that nature coming from him. I told him I had no doubt of 
it; if he did not, I should tell him plainly he was not the man I had believed 
him to be. With a lip quivering with emotion, still holding my hand, he 
said, " Captain Russell, all I am and all I have, except my personal honor, 
which, at all hazards, must be saved, belongs to Texas, my own dear Texas. 
Go, then, as a messenger of peace, and with the solitary reservation of my 
personal honor, make any pledge in my name that may be necessary to 
secure the object, and I will indorse." I left him, passed to the room where 
I had left Mr. McNeil, and found that both Wharton and Hill had entered 
the room. I asked Mr. Wharton out in the yard, and told him I had a mes- 


sage for him, and enjoined silence on his part until the message was delivered 
in full. When I had concluded the message, to which, in brief, I appended 
my own views, the first words uttered by Mr. Wharton, were, " Great God ! 
is it possible for that man to entertain sentiments so elevated ? From my 
heart I honor him. Return to him ; tell him any thing for me you may deem 
necessary. We all have the same great object in view, and no man shall 
excel me in the performance of any duty deemed necessary to accomplish our 
purpose." I understood the impulsive nature of Mr. Wharton well, and 
before leaving him said, " Mr. Wharton, perhaps no man knows better than 
yourself that occasionally there are feelings entertained, or lurking in the 
heart of man, which silence best, and it may be which silence only, can 
express. I, therefore, deem it proper to stipulate that you return to the room, 
from whence you came — I will go for Colonel Austin, take him to the room — 
that you meet, take each other by the right hand, and not a word to be 
uttered by any person until the silence be broken by others present." I 
proceeded for Colonel Austin, told him how they were to meet, and con- 
ducted him to the room, where they met as stated, with a silent grasp of the 
hand, encircled by William G. Hill, Pleasant D. McNeil, and Win. J. Russell, 
with the servants of Colonel Austin, Wharton, and Russell, named respect- 
ively Isam, Abram, and John, as lookers-on. Here indeed was exhibited a 
tableau upon which, I have often thought, an angel might have looked with 
approval. Of the eight persons above named, the writer is the only survivor : 
and although he has often thought of giving the incident to the public, it is 
quite likely that it would be delayed until he, too, had passed away, but for 
the suggestion of some friends, who, being apprised of it, insisted that it be 
given to the public. There are those still living of that comparatively small 
band of patriot brothers, some of whom have said to the writer within the past 
week, that but for the personal reconciliation above described, there would have 
been no organization of the army at that time ; and had that happened, no one 
could say what disastrous consequences might have followed. If this opinion 
be correct, it furnishes but another in the long and interesting catalogue of 
incidents with which the true history of Texas is full, and which, though of 
but apparent trifling import at the time, have developed into results. I may 
be permitted to add, that my acquaintance with General Stephen F. Austin 
dates back to 1828, and I am clearly of the opinion that his true character 
has never, in general, been fully understood, nor properly appreciated ; and 
hence, not only his memory, but the true history of Texas, have suffered and 
will continue to suffer to a greater or less degree. 

Wm. J. Russell. 



(Texas Almanac.) 

This fight took place November 28th, 1835. I was then in the army at San 
Antonio, and most of the facts stated were known to me personally. Several 
days previously to this fight it was currently reported in camp, that there 
was a quantity of silver coming from Mexico, upon pack mules, to pay off the 
soldiers of General Cos. Our scouts kept a close watch, to give the news as 
soon as the convoy should be espied, so that we might intercept the treasure. 
On the morning of the 28th, Colonel Bowie was out in the direction of the 
Medina, with a company, and discovered some mules with packs approach- 
ing ; and supposing this to be the expected train, he sent a messenger for 
re-enforcements. The camp was then above town at the old mill on the San 
Antonio River. Colonel Burleson immediately started with additional troops 
to join Bowie, but before reaching him, the latter, fearing the train would 
escape, made the attack with what forces he had. When Burleson arrived, 
Bowie had fallen back to a ditch or ravine near by, as affording a better 
position. As soon as they effected a union of their companions, they made 
an attack upon the Mexicans, who fell back, but being followed, they soon 
broke and fled. Thus ended the celebrated grass fight. The enemy left 
their packs, as they fled ; which upon examination were found to be filled 
with grass, which they had gone out for and cut the night before, and were 
bringing into the fort for their horses. This circumstance was of course quite 
a disappointment to men whose heads were filled with visions of gold and 
silver ; and the encounter was denominated the " Grass Fight." We lost 
one man and two wounded. The loss of the enemy is unknown. 

William S. Taylor. 


(From an old newspaper.) 

Battle of Nacogdoches, August 2, 1827 ; Texans under Colonel Haydeu 
E. Edwards, with a force of 250 defeated the Mexicans under Colonel 
Don Je de las Piedras, with 350. 


Fort of Velasco, commanded by Colonel Don Domingo Ugartechea, with 
175 men, taken by the Texans, under John Austin, with 130 men, June 26th, 

In June, 1835, the Texans, under Colonel Travis, took the garrison of 
Anahuac, under Captain Tenora. 

Rout at Gonzales, of a detachment of cavalry from the Mexican garrison, 
at Bexar, October 1st, 1835. 

Capture of Goliad, under Sandoval, by Captain Collingsworth, with 50 
men, October 9th, 1835. 

Battle of Conception, near Bexar: 450 Mexicans defeated by Bowie and 
Fannin, with only 92 men. 

Capture of Lipantitlan, on the river Nueces, by Adjutant Westover, No- 
vember 3d, 1835. 

The Grass Fight, near Bexar — 400 Mexicans retreated from 200 Texans, 
November 8th, 1835. 

Attack upon San Antonio de Bexar, — 1,400 Mexicans, under General 
Cos, surrendered to the Texans, December 10th, 1835. 

Retreat of General Houston from Gonzales, March 10th, 1836. 

Assault of the Alamo, by Santa Anna— garrison put to the sword, March 
6, 1836. 

Mexicans defeated in the first fight of the " Mission del Refugio," by the 
Texans, under Captain King, March 9th, 1836. 

Expedition against Matamoros, by the Texans, under Johnson, Grant, 
etc., proved an entire failure, January, 1836. 

The town of Bexar taken by the Mexicans and the Texans retired into 
the Alamo, February 21st, 1836. 

Second fight of " Mission del Refugio." Colonel Ward attacked and 
drove back a large body of Mexicans, March 10th, 1836. 

Ward's retreat from the Refugio, March nth, 1836 — surrendered 24th — ■ 
massacred on the 28th. 

Defeat of Fannin, with 415 men, and all massacred by the Mexicans, 
March 19th, 1836. 

San Felipe de Austin burned by the Texans, March 31st, 1836. 

Harrisburg burned by the Mexicans, April 16th, 1836. 

New Washington burned by the Mexicans, April 20th, 1836. 

Battle of San Jacinto — 750 Texans, under General Houston, defeated 
the Mexicans under Santa Anna, with about 1,600 men, killing upward of 
750, and taking the remainder, with Santa Anna himself, April 21st, 1836. 

Retreat of the Mexicans beyond the frontier of Texas, April 24th, 1836. 




AA. Houston's Camp. BB. Burleson's 
Regiment. CC. Artillery and Regulars. 
DD. Sherman's Regiment. FF. Islands 
of Timber. GG. Santa Anna's Camp. 
H. 400 men under Almonte. IIII. 1400, 
Main Army under Santa Anna. 

tt.S.Titt.OSS. NN, 

Plan of Battle. 



(From A Brief History of Texas.) 

On the morning of the 19th of April, the Texan army crossed over and 
marched down the right bank of the Buffalo Bayou to within half a mile of 
its junction with the San Jacinto River. Here they formed in line of battle 
on the edge of a grove of trees, their rear protected by the timber, while before 
them was the open prairie. 

A few days before this, the army of the young Republic had received two 
pieces of artillery as a gift from some of the citizens of Cincinnati, Ohio. 
These were named the " Twin Sisters," and were placed in position. On the 
morning of the 20th of April, and soon after General Houston had dispersed 
his forces, Santa Anna came marching up in battle array. A volley from the 
"Twin Sisters" brought him to a sudden halt, and falling back to a clump 
of trees a quarter of a mile distant, he formed in line of battle. In return for 
the feint of the evening, Colonel Sherman, at the head of his mounted men, 
made a gallant charge upon the Mexican army, which, although it did not ac- 
complish any decisive result, seemed to inspire our men with fresh enthusiasm. 

The 21st of April dawned bright and beautiful. It was felt by those who 
were to participate in its stirring scenes, to be the day upon which the conflict 
for Texas was to be decided. 

On this side was arrayed the whole available army of Texas, embracing 
750* men. On that, were the best troops of Mexico, to the number of 1,800, 
and commanded by an able and wily general. The men of Texas were aware 
that every thing for them depended upon the issue of the fight, and every 
heart was beating quick and every nerve well strung. 

The men of Mexico were flushed with pride at recent successes, 
and felt secure of the result. 

Early in the morning General Houston sent Deaf Smith, the celebrated 
Texas spy, with two or three men, to destroy Vince's bridge across the bayou 
over which the Mexican army had passed, thus cutting off their only 
available avenue of escape. The daring exploit was executed almost in the 
presence of the foe. It was now decided to be the moment to attack Santa 
Anna in his intrenchments. With the stillness of death the patriot army 
moved, in three divisions, to the charge. No music heralded the advance. No 
sound but the quiet tread of determined men broke the stillness of that 

* See General Rusk's Report. 



spring morning. When within two hundred yards they received the volley of 
the enemy's advanced column without quailing, and then increased their 
pace to a " double quick." 

When within seventy yards the word " Fire " was given, and six hundred 
Texas rifles belched forth their deadly contents. Then the shout, " Alamo " 
and " Goliad," rang along the entire line, and they rushed forward to a hand 
to hand encounter. But Mexican valor had already given way before the 
impetuosity of that charge, and in a few minutes more the boastful legions 
of the " Napoleon of the West " were in full retreat. The rout soon became 
general. Finding the bridge destroyed, the Mexicans plunged into the bayou, 

Houston and Santa Anna. 

where many were drowned or slain by their pursuers. Seven hundred dead 
Mexicans upon that day atoned for the butchery at the Alamo and Goliad ; 
and seven hundred and thirty prisoners were in the hands of the victorious 

Santa Anna in vain tried to escape. He was discovered, on the morning 
of the 2 2d, hiding in the long grass with a blanket thrown over his head, and 
was taken to the quarters of General Houston. 

At the time Santa Anna was brought before him, Houston, who had 
been severely wounded in the battle, was lying on a mattrass under a tree 
which constituted his headquarters. The President of Mexico, bowing low 
before him, said, " I am General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, a prisoner 


of war at your disposal." General Houston requested him to sit down, 
which he did, at the same time asking for opium. A piece of this drug was 
brought him, which he eagerly swallowed. He then at once proposed to 
purchase his freedom, but was answered, "that was a matter to be negotiated 
with the government of Texas." He however persisted saying to Houston, 
" You can afford to be generous, you have conquered the Napoleon of the 

General Houston asked him "bow he could expect mercy after showing 
none at the Alamo ? " 

He replied, that " by the rules of war, when a fort refused to surrender, 
and was taken by assault, the prisoners were doomed to death." General 
Houston answered him that " such a rule was a disgrace to the civilization 
of the nineteenth century." He was then asked "by what rule he justified 
the massacre of Goliad ? " He replied that " he had orders from his gov- 
ernment to execute all that were taken with arms in their hands." 

General Houston told him that "he was the government — a Dictator had 
no superior, and that he must at once write an order for all his troops to 
abandon Texas and return home." This he did, and the dispatch was sent 
by a trusty messenger to his subordinates. 

How to dispose of Santa Anna was a troublesome question. Among the 
soldiers the feeling existed that his life only could atone for the cruelties per- 
petrated by his order. But prudence as well as humanity dictated another 
course, and his life was spared. The following agreement was entered into 
between him and the President of Texas : 

First. That he would never again take up arms against Texas. 

Second. That he should order all Mexican troops in Texas to return 

Third. That he should cause to be restored all captured property. 

In consideration of the fulfillment of these conditions he was to be set 
free. When the time came for his release, the storm of popular indignation 
was so great, that President Burnet thought best to order his longer deten- 
tion as a prisoner of war. 

Santa Anna was liberated by President Houston, in January, 1837, and 
sent to Washington, D. C., whence he returned to Mexico. 



(Texas Almanac, 1861.) 

San Antonio, January 14, 1858. 
Hon. Jesse Grimes. 

Dear Sir : In compliance with the promise I made you when at Austin 
the other day, I shall endeavor to perform a task, to me extremely delicate, 
if not difficult. Delicate, because of the great diversity of opinion respecting 
the incident of burning the bridge over Vince's Bayou, on the morning of the' 
21st of April, 1836, the day of the memorable victory of San Jacinto. 

Although many years have rolled by since that event, the leading circum- 
stances attending the incident are still fresh in my memory; and if I err in 
giving its details, I feel assured that the error springs from the deficiency of 
recollection, but not from design. 

On the morning of the 21st of April, 1836, Captain Carnes' cavalry 
company, commonly called Deaf Smith's Spy Company, were drawn up in line 
on the edge of General Houston's position. As well as I recollect, we were 
between thirty and forty strong. The Mexican cavalry, whom we fought the 
evening before, at that moment were drawn up in line, on the south of our 
position, about six hundred yards distant. I think they were from sixty to 
to eighty strong. They seemed to invite us again to combat ; but prudence, 
in my humble opinion, dictated to our leaders a different course than to engage 
them at that moment. While sitting in our saddles, John Coker, my left file- 
leader, made the following remark, and the suggestions following : 

" Boys, before many hours, we will have one of the damnedest, bloodiest 
fights that ever was fought, and I believe it would be a good plan to go and 
burn that bridge so as not only to impede the advance of re-enforcements of 
the enemy, but it will cut off all chance of retreat of either party." 

The proposition was seconded by the whole company, when Deaf Smith 
proposed to go and see the General, and get his approval to the enterprise. 
Word for word of what passed between our leaders, I am not able to repeat, 
except that Smith told us Houston asked him : 

" Can you do it without being cut to pieces by the Mexican cavalry ? " 

Smith said that he replied to Houston : 

" Give me six men, and I will try." 

On Smith's return to our little party, he stopped about the center, facing 
us, and in the saddle, some questions were asked him, as : 


" What did the General say ? " He made no answer then ; but, after sur- 
veying us from right to left with an iron-like countenance, he said: 

" I want six men. I am going to burn the bridge. I want six men who 
are willing to follow me through, or perish in the attempt." 

There was silence for several moments, as six of us dropped out of the 
little line and volunteered to follow our favorite chief. But let me here do 
justice to the remainder of our companions-in-arms, by saying, and believing 
what I say, that there were scarcely a man of our spy company who would 
not have volunteered to follow Deaf Smith, had each and all been well-mounted. 
I will here mention the names of all who joined Deaf Smith in the enterprise ; 
yet, before doing so, beg leave to state, that I differ from the opinion of my old 
friend, " Uncle Jack Coker," as we called him, as to the name of one of the 
party, but, having the most implicit confidence in " Uncle Jack's " honesty I 
am willing to risk his statement, and give the names as he has set them down : 

Deaf Smith, Denmore Rives, John Coker, Y. P. Alsbury, Rainwater, John 

Garner, Lapham ; seven in all. We were compelled to pass within gun- 
shot of the extreme left of the Mexican cavalry, who were drawn out, as 
stated, with their left reaching within gun-shot of Buffalo Bayou, up which we 
had to go to reach the bridge, situated some eight or nine miles on the road 
leading to the Brazos. 

It being understood that we would maneuver so as to pass the Mexican 
horse, if possible, without a fight, the remainder of our company followed 
slowly, under a soldier's pledge, that, were we attacked by the cavalry, they 
would come to our assistance. Our main body maneuvered, with the feint of 
an engagement, so that we passed to the rear unmolested, some distance ; 
when our comrades regained the camp, leaving the enemy to enjoy the belief 
that we were too cowardly to fight. 

We moved rapidly, till reaching the mouth of the lane, on the north side 
of which was situated the double log-house before occupied by Mr. Vince, we 
filed off to the left, so as to avoid an ambuscade, should the enemy be con- 
cealed within the dwelling. We threw down the fence where it joined Vince's 
Bayou, over which the bridge was built. One hundred and fifty yards more, 
and we were at the bridge, over which Deaf Smith and myself passed, with 
the view of reconnoitering, leaving the remainder of our party to " strike fire,' 
and make the necessary preparations for burning the bridge on our return. 

We had gone about half a mile, when we noticed, in the sandy soil, the 
track of a carriage-wheel. Smith, with a countenance of mixed rage and 
disappointment, exclaimed : 

" Santa Anna has made his escape ! Here is his carriage-track, going 
back, pulled by mules in a great hurry ! " 

I proposed to him that we should gallop on, about one mile, to a difficult 
crossing of another bayou, where we might get the honor of helping him to 


cross. He replied : " My orders are to burn the bridge, and return as 
quick as possible." 

In a few minutes we were at the bridge, where we found our comrades, 
prepared with fire, and plenty of dry rails and wood. In a few minutes the 
bridge was in flames. If I recollect aright, it was built of cedar, 

Nothing of interest occurred till we reached the first deep, dry hollow, 
half or three-quarters of a mile above our camp, when an incident happened, 
which goes to illustrate strongly the extraordinary sagacity of that masterly 
man, Deaf Smith. After ordering a halt, he observed : 

" I will ride up the high ground, next to camp, far enough to see whether 
any of the Mexican horsemen are near, so that we may avoid them." 

Our eyes were bent on our leader, as we suddenly saw him drop down on 
the mane of his horse, and turn toward us. When up to us, the question 
was asked : 

" What news ? " 

When, with an eye and a countenance I shall never forget, he said : 

"The prairie is filled with Mexican horse. I can not see how, or where, 
they got their re-enforcements from." 

Eyeing every man with the eye of a tiger, he asked : " What shall we do ? " 
We told him : 

" You are our leader, and we shall follow you, let your course be forward 
or back.'"' 

" My orders are, to return to camp : I will do it or die ; but," eyeing 
every one of us with a scrutiny even painful, he said, " If there is one or 
more of you prefers making your escape, I now give you leave." We loved 
our leader almost as we did our country, and replied to him again : 

" Lead on, we follow ! " A change, I thought, then came over his coun- 
tenance as I discovered his terrible eye moisten with a tear. He asked : 

" Are your arms all right ? " He then added, " We will go clown the 
dry hollow to where it joins the bayou, and then, in Indian file, run to the 
level above, which will bring us in about one hundred yards of the enemy's 
extreme left. When discovered by them we will raise the Texan yell, and 
charge, at full speed, through their line. They will, no doubt, kill me, my 
boys ! but, by God ! I will make an opening for the rest of you to pass ! " 

Such was the plan understood ; and, sir, I have heard men say, that they 
could meet such scenes with cool indifference ; but, sir, they are braver than 
I profess to be. Although I must say, and when I say it, do so with candor 
and truth, that not one of Smith's men but would have preferred the risk of 
death, rather than an ignominious, disgraceful desertion of the leader we all 
loved. But to conclude : 

When fairly on the level which commanded a partial view of both armies, 
we saw no Mexican cavalry ; but knew, from the hearty laugh of our leaden 


that he had, as he boastingly said, put our fidelity to the test. For my part, 
I felt well satisfied that I had saved my credit for courage without having the 
work to do ; and doubt not but my companions felt as I did. 

I have thus, in obedience to your wish, and in accordance with my prom- 
ise, given you a plain, candid and continuous narrative of the facts, and lead- 
ing incidents attending the enterprise of burning the bridge ; also, the testi- 
mony of Mr. John Coker, of Bexar county, authenticating the correctness of 
my account of the chief incident herein narrated. Mr. Coker is a man who, 
in the estimation of his acquaintances, is second to none in honesty of purpose, 
valor, and patriotism. 

As what I have repeated to you, concerning this affair, is dictated at 
least by a clear conscience, if not a clear mind, I feel no reluctance in letting 
the world see it, if it suits your pleasure. 

If I have committed an error, or made a blunder in my detail of the 
chief incident that is believed to have insured the capture of Santa Anna, it 
will afford me great pleasure to correct either one or the other. Lest the 
belief just expressed may appear presumptuous, I may state that the under- 
signed was one of thirteen who followed the distinguished Santa Anna and 
the remnant of his staff and cavalry back to the site of the bridge I had left 
in flames some three hours before. Respectfully and truly yours, 

Y. P. Alsbury. 

I, John Coker, of the county of Bexar, State of Texas, have no hesitation 
in stating, that the material facts in the preceding narrative are correct. 
Signed this seventeenth day of January, 1858. 

John Coker. 


(Texas Almanac, 1873.) 

From the Life and Times of David G. Burnet, by Colonel A. M. Hobby, 
of Galveston : 

From the first settlement of Texas, in 169 1 to 182 1, Texas and Coahuila 
constituted a province of Mexico, under the domination of Spanish authority. 
After the achievement of Mexican independence, and by the Constitution of 
the Mexican United States, adopted in 1824, this territory constituted the 
State of Coahuila and Texas in the Republic of Mexico. The constituent 
Congress of the combined States decreed its installation, agreeably to the 
constitutive act of the Mexican Confederation, in 1824, but the State Constitu- 


tion was not framed and sanctioned until 1827. Public officers were appointed 
provisionally, and derived their authority from the constituent Congress. 

This union, alike between the States and the Republic, proved to be an 
unhappy one. There was little in common between the inhabitants of Coa- 
huila and the intrepid Anglo-Americans of Texas. So great was the national 
dissimilarity that not even judicious compromises, early and graciously made, 
nor reciprocal forbearance generously practiced, would long have preserved 
the hollow truce between these divided States. No line of policy could have 
been pursued that would have been acceptable to both, nor long have main- 
tained amicable relations between the liberty-loving colonists and those whe 
had inherited the prejudices and intolerance of a European parent. As early 
as 1826 an attempt was made in the Department of Nacogdoches to establish 
a Texan Republic, under the name of Fredonia. Though unsuccessful, it 
attracted the jealous eye of the Supreme Government, who believed that a 
modified system of terrorwas essential to the welfare of the country, and under 
the ostensible pretext of securing the revenues, gradually introduced troops 
and garrisoned posts, whose real object was to overawe the Anglo-American 
colonists, whose increasing power and prosperity inspired envy and alarm. 

The violent decree of Bustamente, in 1830, created profound dissatisfac- 
tion and fired the colonists with the sentiment of resistance. It resulted in 
the first military collision, which, under fresh causes were periodically re- 
newed, until 1835, when a deep sense of the necessity of a permanent separa- 
tion from the National Government seems to have penetrated alike all classes 
and conditions of society. The chances of war offered a sad alternative to 
those who could be so illy spared from their families and farms, yet it afforded 
the only means of escape from the exactions of an intolerant government. In 
truth, the time had arrived when it was no longer a question of the forms of 
government, but of life or death. 

Notwithstanding the general feeling of the necessity of separation from 
Mexico, some wise and able men were to be found in the ranks of the oppo- 
sition, who opposed the movement as impolitic and dangerous at the time, 
success being regarded as almost impossible, and a resort to arms to redress 
these wrongs would only result in speedy and universal ruin. We copy as a 
matter of interest (historical information on the subject being meager,) part 
of an address to the people, written after the election of Delegates, and be- 
fore the assembling of the Convention which declared the independence of 
the Republic. It gives us not only an insight into the character of the times, 
and the views and spirit of the opposition, but reveals the comparative re- 
sources of Mexico and Texas ; and while it discloses the paucity of numbers 
and feeble resources of the latter, it serves to enhance our admiration of the 
bold men who assumed the perilous responsibility of the act, in full view of 
the consequences of failure : 


" A declaration of independence imports a final and forcible separation 
from Mexico, and a claim to be received and acknowledged as a sovereign 
power, entitled to rank among the nations of the earth. The smallest mem- 
ber of this great family numbers about 1,500,000 inhabitants; the largest 
numbers, etc. * * * * 

" We state these plain statistical facts in order to show by numerical in- 
dications what an independent nation is, and to exhibit by the same simple 
means some of the things necessary to constitute a nation. But population 
and territory are not all that are requisite for this purpose. Every nation has 
its government, and governments are costly institutions. That of the United 
States expends about $25,000,000 per annum, and that frugal people, as we 
know, are famed for administering their public affairs on the strictest princi- 
ples of economy. With these few simple data before us, let us inquire if 
Texas be in a condition to assume forcibly and maintain respectably, an inde- 
pendent government. * * * * 

"And is the population of Texas sufficient? We presume it may be 
stated with tolerable accuracy at 50,000 souls, inclusive of Indians. Ten 
hundred thousand make one million ; and the smallest nation that sustains 
its relations with the powers of Christendom numbers, we believe, one million 
and a half of souls. Texas, then, contains one-twentieth of the population of 
of the most insignificant among the nations of the earth. The population of 
Mexico is over 7,000,000. The disparity, therefore, is 140 to 1. We are 
proud to claim for the citizens of Texas much gallantry, and much greater 
aptitude for war than can be accredited to their antagonists, but 140 to 1 is 
fearful odds. The towering form of Thermopylae, which stands pre-eminent 
among the monuments of ancient glory, was achieved against mighty odds, 
but not such odds as this. The hosts of voluptuous Persia greatly outnum- 
bered the hardy and heroic bands of Greece, but not in the ratio of one hun- 
dred and forty to one ; and the heroes of Thermopylae perished in one com- 
mon slaughter under the weight of the odds against them. But between 
Texas and Mexico there is greater disparity in other facts than in mere 
numerical population. Texas is without finances or financial resources. 
The whole amount of circulating medium within her limits would scarcely be 
sufficient for a decent outfit to her first mendicant mission to a foreign court. 
We assert with confidence that if all the property, real and personal, of all the 
colonists of Texas were exposed to public sale, with twelve months' advertise- 
ment throughout the world, it would not yield enough to maintain a respect- 
able independent Government, and a vigorous war with Mexico for the space 
of five years, and without pretending to a spirit of prophecy, we venture to 
assert that Mexico will not relinquish the contest and acknowledge the inde- 
pendence of Texas within twenty years from the day the impotent Declara- 


tion shall be promulgated." (Here follows an estimate of the annual ex- 
penses of the war and necessary tax to sustain it.) " Therefore it is obvious 
that Texas could not support herself and sustain a war with so powerful an 
antagonist. Even the estimate we have made would not be sufficient for her 
purposes, for she is without an army, or a navy, or fortifications, and is 
almost totally destitute of the common munitions of war, or means of pro- 
curing them ; it will cost, with the most rigid economy, at least one million 
of dollars to place her on a respectable and efficient war establishment. 
Vain will it be to expect sympathy from other nations. The ancient heroic 
and oppressed Poland lifted up the voice of four millions of people to invoke 
the sympathy of other governments, and their unavailing supplications died 
away in despair amidst the triumphant shouts of Cossack barbarity. And 
Poland had many weighty 'reasons of state' to give energy to her appeals 
for help. Texas has none such to offer, for no nation dreads the gigantic 
growing power of Mexico, and none can desire the diminution of that power." 
" Among the many delusions that seem to have obscured the intellects, and 
perverted the feelings of some who assume to be your political advisers, 
there is none more dangerous in its tendencies, than the notion that the 
Americans of Texas could conciliate the friendship of the Indians, and 
secure their entire neutrality or their auxiliary services. The most for- 
midable Indians of Texans are ignorant bands from the nations of the 
North ; and, surely, no American, who is acquainted with the hornbooks of 
his country's history, can fail to know that the northern Indians entertain a 
deep and inveterate hatred to the very name of an American. The scattered 
relics of those tribes, once numerous and powerful, have not forgotten the 
localities of their fathers' sepulchres and of their ancient dominion. They 
remember well who have desecrated the one, and usurped the other. Their 
recollections are as vivid and abiding as their resentments are implacable ; 
and their cherished hopes of vengeance are transmitted from parent to child 
in the same impassioned traditionary tale, that recites the history of their 
fathers' wrongs. Toward the native Mexicans these beings, of fierce and 
untempered passion, entertain no hostile feelings, no lingering recollections 
of wrongs sustained or injuries unavenged. They may, indeed, regard them 
as less warlike than the destroyers of their nations, but they know, and we 
know, that they themselves are not so; that they have been driven from 
mountain to mountain, and beyond river after river, but they have yielded 
to numbers and not to courage ; to physical power and not to skill in arms. 

" But we will not dilate upon this branch of our subject. It is delicate ; 
it may be dangerous, or we could present to you other suggestions, that ought 
to be sufficient to flash conviction on every mind that Mexico has a better 
chance and ampler means to secure the alliance of "the tomahawk and the 


scalping-knife " than the colonists can have. That she will employ every 
device and exert every means to do so, should the present unhappy contest 
become national, no sensible man can doubt. The consequences of such an 
alliance many of you may experience in the conflagration of your dwellings 
and the massacre of your families ; but no pen, however graphic, can ade- 
quately depict them. Let the dispersed families of Texas and the respon- 
sible heads thereof, think of it, ere it be too late." 

The address closes thus : " Fellow-citizens, and you especially members 
of the Convention — the select of the land — we leave the subject with you. 
We have discharged a solemn duty, and if Texas is doomed to destruction, 
our hands are clean. When we say Texas doomed to destruction, we do not 
mean the country itself, for Texas will remain a delightful portion of the 
earth when the folly of its present inhabitants has passed beyond the recol- 
lection of man." — [February, 1836.] 

These predictions were speedily falsified by events. 

A few intrepid spirits sounded the tocsin of alarm, and from hill-top to 
seaboard, the great-hearted patriots gathered at the call. No people ever 
undertook an enterprise so hazardous and important with such slender assur- 
ances of success, or achieved their independence with such inadequate 
resources against an opposition so formidable and disproportioned. The 
absence of an exchequer caused little embarrassment to a race of men who 
held their services in such a cause above price. 

They did not miscalculate their strength ; their frontier life had familiar- 
ized them with hardships in every form ; their hardihood and endurance 
proved equal to the utmost demands of an unequal contest ; and history will 
justly pronounce the patriotism and courage, which bore such burdens and 
wrought such results, exalted and sublime. The plowshare was withdrawn 
from the golden glebe and beaten into the bayonet. The little army of the 
struggling colonists marched to the most exposed points, and illustrated the 
art of defense by the stubborn valor inspired by the danger and responsibility 
of the situation. The campaign, after many trials and disasters, closed with 
a signal and splendid triumph. The Texans, closely pursued, had fallen 
back across the Colorado and Brazos, and made a last stand on a field which 
lights the historic page of the infant republic with the blaze of victory. The 
morning sun of the 21st of April, 1836, shone on the comparatively powerful 
forces of Santa Anna as they descended the right bank of Buffalo Bayou to 
conquest and victory ; but his evening beam beheld the Mexican army beaten 
and flying, and the President himself a prisoner in the hands of the Anglo- 
Texans. The battle of San Jacinto was fierce and short, and may be regarded 
as one of the decisive battles of the world. It determined forever the inde- 
pendence of the Republic. 



(From the Texas Almanac of 1868.) 

The fall of the Alamo,, the tragic results of which are so well known, so 
far as the final assault is concerned, have not been fully or correctly given 
in any of the current histories of Texas. The reason is obvious when it is 
remembered that not a single combatant from within survived to tell the tale, 
while the official reports of the enemy were neither circumstantial nor relia- 
ble. A trustworthy account of the assault could only be compiled by com- 
paring and combining the verbal accounts of such of the assailants as could 
be relied on for veracity, and adding to this, such light on the matter as may 
be gathered from the military documents of the day. As I was a resident 
of Matamoras when the event happened, and for several months after the 
invading army returned thither, I had opportunities for obtaining the kind 
of information referred to which few persons if any, still living in Texas, have 
possessed ; and I have been urged to publish what I have gathered on the 
subject that an interesting fragment of history may be saved. Among the 
facts which have been perverted is the number of Mexican troops engaged 
in the campaign and in the assault. The whole force with which Santa 
Anna invaded Texas in 1836 probably amounted to seven thousand five hun- 
dred men. It consisted of two regiments of horse and thirteen battalions 
of foot. It may here be remarked that the Mexicans apply the term regi- 
ment only to cavalry corps ; those of infantry of the same size are always 
called battalions, and the latter terms, as used by them, designate the whole 
of a colonel s command of fcot instead of a subdivision of it. The nominal 
complement of a regiment or battalion is one thousand five hundred men ; 
but I have never known one to be full, or much exceed one-third of that 
number. I saw all the corps which returned, of 1836, and from the size of 
those which had not been in action, as well as from the remaining bulk of 
those which had suffered, after allowing for probable loss, I am convinced 
that their average strength, when they entered Texas, did not differ much 
from five hundred men, which would make the agregate above surmised. 

That the estimate will apply to the third of it engaged on storming the 
Alamo, I consider very likely, for I paid more attention to' the strength of 
these corps than of the others. At the beginning of the invasion the Mexi- 


can officers spoke of their armies as ten thousand strong. After its failure, 
Santa Anna, in his letter to General Jackson, referred to his invading force as 
numbering six thousand. The truth may be found midway between the 
figures.* The main army, under Santa Anna in person, moved from Laredo 
upon San Antonio in four successive detachments. 

This was on account of the scarcity of grass and water on portions of the 
route. The lower division, under Brigadier-General Urrea, moved from 
Matamoras upon Goliad in one body. It consisted of the cavalry regiment 
of Cuatla, the infantry battalion of Yucatan, and some companions of militia. 
The aforesaid battalion, which I counted, numbered three hundred and fifty 
men. The regiment of dragoons was about the same, and the whole com- 
mand about one thousand. This, reinforced by two battalions, was the 
force which vanquished Fannin at the Coleta. The advance detachment 
from Laredo, consisting of the dragoon regiment of Dolores, and one or two 
battalions, arrived at San Antonio about the 21st day of February, 1836. 
The Alamo was at that time garrisoned by one hundred and fifty-six men, 
under command of Lieutenant-Colonel W. B. Travis. James Bowie was 
second in command. David Crockett of Tennessee had also joined the 
garrison a few weeks before, but whether he had any command I do not 
know. One of the most estimable and chivalrous men attached to the gar- 
rison was J. B. Bonham of South Carolina, who had recently volunteered in 
the service of Texas. What was his position, I am unable to say. Travis 
had been commissioned by the Provisional Government of Texas, lieutenant- 
colonel of cavalry ; but his corps had not been raised, and the men under 
him were volunteers. Some of them had been engaged in the recent siege 
of San Antonio when Cos capitulated, and others had lately arrived from 
United States. 

No regular scouting service seems to have been kept up by Travis ; for, 
though the enemy was expected, his near approach was not known until his 
advance was seen descending the slope west of the San Pedro. The guard 
in the town seems to have retired in good order to the fort : yet so com- 
plete was the surprise of the place, that one or more American residents 
engaged in mercantile business, fled to the Alamo, leaving their stores open. 
After the enemy entered, a cannon shot from the Alamo was answered by a 
shell from the invaders ; but little more was done that day. The fortress 
was not at once invested, and the few citizens who had taken refuge in it, 
succeeded in leaving it that night. On the 23d, Santa Anna with the second 

* When Santa Anna summoned General Taylor to surrender at Buena Vista, he an- 
nounced his army as twenty thousand strong. After his repulse he reported it sixteen thou- 
sand. The truth was eighteen thousand. 


division arrived, and the same day a regular siege was commenced. Its 
operations, which lasted eleven days, are pretty correctly detailed in Yoak- 
um's Texas. 

Several batteries were opened on successive days. The enemy had, how- 
ever, no siege train, but only light field-pieces and howitzers. No assault 
was attempted, as has been asserted, until the final storming of the place. 
Neither was the investment so close as to prevent the passage of couriers 
and the entrance of one reenforcement ; for on the night of March ist a 
company of thirty-two men from Gonzales made its way into the fort, never 
again to leave it. This raised the number of the garrison to one hundred 
and eighty-eight men. In a letter from Travis, March 3d, he says : 

" With one hundred and forty-five men I have held this place ten days 
against a force variously estimated at from one thousand five hundred to 
six thousand men, and I shall continue to hold it until I get relief from my 
countrymen, or perish. We have had a shower of bombs and cannon-balls 
continually falling among us, yet none of us are injured. We have been mi- 
raculously preserved." Thus it appears there could have been no loss on our 
side until the final assault. Santa Anna, after calling a council of war on the 
4th of March, fixed upon the morning of March 6th for the assault. Before 
narrating the particulars I will try to describe the Alamo as it then was.* It 
had been founded soon after the settlement of that vicinity, and was first 
built as a place of safety for the settlers and their property in case of Indian 
hostility ; but it was large enough for that purpose, it had neither the strength 
compactness nor arrangement which belong to a regular fortification. The 
front of the Alamo Chapel bears date 1757. The other works must have 
been built earlier. The chapel of the fortress is seventy-five feet long, sixty- 
two feet wide, and twenty-two and a half feet high, surrounded by walls of 
solid masonry four feet thick. It was built in one story, with upper windows 
under which platforms were built for mounting cannon. The long barrack 
which was connected with the church is one hundred and eighty-six feet 
long, eighteen feet wide, eighteen feet high, and of two stories. There was 
another barrack one hundred and fourteen feet long, and seventeen feet wide 
These barracks, like the church, were of solid rock, and their walls are still 
standing. f The fortifications were manned by fourteen guns ; but these 
proved of little use in the defence, as the enemy either kept out of their range, 
or approached from a quarter whlcl) they could not be made to bear upon. 

It was resolved by Santa Anna that the assaults should take place at 

* See Diagram on page 113. 

\ The church and fortress of the Alamo, or Poplar Grove (so called from the trees of this 
kind then there), were built and occupied for many years by Roman Catholic Missionaries 
from Spain. 



early dawn. The order for it, which I have read, but have not a copy of, 
was full in its details, and was signed by Brigadier- General Amador, chief of- 
starT. The besieging force consisted of the battalion of Toluca, Ximenes, 
Matamoras, Los Zapadores (or sappers), and the regiment of Dolores. 
The infantry were directed, at a certain hour between midnight and day, 
to form at a convenient distance from the fort in four columns of attack and 
reserve. This disposition was not made by battalions ; for the light com- 
panies of all were incorporated with the Zapadores to form the reserve, and 
other changes may have been made for the occasion. A certain number of 
scaling ladders and axes were to be borne with particular columns. The 

Storming of the Alamo. 
cavalry were to be stationed at different points around the fortress, to 
cut off fugitives. The immediate command of the assault was intrusted to 
General Castrillo, a Spaniard by birth, and a brilliant soldier.* Santa Anna 
took his station, with a part of his staff and all the regimental bands, at a 
battery south of the Alamo and near the old bridge, from which the signal 
was to be given by a bugle note for the columns to move at a double quick 
simultaneously against different points of the citidel. The battalion of 
Toluca was to enter the north breach, the other two to move against the south 
side, one to attack the large gate, the other to storm the chapel. It was so 
arranged that the columns should reach the foot of the wall at daybreak. 

* It seems that upon the eve of the attack, the plan was so modified, as to combine 
the infantry into three columns, instead of five. 


When the hour came the batteries and the music were alike silent, and the 
single blast of the bugle was followed by no sound save the rushing tramp 
of soldiers. The guns of the fort soon opened upon them and then the 
band at the south battery struck up the assassin notes of dequello /* But few 
and not very effective discharges from the works could be made before the 
enemy was under them, and it is thought that the worn and wearied garrison 
was not till then fully mustered. The Tolucan column was first at the base 
of the wall, but was not the first to enter the area. A large piece of cannon 
at the northwest angle commanded the breach. Either this, or the deadly 
fire of the riflemen at that point, where Travis in person commanded, 
brought the columns to a disordered halt, and its leader, Colonel Duque, fell 
dangerously wounded. But at this time another column arrived and entered 
the gate, or by escalade near it. The defense of the outer wall had now to 
to be abandoned, and the garrison took refuge in the buildings already 
described. It was probably while the enemy were pouring through the 
breach that Travis fell at his post, for his body was found beside the gun just 
referred to. All this passed within a few minutes after the bugle sounded. 

The early loss of the outer wall so thinly manned was inevitable ; and it 
was not until the garrison became more concentrated that the main struggle 
began. They were more compact as to space, but not as to unit}*, for there 
was no communicating between buildings, nor always between rooms. 
There was now no retreat from point to point. Each group of defenders 
had to fight and die in the den in which it was brought to bay. Erom the 
doors, windows, and loop-holes of the several rooms around the area, the 
crack of the rifle and the hiss of the bullet came thick and fast ; and the 
enemy fell like grass before the scythe, and recoiled in his first attempts to 

The gun beside which Travis lay was now by the Mexicans brought to 
bear upon the buildings, and shot after shot, in quick succession, was sent 
crashing through the doors and barricades of the several rooms. Each dis- 
charge of cannon was followed by a storm of musketry and a charge ; 
and thus room after room was gradually carried at the point of the bayonet, 
while all within them died fighting to the last. The struggle was made up 
of a series of separate and desperate combats, often hand to hand, between 
squads of the garrison and bodies of the invaders. The bloodiest spot about 
the fortress was the long barrack and the ground in front of it, where the 
Mexicans fell in heaps. 

Meantime the turning of Travis's gun had been imitated by the garrison. 
A small field-piece on the roof of the chapel was turned against the area 

* A Spanish martial air, which signifies to the soldier, No quarter. 


while the rooms were being stormed. It did more execution than any other 
cannon of the fortress ; but after a few effective discharges, all who manned it 
fell under the enemy's fire. Crockett had taken refuge in a room of the low 
barrack near the gate. He either garrisoned it alone, or was left alone by 
the fall of his comrades. Alone he gallantly charged in the face of the foe, 
and fell. Bowie had been severely hurt by a fall from the platform, and at 
the time of the attack was confined to his bed in an upper part of the bar- 
rack. He was there killed on his couch, but not until he had shot down 
with his pistols several of the foe as they entered his chamber. The church 
was the last point taken. The column which moved against it, consisting 
of the battalion of Ximenes and other troops, was at first repulsed, and took 
refuge among some old houses outside of the barrier, near the south-west 
angle, but it was rallied and led on by General Amador. It was soon joined 
by the rest of the force, and the church was carried by a coup de main. Its 
inmates, like the others, fought to the last, and continued to fire from the 
upper platform after the Mexicans had occupied the floor. 

A Mexican officer told me of a man shot in the top of the head during 
this melee. During the closing struggle Lieutenant Dickenson, with one of 
his children in his arms, or as some say, tied to his back, leaped from an 
upper window. Both were killed. Of those he left behind him, the bayonet 
soon gleaned what the bullet missed ; and in the upper part of the church, 
the last defenders must have fallen. The morning breeze, which received 
his parting breath, probably still fanned his flag above him ere it was pulled 
down by the victors. 

The Alamo had fallen. 











and FREE 












A. D. 



















A. D. 





\^^xSFq\\)VX^ 5 














A. D. 





R. Allen, 

M. Andress, 



W. Blazeby, 

J. B. Bowman, 


S. C. Blair, 





J. J. Baugh, 



J. Baker, 



J. Beard, 



R. Cunningham, 

J. Clark, 

J. Cane, 


s. cra.wford, 


w. cummings, 

R. Crossan, 


G. W. Cottle, 
J. Dust, 


A. Dickinson, 
C. Despalier, 
L. Davell, 
J. C. Day, 
J. Dickens, 



W. Dearduff, 


T. R. Evans, 
D. Floyd, 
J. Flanders, 



G. Fuga, 

J. C. Goodrich, 

J. George, 

J. Gaston, 

J. C. Garrett, 

C. Grimes, 


J. E. Garwin, 



s. hollaway, 



J. Hayes, 




J. Holland, 

W. Hersie, 



J. Jones, 

L. Johnson, 

C. B. Jamison, 
W. Johnson, 
T. Jackson, 

D. Jackson, 

G Kemble, 
A. Kent, 
W. King, 
J. Kenny, 


W. Linn, 

Wm. Lightfoot, 



W. Lightfoot, 

G. W. Lynn, 


W. Mills, 


E. T. Mitchell, 

E. Melton, 


T. Miller, 

J. McCoy, 

E. Morton 

R. Mussulman, 


R. B. Moore, 

W. Marshall, 


R. McKenny, 


J. McGee, 

G. W. Main, 

M. Querry, 

G. Nelson, 


J. Noland, 


Wm. G. Nelson, 

c. ostiner, 


C. Parker, 

N. Pollard, 

G. Paggan, 

S. Robinson, 


N. Rough, 



Rob bins, 
W. Smith, 

C. Smith, 
A. Smith, 

J. C. Smith, 


A. Smith, 


R. Star, 


N. Sutherland, 

W. Summers, 

J. Sumerline, 



E. Taylor, \ 

G. Taylor, > Bros. 

J. Taylor, ; 

W. Taylor, 



J. M. Thruston, 



D. Wilson, 
W. Wells, 

C. Wright, 
R. White, 
J. Washington, 
T. Waters, 
J. White, 
1). Wilson, 
J. Wilson, 
A. Wolf, 



This monument is ten feet high, and made from stones taken from the ruins of the 
Alamo. The style of architecture is the Composite, and is divided into ten sections. The 
1st section, or base of the monument, is one solid piece, bearing the whole structure. The 
2d section is a square plinth, neatly impaneled. The 3d section is a sub-plinth, with Gothic 
molding and roped bead, symbolical of binding the whole structure firmly. The 4th section 
is the die, or main body of the monument, consisting of four panels in recess, supported by 
rude fluted pilasters at each corner. On two of these panels are raised shields, on which 
are inscribed, in raised letters, the names of every man who fell at the ever-memorable bat- 
tle of Alamo. Each shield is suspended from a beautiful wreath, in the center of which is a 
bouquet of flowers. The shields and wreaths sustaining them are encircled by honeysuckles 
and vines. On the other panels of section 4th is represented the skull and bones crossed. 
Above the skull are two angels facing each other, blowing trumpets. Below the cross 
bones are the symbols of Time — the hour-glass, scythe, and wings. Section 5 is a solid cap 
resting on the main body, projecting with Gothic moldings handsomely carved, representing 
oak leaves at the corners. On the top of the cap is a square facia forming recesses in which 
is inscribed, in large raised Gothic letters, the names of the gallant spirits who fell at the 
head of the heroes of the Alamo. Each name — that of Crockett, Bonham, Travis, and 
Bowie — stands out singly in bold relief, on each of the four fronts. From the center of 
this cap springs the main shaft or spire, and upper structure. 

Section 6 is a Corinthian base, forming four square angles. At each angle is a dolphin, 
in solid carved work. On each side, in the center, is a bomb-shell of full size, and made of 
solid stone. Section 7 is the base of the shaft, with raised fluted corners, and rests upon the 
Corinthian base, supported at the corners by the tails of the dolphins, and at each side by 
the bomb-shells. In the panels on the base and over the bomb-shells, are raised hands in 
the grasp of friendship. Section 8 is the 1st division of the shafts -wi-th raised fluted corners 
and panels in recess. At the base of each panel are cannon crossed in bold relief. Above 
these cannon, on each panel, is the Cap of Liberty, surrounded by branches of oak and 
laurel. Immediately above these, in raised letters, is inscribed, on each of the four fronts, 
March 6th, 1836, the date of the memorable battle. On top of this section of the shaft is 
a cap, with raised fluted corners and recess panels. In two of these panels stand in relief 
the heads of angels with wings. On one of the other panels is, in relief, a heart pierced 
with two crossed daggers ; and on the other panel is a skull with twigs crossed underneath. 
Section 9 is the second division of the shaft, with the devices in raised Gothic letters, as 
printed on each side of the wood-cut of the monument above. Section 10 is a cap on top 
of section 9, forming four Gothic points ; and in each, in a recess panel, stands in bold relief 
The Lone Star of Texas. Underneath the stars are raised daggers In the center of 
the cap above the stars stands an urn with flame issuing from it ; and at each corner of the 
cap on which the large urn rests, are four smaller urns, out of which also issues flame. 

This monument was made in the Republic of Texas by American artists. Viewing the 
work as a whole, both as to boldness and appropriateness of design and beauty of execution, 
it would reflect credit on any artist of ancient or modern times. 




(a) represents the chapel of the fortress, which is 75 feet long, 62 wide r 
and 22^- high, the wall of solid masonry being four feet thick. It was orig- 
inally in one story, but had upper windows, under which platforms were 
erected for mounting cannon in those openings, (b) designates one of those 
upper windows which I will have occasion to mention, and (c) the front 
door of the church, (d) is a wall 50 feet long, connecting this church with 
the long barrack, (ee.) The latter is a stone house, 186 feet long, 18 wide, 
and 18 high, being of two stories, (f) is a low stone barrack, 114 feet long, 
and 17 wide. Those houses, or at least their original walls, which (except 
those of the church) are about thirty inches thick, are still standing. They 
had at the time flat terrace roofs of beams and plank, covered with a thick 
coat of cement. ' The present roofs and the adjoining sheds and other wood- 
work, have been added since the place was converted into a quartermaster's 
depot, (g, h, 1 and k) were rooms built against the west barrier, and were 
demolished with it. The (l s ) designate a barrier wall, from 6 to 8 feet high 
and 2f thick, inclosing an area 154 yards long and 54 wide, which the long 
barrack fronted on the east, and the low barrack (f) on the south, (m) 
designates the gate of the area, and the (n s ) locate the doors of the several 
houses which opened upon it. Most of those doors had within each a semi- 
circular barricade or parapet, composed of a double curtain of hides upheld 

S represents a porte cochere, or wide passage through the center of the house F, with but one room on 
each side. The dotted lines represent a projecting stockade which covered a four-gun battery in front 
*j£the outer door. 

Il6 TEXAS btiiAP-A'OOK. 

by stakes and filled in with earth. From behind these the garrison could 
fire front or oblique through the doors. Some of the rooms were also loop- 
holed, (o o) describes a wall from 5 to 6 feet high, and 2f- thick, which 
inclosed a smaller area east of the long barrack and north of the church, 
63 yards by 34. (p) locates an upper room in the south-east angle of said 
barrack, (q) a breach in the north barrier, and (r) an intrenchment running 
from the south-west angle of the chapel to the gate. This work was not 
manned against the assault. According to Santa Anna's report, 21 guns of 
various calibers were planted in different parts of the works. Yoakum, 
in his description of the armament, mentions but 14. Whichever number 
be correct, however, has but little bearing upon the merits of the final defense, 
in which the cannon had little to do. They were in the hands of men un- 
skilled in their use, and, owing to the construction of the fort, each had' a 
limited range, which the enemy in moving up seem in a measure to have 


(From Field's Scrap-Book.) 

The beautiful remarks which follow are extracted from speeches deliv- 
ered in the House of Representatives of Texas, on a bill proposing a dona- 
tion to the daughter of Almiram Dickenson, one of the martyrs who fell 
at the Alamo in the beginning of the Texas revolution. History will never 
record a nobler deed, a more daring stand, a purer, self-sacrificing devotion 
to the interests and liberties of their adopted country, than the fight and 
fall of Travis, Bowie, Crockett, and their gallant compatriots. One hun- 
dred and fifty men were arrayed against thousands of Mexicans under Santa 
Anna, the then President of Mexico, who styled himself the second Napo- 
leon ; and heroically did they wield the battle blade, till the last man of that 
devoted band measured his length upon the earth. No quarter was asked 
or given, none were left to tell the tale, but the wife of Dickenson and her 
infant daughter. How heart-sickening to this woman must have been that 
conflict, that massacre ! 

Hon. Guy Bryan said : " . . . . I intended, Mr. Speaker, to be 
silent on this occasion, but silence would now be a reproach, when to speak is 
a duty. No one has raised a voice in behalf of this orphan child • several have 
spoken against her claim. I rise, sir, in behalf of no common cause. Lib* 


erty was its foundation, heroism and martyrdom consecrated it. I speak for 
the orphan child of the Alamo. No orphan children of fallen patriots can 
send a similar petition to this House — none save her can say, ' I am the 
Child of the Alamo.' Well do I remember the consternation which spread 
throughout the land, when the sad tidings reached our ears that the Alamo 
had fallenj It was here that a gallant few, the bravest of the brave, threw 
themselves betwixt the enemy and the settlements, determined not to sur- 
render nor retreat. They redeemed their pledge with the forfeit of their lives 
— they fell, the chosen sacrifice to Texan freedom ! Texas, unapprised of 
the approach of the invader, was sleeping in fancied security, when the gun 
of the Alamo first announced that the Atilla of the South was near. Infu- 
riated at the resistance of Travis and his noble band, he marshaled his 
whole army beneath the walls, and rolled wave after wave of his hosts 
against those battlements of freedom. In vain he strove — the flag of liberty 
— the Lone Star of Texas, still streamed out upon the breeze, and floated 
proudly from the outer wall. Maddened and persistent, he reared his bat- 
teries, and after days of furious bombardment, and repeated assaults, he 
took a blackened and ruined mass— the blood-stained walls of the Alamo. 
The noble, the martyred spirits of all its gallant defenders, had taken their 
flight to another fortress, not made with hands. . . . But for this stand 
at the Alamo, Texas would have been desolated to the Sabine. Sir, I ask 
this pittance, and for whom ? For the only living witness, save the mother, 
of this awful tragedy — ' this bloodiest picture in the book of time,' the brav- 
est act that ever swelled the annals of any country. Grant the boon ! She 
claims it as the Christian child of the Alamo — baptized in the blood of a 
Travis, a Bowie, a Crockett, and a Bonham. To turn her away would be a 
shame ! Give her what she asks, that she may be educated, and become a 
worthy child of the State !— that she may take that position in society to 
which she is entitled by the illustrious name of her martyred father — illus- 
trious because he fell in the Alamo."' 

Hon. J. C. Wilson said :".... The student of Grecian history, 
in every age, in every land, has felt his bosom glow with a noble fire, while 
reading of Leonidas and the three hundred who fell with him at Thermopylae : 
but when the Alamo fell, a nobler than Leonidas, a more devoted band than 
the Spartans, sank amid its ruins. They shed their blood for us— they poured 
out their lives as water for the liberties of Texas ! and they have left us, of 
that "bloody, yet glorious conflict, one sole memento— one frail, perishable 
keepsake— the child whose petition for assistance is now before us. Shall 
we turn her away ? Shall we say— "Though your father served the State in 
his life ; though he fell in the ranks of those men whose names history shall 
chronicle and nations shall delight to honor ; though you, alone, of all the 


children of Texas, witnessed that direful scene, whose bare contemplation 
makes the stout heart quail ; though the credit and honor of Texas are alike 
concerned in taking care of your childhood and watching over your youth, 
in providing for your happiness and respectability ; though you, the Babe of 
the Alamo, will be an object of interest to all who may visit our State in after 
years, when the pen of the historian shall have recorded your connection 
with the early glories and sufferings of our now happy land — yet for all this, 
we will suffer you to grow up in uncultured wildness, in baneful ignorance, 
perchance in vice, rather than make this pitiful appropriation to enable you 
to render yourself capable of occupying that position in society to which you 
are in a peculiar degree entitled By the strange and thrilling circumstances 
surrounding your life. Sir, I trust such an act may not mar the history of 
Texas. Sure am I, by my vote it never shall. It is related of Napoleon, 
that when an officer whom he loved was wounded, and, from the narrowness 
of the defile in which the conflict raged, was in imminent clanger of being 
crushed to death by the feet of contending friends and foes, while the emperor 
looked on in deep anxiety for his fate, a female, an humble follwer oi the 
army, with a babe on one arm, pressed through the melee to the wounded 
man, and passing her other arm around him, conveyed him to a place of 
comparative safety near the emperor; but just as she turned away from the 
object of her daring and benevolent solicitude, a ball struck her dead at the 
feet of Napoleon. He, taking the motherless babe in his arms, called a gren- 
adier, saying, ' Bear this child to the rear, and see that it is well attended to, 
for henceforth it is the Child of the Empire.' Mr. Speaker, the Child of the 
Alamo is the Child of the State, and we can not treat her with neglect with- 
out entailing lasting disgrace upon Texas." 


(From A Brief History of Texas). 

The Congress of Texas, January, 1838, appointed five commissioners to 
select a site for the Capital of the Republic. The commissioners, consisting 
of Albert C. Horton, Lewis P. Cook, Isaac W. Burton. William Menifee, and 
J. Campbell, after careful examination, made choice of the present location 
on the Colorado River. At the time of its selection it was on the extreme 
frontier, Bastrop being the nearest town, thirty-five miles lower down on the 
rirs*. To this place — temporary buildings having been erected — the govern- 



ment offices were moved in October, 1839, and in the November following, 
the Congress met at the new city of Austin. 

Changes.— Before that time the councils of the young Republic had been 
held by Executive appointment at different places, for convenience and safety. 

First at San Felipe, November, 1835. 

Next at Washington, March, 1836. 

Next at Harrisburg, same month. 

Next at Galveston, April 16, 1836. 

Next at Velasco, May, 1836. At this place the treaties with Santa Anna 
were signed. 

House in which First Congress Met. 

Next, by order of Congress, at Columbia, in October, 1836. 

Next at Houston, in May, 1837. 

Next at Austin, in October, 1839. 

Austin City was incorporated in 1840. 

More Changes. — In this connection we will follow the removals of the 
seat of government of Texas up to the present time. In 1842, during an 
invasion of the Mexicans under General Vasquez, into Western Texas 
President Houston, thinking the national records in danger, ordered their 
removal to Houston. 

Archive War. — This caused the disturbance which is known as the 
archive war. The citizens of Austin, thinking the removal ill-judged and 


unnecessary, held a mass meeting, organized a company, and pursued and 
captured the wagons containing the records of the General Land Office, 
which they took back in triumph to Austin. 

Capital at Houston. — The government offices remained at Houston 
until November, 1842, when by Executive proclamation Congress met at 
Washington. Here the capital remained until it was again established at 
Austin in 1845. 1° I ^5° an election was held to locate the seat of govern- 
ment of Texas, and Austin City was chosen by the people to be the capital 
for twenty years, or until the next general election after the year 1870. This 
election was held in obedience to Sec. 37, Art. 3, new State Constitution, 
November 5 to 9, 1872, and resulted in the re-election of Austin by a 
majority of 15,355, votes over both Houston and Waco,, its competitors. 
This finally settles the question of a seat of government for Texas while the 
State remains undivided. 


(Texas New Yorker, 1874.) 

The distinguished French explorer, La Salle, landed in Texas in 1680. 

La Salle was murdered by one of his followers, March 30, 1687, near 
the Neches River. 

The first attempt at Spanish settlement in Texas was made under Cap- 
tain De Leon, who was sent, 1689, to hunt out the French. On the 22d of 
April, he arrived at Fort St. Louis, previously erected by the French near the 
mouth of the Lavaca River. Here he subsequently established the Spanish 
Mission of San Francisco. 

In 169 1, Spain appointed a Governor and sent soldiers ro enforce his 

Prior to the Texas revolution of 1835 and '36, Texas and Coahuila con- 
stituted a Mexican State, with the capital at Saltillo, in Coahuila. 

San Antonio, in Bexar county, is the oldest city in the State — it was 
founded in 1693. 

Goliad, in Goliad county, and Nacogdoches, the county seat of the same 
named county, were founded in 17 17. 

The Declaration of Texan Independence was adopted March 2, 1836. 

The Constitution of the Republic of Texas was adopted March 17, 1836. 

The first Government of the Republic of Texas was represented in the 
persons of— 


David G. Burnet, President. 

Lorenzo de Zavala, Vice-President. 

Samuel P. Carson, Secretary of State. 

B. Hardeman, Secretary of the Treasury. 

Thos. J. Rusk, Secretary of War. 

Robt. Potter, Secretary of the Navy. 

David Thomas, Attorney-General. 

General Sam Houston was first Commander-in-Chief of the Texan army, 
and achieved the complete overthrow of the Mexican forces sent to subjugate 
Texas, at the memorable battle of San Jacinto, fought on the banks of the 
river of the same name, April 21, 1836. To him, General Antonio Lopez 
de Santa Anna, the Mexican Commander-in-Chief, and President of the 
Republic of Mexico, surrendered himself and entire army. 

Texas was annexed to the United States, in 1845. 

The population of Texas, in 1835, was estimated at 50,000. In 1845, 
150,000. In 1850, by United States census, 212,592. In i860, census 
returns 601,039, an d by the census of 1870, 818,579. Now it is believed to 
be about one million two hundred thousand, so great has been the immi- 
gration during the last year. 

The population of Galveston, the principal seaport of Texas, is about 

The population of Houston, the present railroad center, is about 20,000. 

The population of San Antonio, the present Military Headquarters of the 
District of Texas, is about 16,000. 

The population of Jefferson is about 10,000. 

The population of Austin, the State Capital, is about 12,000. 
S^The first President of the Republic of Texas, regularly elected by the 
people, was General Sam Houston. 

„The second President thus chosen, was Mirabeau B. Lamar. 

The third President thus chosen, was General Sam Houston, for a 
second term. 

The fourth and last President thus chosen, was Anson Jones. 

The first Governor of the State of Texas, chosen by the people, was 
J. Pinckney Henderson, elected November, 1845. 

The second Governor was George T. Wood, elected November, 1847. 

The third Governor was P. Hansborough Bell, elected November, 1849. 

The fourth Governor was P. Hansborough Bell, re-elected November, 185 1. 

The fifth Governor was Elisha M. Pease, elected November, 1853. 

The sixth Governor was Elisha M. Pease, re-elected November, 1855. 

The seventh Governor was Hardin R. Runnels, elected November, 1857. 


The eighth Governor was General Sam Houston, elected November, 1859. 

The first merchant who traded at Houston, was Colonel VVm. T. Austin, 
in 1833. 

Houston was laid out as a town in 1836. 

The first steamboat which visited Houston, was the Laura, Captain T. 
W. Grayson, January 22, 1837. 


The humorous description given below of a Christmas frolic which took 
place at the time and place mentioned below, will be appreciated by some, 
still living, who took part in the fun. 

It is taken from the Daily Bulletin, a paper printed in Austin in 1841, 
and published and edited by S. Whiting. This paper was printed here 
during a session of Congress of the republic : 

The congress extraordinary of the rounders of the republic of Texas, will 
convene at the grand hall above the Bexar Exchange, on Saturday the 25th 
inst. All distinguished rounders of the republic are invited to attend. Sev- 
eral members have already arrived ; among them are the members from 
Screw-Auger Creek, Screamersville, Schubatansville, Squizzlejig County, Toe 
Nail, Kamchatka, Epidemic, Hyena's Hollow, and Racoon's Ford. The dic- 
tator-general of the rounders of the republic is hourly expected. The message 
of his excellency is expected to combine originality, vigor, philosophy, and 
sage advice to the members of the fraternity. We are requested to publish 
the two subjoined rules, and call the particular attention of members to their 
provisions prior to the commencement of business. " If any member is too 
drunk to rise from his seat to speak, the chair shall appoint a committee of 
three to hold him up ; but provided the member shall be dead drunk, and 
unable to speak, the chair shall appoint an additional committee of two to 
speak for him : provided, however, that if the member is able to hold up by 
tables, chairs, etc., then, and in that case, one of the committee shall gesticu- 
late for him." " No member shall absent himself from the house, unless he 
have leave to be sick." 

Christmas passed with but one memorable event in Austin, which was the 
meeting of the congress extraordinary of the rounders of the republic. The 


day was chill and damp, and all without was uninviting, but the merry con- 
gress we have mentioned met in high spirits, in their grand hall, and the acts 
of the day, and extraordinary deliberations and oratorical efforts prior to their 
passage are without parallel. The great congress of sovereigns at Vienna 
was not more magniloquent, nor half so jovial. The republic of Texas, the 
civil and judicial officers and the congress that convened on the hill, were 
abolished without ceremony, and in little more time than it takes to relate 
it. This effected, and the country placed under new and more efficient gov- 
ernment, bills were introduced and passed with a celerity that would have 
done credit to more practiced legislators ; and one of the standing rules 
being that no member should be required to speak with any relevancy to the 
subject under consideration there was a diffusion of humor and and a latitude 
of figure and simile, beyond any previous example. Bills were introduced 
and passed, corrective of the general ills of society, the troubles and difficulties 
of Austin, and the pecuniary embarrassment of the members in particular. 
Valuable reports on finance and other important subjects were made, and 
ingenious projects for gulling the world were adopted. The general tendency 
of legislation was to benefit the people a great deal, and the congress much 
more, a course for which there is plenty of precedent. The congress was 
liberally supplied with plenty of the source of hilarious vitality, and never, we 
venture to say, has a more intelligent, witty, or business-like body convened 
in the world. The message of the dictator was a document which dealt less 
in the sophistications of government and diplomacy, than such documents 
generally do ; and there was a plain directness in its advice and recommend- 
ations worthy of imitation by other higher dignitaries. During the day, 
various members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the republic 
of Texas were introduced to the congress as a matter of courtesy to the 
bodies they represented, and by them, and other persons of distinction, appro- 
priate addresses were made, and thanks returned for the honor conferred 
upon them. Wit and eloquence flashed upon and lighted up the assemblage 
from morning till night, and grace of posture and gesture date an epoch from 
the day that the first congress of the rounders of this republic assembled. 


gained the day for them. Dawson, who with a few men still remained unin- 
jured, conducted himself with unflinching intrepidity, but at length, seeing 
the hopeless nature of the contest, he asked those around him if he should 
hoist a white flag. He was told to do so, and upon displaying it, the firing 
of the enemy ceased. They now had us upon their own terms. The sur- 
render became a scene of confusion and cruelty. Expecting nothing but 
butchery, some of our men fled into the prairie, and being overtaken by the 
cavalry, were lanced or shot. Dawson walked out toward three who were 
coming toward us. He handed his pistol to one of them, but no sooner had 
he done this, than another began to cut him on the head with a sword. Daw- 
son sprang forward and caught him, but was instantly killed. Several others 
who surrendered were massacred. A few of their officers attempted to stay 
the carnage, and but for their efforts, none of us would have survived the 
dreadful day. Fifteen were made prisoners, five of whom were wounded. 
Two only escaped , one of these, Gonzales Woods, son of the old man above 
alluded to, at first gave up his arms and surrendered, but the inhuman 
wretch whose mercy he thus claimed, struck him on the head. Another on 
horseback darted at him with his lance. Quick as thought, Woods seized this 
lance and jerked this valiant warrior from his horse sprawling on the ground, 
then mounting, made his escape. Thus terminated another tragic conflict 
with the same ungenerous enemy whose hands had been before reddened with 
the carnage of the Alamo and Goliad. We were now tied and led to General 
Woll, who promised us that we should be treated as prisoners of war, which 
promise (to his credit be it said) so far as he was concerned, was kept. Our 
dead were stripped and left upon the field, a prey for wolves and vultures, 
until their friends from Fayette county gathered their bones for sepulture. 
The Mexicans stated their loss in killed to have been twenty-nine, and their 
wounded still more ; but then these figures were below the truth. 



In 1841 an expedition was set on foot in Texas for the occupation of 
New Mexico. The object was a peaceful occupation of that country, and to 
prevail upon its people to submit quietly to the laws of Texas. The enter- 
prise was encouraged by a spirit of adventure always prevalent among the 
young men of a new country, and also by many who expected to reap a 
golden harvest from a trade to be opened with the Santa Fe country. It was 


also sanctioned by President Lamar, then the Executive of Texas, who gave 
it his active aid. He also appointed three commissioners to accompany 
the expedition as the accredited agents of the Texas government. This 
project did not receive the sanction of the Congress of Texas, which ad- 
journed without having made any appropriation for it. 

The volunteers for this expedition collected together and mustered at 
Brushy Creek, Williamson county, to the number of about two hundred and 
seventy men, under command of General H. D. McLeod. There were also 
accompanying the command about fifty traders, servants, and others. 

President Lamar issued the necessary order to the secretary of the 
treasury to furnish means for equipping the expedition, and gave the com- 
mander special orders for his guidance. All things being in readiness, the 
line of march was taken up on the 20th day of June, 1841. The President 
spent the night of the 19th in camp. 

This expedition proved to be very unfortunate. After experiencing many 
vicissitudes, being lost among the Wichita Mountains, and suffering much 
from hunger and thirst, it finally arrived within seventy miles of San Miguel. 

Here they sent forward a party under command of Captain W. P. Lewis, 
who was prevailed upon by Armijo, Governor of New Mexico, to betray the 
whole body of the Texans into his hands. This was accomplished by 
specious promises, and the Texans were induced to surrender, and were 
afterward searched, plundered, bound, and marched of to San Miguel. 

They were afterward separated and thrown into the prisons of Santiago, 
Puebla, and Peroti, where they remained until their release in April, 1842. 
The commissioners appointed by President Lamar to accompany this expedi- 
tion, were W. G. Cooke, R. F. Brenharn, and Jose Antonio Navarro. 


(Houston Telegraph.) 

On the 15th of December, 1842, news was received by General Ampudia, 
in Matamoras, by an extra courier from Generals Woll and Canales, that the 
Texans, one thousand strong, had captured Laredo, and that their own force 
was not large enough to attack them, in consequence of which they had fallen 
back. Meantime the Texans had advanced toward Matamoras. General 
Ampudia at once prepared to march up the south bank of the Rio Grande, 
and the next day set out with two battalions, known as the sappers and 


miners, and Yucatan regiment. They proceeded by forced marches, and 
reached Mier on the 22d December. News had already reached there, that 
the Texans had crossed the river three leagues from the town, and the Mexi- 
can forces were stationed with a battery of artillery, ready to receive them. 
On the morning of the 23d, the town was attacked by a force of two hundred 
and fifty Texans, under command of Colonels Fisher and Green. By day- 
light the attacking party had cut their way through the Mexican ranks, and 
taken their artillery, driving them for shelter to the houses, The fight con- 
tinued from house to house, and street to street, the Mexican dead being 
piled in heaps wherever they attempted to make a stand. Owing to their 
greatly superior numbers, however, they were afterward enabled to detach 
a part of their army, and recapture and hold their artillery. The hand-to- 
hand fight in the town continued all day, the Mexicans retreating before 
our men, when late in the afternoon, one of our captains hoisted, without 
orders, a flag of truce. The Mexican general seeing this, sent a prisoner 
to inquire if this meant surrender. After some time and much conflict of 
opinion among the Texan officers and soldiers, the reply was returned that 
our men would discontinue the fight, if allowed to retire without being mo- 
lested or disarmed. General Ampudia replied that he had ample forces at 
his command, but would receive a surrender upon honorable terms. Colonel 
Fisher asked for two hours to consider the matter, which was granted, hostili- 
ties meantime ceasing. At the end of the time, articles of capitulation were 
drawn up and signed by General Ampudia on the one part, and Colonels 
Green and Fisher, on the other part. The battle of Mier lasted seventeen 
hours, with a loss to the Mexicans, of about a thousand killed and wounded, 
and on the side of Texas, of eleven killed and nineteen wounded. The 
following were the terms of capitulation : 

1st. All who give up their arms will be treated with the consideration 
which is in accordance with the character of the magnanimous Mexican nation. 

2d. Conformably with the petition that General Fisher has made, all 
persons belonging to the Santa Fe expedition will be treated in the same 
manner as the rest. 

3d. All who desire to avail themselves of these terms, will enter the 
square, and deliver up their arms. 


The following letter of General T. J. Green gives the conclusion of this 

unfortunate expedition : 

Castle of Perot e, Mexico, April 15 th, 1843. 

Dear Friends: You will learn by this letter, that I am one of the pris- 
oners confined in this filthy dungeon, and loaded with chains. General Fisher, 


I, and four others, were in advance of the other Mier prisoners, when they broke 
from their guard at Salado, Feb. nth last. We were about one mile in advance 
of the others, under charge of an escort of cavalry, when the firing commenced. 
The officer in charge of us immediately put us off in a gallop at the point of the 
lance, and rushed us seventy miles that day. Eighteen of those who overpowered 
the guards refused to escape with the others. Four of these eighteen were badly 
wounded, namely, Captains Fitzgerald and Baker, John Sansberg, and Hig- 
ginson. Fitzgerald and Higginson died soon after. Captain Reese, Stephen 
Clark, and twelve others are here. Sixty-two are here ; I will tell you what 
I know of the rest. At the charge at Salado three were killed, Brenham, 
Lyons, and Wright. The other one hundred and ninety-three started for 
Texas. One hundred and sixty-seven were retaken, after being pursued two 
hundred and fifty miles. Six died of fatigue or were killed, and it is hoped 
that the remaining twenty arrived at home. An order was received to shoot 
every tenth man of the one hundred and sixty-seven. The report was that 
this order was countermanded, but yesterday, to our unspeakable sorrow, we 
learned that the following brave men were lotteried for and shot, to wit : 
Major J. D. Cocke, Major R. H. Dunham, J. M. Ogden, Captain Eastland, 
T. L. Jones, J. M. Thompson, H. Whaling, W. N. Cowan, C. H. Roberts, 
E. Esty, J. Trumbull, R. H. Harris, M. C. Wing, P. Mahan, J. L. Cash, 
J. Torry. These, together with the noble Cameron, made up the costly 
sacrifice. Of the others a fearful apprehension prevails, that they will have 
or will share the same fate. This is the history of the two hundred and 
sixty-one heroes who fought the battle of Mier against odds of ten to one, 
save the eleven killed in battle and twenty-two wounded and left in Mier, 
and eight left in Matamoras with W. Reese now on his way home. 

Thomas J. Green. • 

The lottery spoken of was drawn in the following manner : White and 
black beans were drawn from an earthen mug or crock, 159 white and 17 
black beans, the whole corresponding to the number of prisoners. The 
white beans signified exemption, and the black, death. It was evidently 
determined that Captain Cameron and the other officers should die, and the 
black beans were placed on top with this design. The mug was first pre- 
sented to Cameron ; next to the other officers, and lastly to the men. All 
acted with manly dignity and firmness. Some jested over the solemn cere- 
mony. One said, "Boys, this is the tallest gambling I ever did." Another, 
" Raffling is nothing to this." As the black beans one after another were 
drawn, scarcely a change of countenance could be seen, while those who 
drew the white exhibited no joy. The doomed seventeen were placed in 
separate confinement, and were shot about sundown. 


miners, and Yucatan regiment. They proceeded by forced marches, and 
reached Mier on the 2 2d December. News had already reached there, that 
the Texans had crossed the river three leagues from the town, and the Mexi- 
can forces were stationed with a battery of artillery, ready to receive them. 
On the morning of the 23d, the town was attacked by a force of two hundred 
and fifty Texans, under command of Colonels Fisher and Green. By day- 
light the attacking party had cut their way through the Mexican ranks, and 
taken their artillery, driving them for shelter to the houses. The fight con- 
tinued from house to house, and street to street, the Mexican dead being 
piled in heaps wherever they attempted to make a stand. Owing to their 
greatly superior numbers, however, they were afterward enabled to detach 
a part of their army, and recapture and hold their artillery. The hand-to- 
hand fight in the town continued all day, the Mexicans retreating before 
our men, when late in the afternoon, one of our captains hoisted, without 
orders, a flag of truce. The Mexican general seeing this, sent a prisoner 
to inquire if this meant surrender. After some time and much conflict of 
opinion among the Texan officers and soldiers, the reply was returned that 
our men would discontinue the fight, if allowed to retire without being mo- 
lested or disarmed. General Ampudia replied that he had ample forces at 
his command, but would receive a surrender upon honorable terms. Colonel 
Fisher asked for two hours to consider the matter, which was granted, hostili- 
ties meantime ceasing. At the end of the time, articles of capitulation were 
drawn up and signed by General Ampudia on the one part, and Colonels 
Green and Fisher, on the other part. The battle of Mier lasted seventeen 
hours, with a loss to the Mexicans, of about a thousand killed and wounded, 
and on the side of Texas, of eleven killed and nineteen wounded. The 
following were the terms of capitulation : 

1st. All who give up their arms will be treated with the consideration 
which is in accordance with the character of the magnanimous Mexican nation. 

2d. Conformably with the petition that General Fisher has made, all 
persons belonging to the Santa Fe expedition will be treated in the same 
manner as the rest. 

3d. All who desire to avail themselves of these terms, will enter the 
square, and deliver up their arms. 


The following letter of General T. J. Green gives the conclusion of this 

unfortunate expedition : 

Castle of Perote, Mexico, April 15th, 1843. 

Dear Friends : You will learn by this letter, that I am one of the pris- 
oners confined in this filthy dungeon, and loaded with chains. General Fisher, 


I, and four others, were in advance of the other Mier prisoners, when they broke 
from their guard at Salado, Feb. nth last. We were about one mile in advance 
of the others, under charge of an escort of cavalry, when the firing commenced. 
The officer in charge of us immediately put us off in a gallop at the point of the 
lance, and rushed us seventy miles that day. Eighteen of those who overpowered 
the guards refused to escape with the others. Four of these eighteen were badly 
wounded, namely, Captains Fitzgerald and Baker, John Sansberg, and Hig- 
ginson. Fitzgerald and Higginson died soon after. Captain Reese, Stephen 
Clark, and twelve others are here. Sixty-two are here ; I will tell you what 
I know of the rest. At the charge at Salado three were killed, Brenham, 
Lyons, and Wright. The other one hundred and ninety-three started for 
Texas. One hundred and sixty-seven were retaken, after being pursued two 
hundred and fifty miles. Six died of fatigue or were killed, and it is hoped 
that the remaining twenty arrived at home. An order was received to shoot 
every tenth man of the one hundred and sixty-seven. The report was that 
this order was countermanded, but yesterday, to our unspeakable sorrow, we 
learned that the following brave men were lotteried for and shot, to wit: 
Major J. D. Cocke, Major R. H. Dunham, J. M. Ogden, Captain Eastland, 
T. L. Jones, J. M. Thompson, H. Whaling, W. N. Cowan, C. H. Roberts, 
E. Esty, J. Trumbull, R. H. Harris, M. C. Wing, P. Mahan, J. L. Cash, 
J. Torry. These, together with the noble Cameron, made up the costly 
sacrifice. Of the others a fearful apprehension prevails, that they will have 
or will share the same fate. This is the history of the two hundred and 
sixty-one heroes who fought the battle of Mier against odds of ten to one, 
save the eleven killed in battle and twenty-two wounded and left in Mier, 
and eight left in Matamoras with W. Reese now on his way home. 

Thomas J. Green. ■ 

The lottery spoken of was drawn in the following manner : White and 
black beans were drawn from an earthen mug or crock, 159 white and 17 
black beans, the whole corresponding to the number of prisoners. The 
white beans signified exemption, and the black, death. It was evidently 
determined that Captain Cameron and the other officers should die, and the 
black beans were placed on top with this design. The mug was first pre- 
sented to Cameron ; next to the other officers, and lastly to the men. All 
acted with manly dignity and firmness. Some jested over the solemn cere- 
mony. One said, "Boys, this is the tallest gambling I ever did." Another, 
" Raffling is nothing to this." As the black beans one after another were 
drawn, scarcely a change of countenance could be seen, while those who 
drew the white exhibited no joy. The doomed seventeen were placed in 
separate confinement, and were shot about sundown. 


Previous to execution, they were bound with cords, their eyes bandaged 
and they were placed in line and shot. 

The following thrilling description of the decimation of the Mier prison- 
ers, is from the Houston Telegraph and Register, May, 1845 : 

Who can describe the thrill of horror and consternation that electrified 
every heart, when the interpreter, in broken and tremulous tones, announced 
it as the order from the supreme government that every tenth man among us 
should be shot, the lots to be decided on the instant, and the execution to 
follow immediately. So entirely unexpected was this murderous announce- 
ment, so atrocious in its character, so inhuman and indecent in the haste of 
its consummation, that a stupor seemed to pervade the whole assembly, not 
a word escaping the lips of any for more than a minute. The silence was 
at length interrupted by the interpreter, who, in obedience to his orders, pro- 
ceeded to inform us further, that all had been sentenced to the same fate, 
but the humane government had been graciously pleased to commute the 
just claim to this decimal execution. A low clatter of handcuffs was now 
heard, as some of the most desperate of our fellows essayed to free them- 
selves from their shackles. This had been foreseen and provided against. 
An order was promptly given to fall back within the shed, and the doorway, 
and top of the low walls bristled with the muzzles of muskets presented to 
enforce it. We were helpless as the bound victims under the sacrificial 
knife. While we were marshaled in an extended line, a Mexican subaltern 
and soldier entered the yard together, bearing- a bench, and an earthen 
crock. The bench was placed before the officer who had communicated the 
order, and the crock set upon it, containing one hundred and seventy-five 
beans (the number of prisoners), among which were seventeen black ones. 
A handkerchief was folded so as to hide the color of the beans, and was 
thrown over the crock, and a list of our names, taken down when we were 
recaptured, placed in the hands of the interpreter. When these funereal pre- 
liminaries had been completed, the name of our dauntless leader was first 
called, who, with a step as stately and brow as serene as he had ever pre- 
viously worn, stepped forward and drew. 

