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ill!:       I; 


FROM   THE  LIBRARY  OF 
REV.    LOUIS    FITZGERALD    BENSON,   D.  D. 

BEQUEATHED   BY  HIM  TO 

THE   LIBRARY  OF 

PRINCETON  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


Division 
Section 


v.4 


V 


-^ 
.K 


\^ v^v 


U    1932 


A    TEXT-BOOK 


OF 


CHURCH    HISTORY. 


BY  DR.  JOHN  0.  L.  GIESELEK. 


JTranslatcti  anU  22fcftrTJ 


BY  HENRY  B.  SMITH, 

PEOFESSOB   IN   TnE   UNION   THEOLOGICAL   SEMINABV,   NEW   TOEK. 


VOL.  IV.— A.I).  1517-1648. 


TIIK  REFORMATION  AND  ITS  RESULTS  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA. 


N  E  W     Y  O  R  K  : 
HARPER    &     BROTHERS,     PUBLISHERS, 


FRANKLIN     SQCAEE. 


18  68. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred 

and  sixty-one,  by 

HARPER    &    BROTHERS, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


INTRODUCTORY   NOTE. 


Only  three  sections  of  the  present  volume  of  Orieseler's  Church 
History  have  ever  before  been  published  in  an  English  transla- 
tion. These  were  contained  in  the  Fifth  Volume  of  the  Edin- 
burgh edition,  and  are  here  given  in  a  revised  version,  extending 
to  page  122  of  this  volume.  The  history  of  the  Reformation,  in 
its  general  as  well  as  in  its  religious  bearings,  was  one  of  the  fa- 
vorite objects  of  Dr.  Gieseler's  indefatigable  researches.  In  no 
part  of  his  great  work  is  he  more  thorough ;  in  none  is  the  value 
of  his  labors  more  generally  recognized.  Dr.  Redepenning,  the 
editor  of  the  later  volumes,  says  "  that  the  crown  of  his  labors  in 
church  history  is  found  in  his  exposition  of  the  doctrinal  develop- 
ment in  the  period  of  the  Reformation  to  the  Peace  of  West- 
phalia." Certainly  in  no  part  of  his  work  does  he  add  more  to 
the  desiderata  of  our  English  literature.  Neander's  history  does 
not  reach  to  the  Reformation ;  our  popular  histories  of  the  Refor- 
mation do  not  introduce  us  to  the  sources.  Though  the  account 
of  the  English  and  Scotch  Reformation  is  comparatively  meagre, 
yet  this  can  easily  bo  supplied  from  other  accessible  works. 

The  present  volume  contains  the  whole  history  of  the  Reforma- 
tion to  the  Peace  of  Westphalia.  The  history  of  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic Church  during  the  same  period  will  be  given  in  the  Fifth 
Volume,  which  will  also  comprise  the  history  of  the  whole  Church 
from  1648  to  the  present  times,  as  published  by  Redepenning  from 
Dr.  Gieseler's  notes. 

Apart  from  its  precise  and  condensed  statement  of  facts  and  re- 
sults, the  chief  value  of  this  work  to  the  student  is  perhaps  to  be 


4*  INTRODUCTORY  NOTE. 

found  in  its  accurate  citations  from  the  original  authorities.  To 
retain  this  characteristic  even  in  the  translation  seemed  to  be  in- 
dispensable. But  as  many  of  the  notes  are  in  German,  and  as 
the  bulk  of  the  volume  would  be  too  much  enlarged  by  giving 
both  the  German  and  a  translation,  the  plan  has  been  adopted  of 
inclosing  in  brackets  a  condensed  statement  of  the  main  points, 
which  may  prove  sufficient  for  the  general  reader. 

As  to  the  value  of  this  history,  the  verdict  is  unanimous  among 
all  German,  English,  and  American  scholars,  of  every  ecclesias- 
tical denomination.  It  is  an  indispensable  Tielp  and  guide  to  all 
interested  in  such  investigations.  It  is  so  thorough  and  exact, 
that  it  is  itself  an  authority.  It  is  so  impartial,  that  even  when 
we  differ  from  its  judgments  it  gives  us  the  data  by  which  we 
may  fortify  our  dissent.  And  it  fosters  in  every  student  the  love 
of  historic  truth  and  the  spirit  of  Christian  charity. 

H.  B.  S. 

Union  Theological  Seminary, 

New  York,  February  25,  1861. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL,  IV. 


FOURTH  PERIOD. 

FROM  THE  REFORMATION  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIMES. 

FIRST  DIVISION. 

A.D.  1517-1C48. 
FROM  THE  REFORMATION  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA. 

PART  FIRST  OF  FIRST  DIVISION. 
EXTERNAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMATION. 

FIRST  CHAPTER. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  GERMAN  AND  SWISS  REFORMATION. 

TAGE 

Sources  and  Literature 9 

§  1.  German  Reformation  to  1524 13 

Martin  Luther 1G 

John  Tetzel 21 

John  Eck 27 

Cardinal  Cajetan °0 

Philip  Melancthon 32 

The  Elector  of  Saxony 3-1 

Carlstadt  and  the  Lcipsic  Disputation 36 

Luther's  Appeal  to  the  Nobles 42 

De  Captivitate  Babylonica 47' 

Bull  of  Condemnation 51 

Diet  of  Worms 5° 

Carlstadt  and  the  False  Prophets 61 

Hadrian  VI ; '• G6 

Clement  VII.  and  Cardinal  Campeggio 70 

Extent  of  German  Reform 71 

§  2.  Reformation  in  Switzerland  to  1525 75 

Llrich  Zwiugle  76 

Bernhardin  Samson  at  Zurich 81 

Zurich  Disputation  (Faber) 88 

Appenzell 96 

Berne  (Sebastian  Meyer) 97 

Basle  (Capito  and  Iledio) 98 

Oecolampadius  and  Farel 90 

§  3.  Controversies  prejudicial  to  the  Reformation 

Luther  against  George  of  Saxony  and  Henry  VIII.  of  England 100 

Luther  vs.  Erasmus 101 

On  the  Lord's  Supper  (Carlstadt) 107 

Anabaptists  (Miinzer) 1« 

Peasants'  War ]  '1 


ii  CONTENTS. 

TAGE 

§  4.  German  Reformation  to  1530 123 

Philip  of  Hesse 124 

Diet  of  Spires 126 

Rome  taken 127 

Synod  of  Romberg 127 

Protestants 131 

Conference  of  Marburg 133 

Diet,  of  Augsburg   135 

§  5.  Continuation,  to  the  Peace  of  Nuremberg,  July  23,  1532 137 

The  Emperor  and  the  Elector 138 

Augsburg  Confession 139 

Confessio  Tctrapolitana 149 

Smalcald  League 153 

Peace  of  Nuremberg 154 

§  6.  Swiss  Reformation  to  the  Second  Peace,  Nov.,  1531 155 

Struggle  in  Basle  (Oecolampadius) 156 

Burgher  Rights 159 

Battle  of  Cappel 1C2 

§  7.  German  Reformation  to  the  Recess  of  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon,  July  29,  1541 102 

Landgrave  Philip 1G3 

Treaty  of  Cadan 104 

Paul  III 105 

Smalcald  Articles 108 

The  Holy  League 109 

Ratisbon  Interim 173 

§  8.  Continuation,  to  the  Close  of  the  Smalcald  War,  1547 178 

Diet  of  Spires,  1542 178 

Hermann  of  Cologne 179 

Council  of  Trent,  summoned 182 

Luther's  Death 184 

Duke  Maurice 187 

§  9.  Continuation,  to  the  Religious  Peace  of  Augsburg,  Sept.  25,  1555 191 

Augsburg  Interim 193 

Formula  Reformationis 194 

Leipsic  Interim 201 

Council  of  Trent,  assembling 205 

Treaty  of  Passau 200 

Peace  of  Augsburg 207 

§  10.  The  Swiss  Reformation  to  1555 209 

German  Switzerland  (Bullinger  and  Myconius)   209 

The  Catholic  Cantons 211 

French  Switzerland  (William  Farel,  at  Geneva) 213 

John  Calvin  214 

Italian  Switzerland 217 

§  11.  Relations  of  the  Two  Religious  Parties  in  Germany,  to  1018 218 

Ferdinand  I * 219 

Maximilian  II 221 

Rudolph  II 224 

The  Reformed  Calendar 225 

Colloquy  at  Ratisbon ,. 220 

Julich-Cleves 231 

§  12.  The  Thirty  Years'  War 233 

Frederick  V 233 

Treaty  of  Liibeck 234 

Gustavus  Adolphus 236 


CONTENTS.  iii 

PACK 

Peace  of  Westphalia 237 

13.  Ecclesiastical  Affairs  in  Switzerland,  to  1C48 2-10 

Cliarles  Borromeo 241 

Francis  of  Sales 242 

The  Grisons 243 


SECOND  CHAPTER. 
THE  REFORMATION  IN  OTHER  LANDS. 

§  14.  Bohemia  and  Moravia 243 

Calixtines  and  Bohemian  Brethren 244 

Confession  of  Faith 24G 

Compactata 248 

Bohemia  plundered 249 

§  15.  Poland,  Prussia,  and  Livonia 250 

Albert  of  Brandenburg 251 

Sigismund  August =  •  ■  •  252 

Gotthard  Kettler 253 

Synod  of  Sendomir 254 

Pax  Dissidentium 2oo 

Jesuits  in  Poland 250 

Couference  of  Thorn 257 

§  1G.   Hungary  and  Transylvania 257 

Hungarians  in  Wittenberg 258 

Matthias  Devay 259 

Isabella 2G0 

Unitarians 2G1 

Jesuits 2G3 

Gabriel  Bethlen 2G4 

Treaty  of  Linz : 265 

§  17.  Denmark,  Norway,  and  Iceland 265 

Christian  II 26G 

Frederick  1 2G7 

John  Bugenhagen 268 

Christian  III.  of  Norway 2G9 

§  18.  Sweden 269 

Olaf  and  Lawrence  Peterson 270 

Gustavus  Vasa 271 

Erich  XIV.,  John  III 273 

§  19.  Italy ". 27G 

Antonio  Brucioli 277 

Augustinianism 278 

Ferrara,  Venice,  Naples 279 

Ochino,  Peter  Martyr 280 

Paleario's  Del  Beneficio  di  Christo 281 

Inquisition 284 

Index  Librorum  Prohibitorum 28G 

§  20.  Spain  288 

Seville  and  Valladolid 289 

De  Valero,  Cazalla 290 

Franz  Enzinas 291 

Auto-da-fes 292 

Bartholomew  dc  Carranza 293 


iv  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

§  21.  France 293 

Bishop  Bri<;onnet 294 

Francis  1 295 

Margaret  of  Navarre 295 

Calvin's  Preface 298 

Confession  of  Faith,  1559 299 

§  22.  Continuation,  to  the  Edict  of  Nantes 300 

Catherine  de'  Medici 300 

Huguenots 300 

Charles  IX 302 

Night  of  St.  Bartholomew 304 

Henry  IV 305 

§  23.  Continuation,  to  the  Peace  of  Westphalia 30G 

Louis  XIII 307 

Duke  de  Rohan 308 

§  24.  The  Netherlands 309 

The  First  Martyrs , 310 

Maria,  Stadtholder 312 

Sect  of  Free  Spirit 313 

Bishop  Granvella 314 

The  Beggars  and  Margaret 315 

Union  of  Utrecht 317 

William  of  Orange 317 

§  25.  Scotland 318 

Patrick  Hamilton 318 

John  Knox 319 

Mary  Stuart 320 

James  VI 321 


THIRD  CHAPTER. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  REFORMATION. 

SoCRCKS  AND  LITERATURE 321 

$  26.  Under  Henry  VIII 32:1 

Adsertio  VII.  Sacramentorum 323 

Tyndal's  New  Testament 324 

Cranmer  325 

Head  of  the  English  Church 32G 

Thomas  Cromwell 327 

Excommunication ' 329 

§  27.  Under  Edward  VI.  and  Mary 330 

Homilies,  Liturgy,  and  Forty-two  Articles 331 

Reunion  with  Rome 333 

§  28.  Under  Elizabeth .334 

Act  of  Uniformity 334 

Archbishop  Parker 335 

Thirty-Nine  Articles 336 

Mary  Stuart  executed 337 

Puritans 339 

Robert  Brown .340 

§  29.  Under  James  I.  and  Charles  1 341 

Gunpowder  Plot 343 

Sunday  Sports 345 


CONTENTS.  v 

PAGR 

Episcopacy  in  Scotland 346 

Archbishop  Laud 347 

Oliver  Cromwell 348 


FOURTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  MINOR  RELIGIOUS  PARTIES  OF  THE  REFORMATION 

PERIOD. 

§  30.  Anabaptists  and  Antitrinitarians 351 

Denck,  Hetzer,  Servetus 351 

Christus  David ! 352 

Melchior  Hoffmann,  Campanus 353 

§  31.  Unitarians 354 

Italian  Humanists 355 

Servetus  burned 357 

Laelius  Socinus 358 

Valentinus  Gentilis 360 

Blandrata,  Peter  Statorius 361 

Francis  Stancaro 362 

Polish  Unitarians 363 

Catechism  of  Cracow 364 

Faustus  Socinus 365 

Racovian  Catechism   367 

Unitarians  in  Transylvania 368 

Francis  Davidis 369 

The  Adorantes 3G9 

Jesuits 370 

§  32.  The  Mennonites 371 

Menno  Simons 372 

Waterlanders,  Flemings 375 

§  33.  Schwenckfeld 378 


PART  SECOND  OF  FIRST  DIVISION. 
INTERNAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  EVANGELICAL  CHURCHES. 

FIRST  CHAPTER. 

FORMATION  OF  THE  DOCTRINAL  SYSTEM  IN  THE  EVANGELICAL 
CHURCHES. 

§  34.  First  Shaping  of  the  System  of  Doctrines  in  the  Lutheran  Church 385 

Luther's  Doctrinal  Views 385 

Predestination 387 

Justification  by  Faith 389 

The  Holy  Scriptures ,  • 391 

Melancthon's  Articles  for  the  Saxon  Visitors 396 

Antinomian  Controvers}' 397 

Confession  of  Faith 399 

§  35.  First  Shaping  of  the  Doctrinal  System  in  the  Swiss  Church 400 

Zwingle 400 

The  Lord's  Supper 407 


yi  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Bucer 409 

Basle  Confession 410 

First  Helvetic  Confession 411 

John  Calvin 412 

Consensus  Tigurinus  416 

Bolsec 418 

Theodore  Beza 419 

Calvin's  Death 421 

Heidelberg  Catechism 421 

Second  Helvetic  Confession 422 

Confessio  Belgica,  Confessio  Gallicana 423 

§  36.  Melancthon's  Theological  Relations  to  Luther  . . : 423 

Loci  Communes  Theologici 424 

Necessarianism 426 

Lord's  Supper 428 

Nicholas  von  Amsdorf 429 

Caspar  Cruciger 430 

Augsburg  Variata 432 

Cologne  Project 433 

Wittenberg  Reformation  Articles 434 

§  37.  Controversj- of  the  Fhilippists  and  Strict  Lutherans,  to  the  Death  of  Melancthon  435 

Matthias  Flacius  Illyricus : 436 

Adiaphoristic  Controvei-sy 437 

Majoristic  Controversy 438 

Calvinistic  Controversy 440 

Crypto-Calvinists 441 

Synergistic  Controversy 444 

Tilemann  Hesshusius 447 

Melancthon's  Views 451 

John  Brenz 451 

Communicatio  Idiomatum  452 

Melancthon's  Death 453 

§  38.  Continuation,  to  the  Fall  of  Crypto-Calvinism  in  the  Electorate  of  Saxony,  1574  454 

Ubiquity  of  Christ's  Body 454 

Flacius  on  Original  Sin 455 

Bremen  Controversies  (Hardenberg) 456 

Elector  August  and  Caspar  Peucer 457 

Conference  at  Altenburg 458 

Abjuration  of  Flacianism 460 

John  Saliger  and  Transubstantiation   4G2 

Andreae  for  Peace 465 

Consensus  Dresdensis 466 

Wittenberg  on  the  Lord's  Supper 468 

§  39.  Osiandric  Controversy 469 

Andreas  Osiander 470 

Justification  (Staphylus) 472 

John  Funck 477 

Francis  Stancarus 480 

§  40.  Redaction  of  the  Formula  Concordiae 481 

Andreae's  Efforts 481 

Suabian  Confession,  Maulbronn  Formula 482 

Torgau  Book 483 

Bergen  Convention  and  Book  485 

Formula  subscribed  489 

Formula  not  universal!)'  accepted  490 


CONTENTS.  vii 

TAGE 

§  41.  German  Reformed  Churches 493 

The  Palatinate,  Nassau 494 

Bremen  495 

Electoral  Saxony,  Anhalt 490 

Hesse-Cassel 497 

John  Sigismund,  Elector  of  Brandenburg 498 

§  42.  Final  Statements  of  the  Lutheran  Doctrine 501 

Samuel  Huber  and  Aegidius  Ilunnius 502 

Giessen  and  Tubingen :  Kenotists  and  Cryptists 503 

§  43.  Calvinism  in  the  Netherlands :  Arminian  Controversy 505 

James  Arminius  and  Francis  Gomarus 507 

Simon  Episcopius  and  John  Uytenbogaert 508 

Remonstrants  and  Contra-Remonstrants „ 509 

Synod  of  Dort 510 

§  44.  History  of  the  Remonstrants,  continued 512 

The  Collegiants  (Rhynsburgers) 512 

Remonstrant  Peculiarities  513 

§  45.  The  Doctrine  of  Predestination  after  the  S3-nod  of  Dort 515 

French  Reformed  Church 51G 


SECOND  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  EXTERNAL  ORDER  AND  WORSHIP  OF  THE  EVANGEL- 
ICAL CHURCHES. 

§  46.  Constitution  and  Government  of  the  Evangelical  Churches 518 

Luther's  Principles.     Zwingle 518 

Superintendents 525 

Luther  and  the  Jurists 527 

Government  by  Princes  532 

Denmark  and  Sweden 533 

Swiss  Cantons 533 

Calvin  and  Geneva 536 

The  French  Reformed  Church 538 

Netherlands , 539 

§  47.  The  Order  of  Public  Worship 539 

Luther  and  Zwingle 540 

Luther's  Writings  on  the  Subject 541 

Reformed  Church  of  Zurich 547 

Basle,  Geneva 549 


THIRD  CHAPTER. 

theological  and  religious  culture  in  the  evangelical  ■ 
churches: 

§  48.  History  of  Theology 551 

The  Scriptures.    Aristotelian  Philosophy 552 

Ramus.     Descartes : 554 

Lutheran  Divines 555 

Reformed  Theologians 557 

French  Reformed  Church 560 

§  49.  Religious  Education  of  the  People 561 

Universities  and  Academies 5C1 


viii  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Catechetical  Instruction 562 

Polemics  and  Preaching 563 

Church  Discipline 565 

Witchcraft 565 

§  50.  Counter-workings  of  Mysticism  and  of  Practical  Christianity  in  the  Lutheran1 

Church 566 

Paracelsus.    Weigel 566 

Jacob  Bohme 567 

Joh.  Valent.  Andreae.    Kosicrucians 570 

John  Arnd.    John  Gerhard 573 

§  51.  Attempts  at  Union 575 

Erasmus,  Cassander 575 

De  Dominis 579 

Lutherans  and  Reformed  579 

John  Dury 583 

§  52.  George  Calixtus 584 


CHURCH    HISTORY. 


FOURTH    PERIOD. 


FIRST   DIVISION. 

FROM  THE  REFORMATION  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA,  1517-1648. 


FIRST  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  GERMAN  AND  SWISS  REFORMATION. 

I.  Sources  for  the  Tlistory  of  both  Countries:  Jo.  Sleidani  (his  family  name  was  Phillipp- 
son  of  Sleida  in  the  county  of  Manderscheid,  Professor  of  Law  at  Strasburg,  \  1556) 
De  Statu  Religionis  et  Reipublicae,  Carolo  V.  Caesare,  Commentarii.  Libb.  xxvi. 
Argentor.  1555.  fol.1 ;  best  edition,  multis  annotationibus  illustrata  a  Chr.  Car.  Am- 
Ende.  Francof.  ad  M.  1785,  P.  iii.  8 ;  in  French,  with  notes  by  P.  F.  le  Courayer,  a 
la  Haye.  17G7.  3  voll.  4 ;  in  German  with  the  notes  of  Courayef  and  others,  original 
documents  and  a  preface  by  J.  S.  Sender  (by  F.  A.  Stroth).  Halle,  1771.  4  Bde.  8.  [An 
English  translation  of  this  work,  by  Bohnn,  was  published  at  London,  1089.] 

Supplementary  Works :  Abr.  Sculteti  (Professor  at  Heidelberg,  afterward  preacher  at  Em- 
den,  f  1G25)  Annalium  Evangolii,  passim  per  Europam  decimo  sexto  Salutis  partac 
Seculo  renovati,  Decas  I.  et  II.  (from  1510  to  1530,  the  other  decades  were  destroyed 
at  the  conquest  of  Prague).  Heidelb.  1618.  8,  reprinted  in  V.  d.  Ilardt,  Hist,  liter.  Rc- 
formationis.  P.  V.  Dan.  Gerdes  (Professor  at  Groningen,  f  1705)  Introductio  in  Hist. 
Evangelii  saec.  xvi.  passim  per  Europam  renovati.  Groning.  1744-52.  Tomi  iv.  4. 
To  this  is  to  be  added  his  collection  of  tracts  and  original  documents :  Scrimum  Anti- 
quarium,  s.  Miscellanea  Groningana  nova  ad  Hist.  Reformationis  ecclesiasticam  prae- 
cipue  spectantia,  ib.  1748-03.  Tomi  viii.  4.  K.  R.  Hagenbach  Vorlesungen  uber 
Wesen  u.  Gesch.  d.  Reform,  in  Deutschland  u.  d.  Schweiz.  4  Th.  Leipz.  1834-39.  8; 
new  edition,  1852  sq.  H.  N.  Clausen  populare  Vortrage  iiber  die  Reformation.  Leip- 
zig. 1837.  8.  [J.  H.  Merle  D'Aubigne,  History  of  the  Great  Reformation  in  Germany, 
Switzerland,  etc. ;  5.  8.     New  York,  1843  sq.] 

!  As  to  the  first  two  editions  see  AmEnde,  in  Schel horn's  Ergotzlichkeiten  aus  der 
Kirehenhist.  u.  Literatur.  Bd.  2.  s.  414,  653.  Against  Sleidan;  Simeon  Fontaine,  His- 
toire  Catholique  de  nostre  Terns  touchant  l'ctat  de  la  Religion  Chretienne,  contre  l'Hist. 
de  J.  Sleidan.  Antverp.  1558.  8 :  Roveri  Pontani  (Carmelite  at  Brussels)  Vera  Narratio 
Rerum,  ab  anno  1500  usque  ad  annum  1559,  in  Republ.  Christiana  memorabilium.  Colon. 
1559.  fol. :  Laur.  Surii  (Carthusian  at  Cologne,  f  1578)  Commentarius  Brevis  Rerum  in 
Orbe  Gestarum,  ab  ann.  1500  usque  1500.  Colon.  1507.  8. 
VOL.  IV. 1 


10  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Reformations-Almanach  herausgeg.  v.  Friedr.  Keyser.  3.  Jahrgg.  Erfurt,  1817. 19. 
21.  in  12. 

II.  Upon  the  History  of  the  German  Reformation.  Sources :  Ge.  Spalatini  (properly 
Burckart,  of  Spelt,  in  the  bishopric  of  Eichstadt,  court  preacher  of  Saxony,  afterward 
Superintendent  at  Altenburg,  and  historiographer  of  Saxony,  f  15452)  Annales  Refor- 
mations or  Yearbooks  of  the  Reformation  of  Luther,  published  from  his  Autograph 
by  E.  S.  Cyprian.  Leipsick,  1718.  8.  (cf.  Spalatini  Annales  a  mense  Aug.  1513  usque 
ad  finem  fere  152G,  in  Menckenii  Scriptt.  Eerum  Germ.  t.  ii.  p.  589  ss.,  but  not  printed 
accurately,  nor  complete  ;  see  Veesenmeyer  in  Vater's  Archiv,  1825,  s.  73 ;  also,  Spala- 
tini Vitae  aliquot  Electorum  et  Ducum  Saxoniae,  in  Menckenii  Scriptt.  Rerum  Ger- 
manic, t.  ii.  p.  1067,  ss.). — Frid.  Myconii  (or  Mekum,  Superintendent  at  Gotha,  f  15463) 
Hist.  Reformationis  A.n.  1518-1542,  from  the  author's  autograph,  and  illustrated  with 
a  preface  by  E.  S.  Cyprian ;  a  second  impression,  Leipsick,  1718.  8. — Phil.  Melanch- 
thonis  Hist.  Vitae  Mart.  Lutheri,  preface  to  Lutheri  Opp.  Lat.  Vitemberg,  t.  ii.  1546, 
often  issued  separately,  e.  g.  by  Chr.  A.  Heumann,  Gottingae,  1741.  4.  bj'  J.  Chr.  G. 
Augusti,4  translated  by  F.  Th.  Zimmerman,  with  notes  bj'  Villers,  and  a  preface  by 
Planck,  second  ed.  Gottingen,  1816.  8. — Jo.  Mathesii  (pastor  in  Joachimsthal,  f  1568) 
Historien  von  D.  Martin  Luther's  Anfang,  Lehren,  Leben,  standhaft  Bekiintniss  seines 
Glaubens  und  Sterben  (in  twenty-seven  sermons),  1565.  4,  often  published  e.  g.  Frank- 
fort and  Leipsick,  1724.  8.,  in  extracts  by  L.  A.  v.  Arnim.  Berlin,  1817.  8. — Joach. 
Camerarii  (Prof,  in  Leipsick,  f  1574)  De  Phil.  Melanchthonis  Ortu,  totius  vitae  cur- 
riculo  et  morte,  implicata  rerum  memorabilium  temporis  illius  hominumque  mentione 
atque  indicio,  cum  expositionis  serie  cohaerentium  narratio  diligens  et  accurata.  Lips. 
1566.  8  ;  published  several  times  ;  recensuit,  notas,  documenta,  bibliothecam  librorum 
Melanchth.  aliaque  addidit  G.  Th.  Strobel.  Halae,  1777.  8.  On  the  edition  by  Au- 
gusti,  see  note  4. 

Hostile  to  the  Reformation :  Jo.  Cochlaei  (Canon  successively  at  Frankfort,  May- 
ence,  Vienna,  Breslau,  f  1552)  Commentaria  de  Actis-et  Scriptis  Mart.  Lutheri,  chro- 
nographice  ex  ordine  ab  anno  Dom.  1517  usque  ad  annum  1547  inclusive  fideliter  con- 
scripta.    Mogunt.  1549.  fol.,  also  Paris,  1565,  Colon.  1568.  8. 

Original  Documents :  Val.  E.  Loscher  vollstandige  Reformations-Acta  und  Documenta. 
3  tomi  (for  the  years  1517-1519).  Leipz.  1720-29.  4.— Documente  zur  Reformations- 
historie,  in  German,  in  Walch's  edition  of  Luther's  Works,  Th.  15-17. 

The  Works  of  the  Reformers:  Luther's  works:  the  Wittenberg  edition  consists  of  12 
volumes  in  German  (1539-59)  and  7  in  Latin  (1545-58).  The  Jena  edition  is  printed 
accurately  after  the  autographs,  with  the  exception  of  the  first  part  of  the  German 
works,  8  volumes  in  German  (1555-58)  and  4  in  Latin  (1556-58),  and  two  supple- 
mentary volumes  by  Aurifaber,  Eisleben,  1564-65.  The  Altenburg  edition  contains 
only  the  German  works,  by  John  Christfried  Saggitarius,  10  vols.  1661-64.  A  sup- 
plementary volume  to  all  earlier  editions,  by  J.  G.  Zeidler,  Halle,  1702.  The  Leipsick 
edition,  22  voll.  1729-40.  fol.  The  most  complete  edition  is  that  of  Halle,  by  J.  G. 
Walch,  24  Thle.  1740-50.  4.  In  the  last  two  editions  the  Latin  works  are  found  only 
in  a  German  translation.5  [A  new  edition  by  Plochman  v.  Irmischer,  65  vols.  8.  Er- 
langen,  1826-55.]  Of  special  value  is  Dr.  M.  Luther's  Briefe,  Sendschreiben  u.  Be- 
denken,  herausgeg.  von  Dr.  W.  M.  L.  de  Wette.     Berlin,  1825-56.  6  Th.  8. 

Phil.  Melanchthonis  Opera  (theol.  ed.  Casp.  Peucer)  Witteb.  4  Partes,  1562-64. 
Consilia  theologica  ed.  Christ.  Pezelius.  Neustadii,  1600.  8.  Christliche  Berathschla- 
gungen  und  Bedenken — in  teutscher  Sprach  gestellet,  zusammengebracht  durch  Christ. 

2  Historia  Vitae  Ge.  Spalatini  exposita  ab  Chr.  Schlegelio.    Jenae,  1693.  4. 

3  Narratio  de  Frid.  Myconio  primo  dioeceseos  Gothanae  Superintendente,  scrips.  C.  H. 
G.  Lommatzsch.     Annaebergae,  1825.  8. 

4  Phil.  Mel.  de  Vita  Mart.  Luth.  Narratio,  et  Vita  Phil.  Mel.  ab  Joach.  Camerario 
conscripta,  ed.  D.  J.  Chr.  Gu.  Augusti,  Vratisl.  1819.  8. 

5  Upon  the  editions  of  Luther's  works,  see  Walch  in  the  Halle  edition.  Th.  24.  s.  582  fF. 


RISE  OF  THE  REFORMATION  IN  GERMANY  AND  SWITZERLAND.    H 

Pezelium,  Reustadt  a.  d.  Hardt,  1600.  8.  The  best  edition  is  Ph.  Mel.  Epistolae,  Prae- 
fationes,  Consilia,  Judicia,  Schedae  Academicae.  voll.  xxv.  (1514-57),  or,  Corpus 
Reformatorum  ed.  C.  G.  Bretschneider,  post  Bretschneiderum  ed.  H.  E.  Bindscil,  vol. 
i.— xxv.     Halis,  1834-57.  4. 

There  are  useful  documents  in  illustration  of  the  earlier  history  of  the  Reformation. 
contributed  from  the  originals  by  E.  S.  Cyprian,  at  the  end  of  W.  E.  Tentzel's  Histor. 
Bericht  vom  Anfang  und  ersten  Fortgang  der  Reform.  Lutheri.  Leipzig,  1718.  2  Th.  8. 
— J.  E.  Kapp  kleine  Nachlese  einiger  zur  Erliiuterung  der  Reformationsgeschichte 
niitzlicher  Urkunden.  Leipz.,  1727  ff.  4  Th.  8. — Dr.  Th.  G.  Neudecker's  Urkunden  aus 
der  Reformationszeit.  Cassel,  1836.  8.  Also  his  merkw.  Aktenstiicke  aus  dem  Zei- 
talter  der  Reformation.     2  Abtheil.     Niirnberg,  1838.  8. 

Historical  Works:  Vit.  Lud.  a  Seckendorf  (privy  councilor  in  Saxony,  afterward  in 
Brandenburg,  f  at  Halle,  1G92)  Commentarius  Historicus  et  Apologeticus  de  Luther- 
anismo.  libb.  iii.  ed.  2.  Lips.,  1694.  fol.  (written  against  the  Histoire  de  Lutheranisme 
of  L.  Maimbourg,  the  Jesuit,  Paris,  1680.  4). — Christ.  Aug.  Salig  (Co-rector  in  Wolf- 
enbiittel)  Vollstandige  Historie  der  Augsb.  Confession  u.  dcrselben  Apologie  (1517- 
1562).  Halle,  1730-35.  3  Th.  4. — G.  J.  Planck  Gesch.  der  Entstehung,  der  Veriinder- 
ungen  u.  der  Bildung  unsers  protest.  Lehrbegriffs  bis  zur  Einfuhrung  der  Concordien- 
formel.  Leipzig,  1781-1800.  6  Bde.  8  (a  second  edition  of  volumes  1-3.  1791-98).— 
C.  L.  Woltmann  sets  out  from  a  political  point  of  view  in  his  Gesch.  der  Reform,  in 
Deutschland.  3  Th.  Altona,  1800-05.  small  8.— Ch.  W.  Spieker  Gesch.  Dr.  Mart.  Lu- 
ther's u.  der  durch  ihn  bewirkten  Kirchenverbesserung  in  Deutschland.  Bd.  1  (to  1521). 
Berlin,  1818.  8. — K.  A.  Menzel  Neuere  Gesch.  d.  Deutschen  v.  d.  Reformation  bis  zur 
Bundesacte.  Bd.  1-8.  Breslau,  1826-39.  8. — Ph.  Marheineke  Gesch.  der  teutschen  Ref- 
ormation, 4  Th.  Berlin,  1816-34.  8  (a  second  edition  of  Parts  1  and  2, 1831).— L.  Ranke 
deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitalter  der  Reformation,  5  Bde.  Berlin,  1839-43.  [Trans- 
lated by  Sarah  Austin.     Lond.  1844.  Phil.  1844.] 

Essai  sur  l'esprit  et  l'influence  de  la  Reformation  de  Luther  par  Ch.  Villers.  Paris, 
1804 ;  translated  into  German  by  K.  F.  Kramer,  with  a  Preface  and  several  Treatises 
by  Henke,  2  Abtheil  (2te  Aufl.  Hamburg,  1828.  8).  [Translated  into  English  by  S. 
Miller,  12.    Phil.  1833.] 

III.  Upon  the  History  of  the  Reformation  in  Sicitzerland.  Accounts  by  contemporary  writ- 
ers :  (1.)  By  Reformers  :  Bernh.  Weiss  (burgher  of  Zurich,  perished  at  Cappel,  1531) 
Kurze  Beschreibungder  Glaubensanderungim  Schweizerlande  (in  Fussli's  Beytriige  iv. 
32).  Valerius  Anshelm  (physician  and  historian  of  Bern)  Berner  Chronik  bis  1526  (pub- 
lished by  Stierlin  and  Wyss.  Bern,  1825-33.  8.  6  Bde.)  from  volume  5,  s.  368  on. 
Henry  Bullinger  (Antistes  of  the  Church  of  Zurich,  f  1575)  Reformationsgeschichte 
(to  1532),  published  by  J.  J.  Hottinger  and  H.  H.  Viigeli.  3  Bde.  Frauenfeld,  1838-40. 
large  8.  (2.)  By  Catholics :  Job.  Salat  (clerk  of  the  court  at  Lucerne)  Beschreibung 
von  Anfang  u.  Ursprung  Luther,  u.  Zwinglischer  Secten  v.  1516-1535  (extant  in  man- 
uscript, partisan  throughout,  and  full  of  calumnies ;  see  Fussli's  Beytrage,  ii.  81.  Schu- 
ler's  Huldreich  Zwingli,  Einleit.  s.  xix.).  Valentin  Tschudi  (Pastor  in  Glarus,  f  1555) 
Kurze  Histor.  Beschreibung  der  in  Kriegs-  u.  Friedenszeiten  verloffenen  Sachen  u. 
Handeln  zu  Glarus  u.  in  einer  Eidgenossenschaft,  do-^n  to  1523,  very  impartial  (in 
manuscript ;  see  Egedius  Tschudi's  Leben  u.  Schriften  von  lid.  Fuchs.  St.  Gallen, 
1805.  Th.  2.  s.  33 ;  Schuler  as  above,  s.  xxiv.  46).  Egidius  Tschudi  (magistrate 
at  Glarus,  ]  1572)  Chronik.  "  The  part  which  relates  to  this  period,  extant  only  in 
manuscript,  is  a  rich  collection  of  original  documents  (see  lid.  Fuchs.  u.  s.  Th.  2.  s. 
89). 

J.  Oecolampadii  et  II.  Zwinglii  Epistolarum  libb.  iv.  cum  praef.  Theod.  Bibliandri 
et  utriusque  vita  et  obitu,  S.  Grynaeo,  W.  Capitone  et  Osw.  Myconio  auctoribus.  Basil, 
1536.  fol.  The  Vita  Zwinglii  by  Oswald  Myconius  (schoolmaster  at  Lucerne  and  Zu- 
rich, from  1531  preacher  at  Basle,  -j-  1552),  is  printed  separately  in  Staudlins  u.  Tzschir- 
ner's  Archiv.  fur  Kirchengesch.  Bd.  1.  St.  2.  s.  1.  Important  supplementary  facts  are 
contained  in  that  part  of  the  Narratio  verissima  civilis  Helvetiorum  belli  (Capellani) 


12  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

per  modum  dialogi,  ab  Osvaldo  Myconio  congesta,  which  is  printed  in  the  above  work, 
s.  38  sq. 

Original  Documents:  the  works  of  the  Reformers,  Ulr.  Zwinglii  Opera.  Turici,  1544.  4 
voll.  fol.  The  first  complete  edition  of  Zwingle's  works  is  by  M.  Schuler  and  J.  Schul- 
thess,  8  vols.  8.  Zurich,  1828-42.  12  vols.  [vols,  i.,  ii.,  the  German  works,  vols,  iii.- 
viii.,  the  original  Latin  works,  and  the  German  translated].  Jo.  Calvini  [Opera  Theol. 
12  fol.  Genev.  155C]  Opera  Amstel.  16G7  ss.  9  voll.  fol.  [Calvin's  Works,  translated 
and  published  in  Edinburgh,  1842  sq.  in  52  volumes.] 

Miscellanea  Tigurina.  3  Theile.  Zurich,  1722-24.  8.  J.  Conr.  Filssli  (treasurer  of  the 
Chapter  at  Winterthur,  f  1775)  Beytrage  zur  Erlauterung  der  Kirchen-Reformations- 
gesch.  des  Schweizerlandes.  Zurich,  1741-53.  5  Th.  8.  Ejusd.  Epistolae  ab  Ecclesiae 
Helveticae  Reformatoribus  vol  ad  eos  Scriptae.  Tiguri,  1742.  8.  J.  J.  Simler  (Censor 
of  Zurich,  f  1785)  Samml.  alter  unci  neuer  Urkunden  zur  Beleuchtung  der  Kirchen- 
gesch.  vornemlich  des  Schweizerlandes.  Zurich,  1767.  2  Bde.  8  (this  gives  onlv  a 
small  part  of  what  is  contained  in  the  great  manuscript-collection  of  Simmler  in  the 
town-library  of  Zurich;  see  Lebensgesch.  Oecolampads  von  S.  Hess.  Vorr.  s.  iii.). 

Historical  Works :  J.  H.  Hottingeri  (Professor  at  Zurich,  f  1667)  Hist.  Eccles.  (P.  ix. 
Hanoviae  et  Tiguri  1655,  ss.  8.)  P.  v.  sq.  J.  J.  Hottinger  (Prof,  in  Zurich,  f  1735)  Hel- 
vetische  Kirchengeschichten  (4  Th.  Zurich,  1708  ff.  4.),  Th.  3.  Abrah.  Ruchat  (Preach- 
er and  Professor  at  Lausanne),  Hist,  de  la  Reformation  de  la  Suisse.  Geneve,  1727  sq.  6 
voll.  12.  Ludw.  Wirz.  (pastor  atMtinchaltdorf  near  Zurich,  f  1816)  Neuere  Helvetische 
Kirchengeschichte,  2  volumes  were  published,  Zurich,  1813.  1819.  8  (the  second  by 
Melch.  Kirchhofer,  pastor  at  Stein,  on  the  Rhine,  comes  down  to  1523).  Sal.  Hess, 
(pastor  of  St.  Peter's  in  Zurich)  Ursprung,  Gang  u.  Folgen  der  durch  Zwingli  in  Zu- 
rich bewirkten  Glaubensverbesserung  und  Kirchenreform.  Zurich,  1819.  4.  J.  v.  Miil- 
lers  u.  Rob.  Glutz  Blotzheim's  Geschichten  Schweizerischer  Eidgenossenschaft,  con- 
tinued by  J.  J.  Hottinger.  Gth  vol.  from  page  237  sq.  and  7th  vol.  (Zurich,  1825  u. 
1829)  reaches  down  to  1531. 

Lebensbescnreibung  M.  Ulrich  Zwingli's  von  J.  C.  Hess,  from  the  French,  with  a 
literary  and  historical  Appendix,  by  Leonh.  Usteri,  Professor  at  Zurich,  1811.  8  (Nach- 
triige  bj-  Usteri  in  Stiiudlin's  u.  Tzschirner's  Archiv.  fur  Kirchengesch.  Bd.  1.  St.  2.  u. 
Bd.  2.  St.  3).  Huldreich  Zwingli,  Geschichte  seiner  Bildung  zum  Refonnator  des 
Yaterlandes,  von  J.  M.  Sclmler,  Pfarrer  zu  Bozberg  im  Canton  Aargau.  2te  Ausg.  Zu- 
rich u.  Leipzig,  1819.  8. — Jac.  Tichler  Diss,  de  Indole  Sacrorum  Emendationis  a  Zwin- 
glio  institutae  rite  dijudicanda.  Traj.  ad  Ehenum,  1827.  8. — Biographien  beriihmter 
schweizer.  Reformatoren.  Bd.  1.  Lebensgesch.  D.  Joh.  Oekolampads  (bjr  Sal.  Hess). 
Zurich,  1793.  8. — Lebensgeschichte  M.  Heinr.  Bullingers,  Antistes  der  Kirche  Zurich, 
von  Sal.  Hess.  Zurich.  1828,  two  volumes  published,  8. — Bertold  Haller,  oder  die 
Reformation  von  Bern,  von  M.  Kirchhofer.  Zurich,  1828.  8. — Das  Leben  Willi.  Farel's 
aus  den  Quellen  bearbeitet.  v.  M.  Kirchhofer.  2  Bde.  Zurich,  1831.  33.  8. — Das  Leben 
Joh.  Calvin's  des  grossen  Reformators,  mit  Benutzung  der  handschriftl.  Urkunden, 
vornehmlich  der  Genfer  und  Ziiricher  Bibliothek,  entworfen,  nebst  einem  Anhang 
bisher  ungedruckter  Briefe  u.  anderer  Belege  von  Paul  Henry,  Pred.  zu  Berlin,  3  Bde. 
Hamburg,  1835-44.  8.  [Translated  by  II.  Stebbing,  excepting  the  Appendix,  2.  8. 
Lond.  1844.] 

[Biographies  of  the  Reformers.    Vitae  quatuor  Reformatorum  ;  Lutheri  a  Melanchthone, 
Melanchthonis  a  Camerario,  Zwinglii  a  Myconio,  Calvini  a  Theodoro  Beza  conscriptae, 
junctim  editae.    Berol.  1841.- -D.  Schenkel,  Die  Reformatoren  und  die  Reformation,  8. 
1856. 
Luther.     See  below. 

Melanchthon.    Als  Praeceptor  Germaniae,  A.  II.  Niemeyer,  Hal.  1817  ;  Facius,  1832  ; 

Galle,  Charakteristik  Melanchthons,  Halle,  2te  Aufl.  1845 ;   Matthes,  Altenb.  1841 ; 

Melanchthon's  Leben  und  Wirken,  Altenb.  1841 ;  C.  F.  Ledderhose,  Life  of  Mel.  from 

German,  by  G.  F.  Krotel,  New  York,  1854 ;  Life  by  Dr.  Cox,  Lond.  1815,  Bost.  1835. 

Calvin.     Beza's  Life  of  C,  translated  by  Gibson,  Phil.  1836;  Life  by  Waterman, 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.     §  1.  INTRODUCTION.  13 

Lond.  1813 ;  by  T.  Smyth,  Phil.  1835.  Bib.  Sacra,  vols.  ii.  iii.,  by  Prof.  Robbing  ; 
Kitto's  Journal,  vols.  iii.  and  vii. ;  Presb.  Quarterly,  Dec.  1854 ;  Princeton  Rev.  xx. ; 
North  British,  xiii.  Calvin's  Life,  with  Extracts  from  his  Correspondence,  by  Thos. 
H.  Dyer,  Lond.  and  New  York.  Calvin's  Correspondence,  edited  by  Bonner,  trans- 
lated, two  vols,  issued,  Edinb.  1856-57.  Deutscher  Kirchenfreund,  Phil.,  Juli  u.  Aug. 
1857.  M.  M.  Haag,  La  France  Protestante,  article  on  Calvin.  The  Life  of  Calvin, 
by  Audin,  Par.  2.  8.,  transl.  Louisville,  is  Roman  Catholic  and  invidious. 

Zwingle.  Life  and  Times,  translated  from  the  German  of  G.  G.  Hottinger,  by  Rev. 
T.  C.  Porter,  Harrisb.  1856.  Das  Theol.  System  Z.'s,  D.  E.  Zeller,  Tubingen,  1853. 
G.  W.  Roder,  d.  Schweizer.  Ref.,  Huldr.  Zw.,  St.  Gallon,  1855.  C.  Sigwart,  D.  Char- 
akter  d.  Theol.  Syst.  Zwingli's,  mit  Riieksichaft  auf  Picus  Mirandula,  1855.  Zeller, 
Charaktcr  ds.  Zwinglischen  Lehrbegrift's,  Theol.  Jahrb.  1857.  Jager  in  Stud.  u.  Krit. 
1856.  T.  Tichler,  II.  Zwingli,  de  Kerkhervormer,  Utrecht,  1857.  Life,  by  Prof.  Rob- 
bins,  in  Bib.  Sacra,  vols.  viii.  and  ix.  Iless's  Life  of  Z.,  transl.  by  Lucy  Aiken,  Lond. 
1812. 

Beza.  Leben  Beza's,  von  Schlosser,  1800.  Baum  Tlieodor  Beza  naeli  handschriftl. 
Quellen,  Bd.  i.  1843;  Bd.  ii.  1852.  Farel,  by  Schmidt,  Strasb.  1834.  Viret,  by  Jaquc- 
mont,  Strasb.  1836. 

Under  the  superintendence  of  Prof.  Hagenbach  there  is  now  in  the  course  of  publica- 
tion a  series  of  volumes  on  the  Lives  and  Writings  of  the  Founders  of  the  Reformed 
Church :  the  first,  on  Zwingle,  is  by  Christoffel ;  the  second,  by  Hagenbach,  will  be 
on  Oecolampadius  and  Myconius  ;  the  others  arc,  Capito  and  Bucer,  by  Baum  ;  Calvin, 
by  Stahelin  ;  Bullinger  and  Leo  Jud,  by  Pestafozzi ;  Beza.  b}-  Baum  ;  Peter  Martyr,  by 
Schmidt;  Olevianus  and  Ursinus,  by  Sudhoff;  Farel,  Viret,  etc.,  by  other  authors.] 
[Additional  Works  on  the  General  History  of  the.  Reformation.  Thuanus  (De  Thou)  His- 
toriarum  sui  Temporis  libri  138  (1546-1647),  Fcf.  1625.  5  fob,  7  fob,  cum  Continuatione, 
Londini,  1733.  Beausobre,  Hist,  de  la  Reform.  4.  8.  1785.  Robertson's  History  of  the 
Emperor  Charles  V.,  numerous  editions.  Neudecker,  Gesch.  d.  Reformation,  1517-32, 
Lpz.  1843,  and  his  Gesch.  d.  Protestantismus,  1844,  2  Bde.  Buchholz,  Ferdinand  I., 
Wien,  1832-38,  9  -Bde.  C.  A.  Menzel,  Geschichte  Deutschlands,  12  Bde.  1836  sq.  J. 
Dollinger  (Rom.  Cath.),  Die  Reformation,  etc.,  Ratisbon,  3.  8.  1846-48,  2d  ed.,  1851. 
Gaillard's  History  of  the  Reformation,  8.,  New  York.  Guericke,  Geschichte  d.  Ref. 
(from  his  General  History),  Berl.  1855.  Frd.  Blaul,  D.  Reformationswerk  in  der  Pfalz, 
8.,  Speyer,  1846.  K.  T.  Keim,  D.  Schwabrische  Ref.  Gesch.  bis  1531.  8.  1855.  E.  F. 
Gelpke,  Kirchengesch.  d.  Schweiz.  1  Theil.,  Bern,  1856.  Gobel,  Geschichte  ds.  Christ- 
lichen  Lebens  in  d.  Eheinischen  Westphal.  Kirche,  2.  8.  1853.  F.  W.  Hassenkamp, 
Hessiche  Kirchengeschichte,  2  Bde.  8. 1852.  II.  Stebbiug,  Histoiy  of  Reformation,  2. 
18. 1836.  G.  Waddington,  History  of  Ref.,  3,  8.,  Lond.  1841.  Charles  Hardwick,  His- 
tory of  the  Church  during  the  Reformation,  8.,  Cambr.  1856.  II.  Soaincs,  History  of 
the  Reformation,  4,  8.  1826.] 


§    1. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMATION  IN  GERMANY  TILL  1524. 

W.  E.  Tcntzel's  Hist.  Bericht  vom  Anfang  u.  ersten  Fortgang  der  Reform.  Luthcri,  mit- 
getheilt  v.  D.  E.  S.  Cyprian,  3ter  Druck.     Leipz.  1718.  8. 

The  corruption  of  the  Church,  and  the  necessity  of  a  Reforma- 
tion, had  been  long  felt  and  strongly  urged,  though  understood  and 
stated  with  very  different  degrees  of  precision.  The  people  were 
made  indignant  by  the  immorality  of  the  clergy,  complained  of  cc- 


14  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

clesiastical  oppression,  suspected  many  a  pious  deception,  and  felt 
the  emptiness  of  what  the  Church  offered  them  in  the  name  of  re- 
ligion. Princes  and  bishops  saw  that  their  rights  were  contemned 
by  the  Papacy,  and  that  manifold  disorders  had  crept  into  the 
Church ;  and  they  desired  an  abolition  of  these  evils  by  a  Refor- 
mation in  Head  and  Members.  A  few  persons  of  deeper  pene- 
tration saw  that  the  real  ground  of  the  corruption  was  in  the  per- 
version of  doctrine  by  means  of  human  ordinances,  and  hence 
wished  to  have  the  doctrines  brought  back  to  their  proper  Biblical 
basis. 

The  Papacy  repelled  all  these  various  demands,  for  it  feared  that 
every  concession  would  be  a  confession  of  past  errors,  and  that  its 
power  would  thus  be  undermined.  After  it  had  overcome  the  vio- 
lent pressure  of  the  secular  and  ecclesiastical  aristocracy,  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  for  a  reform  in  head  and  members,  it  was  able 
so  to  turn  against  each  other  the  different  powers  that  were  hos- 
tile to  itself  that  they  were  mutually  held  in  check.  But  its  firm- 
est hold  was  still  upon  the  common  people ;  for  although  popular 
enthusiasm  for  the  Church  had  long  since  vanished,  and  though 
there  was  no  lack  of  discontent  on  many  points,  yet  the  masses 
still  quieted  their  religious  needs  by  the  mechanical  system  of  the 
Church.  The  Pope  was  to  them  not  only  the  centre  of  the  Church, 
out  of  which  there  could  be  no  salvation,  but  also  the  highest  pos- 
sessor of  all  those  ecclesiastical  rewards  and  penalties  which  would 
be  perpetuated  in  the  world  to  come.  Hence,  a  struggle  against 
the  papacy,  carried  to  extremities,  still  threatened  such  an  arous- 
ing of  the  masses  as  might  well  inspire  terror  even  among  the 
strongest. 

The  time,  however,  could  no  longer  be  distant  when  the  nations 
would  be  compelled  to  free  themselves  from  the  insnaring  influence 
of  Rome  ;  for  the  revival  of  thought  and  learning,  begun  with  giant 
strides,  must  gradually  penetrate  the  popular  mind.  But  here  a 
new  danger  threatened.  Philosophical  culture  could  not  be  direct- 
ly diffused  among  the  people  ;  but  only  its  most  general  and  intel- 
ligible results.  These  results,  however,  without  a  knowledge  of 
their  grounds  and  reasons,  could  only  generate  a  spirit  disposed  to 
deny  every  thing,  and  which  would  be  likely  to  attack  not  merely 
ecclesiastical  abuses,  but  even  religious  truth  itself.  In  opposition 
to  this  negative  spirit  a  fanatical  enthusiasm  would  naturally  be 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  INTRODUCTION.  15 

evoked.1  Only  a  well-timed  and  genuine  reformation,  overthrow- 
ing  error  by  the  quickening  influence  of  truth  in  the  hearts  of  the 
people,  could  at  the  same  time  break  in  pieces  the  traditional  yoke 
of  spiritual  bondage  and  shield  from  the  impending  perils.  Those 
elementary  principles  of  morality  and  religion  which  are  near  to 
every  heart,  and  the  contrast  between  them  and  the  existing  eccle- 
siasticism,  must  be  brought  to  distinct  consciousness  among  the 
people ;  and  then  enthusiasm  for  the  newly-discovered  truth  would 
be  kindled  at  the  same  time  with  hostility  to  the  long-endured 
deception.  From  the  nature  of  the  case  such  intelligent  and  quick- 
ening influences  could  make  their  way  to  the  heart  only  by  de- 
grees. The  whole  truth,  suddenly  presented,  would  have  blinded 
and  not  enlightened.  Accordingly,  no  Reformation  could  hope  for 
success  which  did  not  begin  with  opposition  to  those  errors  and 
abuses  that  could  be  directly  demonstrated  to  all  that  have  moral 
and  religious  feelings,  and  then  advance  step  by  step  from  truth 
to  truth,  so  that  the  people  might  follow  with  conviction  and  en- 
thusiasm. Hence,  it  would  be  a  great  advantage  if  the  Reformer 
himself  had  advanced  only  by  slow  degrees  in  his  own  perception 
of  the  truth,  so  that  he  might  always  be  in  a  condition  to  proclaim 
all  the  truth  known  by  himself,  without  weakening  the  effect  of 
his  enthusiastic  influence  upon  the  people,  by  calculating  how 
much  should  be  given  to  them.  For  only  enthusiasm  can  rouse 
enthusiasm  :  without  this  no  one  could  hope  to  succeed  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  formidable  colossus  of  the  Papacy.     Only  an  enthusiast- 

1  Luther's  advice  to  the  elector  John  during  the  diet  at  Spires  in  April,  1529  (Luther's 
Letters,  by  de  Wette,  iii.  439)  :  "  Since  such  abuses  were  so  insufferably  many  and  great, 
and  were  not  changed  by  those  who  ought  in  justice  to  have  done  it,  they  began  to  fall 
down  of  themselves  even-  where  in  German  lands,  and  the  clergy  to  be  despised  on  ac- 
count of  them.  But  when,  besides  this,  unskillful  writers  tried  to  defend  and  retain 
them,  and  yet  could  not  bring  forward  any  thing  righteous,  they  made  the  evil  so  much 
the  worse  that  the  clergy  were  every  where  held  to  be  unlearned,  incapable,  and  even 
hurtful  people,  and  their  cause  and  defense  derided.  This  falling  down  and  perishing 
of  abuses  was  already  in  full  sweep  in  many  parts  before  Luther's  doctrine  came ;  for 
all  the  world  was  so  tired  of  the  abuses  of  the  clergy  and  hostile  to  them,  that  it  was  to 
be  feared  that  there  would  be  a  lamentable  perdition  in  the  German  land  if  Luther's  doc- 
trine did  not  come  into  it,  so  that  the  people  might  be  instructed  in  the  faith  of  Christ 
and  obedience  to  the  authorities.  For  they  would  not  endure  the  abuses  any  longer,  and 
would  have  a  change  right  off,  if  the  clergy  would  not  yield  or  stop,  so  that  there  should 
be  no  resistance.  It  would  have  been  a  disorderly,  stormy,  and  perilous  mutation  or 
change  (as  the  Munzer  began  it)  if  a  steadfast  doctrine  had  not  come  in  between,  and 
without  doubt  all  religion  would  have  fallen  to  pieces,  and  Christians  become  pure 
Epicureans." 


1G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ic,  world-despising  piety  could  give  adequate  courage  and  strength 
to  the  man  who  was  to  enkindle  such  a  movement ;  but  clear  in- 
sight and  thorough  knowledge  would  he  necessary  to  guard  his 
enthusiasm  from  fanaticism,  and  to  give  internal  steadfastness  and 
permanence  to  his  work. 

Martin  Luther,3  born  at  Eislcben  on  the  10th  of  November,  1483, 
became,  in  consequence  of  peculiar  providences,  a  monk  in  the 
monastery  of  the  Augustine  Eremites  at  Erfurt  (1505).  He  was 
early  led  to  Augustinism  and  the  study  of  the  Bible3  by  a  profound 

-  Des  scl.  Zeugen  Gottcs  D.  M.  Luther's  merkwiirdige  Lcbens-Luistande  von  F.  S. 
Keil.  4  Th.  Leipzig,  1764.  4.  Luther's  Leben  mit  einer  kurzen  Reformationsgeschichte 
Deutschlands  u.  der  Literatur  v.  G.  H.  A.  Ukert.  2  Th.  Gotha,  1817.  8.  Martin  Luther's 
Leben  von  Gustav  Pfizer.  Stuttgart,  183C.  8.  [Biographies  by  Stang,  Stuttg.  1835-38 ; 
Ledderhose,  Speier,  1836 ;  II.  Gelzer,  1848 ;  K.  Jurgens,  Luther's  Leben,  1483  to  1517, 
Lips.  1846  sq.  3.  8.  M.  Meurer,  L.'s  Leben,  aus  den  Quellen,  Dresd.  3.  8.  1843-52.  Mar- 
tin Luther,  illustrated  Life,  by  G.  Konig  and  II.  Gelzer,  Hamburg,  1851,  translated, 
London  and  New  York,  sin.  4.  1857.  Dollinger's  Sketch,  1851,  translated,  Lond.  1851, 
is  polemical  and  Roman  Catholic.  Audin's  Life,  2.  8.,  Paris,  translated,  Phil.  1841,  is  a 
collection  of  all  the  calumnies  against  the  Reformer.  Biographies  of  Luther  in  English, 
by  Bower ;  J.  E.  Riddle,  Lond.  1837  ;  J.  Scott,  New  York,  1833  ;  Michelet's  Life,  trans- 
lated from  the  French,  New  York,  1846;  Life  by  Henry  Worsley,  2.  8.,  Lond.  1856-57. 
Life  of  Luther  by  Dr.  Sears,  Phila.  Archdeacon  Hare's  Defense  of  Luther  against  Sir 
Win.  Hamilton,  in  the  Notes  to  his  Mission  of  the  Comforter,  and  separately,  1855.] 

3  Melanchthon  in  Vita  Lutheri  ed.  Heumann,  p.  7 :  Occasio  autem  ingrcdiendi  illud 
vitae  genus,  quod  pietati  et  studiis  doctrinae  de  Deo  existimavit  esse  convenientius,  haec 
fuit,  ut  ipse  narrabat,  et  nt  multi  norunt :  saepe  eum  cogitantem  attentius  de  ira  Dei, 
aut  de  mirandis  poenarum  exemplis,  subito  tanti  terrores  concutiebant,  ut  paene  exani- 
maretur. — Etsi  doctrinam  in  sche-lis  usitatam  quotidie  diseebat,  et  Sententiarios  legebat, 
et  in  disputationibus  publicis  labyrinthos  aliis  inextricablies  diserte  multis  admirantibus 
explicabat,  tamen  quia  in  eo  vitae  gencre  non  famam  ingenii,  sed  alimenta  pietatis  quae- 
rebat,  haec  studia  tanquam  parerga  tractabat,  et  facile  arripiebat  illas  scholasticas  meth- 
odos.  Interea  fontes  doctrinae  coelestis  avide  legebat  ipse,  scilicet  scripta  Prophetica  et 
Apostolica,  ut  mentem  suam  de  Dei  voluntate  erudiret,  et  firmis  testimoniis  aleret  tirno- 
rcm  et  fidem.  Hoc  studium  ut  magis  expeteret,  illis  suis  doloribus  et  pavoribus  move- 
batur.  Et  senis  enjusdam  sermonibus  in  Augustiniano  collegio  Erfordiae  saepe  se  con- 
firmatum  esse  narrabat,  cui  cum  consternationes  suas  exponeret,  audivit  eum  de  fide 
multa  disserentem,  seque  deductum  ajebat  ad  symbolum,  in  quo  dicitur:  credo  remissio- 
nem  peccatorum.  Ilunc  articulum  sic  ille  interpretatus  erat,  non  solum  in  genere  cre- 
dendum  esse,  aliquibus  remitti,  ut  et  daemones  credunt,  Davidi  aut  Petro  remitti,  sed 
mandatum  Dei  esse,  ut  singuli  homines  nobis  remitti  peccata  credamus.  Et  hanc  inter- 
pretationem  confirmatam  dicebat  Bernardi  dicto,  monstratumque  locum  in  concione  de 
Annuntiatione,  ubi  haec  sunt  verba :  sed  adde — nt  credas  et  hoc,  quod  per  ipsum  peccata 
tibi  donantur.  Hoc  est  testimonium,  quod  perhibet  Spiritus  sanctus  in  corde  tuo,  dicens : 
dimissa  sunt  tibi  peccata  tun.  Sic  enim  arbitratur  Apostolus,  ijratis  justificari  hominem  per 
fidem.  Hac  se  voce  non  solum  confirmatum  esse  Lutherus  dicebat,  sed  commonefactum 
esse  de  tota  Pauli  sententia,  qui  toties  inculcat  hoc  dictum :  fide  justificamur.  De  quo 
cum  multorum  expositiones  legisset,  tunc  et  ex  hujus  sermonibus  et  e  suae  mentis  cou- 
solatione  animadvertisse  interpretationum,  quae  tunc  in  manibus  erant,  vanitatein.  Pau- 
latim  legenti  et  conferenti  dicta  et  exempla  in  Prophetis  et  Apostolis  recitata,  et  quotidi- 
ana  invocatione  excitanti  fidem,  plus  lucis  accessit.     Tunc  et  Augustini  libros  legere 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  INTRODUCTION.  17 

religious  spirit,  which  could  not  he  satisfied  hy  the  mechanical 
system  of  the  Church.  Transferred  in  1508  to  the  Augustine 
cloister  at  Wittenberg,  he  devoted  himself,  in  the  newly-founded 
University  (1502),  first  as  bachelor,4  from  1512  as  doctor,  with 
special  zeal  to  promote  the  study  of  the  Bible.5     He  met  with 

coepit,  ubi  et  in  Psalmorum  cnarratione,  et  in  llbro  de  spiritu  et  litera  multas  perspicuas 
sententias  reperit,  quae  confirmabant  hanc  de  fide  doctrinam  et  consolationem,  quae  in 
ipsius  pectore  accensa  erat.  Nee  tamen  prorsus  reliquit  Sententiarios ;  Gabrielem  (Biel) 
et  Cameracensem  (Petrus  de  Alliaco)  paene  ad  verbum  memoriter  recitare  poterat.  Diu 
multumque  legit  scripta  Occam.  Hujus  acumen  anteferebat  Thomae  et  Scoto.  Dili- 
genter  et  Gersonem  legcrat.  Sed  omnia  Augustini  monumenta  et  saepe  legerat,  et  op- 
time  meminerat.  Hoc  acerrimum  studium  inchoavit  Erfordiae,  in  cujus  urbis  collegio 
Augustiniano  commoratus  est  annos  quatuor. 

4  Melanchthon  continues,  p.  11 :  Eo  autem  tempore  quia  reverendus  vir  Staupicius 
(John  of  Staupitz,  Provincial  of  the  Augustines,  and  Professor  at  Wittenberg),  qui  ex- 
ordia Academiae  Wittebergensis  adjuverat,  studium  theologicum  in  recenti  Academia 
excitare  cupiebat  cum  ingenium  et  eruditionem  Lutheri  considerasset,  traducit  eum 
Wittebergam  anno  MDVIII.,  cum  jam  ageret  annum  vicesimum  sextum.  Hie  inter 
quotidiana  exercitia  scholae  et  concionum  magis  etiam  lucere  ejus  ingenium  coepit. 
Cumque  eum  attente  audierant  viri  sapientes,  Doctor  Martinus  Mellerstadius  et  alii, 
saepe  dixit  Mellerstadius,  tantam  esse  yim  ingenii  in  hoc  viro,  ut  plane  praesagiret, 
mutaturum  eSse  vulgare  doctrinae  genus,  quod  tunc  in  scholis  unicum  tradebatur.  Hie 
primum  Dialecticen  et  Physicen  Aristotelis  enarravit :  interea  tamen  suum  illud  studi- 
um legendi  scripta  theologica  non  omittens.  On  the  17th  March,  1509,  Luther  wrote  to 
John  Braun  at  Eisenach ;  see  Luther's  Letters,  collected  by  de  Wette,  Th.  1.  s.  6 :  Sum 
itaque  nunc  jubente  vel  permittente  Deo  Wittenbergae.  Quod  si  statum  meum  nosse 
desideres,  bene  habeo  Dei  gratia,  nisi  quod  violentum  est  studium  maxime  philosophiae, 
quam  ego  ab  initio  libentissime  mutarim  theologia,  ea  inquam  theologia,  quae  nucleum 
nucis  et  medullam  tritici  et  medullam  ossium  scrutator.  However,  even  then  he  gave 
himself  up  to  theological  studies.  He  is  enrolled  under  the  Rector  Nicol.  Viridimon- 
tanus,  ann.  1508,  thus :  Fr.  Martinus  Luder  de  Mansfeld,  admissus  mox  1509  d.  9  Mart. 
Baccalaureus  tanquam  ad  Biblia ;  see  Sennerti  Athen.  Vitemberg.  p.  57. 

6  Luther's  oath  on  taking  his  Doctor's  degree  is  in  the  Liber  Decanorum  Facult.  theol. 
Acad.  Vitebergensis,  ed.  C.  E.  Foerstemann.  Lips.  1838.  8.  p.  14G.  Luther's  glosses  on 
the  alleged  Imperial  edict  of  1531  (Walch's  edition  of  his  Works,  Theil.  xvi.  s.  2061) : 
"But  I,  Doctor  Martin,  am  thereto  called  and  forced,  that  I  must  become  Doctor  with- 
out my  thanks  from  pure  obedience :  then  I  had  to  take  the  Doctor's  office,  and  swear 
and  vow  by  my  best  beloved  Holy  Scripture,  to  preach  and  teach  it  truly  and  purely. 
In  such  teaching  the  Papacy  fell  in  my  way,  and  would  keep  me  from  it ;  thereupon 
matters  have  gone  with  it  as  we  all  see,  and  shall  go  on  worse  and  worse,  and  it  shall 
not  be  able  to  resist  me."  Mathesius,  s.  17  :  "  With  this  regular  and  public  call,  made 
to  him  by  an  established  University,  in  the  name  and  by  the  order  of  his  High  Imperial 
Majesty  and  of  the  See  of  Rome,  after  the  counsel  and  decree  of  his  preceptors  and  legal 
clerical  superiors,  and  by  the  gracious  promotion  and  authority  of  his  elector  and  liege 
lord,  and  also  by  his  solemn  oath  which  he  made  to  God,  to  the  Hoi}'  Scriptures,  and 
to  the  University  of  Wittenberg,  Luther  did  often  comfort  and  support  himself  in  great 
straits  and  struggles,  when  the  devil  and  the  world  would  have  made  him  anxious  and 
fearful  as  to  who  had  commanded  him,  and  how  he  was  to  answer  for  it,  that  he  had 
started  such  a  commotion  in  the  whole  of  Christendom.  Then,  I  say,  he  would  recall  and 
comfort  himself  with  his  orderly  doctorate  and  public  calling  and  solemn  oath,  on  account 
of  which  he  had  continued  on  unterrified  in  his  (truly  God's)  cause  in  the  name  of  Christ 
with  honor  and  much  acceptance,  and  with  the  help  of  God  honestly  carried  it  forward." 
VOL.  IV. 2 


18  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

great  success  as  a  teacher.  By  him  and  like-minded  fellow-labor- 
ers the  theological  studies  of  Wittenberg  were  turned  from  Aris- 
totle and  the  schoolmen  to  Augustine  and  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
Rejecting  the  whole  system  of  holiness  "by  works,  he  made  the 
doctrine  that  man's  salvation  is  only  through  faith  in  Christ  to  he 
his  living  centre.6     Such  a  practical  and  scriptural  tendency  had 

6  At  Wittenberg  an  aversion  to  scholasticism  was  avowed  from  the  very  first.     Thus 
Martin  Polichius  of  Mellerstadt,  who  had  been  active  in  the  foundation  of  the  Univers- 
ity- and  then  lectured  there  himself,  declared  the  subtilties  of  the  schoolmen  to  be  un- 
profitable ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  insisted  on  the  importance  of  philology  for  theology ; 
on  this  point  he  got  into  a  controversy  with  Wimpina  at  Leipsic,  in  1505 :  see  Losch- 
er's  Reformationsacta,  i.  87.     Melanchthon,  in  Vita  Lutheri,  p.  12 :  Postea  (after  he  was 
made  Doctor)  enarrare  Epistolam  ad  Romanos  coepit,  deinde  Psalmos.     Haec  scripta 
sic  illustravit,  ut  post  longam  et  obscuram  noctem  nova  doctrinae  lux  oriri  videretur 
omnium  piorum  et  prudentum  judicio.     Hie  monstravit  legis  et  Evangelii  discrimen : 
hie  refutavit  errorem,  qui  tunc  in  scholis  et  concionibus  regnabat,  qui  docet,  mereri 
homines  remissionem  peccatorum  propriis  operibus,  et  homines  coram  Deo  justos  esse 
disoiplina,  ut  Pharisaei  docuerunt.     Revocavit  igitur  Lutherus  hominum  mentes  ad  fili- 
um  Dei,  et,  ut  Baptista,  monstravit  agnum  Dei,  qui  tulit  peccata  nostra,  ostendit  gratis 
propter  filium  Dei  remitti  peccata,  et  quidem  oportere  id  beneficium  fide  accipi.     Illus- 
travit et  caeteras  partes  doctrinae  ecclesiasti<jae.     Characteristic  remains  of  Luther's 
writings  in  this  period  are  extant ;  in  two  letters  to  Spalatin,  of  1510  and  1514  (de  Wette 
Th.  i.  s.  7  and  13),  he  declares  decidedly  in  favor  of  Reuchlin  against  the  divines  of  Co- 
logne.   There  are  also  Letters  to  John  Lange,  prior  of  the  Augustines  at  Erfurt,  8th  Feb. 
1516  (de  Wette,  i.  s.  15) :  Mitto  has  literas,  mi  Pater,  ad  eximium  D.  Jodocum  Isena- 
censem,  plenas  —  blasphemiarum  et  maledictionum  contra  Aristotelem,  Porphyrium, 
Sententiarios,  perdita  scilicet  studia  nostri  saeculi.— Nihil  ita  ardet  animus,  quam  his- 
trionem  ilium,  qui  tam  vere  graeca  larva  Ecclesiam  lusit,  multis  revelare,  ignominiam- 
que  ejus  cunctis  ostendere,  si  otium  esset.    Habeo  in  manibus  commentariolos  in  primum 
Physicorum,  quibus  fabulam  Aristaei  denuo  agere  statui,  in  meum  istum  Protea,  illuso- 
rem  vaferrimum  ingeniorum,  ita  ut  nisi  caro  fuisset  Aristoteles,  vere  diabolum  eum  fu- 
isse  non  puderet  asserere.    Pars  crucis  meae  vel  maxima  est,  quod  videre  cogor,  fratrum 
optima  ingenia  bonis  studiis  nata  in  istis  coenis  vitam  agere  et  operam  perdere  :  nee  ces- 
sant  Universitates  bonos  libros  cremare  et  damnare,  rursum  malos  dictare,  imo  somni- 
are.     To  George  Spenlein,  Augustinian  at  Memmingen,  7th  Apr.  151G  (ibid.  s.  17)  :  Fer- 
vet  nostra  aetate  tentatio  praesumtionis  in  multis,  et  iis  praecipue,  qui  justi  et  boni 
esse  omnibus  viribus  student :  ignorantes  justitiam  Dei,  quae  in  Christo  est  nobis  effu- 
sissime  et  gratis  donata,  quaerunt  in  se  ipsis  tam  diu  operari  bene,  donee  habeant  fidu- 
ciam  standi  coram  Deo,  veluti  virtutibus  et  meritis  ornati,  quod  est  impossible  fieri. 
Fuisti  tu  apud  nos  in  hac  opinione,  imo  errore,  fui  et  ego :  sed  et  nunc  quoque  pugno 
contra  ipsum  errorem,  sed  nondum  expugnavi.     Igitur,  mi  dulcis  frater,  disce  Christum 
et  hunc  crucifixum,  disce  ei  cantare  et  de  te  ipso  desperans  dicere  ei :  "  tu,  Domine  Jesu, 
es  justitia  mea,  ego  autem  sum  peccatum  tuum ;  tu  assumsisti  meum,  et  dedisti  mihi 
tuum :  assumsisti  quod  non  eras,  et  dedisti  mihi  quod  non  eram."    Cave  ne  aliquando 
ad  tantam  puritatem  aspires,  ut  peccator  tibi  videri  nolis,  imo  esse.     Christus  enim  non 
nisi  in  peccatoribus  habitat.— Non  nisi  in  illo,  per  fiducialem  desperationem  tui  et  ope- 
rum  tuorum,  pacem  invenies.     Compare  the  Sermon  against  the  Opinion  and  Imagina- 
tion of  the  Holiness  and  Merit  of  Good  Works,  and  another  Sermon  upon  those  Great 
Sins  and  Crimes  which  are  the  consequence  of  such  an  imaginary  holiness,  preached  on 
the  10th  and  11th  Sundays  after  Trinity,  1516,  in  Walch's  Ed.  Th.  10,  s.  1546  ff.  ^  Among 
the  theses— De  Viribus  et  Voluntate  Hominis  sine  Gratia  contra  doctrinam  Sophistarura, 
which  Bartholom.  Bernhardi  maintained  in  1516,  Luther  presiding  at  the  disputation, 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION".    §  1.  INTRODUCTION.  19 

often  before  existed  in  the  Church  in  silence  and  quietness.     So 

(given  best  in  Loscher's  Reformationsacta,  Th.  1.  s.  325  ff.)  are  the  following:  Homo, 
Dei  gratia  exclusa,  praecepta  ejus  servare  nequaquam  potest,  neque  se  vel  de  congruo, 
vel  de  condigno  ad  gratiam  Dei  praeparare,  sed  necessario  sub  peccato  manet. — Volun- 
tas hominis  sine  gratia  non  est  libera,  sed  serva,  licet  non  invita. — Homo,  quando  facit, 
quod  in  se  est,  peccat,  cum  nee  velle,  aut  cogitare  ex  se  ipso  possit. — Cum  justitia  fide- 
lium  sit  in  Deo  abscondita,  peccatum  vero  eorum  manifestum  in  se  ipsis,  verum  est  non- 
nisi  justos  damnari,  atque  meretrices  et  peccatores  salvari  (viz.  as  is  shown  by  the  ex- 
planations which  follow,  justos  h.  e.  sibi  nihil  imputantes  peccati,  justos  in  malis  suis 
damnari ;  meretrices,  vel  sibi  reputantes  peccata,  in  oculis  suis  meretrices  et  peccatores, 
Deo  tamen  confitentes  suam  impietatem,  atque  pro  hac  remittenda  tempore  opportuno 
orantes,  in  eundem,  non  se  ipsos,  sperantes,  salvari). — Cum  credenti  omnia  sunt  possi- 
bilia  auctore  Christo,  superstitiosum  est,  humano  arbitrio  aliis  Sanctis  alia  deputari  aux- 
ilia.    "With  regard  to  these  theses,  Luther  writes  to  John  Lange,  1516  (de  Wrette,  i.  33), 
and  relates,  among  other  things :  Ego  sane  gravius  offendi  omnes,  quod  negavi  librum 
de  vera  et  falsa  poenitentia  esse  b.  Augustini  (compare  vol.  ii.  p.  511,  Note  4).    Est  enim 
insulsissimus  et  ineptissimus,  et  nihil  ab  Augustini  eruditione  et  sensu  remotius.     Quod 
enim  Gratianus  et  Magister  sententiarum  plurima  ex  illo  ceperint,  et  conscientiarum 
non  medicinam,  sed  carnificinam  conflaverint,  sciebam.    At  illos  implacabiliter  offen- 
dit,  praecipue  Doctorem  Carlstadium,  quod  haec  sciens  negare  audeam.    He  assailed  the 
schoolmen  still  more  openly  in  the  theses  in  defense  of  Augustinianism  (of  the  4th.  Sept. 
1517 ;  see  Cyprian,  in  Tentzel's  Bericht  vom.  Anf.  und  ersten  Fortgange  der  Reform,  s. 
278) ;  cf.  the  Jena  edition  of  his  Latin  Works,  i.  p.  9 ;  Loscher's  Reformationsacta,  i.  s. 
539.    E.  g.  I.    Dicere,  quod  Augustinus  contra  haereticos  excessive  loquatur,  est  dicere, 
Augustinum  fere  ubique  mentitum  esse.     Contra  dictum  commune  (compare  above  vol. 
i.  p.  327,  Note  4).     IV.  Veritas  itaque  est,  quod  homo  arbor  mala  factus,  non  potest  nisi 
malum  velle  et  facere.     V.  Falsitas  est,  quod  appetitus  liber  potest  in  utrumque  opposi- 
torum :   imo  nee  liber  sed  captivus  est.     Contra  communem.     VI.  Falsitas  est,  quod 
voluntas  possit  se  conformare  dictamini  recto  naturaliter.    Contra  Scotum  et  Gabrielem 
(Biel.).     XXIX.  Optima  et  infallibilis  ad  gratiam  praeparatio  et  unica  dispositio  est 
aeterna  Dei  electio  et  praedestinatio.     XXX.  Ex  parte  autem  hominis  nihil  nisi  indis- 
positio,  imo  rebellio  gratiae  gratiam  praecedit.     XLI.  Tota  fere  Aristotelis  ethica  pessi- 
ma  gratiae  inimica.     Contra  Scholasticos.    XLIII.  Error  est  dicere :  sine  Aristotele  non 
lit  theologus.     Contra  dictum  commune.      XLIV.  Imo  theologus  non  fit,  nisi  id  fiat 
sine  Aristotele.     LI.  Dubium  est  vehemens,  an  sententia  Aristotelis  sit  apud  Latinos. 
LXXVII.  Omne  opus  legis  sine  gratia  Dei  foris  apparet  bonum,  sed  intus  est  peccatum. 
Contra  Scholasticos.     In  conclusion :  In  his  nihil  dicere  volumus,  nee  dixisse  nos  cre- 
dimus,  quod  sit  non  catholicae  Ecclesiae,  et  catholicis  doctoribus  consentaneum.     Thus 
Luther  could  not  be  altogether  satisfied  with  Erasmus.     He  writes  to  Spalatin  the  19th 
Oct.  1516  (de  Wette,  i.  39) :  Quae  me  in  Erasmo,  homine  eruditissimo,  movent,  haec 
sunt,  quod  in  Apostolo  interpretando  justitiam  operum,  seu  legis,  seu  propriam  (ita  enim 
appellat  Apostolus)  intelligit  ceremoniales  illas  et  figurales  observantias  :  deinde  de  pec- 
cato originali  (quod  utique  admittit)  non  plane  velit  Apostolum  loqui  cap.  V.  ad  Roma- 
nos. — Ego  sane  in  hoc  dissentire  ab  Erasmo  non  dubito,  quod  Augustino  in  scripturis 
interpretandis  tantum  posthabeo  Hieronymum,  quantum  ipse  Augustinum  in  omnibus 
Hieron}-mo  posthabet.     Non  quod  professionis  meae  studio  ad  b.  Augustinum  proban- 
dum  trahar,  qui  apud  me,  antequam  in  libros  ejus  incidissem,  ne  tantillum  quidem  fa- 
voris  habuit :  sed  quod  video  b.  Hieronymum  velut  dedita  opera  ad  historicos  sensus 
incedere.     To  John  Lange,  1st  March,  1517  (de  Wette,  i.  52) :  Erasmum  nostrum  lego, 
et  indies  decrescit  mihi  animus  erga  eum :  placet  quidem,  quod  tam  religiosos  quam 
sacerdotes  non  minus  constanter  quam  erudite  arguit  et  damnat  inveteratae  hujus  et 
veternosae  inscitiae :  sed  timeo,  ne  Christum  et  gratiam  Dei  non  satis  promoveat,  in  qua 
multo  est  quam  Stapulensis  ignorantior :  humana  praevalent  in  eo  plus  quam  divina. — 
Video,  quod  non  ideo  quispiam  sit  Christianus  vere  sapiens,  quia  Graecus  sit  et  Hebrae- 


20  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

long  as  it  was  not  directly  assailed  in  its  inmost  sanctuary,  and 
could  hold  fast  to  an  ideal  church  instead  of  the  real,  it  also  over- 
looked the  defects  of  the  latter,  or  excused  them  on  the  ground  of 
human  imperfection.7     Thus  Luther  also  held  fast  to  the  Church, 

us,  quando  et  b.  Hieronymus  quinque  Unguis  monoglosson  Augustinum  non  adaequavit, 
licet  Erasmo  aliter  sit  longe  visum.  Sed  aliud  est  judicium  ejus,  qui  arbitrio  hominis 
nonnibil  tribuit,  aliud  ejus,  qui  praeter  gratiam  nihil  novit.  In  contrast  with  this,  he 
turned  to  the  Mystics.  In  1516  he  edited  the  Deutsche  Theologie,  and  sajrs  in  the  preface 
(Lcischer's  Reformationsacta,  i.  300) :  "  This  noble  little  book,  poor  and  unadorned  as 
it  is  in  words  and  human  wisdom,  is  therefore  all  the  more  rich  and  beyond  price  in 
skill  and  divine  wisdom.  And,  still  to  boast  my  old  folly,  I  have  not  come  across  a 
book,  next  to  the  Scriptures  and  St.  Austin,  from  which  I  have  learned  and  shall  learn 
more  about  God,  Christ,  man,  and  all  things.  And  now  I  have  just  found  out  that  it 
is  true  that  certain  very  learned  theologians  among  us  Wittenbergians  talk  abusively 
about  it,  as  though  we  had  got  hold  of  some  new  thing,  just  as  if  there  had  not  been 
people  before  us  and  elsewhere.  There  have  indeed  been  such,  but  God's  anger  on  ac- 
count of  our  sins  has  not  let  us  be  worthy  to  see  or  hear  them.  For  it  is  clear  as  day 
that  such  matters  have  not  been  treated  of  in  the  Universities  for  a  long  time,  and  so  it 
has  come  to  pass  that  God's  Word  has  not  only  been  put  under  the  bench,  but  well-nigh 
perished  from  dust  and  moths."  He  held  that  this  work  was  an  extract  from  Tauler, 
and  accordingly  sent  it  to  Spalatin,  on  the  11th  Dec,  1516,  with  the  words  (de  Wette,  i. 
46)  :  Si  te  delectat  puram,  solidam,  antiquae  simillimam  theologiam  legere,  in  german- 
ica  lingua  effusam :  sermones  Johannis  Tauleri,  praedicatoriae  professionis,  tibi  com- 
parare  potes,  cujus  totius  velut  epitomen  ecce  hie  tibi  mitto.  Neque  enim  ego  vel  in 
latina,  vel  in  nostra  lingua  theologiam  vidi  salubriorem  vel  cum  Evangelio  consonan- 
tiorem.  His  colleague  Carlstadt  entirely  agreed  with  him.  He,  too,  brought  forward, 
on  the  18th  of  April,  1417,  152  theses  in  defense  of  Augustinianism  (see  his  letter  to 
Spalatin,  in  Loscher's  Reformationsacten,  i.  846),  about  which  Luther  wrote  on  the  6th 
May,  1517,  to  Christ.  Scheurl,  a  jurist  at  Nuremberg  (de  Wette,  i.  55)  :  Sunt,  nisi  fallor, 
haec  jam  non  Ciceronis  paradoxa,  sed  Carolstadii  nostri,  imo  sancti  Augustini,  Cicero- 
nianis  tanto  mirabilioria  et  digniora,  quanto  Augustinus,  imo  Christus,  Cicerone  dignior 
est.  Arguent  autem  ista  paradoxa  omnium  eorum  vel  negligentiam,  vel  ignorantiam, 
quibuscunque  fuerint  visa  magis  paradoxa  quam  orthodoxa :  ne  dicam  de  iis,  qui  ea 
potius  cacodoxa  impudenti  temeritate  judicabunt,  quoniam  nee  Augustinum,  nee  Paul- 
um  legunt,  aut  ita  legunt,  ut  non  intelligant,  seque  et  alios  secum  negligant. — Benedic- 
tus  Deus,  qui  rursum  jubet  de  tenebris  splendescere  lumen ! — Luther,  too,  could  write 
to  John  Lange,  18th  May,  1517  (de  Wette,  i.  57) :  Theologia  nostra  et  s.  Augustinus 
prospere  procedunt  et  regnant  in  nostra  Universitate  Deo  operante :  Aristoteles  descen- 
dit  paulatim,  inclinatus  ad  ruinam  prope  futuram  sempiternam :  mire  fastidiuntur  lec- 
tiones  sententiariae,  nee  est,  ut  quis  sibi  auditores  sperare  possit,  nisi  theologiam  banc, 
id  est  bibliam,  aut  s.  Augustinum,  aliumve  ecclesiasticae  auctoritatis  doctorem  velit 
profiteri. 

7  Luther's  journey  to  Rome,  which  he  made  in  1510,  on  business  relating  to  his  order, 
is  remarkable  in  this  respect  (see  Bzovius,  Ann.  1517,  no.  7).  Here  he  met,  among  the 
clergy,  with  the  most  undisguised  infidelity,  of  which  he  relates  remarkable  instances 
in  his  work  on  the  Winkelmesse  (Walch,  xix.  1509) ;  in  Mathesius,  p.  15.  Yet  his  con- 
fidence in  the  Church  was  not  thereby  shaken ;  see  his  Appendix  to  the  Commentarj- 
on  the  117th  Psalm  (Walch,  v.  1646)  :  "  I,  too,  at  Rome,  was  like  a  dead  saint,  running 
through  all  the  churches  and  crj-pts,  believing  all  the  lies  that  were  told,  with  all  their 
stench.  I  also  offered  one  mass  or  ten  of  them  at  Rome,  and  was,  besides,  very  sorry 
that  nn'  father  and  mother  were  still  living.  For  I  should  have  been  very  glad  to  have 
released  them  from  purgatorj-  with  my  masses  and  other  excellent  works  and  prayers." 
Later,  indeed,  this  experience  was  very  important  to  him,  and  he  often  said  at  his  ta- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  INTRODUCTION.  21 

without  suspecting  the  fundamental  difference  between  his  point 
of  view  and  the  ecclesiastical  ;8  but  at  the  same  time  his  inward 
religious  life  and  faith  became  as  firm  as  a  rock  ;  and  thus  he  was 
prepared,  counting  all  outward  things  as  naught,  to  encounter  ev- 
ery danger  and  every  onset  in  the  service  of  that  gracious  truth 
which  he  had  come  to  know. 

At  this  time  the  Dominican,  John  Tetzel,9  a  sub-commissary 
of  the  elector  Albert  of  Mayence,  began  to  proclaim  the  Indulgence 
issued  by  the  Pope  to  promote  the  Ibuilding  of  the  Church  of  St. 
Peter's.10     This  indulgence  was  prohibited  in  the  Saxon  territory, 

ble  :  "  he  would  not  take  a  thousand  florins  instead  of  having  seen  Rome."  See  Mathc- 
sius,  u.  s.  Compare  the  Narratio  de  Profectione  M.  Lutheri  in  urbem  Romam,  in  M. 
Dresseri  Historia  Lutheri.     Lips.  1598.  8. 

8  Lutheri  Praef.  ad  T.  1.  Opp.  written  in  1545  (also  before  T.  I.  Jen.  Lat.) :  Sciat 
(lector),  me  fuisse  aliquando  Monachum  et  Papistam  insanissimum,  cum  istam  causam 
(the  Reformation)  aggressus  sum,  ita  ebrium,  imo  submersum  in  dogmatibus  Papae,  ut 
paratissimus  fuerim,  omnes,  si  potuissem,  occidere,  aut  occidentibus  cooperari  et  con- 
sentire,  qui  Papae  vel  una  syllaba  obedientiam  detrectarent. — Non  eram  ita  glacies  et 
frigus  ipsum  in  defendendo  Papatu,  sicut  fuit  Eccius  et  sui  similes,  qui  mihi  verius  prop- 
ter suum  ventrem  Papain  defendere  videbantur,  quam  quod  serio  rem  agerent. — Ego 
serio  rem  agebam,  ut  qui  diem  extremum  horribiliter  timui  et  tamen  salvus  fieri  ex  in- 
timis  medullis  cupiebam. 

9  About  him  see  vol.  ii.  p.  402,  Note  25 ;  also,  God.  Hechtii  Vita  Jo.  Tezellii,  Quaes- 
toris  Sacri.  Vitembergae,  1717.  8.  Jac.  Vogel  das  Leben  des  piipstl.  Gnadenpredigers 
oder  Ablasskramers  Joh.  Tetzels.  Leipzig,  1717 ;  2te  Aufl.  1727.  8.  J.  E.  Kappen's 
Schauplatz  des  tetzelischen  Ablasskrams  und  des  darwider  streitenden  sel.  D.  M.  Lu- 
theri. 2te  Aufl.  Leipz.  1720.  8.  Also  J.  E.  Kappen's  Sammlung  einiger  zum  piipstl. 
Ablass  iiberhaupt,  sonderlich  aber  zu  der  im  Anfange  der  Reform,  hievon  gefiihrten 
Streitigkeit  gehorigen  Schriften.  Leipz.  1721.  8.  Loscker's  Reformationsacta,  i.  3G7  ff. 
Walch's  Ausg.  von  Luther's  Werken,  xv.  313  ff. 

10  The  Instructio  Summaria  of  the  elector  Albert  to  the  sub-commissaries  appointed 
for  the  traffic  in  this  indulgence,  printed  in  4to,  is  reprinted  in  Kappen's  Samml.  einiger 
zum  piipstl.  Ablass  gehoriger  Schriften,  s.  93,  and  in  Gerdesii  Introd.  in  Hist.  Evang. 
Renovati.  t.  1.  Monim.  p.  83.  Here  are  first  given — quatuor  principales  gratiae  per 
bullam  apostolicam  concessae,  to  wit,  plenaria  remissio  omnium  peccatorum ;  confes- 
siouale  plenum  maximis  et  relevantissimis  et  prius  inauditis  facultatibus ;  participatio 
omnium  bonorum  operum  Ecclesiae  universalis ;  pro  animabus  in  purgatorio  existenti- 
bus  plenaria  omnium  peccatorum  remissio.  Then  follow  seven  facilitates,  which,  how- 
ever, must  be  purchased  separatelj' :  votorum  omnium  commutatio  ;  dispensatio  et  com- 
posite cum  simoniacis  et  irregularibus  ;  facultas  componendi  super  male  ablatis  incertis, 
vel  etiam  certis  in  aliquibus  casibus  ;  dispensandi  cum  eis,  qui  ante  aetatem  legitimam 
sine  dispensatione  ad  ordines  sacros  sunt  promoti ;  dispensandi  cum  his  qui  in  gradu 
prohibito  consanguiuitatis  et  affinitatis  contraxerunt ;  componendi  cum  injuste  occu- 
pantibus  bona  Ecclesiarum  vel  Monasteriorum  ;  apprehendendi  et  de  jure  assequendi 
ad  usum  fabricae  Basilicae  Principis  Apostolorum  in  urbe  omnia  bona,  res  et  pecunias, 
quae  hactenus  relicta  sunt  et  durante  octennio  relinquentur  pro  male  ablatorum  restitu- 
tione  in  quacunque  ultima  voluntate  quibuscunque  incertis,  Ecclesiis  aut  piis  locis  et 
personis — Similiter  applicat  Papa  dictae  fabricae  omnia  bona,  quae  per  aliquos  injuste 
detinentur.  Sed  illi,  quibus  ilia  bona  restituenda  esscnt  aliqua  ratione,  non  possunt  ilia 
repetere.     Tetzel)  too,  issued  an  Instructio  Summaria  for  the  parochial  clergy,  how  they 


22  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517—1648. 

but  Tetzel  preached  in  the  border  lands,  and  offered  it  for  sale  with 
unheard-of  exaggerations  and  incredible  shamelessness  in  Jiiter- 
bock  and  Zerbst,  near  Wittenberg.11     Luther  soon  detected,  in  the 

were  to  work  in  behalf  of  the  indulgence ;  fragments  of  this  may  be  seen  in  Loscher's 
Reformationsacten,  i.  414.  The  subjoined  sermons,  which  he  gave  the  parochial  clergy 
as  patterns,  are  examples  of  his  style  of  preaching,  e.  g.,  p.  418 :  Capiatis  literas  salvi 
conductus  a  vicario  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  quibus  mediantibus  poteritis  animam  a 
manibus  inimicorum  liberare,  et  ad  felicia  regna,  mediante  contritione  confessioneque, 
tutam  et  securam  sine  aliqua  poena  purgatorii  perducere.  Sciant,  quod  in  his  Uteris 
impressa  et  sculpta  sunt  omnia  ministerift.  Christi  passionis  ibi  extenti.  Animadvertant, 
quod  pro  quolibet  peccato  mortali  oportet  per  septem  annos  post  confessionem  et  contri- 
tionem  poenitere,  vel  in  hac  vita  vel  purgatorio :  quot  peccata  mortalia  committuntur 
in  die,  quot  in  hebdomada,  quot  in  mense,  quot  in  anno,  quot  toto  tempore  vitae  ?  Fere 
infinita  sunt,  et  infinitam  poenam  habent  subire  in  ardentibus  poenis  purgatorii.  Et 
cum  his  Uteris  confessionalibus  poteritis  semel  in  vita,  in  omnibus  casibus,  quatuor  ex- 
ceptis  sedi  apostolicae  reservatis,  habere  plenariam  omnium  poenarum  usque  tunc  debi- 
tarum ;  deinde  toto  tempore  vitae  poteritis,  quandocunque  vultis  confiteri,  in  casibus 
Papae  non  reservatis,  etiam  habere  similem  remissionem,  et  postea  in  articulo  mortis 
plenariam  omnium  poenarum  et  peccatorum  indulgentiam,  et  habere  participationem 
omnium  bonorum  spiritualium,  quae  hunt  in  militante  Ecclesia  et  in  membris  ejus. 
Nonne  cognoscitis,  quod  si  contingat  aliquem  ire  Romam,  vel  ad  alias  periculosas  par- 
tes, mittant  pecunias  suas  in  banco,  et  ille  pro  quolibet  centum  dat  quinque  aut  sex  aut 
decern,  ut  Romae  vel  alibi  cum  literis  dicti  banci  securas  rehabeat :  et  vos  non  vultis  pro 
quarta  parte  floreni  recipere  has  literas,  quarum  virtute  non  pecunias,  sed  animam  divi- 
nam  et  immortalem  tutam  et  securam  ducere  potestis  ad  patriam  Paradisi  ? 

1 L  Luther  speaks  of  this  in  the  Praefatio  quoted  in  note  8,  more  at  length  in  his  work 
against  Hans  Wurst,  1541  (Walch's  Edition,  xvii.,  1703)  :  "  It  came  to  pass  in  the  year 
when  they  wrote  17,  that  a  preaching  friar,  John  Tetzel  by  name,  a  boisterous  fellow, 
whom  Duke  Frederick  had  formerly  saved  from  being  drowned  in  a  sack  at  Innspruck, 
for  Maximilian  had  condemned  him  to  be  drowned  in  the  Inn  (for  his  great  virtue's 
sake,  you  may  well  believe).  And  Duke  Frederick  let  him  be  reminded  of  this  when  he 
began  to  plague  us  so  at  Wittenberg ;  he,  too,  freely  confessed  it.  This  same  Tetzel  now 
carried  the  indulgence  about,  and  sold  grace  for  gold,  as  dear  or  cheap  as  he  could,  witli 
all  his  might.  At  that  time  I  was  a  preacher  just  here  in  the  cloister,  and  a  young  Doc- 
tor right  from  the  forge,  glowing  and  cheerful  in  the  Holy  Scriptures.  When  now  much 
people  ran  out  from  Wittenberg  to  Juterbock  and  Zerbst,  etc.^  and  I  (so  true  as  my 
Lord  Jesus  has  redeemed  me)  did  not  know  what  this  indulgence  was,  nor  did  any  body 
else ;  then  I  began  to  preach  gently,  that  they  might  do  much  better — that  there  was  a 
more  sure  way  of  being  saved  than  by  the  indulgence.  I  had  already  preached  just  so, 
here  at  the  castle,  against  the  indulgence,  and  so  got  poor  favor  with  Duke  Frederick ; 
for  his  charitable  foundation  here  was  very  dear  to  him"  (it  possessed,  in  fact,  a  liberal 
indulgence).  "  Now,  to  come  to  the  right  causes  of  the  Lutheran  teaching,  I  let  every 
thing  go  on  as  it  went.  In  the  mean  while  it  came  to  me  that  this  Tetzel  had  been 
preaching  abominable  and  terrible  articles,  of  which  I  will  now  mention  some,  viz. : 
That  he  had  such  grace  and  power  from  the  Pope,  that  even  if  one  were  to  deflower  and 
impregnate  the  Holy  Virgin  Mary  herself,  the  mother  of  God,  he  could  forgive  it,  if  the 
same  would  but  put  in  the  chest  what  was  meet  (see  Lutheri  Theses.  75).  Item  ;  that 
the  red  cross  of  indulgence,  with  the  Pope's  arms,  set  up  in  the  church,  was  as  powerful 
as  the  cross  of  Christ  (Thes.  79).  Item  ;  if  St.  Peter  were  now  here  he  would  not  have 
greater  grace  or  power  than  he  himself  had  (Thes.  77).  Item ;  he  would  not  change 
places  in  heaven  with  St.  Peter ;  for  he  had  saved  more  souls  with  the  indulgence  than 
St.  Peter  with  his  sermons.  Item ;  when  any  body  put  gold  into  the  chest  for  a  soul  in 
purgatory,  as  soon  as  the  penny  fell  to  the  bottom  and  clinked  the  soul  immediately 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1517.  23 

confessional,  the  pernicious  results  that  ensued  ;  he  first  preached 
against  the  indulgence  ;12  then  on  the  31st  of  October,  1517,  he 
affixed  to  the  door  of  the  castle  church  ninety-five  theses  against 
this  traffic,13  and  sent  them  to  the  neighboring  bishops  with  a 

went  up  to  heaven  (Thes.  27).  Item ;  the  grace  of  the  indulgence  was  the  very  grace 
by  which  man  is  reconciled  with  God  (Thes.  33).  Item  ;  it  was  not  necessary  to  have  sor- 
row nor  suffering  nor  penance  for  sin,  if  one  bought  the  indulgence  or  the  letters  of  in- 
dulgence (this  is  to  be  limited,  according  to  Thes.  35)  ;  and  he  also  trafficked  for  future 
sins.  He  drove  the  whole  thing  at  a  horrible  rate  ;  all  was  to  be  done  by  money."  In 
his  Letter  to  the  Elector  of  Mayence,  31st  Oct.,  1517,  Luther  says  that  the  propositions 
which  he  opposes  in  Theses  33  and  35  are  found,  word  for  word,  in  Tetzel's  printed  In- 
structions (see  De  Wette,  i.  G9). 

12  Earlier  sermons  by  Luther  on  the  subject,  from  manuscripts,  see  in  Loscher,  i.  720. 

13  Disputatio  D.  Mart.  Lutheri  theologi  pro  declarations  virtutis  indulgentiarum,  after 
the  original  in  v.  d.  Hardt,  Hist.  Liter.  Reform.  P.  iv.  p.  16.  Loscher's  Eeformations- 
acten,  i.  438.  The  most  remarkable  theses  are :  1.  Dominus  et  magister  noster  Jesus 
Christus  dicendo :  poenkentiam  agite,  etc.,  omnem  vitam  fidelium  poenitentiam  esse  vo- 
luit.  5.  Papa  non  vult  nee  potest  ullas  poenas  remittere  praeter  eas,  quas  arbitrio  vol 
suo  vel  canonum  imposuit.  G.  Papa  non  potest  remittere  ullam  culpam,  nisi  declarando 
et  approbando  remissam  a  Deo  (as  Petrus  Lomb.  taught,  Vol.  ii.  §  83,  note  2,  p.  510) : 
aut  certe  remittendo  casus  reservatos  sibi,  quibus  contemtis  culpa  prorsus  remaneret. 
8.  Canones  poenitentiales  solum  viventibus  sunt  impositi,  nihilque  morituris  secundum 
eosdem  debet  imponi  (as  Card.  Hostiensis  maintained,  Vol.  ii.  §  84,  note  17,  p.  522,  and 
John  Gerson,  Vol.  iii.  §  147,  note  14,  p.  39G).  11.  Zizania  ilia  de  mutanda  poena  cano- 
nica  in  poenam  purgatorii  videntur  certe  dormientibus  Episcopis  seminata.  21.  Errant 
itaque  indulgentiarum  commissarii,  qui  dicuht,  per  Papae  indulgentias  hominem  ab 
omni  poena  solvi  et  salvari.  27.  Hominem  praedicant,  qui  statim,  ut  jactus  nummus 
in  cistam  tinnierit,  evolare  dicunt  animam.  32.  Damnabuntur  in  aeternum  cum  suis 
magistris,  qui  per  literas  veniarum  securos  sese  credunt  de  sua  salute.  33.  Cavendi 
sunt  nimis,  qui  dicunt,  venias  illas  Papae  donum  esse  illud  Dei  inaestimabile,  quo  re- 
conciliatur  homo  Deo.  35.  Non  Christiana  praedicant,  qui  docent,  quod  redemturis  ani- 
mos  vel  confessionalia  non  sit  necessaria  contritio.  36.  Quilibet  Christianus  vere  com- 
punctus  habet  remissionem  plenariam  a  poena  et  culpa,  etiam  sine  Uteris  veniarum  sibi 
debitam.  38.  Remissio  tamen  et  participatio  Papae  nullo  modo  est  contemnenda  quia, 
ut  dixi,  est  declaratio  remissionis  divinae.  39.  Difficillimum  est  etiam  doctissimis  theo- 
logis,  simul  extollere  veniarum  largitatem  et  contritionis  veritatem  coram  populo.  43. 
Docendi  sunt  Christiani,  quod  dans  pauperi,  aut  mutuans  egenti  melius  facit,  quam  si 
venias  redimeret.  49.  Docendi  sunt  Christiani,  quod  veniae  Papae  sunt  utiles,  si  non 
in  eas  confidant :  sed  nocentissimae,  si  timorem  Dei  per  eas  amittant.  50.  Docendi  sunt 
Christiani,  quod,  si  Papa  nosset  exactiones  venialium  Praedicatorum,  mallet  basilicam 
s.  Petri  in  cineres  ire,  quam  aedificari  cute  et  ossibus  ovium  suarum.  56.  Thesauri  Ec- 
clesiae,  unde  Papa  dat  indulgentias,  neque  satis  nominati  sunt,  neque  cogniti  apud  popu- 
lum  Christi  (as  Durandus  a  S.  Porciano  in  Sent.  Lib.  iv.  Dist.  20,  Qu.  3).  57.  Tempo- 
rales  certe  non  esse  patet,  quod  non  tam  facile  eos  profundunt,  sed  tantummodo  colli- 
gunt  multi  coftcionatorum.  58.  Nee  sunt  merita  Christi  et  sanctorum,  quia  haec  semper 
sine  Papa  operantur  gratiam  hominis  interioris,  et  crucem,  mortem,  infernumque  exte- 
riovis.  62.  Verus  thesaurus  Ecclesiae  est  sacrosanctum  Evangelium  gloriae  et  gratiae 
Dei.  69.  Tenentur  Episcopi  et  Curati  veniarum  apostolicarum  commissarios  cum  omni 
reverentia  admittere.  70.  Sed  magis  tenentur  omnibus  oculis  intendere,  omnibus  auri- 
bus  advertere,  ne  pro  commissione  Papae  sua  illi  somnia  praedicent.  71.  Contra  venia- 
rum apostolicarum  veritatem  qui  loquitur,  sit  ille  anathema  et  maledictus.  72.  Qui 
vero  contra  libidinem  ac  licentiam  verborum  concionatoris  veniarum  curam  agit,  sit 
ille  benedictus.     75.  Opinari,  venias  papales  tantas  esse,  ut  solvere  possint  hominem, 


24  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

petition  for  the  abolition  of  the  evil.14  Little  acquainted  with  the 
worldly  part  of  the  church,  he  thought  that  to  unmask  and  assail 
the  imposture  would  be  all  that  was  necessary  for  its  abolition.15 

etiamsi  quis  per  impossibile  Dei  genitricem  violasset,  est  insanire.  76.  Dicimus  contra, 
quod  veniae  papales  nee  minimum  venialium  peccatorum  tollere  possint,  quoad  culpam. 
77.  Quod  dicitur,  nee  si  s.  Petrus  modo  Papa  esset ;  majores  gratias  donare  posset,  est 
blasphemia  in  s.  Petrum  et  Papam.  79.  Dicere,  crucem  armis  papalibus  insigniter 
erectam  cruci  Christi  aequivalere,  blasphemia  est.  80.  Rationem  reddent  Episcopi, 
Curati  et  theologi,  qui  tales  sermones  in  populum  spargi  sinunt.  81.  Facit  haec  licen- 
tiosa  veniarum  praedicatio,  ut  nee  reverentiam  Papae  facile  sit,  etiam  doctis  viris,  redi- 
mere  a  calumniis  aut  certe  argutis  quaestionibus  laicorum.  82.  Scilicet,  cur  Papa  non 
evacuat  purgatorium  propter  sanctissimam  caritatem,  et  summam  animarum  necessita- 
tem,  ut  causam  omnium  justissimam,  si  infinitas  animas  redimit  propter  pecuniam  fu- 
nestissimam  ad  structuram  basilicae,  ut  causam  levissimam  ?  (as  Abelard  held ;  see 
Vol.  ii.  §  84,  note  1,  p.  515.  Compare  Summa  Astesana.  part  iii.  §  120,  note  12,  p.  167.) 
83.  Item  ;  cur  permanent  exequiae  et  anniversaria  defunctorum,  et  non  reddit  aut  recipi 
permittit  benencia  pro  illis  instituta,  cum  jam  sit  injuria  pro  redemptis  orare  ?  90.  Haec 
scmpulosissima  laicorum  argumenta  sola  potestate  compescere,  nee  reddita  ratione  dilu- 
ere,  est  Ecclesiam  et  Papam  hostibus  ridendos  exponere,  et  iufelices  Christianos  facere. 
94.  Exhortandi  sunt  Christiani,  ut  caput  suum  Christum  per  poenas,  mortes,  infernosque 
sequi  studeant:  95.  Ac  sic  magis  per  multas  tribulationes  intrare  coelum,  quam  per  se- 
curitatem  pacis,  confidant.  His  sermon  on  Indulgence  and  Grace  was  probably  pub- 
lished immediately  afterward  (see  Lutheri  Praef.  ad  T.  I.  Opp. ;  edidi  disputationis 
schedulam  simul  et  germanicam  concionem  de  indulgentiis ;  Tetzel  also  mentions  it  at 
the  end  of  his  second  disputation,  printed  in  1517  (see  Loscher's  Reformationsacten,  i. 
522),  so  that  it  can  not,  as  has  been  often  thought,  belong  to  the  j-ear  1518),  in  which 
still  further  progress  maj-  be  recognized  (in  Loscher,  i.  469).  He  here  declares  that  the 
common  division  of  repentance  into  contrition,  confession,  and  satisfaction  "can  hard- 
ly, or  rather  not  at  all,  be  found  to  be  grounded  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  or  in  the  old 
sacred  Christian  teachers;"  "that  it  can  not  be  proved  bj'  any  Scripture,  that  divine 
justice  desires  or  demands  suffering  or  satisfaction  from  the  sinner,  but  only  his  hearty 
and  true  repentance  and  conversion,  with  the  purpose,  henceforward,  to  bear  the  cross 
of  Christ,  and  to  practice  the  above-named  works  (imposed,  too,  by  no  one). — Though 
the  Christian  Church  were  to-day  to  determine  and  declare  that  indulgence  takes  away 
more  than  the  works  of  satisfaction,  j-et  it  were  a  thousand  times  better  that  no  Chris- 
tian man  buy  or  desire  the  indulgence,  but  rather  do  the  works  and  suffer  the  pain. — In- 
dulgence is  permitted  for  the  sake  of  imperfect  and  lazy  Christians,  who  will  not  exer- 
cise themselves  boldly  in  good  works,  or  are  unwilling  to  suffer.  For  indulgence  does 
not  demand  of  anj'  body  to  be  better,  but  suffers  or  permits  their  imperfection.  Hence 
men  should  not  speak  against  indulgence  ;  but  nobodj-  should  speak  for  it." 

14  Luther  against  Hans  Wurst,  u.  s. :  "Then  I  wrote  a  letter  with  the  Propositiones 
to  the  bishop  of  Magdeburg,  warned  and  prayed  that  he  would  put  a  stop  to  Tetzel  and 
keep  such  untoward  things  from  being  preached,  since  great  disgust  might  come  from 
them ;  and  that  to  do  so  was  befitting  him  as  an  archbishop.  This  same  letter  I  can 
now  publish,  but  no  reply  was  made  to  me.  In  like  manner  I  also  wrote  to  the  bishop 
of  Brandenburg,  as  my  Ordinarus,  in  whom  I  had  a  very  gracious  bishop.  Thereupon 
he  answered  me  that*  I  attacked  the  power  of  the  church,  and  would  make  myself 
trouble ;  he  advised  me  to  let  the  matter  go.  I  can  very  well  think  that  both  of  them 
thought  that  the  Pope  would  be  much  too  mighty  for  such  a  poor  beggar  as  myself." 
The  Letter  to  Albert,  Archbishop  of  Mayence  and  Magdeburg,  of  Oct.  31,  1517,  is  in  De 
Wette,  i.  67. 

15  Lutheri  Praef.  ad  T.  I.  Opp. ;  in  iis  certus  mihi  videbar,  me  habiturum  patronum 
P.ipam,  cujus  fiducia  turn  fortiter  nitebar,  qui  in  suis  decretis  clarissime  damnat  quaes- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1517.  25 

Although  in  his  theses  he  only  attacked  the  Thomist  doctrine  of 
indulgences,  which  had  indeed  of  late  become  almost  universal, 
and  did  not  go  beyond  the  positions  of  many  of  the  scholastics  ;  yet 
the  theses  at  once  excited  the  most  marked  attention,16  and  roused 
especially  the  opposition  of  the  Dominicans ;  for  the  spirit  of  this  or- 
der had  become  peculiarly  sensitive  on  account  of  some  recent  hu- 
miliations,17 and  they  now  felt  themselves  injured  in  the  persons  of 

torum  (ita  vocat  indulgentiarios  praedicatores)  immodestiam.  Compare  above,  Vol.  ii. 
§  84,  Note  14,  p.  520. 

16  Luther  against  Hans  Wurst:  "Thus  my  Propositions  against  Tetzel  went  forth. — 
In  fourteen  days  they  ran  straight  through  Germany ;  for  all  the  world  was  complain- 
ing of  the  indulgence,  especially  Tetzel's  articles.  And  since  all  the  bishops  and  doc- 
tors kept  still  and  no  one  would  bell  the  cats  (for  the  heresy-masters  of  the  Preaching 
Order  had  driven  all  the  world  to  terror  by  their  fires,  and  Tetzel  himself  had  also  non- 
plussed some  priests  who  had  resisted  his  shameless  preaching),  then  Luther  began  to 
be  proclaimed  as  a  doctor — that  at  last  one  had  come  who  would  lay  hold  of  the  matter. 
This  fame  I  did  not  like,  for  (as  I  have  said)  I  did  not  myself  know  what  this  indulgence 
was,  and  the  song  might  get  pitched  too  high  for  my  voice." 

17  Particularly  by  the  fate  of  Savonarola  (Vol.  iii.  §  153,  Note  5,  p.  455-9),  the  events 
at  Bern  (ibid.  §  145,  Note  20,  p.  389),  and  by  the  still-surviving  controversy  with  Reuch- 
lin  (§  154,  Note  26  sq.,  p.  488).  On  account  of  the  constant  jealousy  of  the  Mendicant 
Orders  against  each  other,  evil-minded  or  remote  persons  would  be  very  likely  to  con- 
jecture that  such  jealous}'  was  the  source  of  Luther's  theses.  Thus  Jerome  Emser,  in 
the  work,  A  Venatione  Aegocerotis  Assertio,  Nov.  1519.  4.,  in  Loscher's  Reformations- 
acten,  iii.  707,  says  :  Quid  si  ipse  quoque  vates  fiam,  incipiamque  divinare,  puerum  hunc 
(the  Theses) — alium  habuisse  patrem  :  quod  nihil  scilicet  quaesti  ex  indulgentiis  tibi  ant 
tuis  etiam  accesserit,  quod  Tecellio  ac  suis  potius,  quam  time  farinae  homiuib'us  negoti- 
um  datum  sit  ?  Haec  enim  non  vane  imaginor,  sed  suspicionis  istius  tu  mini  ansam 
praestitisti,  qui  mihi  ubi  in  Cancellaria  Principis  Ecchium,  Carolostadium  ac  te,  semotis 
arbitris,  obsecrassem,  ut  propter  honorem  Dei  abstineretis  a  conviciis  et  parvulorum  of- 
fensione,  respondisti  satis  theologice,  causam  hanc  neque  propter  Deum  esse  coeptam, 
neque  propter  Deum  finiri  oportere.  This  expression  of  Luther's,  often  misused  by  the 
Catholics,  evidently  refers  to  the  Leipsic  disputation,  as  Luther  always  said  that  that 
was  occasioned  by  Eck's  desire  for  fame. — Alphonsus  Valdesius  also  suggests  this  jeal- 
ousy of  the  Order  in  his  letter  to  Peter  Martyr,  dd.  Brussels,  31st  Aug.  1520  (Petri  Mar- 
tyris  Epistolae.  Amstelod.,  1G70.  p.  380)  :  prosiliit  monachus  Augustinensis,  cui  nomen 
Martinus  Lutherus  Saxo,  et  hujus  tragoediae  auctor,  et  Dominican  i/ortassfs  invidia  mo- 
tus,  nonnullos  articulos  typis  excusos  emisit,  caet.  The  conjecture  was  soon  repeated 
as  a  certainty  bj*  Luther's  enemies;  see  Joh.  Fabri,  Christ].  Unterrichtung  ilber  etliche 
Puncten  der  Visitation,  Dresden,  1528.  4.,  Kap.  2,  where,  addressing  Luther,  he  says 
that  he  had  issued  his  Theses  "  because  thou  wast  not  made  a  commissioner  of  the  in- 
dulgences." Cochlajus  at  last,  in  1549,  makes  out  of  it  the  following  story  (Vita  Lu- 
theri,  ann.  1517).  The  Elector  Albert  had  first  wished  to  employ  the  Augustinian 
monks  to  preach  the  indulgence,  nisi  Jo.  Tetzelius  frater  Ordinis  Praedicatorum  magis 
idoneus  quibusdam  visits  fuisset. — Id  vero  quam  aegerrime  tulerunt  fratres  Augustini- 
ani,  in  primis  Joannes  Staupitius, — et  Martinus  Lutherus, — velut  praecipui  duo  gregis 
sui  arietes. — Principi  (Frederick  the  Wise)  familiarius  insinuavit  se  Staupitius,  instilla'ns 
ejus  pectori  frequentes  indulgentiarum  abusus,  et  quaestorum  atque  commissariorum 
scandala,  quod  illi  per  avaritiam  veniarum  et  gratiarum  pretextu  expilarent  Germani- 
am,  et  quaererent  quae  sua  sunt,  non  quae  Jesu  Christi.  Lutherus  vero  ardentioris  na- 
turae, inagisque  injuriarum  impatiens,  arrepto  calamo — scripsit,  caet.     This  was  after- 


26  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

St.  Thomas  and  Tetzel  both  at  once.  Tetzel  immediately  assailed 
Luther  with  counter  theses,  for  the  defense  of  which  he  obtained 
the  degree  of  doctor  at  Frankfort  on  the  Oder.18     Sylvester  Prie- 

ward  often  repeated  by  many  Catholic  authors.  On  the  other  hand,  Pallavicini,  Hist. 
Cone.  Trid.  lib.  i.  c.  3,  bears  witness  that  it  was  not  to  the  Augustines,  but  to  the  Minor- 
ites that  the  vending  of  this  indulgence  was  first  intrusted ;  and  in  harmony  with  this 
Fred.  M}-conius  relates,  in  his  History  of  the  Reformation,  p.  16  sq.,  that  the  Pope  had 
first  appointed  the  Archbishop  of  Mayence  and  the  guardian  of  the  monastery  of  bare- 
footed friars  at  Mayence,  as  chief  commissaries  of  the  indulgence:  "but  the  guardian 
and  the  barefoot  Order  had  no  liking  for  the  affair,"  partly  because  the  indulgence 
was  already  held  in  contempt  by  the  people  in  consequence  of  Tetzel's  coarse  proceed- 
ings, partly  because  the  friars  thought  they  had  enough  to  do  in  begging  their  own 
bread.  On  this  account  a  convention  of  Franciscans  was  held  at  Weimar,  where  My- 
conius  -was  then  parish  priest,  to  consult  upon  measures  for  getting  rid  of  the  commis- 
sion, and  the  guardian  contrived  to  manage  so  that  the  Archbishop  of  Mayence  under- 
took it  alone.  Hence  it  is  evident  that  at  that  time  the  traffic  in  indulgences  could  not 
well  be  an  object  of  rivalry  for  two  monastic  orders.  At  the  same  time  with  this  false- 
hood sprung  up  another,  of  which  Luther  makes  mention  in  his  letter  to  Spalatin,  15th 
Febr.,  1518  (de  Wette,  i.  92):  Principis  nostri  illustrissimi  esse  totum,  quod  ego  ago, 
tanquam  inductus  ab  eo  ad  invidiam  Archiepiscopi  Magdeburgensis ;  Duke  Henry,  in 
his  Rejoinder  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  1540,  repeats  this  (Walch's  edition  of  Luther's 
works,  xvii.  1623)  ;  see,  in  reply,  Luther  against  Hans  Wurst  (ibid.  1701  ff.).  It  is  evi- 
dent that  a  vulgar  feeling  of  hostility  tried  very  early  to  hunt  up  low  motives  for  Lu- 
ther's course  :  one  conjectured  this,  another  that ;  and  it  was  only  after  some  time  that 
the  conjecture  dared  present  itself  as  a  certainty.  On  the  other  hand,  one  of  Luther's 
most  zealous  foes,  Laurentius  Surius,  Carthusian  at  Cologne,  f  1578,  testifies,  in  his 
Comm.  Rerum  suo  Tempore  in  Orbe  gestarum,  ad  anil.  1517 :  In  ipsis  hujus  tragoediae 
initiis  visus  est  Lutherus  etiam  plerisque  viris  gravibus  et  eruditis  non  pessimo  zelo  mo- 
ved, planeque  nihil  spectare  aliud,  quam  Ecclesiae  reformationem,  cujus  quidam  de- 
formes  abusus  non  parum  male  habebant  bonos  omnes. 

18  There  are  two  Disi>utationes,  one  for  the  degree  of  licentiate,  the  other  for  that  of 
doctor,  both  were  printed  as  early  as  1517,  and  in  fact  were  composed  by  Conr.  Wim- 
pina  (see  Loscher,  ii.  8),  in  Loscher,  i.  503  ff.  The  theory  of  indulgence  laid  down  in 
Disp.  i.  starts  from  the  position  that  the  Satisfactio  is  a  necessary  part  of  repentance. 
Thes.  5 :  Haec  satisfactio  (cum  Deus  delictum  absque  ultione  non  patiatur)  per  poenam 
fit,  vel  aequivalens  in  acceptione  divina :  6.  quae  vel  a  Presbyteris  imponitur,  arbitrio 
vel  canone,  vel  nonnumquam  a  justitia  divina  exigitur  hie  vel  in  purgatorio  dissolvenda. 
11.  Hanc  poenam  oh  peccata  contrita  et  confessa  impositam  potest  Papa  per  indulgen- 
tias  penitus  relaxare,  12.  sive  haec  sit  ab  eo,  vel  sacerdotis  arbitrio,  vel  canone  imposita, 
vel  etiam  justitia  divina  exigenda ;  cui  contradicere  est  errare.  13.  Sed  licet  per  indul- 
gentias  omnis  poena  in  dispositis  remittatur,  quae  est  pro  peccatis  debita,  ut  eorum  est 
vindicativa:  14.  errat  tamen,  qui  ob  id  tolli  putet  poenam,  quae  est  medicativa  et  prae- 
servativa,  cum  contra  hanc  Jubileus  non  ordinetur.  The  deep-rooted  immorality  of  the 
system  of  penance  at  this  period  is  unvailed  in  Thes.  30 :  minima  contritio,  quae  potest 
in  fine  vitae  contingere,  31.  sufficit  ad  peccatorum  remissionem,  ac  poenae  aeternae  in 
temporalem  mutatiouem.  Here  also  Tetzel  defends  many  of  his  obnoxious  statements  ; 
thus  64 :  Non  esse  Christianum  dogma,  quod  redempturi  pro  amicis  confessionalia  vel 
purgandis  Jubileum,  possint  haec  facere  absque  contritione,  error :  and,  99-101,  even 
the  shameless  assertion— si  quis  per  impossibile  Dei  genitricem  semper  virginem  violas- 
set.  Disp.  ii.  On  the  power  of  the  Pope,  Thes.  3 :  Docendi  sunt  Christiani,  quod  Papa 
jurisdictionis  auctoritate  superior  tota  universali  Ecclesia  et  Concilio,  quodque  statutis 
suis  humiliter  sit  obediendum.  4.  Docendi  sunt  Christiani,  quod  Papa  ea,  quae  fidei 
sunt,  solus  habet  determinare,  quodque  sacrae  scripturae  sensus  ipse  auctoritative,  et 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1518.  27 

rias,  magister  sancti  palatii  at  Rome,  wrote  against  him  with 
equal  violence.19  Dr.  John  Eck,  vice-chancellor  of  the  University 
of  Ingolstadt,  united  himself  with  them,  and  wrote  Obelisci  against 
Luther's  Theses.20  The  matter  and  the  manner  of  these  attacks 
could  not  discourage  a  Luther ;  they  only  enkindled  in  him  a  no- 
ble indignation  against  the  hypocritical  lies  which  were  conjured 
up  in  defense  of  the  soul-destroying  imposture.21     Just  in  propor- 

nullus  alius,  pro  suo  sensu,  interpretatur,  et  quod  aliorum  omnia  dicta  vel  opera  habct 
vel  approbare,  aut  reprobare.  5.  Docendi  sunt  Christiani,  quod  judicium  Papae  in  his, 
quae  sunt  fidei,  et  ad  humanam  salutem  necessaria,  errare  potest  minime.  12.  Docendi 
sunt  Christiani,  quod  claves  Ecclesiae  non  universali  Ecclesiae, — sed  Petro  et  Papae,  et 
in  eis  omnibus  eorum  successoribus  et  universis  Praelatis  futuris  per  derivationem  eorum 
in  ipsos,  sunt  collatae.  13.  Docendi  sunt  Christiani,  quod  plenissimam  indulgentiam 
non  Concilium  generale,  nee  Praelati  alii  Ecclesiae  simul  vel  disjunctim  dare  possunt, 
sed  solus  Papa,  qui  est  sponsus  universalis  Ecclesiae.  17.  Docendi  sunt  Christiani, 
quod  Ecclesia  multa  tenet  ut  catholicas  veritates,  quae  tamen  sicut  nee  in  canone  bib- 
liae,  ita  nee  a  doctoribus  antiquioribus  ponuntur.  Tetzel  also  wrote  a  Refutation  of  Lu- 
ther's Sermon  on  Indulgence  and  Grace,  in  Lbscher,  i.  484.     Walch,  xviii.  538. 

19  Dialogus  in  praesumptuosas  M.  Lutheri  Conclusiones  de  Potestate  Papae  (it  ap- 
peared in  December,  1517),  in  Lutheri  Opp.  Tom.  Jenens.  Lat.  i.  15 ;  in  Loscher,  ii.  12  ff. 
Characteristic  of  the  work  are  the  following  positions,  in  Loscher,  p.  14:  Ecclesia  uni- 
versalis virtualiter  est  Ecclesia  Romana — Ecclesia  Romana — virtualiter  est  Pontifex 
summus.  P.  31 :  Veniae  sive  indulgentiae  auctoritate  Scripturae  nobis  non  innotuere,  sed 
auctoritate  Ecclesiae  Romanae,  Romanorumque  Pontificum,  quae  major  est.  P.  22  :  Quan- 
tum ad  indulgentias  attinet,  Papa  habet  clavem  jurisdictionis  secundum  Sanctos  etiam 
in  Purgatorium  applicative :  animas  tamen  a  debito  seu  reatu  poenarum  non  absolvit, 
sed  eis  tribuit,  unde  poenam  vel  debitum  solvant,  applicans  et  adjiciens  eis  satisfactionem 
Christi  vel  aliorum. — Praedicator,  animam,  quae  in  Purgatorio  detinetur,  adstruens  evo- 
lare  in  co  instanti,  in  quo  plene  factum  est  illud,  gratia  cujus  plena  venia  datur,  puta 
dejectus  est  aureus  in  pelvim,  non  hominem,  sed  meram  et  catholicam  veritatem  prae- 
dicat.  Hence  Erasmus,  in  his  Responsio  Nervosa  ad  Albertum  Pium,  could  write  with 
justice  (in  v.  d.  Hardt,  Hist.  Liter.  Reform,  i.  p.  179) :  scripsit  Prierias : — sed  ita,  ut 
causam  indulgentiarum  fecerit  deteriorem. 

20  According  to  Eck's  assertion,  in  a  letter  to  Carlstadt  of  the  28th  May,  1518  (in  Losch- 
er, ii.  64),  in  which  he  tries  to  pacifj-  the  Wittenbergians,  he  had  only  composed  them 
for  private  use  at  the  request  of  his  diocesan,  the  bishop  of  Eichstadt  (in  fact  it  was  his 
duty,  on  becoming  a  canon,  tb  give  the  bishop  advice  when  required  ;  see  the  papal  bull, 
in  Mederi  Annal.  Ingolst.  iv.  25),  and  they  had  been  published  against  his  will.  Luther 
published  them  with  his  Asterisci,  in  August,  1518  ;  and  so  they  are  found,  Tom.  Jen.  Lat. 
i.  p.  31,  in  Loscher,  iii.  333.  But  before  this,  Carlstadt,  in  his  Academic  Disputations, 
from  May  to  July,  1518,  had  already  drawn  up  a  series  of  Theses  against  the  Obelisci;  see 
Loscher,  ii.  62  ff.  Against  this  work  Eck  published  a  Defensio,  to  which  Carlstadt  re- 
plied in  August,  1518,  with  a  Defensio  adv.  Jo.  Eckii  Monomachiam  (in  Loscher,  ii.  108). 

21  Against  Tetzel's  refutation,  he  wrote  in  June,  1518  (see  the  letter  to  Lang  in  de 
Wette,  i.  124)  :  Freyheit  des  Sermons  papstl.  Ablass  u.  Gnade  belangend,  in  Loscher, 
i.  525,  and  Walch,  xviii.  564 ;  against  Prierias  in  August,  Responsio  ad  Sylv.  Prieria- 
tis  Dialogum,  in  Tom.  i.  Lat.  Jen.  p.  44 ;  in  Loscher,  ii.  390.  His  principal  work,  how- 
ever, at  this  time,  was  the  Resolutiones  Disputationum  de  Virtute  Indulgentiarum, 
which  had  been  already  in  May  sent  in  manuscript  to  the  Bishop  of  Brandenburg  and 
the  Pope,  and  appeared  in  print  at  the  beginning  of  August.  Tom,  i.  Lat.  Jen.  p.  76 ; 
Loscher,  ii.  183. 


28  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

tion  as  he  saw  that  his  enemies  could  only  bring  against  him  an 
exclusive  human  authority,  it  also  became  clear  to  him  that  the 
real  source  of  the  corruption  was  in  the  intermingling  of  human 
opinions  with  divine  truth ;  and  thus  he  was  led  to  enforce  the 
principle,  that  only  the  Holy  Scriptures  offer  a  firm  founda- 
tion to  faith,  and  that  the  doctrine  and  state  of  the  Church  must 
be  judged  by  them  alone.22      The  Dominicans  accused  him  in 

22  The  Responsio  ad  Prierat,  in  Loscher,  ii.  390,  first  laj-s  down  the  principles  from 
which  Luther  started  :  Secundum  est  illud  b.  Augustini  ad  Hieronymum  :  ego  solis  eis 
Ubris,  qui  canonici  appellantur,  hunc  honorem  deferre  didici,  ut  nullum  scriptorem  eorum 
errasse  firmissime  credam.  Caeteros  autem,  quantalibet  doctrina  sanctitateque  polleant, 
non  ideo  verura  esse  credo,  quia  ill  i  sic  senserunt. — Tu  perpetuo  pro  verborum  textu  non 
nisi  nuda  verba  ponis,  aut  solas  opiniones  d.  Thomae  mihi  nunc  demum  decantas ;  qui 
aeque  ut  tu  nudis  verbis  incedit,  sine  Scriptura,  sine  Patribus,  sine  canonibus,  denique 
sine  ullis  rationibus.  Ideoque  meo  jure,  i.  e.  Christiana  libertate,  te  et  ilium  simul  re- 
jicio  et  nego.  P.  400 :  Et  ut  animum  meum  scias,  mihi  videtur  id  in  gravissimum  Eccle- 
siae  ludibrium  vergere,  si  ea  doceamus,  de  quibus  nullam  prorsus  rationem  reddcre  pos- 
sumus.  Nee  satis  ibi  esse  eredo  etiam  factum  Ecclesiae, — quia  tarn  Papa  quam  Concili- 
um potest  errare,  ut  habes  Panormitanum  egregie  haee  tractantem  (see  Vol.  ii.  §  13G, 
Note  6,  p.  322).  Resolution,  conclus.  2G  (Loscher,  ii.  248)  :  Me  nihil  movet,  quid  placeat 
vel  displiceat  summo  Pontilici :  homo  est  sicut  et  caeteri :  multi  fuerunt  summi  Pontifi- 
ces,  quihus  non  solum  errores  et  vitia  sed  etiam  portenta  placuerunt.  Responsio,  p.  403  : 
Theologia  ilia  scholastica  exulem  nobis  fecit  veram  et  sinceram  theologiam.  Nam  vides, 
quod  perpetuo  hoc  dialogo  nihil  ago,  nisi  quod  resisto  et  redarguo  scholasticam  theolo- 
giam, i.  e.  falsam  Scripturae  et  Sacramentorum  intelligentiam.  Resolut.  concl.  25,  p. 
23G :  Deinde  adversarios  meos  etiam  rogo,  ut  ferant  dolorem  meum,  quo  crucior,  dum 
audio  ea  praedicari  in  Ecclesia  Christi,  quae  nunquam  scripta  et  statuta  sunt,  quando 
Sanctis  olim  Patribus  legimus  visum  esse  periculosissimum,  aliquid  ultra  praescriptum 
caeleste  doceri,  ut  inquit  Hilarius.  Concl.  58,  p.  282 :  Plus  trecentis  aunis  tot  Universi- 
tates,  tot  in  illis  acutissima  ingenia,  tot  ingeniorum  pertinacissima  studia  in  uno  Aris- 
totele  laborant,  et  tamen  adhuc  non  solum  Aristotelem  non  intelligunt,  verum  etiam  er- 
rorem  et  fictam  intelligentiam  per  universam  pene  Ecclesiam  spargunt,  quanquam  si 
etiam  intelligerent  eum,  nihil  egregiae  sapientiae  adepti  essent.  Concl.  8,  p.  203:  Si 
canones  poenitentiales  manent  mortuis,  eadem  ratione  et  caeteri  omnes.  Celebrent  ergo, 
agant  festa,  et  jejunia,  et  vigilias,  dicant  horas  canonicas,  non  comedant  ova,  lac,  car- 
nes  certis  diebus,  sed  tantum  pisces,  fructus,  legumina,  induant  vestes  pullas  vel  Candi- 
das pro  differentia  dierum,  et  alia  onera  gravissima  quibus  nunc  premitur  misera  ilia,  olim 
Uberrima,  Ecclesia  Christi  (after  Augustin.  ad  Januar. ;  see  Vol.  i.  §  100,  Note  2,  p.  455). 
Concl.  26,  p.  238 :  Cum  nostro  saeculo  sint  tarn  zelosi  haereticae  pravitatis  inquisitores, 
ut  Christianissime  catholicos  vi  conentur  ad  haeresim  adigere,  oportunum  fuerit  super 
singulis  syllabis  protestari.  Nam  quid  aliud  fecerint  Johannes  Picus  Mirandulanus, 
Laurentius  Valla,  Petrus  Ravennas,  Johannes  Vesalia,  et  novissime  diebus  istis  Johannes 
Reuchlin  atque  Jacobus  Stapulensis,  ut  inviti  cogerentur  et  bene  sentiendo  male  sentire, 
non  facile  viderim,  nisi  quod  omiserint  forte  protestationem  super  singulis,  ut  dixi,  syl- 
labis: tanta  est  hodie  in  Ecclesia  puerorum  et  effoeminatorum  tyrannis.  With  regard  to 
indulgence  Luther  wrote  as  early  as  the  15th  Febr.  to  Spalatin  (de  Wette,  i.  92) :  duo 
tamen  dicam  :  primum  tibi  soli  et  amicis  nostris,  donee  res  publicetur:  mihi  in  indul- 
gentiis  hodie  videri  non  esse  nisi  animarum  illusionem,  et  nihil  prorsus  utiles  esse,  nisi 
stertentibus  ct  pigris  in  via  Christi.  Etsi  banc  sententiam  non  tenet  noster  Carolstadi- 
us,  certum  est  tamen  mihi,  quod  eas  nihil  ducit.  Thus  also  Concl.  46,  p.  270 :  Veniae 
Eunt  de  numero  eorum,  quae  licent,  non  autem  eorum,  quae  expediunt.     Concl.  49.  p. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1518.  29 

272 :  Quod  autem  dixi :  sunt  utiles,  intelligo,  non  omnibus,  imo  veteri  liomini  et  ster- 
tentibus  operariis,  eo  quod  melius  sit,  illis  eas  remitti  poeuas,  quam  ut  ferrent  invite. 
Concl.  50,  1.  c.  indulgentiae  est  vilissimum  bonum  omnium  bonorum  Ecclesiae,  nee  nisi 
vilissimis  Ecclesiae  donandum,  deinde  nee  meritorium,  nee  utile,  sed  plerumque  nocen- 
tissimum,  si  non  sint  timorati.  Against  the  doctrine  of  the  Thesaurus,  Concl.  58,  e.  g. 
p.  276  :  nullus  Sanctorum  in  hac  vita  sufficienter  implevit  mandata  Dei,  ergo  nihil  pror- 
sus  fecerunt  superabundans,  quare  nee  ad  indulgentias  aliquid  distribuendum  relique- 
runt.  Concl.  26,  p.  240 :  Procedit  ejus  somnium  ex  laboriosa  ilia  et  inutili  arte  confitendi, 
imo  desperandi  et  perdendi  animas,  qua  hucusque  docti  sumus  arenam  numerare,  i.  e. 
singula  peccata  discutere,  colligere,  atque  ponderare  ad  faciendam  contritionem.  Quod 
cum  fecerimus,  fit  ut  refricemus  vel  concupiscentias  vel  odia,  praeteritorum  memoria,  et 
dum  conterimur  de  praeteritis,  nove  peccemus  ;  aut  certe  si  fiat  optima  contritio,  sit  tan- 
tummodo  violenta,  tristis,  mereque  factitia,  de  metu  poenarum  simulata  duntaxat.  Sic 
enim  docemur  peccata  conteri,  i.  e.  ad  impossibile,  vel  ad  pejus,  conari.  Cum  vera  con- 
tritio sit  incipienda  a  benignitate  et  beneficiis  Dei,  praesertim  a  vulneribus  Christi,  ut 
homo  ad  sui  ingratitudinem  primo  veniat  ex  intuitu  divinae  bonitatis,  et  ex  ilia  in  odi- 
um sui  ac  amorem  benignitatis  Dei.  Concl.  7,  p.  199 :  Theologi  recentiores — Sacramen- 
tum  poenitcntiae  sic  tractant  et  docent,  ut  populus  discat,  per  suas  contritiones  et  satis- 
factiones  confidere,  se  peccata  sua  po«se  delere.  Quae  vanissima  praesumptio  nihil  aliud 
potest  efficere,  quam  ut  cum  haemorrhoissa  Evangelica,  consumpta  in  medicos  tota  sub- 
stantia, pejus  et  pejus  habeant.  Fides  primo  iu  Christum-,  gratuitum  remissionis  largi- 
torem,  docenda  erat,  et  desperatio  propriae  contritionis  et  satisfactionis  persuadenda,  ut 
sic  fiducia  et  gaudio  cordis  de  misericordia  Christi  firmati,  tandem  hilariter  odirent  pec- 
catum,  et  contererentur,  et  satisfacerent.  Concl.  42,  p.  268  :  Si  populus  doceatur  propter 
poenarum  evasionem  contribuere  (ad  fabricam  Eccl.  s.  Petri), — tunc  clarum  est,  quod 
non  propter  Deum  contribuunt,  et  erit  timor  poenarum,  seu  poena  idolum  eorum,  cut  sic 
sacrijicant.  Concl.  62,  p.  288  :  Satis  incognita  res  est  Evangelium  Dei  in  midta  parte  Ec- 
clesiae: ideo  paulo  latius  de  illo  dicendum,  nihil  enim  reliquit  in  mundo  Christus  praeter 
solum  Evangelium. — Est  autem  Ecangelium  secundum  Apostolum  Rom.  I.  sermo  de  filio 
Dei  incarnato,  nobis  sine  mentis  in  salutem  et  pacem  donato.  Est  verbum  salutis,  ver- 
bum  gratiae,  verbum  solatii,  verbum  gaudii,  vox  sponsi  et  sponsae,  verbum  bonum, 
verbum  pacis. — £ea;vero  est  verbum  perditionis,  verbum  irae,  verbum  tristitiae,  verbum 
doloris,  vox  judicis  et  rei,  verbum  inquietudinis,  verbum  maledicti.  Nam  secundum 
Apostolum  lex  est  virtus  peccati,  et  lex  iram  operatur.  Est  lex  mortis.  Ex  lege  enim 
nihil  habemus,  nisi  malam  conscientiam,  inquietum  cor,  pavidum  pectus  a  facie  pecca- 
torum  nostrorum,  quae  lex  ostendit,  nee  tollit,  nee  nos  tollere  possumus.  Sic  Itaque 
captis,  ac  tristibus,  omninoque  desperatis  venit  lux  Evangelii  et  dicit :  nolite  timere : — 
ecce  agnus  Dei,  ecce  qui  tollit  peccata  mundi,  ecce  qui  solus  implet  legem  pro  vobis. — 
Hoc  suavissimum  nuncium  cum  audierit  conscientia  peccatrix,  reviviscit, — jam  nee 
mortem — formidat,  neque  infernum.  Ideo  qui  poenas  adkuc  timent,  nondum  audiverunt 
Christum,  nee  vocem  Evangelii,  sed  vocem  potius  Mosis.  Ex  hoc  itaque  Evangelio  nasci- 
tur  vera  gloria  Dei,  dum  docemur,  non  nostris  operibus,  sed  gratia  miserentis  Dei  in 
Christo  impletam  legem  et  impleri;  non  operando  sed  credendo,  non  Deo  aliquid  offc- 
rendo  sed  ex  Christo  omnia  accipiendo  et  participando.  He  denied  the  secular  power 
as  -well  as  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope  ;  see  Concl.  80,  p.  297:  Id  ego  vehementer  admiror, 
quisnam  illam  glossam  invenerit  primus,  quod  duo  gladii  significcnt  unum  spiritualem 
(non  ut  Aj>ostolus  vocat,  scil,  gladium  Spiritus,  verbum  Dei),  alium  materialem,  ut  sic 
Pontilieem  utraque  potestate  armatum  nobis  non  patrem  amabilem,  sed  quasi  tyrannum 
formidabilem  faciant,  dum  nihil  nisi  potestatem  undique  in  eo  videmus.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  still  says,  in  Concl.  69,  p.  290 :  Auctoritati  papali  in  omnibus  cum  reverentia 
credendum  est.  Qui  enim  potestati  resistit,  resistit  Dei  ordinationi.  He  still  believed 
in  purgatory  also,  Concl.  15,  p.  215 :  Quae  ideo  dico,  ne  Pighardus  haereticus  (the  Bohe- 
mian brethren)  in  me  sibi  videatur  obtinuisse,  purgatorium  non  esse,  quia  locum  ejus 
ignotum  esse  confiteor. — Mihi  certissimum  est,  purgatorium  esse.  Liischer,  p.  304,  is 
wrong  in  thinking  that  as  he  wrote  he  advanced  in  knowledge,  and  that  in  ConcL  18,  p. 


30  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Rome.23  Leo  X.,  who  regarded  the  whole  matter  as  a  mere  quar- 
rel of  monks,24  did  indeed  permit  Luther  to  be  summoned  to  re- 
spond ;25  but,  out  of  consideration  for  Frederick  the  Wise,  Elector 
of  Saxony,  whom  he  wished  to  gain  over  to  his  views  in  the  ap- 
proaching election  of  a  King  of  Rome,  he  was  easily  induced  to 
commission  his  cardinal  legate  Cajetan,  at  Augsburg,  to  bring  the 
new  heretic  to  submission.26  However,  this  legate,  before  whom 
Luther  made  his  appearance  at  Augsburg,  in  October,  1518,  was  not 
able  to  subdue  the  humble  monk  either  by  kindness  or  by  threats.27 

225,  he  denies  purgatory ;  he  only  says,  that  the  reasons  alleged  by  its  adversaries  for 
the  statement,  purgatorium  non  esse  merendi  locum,  disproved  all  purgatory. — Concl. 
89,  p.  301 :  Ecclesia  indiget  reformatione,  quod  non  est  unius  hominis  Pontificis,  nee  mul- 
torum  Cardinalium  officium,  sicut  probavit  utrumque  novissimum  Concilium,  sed  totius 
orbis,  imo  solius  Dei.  Tempus  autem  hujus  reformationis  novit  solus  ille,  qui  condidit 
tempora. 

23  Hochstraten,  in  his  Apologia  ad  Sanctiss.  Leonem  Papam  X.  ac  D.  Maximilianum 
Imp.  Colon,  1518.  4.  made  mention  of  Luther  also  in  his  way  (see  Lutheri  Scheda  con- 
tra Hochstratanum,  Jul.  1518),  T.  i.  Lat.  Jen.  f.  116.  Loscher,  ii.  323 :  sanguinaria  sua 
lingua  ad  caedem  et  fraternam  perniciem  anhelans,  monet  optimum  Pontificein  Leonem 
X.,  ut  non  agnino  et  Christiano,  sed  leonino  et  furiali  animo  exurgat. 

24  According  to  the  account  of  the  contemporary  Matteo  Bandello,  Bishop  of  Agon 
(Novelle.  Lucca,  1554  ft.  Th.  3,  in  the  preface  to  the  25th  Novelle),  Leo  at  first  replied  to 
those  who  instigated  him  to  more  earnest  proceedings  against  Luther,  che  Fra  Martino 
fosse  un  bellissimo  ingegno,  e  che  coteste  erano  invidie  fratesche.  On  the  other  hand, 
so  early  as  Non.  Febr.,  1518,  he  -wrote  to  Gabriel  Venetus,  when  he  appointed  him  to 
be  Promagister  Ord.  Augustinianorum  Eremit.  (see  P.  Bembi  Epistolae  Nomine  Leonis 
X.  scriptae  lib.  xvi.  no.  18,  p.  379) :  Volo  te  earn  curam  suscipere,  ut  Martinum  Lu- 
thcrum,  tuae  societatis  sacerdotem,  quern  scire  te  existimo  in  Germania  novas  res  mo- 
liri,  nova  dogmata  nostris  populis  tradere,  quibus  utantur,  ab  inccepto,  si  potes,  revoces 
auctoritate  ea,  quam  tibi  prafectura  dat.— Id  si  celeriter  feceris,  non  erit  puto  difficile 
modo  natam  flammam  extinguere.  Parva  enim  omnia  atque  surgentia  paulum  magnos 
vehementesque  impetus  non  sustinent.  Sin  differes,  et  malum  vires  sumpserit,  vereor 
ne,  cum  velimus  adhibere  incendio  remedia,  non  possimus. 

25  Loscher,  ii.  309  ft'.,  372  ff. 

20  The  papal  brief  to  Cajetan  of  the  27th  Aug.  T.  i.  Lat.  Jen.  f.  181,  Loscher,  ii.  437. 
The  commission  ran:  Mandamus,  ut — dictum  Lutherum  haereticum — ad  personaliter 
coram  te  comparendum,  invocato  ad  hoc  tam  carissimi  in  Christo  filii  nostri  Maximili- 
ani  Rom.  Imp.  electi,  quam  reliquorum  Germaniae  Principum  —  brachio  cogas  atque 
compellas,  et  eo  in  potestate  tua  redacto,  eum  sub  fideli  custodia  retineas,  donee  a  nobis 
aliud  habueris  in  mandatis,  ut  coram  nobis  et  Sede  apostolica  sistatur.  Ac  quodsi  coram 
te  sponte  ad  petendum  de  hujusmodi  temeritate  veniam  venerit,  et  ad  cor  reversus  poe- 
nitentiae  signa  ostenderit,  tibi  eum  ad  unitatem  sanctae  matris  Ecclesiae— benigne  reci- 
piendi  concedimus  facultatem. 

27  Reports  of  the  proceedings  at  Augsburg  may  be  found  :  1.  In  Luther's  letters  writ- 
ten from  Augsburg  to  Spalatin  and  Carlstadt,  in  de  Wette,  i.  142  ff.  2.  More  in  detail 
in  his  letter  to  the  Elector  Frederick  19.  Nov.  ibid.  174.  3.  His  Acta  apud  Dom.  Lega- 
tum  Apostolicum  Thorn.  Cajctanum  Augustae,  ann.  1518,  in  Octobri,  usually  called  Acta 
Augustana,  published  in  1518  (as  to  three  different  editions  of  these,  see  Riederer's  Ab- 
handlung,  3tes  Stuck,  s.  362),  in  T.  i.  Lat.  Jen.  fol.  185.  4.  There  is  a  longer  report  of 
the  proceedings  of  Dr.  Martin  Luther  with  Thomas  Cajetan  (by  Spalatin)  in  the  first 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.     §  1.  1518.  31 

Instead  thereof,  the  monk  appealed  a  Papa  non  bene  informato  ad 
melius  informandum  ;28  and  afterward,  when  the  whole  doctrine 
of  indulgence,  as  it  had  been  developed  up  to  the  present  time, 
was  confirmed  by  a  bull  from  Rome,29  he  issued  an  appeal  from 
the  Pope  to  a  general  council  (at  Wittenberg,  28th  Nov.,  1518).30 
Sympathy  with  the  bold  champion  had  for  a  long  time  manifested 
itself  only  in  tones  of  fear  and  warning  :31  gradually  some  approv- 
ing voices  now  dared  to  speak  with  boldness,  especially  among  the 
humanists,33  and  his  colleagues  and  fellow  -  citizens  at  Witten- 

part  of  the  Jena  edition  of  Luther's  German  works,  fol.  108,  b.  ff.  There  is  a  collection 
of  all  the  reports  and  acts  in  Luther's  works  l)jr  Walch,  xv.  C36  ff. 

28  The  appeal  of  the  16th  Oct.  T.  i.  Jen.  p.  193 ;  in  Loscher,  ii.  484. 

29  Of  the  9th  Nov.  T.  i.  Jen.  f.  203,  b. ;  in  Loscher,  ii.  493.  On  the  other  hand,  in 
Ilottingeri  Hist.  Eccl.  saec.  xvi.  T.  iii.  p.  180,  it  bears  the  date  Cal.  Jan.,  1518.  Luther 
is  not  mentioned  in  it ;  it  is  only  directed  against  the  errors  which  had  been  spread 
abroad,  nonnullis  Religiosis,  in  Germany  about  the  indulgence ;  that  no  one  may  be  able 
in  future  to  pretend — ignorantiam  doctrinae  Rom.  Ecclesiae  circa  hujusmodi  indulgen- 
tias — it  takes  the  ground— Romanum  Pontificem — potestate  clavium,  quarum  est  aperire 
tollendo  illius  in  Christifidelibus  impedimenta,  culpam  scil.  et  poenam  pro  actualibus 
peccatis  debitam,  culpam  quidem  mediante  Sacramento  poenitentiae,  poenam  vero  tem- 
poralem  pro  actualibus  peccatis  secundum  divinam  justitiam  debitam  mediante  ecclesi- 
astica  indulgentia,  posse  pro  rationalibus  causis  concedere  eisdem  Christitidelibus, — sive 
in  hac  vita  sint,  sive  in  Purgatorio,  indulgentias  ex  superabundantia  meritorum  Jesu 
Christi  et  Sanctorum,  ac  tarn  pro  vivis  quam  pro  defunctis — thesaurum  meritorum  Jesu 
Christi  et  Sanctorum  dispensare,  per  modum  absolutionis  indulgentiam  ipsam  conferre, 
vel  per  modum  suffragii  illam  transferre  consuevisse.  Ac  propterea  omnes  tarn  vivos 
quam  defunctos,  qui  veraciter  omnes  indulgentias  hujusmodi  consecuti  fuerint,  a  tanta 
temporali  poena  secundum  divinam  justitiam  pro  peccatis  suis  actualibus  debita  libsrari, 
quanta  concessae  et  acquisitae  indulgentiae  aequivalet. 

30  T.  i.  Jen.  p.  205,  b. ;  Loscher,  ii.  505. 

31  Luther  relates,  in  his  commentary  on  Psalm  cxviii.  9  (in  Walch,  v.  1713)  :  "  When 
I  first  assailed  the  indulgence,  and  all  the  world  opened  their  eyes  and  began  to  imag- 
ine that  it  was  done  with  too  high  a  hand,  my  prior  and  sub-prior  came  to  me,  alarmed 
at  the  loud  outcry,  and  were  sore  afraid,  and  prayed  me  not  to  bring  shame  on  the 
Order ;  for  the  other  Orders,  especially  the  Preachers,  were  already  leaping  for  joy,  that 
they  were  not  alone  in  disgrace,  but  that  the  Augustines  also  must  now  burn  and  bear 
reproach.  Then  I  answered,  dear  Fathers,  if  this  matter  is  not  begun  in  God's  name,  it 
will  quickly  fall  to  the  ground  ;  but  if  it  is  begun  in  His  name,  leave  it  in  His  hands," 
Staupitz  wrote  from  Salzburg  to  Luther,  14th  Sept,  1518,  when  he  was  summoned  to 
Augsburg  (Loscher,  ii.  445) :  quid  hodie  praeter  crucem  te  maneat  non  video  quicquam. 
In  foribus,  ni  fallor,  est  sententia,  ne  quis  inconsulto  Pontifice  scrutetur  Scripturas,  ad 
inveniendum  se  quod  utique  Christus  ut  fieret  jussit.  Paucos  habes  patronos,  et  utinam 
non  sint  occulti  propter  metum  adversariorum.  Placet  mihi,  ut  Vittembergam  ad  tem- 
pus  deseras,  meque  accedas,  ut  simul  vivamus  moriamurque. 

32  That  the  humanists  were  the  natural  allies  of  Luther,  appears  from  the  epistle  of 
Erasmus  to  Luther,  dd.  30  Maji,  1519,  which  also  illustrates  his  own  peculiar  attitude 
toward  the  Reformation  (Erasmi  Epistt.  T.  i.  Ep\  427)  :  Nullo  sermone  consequi  queam, 
quas  tragoedias  hie  excitarint  tui  libelli:  ne  adhuc  quidem  ex  animis  istorum  revelli 
potest  falsissima  suspicio,  qua  putant  tuas  lucubrationes  meis  auxiliis  esse  scriptas,  me- 
que hujus  factionis,  ut  vocant,  vexilliferum  esse.     Existimabant  quidam  sibi  datam  an- 


32  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

berw33     In  the  young  Melancthon,  who  was  gained  for  Witteri- 

sam,  qua  et  bonas  literas  opprimerent,  quas  capitaliter  oderunt,  velut  offecturas  majes- 
tati  theologicae,  quam  multi  pluris  faciunt  quam  Christum. — Habes  in  Anglia,  qui  de 
tuis  seriptis  optime  sentiant,  et  sunt  hi  maximi.  Sunt  et  hie,  quorum  est  eximius  qui- 
dam,  qui  tuis  favent.  Ego  me  quod  licet  integrum  servo,  quo  magis  prosim  bonis  Uteris 
reflorescentibus.  Et  mihi  videtur,  plus  profici  civili  modestia,  quam  impetu.  Sic  Chris- 
tus  orbem  in  suam  ditionem  perduxit ;  sic  Paulus  judaicam  legem  abrogavit,  omnia  tra- 
hens  ad  alieforiam.  Magis  expedit  clamare  in  eos,  qui  Pontiticum  auctoritate  abutun- 
tur,  quam  in  ipsos  Pontifices :  idem  de  Regibus  faciundum  censeo.  Scholae  non  tarn 
aspernandae  sunt,  quam  ad  studia  magis  sobria  revocandae.  De  rebus  receptioribus, 
quam  ut  subito  possint  ex  animis  revelli,  disputandum  est  argumentis  densis  et  efficaci- 
bus  potius  quam  asseverandum.  Quorundam  virulentas  contentiones  magis  conducit 
contemnere  quam  refellere.  Ubique  cavendum,  ne  quid  arroganter  aut  factiose  loqua- 
mur,  faciamusve :  sic  arbitror  gratum  esse  spiritui  Christi.  Interea  servandus  animus, 
ne  vel  ira,  vel  odio,  vel  gloria  corruuipatur :  nam  haec  in  medio  pietatis  studio  solet 
insidiari.  Haec  non  admoneo  ut  facias,  sed  ut  quod  facis  perpetuo  facias.  In  a  letter 
of  the  14th  April,  1519,  in  which  he  dedicates  his  Vitae  Caesarum  to  the  elector  Freder- 
ick the  Wise,  Erasmus  also  favors  Luther  in  the  interests  of  the  humanists  ;  see  this  let- 
ter in  full,  T.  i.  Jen.  f.  211 :  Huic  tam  odioso  negotio,  praesertim  apud  mulierculas  et 
iudoctam  plebeculam,  miscuerunt  homines  callidi  trium  linguarum,  eloquentiae,  politi- 
orisque  literaturae  mentionem,  quasi  aut  Lutherus  his  praesidiis  fideret,  aut  ex  hisce 
fontibus  haereses  nascerentur.— Lutherus  mihi  tam  ignotus  est,  quam  cui  ignotissimus, 
ut  suspectus  esse  non  queam,  quasi  faveam  amico.  But  still,  he  says,  the  question  em- 
braces theological  opinions  which  had  not  yet  been  refuted,  and  for  which  he  ought  not 
to  be  pronounced  a  heretic  and  persecuted.  Si  quidquid  in  Scholis  receptum  est,  oracu- 
lum  habcri  volunt,  cur  inter  se  Scholastici  dissentiunt?— Ad  haec  non  raro  deprehen- 
duntur  damnare  in  recentium  libris,  quod  in  Augustino  aut  Gersone  non  damnant :  quasi 
Veritas  cum  auctore  mutetur.  Eos,  quibus  favent,  sic  legunt,  ut  omnia  torquentes,  ni- 
hilnon  excusent :  quibus  infensi  sunt,  sic  legunt,  ut  nihilnon  calumnientur.— Caeterum, 
ut  tuae  Celsitudinis  est,  Christianam  religionem  pietate  tua  protegere,  ita  prudentiae 
est,  non  committere,  ut  quisquam  innocens,  te  justitiae  praeside  sub  praetextu  pietatis 
aliquorum  impietati  dedatur.  Vult  idem  Leo  Pontifex,  cui  nihil  magis  est  cordi,  quam 
ut  tuta  sit  innocentia.— Certe  hie  video  libros  illius  ab  optimis  quibusque  cupidissime 
legi,  quamquam  mihi  nondum  vacavit  evolvere.  Frederiak  the  Wise  replied  to  this  on 
the  14th  of  May  (1.  c.  f.  212)  :  Non  damnari  ab  eruditis  causam  Lutheranam,.et  Doctoris 
Martini  lucubrationes  ab  optimis  quibusque  istic  cupidissime  legi  laetamur.  Eoque  ma- 
gis, quod  plerique  bonorum  et  eruditorum  in  nostris  quoque  regionibus  et  Principatibus, 
nedum  extemis,  hominis  tam  vitam  et  mores,  quam  eruditionem  miro  consensu  laudant. 
Quod  enim  hactenus  in  Saxonibus  nostris  degit,  non  tam  homini,  quam  causae  dedimus. 
Nihil  minus  unquam  conati,  quam  ut  dignos  praemiis  poena  premeret.  Neque  Deo  om- 
nipotente  juvante  committemus,  ut  nostra  culpa  innocens  quispiam  sua  quaerentium 
impietati  dedatur. 

33  Carlstadt  was  the  first  to  come  forward  in  behalf  of  Luther ;  see  Note  20.  Luther 
wrote  to  Jodocus,  professor  at  Erfurt,  on  the  19th  May,  1518,  in  de  Wette,  i.  108 :  Scis 
ingenia  eorum,  qui  apud  nos  sunt,  puta  Carlstadii,  Amsdorfii,  D.  Hieronymi  (Schurf), 
D.  Wolfgangi  (Stehlen),  utriusque  Feldkirchen,  denique  D.  Petri  Lupini  (Kadhemius). 
At  ii  omnes  constanter  mecum  sentiunt,  imo  tota  Universitas,  excepto  uno  ferme  Licen- 
tiato  Sebastiano.  Sed  et  Princeps,  et  Episcopus  ordinarius  noster,  deinde  multi  alii 
Praelati :  et  quotquot  sunt  ingeniosi  cives,  jam  uno  ore  dicunt,  sese  prius  non  novisse 
nee  audivisse  Christum  et  Evangelium.  The  university  also  interceded  for  him  on 
the  25th  Sept.,  1518,  on  account  of  his  summons  to  Rome,  in  two  letters,  to  the  Pope 
and  to  the  Pope's  Chamberlain,  Charles  of  Miltitz.  T.  i.  Jen.  f.  183;  in  Loscher,  ii. 
384  ff. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    *§  1.  1518.  33 

berg  in  1518,34  he  found  his  truest  helper  in  the  great  work,35  to 
which  he  was  destined,  without  as  yet  himself  suspecting  it.  By 
his  luminous  and  edifying  works  he  made  the  subject  of  contro- 
versy intelligible  to  a  larger  circle ;  by  his  moral  and  religious  ap- 
peals, in  the  spirit  of  the  Augustinian  system,  he  was  able  to 
quicken  the  sense  of  inward  piety,36  in  opposition  to  the  deadening 
doctrine  of  holiness  by  works ;  and  thus  he  was  constantly  gaining 
the  heart  of  the  German  people.  Indignation  against  Roman  im- 
posture increased  ;  universal  attention  and  sympathy  were  direct- 
ed toward  the  bold  champion  of  the  truth.37 

34  He  entered  upon  his  office  on  the  29th  of  August  with  an  oration ;  see  Loscher,  ii.  387. 

35  Luther  writes  about  him,  Praef.  in  T.  i.  Opp.  1545:  Eodem  anno  jam  M.  Phil.  Me- 
lancthon  a  Principe  Friderico  vocatus  hue  fuerat  ad  docendas  litteras  graecas,  haud  du- 
bie,  ut  haberem  socium  laboris  ill  theologia.  Nam  quid  operatus  sit  Dominus  per  hoc 
organum,  non  in  Uteris  tan  turn,  sed  in  theologia,  satis  testaiitur  ejus  opera,  etiamsi  iras- 
catur  Satan  et  omnes  squamae  ejus. 

36  His  Sermon  on  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  is  especially  remarkable  (Nov.,  1518)  ;  in 
Walch,  x.  1461 ;  in  Loscher,  ii.  512 ;  Fortschritte,  s.  515.  "  All  is  at  once  given  in  faith, 
which  alone  makes  the  sacraments  effect  what  they  signify,  and  every  thing  to  be  true 
which  the  priest  says ;  for  as  thou  believest  so  it  is  done  to  thee.  Without  this  faith 
all  absolution,  all  sacraments  are  vain ;  yea,  thejT  do  more  hurt  than  good." — S.  517  : 
"Ninthly  ;  it  follows,  besides,  that  in  the  sacrament  of  penance  and  the  forgiveness  of 
sins,  a  Pope,  a  bishop,  does  no  more  than  the  humblest  priest;  yea,  where  there  is  no 
priest,  every  Christian  may  do  as  much,  though  a  woman  or  a  child.  For  if  any  Chris- 
tian can  say  to  thee,  God  forgive  thee  thy  sins  in  the  name  of  Christ,  etc.,  and  if  thou 
canst  but  seize  the  word  with  a  firm  faith,  as  though  God  spake  it  to  thee,  thou  art  in 
this  faith  certainly  absolved." — S.  521 :  "In  the  sixteenth  place ;  that  no  one  may  again 
accuse  me  of  forbidding  good  works,  I  say,  with  all  earnestness,  that  men  should  be 
penitent  and  sorrowful,  should  confess  and  do  good  works.  But  this  I  defend  as  much 
as  I  can,  that  we  hold  the  faith  to  be  the  chief  good  in  the  sacrament,  and  the  inherit- 
ance whereby  we  obtain  God's  grace ;  and,  accordingly,  that  we  are  to  do  much  good 
only  for  the  glory  of  God  and  the  welfare  of  our  neighbors,  and  not  because  we  rely 
upon  it  as  sufficient  to  pay  the  debt  of  sin ;  for  God  gives  his  grace  freely  and  gratis, 
and  so  we  ought,  in  return,  to  serve  him  freely  and  gratis." — S.  524:  "Accordingly 
there  belong  to  auricular  confession  no  sins  but  those  which  are  publicly  accounted 
mortal  sins,  and  which  weigh  down  and  alarm  the  conscience  at  the  time ;  for  if  we  are 
to  confess  all  sins  we  must  confess  at  every  instant,  because  we  are  never  without  sin 
in  this  life,  even  our  good  works  are  not  pure  and  without  sin." — "And  even  if  one  does 
not  go  to  confession  at  all,  it  might  still  be  useful  for  him  often  to  hear  of  absolution 
and  the  work  of  God,  for  the  sake  of  the  same  faith,  that  he  may  thus  form  a  habit  of 
believing  in  the  forgiveness  of  sin." — S.  521 :  "  The  priest  has  enough  signs  and  reasons 
for  absolving,  when  he  sees  that  absolution  is  earnestly  desired  from  him." 

37  Alphonsus  Valdesius  writes  upon  this  period,  from  Brussels,  31st  Aug.,  1520,  to 
Peter  Martyr  (Petri  Martyris  Epistt.,  Amstelod.  1G70,  p.  380)  :  Intumuerunt  dudum 
Germanorum  animi,  videntes  Romanensium  mores  plus  quam  profanos,  coeperantque 
de  excutiendo  Rom.  Pontificis  jugo  clam  per  cuniculos  agere.  Quo  factum  est,  ut,  quum 
primum  Lutheri  scripta  in  vulgum  prodiere,  mirum  quanto  applausu  ab  omnibus  sus- 
cepta  sint.  Ibi  Germani  gestire,  et  convicia  in  Romanenses  jactare,  petereque  ut  genc- 
ralis  Christianorum  ontniuin  conventus  indiceretur,  in  quo  excussis  his,  quae  Luthcrus 
scribebat,  alius  ordo  in  rebus  Ecclesiae  statueretur.  Quod  utinam  factum  fuisset!  Ye- 
rumtamen  dum  Pontifex  jus  suurn  mordicus  tuetur,  dum  timet  Christianorum  conven- 

VOL.  IV. 3 


34  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

The  Elector  of  Saxony  was  just  now  of  too  great  importance  to 
the  Pope,  in  a  political  point  of  view,  to  be  alienated  from  him  for 
the  sake  of  an  insignificant  monk.  Leo  X.  sent  to  him  his  cham- 
berlain, Charles  of  Miltitz,  with  the  golden  rose,38  to  win  him  to 
his  views  in  the  election  of  the  King  of  Rome,  and  to  come  to  an 
understanding  on  the  affair  of  Luther.  Miltitz,  upon  his  arrival 
in  Germany  (Dec,  1518),  soon  saw  that  nothing  could  here  be  ef- 
fected by  force  ;39  still  less  when,  after  the  death  of  Maximilian  L, 
the  12th  Jan.,  1519,  the  Elector  of  Saxony  became  Regent  of  the 
empire  in  Northern  Germany.  He  accordingly  tried  to  flatter  Lu- 
ther by  kindness,  and  thus  actually  obtained,  not  indeed  the  de- 
sired recantation,  but  a  promise  to  be  silent  if  his  opponents  were 
silent,  and  an  open  declaration  of  obedience  to  the  See  of  Rome.40 

turn,  dum  (ut  libere  loquar)  plus  apud  cum  valet  privatum  commodum  in  generali  sy- 
nodo  forte  periclitaturum,  quam  Christians  populi  salus,  dum  cupit  Lutherana  scripts 
nondum  discussa  e  medio  tollere ;  Legatum  a  latere  (Cajetan)  ad  Caesarem  Maximilia- 
num  mittit,  caet.  Wolfg.  Fabritius  Capito  wrote  to  Luther,  18th  Feb.,  1519  (in  Sculteti 
Annal.  Reform,  ad  h.  a.) :  Helvetia  et  Rheuana  regio  ad  Oceanum  usque  solidos  amieos 
fovet  Lutherio,  eosque  potentissimos,  neque  omnino  alienos  a  bonis  studiis.  Cardinalis 
Sedunensis,  Comes  de  Gerolseck,  Episcopus  quidam  eruditus  ac  primae  honestatis,  alii- 
que  ex  nostris  non  pauci  cum  nuper  audierant  te  periclitari,  non  tantum  sumtum,  sed 
etiam  tuta  loca  pollicebantur,  quibus  aut  latere,  aut  aperte  degere  posses.  Cum  peregre 
constitutum  fama  praedicaret  et  summa  rerum  difficultate  laborare,  fuerunt,  qui  per  me 
submittere  nitebantur  sumtum,  et  submisissent  utique.  On  the  14th  Feb.,  1519,  Froben, 
the  bookseller  at  Basle,  -wrote  to  Luther  (T.  i.  Jen.  fol.  367.  b.),  that  he  had  sent  numer- 
ous copies  of  his  works  to  France,  Spain,  Italy,  Brabant,  and  England  :  venduntur  Pa- 
risiis,  leguntur  etiam  a  Sorbonicis  et  probantur,  quemadmodum  amici  nostri  certiores 
nos  reddiderunt.  Dixerunt  illic  doctissimi  quidam,  se  jam  pridem  talem  libertatem  de- 
siderasse  in  his,  qui  sacras  literas  tractaut. — Hie  (in  Basle)  ut  quisque  est  optimus,  ita 
tui  maxime  est  studiosus.  Episcopus  noster  imprimis  tibi  favet,  ejus  item  Suffraganeus 
Tripolitanus  Episcopus.  The  Cardinal  of  Sitten  said,  after  reading  Luther's  works  : 
,;  Luther  tu  vere  es  hither"  (tauter,  i.  e.,  clear)  ;  and,  "  Disputet  Eccius  quantum  velit, 
Lutherus  veritatem  scribit." 

38  Upon  Miltitz's  proceedings,  see  Loscher,  ii.  552 ;  iii.  C,  92 ;  Walch,  xv.  808. 

39  Lutherus  ad  Jo.  Svlvium,  dd.  2.  Febr.,  1519  (de  Wette,  i.  216) :  Carolus  de  Miltitz 
missus  ad  Principem  nostrum  armatus  plus  70  apostolicis  Brevibus,  in  hoc  scilicet  datis, 
ut  me  vivum  ac  vinctum  perduceret  in  Hierusalem  homicidam  illam  Romam :  sed  per 
viam  a  Domino  prostratus,  i.  e.  multitudine  mini  faventium  territus,  juxta  quod  curio- 
sissime  ubique  de  mei  opinione  exploraverat,  mutavit  violentiam  in  benevolentiam  fal- 
lacissime  simulatam,  agens  mecum  multis  sane  verbis,  ut  pro  honore  Ecclesiae  Romanae 
revocarem  mea  dicta.  In  the  Praef.  ad  Opp.  T.  i.  1545,  he  states,  that  Miltitz  had  him- 
self said  to  him  :  "  Si  haberem  25  ruillia  armatorum,  non  confiderem  te  posse  a  me  Ro- 
mam pcrduci.  Exploravi  enim  per  totum  iter  animos  hominum,  quid  de  te  sentirent : 
ecce  ubi  unum  pro  Papa  stare  inveni,  tres  pro  te  contra  Papain  stabant." 

*°  At  a  personal  interview  at  Altenburg  in  the  first  days  of  January,  1519,  Miltitz 
and  Luther  came  to  an  agreement,  as  the  latter  reports  to  the  Elector  (de  Wette,  i.  209) : 
••  In  the  tir.st  place,  that  there  be  a  general  inhibition  laid  upon  both  parties,  and  that 
they  be  both  forbidden  to  preach,  write,  or  act  about  these  matters  any  further.  Sec- 
ondly, that  the  said  Charles  [of  Miltitz]  will  shortly  take  occasion  to  write  to  the  holv 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1518.  35 

Under  existing  circumstances  Miltitz  thought  he  might  well  "be 
satisfied  with  such  a  result  in  this  vexatious  matter.  At  Leipsic 
he  so  sternly  rebuked  John  Tetzel,  the  real  author  of  the  difficulty, 
for  his  shameless  proceedings,  that  he  died  of  chagrin.41  Luther 
made  the  promised  declarations,42  and  the  whole  matter  seemed  to 
be  at  an  end. 

Dr.  Eck  started  it  again.     To  close  in  triumph  a  controversy 

Father,  the  Pope,  about  all  matters,  as  he  has  found  them ;  and  then  see  to  it  that  his 
papal  holiness  commission  some  learned  bishop,  perhaps,  to  look  into  the  matter  and 
point  out  the  articles  which  are  erroneous,  and  which  I  should  revoke.  And  then,  when 
I  am  taught  the  error,  I  should  and  will  recant  it  willingly,  and  not  weaken  the  honor 
and  power  of  the  holy  Roman  Church."  Besides  this,  Luther  had  proposed,  in  a  some- 
what earlier  letter  to  the  Elector  (de  Wette,  i.  s.  208) :  "  In  the  next  place,  I  would  write 
to  his  holiness  the  Pope,  submit  in  all  humility,  confess  how  I  have  been  too  hot  and 
too  sharp,  yet  did  not  mean  to  come  too  near  to  the  holy  Roman  Church,  but  to  show 
the  reason  WI13'  I,  as  a  true  child  of  the  Church,  had  opposed  the  scandalous  preaching 
from  which  had  grown  such  great  scorn,  reports,  dishonor,  and  offense  among  the  people 
against  the  Roman  Church.  In  the  third  place,  I  was  willing  to  publish  a  paper  to 
warn  everj'  one  to  follow  the  Roman  Church,  to  be  obedient  and  reverential,  and  to  un- 
derstand my  writings  not  to  the  disgrace  but  to  the  honor  of  the  holy  Roman  Church ; 
and  also  confess  that  I  had  brought  the  truth  out  with  too  great  zeal,  and  perhaps  un- 
seasonably." He  writes  to  Christopher  Scheurl  on  the  13th  January,  at  the  same  time 
informing  him  of  this  agreement  (Ibid.  s.  212):  Ego,  quantum  in  me  est,  nee  timeo  nee 
cupio  protelari  causam.  Sunt  adhuc  multa,  quae  Romanam  lernam  movere  possunt, 
quae  libens  premam  (not  promam),  si  permittant.  Sin  Deus  non  volet,  ut  permittant, 
net  voluntas  Domini.  Miltitz  in  general  demeaned  himself  rather  as  a  German  than  as 
a  Roman,  and  thus  gained  the  confidence  of  Luther.  The  Romans  afterward  complained 
of  him  (see  Instructio  Nuntio  data  ami.  1536,  in  Ranke  Fursten  u.  Volker  v.  Siid-Europa. 
iv.  290)  :  id  tantum  fructus  rcportavit,  quod  saepe,  perturbatus  vino,  ea  effutire  de  Pon- 
tifice  et  Romana  curia  a  Saxouibus  inducebatur,  non  modo  quae  facta  erant,  sed  quae 
ipsi  e  malae  in  nos  mentis  aftectu  imaginabantur  et  optabant ;  et  ea  omnia  scriptis  ex- 
cipientes  postea  in  conventu  Vormatiensi  nobis  publice  coram  tota  Germania  exproba- 
bant. 

41  Miltitz  had,  at  the  very  first,  summoned  Tetzel  to  him  at  Altenburg ;  but  he  ex- 
cused himself  in  a  letter,  31st  Dec,  1518  (published  by  Cyprian  in  Tentzel's  Bericht  v. 
Anf.  d.  Reform,  i.  374,  in  Loscher,  ii.  567):  "Nu  solt  mich  solcher  Arbeit  und  Reiss 
nicht  verdriessen,  Ew.  Erwird  zu  willfahren,  wenn  ich  mich  one  meins  Lebens  Nach- 
theil  durfft  aus  Leipzick  begeben.  Wann  Martinus  Luther,  Augustiner,  hat  die  Mach- 
tigen  nicht  allein  schier  in  alien  teutschen  Landen,  sondern  auch  in  den  Konigreicheu 
zu  Behem,  Ungarn  und  Polen  also  wider  mich  erregt  und  bewegt,  dass  ich  nirgent  sicher 
bin."  Miltitz  heard  more  particulars  of  Tctzel's  impostures  and  other  disgraceful  pro- 
ceedings, and  in  January,  1519,  called  him  to  a  strict  account  for  them.  (See  Miltitz 
Schreiben  an  Pfeffinger,  in  Cyprian,  ibid.  s.  380 ;  Loscher,  iii.  20.)  Lutherus,  Praef.  ad 
T.  i.  Opp.  1545 :  Vocaverat  (Miltitius)  autem  ad  se  Johannem  Tetzelium, — et  verbis 
minisque  pontificiis  ita  fregit  hominem,  hactenus  terribilem  cunctis,  et  imperterritum 
clamatorem,  ut  inde  contabesceret,  et  tandem  aegritudine  animi  conficeretur.  Quern 
ego,  ubi  hoc  rescivi,  ante  obitum  Uteris  benigniter  scriptis  consolatus  sum,  ac  jussi  ani- 
rao  bono  esse,  nee  mei  memoriam  metueret.  Sed  conscientia  et  indignatione  Papae 
forte  occubuit. 

42  He  published  in  February :  Unterricht  auf.  ctliche  Artikel,  so  ihm  von  seinen  Ab- 
gonnern  aufgelegt  und  zugemessen  worden  (in  Loscher,  iii.  84 ;  Walch,  xv.  842).  His 
letter  to  the  Pope  is  dated  the  3d  of  March,  in  de  Wette,  i.  233. 


36  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

raised  by  his  Obelisks,*3  this  renowned  disputant44  challenged  Lu- 
ther's colleague,  Andreas  Bodenstein,  from  his  birth-place  surnamed 
Carlstadt,  to  a  disputation  at  Leipsic,45  and  also  contrived  to  en- 
tangle Luther  in  it.46     In  this  disputation,  which  lasted  from  the 

43  See  above,  Note  20. 

44  Upon  his  former  disputations  held  at  Bologna  and  Vienna,  see  Riederer's  Nach- 
richten,  Bd.  3.  s.  47,  178,  283. 

45  This  Disputation  between  Eck  and  Luther  had  been  already  concerted  at  Augs- 
burg, and  Luther  informs  him,  15th  Nov.,  1518  (de  Wette,  i.  171),  that  Carlstadt  agreed 
to  it. 

46  By  13  Theses,  which  Eck  published  in  Januar}',  1519  (in  Loscher,  iii.  210),  to  which 
Luther  replied  in  13  others.  Ibid.  212.  Compare,  Luther  to  Spalatin,  7th  Febr.  (de 
Wette,  i.  222)  :  Eccius  noster — gloriae  edidit  schedulam,  disputaturus  contra  Carlstadi- 
um  Lipsiae  post  Pascha.  Et  homo  insulsa  obliquitate,  suae  jam  diu  in  me  conceptae 
invidiae  satisfacturus,  in  me  et  mea  ruit  scripta,  alium  nominans  concertatorem,  alium 
autem  invadens  tractatorem.  On  the  13th  of  March  he  apologized  to  the  Elector,  say- 
ing, that  under  these  circumstances  he  could  not  consider  his  promise  to  Miltitz  to  keep 
silence  as  binding  (de  Wette,  i.  237).  In  his  13th  Thesis  Eck  broached  an  entirely  new 
subject:  Romarn  Ecclesiam  non  fuisse  superiorem  aliis  Ecclesiis  ante  tempora  Sylves- 
tri,  negamus.  Sed  eum,  qui  sedem  beatissimi  Petri  habuit  et  fidem,  successorem  Petri 
et  Vicarium  Christi  generalem  semper  agnovimus.  Luther  opposed  to  this  the  counter- 
thesis  (as  he  writes  to  Spalatin  in  May,  de  Wette,  i.  261 :  haec  xiii.  propositio  mihi  est 
extorta  per  Eccium :  xiii.,  as  in  the  following  letter,  should  here  be  read  instead  of 
xii.) :  Eomanam  Ecclesiam  esse  omnibus  aliis  superiorem,  probatur  ex  frigidissimis 
Rom.  Pontificum  decretis,  intra  quadringentos  annos  natis,  contra  quae  sunt  historiae 
approbatae  mille  et  centum  annorum,  textus  scripturae  divinae,  et  decretum  Nicaeni 
Concilii  omnium  sacratissimi.  There  are  some  remarkable  declarations  of  Luther  at 
this  period.  He  writes  to  Scheurl,  20th  Febr.  (de  Wette,  i.  230)  :  Eccius  noster,  hucusque 
Insaniam  suam  in  me  pulchre  dissimulans,  tandem  manifestavit.  Vide,  quid  sit  homo. 
Sed  Deus  in  medio  Deorum :  ipse  uovit,  quid  ex  ea  tragoedia  deducere  voluerit.  Nee 
Eccius  sibi,  nee  ego  mihi  in  hac  quicquam  serviemus.  Dei  consilium  agi  mihi  videtur. 
Saepius  dixi,  hucusque  lusum  esse  a  me;  nunc  tandem  seria  in  Bomanum  Pontificem  et 
arrogantiam  Eomanam  agentur.  To  Lange  in  the  same  strain,  7th  Febr.  (ibid.  217). 
To  Spalatin,  5th  March  (ibid.  236)  :  Nunquam  fuit  in  animo,  ut  ab  Apostolica  sede  Ro- 
mana  voluerim  desciscere :  denique  sum  contentus,  ut  omnium  vocetur  aut  etiam  sit 
Dominus.  Quid  hoc  ad  me !  qui  sciam  etiam  Turcam  honorandum  et  ferendum  potes- 
tatis  gratia.  Quia  certus  sum,  non  nisi  volente  Deo  (ut  Petrus  ait)  ullam  potestatem 
consistere  :  sed  hoc  ago  pro  fide  mea  in  Christum,  ut  verbum  ejus  non  pro  libito  trahant 
atque  containment.  Dimittant  mihi  decreta  Romana  Evangelium  sincerum,  et  omnia 
alia  rapiant :  prorsus  pilum  non  movebo.  To  the  same,  13th  March  (ibid.  239)  :  Verso  et 
decreta  Pontificum,  pro  mea  disputatione,  et  (in  aurem  tibi  loquor)  nescio,  an  Papa  sit 
Antichristus  ipse  vel  apostolus  ejus:  adeo  misere  corrumpitur  et  cruciiigitur  Christus, 
i.  e.  Veritas,  ab  eo  in  decretis.  Discrucior  mirum  in  modum,  sic  illudi  populum  Christi, 
specie  legum  et  Christiani  nominis.  Aliquando  tibi  copiam  faciam  annotationum  mea- 
rum  in  decreta,  ut  et  tu  videas,  quid  sit  leges  condere  postposita  Scriptura  ex  affectu 
ambitae  tyrannidis :  ut  taceam,  quae  alia  Romana  curia  Antjchristi  opera  simillima 
exundat.  Nascitur  mihi  indies  magis  ac  magis  subsidium  et  praesidium  pro  sacris  lite- 
ris.  One  result  of  these  studies  was  the  Resolutio  super  Propositione  xiii.  de  Potestate 
Pupae,  which  Luther  had  already  prepared  in  May,  though  probably  he  did  not  have  it 
printed  till  after  the  disputation  at  Leipsic,  in  T.  i.  Jen.  fol.  295  b.  (in  Loscher,  iii.  123). 
In  May  he  wrote  to  Spalatin  (de  Wette,  i.  260)  :  Multa  ego  premo,  et  causa  Principis  et 
Universitatis  nostrae  cohibeo,  quae,  si  alibi  essem,  evomerem  in  vastatricem  Scripturae 
et  Ecclesiae  Romam,  melius  Babylonem.     Non  potest  Scripturae  et  Ecclesiae  Veritas 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1518.  37 

27th  June  to  the  16th  July,  1519,47  Carlstadt  maintained  against 
Eok  the  Augustinian  doctrine  of  free-will.  Luther  was  forced 
into  a  dispute  upon  the  primacy  of  the  Pope  ;  and,  in  this  connec- 
tion, Eck  having  charged  him  with  holding  Hussite  opinions,  he 
was  led  to  make  the  declaration,  which  excited  great  surprise,  that 
several  of -Huss's  doctrines  had  been  unjustly  condemned.48  Eck 
was  superior  to  his  opponents  in  controversial  skill,  and  thus  seem- 
ed to  those  present  to  have  got  the  victory.49  But  the  correspond- 
ence, in  which  this  disputation  was  continued  for  some  time  lon- 
ger,50 turned  the  public  judgment  again  to  the  side  of  the  Witten- 

tractari,  mi  Spalatine,  nisi  haec  belua  offendatur.  Non  ergo  spores  me  quietum  ac  sal- 
vum  futurum,  nisi  velis  et  me  penitus  theologiam  intermittere.  Sine  ergo  amicos  putare 
me  insanire.  Res  ista  finem  non  accipiet  (si  ex  Deo  est),  nisi  sicut  Christum  discipuli 
et  noti  sui,  ita  et  me  derelinquant  omnes  amici  mei,  et  sola  sit  Veritas,  quae  salvet  se 
dextera  sua,  non  mea,  non  tua,  non  ullius  hominis :  et  hanc  horam  ah  initio  spectavi. 

47  There  are  contemporary  accounts  of  this  in  letters  from  Melancthon  to  Oecolampa- 
dius,  Eck  to  Hochstraten,  Joh.  Cellarius  to  Capito,  all  written  in  July ;  from  Luther  to 
Spalatin,  from  Amsdorf  to  the  same,  both  in  August ;  from  Peter  Mosellanus  to  Julius 
Pflug,  in  December.  From  August  there  is  the  account  of  John  Rubeus,  favorable  to 
Eck.  All  these  are  in  Loscher,  iii.  215  ff.  The  Latin  minutes,  written  down  during  the 
disputation,  form  the  principal  authority ;  best  given  in  Loscher,  iii.  292  ff. 

48  Acta  Disp.,  hor.  2.  d.  5  Jul.,  in  Loscher,  iii.  360:  Certum  est,  inter  articulos  Jo- 
hannis  IIuss  vel  Bohemorum  multos  esse  plane  Christianissimos  et  evangelicos,  quos 
non  possit  universalis  Ecclesia  damnare,  velut  est  ille  et  similis,  quod  tantum  est  una 
Ecclesia  universalis.  Haec  enim  agentibus  impiissimis  adulatoribus  inique  est  damnata. 
Deinde  ille  :  non  est  de  necessitate  salutis  credere  Rom.  Ecclesiam  esse  aliis  superiorem. 

49  Luther  to  Spalatin  on  the  20th  July  (de  Wette,  i.  287 ;  Loscher,  iii.  236) :  Et  ita 
nihil  ferme  in  ista  disputatione  tractatum  "est  saltern  digne  praeter  propositionem  meam 
decimam  tertiam.  Interim  tamen  ille  (Eccius)  placet,  triumphat  et  regnat,  sed  donee 
ediderimus  nos  nostra.     Nam  quia  male  disputatum  est,  edam  resolutiones  denuo. 

50  In  Julv,  Eck  published  in  reply  to  Melancthon's  report,  which  was  addressed  to 
Oecolampadius,  his — E.ccusatio  Eckii  ad  ea,  quae /also  sibi  Ph.  Melanchthon  Grammaticus 
Wittenb.  super  Theologica  Disputatione  Lipsica  adscripsit  (in  Loscher,  iii.  591),  where- 
upon Melancthon  immediately  followed  with  a  Defensio  (Ibid.  596).  Luther  issued  in 
August  his  Resolutiones  super  rropositionibus  suis  Lipsiac  disputatis  (T.  i.  Jen.  fol.  279  ;  in 
Loscher,  iii.  733).  Against  these  Eck  drew  up  an  Expurgatio  in  October,  to  which  Lu- 
ther replied  in  November,  with  an  Epistola  super  Expurgatione  Ecciana  (T.  i.  Jen.  fol. 
358,  b. ;  in  Loscher,  iii.  805 ;  de  Wette,  i.  354).  The  Franciscans  at  Juterbock  had  al- 
ready drawn  1-1  propositions  from  Luther's  works  as  heretical  in  April,  and  denounced 
them  to  the  bishop  of  Brandenburg  (in  Loscher,  iii.  115).  Eck  published  these  in  Au- 
gust with  notes  ;  in  reph-,  appeared,  in  September,  Contra  malignum  Jo.  Eckii  Judicium 
super  aliquot  Articulis  a  Fratribus  quibusdam  ei  impositis  M.  Lutheri  Defensio  (T.  i.  Jen. 
fol.  211,  b.  ;  in  Loscher,  iii.  856).  Luther  met  with  great  favor  among  the  Bohemians. 
Two  of  the  utraquist  clergy  at  Prague — Rosdialowin  and  Paduschka — wrote  to  him  in 
July  letters  of  congratulation  and  encouragement  (T.  i.  Jen.  fol.  366  ;  in  Loscher,  iii.  649), 
which  he  received  in  October  (see  Luther's  letter  to  Staupitz,  3d  Oct.,  de  Wette,  i.  341). 
Rosdialowin  writes  e.  g.  quod  olim  Johannes  Huss  in  Bohemia  fuerat,  hoc  tu  Martine 
es  in  Saxonia.  Quid  igitur  tibi  opus  !  Vigila  et  confortare  in  Domino,  deinde  cave  ab 
hominibus.  Neque  animo  concidas,  si  te  haercticum,  si  excommunicatum  audies,  me- 
mor  subinde,  quid  Christus  passus,  quid  Apostoli,  quid  omnes  hodie  patiantur,  qui  pie 
volent  vivcre  in  Christo.    It  was  probably  to  the  bearer  of  these  letters  that  Luther  gave 


38  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

bergers,  although  Eck  already  pronounced  them  heretics  under 
the  name  of  Lutherans. 

This  disputation  was  the  real  training  school  of  the  Reformer. 
To  prepare  himself  for  it,  and  to  continue  it  in  writing,  Luther 
was  obliged  to  make  investigations,  into  which,  with  his  practical 
religious  tendencies,  he  would  probably  not  have  been  led  under 
other  circumstances  :51  here,  too,  Melancthon  now  faithfully  aid- 
ed him  with  his  extensive  learning  and  clear  penetration.52     In 

his  writings  to  be  carried  to  Bohemia  (Luther  to  Spalatin,  15th  Oct.,  de  Wette,  i.  350). 
In  the  mean  time  Jerome  Emser,  in  a  letter,  printed  in  August,  to  Joh.  Zack,  adminis- 
trator of  the  diocese  of  Prague,  De  disputatione  Lipsicensi  quantum  ad  Boemos  obiter 
deflexa  est  (T.  i.  Jen.  fol.  348  ;  in  Loscher,  iii.  660),  had  tried  to  rob  the  Bohemians  of  their 
joy,  by  maintaining  that  Luther,  although  he  agreed  with  them  in  several  points,  would 
still  have  nothing  to  do  with  them  as  schismatics.  Luther  answered  him  in  Sept.,  in 
his  Ad  Aegocerotem  Emserianum  (referring  to  Emser's  armorial  bearings,  which  were 
printed  on  the  title-page  of  his  book,  the  forepart  of  a  Capricorn)  M.  Lutheri  Responsio 
(T.  i.  Jen.  fol.  350 ;  Loscher,  iii.  668).  Emser  wrote  a  reply  in  November :  A  venatione 
Luteriana  Aegocerotis  Assertio,  in  Loscher,  iii.  691. 

51  Lutherus  de  Captivitate  Babyloniea  Ecclesiae  (Oct.,  1520),  in  the  letter  of  dedica- 
tion (T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  259)  :  Velim,  nolim,  cogor  indies  eruditior  fieri,  tot  tantisque  magis- 
tris  certatim  me  urgentibus  et  exercentibus.  De  indulgentiis  ante  duos  annos  scripsi, 
sed  sic,  ut  me  nunc  mirum  in  modum  poeniteat  editi  libelli.  Haerebam  enim  id  tempo- 
ris  magna  quadam  superstitione  Romanae  tj-rannidis :  unde  et  indulgentias  non  penitus 
rejiciendas  esse  censebam,  quas  tanto  hominum  consensu  cernebam  comprobari.  Nee 
mirum,  quia  solus  turn  volvebam  hoc  saxum.  At  postea  beneflcio  Sylvestri  et  Fratrum 
adjutus,  qui  strenue  illas  tutati  sunt,  intellexi,  eas  aliud  non  esse,  quain  meras  adula- 
torum  Romanorum  imposturas,  quibus  et  fidem  Dei  et  pecunias  hominum  perderent. 
Atque  utinam  a  bibliopolis  queani  impetrare,  et  omnibus,  qui  legerunt,  persuadere,  ut 
universos  libellos  meos  de  indulgentiis  exurant,  et  pro  omnibus,  quae  de  eis  scripsi, 
hanc  propositionem  apprehendant :  Indulgent iae  sunt  adulatorum  Romanorum  nequitiae. 
Post  haec  Eccius  et  Emserus  cum  conjuratis  suis  de  primatu  Papae  me  erudire  coeperunt. 
Atque  hie  etiam,  ne  hominibus  tam  doctis  ingratus  sim,  conhteor,  me  valde  promovisse 
eorum  opera.  Nempe  cum  Papatum  negassem  divini,  admisi  esse  humani  juris.  Sed 
ut  audivi  et  legi  subtilissimas  subtilitates  istorum  Trossulorum,  quibus  suum  idolum  fabre 
statuunt  (est  enim  mihi  ingenium  in  his  rebus  non  usquequaque  indocile)  :  scio  nunc  et 
certus  sum,  Papatum  esse  regnum  Babylonis  et  potentiam  Nimrod  robusti  venatoris.  Pro- 
inde  et  hie,  ut  amicis  meis  omnia  prosperrime  cedant,  oro  librarios,  oro  lectores,  ut  iis, 
quae  super  hac  re  edidi,  exustis,  banc  propositionem  teneant :  Papatus  est  rohusta  vena- 
tio  Romani  Episcopi. 

5-  Melancthonis  contra  J.  Eckium  Defensio  (Aug.,  1519).  Opp.  ed.  Bretschneider,  i. 
113 :  Puto  non  temere  fieri,  sicubi  sententiis  S.  Patres  variant,  quemadmodum  solet,  ut 
judice  Scriptura  recipiantur ;  non  ipsorum,  nempe  variantibus  judiciis,  Scriptura  vim 
patiatur.  Quandoquidem  unus  aliquis  et  simplex  Scripturae  sensus  est,  ut  et  coelestis 
Veritas  simplicissima  est,  quem  collatis  Scripturis  e  filo  ductuque  orationis  licet  assequi. 
In  hoc  enim  jubemur  philosophari  in  Scripturis  divinis,  ut  hominum  sententias  decreta- 
que  ad  ipsas  ceu  ad  Lydium  lapidem  exigamus.  Soon  after  he  drew  up  these  Theses 
among  others  (see  his  letter  to  Hess  of  Febr.  1520,  1.  c.  p.  138)  :  Quod  Catholicum  prae- 
ter  articulos,  quos  Scriptura  probat,  non  sit  necesse  alios  credere.  Deinde  conciliorum 
auctoritatem  Scripturae  auctoritate  vinci.  E  quibus  fit,  citra  haeresis  crimen  non  credi 
Transsubstantiationem  aut  Characterem  aut  similia.  And  in  his  letter  to  Hess  he  adds : 
Neque  ad  Transsubstantiationem  tantum  aut  Characterem,  sed  ad  omnia  ejus  generis, 
quibus  vulgo  divini  juris  titulus  praetexitur,  pertinebat  axioma.— Videbam,—  passim 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1519.  39 

this  way  Luther  gained  so  thorough  an  insight  into  the  errors  and 
corruption  of  the  Roman  Church53  that  he  gradually  began  to  see 

humanis  decretis  auctoritati  sacrarum  literarum  derogari,  neque  conferri  modo,  sed  et 
anteferri  huraana  divinis  :  articulos  iidei  dici  jam  non  modo,  quae  SS.  Patrum  conciliis 
decreta  sunt,  aut  Pontifices  sanxerunt,  sed  et  quidquid  Thomas,  quidquid  Scotus  argu- 
tantur,  et  in  iis  non  modo  incerta  multa  pro  certis  defendi,  sed  et  male  Christiana  pro 
piis  tradi. 

53  Contra  malignum  Jo.  Eckii  Judicium  Lutheri  Defensio  (in  Sept.,  1519)  IV.  (in 
Loscher,  iii.  877) :  Dictum  est,  canones  hodie  et  reservationes  casuum  prorsus  nihil  esse, 
nisi  laqueos  avaritiae,  non  suo  vitio,  sed  Romanensium  tyrannorum.  Impudentissima 
enim  avaritia  est  Romanae  Curiae :  si  dederis  pecuniam,  canones  et  omnia  venalia  ha- 
bes.  V.  et  VI.  (p.  879)  :  Consilia  evangelica  non  sunt  supra,  sed  infra  praecepta,  h.  e.  con- 
silia  sunt  quaedam  viae  et  compendia  facilius  et  felicius  implendi  mandata  Dei. — Faci- 
lius  enim  continet,  qui  viduus  aut  virgo  est,  separatus  a  sexu,  quam  copulatus  cum 
sexu,  qui  concupisceutiae  aliquid  cedit.  VII.  (p.  880)  :  Confessio  ilia,  quae  nunc  agitur 
occulte  in  aurem,  nidlo  potest  jure  divino  probari,  nee  ita  fiebat  primitus,  sed  publica 
ilia,  quam  Christus  Matth.  18  docet. — Non  tamen  damno  istam  occultam,  nisi  quod  do- 
leo,  ipsam  esse  in  carnificinam  quandam  redactam,  ut  cogantur  homines  confiteri,  et 
scrupulos  facere  de  iis,  in  quibus  nullum  est  peccatum,  aut  vcniale  tantum. — Non  est  in 
Ecclesia  negotium,  quod  aeque  ut  istud  confessionis  et  poenitentiae  indigeat  reforma- 
tione.  Nam  hie  omnes  leges,  quaestus,  vis,  tyrannis,  error,  pericula,  et  infinita  mala 
omnium  animarum  et  totius  Ecclesiae  grassantur  pleno  impetu,  quod  Pontifices  parum 
curant,  et  sophistis  animarum  tortoribus  relinquunt.  VIII.  (p.  881)  :  Neque  enim  Ro- 
mana  Curia  alia  re  magis  nocuit  Ecclesiae  Christi,  quam  multitudine  et  varietate  legum 
suarum,  quae  mihi  videntur  esse  novissima  et  omnium  maxima  persecutio,  ut  in  qua 
irretitae  conscientiae-  pereant  irrecuperabiliter,  ut  turpissimum  quaestum  sileam,  qui 
legibus  istis  alitur.  XV.  (p.  887)  :  Valde  vellem  scire,  ex  quo  loco  Scripturae  tradita 
sit potestas  Papae  Sanctos  canonisandi?  Deinde,  quae  necessitas  Sanctos  canonisandi  ? 
Tandem,  quae  utilitas  Sanctos  canonisandi?  Sermon  on  the  Venerable  Sacrament  of  the 
holy  and  true  Body  of  Christ,  printed  at  the  end  of  November;  in  Loscher,  iii.  902; 
Walch,  xix.  522 :  "  But  it  seems  to  me  to  be  good,  that  the  Church  should  again  ordain, 
in  a  general  council,  that  [the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper]  be  given  to  all  men  in 
both  forms,  as  it  is  to  the  priests.  Not  because  one  form  is  not  enough,  if  so  be  there  is 
enough  desire  for  it  in  the  way  of  faith  alone  ;  but  because  it  is  fitting  and  seemly  that 
the  shape  and  form  or  sign  of  the  sacrament  be  not  cut  up  into  pieces,  but  given  whol- 
ly ;  just  as  I  have  said  about  baptism,  that  it  is  more  suitable  to  dip  into  the  water  than 
to  pour  it  on,  on  account  of  the  wholeness  and  completeness  of  the  sign.  Besides,  this 
sacrament  signifies  a  whole  purification,  an  undivided  fellowship  of  the  saints  (as  we 
shall  hear),  which  is  illy  and  inaptly  signified  hy  a  piece  or  part  of  the  sacrament.  And 
then,  too,  there  is  not  so  great  danger  about  the  cup,  as  is  thought,  because  the  people 
seldom  go  to  this  sacrament,  and  specially  because  Christ,  who  well  knew  all  future 
dangers,  did  3-et  institute  both  forms  for  the  use  of  all  his  Christians."  On  account  of 
this  passage  Duke  George  complained  to  the  Elector  about  Luther,  that  he  taught  just 
like  a  Hussite,  and  had  fellowship  with  the  Hussites ;  dd.  27th  Dec,  1519 ;  in  Loscher 
iii.  920.  The  bishop  of  Misnia,  by  a  prescript  of  the  24th  Jan.,  1520,  prohibited  this  Ser- 
mon, and  charged  his  clergy  to  defend  the  usage  of  the  Church  (T.  i.  Jen.  fol.  4G0  b.). 
Against  this  Luther  wrote,  in  February,  Ant  wort  oaf  den  Zeddel,  so  unter  des  Officials  zu 
Stolpen  Siegel  ausgegangen  ("Walch,  xix.  5G4),  and  toward  the  end  of  the  year  1520  pub- 
lished an  enlarged  Latin  edition  :  Ad  Schedulam  Inhibitionis  sub  Nomine  Episcopi  Mis- 
nensis  editam  super  Sermone  de  Sacramento  Eucharistiae  D.  Mart.  Lutheri  Responsio 
(T.  i.  Jen.  fol.  460).  Meanwhile  Luther  was  going  astray  about  Purgatory,  also ;  seo 
his  letter  to  Spalatin  of  the  7th  Nov.,  1519  (de  Wette,  i.  367)  :  Breviter,  quanquam  ego 
scio,  purgatorium  esse  apud  nos,  nescio  tamen,  si  apud  omnes  Christianos  sit.  Hoc 
certum  est,  neminem  esse  haereticum,  qui  non  credit  esse  purgatorium,  nee  est  articuliiM 


40  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  necessity  of  separating  himself  from  it.54  He  felt  himself  call- 
ed  as  a  soldier  of  Grod  to  fight  against  the  wiles  and  deceit  of  the 
devil,  by  which  the  Church  was  corrupted.55  With  this  position, 
which  he  intrepidly  maintained,  he  gained  that  unconquerable 
courage,  that  rock-like  trust,  and  that  joyful  confidence,  with 
which,  henceforth,  he  steadfastly  pursued  his  aim  through  ev- 
ery danger. 

After  Charles  V.  had  been  elected  Emperor  by  the  influence  of 
Frederick  the  Wise,  contrary  to  the  Pope's  wish  (28th  June,  1519), 
the  Curia  had  nothing  to  restrain  it  from  proceeding  in  Luther's 
case.  Accordingly,  when  Eck  went  to  Rome  in  1520,  to  act  there 
with  the  help  of  the  Dominicans,  Luther  might  with  certainty  ex- 
pect a  bull  of  excommunication.  Yet  Frederick  the  Wise,  sup- 
ported also  by  the  opinion  of  Erasmus,56  was  still  determined  to 

fidei,  cum  Graeci  illud  non  credentes  nunquam  sint  habiti  ob  hoc  pro  haereticis,  nisi 
apud  novissimos  haercticantissimos  haereticantes.  He  had  also  given  up  the  doctrine 
of  seven  sacraments :  he  wrote  to  Spalatin  on  the  18th  Dec,  1519  (de  Wette,  i.  378);  De 
aliis  sacraraentis  non  est,  quod  tu  vel  ullus  hominum  ex  me  speret  aut  expectet  ullum 
sermonem,  donee  docear,  ex  quo  loco  queam  ilia  probare.  Non  enim  ullum  mihi  reli- 
quum  est  sacramentum,  quod  sacramentum  sit,  nisi  ubi  expressa  detur  promissio  divina, 
quae  fidem  exerceat,  cum  sine  verbo  promittentis  ct  fide  suscipientis  nihil  possit  nobis 
esse  cum  Deo  negotii.  Quae  autem  de  sacramentis  illis  septem  fabulati  illi  sunt,  alio 
tempore  audies. 

51  At  first  he  deceived  himself  on  this  point,  by  making  a  distinction  between  the 
Roman  Church  and  the  Roman  Curia ;  compare  his  Letter  of  Dedication  to  Radhemius 
and  Carlstadt,  prefixed  to  the  Comm.  in  Ep.  ad  Galatas,  Sept.,  1519  (T.  i.  Jen.  369,  in 
de  Wette,  i.  333)  :  Quare  et  ego  horum  theologorum  laicorum  (Principum  Germaniae) 
cxemplo  pulcherrimo  Iongissime,  latissime,  profundissime,  distinguo  inter  Romanam 
Ecclesiam  et  Romanam  Curiam.  Illam  scio  purissimum  esse  thalamum  Christi,  ma- 
trem  Ecclesiarum,  dominam  mundi,  sed  spiritu,  i.  e.  vitiorum,  non  rerum  mundi,  spon- 
sam  Christi,  filiam  Dei,  terrorem  inferni. — Haec  vero  ex  fructibus  suis  cognoscitur. 
Non  quod  magni  faciendum  sit,  res  nostras  et  jura  diripi,  cum  fixum  sit  in  coelo,  Chris- 
tianos  in  hac  vita  pressuram,  Nimbrotos  et  robustos'venatores  pati : — sed  quod  omnibus 
lachrymis  sit  miseria  major,  haec  a  fratribus  ct  patribus  in  fratres  et  filios  fieri, — quae  a 
Turca  vix  fierent. — Nullo  modo  ergo  Romanae Ecclesiae  resistere  licet:  at  Romanae  Curiae 
longe  majore  pietate  resisterent  Reges,  Principes  et  quicunque  possent,  quam  ipsis  Turcis. 

55  Luther  to  the  Christian  Nobles  of  the  German  nation,  1520  (Walch,  x.  298):  "We 
must  be  sure  that  in  this  matter  we  are  not  dealing  with  men  but  with  the  princes  of 
hell,  who  may  indeed  fill  the  world  with  war  and  bloodshed,  but  who  can  not  in  this 
way  be  overcome.  We  must  lay  hold  of  the  matter,  renouncing  physical  force,  with 
humble  trust  in  God,  and  with  earnest  prayer  seek  help  of  God,  and  keep  before  our 
eyes  nothing  but  the  calamities  and  needs  of  suffering  Christendom. — Wherever  men 
have  not  acted  in  the  fear  of  God,  and  with  humility,  the  Popes  and  Romans  have  been 
able,  with  the  devil's  help,  to  entangle  kings  with  each  other ;  and  this  they  may  now 
do  again,  if  we  go  on  without  God's  help  in  our  own  strength  and  skill." 

56  Compare  note  32,  above.     Erasmus  wrote  from  Louvain,  1st  Nov.,  1519,  to  Albert, 
Elector  of  Mayence,  a  letter,  ubi,  as  Luther  expresses  himself  to  John  Lange,  16th  Jan., 
1520  (de  Wette,  i.  396),  egrcgie  me  tutatur,  ita  tamen  ut  nihil  minus  quam  me  tutari  . 
videatur,  sicut  solet  pro  dexteritate  sua.     This  letter  was  soon  after  published,  much  to 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1520.  41 

protect  the  most  honored  teacher  of  his  new  university57  against 

the  chagrin  of  Erasmus,  undoubtedly  by  Ulrich  of  Hutten,  who  then  lived  at  the  court 
of  Mayence ;  it  is  in  the  Leyden  edition  of  the  Opera  Erasmi,  T.  iii.  T.  i.  p.  515.  He 
describes  in  strong  features  the  corruptions  of  the  Church,  and  then  proceeds :  Haee, 
opinor,  moverunt  aniinum  Lutheri,  ut  primum  auderet  se  quorundam  intolerabili  impu- 
dentiae  opponere.  Quid  enim  aliud  suspicer  de  eo,  qui  nee  honores  ambit,  nee  pecuni- 
am  cupit?  De  articulis,  quos  objiciunt  Luthero,  in  praesentia  non  disputo,  tantum  de 
modo  et  occasione  disputo.  Ausus  est  Lutherus  de  indulgentiis  dubitare,  sed  de  quihus 
alii  prius  nimis  impudenter  asseveraverant : — ausus  est  immoderatius  loqui  de  potestate 
Romani  Pontificis,  sed  de  qua  isti  nimis  immoderate  prius  scripserant: — ausus  est  Tho- 
mae  decreta  contemnere,  sed  quae  Dominicani  pene  praeferunt  Evangeliis  :  ausus  est  in 
materia  confessionis  scrupulos  aliquos  discutere,  sed  in  qua  monachi  sine  fine  illaqueant 
hominum  conscientias  ;  ausus  est  ex  parte  negligere  scholastica  decreta,  sed  quibus  illi 
nimium  tribuunt,  et  in  quibus  ipsi  nihilominus  inter  se  dissentiunt,  postremo  quae  sub- 
tn.de  mutant,  pro  veteribus  rescissis  inducentes  nova.  Discruciabat  hoc  pias  mentes, 
cum  audirent  in  scholis  fere  nullum  sermonem  de  doctrina  evangelica ;  sacros  illos  ab 
Ecclesia  jam  olim  probatos  auctores  haberi  pro  antiquatis  ;  immo  in  sacris  concionibus 
minimum  audiri  de  Christo ;  de  potestate  Pontificis,  de  opinionibus  recentium  fere  om- 
nia; totam  orationem  jam  palam  quaestum,  adulationem,  ambitionem,  ac  fucum  prae 
se  ferre.  His  imputandum  opinor,  etianisi  quae  intemperantius  scripsit  Lutherus.  He 
then  speaks  earnestly  against  the  propensity  of  theologians  to  denounce  right  off  as 
heresy  whatever  is  peculiar. 

57  Compare  the  Chronicon  Citicense  of  the  contemporary  Paulus  Langus,  Benedictine 
in  the  monastery  of  Bosau,  in  Pistorii  Scriptt.  Rerum  Germanic,  i.  188 :  Witebergae 
anno  quo  haec  scribo  dominicae  incarnationis  1520  ob  florentissimum  ac  famatissimum 
tbeologiae  et  omnigenae  sapientiae  studium  feruntur  mille  quingentique  studentes  ex- 
istere,  fama  eruditissimorum  virorum  Martini  Lutheri  Augustinensis,  et  Andreae  Caro- 
lostadii  Archidiaconi, — necnon  Philippi  Melanchthonis  rhetoris,  sacraeque  theosophiae 
Baccalaurei,  graece  et  latine  peritissimi,  allecti  et  adunati.  Et  memorati  quidem  inte- 
gerrimi,  doctissimique  duo  illi  hierophantes,  Martinus  ut  luminare  majus,  Andreas  ut 
lumiuare  minus  hujus  Academiae,  tbeologiae  studium  et  divini  verbi  triticum  absque 
omni  palearum  i.  e.  secularis  philosophiae  syllogismorumve  mixtura  purissime  tractaht, 
et  edocent  sacram  scripturam,  et  potissimum  Christi  Evangelium,  Paulum  Apostolum 
habentes  pro  archetypo  et  fundamento,  cum  ipso  literarum  studio  timorem  Dei,  et  cunc- 
tarum  virtutum  semina  verbo,  exemplo  et  calamo  in  discipulorum  pectora  spargentes. 
Neque  enim  in  hac  almiflua  sapientiae  palaestra  fatuus  ille  Peripateticorum  princeps 
Aristoteles,  vel  impius  Porphyrius,  ant  certe  ille  blasphemus  Averroes,  et  similes  ortho- 
doxae  fidei  spretores  et  irrisores  cathedram  ullam  habeut  vel  audientiam.  Frederick 
the  Wise  replied  to  Valentine  v.  Teutlebcn  at  Rome,  who  had  written  to  him  of  the  un- 
favorable opinion  there  prevailing  about  him,  on  the  1st  of  April,  1520  (T.  ii.  Jen.  fol. 
256),  that  he  would  not  decide  about  the  truth  of  the  Lutheran  doctrines,  but  that  Lu- 
ther had  offered  to  give  account  of  himself,  and  to  receive  instruction.  Adfirmant  mul- 
ti,  D.  Mart.  Lutherum — invitum  ad  has  controversias  de  Papatu  descendisse,  videlicet 
eo  pertractum  a  D.  Eckio. — Et  cum  nunc  Germania  fiorcat  ingeniis,  et  multis  doctrina 
et  sapientia  praestantibus  viris, — cumque  etiam  nunc  vulgo  Laici  sapere  incipiant,  et 
studio  coguoscendae  Scripturae  teneantur:  multi  judicant  valde  metuendum  esse,  si 
neglectis  aequissimis  conditionibus  a  D.  Luthero  oblatis,  sine  legitima  cognitione,  tan- 
tum ecclesiasticis  censuris  feriatur,  ye  hae  contentioncs  et  certamina  multo  magis  exas- 
perentur,  ut  postea  non  ita  facile  ad  otium  et  compositiones  res  deduci  posset.  Nam 
Luiheri  doctrina  ita  jam  passim  in  plurimorum  animis  in  Germania  et  alibi  infixa  railicia 
egit,  ut  si  non  veris  ac  firmis  argumentis  et  perspicuis  testimoniis  Scripturae  revincatur, 
sed  solo.ecclesiasticae  potestatis  terrore  ad  eum  opprimendum  procedatur,  nonvideatur 
res  sic  abitura,  quin  in  Germania  acerrimas  offensiones  et  horribiles  ac  exitiales  tumul- 
tus  excitatura  sit,  unde  nee  ad  sanctissimum  dominum  Pontificem,  nee  aliis  quidquam 
utilitatis  redire  poterit. 


42  FOUKTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

unjust  violence.  But  Luther  had  already  found  very  decided 
friends  in  other  parts  of  his  German  fatherland  ;58  several  knights 
offered  him  refuge,  and  protection  against  persecution.59  Thus 
he  was  put  in  possession  of  external  facilities  for  publishing  his 
present  convictions  about  the  state  of  the  Church,  and  its  relation 
to  Christian  truth.  This  he  did,  fearless  of  consequences,  in  the 
work  An  den  Christlichen  Adel  deutscher  Nation  vo?i  des  Christ- 
lichen  Standes  Besserung  (June,  1520), 60  with  particular  refer- 

68  Jo.  Botzhernus  Abstemius,  doctor  and  canon  at  Constance,  wrote  to  Luther,  3d 
March,  1520  (Joh.  v.  Botzheim  und  s.  Freunde,  von  K.  Walchner.  Schafhausen,  1836, 
s.  107) :  Postquam  orbi,  aut  saltern  potiori  orbis  parti,  h.  e.  bonis  et  vere  Christianis 
amicus  factus  es,  meus  quoque  amicus  eris,  velis,  nolis.  Quae  scribis,  ita  mihi  proban- 
tur,  ut  nulla  proinde  re  gaudeam,  ac  fato  meo  propitio,  quo  factum,  ut  hoc  tempore  vi- 
ver'em,  quo  non  humanae  solum  literae,  sed  et  divinae  pristinum  nitorem  recuperant, 
caet.  Caspar  Hedio,  preacher  at  Basle,  23d  June,  1520  (Kappen's  Nachlese,  ii.  433) : 
Video,  doctrinam  tuam  ex  Deo  esse,  carissime  vir,  dissolvi  non  potest,  in  dies  efficacior, 
quotidie  multos  lucrifacit  Christo,  abducit  a  vitiis,  asserit  verae  pietati.— Libellis  ver- 
aaculis  plurimum  prodes,  hisce  enim  vulgi  judicium  formatur,  quod  certe  sequax  est  et 
tractabile,  agnoscit  fucum,  cupit  admoneri,  intelligit  beneficium,  quae  est  gratitudinis 
pars.  Cessandum  ergo  non  est,  <L  awrzp,  sed  totis  viribus  conandum,  ut  jugum  Christi 
facile  et  commodum  nobis  redeat.  Tu  dux  esto,  nos  indivulsi  milites  erimus,  si  modo 
nostra  opera  quippiam  possit  prodesse,  sive  in  concionibus  publicis,  quibus  praesum 
jam,  enarrans  Evangelium  Matthaei,  sive  in  privatis  colloquiis  civium  Basiliensium, 
denique  in  literis  amicorum.  In  June,  1520,  Hutten,  too,  broke  off  his  feudal  depend- 
ence upon  the  elector  Albert,  by  which  he  had  been  hitherto  debarred  from  declaring 
himself  openly  for  Luther.  He  now  urged  him  on  with  fiery  letters  (the  first  letter  of 
the  4th  June,  1520,  in  Hutten's  Werke,  von  Munch,  iii.  575),  issued  several  works  in 
defense  of  Luther,  and  to  make  Rome  odious,  and  began  from  this  time  forth  to  publish 
German  works  in  this  spirit,  to  work  upon  the  people ;  these  were  in  part  translations 
of  his  own  Latin  works  (these  last  are  collected  in  Miinch's  edition,  Th.  5).  Eanke's 
deutsche  Gesch.  im  Zeitalter  d.  Ref.  i.  415.  However,  Hutten's  violent  views  did  not 
suit  Luther.  He  wrote  to  Spalatin,  sending  at  the  same  time  Hutten's  letters  and  works, 
16th  Jan.,  1521  (de  Wette,  i.  543)  :  Quid  Huttenus  petat,  vides.  Nollem  vi  et  caede  pro 
Evangelio  certari :  ita  scripsi  ad  hominem.  Verbo  victus  est  mundus,  verbo  servata  est 
Ecclesia,  etiam  verbo  reparabitur. 

59  As  early  as  January,  1520,  Franz  von  Sickingen  invited  Luther  to  go  to  him ;  see 
Hutten's  Letter  to  Melancthon,  20th  Jan.  (in  Kappen's  Nachlese,  ii.  425;  Munch,  iii. 
337)  :  At  nunc  scribere  Luthero  ipse  heros  jubet,  si  quid  in  causa  sua  patiatur  adversi, 
nee  melius  aliunde  remedium  sit,  ad  se  ut  veniat,  effeeturum  pro  eo  quod  possit.— Lu- 
therum  amat  Franciscus,  primum  quia  bonus  sibi  ut  ceteris  videtur,  et  ob  id  invisus 
illis,  deinde  quia  eum  ex  Comitibus  de  Solmis  quidam  commendavit  literis.  Afterward 
Sickingen  repeated  this  invitation  in  a  letter  of  his  own  to  Luther,  3d  Nov.,  1520  (in 
Walch,  xv.  1948).  The  Franconian  knight,  Sj'lvester  von  Schaumburg,  offered  Luther 
protection  in  a  letter,  11th  June,  1520  (Walch,  xv.  1942),  and  exhorted  him  not  to  take 
refuge  with  the  Bohemians:  "For  I,  and  a  hundred  nobles  besides,  whom  I  will  call 
upon  (so  God  please),  will  honorably  hold  to  you,  and  protect  you  from  danger  against 
your  opponents,  so  long  as  your  good  intentions  shall  remain  uncondemned  and  unre- 
futed  by  a  general  Christian  council  and  assemblage,  or  by  unsuspected  and  intelligent 

judges,  or  till  you  shall  be  better  instructed."    F.  von  Sickingen's  Thaten,  Plane, 

Freunde  und  Ausgang,  durch  E.  Munch  (Stuttg.  u.  Tubingen.    3  Bde.  1827-29.  8.),  i.  166. 

Von  Bucholtz  Gesch.  d.  Regierung  Ferdinand  I.,  Bde.  ii.  (Wien.,  1831),  s.  77. 
60  Walch,  x.  296.    Introduction.     "  Grace  and  strength  from  God  be  with  you.    Most 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1520.  43 

ence  to  the  external  constitution  of  the  Church.      In  October, 

serene  and  most  gracious  dear  Lords !  It  is  not  from  mere  forwardness  and  presump- 
tion that  such  a  poor  man  as  myself  undertakes  to  address  your  high  dignities ;  the  dis- 
tress and  oppression  that  weigh  upon  all  classes  of  Christendom,  especially  German}-, 
have  moved  not  only  me,  but  every  man,  ofttimes  to  cry  aloud  and  implore  help,  and 
now  also  force  me  to  cry  out  and  call,  if  so  be  God  will  give  to  any  one  the  spirit  to 
reach  out  his  hand  to  the  suffering  nation.  By  Councils  some  remedy  has  often  been 
attempted;  but  these  have  been  dexterously  thwarted  by  the  craft  of  certain  men,  and 
have  been  growing  worse  and  worse,  which  knavery  and  wickedness  I  now  mean,  God 
helping  me,  to  bring  to  light,  so  that,  being  known,  there  can  no  longer  be  such  hin- 
drance and  scandal.  God  has  now  given  to  us  a  ruler  of  young  and  noble  blood,  so  that 
man}-  hearts  are  aroused  to  great  and  good  hopes.  Therewith  it  is  seemly  that  we  do 
our  part  also,  and  wisely  use  the  time  and  grace."  Then,  after  a  warning  to  begin  the 
work,  not  in  reliance  upon  our  own  power  or  reason,  but  only  with  humble  trust  in 
God,  he  proceeds:  "The  Romanists,  with  great  dexterity,  have  drawn  around  them 
three  walls,  with  which  they  have  hitherto  protected  themselves  so  that  no  one  could 
possibly  reform  them,  and  thus  the  whole  of  Christendom  is  grievously  prostrate.  First, 
when  pressed  with  the  secular  power,  they  have  taken  the  position  and  declared  that 
the  secular  authority  has  no  right  over  them,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  the  spiritual  is 
above  the  secular.  Second///,  when  any  one  would  rebuke  them  with  the  H0I3-  Scrip- 
ture, they  have  replied  that  it  belongs  to  nobody  but  the  Pope  to  interpret  the  Scripture. 
Third!//,  if  threatened  with  a  Council,  they  have  feigned  that  no  one  but  the  Pope  can 
call  a  Council."  Against  the  First  Wall:  the  distinction  between  the  spiritual  and  sec- 
ular order  is  naught:  "fur  all  Christians  are  truly  of  the  spiritual  order,  and  there  is 
among  them  no  difference  but  that  of  office  alone,  as  Paul  says,  1  Cor.  xii.,  that  we  are 
all  together  one  body,  yet  every  member  has  his  own  work,  so  that  he  may  serve  the 
others. — By  baptism  we  are  all  together  consecrated  to  be  priests,  as  St.  Peter,  1  Pet. 
ii.,  says. — Hence  the  bishop's  consecration  is  nothing  more  than  this,  that  out  of  a  num- 
ber, who  all  have  like  power,  he  takes  one  in  the  place  and  person  of  the  whole  com- 
munity, and  commands  him  to  administer  this  power  for  the  rest. — In  like  manner,  those 
who  are  now  called  spiritual  have  no  further  nor  worthier  distinction  from  other  Chris- 
tians, excepting  that  they  have  to  do  with  the  Word  of  God  and  the  Sacrament,  that  is 
their  work  and  office.  So,  too,  the  secular  authority  has  the  sword  and  the  rod  in  its 
hand,  to  punish  the  evil  and  to  defend  the  righteous.  It  ought  to  carry  out  its  office, 
free  and  unhindered,  through  the  whole  body  of  Christendom,  without  regard  to  any- 
one, let  it  strike  Pope,  bishops,  priests,  monks,  nuns,  or  whatever  they  be."  Against 
the  Second  Wall:  "Christ  says,  John  vi.,  that  all  Christians  shall  be  taught  of  God. 
Thus  it  may  come  to  pass  that  the  Pope  and  his  followers  are  evil,  and  not  true  Chris- 
tians, and  not  taught  of  God  so  as  to  have  right  understanding ;  on  the  other  hand, 
some  humble  man  may  have  the  right  understanding ;  why  should  he  not  then  be  fol- 
lowed ?  Has  not  the  Pope  often  erred  ?  Who  can  help  Christendom  when  the  Pope 
eiTs,  if  we  may  not  believe  in  one  who  has  the  Scripture  on  his  side  more  than  in  him  ?" 
— "The  Third  Wall  will  fall  down  of  itself  when  these  first  two  fall.  For  where  the 
Pope  acts  against  Scripture  we  are  bound  to  stand  by  the  Scripture,  to  punish  and  com- 
pel him,  after  the  word  of  Christ,  Matth.  xviii. :  if  thy  brother  sin  against  thee,  tell  it 
to  the  Church. — If  I  ought,  then,  to  accuse  him  before  the  Church,  I  must  bring  the 
Church  together. — Even  that  most  famous  Council  of  Nice  was  neither  called  nor  con- 
firmed by  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  but  by  the  Emperor  Constantine ;  and  after  him  many 
other  emperors  have  done  the  very  same  thing,  and  yet  these  have  been  most  Christian 
Councils. — Therefore,  when  necessity  demands  it,  and  the  Pope  is  offensive  to  Christen- 
dom, whoever  can  first  do  it  is  bound,  as  a  true  member  of  the  whole  body,  to  see  to  it, 
that  there  be  a  truly  free  Council ;  and  nobody  can  do  this  so  well  as  the  secular  sword. 
—  What  is  to  be  discussed  in  the  Councils. — In  the  first  place,  it  is  detestable  and  terrible 
to  see,  how  the  highest  personage  in  Christendom,  who  boasts  that  he  is  Christ's  Vicar 
and  St.  Peter's  successor,  lives  in  such  worldly  pomp  that  no  king,  no  emperor,  can  iu 


44  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

this  come  up  with  him  and  be  like  him. — In  the  second  place,  of  what  use  to  Christen- 
dom are  those  folks  who  are  called  cardinals  ?  This  I  will  say  to  thee,  Italy  and  Ger- 
man}- have  many  rich  cloisters,  foundations,  fiefs,  and  parishes ;  these  could  not  have 
been  brought  under  Rome  without  making  cardinals,  and  giving  to  them  bishoprics, 
cloisters,  and  prelacies ;  and  thus  the  service  of  God  has  been  prostrated'. — But  I  advise 
that  fewer  cardinals  be  made,  or  that  the  Pope  support  them  from  his  own  possessions ; 
twelve  would  be  more  than  enough,  and  each  one  of  them  should  have  an  annual  in- 
come of  a  thousand  guilders. — In  the  third  place,  if  the  one-hundredth  part  of  the  Pope's 
court  were  allowed  to  remain,  and  ninety-nine  parts  were  abolished,  it  would  still  be 
large  enough  to  give  answer  in  matters  of  the  faith." 

After  a  picture  of  the  manifold  oppressions  of  the  Church  by  the  Pope  there  follows 
advice  for  the  reformation  of  the  state  Christianity.  "  1.  That  every  prince,  noble,  and 
city,  forbid  anew  their  own  subjects  to  pay  annates  to  Rome,  and  even  abolish  them. 
2.  Since  the  Pope,  with  his  Roman  practices,  commendams,  adjutoria,  reservations,  gra- 
tiae  expeetativae,  pope's  money,  incorporation,  union,  pensions,  palls,  chancery-rules, 
and  such  devices,  draws  to  himself  all  German  foundations  without  authority  or  right, 
and  grants  or  sells  them  to  strangers  at  Rome,  who  do  nothing  for  them  in  Germany, 
and  thus  robs  the  ordinaries  of  their  due,  and  makes  the  bishops  ciphers  and  puppets ; 
therefore  the  Christian  nobles  ought  to  resist  him,  as  the  common  enemy  and  destroyer 
of  Christendom,  and  restore  to  the  ordinaries  their  rights  and  office. — 3.  That  an  impe- 
rial decree  be  issued,  that  no  bishop's  pall,  or  confirmation  of  any  other  dignity  be  brought 
from  Rome ;  but  that  the  order  of  the  most  holy  and  most  famous  Council  of  Nice  be 
again  established,  in  which  it  is  determined  that  a  bishop  shall  be  instituted  bj-  the  two 
bishops  nearest  to  him,  or  by  the  archbishop.  Still,  that  the  Pope  may  not  complain 
that  he  is  robbed  of  his  supremacy,  it  should  be  decreed,  that  where  the  primates  or 
archbishops  can  not  settle  a  matter,  or  where  a  quarrel  arises  between  them,  it  should 
then  be  brought  before  the  Pope. — 4.  That  it  be  decreed  that  no  secular  cause  be  carried 
to  Rome,  but  that  all  such  be  left  to  the  secular  power. — For  the  Pope's  office  ought  to 
be  this,  that  he  be  the  most  learned  of  all  in  Holy  Scripture,  and  in  truth,  not  in  name 
onby,  the  most  pious,  and  regulate  all  matters  which  concern  the  faith  and  holy  living  of 
Christians.  Besides,  the  shameful  extortion  of  officials  in  all  benefices  must  be  forbid- 
den ;  so  that  the)'  may  concern  themselves  only  about  matters  of  faith  and  good  morals  ; 
and  leave  to  the  secular  judges  all  that  relates  to  money,  goods,  the  bod)-,  or  honor. — 
5.  That  no  more  reservations  be  valid,  and  no  fiefs  be  held  at  Rome. — 6.  That  the  Casus 
Reservati  be  also  abolished.— 7.  That  the  Roman  See  should  abolish  the  Officia,  and 
lessen  the  swarm  of  vermin  at  Rome,  to  the  end  that  the  Pope's  people  may  be  supported 
from  the  Pope's  own  possessions. — 8.  That  the  oppressive  and  hateful  oaths  which  bishops 
are  forced  to  take  to  the  Pope  should  be  done  away  with.— 9.  That  the  Pope  should  have 
no  power  over  the  Emperor,  except  to  anoint  and  crown  hint  at  the  altar,  as  a  bishop 
crowns  a  king :  and  that  the  devilish  etiquette  be  no  longer  allowed,  that  the  Emperor 
should  kiss  the  Pope's  feet,  or  sit  at  his  feet,  or,  as  is  said,  hold  his  stirrup,  or  the  rein  of 
his  paltry,  when  he  mounts  on  horseback  :  much  less  swear  allegiance  and  true  homage 
to  the  Pope,  as  the  Popes  have  had  the  effrontery  to  demand,  as  though  they  had  right  to 
do  so. — It  was  the  devil  who  invented  such  arrogant,  haughty,  wanton  demands  of  the 
Pope,  that  in  due  time  he  might  bring  in  Antichrist,  and  exalt  the  Pope  above  God,  as 
many  already  do  and  have  done.— 10.  That  the  Pope  be  content  to  withdraw  his  hand 
from  the  dish,  and  not  assume  the  title  to  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and  the  Sicilies.— 11. 
That  there  be  no  more  kissing  of  the  Pope's  foot.  It  is  an  unchristian,  yea,  an  anti- 
christian  act,  for  a  poor  sinful  man  to  let  his  foot  be  kissed  by  one  who  is  a  hundred- 
fold better  than  himself.— It  is  also  an  odious  piece  of  the  same  scandalous  pride  for 
the  Pope  to  allow  himself  to  be  borne  aloft  by  men,  like  an  idol,  with  unheard-of  pomp. 
—What  Christian  heart  can  or  should  behold  with  pleasure,  how  the  Pope,  when  he 
wishes  to  communicate,  sits  still  as  a  gracious  lord,  and  has  the  sacrament  reached  to 
him  with  a  golden  reed  by  a  kneeling,  bending  cardinal  (see  Vol.  2,  Part  2,  §  61,  Note 
C),  as  though  the  Holy  Sacrament  were  not  worthy  that  a  Pope,  a  poor,  stinking  sinner, 
should  rise  up  and  do  honor  to  his  God.— 12.  That  pilgrimages  to  Rome  be  abolished,  or 


CHAP.  I—  GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1520.  45 

that  no  one,  of  his  own  notion  or  devotion,  be  allowed  to  go  on  the  pilgrimage,  with- 
out first  having  a  sufficient  and  honest  cause,  recognized  by  his  pastor,  his  city-rulers,  or 
his  liege-lord.  I  do  not  say  this  because  pilgrimages  are  wicked,  but  they  are  not  ad- 
visable at  this  time.  For  at  Rome  will  be  seen  no  good  example,  but  only  vain  hin- 
drances.— And  if  this  reason  be  not  enough  there  is  one  still  more  excellent,  viz.,  that 
simple  men  are  thus  led  into  false  imaginations.  For  they  think  that  such  a  pilgrimage 
is  a  good  work  of  great  price,  which  is  not  the  truth. — 13.  Next,  we  come  to  the  great 
multitudes  who  promise  much  and  perform  little.  Be  not  angry,  dear  masters,  I  mean 
it  well  in  truth,  it  is  the  bitter  and  sweet  truth — and  it  is  this,  that  no  more  Mendicant 
monasteries  be  allowed  to  be  built.  God  help  us,  there  .are  by  far  too  many  of  them 
even  now :  would  to  God  they  were  all  abolished  or  collected  into  two  or  three  places. 
It  has  done  no  good,  and  never  can  do  good,  for  men  to  run  vagabond  about  the  coun- 
try. So  it  is  my  advice,  that  ten  of  them,  or  as  many  as  are  wanted,  should  be  thrown 
together  and  made  into  one,  which  being  sufficiently  provided,  would  have  no  occasion 
to  beg.  And  that  their  preaching  and  confessing  be  dispensed  with,  except  they  be  re- 
quested and  desired  by  bishops  and  parish-priests,  a  church  or  rulers.  From  such  preach- 
ing and  confessing  nothing  has  grown  but  mere  hatred  and  envy  between  priests  and 
friars,  and  great  trouble  and  hindrances  to  the  common  people.  Besides  this,  the  great 
number  of  sects  and  divisions  in  each  order  must  be  done  away  with.  The  Pope,  too, 
must  be  forbidden  to  institute  or  confirm  any  more  such  orders ;  yea,  even  commanded 
to  do  away  M'ith  some,  and  reduce  their  number.  It  is,  in  my  opinion,  needful,  that 
foundations  and  religious  houses  be  reconstituted  as  they  were  at  first  by  the  apostles, 
and  a  long  time  afterward,  when  they  were  all  free  for  every  one  to  remain  there  as  long 
as  he  pleased.  14.  We  see  also  how  the  priesthood  have  fallen.  Many  a  poor  priest  is 
burdened  with  wife  and  children,  and  a  heavy  conscience,  and  no  one  attempts  to  help 
him,  if  such  help  be  possible.  Let  Pope  and  bishop  proceed  as  they  please,  destroy  as 
they  will,  I  will  deliver  my  conscience,  and  open  my  mouth  freely,  though  Pope  or 
bishop  or  any  one  else  take  offense.  I  let  alone  Pope,  bishops,  foundations,  priests,  and 
monks,  whom  God  has  not  instituted.  If  they  have  laid  burdens  on  themselves,  let 
them  bear  them.  I  will  speak  of  the  office  of  Pastor,  which  God  has  instituted,  to  rule 
a  community  with  preaching  and  sacraments.  Liberty  should  be  granted  to  pastors  by 
a  Christian  council  to  marry  and  avoid  peril  of  sin.  For  as  God  himself  has  not  bound 
them,  man  may  not  and  ought  not  to  do  so.  There  is  many  a  pious  pastor  on  whom 
no  man  can  lay  any  other  reproach  than  that  he  is  living  scandalous^  with  a  woman. 
Both  of  them,  however,  have  fixed  in  their  mind  that  they  will  always  abide  with  each 
other  in  true  wedded  troth.  If  they  can  do  this  with  a  safe  conscience,  although  per- 
haps in  public  they  will  have  to  bear  scandal,  in  the  sight  of  God  they  are  certainly 
married.  And  here  I  say  that  if  they  are  thus  minded,  and  so  live  as  quite  to  deliver 
their  consciences,  let  him"  take  her  as  his  wedded  wife,  keep  her,  and  live  honorably 
with  her  as  a  husband,  without  regarding  whether  the  Pope  approve  or  disapprove, 
whether  it  be  against  spiritual  or  carnal  law.  The  salvation  of  thy  soul  is  of  more  value 
than  tyrannical,  arbitrary,  wanton  laws,  which  are  not  necessary  for  holiness,  nor  com- 
manded by  God."  15.  This  is  against  reservations  of  the  heads  of  many  cloisters,  as  a 
result  of  which  their  subordinates  could  receive  of  them  absolution  only  in  cases  of  mor- 
tal sin.  In  consequence  they  often  did  not  make  confession  at  all.  16.  "It  would 
also  be'necessary  to  abolish  anniversaries,  celebrations,  and  masses  for  souls,  or  at  least 
diminish  them,  for  we  see  plainly  that  nothing  but  ridicule  results  from  them,  and  that 
they  are  only  kept  for  money,  eating,  and  drinking.  17.  Certain  penalties  and  punish- 
ments of  ecclesiastical  law  must  also  be  abolished,  especially  the  interdict,  which,  with- 
out doubt,  was  invented  by  the  evil  spirit.  Excommunication  must  only  be  used  where 
Scripture  appoints  it  to  be  used,  that  is,  against  those  who  do  not  hold  the  true  faith,  or 
live  in  open  sin,  not  for  temporal  possessions.  The  other  pains  and  penalties,  suspen- 
sion, irregularity,  aggravation,  re-aggravation,  deposition,  lightnings,  thunder,  cursing, 
damning,  and  what  more  of  such  inventions  there  may  be.  should  all  be  buried  ten  ells 
deep  in  the  ground,  that  even  the  name  and  recollection  of  them  may  no  longer  be  upon 
the  earth.     IS.  That  all  festivals  be  abolished,  and  only  Sunday  retained.     Hut  if  it  is 


46  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

desired  to  keep  the  festivals  of  our  lady  and  the  great  saints,  they  should  all  be  trans- 
ferred to  Sunday,  or  only  observed  in  the  morning  at  mass,  so  that  afterward  the  whole 
day  may  be  a  work  day.  The  reason  is,  that  as  the  abuse  is  now  kept  up  with  drinking, 
playing,  idleness,  and  all  kinds  of  sin,  we  anger  God  more  upon  the  holy  days  than  on 
the  others.  And  first  of  all,  the  consecration  of  the  churches  should  be  wholly  given 
up,  since  they  are  nothing  else  but  pot-house  da3'S,  fairs,  and  play-days.  19.  That  the 
decree  of  relationship  within  which  marriage  is  forbidden  should  be  altered,  as  in  the 
case  of  sponsorship,  to  the  third  and  fourth  degree :  so  that,  where  the  Pope  of  Rome 
can  dispense  for  money  and  sell  his  dispensations  scandalously,  every  priest  may  dis- 
pense gratis  and  for  the  good  of  souls.  Yea,  would  to  God,  that  all  which  must  be 
bought  at  Rome,  the  same  might  be  done  and  granted  by  any  priest  without  payment, 
as  for  instance,  indulgence,  indulgence-brief,  butter-brief,  mass-brief;  with  the  confes- 
sionalia  and  whatever  more  of  trickery  there  be  at  Rome.  Likewise,  that  fasts  should 
be  free  to  every  man's  choice,  and  food  of  all  kinds  allowed,  as  the  Gospel  prescribes. 
20.  That  the  outlying  chapels  and  field  churches  should  be  leveled  to  the  ground,  since 
it  is  to  them  that  the  new  pilgrimages  go.  21.  It  is  one  of  the  greatest  needs  that  all 
mendicancy  be  abolished  in  Christendom  ;  every  town  can  support  its  own  poor.  22. 
It  should  also  be  considered,  that  the  number  of  masses  in  cathedral  and  monastic  foun- 
dations are  not  only  of  little  use,  but  arouse  God's  great  anger ;  so  it  were  profitable  to 
found  no  more  of  them,  but  to  discontinue  many  of  those  already  instituted.  Neither 
must  it  any  more  be  the  case  that  one  person  possess  more  than  one  preferment  or  ben- 
efice. 23.  The  fraternities,  also  indulgences,  indulgence-briefs,  butter-briefs,  mass-briefs, 
dispensations,  and  whatever  there  be  of  this  kind,  should  all  be  drowned  and  abolished. 
My  friend,  thou  hast  entered  at  thy  baptism  upon  a  brotherhood  with  Christ,  all  the  an- 
gels, saints,  and  Christian  men  on  earth ;  hold  this  fast,  and  carry  it  out,  and  you  will 
have  enough  of  fraternities.  Especially  all  papal  embassies,  with  their  faculties  which 
thev  sell  to  us  for  great  sums,  shall  be  chased  out  of  German  land,  for  they  are  manifest 
trickery.  As  they  are  here,  they  take  money  and  make  unrighteous  gains  right,  dissolve 
oaths,  vows,  and  compacts,  break,  and  teach  men  to  break,  troth  and  faith  pledged  be- 
tween man  and  man,  and  say  that  the  Pope  has  power  to  do  this.  If  there  were  no  other 
wicked  device  to  prove  that  the  Pope  is  the  real  antichrist,  this  alone  would  be  enough 
to  prove  it.  24.  It  is  high  time  that,  once  for  all,  with  zeal  and  sincerity,  we  take  up 
the  cause  of  the  Bohemians,  and  unite  ourselves  with  them,  and  them  with  us.  In  the 
first  place,  we  must  honestly  confess  the  truth,  that  John  Huss  and  Jerome  of  Prague 
were  burned  to  death  at  Constance  in  defiance  of  the  Papal,  Christian,  Imperial  safe- 
conduct  and  word  of  honor,  and  so  it  was  done  against  the  commandment  of  God.  I 
will  not  here  judge  John  Huss's  articles,  nor  fight  about  his  errors,  though  my  under- 
standing has  never  yet  found  any  thing  erroneous  in  him.  I  will  only  say  this,  that 
were  he  a  heretic,  as  wicked  as  ever  he  could  be,  he  was  still  burned  unrighteously  and 
against  the  law  of  God,  and  the  Bohemians  should  not  be  compelled  to  approve  such  a 
deed.  Heretics  should  be  conquered  with  Scripture,  as  the  ancient  fathers  used  to  do, 
not  with  fire.  If  the  art  of  convincing  heretics  by  fire  were  the  right  one,  then  the  ex- 
ecutioners would  be  the  most  learned  doctors  upon  earth."  Pious  and  prudent  bishops 
and  learned  men  should  be  sent  to  Bohemia,  to  inform  themselves  as  to  the  belief  of  the 
people,  and  attempt  a  union  of  all  sects.  The  Bohemians  should  then  at  once  elect  an 
Archbishop  of  Prague,  who  should  see  to  it  that  they  walk  uprightly  in  the  faith  and 
word  of  God,  without  wishing  to  impose  upon  them  all  Roman  doctrines  and  usages. 
"  If  I  knew  that  the  Picards  held  no  error  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  except  that  they 
believed  bread  and  wine  were  truly  and  naturally  present,  and  yet  under  these  the  true 
body  and  blood  of  Christ,  I  would  not  refuse  them,  but  suffer  them  to  come  under  the 
Bishop  of  Prague.  For  it  is  not  an  article  of  faith,  that  bread  and  wine  are  not  essen- 
tially and  naturally  present  in  the  sacrament ;  this  is  a  fancy  of  St.  Thomas  and  the 
Pope  ;  but  it  is  an  article  of  the  faith,  that  in  the  natural  bread  and  wine  the  body  and 
blood  of  Christ  are  truly  present.  Thus  the  opinions  of  both  sides  should  be  tolerated 
until  they  agree ;  meanwhile  there  is  no  danger  in  your  believing  that  bread  either  is 
or  is  not  present.     For  we  must  tolerate  many  customs  and  ordinances  which  are  not 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1520.  47 

1520,  he  issued  his  Praeludium  Dc  Captivitate  Babylonica 
Ecclesiae,  upon  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  the  sacraments.61 

injurious  to  the  faith.  But  if  they  think  otherwise,  I  would  rather  have  them  stay  out 
till  the)'  subscribe  the  truth.  The  temporal  possessions  which  belonged  to  the  Church 
should  not  be  demanded  again  with  overmuch  strictness.  25.  The  universities  also  re- 
quire a  right  strict  reform.  What  are  the  universities,  except  gymnasia  epheborum  et 
graecae  rjloriae,  where  a  free  life  is  led,  a  little  holy  writ  and  Christian  faith  taught, 
where  the  blind,  heathenish  master,  Aristotle,  alone  holds  sway,  more  even  than  Christ  ? 
For  this  miserable  man  teaches  in  his  best  book,  De  Anima,  that  the  soul  is  mortal  with 
the  body,  though  many  persons  have  tried  with  vain  words  to  rescue  him  from  this  re- 
proach. In  like  manner  his  Ethics  is  more  directly  opposed  to  the  grace  of  God  and 
Christian  virtue  than  any  other  book,  but  still  it  is  reckoned  as  one  of  the  best.  I  could 
well  endure  that  Aristotle's  books  on  Logic,  Rhetoric,  and  Poetry  be  retained,  or  that 
abridgments  of  them  be  used  with  advantage  to  exercise  young  men  in  speaking  and 
preaching  well.  But  the  comments  and  divisions  must  be  done  away ;  and  as  Cicero's 
Rhetorica  is  without  comment  and  divisions,  so  should  Aristotle's  Logic  be  read  uniformly 
without  such  large  comments.  But  now  neither  speaking  nor  preaching  is  taught  from 
it,  and  nothing  comes  from  it  but  disputations  and  weariness.  I  would  let  the  physicians 
reform  their  own  faculties  ;  the  jurists  and  theologians  I  take  into  my  own  hands,  and 
I  say  to  the  former,  it  were  good  if  ecclesiastical  law,  from  the  first  letter  to  the  last, 
were  thoroughly  razed  to  the  ground,  especially  the  decretals.  As  to  the  secular  law, 
God  help  us,  what  a  wilderness  it  has  become !  although  it  is  much  better  and  more  in- 
genious and  more  honest  than  ecclesiastical  law,  still,  far  too  much  has  been  made  of 
it. — My  friends,  the  theologians,  have  kept  out  of  toil  and  labor,  let  the  Bible  alone, 
and  read  the  Sententiae.  I  think  the  Sententiae  should  be  the  beginning  for  young  di- 
vines, and  the  Bible  remain  for  the  doctors :  but  the  order  is  inverted,  the  Bible  is  the 
first  book  introduced  with  the  bachelor's  degree,  and  the  Sententiae  the  last,  which 
abide  with  the  doctorate  for  ever. — The  number  of  books  must  be  diminished,  and  the 
best  read.  For  many  books  do  not  make  a  man  learned,  nor  much  reading ;  but  good 
ones,  and  often  read,  however  little  they  be,  make  a  man  learned  in  Scripture  and  pious 
withal. — Before  all  things  else,  in  the  higher  and  lower  schools,  the  chiefest  and  com- 
monest reading  should  be  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  for  young  boys  the  Gospel.  And 
would  to  God  every  town  had,  besides,  a  girls'  school,  in  which  the  maidens  might  hear 
the  Gospel  one  hour  in  ever)'  day."  26.  The  Pope  has  unjustly  deprived  the  Greek  em- 
peror of  the  Roman  Empire,  and  granted  it  to  the  Germans,  but  only  to  bring  them  un- 
der his  yoke.  "  So  let  the  Pope  give  up  Rome,  and  all  he  has  of  the  Empire,  leave  our 
country  free  from  his  intolerable  treasure-seeking  and  extortion,  give  us  back  our  free- 
dom, power,  goods,  honor,  body  and  soul,  and  let  there  be  an  Empire,  such  as  an  Em- 
pire should  be,  to  the  end  that  he  may  make  good  his  words  and  professions."  27.  On 
secular  transgressions  ;  against  too  costly  clothing,  excess  in  foreign  spices,  usury,  glut- 
tony and  drunkenness,  common  brothels. — Conclusion:  "I  see  very  well  that  I  have 
sung  in  a  high  strain,  proposed  much  that  will  seem  impossible,  assailed  many  things 
too  sharply ;  but  what  should  I  do  ?  I  am  bound  to  speak  ;  if  I  had  the  power  I  would 
act  thus.  I  had  rather  the  world  were  angry  with  me  than  God :  man  can  never  do 
more  than  take  away  my  life.  Until  now  I  had  offered  peace  to  my  enemies  ;  but,  as  I 
see,  God  has  compelled  me  through  them  to  open  my  mouth  wider  and  wider. — Although 
I  also  know,  as  my  cause  is  just,  that  it  must  be  condemned  on  earth,  and  only  justified 
by  Christ  in  heaven. — Therefore  let  it  be  zealously  gone  into,  be  they  pope,  bishops, 
priests,  monks,  or  learned  men :  they  are  the  right  people  to  persecute  the  truth  as  they 
always  have  done.  God  grant  us  all  a  Christian  understanding,  and  especially  to  the 
Christian  nobles  of  the  German  nation,  a  true  spiritual  courage  to  do  the  best  for  the 
poor  churches.     Amen." 

61  T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  259  ss.  Fol.  2G0,  b.  Principio  neganda,  mihi  sunt  septan  Saeramenta, 
et  tantum  iria  pro  tempore  ponenda,  baptismus,  poenitcntia,  panis,  et  haec  omnia  esse 


48  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

per  Romanam  Curiam  nobis  in  miserabilem  captivitatem  ducta,  Ecclesiamque  sua  tota 
libertate  spoliatam.     Quaniquam,  si  usu  scripturae  loqui  velim,  non  nisi  unum  sacra- 
mcntum  hab'eam,  et  tria  signa  sacramentalia.     Fol.  2G2,  b.     Concludo  itaque,  negare 
utramque  specicm  laicis,  esse  impium  et  tyrannicum,  nee  in  manu  ullius  Angeli,  nedum 
Papae  ct  Concilii  cujuscunque. — Prima  ergo  captivitas  hujus  Sacramenti  est  quoad  ejus 
substantiam  seu  integritatem,  quam  nobis  abstulit  Romana  tyrannis.     Non  quod  pec- 
cent  in  Christum,  qui  una  specie  utuntur  : — sed  quod  illi  peccant,  qui  hoc  arbitrio  volen- 
tibus  uti  prohibent  utramque  dari :  culpa  non  est  in  laicis  sed  sacefdotibus. — Itaque  non 
hoc  a"-o,  ut  vi  rapiatur  utraque  species,  quasi  necessitate  praecepti  ad  earn  cogamur,  sed 
conscientiam  instruo,  ut  patiatur  quisquc  tyrannidem  Romanam,  sciens  sibi  raptum  per 
vim  jus  suum  in  Sacramento  propter  peccatum  suum.    Tantum  hoc  volo,  ne  quis  Roma- 
nam tj-rannidem  justificet,  quasi  recte  fecerit,  unam  speciem  laicis  probibens,  sed  detes- 
temur  earn,  nee  consentiamus  ei.     Tamen  feramus  earn  non  aliter,  ac  si  apud  Turcam 
essemus  captivi,  ubi  neutra  specie  licerct  uti.—  Altera  captivitas  ejusdem  Sacramenti 
mitior  est,  quod  ad  conscientiam  spectat,  sed  quam  multo  omnium  periculosissimum 
sit  tangere,  nedum  damnare.     Hie  Viglephista,  et  sexcentis  nominibus  haereticus  ero. 
Quid  turn  ?    Postquam  Romanus  Episcopus  Episcopus  esse  desiit,  et  tyrannus  factus  est, 
non  formido  ejus  universa  decreta,  cujus  scio  non  esse  potestatem,  articulos  novos  fidei 
condendi,  nee  Concilii  quidem  generalis.     Dedit  mihi  quondam,  cum  theologiam  scho- 
lasticam  haurirem,  occasionem  cogitandi  D.  Cardinalis  Cameracensis  libro  Sententiarum 
IV.  acutissime  disputans,  multo  probabilius  esse,  et  minus  superfluorum  miraculorum 
poni,  si  in  altari  verus  panis  verumque  vinum,  non  autem  sola  accidentia  esse  adstrue- 
rentur,  nisi  Ecclesia  determinasset  contrarium.     Postea  videns,  quae  esset  Ecclesia,  quae 
hoc  determinasset,  nempe  Thomistica  h.  e.  Aristotelica,  audacior  factus  sum,  et  qui  inter 
saxum  et  sacrum  haerebam,  tandem  stabilivi  conscientiam  meam  sententia  priore,  esse 
videlicet  verum  panem  verumque  vinum,  in  quibus  Christi  vera  caro  verusque  sanguis 
non  aliter  nee  minus  sit,  quam  illi  sub  accidentibus  suis  ponunt.     Quod  feci,  quia  vidi 
Thomistarum  opiniones,  sive  probentur  a  Papa,  sive  a  Concilio,  manere  opiniones,  nee 
fieri  articulos  fidei,  etiamsi  Angelus  de  coelo  aliud  statueret.     Nam  quod  sine  Scripturis 
asseritur,  aut  revelatiorie  probata,  opinari  licet,  credi  non  est  necesse.— Permitto  itaque, 
qui  volet,  utramque  opinionem  tenere ;  hoc  solum  nunc  ago,  ut  scrupulos  conscientia- 
rum  de  medio  tollam,  ne  quis  se  reum  haereseos  metuat,  si  in  altari  verum  panem  ve- 
rumque vinum  esse  crediderit.    Sed  liberum  esse  sibi  sciat,  citra  periculum  salutis  alter- 
utrum  imaginari,  opinari  et  credere,  cum  sit  hie  nulla  necessitas  fidei.     Ego  tamen  meam 
nunc  prosequor  sententiam.— Est  autem  meae  sententiae  ratio  magna  imprimis  ilia, 
quod  verbis  divinis  non  est  ulla  facienda  vis,—  sed  quantum  fieri  potest,  in  simplissima 
significatione  servanda  sunt,  et  nisi  manifesta  circumstantia  cogat,  extra  grammaticam 
et  propriam  accipienda  non  sunt,  ne  detur  adversariis  occasio,  universam  Scripturam 
eludendi.— Fol.  264,  b.     Terlia  captivitas  ejusdem  Sacramenti  est  longe  impiissimus  ille 
abusus,  quo  factum  est,  ut  fere  nihil  sit  hodie  in  Ecclesia  receptius  ac  magis  persuasum, 
quam  Missam  esse  opus  bonum  et  sacrificium.     Qui  abusus  deinde  inundavit  infinitos  alios 
abusus,  donee  fide  sacramenti  penitus  extincta  meras  nundinas,  cauponationes  et  quaes- 
tuarios  quosdam  contractus  e  divino  Sacramento  fecerint.     Hinc  participationes,  frater- 
nitates,  suffragia,  merita,  anniversaria,  memoriae,  et  id  genus  negotiorum  in  Ecclesia 
venduntur,  emuntur,  paciscuntur,  componuntur ;    pendetque  in  his  universa  alimonia 
sacerdotum  et  monachorum.— Fol.  265,  b.      Est  itaque  Missa  secundum  substantiam 
suam  proprie  nihil  aliud,  quam  verba  Christi  praedicta:  Accipite  et  manducate,  etc.,  ac 
si  dicat :  ecce  o  homo  peccator  et  damnatus,  ex  mera  gratuitaque  charitate,  qua  diligo 
te,  sic  volente  misericordiarum  Patre,  his  verbis  promitto  tibi,  ante  omne  meritum  et 
votum  tuum,  remissionem  omnium  peccatorum  tuorum,  et  vitam  aeternam.     Et  ut  cer- 
tissimus  de  hac  mea  promissione  irrevocabili  sis,  corpus  meum  tradam,  et  sanguinem 
fundam,  morte  ipsa  banc  promissionem  confirmaturus,  et  utrumque  tibi  in  signum  et 
memoriale  ejusdem  promissionis  relicturus.     Quod  cum  frequentaveris,  mei  memor  sis, 
banc  meam  in  te  charitatem  et  largitatem  praedices  et  laudes,  et  gratias  agas.     Ex  qui- 
bus vides,  ad  Missam  digne  habendam  aliud  non  requiri,  quam  fidem,  quae  huic  prorais- 
sioni  iiduliter  nitatur,  Christum  in  his  suis  verbis  veracem  credat,  et  sibi  haec  immensa 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1520.  49 

bona  esse  donata  non  dubitet.  Ad  hanc  fidem  mox  sequetur  sua  sponte  dulcissimus 
affectus  cordis,  quo  dilatatur  et  irnpinguatur  spiritus  hominis  (haec  est  charitas,  per 
Spiritum  sanctum  in  fide  Christi  donata),  ut  in  Christum,  tarn  largum  et  benignum  tes- 
tatorem,  rapiatur,  fiatque  penitus  alius  et  novus  homo. — Quin  quod  deploramus,  in  hac 
captivitate  omni  studio  cavetur  hodie,  ne  verba  ilia  Christi  ullus  laicus  audiat,  quasi 
sacratiora,  quam  ut  vulgo  tradi  debeant. — Neque  enim  Deus  aliter  cum  hominibus  un- 
quam  egit,  aut  agit,  quam  verbo  promissionis.  Rursus  nee  nos  cum  Deo  unquam  agere 
aliter  possumus  quam_/t<iti  in  verbum  promissionis  ejus.  Opera  ille  nihil  curat,  nee  eis 
indiget. — Fol.  268.  Unde  manifestos  et  impius  error  est,  Missam  pro  peccatis,  pro  satis- 
factionibus,  pro  defunctis,  aut  quibuscunque  necessitatibus  suis  aut  aliorum  qfferre  seu  ap- 
plicare.  Quod  facillime  intelligis  esse  evidentissime  verum,  si  firmiter  teneas,  Missam 
esse  promissionem  divinam,  quae  nulli  prodesse,  nulli  applicari,  nulli  suffragari,  nulli 
communicari  potest,  nisi  ipsi  credenti  soli  propria  fide. — Fol.  270,  b.  De  Sacramento 
baptismi.  Ubi  virtutem  baptismi  in  parvulis  not  potuit  Satan  extinguere,  praevaluit 
tamen,  ut  in  omnibus  adultis  extingueret,  ut  jam  fere  nemo  sit,  qui  sese  baptisatum  re- 
cordetur,  nedum  glorietur,  tot  repertis  aliis  viis  remittendorum  peccatorum  et  in  coelum 
veniendi.  Praebuit  his  opinionibus  occasionem  verbum  illud  periculosum  divi  Hiero- 
nymi,  sive  male  positum,  sive  male  intellectum,  quo  poenitentiam  appellat  secundam 
post  naufragium  tabulam,  quasi  baptismus  non  sit  poenitentia.  Hinc  enim,  ubi  in  pec- 
catum  lapsi  fuerint,  de  prima  tabula  seu  nave  desperantes  velut  amissa,  secundae  tan- 
tum  incipiuut  niti  et  fidere  tabulae  i.  e.  poeniteutiae.  Hinc  nata  sunt  votorum,  religio- 
num,  operum,  satisfactionum,  peregrinationum,  indulgentiarum,  sectarum  infinita  ilia 
onera,  et  de  iis  maria  ilia  librorum,  quaestionum,  opinionum,  traditionum  humanarum, 
quos  totus  mundus  jam  non  capit,  ut  incomparabiliter  pejus  habeat  Ecclesiam  Dei  ea 
tyrannis,  quam  unquam  habuit  Synagogam  aut  ullam  nationem  sub  coelo. — Fol.  272,  b. 
Baptismus  neminem  justificat,  nee  ulli  prodest,  sed  fides  in  verbum  promissionis,  cui 
additur  baptismus. — Fol.  273,  b.  Nunquam  fit  baptismus  irritus,  donee  desperans  redire 
ad  salutem  nolueris  :  aberrare  quidem  poteris  ad  tempus  a  signo,  sed  non  ideo  irritum 
est  signum.  Ita  semel  es  baptisatus  sacramentaliter,  sed  semper  baptisandus  fide  ;  sem- 
per moriendum,  semperque  vivendum.  Baptismus  totum  corpus  absorbuit,  et  rursus 
edidit :  ita  res  baptismi  totam  vitam  tuam  cum  corpore  et  anima  absorbere  debet,  et 
reddere  in  novissimo  die  indutam  stola  claritatis  et  immortalitatis. — Hanc  gloriam  liber- 
tatis  nostrae,  et  hanc  scientiam  baptismi  esse  hodie  captivam,  cui  possumus  referre  ac- 
ceptum,  quam  uni  tyrannidi  Romani  Pontificis! — Ipse  solum  id  agit,  ut  suis  decretis  et 
juribus  opprimat,  et  in  potestatis  suae  tyrannidem  captivos  illaqueet.  Obsecro,  quo 
jure — Papa  super  nos  constituit  leges?  Quis  dedit  ei  potestatem  captivandae  hujus 
nostrae  libertatis  per  baptismum  nobis  donatae  ?  Unum,  ut  dixi,  nobis  in  tota  vita 
agendum  est  propositum,  ut  baptisemur  i.  e.  mortifieemur  et  vivamus  per  fidem  Christi, 
quam  et  unice  doctam  oportuit,  maxime  a  summo  Pastore.  At  nunc,  tacita  fide,  infini- 
tis  legibus  operum  et  ceremoniarum  extincta  est  Ecclesia,  ablata  virtus  et  scientia  bap- 
tismi, impedita  fides  Christi.  Dico  itaque :  neque  Papa,  neque  Episcopus,  neque  ullus 
Jiominum  habet  jus  unius  st/llabae  const  ituendae  super  Christianuvi  Jiominem,  nisi  id  fiat  ejus- 
dem  consensu:  quidquid  aliter  fit,  tyrannico  spiritu  fit.  Ideo  orationes,  jejunia,  donati- 
ones,  et  quaecunque  tandem  Tapa  in  universis  suis  decretis,  tarn  multis  quam  iniquis, 
statuit  et  exigit,  prorsus  nullo  jure  exigit  et  statuit,  peccatque  in  libertatem  Ecclesiae 
toties,  quoties  aliquid  horum  attcntaverit. — Fol.  274,  b.  Unum  hie  addo,  quod  utinam 
cunctis  queam  persuadere,  i.  e.,  ut  vota  prorsus  omnia  tollercntur  aut  vitarentur,  sive 
sint  religionum,  sive  peregrinationum,  sive  quorumcunque  operum,  maneremusque  in 
libertate  religiosissima  et  operosissima  baptismi.  Dici  non  potest,  quantum  detrahat 
baptismo,  et  obscuret  scientiam  libertatis  Christianae  opinio  ilia  votorum  plus  nimio 
Celebris.  Ut  interim  taceam  infanda  etiam  eaque  infinita  pericula  animarum,  quae  vo- 
vendi  ista  libido,  inconsultaque  temeritas  quotidie  auget. — Fol.  275.  Ego  sane  non  pro- 
hibuerim  nee  repugnaverim,  si  quis  privatim  arbitrio  suo  quippiam  velit  vovere,  ne  vota 
penitus  contemnam  aut  damnem,  sed  publicum  vitae  genus  hinc  statui  et  confirmari, 
omnino  dissuaserim.  Fol.  275,  b.  Quare  consulo  primum  magnatibus  Ecclesiarum,  ut 
omnia  ista  vota  seu  vitas  votariorum  tollant,  vel  non  probent  et  extollant. — Nulli  sua- 
VOL.  IV. 4 


50  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

deo,  imo  omnibus  dissuadeo  ingressum  cujuscunque  religionis  aut  sacerdotii,  nisi  sit  ea 
scientia  praemunitus,  ut  intelligat,  opera  quantumlibet  sacra  et  ardua  religiosorum  et 
sacerdotum  in  oculis  Dei  prorsus  nihil  distare  ab  operibus  rustici  in  agro  laborantis,  aut 
mulieris  in  domo  sua  curantis ;  sed  sola  fide  omnia  apud  eum  mensurari. — Ex  bis  duos 
insignes  errores  Romani  Pontificis  cognoscimus.     Prior,  quod  dispensat  in  votis,  facit- 
que  id,  quasi  solus  prae  omnibus  Cbristianis  habeat  auctoritatem. — Si  enim  votum  dis- 
pensari  potest,  quilibet  frater  cum  proximo,  et  ipse  secum  dispensare  potest. — Posterior, 
quod  rursus  decernit,  matrimonium  dirimi,  si  alter  altero  etiam  invito  monasterium  in- 
grediatur  nondum  consummato  matrimonio.     Fol.  276,  b.     De  Sacramento  poenitentiae  : 
Primum  hujus  Sacramenti  et  capitale  malum  est,  quod  Sacramentum  ipsum  in  totum 
aboleverunt,  ne  vestigio  quidem  ejus  relicto.     Nam  cum  et  ipsum,  sicut  et  alia  duo, 
constet  verbo  promissionis  divinae  et  fide  nostra,  utrumque  subverterunt.    Nam  verbum 
promissionis,  ubi  Christus  dicit  Matth.  xvi.,  Quodcunque  ligaveris,  etc., — quibus  provo- 
catur  fides  poeniteutium  pro  remissione  peccatorum  impetranda,  suae  tj'raunidi  apta- 
verunt.     Universis  enim  suis  libris,  studiis,  sermonibus  non  hoc  egerunt,  ut  docerent, 
quid  Christianis  in  his  verbis  promissum  esset,  quid  credere  deberent,  et  quantum  con- 
solationis  haberent,  sed  quam  late,  longe,  profunde  ipsi  potentia  et  violentia  tyrannisa- 
rent. — Non  hoc  contenta  Babylonia  nostra  fidem  quoque  adeo  extinxit,  ut  impudenti 
fronte  earn  negaret  necessariam  esse  in  Sacramento  isto,  imo  antichristica  impietate  de- 
finiret,  haeresim  esse,  si  fidem  necessariam  quis  esse  assereret. — Obliterans  itaque  ac 
subversis,  promissione  et  fide,  videamus,  quid  substituerint  in  locum  earum.     Tres  par- 
tes dederunt  poenitentiae,  contritionem,  confessionem,  satisfactionem,  sed  sic,  ut  in  sin- 
<nilis  si  quid  boni  inesset  tollerent,  et  in  eisdem  quoque  suam  libidinem  et  tyrannidem 
constituerent.    He  repeats  here  what  he  had  already  taught  in  the  Sermon  on  Indulgence 
and  Grace  (see  Note  13,  above),  in  the  Resolutiones  Disput.  Concl.  26.  7  (Note  22),  and 
the  Sermon  on  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  (Note  36).    Then  he  treats,  one  after  another, 
of  the  other  Sacraments,  and  shows  that  they  are  not  founded  on  the  Word  of  God,  but 
are  inventions  of  men.    With  regard  to  marriage  he  inveighs,  fol.  280,  against  arbitrary 
impediments  to  marriage,  and,  fol.  281,  against  separation  without  dissolution  of  the 
marriage.    Fol.  284,  de  Sacramento  Extremae  Unctionis.     With  regard  to  the  principal 
passage  in  support  of  it,  James  v.  14 :  Ego  autem  dico,  si  uspiam  deliratum  est,  hoc  loco 
praecipue  deliratum  est.     Omitto  enim,  quod  banc  epistolam  non  esse  Apostoli  Jacobi, 
nee  apostolico  spiritu  dignam,  multi  valde  probabiliter  asserant,  licet  consuetudine  auc- 
toritatem  cujuscunque  sit,  obtinuerit.     Tamen  si  etiam  esset  Apostoli  Jacobi.  dicerem, 
non  licere  Apostolum  sua  auctoritate  sacramentum  instituere,  i.  e.,  divinam  promissio- 
nem  cum  adjuncto  signo  dare.     Hoc  enim  ad  Christum  solum  pertinebat. — Nusquam 
autem  legitur  in  Evangelio  unctionis  istius  extremae  sacramentum.    Sed  missa  facia- 
mus,  et  ista  Apostoli,  sive  quisque  fuerit  epistolae  auctor,  ipsa  videamus  verba,  et  simul 
videbimus,  quam  nihil  ea  observaverint,  qui  sacramenta  auxerunt. — Cur  faciunt  ipsi 
extremam  et  singularem  unctionem  ex  ea,  quam  Apostolus  voluit  esse  generalem  ?— Ab- 
solute dicit:   si  quis  infirmatur,  non  dicit:  si  quis  moritur.—  Apostolus  in  hoc  ungi  et 
orari  praccipit,  ut  infirmus  sanetur  et  allevietur :— illi  contra  dicunt,  non  esse  dandam 
unctionem,  nisi  discessuris  h.  e.  ut  non  sanentur  et  allevientur.— Ulterius  si  unctio  ista 
sacramentum  est,  debet  sine  dubio  esse,  ut  dicunt,  efficax  signurn  ejus,  quod  signat  et 
promittit.    At  sanitatem  et  restitutionem  infirmi  promittit :— quis  autem  non  videt,  banc 
promissionem  in  paucis,  imo  nullis  impleri  ?— Quare  hanc  unctionem  eandem  ego  esse 
arbitror,  quae  Marci  vi  de  Apostolis  scribitur :  et  ungebant  oleo  multos  aegrotos,  et  sana- 
bant :  ritura  scilicet  quendam  primitivae  Ecclesiae,  quo  miracula  faciebant  super  infir- 
mis,  qui  jamdudum  deficit.— Jacobus — promissionem  sanitatis  et  remissionis  peccatorum 
non  tribuit  unctioni,  sed  orationi  fidei.— Prorsus  non  est  dubium,  si  hodie  quoque  talis 
oratio  fieret  super  infirmum,  i.  e.  a  senioribus,  gravioribus  et  Sanctis  viris,  plena  fide, 
sanari  quotquot  vellemus.     Fides  enim  quid  non  posset?— Fol.  285,  b.     Sunt  praeterea 
nonnulla  alia,  quae  inter  sacramenta  videantur  censeri  posse,  nempe  omnia  ilia,  quibus 
facta  est  promissio  divina,  qualia  sunt  oratio,  verbum,  crux.— Proprie  tamen  ea  sacra- 
menta vocari  visum  est,  quae  annexis  signis  promissa  sunt.     Caetera,  quia  signis  alligata 
non  sunt,  nuda  promissa  sunt.    Quo  fit,  ut,  si  rigide  loqui  volumus,  tantum  duo  sint  in  Ec  ■ 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1520.  51 

The  bull  of  condemnation62  against  Luther,  prepared  in  Rome, 

clesia  Dei  sacramenta,  Baptismus  et  Panis,  cum  in  his  solis  et  institutum  divinitus  signum 
etpromissionem  remissions  peccatorumvideamus.  Nam  poenitentiaesacramentum,  quod 
co  his  duobus  accensui,  signo  visibili  et  divinitus  institute  caret,  et  aliud  non  esse  dixi, 
quam  viam  ac  reditum  ad  baptismum.  Conclusion,  Fol.  286:  Auditum  audio,  paratas 
esse  denuo  in  me  bullas  et  diras  papisticas,  quibus  ad  revocationem  urgear,  aut  haereticus 
declarer.  Quae  si  vera  sunt,  hunc  libellum  volo  partem  esse  revocationis  meae  futurae,.ne 
suam  tyrannidem  frustra  inflatam  querantur.  Reliquam  partem  propediem  editurus  sum 
talem  Christo  propitio,  qualem  hactenus  non  viderit  nee  audierit  Romana  sedes,  obedi- 
entiam  meam  abunde  testaturus  in  nomine  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  Amen. 