Each man in his order on the list continued to be called, and the individ- 
ual compelled to draw, until the seventeen black beans had been taken from 
the crock. When a bean was drawn it was handed to the officer, and the jar 
well shaken before the dread lottery proceeded. As they drew, each person's 
name was entered upon another memorandum, with the color of his bean. In 
many instances the doomed victim was forced to revisit the fatal urn to allow 
the comrade to whom he was chained to try the issue of life and death. 
Appalling as had been the first effect of the order, and as rapidly and vora* 


ciously as our self-dug graves yawned around us — not a step faltered, not a 
nerve shook, as the sickening ceremony went on. Several of the Mexican 
officers seemed deeply affected, shedding tears profusely, and turning their 
backs upon the murderous spectacle. Others again leaned forward over the 
crock to catch a first glimpse of the decree it uttered, as though they had 
heavy wagers on the result. Three-fourths of the beans were exhausted before 
the fatal seventeen had been drawn. When the sacrifice was made up, the 
victims' names were read, their persons scrutinized, and being removed out- 
side, their irons were knocked off. A few of us were permitted to go out and 
take a hasty leave of them. A priest had accompanied the march from 
Saltillo, who was now present to administer extreme absolution, but only two 
could be prevailed upon to accept his intercession. Major Robert Dunham, 
being importuned to confess him to the holy father, repelled the proposition 
with warmth, preferring like a good Protestant to shrive himself, which he knelt 
down and did mutely and earnestly. This brave and honest man was then 
solicited by the rest to offer up a prayer in their behalf, but as he was about 
to comply, he was rudely stopped by the officer on duty, who sternly and 
profanely forbade it. As twilight advanced, two files of infantry of twenty men 
each, with the whole body of cavalry, escorted the doomed men to the eastern 
wall, selected as the place of execution. Here being made to kneel down 
with their faces to their butchers, they were blindfolded, and shot in two 
parties successively, nine first, and eight afterward. Huddled together in the 
stalls of the corral, the surviving prisoners were forced to sit down, and a 
heavy body of sentinels placed over them with their firelocks cocked, and at 
present, ordered to shoot the first man who should speak or move while the 
execution was progressing. Tears forced their way down many a rugged 
cheek- as silent and manacled we listened to the mournful notes of the dead 
march, swelling and sinking on the ear, as the procession rounded our prison 
to the eastern flank. The wall against which the doomed men were placed 
was so near us that we could distinctly hear every order given in halting and 
arranging for the work of death. The murmured prayers of the kneeling men 
stole faintly to us — then came the silence more eloquent than sound, then 
the signal taps of the drum — the clank of muskets brought up to the aim — ■ 
the sharp burst of the discharge, mingled with shrill cries of anguish and 
heavy groans, as body and soul took their sudden and bloody leave. 




(From the Texas Almanac, 1869.) 

Of the numerous Indian tribes that once inhabited the territory of Texas, 
some have become entirely extinct, others are almost so, and those which 
are still respectable in numbers are rapidly passing away. The Alabamas, 
Coshatties, and Caddos, were once inhabitants of Louisiana, but have been 
for many years sojourners in Texas. The first two tribes live in the south- 


eastern part of the State, and are engaged in cultivating the soil, and in 
raising stock. The State has granted them a small amount of land, and has 
made a limited provision for an agent to act as a friend and protector to 
them. They are regarded as truthful and honest, and have the good-will of 
the whites living around them. It is understood that they number less than 
five hundred of all ages. 

Several years since, the Caddos were settled upon lands granted to them 
on the Brazos River. They were afterward moved to a new reservation on 
the Wichita River in the Chickasaw nation. These Indians have made con- 
siderable progress in civilization. They cultivate the soil, and raise horses 


hogs, and cattle. They entered into treaty stipulations with the Confederate 
Government, and with other bands remained during the civil war of 1861-5 
in the Indian territory near Fort Arbuckle. They now, with other tribes, 
reside on the reservation known as the Wichita Indian Agency. The 
Wichitas were once a powerful tribe, inhabiting the country on the Red River, 
above and contiguous to the Upper Cross Timbers. They are a warlike and 
athletic people, once the greatest scourge of Northern Texas ; but are now 
nearly extinct. 

The Wacoes, Anadarkos, and Kechis have but few if any representa- 
tives. If any numbers of these tribes still survive, they have become incor- 
porated with other tribes. The Tonkawas once inhabited the country on 
the Lower Colorado and its tributaries. They have receded toward the 
plains as the white settlements have advanced. It is said of this tribe, and 
it is believed with truth, that they have always remained steadfast in their 
friendship to the people of Texas. They were moved with the Caddos and 
others to the Wichita, and entered into treaty stipulations, with the other 
bands and tribes of that agency, with the Confederate authorities, as above 
stated. Shortly after these relations were established, disaffected Indians 
attempted to frustrate the alliance, at which time the Tonkawas seemed to 
be especially singled out for destruction. In the attack made upon them, 
many of their warriors, and children as well as women, were killed. Among 
the victims was the gallant old chief, Placido, who has enjoyed the confidence 
of General Ed. Burleson during the life-time of the latter ; and had also 
been regarded with friendship by General Sam Houston, as well as by other 
eminent men of Texas. After the attack upon the Tonkawas, the survivors 
fled for refuge to Texas. They assisted the frontier troops during the war 
against the hostile Indians. They were subsisted by the people and the 
State authorities until 1867, when they were taken in charge by the officers 
of the United States Army, and are now on the frontier near Fort Richardson, 
They number about one hundred and sixty souls. The Lipans were once 
quite numerous, inhabiting Western Texas. The tribe is now divided, one 
part living on the Mexican side of the Rio Grande. These Indians, in con- 
nection with a band of Kickapoos, commit most of the depredations on the 
western frontier. 

The remainder of this tribe live upon the Staked Plains, and in the pan- 
handle region of Texas. They are, and have generally been hostile to the 
people of our State. The Comanches, so long the terror of our frontier 
countries, are the most numerous of the Texas Indians. They roam over 
the whole extent of the Staked Plains, between the Canadian and the Rio 
Grande. During the summer they follow the buffalo still farther north, and 
some of the bands claim the valley of the Arkansas River as their home. 


The western limit of the territory occupied by them extends to the regions 
inhabited by the Navajos, Utes, and Apaches. Frequent efforts have been 
made by the government to reclaim them from their wandering mode of life. 
Through the efforts of the late Major R. S. Neighbors, the legislature of 
Texas made ample donations of lands for Indian reservations. Four leagues 
were to be selected on the Pecos for Southern Comanches and Lipans ; 
four leagues on the clear fork of the Brazos, where a portion of the North- 
ern Comanches were induced to settle ; and an equal quantity on the main 
Brazos below Fort Belknap, where were located the Caddos, Kechis, and 
Tonkawas. But the constant invasion of Kiowas, and other wild bands, and 
the jealousy of the frontier settlers toward these Reserve Indians, frustrated 
this well intended policy, and previous to i860, the Indians were moved to a 
new reservation on the Wichita, near old Fort Cobb. 

The Comanche nation is composed of eight distinct bands, each having 
its own chief and head men. It is not supposed that any one chief ever 
exercised authority over the whole, although some prominent ones have 
exerted great influence. The Pennatethca band was settled by Major Neigh- 
bors, on one of the Reserves, and moved with other tribes to the Wichita 
agency. This band has made some progress in husbandry. It is thought 
that as a body, they have proved faithful to their treaty obligations. All 
these unlettered children of the prairies are reared in the belief that the Great 
Spirit will reward the successful warrior and robber, after death, with pleasant 
hunting grounds. It would, therefore, be strange if they should prove an 
exception to the rule, that depravity exists to some extent among all classes 
of people. The Yamparekah, Cochatethca, Noconu, Tenawah, Moochakah, 
Pohobis, and Quahadechaco, still roam the plains, and prey upon the borders 
of Texas. These several bands constitute the Comanche nation. The 
Kiowas are a numerous, warlike, and treacherous tribe. They are not per- 
haps, strictly speaking, Texas Indians. Inhabiting a portion of country 
frequented by the Comanches, and partaking of their habits and customs, 
they are sometimes confounded with them. They are nevertheless a distinct 
tribe, and differ widely from the Comanches. The latter are usually of a 
stouter build, lower stature, and more agreeable appearance. The Kiowas 
are sullen, dogged, and reserved. They roam from the upper waters of the 
Arkansas River to Red River, and down that stream to the Cross Timbers, 
and when on the war-path, far into Texas. Their home is properly the terri- 
tory between New Mexico and Kansas. They have always been at war with 
our people. They have never kept their treaties with the whites. 

The wild tribes of Indians still continue their depredations upon the 
frontiers of Texas. From official sources it appears that between May, i865, 
and August, 1867, n0 ^ ess tnan one I ^ 2 persons were murdered, 24 wounded, 


and 43 carried into captivity from Texas by the Indians. Many thousand 
dollars' worth of property was also stolen or destroyed. 

These outrages still continue, and many victims are yearly added to the 
bloody catalogue. It is not easy to estimate the number of the wild tribes. 

The Comanches, Kiowas, and Lipans could probably put into the field 
5,000 warriors. 


( From an old newspaper.) 

It was founded soon after the arrival of the Spaniards in Texas. The 
town is on the west bank of the San Antonio River. It once contained near 
two thousand inhabitants. During the war between Spain and Mexico, 
Gutierrez was besieged in the Mission * by a large Spanish force, but repulsed 
by them. 

The missionary priests had in charge a large number of Indians. These 
were under overseers, and were compelled to work. Many of them acquired 
considerable property in cattle and horses. By frequent intermarriages with 
Mexicans, and by casualties of various kinds, these Indians have almost dis- 
appeared. Goliad was at one time a place of some business importance. 
The trade between it and the Rio Grande was by no means inconsiderable. 
There was a custom-house near the old Mission, the ruins of which remain. 
The church proper consisted of an oblong room about 20 by 80. It is still 
used for worship. The church adornments are few and simple. The offici- 
ating priest is now a Frenchman. The roof of the church is arched, and of 
solid masonry. It is surrounded by a stone wall, three hundred and fifty feet 
square. At each corner is a bastion. The fort commands the river and the 
town. It is at this point that Fannin could have made his best defense 
against the Mexicans in 1836. He is said to have had an abundance of 
provisions, arms, and ammunition. When he decided to retreat, he burned his 
supplies in the church. The marks of. the flames are still visible on the wall. 
These works have been constructed many years. In the soil which has accu- 
mulated on the roof of the church, two trees are growing. Colonel Fannin 
at first prepared for a vigorous defense. When he received the order from 
General Houston to fall back, he delayed to concentrate his forces. Ward 
and King were thirty miles distant, at Refugio. Grant on the Agua Dulce,f 
eighty miles away; and Pierce at San Patricio. These detachments were all 

* A church and fortress. f Sweet water 


attacked in detail, and captured by the enemy. Near the fort are spots where 
Fannin's men were butchered. He was shot within the walls. The old town 
of Goliad is classic, venerated ground. It is dear to the heart of every Texan. 
Here a bloody sacrifice was made upon the altar of liberty, an offering of men 
who were battling in a holy cause. Perfidy here completed a work which 
oppression had begun. The funeral wail which here ascended to heaven 
from many a woe-stricken heart was a prelude to the song of triumph which 
arose soon afterward from the field of San Jacinto, where a crimson field was 
piled with dead, and where the war-cry of vengeance called back the minds 
of the victors and the vanquished to the Alamo and Goliad. The old town 
is still principally inhabited by Mexicans, some sixty or seventy families. The 
new town is on the north side of the river, and is inhabited by Americans. It 
has been built for the most part within twenty years, and is a handsome town. 
The above was written about the year 1850, and is a truthful account. 


(From the Texas Almanac, i860.) 

Our camp was on the banks of the lovely San Antonio River. As the 
sun came peering above the prairie hills east of us, the loud command, 
"Saddle up" came ringing down the line. Soon, all was in motion. Some 
leading forth their horses from the prairie ; some busy loading their guns ; 
some looking for missing articles ; — all bustle and confusion. 

At length every one being in readiness, the order was given, " Mount, 
and form in line." Up to the time of marching, our destination was un- 
known save to a few of the officers ; and when the command, " Right face — 
march," was given, and the head of our long column filed away to the east, 
all was conjecture. Nor was our suspense relieved till, after a march of four 
miles, our troops wound up a long prairie slope toward a beautiful mesquit 
grove on its summit. As we neared the grove all was hushed. The object 
of our march was soon evident. It was the battle-field of the Salado, where 
the sound of fierce strife had scarcely ceased. Soon we dismounted and 
turned to view the scene. I have beheld many a sad scene. I have stood 
upon many a battle-field, I have seen companion after companion fall by my 
side, and as they lay weltering in their gore, witnessed their dying agony. But 
oh ! compared with the scene now before us, it was nothing. Many of 
those present had lost relatives, all had lost friends. It had been my for- 


tune to lose no relatives. Yet as I stood there, and saw the grief-stricken 
father, as he discovered the unburied corpse of his son ; as I marked the 
brother with dry and burning eyes fixed upon the gaping wound which laid 
his only brother low ; as I saw the son weeping over the inanimate form of 
his gray-haired sire, I felt as though I had better have fallen with them, than 
live to look on such a scene. 

Friend after friend of mine lay upon that deadly field. There the gallant 
Dawson, by whose side I had stood upon the field of San Saba. He whose 
fearless and noble bearing had cheered my youthful courage through that 
dark and doubtful conflict. Yes, there he lay, — slain in a contest where his 
brave arm was powerless. Near him lay the gallant Woods, brave old man ! 
he had often wished to die on the battle-field. His wish, alas ! was gratified. 
I had known him when I was a prattling child ; he was an old man then. 
From him I had received many acts of kindness. And as I stood over him, 
on that field of death, and looked upon the manly form from which the wind 
swept back the long, silvered hair, I wept — yes, for him — as a father. 
It is called weakness in the soldier to shed a tear, yet the man who could 
stand and gaze upon that scene, unmoved, might boast a heart harder than 
granite. Not far off, sleeping his last sleep, was old David Berry. Who, in 
the early struggles of Texas, did not know brave old David Berry? When 
was the alarm sounded that he was not the first to shoulder his gun and 
hasten to the scene of danger, where he was ever to be found in the van. 
That heart, one of the noblest that ever beat in the breast of man, was still. 

His battles were all fought, even the last, the great fight of death. Sleep 
on, good soldier. Thy laurels encircle thy brow ; long will thy countrymen 
remember thee. There, too, was lion-hearted Pendleton. His country was in 
danger. Scarce waiting to bid his weeping wife farewell, with eager haste he 
sped to the fatal field. There, battling in the sacred cause of freedom, he fell. 
Brave friend — nobly hast thou done thy duty. Freely was thy blood poured 
out to water the tree of liberty in the Lone Star Republic. Faithful soldier ! 
thou art not forgotten. A few steps farther on might be seen the daring 
Alexander. When the note of war first echoed along our western border he 
tore himself away to meet his country's foes on that bloody field. There he 
offered upon his country's altar the sacrifice of his life. All these fell not 
alone. Around them lay many a gallant soldier, to whom war's wild alarm 
shall come no more. War-worn soldiers ! your trials, your hardships, are 
over. Your long sleep shall be unbroken until the last trump shall sound to 
call your slumbering spirits to meet again those friends from whose embrace 
ye were so rudely torn. 

Long will Texas mourn her gallant dead. 




(Texas Almanac, 1861.) 

Small and individual incidents, transpiring in the infancy of frontier set- 
tlements, are often clothed with vivid interest and long remembered by the 
contemporary settlers as part and parcel of their own or their neighborhood's 
history. To perpetuate the record of such events in the pioneer days of 
Western Texas, has long been the desire of him who pens these sketches — 
the truth of history being strictly observed in their relation. 

Josiah Wilbarger, a man of plain, practical sense and strong nerve, was a 
native of Bourbon county, Kentucky, and in 1823, when just arrived at man- 
hood, removed with his parents to Pike county, Missouri, where the writer, 
then a child, knew him and his family, the farms of our respective fathers 
adjoining. Having married, he removed to Texas in 1826-7, somewhat at the 
instance of the writer's father, who had already spent three years in Texas, 
and about 1830, settled at or near Bastrop on the Colorado, then the extreme 
outpost of our settlements in that direction. The event we are about to 
relate occurred in the autumn of 1833. 

Wilbarger, in company with two other men, whose names we can not recall, 
had gone on an exploring or hunting excursion in the mountains near and 
above the present city of Austin. After a trip of several days, they encamped 
for the night, on their homeward march, on a little stream, perhaps Walnut 
Creek, at the foot of one of the numerous mountain spurs in that vicinity, 
feeling quite secure, as they had seen no indication of the presence of Indians 
on their route ; but they were doomed to a sad disappointment. 

While quietly dispatching their morning repast, after a pleasant night's 
repose under the star-lit canopy of heaven, they were surprised by the sudden 
roar of horses' feet on the mountain-side above them, and, on looking up, 
beheld a large body of mounted warriors, dashing at full speed, with wild and 
savage shouts, upon them. Ere a second thought could enter their excited 
minds, the barbarian horde were throwing their balls and arrows among them. 
One of the men instantly fell with a death-shriek ; and Wilbarger, receiving a 
ball through the neck and several arrows elsewhere on his person, sank sense- 
less to the ground. Seeing this, and terrified to wildness, the survivor, a visitor 


to the country, mounted his fine steed without saddle or bridle, with nothing 
but a rope around his neck hastily thrown over the nose, and gave the noble 
animal full opportunity to do, or — let his rider die! The horse, whether from 
fright or instinctive affection for his master we know not, performed what his 
rider considered a noble part, and soon left the whooping pursuers far behind. 
He was left to pursue his course in safety, but so excited and terrified 
was the poor fellow (who was on his first frontier expedition), that it was said 
he arrived in Bastrop, thirty-five miles distant, with the piece of buffalo-meat he 
was masticating when the assault was made, firmly clenched in his teeth. He, 
of course, reported both Wilbarger and the other person as slain. The settle- 
ment was then very feeble, and it required some little time for the necessary 
number of men to prepare for going out to bury the dead. 

They did not reach the spot till about sunset on the following day, when, to 
their surprise, they espied a bloody, hideous-looking mass, in the shape of a 
man, reclining at the base of a tree, near a small pool. So shocked were 
they that they involuntarily hesitated whether to advance or retire. But a 
voice was heard — " 'Tis I — Willbarger, come on, friends ! " faintly spoke the 
object of their gaze. And so it was — poor Wilbarger had not only been shot 
three times, but the surface of his head had been scalped, while he was yet 
unconscious, and left for dead. He was indeed a horrid, piteous-looking 
object ; the burning sun had literally parched his naked skull, and but for 
returning consciousness and the ability to drag his enfeebled body to the 
edge of the pool, he must have died ere succor came. He was totally unable 
to rise. 

The remains of the deceased were speedily interred, and a litter con- 
structed on which Wilbarger was borne into Bastrop, where kind nursing in 
a few weeks restored him to ordinary health. But his head — that tender 
organ — had too long been bleached in the sun ever to heal up. For twelve 
years it remained an incurable wound, tormenting and agonizing the unfortu- 
nate man, until his death, which occurred at his home near Bastrop, in 1845. 

An interesting and curious incident connected with the scalping of 
Wilbarger, and his recovery the subsequent day by his friends, may be 
here briefly and appropriately mentioned. The night before he was found 
in his wounded and helpless condition, the late Mrs. Reuben Hornsby 
thrice woke her husband, to tell him that in a dream she had seen their 
friend in the hands of the Indians, and that they were scalping him. Twice 
he succeeded in allaying her apprehensions, by assuring her that dreams are 
always airy and unreal, and that it is unwise to allow them to disturb our 
quiet. The third time, however, she refused to be pacified, insisting that he 
should immediately quit his couch, arouse his neighbors and go to the rescue 
of Wilbarger. She furthermore told her husband where the wounded man 


would be found, describing with the utmost particularity the spot and its sur- 
roundings. Mr. Hornsby, in compliance with his wife's wishes, and to 
relieve her intense anxiety, left his bed, roused from their slumbers a few 
friends who were at hand, and went forth with them in the direction of the 
place indicated. They reached the spot late in the afternoon, and there 
found Wilbarger weltering in his blood, just as Mrs. Hornsby had seen him 
in her dreams. The foregoing facts are authentic and reliable. To say the 
least of them, they exhibit a marvelous coincidence of circumstances. 

J. H. H. 




(From the Texas Almanac, 1868.) 

On Sunday night, January ist, 1839, a part of the families of James 
Marlin, Mrs. Jones, and Jackson Morgan, were together at the house of 
George Morgan, at Morgan's Point, six miles above the town of Marlin on 
the Brazos River. The remainder of the families were at the house of John 
Marlin, seven miles lower down the river. A little after dark the house of 
John Marlin was suddenly surrounded by Indians, who rushed in, giving the 
inmates no time for defense. Old George Morgan and wife, their grandson 
Jackson Jones, Jackson Morgan's wife, and Miss Adelaide Marlin, a young 
lady of sixteen, were all tomahawked and scalped within a few minutes after 
the first alarm. William Morgan's wife was severely wounded and left for 
dead. Three children were in the yard when the onslaught was made ; one 
of these, a child of ten years, secreted himself under the fence, and there 
remained until the tragedy was over. Another ran into the house, but seeing 
the Indians entering and tomahawking the family, ran out again unobserved, 
and was followed by Mary Marlin, another child. They both escaped. The 
wounded lady, retaining consciousness, feigned death, and was not scalped, 
though all the others were. The Indians robbed the house of such things as 
they could take away, and left. When they had gone, and silence reigned, 
the heroic child first mentioned, Isaac Marlin, crept from his hiding place, 
and entering the house, examined the bodies to find which were dead. His 
wounded sister, supposing him to be an Indian, remained motionless until he 


had gone, when she crawled out of the house. Isaac then took the trail for 
John Marlin's, and ran the whole distance, seven miles, to convey the dread- 
ful intelligence to his kindred. The other children and Mrs. Morgan were 
found the next day. Ten days later, the Indians, seventy in number, attacked 
the house of John and Benjamin Marlin, who, in company with Jarrett Meni- 
fee and his son Thomas, made a stout and gallant fight, killing seven Indians 
and wounding others, without receiving any injury. The savages, not relish- 
ing that kind of reception, withdrew. When the attack was made, Menifee's 
negro man Hinchey, was at work a short distance from the house, and not 
being able to get into it, he left at a double quick for the settlements below, 
some twenty-five miles. Hinchey's news soon brought together a company, 
who at once repaired to the scene of action, but the redskins had departed. 


Next morning, Bryant took the trail of the enemy, and pursued it, crossed 
the Brazos near Morgan's Point ; on the west side found a deserted camp 
with fresh signs. About a mile further found a fresh trail, and followed it to 
the river. At the river he counted fifty-four fresh horse tracks, and a large 
trail of Indians on foot, all of whom seemed to have crossed. Seeing the 
prairie on fire below, they supposed it to be Marlin 's house, hastened 
back without finding the enemy, and halted for the night. Next morning, 
January 16th, they started again, and found the Indians had been at the 
deserted homes, and had plundered them. 

They then traveled six miles up to Morgan's Point, and suddenly came 
upon the Indians in the open post oak near a dry branch. The noted chief, 
Jose Maria, who was coolly riding in front, dismounted, slipped off his gloves, 
and taking deliberate aim, fired at Boren, cutting his coat sleeve. Jose Maria 
gave the signal to his men, and the action commenced. Bryant ordered a 
charge, which was gallantly made, though the captain received a wound at the 
same instant, which accident called Ethan Stroud to the command. 

The Indians fired, and fell back into the ravine. At the moment of the 
charge, David Campbell fired at Jose Maria, hitting him on the breast-bone, 
but failing to dismount him. Albert Gholson then shot the chiefs horse, 
which died in the ravine. Our men then charged to the bank of the ravine 
and fired, at which the Indians commenced retreating down its sides. See- 
ing this, several of our sharp-shooters rushed below them to cut them off. 
This brought the enemy back to his first position, and our men, supposing 
the day to be won, became scattered. The Indians suddenly renewing their 
fire, some disorder ensued, to remedy which our men were ordered to fall 
back, to draw the Indians from their ambush. This unfortunate order, being 
in the confusion understood by some to be an order to retreat, became a 


cause of panic, which being discovered at once by the wily Jose Maria, he 
gave the command, and charged with his whole force, at the same time mak- 
ing the air resound with hideous yells. A rout, commencing in a causeless 
panic, ensued, and our men were pursued four miles, their pursuers dealing 
death among them. In the retreat, some acts of daring were performed 
which deserve notice. David Campbell, not at first observing the retreat, 
was about being surrounded by the savages, when the brave Captain Chand- 
ler, already mounted, rushed to his relief, and took him up behind him. 
Young Jackson Powers whose arm was broken, missing his own horse, 
mounted a pony behind William McGrew. His brother came by, mounted 
on a larger horse, and told him to leave the pony and get up b.ehind him ; 
this he tried to do, but from the broken arm and the restlessness of the 
horse, he was unable to mount, till the Indians rushed up and tomahawked 
him, his brother barely escaping. William Marlin during the action was 
severely wounded in the hip, so that he could not mount his horse, and was 
about to be left, when David Cobb ran to him and threw him on his horse. 
Wilson Reed, a daring fellow, in the retreat was knocked from his horse by 
a tree, the enemy being close at hand, when he called out in a jocular tone, 
" O Lord, boys, Mary Ann's a widow." But a brave comrade picked him 
him up and bore him off. The loss of the Indians was about the same as that 
of our party, but they were greatly elated by their success, and became more 
daring than ever, until checked by that decisive engagement known as Bird's 
Victory near Little River. Jose Maria has always acknowledged that he was 
whipped, and retreating, until he saw the sudden confusion among the Texans. 



Early in March, 1842, the Mexican forces under General Vasquez made 
an incursion into Texas, which was promptly met by the people, and the in- 
vaders driven back. President Houston, deeming the national archives in 
danger from the enemy, felt it his duty to order their removal, as well as the 
removal of the government offices to a place of safety. Accordingly he 
ordered their prompt removal to Houston. This gave rise to what is known 
as the Archive war, the result of which has been the location of the seat of 


government at Austin up to this time. The gallant citizens of Travis county 
had, a short time before, gone to meet the invaders of their country, leaving 
behind them a growing and prosperous city, and on their return found a 
deserted village. They were exasperated, and had good cause to be. They 
thought the president had acted in bad faith toward Austin. They had ex- 
pended for city lots half a million dollars, had built houses on them, and had 
felt secure under the strong arm of the government. This was now suddenly 
removed from them. The president was urged to come back, but without 
avail. The citizens then determined to take the matter in their own hands. 
The records of the General Land Office had not yet been taken away. 
These the citizens of Austin determined at all hazards to keep, that one 
branch at least should remain. The president insisted that these archives 
should also be taken to Houston ; and sent up for them, but without success. 
The young men of the city, in order to show their contempt for the executive, 
went so far as to shave the manes and tails of the horses of two of the 
messengers sent up, who did not relish the joke at the time, but afterward 
became reconciled to it, and became permanent citizens of Austin. The 
president, seeing that he could not obtain the records of the Land Office 
peaceably, determined to take them by force. Accordingly, he sent an 
armed force of thirty men, with instructions to take them at all hazards. 

This company arrived on the morning of the 29th of December, 1842, 
drove their wagons to the Land Office building, and at once commenced 
loading. The citizens, finding out what was going on, at once armed, and 
assembled in force. Great excitement prevailed. Cannon charged with 
grape and canister were brought out and planted, so as to bear on the wagons ; 
and the signal for action was impatiently waited for. The wagons were by 
this time loaded, and were about starting, when the word " Fire " was given, and 
the cannon were discharged, taking effect on the building but hurting no one. 
As to who touched off the guns, it is not definitely settled, but it is generally 
conceded that it was done by Mrs. Eberly, a worthy and respected lady, and 
at the time proprietress of the Eberly House, now owned by Mrs. Beale. 
The wagons, with- their load and escort, now left town in double-quick time. 
The citizens at once formed themselves into a company under command of 
Captain M. B. Lewis, and pursued them, overtaking them during the night at 
Brushy Creek, eighteen miles north-east of Austin. The wagons and escort 
were surrounded, and negotiations were opened. The citizens demanded 
that the archives should be taken back to Austin, which, after some parley, 
was agreed to. Next morning early, the train went back in triumph to Austin, 
and arriving there the records were deposited in the house of Mrs. Eberly, 
until the Land Office was reopened. No further attempt was made to remove 
them. Thus ended the " Archive War," decisive though bloodless. 





In March, 1836, Colonel J. W. Fannin, with between five and six hundred 
men, occupied the town of Goliad on the San Antonio River. While there, 
he detached Captain King, with a small company of men, to occupy the old 
Mission of Refugio, about twenty-five miles distant. King, after taking pos- 
session of the fortress, found himself threatened by a large force' of Mexicans, 
and sent an express to Fannin for aid. Accordingly, Colonel Ward, with one 
hundred and twenty-five men, were sent to his relief. Having arrived at 
Refugio, King insisted upon taking command of the whole force, but the 
men declared themselves in favor of serving under Colonel Ward, who 
was lieutenant-colonel of the regiment. Captain King then withdrew, with 
his original company of twenty-eight men, and they were almost immediately 
afterward surprised and killed. The Mexican forces then attacked Colonel 
Ward and his men in the Mission, and after a sanguinary fight, which lasted 
nearly all day, were repulsed with heavy loss. Meantime, orders were re- 
ceived from Colonel Fannin to join him and his command at Victoria, and 
the line of march for that place was taken up at night. But Fannin and his 
men, having set out for Victoria, were intercepted, and after a bloody battle 
were captured and taken back to Goliad. Ward and his detachments, when 
they arrived at Victoria, instead of finding their countrymen, found the place 
occupied by a large force of Mexicans, and retreated, but next day were sur- 
rounded and taken prisoners by the enemy under command of General Urrea. 
They were then taken to Goliad, where they found their brave fellow-captives, 
numbering in all four hundred and eighty men. On the morning of the 27th 
of March, in defiance of the terms of surrender, which were, that they should 
be held honorably as prisoners of war until exchanged, the whole company 
of Texans were marshaled in line and counted into four divisions of one 
hundred and twenty men each. Each division was then placed in charge of 
a strong guard, and ordered to march in different directions from the fort, 
for what purpose, the prisoners could only guess. " When about half a mile 
from the fort," says our informant, " we were ordered to halt ; the guard was 
then halted, and ordered by the captain to face to the right, and then, almost 
instantly, \ofire. The horrible order was promptly complied with, and nearly 
all of our brave boys fell in death. A few, myself among the number, made a 
desperate run for life, and by concealing ourselves in the grass and weeds, 


finally got away. The men having been shot, the officers, who had been 
reserved until the last, met the same tragic fate. Colonel Ward, having 
refused to kneel, was shot as he stood, and Colonel Fannin, having left his 
effects, together with his dying request, with the officer in command, calmly 
seated himself in a chair, and awaited his death. Of the whole number who 
were marched out for slaughter on that memorable Sunday, fifty-five only 


(Texas Almanac, 1872.) 

Both history and tradition preserve the names of several tribes of Indians, 
which had become extinct, or blended with other tribes, before the State was 
colonized by Anglo-Americans in 182 1, at which time the tribes with which 
the settlers came in contact were the Comanches, Wacoes, Towacannies, 
Ionies, Kechis, Lipans, Tonkawas, and Carankawas. The last named 
were the most remarkable. The men were of large stature, six feet high, 
and the bow of every warrior was as long as his body, and as useless in the 
hands of a man of ordinary strength as was the bow of Ulysses in the hands 
of the suitors of Penelope, but when bent by one of these sons of Anak, it 
sped the " cloth yard " arrow with deadly force two hundred yards. These 
Indians navigated the bays and inlets with canoes, and subsisted, to a con- 
siderable extent, on fishes. 

They were believed by many of the early settlers to be cannibals ! but it 
is probable, that the only cannibalism to which they were addicted, was that 
occasionally practised by the Tonkawas, if not all the Texas Indians. This 
consisted in eating bits of an enemy's flesh at a war dance, to inspire them 
with courage. A dance and feast of this kind I once witnessed on the Col- 
orado, where the Tonkawa tribe was encamped. A party of its braves on 
a war tramp slew a Comanche, and upon their return to their tribe, brought 
with them a portion of the dried flesh of their slain foe. This human tasajo, 
after being boiled, was partaken of by the warriors, with cries of exultation. 
It is remarkable that this anthropophagous rite is practiced by some of the 
black savages in Africa. An English missionary, speaking of a negro tribe 
on the Zambezi, called the Ajawa, says, " Under some circumstances they 
eat man as other tribes eat lion, to make them brave." They told us of a 
certain chief called Neria, against whom the Ajawans fought for a long time 


without success, and who sustained his cause almost single-handed. When 
at last he was overpowered and slain, his body was cut into minute portions 
and eaten by the Ajawa warriors, that they might be valiant as he. To return 
to the Carankawas. 

Their thievish and murderous propensities early involved them in war 
with Austin's colony, by whom they were repeatedly defeated with heavy 
loss, in consequence of which, in 1825, they fled west of the San Antonio 
River, whither they were pursued by Austin at the head of a strong party. 
When Austin arrived at the Waanahuila Creek, six miles east of Goliad, then 
called La Bahia, he was met by a Catholic priest with a message from the 
Indians, that if he would desist from the pursuit, they would never after that 
time range east of the San Antonio River. The colonists agreed to this 
and returned home. The Carankawas did not long keep their promise ; 
but in a short time returned to the Colorado, and again committed depreda- 
tions, for which they were again scourged by the colonists. Efforts were 
made by the Catholic missionaries to christianize these Indians, and the 
Mission of Refugio, thirty miles south of Goliad, was built for that purpose. 
But the Carankawas were proof against all civilizing influences. At length, 
about the year 1843, forty or fifty men, women, and children, the sole rem- 
nant of this tribe, which twenty-one years before had numbered more than 
one thousand, emigrated to Mexico and were permitted to settle in the State 
of Tamaulipas. At this time, it is probable that the Carankawa Indians are 
entirely extinct. I am not positive whether any of the other tribes men- 
tioned at the beginning of this chapter are verging on extinction, but it is 
well-known that they have all rapidly diminished in number, and the conclu- 
sion is inevitable that in a score or two of years, all the smaller tribes and 
bands will become as extinct as the mammoth and the mastodon which pre- 
ceded them. The Comanches being still a large tribe, with extensive hunt- 
ing grounds, will last somewhat longer ; but they, too, are fast approaching 
the termination of their tribal existence ; and the child is now born who will 
live to say, " The Comanches are no more," 




I have been permitted to copy the following letter, written January 8th, 
1837, by Governor E. M. Pease to his father, from Columbia, Texas. It 
contains a brief but comprehensive glance at Texas affairs from the begin- 
ning of the campaign of 1835 to the inauguration of the Constitutional 
Government in 1836. — Compiler. 

In the month of May, 1835, our State legislature was dispersed by the 
military of the general government. Some of its members, the governor, 
and Colonel Milam who was at the seat of government (Monclora), were 
arrested and thrown into prison. This proceeding aroused public feeling in 
Texas. Hitherto the revolutions in the interior had disturbed them very 
little more than if they had been a different nation. They feared they were 
to become the sport of the different chieftains who were struggling for power. 
We remained during the summer in that feverish and excited state which 
usually precedes some great convulsion. 

Frequent public meetings were held, and committees of safety appointed 
in every part of Texas. Little that was satisfactory could be learned of the 
doings of the general government, and still less of their intentions toward 
Texas. The military officers of the general government who were near us, 
constantly said to us, " Peace," and protested that there was no intention to 
change the government. The central government had always kept a small 
garrison at Goliad, sometimes called La Bahia and also at San Antonio 
de Bexar, sometimes called San Antonio and sometimes Bexar or Bejar. I 
am thus particular that you may identify these places by their different 
names. At the former place, 30 or 40 men, and at the latter about 60. Dur- 
ing the summer they increased the garrisons, and collected large quantities 
of military stores at these places, until about the close of August there were 
about 600 men at Bexar, and Cos, a general of division, had been ordered, 
and was on his way, to take command of them. These warlike signs awak- 
ened our attention. 

Meetings were held more frequently, and a meeting in the county of Brazoria 
recommended a " General Consultation," to be composed of members from 
all the counties, to meet on the 15th of October, and consult and adopt such 
measures as might be necessary to insure peace, if it could be had without a 
sacrifice of our dearest rights ; and to devise some remedy for the evils under 
which we had labored since the overthrow of our State government. Most 
of the counties concurred, and elected delegates. Previous to the time fixed 


for the meeting of the Consultation, I think about the 20th of September, 
the commandant of the forces at Bejar sent an order to the authorities of 
Gonzales, to return to that post a piece of ordnance (4-pounder) that had 
been furnished them some years since, by the government, as a defense 
against the Indians, threatening, in case they refused to comply with the 
order, to send a force to take it. This was considered a signal for the com- 
mencement of hostilities. The authorities refused to deliver it, and immedi- 
ately dispatched couriers to all parts of the country, advising their fellow- 
citizens of their refusal, and determination to resist, and calling upon them 
for assistance. As we expected, when the refusal reached Bejar, a detach- 
ment of cavalry, about 150 men, were sent to enforce the order. 

This detachment reached the west bank of the Rio Guadaloupe, opposite 
Gonzales, on the evening of the 28th of September. 

The appeal to the citizens had been promptly responded to, and on the 
same morning there had collected about 100 Texans in the town, ready for a 
fight. The Mexicans, seeing that a force was ready to repel them, made no 
attempt to cross the river. Several conferences were held with the Mexican 
commander. He was told that if he wanted the cannon, he must take it. 
Both parties remained in their positions for three days. On the evening of 
the third day, the Texans resolved to cross the river and compel them to fight, 
surrender, or run away. Accordingly the Texans, to the number of 120, 
crossed. The Mexicans on our approach, after receiving a few shots from 
our cannon, retreated to Bejar. The war was now fairly commenced, and 
our only course was to fight it out. Our forces remained at this place until 
the 12th of October, re-enforcing daily, when it was resolved to march and 
attack the town and garrison of Bejar before any more troops were introduced 
into the country. 

Accordingly our forces, now numbering about 500 men, under command 
of General Austin (who had a few weeks before returned to this country, 
after his long imprisonment in Mexico), took up the line of march, and in 
about a week, encamped in the neighborhood of the town. There were 
slight skirmishes almost daily, until on the evening of the 27th of October, 
a detachment of about 95 men, under command of Colonels Fannin and 
Bowie, were sent up to the old Mission Concepcion, situated one mile below the 
town, and in plain sight, to select a more commodious camping ground. The 
rest of our forces remained about eight miles below. The Mexicans had 
discovered them the same evening, and learned very accurately their number. 
Early on the morning of the 28th of October, which was very foggy, our men 
discovered that they were nearly surrounded by the enemy, who at a con- 
siderable distance were advancing upon them. A courier was at once dis- 
patched to the main body and preparations were made for battle. A posi- 


tion was selected on the bank of the river, in a bend behind a small bluff 
which served our men as a breastwork. The force of the enemy was about 
170 infantry and artillery, and about 300 cavalry, with two pieces of ordnance. 
They continued to advance, bringing up a 4-pounder. Very few guns were 
fired by our men, until the enemy came within about forty yards, when a 
brisk and deadly fire was poured upon them from our rifles. They faltered 
and retreated, leaving their cannon. Rallying, they again came up to the 
cannon, but our fire was so destructive, that they again retreated, leaving the 
cannon on the ground. A man was killed in the act of spiking it. Our 
main body now came up, and the enemy retired to the town. This is called 
the Battle of Conception, from the place where it was fought. Our loss was 
one man killed, none wounded. The enemy left 17 dead on the field, and it 
is supposed that not less than 100 were disabled and killed. A part of our 
forces now encamped at this place, and a part about the same distance above 
the town, watching the enemy closely. On the 27th day of November 
there was a severe action called the " Grass Fight," between a portion of our 
men and a body of the enemy, in which several of them were killed and a 
few of our men wounded. Our troops now became weary of this mode of 
warfare. Many were very uneasy, and resolved upon storming the town. On 
the evening of the 4th of December, about 300 volunteers under command 
of Colonel B. R. Milam, were ordered to storm the town next morning. 
The town was strongly fortified, the streets barricaded, and it was considered 
by the enemy as impregnable. About daylight on the 5th, our men in two 
divisions marched into town under a severe fire from the enemy's cannon at 
the Alamo, which is a large stone fortress surrounded by a yard and stone 
wall. They succeeded in getting possession of two houses near the public 
square, which served as a cover from the shot. The enemy kept up a con- 
stant firing of small arms and artillery for five days and nights. Our men 
fought their way from house to house until, on the morning of the 9th, the 
enemy were entirely driven from the town into the Alamo. 

A flag of truce was now sent out from the Alamo, a capitulation was 
agreed upon, and about 1300 men surrendered, with a large number of arms, 
and a quantity of munitions. The prisoners were permitted to return to the 
interior with their arms, under parole not to " oppose the re-establishment of 
the Constitution of 1824." 

Thus closed the campaign against Bejar. 

Now let us glance at the war in other quarters. 

About the 1st of October, a party was hastily collected in the neighbor- 
hood of Matagorda, consisting of fifty or sixty men under command of Major 
Collingsworth, who marched and surprised the garrison at Goliad without 
losing a man. The garrison consisted of about 50 men. A large quantity 


of provisions, munitions, and arms were here taken. These were destined 
to be transported to the garrison at Bejar. They were transported to Bejar, 
but for a different purpose than that originally intended. They were served 
out to our troops instead of theirs. About November 1st, 40 men under 
command of Adjutant Westover left Goliad to attack the garrison at Lipan- 
titlan on the west bank of the river Nueces, near San Patricio. On the 
evening of the 3d of November, they surprised and made the garrison pris- 
oners. Here they captured two small pieces of ordnance. The prisoners 
were released on parole and the fort destroyed. In recrossing the river, our 
party were attacked by 70 of the enemy, who had gone out from the fort 
the day before, and returned to find it destroyed. A severe fight ensued, 
and the Mexicans were repulsed with the loss of 28 killed and wounded. 
We had one man wounded. This brings down our military operations to 
the close of the first campaign. It had lasted about two and a half months, 
and the enemy had been driven from the country. 

I will now resume civil affairs. On the 15th day of October, the day for 
the assembling of the Consultation, few were there. The war had commenced 
since the election, and most of the delegates were in the field. The meeting 
was adjourned until the 1st of November, at which time a sufficient number 
assembled to form a quorum at San Felipe. The condition of the country 
had changed since the election. They were at war, and something must be 
done to defend the country. They very properly at that time made a decla- 
ration in favor of the Constitution of 1824, and called on the " Liberals" of 
the nation to support them. They organized a provisional government, con- 
sisting of a governor, lieutenant-governor, and general council, composed of 
one member from each county. This government was to continue until the 
1st day of March next following, by which time we should know whether the 
nation responded to our declaration, if not, a new convention was to be held 
to decide upon our future course. This provisional government commenced 
operation on the 14th day of November, 1835. 

They immediately prepared for organizing a regular army. General 
Houston was made commander-in-chief; commissioners were dispatched to 
the United States to make loans, and purchase arms, munitions of war, and 
provisions. They did all that men could do without funds or credit. Texas 
was now cleared of its enemies, and had something like a government. Vol- 
unteers from the United States now came in rapidly, all anxious for fight. 
After the close of the first campaign, most of the Texans returned to their 
homes, and Goliad and Bejar were mainly garrisoned by the volunteers com- 
ing in. The people of Texas having been so fortunate thus far, imagined 
their independence already achieved, and trusted for security to the weakness 
and disorder of their enemies. To this apathy is to be attributed the 


reverses to our arms in the spring of 1836, which came well-nigh ruining the 
country. All volunteers who came in were concentrated at Goliad and Bejar. 
During the month of January, a party of about 100 men, under command of 
Colonels Grant and Johnson, made an expedition toward the Rio Grande. 
Meeting no opposition, they became careless, and were, about the last of Feb- 
ruary, surprised near San Patricio and nearly all destroyed. The few that 
escaped brought us the first news of the large force that was already upon us, 
and we entirely unprepared. 500 men at Goliad, and 150 at the Alamo, were 
all the forces Texas then had in the field to oppose the progress of 8,000. 
The militia were called out. They collected, but slowly, at Gonzales, which 
was the place of rendezvous. Meantime one division of the enemy, three or 
four thousand strong, arrived at Bejar on the 23d of February. They sum- 
moned our garrison of 150 men, under Colonel W. B. Travis to surrender, or 
to be put to the sword. They answered the summons by the thunder of their 
artillery. This intelligence aroused the people to a true sense of their danger. 
They began to rally. Thirty-two men from Gonzales succeeded in getting 
into the Alamo, notwithstanding it was closely invested. This made the 
number in the Alamo 182. The enemy made frequent attempts to storm the 
place between the 23d of February and the 6th of March, but were as fre- 
quently repulsed with great loss. Our men were occupied night and day in 
watching the foe and strengthening the works. The works were large, and 
required at least 500 hundred men to man them well. On the night of the 5th 
they had worked nearly all night upon the walls until nearly exhausted, when 
they retired to rest. About two hours before day on the 6th, the enemy had 
resolved to attack them. The infantry were drawn out around the fort at a 
distance, and the cavalry outside of them, with orders to shoot every man 
that turned back, thus driving their own forces to the attack. About one 
hour before daylight the attack commenced. It is supposed that our sentinels, 
worn out with fatigue, had fallen asleep and were killed at their post. Simul- 
taneously with the first alarm within the fort, the Mexicans were on and 
within the walls in large numbers. Our men were soon rallied, and cleared 
the yard and the walls in a few minutes. 

" They fought like brave men long and well, 
They filled the ground with foe they'd slain ;" 

but, overpowered by numbers, they sank with weariness and loss of blood. 
You have probably heard many accounts of that scene. They are all more 
or less fancy sketches. But one male escaped to tell the news. He was a 
servant boy belonging to Colonel Travis. There was also a Mrs. Dickinson, 
wife of a Lieutenant Dickinson of the garrison. They however saw nothing, 
being shut up in the fort during the fight. The boy says there was one man 


found alive when the enemy had full possession of the place,, and he was 
shot by order of Santa Anna. Travis had said, " If they took the fort it 
should be a defeat to them," and truly it was. From the first attack to the 
fatal morning of the 6th, they had not less than one thousand killed. The 
bodies of our men were burned the same day. I blame not the enemy for 
the fate of the Alamo. Our friends died nobly ; one only survived to ask for 
quarter, and he was refused. 

While these events were passing at Bejar, Colonel Fannin was hourly 
expecting them at Goliad. The vanguard of the division destined for that 
place, as stated before, had surprised Colonels Grant and Johnson, and were 
advancing along the coast. Fannin dispatched Captain King, with twenty- 
five men, down to the Mission Refugio, twenty-five miles south-west of Goliad, 
to bring off some families there. While there, the advance of the enemy 
came upon him and drove him into the Mission, where he defended himself, 
and sent a courier back to Goliad to inform them of his situation. Fannin 
dispatched Colonel Ward, with one hundred men, to his relief. This was 
probably on the 13th of March. They arrived at the Mission toward night, 
and drove off the enemy. The next morning Captain King went out scout- 
ing with his men. The enemy were re-enforced that morning, and numbered 
six or eight hundred. They succeeded in cutting off King, and attacked 
Ward in the Mission. A severe fight was kept up during the day. A large 
number of the enemy were killed. We had three men wounded. That night 
Colonel Ward succeeded in getting out of the way of the enemy without being 
noticed. The turned their course direct toward Victoria, about twenty-five 
miles east of Goliad, but being unacquainted with the country they wandered 
about and did not, with the exception of a few who separated from the main- 
body and were fortunate enough to get into the settlements, arrive at Victoria 
until after Fannin's capitulation. Here they were surrounded ; and learning 
of Fannin's surrender they capitulated upon the same terms, and most of 
them shared the same fate. General Houston, who was now in the field at 
Gonzales, on the fall of the Alamo, ordered Colonel Fannin to abandon 
Goliad and fall back to Victoria. This order arrived at Goliad after Ward 
had left for the Mission. Fannin delayed to give Ward time to return, 
until the 19th of March, when, presuming that Ward was cut off, he blew up 
Goliad and retreated toward Victoria. After marching a short distance 
they were overtaken by the enemy. A severe battle ensued, which lasted 
all night. A large number of the enemy were killed and a few of our men. 
They remained on the ground all night. In the morning they found them- 
selves surrounded by the enemy, who proposed to them to capitulate to pre- 
vent the effusion of more blood. A capitulation was entered into : our men 
were to return to Goliad and be sent by water to New Orleans, on parole not 


to fight unless exchanged. They were sent back to Goliad ; and after being 
kept eight days were, together with Ward's men, marched out and shot. 

General Houston, who was at Gonzales with about 400 men when the 
Alamo fell, prudently burned Gonzales, and fell back to the Colorado River 
to await re-enforcements. There he remained until about the 25th of March, 
when, learning of Fannin's defeat and the large force of the enemy approach- 
ing, he fell back to the Brazos, and encamped twenty miles above San Felipe. 
One company was stationed at San Felipe, who, on the approach of the invad- 
ing army burned the town and crossed the river. The enemy did not attempt 
lo cross the river here, but marched down to Fort Bend, about thirty miles 
below San Felipe, where they succeeded in crossing. 

The whole country west of the Trinity River was now occupied alone by 
the two armies. Eight or nine hundred of the enemy, under Santa Anna in 
person, pushed on from Fort Bend to Harrisburg, then the seat of government. 
The officers of government, knowing of their approach, went down the bay in 
a steamboat. The enemy burned Harrisburg, and marched down the bayou 
as far as New Washington, about ten miles below a place called, on the maps 
of Texas, Lynchburg. They also burned New Washington. Houston, learn- 
ing of the advance of this division, crossed the Brazos and marched down to 
Harrisburg to find the enemy. At this place they intercepted a courier, from 
whom they learned that Santa Anna was with that division, and also the 

The Texans pushed on down the bayou, and at Lynchburg, or very neaf 
that place, the opposing armies came in sight of each other. 

On the evening of the 20th April, there was a severe skirmish between 
our cavalry and the enemy. On the same evening the enemy was re-enforced 
by 600 men under General Cos. On the 21st April, our forces, about 800 
strong, attacked and completely routed the Mexican army. I can give you 
no better account of this battle than you have seen. A short armistice was 
concluded, and the enemy hurried from the country. Thus much for the war 
on land. On the water, our armed schooner the Liberty, four guns, succeeded 
in cutting out and bringing off from the Port of Sisal, from under the guns of 
the fort, the Mexican merchant schooner Pelican, with a valuable cargo. Our 
armed schooner Invincible, seven guns, had an action off the Brazos San- 
tiago with the Mexican armed schooner, of the same force, Bravo, disabled 
her, and she ran on the bar and was lost in attempting to go in. Our priva- 
teers have also made several valuable prizes. 

I now return to the affairs of government. 

A new convention assembled at the town of Washington, on the 1st of 
March, and declared our independence. They framed a constitution, and 
organized a government ad interim, until the new constitution should be ap- 


proved and an election held. The first Monday in September, an election 
was held and the constitution approved. General Sam Houston was elected 
president, M. B. Lamar, vice-president. On the ist of October, Congress 
assembled, and soon afterward the new officers were installed. Congress 
passed the necessary laws for organizing the different branches of the govern- 
ment, and all went into immediate and harmonious operation. 


(From the official report of General H. D. McLeod.) 

On the 19th day of March, 1840, sixty-five Comanches, including war- 
riors, women, and children, came by previous appointment to San Antonio to 
treat for peace. The meeting had been agreed upon a month before, and 
the Indians had promised to bring in thirteen white persons, whom they held 
as hostages. They however brought but one, a daughter of Mr. Lockhart. 
Twelve chiefs, leaders of the deputation, were met by our commissioners, 
Colonel W. G. Cooke, and General H. D. McLeod, in the Government House, 
as it was called, and the question was at once put to them, "Where are the 
prisoners you were to bring ? " Mukwarrab, the chief who had made the 
promise at the former talk, replied, " We have brought the only one we 
had." This was known to be false, from the girl's statement. She said that 
she had seen several prisoners at the camp a few days before, and that the 
intention was to get a high ransom for her, and then for each of the others, 
bringing them one by one. A pause ensued, after which the chief asked, 
" How do you like the answer? " No replied was made, but an order was 
sent to a company of soldiers, to advance into the room. Meantime the 
terms were explained to the chief, which should have been agreed to in case 
they had complied with their engagements. 

The soldiers under Captain Howard entered the room, and the chiefs were 
told they were prisoners until they sent for and brought in the rest of the 
white captives. As the commissioners were retiring from the room, one of 
the chiefs attempted to escape by leaping past the sentinel, who in attempt- 
ing to prevent him, was stabbed by the Indian, Captain Howard was also 
severely wounded in a similar manner. The rest of the braves drew their 
bows and arrows and knives, and made a general attack. The soldiers 
fired and killed the twelve chiefs. The warriors in the yard fought with 

Thomas j. Rusk. 

See p. 264. 


desperation, but were soon repulsed by Captain Redd's company. A portion 
of them retreated across the river, but were pursued, and finally all killed. 
The Indian women fought desperately, and several of them were killed. The 
loss of the Indians was thirty-two chiefs and warriors, three women, and two 
children. Twenty-seven women and children, and two old men were made 
prisoners. Our loss was seven killed and eight wounded. 

XLVI. . 

(Galveston News.) 

[We are indebted to an old friend, and an earlier pioneer of Texas, for 
the following documents, the authenticity of which can not be questioned. 
Our readers abroad should bear in mind that La Bahia is the Spanish name 
for old Goliad. The date of the letter shows that it was written but a short 
time after the massacre of Fannin's troops :] 

La Bahia, June 4, 1836. 

On our arrival at this place we found no difficulty in discovering the 
ground where Fannin and his gallant band were shot by order of Santa 
Anna. Most of their bodies were burned, while there were many bones and 
some entire skeletons scattered over the plains for some distance. It had 
long been determined that as soon as practicable after the arrival of the 
army here, these remains should be collected, and a day set apart for their 
burial with all the honors of war. Accordingly, on Wednesday, the 1st inst, 
General Rusk issued the following order: 

" As a token of respect as well to the men who fell a sacrifice to the 
treachery and bad faith of our enemy, as a duty which we owe to the rela- 
tions of the unfortunate deceased and ourselves, it is ordered that the skele- 
tons and bones of our murdered countrymen be collected into one place, in 
front of the fort, and buried with all the honors of war. 

" Thomas J. Rusk, 
" Brigadier- General Commanding." 

On the evening of the ensuing day, the bones having been collected, the 
following order was given : 

" A general parade of the army will take place to-morrow morning at 
half-past eight o'clock. The funeral will take place at nine o'clock a. m. 
Colonel Sidney Sherman will take command, and conduct the procession in 
the following order : 


" 1. Artillery. 

" 2. Music. 

"3. Major Morehouse's command. 

" 4. Six commissioned officers [Corpse] Six commissioned officers. 

" 5. Mourners. 

"Those of Fannin's command who are in the army, and who have so 
miraculously escaped, will attend as mourners. 

" 6. Commanding General and staff. 

" 7. Medical staff. 

" 8. Second regiment. 

" 9. First regiment. 

" 10. Regulars. 

" Major Poe will order a minute gun fired from the fort, commencing at 
the time the procession moves, and until it arrives at the grave. 

"Thomas J. Rusk, 
" Brigadier- General Commanding." 

The following morning being Friday, June 3d, the army was paraded 
within the walls of the fort, at the hour appointed ; and at nine o'clock, with 
arms reversed, moved slowly toward the place of burial. On reaching the 
grave General Rusk delivered a short, but feeling and eloquent address. 

11 Fellow Soldiers : In the order of Providence we are this day called 
upon to pay the last sad offices of respect to the remains of the noble and 
heroic band, who, battling for our sacred rights, have fallen beneath the 
ruthless hand of a tyrant. Their chivalrous conduct entitles them to the 
heart-felt gratitude of the people of Texas. Without any further interest in 
the country than that which all noble hearts feel at the bare mention of 
liberty, they rallied to our standard. Relinquishing the ease, peace, and 
comforts of their homes, leaving behind them all they held dear, their 
mothers, sisters, daughters, and wives, they subjected themselves to fatigue 
and privation, and nobly threw themselves between the people of Texas 
and the legions of Santa Anna. There, unaided by re-enforcements and far 
from help and hope, they battled bravely with the minions of a tyrant, ten to 
one. Surrounded in the open prairie by this fearful odds, cut off from pro- 
visions and even water, they were induced, under the sacred promise of re- 
ceiving the treatment usual to prisoners of war, to surrender. They were 
marched back, and for a week treated with the utmost inhumanity and bar- 
barity. They were marched out of yonder fort under the pretense of getting 
provisions, and it was not until the firing of musketry and the shrieks of the 
dying, that they were satisfied of their approaching fate. Some endeavored 


to make their escape, but they were pursued by the ruthless cavalry and 
most of them cut down with their swords. A small number of them now 
stand by the grave — a bare remnant of that noble band. Our tribute of re- 
spect is due to them ; it is due to the mothers, sisters, and wives who weep 
their untimely end, that we should mingle our tears with theirs. In that 
mass of remains and fragments of bones, many a mother might see her son, 
many a sister her brother, and many a wife her own beloved and affectionate 
husband. But we have a consolation yet to offer them : their murderers sank 
in death on the prairies of San Jacinto, under the appalling words, " Remem- 
ber La Bahia." Many a tender and affectionate woman will remember, with 
tearful eye, " La Bahia." But we have a another consolation to offer. It is, 
that while liberty has a habitation and a name, their chivalrous deeds will 
be handed down upon the bright pages of history. We can still offer an- 
other consolation : Santa Anna, the mock hero, the black-hearted murderer, 
is within our grasp. Yea, and there he must remain, tortured with the keen 
pain of a corroding conscience. He must oft remember La Bahia, and 
while the names of those whom he murdered shall soar to the highest pin- 
nacle of fame, his shall sink down into the lowest depths of infamy and 

During the delivery of this address the general had the undivided atten- 
tion of the whole army. When he spoke of the sufferings of these martyrs in 
the cause of liberty, I observed the tear-drop fall from the eye of more than 
one brave man. In its conclusion I observed several compress their lips 
and involuntarily grasp their weapons more firmly, as if the scenes of 
San Jacinto had not compensated the brutal murder of their friends at La 
Bahia. The army then marched back to their quarters. 

Samuel Dexter, 



(From the Brownsville Sentinel.) 

During the month of January, 185 1, Lieutenant Ed. Burleson, since Major 
Burleson, was ordered to San Antonio, to deliver to an officer of the United 
States a Comanche prisoner taken in a fight at Amargosa, May 29, 1850. 
The captive was returned to his people. 

Burleson was on his return to Camp Los Ojuelos. On the 27th of Janu- 


ary, when just this side of the Nueces, on the road from San Antonio to 
Laredo, he saw three Indians on horseback. He took eight men and pur- 
sued them — directing the balance of his party to keep the road, and move on. 

After a vigorous pursuit for two or three miles, the Indians halted, and 
prepared for battle. In addition to three mounted there were eleven red 
'devils on foot. The Rangers promptly opened the fight — moving up to within 
fifty or sixty yards of the Comanche line. By seme mistake the men dis- 
mounted, and as they improperly thought by order of Burleson. The Indians 
charged them immediately, and a terrible hand-to-hand fight ensued. Shots 
were delivered at the distance of a foot or two. 

They fought under the bellies of the horses, over the saddles — there was 
a general melee of red men and white. Colt's six-shooting carbines and 
bows and arrows — repeating pistols and lances — were blent in a confused and 
struggling mass. There was no time for shouting — for maneuver — each man 
fought for life, and taxed his energies to the utmost. The field was an open 
prairie, devoid of even bushes. There could be no cover. It was a trial of 
skill, strength, and courage. A few minutes decided it. Victory trembled in 
the balance. Baker Barton, a gallant soldier, received three mortal wounds 
and died on his feet, holding to the horn of his saddle. He knew not how to 
yield. He was killed, but his indomitable spirit was not conquered. Wil- 
liam Lackey received two or three wounds — one of them mortal. Jem Carr, 
brave and cool, received three or four severe wounds. He said, " It was like 
clock-work — every time I raised my Colt's carbine, they stuck an arrow in 
me." He did good service. A warrior singled him out — charged at him with 
bow and lance. Jem sent a ball through him — then another. The brave 
still advanced, discharging arrows — they came with less and less force, until 
at last they scarcely left the bow. Jem, however, had ceased to fire at him — 
knowing there were others demanding his attention. 

Jem's last wound was inflicted when he had his carbine at his face, and 
ready to fire — an arrow passed through the last joint of his right fore finger, 
and penetrated the breech of his gun — luckily the wood splintered, and his 
hand was released. 

William Lackey lived eight or ten days. He was wounded in the lung. 

The other wounded recovered without any unpleasant symptoms having 
been developed. The fight summed up : Comanches, four killed, eight wounded. 
Rangers, two killed, eight wounded. 

This was one of the most closely contested Indian fights that ever occurred 
in Texas. 

Thirty days after it came off the writer was on the ground. It was liter- 
ally covered with arrows. Over two hundred were picked up on a space of 
less than one-fourth of an acre. 


All the evidences of a desperate struggle were apparent. Both parties 
were exhausted. The wounded Rangers were unable to pursue the discom- 
fited and flying Comanches. 

The bodies of the Comanche dead had been removed, otherwise things 
remained in statu quo. 

A number of Mexican carts were traveling the road to San Antonio. 
The Comanche gentlemen were so busy watching them, that they failed to 
discover the near approach of the Rangers. They had set a trap and were 
caught themselves. 

What a difference there was between murdering and scalping unarmed 
cartmen, and meeting Rangers in deadly conflict. There was no plunder 
for them to divide — no captives for them to beat and drag through prickly 
pears at the end of a rope. There were death, and wounds, and escape from 
danger, to contemplate instead. 

It was an escape to the cartmen savoring of a providential interposi- 
tion. They expressed their gratitude to the victors. 

Major Burleson has been for many years a peaceful and thrifty farmer. 
He lives near the town of San Marcos, Hays county. 

He left Brownsville for home a few days since. 

Burleson himself had an encounter, across his horse, with a stalwart sav- 
age. He received an arrow wound in the head, before he sent his antago- 
nist to "kingdom come." 

Alf Tom was wounded, but fought nobly 

Jem Wilkinson was wounded severely, and continued fighting. 

Warren Lyons, the interpreter, had been raised among the Comanches. 
He came at his old companeros in true Indian style — jumping — stooping 
down and changing position in various ways. He wished his "boots off" — 
they were too heavy. He told Burleson what the Indians were saying. 

Leach did his duty well. He was perfectly self-posssesed. Burleson 
saw an Indian aiming at him with a pistol. He immediately presented his 
six-shooter. Leach called out, " Don't shoot at him, Lieutenant, he's only 
bluffing. I've been watching him, there is no load in that pistol." 

Jack Spencer had two or three Indians to deal with at one time. He was 
wounded, yet there was no time for surgery. He was using his horse for a 
cover, and fighting as best he could. The chances were rather against him. 
At other points the charge of the savages had been repulsed. Spencer re- 
ceived help, and the Comanches left the field. They had been consulting in 
a hurried manner about retreating. They did not see their way clear. They 
had gotten into a tight place, and feared they could not make their way out 
without great damage. Lyons told Burleson this, and said they were whipped. 

They finallv stood not "upon the order of their going." They left four 


dead on the field, and had eight wounded. The defeat was complete, else 
they would have carried off their dead in defiance of the Rangers. 

About the time the fight closed Sam Duncan came upon the field. He 
was sent by Burleson to a water-hole twenty miles to the front. 

Barton was packed on a mule and buried on a hill some miles from where 
he fell. The wounded were cared for as well as circumstances permitted. 
The water gourds had been exhausted, and they were suffering terribly 
from thirst. 

Burleson made a forward movement about nine o'clock a. m. At one 
o'clock p. m. they met Duncan returning with water. 

The water-hole was reached that evening, and a courier dispatched to 
Laredo for ambulances to carry in the wounded. Several of them were una- 
ble to ride on horseback. They reached Fort Mcintosh the next day. Cap- 
tain Sidney Burbank was in command. He saw that the wounded had proper 
care and attention. 


(Galveston News.) 

Macon, June 6th, 1836. 
Dr. Robert Collins. 

Sir : As you were principally instrumental in sending out the company 
of volunteers to Texas, under the command of Colonel Ward, and furnishing 
the means of the expedition, and as there is no officer remaining of the com- 
pany to tell their fate, and being myself the last man of the original company 
who made an escape previous to the capture and massacre of the Georgia 
battalion, I think proper to give you a plain history of the expedition, as far 
as I am able. 

It is known to you that we marched from here in the latter part of last 
year, and proceeded to New Orleans. By the usual route from there, we 
embarked on the schooner Pennsylvania, and after being out eleven days, 
were landed at Velasco, a port in Texas, on the Gulf of Mexico, about four 
or five hundred miles from New Orleans. Here we remained about a month, 
nothing extraordinary occurring beyond the usual camp duty, there being at 
that time but few Mexicans in the country. From here we sailed to Copano, 
which is another port still further on the coast toward Matamoras. There 
we landed and marched up to the Mission, as it is commonly called, twelve 
or fifteen miles from the coast. Here we remained about three weeks, and 
then went up to Goliad, about twenty-seven miles further into the interior. 


Here we took possession of the fort, and remained in it until the 13th of 
March, when Colonel Ward and the Georgia battalion were ordered to 
march in haste to the Mission to relieve Captain King, who, with about 
thirty men, was down there endeavoring to protect some families, but who 
had been surrounded by the enemy, and his situation become desperate. 
We marched at 3 o'clock in the morning and arrived at the Mission about 
2 p. m. the same day, and, as we expected, found Captain King and his 
company in the church and a large company of Mexicans in sight, across 
the river. We succeeded in getting to the church, where we remained until 
night, when we crossed the river by fording it at a shallow place, and made 
an attack on them and completely routed them, killing about twenty-five, 
with no loss on our side. We then returned to the church, and early next 
morning again went out to the Mexican camp, where we saw a few Mexicans 
endeavoring to carry off their dead, but they made their escape on our 
approach. From here we went about two miles to a ranch, and burned the 
houses and provisions. By this time the enemy began to re-enforce so fast, 
in our sight, that we retreated forthwith to the church, and were attacked at 
once by their whole force. We immediately blocked all the entrances with 
the images, benches, pews, etc. We had greatly the advantage in position. 
They came up bravely for awhile, received our rifle balls, fell, and were car- 
ried off, and others took their place. But after awhile we could see that it 
was with great difficulty the officers could whip up their soldiers with their 
swords to make a charge. This continued until near evening, when they re- 
tired a short distance, but not out of sight. We then started an express 
to Colonel Fannin, to let him know we were nearlv out of ammunition — hav- 
ing only taken thirty-six rounds from Goliad — and were still surrounded by 
a large Mexican force. A Mr. Murphy and a Mr. Rogers, both of Captain 
Wadworth's company, were to carry the express, both of whom were pursued 
by the enemy's cavalry and taken. In this battle we had three wounded — 
none killed. The loss of the enemy was variously stated, but believed to be 
not less than 200, though it was reported more. 

Captain King's company, which we went down to relieve, had gone out 
early in the morning before the battle commenced, to a branch a few miles 
distant. They were taken by the enemy, and all shot but two, who made their 
escape. That night we made our escape from the church, and after travel- 
ing through the woods and swamps, where their cavalry could not well pur- 
sue us, on the third day we reached the San Antonio River. On the second 
day after leaving the Mission, David I. Holt, of Macon, and a few others, 
left the company in search of water, and we never saw them again ; but now 
understand they succeeded in getting in safe. That night we lay in the 
swamp ; next morning crossed the river and made our way toward Victoria, 


and in the evening heard the firing between Colonel Fannin and the Mexi- 
cans, apparently distant about ten miles. We attempted to get near them, 
but night came on and the guns ceased to fire, and we could not proceed, 
but got into the Guadaloupe swamps, where we remained all night ; and on 
leaving it and entering a prairie, next morning, we were attacked by a force 
of 600 cavalry. We fired about three rounds at them, when our powder 
gave out, and we had not a load left. We then retreated back to the swamp ; 
every man was told to take care of himself. We then got scattered and I 
never saw Colonel Ward or the company again, but understood that at 
night, while I was asleep in the cane, he rallied all the men he could and 
made his way toward Dimmit's Landing, but was next day overtaken by 
the Mexican cavalry, and, having no ammunition, surrendered as prisoners 
of war and was carried back to Goliad, and all his men shot, as has been 
heretofore published. In this battle Wm. L. Wilkinson of this city was sup- 
posed to be killed. On awakening the next morning, I found myself alone 
in a swamp, in a country full of Mexicans, near two hundred and forty miles 
from the main army of Texans, and thirteen or fourteen hundred miles from 
my home, then without a mouthful of provisions for five or six days ; nor was 
there a prospect of any, except a few wild onions which I could get in the 
swamp. I remained in this swamp all day and all night ; next morning 
went out and took a small path and kept it for about two miles, and came to 
a Mexican house, where I saw several Mexicans in and about the house ; but 
being forced by hunger, I determined to go in and ask for something to 
eat, let the consequences be what they might. On entering the house one of 
the men arose and offered me his chair. I asked a woman who was in the 
house for something to eat. She readily gave me some milk, cheese, and 
dried beef. The men, with their guns, all looked astonished, and in a few 
moments all left the house, and appeared to be looking over the country in 
every direction, I presume expecting an attack from a large force, of which 
they thought I was the spy. As soon as they all left the house, the woman 
told me in broken English that they were all Mexican soldiers, and I had 
better leave as soon as possible. In a few minutes we saw them returning 
toward the house, and the woman urged me to start. I did so, and ran 
toward a swamp which I saw two or three hundred yards distant. As I 
ran they fired twelve or fifteen guns at me, but without effect. 

They pursued me to the swamp, but I escaped them. I kept in the swamp 
all day, and that night I heard the drums beat in Victoria. Next morning I 
went near enough to see the Mexican cavalry. I then returned to the swamp, 
and kept in it all day. That night I went out and made my way up the river 
until I reached a crossing place. Here I overtook three men that had made their 
escape from the enemy in the swamp at the same time I did, but whom I had 


not seen before since we retreated and scattered in the swamp. Their names 
were Andrews, Moses, and Trevesan. We here got some meal from a house 
which had been left by the enemy. We remained here all night, and the next 
day made our way through the woods toward the Colorado River, and that 
night got to a place where the Mexican army had camped a night or two before. 
Here we remained all night, and the next morning we reached the river, and 
crossed it on a bale of cotton, which we found on the bank of the river, about 
two miles above where the enemy were crossing at the same time. We lay 
in the swamp that day. At night we heard the drum, but supposing it was 
the enemy, would not go to it. Next morning Moses and myself ventured to 
go in sight of the camp to see who they were, and soon discovered they were 
Mexicans. We retreated, and in short a distance saw six horsemen charging 
toward us. We discovered they were Americans, and did not run. They 
came up, and much to our relief, we found they were spies from General 
Houston's camp. Their names were Cawmack and Johnson, from Tennes- 
see. Shipman and Laplam, of Texas, and two others I did not know. They 
were astonished to see us at that place, and when I say we were glad to see 
them, I but feebly express the feelings of my heart. I was then without hat 
and shoes, and had only a few rags of clothing. 

While we were here narrating our adventure, and waiting for one of the 
company, who had got to go back a short distance after Andrew, we were 
attacked and fired upon by a small scouting party of Mexicans, but at such 
a distance as to do us no injury. But upon their seeing that we had got among 
some trees, and were prepared to give them a fire, they retreated and left that 
place, and the spies carried us on to General Houston's army, where we arrived, 
I think, on the 2d day of April, our appearance being such as to excite the sym- 
pathy of every soldier ; and on our meeting some gentlemen who had known us 
in this country, the noble tear of compassion was seen to trickle on their cheeks. 
We here received all the kindness we required, or desired, and remained with 
the army, and fought under General Houston in Captain Baker's company, in 
the memorable battle of the 21st of April, in which Santa Anna was captured, 
half his men slain, and the other half taken prisoners. Incredible as it may 
appear, this battle was fought with only about 700 effective men, while the enemy 
had double that number. The loss on our side was only six or seven killed, and 
about twenty wounded. Among the latter was our captain and General 
Houston. The fight commenced in the afternoon, about three or four o'clock, 
by two six-pounders on our side, and a long twelve-pound brass piece by the 
enemy; but by some fortunate shot at the very beginning, we silenced their 
big gun and pressed down upon them, continuing the fire from our artillery, 
and receiving the fire from their small-arms, which was doing us no harm, as 
they seemed to shoot above us. When we reached within fifty yards of them, 


we fired two or three rounds from our deadly rifles, which seemed to produce 
a tremendous effect, and, at this moment, a charge from all quarters was 
ordered, and our men rushed upon them with fury and desperation, and with 
pistols, guns, and cutlasses, the destruction of human life was speedy and im- 
mense. As soon as we had time to look, we saw the white flag was hoisted, 
and the Mexicans had thrown down their arms, and were running in every 
direction. As soon, however, as the call for quarters was heard, and the 
white flag was seen by the commanders, the work of death was stopped, and 
the balance taken prisoners. Santa Anna himself made his escape that even- 
ing, but was taken next morning in a common citizen's dress, about ten miles 
from camp. He was not recognized until he was brought in, but when the 
prisoners saw him they tipped their hats, and exclaimed in their own language, 
" Santa Anna's alive." 

The appearance of the ground may be better imagined than described. 
Piles and clusters of dead and dying lay in every direction, indeed the ground 
was literally covered. But the recollection of the dreadful massacre of our 
brave companions at Alamo and Goliad in a great manner relieved our feelings 
from the horrors of the scene. 

On the 30th of April I left the camp, under a furlough from General 
Houston, for four months, and proceeded overland to Natchitoches, where I 
arrived after eight days traveling on foot. From there I took the usual route 
via New Orleans and Mobile to Montgomery, Alabama. There I understood 
that a war had broke out with the Creek Indians, and that it would be ex- 
tremely dangerous to attempt to pass on the stage route through the Nation 
to Columbus ; but being anxious to reach home, and finding there a party of 
about fifteen others who wished to come through, we determined to make the 
attempt. On Sunday evening, 15th of May, we left there in two mail stages, 
passed on that night, and early next day reached Tuskeegee. There we 
got breakfast, and learned there was great trouble with the Indians. We 
then passed on to the next stand, and found it had been plundered. As we 
continued on we found every house and place plundered or burned, and some 
burning, until we reached Thorn's stand, about twenty miles from Columbus. 
There we saw the house in flames, and after we had got a short distance 
by the place, we were fired upon by a party of Indians which we had not seen, 
but they being some distance off no injury was done. 

Our drivers then put whip to their horses and ran them near half a mile, 
when we came to the stages that had been taken the day before, so piled up 
across the road with the dead horses and one dead white man, that we could 
not pass, and the stages were therefore stopped, and we saw the Indians in 
close pursuit. The drivers and passengers loosed the horses from the stage, 
and as soon as possible all who could get on them mounted and made a start; 


but in a few minutes they were fired upon by a considerable party of Indians, 
who seemed to be coming in on all sides. Not having been so fortunate as 
to get a horse myself, a Mr. Haltete of New York, a Mr. Williams, Hamil, 
and Lackey were on foot running after the horses. The two latter were 
killed, and the moment after they were shot, I ran directly through where the 
Indians were who had fired at me, but without effect. I made the best of my 
way toward a swamp which I saw distant some three or four hundred yards, 
and discovered I was pursued by two Indians. Just before I entered the 
swamp, I turned and discharged my musket at the foremost, who was within 
forty or fifty yards of me. I saw him fall, but before I entered the swamp I 
saw him rise again. The other Indian ran up to him and stopped a few min- 
utes, during which time I got in the swamp and reloaded my gun. He then 
came down to the swamp and appeared to be searching for me, and while he 
was parting the cane, not more than fifteen or twenty yards distant, I shot 
him in the body and he fell dead. I remained in the swamp three days, liv- 
ing on green whortleberries. I went out every night, but could not find my 
road until Thursday night. I got into the road near where the stages were 
left, and traveled all night back toward Tuskeegee, and arrived there on 
Friday morning about sunrise. Here I was received by General Woodarci, 
and treated kindly. I remained here two days and then went back to Mont- 
gomery, and from there, in company with two gentlemen, took the upper 
route through the Nation, on horseback, and on the third day crossed the 
Chattahoochee and again set my foot on the soil of Georgia. 
Very respectfully, your ob't serv't, 

(Signed) Samuel G. Hardaway. 

The following is from the Austin Statesman of December 18, 1874: 

The heroic deeds of the Texans under General Sam Houston and other 
kindred spirits, for the independence of Texas, were heralded throughout the 
civilized world, and the victory of San Jacinto immediately induced a more 
rapid influx of adventurous young men from all parts of the country into Texas. 
Organized companies, armed and equipped to help sustain the independence 
of Texas, were raised in many of the old States, and made rapid marches to 
Texas to offer themselves as recruits to the tried and wasted Texan army. 
Among these companies was one from Zanesville, Ohio, commanded by Cap- 
tain Burroughs, and organized in the summer of 1836. Captains Burroughs, 


Morgan, of Pennsylvania, and Colerick, of Ohio, all with companies, reached 
Matagorda Bay in September, and at once reported to General Felix Huston, 
then in command of the Texas army. 

It was not long after this that Albert Sydney Johnson was assigned com- 
mand of the Texas army, giving rise to the personal quarrel between Huston 
and Johnson, which resulted in a duel on Lavaca River, in which the latter 
was seriously wounded. 

The Mexicans had again commenced to make strong demonstrations on 
the Rio Grande, but, owing to the increasing strength of the Texas army, 
they never dared to make another united, march upon the settlements. 

A son of Captain Burroughs has placed us in possession of an interesting 
relic of these days. It consists of a flag, presented to his company upon the 
eve of its departure from Ohio by the ladies of Zanesville. It is badly worn 
by age, but except where the paint was put upon it, the material is quite well 
preserved. The field is of light blue silk, with a border of white silk and 
fringe. In the center, upon a dark blue ground, is a golden Texas star, with 
the usual letters between the five points. Above this stands the American 
bird of liberty in shaded gilt, holding a streamer gracefully encircling the 
star, upon which is inscribed, " Hero of San Jacinto." In the lower staff corner 
of the flag is printed "Zanesville, Ohio." The flag-staff is gone, but the 
figure-head remains. It is of solid brass, the device a battle-axe and spear 
combined. Upon one side of the point is engraved, " To the Texan Volun- 
teers of Muskingum County, Ohio," and on the other is, " From the Ladies 
of Zanesville. September, 1836." 

The Zanesville Gazette, of 1836, gives the following account of the pre- 
sentation of this flag. It showed the interest felt in Texan independence : 


The company of Texan emigrants raised at this place by Colonel George 
H. Burroughs, together with Captain Colerick's company, embarked for 
Texas on Monday last, amidst the cheers of hundreds collected upon the 
adjacent shores to witness their departure, 

On Saturday last, the company under the command of Captain Burroughs 
was presented by the ladies of Zanesville with a splendid flag, handsomely 
finished, and bearing the motto, "The Hero of San Jacinto." 

The companies marched out to receive the flag, which was presented, in 
the presence of the assembled multitude, by Miss Mary Love, who, at the 
same time delivered the following neat and appropriate address : 

" Sir : In the name and in behalf of the ladies of Zanesville, we present 
you the standard we hold, as an evidence of our respect personally, and as a 


pledge of our unchanging devotion to that truly glorious cause in whose 
defense you have so nobly determined to embark. 

"If prosperity attend you, let the deeds of San Jacinto's blood-stained 
field cheer you onward. 

" If adverse clouds o'ershadow your path, let the deathless fame of Free- 
dom's Martyrs instill into your minds a determination that you will never 
lower this banner until you have achieved for Texas her liberty, or for your- 
selves a glorious grave. 

"Above all (and we present it as our united requests), we ask you to let 
no deed of yours cast a shadow upon the reputation of him whose honored 
name your standard bears — 


" The inscription it bears is worthy of you ; may you prove worthy of it! 

" Receive it, soldiers, in the spirit in which it is given." 

To which Captain Burroughs replied with much feeling — ■ 

" Madam : In accepting this standard at your hands, I feel it difficult to 
express the feelings which predominate in my own heart, as well as those of 
the company, whose organ I am. 

" We receive it as one of the repeated proofs of the chivalry of the 
American ladies — that spirit which shone so brightly in the dark and trying 
hour of the Revolution. 

" To the ladies of Zanesville, for this token of patriotism, we can only 
return our sincere and heartfelt thanks; and permit me to assure them, that 
this banner shall never be unfurled in a bad cause, and never relinquished in 
a good one, unless it be in the agonies of death. 

"We are about to bid adieu to our native country, and assist a brave, but 
unfortunate people — people speaking our own language — blood of our own 
blood. Perhaps some of you now present may have near and dear relatives 
there, that are at this moment imploring our aid, and who are lavishing their 
blood to regain their sacred and inalienable rights — rights which they derived 
from the God of nature, but which have been wrested from them by a blood- 
thirsty usurper. 

" It is a glorious cause ! and we believe we go with the warmest wishes 
and purest prayers of the American people. 

" When for the first time, the folds of this banner shall float upon the 
plains of Texas, the recollections of this day, as well as the justness of the 
cause in which we battle, shall nerve us on to deeds of noble daring. 

"These sentiments will animate us in the hour of trial, and sustain us in 
the van of conflict. 

" And if it be our lot to fall, the folds of this sacred banner, as it waves 
triumphantly, shall be the last object of earth on which to rest the dying eye. 


Then, turning to the company, he said : 

" Soldiers ! will you receive this banner, and pledge yourselves to 
defend it?" 

A low bow marked their assent. Then, turning again to the young lady 
who presented the banner, he said : 

" Madam : Allow me once more to assure you that the ladies of Zanes- 
ville shall never have cause to blush for the conduct of their Texan Emigrants. 
So long as I have nerve sufficient in my arm to wield a sword, this splendid 
banner, emblem of hope to the world, shall never go into the hands of the 
enemies of Texas." 