62  The  bull  Exurge,  Domine,  in  Raynaldus  Ann.  1520,  no.  51,  and  elsewhere.  At  the 
end  of  this  year  Hutteu  published  it  with  some  biting  comments :  they  may  be  found, 
with  the  bull,  in  Vol.  i.  Jen.  fol.  474 ;  and  in  Hutten's  Werke,  edited  by  Munch,  iv.  1. 
Luther's  works,  from  which  41  articles  were  condemned  as  heretical,  were  to  be  burned  ; 
Luther  and  his  adherents  were  to  recant  within  60  days,  or  else  suffer  according  to  the 
existing  laws  against  heretics.  Compare  the  letter  of  a  Roman,  of  Jan.,  1521,  in  Riede- 
rer's  Nachrichten  zur  Kirchen-  Gelehrten-  u.  Biichergeschichte,  i.  179 :  Scias,  neminem 
Romae  esse,  si  saltern  sapiat,  qui  non  certo  certius  sciat,  et  cognoscat,  Martinum  in  plu- 
rimis  veritatem  dicere :  verurn  boni  ob  tyrannidis  metum  dissimulant,  mali  vero,  quia 
veritatem  audire  coguntur,  insaniunt.  Inde  illorum  oritur  indignatio  pariter  et  metus, 
valde  enim  timent,  ne  res  latius  serpat.  Haec  causa  fuit,  cur  Bulla  tarn  atrox  emana- 
verit,  multis  bonis  et  prudentibus  viris  reclamantibus,  qui  suadebant,  maturius  consu- 
lendum,  et  Martino  potius  modestia  et  rationibus,  quam  detestationibus  occurrendum 
esse. — Sed  vicit  indignatio  et  metus:  asserebant  enim  factionis  ejusce  principes,  non 
decere  Rom.  Pont,  unicuique  vilissimo  homunculo  ratiouem  reddere  debere,  sed  potius 
contra  pertinaces  vi  utendum  esse,  ne  ceteri  quoque  similia  auderent.  Adducebant  Jo. 
Hus  et  discipulum  ejus  Hieronymum,  quorum  poenam  multos  a  simili  hucusque  temeri- 
tate  deterruisse  ajebant.  Nisi  igitur  Martinus  eadem  via  coerceretur,  procul  dubio  mul- 
tos similia  ausuros.  Fuere  autem  consilii  hujus  principaliores  Cardinalis  Cajetanus, 
parum  Germanis  favens,  quia,  ut  ipse  putabat,  non  tam  honorifice,  ut  decebat,  ab  iis 
susceptus  et  muneratus  fuisset. — Compertum  igitur  se  habere  dicebat,  nisi  igne  et  gladio 
Germani  compeseerentur,  omnino  jugum  Rom.  Ecclesiae  excussuros.  Accedebat  Syl- 
vester ille  Prierias,  et  tota  Praedicatorum  factio,  praecipue  Capnionis  inimici,  qui  nimi- 
am  Pontificis  bonitatem  incusabant,  asserentes,  si  pridem  Capnionis  ausibus  via  regali 
obviasset,  nunquam  Martinum  talia  fuisse  ausurum,  hacque  occasione  sententiam  con- 
tra libellum  Capnionis  extorserunt,  quamvis  paulo  ante  Pontifex  quosdam  exhortatus 
fuisset,  ut  Talmut  imprimerent,  ac  ideo  privilegiis  exornasset. — Colonienses  quoque  ae 
Lovanienses,  nee  non  plerique  alii  theologi  Germani  clanculum  quotidie  causam  sollici- 
tabant,  omnimodam  vlctoriam  promittentes,  uti  tantum  Romana  signa  (h.  e.  bullae 
plumbatae  terribiles)  fulsissent,  sed  et  Principes  quosdam  Germanos  talia  quoque  pro- 
curasse  dicunt. — Super  omnia  vero  mercator  ille  Fuckerus,  qui  plurimum  ob  pecunias 
Romae  potest,  utpote  quern  numorum  regem  vocare  solent,  Pontificem  et  suae  factionis 
homines  exacerbavit,  non  tantum  invidia  ductus,  sed  etiam  de  quaestu  suo  ac  benefici- 
orum  mercatura  sollicitus,  plurimorum  Principum  favorem  Pontifici  promittens,  ubi 
vim  contra  Martinum  intentaret,  ac  ejusce  rei  causa  Eckium  ilium  suum  Romam  misit, 
non  ineptum  Curiae  Rom.  instrumentum,  si  temulentia  abesset :  nam  temeritate,  auda- 
cia,  mendaciis,  simulatione,  adulatione  et  caeteris  vitiis  Curiae  aptis  egregie  pollet. 
Verum  sola  obstabat  ebrietas,  Italis,  ut  nosti,  perquam  odiosa,  sed  et  hanc  favor  et  po- 
tentia  Fuckeri  conciliavit,  et  in  virtutem  convertit,  nee  defuere,  qui  illi  applauderent, 
nil  magis  Germanos  temulentos,  quam  temulentum  decere  legatum,  asserentes,  temeri- 
tatemque  temeritate  retundendam  esse  dicentes.  Cumque  collega  sibi  quaereretur  simi- 
lis,  ad  Aleaudrum  tandem  deventum  est,  egregium  profecto  Oratorum  par,  et  causae 
perquam  conveniens,  impudentiaque,  temeritate  et  vitae  flagitiis  simile.  Nemo  enim 
bonus,  imo  nemo  sanae  mentis  Germanae  nationis  tale  onus  suscepisset,  et  si  qui  erant, 
qui  forsitan  libenter  suscepissent,  timore  tamen  et  periculi  magnitudine  deterrebantur. 


52  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

15th  June,  1520,  appeared  more  like  an  instrument  of  personal 
hatred,  since  Dr.  Eck  was  intrusted  with  its  publication,63  and 
arbitrarily  extended  its  application  to  several  friends  of  Luther 
mentioned  by  name.64  In  Germany  the  bull  was  received  with 
almost  universal  antipathy,  in  some  places  with  open  resistance.65 

Fuit  impedimento  sub  initium  Aleandro  genus  judaicum,  sed  et  illud  cum  ebrietate 
Eckii  compensatum  fuit. — Omnes  igitur  nervos  Pontifex  cum  suis  intendet,  ut  Luthe- 
rum  perdat,  ac  ejus  doctrinam,  tanquam  Rom.  Curiae,  non  Christianis,  perniciosam  ex- 
tinguat,  et,  ni  fallor,  in  regio  isto  vestro  conventu  (Diet  of  Worms)  nil  potius,  quam  de 
Luthero,  tractabitur,  qui  nobis  plus  obesse  videtur,  quam  Turcus.  Sollicitabitur  igitur 
aetas  Caesaris  minis,  precibus,  blanditiisque  fictis.  Sollicitabuntur  Germani  laudibus 
majorum,  muneribus  et  promissis. — Quod  si  minus  haec  succedent,  Caesarem  depone- 
mus,  populos  a  subjectione  debita  liberabimus  :  alium,  qui  nobis  placet,  in  locum  suum 
eligemus,  seditionem  inter  Germanos,  quemadmodum  nunc  inter  Hispanos,  concitabi- 
mus ;  Galium,  Anglum  et  omnes  terrae  Reges  ad  arma  convocabimus,  ac  nihil  praeter- 
mittemus,  quod  antecessores  nostri  contra  Caesares  et  Reges  non  infeliciter  facere  con- 
sueverunt :  tantum  ut  voti  compotes  evadere  valeamus,  nihil  pensi  apud  nos  erit,  non 
Christus,  neque  fides,  pietas,  honestas,  probitas,  dummodo  tj-rannis  nostra  sit  salva. 

03  See  Walch,  xv.,  1675.  J.  B.  Riederer's  Beytrag  zu  den  Reformationisurkunden 
betr.  die  Handel,  welche  D.  Eck  bey  Publication  der  papstl.  Bulle  wider  den  sel.  D. 
Luther  i.  J.  1520  erreget  hat,  aus  grosstentheils  ungedruckten  Nachrichten  herausgege- 
ben.  Altdorf,  1762.  4  (under  the  new  title  Geschichte  der  durch  Publ.  d.  papstl.  Bulle 
wider  D.  M.  L.  i.  J.  1520  erregten  Unruhen.  Altdorf  u.  Niirnberg,  1776.  4).  Supple- 
mentary matter  may  be  found  in  Riederer's  Nachrichten,  i.  167,  318,  438,  ii.,  54,  179, 
321.  On  the  haughtiness  of  Eck's  demeanor  see — Erasmi  Responsio  Nervosa  ad  Albert- 
um  Pium,  ann.  1529,  in  v.  d.  Hardt,  Hist.  Lit.  Reform,  i.  169 :  Plus  invidiae  conflavit 
pontificio  nomini  Cajetani  libellus,  nimis  ofliciose  scriptus,  quam  Lutheri  convicia.  Nee 
parum  offecit  ejus  opinioni  £iir\o*naTO(p6pos  ille  (Eck),  tarn  insolenter  se  gerens,  doctis 
ac  magis  (magnis  ?)  etiam  minitans,  et  omnia  suis  fumis  complens.  Dixit  apud  me : 
Pontifex  Romanus  tot  duces,  tot  comites  saepe  dejecit,  facile  dejiciet  tres  pediculosos  gram- 
mat  istas.  Idem  alias  dixit :  Pontifex  potest  dicere  Caesari  Carolo :  tu  es  cerdo.  Utrum 
hoc  est  tueri  pontificii  nominis  dignitatem,  an  sinistre  praedicando  in  odium  pertrahere  ? 
Hujus  collega  (Jerome  Aleander)  dixit  apud  me:  bene  inveniemus  ilium  ducem  Federi- 
cum ;  idque  prorsus  eo  vultu,  quo  solent  tetrici  literatores  pueris  minari  virgas.  Even 
Pallavicini,  Hist.  Cone.  Trid.  lib.  1,  cap.  20,  blames  the  choice  of  Eck  for  the  publica- 
tion of  the  bull. 

64  To  Carlstadt  and  Dolscius  in  Wittemberg,  John  Sylvius  Egranus,  pastor  in  Zwick- 
au, Bernhard  Adelmann  v.  Adelmannsfelden,  canon  of  Augsburg,  Bilibald  Pirkheimer 
and  Lazarus  Spengler  at  Nurenberg. 

65  Compare  Miltitz's  letter  to  the  elector  Frederick,  Leipsick,  on  the  Wednesday  after 
Michaelmas,  1520  (at  the  end  of  Tentzel's  Hist.  Bericht  v.  d.  Ref.  Lutheri,  herausgeg. 
v.  Cyprian  Th.  i.  s.  439) :  "  Erhub  mich  ken  Leipzk  zu  reiten,  also  fund  ich  Doctorem 
Echium  mit  einem  grossem  Geschrey  und  Pochen,  underliess  nicht,  hat  ihn  zu  Gast,  zu 
erfahren,  was  sein  Fiirnehmen  und  Wille  ware.  He  traugt  flugs  und  leichtfertig,  hub 
an  von  seinen  Befehlen  zu  reden,  wie  he  Doctorem  Martinum  lernen  wulde,  wit  sihrn 
spitzen  Worten  saget,  dass  he  hatt  die  babestliche  Bulle  zu  Meissen  am  XXIten  Tage 
Sept.,  zu  Mersburg  am  XXV.,  zu  Brandenburg  am  XXIX.  publiciren  und  anschlagen 
lassen.— Nicht  angesehen  das  Geleit  und  seine  Bulle  haben  gute  fromme  Kinder  itzo 
die  Michaelis  an  10  Orten  angeschlagen,  welches  ich  Ew.  Churf.  Gn.  och  ein  Copia 
zuschicke,  und  dorneben  gedraut,  dass  Echius  hat  mussen  ins  Closter  zum  Paulern  flie- 
gen,  und  darf  sich  nicht  schauen  lassen.— Sie  haben  ein  Lied  von  ihm  gemacht,  und 
singens  uf  der  Gassen.  He  ist  hoch  bekommert,  der  Muth  und  das  Pochen  ist  ihm  ge- 
leget,  man  schribt  ihm  alle  Tage  sintz  briff  in  Closter,  und  sagen  ihm  Leibes  und  Guts 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1520.  53 

The  elector  Frederick  the  Wise,  to  whom  it  was  presented  at  Co- 
logne in  the  beginning  of  November,66  confirmed  by  an  interview 
with  Erasmus,67  persisted  in  his  demand  for  an  impartial  investi- 

ab.  Es  sind  och  iiber  50  Studenten  von  Wittenberg  do,  die  sich  unniltz  machen  uf  ihn. 
— Ich  hab  Echio  gesaget,  dass  he  Unrecht  gethan  hat,  die  Bulle  zu  publiciren,  dieweile 
die  Sache  in  einer  gutlichen  friedlichen  Handlung  mit  ihm  gestanden ;  sullt  billig  mir 
vor  geschrieben  haben,  was  ich  in  der  Sachen  gehandelt  hatt,  zu  forsteien.  Schweig  he 
stille,  und  ersoftzte,  dass  ihm  led  dobey  ist.  Ich  kanns  Ew.  Churf.  Gn.  nicht  schreiben, 
wie  grausam  man  wider  ihn  ist.  Ich  hab  gross  Sorg,  der  Salvoconduct  wird  nicht  hel- 
fen,  he  wird  derschlagen."  Soon  after  he  wrote  (ibid.  s.  453):  "Eckius  ist  zu  Leipzig 
entrunnen  in  der  Nacht  uf  Freiburg  zu,  und  die  Stadtknecht  zu  Leipzig  reiten  mit  den 
Bullen  im  Land  urn."  At  Erfurt  a  handbill  appeared  (see  Riederer's  Eine  iiberaus  sel- 
tene  Reformationsurkunde,  intimatio  Erphurdiana  pro  M.  Luther  Altkorf,  1761,  also  in 
the  Neue  BejTtriige  von  theolog.  Sachen,  1761,  s.  520) :  Conclusum  est,  optimi  lectores, 
longa  post  consilia  impia  et  haeretica  ab  impiis  quibusdam  Scribis  et  Pharisaeis — contra 
M.  Lutherum,  theologum  acutissimum ;  ita  ut  jam  inspirante  diabolo  affigendae  sint  lite- 
rae  publico  conspectui,  quibus  praefati  Luciferiani  nuntii  etiam  excommunicando  dic- 
tum Martinum  ultra  Tartara  detrudere  conantur.  Nos  vero  almae  TJniversitatis  Magis- 
tri,  Baccalaurii,  tlieologicae  veritatis  professores — docemus  et  profitemur  praesentium 
tenore,  Martinum — bene  et  prorsus  christiane  hucusque  scripsisse.  Quamobrem  vos 
omnes  et  singuli,  nostrae  dictae  TJniversitatis  gremiales,  qui  veritatem  Christi — amatis, 
— consurgite,  agite  animosius  in  verbo  Christi,  defendendo,  pugiles  resistite,  reclamate, 
immo  manibus  pedibusque  rabidissimis  illius  Martini  praedicti  obtrectatoribus — repug- 
nate.  Verum  quo  pacto  repugnandum  sit,  animadvertite.  Quam  primum  tyrannica 
ilia  et  plus  quam  diabolica  excommunicatio  papistica,  licet  injustissima,  adversus  inno- 
centem  Martinum  et  ejus  adhaerentes  valvis  nostris  affixa  fuerit,  turmatim — accedite, 
has  ipsas  daemonisticas  excommunicationes  in  minimas  particulas  dilacerantes,  discer- 
pite,  in  altisissimis  veritatis  zelatorem,  Christum  inquam,  confidentes. — Insupar  et  ex- 
hortamur  in  domino  Jesu  Christo, — quatenus  illam  impiam  et  haereticam,  Ecciana  fac- 
tione  excogitatam  bullam  Papisticam  —  variis  depingatis  coloribus  etiam  nominatim 
ecriptis  perstringatis: — decernentes,  omnes  illos  insectandos,  qui  maxima  ducti  impu- 
dentia — de  publico  suggestu  clamarunt  Lutherum  haereticum  fore,  Hussitarumque  er- 
roris  protestatorem,  uti  mentitus  est  impius  Eccius,  et  Augustinus  Alfeldianus,  Phari- 
saeorum  duces,  caet.  Even  the  University  of  Ingoldstadt  hesitated  about  the  publication 
of  the  bull,  and  did  not  adopt  it  till  after  repeated  summons  from  Eck ;  see  Winter's 
Gesch.  d.  Evangel.  Lehre  in  Baiern  (Miinchen,  1809),  i.  54  ff.  Many  bishops  likewise, 
and  among  them  especially  the  bishop  of  Freisingen,  made  difficulties  for  a  long  time; 
ibid.  s.  58. 

66  On  the  negotiations  of  the  two  papal  legates,  Marinus  Caracciolus  and  Jerome 
Aleander,  with  the  Elector,  compare  the  account  of  the  eye-witness,  Henrici  Zutphani- 
ensis  Brevis  Commemoratio  rerum  Colonia  gestarum  in  causa  Lutheri,  1520,  in  T.  ii. 
Jen.  p.  314  b.  (compare  on  this  point  Frick,  in  Seckendorf's  Historie  des  Lutherthums, 
s.  280,  290,  310),  and  Spalatini  Annales  Reformationis,  edited  by  Cyprian,  s.  11  ss. 

67  With  regard  to  this,  see  the  Annales,  p.  28  ss.,  of  the  eye-witness  Spalatin.  Eras- 
mus, being  asked  for  his  opinion  by  the  Elector,  declared :  Lutherus  peccavit  in  duobus, 
nempe  quod  tetigit  coronam  Pontificis  et  ventres  monachorum.  Erasmus  gave  Spalatin 
some  Axiomata  on  the  point;  and  soon  asked  for  them  back  again ;  but  not  long  after 
the}-  appeared  in  print  (T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  314) :  Fons  rei  malus  est,  odium  bonarum  litera- 
rum,  et  affectatio  tyrannidis.  Modus  agendi  fonti  respondet  clamoribus,  conjurationi- 
bus,  acerbis  odiis,  virulentis  scriptis.  Personae,  per  quas  res  agitur,  suspectae. — Quod 
Pontificis  facilitate  quidam  abutuntur,  notum  est. — Res  ad  majus  discrimen  spectat, 
quam  quidam  existimant.  Bullae  saevitia  probos  omnes  offendit,  ut  indigna  mitissimo 
Christi  vicario. — Lutherus  videtur  omnibus  aequis  aequum  petere,  cum  offerat  se  dispu- 
tationi  publicae,  et  submittat  se  judicibus  non  suspectis. — Lutherus  nihil  ambit,  ideo 


54  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

gation.  Miltitz's  fresh  attempt  at  reconciliation  in  Lichtenberg 
(11th  October,  1520),68  only  resulted  in  Luther's  sending  to  the 
Pope  a  letter  full  of  bitter  truth,69  together  with  his  work  De  Li- 
berate Christiana,  in  which  he  unfolded  with  lofty  enthusiasm  the 

minus  suspectus. — Videtur  in  rem  Pontificis,  ut  res  per  graves  et  non  suspectos  viros 
mature-  consilio  componatur :  ita  optime  consuletur  Pontificis  dignitati.  Qui  hactenus 
scripserunt  contra  Lutherum,  improbantur  etiam  a  theologis,  qui  alias  Luthero  adver- 
santur.  Mundus  sitit  veritatem  evangelicam  et  fatali  quodam  desiderio  videtur  hue 
ferri.  Unde  forte  adeo  non  oportet  odiose  resisti.  About  the  same  time  (not  1519)  Eras- 
mus gave  the  Emperor  and  several  peers  of  the  realm  an  Opinion  upon  Luther's  case 
(v.  d.  Hardt,  Hist.  Lit.  Ref.  i.  104),  in  -which  he  also  proposes  impartial  arbitrators 
from  different  nations,  or  a  general  council  for  the  settlement  of  the  question.  This 
Opinion,  in  consequence  of  a  manuscript  observation  of  Vadianus,  has  been  attributed 
by  many  writers  to  Zwingle  (Zwingli's  Leben  v.  Usteri,  s.  375 ;  Wirz  Neuere  Helvet. 
Kirchengeschich.  i.  185),  and  is  accordingly  adopted  into  Zvinglii  Opp.  ed.  Schuler  et 
Schulthess,  iii.  1 :  however,  this  is  certainly  an  error.  The  whole  style  is  that  of  Eras- 
mus :  it  agrees  with  his  proposals  elsewhere  (compare  Erasmi  Ep.  ad  Peutingerum,  d. 
9.  Nov.,  1520,  Ed.  Lugd.  iii.  1,  590,  Note  94,  below)  :  at  the  conclusion,  the  author  says 
he  had  written — a  summis  principibus  et  profanis  et  ecclesiasticis  invitatus,  which  agrees 
only  with  the  view  that  Erasmus  is  the  writer.  The  conjecture,  in  Zvinglii  Opp.  1.  c.  p. 
2,-  is  equally  erroneous,  that  the  Apologia  Christi  Dom.  nostri  pro  M.  Luthero  ad  urbem 
Romam,  which  likewise  belongs  to  this  period  (see  Kapp's  Nachlese,  ii.  480),  is  also  to 
be  attributed  to  Zwingle,  because  it  is  found  in  one  edition  appended  to  that  Consilium. 
It  is  by  Hutten  (Kapp,  ibid.  s.  497). 

68  See  on  this  point  Miltitz's  letter  to  the  Elector  of  the  14th  October,  published  by 
Cyprian,  appended  to  Tentzel's  Hist.  Bericht,  s.  449 ;  in  Walch,  xv.  949 ;  and  Luther's  let- 
ter to  Spalatin,  in  de  Wette,  i.  496. 

69  After  the  conference  with  Miltitz,  dated  back  to  the  6th  September,  de  Wette,  i. 
497.  Among  other  things :  Quare,  optime  Leo,  his  me  Uteris  rogo  expurgatum  admittas, 
tibique  persuadeas,  me  nihil  unquam  de  persona  tua  mali  cogitasse :  deinde  me  talem 
esse,  qui  tibi  optima  velim  contingere  in  aetemum. — Sedem  autem  tuam,  quae  Curia 
Romana  dicitur,  quam  neque  til  neque  ullus  hominum  potest  negare  corruptiorem  esse 
quavis  Babylone  et  Sodoma,— sane  detestatus  sum,  indigneque  tuli,  sub  tuo  nomine  et 
praetextu  Romanae  Ecclesiae  ludi  Christi  populum :  atque  ita  restiti,  resistamque,  dum 
spiritus  fidei  in  me  vixerit.— Facta  est  e  Rom.  Ecclcsia,  quondam  omnium  sanctissima, 
spelunca  latronum  licentiosissima,  lupanar  omnium  impudentissimum,  regnum  peccati, 
mortis  et  inferni,  ut  ad  malitiam  quod  accedat,  jam  cogitari  non  possit,  ne  Antichristus 
quidem  si  venerit.  Interim  tu,  Leo,  sicut  agnus  in  medio  luporum  sedes,  sicut  Daniel  in 
medio  leonum,  et  cum  Ezechiele  inter  scorpiones  habitas.  Quid  his  monstris  unus  op- 
ponas  ?  Adde  tibi  eruditissimos  et  optimos  Cardinales  tres  aut  quatuor,  quid  hi  inter 
tantos  ?  ante  veneno  omnibus  pereundum  vobis,  quam  de  remedio  statuere  praesumere- 
tis.  Actum  est  de  Romana  Curia,  pervenit  in  earn  ira  Dei  usque  in  finem.— Palinodiam 
ut  canam,  b.  P.,  non  est  quod  ullus  praesumat,  nisi  malit  adhuc  majore  turbine  causam 
involvere.  Deinde  leges  interpretandi  verbi  Dei  non  patior,  cum  oporteat  verbuin  Dei 
esse  non  alligatum,  quod  libertatem  docet  omnium  aliorum.  His  duobus  salvis  nihil  est, 
quod  non  facere  et  pati  possim,  ac  libentissime  velim.  Contentiones  odi,  nemiuem  pro- 
vocabo,  sed  provocari  rursus  nolo :  provocatus  autem  Christo  magistro  elinguis  non  ero. 
Poterit  enim  T.  B.  brevi  et  facili  verbo,  contentionibus  istis  ad  se  vocatis  et  extinctis, 
silentium  et  pacem  utrinque  mandare,  id  quod  semper  audire  desideravi.  When  Miltitz 
sent  a  copy  of  this  letter  to  Wilib.  Pirkheimer,  he  wrote  to  him  (Erfurt,  Friday  after 
Martinmas,  1520,  in  Riederer's  Nachrichten,  i.  170) :  "  Es  gehet  uber  uns  Geistlichen,  Gott 
weiss  wo  es  naus  will :  mir  ist  noch  lieb,  dass  kh  nicht  also  hart  ferbunden  bin  geistlich 
zu  werden,  dass  ich  noch  mag  zurucktreten." 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1520.  55 

long  forgotten  fundamental  doctrines  of  Christianity.70  But  as 
the  publication  of  the  bull  was  still  continued,  he  declared  it  to  be 
a  work  of  antichrist,71  renewed  his  appeal  to  a  general  council, 
and  at  length  on  the  10th  December,  1520,72  formally  abjured  the 

70  T.  I.  Jen.  fol.  435,  b.  (Luther  had  previously  published,  in  1520,  a  shorter  edition  of 
the  work  in  German,  "  Sermon  von  der  Freyheit  eines  Christenmenschen,"  in  Walch,  xix. 
120G) :  Constat,  nullam  prorsus  rerum  extemarum,  quocunque  censeanter  nomine,  ali- 
quid  habere  momenti  ad  justitiam  aut  libertatem  Christianam  ;—  animam  posse  omnibus 
rebus  carere  excepto  verbo  Dei,  sine  quo  nullis  prorsus  rebus  est  illi  consulendum. — 
Quaeres  autem :  quodnam  est  verbum  hoc,  aut  qua  arte  utendum  est  eo,  cum  tam  multa 
sint  verba  Dei  ?  Respondeo :  Apostolus  Paulus  Rom.  i.  id  explicat,  scil.  Evangelium 
Dei  de  Filio  suo  incarnato,  passo,  resuscitato,  et  glorilicato  per  Spiritum  sanctificatorem. 
—Fides  sola  est  salutaris  et  efficax  usus  verbi  Dei.— Verum  haec  fides  subsistere  prorsus 
non  potest  cum  operibus,  h.  e.  si  per  opera,  quaecunque  sunt,  simul  justificari  praesumas. 
— Quare  cujuslibet  Christiani  prima  cura  esse  debet,  ut  posita  operum  opinione  solam 
fidem  magis  ac  magis  roboret.— Haec  est  Christiana  ilia  libertas,  fides  nostra,  quae  facit, 
non  ut  otiosi  simus,  aut  male  vivamus,  sed  ne  cuiquam  opus  sit  lege  aut  operibus  ad 
justitiam  et  salutem.  Haec  prima  fidei  virtus  csto,  alteram  quoque  videamus.  Fidei 
enim  et  hoc  officium  est,  ut  euni,  cui  credit,  omnium  piissima  et  summa  colat  opinione.— 
Tertia  fidei  gratia  incomparabilis  est  haec,  quod  animam  copulat  cum  Christo,  sicut  spon- 
sam  cum  sponso. — Sequitur  et  omnia  eorum  communia  fieri  tam  bona  quam  mala :  fiet, 
ut  Christi  sint  peccata,  mors  et  infernus,  animae  vero  gratia,  vita  et  salus.— Bona  opera 
non  faciunt  bonum  virum,  sed  bonus  vir  facit  bona  opera ;  ita  ut  semper  oporteat  ipsam 
substantiam  seu  personam  esse  bonam  ante  omnia  opera  bona,  et  opera  bona  sequi  et  pro- 
venire  ex  bona  persona. 

71  At  first  Luther  declared  that  the  genuineness  of  the  bull  was  incredible,  in  his  work, 
"  Von  don  neuen  Eckischen  Bullen  und  Liigen,"  in  Walch,  xv.  1674.  Here  he  says,  with 
reference  to  Huss,  s.  1683 :  "  I  say,  in  the  first  place,  that,  unfortunately,  at  the  time  of 
the  Leipsick  disputation  I  had  not  read  John  Huss ;  otherwise.  I  should  have  maintained 
not  some,  but  all  the  articles,  which  were  condemned  at  Constance ;  just  as  I  do  now 
hold  them,  having  read  that  most  wise,  noble  Christian  book  of  John  Huss,  the  like  of 
which  has  not  been  written  in  four  hundred  years,  and  which  has  now  through  the  divine 
favor  been  put  in  print,  to  testify  to  the  truth,  and  to  put  to  open  shame  all  those  who 
have  condemned  it.  It  is  not  John  Huss's  articles,  but  Christ's,  Paul's,  and  Augustine's, 
proved  in  the  strongest  way,  and  irrefragably  established,  as  all  must  confess  who  read 
it.  Ah !  would  to  God  that  I  too  were  worthy  for  the  sake  of  such  articles  to  be  burned, 
torn  asunder,  persecuted  in  the  most  shameless  way,  that  Doctor  Liigener  (liar)  himself 
could  invent,  and  that,  if  it  cost  a  thousand  necks,  the}'  must  all  come  to  it."  Early  in 
November  appeared  the  work  Adversus  execrabilem  Antichristi  Bullam.  T.  ii.  Jen.  fol. 
286,  b. ;  in  January,  1521 :  Assertio  omnium  Articulorum  M.  Lutheri  per  Bullam  Leonis 
X.  novissimam  damnatorum,  T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  292,  which  last  he  soon  afterward  published 
in  German  also :  "  Grund  und  Ursach  aller  Artikel,  so,  durch  die  romische  Bulle  unrecht- 
lich  verdammt  worden,"  in  Walch,  xv.  1752  (he  gives  his  opinion  on  this  point  against 
Spalatin,  21st  January,  in  de  Wette,  i.  545:  vemacula  Assertio  melior  est,  quam  sit  latina). 

72  On  the  17th  November,  1520,  T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  257.  First  he  repeats  the  former  Appeal 
(see  note  30),  then  he  renews  it  by  appealing— ad  futurum  Concilium  a  praedicto  Leone, 
primum  tanquam  ab  iniquo,  temerario,  tyrannicoque  judice,  in  hoc  quod  me  non  convic- 
tuni  nee  ostensis  causis  aut  informationibus  mera  potestate  judicat.  Secundo  tanquam 
ab  erroneo,  indurato,  per  Scripturas  sanctas  damnato  haeretico  et  apostata,  in  hoc  quod 
mihi  mandat  fidem  catholicam  in  Sacramentis  necessariam  abnegare.  Tertio  tanquam 
ab  hoste,  adversario,  Antichristo,  oppressore  totius  sacrae  Scripturae,  in  hoc  quod  pro- 
priis,  meris,  nudisque  verbis  suis  agit  contra  verba  divinae  Scripturae  sibi  adducta. 
Quarto  tanquam  a  blasphemo,  superbo  contemptore  Ecclesiae  Dei,  et  legitimi  Concilii. — 
Quocirca  oro  suppliciter — Carolum  Imp.,  Electores  Imperii, — et  quidquid  est  Christiani 


56  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

papacy  by  publicly  burning  the  bull,  together  with  the  papal  law- 
books.73 A  new  bull  of  the  3d  January,  1521,74  pronounced  upon 
Luther  and  his  adherents  sentence  of  excommunication,  with  the 
penalties  against  heretics,  and  laid  the  interdict  upon  their  places 
of  residence ;  and  the  papal  legate  Aleander,  at  the  diet  of  Worms, 
called  upon  the  secular  arm  to  execute  the  decree.75  But  so 
greatly  were  circumstances  altered  by  the  powerful  commotion 
that  prevailed,  that  the  diet  determined  first  to  hear  the  man  who 
had  already  been  condemned  by  the  Pope,  and  at  the  same  time 
drew  up  one  hundred  and  one  grievances  against  the  Roman 
See.76  Luther  proceeded  with  the  Emperor's  escort77  to  Worms,78 
welcomed  every  where  on  the  way  with  high  honor  and  sym- 
pathy;  here  he  testified  before  the  Emperor  and  the  Empire, 
18th  April,  1521,  that  he  could  not  recant.79     His  heaven-sent 

magistrates  totius  Germaniae,  velint  pro  redimenda  catholica  veritate, — pro  libertate  et 
jure  legitimi  Concilii,  mihi  meaeque  appellation!  adhaerere,  Papae  incredibilem  insani- 
am  aversari,  tyrannkli  ejus  impiisimae  resistere,  aut  saltern  quiescere,  et  bullae  ejusmodi 
executionem  omittere  et  differre,  donee  legitime  vocatus,  per  aequos  judices  auditus,  et 
Scripturis  dignisque  documentis  convictus  fuero.  See  Carlstadt's  Appeal  of  the  19th 
October,  1520,  in  the  Unschuldige  Nachrichten,  1710,  s.  5  if. 

73  See  Exustionis  Antichristianarum  Decretalium  Acta,  T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  320.  He  threw 
the  bull  into  the  fire  with  the  words :  quia  tu  conturbasti  sanctum  Domini,  ideoque  te 
conturbet  ignis  aeternus.  And  he  declared  to  his  hearers  on  the  next  day  at  his  lecture 
— nisi  toto  corde  dissentiatis  a  regno  Papali,  non  potestis  assequi  vestrarum  animarum 
salutem.  Soon  after  appeared  Luther's  work  :  Quare  Pontificis  Romani  et  discipulorum 
ejus  libri  a  Doctore  M.  Luthero  combusti  sint,  Latin  and  German,  T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  316,  b. 
Walch,  xv.  1927. 

'*  In  Bzovius  ad  h.  a.  Pfaff  Hist.  Theol.  Literaria,  T.  ii.  p.  55.  Gerdesii  Hist.  Reform., 
t.  ii.  Monum.  p.  15. 

75  As  to  the  previous  negotiations  between  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope,  see  Ranke's 
deutsche  Gcsch.  im  Zeitalter  d.  Ref.  i.  470.  About  Aleander  and  his  hatred  of  the  Ger- 
mans, see  the  accounts  of  the  contemporary,  Jacobus  Ziegler,  in  Schelhornii  Amoenitates 
Hist.  Eccl.  et  Liter.,  ii.  351.  His  speech  before  the  diet  of  the  Empire  is  abridged  in 
Seckendorf,  Comm.  de  Lutheranismo,  p.  149  ;  compare  especially  the  Geschichte  der  Nun- 
ciatur  Hier.  Aleander's  auf  dem  Reichstage  zu  Worms  1521,  in  Munters  Vermischte  Bey- 
trage  zur  Kirchengeschichte,  Copenh.,  1798  ;  s.  48  ff.,  with  extracts  from  Aleander's  dis- 
patches to  Rome. 

76  In  Kapp's  Nachlese,  iii.  240.    Walch,  xv.  2058. 

77  In  the  imperial  letter,  T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  411,  b.,  to  the  great  mortification  of  the  nuncio, 
Luther  was  addressed :  Honorabilis,  dilecte,  devote. 

78  The  letters  in  which  he  declared  his  readiness  to  go  to  Worms  furnish  noble  ex- 
amples of  his  heaven-sent  courage,  in  de  Wette,  i.  534,  548,  573  ff.  From  Francfort  he 
wrote  to  Spalatin,  who  was  then  at  Worms,  14th  April,  s.  586 :  Venimus,  mi  Spalatine 
etsi  non  uno  morbo  me  Satan  impedire  molitus  sit.  Tota  enim  hac  via  ab  Isenaco  usque 
hue  langui  (compare  Myconii  Hist.  Reform.,  published  by  Cyprian,  s.  38),  et  adhuc 
langueo,  incognitis  mihi  antehac  modis.  Sed  et  mandatum  Caroli  (the  interim  decree 
against  the  issue  of  Luther's  books)  esse  in  terrorem  mei  evulgatum  intelligo.  Verum  Chris- 
tus  vivit,  et  intrabimus  Wormatiam  invitis  omnibus  portis  inferni  et  potestatibus  aeris. 

79  Acta  Rev.  Patris  D.  M.  Lutheri  coram  S.  Caesarea  Majestate,  Principibus  Electori- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1521.  57 

courage  made  a  deep  impression:  but  the  established  order  of 
things  was  too  powerful :  after  he  had  been  dismissed  in  safety, 
the  ban  of  the  empire80  followed  against  him  and  his  adherents  on 

bus,  et  Imperii  Ordinibus  in  Comitiis  Principum  Wormatiae,  T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  411,  b.,  in 
German  of  the  same  date,  Walch,  xv.  2297.  Besides,  there  are  two  accounts  by  eye-wit- 
nesses :  by  Laz.  Spengler ;  see  Spengleriana,  collected  by  M.  M.  Mayer,  Nurnberg,  1830. 
16,  s.  13  ff.,  and  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  38  ff.  Compare  also  Luther's  own  account  in  the 
Table  Talk,  Walch,  xxii.  202G.  There  is  nothing  extraordinary  in  the  fact  that  Luther, 
when  unconditionally  required  to  revoke  the  contents  of  his  works,  asked  for  a  time  of 
consideration  till  the  day  following.  He  was  not  prepared  for  such  a  demand,  but  only 
for  an  investigation  and  defense  of  his  position ;  the  imperial  letter  of  summons  read : 
conclusimus  propter  doctrinam  et  libros— abs  te  cditos  scrutinium  de  te  sumere.  But  it 
is  clear  that  he  could  not  unconditionally  set  aside  the  recantation  unexpectedly  required 
of  him,  as  to  the  whole  contents  of  his  works,  which  contained  among  other  things  many 
personalities ;  and  so  he  naturally  perceived  the  necessity  of  earnestly  deliberating 
whether  he  could  recall  some  single  statements.  His  answer  on  the  next  clay  was  (Acta 
fol.  413) :  Rogo,  Serenissima  Majestas  Vestra  et  Dominationes  Vestrae  dignentur  ani- 
mum  advertere,  libros  meos  non  esse  omnes  ejusdem  generis.  Sunt  enim  aliqui, 
in  quibus  pietatem  fidei  et  morum  adeo  simpliciter  et  evangelice  tractavi,  ut  ipsimet 
adversarii  cogantur  eos  confiteri  utiles,  innoxios,  et  plane  dignos  lectione  Christiana. 
Si  itaque  bos  revocare  inciperem,  obsecro  quid  facerem,  nisi  quod  unus  ex  omnibus 
mortalibus  earn  veritatem  damnarem,  quam  amici  et  inimici  pariter  coniitentur  ?  Al- 
teram genus  est,  quod  in  Papatum  et  doctrinam  Papistarum  invehitur,  tanquam  in 
eos,  qui  suis  et  doctrinis  et  exemplis  pessimis  orbem  Christianum  utroque  malo,  et 
spiritus  et  corporis,  vastaverint.  Si  igitur  et  hos  revocavero,  nihil  aliud  praestitero, 
quam  ut  tyrannidi  robur  adjecero,  et  tantae  impietati  jam  non  fenestras,  sed  valvas  ape- 
ruero  :— praesertim  si  jactatum  fuerit,  id  a  me  factum  auctoritate  Serenissimae  Majesta- 
tis  Vestrae,  totiusque  Romani  Imperii.  Tertium  genus  eorum  est,  quos  in  aliquos  priva- 
tes et  singulares  (ut  vocant)  personas  scripsi,  eos  scilicet,  qui  et  tyrannidem  Romanam 
tueri  et  pietatem  a  me  doctam  labefactare  moliti  sunt.  In  hos  confiteor  me  fuisse  acer- 
biorem,  quam  pro  religione  aut  professione  deceat.  Neque  enim  me  sanctum  aliquem 
facio,  neque  de  vita  mea,  sed  de  doctrina  Christi  disputo.  Neque  hos  revocare  integrum 
est  mihi,  quod  ea  revocatione  iterum  futurum  sit,  ut  tyrannis  et  impietas  meo  patrocinio 
regnent  et  saeviant  in  populum  Dei  violentius,  quam  unquam  regnaverint.  Then  he 
demanded  an  examination  of  his  doctrine :  paratissimus  enim  ero,  si  edoctus  fuero, 
quemeunque  errorem  revocare,  eroque  primus,  qui  libellos  meos  in  ignem  projiciam. 
When  it  was  now  indicated  to  him  that  here  there  would  be  no  disputation,  but  that  he 
had  only  to  declare  simply  whether  he  would  recant  or  not ;  he  replied :  Quando  ergo 
Ser.  Majestas  Vestra,  Dominationesque  Vestrae  simplex  responsum  petunt,  dabo  illud 
neque  cornutum,  neque  dentatum,  in  hunc  modum :  Nisi  convictus  fuero  testimoniis 
Scripturai'um,  aut  ratione  evidente  (nam  neque  Papae,  neque  Conciliis  solis  credo,  cum 
constet  eos  errasse  saepius,  et  sibi  ipsis  contradixisse) ;  victus  sum  Scripturis  a  me  ad- 
ductis,  captaque  est  conscientia  in  verbis  Dei,  revocare  neque  possum,  neque  volo  quid- 
quam,  cum  contra  conscientiam  agere  neque  tutum  sit  neque  integrum.  Hie  steke  ick, 
ich  kann  nicht  anders,  Gott  helfmir,  Amen." 

80  Foreign  princes  also  were  importunate  for  the  suppression  of  the  Lutheran  heresy; 
see  the  letter  of  Emmanuel,  king  of  Portugal,  to  the  Elector  Frederick,  dd.  XI.  Kal. 
Maji,  1521,  edited  by  Cyprian  in  Tentzel's  Hist.  Bericht,  Th.  2.  s.  213,  and  the  letter  of 
Henry,  king  of  England,  to  the  Emperor,  20th  May,  1521,  ibid.,  s.  222.  One  principal 
motive  was  the  league  concluded  on  the  8th  of  May  between  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope 
against  France,  the  16th  article  of  which  was  directed  against  the  new  heresy ;  see  Du- 
mont,  iv.  iii.  ;  Suppl.  p.  98.  The  so-called  edict  of  Worms  (to  be  seen,  in  German,  in 
Walch,  xv.  2264;  in  Latin,  in  Gerdesii  Hist.  Reform,  ii.  Monum.,  p.  34),  dated  the  8th 
of  May,  but  not  actually  issued  till  the  2Cth  (see  the  Emperor's  letter  with  which  the 


58  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  26th  of  May.  To  protect  him  against  it,  the  Elector  had  him 
seized  on  his  journey  home,  and  secretly  conveyed  to  the  Wart- 
burg.81  But  divine  Providence  took  his  cause  more  effectually 
under  its  protection :  it  crippled  the  execution  of  the  sentence  of 
extermination,  by  the  war  in  which  the  Emperor  was  immediate- 
ly entangled  with  France.  Only  in  the  dominions  of  the  Emper- 
or, his  brother  Ferdinand,  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  the  Duke 

edict  was  sent  to  the  princes  in  Neudecker's  Urkundcn  aus  der  Reformationszeit,  s.  1), 
was  drawn  up  by  Aleander  (Pallavicini,  lib.  i.  c.  28.  Hunter's  Beytrage  zur  K.  G.  s. 
101).  Huch  discontent  was  caused  at  Rome  by  the  observance  of  the  safe-conduct. 
Compare  what  was  said  by  Franc.  Vettori,  who  was  very  intimate  with  Leo  X.  (Ranke's 
Fiirsten  u.  Volker  von  Siideuropa  im  16ten  u.  17ten  Jahrh.  Bd.  2,  s.  87)  :  Carlo,  si  excu- 
so  di  non  poter  procedere  phi  oltre  rispetto  al  salvocondotto,  ma  la  verita  fu  che  conos- 
cendo,  che  il  Papa  temeva  molto  di  questa  dottrina  di  Luthero,  lo  voile  tenere  con  ques- 
to  freno.  Alphonsus  Valdesius  writes  to  Peter  Martyr  from  Worms,  15th  May,  1521,  after 
a  short  account  of  the  foregoing  events  (Petri  Hartyris  Epistolae  Amstelod.  1670,  p.  412) : 
Habes  hujus  tragoediae  ut  quidam  volunt  finem,  ut  egomet  mihi  persuadeo,  non  finem 
sed  initiiim.  Nam  video  Germanorum  animos  graviter  in  sedem  Romanam  concitatos, 
nee  video  Caesaris  edicta  magni  ponderis  apud  eos  futura,  quum  post  editionem  Lutheri 
libri  passim  pervicos  et  plateas  impune  vendantur.  Hinc  facile  conjectare  poteris,  quid 
abscnte  Caesare  futurum  sit.  Erasmus,  on  the  other  hand,  wrote  to  Peter  Barbirius, 
26th  June,  1521  (Lib.  xv.  Ep.  4)  :  Lutheri  tragoedia  peracta  est  apud  nos,  atque  utinam 
nunquam  prodisset  in  theatrum :  tantum  hoc  verentur  quidam,  ne  cupide  vitata  Scylla 
deferamur  in  Charybdim,  et  hac  victoria  quidam  crudelius  abutantur,  quam  expediat 
rei  Christianae. 

81  Luther  to  Spalatin  14th  May,  in  de  Wette,  ii.  5.  Spalatin's  Annales,  s.  50.  Hat- 
thesius'  Third  Sermon,  at  the  end.  Hany  believed  that  Luther  had  been  murdered  by 
the  Pope's  creatures,  and  the  nuncios  at  Worms  were  in  consequence  in  danger  of  death. 
Pallavicini,  i.  28,  4.  Hunter's  Beytrage  zur  K.  G.  s.  100.  Compare  the  outpouring  of 
Albert  Dttrer,  who  had  heard  at  Antwerp  of  Luther's  disappearance,  in  the  Journal  of 
his  Tour  in  Hurr's  Journal  zur  Kunsbgeschichte  u.  zur  allgem.  Literatur,  Th.  7,  s.  88 : 
He  had  heard  of  ten  horsemen,  "  who  traitorously  bore  away  that  pious  man  enlightened 
with  the  Holy  Spirit,  sold  into  their  hands.  For  he  was  a  follower  of  the  true  Christian 
faith  ;  whether  he  still  lives  or  they  have  murdered  him,  I  know  not ;  3'et  he  has  suffered 
for  the  sake  of  Christian  truth,  and  because  he  censured  the  unchristain  papacy,  which 
is  striving  against  the  liberty  of  Christ  with  its  heavy  imposition  of  human  ordinances  ; 
and  also  because  we  are  thereby  robbed  and  despoiled  of  the  fruit  of  our  blood  and 
sweat,  which  is  so  shamefully  consumed  by  idle  persons,  while  the  thirsty  and  sick 
laborers  die  of  hunger ;  and  especially  it  is  most  painful  to  me,  that  perhaps  God  will 
suffer  us  to  remain  under  their  false  and  blind  doctrine,  which  however  was  devised 
and  imposed  b}T  the  men  whom  they  call  fathers ;  and  thus  the  precious  word  may  be  in 
man}-  points  falsely  interpreted,  or  not  at  all  held.  Ah,  God  of  heaven,  have  mercy 
upon  us !  O  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  pray  for  thy  people ;  deliver  us  in  due  season !  O  God,  is 
Luther  dead !  who  will  henceforth  deliver  to  us  the  holy  gospel  so  clearly  ?  O  God,  how 
much  would  he  have  been  able  to  write  for  us  in  ten  or  twenty  years  !  O  all  ye  pious 
Christian  men,  help  me  to  bewail  duly  this  man  inspired  by  God,  and  pray  God  to  send 
us  another  enlightened  man  !  O  Erasmus  of  Rotterdam,  where  wilt  thou  remain  ?  See 
what  the  unrighteous  tyranny  of  worldly  might,  the  power  of  darkness,  can  do  !  Hear, 
thou  soldier  of  Christ !  ride  forth  with  Christ  the  Lord ;  defend  the  truth ;  win  the  crown 
of  martyrdom  ;  thou  art  already  an  old  man.  I  have  heard  say  of  thee,  that  thou  hast  still 
allowed  thyself  two  years  in  which  thou  mayest  yet  be  fit  to  do  something — lay  them  out 
well,  for  the  advancement  of  the  Gospel  and  true  Christian  faith,"  etc. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1521.  59 

of  Bavaria,  the  Duke  George  of  Saxony,  and  certain  ecclesiastical 
princes  was  the  edict  of  Worms  carried  into  execution,  so  as  to 
furnish  martyrs  for  the  new  doctrine,  and  thereby  increase  the 
enthusiasm  in  its  favor.  In  the  other  German  countries  the  edict 
was  not  observed,  partly  because  the  princes  were  favorably  in- 
clined to  Luther's  cause,  partly  because  they  were  withheld  by 
fear  of  rebellion.82  At  "Wittenberg  the  alteration  of  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  church,  according  to  the  new  principles,  was  forthwith 
commenced,83  and  Melancthon  gave  to  the  new  church  the  first 

s-  There  were  disturbances  among  the  students  of  Erfurt  against  certain  priests,  who 
had  declared  John  Draconitis,  a  friend  of  Luther,  to  be  under  ban  ;  see  Luther's  letters  to 
Spalatin  and  Melancthon,  in  May  (de  Wette,  ii.  5-7),  and  Strobel's  Neue  Beytriige,  iv. 
1.  16  if.  At  Constance  the  citizens  hindered  the  execution  of  the  edict  of  Worms  by 
threats  ;  see  John  of  Botzheim  und  seine  Freunde,  by  K.  Walchner,  Schaft'hausen,  1836, 
s.  25,  110. 

83  The  brethren  of  Luther's  order,  the  Augustines,  began  the  work  in  October ;  see 
John  Aurifaber's  report,  the  first  part  of  it,  about  Eisleben,  s.  179 ;  Walch,  xv.  2335. 
The  Elector  considered  the  abolition  of  the  mass  to  be  precipitate,  and  constituted  a  com- 
mission of  inquiry  (see  the  Acts  in  T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  471  ss.  Seckendorf,  p.  214,  most  fully 
in  Melancthonis  Opp.  ed.  Bretschneider,  i.  456  ss.).  Meanwhile,  in  November,  1521,  ap- 
peared Luther's  works  on  the  Abuse  of  the  Mass  (Walch,  xvii.  1304),  and  his  Judicium 
de  Votis  Monasticis  (T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  477,  b.) ;  in  the  last,  after  long  hesitation  on  the 
point  (see  the  correspondence  with  Melancthon  from  the  first  of  August,  1521,  onward, 
in  de  Wette,  ii.  34  ff.),  he  demonstrates  the  invalidity  of  monastic  vows.  Then  followed 
Synodi  Augustinianorum  (those  of  Misnia  and  Thuringia,  which  met  at  Wittenberg  at 
the  end  of  the  year  1521)  De  libertate  Monachorum  Sententia  (T.  ii.  Jen.  fol.  470,  b.) : 
Primo,  permittimus  omnibus  vel  manere  in  monastica,  vel  deserere  monasticen;  quando 
qui  in  Christo  sunt,  nee  Judaei,  nee  Graeci,  nee  Monachi,  nee  Laici  sunt,  et  votum  con- 
tra Evangelium,  non  votum,  sed  impietas  est.  Secundo,  quia  Christiana  libertas  Spiri- 
tus  libertas  est,  quae  nee  in  esca,  nee  in  habitu  posita  est ;  placet,  ut  interim  veste  et  vul- 
gatis  ritibus  Monachorum  utantur,  qui  in  nostris  congregationibus  vivunt,  ut  omnibus 
omnia  fiamus  Pauli  exemplo,  1  Cor.  ix.  Tertio,  sed  ita  moderemur  ceremonias,  turn  uten- 
do,  turn  abrogando,  necubi  vel  fides  cujusquam  laedatur,  vel  in  caritatem  peccetur. 
Non  est  enim  regnum  Dei  esca  et  potus,  sed  justitia,  pax  et  gaudium  in  Spiritu  sancto. 
Quarto,  mendicitatem  interdicimus,  quam  toties  vetuit  Scriptura,  1  Thes.  iii.  cum  silentio 
operantes  manducent  panem  suum.  Interdicimus  et  Missis  votivis,  quando  et  ab  omni 
specie  mala  abstinere  110s  Apostolus  voluit.  Quinto,  quantum  fieri  potest,  in  Congrega- 
tionibus nostris  deligantur  qui  sint  apti  ad  docendum  verbum  Dei,  publice  aut  privatim  : 
reliqui  victum  parent  fratribus  opera  mamiaria,  quae  forma  fuit  veterum  Monasteriorum. 
Sexto,  quia  moderari  ceremonias  et  ritus  omnes  pro  ratione  temporum  ac  personarum 
visum  est,  volumus,  ut  Superioribus  suis  pareant  Fratres  ex  caritate,  ut  sine  scandalo 
privatim  et  publice  agamus,  et  per  omnia  hoc  praestemus,  ne  blasphemetur  bonum  nos- 
trum, Amen.  As  these  decrees  gave  offense  to  many,  a  chapter  assembled  at  Grimma, 
at  Whitsuntide,  1522,  issued  an  explanation  and  justification  of  them ;  see  in  Kapp's 
Nachlese,  ii.  536.  Many  priests  in  Saxony  entered  the  married  state.  So  did  a  certain 
James  Seidler,  who  was  thrown  into  prison  for  this  reason  by  command  of  Duke  George  ; 
the  Wittenbergers  interceded  for  him  with  the  Bishop  of  Misnia  (letters  of  the  18th 
July,  1521,  in  Kapp's  Nachlese,  ii.  464,  and  in  Phil.  Melancthonis  Opp.  ed.  Bretschnei- 
der, i.  418).  Carlstadt  wrote  De  Coelibatu,  Monachatu  et  Viduitate  (Preface,  29th  June, 
1521,  4.),  to  prove  the  non-obligation  of  priest's  celibacy  and  monastic  vows.  The  mar- 
riage of  Bartholomew  Bernhardi  of  Feldkirch,  provost  at  Kemberg,  made  the  deepest 


60  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

systematic  exposition  of  its  doctrines,  in  his  Loci  Communes 
Rerum  Theologiearum.84 

impression.  Compare  Luther  to  Melancthon,  dd.  26th  May,  1521,  in  de  Wette,  ii.  9. 
He  has,  in  consequence,  been  often  erroneously  considered  as  the  first  married  pastor.  See 
J.  G.  Kapp,  Epistola :  Barth.  Bern.  Feldkirchius,  Pastorum,  qui  tempore  Reformationis 
matrimonium  inierunt,  neutiquam,  ut  vulgo  creditur,  primus.  Baruth.  1792.  4.  The 
Elector  Albert,  as  archbishop  of  Magdeburg,  wished  to  call  him  to  account  for  this. 
Feldkirch  replied  with  an  Apologia  Pastoris  Cembergensis,  qui  nuper  suae  Ecclesiae  con- 
sensu uxorem  duxit,  1522.  8.  probably  composed  by  Melancthon  (also  T.  ii.  Jen.  fol. 
438,  b.  Melancthonis  Opp.  ed.  Bretschneider,  i.  421.  On  this  point,  see  Veesenmeyer 
in  the  Theol.  Studien  u.  Krit.  1831.  i.  125).  But  shortly  before  Luther  had  written  to 
the  Elector  Albert,  about  the  revival  of  the  abuse  of  indulgences  in  Halle,  and  about 
the  married  priests :  this  letter,  together  with  the  Elector's  answer,  shows  how  the  moral 
strength  of  the  two  parties  bore  an  inverse  proportion  to  their  external  power.  How- 
ever Luther,  in  obedience  to  the  will  of  his  liege  lord,  still  withheld  his  work  "Wider 
den  Abgott  zu  Halle,"  which  was  ready  for  the  press;  he  wrote  to  the  Elector,  1st 
December,  1521  (de  Wette,  ii.  112),  among  other  things  :  "  Your  Electoral  Grace:  they 
have  now  again  set  up  the  idol  in  Halle,  that  takes  away  from  the  poor,  simple  Christians 
their  money  and  souls. — Your  Electoral  Grace  perhaps  thinks,  that  I  have  now  given  up 
my  plans,  and  will  now  take  care  of  mj-self,  and  that  my  mouth  has  been  shut  up  by  his 
Imperial  Majesty. — Your  Electoral  Grace  will  be  mindful  of  the  beginning,  what  a  terri- 
ble lire  has  grown  out  of  the  small,  despised  spark,  when  all  the  world  was  so  sure 
about  it,  and  thought  that  the  one  poor  beggar  was  immeasurably  too  small  for  the 
Pope,  and  undertook  impossibilities.  But  God  has  taken  up  the  cause ;  He  has  given 
the  Pope  with  all  his  followers  enough  to  do ;  against  and  above  the  thoughts  of  all  the 
world  He  has  carried  the  matter  to  a  point  from  which  the  Pope  will  hardly  bring  it 
back  again ;  it  will  grow  worse  with  him  daily,  so  that  the  work  of  God  may  herein  be 
clearly  recognized.  The  same  God  lives  still — let  no  one  doubt  it  now,  and  he  has  the 
skill  to  withstand  a  Cardinal  of  Mayence,  though  four  emperors  were  to  stand  by  him. 
He  has  also  especial  pleasure  in  breaking  the  loft}*  cedars,  and  abasing  the  haughty 
hardened  Pharaohs.  But  let  not  your  Electoral  Grace  think  that  Luther  is  dead ;  he 
will  glorv  freely  and  joyously  in  the  God  who  has  humbled  the  Pope,  and  begin  a  game 
with  the  Cardinal  of  Mayence  that  he  did  not  much  expect.  Join  together,  dear  Bishops, 
you  may  remain  lordlings,  however  ye  shall  neither  silence  nor  deafen  this  spirit ;  an 
overthrow  shall  befall  you  from  it,  which  ye  now  little  look  for,  so  I  would  have  you 
warned." 

Then  he  makes  the  two  demands  to  abolish  the  idol,  and  to  leave  in  peace  the  priests 
who  had  entered  into  the  married  state. 

"To  this  I  request  and  await  a  straightforward,  speed}-  answer  from  your  Electoral 
Grace,  within  fourteen  days,  for  after  these  fourteen  days  my  book  against  the  Idol  at 
Halle  will  be  published,  unless  a  plain  answer  be  made  me." 

The  Elector  answered  on  the  21st  December  (Walch,  xix.  66) :  "Dear  Sir  Doctor,  I 
have  received  and  read  your  letter — and  taken  it  all  favorably  and  in  good  part ;  but  in 
this  matter,  if  I  am  not  wholly  mistaken,  the  cause  which  has  moved  3-ou  to  write  thus 
has  been  long  since  entirely  done  away  with.  I  will  conduct  and  show  myself,  if  God 
will,  as  becomes  a  pious  priest  and  Christian  prince,  so  far  as  God  shall  give  me  grace, 
strength,  and  understanding :  for  which  I  pray  truly,  and  will  have  prayers  offered  for 
me.  For  I  can  do  nothing  of  my  own  self,  and  confess  that  I  stand  in  need  of  the  grace 
of  God :  I  can  not  deny  that  I  am  a  poor  sinful  man,  who  may  sin  and  err,  and  daily  do 
sin  and  err." 

6*  Three  similar  editions  appeared  in  1521,  one  in  4to,  two  in  8vo.  This  first  edition 
was  reprinted  in  H.  v.  d.  Hardt,  Hist.  Lit.  Reform.,  p.  iv.  p.  28  seq.  denuo  ed.  J.  Chr.  Gu. 
Augusti.  Lips.  1821.  8.  G.  Th.  Strobel's  Litterargeschichte  von  Ph.  M.  Locis  Theologi- 
cis,  Altdorf  u.  Nurnberg,  1776.  8. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1,  1521.  qi 

It  was  not  wonderful  that  the  new  and  unaccustomed  freedom 
made  many  men  giddy.  In  "Wittenberg  a  party  arose  from  the 
beginning  of  December,  which  wished,  like  the  Taborites,  to  re- 
store suddenly  and  by  force  the  original  simplicity  of  divine  wor- 
ship. A  body  of  students  and  citizens  began  to  hinder  the  cele- 
bration of  mass  and  the  chanting  of  hours,  and  threatened  the 
barefooted  friars.85  Not  long  after  Carlstadt  joined  in  these  pro- 
ceedings.86 But  in  the  last  days  of  December  some  fanatics  from 
Zwickau  increased  this  party,  and  brought  into  circulation  the 
doctrines  of  an  internal  word,  of  a  visible  kingdom  of  Christ  upon 
earth,  and  the  rejection  of  infant  baptism.87     Only  the  Reformer 

85  See  the  letters  of  the  Senate  of  the  Academy  to  the  Elector,  of  the  3d  and  5th  De- 
cember, in  Melanchth.  Opp.  ed.  Bretschneider.  i.  487  seq. :  where  also  the  acts  which 
follow  are  given  most  completely. 

86  Carlstadt  gave  notice  on  the  Sunday  before  Christmas,  in  the  Cathedral  Church 
(Bretschneider,  i.  512):  "dass  er  auf  das  kiinftige  Fest  circumcisionis  domini — ofl'en- 
barlichen  communiciren  jedermann,  wer  da  wolle  (and  so  without  confession),  sub  utra- 
que  specie  panis  et  vini,  und  davor  ein  kurz  Sermon  thun,  und  wolle  schlechts  sprechen 
die  Consecration,  und  die  andern  .  .  .  (namely,  the  other  portions  of  the  Mass  serv- 
ice) alle  aussen  iassen.  Solle  auch  nicht  willens  seyn  Kasel,  Alben  oder  Chorrock  zu 
genannter  Mess  auzuziehen." 

87  Compare  on  this  point  Spalatin's  account  in  Schneider's  Bibliothek  der  Kirchen- 
gesch.  II.  iii.,  partly  reprinted  also  in  Bretschneider,  i.  533  seq.  On  the  former  pro- 
ceedings in  Zwickau,  see  Leben,  Schriften,  und  Lehren  Thomae  Miintzers,  von  Strobel. 
Nurnberg,  1795,  s.  12  ff.  Hildebrand  Archiv  merkw.  Urkunden  u.  Nachrichten  fur  die 
Parochialgeschichte.  Jahrg.  1833,  s.  1.  On  the  whole  subject,  J.  Hast  Gesch.  der  Wic- 
dertiiufer.  Munster,  1836.  8.  s.  20.  Melancthon  gives  the  following  account  to  the  Elect- 
oral Commissaries  v.  Einsiedeln  and  Spalatin  at  Lichtenberg  (Schneider,  ii.  117 ;  Bret- 
schneider, i.  533) :  "Es  seind  in  die  Jo.  Evangeiistae  (27  Dec.)  zu  mir  zu  Wittenberg 
kumen  Claus  Storck  mit  zweyen  seiner  Gesellen,  mir  angezeigt,  wie  sich  etlich  Empo- 
rung  erhoben  zu  Zwickau,  und  sonderlich  von  wegen  baptismi  parvulorum  und  fidei 
alienae,  und  sich  auf  Doctorem  Martinum  berufen.  Hab  darnach  insonderheit  gehort 
einen  unter  den  dreien,  genannt  Marcus  Thomae,  der  mir  gesagt,  wie  dass  er,  dergleichen 
auch  Storck,  sonderliche  und  gewisse  und  offenbare  Gesprach  mit  Gott  habe,  doch  nyn- 
dert  auch  nicht  predige,  denn  wo  und  was  ihm  Gott  heisse !"  Melancthon  was  so  dis- 
concerted that  he  wrote  to  the  Elector  on  the  same  day  (Bretschneider,  i.  513)  :  Non 
ignorat  Cels.  V.,  quam  multae  variae  et  periculosae  dissensiones  de  verbo  Dei  in  urbe 
C.  V.  Zwiccavia  excitatae  sint.  Sunt  et  illic  in  vincula  conjecti,  qui  nescio  quae  nova- 
runt.  Ex  horum  motuum  auctoribus  hue  advolarunt  tres  viri,  duo  lanifices,  literarum 
rudes,  literatus  tertius  est.  Audivi  eos.  Mira  sunt,  quae  de  sese  predicant ;  missos  se 
clara  voce  Dei  ad  docendum,  esse  sibi  cum  Deo  familiaria  colloquia,  videre  futura,  bre- 
viter,  viros  esse  propheticos  et  apostolicos.  Quibus  ego  quomodo  commovear,  non  facile 
dixerim.  Magnis  rationibus  adducor  certe,  ut  contemni  eos  nolim.  Nam  esse  in  eis 
spiritus  quosdam  multis  argumentis  adparet,  sed  de  quibus  judicare  praeter  Martinum 
nemo  facile  possit.  Proinde  cum  vertatur  hie  evangclii  periculum,  ecclesiae  gloria  et 
pax,  modis  omnibus  efficiendum  est,  ut  his  hominibus  Martini  copia  fiat.  Ad  hunc  enim 
provocant.  At  his  interview  with  the  Electoral  Commissaries  on  the  1st  Januarj-,  Me- 
lancthon was  more  self-possessed.  He  says  (Schneider,  ii.  119 ;  Bretschn.  i.  534)  :  "  Mich 
hat  nicht  sonderlich  bewegt,  was  sie  von  gottlichen  Gespriichen  sagen,  und  dergleichen. 
Denn  solches  in  seinem  Werth  stehet,  und  nichts  daran  gelegen,  anders  denn,  dass  durch 


62  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

himself,  in  whom  discretion,  enthusiasm,  and  energy  were  united 

solchen  Schein  weitere  Beschwerungen  mochten  vorgenommen  werden.  Diese  Quaes- 
tiones  aber  de  baptismo  haben  mich  rueines  Bediknkens  billig  bewegt."  (A  little  before : 
"  Es  haben  Augustinus  und  derselbigen  Zeit  viele  andere  mehr  viel  disputirt  de  baptismo 
parvulorum,  und  wenig  ausgerichtet,"  etc.)  On  the  day  following,  the  Elector  had  an 
intimation  convej'ed  to  Melancthon  and  Amsdorf  bj>-  the  Commissaries,  that  it  was  ad- 
visable they  should  not  mix  with  the  people;  for  it  "ware  zu  besorgen,  ihr  Vorgeben 
ware  mehr  eine  Verfuhrung,  denn  ein  Bestand  in  Wahrheit,  weil  sie  von  den  Haupt- 
sachem  der  Emporung  und  Aufruhr  zu  Zwickau  seyn  sollten,  und  zu  furchten, — sie 
mochten  zu  Wittenberg  auch  Emporung  anrichten."  Among  the  articles  thus  agitated 
at  Zwickau  was  the  baptism  of  infant  children  :  "als  namlich,  dass  etliche  zweifeln,  ob 
der  Glaube  der  Pathen  dem  Kind  zu  der  Tauf  behulflich ;  etliche  vermeinten,  ohne  den 
Glauben  selig  zu  werden.  Etliche  geben  an,  als  ware  die  gottliche  Schrift  zur  Lehre 
der  Menschen  unkriiftig  :  denn  der  Mensch  milsst  allein  durch  den  Geist  gelernet  wer- 
den. Denn  hatt  Gott  den  Menschen  mit  Geschrift  wollen  gelernt  haben,  so  hatt  er  uns 
vom  Himmel  herab  ein  Biblien  gesandt.  Item  fur  die  Todten  wiire  nicht  zu  bitten,  und 
andere  grausame  Unart,  die  der  Stadt  Zwickau  einen  unchristlichen  Pickardischen  Na- 
men  machten."  Upon  this  Melancthon  declared  still  more  composedly:  "dass  an  dem 
Artikcl  von  der  Tauf  der  Kinder  nichts  sonderliches  liege,  und  dass  besser  sey,  dass  man 
davon  nicht  weiter  handle,  denn  dass  man  viel  davon  zweifele :"  this  only  was  suspi- 
cious, "dass  die  Leut  zu  Emporung  geneigt,  und  zu  Wittenberg  auch  Aufruhr  moch- 
ten erregen."  Moreover,  the  Elector,  at  the  request  of  Melancthon,  promised  that  these 
persons,  if  they  did  not  begin  a  rebellion,  should  not  be  put  down  bj*  force.  Thus  the 
prophets  of  Zwickau,  namely,  the  two  cloth-weavers,  Nicholas  Storch  and  Marcus  Tho- 
mae,  and  two  students,  Marcus  Stiibner  and  Martin  Cellarius,  now  continued  to  work 
at  Wittenberg,  and  won  over  Carlstadt  especially  to  their  side  :  who  also  had  been  mar- 
ried in  January,  1522  (see  the  announcement  of  his  marriage,  6th  Jan.,  in  Bretschnei- 
der,  i.  538).  As  to  their  doctrines,  see  Camerarius  De  Vita  Melanchth.  ed.  Strobel,  p. 
46.  They  rejected  the  existing  Church,  and  said,  "ex  ilia  djscedendo  hanc  institui 
oportere.  Et  quibus  hoc  persuaderetur  et  placeret,  eos  denuo  baptismo  initiandos  esse. 
— Nihil  recte  et  debito  modo  fieri  gerique  uspiam  perhibebant,  quod  sumrna  rerum  esset 
penes  malos. — Atque  decrevisse  Deum  extinguere  istud  genus  et  sufiicere  alteram  inno- 
centia  justitiaque  et  sanctitate  praeditum.  Ad  cujus  exordium  atque  incrementa  doce- 
bant  necessariam  esse  coram  et  diligentiam  in  procreanda  sobole.  Et  ideo  neminern 
ducere  uxorem  debere,  ex  qua  non  sCiret  se  liberos  pios,  et  gratos  aeterno  Deo,  et  ad 
communionem  regni  coelestis  electos  suscepturum  esse.  Id  autem  non  aliter  quam  ipso 
Deo  patefaciente  sciri  posse.  Et  jactabatur  praecipuum  donum  Dei  in  illis  coetibus  prae- 
dictionis  eventuum  futurorum,  et  arcanorum  judicii,  cujus  eximiae  et  salutaris  rei  in 
vcritate  nomen  est  graecum  Prophetia.  Compertum  autem  est,  multis  horum  per  quie- 
tem  somni  mirabilia  visa,  et  species  quasdam  vigilantibus  etiam  aliquibus,  sed  paucis, 
oblatas  esse.  Cognitum  etiam  est,  fuisse  in  coetu  isto  foeminas  vaticinantes. — Et  hoc 
erat  in  legibus  istorum,  ne  quis  in  otio  liberali  bonis  artibus  et  Uteris  operam  daret,  neu 
aliunde  scientiae  cognitionisque  facultatem  quaereret,  quam  ab  aeterni  Dei  benignitate, 
cui  adjumentis  humanis  nihil  esset  opus.  According  to  the  Zeitung  aus  Wittenberg, 
written  in  the  middle  of  Januaiy  (Strobel's  Miscellaneen,  v.  127),  Marcus  Stubner  said : 
"Martin  is  right  on  most  points,  but  not  on  all :  Another  will  come  after  him  with  a 
loftier  spirit,  etc.  Item,  the  Turks  will  soon  take  possession  of  Germanj\  Item,  all 
priests  shall  be  slain  if  they  now  take  wives.  Item,  in  a  short  time — about  five,  six,  or 
seven  years — there  shall  be  such  a  change  in  the  world  that  no  ungodl}-  or  sinful  man 
shall  remain  alive,  etc.  Then  shall  there  be  one  way,  one  baptism,  one  faith.  The  bap- 
tism of  infants,  as  now  administered,  before  they  have  reason,  is  no  baptism."  At  Wit- 
tenberg the  sect  worked  directly  only  in  secret  (minus  libere  et  aperte,  Camerar.),  in  a 
wider  sphere  only  indirect^  by  the  preachers  devoted  to  their  cause,  Carlstadt,  and  the 
former  Benedictine,  Gabriel  Didymus,  who  advanced  with  rapid  strides.  With  regard 
to  these  disturbances  compare  the  Zeitung  aus  Wittenberg,  quoted  above.     Something 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  EEFOEMATION.    §  1.  1522.  63 

in  such  an  extraordinary  manner,88  could  protect  his  work  from 

was  now  conceded  to  the  innovations,  but  the  innovators  proceeded  still  farther ;  see 
Beyer's  Schreiben  an  Einsiedel  v.  25.  Jan.  (Bretschn.  i.  540)  :  "  I  would  have  you  know 
tbat  the  University  and  the  town-council  have  agreed  upon  the  way  in  which  mass  should 
be  celebrated  in  the  parish  church  to  which  we  all  belong.  First,  the  hymn  will  be  sung 
with  the  Tntroit,  Gloria,  et  in  terra,  epistles,  gospel,  and  Sanctus;  then  comes  the  ser- 
mon, and  afterward  the  mass,  as  our  God  and  Lord  Jesus  instituted  it  at  the  Last  Supper. 
The  priest  speaks  the  words  of  consecration  aloud  in  German,  and  admonishes  the  peo- 
ple that  to  everj'  one  who  feels  the  burden  of  sin,  and  thirsts  for  the  grace  of  God,  the 
body  and  blood  of  the  Lord  will  be  administered.  When  the  people  have  communica- 
ted, the  Agnus  Dei,  Carmen,  and  Bcnedicamus  Domine  are  sung.  The  canon  has  been 
reversed.  For  the  future  we  will  tolerate  no  beggar,  be  he  monk  or  no  monk.  The 
poor  shall  be  provided  for  from  the  common  purse.— They  will  not  endure  images  in 
church,  and  in  time  will  remove  them  ;  strong  passages  of  Scripture  are  brought  against 
them."  Carlstadt  and  Didymus  continually  preached  against  the  adherents  of  the  old 
customs  (Bretschn.  i.  548)  ;  they  taught,  for  instance  (p.  548),  "dass  die  Gemeine  wohl 
Macht  habe,  in  Nachlassigkeit  der  Oberkeit  aus  einem  Mitleiden  und  Liebe  Ichts  (etwas) 
vorzunehmen,"  and  thereby  effected  (p.  550),  that  in  the  beginning  of  February  the  im- 
ages were  suddenly  carried  oft',  cut  to  pieces,  and  burned.  Carlstadt  made  yet  further 
alterations  in  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  whereupon,  in  the  parish  church  (p. 
552),  "  einer  sust,  der  andre  so,  ohne  Ordnung  und  Messgewand  Mess  gehalten  haben." 
This  occasioned  fresh  investigations  and  threats,  and  orders  from  the  Elector;  mean- 
while the  innovations  were  partially  submitted  to.  The  Council  gave  notice,  on  the 
12th  Febr.  (p.  553)  :  "Der  Bilde  halben  haben  wir  beschlossen  auf  dem  Rathhaus,  dass 
sie  sollen  durch  die  Obrigkeit,  welcher  allein  es  anstehet,  eignet  und  gebuhret,  abgethan 
werden."  On  the  contrary,  in  the  Mass  (p.  554),  the  "  Weise,  Kleidung,  und  Gesang" 
were  to  remain  as  before.  Carlstadt  now  promised  (p.  557)  that  he  would  refrain  from 
this  style  of  preaching  for  the  future.  Didymus  left  Wittenberg.  Still,  great  disunion 
remained  (p.  560).  This  picture  is  filled  up  by  the  account  of  M.  Sebast.  Froschel, 
who  came  to  Wittenberg  in  1522,  in  the  Dedication  to  the  Elector  Augustus  of  his  tract 
on  the  Priesthood,  Witten.  1565.  4  (Fortges.  Sammlung  v.  alten  u.  neuen  theol.  Sachen, 
1731,  s.  691).  He  charges  Carlstadt,  Didymus,  and  M.  George  More,  the  master  of  the 
boys'  school,  with  having  ruined  the  boys'  school,  and  says  they  would  gladly  have 
made  an  end  of  the  University  also.  "These  three  men  give  out  that  no  one  should 
study,  or  keep  school,  or  confer  degrees,  for  Christ  has  forbidden  all  this  in  Matt,  xxiii. 
with  these  words :  Be  ye  not  called  Eabbi,  or  masters ;  in  consequence  of  this  man)' 
men  of  fine  ingenia  at  the  same  time  left  this  place  and  forsook  their  studies,  who  might 
have  been  useful  to  their  country  and  countrymen. — Dr.  Carlstadt  went  round  to  the 
houses  of  the  citizens,  and  asked  them  how  they  understood  this  or  that  passage  in  this 
or  that  prophet.  And  when  the  simple  people  wondered  at  his  question,  and  said  to 
him :  Sir  Doctor,  how  comes  it  that  you  learned  men  and  doctors  in  holy  Scripture  thus 
ask  us  poor,  illiterate,  unlearned  folk  such  questions  ?  ye  should  rather  tell  us  the  mean- 
ing: then  Carstadt  answered  them,  that  God  had  hidden  it  from  such,  as  the  Lord  Jesus 
himself  says,  in  Matt.  xi.  and  Luke  x. :  I  thank  thee,  0  Father,  Lord  of  heaven  and 
earth,  because  Thou  hast  hid  these  things  from  the  wise  and  prudent,  and  hast  revealed 
them  unto  babes.  Besides,  these  three  persons  began  not  only  to  tear  down  the  schools, 
but  also  the  churches  and  images  in  churches,  casting  the  images  out  of  the  churches ; 
raid  they  gave  out  that  no  learned  man  should  be  received  or  allowed  as  preacher  or 
priest  in  the  churches,  but  laymen  and  handcraftsmen,  who  were  only  able  to  read,  as  I 
have  known  many  such  persons  whom  thej'  wished  to  call  to  this  office." 

68  Compare  his  judgment  about  the  fanatics,  addressed  to  Melancthon,  13th  Jan., 
1522  (de  Wette,  ii.  125) :  Venio  ad  Prophetas,  ac  primum  non  probo  tuam  timiditatem, 
cum  et  majori  tarn  spiritu  quam  eruditione  polleas,  quam  ego.  Ac  primum,  cum  testi- 
monium perhibeant  de  se  ipsis,  non  statim  audiendi  sunt ;  sed  juxta  consilium  Joannis, 
spiritus  probandi.     Habetis  consilium  Gamalielis  dift'erendi :  nihil  enim  adhuc  audio  ab 


64  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

sinking  into  a  destructive  fanaticism.  He  suddenly  came  forth 
from  his  seclusion,  in  March,  1522  ;89  his  powerful  preaching 
frightened  away  the  false  prophets,  and  quieted  men's  minds.90 

eis  dici  et  fieri,  quod  Satanas  non  queat  praestare  vel  aemulari.  Then  follows  advice  as 
to  how  the  prophets  were  to  be  examined,  and  a  defense  of  infant  baptism  and  the  Au- 
gustinian  doctrine  that  the  fides  aliena  of  the  sponsors  availed  for  the  children.  He 
writes  to  Spalatin  on  the  17th  Jan.  (1.  c.  135) :  Tu  quoque  cura,  ne  Princeps  noster  ma- 
nus  cruentet  in  prophetis  illis  novis  Cygnaeis.  There  is  also  a  fragment  of  a  letter  to 
the  men  of  Wittenberg,  probably  in  Febr.  (not  Dec,  1521,  as  in  de  Wette,  ii.  118) : 
"They  have  introduced  these  changes  in  the  mass  and  images,  attacked  the  sacrament, 
and  other  things  which  are  of  no  account,  and  have  let  faith  and  love  go ;  just  as  though 
all  the  world  hereabout  had  great  understanding  in  these  matters,  which  is  not  the  fact ; 
and  so  they  have  brought  it  about,  that  many  pious  people  have  been  stirred  up  to  do  what 
is  really  the  devil's  work.  It  would  indeed  be  a  good  thing  to  begin  such  changes,  if 
we  could  all  together  have  the  needful  faith,  and  if  they  suited  the  whole  Church  in  such 
measure  that  no  one  should  take  offense  at  them.  But  this  can  never  be.  We  can  not 
all  be  as  learned  as  Carlstadt.  Therefore  we  must  yield  to  the  weak ;  otherwise  thou, 
who  art  strong,  wilt  run  far ;  and  the  weak,  who  can  not  follow  thee  at  like  pace,  will 
be  run  down.  God  has  given  to  you  the  Word  in  its  purity,  and  shown  great  grace  to 
them  at  Wittenberg.     Yet  I  do  not  descry  among  you  any  love  at  all,"  etc. 

89  On  the  journey  he  wrote  to  the  Elector,  who  had  warned  him  against  it  (Melanchth. 
Epist.  ed.  Bretschneider,  i.  559),  on  the  5th  March  (de  Wette,  ii.  139),  from  Borua,  e.  g. : 
"  This  I  know  full  well  about  myself,  if  matters  stood  so  at  Leipsick  as  at  Wittenberg, 
I  would  ride  thither,  though  (your  Electoral  grace  will  pardon  my  foolish  speech)  for 
nine  days  long  it  were  to  rain  only  Duke  Georges,  and  each  of  them  were  nine-fold  more 
furious  than  this  one  is. — This  is  written  to  your  Electoral  grace  to  the  intent  that  j-our 
Electoral  grace  may  know  that  I  go  to  Wittenberg  under  far  higher  protection  than 
that  of  the  Elector.  I  have  no  intention  of  demanding  protection  from  your  Electoral 
grace.  Yea,  I  take  it  I  have  more  power  to  protect  your  Electoral  grace  than  you  have 
to  protect  me.  Besides,  if  I  knew  that  j'our  Electoral  grace  could  and  would  protect 
me,  I  would  not  come.  No  sword  either  can  or  ought  to  guide  and  aid  this  cause :  God 
alone  must  provide,  without  human  care  or  help.  Accordingly,  whoever  has  most  faith 
will  be  here  of  most  use.  Since  I  now  perceive  that  }Tour  Electoral  grace  is  still  very 
weak  in  faith,  I  can  by  no  means  regard  your  Electoral  highness  as  the  man  who  is  able 
to  shield  or  save  me.  As  your  Electoral  grace  desires  to  know  what  you  should  do  in  this 
cause,  especially  as  you  think  you  have  done  far  too  little :  I  answer  with  all  subjec- 
tion ;  j-our  Electoral  grace  has  done  far  too  much,  and  you  ought  to  do  nothing  at  all. 
For  God  neither  can  nor  will  endure  jTour  or  my  plans  and  proceedings.  He  will  have 
it  left  to  himself;  this  and  nothing  else  :  j'our  Electoral  grace  may  decide  accordingly. 
— In  respect  to  men  your  Electoral  grace  should  thus  conduct  yourself;  you  should,  as 
an  Elector,  be  obedient  to  the  supreme  authority,  and  allow  his  imperial  majestj-  to  rule 
in  your  Electoral  grace's  towns  and  dominions,  over  persons  and  property,  as  is  due, 
according  to  the  order  of  the  Empire,  and  neither  oppose,  nor  resist,  nor  desire  to  offer 
any  resistance  or  hinderance  to  the  authorities,  if  they  wish  to  arrest  or  kill  me.  For  no 
one  may  break  with  or  resist  the  powers  that  be  excepting  Him  alone  who  has  ordained 
them ;  to  act  otherwise  is  rebellion,  and  against  the  will  of  God,"  etc.  On  Luther's 
meeting  at  an  inn  in  Jena  with  some  Swiss  traveling  to  Wittemberg,  see  the  true-hearted 
account  of  one  of  them,  John  Kessler,  in  the  original  in  J.  J.  Bernet's  Joh.  Kessler  gc- 
nannt  Ahenarius,  Burger  und  Reformator  zu  St.  Gallen.     St.  Gallon,  1826.  8.  s.  27. 

90  Luther  arrived  at  Wittenberg  on  Friday  the  7th  of  March,  and  preached  every  day 
from  the  Sunday  Invocavit  to  Reminiscere  (9th— 16th  March)  against  the  imprudent  in- 
novations:  "Acht  Sermon  D.  M.  L.  von  ihm  gcprediget  zu  Wittenberg  in  der  Fasten, 
darin  kurzlich  begriefen  von  den  Messen,  Bildnissen,  beyderley  Gestalt  des  Sacraments, 
von  den  Speisen  und  heimlichen  Beicht,"  in  two  different  editions,  Walch,  xx,  1  ft".,  and 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1522.  (35 

Soon  after  he  offered  to  his  German  fatherland  the  precious  fruit 
plucked  in  his  retirement  at  the  Wartburg,  his  Translation  of  the 
New  Testament,91  which  gave  to  every  man  of  the  people  the 
means  of  arriving  at  certainty  in  his  faith,  and  of  being  able  to 
wive  a  reason  for  it.92 

o 

C2  ff.  Luther  wrote  to  Gaspar  Giittel,  prior  of  the  Augustines  at  Eisleben,  30th  March 
(de  Wette,  ii.  177)  :  Ego  Carolstadium  oft'endi,  quod  ordinationes  suas  cassavi,  licet  doc- 
trinam  non  damnarim,  nisi  quod  displicet  in  solis  ceremoniis  et  extemis  faciebus  labo- 
rasse  eurn,  neglecta  interim  vera  doctrina  Christiana  h.  e.  fide  et  charitate.  Nam  sua 
inepta  docendi  ratione  eo  populum  perduxerat,  ut  sese  Christianum  arbitraretur  per  lias 
res  nihili,  si  utraque  specie  communicaret,  si  tangeret  (receive  the.  sacrament  with  the 
hand),  si  non  confiteretur,  si  imagines  frangeret.  Froschel  (see  Note  87),  Fortg.  Samml. 
1731,  s.  694 :  "As  Dr.  Carlstadt  now  saw  that  his  projects  were  defeated,  he  went  away 
from  the  city  of  Wittenberg  to  a  village  called  Segren,  not  far  off;  there  he  bought  him 
a  farm,  and  became  a  peasant ;  and  the  other  peasants  called  him  Naber  Enders  (neigh- 
bor Andreas). — Naber  Enders  did  not  endure  this  very  long ;  it  soon  became  too  much 
for  him  ;  and  he  crept  back  again  to  the  Cross  (zum  Kreulz).  So,  likewise,  did  the  other 
two,  Frater  Gabriel  and  M.  More,"  etc.  At  first  Luther  refused  to  see  the  prophets  of 
Zwickau ;  at  length  he  admitted  Marcus  Stiibner,  Martin  Cellarius,  and  a  third  to  his 
presence  (Camerarius  in  Vita  Melanchth.  §  15) :  Audivit  Lutherus  placide  narrantem 
Marcum  sua.  Cum  dicendi  finem  fecisset,  nihil  contra  ilia  adeo  absurda  et  futilia  dis- 
serendum  ratus  Lutherus  hoc  modo  monuit :  viderent,  quid  agerent.  Nihil  eorum,  quae 
commemor  assent,  sacris  Uteris  niti,  commentaque  esse  cogitationum  curiosarum,  aut  etiam 
fallacis  et  fraudulenti  spiritus  deliras  et  perniciosas  subjectiones.  Ibi  Cellarius  et  voce  ct 
gestibus  vesanis,  cum  et  solum  pedibus,  et  propositam  mensulam  manibus  feriret,  ex- 
clamare  et  indignari,  ausum  esse  Lutherum  suspicari  tale  aliquid  de  divino  homine. 
At  Marcus  paulo  sedatior,  ut  scias,  inquit,  Luthere,  me  spiritu  Dei  praeditum  esse,  ego, 
quid  in  animo  tuo  conceperis,  sum  indicaturus,  idque  est :  te  incipere  inclinari  ad  haec, 
ut  meam  doctrinam  veram  esse  credas.  Cum  Lutherus,  ut  ipse  postea  dixit,  istam  dedita 
opera  sententiam  cogitando  esset  complexus :  increpet  te  Dens,  Satana.  Post  haec  plus 
verborum  faciendum  Lutherus  non  putavit,  et  minantes  gloriantesque  eos  dimisit. — Eo 
die  oppido  illi  excesserunt,  et  Chembergo — literas  plenas  maledictis  et  execrationibus 
ad  Lutherum  miserunt.  Compare  Luther's  short  account  of  this  interview,  given  to 
Spalatin  and  Lange,  12th  April  (de  Wette,  ii.  179, 181).  Nicholas  Storch  also  afterward 
appeared  before  him  ;  see  Luther  to  Spalatin,  4th  Sept.,  1522  (1.  c.  245). 

91  The  first  edition  appeared  in  September,  1522,  the  second  as  early  as  December,  and 
so  ever}-  year  original  editions  and  reprints.  In  1523  followed  the  first  part  of  the  Old 
Testament,  the  Books  of  Moses  ;  in  1524  the  second  part,  the  rest  of  the  historical  books ; 
and  the  third  part,  Job,  the  Psalter,  and  the  writings  of  Solomon ;  in  1532  the  fourth 
part,  the  Prophets,  some  of  which  had  been  before  published  by  themselves.  The  first 
entire  edition  of  the  Bible,  with  the  Apocrypha,  appeared  in  1534.  Compare  G.  W.  Pan- 
zer's Entwurf  einer  vollstandigen  Gesch.  der  Deutschen  Bibeliibersetzung  Luther's.  2te 
Aufl.  Niirnberg,  1791.  8.  Lucke's  kurzgefasste  Gesch.  d.  Luther.  Bibelubersetzung,  in 
the  Zeitschrift  fur  gebildete  Christen  der  evangel.  Kirche,  otes  Heft  (Elberfeld,  1823), 
s.  1.  K.  A.  Weidemann's  Gesch.  der  Deutschen  Bibelubersetzung  Luther's.  Leipzig, 
1834.  8.  D.  H.  Schott's  Gesch.  der  Deutschen  Bibelubersetzung  D.  M.  Luther's,  u.  der 
fortdauernde  Worth  derselben,  Leipzig,  1835.  8  (vgl.  Jen.  A.  L.  Z.  Marz,  1836,  s.  321). 
Grotesend  iiber  D.  M.  Luther's  Verdienste  um  die  Ausbildung  der  hochteutschen  Schrift- 
sprache  in  the  Abhandlungen  des  Frankfurter  Gelehrten-Vereins  fur  teutsche  Spraehe. 
St.  1  (Frankf.,  1818),  s.  24  ff. 

92  Cochlaeus,  De  Actis  et  Scriptis  M.  Lutheri  ad  ann.  1522,  fol.  50,  b. :  mirum  in  mo- 
dum  multiplicahatur  per  chalcographos  novum  Testamentum  Lutheri,  ut  etiam  sutores, 
et  mulieres,  et  quilibet  idiotae,  qui  theutonicas  literas  utcunque  didicerant,  novum  illud 

VOL.  IV. 5 


qq  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Hadrian  VI. ,  a  pious  and  strict  man,93  who  mounted  the  papal 

Testamentum,  tanquam  fontem  omnis  veritatis,  avidissime  legerent,  quicunque  Luthe- 
rani  cra'nt   illudquo  saepe  legcndo  memoriae  commendarent,  in  sinu  secum  portantcs 
codicem.    Ex  quo  tantam  intra  paucos  menses  sibi  doctrinam  arrogabant,  ut  non  solum 
cam  laicis  partis  catholicae,  verum  etiam  cum  sacerdotibus  et  monachis,  atque  adeo 
etiam  cum  Magistris  et  sacrae  theologiae  Doctoribus  disputare  de  fide  et  Evangelio  non 
erubescerent.    Quin  immo  repertae  sunt  mulierculae,  quae  propositis  thematis  editisque 
libellis  theutonicis  ausae  fuerint  ultro  provocare,  et  quidem  procacissime  insultantes, 
ignorantiamque  improperantes  et  contemptui  habentes  viros,  non  modo  laicos  atque  pri- 
vatos  homines,  verum  etiam  quoslibet  Doctores  et  Licentiatos  totius  facultatis  theologi- 
cae,  ac  totas  etiam  Universitates,  id  quod  de  Argula,  nobili  quadam  muliere,  compertum 
habetur  (compare  Lipowsky  Argula  v.  Grumbach  geb.  Freiien  v.  Stauffen.     Miinchen, 
1811.  4.    de  Wette,  ii.  558). — Cum  igitur  mobile  vulgus  ubique  magis  intentum  sit  et 
avidum  ad  res  novas  late  divulgandas,  quam  ad  res  consuetas  in  suo  statu  conservan- 
das ;  factum  est,  ut  turba  Lutherana  longe  plus  operae  impendent  discendis  sacris  Ute- 
ris ita  translatis,  quam  impendit  populus  Catholicorum,  ubi  Laici  earn  curam  potissime 
in  sacerdotes  et  Monachos  rejiciebant.     Unde  contigit  nonnunquam,  a  laicis  Lutheranis 
plures  scripturae  locos  ex  tempore  citari  in  colloquiis,  quam  citarentur  a  presbyteris  et 
Monachis  catholicis.    At  jam  dudum  persuaserat  Lutherus  turbis  suis,  nullis  dictis  ha- 
bendam  esse  fidem,  nisi  quae  ex  sacris  Uteris  proferrentur.    Idcirco  reputabantur  Catho- 
lici  ab  illis  ignari  scripturarum,  etiamsi  eruditissimi  essent  theologi.     Quinetiam  palam 
aliquando  coram  multitudine  contradicebant  eis  Laici  aliqui,  tanquam  mera  pro  cond- 
one dixerint  mendacia  aut  figmenta  hominum.     Accedebant  ct  alia  incommoda.     Nam 
cum  antiqui  theologi  multis  retro  annis  peritiam  l'mguarum  et  politiores  literas  neglcx- 
issent ;  Lutherus  mox  ab  initio  per  Pbilippum  Melancthonen,  et  per  Zuinglium,  Oeco- 
lampadiumque  et  Bucerum  (antequam  ab  eo  in  nonnullis  articulis  dissentire  coepissent) 
totam  vere  juventutem,  eloquentiae  Uteris  linguarumque  studio  deditam,  ac  ingenio  ex 
acutis  et  expolitis  Erasmi  Roterdami  opusculis  pulcherrime  excultam,  in  partem  suam 
traxit.    Juvenes  vero  et  ingenio  alacres,  et  laborum  patientes  mox  in  sacris  Uteris  (qui- 
bus  Lutherus  unicum  tribuebat  sensum,  et  eum  solummodo  literalem)  ita  profecerunt 
literaliter   ut  vel  XXX  annorum  theologi  tarn  prompti  in  citandis  scripturae  locis  non 
viderentur,  quam  erant  illi.     Qui  et  de  peritia  linguarum  et  de  styli  elegantia  superb i- 
entes  mox  quoslibet  veteris  farinae  theologos  non  solum  contemnere,  verum  etiam  pro- 
vocare coeperunt,  maxime,  quando  ad  populum  verba  faciebant.     Quod  si  quis  novita- 
tibus  eorum  contradiceret,  mox  praetendebant  lectionem  graecam  vel  hebraicam,  aut 
aliquem  ex  vetustissimis  auctoribus,  et  confestim  plenis  convitiorum  plaustris  invehe- 
bantur  in  graecarum  et  hebraicarum  literarum  ignaros  theologos,  quos  odiose  sophistas, 
asinos,  porcos,  animalia  ventris,  et  inutilia  pondera  terrae  vocitabant,  superaddentes 
"  etiam  'ronchos'et  cachinnos  immodestissime.     Ac  unum  Lutherum,  velut  verum  theolo- 
gum  populo  commendantes,  ejus  adversarios  velut  ignaros,  immo  hostes  veritatis,  et  ob 
alimoniam  sibi  praecisam  aut  imminutam  Luthero  invidcntes,  invidiosissime  traduce- 
bant. 

93  He  had  taught  the  fallibility  of  the  Pope  in  his  Comm.  in  libr.  quartum  Sententia- 
rum  (reprinted,  Romae,  1522,  fol.).  Quaest.  de  sacra  confirm,  certum  est,  quod  (Ponti- 
fex)  possit  errare  in  iis,  quae  tangunt  fidem,  haeresim  per  suam  determinationem  aut 
decretalem  asserendo:  On  the  other  hand,  Luther's  doctrines  appeared  preposterous  to 
him,  the  strict  scholastic  theologian,  and  so  he  said  with  regard  to  Luther's  propositions 
condemned  by  the  theologians  of  Louvain,  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  them  while  yet 
cardinal  (C.  Burmanni  Iladrianus  VI.  sive  Analecta  historica  de  Hadr.  VI.  Traj.  ad. 
Rhen.,  1727.  4.  p.  447)  :  qui  sane  tarn  rudes  ac  palpabiles  hacreses  mini  prae  se  ferre 
videntur,  ut  ne  discipulus  quidem  theologiae,  ac  prima  ejus  limina  ingressus,  ita  labi 
mcrito  potuisset.— Miror  valde,  quod  homo  tam  manifesto,  tamque  pertinaciter  in  fide 
errans,  et  suas  haereses  somniaque  difiundens,  impune  errare,  et  alios  in  perniciosissi- 
mos  errores  trahere  impune  sinitur.  Hence  he  must  come  to  the  opinion  that  the  redress 
of  external  abuses  in  the  Church  would  put  an  end  to  Luther's  success.     This  judgment 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1522.  (57 

throne  after  Leo  X.  (t  1st  Dec.,  1521),  thought  that  the  more  plain- 
ly  he  acknowledged  and  promised  to  redress  the  defects  that  had 
crept  into  the  external  constitution  of  the  Church,  so  much  the 
more  decidedly  he  might  venture  to  claim  the  execution  of  the 
existing  law  of  heresy  against  Luther's  deviations  in  doctrine. 
But  the  public  declarations  which,  for  this  purpose,  he  caused  to 
be  made  at  the  Diet  of  Nuremberg  (Dec.,  1522),94  only  resulted  in 

would  necessarily  be  strengthened  by  the  letter  of  Wilibald  Pirkheimer  addressed  to  him 
(Pirckheymeri  Opp.,  ed.  Conr.  Ritterhusius,  p.  372;  Gerdesii  Hist.  Evangelii  renovati, 
i.  Monum.  p.  170),  according  to  which  the  arrogance  and  deceitfulness  of  the  Domini- 
cans, and  their  hatred  of  the  humanists,  were  the  cause  of  all  the  evils.  Ludovicus  Vi- 
ves,  in  a  formal  opinion  (Opp.  ii.  831 ;  Burmannus,  p.  45G),  recommended  the  new  Pope 
to  call  a  general  council,  to  do  away  with  all  the  confusion  prevailing  in  Europe.  Ha- 
drian's correspondence  with  Erasmus  is  worthy  of  especial  notice  (Bermannus,  p.  493 
seq.,  but  here  the  letters  are  not  all  given ;  see  Danz  Analecta  Critica  de  Hadriano  VI. 
P.  ii.,  Jenae,  1814.  4.  p.  9).  He  challenges  him  to  write  against  Luther.  Erasmus  de- 
clines this  as  useless  :  he  complains  that  he  has  been  erroneously  considered  as  the  orig- 
inator of  the  heresy  ;  he  expresses  his  aversion  to  it,  but  points  out  the  perverse  methods 
of  Luther's  adversaries  (Burmannus,  p.  501 :  centum  locos  colligam  ex  Paulinis  episto- 
lis  qui  congruunt  cum  his  quae  damnata  sunt  in  Lutheri  libris),  and  renews  his  former 
proposal  (see  Note  67)  to  let  the  question  be  adjusted  by  impartial  arbitrators  from  dif- 
ferent nations.  Paul  Sarpi  (Histoire  du  Concile  de  Trent,  traduite  par  Courayer,  i.  41 
seq.)  gives  an  account  of  the  Pope's  deliberations  with  the  cardinals  as  to  the  means  to 
be  adopted,  from  a  diary  of  Francis  Chieregati  (p.  50)  ;  but  it  is  not  probable  that  Car- 
dinal Cajetan,  who  had  written  on  indulgence  a  short  time  before  in  the  sense  of  Thomas 
Aquinas,  would  have  advised  him  to  declare,  according  to  the  earlier  doctrine,  that 
indulgence  availed  only  for  the  remission  of  church-penalties.  See  Pallavicini,  lib.  ii. 
c.  4. 

94  The  legate,  Francis  Chieregati,  first  had  a  shorter  form  of  Instructions  read  before 
the  Diet,  without  delivering  it  in  writing ;  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1523  he  first  pro- 
duced the  second,  with  express  declarations  about  reform ;  many  persons  were  thus  led 
to  the  opinion  that  it  had  been  first  composed  in  Nuremberg  (see  the  account  of  the 
Saxon  envoy  Hans  von  der  Plaunitz  to  the  Elector,  in  Luther's  works,  2ter  Deutsche'- 
Jen.  Theil.  Bl.  206  b).  It  was  sent  after  him,  as  soon  as  it  was  manifest  that  the  pub- 
lic feeling  in  Germany  required  more  effective  declarations.  These  last  Instructions 
Luther  soon  after  published  in  German  with  comments  (Sleidan,  lib.  iv.  init.),  in  the 
original  in  Raynald.  ann.  1522,  No.  66,  and  Goldast  Constitutt.  Imperial,  i.  450.  After 
setting  forth  the  reasons  with  which  the  legate  was  to  urge  the  princes  to  suppress  the 
Lutheran  heresy,  it  proceeds:  Item  dices,  nos  ingenue  fateri,  quod  Deus  banc  persecu- 
tionem  Ecclesiae  suae  inferre  permittit  propter  peccata  hominum,  maxime  sacerdotitm 
et  Ecclesiae  Praelatorum. — Scimus,  in  hac  sancta  sede  aliquot  jam  annis  multa  abomi- 
nanda  fuisse,  abusus  in  spiritualibus,  excessus  in  mandatis,  et  omnia  denique  in  pcr- 
versum  mutata:  nee  minim,  si  aegritudo  a  capite  in  membra  a  summis  Pontificibus  in 
alios  inferiores  Prelatos  descenderit.  Omnes  nos,  i.  e.  Praelati  et  ecclesiastici  declina- 
vimus  unusquisque  in  vias  suas,  nee  fuit  jam  din,  qui  faceret  bonum,  non  fuit  usque  ad 
unuin :  quamobrem  necesse  est,  ut  omnes  demus  gloriam  Deo,  et  humiliemus  animas 
nostras  ci,  videatque  unusquisque  nostrum  undjg  ceciderit,  et  se  potius  quilibet  judicet, 
quam  a  Deo  in  virga  furoris  sui  judicari  velit.  Qua  in  re  quod  ad  nos  attinet,  pollice- 
beris  nos  omnem  operam  adhibituros,  ut  primum  Curia  haec,  unde  forte  hoc  malum  pro- 
cessit,  reformetur;  ut  sicut  inde  corruptio  in  omnes  inferiores  emanavit,  ita  ctiam  ab 
eadem  sanitas  et  reformatio  omnium  emanet. — Quanquam  nemo  mirari  debebit,  si  non 
statim  omnia  errata  et  abusus  omnes  per  nos  emendatos  viderit :   inveteratus  nimium 


68  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

a  new  and  importunate  demand  for  the  redress  of  the  oft-repeated 
grievances  of  the  German  nation.95    For  the  first  attempts  at  reform 

morbus  est,  nee  simplex,  sedvarius  ct  multiplex;  pedetentim  in  ejus  cura  procedendum 
est,  et  prius  gravioribus  magisque  periculosis  occurrendum,  ne  omnia  pariter  reformari 
voleutes  omnia  perturbemus. — Quod  autem  ultimis  Uteris  suis  scribis,  questos  fuisse 
Principes  istos,  quod  Concordatis  eorum  per  hanc  sedem  derogatum  sit ;  dices,  nos  de 
his,  quae  ante  nos  facta  fuere,  culpari  nee  posse,  nee  debere,  nobisque  ejusmodi  deroga- 
tiones,  etiam  dum  in  minoribus  essemus,  semper  displicusse.  Proinde  nobis  certissimam 
sententiam  esse,  etiamsi  ipsi  non  requirerent,  illis  nostri  Pontificatus  tempore  penitus  ab- 
stinere,  partim,  utunicuique  jus  suum  servemus,  partim  quia  aequitas  et  humanitas  ex- 
poscit,  ut  inclytam  nationem  nostram  non  solum  non  offendamus,  sed  etiam  peculiares 
ei  favores  impendamus.  De  processibus  vero,  quos  a  Rota  avocari,  et  ad  partes  remitti 
postulant,  dices,  nos  cupere  eis  in  hoc  gratificari  quantum  honeste  possimus  ;  sed  prop- 
ter absentiam  auditorum  ab  urbe  pestis  gratia,  non  posse  nos  de  qualitate  et  habitudinc 
ipsorum  processuum  ad  praesens  informari ;  reversis  vero  illis — facturos  in  gratiam  dic- 
torum  Principum  quidquid  rationabiliter  poterimus. — Item  quia  intelleximus,  in  Ger- 
mania  esse  multos  bonos  et  doctos  viros  pauperes,  aliqua  etiam  praeelara  ingenia,  quae 
ex  indignitate  apostolicarum  provisionum,  histrionibus  et  stabulariis  potius  quam  viris 
doctis  fieri  solitarum,  a  sedis  hujus  devotione  aversa  ;  cupimus,  ut  inquiras,  quinam  ill L 
sint,  eorumque  nomina  ad  nos  transmittas,  ut  occurrente  beneficiorum  Germanicorum 
vacatione,  illos  proprio  motu  providere  possimus.  Scimus  enim,  quantum  Dei  honori, 
et  animarum  saluti  ac  aediiicationi  obfuerit,  quod  jam  diu  beneficia  eccleslastica,  maxi- 
me  curam  et  regimen  animarum  habentia,  data  fuerunt  hominibus  indignis.  Pirckhei- 
mer  wrote  on  this  point  to  Erasmus  (Strobel's  Vermischte  Bej-trage  zur  Gesch.  d.  Lite- 
ratur  Niirnberg,  1775,  s.  1G5)  :  Pollicetur  multa,  quae  utinam  velit,  et  quum  velit,  possit, 
et  quum  possit,  re  exequatur,  quod  multis  impossibile  videtur.  In  the  letter  to  the 
German  princes,  which  the  legate  brought  with  him  (Raynald,  1522,  no.  GO,  and  Lu- 
theri  Opp.  T.  ii.  Jen.  lat.  fol.  536,  b.),  he  complains  that  the  edict  of  Worms  was  not 
observed,  and  exhorts  them  to  carry  it  into  execution,  with  a  reference  to  the  treatment 
of  earlier  heretics,  e.  g.  Huss  at  Constance.  In  order  to  produce  a  greater  impression, 
he  suggests  the  political  dangers  of  the  Lutheran  heresy :  An  putatis,  alio  tendere  istos 
iniquitatis  filios,  quam  ut  libertatis  nomine  omni  obedientia  sublata,  quod  cuique  libu- 
erit  faciendi  licentiam  inducant  ?  An  ullius  pensi  jussa  et  leges  vestras  habituros  cre- 
ditis,  qui  sacros  canones  et  Patrum  decreta — non  solum  vilipendunt,  sed  etiam  diabolica 
rabie  lacerare  et  comburere  non  verentur  ?  An  denique  vestris  cervicibus  parsuros,  qui 
non  tangendos  Christos  Domini  contemerare,  caedere,  trucidare  ausi  sunt?  In  vos,  in 
vestras  res,  domos,  uxores,  liberos,  ditiones,  dominatus,  templa,  quae  colitis,  haec  mise- 
randa  calamitas  tendit,  nisi  mature  obviam  eatis !  At  the  same  time  he  addressed  a 
violent  letter  to  the  Elector  Frederick  (Raynald,  1.  c.  no.  73  ss.) ;  and,  besides  this,  let- 
ters to  the  town-councils  of  Bamberg  (which  Luther  published  with  notes,  T.  ii.  Jen. 
lat.  fol.  538,  b.),  of  Breslau  (see  Fibiger's  eingerissenes  Lutberthum),  of  Constance 
(Fussli's  Beytrage  zur  Reformationsgesch.  iv.  223),  to  Henrj-,  Duke  of  Mecklenburg 
(Riederer's  Nachrichtcn,  iv.  202),  and  undoubtedly  others  to  the  separate  Estates  which 
have  not  been  divulged. 

95  The  answer  of  the  Estates  to  the  Pope  may  be  seen  in  Latin  in  Goldast  Constitutt. 
Imperial,  i.  452,  in  German  in  F.  Hortleder  Von  den  Ursachen  des  Deutschen  Krieges, 
i.  9,  and  Walch,  xv.  2550  (compare  Ranke,  Deutsche  Gesch.  im  Zeitalter  d.  Ref.  ii.  52 
ff.)  :  Quod  sedis  Apostolicae  sententia  in  Lutherum  lata,  simulque  Sacrae  Caesareae  Ma- 
jestatis  edictum  non  sit  debitae  executipni  demandatum,  non  sine  maximis,  urgentissi- 
misque  rationibus,  utputa  ne  pejora  inde  causarentur,  etc.,  hactenus  praetermissum  est. 
Majori  namque  populi  parti  jam  pridem  persuasum  est,  et  modo  Lutheranis  libris  ac 
dogmatibus  populorum  opinio  sic  informata,  ut  jam  pro  comperto  habeant,  Nationi  Ger- 
manicae  a  Curia  Romana  per  certos  abusus  multa  et  magna  gravamina  et  incommoda 
illata  esse :  ob  id,  si  pro  executione  Apostolicae  sedis  seutentiae,  vel  Imperatoriae  Ma- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1523.  (J9 

in  Rome,  Hadrian  earned  hatred,  resistance,  and  an  early  death 
(14th  Sept.,  1523).96     His  successor,  Clement  VII.,  immediately 

jestatis  edicti  quidpiam  acerbius  attentatum  esset,  mox  popularis  multitudo  sibi  hanc 
suspicioncm  animo  concepisset,  ac  si  talia  liebant  pro  cvertenda  evangclica  veritatc,  et 
sustinendis  manutenendisque  malis  abusibus  impietatibusque.  Unde  indubie  nihil  aliud 
quam  gravissimi  tumultus  populares,  intestinaque  bella  speranda  essent,  quemadmodnm 
ex  multis  ac  variis  rerum  argumentis  Principes  aliique  Ordines  jam  plane  didicere  et 
cognovere.  Oportunioribus  itaque  remediis  his  malis,  in  hac  potissimum  temporum 
difficultate,  suceurrendum  esse  existimant.  Then  the  Tope's  promises  were  highly 
praised.  Nam  nisi  istiusmodi  abusus  et  gravamina,  simulque  certi  Articuli,  quos  saecu- 
lares  Principes  jnxta  haec  specialiter  designates  scriptis  exhibebunt,  fideliter  reformentur, 
vera  pax  et  concordia  inter  ecclesiasticos  saecularesque  Ordines,  hnjusque  tumultus  et 
errorum  extirpatio  per  Germaniam  minime  speranda  est.  Then  they  pray  for  the  abo- 
lition of  the  annates,  asserting,  Principes  Germaniae  in  solutionem  Annatarum  ad  ali- 
quot annos  sedi  Apostolicae  solvendarum  ea  lege  ac  conditione  consensisse,  ut  ilia  in 
oppugnationem  perfidissimi  Turcae,  et  defensionem  fidei  Catholicae  converterentur.  But 
that  time  had  long  since  passed,  and  this  purpose  was  never  regarded.  They  propose, 
as  the  best  means  of  allaying  all  disturbances,  quod  Beatitudo  Pontificis,  accedente  ad 
haec  Sacrae  Caesareao  Majestatis  consensu,  liberum  Christianum  Concilium  ad  locum 
convenientem  in  Natione  Germanica,  quanto  ocius  et  celerius  quoad  fieri  possit,  videlicet 
vel  in  Argentoratum,  vel  Moguntiam,  Coloniam  Agrippinam,  vel  ad  civitatem  Metcn- 
sem,  vel  alium  convenientem  locum  in  Germania  indiceret :  nee  ultra  unius  anni  spatium 
(si  possibile  foret)  haec  Concilii  convocatio  et  designatio  differretur,  et  quod  in  tali  Con- 
cilio  eis  qui  interesse  deberent  Ecclesiastici  vel  laicalis  ordinis,  non  obstantibus  quibus- 
cunque  juramentis  et  obligationibus,  libere  liceret  loqui  et  consulere  pro  gloria  summi 
Dei,  et  salute  animarum,  proque  republica  Christiana,  absque  aliquo  impedimento ; 
quinimo  quilibet  ad  haec  debeat  esse  obnoxius,  etc.  Till  this  could  be  brought  about,  a 
check  should  be  placed  upon  innovating  letters  and  sermons.  The  legate,  in  his  reply 
(Goldast,  1.  c.  455),  expressed  himself  as  much  dissatisfied  with  this  answer,  but  he  re- 
ceived a  curt  dismissal  (1.  c.  45G)  :  Quamvis  Principes,  et  reliqui  ordines  Germanicae  na- 
tionis  iterum  pro  verbis  verba  dare  potuissent,  quum  tamen  aliis  magis  necessariis  oc- 
cupati  essent,  Pontificium  oratorem  priori  responsione  contentum  esse  jusserunt ;  donee 
gravamina  nationis  Germanicae  summo  Pontifici  transmissa  forent,  ac  inde  manifestum 
iieret,  num  verba  ejus  tarn  blanda,  facta  etiam  debita  secutura  essent.  In  the  composi- 
tion of  the  Gravamina,  those  of  Worms  (see  Note  7G)  were  the  ground-work ;  these  were 
only  to  be  brought  into  a  more  convenient  form.  They  were  to  have  been  given  to  the 
legate,  as  is  expressly  stated  in  the  preface  (in  Georgi,  p.  366)  ;  and  this  would  have 
been  done,  si  non  praeter  omnium  exspectatlonem  abitionem  suam  hinc  tantopere  matu- 
rasset,  ac  inopinato  ita  decessisset  (see  the  Peroratio  in  Georgi,  p.  500) ;  so  they  had  to 
be  sent  after  him.  Veesenmeyer  (Kirchenhist.  Archiv,  1824,  iii.  87)  erroneously  asserts 
the  contrary  ;  for  the  statement  in  the  Peroratio,  which  is  not  the  work  of  the  first  editor, 
but  of  the  Estates,  certainly  outweighs  all  other  testimony.  See  these  Gravamina  in 
Goldast,  1.  c.  456 ;  J.  F.  Georgii  Imperatorum  Nationis  Germ.  Gravamina  adv.  Scdem 
Romanam,  Francof.  et  Lips.,  1725.  4.  p.  365.  On  the  many  Latin  and  German  editions 
of  them,  see  H.  G.  Franci  De  Gravaminibus  Norimbergensibus  ab  Erroribus  Liberatis 
Epist.  ad  J.  E.  Kappium,  Lips.,  1731.  4. 

96  The  judgment  of  the  Roman  clergy  with  regard  to  these  concessions  made  to  the 
Germans  has  been  preserved  in  Pallavicini's  Hist.  Cone.  Trident,  lib.  ii.  c.  6,  §  8  :  Est  pa- 
ritcr  veritati  consentanea  ea  ratio,  quam  Suavis  asserit  a  Soderino  Cardinale  propositam 
Pontifici :  emendationem  Datariae,  aliorumque  ecclesiasticorum  Romae  Magistratuum, 
haereticorum  conversioni  parum  esse  conducibilem. — Quin  ex  eo  quod  ipsorum  causa 
emendatum  fuisset,  plausum  auctoritatemque  apud  populos  sibi  comparaturos  fuisse. — 
Atque  ita  experimento  compertum  esse,  moderatis  concessionibus  iratum  quidem  popu- 
lum  quandoque  placari  posse,  perduellem  non  posse :  adeoque  perduellionis  incendium 


70  FOURTH  PERIOD—  DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

returned  to  the  old  papal  ways,  and  demanded,  through  his  cardinal 
legate,  Campeggio,  at  the  Diet  of  Nuremberg  (Jan.,  1524),  the  un- 
conditional suppression  of  the  heresy.97  The  legate  only  obtained 
an  unsatisfactory  decree  for  the  observance  of  the  edict  of  Worms, 
as  far  as  was  possible,98  and  now  endeavored,  by  negotiations  with 
the  separate  Estates  and  with  individuals,  to  obtain  somewhat 

non  nisi  vel  terroris  gelu,  vel  sanguinis  pluvia  restingui.  With  regard  to  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  legate,  Cap.  7,  §  9:  Hujusmodi  mandata,  sicut  aperto  declarant  Adriani 
probitafem,— ita  apud  plerosque  majorem  in  eo  prudentiam  circumspectionemque  desi- 
derabant.  §  10 :  Experientia  compertum  est,  non  rnodo  Romanum  Pontificatum, — sed 
regimen  modici  Ordinis  religiosi,  quantumvis  simplicis  ac  formae  severioris,  melius  regi 
a  quodam  praedito  mediocri  probitate  cum  exhnia  prudentia  conjuncta,  quam  a  saucti- 
monia  modicae  prudentiae  compote.  Quapropter  ut  ipsa  sanctitas  in  subditis  conservc- 
tur,  non  tantum  in  sanctitate,  quam  in  prudentia  momenti  est. 

97  When  Campeggio  was  required  to  make  a  declaration  at  the  Diet  with  regard  to  the 
Gravamina,  he  replied  (Sleidanus,  lib.  iv.  ed.  Am  Ende,  p.  226) :  In  conventu  Worma- 
ciae  Caesaris  exiisse  mandatum  ejus  rei,  de  communi  ipsorum  consilio  promulgatum  :— 
sibi  igitur  videri,  priusquam  aliud  decernatur,  de  modo  executionis  deliberandum  esse. 
—Quantum  ad  ipsorum  postulata  pertinet,  an  edita  sint,  ut  Romam  deferantur,  omnino 
se  nescire :  tria  solum  exemplaria  fuisse  perlata  Romam  ad  quosdam  privatim :  ex  iis 
unum  sibi  contigisse  :  Pontifici  autem  et  Cardinalium  senatui  non  posse  persuaderi,  haec 
a'Principibus  ita  fuisse  decreta,  sed  existimare,  privatos  homines  odio  reipublicae  Ro- 
manae  in  lucem  emisisse  :  nullum  etiam  ejus  rei  se  mandatum  habere:  neque  tamen 
hoc  sic  accipiendum  esse,  quasi  de  eo  potestatem  non  habeat  agendi :  sed  in  iis  postula- 
tis  esse  multa,  quae  et  Pontificis  derogent  auctoritati,  et  haeresim  redoleant,  et  a  se 
tractari  non  possint :  alia  vero,  quae  non  adversentur  Pontifici,  quaeque  nitantur  aequi- 
tate  non  se  recusare,  quominus  de  iis  et  cog'noscat  et  agat :  sed  tamen  sibi  videri,  mo- 
derators multo  posse  proponi,  si  quid  erga  Pontificem  habeant.  Pirkheimer  narrates 
that  this  Campeggio,  then  at  Nuremberg,  cheated  a  poor  mathematician  out  of  a 
book  and  a  globe,  and  refused  to  make  him  any  indemnification  because  he  was  a 
Lutheran ;  see  Strobel's  Vermischte  Beytrage  zur  Gesch.  der  Literatur,  Niirnberg,  1765, 
s.  98. 

98  The  final  decree  of  the  Diet,  18th  April,  1524,  in  Liinig's  Reichsarchiv  P.  Gen.  cont. 
1,  p.  445  ;  Walch,  xv.  2674:  the  Emperor  had  expected  that  the  states  would,  with  re- 
gard to  the  edict  of  Worms,  "  gehorsamlich  gelebt  und  nachkommen  seyn,  darzu  das- 
selbe  gehandhabt  haben,  und  aber  solches  nicht  beschehen,  davon  gemeiner  Christen- 
heit  deutscher  Nation  nicht  kleine  Beschwerung  erfolgt."  On  the  repeated  demand  of 
the  Emperor,  the  Estates  determined,  "  demselben  unserm  Mandat  gehorsamlich,  wie 
sie  sich  dess  schuldig  erkennen,  so  viel  ihnen  moglich,  zu  geleben,  gemass  zu  halten 
und  nachzukommen."  Libels  were  to  be  discontinued,  a  general  council  assembled  as 
soon  as  possible,  an  abstract  of  the  new  doctrines,  "was  darin  disputirlich  gefunden," 
to  be  prepared  for  its  use  ;  meanwhile,  "  das  h.  Evangelium  und  Gottes  Wort  nach  rech- 
tem  wahren  Verstand  u.  Auslegung  der  von  gemeiner  Kirchen  angenommenen  Lehrern 
ohn  Aufruhr  u.  Aergerniss  gepredigt  u.  gelehrt."  But  measures  were  to  be  taken  witli 
regard  to  the  Gravamina  at  the  next  diet.  But  the  electoral  envoy,  and  the  deputies 
of  the  counts  and  nobility,  protested  against  this  decree  (see  the  documents  in  Walch, 
xv.  2696).  The  Pope  remonstrated  against  its  indefiniteness  to  the  Emperor,  and  to 
the  Kings  of  France  and  England  (see  letters  of  the  16th,  17th,  and  22d  May,  in  Eay- 
nald,  1524,  no.  15  ss.).  The  Emperor  accordingly,  in  an  edict  from  Burgos,  15th  July 
(Cyprian's  Nutzl.  Urkunden  appended  to  Tentzel's  Bericht,  Th.  2,  s.  304),  refused  the 
demand  for  a  council,  and  required,  "  pei  vermeidung  Criminis  laesae  Majestatis,  un- 
ser  u.  des  Reichs  Acht  u.  Aberacht"  tho  observance  of  the  edict  of  Worms. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  1.  1524.  71 

more."  He  actually  succeeded  so  far  as  to  unite  several  of  the  . 
Estates  at  Ratisbon  (July,  1524),  in  concluding  a  league  for  the 
execution  of  the  edict  of  Worms,  and  in  receiving  from  the  legate 
a  decree  against  isolated  abuses,  as  if  this  was  the  reformation  of 
the  Church  that  was  to  satisfy  the  universal  expectation.100  How- 
ever, the  time  for  deception  was  past;  even  zealous  Catholic  prin- 
ces were  ashamed  of  supporting  this  sham,  reform ;  and  it  soon 
became  the  laughing-stock  of  the  people.101 

Hadrian's  honest  concessions  and  fruitless  efforts,  as  well  as  the 
opposite  policy  of  his  successor,  only  increased  the  conviction  that 
a  reformation  of  the  Church  was  necessary,  but  could  never  be 
expected  from  Rome.  Hence  there  was  a  more  decided  return 
to  those  ecclesiastical  reforms  which  had  already  been  success- 
fully begun.  In  almost  every  part  of  Germany  they  had  their 
champions.  Popular  authors,  such  as  Hans  Sachs  at  Nurem- 
berg,10- John  Eberlinof  Giinzburg,103  Michael  Stiefel  from  Essling- 

99  He  desired  especially  to  draw  over  Melancthdn  to  his  side.  When,  in  April  and 
May,  he  visited  his  fatherland,  the  Palatinate,  the  legate  sent  his  secretary,  Frederick 
Nausea,  to  him,  to  win  him  by  large  promises.  Melancthon  stoutly  refused  every  over- 
ture (see  the  account  of  Camerarius,  who  was  present  at  the  time,  Vita  Melanchth.  §  2G, 
ed.  Strobel,  p.  93).  Melancthon  was  thereby  induced  to  send  the  cardinal  a  letter, 
which  has  become  known  under  the  title  De  Doctrina  D.  Lutheri  ad  Amicum  quendam 
(Mel.  Epistt.,  ed.  Bretschneider,  i.  657),  and  begins  with  the  important  remark  :  Fallitur 
mundus,  cum  unum  hoc  agi  a  Luthero  judicat,  ut  publicae  caeremoniae  aboleantur. — 
Verum  non  de  caeremoniis  dimicat  Lutherus,  ma  jus  quoddam  docet,  quid  intersit  inter 
hominum  justitiam  et  Dei  justitiam.  The  legate  also  tried  to  win  Melancthon  by 
means  of  Erasmus ;  see  Erasmi  Ep.  ad  Mel.  postr.  Nonas  Sept.,  1525,  in  Bretschneider, 
i.  672. 

100  Ranke's  Deutsche  Gesch.  im  Zeitalter  d.  Ref.  ii.  158.  These  were  the  Archduke 
Ferdinand,  the  Duke  of  Bavaria,  the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  the  Bishops  of  Trent, 
Ratisbon,  Bamberg,  Spires,  Strasburg,  Augsburg,  Constance,  Basle,  Freisingen,  Passau, 
and  Brescia.  The  Documents  of  the  League  are  in  Walch,  xv.  2699  ;  best  in  Strobel's 
Miscellaneen,  ii.  118.  The  Constitutio  ad  removendos  Abusus  et  Ordinatio  ad  Vitani 
Cleri  reformandam,  which  belongs  to  it,  issued  by  Campeggio,  may  be  seen  in  the  Fas- 

'  ciculus  Rerum  Expetendarum  et  Fugiendarum,  ed.  E.  Brown,  p.  422.     Goldasti  Con- 
stitt.  Imperial,  iii.  478. 

101  Even  the  zealous  Catholic  Ortuinus  Gratius  says  of  it  in  his  Fasciculus  1.  c. :  quae 
sicuti  pauca  complectitur,  ita  etiam  a  paucis  est  reccpta.  Lampoons  against  it  are  men- 
tioned in  Strobel's  Miscellaneen,  ii.  134,  where  also  some  extracts  are  given  from  one 
of  them,  "Absaz  oder  Fehdschrift  des  hollischen  Fursten  Lucifers,  Doctor  Martin  Lu- 
ther jetzt  zugesandt." 

102  por  instance,  by  his  Wittenbergische  Nachtigal,  probably  in  1523.  Disputacion 
zwischen  einem  Chorherrcn  u.  Schuhmacher,  darin  das  Wort  Gottes  u.  ein  recht  christ- 
lich  Wesen  verfochten  wird:  1524.  Dialog  von  den  Scheinwcrken  dor  Geistlichen  u. 
ihren  Geliibden  :  1524.  See  Hans  Sachs,  Beforderer  der  Reformation,  von  Veesenmeyer, 
in  the  Kirchenhist.  Archiv,  1826,  iii.  249. 

103  In  1521  he  left  the  Franciscan  monastery  at  Olm,  and  labored  in  many  places  as 
a  preacher  of  reform.     To  the  number  of  his  works,  which  arc  distinguished  for  their 


72  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

cn,10i  and  others,105  recommended  them.  In  many  parts  of  northern 
Germany,  and  the  adjacent  countries,  they  obtained  the  ascend- 
ancy :  in  East  Friesland  from  1519  ;106  in  some  towns  of  Pome- 
rania,107  and  of  Livonia,108  and  in  Silesia,109  from  1522;  in  Prus- 
sia110 and  Mecklenburg111  from  1523;  in  Denmark  and  Sweden 

mildness,  belong  especially  the  15  Bundsgenossen.  Strobel's  Nachricht  v.  Job.  Eb.  v. 
G.  Leben  u.  Schriften  im  Altdorf.  literar.  Museum,  i.  363.  Eighteen  works  of  his  are 
here  enumerated.  His  work  on  the  Reformation  of  the  Clerical  Order  is  reprinted  in 
Strobel's  Miscellaneen,  ii.  207. 

104  An  Augustinian  monk  at  Essling ;  be  wrote  a  poem,  "Von  der  Christformigen, 
rechtgegriindten  Lehre  D.  M.  Luther's,"  and  was  drawn  into  a  correspondence  about  it 
with  Thomas  Murner  at  Strasburg.  He  left  his  monastery  in  1522,  worked  as  an  evan- 
gelical preacher  in  many  places,  wrote  much  in  the  cause  of  the  Reformation,  but  de- 
generated at  length  into  Apocalyptic  dreams,  f  1567  at  Jena  ;  see  the  Nachricht  von  M. 
Stiefel's  Leben  u.  Schriften,  in  Strobel's  Neue  Bej'trage,  i.  1. 

105  Thus  Kettenbach,  a  barefooted  friar,  wrote,  "Practica  practicirt  aus  der  h.  Bibel, 
1523.  4."  See  Altdorfisches  literar.  Museum,  ii.  51.  In  the  j'ear  1524  appeared  :  "  Ain 
Sermon  gepredigt  vom  Pauren  zu  Werdt  bey  Niimberg  von  dem  freyen  Willen  des 
Menschen,  auch  von  Anrufung  der  Heiligen,"  composed  by  Diepold  Peringer,  a  peasant 
from  the  district  of  Ulm,  who  had  preached  publicly  at  Kitzingen  and  Nuremberg,  and 
was  probably  also  the  author  of  the  following  works:  "Des  Christl.  Pauren  getreuen 
Rath,"  and  "Ain  schone  Auslegung  iiber  das  gottlich  Gebet  Vater  Unser,  das  uns  Gott 
selbst  geleret  hat.  Das  hat  betracht  ein  armer  Bauer,  u.  s.  w. ;"  see  Riederer's  Nachrich- 
ten,  ii.  71. — Utz  Rychsner's  (Urbanus  Regius)  Gesprach  zwischen  einem  Pfaffen  u.  We- 
ber :  probably  to  the  same  author  belongs  also  the  dialogue  between  a  barefooted  friar 
and  a  spoon-maker.  Both  dialogues  have  been  erroneously  attributed  to  Hans  Sachs ; 
see  Veesenmeyer,  in  the  Kirchenhist.  Archiv,  1826,  iii.  271. — Ain  schoner  Dialogus  von 
einem  Lanzknecht  u.  Predigermunich  durch  Wolfgang  Zierer  von  Salzburg;  see  Vee- 
senmeyer in  Illgen's  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  hist.  Theologie,  ii.  2,  257. 

106  Gittermann's  Reformationsgeschichte  v.  Ostfriesland,  in  the  Kirchenhist.  Archiv, 
1824,  iii.  23. 

107  It  was  propagated  in  Treptow,  from  1520,  by  Bugenhagen,  persecuted  in  1521 ; 
see  Johannes  Bugenhagen,  by  Zietz,  Leipz.,  1829,  s.  43  ff.  Illgen's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  hist. 
Theol.  v.  i.  230 ;  and  the  same  work,  new  series,  I.  iii.  139.  Stettin  received  two  preach- 
ers from  Wittenberg,  Seckendorf,  i.  240,  b.  Christian  Ketelhodt  preached  at  Stralsund 
from  1522 ;  in  April,  1523,  a  general  storm  against  images  ensued  ;  see  Sastrowen's  Le- 
ben, edited  by  Mohnike,  i.  36 ;  Joh.  Berckmann's  Stralsundiscbe  Chronik,  edited  by 
Mohnike  u.  Zober  (Stralsund,  1833),  s.  33,  259.  D.  C.  F.  Fabricius,  Die  Acht  u.  Vierzig 
oder:  die  Einfiihrung  der  Kirchenverbesserung  in  Stralsiuid.  Stralsund,  1837.  8. — (v. 
Modem's)  Gesch.  der  Einfiihrung  der  evangel.  Lehre  im  Herzogth.  Pommern.  Greifs- ' 
wald,  1837.  8.  J.  G.  L.  Kosegarten,  De  Lucis  Evangelicae  in  Pomerania  exorientis  Ad- 
versariis.     Gryphisw.,  1830.  4. 

108  See§  15,  Note5,  below. 

109  Breslau  set  the  example  ;  it  was  followed  bj-  Frederick  II.,  Duke  of  Liegnitz,  and 
George,  Margrave  of  Brandenburg,  as  Duke  of  Jiigerndorf ;  see  Rosenberg's  Reform. 
Gesch.  v.  Schlesien.     Breslau,  1767. 

110  See  §  15,  Note  3,  below. 

111  First  at  Rostock,  in  1523,  by  Joachim  Schlutcr  (M.  Joachim  Schliiter  erster  evang. 
Prediger  zu  Rostock,  ein  Beitrag  zur  Reformationsgesch.  geschr.  durch  Nicolaum  Gry- 
sen  1593,  neu  herausgegeben  v.  K.  F.  L.  Arndt,  Liibeck,  1832.  8),  at  Wismar,  by  Hen- 
ry Mollens,  in  1524,  Seckendorf,  i.  295,  a.  Sculteti  Annates  Evangelii  Renovati,  ad 
arm.  1524.  D.  Schroder's  Kirchenhist.  des  evang.  Meklenburg.  Rostock,  1788,  2 
Thcile,  4. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.     §  1.  1524.  73 

the  number  of  adherents  was  already  considerable.  Reform  met 
with  special  success  among  the  people  in  the  free  towns.  Thus, 
by  the  decision  of  the  citizens,  it  prevailed  at  Francfort  on  the 
Mayne,112  in  Swabian  Halle,113  and  in  Magdeburg  in  1523,m  in 
1524  in  Ulm,115  Strasburg,116  Bremen,117  and  Nuremberg.118  Very 
few  were  the  towns  in  which  it  did  not  stir  up  a  hazardous  strug- 
gle that  endangered  the  old  constitution  of  the  Church.119 

112  It  had  been  preached  there  ever  since  1521,  and  been  protected  by  certain  noble- 
men in  the  neighborhood.  On  the  5th  March,  1523,  the  Senate  had  to  issue  an  order  to 
all  the  clergy  to  preach  the  word  of  God  pure  and  clear,  Seckendorf,  i.  243.  J.  B.  Rit- 
ter's  Evang.  Denkmahl  der  Stadt  Frankf.  a.  M.,  od.  ausfuhrl.  Bericht  der  daselbst  er- 
gangenen  Kirchenreform.     Frankf.,  172G.  4. 

113  By  John  Brenz,  who  here  became  pastor  in  1522,  and  discontinued  mass  in  1523, 
Seckendorf,  i.  242. 

114  The  citizens  assembled  on  the  23d  June,  1523,  with  seven  preachers,  in  the  Au- 
gustinian  monaster}',  and  drew  up  articles  for  the  Council,  in  which  they  demanded  a 
reformation.  Then  they  prevailed  on  Nic.  Amsdorf  to  undertake  the  arrangement  of 
ecclesiastical  matters,  Seckendorf,  i.  246.  G.  S.  Rtitger's  Magdeburg.  Reformations- 
geschichte.  2te  Aufl.     Magdeburg,  1792.  8. 

115  Though  the  Franciscans,  John  Eberlin  (see  Note  103),  Henry  of  Kettenbach  (see 
Veesenmeyer's  Beytrage  zur  Gesch.  der  Literatur  u.  Reform.,  Ulm,  .1792,  s.  79),  and 
John  Diepholt  had  preached  the  Reformation  before  this  time,  it  obtained  greater  con- 
sistency in  1524,  when  Conrad  Sam  was  called  in  at  the  request  of  the  townsmen.  In 
the  same  year  the  Senate  began  its  regulations  for  reform,  by  a  command  to  the  clergy 
either  to  dismiss  their  concubines  or  to  marry  them  ;  see  Seckendorf,  i.  242. — The  Ref- 
ormation prevailed  at  Heilbronn  also  by  means  of  Bernhard  Lachmann,  1521,  who  was 
pastor  there ;  see  C.  Jager's  Mittheilungen  zur  Schwab,  u.  Frank.  Reformationsgesch. 
Bd.  1  (Stuttgart,  1828),  s.  30  if.  In  Kauf  beuern  the  signal  for  the  introduction  of  reform 
was  given  by  a  tinman,  8th  Sept.,  1524,  who  interrupted  the  priest  in  a  sermon  of  ex- 
travagant commendation  of  the  Virgin  Mary  with  the  words  "Pfaff,  du  liigst"  (Priest, 
thou  liest);  see  Wagenseil's  Beitrag  zur  Gesch.  der  Reform.     Leipz.  1830,  s.  2. 

116  The  efforts  for  reform,  which  had  been  early  undertaken,  received  a  decided  char- 
acter from  the  year  1523,  when  Caspar  Hedio  came  to  Strasburg  as  preacher  at  the  ca- 
thedral, Wolfgang  Fabricius  Capito  as  provost  of  the  foundation  of  St.  Thomas,  and 
Martin  Bucer.  The  alteration  in  divine  service  was  commenced  in  1824,  with  the  approv- 
al of  the  Senate  ;  see  A.  Jung's  Beitrage  zu  der  Gesch.  d.  Reformation.  2te  Abth.  Gesch. 
der  Reformat,  der  Kirche  in  Strasburg  u.  dem  Elsasse.     Strasb.  u.  Leipz.,  1830.  8. 

117  Henry  of  Ziitphen  preached  the  reformation  here  from  1522-24  in  the  Anscharii- 
kirche  ;  John  Timann  from  1524,  in  the  church  of  St.  Martin.  In  1525  the  mass  was  ev- 
ery where  abolished;  see  Pratje,  Bremen  u.  Verdische  Bibliothek,  B.  1,  St.  2,  s.  1 ;  II. 
W.  Rotermund  vom  Anfange  der  Reformation  im  Erzstifte  Bremen  u.  Stifte  Verden. 
Liineburg,  1825. 

118  Job.  Mullner's  Reformationsgesch.  der  freyen  Reichstadt  Nurnberg.  Niirnbern-, 
1770.  8.  The  two  provosts,  George  Besler  at  St.  Sebald,  and  Hector  Pomer  at  St.  Lau- 
rence's, the  Augustine  prior,  Wolfgang  Volprecht,  and  Andrew  Osiander,  from  1522 
preacher  at  St.  Lawrence's,  began,  from  the  year  1522,  to  preach  the  Reformation  ;  and 
the  Council  protected  them,  notAvithstanding  the  remonstrances  of  the  papal  legate,  and 
the  Emperor's  stadtholder,  at  the  Diets  of  Nuremberg,  in  1523  and  1524 ;  see  Altdor- 
fisches  iiterar.  Museum,  ii.  26.  In  the  year  1524  they  abolished  the  mass  and  other 
popish  usages,  and  the  sentence  pronounced  against  them  by  the  Bishop  of  Bamberg  re- 
mained without  result ;  see  Strobel's  Miscellaneen,  iii.  45. 

119  For  a  characteiiitic  account  of  this  struggle,  see  Ambrose  Blarcr's  apology  to  the 


74  FOURTH  PERIOD^DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1G48. 

town-council  of  Constance,  a.d.  1523  (in  FUssli's  Beytriige  zur  Reformationsgesch.  iv. 
195).     He  shows  how  Luther's  doctrine  was  perverted  by  his  enemies  :  "  They  say  Lu- 
ther rejects  all  outward  good  works  which  God  has  commanded,  but  at  the  same  time 
they  pass  over  in  silence  his  faithful  teaching,  that  all  good  and  fruitful  works  must 
proceed  from  the  ground  of  a  believing  heart :  thus  he  would  first  make  the  root  and 
the  tree  good,  so  that  the  fruits  may  not  be  hung  upon  it  from  without,  but  put  forth 
from  within.    They  also  pretend  that  he  inculcates  carnal  enjoyments,  and  teaches  that 
men  should  fast  no  more,  and  that  accordingly  he  rejects  all  appointed  days  and  sea- 
sons •  but  they  maliciously  conceal  the  fact  that  he  exhorts  us  earnestly  to  daily  chas- 
tening and  restraint  of  the  flesh- — Further,  they  object  that,  according  to  Luther's  doc- 
trine man  need  not  pray,  merely  because  he  condemns  vain  repetition,  as  Christ  himself 
condemned  such  lip-service ; — however,  they  omit  to  say  that  he  teaches  us  to  pray 
without  ceasing,  with  elevation  and  aspiration  of  the  soul  toward  God.— They  report 
that  Luther  teaches  carnal  wantonness,  because  he  wishes  to  put  some  check  upon  the 
wide-spread,  scandalous  impurity  of  the  clergy  by  permission  to  marry,  and  to  assist 
well-meaning  priests,  who,  through  bashfulness,  are  unable  to  advise  themselves,  and 
who  would  yet  be  willingly  helped  in  the  becoming  manner  allowed  by  Christ  and  his 
apostles  ;  but  they  pass  over  in  silence  that  he  forbids  all  impurity,  while  we  still  have 
to  this  day,  as  our  ecclesiastical  superiors  and  spiritual  advisers,  men  who  live  in  open 
fornication,  scandal,  and  crime.— Further  still,  they  cry  out  that  Luther  would  do  away 
with  all  authority,  because,  forsooth,  he  will  not  endure  the  cruel  rule  of  certain  tyrants 
who  undertake,  with  unhallowed  boldness,  to  encroach  upon  the  sovereignty  of  God  the 
Lord,  since  they  try  to  extend  their  power  over  our  souls  and  consciences;  yet  they  do 
not  say  that,  according  to  Luther's  doctrine,  we  are  not  only  subject  to  authority,  but 
also  are  bound  to  suffer  and  endure  with  Christian  patience  even  their  insane  and  cruel 
government,  reserving  only  the  freedom  of  the  soul  and  conscience.— Besides,  they  al- 
lege the  discord  and  disturbance  which  this  doctrine  has  roused  in  the  world,  and  do  not 
consider  that  the  word  of  God  from  the  first  has  caused  disunion  and  conflicts  between 
the  believers  in  truth  and  falsehood.— Then  we  have  to  consider,  as  Christians,  that,  as 
the  Church  was  at  first  begun  and  built  up  by  the  persecution  and  bloodshed  of  the 
faithful,  now  too,  since  it  has  been  brought  to  ruin  and  lamentable  disorder  in  almost 
all  points,  it  can  not  be  reconstituted,  and  re-established  in  its  ancient  dignity  without 
great  disturbance  and  revolt.— They  also  pretend  that  Luther  rejects  all  divine  orna- 
ments, tables,  coffins,  lamps,  tapers,  organs,  mass-vestments,  etc. ;  but  they  conceal  the 
fact  that  he  so  earnestly  exhorts  us  to  keep  in  repair  and  to  adorn  the  living  temples  of 
God,  as  Paul  says,  namely,  the  poor,  that  they  may  not  suffer  from  want  and  necessity. 
—In  like  manner,  they  complain  that  this  doctrine  tends  to  the  disgrace  and  the  lessen- 
ing of  the  honor  of  the  immaculate  and  ever-pure  Virgin  Mary,  and  other  of  God's  saints  ; 
because  pilgrimages,  outlying  chapels,  taper-burning,  and  such  proceedings,  are  not 
allowed  to  be  of  much  avail ;  but  they  do  not  say  that  we  are  taught  true  reverence  for 
saints,  namely,  to  recognize,  praise,  and  adore  the  grace  of  God  in  His  saints,  and  thus 
to  strengthen  our  hearts  in  confidence  and  hope,  that  Ho  will  grant  unto  us  the  same 
paternal  grace  as  to  them,  because  they  are  our  brethren,  and,  in  fine,  so  direct  us  in 
their  footsteps  that  we  may  follow  the  example  of  their  faith  and  virtuous  living.     They 
will  imbitter  this  honey  of  ours  by  saying  that  Luther  is  so  hasty,  quarrelsome,  and 
bitter,  that  he  attacks,  reproaches,  and  reviles  his  adversaries,  and  among  them  even 
the  great  nobles  and  princes,  ecclesiastical  and  temporal,  with  such  wanton  boldness 
that  he  quite  forgets  brotherly  love  and  Christian  courtesy.     Of  a  truth  he  has  often 
mispleased  me  in  this  respect ;  I  would  advise  no  one  now  to  imitate  him  in  this  point. 
At  the  same  time,  I  have  not,  on  this  account,  rejected  his  good,  Christian  doctrine,  nei- 
ther will  I  pronounce  sentence  upon  his  person  in  this  matter ;  because  I  do  not  under- 
stand his  spirit  and  the  secret  judgment  of  God,  since  by  this  fault  many  people  are 
deterred  from  his  doctrine  ;  but  I  also  bear  in  mind  that  he  is  not  fighting  his  own 
cause,  but  for  the  word  of  God ;  on  this  account  much  may  be  forgiven  him,  and  all 
ascribed  to  a  zealous  indignation  for  God.— Lastly,  they  endeavor  to  make  this  doctrine 
suspicious  and  reproachful,  by  saying  that  for  more  than  a  thousand  years  there  has 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  INTRODUCTION.  75 

§  2. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMATION  IN  SWITZERLAND  TO  1525. 
From  the  time  that  the  brave  Swiss  mercenaries  had  so  often 
decided  the  fortunes  of  war  on  the  battle-fields  of  northern  Italy, 
the  Pope  and  the  kingdom  of  France  had  been  the  chief  rivals  in 
the  attempt  to  obtain  adherents  in  the  thirteen  cantons.1  Pen- 
sions were  given  by  both  parties  to  win  men  of  influence.  The 
Pope  employed  his  spiritual  power,  also,  for  the  same  purpose  ;  and 
allowed  great  forbearance  and  concessions  about  ecclesiastical  mat- 
ters, indulgences,  and  church-benefices.  The  direct  result  of  the 
constantly  increasing  enlistment  in  foreign  service  was  a  deplora- 
ble demoralization ;  for  the  mercenaries,  on  their  return  to  their 
fatherland,  brought  back  licentiousness,  wanton  levity,  and  all 
sorts  of  crimes.3  At  the  same  time,  the  clerical  order  was  degraded 
by  the  unprincipled  distribution  of  church-patronage.3  But  rev- 
erence toward  Rome  also  rapidly  decreased,  now  that  men  so 
often  came  to  know  her  near  at  hand,  and  found  such  frequent 
cause  of  complaint  against  her.4  Accordingly,  the  Swiss  Govern- 
ments were  constantly  assuming  a  more  independent  bearing 

been  a  general  agreement  in  the  understanding  of  Holy  Scripture ;  and  that  the  holy 
fathers  and  teachers  have  been  quite  unanimous  in  this ;  but  now  comes  Luther,  over- 
throws every  thing,  and  will  have  a  private  meaning  after  his  own  head,  so  that  all  past 
opinions  together  are  quite  worthless.  In  answer  to  this,  it  is  enough  to  say  that  he, 
above  all  other  men,  has  so  restricted  his  understanding,  according  to  the  exhortation  of 
Paul,  and  forced  it  into  subjection  to  the  word  of  Christ,  that  he  seldom  decides  by  his 
own  opinion,  but  by  comparing  and  explaining  Scripture  with  Scripture,  which  is  the 
highest  art  in  commenting.— Besides,  it  is  not  true  that  ancient  or  modern  teachers  have 
hitherto  been  agreed  in  handling  Scripture,  for  in  a  few  days  I  could  compile  a  large  book 
of  articles  in  which  they  have  been  entirely  at  variance  and  discordant. — Against  Luther 
only,  Avho  has  pointed  out  and  laid  his  hand  on  the  real  ulcer  and  crime  of  the  Church, 
they  raise  the  cry  of  murder';  the}-  can  not  endure  his  writings,  they  endeavor  to  make  his 
doctrine  loathsome  to  all  men,  they  pervert  his  words,  they  attribute  to  him  many  unheard- 
of  heresies,  so  that  every  thing  preposterous  which  is  now  sung  or  said  of  God  and  the 
saints,  all  vicious  books  and  heresies,  are  burdened  upon  Luther  and  the  Lutherans,"  etc. 

1  Compare  J.  v.  Midler's  Schweitzergeschichte,  Th.  5,  Abth.  2,  by  Robert  Glutz-Blotz- 
heim  (Zurich,  1816),  s.  243  ff.     Wirz,  Neuere  Helvet.  Kircheng.  i.  31  ff. 

2  Anshelm's  Berner  Chronik,  vi.  91,  in  the  year  1521 :  "  Wie  dann  vornach  bishar  alle 
Uebermass,  Ueppigkeit  and  Aendrung  der  Sitten  in  ein  schlechte,  tapfere  Eydgenoss- 
schaft  us  fremden  Kriegen  gebracht  ist  worden,  also  ist  auch  zu  diser  Zyt  beschehen, 
etc."  Bullinger's  Reformationsgeschichte,  i.  4.  Glutz-Blotzheim,  s.  504.  Wire,  i.  48. 
Niklaus  Manuel  von  Griineisen.  Stuttg.  u.  Tubingen,  1837,  s.  27.  Compare  the  poem 
"Der  alte  u.  der  neue  Eidgenosse,"  ibid.  s.  4G1. 

3  Glutz-Blotzheim,  s.  501.  Hottinger,  continued  by  Muller  and  Glutz-Blotzheim,  vi. 
282.     Griineisen,  s.  16. 

*  Gruneisen,  s.  26.  Anshelm,  v.  481.  When  a  papal  legate  appeared  before  the  Diet 
at  Glaris,  in  Jan.,  1520 :  "  Da  erklagten  sicli  die  Eydgenossen,  ihre  Pension  wurd  ihuen 


>j-G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

toward  the  Pope,  as  they  became  certain  that  circumstances  im- 
posed upon  him  the  necessity  of  courting  their  favor.5  Thus  the 
evil  of  foreign  enlistment,  which  was  perpetually  denounced  hy 
patriots  as  the  ruin  of  Switzerland,6  brought  with  it  its  own  cure, 
by  helping  to  prepare  the  way  for  an  ecclesiastical  reformation. 

The  point  of  light  in  Switzerland  was  Basle.  At  its  university, 
amono-  many  divines  stiffly  attached  to  the  old  order  of  things, 
Thomas  Wyttenbach  of  Biel7  had  been  teaching  from  1505,  and 
Wolfgang  Fabricius  Capito,  a  native  of  Alsatia,  from  1512  to 
1520,8  and  opening  to  their  hearers  many  clear  views  of  particular 
doctrines.  But  Erasmus  especially,  who  in  1516  was  for  a  time 
domesticated  at  Basle,  gathered  round  him  a  circle  of  enthusiastic 
admirers  of  ancient  learning,  and  of  enlightened  religious  views.9 

To  this  circle  Ulrich  Zwingle  joined  himself.     He  was  born  on 

mit  nuwer,  unwiihrer  Miinz  und  zu  Unzyt  bezahlt,  anders  dann  der  Bund  wyste.  Audi 
so  ware  nut  ze  dulden,  dass  sie  von  Curtisanen  betrubt  wurdint,  dass  des  Babsts  Gardi- 
knecht  Pfriinden  erwurbint  und  die  verkouftint ;  item,  und  dass  die  verwiirkten  Priester 
um  Diebstahl,  Todtschlag,  Ketzery,  etc.,  dem  Biscbofen  iibergehen,  usgelassen  oder  en- 
trunnen  wieder  Mess  bieltint,  und  andere  priesterlicher  Wiirdigkeit  Aempter  ubtint, 
Ihnen  sollte  zugelassen  werden,  soliche  ze  strafen  und  abzewysen.  Autwort  der  Legat, 
es  wurde  Besserung  und  Fiirsehung  beschehen,  stilltint  ein  Zyt  Geduld  haben,  und  ge- 
mein  Anligen  der  heil.  Kilchen  bedenken." 

5  When  the  Pope,  in  1518,  required  12,000  men  at  arms  from  the  confederates  for  an 
expedition  against  the  Turks,  they  declared  themselves  ready  on  condition  (Anshelm, 
v.  341):  "So  wir  nit  uf  sin  sollten,  bis  ander  Christliche  Fiirsten,  Herren  und  Stand, 
die  uns  vorgahn,  uf  sind,  und  wider  den  Turken  ziehent."  They  promised  10,000  men, 
and  added :  "  Wo  babstliche  Ileiligkeit  noch  meh  bedorfe,  wollint  wir  ihr  uf  ihra  Gefal- 
len  noch  2000  Pfaffen  us  unserer  Eidgenossschaft  auch  nachlassen,  dass  die  auch  sollint 
Ziehen,  damit  die  Zahl  der  12,000  erfullt  werde." 

G  Thus  many  persons  advised,  as  early  as  the  Diet  of  Lucerne,  in  1495  :  "  Aller  frem- 
den  Herren  miissig  zu  gehn,"  Glutz-Blotzheim,  s.  5G.  At  Berne,  the  Carthusian,  Franz 
Kolb,  from  1512  preacher  at  the  Vinzenzen-Munster,  was  very  zealous  against  foreign  en- 
listment, and  left  the  town  from  chagrin  at  the  ill  success  of  his  sermons ;  see  the  Re- 
formatoren  Bems  im  XVI.  Jahrh.,  by  G.  J.  Kuhn.     Bern,  1828,  s.  344  ff. 

7  With  regard  to  him,  see  Kuhn,  s.  47  ff. 

8  About  him,  see  Jung's  Gesch.  d.  Reform,  d.  Kirche  in  Strassburg,  B.  1,  s.  86  ff. 

9  To  this  circle  of  Erasmians,  which  is  also  known  from  Zwingle's  earlier  correspond- 
ence, belonged  Capito,  Beatus  Rhenanus,  Henricus  Glareanus,  the  Franciscan,  Conrad 
Pellicanus,  Oswald  Myconius  in  Basle,  Joachim  Vadianus,  professor  at  Vienna,  from 
1518  at  his  native  town  of  St.  Gall,  Wilh.  Nesen  at  Basle,  afterward  at  Paris,  Joh.  v. 
Botzheim,  canon  of  Constance  (see  J.  v.  B.  u.  seine  Freunde  von  K.  Walchner,  Schaf- 
hausen,  1836.  8).  The  extent  to  which  progress  in  theology  had  been  made  among 
these  men,  even  at  an  early  date,  is  shown  in  the  narrative  of  John  Fabritius  Montanus 
(f  1566),  in  his  funeral  oration  on  Pellicanus;  according  to  which  he  and  Capito,  as 
early  as  1512,  had  come  to  an  understanding  at  a  private  conference  in  Bruchsal  upon 
the  commentum  transubstantiationis,  and,  with  St.  Augustine,  received  the  bread  as 
Symbolum  corporis  (see  Miscellanea  Tigurina,  iii.  431  ss.  Gerdesii  Hist.  Evangelii  Re- 
novati,  i.  112  ss.);  although  this  later  account  of  it  is  evidently  colored  by  opposition 
to  the  Lutheran  opinion. 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  INTRODUCTION.  77 

the  first  of  January,  1484,  at  "Wildhaus,  in  the  county  of  Toggen- 
burg,  and  educated  at  the  universities  of  Vienna  and  Basle :  at 
the  latter  place  he  received  from  Wyttenbach10  his  first  impulse 
in  the  study  of  divinity.  From  1506,  when  he  was  elected  by 
the  community  of  Grlarus  to  be  their  pastor,11  he  devoted  himself 
to  a  zealous  study  of  the  Latin  classics  and  fathers  of  the  Church.12 

10  Leo  Judae  in  Praef.  ad  Adnotatt.  Zuinglii  in  N.  T.  1539 :  D.  Th.  Wittenbachius— 
vir  in  omni  disciplinarum  genere  exercitatissimus,  et  qui  propter  multijugam  eruditio- 
nem  omnibus  istius  seculi  doctissimis  hominibus  miraculo  ct  stupori,  et  phoenix  quidam 
liabitus  sit.  Quo  praeceptore  Zuinglius  et  ego  uno  eodemque  tempore  circa  a.d.  1505, 
Basileae  Uteris  operam  navantes  formati  sumus,  nee  solum  in  cultioribus  disciplinis, 
quorum  erat  callentissimus,  sed  in  scripturarum  quoque  veritate.  Ut  enim  homo  ille 
praeter  singularem  eloquentiam  acuto  erat  ingenio,  multa  quae  posteris  temporibus  ab 
aliis  prodita  sunt,  providebat  ac  praesagiebat,  ut  de  indulgentiis  Papisticis  et  aliis  rebus, 
quibus  Romanus  Pontifex  stultum  mundum  aliquot  jam  secufis  dementaverat.  Ex  hoc 
hausimus  quidquid  nobis  fuit  solidae  eruditionis,  atque  hoc  totum  ei  debemus.  Quiim 
ergo  a  tanto  viro  semina  quaedam  verae  religionis  Zuingliano  pectori  injecta  essent,  et 
calcar  additum,  quo  ad  lectionem  literarum,  rejectis  nugis  sophisticis,  excitaretur,  ad 
Graecanicarum  literarum  studium  statim  accinctus  Marte  suo  profecit,  etc.  Zwingle,  in 
his  Uslegen  u.  Grund  der  Schlussreden  1523,  in  the  Uslegung  des  XVIII.  Artikels  (Werke 
v.  Schuler  u.  Schulthess.  Bd.  1,  s.  254)  :  Dann  ich  vorhin  (vor  Luther)  von  dem  Ablass 
bericht  was,  wie  es  ein  Betrug  und  Farbe  war,  us  einer  Disputation,  die  Doctor  Thomas 
Wytembach  von  Biel,  min  Herr  u.  geliebter  triiwer  Lehrer,  vor  etwas  Z}-ten  ze  Basel 
gehalten  hatte,  wiewol  in  minem  Abwesen."  In  the  Arnica  exegesis  ad  Lutherum,  1527 
(Opp.  ed.  Schuler  et  Schulthess,  iii.  544),  he  had  already  learned  from  Wyttenbach — 
solam  Christi  mortem  pretium  esse  remissionis  peccatorum.  Rud.  Gualterus  (Zwingle's 
son-in-law,  preacher  at  Zurich,  f  1586),  in  Praef,  ad  Priorem  Partem  Homiliarum  in 
Matthaeum  (Miscell.  Tigur.  iii.  102),  says  of  Wyttenbach:  Non  solum  bonarum  litera- 
rum et  liberalium  artium  studia  instauravit,  sed  multos,  quoque  Papisticae  doctrinae 
articulos  de  Sacramentis,  indulgentiis,  votis  monasticis  publice  damnabat,  et  junioribus 
dicere  solebat,  non  procul  abesse  tempus,  quo  theologiam  scholasticam  aboleri,  et  doc- 
trinam  Ecclesiae  veterem,  ab  orthodoxis  patribus  et  scriptura  sacra  traditam,  instaurari 
oporteat.  On  the  other  hand,  Zwingle  writes  to  Wyttenbach  on  the  15th  June,  1523 
(Opp.  vii.  297) :  Quod  quereris,  frustra  te  aetatem  tarn  tuam,  quam  nostram,  in  Sophis- 
taruni  nugis  detrivisse,  non  injuria  facis  :  quanquam  nihil  est,  cur  nostra  causa  turberis. 
Dedimus  haec  jam  olim  temporum  iniquitati ;  verum  poenitendo  nihil  efficimus,  quam 
quod  aliis  exemplo  sumus,  qui  paulo  sunt  ingenio  magis  ingenuo,  ne  illi  diutius  quam 
par  sit  his  haereant,  a  quibus  nos  esse  avulsos,  ut  vehementer  gaudemus,  ita  non  parum 
dolet,  sero  nimis  avulsos. 

11  The  Pope's  presentation  to  this  cure  of  Henry  Goldli,  of  one  of  the  first  families  of 
Zurich,  who  already  held  several  benefices,  was  not  regarded ;  and  in  1512  the  Pope  paid 
him  an  annual  sum  by  way  of  indemnity  (Schuler's  Huldr.  Zwingli,  s.  20,  302).  This  is 
at  once  an  example  of  the  Pope's  arbitrary  dealing  and  of  his  concessions  to  Switzerland. 

l-  The  letters  written  by  him  and  to  him  at  this  time  are  an  indication  of  the  char- 
acter of  his  studies ;  they  are  entirely  taken  up  with  subjects  of  interest  to  the  circle  of 
humanists,  with  questions  of  taste  and  style,  literary  intelligence,  and  snch  points.  John 
Dingnauer  wrote  to  him  on  the  6th  of  December,  1514  (Opp.  vii.  i.  9),  as — Apollineae 
lyrae  moderatori,  nostraeque  tempestatis  Ciceroni  indubitato.  Wilh.  Nesen,  27th  April, 
1517  (Opp.  vii.  21),  writes  to  him  :  Tanta  est  tua  eruditio  candorque,  ut  inter  extremae 
sortis  homines  sint  merito  connumerandi,  qui  te  non  eximium  mirentur  Musarum  simul 
et  Christi  sacerdotem.  Zwingle  wrote  first  to  Erasmus  in  1514,  and  received  a  very 
friendlj'  answer  (Opp.  vii.  10) ;  how  highly  he  prized  it  is  shown  by  his  letter  to  him, 
29th  April,  1515  (1.  c.  12)  :  Tu  nobis  amasius  ille  es,  cni  ni  confabulati  simus,  somnum 


78  FOUKTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

As  an  eloquent  preacher,  he  inveighed  against  the  corrupt  morals 
of  his  day  ;13  in  1510  he  did  the  same  in  satirical  and  allegorical 
writings.14  Nevertheless,  he  was  still  quite  devoted  to  the  Pope ; 
he  received  from  him  a  pension  as  an  influential  preacher  ;15  and 
regarded  the  support  which  the  Swiss  rendered  to  the  Pope  as  a 
dutiful  protection  of  the  Holy  See.16  But  afterward  he  was  led 
back  more  and  more  to  the  Holy  Scriptures  as  the  only  source  of 
Christianity :  in  1513  he  began  to  learn  Greek,  and  engaged  with 
zeal  in  the  study  of  the  New  Testament.17    Thus  his  sermons,  from 

non  capimus. — Nos  peracti  ad  te  itineris — scias  tantum  abesse  ut  poeniteat,  ut  magnum 
etiam  fecisse  nomen  nos  existimemus,  non  alia  re  magis  gloriantes,  quam  Erasmum  vi- 
disse,  virum  de  Uteris  Scripturaeque  sacrae  arcanis  meritissimum,  quique  Dei  hominum- 
que  ita  caritate  flagret,  nt  quidquid  Uteris  impenditur,  sibi  impendi  putet,  pro  quo  item 
cranes  bene  precari  oporteat,  ut  eum  Deus  O.  M.  incolumem  servet,  ut  sanctae  literae  a 
barbarie  sophismatisque  per  eum  vindicatae  in  perfectiorem  aetatem  grandescant,  ne 
tenellae  adhuc  tanto  patrc  orbae  ingratius  duriusque  educentur.  Ego  enim — pro  tua 
i9thac  in  universos  beneficientia,  sero  licet,  tibi  dudum  quod  Socrati  Aeschines  (quan- 
quam  imparem)  donavi  (viz.,  myself). 

13  Myconius,  De  Zwinglii  Vita,  §  11,  in  Stiiudlin's  u.  Tzschirner's  Archivf.  Kircheng.  i. 
ii.  8 :  Congredi  coepit  juxta  Christi  normam  cum  flagitiis  quibusque  perniciosissimis,  ante 
omnia  tamen  cum  pensionibus  (sic  appellamus  munera  Principum,  quae  certis  milites 
parandi  bellique  conficiendi  gratia  dabantur  hominibus),  eo  quod  eas  exstirpare,  et  pa- 
triam  reformare  ad  sanctitatem  pristinam  prorsus  baberet  in  votis.  Nam  videbat,  turn 
demum  doctrinae  coelesti  locum  futurum,  ubi  fons  malorum  esset  exhaustus  omnium. 
Compare  his  Narratio  verissima  civilis  Helvetiorum  Belli,  ibid.  s.  41. 

14  The  Labyrinth  (Works,  ii.  ii.  243),  against  the  manifold  errors  to  which  foreign 
lands  lead  men ;  Fabelgedicht  torn  Ochsen  und  etlichen  Thieren  (ibid.  s.  257),  against  for- 
eign enlistment  and  pensions. 

15  See  Note  43,  below. 

10  This  appears  from  his  Relatio  de  Gestis  inter  Gallos  et  Helvetios  ad  Ravennam, 
Papiam,  aliisque  locis  (in  Freheri  Rerum  Germ.  Scriptt.  ed.  Struvii,  iii.  137  ss.),  a.d. 
1512 :  e.  g.,  hunc  itaque  Christianorum  matris  (the  Church  of  Rome)  statum  intuentes 
confoederati,  malo  periculosoque  exemplo  futurum  existimant,  si  cuilibet  Tyrannorum 
(as  the  King  of  France)  pro  rabie  communem  Christifidelium  matrem  impune  permittant 
incessere,  sedulo  raptim  habitis  conventibus  strenue  accisas  Ecclesiae  Italiaeque  res 
resarcire  statuunt.  The  Pope  is  to  him  beatissimus  Christi  vicarius,  the  conduct  of  Lewis 
XII.  toward  him,  and  his  intention — Antipapam,  ut  ajunt,  Cacodaemonis  instinctu  cre- 
are,  are  altogether  to  be  condemned. 

11  Zwingli  Uslegen  der  Schlussreden  im  J.  1523  des  XVIII.  Art.  (Works,  i.  254): 
"  For  who  stirred  me  up  to  preach  the  Gospel,  and  to  expound  an  entire  Evangelist  ? 
Did  Luther  do  this  ?  I  had  begun  to  preach  before  I  had  ever  heard  of  Luther's  name, 
and  ten  years  before  (so  in  1513)  I  had  begun  to  learn  Greek  with  this  end  in  view,  that 
I  might  draw  the  doctrine  of  Christ  from  the  original."  (With  this  agrees  Zwinglii  Ep. 
ad  Joh.  Vadianum,  23d  Febr.,  1513,  Opp.  vii.  9:  Graecac,  latinae  ignarus,  aninuim  ap- 
plicui.  Quare  boni  consule,  ne  oleum  laborque  pereant ;  et  in  manus  post  Chrysolorae 
Isagogen  quid  sumendum  ?  Ita  enim  graecis  studere  destinavi,  ut  qui  me  praeter 
Deum  amoveat  nesciam,  non  gloriae, — sed  sacratissimarum  literarum  ergo.)  See  also 
his  essay  Von  der  Klarheit  des  Worts  Gottes.  1522.  (Works,  i.  79)  :  "  In  my  younger 
days  I  advanced  as  far  as  any  of  my  contemporaries  in  human  lore ;  and  when,  seven 
or  eight  years  ago  (1514-15),  I  felt  moved  to  devote  myself  to  Holy  Scripture,  philoso- 
phy and  theology  strove  to  entangle  me  in  their  disputes.     But  at  last  I  thought  within 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  INTRODUCTION.  79 

the  year  1516,  assumed  a  thoroughly  simple  and  biblical  form.18 
He  began  to  discern  many  ecclesiastical  errors  and  abuses  ;19  but 
he  did  not  yet  openly  assail  them.20  When,  however,  a  large  part 
of  the  confederates  allowed  themselves  to  be  won  over  to  the  side 
of  France,  and  Swiss  began  to  fight  against  Swiss  in  foreign 
lands,31  he  then  raised  his  voice  against  pensions  and  foreign  en- 
listment. As  he  thereby  incurred  the  hatred  of  the  French  party, 
he  accepted  the  invitation  of  the  administrator,  Diebold  von  Ge- 
roldseck,  who  was  devoted  to  learning,  to  reside  at  Einsiedeln 
in  15 16,22  where,  in  close  intercourse  with  several  congenial  spir- 

mysclf  (guided  by  Scripture  and  the  Word  of  God),  Thou  must  leave  all  this,  and  learn 
the  meaning  of  God  plainly  from  His  own  simple  word.  Then  I  set  to  work,  prayed  to 
God  for  His  light,  and  Scripture  began  to  be  much  plainer  to  me,  when  I  read  the  plain 
text,  than  if  I  had  read  many  comments  and  expositions." 

18  Zwingli  Uslegen  der  Schlussreden,  1523 ;  Uslegungdes  XVIII.  Art.  (Works,  i.  253)  : 
"  Before  any  one  in  our  neighborhood  knew  any  thing  of  Luther's  name,  I  began  to 
preach  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  in  the  year  151G;  so  that  I  never  went  up  into  the  pulpit 
without  taking  for  my  text  the  word  whicn  had  been  read  as  the  gospel  the  same  morn- 
ing at  mass,  and  explaining  it  from  I10I3-  writ  alone.  Much  as  I  adhered,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  this  period,  to  the  ancients,  as  purer  and  plainer  teachers,  I  was  nevertheless 
disappointed  with  them  at  times.  As  that  honorable  gentleman,  Diebold  of  Geroldseck, 
Warden  of  Einsiedeln,  ma}-  perhaps  remember  how  I  advised  him  many  times  to  read 
Jerome  with  all  diligence,  and  added,  the  time  will  soon  come,  if  God  will,  when  neither 
Jerome  nor  any  other  writer  will  have  much  authority  among  Christians,  but  Holy  Scrip- 
ture alone." 

19  E.  g.,  Zwingli  Uslegung  des  XX.  Art.  1523  (Works,  i.  298)  :  "  Eight  or  nine  years 
ago  (1514  or  1515)  I  read  a  comfortable  fiction  written  on  the  Lord  Jesus  by  the  learned 
Erasmus  of  Rotterdam,  in  which  Jesus  complains  that  men  do  not  seek  all  good  things 
from  Him,  whereas  He  is  a  fountain  of  all  good.  Then  I  thought,  if  this  be  the  case, 
why  do  we  seek  help  from  the  creature  ?  I  began  to  search  in  Scripture  and  the  works 
of  the  Fathers,  whether  I  could  find  there  any  certain  information  with  regard  to  prayer 
to  saints.  In  short,  I  found  nothing  of  it  in  the  Bible  at  all ;  among  the  ancients  I  found 
it  in  some,  and  not  in  others.  However,  it  did  not  much  move  me  if  the}*  did  teach 
prayer  to  saints ;  for  they  always  stood  on  tradition  alone.  And  when  I  read  the 
Scriptures  which  they  quoted  for  this  purpose  in  the  original,  these  had  no  such  mean- 
ing as  they  wished  to  thrust  upon  them  ;  and  the  more  I  considered  this  doctrine  or  opin- 
ion, the  less  authority  I  found  for  it  in  Scripture,  but  rather  more  and  more  against  it." 

20  Myconius,  §  13 :  Interea  gratiam  evangelicam  ita  promulgabat,  ut  de  Ecclesiac 
Romanae  abusu  nihil,  vel  admodum  parce  commcmoraret.  Volebat,  veritatem  cogni- 
tam  in  cordibus  auditorum  agere  suum  ofhcium  :  nam  veris  perceptis  et  intellectis  haud 
difficulter  falsa  cognoscimus.  Quamvis  nee  per  tempus  turn  licuerit  aliter :  prius  cnini 
Veritas  in  tanta  hominum  protervitate  et  malitia  penitus  fuisset  amissa,  quam  abusus 
religionis  sublatus.  Accordingly,  when,  in  the  A-ear  1522,  Zwingle  preached  once  more 
at  Glarus,  he  acknowledged  that  he  had  formerly  recommended  many  doctrines  of  men, 
and  exhorted  his  hearers  to  hold  fast  the  Word  of  God  alone  (according  to  the  manu- 
script history  of  the  Reformation  by  Werner  Stciner,  who  was  present  at  the  time ;  given 
in  J.  J.  Ilottinger's  Helvet.  Kircheng.,  iii.  92). 

21  Anshelm,  v.  219,  225 ;  Glutz-Blotzheim,  s.  43G. 

22  Zwinglius  ad  Jo.  Vadianum,  dd.  13.  Jun.,  1517  (Opp.  vii.  2-1):  Locum  mutavimus. 
non  cupidinis  ant  cupiditatis  moti  stimuli*,  verum  Gallorum  tcclinis,  et  nunc  Eremi  su- 
mus.      lie  remained  still  on  the  best  terms  with  the  government,  73.  ad  Stapjerum, 


80  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1618. 

its,23  he  continued  his  studies  after  the  method  of  Erasmus,24  and 
rained  new  light  in  theology.  His  sermons  continued  to  be  dis- 
tinguished only  for  their  simple,  Scriptural  style.  Although  he 
had  quietly  helped  to  put  an  end  to  certain  abuses,25  still  he 
did  not  yet  assail  the  doctrine  of  the  Church.26  True,  Zwingle 
and  his  friends  recognized  more  and  more  clearly  the  necessity  of 
a  Reformation  in  the  Church  f  but  like  their  master,  Erasmus, 
they  still  hoped  that  this  might  be  effected  by  the  ecclesiastical 
authorities.28  Zwingle  himself  took  some  steps  with  this  end  in 
view,  which  were  of  course  completely  unsuccessful.29 

15<>2  (1.  c.  p.  237) :  Apud  meos  Dominos  Claronae  tanta  cum  pace  et  facilitate  versatus 
sum,  ut  nunquam  aliquitl  litis  intercesserit,  atque  adeo  tanta  cum  gratia  discessi,  ut 
mini  Praebendam  duos  annos  prorogaverint,  spe  ducti,  me  reversurum  esse. 

23  Besides  the  administrator  Geroldseck,  chiefly  with  the  papal  chaplain,  Franz  Zink, 
John  Oechslin ;  see  Schuler,  s.  176  f.  _ 

24  One  memorial  of  these  studies  is  Zwingle's  copy  of  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  in  Greek, 
preserved  in  the  town-library  at  Zurich :  it  was  made  from  Erasmus's  edition  of  1516, 
and  finished  at  Einsiedeln  in  May,  1517,  with  marginal  notes  from  the  Fathers  of  the 
Church  and  Erasmus.  See  Bulliuger,  i.  8  ;  Myconius  De  Vita  Zwinglii,  §  10  (Archiv,  i. 
ii.  7)  ;  Schuler,  s.  303. 

25  The  inscription  over  the  entrance  of  the  monastery— hie  est  plena  remissio  omnium 
peccatorum  a  culpa  et  a  poena— was  removed.  Zwingle  and  Oechslin  were  sent  by  the 
administrator  to  the  convent  of  Fahr,  to  introduce  among  the  nuns  the  reading  of  the 
New  Testament  in  German,  instead  of  the  chanting  of  matins,  and  to  release  those  who 
wished  to  depart ;  Hess's  Life  of  Zwingle,  translated  by  Usteri,  s.  59  f. ;  Schuler,  s.  180. 
—On  the  other  hand,  Zwingle's  sermon,  on  the  day  of  the  commemoration  of  angels, 
mentioned  by  Bullinger,  i.  81,  in  which  he  inveighs  against  the  worship  of  saints,  pil- 
grimages, and  vows,  does  not  belong  to  this  date,  as  Hess  (Usteri,  s.  61  ff.)  ;  Wirz,  i. 
142)  and  others  maintain  ;  but  to  the  year  1522,  in  which  Zwingle  and  Leo  Judae  preach- 
ed at  Einsiedeln  on  the  commemoration  of  angels ;  see  Anshelm,  vi.  97  f. :  Schuler,  s. 
357.  As  the  feast  of  the  Blessing  of  Angels  was  only  celebrated  every  seventh  year,  it 
could  not  have  taken  place  during  Zwingle's  residence  at  Einsiedeln. 

26  Salat,  in  his  manuscript  account  (in  Schuler,  s.  357),  says  :  "  Er  fing  an  zu  rutteln, 
doch  so  listiglich,  dass  er  nicht  zu  begreifen  war,  dazu  man  sich  keines  andern,  dann 
dem  Christenglauben  gemiiss  und  gleich  versehen  hatte."    Compare  Note  18. 

27  Capito  ad  Bullingerum,  1536  (ex  MS.  in  J.  H.  Hottingeri  Hist.  Eccl.  saec.  xvi.  p. 
ii.  p.  207)  :  Antequam  Lutherus  in  lucem  emerserat,  Zuinglius  et  ego  inter  nos  commu- 
nicavimus  de  Pontifice  dejiciendo,  etiam  dum  ille  vitam  degeret  in  Eremitorio.  Nam 
utrique  ex  Erasmi  consuetudine,  et  lectione  bonorum  auctorum  qualecunque  judicium 
turn  subolescebat.  Compare  Beatus  Rhenanus  ad  Zwinglium,  d.  G.  Dec,  1518  (Opp. 
vii.  1,  57),  complaints  on  the  state  of  the  Church :  Sacerdotes— etlmicam  aut  judaicam 
doctrinam  docent.  De  vulgo  sacerdotum  loquor.  Nequc  enim  me  latet,  te  tuiquc  simi- 
les purissimam  Christi  philosophiam  ex  ipsis  fontibus  populo  proponere,  non  Scoticis  aut 
Gabrielicis  interpretationibus  depravatam,  seel  ab  Augustino,  Ambrosio,  Cypriano,  Hie- 
ronymo  germane  et  sincere  expositam.— Utinam  tui  similes  multos  haberet  Helvetia ! 
Sic  tandem  facile  posset,  ut  meliores  mores  nostrates  induerent. 

2S  Cf.  Capitonis  Epist.  ad  Christoph.  Utenhemium,  Episc.  Basileensem,  prefixed  to 
Jo.  Clichtovaei  Elucidatorium  Ecclesiasticum.  Basil.,  1517.  Reprinted  in  Gerdesii  Hist. 
Evang.  r.enov.  i.  Monum.  p.  123.  In  this  letter  of  dedication  the  necessity  of  counter- 
acting the  immorality  ami  ignorance  of  the  clergy  was  inculcated  upon  the  bishops. 

29  Bullinger,  i.  10.     Zwingle's  Antwurt  an  Valentin  Compar.,  1525  (Works,  ii.  i.  7) : 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  ZURICH— 1523.  81 

In  the  year  1518,  when  a  trader  in  indulgences,  the  Franciscan, 
Bernhardin  Samson,  made  his  appearance  also  in  Switzerland,  and 
surpassed  all  in  effrontery,30  Zwingle,  as  well  as  many  others, 
raised  his  voice  against  this  abuse.31  This,  however,  was  the 
less  surprising,  since  even  the  Bishop  of  Constance  regarded  this 
trader  in  indulgences  as  an  intruder.32  Zwingle  remained  in 
such  high  favor  with  the  papal  legate  that  he  appointed  him  pa- 
pal chaplain.33 

On  the  first  of  January,  1519,  Zwingle  entered  upon  the  office 
of  Leut-priest  in  the  great  minster  at  Zurich;  and  in  order  to 
spread  abroad  a  knowledge  of  pure,  Scriptural  doctrine,  he  at 
once  abandoned  the  customary  mode  of  preaching  from  the  pas- 
sages of  Scripture  assigned  for  each  service,  and  explained  in 
his  sermons  entire  books,  first  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  in 
regular  order.     Although  he  undertook  his  work  independently,34 

"Eight  years  ago  (hence  in  1517),  at  Einsiedeln,  and  afterward  at  Zurich,  I  often  proved 
to  the  Lord  Cardinal  von  Sitten,  in  plain  language,  and  testified  throughout  with  strong 
passages  of  Hoi}'  Scripture,  that  the  entire  papacy  had  a  bad  foundation.  The  noble 
gentleman,  Diebold  von  Geroldseck,  Master  Franz  Zingg,  Doctor  Michael  Sander,  who 
are  all  three  still  living,  often  heard  me.  And  the  aforesaid  cardinal  often  answered 
me  to  the  following  effect :  If  God  help  me  to  recover  my  authority  (for  he  was  at  that 
time  out  of  favor  with  the  Pope,  and  the  popelings,  that  is,  the  cardinals,  who  always 
breed  popes),  I  would  see  to  it  that  the  arrogance  and  falsehood  which  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  employs  should  be  brought  to  light  and  reformed.  He  has  often  since  then  con- 
versed with  me  on  doctrine  and  on  Holy  Scripture,  but  always  to  the  effect  that  he  rec- 
ognized what  was  false  and  disapproved  it.  But  there  is  no  need  here  to  record  how  he 
has  conducted  himself  since  that  time." 

30  Miiller's  Schweitzergesch.,  continued  by  Hottinger,  vi.  287.  He  was  so  well  satis- 
fied with  Bern,  that,  upon  his  taking  leave,  he  granted  plenary  indulgence  to  all  per- 
sons present,  who  repeated  the  Paternoster  and  Ave  Maria  upon  their  knees  ;  those  who 
went  three  times  round  the  church  praying,  he  assured  that  the}'  would  deliver  any 
soul  they  desired  out  of  purgatory.  At  length,  after  all  had  repeated  the  Paternoster 
and  Ave  Maria  five  times  for  the  souls  in  purgatory,  "syhrey  er  hit:  jetzan  diss  Augen- 
blicks  sind  aller  Berneren  Seelen,  wo  und  wie  joch  abgescheiden,  alle  mit  enandere  us 
der  hollischen  Pyn  des  Fagfiirs  in  die  himmelsche  Froud  des  Himmelrychs  ufgefahren." 
So  says  the  eye-witness,  Anshelm,  v.  335  f.,  on  the  year  1518. 

31  Hottinger,  Hist.  Eccl.  saec.  xvi.  P.  iii.  p.  1G2,  and  J.  J.  Hottinger,  Helvet.  Kirch- 
eng.  iii.  20,  only  state  in  general  terms,  without  naming  their  authorities,  that  when 
Samson  sold  the  indulgence  in  Switzerland,  Zwingle  preached  against  him  at  Einsiedeln. 

32  See  Fabri  Epist.,  Note  38,  below. 

33  He  appointed  him  Accolitus  Capellamts.  The  document,  dated  1st  Sept.,  1518,  is  in 
Hottinger,  saec.  xvi.  P.  ii.  p.  275. 

34  Bullinger,  i.  12.  Zwingli  Uslegung  des  XVIII.  Art.  1523  (Works,  i.  254)  :  "  When 
I  began  to  preach  at  Zurich,  in  the  year  19,  I  gave  notice  before  the  honorable  dean  and 
chapter  that  I  wished,  if  God  so  willed  it,  to  preach  upon  the  Gospel  written  by  St. 
Matthew,  without  any  glosses  of  man,  and  not  to  be  led  into  error  or  controversy.  At 
the  beginning  of  this  year  none  of  us  knew  any  thing  about  Luther,  except  that  some 
work  upon  indulgence  had  been  issued  by  him  ;  this  taught  me  but  little,  for  I  had  be- 
fore learned  about  the  indulgence,  that  it  was  a  deceit  and  imposture,  from  a  disputa- 

VOL.  IV. — 6 


g2  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

yet,  as  Luther's  mighty  voice,  waxing  louder  and  louder,  just  now 
began  to  penetrate  Switzerland  also,  arousing  the  slumbering  and 
encourao-ino-  the  backward,35  the  agreement  between  the  two  men 
was  soon  recognized  ;  and  abroad,  the  later  and  feebler  movement 
of  Zwingle  was  understood  to  have  arisen  from  the  earlier  and 
more  powerful  impulse  of  Luther.30     The  universal  excitement 

tion  which  Doctor  Thomas  Wytembach  of  Biel,  my  master  and  truly-beloved  teacher, 
had  held  some  time  ago  at  Basle,  albeit  in  my  absence.  So  Luther's  work,  published 
at  the  same  time,  had  helped  me  but  little  in  my  sermons  on  Matthew.  But  all  persons 
who  longed  for  the  Word  of  God  resorted  to  these  sermons  in  such  numbers,  without  in- 
termission, that  I  wondered  at  it  myself.  Now  I  will  thus  speak  with  the  enemies  of 
the  doctrine  of  Christ.  Who  charges  me  with  being  a  Lutheran  ?  When  Luther's  book 
on  the  Lord's  Prayer  came  out,  as  I  had  shortly  before  commented  upon  this  prayer  in 
St.  Matthew,  I  know  well  there  were  many  pious  persons  who  suspected  erroneously 
that  I  had  written  the  book,  and  prefixed  Luther's  name  to  it.  Who,  then,  can  charge 
me  with  being  a  Lutheran  ?"  The  order  in  which  he  proceeded  with  the  other  books  of 
the  New  Testament,  and  his  reasons  for  it,  may  be  seen  in  his  Archeteles,  1522  (Opp. 
iii.  48). 

35  Luther's  works  went  from  Basle  through  Switzerland.  According  to  Froben's  and 
(  jpito's  Letters  to  Luther  in  Febr.,  1519  (see  §  1,  Note  37),  the  Cardinal  von  Sitten,  and 
the  Administrator  of  Einsiedeln,  Herr  von  Geroldseck,  were  well-disposed  toward  him 
already  at  that  time.  At  Coustance  they  were  well  known  after  Luther's  conference 
with  Cajetan  at  Augsburg  (Oct.,  1518)  ;  see  Fussli's  Beytrage,  iv.  174. 

30  In  Bern,  for  instance,  where  Luther  was  well  known  as  a  reformer  before  Zwingle 
began  to  reform;  see  Beatus  Rhenan.  ad  Zuingl.  dd.  Basil.,  26.  Dec,  1518  (Opp.  vii. 
CI) :  Nudius  tertius  hue  a  Bernensibus  missus  est  bibliopola,  qui  multum  hie  Luthera- 
•i-orum  exemplarium  coemit  et  illo  deportavit.  Gaudeo,  mi  Zuingli,  vehementer,  quo- 
ties  video  mundum  resipiscere,  et  abjectis  mataeologorum  somniis  solidam  consectari 
doctrinam.  Idem  a  meis  municipibus  factum  est.  Quo  magis  miror  Thuregiensium 
negligentiam,  qui  moniti  per  Te  facere  cessent,  quod  alii  sua  sponte  capessunt.  Neque 
cairn  credere  possum,  Te  illos  non  monuisse,  aut  rem  non  succepisse  apud  eos,  qui  tibi 
iu  judicando  primas  tribuunt.  (But  Zwingle  did  not  come  to  Zurich  till  the  27th  Dec.) 
Anshelm,  Berner  Chronik,  v.  273,  on  the  year  1517,  speaks  of  Luther's  first  appearance 
as  the  "Urhab  u.  Anfang  der  wunderbaren  Erriiiwerung  des  heil.  Evangeliums,"  and 
describes,  vi.  101,  the  reformation  of  the  Church  as  "  durch  den  Luther  angericht  und 
von  Zwingli  gestarkt."  On  the  year  1519  he  relates,  v.  368:  "At  the  very  beginning 
of  this  year  the  steadfast  Ulrich  Zwingle  brought  a  great  accession  of  strength  to  the 
strong  Luther.  After  preaching  three  years  at  Einsiedeln  on  the  Gospels  appointed  to 
be  read  -in  the  mass-service,  according  to  the  style  and  method  of  the  early  teachers  of 
the  Church,  he  was  now  appointed  to  be  a  people's  priest,  and  preacher  at  the  great 
minster  of  Zurich,  a  worthy  confederate  of  the  afore-mentioned  place.  After  first  ob- 
taining  the  permission  of  his  dean  and  chapter,  he  began  to  preach  upon  the  Gospel  of 
St.  Matthew  from  Scripture  only,  and  earnestly  to  exhort  his  people  to  hear,  read,  re- 
ceive, and  believe  the  Word  of  God  only,  as  the  immovable  foundation  of  our  salvation 
and  holiness.  He  began  and  carried  on  this  blessed  undertaking  with  such  great  suc- 
cess, that  there,  as  at  Wittenberg,  a  wonderfully  large  concourse  of  people  came  to  hear 
the  Word  of  God;  and  an  opinion  prevailed  that  Luther  and  Zwingle,  far  apart  as  they 
were,  and  only  known  to  each  other  by  hearsay,  preached  a  doctrine  learned  from  each 
other,  and  were  in  fact  united  together.  But  thereupon  the  divine  truth  itself  clearly 
showed  and  proved,  that  where  the  Word  of  God  was  expounded  in  purity  and  accord- 
ing to  His  Spirit,  it  would  be  every  where  consistent,  and  every  where  produce  the  same 
doctrine,  faith,  and  fruit." 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  ZURICH.— 1519.  83 

roused  by  Luther  could  not  be  without  effect  upon  Zwingle  also. 
True,  he  remained  essentially  faithful  to  his  principle  of  over- 
throwing falsehood  not  by  direct  attack,  but  by  proclaiming  the 
opposite  truths.37  Still,  so  many  weighty  questions  were  brought 
by  Luther  before  the  public,  that  Zwingle  could  not  avoid  ex- 
pressing his  opinion  on  these  points.  Of  his  public  ministry  it  is 
only  known,  that  when  Samson  came  at  this  time  to  Zurich,  he 
preached  zealously  against  indulgences,38  and  censured  the  cor- 
ruptions of  the  clergf  and  monks.  Many  private  expressions  of 
his  may  have  contributed  to  the  opinion  which  soon  prevailed  in 
Zurich,  that  he  was  a  Lutheran  at  heart.39     The  monks  first  at- 

37  Zwingli  Uslegung  des  XX.  Art.  1523  (Works,  i.  268) :  "  I  have  not  done  as  some 
now  do ;  when  they  begin  to  preach,  they  first  pray  for  the  intercession  of  saints  ;  and 
if  one  object  to  this,  they  say:  Have  not  the  preachers  been  showing  j'ou,  first  of  all, 
that  the  false  gods  are  not  gods  but  idols  ?  Hence,  since  I  find  that  men  rely  upon  the 
intercession  of  saints,  and  that  there  is  no  ground  for  this  practice,  shall  I  not  first  show 
them  this?  I  answer,  No,  there  is  another  shape  to  this  matter,  and  one  that  can  not 
be  well  measured  in  this  way.  I  have  taken  the  matter  thus  in  hand ;  I  have  faithfully 
taught  and  pointed  out  Christ  Jesus,  that  people  should  seek  every  good  thing  from 
Him,  and  have  recourse  to  Him  in  every  need.  I  have  thus  made  the  grace  of  God  an 
object  of  love  to  men,  and  have  certainly  proved  and  experienced  that  God  will  work 
with  His  word.  I  have  also  yielded  to  ignorant  persons,  after  often  speaking  with  them, 
if  they  maintain  their  point  obstinately :  Well,  well,  you  bring  your  prayers  to  the 
saints  ;  I  will  bring  mine  to  God  alone.  Let  us  see  which  of  us  takes  the  better  court- 
And  I  have  thus  fed  them  with  milk,  until  some  of  them,  who  were  formerly  strongly 
against  me,  afterward  became  strong  in  the  cause  of  God  alone.  So  I  advise  all  persons 
at  this  time  who  preach  the  Word  of  God  that  they  should  duly  preach  salvation  from 
the  plain  and  true  Word  of  God.  Thus  trust  in  God  alone  will  surely  increase,  and  the 
deceitfulness  of  false  hopes  fall  to  the  ground." 

38  In  the  early  months  of  1519.  Samson  was  rejected  in  Zurich;  Bullinger,  i.  17; 
Muller-Hottinger,  vi.  290.  The  papal  letters  of  30th  Apr.,  1519,  are  in  Hottinger,  saec. 
xvi.  P.  iii.  p.  177  ss.  The  vicar-gencral,  John  Faber,  who  governed  the  diocese  of  Con- 
stance in  place  of  the  feeble  Bishop  Hugh  v.  Landenberg,  wrote  on  this  subject  to  Zwin- 
gle, 7th  June,  1519  (Opp.  vii.  79)  :  Quid  ad  fratrem  indulgentiarium  coelipotentem  atti- 
net,  meus  mihi  genius  praesagiit  hunc  eventum :  neque  enim  tam  frigidus  circa  prae- 
cordia  sanguis  obstitit,  ut  tam  portentosas  venias  a  sede  apostolica  nunquam  profectas 
crederem.  Quid  aliud  ejusmodi  veniarum  licitatores  effrontes  agunt,  quam  ut  ecclesia 
passim  vel  a  Christianis  irrideatur? 

39  Zwingli  Uslegung  des  XVIII.  Art.  1523  (Works,  i.  255):  "The  papists,  by  a  silly 
trick,  heap  such  names  upon  me  and  others ;  they  say,  You  must  be  a  Lutheran ;  you 
preach  just  as  Luther  writes.  I  answer  them,  I  preach  quite  as  much  like  what  Paul 
wrote  ;  why  do  ye  not  rather  receive  me  as  a  disciple  of  Paul  ?  Yea,  I  preach  the  word 
of  Christ,  wherefore  do  ye  not  receive  me  as  a  Christian  ?  Thus  it  is*nothing  but  non- 
sense. Luther  is,  as  seems  to  me,  an  excellent  champion  for  God,  who  has  searched 
out  the  meaning  of  Scripture  with  greater  earnestness  than  an}'  one  on  earth  has  done 
for  a  thousand  years  :  and  no  one  has  equaled  him  in  the  manly,  steadfast  courage  with 
which  he  has  assailed  the  Pope  of  Rome,  so  long  as  the  Papacy  has  existed,  not  to  say 
aught  against  the  others.  But  whose  is  such  a  deed  ?  Is  it  of  God  or  of  Luther  ?  Ask 
Luther  himself;  I  well  know  he  will  say  of  God.  Why,  then,  do  j-ou  ascribe  other  men's 
doctrine  to  Luther,  when  he  ascribes  his  own  to  God?     Again,  I  will  not  bear  the  name 


84  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

tacked  him  ;40  then  several  canons  of  his  cathedral  complained 
that  he  denied  the  divine  right  of  tithes,  and  in  the  exercise  of  his 
spiritual  office  did  not  keep  sufficiently  in  view  the  increase  of 
the  revenue  of  the  chapter:41  his  adversaries  could  not  as  yet 
charge  him  with  heresies.  In  order  to  avoid  dispute,  the  city 
council  charged  all  their  clergy  to  preach  only  the  doctrine  of  the 
Holv  Scriptures.43  The  legate,  then  at  Zurich,  did  indeed  see  the 
impending  danger,  and  tried  to  win  Zwingle.  But  the  latter  gave 
up  his  Roman  pension  in  1520,  and  declared  that  nothing  should 
hinder  him  from  preaching  the  Gospel.43     The  legate  pressed  ea- 

of  Luther,  because  I  have  read  very  little  of  his  doctrine,  and  have  often  studiously  kept 
aloof  from  his  writings  on  purpose  to  satisfy  the  papists.  But  what  I  have  read  of  his 
writings  (so  far  as  concerns  dogmas,  doctrine,  opinions,  and  the  sense  of  Scripture,  for 
I  have  nothing  to  do  with  his  quarrels)  is  generally  so  well  fortified  and  grounded  in 
the  Word  of  God,  that  it  is  not  possible  for  any  creature  to  refute  them." 

40  Beatus  Rhenanus  ad  Zuinglium,  d.  7.  Maj.,  1519  (Opp.  vii.  74) :  non  paulo  gratius 
fuit,  quod  ore  nobis  retulit  Simon  noster,  pergere  te  videlicet  in  asserendo  Christianis- 
mo,  quern  partim  impietas  manifesta,  partim  fallax  superstitio  non  istic  modo,  sed  ubi- 
vis  gentium,  indignis  modis  conspurcarunt.  Et  quanquam,  ut  non  caret  aemulatione 
virtus,  obstrepant  quidam,  tamen  a  proposito  tuo,  quod  instanter  urges,  adhuc  nemo  te 
retrahere  potuit.  In  qua  re  constantiam  tuam  admirari  subit,  qua  nobis  apostolici  illius 
seculi  virum  repraesentas.  Obganniunt  quidam,  rident,  minantur,  petulanter  inces- 
sunt ;  at  tu  vere  Christiana  patientia  suffers  omnia.  Glareanus  ad  Zuingl.,  d.  7.  Jun., 
1519  (1.  c.  p.  78),  audio,  nescio  quas  contentiones  esse  tibi  cum  monachis,  hominibus, 
a  quibus  plus  quam  ab  aspidum  veneno  cavendum  est.  Obesse  possunt,  prodesse  paucis 
vol  tint. 

41  Wirz,  i.  17G.  The  principal  duty  of  the  Leut-priests  was  the  increase  and  manage- 
ment of  the  revenue ;  Schuler,  s.  227. 

42  Bullinger,  i.  32.  The  report  of  the  Council  of  Zurich  to  their  subjects,  1524,  in 
Fiissli's  Beytragc,  ii.  237  :  "  Our  preachers  have,  however,  for  four  or  five  j-ears  preach- 
ed among  us  the  holy  gospels  and  the  Word  of  God ;  at  first,  as  ye  say,  their  doctrine 
seemed  strange  and  new,  since  it  was  unlike  that  taught  us  by  our  forefathers.  For 
this  reason  there  have  been  among  us,  both  priests  and  laymen,  ten-fold  different  opin- 
ions, and  in  consequence  divisions  sprung  up,  principally  among  those  who  went  little 
to  hear  sermons.  Accordingly,  before  we  knew  or  heard  of  Luther's  doctrine,  we  issued 
a  public  charge  to  all  Leut-priests,  parochial  clergy,  and  preachers  in  our  city  and  can- 
ton, that  they  should  all  be  free  (as  even  the  papal  law  allowed)  to  preach  the  holy 
gospels  and  epistles  of  the  Apostles,  in  conformity  with  the  Spirit  of  God,  and  the  di- 
vine Scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  and  whatsoever  they  could  cite  and 
prove  from  Scripture  ;  but  that  they  should  be  silent  about  other  incidental  innovations 
and  ordinances.  The  greater  part  of  the  preachers,  to  the  best  of  our  belief,  have  faith- 
fully done  this." 

43  Zwingli  Uslegung  des  XXXVII.  Art.  1523  (Works,  i.  354):  "But  that  the  expedi- 
tion to  the  Pope  (the  reinforcement  granted  by  the  Zurichers  in  1521)  happened  in  con- 
sequence of  my  efforts,  can  not  be  laid  to  my  charge  with  truth  by  any  man.  For  at 
the  very  time  I  was  at  open  enmity  with  the  papists,  and  they  had  broken  with  me  in 
this  wise  :  Three  whole  years  before  this  time  I  had  preached  the  gospel  of  Christ  with 
earnestness  ;  thereupon  the  Pope's  cardinals,  the  bishops,  and  legates,  of  whom  the  city 
was  never  free  at  that  time,  often  exhorted  me  with  professions  of  friendship,  with  en- 
treaties, with  threats,  with  promises  of  great  gifts  and  benefices.  However,  I  would 
not  yield  to  them,  but  resigned  under  my  own  hand,  in  the  year  1520,  a  pension  of  fifty 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  ZURICH.— 1521-1522.  85 

gerly  for  the  burning  of  Luther's  works,44  but  did  not  venture  ei- 
ther to  attack  the  council  for  its  decree  or  Zwiftgle  for  his  sermons. 
He  thought  he  had  attained  his  principal  object  when  Zurich 
steadfastly  refused  to  join  the  league,45  which  all  the  rest  of  the 
cantons  concluded  with  France  on  the  5th  May,  1521 :  but  Zwin- 
gle  had  greatly  contributed  to  this  result  by  his  sermons  against 
foreign  enlistment  in  general.46 

As  Zwingle,  in  his  sermons,  distinguished,  with  growing  clear- 
ness, between  the  ordinances  of  man  in  the  Church  and  the  divine 
teaching  of  Holy  "Writ,  he  was  first  entangled  in  a  controversy  in 
1522.  He  had  designated  the  rule  of  fasting  as  a  human  ordi- 
nance :  several  citizens  broke  the  rule,  and  were  called  to  answer 
for  so  doing.47  When  questioned  by  the  council,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Zwingle,  the  clergy  censured  the  transgression  as  capri- 
cious, but  persisted  in  the  statement  that  the  rule  was  an  ordi- 
nance of  man.48  The  Bishop  of  Constance  accordingly  sent  a 
commission  to  Zurich  to  command  the  observance  of  the  ceremo- 
nies (Apr.,  1522).  However,  the  council  took  Zwingle's  part,  and 
demanded  more  satisfactory  orders  from  the  bishop.49    This  event 

florins,  which  they  paid  me  annually  (they  were  now  ready  to  give  me  a  hundred  florins, 
but  I  would  not  receive  them),  which  I  had  refused  in  the  year  1517,  but  from  which 
they  would  not  release  me  for  three  years  after."  Zwingle's  Reply  to  Val.  Compar 
(Works,  ii.  1,  8)  :  "  Antonius  Puccius  [the  papal  legate]  held  a  parley  with  me  for  the 
fourth  time  at  Zurich,  with  great  promise ;  to  whom  I  spoke  right  out  about  the  matter 
and  its  bearings,  and  that  I  would,  with  the  help  of  God,  carry  out  the  doctrine  of  the 
Gospel,  aud  with  it  would  weaken  the  papacy,  etc. ;  but  all  this  did  not  help  the  mat- 
ter." 

44  Especially  at  the  Diet  of  Baden,  1520;  see  Myconius  ad  Zuingl.,  d.  2.  Nov.,  1520 
(Opp.  vii.  153). 

45  Anshelm,  vi.  25  ff. ;  Muller-Hottinger,  vi.  36  ff. 

46  Zwingle's  Pious  Exhortation  to  the  Confederates  of  Schwyz,  to  beware  of  Foreign 
Lords,  1522  (Works,  ii.  ii.  286),  contains,  as  Bullinger  (i.  42)  asserts,  what  he  had  before 
spoken  from  the  pulpit  and  elsewhere  on  this  subject ;  see  Muller-Hottinger,  vi.  30. 
With  regard  to  Zwingle's  sermons  against  pensions  in  1521  and  1525,  see  Bullinger, 
i.  51. 

47  Bullinger,  i.  69.  The  minutes  of  the  inquiry  are  in  Muller-Hottinger,  vi.  496. 
Compare  Wirz,  i.  217. 

49  Wirz,  i.  219. 

49  Zuinglii  Epist.  ad  Erasmum  Fabricium  de  Actis  Legationis  ad  Tigurinos  missae, 
diebus  vii.  viii.  ix.  Aprilis  MDXXII  (Opp.  iii.  7  ss.).  The  bishop's  vicar-general,  at  the 
head  of  the  embassy,  said  before  the  council :  Quosdam  doctrinas  novas  irritabiles  ac 
seditiosas  docere,  germanice  rviderivartig  und  aufruhrirj  lehren ;  nempe  nihil  praeceptio- 
nuin  humanarum  servari  oportere,  nihil  eeremoniarum.  Quae  doctrina  si  vicerit,  futu- 
rum,  ut  non  modo  civiles  leges  sed  et  Christiana  fides  aboleatur.  Cum  tamen  ceremo- 
niae  sint  veluti  manuductio — ad  virtutes.  Immo  virtutum  fontem  esse,  ein  Ursprung, 
— ceremonias.  Quadragcsimam  item  doceri  non  servari  oportere:  in  hac  enim  urbe 
ausos  esse  quosdam  sese  a  reliquis  Christianis  separare,  et  a  Christiana  ecclesia. — Carnes 


36  FOURTH  PERIOD—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

occasioned  Zwingle's  first  reforming  work,  "  Von  Erkiesen  und 
Freyheit  der  Spy  sen"™ 

The  adherents  of  the  old  order  of  things  now  gave  more  atten- 
tion to  the  matter.  In  May,  1522,  the  Bishop  of  Constance  issued 
a  pastoral  letter  to  warn  against  innovations,51  and  the  Diet  of 
Lucerne  forbade  all  preaching  likely  to  cause  disquiet.52  On  the 
other  hand,  Zwingle,  in  the  name  of  several  like-minded  ecclesi- 
astics, defended  the  free  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  in  a  friendly  pe- 
tition and  exhortation  addressed  to  the  Diet  13th  July,53  and  in 

enini  eos  in  quadragesima  cdisse  non  sine  totius  reipublicae  Christianae  scandalo.  Quod 
tametsi  literae  evangelicae  aperte  non  permittant,  audere  tamen  eosdem  asserere  ex 
Evangelicis  et  Apostolicis  scriptis  sibi  licere ;  contra  sanctorum  patrum  decreta  et  con- 
cilia, contra  denique  vetustissimum  morem  eos  fecisse,  quern,  nisi  ex  spiritu  sancto  flux- 
isset,  tanto  tempore  servare  nunquam  potuissemus,  etc.  Though  he  thereupon  refused 
to  hear  Zwingle,  and  even  asserted  that  he  had  spoken  nothing  against  him  ;  neverthe- 
less he  was  allowed  to  respond.  First  he  refuted  the  charge  that  the  preaching  of  the 
Gospel  led  to  sedition.  Tigurum  enim  magis,  quam  ulluan  Helvetiorum  pagum,  paca- 
tum  et  quietum  esse,  id  quod  omnes  boni  cives  acceptum  ferrent  Evangelio.  Quod  de- 
inde  objectum  sit,  nullas  humanas  nee  praeceptiones  nee  ceremonias  servari  oportere 
doceri;  ingenue  agnoscam,  ceremoniarum  justam  partem  ac  praeceptionum  me  cupere 
abolitam  esse,  quod  praecepta  sint  magna  parte  talia,  quae  etiam  Petrus  in  Actis  neget 
ferri  posse. — Imo  ceremonias  haud  quicquam  aliud  agere,  quam  et  Christo  et  ejus  fideli- 
bus  os  oblinere,  spiritus  doctrinam  abolere,  ab  invisibilibus  ad  elementa  mundi  avocare, 
quod  tamen  brevibus  dici  nequeat  et  explicari.— Carnibus  esse  quosdam  ausos  vesci 
minime  malos,  qui  nee  inficientur ;  sed  quandoquidem  divina  lege  a  carnibus  non  sit 
eis  interdictum,  in  testimonium  fidei  potius  edisse  quam  in  ullius  contumeliam.  Quod 
hinc  pateat:  nam  mox,  ut  docti  sint  a  nobis,  rationem  scandali  haberi  debuisse,  desti- 
teruut,  unde  nee  ista  legatione  opus  fuisse,  remittente  sua  sponte  malo,  si  modo  malum 
est.  Hoc  tamen  vehementer  nos  admirari,  quod,  dum  annum  jam  XVI.  in  dioecesi  Con- 
stantiensi  evangelizem,  hactenus  tamen  non  resciverim,  aliquo  misisse  Constantienses 
tarn  splendidam  legationem,  quae  scrutaretur  quonam  pacto  Evangelicum  negotium  in- 
deceret.  Then  he  maintained  that  fasting  was  not  commanded  by  God,  and  so  must  be 
left  free.  The  council  determined  to  request  the  bishop  (Fiissli,  ii.  14)  that  he— "  ver- 
schaffen  wolle,  es  sey  bey  piipstlicher  Heiligkeit,  bey  den  Cardinalen,  Bischofen,  Con- 
cilien,  oder  sonst  rechten,  Christlichen,  gelehrten  Leuten,  damit  man  eine  Erlauterung 
und  Bescheid  gebe,  wie  und  welcher  Gestalten  man  sich  in  solchem  Falle  halten  solle, 
dardurch  wider  die  Satzungen  Christi  nicht  gehandelt  werde."  The  people  were  to  be 
exhorted,  "dass  hinfiiro  niemand  in  der  Paste  ohne  merkliche  Ursach  Fleisch  esse,  son- 
dern  dass  man  ein  Erlauterung  kraft  des  mit  U.  G.  Herrn  von  Costnitz  Botschaft  ge- 
machten  Abscheids  erwarte." 

50  Works,  i.  1. 

51  Bullinger,  i.  78.  Sebastian  Meyer,  barefooted  friar  at  Berne,  published  the  pas- 
toral of  the  2d  May,  with  some  bitter  remarks :  extracts  from  it  in  Wirz,  i.  262.  Kuhn's 
Reformatoren  Berns,  s.  100  (cf.  Meyer  ad  Zuingl.  d.  11.  Nov.,  1522,  Opp.  vii.  243).  A 
similar  letter  of  24th  May  reached  the  chapter  at  Zurich  ;  printed  in  Zwingle's  Archete- 
les  (Opp.  iii.  33).  There  is  a  letter  to  the  council  of  Zurich,  in  May  also,  in  Fiissli,  iv. 
125. 

«  Anshelm,  vi.  99.  "  On  the  next  day,  the  20th  of  May,  a  decree  was  passed  that  even- 
place  should  charge  its  clergy  to  abstain  from  all  such  preaching  as  would  cause  discon- 
tent, discord,  and  error  as  to  the  Christian  faith  to  grow  up  among  the  common  people." 

53  "  Ein  frundlich  Bitt  und  Ermahnung  etlicher  Priester  der  Eidgenosseuschaft,  dass 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  ZURICH.— 1521-1522.  87 

the  Apologeticus  Archeleles,  directed  to  the  Bishop  of  Constance 
in  August.54  As  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy  had  led  to  the  grossest 
abuses  in  Switzerland,  Zwingle  and  his  friends,  in  that  friendly 
petition  to  the  diet,  and  in  a  private  petition  to  the  Bishop  of  Con- 
stance (dated  Einsiedeln,  2d  July),  prayed,  first  of  all,  for  the  ab- 
olition of  this  ordinance  of  man.55  However,  no  answer  was  giv- 
en;  on  the  contrary,  the  diet  and  the  bishop  began  to  persecute 
several  of  the  clergy  who  had  made  themselves  too  conspicuous.56 
The  most  calumnious  reports  about  Zwingle  were  disseminated  in 
the  neighboring  cantons  ;57  in  the  three  monasteries  of  Zurich,  the 
resorts  of  the  adherents  of  the  old  faith,  sermons  were  preached 
against  him  incessantly.58  Since  the  efforts  of  the  council  to  re- 
store peace  remained  without  success,  it  yielded  to  Zwingle's  wish 

man  das  heilig  Evangelium  predigen  nit  abscblahe,  noch  Dnwillen  darob  empfach,  ob 
(Us  Predigenden  Acrgernuss  zu  vermyden  sich  ehelicb  vermablind."    Werke,  i.  30. 

54  Apologeticus  Arcbcteles  appellatus,  quo  respondetur  paraenesi  a  Rev.  Dom.  Con- 
stantiensi  ad  Senatum  Praepositurae  Tigurinae,  quem  Capitulum  vocant,  missae.  Opp. 
iii.  26. 

53  Supplicatio  quorundam  apud  Helvetios  Evangelistarum  ad  R.  D.  Hugonem  Episc. 
Constantiensem,  ne  se  induci  patiatur,  ut  quidquam  in  praejudicium  Evangelii  promul- 
get,  neve  scortationis  scandalum  ultra  ferat,  sed  Presbyteris  uxores  ducere  permittat, 
aut  saltern  ad  eorum  nuptias  conniveat  (Opp.  iii.  17),  signed  by  Baltbasar  Tracbsel, 
pastor  at  Weiningen,  in  the  Grafschaft  Baden  ;  Georga  Chalybeus  (Stiiheli),  Zwingle's 
assistant;  Werner  Steiner  of  Zug ;  Leo  Judae,  Lout-priest  at  Einsiedeln;  Erasmus  Fa- 
bricius  (Schmid),  prebendary  at  Zurich  ;  Simon  Stumpf,  pastor  at  Hongg,  near  Zurich  ; 
Jodocus  Kilchmeyer,  prebendary  at  Lucerne ;  Huldreich  Pistoris  (Plister),  pastor  at 
Uster,  on  the  Greifensee  ;  Gaspar  Megander  (Grossman),  preacher  at  the  Hospital  of  Zu- 
rich ;  John  Faber  (Schmid),  chaplain  at  Zurich  ;  Huldreich  Zwingle. 

56  The  diet  at  Baden  (Nov.,  1522)  delivered  over  the  pastor  Weiss  to  the  bishop; 
Bullinger,  5.  80;  Anshelm,  vi.  99;  Wirz,  i.  315;  compare  ibid.  s.  321  ft'. 

57  Thus  he  heard  from  Jacob  Stapfer  in  Chur,  a  foreign  pensionary;  see  Jac.  Salan- 
dronius  ad  Zuingl.  d.  26.  Aug.,  1522  (Opp.  vii.  220) :  Effutivit  nescio  quid  de  ternis 
liberis  tibi  adscriptis  et  insolitis  nocturnis  moribus.  Item  quod  et  te  pensionem  non 
modo  a  Sanctissimo,  sed  et  a  Gallo  comprobare  vellet  (si  urgeretur)  accepisse.  Prae- 
terea  dixisse  inter  concionandum :  Ave  Maria  dicere  esset  dicere  :  Gott  griiss  dich  Gret- 

lin    etc. Non  credis,  quot  suo  impudentissimo  ore  alienarit  alias  tibi  faventissimos. 

Objicitur  illico  nobis,  ut  scis,  hi,  hi  sunt  mores  Evangelicorum.  A  similar  story  was 
circulated  in  Schwyz  ;  see  Balth.  Stapfer  to  Zwingle,  19th  Oct.,  1522  (1.  c.  p.  236),  and 
Zwingle's  answer,  p.  237.  Compare  Zwingle's  Entschuldigung  etlicher  Huldr.  Zwingli 
zugelegter  Artiklen,  doch  unwarlich,  an  die  edlen,  strengen,  frommen,  wysen  gmeiner 
Eidgenossschaft  Rathsboten  in  der  Stadt  Bern  v.  3ten  Jul.,  1523  (Werke,  ii.  ii.  299),  and 
his  Ein  flyssige  and  kurze  Underrichtung,  wie  man  sich  vor  LUgen  huten  und  bewahren 
soil,  of  the  25th  June,  1524  (ibid.  s.  322). 

58  Bernh.  Weiss  in  Fiissli,  iv.  38 :  "  Deshalb  predigten  die  Monchen  in  dcr  Stadt  al- 
lenthalben  von  den  Heiligen :— deswegen  redten  ihnen  etwann  die  Lute  darein,  denn 
viele  Leute  hatten  neue  Testamenter,  und  waren  der  Sache  wol  berichtet."  Thus  even 
Leo  Judae  interrupted  the  prior  of  the  Augustines,  p.  41.  As  early  as  the  22d  July, 
1522,  the  monks  were  censured  by  the  council  for  their  "  ungeschickte  Predigten"  on  the 
saints,  s.  11.     Compare  Zuingl.  ad  Oecolampadium.  d.  3.  Jan.,  1527. 


58  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

of  publicly  meeting  these  calumnies  and  attacks,  and  ordered  a 
religious  conference  between  the  two  parties  for  the  29th  Jan., 
1523,  in  which  they  were  to  adduce  their  doctrines,  and  support 
them  from  the  Holy  Scriptures  alone.59 

The  same  political  reasons  which  had  led  the  Pope  to  overlook 
other  arbitrary  acts  of  the  Swiss  in  church  matters60  induced  him 
to  take  no  notice  of  these  great  movements.  Zurich  was  the  only 
canton  which  steadfastly  refused  the  league  with  France,61  and 
still,  in  1521,  granted  soldiers  to  the  Pope  ;62  while  the  rest  of  the 
cantons  supported  France,  and  treated  the  papal  legate  in  Switz- 
erland with  hostility.63  Hadrian  accordingly  overlooked  what 
scarcely  could  be  overlooked  any  longer ;  and  at  the  very  time  in 
which  this  conference  was  threatening  the  existing  ecclesiastical 
order,64  no  less  in  its  form  than  in  the  results  to  be  expected  from 
it,  he  sent  Zwingle  a  flattering  letter,  to  induce  him  to  employ  his 
influence  to  retain  the  powerful  canton  on  the  Pope's  side. 

For  the  disputation  to  be  held  on  the  29th  Jan.,  1523,  Zwingle 

39  See  Bullinger,  i.  84. 

60  Anshelm,  vi.  201,  on  the  year  1523 :  Berne  maintained  its  right  to  deal  with  the 
clergy  in  secular  cases,  "liess  auch,  unangesehen  der  Geistlichen  hochste  Fryheit  und 
Bann,  einen  Pfaffen  um  Diebstahl  und  Frevel  enthaupten."  There  was  so  little  opposi- 
tion on  the  side  of  the  clergy,  that  the  people  thought  the  Pope  had  granted  the  confed- 
erates power  to  chastise  the  crimes  of  the  clergy  with  the  secular  arm.  See  Schatzmann's 
Letter  to  Vadian  of  the  19th  Jan.,  1523.     Wirz,  i.  57. 

61  See  note  45. 

c-  Bullinger,  i.  51.  Miiller-Hottinger,  vi.  51  ff.  A  calumny  was  raised  against  Zwin- 
gle at  this  time  (Uslegung  des  XXXVII.  Art.  Works,  i.  355),  that,  out  of  consideration 
for  his  pension  from  the  Pope,  he  had  "zu  demselbigen  Heerzug  ein  Oug  zuthon  und 
nit  ernstlich  gewehrt :"  in  reply  he  asserted,  "  es  besindt  sich,  dass  ich  so  stark  hab  ge- 
wehrt,  als  ich  je  gheinem  Kriegen  und  Ufbrechen  gewehrt  hab."  Bullinger,  i.  51,  has 
preserved  some  of  his  declarations. 

63  Wirz,  ii.  240.  Even  the  safe-conduct  of  the  legate  Ennius  was  rescinded  by  the 
diet  of  1522,  and  he  could  only  remain  with  safety  at  Zurich. 

64  Dated  23d  Jan.,  1523,  in  Bullinger,  i.  83  ;  in  Zuinglii  Opp.  vii.  266 :  Remittimus— 
Ennium,  Episcopum  Verulanum,  ad  istam  invictam,  nobisque  et  huic  sanctae  sedi  con- 
junctissimam  nationem,  ut  de  maximis  rebus— cum  ilia  agat.  Licet  autem  ei  dederi- 
mus  in  mandatis,  ut  ea  communiter  cum  omnibus  et  publice  tractet :  tamen  cum  de  tua. 
egregia  virtute  specialiter  nobis  sit  cognitum,  nosque  devotionem  tuam  arctius  amemus 
ac  diligamus,  ac  peculiarcm  quandam  in  te  fidem  habeamus,  mandavimus  eidem  Epis- 
copo,— ut  tibi  separatim  nostras  literas  redderet,  nostramque  erga  te  optimam  volunta- 
tem  declararet.  Hortamur  itaque  devotionem  tuam  in  Domino,  ut  et  illi  omnem  fidem 
habeat,  et  quo  nos  animo  ad  honores  tuos  et  commoda  tendimus,  eodem  tu  in  nostris— 
rebus  procedas,  de  quo  gratiam  apud  nos  invenies  non  mediocrem.  Myconius  1.  c.  adds 
to  this  :  Non  ad  hunc  solum  Papa  scripserat,  verum  etiam  ad  eximium  D.  Franc.  Zing- 
gium  (see  Note  23),  ut  sibi  et  sedi  apostolicae  virum  lucrifaceret.  Dumque  rogitarem 
a  Francisco,  quid  pro  illo  pollicitus  esset  Papa ;  serio  respondit :  omnia  certe  praeter 
sedciu  Papalem. 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  ZURICH.— 1523.  89 

had  brought  together  the  doctrines  he  had  preached  in  sixty-seven 
articles  ;65  and  he  so  defended  them  on  that  day  against  the  Yicar- 

65  Bullinger,  i.  86;  Zwingle's  Works,  i.  153.  Articles:  "I.  All  persons  who  say 
that  the  Gospel  should  not  be  preached  without  the  permission  of  the  Church  are  in  er- 
ror, and  bring  reproach  upon  God.  II.  The  sum  of  the  Gospel  is  this,  that  our  Lord 
Christ  Jesus,  the  true  Son  of  God,  has  made  known  to  us  the  will  of  His  Father  in  Heav- 
en, and  by  His  innocence  has  delivered  from  death  and  reconciled  God.  III.  Hence 
Christ  is  the  only  way  to  holiness  for  all  who  have  been,  are  now,  or  ever  shall  be.  IV. 
Whosoever  seeks  or  shows  any  other  door  is  in  error,  yea,  he  is  a  murderer  of  souls  and 
a  thief.  V.  Therefore  all  persons  who  esteem  any  other  doctrine  equal  to,  or  higher 
than,  the  Gospel,  are  in  error,  and  know  not  what  the  Gospel  is.  VI.  For  Christ  Jesus 
is  the  Leader  and  the  Captain  promised  and  granted  by  God  to  all  mankind.  VII.  That 
He  is  the  eternal  salvation  and  the  head  of  all  believers,  who  are  His  body,  but  without 
Him  this  bodj-  is  dead  and  powerless.  VIII.  Whence  it  follows,  first,  that  all  who  live 
in  the  Head  are  members  and  children  of  God :  and  this  is  the  Church  or  communion 
of  saints,  the  bride  of  Christ,  Ecclesia  Catholica.  IX.  Secondly,  that  as  the  members 
of  the  body  can  do  nothing  without  the  guidance  of  the  head,  so  in  the  body  of  Christ 
no  man  can  do  any  thing  well  without  Christ  his  Head.  XI.  Hence  we  see  that  the 
ordinances  of  the  clergy,  as  to  their  pomp,  their  wealth,  their  ranks,  their  titles,  their 
laws,  are  one  cause  of  all  disorder;  for  thus  they  agree  not  with  the  Head.  XII.  Thus 
they  rage  not  for  the  sake  of  the  Head  (for  to  effect  this  is  the  object  of  our  labor  by 
God's  grace) ;  but  because  men  will  care  no  more  for  their  storming,  but  render  some 
obedience  to  the  Head.  XIII.  When  he  is  redeemed  by  Christ,  man  learns  the  will  of 
God  clearly  and  plainly,  and  is  drawn  to  Him  by  His  Spirit,  and  changed  into  His 
likeness.  XIV.  Therefore  all  Christian  men  should  use  their  utmost  diligence  that  the 
Gospel  of  Christ  alone  be  every  where  preached.  XV.  For  in  faith  in  Him  stands  our 
salvation ;  in  unbelief,  our  condemnation ;  for  all  truth  is  plain  in  Him.  XVI.  Man 
learns  in  the  Gospel  that  human  doctrine  and  human  ordinances  are  not  profitable  for 
salvation. — On  the  Pope.  XVII.  That  Christ  is  the  one  only  eternal  High-priest;  hence 
it  follows  that  they  who  have  given  out  that  the}'  are  high-priests  resist  and  impugn 
the  honor  and  the  power  of  Christ.— On  the  J/ass.#XVIII.  That  Christ,  who  once  offer- 
ed up  himself,  is  forever  an  abiding  and  sufficient  sacrifice  for  the  sins  of  all  believers ; 
hence  it  may  be  concluded  that  the  mass  is  not  a  sacrifice,  but  only  the  memorial  of  the 
sacrifice,  and  an  assurance  of  the  redemption  which  Christ  has  shown  us.  XIX.  That 
Christ  is  the  one  onty  Mediator  between  God  and  us. — On  the  Intercession  of  Saints.  XX. 
That  God  will  give  us  all  things  in  His  name ;  hence  it  follows  that  henceforth  we 
need  no  other  mediation  than  His.  XXI.  That  when  we  pray  for  one  another  upon 
earth,  we  really  pray  that  we  trust  all  things  will  be  granted  us  through  Christ  only. — 
On  Good  Works.  XXII.  Christ  is  our  righteousness  ;  hence  we  conclude  that  our  works 
are  so  far  good  as  they  are  the  work  of  Christ ;  but  so  far  as  they  are  our  own,  neither 
right  nor  good.  —  On  the  Property  of  the  Clergy.  XXIII.  That  Christ  condemns  the 
wealth  and  pomp  of  this  world;  hence  we  must  infer  that  they  who  amass  wealth  in 
His  name  are  a  reproach  to  Him,  and  make  Him  a  cloak  for  their  own  avarice  and  wan- 
tonness.— On  Prohibition  of  Food.  XXIV.  That  no  Christian  is  bound  to  works  which 
God  has  not  commanded ;  any  food  may  be  eaten  at  any  time  ;  hence  we  learn  that  the 
Kits  and  A nhenbrief  (letters  of  dispensation)  is  a  Roman  trick. — On  Feast-days  and  Pil- 
grimages. XXV.  That  time  and  place  are  subject  to  Christian  men,  not  men  to  them ; 
hence  it  may  be  known  that  they  who  impose  times  and  places  upon  Christians  rob 
them  of  their  freedom. — On  Cowls,  Clothing,  and  Signs.  XXVI.  That  God  hates  nothing 
more  than  hypocrisy  ;  so  He  has  taught  us  that  all  that  is  done  for  appearance'  sake  be- 
fore men  is  mere  hypocrisy  and  perversion ;  hence  cowls,  signs,  shaven  crowns,  etc., 
fall  to  the  ground. — Of  Orders  and  Sects.  XXVII.  That  all  Christian  men  are  brethren 
of  Christ  and  of  each  other  ;  they  should  boast  themselves  of  no  earthly  father  ;  hence 
all  orders,  sects,  clubs  fall  to  the  ground. — On  the  Marriage  of  Clergy.  XXVIII.  That 


90  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

General,  Faber,  that  the  council  charged  him  to  persevere  in  his 
course,  and  all  their  preachers  to  preach  the  pure  Gospel  in  the  same 

all  which  God  has  allowed  or  not  forbidden  is  right;  accordingly,  marriage  is  becoming 
in  all  men.  XXIX.  That  all  persons  called  spiritual  sin  if,  when  they  are  convinced  that 
God  has  denied  them  the  gift  of  continence,  they  do  not  protect  themselves  by  marriage. 
— On  Vows  of  Chastity.  XXX.  That  they  who  vow  chastity  undertake  too  much,  like 
fools  or  children  ;  hence  it  may  be  inferred  why  they  who  take  such  vows  are  insolent 
toward  pious  men. — On  Excommunication.  XXXI.  That  no  one  man  can  excommuni- 
cate another,  but  the  Church,  that  is,  the  community  in  which  the  person  to  be  excom- 
municated lives,  together  with  the  guardian,  that  is,  the  pastor.  XXXII.  That  man 
alone  is  to  be  excommunicated  who  is  a  notorious  sinner.  —  On  Unjust  Possessions. 
XXXIII.  That  unjust  property  should  not  be  granted  to  temples,  monasteries,  monks, 
priests,  nuns,  but  be  given  to  the  poor,  unless  it  can  be  returned  to  its  rightful  owner. 
— On  the  Supreme  Power.  XXXIV.  The  power  called  spiritual  has  no  grounds  for  its 
pomp  in  the  doctrine  of  Christ.  XXXV.  But  the  secular  power  has  strength  and  con- 
firmation from  the  doctrine  and  example  of  Christ.  XXXVI.  All  rights  and  protection 
claimed  bj>-  the  so-called  spiritual  state  belong  to  the  secular  authorities,  if  they  will  act 
as  Christians.  XXXVII.  Also  all  Christians,  without  exception,  are  bound  to  obey  them. 
XXXVIII.  So  long  as  they  require  nothing  which  God  has  forbidden.  XLII.  If  they 
act  unfaithfully  and  break  the  rule  of  Christ,  they  may  be  deposed  by  the  Avill  of  God. 
— On  Prayer.  XLIV.  True  worshipers  call  upon  God  in  spirit  and  in  truth,  without  cry- 
ing out  before  men.  XLV.  Hypocrites  do  their  works  that  they  ma)-  be  seen  of  men, 
receiving  their  reward  also  in  this  life.  XLVI.  So  it  must  needs  follow  that  church- 
music  or  crying  aloud,  without  devotion  and  only  for  money,  is  either  seeking  of  fame 
from  men  or  for  gain. — On  Offenses.  XLVII.  A  man  should  rather  suffer  death  in  the 
body  than  injure  or  disgrace  a  Christian  man.  XLVI II.  If  a  man,  from  stupidity  or 
ignorance,  injure  himself  without  cause,  he  must  not  be  left  sick  or  suffering,  but 
be  restored  to  strength,  lest  he  take  that  for  sin  which  is  not  sin.  XLIX.  I  know  no 
greater  injury  than  not  to  allow  the  clergy  to  have  wedded  wives,  but  to  let  them 
have  concubines  for  money.  How  great  a  scandal !  —  On  Forgiveness  of  Sin.  L.  God 
forgives  sin  only  through  Jesus  Chrjst,  His  Son,  our  Lord.  LI.  Whosoever  attributes 
this  power  to  the  creature  deprives  God  of  His  honor,  and  ascribes  it  to  one  who  is  not 
God ;  this  is  real  idolatry.  LII.  Therefore  confession,  whether  made  to  the  priest  or  to 
one's  neighbor,  should  not  bo  set  forth  as  the  forgiveness  of  sin,  but  only  as  a  request 
for  counsel.  LIII.  Penances  imposed  by  human  authority  (except  in  cases  of  excom- 
munication) do  not  take  away  sin ;  they  arc  only  imposed  by  way  of  menace.  LIV. 
Christ  has  borne  all  our  sorrows  and  troubles  :  whosoever,  therefore,  attributes  to  works 
of  penance  that  which  belongs  to  Christ  alone,  errs  and  reproaches  his  God.  LV.  Who- 
soever pretends  to  remit  even  one  sin  for  the  penitent  man,  stands  not  in  the  place  of 
God,  or  of  Peter,  but  of  the  devil.  LVI.  Whosoever  remits  any  sin  for  money  only  is 
a  companion  of  Simon  and  Balaam,  and  an  especial  emissary  of  the  devil. — On  Purga- 
tory. LYIL  The  true  Holy  Scripture  knows  nothing  of  Purgatory  after  this  life.  LVIII. 
The  sentence  of  departed  spirits  is  known  to  God  alone.  LIX.  And  just  as  God  has 
allowed  us  to  know  less  upon  this  subject,  so  we  should  undertake  to  know  less.  LX. 
I  do  not  condemn  a  man  if  he  call  earnestly  upon  God  to  show  His  grace  toward  the 
dead ;  yet  to  fix  a  time  for  this  grace  (seven  years  for  a  deadly  sin),  and  to  lie  for 
the  sake  of  gain,  is  not  human,  but  devilish. — On  the  Priesthood.  LXI.  Holy  Scripture 
knows  nothing  of  the  character  (ordination-grace)  which  priests  claim  in  these  last 
times.  LXII.  It  acknowledges  also  no  priests  but  such  as  preach  the  Word  of  God. 
LXIII.  It  commands  that  due  honor  should  be  shown  them  ;  that  is,  that  they  should  be 
supplied  with  food  for  the  body. — On  the  Abolition  of  Abuses.  LXIV.  All  who  acknowl- 
edge their  error  should  not  be  made  to  pay  for  it,  but  be  permitted  to  die  ill  peace ;  and 
thus  the  Church  property  be  placed  on  a  Christian  footing.  LXV.  As  for  those  who  re- 
fuse to  acknowledge,  God  will  surely  deal  with  them.     So  men  should  employ  no  force 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  ZURICH.— 1523.  Ql 

manner.66  By  this  disputation,  by  the  explanation  of  his  articles, 
soon  after  (in  July)  published  by  Zwingle,67  and  by  the  preaching 
of  Zwingle,  and  his  friend,  Leo  Judae,  who  came  to  Zurich  in  the 
beginning  of  1523  as  Leut-priest  at  St.  Peter's,68  men's  minds 
were  more  and  more  won  over  to  the  Reformation;  and  many 
wished  to  see  it  carried  out  in  practice.69  For  them  it  was  not 
enough  that  the  council  allowed  nuns  to  leave  their  convents  (17th 
June),70  that  several  of  the  clergy  married  without  hinderance,71 

upon  their  persons ;  unless  it  happen  that  they  conduct  themselves  so  perversely  as  to 
be  no  longer  endurable.  LX VI.  All  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  should  humble  themselves, 
and  set  up  only  the  cross  of  Christ,  not  their  chests  :  else  they  will  perish,  for  I  warn 
you,  the  axe  lieth  at  the  root  of  the  tree.  LXVII.  If  any  man  desire  to  confer  with 
me  upon  tributes  and  tithes,  upon  unbaptized  children,  upon  confirmation,  I  hold  my- 
self read}-  to  answer  him.  Let  no  one  here  undertake  to  contend  with  sophistry  or  hu- 
man trifling,  but  come  to  Scripture,  have  it  for  the  judge  (foras  canes)  !  Scripture 
breathes  the  Spirit  of  God ;  thereby  let  him  discover  the  truth ;  or  if  it  be,  as  I  hope, 
discovered,  let  him  hold  it.     Amen.     God  grant  it. 

66  Bullinger,  i.  97.  M.  Erhard  Hegenwald  gave  an  account  of  this  disputation  soon 
after  it  took  place  (in  Zwingle's  Works,  i.  105).  As  John  Faber,  the  vicar-general  of 
Constance,  who  had  been  present,  considered  himself  injured  by  this  account,  he  forth- 
with issued  a  counter-report,  "  Ein  warlich  Underrichtung"  (Wirz,  ii.  45) :  but  seven 
young  men  of  Zurich  replied  to  this  with  a  satirical  refutation,  "Das  Gyrenrupfen"' 
(Geyerrupfen  plucking  the  vulture),  Wirz,  ii.  50.  Besides  this,  John  Salat,  historian  at 
Lucerne,  published  a  "  Historical  Account"  of  this  conference,  drawn  entirely  from  He- 
genwald's  report,  a  partisan  representation  on  the  Catholic  side  (in  Fiissli's  Beytrage, 
ii.  81).  The  decree  of  the  council,  published  on  the  very  day  of  the  conference  (Zwin- 
gle's Works,  i.  143  f. ;  Anshelm,  vi.  195  f.),  since  no  one  rose  up  against  Zwingle  to  re- 
fute him,  or  convict  him  of  the  heresy  laid  to  his  charge,  ran  thus  :  "  That  Master  LT- 
rich  Zwingle  shall  proceed,  and  henceforth  as  before  preach  the  Holy  Gospel  and  the 
true  divine  Scripture  to  the  best  of  his  power,  until  he  be  better  informed.  Also  let  all 
other  Leitt-priests,  parochial  clergymen,  and  preachers  in  their  city,  country,  and  district, 
neither  accept  nor  preach  an}-  other  doctrine  than  what  may  be  proved  from  the  Holy 
Gospel  and  the  rest  of  the  true  divine  Scriptures ;  likewise  they  must  not  revile  one  an- 
other in  any  sort,  call  each  other  heretics,  or  by  any  other  reproachful  name.  Whoso- 
ever oppose  and  are  not  satisfied  with  this  decision,  must  be  regarded  as  persons  who 
err  and  know  that  they  are  wrong." 

67  Uslegen  und  Griind  der  Schlussreden  oder  Artikel,  in  Zw.  Werke,  i.  169. 

69  He  was  elected  on  the  Sunday  before  Whitsuntide,  1522,  but  did  not  enter  upon 
his  office  till  Candlemas,  1523 ;  Bullinger,  i.  75 ;  Miscellanea  Tigurina,  iii.  30. 

69  Compare  the  complaints  of  the  chaplain  Widmer  at  Zurich,  an  adherent  of  the 
ancient  order,  to  Henry  Goldli  at  Home,  28th  June,  1523  (Wirz,  ii.  87).  The  state  of 
things  in  Zurich  is  such  "  that  we  priests  hardly  know  how  far  we  are  safe  in  the  city  ; 
not  to  mention  when  we  go  out  hunting  with  falcons,  or  venture  in  the  country  among 
the  peasants.  Besides,  singing,  mass-reading,  and  the  rest  of  the  service  of  God  in  use 
hitherto,  is  so  sorely  despised,  and  openly  regarded  by  the  common  people  as  idolatry 
and  a  soul-destroying  exhibition,  and  denounced  in  the  pulpit  as  an  evident  imposture, 
that  I  fear,  as  the  Pope,  cardinals,  and  the  bishop  leave  us  to  shift  for  ourselves,  we 
shall  have  to  renounce  the  faith  and  all  divine  service  in  a  short  time,  or  else  allow  our- 
selves to  be  put  to  death  by  the  common  people." 

70  Fiissli's  Beytrage,  ii.  25  ;  iv.  47.  A  nun  had  been  already  married  in  August,  and 
demanded  restitution  of  the  property  which  she  had  brought  to  the  convent,  ii.  28. 

71  First  Willi.  Rimbli,  pastor  at  Wytikon,  28th  Apr.,  1523  ;  sec  Bsrnh.  Weiss  in  Fiissli, 


92  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

that  a  German  baptismal  service  was  introduced  in  the  city  (10th 
Aug.),72  and  that  the  cathedral  chapter,  at  its  own  request,  received 
new  and  suitable  ordinances  (19th  Sept.).73  They  wished  to  abol- 
ish all  the  idolatrous  parts  of  divine  service  which  had  till  now  re- 
mained unchanged,  especially  images  and  masses,  and  according- 
ly they  soon  began,  on  their  own  motion,  to  demolish  images  and 
the  apparatus  of  superstition.74 

These  occurrences  made,  for  the  most  part,  an  evil  impression 
upon  the  rest  of  the  confederacy.  They  were  in  part  terrified  by 
the  prospect  of  a  schism  in  the  Church ;  in  part  they  concluded, 
from  certain  exaggerated  rumors,  that  all  civic  order  was  destroyed 
in  Zurich  ;75  and  they  dreaded  the  power  of  this  example.  In  Lu- 
cerne,76 Freiburg,  and  Zug,  there  was  violent  exasperation  against 
the  Reformation,  from  a  stiff  adherence  to  the  old  order  of  things  ;77 
the  Bernese  aristocracy  opposed  the  attempts  at  ecclesiastical  in- 
novation, out  of  regard  for  their  own  authority.78     Although  in 

iv.  45.  He  was  followed  by  others,  and  among  them  by  Leo  Judae,  19th  Sept.,  1523, 
and  Zwingle,  2d  Apr.,  1524.    Bullinger,  i.  108. 

72  Weiss  in  Fiissli,  iv.  47.     This  baptismal  service  is  in  Zwingle's  Works,  ii.  ii.  224. 

73  Bullinger,  i.  113.    The  Christian  Constitution  is  also  in  Fussli,  i.  1. 

74  In  September,  1523,  Lawrence  Hochrutiner  broke  in  pieces  the  sacred  lamp  in  the 
cathedral  church ;  soon  after  the  same  thing  was  clone  in  several  chapels  (see  the  exam- 
ination in  Muller-Hottinger,  vi.  498) :  but  the  overthrow  of  a  great  crucifix  by  the  cob- 
bler, Nicholas  Hottinger,  at  the  end  of  September,  attracted  the  most  attention.  Compare 
especially  Fussli,  ii.  33 ;  Wirz,  ii.  124 ;  Muller-Hottinger,  vi.  387,  450. 

75  The  Bernese  envoy,  Gaspar  of  Miilhien,  said,  at  the  diet  in  Berne,  JuLy,  1523  (Fiiss- 
li, ii.  2G)  :  "  Dear  confederates,  beware  in  time  lest  the  Luthei'an  cause,  and  they  who 
are  embarked  in  it,  gain  the  upper  hand ;  for  their  preachers  have  brought  their  city 
(Zurich)  to  such  a  state,  that  if  the  nobles  themselves  wished  to  retrace  their  steps 
they  could  not  do  so.  Matters  are  come  to  such  a  pitch  that  a  man  is  not  safe  in  his 
own  house.  It  is  necessary  that  a  man  should  take  other  men  to  his  house  to  protect 
him  with  arms  from  all  mischance ;  the  cause  has  advanced  so  far  that  their  peasants 
in  the  country  will  pay  neither  tribute  nor  tithe,  and  there  is  such  a  division  in  this  city 
and  the  whole  canton  that  the  like  has  never  been  seen  before."  Compare  the  letter  of 
the  Council  of  Zurich'  to  that  of  Constance,  Donnerst.  nach  Othmer  (November),  1523, 
in  Fussli,  v.  71 :  "  It  has  been  reported  to  us  that  certain  godless  persons,  enemies  to 
the  evangelical  doctrine,  have  stated  before  you  that  disquiet  prevails  among  us  in 
consequence  of  preaching,  so  that  all  ranks  are  expecting  a  rebellion  ;  and  that  we  are 
repenting  that  we  have  so  fully  received  the  evangelical  doctrine."  All  this  is  un- 
true, "since,  b}-  the  grace  of  God  and  His  divine  doctrine,  there  has  never  been,  for  a 
long  time,  greater  peace  and  friendship  between  the  lower  and  higher  orders  than  at  the 
present  da}-." 

76  At  Lucerne,  during  a  diet,  the  people  burned  Zwingle  in  effigy,  Febr.,  1523  ;  Miiller- 
Hottinger,  vi.  433. 

77  Muller-Hottinger,  vi.  394,  410,  418. 

78  According  to  Anshelm,  vi.  199,  it  was  the  vicar-general,  Faber,  who,  in  connection 
with  the  rest  of  the  prelates,  "has  made  enemies  and  opposers  of  the  evangelical  doc- 
trine, yea,  even  tyrants,  out  of  by  no  means  the  least  of  the  confederate  nobles,  as,  for 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  ZURICH.— 1523.  93 

other  cantons  the  Reformation  had  many  friends,  even  among  the 
rulers,  yet  the  voices  of  these  powerful  cantons  swayed  the  diets, 
and  from  them,  as  well  as  from  the  Bishop  of  Constance,79  procla- 
mations were  issued  against  all  ecclesiastical  innovations.80 

As,  however,  the  general  voice  of  Zurich  was  expressed  with 
increasing  preponderance  for  the  advance  of  the  Reformation,  the 
council  cared  the  less  for  these  warnings ;  in  fact,  it  made  prep- 
arations for  a  new  conference  on  the  26th  of  October  upon  images 
and  the  mass.81  No  champion  was  found  for  them  ;  but  so  gross 
an  ignorance  was  then  discovered  among  the  clergy,  that  the  coun- 
cil determined  to  leave  the  old  order  of  things  for  a  while  undis- 
turbed, until  sufficient  instruction  had  been  imparted.82  Zvvingle, 
the  Abbot  Von  Cappel,  and  Conrad  Schmid,  commander  of  the 
Knights  of  St.  John  at  Kusnacht,  were  to  preach  for  this  purpose 
in  the  country  districts ;  and,  besides  this,  Zwingle  was  to  com- 
pose his  Christian  Introduction^  which  was  then  published  with 
the  assent  of  the  council,  in  order  to  explain  more  fully  the  mean- 
instance,  Bastian  von  Stein  at  Berne,  who  formerly  were  favorable  and  friendly  to  the 
Gospel,  and  gracious  lords.  The  priests  and  monks,  especially  the  bishops,  raised  the 
cry:  The  storm  falls  now  upon  us:  it  will  fall  next  upon  the  nobles.  Your  free  life, 
your  tribute  and  tithe,  will  all  be  despoiled.  Let  us  stand  together  against  these  rebell- 
ious heretics.  By  such  outcry  as  this,  raised  day  by  day,  many  powerful  and  wealth}' 
nobles  were  deterred  from  even  listening  to,  much  more  from  accepting,  the  Word  of 
God :  that  which  was  divine  and  evangelical  they  called  devilish  and  infernal." 

79  Pastoral  of  the  10th  Jul}-,  1523,  in  Simler,  i.  789  (in  German  in  Fussli,  iv.  135). 

90  Anshelm,  vi.  200.  "After  the  aforementioned  meeting  (at  Zurich,  in  January), 
when  the  pious  Zwingle  went  forth  into  the  country  to  preach  and  instruct  the  clergy, 
and  every  where  in  the  confederacy  the  Word  of  God  increased ;  then  the  confederates 
passed  a  decree,  in  July  at  Berne,  and  in  autumn  at  Lucerne,  that  all  the  followers  of 
Luther  and  Zwingle  should  be  strictly  searched  out  and  punished ;  and  that  Zwingle 
should  be  arrested  if  he  came  into  their  dominions;  in  order  that  they  might  support 
the  Bishop  of  Constance  against  his  disobedient  clergy,  as  they  had  been  earnestly  ex- 
horted to  do."  t  (Compare  Lud.  Tschudii  Epist.  ad  Zuinglium,  die  Jovis  post  Margare- 
tae,  1523.  Opp.  vii.  302.)  The  bishop  had  remonstrated  to  the  diet  at  Berne  against 
the  disobedience  of  his  clergy,  and  received  this  answer  at  the  diet  of  Lucerne ;  it  may 
be  seen  in  Fussli,  iv.  156. 

81  Bullinger,  i.  126.  All  the  Swiss  bishops  and  cantons  were  invited  to  this  confer- 
ence, but  only  Schafhausen  and  St.  Gall  sent  delegates.  The  minutes  of  the  confer- 
ence were  published  at  once  by  Lewis  Hetzer  (in  Zwiugle's  Works,  i.  459)  :  from  these, 
again,  Salat  derived  his  historical  account,  composed  in  the  same  spirit  as  that  of  the 
first  disputation  (Note  66)  ;  see  Fussli,  iii.  1. 

82  Zwingle  recommended  this  course  during  the  conference — see  Ins  Works,  i.  531  f. ; 
as  did  the  commander,  Conrad  Schmid,  ibid.  s.  533  ff.  On  these  decrees,  made  imme- 
diately after  the  conference,  see  Zuinglius  ad  Yadianum,  d.  11.  Nov.  (Opp.  vii.  313); 
Bullinger,  i.  135. 

83  "Eine  kurze  Christenliche  Ynleitung:"  prefixed  to  it  is  a  mandate  of  the  council 
of  17th  Nov. ;  in  Zwiinrlc's  Works,  i.  5H. 


94  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ing  and  the  object  of  the  Reformation.  All  excess  of  zeal,  wheth- 
er in  behalf  of  the  old  or  the  new,  was  held  in  check  ;  and  all  ex- 
cesses and  illegal  demonstrations  were  chastised.84  On  the  other 
hand,  concessions  were  gradually  made  to  the  pressure  for  reform : 
in  December  the  shrined  pictures  in  the  churches  were  shut  up, 
and  every  priest  was  left  free  to  celebrate  mass  or  not  as  he  chose.85 
Even  a  solemn  embassy  from  the  diet  to  Zurich  (in  Febr.,  1524) 
could  no  longer  impose  any  restraint,86  much  less  the  Pope's  re- 
fusal to  pay  arrears  of  debt  till  after  the  abolition  of  the  innova- 
tions.87 After  the  council  thought  they  had  waited  long  enough, 
on  Whitsunday,  in  1524,  a  more  thorough  reform  of  the  Church 
was  begun  by  the  destruction  of  images.88     One  after  another  all 

84  Proofs  of  this  may  be  seen  in  the  decisions  of  the  council,  Fiissli,  ii.  31  ff. 

85  The  verdict  of  the  council  of  the  19th  Dec.  (Bullinger,  i.  139  ;  Fiissli,  ii.  47,  Note  ; 
Zwingle's  Works,  i.  568)  was  that  all  the  priests  should  appear  before  the  council  on  the 
28th  of  December,  and  in  case  they  had  any  thing  to  allege  against  the  last  disputation, 
there  to  bring  it  forward.  The  picture  tablets  were  to  be  shut  up,  and  images  were  to 
be  no  longer  carried  about.  Afterward  the  decree  against  the  mass  and  prohibiting  all 
aspersions  was  read  to  the  priests  in  presence  of  the  council,  the  28th  December  (see  the 
decree  in  Fiissli,  ii.  43  ff. ;  Zwingle's  Works,  i.  581)  :  at  the  same  time,  it  was  determined 
to  send  to  the  bishops  of  Chur,  Constance,  and  Basle,  to  the  University  of  Basle,  and 
the  other  cantons,  the  Introduction  published  by  the  council,  "that  if  they  were  then 
still  inclined  to  conform  their  opinions  to  Scripture,  the}'  might  do  so,  and  return  us  a 
friendly  answer.  Thus  answers  might  be  obtained,  and  it  would  be  seen  what  progress 
was  made  in  the  matter,  in  order  that  at  Whitsuntide  it  might  be  taken  in  hand  once 
more,  and  a  conclusion  arrived  at  pleasing  to  God  and  to"  the  furtherance  of  His  holy 
Word." 

80  Bullinger,  i.  157.  Anshelm,  vi.  227.  The  impression  made  bj"  this  embassy  was 
weakened  by  the  fact  that  their  instructions  did  not  agree ;  see  Miiller-Hottinger,  vi. 
474.  The  Zurichers  gave  their  answer  on  the  21st  of  March  in  print  (the  conclusion  and 
date  are  in  Anshelm,  vi.  227;  the  whole  is  in  the  Bericht  an  die  Unterthanen,  Fiissli,  ii. 
231-261)  :  but  this  made  the  confederates  less  favorable  than  before  to  the  innovations  ; 
Anshelm,  vi.  230. 

87  See  Wirz,  i.  41,  and  the  investigations  prefixed  to  Zwingle's  Judgment  on  these 
transactions,  1526,  in  Zw.  Werke,  ii.  ii.  387.  The  Pope's  manifestoes  were  always  of 
the  same  import  as  the  brief  to  the  Zurichers,  11th  Dec,  1525  (1.  c.  p.  390):  Quod  si  id, 
quod  Dcus  avertat,  in  his  novis  et  impiis  erroribus  perstare  propositum  Arobis  haberetis, 
quomodo  possemus  non  solum  erga  vos  uti  liberalitate,  sed  pecunias  ullas,  etiamsi  max- 
ime  vobis  debitae  essent,  juste  et  pie  persolvere  ?  Cum  alienis  a  fide  recta,  nee  quae 
ipsorum  quidem  patria  et  avita  bona  sunt,  illis  jure  relinqui  debeant. 

88  A  commission  of  the  clergy  had  been  already  obliged  to  draw  up  a  proposal  about 
the  images  and  the  mass  (Bullinger,  i.  162;  Zwingle's  Works,  i.  572).  The  council 
agreed  upon  this,  but  resolved  (Bullinger,  i.  172)  "that  at  this  time  a  beginning  should 
be  made  with  images,  and  they  should  be  done  away  with ;  with  regard  to  the  mass 
they  would  wait  a  short  time,  and  see  meanwhile  what  measures  could  be  convenientl}- 
taken,  even  if  the  matter  of  the  images  should  be  mismanaged,  as  it  was  natural  for  the 
uninformed  and  the  confederates  to  fall  into  error."  But  with  regard  to  images,  an  or- 
der of  the  council  was  issued  on  the  15th  June,  1524,  to  the  provincial  authorities  (Land- 
vogte)  (Bullinger,  i.  173;  Fiissli,  i.  142):  It  had  determined  "to  do  away  with  images 
and  idols  wheresoever  they  were  held  in  honor;"  no  force  was  to  be  used,  but  it  was 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  ZURICH.— 1524.  95 

the  objects  and  usages  of  superstition  quickly  disappeared  ;89  the 
monasteries  were  suppressed,  and  changed  into  schools  and  alms- 
houses.90 The  council  secured  the  assent  of  its  subjects  by  a  pub- 
lic invitation  to  declare  their  opinion  upon  these  proceedings  ;91  and 
it  had  now  less  to  fear  from  the  threatening  aspect  of  some  of  the 
cantons,  since  the  others,  especially  Berne,  entered  into  more  friend- 
ly relations  with  it.92     The  transformation  in  public  worship  at 

desired,  "that  if  a  parish  had  set  up  images  and  pictures  by  common  consent  at  its 
own  expense,  it  might  remove  them,  if  the  majority  of  the  parishioners  desired  it  to  be 
done,  but  on  condition  that  it  should  be  done  in  the  presence  of  the  pastor  and  persons 
of  good  repute  appointed  for  the  purpose  by  the  community,  with  decency  and  without 
tumult.  If,  however,  any  one  had  put  up  images  at  his  own  expense,  he  might  take 
them  into  his  own  hands  without  hinderance."  A  commission  was  appointed  at  once  in 
Zurich  to  remove  the  images  (Ftissli,  ii.  GO) :  the  work  was  begun  on  the  20th  of  June, 
and  was  quietly  finished  in  thirteen  days  (Bernh.  Weiss  in  Fiissli,  iv.  49).  Compare 
Zwingle's  account  in  his  answer  to  Valentine  Compar.  1525  (Works,  ii.  i.  58). 

83  The  feast  of  Corpus  Christi  was  abolished  (Fiissli,  ii.  59) :  a  list  of  all  that  was 
done  away  with  in  1524  is  given  by  Bullinger,  i.  1G0 ;  Bernh.  Weiss  in  Fussli,  iv.  57 ; 
Aushelm,  vi.  225  :  "In  May,  this  year,  the  honorable  city  of  Zurich  has  quite  abolish- 
ed and  done  away  with  the  popish  mass,  observance  of  times,  saints,  hymns  and  prayers 
for  the  dead,  all  idols  and  images,  together  with  the  decorations  and  the  services  which 
belonged  to  them.  It  has  also  buried  its  patron  saints,  St.  Felix  and  St.  Regula,  with 
the  bones  of  the  rest  of  its  dead.  Next  fell  the  popish  confessional,  anointing  and  con- 
secration, monastic  rules  and  vows.  In  their  stead  the  holy  sacraments  of  Baptism  and 
the  Supper  of  our  Lord  and  Master  Jesus  Christ,  were  ordered  to  be  celebrated  with  pi- 
ety, according  to  their  first  institution,  and  in  the  German  language,  that  all  might  un- 
derstand. Daily  preaching  was  also  established,  common  prayer,  public  confession, 
teaching  and  instruction  in  Holy  Writ  in  four  languages.  The  poor  and  need}'  were 
provided  for  with  alms,  holy  matrimony  was  allowed  to  all  estates,  open  sin  and  licen- 
tiousness strictly  forbidden  and  punished,  and  a  public  account  of  these  transactions 
printed  and  made  accessible  to  us  all." 

90  The  abbess  of  Frauenmunster  surrendered  her  convent  to  the  council  on  the  30th 
Nov.,  with  the  reservation  of  a  pension;  Fussli,  ii.  74,  77.  By  the  advice  of  Zwingle 
(Works,  ii.  ii.  327),  the  Augustines,  Dominicans,  and  Franciscans  were  all  placed  to- 
gether in  the  Franciscan  monastery  on  the  3d  Dec. ;  those  that  wished  to  learn  a  trade 
received  back  the  property  they  had  brought  in ;  the  rest  were  to  die  out.  Fussli,  ii. 
7G,  78  ;  iv.  79.  With  regard  to  the  appropriation  of  monastic  property,  see  Muller-Hot- 
tinger,  vii.  71.  On  the  20th  Dec,  1524,  Zwingle  gave  up  the  higher  and  lower  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  prebendal  stalls  at  the  great  minster,  but  he  reserved  its  propertj-  for  the  es- 
tablishment of  schools  (Works,  ii.  ii.  342). 

91  The  Bericht  des  Rathes  zu  Zurich  an  ihre  Unterthanen,  -was  sich  die  Zeit  hero  fur 
Vcranderungen  in  der  Religion  zugetragen  haben  (of  the  7th  Jul}-,  1524 ;  see  Muller- 
Hottinger,  vi.  478  A.) ;  in  Bullinger,  i.  177.  Fussli,  ii.  228.  The  answers,  all  approv- 
ing, are  in  Fussli,  iii.  105. 

92  After  Zurich  had  begun  the  Reformation,  Schafhausen  and  Appcnzell  openly 
joined  its  party.  The  most  ardent  of  their  opponents,  Schwj-tz,  Uri,  Unterwalden,  Lu- 
cerne, Frybftrg,  and  Zug,  entered  into  a  league  at  Baden  on  the  28th  of  June,  "  with  all 
their  power,  so  help  them  God,  to  stand  by  the. old  faith,  and  banish  the  new;  also  to 
have  no  fellowship  with  its  adherents ;"  see  Anshelm,  vi.  231.  The  three  states  above 
mentioned  were  not  summoned  to  the  diet  at  Zug  on  the  11th  Juby  ;  however  threaten- 
ing as  this  diet  certainly  was,  Zurich  still  received  from  Berne  distinct  assurances  of 
friendly  feeling;  see  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  48.     St.  Gall,  Basle,  and  Solothurn  joined 


9Q  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Zurich  was  completed  by  the  celebration,  on  Maundy-Thursday, 
13th  April,  1525,  of  the  Lord's  Supper  again  in  its  original  sim- 
plicity in  the  great  minster.93  This  same  year  produced,  for  the 
establishment  of  the  Reformation  among  the  learned,  Zwingle's 
work,  De  Vera  et  Falsa  Religione  ;94  and  for  the  instruction  of 
the  common  people,  the  firs};  part  of  the  Zurich  translation  of  the 
Bible,  which  the  clergy  of  Zurich  composed  in  Swiss-German.95 

Beyond  the  canton  of  Zurich  the  Reformation,  for  the  present, 
was  only  carried  out  in  Appenzell  and  the  town  of  Muhlhausen. 
The  free  Appenzellers,  to  whom,  since  the  year  1522,  Walter  Kla- 
rer,  pastor  at  Hundweil,  had  preached  the  Gospel,  after  a  violent 
struggle,  granted  to  every  parish  the  right  of  deciding  for  itself 
(1524).  Out  of  the  eight  parishes  of  the  canton,  six  at  once  came 
over  to  the  Reformation,  and  began  to  change  their  Church  con- 
stitution, undeterred  by  any  considerations.96     Muhlhausen  was 

with  Berne  "forsooth  as  the  strong  Bear  (Berne)  had  determined,  in  accordance  with 
the  hopes  and  efforts  of  the  six  cantons,  Zurich  must  be  considered  a  lesser  Turkey,  and 
must  defend  her  creed  not  against  the  Word  of  God,  but  against  fire  and  steel."  An 
embassy  to  the  three  reforming  cantons  was  resolved  upon ;  but  Berne  spoke  in  the 
name  of  the  ten  districts  much  more  mildly  than  Lucerne  in  the  name  of  the  six ;  An- 
shelm,  vi.  232.  Miiller-Hottinger,  vii.  50.  Zurich  justified  her  conduct  again  in  a  print- 
ed letter  (of  the  4th  January,  1525,  Bullinger,  i.  233.  Miiller-Hottinger,  vii.  74) :  see 
this  in  Fussli,  i.  293. 

93  The  youth  received  the  communion  on  Maundy-Thursday,  the  middle-aged  on 
Good  Friday,  the  aged  on  Easter  Sunday  ;  see  Bernh.  Weiss  in  Fussli,  iv.  64.  Anshelm, 
vi.  324.  Bullinger,  i.  263.  The  liturgy  used  on  the  occasion  may  be  seen  in  Zwingle's 
Works,  ii.  ii.  233.  Why  Zwingle  delayed  so  long  may  be  seen  in  Anshelm,  vi.  203,  on 
the  year  1523 :  Luther  and  Zwingle  had  demonstrated  the  exceptionable  authority  of 
the  canon,  and  the  propriety  of  administering  the  Lord's  Supper  under  both  kinds  and 
in  the  vulgar  tongue.  "The  Lutherans  had  instituted  a  German  mass,  with  German 
psalms  and  hymns,  and  certain  ancient  ceremonies,  with  a  view  to  the  introduction  of 
a  new  or  altered  papacy.  But  Zwingle  endeavored  to  restore  the  first  constitution  of 
the  Church,  and  abolish  every  ordinance  of  man.  With  this  view  he  would  neither  in- 
troduce a  German  mass  nor  church-music,  but  waited  until  he  could  firmly  establish  the 
Lord's  Supper  with  the  preaching  of  the  pure  Word  of  God,  without  any  mass  or  devised 
ceremonies,  according  to  the  simple  institution  and  usage  of  the  Lord  and  the  apostles ; 
which  he  soon  afterward  effected." 

94  Opp.  iii.  145. 

95  See  a  list  of  the  editions  in  Simler's  Sammlung,  ii.  381.  As  early  as  1524  the  New 
Testament  was  printed  at  Zurich  after  Luther's  translation  ;  in  1525  the  historical  books 
of  the  Old  Testament,  according  to  Luther's  translation,  altered  in  some  places  ;  in  1529 
the  prophets,  Hagiographa,  and  Apocrypha,  were  printed  in  a  new  translation,  upon 
which  Leo  Judae  and  Gaspar  Grossmann  were  chiefly  employed.  The  first  complete  edi- 
tion of  the  Zurich  Bible  was  issued  in  1531.  See  Hottinger's  Helvet.  Kirchengesch., 
iii.  224. 

96  See  the  historical  account  by  the  reformer  Walter  Klarer,  by  what  occurred  in  the 
canton  of  Appenzell  in  the  time  of  the  blessed  Reformation,  written  in  1565,  in  Simler's 
Sammlung,  i.  803.    Wirz,  i.  514,  ii.  387.     Miiller-Hottinger,  vii.  144. 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  BEYOND  ZURICH,  TO  1525.     97 

won  over  to  the  Reformation  by  Ulrich  of  Hutten,  and  reshaped 
its  forms  of  worship  as  early  as  1523.  Still  a  party  of  adherents 
of  the  ancient  order,  who  relied  upon  the  confederacy  for  support, 
imposed  upon  the  council  the  necessity  of  caution.97 

In  Berne,98  by  the  fiery,  barefooted  friar,  Sebastian  Meyer,  and 
the  more  prudent  priest,  Berchthold  Haller,  a  broad  foundation 
was  early  prepared  for  the  Reformation,  and  favored  by  the  gov- 
ernment ;"  Niklaus  Manuel,  in  his  carnival-farce  of  1522,  could 
unmask,  without  restraint,  the  crimes  of  the  papacy  and  the  cler- 
gy.100 But  the  events  at  Zurich  in  the  year  1523  made  the  rul- 
ing nobles  suspicious  of  the  Reformation  as  a  source  of  disorder  ;101 
and  the  government  endeavored  to  uphold  its  influence  by  an  in- 
termediate position  between  the  parties.  The  preaching  of  the 
G-ospel  was,  indeed,  freely  conceded  ;103  but  every  attack  upon  ec- 

97  Matthias  Graf,  Gesch.  der  Stadt  Muhlhausen,  2ter  Theil.  His  Gesch.  der  Kirchen- 
verbesserung  zu  Muhlhausen.     Strasburg,  1818.  8. 

98  Compare  Valerius  Anshelm's  Berner  Chronik,  vi.  101  ff.  Die  Reformatoren  Berns 
im  XVI.  Jahr.  Nach  dem  Bernerschen  Mausoleum  umgearbeitet  von  G.  J.  Kuhn. 
Bern,  1828.  Bertold  Haller  oder  die  Reformation  von  Bern,  von  Melchior  Kirchhofer. 
Zurich,  1828.  8. 

99  Thus  the  council  decided  in  favor  of  the  pastor,  George  Brunner,  who  was  accused 
by  his  dean  of  preaching  evangelical  doctrine  in  1522  (see  Anshelm,  vi.  103)  ;  and  an- 
other contemporary  account  in  Simler,  i.  461 ;  Kuhn,  s.  253  ft'. ;  and  soon  after  punished 
a  citizen  who  had  accused  Sebastian  Meyer  of  heresj' ;  Anshelm,  vi.  108. 

100  There  were  three  which  were  publicly  acted  in  the  streets  ;  Anshelm,  i.  107  :  "  One, 
called  the  Todtenfresser,  touching  all  the  abuses  of  the  papacj-,  on  the  priests'  Fassnacht ; 
another,  on  the  contrast  between  the  character  of  Jesus  Christ  and  that  of  his  so-called 
vicar,  the  Pope  of  Rome,  on  the  old  Fassnacht.  Between  these,  on  Ash- Wednesday,  the 
Roman  Indulgence,  with  the  Bohnenlied,  was  dragged  through  all  the  streets  and  ridi- 
culed. By  this  strange  exhibition,  which  had  never  before  been  thought  profane,  a 
great  nation  was  induced  to  consider  and  distinguish  between  Christian  freedom  and 
papal  bondage.  Among  all  the  evangelical  publications  there  is  scarcely  a  book  so  oft- 
en printed  and  so  widely  spread  as  these  farces."  They  were  printed  at  Zurich,  1525, 
Berne,  1540  ;  but  they  had  almost  entirety  disappeared,  and  accordingly  were  published 
again  :  Des  Venners  der  Stadt  Bern  Niklaus  Manuel  Fastnachtspiele.  Bern,  1836.  8 ; 
also  in  Niclaus  Manuel,  von  Dr.  C.  Griineisen.     Stuttg.  u.  Tubingen,  1837.  8.  s.  339. 

101  Compare  Note  78,  above. 

10s  The  mandate  of  15th  June,  1523,  is  in  Anshelm,  vi.  204:  "That  you  and  all  per- 
sons who  undertake  and  use  the  office  of  preaching,  preach  nothing  else  but  the  Holy 
Gospel  and  the  free  love  of  God,  openly  and  without  concealment,  and  in  like  manner 
what  you  can  defend  and  prove  from  the  true  Holy  Scripture,  the  four  Evangelists, 
Paul,  the  Prophets,  and  the  Bible — in  short,  from  the  Old  and  New  Testament ;  and  en- 
tirely desist  from  all  other  doctrine,  controversy,  and  unprofitable  trifling  not  agreeing 
with  the  Holy  Gospels  and  Scriptures  above  mentioned,  whether  they  be  written  or  pub- 
lished by  Luther  or  other  doctors."  Anshelm,  vi.  207,  remarks  thereon  :  When  the  no- 
bles, of  whom  the  lesser  council  was  composed,  "who  thought  that  by  this  mandate  the 
doctrine  of  Luther,  Zwingle,  and  their  adherents,  would  be  excluded,  saw  and  heard 
that  the  new  doctrine  and  preaching  were  only  strengthened  thereby :  then  they  rued, 
and  began  to  seek  with  all  their  might  to  hinder  the  observance  of  their  mandate,  which 
VOL.  IV. 7 


98  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

clesiastical  usages,  and  all  controversy,  were  forbidden  and  punish- 
ed with  severe  penalties.103  Thus  Sebastian  Meyer,  the  preacher 
of  the  Dominicans,  was  obliged  to  leave  the  city  on  account  of 
his  controversial  sermons,  as  was  also  his  adversary.104  Haller,  on 
the  other  hand,  and  those  of  like  opinions,  were  allowed  to  preach 
the  simple  Gospel,  though  the  government  of  Berne,  with  the  Cath- 
olic cantons,  remonstrated  against  the  alterations  which  had  taken 
place  in  Zurich. 

The  governments  of  the  lesser  cantons,  which  were  more  or  less 
inclined  to  the  Reformation,  followed  this  example  of  the  powerful 
Berne.  But  they  were  obliged  to  be  satisfied  with  hindering  any 
violent  ecclesiastical  alterations,  while  they  overlooked  other  in- 
fringements of  the  old  order,  in  consonance  with  the  views  pre- 
vailing among  their  subjects. 

Biel,  where  Thomas  Wyttenbach  preached  the  Gospel,  follow- 
ing the  example  of  Berne,  dismissed  eight  married  priests,  and 
Wyttenbach  among  them,  from  their  offices.  But  in  1525  the 
citizens  carried  through  the  free  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  and  pro- 
cured the  restoration  of  Wyttenbach.105 

In  Basle,106  Wolfgang  Fabricius  Capito  and  Gaspar  Hedio  were 
the  first  preachers  of  the  Gospel.  When  they  departed,  as  early 
as  1520,  others  came  in  their  place,  especially  John  Oecolampa- 
dius,  in  1522,  as  professor  of  divinity,  and  assistant  minister  at 
St.  Martins.  The  cathedral  and  the  university  were  against  the 
Reformation :  but  the  more  it  spread  among  the  people  so  much 
the  more  were  the  authorities  inclined  toward  it,  although  out  of 

they  dared  not  rescind  from  fear  of  their  fellow-townsmen  and  the  community.  How- 
ever, the  greater  council  maintained  the  mandate  inviolate." 

103  See  the  mandate  of  the  Thursday  after  St.  Mark's  day,  1523,  in  Fiissli,  ii.  271,  in 
which  that  of  the  15th  June  was  confirmed  ;  "  yet  with  this  addition,  that  priests  who 
had  married  wives,  or  hereafter  should  marry,  were  to  forfeit  and  lose  their  benefices. 
In  like  manner,  that  all  persons  who  spoke  abusively  or  contemptuously  of  the  Mother 
of  God  and  the  saints,  or  ate  flesh  and  other  forbidden  food  on  fast  daj-s,  or  otherwise 
practiced  or  preached  from  the  pulpit  such  unheard-of  customs,  must  expect  punishment 
from  us." 

104  1524.  Anshelm,  vi.  24G.  Kuhn,  122  ff.  Anshelm's  own  wife  was  punished,  in 
1523,  for  saying,  "  Our  Lady  was  a  woman  like  herself;  requiring  the  grace  of  her  Son 
Jesus  Christ— else  she  could  not  be  saved ;"  and  Anshelm  had  so  much  to  suffer  in  con- 
sequence that  he  left  Berne ;  see  Anshelm,  vi.  209. 

105  Bullinger,  i.  155.  Nachricht  von  der  Kirchenreformatiou  in  Biel  in  Fiissli,  ii.  2G5 
ff.    Wyttenbach's  Leben,  in  Kuhn,  s.  53  ff. 

100  Christ.  Wursteisens  (professor  at  Basle,  f  1588)  Basler  Chronik.  Basle,  1580.  fol. ; 
from  Book  vii.  cap.  11  onward.  Ochs  Geschichte  von  Basel,  Bd.  5,  s.  429  ff.  Lebens- 
geschichte  D.  Joh.  Oecolampads  (von  Sal.  Hess).    Zurich,  1793.  8. 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  2.  BEYOND  ZURICH,  TO  1525.    99 

consideration  for  the  other  cantons,  and  a  prudent  regard  for  internal 
peace,  all  that  they  did  in  a  public  way  was  to  grant  it  toleration. 
In  1524  they  issued  an  ordinance  to  the  same  effect  as  the  Bernese 
mandate  of  15th  June,  1523  :107  yet  they  appointed  disputations 
for  Oecolampadius,  30th  August,  1523,108  for  William  Farel,  and 
Stephen  Stb'r,  Leut-priest  of  Liestal,  15th  and  16th  February, 
1524  ;109  and  conceded  to  Oecolampadius  those  conditions  as  to 
reform  under  which  he  accepted  the  ministry  of  St.  Martins  in 
1524.110 

So,  too,  in  Schafhausen  the  Reformation  was  favorably  intro- 
duced by  Sebastian  Hofmeister,  a  barefooted  friar,  after  1522,111 
and  in  St.  Gall  by  two  laymen,  Joachim  Vadianus  and  John  Kess- 
ler,112  though  as  yet  unable  to  come  into  full  activity. 

107  See  this  in  Wursteisen,  book  vii.,  cap.  13  (compare  Note  102,  above). 

108  Erasmus  ad  Zuinglium,  d.  31  Aug.,  1523.  Opp.  vii.  308.  Oecolampadius  pro- 
posuerat,  quaedam  disputare,  jamque  schedas  prodiderat.  Jussus  est  in.  aliud  tempus 
prorogare.  Nunc  permissum  est  disputare,  quum  volet.  P.  310.  Oecolampadius  heri 
disputavit,  disputaturus  denuo  proximo  dominico.  He  had  prepared  four  concluding 
addresses  to  refute  the  following  charges  commonly  brought  against  the  Reformation : 
1.  That  its  adherents  despised  all  teachers;  2.  That  the  new  doctrines  abrogated  all 
good  works ;  3.  That  they  taught  men  to  despise  the  saints ;  4.  That  they  allowed  no 
validity  to  human  laws.  See  Wirz,  ii.  360.  These  theses  he  defended  on  two  Sunday 
afternoons. 

109  Both  of  these  men  were  refused  permission  by  the  University ;  the  Council  granted 
it :  see  the  mandate  in  Fiissli,  iv.  243.  Farel's  thirteen  theses  impugn  the  false,  and 
point  out  the  true  waj'  of  salvation ;  see  Fiissli,  iv.  246.  The  Life  of  Oecolampadius,  by 
S.  Hess,  s.  77.  The  Life  of  W.  Farel,  by  Kirchhofer,  i.  21.  Stor,  who  had  married,  de- 
fended the  marriage  of  priests  in  five  theses.    Bullinger,  i.  152.    Fussli,  ii.  151. 