The emigrants then returned to their camp, and the citizens dispersed j 
but no doubt the feelings of that hour will be remembered by the former 
when far away from the hills of old Muskingum. The pledge then given 
may nerve their arm in battle, and cheer their way on the weary march. 
May success attend them. 

Captain Burroughs, and Thompson, the first lieutenant, both resigned 
their commissions in about four months after they came to Texas, and 
Anthony DefTenbaugh, the second lieutenant, remained in command until the 
company was disbanded early in the summer of 1837. Mr. DefTenbaugh 
took the flag back to Ohio in August of that year, and gave it to Captain 
Burroughs, in whose family the relic has remained up to this time. Mr. 
DefTenbaugh returned to Texas and is now well known in this city. His 
profession is that of a printer. He has been engaged in various newspaper 
enterprises, which of course have kept him poor. He merchandized a num- 
ber of years in San Antonio, and took up his residence in Austin some six 
years since. He was one of the original proprietors of the Statesman, and 
worked zealously with the writer and others in building it up and giving it 
stability. Mr; DefTenbaugh is now fifty-eight years old, and during and 
since the sale of his proprietorship in the Statesman has been one of the 
most constant workers in the composing room of the office. He seems still 
as active and energetic as when, a youth of nineteen, he took his sword in 
hand to struggle for liberty in the land we all love so much. 




(Galveston News.) 

Independence, Aug. 24, 1873. 

Editors News : I saw, in my tri-weekly of the 20th inst, a letter written 
by Major Samuel Dexter, who was one of General Thomas J. Rusk's aids, 
giving some of the incidents and facts upon the arrival of the army at old 
Goliad (La Bahia). I, with others, was engaged in gathering up the remains 
(ashes mainly), bones, chunks of human flesh, parts of bones and whole 
skeletons, to be placed in a large hole that was prepared near the church. 
Fannin and his men (except a few who escaped, I think about twenty-five,) 
were shot in four divisions. They were formed with their backs to brush 
fences, and the brush was used to consume the bodies. At one of the places 
where the bodies were burned I picked up a good sized chunk, which I sup- 
posed might be a knot of wood, but on scraping off the charred part with my 
pocket-knife, I found it to be human flesh. When the remains were depos- 
ited in the pit or large hole, the army, as Major Samuel Dexter says, was 
collected, and General T. J. Rusk commenced the address, and gave utter- 
ance to the sentiments mentioned. But, in truth, General Rusk did not 
finish what he intended to say, for he was overpowered by his feelings, and 
the tears rolled down his cheeks, and he had to stop speaking. There were 
but few dry eyes on that occasion. 

The skeletons were placed upon the top of ashes, bones, and charred 
human flesh. General Rusk had many personal friends and acquaintances 
who belonged to Ward's batalion from Georgia. General M. B. Lamar, 
also, had many friends who gave their lives to save Texas from being over- 
run by Santa. Anna and his eight thousand men^ as did, also, the gallant Col- 
onel W. B. Travis and his comrades at the Alamo. 

The day after the burial of the ashes, bones, and charred human flesh 
and skeletons of Colonel Fannin and his men, General Andrade sent a letter 
to General Rusk, asking permission to pass on the main. road through Goliad 
on to San Patricio, where General Filisola was at the time. General Rusk 
wrote to General Andrade that it would not be safe for him to come in sijzht 
of his men, for he did not believe he could control them after witnessing 
what had been done with Colonel Fannin and his men, in violation of a 
treaty made with General Urrea. 

General Rusk sent Major Wells, six men, and myself, as interpreter, with 


a letter to General Andrade, demanding the release of any prisoners he 
might have, and the surrender of any property, belonging to Texans, in his 
possession, in accordance with the terms agreed upon by General Houston 
and General Santa Anna, and for a cessation of hostilities. Andrade com- 
manded the reserve corps, which had been in San Antonio all the time — prin- 
cipally cavalry. Major Wells found Andrade's command about six or seven 
miles above Goliad. Nearly the whole of Andrade's force was on guard, and 
they evidently expected an attack. Major Wells demanded to see General 
Andrade, to deliver in person the letter from General Rusk, and after Colonel 
Maro had passed to and from General Andrade two or three times, Major 
Wells finally yielded to the position taken by General Andrade, that there 
was no need of any of Major W 7 ells' party entering his lines, except the one 
who spoke Spanish. Major Wells then gave me the letter to Andrade, and 
told me to go with the Mexican colonel and deliver it to General Andrade. 
I found the general surrounded by his staff and other officers, and they were 
preparing to cross their artillery and baggage over the San Antonio River. 
They had to make a crossing and cut a road some seven or eight miles 
through a chaparral thicket to intersect the road from Goliad to San Patricio. 
General Andrade invited me to one side, out of hearing of his officers, and 
asked me to translate General Rusk's letter. Andrade said he never had 
but two Texan prisoners, Doctor Bernard and Doctor Shackelford, whom he 
had released before he had left Bexar, and had given them horses, money, 
arms and ammunition to defend themselves against Indians. This was true. 
And that he had not been in conflict with any Texans, consequently had no 
property in his possession belonging to Texans. On the return of Major 
Wells and party to our camp, we found that the whole army was in hopes 
that Major Wells and party would be seized and kept as prisoners, so as to 
furnish an excuse to attack Andrade and his finely dressed and equipped 
officers and men, and capture the large amount of horses, mules, wagons, 
cannon, etc., etc. Part of the cannon being carried off belonged to the 
Alamo, where Travis and his men fell to the last man. 

On the arrival of the Texan army at Goliad I picked up, among other 
printed documents, some copies of the law of the Mexican Congress prescrib- 
ing what should be done with the prisoners taken under different circum- 
stances. It required those taken with arms in their hands fighting against 
the government to be shot. But the last article of the law left the whole 
matter to the superior judgment and discretion of "the president and com- 
mander-in-chief of the army of operations," which made General Santa Anna 
responsible for the base violation of a treaty made between Colonel Fannin 
and General Urrea. Santa Anna had to issue three distinct, separate orders 
before he could have Fannin and his men shot, and it was said that the col- 


onel in command refused, and finally tore the epaulets from his shoulders 
and said he would not serve a government that would perpetrate such a 
barbarous act. I think it was Colonel Garrie who put in execution the cold- 
blooded order. I was present when General Santa Anna was brought up to 
General Houston, and heard all the conversation between Santa Anna and 
Houston, and between Santa Anna and Colonel Rusk, the secretary of war, 
for some two hours. Colonel Almonte was sent for, who was Santa Anna's 
right-hand man, and who spoke English with as much facility as he spoke 
his own language. Santa Anna proposed to stop the war and order General 
Filisola out of Texas. General Rusk told him that Filisola would not obey 
any order that he, Santa Anna, would issue, as he was a prisoner, etc. Santa 
Anna said such was the attachment of officers and men to him that they 
would obey any order he would issue. General Rusk then required Santa 
Anna to issue an order to his second in command, Filisola, to surrender 
himself and his army as prisoners of war. Santa Anna promptly replied 
that " he would do nothing that would be disgraceful to himself or his nation ; 
he was but a single Mexican and they could do with him as they pleased." 
Colonel Almonte modified this spirited reply of Santa Anna, and said that 
while he was willing to order General Filisola to march out of Texas, he 
could not consent to order him to surrender ; that the Mexican force was 
far superior to the Texan, etc. 

General Rusk asked what excuse Santa Anna had to make for the mas- 
sacre of Colonel Travis and his men. Santa Anna said it was usual in war to 
put all to the sword when a small force refused to surrender, and compelled 
the superior force to sacrifice so many men in storming a fort. 

General Rusk then asked what apology Santa Anna had to make for 
shooting Colonel Fannin and his men, after one of his generals, Urrea, had 
entered into a capitulation with Fannin by which they were all to be sent to 
New Orleans in a week. Santa Anna denied that there had been any capit- 
ulation that he knew of, and that there was a law of Congress which required 
him to have all prisoners shot, taken with arms in their hands fighting against 
the government. 

General Rusk said, " Colonel Almonte, you can say to General Santa 
Anna that if he has no better excuse or apology to make than this, the less 
he says about the matter the better for him, for we all know that General 
Santa Anna was Dictator of Mexico and did as he pleased." 

General Rusk was right, for I, at Goliad, translated the law referred to by 
Santa Anna, for General Rusk, and he sent the translation to President Bur- 
net, and the last clause of the law, as previously mentioned, left every thing 
to the discretion of the president and commander-in-chief of the army of 


I was sergeant of the guard around the tent the second night Colonel 
Almonte, Colonel Nunes, Santa Anna's brother-in-law, and Cone, Santa 
Anna's secretary, occupied the tent with Santa Anna. They talked all night 
about the condition of the army, the navy, and what would be the result in 
the City of Mexico on hearing of the disastrous defeat and their capture, 
etc., etc. 

I would be glad to know if Major Samuel Dexter and Major Bula Hoxie 
are living. They were General Rusk's aides. Major Hoxie was a nephew 
of my old friend and neighbor, Dr. Asa Hoxie, who died at his old homestead 
near me, in 1863, and where he first settled in 1833. 

I could go on writing for many days about what I have seen and heard 
since January, 183 1, in Texas, under eight different governments, as I find my 
memory is still good. I would be glad to hear from all old Te'xans, and to 
receive from them their recollections of events in the history of Texas from 
1820 up to annexation in 1845. Material might be collected in this way to 
preserve the true history of Texas, and might be made useful by the Texas 
Veteran Association in creating a fund from which the oldest, the most infirm 
and needy old veterans could receive relief and assistance. All communica- 
tions sent to me will be filed and recorded in a bound book, and will be held 
subject to the direction of the Texas Veteran Association. 

Now, Messrs. Editors, if I have written any thing worthy of being 
printed in your widely circulated paper, you have my permission to publish 
any portion, or the whole, as you please. 

Your old friend and obedient servant, 

Moses Austin Bryan. 



BY J. A G. 

Before the movement of General Taylor on Monterey, he ordered Col- 
onel Jack Hays, with his regiment, to make a long detour from Matamoras to 
the south,' to ascertain the strength of the enemy in that quarter, passing 
through San Fernando and up the Rio Tigre, across to China on the 
San Juan. 

Upon the movement of General Taylor from Camergo, the Texan troops 
under Hays were required to join the main body on their march. This they 
effected at Marin, near Monterey. 


Hays' regiment then occupied the advance till they reached the city. 

Arriving there, General Worth was ordered to make a circuit to the north, 
so as to attack the city in the rear on the Saltillo road. Captain Tom Green 
went with his regiment, and was in the battle with the Mexican cavalry and 
the storming of forts across the river, and in that of the next morning, of the 
hill above, and the same day, of the bishop's palace itself, all of which were 
gallantly carried. Two days after, the regiment was ordered into the city to 
aid in the attack upon the place. 

Arriving, they were divided into two parts : five companies commanded by 
Colonel Hays, took the block of buildings to the right, and the other five, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Walker, who was afterwards killed at Huamentla, took the 
block of buildings to the left. 

With this party was Green and his company — and all the evening and 
until night the fight was waged from the housetops, the Texans advancing, 
and the Mexicans retiring. 

This little party now found themselves in the heart of the city, within two 
squares of the main plaza. 

All night they remained in this position, the sentinels of each party being 
so close to each other that occasional firing between them was kept up during 
the night. Here they were, surrounded on all sides except in their rear, by the 
enemy, which was unknown to themselves, because they supposed the party on 
their right, under Colonel Hays, and the party of regulars on their left, under 
Captain Miles, had kept pace with them ; but this was not the case, for General 
Worth had, the evening before, ordered out all the troops preparatory to a 
bombardment of the plaza by him from the cemetery, but the messenger 
failed to reach the party of Walker, and they were allowed to remain, and 
witness during the livelong night, the flight of the shells over them into 
the plaza. 

The next morning, before full daylight, the party was on the move, and 
occupied the post-office in front of them, at the corner of the street, which 
afterward become the quarters of General Worth: 

Occupying this large building, they opened the fight at close quarters with 
the surrounding enemy. This was continued with unabated spirit, till about 
nine o'clock, when an officer with a white flag and a bugle approached from a 
side street. 

After some time, by the exertion of the officers, the firing ceased, and the 
officer was allowed to approach the house occupied by the Texans. He 
said that General Ampudia had sent him to ask the officer in command clown 
to the plaza, that they might treat concerning a capitulation. He was asked 
if General Ampudia desired to see the commander of the American army, or 
the commander of the forces here engaged, and said in reply that it was the 


commander of the forces engaged. With that he was introduced to Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Walker. 

Walker, and in fact all, suspecting Mexican treachery, hesitated what to 
do. At last he turned to Captain Green, who was really the soul of the party, 
and said to him he would go down with the officer to see General Ampudia, 
if he, Green, would go with him. 

Green hesitated ; but, not to be outdone in anything that required courage, 
he consented, and the two, with the flag of truce, went down to the plaza. 
Arriving, they found the place filled with troops. They had not long to stay 
till an officer came to them, when Green again introduced Walker as the 
Lieutenant-Colonel of the Texan Rangers, Walker being a rather bashful 
man. Thereupon the officer, who spoke English, told them that they were 
mistaken, that General Ampudia desired to see the commander of the army. 
Walker replied that they were not mistaken as to the message delivered by 
the truce officer. The officer politely waived a discussion of the question ; 
and, asking permission to send a flag by the position of the Texans, which 
was granted, he had Walker and Green again conducted back to their posi- 
tion through the Mexican lines. 

And well that the truce officer was with them, for a negro Mexican 
soldier, on the way back, leveled his musket to shoot them, which was 
knocked aside by the sabre of the officer. 

In a few moments a Mexican officer, bearing a flag of truce, passed the 
position of the Texans to General Worth's headquarters, and in a little 
while after, an officer of General Worth's, the writer thinks Lieutenant Pem- 
berton, passed down into the plaza, and negotiation for an armistice began. 

Shortly after General Worth sent a large body of regular infantry to 
occupy the place of the Texans, who were permitted to go back to their 
camp and obtain food and refreshment. 

After the capitulation of Monterey the Texans were disbanded and re- 
turned home ; first having formed in line before General Worth's quarters, and 
giving him three cheers, and on the special invitation of General Worth, par- 
taking of his cheer, and each one personally shaking hands and bidding him 



(Texas Almanac, 1858.) 

Below we give a brief outline of the criminal and civil regulations for the 
administration of the laws of the colony, adopted by Mr. Austin, with the 
approval of the government. 

Histories of Texas furnish little or no information on this subject, and yet 
the omission of all that concerns the civil polity of Austin's colony must be 
considered a radical defect. These regulations for the civil government of 
the colony will strike the reader as admirably adapted to the condition of 
the country, and show that Mr. Austin possessed the qualifications of a prac- 
tical lawgiver in an eminent degree. We have been at the trouble of mak- 
ing this synopsis, because we think it should constitute a part of Texas 


The alguazil, or sheriff of the colony, was appointed by the Supreme 
Judge (Austin), to serve process and execute decrees issued by himself. He 
also appointed a constable for each district, to act in the same capacity for 
the alcalde. The alcaldes were required to keep dockets or registers of all 
their official acts, which, when certified, had to be delivered to their succes- 
sors in office. Any person having cause of complaint against another, was 
required to present a written petition to the alcalde of the district, stating the 
cause fully. Whereupon, the alcalde issued a summons, which, with the pe- 
tition, was served upon the defendant by the constable. 

The return day was fixed, according to distance and other circumstances, 
at the discretion of the alcalde, allowing a reasonable time. Service had to 
be made at least five days before the return day, adding one more day for 
every fifteen miles of travel. 

The constable was required to read the complaint and summons to the 

In case the defendant was absent from the district, the service was made 
by leaving a certified copy with some white person at his residence. 

In case the defendant did not appear at the trial, judgment was given 
against him by default, at the discretion of the alcalde. And then notice of 
this judgment was served on the defendant, and a time given him to show 
cause, why it should not be made final. When the parties appeared, it was 
the duty of the alcalde, in the first place, to try and bring them to an arnica- 


ble settlement. But if this could not be done, the parties were next required 
to choose one arbitrator each, if the sura in dispute was over ten dollars. The 
arbitrators were required to be men of unexceptionable character, and free 
from any interest. A day was then fixed for the arbitration, all the parties 
and the witnesses being duly summoned. After a full and fair trial, the 
alcalde enforced the award of the arbitrators, as the final judgment. 

Thejurisdiction of the alcade extended to all sums under two hundred dol- 
lars. Sums over that amount could only be acted upon by the judge of the colony. 

Sums under ten dollars were decided upon by the alcalde alone. And 
also on sums from $10 to $25, unless the parties preferred arbitrators. On 
sums from $25 to $200, abitrators were required. 

The judgment was in all cases- required to conform, as nearly as possible, 
to the contract, whether in money or any kind of property. Stay of execu- 
tion was at the discretion of the alcalde, security being required. Appeal 
to the judge of the colony was allowed on sums over $25, two good securi- 
ties being required. 

When there was no stay or appeal, an execution was issued returnable in 
sixty days ; and in case no property could be found, the constable was re- 
quired to take the body of the defendant. 

When property was levied on, thirty days' notice of sale was given, if it 
was real estate, negroes, etc., or ten days' notice, if perishable property. 

In case the body of the defendant was taken, in the absence of property, 
it was then the duty of the alcalde to examine into his circumstances, and if 
he was satisfied that he had taken no steps to elude payment, fraudulently, 
he then discharged him ; but if he found he had conveyed away or concealed 
his property, then the alcalde could, at his discretion, hire out the defendant 
to the highest bidder, until his wages paid the debt. 

In case any person apprehended his debtor was about to abscond, or leave 
the colony, taking his property away, so as to cause him to lose his debt, he 
could get an attachment by making oath to that effect, and have the property 
and person of the debtor seized forthwith, until a judgment and execution 
could issue. The property and person were, however, released, if good ap- 
pearance bail was given. The person suing out the attachment was also 
required to give an indemnity bond. 

In case the alcalde had reason to believe that any security was about to 
leave, taking away his property, he was authorized to detain said person and 
his property, until further security was given. 

Should any person make oath to an alcalde that a person in legal posses- 
sion of property belonging to some one else was about to remove it, so as to 
cause the owner to lose it, the alcalde could then compel him to give up such 
property, or give security for it. 



Cases, wherein the cause of action arose out of the colony, were tried 
before the judge of the colony. 

The alcalde could, at his discretion, appoint regular days to hold his 
court monthly. 


The fees prescribed were as follows : 

Issuing a Criminal Warrant ...» 

" Forthwith Summons .... 

" Subpoena ...... 

" Summons . . . . . 

u Judgment ...... 

Entering Stay of Execution .... 

Entering appeal and writing bond 

Issuing Execution 

Entering special bail and taking bond . 
Recording 100 words . . . 

Serving criminal warrant .... 

" forthwith warrant ...... 

" summons ....... 

Mileage per mile, going and returning ._«-.. 
Selling property and collecting money, 4 per cent, on 
sums under $200, and 1 per cent, on every $100 over. 







1. 00 

1. 00 



The first five articles under this head related to Indians, who were 
treated in the most kind and considerate manner. In all cases it was en- 
joined upon the officer, or other person apprehending Indians, when behav- 
ing improperly or committing depredations, not to resort to the use of arms, 
unless absolutely necessary. In case of bad behavior or ill-treatment toward 
the colonists, the Indians were liable to receive, not exceeding twenty-five 
lashes, and to be sent under guard beyond the limits of the settlements, or 
delivered to the chiefs of their nation. Any person guilty of ill-treating 
or abusing any Indian was subject to a penalty of $100, for the first, and 
$200 for every subsequent, offense. 

In cases of theft, murder, or robbery, any person was authorized to use 
arms in apprehending the guilty party, and taking him or them before the 
alcalde. In case the guilty parties should attempt to escape, the nearest 
militia officer or alcalde was required to raise men and make pursuit ; in 
case of resistance when overtaken, the pursuers were authorized to fire on 
them, being held responsible, however, for injuring or killing an innocent 


person. When stolen property was thus recovered, the alcalde, upon proof 
of ownership, delivered it to the proper owners. 

All gambling was strictly prohibited. Any person guilty of this offense 
was liable to a fine of not less than $20, nor over $200, and every person 
allowing gambling in his house was liable to the same fine. Horse-racing 
was not prohibited, as it was considered as having a tendency to improve the 
breed of horses ; bets on races were not, however, recoverable at law. 

Profane swearing and drunkenness were offenses finable, not less than 
one, or more than ten dollars. The habitual drunkard was liable to impris- 
onment forty-eight hours. 

For a man and woman to live together as man and wife without being 
married, was a gross misdemeanor, and the parties, when convicted, were 
'iable to a fine, not less than $100, nor more than $500, in addition to 
being condemned to hard labor on the public works. 

Harboring or protecting runaway slaves was an offense punishable by a 
fine of $500, and damages sufficient to compensate the owner for the loss of 
the slave's labor. In addition to which, the party convicted was condemned 
to labor on the public works. 

Any person convicted of stealing or enticing away a slave, or inducing 
him to run away, was fined $1,000, and condemned to hard labor on the 
public works. 

Any slave convicted of stealing was liable to receive fourteen to one hun- 
dred lashes, the owner being notified to attend his trial, with the privilege of 
saving his slave from the whipping, by paying the costs and then twice the 
amount of the property stolen, the person whose property was stolen receiv- 
ing one-third, two-thirds being for the use of the public. 

Every slave found absent from bis owner's premises, without a written 
permit, was liable to be taken up, and to receive ten lashes ; and should the 
person finding him have reason to believe he had run away, it was made his 
duty to deliver him to his master or the nearest alcalde, and the owner was 
required to pay all reasonable expenses. 

A fine of not less than $25 nor more than $100 was imposed on any 
person for trading with a slave, without written authority from his owner, and 
should he purchase stolen property from the slave, he was condemned to 
return threefold its value to the owner. 

Any person buying stolen property of any kind, was condemned to pay 
three times its value to the owner, and to labor on the public works. 

Any person guilty of assault, of abusing, maiming, or ill-treating another 
willfully and maliciously, was fined not exceeding $100, imprisoned not over 
three months, and required to give security for good behavior. He was 
also liable in a suit for damages to the party injured. 


False and malicious slander was punished by a fine of from $10 to $100 
the party guilty being liable also in a suit for damages. 

Any person guilty of passing counterfeit money, knowing it to be such, 
was liable to a fine of double the amount, and condemned to labor on the 
public works. 

An alcalde knowing any person to be guilty of a crime, gross immo- 
rality, breach of the peace, etc., was required to bring such person before 
him, to summon witnesses, and make a record of the testimony, upon which 
the verdict of six disinterested men was required to be rendered, and a tran- 
script of the whole was then required to be sent up to the superior judge 
for final judgment, the prisoner having the privilege also of sending up his 
written defense, but to be kept in confinement, or released on bail, according 
to the degree of the offense charged, until final judgment was rendered. 

It was also made the duty of the alcalde to take up any person of bad 
character, vagrant, or fugitive from justice ; to examine the evidence for and 
against him, and to send up to the superior judge a record of the same, 
together with his own opinion in writing, keeping the prisoner in his custody 
till final judgment should be rendered. 

Any person attempting to resist the administration of justice, or to pre- 
vent the execution of legal process, or order, or decree, or abuse an alcalde, 
or other officer, in the discharge of his duty, was liable to a fine not to 
exceed $50, and imprisonment not longer than one month ; besides which, 
he was also liable to criminal prosecution and to be condemned to hard 

In all cases when a person was unable to pay the fine adjudged against 
him, he was condemned to labor, until his wages, at the usual rates, should 
amount to the fine. 

All fines were required to be applied by the alcalde, under direction of 
the superior judge, to the support of schools, or other public purposes. 


(From A Brief History of Texas.) 

Robert Cavalier de la Salle was a native of Rouen, in Normandy, 
date not known. His early years were spent in a nunnery of the Jesuits, 
where he acquired an accomplished education. He was intended for the 
church, but his restless disposition led him in another direction. He early 



evinced a desire to travel. In 1667 he came to Canada, and spent many 
years in exploring the St. Lawrence and other rivers, and in traveling among 
the great lakes. He acquired an intimate acquaintance with, and influence 
over the various Indian tribes with whom his travels brought him in contact. 
In 1683, he made a voyage of exploration down the Mississippi River, and 
returned to France. In 1685, having obtained royal letters patent, and pro- 
vided with four vessels, he set sail to discover the mouth of the Mississippi, 
but drifting too far west, he landed in Texas, supposing Matagorda Bay to be 
the object of his search. After exploring the country, La Salie conceived 
the bold project of traversing the country northward a distance of two thou- 
sand miles, to the Illinois River. Selecting a few of his friends, and leaving 
his colony in charge of his sub-officers, he started northward through the 
unexplored wilds of Texas, but on the 20th of March, 1687, he fell a victim 
to the treachery of his own men. Dr. Sparks says of him (" American Biogra- 
phy") : " He was saturnine in temperament, reserved in his communications ; he 
asked counsel of none. There was a certain hardness in his manners, a tone of 
lofty self-reliance, which though it commanded the obedience of his followers, 
did not gain their good-will. On the other hand, his capacity for huge 
designs has few parallels. He has been called the Columbus of his age : and 
had his success been equal to his ability, this distinction might justly have 
been awarded to him. Cool and intrepid, never for a moment yielding to 
despair, he bore the burden of his calamities manfully, and his hopes expired 
only with his latest breath." 

According to the narrative of Father Anastase, who accompanied La 
Salle's expedition, the ill-fated explorer was slain by a musket-ball fired by 
Duhaut, one of his men, who had become jealous and dissatisfied with him 
and others in the party. " Thus perished/' says he, u our wise conductor, 
constant in adversity, intrepid, generous, engaging, adroit, skillful, and capa- 
ble of anything. The spot where La Salle was murdered has not been 
precisely ascertained. It was several days' journey west of the Cenis Indians, 
whose dwellings were on the Trinity River. The place was probably on one 
of the streams flowing into the Brazos from the east, and not far from the 
river ; perhaps forty or fifty miles north of the present town of Washington." 



delivered in the city of houston, may 1 4, 1 873. 

Pioneers, Veterans of the Texan Revolution : 

I greet you with a heart that always has been, and always will be yours. 
I greet you gladly, as with full hearts you joyously clasp hands in reunion. 
Historic occasion ! the past mingling with the present ! Old Texans, vete- 
rans of the Republic of Texas, rejoice, be proud, for you can well indulge a 
manly, patriotic pride in the thought that, in looking around, all about you 
are the results of what you were a part. 

Look on these moving throngs of people ; this prosperous, solid city ; these 
telegraph wires, railroads, steamboats, warehouses, manufactories ; and down 
yonder, a little way off on the Gulf, that beautiful pearl of the sea, the grow- 
ing metropolis of your State. 

Turn your eyes east, west, north — on and on over what once was the 
wide range of the mustang and wilder Indian, and number there the ten hun- 
dred thousands of your countrymen, of whom you were the advance. 

This is your monument — the monument of your co-laborers and compat- 
riots. Grander and more lasting than pyramids of granite, marble, or brass; 
vast as the surface that rolls out in plains, hills, valleys, and mountains, from 
the Sabine to the Rio Grande and from the blue waters of the Gulf to the 
endless plains of the North. Thus it stands — beautiful, majestic, sublime, 
enduring as time. God's work and your work, redeemed from the wilder- 
ness, disenthralled from Mexico by forecast, energy, and industry ; by blood, 
valor, and wisdom, for the benefit of millions born and unborn. What eulogy 
can I pronounce on her — so beautiful, so wonderfully formed — her blue skies, 
green pastures, and healthful winds? What eulogy on those heroic men 
who sleep in her sod ? 

" As sleep the brave who sink to rest 
By all their country's wishes blest." 

On you, who now look on this growing work, who hear the tread of the 
advancing millions, to take peaceful possession of the places prepared by 
those who blazed and traced the way through forests and prairies wild, and 
planted for them the tree of law and liberty ! Eulogy itself stands silent 
before the picture. 


No matter what the mutations of time and the passions of men may bring, 
your monument is complete, and will stand as long as civilization shall last. 
Wonderful work ! Benefactors of your race ! Fathers of the state you 
reared in your strength, now, in your weakness and old age your child will 
revere and love you, and smooth your passage to the grave. 

It is true your labors have been severe, and your sacrifices many for 
Texas, but like all parents, you must watch until the end. Fathers of Texas, 
you and all of her children have a sacred duty to perform, that must not be 
forgotten, that must be continuous and unceasingly cherished — to preserve, in 
its unity, our beloved Texas. 

Texas, Texas ! — sound it, think of it, to where does it lead the mind ? 
Between the Colorado and Trinity ? Between the Trinity and Sabine ? Be- 
tween the Colorado and Rio Grande ? Between a tier of counties on the 
south, and Red River and Staked Plain on the north ? No, Texans. The 
Texan heart leaps over all these narrow spaces, and everywhere within its 
broad united limits, worships at the same Texan altar of patriotism. The soil 
of Rio Grande has drunk the blood of the sons of Sabine ; Red River has 
made her offerings on the coast, and the coast has her bleached skeletons on 
the arid plains of the north — Texas has but one second of March, but one 
Alamo, but one Goliad, but one San Jacinto. She has but one Lone Star. 
Every point of that star must remain, for when you take them away the star 
is gone. Who will put out this glorious luminary ? What mercenary, with 
soul so dead, would barter it away ? We plead for unity of Texas, as Camil- 
lus pleaded for one Rome ! 

United ! Where is the state that ultimately can compete with Texas ! 
How vast will be her resources, how light her taxes. Where we count dol- 
lars levied as tax now, we will count mills then, and yet how ample will be 
our revenues ! How potent will be our efforts ; when we stretch forth our 
arm it will be mighty ! When we raise our voice in council, all will be 
hushed to listen. 

Our seaboard will have its coronet clustering around a queen of pearls. 
Our interior will have her Lowells, and Manchesters, and Pittsburgs ; our 
railroads, subordinated to just laws and the interests of the public — the ser- 
vants, and not the masters of the people — will bind our extended parts to- 
gether in social and mercantile intercourse, preserving confidence, commun- 
ity of interest, and patriotic affection. Our institutions of learning, benevo- 
lence, and religion, will all rise higher and tower loftier, because of the ample 
resources and great name of our mighty State. Nothing little will live here — 
ideas, thoughts, feelings, all will be great, because of the association of 

On the other hand, divide, and the fragments, with their contracted limits, 


will be common. Each State, with its burden of taxes, and its comparative 
insignificance of position and influence at home and abroad, because partak- 
ing of mediocrity, will be small. And more (grievous the thought) Texas 
will be Texas no longer. Our glorious past will be left to history only, and 
no longer exist in the hearts of a living people. Then raise your voice with 
mine, that Texas a unit shall be forever— forever shall be united ! 

And to you, all of you Texans, who have immigrated since the imposing 
events that founded this great State were enacted, we hail, we welcome you 
as brothers and countrymen, and we implore you, by the sad recollections 
and wise experiences of the past, to affiliate with us in love and devotion to 
our great State. We invoke you for your own, and your children's good, to 
act and teach the union of Texas as our Texas — our whole Texas ! 

Veterans, you have done your work for progress. You are now conserva- 
tive. Age brings wisdom. We have witnessed so many changes of govern- 
ment that all our experiences strongly incline us to love peace and oppose 
intestine commotion or violent governmental changes. War is the worst and 
least reliable method of righting wrongs within the body politic. Especially 
has this been the result, legitimately or not, of the recent civil war. It has 
not only changed the characteristics of a noble people of a great section, in 
which was the highest type of civilized man I have ever seen, and is creating 
of the surviving people and their descendants a new people^ but it has occa- 
sioned the change of the practical working of the general government, and 
the relation of that government to the States as we have heretofore understood 
them. Whether these changes are to endure, or are for the better, time and 
experience will tell. We shall not quarrel about it here, and only refer to it 
in passing as an historical truth for reflection. We should recognize the 
facts as they exist, and try to make the most and the best of our situation ; 
and in a right spirit, with intelligence and truth, support the governments, 
State and federal, and patriotically work under them for our good and the 
well-being of the people, and zealously endeavor to so shape their destiny 
that it may be great in spite of adverse fortune and unjust legislation ; and 
avoid in Texas what I fear is the fate of some of her sister States — that their 
descent is and will be in proportion to their former elevation. One fact we 
should realize and be governed by : it is, that on ourselves — on the prudence 
and wisdom of the people of Texas — depend our improvement in government, 
as well as in material prosperity. For if our own experience has not taught 
us, Louisiana, South Carolina, and I may add, Alabama and other States, lell 
us in unmistakable language that the masses of the North, engaged in their 
own affairs, are too remote from us to understand properly the condition of 
the conquered States. They think these States are reconstructed with de- 
partments of government like their States, and hence suppose that all things 


will work as with them ; and if they do not, the local governments or people 
of the State must repair the wrongs. They do not, and will never realize the 
influences that operate on us. 

This condition of mind in the masses of the North gives the strongest 
practical reason in favor of State rights, or local government, resting in the 
hands of the intelligent people affected by it, as the surest means to secure 
the enactment and execution of wise and just laws, and thereby perpetuate the 
Union. And that it may be thus perpetuated, and be perpetual, is your prayer 
and my prayer. You want, we all want, to leave our children a safe, bene- 
ficent and enduring government ; a government that commands their love, 
and for which they will cheerfully battle. And when they march to the tented 
field, they will go as soldiers against a foreign enemy, and never more against 
their own countrymen. I most devoutly pray that civil war never again 
visit our land ; but Texas will climb to such a lofty height of influence that 
she will overtop all such storms, and still them in their brewing. And, that 
she may be able to do this most effectually, and all else that is for her good 
and the good of the country, her vast resources must be developed by 
population. The prospect for this is most encouraging ; by the increased 
facilities of transportation, through the railroad connections already com- 
pleted, and others that soon will be made, which will open up to her that vast 
tide of immigration that annually flows westward ; and largely increase 
that which has steadily flowed in from those Southern States where freed- 
men's rule prevails and will predominate ; also, by the line of steamers that run 
direct to Europe ; and with the increasing number of sail vessels to the same 
quarter, will bring to our State what is so much needed : many and willing hands 
to cultivate our fertile lands. For her influence depends upon her mate- 
rial prosperity and power, and both of these rest upon her wiion. 

Texas is twice as large as Prussia, more than twice as large as England, 
Scotland, and Ireland combined, and larger than Austria. 

Should the vicissitudes of human governments bring disruption upon 
ours, as they have brought it upon all large empires, sooner or later, then 
Texas united, can stand alone and raise her head proudly among the nations 
of the earth. 

Originally, the western boundary of Texas was the Nueces ; when the 
convention met that separated Texas from Mexico, it is a most significant 
and memorable fact that Stephen F. Austin, then a commissioner in the 
United States, urged by letters upon members not to fix the boundary west- 
ward, but to leave it open to the Sierra del Madre and Chihuahua. 

When President Burnet formed his secret treaty with the captive Santa 
Anna, he thought the good of Texas required the establishment of her west 
ern boundary, and the Rio Grande was named in the treaty. 


When the first Congress of the Republic met at Columbia, in the fall of 
1836, General Thomas Jefferson Green, of the House, introduced a bill that 
became a law, declaring the Rio Grande as the western boundary. Settle- 
ments were then made west of the Nueces, and our troops, under the hero, 
Jack Hays, Ben. McCullough, and others, gave them sufficient protection to 
enable them to hold possession until annexation. 

The United States admitted Texas with her boundaries defined, stipulat- 
ing to treat with Mexico only in regard to them. No Congressional act can 
change or divide Texas without her own consent ; and the consent of her peo- 
ple can never be obtained for dismemberment. No representative in Congress 
will dare to favor division in opposition to the will of her people, for no 
Credit Mobilier or political Dugald Dalgetty, it is to be hoped, will ever be 
found among her members. All of Texas not surrendered to the general 
government belongs to her people, for they have emphatically made her what 
she is. The fear of Indians and jealousy of Americans on the part of Span- 
iards, kept her almost an unknown land, except on the San Antonio road, 
before the Anglo-American settlement began. The small towns of San An- 
tonio and Goliad were the only settlements within this vast wild, when in 

1820, it was traversed to San Antonio by Moses Austin, on his mission of 
colonization. From the 16th of July, 182 1, the day that Stephen Austin 
entered into the wilderness of Texas, " to lay the foundation on which our 
present magnificent edifice is constructed," she has, under Texan energy and 
enterprise, advanced to what she was when she entered the American Union. 

Let us turn now and contemplate some of those historical events appro- 
priate to be recalled, and of which you were a part, before annexation. 
Moses Austin's application to colonize was confirmed on the 17th of January, 

182 1, and we have seen that on the 16th of July, of the same year, his son 
Stephen, who succeeded him, entered Texas with the first pioneers, viz., 
Edward Lovelace and Henry Holstein, both from Louisiana ; James Beard 
and William Little, both from St. Louis, Mo. ; W. Smithers, from Indiana ; 
Doc. Hewitson, Irwin, Burnum, Polly, Marple, Gasper, Bellew ; William 
Wilson, D. C, late lieutenant U. S. A. — thirteen in all. I get these names 
from the diary kept by Austin on his first trip, I think there were four others, 
but their names are not in the diary. Some of these we know as among our 
most respectable and useful citizens. I believe each one of them, except 
Burnum, has gone to the great unknown land, but some have left descendants 
behind to enjoy the rewards of their toils. With these, Austin reported at 
Bexar — was kindly received by Governor Martinez, recognized as the succes- 
sor of his father, and secured his commission as civil commandant of his 
colony. He then left for the lower San Antonio — explored the lower Guada- 
loupe, Lavacca, Colorado, and Brazos, and then returned to Louisiana, and 


brought out at the close of the year his first body of settlers with families and 
established them on the Brazos, which was the beginning of his settlement. 

The difficulties, sufferings, and clangers of settlement were all heroically 
surmounted by the first settlers without great loss of life ; they made the way 
easier for those who followed. The colonists of Austin as a class, from first 
to last, for general intelligence, social worth, probity of character and high 
manly virtues — and the women, many of them refined and accomplished, 
possessing the best domestic virtues, with fortitude and courage cheering 
their husbands, fathers, and brothers in the wilderness, and strengthening 
them in the field of battle — were the equals of any people. 

Mexico, with her revolutions and changing governments, and the absence 
of Austin at the City of Mexico, gave uneasiness to immigrants and re- 
tarded settlement. But Austin skillfully and bravely overcame every impedi- 
ment, gained the confidence of the changing Mexican officials, and worked 
into form what would have been a hopeless puzzle to most minds. 

Clothed with executive, legislative, and judicial powers, without laws or 
guide, but bis own good sense and love of right, under his judicious and pru- 
dent adminstration as lawgiver, judge, military commander and empresario, 
the colony grew and prospered until it became a well-organized community, 
when, February i, 1828, the State laws of Coahuila and Texas were extended 
over it. 

During Austin's absence for a year (parts of '22-^23) immigrants coming 
to his colony, discouraged by his absence, stopped on the Ayish Bayou and 
Trinity, and thus recommenced the settlement of Eastern Texas. This set- 
tlement steadily increased in numbers, until the Fredonian war, in 1827, 
threatened to destroy it. But on the approach of the political chief, Sancedo, 
with a strong force, the disaffected leaders crossed over the Sabine and, 
through the influence of Colonel Austin and Colonel Ahuamada with San- 
cedo, the people were permitted to remain in undisturbed possession of their 

President Burnet says : " At the time of this unhappy outbreak, Austin's 
colony was receiving large accessions. Several persons had succeeded in 
procuring empresario grants, but in truth Stephen F. Austin was the only 
empresario who fully carried out his contracts, and he labored sedulously in 
doing so," Texas continued to grow, and immigration flowed steadily in, 
and formed scattered settlements over her large surface, and the people were 
prosperous and happy. Indians were peaceful, and Mexican officials occu- 
pied with their own affairs, and having confidence in Austin, permitted re- 
mote Texas to enjoy her quiet improvement. But this was not to continue 
long ; it might have been protracted for several years longer than the time 
of rupture, if the wise and prudent councils of Austin had been observed. 


This was, perhaps, more than could be expected under the circumstances. 
But we shall not here discuss politics and questions that are not suitable to 
our space or the occasion. We will recur to some of those historical events 
that were obnoxious to the Texans, and precipitated revolution. 

On the expiration of the term of Guadalupe Victoria, the first and best of 
the Mexican presidents, Guerro and Pedraza were candidates for the presi- 
dency. Guerro had the popular majority, but Pedraza obtained the highest 
electoral vote, and was declared president in September, 1828. Santa Anna 
pronounced against him, and, after some fighting, Guerro was installed into 
office. Vice-president Bustamente deposed Guerro and assumed the reins 
of government. On the 6th of April, 1830, he issued a decree prohibiting 
any further immigration from the United States to Texas, and directed regu- 
lations to be made for the introduction of Mexican convicts into Texas, and 
the opening of custom houses and collection of onerous duties. General 
Teran came to Texas, 1831, established Colonel Bradburn at the mouth 
of the Trinity (Anahuac) with one hundred and fifty men, Colonel Ugar- 
tacha at the mouth of the Brazos with one hundred and twenty-five men, and 
sent Colonel Piedras to Nacogdoches with three hundred and fifty men. 
Troops were also stationed at San Antonio and Goliad. 

Although an American, Bradburn appears to have been weak and vain, 
and made himself obnoxious by his arrogance and petty tyranny. Piedras 
and Ugartacha were soldiers and gentlemen, and much respected by the 
settlers. Bradburn imprisoned Francisco de Madero, a commissioner sent 
to the Lower Trinity to issue to the settlers titles to their lands ; he abolished 
the ayuntamiento of liberty and appointed one of his own at Anahuac; he 
imprisoned Travis, Patrick C. Jack, S. T. Allen, and other citizens, andin 
conjunction with Ugartacha, issued an order closing all the ports of Texas 
except Galveston, and making Anahuac the only place of entry and collection 
of customs dues. This latter arbitrary order he afterward rescinded, upon 
the representations of the citizens of the Brazos, backed by the countenance 
of his junior, Ugartacha. 

William H. Jack visited his brother Patrick and endeavored to prevail 
upon Bradburn to deliver him and the other prisoners to the civil authorities. 
He was told that they should be sent to Vera Cruz for trial. Jack returned 
to San Felipe, stated the facts and aroused the friends of the prisoners. Steps 
were immediately taken that resulted in the collection of a respectable force 
in the vicinity of Anahuac, from the Brazos, Lower Trinity, andBevil's settle- 
ment on the Neches, under the command of F. W. Johnston, first; W. D. C. 
Hall, second, and Thomas H. Bradly, third. 

Bradburn, after being interviewed by a deputation from the settlers, de- 
termined to resist. 


John Austin, George B. McKinstry, and William J. Russell were sent to 
Brazoria for cannon, munitions of war, and men. Colonel William Pet- 
tus and R. M. Williamson were sent to San Felipe, to raise more men there 
and in the adjacent settlements. Johnston was soon after re-enforced 
by Captain A. Kuykendall with fifty or sixty men from the Brazos, and 
small parties 'daily coming in. He felt sufficiently strong, when he was 
informed that Colonel Piedras was near by, with a strong force of Mex- 
icans and Indians from Nacogdoches, to say to him, "You must halt, 
and not move backward or forward, for either movement will be regarded 
as hostile." 

By agreement, F, W. Johnston, Captain Randal Jones, and James Lindsay, 
as commissioners, met Colonel Piedras, and after a free interchange of opin- 
ions, it was agreed the prisoners should be delivered to the Alcalde of Liberty ; 
that Bradburn should be put under arrest and the command given to the 
officer next in rank — all of which was done, and Colonel Piedras returned to 
Nacogdoches and the settlers to their homes. 

In the meantime, Ugartacha had refused to declare for Santa Anna, and 
the settlers on the Brazos and lower Colorado, under John Austin, on the 
26th of June, 1832 (one hundred and twenty in number), attacked the fort 
at the mouth of the Brazos, and after eleven hours of fighting it capitulated. 
Captain William J. Russell commanded the schooner Brazoria, and, co-operat- 
ing with the land forces, did most efficient service in this action. I must 
here say a few words about John Austin, brother of that old veteran and 
gallant soldier, Colonel William T. Austin, of Galveston. At an early age, 
without the knowledge of his parents, he left his native Connecticut for the 
sea. One of his voyages brought him to a port of Mexico, and he made his 
way to the capital. Stephen F. Austin was there making his final arrange- 
ments regarding his first colony — the name attracted their notice, and they 
became acquainted, and John Austin returned with Stephen F. Austin to 
Texas. An intimacy ensued, which friendship ended only with the life of 
John, who died in 1833 in Braoria, of cholera. Mrs. Holley, in her history 
of Texas, says: "John Austin was a valuable man to Texas; he had great 
strength of character, was foremost in every important crisis, and ready at 
every post of danger. His name appears at the head of many interesting 
documents ; he was a faithful friend, and a good citizen." And as my mind 
runs over the names of others who were prominent in the capture of Velasco, 
I cannot, in passing, refrain to pause on that of the distingushed Captain 
John Henry Brown, one of the leaders of " the Brazoria boys." Although 
his body for more than thirty years has rested in the soil of that "Texan 
cradle of liberty," yet his voice, through his son bearing his full name, is still 
heard in our councils. 

Santa Anna. 

To face p. ii 


General Mexia, a friend of Santa Anna's, shortly after these events 
arrived at the mouth of the Brazos with five armed vessels and 400 men, 
accompanied by Colonel S. F. Austin, who hastened back from Saltillo, where 
he was attending the legislature, when he heard of these revolutionary 
events. Mexia invited Colonel Piedras to declare for Santa Anna, and on 
his refusal the settlers of eastern Texas assembled and respectfully invited 
him to declare for the Constitution of" '24." He declined. They attacked 
him at once and fought him all day. At night, Piedras silently withdrew 
from Nacogdoches and retreated rapidly toward the west. He was pursued, 
and the whole force surrendered. Texas was relieved of Mexican troops 
east of San Antonio, and the colonists were the avowed adherents of Santa 
Anna, and supporters of the Constitution of 1824. Mexia sailed back to 
Tampico and reported to Santa Anna the loyalty of Texas. 

The civil war between Santa Anna and Bustamenta was hushed by com- 
promise on the 23d of December, 1832, by recall of Pedaza to the presi- 
dency, who was succeeded by Santa Anna, March, ^^, with Gomez Ferias as 

Santa Anna at this time was the favorite of the nation. Now, whether 
from purely selfish ambition, or from a nobler motive— to give to his country 
a permanent government — he commenced his plans for changing the form of 
government. After some military operations, he retired to Mango de Clavo, 
his hacienda, and left the government in the hands of Gomez Ferias, who 
seems to have been a fierce and earnest Republican. 

Texas was now quiet, and rapidly increasing in population and resources 
of every kind. But there were those who thought her condition could be 
bettered, and that her local government should be improved. The legis- 
lature of Coahuila and Texas consisted of ten deputies from Coahuila and 
two from Texas. The address of Austin, and the confidence with which he 
was regarded by Mexican officials, had so far prevented any oppressive laws 
from being enacted against the colonists by the legislature. But now, the 
State colonization law of 1835 was repealed, and another enacted embody- 
ing the spirit of the odious law of the 6th of April, 1830. This law, to be 
enacted by the State government, caused discussion which ultimately grew 
into discontent that resulted in a convention, which met at San Felipe on the 
1st of April, 1833, °f which William H. Wharton was president, David G. 
Burnet, Sam Houston, and Stephen F. Austin were members. 

The convention adopted a constitution, also a memorial to Congress set- 
ting forth the reasons why Texas should be separated from Coahuila, and have 
a State government of her own. Stephen F. Austin was selected to bear 
these documents to the Mexican capital, and urge upon the government the 


admission of Texas into the Mexican Confederacy. You all know how faith- 
fully he performed his mission, and what were the consequences to himself. 

After a long delay, having obtained the repeal of the 6th of April decree, 
that forbade the immigration of North Americans to Texas, becoming satis- 
fied that in the distracted condition of Mexican politics, Texas had better 
bide her time for a more favorable opportunity for action on her memorial, 
and, in the meantime, organize a home local government under that clause 
of the organic law that united her to Coahuila, to wit : " Until Texas pos- 
sessed the necessary elements to proye a separate State of herself." And 
writing to this effect to the Ayuntamiento of Bexar, on the 10th of December 
he left for Texas. He was arrested at Saltillo, carried back to Mexico and 
incarcerated in a cell of seven by twelve feet of the dungeon of the Inquisition 
of Ocadordo, without books or writing materials, or solar or artificial light. 

There were now two legislatures in Coahuila, one sitting at Monclova and 
one at Saltillo, each with their State officers claiming to be the rightful gov- 
ernment. Santa Anna acted as umpire, and decided there should be a new 
election for State officers. 

Santa Anna now repaired to the capital, resumed his authority and ban- 
ished Ferias, and released Austin from his dungeon, but not confinement, in 
the prison of Ocadordo. On the 5th of October, 1834, he called a meeting of 
his principal functionaries, and with Austin discussed the affairs of Texas. 
He decided that an immediate separation of Coahuila and Texas was not ad- 
visable, but assured Austin then, and afterward, that Texas should have a 
government suited to her peculiar people, and that he recognized the differ- 
ence between them and his own countrymen and their capacity for self-gov- 
ernment. Had events been different, this truly able man might have been 
the real friend of Texas, as perhaps he tried to be to his own country. 

In April, 1834, a law was passed forming Texas into one judicial circuit 
and three districts — Bexar, Brazos, and Nacogdoches. T. J. Chambers was 
appointed circuit judge, and David G. Burnet was appointed for the district 
of Brazos. The Superior Court was not organized, but Judge Burnet held 
his court at San Felipe for several terms, and disposed of many cases. On 
the 9th of February, 1835, Augustin Viesca was chosen governor, and Ramon 
Musquiz, lieutenant-governor, and a new legislature was elected. Expecta- 
tions were now entertained that affairs would improve at the capital of the 
State, but it was not long before such hopes where shown to be fallacious. 
Santa Anna now exercised dictatorial powers, with a partisan Congress at 
his beck. It decreed that the militia of the States should be reduced to 
one in five hundred, and the remainder should be disarmed. It united the 
Senate with the House of Representatives, and declared itself invested with 
full powers as a national convention. It annulled the federal constitution 


and system, and established a central, or consolidated government, by decree 
of October 3d, 1835. In relation to this decree, Austin subsequently said, 
in his report to the provisional government, on the 30th of November, 1835, 
"However necessary, then, the basis established by the decree of the 3d of 
October may be to prevent civil wars and anarchy, in other parts of Mexico, 
it is attempted to be effected by force and unconstitutional means. How- 
ever beneficial it may be to some parts of Mexico, it would be ruinous 
to Texas. . . . 

The decree of the 3d of October, therefore, if carried into effect, evidently 
leaves no remedy for Texas but resistance, secession from Mexico, and a 
direct resort to natural rights." 

Santa Anna deposed Governor Viesca and appointed General Cos in 
his stead. He subjected all of the States to his authority, and increased the 
military at San Antonio. Colonel Ugartacha, commanding at this place, by 
orders of General Cos, demanded of Wiley Martin, political chief, pro tem., 
of the Brazos, Lorenzo de Zavala ; also the arrest of Travis, Johnson, Baker, 
Williams, J. H. Moore, and Williamson, as agitators and disturbers of 
the peace. The demand was met with refusal, and by none more firmly than 
the "peace party." Meetings were held and committees appointed, and 
resolutions passed, but the peace party was firm, resolute, and determined in 
opposition to precipitate and rash actions. At this juncture, on the last day 
of August, Stephen F. Austin arrived from Mexico. He was met by a large 
concourse of his colonists at Brazoria on September 8, 1835. ^ e na -d been 
absent from Texas since the spring of 1833, two years of that time a prisoner, 
and part of it in a loathsome dungeon. His health was gone, but his heart 
was full of love, and his mind strong and clear for his beloved Texas. He 
counseled union and resistance ; favored a consultation, but opposed extreme 
measures. You know, old Texans, with what delight his return was hailed, 
and how all hearts and hands were united in one and the same cause. Now, 
there was no peace party, no war party ; they were one and same with the 
masses. Immediately he was installed as chairman of the Committee of 
Safety at San Felipe, to which all Texas now looked for orders and advice. 
Preparation for organization and war was seen and heard everywhere. Like 
fire spreading over the prairies ran the news that Mexican forces were con- 
centrating at San Antonio, and that there had been a fight at Gonzales, the 
Lexington of Texas. Volunteers flocked to the latter place, and soon a force 
assembled there that required organization. Austin had succeeded in estab- 
lishing a temporary government at San Felipe, composed of one member from 
each of the committees of safety. He was sent for from Gonzales and urged 
to come there to reconcile the troops. He went, and was elected by accla- 
mation to the chief command on October 11, 1835. The enemy were beaten 


in every engagement, and finally driven into San Antonio and closely besieged. 
Our troops were thus being trained and instructed, which gave confidence 
that told on other fields. 

The consultation met at San Felipe on November 3, and established a 
provisional government, consisting of a governor, lieutenant-governor, and 
council. On the 13th of November it appointed Stephen F. Austin, William 
H. Wharton, and Branch T. Archer, commissioners to the United States, to 
obtain aid from the people and government of our native land. It called a 
convention with plenary powers ; provided for a regular army, and appointed 
Sam Houston to the command. Austin resigned the command of the army 
of the people to accept that of commissioner. Before leaving the army, 
Burleson was chosen to succeed him in the command. Milam and Johnson led 
a storming party into Bexar ; Milam fell and Johnson conquered. General 
Cos surrendered and marched out his forces, and left for the Rio Grande. 
Burleson dismissed the army, leaving a few Texans, and the gallant volunteers 
from the United States, in charge of San Antonio and Goliad. Matamoros 
then being the objective point for the next move, questions of authority, and 
who should command, now arose. Houston's appointment was for the regular 
army, and the troops in the field were volunteers. We will leave for a more 
critical student to amplify this interesting portion of Texan history, and deter- 
mine on whom rests the responsibility for the fate of Fannin and Travis, and 
the noble men who were sacrificed with them. Those with Fannin were 
volunteers from the United States, comparatively ignorant of the locality, 
and of Mexican character. Even at this remote period, our hearts are stirred 
afresh when we are reminded of their untimely and tragical fate. Texas 
still weeps for those chivalrous spirits who left their peaceful homes to water 
the Texan tree of liberty with their blood. Survivors of those bloody scenes, 
come, enroll your names with ours, that we may honor and revere you. 

The convention met on the 1st of March, and on the 2d declared Texas 
free and independent of Mexico. It elected the virtuous and cultivated 
David G. Burnet, president of the Republic, and selected his cabinet, and 
appointed Sam Houston, one of the body, commander-in-chief of all the 
forces in the field. 

Houston left for Gonzales on the 6th. On the night of that day the last 
wail of the Alamo ascended on high. When he reached Gonzales, he found 
the streets of that little town crowded with the weather-beaten faces of old 
Texans, most of them soldiers of the campaign of the previous year. Also, 
the gallant Sherman, with his company of Newport volunteers, who had just 
arrived. These formed the nucleus of that little army which was to decide 
the fate of Texas. 

Houston and the Texans in the field knew but little of each other. He 


stopped in eastern Texas a few weeks before the meeting of the convention 
of April 1, 1833. He was elected to that body from San Augustine, and at 
the outbreak of hostilities in the previous fall, he was chosen at a meeting 
in San Augustine, and by the Committee of Safety of Nacogdoches, to com- 
mand the " Redlanders," but they did not take the field. 

He was a member of the consultation from Nacogdoches, and of the con- 
vention from Refugio. He had had experience from having served when a 
young man in the United States army, and with General Jackson at the bat- 
tle of the Horse Shoe, where he was wounded, and promoted for gallant 
conduct. He was one of the finest looking men of his day ; his martial ap- 
pearance and military reputation gave hope to those gallant men who now 
composed the little army at Gonzales. He very properly decided to fall back 
until he could be re-enforced. He left Gonzales on the night of the 13th of 
March, and reached Burnam's, on the Colorado, on the 17th ; crossed over 
and marched down the east bank to Beason's, where he remained until the 
25th. General Sesma arrived opposite Beason's on the 18th, with a force 
eight hundred strong, with two pieces of artillery and sixty or seventy cavalry. 
Houston's force has been variously stated from 1300 to 1600. He crossed 
the Brazos at Groce's, where he fortunately met the steamboat Yellow Stone, 
which, loading with cotton for McKinney and Williams, transported his army. 
The Brazos was very high from heavy rains. It was the belief of many 
that he would continue his march eastwardly, but at Donohue's he turned 
down towards Harrisburg, and reached Buffalo Bayou, opposite that place, on 
the 18th of April. 

It was generally thought that the enemy would now be met, and on the 
evening of the 18th, Deaf Smith, the more than Harvey Birch of Texas, 
brought in a courier of the enemy he had captured, from whom it was ascer- 
tained that Santa Anna had marched in the direction of Lynche's Ferry on 
the San Jacinto. 

The facts were these : The enemy had advanced under Santa Anna to 
San Felipe, and thence down to Fort Bend, where Richmond now stands, 
where they were temporarily held in check by a company of the citizens of 
that locality, under the command of Captain Wyley Martin, who was sta- 
tioned at Moreton's, on the east bank. The other division under Urrea had 
proceeded to Brazoria and Columbia. Santa Anna, leaving Filasola in com- 
mand of the army at Fort Bend, dashed on across the country with a force 
between 600 and 800 strong with the elite of his army and one brass twelve- 
pounder, to Harrisburg, where he arived on the 15th; but Burnet and his 
cabinet had left. He burned Harrisburg, and hastened down to New Wash- 
ington, or Morgan's Point; and his advance under Colonel Almonte had 
the mortification to see President Burnet standing amidst the shower of balls 


sent after him, on a flat boat, as it was pushed off into deep water. He re- 
traced his steps up to the fatal field of San Jacinto, where Houston, having 
crossed Buffalo Bayou, confronted him on the 20th. That night he was re-en- 
forced by Cos. On the afternoon of that day a brilliant engagement ensued 
on the part of our cavalry under the lead of the dashing Sherman, to capture 
the enemy's artillery, which whetted the appetite of our men for the battle of 
the morrow. 

I need not tell you of that glorious onset and rout of the enemy. Texans 
would have won that battle had the whole Mexican army been there, instead 
of the sixteen hundred they killed, wounded and captured. Under the thrill- 
ing cries of " Remember the Alamo ! Remember Goliad ! " with the convic- 
tion of success, with the high-souled determination and enthusiastic energy 
inspired by the past, a full knowledge of the awful responsibility of the pres- 
ent ; with the cries of their fleeing wives and children sounding in their ears, 
with bated breath and pallid cheeks, they sprang forward on their foe. No 
Mexican army could have stopped that onward moving mass of resistless 
Texans on that day ! What Waterloo was to Napoleon, was San Jacinto to 
Santa Anna ! What Bannockburn was to Scotland, was San Jacinto to 
Texas ! 

Houston was wounded in the ankle, which always caused a perceptible 
halt in his walk, reminding one of the "hero of San Jacinto." 

He formed an armistice with Santa Anna that included the immediate re- 
treat of Filasola, which really amounted to a flight. He asked the president 
to relieve him from the command, in consequence of his wound, and was 
succeeded by the secretary of war, General Thomas J. Rusk. General 
Houston's military career here closed. He left for the United States, and 
shortly after his return to Texas was elected president of the Republic. 
He continued in public civil life from that time to the outbreak of the late 
civil war. 

He was a remarkable man, and a politician of eminent ability, and in the 
days of the Republic always exercised great influence in shaping her destiny. 
In speaking to me, as he also did to Santa Anna, and to the country in 
his place in the United States Senate, he spoke of Stephen F. Austin, as the 
Father of Texas. 

Though Austin never professed to have had experience in military affairs, 
yet his conduct, with the knowledge of facts, we believe, will stand the test of 
military criticism. His position at the head of the army in "35" came to 
him ; he did not seek it, and only accepted it for the good of Texas, as he 
often did, when accepting the numerous positions he filled in her times of 
trouble and danger, generally defraying his own expenses, when many times 
he was illy able to do so. He justly felt that Texas was a child of his crea- 


tion, and he loved her with more than eastern adoration, and for her he 
sacrificed his life. The moral grandeur of his character grows brighter with 
time and comparison. Epaminondas-like, he regarded it a virtue not to 
resent injuries received in public life, when his country was in danger. His 
generosity, mildness, and prudence were proverbial. His devotion to his 
colonists, and his love for Texas, his pure and unselfish character, his admir- 
able judgment and knowledge of men, his love of justice and of his race, and 
stern adherence to high principles under all circumstances, give him a char- 
acter worthy the admiration of the good of succeeding generations. An 
admiration freely accorded by Burnet, Lamar, Jones, Rusk, Burleson, Archer, 
and others of his associates, as well as by the historians Kennedy, Foote, 
Yoakum, Holley, Edwards, Stiff, and every one who has written on Texas that 
I have read. 

Simple in his habits, straightforward, truthful and faithful in character, 
free from all those arts that are so often used to beguile and flatter the people, 
yet easy and persuasive in manners toward all, he had the affection and con- 
fidence of his colonists ; and with patience, forbearance, and fortitude, he 
achieved success in the great object of his life, where all others failed except 
De Witt, whom he assisted. I have said this much of Austin, whose life and 
history so largely enter into that of Texas, from a sense of duty : for, pos- 
sessing his private papers, I question whether any one living understands his 
character so well, or who has studied it so closely to arrive at the truth, as 

I could refresh your minds by recurring to the historical events, civil and 
military, of later date, when Rusk, Felix Huston, and Sidney Johnston were in 
command of our army, and when, in 1842, Somerville marched to the Rio 
Grande, and the men of Mier were captured ; but the field is too large even 
to your willing minds ; I fear I might become tedious. We have the satis- 
faction of knowing that our flag, high advanced, moved onward, and waved 
proudly until the Stars and Stripes were raised above it. 

As an interesting reminder, I will briefly give some facts in relation to 
the history of that flag so dear to the heart of every old Texan — the flag of 
the Lone Star. 

The first Lone Star flag that I can find account of was made at Har- 
risburg in this county, and presented to the company of Captain Andrew 
Robinson in 1835. The Lone Star was white, five pointed, and set in ground 
of red. 

The Georgia battalion flag was azure, lone star, five points, in white field. 
This flag was raised as a national flagon the walls of Goliad by Fannin when he 
heard of the declaration of independence. The National flag adopted by Pres- 
ident Burnet, at Harrisburg 9th of April, 1836, for naval service was — union 


blue, star central, and thirteen stripes alternate red and white. December 10, 
1836, Congress adopted a national flag — azure ground, with large golden star 
central, combined with flag adopted by President Burnet. This was amended 
by act, January 25, 1839, that made the permanent flag, blue perpendicular 
stripe, width one-third of the whole, white star, five points in the center, and 
two horizontal stripes of equal breadth, upper white and lower red. 

Veterans ! because you have just cause to be proud of your works ; have 
lived for a good purpose and been successful ; have planted that others may 
reap, making your lives nobly useful, and that the ending of your days may 
be peaceful and pleasant in the enjoyments of reunion, it has been proposed 
that these events of the past, so dear to you, shall be commemorated by 
annual meetings, and in manner as you may determine. We are not singular in 
this desire ; it belongs to people, ancient and modern. Jews and Christians 
have celebrated, and do celebrate, their illustrious days. History tells us that 
the great festivals of the ancient Greeks promoted a spirit of union among 
the various branches of the Greek race, and that the only prize given at the 
games, to the conqueror, was a simple garland of wild olive, " but that this 
was valued as one of the dearest distinctions in life ; to have his name 
proclaimed as victor was an object of ambition with the noblest and the 
wealthiest of the Greeks.'' New England and other portions of our country 
have organizations to celebrate their early settlement and achievements. 
And why should not we ? We have met here, then, that we may effect this 
by organization. We organize that we may know each other, perpetuate our 
names and services and those of our buried companions, recount deeds and 
events of early times, and keep them and their actors alive in mind, and thus 
hand them down to posterity, fresh and green, by tradition, song, and story, 
from the living actors of those days. We organize for no party political pur- 
poses, but that we may have annual meetings, and there renew our pledges of 
affection for each other, and devotion to our great united State. We desire 
to deserve the good-will, respect, and approval of all Texans, young as well 
as old, and to cultivate the feeling that we are all Texans, having a common 
destiny, a common interest, and a common object — the prosperity and unity 
of Texas. 

These are the objects of our association, nobler ones we could not have. 
The enjoyment of them will tend to soften our hearts, and drive away for the 
time all the asperities of life. We mean to be a respected and devoted band, 
cultivating the associations of the past — endearing them to ourselves and to 
others ; cherishing emotions akin to those felt by friends of early days, 
when, meeting in after life, turning from the busy world, they joyfully go 
over in heart and mind the scenes of the old school-house and college, 
drink from the cool running spring — " the moss-covered bucket that hung in 


the well," — sit in the old arm chair, and sing, "Woodman, spare that tree." 
These are our holy desires and motives. Let none asperse them. 

Veterans ! we have dwelt on colonization, settlement, and revolution, of 
that extraordinary battle that settled the liberty and fixed the destiny of 
Texas. Of your conduct and courage during these perilous times when 
your mission was to found and create. The mission of the present generation 
and those who come after you is, and will be, to preserve and improve what 
you have contributed to make of united Texas. 

The associate of Milam, the leader of the conquerors of San Antonio in 
'35, is here — Colonel Frank W. Johnston ! Rise, veterans, and do him 
honor ! That old Caranquaha Indian-fighter, Captain Randal Jones, 87 
years old^ though blind, is here ! That Nestor of the Texan press, the 
founder, editor, and publisher of the only newspaper in the campaigns of '35, 
and '36, the time-honored Telegraph — of whom Stephen F. Austin, when 
looking around for the proper man to compile the land papers of his colonies, 
said, he was essentially an honest man : that young old man, Gail Borden, is 
here ! One of the veterans of San Jacinto and first judge of the Republic, 
Ben Franklin, and first marshal of Texas, Judge Calder, are here ! The only 
survivor of the aides of Austin, Burleson, and Johnson, in '35, Colonel William 
T. Austin, is here ! That old veteran of the civil government of '35-36, 
Judge Waller, is here ! One of the heroes of the Lexington of Texas, the 
associate of Moore, Colonel Wallace, is here ! Walter P. Lane is here, whom 
Lamar, at San Jacinto, rescued from a Mexican lancer, when wounded, 
knocked from his horse and down, and who would have been killed but for 
his placing him behind a comrade and killing the Mexican, and then carry- 
ing him off the field. Captain Horatio Chriesman, the first surveyor of 
Austin's colony, and Colonel John Forbes, commissary-general of the army 
of '36, are here ! Old veterans ! — Companions of the founders and fathers 
of Texas, there are so many of you I see before me who have performed im- 
portant services in the past, I would love to mention and embrace you all. 
May God smile on and spare the old veterans for many reunions. May 
you live long, and enjoy the prosperity of imperial Texas, which you aided 
to found, and feel the consolation in your last hour that Texas has done to 
you honor and gratitude. 





The following biographical sketch has been kindly furnished us by Mr. 
Anglin, with the privilege of using it as we choose. We give it almost in his 
own language, and no one who knows him will doubt his statements : 

Abram Anglin was born in Kentucky, December 28, 181 7. His father 
moved to Illinois when he was one year old, and came to Texas in 1833. 
They settled on the frontier, now Limestone county, many miles from any 
white habitation. The little colony with which they came consisted of about 
eight families. In 1835 he enlisted in the service as a Texas Ranger. As 
the Indians and Mexicans were, at that time, becoming troublesome, they 
built Fort Parker, near the present site of Groesbeck. These families were 
the advance-guard of civilization. Fort Houston, in Anderson county, was 
the nearest protection, except their own trusty riflesj 

In 1835, the hostility of the Indians and Mexicans compelled this little 
band of brave men and women to abandon Fort Parker. Among those 
who were compelled to flee before the invading army of Mexicans, was the 
father of Mr. Anglin. His son Abram accompanied him to the Trinity River, 
intending to see them safe over, and return for the purpose of joining our 
forces. They were delayed at the river in consequence of an overflow. 

Before they could cross the river, the joyful news reached them that the 
Mexicans had been defeated at Jacinto. Going on to Fort Houston, and 
remaining there a few days, he returned to Fort Parker, in company with 
Seth Bates, his son Silas, David Faulkenbury and his son Evans, to look 
after the crops and stock. These hardy sons of toil spent their nights some- 
times in the fort and sometimes on their farms. 

On the night of May 19, 1830, they slept at the fort, and left early next 
morning to work on their farms, as was their custom. About eleven o'clock, the 
19th, a lady brought them news that a force of six hundred Indians had 
attacked the fort, murdered the few men left, and had taken the women and 
children prisoners, except those who had escaped by hiding in the brush. 
Mr. Anglin gathered up his comrades, David Faulkenbury, his son, and Plum- 
mer, and picking the flints of their trusty weapons, started to the scene of 


conflict, resolved to rescue the women and children, even against such fear- 
ful odds. On their way they encountered several Indians, who had a Mr. 
Nixon, Mrs. Silas Parker and two of her children, prisoners. They followed 
them to the fort and there recaptured the prisoners. Seeing the fort had 
been destroyed, and finding such a large force of Indians, the brave little 
band retreated ; Mr. Anglin carrying a child in his arms, and another one of 
the company another. Nixon fled the field as soon as he was released. The 
Indians from whom they had taken the prisoners, returned to the main body 
which was collected about two hundred yards from the fort containing the 
hapless women and children, whipping them and maltreating them in every 
conceivable way. About thirty mounted Indians, armed with bows and 
arrows strung and drawn, would charge them, uttering the most unearthly 
yells, but on the presentation of their guns they would halt, right-about wheel, 
and retire to a safe distance. This continued until they had passed through 
a forty-acre field and entered the woods, when they ceased to pursue, sup- 
posing that they were being led into an ambuscade. They carried Mrs. 
Parker and her children about five miles, stopping several times for the 
exhausted mother to rest. Mr. Anglin was compelled to dip water in his 
shoe to give her drink. On the way to a place of safety, the party met with 
old man Bates, his son Silas, and old man Lunn. They carried Mrs. Parker 
and her children into the Navisota bottom ; left them with Mr. Bates, agree- 
ing upon a signal — the hooting of an owl — on their return. 

Mr. Anglin, David and Evans Faulkenbury ; and Silas Bates started back to 
the fort to succor the wounded and those who might have escaped. The 
party had to pass by the farm of Mr. Anglin's father. Being himself in front 
of the little company, he saw the first and only ghost he ever saw. It was 
dressed in white, with long white hair streaming down its back. He admits 
that he was scared worse then than when the Indians were yelling and charg- 
ing. Seeing him hesitate, his ghost beckoned him to come on. Approach- 
ing the house, it proved to be old Granny Parker, whom the Indians had 
abused, stabbed, and left for dead, because of her age and infirmity. She had 
made her way to this house from the fort by walking and crawling. Mr. Anglin 
took some bed clothing, carried her some distance from the house, made her 
a bed, covered her up and left her until the party should return from the fort. 
On their arrival at the fort they could not see or hear a single human sound. 
But the dogs were barking, the cattle bellowing, the horses neighing and 
the hogs squealing, making hideous medley of sounds. Mrs. Parker had 
told Mr. Anglin where she had thrown some silver, one hundred and six dol- 
lars and a half. This he found under a hickory bush, by moonlight. Find- 
ing no one at the fort, they returned to where they had hidden Granny Parker. 
One taking her up behind him, they went to where they had left the other 


parties rescued, and giving the signal, it was answered by the man Nixon, 
whom they had not seen since his inglorious flight from the fort. In the 
book published by Jas. W. Parker, on pages 10 and n, he states that 
Nixon liberated Mrs. Parker from the Indians and rescued old Granny 
Parker. Mr. Anglin asserts that this is a mistake. He is willing to be 
qualified to the statements he here makes, and can prove the same by Silas 
H. Bates, now living near Groesbeck. 

The party remained in the bottom the balance of the night, and in the 
morning, leaving the men of the party with the women, the younger portion 
went back to the fort to get provisions and horses. 

On the return of the young men to the fort, they found about five horses, 
a few old saddles and some bacon and honey. They were forced to leave 
the dead unburied. They then returned to the party in the bottom, concealed 
themselves until dark, when they started through the woods to Fort Houston. 
It took them three days to reach the fort. They raised a company of about 
twelve men, came back to Fort Parker, buried the dead, and drove off the 
stock. Mr. Anglin remained in Anderson county until the 28th of January, 
1837. He then set out, accompanied by David and Evans Faulkenbury, 
Douthet, Hunter, and Anderson, to gather up some hogs that had strayed. 
Finding some on the east side of the Trinity, they sent them back by Douthet 
and Hunter, who promised to return next day and bring a canoe for the pur- 
pose of crossing the river. Being impatient to accomplish their mission, they 
constructed a raft of logs and crossed over, and searching all the forenoon 
for the hogs, they repaired to the place where they were to meet the parties 
with the canoe. 

The remainder of the story details facts of an interesting nature, and we 
prefer giving them in Mr. Anglin 's own language. 

" Arriving at the river we found no canoe, but plenty of Indian sign ; and 
supposing the tracks to have been made by friendly Indians, went near the 
river where the bank shielded us from the wind, and lay down to await the 
canoe. We all fell asleep, and were awakened by the war-whoop and firing 
of Indians. About thirty of the dastardly red-skins had crept up within 
fifteen feet of us, some armed with bows and arrows and some with guns, 
and the first we knew they opened fire on us. David Faulkenbury was the 
first to rise, handed me my gun and picked up his own. I noticed that he 
was wounded, as was Anderson also. Just as I arose a ball struck me in the 
thigh, inflicting a terrible wound. David Faulkenbury said, " Come on, boys, 
it is time to go ; " and throwing his gun into the water, plunged into the river 
himself. Anderson also jumped into the river. Evans Faulkenbury and 
myself sprang behind an ash tree, intending to shoot at the Indians, but they 
had concealed themselves behind a bluff, and knowing it to be useless for two 


of us to fight so many when they had every advantage, I threw my gun in, 
jumped into the river and swam to the opposite side. As I was swimming, 
the Indians were discharging their arrows, and while climbing out on the 
opposite bank I received several other slight wounds. Weak and exhausted, 
however, as I was, I reached the bank, where I found David Faulkenbury 
too badly wounded to travel. He told me to make my way to the fort as 
best I could. I had gone about four hundred yards when I met Hunter 
coming to carry us in the canoe. He took me up behind him and traveled 
as fast as he could toward the fort. We soon met the other men, and by 
their assistance I reached Fort Houston, greatly exhausted and suffering 
from the wounds. A company of men went back the same night to look for 
the rest of our party, but did not find them until the next day. They found 
the corpse of David Faulkenbury near a hole of water. He had cut the long 
grass and made him a bed on which to die. About two miles further on 
they found the remains of Anderson, with two arrows sticking through his 
back. He had run that distance after swimming the river, and fell dead. 
Evans Faulkenbury was never seen or heard from. We could see his tracks 
some distance down the edge of the water, and we supposed he was mortally 
wounded. We searched for his body in the river, but never found it. All 
my comrades with me on that occasion perished, and I alone was left to tell 
the tale of our suffering." 

Mr. Anglin remained at Fort Houston until March, when he, again en- 
tered the service as a Texas Ranger ; came to the frontier, and served six 
months. In the fall of 1837, he and his father and a few others brought their 
families to the neighborhood of old Fort Parker. The Indians became 
troublesome again in the spring of 1838 ; they had to leave their farms and 
fall back to Whelock. Here he remained, now following agricultural pursuits, 
and then shouldering his rifle as his country needed his services. In 1844, 
he served as a volunteer, and met the wily Indian on these same broad prai- 
ries that are now being rapidly filled with peaceable and peace-loving citi- 
zens. Mr. Anglin has helped to drive out the Indian, and now lives to enjoy 
the fruits of his toil and privation. All honor to the veterans of Texas. 

At the time of the massacre spoken of above, there were only six men 
in the fort, viz., Elder John Parker, Benjamin and Silas Parker, Samuel 
and Robert Frost, and J. E. Dwight. These had been left in the fort while 
the others had gone out for the purpose of working on their farms. Includ- 
ing the men whoss names are mentioned, there were thirty-four in the fort 
eighteen of whom were children. Mr. Dwight was the only man who es- 
caped from th2 fort ; all the rest were killed. Several of the women es- 
caped, and some were subsequently rescued from the Indians, as related 
above. Mrs. Plummer and her son James Pratt, only about eighteen months ot 


age, Mrs. Kellogg, and the two oldest children of Silas Parker, were captured 
and carried into captivity. By almost a miracle, old Granny Parker, as she 
was familiarly known, being left for dead, was rescued by Mr. Anglin and his 
intrepid party. The Indians plundered the fort, killed all the cattle they 
could find, fled immediately to the mountains, leaving the dead, and those 
whom they thought were dead, exposed to the wild beasts of the prairie, until 
they were buried by the returning party, as narrated above. Their remains 
now repose near Old Fort Parker. Mrs. Plummer, her child, and others, were 
carried into captivity, where they remained for eighteen months. 




(Texas Almanac, 1857.) 

A highly interesting letter was addressed to the Senate of Texas by 
Stephen F. Austin, dated Columbia, December 5, 1836, which throws much 
light on some important matters connected with his labors in colonizing 
Texas, and the breaking out of the revolution. General Austin fully ex- 
plains, in this letter, the difficulties attending the colonization contract at 
first given to R. Leftwich and afterwards transferred by him to the Nashville 
(Tennesee) Company. It seems, however, that this transfer to foreigners 
was considered illegal by the Governor of Texas, on the ground that the 
contract gave no such right to empresarios without the consent of the 
government ; but General Austin procured the sanction of the transfer at 
Saltillo by a decree dated October 15, 1827. The Nashville Company, 
however, did nothing to settle the country, for six years, to 1830, except to 
make locations for persons not in the country. But they adopted the plan 
of selling land scrip, in the United States, by advertisements and publica- 
tions, which example was followed by other companies and empresarios, 
and caused the first great alarm i?i Mexico as to Texas, leading to the prohibi- 
tion of emigrants from the United States, and all the restriction measures 
against Texas. 

Major Sterling C. Robertson and Mr. Alexander Thompson arrived in 
Austin's colony in November, 1830, about five months before the expiration 
of the above contract, with a few families. But having had some difficulty 
with Piedras, the military commandant of Nacogdoches, as they passed 
through that place, orders were issued by General Teran, Governor of Texas, 


to expel them from the country. General Austin afterward procured a 
counter order from Teran. with permission to receive him himself as colonist. 
General Austin says this caused him a great deal of trouble, and jeopardized 
the interests of his own colony. Afterward, while attending the legislature 
at Saltillo, in January, 1831, General Austin applied for an extension of time 
to the Nashville Company, or a new contract to Robertson ; but this appli- 
cation produced great offense, as the governor (Viesca) said it would be in 
direct violation of the law of 1830, forbidding all contracts with citizens of 
the United States, and would involve him in trouble with both State and 
General Governments especially as Robertson had made himself so obnox- 
ious. General Austin says that by thus interfering in behalf of Robertson, he 
lost sight of his duty to his own colonists, inasmuch as this application 
tended to destroy his influence with the government, at a time when that in- 
fluence was essential to secure the best interests of his colonists. He says, 
applications to colonize that section of country had been made by several 
foreigners, and that Governor Viesca expressed a preference for them, and 
would not interfere with the prohibiting law of 1830. General Austin says 
he was alarmed at the ruinous consequences that would ensue to Texas, 
should the contracts be granted, as these foreign contractors had uniformly 
made their contracts a matter of speculation, by selling land scrip and im- 
posing upon the ignorant and credulous, and thereby bringing great discredit 
upon Texas, and deterring instead of promoting immigration. It was under 
these circumstances that he applied for a contract in the name of himself and 
Sam'l M. Williams, who had both become Mexican citizens, and were not 
under the prohibition of the law of 1830, against citizens of the United 
States. This contract was granted with some difficulty, and embraced all 
the vacant land of his former colony (except the coast), and extended over 
the country above the San Antonio road. General Austin considers that the 
obtaining of this contract, and thereby keeping out foreign companies, was 
among the most valuable services he had rendered Texas. Instead of hav- 
ing done anything to the injury of the Nashville Company or Roberston, he 
says he did all he could to serve them. He says he foresaw, in 1830, that a 
break with Mexico was inevitable, but that it was of the greatest importance 
to keep it off as long as possible, to gain time and strength for the contest. 
He says the contract of Austin and Williams was essentially necessary to 
the best interests of his colonies below, as by settling the upper colony, the 
lower ones would be protected. General Austin alludes to the grants he 
had made in the upper colony, which he considers valid, though disputed, 
and it appears that the same land was often claimed by others as having 
been granted under Robertson. General Austin concludes by saying that 
this exposition is made to elucidate a question then before Congress, as 
to what should be done with Robertson's colony. 




MAY 20, 1874. 

My Brethren : When I say that such a meeting as this is a real pleasure 
to me, suggestive of the loftiest emotions, I say what proves itself in each of 
your hearts, for the pleasure is mutual — it is the long-deferred meeting of a 
family circle annually contracting, whose members have been separated for 
years by the pressing necessities of life, after the cessation of war. We come 
together now, and look into each other's faces, who may never all meet again 
in this world. 

I see around me, in the presence of its founders, the remains of the ever- 
glorious little Republic of Texas, in whose era every citizen of intelligence 
knew something of every other citizen of average respectability, from the 
Sabine to the Rio Grande, because the progenitors of the Republic were 
so few in number, that individuality, which was the element of success in 
founding the Republic, stood out in bold relief, like a lone oak in a 
wide prairie. There sit around me men whom I have not seen before 
ere this since the fall of 1836 — near thirty-eight years. I meet again 
the remains of that little army, which knew Thomas J. Rusk, Sam Houston, 
Albert Sidney Johnston and Mirabeau B. Lamar, as its prominent members, 
and William G. Cooke, George W. Hockley, Edward Burleson, and Sidney 
Sherman, as its secondary but not less gallant leaders. 

I look upon those who shared in the dangers and privations of the first 
settlement with Austin and the orignal three hundred ; and there come with 
me from the Red River border, men who were within the limits of Texas in 
1818, prior to the settlement by Austin, and who, in those days, ranged the 
Red River country, to repel and punish Indian aggression. And we have with 
us a few specimens of the generous old Texan planter of the coast counties, 
noble specimens of human nature, who in other days, illustrated the genial 
hospitality of the pioneer period. 

Is there not an involuntary swelling of the heart when such men as these 
come together after years of severance ? and when the well-remembered forms 
of the departed pioneers, still dearly cherished, pass in the review of memory, 
and we feel again their genial presence, and have impressed upon us vividly, 
their civic and military, and social virtues ? Are we not necessarily carried 
back again into that era when 25,000 men, women, and children constituted 


all the white population of Texas, and the largest forces it ever banded were 
1200 men at Beason's Ferry, and 1800 when Rusk's call to resist invasion, 
brought that number to the Colette for a short period in the fall of 1836? 
Was not San Jacinto fought by about 750 patriots ? Was not San Antonio 
captured by 301 daring men driving out of a fortified city a force of 1400? 
Did not Bowie and Fannin at Concepcion, with ninety men, drive off 400 
assailants, and capture their cannon? W T hen we look upon the face of the 
President of this Association, who received the capitulation of San Antonio, 
do we not look into the glorious past? 

With us now, is the second in command at Gonzales, the Lexington of 
Texas, who came with Ned Burleson and Tom Dennis, the first to succor the 
eighteen who had thrown up temporary breastworks, and were determined to 
resist the removal of their single piece of artillery, which the Mexican com- 
mander had sent to take from them. Re-enforced by squads until they out- 
numbered the assailants, they organized under Moore and Wallace, crossed 
the river and drove the enemy into an ignominious flight after a short skirmish. 
With us also is Amasa Turner, who commanded one of the three companies 
which came first to re-enforce Houston, as he fell back from the Colorado, 
coming in with Colonel John Forbes, Houston's aid, who is also with us. 
From another one of these captains, Richard Roman, dated San Francisco, 
April 25th, I have a letter evincing the deepest interest in our meeting to-day, 
and soliciting a copy of the proceedings, which, he says, " several of us 
veterans living here will be pleased to read." He says, " I, of course, cannot 
be with you, except in sentiment and feeling. I regret this, because of the 
pleasure I should enjoy in personally meeting with our old companions in the 
early days of trouble." The third of this gallant trio, William S. Fisher, 
participating at San Jacinto, acting as Secretary of War under Houston's 
first administration, and subsequently commanding the ill-fated Mier expedi- 
tion, has gone to his reward. All these came out again in the fall of 1836, 
when Rusk called for men to repel Urrea. When we think of these men we 
pass back into the chivalric period of our history, when patriotism in Texas 
was an intuition, and as the committee of San Felipe said, " it required more 
patriotism to keep men at home than to get them into service." Is not this 
expression descriptive of the revolutionary period of our history? 

We have also with us Alexander Horton, a representative of the force 
which pursued Piedras to the Angelina in 1832, and Edwin Waller and 
Robert H. Williams, who were at the capture of Velasco, and who participated 
in the earliest civil councils of Texas, and E. M. Pease, who was Secretary 
of the Council of the Provisional Government before the Declaration of In- 
dependence ; and William J. Russell, whose name appears in the earliest 
movements for liberty. We have also Duncan and Reed, who were at the 


capture of Goliad, and Hunter, Cooper and Scurlock, nearly all who remain 
of the few who escaped the general massacre of Fannin's men. We have 
with us, too, McKneely and Brown, who were with Grant's forces when cap- 
tured at Goliad, and were carried captives to Matamoras. We have with us 
also, six signers of the Declaration of Independence, Charles B. Stewart, S. 
W. Blount, J. W. Bunton, W'illiam Menifee, Edwin Waller, and William B. 
Scates, whose action changed the flag under which we rallied, from the white, 
red, and green of the Republican party of Mexico, to the azure field and the 
golden star of the Republic of Texas. These men carry us back to the 
incipiency of the Texas Revolution. 

In those days, my friends, patriotism was the animating impulse. There 
were no peculations upon the public funds — there were no public funds. We 
had no speculative army contractors, because the only contractor we had — 
Tom McKinney, had no means but his own money and credit, and the basis 
of his authorized purchases was first to solicit assistance, and endeavor to 
negotiate a small loan. That army contractor, full of zeal, and not looking 
to profit, did not enrich himself, as army contractors do in this day, but im- 
poverished himself, and sacrificed his personal prosperity upon the altar of his 
country, dying in poverty, with the debt that Texas justly owed him unpaid. 
Texas, I fear, is not likely to disprove the old maxim which describes repub- 
lics as ungrateful. 

In the past, which I am attempting feebly to describe, when the citizen 
heard of Indian aggression or Mexican invasion, he caught up his rifle, 
molded a pouchful of balls, saddled his horse, arrayed his pack-mule, supplied 
himself with provisions, met the other male members of his settlement at an 
agreed place, and in squads or small companies, all available men went out to 
fight for the general good, with a will which always insured success. Armed 
mainly with rifles, they attacked forts bristling with artillery, and captured 
them by picking off the defenders at the guns, or wherever a head was pre- 
sented. Where else in the world has this been done, except in Texas ? 

My friends, though Texas was to us, in those days, a new country, and 
though little of her virgin sod had ever been pressed by the foot of the white 
man prior to the settlement by Austin and the contemporary empresarios, 
except on two military roads or trails, from east to west, and at the localities 
of a few military posts, yet it had a history running back to 1685 — a history 
commencing with religious colonization, and occupancy for the extension of 
territory, by ambitious European sovereigns — and its native loveliness had 
impressed the senses of discoverers and pioneers of colonization a century 
and a half before our time, as they did ours. Yet their foot-prints were mere 
tracks in the vast wilderness, effaced as fast as made, and the legendary rela- 
tions that we heard, and the slight visible remains, made impression upon us 

Thos. F. McKinney. 

See p. 279. 


as the Toltec ruins of the Casa Grande do upon the traveler of to-day. We 
saw the missions of Goliad and San Antonio, evidences of the secondary 
occupation, and heard something about a long-abandoned mission, and the 
open shaft of an abandoned silver mine in the San Saba region, and we see 
yet, in a bend of Red River, traces of an old fortification in Montague county, 
known by tradition as the old Spanish fort. Yet, these were at our coming 
the remains of a forgotten past, of which scarcely a memorial was then acces- 
sible, and they came to us as dim traditions, like the poetry of the Scottish 
border, which relates incidents not verified by later chronicles. The settle- 
ments we found, were mere oases in the surrounding wilderness, and to us, 
and in the aspect of nature, Texas was a new country, rich in primeval beauty, 
without sign of prior occupation, except at the four or five localities to which 
I have referred, remote from each other, and connected by narrow trails for 
travel in single or double file. 

The only route of travel from the South-west to the North, as late as 1842, 
was by the old military road to Nacogdoches, passing the Bradshaw place and 
the Mound Prairie, which had once been the central seat of the Nassonis, the 
pioneer Indian tribes of the earliest known occupation of Texas. Those 
mounds are there now, silent memorials of a people who lived before our time, 
but have left no other evidences of their occupation save these mounds, and 
record that La Salle, the first white man to penetrate the wilderness, found 
their builders there. Not a descendant exists to bear witness of their per- 
sonal peculiarities. On the margin of Red River, in my own county, in three 
separate places, and in Bowie county in one, the same silent evidences attest 
prior occupation ; how many centuries ago we do not know. In them may be 
found flint arrow-heads, bones, and potter's ware. 

Beginning, then, with her earliest recorded history, the landing of La Salle, 
nearly two hundred years ago, then seeking the mouth of the Mississippi, 
which he had discovered three years before, and which he had taken formal 
possession of in the name of Louis le Grand, as the territory of France, we 
note his wanderings to the Colorado, the Brazos, the Trinity, and Neches, re- 
minding the reader of the earlier explorations by De Soto, of Florida, and the 
discovery of the great father of waters at the Natchez Bluff. From the first, 
Texas has seemed to each explorer a land of strange beauty, and its successive 
historic periods, including the expeditions of McGee, Long, Perry, Kemper, 
and Ross, to the settlement by Austin, De Leon and Edwards, terminating at 
San Jacinto, have been full of a rare interest which clings to them yet. Do 
we not all remember our first sensations, and can we not realize from them 
how La Salle and his companions must have felt, when passing through the 
beautiful Bay of St. Bernard, now recognized as Matagorda, they looked upon 


the flower-gemmed prairies of the Navidad and La Vaca, to which La Salle 
gave its name ? 

We all know how, at our first view, the strange wild beauty of the land 
aroused emotions of wonder ; how the undulating formation impressed us ; how 
the exuberance of verdure impressed us ; how the wide prairies and clear- 
running, narrow streams, fringed with trees to the water's edge, excited our 
sense of the beautiful. We saw the herds of wild horses, moving a little away, 
and facing about and scanning our movements. We saw great herds of deer 
feeding in the open prairie within two or three hundred yards, and heedless 
of our presence. We saw the sleek cattle nearly everywhere. But most 
attractive of all, and differing from all elsewhere, the latch-string to every 
cabin door literally, not metaphorically, hung upon the outside, and there 
were no locks to dwelling, or meat-house, or corn-crib ; but every comer was 
welcome to the primitive hospitality — a cordial, not passive hospitality. Then 
no man feared robbery or wayside danger, but singly camped out anywhere 
that fuel could be found ; turned his horse upon the abundant grass, cooked 
his meat upon a stick, and his hoe-cake in the ashes, and the little camp 
coffee-pot from behind his saddle furnished him the facility for an invigorating 
beverage. The ease with which life could be sustained was wonderful — when 
the deer were everywhere, the cattle were everywhere, when salt marshes 
bordering the bays were covered with myriads of wild fowl, when the plover, 
the killdee and the prairie chickens would hardly keep ten steps away ; when 
small fish might be drawn from the bays and bayous almost as fast as one 
would drop a line and leisurely withdraw it ; when the great red fish might 
be stranded at Galveston by circling around them in shallow water, as the 
Mexican prisoners from San Jacinto procured them ; when the islands of the 
bays furnished gulls' eggs by the bucketful, and the margins of the creeks 
abounded with the pecan and the grape. The land was a land of plenty and 
a paradise of beauty. All who saw it in those days can understand the effect 
produced upon La Salle and his companions, when coming through the shel- 
tered bay of Matagorda, after a tedious voyage, not without dangers, they 
landed upon the bluff upon the Lavaca River, where they constructed Fort St. 
Louis, and where the outlines of breastworks and ditches attest to this day \ 
the presence of the first European explorer and his colonists. Note the 
record of these first white settlers, and observe how identical were the im- 
pressions made upon them and upon us. The historian of that expedition 
says : " The colony was greatly refreshed by the abundance of game and fish, 
and charmed with the country, and the herds of buffalo and deer that were 
seen grazing upon the prairies, they began to think they would soon realize 
the paradise they had come so far to find." This, my friends, was written in 
1685. How identical with our own experience ; save that the buffalo had 


receded from the coast, and the cattle we found were, in part at least, the 
successors of those which La Salle introduced from St. Domingo, by his ships, 
and the wild horses we saw were the successors of those they found the 
Indians then in possession of, or which, perhaps, the Spaniards had brought 
when they established the missions. 

Does not the mind of every one of you turn back to those days of pri- 
meval beauty, of hearty sincerity, of undying and devoted friendship, of 
patriotism never surpassed ; and contrasting that remembrance with this 
day of progress, this hard, grinding, money-loving, struggling day, when 
show is everything, and pretense in many instances takes the place of reality, 
does not the past seem a picture of beauty in a framing of gold ? Compare it 
with the present ! Certainly nature is not now more beautiful than then, for 
the natural beauty is already marred by the marks of more dense settlement. 
How is it with your own hearts ? Are your impulses as elevated ? Do you 
feel the same proud intensity of individuality as in the old Texas — the proud, 
glorious, and indomitable ? 

Comparing the intercourse and bearing of men, we had antagonisms then, 
as acrid as now, but we had friendships that were warmer and purer ; more 
devoted than now ; and we did not idolize money. It must be confessed, 
that with the habit of the Anglo-Saxon race, we dreamed of enterprise and 
development in the future ; but was not the dream more enchanting than the 
reality ? Then, we diversified life and avoided monotony, by plunging into 
the surrounding wilds, in which there was always novelty of scene and fresh- 
ness of sensation. We lived in a land of hope, with a thought of enlargement 
of capacities and general wealth to result from development at some time ; 
but among real men, who illustrated in the present the nobility of manhood, 
and were not wholly absorbed by thoughts of gain or any immediate expec- 
tation of it. 

Did we appreciate fully how beautiful it was ? how near to the Utopia of 
the dreamers ? The hopes of youth ever run to the future, as did ours; but 
most of you have trodden both ends of the happy valley, and I think you 
have found the entrance most enchanting ; and now, as you stand and look 
back at the setting sun, you regret that its bright gleams are disappearing, 
although another and brighter day is promised. 

Another such land of beauty and fertility, of health, pleasant temperature, 
and natural conveniences, settled by a primitive American people, can no 
more be found again, than can there be a renewal of Lexington and Bunker 
Hill, of Trenton, or King's Mountain, or of Yorktown. The new land, and 
the simple but powerful elements of character are wanting. Henceforth, life 
is artificial, and elementary grandeur of character is secondary to the control 
of organized systems, and the power of money. 


In the early days we had leisure — now all is haste, anxiety, and wearing 
cares ; and yet we all longed for the change. Human nature is ever the 
same, discontent with the present. All situations have their drawbacks, but 
the natural is more satisfying than any work of art. The primeval beauty 
and the prospective hopes of the early settlement have passed away ; the 
patriotic excitements, with their glorious blending of self-confidence, indomit- 
able will, and uncalculating zeal for the general good, are of the memory only, 
and you can only refresh your impulses by looking back ; the glowing illu- 
sions upon which you constructed your day-dreams are gone forever. We 
shall find no more Austins, Milams, Travises ; no more Rusks, Houstons, 
nor Sidney Johnstons ; no more Tom McKinneys ; no more Deaf Smiths. 
We may find many others as intelligent, as brave and as honest, but not of 
that type of manhood. The men were suited to the era. Their character 
grew out of the surroundings. 

And when I refer to these men of the old Texas, let it not be said that it 
is an exhibition of mere local pride, or pride of the past ; an overestimate of 
men who figured on a narrow field of action. 

Were not the unselfishness, the resolution, the patient perseverance of 
Stephen F. Austin, during serious difficulties and long imprisonment in a dis- 
tant land, where he was representing the interests of his colonists : his calm 
statesmanship at home during the incipiency of the Revolution, impressing 
itself upon Houston, who justly termed him the Father of Texas ; the marked 
effect he produced in the United States as a commissioner from Texas, seek- 
ing sympathy and assistance ; and his modest proposition to surrender his 
command of the army to Houston before the appointment of the latter to the 
chief command, upon the ground of his own inexperience in military affairs ; 
were not these all evidence of rare personal qualities, self-denial, and exalted 
patriotism ? 

Did not Daniel Webster, and William H. Seward, and Charles Sumner, all 
estimate the mental capacity of Thomas J. Rusk as of a very high order, 
though not illuminated by any oratorical power? They have placed that 
estimate upon record. I know myself, being personally present, and- having 
an inside view, that in the crisis of 1850, when the Union of the States was 
seriously endangered and the power of the Great Pacificator had failed with 
his own party, that the influence of Thomas J. Rusk was relied upon by Mil- 
lard Filmore to secure the passage of the compromise resolutions, still need- 
ing a few votes to make the result certain, and save the country from imme- 
diate discord ; and that the earnest management and direct influence of Rusk, 
through others in the House of Representatives, did procure their passage. 
In the Senate they were safe. What a power he was at home — though always 
retiring and diffident of his own merits — all old Texans know. 


And what was Albert Sidney Johnston ? First our adjutant- general 
under Rusk, in '36, and subsequently commander-in-chief of the army, then 
secretary of war. He abandoned the army of the United States to come to 
us ; and when Texas had no pressing use for him sought employment again 
in the old service, and at once rose to position. He was assigned to the 
chief command in Utah, when that service was deemed critical and superior 
ability was needed. He was considered by the then secretary of war the 
first soldier in the service of the United Sates. I have heard him say so. 
There is no call to eulogize him now. His character and fame are above 
that necessity. We, who personally knew him, loved him for his social quali- 
ties and his elevated tone, before he had ascended the eminence upon which 
fame now builds his monument. 

The character of Sam Houston was coupled with a romantic interest 
long before he came to Texas, and as the friend and favorite of Jackson, and 
with his popularity as a young Governor of Tennessee, he sought Texas with 
a prestige which commanded confidence and popularity. Inspection of his 
acts and his correspondence at the commencement of the struggle in Texas, 
will establish at once his character for great judgment of men and circum- 
spection, and his final action at San Jacinto, and his joint appeal with Rusk, 
to the people, two days before, manifest a calm comprehension of the crisis 
and the surroundings, and a confidence of a favorable result, while his reply 
to the taunts of the acting secretary of war, and his certificate of the bene- 
fits to the army of the presence and counsels of Rusk, evince at the same 
time the magnanimity of Houston's character, and the brotherly unity 
between these two. His military policy, however it may have been ques- 
tioned — and there was at the time much variance of opinion, and a disposi- 
tion to charge him with a want of nerve in retreating from the Colorado, and 
permitting the breaking up of the settlements west of the Trinity — resulted in 
the greatest little victory ever achieved by a people struggling against 
overwhelming preponderance of numbers and resources. San Jacinto did 
not equal Marathon in grandeur of proportions, but was identical in objects 
and results. 

Of Mirabeau B. Lamar, another of our heroes, it is proper to say, that in 
conduct, in manner, in presence, he illustrated the courtly chivalry of Sir 
Philip Sidney, with a similar poetic temperament and more mental ability. 
His gallantry and modesty enforced the warmest eulogiums from Rusk and 
Houston, and by general acclamation of the army, to which he was a new 
comer, he won his spurs in one day, the action of the 20th, and on the final 
day, the 21st, by common approval, was placed in command of the cavalry. 
Coming to Texas, a Knight Paladin, offering his sword and person in the 
cause of liberty, as Lafayette did, by a vote almost unanimous, he rose to 


the highest position in the country. I doubt if he was a strictly prudent 
executive, but he was a noble and chivalrous man, whose actions were 
prompted by the most generous impulses which govern humanity. 

David G. Burnet, our first president, was a devotee of liberty in his 
boyhood, and signalized his tendencies by joining Miranda's expedition to 
relieve a South American Republic from the oppression of Spain. The 
same free idealistic views led him to Texas, where his talent and purity of 
character were appreciated by making him first president, and afterward 
vice-president, under Lamar. He ^was a writer of great force and perspi- 
cuity, and a pure and fearless man. No profits inured to him from public 
service. No profits inured to any of the men of that day. They did not 
work for public plunder. They all died poor, and this is an element of their 
pure fame. 

Has there ever in the world's history been gallantry more conspicuous 
than that of Travis and his companions ? and was not his defense of the 
Alamo in all respects equal to that of Thermopylae ? And the declaration 
upon which he stood and by which he died, sword in hand, it is a memorial 
to be emblazoned always upon the historic pages of Texas ; to be impressed 
upon the minds of her youth ; to be cut deep into her historic monuments of 
bronze and marble, to challenge comparison with the proudest evidences of 
patriotic valor which the world has ever afforded. Let me read : 

Commandancy OF the Alamo, Bexar, February 24, 1836. 

Fellow-Citizens and Compatriots: 

I am besieged by a thousand or more Mexicans under Santa Anna. I 
have sustained a continued bombardment for twenty-four hours, and have 
not lost a man. The enemy have demanded a surrender at discretion ; 
otherwise the garrison is to be put to the sword, if the place is taken. I have 
answered the summons with a cannon shot, and our flag still waves proudly 
from the walls. I shall never surrender or retreat ! Then I call upon you, 
in the name of liberty, of patriotism, and of everything dear to the American 
character, to come to our aid with all dispatch. They enemy are receiving 
re-enforcements daily, and will no doubt increase to three or four thousand in 
four or five days. Though this call may be neglected, I am determined to 
sustain myself as long as possible, and die like a soldier, who never forgets 
his own honor and that of his country. Victory or death ! 

" W. Barrett Travis, Lieutenant-Colonel commanding. 

" P.S. — The Lord is on our side. When the enemy appeared in sight we 
had not three bushels of corn. We have since found in deserted houses eighty or 
winety bushels, and got into the walls twenty or thirty head of beeves. — T." 


Then in his private letter dated 3d of March, he says : "lam still here, 
in fine spirits and well to do. With one hundred and forty-five men, I have 
held this place ten days against a force variously estimated from fifteen hun- 
dred to six thousand, and I shall continue to hold it till I get relief from my 
countrymen, or I will perish in its defense. We have had a shower of bombs 
and cannon balls continually falling among us the whole time, yet none of us 
have fallen. We have been miraculously preserved." 

Still the same heroic spirit unfaltering. But re-enforcements did not 
come in any considerable number. Assistance was delayed too long, and at 
the final struggle there were only 183, weary with endless watching, to resist 
4,000. At a little after midnight, on Sunday, the 6th of March, the final effort 
of the surrounding host commenced. Urged on by promises and threats, 
though terribly thinned out by the Texan fire, they kept up the attack until 
daylight, and then advanced with scaling ladders. Twice the host was re- 
pulsed by the little band of worn defenders, but physical capacity was unequal 
to the requirement, and the tremendous disproportion of force carried the 
walls at the third assault, and every hero within sold his life as dearly as pos- 
sible. When pressed upon, and no time for reloading, they clubbed their 
guns, and fell fighting. Around the bodies of Travis and Crockett were 
piles of slain. Bowie, sick in bed, was butchered and mutilated. In the 
attempt to perform the last agreed duty of patriotism, by firing the magazine, 
and hurling masses of the assailants to destruction, the ordnance officer, the 
faithful Evans, was slain, and the glorious immolation of a servile horde upon 
the altar of liberty was prevented. The record of the historian reads : 

"Thus fell the Alamo and its heroic defenders; but before them lay the 
bodies of five hundred and twenty-one of the enemy, with a like number 
wounded. At an hour by sun, on that Sabbath morning, all was still : yet 
the crimson waters of the aqueduct around the fort resembled the red flag 
on the church of Bexar ! The defenders of Texas did not retreat, but lay there 
in obedience to the command of their country : and in that obedience the 
world has witnessed among men no greater moral sublimity." 

Little did the victor in that day's fight understand its effect upon the men 
he had to contend with. He counted upon intimidation and repression. 
There could not have been lighted a more brilliant beacon fire to rally the 
free spirits of Texas, and their sympathizing brethren of the South-west of the 
Union, and from that day of butchery the merciless despot marched in his 
narrow pathway to a certain defeat, and the destruction of his power and his 
prestige as a conqueror. In the words of President Burnet's proclamation, 
of the 18th of March : 

"The fall of the Alamo is the surest guarantee of our success. The 
Spartan band who so nobly perished there, have bequeathed to us an example 


which ought to be, and will be, imitated ; and have inflicted on the enemy a 
terror and a loss that are equivalent to a defeat." 

The heroic Milam gave his life as Warren did at Bunker Hill. The 
examples are identical. Travis, Bowie, Crockett, Bonham, and their fellows 
in the Alamo, invested San Antonio with more than the patriotic interest of 
the opening battle of the American revolution. The gallantry was much more 
signal, persistent, and self-sacrificing. The Alamo, as a field of heroism, has 
but one rival in the world's history, and that is Thermopylae. 

It has been said that " it is sweet to die for our country." Compared 
with the ignoble survival of the victor of the hour, the self-vaunted " Napo- 
leon of the West," for years a wretched outcast from his country, devoting 
the remainder of a misspent and dishonored life to low gratifications, was it 
not a glorious departure that Travis and his heroic band made on that bright 
Sabbath morning in March, when all nature was growing into beauty, and men 
feel least like bidding farewell to the surrounding attractions of the world ? 

Look at the submission of Fannin to his fate after being received as a 
prisoner of war. It is well known that his bearing elicited the admiration 
of his captor, who certified it both before and after the brutal massacre. 
Wounded and unable to stand, he sat down, calmly tied the bandage required 
over his own eyes, bared his bosom to the balls, meeting death as a hero and a 
patriot may do, without the quivering of a muscle. It was fitting that this act 
of sacrifice of Fannin and his three hundred and thirty men, like that of the 
Alamo was consummated on the blessed Sabbath day. Our blood offerings were 
all sanctified, and God accepted them ; and upon the glorious field of Jacinto 
came the redemption which they purchased for us ; came in the fire and smoke 
of battle ; came to the appalled wretches who had obeyed the behests of their 
tvrant leader, with the ominous cries of " Remember the Alamo and La Bahia/' 
ringing in their ears like trumpets braying retributive vengeance. And indeed 
it was appalling. Though double the number of our little army, they made 
but ten or fifteen minutes' resistance, and, shot down by hundreds and fleeing 
under the impulse of an indescribable terror, the proud array of the Napoleon 
of the West shrunk away like the dry grass of the prairie before a raging fire ; 
and its Dictator-General, but an hour before a mighty potentate, the head of 
eight millions of people, was pursued and caught, a disguised and crest-fallen 
fugitive ; and blanched by terror, and conscious of crime, sought to retain 
his justly forfeited life by imploration and abject flattery. What a change 
within a day ! How soon the despot became the supplicant ! Vividly the 
scene of that day of retribution brings to mind the lines of Macaulay detail- 
ing the incidents of another field centuries ago, in which vengeance claimed 
payment for unhallowed slaughter : 


" Their ranks are breaking like thin clouds before a Biscay gale ; 
The field is heaped with bleeding steeds, and flags and cloven mail, 
And then we thought on vengeance, and all along our van, 
4 Remember St. Bartholomew/ was passed from man to man. 

For our God hath crushed the tyrant, our God hath raised the slave, 
And mocked the council of the wise, and the valor of the brave — 

Then glory to His holy name from whom all glories are." 

Certainly, in the almost instantaneous results of this battle, there is some- 
thing to indicate the fiat of a just God, who rules the destinies of nations, 
and who strengthened that little band of ragged patriots, without the usual 
appliances of warfare, to overcome the well-appointed and intrenched army 
opposed to them, the choicest troops and the bravest generals of the Mex- 
ican army. 

Rusk said of it in his official dispatch, " This glorious achievement is 
attributed to the valor of our soldiers and the sanctity of our cause. . . 
The officers and men seemed to be actuated by a like enthusiasm. There 
was a general cry which pervaded our ranks, ' Remember the Alamo — 
remember La Bahia.' These words electrified all. ' Onward ' was the cry. 
The unerring aim and irresistible energy of the Texan army could not be 
withstood. It was freemen fighting against the minions of tryanny, and the 
result proved the inequality of such a contest. . . . The sun was 
sinking in the horizon as the battle commenced; but at the close of the 
conflict, the sun of liberty and independence rose in Texas, never, it is to be 
hoped, to be obscured by the clouds of despotism. . . A volume would 
not contain the deeds of individual daring and bravery." 

This is the testimony of the not over-declamatory secretary of war. 

In this commemorative reference to the participators in our early history, 
our little navy should not be forgotten, for it had gallant material in Haw- 
kins, Hurd, Brow T n and George Wheelwright, and later under the gallant 
Moore, who carried our flag boldly into the enemy's waters, and drove them 
before him. The little Independence was captured by superior force, and 
one side of the gallant Wheelwright carried away by a cannon shot. She was 
attacked by four times her weight of metal, and perhaps ten times her num- 
ber of men. As evincing the spirit of those who carried the flag upon the 
waters, your speaker is able to testify that when Hawkins sailed down the 
coast to the Brazos Santiago, prior to San Jacinto, fifteen men, including 
officers, seamen, and marines, comprised the entire force to sail the vessel 
and man the six side guns and the nine-pounder pivot amidship. But with 
always an insignificant force in number, we defied the enemy upon the 
waters of the Gulf, and kept our coasts clear ; and at Copano, Burton's 


cavalry — horse marines — captured three of the enemy's vessels freighted 
with supplies for their army. The navy was always a favorite with the people, 
though it never had brilliant opportunities, and from the field of San Jacinto 
the army divided Santa Anna's treasure with it. 

Passing from the military to the legislative, do you remember what con- 
gresses the little republic assembled, first at Columbia, then at Houston, and 
then at Austin, in the old wooden capitol, stockaded as a gathering place 
for women and children, in the case of a sudden irruption by Indians ? 

Do you recollect of the first congress William H. and John A. Wharton, 
Mosely Baker, Anson Jones, Branch D. Archer, Bill Williamson ; and after 
that Sam Houston, Cornelius Van Ness, Robert Potter, James H. Mayfield, 
David S. Kaufman, Kenneth L. Anderson, James B. Miller, James Shaw, 
William B. Ochiltree, William H. Jack, James Webb, William Henry Dain- 
gerfield, John B. Jones, John Caldwell, Antonio Navarro? These were 
solid men in any legislative body. I shall not invite special comparison, but 
men of this grade do not abound in our legislatures now. Probably a reason 
is that State legislatures are seldom so attractive of talent as national legis- 
lative bodies, and in those days all public councils had loftier repute than at 
the present. We, who have been the associates of these men, and had the 
felicity to know them personally, and feel that our lives have in some degree 
been hallowed thereby ; who have, in our humble sphere, had a part in the 
formation of an empire ; whose thoughts have been elevated and purified in 
the past, by a consciousness that we were ministering to a great future — 
we experience only the common fate of all pioneers of progress, in finding 
that our ships of venture do not come home laden with attar of roses, and 
fragrant spices, and gold and gems of the Indies, but only with the common 
merchandise which serves the ordinary use of life, and that our ventures 
have not materially enriched us ; yet if they have secured homes and national 
enjoyment of life to others; if they have populated a fair land, and conduced 
to the good of great masses, may we not console ourselves that we have not 
lived in vain ; but that doing this good for others, even though those others 
were in great part strangers, we have wrought out a great work, perhaps, 
hardly appreciating the full magnitude of what we did ? And so doing, with 
consciences unseared, and remembrances of good intent, can we not feel 
that our lives have been useful if not pecuniarily profitable ; and can we not, 
when the indicator halts upon the dial, wrap the drapery of our couches 
around us and quietly lie down, to be passed through the portals of the 
future, content, trustful, satisfied ? Life is at best, until we pass the meri- 
dian, but a continued longing for the happy days beyond our view — the 
bright to-morrow which never comes. Are those who struggle for a little 
more gain, and who handle much, and are responsible for much, constantly 


apprehensive of loss, though they have to leave it all, without reserve — are 
these happier than we who have not much but quiet homes and quiet minds ? 

My friends, happiness is in the heart, in the memory, in the fixed purpose 
to do good, and the consciousness of having done good. Standing upon the 
verge of the great future of the Empire of Texas ; looking into the glorious 
past of which we have been a humble part ; treasuring our old friendships ; 
pleading for the preservation of the entirety of the old Texas and the con- 
tinued fealty of all to its perpetuation and prosperity ; let us annually all 
meet who may continue in this life, and do honor to those who annually de- 
part. Let us offer up daily prayers for the perpetuity of the great confed- 
eracy of which we are a part, and its purification from political harlotry and 
jobbery. Let us give calm counsel and hopeful to those who are following 
us upon the tide of Time, and whom we are to recognize as our legitimate 
successors, and we shall have played our parts faithfully, and may confide in 
the appreciation of the Power that overwhelms armies and creates States; 
and yet notices the least act of the least conspicuous of us all. 

I may trespass upon your patience if I attempt to forecast the future of 
the empire, of which you were substantially the founders ; and yet I will 
indulge in a glance at the future, as compared with the past. San Felipe de 
Austin, its once noted seat of government, has about the same relation to 
the present of Texas as Jamestown has to that of Virginia. The traveler 
who has a taste for antiquities, and desires to see the first capital of Texas, 
may find it difficult to ascertain its precise locality, even from the people of 
a county adjoining that in which its deserted site is to be found. And 
Washington, the first seat of government of the independent Republic of 
Texas, is in a state of dilapidation, and its name rarely mentioned. Events 
are rapid in succession in this day. The city of Campeche, but sixty years 
ago, was the naval station of the army, and subsequently the headquarters 
of the brilliant, courteous, and gallant Buccaneer of the Gulf, who assisted in 
the defense of New Orleans, and at his red house in Campeche, surrounded 
by a flourishing town, dispensed profuse hospitalities to official agents and 
other visitors, and diplomatically foiled naval commanders ordered to dis- 
possess him. Thence, for years, he sent out squadrons which destroyed the 
commerce of one of the proudest monarchies of Europe. After its abandon- 
ment by him in 1822, it became again a waste, and when your speaker first 
saw it 1836, was a desolate sand-bank, with but two descriptive marks — the 
rough board custom-house of the government of Mexico, comprising one 
room with a ground floor, and the bushes known as the Three Trees, where 
Lafitte defeated the Curanchuas ; and by which the navigator sailing along 
the low line of coast recognized the locality. Into that harbor the Texan 
schooner of war, Independence, under the command of Charles Edward 


Hawkins, a gallant gentleman, sailed on the 21st of March, 1836, and found 
an uninhabited island, and at a little distance from the shore, the schooner 
Dart, with Monroe Edwards' cargo of Africans. On that locality now rises, 
from the low lands surrounding, a city like Venice, ardent and ambitious, 
and with commercial prospects nearly as brilliant as its archetype. So 
located as to command the trade of an immense area, and to become per- 
haps the natural marine outlet for the wares, silks, and teas of the Indies, 
on their route from the Pacific coast to the Atlantic shore ; drawing from 
her direct tributaries the fruits of an empire ; growing in population and 
commerce now with great rapidity ; Her prospects under enterprising man- 
agement are boundless. And as the commercial metropolis of the Union 
has run on from the swampy pastures of the Collect, and spread itself all 
over the island of Manhattan, and over the contiguous shores of Long 
Island and New Jersey, some of us may live to see the city of Galveston 
embracing Bolivar and Virginia Points and Pelican Island, destined as it is 
to commercial supremacy on the southern boundary of the great Republic. 



Headquarters Volunteer Army, Bexar, December 14, 1835. 
To his Excellency, the Provisional Governor of Texas. 

Sir : I have the satisfaction to inclose a copy of Colonel Johnson's 
account of the storming and surrender of San Antonio de Bexar, to which I 
have little to add that can in any way increase the luster of this brilliant 
achievement to the federal arms of the volunteer army under my command ; 
and which will, I trust, prove the downfall of the last position of military des- 
potism on our soil of freedom. 

At three o'clock in the morning of the 5th instant, Colonel Neil, with a 
piece of artillery, protected by Captain Roberts and his company, was sent 
across the river to attack, at five o'clock, the Alamo, on the north side, to 
draw the attention of the enemy from the advance of the divisions which had 
to attack the suburbs of the town, under Colonels Milam and Johnson. This 
service was effected to my entire satisfaction ; and the party returned to camp 
at nine o'clock a.m. 

On the advance of the attacking divisions, I formed all the reserve, with 
the exception of the guard necessary to protect the camp, at the old mill 


position, and held myself in readiness to advance, in case of necessity, to assist 
when required ; and shortly afterward passed into the suburbs to reconnoiter, 
where I found all going on prosperously, and retired with the reserve to the 
camp. Several parties were sent out mounted, under Captains Cheshire, Cole- 
man, and Roberts, to scour the country, and endeavor to intercept Ugartechea, 
who was expected, and ultimately forced an entry with re-enforcements for 
General Cos. Captains Cheshire, Sutherland, and Lewis, with their com- 
panies, were sent in as re-enforcements to Colonel Johnson, during the period 
of attack ; and Captains Splann and Ruth and Lieutenant Borden, with their 
companies, together with Lieutenant-Colonels Somerville and Sublett, were 
kept in readiness for further assistance, if required. On the evening of the 
8th, a party from the Alamo, of about fifty men, passed up in front of our 
camp and opened a brisk fire, but without effect. They were soon obliged to 
retire precipitately, by opening a six-pounder on them, commanded by Captain 
Hunnings, by sending a party across the river, and by the advance ov Captain 
Bradley's company, who were stationed above. 

On the morning of the 9th, in consequence of advice from Colonel John- 
son, of a flag of truce having been sent in, to intimate a desire to capitulate, 
I proceeded to town, and by two o'clock a. m., of the 10th, a treaty was 
finally concluded by the commissioners appointed, to which I acceded im- 
mediately, deeming the terms highly favorable, considering the strong posi- 
tion and large force of the enemy, which could not be less than thirteen 
hundred effective men — one thousand one hundred and five having left this 
morning with General Cos, besides three companies and several small parties 
which separated from him in consequence of the fourth article of the treaty. 

In addition to a copy of the treaty (marked No. 1) I inclose a list 
(No. 2) of all the valuable property ceded to us by virtue of the capitulation. 

General Cos left this morning for the mission of San Jose, and to-mor- 
row commences his march to the Rio Grande, after complying with all that 
had been stipulated. 

I can not conclude this dispatch without expressing in the v/armest terms, 
my entire approbation of every officer and soldier in the army, and particu- 
larly those who so gallantly volunteered to storm the town, which I have the 
honor to command, and to say that their bravery and zeal on the present 
occasion merit the warmest eulogies which I can confer, and the gratitude of 
their country. The gallant leader of the storming party, Colonel Benjamin 
R. Milam, fell gloriously on the third day, and his memory will be dear to 
Texas as long as there exists a grateful heart to feel, or a friend of liberty to 
lament his worth. His place was most ably filled by Colonel F. W. Johnson, 
adjutant-general of the army, whose coolness and prudence, united to daring 
bravery, could alone have brought matters to so successful an end, with so 


very small a loss, against so superior a force, and such strong fortifications. 
To his shining merits on this occasion I bore ocular testimony during the 
five days' action. 

I have also to contribute my praise to Major Bennet, quartermaster- 
general, for the diligence and success with which he supplied both armies 
during the siege and storm. 

These dispatches, with a list of killed and wounded, will be handed to 
your Excellency by my first aid-de-camp, Colonel William T. Austin, who 
was present as a volunteer during the five days' storm, and whose conduct 
on this and every other occasion merits^ my warmest praise. 

To-morrow I leave the garrison and town under command of Colonel 
Johnson, with a sufficient number of men and officers to sustain the same, in 
case of attack, until assisted from the colonies ; so that your Excellency 
may consider our conquest as sufficiently secured against every attempt of 
the enemy. The rest of the army will retire to their homes. 

I have the honor to be your Excellency's obedient servant, 

Edward Burleson, 
Commander-in-Chief of the Volunteer Army. 

General Burleson, Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Volunteer 

Army of Texas. 

Sir : I have the honor to acquaint you, that on the morning of the 5th 
instant the volunteers for storming the city of Bexar, possessed by the 
troops of General Cos, entered the suburbs in two divisions under the com- 
mand of Colonel Benjamin R. Milam. The first division, under his imme- 
diate command, aided by Major R. C. Morris, and the second, under my 
command, aided by Colonels Grant and Austin, and Adjutant Brister. 

The first divison, consisting of the companies of Captains York, Patton, 
Llewellyn, Crane, English, and Landrum, with two pieces and fifteen artil- 
lerymen, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Franks, took possession of the 
house of Don Antonio de la Garza. The second division, composed of the 
companies of Captains Cooke, Swisher, Edwards, Alley, Duncan, Peacock, 
Breece, and Placido Venavides, took possession of the house of Berrimendi. 
The last division was exposed for a short time to a very heavy fire of grape 
and musketry from the whole of the enemy's line of fortification, until the 
guns of the first division opened their fire, when the enemy's attention was 
directed to both divisions. At 7 o'clock, a heavy cannonading from the 
town was seconded by a well-directed fire from the Alamo, which for a time 
prevented the possibility of covering our lines, or effecting a safe communi- 
cation between the two divisions. In consequence of the twelve-pounder 
having been dismounted, and the want of proper cover for the other gun, 


little execution was done by our artillery during the day. We were, there- 
fore, reduced to a close and well-directed fire from our rifles, which, notwith- 
standing the advantageous position of the enemy, obliged them to slacken 
their fire, and several times to abandon their artillery within the range of our 
shot. Our loss during this day was one private killed, one colonel and one 
first-lieutenant severely wounded ; one colonel slightly, three privates 
dangerously, six severely, and three slightly. During the whole of the night 
the two divisions were occupied in strengthening their positions, opening 
trenches, and effecting a safe communication, although exposed to a heavy 
cross-fire from the enemy, which slackened toward morning. I may remark 
that the want of proper tools rendered this undertaking doubly arduous. At 
daylight of the 6th, the enemy were observed to have occupied the tops of 
the houses in our front, where, under the cover of breastworks, they opened 
through loop-holes a very brisk fire of small-arms on our whole line, followed 
by a steady cannonading from the town, in front, and the Alamo on the left 
flank, with few interruptions during the day. A detachment of Captain 
Crane's company, under Lieutenant W. McDonald, followed by others, gal- 
lantly possessed themselves, under a severe fire, of the house to the right, 
and in advance of the first division, which considerably extended our line ; 
while the rest of the army was occupied in returning the enemy's fire and 
strengthening our trenches, which enabled our artillery to do some execution, 
and completed a safe communication from right to left. 

Our loss this day amounted to three privates severely wounded, and two 
slightly. During the night the fire from the enemy was inconsiderable, and 
our people were occupied in making and filling sand-bags, and otherwise 
strengthening our lines. At daylight on the 7th it was discovered that the 
enemy had, during the night previous, opened a trench on the Alamo side of 
the river, and on the left flank, as well as strengthening their battery on the 
cross-street leading to the Alamo. From the first they opened a brisk fire 
of small-arms ; from the last a heavy cannonade, as well as small-arms, 
which was kept up until eleven o'clock, when they were silenced by our 
superior fire. About twelve o'clock Henry Cams, of Captain York's com- 
pany, exposed to a heavy fire from the enemy, gallantly advanced to a house 
in front of the first division, and with a crowbar forced an entrance, into 
which the whole of the company immediately followed him, and made a 
secure lodgment. In the evening the enemy renewed a heavy fire from all 
the positions which could bear upon us, and at half-past three o'clock, as 
our gallant commander, Colonel Milam, was passing into the yard of my 
position, he received a rifle shot in the head, which caused his instant death ; 
an irreparable loss at so critical a moment. Our casualties, otherwise, dur- 
ing this day, were only two privates slightly wounded. 


At a meeting of officers, held at seven o'clock, I was invested with the 
chief command, and Major Morris as my second. At ten o'clock p. m., 
Captains Llewellyn, English, Crane, and Landrum, with their respective com- 
panies, forced their way into and took possession of the house of Don J. 
Antonio Navarro, an advanced and important position close to the square. 
The fire of the enemy was interrupted and slack during the night, and the 
weather exceedingly cold and wet. 

The morning of the 8th continued cold and wet, and but little firing on 
either side. At nine o'clock the same companies who took possession of 
Don J. Antonio Navarro's house, aided by a detachment of the Grays, 
advanced and occupied Zambrano's Row, leading to the square, without any 
accident. The brave conduct, on this occasion, of William Graham, of 
Cooke's company of Grays, merits mention. A heavy fire of artillery and 
small-arms was opened on this position by the enemy, who disputed every 
inch of ground, and, after suffering a severe loss in officers and men, were 
obliged to retire from room to room, until at last they evacuated the whole 
house. During this time our men were re-enforced by a detachment from 
York's company, under command of Lieutenant Gill. 

The cannonading from the camp was exceedingly heavy from all quarters 
during the day, but did no essential damage. 

Our loss consisted of one captain seriously wounded, and two privates 
severely. At seven o'clock p. m., the party in Zambrano's Row were re-en- 
forced by Captains Swisher, Alley, Edwards, and Duncan, and their respec- 
tive companies. 

This evening we had undoubted information of the arrival of a strong 
re-enforcement to the enemy, under Colonel Ugartechea. At io|- o'clock 
p. m., Captains Cooke and Patton, with the company of New Orleans Grays 
and a company of Brazoria volunteers, forced their way into the priest's house 
in the square, although exposed to the fire of a battery of three guns and a 
large body of musketeers. 

Before this, however, the division was re-enforced from the reserve by 
Captains Cheshire, Lewis, and Sutherland, with their companies. 

Immediately after we got possession of the priesf s house, the enemy opened 
a furious cannonade from all their batteries, accompanied by incessant volleys 
of small-arms against every house in our possession and every part of our lines, 
which continued unceasingly until 6J o'clock a. m., of the 9th, when they sent 
a flag of truce, with an intimation that they desired to capitulate. Commis- 
sioners were immediately named by both parties, and herewith I accompany 
you a copy of the terms agreed upon. 

Our loss in this night-attack consisted of one man only — Belden, of the 
Grays, dangerously wounded while in the act of spiking a cannon. 


To attempt to give you a faint idea of the intrepid conduct of the gallant 
citizens who formed the division under my command, during the whole 
period of attack, would be a task of no common nature, and far above the 
power of my pen. All behaved with the bravery peculiar to freemen, and 
with a decision becoming the sacred cause of Liberty. 

To signalize every individual act of gallantry, where no individual was 
found wanting to himself or to his country, would be a useless and endless 
effort. Every man has merited my warmest approbation, and deserves his 
country's gratitude. 

The memory of Colonel B. R. Milam, the leader of this daring and suc- 
cessful attack, deserves to be cherished by every patriotic bosom in Texas. 

I feel indebted to the able assistance of Colonel Grant (severely wounded 
the first day), Colonel Austin, Majors Morris and Moore, Adjutant Bristow, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Franks, of the artillery, and every captain — names already 
given — who entered with either division, from the morning of the 5th until 
the day of capitulation. 

Doctors Levy and Pollard also deserve my warmest praise, from their 
unremitted attention and assiduity. 

Dr. Cameron's conduct, during the siege and treaty of capitulation, merits 
particular mention. The guides, Erastus Smith, Norwich, Arnold and John 
W. Smith, performed important service ; and I can not conclude, without 
expressing my thanks to the reserve under your command for such assistance 
as could be afforded me during our most critical movements. 

The period put to our present war by the fall of San Antonio de Bexar will, 
I trust be attended with all the happy results to Texas which her warmest 
friends could desire. 

I have the honor to subscribe myself your most obedient servant, 

F. W. Johnston, Colonel Commanding. 

A true copy from the original. 

William T. Austin, Aid-de-camp. 



(From notes furnished by Col. W. D. C. Hall.) 

In 181 i and 1812 Colonel W. D. C. Hall was residing at Nachitoches, 
and engaged in the study of Jaw under the late distinguished Judge William 
Murray, who was then a practicing lawyer in the parishes of Nachitoches 
and Rapides. General Overton was then captain commanding the post at 
Nacogdoches, and Lieutenant Magee, as first lieutenant of artillery, was 
sent to aid the civil authorities in arresting a band of robbers who were mak- 
ing their headquarters on the east side of the Sabine. He succeeded in 
making prisoners of ten or twelve of them, who were sent to the penitentiary, 
and also twelve or fifteen others, who were sent for trial to Alexandria. He 
caused some of them to be whipped, to make them tell where the others 
were, by which he incurred the bitter ill-will of the whole party, and though 
nearly all of them afterward joined him in his expedition for revolutionizing 
Texas and throwing off the government of Spain, yet they always sought every 
opportunity to do him all the injury they could. 

About this time, Magee had a quarrel with a Frenchman, and a duel 
with swords was the result; Judge Murray acting as the second of Magee. 
Magee had his little finger cut off, but, at the same time, he cut the French- 
man down with a heavy blow of his sword. 

It was soon after this event that Magee conceived the plan of attempting 
to revolutionize this country, when he resigned his office in the army, and 
finally matured his measures in July, 1812, when his first step was to take 
possession of Nacogdoches with the small force he had been able to collect, 
composed in part of the very outlaws whom he had been sent to arrest. 
On his entrance into Nacogdoches, the royal troops evacuated the town, 
leaving him in undisputed possession. He remained there till the following 
September, during which time he recruited his troops till they numbered 
about three hundred. In September he set out on his expedition, taking the 
road to the La Bahia crossing of the Trinity below Robbin's Ferry. Here he 
remained, endeavoring to obtain re-enforcements, till some time in October, 
when he took up his line of march for La Bahia or Goliad. On crossing the 
Colorado where Columbus now is, the advanced guard met a Mexican with a 
led horse, and believing him to be a spy, they took him prisoner. He 
denied being a spy, and subsequent events proved that he told the truth. 
He said he was from La Bahia, and that Governor Salcedo and General 


Herrera were at San Antonio with all their forces. After their arrival at 
La Bahia, all these statements proving true, the Mexican was released, 
and he subsequently fought bravely with the Americans.* 

Proceeding from the Colorado crossing, the expedition arrived at Goliad 
on November ist or 2d, 18 12, and at once took possession of the town, as 
there was not a single soldier in the place. They could find but one old 
cannon, a nine-pounder, which they managed to mount on one of the bastions, f 
They immediately proceeded to fortify the place as well as they could, and 
prepare for its defense. On the 7th of November, they found themselves 
suddenly surrounded by the royal troops, 2,000 in number, commanded by 
Governor Salcedo in person, and General Herrera. These troops had left 
Goliad some time before and proceeded to San Antonio, and thence they had 
taken the old San Antonio road to the St. Mark's, expecting there to meet 
Magee's expedition. But finding that Magee had taken the lower or La Bahia 
road to Goliad, he then immediately struck across the country toward Goliad, 
which place he invested, as above stated, on the 7th. The royal troops were 
posted in three divisions around the fort, one on the east, one on the west, and 
another at the Mission on the north or opposite of the San Antonio River. On 
the evening of the 7th, Magee marched out and attacked the division at the 
Mission. After a short skirmish, night coming on, both parties retired without 
any decisive result. 

The royal troops, finding they could effect nothing without heavier ord- 
nance, waited till about the 15th or 20th, when they received nine splendid 
brass cannon which would throw shot a distance of three miles. But after 
trial, finding they could effect nothing against the strong walls of Goliad, from 
so great a distance, they began to approach nearer ; finally, even coming into 
the town. Magee's force was just 365 men, with the one nine-pounder above 
named, and three or four carronades. It was about the 20th of November 
that the severe fight occurred that took place within the town and under the 

* Yoakum says several spies were taken at the crossing of the Colorado, who gave infor- 
mation that Salcedo was in command at Goliad, while the truth is, he had not been there 
at all, nor was any such information given, the above-named Mexican being the only one 
taken, and the information he gave was quite the reverse. 

\ Colonel Hall here notices other errors in Yoakum's History, far Yoakum says Magee 
found 160 Spanish troops there and 16 pieces of ordnance, while Colonel Hall says the facts 
are as above stated. It is proper we should here remark, that our first compendium of the 
early history of Texas was chiefly compiled from Yoakum (see Texas Almanac for 1857). 
It is proper also to remark that Mr. Yoakum says he obtained his information of the events 
of this campaign from one McKim. Colonel Hall states that he knew this man perfectly 
well, and that he was a fit associate of the robbers with whom he had been connected at the 
Sabine, and that he was unworthy of credit. Colonel II. does not find a word of truth in 
Yoakum's account of this expedition, except what he obtained from the records. 



walls of the fort, and lasted from eight or nine o'clock in the morning till two 
p. m., when the royal troops hastily retreated from the town after suffering a 
heavy loss in killed and wounded. The actual number of the enemy's killed 
was not known, as, according to their custom, they carried off their dead with 
them when they retreated. The Americans had seven wounded, but not 
one killed. Finding they could not take the town by assault, the enemy now 
determined to invest the place closely and starve the Americans out. The 
investment continued till the 16th of February, during which time skirmishes 
took place nearly every day, but there were only two general engagements. 
One of these was on the 24th of January, and it was brought on in this way : 
The main force of the enemy were posted on the opposite side of the river at 
the Mission ; and while attempting to kill a white cow for beef, she made her 
escape, running toward the river and in the direction of the fort on the op- 
posite side, when one of Magee's companies attempted to capture the cow 
from her pursuers, and crossed the river for that purpose. This company 
speedily came in conflict with the enemy, and soon after, the engagement 
became general, and lasted some two hours, or until night came on, when 
Magee's men retired, fording the river back again to the fort. This engage- 
ment was afterward known as "The battle of the white cow." The enemy's 
loss was nearly 200, while the Americans lost but one killed, and had six 

The attempt to starve out the Americans was quite as ineffectual as the 
attempt to take the place by storm. For when Magee first took the town, he 
found an abundant supply of corn, and several houses nearly filled with salt; 
so that by procuring beeves from time to time, during the siege, they were 
amply supplied with food. They obtained the beeves by sending out forag- 
ing parties at night, who proceeded a considerable distance, sometimes as 
far as the Nueces, and having collected their cattle, they would then seize 
their opportunity to drive them in between the divisions of the investing troops, 
sometimes having to fight or kill the enemy's sentinels. The cattle were 
then in the greatest abundance and of the finest quality. 

The last general engagement took place on the 10th of February, which 
was brought about by a party from the fort attacking a picket of the enemy just 
before day. This attack soon brought on a general engagement, which lasted 
till 4 p. m., during which time the enemy got possession of the town three 
different times, and were as often compelled to retire, suffering severe loss in 
each instance. Having been driven, after the third assault, to the opposite 
side of the river, they made no further demonstration, but continued in their 
quarters there till the 16th, and then raised the siege, and commenced their 
retreat toward San Antonio. 

It was about the 1st of February that Magee died of consumption, having 

Mirabeau B. Lamar. 

See p. 258. 


been suffering from that disease for a long time, and in consequence of his 
rapidly declining health, Colonel Kemper, the second in command, had, 
during most of the siege, directed the operations.* Colonel Hall knew Magee 
intimately. He was a native of Massachusetts, had been a regular graduate 
from West Point, and from the time he graduated was an officer in the United 
States army till he embarked in this expedition, at which time he was first 
lieutenant of artillery, and was universally esteemed as a chivalrous, high- 
minded, and strictly honorable man, of undoubted courage and intrepidity of 
character, possessing talents that eminently fitted him for a commander. On 
the death of Magee, the chief command devolved on Colonel Samuel Kemper, 
who had, in fact, been occupying that position for some weeks previously 
during Magee's sickness. 

Soon after Magee's arrival at Goliad, information reached him that a 
report was in circulation to the effect that he and his men had been captured, 
and that, in consequence, several parties who were on their way to join him 
had returned home. This information induced him to send Major Reuben 
Ross, early in January, to contradict the report, and to bring all the re-enforce- 
ments he could. Ross proceeded as far as Nacogdoches, but as the men who 
intended to join Magee had generally dispersed, in consequence of the report 
referred to above, he could only get about twenty-five Americans and thirty 
Cooshatta Indians to return with him. These Indians were from the Trinity, 
and were commanded by their chief, Charles Rollins, a half breed, whose 
father was then in Magee's army. The twenty-five Americans were com- 
manded by James Gaines, who had been sheriff of one of the eastern parishes 
of Louisiana, and had just arrived in Texas. t 

The small re-enforcement brought by Ross arrived a day or two after Sal- 
cedo commenced his retreat, when preparations were at once made to go in pur- 
suit of the enemy. Kemper, having organized his whole force, set out on the 
2 1st or 22d of Februar} 7 . It was not long after Salcedo's arrival in San Antonio 
before he heard of the approach of the Americans, when General Herrera 

* Those who have read our first compend of the early history of Texas, will remember 
that it is there stated on Yoakum's authority, that Magee had, in private correspondence, 
agreed to capitulate to Salcedo : that Salcedo's letter to him referring to that agreement 
was read by Bernardo to the troops, who unanimously refused to assent to such an arrange- 
ment ; that Magee soon after died, either from mortification or by his own hands, etc. Col- 
onel Hall states that there is not a word of truth in all this. He says that no such agreement 
was heard of in the army, nor was any such letter from Salcedo read to the troops. 

f Here again Yoakum is in error, as he states that Gaines had joined Magee before he 
set out from the Trinity. Yoakum also says that the force of Magee amounted to about Soo 
men, whereas Colonel Hall asserts positively that it only amounted to 365, until after the 
accession of the 50 or 60 Americans and Indians brought out by Ross, and that even then, 
Americans and Indians all counted, the entire force was considerably short of 500. 


immediately marched out the royal army to meet them, and took a position 
below the Salado, on the road leading directly from La Bahia to San Antonio. 
The American army however took the left-hand road by the way of the Mis- 
sions of Espada and Concepcion. The enemy were posted not far above the 
forks of the two roads, and the first information the Americans had of the 
enemy was given by their right flank being fired on by a picket from the royal 
army. This soon brought on a general engagement; the Americans forming 
in order of battle without a moment's delay. An order was given that, at the 
tap of the drum, a general charge should be made. The Indians being sta- 
tioned on the extreme right, under the command of Major Ross, not under- 
standing the order, made the charge sooner than they should have done, in 
consequence of which they suffered greatly, losing some of their principal 
men in a hand-to-hand fight ; but they fought with the most desperate courage, 
killing large numbers of the Mexicans. Meantime the Americans came up 
from the center and left, and made a general charge, after which it was not 
more than fifteen or twenty minutes before the enemy were routed and fled, 
in spite of every effort of their officers to rally them, leaving 330 men dead on 
the field, and 60 taken prisoners, together with six pieces of artillery and all 
their baggage. In this battle the enemy were commanded by Herrera in per- 
son, and his army, having received a re-enforcement after its arrival in San 
Antonio, numbered 2,500 strong. In this engagement, the officers of the 
enemy behaved with the utmost gallantry. Some of them, seeing they could 
not bring their men to fight, rushed forward sword in hand, determined to sell 
their lives as dearly as possible in single combat, and in consequence, a dis- 
proportionate number of officers was found among the dead. The Americans 
lost but six men killed and twenty-six wounded. This battle was on the 2d 
of March. 

The royal army having retreated to San Antonio, the Americans, having 
taken possession of the Mission of the Concepcion, on the 3d proceeded to 
invest San Antonio. On the 4th, Salcedo sent a flag of truce and requested 
a parley. Colonel Kemper refused all terms except a surrender of his army as 
prisoners of war, and a delivery of the city into his possession. These terms 
were finally accepted, and on the 6th the Americans marched into the city, 
the Mexicans at the same time marching out, leaving their arms stacked. On 
the 7th, one of the most horrible and cold-blooded murders on record was 
perpetrated by the nominal commander-in-chief of the Americans, Bernardo 
Guterres. This Mexican gave an order that Salcedo, Herrera, and ten of 
the other principal royalist officers, should be delivered up to a company of 
Mexicans commanded by Juan Delgado. At first the officers of the guard 
under whom these royalist officers were placed, refused to deliver them up, 
whereupon Bernardo got Colonel Kemper to sign the order, giving some 


reason or other to allay any apprehension of foul treatment. The order being 
signed by Kemper, the officers were accordingly delivered up to Delgado, who 
then immediately took them to the battle-ground of Salado, where he had their 
throats cut in the most horrible manner ; and their bodies, it was said, were 
thrown into the river. There was but one exception to this savage butchery, 
and this one was shot in compliance with his earnest entreaties. The reason 
assigned for this infamous atrocity by Delgado on his subsequent trial, was, that 
his father had been executed by Salcedo after been taken prisoner while fight- 
ing under Hidalgo, and that, besides, he had the order of Bernardo to per- 
petrate the act. Bernardo was then tried and deposed from office ; but many 
of the American officers became so disgusted with such brutality in the service 
that they soon after left, and among others, Colonel Hall, who then held a 
captaincy, to whom we are indebted for the foregoing narrative. 



(Texas Almanac, 1S68.) 

Philip Nolan, of Irish origin, and a citizen of the United States resid- 
ing in Natchez, Mississippi, obtained a passport from the Baron de Caronde- 
let, governor of Louisiana, July 17, 1797, to go to Texas, for the purpose 
of buying horses for the Louisiana regiment then being organized at New 
Orleans. He repaired to San Antonio de Bexar, where he made the 
acquaintance of the Governor of Texas, Don Manual Mufioz, and, through 
the kind offices of the latter, entered into a correspondence with General 
Pedro de Nava, then commanding the Spanish provinces, with headquarters 
at the city of Chihuahua. 

A permit was granted Nolan to obtain the horses desired, both in the 
province of Texas and that of New Santander (now Tamaulipas, Mexico), 
and about the end of July, 1798, he took with him 1297 head, which he kept 
for awhile on the pasture grounds of the Trinity River. Soon after, he 
returned to Natchez. 

The Viceroy of Mexico, Marquis de Branciforte, on the 12th of February, 
1798, transmitted a communication from the Governor of Louisiana, Don 
Manuel Gayoso de Lemos, successor of the Baron Carondelet, to General 
Nava, requesting him, as of great importance to the service, to arrest any 
foreigners that might go into the Spanish provinces, because he was aware 
that some Americans intended to visit the country for the purpose of be- 


coming friendly with the Indians and making a revolution. He desired 
Nolan to be closely watched. At that time, the movements of the English 
and Americans had created some suspicions, and it was thought that even 
the French designed to invade Louisiana. 

On the ist of June, 1799, the Governor of Louisiana, Gayoso de Lejnos, 
addressed an official communication to the commanding general, Don 
Pedro Nava, recommending that no American should be permitted to recon- 
noiter the territory ; that he knew that some strangers had gone into Texas, 
and that the most dangerous was Philip Nolan, who, through deception, had 
obtained a passport from his predecessor, the Baron de Carondelet ; that 
Nolan was a hypocrite and a sacrilegious man ; that he professed to be a 
Catholic among Spaniards, and laughed at this religion when he was among 
Americans ; that it would be important to secure him, and dispose of him in 
such a manner that he might never be heard of; that Nolan was com- 
missioned by General Wilkerson — who had raised and educated him — to 
reconnoiter the country, draw maps, and make offers to the friendly Indians 
to rebel against the Spaniards. 

On the 8th of August, 1800, the commanding general ordered the Gov- 
ernor of Texas to arrest Nolan, in case he returned to the province. 

On the 6th of October, 1800, the commander of the post at Concordia, 
Louisiana, addressed an official communication to the military commander 
at Nacogdoches, informing him that Philip Nolan was (under the pretext of 
chasing wild horses) organizing an expedition of thirty or forty armed men 
to enter the territory of Texas ; that he had remonstrated with the author- 
ities at Natchez, Mississippi, but he was satisfied that they would not dis- 
countenance the plans of Nolan. The above communication was forwarded 
from Nacogdoches to the commanding general at Chihuahua, who transmitted 
it to the viceroy. 

The commander at Concordia, under date of December 13, 1800, for- 
warded a copy of the voluntary statement of Mordecai Richards, in which 
the latter declared, before the above-mentioned military authority, that he 
had left Natchez with Nolan and about thirty-four armed Americans and six 
or seven Spaniards ; that at Nogales (walnuts) they crossed the Mississippi, 
and Nolan told him (Richards) that he relied on him to guide them — he 
being well acquainted with the territory of Texas— which he promised, on 
account of the advantageous offers made by Nolan to him ; that thence they 
veered north-west ; that during their march be was obliged to hunt for the 
party ; that about six miles from the Wachita post, Nolan was detained by a 
party of militia-men, and Nolan sent a letter to the commander of the said 
post by the officer in command of the party \ that after the militia-men left, 
Mordecai Richards asked Nolan the reason why they had been stopped, 


when he (Nolan) had assured them that he had a permit to go into Texas ; 
that Nolan then called him aside and said to him : " You are a man on whom 
I rely to carry out my plans, and for that reason I have appointed you third 
in command. If we succeed, you will make your fortune. My plan is to 
travel north-west, and, passing the settlements of Caddo Indians, at a cer- 
tain distance therefrom to build a fort, to protect us from any attack. Then 
we will sally forth to explore the country and its mines, and, after obtaining 
a sufficient number of horses, we will proceed to Islas Negras and Kentucky 
without finding any obstacles. There we will find many friends awaiting our 
arrival, and by that time I will receive authority to conquer the province of 
Texas. I will be the General, Mr. Fero the second, and yourself the third in 
command." That Richards became alarmed, and, soon after this conversa- 
tion occurred, began to consider the dangers of the expedition, and deter- 
mined to desert Nolan's party, although he had a son and a nephew in it. 

Richards finally escaped, with two others, and, on his return to Natchez, 
made the foregoing statement to the military authority of Concordia. 

After the events which we have briefly mentioned, Lieutenant M. Muzquiz 
was ordered to start in pursuit of Nolan, and he left Nacogdoches with that 
object on the 4th of March, 1801. The following is a diary of his march. 
(Force, 100 men : 68 regular army and 32 volunteers.) 

"March \th. — Left Nacogdoches early in the morning. Took the road 
leading to San Antonio, and camped at the Rancho. de la Botija. 

" $th.— Continued my march on the same road. Camped on La Rais creek. 

"6th. — Arrived at the Terroros creek. 

" ph. — Continued my march on the same road. About nine o'clock in the 
morning arrived at the Angelina River, which, having risen, I ordered some 
rafts to be made to cross it. Camped on its banks. 

" Wi. — At daybreak sent a corporal and six men to repair a wooden bridge 
on the Neches river, so as to facilitate our march. Left with the troops at 
eight o'clock in the morning. At one in the afternoon reached the Neches, 
and, the bridge being repaired, I crossed. 

" gt/i. — Left the Neches at seven in the morning. About nine o'clock I 
quitted the San Antonio road, and, taking a course between north and west 
I arrived at San Pedro creek, where I camped for the night. 

" 10th. — Started early in the morning, and camped for the night at La 

" 11th. — Left at seven in the morning, traveling west. About ten a.m. 
arrived at Trinity River, which, having risen, I ordered ten rafts to be made, 
to cross it. At sundown six Texas Indians joined us. 

" \2th.— At daybreak I sent four volunteers to the settlement of the Tahua- 
can Indians, on the Brazos River, in order that they might bring with them a 


captain of the Texas Indians called El Blanco, to show me the spot where 
Nolan was. The warrior refused to furnish me with the information desired. 
Continued traveling west. About noon passed a lagoon, and between it and 
the Kechi settlement I camped for the night. 

" 13M. — Continued traveling west. Passed, about nine in the morning, an 
abandoned settlement of Kechi Indians. About three p.m. arrived at Santa 
Maria de Gracia creek. 

" 14th. — Traveled from morning until one o'clock p. m., when I arrived at 
Los Piedros creek, and camped. 

" 15//L — Traveled north until about twelve o'clock m., when I turned west. 
About 4 p. m. I arrived at La Vibora creek, where I spent the night. 

" i6tk. — Started at sunrise, course south. Passed through an abandoned 
settlement of Tahuacan Indians, whence I wended my way west. About 
three o'clock p. m. I arrived at the head of the Navasoto. 

"17M. — At daybreak I started, course west. About eight a. m., I was 
informed by the sergeant commanding the vanguard that two persons on horse- 
back had been seen, and that they had suddenly hid themselves in the thicket. 
I sent after them, and they were soon after found and brought before me. 
They proved to be two Indians. After some questions I asked them, they 
informed me that there were in that region about twenty-five men, with Nolan ; 
that all of them had long beards ; that, if I traveled fast, course west, I would 
get to the place where they were about sundown. The Indians told me that 
they would guide me on a route between north and west, so that I could get, 
without being seen, to the place where Nolan was. They said that the place 
was between the Monte Grande and the Brazos River. I camped for the 
night at the Arroyo del Atole. 

" i%th. — Started at daybreak, course between north and south. Traveled 
until two o'clock p. m., when I camped close to a spring. 

" 19/72. — Traveled, course north, until about six o'clock p. m. Then I took 
course west, and stopped on the banks of the Blanco River. I sent seventeen 
men with the interpreter, Mr. Barr, to explore the place where Nolan was. 
They returned before daybreak, and informed me that they had found a wooden 
intrenchment and a pasture-ground, with some horses, on the banks of the 
Blanco. I immediately started, wending my way between west and south. 

" 20th. — At daybreak I arrived at the wooden intrenchment. Detained two 
Indians, who informed me that Nolan and his men were at a place between a 
creek and some hills, and that they had a house without roof. As soon as 
night closed, I started, guided by the Tahuaya Indians; and, traveling all 
night, I arrived before daylight at the place where Nolan was, and, conceal- 
ing our men behind a hill, awaited for the morning to act. 

" 21st. — At sunrise, having divided my force into three bodies — one com- 


manded by me, and carrying a four-pounder, I marched on Nolan's intrench- 
ment. When I was at a distance of about thirty paces from it, ten men 
sallied from the intrenchment, unarmed. Among them was Nolan, who said, 
in a loud voice : ' No lleguen porque seremos muertos unos u otros' (' Do not 
approach, because either one or the other will be killed '). Noticing that the 
men who accompanied Nolan were foreigners, I ordered Mr. William Barr, an 
Irishman, who had joined my command as interpreter, to speak to them in 
English, and say to them that I had come for the purpose of arresting them, 
and that I expected them to surrender in the name of the King. Nolan had 
a brief conversation with Barr, and the latter informed me that Nolan and his 
men were determined to fight. Nolan immediately entered his intrenchment, 
followed by his men, and I observed that two Mexicans (Juan Jose Martinez and 
Vicente Lara) escaped from the rear of said intrenchment. Soon after, they 
joined us, stating that they had brought with them Nolan's carbine, which was 
handed to me. At daybreak Nolan and his men commenced firing. The 
fight lasted until nine o'clock a. m., when, Nolan being killed by a cannon- 
ball, his men surrendered. They were out of ammunition. His force at the 
time of the engagement was composed of 14 Americans, 1 Creole of Louisi- 
ana, 7 Spaniards or Mexicans, and 2 negro slaves. Nolan had three men 
wounded and several horses killed. His men had long beards. After the 
surrender I learned that they had left Natchez with supplies for two months, 
and had been in the woods and prairies of Texas over seven months, living 
on horse meat. Nolan's negroes asked permission to bury their master, which 
I granted, after causing his ears to be cut off, in order to send them to the 
Governor of Texas. 

" 22d. — Remained at the same place. 

"23^/. — Started for Nacogdoches." 

Here ends the diary of Lieutenant Muzquiz. 

Judging from the route taken by the Spanish commander, we are led 
to believe that Nolan and his men were camped between Limestone and 
McLennan counties, probably in the neighborhood of Springfield or Waco. 

From the Mississippi River, whence Nolan started, to the place where he 
had his intrenchment, is an immense distance. He was in the desert, near 
the Chactas, Guazas, Tahuacan, Candacho, Taguayan, and Comanche tribes. 
There is no doubt that one of his plans was to gain the friendship of the 
Indians, to turn them against the Spanish government. 

The following is the list of the men who followed Nolan : 

Stephen Richards, from Pennsylvania, aged 20 years; Simon McCoy, 
Pennsylvania, 25 ; Jonah Walters, Virginia, 26 • Solomon Cooley, Kentucky, 
25 ; Ellis Bean, North Carolina, 22 ; Joseph Reed, Pennsylvania, 26 ; Wil- 
liam Danlin, Pennsylvania, 27 ; Charles King, Maryland, 27 ; Joel J. Pierce, 


North Carolina, 22 ; Thomas House, Virginia, 27 ; Ephraim Blackburn, 
Maryland, 35 ; David Fero, New York, 24 ; Vicente Lara, Mexico, 38 ; Re- 
fugio de la Garza, Mexico, 30; Juan Jose Martinez, Mexico, 31 ; Jose Jesus 
Santos, Mexico, 21 ; Lorenzo Hinojosa, Mexico, 34; Jose Berban, Mexico, 

20 j Luciano Garcia, 42 ; Juan Bautista and Robert, negro slaves. 

The following, although belonging to Nolan's command, escaped, soon 
after the surrender, from the prison at Nacogdoches, to wit : 

Robert Ashley, of South Carolina, aged 38 years ; John House, Virginia, 

21 ; Michael Moore, Ireland, 25. 
Joel J. Pierce died in prison. 

Nolan's men were tried by the Spanish authorities as invaders of the 
country. The prosecuting attorney was Don Juan Jose Ruiz de Bustamante. 
The counsel for the defense was Don Pedro Ramos de Verea. The judge, 
Don Pedro Galindo de Navarro, on the 23d day of January, 1804, ordered 
their release ; but as General Nemesis Salcedo, commanding the provinces, 
objected to it, the proceedings were sent to the King of Spain, who, by a 
royal decree, dated at El Pardo, February 23d, 1807, ordered one out of five 
of Nolan's men to be hung, and the balance to suffer ten years of hard labor. 

Simon McCoy, Stephen Richards, and Thomas House, who were out of 
the intrenchment at the time of the attack, were not to draw lots, but only 
those who fought the Spanish troops, to wit, Luciano Garcia, Jonah Walters, 
Solomon Cooley, Ellis Bean, Joseph Reed, William Danlin, Charles King, 
Joseph Pierce, Ephriam Blackburn, and David Fero. 

Judge Galindo was ordered to be removed from his office ; but, when the 
royal decree was received, he had already died. 

Here it is necessary to state that, when the king issued his decree to 
have one out of every five of Nolan's men executed, he was under the 
impression that the ten prisoners above alluded to were alive ; but as one of 
them (Joseph Pierce) had died, the new judge decided that only one out of 
the nine remaining was to suffer the penalty of death, which legal opinion 
was approved by General Salcedo. 


" In the town of Chihuahua, on the 9th day of the month of Novem- 
ber, 1807, in compliance with a decree of His Majesty the King of Spain, 
transmitted to the commanding general of these provinces with a royal order 
of the 23d of February of said year, I, Don Antonio Garcia de Tejada, 
adjutant-inspector of the Internal Provinces of New Spain, proceeded to the 
barracks of said town, together with Don Pedro Ramos de Verea, counsel for 
the foreigners who invaded the country under Philip Nolan, and Don Juan 
Jose Diaz de Bustamante, prosecuting attorney ; and having caused the nine 


prisoners confined in said barracks to assemble in a room in order to draw 
lots so that one of them may be executed, after they knelt, I read the decree 
of His Majesty the King. 

" The prisoners, having heard the same, agreed to throw dice ; that the 
oldest of them should throw first, and he who threw the smallest number 
should be hung. 

" This agreement being made, a drum, a crystal tumbler, and two dice 
were brought, and I ordered the prisoners to kneel before the drum and be 

" Ephraim Blackburn, being the oldest among the prisoners, took first the 

" The throwing was as follows : 

" Ephraim Blackburn, 3 and 1, making 4 ; Luciano Garcia, 3 and 4, mak- 
in g 7 ') Joseph Reed, 6 and 5, making 11 ; David Fero, 5 and 3, making 8 ; 
Solomon Cooley, 6 and 5, making 11 ; Jonah Walters, 6 and 1, making 7 ; 
Charles King, 4 and 3, making 7 ; Ellis Bean, 4 and 1, making 5 ; William 
Danlin, 5 and 2, making 7." 

Ephraim Blackburn, having thrown the smallest number, was hung at the 
Plaza de los Urangas, in the town of Chihuahua, on the nth of November, 
1807. Blackburn was a Quaker, and, before the execution, was converted 
to the Catholic religion, and baptized. 

The balance of Nolan's men were sent to the different penal settlements 
of the provinces, the furthest from Louisiana, where they remained until 18 18. 
It is believed that only Ellis Bean returned to the United States, the others 
having died after an imprisonment of eighteen years ! 

The diary kept by Nolan, and many of his letters, which are in my posses- 
sion, show conclusively that he was not only a gallant and intelligent gentle- 
man, but an accomplished scholar. He was thoroughly acquainted with 
astronomy and geography. He made the first map of Texas, which he pre- 
sented to the Baron de Carondelet on returning from his first trip to Texas. 
Had he lived to see his plans carried out, Texas, the land he loved, would 
have been proud of him. 

Nolan is buried in a spot between Springfield and Waco, where his fight 
with the Spaniards took place. If that spot could be found, it might not be 
inappropriate to mark it with a slab and the following inscription : 




(Telegraph, May, 1869.) 

It may not be generally known that remnants of the aborigines of Eastern 
Texas are still to be found in the middle section of the Trinity region ; 
and, though surrounded by all the power and influence of civilization, they 
still retain the dress and the habits of the savage. One of these remnants at 
present inhabits a small and straggling village, some miles to the east of the 
county town, Livingston, on the Trinity. This little colony of aborigines 
numbers some two or three hundred souls ; the members of it belong to the 
tribe of the Alabamas, and their number appears to be stationary. These 
red men live in rude huts without chimneys, the fire being built in the center 
of the dirt floor, and an opening in the roof serving as an exit for the smoke. 
All their instruments and utensils are of the rudest character ; all their domes- 
tic arrangements are unlike those of their Anglo-Saxon neighbors; and these, 
as well as their daily habits and manners, smack of savage peculiarity and 
instinct. The men are usually dressed in buckskin trowsers, terminating 
in nicely sewed leggings, and the famous " moccasin." None of the tribe 
wear shoes. Along with their attire these Indians also retain that fine pro- 
portion of form, full development of muscle, that athletic beauty of figure and 
elastic ease of movement, which might be said to distinguish them from their 
puny white brethren. 

The females of this " Indian village," as it is called, dress more in con- 
formity to the Paris fashions than the men ; being commonly habited 
in well-cut calico skirts, which show their tall and graceful shapes to ad- 
vantage. A tasteful hood, of the same material as their dresses, usually 
surmounts the head, whence black clouds of hair are allowed to fall over 
the shoulders. 

The women, like the men, are able to speak English even fluently ' 3 
but the former, probably owing to some regulation of the tribe, never speak 
to strangers. But the full orbs of their dark and expressive eyes often 
convey to the pleased visitor a language as plainly as words could do. 

These Indians have so far adopted civ ife as to depend for subsist- 

ence, not upon the chase like their ancest. i upon the products of the 

farm, tilled in a rude way, and one peculiar r own. Each of their huts 

is surrounded by a small field, in which con efly cultivated. 

While they evidently desire no social c<. igling with the whites, the 


conduct of the Alabamas is extremely peaceable, even inoffensive, toward 
that race which, in its march to power, has despoiled them of their posses- 
sions, driven them from their romantic hunting grounds given them by the 
Great Spirit, and which is now pursuing the poor Indian to the precipice of 
his doom. 


(Waco Register). 

When or in what year the present city of Waco first became an Indian 
village, we are not informed. History has not recorded the year, and tradi- 
tion is silent. But certain it is that the town itself is not wanting in some 
evidences of its great antiquity. Those old fortifications or earth-banks 
north of Austin street, in the neighborhood of Dr. McDonald's, and extend- 
ing up-hill as far as Mr. George Barnard's, and which time has long since 
nearly leveled down to the surface of the earth, are mute witnesses which 
inform us of inhabitants or villagers who once dwelt here, and of dangers 
which begirt them. That oldest inhabitant, Mr. George Barnard, who came 
to Waco a little in advance of the on-coming tide of civilization, once 
informed us that Wacoes, Kechis, and Wichitas, all of whom probably passed 
under one general appellation of Wacoes, founded Waco. 

An incident in the history of the Wacoes, occurring about the year 1824, 
may be here related : 

" For be it remembered that these children of the forest were not 
destitute of those savage instincts of the red man, whose prominent char- 
acteristics were inextinguishable love of adventure, of danger, and of possess- 
ing themselves of their neighbors' ponies. They have from time immemorial 
kept up their raids upon their nearest (though remote) white or Mexican 

" While returning from one of their ill-starred expeditions to the Red 
River, the unhappy, because it proved to be fatal, idea occurred to them of 
bringing away the Cherokees' ponies, and probably some red captive Helen, 
which they did, and returned to their village with ' booty and beauty.' This 
feat they effected in true Indian style, a circumstance which so enraged the 
warlike Cherokees that they soon presented themselves, all painted for war, 
at the Wacoes' village. The Wacoes now defended themselves in their fortifi- 
cations with probably true Trojan valor ; but the incensed Cherokees, led on 
by their Agamemnons and Nestors, so furiously assaulted the besieged in 


their intrenchments, that they compelled them to flee to the mountains, leav- 
ing their dead and wounded behind. The village was then plundered and 
burned — and the history of this beautiful village became that of ancient 
Troy — Troja fuit. " 




The authentic history of the western hemisphere only reaches back 
between three and four centuries ; hence the term " prehistoric," when applied 
to American antiquities, does not always imply that they correspond in age 
with the prehistoric remains of the old world, whose history embraces thou- 
sands of years. But writers on American archaeology do not, I believe, 
designate as prehistoric any memorials that are referable to the existing race 
of aborigines, but only such as are believed to have belonged to races that 
have passed away, and which may be supposed to correspond in antiquity 
with many of the prehistoric relics of the other hemisphere. 

The prehistoric remains of man and his arts found in the tumuli of the 
Mississippi valley indicate that that country was once inhabited by a more 
civilized people than the red men ; yet the former may not have preceded 
the latter in the occupation of this continent, for the flint arrow-heads found 
in innumerable localities throughout this State (and indeed throughout this 
continent), buried in some instances several feet beneath the surface in allu- 
vium, attest the presence here of the red race untold ages before the advent 
of the " pale-faces." These tiny monuments of the American aborigines are, 
in fact, more enduring than the pyramids of Egypt, and thousands of years 
hence they will continue to be turned up by the plow of the farmer, looking 
almost as fresh and untarnished as when they were first wrought from the 
pebbles in the early ages of human existence. 