110  His  condition  was,  according  to  Wursteisen,  vii.  13,  "that  he  should  be  free  with 
regard  to  the  Word  of  God,  to  teach  what  it  teaches,  and  condemn  what  it  condemns ; 
also,  that  he  should  be  released  from  the  popish  ceremonies,  which  he  said  were  unprof- 
itable to  the  people ;  and  one  deacon  only  should  be  allowed  him,  of  whose  help  he 
might  avail  himself  in  the  administration  of  the  holy  sacraments,  etc.  Thus  much  was 
conceded  to  him  by  the  patrons,  and  afterward  sanctioned  by  the  Council ;  but  on  the 
understanding  that  he  should  introduce  no  important  innovation  without  previously  in- 
forming them.  When  Dr.  Hausschein  (Oecolampadius)  addressed  himself  to  the  Church 
service,  he  charged  his  deacon  to  baptize  children  intelligibly  in  the  German  language. 
They  administered  the  Lord's  Supper  in  both  kinds,  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Council. 
He  taught  that  the  mass  was  no  sacrifice  for  the  sins  of  the  living  and  dead,  or  for  those 
who  were  still  in  purgatory ;  but  that  full  forgiveness  of  their  sins  was  obtained  once 
for  all,  by  the  passion  and  death  of  our  Saviour  Christ,  for  all  believers.  He  warned 
the  people  against  consecrated  water,  salt,  palms,  tapers,  wafers,  and  such  things.  He 
proved  that  it  was  against  God  to  attribute  any  virtue  to  these  things,  and  beyond  God's 
command  to  circumscribe  the  freedom  of  the  Holy  Ghost  with  such  ordinances.  This 
produced  so  great  an  effect  that  the  chaplains  of  important  churches  discontinued  these 
usages,  and  bj'  degrees  processions  with  crosses,  carrying  the  sacrament,  and  ceremo- 
nies of  the  kind,  were  abolished,  together  with  the  mass." 

111  Life  of  Sebastian  Wagner,  called  Hofmeister,  by  Melch.  Kirchhofer,  Zurich,  1808. 
His  Schafhauserische  Jahrbiicher,  from  1519  to  1529.    Schafhausen,  2te  Aufl.,  1838.  8. 

112  The  principal  source  is  the  Chronicle  of  Kessler,  extant  in  manuscript,  Sabbatha 


100  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

§   3. 

CONTROVERSIES  PREJUDICIAL  TO  THE  REFORMATION. 

i 

It  was  natural  that  the  new-born  freedom,  following  the  slav- 
ery of  a  thousand  years,  should  bring  in  its  train  not  only  constant 
warfare  against  the  old  principles,  but  also  many  conflicting  de- 
velopments, and  even  errors  and  abuses :  hence  came  manifold 
struggles  ;  but  this,  too,  gave  an  appearance  of  truth  to  the  accu- 
sation of  its  adversaries,  that  the  Reformation  led  to  endless  revolt 
against  all  existing  institutions.  First  of  all,  the  fearless  vehe- 
mence with  which  Luther  treated  even  the  monarchs  who  opposed 
themselves  to  the  Gospel,  contributed  to  strengthen  this  charge; 
and  though  they  opposed  him  in  a  sphere  where  their  authority 
ought  not  to  prevail,  yet  it  still  seemed  to  threaten  mischief  to 
the  truth.1 

G-eorge,  Duke  of  Saxony,  had  most  frequently  to  endure  Lu- 
ther's violent  indignation,  for  his  persecution  of  the  Reformation.2 
Better  deserved  was  the  reply  of  Luther  to  Henry  VIII.,  King  of 
England,  who  had  ventured  to  come  right  into  the  region  of  the- 
ology in  his  Adsertio  Septem  Sacramentorum  ad  versus  Martinum 
Lutherum,  1521,  in  order  to  win  from  the  Pope  the  title  of  a  De-  j 
fensor  Fidei.  Luther's  rejoinder,  Contra  Henricum,  regem  An- 
gliae,  1522,3  was  conclusive,  although  it  far  overstepped  all  bounds 
of  reverence  and  courtesy.  But  Luther's  controversy  with  Eras- 
mus, and  the  entire  separation  of  the  latter  from  the  cause  of  the 
Reformation,  were  much  more  injurious  than  these  other  contests. 

Erasmus,  who  has  been  very  frequently  considered  the  real  au- 
thor of  the  Reformation,  did,  indeed,  accompany  its  first  steps  with 

(see  Kessler  von  Bernet,  s.  9,  80,  113),  of  which  the  old  history  of  the  Reformation  in 
St.  Gall,  in  Simler's  Sammlung,  i.  115  ff.,  is  an  abridgment.  Ildef.  v.  Arx,  Geschichten 
des  Cantons  St.  Gallen,  Bd.  2  (St.  Gallen,  1811),  s.  477  ff.  Joh.  Kessler,  genannt  Athe- 
narius,  Burger  und  Reformator  zu  St.  Gall,  by  J.  J.  Bernet,     St.  Gallen,  1826.  8. 

1  Compare  Luther's  work  on  the  Secular  Authority,  how  far  a  man  is  bound  to  render 
obedience  to  it,  1523,  in  Walch's  edition,  x.  426. 

2  First,  when  George  demanded  of  Luther,  in  consequence  of  his  letter  to  Hartmuth 
v.  Kronberg,  March,  1522  (de  Wette,  ii.  161),  whether  he  acknowledged  it  as  his  (Walch, 
xix.  593)  ;  a  very  severe  answer  of  the  3d  Jan.,  1523  (de  Wette,  ii.  284).  Compare,  with 
regard  to  all  Luther's  quarrels  with  George,  Walch,  xix.,  hist.  Einleit.,  s.  28.  Georg 
u.  Luther,  oder  Ehrenrettung  des  Herzogs  Georg  v.  Sachsen,  von  M.  A.  M.  Schulze. 
Leipzig,  1834.  8. 

'  Walch,  xix.,  hist.  Einleit.,  s.  1  ff. 


CHAP.  I.— REFORMATION.    §  3.  LUTHER  AGAINST  HENRY  VIII.    101 

sympathy ;  but  at  the  same  time,  he  took  good  care  that  his  own 
ease  and  good  understanding  with  his  dignified  ecclesiastical  pa- 
trons should  not  be  disturbed,  and  that  the  progress  of  learning, 
which  was  more  to  him  than  all  things  else,  should  not  be  viewed 
with  suspicion  by  the  powerful.4  After  the  Reformation  seized 
upon  the  minds  of  men  as  an  overpowering  impulse,  and  did  not, 
as  he  would  have  it,  merely  cause  them  to  smile  with  friendly  in- 
telligence upon  their  former  errors ;  and  after  the  edict  of  Worms 
had  not  only  pronounced  the  ban  upon  all  Luther's  adherents,  but 
had  also  made  them  outlaws,  he  shrank  back  in  affright,  and 
looked  forward  with  fear  and  anxiety  to  endless  tumults.  Thus 
he  belonged  to  the  Reformation  by  his  convictions,  but  was  kept 
on  the  side  of  the  old  Church  by  calculation  and  fear.  He  thus 
fell  into  an  untenable  intermediate  position,  in  which  he  endeav- 
ored, by  a  double-tongued  policy,  to  allay  the  suspicion  with  which 
he  was  regarded  by  both  parties,  and  to  satisfy  the  demands  inces- 
santly made  upon  him,  by  the  adherents  both  of  the  old  and  of  the 
new  faith,  to  declare  himself  decidedly  on  their  side.5     Zwingle 

4  See  §  1,  Notes  32,  56,  67 ;  cf.  Erasmi  Ep.  ad  Leonem  X.  dd.  13.  Sept.,  1520  (Opp.  ed, 
Lugd.  ill.  1,  578)  :  Esse  video,  qui  quo  magis  communirent  factionem  suam,  conati  sunt 
eausam  bonarum  literarum,  causam  Reuchlini,  meamque  causam  cum  Lutheri  causa 
conjungere,  cum  his  nihil  sit  inter  se  commune. — Lutherum  non  novi,  nee  libros  illius 
unquam  legi,  nisi  forte  decern  aut  duodecim  pagellas  easque  carptim.  Ex  his,  quae 
turn  degustavi,  visus  est  mihi  probe  compositus  ad  mysticas  literas  Veterum  more  ex- 
planandas,  quando  nostra  haec  aetas  immodice  indulgebat  argutis  magis  quam  necessa- 
riis  questionibus. — Ferme  primus  omnium  odoratus  sum  periculum  esse,  ne  res  exiret 
in  tumultum,  a  quo  sic  abhorrui  semper  ut  nemo  magis.  Proinde  minis  etiam  egi  cum 
Joanne  Frobenio  typographo,  ne  quid  operum  illius  excuderet.  He  writes  more  in  de- 
tail in  Ep.  ad  Campegium  Card.  dd.  6.  Dec,  1520  (1.  c.  p.  594),  in  which  he  seeks  espe- 
eiallj-  to  justify  his  letter  to  Luther  (§  1,  Note  32).  P.  596  is  characteristic:  Siquidem 
ut  veritati  nunquam  fas  est  adversari,  ita  celare  nonnunquam  expedit  in  loco.  Semper 
autem  plurimum  refert,  quam  in  tempore,  quam  commode  et  attemperate  earn  proferas. 
Quaedam  inter  se  fatentur  theologi,  quae  vulgo  non  expediat  efferri.  P.  601 :  Si  cor- 
rupti  mores  Romanae  curiae  postulant  ingens  aliquod  ac  praesens  remedium,  certe  meum 
aut  mei  similium  non  est  banc  provinciam  sibi  sumere.  Malo  hunc,  qualis  qualis  est, 
rerum  humanarum  statum,  quam  novos  excitari  tumultus,  qui  saepenumero  vergunt  in 
diversum,  atque  putabatur. 

5  Erasmi  Ep.  ad  Petr.  Barbirium  dd.  13.  Aug.,  1521  (1.  c.  p.  656) :  Quum  Lutherana 
tragoedia  semper  in  pejus  glisceret,  mire  quidam  conati  sunt  me  illi  admiscere. — Uti- 
nam  tarn  immunis  essem  ab  omnibus  vitiis,  quam  sum  ab  hoc  alienus  negotio. — Mihi 
sane  adeo  est  invisa  discordia,  ut  Veritas  etiam  displiceat  seditiosa. — Si  tibi  narrem,  a 
quibus,  et  quibus  modis  solicitatus  sim,  ut  adjungerer  negotio  Lutherano,  quibus  tech- 
nis  quidam  conati  sint  me  pellicere,  quibus  odiis  quidam  hue  me  conati  sint  propellere, 
turn  demum  intelligeres,  quam  mihi  displiceant  dissidia. — Non  ignorabam,  quam  perti- 
nacibus  odiis  me  insectarentur  quidam  apud  nos  odio  bonarum  literarum.  Perspicie- 
bam  esse  tutius  in  alteram  factionem  secedere.  At  mihi  stat,  semperque  stabit  senten- 
tia,  vel  membratim  discerpi  potius,  quam  fovere  discordiam,  praecipue  in  negotio  fidei. 


102  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

and  the  rest  of  the  Swiss  were  forbearing,  from  their  old  deference ; 


— In  his  articulis,  qui  damnantur  in  Lutheri  libris,  nihil  video  quod  illi  mecum  conve- 
niat,  nisi  forte  quod  a  me  moderate  suoque  loco  dictum  est,  ille  dicit  immodice. — Si  hoc 
est  congruere,  congruet  vinum  aceto.  Sed  dices  :  hactenus  non  scripsisti  quicquam  ad- 
versus  Lutherum.  Id  quo  minus  fecerim,  duo  praecipue  fuerunt  in  causa,  otii  penuria, 
et  imperitiae  propriae  conscientia. — Si  pium  est  nocere  causae  Lutheri,  fortassis  magis 
illi  nocui,  quam  quisquam  eorum  qui  odiosissime  reclamarunt,  quique  hominem  convi- 
tiosissimis  libellis  prosciderunt.  Primum,  violentum  ilium  ac  seditiosum  scribendi 
modum  constanter — improbavi.  Non  destiti — dehortari  plurimos,  ut  ab  ea  factione  sese 
abstinerent.  Nullis  studiis  adduci  potui,  ut  vel  paululum  ipse  memet  admiscerem. 
Haec,  opinor,  plus  fregerunt  vires  ejus  factionis  quam  quorundam  tumultus. — Nae  ego 
praeclarum  interim  operae  pretium  fero,  qui  utrinque  lapidor  ?  Apud  nostros  falsissi- 
mo  titulo  traducor  Lutheranus,  apud  Germanos  male  audio,  ut  Lutheranae  factionis  ad- 
versarius.  Ad  Paul.  Bombasium,  dd.  23.  Sept.,  1521  (p.  664)  :  Quominus  hactenus  libris 
editis  cum  Luthero  pugnarim,  plurimae  sunt  causae,  quas  hie  non  est  necesse  percense- 
re :  sed  ilia  praecipua  fuit,  quod  mihi  prorsus  defuit  otium  legendi,  quae  scripsit  Luthe- 
rus.— 0  mi  Bombasi,  proclive  dictu  est :  scribe  adversus  Lutherum.  Sed  ad  hoc  pluri- 
bus  rebus  est  opus,  quam  ad  plaustrum  fabricandum,  ut  inquit  Hesiodus.  Video,  quam 
varia,  quam  morosa  sint  hominum  judicia.— Egi  diligenter  cum  Hieronymo  Aleandro, 
daret  mihi  facultatem  legendi  quae  scripsit  Lutherus.  Nam  hodie  Sycophantarum  et 
Corycaeorum  plena  sunt  omnia.  Pernegavit  se  id  posse,  nisi  nominatim  impetraret  a 
summo  Pontifice.  Primum  igitur  hoc  mihi  velim  impetres  Brevi  quopiam.  Ad  Episc. 
Palentinum,  dd.  21.  Apr.,  1522  (p.  713) :  Sunt  isthic,  qui  reclamante  ipsorum  conscientia 
me  faciant  Lutheranum,  nimirum  illud  agentes,  ut  me  suis  odiis  volentem  nolentem 
protrudant  in  castra  Lutheri.  Me  vero  ab  Ecclesiae  catholicae  consortio  nee  mors  dis- 
trahet,  nee  vita. — Novi  Pontificis  docta  prudentia,  et  provida  sinceritas,  simulque  divi- 
nus  quidam  nostri  Caesaris  animus  me  in  summam  spem  vocat,  fore  ut  haec  pestis  sic 
tollatur,  ne  quando  possit  reviviscere.  Id  net,  si  radices  amputentur,  unde  hoc  mali 
toties  repullulat.  Quarum  una  est  odium  Romanae  Curiae,  cujus  avaritia  ac  tyrannis 
jam  coeperat  esse  intolerabilis.  Et  aliquot  humanae  constitutiones,  quibus  Christiani 
populi  libertas  gravari  videbatur.  His  omnibus  citra  tumultum  orbis  Caesaris  auctori- 
tas  et  novi  Pontificis  integritas  facile  medebitur.  Compare  his  correspondence  with 
Pope  Hadrian  VI.,  §  1,  Note  93,  above.  With  this  may  be  compared  his  letter  to  Zwin- 
gle,  dd.  31.  Aug.,  1523  (Zwingli  Opp.  vii.  i.  308)  :  Lutherus  proponit  quaedam  aenigmata 
in  speciem  absurda:  omnia  opera  sanctorum  esse  peccata,  quae  indigna  ignoscantur 
Dei  misericordia ;  liberum  arbitrium  esse  nomen  inane;  sola  fide  justificari;  hominem 
prope  nihil  ad  rem  facere.  De  his  contendere,  quomodo  velit  intelligi  Lutherus,  non 
video  quem  fructum  adferat.  Deinde  video  in  plerisque  ei  addictis  miram  pervicaciam, 
et  in  Lutheri  scriptis  quantum  maledicentiae,  saepe  praeter  rem !  Ista  me  cogunt  sub- 
dubitare  de  spiritu  illorum,  quem  ob  causam,  cuifaveo,  velim  esse  sincerum. — Ego  flo- 
rentissimam  regionem  (Brabant)  reliqui,  ne  miscerer  negotio  Pharisaico :  nam  alia  lege 
non  licuisset  illic  vivere. — Satis  admonui  Episcopos,  satis  Principes  vel  in  libello  de 
Principe,  homo  nullius  auctoritatis.  Quid  me  velles  facere  praeterea  ?  Etiamsi  vitam 
contemnerem,  non  video,  quid  esset  insuper  faciendum.  Tu  in  nonnullis  disseutis  a 
Luthero.  Dissentit  et  Oecolampadius.  An  ergo  propter  illius  doctrinam  objiciam  me 
meosque  libros  periculis?  Omnia  recusavi,  quae  mihi  hoc  nomine  offerebantur,  ut  ad- 
versus ilium  scriberem.  A  Pontifice,  a  Caesare,  a  Regibus  et  Principibus,  a  doctissimis 
etiam  et  carissimis  amicis  hue  provocor.  Et  tamen  certum  est,  me  non  scribere,  aut  ita 
scribere,  ut  mea  scriptio  non  sit  placitura  Pharisaeis. — Lutherus  scripsit  ad  Oecolainpadi- 
um,  mihi  non  multum  esse  tribuendum  in  iis,  quae  sunt  Spiritus.  Velim  hoc  ex  te  dis- 
cere,  doctissime  Zwingli,  quis  sit  ille  Spiritus.  Nam  videor  mihi  fere  omnia  docuisse, 
quae  docet  Lutherus,  nisi  quod  non  tarn  atrociter,  quodque  abstinui  a  quibusdam  aenig- 
matibus  et  paradoxis.  Erasmus  von  Rotterdam  v.  S.  Hess,  ii.  77.  Leben  des  Erasmus 
von  A.  Muller,  s.  282. 


CHAP.  I.— REFORMATION.    §  3.  LUTHER  AND  ERASMUS.  103 

but  with  Luther,  who  had  always  remained  far  removed  from  the 
stand-point  of  Erasmus,6  and  whose  whole  personal  character  stood 
in  decided  opposition  to  the  Erasmian  refinement  and  indecision,7 
he  was  soon  brought  into  open  variance.8  The  ungenerous  con- 
duct of  Erasmus  toward  Hutten  at  Basle,  in  1522,  and  the  con- 
troversy which  thence  arose,  in  which  his  relation  to  the  Reforma- 
tion was  the  principal  subject  of  discussion,9  estranged  him  entirely 

6  Compare  §  1,  Note  6. 

7  Lutherus  ad  Spalatinum,  dd.  9.  Sept.,  1521  (de  Wette,  ii.  49) :  Neque  Capitonis, 
neque  Erasmi  judicium  me  tantillum  movet :  nihil  alienum  opinione  sui  apud  me  faci- 
unt :  quin  et  hoc  veritus  sum,  ne  quando  mihi  cum  alterutro  negotium  fieret,  quando 
Erasmum  a  cognitione  gratiao  longinquum  esse  viderem,  qui  non  ad  crucem,  sed  ad 
pacem  spectet  in  omnibus  scriptis.  Hinc  omnia  putat  civiliter  et  benevolentia  quadam 
humanitatis  tractanda  gerendaque  :  sed  hanc  non  curat  Behemoth,  neque  hinc  quicquam 
sese  emendat.  Memini,  me,  dum  in  praefatione  sua  in  N.  T.  de  se  ipso  diceret :  gloriam 
facile  contemnit  Christianus,  in  corde  meo  cogitasse  :  0  Erasme,  falleris,  timeo.  Magna 
res  est  gloriam  contemnere,  caet. 

8  Zwinglius  ad  B.  Rhenanum,  d.  25.  Maj.  1522  (Opp.  vii.  i.  193) :  Accepimus  p'aucis 
ante  diebus,  duellum  inter  Erasmum  atque  Lutherum  futurum  :  propendent  enini  omnia 
ad  dissidium :  stimulari  hunc  a  Wittembergensibus,  ut  adulatorem  aliquando  prodat ; 
ilium  a  Romanensibus,  ut  haereticum  sibi  damnosissimum  extinguat.  Quae  res  quan- 
tum mali  datura  sit  Christianis,  conjectura  non  opus  habes. — Scis  enim,  quantae  ab 
utriusque  parte  stent  copiae,  quantaque  sit  utriusque  vel  pugnandi  vis,  vel  eludendi 
solertia.  He  prays  Rhenanus  to  join  with  Pellicanus  in  mediating  between  Erasmus 
and  Luther.  He  himself  was  with  Erasmus  at  Basle  about  this  time,  probably  with 
similar  views;  see  the  letter  of  Mj'conius  to  Zwingle,  1.  c.  p.  192,  195. 

9  In  a  letter  to  Erasrnus  of  15th  Aug.,  1520  (published  by  Hagenbach  in  the  Studien 
u.  Kritiken  for  1832 ;  Heft  3,  s.  633),  Hutten  already  censures  his  pusillanimous  con- 
duct with  reference  to  Luther.  When  he  came  to  Basle  in  Nov.,  1522,  after  the  fall  of 
Sickingen,  Erasmus  declined  to  receive  him,  to  avoid  his  remonstrances,  and  that  he 
might  not  be  remarked  upon  for  associating  with  him.  Erasmus  related  this  occurrence 
untruthfully  in  an  Epist.  ad  Marc.  Laurinum,  dd.  1  Febr.,  1523  (Opp.  iii.  i.  7G0),  and 
at  the  same  time  entered  at  length  upon  his  position  with  regard  to  the  evangelical 
party  and  the  reasons  for  it.  Hutten's  mortification  now  rose  to  indignation,  and  his 
Expostulate  cum  Erasmo  (July,  1523 — Hutten's  works  by  Munch,  iv.  343)  overwhelm- 
ed him  with  reproaches  for  his  unworthy  conduct,  which  Erasmus  did  not  succeed  in 
obliterating  with  his  Spongia  adv.  Huttenicas  Adspergines  (Munch,  iv.  403 ;  Erasmi 
Opp.  ed.  Lugd.  x.  1631).  At  the  same  time,  Erasmus  tried,  in  an  ungenerous  manner, 
to  make  the  knight  an  object  of  suspicion  to  the  Council  of  Zurich,  where  he  lived,  as 
one  who  had  nothing  to  lose,  and  acted  only  from  love  of  mischief  and  frivolity  (in  a 
letter  of  the  10th  Aug.,  1523,  in  Hess's  Life  of  Erasmus,  ii.  572;  Munch,  iv.  397),  and 
petitioned  the  magistrates  of  Strasburg  to  punish  his  printer  (dd.  27.  Mart,  and  23.  Aug., 
1524 ;  Opp.  iii.  i.  793,  804).  Here,  again,  he  showed  himself  to  be  double-tongued,  for 
to  both  these  evangelical  towns  he  alleged  the  interests  of  the  Gospel  as  the  reason :  to 
Zurich, — "  But  this  I  write  that  he  may  not  abuse  your  goodness  in  favor  of  a  licentious 
and  arrogant  style  of  writing,  which  is  highly  injurious  to  the  cause  of  the  Gospel,  to 
liberal  arts,  even  to  common  morality."  To  Strasburg :  veneror  pietatem  restrain,  quod 
favetis  Evangelio,  pro  quo  provehendo  ego  jam  tot  annistantum  exhauriolaborum,  tan- 
tumque  sustineo  invidiae. — Certe  Evangelico  negotio  non  parum  obfuerit,  si  videant 
homines,  per  occasionem  Evangelii  Reipublicae  disciplinam  fieri  deteriorem. — Pro  meo 
erga  bonas  literas  et  erga  rem  Evangelicam  affectn  sincerissimo  visum  est  hoc  admonere. 
Ea  res  vehementer  displicuit  ipsi  etiam  Luthero  et  Melanchthoni,  qui  intelligunt  nullos 


104  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

from  its  adherents.10  From  this  time  Erasmus  complains  inces- 
santly of  the  hostility  of  the  Evangelicals.-11     The  haughty  style 

homines  magis  officere  negotio  Evangelico,  quam  tales. — Pro  Evangelio  provehendo 
plurimum  laborum  et  invidiae  sustinui.  Omnia  recusavi  quae  mihi  Principes  obtule- 
runt,  ut  scriberem  adversus  Lutherum,  imo  mea  malui  perdere,  quam  ad  affectus  quo- 
rundam  scribere  contra  meam  conscientiam.  Tantum  isti  foederi  (the  Evangelical 
Church)  nolui  dare  nomen,  quum  multis  aliis  de  causis,  turn  ob  hoc,  quod  quaedam  in 
libris  Lutheri  non  intelligerem,  quaedam  omnino  non  probarem,  praesertim  cum  in  ista 
conjuratione  viderem  quosdam  esse,  quorum  mores  et  molimina  mihi  viderentur  longis- 
sime  abesse  a  spiritu  Evangelico.  Nullus  usquam  a  me  laesus  est,  vel  quia  faverit  Lu- 
thero,  vel  quia  parum  faverit.  Thus  wrote  Erasmus  in  August,  1524,  although  as  early 
as  September  his  work  against  Luther  had  appeared.  Compare  Ulrich  v.  Hutten  gegen 
Desid.  Erasmus  u.  D.  Er.  gegen  U.  v.  H.  zwey  Streitschriften,  iibersetzt,  mit  den  no- 
thigen  Notizen  versehen  u.  beurtheilt  von  D.  J.  J.  Stolz.  Aarau,  1813.  Ulrich  v. 
Hutten  von  Wagenseil,  Nurnberg,  1S23,  s.  129.  Hutten's  Werke  von  Miinch,  iv.  64G. 
Erasmus  Leben  v.  Hess,  ii.  116.  Erasmus  Leben  von  Miiller,  s.  307.  [Ulrich  von  Hut- 
ten, von  Dr.  Dan.  Fr.  Strauss.     2  Thle.     Leipz.,  1858.] 

10  In  defense  of  Hutten  and  the  Reformation  against  the  Sponffia,  as  Hutten  had  died 
before  its  publication,  on  the  island  of  Ufnau,  in  the  Lake  of  Zurich,  in  Aug.,  1523,  Otto 
of  Brunfels  wrote  at  Strasburg  his  Ad  Spongiam  Erasmi  pro  Hutteno  Responsio  (Hut- 
ten's  Works  by  Miinch,  iv.  497),  and  Erasmus  Alberus  his  Judicium  de  Spongia  Erasmi 
(1.  c.  p.  555).  Luther  gave  his  opinion  with  regard  to  this  controversy  (to  Hausmann, 
1st  Oct.  1523,  de  Wette,  ii.  411) :  Equidem  Huttenum  nollern  expostulasse,  multo  mi- 
nus Erasmum  extersisse.  Si  hoc  est  spongia  abstergere,  rogo,  quid  est  maledicere  et 
conviciari  ?  Prorsus  frustra  sperat  Erasmus  sua  rhetorica  sic  omnibus  ingeniis  abuti, 
quasi  nemo  sit,  imo  quasi  pauci  sint,  qui  sentiant,  quid  alat  Erasmus. — Incredibilem  et 
nominis  et  auctoritatis  jacturam  fecit  hoc  libro.  Luther's  opinion  upon  Erasmus  in 
general  (to  Oecolampadius,  20th  Jun.,  1523,  de  Wette,  ii.  352)  :  Quid  Erasmus  in  rerum 
spiritualium  judicio  sentiat,  aut  simulet,  testantur  ejus  libelli  abunde,  tain  primi  quam 
novissimi.  Ego  etsi  aculeos  ejus  alicubi  sentio,  tamen  quia  simulat,  se  non  esse  hostem 
palam,  simulo  et  ego,  me  non  intelligere  astutias  suas,  quanquam  penitius  intelligatur, 
quam  ipse  credat.  Ipse  fecit  ad  quod  ordinatus  fuit.  Linguas  introduxit,  et  a  sacrile- 
gis  studiis  rcvocavit.  Forte  et  ipse  cum  Mose  in  campestribus  Moab  morietur :  nam  ad 
meliora  studia  (quod  ad  pietatem  pertinet)  non  provehit.  Vellemque  mirum  in  modum, 
abstinere  ipsum  a  tractandis  Scripturis  Sanctis  et  paraphrasibus  suis,  quod  non  sit  par 
istis  officiis,  et  lectores  frustra  occupat  et  moratur  in  Scripturis  discendis.  Satis  fecit, 
quod  malum  ostendit :  at  bonum  ostendere  (ut  video)  et  in  terram  promissionis  ducere 
non  potest.  Sed  quid  ego  de  Erasmo  tarn  multa  ?  nisi  ut  illius  nomine  et  auctoritate 
nihil  movearis,  atque  adeo  gaudeas,  si  quid  ei  displicere  sentias  in  re  ista  scripturarum, 
ut  qui  vel  non  possit,  vel  non  velit  de  iis  recte  judicare,  sicut  paene  totus  jam  orbis  in- 
cipit  de  eo  sentire.  Erasmus  was  much  vexed  at  this  letter,  a  sight  of  which  he  soon 
obtained ;  see  his  letter  to  Zwingle,  31st  Aug.,  Note  5,  above. 

11  Ep.  ad  Stanisl.  Turzonem  Ep.  Olomucensem,  dd.  21.  Mart.,  1523  (Opp.  iii.  i.  766): 
Sunt,  qui  me  impudentissime  etiam  in  aula  Caesaris  traduxerint  ut  Lutheranum.  Hie 
fremunt  in  me  Lutherani,  quod  ab  eo  dissentiam,  meumque  nomen  in  publicis  professi- 
onibus  suis  lacerant,  libellos  insuper  dentatos  minitantur.  Ad  Sylvestrum  Prieratem, 
1523  (1.  c.  777) :  Aleander  nihil  non  facit  adversus  Lutherum,  at  si  pernosses  rem  om- 
nem,  solus  Erasmus  plus  fregit  vires  et  animos  illius  factionis,  quam  omnia  Aleandri 
molimina. — Id  an  vobis  isthic  [Romae]  persuasum  sit,  nescio:  certe  Lutherani  hie 
intelligunt,  qui  mihi  uni  imputant,  quod  illis  non  succedit,  jamque  dentatis  libellis 
in  me  debacchantur  tanquam  in  adversarium,  et  vere  sum.  Ad  Jo.  Canium,  1524 
(1.  c.  795)  :  ignoras,  quantum  malorum  hie  sustineam  a  Lutheranis.  Ego  puto,  mor- 
tem esse  leviorem  his  quae  patior. — Lutherani  in  neminem  magis  fremunt,  quam  in 
Erasmum. 

i 


CHAP.  I.— REFORMATION.    §  3.  LUTHER  AND  ERASMUS.  105 

in  which  Luther  offered  him  peace13  could  only  have  the  effect, 
upon  this  ambitious  man,  of  giving  additional  weight  to  the  re- 
quest which  reached  him  at  the  same  time  from  England,  that 
he  would  take  revenge  upon  Luther  for  his  attack  upon  the  royal 
author.13     And  so,  to  assail  the  formidable  Luther  in  the  weakest 

12  In  April,  1524  (de  Wette,  ii.  498).  E.  g.,  Nihil  causor,  quod  alieniorem  te  erga  nos 
habueris,  quo  magis  esset  tibi  intcgra  et  salva  causa  tua  contra  hostes  meos  Papistas. 
Denique  non  aegre  tuli  admodum,  quod  editis  libellis  in  aliquot  locis  pro  illorum  gratia 
captanda,  aut  furore  mitigando,  uos  acerbiuscule  raomorderis  et  perstrinxeris.  Quando 
enim  videmus,  nondum  esse  tibi  a  Domino  datam  earn  fortitudinem  vel  et  sensum,  ut 
monstris  illis  nostris  libere  et  fidenter  occurras  nobiscum,  nee  ii  sumus,  qui  a  te  exigere 
audeamus  id,  quod  vires  et  modum  tuum  superat.  Quia  imbecillitatem  tuain  et  men- 
suram  doni  Dei  in  te  toleravimus  et  venerati  sumus. — Sic  hactenus  stilum  cohibui,  ut- 
cunque  pungeres  me,  cohibiturumque  etiam  scripsi  in  Uteris  ad  amicos,  quae  tibi  quo- 
que  lectae  sunt,  donee  palam  prodires.  Nam  utcunque  non  nobiscum  sapias  et  plera- 
que  pietatis  capita  vel  impie  vel  simulanter  damnes  aut  suspendas,  pertinaciam  tamen 
tibi  tribuere  non  possum  neque  volo.  Nunc  autem  quid  faciam  ?  utrinque  res  exacer- 
batissima  est.  Ego  optarem  (si  possem  fieri  mediator)  ut  et  illi  desinerent  te  impetere 
tantis  animis,  sinerentque  senectutem  tuam  cum  pace  in  Domino  obdormire.  Id  sane 
facerent  mea  quidem  sententia,  si  rationem  haberent  tuae  imbecillitatis,  et  magnitudi- 
nem  causae,  quae  modulum  tuum  dudum  egressa  est,  perpenderent :  praesertim  cum 
res  jam  eo  pervenerit,  ut  parum  sit  metuendum  periculum  nostrae  causae,  si  Erasmus 
etiam  summis  viribus  oppugnaret,  nedum  si  aliquando  spargit  aculeos  et  dentes  tantum. 
Rursus  si  tu,  mi  Erasme,  illorum  infirmitatem  cogitares,  et  a  figuris  illis  rhetoricae  tuae 
salsis  et  amaris  abstineres,  etsi  omnino  neque  posses  neque  auderes  nostra  asserere,  in- 
tacta  tamen  dimitteres  et  tua  tractares.  Erasmus  answered  on  the  5th  May  (Fortg. 
Sammlung  von  alten  u.  neuen  theolog.  Sachen,  1725,  s.  545):  Nee  tibi  concedo,  ut  ma- 
gis ex  animo  bene  cupias  Evangelicae  sinceritati,  quam  ego,  cujus  rei  gratia  nihil  non 
perpetior,  et  hactenus  omnium  venor  occasionem,  ut  Evangelium  fiat  omnibus  com- 
mune. Caeterum  quod  tu  imbecillitatem  voces  aut  ignorantiam,  partim  constantia  est, 
partim  judicium.  Tua  quaedam  legens  valde  pertimesco,  ne  qua  arte  deludat  Satanas 
animum  tuum:  rursum  alia  sic  non  capio,  ut  velim  hunc  metum  meum  esse  falsum. 
Nolim  profiteri,  quod  ipse  mihi  nondum  persuasi,  multo  minus  quod  nondum  assequor. 
Hactenus  rectius  consului  negotio  Evangelico,  quam  multi  qui  se  jactant  Evangelii  no- 
mine. Video,  per  hanc  occasionem  exoriri  multos  perditos  et  seditiosos ;  video  pessu- 
mire  bonas  literas  ac  disciplinas ;  video  discindi  amicitias,  et  vereor,  ne  cruentus  exori- 
atur  tumultus.  Si  tuus  animus  sincerus  est,  precor  ut  Christus  bene  fortunet  quod  agis  : 
me  nulla  res  corrumpet,  ut  sciens  prodam  Evangelium  humanis  affectibus.  Nihil  ad- 
huc  in  te  scripsi,  facturus  id  magno  Principum  applausu,  nisi  vidissem  hoc  absque  jac- 
tura  Evangelii  non  futurum  :  tantum  eos  repuli,  qui  conabantur  omnibus  modis  Princi- 
pibus  passim  persuadere,  mihi  tecum  foedus  esse,  et  mihi  tecum  per  omnia  convenire,  et 
in  libris  meis  esse  quicquid  tu  doceres ;  haec  opinio  vix  etiam  nunc  potest  ex  illorum 
animis  revelli.  Quid  scribas  in  me,  non  magnopere  laboro:  si  mundum  spectem,  nihil 
mihi  accidere  posset  felicius. — Si  paratus  es  omnibus  reddere  rationem  de  ea,  quae  in  te 
est,  fide,  quare  aegre  feras,  si  quis  discendi  gratia  tecum  disputet?  Fortasse  Erasmus 
scribens  in  te  magis  profuerit  Evangelio,  quam  quidam  stolidi  scribentes  pro  te,  caet. 

13  Erasmus  ad  Hier.  Emserum,  Note  17,  below.  He  was  chiefly  influenced  by  a  re- 
port which  was  spread  about  him  by  certain  persons  in  England,  that  he  had  some 
share  in  Luther's  work  against  Henry  VIII.  (Cutbert.  Tonstallus  ad  Erasm.  dd.  7.  Jul., 
1523,  Opp.  iii.  i.  771).  With  what  fear  Erasmus  undertook  the  work,  and  how  highly 
he  estimated  his  compliance  with  the  King's  wish,  may  be  seen  in  his  Ep.  ad  Henricum 
Regem  Angliae,  dd.  4.  Sept.,  1523  (1.  c.  p.  773)  :  Molior  aliquid  adversus  nova  dogmata, 
sed  non  ausim  edere,  nisi  relicta  Germania,  ne  cadam,  priusquam  descendam  in  arenam. 


10G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

part  of  his  theological  system,  he  wrote  his  work  De  Libero  Ar- 
bitrio, in  September,  1524.14  Luther  replied  with  his  usual  bit- 
terness in  the  work  De  Servo  Arbitrio  (Dec.,  1525). 15  Erasmus 
repaid,  in  like  coin,  in  his  Hyperaspistes  (1526).16  Thus  the  re- 
nowned Erasmus17  now  passed  over  into  the  ranks  of  the  enemies 

14  OPP-  ec*-  Lugd.  ix.  1215.  See  the  double-tongued  expressions  with  -which  he  ac- 
companied it,  Erasmus  ad  Henricum  Angl.  Regem,  dd.  6.  Sept.,  1524  (1.  c.  p.  816) :  Quid 
non  audeam  tuae  felicissimae  Majestatis  fretus  auspiciis  ?  Jacta  est  alea,  exiit  in  lucem 
libellus  De  Libero  Arbitrio,  audax,  rnihi  crede,  facinus,  ut  nunc  res  habent  Germaniae. 
Exspecto  lapidationem,  et  jam  nunc  aliquot  rabiosi  libelli  provolarunt  in  caput  meum. 
Sed  consolabor  meipsum  exemplo  Majestatis  tuae,  cui  non  parcit  istorum  immanitas. 
Decretum  erat  et  alioqui  facere  ad  quod  per  literas  hortaris,  et  religione  Christianae  ju- 
vandae  immori,  sed  tamen  alacrior  id  faciam,  posteaquam  tua  Majestas  currenti,  quod 
ajunt,  calcar  addere  dignata  est.  Ad  Melanchthonem  eod.  die  (I.  c.  p.  819):  Miraberis, 
cur  emiserim  libellum  De  Libero  Arbitrio.  Sustinebam  triplex  agmen  inimicorum. 
Theologi  et  bonarum  literarum  osores  nullum  non  movebant  lapidem,  ut  perderent 
Erasmum.  Hi  Monarchis  omnibus  persuaserant,  me  juratissimum  esse  Luthero.  Ita- 
que  amici,  videntes  me  periclitari,  spem  praebuere  Pontifici  et  Principibus,  fore  ut  ali- 
quid  ederem  in  Lutherum.  Earn  spem  et  ipse  pro  tempore  alui.  Et  interim  isti  non 
exspectato  libello  coeperant  me  libellis  lacessere.  Nihil  igitur  restabat,  nisi  ut  ederem 
quod  scripseram  :  alioqui  et  Monarchas  habuissem  infensos,  quibus  visus  fuissem  dedisse 
verba. — Postremo  quoniam  epistola  Lutheri  (Not.  12)  jam  est  in  manibus,  qua  pollicetur 
se  cohibiturum  calamum  in  me  si  conquiescam ;  viderer  ex  pacto  non  edere.  Ad  haec 
qui  Romae  profitentur  literas  ethnicas,  ipsi  idviKwTtpoi,  mire  fremunt  in  me,  invidentes, 
ut  apparet,  Germanis.  Itaque  si  nihil  edidissem,  praebuissem  ansam  et  theologis,  et  Mo- 
naehis,  etillis  Romanensibus  figulis, — utfacilius  persuaderentPontificibusac  Monarchis 
quod  persuadere  conabuntur:  postremo  hos  furiosos  Evangelicos  habuissem  iniquiores. 
Nam  ipse  rem  tractavi  modestissime.  Et  tamen  quod  scribo,  non  scribo  adversus  animi 
sententiam,  quanquam  ab  hac  quoque  libenter  discessurus,  ubi  persuadebitur  quod  rectius 
est.  Man}*  persons  took  offense  at  Luther's  strong  Augustinianism.  George,  Duke  of 
SaxonjT,  in  a  letter  to  the  King  of  England,  dd.  7.  Id.  Maj.  1523,  designated  as  Luther's 
fundamental  error  (Seckendorf,  Comm.  de  Luther,  i.  277),  quod  bonorum  et  malorum 
necessitatem  a  Deo  pendere  statuat,  errore  ne  Ethnicis  quidem  tolerando,  quo  omnis 
humanae  rationis  vis,  omne  consilium,  jus  denique  omne,  quod  vel  praemium  bonis,  vel 
poenam  malis  decernit,  tollatur. 

15  T.  Witenb.  ii.  457;  Jen.  iii.  ICO. 

16  Opp.  ed  Lugd.  x.  1240. 

17  As  to  the  effect  of  his  controversial  work  he  writes,  ad  Jac.  Sadoletum,  d.  25.  Febr., 
1525  (Opp.  iii.  i.  854)  :  non  paucos  revocavi  a  factione  damnata,  et  jam  passim  redtlun- 
tur  literae,  quibus  declarant  se  persuasos  libello  De  Libero  Arbitrio  ab  hoc  Lutheri  dog- 
mate  descivisse.  On  the  other  hand,  ad  Hier.  Emser,  1527  (1.  c.  p.  1056) :  Quid  mea 
diatriba  civilius?  Quid  profecit  tamen,  nisi  quod  Lutheranos  excitavit  ad  majorem  in- 
saniam  !  Id  non  ignarus  futurum,  tamen  morem  gessi  Regi  et  Card.  Angliae,  Pontifici 
et  doctis  aliquot  amicis,  non  tacens  interim  quid  esset  sequuturum.  Erasmus  did  not 
h)-  any  means  satisfy  Luther's  violent  enemies.  Albertus  Pius,  Princeps  Carpensis, 
repeated  in  a  letter  to  him,  which  had  grown  into  a  pamphlet  (v.  d.  Hardt,  Hist.  Liter. 
Reform,  i.  114  ss.),  in  1526,  the  old  accusation,  that  he  was  in  truth  the  original  author 
of  the  Reformation,  and  was  bound  to  a  continual  warfare  against  Luther,  p.  127  :  Quid 
in  eura  posses,  modo  velles,  declarasti  libello  tuo  De  Libero  Arbitrio,  quo  Lutherum  non 
exagitas,  non  perturbas  modo,  sed  prosternis,  enecas. — Quod  si  idem  praestiteris  dog- 
matibus  in  caeteris,  jam  non  erit,  quod  suspicari  possint  homines,  ullo  pacto  convenire 
tibi  cum  Luthero.  Si  autem  praeterieris,  hoc  edito  libello  potius  suspicionem  adauxisti. 
Putabunt  enim  multi,  si  aeque  in  caeteris  dissensisses,  pariter  caetera  te  fuisse  refutatu- 


CHAP.  I.— REFORMATION.  §  3.  LORD'S  SUPPER.       197 

of  the  Reformation,  although,  he  did  not  cease  to  recommend  con- 
ciliatory measures  toward  it.18 

The  controversy  about  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  the  division  it 
made  between  the  Saxon  and  Swiss  reformers,  was  a  much  more 
grievous  blow  to  the  Reformation.  Carlstadt,  who  had  already, 
from  the  year  1521,  played  a  principal  part  in  the  disturbances  at 
Wittenberg,  gave  occasion  for  it.  In  the  beginning  of  1524  he 
forced  himself  into  Orlamund  as  pastor  ;19  and  here,  with  a  war- 
fare against  pictures  and  images  which  caused  much  commotion, 
he  began  what  he  considered  a  thorough  reformation,  as  Luther 
seemed  to  him  entangled  in  many  errors,  especially  about  the 
Lord's  Supper.20  In  Sept.,  1524,  he  was  obliged  to  leave  Orla- 
mund, and  from  Basle  poured  forth  his  indignation  against  Luther, 
whom  he  considered  his  persecutor,  in  a  series  of  works  against 
his  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper.21 

rum,  quae  silentio  probare  videaris,  hoc  uno  tantum  improbato.  On  the  controversy 
of  this  prince  with  Erasmus,  see  Hess's  Life  of  Erasmus,  i.  843. — Following  Erasmus, 
his  decided  friends  separated  entirely  from  the  Reformation,  e.  g.,  John  of  Botzheim, 
Canon  of  Constance  (see  J.  v.  B.  by  K.  Walchner.     Schaffhausen,  1836,  s.  G5  if.). 

ia  Compare  Erasmi  Consilium  Senatui  Basil,  in  Negotio  Lutherano,  datum  A.n.  1525 
(in  Erasmus  Leben  by  Hess,  ii.  577,  in  German,  in  Wursteisen's  Basler  Chronik,  B.  vii. 
cap.  13),  e.  g.,  Si  Tigurinis  persuaderi  possit,  ut  imagines,  formam  Missae — reponerent, 
donee  ex  publico  orbis  consilio  statueretur  super  his,  valde  pertineret  ad  totius  Helve- 
tiae  concordiam.  Et  tamen  si  id  non  possit  persuaderi,  nolim  hac  gratia  moveri  bellum, 
sed  expectare  potius  occasionem.  De  sumptione  Eucharistiae,  si  id  pio  affectu  petatur 
ex  consensu  regionis  tribus  verbis,  impetrabitur  a  Pontifice,  cujus  auctoritas  certe  ad 
hoc  valebit  hie,  ut  excludat  seditionem  civilem.  De  esu  carnis  idem  sentio.  Si  rogetur 
Pontifex  publico  vestrae  regionis  nomine,  nihil  erit  difficultatis. 

19  Luther  against  the  Himmlische  Propheten,  in  Walch,  xx.  227. 

20  He  defended  his  boisterous  principles  of  Reform  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  record- 
er of  Joachimsthal :  "Ob  man  gemach  fahren,  und  des  Ergernilssen  der  Schwachen  ver- 
schonen  soil  in  Sachen,  so  Gottis  Willen  angehen,  1524.  4."  (reprinted  in  Fiissli's  Bey- 
trage,  i.  57).  How  far  the  inhabitants  of  Orlamund  were  led  on  by  him  is  shown  by 
their  letter  to  Luther,  in  which  they  invite  him  to  a  personal  conference  (in  Walch,  xv. 
2433),  e.  g.,  "You  despise  all  persons  who,  at  the  command  of  God,  destroy  dumb  idols 
and  heathenish  images,  to  which  you  oppose  only  a  powerless,  worldly-wise,  and  incon- 
sistent argument,  drawn  from  your  own  brain,  and  not  founded  on  Scripture.  But  the 
fact  that  you  so  publicly  censure  and  revile  us,  who  are  members  of  Christ  grafted  in 
by  the  Father,  unheard  and  unconvicted,  proves  that  3-011  yourself  are  no  member  of  this 
true  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,"  etc.  Accordingly,  in  August,  1524,  Luther  traveled  to  Jena 
and  Orlamund  by  the  desire  of  the  Elector;  compare  the  account  "was  sich  D.  Andr. 
Bodenstein  v.  Carlstadt  mit  D.  M.  Luther  beredt  zu  Jena,  und  wie  sie  wider  einandcr 
zu  schreiben  sich  entschlossen  haben.  Item  die  Handlung  D.  M.  Luther's  mit  dem 
Rath  und  der  Gemeinde  der  Stadt  Orlamunde,  am  Tage  Bartholomai  daselbst  geschehen" 
(by  Mart.  Reinhard,  preacher  in  Jena),  1524.  4.,  in  Walch,  xv.  2422  and  2435. 

21  Andreas  Bodenstein's  sonst  Carlstadt  genannt  Lebensgeschichte  v.  J.  C.  Fiisslin, 
Francf.  u.  Leipz.  1776,  s.  82.  A  full  list  of  Carlstadt's  writings  is  in  Riederer's  Abhand- 
lungen,  s.  473.  The  works  which  relate  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  are  printed 
in  Walch's  edition  of  Luther's  Works,  xx.  138,  378,  2852. 


108  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Luther  had,  in  former  times,  wavered  with  regard  to  this  doc- 
trine.22 But  as  he  adopted,  for  his  general  guide  and  limit  in  his 
reform  of  the  Church,  the  plain  word  of  Holy  Scripture  and  the 
practical  demands  of  religion,  so,  on  the  other  hand,  he  rejected 
all  intermixture  of  merely  speculative  reason.  Accordingly,  he 
had  restricted  himself  on  this  subject  to  the  rejection  of  the  opus 
operatum  and  of  transubstantiation,  because  both  of  these  dogmas 
were  injurious  to  religion ;  but  he  had  maintained  the  real  pres- 
ence of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ,  against  which  exception 
could  be  taken  only  on  grounds  of  reason.23  When  the  view  of 
the  Lord's  Supper,  as  a  memorial  rite,  was  first  maintained  against 
him,  with  an  evident  wresting  of  the  words  of  institution,24  by 

-2  Luther  to  the  Christians  at  Strasburg,  15th  Dec,  1524  (de  Wette,  ii.  577) :  "  I  con- 
fess that  if  Dr.  Carlstadt,  or  an}'  one  else,  could  have  informed  me  five  years  ago  that 
there  was  nothing  in  the  Sacrament  but  bread  and  wine,  he  would  have  done  me  a  great 
service.  I  have  here,  indeed,  suffered  such  hard  attacks,  and  been  so  wTrung  and  wound- 
ed, that  I  would  gladly  have  escaped  from  it,  for  I  saw  plainly  that  I  could  thus  have 
dealt  the  Papacy  the  heaviest  cuff.  I  have  also  had  two  men  write  to  me  on  this  sub- 
ject more  skillfully  than  Dr.  Carlstadt,  without  torturing  the  Word  so  much  after  their 
own  notions.  But  I  am  bound — I  can  not  escape  ;  the  text  is  too  strong  there,  and  will 
not  bear  to  be  twisted  out  of  its  meaning  with  words."  As  early  as  his  work  on  the 
Adoration  of  the  Sacrament,  addressed  to  the  Bohemian  brethren  in  1523  (Walch,  xix. 
1593),  Luther  refuted  all  the  different  opinions  which  were  afterward  brought  forward 
in  the  Sacramentarian  Controversy,  viz. :  1.  That  bread  signifies  the  body ;  2.  That  a 
participation  of  the  spiritual  body  takes  place ;  3.  The  doctrine  of  transubstantiation ; 
i.  That  the  Sacrament  is  a  sacrifice  and  good  work.  "  The  third  error  is,  that  no  bread 
remains  in  the  Sacrament,  but  only  the  figure  of  bread.  But  this  error  has  not  much 
force,  if  it  be  only  allowed  that  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  are  there  with  the  Word. 
Although  the  papists  have  fought  stoutly,  and  still  fight,  for  this  new  article  of  theirs, 
though  the}'  reproach  every  man  as  a  heretic  who  does  not  hold  with  them  as  necessary 
truth  this  monkish  dream,  upheld  by  Thomas  Aquinas  and  sanctioned  by  Popes,  that 
no  bread  remains.  But  since  the}'  press  this  point  so  strongly,  of  their  own  wanton 
will,  without  Scripture,  we  will  only  maintain,  in  opposition  to  and  defiance  of  them, 
that  actual  bread  and  wine  remain,  together  with  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  and  will 
gladly  be  reproached  as  heretics  before  such  dreamy  Christians  and  undisguised  soph- 
ists, for  the  Gospel  calls  the  Sacrament  bread  ;  thus,  the  bread  is  the  body  of  Christ.  By 
this  we  stand ;  truly  it  is  enough  for  us  against  all  sophistical  dreams,  that  that  should 
be  bread  which  Scripture  calls  bread." 

23  According  to  Petrus  de  Alliaco  Card.  Cameracensis ;  see  De  Captivitate  Babyloni- 
,ca,  §  1,  Note  61,  above. 

2*  According  to  Albr.  Hardenberg  (f  1574)  in  the  Vita  Wesseli  (prefixed  to  Wessel 
Opp.  ed.  Groning;  Joh.  Wessel,  by  Ullmann,  s.  326),  Carlstadt  had  drawn  his  doctrine 
of  the  Lord's  Supper  from  a  work  De  Eucharistia,  which  Henry  Rodius,  president  of  the 
nouse  of  Brethren  at  Utrecht,  had  received  from  Cornelius  Honius  (Hoen),  a  distin- 
guished jurist  in  Holland,  and  brought  to  Wittenberg  and  then  to  Zurich ;  this  was  aft- 
erward sometimes  considered  a  work  of  Weasel's,  and  sometimes  was  said  to  be  about 
iwo  hundred  years  old.  Ullmann's  Joh.  Wessel,  s.  326,  must  be  corrected  here  by  Ger- 
des.  Hist.  Ev.  Renovati  I.  Monum.  p.  228.  It  will  be  proved  in  Note  27,  below,  that 
this  work  was  brought  to  Wittenberg  in  the  year  1521.  Hardenberg,  in  his  account,  er- 
roneouslv  introduces  at  this  time  the  events  at  Jena  in  1524,    But  Carlstadt  had  not 


CHAP.  I.— REFORMATION.    §  3.  THE  LORD'S  SUPPER.  109 

Carlstadt,  who  stood  in  close  connection  with  the  Anabaptists,  at 
that  time  rising  again  into  notice,  and  who  was  also  carried  away 
by  many  superstitious  views,  Luther  was  ready  to  see  in  this  doc- 
trine, as  well  as  in  the  rejection  of  infant  baptism,  only  the  pride 
of  reason  going  beyond  Scripture  ;25  and  he  resisted  both  opinions 
as  belonging  to  the  same  order  of  fanaticism. 

On  the  other  hand,  Carlstadt's  conception  of  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per corresponded  well  with  the  tendency  of  the  theologians  of 
the  school  of  Erasmus  to  understand  and  explain  Scripture  in 
harmony  with  reason.26  Zwingle  had  long  cherished  this  doc- 
trine in  secret.27     Erasmus  himself  was  clearly  inclined  toward 

drawn  from  this  work  his  marvelous  explanation  of  the  words  of  institution,  correspond- 
ing so  remarkably  with  that  of  the  Cathari  (Moneta  contra  Catharos,  lib.  iv.  c.  3) :  "Eat 
the  bread,  for  this  my  body  is  the  body  which  shall  be  given  for  you."  Moreover,  in 
1521,  Carlstadt  still  maintained  the  real  presence;  see  his  work  "Von  Anbetung  u. 
Ehrerbietung  der  Zeichen  des  N.  T.  1.  Nov.,  1521"  (Unsch.  Nachr.  1718,  s.  177).  Bucer 
writes  very  truly  to  Boniface  Wolfhardt,  and  the  men  of  Augsburg,  a.d.  1537  (from 
Zanchii  Opp.  in  Gerdesii  Scrinium  v.  227) :  Hoc  ego,  fratres,  ingenue  dico,  et  coram 
Domino  sic  sentio,  optandum  piis,  ut  nihil  unquam  contra  Lutherum  de  Eucharistia 
scriptum  esset.—  Jam  in  spiritualem  manducationem  posuerat  omnia,  corporalem  ultro 
admodum  extenuabat,  fiduciam  in  externum  opus  submoverat:  ubi  autem  Carolostadi- 
us  virum  commovit,  sicut  persuaserat  sibi,  Caroiostadium  velle  externum  verbum  et 
Sacramenta  penitus  e  medio  tollere,  ita  totus  erat  in  evehendis  istis,  sicut  nihil  in  ec* 
non  vehemens:  indeque  factum,  ut  nos  ipsi,  et  nostri  Oecolampadius  et  Zwinglius 
putaremus,  eum  externis  rursus  justificandi  vim  tribuere,  quod  ille  tamen  nunquam 
sensit. 

25  Luther  to  the  Christians  at  Strasburg,  15th  Dec,  1524  (de  Wette,  ii.  578):  "Yea, 
if  even  at  this  day  it  might  happen  that  a  man  prove  with  sound  arguments,  that  mere 
bread  and  wine  were  present,  there  would  be  no  need  to  assail  me  with  so  much  wrath. 
I  am,  alas,  all  too  much  inclined  to  this  view,  so  much  of  the  old  Adam  do  I  feel  with- 
in. But  Carlstadt's  fanaticism  on  this  subject  is  so  far  from  convincing  me  that  my 
opinion  is  only  strengthened  thereby.  And  if  I  had  not  entertained  it  before,  I  should 
have  concluded  at  once,  from  such  lame  and  foolish  trickery,  without  any  Scripture, 
founded  only  upon  reason  and  reflection,  that  his  view  could  not  be  true." 

26  Melanchthon  ad  Camerarium,  dd.  26.  Jul.,  1529  (Mel.  Opp.  ed.  Bretschneider,  i. 
1083),  writes  of  Erasmus,  whom  he  calls  Pothinus  (Ylodtivos  Desiderius) :  Vide  quan- 
tum judicii  sit  nostris  inimicis :  ilium  amant,  qui  multorum  dogmatum  semina  in  suis 
libris  sparsit,  quae  fortasse  longe  graviores  tumultus  aliquando  excitatura  fuerant,  nisi 
Lutherus  exortus  esset,  ac  studia  hominum  alio  traxisset.  Tota  ilia  tragoedia  -mpi 
Stiirvov  KvpiaKou  ab  ipso  nata  videri  potest.  Quam  non  iniquus  esse  videri  alicubi  pos- 
sit  Ario  et  illius  factioni,  quam  nos  hie  constantissime  improbavimus.  Quae  litera  in 
libris  est  magnopere  digna  viro  Christiano  de  justificatione,  de  jure  Magistratuum  ? — 
Sed  tollant  eum,  qui  non  norunt. 

27  Capito  and  Pellicanus  as  early  as  1512 ;  see  §  2,  Note  9.  According  to  the  later 
Swiss  historians  (e.  g.,  Hess  in  his  Life  of  Zwingle,  translated  by  Usteri,  s.  21,  and 
Huldr.  Zwingle,  by  Schuler,  s.  24)  Zwingle  read,  while  at  Glarus,  Ratramn  on  the  Lord's 
Supper,  and  Wycliffe's  works  ;  according  to  S.  Hess  (Sammlungen  zur  Beleuchtung  der 
Kirchen-  u.  Reformationsgesch.  d.  Schweiz.  Heft  1.  Zurich,  1811,  s.  20),  also  the  works 
of  Peter  Waldo  (?)  :  however,  I  find  no  proof  of  this.  This  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per first  appears  in  his  works,  in  the  letter  to  Wyttenbach,  15th  June,  1523  (Opp.  vii.  i. 


HO  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

it  :28  thus  Carlstadt  found  much  agreement  with  his  doctrine  in 
southern  Germany  and  Switzerland,  though  not  with  his  marvel- 
ous interpretation  of  the  words  of  institution.  Capito  and  Bucer, 
at  Strasburg,  showed  themselves  unmistakably  influenced  by  it.29 

297) ;  but  here  Zwingle  unfolds  it  as  a  secret :  Ex  his  omnibus,  puto,  sententiarn  nos- 
tram,  doctissime  praeceptor,  capis,  non  quod  etiamnunc  ita  doceam :  vereor  enim,  ne 
porci  in  nos  conversi  dirumperent  turn  doctrinam,  turn  doctorem  :  non  quod  tanti  faciam 
tumultuosarn  hanc  vitam,  sed  ne,  quod  recte  sancteque  doceri  poterit,  dum  intempestive 
doceretur,  damni  quiddam  aut  tumultus  Christo  daret.  Before  the  public  at  large,  at 
that  time,  he  only  denied  transubstantiation,  in  his  explanation  of  the  Articles  (July, 
1523),  and  taught  that  the  body  and  blood  are  received  by  faith  only  (Uslegung  des 
XVIII.  Artikels,  in  Zw.  Works,  i.  251). — However,  in  1521,  the  work  issued  by  Corne- 
lius Honius  (see  Note  24)  had  already  fallen  into  his  hands  and  won  his  assent;  see 
Lud.  Lavateri  Hist,  de  Origine  et  Progressu  Controversiae  Sacramentariae  de  Coena 
Domini.  Tiguri,  1564,  p.  1,  b.  Factum  quoque  est,  ut  Joannes  Rhodius  et  Georgius 
Saganus,  pii  et  docti  viri,  Tigurum  venirent,  ut  de  Eucharistia  cum  Zwingli  conferrent. 
Qui  cum  ejus  sententiarn  audivissent,  dissimulantes  suam ;  gratias  egerunt  Deo,  quod 
a  tanto  errore  liberati  essent,  atque  Honii  Batavi  epistolam  protulerunt,  in  qua  est  in 
verbis  institutionis  Coenae  Dominicae  per  significat  explicatur,  quae  interpretatio  Zwin- 
glio  commodissima  videbatur.  In  the  year  1525  Zwingle  published  this  work :  Epistola 
Christiana  admodum  ab  annis  quatuor  ad  quendam,  apud  quern  omne  judicium  sacrae 
scripturae  fuit  (Luther),  ex  Batavis  missa,  sed  spreta,  longe  aliter  tractans  coenam  do- 
minicam,  quam  hactenus  tractata  est,  per  Honnium  Batavum;  reprinted  in  Gerdesii 
Hist.  Ev.  Ren.  i.  Monum.  p.  231.  Melanchthonis  Epist.  ad  Aquilam,  dd.  12.  Oct.,  1529 
(Bretschneider,  iv.  970),  is  also  worthy  of  notice ;  Cinglius  mihi  confessus  est  (in  Mar- 
burg), se  ex  Erasmi  scriptis  primum  hausisse  opinionem  suam  de  Coena  Domini. 

28  Erasmus  ad  Mich.  Budam  Episc.  Lingonensem,  dd.  2.  Oct.,  1525  (Opp.  iii.  i.  892)  : 
Exortum  est  novum  dogma,  in  Eucharistia  nihil  esse  praeter  panem  et  vinum.  Id  ut 
sit  difficillimum  refellere,  fecit  Jo.  Oecolampadius,  qui  tot  testimoniis,  tot  argumentis 
cam  opinionem  communiit,  ut  seduci  posse  videantur  etiam  electi.  Ad  Bilib.  Pirkhei- 
mer,  dd.  6.  Jun.,  1526  (p.  941) :  Mihi  non  displiceret  Oecolampadii  sententia,  nisi  ob- 
staret  consensus  Ecclesiae.  Nee  enim  video  quid  agat  corpus  insensibile,  nee  utilitatem 
allaturum  si  sentiretur,  modo  adsit  in  symbolis  gratia  spiritualis.  Et  tamen  ab  Eccle- 
siae consensu  non  possum  discedere,  nee  unquam  discessi.  Ad  eund.,  dd.  30.  Jul.,  1526, 
p.  945 :  Pellican,  who  had  come  to  Zurich  early  in  1526  as  professor  of  Hebrew,  assured 
his  friends  in  this  place  of  Erasmus's  agreement  with  them  in  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's 
Supper :  and  the  three  letters  in  which  Erasmus  reproaches  him  for  so  doing  (p.  963  ss.) 
were  not  calculated  to  refute  this  assurance ;  compare  Erasmus's  Life  by  Hess,  ii.  264. 
In  the  same  year  Leo  Judae,  in  a  work  published  under  a  false  name,  sought  to  prove 
the  same  fact  from  the  earlier  works  of  Erasmus ;  see  Bullinger,  i.  352 ;  Hess,  ii.  271. 
The  words  which  Hottinger  contributes  from  his  manuscript  are  characteristic  of  this 
author's  method  of  silencing  himself  and  others  with  sophisms  (continuation  of  Muller's 
Schweizergesch.  vii.  131) :  Finge,  in  Eucharistia  non  esse  substantiam  corporis  domini- 
ci,  tamen  Deus  ilium  errorem  nulli  poterit  imputare.  Quum  eum  adoramus  in  Eucha- 
ristia, semper  subest  tacita  exceptio,  si  illic  vere  est.  Nobis  enhn  non  constat,  an  sa- 
cerdos  rite  consecraverit. 

29  They  pronounced  the  controversy  unimportant,  as  it  only  related  to  the  spiritual 
participation  of  Christ;  see  Capito's  Urtheil,  was  man  halten  u.  antworten  soil  von  der 
Spaltung  zwischen  M.  Luther  u.  A.  Carlstadt,  in  Luther's  Werke  by  Walch,  xx.  445 ; 
and  Bucer's  Grund  u.  Ursach  us  gottl.  Schrift,  der  Neuerungen  wegen  an  dem  Nacht- 
male  des  Herrn  zu  Strasburg  vorgenommen,  Ibid.  s.  458 :  both  works  belong  to  the 
year  1524.  At  the  same  time,  the  preachers  of  Strasburg  wrote  to  Luther  to  draw  him 
into  an  explanation  upon  the  controversy,  dated  23d  Nov.,  1524,  in  Kapp's  Nachlese,  ii. 


CHAP.  I.— REFORMATION.  §  3.  THE  LORD'S  SUPPER.      m 

Zwingle  declared  himself  in  favor  of  it  in  a  letter  to  Matthew  Al- 
berus,  preacher  at  Reutlingen ;  at  first,  indeed,  only  in  confidence,30 
but  soon  after  also  in  public.31  To  refute  Carlstadt,  Luther  wrote 
against  the  Celestial  Prophets  in  1525  ;32  Bugenhagen's  work,  Con- 
tra Novum  Errorem  de  Sacramento  Corporis  et  Sanguinis  Chris- 
ti,33  was  directed  against  Zwingle.  Carlstadt,  oppressed  by  want, 
and  the  suspicion  of  being  concerned  in  the  Peasants'  Rebellion,31 
soon  yielded  once  more,  and  returned  repentant  to  Saxony  ;35  but 
the  controversy  awakened  by  him  was  continued  by  both  parties 
in  a  violent  series  of  works.  Zwingle  defended  his  doctrine  in  sev- 
eral works  ;36  Oecolampadius  joined  him  ;37  but  he  met  with  oppo- 
nents in  the  Swabian  preachers,  led  by  John  Brentz  and  Erhard 
Schnepf.38    Luther  himself  first  appeared  against  the  Swiss  party 

640.  He  answered  b3'  his  letter  to  the  Christians  at  Strasburg,  15th  Dec,  in  de  Wette, 
ii.  574. 

30  Dd.  16th  Nov.,  1524.  Opp.  iii.  589.  He  argues  from  John  vi.  for  a  manducatio 
spiritualis  :  est,  in  the  words  of  institution,  means  signijlcat.  The  anxiety  with  which 
he  opposes  the  publication  of  his  opinion  is  unmistakable,  p.  593 :  Nos  enim  nostra  pro- 
ferimus,  non  ut  censeamus.  Res  enim  tarn  est  ardua,  ut,  nisi  dominus  dederit  intellec- 
tum,  frustra  dicturi  simus,  quicquid  tandem  adduxerimus.  And  in  conclusion  :  Adjuro 
te  per  Christum  Jesum,  qui  judicaturus  est  vivos  et  mortuos,  ut  hanc  epistolam  nulli 
hominum  communices,  quam  ei,  quem  constat  sincerum  esse  in  fide  ejusdem  domini 
nostri.     The  letter  was  first  printed  at  Zurich  in  March,  1525. 

31  In  the  Comm.  de  Vera  et  Falsa  Religione,  March,  1525  (Opp.  iii.  145;  the  chap- 
ter "Von  dem  Nachtmal  Christi"  was  published  at  the  same  time  in  a  German  transla- 
tion also),  and  the  Subsidium  s.  Coronis  de  Eucharistia,  Aug.,  1525  (1.  c.  p.  326).  Com- 
pare Bullinger,  i.  261. 

32  Walch,  xx.  186. 

33  It  appeared  at  the  same  time  in  German  also ;  in  Walch,  xx.  641. 

34  Probably  without  reason.  An  invitation  from  Miinzer  to  join  in  his  rebellion,  sent 
from  Altstadt  to  Orlamund,  was  refused  from  this  place  in  a  letter  undoubtedlj-  com- 
posed by  Carlstadt ;  see  Miinzer's  Life  by  Strobel,  s.  77.  Afterward  Carlstadt's  residence 
at  Rothenburg,  on  the  Tauber,  furnished  an  occasion  of  accusing  him  of  co-operation  in 
the  Peasant  War ;  see  Kapp's  Nachlese,  iv.  561.  He  defended  himself  in  the  "  Entschul- 
digung  D.  A.  Carlstadt's  des  falschen  Namens  der  Aufruhr,  so  ihm  ist  mit  Unrecht  auf- 
gelegt,"  which  Luther  edited  at  his  request  in  Wittenberg,  1525,  with  a  preface  (this 
may  be  seen  in  Walch,  xv.  2468).  Compare  Fiissli,  Leben  Carlstadt's,  s.  92  ;  Leben 
Munzer's  von  Strobel,  s.  76. 

35  Walch,  xv.  2466. 

36  Especially  "Eine  klare  Underrichtung  vom  Nachtmal  Christi:"  1526.  Werke,  ii. 
i.  426. 

37  De  genuina  verborum  Domini,  hoc  est  corpus  meum,  juxta  vetustissimos  auc- 
tores  expositione,  lib.  1525.  8  (also  in  Pfaffii  Acta  et  Scripta  publ.  Eccl.  Wirtember- 
gicae,  p.  41).  He  sought  to  prove  a  trope  in  the  word  corpus :  Hoc  est  figura  corporis 
mei. 

38  Clarissimorum  virorum,  qui  anno  1525  Halae  Suevorum  convenerunt,  syngramma 
et  pium  et  eruditum  super  verbis  coenae  dominicae  ad  Jo.  Oecolampadium,  dd.  21.  Oct., 
1525,  commonly  called  Syngramma  Suevicum  (composed  by  Breuz ;  see  Walch,  xx., 
Hist.  Einleit,  s.  34),  also  in  Pfaff,  1.  c.  p.  153. 


112  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

in  a  Preface39  in  the  year  1526,  and  thus  a  warfare  was  enkin- 
dled which  brought  into  the  bitterest  opposition  the  reformers  of 
both  parties,  who  ought  to  have  been  united  by  the  closest  bonds 
in  their  common  aim  and  common  danger.  The  Swiss  doctrine 
of  the  Lord's  Supper  also  found  support  beyond  the  bounds  of 
Switzerland,40  especially  in  southern  Germany,  Strasburg,41  and 
Ulm.42  Nevertheless,  as  these  Churches  remained  in  connection 
with  the  Church  of  Saxony,  they  were  obliged  to  take  an  equivo- 
cal position. 

The  Reformation,  however,  was  most  injured  in  public  opinion 
by  the  Anabaptist  disturbances  and  the  Peasant  War,  which  also 
broke  out  at  the  same  time. 

The  first  beginnings  of  these  evils  are  to  be  sought  in  the  dis- 
turbances at  Zwickau  in  1521.  Thomas  Miinzer,43  who,  as  pas- 
tor at  Zwickau,  had  a  large  share  in  these  disturbances,  and  was 
in  consequence  deposed,  after  a  vain  attempt  to  gain  support 
among  the  Bohemians,44  had  betaken  himself  to  Altstadt,  in  Thu- 
ringia,  with  a  view  to  advance  far  beyond  the  beginning  made  at 
Wittenberg,  and  there  establish  the  kingdom  of  God  upon  earth 
in  equality  and  community  of  goods,  compelling,  if  necessary,  the 
princes  to  submission  by  force.45    When  these  disturbances  began 

39  Prefixed  to  Agricola's  Translation  of  the  Swabian  Syngranima  into  German ;  see 
the  Preface  in  Walch,  xx.  721. 

40  For  instance,  in  East  Friesland,  where  George  Aportanus,  the  first  evangelical 
preacher  at  Emden,  immediately  adopted  this  doctrine  ;  see  Sittermann,  in  Vater's  Kirch- 
enhist.  Archiv,  1824,  iii.  3G,  43. 

41  See  Note  29. 

42  Where  Conrad  Sam  (see  §  1,  Note  115)  declared  himself  on  Zwingle's  side ;  see 
Weyermann,  Die  Burger  in  Ulm,  der  Zwinglischen  Confession  zugethan,  in  Steudel's 
Tiibinger  Zeitschrift  fur  Theologie,  1830,  i.  142. 

43  Historie  Thomae  Munzer's  von  Phil.  Melanchthon  (Luther's  Werke  von  Walch, 
xvi.  109).  Leben,  Schriften  u.  Lehren  Thomae  Miintzer's  von  G.  Th.  Strobel.  Nurnb. 
u.  Altdorf,  1795.  8.  Thomas  Miinzer  von  L.  v.  Baczko,  in  Woltmann's  Zeitschrift,  Ge- 
schichte  u.  Politik,  1840,  ii.  1.  Hast,  Gesch.  der  Wiedertaufer  Minister,  1836,  s.  58.  Old 
mystic  writings,  as  for  instance  the  prophecies  of  the  Abbot  Joachim  and  Tauler's  works, 
had  produced  a  strong  effect  upon  him,  Strobel,  s.  7  ff.  A  contemporary  writes  of  him 
(Tentzel's  Hist.  Bericht  v.  Cyprian,  ii.  334) :  "  Thomas  Miinzer  and  his  followers  were 
carried  away  by  a  misunderstanding  of  Tauler's  doctrine  of  the  spirit  and  ground  of  the 
soul,  for  he  read  him  constantly." 

44  See  the  Intimatio,  published  at  Prague,  in  Strobel,  s.  19. 

45  Disregard  of  the  written  Word  of  God,  the  dead  letter,  is  the  characteristic  of  his 
doctrine :  man  must  hear  the  everlasting  Word  of  the  Father  speak  from  within  him : 
God  utters  his  holy  Word,  that  is,  his  only  begotten  Son,  into  the  inmost  soul :  by  this 
incarnation  of  Christ  men  are  at  once  entirely  deified  by  God,  and  even  in  this  life,  as 
it  were,  translated  into  heaven.  On  the  other  hand,  he  inveighs  against  the  mere  faith 
of  the  lips,  and  trust  in  outward  baptism :  faith  is  not  given  to  those  only  who  have 


CHAP.  I.— REFORMATION.    §  3.  ANABAPTISTS.  113 

to  attract  more  attention,  Miinzer  was  obliged  to  leave  Altstadt 
in  1524,46  and  withdrew  beyond  Nuremberg  to  Waldshut,  on  the 
borders  of  Switzerland,  where  he  had  already  formed  connections 
by  letter.47  In  Switzerland  there  were  also  many  persons  who 
longed  for  a  speedier  and  more  thorough  reformation  of  the 
Church,48  and  who  particularly  insisted  upon  the  rejection  of  infant 
baptism,  about  which  Zwingle  had  for  some  time  been  in  doubt.49 

been  sprinkled  with  water,  Strobel,  s.  43,  154,  159.  In  his  history  of  the  Anabaptists, 
Bullinger  thus  states  Miinzer's  doctrine  (Fiissli's  Beytrage,  v.  136) :  "  All  preachers  who 
preached  the  Gospel  at  this  time  are  not  sent  of  God,  neither  do  they  preach  the  true 
Word  of  God ;  but  they  are  only  learned  in  Scripture,  and  preach  the  dead  letter 
of  Scripture.  Scripture  and  the  external  word  of  God  are  not  the  real  true  Word  of 
God,  for  this  is  internal  and  heavenly,  and  proceeds  immediately  from  and  out  of  the 
mouth  of  God.  A  man  must  be  taught  by  this  AVord  from  within,  and  not  by  Scripture 
and  preaching.  He  also  held  baptism  with  water  in  little  esteem  ;  he  even  maintained 
that  infant  baptism  was  not  of  God ;  accordingly  we  must  be  baptized  with  a  spiritual  and 
more  real  baptism :  nevertheless  he  did  not,  in  the  beginning  of  his  anabaptism,  have 
himself  rebaptized,  something  hindered  this.  His  disciples  began  to  rebaptize  before 
him.  He  was  also  baptized  with  his  own  blood,  i.  e.,  put  to  death.  He  also  said  it  was 
false  that  Christ  had  made  satisfaction  for  us,  as  the  weak  learners  of  Scripture  maintained. 
The  marriage  and  marriage-bed  of  the  unbelieving  and  carnal  was  no  undented  bed,  but 
whoredom  and  a  devilish  brothel.  He  taught  that  God  revealed  His  will  in  dreams ;  he 
himself  attached  great  importance  to  dreams,  and  gave  out  that  they  were  the  sugges- 
tions of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Accordingly,  he  and  his  followers  were  called  the  Heavenly 
Prophets,  and  Spiritualists  or  Geistler."  He  set  up  at  Altstadt  a  league  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  kingdom  of  God  upon  earth  ;  he  destroyed  a  resort  of  pilgrims  in  the 
neighborhood,  and  summoned  the  nobles  to  join  his  sid«,  else  the  sword  should  be  taken 
awa}'  from  them.     Strobel,  s.  45,  46,  51. 

46  Miinzer  published  at  Nuremberg,  in  reply,  his  libel  upon  Luther,  "Hochverursachte 
Schutzrede  und  Antwort  wider  das  geistlose  sanftlebende  Fleisch  zu  Wittenberg,  welches 
mit  erkliirter  Weysse  durch  den  Diepstal  der  heil.  Schrift  die  erbermdliche  Christenheit 
also  ganz  jamerlichen  besudelt  hat."  4.     Strobel,  s.  64,  162. 

47  Especially  with  Conrad  Grebel.  On  his  letter  to  Munzer  at  Altstadt,  on  the  5th 
Sept.,  1524,  see  Zwingle's  Works,  ii.  i.  374.  [On  Grebel,  see  Heberle,  Die  Anfange  des 
Anabaptismus  in  der  Schvveiz,  in  Jahrbiicher  f.  Deutsche  Theologie,  Bd.  iii.,  1858,  s. 
225-280.] 

49  Grebel  particularly ;  Zwingle's  Works,  ii.  i.  373.  At  the  second  conference  at  Zu- 
rich, 26th  Oct.,  1523,  Conrad  Grebel,  Simon  Stumpf,  and  Balthasar  Hubmeyer  came 
forward  with  such  like  demands ;  see  the  Acts  in  Zwingle's  Works,  i.  528,  530.  Wirz, 
ii.  163.  All  these,  and  also  the  fanatical  iconoclasts,  Niclas  Hottinger,  and  others  (§  2, 
Note  74),  afterward  became  Anabaptists.  The  village  of  Zollikon,  wheje,  as  early  as 
Whitsuntide,  1524,  images  and  altars  were  destroyed  in  the  church  (Fiissli,  ii.  58),  aft- 
erward became  a  principal  residence  of  the  Anabaptists. 

43  Hubmeyer  reproached  Zwingle  with  having  denied  infant  baptism  in  1523,  in  a 
conference  with  him  ;  see  Fiissli's  Beytrage,  i.  252,  Anm.  In  his  exposition  of  the  arti- 
cles, Art.  XVIII.  (Works,  i.  239),  Zwingle  says,  in  fact:  "Though  I  well  know  that 
children  were  baptized  from  ancient  times  till  now,  this  was  not,  however,  so  common 
as  in  our  own  day  ;  but  they  were  publicly  instructed  together  in  the  word  of  salvation. 
And  if  they  had  a  firm  faith  in  their  heart  and  confessed  it  witli  their  mouth,  they  were 
baptized."  Zwingle  also  confesses,  in  1525,  in  the  work  "  Vom  Touf,  vom  Wiedertouf, 
und  vom  Kindertouf  "  (Werke,  ii.  i.  245) :  "  I  was  so  far  led  away  by  error  as  to  think 
that  it  was  much  more  becoming  for  children  not  to  be  baptized  till  they  were  come  to 

VOL.  IV. 8 


114  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Miinzer  now  connected  his  other  fanatical  doctrines  with  this 
view,  which  they  had  in  common ;  Waldshut  became  the  head- 
quarters of  fanatics.50  who  soon  spread  from  this  place  over  the 
whole  of  Switzerland.  Unfortunately,  at  this  very  time  the  great 
insurrection  of  the  peasants61  broke  out  in  southern  Germany,  and 
encouraged  the  Anabaptists  to  violent  measures. 

Even  before  the  Reformation  severe  oppression  had  more  than 
once  driven  the  peasantry  to  revolt.52  The  refusal  to  instate  evan- 
gelical preachers  now  became  in  many  places  a  new  cause  of  dis- 
content, and  misunderstanding  of  evangelical  liberty  gave  to  it  a 
religious  character.  After  some  isolated  outbreaks  in  the  year 
1524,  the  peasants  of  the  Abbot  of  Kempten  rose,  upon  the  first  of 
January,  1525 ;  and  in  a  short  time  tins  insurrection  of  the  peas- 
antry spread  throughout  Swabia,  Franconia,  and  Alsace.  The 
XII.  Articles  in  which  the  peasants  stated  their  demands,  and 
tried  to  prove  them  from  the  Gospel,53  favored  the  inference  of 

a  good  age."    William  Roubli,  pastor  at  Wytykon,  was  thrown  into  prison  in  August, 
1524,  for  denying  infant  baptism  in  his  sermons  (Fussli,  ii.  64). 

50  At  this  time  the  susceptibility  to  fanaticism  was  still  further  increased  by  external 
oppression.  This  town  had  called  Balthasar  Hubmeyer  to  be  its  pastor,  against  the  will 
of  the  Austrian  government;  and  when  it  proposed  to  eject  him  by  force,  the  citizens  of 
Waldshut  called  upon  the  reformed  Swiss  to  render  aid  to  the  threatened  Gospel,  and 
several  inhabitants  of  Zurich  went  thither  in  defiance  of  the  prohibition  of  the  Council. 
Bullinger,  i.  223 ;  Miiller-Hottinger,  vii.  10.  Thus  a  numerous  and  susceptible  circle 
of  disciple's  to  Miinzer's  gospel  of  the  free  spirit  was  formed  in  this  place.  Anabaptism 
was  a  secondary  doctrine  to  Miinzer  (see  Bullinger,  Note  45),  and  was  first  developed 
as  a  party  sign  in  this  circle. 

il  There  is  a  list  of  works  on  the  subject  in  Strobel's  Beytrage  zur  Literatur,  ii.  43. 
Especially  Petri  Gnodalii  Seditio  repentina  vulgi,  praecipue  Rusticorum  anno  1525  ex- 
orta.  Basil.,  1580.  8.,  also  in  Schardii  Scriptt.  Rer.  Germ.  ii.  1031.  G.  Sartorius,  Gesch. 
des  Deutschen  Bauernkrieges.  Berlin,  1795.  8.  Materialien  zur  Gesch.  des  Bauern- 
kriegs,  3  Lieferungen.  Chemnits,  1791-94.  F.  F.  Oechsle,  Beitrage  zur  Gesch.  des  Bau- 
ernkrieges in  den  Schwabisch-Frankischen  Grenzlanden.  Heilbronn,  1830.  W.  Wachs- 
muth  der  Deutsche  Bauernkrieg,  in  his  Darstellungen  aus  der  Gesch.  des  Reformations- 
Zeitalters,  Th.  1,  Lief.  1.  Leipzig,  1834.  8.  Das  Breisgau  im  Bauernkriege,  in  Schrei- 
ber's  Taschenbuch  f.  Geschichte  u.  Alterthum  in  Suddeutschland.  Freiburg,  1839,  s. 
233.    Ranke's  Deutsche  Gesch.  im  Zeitalter  der  Ref.  ii.  182. 

i2  Oechsle,  s.  74  ff.  Wachsmuth's  Aufstande  und  Kriege  der  Bauern  im  Mittelalter, 
in  Raumer's  Hist.  Taschenbuch,  Jahrg.  5.  1834,  s.  281.  Ranke's  Deutsche  Gesch.  im 
Zeitalter  der  Reform,  i.  214.  In  the  year  1476,  in  the  district  of  Wurzburg ;  in  1492,  the 
peasants  of  the  Abbot  of  Kempten,  and  in  the  Netherlands ;  in  1493  in  Alsace ;  after  1502, 
the  Bundschuh,  in  the  diocese  of  Spires;  in  1513,  the  Anne  Konz  in  Wirtemberg;  in  1514 
in  the  diocese  of  Augsburg  and  in  Carinthia;  in  1517  in  the  Windische  Mark. 

53  "The  Reasonable  and  Just  Articles  of  the  entire  Peasantry  and  subjects  of  the 
ecclesiastical  and  secular  sovereignties,  by  whom  they  think  themselves  oppressed"  (re- 
printed in  Strobel's  Beytrage,  ii.  7 ;  Oechsle,  s.  246) :  I.  "  First,  it  is  our  humble  petition 
and  desire,  also  our  will  and  opinion,  that  for  the  future  we  should  have  power  and  au- 
thority ;  a  whole  community  should  choose  and  appoint  a  pastor.    Also,  that  we  should 


CHAP.  I.— REFORMATION.    §  3.  ANABAPTISTS.  H5 

evil-disposed  persons,  who  said  that  the  whole  insurrection  was 
the  fruit  of  the  Reformation ;  although  it  had  found  the  ferment- 
have  power  to  depose  him  if  he  conduct  himself  improperlj'.  The  pastor  thus  chosen 
should  preach  us  the  Holy  Gospel  pure  and  plain,  without  any  addition,  or  doctrine,  or 
ordinance  of  man.  II.  Secondly,  as  the  right  tithe  is  appointed  in  the  Old  Testament, 
and  fulfilled  in  the  New,  we  are  willing  to  pay  a  fair  tithe  of  corn.  Yet,  as  is  fitting, 
the  Word  of  God  says  plainly  that,  with  a  view  to  giving  it  to  God,  and  distributing  it 
to  His  people,  it  is  required  to  be  given  to  a  pastor.  We  will  that  for  the  future  our 
Church-provost,  whomsoever  the  community  may  appoint,  shall  gather  and  receive  this 
tithe ;  from  out  of  this  he  shall  give  to  a  pastor,  provided  he  be  elected  by  an  entire 
cominuuity,  a  decent  and  sufficient  maintenance ;  the  residue  shall  be  distributed  to 
the  poor,  resident  in  the  same  place.  With  regard  to  any  further  residue,  it  should  be 
kept  in  hand,  in  case  any  one  should  have  to  leave  the  country  from  poverty,  so  that 
provision  may  be  made  from  this  superfluity  that  no  land-tax  may  be  laid  upon  the  poor. 
Also,  in  case  one  or  more  villages  have  sold  out  their  tithes,  and  have  thus  put  them- 
selves in  the  position  of  one  entire  village,  there  should  be  no  injustice  in  consequence  ; 
but  we  will  that  the  sum  should  be  repaid  in  due  time  with  proper  interest.  But  if  a 
tithe  owner  has  not  bought  his  right  from  the  village  itself,  but  his  forefathers  have 
appropriated  the  tithe  to  themselves,  the  people  will  not,  ought  not,  and  are  not  to  make 
an)-  further  payment.  Small  tithe  we  will  not  pay  at  all,  for  God  the  Lord  has  made 
cattle  free  for  all  men.  III.  Thirdly,  hitherto  it  has  been  the  custom  for  men  to  hold 
us  as  their  own  people,  which  is  a  pitiable  case,  considering  that  Christ  has  delivered 
and  redeemed  us  with  his  precious  blood  shed  for  us,  the  peasant  as  much  as  the  prince. 
Accordingly,  it  is  consistent  with  Scripture  that  we  should  be  free,  and  wish  to  be  so. 
Not  that  we  wish  to  be  absolutely  free  and  under  no  authority ;  but  we  take  it  for  grant- 
ed that  you  will  either  willingty  release  us  from  serfage,  as  true  and  real  Christians,  or 
prove  to  us  from  the  Gospel  that  we  are  serfs.  IV.  In  the  fourth  place,  it  has  been  the 
custom  hitherto  that  no  poor  man  should  have  power,  or  be  allowed  to  touch  venison, 
wild  fowl,  or  fish  in  flowing  water,  which  seems  to  us  quite  unseemly  and  unbrotherly, 
but  also  selfish  and  not  agreeable  to  the  Word  of  God.  In  some  places,  also,  the  author- 
ities will  have  us  preserve  the  game  to  our  own  annoyance  and  great  loss ;  the  unrea- 
soning animals  destroy  for  no  purpose  our  crops,  which  God  suffers  to  grow  for  the  use 
of  man,  and  we  must  remain  quiet ;  this  is  neither  godly  nor  neighborly.  For  when 
God  created  man  he  gave  him  dominion  over  all  animals,  over  the  fowl  of  the  air  and 
the  fish  in  the  water.  Accordingly,  it  is  our  desire^  if  a  man  holds  possession  of  waters, 
that  he  should  prove,  from  satisfactory  documents,  that  his  right  has  been  unwittingly 
acquired  by  purchase,  we  do  not  desire  to  take  it  from  him  by  force ;  but  whosoever 
can  not  produce  such  evidence  should  surrender  his  claim  to  the  community*  with  a  good 
grace.  V.  In  the  fifth  place,  we  are  aggrieved  in  the  matter  of  wood-cutting.  For  our 
nobles  have  appropriated  all  the  woods  to  themselves  alone ;  and  if  the  poor  man  re- 
quires wood,  he  must  buy  it  for  two  pieces  of  money.  It  is  our  opinion  with  regard  to  a 
wood  which  has  fallen  into  the  hands  of  lords  spiritual  or  temporal  not  by  purchase, 
that  it  should  be  reassigned  to  an  entire  community,  and  should  be  free  in  seemly  wise 
to  the  whole  community,  that  every  man  should  be  allowed  to  take  to  his  house  what 
he  requires  for  fire-wood.  Also,  if  a  man  require  wood  for  carpenter's  purposes,  he  should 
have  it,  but  with  the  consent  of  a  person  appointed  by  the  community  for  the  purpose. 
VI.  In  the  sixth,  a  mitigation  of  feudal  services.  VII.  In  the  seventh,  of  other  services. 
VIII.  Lowering  of  rents  was  demanded.  IX.  "  In  the  ninth  place,  we  are  annoyed  with 
a  great  evil  in  the  constant  making  of  new  laws,  so  that  we  are  not  punished  according 
to  the  case,  but  sometimes  from  great  ill-will,  sometimes  from  good-will.  It  is  our 
opinion  that  we  should  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  old  written  law,  with  reference 
to  the  case,  and  not  by  favor.  X.  In  the  tenth  place,  we  are  aggrieved  by  the  appropri- 
ation of  meadows,  and  likewise  of  corn  land,  which  at  one  time  belonged  to  a  commu- 
nity;  these  we  will  take  again  into  our  own  hands,  except  it  be  that  the  land  has 


HQ  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ation  already  at  work,  and  only  influenced  its  external  character. 
Luther,  to  whom  the  peasants  appealed,  recognized,  in  his  exhort- 
ation to  peace,  the  justice  of  many  of  their  complaints,  that  he 
mi<mt  impress  upon  them  more  vividly  the  injustice  of  rebellion.54   . 

been  rightfully  purchased.  XI.  In  the  eleventh  place,  we  will  entirely  abolish  the  cus- 
tom called  Todfall  (right  of  heriot),  never  again  endure  it,  nor  allow  that  widows  and 
orphans  should  be  thus  shamefully  robbed,  against  God's  will,  justice,  and  right,  as  has 
been  done  in  many  places,  and  by  persons  who  should  shield  and  protect  them ;  they 
have  disgraced  and  despoiled  us,  and  if  they  have  had  but  little  authority  to  do  so,  they 
have  assumed  it ;  God  will  suffer  this  no  more,  but  it  shall  be  quite  done  away  with, 
and  for  the  future  no  man  shall  be  bound  to  give  either  little  or  much.  Conclusion  : 
in  the  twelfth  place,  it  is  our  conclusion  and  final  resolution,  that  if  one  or  more  of  the 
articles  here  set  forth  is  not  in  agreement  with  the  Word  of  God,  we  will  recede  there- 
from, if  it  be  made  plain  to  us  on  Scriptural  grounds.  Or  if  an  article  be  now  conceded 
to  us,  and  hereafter  it  be  discovered  to  be  unjust,  from  that  hour  it  shall  be  dead  and 
null,  and  have  no  more  force.  Likewise,  if  more  articles  of  complaint  be  truly  discover- 
ed from  Scripture,  we  will  also  reserve  the  right  of  resolving  upon  these."  Christopher 
Schappeller,  pastor  of  Memmingen,  was  long  considered  the  author  of  these  articles ; 
see,  on  the  other  hand,  Schelhorn's  Reformationsgesch.  der  Stadt  Memmingen,  s.  80 : 
it  was  probably  John  Heuglin,  matin-priest  in  one  of  the  villages  dependent  on  the  im- 
perial town  of  Ueberlingen ;  see  Strobel's  Beytriige,  ii.  76.  Besides  these,  particular 
districts  alleged  their  own  grievances ;  see  Oechsle,  s.  255,  258,  494.  In  Heilbronn  the 
very  dregs  of  the  peasantry  concerted  an  outline  of  a  new  constitution  for  the  German 
empire  (Oechsle,  s.  163,  283),  in  which  the  so-called  Reformation  of  Frederick  III.  (see 
vol.  iii.  p.  349,  §  139,  Note  14)  was  taken  for  the  ground-work. 

54  Luther's  exhortation  to  peace  on  the  Twelve  Articles  of  the  Peasants  of  Swabia. 
May,  1525  (Walch,  xv.  58).     E.  g.,  To  the  Princes  and  Lords :  "  In  the  first  place,  we 
have  no  one  on  earth  to  thank  for  this  unadvised  rebellion  but  you,  ye  nobles  and  gen- 
tlemen, especially  you  ye  blind  bishops,  mad  priests  and  monks,  who  harden  yourselves 
to  this  very  day,  and  never  cease  raging  and  storming  against  the  Holy  Gospel,  though 
ye  know  it  is  right,  and  can  not  gainsay  it.     Besides,  in  the  exercise  of  your  secular 
power  ye  do  nothing  else  but  tax  and  assess,  to  support  your  pomp  and  pride,  till  the 
poor  man  neither  can  nor  may  any  longer  bear  it.     Well,  then,  as  ye  are  the  cause  of 
6uch  wrath  from  God,  undoubtedly  it  will  come  upon  you  also,  unless  ye  mend  your- 
selves in  time.     For  this  ye  should  know,  dear  sirs,  God  hath  so  made  things  that  man 
neither  can  nor  will  long  endure  this  madness  of  yours.     Ye  must  change  and  yield  to 
God's  Word.     If  ye  will  not  do  this  in  a  friendly  and  willing  manner,  ye  will  have  to  do 
it  in  a  compulsory  and  destructive  manner.     If  these  peasants  don't  carry  this  out,  oth- 
ers must.— But  to  the  end  that  ye  may  sin  more,  and  be  shipwrecked  without  mercy,  cer- 
tain persons  go  about  to  lay  the  blame  on  the  Gospel,  saying  that  this  is  the  fruit  of  my 
teaching.     Well,  well,  revile  as  ye  will,  dear- masters,  ye  wish  not  to  know  what  I  have 
taught,  and  what  is  the  Gospel.     But  there  is  One  at  the  door  who  will  teach  you  right 
soon,  unless  ye  mend  your  ways.     Ye  and  all  men  must  bear  me  witness  that  I  have 
taught  with  all  quietness,  striven  with  all  zeal  against  rebellion,  restrained  and  exhort- 
ed your  subjects  with  all  diligence  to  render  obedience  and  honor  due,  even  to  your 
tyrannical  and  insane  dominion  ;  so  that  this  rebellion  can  not  have  issued  from  me. 
But  the  prophets  of  murder,  who  are  as  much  enemies  to  me  as  to  3*ou,  are  come  upon 
this  people,  and  have  gone  in  and  out  among  them  for  more  than  three  years,  and  no 
one  has  checked  and  resisted  them  so  much  as  I  alone.     So  God  means  now  to  punish 
you,  and  lets  the  devil  rouse  this  mad  people  against  you  by  his  false  prophets,  perhaps 
He  wills  that  I  should  no  more  have  power  to  withstand.     What  can  I  or  my  Gospel 
do,  which  to  this  day  has  not  only  borne  your  persecutions,  murders,  and  ravings,  but 
has  always  prayed  for  you,  and  helped  to  protect  and  administer  your  dominion  among 


CHAP.  I.— REFORMATION.  §  3.  PEASANT  WAR.        117 

His  appeal  was  in  vain.     The  suppression,  however,  of  the  insur- 

the  common  people  ?  One  may  jret  counsel  you,  dear  masters,  that  for  God's  sake  ye 
will  yield  a  little  to  this  indignation. — Consider  well  beforehand,  for  ye  know  not  what 
God  will  do,  lest  a  spark  go  forth  and  kindle  throughout  Germany  a  fire  which  no  man 
can  put  out. — They  have  set  forth  twelve  articles,  among  which  are  some  so  remarkable 
and  just  that,  before  God  and  the  world,  they  claim  your  concession,  and  verify  Psalm 
cvii.  ver.  40,  the}-  pour  contempt  upon  princes. — To  the  peasantry :  Hitherto,  dear  friends, 
ye  have  stated  nothing  more  than  what  I  confess,  alas !  to  be  all  too  true  and  certain, 
that  the  princes  and  gentry-,  by  forbidding  to  p*each  the  Gospel,  and  by  oppressing  the 
people  so  intolerably,  have  right  well  deserved  that  God  should  cast  them  down  from 
their  throne. — Nevertheless,  ye  must  consider  well,  that  ye  take  your  cause  in  hand  with 
a  good  conscience  and  with  justice. — Firstly,  dear  brethren,  ye  take  the  name  of  God  in 
your  mouths,  and  call  yourselves  a  Christian  league  or  association,  and  set  forth  that  ye 
will  act  and  proceed  according  to  divine  right.— But,  in  the  second  place,  it  is  easy  to 
prove  that  ye  are  persons  who  take  the  name  of  God  in  vain  and  profane  it.  For  here 
stands  God's  word,  spoken  by  the  mouth  of  Christ,  Matt.  xxvi.  52 :  '  They  that  take  the 
sword  shall  perish  by  the  sword.'  This  means  nothing  else  than  that  no  one  shall  resist 
authority  at  his  own  will ;  but  as  Paul  says,  Rom.  xiii.  1,  '  Let  every  soul  be  subject  to 
the  higher  powers'  (with  fear  and  reverence).— In  the  third  place,  Yea,  say  ye,  the  high- 
er powers  are  too  wicked  and  insufferable ;  for  they  will  not  allow  us  the  Gospel,  and 
oppress  us  with  all  bitterness  in  our  temporal  concerns,  and  so  destroy  us  body  and  soul. 
I  answer,  the  fact  that  the  government  is  wicked  and  unjust  is  no  excuse  for  faction  and 
rebellion.  For  to  punish  wickedness  belongs  not  to  every  man,  but  to  the  secular  power, 
which  carries  the  sword,  as  Paul  says,  Rom.  xiii.  4,  and  Peter,  1st  Epist.  ii.  14,  that  it 
is  ordained  of  God  for  the  punishment  of  evil-doers.  So,  too,  the  natural  and  universal 
law  lays  down  that  no  man  shall  be  his  own  judge.— With  this  divine  law  agrees,  and 
Moses  says,  Deut.  xxxii.  35  (Rom.  xii.  19),  '  Vengeance  is  mine,  I  will  repay,  saith  the 
Lord.'  True,  the  government  does  wrong  in  thwarting  the  Gospel,  and  oppressing  you 
in  your  earthly  possessions.  But  ye  do  much  more  wrong,  in  that  ye  not  only  hinder 
the  Word  of  God,  but  trample  it  under  foot,  and  seize  upon  His  authority  and  rights, 
and  set  up  yourselves  above  God.  From  Him  the  government  derives  its  power  and 
authority,  yea,  all  that  it  has. — Hence  there  is  an  easy  answer  to  all  your  articles.  Al- 
though they  might  be  all  naturally  just  and  equitable,  still  ye  have  forgotten  Christian 
justice,  in  that  ye  have  not  carried  and  won  them  before  God  in  patience  and  prayer ; 
but  have  undertaken,  arbitrarily  and  impatiently,  to  put  force  upon  the  government  and 
extort  them  by  violence  ;  which  is  contrary  to  the  laws  of  your  country  and  to  natural 
justice.  Also,  it  is  not  a  true  profession  of  yours,  that  ye  teach  and  live  according  to 
the  Gospel.  No  one  of  your  articles  teaches  any  part  of  the  Gospel ;  all  aim  at  the  pres- 
ervation of  your  persons  and  property. — Exhortation  addressed  to  both  the  Government  and 
the  Peasantry :  Since,  then,  dear  sirs,  there  is  nothing  of  Christianity  on  either  side, 
and  no  Christian  question  is  at  issue  between  jrou,  but  both  sides,  peers  and  peasants, 
have  to  do  with  questions  of  heathenish  or  secular  right  and  wrong,  and  with  earthly 
possessions,  and  moreover  ye  have  sinned  against  God  on  both  sides,  and  lie  under  His 
wrath,  as  ye  have  heard ;  so  listen,  for  God's  sake,  to  words  of  counsel,  and  decide  the 
question  with  right  and  not  with  might,  nor  with  fighting,  to  the  end  that  ye  may  not 
bring  endless  bloodshed  upon  German  lands.— Therefore,  it  is  my  faithful  advice  that 
certain  counts  and  gentlemen  be  chosen  from  among  the  nobles,  and  certain  councilors 
from  the  towns,  that  the  question  may  be  discussed  and  settled  in  friendly  wise ;  that 
ye  nobles  abate  something  of  your  stubborn  pride,  which  ye  will  have  to  concede  at 
length,  whether  ye  will  or  no ;  and  relax  a  little  of  your  tyranny  and  oppression,  that 
the  poor  man  also  may  have  air  and  space  to  breathe  in.  Again,  ye  peasants,  be  ye 
also  instructed,  surrender  and  give  up  certain  articles  which  ask  too  much  and  reach  too 
high  ;  in  order  that  this  question,  if  it  can  not  be  proceeded  with  on  Christian  grounds, 
may  thus,  at  any  rate,  be  settled  in  accordance  with  human  justice  and  policy." 


118  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

rection,  which  he  himself  now  demanded,55  was  in  a  short  time 
accomplished,  but  for  the  most  part  with  frightful  cruelty.  This 
agitation  extended  into  Switzerland  also :  in  the  dominions  of  Zu- 
rich, Basle,  and  Schafhausen,  peasants  came  before  their  rulers 
with  importunate  demands,  but  they  were  soon  reduced  to  sub- 
mission by  measures  of  forbearance.56 

In  this  great  insurrection  of  the  peasants  no  traces  of  Anabap- 
tist fanaticism  were  seen,  although  Miinzer  had  some  part  in  its 
commencement.57  But  the  Anabaptists  in  several  places  were 
thereby  encouraged  to  adopt  violent  measures  in  order  to  carry 
out  their  fanatical  plans.  Early  in  1525  Thomas  Miinzer  made 
his  appearance  again  in  Thuringia,  where,  supported  by  his  for- 
mer allies,58  he  usurped  authority  at  Miihlhausen  in  the  character 
of  a  prophet,  to  bring  about  a  complete  reformation  of  Church  and 
State,  and  endeavored  to  spread  his  authority  in  the  vicinity  by 
desolation  and  pillage.59     But  the  revolt  was  once  more  subdued 

55  Luther's  work  against  the  Robbing  and  Murdering  Peasantry,  in  Walch,  xvi.  91 : 
"  The  peasants  have  incurred  the  guilt  of  dreadful  sin,  in  three  ways,  against  God  and 
man,  for  which  they  have  deserved  death  in  body  and  soul  many  times  over.  First, 
they  have  sworn  truth  and  fealtjr  to  their  government,  but  have  wantonly  broken  their 
allegiance.  Second,  they  have  commenced  a  rebellion,  and  rob  and  plunder  religious 
houses  and  castles  which  are  not  their  own.  Thirdly,  they  cloak  such  hideous  and 
dreadful  sins  as  these  with  the  Gospel.  So  now  the  government  should  press  onward 
courageously,  and  wage  this  war  with  a  good  conscience,  while  a  pulse  beats  in  their 
veins. — Therefore,  dear  masters,  come  hither  to  deliver,  hither  to  the  rescue,  have  pity 
on  the  poor  folk,  stab,  smite,  throttle  who  can.  If  you  perish  in  the  work — well  is  it 
for  you,  a  more  blessed  death  you  will  never  have  hereafter."  As  this  violent  essay  was 
considered  by  many  as  unchristian  and  too  severe,  Luther  defended  it  in  an  official  let- 
ter to  Casp.  Miiller,  Chancellor  of  Mansfield,  in  Walch,  xvi.  99. 

56  Anshelm,  vi.  306.    Bullinger,  i.  265.    Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  14  ff. 

57  Miinzer's  Confession,  in  Walch,  xvi.  155:  "In  the  Clegau  and  Hegau  near  Basle, 
he  had  set  forth  from  the  Scriptures  certain  articles  upon  government,  and  afterward 
deduced  further  articles  from  them :  they  would  gladly  have  had  him  on  their  side,  but 
he  declined  their  offer.  He  had  stirred  up  no  insurrections,  for  they  had  been  already 
aroused.  Oecolampadius  and  Hugefeldus  had  appointed  a  place  to  preach  to  the  people, 
so  he  had  preached ;  that  where  there  were  unbelieving  governors,  the  people  also  were 
unbelievers  ;  which  might  be  pleaded  in  justification." 

58  As  early  as  the  14th  Aug.,  1524,  Luther  warned  the  council  and  community  of 
Miihlhausen  against  Miinzer  (de  Wette,  ii.  536). 

59  Melancthon's  Historie  Thomae  Miinzers,  b.  Walch,  xvi.  204  ff.  Strobel's  Leben 
Miinzers,  s.  74  ff.  Miinzer  said,  on  his  trial  by  torture  (see  his  Confession,  in  Walch, 
xvi.  157) :  "  He  had  stirred  up  this  rebellion  in  order  that  Christendom  might  be  brought 
to  an  equality,  and  that  the  princes  and  gentry,  who  would  not  stand  by  the  Gospel, 
and  join  their  league,  when  invited  to  do  so  fraternally,  should  be  banished  and  put  to 
death. — Their  article  was,  omnia  simul  communia,  i.  e.,  all  things  should  be  common, 
and  distribution  should  be  made  to  every  man  according  to  his  need  as  opportunity 
served.  And  whatsoever  duke,  count,  or  lord  would  not  do  this,  after  being  summoned 
to  do  so,  his  head  should  be  cut  off,  or  he  should  be  hung."    Compare  Miinzer's  letter 


CHAP.  I.— REFORMATION.    §  3.  PEASANT  WAR.  H9 

at  the  battle  of  Frankenhausen,  15th  May,  1525,  and  here  also 
was  followed  by  a  cruel  revenge. 

At  the  same  time,  Munzer's  residence  at  Waldshut  bore  griev- 
ous fruit  for  the  Swiss  nation.  Anabaptism  developed  itself  with 
manifold  evils  first  in  the  territory  of  Zurich,60  afterward  it  espe- 

to  the  miners  of  Mansfeld  (in  Walch,  xvi.  150):  E.  g.,  "Let  not  your  sword  cool  in 
blood;  forge  Pinkepank  on  the  anvil  of  Nimrod  (i.  e.,  the  wicked  nobles);  cast  his 
tower  to  the  ground :  it  is  not  possible,  so  long  as  they  live,  that  ye  should  be  free  from 
the  fear  of  man.  The  Word  of  God  can  not  be  spoken  to  you  while  they  rule  over  you. 
On !  on !  on !  while  ye  have  the  day,  God  goes  before  you,  follow,"  etc.  He  always 
signed  his  name  Thomas  Miintzer  ioith  the  sword  of  Gideon. 

60  The  hot-headed  part)'  first  betook  themselves  secretly  to  Zwingle  and  Leo  Judae 
(see  Zwingle's  Aussage  vor  den  Nachgangern,  d.  i.  Untersuchungsrichtern,  in  Fiissli,  i. 
228.  And  his  account  in  the  work  Vom  Touf,  vom  Wiedertouf  u.  vom  Kindertouf, 
Works,  ii.  i.  231,  and  in  the  Elenchus  contra  Catabaptistas,  Opp.  iii.  3G2).  It  was  Si- 
mon Stumpf,  Grebel,  and  Felix  Manz  who  invited  them  "  to  constitute  a  peculiar  Church, 
in  which  should  be  a  Christian  people,  living  with  all  innocence,  cleaving  close  to  the 
Gospel,  burdened  neither  with  taxes,  nor  usury,  nor  any  thing  of  the  kind."  On  thi3 
occasion  these  expressions  were  used :  "It  were  nothing  unless  the  priests  were  put  to 
death ;  Christians  were  neither  bound  to  pay  taxes  nor  tithes ;  all  things  must  be  com- 
mon ;  there  neither  could  nor  should  be  any  such  persons  in  the  Church  except  those 
who  knew  that  thejT  were  without  sin."  When  they  were  foiled  in  this  attempt,  they 
first  began  to  impugn  infant  baptism ;  Zwinglii  Elenchus,  p.  363.  On  this  point  they 
had  several  conferences  with  Zwingle ;  they  appeared  to  j'ield,  but  soon  after  actually 
commenced  rebaptizing:  Zwinglius,  1.  c,  states  this  fact  with  the  remark,  nihil  per  om- 
nem  de  infantium  baptismo  pugnam  de  catabaptismo  proposuisse  ;  videri  nunc  catabap- 
tismum  seditiosorum  hominum  esse  veluti  tesseram.  At  first,  then,  the  question  was 
only  as  to  the  fact  whether  infant  baptism  was  agreeable  to  the  command  of  Christ,  not 
whether  it  was  valid  when  once  performed.  Balthasar  Hubmeyer's  letter  to  Oecolam- 
padius  of  Jan.,  1525,  designates  this  as  the  position  of  the  question  (Epistolae  Oecolam- 
padii  et  Zwinglii,  at  the  beginning  of  lib.  ii.).  Hubmeyer  thus  states  his  way  of  pro- 
ceeding at  this  time  in  Waldshut :  Loco  baptismatis  ego  euro  convenire  Ecclesiam,  in- 
ducens  infantulum,  ac  lingua  vernacula  interpretor  Evangelium*:  Oblati  sunt  parvuh 
Matth.  xix.  Subinde  imposito  nomine  orat  tota  Ecclesia  flexis  genibus  pro  parvulo. — 
Si  vero  sunt  parentes  adhuc  infirmi,  qui  volunt  omnibus  nervis  baptizari  prolem ;  hanc 
baptizo,  in  opere  infirmus  sum  cum  infirmiusculis  ad  tempus,  dum  erudiantur  melius, 
sed  in  verbo  non  cedo  illis  in  minimo  apiculo.  Afterward  those  fanatics  at  Zurich,  more 
than  ever  exasperated  by  their  conferences  with  Zwingli,  proceeded  to  entire  denial  of 
infant  baptism,  and  so  to  rebaptizing,  Zwingli  Von  d.  Predigtamt,  Works,  ii.  i.  306 : 
"  They  first  came  from  Zurich."  The  first  man  who  allowed  himself  to  be  baptized  by 
Grebel  in  Zurich  was  George  Blaurock  (Fussli,  ii.  338) ;  afterward  many  persons  were 
baptized  bj-  Blaurock  and  Manz  in  Zollikon,  where  John  Brodli  was  minister  (ibid.  s. 
266),  and  now  the  fanaticism  of  the  party  broke  out  openly.  Zwinglii  Elenchus  (Opp. 
ii.  361) :  Magnis  examinibus  in  urbem  advolant,  posita  zona,  salice  aut  reste  cincti,  in 
foro  atque  triviis,  ut  ipsi  jactabant,  prophetantes.  De  antiquo  dracone,  quern  me  vole- 
bant,  deque  ejus  capitibus,  quibus  reliquos  verbi  symmystas,  omnia  implebant.  Justi- 
tiam  atque  innocentiam  omnibus  commendabant,  ab  eis  peregre  nimirum  profecturi ; 
communia  se  habere  jam  omnia  et  gloriabantur,  et  aliis,  ni  idem  fecerint,  ultima  com- 
miuabantur.  Per  plateas  Vae,  Vae,  portentose,  Vae  Tiguro!  clamabant.  Quidam  Jo- 
nam  imitati  adhuc  quadraginta  dierum  inducias  urbi  dabant.  In  Lent,  1525,  Brodli 
and  William  Roubli  being  driven  from  Zollikon,  betook  themselves  to  Schafhausen ; 
the  latter  afterward  went  to  Waldshut  (see  Brodli's  letter,  in  Fussli,  i.  217  f.)  :  here  he 
began  to  rebaptize,  and  carried  with  him  Hubmeyer,  who  was  still  wavering,  so  that  he 


1 20  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

cially  attacked  St.  Gall,61  but  it  also  affected  other  cantons.  The 
authorities  proceeded  at  first  with  great  leniency.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  reclaim  the  erring  by  writings,62  and  several  relig- 
ious conferences.63  As,  however,  civil  order  continued  to  be  threat- 
ened,64 they  passed  from  mild  to  severe  measures,  and  at  length 

was  baptized  himself,  and  on  Easter-day  baptized  about  300  men  (Hubmeyer's  Aussage, 
in  Fussli,  iii.  241).  At  the  end  of  March,  1525,  Grebel  came  to  St.  Gall,  and  here  soon 
found  numerous  disciples  (Alte  Reformationsgesch.  v.  St.  Gallen,  in  Simmler,  i.  129). 

61  See  Alt.  Ref.  gesch.  v.  St.  Gallen,  in  Simler,  ibid.  Their  excesses  (see  s.  141  ff., 
Bullinger,  i.  323)  at  length  proceeded  so  far  that  Thomas  Schugger  struck  off  the  head 
of  his  brother  Leonard,  as  by  the  command  of  God  ;  see  J.  F.  Franz,  Die  schwarmer- 
ischen  Grauelscenen  der  St.  Galler  Wiedertiiufer.     Ebnat  im  Toggenburg,  1824.  8. 

63  Zwingle  especially  dedicated  his  work  Vom  Touf,  vom  Wiedertouf,  und  vom  Kin- 
dertouf,  of  the  27th  May,  1525,  to  the  community  of  St.  Gall  (Works,  ii.  i.  230).  Hub- 
meyer  wrote  in  answer  Von  dem  christl.  Tauf  der  Glaubigen.  Then  followed  :  Ueber 
Doctor  Balthazar's  Toufbiichlin  wahrhafte  grundte  Antwurt  durch  Huldr.  Zwinglin,  in 
Nov.,  1525  (Werke,  ii.  i.  337). 

63  At  Zurich,  on  the  17th  Jan.,  Zwingl.  ad  Vadianum,  dd.  19.  Jan.  (Opp.  vii.  385; 
Bullinger,  i.  238),  on  the  20th  March  (Bullinger,  i.  239),  on  the  6th  to  the  8th  Nov., 
1525  (Bullinger,  i.  294;  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  34;  Zwingle's  Works,  ii.  i.  340).  At 
Basle  on  Whit-Monday,  1525  (Simler,  i.  492). 

64  On  the  doctrinal  views  of  the  Anabaptists,  see  Bullinger,  in  Fussli,  v.  131.  Zwin- 
glii  in  Catabaptistarum  Strophas  Elenchus,  1527  (Opp.  iii.  357).  "The  Anabaptists 
maintain  that  they  are  the  only  true  Church,  well-pleasing  to  God  and  the  community 
of  Christ,  and  teach  that  they  who  are  received  bj'  rebaptism  into  their  community 
should  have  no  communion  with  the  Evangelical  or  any  other  Church.  In  the  so-called 
Evangelical  Church  something  of  the  Gospel  is  preached,  but  no  one  mends  therein, 
and  all  the  people  are  impenitent,  and  held  fast  in  sin  and  vice.  So  the  deficiency  is 
not  only  in  the  lay  folk,  but  also  in  the  Church  officers,  both  as  regards  their  person 
and  their  office.  As  regards  their  persons,  because  they  have  not  been  rightly  and 
duly  called  to  their  office ;  because  they  have  not  those  qualities  which  Paul  requires 
in  a  bishop,  1  Tim.  iii. ;  further,  because'thej-  do  not  teach  others  ;  lastly,  because  they 
receive  stipends  and  'benefices  and  do  no  work  for  them,  and  so  are  belly-preachers. 
Also,  there  is  a  great  deficiency  as  regards  their  office,  in  the  matter  of  doctrine  and  ad- 
ministration  of  the  sacraments.  In  matter  of  doctrine,  because  it  depends  upon  the 
preaching  of  one  ;  whereas  Paul  says,  that  if  a  revelation  be  made  to  one  who  is  sitting 
by,  the  first  speaker  shall  hold  his  peace,  and  suffer  the  other  who  sits  by  to  speak. 
The  preachers  do  not  stand  by  the  Word  of  God  alone,  but  fix  a  meaning  on  Scripture, 
whereas  Scripture  may  not  be  explained  by  any  private  interpretation.  The  sermons 
of  the  preachers  are  much  too  restricted ;  for  they  teach  Christ  hath  made  satisfaction 
for  sin,  and  man  is  justified  before  God  by  faith  and  not  by  works,  whereas  in  this  wick- 
ed world  man  should  practice  nothing  more  than  good  works.  Thus,  also,  the  preach- 
ers teach,  that  it  is  not  possible  for  man  to  keep  the  law,  whereas  the  whole  of  Scripture 
commands  us  to  keep  the  law.  The  charity  according  to  which  all  possessions  should 
be  held  in  common  is  not  rightly  taught  by  the  preachers,  inasmuch  as  they  maintain 
that  a  Christian  man  may  have  property  and  be  rich,  whereas  charity  has  all  things  in 
common  with  the  brethren.  Also,  the  preachers  intermingle  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments, whereas  the  Old  Testament  is  done  away,  and  is  no  more  binding  on  Christians. 
—It  is  not  true,  as  the  preachers  say,  that  souls,  after  the  death  of  the  body,  go  straight 
to  heaven,  for  they  sleep  till  the  last  day  (Zwinglius,  1.  c.  p.  433  :  Catabaptistae  docent 
mortuos  dormire  et  corpore  et  animis  usque  in  diem  judicii,  propterea  quod  dormiendi 
verbo  ignorant  Hebraeos  pro  moriendi  verbo  uti).  The  preachers  yield  too  much  to  the 
governing  powers,  of  which  Christians  have  no  need,  as  they  only  entail  suffering.     A 


CHAP.  I.— REFORMATION.    §  3.  ANABAPTISM.  121 

to  capital  punishment.65     Thus  the  public  disturbances  were  soon 

Christian  may  not  be  a  ruler.  The  government  should  not,  and  must  not,  interfere  with 
religion  and  matters  of  faith.  Christians  resist  no  power,  accordingly  they  require  no 
tribunal.  A  Christian  makes  use  of  no  court.  Christians  put  no  man  to  death.  Their 
punishment  is  not  with  imprisonment  and  the  sword,  but  only  by  exclusion.  No  one 
should  be  compelled  to  believe  by  any  force  or  constraint,  nor  any  one  put  to  death 
for  the  faith.  Christians  defend  not  themselves,  so  they  wage  no  wars,  and  do  not  obey 
the  government  in  this  point.  The  Christian's  conversation  is  Yea,  yea,  and  Nay,  nay; 
oaths  are  sinful  and  unjust.  Moreover,  the  office  of  the  preachers  is  deficient  in  the 
administration  of  the  Sacraments ;  for  they  baptize  infants,  whereas  infant-baptism  is 
of  the  Pope  and  the  devil.  Anabaptism,  on  the  contrary,  is  the  only  true  Christian 
baptism,  as  being  administered  to  persons  who  make  confession,  repent,  and  to  such 
as  are  instructed  and  capable  of  understanding.  The  preachers  make  no  distinction, 
and  do  not  keep  sinners  away  from  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  employ  no  excommunication" 
(in  Zwingl.  I.  c.  p.  390:  Excommunicari  debent  omnes,  qui,  posteaquam— in  unum 
Christi  corpus  baptizati  sunt,— cadunt  in  peccatum.— Debent  ergo  hujusmodi  admoneri 
bis  in  occulto ;  tertio  publice  pro  ecclesia  debent  corrigi  juxta  praeceptum  Domini.  Hoc 
autem  fieri  debet  juxta  ordinationem— divini  spiritus  ante  fractionem  panis,  ut  omnes 
unanimiter— unum  panem  frangere  atque  edere  possimus,  et  de  uno  calice  bibere).— 
They  naturally  disowned  the  name  of  Anabaptists,  as  they  declared  infant-baptism  in- 
valid ;  they  rather  called  this  Anti-baptism  (Fiissli,  iii.  229).  But  they  wished  to  re- 
store the  sacraments  in  general  to  their  original  institution  ;  see  the  Confession  of  George 
Blaurock  (Fussli,  i.  264)  :  "  t  am  the  introducer  of  Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper,  to- 
gether with  my  elect  brethren  in  Christ,  Conrad  Grebel  and  Felix  Manz.  Accordingly, 
the  Pope,  with  his  faction,  is  a  thief  and  murderer ;  in  like  manner  Luther,  with  his  fac- 
tion, is  a  thief  and  murderer ;  Zwingle,  also,  and  Leo  Judae,  with  their  faction,  are 
thieves  and  murderers."  With  regard  to  the  elements  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  they  held 
the  Zwinglian  opinion  (see  Balthasar  Hubmeyer  ad  Oecolampad.  in  Jo.  Oecol.  et  Huld. 
Zwinglii  Epistoll.  lib.  ii.  init. ;  Jac  Kautz,  in  Fussli,  v.  150).  But  they  often  celebrated 
it  in  their  own  houses,  imitating  more  exactly  the  Supper  as  it  was  instituted  (Fussli,  i. 
267,  ii.  362  ff.).  But  their  doctrine  of  the  Spirit  was  of  principal  importance  ;  Zwingl. 
1.  c.  p.  436 :  ubi  ubi  lubet,  scripturam  negant  et  spiritum  suum  jactant.  Hans  Denk 
had  collected  some  supposed  contradictions  in  Holy  Writ,  which  could  only  be  recon- 
ciled by  the  Holy  Ghost  (in  Fussli,  v.  139)  :  so  much  the  more  extraordinary  was  the 
literal  interpretation  which  they  put  upon  some  passages  of  Scripture;  those,  for  instance, 
on  oaths,  the  sleep  of  death,  etc.  The  belief  in  a  final  restoration  was  also  widely  spread 
among  them;  Zwingl.  1.  c.  p.  435:  tarn  Daemonem  quam  impios  omnes  beari :  this 
Hans  Deuk  taught  at  St.  Gall  (Simler,  i.  139).  The  insane  doctrines  of  the  Anabaptists 
of  St.  Gall  were  censured  even  b}-  Grebel  and  Manz  ;  see  Franz,  Schwiirmer.  Grauelsce- 
nen,  s.  83.  Many  of  their  doctrines  bring  vividly  to  mind  those  of  the  sect  of  the  Free 
Spirit,  e.  g.,  that  God  works  all  in  the  regenerate,  that  they  have  no  occasion  to  pray 
(Simler,  i.  142;  compare  vol.  iii.  p.  174,  N.  V).  Fussli  (Kirchen  u.  Ketzerhistorie  der 
mittlern  Zeit,  iii.  255)  regards  the  Anabaptists  in  general  as  a  continuation  and  revival 
of  the  sects  of  the  Middle  Ages  :  he  is  hardly  right  in  so  general  a  conclusion.  The  first 
impulse  was  probably  received  from  Bohemia;  the  fanatics  of  Zwickau  were  a  revival 
of  the  Taborites.  The  manifold  erroneous  doctrines  were  the  natural  result  of  the  doc- 
trine of  the  inner  light,  behind  which  the  lust  of  the  flesh  soon  concealed  itself.  Some 
few  of  the  earlier  sects  may  have  become  connected  with  them,  but  only  such  as  would 
coalesce  with  the  new  system. 

65  Immediately  after  the  first  conference  (see  Note  63),  in  January,  1525,  a  decree  of 
the  Council  was  issued  at  Zurich,  that  all  persons  should  have  their  children  baptized 
or  leave  the  canton  (Fussli,  i.  189).  Soon  afterward  the  principal  authors  of  disturbance 
were  thrown  into  prison  (ibid.  s.  205  anm.)  ;  they  succeeded  in  breaking  out  of  their 
prison,  and  now  announced  that,  like  the  Apostles,  they  had  been  set  free  by  an  angel 
(Fussli,  i.  249,  Anm.,  iii.  252).     In  March,  1526,  an  order  was  passed  at  Zurich  that  all 


122  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

suppressed  :  nevertheless,  the  Anabaptists  from  this  time  forth 
maintained  themselves  in  concealment,  spread  in  all  directions, 
and  endeavored  with  great  zeal  to  make  secret  proselytes.  An- 
abaptism  was  every  where  punished  with  death  ;66  but  its  victims 
bequeathed  to  the  faithful  an  encouraging  history  of  martyrdom,67 
rather  than  an  intimidating  example. 

All  these  events  were  eagerly  seized  upon  by  the  enemies  of  the 
Reformation  as  so  many  proofs  of  the  fact  that  it  taught  men  to 
reject  all  authority,  and  thus  incited  to  disobedience  and  rebellion 
against  the  temporal  as  well  as  the  spiritual  powers,  while  it  de- 
prived faith  of  all  sure  guidance,  and  led  to  endless  dissensions 
and  all  sorts  of  fanaticism.68 

persons  who  practiced  Anabaptism  should  be  drowned  (Fussli,  i.  270,  Anm.).  The  other 
states  also  which  were  inclined  to  the  Reformation  followed  this  example.  Abschied 
der  Stadte  Zurich,  Bern,  u.  St.  Gallen,  Sept.,  1527,  in  Simler,  i.  449.  Felix  Manz  was 
drowned  at  Zurich  in  1527;  George  Blaurock  whipped  out  of  the  country  (Bullinger, 
i.  381 ;  Fussli,  iv.  259,  265)  ;  Hubmej-er  was  burned  to  death  at  Vienna  in  1529  (Schel- 
horn  Acta  Ilistorico-Ecclesiastica,  Ulm,  1738,  p.  150.  H.  Schreiber's  Taschenbuch  fur 
Geschichte  u.  Alterthum  in  Siiddeutschland.     Freiburg  im  Breisgau,  1839,  s.  1). 

66  The  ordinances  of  the  German  empire ;  the  first  passed  by  the  Diet  of  Spires,  in 
April,  1529,  in  Boehmer  Jus  Eccles.  Protestantium,  iv.  1109  ss. 

67  These  were  adorned  with  miracles,  described  and  published,  e.  g.,  the  account  of 
the  execution  of  certain  Anabaptists  at  Rothenburg,  on  the  Neckar,  in  1527 ;  in  Fussli, 
ii.  374.     Compare  Veesenmeyer,  in  Vater's  Kirchenhist.  Archiv.  1826,  iv.  458. 

68  Erasmi  Hyperaspistes,  lib.  i.  (Opp.  x.  1256) :  Habemus  fructum  tui  spiritus,  res 
usque  ad  cruentam  stragem  progressa  est,  et  metuimus  atrociora,  ni  Deus  propitiatus 
averterit. — Non  agnoscis  hosce  seditiosos,  opinor,  sed  illi  te  agnoscunt,  et  jam  comper- 
tum  est,  multos,  qui  se  jactabant  Evangelii  nomine,  fuisse  seditionis  crudelissimae  in- 
stigatores.  Quorum  conatus  si  successisset,  fortassis  extitissent  qui  probarent,  quod 
nunc  re  male  gesta  detestantur.  Tu  quidem  libello  in  agricolas  saevissimo  suspicionem 
abs  te  depulisti,  nee  tamen  efficis,  quo  minus  credant  homines,  per  tuos  libellos,  prae- 
sertim  germanice  scriptos,  in  oleatos  et  rasos,  in  Monachos,  in  Episcopos,  pro  libertate 
evangelica  contra  tyrannidem  humanam,  hisce  tumultibus  fuisse  datam  occasionem. 
Nondum  tarn  male  de  te  sentio,  Luthere,  ut  existimem,  te  hue  destinasse  tua  concilia, 
sed  tamen  jam  pridem  cum  banc  fabulam  ordireris,  e  calami  tui  violentia  cepi  conjec- 
turam,  rem  hue  exituram.  Cochlaeus  ad  ann.  1523,  fol.  64  b.  Nulla  unquam  factio 
ftiit  ita  seditiosa,  pestilens,  nefaria,  quae  sic  religionem  omnem  tollere,  leges  omnes 
obruere,  mores  omnes  bonos  corrumpere,  respublicas  omnes  evertere  machinata  sit,  ut 
nunc  ista  conjuratio  Lutherana,  quae  et  sacra  omnia  profanat,  et  profana  contaminat. 
Quae  ita  Christum  praedicat,  ut  ejus  Sacramenta  conculcet ;  ita  Dei  buccinat  gratiam, 
ut  arbitrii  libertatem  destruat ;  ita  fidem  extollit,  ut  operibus  bonis  detrahat,  et  invehat 
peccandi  licentiam ;  ita  misericordiam  sublevat,  ut  justitiam  deprimat ;  et  maloruni 
omnium  causam  inevitabilem  non  in  Deum  aliquem  malum,  quod  Manichaei  saltern 
commenti  sunt,  sed  in  unicum  ilium  vere  bonum  rejiciat.  Qui  cum  ad  hunc  modum 
ifhpie  divina  tractarit,  velut  a  coelo  dejectus  serpens,  virus  effundit  in  terras,  in  Ecclesia 
commovet  dissensionem,  leges  omnes  abrogat,  Magistratus  omnes  enervat,  laicos  in  sa- 
cerdotes  concitat,  utrosque  adversus  Pontificem,  populos  adversus  Principes :  nee  aliud 
plane  molitur,  quam  ut  (quod  omen  avertant  Superi)  Germaniae  primum  populus  tan- 
quam  pro  libertate  bellum  indieat  Proceribus,  deinde  ut  Christiani  contra  Christianos, 
spectantibus  et  irridentibus  Christi  hostibus,  pro  Christi  fide  ac  religione  depugnent. 


CHAP.  I.— GEKMAN  REFORMATION.    §  4.  1525.  123 

§4. 

GERMAN  REFORMATION  TO  1530. 

The  opponents  of  the  Reformation,  stimulated  by  these  disturb- 
ances, of  which  we  have  given  a  narration,  were  disposed  to  threat- 
en its  violent  suppression;  and  the  circumstances  of  the  times 
seemed  to  favor  this  intention.  The  Emperor,  at  the  battle  of 
Pavia,  Febr.  24,  1525,  had  made  a  prisoner  of  his  violent  oppo- 
nent, Francis  I. ;  every  thing  indicated  that  he  would  now  turn 
his  power  against  the  Reformation.1  In  the  Peace  of  Madrid, 
14th  Jan.,  1526,  both  princes  expressly  avowed  this  purpose.2 
Several  powerful  German  princes  were  also  ready  to  act  in  con- 
cert with  them,  and  had  already  held  consultations  in  Dessau, 
July,  1525,  with  this  object  in  view.3 

Thus  Duke  George,  in  a  letter  to  the  Landgrave  Philip,  throws  the  whole  blame  of  the 
Peasants'  Insurrection  upon  the  preachers  alone,  "who  have  preached  the  Lutheran 
Gospel  so  loud  and  clear,  that  no  one  could  help  perceiving  it  must  bear  such  fruit  as  is 
now  before  our  eyes"  (see  Rommel's  Philip  der  Grossrniithige,  ii.  83).  Philip  replied  to 
this  charge  in  1528  (ibid.  s.  85):  "Your  highness  writes  that  the  rebellion  has  risen 
from  Lutherauism ;  with  this  I  can  not  agree :  there  is  no  occasion  to  prove,  as  every- 
one knows  well,  where  the  rebellion  arose.  Thus,  I  have  punished  no  Lutheran  with 
the  sword,  but  wicked,  rebellious  persons,  who  do  not  hold  Luther's  doctrine.  This  is 
shown  by  his  manifold  works.  The  Gospel,  which  must  now  be  called  Luther's  doc- 
trine, teaches  no  rebellion  to  the  peasants,  but  peace  and  obedience  to  all  men.  Ac- 
cordingly, among  those  people  and  in  those  regions  which  adhere  to  the  Gospel  called 
Lutheran,  there  is  less  rebellion,  in  some  places  none  at  all,  than  in  those  which  perse- 
cute the  Gospel."  This  defense  is  valid  even  in  relation  to  the  perplexities  of  our  own 
times. 

1  The  Emperor  commissioned  the  Bishop  of  Strasburg  for  southern  Germany,  Duke 
Henry  of  Brunswick  for  northern  Germany,  to  open  the  matter  to  the  zealous  Catholic 
estates ;  see  the  Instruction,  dated  Seville,  23d  March,  1526,  in  Rommel's  Philipp  d. 
Grossiniithige,  iii.  13,  in  Neudecker's  Urkunden,  s.  10 ;  cf.  Seckendorf,  ii.  44.  He  in- 
tends to  return  from  Spain,  through  Rome,  to  German}-,  so  that  "we  may  root  out  and 
extirpate  such  unchristian,  evil,  licentious  doctrines  and  errors,  and  restore  and  estab- 
lish the  Hoi)-  Empire  in  unit)-."  Compare  his  Letter  to  his  brother  Ferdinand,  2Gth 
March,  1526,  in  Von  Bucholtz's  Gesch.  der  Regierung  Ferdinand  I.,  ii.  369. 

-  J.  Dumont  Corps  Unioersel  Diplomatique  du  Droit  des  Gens,  iv.  i.  399.  In  the  intro- 
duction the  object  of  the  peace  is  given  thus :  pour  pouvoir  convertir  les  armes  com- 
munes de  tous  Roys,  Princes  et  Potentats  Chrestiens  a  la  repulsion  et  ruine  desdits  mes- 
creants  infideles,  et  extirpation  des  erreurs  de  la  Secte  Lutherienne,  et  des  autres  Sectes 
reprouvces.  They  agree,  No.  xxvi.  p.  405,  that  they  will  entreat  the  Pope  to  call  a 
general  congress  of  all  princes,  pour  dresser  tous  les  moyens  convenables  pour  lesdits 
Turcs  et  Intideles  que  contre  lesdits  Heretiques  alienez  du  greme  de  la  saincte  Eglise. 
Raumer's  Gesch.  Europa's  seit  dem  Ende  des  funfzehnten  Jahrh.  i.  310  ff. 

3  George  of  Saxony,  Erich  and  Henry  of  Brunswick,  Joachim  of  Brandenburg,  Albert 
of  Mayence;  Seckendorf,  ii.  42;  Luther  to  J.  Brismann,  16th  Aug.,  1525  (in  de  Wette, 
iii.  22) ;  Rommel,  i.  137 ;  ii.  98. 