Though the prehistoric people of America — or, at any rate, those of the 
Mississippi valley — do not seem to have emerged from the stone cycle, and, 
therefore, in common with our aborigines, probably pointed their weapons 
with stone, yet, as we find no traces of their abodes in Texas, we may reason- 
ably attribute the fabrication of the flint arrow-heads, which are so abundant 
here, to the Indian race. 

In my frequent walks, some years since, along the beaches of the bays 
and inlets, a few miles south of the Guadaloupe River, I rarely failed to find 
a number of these aboriginal relics — especially immediately after the ebb of 


a very high tide. I have also found many about the bases of the sandy hil- 
locks, or " dunes," which have been heaped up by the winds in many places 
along the coast. I have occasionally found one large enough for the arrow 
of a Titan ; but these were probably used for harpoons. Some of these 
arrow-heads are very rudely wrought, while others, particularly a very small 
kind, are of exquisite finish, with a point as sharp as a lancet, and the cut- 
ting edges finely and beautifully serrated. One can not but wonder how 
they were wrought with the imperfect tools of the Indians. Most of the 
specimens collected by me had necks or shanks by which they were fitted 
into the shaft ; a few, however, were without this appendage, but were either 
grooved or beveled on both sides of the base of the tongue. 

It is not improbable that other tribes occupied the littoral hunting- 
grounds, before the Carankawas, or, at any rate, at some period shared 
them conjointly with the latter. The various tribes probably possessed vari- 
ous degrees of skill in the manufacture of flint weapons ; hence the marked 
differences in design and finish among them. The earlier or later age in 
which they were wrought may also have had its influence. 

The flint pebbles from which these arrow-heads were chipped were prob- 
ably obtained from thirty to forty miles inland, where they abound in sev- 
eral localities. 

All the Indian tribes of Texas, when it was first colonized by Americans, 
used metallic arrow-heads, which they had probably substituted for flint ones 
nearly a century before, or not long after the establishment of the missions 
and military posts of San Antonio and La Bahia, where they doubtless 
obtained copper, brass, and iron, all of which metals they used for pointing 
their missiles. Fragments of earthen pottery are co-extensive with the flint 
relics. But they bear evidence that our aborigines were never much skilled 
in the ceramic art. 

The Indian dead usually receive very shallow sepulture. Often the 
Texas tribes do not bury their dead at all, but merely pile logs or stones 
upon the bodies, which are soon extricated and the flesh devoured by beasts 
of prey. The bones being thus left to the action of the elements, rapidly 
decay. Hence the osseous remains of the aborigines are rarely found far 
inland ; but in various places along the coast the winds have performed the 
rites of sepulture by blowing the sand upon the dead. At Ingleside, in 
186 1, human bones were disinterred at two localities more than a hundred 
yards apart, from a depth of eight feet; and recently (in October, 1867), a 
little Golgotha was discovered in a sand-hill, or "dune," near what is 
locally known as the " False Live-Oak" in Refugio county. About a month 

after the discovery, I went to the house of Mr. C , who resides within a 

hundred paces of the place of skulls, and upon inquiring of Mrs. C 


(her husband not being at home), she informed me that a large quantity of 
human bones, including several skulls, had been exposed by the caving of 
the " dune " ; but being much decayed, they broke to pieces in falling, and 

quickly dissolved in the tide at the base of the " dune." Mrs. C added 

that the bones had all caved in and disappeared, but bade her little son 
Tommy, about eight years of age, go with me and point out the spot 
where they had been found. When we had got near the hill, Tommy 
exclaimed, " Oh ! how the sand has caved since I was here before." When 
we arrived at the spot, I looked up and beheld for forty feet along the face 
of the steep slope, from which the sand had slidden, a number of human 
bones projecting at various angles. The skulls, of which three were 
exposed, looked like brown cobble-stones. Tommy's squirrel-like agility 
enabled him to reach the skulls sooner than I, and in his eagerness to ex- 
tract them from the sand-bank, he broke two of the rotten ones in pieces, but 
the third one, being in a better state of preservation, received no damage 
from his rather violent handling. This skull was of medium size, and remark- 
ably round. The others seemed of similar size and type. The teeth of all 
were well preserved, and did not exhibit any appearance of having been 
faulty during the life-time of the owners. None of the bones semed to have 
belonged to persons above the average size, with the exception of one femur. 
Neither the vertebral nor pelvic bones, the ribs, the omoplates, nor the 
bones of the hands and feet, were preserved. These human remains were 
from five to seven and a half feet beneath the surface of the ground, and ten 
or twelve feet above the level of the bay. 

After an interval of six weeks, I again visited the spot. About two feet 
of the hill had caved away since my first visit ; but the bone deposit was still 
unexhausted, for I found three more skulls and several limb bones, all of 
which broke into fragments in extracting them from the compact sand. 

Aware of a custom among many Indian tribes to bury the arms of the 
dead with them, I was disappointed in not finding stone arrow-heads in 
the caved sand. But my search for Ihem was not thorough. There is 
no reason, however, to doubt that these are aboriginal remains, and very 
ancient ones too. Their imperfect state of preservation in a kind of 
earth very conservative of organic substances alone warrants this conclusion, 
which is reenforced by an argument which I will here state. These remains 
are found at the southern extremity of a sand-ridge, or dune, about two miles 
in length from north to south, and varying in height from twenty to forty or 
fifty feet, and which was evidently formed while the gulf beat directly upon 
the shore of the mainland. But ever since the long, sandy islands extending 
parallel with our coast were heaped up by the action of the waves and 
currents of the sea, the only communication between the interior 


bays or lagoons has been through a few narrow channels called "bayous." 
The consequence is, that the sandy materials of which the " dunes " are 
formed, instead of reaching the shore of the mainland as in former ages, are 
now deposited on the gulf side of the islands and blown up by the east and 
south-east winds into hillocks similar to, but generally less elevated than, 
those which were formerly heaped by the same agency upon the mainland. 

Now, on the assumption that these human remains, in accordance with 
the univeral custom of North American savages, were only interred to the 
depth of two feet at most, several feet of sand must subsequently have been 
blown over them to account for the depth at which they were found, and the 
sand for this purpose must have been transported to the adjacent beach by 
the currents of the gulf. Hence I conclude that these remains were 
deposited in the dune before the gulf was cut off from the mainland by the 
formation of the chain of island barriers above-mentioned. The length 
of time that has elapsed since that event occurred can only be conjectured, 
but it doubtless amounts to centuries. The sand-ridge containing the 
osseous relics has been preserved from the wasting effects of the winds by 
the thickets of dwarf oak and sweet bay with which it is overgrown. Some 
of the live-oaks at its eastern base are of sufficient girth to indicate an age of 
two centuries. Other oaks of the same species, a short distance south of the 
"dunes" and very near the bay, are of much greater antiquity. All these 
trees must have grown up since the gulf retreated behind Matagorda Island, 
which, at this point, is about eight miles distant from the mainland. From 
all of which it follows as highly probable that the human remains which 
I have described were inhumed at a period when the broad waves of the sea 
resounded along the shore of the mainland, and before the sail of a ship had 
gleamed on the Gulf of Mexico or the foot of a civilized man had pressed 
the soil of the American continent. 





The following letter from Captain Kenny more, who was among the few 
survivors of the Massacre of the Georgia Battalion at Goliad, in 1836, gives 
assurance that the accompanying account of that massacre is correct, and we 
have additional authority for giving the subjoined list of the killed, and sur- 
vivors, as entirely correct. 

City of Galveston, Texas, February 5, 1836. 
Editors of Texas Almanac. 

Gentlemen : Accompanying this note you will please find a roll of 
Colonel Fannin's command, which I look upon as correct. It has been in 
my possession years, and deeming it an act of justice to the lamented dead, 
hope you will publish it in your next issue. Also, in giving a description 
of the battle of the Mission del Refugio, Lieutenant-Colonel William Ward 
(of Georgia), commanding, I inclose a letter of Mr. Samuel T. Brown, a 
nephew of Colonel Ward, giving a narrative of the battle, etc. 

It appears to me that the world at large, and the people of Texas in par- 
ticular, should know something that would throw light upon the movement of 
Colonel Fannin. Mr. Brown's description of the battle of the Mission del 
Refugio is correct, also in regard to the order for Colonel Fannin to abandon 
Goliad, of which so much has been said. 

I fully corroborate the statements of Mr. Samuel T. Brown as to the time 
the order reached Colonel Fannin at Goliad. It was on the night of the 
12th March, 1836, the Georgia Battalion was ordered to go to the relief of 
Captain King, who had been sent out for the purpose of protecting the women 
and children at the Mission. A good number of us were on camp-guard the 
night of the 12th, and our officer of guard was Captain Jack Shackelford, 
who had us relieved by details from other companies, and told us to hurry oft 
and be back soon, as General Sam Houston had ordered Colonel Fannin 
to abandon and blow up the Fort at Goliad and join him at Victoria. 

These are all the facts pertaining to that transaction that I know of. I can 
refer you to the only survivors that I now know to be living. General 
Samuel G. Hardaway, of Bullock's Cove, now living in Montgomery City 
Alabama; Thomas I. Smith, Richmond, Texas; A. J. Hitchcock, of Shreve- 
port, Louisiana ; and L. P. Tresvant, of Carroll Parish, Louisiana ; these are 
the survivors. 

Such as it is, is at your service, and I can bear testimony as to the skill and 



ability of Colonels Fannin and Ward as military men, and at all times subor- 
dinate to their superiors. Misfortune befell them ; bloody scenes followed : 
and I hope their memory will be spared and held sacred by the patriotic 
people of Texas. Respectfully, 

J. C. P. Kennymore, 

Late Captain 1st Reg. Texas Inf. in the days of the Republic. 

The following letter was addressed by Mr. S. T. Brown, to his uncle, 
Thomas Ward, Esq., brother of the late Colonel Ward of the Texas Army, 
and appeared first in the Voice of Sumpter (an Alabama newspaper), of Novem- 
ber 28, 1839. It was written at the suggestion of a friend, who gives the 
following summary of the various companies, showing what disposition was 
made of each : 









Duval's 1 

King's 2 

Pettus' 2 

Bullock's • 9 

Winn's 1 

Wadsworth's 4 

Ticknor's 3 

8. Wyatte's 1 

Westoover's 2 

Burke's 3 

Shackleford's o 

Horton's 2 

Field officers 3 







5 •• 

o . . 

5 •• 

2 . . 

. . 

1 . . 

. . 

1 . . 
o . . 

3 •• 
3 •• 


•• 38 
. . 20 








Speaking of Mr. Brown, the writer says : 

" Having formed his acquaintance soon after his return from Mexico. I 
suggested to him the propriety of publishing a narrative of his adventures in 
the form of a letter to Thomas Ward, Esq., brother of the late Colonel Ward 
of the Texan Army. Viewing it as a piece of history to be relied on, I desire 
you to give it circulation in your columns. Mr. Brown was a young gentleman 
of intelligence and veracity. He is now dead. I always attributed the kind- 
ness with which he was treated by the Mexican general, to his rare personal 
beauty — his dark, piercing eyes, his bronze complexion and graceful figure 
giving him the appearance of a Spanish cavalier. He was a native of Georgia 
and a nephew of Colonel Ward." 



Mr. Brown's letter is as follows : 

Livingston, Alabama, November i, 1837. 

Dear Sir: Having been among the first who volunteered from Georgia 
in the service of Texas, under the command of your brother, the late Colonel 
William Ward, whose name is destined to occupy a place in history, I have 
thought that a communication of my adventures in a form you might preserve, 
would not be unacceptable or improper. All I have in view is to give the 
facts which came within my own observation and knowledge; and if they can 
be deemed of interest as occurring to one of my years (twenty at the present 
time), I shall feel perfectly satisfied in having related them. 

About the 20th November, 1835, I ^ft Macon in the stage for Columbus, 
where I joined Captain Ward's company, which had rendezvoused at 
that place, from whence we marched to Montgomery, Alabama, and took pas- 
sage for Mobile on the steamer Ben Franklin. Remaining in Mobile five or 
six days, near which a public dinner was given us, we embarked on the 
steamer Convoy for New Orleans, where we halted about a week, and received 
some addition to our number, making the company about a hundred and fifty 
strong. Here Captain Ward laid in supplies for his men, and chartered the 
schooner Pennsylvania to take them to Velasco, where we arrived on the 
20th of December, 1835, and found Captain Wadsworth's company, fifty 
strong ; and the two companies were organized into a battalion, of which 
Captain Ward was elected major, called the Georgia Battalion. Captain 
Ward's original company was divided into two equal parts, as near as prac- 
ticable the command of one of which was given to Captain Uriah J. Bullock, 
of Macon, and that of the other to Captain James C. Wynne, of Gwinette 
county. Major Ward lost no time in reporting in person his battalion to Gov- 
ernor Smith at San Felipe de Austin. Our troops encamped about two miles 
from Velasco, on the Brazos River, where they subsisted on the two months' 
provision laid in at New Orleans. After a week's absence to the seat of gov- 
ernment, Major Ward returned with commissions for the several officers. We 
remained in the camp near Velasco, until 1st February, 1836, when the bat- 
talion was ordered by the then acting Governor Robinson, to repair to Goliad 
on the San Antonio River, and it was forthwith transported by the schooner 
Columbus, United States vessel, to Copano, on Aransas Bay, after five days' 
passage. There we were furnished with supplies by the government and 
four pieces of artillery, two six and two four-pounders. From Copano to Goliad 
the distance is forty-five miles, and about half-way the battalion halted at the 
Mission, where we were joined by Captain Ticknor's company, of Montgomery, 
Alabama, making our ranks about two hundred and fifty strong. From there 
we marched to Goliad, took possession, and repaired the fort, and were joined 
by the Lafayette Battalion, made up from North Alabama, Tennessee, and 


Kentucky. Previous to this, the lamented Colonel Fannin had not taken any 
part in service, but was actively engaged in collecting and diffusing infor- 
mation highly useful to- the cause of Texas. At Goliad the two battalions 
were formed into a regiment, between five and six hundred strong, of which 
Fannin was elected colonel and Ward lieutenant-colonel ; Dr. Mitchell, of 
Columbus, commanded the battalion in the place of Major Ward, promoted. 
For some purpose Captain King, of the Lafayette Battalion, had been dis- 
patched by Colonel Fannin to occupy the Mission, about twenty-two miles 
off, who found himself annoyed in his new position by a party of Mexican 
cavalry and sent an express to Goliad for a re-enforcement. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Ward, with one hundred and twenty men, of which I was one of the 
number, was directed by Colonel Fannin to support Captain King at the 
Mission. This was on the 12th March, and the next day Lieutenant- 
Colonel Ward's command reached the Mission, at which a large Catholic 
church built of stone, made a very good fort, in which we took protection. 
The Mexican cavalry that reconnoitered the Mission and tried to attack it 
was estimated at two hundred, and on the night of the 19th, a party of four- 
teen men under Captain Micknor, surprised their camp, a mile from the Mis- 
sion, killing eight of them and putting the rest to flight. Among the slain was 
recognized a Mexican lieutenant who had been with Colonel Fannin at 
Goliad, pretending to have joined the Texans with eighteen men. On the 
morning of the 16th, Lieutenant-Colonel Ward and Captain King differed as 
to who should command at the Mission, the latter claiming it by being there 
first. A large majority of the troops declared they would serve under Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Ward only, which induced Captain King, with his original 
company of twenty-eight men, to withdraw, and he was followed by eighteen of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Ward's command, who had been detailed from Captain 
Bradford's company at Goliad, leaving Colonel Ward one hundred and seven 
men. About ten o'clock in the morning, a party of fifteen, with myself, was 
sent to a river about two hundred yards off, with oxen and cart, to bring two 
barrels of water into the fort. We had just filled the vessels and were leaving 
the river when we were fired upon from an open prairie on the other side by 
General Urrea's army of eleven hundred men, about half a mile distant. We 
made all possible speed for the fort, holding on to the water, except about half 
a barrel, which was let out by one of the bullets piercing the head. The 
enemy kept firing as they crossed the river, and marched within fifty paces 
of the church, when Colonel Ward ordered his men to fire, which drove the 
Mexicans back and left the ground pretty well spotted with their dead and 
wounded. They made four regular charges both cavalry and infantry, about 
half of each, and were as often repulsed with great slaughter. 

At four o'clock in the afternoon they retreated, leaving between four and 


five hundred of their dead upon the field. Colonel Ward had only three of his 
men wounded, one of them an Irishman who resided at the Mission. When 
the attack was made in the morning, Colonel Ward sent an express (James 
Humphrey, of Columbus, Georgia) to Colonel Fannin at Goliad ; and orders 
were received at ten o'clock at night, to abandon the church, take a north- 
east course for Victoria, on the Guadaloupe, twenty-five miles beyond Goliad, 
where Colonel Fannin would join him. About twelve o'clock at night we 
left the fort silently, formed five deep, marched without a guide in the open 
prairie, and were only eight miles from the Mission at day-light. For two 
days we had nothing to eat, and on the third we killed some cattle near the 
San Antonio, which revived us a good deal. On the 21st of March we 
reached Victoria, and had advanced within one hundred yards of the town, 
expecting to find Colonel Fannin and his men there, when to our utter dismay 
it was in possession of the enemy, who fired upon and caused us to retreat 
to the swamp. Colonel Fannin had set out to meet us in due time, but his 
whole command was taken prisoners by a large force within six miles of 
Goliad, and carried back to the fort. We had expended all our ammunition 
at the battle of the Mission, and very few of our men had a single cartridge ! 
In this dilemma we marched a night for Dimmit's Point on the La Bacca 
River, near Matagorda Bay, where supplies were landed for the Texan troops. 
Next day, 2 2d March, we halted to rest and conceal ourselves within 
two miles of our destination, sent two men to the Point to see who was 
in possession and await their return. The remnant of the Mexican army 
that attacked the Mission, which was hovering over this quarter under General 
Urrea, took the two men prisoners and surrounded us. The two men came 
within speaking distance of us, stated our situation and the power of the 
enemy, and desired Colonel Ward to see General Urrea upon the terms of 
surrender : upon which Colonel Ward, Major Mitchell, and Captain Ticknor, 
had an interview with General Urrea and returned, making known to us 
the offer of the enemy, if we surrendered prisoners of war, that we should 
be marched to Copano without delay, and from thence to New Orleans, or 
detained as prisoners of war and be exchanged. Colonel Ward addressed his 
men and said he was opposed to surrendering; that it was the same enemy 
we had beaten at the Mission, only much reduced in numbers, and that he 
thought our chance of escape equally practicable as it was then. He pro- 
posed that the attack on us might be evaded until night, when he might 
possibly pass the enemy's lines and get out of danger. At all events, he 
thought it best to resist every inch, as many of us as could save ourselves, 
and if we surrendered, he had doubts of the faith and humanity of the Mexi- 
cans ; that he feared we should all be butchered. The vote of the company 
was taken, and a large majority were in favor of surrendering upon the terms 


proposed ; Colonel Ward informed them that their wishes should govern, but 
if they were destroyed, no blame could rest on him. 

The same officers as before, to wit : Colonel Ward, Major Mitchell, and 
Captain Ticknor, again saw General Urrea, and I understood a paper was 
signed by the Mexican general, to dispose of us as above stated, on condition 
that we should never serve Texas any more ; one copy in Spanish, and another 
in English. Then came the hour for us to see all our hopes entirely blasted. 
We marched out in order and grounded arms, cartouch-boxes, and weapons 
of every kind. Our guns were fired off, the flints taken out, and returned to 
us to carry. W r hen we left the Mission, on the night of the 14th of March, 
we had about a hundred men ; at the time of the surrender we had only 
eighty-five, the others having left us on the route from the Mission to Vic- 
toria — a most fortunate thing for them. W T e were put under a strong guard, 
and the next morning, 23d March, proceeded to Victoria, where we were 
engaged the next day in bringing the baggage of the Mexican army across 
the Guadaloupe, about four hundred yards from the town, and hauling it up. 
On the morning of the 2 2d, we were marched toward Goliad, where we 
arrived next day late in the evening. There we found Colonel Fannin and his 
regiment prisoners in the fort. All the Texan troops then in the fort as pris- 
oners, belonging to Fannin's command, after we were brought in, amounted 
to four hundred and eighty men. Early on the morning of the 27th, we were 
all marched into line and counted, and divided into four equal parts of one 
hundred and twenty each. The nearest to the door of the fort marched out 
first, and were received by a strong guard and placed in double file, going 
we knew not whither nor for what purpose. I was in this division, in the 
right-hand file, and about half a mile from the fort we were ordered to halt ; 
the guard on the right then passed to the left, and instantly fired upon the 
prisoners, nearly all of whom fell, and the few survivors tried to escape by 
flight in the prairie and concealing in the weeds. The firing continued, and 
about the same time I heard other firing toward the fort and the cries of 

At the time our division of prisoners was shot, Drury H. Minor, of Hous 
ton county, Georgia, immediately on my left, was killed; and just before 
me, next in file, Thomas S. Freeman, of Macon, was killed. As I ran off, 
several poor fellows, who had been wounded, tried to hide in the clump of 
weeds and grass, but were pursued, and I presume killed. Soon after I made 

my escape, I was joined by John Duval and Holliday, of the Kentucky 

volunteers, both of whom were with me at the massacre, but not until I had 
swum across the San Antonio, about half a mile from the butchery. 

For five days we had nothing to eat except wild onions, which abound in 
the country ; when reaching the Guadaloupe found a nest of young pigs, and 


these lasted us several days. In the course of a few days, wandering at 
random in the open country, often wide of our supposed direction, we saw 
fresh signs of cavalry, and withdrew to the swamp, but had been perceived 
going there, and were taken by two Mexicans armed with guns and swords ; 
that is, Duval and myself were captured ; Holliday lay close and was not dis- 
covered. One of the men seized me and held on \ Duval was placed 
between them, to follow on. He sprang off and one man threw down his gun 
and ran after him in vain. Duval made his escape, and I have not seen him 
since. I was taken to their camp close by, when they saddled their horses in 
a hurry and rode off without me. From their actions I judged they were of 
opinion a party of Texans was near, and so made off. I then went to 
the swamp where I was taken, and found Holliday in his old position. Next 
day we came to a deserted house on the La Bacca River, apparently that of 
an American settler, where we found plenty of provisions, such as meat, corn, 
lard, chickens, and eggs, upon which we feasted there two days, camping at 
night a little way off. Taking with us a good stock of provisions, we trav- 
eled quite refreshed, and in four days reached the Colorado. From almost 
constant rain and exposure, I had lost the use of my right arm and shoulder, 
and could not swim the river. Holliday swam across with the provisions, 
and promised to return and help me ; but he was so weak and exhausted 
from the cold and rapid current, that he was not able to do so. Thus we 
parted, and I never saw him afterward. 

I went up the river, and next day found a canoe, in which I crossed, and 
then wandered till I got sight of the Brazos, on the 20th April, where I was 
taken by a party of twenty Mexican cavalry, who carried me to the main 
army at Ford Bend, under General Sesma, and put me under guard with 
other prisoners they had picked up. I recollect the names of but three 
of them, and they had resided several years in Texas : Johnson, from 
New York, Leach, an Englishman, and Simpson. Fort Bend was about 
thirty miles from San Jacinto, where the battle was fought the next day, 
21st April. The night after the battle a Mexican officer, who escaped from 
San Jacinto, brought the news into camp, and the army instantly retreated. 
When I was brought to the camp, I pulled off my boots to dry, and relieve 
my swollen feet ; my boots were stolen, and I had to march barefoot through 
the mud and water, nearly knee-deep all over the prairies, the rain falling 
in torrents pretty much all the time. The army returned to Victoria, where 
I saw four of the Macon company, who had been detained there after the 
surrender, on account of their being mechanics : William Wilkinson, John C. 
P. Kinnymore, Barnwell, and Callahan. 

I was then taken to Goliad, where I remained five days, and saw the 
places where the four divisions of prisoners had been butchered ; some of the 


carcasses remained, many burnt, and others mangled ; all so disfigured that 
I could recognize no particular person. A company of eighty-two men, from 
Tennessee, under Captain Miller of Texas, who had been taken prisoners the 
moment they landed at Copano, and whom we left in the fort at Goliad at 
the massacre, still remained there on my return. One of its members, 
Mr. Coy, told me the particulars of Ward and Fannin's death, as he said he 
was an eye-witness. After all the men had been shot, the time of the officers 
came. Colonel Ward was ordered to kneel, which he refused to do ; he was 
told, if he would kneel his life might be spared. He replied, they had killed 
his men in cold blood, and that he had no desire to live • death would be 
welcome. He was then shot dead. Colonel Fannin made an address to the 
Mexican officer in command, through an interpreter; handed him his gold 
watch, to be sent to Colonel Fannin's wife, also a purse to the officer to have 
him decently buried. He sat on a chair, tied a handkerchief over his eyes 
and requested that he might not be shot in the head, and that the marksmen 
should stand far enough off for the powder not to burn him. He was shot 
in the head and expired. 

Leaving Goliad in the month of May, with a dozen other Texan prisoners, 
under a guard of cavalry attached to the main army, then about three 
thousand strong, we marched to San Patricio on the Nueces River, where 
Colonels Teale and Carnes, of the Texan service, came under a flag of truce, 
and obtained passports from General Felisola to go to Matamoras, where 
Colonel Teale informed me I should be discharged. I was kept with the 
main army, until General Felisola received orders from Mexico to hasten 
there. He took with him a body-guard through the Indian country, about 
fifty cavalry, who had charge of me ever since leaving Goliad, and they still 
held on to me. Generl Felisola left his guard at Saltillo, and took the 
stage to the City of Mexico, where the cavalry arrived with me, their only 
prisoner, in August, 1836. I was then confined in the Quartede, or 
barracks, until the 1st of February, 1837, and about that time General 
Felisola expected to leave the city to take command of the army at Mata- 
moras. His interpreter, an Italian named Quarri, often visited the barracks 
and treated me with great humanity. He said he would get my release, and 
took me to General Felisola's house to accompany him to Matamoras. 
From some delay he did not start until the 28th of March, during which time 
I was a member of the family and treated with perfect kindness, under orders, 
however (for my own safety, it was said), not to leave the guard alone. 

I may be allowed to say a few words about the City of Mexico and the 
manner of my detention. I was put in the barracks among a number of 
Mexican prisoners, who were confined for various offenses ; and from the 


time I entered, in August, 1836, until I went to General Felisola's house, in 
February, I had no other food than boiled beef. 

The water in the barracks was fresh and pure, brought there by an 
aqueduct which supplies the whole city twelve miles from the mountains. 
The city itself is quite pleasant, clean, and the buildings durable, if not 
elegant. What I viewed as a great blemish to the houses (which were 
nearly all of stone and rock), were the images of saints and idols carved in 
endless variety. 

On the 25th March last I left the City of Mexico in company with 
General F., his staff, and a small guard, and arrived at Matamoras the 1st 
of June, a distance of nine hundred miles from one place to the other. 
General F., it was said, declined the invasion of Texas with his army, on 
hearing of the death of General Montezuma at San Luis, and sent a large 
portion of it to quell the insurgents. On the 17th June, General F. gave 
me a passport, and on the 1st of July I embarked for New Orleans on the 
schooner Comanche, Captain Briddle, where I arrived in due time. 

This unpretending narrative is at your service, and you have my permis- 
sion to make what use of it you think proper. 

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

S. T. Brown. 
Thomas Ward, Esq., Sumter Co., Ala. 




The biographical part of this book is as complete as the author has 
been able to make it. Special notices of other early Texans would have 
been inserted, had the undersigned been able to procure the necessary 
information. And he takes this occasion to ask all who are interested 
in the collection and preservation of material for Texas history, to send 
him, for future use, such unpublished facts as may be known to them. 

D. W. C. Baker. 

Distinguished Texans. 


This distinguished man, who was the first successful American colonist 
to Texas, was a native of Austinville, Virginia, 1793. 

When only eleven years old he went to Connecticut to pursue his aca- 
demical studies. 

Entering Transylvania University in 1808 he advanced with rapidity and 
graduated with distinction. Previous to this time, his family had removed 
to Missouri. 

In 1813, Austin being twenty years old, he was elected to the territorial 
Legislature of Missouri, and was annually reelected to that position until 
18 19, when he removed to Arkansas. 

His father, Moses Austin, having received a grant of land in Texas from 
the Mexican authorities for colonization purposes, went to that country to 
prosecute his undertaking ; but, dying soon after, he bequeathed his darling 
scheme to his son Stephen, with instructions to carry it to a successful ter- 

Accordingly, Colonel Austin, having obtained, after many delays and diffi- 
culties, all the guarantees possible from the treacherous and ever-fickle 
Mexican government, introduced at different times a large number of sub- 
stantial colonists from the United States. 

To these settlers were given, at a mere nominal price, grants of land for 
their permanent homes. During all the years of Austin's intercourse with 
his people, to whom he was a protector and a father, he was beloved and 
respected by them all. 

Honesty and straightforward and conscientious dealing were the quali- 
ties which secured to him their esteem and confidence, 

* See Frontispiece. 


Says one who knew him well, and by whose pen a well-written sketch of 
Austin has been indited, " He was known and beloved by all. Every child 
of every colonist was known to him, was eager to welcome him, and to be 
permitted to play upon his knee." 

When Austin entered Texas in 182 1, there was but one settlement from 
the Sabine to San Antonio. This was at Nacogdoches. 

No sound of the settler's axe had ever waked the echoes from the forests 
of the Brazos to the hills of the Colorado. Austin first planted upon the 
banks of these rivers the cabins of the Anglo-Saxon, and opened the vast 
wilderness to the plough of the husbandman. 

When Austin counseled peace, the voice of discord was hushed through- 
out his colony. When his voice was raised for resistance every rifle within 
its borders was taken from its rest to do his bidding. 

After devoting the best years of his life to the consummation of the great 
plan to which he had devoted himself with untiring assiduity, he was seized 
with a violent disease at Columbia, Brazoria Co., and there died December 
25, 1836, in the forty-fifth year of his age. 

Much that is interesting in his life must necessarily be omitted here. 
His long and perilous pilgrimages to Mexico in the interest of his people ; 
his exertions to obtain for them the fulfilment of the pledges made to him ; 
his unwarrantable detention and imprisonment in Mexico ; his unwillingness 
to counsel his people to take up arms against that government, while a ves- 
tige of hope for peace remained ; his firm and decided voice, speaking words 
of encouragement and hope during the dark hours of war ; his laborious 
travels in the United States to obtain needed succor for his struggling coun- 
trymen — all these afford ample material for a volume of absorbing interest. 

But let this suffice. His name and his fame belong to Texas ; and no 
blot ever rested upon either. To him justly belongs the name "The Father 
of Texas." 

Houston Pierced with an Arrow. 

To face p. 255. 



The subject of this sketch was born in Rockbridge county, Virginia. 
When yet a child, his parents moved to the mountains of Tennessee, where he 
was reared. His ancestors were of Scotch origin. His mother is said to 
have been a lady of much beauty, and high degree of intellectual culture. 
She was also noble and benevolent, and ever ready to sacrifice her own com- 
fort to those whose wants or sufferings excited her sympathy. 

Houston was a sad truant when a school-boy. The schools amid his 
native hills were not numerous, nor of a first-class character, and his delight 
was rather in the chase of the deer than in the haunts of knowledge. When 
thirteen years old his father died, and his mother moved, with her large fam- 
ily, to Tennessee. 

Here the boy Sam became acquainted with the Cherokee Indians, who 
lived near by his home, and much of his time was spent with them in the 

This was much more to his liking, than studying, or working on the 
farm. Much of Houston's early life, indeed, till he was eighteen years old, 
was spent in this manner, living alternately with the Indians, with whom he 
became a favorite, and at his home. 

In 18 13, the second war with England having broken out, Houston en- 
listed as a private soldier, and was made sergeant of a company. He soon 
became the best drill-officer in the regiment. 

During the war with the Creek Indians, Houston served under General 
Jackson. He participated in the sharp conflict with that enemy which 
took place at To-ho-ne-ka, or Horseshoe Bend of the Tallapoosa River, 

The breastworks of the enemy were gallantly stormed by the 31st regi- 
ment, and he was the second to scale the works, the major (Major Montgom- 
ery) being the first, and instantly killed. Here he received a painful wound 
from an arrow which remained sticking in his thigh. 

After trying in vain to extract the arrow, he called upon a comrade to do 
it. The comrade, a lieutenant, tried and failed. " Try again," said Hous- 
ton, raising his sword; u and pull it out or I strike you down." With this 
incentive, the next effort to withdraw the barbed point succeeded, tearing 
away the flesh, and leaving an ugly wound which never completely healed. 

General Jackson ordered Houston to the rear ; but, regardless of the order, 
he was soon in the thickest of the fight. 

Just before the conclusion of this decisive action, when volunteers were 


called to make a charge upon the only part of the fortification from which the 
Indians had not been dislodged, Houston instantly leaped to the front, calling 
upon the men to follow him ; dashed across the precipitous ravine, and up to 
the breastworks, from which came deadly volleys of musketry and arrows. 

Here the gallant young officer received two balls in his right shoulder, 
which at once disabled him, and he was carried from the field just before 
complete victory crowned the arms of his comrades. 

Houston's recovery was for a long time doubtful, but at length he recov- 
ered sufficiently to join his regiment^just before peace was declared. 

In November, 18 17, Houston was appointed to an agency for the Chero- 
kee Indians, and during the winter went with a delegation of that tribe to 
Washington, to represent their interests to the Federal authorities. 

When Houston was twenty-five years old, he went to Nashville, and en- 
gaged in the study of law. He was soon admitted to the bar, and was, even 
from the first, a successful advocate. He was about this time made Adjutant- 
General of Tennessee. 

He was, in 1823, elected to Congress, and afterward re-elected by an 
almost unanimous vote. 

In 1827, he was elected Governor of Tennessee, by a large majority. 

While Houston was Governor of Tennessee, he married a lady of respect- 
able connections; but in little more than two months a sudden and inexplic- 
able separation between the parties took place. This sudden sundering of 
the marriage tie, about which many conjectures were afloat but nothing 
definite was known, gave rise at the time to great excitement, and the friends 
of the lady made many serious charges against the governor. To none of 
these did he reply, and quietly resigning his office he left the State of Ten- 
nessee. Houston now returned to his friends, the Cherokees, with whom he 
remained, occasionally visiting Washington City in their behalf, until Decem- 
ber, 1832, when with a few friends he came to Texas. He was elected a 
delegate from Nacogdoches to the convention which met at San Felipe in 
*833, for the purpose of framing a State constitution. From this time 
General Houston appears as a prominent actor in the affairs of Texas. 

In 1835, he was appointed general of the military district east of the 
Trinity. He was a member of the Consultation of 1835, also of the Conven- 
tion which declared the independence of Texas, in March 1836. Immedi- 
ately after the Declaration of Independence, the convention elected Houston 
commander-in-chief of the armies of Texas. 

He at once took the field, and after the fall of the Alamo and Goliad, he 
conducted the retreat of the army to San Jacinto, where, on the 21st of April, 
1836, he administered to the Mexican forces under Santa Anna the crushing 
defeat which secured the independence of Texas. 


In the action he suffered a painful wound in the ankle, from which he 
never fully recovered. In the fall of 1836 he was elected First President of 
the Republic of Texas. In 1839 and '40, after his time of office expired, he 
served in the Congress of the Republic. In 1841 he was again, almost by 
acclamation, elevated to the head of the Texas government. 

After annexation, Houston was elected Senator from Texas to the Con- 
gress of the United States. 

This position he filled with marked ability until March, 1859. After his 
return to Texas Houston was elected Governor in the fall of 1859. 

At the breaking out of the civil war in 186 1-5, General Houston opposed 
the secession of Texas, and favored separate State action. This course 
not agreeing with the views of the advocates of unconditional secession, he 
was deposed from the office of Governor, March, 1861. 

On the 18th day of that month Governor Houston left his official chair. 
This was the end of his public career. He retired to the privacy of his 
home in Walker county, where he died in July, 1863. 

His well-earned fame, and the remembrance of his virtues, are alike the 
property of his countrymen. The praise of the historian is not needed to 
magnify the one, nor could his silence or censure detract from the other. 


This distinguished citizen of Texas was the son of William Burnet of 
Newark, New Jersey, where he was born in 1789. He received a liberal 
education, and in 1805 entered the counting-house of Robinson & Harts- 
horne, New York. 

His tastes were not in accord with the dull routine of a clerk's life, and 
in 1806 he entered under General Miranda, in the expedition for the inde- 
pendence of Spanish America. After the failure of this he returned home, 
where he remained until 1817, when he went to Natchitoches, Louisiana. 

At this time his lungs were threatened with disease, and by advice of 
his physician he went among the Indians, with whom he remained, following 
their mode of life for more than a year, when he went to Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Mr. Burnet came to Texas in 1826, and at once became an active partici- 
pant in her affairs. 

Going to Saltillo, he entered into a contract with the Government of 
Coahuila and Texas, for the colonization of the latter State. 

This contract, through the bad management of the company to whom he 
intrusted it, amounted to nothing. 

In 1 83 1 Mr. Burnet, having married in New York, came again to 



Texas. The vessel in which he was, in approaching Galveston, was par- 
tially disabled, and he and Mrs. Burnet barely escaped being swallowed up in 
the waters of the Gulf. 

In 1833, he was elected a delegate to the Convention at San Felipe, 
and was a leading member in its deliberations. In 1834 he was appointed 
Judge of the Municipality of Austin, which position he filled with marked 

When the oppressive acts of Santa Anna drove the people of Texas into 
resistance, Judge Burnet took an early and decided stand in favor of the 
independence of that State. 

He was, in 1836, elected President ad interim of the Republic of Texas. 
In 1838, Judge Burnet was elected Vice-President of Texas, Lamar being 
President. After the termination of his vice-presidency, he for many years 
lived in the quiet seclusion of his home near the San Jacinto River. 

Judge Burnet was made Secretary of State in 1846, and held that office 
until the close of Henderson's administration. 

In 1866 Burnet was elected Senator to Congress by the Legislature of 
Texas, but was not admitted to a seat. 

In 1868 he visited the place of his nativity, Newark, New Jersey, and 
after a few months' absence returned to Texas. His death occurred in 1870. 

Judge Burnet was a man of culture and refinement. He was a ready and 
fluent writer, and an eloquent orator. 

His oration upon the death of John A. Wharton was a masterpiece of its 


(From Baker's History of Texas.) 

Mirabeau B. Lamar was born in Georgia in 1798. He came to Texas 
in 1835. He served with distinction in the Texas revolution, and afterward 
in the Mexican war. He was the first Vice-President and the second Presi- 
dent of the Republic of Texas. He died in 1859. General Lamar possessed 
fine literary taste. He was the author of a book of poems called " Verses, 
Memoriales." The following poem from his pen is appended to this notice : 


"I love the bright lone star that gems 
The banner of the brave : 
I love the light that guideth men 
To freedom or the grave 


But oh ! there is a fairer star 

Of pure and holy ray, 
That lights to glory's higher crown, 

And freedom's brighter day. 
It is the star before whose beams 

All earth should bow the knee- — 
The star that rose o'er Bethlehem 

And set on Calvary. 

" Let others round the festive board 

The maddening wine-cup drain ; 
Let others court its guilty joys, 

And reap repentant pain. 
But oh ! there is a sweeter cup, 

And be its raptures mine, 
Whose fragrance is the breath of life, 

Whose spirit is divine. 
It is the cup that Jesus filled : 

He kissed its sacred brim : 
And left the world to do the same 

In memory of Him." 


Anson Jones was born in Massachusetts in 1798. He studied medicine, 
and commenced its practice in Philadelphia in 1826. He came to Texas in 
1833. During the struggle for independence he entered in the army as a 
private soldier. He was elected to the second Congress of Texas in 1837. 
In 1838 he was appointed Texas minister to the United States. After his 
return he was elected Senator from Brazoria county, and was Secretary of 
State under Houston's second administration. In 1844 he was elected presi- 
dent of Texas which position he held until after annexation, when he sur- 
rendered the executive office to Governor Henderson, who had been elected 
first Governor of the State of Texas. He put an end to his life in a fit of 
mental aberration in 1858. 


(From Baker's History of Texas.) 

Lorenzo de Zavalla was a native of Yucatan. While quite young he 
was elected to represent his State in the Cortes of Spain. He was afterward 
a member of the Mexican Congress and Governor of Mexico. 


After the overthrow of the Republic in Mexico, he came to Texas, where 
he took an active part in the struggle for liberty. He was elected vice- 
president of Texas in 1836. 

He died shortly afterward. 


This distinguished foreigner and friend to Texas came from Prussia to 
our shores at a very early day. He was the first commissioner of Austin's 
colony. He died in 1828. A county in Texas bears his name. 


was a Mexican. He lived in Bexar, Texas. He was a member of the 
Congress of Coahuila and Texas. He was a stanch friend of Texas and 
of Stephen F. Austin. He died in 1836. 


He was born in Kentucky, in 1791. He came to Texas in 1816. He 
afterward went to Mexico where he espoused the republican cause, and 
while there experienced many hardships. At the breaking out of the Texas 
Revolution, he returned to that State. He assisted in the capture of Goliad, 
or La Bahia, in the fall of 1835. He led one of the divisions at the storming 
of San Antonio, and was there killed, December 10, 1835. 

The following incident in the life of Colonel Milam, is extracted from 
Pease's History of Texas : 

" While in Mexico, Colonel Milam was imprisoned in Monterey. His win- 
ning manners soon made him a favorite with the jailer, who occasionally allowed 
him a walk to the river to bathe. He profited by the indulgence, and made 
arrangements with a friend to have a fleet horse ready for him at an appointed 
place. The colonel passed the sentinel, as he was wont to go to the river, walked 
quietly on, mounted and fled. A few days' hard riding brought him to Texas. 
When he reached there, he found the war of independence begun. With a few 
choice spirits it was determined to attack the fort at Goliad, or La Bahia, then 
in the hands of the Mexicans." The account of the attack is thus given : 
" Their axes hewed down the door of the room where the colonel commanding 
slept, and he was taken prisoner in his bed. A sentinel fired. A rifle-ball laid 
him dead on the spot. The discharge of fire-arms and the shout of voices 


now became commingled. The Mexican soldiers fired from their quarters, 
and the blaze of their guns served as a target for the colonists. The garri- 
son were summoned to surrender. They asked for terms. The reply was, 
No terms, come out and surrender, and come quick, or you will be killed every 
one of you. I can not keep the men back much longer." " Oh ! " shouted the 
Mexicans, " keep the men back, for God's sake ; and we will come out at 
once." And they rushed out with all possible speed, and laid down their 
arms. Thus by a handful of men was this fortress of Goliad taken, a fort 
which with a garrison of 350 men in the war of i8i2-i3,had withstood a siege 
of more than 2,000 Spanish troops, and forced them to retire discomfited. 
The colonists in this affair were led by Captain Collingsworth, assisted by 
Colonel Milam. Of the garrison three were killed and seven wounded, and 
many prisoners taken. Of the Texans, one was wounded. 


(From Baker's History of Texas.) 

William B. Travis was a native of Georgia. He came to Texas in 1830, 
and established himself in the practice of law, first in the town of Liberty, 
and afterwards in San Filipe. He was one of the first who entered in the 
army for her independence. He commanded the garrison of the Alamo, 
at the storming of that fortress, and was killed after a defense unparalleled 
for heroism, March 6th, 1836. A monument commemorating the defense of 
the Alamo stands in the rotunda of the capitol at Austin. 

On the 24th of February Colonel Travis issued this stirring appeal, which 
was sent by a trusty messenger through the Mexican lines : 


" Fellow-Citizens and Compatriots : 

"I am besieged by a thousand or more Mexicans under Santa Anna. I 
have sustained a continual bombardment and cannonade for twenty-four 
hours, and have not yet lost a man. The enemy have demanded a " surren- 
der at discretion," or the garrison is to be put to the sword when taken. I 
have answered the summons with cannon-shot, and our flag still waves 
proudly from the walls. 

I shall never surrender or retreat. 

Then I call upon you, in the name of liberty, patriotism, and everything 
dear to the American character, to come to our aid with dispatch. The 
enemy are receiving re-enforcements daily, and will doubtless in a few days 
be increased to three or four thousand. Though this call may be neglected, 


I am determined to sustain myself as long as possible, and die like a soldier 
who never forgets what is due to his own honor and that of his country. 
Victory or death. 

William Barrett Travis, Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding. 


(Baker's History of Texas). 

J. W. Fannin was a native of North Carolina. He came early to 
Texas, and took an active part in the stirring events of 1835 and 1836. 

In January, 1836, he was appointed by the provisional government of" 
Texas, an agent to raise troops and money for the republic. He, with his 
regiment, was captured at the Coleto by the Mexican forces under General 
Urrea, after a hard-fought battle; and was shot in violation of the terms of 
surrender, at Goliad, Texas, on the 27th day of March, 1836. 


The remarkable subject of this sketch was born in what is now the State 
of Tennessee, on the Nolachucky River, on the 17th day of August, 1786. 

His father was an Irishman, and his mother a native of Maryland. He 
was one of a large family of children, was born in a rugged locality in a 
rough community, and was possessed in an eminent degree of the strong and 
inflexible will which characterized the early settlers of a wild and unbroken 

He enjoyed no opportunities for the cultivation of a naturally vigorous 
intellect, and until the age of eighteen could neither read nor write. 

When he was seven years old, his parents moved to Jefferson county, 
Tennessee, where our hero's time was spent in alternately hunting and work- 
ing at home under the supervision of a stern but kind-hearted father. 

When about eighteen years of age he fell desperately in love with a 
young Quaker girl ; or, as he says himself, " I fell head over heels in love, and 
I thought that if all the hills around her house were pure gold, and were 
mine, I would give them all to talk to her as I wanted to, but when I tried 
to say anything to her, my heart would begin to flutter like a duck in a 
puddle, and if I tried harder, my heart would get up in my throat and choke 
me like a cold potato." He however found voice to plead his cause with suc- 
cess, and soon afterward married and settled in Franklin county, Tennessee. 

At the breaking out of the Creek war, Crockett volunteered and served 


with gallantry until its close, when he again settled down quietly at home, 
where he seems to have lived in great happiness with his wife who bore him 
several children ; and to her death, which took place in 182 1, he alludes in 
the most touching manner. 

He married a second time, and for the second partner of his adventurous 
life he seems to have cherished a strong affection. During those early days, 
the settlers in the backwoods were but little troubled with law or govern- 
ment, and for mutual protection they organized in Crockett's neighborhood a 
sort of de facto government, and elected him magistrate. 

This position he seems to have filled with justice and impartiality ; and, 
to quote his words, " although my warrants for arrest were never written, my 
word was enough, and the offender was taken dead or alive ; nor were my 
judgments ever appealed from,, but stuck like wax." 

In 182 1, he was first, and against his own inclination, elected to the State 
Legislature. At that time he first met in Nashville, Colonel, afterward 
President Polk. 

The following incident is told, illustrating the ignorance of Crockett then. 
In a company Colonel Polk addressed him thus, " I suppose, Colonel Crock- 
ett, the legislature will make a change in the judiciary." " I suppose so," 
said Crockett, and got out of the way as soon as possible, "for," says he, " I 
at that time did not know what in thunder the judiciary was." 

Guided by his sound sense and acute observation, and assisted by a won- 
derful quickness of perception, he soon mastered all the necessary problems 
in the theory of his State government, and served his constituents with such 
fidelity that he was returned to the legislature in 1823, although in the mean- 
time he had removed his home to a distant part of his district. 

In 1827, and again in 1829 and 183 1, Crockett was elected to the Congress 
of the United States. He afterward made a tour through the principal cities 
of note in the North and East ; and was received with much attention as a 
genuine representative man of the hardy frontiersman of the South-west. 

In the canvass of 1834-35, Crockett having taken strong ground against 
the Jackson and Van Buren democracy, was defeated for Congress by a small 

Soon afterward and as he says, chagrined at his defeat and disgusted 
at the political condition of his State, Crockett bade farewell to his family 
and came to Texas, where in a short time he enrolled among the 150 brave 
spirits in defense of the fortress of the Alamo in Bexar. 

Here he fought, the bravest of the brave, until on the memorable 6th of 
March, 1836, he yielded up his noble life to the resistless weapons of the 
blood-thirsty foe. 

He died as he had lived. He was slain, but dauntless to the last. 


David Crockett was a man of wonderful native eloquence, and during the 
last five years of his life, made many speeches to his countrymen, and wielded 
a sharp and trenchant pen. 

His life of Martin Van Buren, published in 1835, abounds in keen satire, 
unstudied humor, and bitter invective. We give one or two extracts from its 
preface, to show the straightforward way in which he used the English lan- 
guage. He says, "Van Buren is as opposite to Jackson as dung is to 
diamond. Jackson is open, bold, warm-hearted, confiding, and passionate to 
a fault. Van Buren is secret, sly, self\sh, cold, calculating, distrustful, treach- 
erous." Again he says, " There are some who will read this book with such 
strong prejudice against its author, and such idolatrous worship (not for the 
subject of these pages, but for the man who makes him, Jackson), that if 
every letter was bible light, every word gospel truth, every sentiment inspi- 
ration, read out by the Angel Gabriel with a tongue of thunder from the 
top of the reddest streak of lightning that ever split the blackest cloud of 
heaven, they would not believe a syllable of it." 

David Crockett was a wonderful man. What culture might have made 
him, no one can tell. What he was, all Texans know, and to them his mem- 
ory will be ever dear. 


(From Baker's History of Texas.) 

Thomas Jefferson Rusk was one of the noblest sons of Texas. He 
was born in South Carolina in 1803. He was educated for the law, and 
having removed to Georgia, he became distinguished at the early age of 
twenty-nine as one of the first lawyers in that State. 

In 1835 he came to Texas and settled in Nacogdoches. In 1836 he was 
elected a delegate to the convention at Washington, and by that body was 
chosen secretary of war. 

In the battles which followed, General Rusk took an active and distin- 
guished part, and General Houston being disabled by his wounds received 
at San Jacinto, he was made commander-in-chief of the Army. 

In November, 1836, he was appointed to a seat in the cabinet. The con- 
gress of 1838 elected him chief-justice of the supreme court, which position 
had been vacated by the death of James Collingsworth. 

In 1843, Rusk was elected major-general of State militia. In 1845, he 
was made president of the convention which assembled at Austin to frame 
a State constitution. 

In 1846, the first legislature of Texas elected him United States senator, 


which position he filled with marked ability and satisfaction to the people 
of Texas until his death in 1857. 

Thomas J. Rusk was one of those men whose death was the signal of 
mourning to a host of friends all over the State he had faithfully served. 
Modest in manners and disposition, social and domestic in his habits ; and 
with a warm and generous heart, he was indeed one of nature's noblemen. 


The subject of this sketch was a native of Virginia. At an early age he 
went to Philadelphia to pursue the study of medicine. 

In 183 1 he emigrated from Virginia to Texas. 

Immediately upon his arrival he declared his intention to take part and 
lot with the people in the struggle which he believed to be inevitable. 

He soon informed himself of the past history of Texas, and of the differ- 
ences between them and the general government of Mexico, and took an 
active part in the discussion of all public questions. 

It was in the latter part of 1831 that the first movement was made by the 
inhabitants of the jurisdiction of the Brazos, to oppose the execution of orders 
issued by the military commanders at Anahuac and Velasco, closing all the 
ports in Texas except the port of Anahuac (Galveston). This step was taken 
to facilitate the collection of taxes for the payment of troops sent by 
the general government for the regulation of the civil administration of 
the province. 

The offensive order had been issued by Colonel Bradburn, commandant 
at Anahuac, and had only been repeated by Lieutenant-Colonel Ugartechea, 
commanding at Velasco. 

A public meeting was held at Brazoria on the 16th day of December, 1831, 
and it was resolved to demand the revocation of the obnoxious order. The 
meeting appointed Dr. Archer and G. B. McKinstry to act as commissioners 
to make the demand. They accordingly proceeded to Anahuac. 

The conference concerning the matter in hand was between Archer and 

They walked together from the site of the old fort to the shore of the bay. 
Bradburn attempted to gain time by suggesting why he could not give a 
definite answer at once. Archer pressed the subject with warmth. He 
declared that the act in question was a usurpation of power on the part of 
Bradburn ; that it was wholly unauthorized. Bradburn replied that it did 
not become him to listen to such language, and that he should take no action 
in the matter until he could communicate with his superior, General Teran. 


Archer rejoined as follows, " I once more appeal to you to rescind this 
decree ; if you refuse it the flames of war will be kindled in this country at 
once, and, as the immediate author of that war, you will be held accountable." 

The eagle glance and bold bearing of the deputy shook the nerves of 

His countenance fell, and he consented to revoke the obnoxious decree. 

During the year 1835 Archer attended at the public meetings of the 
colonists, and declared himself in favor of separation from Mexico at 
any hazard. 

When the consultation of all Texas met at San Felipe in November, 1835, 
Dr. Archer was chosen President of that body, and in that capacity dis- 
tinguished himself by firmness and ability. 

By the consultation, Dr. Archer, W. H. Wharton, and Stephen F. Aus- 
tin were chosen agents to proceed to the United States, and solicit aid and 
comfort for Texas. 

He was a member of the first congress of the republic from Brazoria 
county, and was made speaker at the second or adjourned session held at 
Houston, in June, 1837, and he was secretary of war for some time under 
Lamar's administration. Through all the trials of Texas, he was her stanch 
and able friend. 

In 1845, when the people of Brazoria assembled in mass meeting, to 
express their views on the question of annexation, Dr. Archer was sent for 
to preside at the meeting. The messenger found him in feeble health, and 
in profound distress at the death of a favorite daughter. The wishes of the 
people were made known to him. He replied that he could not preside over 
the meeting. His heart, he said, was torn by affliction, his firmness was gone. 

The messenger urged him to attend the meeting of so much moment to the 
people of Texas, and added, " We do not forget, sir, that you helped to rock 
the cradle of our revolution, and we now ask your aid in a moment as vital 
as any in the past." The old gentleman's eye kindled, and rising with dignity 
he said, " Tell the people I will comply with their wishes. I will bury my 

In private life Dr. Archer was above all praise. His name was never 
coupled with reproach ; he was polite, patriotic, brave, and humane. His 
name is written where it will be read in coming ages. 

He sleeps in the same earth with his friends and co-laborers in the cause 
of independence, W. H. Wharton, and John A. Wharton, the latter of whom 
has been finely named by Burnet, " the keenest blade on the field of San 

Dr. Archer died at Brazoria, in September, 1856. 



He was a native of Tennessee ; came to Texas in 1829. Returned, and 
came again in 183 1. Was a member of the convention of 1833 ; and also 
of the general consultation of 1835 ; and was one of the three commissioners 
appointed by that consultation to the United States. He was a member of 
the first senate of the republic, was first minister to the United States. After 
his return, he was again elected senator, which position he held until his 
death, in 1839. 


a brother of the former, was one of the most gallant of the early defenders 
of Texas. He came to Texas in 1829, and died in 1838. He was adjutant- 
general of the Texas army ; and was a member of the house in the first and 
second congress. Of him David G. Burnet eloquently said in his funeral 
oration, pronounced in December 1838, that " the keenest blade on the field of 
San Jacinto is broken." 


was a native of Alabama. He came to Texas prior to the year 1832. 
During that year he participated, under the command of Colonel F. W. 
Johnson, in the capture of the port of Anahuac, which was commanded by 
Colonel Bradburn. He died at Houston in 1844, at which time he held the 
position of judge of that district. 


brother of Patrick, came to Texas at the same time. He served in the 
Texas army in the battle of San Jacinto. He was secretary of state of the 
government ad interim under President Burnet, was also a member of the 
congress of the republic. He was a ' lawyer of distinction. He died in 
Brazoria county, in 1844. 


a native of Kentucky, came to Texas in 1829. He soon afterward asso- 
ciated himself in the practice of medicine with Dr. R. Peebles at San 
Felipe de Austin, where he continued to reside and practice has profession 



until 1834, when he engaged in the mercantile business with A. Sommerville. 
In the winter of 1834, he was appointed political chief of the department 
of the Brazos. In 1835 when the black cloud of war was about to burst upon 
Texas, he at first favored conciliatory measures. As soon, however, as he 
became satisfied that Texas had to choose between submission to the worst 
of tyrannies, or resistance, he joined the party who had determined to 
defend their rights, and gave the war his hearty support. He was ap- 
pointed by General Houston secretary of the treasury ; subsequently, after 
annexation, he became a candidate for the office of governor, and though 
not elected received a large vote. 


He was born in March, 1805. 183 1 he moved west and settled in Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio. Early in 1836, fired with zeal to aid in the struggle of Texas 
against Mexican misrule, he raised a company of fifty men and departed for 
that territory. Arrived at Washington on the Brazos, he found everything 
in confusion, the enemy in large numbers were occupying the country, and 
Travis was besieged in San Antonio by a vastly superior force. The Alamo 
fell, and Travis and his brave fellows were butchered, and the whole availa- 
ble Texas force, under the command of General Houston, fell back to the 
Brazos and made a stand at the memorable field of San Jacinto. Upon this 
bloody and decisive field General Sherman behaved with distinguished 
gallantry. He led a charge of cavalry with great coolness and intrepidity, 
on the 20th, the day preceding the battle. He is said first to have sounded 
the battle cry, " Goliad and the Alamo," and he participated in all the 
stirring scenes of that decisive day. His rank at San Jacinto was Colonel of 
the second regiment of Texas Volunteers. In 1842 General Sherman was 
elected representative to the congress of the republic from Harris county, 
and afterwards major-general of State militia. Since annexation he has 
pursued a quiet life at his residence by Harrisburg, Texas. The last years 
of his life were spent in energetic efforts to build up the railroad interests, 
of Texas, and especially of his own section. 

He died at Galveston in August, 1873. 


(From Baker's Texas.) 

Edward Burleson was born in North Carolina in 1789. In 1815 he 
moved to Virginia. In 1824 he moved thence to Tennessee. In 183 1 he 
came to Texas and settled on the Colorado River, a short distance below 


Bastrop. When the Texas revolution broke out, General Burleson was made 
second in command to Stephen F. Austin. He was in command when the 
gallant Johnson and Milam assaulted and took the city of San Antonio, and 
captured the Mexican army under General Cos. He commanded the first 
regiment of volunteers at San Jacinto. After the war he was appointed Brig- 
adier-general of State troops. From 1838 to 1841 he was unremitting in 
his exertion to protect the frontier from Mexican and Indian depredations. 
Under his command the Cherokees were expelled from Texas. In 1841 
General Burleson was elected vice-president of Texas. In 1842 he was 
again in the field to repel the invasions of Valasquez and Woll. During the 
Mexican war with the United States, Burleson enlisted as a private soldier 
and fought at Monterey, and at the other hard contested fights. He was 
afterward elected to the State senate, and while in that position died at 
Austin, 185 1. 


(From Baker's Texas.) 

The subject of this sketch was born in Virginia, October, 1799. He came 
to Texas in 1824, and engaged in land-surveying until 183 1. He was then 
elected alcalde of the jurisdiction of Austin. In 1832 he led an expedition 
against the Mexican post of Anahuac. He was, the same year, appointed 
surveyor-general of Austin's colony. In 1835 he volunteered in the army, 
and was appointed adjutant and inspector-general by Generals Austin and 
Burleson. In December, 1835, he led one of the columns which so gallantly 
stormed and took the post and city of San Antonio de Bexar. In 1836 he 
made a raid through the country between the Nueces River and the Rio 
Grande ; but was surprised, and most of his command lost. After the war 
Colonel Johnson was for the most part engaged in land-matters for several 
years. He is now, and has for some time been collecting and compiling 
notes in reference to a history of Texas. He is now in Austin, Texas. 

was born in Georgia. Moved with his family to Louisiana in 1802. Was 
early remarkable for his bold and fearless disposition. In 1827 he par- 
ticipated in a bloody fight in Mississippi, where several men were killed and 
he was wounded. He came to Texas in 1828. He encountered many 
remarkable adventures in Texas, among which was his great fight with the 
Indians near the San Saba. He enlisted in the patriot army, and was killed 
at the Alamo in March, 1836. 



was a native of South Carolina ; was one of those noble spirits who early 
volunteered in defense of the cause of Texas. He fought bravely under 
Travis at the Alamo, when, with the rest of that heroic band, he was slain 
March, 1836. 


was born in South Carolina, May 8, 1786. He was educated for the law, 
but entered the army and served with credit in the war of 18 12. General 
Hamilton was representative from South Carolina and Governor of that State 
in 1830. He declined the secretary-ship of war, in 1828. In 1841, having 
become ardently devoted to Texas, he accepted the position of envoy extra- 
ordinary to the courts of England, France, and Belgium, and did much to 
secure for Texas credit and standing abroad. He spent his large fortune in 
behalf of his adopted country, and at last lost his life at sea in a voyage to her 
shores in 1857. 


was a native of Virginia ; was in early life a lieutenant in the United 
States navy. He came to Texas in 1839. He was commodore of the Texas 
navy, and while in that capacity fought several brilliant naval battles in the 
service of his State. Commodore Moore died in 1863. 


was born in Amelia county, Virginia, June 8th, 1814. In 1817 his father 
Nathan Green removed to Tennessee, and was for many years one of the 
supreme court judges of that State. The subject of this sketch received a 
liberal education at Princetown College, Kentucky, and afterward at the 
University of Tennessee at Nashville. In 1834 he studied law. In the fall 
of 1835 he, in company with Gillispie, Finch and others, came to Texas, and 
enlisted in the army of the revolted colonists. He was with the Texan army 
in its retreat from Gonzales to the Brazos. For gallant service on the 
field of San Jacinto he was promoted to a lieutenancy. He then received a 
furlough and returned to Tennessee, whence he came again to Texas, in the 
spring of 1837. He was one of the clerks of congress of Texas in 1838. In 
that year he was by congress elected surveyor of Fayette county. In 1840, 
he was elected to Congress from that county. In 1841, he was appointed 
clerk of the supreme court, which position he filled with great fidelity and 


clerk of the supreme court, which position he filled with great fidelity and 
satisfaction to that tribunal until he laid it down in 1861, to join the army 
of the Confederate States. In the performance of the duties of clerk of the 
supreme court, Green acquired a personal popularity throughout the State 
which few men could boast of. In 1841, he commanded a company in the 
expedition against the Indians up the Colorado River under Major M. B. 
Lewis. In 1842 he was inspector-general under General Sommerville, and 
pursued the retreating Mexican invaders under Woll to the Rio Grande. 
Green served through the Mexican war as captain in Jack Hays' regiment 
of rangers. In 1847, he married Mary, eldest daughter of Dr. J. G. Chalmers, 
former secretary of the treasury under Lamar. When the war of the States 
broke out in 1861, Green, who at first strongly disapproved of secession, 
stood with his State and accepted a colonelcy in the Arizona expedition 
under General Sibley. 

Returning from New Mexico, his command went to. Louisiana, and in 
that State and in Texas he gallantly did his duty as a soldier until his death, 
which was caused by a grape-shot from one of the federal gunboats at Bayou 
de Pierre, Louisiana, on the twelfth day of April, 1864. For his gallantry and 
efficiency he was during the war promoted successively to the rank of colo- 
nel, brigadier-general, and major-general. 

Thomas Green was a man who was almost universally beloved. He was 
a man without fear and without reproach. Brave, courteous, and generous, 
he was always approachable, always sympathetic, and always ready to help 
those who needed his assistance. 


was a native of Kentucky. He was educated at West Point. He served 
with distinction in the Black Hawk war. He came to Texas in 1830, and 
was for a time in command of the army of the republic in 1836. He was 
secretary of war, under President Lamar's administration. He participated 
in the Cherokee war in 1839. He commanded the second Texas regiment 
in the Mexican war. He was afterward appointed paymaster in the United 
States army. He was appointed colonel of one of the new cavalry regiments 
of the United States army, during President Pierce's administration, and was 
afterward made brevet brigadier-general. He was killed at Shiloh in 1862. 

ben Mcculloch. 

This gallant man came from Tennessee to Texas in 1836. He served 
in the Texas army at San Jacinto. He was member of Congress of the 
republic, and a member of the legislature of the State of Texas. He served 
with distinction in the Mexican war of 1846, and was major-general in the 


Confederate army, in the war of 186 1-5. He was killed at the battle of 
Elk Horn, in Arkansas, in 1863. 


came from Alabama to Texas was for several years a member of congress 
of the republic ; served in the Texas army during the revolution, and com- 
manded a company in the battle of San Jacinto. He died in 1848. 


came to Texas in 1835, or ear ty m ^3^- He was adjutant and inspector- 
general at the battle of San Jacinto. He died in 185 1. 


was from North Carolina. He came to Texas in 1836. He was appointed 
by General Houston minister to the United States. He died in 1854. 


was a native of Ireland. He was one of those gallant spirits who came to 
Texas at the breaking out of hostilities in 1835. He was a member of the 
first company of " New Orleans Greys." He was captain of an artillery 
company at the storming and taking of San Antonio, under the gallant Col- 
onels Johnson and Milam. In this action he distinguished himself for gal- 
lantry, but suffered the loss of a leg, which was shot off by a cannon-ball. 
Colonel Ward was nearly all his remaining life in Texas in one way or an- 
other occupied in public affairs. He was commissioner of the general land 
office under the Republic of Texas, and some four years after it became a 
State. In firing a salute at Austin on the anniversary of Texan independ- 
ence in March, 1841, he lost his right arm. Thus maimed, he still continued 
in active life, and occupied several positions of honor and trust. His con- 
duct as a public officer was marked by promptness and fidelity. He was 
United States consul at Panama in Buchanan's administration. Colonel 
Ward was a generous and warm-hearted man, and a true and unswerving 
friend to those who possessed his confidence. He died at Austin on the 
25th day of November, 1872. 


was a native of Maine. He came to Texas in 1834. He was second 
judge of the municipality of Austin, was chief-justice of Bexar District, was 

Thos. Wm. Ward. 

To face p. 272. 


representative in the congress of the republic from Bexar, in 1837. He was 
first sergeant of Captain Mosely Baker's company in the battle of San Jacinto, 
and was familiarly known among his friends as " Don Jose." In 1835, he, 
with Gail and Thomas H. Borden, established at San Felipe de Austin the 
first permanent newspaper in Texas, the Telegraph. Joseph Baker was for 
many years Spanish translator in the General Land Office. He died at Austin 
in 1846. 

Gail, Thomas H., and J. P. Borden, came from Indiana to Texas. The 
two former, with Joseph Baker, were the founders of the Telegraph first 
published at San Felipe de Austin. Gail Borden was the first collector of 
customs at Galveston. He is famous as the inventor of condensed milk. 
John P. Borden was commissioner of the general land office during the 
Republic. Gail Borden died in 1874. 


came to Texas from Ohio in June, 1836. He was a native of New York 
State. He come to Texas as a volunteer in the " Buckeye Rangers." In 
company with J. W. Creuger, he published the Telegraph newspaper early 
in 1837, and was connected with it until 1856. He was an energetic mayor 
of the city of Houston, and all who rode on " Dr. Moore's mud road " through 
the prairies from Houston, through the bottom to the Brazos River, will recollect 
this first harbinger of the railroad system which now spreads out from Hous- 
ton in every direction. Dr. Moore was afterward appointed State Geologist, 
which office he held about two years until his death in 1864. 


came to Texas as early as 1832, Was commissioner of one of the colonies, 
was a member of the consultation and constitutional convention. He was for 
years commissioner of the general land office of Texas. He was elected a 
member of congress from Texas. He died in 1866, while a member of the 
constitutional convention. 

was a native of Georgia. He came to Texas from Alabama in 1835. He had 
previously been a member of the Alabama Legislature. He commanded the 
advance guard of Fannin's regiment, when he retreated from Goliad, and being 
cut off from the main body, he made his escape with his command. He was 
a member of the first congress of the republic, and was also a member of the 
constitutional convention in 1845. He was the first lieutenant-governor of 




the State of Texas, and acting governor while Governor Henderson was in 
Mexico, in 1846. He died in 1865. 


This gentleman was born in Georgia in 1806. In his fifteenth year he 
was attacked with a disease known as the white-swelling, which made him a 
permanent cripple and rendered it necessary for him to wear a wooden leg, 
which gave him his common sobriquet " Three-legged Willie." He came to 
Texas in 1826, was judge of the thirxf district of the Republic of Texas ; was 
member of congress from 1840 to 1850. He died in Wharton county, 1859. 
Judge Williamson was an able lawyer and a man of noble and generous 


came to Texas prior to the year 1S30. He was formerly a captain in the 
United States army. He was a member of theayuntamiento * of the munici- 
pality of Austin. He commanded a company in the campaign of 1836. He 
served several years in the congress of the republic. He died, in the year 
1842, in Fort Bend county. 


was a native of Georgia. He came to Texas in April, 1835. He served in 
the battle of San Jacinto ; was appointed by President Burnet, under the 
government ad interim, judge of the district of the Brazos. He was elected 
by the first congress judge of the third judicial district of the Republic; was 
often in the legislature of Texas, from Galveston county. He was senator elect 
at the time of his death, which occurred in the year 1873, at which time he 
was 68 years of age. 


(From Baker's Texas.) 

Henry Smith was a native of Kentucky. He emigrated thence to Mis- 
souri and afterward to Texas. He was the first political chief of the 
department of the Brazos, and afterward was first secretary of the treasury of 
of the Republic of Texas. He was elected by the consultation in November, 
1835, fi rst provisional governor of Texas. After annexation he removed to 
California, where he died in 1853. He was a gentleman of agreeable manners, 
well informed and having social qualities. 

* Corporation of judges. A court. 



came from Tennessee to Texas in 1835 and died in 1836. He was a mem- 
ber of the convention of 1836 and secretary of the treasury under the govern- 
ment ad interim, 


came from Tennessee to Texas in 1835, and died April, 1836. He was a 
member of the convention of 1836, and was attorney-general of Texas under 
the government ad interim. 


came from North Carolina to Texas in 1835. Had been a member of 
United States Congress from that State ; was a member of the convention 
which declared the independence of Texas in 1836. Was secretary of the 
navy under the government ad interim, and was afterward senator in the 
congress of the Republic of Texas. Was killed in 1841, in Eastern Texas. 


was a native of New Hampshire. Went thence to St. Louis, and for many 
years was engaged in the Santa Fe trade. He came to Texas in 1832. 
Was first treasurer of the provisional government. He afterward left 
Texas ; and the writer has been unable to ascertain the time and place of 
his death. 


came from Missouri to Texas about the year 183 1. He was postmaster- 
general under the first provisional government. He was for years a merchant, 
and he died in 1845. 

was a native of Ohio. He came to Texas in 1834, was a member of the con- 
sultation from Nacogdoches. Was lieutenant-governor of the provisional 
government under Henry Smith. He served in the battle of San Jacinto. 
Was first judge of the fourth judicial district of the Republic. He was captured 
by the Mexicans while attending court at San Antonio in 1842, and carried 
to the castle of Perote in Mexico. He removed to California in 1850, and 
settled at San Diego. He died in California in 1857 or 1858. 



came from North Carolina to Texas in 1835. ^ e bad been for several years 
member of the United States Congress from North Carolina. He was a 
member of the convention which declared the independence of Texas in 
1836. He was appointed secretary of state under the Burnet government 
ad interim. He left Texas in bad health, in 1836, and soon afterward died 
in North Carolina. 


(From Baker's Texas.) 

He was a native of Virginia, was a lawyer by profession, and emigrated 
to Mexico at an early day. He was licensed to practice law in the Mexican 
courts, and was appointed surveyor-general of Coahuila and Texas, and after- 
ward, in 1834, superior judge of the District of Texas. In 1836, by author- 
ity of* the provisional government, he went to Kentucky, and raised for the 
service of Texas, a division of men. General Chambers was a gentleman 
of quiet deportment, and easy, dignified manners. He was largely engaged 
in land matters, and was well and prominently known in Texas until his death, 
which took place in 1863. 


was a native of North Carolina ; came to Texas with a regiment of volunteers 
in April, 1836, just after the battle of San Jacinto. He served in the first 
congress of the republic ; was with Colonel Fisher in the Mier expedition, 
about which he wrote and published a history. After being released from 
the captivity in Mexico, he returned to Texas and was elected to congress 
from Brazoria county. He died in North Carolina, in 1864. 


came to Texas from Georgia in 1837. He was a graduate of West Point. 
He served in the campaign of 1839 against the Cherokees. General McLeod 
commanded the Santa Fe expedition of 1841, served in the congress of the 
Republic of Texas. His death occurred in Virginia in 1862, while command- 
ing a regiment in the Confederate army. 



was a native of Maryland. In 1817 he went to Louisiana. In 1824 he 
went thence to Missouri and engaged in mercantile business. In 1833 he 
removed to San Felipe, Texas, and established himself in the same occupation. 
He took an active part in the Texas revolution, and served as major 
in the army in the campaign in and around Bexar in 1835. 

In 1836 he was made lieutenant-colonel. He was in the battle of San 
Jacinto, where he acted a gallant part. He was in the congress of the 
republic in 1836 and 1837. Served in the Indian war of 1839, under Colo- 
nel J. C. Neill. He was afterward elected general of the first brigade of 
Texas militia. 

When General Woll, with twelve hundred Mexicans, invaded Texas in 
September, 1842, and then retreated, General Sommerville led a force of Tex- 
ans in pursuit of the invaders far as Laredo, on the Rio Grande, where the 
command separated, and he, with a portion of it, returned. He was drowned 
accidentally, in January, 1854. 


came from Georgia to Texas in 1835, m company with the volunteers from 
his State. He entered with his whole heart into the defense of the cause of 
Texas, and was captured and afterward killed with Fannin at Goliad. 


was from Mississippi, whence he came to Texas in 1836. General Felix 
Huston was for a short time commander of the army of the republic, suc- 
ceeding Rusk in that position. After the war. he went back to Mississippi. 
He came again to Texas, and led the Texans in the memorable Plum Creek 
fight with the Indians. After this he returned again to his home, where he 
died in 1857. 


was a Scotchman by birth. Being of an adventurous disposition, he came to 
Mexico and Texas at an early day. He was a man of education, and was a 
member of the congress of the States of Coahuila and Texas. Colonel 
Grant entered heartily into the cause of Texas, and joined the expedition 
against Matamoras in company with Colonel F. W. Johnson, in which he 
was killed by the Mexicans. 



came to Texas in 1832. He was sent as a commissioner to Washington by 
the Burnet government ad interim. He was subject at times to fits of deep 
gloom and despondency, and during one of these attacks took his own life. 


This gallant soldier of Texas was first captain of the first company of 
New Orleans Greys. He came to Texas and participated in the storming of 
Bexar in 1835, and afterward joined the expedition of Colonels Johnson and 
Grant, and was killed with Grant on the Agua Dulce. 


Erastus, or Deaf Smith, as he was called, was born in New York in 1787. 
He went to Mississippi in 1798. He came to Texas in 1817, and having 
returned home, came again to Texas in 182 1. Being hard of hearing, he be- 
came silent and fond of solitude. He was a most efficient and indefatigible 
observer of the movements of the Mexican army during the war, and his 
perfect knowledge of the country, and an astonishing coolness and bravery, 
made him an invaluable scout for the patriot army. He married a Mexican 
lady in San Antonio, by whom he had several children. He died at Fort 
Bend, in 1839, and is buried at Richmond. 


came to Texas from Massachusetts in 1832. He was alcalde of the munici- 
pality of Brazoria, was a member of the constitutional convention of March, 
1836. Was first treasurer of the Republic of Texas under the constitutional 
government. He died in 1844. 


came from Tennessee to Texas in 1834. He was a member of the conven- 
tion at Washington which declared the independence of Texas. Before 
coming to Texas he held the position of district attorney in Tennessee. 
He was the first chief-justice of the Republic of Texas. He died in 1838. 



was an early emigrant to Texas, and was for some time a merchant. Captain 
Dimmitt commanded the post of Goliad for some time after its capture in 
1835. He was killed in Mexico in 1841. 


was a native of Virginia, came to Texas in 1833. He was in command of a 
company at the battle of San Jacinto. Colonel Fisher was appointed by 
General Houston, secretary of war during his first administration. He 
commanded the Mier expedition, was captured and a prisoner at the Castle 
of Perote. He died in 1845. 


was from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Came to Texas in 1830, or '31. He 
was a member of the constitutional convention of March 1836. He was 
secretary of the navy under the first constitutional government. He died 
in 1839. 


came to Texas from Alabama in 1833. Was president of the constitutional 
convention. Was senator in the first Texas Congress, and he died soon 


was from Baltimore, Maryland ; came to Texas as early as 1823. Was for 
several years secretary of Austin's Colony. He served in the congress of 
the republic, from Galveston, was for years president of the Agricultural 
Bank at Galveston. He died in September, 1858. 

Mr. Williams was always an active business man. He was for years in 
partnership with Thomas F. McKinney, and furnished material aid to Texas 
during her early struggle. 


was born in Kentucky, in 1801. He went to Missouri in 1818. Engaging 
in mercantile speculations he went to Sante Fe, and Chihuahua, in Mexico. 
In 1829 he came to Texas, and in company with Samuel M. Williams, did a 


large business at Quintana, opposite to Velasco. The firm of McKin- 
ney & Williams furnished both money and supplies to Texas in the day of 
her need. After annexation, he served in the State legislature, both in the 
house and senate. He died in 1873. 


This man, who may with propriety be called the founder of Galveston, was 
a Canadian. He moved from Illinois to Texas. Was a member of the Texas 
Congress from Galveston county. He died in 1854. 


was a native of Massachusetts. Was in Texas as early as 1823 or 1824. Was 
sheriff of the municipality of Austin. In 1835, was a member from Texas to 
the congress of Coahuila and Texas. He was member of congress of the 
Republic of Texas for several years. He died in 1868. 


was from North Carolina ; was one of the Austin original " three hundred." 
Came to Texas in 1824. He settled in Grimes county, which is called by his 
name. He was a member of the consultation of 1835, and of the convention 
of 1836. He was senator in the first congress of the republic, and served 
afterward in both senate and house. After annexation he was a member 
of the State legislature. He died at his home in Grimes county, in 18 — . 


was born at Hillsboro', North Carolina, September 11, 1805 ; emigrated from 
Shelbyville, Tennessee, to Texas, in 1837 ; subsequently represented San 
Augustine county in the congress of the republic ; filled the office of speaker 
for one or two terms ; elected vice-president in 1844 ; died while on his way 
home from the session of Congress at Washington, July 3, 1845 ; was buried 
at " Fanthorps," Grimes county, since named, in his honor, Anderson. 


(From Yoakum's Texas.) 

He was born in Virginia, in 1775. At twenty years of age he emigrated to 
Tennessee, where he married Miss Sarah Hardwick. He was engaged for some 


time in superintending the works of Montgomery Bell, of Dickson county. 
But his ambition was not satisfied. In 1818, he emigrated to Missouri, and 
settled fifty miles above the highest county formed in the then territory, sur- 
rounded by the Sioux, Iowa, and Osage Indians. He gave fifty dollars for a 
bear dog, and by the chase kept such supplies of meat as drew the Indians 
around him. One of them, called Two Heart (from the fact that he had 
killed a white man, and eaten his heart), came to partake of his bounty, 
when he spread before him a large quantity of meat, and, standing over him 
with a drawn knife, forced him to eat it till it ultimately killed him. Parmer 
had numerous and fearful fights with the savages, but at last acquired an 
influence over them, which induced the government at Washington to appoint 
him an Indian agent. He was elected a colonel of the militia, and then a 
member of the convention to form a State constitution. It was shortly after 
taking his seat in this body, that two of the members getting into a fight, he 
interfered in behalf of one of the parties, announcing himself as the " Ring- 
tailed Panther," by which name he was afterward known in the west. After 
serving two or three terms in the Missouri legislature, Parmer emigrated to 
Texas and settled near the Mound prairie. It is said he fired the first gun in 
the Fredonian war. Among the numerous stories told of him, it is related, 
upon good authority, that when his bear dog died, he sent fifty miles for a 
clergyman to attend the funeral, which he actually did, supposing it to be one 
of Colonel Parmer's family ! His son, from whom the above account is 
obtained, says he heard the sermon. 

Parmer was a member of the convention of 1836, which declared the inde- 
pendence of Texas. 

(From Yoakum's Texas.) 


is another of those remarkable characters whose true history is a romance. 
He was raised in Tennessee. At an early age he joined a company of 
Arkansas trappers, who turned their attention to attacks on the Pawnee 
villages on the head branches of Red River ; but having disagreed they 
separated. Karnes, with three or four others, proceeded across to the head 
of the Trinity. Here having their horses stolen, they obtained a canoe and 
floated down the river to Robbin's Ferry. Karnes procured employment at 
Groce's Retreat, where the war found him. He entered the Texas service, 
and fought with a hearty good-will. 

One who was often with him, and by his side at Concepcion, says he 
never knew him to swear before or since that day. But when he came into 
the lines, after being shot at so often, and began to load his rifle, he ex- 


claimed, with some wrath, the " d d rascals have shot out the bottom of 

my powder horn." Karnes rose to the rank of colonel in Texas. He was 
of low stature, and weighed about a hundred and sixty pounds ; was quite 
sober and temperate, and had an effeminate voice. He was wholly illiterate, 
yet he had remarkable gentleness and delicacy of feeling, and was otherwise 
amiable in private life. He died at San Antonio, in August, 1840, surrounded 
by his numerous friends. 