124  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

The  progress  of  the  Reformation,  however,  was  not  restrained 
by  these  dangers.  In  Saxony,  Frederick  the  Wise,  who  had  only 
permitted,  but  not  aided,  the  new  order  of  things,  died,  the  5th 
May,  1525 ;  his  brother  and  successor,  John  the  Steadfast,  came 
forward  at  once  as  a  zealous  adherent  and  defender  of  the  Refor- 
mation.4 Philip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  also  declared  for  it  ;5  and 
Albert  of  Brandenburg,  Grand  Master  of  the  German  Order,  who 
had  for  a  long  time  been  inclined  to  it,  came  out,  as  the  secular 
Duke  of  Prussia,  openly  in  its  favor,  after  the  larger  part  of  the 
population  of  that  land,  and  its  two  bishops  also — the  first  exam- 
ple of  the  kind — had  confessed  the  new  doctrine.6 

Philip  of  Hesse,  a  young,  energetic,  and  keen  prince,  at  once 
endeavored  to  form  a  league  of  the  evangelical  princes  against  the 
imminent  dangers  ;7  but  the  most  perilous  time  was  already  passed 
when  the  League  of  Torgau,  4th  May,  1526,  came  into  being  for 
defense  and  protection  against  their  opponents.8 

4  Luther  ordained  the  first  evangelical  preacher  on  the  14th  May,  1525  (Seckendorf, 
ii.  29),  and  married  Catherine  von  Bora  the  13th  June,  1525.  (On  some  contemporane- 
ous writings  against  this  marriage,  see  Veesenmeyer,  in  Vater's  Kirchenhist.  Archiv, 
1826,  s.  167 ;  against  later  calumnies,  see  Walch's  Gesch.  d.  sel.  Frau  Cath.  von  Bora, 
2te  Aufl.,  Halle,  1752 ;  2ter  Theil.,  1754 ;  and  Gieseler's  Essay,  in  the  Zeitschrift  f.  ge- 
Lildete  Christen,  Heft  i.  s.  105.)  The  Elector,  in  1525,  enjoined  upon  persons  holding 
office,  and  24th  June,  1526,  upon  patrons  among  the  nobility,  to  lay  before  their  paro- 
chial clergy  Luther's  German  mass  for  observance,  and  in  case  they  could  not  them- 
selves preach,  to  recommend  to  them  Luther's  church  postills ;  Seckendorf,  ii.  48. 

5  Philip  was  first  made  more  fully  acquainted  with  Luther's  doctrine  by  Melancthon, 
whom  he  met  upon  a  journey  in  May,  1524  (§  1,  Note  99).  See  Camerarius,  De  Vita 
Melanchthonis,  ed.  Strobel,  p.  94.  For  his  further  instruction  Melancthon  wrote  "  Ein 
Kurzer  Begriff  d.  erneuten  Christl.  Lehr,  an  den  durchl.  Fiirsten  Landgr.  zu  Hessen," 
1524 ;  in  Latin,  Epitome  Renovatae  Ecclesiasticae  Doctrinae,  in  Melanch.  Opera,  ed. 
Bretschneider,  i.  703.  In  March,  1525,  the  Landgrave  already  declared  to  the  Elector 
of  Saxony  "  that  he  would  rather  lose  body  and  life,  land  and  people,  than  yield  God's 
Word."  See  Philipp  d.  Grossmuthige,  Landgr.  von  Hessen,  by  Chr.  von  Rommel,  vol. 
1,  Biography ;  2,  Notes  ;  3,  Documents.  Giessen,  1830.  Cf.  Bd.  i.  s.  130  ff. ;  Bd.  ii.  s. 
90  ff. 

6  See  below,  §  15,  Note  3. 

7  Rommel,  i.  138 ;  iii.  10. 

8  Handlungen  u.  Ausschreiben  von  den  Ursachen  des  Teutschen  Kriegs  Kaiser  Carls 
V.  wider  die  Schmalkaldischen  Bundes-Oberste  Anno  1546  u.  1547,  by  F.  Hortleder 
(Frankf.  1617  ;  2te  Ausg.,  Gotha,  1645,  2  Theile,  fol.),  Th.  1,  Buch  viii.  cap.  2  ;  Luther's 
Werke,  by  Walch,  xvi.  526.  To  this  compact,  concluded  at  Gotha  the  end  of  Febr., 
1526,  and  ratified  at  Torgau,  4th  May  (Ranke's  Deutsche  Gesch.  im  Zeitalter  d.  Ref.,  ii. 
350),  only  the  Elector  John  and  the  Landgrave  were  parties.  It  reads,  that  it  is  "  leider 
offentlich  am  Tag,  was  viel  und  mancherley  Praktiken  eine  Zeit  hero,  sonderlich  von 
den  Geistlichen,  und  ihren  Anhiingern  im  heil.  Reich  gesucht  und  furgenommen  seynd 
worden,  dasselbig  heil.  gottlich  Wort  wiederumb  zu  verdrucken,  zu  vertilgen,  und  ganz- 
lich  aus  der  Menschen  Herzen  und  Gewissen,  so  es  muglich  gewest  were,  zu  reiszen." 
Hence  they  bind  themselves  "allein  zu  Schutz  und  Rettung  der  Unsern, — dass  wir 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  4.  1526.  125 

For  the  steps  taken  by  the  Emperor  against  the  Reformation 
were  now  hindered  by  a  new  war  with  King  Francis  I.  (who  had 
been  too  deeply  humbled),  in  alliance  with  the  Italian  princes,  the 
Pope  at  their  head,  who  were  in  peril  from  the  imperial  preponder- 
ance— La  Sainte  Ligue  of  Cognac,  22d  May,  1526.9  Not  only 
did  the  Emperor  need  all  his  forces  for  this  new  war,  but  forbear- 
ance toward  the  evangelical  party  would  now  appear  to  him  to  be 
a  matter  of  policy,  in  order  to  hold  the  Pope  in  check.10  Besides 
this,  there  was  danger  from  the  Turkish  invasion  of  the  borders 
of  Germany ;  the  King's  brother-in-law,  Louis,  King  of  Hunga- 

Leib  und  Gut,  Land  und  Leute,  und  alles  Vermogen  bej-  einander  zu  setzen,  audi  einer 
dem  anderen,  der  dariiber  angegriffen,  iiberzogen,  oder  beschwert  wollte  werden,  aufs 
starkste,  so  wir  inimer  vermogen,  auf  unser  eigen  Kosten  und  Schaden  zuziehen,  und 
zu  Iliilf  und  Rettung  kommen  wollen."  To  this  Torgau  league  were  added,  in  Magde- 
burg, 12th  June,  1526,  Philip,  Otho,  Ernst,  and  Francis,  Dukes  of  Brunswick-Liineburg, 
Henry,  Duke  of  Mecklenburg,  Wolf,  Prince  of  Anhalt,  Gebhard  and  Albert,  Counts  of 
Mansfeld  (Hortleder,  in  the  work  referred  to  above,  cap.  3,  Walch,  xvi.  532),  and,  on 
the  14th  June,  the  city  of  Magdeburg  (Hortleder,  cap.  4  and  5,  Walch,  xvi.  533).  Al- 
bert, Duke  of  Prussia,  joined  the  league  by  a  special  compact  with  the  Electorj  dated 
Konigsberg,  29th  Sept.,  1526 ;  Hortleder,  cap.  6,  Walch,  xvi.  538. 

9  Raumer's  Gesch.  Europas  seit  dem  Ende  des  15ten  Jahrh.  i.  313.  The  original  doc- 
ument (in  Dumont,  iv.  i.  451)  gives  as  the  object  of  this  league,  that  a — vera  et  stabilis 
pax  inter  Christianos  principes  may  be  attained ;  the  adhesion  of  the  Emperor,  too,  is 
to  be  demanded,  though  on  condition  that  he  give  up  the  fruits  of  his  victories ;  other- 
wise he  is  to  be  forced  to  this,  and  besides  to  lose  Naples. 

10  On  the  relation  of  the  Emperor  with  the  Pope,  compare  their  correspondence; 
Ranke's  Deutsche  Gesch.  im  Zeitalter  d.  Ref.  ii.  324 ;  the  letter  of  the  Pope  to  the  Em- 
peror, 23d  June,  delivered  20th  Aug.  (in  Raynald.  1526,  No.  11,  in  full ;  in  Jud.  lc  Plat 
Monumenta  ad  Hist.  Cone.  Trid.  spectantia,  ii.  210),  and  the  answer  of  the  latter,  18th 
Sept.,  1526  (Brown  App.  ad  Fasciculum  Rerum  Expetendarum  et  Fugiendarum,  p.  684, 
in  le  Plat  1.  c.  p.  247),  boast  respectively  of  their  own  services,  and  reproach  each  the 
other.  The  Emperor,  among  other  things,  accuses  the  Pope  thus :  Galliae  Rex  profitc- 
tur  palam,  quod  abs  te  solicitatus,  antequam  ex  Hispaniis  domum  rediret,  novum  foe- 
dus  inierit,  et  indicio  cognovi  te  solvisse  ilium  a  jurisjurandi  vinculo  quo  mihi  tenetur. 
Deinde  bellum  intulisti  prius  quam  literae,  quibus  illud  denuncias,  mihi  essent  redditae, 
et  eo  spectasti,  quomodo  non  solum  Italia  tota  me  depelleres,  verum  etiam  ab  Imperii 
dignitate  dejiceres. — Sed  vide,  quanta  sit  rei  indignitas.  Meis  a  regnis  atque  provinciis 
plus  emolumenti  atque  annuae  pecuniae  Romam  defertur,  quam  ex  reliquis  populis  om- 
nibus. Id  demonstrari  potest  ex  illis  Germaniae  principum  postulatis,  quando  de  curia 
Romana  graviter  conquesti,  remedium  adhiberi  volebant :  ego  autem  pro  mea  in  Eccle- 
siam  Romanam  observantia  querimoniam  illorum  tunc  posthabui,  etc.  A  prolix  apolo- 
gy of  the  Emperor  to  the  Pope,  17th  Sept.,  in  Raynald.  1526,  No.  22^3,  in  which  he  at 
last  demands  a  general  council  to  decide  their  disputes.  He  also  wrote  for  this  purpose 
to  the  cardinals,  6th  Oct.  (Raynald.  1526,  No.  45  ss. ;  Brown,  p.  687):  hortamur, — ut 
quae  de  indictione  concilii  a  Pontifice  petimus,  eo  negante,  aut  plus  aequo  difterente, 
vos  debito  ordine  procedentes  praestare  non  differatis.  All  the  documents  relating  to 
this  matter  were  published  together :  Pro  divo  Carolo. — Imp. — Apologetici  Libri  duo  ex 
Hispaniis  allati  cum  aliis  nonnullis.  Mogunt.,  1527.  4.  (cf.  Schelhorn  Amoenitates 
Hist.  Eccl.  et  Liter.,  ii.  378),  reprinted  in  Goldasti  Politicis  imperialibus,  Part  xx.  sec. 
viii.  f.  863,  and  Part  xxii.  sec.  i.  f.  984.  Cf.  Ranke,  Fursten  u.  Volker  von  Sudeuropa, 
ii.  100  ff. 


226  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

ry  and  Bohemia,  was  already  pressed  to  extremity,  and  the  em- 
pire could  render  him  aid  only  as  it  was  at  peace  within  itself. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  Diet- of  Spires11  lost  the  threat- 
ening aspect  which  it  at  first  wore,  in  proportion  as  the  time  for  it 
drew  on.  The  Emperor  himself  could  not  he  present ;  his  brother, 
the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  opened  it  on  the  25th  June,  1526 ;  and 
the  evangelical  princes  were  so  full  of  good  courage,  that  they  here, 
for  the  first  time  at  a  diet,  came  forward  openly  as  adherents  of 
the  new  Church.12  Though  some  sharp  controversy  ensued  be- 
tween the  two  parties,  yet  the  imperial  interests  so  forcibly  de- 
manded the  maintenance  of  peace,  that  the  Recess  of  the  diet,  27th 
Aug.,  1526,  put  off  the  decision  to  a  general  council,  and  in  the 
mean  time  each  estate  was  instructed  as  to  its  observance  of  the 
Edict  of  Worms.13 

The  entanglement  of  the  opponents  of  the  Reformation  in  other 
quarters  now  procured  for  the  Reformers  some  years  of  quiet  prog- 
ress. After  Louis,  King  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  had  fallen  at 
Mohacz,  29th  Aug.,  1526,  the  Archduke  Ferdinand  was  forced  to 
defend  his  claim  to  the  succession  in  Hungary  against  the  Count 
Von  Zips  and  the  Turks;  and  his  election  in  Oct.,  1526,  as  King 

1 '  The  Acts  in  Walch,  xvi.  243.  Veesenmeyer,  Die  Verhandlungen  auf  d.  Reichstag 
zu  Speyer  im  Jahre  1526,  die  Religion  betreffend,  in  Vater's  Archiv,  1825,  i.  22;  cf. 
Ranke's  Deutsche  Gesch.,  ii.  354. 

12  See  Spalatini  Annales,  in  Myconii  Scriptt.  Rerum  Germ.,  ii.  658. 

13  In  Walch,  xvi.  266:  "  Und  erstlich,  nachdern  Kayserlicher  Majestat  Instruction 
vornehmlich  ausdriickt  und  inhalt,  dass  auf  diesem  Reichstag  in  Sachen,  den  heil. 
Christl.  Glauben,— auch  die  Ceremonien— belangend,  keine  Neuerung  oder  Determina- 
tion beschehen— sollen :  und  dann  ermessen  und  envogen,  dass  der  Zwiespalt  nicht  die 
geringste  Ursach  sey  der  vorgegangenen  Emporung  des  gemeinen  Mannes,  darzu  alles 
Unfriedens,  so  sich  jetzunder  in  Deutscher  Nation  erhalt :— demnach,  und  damit  in  sol- 
chem  ein  einhelliger  gleichmassiger  Verstand  in  dem  Christlichen  Glauben  gemacht, 
auch  Fried  und  Einigkeit  in  Deutscher  Nation  zwischen  alien  Standen  gepflanzt  und 
erhalten  werde  :  so  haben  wir— solches  nicht— besser—zu  beschehen— befinden  mogen, 
dann  durcli  ein  frey  Generalconcilium,  oder  aufs  wenigste  Nationalversammlung,  welche 
in  einem  Jahr  oder  anderthalben  aufs  liingst  in  Deutschen  Landen  vorgenommen  wer- 
den  soil.  Damit  dann  solches  also  zum  forderlichsten  Fortgang  erlange,  so  haben  wir 
— eine  treffentliche  Botschaft— zu  Kais.  Majestat  abgefertiget,— dass  Ihre  Kais.  Majes- 
tat die  schwere  Last  Deutscher  Nation,  solches  Zwiespalts  und  Misshellung  halben, 
gnadiglichen  beherzigen  und  bedenken,  sich  zum  forderlichsten  in  eigener  Person  he- 
raus  in  Deutsche  Nation  verfiigen,  Einsehens  haben  und  verschafFen  TODllte,  damit  angc- 
zeigt  Generalconcilium,  oder  zum  wenigsten  eine  Nationalversammlung  in  bestimmter 
Zeit— vorgenommen  werden  mochte.— Demnach  haben  wir— uns  jetzo— einmiithiglich 
verglichen  und  vereiniget,  mittlerzeit  des  Concilii,  oder  aber  Nationalversammlung, 
nichtsdestoweniger  mit  unsern  Unterthanen,  ein  jeglicher  in  Sachen,  so  das  Edict,  durch 
Kaiserl.  Majestat,  auf  dem  Reichstag  zu  Worms  gehalten,  ausgangen,  belangen  moch- 
ten,  fur  sich  also  zu  leben,  zu  regieren,  und  zu  halten,  wie  ein  jeder  solches  gegen  Gott 
und  Kaiserl.  Maj.  hoffet  und  vertraut  zu  verantworten." 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  4.  1526.  127 

of  Bohemia,  by  putting  him  at  variance  with  the  Dukes  of  Bava- 
ria, separated  the  most  violent  enemies  of  the  Gospel.14  The  Em- 
peror was  at  work  in  Italy,  and  his  conflict  with  the  Pope  reach- 
ed its  highest  pitch,  when  the  latter  had  no  sooner  made  than  he 
faithlessly  broke  his  promise,  forced  upon  him  by  the  Colonnas, 
to  abandon  the  league,  Sept.,  1526.15  An  imperial  army  took  Rome 
by  storm,16  May  6,  1526,  and  for  several  months  the  Pope  was  a 
prisoner. 

Thus,  in  these  years,  the  struggle  against  the  Reformation  was 
continued  only  in  some  Catholic  states  by  the  persecution  of  in- 
dividual confessors,  making  the  new  Church  illustrious  and  strong 
through  martyrdom.17  The  evangelical  princes  remained  undis- 
turbed, and  were  able  to  unfold  and  develop  in  a  fitting  order  the 
new  ecclesiastical  institutions  of  their  countries. 

The  bold  Philip  of  Hesse  led  the  way,  in  the  Synod  of  Homberg, 
Oct.  21,  1526,  in  justifying  the  Reformation  and  appointing  a 
Church  order  ;18  also  by  announcing  that  an  evangelical  university 

14  These  highly  important  relations  between  Austria  and  Bavaria  were  first  fully 
illustrated  from  the  archives  in  A.  S.  Stumpf's  Baiern's  politische  Gesch.,  Bd.  i.  Abthei- 
lung  i.  (Munchen,  1816.  8.)  s.  31  ff. ;  Ranke's  Deutsche  Gesch.  im  Zeitalter  d.  Reform., 
ii.  414. 

15  Raumer's  Gesch.  Europas  seit  d.  Ende  des  15ten  Jahrh.,  i.  318  ;  Ranke,  ii.  372. 

16  Myconii  Hist.  Reform.,  s.  81;  Raumer,  i.  322;  Ranke,  ii.  392. 

17  King  Ferdinand's  mandate  against  the  Lutherans,  dated  Ofen,  Aug.  20,  1527  (in 
Walch,  xvi.  433).— At  Munich,  a  minister,  George  Wagner  (Carpentarius),  was  burned, 
Feb.  8,  1527.  Special  attention  was  aroused  by  the  execution  of  Leonhard  Kiiser  (Lu- 
ther calls  him  Kaiser),  Aug.  18,  1527,  by  order  of  the  Bishop  of  Passau ;  see  Munch's 
Verm.  hist.  Schriften,  ii.  1 ;  cf.  Luther's  Letter  of  Consolation  to  the  prisoner,  May  20  (de 
Wette,  iii.  179).  The  articles  for  which  he  was  condemned  are  in  Spalatini  Annales,  p. 
97 ;  cf.  Winter's  Gesch.  d.  Evang.  Lehre,  in  Baiern,  i.  235.  Even  the  famous  Bavarian 
historian,  Aventinus,  was  forced  to  pass  some  time  in  prison  in  1529  ;  ibid.  s.  259. — Adolph 
Clarenbach  and  Peter  Flysteden  were  executed  in  Cologne,  Sept.  28, 1529.  The  history 
of  their  martyrdom  was  also  published  in  1529 ;  see  J.  A.  Kanne,  Zwei  Beitrage  zur 
Gesch.  d.  Finsterniss  in  d.  Reformationszeit.  Frankf.  a.  M.,  1822,  s.  89;  Mohnike,  in 
Illgen's  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  hist.  Theologie,  Bd.  v.  St.  i.  s.  248.— In  Kapp's  Nachlese,  i.  30, 
ma}-  be  seen  how  the  lords  of  Einsiedel  were  persecuted  by  Duke  George. — Elizabeth, 
spouse  of  the  Elector  Joachim  I.  of  Brandenburg,  was  obliged  to  flee  to  Saxony  (Seck- 
endorf,  ii.  122),  being  severely  treated  on  account  of  the  confession  of  the  Gospel.  Lu- 
ther's public  Letter  to  the  Elector,  Oct.  5,  1528  (de  Wette,  iii.  382),  to  permit  the  ex- 
pelled Wolf  Hornung  to  recover  his  family  and  possessions. — George  Winkler,  preacher 
in  Halle,  for  distributing  the  Lord's  Supper  under  both  forms,  was  cited  to  Aschaffen- 
burg  by  the  Elector  of  Mayence,  and  murdered  on  his  journey  back,  in  May,  1527.  Lu- 
ther published  an  epistle :  Trostunge  an  die  Christen  zu  Halle  uber  Herr  Georgen  ihres 
Predigers  Tod,  1527.  4.,  in  Walch,  x.  2260.  Later  he  spoke  to  them  words  of  comfort 
on  account  of  their  being  denied  the  receiving  of  the  Lord's  Supper  in  both  forms,  April 
26,  1528  (de  Wette,  iii.  305). 

18  Rathschlag  Melanchthons  uber  Einrichtung  des  Gottesdienstes  an  den  Landgrafen, 
Sept.,  1526  (Opp.  ed.  Bretschneider,  i.  818).    Francis  Lambert,  formerly  a  Franciscan 


1 28  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

would  be  founded  in  Marburg,  which  was  actually  opened  July  1, 
1527.19  Immediately  afterward  the  government  of  the  electorate 
of  Saxony  undertook  the  organization  of  its  ecclesiastical  affairs, 
which  had  until  then  been  left  to  the  congregations  alone,  and  con- 
sequently been  in  a  state  of  entire  confusion  ;20  a  general  Church 
Visitation  was  appointed,  1527  to  1529,  and  a  suitable  order  of 
worship  established.21  The  same  thing  was  done  by  the  Margrave, 
George  of  Anspach  and  Bayreuth,  in  concert  with  the  imperial 
city  of  Nuremberg,  in  accordance  with  the  Articles  of  Visitation 

in  Avignon,  defended  before  the  Synod,  Paradoxa  ad  ecclesiarum  reformationein  in  Sy- 
nodo  Hessiaca  ab  eo  proposita  et  asserta  (republished  in  Sculteti  Annal.  Evan,  ad  ann. 
1526,  in  v.  d.  Hardt,  v.  68) ;  his  doctrine  upon  the  eucharist,  Tit.  viii.,  is  clearly  inclined 
to  the  Zwinglian  view.  Conf.  Franc.  Lamberti  Epist.  ad  Colonienses,  Colloquii  ann. 
1526,  Hombergi  in  Hassia  habiti  Historiam  exponens.  Erphord.,  1527  (reprinted  in  the 
Unschuld.  Nachrichten,  1714,  s.  30,  and  cum  Adnot.  G.  C.  Draudii.  Giessae,  1730.  4.). 
The  Church  order  here  agreed  upon  appeared  under  the  title  Reformatio  Ecclesiarum 
Hassiae  juxta  certissimam  sermonum  Dei  regulam  ordinata  in  ven.  Synodo— Hombergi 
celebrata  (in  F.  C.  Schmincke  Monum.  Hass.,  ii.  588).  Rommel's  Philipp  d.  Gross- 
miithige,  i.  143,  ii.  103. 

19  L.  Wachler  De  Originibus,  Progressu,  Incrementis  et  Mutationibus,  quas  Acad. 
Marburg,  experta  est,  spec.  i.  Marburgi,  1809.  4.  W.  Justi,  Grundziige  einer  Gesch. 
der  Univ.  zu  Marburg,  in  the  periodical,  Die  Vorzeit,  1826,  s.  1  (also  reprinted  separate- 
ly Marburg,  1827.  8.).  D.  a  Coelln  Progr.  Recolitur  Memoria  Professorum  theologiae 
Marburgensium  Philippo  Magnanimo  regnante.     Vratislav.,  1827.  4. 

20  Luther  to  Spalatin,  Febr.,  1529  (de  Wette,  iii.  424)  :  Miserrima  est  ubique  facies 
Ecclesiarum,  rusticis  nihil  discentibus,  nihil  scientibus,  nihil  orantibus,  nihil  agentibus, 
nisi  quod  libertate  abutuntur,  non  confitentes,  non  communicantes,  ac  si  religione  in 
totum  liberi  facti  sint:  sic  enim  papistica  neglexerunt,  nostra  contemnunt,  ut  horren- 
dum  sit  Episcoporum  papisticorum  administrationem  considerare.  In  his  Preface  to  the 
Shorter  Catechism  (Walch,  x.  1):  "This  Catechism,  or  sum  of  Christian  doctrine  in 
such  a  short  and  simple  form,  I  have  been  forced  and  pressed  to  make  by  the  lamenta- 
ble need  I  found  when  I  was  of  late  a  visitor.  Help,  0  God  !  for  how  many  sad  things 
have  I  seen !  the  common  people,  especially  in  the  villages,  knowing  nothing  at  all 
about  Christian  doctrine,  and  many  a  pastor  wholly  unfit  to  teach  them ;  and  yet  they 
are  all  called  Christians,  have  been  baptized,  and  received  the  holy  sacraments :  they  can 
neither  repeat  the  Lord's  Prayer,  nor  the  Creed,  nor  the  Ten  Commandments  ;  they  live 
on  like  the  dear  cattle,  and  unthinking  swine  ;  and  yet,  now  that  the  Gospel  has  come 
to  them,  they  have  learned  right  skillfully  how  to  misuse  all  their  freedom.  0  ye  bish- 
ops !  how  will  ye  ever  answer  for  it  to  Christ,  for  having  let  the  people  wander  away  so 
shamelessly,  and  for  having  never  one  moment  made  proof  of  your  office?"  Secken- 
dorf  ii.  102,' cites  from  the  records  of  the  Visitation  in  the  district  of  Altenburg,  where 
there  were  about  one  hundred  pastors :  Inter  illarum  pastores  non  nisi  quatuor  invent! 
sunt  a  Visitatoribus,  qui  missas  adhuc  veteri  ritu  celebrarent.  Viginti  fere  rudes  et  in- 
epti,  multique  concubinarii  et  potatores  deprehensi  sunt.  Erhardus  Matthiae  Hainae 
in  aede  parochiali  evangelico  more  docebat,  in  filiali,  quam  vocant,  missificabat.  Lu- 
ther accordingly,  from  an  early  date,  appealed  to  the  Elector  John  to  regulate  the  eccle- 
siastical order,  31st  Oct.,  1525,  in  de  Wette,  iii.  39,  30th  Nov.,  1525,  s.  51,  22d  Nov., 
1526,  s.  135  ;  the  two  last  epistles  enforce  the  need  of  a  visitation  of  the  Churches. 

21  'Several  documents  about  this  visitation  are  in  Kapp's  Nachlese,  i.  171 ;  cf.  Seck- 
endorf,  ii.  100;  A.  G.  Rosenberg's  hist.  Abhandlung  von  der  ersten  Kirchenvisitation  in 
der  Evangelischen  Kirche.    Iireslau,  1754.  4. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  4.  1527.  129 

agreed  upon  in  the  convention  at  Schwabach,  June  14,  1528.22 
In  the  cities  of  Brunswick23  and  Hamburg24  the  ecclesiastical 
affairs  were  set  in  order  by  John  Bugenhagen,  1528,  called  from 
Wittenberg  for  this  purpose.  Of  the  Saxon  Visitation  we  have 
the  imperishable  fruits  in  Melancthon's  Instructions  to  the  Vis- 
itors, addressed  to  the  pastors  in  the  electorate  of  Saxony,25  and 
containing  a  summary  of  doctrine,  an  order  of  Church  govern- 
ment, and  principles  of  education,  published  before  the  Visitation, 
1527 ;  and  in  Luther's  two  Catechisms,™  occasioned  by  the  re- 
sults of  these  investigations,  1529. 

In  other  countries  the  Reformation  pressed  forward  without 
cessation.  Among  its  most  important  victories  was  its  introduc- 
tion into  Sweden  by  Grustavus  Wasa,  at  the  Diet  of  Westerns, 
1527,  and  the  concession  to  it  by  Frederick  I.  of  Denmark  of  equal 
rights  with  the  old  Church,  at  the  Diet  of  Odense,  in  1527. 

The  evangelical  Church,  having  thus  become  more  fully  devel- 
oped within,  and  more  widely  extended  without,  was  in  a  condi- 
tion to  encounter  the  perils  by  which  it  was  still  menaced.  The 
account  given  to  the  Landgrave,  by  Otto  von  Pach,  of  a  Catholic 

22  J.  W.  v.  d.  Lith,  Erliiuterung  der  Reformationshistorie  v.  1524-28  aus  dem  hoch- 
fiirstl.  Brandenburg-Onolzbachischen  Archiv.  Schwobach,  1733,  s.  244  ff.  Lebens- 
beschreibung  Lazari  Spenglers  v.  U.  G.  Haussdorf.  Nurnberg,  1741,  s.  48  ff.  The 
twenty-three  Visitation-Articles  of  Schwabach,  probably  written  by  A.  Osiander,  ap- 
peared under  the  title  "Visitacio  der  Pfarrher  auf  dem  Land,  1528,"  and  are  reprinted 
in  v.  d.  Lith,  s.  247  ff. 

23  Ph.  J.  Rehtmeyer's  der  beriihmten  Stadt  Braunschweig  Kirchenhistorie,  iii.  53. 
C.  G.  H.  Lentz  Braunschweig's  Kirchenreformation  im  ICten  Jahrh.  Wolfenbiittel  u. 
Leipzig,  1828,  s.  97  ff.  Johannes  Bugenhagen,  von  J.  H.  Zietz.  Leipzig,  1829,  s.  95  ff. 
The  Church-order  for  Brunswick,  drawn  up  by  Bugenhagen,  appeared  in  low  German 
at  Wittenberg  in  1528,  and  in  high  German  at  Brunswick  in  1531. 

24  Stcphan  Kempe's  (preacher,  f  1540)  wahrhafter  Bericht  die  Kirchensachen  in  Ham- 
burg vora  Anf.  des  Evangelii  befr.  herausgeg.  von  Strauch.  Hamburg,  1828.  8.  Stap- 
horst's  Hamburg.  Kirchengeschichte,  Th.  2.  P.  Miinter's  Kirchengesch.  von  Danemark 
u.  Norwegen,  iii.  656.  Zietz,  s.  109  ff.  TJeber  die  Hamburgische  Kirchenordnung, 
Zietz,  s.  114. 

35  First  published  in  Latin  :  Articuli,  de  quibus  egerunt  per  Visitatores  in  regione 
Saxoniae,  Wittenb.,  1527.  8.  Then  in  German,  revised  by  Luther,  and  with  a  preface 
by  him,  under  the  title  "Unterricht  der  Visitatorn  an  die  Pfarherrn  im  Kurfursten- 
thums  zu  Sachsen."  Wittenburg,  1528.  4.,  in  Walch,  x.  1902.  Cf.  Chursachsische  Visi- 
tations-Artikel  vom  Jahre  1527  und  1528,  in  both  Latin  and  German,  published,  with 
a  historical  Introduction,  by  G.  Th.  Strobel.     Altdorf,  1777.  8. 

36  In  Walch,  x.  1.  That  the  Larger  Catechism  was  composed  before  the  Shorter  ap- 
pears from  the  sixth  sermon  of  Mathesius  (s.  148),  as  also  from  the  fact  that  the  Larger 
is  referred  to  in  the  Preface  to  the  latter.  Both  were  written  by  Luther  in  German  ; 
but  they  were  translated  into  Latin  in  1529— the  Shorter  by  Joh.  Lonicer,  the  Larger  by 
Vine.  Opsopoeus.  Chr.  F.  Illgen,  Comm.  iv. ;  Recolitur  memoria  utriusque  Catechismi 
Lutheri.     Leipz.,  1829-30.  4. 

VOL.  IV. 9 


130  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

league  secretly  framed  at  Breslau,27  May  12,  1527,  had  at  least 
the  effect  of  preserving  the  vigilance  of  the  evangelical  princes, 
and  making  their  Catholic  opponents  cautious.28  But  the  real  dan- 
ger began  after  the  Emperor  had  decisively  gained  the  upper  hand 
in  Italy.  The  imperial  propositions  for  the  diet  that  sat  at  Spires,29 
March,  1529,  and  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  Catholic  estates  at 
this  diet,  proclaimed  the  renewal  of  the  former  struggle.  The 
direct  attack  was,  however,  postponed  until  the  Emperor  could 
bring  to  an  end  his  foreign  war.  In  the  mean  time,  the  plan  of 
the  Catholics  was  to  shut  up  their  foe  in  fixed  bounds ;  this  they 
did  by  the  majority  of  Catholic  votes  in  the  final  decree  of  the 
diet,  forbidding  all  further  internal  development,  as  well  as  external 
propagation  of  the  new  doctrine.30     Against  this  decree  the  evan- 

27  As  is  alleged,  by  King  Ferdinand,  the  Electors  of  Mayence  and  Brandenburg,  the 
Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  the  Bishops  of  Bamberg  and  Wiirzburg,  George,  Duke  of  Sax- 
ony, and  the  dukes  of  Bavaria.  The  document  is  in  Spalatin's  Annals,  s.  102  b. ;  Hort- 
leder  Th.  i.  Buch  2,  cap.  i. ;  Walch,  xvi.  444.  But  all  these  princes  denied,  in  the  most 
unequivocal  terms,  the  existence  of  this  league :  see  their  public  Declaration  in  Hort- 
leder,  cap.  3  ff. ;  Walch,  xvi.  464 ;  cf.  Neudecker's  Urkunden,  s.  25,  60,  and  his  Acten- 
stiicke,  i.  29.  On  the  contemporaneous  literature,  see  the  Altdorfische  liter.  Museum, 
Bd.  i.  St.  i.  s.  43.  The  original  document  of  the  league  could  hardly  have  been  invent- 
ed by  Pack  ;  it  was  probably  a  project  drawn  up  by  a  counselor  of  Ferdinand.  Luther 
to  Joh.  Hess  (de  Wette,  iii.  351) :  Ducis  Georgii  Proceres  plane  fatentur,  fuisse  foedus 
hoc  non  omnino  chimaeram,  sed  literas  et  exemplum  prae  manibus  haberi,  quod  nunc 
vellent  falso  Principum  nomine  et  sigillo  fictum  videri.  Rommel's  Philipp  der  Gross- 
mUthige,  i.  210 ;  ii.  202. 

28  The  Landgrave,  at  the  head  of  an  army,  forced  the  Bishops  of  Bamberg  and  Wiirz- 
burg  and  the  Elector  of  Mayence,  June,  1528,  to  pledges  of  peace  and  indemnity  for  the 
costs  of  the  war.  At  the  same  time,  the  Elector  of  Mayence,  in  the  camp  at  Hitzkirch- 
en,  June  11, 1528,  was  forced  to  renounce  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  in  Saxony  and  Hesse 
to  the  time  of  peace  in  religious  affairs.  See  the  agreement  in  C.  Ph.  Kopp,  hessische 
Gerichtsverfassung,  Th.  1,  s.  107  ;  No.  46  in  the  Beylage. 

29  Historie  von  der  evangel.  Stande  Protestation  u.  Appellation  wider  u.  von  dem 
Reichsabschied  zu  Speyer  1529,  dann  der  darauf  erfolgfjen  Legation  in  Spanien  an  Kays. 
Maj.  Karln  V.,  wie  auch  ferner  dem  zu  Augspurg  ubergebenen  Glaubensbekenntniss, 
aus  Fiirstl.  Sachs.  Archiv-Actis  u.  bewahrten  Historicis  verfasset,  und  mit  denen  darzu 
gehorigen  Documentis  illustriret  von  J.  J.  Muller.  Jena,  1705.  4.  A.  Jung's  Gesch. 
des  Reichstags  zu  Speyer,  i.  d.  J.  1529  (the  first  division  of  his  Beytrage  zu  der  Gesch. 
der  Reformation),  Strassburg  u.  Leipzig,  1830,  mit  einem  Anhange  meist  ungedruckter 
Actenstiicke.     The  most  important  documents  are  also  in  Walch,  xvi.  315  ff. 

30  In  Walch,  xvi.  328.  It  was  first  determined  to  pray  the  Emperor  to  call  a  general 
council,  or  at  least  a  national  assembly,  within  the  space  of  a  year;  then  it  proceeds 
upon  the  final  decree  of  the  Diet  of  Spires  (see  Note  13),  as  follows  :  "  Nachdem— der- 
selbige  Artikel  bey  vielen  in  grossem  Missverstand  und  zu  Entschuldigung  allerley 
erschrecklichen  neuen  Lehren  und  Secten  seithero  gezogen  und  ausgelegt  hat  werden 
wollen,  damit  dann  solches  abgeschnitten,  und  weiterm  Abfall,  Unfried,  Zwietracht  und 
Unrath  vorkommen  werde :  so  haben  wir  uns— entschlossen,  dass  diejenige,  so  bey  ob- 
gedachtem  Kais.  Edict  (von  Worms)  bis  anhero  blieben,  nun  hinfuro  auch  bey  demsel- 
ben  Edict  bis  zu  dem  kunftigen  Concilio  verharren,  und  ihre  Unterthanen  darzu  halten 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  4.  1527.  13 1 

gelical  estates  presented  a  Protest,  April  19, 1529,  and  in  addition, 
on  the  22d  of  April,  an  Appeal  ;31  in  this  way  they  for  the  first 
time  came  forward  as  Protestants  against  their  opponents. 

sollen  und  wollen.  Und  aber  bey  den  andem  Standen,  bey  denen  die  andere  Lehre 
entstanden,  und  zum  Theil  ohne  merklicken  Aufruhr,  Beschwerd  und  Gefahrde  nicht 
abgewendt  werden  mogen :  so  soil  binfiiro  alle  Neuerung  bis  zu  ktinftigem  Concilio,  so 
viel  inoglich  und  menschlich,  verhutet  werden.  Und  sonderlich  soil  etlicher  Lehre  und 
Secten,  so  viel  die  dem  hochwurdigen  Sacrament  des  wahren  Fronleichnams  und  Bluts 
unsers  Herrn  Jesu  Cbristi  entgegen,  bej'  den  Standen  des  heil.  Reichs  Deutscher  Nation 
nicht  angenommen,  noch  hinfuro  zu  predigen  gestattet  oder  zugelassen :  desgleichen 
sollen  die  Aemter  der  heil.  Mess  nicht  abgethan,  auch  niemand  an  den  Orten,  da  die 
andere  Lehre  entstanden  und  gehalten  wird,  die  Mess  zu  horen  verboten,  verhindert, 
noch  dazu  oder  davon  gedrungen  werden."  Anabaptism  is  then  forbidden  on  penalty 
of  death. 

31  The  great  Instrumcntum  Appellationis,  in  which  are  also  comprised  the  earlier  re- 
monstrances of  the  evangelical  estates  and  their  Appeal ;  in  Miiller,  s.  52 ;  Walch,  xvi. 
364 ;  Jung,  Actenstiicke,  s.  lxxix.  They  demand  that  the  earlier  decision  of  the  em- 
pire, in  1526,  remain  in  force,  since  otherwise  peace  could  hardly  be  maintained :  the)' 
can  not  justify  the  observance  of  the  Edict  of  Worms  and  the  maintenance  of  the  mass, 
for  if  the}'  did  thejr  would  condemn  their  own  doctrines  ;  though  they  are  ready  to  ren- 
der obedience  to  the  Emperor  in  all  obligator)'  matters,  "so  seynd  doch  dieses  solche 
Sachen, — die  Gottes  Ehre  und  unser  jedes  Seelen  Heil  und  Seligkeit  angehen  und  be- 
treffen,  darin  wir  aus  Gottes  Befehl,  unser  Gewissen  halben,  denselben  unsern  Herrn 
und  Gott — vor  allem  anzusehen  verpflicht  und  schuldig  seyen,  der  unzweifentlichen 
Zuversicht,  Ew.  Konigl.  Durchlauchtigkeit,  Liebden,  und  ihr  die  andem  werdet  uns — 
darin  freundlich — entschuldiget  halten,  dass  wir  mit — euch — in  dem  nicht  einig  seyn, 
noch  in  solchem  dem  mehrern,  wie  etlichemalen  auf  diesem  Reichstag  hat  vorgewandt 
werden  wollen,  gehorchen,  in  Bedacht  und  Ansehen,  dass  wir  solches  vermog  des  vori- 
gen  Speyrischen  Reichsabschied,  der  sonderlich  in  dem  angezogenen  Artikel  lauter 
dartbut,  dass  solcher  Artikel  durch  eine  einmuthige  Vereinigung  (und  nicht  allein  den 
mehreren  Theil)  also  beschlossen  worden ;  datum  auch  ein  solcher  einmuthiger  Be- 
schluss  von  Ehrbarkeit,  Billigkeit  und  Rechtswegen  anders  nichts,  dann  wiederum 
durch  eine  einhellige  Bewilligung  geiindert  werden  soil,  kann  und  mag,  zusamt  dem, 
dass  auch  ohne  das  in  den  Sachen,  Gottes  Ehre  und  unserer  Seelen  Heil  und  Seligkeit 
belangend,  ein  jeglicher  fur  sich  selbst  vor  Gott  stehen  und  Rechenschaft  geben  muss  ; 
also  dass  sich  des  Orts  keiner  auf  des  andem  minders  oder  mehrers  machen  oder  be- 
schliessen  entschuldigen  kann  ;  und  aus  andem  redlicben,  gegriindeten,  guten  Ursachen 
zu  thun  nicht  schuldig  seyn."  Against  the  repudiation  of  the  Zwinglian  doctrine  of  the 
Eucharist,  by  the  final  decree  of  the  diet,  Luther  and  Melancthon  had  nothing  to  object 
(see  their  Judgment,  in  Walch,  xvi.  364)  :  however,  the  Landgrave,  with  Melancthon's 
concurrence  (see  Rommel,  i.  234  ;  Melanch.  ad  Camerarium,  d.  17.  Maj.,  ed.  Bretschnei- 
der,  i.  1067  sq.),  brought  about  also  a  protest  against  the  issuing  of  any  such  decision 
by  the  diet;  especially  because  those  "  so  dicselbe  Sache  beriihren,  nicht  erfordert  noch 
verhort  worden  sind  ;  und  ist  wahrlich  wobl  zu  bewegen  und  zu  betrachten,  wann  sol- 
che schwere  und  wichtige  Artikel  ausserhalb  des  kiinftigen  Concilii  vorgenommen,  oder 
darin  ohne  nothdiirftig  und  gebiihrlich  Verhore  aller  der,  so  die  Sach  beruhrt,  ein  Er- 
kenntniss  oder  Ordnung  zu  machen  unterstanden,  zu  was  Glimpf  und  Unrichtigkeit 
solches  Kais.  Maj. — uns  und  andem  Standen  des  Reichs  gekehrtund  verstanden  werden 
mochte."  The  appeal  is  made  "zu  und  vor  die  Romische  Kais.  und  christl.  Maj.  un- 
serm  allergnadigsten  Herrn,  und  dazu  an  und  fur  das  nachst  ki'mftig  frej'  christlich 
gemein  Concilium, — vor  unser  Nationalzusammenkommen,  und  darzu  einen  jeden  die- 
ser  Sachen  bequemen  unpartheyischen  und  christlichen  Richter."  The  Protest  and 
Appeal  were  made  by  the  Elector,  John  of  Saxony,  George,  Margrave  of  Brandenburg, 
Ernest,  Duke  of  Brunswick-Luneburg,  Philip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  and  Wolfgang,  Prince 


132  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.I.—A.D.  1517-1648. 

Soon  after  this  the  Emperor  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Pope 
at  Barcelona,  June  29,  1529,  and  with  France  the  Peace  of  Cam- 
bray,  Aug.  5,  1529.  The  Protestants  could  now  discern  the  ap- 
proach of  misfortune  in  the  conditions  made  at  Barcelona,32  and 
in  the  way  in  which  their  embassadors  were  received  at  Piacen- 
za,33  in  September,  1529. 

The  Landgrave  Philip  now  addressed  himself  earnestly  to  the 
work  of  forming  a  league  of  defense  among  all  the  states  adhering 
to  the  Reformation — a  measure  urgently  demanded  by  the  circum- 
stances of  the  times.34  His  efforts,  however,  were  wrecked  by  the 
hesitation  of  the  Lutheran  theologians,  to  whom  a  league  with 
the  Sacramentarians  appeared  altogether  objectionable.35     All  in 

of  Anhalt.  Fourteen  cities  of  the  empire  acceded  to  it :  Strasburg,  Nuremberg,  Ulm, 
Constance,  Lindau,  Memmingen,  Kempten,  Ndrdlingen,  Heilbronn,  Reutlingen,  Issna, 
St.  Gall,  Weissenburg,  and  Windsheim. 

32  Dumont  Corps  Universel  Diplomatique,  iv.  1,  5 :  Quum  sanctissimo  Domino  nos- 
tra cura  etiam  major  rerum  spiritualium  et  pastoralis  officii,  quam  temporalium  esse 
debeat ;— multi  autem  exorti  sint,  qui  et  de  fide  catholica  male  sentiant,  et  a  religione 
doctrinaque  Christiana  omnino  deviaverint,  aliosque  in  eundem  errorem  deducere  cc- 
nentur;  nee  minus  Caesareae  Majestati  cordi  sit,  ut  huic  pestifero  morbo  congruum 
antidotum  praeparari  possit :  ideo  actum  extitit,  et  conventum,  quod  Caesar,  ac  sere- 
nissimus  Hungariae  Rex,  ejus  frater,  his  melioribus  ac  congruentioribus  modis  et  formis 
quibus  fieri  poterit,  ac  cum  ea  qua  decet  dexteritate  et  industria  omnem  operam  possi- 
bilem  adhibebunt  in  hujusmodi  erroribus,  si  fas  sit,  sedandis,  errantiumque  animis  alli- 
ciendis,  ut  ad  rectos  Christianae  religionis  tramites  redeant,  ipsamque  religionem,  et 
fidem,  apostolicamque  sedem  verbo  aut  facto  laedere  seu  perturbare  non  praesumant. 
In  qua  re  ipse  etiam  sanctissimus  Dominus  noster  salubribus  illis  spiritualibus  antidotis 
commisso  gregi,  ovibusque  errantibus,  tanquam  communis  pastor  et  pater  consulens, 
omnem  possibilem  medelam  pariter  adhibere  conabitur.  Quod  si  pastoris  vocem  non 
audiverint,  Caesarisque  mandata  neglexerint,  et  in  hisce  erroribus  obstinati  et  pertinaces 
permanserint ;  tain  Caesar,  quam  Ser.  Hungariae  et  Boemiae  Rex  contra  illos  eorum 
potestatis  vim  distringent,  illatamque  Christo  injuriam  pro  viribus  ulciscentur ;  cura- 
bitque  sua  Sanctitas,  ut  caeteri  Christiani  Principes,  et  potissime  qui  id  foedus  ingredi 
volent,  tarn  sancto  operi  etiam  pro  viribus  assistant.  But  in  the  Introduction  to  the 
treatise  it  is  said,  that  all  princes  were  to  be  invited  to  take  part  in  the  same.  In  the 
Peace  of  Cambray  the  Treaty  of  Madrid  was  confirmed,  so  far  as  it  was  not  thereby  dis- 
tinctly annulled,  and  consequently  the  positions  cited  above  in  Note  2. 
33  Muller,  s.  143  ff.     Walch,  xvi.  542  ff. 

=4  Diets  at  Rothach  (1st  June),  Salfeld,  and  Schleiz ;  see  Muller,  s.  228. 
35  Compare  Luther's  Epistle  to  the  Elector  John,  22d  May,  1520  (de  Wette,  iii.  454), 
and  his  opinion  in  favor  of  the  Convention  of  Rothach  (Muller,  s.  230,  with  the  conclu- 
sion, there  wanting,  in  de  Wette,  iii.  465).  In  the  last  he  says:  "Zum  andern  ists 
fiihrlich  des  Landgrafen  halben,  weil  es  ein  unruhiger  Mann  ist.  Mocht  er  abermal, 
wie  er  jenes  Mai  that,  etwas  anfahen,  Stiit,  Kloster  sturmen  ohn  unsern  Willen:  so 
mussten  wir  hinnach,  und  mitthun  oder  mitgethan  [haben]  alles,  was  er  that.— Zum 
vierten  ists  unchristlich  der  Ketzerey  halben  wider  das  Sacrament :  denn  wir  sie  nicht 
konnen  im  Bund  haben,  wir  mussten  solche  Ketzerey  mit  helfen  stiirken  und  verthei- 
dingen,  und  wenn  sie  vertheidingt  wurden,  sollten  sie  wohl  iirger  werden,  denn  vorhin." 
To  the  objection  that  they  were  still  one  in  all  matters,  excepting  that  single  point : 
"Es  ist  allzu  viel  an  dem  einigen.— Er  ist  nicht  weniger  ein  Unchrist,  wer  einen  Arti- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  4.  1529.  133 

vain  were  the  urgent  representations36  of  the  Landgrave ;  in  like 
manner,  the  Conference  of  Marburg,  which  he  brought  about  be- 
tween the  Swiss  and  Saxon  theologians,  Oct.  1,  1529,37  failed  in 

kel  liiugnet,  denn  Arius  oder  der  einer.— Spricht  man  abermal :  dieser  Bund  betreffe 
nicht  die  Lehre,  sondern  soil  wider  ausserlich  Gewalt,  die  man  wider  Recht  furnimmt, 
dieweil  jene  sich  auf  Erkenntniss  erbieten  :  Antwort :  Das  halt  nicht ;  denn  man  weiss, 
dass  uns  der  Widertheil  urn  keiner  Ursache  willen  angreifen  will,  denn  um  der  Lehre 
willen.  Drum  lasst  sichs  nicht  gliiuben,  dass  wir  wider  unrecht  Gewalt  solchen  Bund 
machen.  Und  dass  sie  sich  auf  Erkenntniss  erbieten,  hilft  uns  nichts  ;  denn  wir  wissen 
und  halten,  dass  sie  Unrecht  haben,  und  mugen  solchs  nicht  mit  ihnen  in  Zweifel  oder 
Erkenntniss  setzen,  darum  wir  nicht  mit  gutem  Gewissen  konnen  mit  ihn  handeln,  wir 
mussten  solch  ihr  Erbieten  auf  Erkenntniss  auch  bewilligen  und  bestiitigen,  und  also 
gleich  mit  ihn  von  unserm  gewissen  Erkenntniss  auf  ihren  Zweifel  oder  ungewissen 
Wahn  fallen.  Das  ware  denn  mehr,  denn  halb  wo  nicht  gar  unsern  Glauben  verlaug- 
net."  In  a  Letter  to  the  Landgrave,  in  August  (in  Neudecker's  Urkunden,  s.  114),  Lu- 
ther counsels  against  a  war  with  the  Emperor,  as  unjust,  precipitous,  and  perilous. 

36  Compare  his  Epistle  to  the  Elector,  July,  1529,  in  Muller,  s.  258 ;  Walch,  xvi.  645 : 
"Es  ist  auch  vonnothen,  dass  wir  uns  nicht  so  liederlich  von  einander  trennen  lassen, 
ob  schon  unsere  Gelehrten  um  leichter  oder  sonst  disputirlicher  Sachen  willen,  daran 
doch  unser  Glaube  oder  Seligkeit  nicht  gelegen,  zweihellig  seynd.  Denn  so  das,  wiirde 
es  alle  Jahre  neue  Zwiespalt  gebaren ;  denn  je  von  Tagen  zu  Tagen  und  Jahren  zu 
Jahren  viel  unnothiger  und  disputirlicher  Zweyunge  in  der  Schrift  hin  und  wieder  sich 
zwischen  den  Gelehrten  begeben.  Und  darzu  seyn  unsere  Gelehrten  der  Sachen,  die 
Hauptartikel,  den  Glauben  und  unsere  Seligkeit  belangende,  einig.  Wenn  nun  hier- 
iiber  wir  uns  von  einander  trennen  lassen,  so  unsere  Gelehrten  zweihellig  wurden :  wie 
oft  batten  denn  euer  Liebe  und  wir  uns  von  einander  thun  miissen,"  etc.  The  Land- 
grave personally  was  undeniably  inclined  to  the  doctrine  of  Zwingle,  as  was  also  his 
admirable  theologian,  Francis  Lambert ;  see  iJote  18. 

37  The  Epistle  of  Invitation  to  this  conference  is  in  Monum.  Hassiaca,  t.  iii.  ;  Ana- 
lecta  Hass.  Coll.  x.  ;  Neudecker's  Urkunden,  s.  95.  Luther  replied  to  the  Landgrave, 
the  23d  of  June,  that  he  would  come,  but  had  no  hope  of  success  (de  Wette,  iii.  473,  aft- 
er the  original  in  Neudecker,  s.  92).  So,  too,  Melancthon  (who,  even  on  the  14th  May, 
advised  the  electoral  prince  to  refuse  them  permission  to  go ;  ed.  Bretschneider,  i.  1064), 
cf.  his  Epistle  to  the  Landgrave,  1.  c.  p.  1077  (after  the  original  in  Neudecker,  s.  90). 
The  Opinion  on  the  conference,  usually  ascribed  to  Luther,  is  by  Melancthon ;  see  de 
Wette,  iii.  475;  Bretschneider,  i.  1055  sq.— Reports  about  the  Marburg  Conference  from 
the  Lutheran  side ;  Melancthon,  in  German,  to  the  reigning  Elector  (or  rather  to  the 
electoral  prince ;  see  Riederer's  Nachrichten,  ii.  109),  ed.  Bretschneider,  i.  1098 ;  and 
to  Duke  Henry  of  Saxony,  1.  c.  p.  1102 ;  Justus  Jonas  to  Reiffenstein,  Latin.,  1.  c.  p. 
1095 ;  Jo.  Brentius  to  Schradinus,  Latin.,  in  Pfaffii  Acta  et  Scripta  publ.  Ecclesiae  Wir- 
tembergicae,  p.  203 ;  Andreas  Osiander  to  the  Council  of  Nuremberg,  in  German,  in 
Riederer's  Nachrichten,  ii.  110  ;  by  an  unknown  person,  who,  however,  was  present  at 
the  conference,  in  Wigandus  de  Sacramentariismo,  p.  424 :  from  the  Reformed  side  by 
Rudolphus  Collinus,  professor  in  Zurich,  in  Hospiniani  Hist.  Sacramentaria,  ii.  74; 
Zwingle's  kiirzerer  Bericht,  ibid.  77;  Oecolampadii  Epist.  ad  Hallerum,  ibid.  83.  The 
fullest  account  is  in  Heinr.  Bullinger's  Reformationsgesch.,  ii.  223  (also  in  Fussli's  Bey- 
trage,  iii.  150).  Cf.  Hospinianus,  1.  c.  Rommel,  Philipp  d.  Grossra.  i.  247 ;  ii.  218.  On 
the  result  of  the  conference,  see  Luther's  Letters  to  Nic.  Gerbellius,  his  wife,  and  Agric- 
ola,  Oct.  4  and  12  (de  Wette,  iii.  511),  and  to  J.  Probst,  June  1, 1530  (de  Wette,  iv.  26). 
In  the  last  he  says :  Multis  vero  verbis  (Sacramentarii)  promiserunt,  se  velle  nobiscum 
eatenus  dicere,  Christi  corpus  veraciter  esse  in  coena  praesens,  at  spiritualiter  tantum, 
ut  eos  fratres  dignaremur  appellare,  et  simulare  ita  concordiam :  hoc  quod  Zwinglius 
palam  lachrj-mans  coram  Landgravio  et  ordinibus  rogabat,  dicens  in  haec  verba :  Es 
sind  keine  Leut  auf  Erden,  mit  denen  ich  lieber  wollt  eins  seyn,  denn  mit  den  Witten- 


134  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

effecting  the  desired  result ;  the  fifteen  articles  there  compared38 
seemed  so  very  unsatisfactory  to  the  adherents  of  Luther,  that,  on 
the  requisition  of  the  Elector,  Luther  and  the  theologians  who 
adopted  his  views  felt  themselves  obliged  to  offset  them  by  other 
articles  containing  the  pure  doctrine  in  full.39     Subscription  to 

bergern.  Summo  studio  et  contentione  egerunt,  ut  viderentur  nobiscum  Concordes,  ita 
ut  hanc  vocem  nunquam  ex  me  possent  ferre :  vos  habetis  alium  spiritum  quam  nos. 
Ardebant  toti,  quoties  haec  audiebant.  Tandem  id  concessimus,  ut  articulo  ultimo  po- 
nitur,  ut  fratres  quidem  non  essent,  sed  tamen  charitate  nostra,  quae  etiam  hosti  debe- 
tur,  non  spoliarentur.  Ita  indignissime  affecti  sunt,  quod  fratris  nomen  non  potuerunt 
obtinere,  sed  pro  haereticis  discedere  cogerentur,  tamen  sic,  ut  pacem  interim  habere- 
mus  mutuis  scriptis,  si  forte  Deus  illis  aperuerit  cor.  Melanchthon  ad  Agricolam,  dd. 
12.  Oct.,  1529  (ed.  Bretscbneider,  i.  1108)  :  Magnopere  contenderunt,  ut  a  nobis  fratres 
appellarentur.  Vide  eorum  stultitiam !  Cum  damnent  nos,  cupiunt  tamen  a  nobis  fra- 
tres haberi !  Nos  noluimus  eis  hac  in  re  assentiri.  The  characteristics  of  the  theologi- 
ans who  were  present,  as  given  by  Justus  Jonas,  are  interesting  (1.  c.  p.  1097) :  In  Zwin- 
glio  agreste  quiddam  est  et  arrogantulum  ;  in  Oecolampadio  mira  bonitas  naturae  et  de- 
mentia; in  Hedione  non  minor  humanitas  et  liberalitas  ingenii;  in  Bucero  calliditas 
vulpina,  perverse  imitata  prudentiam  et  acumen.  Docti  sunt  omnes,  nihil  dubium  est, 
prae  quibus  Papistae  non  sunt  adversarii  habendi.  Sed  Zwinglius  iratis  Musis  et  invita 
Minerva  videtur  versatus  in  Uteris. 

38  They  were  drawn  up  by  Luther;  see  Osiander,  in  Riederer,  ii.  120.  They  were 
subscribed,  Oct.  3,  by  the  theologians  there  present,  and  immediately  published  in  sev- 
eral places  by  Zwingle  (Fiissli's  Beytriige,  iii.  179),  bj'  Osiander  (Weber's  Gesch.  d. 
Augsb.  Confession,  i.  9) ;  on  another  old  edition,  see  Fortgesetzte  Sammlung  v.  alten 
u.  neuen  theol.  Sachen.,  1743,  s.  165.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  reprints  of  these  Mar- 
burg Articles  in  the  editions  of  Luther's  Works  (Walch,  xvii.  2357),  and  those  afterward 
issued  by  the  Lutherans  (Chytriius,  Seckendorf,  etc.),  contain  only  fourteen  articles ; 
the  14th,  upon  infant  baptism,  being  omitted.  The  last  article  reads:  "Wir  gliiuben 
und  halten  alle  von  dem  Abendmahl  unsers  lieben  Herrn  Jesu  Christi,  dass  man  bej-de 
Gestalt  nach  der  Einsetzung  brauchen  soil ;  dass  auch  die  Messe  nicht  ein  Werk  ist, 
damit  einer  dem  andern,  todt  und  lebendig,  Gnade  erlange ;  dass  audi  das  Sacrament 
des  Altars  sey  ein  Sacrament  des  wahren  Leibes  und  Blutes  Jesu  Christi,  und  die  geist- 
liche  Niessung  desselbigen  Leibes  und  Blutes  einem  jeglichen  Christen  vornehmlich 
vonnothen.  Desgleichen  den  Brauch  des  Sacraments,  wie  das  Wort  von  Gott  dem  All- 
machtigen  gegeben  und  geordnet  sey,  damit  die  schwachen  Gewissen  zum  Glauben  und 
Liebe  zu  bewegen  durch  den  heiligen  Geist.  Und  wiewol  aber  wir  uns,  ob  der  wahre 
Leib  und  Blut  Christi  leiblich  im  Brot  und  Wein  sey,  diese  Zeit  nicht  verglichen  haben, 
so  soil  doch  ein  Theil  gegen  den  andern  christliche  Liebe,  soferne  jedes  Gewissen  im- 
mermehr  leiden  kann,  erzeigen,  und  beyde  Theil  Gott  den  Allmachtigen  fleissig  bitten, 
dass  er  uns  durch  seinen  Geist  in  dem  rechten  Verstand  bestiltigen  wolle,  Amen." 

39  That  such  articles  were  laid  before  them  is  presupposed  in  the  Saxon-Brandenburg 
instructions  for  the  Schwabach  Convention,  see  in  Muller,  s.  282.  That  the  Schwabach 
Articles  were  drawn  up  in  Marburg  by  the  theologians,  see  in  Riederer's  Nachrichten, 
i.  48.  At  the  Convention  in  Marburg  they  were  only  presented  in  writing;  in  1530  they 
appeared  in  print,  but  without  Luther's  knowledge,  under  the  title,  "  Die  Bekentnus 
M.  Luther's  auf  den  itzigen  angestellten  Reichstag  zu  Augsburg  einzulegen,  in  17  Arti- 
kel  verfasset.  Coburg,  4;"  they  were  violently  attacked  by  the  Catholics,  and  then 
published  by  Luther  himself  with  a  preface.  In  this  preface  (Walch,  xvi.  778)  he  says : 
"Wahr  ists,  dass  ich  solche  Artikel  habe  stellen  helfen  (denn  sie  sind  nicht  von  mir 
allein  gestellet),  nicht  um  der  Papisten  willen,  noch  auf  diesem  Reichstag  einzulegen. 
Die  wissen  aber  wohl  drum,  um  welcher  willen  sie  gestellet  sind.  Hiitte  mich  auch 
nicht  versehen,  dass  sie  sollten  an  Tag  kommen,  vielweniger  dass  sie  mit  solchem  Titel 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  4.  1529.  135 

the  latter  was  demanded  at  the  Schwabach  Convention,  Oct.  16, 

1529,  as  a  necessary  condition  of  participation  in  the  league  (the 
Schwabach  Articles).  And  then,  although  the  cities  of  the  Obcr- 
land,  attached  to  the  views  of  Zwingle,  at  once  receded  from  the 
negotiations,40  yet  those  parties  who  remained  could  not  come  to 
any  agreement  among  themselves.41 

The  summons  issued  by  the  Emperor  at  Bologna,  January  21, 

1530,  for  the  assembling  of  a  diet  at  Augsburg,  referred,  indeed, 
to  the  religious  dissensions  in  a  mild  and  conciliatory  tone.42  But 
as  the  Emperor,  at  his  coronation  in  Bologna,43  Febr.  24,  1530, 

unter  meinem  Namen  sollten  ausgehen."  These  Schwabach  articles  were  afterward 
sometimes  confounded  with  the  Schwabach  Visitation-articles  of  1528  (Note  22),  until 
Von  der  Lith  published  the  latter.  That  those  Seventeen  Articles,  published  in  1530, 
are  the  Schwabach,  was  discovered  bj-  Frick  (Seckendorf's  Ausfulirl.  Historie  der  Lu- 
therthums,  s.  968) ;  cf.  Weber's  Gesch.  der  Augsb.  Confession,  i.  10  ff.,  where  there  is  an 
exact  reprint  of  these  articles  in  the  appendix.  These  Seventeen  Schwabach  Articles 
(also  in  Walch,  xvi.  681)  are  a  recasting  of  the  Fifteen  Marburg  Articles,  marked  bj-  the 
addition  of  the  peculiarities  of  Lutheranism  ;  hence  the  two  series  of  articles  often  agree 
verballj-.  The  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  (Art.  X.)  is  thus  given:  "That  the  true 
bodj-  and  blood  of  Christ  are  truly  present  in  the  bread  and  wine,  according  to  the  word 
of  Christ,  this  is  my  bod}-,  this  is  my  blood,  and  is  not  bread  and  wine  only,  as  the  op- 
posite party  now  alleges." 

40  See  the  final  decree  at  Schwabach,  in  the  Appendix  to  Weber's  Gesch.  d.  Augsb. 
Confession,  Th.  1. 

41  The  theologians  of  Wittenberg  now  advised  against  all  resistance  to  the  Emperor ; 
see  Luther's  Bedenken  to  the  Elector  John,  Nov.  18, 1529  (de  Wette,  iii.  526),  and  March 
6,  1530  (ibid.  s.  560) ;  the  protocol  of  the  Convention  at  Smalcald,  in  Strobel's  Miscel- 
laneen,  iv.  iii. ;  the  decree  of  Dec.  3,  in  Midler,  s.  333,  Walch,  xvi.  690 ;  the  proceed- 
ings at  the  Diet  of  Nuremberg,  Jan.  6,  1530,  in  Muller,  s.  336,  Walch,  xvi.  695.  Stras- 
burg,  however,  Jan.  0,  concluded  a  defensive  league  with  Zurich,  Bern,  and  Basic  ; 
Sleidanus,  lib.  vii.  ed.  Am  Ende,  p.  392. 

42  From  Ferdinand's  Epistle,  addressed  to  the  Emperor  just  before  (in  Bucholz's  Gesch. 
d.  Regierung  Ferdinand  I.,  iii.  432),  it  is  evident  that  both  of  the  brothers  were  well  in- 
clined to  strictness,  and  were  restrained  only  by  circumstances.  Ferdinand,  in  fact, 
was  afraid  that  if  Charles  did  not  soon  come  the  princes  would  elect  a  new  king  of 
Rome.  The  imperial  summons  is  in  Muller,  s.  412;  Walch,  xvi.  747;  Forstermann's 
Urkundenbuch  zu  der  Gesch.  des  Reichstags  zu  Augsburg,  i.  1.  The  diet  was  convened 
to  counsel  about  resistance  to  the  Turks :  "  furter  wie  der  Irrung  und  Zwiespalt  halben 
in  dem  heil.  Glauben  und  der  christl.  Religion  gehandelt  und  beschlossen  werden  mug 
und  solle :  und  damit  solchs  dester  besser  und  heilsamlicher  geschehen  muge,  die  Zwie- 
trachten  hinzulegen,  Widerwillen  zu  lassen,  vergangne  Irrsal  unserm  Seligmacher  zu 
ergeben,  und  Fleiss  anzukehren,  alle  eins  jeglichen  Gutbedunken,  Opinion  und  Meinung 
zwischen  uns  selbs  in  Liebe  und  Gutlichkeit  zu  horen,  zu  verstehen,  und  zu  erwegen, 
die  zu  einer  einigen  christlichen  Warheit  zu  brengen  und  zu  vergleichen,  alles  so  zu 
beiden  Theilen  nit  recht  ist  ausgelegt  oder  gehandelt  abzuthun,  durch  uns  alle  ein  eini- 
ge  und  wahre  Religion  anzunehmen  und  zu  halten :  und  wie  wir  alle  unter  einem  Chris- 
to  seyn  und  streiten,  also  alle  in  einer  Gemeinschaft,  Kirchen  und  Einigkeit  zu  leben." 

43  This  was  preceded,  on  the  22d  of  February,  by  the  crowning  with  the  iron  crown. 
There  is  an  exact  description  of  all  the  solemnities  of  the  coronation,  by  the  papal  Mas- 
ter of  Ceremonies,  in  Raynald.  1530,  No.  7  sq.  Cf.  II.  C.  Agrippa  De  duplici  Corona- 
tione  Caroli  V.,  in  Schardii  Scriptt.  Rerum  Germ.,  ii.  266. 


13G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

had  negotiated  very  earnestly  with  the  Pope  on  this  matter,  and 
as  the  wishes  of  the  latter  were  not  unknown,  the  Protestants  had 
sufficient  reason  to  fear  the  issue.44     In  order,  however,  in  accord- 

44  Cf.  Oratio  de  Congressu  Bononiensi  Caroli  Imp.  et  dementis  Pont,  in  Ph.  Me- 
lanchthonis  Orationuin  t.  v.,  p.  87.  The  Orations  of  the  Pope  and  of  the  Emperor  there 
given  are  not  authentic  in  form.  The  narrator  sa3-s  :  nee  vero  existirnetis  banc  narra- 
tionem  fingi, — sed  vere  institutam  esse  hanc  deliberationem,  adliuc  multi  norunt,  qui 
interfuerunt,  qui  et  sententiae  summam  et  verba  quaedam  nostris  amicis  narrarunt. 
Qua  de  re  sententiae  summam  fideliter  recitabo,  etiamsi  verba  omnia  referre  non  pos- 
sum.— Coelestinus  (Hist.  Comit.  1530  Augustae  celebrat.,  i.  10)  has  incorporated  both 
of  these  orations,  preceded  by  that  of  the  imperial  chancellor,  Mercurinus  Gattinara, 
referred  to  in  the  Oratio  of  the  Emperor  as  having  been  previously  delivered  ;  but  he  adds 
to  it  the  remark:  quamvis  orationis  ejus  exemplum  desideratur,  non  est  tamen  nobis 
obscurum  et  ignotum,  haec  ipsius  praecipua  capita  fuisse,  et  clarissimum  virum  in  hanc 
fere  sententiam  verba  fecisse.  Accordingly,  all  three  of  the  orations  are  rhetorical  am- 
plifications of  the  materials ;  and  it  is  therefore  remarkable  that  Muller,  s.  402,  and- 
Walch,  xvi.  734,  give  them  as  the  ones  actually  delivered  at  Bologna.  According  to 
other  testimonies,  a  formal  league  was  concluded  at  Bologna,  of  the  following  purport 
(Franc.  Guicciardinus  lib.  xix.  p.  908)  :  Caesar  et  Ferdinandus,  ut  haeretici  in  viam  re- 
ducantur  omnem  operam  danto,  et  Pontifex  sacra  remedia  adhibeto :  quod  si  pertinaces 
perstiterint,  Caesar  et  Ferdinandus  eos  armis  cogunto,  et  Pontifex,  ut  caeteri  christiani 
Principes  ipsos  pro  viribus  juvent,  operam  dato.  On  the  circumstances,  see  Andr.  Mau- 
roceni  Hist.  Venetae  lib.  iv.  (in  Raynald.  1530,  No.  49) :  Concilium  novatores  petebant : 
—  is  erat  perversorum  hominum  —  livor,  illud  in  Pontificem  odium,  ut  non  ad  confir- 
mandam,  sed  potius  ad  convellendam  religionem  concilium  postulare  viderentur.  Quae 
res  Clementem  permovebat,  ne  tarn  facile  Caesari  Germanorum  nomine  concilium  pe- 
tenti  assentiretur,  veritus  ne  illo  ad  labefactandam  et  penitus  convellendam  pontificiae 
majestatis  auctoritatem  abuterentur.  Quocirca  nonnunquam  moras  nectebat. — Verum 
quo  minus  probare  concilium  Pontifex  videbatur,  eo  magis  Germani,  qui  se  Protestantes 
vocabant,  instare  ac  flagitare,  ne  Clemens  majora  in  dies  incrementa  suscipienti  nialo 
armis  occurrendum  esse  sibi  in  animum  induceret.  Qua  de  re  non  modo  graviter  cum 
Imperatore  egit,  pecuniaeque  vim  obtulit,  verum  ea  se  mente  esse,  Reipublicae  (Vene- 
tae) Oratori  significavit,  cunctosque  Christianos  Principes  ad  pium  pro  avita  religione 
helium  suscipiendum  impellendos  censere  :  quae  gravissima  in  re  Senatus  sit  sententia, 
exquirere,  consilium  ab  illius  prudentia  petere.  Senatus,  qui  a  bello  atque  armis  ab- 
stinendum  arbitrabatur,  ne  j  aetata  diu  Christiana  republica  hac  tempestate  in  majores 
procellas  ac  turbines  incideret,  Pontificis  egregiam  mentem  extollebat : — caeterum  ad 
aleam  belli  nisi  necessitate  adactos  descendere  minime  probare. — Tanta  in  re  vel  Sena- 
tus auctoritate  vel  rationibus  permotus  Pontifex  belli  consilia  abjecit;  cum  praesertim 
ea  temporum  conditio  esset,  ut  potius  in  communem  hostem^rma  vertenda,  quam  in 
propria  viscera  saeviendum  esset,  cum  indies  Solimannum  ingentibus  copiis  in  Panno- 
niam  reversurum,  Vieunam  oppugnaturum  rumor  afferret :  neque  Caesar  ab  iisdem  con- 
siliis  abhorrebat,  potiusque  coneordiae  rationes  inveniri,  quam  armis  decerni  cupiebat, 
in  id  summopere  intentus,  ut  Ferdinandum  fratrem  procerum  sufiragiis  Romanorum  Re- 
gem  crearet :  quocirca  religionis  causam  in  futurum  concilium  distulit.  No  wonder  that 
suspicious  reports  of  these  negotiations  came  into  German}-.  Thus,  May  17,  1530,  in  a 
letter  of  George  Curio,  there  came  from  Venice  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony  the  tidings 
(Coelestini  Hist.  Comitiorum  ann.  1530  Augustae  celebratorum  i.  fol.  42,  verso  ff.), 
Italos  in  eo  totos  esse,  omnesque  suas  actiones  et  conatus  tantum  eo  dirigere,  ut  Ger- 
mania  vi  et  armis  opprimatur,  funditus  deleatur  et  eradicetur.  Rumorem  illic  quoque 
surrexisse,  Romanum  Imperatorem  conjunctis  cum  Pontifice  viribus  et  foedere  facto 
Lutheranos  ilico  oppressurum,  ac  nisi  paruerint,  vi  et  armis  coacturum  esse.  That  the 
Roman  Curia  did,  in  fact,  not  cease  advising  the  Emperor  to  violent  measures  is  proved 
by  the  Instructions  which  the  papal  legate,  Campeggio,  handed  to  him  at  the  Diet  of 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  5.  1530.  137 

ance  with  the  summons,  to  be  prepared  with  an  exhibition  and 
defense  of  the  new  doctrines,  the  Elector  not  only  asked  from  his 
theologians  their  opinions  in  writing  (The  Torgau  Articles),45  but 
also  took  with  him  to  the  diet  the  theologians,  Spalatin,  Melanc- 
thon,  Justus  Jonas,  and  Agricola,  while  Luther,  being  outlawed, 
was  obliged  to  remain  behind  in  Coburg,  the  nearest  Saxon  city. 
Thus  the  Elector,  on  the  2d  of  May,  entered  into  the  city  of  Augs- 
burg, where  an  unusually  large  number  of  persons  were  present 
at  the  diet,  in  which,  as  it  appeared,  a  final  decision  was  to  be 
made  upon  the  religious  matters  so  long  kept  in  suspense. 


§5. 

CONTINUATION  TO  THE  RELIGIOUS  PEACE  OF  NUREMBERG,  23d  JULY, 

1532. 

I.  On  the  History  of  the  Diet  of  Augsburg.  Documents  collected  in  Miiller's  Historie  v. 
der  Evangel.  Stande  Protestation  (see  §  4,  Note  29),  in  Walch,  xvi.  841  ff.  Dr.  K.  E. 
Forstemann's  Urkundenbuch  zu  der  Gesch.  des  Reichstages  zu  Augsburg  im  J.  1530, 
2  Bde.  Halle,  1833-35.  8.  On  a  codex  in  the  former  universit}'  library  of  Helmstadt : 
Acta  in  Comitiis.  Augustanis  anno  1530,  see  Henke  et  Bruns  Annales  Literarii,  aiin. 
1784,  vol.  ii.  p.  97. 

II.  Contemporaneous  Reports.  Reports  of  the  embassadors  of  Nuremberg  present  at  the 
diet,  published  in  part  in  Strobel's  Miscellaneen  literarischen  Inhalts,  ii.  1,  iii.  193 ; 

Augsburg  (Ranke,  Fiirsten  u.  Volker  von  Siid-Europa  im  16ten  u.  17ten  Jahr.,  ii.  iii.  and 
iv.  26G).  The  Emperor  was  exhorted  to  unite  with  the  Catholic  estates,  to  work  against 
the  Protestants,  at  first  with  promises  and  threats,  and  then  hy  violence,  and,  after  their 
suppression,  to  establish  an  Inquisition.  —  By  confiscations  money  enough  might  be 
gained  for  the  war  with  the  Turks. 

45  Letter  of  the  Elector  to  Luther,  Jonas,  Bugcnhagen,  and  Melancthon,  Mar.  14, 1530  (in 
Forstemann's  Urkundenbuch  zu  d.  Gesch.  des  Reichstags  zu  Augsburg  im  J.  1530,  i.  40)  : 
A  high  necessity  demands  "dass  wir  aller  der  Artikel  halben,  darum  sich  angezeigter 
Zwiespalt,  beide  im  Glauben,  und  auch  in  andern  iiusserlichen  Kirchenbrauclien  unci 
Ceremonien  erheldet,  zum  furderlichsten  dermassen  gefasst  werden,  damit  wir  vor  An- 
fang  solchcs  Reichstags  bestiindiglich  und  grundlich  entschlossen  seyn,  ob  oder  wclcher 
Gestalt,  auch  wie  weit  wir  und  andere  Stande,  so  die  reine  Lehre  bey  ihnen  angenom- 
men  und  zugelassen,  mit  Gott,  Gewissen  und  gutem  Fug,  auch  ohn  beswerlich  Erger- 
niss  Handlung  leiden  mugen  und  konnen."  The  theologians  were  to  hand  in  their  opin- 
ions at  Torgau  to  the  Elector  on  the  Sundaj-  Oculi. — Formerly  it  was  generall}-  taken 
for  granted  that,  in  consequence  of  this  demand,  the  Schwabach  Articles  were  again  pre- 
sented, and  that  on  this  account  they  were  also  called  Torgau  Articles.  Only  Bertram 
(Hall.  Anzeige,  1786,  s.  447)  and  Weber  (Gesch.  d.  Augsb.  Confess.,  i.  16)  opposed  this 
view,  and  rightly;  for  the  injunctions  of  the  Elector  would  not  have  been  satisfied  by 
the  Schwabach  Articles,  which  gave  a  representation  of  the  Christian  faith  in  opposition 
to  the  Zwinglians.  Fdrstemann  (in  the  work  cited  before,  i.  66)  lias  published  several 
written  summaries  of  doctrine  (reprinted  in  Melancth.  Epistol.  ed.  Bretschneider,  iv. 
973)  by  theologians  of  this  period,  which  he  holds  to  be  the  Articuli  Torgavienses.  Ac- 
cording to  Bretschneider,  p.  981,  the  articuli  non  concedendi  were  the  first  of  these  (s. 
93),  and  the  last  eight  are  lost. 


138  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

complete  in  different  parts  of  Melanchth.  Epistt.  ed.  Bretschneider,  ii.  50  ss.,  used  in 
D.  C.  Fikenscher's  Gesch.  des  Reichstags  zu  Augsburg,  1530.  Niirnberg,  1830.  8. 
Reports  of  the  embassadors  of  Heilbronn,  Ulm,  and  Esslingen,  are  used  in  Dr.  C. 
PfafFs  Gesch.  des  Reichstags  zu  Augsburg,  1530.  Stuttgart,  1830.  8.  Immediately 
after  the  diet  appeared,  with  the  imperial  privilege,  the  Catholic  representation :  Pro 
Religione  Christiana  Res  Gestae  in  Comitiis  Augustae  Vindelicorum  habitis.  1530.  4. 
(reprinted  in  Cyprian's  Hist,  der  Augsburg.  Confession,  Appendix,  s.  85).  To  refute 
it  the  Saxon  chancellor,  Dr.  Gregorius  Briick,  wrote  a  History  of  the  Diet,  which 
has  only  recently  been  published  in  Forstemann's  Archiv  f.  d.  Gesch.  der  kirchl.  Re- 
formation, Bd.  i.  Heft  1.  Halle,  1831.  8.  Spalatin's  Annalen,  edited  b}-  Cj-prian,  s. 
131-289. 
III.  Later  Works.  Historia  der  Augsb.  Confession  durch  Dav.  Chytraeum  (Prof,  in 
Rostock).  Rostock,  1576.  4.  Newlich  vermehrt.  Rostock,  1576.  4  (Latin,  by  Matth. 
Ritter,  preacher  in  Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1578).  Hist.  Comitiorum  anno  1530  Augustae 
celebratorum,  in  quatuor  Tomos  distributa,  per  Georg.  Coelestinum  (provost  in  Coin, 
on  the  Spree).  Francof.  cis  Viadrum,  1577  fol.  Both  works  contain  many  documents. 
Chr.  Aug.  Salig's  Hist,  der  Augsburg.  Confession,  Th.  i.  s.  153-381.  Planck's  Gesch. 
des  Protest.  Lehrbegriffs,  iii.  i.  1-178.  [Wiber,  Gesch.  d.  Augsb.  Conf.  Frankf., 
1783-84.  8..  Forstemann,  Urkundenbuch,  2.  8.  Halle,  1835.  A.  G.  Rudelbach,  Die 
Augsb.  Conf.  1830  and  1841.  Other  histories  for  the  jubilee  of  1830,  by  Hammer- 
schmidt,  Schott,  Fikenscher,  Facius,  etc.  Cf.  Sartorius,  Die  Augsb.  Conf.  Editions 
by  Twesten,  1816 ;  Winer,  1825  ;  Tittmann,  1830 ;  Francke,  1846 ;  Miiller,  1848.  An 
English  translation,  with  Introduction  and  Notes,  by  Rev.  W.  H.  Teale.  Leeds,  1842. 
8.  Compare,  also,  Heppe,  Bekenntnissschriften  d.  Altprot.  Kirche  Deutschland,  8. 
1855.] 

As  the  Emperor  was  slowly  journeying  from  Italy  to  Augsburg, 
where  the  princes  were  awaiting  his  coming,  the  most  violent  op- 
ponents of  the  Protestants,  Duke  George  of  Saxony  and  Elector 
Joachim  of  Brandenburg,  went  to  meet  him,  that  they  might  en- 
list  him  more  fully  against  the  Reformation.1  His  hostility  was 
made  manifest,  even  before  his  arrival,  in  the  reproaches  he  ad- 
dressed to  the  Elector  of  Saxony  ;2  and,  on  the  very  day  of  his  ar- 
rival, in  his  exhortation  to  the  Protestant  princes  to  take  part  in 
the  procession  of  Corpus  Christi  on  the  next  day.3  Their  determ- 
ined bearing,  however,  soon  convinced  him  that  nothing  was  to 
be  gained  by  fear  and  threats. . 

Melancthon  had  made  use  of  his  six  weeks  of  leisure,  after  his 
arrival  in  Augsburg,  in  completing  a  Confession,  on  the  basis  of 

1  Spalatin's  Annals,  s.  132  ;  Seckendorf,  ii.  155,  s. 

2  Comp.  Bruck's  Geschichte,  in  Forstemann's  Archiv,  i.  i.  23  ff.  The  Instructions  of 
the  Emperor,  May  25,  to  the  Counts  of  Nassau  and  Nuenar,  sent  to  the  Elector,  in  Forste- 
mann's Urkundenbuch,  i.  220 ;  they  contain  reproaches  about  his  (the  Elector's)  non- 
observance  of  the  Edict  of  Worms,  a  summons  to  Munich,  and  a  demand  that  the  Prot- 
estant sermons  in  Augsburg  be  suspended.— The  answer  of  the  Elector,  ibid.  s.  224. 
—Immediately  after  his  arrival  in  Augsburg,  the  Emperor  commanded  that  no  preach- 
ers should  speak  in  public  but  those  appointed  by  himself;  see  the  Report  on  this  point, 
ibid.  s.  267.  The  report  of  the  Nuremberg  embassadors,  in  Melanchth.  Opera,  ed.  Bret- 
schneider, ii.  113  ;  that  of  Brenz,  ibid.  s.  114;  Spalatin,  s.  133;  Briick,  s.  38  ff. 

3  Briick,  s.  26.    Coelestinus,  i.  fol.  80,  verso  ss. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  5.  1530.  139 

the  Schwabach  and  Torgau  Articles,  in  which  the  doctrines  and 
principles  of  the  new  Church  were  so  exhibited  as  to  be  intelligi- 
ble to  all,  and  yet  in  a  conciliatory  spirit.4     Religious  matters 

4  The  Schwabach  Articles  are  the  basis  of  the  first  part  of  the  Confession,  containing 
the  articles  on  the  faith  ;  the  Torgau,  of  the  second  part,  on  abuses.  The  Confession, 
in  its  first  draft,  completed  as  early  as  May  11  (see  the  Elector's  Letter  to  Luther  of  this 
date,  in  Forstemann's  Urkundenbuch,  i.  190):  "Nachdem  ihr  und  andere  unser  Ge- 
lehrten  zu  Wittenberg  auf  unser  genadigs  Gesinnen  und  Begehr  die  Arfigkel,  so  der 
Religion  halben  streitig  seind,  in  Verzeichnus  bracht,  als  wollen  wir  euch  nicht  bergen, 
dass  itzt  allhie  Mag.  Ph.  Melanchthon  dieselben  weiter  ubersehen  und  in  einen  Form 
gezogen  hat,  die  wir  euch  hiebey  ubersenden.  Und  ist  unser  genadigs  Begehren,  ihr 
wollet  dieselben  Artigkel  weiter  zu  ubersehen  und  zu  bewegen  unbeschwert  se3'n,  und 
wo  es  euch  dermassen  gefiillig  oder  ichtwas  darvon  oder  darzuzusetzen  bedachtet,  das 
wollet  also  darneben  vorzeichen."  Luther  answered,  15th  Ma}-  (de  Wette,  iv.  17)  :  "  Ich 
hab  M.  Philippsen  Apologia  uberlesen  :  die  gefallet  mir  fast  wohl,  und  weiss  nichts  dran 
zu  bessern,  noch  Andern,  wurde  sich  audi  nicht  schicken  ;  denn  ich  so  sanft  und  leise 
nicht  treten  kan."  The  Emperor's  arrival  being  delayed,  Melancthon  used  the  time  in 
making  a  more  careful  revision  of  the  different  articles.  Mel.  ad  Lutherum,  dd.  22. 
Maj.  (ed.  Bretsehneider,  ii.  CO) :  In  Apologia  quotidie  multa  mutamus  :  locum  de  votis, 
quia  erat  exilior  iusto,  exemi,  supposita  alia  disputatione  eadem  de  re  paulo  uberiorc. 
Nunc  de  potestate  clavium  disputo.  The  Confession  was  first  presented  in  Latin,  and 
only  in  the  name  of  the  Elector.  It  was  thus  communicated  to  the  delegates  of  the-  cities 
on  the  31st  of  May;  the  Nuremberg  embassadors  sent  to  the  Council  of  Nuremberg  on 
the  3d  of  June  (Mel.  Opp.  ed.  Bretsehneider,  ii.  83),  "Abschrift  des  sachsischen  Rath- 
schlags  (that  is,  of  the  Saxon  proposals  about  the  Confession  to  be  handed  in)  Latein- 
isch,  und  ist  die  Vorrede  oder  Eingang  darbei.  Aber  es  mangelt  hinten  an  einem  Arti- 
kel  oder  zweien,  samt  dem  Beschluss,  daran  die  sachsischen  Theologi  noch  machen. — 
So  dann  soldier  Rathschlag  ins  Teutsche  gebracht,  wird  der  E.  W.  auek  unverhalten 
bleiben."  The  Confession  was  then,  by  the  desire  of  the  Protestant  princes  and  cities, 
made  in  the  name  of  all  of  them,  translated  into  German,  and  in  this  form  communi- 
cated, June  14,  to  the  delegates  of  the  cities  (Ex  diario,  in  Cyprian's  Hist,  der  Augsburg. 
Confession,  s.  249).  This  German  Confession  was  the  one  sent  by  the  Nuremberg  em- 
bassadors, June  15  (Bretsehneider,  ii.  105)  :  it  had  not  the  preface  nor  the  conclusion  ; 
but  the  articles  on  Faith  and  Works  were  added,  which  are  not  in  the  above  Latin  copj-. 
These  embassadors  reported,  19th  June  (1.  c.  p.  112) :  "  Der  Beschluss — ist  noch  nicht 
gemacht.  Denn  wie  sich  Philippus  Melanchthon  vernehmen  liisst,  wird  vielleicht  die 
Sach  zu  keiner  so  weitlauftigen  Handlung  gelangen,  sondern  noch  enger  eingezogen  und 
kiirzer  gefasst  und  gehandelt  werden."  The  secretary  of  the  Emperor,  Alphonsus  Val- 
desius,  had  begun  negotiations  with  Melancthon  (Mel.  ad  Camerarium,  Juno  19,  in 
Bretsehneider,  ii.  119  ;  the  Nuremberg  Report,  June  21,  ibid.,  p.  122  ;  Spalatin's  Report, 
in  Walch,  xvi.  912),  in  order  to  ascertain  more  exactly  what  the  Lutherans  wished ;  and 
had  demanded  of  him  to  write  down  for  the  Emperor  "  the  articles  which  the  Lutherans 
desired  to  have,  in  the  shortest  manner."  Whether  Melancthon  handed  in  an}'  thing 
in  reply,  and  what  it  was,  is  uncertain.  At  any  rate,  it  is  not  the  essay  given  bjT  Coeles- 
tinus,  fol.  93,  b.,  with  the  conjecture,  even  then  disputed  by  Chytraeus,  that  it  was  com- 
posed for  that  occasion.  (This  essay  is  reprinted  and  commented  on  in  the  work :  Ph. 
Melancthon's  Unterschied  der  Evangel,  und  Papistischen  Lehre,  edited  by  Strobel. 
Niirnberg,  1783.  8.)  These  negotiations  undoubtedly  delayed  the  completion  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession.  So  that  when,  on  Wednesday,  June  22,  the  Protestant  princes 
were  called  upon  to  hand  in  their  Confession  on  the  24th,  no  clean  copy  of  it  was  on 
hand,  and  thej'  at  first  asked  for  delay  (Brilck,  s.  50  f.).  The  German  Confession,  after 
Melancthon  had  made  changes  in  it  up  to  the  very  last  moment  (Nuremberg  Report, 
25th  June,  in  Bretsehneider,  ii.  129:  "  Gemeldte  Unterricht,  so  viel  die  Glaubensartikel 
belanget,  ist  in  der  Substanz  fast  dem  gemiiss,  wie  wir  es  E.  W.  vor  zugeschickt,  alleiu 


J40  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

were  the  first  subject  "brought  before  the  diet;  and  the  work  of 
Melancthon,  the  Augsburg  Confession,  was  read  in  German  in 
the  session  of  the  diet  on  the  25th  of  June,  1530,  and  handed  to 
the  Emperor  in  both  German  and  Latin.5     By  this  Confession 

dass  es  noch  in  etlichen  Stiicken  gebessert,  und  allenthalb  aufs  glimpflichste  gemacht 

ist"),  was  engrossed  and  laid  before  the  Protestant  estates  (1.  c.  p.  127 ;  ex  diario,  in 

Cyprian,  s.  250).  The  Latin  Confession  appears  to  have  been  handed  in  in  Melancthon's 
■writing  (Weber's  Gesch.  d.  Augsb.  Confess.,  i.  51).  Of  the  German  Confession,  the 
proper  original  one,  there  appears  to  have  been,  on  the  25th  of  June,  only  the  draft  pre- 
sented to  the  Emperor ;  the  copy  made  for  Nuremberg  was  not  yet  finished  (the  Nurem- 
berg Report,  June  25,  in  Bret  Schneider,  ii.  129).  Since  these  copies,  now,  and  the  others 
intended  for  the  Protestant  estates,  were  made  from  Melancthon's  draft,  in  itself  hardly 
legible,  and  made  more  illegible  by  many  alterations,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  copies 
still  extant,  which  the  estates  took  with  them  on  their  return  hotae,  deviate  here  and 
there  from  one  another. — The  Confession  was  subscribed  by  the  Elector,  John  of  Sax- 
ony, George,  Margrave  of  Brandenburg,  Ernst,  Duke  of  Liineburg,  Philip,  Landgrave 
of  Hesse,  Wolfgang,  Prince  of  Anhalt,  and  the  two  cities,  Nuremberg  and  Reutlingen. 
Cf.  Kollner's  Symbolik  der  Luther.  Kirche.     Hamburg,  1837,  s.  153. 

5  On  the  reading  of  this  by  the  Saxon  chancellor,  Dr.  Bayer,  see  Spalatin's  Annalen, 
s.  131  ff. ;  Briick,  s.  55.  The  Emperor  gave  the  German  copy,  as  the  authentic  one,  to 
the  Elector  of  Mayence  for  the  imperial  archives ;  the  Latin  he  retained.  The  latter, 
with  all  the  original  acts  of  the  diet,  came  afterward  to  the  Council  of  Trent,  and  was 
not  returned  (Weber's  Gesch.  d.  Augsb.  Confess,  i.  233) ;  if  it  is  still  extant,  it  is  proba- 
bly to  be  found  only  in  Rome.  The  Latin  copy  was  kept  by  the  Emperor,  and  deposited 
in  his  archives  at  Brussels,  where,  according  to  the  testimony  of  several  witnesses,  it 
was  still  to  be  found,  1560-68  (Weber,  i.  76  ft'.)-  The  Emperor  requested  that  the  evan- 
gelical estates  should  not  have  the  Confession  printed  without  his  knowledge  (Briick,  s. 
55).  Editions  of  it  were,  however,  at  once  issued  in  several  places  (six  German  and  one 
Latin  are  known ;  see  Weber,  i.  353) ;  and  as  these  were  made  from  copies  of  earlier 
drafts,  and  were  incorrect,  Melancthon  published  an  edition  in  1530,  during  the  session 
of  the  diet,  in  both  German  and  Latin,  in  Wittenberg  (Praef.  Nunc  emittimus  probe 
et  diligenter  descriptam  confessionem  ex  exeniplari  bonae  fidei) ;  it  was  issued  in  1531, 
in  4to,  with  the  Apology  annexed.  The  subsequent  editions  by  Melancthon  are  altered  ; 
but  the  first  one  has  been  often  since  reprinted  as  the  authentic  copy  (Weber,  ii.  23). 
But  the  stricter  Lutherans  mistrusted  even  this  first  edition  of  Melancthon.  The  Elect- 
or Joachim  II.,  of  Brandenburg,  therefore  caused  a  comparison  to  be  made  by  Coelesti- 
nus,  1566,  with  the  alleged  original  in  the  imperial  archives  in  Mayence  (Weber,  i.  109)  ; 
and  the  Elector  August,  of  Saxony,  had  an  attested  copy  of  it  made  in  1576.  This  is 
the  source  of  the  German  text  in  the  Corpus  Brandenburg kum,  and  in  the  Concordia ; 
but  the  alleged  original  was  only  a  poor  copy,  put  in  the  place  of  the  original,  which 
did  not  come  back  from  Trent ;  yet  it  was  considered  to  be  the  original  work  (Weber, 
i.  137,  162,  187).  Afterward  even  this  copy  was  lost,  and  the  German  edition  of  Me- 
lancthon of  1540,  also  found  in  the  Acts  of  the  Empire,  has  been  held  to  be  the  original. 
The  Duchess  of  Weimar,  in  1707,  received  a  copy  of  this,  and  Weber  published  an  edi- 
tion, Weimar,  1781,  which  he  erroneously  thought  to  be  the  Augsburg  Confession  after 
the  original  copy  in  the  imperial  archives.  He  found  many  opponents,  especially  Pan- 
zer and  Bertram ;  was  convinced  of  his  mistake,  and  made  it  good  by  his  Kritische  Ge- 
schichte  der  Augsb.  Confession  aus  archivalischen  Nachrichten,  2  Theile.  Frankf.  a. 
M.,  1783-84.  8.— As  to  the  Latin  text,  Coelestine's  allegation,  in  his  Hist.  Com.,  ii.  169, 
that  his  edition  was  after  the  original  in  the  imperial  archives,  is  incorrect  (Weber,  i. 
65,  70) ;  the  text  of  the  first  edition  of  Melancthon  is  adopted  in  the  Concordia.— Thus 
a  German  text,  most  nearly  conformed  to  the  original,  is  to  be  got  from  the  first  edition 
by  Melancthon,  and  such  copies  of  it 'as  are  still  extant,  made  at  the  diet  for  the  Prot- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  5.  1530.  14  \ 

several  of  the  estates  of  the  diet  may  have  received  a  more  correct 
conception  of  the  Reformation  ;6  the  ecclesiastical  abuses,  which 
it  censures,  were  acknowledged  by  many ;  but,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  it  did  not  do  away  with  the  objection  taken  by  the  oppo- 
nents of  the  Reformation  to  the  separation  of  the  hierarchy  from  the 
Church,  and  to  the  Augustinian  theology  of  the  reformers.7  The 
Emperor,  who  expected  more  advantage  from  rapid  and  decisive 
action  than  from  debates,  had  a  Confutation8  prepared  by  the 
Catholic  theologians,  the  chief  of  whom  were  John  Eck,  Conrad 
Wimpina,  and  John  Cochlaeus.     After  this  had  been  read,  on  the 

estant  estates.  For  the  Latin  text,  the  first  edition  by  Melancthon  is  the  only  sure  basis. 
Forstemmn,  in  his  Urkundenbuch,  has  published  the  German  Confession  after  the  sec- 
ond Ansbach  MS.  (i.  369) ;  the  Latin,  after  Melancthon's  first  edition  (i.  442),  with  va- 
rious readings  from  the  best  MSS.     Kollner's  Symbolik  d.  Luth.  Kirche,  s.  226. 

6  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  140:  Duke  William  of  Bavaria  afterward  said,  "They  had 
told  him  nothing  beforehand  about  this  matter  and  doctrine."  Bruck,  s.  59  :  Man}'  of 
the  nobles  declared  that  they  "had  heard  very  different  representations  of  the  affairs 
of  the  Elector,  the  princes,  and  the  cities,  from  those  gathered  from  the  public  reading 
of  the  Confession." 

7  Melanchthon  ad  Lutherum,  dd.  27.  Jun.  (ed.  Bretschneider,  ii.  145) :  Sublevamur 
sententiis  Moguntini,  Augustani  et  Brunsvigii,  neque  hi  valde  pugnant.  Bavari  etsi 
dicebantur  facti  audita  confessione  placabiliores,  tamen  a  Georgio  et  Joachimo  non  dis- 
sentiunt.  Hi  sunt  duces,  et  quidem  acerrimi,  alterius  partis.  Justus  Jonas  ad  Luthe- 
rum fere  29.  Jun.  (1.  c.  p.  154) :  Dicitur  Episcopus  Augustanus  (Christoph  v.  Stadion. 
Cf.  on  him,  Altdorfisches  Literar.  Museum,  i.  103,  310 ;  Zapf,  Chr.  v.  Stadion,  Zurich, 
1799)  in  privatis  colloquiis  hujusmodi  edidisse  vocem  :  ilia  quae  recitata  sunt,  vera  sunt, 
sunt  pura  Veritas,  non  possumus  inficiari. — Saltzburgensis  (Matthiius  Lang,  cardinal) 
dicitur  in  privato  colloquio  banc  vocem  edidisse :  vellem  utramque  speciem,  conjugium 
libera  esse ;  vellem  missam  reformatam  esse ;  vellem  libertatem  in  cibis  et  aliis  traditionibus 
esse,  et  totum  ordinem  sic  stare ;  sed  quod  unus  Monachus  debeat  nos  reformare  omnes,  hoc 
est  turbare  pacem,  hoc  non  est  ferendum.  When  Melancthon  spoke  about  his  conscience, 
he  said  to  him:  "Was  Conscienz,  der  Kaiser  wird  conturbationem  reipublicae  nicht  lei- 
den."  According  to  Luther's  Warning  to  his  dear  Germans  (Walch,  xvi.  1988),  the 
same  cardinal  also  said  to  Melancthon  :  "  Ach  was  wollt  ihr  doch  an  uns  Pfaffen  refor- 
miren  ;  wir  Pfaffen  sind  nie  gut  gewest."  In  the  further  deliberations  of  the  committee 
of  the  Catholic  princes,  the}-  were  warned  b}-  the  Bishop  of  Augsburg,  Aug.  6  (see  Spa- 
latin's  Nachricht  in  Walch,  xvi.  1655),  "dass  sie  darauf  sehen  sollten,  und  wider  Recht 
nichts  handeln,  denn  es  sey  ja  wahr,  dass  die  Lutherischen  wider  keinen  Artikel  des 
Glaubens  halten  ;  darum  soil  man  auf  Mittel  und  Wege  trachten  zum  Frieden  der  Kirch- 
en."  He  was  violently  opposed  by  the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg  and  the  Elector  of  Bran- 
denburg, so  that  the  Elector  of  Mayence  had  to  reconcile  them. 

9  The  first  draft  of  it  was  handed  in  to  the  Emperor  June  13,  who,  howevef,  demanded 
a  shorter  and  milder  form  (Cochlaeus  de  actis  Lutheri,  fol.  227,  b. ;  Spalatin,  s.  148). 
Of  this  first  draft,  which  had  280  pages  (according  to  Spalatin),  John  Cochlaeus  has 
given  the  sections  on  the  first  four  articles  of  the  Augsburg  Confession  in  his  Philippi- 
cae  quatuor  in  Apologiam  Melanchthonis,  Lips.  1534.  4  (republished  in  Strobel's  Bey- 
trage,  i.  413).  A  later  revision  is  in  Formula  Coufutationis  Aug.  Conf.  cum  Latina  turn 
Germanica,  ed.  Chr.  G.  Muller.  Lips.  1808.  8.  In  the  form  in  which  it  was  read  it  may 
be  found  in  Andreae  Fabricii  Harmonia  Aug.  Confess.  Colon.  1573.  fol. ;  in  Coelestini 
Hist.  Comit.  Aug.  celebrat.,  iii.  1;  and  in  Chytraei  Hist.  A.  C,  p.  173.  Kollner,  s. 
397. 


142  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

3d  of  August,  he  wanted  to  look  upon  the  whole  affair  as  con- 
cluded.9 In  the  mean  time,  however,  the  sudden  departure  of  the 
Landgrave  Philip,10  Aug.  6,  gave  him  additional  evidence  that  the 
new  faith  was  already  too  deeply  rooted  to  be  set  aside  by  state- 
craft. No  less  unadvisable  did  it  seem  to  make  use  of  force ;  for, 
in  contrast  with  the  fresh  enthusiasm  of  the  Protestants,  the  Cath- 
olic party  was  lame :  partly  because  the  Protestant  complaints 
about  ecclesiastical  abuses  were  quite  generally  confessed  to  be 
justified ;  partly  by  the  doubt  whether  they  could  be  sure  of  the 
support  of  their  subjects  in  a  religious  war ;  and  in  part  from  their 
mistrust  of  the  Emperor,11  and  the  fear  that  his  power  would,  in 
the  end,  be  enlarged  by  a  domestic  war.  Accordingly,  upon  the 
demand  of  the  Catholic  part  of  the  diet,  a  smaller  commission 
was  appointed  to  seek  a  reconciliation.12  The  negotiations  were 
begun  with  the  best  will  on  the  16th  August,  the  Protestant  Con- 
fession being  the  point  of  departure.  The  Catholic  divines,  Eck, 
Wimpina,  and  Cochlaeus,  as  well  as  the  Protestants,  Melancthon, 
Brenz,  and  Schnepf,  showed  themselves  very  ready  to  accommo- 
date their  dogmatic  formulas  in  the  discussions  upon  the  twenty- 
one  doctrinal  articles — the  first  part  of  the  Confession ;  so  that  at 
last  there  were  only  three  questions  on  which  they  could  not  unite.13 

9  On  the  negotiations,  see  Briick,  s.  71,  and  from  him  in  Mailer's  Hist.  v.  d.  evangel. 
Stiinde  Protestation,  s.  G98.  Walch,  xvi.  1281.— Handlungen  des  weitern  Ausschusses 
der  Cathol.  Fursten  mit  den  Protestanten,  urn  dieselben  zur  Nachgiebigkeit  zu  bewe- 
gen  seit  dem  6ten  Aug. :  Briick,  s.  77 ;  Miiller,  s.  706 ;  Walch,  xvi.  1630.  The  Elector 
Joachim  of  Brandenburg,  who  was  the  most  active  in  this  committee,  is  reported  to 
have  said  (Spalatin,  s.  151)  :  "  Wo  dieser  Churfiirst  zu  Sachsen — der  neuen  Lutherischen 
Lehre  nicht  wiirde  abstehen,  so  wiirden  Kays.  Maj.  ihm  und  ihren  Anhangern  nach  Lan- 
den  und  Leuten,  Leib  u.  Leben,  Ehre  u.  Gut,  auch  Weibern  u.  Kindern  zutrachten." 
The  same  is  told  by  Coelestinus,  iii.  26,  who  does  not  give  the  name  of  the  speaker. 

10  Briick,  s.  79  ff.  Miiller,  s.  709.  Walch,  xvi.  1652.  Rommel's  Philipp  d.  Gross- 
muthige,  i.  269 ;  ii.  246. 

11  The  height  to  which  this  opposition  had  risen  on  the  part  of  the  dukes  of  Bavaria, 
who  supported  John  von  Zapolia,  and  were  opposed  to  the  Election  of  Ferdinand  as  King 
of  Rome,  is  shown  by  a  scene  in  the  diet,  in  which  the  Emperor  and  Duke  William  of 
Bavaria  were  the  actors,  as  related  by  Stumpf  in  his  Baierns  politische  Geschichte,  i.  i. 
57.  On  their  doubts  about  their  subjects,  see  the  declaration  of  the  Bavarian  dukes  to 
the  Emperor,  1523,  in  Stumpf,  i.  102. 

12  The  report  of  these  transactions  is  in  Briick,  s.  89  ff.,  Miiller,  s.  741.  The  acts  are 
given  most  fully  in  Walch,  xvi.  1656,  Forstemann's  Urkundenbuch,  ii.  219. 

13  See  Spalatin's  account  in  Walch,  xvi.  1668;  the  minute  of  the  evangelical  party, 
as  to  the  articles  in  which  they  agreed,  ibid.,  s.  1673;  the  report  of  the  Catholics,  ibid., 
s.  1714 ;  remarks  of  the  Protestants  on  the  latter,  s.  1730.  On  the  articles  IV.,  V.,  and 
VI.,  on  Justification  by  Faith,  the  Catholics  repeated  the  positions  already  advanced  in 
their  Confutation :  opera  nostra  ex  se  nullius  sunt  meriti,  sed  gratia  Dei  facit  ilia  digna 
esse  vita  aeterna :— fides  parit  bonos  fructus,  fides  sine  operibus  mortua  est ;  quod  vero 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  5.  1530.  143 

In  the  negotiations  upon  the  second  part  of  the  Confession  the 
Protestants  made  advances  on  several  points:  much  of  the  old 
order  in  government  and  usages,  the  power  of  the  bishops,14  cere- 
monies, fasts,  and  festivals,  as  human  ordinances,  they  declared 
themselves  ready  to  restore,15  and  they  also  promised  to  spare  the 
cloisters ;  on  the  other  hand,  they  could  not  consent  to  a  restriction 
of  the  permission  to  celebrate  the  Lord's  Supper  under  both  forms,16 

justificationem  soli  fidei  tribuunt,  ex  diametro  pugnat  cum  Evangelica  veritate,  opera 
non  excludente.  Hence  they  were  read}',  according  to  their  report  (s.  1715),  to  teach 
"  that  we  become  just  through  faith.  But  not  alone  through  faith ;  for  such  a  doctrine 
is  not  found  any  where  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  but  rather  the  opposite.  On  this  account 
it  was  at  length  agreed  that  the  word  sola  should  not  be  used  ;  but  it  should  be  taught 
that  justification,  or  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  comes  through  grace  (per  gratiam  gratum 
facientem),  and  through  faith  in  us,  and  through  the  Word  and  sacraments,  as  instru- 
ments." This  was,  in  fact,  the  formula  of  union  ;  but  the  Protestants,  in  their  Remarks 
(s.  1730),  contradict  the  ground  here  given  for  not  using  the  word  sola ;  they  maintain 
that  their  opponents  had  also  conceded  that  the  forgiveness  of  sins  was  not  through 
works  or  merit,  but  through  faith  and  grace,  to  which  they  would  have  the  sacraments 
added  ;  thereupon  the  Protestants  had  let  the  word  sola  drop,  because  they  did  not  wish 
by  it  to  exclude  grace  and  sacraments,  but  only  works.  The  difference  came  out  again 
distinctly  in  the  twentieth" article.  They  agreed  "  that  good  works  must  be  done  ;  that 
they  are  necessary ;  and  that  when  they  proceed  from  faith  they  are  well  pleasing  to 
God,  and  that  God,  according  to  his  promise,  will  reward  them.  But  whether  our  good 
works  are  meritorious,  and  how  far  we  may  rely  upon  them,  they  were  not  able  to  agree." 
So,  too,  they  did  not  fully  come  together  on  the  twelfth  article :  the  Protestants,  indeed, 
conceded  the  three  parts  of  repentance,  viz.,  contritio,  confessio,  satisfactio ;  "yet  in 
the  matter  [of  confession]  we  must  look  to  the  absolution,  and  believe  that  sin  is  for- 
given us  on  account  of  Christ's  merits  ;"  as  to  satisfaction,  thejT  agreed  "that  sin  is  not 
forgiven  on  account  of  it,  so  far  as  concerns  its  guilt.  But  they  were  not  united  on  the 
point,  whether  the  satisfaction  was  necessary  to  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  so  far  as  the 
punishment  is  concerned."  In  fine,  upon  the  twenty-first  article  the}'  agreed,  "  that  all 
saints  and  angels  in  heaven  pray  to  God  for  us ;  and  again,  that  we  should  celebrate  the 
memory  and  festivals  of  the  saints,  in  which  we  pray  to  God  that  the  intercession  of  the 
saints  may  be  of  service  to  us."  They  disagreed  about  the  invocation  of  the  saints  :  the 
Protestants  held  it  to  be  "  a  doubtful  and  dangerous  thing,"  and  would  not  consent  to 
it ;  "  first,  because  the  Holy  Scripture  did  not  command  it ;  secondly,  because  great  and 
perilous  abuses  spring  from  it." 

14  The  Protestants,  however,  made  this  addition,  s.  1683,  1729:  "  Doch  damit  unge- 
billigt  der  offentlichen  Missbrauche,  dass  die  Bischofe  nicht  Fleiss  haben,  dass  man 
recht  predige,  dass  die  Sacramente  ernstlich  u.  christlich  gehandelt  werden,  dass  tiich- 
tige  Leute  ordinirt  werden,  dass  die  Priester  em  zuchtig  Leben  fiihren,  dass  man  den 
Bann  in  vielen  Sachen  missbraucht,"  u.  s.  w. 

16  Briick,  s.  96.  The  opinion  of  the  evangelical  part  was :  "wenn  allein  die  Lehre 
von  dem  biibstischen  Theil  gelitten,  auch  nit  nottig  gemacht  wollt  werden,  das  Gott 
nit  zwinglich  oder  nottig  zu  Vorstrickung  u.  Fahung  der  Gewissen  haben  wollt ;  was 
sie  alsdann  in  ausserlichen  Dingen  thun  sollten  u.  konnten,  das  ane  Vorlegung  der 
Lehre  u.  des  Glaubens  zu  Ainigkeit  dienstlich,  des  an  ihnen  kein  Mangel  sein  sollt, 
alles  zu  tragen  u.  zu  dulden,  op  es  wol  nit  nottig,  noch  sie  dasselb  schuldig  waren, 
allain  urn  Lieb  u.  Eintracht  willen." 

16  The  Catholics  would  only  concede  (s.  1719)  that  the  pastors,  with  the  papal  per- 
mission, "allein  ihren  Pfarrkindern,  und  allein  an  denen  Orten,  da  es  bis  hieher  etliche 
Jahr  in  Brauch  gewest,  das  Sacrament — unter  bej-der  Gestalt  denen,  so  es  begehren, 


144  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648.  . 

nor  to  the  restricted  marriage  of  priests  ;17  nor  would  they  re-estab- 
lish the  canon  for  masses  and  the  private  masses,  with  which  was 
connected  the  doctrine  of  purgatory.18  The  restoration  of  the 
episcopal  authority  had  also,  for  the  Protestants,  a  very  suspicious 
side.  It  was  to  be  anticipated  that  the  episcopate,  dependent  on 
Rome,  which  was  not  at  all  bound  by  these  negotiations,19  would 

austheilen  ;"  under  conditions  that  confession  precede,  and  that  in  the  celebration  it  be 
taught.  "  dass  die  Empfahung  des  Sacraments  unter  beyder  Gestalt  von  Gott  nicht  aus- 
drucklich  geboten  sey, — dass  der  ganze  Christus  gleich  sowol  unter  einer  Gestalt,  als 
unter  bej-den,  gegenwartig  sey  und  empfangen  werde  ; — und  dass  sie  ihren  Untertha- 
nen,  so  es  unter  einer  Gestalt  allein  begehren,  unwegerlich  reichen,  oder  reichen  lassen" 
(as  in  the  Compactata  of  Prague ;  see  Vol.  iii.  p.  441,  Note  34).  The  Protestants,  on 
the  other  hand,  declared  (s.  1685)  that,  while  they  held  to  confession,  yet  that  they  did 
not  consider  the  particular  enumeration  of  sins  (s.  1731)  to  be  necessary ;  and  that  while 
the}'  could  excuse  the  Church  for  the  reception  of  the  Eucharist  under  one  form,  in  view 
of  past  usage,  yet  they  could  not  teach  that  it  was  not  wrong  to  receive  it  in  one  form. 

17  The  Catholics  said  (s.  1721)  that,  although  the  priests,  on  account  of  their  vows 
and  consecration,  could  not  lawfully  be  married,  yet  they  would  bear  with  priests  now 
married  until  a  council  should  convene,  but  only  in  places  where  the  marriage  of  priests 
was  the  custom.  And  further,  before  the  meeting  of  this  council  no  more  should  be 
married  ;  and  whoever  wished  to  give  up  his  estate  of  marriage  shoufd  be  allowed  to  do 
so ;  and,  in  place  of  the  married  priests,  unmarried  ones  should  be  instated  as  soon  as 
possible.  It  should  also  be  proposed  to  the  council  to  decide  "  whether  it  were  not  well 
henceforth  to  concede  that  married  men  might  be  admitted  to  the  priesthood  and  or- 
dained, in  the  waj-  in  whioh  it  was  long  since  a  usage  in  the  first  Church  for  some  hun- 
dred years."  The  Protestants  rejected  these  limitations,  because  the  marriage  of  priests 
was  to  be  held  to  be  Christian  and  right.  S.  1732 :  "  God  has  appointed  this  means  and 
medicine,  for  them  to  use  who  can  not  refrain.  Hence  he  tempts  God  who  has  not  the 
gift  of  chastity  and  yet  does  not  avail  himself  of  God's  ordinance." 

18  S.  1722:  "Damit  nicht  ein  Wortgezank  von  den  Worten  hostia,  oblatio,  sacrifici- 
um,  oder  Opfer  sich  erhebe,"  the  Catholics  made  the  distinction,  "  dass  Christus  in  dem 
Osterlammlein  im  A.  T.  figiirlich  geopfert;  und  dass  nachmals  derselbe  Christus  am 
Stamme  des  Creuzes  gelitten,  sich  selbst  Gott  dem  Vater  ein  wahrhaftig  Opfer  fur  die 
Silnde  der  Menschen  aufgeopfert ;  aber  jetzund  im  Opfer  der  Messe  werde  er  mysteri- 
aliter  et  repraesentative,  d.  i.  sacramentlich  u.  wiedergedachtlicher  Weise,  in  der  Kirch- 
en  taglich  geopfert,  zur  Erinnerung  und  Gediichtniss  des  Leidens  und  Sterbens  Christi, 
einmal  am  Creuz  vollzogen."  The  Protestants  declared  themselves  ready  to  make  use 
of  the  customary  ceremonies  and  ecclesiastical  apparel  ;  but  they  would  only  allow  of 
the  public  masses,  "darinnen  etlichen  aus  dem  Volke,  so  zuvor  verhoret,  das  Sacra- 
ment christlich  gereicht  wird.  Die  Privatmesse  aber,  welche  sie  dieser  Meynung  ge- 
halten,  dass  sie  andern  Vergebung  der  Simden  ex  opere  operato  damit  verdieneten,  ver- 
werfen  wir,  denn  es  ist  offenbar,  dass  solche  Application  wider  die  Gerechtigkeit  des 
Glaubens  streitet.  Denn  so  die  Messe,  auf  diese  Meynung  applicirt,  Vergebung  der 
Siinden  ex  opere  operato  verdienet,  folget,  dass  die  Gerechtigkeit  nicht  aus  dem  Glau- 
ben,  sondern  aus  den  Werken  komme.  Item,  so  jetzt  erst  in  der  Messe  das  Opfer  fur 
dite  Sunde  geschiehet,  wozu  hat  denn  der  Tod  Christi  gedient,  oder  ist  das  Leiden  u. 
Sterben  Christi  nicht  genugsam  zu  Bezahlung  unserer  Siinde  ? — Item  Christus  spricht : 
das  thut  zu  meinem  Gediichtniss. — Wie  kann  aber  den  Todten  solch  Sacrament  niitzlich 
seyn,  dieweil  in  ihnen  das  Gedachtniss  Christi  durch  die  Priester  nicht  kanu  ervveckt 
werden  ?" 

19  Pallavicini  Hist.  Cone.  Trid.,  iii.  4,  3:  The  Cardinal  Campeggio,  in  a  report  to 
Rome,  gave  five  chief  demands  of  the  Protestants  :  the  Lord's  Supper  under  both  forms  ; 
the  marriage  of  priests  ;  the  omission  of  the  canon  in  the  mass ;  the  retaining  of  the  con- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  5.  1530.  145 

soon  endeavor  to  effect  a  complete  return  to  the  old  state  of  things. 
Those  controversial  points  in  which  the  Catholic  party  appeared  to 
have  yielded  were  rather  evaded  than  settled ;  the  general  ex- 
pressions of  union  were  such  as  to  allow  afterward  of  a  Catholic 
interpretation,  which  could  easily  be  enforced  as  their  true  sense 
by  the  ecclesiastical  authority.  Hence  the  Protestant  statesmen 
took  the  ground,  that  there  should  either  be  no  concession,  or  at 
least  that  the  restoration  of  the  papal  and  episcopal  power  was  in- 
admissible.20   Melancthon,  whose  anxious  fears21  undoubtedly  had 

fiscated  church  property ;  and  the  calling  of  a  council.  In  a  Consistory,  July  G,  it  was 
determined  to  yield  nothing. 

20  Philip  of  Hesse  to  his  embassadors  in  Augsburg,  29th  Aug.  (in  Melanchth.  Opp. 
ed.  Bretschneider,  ii.  326):  "Ich  kann  bei  mir  nit  befinden,  dass  solche  Mittel,  sie  se}- 
en  auch  von  Papisten  oder  Evangelischen  vorgeschlageu,  anzunehmen  seyn.  Denn  es 
seyn  Mittel  eines  Betrugs  zu  befahren,  und  seyn  allein  Mittel  fiir  die  Papisten,  denn  sie 
wissens  nit  mit  Gewalt  zu  dampfen,  nehmen  sie  nun  List  dazu.  Und  darum  Summa 
Summarum  ist  meine  Meinung,  bleibt  bei  meiner  Verzeichniss,  die  ich  euch  mit  meiner 
Hand  geben  hab.  So  aber  die  Papisten  in  ihren  Landen  wollten  die  Prediger  des  lau- 
tern  reinen  Evangelii  zulassen,  und  der  Pfaffen  Ehe  u.  Klosterpersonen  Ehe  nit  verbie- 
ten,  auch  die  Todtenbitt  u.  Heiligen  Anrufen  samt  dem  Canon  fallen  lassen ;  so  ware 
ihncn  in  andern  Dingen  viel  am  Liebe  willen  nachzulassen.  Die  Predig  des  Evangelii 
wurde  wohl  mit  der  Zeit  ausreuten. — Denn  was  ist  sich  Gutes  zu  vermuthen,  dieweil 
sie  des  Teufels  Regiment  nit  verlassen,  und  doch  die  Wahrheit  erkennen,  und  uns  gern 
unsre  Freiheit  und  Lehre  in  Christo  binden  wollten.  Da  ist  nit  Zeit  Weichens,  sondern 
stehen  bis  in  den  Tod  bei  der  Wahrheit.  Viel  weniger  ist  der  Bischofe  Jurisdiction  zu- 
zulassen,  dieweil  sie  das  Evangelium  in  ihren  Landen  nit  zu  predigen  noch  zu  treiben 
gestatten  wollen.  Denn  da  wurde  ein  fein  Narrenspiel  aus  werden,  so  die  sollten  Ex- 
aminatores  iiber  christliche  Prediger  seyn,  die  selbs  in  der  Lehre  und  Leben  Caiphas, 
Annas,  u.  Pilatus  waren. — Kanns  nit  gut  werden,  muss  mans  Gott  befehlen.  Willigt 
aber  der  Churfiirst  in  etwas,  so  mogt  ihrs  an  mich  bringen.  Zeigt  den  Stadten  diese 
meine  Handschrift,  und  sagt  ihnen,  dass  sie  nicht  Weiber  seyen,  sondern  Manner.  Es 
hat  keine  Noth,  Gott  ist  auf  unsrer  Seiten.  Wer  sich  gern  fiirchten  will,  der  fi'irchte 
sich.  In  keinem  Wege  verwilligt,  dass  man  die  Zwinglischen  mit  Gewalt  dampfe,  noch 
vcrjage  und  iiberziehe.  Denn  Christus  hat  uns  nicht  berufen  zu  vertreiben,  sondern  zu 
heilen.  Greift  dem  verniinftigen,  weltweisen,  verzagten,  ich  darf  nit  wohl  mehr  sagen, 
Philippo  in  die  Wurfel."  Bri'ick,  s.  116,  says,  the  evangelical  party  often  declared  to 
the  Catholics,  "  dass  man  wol  vorstunde,  was  mit  solchen  Furslagen  gemeint  wurde. 
Nemlich  dass  man  diesem  Theil  ezlieher  Geduldung  halben  das  Maul  schmieren  wollte, 
damit  ihnen  der  Same  des  Unkrauts  wiederum  beybracht  und  unter  den  Waizen  gc- 
streuet  wurde,  doch  mit  dem  Schein,  bis  auf  ein  Concilium,  welchs  darnach,  wie  die 
Biibste,  Cardinal,  und  Bischove  zu  Concilien  Lust  u.  Willen  hatten, — mit  Furwendung 
grosser  furgefallener  Sachen  u.  Geschiiften,  darnach  also  von  einer  Zeit  zur  andern  er- 
strecken,  dass  endlichen  nichts  daraus  wurde."  Melanchthon  ad  Lutherum,  dd.  29. 
Aug.  (ed.  Bretschneider,  ii.  328) :  Valde  reprehendimur  a  nostris,  quod  jurisdictionem 
reddimus  Episcopis.  Nam  vulgus  assuefactum  libertati,  et  semel  excusso  jugo  Episco- 
porum,  aegre  patitur  sibi  rursus  imponi  ilia  Vetera  onera ;  et  maxime  oderunt  illam  do- 
minationem  civitates  imperii.  De  doctrina  religionis  nihil  laborant;  tantum  de  regno 
et  libertate  sunt  solliciti. 

21  Melanchthon  ad  Lutherum,  dd.  25.  Jun.  (ed.  Bretschneider,  ii.  125):  acerbissimas 
ac  miserrimas  curas,  in  quibus  hie  versamur. — Brentius  assidebat  haec  scribenti,  una 
lacrymans.     Ad  Vitum  Thcodorum,  cod.  die  (1.  c.  p.  126) :  Hie  consumitur  omne  mihi 

VOL.  IV. 10 


146  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

a  great  effect  upon  the  negotiations,22  was  blamed  by  many  for  his 

tempus  in  lacrymis  ac  luctu.  Ad  Camerarium,  dd.  26.  Jun.  (p.  140) :  Animus  est  oc- 
cupatus  multo  miserrirnis  curis,  non  propter  causam  nostram,  sed  propter  nostrorum 
lioraimim  incuriam.  De  me  volo  te  bono  animo  esse,  quia  commendo  me  Deo,  a\\a 
^avfxaa-Tou  xi  exercet  nos,  de  quo  non  possum  nisi  coram  loqui.  The  letters  to  Luther 
and  Veit  Dietrich,  26th  and  27th  June.  Jonas  ad  Lutherum  fere  29.  Jun.,  p.  157 :  Ad 
Philippum  vellem  dares  quam  creberrimas  literas  :  mirabili  enim  tristitia  est,  qua  non- 
nunquam  ob  publicam  causam  afficitur.  Osiander  ad  Linckium,  dd.  4.  Jul.  p.  163 : 
Philippus  multis  laboribus,  vigiliis,  curis  maceratus  et  exhaustus  nonnunquam  melan- 
cholica  quadam  tristitia  et  quasi  desperatione  vexatur,  nulla  extante  causa,  quae  nos- 
tros  plerosque  valde  dejecit. 

-2  How  far  Melancthon  went  for  the  sake  of  peace  is  shown  by  his  negotiations  with 
the  papal  legate,  Campeggio.  He  wrote  to  him,  July  6  (Bretschneider,  ii.  p.  170)  :  Dog- 
ma nullum  habemus  diversum  ab  Ecclesia  Romana. — Parati  sumus  obedire  Ecclesiae 
Romanae,  modo  ut  ilia  pro  sua  dementia,  qua  semper  erga  omnes  gentes  usa  est,  pauca 
quaedam  vel  dissimulet,  vel  relaxet,  quae  jam  mutare  ne  quidem  si  velimus  queamus. 
— Nullam  ob  rem  aliam  plus  odii  sustinemus  in  Germania,  quam  quia  Ecclesiae  Roma- 
nae dogmata  summa  constantia  defeudimus.  The  7th  Jul.,  p.  173:  Paucis  rebus  vel 
condonatis,  vel  dissimulatis  posset  constitui  concordia,  videlicet  si  uostris  utraque  spe- 
cies Coenae  Domini  permitteretur,  si  conjugia  sacerdotum  et  monachorum  tolerarentur. 
Hoc  si  aperte  concedi  non  videretur  utile,  tamen  praetextu  aliquo  dissimulari  possent, 
videlicet  quo  res  extrahatur,  donee  Synodus  convocetur.  In  the  same  spirit  were  com- 
posed the  propositions  which  he  sent  to  the  legate,  Aug.  4  (1.  c.  p.  246).  When  he  here 
uniformly  asserts  that  the  Protestant  doctrine  is  the  old  and  genuine  doctrine  of  the  Ro- 
man Church,  he  can  not  intend  to  mislead  any  one  about  the  nature  of  this  doctrine,  so 
far  as  it  was  contained  in  the  Confession  which  was  just  about  to  be  presented.  Up  to 
the  time  of  the  Council  of  Trent  a  great  variety  of  opinion  was  tolerated  in  the  Catholic 
Church,  especially  in  the  doctrines  on  anthropology  and  soteriology  now  contested  ;  and 
that  strict  Augustinianism  which  the  Protestants  insisted  upon  had  by  no  means  been 
formally  rejected.  Even  the  Cardinal  Campeggio  is  reported  to  have  said  that  the  di- 
vision in  respect  to  doctrine  was,  for  the  most  part,  only  a  dispute  about  words  (Salig, 
i.  227).  In  order,  now,  to  make  the  Protestant  estates  inclined  to  .union,  the  theolo- 
gians who  acted  in  the  sense  of  Melancthon  declared  to  them  (see  their  Opinion,  Aug. 
25,  in  Bretschneider,  ii.  281)  that  the  doctrine  should  remain  free,  the  Lord's  Supper  be 
under  both  forms,  that  private  masses  should  be  rejected,  and  the  marriage  of  priests 
retained  ;  but  that  in  nil  other  ecclesiastical  ordinances  concessions  could  be  made. 
Especially  did  they  use  all  means  to  make  the  princes  inclined  to  the  restoration  of  the 
episcopal  jurisdiction.  S.  283:  "Die  Ordnung  dass  die  Bischoffe  iiber  die  Priester  als 
Superattendenten  gefatzt  sind,  hat  ohn  Zweifel  viel  redlicher  Ursach  gehabt.  Denn  die 
Priester  mussen  Superattendenten  haben.  So  werden  die  weltlichen  Fiirsten  des  Kirch- 
enregiments  in  der  Lange  nicht  warten ;  ist  ihnen  auch  nicht  moglich ;  dazu  kostet  es 
sie  viel,  so  dagegen  die  Bischoffe  ihre  Giiter  darum  haben,  dass  sie  solch  Amt  ausrich- 
ten.  Auch  gebiihrt  uns  nicht,  diese  Ordnung,  dass  Bischoffe  iiber  Priester  sind,  welche 
von  Anfang  in  der  Kirche  gewesen,  ohne  grosse  unci  dringende  Ursache  zerreissen. 
Denn  es  ist  auch  vor  Gott  fahrlich,  Politien  iindern  und  zerreissen.  Dann  wiewohl  der 
Papst  em  Antichrist  ist,  so  mogen  wir  doch  unter  ihm  seyn,  wie  die  Juden  unter  Pha- 
rao  in  Egypten,  und  hernach  unter  Caipha,  so  uns  dennoch  rechte  Lehre  frey  gelassen 
wird."  Melanchthon  ad  Camerar.,  dd.  31.  Aug.  (1.  c.  p,  334) :  Aegre  patiuntur  civitates 
reduci  in  urbes  illam  Episcoporum  dominationem.  Et  sapiunt,  sed  quo  ore  eripiemus 
<is,  si  nobis  permiserint  doctrinam?  Quid?  Quod  omnia  quae  largiti  sumus,  habent 
ejusmodi  exceptiones,  ut  hoc  metuam,  ne  Episcopi  existiment  offerri  prifxaTa  uvrl  AXcpi- 
twv  :  sed  quid  potuimus  aliud  ?  Quanquam,  ut  ego  quod  scntio  dicam,  utinam,  utinam 
possim  non  quidem  dominationem  confirmare,  sed  administrationem  restituere  Episco- 
porum ?  Video  enim,  qualem  simus  habituri  Ecclesiam,  dissoluta  iroKiTiia  ecclesiastica. 
Video  postea  multo  intolerabiliorem  futuram  tyrannidem,  quam  antea  unquam  fuit. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  5.  1530.  147 

concessions ;  some  even  viewed  him  as  a  traitor  to  the  common 
cause.23     But  Luther,  who  from  Coburg  was  constantly  sending 

23  Such  like  reports  were  disseminated  very  early.  Rosellius  writes  to  him  from 
Venice  as  soon  as  July  6  (ed.  Bretschneider,  ii.  227),  that  he  had  heard,  te  ucetjjv  fac- 
tum Cardinali  Campegio, — teqne  tuaque  omnia  judicio  et  sapientiae  Pontificis  maximi 
subjecisse  ;  in  the  same  way,  Aug.  1,  p.  243,  and  exhorts  him  to  steadfastness.  The  ne- 
gotiations for  union  afterward  gave  occasion  for  mistrust ;  see  Landgrave  Philip  to  Lu- 
ther, Aug.  24  (in  Neudecker's  Urkunden,  s.  153) :  "  wir  sehen  es  darvor  an,  dass  sich 
die  Sach  so  seltsam  zugetragen  haben,  seie  Philippi  Melanchthonis  Kleinmuthigkeit 
Schuld.  Sie  haben  sich  auch  in  ihren  iibergeben  Articula  zu  viel  begeben."  The  Nu- 
rembergers  were  particularly  displeased  with  Melancthon ;  see  the  letter  of  the  Nurem- 
berg embassador,  Hieronymus  Baumgartner,  to  Lazarus  Spengler,  13th  Sept.  (Lebens- 
beschr.  Lazari  Spenglers  v.  Hausdorff,  s.  72) :  "  Philippus  ist  kindischer,  denn  ein  Kind 
worden. — Die  andern  sachsischen  Theologi  dorfen  wider  den  Philippum  nit  offentlich 
reden,  denn  er  den  Kopf  dermassen  gestrecket,  dass  er  neulich  gegen  den  Liineburgi- 
schen  Canzler  gesagt:  "  Wer  sagen  darf,  dass  die  niichst  ubergebne  Mittel  nit  christ- 
lich,  der  lugs,  als  ein  Boswicht."  On  Sept.  15  (s.  75)  new  complaints  about  "the  the- 
ologians running  about  and  unchristian  doings."  They  treated  secretly  with  the  oppo- 
nents, made  unchristian  proposals,  which  could  not  be  fulfilled,  in  order,  as  it  seemed, 
to  maintain  peace,  and  afterward  to  do  what  they  pleased.  "  Uff  diesem  Reichstag  kein 
Mensch  bis  uff  heutigen  Tag  dem  Evangelio  mehr  Schadens  gethan,  dann  Philippus. 
Er  ist  auch  in  solche  Vermessenheit  gerathen,  dass  er  nit  allein  niemand  will  horen 
anderst  davon  reden  und  rathen,  sonder  auch  mit  ungeschickten  Fluchen  u.  Schelten 
herausfahrt,  damit  er  jedermann  erschreck,  und  mit  seiner  Estimation  und  Auctoritet 
dampfe."  Spengler  is  therefore  asked  to  write  to  Luther.  That  he  had  done  this  before 
appears  from  Luther's  answer,  Aug.  28  (de  Wette,  iv.  158) ;  he  also  wrote  about  it  to 
George  Vogler,  Chancellor  of  the  Margrave  of  Brandenburg  (Veesenmeyer's  kleine  Bey- 
trage  zur  Gesch.  des  Reichstags  zu  Augsburg,  1530:  Niirnberg,  1830.  1G.  s.  32  ff.). 
Wenc.  Link  now  wrote  on  this  account  again  to  Luther ;  see  his  reply,  20th  Sept.,  in 
de  Wette,  iv.  167.  Melanchthon  ad  Lutherum,  dd.  1.  Sept.  (ed.  Bretschneider,  ii.  336) : 
Non  credas,  quanto  in  odio  sim  Noricis,  et  nescio  quibus  aliis,  propter  restitutam  Epis- 
copis  jurisdictionem.  Ita  de  suo  regno,  non  de  Evangelio  dimicant  socii  nostri.  Bom- 
gartnerus  scripsit,  me,  si  quanta  maxima  pecunia  voluissem  a  Romano  Pontifice  con- 
ductus  essem,  non  potuisse  meliorem  rationem  suscipere  restituendae  dominationis  Pon- 
tificiae,  quam  hanc  esse  judicent  homines,  quam  instituimus.  Ego  nullum  adhuc  arti- 
culum  descrui,  aut  abjeci,  qui  ad  doctrinam  pertineat ;  tantum  stomachantur  de  politicis 
rebus,  quas  non  est  nostrum  eripere  Episcopis.— On  the  other  hand,  Melancthon  was  also 
accused  afterward  of  false  dealing  by  the  opponents  ;  see  Cochlaei  Philipp.  i.  (see  above, 
Note  8)  p.  10  (in  Raynald.  1530,  No.  84) :  Plane  intelligit  Tua  Majestas,  hominem  is- 
tum  blandiloquentia  hypocrisique  sua  vulpina  improbius  egisse  Augustae  in  comitiis, 
quam  apertis  conviciis  et  amarulentiis  egit  procul  delitescens  et  absens  Lutherus.  Hie 
enim  consueto  more  convitiabatur,  plebisque  odium  in  clerum  excitabat  instar  lconis 
rugientis  ferociens ;  ille  vero  instar  draconis  insidiantis  fraudes  intendens,  non  plebem, 
sed  magnates  hypocrisi  sua  circumvenire  satagebat. — Cumque  nos  aliquando  querere- 
mur  Augustae  super  violentis  et  seditiosis  libris  Lutheri,  quos  unum  post  alium  mittebat 
illuc  eo  quoque  tempore,  quo  nobis  non  parva  erat  spes  tollendae  discordiae,  Philippus 
blandius  respondebat,  non  attendendum  esse  quid  Lutherus  scriberet,  sed  quid  Princi- 
pes  Lutherani  Caesari  proponerent,  quid  facere,  quid  agnoscere  vellcnt.  Quam  subdole 
vero  egerit  cum  Legato  nemo  melius  novit  quam  Legatus  ipse.  Qui  lachrymis  primum 
precibusque  illius  non  satis  fidens,  jussit  ilium  petitionem  suam  in  scriptis  tradere  :  nee 
tamen  omnem  per  hoc  vulpeculae  fraudem  praecavere  potuit.  Didicit  enim  paulo  post, 
illi  nihil  fidendum  esse,  posteaquam  audivit,  ilium— in  odium  theologorum,  quibus  rc- 
spondendi  negotium  commiserat  Majestas  Tua,— jactitasse,  Legatum  ea  admisisse,  in 
quibus  maligue  adversarentur  theologi.— Tanta  est  utriusque  impudentia,  ut  et  Philip- 


25 


148  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

his  advice  and  judgment,  did  not  misunderstand  his  true  compan- 
ion. Although  he  had  from  the  beginning  seen  with  a  clear  eye 
the  danger  of  these  negotiations,  and  had  demanded  an  uncondi- 
tional peace  instead  of  any  attempts  at  union,24  he  still  acknowl 
edged  that  what  Melancthon  yielded  was  in  itself  allowable, 

pus  Luthero  suo  dixerit  privatim,  et  Lutherus  publice  scripserit,  Legatum  ilium  dixisse, 
admitti  quidem  posse  Lutheri  doctrinam,  sed  nou  oportere,  ne  forte  ab  aliis  quoque  na- 
tionibus  approbetur.  Quam  impudens  vero  sit  mendacium  istud,  Majestas  Tua  probe 
novit,  caet. 