(Texas Almanac, 1873.) 

an early and well known pioneer of Texas, was born in Madison county, 
Kentucky, March 8, 1793, and remained there till 1810, when the spirit of 
adventure, characteristic of him through life, led him, friendless and alone, 
to the wilds of Missouri, in which territory he took up his abode in St. Charles 
county. His immediate parents and ancestors for several generations had 
been respectable citizens of Baltimore and Carroll counties, Maryland. They 
were, without an exception, sterling patriots in the revolution of 1776, both his 
paternal and maternal grandfathers having been officers in that struggle. In 
the war of 181 2-15, being but twenty years of age, he volunteered and served 
in the extreme west against the Indians till its close. At Fort Clark (now 
Peoria), on the Illinois River, under the immediate eye of his colonel (Musick), 
and Governor Howard, of Missouri, he performed an act of gallantry, during 
the siege by a large Indian force, which caused those officers to compliment 
him by name in their reports to the secretary of war. Having married, about 
the close of the war, he began and for nine years continued a trade in flat and 
keel boats from Missouri to New Orleans, a life then checkered with many 
thrilling incidents of danger and adventure unknown of late years. 

In December, 1824, he landed at the mouth of the Brazos River, Texas, 
having an outfit of goods for the Indian and Mexican trade. He was ac- 
companied by a younger brother, John, afterward known as Waco Brown. 
Captain Brown in person fitted out a caravan and proceeded to Monterey, 
Mexico, at the same time sending his brother, with three men and a supply 
of goods, to trade with the wild Indians for horses, and mules, buffalo robes, 
etc. Mr. John Brown proceeded to the Clear Fork of the Brazos, traded off 
his merchandise to the Indians for over a thousand head of horses and mules 
and a large number of robes. He had safely returned as far as the Bosque, 
when his camp was attacked at night and everything captured. His three 


companions, Thomas Jameson, James Musick, and Andrew Scott, escaped on 
foot and finally reached the lower Brazos. Mr. Brown, who was a confirmed 
cripple in one leg, secreted himself for the moment, supposing his companions 
would do the same, but when daylight came he found himself alone. After 
traveling as best he could for a day or two, he was taken prisoner by a party 
of Waco Indians, and by them kept for about fifteen months in their then favor- 
ite region, of which the present town site of Waco was one of the chief villages. 
He was captured in July or August, 1825, and by his stay among the Indians 
acquired a vast amount of information about the Waco and other tribes which 
proved to be of great value to General Austin and the early settlers. 

On reaching the settlements, Mr. Brown's comrades expressed the confi- 
dent belief that he was killed at the time the camp was attacked,. from the 
fact that he fell over them as they were awakened, an incident explained by 
him after his escape. 

On returning from Monterey and learning these facts, Captain Henry T. 
Brown determined to learn the fate of his brother, and fitted out a company 
of forty-two men who volunteered to follow his lead. He penetrated far up 
the country, found the Indians hostile at the intrusion, and had several en- 
counters with them, the principal of which was at the Waco village, where he 
drove the whole force into and across the river, killing a considerable number. 
At that time his brother was in another village only two miles above, but on 
the opposite bank. The expedition returned convinced that Mr. John Brown 
was dead. 

About a year later, in the autumn of 1826, Mr. Brown made his escape 
from a war party of seventeen Wacos on Cumming's Creek, now in Fayette 
county, the party having come down to kill and rob the settlers. He hast- 
ened to San Felipe, on the Brazos, where he found his brother, just returned 
from a second trip to Mexico, having a well-armed party with him. With 
these and some volunteer citizens Captain Brown hastened in search of the 
Indians, completely surprised them at daylight on the following morning, and 
killed all but one. 

From that time till 1832 Captain Brown continued in the Mexican trade, 
making his headquarters at Brazoria, Gonzales, and San Antonio. His life 
was one akin to the legends of romance, and won for him among those early 
pioneers of Texas the character of a brave, chivalrous, and sagacious border 

His heart was warm and generous to a fault, but throughout those years 
of danger, as previously on the Mississippi River, his habits were sober, his 
intercourse with others honorable, and he rarely ever had a difficulty with 
his fellow man. Misfortune often attended him, and he several times lost 
heavily by the Indians. 


Having located at Columbia in 1832, he was called to the command of 
the largest company (about eighty men and boys,) in the bloody battle of 
Velasco on the twenty-sixth of June, 1832. His gallantry on that occasion 
has been for nearly forty years the theme of praise by his surviving comrades. 
Soon afterward he was on the field as next friend to Colonel Wm. T. Austin, 
in the issue between that gentleman and the chivalrous Colonel John A. 
Wharton, on the Brazos, an event in which both of the distinguished contest- 
ants bore themselves as men of courage and honor, and one always remem- 
bered with regret by their many mutualjriends. 

In 1833 Captain Brown was again in the West, and had several adven- 
tures with both Indians and border Mexicans. It was often said by old 
citizens that he had more contests with the Indians, and was more generally 
successful, than any of the brave pioneer chiefs of that day. 

He died in Columbia on the twenty-sixth of July, 1834, and sleeps his last 
sleep within a few a feet of Josiah H. Bell and the once famous Captain Bird 
Lockhart. His memory is honorably perpetuated in the name of the beauti- 
ful county of Brown, which was named in his honor. 

Mr. Rufus E. Brown, of Kendall county, and John Henry Brown, of 
Dallas, are his only surviving children. 


(Texas Almanac, 1857.) 

Captain Randal Jones was born in Columbia county, Georgia, on the 
19th of August, 1786. In 1810, he went to Wilkinson county, in Mississippi 
Territory. In 1812, he entered the United States army as a volunteer, and 
continued in that service until 1814 ; was a captain during almost the entire 
term of his service. It will be seen in Pickett's History of Alabama, that the 
celebrated " Canoe Fight," is said to have been fought by Jere Austill, and 
that Dale and Smith were principal actors in it. No mention is made by 
Pickett of Captain Jones. The true version of this fight is this : Captain 
Randal Jones was the commander, and gave every order on that occasion. 
The following is from the Washington Republican^ printed by Marschalk 
& Etin, in Washington, Mississippi Territory, on the 23d of December, 18 13 : 

Extract of a letter from the Volunteer Army, dated East Bank of the Alabama, 

November 25th, 18 13. 

"On the nth inst., Captain Jones, of the twelve months' volunteers, 
with a detachment of sixty volunteers and militia, marched from Fort Madi- 


son, for the Alabama, and on the 12th fell in with two parties of Creeks, 
which he entirely routed, and killed nine warriors, without sustaining any 
loss on his part. Captain Jones and his party deserve the greatest praise 
and honor for the handsome manner in which the enterprise was conducted." 

This is but the beginning of his eventful career. In the fall of 1814, he 
came to the Sabine, and at Gaine's Ferry met with General Toledo, just 
after his defeat at the Medina. The General was then recruiting for another 
effort. Captain Jones thought his followers (about 200 in all, Mexicans and 
Americans) rather too ragged and motley a set to join. He therefore turned 
merchant, went to Natchez, and procured about $600 worth of goods, and 
spent the winter of 1814-15 trading with the Comanches in Texas. 

In 18 16, he established a store in Nacogdoches, and traded with the 
Indians and Mexicans until 18 18. In the spring of this year he visited 
Lafltte, at Galveston, for the purpose of buying some necessaries of him. 
Prior to this time, Lafltte had been in the habit of selling negroes at this 
place, at the convenient price of one dollar per pound ! Captain Jones spent 
two days and nights with Lafltte. He found him anything else than the rough, 
uncouth, savage pirate, popular opinion had made him. The captain says a 
more gentlemanly and courteous host he never met. 1819, Captain Jones 
joined the forces of General James Long, at Nacogdoches, where the general 
was maintaining an independent government, and was acting as governor 
and commander of the northern forces of Mexico. Here Captain Jones re- 
ceived the title of " Brigade Major." He was sent with a party of 21 men 
to go to " Galveston at the mouth of the Brazos" He struck the Brazos 
River opposite where the town of Washington now is, commenced building 
boats to descend with, was set upon by about 60 Mexicans, broke up and 
made his way back to Louisiana. Early in the year 1822, he slept opposite 
to the town of San Felipe, as one of Austin's colonists. From that time forth 
he participated actively in all the vicissitudes of the early times of Texas, 
much of the time acting as captain of parties. As such he fought the Indians 
in September, 1824, in Brazoria county, at a creek which took its name from 
the fight, and is now known as " Jones' Creek." He was elected to the con- 
sultation, served in the ayuntamiento, and was at the Bradburn affair in 
1835. ** e died in 1873. 



(Texas Almanac, 1870). 

Henry Castro, the pioneer of that portion of Western Texas situated west 
of the city of San Antonio, was born in France, in July, 1786, of rich parents, 
and descended from one of the oldest Portuguese families, one of his ancestors, 
Zoao of Castro, having been fourth viceroy of the Indies for the King of 
Portugal. In 1805, at the age of nineteen, he was selected by the prefect 
of his department (Landes) to welcome the Emperor Napoleon, on the occa- 
sion of his visit to that department. In 1806, he v/as one of the guard of 
honor that accompanied Napoleon to Spain. In 18 14, being an officer in 
the first legion of the National Guards of Paris, he fought, with Marshal 
Moncey, at the gate of Clichy. Having emigrated to the United States, after 
the fall of Napoleon, in May, 1827, he was consul at the port of Providence 
for the King of Naples, having become an American citizen, by choice, the 
same year. He returned to France in 1838 ; was the partner of Mr. Lafitte, 
and took an active part in trying to negotiate a loan for the Republic of 
Texas. In 1842 he was appointed, in consideration of the services he had 
rendered to the Republic of Texas, consul-general of Texas at Paris. Hav- 
ing received large grants of lands under certain conditions of colonization, 
he immediately proceeded to comply with his contract, and after great expense 
and labor, succeeded in bringing to this State four hundred and eighty-five 
families and four hundred and fifty-seven single men, in twenty-seven ships, 
from the year 1843 t0 1846. He encountered much opposition from the 
French government, which was trying to procure emigrants for the colony of 
Algiers, and much expense on account of the Mexican war. His first settle- 
ment was established on the Medina, in September, 1844, and was called 
Castroville, now a flourishing little town, situated in one of the most beauti- 
ful and healthy portions of Texas. In 1845, ne settled the town of Quihi ; 
in 1846, that of Vandenberg ; in 1847, that of Dhanis, all of which settle- 
ments are now in a prosperous condition. The colony lands, which were 
all in Bexar county formerly, now form the counties of Medina, Frio, part 
of McMullen, Lasalle, and Uvalde. He published many memoirs on Texas, 
both in the French and German languages, and also maps, which were prin- 
cipally circulated in the Rhine provinces, and greatly aided in procuring emi- 
gration to this country. 

He was a man of great energy and of rare aptitude for labor. He 
developed the country, and received the most flattering testimonials from 
the most prominent persons of the United States. He was a corresponding 


member of the Washington Institute ; and a great friend and admirer of 
General Houston. He was on his way to visit the graves of his family, in 
France, when death overtook him, at Monterey, Mexico. 


was a native of Connecticut ; came to Texas in 1829. He was in command 
of the Texas forces at the gallant attack upon Velasco, in 1832. He died at 
Brazoria in 1833. 


brother of the former, came from Connecticut to Texas in 183 1. He was aid 
to General Burleson at the storming of Bexar in 1835. Was for many years 
clerk of the county court of Brazoria county. Died in 1874. 


from whom Collin county and its county seat are named, came to Texas at 
an early day. He was the oldest member of the convention of 1836, and of 
the first congress of the republic, being at that time seventy years of age. 
He died in i860, 


came from Tennessee. He was in command of a company at the storming 
of Bexar in 1835, He was a member of the convention of 1836. He died 
at Austin in 1862, 


was a native of South Carolina, came to Texas in 1835. Participated in the 
storming of Bexar in that year. He was a member of the convention of 
1836. Was also a member of the congress of the republic and of the legis- 
lature after annexation. He died at San Antonio in 1870. 


came from Mississippi to Texas prior to 1836. He was for some time a 
merchant at Harrisburg, Texas. He commanded a company in the army of 


the revolution ; was at the battle of Concepcion in 1835, but was prevented by 
sickness from participating in the battle of April 21, 1836. He was after- 
ward chief-justice of Harris county. He died in 1839. 


came from Vermont to Texas. He was for some time surveyor of Austin's 
colony. Was a member of the firs| congress of the republic, and was 
speaker of the House of Representatives. He died in 1839. 


was born in Nashville, Tennessee, in 1785. He served in the war of 1812-14. 
He came to Texas in 1823. Having determined to raise a colony for Texas, 
Robertson returned to Tennesee, to carry out that design. 

In 1825, Robert Leftwick made a contract with the Mexican government, 
to introduce 800 families into Texas, but abandoning the design, he sold out 
the contract to Robertson, who thereupon revisited Saltillo, Monclova,and the 
city of Mexico, and was recognized as the legal successor of Leftwick in the 
colony contract. ' 

In April, 1830, a law was passed for the expulsion of all foreigners from 
Texas, who had not been introduced into the country in accordance with the 
colonization laws of March, 1825. This resulted in the expulsion of Robert- 
son's first colonists, and necessitated several laborious trips on his part to 
the Mexican capital to secure the rights guaranteed to him under his 

This he at last, in 1834, succeeded in doing, and during that year he founded 
the town of Sarahville de Viesca on the heights overlooking the falls of the 
Brazos River. 

In 1835, Colonel Robertson visited the States of Louisiana, Mississippi, 
Tennessee, and Kentucky, and prior to the breaking out of the revolution of 

1835, he had introduced into Texas more than 600 families of settlers. He 
was a member of the convention of 1836, and was one of the signers of the 
declaration of independence. He commanded a company in the spring of 

1836, and participated in the battle of San Jacinto. He was a member of 
the senate of the republic of Texas. 

Colonel Robertson died, at his home in Robertson county, Texas, on the 
4th of March, 1842. 

Sterling C. Robertson. 

To face p. 288. 



came from Louisiana to Texas in 1828. He had been in Texas in 181 2-13, 

and was present at the defeat of Toledo. He was in the army, and was adju- 
tant-general in 1835. He died in 1867. 


came to Texas from Tennessee in 1834. He was a member of the convention 
of 1836, and had the honor of drawing up the " declaration of independence " 
adopted by that body. He was appointed by the Burnet government ad 
interim one of the commissioners to Washington. He died in 1841. 


was one of those noble men of Mexican parentage whose heart beat in accord 
with the patriots of Texas. He was born in Bexar. He was a true friend 
of Texas during the revolution. Was one of the commissioners sent out by 
President Lamar with the Santa Fe expedition, and was for a long time a 
prisoner in Mexico. He served in the first and second legislature of Texas 
after annexation. Died in 1870. 


"Honest Bob " came to Texas in 1833. He was for some time a partner 
in the sawmill business with John R. Harris at Harrisburg (named for the 
latter). He served in the congress of the republic. Died in 1856. 


brother of Bailey Hardeman, came from Tennessee in 1835. He served in 
the congress of the republic and the legislature of the State of Texas. He 
had the distinction of proposing the name of Austin for the capital of Texas 
in 1836. He died in 1854. 


came from South Carolina to Texas in 1836. Was secretary of war of the 

republic under Houston's first administration. Died in 1853. 



was from Alabama. Came to Texas before the year 1835. Was a member 
of the consultation of that year. He died in 1840. Royal was chosen tempo- 
rary chairman of the consultation when it first met on the 16th day of Octo- 
ber, at which time Sam. Whiting was made temporary secretary. 


was a native of Kentucky. Moved thence to Mississippi, where he was for a 
while in the legislature. Was for some time agent with the Chickasaws. He 
served under General Jackson in the campaigns of 1814-15. He came to 
Texas in 1830 or '31. Served as a captain in the Bexar campaign of 1835. 
Was afterward a member of the congress of the republic. Died in 1841. 


Among the very early pioneers of Texas, valued for wisdom in council 
and long and faithful services, few deserve more honorable remembrance 
than James Kerr, the first permanent American settler west of the Colorado 

The son of Elder James Kerr, an estimable Baptist preacher, the subject 
of this sketch was born two miles from Danville, Kentucky, on the 24th of 
September, 1790. 

With his father, brothers, and sisters, he removed to the territory of 
Missouri in 1808, and settled in St. Charles county. He was an active and 
daring soldier in the war of 18 12-15, and accounted the most popular 
young man of his day in that region. He was the lieutenant and companion 
in arms of Captain Nathan Boone, and a great favorite of the latter's father, 
the famed Colonel Daniel Boone. He studied law under one of the ablest 
men of the territory, but never practiced, having no talent in that line. He 
was long sheriff of St. Charles county, when it was immense in territory. In 
1819 he married the only child and daughter of General James Caldwell, of 
Ste. Genevieve, long speaker of the Territorial House of Representatives. «s he 
had been of that of Kentucky. Colonel Kerr then located in Ste. Genevieve 
and was soon elected twice to the legislature, and in 1824 to the State 
senate. In that body he established a reputation for prudence, wisdom, 
and honor ; but having long been intimate with Stephen F. Austin, then col- 
onizing Texas, he resolved to cast his lot with him. At the close of the 
session he resigned his seat, and in February, 1825, landed at Brazoria. 


Before May, death claimed his young wife and two of his children, leaving 
him an infant daughter (Mrs. J. C. Sheldon, of Galveston), and his colored 

By Green De Witt, the empresario, he was appointed surveyor of the pro- 
jected colony and, by the governor of the State, authorized to lay out and name 
the future capital of the same. He arrived where Gonzales now stands in 
June, 1825, with his servants, the celebrated Deaf Smith, Basil Durbin, and 
several other young men ; pitched his camp and erected cabins, and thereby 
became, as before stated, the first permanent American settler west of the 
Colorado. He laid out and named the town Gonzales, in honor of the then 
first governor of Coahuila and Texas, and proceeded with the survey of the 
lands. But, during his absence, on the 3d of July, 1826, his house was 
attacked by Indians, two of the young men killed and the settlement, for the 
time being, broken up. He then located on the lower La Vaca, and, being 
joined by a few others, built a log fort. This was in the fall of 1826. He at 
once selected his headright league, in the vicinity, on the east side of the La 
Vaca, and in 1827 made the first crop ever raised in that part of the coun- 
try, sending into Louisiana for milch cows and peach scions and seeds, which 
were planted the same year, the stumps of which are yet visible on the same 
farm on which still resides his only surviving son — child of a second wife. 

For several years he continued as surveyor of De Witt's colony, and also 
of De Leon's. In 1827 he was one of the peace commissioners sent from 
Austin's colony to secure an amicable adjustment of the Fredonian outbreak 
at Nacogdoches, which resulted auspiciously. He was a member of the 
conventions of 1832 and 1&33 ; was elected to the consultation of 1835, 
but being in the army west of the Goliad, did not take his seat. He, how- 
ever, rendered valuable service in the general council of the provisional 
government, and was the author of the wise and timely decree appointing Sam 
Houston, John Forbes, and John Cameron, commissioners to treat with the 
Cherokee Indians and their twelve associate bands. 

On the 1st of February, 1836, he was elected to the convention which 
declared our independence, but the advance of the Mexican army forbade 
his taking his seat. He was compelled to flee from his frontier home with 
his family, and before he could place them in safety and reach the assemblage 
the convention had closed its brief but portentous session. 

He served in the congress of 1838-9, and was the author of the first law 
in Texas to prevent duelling. To him and his friend William Menefee the 
west was more indebted than to any other two members, for frontier protection, 
and for the removal of the seat of government from Houston to Austin, 
essentially a western frontier measure. 

The necessities of frontier life, diligent study, and great practical experi- 



ence, made him an excellent physician. He finally made it a profession and 
enjoyed a large and successful practice. 

He was a man of splendid intellect, well cultivated, of winning address, 
unostentatious habits, kind, genial, of great prudence mingled with marked 
firmness. As a citizen his example and counsels were invaluable through 
ail the twenty-six eventful years in which he aided in fostering Texas. He 
was greatly esteemed by the Austins, Whartons, Jacks, Dr. Archer, President 
Burnet, and that bright constellation of early patriots and statesmen. His 
memory was wonderful. He was a Jiving history of the Great West and 
Texas, thoroughly versed in Mexican character, and was ever ready to 
impart information. It was with him that his nephew, John Henry Brown, 
resided, on first coming to Texas, and through him had his instinctive 
admiration of pioneer history and life cultivated almost into a passion. To 
Colonel Kerr, his loved maternal uncle, that gentleman has ever ascribed the 
credit of directing his mind in that direction, and exalting patriotism above 
selfishness and intrigue. 

Colonel Kerr died at his old home in Jackson county, December 23, 
1850, in his sixty-first year, and was interred amid the sorrows of the whole 
county. The county of Kerr (pronounced Kar), named in his honor, perpetu- 
ates his name ; but his virtues are embalmed in thousands of yet surviving 


came from Alabama to Texas in 1831. He was born in Kentucky in 1802, 
but moved thence to Alabama. He served several sessions in the congress 
of the Republic of Texas, and also was, in the State senate after annexation. 
He was a member of the constitutional convention of 1845. He died in 1870. 


came from Tennessee to Texas. He took an active part in the war against 
Mexico. He is well known as the hero of the battle of Salado in 1842. He 
participated in the battle of Plum Creek under Generals Huston and Burle- 
son. He was in the Santa Fe expedition under General McLeod, and was 
captured and afterward released. He was commonly known as " Old Paint." 
Died in 1842. His impetuous disposition is well expressed in the following 
report of the battle of Salado, written by himself at the time : 

"September 17, 1842. 
" At the Salado, two miles above the old crossing, we commenced fighting 
at eleven o'clock to-day. A hot fire was kept up until about an hour, by sun, 


when the enemy retreated, bearing off their dead and wounded, which were 
many. We have a glorious band of Texas patriots, among whom only ten 
were wounded, and not one killed. The enemy are around me on every 
side, but I fear them not. I will hold my position until I receive re-enforce- 
ments. Come and help us. It is the most favorable opportunity I have 
seen. There are eleven hundred of the enemy. I can whip them on any 
ground, without help, but can not take any prisoners. Why don't you come ? 
Hurra for Texas ! " Matthew Caldwell, 

" Colonel Commanding." 


(From Baker's History of Texas.) 


was born in North Carolina, in 1809. He studied law, and was admitted to 
the bar at the age of twenty-one. In 1836, he raised a company of volunteers 
in Mississippi, and came to Texas. In November, 1836, he was appointed 
attorney-general of Texas. In 1837, he was appointed minister plenipoten- 
tiary from Texas, to England and France, to secure the recognition of Texas 
by these powers. Returning to Texas in 1840, he resumed the practice of 
law. In 1844, he was appointed one of the envoys to Washington, to nego- 
tiate a treaty of annexation. In 1845, ne was elected a delegate to the con- 
vention, to frame a State constitution. In November, of same year, he was 
elected first governor of Texas. The war with Mexico breaking out, Gen- 
eral Henderson took command of the Texas troops, and served with ability 
and distinction until the close. In 1857, he was elected by the legislature 
to the senate of the United States, in place of the lamented Rusk. In spite 
of feeble health, he repaired to the national capital, but had scarcely entered 
upon his duties when he was stricken down by the hand of death. 

was a native of Georgia. He came to Texas in 1836. He was a senator in 
the first legislature ; was in the Mexican war, in command of a regiment of 
Texas volunteers, and was elected governor in 1847. He died in Polk 
county, Texas. 

is a native of Virginia. He came to Texas in 1836. He took part in the 
battle of Sar. Jacinto, and was for some time in command of the Texas troops 


upon the Indian frontier. He was elected governor of Texas in 1849, and 
again in 185 1. He was elected representative to United States Congress in 
1853, and again in 1855. After his marriage, which took place while he was 
representative in Congress, he removed from Texas to North Carolina, where 
he now resides. 


was born in Connecticut, in 1812. He was educated to the profession of 
law. He came to Texas in 1835. He was secretary of the general consul- 
tation at San Felipe, in 1835. He was chief clerk in the navy, and also in 
the treasury department under the government ad interim, holding the later 
post until the adjournment of the first congress. In June, 1837, he was 
appointed comptroller of public accounts, by General Houston. This he 
resigned in December, 1837. After annexation, Governor Pease was elected 
successively to the house in the first and second legislature of Texas, and 
senator in the third legislature. In 1853, and again in 1855, he was elected 
governor. In 1867 he was, by General Sheridan, appointed provisional gov- 
ernor, which post he resigned in 1869. In 1874, he was tendered the appoint- 
ment of collector of the port at Galveston, which he declined. He is now 
vice-president of the First National Bank at Austin, Texas. 


was born in Mississippi. He came to Texas about the year 1842 ; was 
speaker of the House of Representatives in 1853 ; was lieutenant-governor 
of Texas during Pease's second term of office; was elected governor in 1857. 
He died in Bowie county, Texas, 1873. 


is a native of Georgia. He was a member of the constitutional convention 
in 1845. He was a member of the house in the first legislature of Texas, 
and senator in the second. He was secretary of state under Governor Pease. 
He was elected lieutenant-governor in 1859, and became governor on the 
retirement of General Houston in 1861. He now resides in Marshall, Har- 
rison county, Texas. 


is a native of South Carolina. He came to Texas in 1836. He was for a 
short time comptroller of public accounts, during the existence of the Re- 


public of Texas. He was for many years clerk of the district court of 
Harris county, which position he filled with marked ability and fidelity. He 
was elected Governor of Texas in 1861. He now resides in Houston, 
Harris county, Texas, where he conducts a large commercial business. 


was a native of Alabama. He came to Texas and settled in Harrison county, 
where he devoted himself to the practice of law. He was a member of the 
State legislature in 1857. He was elected governor of the State in 1863. 
He went to Mexico after the close of the war, in June, 1865, where he shortly 
afterward died. 


was born in Madison county, Alabama, January 28, 1815 ; was admitted to the 
bar in 1841 ; was married in 1843. He came to Texas in 1846 ; located first 
in Lagrange, and moved to Austin in 1849. In 1843 he was appointed by 
Governor Bell, attorney-general of Texas. In 185 1 was elected represen- 
tative to the State legislature from Travis county, and served in the same 
capacity in 1852. In 1856 was chosen elector on the Buchanan ticket. In 
1859 was elected, as an independent candidate, representative to congress 
from the western district of Texas, defeating General T. N. Ward, the demo- 
cratic nominee. General Hamilton was one of the few from the South who 
stood at their posts in congress until after secession was accomplished. He 
returned to Austin in March, 1861, to find himself the Union candidate for 
the State senate, from the counties of Travis, Hays, and Bastrop. To this 
post he was elected, but did not take the requisite oath, or appear in the 
senate chamber. In 1862 General Hamilton left his home in Texas, and 
went by way of Mexico to Washington city. In November, 1862, and again 
in September, 1863, he was appointed brigadier-general of volunteers and 
military governor of Texas. In June, 1865, he was appointed by President 
Johnson, provisional governor of Texas, which post he held until May, 1866. 
In 1866, he was appointed associate justice of the supreme court, which 
post he held until September, 1869. General Hamilton was elected a dele- 
gate to the second reconstruction convention, which was assembled at 
Austin, in June, 1868, and was acknowledged leader in that body. He died 
at Austin in 1875. 



is a native of Sparta, Tennessee. Born February i, 1825. He came to Texas 
in 1841, and settled in what is now Collin county, then part of Fannin. In 
185 1, was elected representative to the State legislature. Served in that 
capacity until 1856, when he was elected State senator, which position he 
held until 1861. He was elected delegate from Collin county to the secession 
convention in 1861 ; was one of the six who voted against the ordinance of 
secession, and did not sign it. After secession was accomplished, Governor 
Throckmorton, having raised a company, entered in the army, and was in 
active service in the States of Arkansas, Mississippi, and Louisiana, until the fall 
of 1863, when he was disabled by severe illness. At this time he was elected 
to the State senate, where he served during the sessions of 1863 and 1864. 
In 1864, he was appointed brigadier-general of the State troops. In 1865, 
was appointed by General E. Ilirby Smith a commissioner to negotiate trea- 
ties with the different wild Indian tribes on the Texas border. He returned 
in June, 1865, having made treaties, in conjunction with the agents of the 
friendly tribes, with the Comanches, Kiowas, Lipans, Arrapahoes, Cheyennes, 
and others. He was elected a delegate to the constitutional convention of 
1866, and was president of that body. In June, 1866, was elected governor 
of Texas ; was inaugurated August 8, 1866, and was removed by military 
order, August 9, 1867. In 1874, he was elected representative to the 
United States Congress from his district of Texas. He resides in Collin 
county, Texas. 


is a native of San Augustine, Florida. He came to Texas in 1848. While 
yet in his minority, he was admitted to the bar in 1849, and went to the 
Rio Grande. He resided in Webb and Cameron counties until the break- 
ing out of the war for secession. He was deputy collector of customs at 
Laredo from 1850 until 1853. In the latter year he was elected district- 
attorney of that district; and in 1855 was elected judge of the same (12th) 
district. To this position he was re-elected, and continued in its occupation 
until secession was accomplished in 1861, when, refusing to take the oath of 
allegiance to the Confederate States, he left the office. In 1862 he went to 
the Northern States, and in October was commissioned colonel of the 1st 
Texas cavalry, United States volunteers, which regiment was raised from 
refugees from Texas. In March, 1867, while at the mouth of the Rio Grande 
in Mexico, for the purpose of embarking his family, he was captured by a 


party of Confederate soldiers, who crossed the river in the night and sur- 
rounded the house of the Mexican commandant where he with his family 
was. After three days he was released, upon demand of the Mexican author- 
ities. He returned to New Orleans, and was employed in various military 
services until the close of the war. He was appointed brigadier-general of 
United States volunteers in November, 1864, and was finally mustered out 
of service in September, 1865. Having returned to his home in Corpus 
Christi, he was elected a delegate to the convention which met at Austin 
in February, 1866. In September, 1867, he was tendered by General Griffin 
the appointment of chief-justice of the State, but declined. In January, 

1868, he was elected a delegate to the second reconstruction convention, 
which assembled at Austin in June of that year, and was president of that 
body. Was by it chosen one of the six commissioners to lay before the 
authorities at Washington the new constitution of the State. In November, 

1869, he was elected governor of Texas. He resides in Austin, now prac- 
ticing law. 


was born in Williamsburg, Virginia, on March 13, 1829 ; was educated at 
William and Mary College, and studied law under Judge Beverly Tucker, 
professor of law in that institution. He came to Texas in October, 1850 ; 
located at Waco, and has lived there ever since. In September, 1865, he was 
appointed by Provisional Governor A. J. Hamilton, judge of the 19th 
judicial district. After the constitution of 1866 was framed, he was nomi- 
nated by the democratic party on the ticket headed by Throckmorton for 
governor, for one of the positions of associate justice of supreme court of the 
State, and was elected. He went on the supreme court bench in September, 
1866 ; and just one year from that time, with his associates in the supreme 
court bench, was removed by Brigadier-General Griffin, then commanding in 
Texas, as " an impediment to reconstruction." He returned to the practice 
of law in Waco, and continued in professional practice until he was elected 
governor of Texas, which office he now holds. 



(From a Sketch of his Life by C. S. West.) 

The long connection of Judge Ochiltree with the public service of Texas, 
as well as his high position at the bar, held for so long a period, render it 
proper that, in a publication of this character, a sketch of his career should 
be preserved, although he came to Texas subsequent to 1836. 

He was born in North Carolina in 1811, and after moving first to Florida 
and then to Alabama, he emigrated from that State to Texas in 1839. Here 
he settled at Nacogdoches and engaged in the practice of law. From 1842 
to 1844 he ne ld the position of judge of the fifth district of the Republic, 
and was then, ex officio, a member of the Supreme Court of Texas. In 
December, 1844, Judge Ochiltree was by President Jones appointed secretary 
of the treasury. 

In 1845 he was appointed attorney-general. 

He was a member of the convention of 1845. 

In 1855 and '6 he was a member of the legislature of Texas. In 1861, 
he was a member of the secession convention and was one of the signers of 
the ordinance of secession. He was afterward elected a delegate to the 
Provisional Congress of the Confederate States, then in session at Montgom- 
ery, Alabama. During the war he raised an infantry regiment for General 
Walker's division, but in 1863, on account of ill health he resigned his com- 
mand and returned home. From this time until his death, which occurred in 
December, 1867, ne was m feeble and gradually failing health. At the time of 
his death he was fifty-six years of age. 


migrated to Texas about 1830. He was with the Brazoria and Colum- 
bia boys in the battle ofVelasco, where he was shot down, receiving severe 
wounds in the hip and face. He joined De Witt's Colony and located his 
head-right on the Gaudaloupe River, having his citizenship at Gonzales, 
introducing his family there in 1838. He was one of the notable " Eighteen" 
who at that place stood for he defense of the cannon when the Mexicans 
came on to remove them in 1835. He thus was one of the first to enroll in 
the army of Texas, and became of considerable service to General Stephen 
F. Austin in drilling the citizen soldiers who gathered to the defense of 
Texas, and were organized into an army by that statesman, at that Lexing- 


ton of Texas. He soon received from General Austin a commission in the 
army, and continued with energetic constancy in public service, participating 
in the siege of San Antonio de Bexar ; and, ranking as major in the quarter- 
master and commissary department, remaining in the army until after the 
battle of San Jacinto. He was also major in the same department in the 
Santa Fe expedition, and chain-mate to George W. Kendall in one of 
the dungeons of Mexico. Returning from that imprisonment late in 1842 
to his home at Gonzales, he again took a prominent part in the defense 
of that frontier, by co-operating with his old companion-in-arms, Captain 
Caldwell, in hurrying forward volunteers to meet the Mexican forces 
under General Woll, who was advancing upon San Antonio. He was, by 
his well-known devotion to Texas, able to raise immediate supplies of sub- 
sistence from voluntary contributions of the citizens ; and thus furnished 
many squads of poorly provisioned volunteers with jerked beef, and such 
small stores of corn as could upon the instant be collected. Finding from 
the dispatches of Colonel Caldwell that the Mexican advance was likely to 
be formidable, he in person hurried to the assistance of that officer at the 
well-known battle-field of the Salado, and joined in the pursuit of the de- 
feated enemy, continuing until the Texans returned to their homes. He 
then assisted in organizing the Somerville expedition and remained in the 
service of the Republic until his death, which occurred at Gonzales in July, 
1843. The following notice of him was at the time published in the New 
Orleans Picayune : 

"Another Santa Fe Prisoner Dead." — Major Valentine Bennet, one 
of the members of the unfortunate Santa Fe expedition, died at Gonzales, 
Texas, on the 24th of July, of the cramp colic. Major Bennet was one of the 
companions of Mr. Kendall in his dreary march to the city of Mexico, and 
was imprisoned in the same quarters. He was a man far advanced in life, 
and was one of the earliest and bravest defenders of Texas, and bore an 
honorable part in the most sanguinary conflicts of the young Republic. He 
was a man of sterling integrity and honest deportment." 

The following incident showing Major Bennet's ready humor, as told by 
some of those who were present at its occurrence, will perhaps bear men- 
tion : General Sam Houston and some of the members of the cabinet were 
one day discussing the adoption of a Texas uniform for the army \ Major 
Bennet passing hurriedly by was thus good- humoredly accosted by the Gen- 
eral, " Well, major, what uniform do you recommend for our boys ? " " Oh ! 
rags, rags ! they are the only uniform which we can procure at present," said 
the major, as he passed on amid loud bursts of laughter from the General and 
all who were near. 




BY C. S. W. 

The first supreme court of Texas, organized immediately after annexa- 
tion, was composed of Chief-Justice John Hemphill and Associate Justices 
Abner S. Lipscomb and Royal T. Wheeler. 


was born in Chester District, South Carolina, about the year 1804, and grad- 
uated at Jefferson College, Carmonsburg, Tennessee. He emigrated to Texas 
in 1838. He was judge of the 4th judicial district of the Republic of Texas, 
in 1840. In 1841 he was made chief-justice of the republic, which office he 
held until annexation. He was a member of the convention of 1845. At 
the organization of the supreme court of the State of Texas, in 1846, he was 
appointed chief-justice, and after the change in the constitution requiring 
the election of judges, he was, in 1851, and again in 1856, elected to that high 
position. In 1857, Judge Hemphill was elected United States senator. He 
was afterward, in 186 1, elected to the congress of the Confederate States, 
and while holding that position died at Richmond, Virginia, on the 7th day 
of January, 1862. 


was born in Edgefield District, South Carolina, on the 10th day of February, 
1789. His father Joel, and his mother whose maiden name was Elizabeth 
Chiles, were both natives of Virginia. He studied law with John C. Cal- 
houn. He came to the bar in 18 10, and practiced in the now deserted 
town of St. Stephens, on the Tombigbee River, Alabama. On the 17th day 
of December, 1819, he was appointed one of the circuit judges of Alabama. 
The circuit judges sitting in banco, then constituted the supreme court of that 
State. From 1823 to 1835 he held the position of chief-justice of the 
supreme court of Alabama. In 1839 he came to Texas and became secre- 
tary of state under General Lamar's presidency. In 1845 he was a member 
of the convention that framed the constitution of 1845. In 1846 he was 
appointed one of the associate justices of the supreme court by Gov- 
ernor J. P. Henderson. In August, 185 1, and again in 1856, he was elected 


to that position, and continued to hold it until his death, which occurred at 
Austin on the 8th day of December, 1856, he being then in the 68th year 
of his age. 


was born in Vermont, in 1810. He was reared in the State of Ohio, and 
after being admitted to the bar in that State in 1837, he emigrated to Arkansas, 
and settled at Fayetteville, where he practiced his profession. In 1839, he 
married Miss Emily Walker, and then removed to the republic of Texas and 
settled at Nacogdoches. Here he practiced law successfully, as the partner 
of the distinguished Kenneth L. Anderson, who was cut off in the flower of 
his fame while holding the office of vice-president of the Republic of Texas, 

In 1846, he was appointed one of the associate justices of the supreme 
court. In 185 1, he was elected to the same office, and re-elected in 1856. 
In December, 1857, when Chief Justice Hemphill was elected to the United 
States senate, he became chief-justice of Texas. He died in April, 1864, 
while holding that office. He was the survivor of those who constituted the 
first supreme court of Texas. In a short sketch of Judge Wheeler occurs 
the following allusion to his two distinguished associates, which it is deemed 
appropriate to insert here: cc Judges Hemphill, Lipscomb, and Wheeler 
have now passed away from among us. The subject of this imperfect sketch 
was the last of that illustrious trio, who constituted the original supreme 
court of the State of Texas. Their names are imperishably connected with 
the judicial history of our State. They constitute the dii majpres of Texas 
jurisprudence. That the subject of this notice was deemed a fit colleague of 
Hemphill and Lipscomb is in itself no mean tribute to his worth. He was 
the youngest of the three, and while he did not perhaps possess the deep, 
varied, and almost exhaustless learning both in civil and common law that so 
eminently distinguished his illustrious predecessor as chief-justice, nor was 
he so largely endowed by nature as was Judge Lipscomb, with that keen- 
sighted every day practical sense and that strong iron logic that so abun- 
dantly supplied in him the want of mere book-learning : yet Chief-Justice 
Wheeler possessed other mental faculties of a high order, by the exercise of 
which he elevated himself to the full level of his great compeers. 

" His conscientiousness, his calm, profound, and patient industry, his deep 
love of truth for its own sake, his familiarity with our statute law and 
reports, his accurate common law knowledge, especially in the great depart- 
ment of criminal jurisprudence (in which he surpassed both his associates), 
served him in the place ofgenfus, and eminently fitted him for the suc- 
cessful discharge of the delicate and exacting functions of the high office to 
which he was called." 







On the third of October, 1836, the delegates assembled at Columbia, and 
the first congress of the Republic of Texas was organized. On the morning of 
the 22d of the same month, the President ad interim tendered his resignation, 
and a resolution was immediately introduced, " that the inauguration take 
place at four o'clock this day." A committee from both houses waited upon 
the president elect, and at four o'clock, he was introduced within the bar of 
the house of representatives. The speaker administered to him the oath 
of office, and then proclaimed Sam Houston, President of the Republic of 

The following is his inaugural address — delivered on this occasion. 

Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen : 

Deeply impressed with a sense of the responsibility devolving on me, I 
can not, in justice to myself, repress the emotion of my heart, or restrain the 
feelings which my sense of obligation to my fellow-citizens has inspired — 
their suffrage was gratuitously bestowed. Preferred to others, not unlikely 
superior in merit to myself, called to the most important station among man- 
kind, by the voice of a free people, it is utterly impossible not to feel im- 
pressed with the deepest sensations of delicacy, in my present position before 
the world. It is not here alone, but our present attitude before all nations, 
has rendered my position, and that of my country, one of peculiar interest. 

A spot of earth almost unknown to the geography of the age, destitute of 
all available resources, few in numbers, we remonstrated against oppression \ 
and when invaded by a numerous host, we dared to proclaim our independ- 
ence and to strike for freedom on the breast of the oppressor. As yet our 
course is onward. We are only in the outset of the campaign of liberty. 

. -=-_ 


Futurity has locked up the destiny which awaits our people. Who can con- 
template with apathy a situation so imposing in the moral and physical world ! 

The relations among ourselves are peculiarly delicate and important ; 
for no matter what zeal or fidelity I may possess in the discharge of my offi- 
cial duties, if I do not obtain co-operation and an honest support from the co- 
ordinate departments of the government, wreck and ruin must be the inevita- 
ble consequences of my administration. If then, in the discharge of my duty, 
my competency should fail in the attainment of the great objects in view, it 
would become your sacred duty to correct my errors and sustain me by your 
superior wisdom. This much I anticipate — this much I demand. 

I am perfectly aware of the difficulties that surround me, and the convul- 
sive throes through which our country must pass. I have never been emu- 
lous of the civic wreath — when merited it crowns a happy destiny. A coun- 
try, situated like ours, is environed with difficulties, its administration is 
fraught with perplexities. Had it been my destiny, I would infinitely have 
preferred the toils, privations, and perils of a soldier, to the duties of my 
present station. Nothing but zeal, stimulated by the holy spirit of patriot- 
ism, and guided by philosophy and reason, can give that impetus to our ener- 
gies necessary to surmount the difficulties that obstruct our political pro- 
gress. By the aid of your intelligence, I trust all impediments to our advance- 
ment will be removed ; that all wounds in the body politic will be healed, and 
the constitution of the republic derive strength and vigor equal to any emer- 
gency. I shall confidently anticipate the consolidation of constitutional 
liberty. In the attainment of this object, we must regard our relative situation 
to other countries. 

A subject of no small importance is the situation of an extensive frontier, 
bordered by Indians, and open to their depredations. Treaties of peace and 
amity and the maintenance of good faith with the Indians, seem to me the 
most rational means for winning their friendship. Let us abstain from ag- 
gression, establish commerce with the different tribes, supply their useful and 
necessary wants, maintain even-handed justice with them, and natural reason 
will teach them the utility of our friendship. 

Admonished by the past, we can not, in justice, disregard our national 
enemies. Vigilance will apprise us of their approach, a disciplined and 
valiant army will insure their discomfiture. Without discrimination and 
system, how unavailing would all the resources of an old and overflowing 
treasury prove to us. It would be as unprofitable to us in our present situa- 
tion, as the rich diamond locked in the bosom of the adamant. We can not 
hope that the bosom of our beautiful prairies will soon be visited by the heal- 
ing breezes of peace. We may again look for the day when their verdure 
will be converted into dyes of crimson. We must keep all our energies alive, 


our army organized, disciplined, and increased to our present emergencies. 
With these preparations we can meet and vanquish despotic thousands. 
This is the attitude we at present must regard as our own. We are bat- 
tling for human liberty ; reason and firmness must characterize our acts. 

The course our enemies have pursued has been opposed to every princi- 
ple of civilized warfare — bad faith, inhumanity, and devastation marked their 
path of invasion. We were a little band, contending for liberty ; they were 
thousands, well-appointed, munitioned, and provisioned, seeking to rivet 
chains upon us, or to extirpate us from the earth. Their cruelties have in- 
curred the universal denunciation of Christendom. They will not pass from 
their nation during the present generation. The contrast of our conduct is 
manifest ; we were hunted down as the felon wolf, our little band driven from 
fastness to fastness, exasperated to the last extreme ; while the blood of our 
kindred and our friends, invoking the vengeance of an offended God, was 
smoking to high heaven, we met our enemy and vanquished them. They fell 
in battle, or suppliantly kneeled and were spared. We offered up our ven- 
geance at the shrine of humanity, while Christianity rejoiced at the act and 
looked with pride at the sacrifice. The civilized world contemplated, with 
proud emotions, conduct which reflected so much glory on the Anglo-Saxon 
race. The moral effect has done more toward our liberation than the defeat 
of the army of veterans. Where our cause has been presented to our friends 
in the land of our origin, they have embraced it with their warmest sympathies. 
They have rendered us manly and efficient aids. They have rallied to our 
standard, they have fought side by side with our warriors. They have bled, 
and their dust is mingling with the ashes of our heroes. At this moment I 
discern numbers around me who battled in the field of San Jacinto, and 
whose chivalry and valor have identified them with the glory of the country, 
its name, its soil, and its liberty. There sits a gentleman within my view, 
whose personal and political services to Texas have been invaluable. He 
was the first in the United States to respond to our cause. His purse was 
ever open to our necessities. His hand was extended in our aid. His pres- 
ence among us, and his return to the embraces of our friends, will inspire 
new efforts in behalf of our cause. 

[The attention of the speaker and that of congress was directed to Wm. 
Christy, Esq., of New Orleans, who sat by invitation within the bar.] 

A circumstance of the highest import will claim the attention of the 
court at Washington. In our recent election, the important subject of an- 
nexation to the United States of America was submitted to the consideration 
of the people. They have expressed their feelings and their wishes on that 
momentous subject. They have, with a unanimity unparalleled, declared 
that they will be reunited to the Great Republican family of the North. The 


appeal is made by a willing people. Will our friends disregard it ? They 
have already bestowed upon us their warmest sympathies. Their manly and 
generous feelings have been enlisted on our behalf. We are cheered by the 
hope that they will receive us to participate in their civil, political, and relig- 
ious rights, and hail us welcome into the great family of freemen. Our 
misfortunes have been their misfortunes — our sorrows, too, have been theirs, 
and their joy at our success has been irrepressible. 

A thousand considerations press upon me ; each claims my attention. 
But the shortness of the notice of this emergency (for the speaker had only 
four hours' notice of the inauguration, and all this time was spent in conver- 
sation) will not enable me to do justice to those subjects, and will neces- 
sarily induce their postponment for the present. 

[Here the president, says the reporter, paused for a few seconds and dis- 
engaged his sword.] 

It now, sir, becomes my duty to make a presentation of this sword — this 
emblem of my past office. [The president was unable to proceed further ; 
but having firmly clenched it with both hands, as if with a farewell grasp, a 
tide of varied associations rushed upon him in a moment, his countenance 
bespoke the workings of the strongest emotions, his soul seemed to dwell 
momentarily on the glistening blade, and the greater part of the auditory 
gave outward proof of their congeniality of feeling. It was, in reality, a 
moment of deep and painful interest. After this pause, more eloquently 
impressive than the deepest pathos conveyed in language, the president pro- 
ceeded.] I have worn it with some humble pretensions in defense of my 
country — and should the danger of my country again call for my services, I 
expect to resume it, and respond to that call, if needful, with my blood and 
my life. 


(From State Journal.) 

Colonel Merriam, of the 24th infantry United States army, with his 
family and an escort, encamped on the Concho River on Sunday, the 24th 
day of April, 1870. This river is formed by the junction of the rills of 
water from several large springs. The stream at its head is so small that 
a man can step across it anywhere. The tops of the banks are usually 
about twenty-five feet above the water. Fatigued with their journey, the 
party were pleasantly resting, when early in the evening Colonel Merriam 


saw signs of the coming storm. The tent was fastened, and made as 
secure as possible, and about nine o'clock a hail storm burst upon them- 
accompanied with some rain and a strong wind. The fall of hail was 
unprecedented, lasting until eleven o'clock, the stones being of the size 
of hen's eggs, and striking the tent with a noise like that of incessant 
musketry. The colonel, who was not ignorant of the sudden and extreme 
overflows to which the mountain streams of Texas are liable, went out 
into the darkness as soon as the storm had ceased, to see what effect had 
been produced on the rivulet. To his amazement he found, in the formerly 
almost dry bed of the creek, a resistless torrent, loaded and filled with hail, 
rolling nearly bank full, white like milk, and silent as a river of oil. He at 
once saw the danger, and rushed back to the tent, shouting at the same time 
to the soldiers and servant to u turn out." He placed Mrs. Merriam, and 
their child and nurse, in the ambulance, and with the aid of three men started 
to run with it to the higher ground, a distance of not more than sixty yards. 
Scarcely a minute had elapsed from the time the alarm had been given, but 
the water had already surged over the banks in waves of such volume and 
force, as to sweep the party from their feet before they had traversed thirty 
yards. The colonel called for assistance upon some cavalry soldiers, who 
had just escaped from the United States mail station near by, but they were 
too terror-stricken to heed. Colonel Merriam then gave up the hope of 
saving his family in the carriage, and tried to spring into it, intending to swim 
out with them; but the icy torrent instantly swept him away. Being an ex- 
pert swimmer, he succeeded in reaching the bank two hundred yards below, 
and ran back to renew the attempt to save his dear ones, when he received 
the awful tidings, that the moment he was borne away by the stream, the car- 
riage, with all its precious freight, turned over and went rolling down the 
flood ; his wife saying, as she disappeared, " My darling husband, good-by." 
The little rill of a few hours before, which a child might step across, had 
become a raging river near a mile in width, from thirty to forty feet deep, 
and covered with masses of drift-wood. The bereaved husband procured a 
horse from one of the cavalry, and rode far down the river, but could see 
nothing distinctly in the darkness, while nothing could be heard but the wild 
roar of the waters. Thus passed the long, wretched night. Before day, the mo- 
mentary flood had passed by, and the stream had shrunk within its accustomed 
limits. The search began. The drowned soldiers and servants, four in num- 
ber, were soon found, and the body of the wife was taken from the water three- 
fourths of a mile below. The body of the child was not found until three days 
after, four miles down the stream, and a long distance from its channel. The 
carriage was drifted by the current about a mile, and lodged in a thicket . 
The storm had been frightful beyond description. The beaver ponds 


at the head of the Concho were so filled with hail, that the fish were killed, 
and were washed out and deposited on the surface of the surrounding coun- 
try in loads. Three days after the storm, when the searching party left the 
Concho, the hail still lay in drifts to the depth of six feet. 

Heavy indeed was the heart of the bereaved husband and father when he 
commenced his melancholy march to the post of the Concho, fifty-three miles 



(From A Brief History of Texas.) 

An amusing incident is said to have occurred at the French court, 
pending the acknowledgment of the independence of Texas. General 
Henderson, who was minister from Texas, and urging the measure upon the 
French government, was asked in the presence of M. de Saligny, who had just 
returned from Texas, " What was the population of that country ? " 

Henderson, desirous of making the number as large as possible, and 
almost ashamed to say what he really thought the figures to be, artfully re- 
ferred the question to Saligny, who, with French promptness, instantly replied, 
" About a million." 

The court was too polite to doubt the statement, and of course the ques- 
tion of population did not stand in the way any longer. At the time, the 
population of Texas could not have exceeded fifty thousand souls. 



In 1829, a young Mexican officer came to San Felipe with dispatches to 
Stephen F. Austin. While waiting a few days for his replies, he went often 
to the room of Mr. P., who was teaching a school there, and had a library, 
which was a rare thing in those days. His attention was arrested by a 
Spanish Testament, which he read with deep and absorbed attention. After 
reading it for hours he turned to Mr. P. and abruptly said, " Will you sell me 
this?" Mr. P. replied, "I don't see how I can replace it, and therefore I 
don't like to part with it, as I am now studying your language." 

Next day the young Mexican returned and pored over the pages of the 


Gospels with increased interest. Again he said to the teacher, " Will you 
give me this book? " Mr. P., who was a pious man and was pleased with the 
interest displayed by the young man, said, " Why are you so anxious to have 
that book ? " " Oh, my friend, he replied, it is a good book. God gave us this 
book to show us the way to heaven. It shows me how to be happy. I have 
three sisters. I want to take it to them that they may read it and be happy 
too." " Take it, my friend," said Mr. P. " Take it and welcome." 

Sometime afterward, while on a visit to President Burnet, Mr. P. related 
the above incident, and instantly when he had concluded, Mr. Burnet arose, 
and walking to his book-case he took therefrom a handsomely bound edition 
of the complete Bible in Spanish, and presented it to Mr. P. saying, " Here, 
dear sir, allow me to replace the book you gave in such a cause." 



In the days of the early settlement of Texas, General Austin sent Mr. 

from San Felipe to the Colorado, to take the census of the families in that 
part of his colony. The duty being performed, the messenger returned, and 
the following conversation occurred : 

Austin.—" Well, Mr. how do you like that part of the country ? " 

Mr. — (who had recently come to Texas and was somewhat unused 
to the rougher type of frontiersman). — "I like the country much, but 
would'nt live in such a community if you would give it all to me." 

Austin.—" Why ? Did'nt they treat you well ? " 

Mr. — . — " Yes indeed, never was better treated." 

Austin. — " Tell me about it." 

Mr. — . — " Well, General, to give you a sample of the people living 
up there. I went to a log-cabin where I found only a lady at home. I 
asked her who lived there. She said, ' I and the old man.' I told her I had 
come to take the census. She told me to take it. I said to her, ' Have you 
any children ? ' She replied. ' Yes, lots on em.' « Please give me their names, 
madam.' ' Well, thar's Isaiah, and Bill, and Tom, and Jake, and Ed, and 
John, and Bud, and— oh yes, I'd like to forgot Joe, he's gone so much.' 
These being duly noted, with ages, 'Have you no girls?' "No, sir," em- 
phatically, ' boys is trouble enough, but arter awhile they can take care of 
themselves, but gals is allers trouble, and never can take care of themselves.' 
General, those people are too rough to live with." 

Austin. " Well, Mr. , those are exactly the people we want for the 


pioneers on our frontier. They are hardy, honest, and brave. They are not 
your kid-glove sort. As the settlement becomes denser they will strike far- 
ther out upon the borders. I wish we had more of them." 



Apropos of Fred Dawson, the following verses, written by one who will 
recognize them, are inserted here. They were designed to cheer him up when 
desponding in regard to getting his claim against Texas paid : 

Friend Dawson! 

Has fortune frowned, my honest friend ? 

Don't hang your head so low. 
* This is no time to falter now. 

Up ! Strike another blow.' . 

Don't sit and groan and grunt, and tell 

What you have tried to do ; 
But place your shoulder to the wheel, 

Strain nerve and put her through. 

A. Sovereign. 


In November, 1850, the writer was in Collin county, Texas. P. Hans- 
boro Bell was then governor, and his personal popularity with those men 
who as soldiers had served under him was unbounded. 

Among his warm friends was Captain Jesse S , a resident of Collin 

county, and this gentleman invited the writer to accompany him to his home 

for a deer hunt. Captain S lived about six miles from McKinney, the 

county seat, and during the ride out the following colloquy took place. In 
explanation it may be said that the Congress of the United States had just 
passed the bill offering Texas ten millions for a slice of her New Mexican 
boundary. The bill was known as the Pearce boundary bill, and the question 
of the acceptance or the rejection of the measure was to be submitted to 
the people of Texas on the following Monday. 


Writer. — " Well, captain, how will you vote next Monday ? " 

Captain. — " Don't know. What's the question.'' 

Writer. — "The ten million boundary bill." 

Captain. — " Oh ! I haven't thought much about it, but I'll vote for Bell." 

Writer— "Oh, yes." 




It was the custom of General Houston, while governor, to mingle and talk 
with the people a good deal. 

In i860, he might have been seen almost daily on Congress avenue, 
Austin, Texas, standing at some corner with a crowd around him. Upon 
one occasion, and while in the center of a knot of men with whom he was con- 
versing in an animated manner, an individual, whom we will call Mr. K , 

being determined to get his ear, elbowed his way through the crowd and 
suddenly confronting General Houston addressed him thus : " Governor, I 
am told you have devoted considerable attention to the culture of shrubbery. 
What do you consider the best time for setting out shade trees, and how ? " 

The General, being thus suddenly interrupted in the middle of a sentence, 
lowered his shaggy eyebrows, and quietly regarding his interlocutor a moment 
slowly replied, " The best time, Mr. K — — , is perhaps in the winter, and the 
way in which I have succeeded best is to set the roots down." 

A shout went up, and K went off. 


(From T. N. Morrill's book, " Thirty-six Years in Texas.") 

Returning home from one of my monthly tours under the burning sun of 
August, I found myself greatly exhausted inconsequence of a ride of one hun- 
dred miles from Providence Church, Navarro county, north of Chambers Creek. 
After a little rest, I mounted my horse, gun in hand, with a view first to look 
after the farm, and secondly, if possible, to get a deer or turkey ; as fresh meat 
was called for. The farm was in the Brazos bottom, and at this season of 
the year, the weeds were from four to six feet high. Passing around the field, I 


watched every motion of the weeds, expecting to see a deer or turkey. 
Presently my attention was called to my right, and about thirty steps from 
my path my eyes rested upon the head of an old she-bear, standing upon her 
hind feet and looking at me. My horse was wild, and I dared not shoot 
from the saddle. Leaping to the ground as quickly as possible, my rifle was 
leveled, and the mark at which I aimed was as " black as the tents of Kedar." 
As I was in the act of pulling the trigger, my game disappeared behind the 
weeds. Just then the weeds shook nearer by, and two cubs, not more than 
ten feet from me, ran up a hackberry tree: 

Resting among the limbs, they turned their anxious eyes upon me. The 
old bear was gone ; and very deliberately I tied up my horse, and with a smile 
on my face and none but the bears and the God of the Universe in hearing, 
I said, " I am good for you, certain ! " As I was about pulling the second 
time, the case of old Davy Crockett flashed into my mind, when he shot the 
cub, and the old bear came upon him with his gun empty. 

With this distinguished hunter, I had gone on the bear chase in Tennessee. 
Well was it that I thought of him at this moment, for I had not even a knife 
or a dog to help me in extremity, and as, unlike the king of Israel, I 
did not feel able to take a bear by the beard, I lowered my gun and unsprung 
the trigger. Just then, an angry snarl fell upon my ears, a short distance 
away. The old bear was after me. The weeds cracked and shook, and she 
stood upon her hind feet, walking toward me, swaying her body first to one 
side then the other. Her hair was all standing on end and her ears laid 
back, presenting a frightful appearance. Life was pending on the contest. 
Either T. N. Morrill or that bear had to die. The only chance was to make 
a good shot. The bear was not now more than forty feet from me, and 
steadily advancing. The days of flint and steel had passed away, and, remem- 
bering that my caps were too small and sometimes failed to fire, I kept my eye 
on the bear and pressed my hammer firmly on the cap. By this time I had 
what the old Texans call buck ague. My nerves were all unstrung, and for my 
life I could not hold my gun steady, as I pointed it toward the bear. I had 
faced the cannon before, but never did I feel as when facing that bear. I 
gripped the gun, but the tighter I gripped, the worse I trembled. The bear 
was now less than twenty feet away, walking straight on its hind legs. 

By moving the gun up and down, I finally succeeded in getting the range of 
the body, but not until the animal was within ten feet of me, did I get an aim 
upon which I was willing to risk a shot. The bear was in the act of spring- 
ing when I fired. At the crack of the gun, the bear sprang convulsively to 
one side, and fell. I then reloaded, and killed the cubs. 




In February 1841 a funny affair occurred, which well-nigh caused a rup- 
ture of the friendly relation which existed between France and Texas. One 
of the pigs of Mr. Bullock, an Austin landlord, found his way into the stable 
of M. De Saligny, the French charge, and proceeded to appropriate a 
portion of the corn of the minister's horses. For this offense a servant slew 
the swinish invader, whereupon the irate landlord horsewhipped the depend- 
ent of the French ambassador. 

Saligny thereupon complained, and Bullock was arrested and bound 
over to next term of court. Afterward the landlord ordered the envoy 
off his premises. These indignities to French honor were not to be put up 
with, and the Texas government, failing to give satisfaction, the French min- 
ister abandoned his post. A conciliatory letter from President Houston 
afterward healed the breach and brought the testy Frenchman back. 




Friends and Fellow-Citizens : 

The keenest blade on the field of San Jacinto is broken ? — the brave, 
the generous, the talented John A. Wharton is no more ! His poor remains 
lie cold and senseless before you, wrapped in the habiliments of the grave, and 
awaiting your kind offices to convey them to the charnel-house appointed to 
all the living. A braver heart never died. A nobler soul, more deeply imbued 
with the pure and fervent spirit of patriotism, never passed its tenement of 
clay to the more genial realms of immortality. He was young in years, and, 
as it were, at the very threshold of his fame ; and still it is a melancholy 
truth, to which every heart in this assembly will respond in painful accordance, 
that a mighty man has fallen among us. Many princes of the earth have per- 
ished in their prime, surrounded with all the gorgeous splendors of wealth 
and power, and their country has suffered no damage. But surely it will be 
engraven on the tablets of our history, that Texas wept when Wharton 


Colonel Wharton was among the early emigrants to Texas. Young, active, 
enterprising, intelligent, and endowed with an indomitable spirit of persever- 
ance, he was peculiarly fitted to figure conspicuously in the new, and to ordi- 
nary minds, the difficult circumstances in which Providence and his own 
adventurous energies had placed him. In his early sojourn among us, when 
Texas was but the feeble and neglected nursling of an unkind foster parent, 
he devoted his time and very precious talents to the practice of the law. 
Zealously devoted to his profession, he soon attained an eminence beyond 
his years, and a character for candor, integrity, an exemption from the little- 
ness of practical quirks and quibbles, that endeared him to all his liberal 
associates of the bar. His mind was constructed for the highest acquisitions 
of human knowledge ; and in choosing the profession of the law, he followed 
the natural propensity of his great intellect ; for there is no business of man 
that is better adapted to the almost illimitable range of genius, or to the severe 
exercises of judgment, than that comprehensive and useful science. I have 
said his talents were precocious ; but I intend a relative precocity ; for the 
ripeness of his mind was just beginning to adorn his adopted country by its 
rich developments, when the precious fruit was nipped by the frost of death ; 
and the majestic plant, whose fragrance had shed a sweet savor of prom- 
ised blessings on all around, was translated to a more propitious clime, where, 
I trust in God it will flourish in immortal bloom. 

In the fall of '35, when the alienation of feeling between Texas and 
Mexico was first manifested by deliberate overt acts of aggression on the part 
of the central usurpers, Colonel Wharton was selected by a numerous and 
intelligent constituency to represent the county of Brazoria in the general 
Consultation. His active mind had been intently observant of the rapid and 
apparently fortuitous fluctuations that marked the political career of that 
distracted and unhappy republic ; and in his deep forethought, acting upon 
feelings of unwonted sensibility, and on a spirit which the brightest hero in the 
romance of chivalry might have coveted, he early and warmly advocated 
the separation of Texas from the perverse politics, the bigoted misrule, and 
the retrogressive destinies of Mexico. The impetuous ardor of his mind 
seized the first indication of a design to subvert the constitutional franchise- 
ments of his adopted country ; and his gallant spirit could brook no delay in 
asserting her sacred and unalienated rights. He was among the first to pro- 
pose the independence of Texas ; and true to the frankness of his nature, 
he was foremost with those who nobly bared their bosoms to the storm, 
when that declaration, which gave assurance to the world that a man child 
was born into the family of nations, was pronounced. 

The brief time permitted us to linger about his waste and attenuated 
form, is insufficient to recite the testimonials of his gallantry. It is enough 


to say that he was distinguished on the field of San Jacinto — for there 
were no recreants there. All had strung their chafed and dauntless spirits 
to the high resolve of Liberty or Death ; and he who could make himself con- 
spicuous on such a battle-field, was something more than hero : a hero among 
heroes ! — for never in the annals of war did braver hearts or stouter hands 
contend for Liberty. 

Colonel Wharton was not only a brave man and a patriot : he was a kind, 
affectionate, confiding friend. Having no guile himself, he had an instinc- 
tive aversion to a suspicion of deception in others. Frank, open, honorable, 
and without fear, he never entertained a thought of men or things which his 
lips could hesitate to utter. If he had an enemy, it was the uncalculating 
frankness of his nature that made him so; for it is a truth to be deplored, 
that the ingenuous are often misunderstood, and give undesigned offense 
when they ought to excite admiration. 

With you, gentlemen of the house of representatives, the lamented deceased 
was associated by an intimate political connection. You have observed his 
assiduity, his untiring zeal, his singleness of heart, and his profound and ac- 
curate judgment in all the exalted duties of a legislator. To you he furnished 
ample evidence that his great professional attainments were only inductive to 
the still more enlarged capacities of his intellect, and that when his mind was 
turned to politics, it seemed as if nature had fashioned him for a statesman. 
You are bereaved of a valuable and much valued member — whose vacant seat 
it will be difficult to fill with equal endowments. That eloquent tongue is 
hushed in death, and the grave worm will shortly fatten upon it. Those lips 
that never quivered except under the gush of " words that breathe and 
thoughts that burn," are closed forever, and no more shall these walls rever- 
berate their thrilling enunciations. To you, soldiers ! he was endeared by 
many ties. You have shared with him the toils and privations of an arduous 
and protracted campaign. You have witnessed and have participated in his 
devotion to his country, and his patient endurance of fatigue and suffering in 
the tented field : his agonized indignation at every successive retreat before 
the invading foe. Many of you retain, in vivid recollection, his burning impa- 
tience for the conflict when on the great day of San Jacinto, his buoyant spirit 
gratulated his companions in arms on the near prospect of a battle ; and you 
have marked his gallant bearing when the shock of arms first sounded on 
the plain, and the war-cry of Alamo ! carried terror and dismay into the 
camp of the bloody homicides of Goliad. Behold your brother in arms ! A 
cold, silent, prostrate corse. No more shall the din of war arouse his mar- 
tial spirit to deeds of high enterprise. That lifeless clay would heed it not ; 
for the bright spirit which lately animated and adorned it, has passed tri- 
umphantly beyond the narrow bourn of mortal strifes, to that blessed region 
where " wars and rumors of wars are never heard." 


To you, members of the benevolent Fraternity ! he was an object of pecu- 
liar regard. He exemplified, in an eminent degree, all the cardinal virtues 
which your order proclaims and inculcates. His benevolence was not merely 
masonic, it was catholic ; universal ; and comprehended all classes of the dis- 
tressed. To the poor he was kind, generous, and open "as day in melting 
charity." To the weak and friendless, he was a ready refuge and defense. 
Of him, it may be said with great propriety, in the language of the poet — 

That all the oppressed who wanted strength, 
Had his at their command. 

And to you, mourning friends ! kindred of the dear deceased, oh ! how pre- 
cious was he. You knew his virtues : his kind and gentle benevolence, which 
dispensed its benefactions like the dew of heaven, unheard, unseen, except 
in the substantial blessings on the objects of his charity. The splendor of 
his forensic talents, the high blazonry of his military fame, are subordinate 
to the mild and amiable qualities that beautified his social and domestic rela- 
tions. To you he was a devoted brother in the full, free, unreserved practical 
sense of the fraternal tie. But he is gone ! No more will he grace your 
social circle : no more give the blandness of his cheerful presence to your 
hospitality. But despond not, I beseech you, nor weep as those who have no 
hope. Your friend and our friend died not as the fool dieth. He calmly 
contemplated his approaching dissolution ; and in the pure spirit of christian 
philosophy he avowed his forgiveness of all his enemies, and professed a hope 
of receiving a full and free pardon through the meritorious intercession of the 
blessed Redeemer. 

While we indulge this pious confidence that a merciful God has sealed 
that hope with the signet of his favor, be it our deep concernment to apply 
this inscrutable Providence to our own hearts, and to educe from it the only 
advantage it confers, by taking heed to our own ways. 



The following interesting account of the arrest of Aaron Burr, although 
not directly relating to the subject matter of our volume, still deserves a place 
here, when we consider that the daring subject of the sketch was at the time 
planning an expedition for the occupation of Texas and Mexico. It is from 
"Pickett's History of Alabama." 

It was a cold night in February 1807. Nicholas Perkins, a lawyer, and 
Thomas Malone, clerk of the court, were sitting in their cabin in Wakefield, 


Alabama, playing chess. It was ten o'clock. The sound of horses' feet 
arrested their attention. Two travelers rode up to the door, and calling, 
inquired for the tavern. It was pointed out to them, and one of them 
inquired the road to Colonel Hinson's. Perkins told him that it was seven 
miles distant, that the road was in places indistinct, and that a dangerous 
creek intervened. 

The fire being replenished threw a light upon the face of the one who 
propounded the question. His countenance was remarkable. His eyes 
sparkled like diamonds. He was splendidly mounted, and his fine horse was 
richly caparisoned. No sooner had the strangers rode off than Perkins said 
to Malone, " That is Aaron Burr, I can not be mistaken. We must arrest 
him." He instantly aroused the sheriff. The strange travelers made their 
way to Hinson's, arriving there at eleven o'clock. The moon was just up, 
and enabled the lady of the house, whose husband was absent, to see that 
they were travelers by their saddle-bags and tin cups. The travelers alighted 
and went into the kitchen, where a cheerful fire was blazing. Perkins and the 
sheriff soon reached the house, when the former, as he had been seen, thought 
it politic to remain behind while the sheriff went to the house to make dis- 
covery. Mrs. Hinson, being a relation of the sheriff (Brightwell), was greatly 
relieved when he made his appearance. Brightwell went to the kitchen, where 
he found the two men sitting by the fire, one of them with his head bent for- 
ward, while a handkerchief partly concealed his face. They soon were invited 
into the dining-room, where the hostess had hastily prepared supper. 

While eating, the elder of the travelers engaged in conversation with the 
lady, and thanked her for her kindness, apologizing for the intrusion at that 
hour. At the same time he cast keen glances at the sheriff, who stood near 
the fire. Mrs. Hinson, who had been prompted by Brightwell, after supper was 
over inquired of the younger of the travelers, " Is not your companion Colonel 
Burr?" The gentleman made no response, and in a few minutes both trav- 
elers went out. Next morning after breakfast the two travelers, again and 
again thanking the lady for her hospitality, inquired the road to Pensacola 
and rode away. 

We now return to Perkins, who remained at his post in the woods, shiver- 
ing with cold and wondering why Brightwell did not return. His patience 
at length being exhausted, he mounted his horse and made the best of his way 
to Fort Stoddard, where he arrived at daylight, and notified Captain E. P. 
Gaines of his suspicions. That officer instantly called a file of mounted men 
and, with Perkins, started for Hinson's. At about nine o'clock they met the 
two travelers descending the hill two miles from Hinson's. 

The following conversation ensued : 

Gaines, — " I presume I have the honor of addressing Colonel Burr? " 


Stranger. — " I am a stranger traveling in this State, and do not recognize 
your right to ask that question." 

Gaines. — " I arrest you at the instance of the Federal government." 

Stranger. — " By what authority do you arrest a traveler who is about his 
own private business ? " 

Gaines. — ■' I am an officer of the army, and hold in my hand, the procla- 
mation of the president and governor, ordering your arrest." 

Stranger. — " You are a young man and may not be fully aware of the 
responsibility you assume. " 

Gaines. — " I am aware of the responsibility and know my duty." 

The stranger then in an animated manner denounced the proceedings as 
illegal, and attempted to intimidate the officer; but the latter sternly replied, 
" You must accompany me to Fort Stoddard, where, if you make no attempt 
to escape, you shall be treated with the respect due to the ex-vice-president 
of the United States." 

The stranger gazed at the young officer a moment with earnestness, evi- 
dently surprised at his cool firmness, and then at once wheeled his horse and 
signified his readiness to accompany him. # 

The party reached the fort in the evening ; and Colonel Burr was con- 
ducted to his room, where he dined alone. Next day he appeared at the din- 
ner table, and was introduced to the wife of Captain Gaines, the company of 
which lady he frequently sought while a prisoner at the post, and was often 
her competitor in the game of chess, of which he was fond. He was also very 
attentive to George S. Gaines, brother of the captain, who was sick, and the 
good heart of that gentleman went out in sympathy for the trials and reverses 
of the remarkable man. In all their conversations, the imperturbable Burr 
never once alluded to the designs he had failed to carry out, to his present 
arrest, or to his future plans. 

Meantime Captain Gaines, having made his arrangements to carry his 
distinguished prisoners to Washington, placed Colonel Burr in a boat with a 
file of soldiers, and he was rowed up the Alabama. During their journey 
the ladies often showed their sympathy for the ill-fated and brilliant man. 
Not only the ladies, but many prominent men in the southwest, favored Burr's 
enterprise, and sympathized with him in his misfortunes. Arrived at the boat- 
landing, Burr was placed in charge of Colonel Nicholas Perkins, Thomas 
Malone, Henry B. Slade, John Mills, John Henry, two brothers McCormick, 
and two soldiers. 

Perkins, who was in command, obtained from each man before starting, a 

* It has never been known why Brightwell did not keep his promise with Perkins. It 
is accounted for by supposing that he became so fascinated with the wonderfully captivating 
manner of the man, that he was conducting him on the road he wished to go. 


solemn pledge that he would not suffer the prisoner to influence them in his 
behalf, and to this end he cautioned each not to converse with him when it 
could be avoided. When the prisoner was captured he was attired in a dis- 
guise, consisting of coarse homespun pantaloons, a roundabout of drab color, 
and a flapping wide-brimmed hat. He was permitted to ride the same ele- 
gant horse upon which he was arrested. He bestrode him gracefully, and 
flashing his dark eyes upon the bystanders, bade them farewell, and departed. 
The guard were well armed with pistols, and the soldiers had muskets. 

The only tent taken along was for Burr, and under it he lay the first 
night, while his ears were all night saluted with the fierce howling of wolves. 
Thus in the wilds of Alabama reposed this man, surrounded by a guard and 
without a friend or congenial spirit. He was a prisoner of the United States, 
for whose liberties he had fought ; an exile from his own State, New York, 
whose laws bore in part the impress of his mind. Death had taken his wife, 
his only child was on the distant coast of Carolina, his profession was aban- 
doned, his fortune gone, his great scheme of the conquest of Mexico defeated, 
and he was harassed from one end of the country to the other. Such things 
were quite enough to weigh down a common man. But Burr was not a 
common man. The next morning he arose, and with a cheerful face fell into 
traveling order with his taciturn companions. Though guarded with vigi- 
lance he was treated with respect, and his few wants were gratified. The 
route was a trail running eight miles south of Montgomery, and across 
several large creeks, all of which they were forced to swim. It was a peril- 
ous and exhausting march, and for days the rain descended in torrents upon 
the unsheltered horsemen. Hundred of Indians thronged the trail, and 
they might at any moment have been killed. 

But the fearless Perkins pressed onward despite all obstacles. Burr sat 
firmly in the saddle, always on the alert, although drenched with rain, and at 
night lying on the damp ground, and marching forty miles a day ; yet he 
never for a moment complained. They crossed the Chattahoochee, Flint, and 
Ockmulgee, in canoes, swimming their horses. At Fort Williamson, they were 
first sheltered by a roof — that of a Mr. Bevin. 

At this place and while at breakfast, the publican, in the hearing of the 
prisoner, questioned the guard, " If Burr had not been arrested, and if he 
was not a very bad man? " The guard made no reply; but Burr majesti- 
cally raised his head and said, " I am Aaron Burr, what do you want ? " 
The man stood aghast, and asked no more questions. Reaching South 
Carolina, the prisoner was guarded even more closely, for here lived Colonel 
Alston, a man of influence who was the husband of Burr's only daughter. 

Before reaching Chester court-house, Perkins made a halt, and placed two 
men in front of, and two behind his prisoner ; the other two on either side. 


In this manner they were passing the tavern where many men were stand- 
ing, when Burr suddenly threw himself from his horse, and exclaimed in a 
loud voice : 

" I am Aaron Burr, under military arrest, and 1 claim protection of the 
civil authority." 

Perkins ordered the prisoner to remount ; but he said, " I will not." Per- 
kins instantly threw down his pistol, and seizing him around the waist with 
the grasp of a giant, he lifted him into his saddle. 

Malone caught the reins of the Jiorse, and rapidly led him through the 
town. The astonished citizens thus saw a party enter their village with a 
prisoner, heard him appeal for protection, saw him again thrust into his sad- 
dle, and the whole party vanish, before they recovered from their confusion. 
The least hesitation of Perkins would have lost him his prisoner. Burr burst 
into a flood of tears. The attempt to escape, and its failure, unmanned him. 
Without further incident worthy of note, they reached Fredericksburg, and 
thence, by way of Richmond, arrived at Washington. 



The following account of the adventures of this bold pioneer will be found 
interesting. In the year 1800, Ellis P. Bean, then a boy of eighteen, pos- 
sessed with a spirit of adventure, left his father's home at Bean's station, Ten- 
nessee, and reaching Natchez on the Mississippi, enlisted in the trading com- 
pany of Philip Nolan, then en route for Texas. The company consisted of 
twenty-two men, having in charge a large amount of goods. 

Reaching Texas, and while at a point between the Trinity and Brazos 
rivers, they were attacked by a body of Spanish troops. Nolan and his men 
made a desperate resistance, but were finally overpowered. Thirteen, includ- 
ing Nolan, were killed, and the remaining nine, with Bean, made prisoners. 
The prisoners were taken to San Antonio, and there confined several months. 
Thence they were sent to Chihuahua, by way of Monclova, and there chained 
and imprisoned. Thus they were kept three years, when they were allowed 
the privilege of the city limits, and to labor for themselves. Bean had learned 
the hatting business, and he followed it for a year in Chihuahua, when his long- 
ing to see his native land induced him, with two comrades, to run away, and 
endeavor to reach the United States. The three were arrested near El Paso, 
severely lashed, and again ironed and imprisoned. 

Ellis P. Bean. 

To face p 322. 


Bean's many friends in Chihuahua soon obtained for him again the free- 
dom of the city, and he made a second effort to escape, but was again taken. 
He was now sent under a strong guard to the south of Mexico. On their 
way they came to the city of Guanajuato, where they remained several 
days. While there, Bean's noble and manly bearing won the heart of a beau- 
tiful Mexican senorita of rank, who wrote a letter to him avowing her pas- 
sion, and promising her influence to obtain his liberation ; when she would 
bestow upon him her hand and fortune. But he was hurried away, and never 
permitted to see her. Poor Bean was next conveyed to Acapulco, one of 
the most sickly places on the Pacific, and thrown into a filthy dungeon, where 
no ray of the light of heaven penetrated, and the only air admitted was through 
an aperture in the base of the massive wall, which was six feet thick. In this 
foul abode his body was covered with vermin ; no one was allowed to see him, 
and his food was of the coarsest and most unhealthy kind. In his confine- 
ment his only companion was a white lizard, which he succeeded in taming, 
and which become very fond of him. 

The only air-hole had to be closed at night to prevent the ingress of 
serpents. One night, having neglected to close it, he was awakened by the 
crawling of a monstrous serpent over his body. His presence of mind en- 
abled him to lie perfectly still until, getting hold of a pocket knife which he 
had been able to keep concealed on his person, he pierced the monster in the 
head and escaped his fangs. This exploit so astonished the keeper of the 
prison that by his influence a petition was sent to the governor for a mitiga- 
tion of his confinement. That dignitary graciously decreed that he might 
work in chains, and under a guard of soldiers. Even this was a relief. 
Bean's noble desire for freedom again overcame his prudence. He suc- 
ceeded in freeing himself from his shackles, and with a piece of iron 
killed three of the guard, and fled to the mountains. Again he was hunted 
down and recaptured, nearly starved. His cell now became his only abode, 
and flogging and other indignities were heaped upon him. Another year 
passed, and he was again allowed the liberty of the prison yard under strict 

Once more he made a desperate attempt to escape, killing several sol- 
diers, and taking the road to California. This time he had traveled three 
hundred miles, when he was once more recaptured and carried back. He 
was now confined upon his back, and for weeks was almost devoured by 
vermin. His appeals for mercy were treated with mockery. But his free- 
dom drew nigh. The Mexican revolution of 1810 broke out. The royalists 
became alarmed. They had learned to look upon Bean as a chained lion, 
and now in the hour of their trouble they offered him liberty if he would join 
their standard. He promised, secretly determining that he would desert 


them the first opportunity. He was in a few days sent out with a scout to 
reconnoitre the position of General Morelos, the chief of the republicans. 
When near the camp of that officer, Bean proposed to his comrades that they 
should all join the patriots. His persuasive eloquence was so successful that 
they all agreed, and at once reported to Morelos. 

Upon the information Bean was able to give, an attack was planned and 
executed against the royalists, resulting in a complete victory. 

For this, Bean received a captain's commission, and his fame spread like 
wild-fire through Mexico. For three years he was the chief reliance of 
Morelos, and when he fought, victory followed. He was soon conducted, 
with flying banners, into the town of Acapulco, the scene of his sufferings. 
The wretches who had persecuted him, now on bended knees begged for 
mercy, expecting nothing but instant death. 

But Bean scorned to avenge his wrongs upon them, and dismissed them 
with warnings as to their future conduct. Three years later it was agreed 
that Bean should go to New Orleans and obtain aid for the republicans of 
Mexico. With two companions, he made his way across the country. On 
the route, while stopping a few days at Jalapa, Mexico, he became suddenly 
and violently enamored of a beautiful lady, and married her, promising that, 
after having accomplished his mission, he would return to her. After various 
adventures he reached New Orleans two days before the memorable battle 
of January 8, 1815. 

He at once volunteered as aid to General Jackson, whom he had known 
when a boy; and fought bravely in that decisive action. He afterward re- 
turned to Mexico, and joined his wife, v/ith whom he lived happily many years. 
In 1827, when the Fredonian war broke out at Nacogdoches, Texas, he was 
colonel commanding the Mexican garrison at that place. In 1835, ne re ~ 
turned to Jalapa, Mexico. In 1843, he was still living in Mexico as an officer 
on the retired list of the army of that nation. A volume containing an ac- 
count of his almost fabulous adventures was written by Bean in 181 7, and 
published soon afterward. 



The following extracts are from the graphic pen of our fellow-townsman, 
Major C. S. West, who, under the nom de plume Mark Boyd, has delighted 
the readers of the Turf, Field, and Farm. 

"On the 27th of Febuary, Dr. J. and your humble servant concluded to 
pay a visit to the quail in this region. We did so, with three dogs and two 
breech-loaders, and in about six hours, steady work knocked down fifty-six 
birds. We hunted over inclosed land within three or four miles of the city, 
and would have done much better but for the quantity of birds that had been 
destroyed by traps and nets. We found one of these machines (traps) in nearly 
every thicket, and whenever we came across them we performed a piroutte, 
varied occasionally with a Virginia breakdown. My very soul abhors those 
trappers and netters: creatures — for all are not men who wear the human 
form — who delight in driving a whole covey of innocent birds into a net, and 
bagging and destroying them all at one fell swoop, or inveigling them all at 
once into some infernal trap, without giving the poor little things one manly 
chance for their lives, as we wing shooters do. Is there no law that will reach 
such cold-blooded murder? Are these babes of the wood to be thus ruth- 
lessly taken off? 

"I have no toleration for those men with their traps and nets. There is 
not space for both of us in this breathing world. As Owen Meredith hath it, 

" ' There is no room beneath the all-circling sun 
For me and him." 

" Fair play is a jewel. Give the game little bird a chance ; and if you can cut 
him down while he is going at the rate of sixty miles an hour, do it. Another 
similar nuisance we encountered near a dog-wood thicket, where we came upon 
four or five men prowling mysteriously near the spot. At first we took 
them for a party of francs-tireurs, and were at once transported in imagina- 
tion to the scenes of the Franco-Prussian war. But a nearer inspection 
proved them to be nothing more formidable than a party of pot-hunters from the 
city. They are fit companions for the heroes of the net and trap. They were 
shooting with long, cheap single guns, the barrels of which were apparently 
made from refuse gas-pipes. Each had his pants deeply stuffed into a pair ot 
heavy pot-metal boots, and each had an enormous game-bag slung across his 
shoulders, bell-crowned hats on their heads, and were carrying havoc, death, 
and destruction among doves, robins, field-larks, sap-suckers, yellowhammers, 


blackbirds, and killdee. They were accompanied by a mangy, woolly, 
bench-legged cur, and were shooting that peculiar quality of shot that the 
lamented De Los Llanos used to call high brister. This shot is composed 
of all sizes, from No. 7 up to buckshot. Thus armed and equipped, they are 
ready at a moment's notice to discharge their shooting-irons at anything, from 
a tomtit up to a five-point buck with branching antlers. 

"They occasionally vary the monotony of the scene by shooting a load 
into one of their compadres." 

The following, from the same pen, well describes the scenery in the neigh- 
borhood of Austin, and a few miles south of that place. 

" Though, like many ardent sportsmen, a devoted lover of the beauties of 
nature animate and inanimate, yet it so happened, that shooting over the 
ground only in the autumn and winter, it had never occurred to me to imagine 
how lonely it looked in the pleasant spring time. In approaching the spot 
where we intended to try our luck, you gradually ascend from the valley until 
at the end of two or three miles you attain a considerable elevation, probably 
five hundred feet or more above the level of the gulf, and reach the summit 
of a bold prairie ridge, extending, with occasional broken spurs, three or four 
miles to his right and left. From this point, looking toward the north, the 
spires and domes of the lovely capital of Texas, twelve miles distant, shimmer 
in the sunlight ; immediately beyond them Mount Bonnell, with its summit 
wreathed in a light mist, looks down upon the city ; while at the mountain's 
base, the crystal waters of the Colorado leap over the Mormon Falls and hurry 
on to Matagorda Bay. Immediately in front, in all its quiet pastoral beauty, 
lies the valley of Onion Creek. The blue sky above is flecked with masses 
of light gulf clouds, driven northward by the wind. Such a breath of air 
nothing can surpass, and as I felt it playing upon my cheek I almost fancied 
I could hear the roar of the Mexican gulf from whence it had come, and 
could not help thinking it was the very breezes that Bryant must have felt, 
in all the pulses of his blood, when he wrote : 

" ' . . . . Breezes of the South 
Who toss the golden and the flame-like flowers, 
And fan the prairie hawk that, poised on high, 
Flaps his broad wings yet moves not : 

Ye have played 
Among the plains of Mexico and vines of Texas. 

. . . . tell us, 
Have you fanned a lovelier scene than this ? ' " 



The most notable floods in the Colorado since the settlement of Austin 
have occurred as follows. 

February, 1843, river rose about 36 feet, 
March, 1852, " " ' ; 36 " 
July, 1869, " " " 43 " 

October, 1870, « " " 36 « 

The following account of the flood of 1869 is from the diary of the com- 
piler of this volume. 

' ' The period between the 3d and 7th days of July, 1869, will long be 
remembered by the inhabitants of the Colorado valley, in Texas. On the 3d 
of July began the longest and most uninterrupted rain ever known in this 
locality. It rained without any cessation for about sixty-four hours. The 
usual amount of rain had fallen during the previous months of the year, and 
dry weather might naturally have been expected. But this year the usual 
summer drought did not come. 

" Austin City, the capital of the State, is, as our readers are aware, situated 
on the Colorado River. Its location is upon the east bank of that stream. 
The bank on the Austin side of the river is from forty to fifty feet high above 
the usual water level, and presents a perpendicular bluff. 

" On the opposite side is a sand beach, varying in width from one quarter 
to one mile. The Colorado takes its rise from springs three hundred miles 
north-west of Austin, and several streams of considerable size empty into it 
during its course. Among these are the Concho, the San Saba, the Llano, 
the Pedernales, and others. After two days of rain the river, which had been 
running full, commenced rising rapidly, showing that the rain had been gen- 
eral, and that the tributaries were pouring down their contents. Tuesday 
morning the river was unusually high. But it continued steadily to rise, and 
Wednesday afternoon serious apprehensions began to be felt by those who 
lived upon the lower banks. Their fears were fully realized. During Tues- 
day night and on Wednesday the river rose to the fearful and unprecedented 
height of forty-five feet above rhe usual level. This of course could not take 
place without producing terrible results. On Wednesday the confusion and 
panic were indescribable. It did not show itself however by noisy demon- 
strations. People went to work with a will, to help their neighbors ; and 
during Wednesday all who lived in the immediate vicinity of the river moved 


their families, and such of their chattels as they could, to a place of safety. 
All day the foaming torrent continued to rise higher and higher, bearing 
down upon its bosom houses, trees, fences, cattle, and every thing that came 
in its way. 

" Several persons were drowned, but how many the writer is unable to say. 
On Wednesday night few eyes were closed. All were anxiously watching and 
waiting for news from the great torrent which was passing by their dwellings, 
threatening to ingulf them. At ten o'clock the river came to a stand, and 
after continuing so for an hour or two, s began very slowly to fall. During 
these days of terror and excitement many interesting incidents occurred 
which would well bear recording had we room. The damage done at this 
place was not so great as below on the river, where the banks are not so high. 

" A few houses were washed away and others were invaded by the flood, 
being in some cases nearly filled with water, and great damage was done to 
furniture by hasty and careless moving. But the most of our beautiful city 
is above high-water mark. 

" The town of Webberville, sixteen miles below Austin, was overflowed and 
partially destroyed. Bastrop, sixteen miles still lower down, was partly 
inundated and seriously injured. Lagrange, thirty-five miles below Bastrop, 
was from two to ten feet under water, and the inhabitants were compelled to 
fly to the hills near by and remain without shelter until the flood receded. 
The latter town, which is small, suffered immense loss in property of various 
kinds. After the freshet everybody went to work heartily and cheerfully to 
repair damages. 

" The crops of corn and cotton were very large that year, notwithstanding 
the flood. 

" The mails throughout Western Texas were stopped for about two weeks, 
as the rain prevailed throughout all that portion of the State, and the Blanco, 
Comal, Guadaloupe, and all the other rivers and creeks, overflowed their 


From the Proclamation of General Sam Houston, Commander-in-Chief, Decem- 
ber 12, 1835. 

" Citizens of Texas : Your rights must be defended. The oppressors 
must be driven from our soil. Submission to the laws and union among our- 
selves will render us invincible ; subordination and discipline in our army will 
guarantee to us victory and renown. 

" Our invader has sworn to exterminate us or to sweep us from the soil 



of Texas. He is vigilant in his work of oppression, and has ordered to Texas 
ten thousand men to enforce the unhallowed purposes of his ambition. His 
letters to his subaltern in Texas have been intercepted, and his plans for our 
destruction are disclosed. Departing from the chivalric principles of civilized 
warfare, he has ordered arms to be distributed to a portion of our population 
for the purpose of creating in our midst a servile war. The hopes of the 
usurper were inspired by a belief that the citizens of Texas were disunited and 
divided in opinion : that alone has been the cause of the present invasion of 
our rights. He shall realize the fallacy of his hopes, in the unio?i of our citi- 
zens, and in their eternal resistance to his plans against constitutional liberty. 
We will enjoy our birth-right or perish in its defense." 



From the Report of Thomas J. Rusk, Secretary of War, relative to the battle of 

San Jacinto, April 26, 1836. 

" This glorious achievement is attributed, not to superior force, but to the 
valor of our soldiers and the sanctity of our cause. Our army consisted of 
seven hundred and fifty effective men. This brave band achieved a victory 
as glorious as any on the records of history, and the happy consequences will 
be felt in Texas by succeeding generations. It has saved the country from a 
yoke of bondage, and all who participated in it are entitled to the special 
munificence of government and the heart-felt gratitude of every lover of lib- 
erty. The sun was sinking in the horizon as the battle commenced, but at 
the close of the conflict the sun of liberty and independence rose in Texas, 
never, never to be obscured by the clouds of despotism. We have read deeds 
of chivalry, and perused with ardor the annals of war. We have contem- 
plated with the highest emotions of sublimity, the loud roaring thunder— the 
desolating tornado— and the withering simoom of the desert ; but neither of 
these, nor all of them, inspired us with emotions like those felt on this occa- 
sion. The officers and men were actuated by a like enthusiasm. A general 
cry pervaded the ranks, and that cry was : ' Remember the Alamo ! remember 
La Bahia ! ' * These words electrified all. ' Onward ' was the cry. The 
unerring aim and irresistible energy of the Texan army could not be with- 
stood. It was freemen fighting against the minions of tyranny, and the result 
proved the inequality of the contest" 

* La Bahia, the early name of Goliad. 




(From Mrs. Holly's History of Texas.) 

" It is impossible to imagine the beauty of a Texas prairie when in the 
vernal season its rich luxuriant herbage, adorned with many thousand flow- 
ers of every size and hue, seems to realize the vision of a terrestrial paradise. 
The delicate, gay, and gaudy, are intermingled in delightful confusion ; and 
these fanciful bouquets of fairy nature borrow tenfold charms when asso- 
ciated with the verdant carpet of grass which modestly mantles around. 

" One feels that Omnipotence has here consecrated in the bosom of Nature, 
and under Heaven's wide canopy, a glorious temple in which to receive the 
praise and adoration of the grateful beholder ; and cold indeed must be the 
soul from which no homage could here be elicited. Methinks the veriest 
infidel would here be constrained to bow and worship." 


(From " Letters from Texas," by W. B. Dewees.) 

" You have doubtless often read of a sunset at sea, but I presume have 
never read of a sunset on the prairie. 

" Splendid as is the former, it does not eclipse the latter. When far away 
from home and kindred, upon the bosom of the mighty deep, I have sat and 
watched the orb of day as he slowly sank into his ocean bed, and thought the 
world could not afford another sight as beautiful. But when upon the wide 
prairie night approaches the beholder, and the dazzling, golden rays of the 
sun begin to redden ; and the mighty day-god lays aside his piercing appear- 
ance and permits the eye of man to gaze upon him with impunity, then, 
indeed, the soul is filled with wonder at the sublimity of the scene. The 
gorgeous clouds form a rosy pathway for him to tread, as he walks downward 
into his bed of flowers and verdure. Around him float airy purple clouds, 
while beneath are others tinged with the richest of vermilion. 

" As he sinks slowly down, he resembles a huge ball of fire falling amidst 
the grass of the prairie. When at length the sun is hid for the night, the 
fleecy clouds float for a few moments beneath the azure sky, and then 


" Then the bright silver stars come peeping forth, one after another, glad- 
dening the eye with their twinkling light. Then comes up the full, round 
moon, attended by myriads more of bright stars, into the firmament already 
studded with these gems. Soon the light is sufficiently bright to enable 
the student to continue his labors by the moon's rays. He who is an admirer 
of the beauties of nature, can not look upon a scene like this unmoved. The 
wide prairie, which lies spread out on every side, is here and there relieved 
by a clump of trees, which serve to render the scene enchanting. Poets have 
often sung of the beauty of Italian skies, but those who have seen both, pro- 
nounce ours equally beautiful. It does not appear to me possible that there 
can be a land more lovely than Texas." 


From President Houston's Letter to Santa Anna in March, 1842. 

tl You touchingly invite ' Texas to cover herself anew with the Mexican 
flag.' You certainly intend this as a mockery. You denied us the enjoy- 
ment of the laws under which we came to the country. Her flag was never 
raised in our behalf, nor has it been seen in Texas except when displayed in 
an attempt at our subjugation. We know your lenity — we know your mercy 
— we are ready again to test your powers. You have threatened to plant 
your banner on the banks of the Sabine. Is this done to intimidate us? 
Is this done to alarm us ? Or do you deem it the most successful mode of 
conquest ? If the latter, it may do to amuse the people surrounding you. If 
to alarm us, it will amuse those conversant with the history of your last 
campaign. If to intimidate us, the threat is idle. We have desired peace, — 
you have annoyed our frontier, — you have harassed our citizens ; you have 
incarcerated our traders, after your commissioners had been kindly received, 
and your citizens allowed the privileges of commerce in Texas without 

" You continue aggression — you will not accord to us peace. We will 
have it ? You threaten to conquer Texas. We will war with Mexico. Your 
pretensions, with ours, you have referred to the world, and to the God of 
battles. We refer ours to the same tribunals. The issue involves the fate 
of nations. The event is known to the tribunal of heaven. If the experi- 
ence of the past will authorize speculations of the future, the attitude of 
Mexico is more ' problematical ' than that of Texas." 



From Governor Smith? s Address to the People of Texas, 

" Executive Department, March, 1836. 


" Fellow-Citizens of Texas : The enemy are upon us. A strong force 
surrounds the walls of the Alamo, and threatens that garrison with the 
sword. Our country imperiously demands the service of every patriotic arm, 
and longer to continue in a state of apathy will be criminal. Citizens of 
Texas ! descendants of Washington ! awake ! arouse yourselves ! ! The ques- 
tion is now to be decided, are we to continue freemen, or bow beneath the 
rod of military despotism ? Shall we, without a struggle, sacrifice our for- 
tunes, our liberties, and our lives, or shall we imitate the example of our 
forefathers, and hurl destruction on the heads of our oppressors ? The eyes 
of the world are upon us ! All friends of liberty and the rights of man are 
anxious spectators of our conflict ; or are enlisted in our cause. Shall we 
disappoint their hopes and expectations ? No ! Let us at once fly to arms, 
march to the battle-field, meet the foe, and give renewed evidence to the 
world that the arms of freemen uplifted in defense of their liberties and 
rights are irresistible. ' Now is the day and now is the hour ' that Texas 
expects every man to do his duty. Let us show ourselves worthy to be free, 
and we shall be free I " 


President Burnefs Proclamation to the People of Texas, June 20, 1836. 

"Citizens of Texas: The enemy are again preparing to invade our 
soil. Intent on vengeance for their defeat, they have rallied another horde 
of miscreants, and hope to accomplish by their hasty levies, a conquest which 
the utmost exertions of their favorite chieftain has failed to effect. Urrea, the 
cold-blooded murderer of the gallant Fannin and his noble band, leads the 
returning Vandal host, and threatens to exterminate all free-born Texans. 
Again, fellow-citizens, you are called upon to rally to the standard of your 
country, to sustain the independence you have solemnly pronounced, and to 
preserve your homes, your domestic altars, and your sacred liberty from pol- 
lution and inthrallment. The approaching army threatens to be more for- 
midable than that you so lately and so gloriously vanquished on the plains 
of San Jacinto. But Texans ! what you have once done, you can do again. 


It is the peculiar property of true courage to rise in dignity, and in spirit, as 
the pressure of adverse circumstances increases ; to brighten in cheerfulness 
and resolution, as the storm lowers and gathers darkness. Let us exemplfy 
as a people, this glorious property of the highest military attribute. Let every 
citizen of Texas repair with alacrity to his post. It is the sacred duty of 
every man who calls Texas his home, and who claims a proprietary interest 
in her soil, to stand forth in her defense, in this her hour of peril. Let none 
prove recreant. The trial of real patriotism is at hand. Action, prompt 
energetic action, is the best evidence of a patriot's zeal. Noisy and bluster- 
ing words may deceive for a time, but right actions carry conviction to the 
mind. Let us realize that the ' best security for our families is to be found 
in a gallant bearing before the enemy.' The army is the best buckler we can 
throw around our wives and children. The contest, is for life, liberty, and 
independence. Let every man do his duty, and the glorious prize will be 
gloriously won." 


Houston to Santa Anna, March, 1842. 

" Then was presented to Texas the alternative of tamely crouching to the 
tyrant's lash, or exalting themselves to the attributes of freemen. They 
chose the latter. To chastise them for their presumption you advanced 
upon Texas with your boasted veteran army. You besieged and took the 
Alamo, but under what circumstances ? Not surely those which should 
characterize a general of the nineteenth century. You assailed one hundred 
and fifty men destitute of every supply requisite for defense. Its brave de- 
fenders, worn down by constant vigilance and unremitted duty, were at 
length overwhelmed by nine thousand men, and the place taken. I ask you 
sir, what scenes followed ? Were they such as should characterize an able 
general, a magnanimous warrior, and the president of a great nation ? No ! 
Manliness and generosity would sicken at the recital of the scenes incident 
to your success, and humanity would blush to class you among the chivalric 
spirits of the age of Vandalism. This you are pleased to class in the ' suc- 
cession of your victories ; ' and I presume you would also include the mas- 
sacre at Goliad. Your triumph there, if such you are pleased to term it, 
was not the triumph of arms, — it was the success of perfidy ! Fannin and his 
brave companions had beaten back and defied your veterans. Although 
outnumbered more than seven to one, their valiant, hearty, and indomitable 
courage, and holy devotion to the cause of freedom, had foiled every effort oi 
vour general to insure his success by arms. He had recourse to a flag of 


truce ; and when the surrender of the little patriot band was secured by the 
most solemn treaty stipulations, what were the tragic scenes which ensued ? 
The conditions of the surrender were submitted to you, and, though you 
have denied the facts, instead of restoring them to liberty according to the 
conditions of the capitulation, you ordered them to be executed, contrary to 
every pledge given them, contrary to the rules of war, contrary to every 
principle of humanity. Yet at this day you have the effrontery to animad- 
vert upon the conduct of Texans relative to your captivity after the battle of 
San Jacinto." 


(Texas Almanac, 1861.) 

" It is universally believed in Georgia, that the flag of the Lone Star was 
the work of Miss Troutman, of Crawford county, Georgia, now Mrs. Pope, 
of Alabama ; and by her presented to the Georgia battalion, commanded by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Ward. . . . 

" It was of plain white silk, bearing an azure star of five points on either 
side. On one side was the inscription : '-Liberty or Death] and on the other, 
the appropriate Latin motto : l Ubi Libertas habitat, ibi nostra patria est] 

" This flag was unfurled at Velasco on the 8th day of January, 1836, and 
proudly floated on the breeze from the same liberty pole with the first flag 
of independence, which had just been brought from Goliad by the valiant 
Captain William Brown, who subsequently did such daring service in the navy 
of Texas. . . . 

" On the meeting of the first congress, the flag of the Lone Star was 
adopted as the national flag of the young republic. - 

" A correspondent of the Central Texan denies the claim of Georgia, and 
insists that the first Lone Star flag ever unfurled in Texas, was presented by 
Mrs. Sarah R. Dawson to a company of volunteers raised in Harrisburg, 
Texas, in 1835, and commanded by Captain Andrew Robinson. The flag 
was a tricolor of white, red and blue. The star was white, five-pointed, and 
set in a ground of red." 



From President Lamar's Message, November, 1840.* 

" Scarcely five years have elapsed since Texas, without money or arms, 
or any of the means of war, and with a population of less than forty thousand 
souls, first raised the standard of resistance to the despotism and misrule of a 
government claiming the control of boundless wealth, and of eight millions 
of inhabitants ; and yet, within that short period, and against such fearful odds, 
she has not only achieved and secured her independence beyond the reach of 
doubt, but has maintained a well organized government at home, established 
foreign relations abroad, more than quadrupled her population, and now ex- 
hibits to the world a country teeming with all that is essential to the neces- 
sities or happiness of man ; and this, too, without incurring a debt exceeding 
five millions of dollars including every species of liability both foreign and 
domestic. Can such a state of things as this produce gloom and despondency 
in the hearts of those whose indomitable courage and persevering resolves 
have achieved so much. 

" Assuredly not — on the contrary we find in it abundant cause to felici- 
tate ourselves on the almost magical change which in so short a time has 
already been produced, and every inducement to stimulate us in the pursuit 
of that policy which has thus far led to such fortunate results." 


Speech of Hon. D. S. Kaufman welcoming M. De Saligny to the House of 
Representatives of Texas, November 17, 1840. 

" Sir : On behalf of the House of Representatives I welcome your 
presence in this hall. In you we recognize an ardent and devoted friend of 
Texas ; and more than all, an able and faithful representative of that great 
and gallant nation, the very mention of whose name can not fail to excite the 
liveliest emotions of gratitude in the bosom of every American. Your liberal 
and illustrious sovereign, Louis Philippe, always jealous of his country's 
honor and glory, has never yet evinced an envy of another nation's success. A 
monarchy herself, France has always been ready to extend to republics the 
right hand of fellowship. We have read and heard of her magnanimity to the 

* This long sentence will furnish a good exercise in reading or speaking. 


United States when struggling with the gigantic power of Britain ; we have 
seen and felt her friendship toward us, when we were as yet unnoticed and 
unknown. She has taken us by the hand, and welcomed us into the family 
of nations. . . . 

" To you, sir, as the pupil of the illustrious Lafayette, we feel much indebted 
for our elevated stand among the nations of the earth. You have spared no 
pains — you have left untried no exertions, to disabuse the European mind of 
unjust prejudice against our infant Republic. Go on, sir, in your friendly 
work. Republics are not ungrateful. Texas will long remember with grati- 
tude your friendship to the cause. 

" May the banners of the tri-color and the Lone Star always wave in friend- 
ship and in triumph ; and may the rude blasts of discord never disturb their 
peaceful folds i In the name of the people of Texas, I greet you ! " 


From a Speech of Honorable Forbes Britton, November 21, 1857. 

" Sir : Come with me for a moment to the border dwelling. Do you see 
in the log cabin, that old gray-headed man, who sits over the dying embers, 
his head bowed in sorrow. His hearthstone is bathed in tears, his lonely cot- 
tage is draped in mourning ; his stalwart boy, the prop and staff of his declin- 
ing years, rests beneath yonder oak. In a paroxysm of hope, he raises his 
tearful eyes to the flag of his country ; and it mocks his agony in its violated 
promises of protection. That female form crouching by his side, wringing her 
hands in despair, has lost her husband, her idol, her joy. Lean forward and 
catch the almost inaudible sounds as they escape from her quivering lips, and 
you will hear the meek and submissive prayer : ' Thy will be done on earth 
as it is in Heaven.' No marble slab tells the mournful story, but look into 
their hearts, and you will find inscribed there : ' My poor boy ! my hus- 
band?' Sir, this is the work of the scalping-knife. It is no idle picture — no 
ignis fatuus of the brain to lead off the imagination. No sir ; I speak what I 
know. It is true. There is not a returning season of spring that the lintels 
of our doors are not stained with the blood of our people. Then, sir, if it but 
save the life of one man, woman, or child, give us the pittance we ask ! In 
the name of Justice, — in the name of Mercy, — I ask the passage of the bill." 



From the Remarks of Chief- Justice Hemphill on the Announcement to the Supreme 
Court of the Death of General James Hamilton, December, 1857. 

"James Hamilton can never be forgotten by Texas, the hearts of whose 
people can not disregard his great public services. Among all of her noble 
citizens, not one made greater sacrifices, or served the State with a purer or 
more earnest devotion. His body lies ingulfed in the ocean ; but his name, 
his great deeds, his illustrious example, and the memory of his virtues, remain. 
His fame is burnished on the proudest page of history, and will endure as 
long as history itself shall survive. He was endowed with the finest social 
qualities. His was the heart to charm, and to be loved by all with whom he 
had intercourse. To the beautiful proprieties of his domestic relations, the 
love, tenderness, and affection, which, as with a halo, encircled his family, we 
can only allude. In the depth and anguish of their affliction, that circle is 
sacred, and shall not by us be invaded." 


From the Eulogy on the Death of Hon. James Webb, delivered by Honorable 
J. C. Wilson, November, 1856. 

" He is dead. A gentleman by nature, by culture, by association, but 
not by these alone. He would have been a gentleman anywhere and under 
any circumstances. His patent of nobility was stamped upon the surface ; 
but better far, it was stamped upon the soul. He had the heart of a true 
man. It was a strong, brave, and joyous heart; cheerful, though scarred by 
disappointments and bereavements. Youthful and glowing, though it beat 
beneath the frosts of four and sixty winters. It was a feeling, generous, bold, 
manly heart ; and the man whose breast is warmed by such an one, — I care 
not where or how his lot be cast — is a nobleman of God Almighty's own 
making. That heart is cold and still. It will shed its genial warmth around 
the circle no more. No more shall we listen to his genial wit, or calm unpre- 
tending wisdom, in the social gathering ; nor hear from him the full and 
fluent tide of learning in the forum. He is gone — the modest, gentle, and 
gifted — the wise and learned, the kind and true, has passed away from earth 




Extract from an Address Delivered by Stephen F. Austin, in Louisville, 

Kentucky, March, 1836. 

(From Pease's History of Texas.) 

"When a people consider themselves compelled by circumstances or 
by oppression, to appeal to arms and resort to their natural rights, they 
necessarily submit their cause to the great tribunal of public opinion. The 
people of Texas, confident in the justice of their cause, fearlessly and cheer- 
fully appeal to this tribunal. In doing this, the first step is to show, as I 
trust I shall be able by a succinct statements of facts, that our cause is just, 
and is the cause of light and liberty ; the same holy cause for which our fore- 
fathers fought and bled ; the same cause that has an advocate in the bosom 
of every freeman, no matter in what country, or by what people it may be 
contended for 

" The emancipation of Texas will extend the principles of self-govern- 
ment over a rich and neighboring country, and open a vast field there for 
enterprise, wealth, and happiness ; and for those who wish to escape the 
frozen blasts of a northern climate, by removing to a more congenial one. 
It will promote and accelerate the march of the present age, for it will open 
a door through which a bright and constant stream of light and intelligence 
will flow from this great northern fountain over the benighted regions of 


The following poem is from the pen of Col. R. M. Potter. It has often been incor- 
rectly published. It was furnished by the author, in his own handwriting, to the publisher 
from whom I obtained, it. 

" Arise ! man the wall-— our clarion blast 
Now sounds its final reveille, — 
This dawning morn must be the last 
Our fated band shall ever see. 
To life, but not to hope, farewell. 
Yon trumpet's clang and cannon's peal, • 

Anson Jones. 

See p. 259. 


And storming shout and clash of steel, 
Is ours, — but not our country's knell. 
Welcome the Spartan's death — 

'Tis no despairing strife — 
We fall — we die — but our expiring breath 
Is freedom's breath of life. 

Here on this new Thermopylae, 
Our monument shall tower on high, 
And, Alamo, hereafter be 
On bloodier fields the battle-cry ! 
Thus Travis from the rampart cried ; 
And when his warriors saw the foe 
Like whelming billows move below, — 
At once each dauntless heart replied : 

Welcome the Spartan's death — ■ 
'Tis no despairing strife — 

We fall, but our expiring breath 
Is freedom's breath of life ! 

They come — like autumn leaves they fall, 
Yet hordes on hordes they onward rush, 
With gory tramp they mount the wall, 
Till numbers the defenders crush. 
The last was felled the fight to gain, 
Well may the ruffians quake to tell 
How Travis and his hundred fell, 
Amid a thousand foemen slain. 

They died the Spartan's death, — 
But not in hopeless strife : 

Like brothers died — and their expiring breath 
Was freedom's breath of life." 


From the Valedictory Address of Anson Jones, President of the Republic of Texas, 
Delivered upon the Occasion of the Inauguration of the New State Government^ 
February 19, 1846. 

" The great measure of annexation so earnestly discussed is happily con- 
summated. The present occasion, so full of interest to us and to all the 


peop e of this country, is an earnest of that consummation ; and I am happy 
to greet you, their chosen representatives, and to tender to you my cordial 
congratulations on an event the most extraordinary in the annals of the world 
— one which makes a bright triumph in the history of republican institutions. 
A government is changed both in its officers and in its organization — not by 
violence and disorder, but by the deliberate and free consent of its citizens ; 
and amid perfect and universal peace and tranquillity, the sovereignty of the 
nation is surrendered, and incorporated with that of another. 

• • • • • s • • • • 

" The Lone Star of Texas, which ten years since arose amid clouds, over 
fields of carnage, and obscurely seen for awhile, has culminated, and following 
an inscrutable destiny, has passed on and become fixed forever in that glori- 
ous constellation which all freemen and lovers of freedom in the world must 
reverence and adore — the American Union. Blending its rays with its sister 
States, long may it continue to shine, and may generous Heaven smile upon 
this consummation of the wishes of the two Republics now joined in one. 
May the Union be perpetual, and may it be the means of conferring benefits 
and blessings upon the people of all the States, is my ardent prayer. 

" The first act in the great drama is now performed. The Republic of 
Texas is no more." 


From the Report of the Committee on Foreign Relations to the Senate of the Re- 
public of Texas, January 20, 1845. 

" The annexation of Texas to the United States, already so emphati- 
cally willed by the people of both countries, will, when consummated, be 
among the most interesting events recorded in the annals of history. It will 
stand without a parallel in political changes. It is true that the chronicles 
of nations are full of the change of governments, of the extension of empire, of 
the partition of the weaker among the stronger powers ; but this will be the 
first instance where a few sovereign and independent people will have merged 
their government in another by their own free-will and consent. 

" Other nations have lost their separate and independent existence, but 
they have fallen before the bloody car of conquest ; and have been appropri- 
ated as the successful spoils of ambition. They have only changed masters, 
and in too many instances, have had substituted a more intolerable despotism 
than that which preceded it. But here, how different will be the change — 
how incomparably different-must be the results : Our weakness will become 
strength ; our danger, safety ; and desolation of heart will be supplanted by 


smiles of joy. In this change there will be no compulsion ; — no force — no 
rapacity — no desire for aggrandizement : nothing but the stern determination 
peculiar to, and characteristic of, freemen, to extend the area of rational 
liberty ; to render more durable republican institutions ; and to perpetuate 
the glory of the American name. Who would not exult in the appellation of 
an American citizen ? 

" What country is there contiguous to the United States, that would not re- 
joice to share the benefits, the privileges and the protection of that government? 

" Would not the incorporation of Texas into the American Union be pref- 
erable to the tardy, the uncertain, and the hazardous experiment of build- 
ing up a new government, burdened with debt, and possessed of peculiar 
domestic institutions which invite the improper interference and misplaced 
philanthropy of the world ? 

" Ought the restoration of the mutilated province of Louisiana be longer 
delayed, when Providence, by a peculiar and most extraordinary series of 
events, seems to have pointed out the easy means of frustrating the designs 
of men— or at least their bad counsels ? The imbecility of Spain — the 
anarchy of Mexico, the daring attempt of Santa Anna to destroy the consti- 
tution of the country, the resistance and bravery of the people of Texas, the 
carnage of San Jacinto, and the enlightened judgment of the people of the 
United States, have all admirably conspired to bring about that restoration. 
' What God hath joined together, let not man put asunder.' Texas is a part 
of the great valley of the Mississippi. Her people are the people of the 
United States ; and although separated for awhile from her natural allies, 
the time is at hand when the error will be remedied, and the ' lost pleiad ' 
return again to its native sky." 


Black was the night that brooded o'er the land, 

Sombre the clouds that walked athwart the sky, 
Chilly the winds that whistled o'er the plain ; 

But stout the hearts that beat unitedly. 
That night was Despotism's darkest hour, — 

Those clouds and winds, the foes which gathered near ; 
Stout hearts might well, dismayed in terror, cower j 

But those were Texan hearts that knew no fear. 


See — just above th' horizon's farthest edge 

A lone star rises in the gloomy night; 
Dimly, and tremblingly, its rays are seen 

Shining through cloud-rifts, or concealed from sight ; 
Faintly it glimmers o'er the Alamo — 

Redly it gleams above Jacinto's field, — 
Higher it rises — now, brave hearts, rejoice — 

'Tis fixed in beauty on Heaven's azure shield. 

Lovers of liberty, — where'er ye dwell ! 

Foes of oppression, — be ye far or near ! 
Hearts that with sympathy for freemen swell ! 

Ye who the name of Washington revere ! 
Behold that star ! — the peer of all around, 

Blazing from out united stars 'tis seen — 
A " lone star " free, — now free amid the free, 

Unchanged, undimmed, unclouded, and serene. 


Many a thrilling incident of border life connected with the early history 
of Texas will never be recorded. It has been the lot of the writer to become 
acquainted with some of the early settlers of that State, and to hear them tell 
many a tale of danger and of daring. One of them is here narrated. 

Adam, or Ad, Lawrence settled near the head waters of the Trinity River, 
in Texas, in 1829. 

No man could be by nature better adapted to the profession he had chosen. 
Athletic in body, and undaunted in spirit, he was especially fitted to risk the 
dangers of frontier life. At the time the writer of this sketch first became 
acquainted with him, he was upward of sixty years of age, modest in manner, 
simple and unaffected in language. Rough as he appeared to the casual 
observer, he was kind and gentle, and the following incident as it fell from his 
lips, bore the impress of being a simple recital of unvarnished facts. In the 
summer of 1832, Ad. Lawrence, with three other men, went out mustanging. 

A brief account of the mode in which these hardy frontiersmen were wont 
to capture the wild horses of the prairie, will interest the reader. 

A few expert riders, mounted upon strong and fleet horses, and each pro- 
vided with a strong rope, having discovered a herd of mustangs, would grad- 
ually approach to within a short distance of them, and then making a 


simultaneous dash among them, would each throw a lasso over the neck 
of one, and after a vigorous and exciting contest of half an hour or more 
would generally succeed in capturing their prizes. The mustangs, after 
being once conquered, are easily managed, and by kind treatment soon become 
perfectly gentle. Some of them are beautiful animals, " pretty as a picture," 
and most of them being natural pacers, make excellent riding horses. 

These wild horses frequented the prairies of Texas at the time of my story. 
Even since the writer's advent to this State, in 1850, he has seen several large 
herds. Of late years, they have retreated before the approach of the white 
man, to more distant wilds. 

When about ten miles from the nearest settlement, and far out in the broad 
prairie, Lawrence and his companions discovered a herd of mustangs feeding, 
a mile or two distant. They approached them cautiously. As they came 
nearer, the horses, about one hundred in number, showed no signs of fear ; 
and when noticing this singular circumstance, the long grass of the prairie 
suddenly became alive with Indians. The remainder of the story will sound 
better in Ad's own language. 

" There was one to each pony, and they all mounted at a jump, and made for 
us at full speed, coiling their lariats as they rode. There was no time for swap- 
ping horses, so we all turned tail and made a straight shoot for the nearest set- 
tlement on Trinity, about ten miles off. Our animals were all fine, but the nag 
I was on was a black mare a little ahead of any thing in that country for speed 
and bottom. We rather left them the first three miles, but then their ponies 
began to show themselves. I tell you, you've no idea how much an Indian can 
get out of them mustangs. Instead of being a weight to them, they seem to 
help them along, and they kept up such a powerful yelling, 'pears like you 
might have heard them to Red River. We noticed that they divided, one 
half striking off to the left, and we soon found out the reason, for we quickly 
came to the bank of a deep gully or ravine, which had to be headed, it 
couldn't be crossed. They knew every inch of the ground, and one party 
made straight for the head of it, while the balance struck in below us to cut 
us off in that direction. 'Twas no use talking. We had to ride about a quar- 
ter of a mile to the left, right in their very faces, and head that branch. My 
nag was still tolerably fresh. The others were beginning to blow right 
smartly. I rode just fast enough to keep in the lead. I didn't care particu- 
larly about getting off without knowing what became of my companions. 
Just as I came to the head of the hollow, the Indians were within about one 
hundred yards, and yelling awfully. 

" They thought they had us sure. I gave my mare the rein, and just touched 
her with my spur, and turned the corner with about fifty arrows whizzing about 
my ears. One stuck in my buckskin jacket, and one in my mare's neck ; 
you may believe she didn't go any slower for that. For awhile I thought she 


cleared about twenty feet at a jump. Soon as I got headed right again, I 
looked around to see what had become of the others. One look showed me. 
They were all down. About half the red skins had stopped to finish them, 
and the balance were coming for me like red-hot lightning. I felt kind of 
dizzy like for a minute, and then I straightened up and determined to get 
away if I could. I hadn't much fears, if I didn't have to head another branch. 
I could see the timber of Trinity three miles away, and I gave my mare her 
own head. She had been powerful badly scared, and had been working too 
hard, and she was puffing a good deal. 

" I managed to pull out the arrow which was sticking in her neck. Then I 
worked off my heavy buckskin coat, which was flopping about with the arrow 
sticking in it, catching a good deal of wind, and threw it away. I kept on 
about a mile further without gaining or losing much. Then I made up my 
mind to stop and let my nag blow a little, because I knew if I didn't she 
couldn't hold up much longer. So I pulled up, and alighted and looked 
around. Seemed as if the whole country was alive with them. About forty 
in a bunch a few hundred yards behind, and one not a hundred yards off. I 
loosened my saddle-girth so she could breathe good, took my bridle in my left 
hand, and pulled my butcher knife with my right. It was the only weapon I 
had, I had dropped my rifle when I got dizzy. The Indian was game. He 
never stopped until he got within ten feet of me. Then he throwed away his 
bow, jumped off, and came at me with a long knife like mine. 

" There wasn't time for a long fight. I had made my calculations, and he 
was too sure he had me. He ran full against my knife, and I left him lying 
there. I heard an awful howl from the others, as I pulled off my heavy boots, 
tightened my girth, and mounted. A few minutes more and I struck the tim- 
ber of the Trinity, and made the best of my way through it to the river. 

" I knew that for miles up and down the banks were bluff, and fifteen or 
twenty feet high. Where I struck the river they were about fifteen. I knew if 
my mare wouldn't take the leap I had to do it without her. She stopped an 
instant and snorted once or twice, but hearing the savages yell close behind, 
she took the jump. Down — down we went, full fifteen feet, plump into the 
deep water. We both went under for a second, then she rose, and struck out for 
the opposite bank with me on her back. Poor creature, she got about two- 
thirds across, and then gave out under me with a groan. I tell you I fairly 
loved that animal that moment, and hated to leave her as bad as if she'd been 

" I swam the rest of the way, and crawled out on the bank pretty well used 
up. But I was safe. I saw the howling and disappointed savages come to 
the bank I had left. But not one of them dared take the leap. And the dis- 
tance was too great for tham to shoot. So I rested awhile and then made 
the best of my way to the settlements." 



The gigantic civil war of 186 1-5 in the United States, presents in the 
history of our nation a momentous era. The financial condition of the South 
was during the time mentioned at once novel and startling. In the early 
part of the struggle the new government at Richmond, to meet its passing 
wants, provided for the issuance of an immense amount of paper money. 
This being put into the hands of army contractors, quartermasters, and com- 
missaries, speedily found its way to every part of the South. Then followed 
a scene in commercial matters difficult to be described. Gold, ever jealous 
of its own value, and fearful of being depreciated by being brought into con- 
tact with this new money, immediately withdrew from the public gaze, and 
crept into the safe of the merchant, and the stocking and shot-bag of the 
countryman. In no respect behind in this money-making, the several States 
issued a large amount of their notes, for circulation within their borders. 
Following the example of the States and the general government, and big 
with the importance of the occasion, each county of each State, and every 
city in every county, poured its offering into the public lap in the shape of a 
large amount of county or city warrants to be used as money, in amounts 
varying from twenty-five cents to ten dollars. 

One would suppose that money would have been plenty enough now ; but 
no — every man in business, from the first merchant in the city down to the 
negro barber around the corner, boiling over with patriotism, threw out 
upon the public bushels of shin-plasters, which he coolly gave you in exchange 
for your Confederate money or State warrants, and blandly assured you that 
it was quite necessary for the public welfare, perfectly solvent, and an elegant 
circulating medium. What did it signify that his next door neighbor who 
sold lager beer would not receive it, but assured you that his money was 
current throughout the city ? Or that the druggist over the way who sold 
you a bottle of bitters declared that they both were worthless, and that he 
had only been driven to the necessity of issuing his tickets to supply the 
demand for small change ? This only argued envy, hatred, malice, and all 
uncharitableness, and detracted nothing from the intrinsic value of the cir- 
culating medium. A perfectly anomalous condition of affairs now presented 
itself. Scores of men who never had a hundred dollars in coin at a time in 
their lives, opened shops, got a box of tobacco, a barrel of whisky, and a few 
remnants of dry goods, and began making paper money and buying houses 
and lands. Every individual sovereign in the land, no matter how ragged his 


breeches, had his pockets full of money and could accommodate you to any 
thing you wanted from a confederate fifty dollar note to a twenty-five cent 
county warrant, or from a five hundred dollar four per cent, bond down to a 
ten cent " Sour Lake Volcanic Springs " shin-plaster. This was the state 
of things in the year 1862. During that year Confederate money fell to 
twenty-five cents on the dollar, and in 1864, by the first of July it had reached 
a point when it was worth but two cents on the dollar, or fifty for one. 

The existence of the blockade, which the Federal government had strictly 
enforced since the beginning of the war, prevented the monetary affairs of the 
Southern Confederacy from affecting the rest of the world. 

Thrown entirely upon their own resources, the people depended upon 
themselves, and the immense debt due by the Confederate government was 
due almost entirely to its own citizens, who regarded its settlement as doubtful, 
and as a matter of comparatively small consequence. During all this time the 
government tried to enhance the value of its money by a direct tax levied 
upon it. These taxes, which in amount perhaps exceeded any thing recorded 
in history, amounting to ten, twenty, thirty, or even fifty per cent, in some cases, 
were submitted to and paid by the people with a resignation which the ancient 
patriarch of Uz would have contemplated with profound respect. 

The following scene, which the writer has located in one of the drug stores 
of a city in Texas, will serve to show the reader how business was transacted 
in those days. The reader may be assured that it is not overdrawn in any 
material point. 


Proprietor. Exempt by being over fifty years old. 
John, the clerk. Exempt by occupation. 
Charlie. Half-grown negro boy. 

The scene opens in the morning. Enter Proprietor wearing a dignified face and a 
threadbare coat ; also CHARLIE, wearing a dilapidated pair of breeches, one leg 
of which is much shorter than the other. 

Proprietor. — " Charlie, sweep out the establishment, having first sprinkled 

the floor with aqua pura." 

Charlie proceeds to sweep, and in a few minutes came to his master with a ha?td- 

ful of paper. 

Charlie. — " Here mas'r, de mice has been making a mess of de 'federate 
money, I 'spec." 

"Proprietor. — " Damn those mice, here's several twenties gone ; very well, 
go on with your sweeping." 


Enter Clerk. 

Proprietor, — " John, please go out on the street and find out what Confed- 
erate money is worth this morning." 

John £"<?£? out, and in a few minutes returns. 

John. — "Worth forty for one, this morning." 

Proprietor. — " Very well, please step around to the tax-office and see if 
any taxes are due to-day, and how much." 

Exit John, and enter Customer clad in a squirrel-skin cap and a six-shooter. 

Customer. — " Got any quinine ? " 

Proprietor. — " Yes — do you want a bottle ? " 

Customer. — Yes — how much is it ? " 

Proprietor.- — " Four hundred and eighty dollars an ounce." 

Re-e?iter John. 

John. — " There are several taxes to pay to-day. Quarterly tax on sales 
— thirty per cent, on profits, five per cent, ad valorem and income tax." 

Proprietor. — " How much do they amount to ? " 

John. — " About ten thousand dollars." 

Proprietor. — " All right, please pay them." 

Customer. — " How do you take new issue ? " 

Proprietor. — " Twenty for one." 

Customer. — " How do you take one hundred dollar bills ? " 

Proprietor. — " Interest or non-interest ? " 

Customer. — " Non-interest." 

Proprietor. — " Forty for one, with an additional discount of 33^ per cent, 
and ten per cent, further deduction for each month since July." 

Customer. — i( H — 11, how much would that be ? " 

Proprietor. — " Don't know — take that slate and figure it up yourself." 

Customer. — " How do you take fives ? " 

Proprietor. — " Same as new issue." 

Enter another Customer. 

2d Customer. — I want an ounce of laudanum." 

Proprietor takes a black bottle capable of holding about a quart, and having 
poured an ounce of laudanum into a brokeii graduate, transfers it to the bottle, 
stops it with a cor 71 cob, and sets it before the customer, who asks the price. 

Proprietor. — " Twenty dollars." 

2d Customer. — " How do you take hundred-dollar interest-bearing 
notes ? " 


Proprietor. — " I don't know what they're worth." 
2d Customer. — " What is State money going at ? " 
Proprietor. — " Ten for one." 

id Customer pays a torn twenty dollar note for his laudanum, which the Proprie- 
tor hands to Charles with an injunction to paste it and put it where the mice 
cant get it. Enter a small boy, who inquired if that establishment redeems its 
own shin-plasters, and having received an affirmative reply, produces a torn bit 
of paper on which the numerals 25 can with some difficulty be deciphered, 
and having received therefor five postage-stamps he retires. 

Proprietor. — " John, we're a great nation." 
John.—" We are." 



The victorious march of Sherman through Georgia and the Carolinas 
was followed by a few days of portentous calm. 

This was followed by the crushing news of the evacuation of Richmond, 
and the surrender of Lee and the army of Northern Virginia. 

This stunning intelligence was received by those who expected it in silence, 
by others in gloomy astonishment. The bulwark of the Southern confederacy 
was gone — the hopes of the people were dashed to earth. 

The great weight of Lee's character, and the confidence which the people 
of the South reposed in him, were sufficient to justify the belief that what he 
had done, he had done from an honest conviction that the cause had become 
hopeless ; and having reached this conclusion, he would use his influence to 
put a stop to the further effusion of blood. A few days more, and the sur- 
render of Johnston put out the last ray of hope in the hearts of the most 

The capitulation of Taylor was accepted as a foregone conclusion, and on 
all sides it was admitted that the Cis-Mississippi department was powerless 
for further resistance. 

Then it was told that the Federal commissioners had reached Shreveport, 
to demand of General E. Kirby Smith the surrender of the Trans-Mississippi 
department. At this juncture the mail stopped, and for two days we were 
entirely in the dark as to what was transpiring. 

Then half a dozen of our citizen soldiers came home and told us that the 
army was disbanded. This in a day or two more was proved to be true, by 


the arrival of hundreds of soldiers at Austin, Texas, on their way to their 
homes in different parts of the State. 

The consequence of disbanding twenty thousand men, who had been in the 
service three or four years without having received any pay for their services, 
can be imagined only by those who have made history their study. 

Discontented and disorderly, a few of them reckless and desperate, all 
with arms in their hands, they started home. 

The writer was in Austin at the time, and some of the incidents which 
occurred there will furnish a theme for the remainder of this article. 

Company after company of men came to the place, and the idea having 
occurred or been suggested to them, that there was a large amount of govern- 
ment stores in the quartermasters' and commissary store-houses in various 
parts of the city, an immediate direction was given to the uneasy spirit which 
prevailed. The scenes which followed beggar description. Crowds of sol- 
diers collected in front of every government building in town, demanding the 
keys, and when these where not forthcoming at once, the doors were broken 
in, and the grab game commenced. The mania to " hold fast what you get, 
and catch what you can," was by no means confined to the soldiers. Num- 
bers of men who had never taken any part in the war, together with women, 
children, and negroes, assembled around the places where coffee, flour, sugar, 
salt, bacon, cloth, rope, leather, cotton, medicines, etc., etc., were dealt out 
with unsparing hands. Individuals might be seen going away from these 
places, loaded in the most grotesque manner. Here a man with a bale of 
rope in his hands, and a string of tin cups around his neck ; then another 
with two or three saddles on his back. Here one with a can of bals. copaiba 
or a case of quinine ; then another staggering under the weight of a heavy 
side of leather. 

Here a woman might be heard vociferating an order to a negro to take a 
sack of flour to her house ; there another who declared that her brother-in- 
law had been in the war all through the thing, and had never realized a 
cent from it yet. Here might be seen a small boy with his arms full of cotton 
cards, and his pocket full of epsom salts ; there another bearing off in triumph 
a tin bucket full of fixed ammunition. 

At the cotton warehouse in another part of the town the scene was scarcely 
less exciting. Bales of cotton were rolled out upon the pavement, the ropes 
cut, and everybody invited to " pitch in." The snowy staple was borne off by 
the bale, sackful, armful, hatful, pocketful, by women, children, and negroes, 
irrespective of services rendered in the army of the Confederate States. 

While affairs thus progressed in the city, a party of soldiers were busily 
scouring the country in search of mules, horses and wagons belonging to the 
government, and every quadruped having upon him C. S., or in company 


with those having that brand, was incontinently seized upon. Woe to the 
luckless wight who might chance to be riding a mule with a confederate cast 
of countenance. No matter if he were going for the doctor, or to preaching. 
No matter if a hundred miles from home, if the beast looked like a con- 
script, the rider was at once dismounted. 

Trains of wagons were stopped and the animals taken therefrom ; and in 
some instances the wagons left standing in the road. These seizures were made 
without violence or noise. Indeed the whole performance looked more like 
holiday sport than reality. In most instances private property was respected. 
Meantime the whole country was full of direful rumors. " Houston, San 
Antonio, and other places, were reported sacked and burned : the country was 
being laid waste. Large bodies of soldiers were on their way swearing vengeance 
against Austin. Sixty thousand Federals had landed at Galveston and would 
arrive in a few days." " General Magruder was hung." Such were some of 
the stories which persons of weak nerves industriously circulated and believed. 
The State was in a fever of excitement. This condition of affairs lasted about 
ten days or two weeks, after which the disbanded troops quietly dispersed to 
their homes. Probable in no other country under the sun save in the United 
States could such large armies have been suddenly disbanded without spread- 
ing terror throughout the land. 

Thus collapsed the Trans-Mississippi Department. Ground down with 
taxation, heartily tired of conscription, sick of impressment, and disgusted 
with the corruption of officials, and government contractors, the mass of the 
people accepted the result with a feeling that was almost satisfaction. 


Our neighbors of Mexico are au fait at revolutionizing. The practice of 
centuries has made them perfect in that branch of political economy. Peopled 
by a class of men, who by nature and education are alike unable to appreciate 
the blessings of a free government, she has been the sport and fury of every 
political mountebank who has bayonets enough at his heels to enforce his 
claims. Her civil contortions have been frightful. Her revolutions are per- 
formed with as much certainty, though by no means with same regularity as 
those of our solar system. 

For instance, each State revolves upon its own axis oftener, upon an aver- 
age than the planets, but the whole claim the privilege of gyrating around the 
central government no oftener than it suits them. Three-quarters of a cen- 


tury ago the French were considered tolerably adept at overthrowing a 
Bourbon and establishing a Bonaparte ; but then French revolutions were 
expensive. It was considered necessary to raise barricades, and to rake the 
streets of Paris with grape-shot, while the ax of the guillotine worked up and 
down with as much regularity as a trip-hammer. Besides this, it took at least 
a month in Paris to pull down a dynasty and set up a despotism. In Mexico, 
on the contrary, the science of revolution is so well understood that no extra 
time is lost, twenty-four hours being amply sufficient; no extra blood is spilt ; 
citizens are not deprived of more than one night's rest under ordinary circum- 
stances ; a gun or two are fired, zpronunciamento issued, and the thing is done. 
True it is that fighting occasionally takes place, but I am credibly informed 
that after a terrific engagement of two days between the ins and the outs, at 
Matamoras in 1862, when the cannonading was so incessant that the innocent 
people on the Texas side of the Rio Grande thought that half the denizens of 
Mexico must be in articulo mortis, a careful summing up of the casualties 
showed a total loss of one killed and two wounded. The reason of this is 
obvious. Most of the fighting is done in the night, in order that individuals 
who might be disposed to be hostile, may not be able to see to perpetrate 
acts of violence upon the brave men who man the artillery. In order to give 
the reader some faint idea of the facility with which power is transferred 
in Mexico, a sketch is given below in the words of an eye-witness, a friend of 
the writer. 

" During the summer of 1863, 1 was in Matamoras, the capital of the State 
of Tamaulipas. One morning my black servant failed to come to my room 
at seven o'clock, as usual. His absence remained unexplained until nine 
o'clock, when he came running in in a state of great excitement. * What's 
the matter, Ben ? ' ' Don't know, massa. ' Spec dars a revolution going on — 
I'se been in de calaboose two hours.' Having arranged my toilet I went out 
for the purpose of getting my breakfast, but scarcely had I emerged from the 
house, when I beheld a person who I was told was Governor Ruiz, making 
very good time down the street, coat-tails standing out at about forty-five 
degrees, bare-headed, and presenting altogether a very ungubernatorial appear- 
ance. Not very far behind was a file of soldiers in hot pursuit. I at once 
retired to the interior, as I had been informed that the first act in the drama 
of a Mexican revolution was to lock up all persons who were found out, irre- 
spective of age, sex, color, position, or occupation. Having waited about two 
hours, or as I supposed sufficiently long for the turbid political waters to 
subside, I again peered out, and discovered a person who informed me that 
since the previous night there had been two Chief Magistrates, and that a 
third, Serna, was now about being inaugurated. As I had enjoyed a slight 
previous acquaintance with Serna, I at once made bold to proceed to his 


office to obtain, if possible, a passport, to leave before the political horizon 
should again become darkened. I reached the office of that dignitary just 
as an animated discussion was taking place between two officials, each of 
whom claimed to be secretary of state. This having been summarily decided 
by one of them being marched off between two bayonets, I fortunately suc- 
ceeded in obtaining my passports. Had I left at once all would have been 
well, but having a buggy and a pair of horses, together with my baggage at 
the hotel, I delayed long enough to secure them and then took my departure. 

" Scarcely had I reached the suburbs of the city, my heart meanwhile grow- 
ing light at the prospect of getting away safely, when — such is the uncer- 
tainty of Mexican affairs — my way was intercepted by a party of cavalry. I 
at once produced my passports, which the officer in command commenced 
diligently reading upside down. 

" Finding that this operation would be likely to delay me some time, I told 
him that it was all right, Governor Serna had given it to me. Unfortunate 
blunder. His brow grew dark as he informed me that Serna was no longer 
governor of Tamaulipas, but that Cortina was the man. Here was a pretty 
affair. At this rate there would be two or three more rulers before I could 
get out of their jurisdiction. A bright thought struck me. I drew out five 
dollars. The brow of the agent relaxed, but he still held on to my passports. 
I drew out five dollars more. A smile broke over his face, as he handed me 
my papers, and with a polite t bueno, adios senor] bade me farewell. Be 
assured I did not suffer the grass to grow under my feet until I had crossed 
the Rio Grande in Texas." 



In the year i860, while Houston was Governor of Texas, an expedition 
was fitted out for frontier protection. In the purchase of medical supplies 
the Governor gave strict orders that no liquor should be included, under pen- 
alty of his serious displeasure. In the requisition for medical stores made 

by Dr. T , surgeon of the regiment, were included, Spts. Vini Gallici, bottles 

24. This was duly furnished with the other articles, and the bill was taken 
to General Houston for his approval. The old gentleman settled his spec- 
tacles upon his nose, and gravely putting his eagle quill behind his ear, read 
the bill through slowly and carefully until he came to the item in question, 
when he 'turned to the druggist and said : " Mr. B , what is this, Spts. Vini 


Gallici? " "That, General, is brandy." " Ah, yes, and do you know that I 
have given positive orders that no liquor should be furnished for this expedi- 
tion ? " " No, General, I was not aware of it ? " The general rang his bell. 

" Call Dr. T -." The doctor was summoned. " Dr. T , what is this 

Spts. Vini Gallici for ? " " That, Governor, is for snake-bites." Appealing 

to the druggist, the Governor continued, " Mr. B , is Spts. Vini Gallici 

good for snake-bites ? " " Yes sir, it is so considered." " Yes," replied 

General Houston, in slow and measured tones, " and there is Dr. T , who 

would cheerfully consent to be bitten by a rattle-snake every morning before 
breakfast, in order to obtain a drink of this Spts. Vini Gallici." Having thus 
delivered himself he approved the account. 


Copy of a letter ; never before published, written by J. W. Fannin, a few days 
before his capture. The letter was found among the private papers of Colonel T. 
F, McKinney, 

Goliad, 28th February, 1836. 

Mr. Jos. Mims : 

The advice I gave you a few days back is too true. The enemy have 
the town of Bexar, with a large force, and I fear will soon have our brave 
countrymen in the Alamo. Another force is near me, and crossed the 
Nueces yesterday morning, and attacked a party by surprise under Colonel 
Johnson, and routed them, killing Captain Pearson and several others after 
they had surrendered. I have about four hundred and twenty men here, and 
if I can get provisions in to-morrow or next day, can maintain myself against 
any force. I will never give up the ship while there is a pea in the ditch. 
If I am whipped it will be well done, and you may never expect to see me. 
I hope to see all Texans in arms soon. If not, we shall lose our homes, and 
must go east of the Trinity for awhile. Look to our property ; save it for 
my family, whatever may be my fate. I expect some in about this time by 
Coagly, and wish you would receive and take care of it, I now tell you, Be 

always ready If my family arrive, send my wife this letter. 

T nquire of McKinney. Hoping for the best, and prepared for the worst, 
'n a devil of a bad humor. 


J. W. Fannin, Jr. 




Every old citizen of Austin remembers Frederick Dawson, of Baltimore, 
Maryland, who furnished money to help Texas in her early struggles. Daw- 
son was a jovial gentleman of huge proportions, and used to come to Austin 
during the sessions of the Legislature after annexation, to press his claims 
for settlement with the State of Texas. He was a jolly companion, a good 
liver, very fond of brown stout, and had a laugh which waked the echoes around 
Austin in a marvellous manner. 

In the amplitude of his proportions and the magnitude of his laugh, 
Dawson was rivaled by Bart Sims, a denizen of the Colorado valley. They 
had never met before the occasion under consideration, consequently their 
points of resemblance were unknown to each other. Upon this day, the 
gentlemen above-named being both in town, the street boys conceived the 
remarkably brilliant notion to have Sims and Dawson laugh for a wager. 
No sooner said than done. The duello was agreed upon by the principals, 
drinks for the whole population were staked upon the result, judges were 
duly chosen, and the cachinnation commenced. 

Never before or since has the sun of Texas shone upon a more peculiar 
spectacle. For half an hour, the log-houses within, and the hills around the 
seat of government of the Lone Star State, echoed and reechoed to laughter 
of the most thundering description. 

Dogs, pigs, chickens, and little children ran away terrified ; and men, 
women, and larger boys and girls, who didn't know what was the matter, 
poked their heads out of the doors and windows adjacent, in wonderment, 
Gradually, the bystanders becoming infected with the fun of the thing, joined 
in the loud smile, and from the head of Congress Avenue to its foot, the 
street was one astounding roar. At one moment the star of Sims would 
appear to be in the ascendant in this equally matched contest, but the next 
instant Dawson would gather himself for a mighty effort, and roll out a peal 
that would put the neigh of a horse or the bray of an ass to shame unutter- 
able. At length the match was over, and the crowd awaited the decision of 
the umpires, who, after due deliberation, gave the award in favor of Dawson. 

"Well, boys," said Sims, after the result was announced, "he," point- 
ing to Dawson, "laughs to the tune of half a million, while I haven't got a 
d — d cent to laugh on." This was a good hit for Sims, who was not rich in 
this world's goods, and the laugh now turned in his favor, while his antago- 
nist stood the treat with his usual good-nature. 



The following eloquent extract is taken from one of Thomas H. Benton's 
speeches : 

" Goliad has torn Texas from Mexico ; Goliad has decreed independence : 
San Jacinto has sealed it ! What the massacre decreed, the victory sealed ; 
and the day of the martyrdom of prisoners must forever be regarded as the 
day of disunion between Texas and Mexico. I speak of it politically, not 
morally ; that massacre was a great political blunder, a miscalculation, an 
error, a mistake. It was expected to put an end to resistance, to subdue the 
rebellion, to drown revolt in blood, and to extinguish aid in terror. On the 
contrary, it has given life and invincibility to the cause of Texas. It has fired 
the souls of her own citizens, and imparted to their courage the energies of 
revenge and despair. It has given to her the sympathies and commiseration 
of the civilized world. It has given her men and money, and claims upon 
the aid and a hold upon the sensibilities of the human race. If the struggle 
goes on, not only our own America, but Europe, will send its chivalry to join 
in the contest. I repeat it ; that cruel morning of the Alamo, and that black 
day of Goliad were great political faults. The blood of the martyr is the seed of 
the church. So the blood of slaughtered patriots is the dragons' teeth sown 
upon earth, from which heroes full grown and armed, leap into life and rush 
into battle. Often will the Mexicans guiltless of that blood, feel the Anglo- 
American steel for the deed of that day, if this war cdntinues. Many were 
the innocent at San Jacinto, whose cries in broken Spanish, abjuring Goliad 
and the Alamo, could not save their devoted lives from the avenging remem- 
brance of the slaughtered garrison and the massacred prisoners. Unhappy 
day, forever to be deplored, that Sunday morning, March 6, 1836, when the 
undaunted garrison of the Alamo, victorious in so many assaults, against 
twenty times their number, perished to the last man by the hands of those, 
part of whom they had released on parole two months before, leaving no one 
to tell how they first dealt out to multitudes that death which they themselves 
finally received. 

" Accursed be the ground on which the dreadful deed was done ! Sterile and 
set apart let it forever be ! No fruitful cultivation should enrich it ; no joy- 
ful edifice should adorn it ; but shut up and closed by gloomy walls, the 
mourning cypress and the weeping willow, and the inscriptive monument, 
should forever attest the foul deed of which it was the scene, and invoke from 



every passer-by, the throb of pity for the slain and the start of horror for the 
slayer. And you, neglected victims of the Old Mission, and the San Patricio, 
shall you be forgotten because your numbers were fewer, and your hapless 
fate more concealed ? No ! but to you justice shall also be done. One 
common fate befell you all, one common memorial shall perpetuate your 
names, and embalm your memory.'* 


(From Brief History of Texas.) 

Ruins of Lafitte's Fort. 

Between the years 1817 and 1820 this celebrated freebooter of the Gulf 
held sway at Galveston. He built there a town which he called Campeachy. 
His authority over his subjects was supreme, and he lived in almost regal 
splendor. His establishment was finally broken up by the United States 
naval force in 182 1, and he abandoned Texas. 

Jean Lafitte was a native of Bordeaux, France. At an early age he ran 
away from home and enlisted in a British ship of war. Deserting soon after, 
he went to South America. About 1806, he fitted out a privateer, in which 
hi" coasted in the West Indian seas, and in a few years by his bold exploits 
he acquired great wealth, and, by the singular attractiveness he possessed 
gathered around him a most devoted band of followers. From 1811 to 1813 
the headquarters of Lafitte were upon the island of Grand Terre, or as it 
was afterward called Barrataria. This island is about sixty miles from the 


delta of the Mississippi. In 1813, Governor Claiborne of Louisiana, in order 
to break up the nest of pirates, offered a reward of five hundred dollars for 
the head of Lafitte, to which the buccaneer responded by offering fifteen 
thousand for the head of the governor. A military force was now sent by 
the governor to enforce his authority, but Lafitte and his force captured the 
command, loaded them with presents, and sent them back. The aid of the 
United States government was next invoked, and Commodore Patterson was 
dispatched with a fleet to break up the settlement. 

But the pirates burned their town and retreated, and the Commodore 
returned. Lafitte, with his characteristic effrontery, next offered his services to 
the United States in the war of 1812-15, against England, on condition of his 
pardon. This was agreed to as the easiest way of getting rid of him, and the 
bold rover of the seas fought gallantly behind the breastworks at New Orleans. 

In 1817, Lafitte haying returned to his old habits, established himself at 
Galveston, where his followers numbered at one time fully one thousand. 
He built a fort there, and a town which he called Campeachy, and lived for 
years in royal style.* His authority and influence were almost without limit. 
In 1819, he was appointed by the Mexican Republicans, governor of Gal- 
veston island. In 1820, an , American schooner was taken by one of his 
cruisers, and having been plundered, was sunk. This was the signal for his 
ruin. In 182 1, an expedition was sent, under Captain Kearney, to break 
him up. When this force arrived, Lafitte went out to meet the captain, and 
inviting him and his officers to his house, he entertained them in a princely 
manner, trying by the blandishments he knew so well how to use, to dissuade 
them from the object of their mission. Finding that the officer in command 
was inexorably resolved to do his duty, Lafitte immediately called his fol- 
lowers around him, and having paid them off he bade them farewell. Then, 
with a few chosen followers and in his favorite vessel, he abandoned Galves- 
ton forever. Lafitte continued for years after this to cruise against the 
Spanish commerce. He died at Yucatan in 1826. 

* A friend informs me that although, possessed of immense wealth, Lafitte lived in a 
plain and simple manner. 




The following tables, kept at Austin, Texas, for between seventeen and 
eighteen years, will be found of interest to those who contemplate making a 
home in our great State, no less than to the citizens thereof. They can be 
relied upon as correct : 


Rain in 1857, 4 months, . . 20 inches. 

" " 1858 36.37 " 

" " 1859. 30.24 " 

" " i860, 29.61 " 

" " 1861, 28.69 " 

" " 1862, 23.17 " 

" " 1863, 33.85 " 

" " 1864, 25.16 " 

" " 1865, 38.40 " 

Rain in 1866, 4*-95 inches. 

" ,: 1867, 27.19 " 

" " 1868, 40.09 " 

" " 1869, 38.54 " 

11 " 1870, 41.23 " 

" " 1871, 29.21 " 

" " 1872, 29.81 " 

" " 1873, 44-94 " 

" " 1874, to Aug. 1, . . 18.06 " 

Total rain-fall in 17 years, 

Average annual rain-fall, same time, .... 
Largest rain-fall in any one year was in 1873, .... 
Smallest rain-fall in any one year was in 1862, 

There has been a steady increase in the fall of rain, as shown 
Aggregate rain-fall for 5 years, beginning January, 1858, 

Average annual for same time, ...... 

Aggregate for next 5 years, beginning January, 1863, . 

Average annual for same time, ...... 

Aggregate for next 5 years, beginning January, 1868, . 

Average annual for same time, ...... 




















The wettest month in the year is September, there being an average for that month of 
4.40 inches. The driest is December, average being 1.81 inches. Largest amount of rain 
in any one month during above time was in October, 1870, 12.63 inches. Largest amount 
in any one shower was in August, 1870, 7 inches in four hours. 



1858 98 

1859 IOI 

i860 107 

l86l IOO 

1862 IO4 

1863 99 

1864 99 

1865 106 

1866 96 




1867 98 

1868 96 

1869 97 

1870 96 

1871 102 

1872 99 

1873 96 

1874 103 








The following, from Edwards' History of Texas, published in 1836, well 
describes the scenery in parts of the interior of Texas. 

" Now, reader, your relator is lost for words to describe the balance of 
this landscape triangle after crossing the river Trinidad ; and no language 
can convey to the mind any thing adequate to the emotion felt by the visitor 
in ascending this vast iregularly regular slope of immense undulated plain 
which expands before the eye in graceful rolls, affording from the summits 
of their gentle swells a boundless prospect of verdure, blending in the dis- 
tance to the utmost extent of vision, with the blue of the horizon. 

" Few spectacles surpass it in beauty and magnificence. The boundless 
expanse, and profound repose of these great plains excite emotions of sublim- 
ity akin to those which arise from the contemplation of the ocean in its dis- 
play of undulatory movements. Yea — a more grand and stupendous silence 
even broods over these regions, where often neither sound nor sight foreign 
to the scene disturbs the contemplation of the passing traveler. These 
rolling prairies are generally divided by a broad declivitous vale, through 
which meander in sweeping curves one of those brooks, creeks, or branches 
which enter the Trinidad (now called Trinity) Brazos or Colorado ; on which, 
as they approach these rivers, there is more or less of timber relieving the eye 
in unison with these fine airy groves of every shape with which the prairie 
mounds are studded, with spaces in them seemingly designed for building. 
Nature invites the culture of art here with the most alluring smiles. In 
many places these eminences or inclined plains are regularly and beautifully 
decorated with timber, forming rows or colonnades ; then varying into serpen- 
tine avenues, arches, or verdant alcoves, charming in their appearance and 
soothing in their effects. 

" These rows of timber and picturesques groves are called islands, from the 
striking resemblance they present to small tracts of land surrounded by 
water. Nothing can be more natural than the comparison, as the prairies 
often assume the appearance of a lake, both in surface and color ; and in the 
remoter parts the hue melts into that of distant water. And it requires no 
very great effort of the imagination, especially in certain conditions of the 
atmosphere, to fancy that such is the reality of the scene. Yes, so much has 
nature contributed to the illusory appearance of these groves, that they often 
present all the beauty of art. For the trees are of nearly uniform size, and 


grow near together, without undergrowth, and present outlines perfectly 
well denned, and often surprisingly regular : some appearing to form exact 
circles or ovals, while others are nearly square or oblong, with scarcely a 
single tree projecting beyond : — so that it is found difficult to divest one's 
self of the impression that much of the land has been lately cleared, and 
these are the remains of the forest. Taking this interesting province in all 
its bearings, I doubt whether another like it could be found on .the conti- 
nent — from its one-mile encircled prairie to those of twenty miles, without a 
solitary tree, shrub, or bush. And although the music of the brooks and 
waterfalls is not heard to enliven nature — now leaping from rock in frolic 
play, and then tossing in foaming cascades over mountain scenery- — yet there 
are but few streams which do not reveal in their clear depths every little peb- 
ble and shining grain of sand ; at one time expanding their swelling bosoms 
to the broad eye of day, reflecting back the sparkling sunbeams as from 
a thousand mirrors, at another flowing smoothly over their beds of sand, 
and coyly retreating beneath the shade of overhanging foliage, and the more 
delicate network of the skirting wood. Elevations of land, from the round 
pigmy hills of a few feet high to the elongated mountain of the fourth magni- 
tude, are to be met with in this section of country: from whose summits there 
is always an elivening, sometimes a magnificent prospect. 

" Out of many which might be described, there is one which is well worth the 
fatigue of a hundred miles' journey to see ; it is immediately on the road from 
Bexar to San Felipe, thirteen miles east of the Guadaloupe River. On 
ascending from the Colorado up this inclined plain for the first time, we are 
suddenly stopped on the west edge of a rather abrupt declivity, with aston- 
ishment and wonder. Well does it receive the appellation of Mount Pis- 
gah — for with Moses of old we are made to exclaim, " Behold the land of 
Canaan and the best of it lies before you.' For the whole undulating valley 
of the Guadaloupe River, with its branches, its prairies, its woods, its hills, and 
its vales, as far north, west, and south as vision can extend, lies under your 
enraptured gaze in a full panoramic view." 




Moses Evans spent most of his time in the woods, locating lands on the 
frontier amongst the wild Indians. Occasionally he would " come into the 
white settlements," particularly in season for mass-meetings and camp meet- 
ings. We all knew " Mose." He was a robust, strong frontier character, 
with a large sunburnt face, all in flames, had fiery red hair and long beard, 
deep-set black eyes. He was a man of peculiar looks, and sought to be noted 
particularly by " Mister-Ladies," whose company he was very fond of. One 
of those, he said it was, who wrote the following love-letters for him. They 
were published in a local paper, much to Moses' notion of " good licks." He 
was himself an illiterate " wild man of the woods," as he called himself, but 
had in his young days served as a bar-keeper, had a peculiar address and 
assurance, winning and " illigant." Mose died a smiling old bachelor. There 
were no " Mister-Ladies " on those edges of civilization where he spent his 
life ; — and — his "dear Forestina" was at last caught, the " Wild woman of 
the Navidad bottom,"and turned out to be an African negro-man, one of those 
wild negroes whom the famous Monroe Edwards imported direct from Africa, 
and who had run away and lived for many years, wild and fleet as a deer, in 
the woods. 



There are some things to mortals given, 
Less of earth and more of heaven j 
A tear so limpid and so meek 
It would not stain an angel's cheek. 

A tear, such as the Wild Man would shed 
On his wild beauty's sacred head. 
Celestial wood-nymph ! lovely and free, 
My devoted heart I offer thee. 

Here's myself, my heart, all my land ! 

Give, oh give me thy precious hand ; 

Then in wild woods blissful and blest we roam, 

Earth our paradise and heaven our home. 

Moses Evans. 
Washington, July 11, 1850. 



Oh ! Moses ! my dear, as I list to your lay, 
My heart, like a bird on its pinions away 
O'er the forests and plains that now intervene, 
Would fly to your bosom so soft and so green; 
So soft in the strain with which you would woo ; 
The wild woman's heart, that, beats only for you. 
And green, in the offer of all your lands, 
To gain what is yours — the Wild Woman's hand. 
Not your land, but your whiskers, bushy and long, 
First fastened my heart with love's magic thong. 
Indeed, my dear Moses ! they scarcely would fail, 
They remind me so much of the red fox's tail — 
Their color so like that strange blending of hues ; 
That often hath waked the song of the muse, 
Which may be produced by salt water, when warm, 
If the sun lends its rays to strengthen the charm. 
I'm weary, my darling, of being alone ; 
Come take the Wild Woman, and make her your own, 
Like the dove from the ark, her heart longs for rest, 
And would gladly repose on your Rattlesnake Vest* 

The Wild Woman. 


My Dear Forestina : 

It is with emotions of no ordinary kind that I address you. I am espe- 
cially encouraged to do so from the very favorable reception my first met with, 
and your kind reply thereto. With great candor and sincerity did I express 
the sentiments of my heart toward you. In my first I poured forth the 
ardent emotions of a devoted heart in poetic strains ; in this I will use the 
plain language of prose. And now be assured that my ardent wish is still 


My heart shall ever be thine — 
May thine be ever — ever mine. 

You can not imagine, my dear, how much pleasure I received in reading 
your reply to my first communication. Oh how my heart fluttered and went 
pit-a-pat so I thought it would burst my very sides, so hard did it bound 
about. When I read in the very first line these words : " Oh Moses ! my 

* Moses Evans, the Wild Man, wore a vest made of the skins of rattlesnakes. 


dear, you can not imagine how queer I felt — all over so." Well, thought I, 
"good licks these, to begin with — I reckon it will all come out right yet." 
And then you say "Would fly to your bosom so soft and so green." Well, I 
couldn't exactly understand what you meant by " soft and green " bosom. 
Thought I, she is mistaken there — hard as bone. As to green bosom, never 
saw one, should think it very pretty though. 

Again you speak of " red fox's tail." In the settlements they would say, 
red fox's latter end or posterior extremity. But perhaps you mean mane, 
instead of tail. As I wear a large flowing mane under my chin, you may 
have reference to that. 

Again you speak of " salt water," that looks so beautiful when the sun- 
beams fall upon it. It may be so. As I have never been on or in salt water 
much, can't say how it is. I have some friends, however, who have gone up 
Salt River, but they have not come back again, so don't know how they find 
it there. Some folks have tried to get my friend General Houston to go up, 
but he won't go. I almost wish he would go, for he would come back again 
and let me know how it looks up there. 

But oh ! my dear Forestinia, I can't tell you how happy it made me when 
I read the following lines. 

" I am weary, my darling, of being alone, 
Come take the Wild Woman and make her your own." 

Well, thought I, "good licks " again. I reckon that's plain language enough. 
So the thing is fixed sure, and no mistake about it — Well, my dear, I'll come 
and no mistake, so you can make ready ; but you must set the day first. 

And oh ! how happy I shall be, 
My charming one, when I get thee. 

I, too, my darling, am weary of being alone. Long have we wandered in 
these wild woodland wastes, and on these prairie-plains — solitary and alone. 
I have been a few times into the settlements, and am pleased with what I 
have seen there, as the results of civilization, education, and religion. Let us 
then leave our wild homes, and go in and try the experiment of civilization, 
with the rest of mankind. But remember before you go, and weigh the matter 
well that you must leave this beautiful rolling prairie, over which you have so 
often bounded like a timid deer, and these shady groves, and thick forests of 
large spreading trees, under whose shades you have so often sat to rest. And 
those meandering brooks, whose cooling, sparkling waters have so often slaked 
your thirst, and on whose banks you have watched their finny inhabitants so 
playful while sporting on the pebbly bottoms — apparently to gratify and 
interest you. I say, you must leave all these, together with all those beautiful 
wild flowers, so gay and so sweet — as the timid deer and the gentle young 


fawns with which you have associated so long — and all those woodland song- 
sters whose sweet music has so often lulled you into quiet and repose, and 
whose plaintive warblings have announced to you the early dawn, while they 
would sing, as it were for your special benefit, their morning hymns. And 
that soft moss couch, suspended under that large spreading tree, with those 
beautiful curtains, and fancifully arranged moss drapery, upon which you 
have so long and often reclined and taken sweet, quiet repose, while the cool- 
ing, gentle breezes were wont to waft so softly over your innocent and lovely 
form — and the dewlike pearl drops would dangle from your long flowing 
locks. Can you leave all those, my charming one ? If so, then come and 
go with me, and I will introduce you to a greater pleasure than all these 
can afford. 

You shall have a fine comfortable dwelling-place, instead of your wild 
trees, to shelter you from the pelting storm and scorching sun, (if uncle Sam 
don't rob me of my land) and all other things necessary for your comfort. 
And you will have the society of the wise and the good — warm, kind friends, 
and all the blessings of civilization. 

But it is unnecessary for me to say more now, as I hope you will be placed 
soon in a position to judge for yourself. Come then, my own sweet one, and 
go with me — and let us be happy while we may. And as two drops of water 
unite and blend together in one, so may we be united inseparably, while life 
with us shall last. » 

Oh ! my dear, my darling charming one, 

So pure, none like thee beneath the sun — 

Nature's perfect model as thou art, 

Unstained by vice, and so pure in heart, 

May corroding cares, in after years, 

Ne'er dim thy bright eyes with sorrow's tears. 

When thy sun sets in the western sky 

May thy spirit soar to realms on high. 

Then bask in sunbeams of immortal days, 

And join in songs of angelic lays. 

Is the ardent aspirations of one 

Whose heart dotes on thee, and on thee alone. 

Your affectionate friend and lover, 

Moses Evans. 
Washington, August, 1850. 



Rattan Thicket, Texas, Sept. 1, 1850. 

How long in the shade of this cotton-wood tree 

Shall I wait for thy coming, my dear? 
How oft shall I spread up this moss-bed for thee ? 

Oh ! when will you be with me here ? 
While amid this deep forest alone I repine, 

My thoughts often wander to man's dreaded haunts, 
And then I imagine that sometimes I find 

The loved one for whom my soul ever pants. 
And then in delight — while the precious thoughts play 

On my brain, for a moment I seem to be there ; 
But alas, the bright vision soon passes away, 

And leaves me alone in despair. 
Will you come to my moss-woven couch in the tree ? 

The old hollow cotton-wood ages have known, 
It waves its dark branches majestic and free 

In the light of the sun and the gloom of the storm. 
In sweet solitude, I had been long reposed, 

Undisturb'd by man's treachery and sin ; 
Until the soft words of thy letter in prose, 

Awoke the wild passions that slumbered within. 
Inspired by those words, new ideas of bliss, 

Incessantly haunted my startled up brain ; 
The sunlight looked brighter, the moonbeams did kiss 

The pendulous dewdrops, that hung on the plain ; 
The wide-spreading oaks, green glades and gurgling rills, 

The pebbling brooks, timid dear, and gentle fawns ; 
The soft wafting breezes, the grassy clad hills, 

The cool shady bower and sweet blooming lawns ; 
The dew-spangled valleys, the evergreen groves, 

All glowed on my sight and swelled my lone heart, 
The gay warbling songsters, sang sweetly of love, 

When I yielded my heart and deem'd myself blest. 
Oh ! say not that I must leave the sweet flowers, 

And the songs of the birds which have cheered me so long ; 
The dark shady woods and the moss draped bowers, 

The wild-cats and panthers and the wolverine throng. 