24  Luther's  Epistle  to  the  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Menz,  6th  July,  with  the  second 
Psalm  (at  once  printed  and  sent  to  Augsburg),  in  de  Wette,  iv.  72 :  "  Hie  bitte  ich  nu 
aufs  unterthanigst,  weil  keine  Hoffnung  da  ist,  dass  wir  der  Lehre  eins  werden,  E.  K. 
F.  G.  wollten  samt  andem  dahin  arbeiten,  dass  jenes  Theil  Friede  halte,  und  glaube 
was  es  wolle,  und  lasse  uns  auch  glauben  diese  Wahrheit,  die  itzt  fur  ihren  Augen  be- 
kannt,  und  untadelig  erfunden  ist.  Man  weiss  ja  wohl,  dass  man  Niemand  soil  noch 
kann  zum  Glauben  zwingen,  stehet  auch  weder  ins  Kaisers  noch  Papst  Gewalt ;  denn 
auch  Gott  selbs,  der  uber  alle  Gewalt  ist,  hat  noch  nie  keinen  Menschen  mit  Gewalt 
zum  Glauben  wollen  dringen :  was  unterstehen  sich  denn  solchs  seine  elenden  armen 
Creaturen,  nicht  allein  zum  Glauben;  sondern  auch  zu  dem,  was  sie  selbs  fiir  falsche 
Liigen  halten  miissen,  zu  zwingen  ?— Will  aber  weder  Friede  noch  Einigkeit  folgen, 
weder  Gamalielis  Rath  noch  der  Apostel  und  der  Juden  Exempel  helfen  :  so  lass  fahren, 
was  nicht  bleiben  will,  und  ziirne,  wers  nicht  lassen  will ;  er  wird  Zorns  u.  Unfriedes, 
darnach  er  ringet,  ubrig  gnug  findcn."  And  now  he  expounds  the  2d  Psalm,  "Why 
do  the  heathen  rage,"  in  its  bearings  on  present  events  ;  a  noble  monument  of  his  cour- 
age above  all  earthly  fears.— How  much  Luther  was  opposed  to  the  negotiations  for 
union,  see  in  his  Letter  to  Melancthon,  26th  Aug.  (ibid.,  s.  145) :  Quid  ego  minus  un- 
quam  speravi,  et  quid  adhuc  minus  opto,  quam  ut  de  doctrinae  concordia  tractetur  ? 
Quasi  vero  nos  Papam  dejicere  possimus,  aut  quasi  salvo  Papatu  nostra  doctrina  salva 
esse  possit !— Scio  vos  Evangelium  semper  excipere  in  istis  pactis  :  sed  metuo,  ne  postea 
perfidos  aut  inconstantes  insimulent,  si  non  servemus,  quae  voluerint.  Ipsi  enim  nostras 
concessiones  large,  largius,  largissime  accipient ;  suas  vere  stricte,  strictius,  strictissime 
dabunt.  Summa,  mihi  in  totum  displicet  tractatus  de  doctrinae  concordia,  ut  quae 
plane  sit  impossibilis,  nisi  Papa  velit  Papatum  suum  aboleri.  Satis  erat,  nos  reddidisse 
rationem  fidei,  et  petere  pacem. 

15  Excepting  that  for  a  short  time  he  seems,  through  the  complaints  of  the  Nurem- 
bergers  (above,  Note  23),  to  have  feared  that  Melancthon  might  be  misled  by  the  crafty 
arts  of  the  opposite  party  to  yield  too  much  ;  but  he  was  convinced  that  what  was  against 
the  Gospel  would  at  once  be  repelled  by  him  anew.  See  his  Letters,  Aug.  28,  to  Spala- 
tin  (de  Wette,  iv.  155)  :  Jam  in  insidiis  versari  causam  nostram,  ipsi  videtis. — Ipsi  quae- 
runt,  ut  dominentur  fidei  et  conscientiis,  et  arte  ista  vos  avocare  volunt  a  verbo,  quod 
satis  video,  verum  nihil  metuo,  quia  si  insidiis  pergent,  impingent  ipsi  in  nostras  insi- 
dias.  Nam  ubi  hoc  unum  tenueritis,  vos  nihil  contra  Evangelium  concessuros  esse,  aut 
concessisse,  quid  turn  sunt  illorum  insidiae  ?— Et  esto,  aliquid  manifeste  (quod  non  faci- 
etis  Christo  favente)  contra  Evangelium  concesseritis,  et  ita  in  saccum  aliquem  aquilam 
istam  concluserint :  veniet,  ne  dubita,  veniet  Lutherus,  hanc  aquilam  liberaturus  mag- 
nifice.  Ita  vivit  Christus,  verum  hoc  erit.  To  Melancthon  (s.  156)  :  Ego  in  tarn  crassia 
insidiis  forte  nimis  securus  sum,  sciens,  vos  nihil  posse  ibi  committere,  nisi  forte  pecca- 
tum  in  personas  nostras,  ut  perfidi  et  inconstantes  arguamur.  Sed  quid  postea  ?  Causae 
constantia  et  veritate  facile  corrigatur.  Quamquam  nolim  hoc  contingere,  tamen  sic 
loquor,  ut  si  qua  contingeret,  non  esset  desperandum.  Nam  si  vim  evaserimus,  pace 
obtenta,  dolos  ac  lapsus  nostros  facile  emendabimus,  quoniam  regnat  super  nos  miseri- 
cordia  ejus.  (This  last  sentence  has  often  been  perverted  by  the  Catholic  polemics  of 
the  ruder  sort,  as  though  Luther  here  confessed  that  he  had  made  use  of  doli ;  while  he 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  5.  1530.  149 

and  defended  him  against  unjust  accusations,26  and  sought  to  in- 
spire the  timid  with  his  own  cheerful  courage.27  However,  those 
articles,  which  we  have  spoken  of  above  as  those  in  which  they 
could  not  agree,  were  so  important  to  both  parties  that  the  pro- 
jected union  failed  on  account  of  them ;  and  even  the  negotiations 
of  a  still  smaller  committee,  from  Aug.  24  to  29,  led  to  no  result.28 
On  July  11  the  four  cities  excluded  from  the  Protestant  league, 
Strasburg,  Constance,  Memmingen,  and  Lindau,  also  handed  in  a 
Confession  of  their  own — the  Confessio  Tctrapolitana,29  which 

manifestly  speaks  011I3'  of  the  dolls  et  lapslbus  into  which  Melancthon  might  be  brought 
by  the  insidiae  of  the  opponents ;  see  Gieseler's  Essay :  Etwas  uber  den  Reichstag  zu 
Augsburg,  im  Jahre  1530.  Hamburg,  1821.  8.)  Compare  the  letters  of  the  same  date 
to  Justus  Jonas  and  Lazarus  Spengler,  s.  157  ff.— Yet  here  throughout  we  find  only  gen- 
eral caution  and  anxiety,  but  not  disapprobation  of  what  had  been  already  done.  Where 
Luther  had  occasion  to  speak  upon  the  debated  points  he  wholly  agrees  in  theory  with 
Melancthon,  but  holds  that  union  could  not  be  effected.  Thus  he  wrote  upon  an  Opin- 
ion of  Melancthon's  about  the  Pope  (Melanchth.  Opera,  ed.  Bretschneider,  ii.  318) : 
"Wenn  der  Papst  solchs  wollt  eingehen,  so  acht  ich,  wir  Lutherischen  wollten  seine 
Ehr  u.  Oberkeit  besser  helfen  schutzen  und  handhaben,  denn  der  Kaiser  seibst  u.  alle 
Welt.  Denn  wir  konntens  thun  ohne  Schwerd,  mit  Gottes  Wort  und  Kraft,  welchs  der 
Kaiser  mit  der  Faust,  ohne  Gottes  Kraft,  endlich  nicht  erhalten  kann."  Compare  Lu- 
ther's Bedenken  von  den  Compositionsmitteln  (Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  270  ;  Walch,  xvi. 
1700).  It  is  there  said  about  the  jurisdiction:  "Es  ist  ein  vergeblich  Ding,  dass  man 
von  der  Jurisdiction  handelt :  denn  wo  sie  uns  nicht  leiden,  und  nichts  nachlassen,  son- 
dern  stracks  immerhin  verdammen  wollen  ;  so  konnen  wir  keiner  Jurisdiction  von  ihnen 
gewarten,  ohn  des  Meisters  Hansen  (the  executioner).  Wol  ists  wahr,  wo  sie  unsere 
Lehre  wollten  leiden,  u.  nicht  mehr  verfolgen,  so  wollten  wir  ihnen  keinen  Abbruch 
thun  an  ihrer  Jurisdiction,  Dignitat,  oder  wie  sie  es  nennen.  Denn  wir  begehren  frey- 
lich  nicht  Bischof,  noch  Cardinal  zu  seyn,  sondern  allein  gute  Christen,  die  sollen  arm 
seyn." 

26  Luther  to  Melancthon,  11th  Sept.  (de  Wette,  iv.  163) :  Obsecro  te,  mi  Philippe,  ne 
te  maceres  ex  illorum  indiciis,  qui  vel  dicunt  vel  scribunt,  vos  nimium  cessisse  Papistis. 
Oportet  enim  ex  nostris  esse  infirmos.  quorum  mores  et  infirmitates  feras,  nisi  velis 
Rom.  15  Paulum  contemnere.  Jurisdictionem  Episcopis  redditam  ipsi  non  satis  intelli- 
gunt,  nee  attendunt  circuinstantias  adjectas.  Atque  utinam  Episcopi  earn  accepissent 
sub  istis  conditionibus  :  sed  ipsi  habent  nares  in  suam  rem.  Ad  Wencesl.  Link,  dd.  20. 
Sept.,  1.  c.  p.  166. 

27  As  to  the  Elector  and  other  companions  in  the  faith  who  were  active  at  Augsburg, 
cf.  his  letters  written  from  Coburg  to  Augsburg.  Especially  did  he  inspire  the  hearts 
of  his  followers  with  his  own  boldness  by  the  heroic  song :  Fine  feste  Burg  ist  unser 
Gott,  which  was  composed  at  this  time  at  Coburg,  according  to  the  testimony  of  his 
contemporaries,  Hieronymus  Weller,  Sleidanus  (liber  xvi.,  sub  fine),  Chytraeus  (Sax- 
onia,  ad  annum  1530)  ;  see  Riederer's  Treatise  on  the  Introduction  of  the  German  Song 
into  the  Evangelical  Lutheran  Church,  published  at  Nuremberg,  1759,  s.  305  ff. 

28  Bruck,  s.  105.    Miiller,  s.  800.     Walch,  xvi.  1733.     Forstemann,  ii.  290. 

29  In  German  and  Latin  by  Mart.  Bucer,  with  the  aid  of  Wolfg.  Fabricius  Capito  and 
Caspar  Hedio,  written  in  Augsburg  during  the  diet ;  see  Gottl.  Wernsdorff  Hist.  Con- 
fess. Tetrap.  Witeb.,  1694 ;  ed.  iv.  1721.  4.  J.  H.  Fel's  Diss,  de  Varia  Confessionis 
Tetrapolitanae  Fortuna  praesertim  in  civitate  Lindaviensi.  Gotting.,  1755.  4.  J.  G. 
Schelhorn  Amoenitatt.  liter,  vi.  305.  Dan.  Gerdes  Scrinium  Antiquarium,  v.  193.  The 
Confession  in  Latin  in  the  Corpus  et  Syntagma  Confessionem  fidei,  Genevae,  1612.  4., 


150  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

in  like  manner  was  responded  to,  Oct.  17,  by  a  Confutation.30 
The  Confession  sent  in  by  Zwingle  made  the  most  unfavorable 
impression,31  and  was  answered  by  Eck  in  the  most  reckless 
style.32 

The  Protestants  demanded  a  council;  the  Emperor  acceded  to 
the  demand,  but  wished  that,  provisionally,  the  old  ecclesiastical 
ordinances  should  be  re-established.33  After  threats  and  negotia- 
tions34 had  been  tried  in  vain,  the  final  decree  of  the  diet  was 
drawn  up  in  the  sense  of  the  Catholic  majority,  without  allowing 
the  Protestant  rejoinders  to  be  heard,  or  the  Apology  for  the  Con- 
fession,35 drawn  up  by  Melancthon,  to  be  received. 

ii.  215 ;  in  Augusti  Corpus  Librorum  Symbolic,  qui  in  Ecclesiae  Reformatorum  auctori- 
tatem  pubiicam  obtinuerunt,  Elberfeld,  1827,  p.  327  ss. ;  and  in  Niemeyer  Collectio 
Confessionum  in  Ecclesiis  Reformatis  publicatarum,  Lips.,  1840,  p.  740  ss.  The  article 
on  the  Lord's  Supper,  which  alone  occasioned  the  separation,  is  here  presented  ambigu- 
ously in  Cap.  18  :  (Christus)  non  minus  hodie,  quam  in  novissima  ilia  coena,  omnibus, 
qui  inter  illius  discipulos  ex  ammo  nomen  dederunt,  cum  banc  coenam,  ut  ipse  instituit, 
repetunt,  verurn  suum  corpus  verumque  suum  sanguinem  vere  edendum  et  bibendum 
in  cibum  potumque  animarum,  quo  illae  in  aeternam  vitam  alantur,  dare  per  sacra- 
menta  dignatur. — Praecipua  vero  diligentia  populi  animos  nostri  Ecclesiastae  ab  omui 
turn  contentione,  turn  supervacanea  et  curiosa  disquisitione  ad  illud  revocant,  quod  so- 
lum prodest.  solumque  a  Christo  servatore  nostro  spectatum  est,  nempe  ut  ipso  pasti, 
in  ipso  et  per  ipsum  vivamus  vitam  Deo  placitam, — simusque  inter  nos  omnes  unus  pa- 
nis,  unum  corpus,  qui  de  uno  pane  in  sacra  coena  participamus. 

30  The  Confutation  written  by  Faber,  Eck,  and  Coehlaus,  was  first  published  by 
Miiller,  Formula  Confutationis  August.  Confessionis,  Lips.,  1808,  p.  191.  On  the  dis- 
cussions at  and  after  the  reading,  see  Sleidanus,  lib.  vii.,  ed.  Am  Ende,  p.  429.  The 
Strasburg  divines  prepared  a  '"  Vindication  and  Defense  in  writing"  against  the  Confu- 
tation, which  was  published  with  the  Confessio  Tetrapolitana  in  1531. 

31  Ad  Carolum  Rom.  Imp.  Germaniae  Comitia  Augustae  celebrantem  fidei  Huldrychi 
Zwinglii  Ratio,  Tiguri,  1530.  4.,  in  Niemeyer,  p.  16.  It  was  dated  July  4,  and  was 
immediately  sent  in  print  to  Augsburg  (Hess's  Life  of  Zwingle,  in  Usteri's  translation, 
s.  631).  Bucer  and  Capito  wrote  about  it  to  Zwingle  :  Tua  confessio  quosdam  offendit, 
et  potissimum  duobus  locis  :  altero  cum  dicis,  quosdam  respectare  ad  ollas  Aegyptiacas 
(the  Lutherans  in  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper),  quod  urit  Lutheranos,  altero  cum 
scribis,  pedatum  et  mitratum  genus  Episcoporum  id  esse  in  Ecclesia,  quod  gibbi  et  stru- 
mata  in  corpore  (Midler's  Schweizergesch.  continued  by  Hottinger,  vii.  316).  Melanc- 
thon to  Luther,  14th  July  (ed.  Bretscbneider,  ii.  193) :  Zwinglius  misit  hue  confessionem 
impressam  typis.  Dicas  simpliciter  mente  captum  esse.  Cf.  Salig's  Gesch.  der  Augsb. 
Conf.,  i.  381. 

32  Repulsio  Articulorum  Zwinglii  Caes.  Majestati  oblatorum.  Aug.,  Vind.,  1530.  4., 
written  in  three  days,  and  dated  July  17  (Hess-Usteri,  s.  634).  In  reply  :  Ad  illustris- 
simos  Germaniae  Principes  Augustae  congregates,  de  Convitiis  Eccii,  Epist.  Huld.  Zwin- 
glii, Tiguri,  1530.  4. ;  published  27th  Aug.  (Hess-Usteri,  s.  638). 

33  See  these  negotiations  from  Sept.  7,  in  Bruck,  s.  135;  Miiller,  s.  842  ;  Walch,  xvi. 
1794. 

3*  Negotiations  for  peace  between  Georg  v.  Truchsess  and  the  Baden  chancellor,  Hi- 
eron.  Vehus,  Bruck,  s.  155;  Miiller,  s.  866;  Walch,  xvi.  1815;  Forstemann's  Urkun- 
denbuch,  ii.  415. 

35  When,  on  Sept.  22,  the  first  decree  of  the  diet,  concerning  the  faith  (in  Walch,  xvi. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  5.  1530.  151 

The  final  decree  of  the  diet,  published  Nov.  19,  allowed  to  the 
Protestants  time  for  consideration  until  April  15,  1531 ;  and  inti- 
mated forcible  measures  if  this  period  should  pass  without  their 
yielding.36     Although,  from  the  bearing  of  the  strongest  Catholic 

1848;  Forsteinann,  ii.  474),  was  read  in  public  (see  the-  account  in  Briick,  s.  183;  and 
in  Forstemann,  from  the  Acts  of  the  Margravate  of  Brandenburg,  ii.  473),  Dr.  Briick, 
in  the  name  of  the  Protestants,  contradicted  the  assertion  that  their  doctrine  had  been 
sufficiently  refuted,  and  handed  in  the  Apology.  The  Emperor,  just  on  the  point  of  re- 
ceiving it,  was  led  to  refuse  its  reception  by  a  sign  from  his  brother  (Briick,  s.  184  ; 
Spalatin's  Annals,  s.  1D7).  The  Apology,  in  its  shorter  form,  as  it  was  to  have  been 
presented  at  Augsburg,  is  extant  in  two  Latin  recensions :  the  one  is  in  Chytraeus,  p. 
337 ;  the  other  in  Forstemann,  ii.  483 ;  in  German,  by  the  latter,  s.  530.  Melancthon 
thereupon  revised  it,  and  published  it  with  the  Confession  in  Wittenberg,  1531.  4.  (above, 
Note  5)  :  this  revision  was  afterward  received  in  the  symbolical  books  ;  Kollner's  Sym- 
bolic, s.  419. 

36  The  decree  is  in  Muller,  s.  997 ;  Waleh,  xvi.  1925.  After  an  introduction  on  the 
object  of  the  diet,  the  first  topics  introduced  are  the  religious  dissensions  and  the  read- 
ing of  the  Augsburg  Confession.  "Und  wiewol  wir  nach  gehabtem  bestandigen  Rath 
trefflicher  Theologen  u.  Schriftgelehrten  aus  vielen  Nationen  solch  ihr  Bekenntniss  mit 
dem  Evangelio  u.  heiliger  Schrift  mit  gutem  Grund  widerlegen  u.  ableinen  lassen :  so 
hat  doch  solches  so  viel  nicht  verfangen,  dass  sie  sich  mit  uns,  Churfursten,  Fursten, 
u.  andern  gemeinen  Stiinden  in  alien  Artikeln  verglichen  hatten."  Hence  it  was  de- 
creed :  "  dass  sie  sich  zwischen  hie  u.  dem  niichstkiinftigen  15ten  Tag.des  Monats  Apri- 
lis  bedenken  sollten,  ob  sie  sich  der  unverglichenen  Artikel  halben  mit  der  christlichen 
Kirchen,  papstlicher  Heiligkeit,  uns  u.  den  andern  Churfursten,  Fursten  u.  gemeinen 
Standen  des  heil.  Reichs,  auch  andern  christlichen  Hiiuptern  u.  Gliedern  der  gemeinen 
Christenheit,  mitlerzeit  der  Ercirterung  eincs  nachstkunftigen  Concilii  nachmals  beken- 
nen  und  vereinigen  wollen,  oder  nicht.  Und  dass  sie  uns  ihrer  Gemiiths  unter  ihren 
Insiegeln  vor  Ausgang  obgemeldts  funfzehnten  Tages  verstiindigen  :  mittlerweil  woll- 
ten  wir  uns  darauf  auch  bedenken,  was  uns  zu  thun  gebiihren  wolle,  u.  alsdann  ihnen 
unsere  Meynung  gleichfalls  eroffnen."  In  the  mean  time,  the  Protestant  princes  were 
not  to  allow  any  thing  new  on  matters  of  faith  to  be  printed  in  their  lands,  to  entice 
none  to  join  their  sect,  to  allow  the  free  use  of  their  churches  and  worship  to  those  of 
their  subjects  that  adhered  to  the  old  faith,  and  to  work,  in  common  with  the  Catholic 
princes,  against  the  Sacramentarians  and  the  Anabaptists.  Since  no  council  had  for  a 
long  time  been  held,  and  "yet  ver}-  many  abuses  and  causes  of  complaint  may  for  a 
long  time  have  been  penetrating  into  our  common  Christianity,"  therefore  the  Emperor 
promises,  "  bey  piipstl.  Heiligkeit,  u.  alien  christl.  Konigen  u.  Potentaten  so  viel  zu 
verfugen,  dass  zu  christl.  Reformation  ein  gemein  christlich  Concilium  innerhalb  6  Mo- 
naten,  den  nachsten  nach  Endung  dieses  unsers  Reichstags,  an  gelegene  Malstadt  aus- 
geschrieben,  u.  das  zum  forderlichsten  u.  aufs  langste  in  einem  Jahre  nach  solchem 
Ausschreiben  gehalten  soil  werden."  In  fine,  the  Protestant  princes  were  to  restore  the 
despoiled  cloisters  and  other  spiritualities  "ohne  alle  Mittel  u.  zum  forderlichsten." 
"  Es  haben  aber  der  Churf.  v.  Sachsen  u.  seine  Mitverwandten  obgemeldt  solchen  un- 
sern  gnadigen  Abschied  nicht  annehmen  wollen,  sondern  abgeschlagen,  und  darauf  zum 
Theil  von  hinnen  verriickt."  Next  about  the  Confessio  Tetrapolitana.  Since  the  four 
cities  of  the  empire  "im  Glauben  sich  von— der  gemeinen  Christenheit  abgesondert, 
und  die  schwere  Irrsal  wider  das  hochwiirdige  Sacrament,  dergleichen  der  Bildstiirmung 
u.  anderer  Sachen  unterzogen, — so  haben  wir — darauf  ein  Gegenbericht  in  dem  Evan- 
gelio u.  heil.  Schrift  gegrundet,  thun  verfassen,  den  wir  ihnen — offentlich  haben  fiirle- 
sen,  sie  darauf  gniidiglich  erinnern — lassen,  dieweil  sie  ob  solcher  unser  Confutation 
ihren  Irrsal  kliirlich  vermerkten, — dass  sie  von  demselben  grausamlichen  Irrthum  ab- 
stunden."  The  copy  of  the  Confutation  asked  for  by  the  cities  had  indeed  been  refused  ; 
but  yet  the  repetition  of  the  public  reading  of  it  had  been  enjoined,  and  the  demand  re- 


152  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

powers,  it  might  have  been  inferred  that  these  threats  could  hard- 
ly be  carried  into  execution,37  yet  the  Protestants  saw  the  neces- 
sity of  putting  themselves  into  a  condition  for  defense.  The 
doubts  previously  entertained  as  to  the  lawfulness  of  a  league  of 
defense  against  the  Emperor  were  set  aside.38     At  a  congress  in 

newed,  "class  sie  solcbem  unsern  Begehren  nachmals  Statt  thun  wollten:  dann  wo 
solche  christenliche  Ermahnung  u.  Erinnerung  bey  ihnen  nicht  statthaben  wollte, — so 
kiinnten  dieselbe  vier  Stadt  gcdenken,  dass  Wir  verursacht  werden,  uns  in  den  Sachen 
zu  erzeigen  und  zu  verhalten,  wie  Uns  als  romischem  christl.  Kaiser,  obersten  Voigt  u. 
Schirmhern  der  h.  ehristl.  Kirchen  von  Amts  wegen  unserm  Gewissen  nach  gebuhrt,  wie 
vormals  in  der  Confutation  gemelt  ist.  Aber  auf  solch  und  dergleichen  unser  gniidigst 
Erinnern  u.  Begehren  seind  die  Gesandten  der  beriihrten  vier  Stiidte  auf  ihrer  Meynung 
bestanden."  On  the  other  hand,  the  Emperor  and  the  other  estates  had  united  in  re- 
maining by  the  old  faith,  and  rejecting  all  the  errors  and  novelties  that  had  pressed  in. 
As  examples  of  such  were  alleged  the  doctrines,  that  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ  were  not  essentially,  but  in  figure,  present ;  that  every  one  is 
bound  to  receive  it  under  both  forms ;  that  the  mass  is  blasphemy  toward  God  ;  further 
changes  in  the  mass,  and  abolition  of  feasts  and  fast-days  ;  rejection  of  infant  baptism, 
which  others  also  allow  to  be  performed  bj'  laymen  ;  despising  confirmation  and  extreme 
unction ;  destruction  of  images ;  the  doctrine  that  there  is  no  free-will,  but  that  all  is 
by  necessity ;  that  there  should  be  no  magistrates  among  Christians ;  that  mere  faith 
saves,  without  love  and  good  works ;  demolition  of  cloisters,  churches,  and  altars  ;  ab- 
olition of  ceremonies ;  doing  away  of  preaching  in  the  Mendicants'  cloisters ;  persons 
compelled  by  magistrates  and  lords  to  hear,  not  the  old,  but  the  new  preachers  ;  confis- 
cation of  ecclesiastical  possessions  ;  arbitrary  procedures  about  the  cloisters ;  dismission 
and  institution  of  preachers,  and  abolition  of  the  jurisdiction  of  bishops.  It  is  plain  that 
this  confused  mixture,  in  which  the  proper  views  of  the  Protestants  are  placed  along- 
side of  errors  which  they  vehement^  opposed,  would  naturally  arouse  their  indig. 
nation. 

37  In  the  last  general  assembly  of  the  princes,  Sept.  23,  the  Elector  Joachim,  in  the 
name  of  the  Emperor  and  the  Catholic  estates,  did,  in  fact,  deliver  a  menacing  address 
^Briick,  s.  190;  compare  Forstemann's  Archiv,  ii.  GOT),  in  which  the  Protestant  doctrine 
is  declared  outright  to  be  heretical  and  fully  refuted ;  and  then  followed  the  menace, 
that  if  the  Protestant  estates  would  not  accept  the  decree,  the  Catholic  "sich  zu  Kais. 
Maj.  als  gehorsame  Fursten  des  Reichs  vorpflicht,  ihre  Leib  u.  Gut  u.  alles  Vormugen 
darzusetzen,  damit  dieser  Sachen  geholfen  mocht  werden,  wie  dann  audi  Kais.  Maj.  ihn- 
en hinwieder  trostliche  Zusagung  gethan,  all  ihr  Vormugen  darzusetzen,  Konigreich  u. 
Lande,  audi  aus  dem  heil.  Reich  nit  zu  ziehen,  bis  dieser  Handel  zum  Ende  bracht 
wurde,"  etc. :  and  there  is  no  manner  of  doubt  that  this  threat,  avowed  in  the  presence 
of  all  the  Catholic  princes,  as  Joachim  afterward  declared  (Briick,  s.  205),  was  determ- 
ined upon  by  all  the  Catholic  estates ;  and  j-et  Mayence,  Treves,  the  Palatinate,  Duke 
George  of  Brunswick,  and  Louis  of  Bavaria,  hastened  at  once  to  assure  the  Elector  that 
this  by  no  means  expressed  their  sentiments,  and  that  the}'  were  very  far  from  intending 
a  war  of  aggression  (Briick,  s.  208  ff.  ;  Spalatin,  s.  198). 

38  Opinion  of  the  jurists  of  Wittenberg,  Walch,  x.  656 :  When  a  judge  goes  on  with 
a  process,  after  an  appeal  has  been  taken,  he  may  be  resisted  by  force.  So,  too,  with 
one  who  decides  beyond  the  bounds  of  his  jurisdiction,  and  beyond  his  judicial  powers. 
Hence,  in  such  a  case,  the  same  holds  good  of  the  Emperor.  The  Opinion  of  the  theo- 
logians rests  on  that  of  the  jurists  (ibid.,  s.  660  ff.) :  "  weil  das  Evangelium  bestiitiget 
weltliche  leibliche  Regimente,  so  soil  sich  ein  jeglicher  Fiirst  gegen  seinen  Herrn  oder 
Kaiser  halten  vermoge  derselbigen  natiirlichen  und  weltlichen  Regimente  und  Ordnun- 
gen,"  about  which  the  jurists  are  just  the  persons  to  be  heard.  Against  unjust  violence, 
even  when  it  proceeds  from  the  Emperor,  the  rulers  themselves  are  bound  to  protect 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  5.  1530.  153 

Smalcald,  to  which  were  also  admitted  the  four  cities  that  held 
to  the  Zwinglian  views,  a  protest  was  adopted  against  the  purpose 
of  the  Emperor  to  have  his  brother  Ferdinand  chosen  King  of 
Rome ;  the  Emperor  was  petitioned  to  prevent  the  ordinances  for 
restitution  by  the  imperial  exchequer  and  the  highest  court  of 
judicature ;  and  it  was  determined  to  send  a  written  justification 
of  their  positions  to  the  other  Christian  kings.39  At  a  new  assem- 
blage, March  29,  1531,  the  Smalcald  League  for  six  years  was 
formed  for  mutual  defense.40  The  League  was  still  further 
strengthened  by  an  alliance  at  Saalfeld,  Oct.  24,  1531,  with  the 
dukes  of  Bavaria,  in  opposition  to  the  election  of  Ferdinand  as 
King  of  Rome  ;41  and  also  in  union  with  Bavaria,  at  the  cloister 
Scheyern,  May  26,  1532,  by  forming  another  treaty  with  France43 
and  with  Denmark.43 

Under  these  circumstances  the  Emperor  did  not  dare  to  carry 
into  execution  the  threats  of  the  final  decree  of  Augsburg.  The 
necessity  of  rest  and  peace  became,  however,  still  more  imperative 
in  consequence  of  the  irruption  of  Soliman,  in  the  spring  of  1532, 
into  Hungary  and  Austria  with  an  immense  armament.44  The 
electors  of  Mayence  and  of  the  Palatinate  undertook  to  mediate ; 
negotiations  were  set  on  foot  at  Schweinfurt,  and  afterward  at 
Nuremberg.45  The  confederates  of  the  Smalcald  League  at  length 
assented  to  Luther's  proposal  to  restrict  the  peace  to  those  who  at 

their  subjects.  Compare  Luther's  Letters  to  Wencesl.  Link,  15th  Jan.,  1531,  in  de  Wette, 
iv.  212,  and  to  Laz.  Spengler,  15th  Febr.,  1531,  ibid.,  s.  221. 

39  Abschied  des  ersten  Convents  zu  Schmalcalden  v.  31  Dec.  1530  in  Hortleder  v.  d. 
Ursachen  des  Deutschen  Kreigs,  Th.  1,  Buch  8,  cap.  7.  Walch,  xvi.  2143.  Protestation 
gegen  die  Wahl  Ferdinands  v.  21  Dec.  in  Sleidanus,  lib.  vii.,  ed.  Am  Ende,  p.  442.  In 
spite  of  this,  Ferdinand  was  chosen  by  the  Catholic  electoral  princes  in  Cologne,  and 
crowned  in  Aix-la-Chapelle,  Jan.,  1531,  in  plain  violation  of  the  Golden  Bull,  and 
of  the  imperial  capitulation  about  elections ;  see  Rommel's  Philipp  d.  Grossmiithige, 
i.  280. 

40  Documents  in  Hortleder,  i.  8,  8.  Walch,  xvi.  2170.  The  first  confederates  were 
the  Elector  John,  the  Dukes  Philip,  Ernst,  and  Franz,  of  Brunswick-Liineburg,  Land- 
grave Philip  of  Hesse,  Prince  Wolfgang  of  Anhalt,  Counts  Gebhardt  and  Albrcclit,  of 
Mansfeld,  and  the  cities  of  Strasburg,  Ulm,  Constance,  Reutlingen,  Memmingen,  Lindau, 
Biberach,  Issni,  Liibeck,  Magdeburg,  and  Bremen.     Rommel,  i.  29G;  ii.  269. 

41  Stumpf's  Baierns  polit.  Geschichte,  i.  59.  Urkundenbuch  zu  derselben,  i.  1G,  v. 
Bucholtz's  Gesch.  der  Regierung  Ferdinands  I.,  Bd.  iv.  (Wien,  1833),  s.  151. 

42  Memoires  et  Negociations  de  Guill.  du  Bellay  (translates  en  Franqais  par  l'abbe 
CI.  Fr.  Lambert.  Paris,  1753,  7  voll.  in  12),  liv.  iv.  Stunipf,  i.  93.  Urkundenbuch,  i. 
28.     Rommel,  i.  288;  ii.  259. 

43  Rommel,  i.  286 ;  ii.  257.     Stumpf,  i.  92,  97. 

44  Rauiner's  Gesch.  Europa's  seit  dem  Ende  des  funfzehnten  Jahrh.  i.  433. 
**  Walch,  xvi.  2183.     Rommel,  i.  299 ;  ii.  272. 


154  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

that  time  confessed  the  principles  of  the  Reformation  ;46  and  thus 
the  Religious  Peace  of  Nuremberg  was  brought  about,  July  23, 
1532.  This  provided  that  religious  matters  should  remain  in  the 
same  state  in  which  they  then  were,  until  they  could  be  settled 
by  a  council  or  a  new  diet.47  It  is  true  that  only  an  imperfect 
state  of  peace  was  thus  attained ;  yet  a  period  of  quiet  develop- 

46  Luther's  Judgment  on  the  question,  whether  it  should  be  insisted  upon  that  those 
should  also  be  included  in  the  peace  who  should  in  future  confess  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession ;  in  de  Wette,  iv.  369,  372,  380.  His  letter  of  June  29  to  the  Elector,  s.  382 ;  to 
the  electoral  prince,  s.  384.  He  remarks,  in  opposition,  s.  372:  "Wir  willigen  hiemit 
nicht,  dass  den  Andern  das  Evangelium  soil  verboten  oder  gewehret  werden,  sondern 
suchen  einen  zeitlichen  Frieden  fur  uns,  sollen  u.  konnen  auch  mit  Recht  nicht  andere 
Oberkeit  zwingen,  dass  sie  die  Ihren  sichern  sollten  misers  Gefallens. — Wenn  wir  nu 
mit  freundlichem  Suchen  u.  Vermahnen  nicht  konnen  erhalten,  dass  der  Kaiser  die 
Seinen  sichern  soil,  so  konnen  wir  nicht  mehr  thun,  u.  sind  entschuldigt.— Zum  vierten, 
so  ist  ja  ein  jeder  Christ  schuldig,  das  Evangelium  auf  eigen  Fahr  zu  glauben  u.  zu  be- 
kennen. — Zum  funften,  quod  tibi  non  vis  fieri,  alteri  ne  feceris :— Nu  wollte  keine  Ober- 
keit dieses  Theils,  dass  andere  Nebenfursten  sie  zwingen  sollten,  mit  ihren  Untertha- 
nen  zu  machen  was  sie  wollten."  To  the  elector,  s.  382:  "  Furwahr,  wo  Kaiserl.  Maj. 
solche  Artikel  bewilligct,  wie  wir  sie  itzt — verandert ;  so  hat  seine  Kaiserl.  Maj.  gnug 
gethan,  u.  wird  hinfiirder  beyde  Schuld  u.  Unglimpf  unser  seyn.  Denn  Gott  grusset 
uns  gnadiglich ;  danken  wir  ihm  nicht,  so  werden  wir  uns  hochlich  versiindigen,  dazu 
auch  kein  Gluck  haben.  Demnach  bitte  ich  E.  K.  F.  G.  allerunterthanigst,  E.  K.  F.  G. 
wollten  mit  Ernst  einen  guten,  harten  Brief  hinaus  den  Unsern  schreiben,  u.  treulich 
vermahnen,  sie  wollten  doch  auch  ansehen,  wie  viel  u.  gniidig  die  Kais.  Maj.  uns  nach- 
gibt,  u.  s.  w." 

47  In  Hortleder,  i.  1,  10.  Walch,  xvi.  2210.  In  this  are  omitted  the  previous  demands 
of  the  Catholic  party  (s.  2185),  that  beyond  the  Augsburg  Confession  there  should  be  no 
further  innovations,  and  that  the  Protestants  should  not  stand  by  the  Zwinglians  and 
Anabaptists.  The  Protestant  demand,  that  the  peace  should  also  extend  to  their  future 
allies  in  the  faith,  was,  in  fact,  completely  set  aside  by  the  explicit  enumeration  of  the 
estates  comprised  in  this  peace.  Besides  the  general  statements  about  the  peace,  and 
the  obligation  of  the  Protestants  to  aid  against  the  Turks,  the  following  article  is  the 
only  one  of  importance :  "Dazu  hat  die  Rom.  Kais.  Maj.  zu  mehrer  u.  bestiindiger  Er- 
haltung  solches  obgemeldten  gemeinen  Friedens  gnadiglich  bewilliget  u.  zugesagt,  dass 
Ihre  Maj.  alle  Rechtfertigungen  in  Sachen  den  Glauben  belangend,  so  durch  Hire  Maj. 
Fiscal,  u.  andere  wider  den  Churfiirsten  zu  Sachsen  u.  ihre  Zugewandten  angefangen 
worden,  oder  noch  angefangen  werden  mochten,  einstellen  wolle  bis  zu  nachstktinfti- 
gem  Concilio,  oder  so  das  Concilium  nicht  gehalten,  durch  die  Stiinde  in  andere  Wege 
darein  gesehen  werden."  Against  Rommel,  i.  311,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  this  assurance 
is  also  adopted,  word  for  word,  in  the  imperial  confirmation  of  the  peace,  Aug.  2  (Walch, 
xvi.  2238) ;  it  did  not  belong  in  the  mandate  of  Aug.  3,  since  this  only  prescribes  to  tbe 
estates  what  they  are  required  to  do  in  consequence  of  the  peace.  The  Landgrave  Philip 
would  not,  for  a  long  time,  recede  from  the  demand  to  include  the  future  confessors  of 
the  Reformation  (Rommel,  i.  305 ;  ii.  274 ;  iii.  45  f. ;  and  the  Judgment  of  the  Hessian 
divines,  in  Neudecker's  Urkunden,  s.  199),  and  found  also  other  objections  to  the  treaty. 
Thus  he  justly  thought  that  the  assurance,  as  given  above,  was  too  indefinitely  express- 
ed, and  would  have  preferred  to  have  said,  "  dass  in  Sachen,  den  Glauben  und  Religion, 
u.'was  daraus  fleusst,  u.  dem  anhangt,  belangend,  mit  alien  gerichtlichen  Processen, 
Execution,  u.  Handlungen,  so  von  dem  Kaiserlichen  Fiscal  oder  auf  jemands  Anhalten 
furgenommen  seyn  oder  werden  mochten,  stillgestanden  werden  musse"  (Schmidt's  Ge- 
sch.  d.  Deutschen,  xii.  51).  Consequently  he  did  not  at  once  accept  the  peace,  but  sub- 
mitted to  it  Aug.  13  (Rommel,  i.  311 ;  ii.  276). 


CHAP:  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  G.  152G.  155 

ment  was  again  insured  to  the  Reformation.  The  enhancement 
of  the  moral  power  of  the  Smalcald  confederates  was  also  a  no  less 
valuable  result  of  this  peace ;  for  the  concessions  thus  made  to 
them,  after  such  definite  threats,  would  necessarily  heighten  their 
own  self-reliance  and  the  respect  felt  for  them  by  others.48  Im- 
mediately after  the  conclusion  of  this  peace  occurred  the  death  of 
the  Elector  John  the  Steadfast,  Aug.  16, 1532;  he  was  succeeded 
by  his  son,  John  Frederick. 

§  6. 

THE  SWISS  REFORMATION  TO  THE  SECOND  PEACE,  IN  NOVEMBER,  1531. 

Job.  von  Miiller  and  Robert  Glutz  Blotzheim's  Geschichten  Schweizerischer  Eidgenos- 
senschaft,  continued  by  J.  J.  Hottinger,  Bd.  vii.  Zurich,  1829.  [Other  works  ;  see 
above,  p.  11,  12.] 

"When  Zurich  came  to  a  decisive  separation  from  the  Roman 
Church  almost  all  the  other  confederates  seemed  ready  to  unite 
in  forcing  it  to  recede  from  its  innovations;  but  the  views  and 
aims  of  the  several  cantons  were  so  different  that  they  could  not 
work  together  with  earnestness.  The  decrees  of  the  Diet  of  Lu- 
cerne, Jan.  28,  1525,1  were  intended  to  remedy  the  universally- 
acknowledged  defects  in  church  government  and  discipline,  and 

49  This  peace  has  been  frequently  blamed  without  sufficiently  considering  that  the 
previous  condition  of  the  Smalcald  leaguers  was  very  oppressive,  as,  in  their  uncertain- 
ty about  the  future,  they  must  always  be  prepared  for  war ;  and  then,  too,  there  were 
so  many  who  took  part  in  it  that  unbroken  union  was  not  to  be  expected  (Luther  to  the 
electoral  prince,  Febr.  12,  in  de  Wette,  iv.  338  :  "  Zudem  sehen  auch  jetzt  E.  F.  G.,  wie 
feste  u.  gewiss  die  Stiidte  u.  Verbundniss  halten,  dass  es  nichts  auders  ist,  denn  prach- 
tige  Gedanken  u.  kostliehe  Anschliige,  welche  fast  trostlich  scheinen,  weil  keine  Noth 
vorhanden  ist;  aber  wenn  es  zum  Treffen  komt,  so  wird  es  alles  zu  Wasser,  und  ist  nie- 
mand  daheimen ;  so  sindt  sich  denn  kein  Burger  noch  Stadt,  die  um  eines  Fiirsten  wil- 
len  sein  Leib  u.  Gut  wagen  will") ;  and,  besides,  the  Emperor  could  not  concede  any 
thing  more  without  alienating  his  truest  adherents.  King  Ferdinand  said  he  would  not 
rest  until  the  Lutheran  sect  was  abolished,  "  even  if  he  were  to  go  a  begging"  (Secken- 
dorf,  iii.  27)  ;  and  he  gave  a  report  as  early  as  March,  with  tears,  to  the  papal  legates, 
about  the  secret  negotiations  for  peace  that  were  going  on  (Pallavicini,  Hist.  Cone.  Tri- 
dent, iii.  9,  5).  The  Elector  Joachim  of  Brandenburg  said  he  would  "rather  lose  land 
and  people,  die  and  rot,"  than  consent  to  peace  with  the  evangelicals  (Seckendorf,  ubi 
supra).  The  papal  embassadors,  as  soon  as  they  heard  of  the  negotiations  for  peace, 
insisted  (Pallavicini,  1.  c.  §  G) :  haereticis  inducias  quovis  modo  laxari,  idem  esse  ac 
opportunitatem  iis  largiri  suae  potentiae  confirmandae,  qua  magis  insuperabiles  redde- 
rentur.  Even  France  and  Bavaria  represented  to  the  Pope  that  such  a  peace  would  be 
disgraceful  (Pallavicini,  1.  c.  §  7),  which  is  also  a  proof  of  what  the  Protestants  might 
expect  from  these  allies  as  soon  as  the  political  circumstances  changed. 

1  See  these  in  Bullinger,  i.  213;  extracts  in  Muller-IIottinger,  vii.  159. 


156  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

thus  to  satisfy  the  longing  for  a  reformation  without  rending  the 
Church.  But  they  did  not  go  into  effect;  to  some  they  seemed 
too  insignificant,  to  others  too  presumptuous ;  thus  the  discussions 
about  them  only  served  to  bring  out  in  bold  relief  the  internal  di- 
vision between  the  zealous  Catholic  cantons  and  those  that  were 
wavering.2  In  proportion  as  the  former  held  fast  to  the  old  order 
of  things,  avowed  their  hatred  of  Zurich,  and  endeavored,  in  their 
domain,  to  extirpate  with  fire  and  sword  all  the  seeds  of  the  Ref- 
ormation ;  in  the  same  degree  were  the  latter  repelled  by  them, 
and  made  more  inclined  to  the  side  of  the  Reformation,  for  they 
felt  deeply  the  necessity  of  ecclesiastical  reforms,  while  at  the 
same  time  they  were  unwilling  to  have  domestic  peace  disturbed 
by  them.3  The  Catholic  cantons  now  acceded  to  the  proposal  of 
Dr.  Eck  to  demolish  the  innovations  by  a  disputation,4  and,  after 
long  conferences,  brought  this  about  at  Baden,  May  19,  1526.5 
Zwingle  himself  could  not  appear  there  without  endangering  his 
life  f  in  his  stead  Oecolampadius  took  the  lead  of  the  Reformed 

■  Bullinger,  i.  223.  Salat  (in  Miiller-Hottiuger,  vii.  161):  "Also  zerfielend  die  Ort 
der  Artiklen  halb,  •machtend  viel  besondres;  wenn  dass  die  Ziiricher  merktend,  wurden 
sie  stolz  mid  handfest  in  ihrem  Furnemmen,"  etc. 

3  Bern  endeavored,  by  an  embassy,  Nov.  29,  1525,  to  induce  Zurich  to  restore  the 
mass  for  the  sake  of  peace  (see  Bullinger,  i.  298) :  "  So  fern  man  denn  die  Mess  wieder- 
um  anniihme,  werde  man  uf  die  Bilder  u.  andere  Ceremonien  wenig  setzen.  Oder  dass 
Zurich  joch  um  so  viel  wiche,  dass  sie  cin  Mess  des  Tags  in  ihr  Stadt  halten  lassend." 
Zurich  lehnte  den  Antrag  ab,  see  ibid.  But  now  that  the  strict  Catholic  cantons  pressed, 
in  Berne,  for  the  exclusion  of  Zurich  from  the  sessions,  Berne  published  a  public  decla- 
ration, Jan.  31,  1536  (Fiissli,  ii.  302),  that,  though  its  mediation  had  been  fruitless,  it 
would  not  separate  either  from  Zurich  or  the  other  confederates,  but  would  truly  hold 
to  the  league  it  had  sworn  to  keep.  Claudius  May,  in  Berne,  wrote,  Dec.  19,  1525,  to 
Zwingle  (Zwinglii  Opp.,  vii.  1,  451)  :  Auspicia  bona.  Certum  habeo,  Vestros  dominos, 
qui  hie  fuerunt,  nostros  ingenuos  socios  esse,  et  candide  quoque  dimissos,  id  quod  Vobis 
referent.  Viderunt  voluntatem,  qua  in  civitatem  honestam  Tigurinam  affecti  sumus  cum 
spe,  amicitiam  inter  nos  in  dies  aucturn  iri.  Vestri  legati  facile  cognitum  habent,  qua 
mente  major  pars  apud  nos  adhuc  sit. 

*  Eck  had  already  offered  to  do  this  in  a  letter  to  the  diet,  Aug.  13,  1524,  which  Zwin- 
gle at  once  published  with  a  reply ;  see  Zwingli's  Werke,  ii.  ii.  399,  where  the  further 
correspondence  is  also  given.     Cf.  Bullinger,  i.  331. 

5  The  invitation  came,  March  23,  from  a  diet  in  Lucerne  ;  Bullinger,  i.  337 ;  Muller- 
Hottinger,  vii.  80 ;  the  letter  of  invitation  to  the  Bishop  of  Constance,  see  in  Kapp's 
Nachlcse,  iii.  352. 

0  His  brother-in-law,  Leonhard  Tremp,  member  of  the  great  council,  warned  him,  at 
the  end  of  March  (Zwinglii  Opp.,  vii.  483):  "Hiitet  euch  bey  Leib  u.  Leben,  dass  ihr 
nicht  gen  Baden  kommet !  denn  es  wiirde  an  euch  kein  Gleit  nicht  gehalten.  Und 
das  weiss  ich  ;  darum  so  hiitet  Euch !  der  Murner,  der  Bakersbub,  ist  zu  Luzern  offent- 
lich  an  die  Kanzel  gestanden,  u.  hat  mit  lauter  Stimm  u.  aufgehabtem  Arm  geredet : 
Zwingli,  ich  sag  dir  ab  an  Leib  u.  an  Gut ;  U.  will  dich  unterrichten,  dass  du  ein  Ver- 
fiihrer  des  armen  Christenvolks  bist,  etc."  Zwingle,  on  this  account,  refused  the  in- 
vitation ;  see  Ein  frundliche  Geschrift  an  gmein  Eidgenossen,  21st  April  (Zwingli's 


CHAP.  I— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  G.  1526.  157 

theologians.  In  this  Catholic  region  it  seemed  as  though  the  nu- 
merous  Catholic  party,  appearing  with  great  pomp,  would  dazzle 
the  eyes  and  intimidate  the  heart  by  its  confident  bearing;  but 
the  quiet  and  firm  rejoinder  of  Oecolampadius  made  a  deep  impres- 
sion upon  the  wavering,7  and  the  result  of  the  disputation,  though 
the  Catholics  boasted  of  victory,  was  decidedly  favorable  to  the 
Reformation.  The  Grrisons  had  not  taken  any  part  in  the  discus- 
sion ;  nor  did  it  prevent  them,  in  the  summer  of  1526,  from  grant- 
ing entire  religious  freedom.8  This  favorable  issue  was  most  ap- 
parent in  Berne.  After  the  Reformed  party,  in  the  election  of  the 
council,  23d  April,  1527,  had  got  the  preponderance  in  the  govern- 
ment,9 the  popular  favor  toward  the  Reformation  was  expressed 
without  restraint.  The  council  appointed  a  new  disputation  at 
Berne,  for  Jan.  6,  1528,  which  was  numerously  attended,10  and 

Werke,  ii.  ii.  42-t)  :  the  seven  hostile  places  did  indeed  send  to  him  a  safe-conduct  to 
Zurich  (see  ibid.,  s.  409);  Zwingle,  in  reply,  again  recounted  the  reasons  why  he  could 
not  come  to  Baden,  but  declared  himself  very  ready  to  dispute  in  a  safe  place  (ibid., 
s.  462). 

7  Protocols  were  written  out  by  five  Catholic  scribes,  which  were  afterward  for  a  long 
time  kept  back  by  the  Catholic  party.  The  first  report  appeared  from  the  Reformed 
side,  from  minutes  made  at  home  after  each  session  by  Thos.  von  HofFen,  city  clerk  of 
Bern:  "  Wahrhaftige  Handlung  der  Disputation  in  Obern  Baden"  (Strasburg,  1526); 
this  was  attacked  by  the  Catholic  party  as  false  (see  Hottinger's  Helvet.  Kirchengesch., 
iii.  328).  Thomas  Hiibner  next  published  the  protocol  made  by  Hans  Huber,  clerk  at 
Lucerne,  after  comparison  with  the  other  four:  "Die  Disputacion  vor  den  XII.  Orten 
einer  lobl.  Eidgenossenschaft — von  wegen  der  Einigkeit  in  christl.  Glauben — besche- 
hen, — und  zu  Baden — gehalten.  Luzern,  1527.  4."  (Comp.  Veesenmej'er's  Beytriige 
zur  Gesch.  der  Literatur  u.  Reformation.  Ulm,  1792,  s.  68.)  The  four  other  protocols 
are  now  in  Zurich ;  a  comparison  of  them  proves  that  this  edition  is  correct  (Miiller- 
Hottinger,  vii.  84).  Murner  also  published  a  Latin  edition:  Causa  Helvetica  ortho- 
doxae  tidei.  Disputatio  Helvetiorum  in  Baden  superiori,  etc.  Lucernae,  1528.  4.  (See 
Altdorlisches  Literar.  Museum,  i.  542.)  On  the  disputation,  see  Bullinger,  i.  348 ;  Le- 
bensgesch.  Oecolampads  von  S.  Hess,  s.  181;  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  83.  Two  satirical 
poems  on  this  conference  against  Eck  and  Faber,  one  bj'  Manuel ;  see  in  Niclaus  Man- 
uel von  Griineisen,  s.  408,  comp.  s.  216 ;  Bullinger,  i.  357. 

8  Conference  at  Ilantz,  Jan.  1526.  Bullinger,  i.  315.  The  acts  drawn' up  by  Seb. 
Ilofmeister,  in  Fussli,  i.  337 ;  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  148.  In  summer  religious  freedom 
was  decreed  ;  the  decrees  in  P.  D.  R.  de  Porta  Hist.  Reformationis  Ecclesiarum  Rhaeti- 
carum  (Tomi  ii. ;  Curiae  Raetorum  et  Lindaviae,  1772-75.  4.),  i.  i.  146. 

9  Cf.  §  2,  Note  99.  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  102.  Bertold  Haller  oder  die  Reformation 
von  Bern,  by  Melch.  Kirchhofer,  Zurich,  1828,  s.  88.  The  previous  council,  on  Whit- 
suntide Monday,  1526,  had  promised  the  seven  cantons  (see  in  Muller-Hottinger,  vii. 
456 ;  comp.  Bullinger,  i.  361)  to  remain  by  the  old  faith,  and  to  abolish  the  article,  "  ein 
jeden  im  Glauben  zu  lassen,  so  ihn  gut  dunkt."  The  preaching  of  the  Gospel  was  at 
once  made  free  (Mandat  in  Bullinger,  i.  390). 

10  Handlung  oder  Acta  gehaltener  Disputation  zu  Bern  im  Uechtland.  Zurich,  Apr., 
1528,  in  8.  and  4.  Reprinted  in  Strasburg,  1528.  4. ;  Bern,  1608.  4.  Extracts  from  these 
acts  in  Zwingle's  Works  by  Schuler  u.  Schulthess,  ii.  i.  70.  A  short  account  is  given  by 
one  who  was  present — Martin  Bucer  praef.  Commentarii  in  Joannem  (reprinted  in  Scut 


!58  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

issued  iii  such  a  decisive  victory  for  the  Reformation  that  it  was 
at  once  introduced  by  the  authorities.11  This  change  on  the  part 
of  the  powerful  Berne  decided  the  cantons  that  had  until  now  been 
wavering.  The  revolution  which  followed  was  more  violent  in 
proportion  to  the  unwilling  delay  which  had  been  imposed  upon 
the  majority  inclined  to  the  Reformation  by  the  political  relations 
of  the  government.  St.  Gall  signalized  its  change  by  banishing 
the  obstinate  opponents  of  the  Reformation,  and  by  its  severe  treat- 
ment of  the  steadfast  Catholic  nuns.12  In  Basle  the  struggle  was 
renewed,  on  the  part  of  the  Reformers,  with  great  zeal  ;13  until  at 

teti  Annales  Evang.  renovati  ann.  1528).  That  the  Catholics  themselves  acknowledged 
their  defeat  is  shown  by  a  letter  of  Jacobus  Monasteriensis,  a  priest  of  Solothurn,  to 
Sigismund  de  Trudone,  canon  in  Mayence,  dated  Jan.  29  (Scultetus  1.  c.) :  Effecerant 
quldem  fidi  nobis  servatores  Bernae,  et  ii  certe,  apud  quos  hactenus  summa  rerum  fuit, 
ut  et  Episcopi,  quibus  est  Ecclesiae  in  illorura  ditione  jurisdictio,  additis  etiam  minis, 
ad  suam  disputationem  vocarentur,  sed  nulla  alia  spe,  quam  ut  eruditos  illi  adducerent, 
qui  haereticos  confutarent.  Sed  quid  ?  nemo  illorum  vel  ipse  venit,  vel  eruditos  misit. 
— Venit  post  aliquot  dies  Augustinianus  quidem  frater,  Provincialem  salutabant,  ac 
Traegerinum  dice  bant,  sed  loquentiae  aliquid,  eruditionis  ac  eloquentiae  nihil  in  eo  de- 
prehensum  est.  Ubi  enim  scripturae  exigebantur,  maluit  abire,  quam  disputare. — Cla- 
mosior  alius,  sed  nequaquam  doctior  Dominicaster  per  dies  aliquot  strepuit  ex  scriptu- 
ris,  sed  quam  feliciter,  hinc  conjice.  Probaturus  Pontincem  quoque  esse  caput  Eccle- 
siae, adduxit  id  a  Petro  eum  accepisse,  qui  ideo  fuisset  a  Domino  vocatus  Cephas,  caput : 
sic  enim  se  legisse  ajebat  in  Vocabulariis.  Vide,  quales  habeamus  propugnatores :  et 
adhuc  miramur,  vulgo  nos  contemni,  et  passim  multos  a  nobis  deficere  ? — Sed  Praela- 
torum  ct  Capituli  Bernensium  audi  constantiam.  Cum,  uno  aut  altero  excepto,  nemo 
corum  non  agnosceret  blasphemos  illos  haereticorum  articulos,  omnibus  tamen  subscrip- 
serunt  singuli,  idque  in  capitulo  congregati :  tantum  quod  indoctae  bestiae  nihil  possent 
haereticis  objicere.  Si  cordati  fuissent,  vel  mediocri  dexteritate  praediti,  ita  valebat 
adhuc  factio  nostra  Bernae,  si  nihil  aliud,  ut  in  annum  usque  potuissent  disputationem 
extrahere.  Sed  sic  decet  nos  poenas  dare  contemptarum  literarum,  et  neglectus  studio- 
rum.  Horum  vero  insanum  consilium  sequuti  sunt  in  ditione  Bernatium  monachi  et 
sacrilici. 0  tempora,  o  mores,  o  nostram  socordiam !  Quam  facile  potuisset  hoc  ma- 
lum caveri,  si  studiosorum  quam  scortorum  nostri  Episcopi  amantiores  essent ! — Quid 
nunc  faciant  alii?  Senatum  quoque  Basiliensem  scis  metu  plebis  suae,  quam  incantat 
Oecolampadius  non  tam  eruditione  quam  hypocrisi  sua,  nihil  posse.  Idem  paulo  post 
usu  veniet  et  aliis.  Unum  equidem  timeo,  paulo  post  Helvetios  aeque  Pontificis  excus- 
suros  jugum,  atque  excusserunt  jam  pridem  Caesaris.  Et  utinam  Constantia  et  aliquot 
urbcs  Imperii  non  sequantur  exemplum !— Comp.  Bullinger,  i.  395  ;  Muller-Hottinger, 
vii.  105 ;  Bertold  Haller  v.  Kirchhofer,  s.  99. 

11  Bullinger,  i.  437.  As  early  as  Febr.  7  appeared  in  print,  "  Gemein  Reformation 
u.  Verbesserung  der  bisher  gebrouchten  u.  verwandten  Gotsdiensten  u.  Ceremonien,  die 
nabent  dem  Wort  Gottes  durch  menschlich  Gutdunken  nach  u.  nach  ingepflanzet,  u. 
durch  des  Bapstthums  Huffen  trozlich  gehandhabet,  aber  dieser  Zyt  uss  Gnaden  Gottes 
u.  Bericht  syns  heil.  Worts  durch  Schultheiss,  klein  u.  gross  Rath  der  Stadt  Bern  im 
Uechtland  usgerutet  sind,"  in  Bullinger,  i.  440  ;  Miiller-Hottinger,  vii.  116;  Kirchhofer, 
s.  125. 

12  Cf.  §  2,  Note  112,  v.  Arx  Gesch.  v.  St.  Gallen,  ii.  529;  Hartmann's  Gesch.  v.  St. 
Gallen,  s.  308 ;  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  119. 

13  Cf.  §  2,  Note  110;  Bullinger,  ii.  35;  Och's  Geschichte  von  Basel,  v.  607;  Muller- 
Hottinger,  vii.  122. 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  EEFORMATION.    §  6.  1529.  159 

length,  Feb.  9, 1529,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  they  compelled  the 
Catholic  members  of  the  government  to  resign,  and  commenced 
the  general  introduction  of  the  Reformation  by  the  destruction  of 
images  and  pictures.14  Divine  worship  was  at  once  established 
in  the  new  order  ;15  the  theological  faculty  was  filled  with  new 
teachers ;  and  the  cloisters  were  abolished.  In  Oflarus  the  numer- 
ous adherents  of  the  Reformation  began  with  violent  measures 
immediately  after  the  conference  at  Berne ;  these  were  opposed 
by  equal  violence  from  the  other  side ;  civil  war  was  imminent ; 
but  by  a  treaty  (April  25,  1529),  as  previously  in  Appenzell,  it 
was  left  free  to  every  parish  to  decide  for  or  against  the  Reforma- 
tion.16 

Now  that  the  imbittered  Catholic  cantons  renounced  the  league 
with  their  evangelical  confederates,17  the  latter  were  forced  to  plan 
the  means  of  defense.  For  this  purpose  Zurich  and  Constance 
made  an  alliance,  25th  Dec,  1527,  under  the  name  Burgher 
Rights  ;18  Berne  and  St.  Gall  joined  it  in  1528 ;  and  in  1529, 
Biel,  Muhlhausen,  and  Basle.19  The  most  zealous  of  the  Catholic 
cantons,  Lucerne,  Zug,  Schwyz,  Uri,  and  Unterwalden,  aroused  a 
revolt  of  the  Bernese  upper  lands  against  the  Reformation;  and 
Unterwalden  even  aided  it.20  As  this  attempt  was  fruitless,  the 
revolt  being  at  once  suppressed,  those  five  cantons  entered  into 
negotiations  with  Austria,  till  now  regarded  as  a  hereditary  foe, 
and  concluded  with  King  Ferdinand  a  league,  April,  1529,  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  old  faith.21 

The  common  lordships,  that  is,  those  belonging  to  several  can- 
tons, furnished  uninterrupted  occasions  for  dispute  ;  for  in  these, 
both  of  the  religious  parties,  each  supported  by  the  cantons  of  its 

14  On  these  occurrences,  see  Oecolampadii  Ep.  ad  Capitonem,  dd.  13.  Febr.,  in  Hot- 
tinger  Hist.  Eccl.,  ix.  12. 

15  "Ordnung,  so  eine  ehrsame  Stadt  Basel  den  lten  Tag  Aprilis  in  ihrer  Stadt  u. 
Landschaft  furhin  zu  halteu  erkannt.  Darin  wie  die  verworfene  Misbrauche  mit  wah- 
ren  Gottesdienst  ersetzet,  audi  wie  die  Laster  zu  christlicher  Tapfcrkeit  untraglich,  Gott 
zu  Lob  abgestellet  u.  gestraft  werden  sollen,  begriffen  ist,  als  man  zahlt  1529.  4. ;"  in 
Bullinger,  ii.  82. 

16  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  138. 

17  Already  at  the  Diet  of  Lucerne,  18th  July,  1526;  see  Bullinger,  i.  362;  Miiller- 
Hottinger,  vii.  165. 

19  Bullinger,  i.  418.    Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  222;  the  document,  s.  463. 

19  Bullinger,  ii.  8,  26,  46,  63.     Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  223  ff. 

20  Bullinger,  ii.  21.  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  180.  Niclaus  Manuel  von  Griineisen. 
Stuttg.  u.  Tubingen,  1837,  s.  Ill,  118  ff. 

21  Bullinger,  ii.  48.     Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  225,  die  Urkunde  s.,  s.  469. 


160  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

own  faith,  were  often  in  violent  contest.22  This  state  of  things 
was  worse  than  open  war.  To  put  an  end  to  it,  Zurich,  inspired 
by  the  fiery  Zwingle,23  declared  war  against  the  five  cantons  by 
which  it  had  been  so  often  injured ;  the  occasion  being  the  send- 
ing of  an  armed  force  by  Unterwalden  into  the  free  localities.2* 
The  armies  were  already  face  to  face  when  a  peace  was  made  by 
the  mediation  of  the  other  cantons,  which  did  not,  indeed,  corre- 
spond with  the  wishes  of  Zwingle,25  though  it  was  very  favorable 
for  Zurich.26  In  consequence  of  it  the  Reformed  party  obtained 
the  preponderance,  and  Schafhausen  came  decidedly  upon  the 
side  of  the  Reformation,  and  joined  the  Christian  Burgher  Rights' 
league,  Oct.  25,  1529.27 

Zurich  tried  to  turn  this  state  of  things  to  advantage  by  estab- 
lishing the  Reformation,  yet  not  without  arbitrary  measures,  in 
permanent  security.  In  the  common  lordships,  where  the  ma- 
jority favored  the  Reform,  it  was  now  fully  introduced  by  Zii- 

22  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  199. 

23  Zwinglius  ad  Amicos  Bernenses,  dd.  30.  Maj.  (Muller-IIottinger,  vii.  244,  in  Zwin- 
glii  Vita,  auct.  Myconio,  in  the  Archiv  f.  Kirchengesch.  i.  ii.  24) :  Quod  hactenus  ad 
vos  scripsi,  iterum  atque  iterum  facio,  ut  constantes  sitis,  neque  bellum  metuatis.  Nam 
ista  pax,  quam  quidam  tantopere  urgent,  bellum  est,  non  pax ;  et  bellum,  cui  nos  insta- 
lling, pax  est,  non  bellum.  Non  enim  sitimus  cujusquam  sanguinem,  neque  etiam  per 
tumultum  hauriemus,  sed  in  hoc  sumus,  ut  oligarchiae  nervi  succidantur.  Id  nisi  fiat, 
neque  Evangelii  Veritas,  neque  illius  ministri  apud  nos  in  tuto  erunt.  Nihil  crudele 
cogitamus  :  sed  quicquid  agimus,  amicum  et  paternum  est.  Salvare  cupimus  quosdam, 
qui  per  ignorantiam  pereunt,  servare  libertatem  satagimus.  Vos  igitur  nolite  tantopere 
abhorrere  a  consiliis  nostris.  Mitiora  sunt  et  aequiora,  quam  quidam  apud  vos  dictitant. 
Zwingle  had  previousl}'  drawn  up  a  plan  for  a  campaign ;  given  in  Escher's  u.  Hottin- 
ger's  Archiv  f.  schweizerische  Gesch.  u.  Literatur,  Bd.  ii.  Heft  2  (Zurich,  1830),  s.  2G3. 
He  himself  accompanied  it  armed  ;  see  Bernh.  Weiss,  Beschreibung  der  Glaubensiinde- 
rung,  in  Fussli's  Beytrage,  iv.  102:  "Mr.  Conrad  Schmidt  war  bestellt  zu  predigen  im 
Feld,  dann  man  wollte  Mr.  Ulrich  Zwinglin  nicht  in  den  Krieg  lassen : — aber  er  wollt 
nicht  bleiben,  sondern  sass  auf  ein  Ross,  und  fiihrte  eiue  hiibsche  Helparten  auf  den 
Achslen." 

24  Bullinger,  ii.  155.     Muller-IIottinger,  vii.  247. 

25  See  Zwingle's  Gutachten  an  die  Ziiricher  Regierung  fiber  dasjenige,  was  von  den  5 
Orten  zu  fordern  sey,  11th  June,  in  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  479.  He  insisted  that  the 
five  cantons  should  allow  the  free  preaching  of  God's  Word,  renounce  the  pensions,  and 
pay  the  costs  of  the  war. 

26  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  270 ;  see  the  document  of  the  Saturday  after  John  the  Bap- 
tist's Feast,  1529,  in  Bullinger,  ii.  185,  and  in  Escher's  u.  Hottinger's  Archiv  f.  schweiz. 
Gesch.  u.  Landeskunde,  i.  i.  78.  An  additional  letter,  24th  Sept.,  in  Bullinger,  ii.  212. 
The  chief  conditions  were,  that  the  faith  should  be  free  (that  is,  each  government  to  de- 
cide about  it),  the  league  with  King  Ferdinand  be  abandoned,  mutual  calumnies  avoid- 
ed, and  the  costs  of  the  war  paid  by  the  five  cantons.  Thereupon,  in  a  general  order, 
Oct.  15  (ibid.,  s.  108),  all  calumny  and  abuse  were  forbidden,  "  with  high  and  severe 
penalty  and  disgrace." 

27  Bullinger,  ii.  222.    Muller-IIottinger,  vii.  134  ff.,  286. 


CHAP.  I.-SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  6.  1529.  161 

rich.29  The  newly-elected  Abbot  of  St.  Grail  was  not  allowed  by 
Zurich  and  Glarus  to  come  into  possession,  although  the  two  oth- 
er cantons  that  had  the  guardianship  were  in  his  favor ;  and  they 
changed  the  ecclesiastical  into  a  secular  endowment.29  Zwingle, 
to  whom  the  circumstances  of  the  times  had  now  given  the  lead 
in  Zurich  politics,  sought  to  form  alliances  abroad  against  the  peril 
that  threatened  from  the  Emperor,  who,  having  conquered  his  foes, 
now  seemed  on  the  point  of  turning  his  forces  against  the  Refor- 
mation. Though  the  Conference  of  Marburg30  could  not  effect  a 
complete  union  with  the  German  Protestants,  yet  it  was  the 
means  of  forming  a  closer  alliance  of  the  Swiss  with  the  Landgrave 
of  Hesse ;  and  it  also  resulted  in  the  attempts,  which  were,  how- 
ever, vain,  to  form  leagues  with  Venice  and  France  in  opposition 
to  the  Emperor.31  Strasburg,  repelled  by  the  German  Protest- 
ants, joined  the  Christian  Burgher  Rights'  league  in  January, 
1530.32  The  Landgrave  of  Hesse  was  also  received  into  it,33  at 
least  by  Zurich  and  Basle,  July  30  and  Nov.  16,  1530.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Catholic  cantons  sent  representatives  to  the  Diet  of 
Augsburg  ;  and  the  distinguished  reception  given  to  their  embassa- 
dors by  the  Emperor,  contrasted  with  the  hostility  which  there 
prevailed  against  the  Reformed  cantons,3*  was  the  occasion  of  all 
sorts  of  reports  about  privy  negotiations.35  Among  the  Catholics 
the  hope  of  soon  seeing  the  heresy  brought  to  an  end  was  visibly 
rising,  and  showed  itself  in  calumnies  and  abuse  of  the  Reform- 
ers.36 

Thus  the  previous  state  of  fluctuation  and  uncertainty  recurred 
again.     To  put  an  end  to  it,  Zwingle  and  Zurich  pressed  their 

28  Bullinger,  ii.  221,  240,  247.     Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  282. 
20  Bullinger,  ii.  114,  144,  244.     Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  295. 

30  See  §  4,  Note  37. 

31  In  Marburg  there  was  also  a  private  correspondence  between  the  Landgrave  and 
Zwingle,  in  which  the  names  were  given  in  cipher  (Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  282).  Let- 
ters of  Zwingle  so  written  to  the  LandgrWe  are  in  Neudecker's  Urkunden,  s.  150  ft". 
Rudolph  Collin  was  sent  to  Venice  ;  see  his  own  report  on  his  audience  before  the  Doge, 
Dec.  28,  1529,  and  Zwingle's  remarks  in  Escher's  u.  Hottinger's  Archiv  f.  schweiz. 
Gesch.  u.  Landeskunde,  i.  ii.  273 ;  MuMer-Hottinger,  vii.  308.  On  the  negotiations  with 
France,  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  311. 

32  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  314.     Documents  in  Escher's  u.  Hottinger's  Archiv,  i.  iii.  419. 

33  Bullinger,  ii.  289.  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  318.  Berne  refused  to  take  part;  see 
Niclaus  Manuel,  by  Griineisen,  s.  149. 

34  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  317. 

35  Ibid.,  s.  336. 

36  Bullinger,  ii.  336. 

VOL.  IV. 11 


162  FOUKTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

confederates  to  war,  as  the  only  means  of  bringing  matters  to  a 
settled  state.  But  the  latter  consented  only  to  half  measures ;  that 
is,  denying  to  the  five  Catholic  cantons  the  free  purchase  of  the 
necessaries  of  life.37  Forced  by  necessity,  these  cantons  seized 
their  arms,  and  made  an  attack  upon  the  territory  of  Zurich,  un- 
prepared for  the  contest.38  The  army  brought  against  them  in 
haste  was  defeated  at  Cappel,  Oct.  11,  1531 ;  and  many  distin- 
guished Zurichers,  among  them  Zwingle,  here  found  their  death. 
And  though  the  armies  of  the  allied  Reformed  cantons  now  came 
to  their  aid,  yet  they  were  not  united ;  the  forces  of  the  powerful 
Berne  had  no  zeal.  Zurich,  on  the  16th  Nov.,  and  Berne,  Nov. 
24,  1531,  were  forced  to  conclude  a  humiliating  peace.  By  this 
treaty  both  confessions  of  faith  were  indeed  recognized  and  se- 
cured, but  the  Reformed  cantons  were  obliged  to  pay  indemnities, 
to  abolish  their  league,  and  to  recosrnize  the  Abbot  of  St.  Gall.39 


§  7. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  GERMAN  REFORMATION  TO  THE  RECESS  OF  THE  DIET 
OF  RATISBON,  JULY  29,  1541. 

Although  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  Protestants,  like 
the  Catholics,  would  unconditionally  conform  to  the  decision  of  a 
council,1  yet  the  Emperor  urgently  entreated  the  Pope  to  summon 

37  Bullinger,  ii.  362,  383.    Miiller-Hottinger,  vii.  342. 

38  On  this  so-called  Cappel  War,  the  chief  sources  are  Bullinger's  Reformationsgesch., 
iii.  116,  and  Aegid.  Tschudi  kurze  Beschreibung  der  fiinf  katholischen  Orte — Kriegs 
•wider  ihre  Eidgenossen,  reprinted  in  the  Helvetia,  Bd.  ii.  (Aarau  u.  Bern,  1826),  s.  165 
u.  321.    MulleffiHottinger,  vii.  362  ff. 

33  See  the  treat}'  with  Zurich,  in  Tschudi,  in  the  Helvetia,  ii.  245  ;  Bullinger,  iii.  247, 
in  Miiller-Hottinger,  vii.  497,  comp.  s.  427 ;  the  peace  with  Berne,  in  the  Helvetia,  ii. 
325;  Bullinger,  iii.  270.  The  style  of  the  very  first  article  was  humiliating:  "Zum 
ersten  sollent  u.  wollent  wir,  die  von  Zurich,  unser  getruwe  liebe  Eidgenossen  von  den 
V.  Orten — by  ihrem  wahren,  ungezwyffleten,  christenlichen  Glauben — giinzlich  unge- 
arguirt  u.  ungedisputirt  blyben  lassen. — Hinwiederum  so  wollent  wir,  von  den  V.  Orten, 
unser  Eidgenossen  von  Zurich  u.  ihre  eigne*  Mitverwandten  bjr  ihrem  Glauben  audi 
blyben  lassen."    Almost  verbally  the  same  in  the  treaty  with  Berne. 

1  Luther  had  maintained  from  the  beginning  that  councils  could  err :  see  Responsio 
ad  Prierat.,  §  1,  Note  22;  and  his  declaration  at  Worms,  §  1,  Note  79.  The  Protestants, 
in  their  appeals  to  a  council,  had  alwaj-s  demanded  that  it  should  be  free,  and  decide 
according  to  the  Scriptures.  The  more  incontrovertible  the  truth  of  their  doctrine  ap- 
peared to  them,  the  more  might  the}'  expect  it  to  be  recognized  by  such  a  council.  It 
was  then  their  duty  to  make  use  of  this  means,  although  they  did  not  therebj-  bind 
themselves  to  submit  to  everj'  decision  of  a  council  (cf.  Luther  De  Captiv.  Babyl.,  fol. 
273,  b.  §  1,  Note  61 :  neque  Papa,  neque  Episcopus,  neque  ullus  hominum  habet  jus  uni- 
us  syllabae  constituendae  super  christianum  hominem,  nisi  id  fiat  ejusdem  consensu). 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  7.  1533.  163 

one ;  partly  because  he  would  thus  have  more  facilities  for  coerc- 
ing the  recusants ;  and  in  part  because  it  seemed  as  if,  under  pres- 
ent circumstances,  the  long-desired  reform  of  the  Church  in  head 
and  members  might  be  expected  from  a  general  council.  But 
Clement  VII.,  to  meet  the  danger  that  seemed  to  threaten  him,2 
proposed  conditions  which,  it  was  apparent,  the  Protestants  must 
reject.3  At  the  same  time  he  again  formed  a  closer  alliance  with 
the  King  of  France,  to  find  in  him  support  against  the  Emperor.4 
In  the  mean  time,  the  Smalcald  leaguers,  despite  the  peace  of 
Nuremberg,  were  disquieted  by  the  courts  in  the  matter  of  the 
confiscated  church  property.5  New  entanglements  were  immi- 
nent. But  a  bold  deed  of  the  Landgrave  Philip  broke  through 
these  difficulties,  and  heightened  in  no  slight  degree  the  power 
and  prestige  of  the  league.  For  after  he  had  for  a  long  time 
worked  without  success  in  the  cause  of  the  banished  Duke  Ulrich 

Here  belong  the  following  declarations  of  Luther,  in  an  Opinion  given  the  middle  of  Sep- 
tember, 1530  (in  Coelestinus,  iii.  78  b)  :  Concilium  est  permittendum  jure,  tanquam  me- 
dium humanum.  Hoc  necessario  tenemur  facere,  et  nisi  facimus,  peccamus  et  delin- 
quimus.  Scriptum  est,  dormientibus  hominibus  venit  inimicus,  et  superseminavit  zi- 
zania,  et  cavendum  est,  ne  dormiamus,  et  sinamus  crescere  zizania,  id  quod  insidiose 
quaeritur.  Opinion  given  April  or  May,  1532  (in  de  Wette,  iv.  374)  :  "  Vom  Concilium 
ist  muglich  etwas  zu  cavirn ;  so  ist  ohn  Zweifel  gnugsam  cavirt  durch  diese  Wort :  Ein 
frey  christlich  Concilium.  Sollen  die  Wort  nicht  helfen,  so  wird  der  Zusatz  auch  we- 
nig  helfen.  nach  dem  reinen  Gottes  Wort,  etc.  Denn  so  die  Nationes  wider  uns  conclu- 
ding werden  sie  gleichwohl  den  Rubra  haben  wollen,  dass  sie  nach  dem  reinen  Gottes 
Wort  sprechen,  etc."  , 

2  Ranke,  Fiirsten  u.  Volker  von  Slid-Europa  im  16ten  u.  17ten  Jahrh.,  ii.  114. 

3  In  June,  1533,  a  papal  and  imperial  embassador  appeared  in  this  matter  before  the 
Elector  of  Saxony.  The  Articull  handed  over  by  the  Nuncio  to  the  Elector  are  in  Ray- 
nald.,  1533,  No.  8  ;  Walch,  xvi.  2263.  The  judgment  of  Luther  and  other  divines  is  in 
de  Wette,  iv.  454.  The  answer  given  by  all  the  confederates  at  a  diet  in  Smalcald,  June 
30,  in  Walch,  xvi.  2281.  They  were  offended  by  the  papal  conditions  :  that  the  council 
should  be  held  according  to  the  usage  of  the  Church ;  "  that  those  who  might  be  in  the 
council  should  pledge  and  bind  themselves  to  hold  inviolable  and  obey  the  decrees  of 
said  council ;"  that  it  should  be  held  in  Mantua,  Bononia,  or  Placentia,  and  not  in  Ger- 
man}* ;  and  that  all  the  rest  should  stand  by  the  Pope  against  those  who  would  not  sub- 
mit to  the  council. 

4  Ranke,  ii.  118.  According  to  Sarpi  Hist,  du  Concile  de  Trente,  traduite  par  le  Cou- 
rayer,  i.  122,  the  Pope  persuaded  the  King  of  France,  in  their  conference  at  Marseilles, 
Oct.,  1533,  to  work  upon  the  Protestants  by  means  of  the  Landgrave,  so  that  the  council 
might  be  frustrated.  According  to  the  reports  of  embassadors  it  was  then  determined 
to  support  the  Landgrave  in  the  conquest  of  Wurtemberg,  so  as  to  make  disturbances  in 
Germany ;  Ranke,  ii.  121. 

5  This  was  owing  to  the  indefiniteness  of  the  terms  in  the  Nuremberg  peace,  which 
the  Landgrave  Philip  had  criticised  at  the  first  (see  §  5,  Note  47).  The  court  maintained 
that  causae  possessoriae  and  complaints  for  restitution  did  not  come  under  "  matters  con- 
cerning the  faith;"  see  J.  H.  v.  Harpprecht  Staatsarchiv  des  Kais.  u.  h.  R.  R.  Cammer- 
gerichts  (Ulm,  4  Theile,  1757-60.  4.),  P.  V.  §  136-145  ;  Appendix,  no.  4G-50. 


164  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

of  Wiirtemberg,6  he  at  last  succeeded,  May,  1534,  in  breaking  up 
the  Swabian  league  ;7  aided  by  money  from  France,8  in  May, 
1534,  he  brought  Wiirtemberg  in  a  few  weeks  in  subjection  to  its 
old  ruler.9  King  Ferdinand,  who  had  been  in  possession,  was 
obliged  by  the  treaty  of  Cadan,  June  29,  1534,  to  restore  the  land 
to  Duke  Ulrich;10  the  neighboring  princes  had  been  always  op- 
posed to  this  increase  of  Ferdinand's  power,  and  he  now  needed 
his  forces  elsewhere.  Duke  Ulrich  at  once  introduced  the  long- 
desired  Reformation,11  and  thus  increased  the  power  of  the  Prot- 
estants. In  this  treaty,  too,  Ferdinand  was  recognized  by  the 
Protestants  as  King  of  Rome,  while  he,  on  the  other  hand,  pledged 
to  them  security  against  the  claims  of  the  supreme  judicatories.12 
Contemporaneous  with  these  events  was  the  revival  in  Miinster 
of  the  Anabaptist  madness,  in  a  degree  surpassing  all  bounds ;  a 
tailor,  John  Bockhold,  of  Leyden,  was  elevated  to  be  King  of  Zion. 
Chiefly  through  aid  of  the  Landgrave,  promised  by  the  treaty  of 
Cadan,  Miinster  was  subdued,  June  24, 1535.13    The  consequence 

6  Rommel's  Philipp  der  Grossmiithige,  i.  323. 

7  Stumpfs  Baiems  polit.  Geschichte,  i.  140  ff.  Urkundenbuch,  s.  51.  Rommel,  i.  319 ; 
ii.  287. 

s  Meeting  of  the  Landgrave  with  the  King  at  Bar  le  Due,  in  Jan.,  1534 ;  on  the  treaty 
there  concluded,  see  Rommel,  i.  335 ;  ii.  298. 
.    9  Rommel,  i.  344  ff. 

10  Rommel,  i.  371.    The  treat}'  in  Hortleder,  i.  885.    Walch,  xvi.  2241. 

11  Ch.  G.  Zahn's  Reform ationsgesch.  des  Herzogth.  Wiirtemberg  (Tubingen,  1791), 
s.  32.     Ch.  F.  Schnurrer's  Erlauterungen  der  Wurtemberg.  Kirchen-,  Reformations-,  u. 

*Gelehrtengeschichte  (Tubingen,  1798),  s.  88.    Jul.  Hartmann's  Gesch.  d.  Reformation 
in  Wurtemberg  (Stuttgart,  1835),  s.  33. 

12  "Erstlich,  dass  der  Friede  u.  Stillstand,  zu  Niirnberg  jiingst  aufgericht— in  alle 
Wege  soil  gehalten — werden.  Und  nachdem  ein  Missverstand  darin  vorgefallen,  so  hat 
die  Kon.  Maj.  griadiglich  bewilligt,  dass  Ihre  Kon.  Maj.  von  wegen  Kais.  Maj.  verschaf- 
fen  wolle,  dass  mit  den  Processen  am  Kaiserl.  Cammergericht,  zu  Erhaltung  solches 
Friedstands,  wider  die,  so  darin  benannt  seyn,  still  gestanden,  auch  dass  alle  bisher 
genommene  Processe  wirklich  abgeschafft  werden,  alles  nach  Laut  desselben  aufgerich- 
teten  Friedenstandes." 

13  Reports  of  eye-witnesses  on  these  troubles  at  Miinster:  (1.)  Wahrhaftige  Historie, 
wie  das  Evangelium  zu  Miinster  angefangen,  u.  damach  durch  die  Wiedertaufer  ver- 
storet,  wieder  aufgehoret  hat,  durch  Henricum  Dorpium  Monasteriensem  (about  him, 
see  Hamelmanni  Opera  Genealogico-historica  de  Westphalia,  p.  1256),  with  a  preface 
by  Bugenhagen,  1536.  4. ;  reprinted  in  the  second  part  of  the  Wittenberg  edition  of 
Luther's  German  Works,  s.  391 ;  by  Sleidanus,  lib.  x.,  and  many  other  historians  used  as 
the  chief  authority.  (2.)  Dietrich  v.  Hamburg  glaubiger  Anzeig  von  der  Miinsterischen 
Aufruhr,  Verstockung,  u.  Jammer.  1535, 1  Bogen,  4.  The  author  was  imprisoned  four- 
teen  weeks  among  the  Anabaptists,  and  does  not  mention  the  capture  of  Minister  (see 
Fortges.  Sammlung  v.  alten  u.  neuen  theol.  Sachen,  1725,  s.  719).  (3.)  There  are  ex- 
tracts from  the  MS.  report  of  an  eye-witness  in  D.  J.  G.  Liebknecht  Disp.  de  fratemitate 
Hortensium  oder  Gartenbriidern.  Giessen,  1724.  4.  (4.)  Anton  Corvinus  (at  that  time 
preacher  in  Witzenhausen)  Acta,  Handlungen,  Legation,  u.  Schriften,  so  durch  den 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  7.  1535.  K35 

of  these  disorders  was  the  suppression  in  that  city  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, begun  with  good  promise  of  success.  But  the  general  inter- 
ests of  Protestantism  were  not  impaired ;  for  it  was  well  under- 
stood that  they  were  entirely  distinct  from  the  cause  of  Anabap- 
tism. 

Clement  VII.  died  Sept.  25,  1534.  His  successor,  Paul  III., 
seemed  to  enter  more  readily  into  the  proposal  for  the  calling  of  a 
council ;  with  this  in  view  he  began  negotiations  with  the  Prot- 
estants, through  his  Nuncio,  Peter  Paul  Vergerius.  But  since  they 
did  not  accede  to  his  proposals,14  and  as  in  1536  a  new  war  broke 

Landgrafen  v.  Hessen  in  der  Miinsterschen  Sache  geschehen,  item  Gespriich  11.  Dispu- 
tation Antonii  Corvini  u.  Johanns  Kymei  mit  dem  Miinsterschen  Konig,  ehe  denn  sie 
gerechtfertigt  worden  sind,  gehalten  im  Januar,  1536.  Wittenberg,  1536 ;  reprinted  in 
the  Third  Part  of  the  Wittenberg  edition  of  Luther's  German  Works,  s.  363.  Ejusd.  lib. 
De  miserabili  Monasteriensium  Anabaptistarum  Obsidione,  Excidio,  memorabilibus  re- 
bus tempore  obsidionis  in  urbe  gestis,  Regis,  Knipperdollingi,  de  Kreitingi  confessione 
et  exitu  reprinted  in  Schardii  Scriptt.  rer.  Germ.,  ii.  314.  (5.)  Hermann  v.  Kerssen- 
broick  (who,  when  a  boy,  witnessed  the  events ;  he  was  afterward  rector  in  Hamm, 
Miinster,  Paderborn,  and  Werl)  wrote  first  in  hexameters  Belli  Monasteriehsis  contra 
Anabaptistica  Monstra  gesti  Descriptio.  Colon.,  1545.  8.  (reprinted  in  Gerdesii  Scrini- 
um  antiquarium,  ii.  377  u.  569),  and  then  the  fullest  history  of  these  events :  Historia 
Belli  Anabaptistarum  Monasteriensis,  1568,  for  which  he  had  to  suffer  much  persecution 
in  Miinster.  (See  J.  Konig's  Geschichtl.  Nachrichten  iiber  d.  Gj'mnasium  zu  Miinster. 
Miinster,  1821,  s.  155.  The  original  MS.  is  in  the  cathedral  library  in  Miinster;  it  is 
reprinted,  with  large  omissions,  amounting  to  more  than  three-fourths  of  the  work,  in 
Menckenii  Scriptt.  rer.  Germ.,  iii.  1503 ;  a  complete  but  inaccurate  translation :  Ge- 
schichte  der  Wiedertiiufer  zu  Miinster  in  Westphalen,  1771.  4. ;  a  German  abridgment 
of  the  original :  Originalactenstiicke  zur  wahren  u.  vollstandigen  Kenntniss  der  Miin- 
sterischen  Wiedertiiufergeschichte.  Frankf.  a.  M.,  1808.  8.) — By  other  contemporaries : 
(1.)  Conradi  Heresbach  (councilor  in  Cleve)  Hist.  Anabaptistica  ad  Erasmum,  ed.  Theod. 
Strackius.  Amstelod.,  1637.  8.  (2.)  Lamberti  Hortensii  (rector  at  Naerden,  in  Holland) 
Tumultuum  Anabaptisticorum  lib.  unus  1548  (in  Schardii  Scriptt.  rer.  Germ.,  ii.  298). 
(3.)  Herm.  Hamelmanni  (Generalsuperint.  in  Oldenburg,  f  1595)  Hist.  Renati  Evan- 
gelii,  deinde  Schismatum  Anabaptistarum  exortorum  in  urbe  Monasteriensi  in  his  Opp. 
Genealogico-histor.  de  Westphalia  et  Saxonia,  ed.  E.  C.  Wasserbach.  Lemgov.,  1711. 
4.,  p.  1175.  (4.)  Gerhard  v.  Kleinsorgen  (Cologne  councilor  in  Werl,  f  1591)  Kirchen- 
geschichte  von  Westphalen  (published  Miinster,  1779-80,  3  Th.  8.),  ii.  369.— The  doc- 
uments in  Niesert's  Beytriige  zu  einem  Miinsterschen  Urkundenbuche,  Miinster,  1823; 
and  in  his  Munstersche  Urkundensammlung,  Bd.  1,  Coesfeld,  1826,  und  Appendix  to  Bd. 
3. — H.  Jochmus  Gesch.  der  Kirchenreformation  zu  Miinster  u.  ihres  Untergangs  durch 
die  Wiedertiiufer.  Minister,  1825.  8.  J.  Hast's  Gesch.  d.  Wiedertiiufer.  Miinster,  1836, 
s.  274. 

14  The  acts  in  Walch,  xvi.  2290 ;  better,  in  different  parts  of  Opp.  Melanchthonis,  ed. 
Bretschneider,  ii.  962,  where  was  first  published,  in  the  Latin  original,  the  negotiation 
of  the  Legate  with  the  Elector  in  Prague,  p.  982,  Vergerii  Ep.  ad  Jo.  Frider.  p.  991,  and 
Principum  Protest,  ad  Vergerium,  dd.  Smalcaldiae,  21.  Dec,  1535,  p.  1018.  In  the  last 
letter,  by  Melancthon,  it  is  said  :  Propter  communem  Ecclesiae  salutem  et  emendationem 
omnibus  votis  expetimus  gcneralem,  piam,  Christianam,  et  liberam  synodum. — Quod 
vero  ad  locum  attinet,  de  quo  exposuisti,  Mantuam  placere  Rom.  Pontificj,  confidimus, 
invictiss.  Imperatorem  non  discessurum  esse  ab  lis  deliberationibus  conventuum  Impe- 
rii, in  quibus  jam  judicatum  est,  expcdirc,  ut  in  Germania  habeatur  synodus. — Deinde 


166  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

out  between  the  Emperor  and  France,15  the  designs  of  the  Pope  ap- 
peared very  equivocal,  when,  June  2,  1536,  he  actually  summoned 
the  council  to  meet  in  Mantua,  May,  1537  ;16  for,  under  these  cir- 
cumstances, it  was  plain  that  it  could  not  be  assembled. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Smalcald  League  had  very  much  extended 
itself.  After  some  hesitation  the  parties  to  it  decided  (Dec,  1535) 
that  they  were  not  prevented  by  the  Peace  of  Nuremberg  from  re- 
ceiving new  members.17  They  were  at  once  joined  by  the  Dukes 
Ulrich  of  Wiirtemberg,  Barnim  and  Philip  of  Pomerania,  the  Count 
Palatine,  Rupert  of  Zweybriicken  (Bipont),  the  Princes  George 
and  Joachim  of  Anhalt,  Count  William  of  Nassau,  and  many  cities. 
After  the  Reformation  had  been  generally  accepted  in  Denmark, 
1536,  this  kingdom  also  joined  the  league,  being  formally  received 
into  it  in  1538. 

When  the  papal  bull  appeared,  summoning  the  council,  Luther 
was  deputed  to  write  out  articles18  defining  the  doctrinal  views  of 

opus  est  Ecclesiae  libera  synodo,  et  ad  talem  nos  provocavimus.  At  oratio  tua  negat, 
mentionem  faciendam  esse  de  ordine  et  forma  cognitionis,  eainque  rem  totam  revocat 
ad  arbitrium  Rom.  Pontilicis.  Id  non  est  liberam  synodum  promittere. — Cum  autem 
tot  praejudiciis  causam  nostram  Rom.  Pontifex  toties  improbaverit,  palam  est  adversa- 
rius.  Porro  neque  libera  synodus  neque  legitima  erit,  si  adversariis  permittetur  cogni- 
tio  et  judicium,  eamque  ob  causam  flagitata  et  promissa  est  libera  Synodus,  h.  e.  in  qua 
communi  judicio  Imperatoris,  Regum,  Potentatuum,  Principum,  ac  Statuum  deligantur 
ex  omnibus  ordinibus  homines  idonei  non  partiales  ad  cognoscendas  et  dijudicandas  has 
controversias  juxta  verbum  Dei.  Primum  enim  sj-nodi  debent  esse  judicia  non  tantum 
Pontificum,  sed  etiam  reliquae  Ecclesiae,  sicut  et  sacrae  literae  et  Vetera  ecclesiastica 
exempla  docent,  quae  testantur,  pios  Principes  interfuisse  cognitioni  in  sj-nodis.  Est- 
que  impudentia  et  tyrannis,  Rom.  Pontilicis  auctoritatem  in  judiciis  dogmatum  religio- 
nis  anteferre  auctoritati  universae  Ecclesiae.  Quare  valere  in  synodis  autoritas  Regum, 
Principum,  Potentatuum,  ac  Statuum  debet,  praesertim  in  causis  fitlei,  cum  accusantur 
Pontificum  vitia  et  errores,  videlicet  impii  cultus,  prava  dogmata  cum  Evangelio  pug- 
nantia. 

15  Raumer's  Gesch.  Europas  seit  dem  Ende  des  fimfzehnten  Jahrh.,  i.  447. 

16  Bull  Ad  dominici  gregis  curam,  in  Raynald.,  1536,  No.  35. 

17  Sleidanus,  lib.  ix.,  in  fine.  Seckendorf,  iii.  100.  Rommel's  Philipp  d.  G.,  i.  406  ; 
ii.  369. 

18  Luther  and  Melancthon  were  not  in  favor  of  rejecting  the  council  (see  the  Opinion 
in  Melanchth.  Opp.,  ed.  Bretschneider,  iii.  121  ss.,  and  Luther's  Judgment,  Feb.,  1537, 
in  de  Wette,  v.  51).  Hence  this  commission  to  draw  up  the  articles.  Luther  wrote  the 
articles  in  German  in  Wittenberg,  and  sent  them,  subscribed  by  the  theologians  there 
present  (see  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  397),  to  the  Elector,  Jan.  3,  1537  (see  the  letter  in 
de  Wette,  v.  45).  The  copy,  written  in  Luther's  own  hand,  is  in  the  Heidelberg  libra- 
ry ;  from  it  are  taken  the  articles  as  published  by  Marheineke  in  the  Berlin  Programme 
for  the  festival  of  the  Reformation,  1817  :  Articuli  qui  dicuntur  Smalcaldici  e  Palatino 
Codice  MS.  accurate  editi  et  annotationibus  criticis  illustrati.  The  same  are  also  in  M. 
Meurer's  work,  Der  Tag  zu  Schmalkalden  und  die  Schmalk.  Artikel.  Leipzig,  1837,  s. 
42.  The  copy  subscribed  by  the  theologians,  and  so  made  the  original,  is  by  Spalatin, 
and  preserved  in  the  Weimar  archives,  Seckendorf,  iii.  152.    Especially  worthy  of  note 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.     §  7.  1536.  167 

the  Protestants,  in  view  of  the  possibility  of  their  being  presented 
to  the  council.    These  articles  were  adopted  in  an  assembly  of  the 

is  the  Fourth  Article  of  the  Second  Part,  where  the  Protestant  opinion  respecting  the 
Pope  and  papacy  was  first  completely  and  clearly  avowed:  "Dass  der  Bapst  nicht  sey 
iure  divino  oder  aus  Gottes  Wort  das  Haupt  der  ganzen  Christenheit  (denn  das  gehoret 
einem  allein  zu,  der  heisst  Jesus  Christus),  sondern  allein  Bischof  oder  Pfarrer  der 
Kirchen  zu  Rom,  unci  derjenigen,  so  sich  williglich  oder  durch  menschliche  Creatur 
(i.  e.,  civil  authorities)  zu  ihm  begeben  haben,  nicht  unter  ihm,  als  einem  Herrn,  son- 
'dern  neben  ihm  als  Bruder  u.  Gesellen,  Christen  zu  sein,  wie  solches  auch  die  altcn 
Concilia  u.  die  Zeit  St.  Cypriani  weisen.  Jetzt  aber  thut  kein  Bischof  den  Bapst  Bru- 
der heissen,  wie  zu  der  Zeit,  sondern  mus  ihn  seinen  allergniidigsten  Herrn  heissen, 
wenns  auch  ein  Konig  oder  Kaiser  Avare.  Das  wollen,  sollen,  u.  konnen  wir  nicht  auf 
unser  Gewissen  nehmen  ;  wer  es  aber  thun  will,  der  thue  es  ohn  uns.  Hieraus  folget, 
dass  alle  dasjenige,  so  der  Bapst  aus  solcher  falscher,  freveler,  lasterlicher  angemasster 
Gewalt  gethan  u.  furgenommen  hat,  eitel  teuffelisch  Geschicht  u.  Geschiift  gewest  u. 
noch  sey  (ohn  was  das  leibliche  Regiment  belanget,  darin  Gott  auch  wol  durch  einen 
Tyrannen  u.  Buben  lasst  einem  Volk  viel  guts  geschehen)  zur  Verderbung  der  ganzen 
heiligen  christlichen  Kirchen  (so  viel  an  ihm  gelegen)  u.  zu  verstciren  den  ersten  Haupt- 
artikel  von  der  Erlosung  Jesu  Christi.  Denn  da  stehen  alle  seine  Bullen  u.  Bucher, 
darinnen  er  brullet,  wie  ein  Lowe  (als  der  Engel  Apoc.  12  bildet),  dass  kein  Christ  kon- 
ne  selig  werden,  er  sei  denn  ihm  gehorsam  (before,  vol.  ii.,  p.  351,  §  59,  Note  aa). — So  es 
doch  offcnbarlich  ist,  dass  die  heil.  Kirche  ohn  Bapst  gewest  zum  wenigsten  iiber  fiinf- 
hundert  Jahren,  u.  bis  auf  diesen  Tag  die  griechische  u.  viel  anderer  Sprachen  Kirchen 
noch  nie  unter  dem  Bapst  gewest  u.  noch  nicht  sind.  So  ists,  wie  oft  gesagt,  ein  Men- 
schengeticht,  das  nicht  geboten,  ohn  Not  u.  vergeblich,  denu  die  heilige  christliche 
Kirche  ohn  solch  Hiiupt  wol  bleiben  kann,  u.  wol  besser  blieben  wiire.  Und  ist  auch 
das  Bapstum  kein  Niitz  in  der  Kirchen  ;  denn  es  ubet  kein  christlich  Ampt,  u.  mus  also 
die  Kirche  bleiben  u.  bestehen  ohn  den  Bapst.  Unci  ich  setze,  dass  der  Bapst  wollte 
sich  des  begeben,  dass  er  nicht  jure  divino  oder  aus  Gottes  Gebot  der  oberste  wiire,  son- 
dern damit  die  Einigkeit  der  Christenheit  wider  die  Rotten  u.  Ketzerey  desto  bass  er- 
halten  wiirde,  miisste  man  ein  Haupt  haben,  daran  sich  die  andern  alle  hielten.  Solclis 
Hiiupt  wiirde  nun  durch  Menschen  erwiihlt  u.  stiinde  in  menschlicher  Wahl  u.  Gewalt, 
dasselbe  Haupt  zu  andern,  zu  entsetzen,  wie  zu  Constanz  das  Concilium  fast  die  Weise 
hielt  mit  den  Bapsten,  setzten  der  drey  ab  u.  wiihleten  den  vierten.  Ich  setze  nun  (sage 
ich),  dass  der  Bapst  und  der  Stuhl  zu  Rom  solches  begeben  u.  annehmen  wollt,  welches 
doch  unmuglich  ist :  denn  er  miisste  sein  ganz  Regiment  u.  Stand  lassen  umbkehren  u. 
zcrstoren  mit  alien  seinen  Rechten  u.  Biichern.  Summa  er  kanns  nicht  thun.  Den- 
noch  wiire  damit  der  Christenheit  nichts  geholfen,  u.  wiirden  viel  mehr  Rotten  werden, 
denn  zuvor.  Denn  weil  man  solchem  Hiiupt  nicht  miisste  unterthan  sein  aus  Gottes 
Befehl,  sondern  aus  menschlichem  guten  Willen,  wiirde  es  gar  leichtlich  u.  balde  ver- 
acht,  zuletzt  kein  Glied  behalten.  Miisste  auch  nicht  immerdar  zu  Rom  oder  anderm 
Orte  sein,  sondern  wo  u.  iu  welcher  Kirchen  Gott  einen  solchen  Mann  hiitte  gegeben, 
der  tiichtig  dazu  ware.  O  das  wollt  ein  weitlauftig  wiist  Wesen  werden.  Darumb  kann 
die  Kirche  nimmermehr  bass  regieret  u.  erhalten  werden,  denn  dass  wir  alle  unter  einem 
Hiiupt  Christo  leben,  u.  die  Bischoffe  alle  gleich  nach  dem  Ampt  (ob  sie  wol  ungleich 
nach  den  Gaben)  fleissig  zusammenhalten  in  eintriichtiger  Lehre,  Glauben,  Sacramen- 
ten,  Gebeten,  u.  Werken  der  Liebe,  etc.,  wie  St.  Hieronymus  schreibt,  dass  die  Priester 
zu  Alexandria  siimtlich  u.  in  gemein  die  Kirchen  regierten  (Vol.  1,  §  30,  Not.  1 ;  §  34, 
Not.  2),  wie  die  Apostel  auch  gethan,  u.  hernach  alle  Bischoffe  in  der  ganzen  Christen- 
heit, bis  der  Bapst  seinen  Kopf  iiber  alle  erhub.  Dis  Stuck  zeiget  gewaltiglich,  class  er 
der  rechte  Endechrist  oder  Widerchrist  sey,  der  sich  iiber  u.  wider  Christum  gesezt  u. 
erhohet  hat,  weil  er  will  die  Christen  nicht  lassen  selig  sein  ohn  seine  Gewalt,  welche 
doch  nichts  ist,  von  Gott  nicht  geordnet,  noch  geboten.  Dass  heisst  eigentlich  iiber 
Gott  u.  wider  Gott  sich  setzen,  wie  St.  Paulus  sagt.     Solches  thut  dennoch  der  Turke 


1G8  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

league  at  Smalcald,  Feb.,  1537  (the  Smalcald  Articles).19     But 

nock  Tatter  nicht,  wie  grosse  Feinde  sie  der  Christen  sind,  sondern  lassen  gliiuben  an 
Christum  wer  da  will,  u.  nehmen  leiblichen  Zins  u.  Gehorsam  von  den  Christen.  Aber 
der  Bapst  will  nicht  lassen  gliiuben,  sondern  spricht:  man  solle  ihm  gehorsam  sein,  so 
werde  man  selig.  Das  wollen  wir  nicht  thun  oder  driiber  sterben,  in  Gottes  Namen. 
Das  kompt  alles  daher,  dass  er  jure  divino  der  oberste  hat  sollen  heissen  iiber  die  christ- 
liche  Kirche.  Darumb  hat  er  sich  miissen  Christo  gleich  u.  iiber  Christum  setzen,  sich 
das  Hatipt,  hernach  einen  Herrn  der  Kirchen,  zuletzt  auch  der  ganzen  Welt  u.  schlecht 
einen  irdischen  Gott  (above,  vol.  iii.,  p.  CI,  Note  2 ;  p.  329,  Notes)  riihmen  lassen,  bis 
er  auch  den  Engeln  im  Himmelreich  zu  gebieten  sich  unterstund  (Comp.  vol.  iii., 
§  118,  Not.  10).  Und  wenn  man  unterscheidet  des  Bapsts  Lehre  von  der  heiligen 
Schrift,  oder  sie  dagegen  stellct  u.  halt,  so  findt  sichs,  dass  des  Bapsts  Lehre,  wo  sie  am 
allerbesten  ist,  so  ist  sie  aus  dcm  kaiserlichen  heidnischen  Eecht  genommen,  u.  lehret 
weltliche  Handel  u.  Gerichte,  wie  seine  Decretales  zeugen.  Darnach  lehret  sie  Cere- 
monien  von  Kirchen,  Kleidern,  Speisen,  Personen,  u.  des  Kinderspiels,  Larven,  u.  Nar- 
renwerks  ohn  Masse.  Aber  in  diesem  alien  gar  nichts  von  Christo,  Glauben,  u.  Gottes 
Geboten.  Zuletzt  ists  nichts,  denn  eitel  Teufel,  da  er  seine  Liigen  von  Messen,  Feg- 
feuer,  Klosterey,  eigenWerk  u.  Gottesdienst  (welches  denu  das  rechte  Bapstthum  ist) 
treibet,  iiber  u.  wider  Gott,  verdampt,  todtet  u.  plaget  alle  Christen,  so  solchen  seinen 
Greuel  nicht  iiber  alles  heben  u.  ehren.  Darumb  so  wenig  wir  den  Teufel  selbs  fur  einen 
Herren  oder  Gott  anbeten  konnen,  so  wenig  konnen  wir  auch  seinen  Apostel,  den  Bapst 
oder  Endechrist,  in  seinem  Regiment  zum  Hiiupt  oder  Herrn  leiden.  Denn  Liigen  u. 
Mord,  Leib  u.  Seel  zu  verderben  ewiglich,  das  ist  sein  biipstlich  Regiment  eigentlich. 
"Wie  ich  dasselb  in  vielen  Buchern  beweiset  habe. 

"  An  diescn  vier  Artikeln  werden  sie  genug  zu  verdammen  haben  im  Concilio.  Dann 
sio  nicht  das  geringste  Gliedlein  von  der  Artikel  einem  uns  lassen  konnen  noch  wollen. 
Des  miissen  wir  gewiss  sein,  u.  uns  erwagcn  der  Hoffnung,  Christus  unser  Herr  habe 
seinen  Widersacher  angegriffen,  u.  werde  nachdrucken,  beide  mit  seinem  Geist  u.  Zu- 
kunft.  Amen.  Denn  im  Concilio  werden  wir  nicht  fur  dem  Kaiser,  oder  weltlicher 
Oberkeit  (wie  zu  Augspurg),  der  ganz  ein  gniidiges  Ausschreiben  that  u.  in  der  Giite 
liess  die  Sachen  verhoren,  sondern  fur  dem  Bapst  u.  dem  Teufel  selbs  werden  wir  da 
stehen,  der  nichts  gedenkt  zu  horen,  sondern  schlechts  verdammen,  morden,  u.  zur  Ab- 
gotterey  zu  zwingen.  Darum  miissen  wir  hie  nicht  seine  Fiisse  kiissen,  oder  sagen : 
ihr  seyd  mein  gniidiger  Herr ;  sondern  wie  im  Zacharia  der  Engel  zum  Teufel  sprach : 
Strafe  dich  Gott,  Satan."  Melancthon  subscribed  the  article  in  the  following  manner : 
"  Ich,  Philippus  Melanchthon,  halte  diese  obgestalte  Artikel  auch  fiir  recht  u.  christ- 
lich.  Vom  Papst  aber  halte  ich,  so  er  das  Evangelium  wollte  zulassen,  dass  ihm  um 
Friedens  und  gemeiner  Einigkeit  willen  derjenigen  Christen,  so  auch  unter  ihm  sind  u. 
kiinftig  seyn  mochten,  seine  Superioritat  iiber  die  Bischofe,  die  er  sonst  hat,  jure  htima- 
no,  auch  von  uns  zuzulassen  sey."  Comp.  his  declarations  in  Augsburg,  above,  §  5, 
Note  22.  The  Elector  remarked  upon  it  in  his  answer  to  Luther,  7th  Jan.,  in  Secken- 
dorf,  iii.  152  :  "So  wir  aus  guter  Meinung  u.  um  Friedens  willen,  wie  Mag.  Philippus 
vorgiebt,  ihn  einen  Herrn  bleiben  lassen,  der  iiber  uns,  unsere  Bischoffe,  Pfarrer  u.  Pre- 
diger  zu  gebieten,  setzten  wir  uns  selber  in  die  Fahr  u.  Beschwerung,  weil  er  doch  nicht 
ruhen  wiirde  und  seine  Nachkommen,  uns  u.  unser  allerseits  Nachkommen  giinzlich  zu 
vertilgen  u.  auszurotten,  welches  wir  doch,  weil  uns  Gott  davon  befreyet  u.  erloset,  gar 
nicht  bediirfen,  sollte  auch  wohl  mit  unserer  Klugheit  (da  wir  einmahl  von  seiner  Ba- 
byl.  Gefiingnuss  durch  Gott  frey  seyn  worden,  und  uns  wieder  in  solche  Gefiihrlichkeit 
begiiben,  also  Gott  versuchten)  von  Gott  iiber  uns  verhanget  werden,  das  sonsten  ohne 
alien  Zweifel  wohl  bleiben  wird." 

19  Thej'  were  subscribed  by  the  theologians,  that  they  might,  in  case  of  need,  be  at 
once  used  in  the  council.  In  the  mean  time,  it  was  found  necessarj'  to  expound  and 
prove  their  position  about  the  papal  and  episcopal  authority  in  a  treatise  to  be  published 
by  itself,  that  they  might  thus  justify  their  refusal  of  the  council.  This  work  was  writ- 
ten in  Latin  by  Melancthon,  and  likewise  subscribed  by  the  theologians  (see  Melanc- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  7.  1537.  1G9 

still  this  very  assembly  utterly  rejected  the  invitation  to  the  coun- 
cil which  was  brought  by  the  papal  nuncio  and  the  imperial  vice- 
chancellor,  Held.20  This  vice-chancellor,  hostile  to  the  Protestants 
on  other  grounds,  saw  in  this  refusal  a  proof  that  the  innovations 
could  be  stayed  only  by  the  threat  of  violent  measures ;  accordingly 
he  beo-an  negotiations  with  the  leading  Catholic  estates,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  bringing  them  into  the  Christian  union,  or  the  Holy 
League,21  Nuremberg,  June  10,  1538.  Two  leagues  now  stood 
in  hostile  array  over  against  each  other.  Although  they  both  de- 
clared that  they  were  formed  solely  for  defense,  yet  so  great  was 
their  mutual  mistrust  that  war  was  prevented  only  by  a  truce.22 
Though  the  Smalcald  leaguers  had  been  disappointed  in  their 

thon's  Ep.  ad  Camerarium,  1st  March,  1537,  in  Melanchth.  Opp.,  ed.  Bretschneider,  iii. 
291,  and  at  the  end  of  Camerarius  de  Vita  Mel.,  ed.  Strobel,  p.  433) :  its  title  is  De  Po- 
testate  et  Primatu  Papae  Tractatus  (in  Bretschneider,  iii.  271) ;  it  now  forms  the  Ap- 
pendix to  the  Smalcald  Articles  (cf.  M.  J.  Chr.  Bertram's  Gesch.  des  symbol.  An- 
hangs  der  Schmalkald.  Artikel,  edited  by  J.  B.  Eiederer.  Altdorf,  1770.  8.).— The 
Smalcald  Articles,  in  German,  were  first  published  by  Luther,  with  a  preface  and  im- 
portant additions,  and  with  changes  in  the  expressions:  "Artikel  so  da  hetten  sollen 
auffs  Concilion  zu  Mantua,  oder  wo  es  wiirde  scyn,  iiberantwortet  werden,  von  unsers 
Theils  wegen.  Dr.  Mart.  Luther.  Wittenberg,  1538.  4."  The  Latin  translation  of  Pc- 
trus  Generanus  was  first  issued  at  Wittenberg,  1541,  in  8vo.  The  treatise  of  Melanc- 
thon,  De  Primatu  Papae,  was  first  printed  in  Latin  in  a  collection :  Defensio  Conjugii 
Sacerdotum,  etc.  Argentorati,  1540.  8. ;  in  the  German  translation,  by  Veit  Dietrich, 
"  Von  des  Bapsts  Gewalt,  item  von  der  Bischoffen  Jurisdiction,  gestellet  dureh  Ilcrm 
Phil.  Melanchthon,  u.  verdeutschet  durch  Vitum  Dietherich.  Wittenb.,  1541.  4.— The 
Smalcald  Articles  have  passed  into  the  Concordia  (the  Lutheran  symbols)  :  in  German, 
after  the  first  edition  of  Luther ;  in  Latin,  not  in  the  translation  of  Generanus,  but  in 
the  worse  translation  of  Selnecker,  made  for  this  purpose.  Melaucthon's  work,  De  Po- 
testate  et  Primatu  Papae,  as  an  Appendix,  is  in  the  Concordia,  in  German,  in  the  trans- 
lation of  Veit  Dieterich,  which  was  for  a  long  time  considered  as  the  original ;  in  Latin, 
it  was  given  in  the  first  and  some  later  editions  of  the  Concordia,  after  a  translation  from 
Veit  Dieterich's  text,  probably  by  Selnecker ;  but  in  most  of  the  editions,  particularly 
in  the  Rechenberg,  it  is  given  in  the  original  text. 

20  See  the  acts  in  Hortleder,  Th.  1,  Buch  1,  cap.  25-29.  Walch,  xvi.  242G  ff.  Cf. 
Sleidanus,  lib.  xi. ;  Seckendorf,  iii.  143.  Bericht  des  Cornelius  Ettenius  ilber  die  Reisc 
des  Legaten  Vorstius,  Bisch.  v.  Aix,  in  Raumer's  Hist.  Taschcnbuche  f.  1839,  s.  508  ft". 
The  refusal  was  specially  justified  on  the  ground  that  the  council  was  called  against  the 
newly-arisen  heresies  and  errors,  yet  that  in  the  bull  on  the  Reformation  of  the  city  and 
the  court  of  Rome,  Sept.  23,  153G  (in  German  in  Walch,  xvi.  2322),  the  extirpation  of 
the  Lutheran  heresy  was  given  outright  as  the  object  of  the  council,  so  that  the  Protest- 
ants were  already  held  as  condemned  before  it  met ;  another  reason  was,  that  Mantua, 
and  not  a  German  city,  was  the  place  selected. 

21  The  documents  in  Hortleder,  Th.  i.  Buch  8,  cap.  14  and  15.  Walch,  xvii.  4.  Those 
that  took  part  were  the  Emperor,  King  Ferdinand,  the  Elector  of  Mayence,  the  Abp.  of 
Salzburg,  the  dukes  of  Bavaria,  who,  after  the  treaty  of  Cadan,  became  the  most  vio- 
lent foes  of  the  Protestants,  Duke  George  of  Saxony,  and  Henry  of  Brunswick.  Cf. 
Stumpfs  Baierns  Polit.  Geschichte,  i.  207. 

22  Truce  at  Frankfort,  April  19,  1539,  for  fifteen  months ;  see  the  documents  in  Hort- 
leder, i.  i.  cap.  32 ;  Walch,  xvii.  396. 


170  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

prospect  of  alliances  with  France  and  England — with  the  former 
by  the  personal  influence  of  the  Emperor  with  Francis  I.,23  and 
with  the  latter  by  the  theological  obstinacy  of  Henry  VIII.  ;24  yet, 
on  the  other  hand,  they  now  entered  into  friendly  relations  with 
Switzerland.  The  four  cities  of  the  Oberland,  although  they  had 
for  a  long  time  been  members  of  the  league,25  and  had  also,  since 
1532,  subscribed  the  Augsburg  Confession,26  had  still  given  occa- 
sion to  new  discussions27  by  the  doubts  which  weighed  upon  their 

23  Until  then  the  King  had  sought  an  alliance  with  the  Smalcald  League,  had  feigned 
to  be  zealous  for  the  Reformation  and  agreement  with  the  German  Reformation  in  the 
essential  principles  (on  the  negotiations  of  the  French  embassador,  Bella}-,  at  Smalcald, 
see  the  documents  in  Melanchth.  Opera,  ed.  Bretschneider,  ii.  1009,  1023 ;  cf.  Secken- 
dorf,  iii.  104),  and  had  even  desired  to  have  Melancthon  come  to  him  for  a  time ;  see 
Strobel  Von  Melanchthon's  Ruf  nach  Frankreich  u.  seinem  dahin  geschichten  Religions- 
bedenken  v.  Jahr  1535.  Niimberg  u.  Altdorf,  1794.  8.  Through  the  mediation  of  the 
Pope  a  truce  was  effected  in  Nizza,  June  18,  1538,  for  ten  years,  between  the  Emperor 
and  the  King ;  immediately  afterward  the  two  met  in  person  at  Aigues  Mortes  ;  in  con- 
sequence of  this  the  negotiations  with  the  embassadors  of  the  Smalcald  confederates, 
then  present  with  the  King,  took  such  a  turn  that  the}-  were  obliged  to  depart  without 
effecting  any  thing;  Seckendorf,  iii.  178  sq. 

24  Henry  also  had  (1535)  proposed  an  alliance  and  doctrinal  union,  and  expressed  a 
wish  to  have  Melancthon  come  to  him  (Mel.  Opera,  cd.  Bretschneider,  ii.  1028 ;  Seck- 
endorf, iii.  110).  The  theological  discussions  between  him  and  the  embassadors  of  the 
league,  sent  to  him  in  1538,  are  in  Burnet's  Hist.  Ref.  Anglicanae  (ed.  Genev.,  1686  fol.), 
Pars  i.  Add.  p.  152.     Cf.  Seckendorf,  iii.  180. 

25  Bucer  tried  at  that  time  to  represent  the  dispute  as  a  mere  logomachy,  and  made 
in  this  sense  proposals  to  Duke  Ernest  of  Luneburg.  On  this  Luther  wrote  to  the  lat- 
ter, Feb.  1, 1531  (de  Wette,  iv.  219)  :  "  Dass  aber  M.  Bucerus  fiirgibt,  es  stehe  der  Hader 
in  Worten  allcin  :  da  wollte  ich  gerne  nmb  sterben,  wenn  es  so  ware  :"  yet  Luther  was 
also  inclined  to  peace ;  see  his  letter  Ad  M.  Bucerum,  dd.  22.  Jan.,  1531  (ibid.,  s.  217) : 
coiumendamus  causam  Deo,  interim  servantes  pacis  istius  qualiscunque  et  concordiae 
eatenus  firmatae,  quod  conlitemur,  corpus  Domini  vere  adesse  et  exhiberi  intus  animae 
fideli. — Et  volo  te  mihi  credere, — hoc  nostrum  dissidium  optare  me  compesci,  etiamsi 
vita  mea  ter  esset  impendenda,  quia  vidi,  quam  sit  necessaria  nobis  vestra  societas, 
quanta  tulerit  et  adhuc  aft'ert  iucommoda  Evangel io,  ita  ut  certus  sim,  omnes  portas 
inferni,  totum  Papatum,  totum  Turcam,  totum  mundum,  totam  camera,  et  quicquid 
malorum  est,  non  potuisse  tantum  nocere  Evangelio,  si  Concordes  essemus.  Sed  quid 
faciam  in  eo,  quod  impossibile  est  fieri  ? 

26  In  what  way  is  set  forth  by  Bucer  to  the  Augsburgers  in  extenso,  Ep.  ad.  Bonifaci- 
um  Wolfhan^um  et  Augustanos  (from  Opp.  Zanchii,  in  Gerdesii  Scrinium,  v.  222), 
viz. :  Legati  nostrarum  urbium  palam  et  disertis  verbis  testati  sunt, — se  ideo  praeter 
nostram  Saxonicam  quoque  Confessionem  et  Apologiam  recipere,  quod  haec  reipsa  cum 
nostra  congruat. 

27  In  1534,  Bucer,  through  the  Landgrave  (on  whose  agency  in  this  affair,  see  Walch, 
xvii.  2379 ;  Rommel's  Philip  the  Great,  ii.  343),  at  first  proposed  to  the  Wittenbergers  a 
formula  of  concord,  which  was  not  unacceptable  to  Luther.  Melancthon  answered  the 
Landgrave,  16th  Sept.,  1534  (Opp.,  ed.  Bretschneider,  ii.  788):  "Ich  will  auch  fur  mein 
Person  J.  F.  G.  nit  bergen,  dass  ich  an  dem  unfrnndlichen  Sehreyen  und  Schreiben  auf 
unserm  Theil  nie  Gefallen  gehabt  habe,  sondem  alle  Zeit  daran  Herzleid  getragen  habe 
und  noch  trage.  Ich  hiitt  auch  die  Sach  gem  zu  christlicher  Einigkeit  gearbeit,  wie  E. 
F.  G.  selb  aus  etlichen  Umbstiinden  abnehmen  mogen.  Nachdem  ich  aber  so  grosse 
Hiirtikeit  befunden,  daraus  ander  mehr  Beschwerung  gefolget,  hab  ichs  auch  miissen 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  7.  1536.  171 

doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  In  these  conferences  the  Swiss 
delegates,  yielding  to  Luther's  overpowering  personal  influence, 
had  adopted  a  strict  Lutheran  formula  in  the  Concordia  Viteber- 
gensis,  1536.28  Yet  Bucer  still  tried  to  conceal  his  weakness29  by 
explanations,  to  induce  the  Swiss  to  accede  to  this  union.30     His 

Gott  befehlen."  Melancthon  thereupon  had  a  conference  with  Bucer  at  Cassel,  Jan., 
1535,  for  which  Luther  provided  him  with  instructions  (de  Wette,  iv.  570)  ;  Luther  was 
not  displeased  with  the  result  (see  his  Opinion,  ibid.,  s.  588),  since  Bucer  had  plainly 
confessed  "that  the  body  of  Christ  is  truly  and  essentially  offered,  received,  and  eaten 
in  the  Eucharist  in  the  bread;"  he  did  indeed  wish  to  defer  concluding  the  Concordia, 
in  order  to  be  assured  of  a  general  agreement  on  both  sides,  but  he  testified  to  his  will- 
ingness to  come  to  an  agreement,  both  to  the  Augsburgers  (July  20,  ibid.,  s.  612  and 
613),  and  in  letters  to  Strasburg,  Dim,  and  Esslingen  (Oct.  5,  ibid.,  s.  636  ff.). 

28  On  the  assembly  of  the  theologians  in  Wittenberg,  May,  1536,  see  the  reports  of 
persons  present,  viz. :  Frid.  Myconius  ad  Vitum  Dietrich  (ed.  Nicol.  Selneccer,  1581,  in 
Wigandus  de  Sacramentariismo,  p.  351,  and  in  Lommatzsch  Narratio  de  Frid.  Myco- 
nio,  p.  56,  German  in  Walch,  xvii.  2532)  ;  of  Johannes  Bernhardi,  preacher  in  Frank- 
fort (in  Ritter's  Frankfurt.  Denkmal,  s.  345,  in  Walch,  xvii.  2543) ;  and  of  M.  Bucer  (in 
his  Scripta  Anglicana,  Basil.,  1577,  fol.  p.  648).  The  Concordia,  by  Melancthon,  Seck- 
endorf,  iii.  132,  at  the  end  of  Camerarius  de  Vita  Melanchth.,  ed.  Strobel,  p.  431,  Opp. 
Melanchth.,  ed.  Bretschneider,  iii.  75:  I.  Confitentur  juxta  verba  Irenaei,  constare  Eu- 
charistiam  duabus  rebus,  terrena  et  coelesti.  Itaque  sentiunt  et  docent,  cum  pane  et 
vino  vere  et  substantialiter  adesse,  exhiberi  et  sumi  corpus  Christi  et  sanguinem.  II.  Et 
quanquam  negant  fieri  transsubstantiationem,  nee  sentiunt  fieri  localem  inclusionem  in 
pane,  aut  durabilem  aliquam  conjunctionem  extra  usum  Sacramenti :  tamen  concedunt 
sacramentali  unione  panem  esse  corpus  Christi  (corpus  esse  cum  pane),  h.  e.  sentiunt 
porrecto  pane  simul  adesse  et  vere  exhiberi  corpus  Christi.  Nam  extra  usum,  cum  as- 
servatur  in  pixide,  aut  ostenditur  in  processionibus,  lit  fit  a  Papistis,  sentiunt  non  ad- 
esse corpus  Christi.  III.  Deinde  hanc  institutionem  Sacramenti  sentiunt  valere  in  Ee- 
clesia,  nee  pendere  ex  dignitate  ministri  aut  sumentis.  Quare  sicut  Paulus  ait,  etiam 
indignos  manducare,  ita  sentiunt  porrigi  vere  corpus  et  sanguinem  Domini  etiam  indig- 
nis,  et  indignos  sumere,  ubi  servantur  verba  et  institutio  Christi.  Ideo  enim  propositum 
est,  ut  testetur  illis  applicari  beneficia  Christi  (et  fieri  eos  membra  Christi),  et  ablui  san- 
guine Christi,  qui  agunt  poenitentiam,  et  erigunt  se  fide  in  Christum. 

29  See  Articuli  Concordiae  cum  Explicatione  Buceri,  in  his  Scripta  Anglicana,  p.  665, 
in  Bretschneider,  iii.  78.  The  chief  difficult}'  was  on  Article  III.,  that  also  the  unbeliev- 
ers receive  the  body  and  blood.  On  this  he  says  :  Omnino  enim  tria  genera  hominum 
sacramenta  sumere  possunt.  Quidam  qui  omnia  hie  contemnunt  et  rident,  qui  prorsus 
impii  sunt,  nee  quicquam  Domino  credunt :  hi  nihil  quam  panem  et  vinum  agnoscunt 
et  sentiunt,  eoque  nee  amplius  percipiunt,  quia  pervertunt  verba  et  institutionem  Domi- 
ni. Alii  verbis  hie  Domini  porrigentis  corpus  suum  credunt,  eaque  fide  sacramentum 
accipiunt,  ut  simul  rem  sacramenti  percipiant,  nee  tamen  donum  hoc  Dei  digne  perpen- 
dunt :  hi  ea  indignitate  reos  se  faciunt  corporis  et  sanguinis  Domini,  quae  tamen  sumere 
volunt  et  summit,  quia  verba  et  institutionem  Domini  amplectuntur :  non  manducant 
autem  revera,  ut  Augustinus  dicit,  h.  e.  non  fruuntur  plene  hoc  cibo  vivifico,  quern  in 
mentem  non  satis  demittunt.  Tertii  sunt,  qui  non  credunt  tantum  institutioni  Domini, 
et  accommociant  se  illi  sacramento  sumendo,  sed  simul  viva  fide  omnia  expendunt, 
considerant  et  amplectuntur,  indeque  virtutem  et  jucunditatem  hujus  cibi  solide  per- 
cipiunt. 

30  He  had  already  endeavored  to  induce  the  Swiss  to  take  part  in  the  attempts  for 
union ;  see  Oswald  Myconius  von  Kirchhofer,  s.  171 ;  Lebensgeschichte  Bullingers  von 
S.  Hess,  i.  185.  The  further  negotiations  on  the  Wittenberg  Concordia ;  see  in  Kirch- 
hofer, s.  263 ;  S.  Hess,  s.  239. 


172  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

public  declarations  about  the  matter31  were  received  by  Luther 
with  unwonted  mildness  (1537),32  and  thus  a  seeming  unity  now 
took  the  place  of  the  old  divisions.  Protestantism  gained  still  more 
in  Germany  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  its  two  most  violent 
opponents,  Joachim  I.,  Elector  of  Brandenburg  (t  1535),  and 
George,  Duke  of  Saxony  (t  1539).  In  the  electorate  of  Branden- 
burg, Joachim  II.  immediately  granted  toleration  to  the  Reforma- 
tion, and  joined  it  himself  in  1539,  after  the  Bishop  of  Branden- 
burg, Matthias  von  Jagow,  had  declared  in  its  favor.  The  Elect- 
or's brother,  also,  Margrave  John,  ruler  of  the  New-Mark,  had  be- 
come decidedly  attached  to  the  cause33  as  early  as  1536.  In  the 
duchy  of  Saxony,  Duke  Henry  introduced  the  Reformation  imme- 
diately after  his  accession.34     Catholic  princes  also  conceded  relig- 

31  la  a  letter  to  Luther  in  which  they  declared  themselves  read}'  for  union,  presup- 
posing that  the  Concordia  was  to  be  understood  according  to  Bucer's  declaration,  and 
consequently  as  'agreeing  with  their  doctrinal  views  ;  Kirchhofer,  s.  289 ;  S.  Hess,  s. 
252.  The  whole  letter,  in  Latin,  in  Hospiniani  Hist.  Sacramentaria,  ii.  151.  Bucer 
still  tried  to  show  to  Luther  that  the  Swiss  differed  only  in  expression,  not  in  doctrine 
(see  the  letter  of  Jan.,  1537,  in  Hess,  s.  290). 

32  The  letter  of  the  Swiss  was  brought  by  Bucer  to  the  Smaleald  Convention  in  Feb., 
1537,  and  handed  to  Luther  in  Gotha ;  he  could  not  reply  at  once  on  account  of  sick- 
ness, but  received  it  in  a  friendly  way  (see  Bucer's  Bericht,  in  Hess,  s.  271,  and  Lu- 
ther's letter  to  J.  Meyer,  Burgomeister  of  Basel,  17th  Feb.,  1537,  in  de  Wette,  v.  54). 
The  formal  answer  of  Luther  to  the  Swiss,  first  on  December  1st  (de  Wette,  v.  83) : 
"  Nu  ists  wohl  wahr,  u.  kann  auch  nicht  anders  sej-n,  dass  solche  grosse  Zwietracht 
nicht  kann  so  leicht  u.  bald  ohne  Ritz  u.  Narben  geheilet  werden.  Denn  es  werden 
be}de  bey  euch  u.  uns  Etliche  sej-n,  welchen  solche  Concordia  nicht  gefiillig,  sondern 
verdachtig  seyn  wird.  Aber  so  wir  zu  beyden  Theilen,  die  wirs  mit  Ernst  meinen,  -wer- 
den fleissig  anhalten,  wird  der  liebe  Vater  u.  Gott  wohl  sein  Gnade  geben,  dass  es  bey 
den  Andern  mit  der  Zeit  auch  zu  Tod  blut,  u.  das  triibe  Wasser  sich  wiederumb  setzt. 
1st  derhalben  mein  freundlich  Bitte*  E.  E.  wollten  dazu  thun  u.  mit  Ernst  verschaffen, 
dass  bey  euch  u.  den  Euern  die  Schreier,  so  wider  uns  u.  die  Concordia  plaudern,  sich 
ihres  Schreiens  enthaltcn,  u.  das  Volk  einfaltiglich  lehren. — Gleichwie  auch  wir  allhier, 
beyde  in  Schriften  u.  Predigten,  uns  gar  still  halten  u.  miissigen  wider  die  Euren  zu 
schreien,  damit  wir  auch  nicht  Ursach  seyn,  die  Concordia  zu  hindern ;  welche  wir  ja 
von  Herzen  gem  sehen,  u.  Gott  gelobet,  des  Fechtens  u.  Schreiens  bisher  gnug  gewest, 
wo  es  hiitte  sollen  etwas  ausrichten." 