No, no, my dear Moses, we can't leave the woods wild, 

In exchange for the horrors of civilized life, 
Nor quit these bright scenes for religion's false smile : 

It groans in deep sorrow, division, and strife. 
And education, it may do pretty well, 

To pamper all those who know how to use it ; 
But for us, dear Moses, I'm sure we can't tell 

How far we might be inducep! to abuse it. 
We may not try it, my Wild Man, 'tis plain, 

We never could pursue their bad measures, 
The crowd would surround us and give us much pain, 

While they couldn't add one straw to our pleasures. 
Besides, my dear Moses, you often are talking, 

Of " good licks," and " mister ladies," so charming, 
You'd soon be induced with them to go walking — 

The very thought to me now is alarming. 
Then come to my camp in the Navidad swamp, 

Far away from society's turmoil and strife, 
You'll be to the Wild Woman all that she wants, 

And she'll be to you the ever-loving wife. 


To Moses Evans, Wild Man of the Woods, Brazos Swamp, Texas. 


It is understood by many persons at a distance that the Texas " north- 
ers " are dreadful winter storms, which come on so suddenly and are so 
severe and extremely cold, that man and beast, caught out on the open prai- 
ries a few miles from shelter, have often been known to freeze to death in a 
very short time. Before I came to Texas I had heard such representations 
made of Texas northers. In a late " Manual of Geography " the children 
are taught that " Texas is famous for its north winds. These come on at 
times so suddenly in winter, and are so cold and severe, that both man and 
beast have been known to perish in them." 

Now it is admitted that Texas northers have not only become famous 
abroad, but that they deserve notoriety for the suddenness and violence of 
their winds, but not, generally, for the severity of the cold which attends them. 
The cold spells of winter of the same latitude in Georgia and Florida, from 


which I came, are generally as cold, if not colder, than the winter northers 
of Texas. It is seldom we have frost, in the vicinity of Austin, before the 
middle or last of November, and be it know that Austin is about in the 
center of the belt of Texas northers ; for the northers are confined to the 
prairie portion of the State, west of Trinity River. 

For the last three or four winters — since I have been in the State — not 
more than a half-dozen of these north winds have been cold enough to form 
ice at all, during any one winter, and only three or four of them during the 
whole time have sunk the mercury to twenty-five degrees Fahrenheit. 

Let it be understood that here in Texas all north winds which come up 
suddenly, with any degree of violence, are called northers — even a summer 
thunderstorm from the north is called a norther — but the term is principally 
applied to the sudden north winds of winter. 

The people here in Texas divide these winter storms into " wet northers " 
and " dry northers." The wet northers are very similar to the winter storms 
in the States east of the Mississippi River. A north wind blows, with more 
or less violence, attended with rain, and sometimes, but not often, with snow 
and sleet, and lasts about twelve or fifteen hours, passing off with a mode- 
rate north or north-west wind. But the dry northers are attended with pecu- 
liar and singular phenomena, never witnessed, so far as I know, in any storms 
east of Texas. As these notorious dry north winds have given the character 
and the bad reputation of the northers of Texas, I shall endeavor to describe 
them somewhat in detail. 

For several hours preceding the most violent of these dry northers there 
is almost a dead calm and the air is unusually warm and sultry. A few low, 
sluggish bodies of cloud float about in the eddy atmosphere. A dark, muddy 
looking cloud wave next appears low down all across the northern horizon, 
which is the " precautionary signal " of the near approach of this strange 
Texas storm. A few minutes more, and the terrible roaring of the norther 
is distinctly heard. All hands in the field at work are now running to the 
house for shelter, where all is hurry and busttle to pile on the wood and get 
the fires ablaze. At the same time, the stock on the prairies have turned 
tail to the wind, and are fleeing as for life to some timbered ravine or bluff 
for shelter. All this, and more too ; but be not alarmed, for there is no 
danger, though the Geography says " men and beasts have sometimes per- 
ished in them," which may possibly be so ; but still the colts on the prairie 
and the children in the yard are kicking up their heels, sporting amidst the 
pranks of the dashing wind. But the dark, cloud-wave is now over, and no 
rain, except it may be a very slight mist, followed by a dry, blue, misty haze, 
with the peculiar smell of— some say — sulphur, but others say like a burning 
forest. Let this be as it .may, there is evidently in these dry " blue northers " 


(as they are called), a state of high electrical condition of the atmosphere, 
which produces a thrilling sense of exhilaration in man and beast. 

The force of the wind in the most violent of these dry storms is about 
sufficient to blow down an ordinary rail fence, where most exposed to the 
wind. These storms continue without abatement for about twelve hours, 
and then gradually subside in about twelve or fifteen hours more. The cold 
which attends them is variable, often not freezing at all, and then again sink- 
ing the mercury in the tube of the thermometer down to twenty-five or 
twenty degrees, and in one instance, at Austin, as low as six degrees ; but 
such extreme cold only occurs, perhaps, once in a lifetime ; as was experi- 
enced in Florida in February, 1835, when the water froze on the skin of the 
cheek between the washpan and the towel. 

These dry northers are considered, and no doubt are, very healthy winds, 
coming as they do over an extended dry and elevated country. The experi- 
ence is that a few "blue northers" sweeping over the malarious districts of 
the country, in the month of October, bring health and infuse life and energy 
into all the subjects of chills and fevers, and morbid livers. 

W. J. Blewett. 

» ♦ < 



We have been permitted to copy from the journal of John C. Duval the 
following extracts from his journal, giving an account of some of his adven- 
tures in Texas in the spring of 1836. 


"On the morning of the 27th of March we were ordered to get ready to 
march to Copano, where we were told there were several American schooners 
upon which we were to embark after giving our parole of honor not to engage 
again in the war. We were formed into three divisions and marched out separ- 
ately. The largest division, comprising about 150 men, in which I was, was 
taken out along the road leading from the Mission to the upper ford. Another 
division was taken out into the open prairie back of the town, and the third 
along the road leading to the lower ford. As one division filed through the 
streets of the town, I heard several of the Mexican senoritas (with whom 
doubtless we had frequently danced at the fandango) exclaim, "Pobrecitos" 
(poor fellows) ; and if any idea of the foul play intented us had ever entered 
my mind, my suspicions would then have been aroused, but as it was the 
incident made no impression upon me. We had marched about half a 


mile when a halt was ordered, and the file of Mexican soldiers on our right 
countermarched and formed behind the file on the opposite side. No suspi- 
cion was aroused by this movement, as we supposed the soldiers were merely 
making a change in the order of march. The first intimation I had of what 
was coming was given by some one near me saying, " Boys, they are going to 
shoot us," and at the same instant I heard the clicking of the musket locks; 
and before I fairly comprehended the situation the soldiers fired and killed 
nearly every man in the front rank of our division. At this moment I dis- 
tinctly heard the firing upon the two other divisions. The firing upon all 
was nearly simultaneous, and was doubtless arranged to take place at a pre- 
concerted signal, though I saw none. About fifty men, I think, in our rear 
rank were untouched. These endeavored to make their escape toward the 
river. The man standing in front of me was killed, and in falling knocked 
me over, covering me with his blood. I lay for an instant stupefied and 
stunned by the suddenness of the whole affair, and when I rose up the Mexican 
soldiers had passed over me, supposing I was killed, and were in the pursuit 
of those flying to the river. I followed on after them unobserved, as they 
did not look back, until I had got within about eighty yards of the river. 
Just then a soldier whose gun was empty charged upon me with his bayonet, 
but at the instant he drew back to give me the coup de grace, a man from 
Georgia, whose name I have forgotten, ran in between us and received the 
thrust intended for me. It was given with so much force that the bayonet 
pierced him through and through. After he fell I saw the Mexican, with his 
foot upon him, endeavoring to withdraw the bayonet, but just then I had press- 
ing business elsewhere and did not stop to see how he succeeded. I ran 
right though the Mexican lines, and although several shot at me, I escaped 

" Being a good swimmer I plunged without hesitation into the river, and 
quickly reached the opposite bank, for the river, though deep and swift at this 
point, was not more than fifty yards wide. But the bank was nearly perpen- 
dicular, and eight or ten feet high, and I had to swim down the river, the 
enemy meanwhile popping at me, about one hundred yards, before I could 
effect a landing. 

" Then I came to a grapevine hanging down from a tree which leaned over 
the water. This I caught hold of, and by its aid had nearly reached the top 
of the bank, when a soldier fired his escopeta at me, cutting the vine entirely 
through just above my head and backward I fell into the river again. The 
Mexican had made a line shot, but I was unhurt, and when I had swum down 
eighty or one hundred yards farther, I came to a shelving part of the bank, up 
which I contrived to scramble without any great difficulty." 



After Mr. Duval's miraculous escape from death, as recounted above, he 
made his way as best he could through the wilderness to the encampment 
of the Texas army on the Brazos. During these weeks he encountered many 
wonderful adventures, which he narrates with a graphic pen, and which we 
should like to publish in full ; but our limits forbidding this, we must content 
ourselves with giving one or two extracts from his journal. 

And first we will relate 


" I then pursued my course, and in a few hours came to a heavily timbered 
bottom which must be that of the Navidad, which is the next stream of any 
size east of the La Vaca. After penetrating this bottom perhaps half a mile, 
my attention was drawn to the barking of a dog behind me. 

" At first I did not notice it particularly, supposing it to be a dog belonging 
to some of the settlers who lived on the Navidad before the war, and which 
they had left behind when they fled before the approach of the Mexican army. 
But at length I observed that although I was traveling at a pretty rapid walk, 
the bark of this dog seemed to get nearer and nearer to me. I then began 
to have some suspicions that the dog was on my trail, and that probably there 
might be some one with him. Under this impression I hurried on as rapidly 
as possibly. Crossing the Navidad at a shoal where the water was not more 
than knee-deep, and after a rapid walk of an hour, I came to the open prairie 
on the east side of the river. All this time I could hear the yelping of the 
dog behind me, at apparently about the same distance as when I first heard 
it. I continued my course into the open prairie for three or four hundred 
yards, and then turned short around and retraced my steps to the edge 
of the timber. I then made a spring as far as I could at one jump to the 
right, and continuing along the edge of the timber about two hundred yards, 
I concealed myself in the top of a fallen tree, whence I could have a distinct 
view of any one coming out of the bottom. While thus concealed, the barking 
of the dog drew nearer and nearer rapidly, and before long I saw the dog 
and three or four Indians emerge from the bottom, at precisely the point 
where I had left it. One of the Indians held the dog by a leash, and was 
armed with a gun ; the other two with lances and bows. They did not pause, 
but continued on the trail I had made through the prairie. When they came 
to the point where I had turned back, the dog was evidently at fault, but the 
Indians, taking it for granted that I had continued on my course, kept leading 
and urging the dog on in the same direction, until at length they were lost 
from sight. Had I not played their own game upon them, I should unques- 
tionably have lost a portion of my hair upon that occasion ; and I took con- 
siderable credit to myself for the way in which I had eluded them." 


He next tells 


" My provisions were exhausted. I was exhausted. To say I was hungry 
would be a weak expression. I followed the margin of the timber for several 
miles, in hopes of finding a house where I might possibly be able to renew my 
stock of supplies. At length, in a clearing, I saw a house, toward which I 
cautiously advanced, until I was satisfied there was no one about it. On 
close examination it was evident that a marauding party of Mexicans had 
been there, and had appropriated whatever eatables there might have been on 
the premises. 

" I searched everywhere thoroughly, but could find nothing in the way of 
provender. By this time the sun was set, and as there was a bed in the room, 
which looked very inviting to one who had been sleeping so long upon the 
ground, I determined to occupy it at least for one night. So, after devour- 
ing the few remaining crumbs in my knapsack, I turned in, and was soon fast 
asleep. It must have been near midnight when I was aroused by a noise of 
some sort. Listening attentively I soon discovered that the noise proceeded 
from a drove of hogs that had taken shelter under the house. The building 
was upon blocks, a foot or so from the ground, and the space beneath the 
floor was therefore sufficiently roomy for their accommodation. The floor was 
of thick puncheons or slabs, which were held upon the sleepers solely by their 
own weight. Hunger in my case stimulated necessity to be the mother of 
invention, and it at once occurred to me that I could bag one of those pork- 
ers, by quietly lifting one of the puncheons so as to grab one of them from 
above and haul him up through the opening. I at once proceeded to put 
my plan into operation. So I got up, and after listening a moment to discover 
by their grunting exactly the spot where they were, I slowly raised the pun- 
cheon. Thrusting my arm cautiously through the opening I felt around until 
my hand came in contact with the leg of a hog, when I suddenly seized upon 
it and attempted to drag him through the floor. But unfortunately for the 
easy accomplishment of my undertaking I had secured hold of a large hog, 
and it was no easy matter to induce him to come up in the way I wanted him. 
Such kicking and squealing I never felt or heard before, and for some time the 
contest hung in an even scale ; but I knew that if I let go, my chances for a 
breakfast were gone. Hunger gave me unwonted strength, and at last, after 
he had cut me severely with his hind hoofs, and knocked all the skin off my 
knuckles against the sharp edges of the floor, I dragged my prize by main 
force into the room, and, replacing the slab, I had him secure. Now, how 
should I kill him was the question. There was nothing in the room by which 
to give him the coup de grace. The moon was shining brightly, and I went 
outside to hunt up something to answer the purpose. The only thing I could 


find was a heavy maul, and armed with this I re-entered the room, and forth- 
with there ensued a peculiar and animated engagement. 

" The maul was very heavy and in my weakened condition I could not 
wield it with sufficient celerity to strike a stunning blow with any precision. 
Round and round the room we went for a quarter of an hour, the hog squeal- 
ing and dodging, his hoofs clattering and rattling on the puncheons, with a 
noise like the long roll of a snare drum, and now and then my maul coming 
down on the floor with a tremendous bang that might answer for the bass ; the 
whole making a concert which might have been heard a mile. Finally, I got 
a fair whack at the top of his head, and so brought him down, and afterward 
dispatched him by repeated blows. When the contest was over, I was so com- 
pletely exhausted that I tumbled back into bed, and did not wake up until the 
sun was high in the heavens." 

We must content ourselves with one more extract from Mr. Duval's journal. 
After making his solitary way as best he could from Goliad east through a 
country altogether unknown to him except by means of the map which he 
had ; subsisting as best he could by means of what he could find by the way 
or at the settlers' cabins, all of which had been deserted on the approach of 
the Mexican army he crossed the San Bernard by swimming, and entered a 
deserted house to rest. At a house where he had previously stopped he had 
found a large dog, who had insisted upon following him wherever he went. 
He says, " I entered the house, and soon had a blazing fire upon the 
hearth. I was not as cautious as I would otherwise have been, for I felt sure 
that the Mexicans had somewhere met with a serious repulse. What con- 
firmed me in this belief was that for two or three days previously I had seen 
small portions of troops traveling hurriedly and in apparent disorder toward 
the west, whereas all troops I had seen before were going in the opposite 
direction. Upon rummaging my pocket, I found a handful of corn, which I 
proceeded to parch for breakfast. While busily occupied in this way, my dog 
uttered a low growl, and looking up I saw the muzzle of a gun slowly pro- 
truding through the window. 

"In a moment it flashed through my mind that a straggling party of the 
enemy had been attracted by the smoke, and I saw that I was completely 
entrapped, for the only door of the house was on the same side as the window. 
But before I had time to determine what course to pursue my dog suddenly 
sprung through the window, and at the same time some one uttered an excla- 
mation of astonishment and fear, followed closely by substantial oaths in plain 
English. I opened the door just in time to save the intruder from being 
throttled by my dog, who, fortunately for him, in place of his neck had seized 
upon a thick woolen comforter wrapped around it. With some difficulty I 
got him to let go his hold. The attack had been so sudden that he had no 


chance to use his gun. This gentleman, Mr. Monroe Hardeman, afterward 
well known through Western Texas, in company with Captain Duncan, were 
following on the rear of the retreating Mexican forces, and seeing the smoke 
from my chimney, had naturally supposed that a party of the stragglers had 
stopped there. 

" Hardeman had dismounted and gun in hand advanced stealthily toward 
the house. The door being closed, there was no chance to reconnoiter except 
through the window, and he was just in the act, as I have stated, of slipping 
his gun through it preparatory to looking in, when my dog sprang out and 
fastened upon his neck. Mr. Hardeman told me he was never so badly fright- 
ened as at that time. In a minute Captain Duncan, who had seen the row 
between his companion and my dog, came up, and dismounting, we all en- 
tered the house. I then told them I was one of Fannin's men, who had 
escaped the fate of the others, and they, on their part, informed me of the 
battle of San Jacinto, which had transpired four or five days before, and in 
which they were participants. They told me the war was virtually over, and 
Santa Anna's army was in full retreat toward the Rio Grande. Noticing 
that I had a lean and hungry look, or else observing the wistful glances I cast 
at Captain Duncan's wallets, the latter proceeded to empty their contents 
on the floor, consisting of a liberal supply of biscuits, potatoes, meat, and so 
forth, and hospitably invited me to "pitch in." No second invitation was 
requisite, and I began, without loss of time, a vigorous attack upon the prov- 
ender. After half a dozen biscuits, as many potatoes, and perhaps three or 
four pounds of meat, had disappeared, the captain, losing all confidence in 
my discretion, and without as much as saying, ' By your leave,' cleared the 
table at one fell swoop, and crammed what was left into the saddle-bags 
again. I remonstrated with him upon such treatment ; told him it was a 
breach of hospitality to invite a guest to break bread with him, and then 
clear the table before he had finished the first course; that I was just fairly 
getting under way ; but all I could say had no impression, and I did not 
get a peep into those wallets again until we pitched camp twenty miles dis- 
tant. In company with these gentlemen I returned to the army, then on the 




(From Allan's Lone Star Ballads.) 

The soldier who o'er the lone prairie doth roam 

Oft sighs for the far distant pleasures of home, 

For the absent and dear ones who love him so well— 

Oh ! the deep pain of parting, the soldier can tell. 

Home, home ; sweet, sweet home, 

The call of our country is dearer than home. 

But who would stand idly when brave deeds are done? 
Or who would heed danger where glory is won ? 
We'll welcome the conflict for freedom's the prize — 
And hallowed his grave is, for freedom who dies. 
Home, home ; sweet, sweet home, 
Oh who would not fight for his fair Texas home ? 

Dear Texas — thy soil unpolluted shall be, 

Or thy bosom shall give us the graves of the free y 

Nor die we revengeless, for with us shall fall 

A host of the foemen — their blood be our pall. 

Home home ; sweet, sweet home, 

We'll die to defend thee, our beautiful home. 

But victory shall crown us ; with wisdom our guide — » 
With valor, and justice, and God, on our side, 
And prayers of our dear ones ascending to heaven 
'T were treason to doubt that success shall be given, 
Home, home ; sweet, sweet home, 
Then dearer than ever shall be our sweet home. 




(From the Houston Telegraph, 1842.) 

Ye men of Texas, can you see 

Yon swarthy foeman coming on, 
And know that God has made you free, 

By San Jacinto's battle won ? 
Can you look on with careless eye, 

Regardless of your sacred right ; 
Or strive a shameful peace to buy ? 

Up ! men of Texas, to the fight 

Oh, bitter shame and deep disgrace ! 

Shall Texas' star e'er sink so low, 
That you should fear such foes to face, 

Forgetful of the Alamo ? 
Or offer, coward like, to pay 

Five millions for your conquered right ? 
Rouse — rouse your hearts without delay — 

Up ! men of Texas, to the fight. 

Ye strove before, in honored time, 

And well your rifles told the tale : 
Will Texans now yield up their clime, 

Or let their noble courage fail ? 
Remember well the Alamo, 

And let the name your souls unite, 
To deal destruction on the foe— 

Up ! men of Texas, to the fight. 

Tell Mexico's degraded sons, 

Their bloody debt shall yet be paid, 
For Fannin and his martyred ones, 

Dire vengeance stands too long delayed. 
The blood-stained soil of Goliad 

Still rises darkling on your sight, 
And shows the treacherous fate they had — 

Up 1 men of Texas, to the fight. 


And think ye others will not lend, 

In such a case, a helping hand ? 
Will relatives forget the end 

Of those brave men — the Georgia band ? 
Will Shackleford forget his boy ? 

Will not Duval come with delight ? 
Lo — thousands hail the shout with joy — 

Up ! men of Texas, to the fight. 

The "dark and bloody ground " has sons 

To whom the name of Crockett 's dear. 
The western hunters, with their guns, 

Will gladly seek for glory here, 
The chivalry of distant lands 

Will aid the struggle for your right 
And joyful front these savage bands, 

Up ! men of Texas, to the fight. 

Arouse, arouse, your flag's unfurled, 

Seek victory or win your graves. 
Show proudly forth to all the world 

That Texians can ne'er be slaves. 
Oh let the memory of the past 

To noble deeds your souls incite ; 
Be firm — be valiant to the last — 

Up ! men of Texas, to the fight. 



(From Allan's Lone Star Ballads.) 

Leave it ! ah no — the land is our own, 

Tho' the flag that we love is now furled, 
A Texan must roam o'er his own prairie plains, 
Or find rest in the far spirit world. 

Oh ! the Lone Star State our home shall be 
While its waters still roll to the Mexican Sea. 


Where shall so blue a sky ever be found, 

As the heavens that bend o'er us here ? 
Or when do flowers bloom so fragrant and sweet, 

The wayfaring wanderer to cheer ? 

Others may seek South American shores 

Orizaba and fair Monterey ; 
But never, because she be burdened with woes, 

Shall our feet from our own loved State stray. 

Then here's to our State— our own dear State, 

Right or wrong — enslaved or free ; 
In poverty, wealth, enthroned or disowned, 

Our mother our queen shall be. 


BY WESTON. 1845. 

Far off on the hill tops the daylight is dying, 
Deep darkness is stealing adown the lone vale, 

Thro' the old poplars zephyrs softly are sighing, 
And nature's glad anthems are borne on each gale. 

The night bird is singing her welcome to even, 
The locust is trilling her song on the lawn ; 

While the sunbeams still linger to beautify heaven, 
Sweet emblem of those who are hallowed when gone. 

Within the dark thicket the partridge is calling 

Her brood from their wanderings to come to their rest, 

On the meek floweret the mild dews are falling, 
And now in her night robes all nature is drest. 

Loved vale of my fathers, dear home of my childhood, 
What fond recollections have hallowed thy streams, 

Thy hills and thy dales and thy oft-courted wildwood, 
And made thee, in slumbers, the scene of my dreams. 


No more on the hillside at eve I may wander, 

And hear the wild notes of the whip-poor-will's strain. 

But absence will still make my heart grow the fonder, 
And long for my home in the valley again. 

Here, sweet is the spring tide, and Summer is gladness, 
Here Autumn comes teeming with plenty and glee; 

Here Winter was never a season of sadness, 
Here piety dwells and the s people are free. 

'Tis thus in thy quiet forever I'd leave thee- — 
'Ere dawn of to-morrow I'll be far away — 

E'en now I but linger, this sad lay to weave thee 
And for thy long welfare most fervently pray. 

But 'tis a sweet hope, for it lightens the sadness 

Which steals o'er my heart when I think of the dead, 

That my soul may revisit these life scenes of gladness 
When low in Earth's bosom my body is laid. 

Oh ! God of my fathers, I humbly implore thee 
That while our proud rivers shall roll to the sea, 

Within this loved vale may be found to adore thee 
The sons of the valiant, the wise, and the free. 

Still sweet be the song on the hill-tops at even, 
And long in the vale may simplicity dwell, 

And so live her sons that their home may be Heaven, 
When to earth they have bidden a final farewell. 



Hark — the tolling bell 
Sounds from far away ; 

And its echoes come, 
Come, but not to stay ; 


Rising on the hill 

Falling in the vale, 
Sinking in the calm, 
Swelling on the gale, 
Till th' exhausted ear, with almost pain, 
Fails to catch the dying sounds again. 

Tell me, tolling bell, 

Whither goes thy sound ? 
Does it faint and fall 

Trembling on the ground ? 
Is it lost in air, 

Or in ocean waves ? 
Does it seek a home 
In the hidden caves ? 
Or does it float away to other spheres, 
And mingle with the sounds of former years? 

Hopes are like thy sound, 

Oh, thou tolling bell, 
And alternately 

Do they sink and swell — 
Do they rise and fall, 

Lost upon the sea, 
Wrecked upon the wave 

Of uncertainty. 
Gone forever from the longing breast, 
Seeking ever for a place of rest. 

Go — thou restless Hopes — 

Seeking the fleeting sound 
Of the tolling bell, 

Till its home be found. 
Or on mountain top, 

Or in vale or cave, 
Underneath the earth, 

Underneath the wave, 
Or with it wing thy flight to other spheres, 
And mingle with the hopes of former years. 




Hark ! I hear the swift ring of the bugle call ! 
But no answering neigh from thine empty stall ! 
Thou wert wont to fly at that shrill command, 
To bend thy neck to thy master's hand ! 
But the joyous rush of thy light, swift feet, 
With its mystic ring and its echo sweet — 
Ah, those musical sounds on the blossoming shore 
And the long hard beach are heard no more. 

Does that proud neck arch at the stranger's tone, 
As it did when my trumpet call was blown ? 
And his hand, my beauty ! oh ! does it twine , 
In thy shining mane with a touch like mine ? 
Dost thou follow his form with a wistful eye ? 
Dost thou fret at thy rein when his step draws nigh ? 
And ah ! dost thou strain thy matchless speed 
At the will of the stranger ? my gallant steed ! 

Thy master is lonely beside the sea 
In the noisy camp ! He cherished thee 
While others battled for flower or glove, 
And the glittering toys in the Court of Love, 
Or the guerdon from beauty's countless store — 
Or which should be first on the festal floor! 

And well might they shine ! 'tis a high surprise, 
The first love-glance from a lady's eyes, 
When their dreamy power on the soul lies ever 
As the lotus blue on its orient river ; 
But thine, oh, my beauty ! sure something keeps 
A human watch in their mystic deeps ! 

There are fair young forms in the lighted hall, 
Where flowers are festooned on the fretted wall. 


There are feet that are swift as a lightning glance, 
When they move, like dreams, in the mazy dance ; 
But thine, my lost darling, were fleeter far 
(And softer the glow of the twilight star, 
Than that light that fell from the shaded lamp ! ) 
When we moved by the edge of the broad-spread camp, 
Along the beach where the ocean hymn 
Grew deep and clear in the evening dim ! 

Thy master is lonely beside the sea, 

In the desolate place where he cherished thee ! 

Together your breasts have been bared to brave 

The burning desert, the swelling wave ; 

Ye have threaded together the forest deeps, 

Ye have climbed together their rocky steeps ; 

And together, with wild blood throbbing high, 

Ye have shot o'er the plains 'neath the western sky ! 

Thou hast borne this form through the gloom of the flight, 

From the flush of morn to the gathering night ! 

Thou hast carried him proudly where turf was red 

With the blood from the breasts of the gallant dead ; 

Thou hast gayly swept o'er the lonely wold, 

When the night was fierce with a bitter cold. 

Does the stranger tax thy glorious speed 

With a careless hand, oh ! matchless steed ? 

But thy stall is empty, and where thou art 

Beats there for thee so warm a heart 

As that thou hast left ? Does the stranger's hand 

Tighten thy bridle with fierce command ? 

Oh, where art thou ? In the distant west 

Art thou spurning the turf on the prairie's breast? 

Or, beyond where the Rio Grande flows, 

In the land of the orange, the land of the rose, 

Has he given thy rein (where the leaves unfurl 

With so free a grace !) to some dark-eyed girl ? 

That dark-eyed girl — does she wreath thy brow 
With rich, gay blossoms of Mexico ? 
And the hand that she lays on the flowing mane, 
Does it shine like a snow-flake under the rein ? 


Ah ! well ! but I know she loves thee not 

As thy master loved ! But be fair thy lot 

In that distant land ! He shall miss the high 

Proud toss of thy head. Thou wert won't to go by 

Like a fairy dream, or a lady's sigh ! — 

Shall miss thine eyes, with their luminous depths, the curve 

Of thy stately neck, with each swelling nerve ! 

Thy slender hoofs, with their resonant beat. 

Oh ! for the rush of thy fair swift feet ! 

And oh ! for the touch of thy floating mane, 

And the long, wild gallop across the plain, 

For one more thrill of thy reckless speed ! 

My prairie darling, my beautiful steed ! 

Houston, July 1, 1864. 



Yes, the bugle calls loud on that surf-beaten shore, 

Whose echoes my footsteps shall waken no more. 

And sad to his ear is that shrill-ringing call — 

There's no answering neigh from my desolate stall. 

In the hush of the twilight, no more shall we ride, 

On the beach where the billows roll on in their pride. 

No more shall my flying feet scatter the spray 

That the south winds had kiss'd from the breakers a'c pla) # 

And embroidered the shore with a delicate fringe, 

A frost-work on sea-shell of rose-colored tinge. 

No more at his tent, ere the sentinel's eye 

Hailed the dapple of morn in the orient sky, 

Shall I hurriedly go, or as patiently stand 

For a sound of his voice and a touch of his hand. 

No more to his cheek shall my own ever press, 

Nor bend my proud neck to his gentle caress. 

I long for a touch of that kind hand again, 

I fret, for a stranger now tightens my rein. 


Sorrow shadows his brow, he is lonely, I know, 
In his camp where the billows unceasingly flow. 
My heart is his own, it can never be less 
For him, who mourns me in silent distress. 

His companion for years, through dangers together, 

Through summer's fierce heat and winter's bleak weather ; 

Over prairies in boundless magnificence spread, 

Where pleasure more often than safety hath led. 

Where flowers are gaudy, and sweetest perfume 

Is wafted in freshness, from blossom and bloom, 

Where sounds disturb not the repose of the day, 

Save the partridge that whirr'd from my footsteps away. 

Then onward through solitude still would we press, 

Over mountains sublime in their bleak barrenness, 

Where the eagles would scream from their summits of snow 

At the speck that was threading the gorges below. 

Where nature appears in her fiercest of moods, 

Where none save the savage's footstep intrudes ; 

Rock piled upon rock, unrelieved by a bloom, 

Each mountain pass shrouded in silence and gloom. 

Hark ! the wild sound, 'tis the Comanche's dread whoop 

As he bends to his prey with a vulture's fell swoop. 

He tightened my rein as I snuffed the fresh breeze, 

And away from pursuers with swiftness and ease ! 

As free as an eagle that cleaves the calm air, 

With a sure-footed bound the deep gorges I'd dare, 

'Till the echoing shout of pursuers, once near, 

Wax'd fainter and fainter, then died on the ear ; 

Sound sunk into silence, pursuers had failed 

And the mountain tops, blue in their misty wreaths, paled ; 

Then relieved, would I watch, for there danger still lowers, 

O'er my master asleep, 'mid the dew-moistened flowers, 

More anxious than wearied, I'd watch by his side, 

Till the morning blushed in, like a blooming young bride. 

This love is the only, that ever endures 

That confidence wins, and that danger matures. 

When the silence of midnight brooded over the deep, 
And the winds and the waves laid together asleep, 


We have wandered along 'neath those luminous skies, 
That blazed with the light of a thousand bright eyes. 
The sky caught a charm from the ocean's blue wave 
While its radiance illumined her deep coral caves, 
And the Peri below, in their palace of pearl, 
Caught the diamonds that fell with a glitter and whirl 
From the silver lid stars, as in splendor they'd glide 
From the measureless height down the fathomless tide, 
The soft heavens bent down, ocean lifted her breast, 
The wind, wooed into silence, disturbed not their rest ; 
In rapture each gazed on the other's bright face, 
And night paused, as she witnessed the blissful embrace. 

The poems then oft would my master rehearse, 

And my feet would keep time to the magical verse ; 

And there would he tell, as we journey'd along, 

How great was thy genius, and splendid thy song ; 

How morality pure in thy verse was enshrined, 

And the graces of fancy around it entwined ; 

How Truth, in her grandeur, pervaded the whole, 

Enlarging the mind and improving the soul ; 

How sublime in its uses thy mystical art, 

While it wakens new life, sweetly mellows the heart ! 

How it lightens the weight of His chastising rod, 

And points us in penitence upward to God ; 

IJow it cheers the desponding and lonely heart up, 

And sweetens the draught of life's bitterest cup ; 

How it weaves a bright hope when misfortune shall crowd, 

And a lining of silver to every dark cloud ! 

Such province is thine, with thy heaven-born art, 

And well thou succeed'stin thy beautiful part. 

Thy name in the camp is held almost divine, 

From Mexico's border to Maryland's line. 

Thy poems are prized by the brave and the true, 

And blessings unnumbered are wafted on you, 

Each Texian claims thee, his being of song, 

But not to Texians alone does thy genius belong, 

That genius so splendid shall ne'er be confined 

To a worshiping few, what was meant for mankind. 

More fame to the State will thy gifted pen give 

Than the thousands now here, and hereafter may live : 


And such were his words by that murmuring sea, 
As he told of the future bright promise for thee. 

" Is thy rein now given (where the leaves unfurl 
With so free a grace) to some dark-eyed girl ? 
That dark-eyed girl — does she wreath thy brow 
With rich gay blossoms of Mexico ? 
And the hand that she lays on thy flowing mane, 
Does it shine like a snow-flake under the rein ? " 

No : Woman has never yet tightened my rein, 
Nor twined her fair hand in my dark-flowing mane — 
At the sound of her voice I would toss my head high— 
Nor touched me, nor gazed in my dark-rolling eye ; 
I flee from her presence with quivering limb — 
I can not like those who've been cruel to him. 
He cares little now for the love-lighted eyes 
Which the passions of youth madly worship and prize. 
The star of his boyhood has faded and gone, 
Let its gloom, or its brightness, untroubled, sleep on : 
Love's slumbering fever, disturb it not now, 
Its shadowy traces still darken Hope's brow. 
Its power, you sing " on the soul lies ever 
As the lotus blue on the orient river. ' 
No, Lethe's oblivious current will roll, 
*And curtain the past from the dream-haunted soul. 
Thrice welcome from Hades its mystical waters, 
A balm to the sting of earth's loveliest daughters. 
'Tis true, as he rode me, when thinking of her, 
His heel would unconsciously drive the keen spur : 
He told me — ah ! no, let the words be unr.poken, 
Since the seal on the fountain of love has been broken. 
In the chambers of silence, there let it now rest, 
With his feet to the east and his head to the west. 

Farewell to my master, and farewell to thee, 
And farewell to my home by the murmuring sea. 

Galveston, July 5, 1864. 



D. W. C. BAKER. 1850. 
" We must not forget that as we gather the laurel we scatter the cypress."— Stbrne. 

The warrior who, with blood-stained hands 

And garments drenched in human gore, 
Carves for himself a conqueror's name, 

And cuts his way to fame's proud door, 
Forgets that as he plucks and binds 

The laurel wreath around his brow, 
He scatters cypress in his path, 

And causes scalding tears to flow. 

See, where when battle's strife has ceased, 

The conqueror proudly passes by, 
The crowd around his praises shout, 

And added thousands join the cry: 
Then come and view the field of death, 

Look where the slain in heaps are thrown, 
Hark ! while the wounded cry for aid, 

And hear the dying gasp and moan ! 

These are thy fruits, oh cruel war ! 

This is the path which heroes tread ; 
One man — but one, has gained renown, 

Thousands are numbered with the dead. 
Alas, alas ! how true it is 

That man — ambitious man — forgets, 
E'en as he gains a laurel wreath 

A mourner 'neath the cypress sits. 





Star of my country, 'tis to thee 

The soldier turns his dying eyes, 
Still his expiring prayer shall be, 

That long thy folds may proudly rise 
Waving victorious o'er the plain 
Where he may never fight again. 

Thou single star—no galaxy 

Art thou; no kindred glittering band; 
Yet not the less thy light we see 

Illumining our much loved land. 
Like the sun lovely — Oh how bright, 
Oh, mays't thou never fade in night. 

Star of the unchained and the free, 

We stand as ever we will stand 
Around thy banner — and while we 

Are left to battle for our land, 
Our life-blood shall be freely given 
In strife — for victory- — or heaven. 

Star of the true — a single tie 

Unites our hearts, that gaze on thee, 
A single prayer to One on high 

Is offered when we bend the knee-: 
We humbly ask prosperity 
For this dear land o'er-shone by thee. 

Star that kind heaven itself has blest 

With victory, when our cause seemed cast 

For sure destruction — o'er the west, 
The east, the south — where'er a blast 

Of free wind blows — thou yet shalt wave, 

Protector of the free and brave. 


Lead on in front, thou gallant star ! 

We'll follow thee e'en to the last, 
And crush invaders who bring war 

Amidst our homes ; — or fierce and fast 
We'll show them that the swords we wield 
Are red from San Jacinto's field. 
Houston, 1840. 


(From Allan's Lone Star Ballads). 

Oh, I'm thinking of the soldier as the evening shadows fall, 

As the twilight fairy sketches her sad picture on the wall ; 

As the trees are resting sadly on the waveless silver deep, 

Like the barks upon the ocean when the winds are hushed to sleep. 

All my soul is with the absent, as the evening shadows fall, 
While the ghosts of night are spreading o'er the dying light a pall ; 
As the robes of day are trailing in the halls of eventide, 
And yon radiant star is wooing blushing eve to be his bride. 

I have shunned the cozy parlor, — for a silence lingers there 
Since our loved one went to battle, and we find a vacant chair ; 
And a sigh is stealing upward, as the evening spirits come, 
With the zephyrs, to the bowers of this sad, deserted home. 

For when soft " good nights " are ended, there's a room not like the rest, 

Since a soldier left that chamber, and a pillow is unprest, 

Oh, my soul is in a shadow, and my heart can not be gay, 

As the eve, with low refrainings, comes to shroud the dying day : 

For I'm dreaming of the soldier on his pallet bed of straw, 

As the leaves are growing yellow, and November winds are raw — 

And a vision comes before me of an aching, fevered brow, 

And a proud form blighted, blasted — strangely, strangely altered now. 

And I feel that strong heart beating, fainter, fainter with each breath, 
Fluttering softly in its prison, fluttering thro' the gate of death 


And a voice of sad despairing stirs my heart's deep fountain now, 
As my hand is slowly wandering o'er that cold and pallid brow. 

And a sigh so full of longing fills the chamber of my soul, 

While the quivering heart-strings whisper, " Life's a tale that soon is told." 

God of love, receive the soldier on the dim mysterious shore, 

Where the weary are at rest, and souls are sad — ah, nevermore. 

Still the dusky sibyl Future, on her dim prophetic leaves 

Writes, that death will claim the soldier when he gathers up his sheaves ; 

This is why I'm ever sighing, and my heart can not be gay, 

As the eve with low refraining comes to drown the dying day. 

This is why I still am sighing, as the deep gray shadows fall, 
As the somber twilight spirit soothes her shadows in the hall ; 
And I'm praying for the soldier, from a soul with sorrow sore, 
For our soldier boys have left us — gone, perchance to come no more* 


B. MILLER. 184I. 

Since man by sin has lost his God, 

He seeks creation through, 
And vainly hopes for solid bliss 

By trying something new : 

The new possessed, like fading flowers, 

Soon loses its gay hue ! 
The bubble now no more attracts, 

The soul wants something new. 

And could we call all Europe ours, 

With India and Peru, 
The mind would feel an aching void 

And still want something new. 

But when we feel a Saviour's love, 

All good in Him we view : 
The soul forsakes her vain delights, 

In Christ finds all things new. 


The joy a dear Redeemer gives, 
Will bear us safely through; 

Nor need we ever change again, 
For Christ is always new. 

And when we come to Jordan's wave, 
And the dread monster view, 

We then shall see IJis power to save, 
And find that Christ is new. 

At length to Zion r s golden gates 
Our journey we pursue, 

Behold the bright immortal train ; 
And Christ will still be new. 



In Dream Land now thy spirit roams, 
And blessed angels leave their homes 
Awhile to meet thee, loved one, there, 
Pure as themselves, and not less fair. 

I see them now delighted gaze, 
Thy loveliness their theme of praise, 
And, joyous smiling, fondly twine 
Their arms around thy form divine ; 

And twining in the midnight hair 
That waves along thy forehead fair, 
Sweet flowers steeped in fragrant dew» 
And colored by the rainbow's hue. 

I see them now all fondly press 
Their kiss on lips of loveliness, 
And wandering with thee, hand in hand 
Thro' pearly walks of fairy land, 


Where magic palaces arise, 
Like clouds along voluptuous skies, 
Elysian fields — ambrosial bowers- — 
To win thee from this world of ours. 

Of beauty's type thy form and face, 
The perfect mold of human grace ; 
Thy hands clasped on thy bosom fair, 
As if engaged in silent prayer. 

Beneath thy folding marble arms, 
Thy swelling bosom hides its charms ; 
Where every virtue calmly glows, 
And sacred love unceasing flows. 

Thy teeth, of whitest pearl, disclose 
Thro' parted lips of blushing rose; 
And graceful eye-brows, arched above, 
Seem pencii'd by the hand of love. 

That eye of life and love is hid 
Beneath its stainless waxen lid, 
Dark broiderM by its silken fringe 
That shades thy cheek of vermil tinge. 

How calm thy sleep, how pure thy rest ! 
The sabbath of an angel breast ; 
Awake ! dear one, I can not bear 
To see thee smileless sleeping there. 

The fearful thought intrudes, that death 
Has robb'd thee, sleeping, of thy breath ; 
Appal'd, soul shrinks with horror dread — 
For what were life if thou wert dead. 

From angel worlds come back awhile, 
And bless me with thy living smile. 
Thou art my joy, my pulse, my breath — 
Thy waking's life, thy sleeping's death ! 




The following poem is from the graceful pen of Mrs. C. S. West, formerly Miss Florence DuvaL 


Shaking the clouds of marble dust away, 

A youthful sculptor wanders forth alone ; 
While Twilight, rosy with the kiss of Day, 

Glows like a wondrous flower but newly blown. 
There lives within his deep and mystic eyes 

The magic light of true and happy love- 
Tranquil his bosom as the undimmed skies 

Smiling so gently from the depths above. 

All Nature whispers sweet and blissful things 

To this young heart, rich with emotions warm : 
Ah, rarely happy is the song it sings ! 

Ah, strangely tender is its witching charm ! 
He wanders to the margin of a lake 

Whose placid waves lie hushed in sleeping calm — 
So faint the breeze, it may not bid them wake, 

Tho' breathing thro' their dreams its odorous balm. 

A regal Lily stands upon the shore, 

Dropping her dew-pearls on the mosses green : 
Her stately forehead, and her bosom pure, 

Veiled in the moonlight's pale and silver sheen. 
The sculptor gazes on the queenly flower 

Until his white cheek burns with crimson flame, 
And his heart owns a sweet and subtle power, 

Breathing like music thro' his weary frame. 

The magic influence of his mighty art — 

The magic influence of his mighty love — 
Their mingled passion to his life impart, 

And his deep nature each can widely move. 
These passions sway his inmost being now — 

His art — his love — are all the world to him — 
Before the stately flower behold him bow ; 

Speaking the love that makes his dark eyes dim. 


" Thou art the emblem of my bosom's queen, 

And she, as thou, is formed with perfect grace > 
Stately she moves, with lofty air serene 

And pure thoughts beaming from her angel face. 
While yet thy bosom holds this silver dew, 

And moonbeams pale with passion for thy sake, 
In fairest marble I'll thy life renew, 

Ere the young daylight bids my love awake." 

A wondrous flower shone upon the dark, 

A lily — bloom of marble, pure and cold- 
Perfected in its beauty as the lark 

Soared to the drifting clouds of ruddy gold. 
The sculptor proudly clasped the image fair 

To his young ardent heart, then swiftly passed 
To where a lovely face, 'mid floating hair, 

A splendor o'er the dewy morning cast. 

She beamed upon him from the casement' c height— 

The fairest thing that greeted the new day- 
He held aloft the lily gleaming white, 

While tender smiles o'er her sweet features play. 
Presenting his fair gift on bended knee — 

"Wilt thou, beloved, cherish this pure flower? 
'Twas born of moonlight, and a thought of thee, 

And well will grace this cool and verdant bower : 

" And when these blushing blossoms droop and pine, 
Chilled by the cruel North-wind's icy breath, 

Unwithered still these marble leaves will shine, 
Calm and serene, untouched by awful Death." 

The summer days flew by like bright-winged dreams, 
Filling those hearts with fancies fond and sweet ; 

But when the first frost cooled the sun's warm beams, 
The purest, gentlest one, had ceased to beat. 

How like she seemed — clad in her church-yard dress — 
To that cold flower he chiseled for her sake ! 

What wild despairing kisses did he press 

On those sealed eyes, that never more will wake ! 



llis clinging arms infold her once again 

In one long, hopeless, passionate embrace — 

Then that fair child, who knew no earthly guile, 
Hid 'neath the flowers her sad and wistful face. 

The world that once was fairy-land to him, 

Now seemed a dreary waste of verdure bare — 
He only walked abroad in moonlight dim, 

And shunned the gaudy sun's unwelcome glare. 
Each night he sits beside a small green mound, 

O'er which a Marble Lily lifts its head, 
With trembling dews, and pearly moon-beams crowned, 

Fit emblem of the calm and sinless dead. 

He never tires of this sad trysting place, 

But waits and listens thro' the quiet night — 
"Surely she comes from mystic realms of space, 

To bid my darkened spirit seek the light. 
Be patient, my wild heart ! yon glowing star 

Wears the fond look of her soft, pleading eyes, 
Gently she draws me to that world afar, 

And bids me hush these sad and longing sighs." 

Thus mused he, as the solemn nights passed by, 

Still folding that sweet hope within his soul, 
And always peering in the tender sky, 

With earnest longings for that distant goal. 
One radiant night, when summer ruled the land, 

He sought the darling's bed of dreamless rest — 
The wooing breeze his pale cheek softly fanned 

With balmy sighs from gardens of the blest : 

A witching spell o'er that fair scene was cast, 

Thrilling his sad heart with a wild delight; 
And steeped in visions of the blessed past, 

He gazed upon the Lily gleaming white. 
Jewels of diamond-dew glowed on its breast, 

And the rich moonlight, mellow and intense, 
In golden robes the quiet church-yard dressed, 

Pouring its glory thro' the shadows dense. 


A nightingale flew from a neighboring tree, 

And on the Marble Lily folds his wings— 
His full heart trembles with its melody : 

Of love, and heaven, he passionately sings. 
The sculptor, gazing thro' his happy tears, 

Feels his whole being thrilled with sudden bliss — 
An Angel voice, in accents soft, he hears, 

And trembles on his lips a tender kiss. 

His hope bloomed ! above the marble flower, 

Radiant with heavenly beauty, see her stand ! 
His heart makes music like a silver shower, 

As fondly beckons that soft, snowy hand. 
The golden moon faints in the crimson sky, 

And morning's blushes burn o'er land and sea, 
Staining a cold, cold cheek with rosy dye — 

The sculptor's weary, waiting soul is free ! 

As onward glide the years, thro' bloom and blight 

Unchanged, the Marble Lily lifts its head : 
Thro' summer's glow, thro' winter's snow, so white ? 

Unheeding sleep the calm and blessed dead. 
Wherever falls the pure and pearly dew, 

Wherever blooms the fresh and fragrant rose. 
In that far world, removed from mortal view, 

Two loving souls in perfect bliss repose. 



Arise, arise, brave Texians, awake to liberty : 
To Mexican oppressors no longer bend the knee ; 
But hasten to the combat, with freedom's flag unfurled, 
That the glorious deeds of Texas may echo through the world. 
For we are determined to die or to be free, 
And Texas triumphant our watchword shall be. 


The bugle sounds to battle, war desolates our land, 
Proud Mexico's vile minions advance upon our band ; 
But though the blood of Texians should crimson every plain 
The rights that God has given us, forever we'll maintain. 

Tho' justice long has slumbered, refreshed, she'll soon awake, 
The tyrant that invades us, at her stern voice shall quake ; 
Before the dread tribunal his haughty pride shall bend, 
With honor for our bulwark, in vain shall he contend. 

Our foe the lonely covert seeks, unseen to strike the blow, 
He loves defenseless murder, and tears of grief and woe; 
He burns our homes and temples for his infernal glee, 
But o'er their smoking ruins we'll fight for liberty. 

We'll never trust his honor, assassin he is bred. 
Brave Fannin and his warriors thus found a gory bed. 
And Travis with his heroes on San Antonio height, 
Before the foeman legions fell in unequal fight. 

The blessed light of freedom on Texas shall descend, 
And despotism's darkness in lustrous day shall end ; 
The galling chains of bondage, Her sons shall bind no more, 
Or we will fall unconquered upon the Sabine's shore. 

Houston, 1838. 


(From the Austin City Gazette.) 

Beneath the genial blue-arched southern sky, 

Where constant spring yields flowers of every dye ; 

Where San Jacinto's limpid waters glide, 

And mingle with the Gulf's contending tide ! 

Midst grove-capped hills, adorned with ceaseless green, 

Where nature represents her loveliest scene, 

And gives her richest beauties to the earth 

A nation's independence had its birth. 


In such a land— in such a matchless clime— 
Where bird, and bush, and blossom seem divine, 
The wild horse sported, and the savage trod— 
Untutored one, and one defying God ; 
Regarding neither law, nor time, nor place, 
The sod their bed, their home unbounded space ; 
Until the sons of Anglo-Saxons came, 
To find a land so fair to reason's reign. 
Yet o'er this fresh and bright luxuriant land 
A soulless despot claimed supreme command, 
Who, by his dark and superstitious sway, 
Obscured the sacred light of moral day, 
And, with his cringing, cowering minions, came 
To rear his standard, and his power maintain : 
Onward, enraged, he marched o'er field and flood, 
Marking each footstep with a patriot's blood. 

But here the sons of free-born sires unfurled 
Their one-starred banner, and defied the world ; 
For in no bosom dwelt a selfish thought : 
All struck for vengeance, and for justice fought. 
They met ! the conflict blacken'd like a storm ; 
Foe fell on foe, and form was piled on form, 
Until Jacinto's plains were stained with gore, 
And freedom's eagle, undismay'd, could soar. 

What lofty form, with brave and martial air, 
Rides forth beneath the patriot's lonely star — 
With steady eye, and heart without dismay, 
Directs the movements of that glorious day? 
It was the master spirit of the brave — 
O'er Houston's plume the banners proudly wave; 
His country's pride— her hope and boasted chief, 
Who won a lasting name and fadeless wreath. 

What gallant form led on the foremost rank, 
Unsheath'd his sword and spurred his charger's flank ; 
Then with one shout — one loud, inspiring whoop — 
Gave bold examples to the rushing troop ; 
And like a meteor, through the cloud of strife, 
Left death behind, where all before was life ? 
It was the brave, invincible Lamar — 
The son of genius and the soul of war 1 


Hockley, with eagle eye and dauntless breast, 
And Burleson, the dragoon of the West, 
Soon changed the gathering whirlwind of alarm 
Into a fierce and loud impetuous storm ; 
And Wharton was there, whose high, devoted soul 
No fear could stay, no mandate could control ; 
He cheered the conquering, trampled o'er the slain- 
" The keenest blade on San Jacinto's plain." 
And there was Horton, near his chieftain's side, 
His word to hear, his rushing lines to guide ; 
Sherman, the brave, and Millard, ever true, 
With Rusk, and Coleman, battling close in view ; 
While Karnes, and Cook, and Somerville, and Bell, 
Stood arm to arm where foemen thickest fell — 
Each, bent on conquest, firmly kept his post ; 
For every man was " in himself a host." 

In future time, then may the pilgrim's eye 
See here an obelisk, pointed to the sky, 
Commemorative of each patriot's name, 
Who nobly battled for his country's fame ; 
And on its pedestal, and tapering spire, 
Read epitaphs that freemen will admire, 
Inscribed in lasting characters of gold, 
To celebrate the gallant and the bold. 

December, 1841. 

J. B. R. 


J. E. DOW. 

Far southward over Sabine stream 
A young republic lifts her head, 

Whose single star doth proudly gleam 
O'er valor's grave and glory's bed \ 

That star of empire took its flight 
From freedom's coronal of light: 

Beamed on Jacinto's deathless plain, 

And watched a nation's birth again. 


And then, how sad, how strangely still 

The Indian city sits alone. 
No herd upon the verdant hill, 

No skeleton beneath the stone, 
Forsaken mart of ages, start 

Life's current from thy marble heart, 
And bid the pulse of empire beat 
Through ivied hall and mossy street. 

Beside the green and sculptured piles, 

Whose roofs support the ancient woods, 
The hunter's home in beauty smiles, 

And joy runs through the solitudes ; 
And where the western Druid trod, 

And offered human blood to God, 
The Gospel bell doth sweetly chime, 
At Sabbath morn and even time. 

The fierce Comanche seeks his home 

Beyond the Rio Brazos' wave, 
No more in battle paint to roam 

Around his father's sunken grave, 
While the broad stream, whose bosom ne'er 

Knew but the swan and fallen deer, 
Whirls the swift steamboat's wheel along, 
And echoes to the boatman's song. 

Oh, 'tis a fair and goodly land, 

Where restless spirits love to roam, 
Where labor spreads his rugged hand 

And decks with flowers contentment's home : 
Where prairies vast the woods embrace, 

And rivers run their endless race, 
And wild winds whisper to the sea 
Of ages past and yet to be. 

To its green breast young nations cling, 

And raise the cry of infant life ; 
While commerce spreads the ocean wing, 

And war's wild bugle wakens strife. 
And there the foeman from afar 
Sees on its flag a pilgrim star, 


And strives the glorious hour to learn 
When the lost pleiad shall return. 

There shall the wave of life roll on, 

As rolled the north on Europe's shore, 
Till the last boundary is won, 

And ocean voices drown its roar. 
O'er martyr's grave and monarch's tomb, 
O'er tyrant's throne and knighthood's plume, 
O'er craven hosts to slaughter led, 
The northern soldier's foot shall tread. 

What ! let the British Lion roam 

Along the prairies of the South ? 
Leave life and liberty and home 

Dependent on his gory mouth ? 
Oh ! sooner should our children fold 
In deepest shame the stars of gold, 
And bury freedom's burning shield 
On every deathless battle-field. 

Oh ! for a coal of burning fire 

That from the Almighty's censer fell, 
To touch the lips of son and sire, 

And break the soul-destroying spell. 
Then would scorn the name 
Of him who dipped his pen in shame, 
And on the revolution's urn, 
Forbade a sister State's return. 



Beautiful land of fragment bloods, 
Emerald carpet, and rich perfumes ; 
Land of the brave, the leal, the true, 
Whose skies are softer and deeper blue 
Than the mellowed light of a moonlight pale 
'Neath the starry gleaming of midnight's veil. 


Land where in gorgeous shimmering lines 
On the golden beach the warm sand shines, 
And the stealthy morn drags on apace 
As the sea fog mantles his heavy face, 
And the jeweled drops of sea-foam lie, 
Like a rainbow mist, 'gainst a sunset sky. 

Land of the prairies, the wide, the free, 
That sleeps to the hum of the droning bee, 
Where the day -god raises his jeweled crest, 
Or sinks in dreams on the twilight's breast, 
With a sweeter grace and a kindlier power, 
And a dainty gilding of tree and flower. 

Land where the live-oak rears its head 

With a knightly bearing, to list the tread — ■ 

The steady tramp of the myriad feet 

That seek its shade with hoofs as fleet 

As the wild gazelle ; — where the lightning's play 

Tremulous steals from its limbs away. 

Land where the seasons gently flee 

To the measured march of eternity, 

Soft as a babe that sinks to rest 

New-cradled and lulled on its mother's breast; 

Where ambered grain steals to the winter's kiss ? 

And spring-time warms it to newer bliss. 

Oh ! Texas — -friend* — aye, a friend indeed, 
That bows to the poor man's every need, 
With earliest harvest, eternal flowers, 
With balmiest winds and glorious showers, 
With gems of dew, and coils of mist, 
And the sunlight's purpling amethyst ! 

Glorious land, where the Lone Star gleams 

O'er thy prairies wide and thy sweeping streams, 

As softly now as in days gone by, 

When the war-god gazed, with baleful eye, 

On the little band that uprose to save — 

Or shield thine honor in freedom's grave. 

* Texas is an Indian word signifying friend. 


Thine is the land whose birth hour knew 
But scenes of terror, where hearts, as true 
As the tempered steel, ceased to glow 
Behind the walls of the Alamo — 
When the Aztec minions who scourged the land, 
In wedding with death, had thinned thy band. 

And down where the San Antonio glides, 
Where the purpling tint of sunset hides, 
And cool winds play with the waves at will, 
And the lily floats on its bosom still, 
The quivering lip and moistening eye, 
Will tell of dreams that come thronging by. 

Of Goliad's field, where the traitor foe 

Struck in the dark his deadliest blow, 

And the jaws of death were red with blood, 

As the streams rolled by with widening flood, 

And a cry for vengeance went up to God 

From the souls of those 'neath the new-turned sod ! 

On San Jacinto the foe then met, 

And the turf with the dastards' blood grew wet, 

For the hour had come when the patriot band 

Were to win or die, as, hand in hand, 

With a cry to God to defend the right, 

They rushed on the foe in deadliest fight. 

And history tells how the red blood ran, 
As man went down with his brother-man, 
With glazing eye and paling face, 
On the peaceful turf, in death's embrace ; 
And the darksome frowns of the god of war 
Were hid by the beams of thy glorious star ! 

Texas, our home, our haven of rest, 
That we love as the wild bird loves its nest I 
When winds are baleful and skies are dark, 
And over the heart there gleams no spark, 
No ray of hope — may we turn to thee, 
The Lone Star, to guide us o'er life's sea I 



D. W. C. BAKER. 

I walked with a maiden one beautiful night, 

When the moon 'shone clear and the stars shone bright, 

And I said to the maiden, " Now listen to me, 

While I teach a short lesson in Latin to thee, 

We'll take the verb Amo, 'tis so very pleasant, 

Translated — Dear maiden, I love thee at present. 

Amare, infinitive, means, do you see, 

To love, then is infinite pleasure to me. 

Amavi, indicative perfect, my dear, 

I have loved thee perfectly well for a year. 

Amatum, the passive participle, 

Having been loved by me so long and so well, 

I pray thee to passively list to my suit, 

And when thou hast beard it, to grant it ; to boot. 

I promise, dear maiden, if thou wilt be mine ; 

To be perfectly passive, and calmly supine, 

And though I'm imperfect, thy future shall be, 

A long conjugation of amo and me." 

Then the maiden looked up in my face with a smile, 

And whispered, " Now listen, I'll teach thee awhile. 

Though you seem to be in the imperative mood, 

I hope my instruction may do you good. 

If you'll promise to be a good scholar for life, 

I'll teach you the meaning of conjux, a wife ; 

But if you should ever my anger provoke 

I'll teach you Conjugum, which meaneth a yoke." 




The last tear I shed was the warm one that fell 

As I kissed thee, dear mother, and bade thee farewell : 

When I saw the deep anguish impressed on thy face, 

And felt for the last time a mother's embrace, 

And heard thy choked accents, most frantic and wild, 

" God bless thee forever ! God bless thee ! my child." 

I thought of my boyhood, thy kindness to me, 
When, youngest and dearest, I sat on thy knee. 
Thy love to me ever so fondly expressed, 
As I grew up to manhood, unconscious how blest. 
Thy praises when right, and thy chidings when wrong, 
While wayward with passions unheeding and strong. 

I thought of thy counsels, unheeded or spurned, 

As mirth had enlivened, or anger had burned, 

And how, when by sickness all helpless I lay, 

Thou didst nurse me and soothe me, by night and by day, 

How much I had been both thy sorrow and joy, 

And my feelings o'erflowed, and I wept like a boy. 

Years, years of endurance have vanished, and now 
There is pain in my heart, there is care on my brow, 
The visions of fancy and hope are all gone, 
And cheerless I travel life's pathway alone. 
Alone ? ay, alone : though some kind ones there be, 
There are none here to love me, to love me like thee. 

My mother, dear mother, cold-hearted they deem 
Thy offspring, but, oh, I am not what I seem ; 
Though calmly and tearless all changes I bear, 
Could they look in my bosom, the feeling is there, 
And now, sad and lonely, as memory recalls 
Thy blessing at parting, again the tear falls. 
Austin, Texas. 



To Commodore Moore, and those who fought and died under the naval banner of our 
Republic, these lines are inscribed. 

(Galveston News.) 

Hark, hark to the thunders that boom in the deep, 

And shake the broad plains of the sea, 
Lo, the war lightnings flash, and the battle-cries sweep, 

On the ocean wind wild and free. 
Loud, loud is the strife, and more dreadful it grows, 

And brighter the cannon flames glare, 
And nearer in conflict the proud navies close 

And blacker with smoke frowns the air. 

And now on the battle's wild tumult arise 

The shrieks of the death-stricken brave, 
The patriot's last prayer, as his soul mounts the skies 

And invokes God his country to save. 
Down swooned to the deck all crimsoned with gore 

Brave Wilber, a lion in fight, 
And horror of horrors, young Bryant is pierced — 

Heaven shrinks from the sad, sickening sight. 

Poor boy ! tho' thy young days have ended on earth, 

Tho' thy grave is deep, deep in the sea, 
Yet Bryant, we'll hallow thy name and thy worth, 

And thy deeds in defense of the free. 
As long as the ocean wave beats on our shore, 

And freedom a home here shall find, 
So long thy misfortunes we'll weep and deplore, 

So long shall thy fame be enshrined. 

Then Bryant, sleep on with the heroes who fell, 

Their homes and their lives to defend, 
They went forth to glory, they welcomed their knell, 

For they heard victory's tones with it blend. 

Shame, shame on the coward who dastardly sneers, 

And lifts not his voice to applaud 
The heroes who dared in the battle to face 

The foes of their country, unawed. 


Shame, shame on the being, vile, heartless, and base, 

Who stops not, when battle is o'er, 
To blacken the fame and the honor of him 

Whose name he had clung to before. 

Ingratitude carries a curse on its brow : 

And the heart that can nourish its spell 
Will sink in dishonor, tho' thousands may bow 

And its praises exultingly swell. 
But Moore — there are hearts in our country still true, 

There are bosoms unsullied and pure, 
And long will they throb still more grateful to you, 

While freedom and life shall endure. 
Galveston, 1342. 



The storm of the battle no longer is o'er us, 

Freedom to Texas with glory descends ; 
The flag of our triumph waves brightly before us, 

And conquest her splendor to liberty lends. 
Huzza ! from our limbs the last fetter has crumbled, 
And Mexico's pride in the dust has been humbled. 

A shout from the banks of Jacinto's bright waters 
Goes up with the roar of the storm and the blast : 

The voice of her sons and the song of her daughters 
O'er tyranny's chains that are riven at last. 

Huzza ! nevermore will our Lone Star surrender, 

While a true Texan heart is left to defend her. 

The heroes who lie on the red field of battle 

Speak loud thro' their blood, and the triumph proclaim, 

And their slumber, more potent than cannons' fierce rattle, 
Bids Texas remember her dead and her fame. 

Their silence is tongued with, Huzza ! for the river * 

Whence backward the foeman was driven forever ! 

* San Jacinto. 


And lo ! from Bexar's stained turf is awaking 

A sound from the bones of the brave who were slain, 

A sound like the voice of the thunder peal breaking, 
Defying the Tyrant to trample again 

Where Mexico's banner, all trailing and gory, 

But marks the bright pathway of Texas to glory. 

Then bright be the star and undimmed be its splendor, 
That links her free name to the love of the world, 

And long as our spirit is left to defend her, 
Let freedom's broad banner be nobly unfurled : 

While the lips of her brave, and her beautiful, thunder, 

No tyrant shall trample our liberty under. 

Galveston, 1844. 



G. G. SIMCOX. 185 1. 

When the Lone Star of Texas arose in the West, 
Pale and dimly it shone from its orbit on high, 

For the Mexican Eagle had flown from his nest, 
And his broad dusky wings overshadowed the sky. 

As the hordes of Sant' Anna rushed on to the fight 
And up to the Heavens their battle-cry pealed, 

Oh ! paler that star grew, I ween, for its light 
Was eclipsed by the glitter of helmet and shield. 

On the spot where still struggled a small Spartan band, 
Who had sworn for their country to conquer or die, 

Where the dark frowning walls of the Alamo stand, 
The " Lone Star," still shone from its home in the sky. 

How that band bravely stood through the perilous fight — 
How they gloriously died — let history tell. 

But paler than ever that star shed its light 
When Travis — the Texas Leonidas — fell. 


Where the tyrant dismayed, from the battle-field fled, 
Where the blood of his minions encrimsoned the plain, 

O'er the field of Jacinto, where slumber the dead, 
More brilliant than ever that star rose again ; 

And now in the flag of the Union, that star 
In a bright constellation unceasingly glows. 

And long may it shine, in peace or in war, 
A beacon to friends, or a terror to foes. 



There is a blessed memory, 

Embalmed with my love and tears, 
That, buried deeply, tenderly, 

Has hallowed my heart for years. 
'Tis a bright, but a sad, sad vision 

That hovers before my gaze, 
Bringing me all of the treasures 

I lost with my childhood days. 

'Twas a winter evening hazy, 

The cares of the clay were done, 
And the troops of merry school-girls • 

Came home in the setting sun : 
My weary feet on the threshold, 

I stored all my books away, 
Tossed off my gloves and my bonnet, 

To rest with the dying day. 

My mother sat in the twilight, 

Musing and dreaming alone : 
Her face, in the fire-light shadows, 

With a calm, sweet glory shone, 
I knew of what she was dreaming, 

I had studied her features so, 
That I told by their softened meaning 

When she thought of the long ago. 


I threw back my dark hair's tresses, 

And sitting child-like at her feet, 
Asked my mother to tell me the story 

To her memory treasured and sweet. 
Her blessed blue eyes grew wistful, 

She thought of my father now, 
And a look of deep loving and longing 

Crept over her lips and her brow. 

The glimpses of light through the window 

Strayed lovingly over her hair, 
The daylight seemed yearning to bless her, 

And lingered caressingly there : 
There never was hair like my mother's, 

'Twas jet in a setting of gold, 
Like midnight asleep, in rich masses 

With daylight awake on each fold. 

" No wonder my father so loved you," 

I mused, looking up in her face, 
For motherhood, freighted with trial, 

Had not stolen her beauty and grace, 
Her dress was the deepest of mourning, 

And her hands were so waxen and white 
I thought of the pure snowy blossoms 

That open their petals at night. 

Then she told me, in tones like low music, 

The story that measured her life, 
Her girlhood, its beauties, its triumphs, 

E'er the love-crown had made her a wife. 
And she painted a picture so vivid, 

I fancied it dawned on my view, 
Of the evening my father first met her, 

When the old life was lost in the new. 

She told how her dress, white and spotless, 

And the curls of her dark flowing hair, 
How her blue eyes, her fresh simple beauty, 

Chained his heart in a lifetime of snare. 


She told me the scene of betrothal, 
In a beauteous garden of flowers, 

Of the lovely, enchanted Bay City, 

Where glided her girlhood's bright hours. 

Then she pictured the eve of her bridal, 

When, leaving behind every tie, 
She followed her heart's chosen ruler, 

To dwell 'neath a far-distant sky. 
Then my mother's sweet face kindled proudly, 

And she said, in a low, earnest voice, 
" When I married your father, my daughter, 

Of the whole world I wedded my choice." 

The shadows of night were around us, 

The story had closed with the day, 
But the words of my mother still lingered 

Like the echo when songs die away. 
Long I dreamed o'er the words she had spoken 

Of the love and the pride in her voice, 
And I said to myself, " Earth were heaven, 

If each woman had married her choice." 
Austin, Texas. 



The following remarkable story is copied from the fi Texas Almanac " 
for 1873. 

Moses Rose, a native of France, was an early emigrant to Texas, and 
resided in Nacogdoches where my father Abraham Zuber made his acquaint- 
ance, in 1827. In 1830, I saw him several times at my father's house ; he 
was then about forty-five years old. Rose was a warm friend of Colonel James 
Bowie, and accompanied him to the Alamo in the fall of 1835. During the 
last five days of his stay at the Alamo, the enemy kept up an incessant bom- 
bardment, and several times advanced to the wall, and the men within were 
so constantly engaged that they ate and slept only at short intervals. The 
following is Rose's account of his escape. About two hours before sunset, on 
the third day of March 1836, the bombardment suddenly ceased, and the 


enemy withdrew an unusual distance. During this time Travis paraded his 
men and calmly addressed them as follows : " My brave companions — Neces- 
sity compels me to employ the few moments now afforded to make known to 
you a most solemn and melancholy situation. Be prepared for the worst ! 
Our fate is sealed — within a few days, perhaps a few hours, we must all be 
in eternity. It is our destiny — we can not avoid it. It is our certain doom. 
I have kept you in ignorance of this, in hopes of receiving re-enforcements. I 
ask your pardon for it. In deceiving you, I also deceived myself. I have 
all along received assurances of help. Every letter I have received, and every 
person I have seen, has represented that our people were ready, willing, and 
anxious to come to our relief: and that we might expect enough help to 
enable us to repulse our foes. The help has not come, and our hopes are 
dashed to earth. My calls on Colonel Fannin remain unanswered, and the 
messengers have not returned. It is my belief that his whole force has been 
cut off, and our couriers have perished. Relying upon help, I have kept 
you within these walls. Relying upon help, I have scorned the enemy's 
demand for a surrender. The worst has now come near us. We are 
surrounded by an army large enough to annihilate us at a blow, from 
whose arms we are sheltered for the time by these walls. We must not 
surrender : for should we do so, that black flag waving in our sight admon- 
ishes us as to our doom. We can not cut our way through the ranks of the 
foe. There is no alternative but to remain here and struggle to the last. 
Santa Anna is, I am convinced, determined to storm and take this fort at 
whatever cost. Then, let us in this emergency be men and brothers. Let 
us withstand our adversaries to the last : and should they, as they will, scale 
the walls, let us meet them as they come, and never cease to oppose and 
combat them hand to hand while life remains. Thus, though we perish, we 
shall weaken our enemies and strengthen our friends : and our memory will 
be cherished by posterity till history shall be erased and all noble deeds for- 
gotten. My determination is taken : but I leave every man to his choice. 
Mine is to stay in this fort, and to die fighting for my country. This will 
I do, if left alone" Colonel Travis then drew his sword, and with its point 
traced a line upon the ground from right to left. Then, resuming his position 
in front, he said, " I now call upon every man who is determined to stay here 
and die with me, to come across this line. Who will be first? March!" The 
first was Tapley Holland, who -leaped across the line with a bound, exclaim- 
ing, " I am ready to die for my country." He was instantly followed by 
every man in the line excepting Rose. The enthusiasm was tremendous. 
Every sick man who could walk, arose from his bunk and tottered across the 
mark. Bowie, who could not leave his cot, said, " Boys, some of you lift me 
up and carry me over." Four men at once ran to him, and each taking a 


corner of his mattress, lifted him up and carried him over the line. Rose 
was deeply affected. He stood still till all save him had crossed to the other 
side. A consciousness of the situation overpowered him. He sank upon the 
ground and covered his face. For awhile he seemed unconscious of what 
was transpiring. A determination to escape, if possible, took possession of i 
his mind. He arose from the ground : he glanced around : he felt in a 
dream : he cast a searching glance at the cot of Colonel Bowie. David 
Crockett was leaning over him, conversing in a low tone. Bowie looked up, 
"You do not seem inclined to die with us, Rose." "No," he returned, " I 
am not prepared to die, and shall avoid it if I can." Crockett then spoke. 
"You might as well take your chances with us, for escape is impossible." 

Rose looked up at the top of the wall. His determination was taken. 
He seized his wallet and sprang to the summit of the wall. Standing on the 
parapet, he took a last look at his friends. Turning his eyes without, he was 
amazed at the scene which met his gaze. The ground at the base of the wall 
was literally covered with dead Mexicans and pools of blood. He viewed 
this horrid sight but an instant. Throwing his wallet, he leaped after it. 
He fell prostrate in a pool of blood. Recovering himself in a few seconds, 
he gained his feet, and throwing his bloody wallet over his shoulder, he 
walked rapidly away. All this was done literally in full view of the Mexican 
army, and yet, strange to say, without exciting attention. He took the road 
down the river and crossed the ford. He passed through the town. It 
seemed deserted. He continued his course down the river. The stillness of 
death prevailed. He met no one. Suddenly the thunder of the renewed 
bombardment saluted his ear. Its roar continued to smite upon his ears 
during the night, when he heard it no more. In the morning he recrossed 
the river three miles below the town, and directed his course eastward toward 
the Guadalupe River. He traveled day and night, but made little progress, 
on account of the large tracts of prickly pear through which he was compelled 
to pass. These constantly gored him with their thorns, until he was almost 
unable to proceed. On the sixth of March, he reached the Guadalupe River, 
and rolling a log into it, he paddled himself across. He continued his 
journey slowly and painfully for about two weeks, when he reached the resi- 
dence of my father in Grimes county. My parents had before this seen in 
the Telegraph and Register, an account of the fall of the Alamo, and a list 
of those who were slain, among whom Rose's name appeared. On his arrival, 
my father recognized him and exclaimed, " My God, Rose, is this you, or your 
ghost ? " " It is me, and no spirit," was the answer. Rose remained at my 
father's two or three weeks, after which he departed for his home in Nacog- 
doches, where he soon afterward died. 




Lo, the sounds of mirth rise loud 

From a city in the east, 
And a thousand gleaming chariots 

Gather to a royal feast ; 
And a mellow, mystic radiance, 

Hangs upon the perfumed air, 
While the sound of soft, sweet music 

Drives away each shade of care. 

E'en this city's proudest children, 

Look with rapture on the sight, 
While the throng of giddy dancers 

Glide beneath the tinted light. 
On his throne of dazzling splendor 

Now Chaldea's king reclines, 
While the goblets, gemmed and golden, 

Glow with rich and ruddy wine. 

And to still increase the luster 

Of this glorious gala night, 
Glitter Judah's sacred vessels, 

Trophies of a heathen's might. 
Round the walls of this grand city 

Now the Persian armies slept, 
While their stern and gloomy sentries 

Long and weary vigils kept. 

But what care the gay Chaldeans, 

With their walls of wondrous height? 
What to them was haughty Cyrus, 

In his silent, sullen might? 
While, perchance, some sleepless veteran 

In the darkened foeman camps, 
Looked with eyes of wistful wonder 

On the many glimmering lamps ; 


With their countless scintillations 

From the windows tall and wide, 
And their meteor-like reflections 

On the dark Euphrates' tide : 
Or, perchance, some drowsy watcher 

Paused upon his lonely beat, 
And, in silence, marked the timing 

Of the dainty, tinkling fleet : 

Then resumed his measured pacing, 

As a night bird rustled by, 
Thinking on the mighty changes 

That must meet the morning's eye : 
How the broad Euphrates River, 

Wakened from his stony bed, 
Would move on in frightful grandeur 

Through a city of the dead. 

But what recks the king Assyrian, 

On his gorgeous golden throne, 
'Mid the sound of music swelling, 

With its rich, voluptuous tone ; 
'Mid the fairest of earth's daughters, 

Decked with gems from land and sea, 
With his throngs of glittering satraps, 

Ever prompt to bend the knee. 

Lightly laughs Assyria's ruler, 

Little doth he dream of harm ; 
Sweetly smiles yon lovely maiden, 

Leaning on her lover's arm — 
Hark ! How silent are the minstrels ! 

See this proud assemblage quail ! 
And the god-like King Belshazzar 

Turneth strangely, ghastly pale : 

For, along those walls palatial, 
There a ghostly hand doth write, 

In a dark and unknown language, 
Words that scorch the very sight, 


Many a deeply skilled magician, 

With his weary, restless eyes, 
And in turn, each weird old seer, 

Now, this spectral problem tries. 

But in vain their conjurations, 

Still those flaming letters stand 
On the grand old walls emblazoned, 

Written by God's own right hand : 
" Bring the Hebrew captive hither," 

Then the trembling monarch cried, 
" Since the learned of all Chaldea 

By these letters are defied." 

Now, Judea's prophet enters 

'Mid that pale and trembling throng : 
Through those halls that late re-echoed 

With the sounds of dance and song. 
" Hebrew captive," spake the monarch, 

" If this writing thou canst read, 
Costly robes and kingly honors 

Will I giye to thee as meed." 

He replied : " I ask not honors — 

What to me this heathen land ? 
One of many children, chastened 

By a father's loving hand — 
But Belshazzar, king Assyrian, 

With thy broad and rich domains 
With thy countless heathen altars, 

And thy strange, unholy fanes, 

" 'Tis to thee that this comes greeting, 

Penned by high Jehovah's hand, 
At whose throne the angels worship, 

In full many a bright-winged band. 
Lo ! thy days of might are numbered, 

And, ere morning dawn again, 
Thou, with many a loyal subject, 

Wilt be counted with the slain. 


" In the balance of High Heaven 

Hath thy wanting soul been weighed. 
By great Alpha and Omega, 

By the Maker of all made. 
Lo, thy kingdom shall be given 

To the Persian and the Mede — 
Thus, O haughty heathen monarch, 

Doth this dreadful writing read." 

Dreary silence holds dominion 

Through those grandly lighted halls, 
And the noise of trampling horsemen 

On the drowsy night air falls : 
Loudly wake the sounds of conflict, 

As the pale stars softly wane — 
Medes and Persians hold Chaldea, 

And Belshazzar's with the slain. 

Canst thou tell me, smiling skeptic, 

Why no longer, as of yore, 
Doth the weary Arab rest him 

On the dark Euphrates' shore ? 
Yes ! a pool of stagnant blackness 

Sleeps where Babylon once stood, 
And the raven and foul lapwing 

Lave their pinions in its flood. 

For the satyrs hold their revels 

Where once lordly feasts were held, 
And the slimy adder hisses 

In the place where music swelled. 
List ! and thou wilt hear the angels 

As they worship, one by one, 
Say, " Oh ! God, in Earth and Heaven, 

May Thy holy will be done.'' 

Georgetown, Texas, 1868. 



(From the Galveston News.) 

Ye warbling birds in shady bowers, 

Your thrilling melodies how gay, 
They bring to mind the rapturous hours 

I've spent with one who's far away. 
When wandering by some crystal rill, 

Where fragrance floats on every breeze, 
I oft have heard those notes so shrill, 

'Mid sylvan groves of spreading trees. 

Those very notes I oft have heard, 

In deep wildwood on summer's day, 
When I was with my gentle bird, 

My Isabel, who 's far away. 
Those blissful hours of peace have passed, 

Which I so happily enjoyed, 
And I am now in prison cast, 

With even worse than death annoyed. 

Whene'er ye waft on airy wing, 

And through the blue expansion stray, 
Go to my love and say, " We bring 

A tear from him who 's far away." 
Your freedom, birds, I envy not, 

But to my fate I'm reconciled. 
If to be freed shall be my lot, 

I oft may hear your warblings wild. 

But if this frame be doomed to death 

E'er time shall bring another day, 
Go tell my wife, my latest breath 

Was spent for her so far away. 
Go, tell her that her husband died 

At peace with God, — his sins forgiven, 

That the last words his spirit sighed, 

Were — " May we meet again in Heaven." 




(From the Houston Telegraph.) 

Mount, mount, and away on the green prairies, 
The sword is our scepter, the fleet steed our pride ! 
Up, up with our flag ! let its bright folds gleam out. 
Mount, mount, and away, on the wild border scout. 

We care not for danger — we heed not the foe, 
Where our gallant steeds bear us, right onward we go ; 
And never as cowards will we fly from the fight, 
While our belts bear a blade, and our Star sheds its light. 

Then mount and away — give our horses the rein, 
The ranger's at home on the prairies again. 
Spur, spur for the chase, dash on to the fight- 
Cry, Vengeance for Texas — and God speed the right. 

The clouds of the foe gather thick round our way, 
Our war-cry rings out as we rush to the fray. 
What to us is the fear of the death-giving plain ? 
We've braved it before, and we'll brave it again. 

The death-giving bullets around us may fall, 
May strike us full low, but they can not appal. 
Through the red field of carnage right onward we'll wade, 
While our guns carry ball — our arms wield a blade. 

Hurrah ! my brave boys, you may fare as you please 
No Mexican banner now floats on our breeze. 
'Tis the flag of Columbia that waves o'er each height ; 
While on its proud folds our Star sheds its light 

David Crockett. 

See p. 2620 




(From the Houston Telegraph.) 

Heard ye that sigh, that melancholy wail, 
Borne sadly on by evening's fitful gale, 
Like some lone whisper from the silent tomb, 
Shrouding a nation with its saddening gloom ? 
It comes from Texas, like a dying knell, 
Where gloriously the immortal Crockett fell. 

Like some tall giant on the field of blood, 
Undaunted 'midst the gallant slain he stood, 
He knew no fear — in danger's darkful storm 
He boldly, proudly, reared his warrior form. 
His cause — the cause of freedom and the free, 
His glorious watchword — Death or liberty. 

Sleep, mighty warrior, in thy tombless bed, 
The bravest hero of the valiant dead ! 
Thy name is cherished in a nation's pride, 
Whose tears for thy sad fate can ne'er be dried. 
Some sculptured marble yet shall rise, and tell 
How Crockett with his brave companions fell 

Freedom shall light her torch above thy tomb, 
And freemen write the story of thy doom. 
Tyrants shall tremble at thy honored name, 
And blush to read the record of thy fame : 
While millions, at their annual jubilee, 
Shall boast a Crockett lost — a nation free ! 




Their memory comes, like sunshine beams, 

Across my darkened path : 
Or, like the vivid lightnings, gleams 

Amid the tempest