33  Nic.  Leuthingeri  (Brandenburg,  historiographer,  f  1612)  Coram,  de  Marchia  Bran- 
denburgensi,  lib.  iv.  (in  Krausii  Scriptt.  de  rebus  March.  Brand.,  i.  152, 157).  Secken- 
dorf,  iii.  234.  Dr.  Ad.  Muller's  Gesch.  d.  Reform,  in  der  Mark  Brandenburg.  Berlin, 
1839.  8.  Chr.  W.  Spieker's  Kirchen-  u.  Reformationsgesch.  der  Mark  Brandenburg,  3 
Theile.  Berlin,  1839  ff.  Jul.  Schladebach  der  TJebertritt  des  Kurfursten  Joachim  II. 
zur  Luth.  Kirche  am  lten  Nov.,  1539.     Leipzig,  1840.  8. 

34  In  order  to  exclude  from  the  succession  his  brother  Henry,  who  was  devoted  to  the 
Reformation,  and  to  insure  the  government  to  his  half-witted  son  Frederick,  under  a  re- 
gency, George  endeavored  to  appease  the  irrepressible  desire  of  his  subjects  for  a  Refor- 
mation by  a  service  intermediate  between  the  old  and  the  new ;  see  in  Seckendorf,  iii. 
208,  the  negotiations  with  the  electoral  and  Hessian  delegates.  George  Wicelius  was 
especially  busy  in  them ;  in  1531  he  had  gone  back  from  the  Lutheran  to  the  Catholic 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  7.  1539.  173 

ious  freedom  to  their  subjects ;  the  Elector  Louis,  in  the  Upper 
Palatinate,35  1538 ;  the  Elector  Albert  of  Mayence,  in  the  Magde- 
burg and  Halberstadt  provinces,36  1539. 

The  Emperor  made  one  other  attempt  to  effect  a  religious  union. 
A  conference  was  summoned  to  Spires,  assembled  in  Hagenau, 
June,  1540,  and  actually  opened  in  Worms,37  Jan.  14,  1541.  The 
prospects  were  at  first  auspicious.  The  papal  legate,  Caspar  Con- 
tarini,  whose  influence  predominated  with  the  Catholic  conferees, 
was  inclined,  on  many  points,  to  the  Protestant  doctrines  ;38  other 
Catholic  theologians  manifested  very  pacific  sentiments.39  When 
the  Emperor,  in  April,  opened  a  diet  in  Ratisbon,  the  conference 
was  adjourned  thither,40  and  continued  its  discussions,  by  imperial 
command,  upon  a  project  for  union  presented  in  writing,  the  Rat- 
isbon Interim.41     It  resulted  as  before  at  Augsburg ;  they  quick- 

Church,  but  found  in  both  great  defects,  and  hence  endeavored  to  bring  about  a  middle 
course  (see  Wicel's  Leben,  in  Strobel's  Beytriige,  ii.  331,  250,  by  Rieniicker,  in  Vater's 
Kirchenhist.  Archiv,  1825,  s.  325,  356).  Frederick,  however,  died  before  George ;  the 
latter  died  April  17,  1539.  The  Bishop  of  Misnia,  also,  now  recommended  such  ahalf- 
refonnation  to  the  new  Duke  Henry ;  Julius  v.  Pflug  and  Wicel  were  active  in  project- 
ing it,  but  it  was  not  accepted ;  Seckendorf,  iii.  215.  Henry  provided  at  once  for  an 
extensive  Church  visitation,  by  which  the  Reformation  was  to  be  generally  introduced. 
The  Instructions  of  the  visitors  are  in  Chr.  F.  Weisse,  Museum  der  siichs.  Geschichte,  Bd. 
i.  (Leipz.,  1791)  s.  210.— Cf.  K.  G.  Hofmann's  Ausfuhrl.  Reformationshistorie  der  Stadt 
u.  Universitiit  Leipzig.  Leipz.,  1739.  8.  Hering,  Gesch.  der  1539,  im  Markgrafth.  Meis- 
sen u.  dem  thiiring.  Kreise  erfolgten  Einfiihrung  der  Reformation.  Leipzig,  1839. 
Winer  De  Facultatis  theol.  evangelicae  in  Universitate  Lipsiensi  Originibus  (Leipsic 
programme  for  the  centennial  celebration,  1839). 

35  H.  Altingii  Hist.  Ecclesiae  Palatinae,  in  his  Monumenta  pietatis  et  literaria  Fran- 
cof.,  1701.  4.  p.  155.     Dan.  Parei  Hist.  Palatina,  p.  247. 

36  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  491 ;  in  Halle  first  in  1541,  Seckendorf,  iii.  373.  Dreyhaupt's 
Beschreibung  des  Saalkreises,  i.  207,  971.  Knapp  Narratio  de  Justo  Jona,  in  his  Scrip- 
ta  varii  argumenti,  ed.  ii.  ii.  622. 

37  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  431-491,  511-532.  Melanchthonis  Epistt.,  ed.  Bretschneider, 
iv.  1.  J.  P.  Roederus  De  Colloquio  Wormatiensi  ex  Msc.  Ebneriano.  Norimb.,  1744.  4. 
E.  W.  Bering's  Gesch.  der  Kirchl.  Unionsversuche  seit  der  Reformation  bis  auf  unsere 
Zeit,  Bd.  i.  (Leipz.,  1836)  s.  40. 

33  Comp.  below  §  19,  Note  5  ff.  22,  23,  especially  24.  Ranke,  Fiirsten  u.  Volker  von 
Sud-Europa  im  16ten  u.  17ten  Jahrh.  ii.  14G,  151. 

39  Cf.  Joh.  Cochliius,  then  Domherr  in  Breslau,  Gutachten  iiber  die  Augsburgische 
Confession  u.  die  Augsburgischen  Vergleichshandlungen,  zu  dem  Hagenauer  Convent, 
in  Seckendorf,  iii.  284,  and  in  Raynaldus,  1540,  No.  49. 

40  Acta  in  Conventu  Ratisbonensi,  published  by  Melancthon,  Witeb.,  1541.  4.  Acta 
Colloquii  in  Comitiis  Ratisbonae  habiti  per  M.  Bucerum.  Argentor.  1541.  4.  Hortleder, 
i.  1,  cap.  37.  Walch,  xvii.  695.  The  complete  acts  in  Melanchthonis  Epistt.,  ed.  Bret- 
schneider, iv.  119.     Cf.  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  544. 

41  In  the  different  collections  of  the  acts ;  in  Bretschneider,  iv.  190 ;  besides  in  the 
Latin  original,  in  J.  E.  Bieck's  Dreyfaches  Interim.  Leipz.,  1721.  8.,  s.  200.  The  Em- 
peror handed  this  WTiting  to  the  estates  as  "einen  schriftlichen  Begrif,  durch  etliche 
gelehrte  u.  gottesfurchtige  Personen,  wie  Hire  Maj.  bericht  worden  ist,  zusammengetra- 


174  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ly  came  together  on  merely  speculative  formulas  ;42  but  as  soon  as 

gen  u.  Hirer  Maj.  behandet"  (Walch,  xvii.  858);  Granvella  communicated  it  to  the  pa- 
pal legate  as  librum  confectum  a  piis  doctisque  viris  in  Belgio  (Pallavicini  Hist.  Cone. 
Trid.,  iv.  14,  4).  That  the  Cologne  theologian,  John  Gropper,  was  the  author  is  declared 
by  Melancthon  (Ep.  ad  Georgium  Anhalt.,  in  Bretschneider,  iv.  328),  Eck  (Strobel's 
Beytr.,  ii.  342),  and  the  papal  legate,  Contarenus  (Pallavicini  1.  c).  Besides  him,  Bucer 
and  Wicelius  have  also  been  held  to  be  the  authors.  The  truth  in  the  matter  is  proba- 
bly to  be  found  in  Melancthon's  Report  to  the  Elector,  ed.  Bretschneider,  iv.  577  (cf. 
Illgen's  Zeitschr.  f.  Hist.  Theol.,  ii.  i.  297).  The  book  was  written  by  Gropper,  with 
the  help  of  a  young  statesman,  Gerhard  Volcruck,  employed  under  Granvella ;  it  was 
then  communicated  to  Bucer  and  Capito,  and  much  altered,  especially  from  the  sugges- 
tions of  the  former ;  it  was  also  shown  to  the  papal  legate,  Contarenus,  who  likewise 
made  many  changes  (see  the  Chancellor  Burchard's  letter  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony, 
13th  May,  in  Bretschneider,  iv.  290 ;  Pallavicini  1.  c).  Thereupon  it  was  sent  to  the 
Elector  of  Brandenburg  and  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  who  were  gained  for  the  project 
of  union.  The  Elector  sent  it  to  Luther  for  his  opinion,  with  a  letter,  dated  4th  Febr. 
(Bretschneider,  iv.  92  ;  cf.  Neudecker's  merkw.  Actenstiicke,  i.  248).  He  declared  him- 
self not  wholly  averse,  but  thought  that  the  Catholic  side  could  not  accede  to  these  prop- 
ositions, and  that,  besides,  there  was  much  which  the  Protestants  should  not  accept. 
Thereupon  the  Elector  delivered  the  book  to  the  Emperor,  to  be  laid  at  the  basis  of  the 
negotiations  for  union.     Until  then  it  had  been  kept  strictly  secret. 

42  The  Emperor  named,  as  the  Catholic  theologians  in  the  conference,  Jul.  von  Pflug, 
John  Gropper,  and  John  Eck  ;  the  Protestants,  Melancthon,  Bucer,  and  John  Pistorius  ; 
the  presidents  were  the  Palgrave  Frederick  and  Granvella.  The  conference  began  27th 
April :  to  the  6th  May  they  compared  the  articles  (see  Illgen's  Zeitschr.  f.  Hist.  Theol., 
ii.  i.  304)  De  conditione  hominis  ante  lapsum,  De  libero  arbitrio,  De  originali  peccato, 
and  De  justificatione  hominis.  In  the  extant  editions  of  the  Interim  these  articles  are 
printed  as  they  were  adopted  in  the  conference  (see  Bucer's  Acta,  in  Hortleder,  i.  i.  cap. 
37,  No.  40  ff.).  -The  extent  to  which  the  Catholics  yielded  is  particularly  seen  in  the 
article  De  justificatione  :— Firma  itaque  est  et  sana  doctrina,  per  fidem  vivam  et  effica- 
cem  justificari  peccatorem.  Nam  per  illam  Deo  grati  et  accepti  sumus  propter  Chris- 
tum. Vocamus  autem  fidem  vivam  motum  Spiritus  sancti,  quo  vere  poenitentes  veteris 
vitae,  eriguntur  ad  Deum,  et  vere  apprehendunt  misericordiam  in  Christo  promissam,  ut 
jam  vere  sentiant,  quod  remissionem  peccatorum  et  recohciliationem  propter  meritum 
Christi,  gratuita  Dei  bonitate  acceperunt,  et  clamant  ad  Deum  Abba  pater,  id  quod  ta- 
men  nulli  obtingit,  nisi  etiam  simul  infundatur  charitas  sanans  voluntatem,  ut  voluntas 
sanata,  quemadmodum  D.  Augustinus  ait,  incipiat  implere  legem.— Etsi  autem  is  qui 
justificatur,  justitiam  accipit  et  habet  per  Christum  etiam  inhaerentem,— quare  ss.  pa- 
tres  justificari  etiam  pro  eo,  quod  est  inhaerentem  justitiam  accipere,  usurparunt:  ta- 
men  anima  fidelis  huic  non  innititur,  sed  soli  justitiae  Christi  nobis  donatae,  sine  qua 
omnino  nulla  est  nee  esse  potest  justitia.  Et  sic  fide  in  Christum  justificamur,  seu  repu- 
tamur  justi,  i.  e.  accepti,  per  ipsius  merita,  non  propter  nostram  dignitatem  aut  opera. 
Et  propter  inhaerentem  justitiam  eo  justi  dicimur,  quia  quae  justa  sunt  operamur,  juxta 
illud  Johannis:  qui  facit  justitiam,  Justus  est.—  Item  Christiano  cuique  debet  esse  com- 
pertum,  non  in  hoc  datum  esse  nobis  hanc  gratiam,  et  banc  regenerationem,  ut  in  eo 
gradu  innovationis  nostrae,  quem  primum  nacti  sumus,  otiosi  consistamus,  sed  cresca- 
mus  in  ipsum  per  omnia,  qui  est  caput.  Ideoque  docendus  est  populus,  ut  det  operam 
huic  augmento,  quod  quidem  fit  per  bona  opera,  et  interna  et  externa,  a  Deo  mandata 
ct  commendata,  quibus  Deus  promisit  propter  Christum  in  pluribus  locis  Evangelii  clare 
et  manifeste  mercedem.— Ideoque  quamvis  haereditas  vitae  aetemae  propter  promissio- 
nem  debeatur  renatis,  etiam  cum  primum  in  Christum  renati  sunt ;  nihilominus  reddit 
Deus  etiam  bonis  operibus  mercedem,  non  secundum  substantiam  operum,  neque  secun- 
dum quod  sunt  a  nobis,  sed  quatenus  in  fide  fiunt,  et  sunt  a  Spiritu  Sancto,  qui  habitat 
in  nobis,  concurrente  libero  arbitrio,  tanquam  partiali  agente.— Qui  autem  dicunt,  sola 
fide  justificamur,  simul  tradere  debent  doctrinam  de  poenitentia,  de  timore  Dei,  de  judi- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  7.  1541.  175 

they  came  upon  the  external  constitution  and  ordinances  that  re- 
lated to  the  authority  of  the  Church,  the  division  remained.43 
Meanwhile  these  negotiations  for  peace  were  suspected  'by  both 
parties :  Catholic  princes  declared  they  could  not  accept  the  four 
articles  as  compared  ;44  the  Protestants  feared  deception  and  craft 

cio  Dei,  tie  bonis  operibus,  ut  tota  summa  praedicationis  constet,  sicut  Christus  inquit : 
praedicantes  poenitentiam,  et  remissionem  pcccatorum  in  nomine  meo,  idque  ne  haec  lo- 
quendi  formula  aliter  quam  praedictum  est  intelligatur. 

43  Cf.  the  Protestant  counter  articles  in  Walch,  xvii.  798.  Melanchth.  Epistt.,  ed. 
Bretschneider,  iv.  348. 

44  The  dukes  of  Bavaria  were  opposed  to  the  Conference  from  the  beginning,  and  de- 
manded that  they  should  resort  to  arms ;  comp.  the  reports  of  a  Roman  agent,  Claudius, 
in  Ratisbon,  to  Cardinal  Farnese,  4th  March,  1541  (Raynald.,  1541,  No.  3) :  Nudius  ter- 
tius  Duces  Bavariae  convenisse  ad  Caesarem,  illique  repetito  Lutheranismi  principio,  in 
memoriam  revocasse  omnes  errores,  qui  admissi  fuerant  in  non  exscindenda  haeresi, 
nee  tenenda  vera  religione,  qua  labefactata  pariter  Caesareae  Majestatis  Imperiique  auc- 
toritas  labefactaretur :  exposuereque  quanto  studio — semper  paratissimi  fuerint — ad  vi- 
tam  ipsam  periculis  objiciendam  pro  divino  cultu  asserendo  (!  !): — ac  saepius  illud  in- 
culcaruut,  nimia  Caesareae  Majestatis  dementia  indulgentiaque,  quam  ipsi  etiam  Lu- 
therani  negligentiae  et  inertiae  vitio  tribuebant,  rem  in  praesens  discrimen  adductam 
fuisse.  Of  the  4th  April  (1.  c.  No.  4) :  Duces  Bavariae  in  Comitiis  in  id  incubuisse,  ut 
bellum  Lutheranis  indiceretur :  sed  Caesarem  ipsis  ac  Mogimtino  Cardinali  aperte  de- 
nuntiasse,  se  ab  iis  consiliis  omnino  alienum,  suscipere  nolle  bellum,  cum  ab  aerario 
imparatus  sit,  ac  si  opibus  instructus  esset,  nolle  eas  in  Germania  sine  ulla  utilitate  pro- 
fundere,  sat  expertum,  quantae  opes  exigantur  pro  gerendo  bello :  expeditionem  earn 
difficillimam  futuram,  cum  tarn  Catholici  quam  Lutherani  sint  Germani,  excitum  iri  a 
Lutheranis  Turcica  et  Gallica  auxilia :  parta  etiam  de  Lutheranis  victoria  non  tamen 
eorum  animas  in  viam  salutis  traductum  iri,  atquc  ita  omne  gerendi  belli  pro  religione 
consilium  abjecisse.  Of  the  6th  April  (1.  c.  No.  7) :  Significavit  VI  Aprilis  Cardinali 
Farnesio  Claudius  Internuntius,  Ducibus  Bavariae  maxime  suspectam  concordiae  cum 
Lutheranis  actionem,  ne  religionis  causa  prodatur,  atque  Granvellanum  turn  ab  ipsis, 
turn  a  Moguntino  in  suspicionem  adduci,  nee  spem  bonam  ex  iis  comitiis  ipsis  affulgere. 
Cf.  Winter's  Gesch.  der  evangel.  Lehre  in  Baiern,  ii.  80,  95.  After  the  conference  had 
been  broken  off,  Ma}'  22,  the  Catholic  estates,  chiefly  the  bishops,  caused  a  violent  account 
of  the  matter,  in  opposition  to  the  union  document  and  to  the  colloquy,  to  be  drawn  up, 
addressed  to  the  Emperor  (in  Spalatin,  s.  592) ;  this,  however,  was  kept  back,  and  a 
milder  one  presented,  July  2  (Bucer's  Acta,  in  Hortleder,  i.  1,  cap.  37,  No.  293),  which 
proposed  that  the  Emperor,  with  the  papal  legates,  should  examine  the  work  of  the  col- 
locutors, to  see  if  there  was  any  thing  in  it  against  the  Catholic  doctrine.  Eck  was  par- 
ticularly busy  infusing  distrust  into  the  Catholic  estates ;  at  their  meeting  he  declared 
that  he  had  never  been  pleased  with  "this  insipid  book,"  "in  which  he  had  found  so 
many  errors  and  defects."  Both  the  other  Catholic  collocutors  complained  of  him  for 
this,  and  showed  that  Eck  had  assented  to  all  the  articles  compared ;  and  that  they  had 
also  received  from  the  Emperor  a  testimonial  in  praise  of  the  regularity  of  their  pro- 
cedure (see  Bucer,  in  Hortleder,  u.  s.,  No.  673). — From  the  Catholic  party  reports  also 
went  to  Rome,  arousing  anxiety:  e.  g.,  7th  June,  in  Raynaldus,  1541,  No.  25:  video 
maximam  pusillanimitatem  et  stupiditatem  in  processu  hujus  negotii :  nunc  nihil  atten- 
tatur,  quod  possit  adversariorum  temerariam  audaciam  deprimere,  sed  contra,  omnia 
quae  eis  placent  et  ad  suam  rem  faciunt  fieri  permittuntur  et  conceduntur.  Primo,  in 
hoc  colloquio  (sicut  prolixe  scripsi  Rev.  Cardinali  Farnesio)  habuerunt  pessimos  suae 
sectae  et  pertinaciores,  tarn  collocutores  quam  assistentes,  et  ex  nostris  assistentes  fuere 
facti  fere  faventes  haereticis,  ii  Phlugius  et  Gropperus,  qui  male  consenserunt,  hominem 
sola  fide  justificari,  de  quorum  lapsu  Bucerus  impie  triumphavit ; — ex  colloquentibus 


176  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

in  respect  to  them.45  And  so  the  conference  was  brought  to  an 
end,  without  success,  on  the  23d  of  May.46  The  Emperor,  in  or- 
der to  obtain  quick  help  against  the  Turks,  was  compelled,  in  the 
final  decree  of  the  diet,  July  29,  1541,  to  renew  the  Peace  of  Nu- 
remberg with  an  additional  provision  relieving  the  Protestants 
on  the  points  complained  of  about  the  operation  of  the  imperial 
courts.47    A  declaration  was  also  appended  to  satisfy  them  on  oth- 

unus  duntaxat  peritus  Theologus  (Eck)  adhibitus  restitit :  judices  vero  fuere  laici  con- 
tra onine  jus  in  magnum  praejudicium.  The  King  of  France,  who,  for  political  reasons, 
tried  to  thwart  every  attempt  at  union  in  Germany,  also  complained  about  the  conces- 
sions of  the  legate  in  Ratisbon  (Ranke  Fiirsten  u.  Volker,  ii.  164).  And  so  the  legate 
now  received  an  order  to  accept  no  formulas  that  were  not  indubitably  Catholic  (ibid., 
s.  167)  :  and  he  now  advised,  nihil  amplius  de  reliquis  omnibus  agendum,  sed  remit- 
tenda  Summo  Pontifici,  et  Apostolicae  Sedi  (Raynald.,  1541,  No.  14,  15). 

45  The  Elector  of  Saxony  had  from  the  first  been  very  much  discontented  that  they 
had  made  any  other  book  than  the  Augsburg  Confession  the  basis  of  negotiation ;  and 
he  mistrusted  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  the  Landgrave,  and  Bucer.  Then,  too,  he 
was  displeased  with  the  article  on  justification,  as  agreed  upon,  because  it  was  obscure 
and  ambiguous  (Seckendorf,  iii.  356).  Luther  strengthened  him  in  this  (de  Wette,  v. 
353)  :  "E.  K.  F.  G.  haben  recht  geurtheilt,  dass  die  Notel  der  Vergleichung  em  weit- 
liiuftig  u.  geflickt  Ding  ist.'"  The  Elector  now  sent  Amsdorf  to  Ratisbon  to  watch  Me- 
lancthon,  and  commanded  the  latter  to  yield  nothing  of  Luther's  doctrine,  and  to  make 
all  the  results  conditional  upon  the  assent  of  the  estates  (Seckendorf,  iii.  356,  360).  How- 
ever, these  provisions  were  needless ;  for  the  union  came  to  a  dead  stop  on  the  subse- 
quent articles  about  the  Church,  the  Lord's  Supper,  etc.  The  Elector  Joachim  of  Bran- 
denburg, hi  conjunction  with  other  Protestant  estates,  now  sent  an  imposing  embassy 
to  Luther  (Princes  John  and  George  of  Anhalt,  Matthias  von  Schulenburg,  and  Alex. 
Alesius)  to  engage  him  in  the  projected  union  (cf.  Bretschneider,  in  Illgen's  Zeitschr. 
f.  Hist.  Theologie,  ii.  i.  293  ;  their  representations  in  Walch,  xvii.  846).  Luther  replied, 
12th  June  (ibid.,  s.  848  ;  de  Wette,  v.  366),  that  it  was  impossible  to  effect  a  union  with 
the  other  party:  "Denn  ob  es  gleich  Kais.  Maj.  aufs  allerhokest  u.  gniidigst  ernst  u. 
gut  meinet,  so  ist  doch  jenem  Theil  nicht  Ernst  mit  Gott  u.  nach  der  Wahrheit  vertra- 
gen  zu  wer'den  ;  wollen  aber  Kais.  Maj.  vielleicht  also  ein  Nasen  drehen.  Denn  wo  es 
Ernst  ware,  so  wiirden  sie  die  andern  zehen  Artikel  nicht  lassen  unverglichen  seyn,  als 
die  wohl  wissen  u.  verstehen,  dass  sie  alle  zehen  gewaltiglich  u.  in  bona  consequentia 
aus  den  vier  verglichenen,  sonderlich  aus  dem  Artikel  der  Justification,  verdampt  sind. 
^Wo  aber  Kais.  Maj.  ausschriebe  u.  verschuffe,  dass  die  vier  Artikel  durchaus  rein  u. 
klar  gepredigt,  u.  fur  christlich  gehalten  sollten  werden ;"  if  these  four  articles  were 
thus  agreed  upon  and  preached  the  others  could  remain  for  the  present  without  a  defi- 
nite decision  upon  them ;  for  by  these  four  the  poison  would  be  extracted  from  the  rest, 
and  they  would  fall  to  pieces  of  themselves. 

*«  The  Emperor  proposed  to  the  estates,  July  12  (Walch,  xvii.  913;  Melanch.  Epist, 
ed.  Bretschneider,  iv.  510),  to  adopt  the  four  articles  as  agreed  upon,  and  to  defer  the 
rest  to  the  council ;  the  Catholic  princes  refused  (Bretschneider,  iv.  526),  the  Protestants 
were  ready  to  accept  if  the  other  party  would  bind  itself  thereto  (1.  c.  p.  591) ;  but  at 
the  same  time  they  declared  at  length,  in  a  document  drawn  up  by  Melancthon,  July 
23  (Walch,  xvii.  863),  that  they  accepted  those  articles  only  in  the  sense  in  which  they 
were  laid  down  in  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  Apology. 

47  In  Walch,  xvii.  962.  The  action  of  the  colloquy  was  to  be  referred  to  a  common 
Christian  council,  to  be  held  in  Germany,  and  soon  summoned.  The  Protesting  party 
were  not  to  strive  about  and  against  the  articles  that  had  been  compared.  "  Darzu  ha- 
ben wir  neben  Pabstlicher  Heiligkeit  Legatcn  alien  geistlichen  Pralaten  aufgelegt  u. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  7.  1541.  177 

er  matters  where  there  was  doubt.48  And  thus,  at  this  diet,  the 
Reformation  had  manifestly  made  important  progress  toward  a 
formal  recognition.49 

befohlen, — unter  ihnen  u.  den  Ihren,  so  ihnen  untcnvorfen  seynd,  eine  christlichc  Ord- 
nung  11.  Reformation  vorzunehmen  u.  aufzurichten,  die  zu  guter,  gebiihrlicher  u.  heil- 
samer  Administration  der  Kirchen  fiirderlich  und  dienlich  sej- :  auch  iiber  solcher  Ord- 
ming  u.  Reformation  ernstlich  u.  strenglich  zu  halten,  u.  sich  daran  nichts  irren  noch 
verhindern  lassen"  (comp.  the  admonitory  writing  of  the  legate  Contareni  about  the 
Reformation,  to  the  prelates,  in  Raynald.,  1541,  No.  29),  "und  seynd  der  Zuversicht, 
solche  Ordnung  u.  Reformation  sollte  zu  endlicher  christlicher  Vergleichung  der  strei- 
tigen  Religion  eine  Vorbereitung,  u.  derselben  sonder  Zweifel  hoch  dienstlich  sej-n." 
The  truce  of  Nuremberg  was  to  be  maintained  till  the  end  of  a  general  council  or  a  na- 
tional congress,  "  oder  so  der  keines  seinen  Fortgang  erreicht,  auf  nachstkunftigen  Reichs- 
tag." "  Und  was  betrifft  die  Acten  und  Processe,  so  bisher  in  Religion  und  andern  ge- 
schehen,  an  unserm  Cammergericht  ankilngig  gemacht  und  ergangen  seynd,  derwegen 
bisher  Streit  gewesen,  ob  dieselben  in  dem  Nilrnbergischen  Friedstand  begriffen  seyn 
sollen  oder  nicht :  dieselben  Acten  u.  Process  wollen  wir  zu  Erhaltung  Friedens,  Ruhe, 
u.  Einigkeit  im  heil.  Reich  Deutscher  Nation,  u.  aus  unser  Kaiserlichen  Macht  u.  Voll- 
koinmenheit,  so  lang  bis  das  gemeine  oder  Nationalconcilium,  oder  in  dieser  Sachen 
eine  gemeine  Reichsversammlung,  wie  obstcht,  gehalten  wird,  suspendirt  u.  eingestellt 
haben." 

48  In  Walch,  xvii.  999.  For  example,  it  was  decreed  that  the  clergy  of  the  Augsburg 
Confession  should  not  be  deprived  of  their  revenues  any  more  than  the  Catholics  ;  that, 
although  the  adherents  of  the  Augsburg  Confession  were  not  to  draw  away  the  subjects 
of  an j-  Catholic  state,  yet,  "if  any  one  wished  to  adopt  their  religion,  he  should  not  be 
deprived  of  the  liberty ;"  that  the  officers  of  the  imperial  court  should  be  sworn  to  ob- 
serve this  decree  and  declaration  ;  and  that  the  Augsburg  decree,  so  far  as  religion  was 
concerned,  should  not  be  enforced  ;  that  persons  presented  for  office  in  these  courts  should 
not  be  refused  because  they  belonged  to  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  that  no  one  should 
be  removed  for  this  cause. 

49  The  preponderance  of  the  Protestants  in  Germany  was  so  decisive  that  the  Elector 
of  Mayence,  at  the  diet,  strongly  dissuaded  the  Pope,  through  the  legate,  from  having 
the  council  held  in  this  country;  see  Raynald.,  1541,  No.  27:  nequaquam  convenire, 
ut  Concilium  generale  celebretur  in  Germania  ob  diminutionem  auctoritatis  sedis  Apos- 
tolicae,  et  totius  ecclesiastici  status.  Ne  etiam  pro  arbitrio  Protestantium  omnia  fiant, 
et  quia  virus  haereticum  in  ipsa  Germania  viget. — Item  in  Germania  animosiores  et  ob- 
stinati  magis  in  eorum  perversitate  erunt  Protestantes. — Cogere  etiam  poterunt  Catho- 
licos  astutiaque  et  artibus  malis  domare  eosdem,  vel  etiam  ipsum  Caesarem  pro  eorum 
more. — Etiam  in  ipso  Concilio,  si  in  Germania  ficret,  turn  per  malas  practicas, — turn 
etiam  per  publicas  conciones,  si  licebit,  alioquin  in  aliis  privatis,  a  quo  non  cessabunt 
sub  praetextu,  verbum  Domini  non  esse  celandum, — studebunt  virus  suum  spargere,  et 
sectas  ampliare. — Proptcrea  considerandum  est,  quod,  si  Concilium  fieret  in  Germania, 
et  Caesar  pro  quorundam  arbitrio  ad  hoc  induceretur,  cogeretur  Sanctitas  Pontificia  for- 
san  annuere  quaedam,  quae  non  essent  concedenda,  quinimo  pro  Caesaris  jussu  urgeri 
posset  inique,  ut  haec  sua  Sanctitas  melius  perpendere  poterit. — Nequaquam  etiam  con- 
veniet,  ut  dimisso  seu  suspenso  generali  Concilio  celebretur  Nationale  Germanicum,  aut 
alia  imperialis  dieta,  quia  tunc  vere  dubitandum  est  de  schismate,  et  Catholici  quidam 
prolaberentur  ad  Protestantes,  caeterique  cogercntur  deficere,  aut  supprimerentur. 

VOL.  IV. 12 


178  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 


§8. 

CONTINUATION,  TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  SMALCALD  WAR,  1547. 

While  the  Emperor  Charles  was  weakened  by  a  second  unfor- 
tunate campaign  against  Algiers  (October  and  November,  1541), 
and  was  right  afterward  entangled  in  a  new  conflict  with  France,1 
King  Ferdinand,  who  needed  the  aid  of  the  Protestants  in  his  un- 
fortunate Turkish  war,2  was  compelled,  at  a  diet  in  Spires,  Feb- 
ruary, 1542,  to  concede  a  prolongation  of  the  religious  peace.3 
Protestantism  was  constantly  gaining  new  adherents,  and  its  pre- 
ponderance in  Germany  became  more  apparent.  When  the  epis- 
copal chair  of  Naumburg  became  vacant,  Jan.  6,  1541,  and  Julius 
von  Pflug  was  elected  to  it  by  the  cathedral  chapter  in  the  great- 
est haste,  without  the  customary  reference  to  the  Elector  of  Sax- 
ony, the  Elector  annulled  the  choice,  and  raised  Nicholas  von 
Amsdorf  to  the  bishopric,  Jan.  1542,  but  assumed  for  himself  the 
secular  government  of  the  see.4  When  Duke  Henry  of  Brunswick 
was  about  to  carry  into  execution  the  ban  of  the  imperial  court 
against  Goslar,  without  regard  to  the  imperial  suspension  of  it,6 
and  even  proceeded  to  make  war  upon  the  city  of  Brunswick,  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  and  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse  came  suddenly  to 
the  aid  of  the  two  allied  cities,  took  possession  of  the  duchy,  July, 
1542, 6  and  declared  that  they  would  only  give  it  up  to  the  sons 

1  Schmidt's  Gesch.  der  Deutschen,  Buch  viii.  cap.  29,  31.  Raumer's  Gesch.  Europas 
seit  d.  15ten  Jahrh.  i.  497. 

2  Schmidt,  ubi  supra. 

3  On  the  proceedings  of  this  diet,  see  Seckendorf,  iii.  382 ;  Schmidt,  Buch  viii.  cap. 
30 ;  the  final  decree  in  Walch,  xvii.  1004  (especially  1057). 

*  Documents  in  Hortleder,  Th.  1,  Buch  v.  cap.  11 :  among  these,  at  first,  the  proof 
that  the  Saxon  princes  were  princes  of  the  land  and  hereditarj-  protectors  of  the  three 
Saxon  bishoprics  ;  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  655 ;  Seckendorf,  i.  387.  A  contemporaneous 
report  on  the  election  introduction  into  the  see  of  Nicholas  v.  Amsdorf,  from  the  archives 
of  the  city  of  Naumburg,  is  in  Forstemann's  Neue  Mittheilungen  des  thuringisch.  siich- 
sischen  Vereins,  Bd.  2,  Heft  2  (Halle,  1835),  s.  155. 

5  The  outlawry  of  Goslar  was  in  the  imperial  declaration  about  the  decree  of  the  Diet 
of  Ratisbon  (§  7,  Note  48),  in  a  special  article  appended. 

6  The  earlier  documents  and  writings  exchanged  between  the  two  parties,  which  soon 
assumed  a  very  rude  and  passionate  tone,  see  in  Hortleder,  Th.  i.  Buch  iv.  cap.  1-34. 
Among  them  belongs  Luther's  Writing  against  Hans  Worst,  1541,  in  Walch,  xvii.  1645 
(this  title  was  given  because  Henry,  in  a  writing  against  the  Elector,  had  said  that  Lu- 
ther had  called  the  Elector  Hanswurst).  On  the  campaign,  documents  in  Hortleder, 
ibid.,  cap.  35  ff.  Cf.  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  631-54,  672-80 ;  Rommel's  Philipp  d.  Grossm., 
i.  461 ;  ii.  447. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  8.  1542.  179 

of  the  Duke;  they  also  introduced  the  Reformation  tnere,1  and 
renounced  obedience  to  the  imperial  court  when  it  took  the  part 
of  the  expelled  Duke.8  At  the  same  time  the  cities  of  Ratisbon9 
and  Hildesheim,10  and  the  Palgrave  Otto  Henry  of  Neuburg,11  de- 
clared openly  for  the  Reformation ;  in  Cleves  it  was  also  favored 
by  Duke  William,  and  spread  with  rapid  strides.12  Even  its  most 
violent  opponents  and  persecutors,  King  Ferdinand13  and  the  Duke 
of  Bavaria,14  had  the  mortification  of  being  asked  by  their  landed 
proprietors  to  concede  freedom  of  conscience ;  and  they  were  thus 
forced  to  recognize  the  fact  that,  in  spite  of  their  persecutions,  the 
Reformation  had  struck  its  roots  deep  among  their  subjects.  The 
adhesion  of  clerical  princes  also  appeared  about  to  become  of  deci- 
sive influence  in  favor  of  the  Reformation.  The  Elector  of  Co- 
logne, Hermann,15  Count  of  Wied,  was  at  first  hostile  to  Protest- 
antism ;  then,  yielding  in  part,  he  endeavored  to  remove  ecclesi- 
astical abuses  by  a  provincial  council  in  Cologne,16 1536 ;  but  aft- 
er the  religious  conferences  of  Worms  and  Ratisbon  he  became 
wholly  decided  for  the  Reformation,  and  invited  Bucer,  in  1542, 

7  Especially  through  Bugenhagen ;  see  Lentz's  Gesch.  d.  Einfiihrung  des  evangel. 
Bekenntnisses  im  Herzogth.  Braunschweig- Wolfenbiittel,  1830,  s.  109  ff. 

8  The  rejoinder,  4th  Dec,  1542,  in  Hortleder,  Th.  i.  Buch  vii.  cap.  21,  in  Walch,  xvii. 
G7.  Cf.  Barthol.  Sastrowen  (then  clerk  with  a  procurator  of  the  court)  Leben,  edited  by 
Molmike,  i.  227. 

9  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  683.  Seckendorf,  iii.  396.  Gesch.  d.  Kirchenreform.  in  Be- 
gensburg.    Regensb.,  1792. 

10  When  the  neighboring  Brunswick  had  fallen  into  Protestant  hands.  Here,  too, 
Bugenhagen  was  at  the  head  of  the  clergy  who  introduced  the  Reform.  The  Church 
constitution,  1544,  by  Anton.  Corvinus ;  Bugenhagen,  however,  had  a  share  in  it ;  Spa- 
latin's  Annalen,  s.  681 ;  Hamelmanni  Opp.  Geneal.  Historica  de  Westphalia,  p.  937 ; 
Seckendorf,  iii.  397 ;  Schlegel's  Kirchen-  u.  Reformationsgesch.  v.  Nord-Deutschland  u. 
den  Hannov.  Staaten,  ii.  197. 

11  By  an  edict  of  22d  June,  1542.  Neuburg  church  order  of  1543.  Seckendorf,  iii. 
396.     Struven's  pfiilzische  Kirchenhistorie,  s.  29. 

12  William  Avas  reigning  since  1539.  Berg's  Reformationsgeschichte  der  Lander 
Jiilich,  Cleve,  Berg,  Mark,  Ravensberg,  u.  Lippe,  edited  by  Tross.  Hamm,  1826,  s. 
55  ff. 

13  Petition  of  the  estates  of  Lower  Austria  at  the  Diet  of  Prague,  13th  Dec,  1541, 
Ferdinand's  answer,  and  the  reply  of  the  estates  ;  in  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  689;  Rau- 
pach's  Evangel.  OesteiTeich,  i.  35;  Beilagen,  s.  75.  Cf.  Raupach  von  den  Schicksalen 
der  Evangel.  Luth.  Religion  in  Steyermark,  Kiirnthen,  u.  Crain,  in  Winckler's  Anecdota 
Hist.  Ecclesiastica  Novantiqua,  8tes  u.  9tes  Stuck,  s.  341. 

14  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  683. 

15  On  him  and  his  Reformation,  see  Seckendorf,  iii.  435 ;  Berg's  Reformationsgesch. 
der  Lander  Jiilich,  Cleve,  Berg,  s.  64  ff. ;  Reek's  Gesch.  der  griifl.  u.  fiirstl.  Hauser  Isen- 
burg,  Runkel,  Wied.    Weimar,  1825.  4.,  s.  154  ff. 

16  Canones  provincialis  concilii  Coloniensis  sub  Rev.  in  Christo  patre  Hermanno  ce- 
lebratum  anno  1536.    Colon.,  1538,  fol.,  drawn  up  bj*  Gropper. 


180  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

and  Melancthon,17  in  1543,  with  other  Protestant  theologians,  to 
aid  him  in  introducing  it.  The  Reforming  Constitution  issued  by 
him18  met  with  great  sympathy  in  the  principality ;  hut  the  ca- 
thedral chapter  and  the  clergy  of  the  city  of  Cologne  pronounced 
against  it  with  great  violence,19  and  made  complaint  to  Pope  and 
Emperor.  Following  Hermann's  example,  the  Bishop  of  Minister, 
Francis,  Count  of  Waldeck,  also  began  to  attach  himself  to  the 
Reformation,20  1542.  Less  impression  was  made  by  another  in- 
stance :  after  the  death  of  the  Catholic  Bishop  of  Merseburg,  whose 
diocese  was  already  very  devoted  to  the  Reformation,  the  Protest- 
ant prince,  August  of  Saxony,  brother  of  Duke  Maurice,  was  elect- 
ed bishop,  and  Prince  George  of  Anhalt  was  attached  to  him  as 
clerical  administrator  of  the  diocese,21  1544. 

The  Catholic  estates,  sharply  wounded  by  this  progress  of  Prot- 
estantism, had  long  prevented  the  confirmation  by  the  diet  of  the 
imperial  declaration  in  the  decree  of  Ratisbon ;  but  this,  too,  was 
gained  by  the  Protestants,  after  they  had  acceded  to  the  declara- 
tion of  war  against  France  by  the  empire,  in  the  imperial  decree 
of  the  Diet  of  Spires,  June,  1544.22 

1 7  Zur  Geschichte  der  Coin.  Reformation  aus  Melanckthon's  Briefen,  in  Strobel's  Neue 
Beytrage,  v.  273. 

is  "Von  Gottes  Genaden  unser,  Hermanns  Erzbischofs  zu  Coin  u.  Churf.  einfaltiges 
Bedenken,  worauf  eine  christliche  in  dem  Wort  Gottes  gegriindte  Reformation  an  Lehr, 
Brauch  der  heil.  Sacramente,  etc.,  bis  auf  eines  freien — Concilii — Verbesserung,  be}-  de- 
nen,  so  unserer  Seelsorge  befoblen,  anzuricbten  sej'e."  Bonn,  1543,  fol.  The  book  was 
written  by  Bucer,  Melancthon  and  others  being  consulted.  The  section  on  the  Lord's 
Supper  sa3rs  nothing  of  the  essential  presence  of  the  body  of  Christ.  It  reads,  "  die  Ge- 
meinschaft  des  Leibs  u.  Blutes  misers  Herrn  Jesu  Christi,  bey  welcher  Gemeinschaft 
wir  sein  Geduchtnus  halten  sollen, — uff  dass  wir  im  Glauben  an  ihne  gestarket,  und 
giinzlicher  in  ihm  bleibeu  u.  leben,  u.  er  in  uns. — Und  dieweil  diese  Ubergebung  u.  Ent- 
pfahung  des  Leibs  u.  Blutes  Christi  unsers  Herren  ein  himlisch  Werk,  u.  Handel  des 
Glaubens  ist,  sollen  die  Leut  alle  fleischliche  Gedanken  in  dieser  Geheimnuss  ausschla- 
gen,  u.  s.  w."  Luther  was,  on  this  account,  much  dissatisfied  with  this  work  ;  see  bis 
letter  to  Bruck  (de  Wette,  v.  708)  :  "  Es  treibt  lange  viel  Geschwiitz  vom  Nutz,  Frucht, 
u.  Ehre  des  Sacraments,  abcr  von  der  Substanz  mummelt  es,  dass  man  nicht  soil  ver- 
nehmen,  was  er  darvon  halte  in  aller  Masse. — Summa  das  Buch  ist  den  Schwarmern 
nicht  allein  leidlich,  sondern  auch  trostlich,  vielmehr  fflr  ihre  Lehre,  als  fur  unsere. 
Darum  hab  ich  sein  satt,  u.  bin  iiber  die  Massen  unlustig  darauf. — Und  ist  auch  ohne 
das,  wie  der  Bischof  (Amsdorf)  zeigt,  alles  und  alles  zu  lang  u.  gross  Gewiische,  dass 
ich  das  Klappermaul,  den  Bucer,  bier  wohl  spiire."  Amsdorf  sent  in  a  criticism  on  the 
book,  which  excited  Luther  still  more;  Strobel's  Neue  Beytr.,  v.  285. 

19  The  controversy,  see  in  Strobel,  ubi  supra,  s.  300  ff. 

"°  Spalatin's  Annalen,  s.  G82.  In  the  year  1543  he  solicited  admission  into  the  Smal- 
cald  league,  Seckendorf,  iii.  418 ;  and  in  1544  he  made  earnest  attempts  to  introduce  the 
Reform,  1.  c.  p.  513. 

21  Seckendorf,  iii.  497. 

12  The  Protestants  at  the  diet  demanded  a  continuance  of  peace,  and  equal  rights  with 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  8.  1544.  181 

But  this  was  the  highest  point  which  they  reached.  The  Em- 
peror, who  was  now  able  to  carry  on  the  war  with  France  with 
new  efficiency,  forced  his  old  opponent  Francis  to  make  the  Peace 
of  Crespy,23  Sept.  18,  1544,  and  now  at  length  had  his  hands  free, 
so  that  he  could  aduress  himself  with  earnestness  to  the  ecclesias- 
tical divisions  in  Germany.  The  Protestants  could  no  longer  look 
for  protection  from  the  accidental  posture  of  affairs,  hut  only  from 
their  own  force.  Unhappily  this  power  had  for  a  long  time  been 
enfeebled  by  divisions.  Among  the  Smalcald  leaguers,  the  cities 
complained  of  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the  princes,  in  particular  of 
the  Elector  and  Landgrave  ;2t  Duke  Maurice  of  Saxony  came  into 
hostility  with  the  Elector,  and  abandoned  the  league,25  1542 ;  the 

the  other  estates.  Negotiations  with  the  Emperor,  see  Schmidt's  Gesch.  d.  Deutschen, 
Buch  viii.  cap.  33.  The  final  decree,  in  Walch,  xvii.  1198.  In  this  the  Emperor  at  the 
same  time  promises,  since  the  holding  of  the  council  is  very  uncertain,  to  call  immedi- 
ately "einen  andern  gemeinen  Reichstag,  vomehmlich  von  der  streitigen  Religion  u. 
was  derselben  anhangt;"  "auch  mittlerweil  durch  gelehrte,  gute,  ehr-  u.  friedliebende 
Personen  eine  christliche  Reformation  verfassen  zu  lassen.  Gleichergestalt  mogen  die 
Stiinde  durch  die  Ihren  auch  thun,  und  soldi  aller  Theil  Bedenken  alsdann  gemeinen 
Stiinden  vorlegen,  und  mit  ihnen  auf  freundliche  u.  christliche  Vergleichung  handeln, 
wie  u.  welchermassen  es  in  den  streitigen  Artikeln  der  Religion  bis  zu  wirklicher  Er- 
langung  u.  Vollziehung  eines  Generalconcilii,  wie  obsteht,  im  heil.  Reich  Deutscher 
Nation  gchalten,  u.  dadurch  die  schwere  eingerissene  Missbriiuche  gebessert,  u.  die 
nachtheilige  Trennung  u.  Spaltung  der  Religion,  audi  der  Stiinde  daraus  erfolgtes  Miss- 
trauen,  Widerwill,  u.  Unfreundschaft  geringert— werde."  The  Pope  reproached  the 
Emperor  for  this  in  a  letter,  24th  Aug.,  1544  (Pallaviciui,  v.  6)  :  Nos  vero,  fili,  cum  a  te 
indigna  quaedam  decreta  in  Conventu  Spirensi  ex  ipsis  actis  animadverterimus,  indig- 
niora  vero  designata  esse, — noluimus  sane  praetermittere,  quin  te,  a  Deo  nobis  honore 
et  amore  Primogeniti  commendatum,  his  nostris  Uteris  de  tanto  tuo  et  Ecclesiae  periculo 
admoneremus.  The  Emperor  had  transgressed  the  rule,  ut,  quoties  de  his  quae  ad  re- 
ligionem  pertinent  diseeptatur,  ad  sedem  Apostolicam  judicium  referatur,  nihil  ilia  in- 
consulta  statuatur.  In  Spires  much  had  been  concluded,  quae  maxime  et  pietatem  lae- 
dunt,  et  omnem  legum  ordinem  confundunt.  Nam  quod  laicos  de  rebus  spiritualibus 
judicare  vis  posse  (at  a  diet,  should  the  council  not  be  held),  neque  laicos  modo,  sed 
nullo  discrimine  laicos,  et  damnatarum  haeresum  assertores  ;  quod  de  bonis  ecclesiasti- 
cis,  et  de  eorum  futuris  controversiis  statuis  ;  quod  eos,  qui  extra  Ecclesiam  sunt,  et  per 
edictum  tuum  pridem  damnati,  honoribus  pristinis  in  judiciis  ac  tribunalibus  restituis, 
— quid  tandem  horum  cum  'divinis  institutionibus  ac  legibus — convenit?  caet.  Still 
more  violent  is  another  letter,  not  sent,  in  Raynald.,  1544,  No.  7. 

23  The  documents  in  Dumont  Corps  Universel  Diplomatique,  iv.  ii.  279.  Here  it  is  de- 
clared again,  que  cette  dite  pats  se  fait  et  fonde  pour  le  service  de  Dieu  notre  souverain 
Createur,  reduction  de  notre  sainte  foi  et  Religion  en  union  chretienne,  and  both  parties 
pledge  themselves  to  do  every  thing  pour  procurer  d'acheminer  et  conduire  ladite  reunion. 

24  As  earty  as  1540  the  lukewarmness  was  so  great  that  the  Elector  reassumed  the 
lead  only  after  long  delay,  and  only  for  a  year ;  Seckendorf,  iii.  300.  In  the  congress 
at  Smalcald,  1543,  the  cities  complained  of  the  princes,  and  demanded  that  the  embas- 
sadors of  princes  should  be  released  from  their  oath  to  their  lords,  and  be  sworn  as  coun- 
selors of  the  league ;  ibid.,  p.  418.  They  were  displeased  with  the  expedition  against 
Brunswick  ;  ibid.,  p.  429.     Cf.  in  general,  p.  570. 

25  Duke  Ileniy  died  Aug.  18,  1541 ;  Maurice  abandoned  the  league  21st  Jan.,  1542, 


182  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

Concordia  with  the  Swiss  came  to  an  end  when  Luther  renewed 
the  opposition  to  their  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,26  1544 ;  and 
though  the  Elector  Frederick,  of  the  Palatinate,  joined  the  Refor- 
mation27 in  1545,  yet,  following  the  example  of  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg,  he  did  not  join  the  league.28 

The  Pope  now  issued  his  summons  for  the  council,  so  long  an- 
nounced, to  meet  at  Trent29  in  March,  1545;  but  at  the  Diet  of 
Worms,  March,  1545,  the  Protestants  refused  to  take  part  in  it, 
since  it  was  called  by  the  Pope,  and  demanded  that  peace  should 
not  be  made  to  depend  on  their  participation  in  this  council.30 

but  pledged  himself  ready  to  defend  the  religion  in  future  as  in  the  past ;  Seckendorf, 
iii.  371.  The  Landgrave,  by  desire  of  the  confederates,  repeatedly  tried  to  induce  him 
to  join  them  again  (ibid.,  p.  418),  but  received  the  reply  that  the  Duke  avoided  the 
league  that  he  might  not  be  entangled  in  matters  which  did  not  concern  the  faith ;  ibid., 
p.  428.  His  hostility  with  the  Elector  was  much  increased  by  the  controversy  about  the 
sovereignty  of  the  city  of  Wurzen,  belonging  to  the  bishopric  of  Misnia.  Both  parties 
were  arrayed  in  arms  against  each  other  in  April,  1542 ;  Luther,  in  a  violent  letter, 
April  7,  demanded  peace  (de  Wette,  v.  456)  ;  the  Landgrave  speedily  coming,  acted  as 
mediator ;  Rommel's  Philipp  d.  Grossm.,  i.  459 ;  ii.  441. 

26  Luther  took  for  granted  that  the  Swiss,  in  consequence  of  the  Concordia,  would 
give  up  their  Zwingle  and  Oecolampadius,  and  therefore  continued,  without  scruple,  to 
attack  these  men  for  their  errors  (so  in  1539,  "Von  den  Concilien  u.  Kirchen,"  Walch, 
xvi.  2730  ;  in  1541,  "  Vermahnung  zum  Gebet  wider  d.  Turken,"  Walch,  xx.  2742),  un- 
deterred by  Bullinger's  representations ;  see  Bullinger's  Lebensgesch.,  by  Hess,  i.  362, 
392.  Then  Luther  renounced  all  fellowship  with  the  Zurichers,  in  a  letter  to  the  book- 
seller, Christopher  Frohschauer,  of  Zurich,  who  had  sent  him  the  Zurich  Bible.  This 
letter  was  written  Aug.  31,  1543  (de  Wette,  v.  587).  He  was  still  more  aroused  by  the 
publication  of  Zwingle's  works,  edited  b}'  Rud.  Walther,  1543,  prefaced  with  a  defense 
of  his  views;  and  he  now  wrote  his  "Kurzes  Bekenntniss  vom  Abendmahl,"  1544 
(Walch,  xx.  2195),  in  which  Zwingle  and  Oecolampadius  were  assailed  in  the  most  vio- 
lent fashion  as  murderers  of  souls  and  heretics  :  see  Bullinger's  Leben,  by  Hess,  i.  430. 

27  Seckendorf,  iii.  616.     Struven's  Pfalzische  Kirchenhistorie,  s.  32. 

23  In  the  negotiations  on  the  matter,  in  Frankfort,  Jan.,  1546,  he  sought  delay,  that 
he  might  advise  with  his  estates ;  Seckendorf,  iii.  617.  When  matters  at  once  became 
more  earnest  he  drew  back  wholly. 

29  By  the  bull  Laetare  Hierusalem,  of  19th  Nov.,  1544,  in  Liinig's  (from  the  imperial 
archives)  Spicil.  Eccl.  Cont.,  iii.  p.  14. 

30  Sleidanus,  lib.  xvi.,  ed.  Am  Ende,  ii.  373.  Seckendorf,  iii.  543.  The  Protestants 
declared  (Sleidanus,  p.  377),  religioni  datam  quidem  esse  pacem  adusque  Concilium,  se 
vero  non  agnoscere  Concilium  hoc  Tridentinum  pro  legitimo,  quale  sit  in  Imperii  comitiis 
promissum :  et  cur  non  agnoscant,  jam  antea  saepe  demonstrasse :  pacem  igitur  sibi 
necessariam  esse,  quae  non  sit  astricta  Concilio  pontificio,  sed  quae  locum  habeat,  donee 
de  re  tota  pie  fuerit  et  christiane  transactum  :  et  quia  pax  vel  constitui  vel  esse  firma 
non  possit,  nisi  juris  administratio  sit  aequabilis,  et  vero  Spircnsi  conventu  proximo  de- 
cretum  sit,  quid  in  eo  fieri  oporteat,  non  se  defuturos,  quo  minus  ei  decreto  satisfiat : 
haec  ergo  duo  capita  si  decidantur,  non  se  recusare  belli  Turcici  deliberationem.  To 
justify  their  rejection  of  the  council  the  Saxon  embassadors,  by  order  of  the  Elector, 
distributed  among  the  imperial  estates  Luther's  work,  written  in  1539,  "Von  d.  Con- 
ciliis  u.  Kirchen"  (Walch,  xvi.  2615).  But  very  soon  after  Luther's  book,  just  publish- 
ed, "  Wider  das  Pabstthum  zu  Rom,  vom  Teufel  gestift"  (Walch,  xvii.  1278),  was  also 
circulated  in  the  diet,  and  embittered  the  Catholics ;  Seckendorf,  iii.  556.    Thereupon, 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  8.  1546.  183 

Seemingly  yielding,  the  Emperor  made  proclamation,  in  the  final 
decree,  Aug.  4,  1545,31  that  there  would  be  new  negotiations  for 
compromise  at  the  next  diet.  Manifestly,  the  only  object  in  view 
was  to  gain  time ;  the  Emperor  needed  this,  that  he  might  strike 
a  surer  blow;32  and  the  Protestants,  by  their  assent,  only  pro- 
claimed their  conscious  weakness  from  internal  divisions.  The 
Landgrave  started  the  promising  project  of  a  closer  alliance  be- 
•tween  the  two  Saxonies  and  Hesse,,  to  take  the  place  of  the  inef- 
fectual Smalcald  league  ;  but  the  proposal  was  wrecked  by  the 
hostility  of  the  Elector  to  Duke  Maurice.33 

The  religious  conference  promised  by  the  Emperor  was  opened 
at  Ratisbon,  Jan.  27,  1546,  under  far  more  unfavorable  circum- 

by  order  of  the  Elector,  Melancthon  wrote  :  Causae,  quare  et  amplexae  sint  et  retinendam 
ducant  doctrinam,  quani  projitentur,  Ecclesiae  quae  confessionem  Augustae  exhibitam  Im- 
peratori  sequuntur :  et  quare  iniquis  judicibus  collectis  in  Synodo  Tridentina,  ut  vocanl, 
non  sit  adsentiendum.  Witeb.,  1546.  4.  (in  Melanchth.  Opp.,  ed.  Witteberg.,  iv.  772  ;  in 
Seckendorf,  iii.  602). 

31  Walch,  xvii.  1464.  According  to  the  demand  of  the  Emperor  in  the  decree  of  the 
imperial  Diet  of  Spires  (Note  22),  the  Elector  caused  a  project  for  Reformation  to  be 
drawn  up  by  Melancthon ;  this  was  also  approved  by  the  Saxon  and  Hessian  divines 
(Wittenbergische  Reformation,  in  Cyprian's  Reformations-Urkunden,  ii.  410 ;  Melanchth. 
Opp.,  ed.  Bretschneider,  v.  578).  In  this  their  old  rights  were  conceded  to  the  bishops, 
provided  they  were  attached  to  the  pure  doctrine.  At  the  present  Council  of  Worms, 
however,  where  this  Reformation  was  desired  by  Granvella,  Burkhard,  Chancellor  of 
Electoral  Saxony,  only  ventured  to  communicate  a  portion  of  the  project,  omitting  what 
was  said  of  the  restoration  of  the  episcopal  authority ;  Seckendorf,  iii.  555.  Bucer  had 
handed  in  another  project  to  the  Elector ;  extracts  in  Seckendorf,  iii.  539.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Emperor  himself  commissioned  Valentin  v.  Teutleben  to  write  out  a 
project  for  Reform,  and  probably  communicated  it  to  this  diet;  extracts  in  Seckendorf, 
iii.  547. 

32  The  papal  legate,  Alexander  Farnese,  at  first  had  a  cold  reception  from  the  Emper- 
or at  Worms  (Pallavicini,  lib.  v.  cap.  12).  However,  in  the  course  of  the  diet  the  Em- 
peror approached  him  more  and  more,  and  Farnese  departed,  the  beginning  of  Jul}-, 
with  the  assurance,  Caesarem  expeditioni  catholici  foederis  intentum  (1.  c.  cap.  13,  §  4). 
Immediately  thereupon  Andelot  was  sent  to  Rome  by  the  Emperor.  He  had  to  address 
the  Pope  thus  (1.  c.  cap.  14),  per  reliquos  ejus  anni  menses — videri  Carolo  arma  Protes- 
tantibus  inferri  non  posse,  sed  suam  operam  in  annum  proximum  offerre. — Hac  admissa 
mora  cupere  se  interim,  ne  Synodus  inchoaretur,  aut,  ubi  ea  mora  Pontifici  non  proba- 
retur,  duo  postulare,  alterum,  ut,  antequam  aperiretur,  Caesar  commonefieret,  quo  pos- 
set illico  Wormatia  discedere  et  molestis  Lutheranorum  querimoniis  se  subducere,  alte- 
rum, ut  abstineret  eo  tempore  Synodus  a  dogmatum  decisione,  quae  dum  haereticos 
lacesseret,  ad  ultionem  extimularet,  sed  tantum  generalibus  quibusdam  atque  novis 
disciplinae  legibus  edendis  se  contineret.  Posse  nihilominus  contingere,  ut  Protestan- 
tes,  etiamsi  de  illis  haberetur  ratio  ad  Concilii  initia,  furore  perciti,  in  Catholicos  debac- 
charentur :  proinde  opus  esse,  praesidium  aliquod,  si  quid  accideret,  paratum  habere. 
Quo  eos  lactaret,  se  a  Pont[fice  poscere,  ut  per  eum  sibi  fas  esset,  in  exitu  comitiorum 
ipsis  colloquium  et  alium  conventum  indulgere  per  hiemem  habendum,  in  quo  spondere  se 
Pontifici  haud  quidquam  noxium  permissurum  orthodoxae  religioni  ac  Pontificiae  aucto- 
ritati. 

33  Seckendorf,  iii.  570.    Rommel's  Philipp  der  Grossmuthige,  i.  520 ;  ii.  480. 


184  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1G48. 

stances  than  the  earlier  ones.34  For,  as  the  Council  of  Trent  had 
been  already  opened  in  Dec,  1545,  and  addressed  itself  forthwith 
to  deciding  about  the  Protestant  doctrines,  the  Catholic  members 
of  the  colloquy  feared  that  any  concessions  would  bring  down  upon 
themselves  the  same  anathemas  as  the  Protestants.  Hence  they 
delayed  receiving  the  articles  that  had  been  previously  debated ; 
and  the  debate  on  the  doctrine  of  justification  at  once  proved  that 
they  could  here  never  come  to  an  agreement.  The  Emperor  now 
issued  the  mandate,  that  the  colloquists  should  take  oath  to  keep  si- 
lence about  the  debate,  even  toward  their  princes.  It  must  have 
been  foreseen  that  the  Protestant  party  could  not  accede  to  this  con- 
dition ;  and  it  seemed  as  if  the  Emperor  wished  in  this  way  to 
cast  upon  the  Protestants  the  apparent  blame  of  nullifying  this 
new  attempt  for  peace.  The  Protestant  members  of  the  colloquy 
took  their  departure,  and  all  pacific  measures  for  union  seemed  to 
be  exhausted. 

During  this  colloquy  Luther  died  at  Eisleben,  Feb.  18,  1546.35 
In  his  last  years  he  had  endured  many  sufferings ;  and  the  divine 
favor  now  took  him  away  from  the  terrors  of  that  religious  war 
which  was  inevitably  drawing  on. 

The  Protestants  were  to  be  compelled  to  submit  to  the  council.36 
As  they  delayed,  and  would  not,  in  spite  of  the  most  urgent  invi- 
tations, come  to  the  diet  at  Ratisbon  (April,  1546),  where  this 
point  was  to  be  especially  pressed,  the  Emperor  no  longer  conceal- 
ed his  purpose  of  forcing  them  to  obedience  by  resort  to  arms.37 

34  Actorum  Colloquii  Ratisponensis  ultimi  verissima  relatio.  Ingolst.,  154C.  4. ;  print- 
ed by  order  of  the  Emperor  (see  Unschuld.  Nachr.,  1719,  s.  205).  Report  of  the  Collo- 
quy, by  G.  Major.  Wittenb.,  1546.  4.  (in  Hortleder,  Th.  i.  Buch  i.  cap.  40);  by  M. 
Bucer.  Strasburg,  1546.  4.  (in  Hortleder,  u.  s.  cap.  41 ;  in  Walch,  xvii.  1529)  ;  of  the 
Hessian  embassj-,  with  other  documents,  in  Neudecker's  merkw.  Actenstucke  aus  d. 
Zeitalter  d.  Reform.  Niirnberg,  1838,  ii.  727.  On  the  disinclination  to  the  colloquy  on 
the  part  of  Maurice,  Bishop  of  Eichstadt,  chosen  President,  and  of  the  dukes  of  Bavaria, 
see  Winter's  Gesch.  d.  Evangel.  Lehre  in  Baiern,  ii.  127.  Cf.  Hering's  Gesch.  der  kirchl. 
Unionsversuche,  Bd.  i.  (Leipz.,  1836)  s.  133. 

35  Doctor  Martin  Luther's  Lebensende,  von  Angenzeugen  beschrieben,  edited  by  G. 
Chr.  F.  Mohnike.     Stralsund,  1817.  8. 

36  Cf.  the  conference  of  the  Landgrave  with  the  new  Elector  of  Maj-ence,  in  Hoechst, 
Feb.  6,  in  Neudecker's  merkw.  Actenstiicken,  ii.  675 ;  with  the  Emperor  in  Spires,  March 
28,  in  Sleidanus,  lib.  xvii.,  ed.  Am  Ende,  p.  442  ss. 

37  A  concise  report  on  this  diet,  which  appeared  at  the  end  of  June,  1546 ;  in  Hortleder, 
Th.  ii.  Buch.  iii.  cap.  2.  The  imperial  proposition  was,  that  the}'  should  consult  about 
the  way  in  which  perpetual  peace  and  equal  rights  could  be  secured  by  restoring  the 
imperial  court ;  and  also  as  to  the  means  of  effectual  resistance  to  the  Turks.  The 
Protestants  petitioned  that  the  Emperor  would  "  die  streitige  Religion  Sachen  durch 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  8.  154C.  185 

That  he  might  more  surely  subject  the  powerful  Protestant  party 
by  dividing  it,  he  declared,  June  17,  that  his  sole  purpose  was  to 
punish  the  Elector  of  Saxony  and  the  Landgrave  as  disturbers  of 
the  peace  of  the  land  ;38  and  this,  too,  although  their  arbitrary 
measures,  which  were  the  pretext  for  this  course,  had  been  long 
since  forgiven  by  him.  But  while  he  was  thus  warning  the 
other  Protestant  estates  not  to  be  deceived  by  rumors  of  religious 
war,  he  himself  secretly  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Pope  for  the 
suppression  of  Protestantism,39  June  26.      The  Pope,  however, 

den  Weg  eilies  gemeinen  christl.  Concilii  in  Teutscher  Nation  zu  balten,  Nationalver- 
sammlung,  Reichstag,  auf  die  von  der  Kaiserl.  Maj.  vorgeschlagene  u.  bewilligte  Form 
des  Speyerischen  Reichsabschiedes  Anno  1544  aufgericht,  oder  durch  ein  christlich  Col- 
loquium—zu  christlicher  Erorterung  u.  Vergleichung  bringen  lassen,"  and  showed, 
■why  "das  jetzige  Trientische  Concilium  kein  soldi  gemein  frey  christlich  Concilium  in 
Teutscher  Nation  seyn  konnte,  wie  es  verabschiedet,  und  darauf  sie  die  Stande  der 
Augspurgischen  Confession  sich  berufen  u.  appellirt  hatten."  "Aber  das  papstlich 
Theil  hat  seine  Antwort  u.  Bedenken  allein  auf  das  jetzige  Trientische  Concilium  ge- 
stellet,  u.  die  Kais.  Maj.  ersucht  u.  gebeten,  obgemelte  Stande,  sich  dem  Schluss  u.  De- 
termination desselbigen  zu  unterwerfen,  zu  vermogen  u.  anzuhalten."  When  the  Prot- 
estants now  heard  of  the  preparations  for  war  by  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope,  and  -asked 
the  Emperor  about  them,  he  replied,  June  1G,  "dass  Ihre  Maj.  bedacht  ware,  Verord- 
nung  oder  Befehl  zu  thun  in  den  Artikeln,  die  Vergleichung,  Frieden  und  Recht  belang- 
end;  und  wer  denselbigen  nicht  wiirde  gehorsamen,  gegen  deme  wollte  sich  Ihre  Maj., 
wie  es  sich  zu  Erhaltung  Hirer  Maj.  Autoritiit  gebiirt,  zu  verhalten  wissen." 

38  Imperial  Rescript  to  the  cities  of  the  empire,  June  17 ;  in  Hortleder,  ubi  supra, 
and  Walch,  xvii.  1817.  The  Emperor,  it  is  said,  had  until  then  overlooked  many  prac- 
tices for  the  sake  of  peace.  But  his  efforts  for  union  had  been  in  vain,  "  nicht  von  we- 
gen  oder  aus  Lieb  u.  Zuneigung,  so  dieselbigen  Verhinderer  u.  Zerstorer  soldier  Ver- 
gleichung zu  unserer  heilwartigen  und  christl.  Religion,  oder  der  Ehren  Gottes,  die  sie 
allein  zu  eiuem  Deckmantel  u.  Beschonigung  ihres  unbilligen  Vornehmens  allenthalben 
vorwenden  ;  sondern  vielmehr  um  dass  sie  alle  andere  Stande  des  heil.  Reichs— unter 
solchem  Schein  der  Religion  unter  sich  bringen,  u.  sich  ihrer  Giiter  mit  Gewalt  unter- 
Ziehen  mogen  ;  wie  sie  denn  auch  derselbigen  nunmals  einen  guten  Theil  an  sich  gezo- 
gen— haben— zu  hohem  bescliwerlichen  Nachtheil— vieler  armen  verjagten  Partheyen, 
die  soldier  entwandten  Giiter  halben  weder  Recht  noch  Billigkeit  von  ihnen  bekommen 
mogen,  dieweil  sie  nunmals  die  Sadie  so  fern  getrieben,  dass  sie  weder  Gericht  noch 
Recht  im  heil.  Reiche,  welche  sie  lange  vor  dieser  Zeit,  so  viel  an  ihnen,  gewaltiglich 
unterdrucket  und  umgestossen,  zu  besorgen  haben."  Now  they  even  threaten  the  Emper- 
or with  arms  in  their  hands,  and  scatter  calumnious  books  about  him.  This  the  Emper- 
or can  no  longer  bear,  and  has  at  last  resolved  "endlich  enschlossen,  die  bemeldte  un- 
sere  u.  des  Reichs  ungehorsamen,  ungetreuen  und  widerspenstigen  Berauber  u.  Zerstorer 
gemeines  Friedens  u.  Rechts— zu  gebuhrlichem  Gehorsam  anzuhalten,  zu  weisen,  u. 
dardurch  genieine  Deutsche  Nation  in  Friede  u.  Einigkeit  zu  setzen."  The  Emperor 
makes  this  announcement  to  the  cities,  "damit  ihr  dess  Wissen  habt,  u.  euch  so  viel 
desto  weniger  abwenden,  beredeu  oder  berichten  lasset,  als  ob  wir  eines  andern  gesinnet 
u.  bedacht  wiiren,  denn  dass  wir  bey  unsern  Kaiserl.  Worten  u.  Wiirden  behalten,  u. 
euch  dess  versichert  haben  wollen,  dass  unser  Gemuth  u.  Meynung  anders  nicht  gerich- 
tet  ist,  dann  ihr  hiebcy  vernommen  habet."  He  sent  a  like  letter  to  Duke  Ulrich  v. 
Wirtemberg  (see  Sattler's  Gesch.  v.  Wirtemberg,  iii.  233)  and  to  the  Elector  Hermann 
of  Cologne,  7th  Jul}-  (Sleidanus,  xvii.  ed.  Am  Ende,  p.  488). 
39  The  original  in  Raynald.,  1546,  No.  94.    The  Capita  foederis :  ut  Caesarea  Majestas 


18G  FOUETH  PEKIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-16-18. 

unvailed  this  imperial  cunning  by  issuing  his  demands  for  the  sup- 
pression of  the  heretics  on  the  basis  of  that  treaty  ;40  so  that  only 
those  could  in  future  be  deceived  who  were  willing  to  be  so.  The 
Electors  of  the  Palatinate41  and  of  Brandenburg  kept  quiet,  and 
Duke  Maurice  even  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Emperor,42  July  19. 

in  nomine  Domini  cum  auxiliis  Pontificiae  Sanctitatis  proximo  mense  Julii  in  expedi- 
tionem  educat  omnes  copias  suas  summo  virium  molimine  adversus  Protestantes,  et 
Smalcaldianos,  omnesque  alios  haereticos  cujuscunque  sectae,  et  ad  veram  et  antiquam 
religionem,  et  obsequium  Sedis  Apostolicae  revocentur,  possitque  Caesarea  Majestas  ten- 
tare  omnes  modos,  si  forte  sine  armorum  vi  ipsos  ad  Religionem  Catholicam  traducere 
possit,  temporeque  constituto,  si  res  e  sententia  non  successerit,  capessantur  arma.  Non 
possit  Caesarea  Majestas  cum  Protestantibus  et  Smalcaldianis,  vel  aliis  haereticis  foedus 
ullum,  aut  concordiam  inire,  quod  expeditionem  dissolvat,  aut  retardet,  maximeque 
quippiam  permittere  non  possit  contra  religionem  catholicam,  atque  Ecclesiae  sanctiones 
sine  expresso  consensu  Sedis  Apostolicae  vel  Legati  Apostolici.  The  Pope  was  to  give 
200,000  ducats  for  the  campaign,  12,000  foot,  and  500  horse ;  he  granted  to  the  Emperor 
the  half  of  all  the  church  revenues  in  Spain  for  a  year,  and  allowed  him  to  sell  estates 
of  Spanish  cloisters  to  the  amount  of  500,000  crowns.  All  Catholic  princes  were  em- 
powered to  take  part  in  this  treaty.  The  conclusion  runs  :  Ut  expeditionis  conficiendae 
mense  Junio  proximo  tempus  designatum  exprimatur  de  mense  Junio  praesentis  anni 
1546,  cum  haec  capita  multo  ante  descripta  fuerint,  licet  consignata  non  essent,  ut  omnis 
erroris  scrupulus  eximatur. 

40  On  the  2d  and  3d  of  July  to  the  Kings  of  France  and  Poland,  in  Eaynald.,  1546, 
No.  96,  98  ;  to  Venice,  ibid.,  No.  101 ;  to  the  Catholic  German  princes,  ibid.,  No.  102. 
The  letter  to  the  Swiss  was  at  once  published  and  circulated  by  the  Elector  and  Land- 
grave, to  prove  that  "unter  dem  Schein  vermeinten  Ungehorsams  nicht  anders  denn 
Ausreutung  u.  Verdruckung  Gottes  allein  seligmachenden  Worts,  unserer  wahren  christl. 
Eeligion,  auch  des  Reichs  Teutscher  Nation  Freiheit  u.  Libertiit  gemeint  sey"  (Hortle- 
der,  Th.  ii.  Buch  iii.  cap.  12).  The  Papal  bull,  July  15,  in  which  all  the  faithful  are 
called  upon  to  support  the  Catholic  arms  with  prayer  and  fasting,  was  published :  in 
German,  with  comments  by  Amsdorf,  in  Hortleder,  cap.  10 ;  in  the  Latin  original  in 
Massarelli  Acta  Cone.  Trid.,  p.  85,  appended  to  Salig's  Historie  des  Trid.  Cone.  iii.  The 
Emperor  was  very  much  dissatisfied  with  these  papal  revelations ;  see  Pallavicini,  lib. 
ix.  cap.  3,  §  6:  Querebatur  Caesar,  Pontificem  scriptis  ad  Helvetios  et  ad  Galliae  Ee- 
gem  Uteris  expeditioni  obfuisse,  cum  per  eas  palam  ficret,  bellum  non  ea  sola  gratia 
susceptum,  ut  Protestantes  ob  contumaciam  in  Imperium  plecterentur,  sed  ut  ad  vete- 
rem  religionem  adigerentur.  Ad  haec  Pontifex:  mirari  hujuscemodi  querimoniam  ; 
cum  enim  Caesare  ipso  petente  hae  conditiones  in  sancito  foedere  fuissent  appositae,  et 
Apostolicus  Legatus  cum  tanto  militum  numero  contra  fidei  perduelles  missus  esset; 
quisnam  verum  rei  consilium  ignorare  posset,  bello  prorsus  politico  sibi  conficto  ? 

41  When  he  inquired  about  the  cause  of  the  war  he  received  the  customary  answer, 
and  then  attempted  a  useless  mediation ;  Sleidanus,  lib.  xvii.  p.  483  ss. 

42  The  treaty  is  given  from  the  original  in  Pontius  Heuterus  Eerum  Austriacarum, 
lib.  xii.  c.  6,  p.  290 ;  also  in  Weichselbaumer's  Gesch.  Johann  Friedrichs,  s.  222.  Me- 
lancthon's  judicious  judgment  about  Maurice  in  a  letter  to  Camerarius,  July  27  (ed. 
Bretschneider,  vi.  207)  :  Multa  mihi  in  mentem  veniunt  cur  crvfifxayiav  vitarit :  oh  St- 
\n  i<T0)5  oopvtyopo'S  sivat  twv  <TTpaTi]yu)V,  wv  Tiva  viroTTTa  o'uTai.  (puXciKTta.  Et  ut  vin- 
cerent,  ne  hoc  quidem  volet,  ad  horum  arbitrium  constitui  statum  vel  publicum,  vel 
suae  ditionis;  Toiaura  ot  Kal  h6vp.>i67ivai  Tiva  ov  ooKtl  ovrt  anaipov  ovte  iTri/jit/inrTov. 
?;i/  8k  pi\-ri(TTov  Trawraxou  (ppovtiv  tts  to  aroxppoviiv.  Erunt  certe  alii  eventus,  quam 
hi  aut  illi  putant  atque  sperant.  Nam  omnino  ingens  mutatio  rerum  impendet.  The 
two  margraves  of  Brandenburg,  John  von  Kustrin  and  the  frivolous  Albert  of  Bayreuth 
(Seckcudorf,  iii.  662),  went  so  far  as  to  enter  into  the  Emperor's  service ;  Sleidanus,  lib. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  8.  1546.  137 

The  Smalcald  War43  began  with  such  unexpected  energy  on  the 
part  of  the  League,  which  had  seemed  to  be  almost  dead,  that  the 
Emperor,  who  was  tarrying  with  a  small  army  at  Ratisbon,  seemed 
to  be  in  great  peril.  At  the  beginning  of  July  he  was  confronted 
by  a  much  superior  army  from  the  Wirtemberg  highlands,  led.  by 
the  distinguished  general,  Sebastian  Schiirtlin  von  Burtenbach, 
which  was  soon  joined  by  Saxon  and  Hessian  troops.  But  still 
nothing  decisive  occurred.  The  arbitrary  course  of  the  Emperor, 
which  reached  its  height  in  proclaiming  the  ban,  July  20,  against 
the  Elector  and  the  Landgrave,44  and  his  purpose  to  destroy  Protest- 
antism, which  lurked  behind,  were  very  clearly  set  forth  in  the  de- 
fensive writings  of  the  Protestants  ;45  but  the  majority  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  War  still  prevented  all  warlike  undertakings.  The  Emperor 
was  thus  in  a  condition  to  march  to  Ingolstadt,  and  there  strength- 
en himself  on  all  sides,  until  he  was  ready  to  make  an  attack. 
But  now,  in  November,  Maurice  fell  upon  the  Electorate  of  Sax- 
ony, the  Elector  hastened  to  the  aid  of  his  land,  the  allied  army 

xvii.  p.  461.  Cf.  the  admonitory  letters  to  the  former  by  the  Elector  of  Saxony  and  the 
Landgrave,  and  by  his  mother,  the  widowed  Electoress  of  Brandenburg^  in  Hortleder, 
Th.  il.  Buch  iii.  cap.  14.  The  answer  of  both  the  Margraves,  July  29 ;  ibid.,  cap.  17. — 
Bavaria,  until  now  very  jealous  of  Austria,  was  gained  by  the  marriage,  in  1546,  of 
Prince  Albert  of  Bavaria  with  Anna,  daughter  of  King  Ferdinand ;  see  Winter's  Gesch. 
d.  Evang.  Lehre  in  Baiern,  ii.  137. 

43  Best  sources:  (1.)  Favorable  to  the  Emperor:  Lud.  de  Avila,  Span.  General,  Los 
Commentarios  de  la  Guerra  del  Emperador  Carolos  V.  contra  los  Protestantes  de  Ale- 
mania,  Lat.,  Antverp.,  1550.  Argentor.,  1630.  12.  In  German,  in  Hortleder,  Th.  ii.  B. 
iii.  cap.  81.  (2.)  For  the  Protestants  :  "  Schmalkaldische  Kriege  anno  1546— angespon- 
nen,  ursprunglichen  beschrieben  durch  einen  wolerfarnen  u.  dieses  Kriegs  selbst  bej-- 
wohnenden  Kriegsmann  (not  Schiirtlin),  in  Mencken  Scriptt.  Rerum  Germ.,  iii.  1361, 
against  Avila.  Heinr.  Merckel,  secretary  of  St.  Magdeburg,  Bericht  von  der  alten  Stadt 
Magdeburg  Belagerung ;  in  Hortleder,  ii.  iv.  19.  Tileman  v.  Gunterode,  Hessian  chan- 
cellor, Diarium  in  Mogen  Hist.  Captivitatis  Philippi.  Francof.,  1766.  (3.)  Moderate  in 
tone :  Camerarii  Hist.  Belli  Schmalcaldici  in  Freheri  Scriptt.  Rerum  Germ.,  ed.  Struve, 
T.  iii.  .  Lambertus  Hortensius,  rector  at  Naerden  in  Holland,  De  Bello  Germanico,  lib. 
vii.  1550;  in  Schardii  Scriptt.  Rer.  Germ.,  ii.,  and  at  the  end  of  Avila,  Argent.,  1630, 
especially  used  by  Sleidanus.  Cf.  Rommel's  Philipp  der  Grossmiithige,  ii.  482.  A  col- 
lection of  passages  in  Melancthon's  letters  about  this  war,  in  Strobel's  Neue  Beytrage, 
i.  ii.  125.  Collection  of  different  reports  in  Hortleder  Vom  Teutschen  Kriege,"  Th.  ii. 
Buch  iii.  Works  on  the  subject :  Haberlin's  Neueste  Teutsche  Reichsgeschichte,  i.  Men- 
zel's  Neuere  Gesch.  der  Deutschen,  iii.  1.  Rommel's  Philipp  d.  Grossm.,  i.  522;  ii.  486. 
J.  G.  Jahn's  Gesch.  d.  Schmalkaldischen  Krieges.     Leipzig,  1837.  8. 

44  Hortleder,  Th.  ii.  B.  iii.  cap.  16. 

45  Compare  especially  the  proof  of  their  innocence  by  the  Elector  and  Landgrave, 
July  15,  in  Hortleder,  ii.  iii.  11.  A  further  statement,  August,  ibid.,  cap.  15.  Their 
letter  renouncing  allegiance  to  the  Emperor,  Aug.  11,  in  Sastrowen's  Leben,  ed.  Moh- 
nike,  i.  421.  On  their  outlawry  by  the  Emperor,  Sept.  2,  in  Hortleder,  ii.  iii.  cap.  29 
and  30. 


188  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

separated,  and  the  Protestant  cause  was  lost.  The  states  in  the 
Upper  Land  prayed  for  grace,  and  received  it  with  great  sacrifices. 
Hermann,  Elector  of  Cologne,  had  been  already  deposed  by  a  pa- 
pal decree  of  April  16,  1546,46  but  had  thus  far  been  spared  by 
the  Emperor;47  now,  however,  Charles  convened  the  estates  of 
Cologne,  Jan.  24,  1547,  and  carried  this  decree  into  execution.48 
The  Elector  of  Saxony  easily  drove  Duke  Maurice  from  his  do- 
main ;  but  in  the  spring  the  Emperor  came  upon  him  by  surprise, 
defeated  him  near  Muhlberg,  in  the  Lochau  forest,  took  him  pris- 
oner,49 April  24,  1547,  and  compelled  him,  in  the  Wittenberg  ca- 
pitulation, to  give  up  his  electoral  dignity  and  the  half  of  his  do- 
minions to  Duke  Maurice.  The  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  now  stand- 
ing alone,  submitted  in  Halle,  June  19  ;  and,  although  he  thought 
himself  secured  by  the  previous  negotiations  of  the  Electors  of 
Brandenburg  and  of  Saxony,  he  too  was  kept  in  prison  by  the 
Emperor.50 

46  Raynaldus,  arm.  154G,  No.  103.  The  decision  was  first  communicated  to  the  Chap- 
ter, Senate,  and  University  of  Cologne  in  a  brief,  July  3  ;  ibid.,  No.  104. 

47  Cf.  the  Emperor's  letter  to  the  Elector,  7th  July,  above,  Note  38. 

48  Sleidanus,  lib.  xviii.  p.  575.     Haberlin's  Neueste  Teutsche  Reichsgeschichte,  i.  112. 

49  That  the  Elector  was  betraj'ed  by  his  Councilors  is  maintained  by  the  zealous  ad- 
herents of  the  Ernestinian  line,  Paul  Muhlpfort,  in  Hortleder,  ii.  iii.  G9,  and  the  narra- 
tion in  G.  Arnold's  Kirchen-u.  Ketzerhistorie,  Schafhausen  edition,  1740,  Th.  ii.  s.  1000; 
this  narrative  of  the  religious  disputes  is  falsely  ascribed  to  Ratzenberger ;  it  is  bjr  a 
passionate  follower  of  Flacius.  The  complaints  against  the  Wittenberg  divines,  espe- 
cially Melancthon  and  Bugenhagen,  as  given  in  this  last  narration,  that  they  had  at 
once  abandoned  the  old  Elector  in  his  misfortunes,  are  proved  to  be  calumnies  by  Bu- 
genhagen's  work :  "  AVie  es  uns  zu  Wittenberg  in  der  Stadt  in  dem  vergangenen  Kriege 
ergangen  1547"  (also  in  Hortleder,  Th.  ii.  B.  iii.  cap.  73).  Cf.  Fortgesetzte  Sammlung 
von  alten  u.  neuen  theol.  Sachen  1729,  s.  293  ff. 

50  The  Emperor  demanded  the  unconditional  submission  of  the  Landgrave  ;  the  Elect- 
ors, however,  desired  that  certain  conditions  should  be  secretby  granted  them,  and  their 
councilors,  with  this  in  view,  laid  before  the  imperial  councilors,  June  2,  certain  arti- 
cles which  begin  thus  (Rommel's  Philipp  d.  Grossm.,  iii.  235):  "Der  Landgraf  erpeut 
sich  von  neuem,  er  wolle  sich  in  der  Kais.  Maj.  Gnad  u.  Ungnad  frey  u.  ohne  ainiche 
Condition  oder  Anhang  ergeben.  Doch  so  setzen  meine  genadigste  u.  geniidige  Herrcn, 
der  Churf.  v.  Brandenburg  u.  Herzog  Moriz  v.  Sachsen,  zu,  dass  fur  ihre  Personen  von 
Nothen  seyn  wurd,  einen  Verstand  von  Ir.  Maj.  zu  haben,  dass  ihm,  dem  Landgrafen, 
solche  Ergebung  weder  zu  Leibstraf  noch  zu  ewiger  [einiger]  Gefenknuss  reichen." 
Here  first  occurs  the  expression,  which  was  afterward  a  matter  of  dispute  :  on  the  side 
of  the  Emperor  it  was  maintained  that  the  assurance  read  "  noch  zu  ewiger  Gefangniss," 
that  is,  to  perpetual  imprisonment;  on  the  other  side,  "noch  zu  einiger  Gefangniss, '' 
that  is,  to  some  imprisonment.  Nothing  more  is  extant  of  the  further  secret  negotia- 
tions ;  thej'  were  probably  for  the  most  part  oral.  So  much  is  certain,  that  the  Electors 
believed  they  had  insured  the  Landgrave  against  any  imprisonment,  for  they  wrote  to 
him,  June  4  (ibid.,  s.  237):  "  Wir  versprechen  E.  L.,  dass  dieselbige  dardurch  iiber  die 
Artikel  weder  an  Leibe  noch  Gute,  mit  Gefenknuss,  Bestrickung  oder  Schmalerung  Ihres 
Landes  nicht  sollen  bcschwert  werden."    When  Philip  was  taken  prisoner  in  the  abode 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  8.  1547.  189 

Even  in  the  midst  of  his  victories,  however,  the  Emperor  was 
still  at  variance  with  the  Pope.  Charles  was  convinced  that  if 
the  ecclesiastical  abuses  we're  abolished  the  Protestants  might  be 
easily  reconciled  with  the  Church ;  and  he  was  consequently  dis- 
pleased that  the  Council  of  Trent,  instead  of  beginning  with  a 
reformation,  began  with  passing  judgment  upon  the  Protestant 
doctrines,51  thus  making  it  more  difficult  for  the  Protestants  to 
appear  there.     The  Pope  could  not  be  favorable  to  a  reform  that 

of  the  Duke  of  Alba,  the  Electors  declared  it  to  be  a  piece  of  villairvy,  and  the  Elector 
Joachim  Wanted  to  cut  oft'  the  head  of  the  Bishop  of  Arras  as  the  chief  deceiver  (Anal. 
Hassiaca,  Coll.  xi.  22G;  Rommel,  iii.  510).  It  is  inconceivable  that  the  Electors  could 
have  neglected  so  weighty  a  point  in  the  negotiations,  since  they  pledged  themselves 
personally  to  the  Landgrave  that  he  should  not  be  held  a  prisoner ;  we  must,  therefore, 
give  credit  to  the  contemporary  testimony,  that  the  imperial  councilors  allowed  them- 
selves to  be  deceived.  And  this  deception  is  easily  explained,  if  it  be  true,  according  to 
the  report  of  the  vice-chancellor  Held,  that  the  Electors  brought  the  negotiations  with 
the  Bishop  of  Arras  to  an  end  on  the  19th  June,  just  before  the  final  solemn  act,  and 
after  they  had  been  drinking  together  very  freely  (v.  Bucholtz's  Gesch.  d.  Regierung 
Ferdinand's  I.,  vi.  65).  That  the  Emperor  had  no  share  in  the  deception,  and  knew  only 
of  a  promise  that  the  imprisonment  should  not  be  perpetual,  appears  from  his  correspond- 
ence at  this  time  with  Ferdinand  (v.  Bucholtz,  vi.  63  f.,  69).  When,  then,  the  Emperor, 
at  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  (Sept.,  1547),  endeavored  to  justify  himself  publicly  against  the 
general  opinion  that  the  Landgrave  had  been  betrayed,  the  two  Electors  replied  (Hort- 
leder,  Th.  ii.  B.  iii.  cap.  84) :  "  Sie  wiissten  in  dieser  Such  die  Kays.  Maj.  in  nichten  zu 
beschuldigen,  dass  an  Vollziehung  der  abgeredten  Capitulation  bey  Ihrer  Maj.  einiger 
Mangel  jemals  gewesen:  gleichwol  sind  in  diesen  Sachen  allerhand  Be}'-  u.  Neben- 
Handel  furgefallen,  anfiinglich  mit  der  Rom.  Kays.  Maj.,  ehe  und  denn  Ihre  Maj.  aus 
dem  Feldlager  vor  Wittemberg  verruckt,  und  folgends  mit  Kays.  Maj.  Rathen,  welche 
ganz  geheim  u.  enge  geschehen.  Und  konnte  sich  hierinnen  noch  wol  zugetragen  ha- 
ben,  dass  in  Mangel  u.  Unverstand  der  Sprachen  mit  der  Kaj-s.  Maj.  Rathen  allerhand 
Misverstand  erfolget  seyn  mochte.  Jedoch  ware  beyder  Churfiirsten — Gemiith  u.  Mcy- 
nung  nicht,  sich  deshalben  in  einige  Disputation  einzulassen."  The}-,  however,  give 
the  assurance  that  they  did  not  understand  there  was  any  danger,  and  that  with  this 
conviction  they  had  been  able  to  secure  the  appearance  of  the  Landgrave.  But  when 
Maurice,  in  1552,  declared  against  the  Emperor,  he  asserted  outright  that  he  had  heard 
him  promise  that  the  Landgrave  should  "not  be  subjected  to  imprisonment  or  loss  of 
land"  (Ilortleder,  Th.  ii.  Bueh  v.  cap.  4).  That  the  imperial  councilors  used  deception 
is  maintained  particularly  in  L.  G.  Mogen's  Historia  Captivitatis  Philippi  Magnanimi. 
Francof.,  176G.  8.,  and  Rommel's  Philipp  der  Grossm.,  i.  533;  ii.  507;  iii.  235.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  attempt  is  made  to  deny  it  in  M.  G.  We^rnher,  Kaiser  Carls  V.  Ehrenret- 
tung  u.  Vertheidigung  wegen  der  bey  Landgraf  Philipps  Ergebung  gebrauchten  Worte  : 
nicht  zum  ewigen  Gefiingniss.  Niirnberg,  1782,  and  Menzel's  Neuere  Gesch.  der  Dcutsch- 
en,  iii.  198. 

51  As  early  as  1540  the  imperial  embassadors  demanded  that  the  Reformation  should 
first  be  taken  in  hand  ;  after  an  animated  discussion  the  council  concluded  to  take  up 
dogmas  and  reforms  together ;  see  Histoire  du  Concile  de  Trente,  par  P.  Sarpi  trad,  par 
Courayer,  i.  246;  Pallavicini,  lib.  vi.  c.  7;  Raynaldus,  1546,  No.  10.  When,  however, 
the  council  was  about  to  pass  to  the  first  dogmatic  anathemas,  the  imperial  embassador, 
Francis  Toletanus,  was  obliged,  in  Maj-,  1546,  still  to  interpose  earnest  objections ;  Sarpi, 
i.  290;  Pallavicini,  lib.  vii.  c.  3:  the  Spanish  prelates  were  on  his  side,  but  it  was  in 
vain  (Raynald.,  1546,  No.  70).  Against  the  objections  of  the  Emperor  in  this  matter 
the  Pope  tried  to  excuse  himself  in  Febr.,  1547  (Pallavicini,  lib.  ix.  c.  3,  No.  3  ss.). 


190  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

threatened  important  limitations  upon  his  power,  and  watched 
with  mistrust  the  influence  of  the  Emperor  upon  the  council. 
Hence  he  was  not  less  terrified  than  were  the  Protestants  "by 
the  rapid  victories  of  the  Emperor;52  for  as  long  as  Protestantism 
was  not  rooted  out  the  imperial  preponderance  was  not  less  dan- 
gerous to  him  than  to  the  Protestants.  He  therefore  again  made 
a  closer  alliance  with  France,53  recalled  his  troops  in  Dec,  1546, 
and,  while  the  Emperor  was  busy  in  Saxony,  adjourned  the  council, 
March  11,  1547,  on  the  pretext  of  the  plague,  from  Trent  to  Bo- 
logna,51 where  the  imperial  preponderance  would  make  itself  less 
felt.  The  Emperor  was  greatly  enraged  by  these  acts  of  the  Pope. 
He  could  not  so  easily  act  in  conformity  with  the  intimation  that 
Protestantism  should  be  at  once  suppressed  ;55  for  there  were  pow- 

62  Sarpi,  i.  387.  Ranke,  Fursten  u.  Volker  von  Siid-Europa  iin  16ten  u.  17ten  Jalirh. 
ii.  252. 

63  That  the  King  of  France  instigated  the  Pope  against  the  Emperor,  while  he  also 
encouraged  and  aided  the  Protestant  states,  appears  from  the  correspondence  of  the 
King  with  his  embassadors,  present  with  the  Pope,  the  Elector,  and  the  Landgrave,  in 
the  Lettres  et  Memoires  d'estat  des  Roys,  Princes,  Ambassadeurs,  et  autres  Ministres 
sous  les  regnes  de  Francois  I.,  Henry  II.,  et  Francois  II.,  rangees  par  M.  Guill.  Ribier. 
a  Paris,  1666,  2  Tomes  fol.  The  Pope  went  into  the  matter  so  far  that  the  French  em- 
bassador at  Rome,  du  Mortier,  announced  to  his  King,  in  the  spring  of  1547  (Ribier,  i. 
637)  :  Sa  Saintete  a  —  entendu,  que  le  Due  de  Saxe  se  trouve  fort,  dont  elle  a  tel  con- 
tentement,  comme  celuy  qui  estime  le  commun  ennemy  estre  par  ces  moyens  retenu 
d'executer  ses  entreprises :  et  connoist-on  bien  qn'il  seroit  utile  sous-main  d'entretenir 
ceux  qui  luy  resistent,  disant,  que  vous  ne  scjauriez  faire  depense  plus  utile ;  Sarpi,  i. 
497 ;  Eanke,  ii.  260. 

64  As  early  as  June,  1546,  a  change  of  place  was  agitated  by  the  legates  at  the  coun- 
cil (Pallavicini,  lib.  viii.  c.  5,  c.  10,  c.  15) ;  but  it  was  hindered  by  the  threats  of  the 
Emperor,  and  apparently  abandoned.  Thus  it  is  said  in  the  papal  work  written  to  justi- 
fy it,  Febr.,  1547  (Pallavicini,  lib.  ix.  c.  3,  No.  4)  :  translationem  Concilii  gravissimis 
de  causis  opportunam  sibi  visam :  ab  ea  tamen  animum  avertisse,  non  quidem  ob  ad- 
ductas  a  Caesare  rationes,  quibus  neutiquam  acquiescebat ;  sed  ob  adversum  illius  ani- 
mum, cui  se  concordem  praeoptabat  in  iis  etiam  quae  minus  idonea  ex  aliis  rationibus 
existimasset.  The  death  of  some  persons  now  gave  the  opportunity  to  feign  a  conta- 
gious sickness,  which  was  also  asserted  to  exist  by  two  physicians  of  the  council,  but 
denied  by  the  resident  physicians  of  Trent.  On  the  change  of  place  of  the  council,  see 
Sarpi,  i.  483 ;  Pallavicini,  lib.  ix.  c.  3 ;  Salig's  Hist,  des  Trident.  Conciliums,  i.  593.  The 
true  reason,  however,  was  the  fear,  already  avowed  in  a  private  letter  bjr  the  Cardinal 
Cervinus  (Pallavicini,  viii.  5,  5),  quaenam  Caesaris  armati  partes  imposterum  futurae 
essent ;  nimirum  Concilio  leges  dare,  essetne  de  dogmatibus  disputandum  necne,  quave 
ratione  de  ea  ipsa  re  agendum ;  nee  posse  repulsam  reddi.  The  imperial  bishops  pro- 
tested against  the  transference,  and  remained  in  Trent. 

55  Cf.  the  papal  Letter  of  Justification,  Febr.,  1547,  in  Pallavicini,  ix.  3,  5 :  Suam 
Carolus  voluntatem  significarat  expeditionis  continuandae,  donee  Protestantes  ad  obse- 
quium  Sedis  Apostolicae  pertraxisset.  Hoc  Caesaris  studium  Pontifex  commendabat, 
ajebatque,  id  a  se  sperari,  cum  ad  illud  ipsum  obtinendum  foedus  coisset,  tametsi  post- 
modum  per  concordiam  cum  Wirtembergico,  variisque  haereticis  urbibus  initain,  inscio 
Pontifice,  fuisset  a  pactionibus  resilitum,  sibique  materia  querelarum  exhibita. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  9.  1548.  191 

erful  Protestant  princes  yet  unsubdued,  and  a  still  harder  conflict 
was  to  be  expected  with  the  Protestant  people.  Nor  did  he  wish 
to  do  this  before  the  ecclesiastical  reformation  was  effected,  which 
he  viewed  as  the  condition  and  price  of  victory.  Therefore  he 
could  not  abide  the  prorogation  of  the  council  to  an  Italian  city, 
where  it  seemed  about  to  become  wholly  dependent  on  the  Pope  ; 
he  protested  against  it,  and  demanded  that  the  council  should  re- 
turn to  Trent.56  Tedious  negotiations  sprang  up  between  the  Em- 
peror and  the  Pope,  and  the  activity  of  the  council  was  interrupted 
for  several  years. 

§  9. 

CONTINUATION,  TO  THE  RELIGIOUS  PEACE  OF  AUGSBURG,  SEPT.  25,  1555. 

As  the  council,  under  these  circumstances,  was  for  a  long  time 
forced  to  remain  inactive,  the  Emperor  determined,  on  his  own  au- 
thority, to  establish  preliminary  arrangements  in  the  German  em- 
pire, which  might  at  first  bring  about  an  external,  and  thus  open 
the  way  for  an  internal,  union  of  the  contending  religious  parties ; 
he  also  intended,  by  these  provisions,  to  break  the  road  for  such 
a  general  reform  of  the  Church  as  he  desired.1     The  point  of 

56  Discussions  between  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope,  Sarpi,  i.  502 ;  Pallavicini,  1.  x. 
c.  6  ss.  Particularly  the  sending  by  the  Emperor  of  the  Cardinal  Madruzzi,  Bishop  of 
Trent,  to  Rome,  in  Nov.,  1547 ;  the  documents  on  it  in  Raynald.,  1547,  No.  88 ;  Martene 
Collect.  Vet.  Monum.,  viii.  1162;  Barth.  Sastrowen  Leben,  by  Mohnike,  ii.  178  ff.  The 
imperial  protest  in  Bologna,  16th  Jan.,  1548,  in  Rajmald.,  1548,  No.  6;  Sastrow,  ii.  214 ; 
and  in  the  papal  Consistory  in  Rome,  23d  Jan.,  in  Raynald.,  1548,  No.  19. 

1  The  idea  seems  to  have  been  first  started  by  the  estates.  At  the  Diet  of  Augsburg 
the  Emperor  declared  to  them  in  his  Proposition,  Sept.  1,  1547  (see  Barthol.  Sastrowen 
Herkommen,  Geburt  u.  LaufF  seines  gantzen  Lebens,  by  G.  Chr.  F.  Mohnike,  Greifs- 
wald,  1824,  Th.  ii.  s.  105),  that  he  was  determined  to  bring  the  religious  division  "to  a 
speedy  conclusion."  Thereupon  the  Catholic  electors  responded  (s.  117),  that  the  Em- 
peror should,  in  the  mean  time,  until  the  close  and  decision  of  the  council,  be  watchful 
to  restore  peace  and  right  in  Germany.  The  evangelical  electors  demanded,  on  the 
other  hand  (s.  118),  a  mutual  and  free  Christian  council,  of  which  the  Pope  should  not 
be  the  President,  where  the  Protestants  might  have  a  part  in  the  consultations  and  de- 
cisions ;  and  that  those  articles  should  again  be  taken  up  which  the  Council  of  Trent 
had  already  determined.  The  princes  wished  (s.  129  sq.)  a  continuation  of  the  Council 
of  Trent,  but  so  that  the  articles  there  already  decided  might  "again  be  taken  in  hand 
and  the  Protestants  sufficiently  heard  upon  them."  But  as  the  end  of  the  council  might 
be  long  delayed,  they  pray  that  the  Emperor  "would  at  once  see  to  it,  and  maintain 
order  in  the  mean  time  as  far  as  he  could,  until,  by  the  official  examination  of  this  com- 
mon council,  religious  matters  might  be  arranged  and  decided  in  a  Christian  way,"  so 
that  peace  should  be  insured.  The  Emperor,  in  his  address,  Jan.  14, 1548,  responded  to 
this  request  (Sleidan.,  lib.  xx.,  ed.  Am  Ende,  iii.  93 ;  the  address  is  in  Sastrow,  ii.  198) ; 
and  a  commission  of  the  estates  was  appointed  to  consult  about  the  Interim,  which  be- 


192  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

view  from  which  he  started  was  this :  that  the  Protestants,  after 
their  obstinacy  was  broken,  would  be  kept  away  from  the  Church 

gan  to  act  Feb.  11  (Sastrow,  ii.  296  sq.).  Meanwhile,  however,  some  bishops  had  been 
privately  at  work  in  the  affair,  and  had  gained  over  the  Elector  Joachim  II.  of  Branden- 
burg, who  was  deeply  involved  in  it,  and  his  court  preacher,  John  Agricola  (Sastrow, 
ii.  299,  304).  Julius  von  Pflug,  Eishop  of  Naumburg,  had  previously  drawn  up  a  form- 
ula of  union  after  the  style  of  that  of  Ratisbon  (see  §  7,  Note  42,  above),  and  making 
use  of  it  (Formula  sacrorum  emendandorum  in  Comitiis  Augustanis  anno  1518  a  Julio 
rflugio  composita  et  proposita,  ed.  M.  Chr.  G.  Miiller.  Lips.,  1803.  8.  Agricola  also 
sa}'s,  1562  :  "  Ich  glaub  das  Interim  war  gemacht  ehe  wir  nach  Augspurg  kamen ;"  see 
Freiwilliges  Hebopfer  Beitr.  29,  s.  706).  Of  this,  Parts  I.  and  II.,  on  doctrine  and  ec- 
clesiastical usages,  were  laid  at  the  basis  of  the  Interim,  and  presented  to  Michael  Held- 
ing,  Bishop  of  Sidon,  Suffragan  of  Mayence,  and  to  Agricola,  for  examination.  The 
vain  Agricola  was  so  won  over  by  the  ready  reception  of  his  remarks,  which,  however, 
did  not  go  very  deeply  into  the  matter,  for  he  also  was  desirous  of  the  union,  that  he 
wrote  to  Glatius,  preacher  in  Orlamunde  :  non  solum  adfui  compositioni,  sed  etiam  prae- 
fui  (Bieck's  Dreyfaches  Interim,  s.  25).  They  also  tried  to  gain  Bucer  :  toward  the  end 
of  Jan.  (Sleidan.,  iii.  94)  he  must  come  privately  to  Augsburg,  at  the  invitation  of  the 
Elector  Joachim  ;  he  delayed,  however,  subscribing  (Sastrow,  ii.  310).  The  writing  was 
now  laid  before  the  Emperor  by  "  some  persons  of  high  position  and  name"  (the  expres- 
sions of  the  Emperor  in  the  preface  to  the  Interim  ;  the  chief  of  them  was  the  Elector 
Joachim,  see  Sastrow,  ii.  304 ;  the  others  were  probably  the  bishops,  who  had  originated 
the  affair) ;  he  received  it  willingly,  as  the  official  commission  had  not  come  to  any  re- 
sult, and  communicated  it  first  to  some  of  the  estates,  to  give  their  opinion  on  it  in  pri- 
vate. Thus  it  came  first,  on  the  17th  March,  to  the  Elector  Maurice  (see  Expositio  eo- 
rum,  quae  theologi  Acad.  Wittebergensis  de  rebus  ad  religionem  pertiuentibus  monue- 
rint.  Witeberg,  1559.  4. ;  folio  O.  4.  b).  He  sent  it  at  once  to  his  theologians,  who  con- 
sulted upon  it  in  Zwickau  (Expositio,  Q.  2  sq.),  and  tried  to  avoid  the  urgency  of  the 
Emperor  that  he  should  at  once  accept  the  Interim  (Expositio,  P.  2  sq.).  The  divines 
assembled  in  Zwickau  answered,  April  14  (Expositio,  R.  2),  and  afterward  sent  in  a  still 
fuller  opinion,  24th  April  (Expositio,  S.  2)  ;  it  was  all  unfavorable  to  the  Interim.  To 
the  Pope  it  was  first  sent  in  behalf  of  the  Emperor,  April  11,  by  Cardinal  Sfondratus  ; 
but  the  nuncio,  dispatched  in  this  affair,  came  too  late  with  his  comments ;  for  he  had 
audience  before  the  Emperor  (May  15)  only  on  the  day  when  the  Interim  was  proclaim- 
ed, and  after  its  publication  (Pallavicini,  lib.  x.  c.  17,  No.  2  and  7).  In  consequence 
of  the  manifold  opinions  sent  in,  the  original  Formula  of  Pflug  had  undergone  man}' 
alterations,  even  after  it  had  been  communicated  to  the  Elector  Maurice:  Expositio,  Q. 
4.  b:  Notum  est,  librum  Interim  in  capite  justiiicationis  initio  minus  corruptelarum  ha- 
buisse,  et  post  vel  Malvcndam  vel  Dominicum  quondam  a  Soto,  vel  utrumque  plures 
inseruisse,  de  quo  et  infra  (X.  3)  Principis  Mauritii  scriptum  ad  Caesarem  queritur:  et 
nominare  ex  adversariis  possemus,  qui  Philippo  Melanthoni  de  Sotensis  inscrtionibus 
confessi  sunt. — (Melanthon)  Ratisponensi  similem  judicavit  inter  initia. — Et  ex  auctori- 
bus  libri  primis  unus  nostris  narravit,  consilium  Imperatoris  fuisse,  ut  caput  de  justifi- 
catione  iisdem  verbis  in  librum  Interim  insereretur,  quibus  in  tractationibus  Ratisponen- 
sibus  de  hoc  ab  utraque  parte  convenisset,  ut  corruptelas  crassiores  a  Magistris  secundis 
extitisse  necesse  sit.  Bekenntnuss  u.  Erklerung  aufs  Interim  durch  der  erbare  Stiidte 
Liibeck,  Hamburg,  Luneburg,  etc.,  Superintendenten,  Pastoren,  etc.  Magdeburg,  1519. 
4. ;  folio  4.  b.  "  Zum  dritten  ist  darin  alles  vermischet  u.  verwirret,  gut  u.  bose  also 
zusammengeruhret  u.  gekocht,  dass  be}'  einem  guten  Wort  stets  ein  tiickisch  bose  Wort 
hinzu  gethan  ist, — u.  scheinet  aus  dem  Interim,  dass  das  Buch  von  ungleich  gesinneten 
Meistern  geschrieben  u.  zu  Hauf  getragen  sey. — Es  wird  auch  allenthalben  gesagt,  dass 
etzliche  furnemliche  Interim-Meister  selbst  sollen  klagen,  dass  in  dc'm  Interim  Verende- 
rung  geschehen  sey,  und  dass  itzt  drinnen  stehe,  das  sie  weder  gerathen  noch  gewilligt 
haben."    Particularly  was  the  Formula  of  Pflug  changed  so  as  to  agree  with  the  decrees 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  9.  1548.  193 

less  by  their  peculiar  doctrines  than  by  the  Catholic  abuses;  and 
that  here  was  a  good  opportunity,  by  doing  away  with  these  abuses 
beforehand,  to  compel  the  council,  which  would  by-and-by  begin 
to  act  again,  to  take  earnest  steps  in  the  reform  so  long  desired  in 
vain.  In  this  sense  he  had  a  provisional  ecclesiastical  formula 
drawn  up  for  the  Protestants  by  the  two  Catholic  bishops,  Julius 
von  Pflug  and  Michael  Helding,  in  conjunction  with  the  court 
preacher  of  Brandenburg,  John  Agricola.2  According  to  this  the 
Protestants  were  again  to  become  subject  to  the  Pope  and  the 
bishops,  accommodate  themselves  to  the  Catholic  doctrine,  and 
have  concessions  made  only  on  some  matters  of  external  order. 
This  provisional  arrangement  received  legal  sanction  at  the  Diet 
of  Augsburg,  May  15,  1548— the  Interim  Augustanum.3     At 

of  Trent,  so  far  as  they  then  existed  ;  see  Planck's  Gesch.  des  Protest.  Lehrbegriffs,  B. 
iii.  Th.  ii.  s.  432.  Agricola  translated  the  Interim  into  German  (Freiwilliges  Hebopfer 
Beitr.,  29,  s.  706).  This  German  text  became  the  original ;  the  Latin  (as  we  now  have 
it)  is  translated  from  it ;  and  thus  are  to  be  explained  the  numerous  deviations  of  the 
Formula  of  Pflug  from  the  Latin  Interim  in  the  mode  of  statement,  even  where  the  sense 
is  the  same.  Miiller  has  collected  these  in  the  preface  to  the  Pflugii  Formula,  p.  xlviii. 
sq.,  and  wrongly  represents  them  as  intentional  alterations  of  the  text. 

a  At  first  it  appeared  as  thdugh  this  were  to  hold  valid  for  both  parties  ;  but  the  Catho- 
lic estates  at  once  made  provision  against  it.  TJie  clerical  electors  took  offense  at  the  mar- 
riage of  the  clergy  and  the  Communion  under  both  forms  ;  they  missed  the  restitution  of 
the  ecclesiastical  property ;  and  they  demanded  that  the  Interim  should  apply  only  to 
the  Protestants,  and  not  to  the  Catholics  (Sastrow,  ii.  322).  The  Catholic  princes  ex- 
pressed themselves  still  more  strongly  on  the  matter  (ibid.,  s.  327.  The  answer  there 
given  only  in  part  is  found  in  full  in  a  Latin  translation  in  Martene  Collect.,  viii.  1184), 
and  prayed :  "  Die  Kais.  Maj.  wollte  die  Cathol.  Stand  mit  sollicher  Zulassung  u.  Be- 
schwerung  ihrer  Gewissen  unbeladen  lassen ;  dieweil  auch  sonderlich  u.  unzweifenlich 
ein  gemeiner  Aufruhr  u.  ein  gemeiner  Abfaal  von  dem  christlichen  Glauben  daraus  er- 
folgen  mochte."  Accordingly  the  Emperor  demanded  of  the  estates,  in  the  introduc- 
tion to  the  Interim  :  "  So  bisher  die  Ordnungen  u.  Satzungen  gemeiner  christlichen  Kirch- 
en  gehalten, — dass  sie  dieselben  hinfuran  auch  halten,  u.  darbey  bestandiglich  bleiben, 
verharren,  u.  darvon  nicht  abweichen,  noch  Veranderung  furnehmen. — Aber  die  andern 
Stande,  so  Neuerung  furgenommen,  ersuchen  Ihr  Kais.  Maj.  auch  ganz  genadiglich  u. 
ernstlich,  das  sie  entweders  widerum  zu  gemeinen  Stiinden  treten,  u.  sich  mit  ihnen  in 
Haltung  gemeiner  christlichen  Kirchen  Satzungen  u.  Ceremonien  aller  Ding  vergleich- 
en,  oder  sich  doch  mit  ihrer  Lehr  u.  Kirchenordnungen  bemeltem  Eathschlag  in  all- 
we«-  gemass  halten,  u.  weiter  nit  greifen  noch  schreiten."  The  Elector  Maurice,  too, 
made  complaint  about  this  to  the  Emperor,  May  16th  (Expositio  Wittebergensis,  x. 
2,  b) :  at  first  it  was  said  to  him,  quod  ab  utrisque  partibus  ilia  formula  recipi  com- 
muni  consensu  deberet:  jctzt  aber  hore  er,  quod  ea  non  communiter  utrisque  partibus, 
sed  alteri  tantum  ad  servandum  imponerentur.  [A.  Jansen  de  Jul.  Pflugio  ejusque 
sociis  reformationis  aetate  et  ecclesiae»concordiae  et  Germaniae  unitatis  studiosis.  Berl., 
1858.] 

3  "  Der.  Rom.  Kais.  Majestat  Erklarung  wie  es  der  Religion  halben  im  heil.  Reich, 
bis  zu  Austrag  des  gemeinen  Concili  gehalten  werden  soil,  auf  dem  Reichstag  zu  Augs- 
purg,  den  XV.  May  im  MDXLVIII.  Jahr  publicirt  u.  eroffnet,  u.  von  gmainen  Standeii 
angenommen.  Mit  Kais.  Maj.  Freyhait,  nit  nachzutrucken,  vcrboten."  At  the  end : 
"  Getruckt  zu  Augspurg,  durch  Phil.  Ulhart."    4.  (also  in  the  Sammlung  der  Reichsab- 

VOL.  IV. 13 


194  FOURTH  PEMOD.— DIY.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  same  diet,  June  14,  lie  caused  a  Formula  Reformationis  to  be 

schiede.  Frankf.  a.  M.  1737.  fol.  Th.  ii.  s.  550,  and  in  Bieck,  Das  dreyfache  Interim. 
Leipz.  1721.  8.,  s.  266).  A  Latin  edition  was  published  at  the  same  time:  e germanica 
lingua  in  latinam,  quean  proxime  fieri  potuit  versa,  et  ipsius  Majestatis  jussu  typis  excusa, . 
ne  aut  ipsi  propositions,  aut  scripto,  quod  subsequitur,  scribentium  rarietaie  quicquam  possit 
(tddi  vel  detrahi.  Franco/,  ad  Oderam.  4.  It  contains  twenty-six  sections  :  I.  Of  Man  be- 
fore the  Fall. — II.  Of  Man  of  ter  the  Fall. — III.  Of  redemption  through  Christ  our  Lord . — 
IV.  Of  Justification.  "Wer  nun  durch  das  tkeuer  Blut  Ckristi  erloset,  u.  ikm  der  Ver- 
dienst  des  Leidens  Ckristi  zugetheilt  u.  gegeben,  der  wird  alsbald  gerecktfertigt,  d.  i.  er 
fiudet  Vergebung  seiner  Sunden,  wird  von  der  Sckuld  der  ewigen  Verdammniss  erledigt, 
u.  verneuert  durck  den  keil.  Geist,  u.  also  aus  einem  Ungerechten  wird  er  gereckt.  Dann 
da  Gott  rechtfertiget,  handelt  er  nicht  allein  menscklicker  Weis  mit  dem  Menscken,  also 
dass  er  ikm  allein  verzeike,  u.  sckenke  ihme  die  Siinde,  u.  entbinde  ikn  von  der  Sckuld, 
sondern  er  mackt  ihn  auck  besser. — Dann  er  ikm  seinen  keil.  Geist  mittkeilet,  der  sein 
Herz  reiniget  u.  reizet  durck  die  Liebe  Gottes,  die  in  sein  Herz  ausgegossen  wird,  dass 
er  das,  so  gut  u.  reckt  ist,  begekre,  u.  was  er  begekret,  mit  dem  Werk  vollbringe,  das  ist 
.lie  recite  Art  der  eingegebenen  Gerecktigkeit. — Dieweil  nun  ein  Mensck,  so  lang  er  kie 
auf  Erden  lebt,  die  Vollkommenkeit  dieser  eingegebenen  Gerecktigkeit  nicbt  mag  erlan- 
gen,  so  koinmt  uns  Ckristus  auck  dieses  Orts  merklick  u.  guiidigst  zu  Hiilf, — also  dass 
er  eben,  wie  er — die  Gerecktigkeit  des  Menscken — gewirkt  kat,  also  mekret  er  sie  auck, — 
u.  durck  den  Verdienst  seines  tkeuren  Bluts  u.  seiner  Gerecktigkeit  (die  ganz  vollkom- 
men  besteket)  erwirbt  er  dem  Menscken  Vergebung." — V.  Of  the  Fruits  and  the  Uses  of 
Justification. — VI.  Of  the  Way  by  which  Man  receives  Justification.  "  Wiewol  Gott  den 
Menscken  gereckt  mackt — okn  seinen  Verdienst ; — dock  kandelt  der  barmkerzige  Gott 
nicht  mit  einem  Menscken  wie  mit  einem  todten  Block,  sondern  zeuckt  ihn  mit  seinem 
Willen,  wenn  er  zu  seinen  Jakren  kommt.  Dann  ein  solcker  empfiihet  diesellien  Wohl- 
tkaten  Ckristi  nickt,  es  sey  dann,  dass  durck  die  vorgekende  Gnad  Gottes  sein  Herz  u. 
Will  bewegt  werde,  den  Sunden  feind  zu  werden. — Alsbald  bewegt  die  Gnade  Gottes  das 
Herz  zu  Gott  durck  Jesum  Ckristum,  u.  diese  Bewegung  ist  des  Glaubens,  durck  welcken 
der  Mensck  ohne  Zweifel  glaubt  der  heil.  Schrift. — Wer  also  glaubt, — der  wird  aufgericht, 
u.  durck  Bewegung  der  Gnaden  Gottes  empfiiket  er  das  Vertrauen  u.  die  Hoffnung. — 
Dieser  Glau'o  erlangt  die  Gab  des  heil.  Geistes,  durch  welchen  die  Liebe  Gottes  ausgegos- 
sen wird  in  unsere  Herzen,  welche,  so  sie  zum  Glauben  u.  der  Hoffnung  kommet,  werden 
wir  alsdann  durck  die  eingegebene  Gerecktigkeit,  die  im  Menscken  ist,  wakrkaftiglich 
gerechtfertigt.  Dann  diese  Gerechtigkeit  bestehet  durch  den  Glauben,  die  Hoffnung  u. 
die  Liebe,  also  wo  man  dieser  Gerechtigkeit  der  Stuck  eines  wollte  entzieken,  so  wiirde 
sie  gestummelt  und  mangelkaftig  seyn."— VII.  Of  Love  and  Good  Works.  "Die  Liebe, 
die  da  ist  das  Ende  des  Gebots  und  die  Vollkommenkeit  des  Gesetzes,  so  bald  sie  in  der 
Becktfertigung  eintritt,  so  ist  sie  frucktbar,  u.  beschleusset  in  sich  selbst  die  Samen  aller 
guten  Werk.— Und  wiewokl  diese  Werk  dermassen  gestalt  seynd,  dass  sie  Gott  von  uns, 
als  fur  sein  Beckt  erfordern  mockte,— nock  dannock,  dieweil  solcke  Werk  aus  der  Lieb 
kerfliessen,  und  Gott  nach  seinem  Wohlgefallen  den  Wiirkenden  Beloknungen  allermil- 
dest  zugesagt ;  so  begnadet  er  sie  mit  Vergeltung  zeitlicker  Guter  u.  des  ewigen  Lebens. 
—Nock  eins  muss  man  lernen,  wiewokl  die  Werk,  die  von  Gott  geboten,  notkig  seyn  zur 
Seligkeit,— so  seynd  dock  die  Werke,  welcke  uber  diese  Gebot  geschehen,  u.  ehrlich  u. 
gottselig  gehandelt  werden,  auch  zu  loben,  auf  dass  wir  nicht  wider  den  heil.  Geist 
seynd,  der  dieser  viel  in  heil.  Schrift  lobet."— VIII.  Of  Trust  in  the  Forgiveness  of  Sins. 
"  Allhie  muss  man  sich  wohl  fiirsehen,  dass  man  die  Menschen  nicht  allzusicher  mache, 
u.  dass  sie  ihnen  selbst  nicht  allzuviel  vertrauen,  ai»ch  durch  iingstiglich  Zweifeln  nicht  in 
Verzweiflung  kommen.  Darum  dieweil  Paulus  sagt,  ob  er  gleich  sich  selbst  in  nichts 
schuldig  weiss,  sey  er  doch  darum  nicht  gerechtfertiget :  so  kann  ja  der  Mensck  ganz 
schwerlich  von  wegen  seiner  Schwachheit  u.  Unvermogens  ohn  einigen  Zweifel  glauben, 
dass  ilmi  die  Siinde  vergeben  sind."— IX.  Of  the  Churches.  "  Und  wiewohl  die  Kircke,  so- 
fern  sie  in  solchen  Gliedern  stehet,  die  nach  der  Liebe  leben,  allein  der  Heiligen  ist,  u.  des- 
halben  unsichtbar,  so  ist  sie  doch  auch  sichtbar,  indem  dass  sic  Christus  zeigt,  da  er 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  9.  1548.  195 

laid  before  the  German  bishops,  according  to  which  they  were  to 

spricht :  sag  es  der  Kirchen.  Zu  dieser  gehiiren  die  Bischofe,  die  das  Volk  regieren, — dar- 
zu  gehoren  auch  die  andern  Diener. — Nun  seynd  in  dieser  Kirchen  nicht  allein  die  Heil- 
'  igen,  sondernauch  die  Bosen,  als  Glieder  derselbigen,  wiewohlunfruchtbar." — X.  Of  the 
Signs  and  Notes  of  True  Churches. — XI.  Of  the  Power  and  A  uthority  of  the  Churches.  ' '  Wie- 
wohl  die  Schrift,  wie  Christus  sagfc,  nicht  aufgeltist  werden  kann,  u.  also  deshalben  un- 
beweglich,  u.  grosser  denn  aller  Menschen  Gewalt:  so  ist  doch  bey  der  Kirchen  alhveg 
die  Macht  gewesen,  die  wahren  Schriften  von  den  falschen  zu  scheiden. — Also  hat  sie 
auch  Gewalt,  die  Schrift  auszulegen,  u.  sonderlich  aus  ihnen  die  Lehren  zu  nehmen  u. 
zu  erklaren,  sintemal  der  heil.  Geist  bey  ihr  ist,  u.  leitet  sie  in  alle  Wahrheit,  wie  dann 
der  Ilerr  Christus  solches  selbst  zugesagt.— Uber  das  hat  die  Kirch  etliche  Satzungen  von 
Christo  u.  den  Aposteln  durch  die  Hand  der  Bischoffen  an  uns  bis  hieher  gebracht :  wel- 
cher  die  zerreisst,  der  laugnet,  dass  die  Kirch  ein  Saul  u.  Grundvest  sey  der  Wahrheit. 
Dieserley  seynd  die  Kindertauf  u.  andere.  So  ist  auch  das  gewiss,  dass  die  Kirch  Macht 
habe  zu  strafen,  u.  zu  excommuniciren. — So  hat  sie  auch  Gewalt  zum  Gerichtszwang : 
dann  wem  da  gebuhrt  die  Macht  zu  straffen,  dein  muss  auch  die  Macht  des  Gerichts- 
zwangs  zugestellt  werden.  Und  wann  zweifelhaftige  Fragen  fiirfallen  in  der  Kirchen, 
so  hat  sie  Macht,  von  denen  zu  urtheilen  u.  zu  schliessen,  u.  das  durch  einen  Synodum 
oder  Versammlung,  unci  was  sie  dann  im  heil.  Geist  rechtmilssig  versammelt  beschleusst, 
das  ist  zu  achten,  als  hatt  es  der  heil.  Geist  selbst  geschlossen,  wie  dann  geschrieben 
stehet  im  Concilio  zu  Jerusalem :  Es  gefallt  dem  heil.  Geist  u.  uns."— XII.  Of  the  Serv- 
ants of  the  Churches. — XIII.  Of  the  highest  Bishop  and  other  Bishops.  "  Und  auf  dass  die 
Kirch,  die  eines  Haupts  d.  i.  des  Herrn  Christi  einiger  Leib  ist,  desto  leichter  in  Einigkeit 
erhalten  wiirde,  wiewohl  sie  viel  Bischofte  hat,  welche  das  Volk,  so  Christus  durch  sein 
theures  Blut  erworben  hat,  regieren,  u.  das  aus  gottlichen  Rechten,  so  hat  man  doch 
einen  obersten  Bischoff,  der  den  andern  alien  mit  vollem  Gewalt  furgesetzt  ist,  Schismata 
u.  Trennung  zu  verhuten,  u.  das  nach  der  Praerogativ.  u.  Filrzug,  der  Petro  verliehcn 
ist. — Wer  nun  den  Stuhl  Petri  innen  hat  als  oberster  Bischoff,  der  soil  mit  dem  Recht, 
damit  es  Petrus  von  Christo  empfangen,  da  er  sprach :  weide  meine  Schafe,  die  ganze 
Kirchen  regieren  u.  verwalten,  aber  er  soil  seinen  Gewalt,  so  er  hat,  gebrauchen  nicht 
zur  Zerstorung,  sondern  zur  Erbauung." — XIV.  Of  the  Sacraments  in  general.  As  to 
these,  in  the  subsequent  section,  the  Catholic  doctrine  is  given  entire. — XV.  Of  Baptism. — 
XVI.  Of  Confirmation— XVII.  Of the  Sacrament  of  Penance.— XVIII.  Of  the  Sacrament 
of  the  Altar. — XIX.  Of  Holy  Unction. — XX.  Of  the  Sacrament  of  Ordination  of  Priests. — 
XXI.  Of  the  Sacrament  of  Marriage. — Then,  XXII.  Of  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass.  "  Gleich- 
wie  nun  vor  der  Zukunft  Christi  Gott  den  Viittern  etliche  gewisse  Opfer  gegeben  hat, 
dardurch  sie  die  Gedachtnuss  des  grossen  Opfers,  das  sie  zukunftig  erwarteten,  in  ihren 
Herzen  erwegten ; — also  hat  Gott  seiner  Kirchen  ein  reines  u.  hcilsames  Opfer  seines 
Leibs  u.  Bluts  unter  Gestalt  Brots  u.  Weins  befohlen,  dardurch  wir  ohn  Unterlass  die 
Gedachtnuss  seines  Leibs  u.  Bluts,  das  fur  uns  vergossen  ist,  in  unserm  Herzen  verneue- 
ten,  u.  den  Nutz  des  blutigen  Opfers,  in  welchem  er  die  Geheiligten  in  Ewigkeit  vollkom- 
raen  gemacht  hat,  an  uns  brachten." — XXIII.  Of  the  Remembrance  of  Saints  in  the  Sac- 
rifice of  the  Mass,  and  of  their  Intercession,  which  is  therein  desired;  also,  shortly,  Of  the 
Praying  to  Saints. — XXIV.  Of  the  Remembrance  of  the  Dead  in  Christ. — XXV.  Of  Com- 
munion, and  how  it  is  to  be  observed  in  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass. — XXVI.  Of  the  Cere- 
monies and  Usages  in  the  Sacraments.  Here  all  the  Catholic  usages,  festivals,  and  fasts 
are  confirmed.  "  Die  Ceremonien  der  andern  Sacramenten  sollen  gebraucht  werden  ver- 
mog  der  alten  Agenden.  doch  wo  ichts  in  denselbigen,  das  zu  Aberglauben  Ursach  geben 
mochte,  eingeschlichen  wiire,  das  soil  nach  zeitlichem  Rath  gebessert  werden. — Und  wie- 
wohl man  mit  dem  Apostel  halten  soil,  dass  der,  so  ohn  ein  Weib  ist,  fur  die  Ding  sorge, 
die  des  Herrn  seynd,  darumb  es  zu  wunschen  wiire,  dass  der  Clerici  viel  gefunden  war- 
den, die,  wie  sie  ohne  Weiber  sind,  auch  wahrhaftige  Keuschheit  hielten  :  jedoch,  dieweil 
ihrer  jetzo  viel  sind,  die  im  Stand  der  Geistlichen,  die  Kircheniimter  verwalten,  u.  an 
vielen  Orten  Weiber  genommen  haben,  die  sie  von  ihnen  nicht  lassen  wollen ;  so  soil 
hieriiber  des  gemeinen  Concilii  Bescheid  u.  Erorterung  erwartet  werden,  dieweil  doch 


196  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

set  aside  the  abuses  that  had  pressed  into  the  Catholic  Church.4 
By  these  measures  he  believed  that  he  could  bring  the  two  parties 
so  near  together  that  they  would  regard  themselves  as  belonging 
to  the  same  Church ;  and  that  afterward,  by  a  wise  action  of  the 
council,  they  could  readily  be  entirely  united.  At  the  same  time, 
he  also  hoped  in  this  way  to  call  forth  and  prepare  for  the  desired 
efficiency  of  the  council  in  respect  to  reforms.  Although  these 
imperial  arrangements  about  ecclesiastical  affairs  were  most  unac- 
ceptable to  the  Pope,5  and  though  he  was  strengthened  in  his  hos- 
tile Veranderung  (wie  jetztdie  Zeitu.  Liiuf  seynd)  auf  dissmakl  ohrie  sckwereZerriittung 
nieht  geschehen  mag.  Doch  kann  man  nickt  liiugnen,  wiewokl  der  Ehestand  fur  sich 
selbst  ekrlick  ist  nach  der  Schrift,  class  doch  der,  so  kein  Eheweib  nimmt,  u.  wahrhaftige 
Keusckkeit  halt,  besser  tkue  nach  derselben  Schrift.  Eben  dtese  Mejmung  kat  es  audi 
mit  dem  Gebrauck  der  Eucharistien  unter  beyder  Gestalt,  welcher  sich  nun  ikrer  viel 
gebraucken,  u.  deren  gewoknt  seynd,  die  mogen  dieser  Zeit  okne  sclmere  Bewegung 
davon  nicht  abgewendet  werden.  Und  dann  das  gemeine  Concilium,  welchem  sick  alle 
Stand  des  keil.  Reicks  unterworfen  kaben,  okne  Zweifel  einen  gottseligen  u.  eifterigen 
Fleiss  anwenden  wird,  dass  in  diesem  Fall  vieler  Leut  Gewissen,  u.  dem  Frieden  der 
Kirchen  nach  Nothdurft  gerathen  werde.  Demnach,  welche  den  Gebrauch  beider  Ge- 
stalt vor  dieser  Zeit  angenommen  haben,  u.  davon  nicht  abstehen  wollen,  die  sollen  kier- 
iiber  gleickfalls  des  gemeinen  Concilii  Erorterung  u.  Entsckeid  erwarten.  Dock  soller. 
die,  so  den  Gebrauck  beider  Gestalt  kaben,  die  Gewoknkeit,  die  nun  alt  ist,  unter  eine«" 
Gestalt  zu  communiciren,  nickt  strafen,  auck  keiner  den  andern  kierin  anfeckten,  bi>- 
hierilber  von  einem  allgemeinen  Concilio  gescklossen  wird." 

4  The  basis  of  it  seems  to  have  been  tbe  third  part  of  Pflug's  Formula  sacrorum  emend 
(see  Note  1),  and  Pflug  kimself  to  be  the  author  ;  see  Midler's  Praef.  to  Pflugii  Formula, 
p.  xx.  It  appeared  under  the  title  :  Formula  Reformationis  per  Cues.  Majestatem  Stati 
bus  ecclesiasticis  in  Comitiis  Augustanis  ad  deliberandum  proposita,  et  ab  eisdem  ut  pad 
publlcae  consulerent,  el  per  earn  Ecclesiarum  ac  Cleri  sui  utilitati  comviodius  providerent, 
probata  et  recepta :  it  was  printed  in  1548  in  Augsburg,  Mayence,  Cologne,  and  other 
places.  With  some  additions,  of  the  }-ear  1559,  in  Goldasti  Constitt.  Imp.  ii.  325,  and 
in  Andr.  Brauburger  de  Formula  Reformationis  Ecclesiasticae  ab  Imp.  Carolo  V.  ann. 
1548  statibus  eccles.  oblata.    Mogunt.,  1782,  p.  87  ss. 

5  Characteristic  of  the  opinion  of  Rome  upon  the  Interim  are  tke  declarations  of  Car- 
dinal Farnese,  tkat  lie  could  skow  seven  or  eight  heresies  in  it ;  that  the  Emperor  had 
given  a  scandal  to  Christendom,  and  might  ver}'  well  have  attempted  to  do  something 
better  (Ranke,  Fiirsten  u.  Vtilker,  ii.  263).  Another  voice  from  the  curia,  in  Raynald., 
1548,  No.  62 :  Cum  Caesar  improbet  translationem,  et  velit  cogere  redire  Tridentum, 
ostendit  nolle,  Concilium  esse  liberum,  ut  etiam  in  publicatione  Interim  videtur  credere 
Concilium  non  esse  legitimum,  nunquam  legitime  congregatum,  cum  in  eo  contineantur 
et  diversa,  et  contraria  decretis  Concilii,  ut  de  lapsu  kominis,  et  de  justificatione,  et  de 
auctoritate  Papae.  Si  euim  decreta  Concilii  de  verbo  ad  verbum  in  Interim  inseruisset, 
subticens  nomen  Concilii,  et  non  accepta  ilia  ferens  Concilio,  culpandus  adhuc  esset. 
Si  enim  volebat  ponere  falcem  in  messem  alienam,  quo  nomine  nunquam  excusaretur, 
etiamsi  Evangelium  ipsum  publicasset,  debebat  prius  statuere,  quod  decreta  Concilii 
essent  servanda,  et  hoc  colore  petere,  ut  Concilium  rediret  Tridentum.  Sed  cum  ipse 
impugnet  illud  hac  sua  falsa  doctrina,  non  video,  quo  jure  petat  reditum  Concilii  ad  Tri. 
dentum :  quam  enim  curam  vult  habere  Concilii  nonjegitimi,  et  potius  Conciliabuli^ 
quam  Concilii  ?  Angelus  Massarellus,  in  his  Diarium,  gives  tke  imperial  Reformation 
with  the  addition,  ita  ut  jam  unusquisque  videat,  Imperatorem  kuuc  Carolum  usurpasse 
sibiouinem  jurisdictionem  ecclesiasticam  :  nam  die  XV.  Maji  praeteriti  praescripsit  mo- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  9.  1548.  197 

tility  by  the  King  of  France,  who  stood  in  fear  of  all  attempts  to 
establish  unity  in  the  German  Empire,6  yet,  under  the  circum- 
stances, he  was  compelled  to  avoid  a  total  rupture  with  the  Em- 
peror. Therefore,  when  the  latter  applied  for  the  needful  dispensa- 
tions for  the  Protestants  who  would  accept  the  Interim,7  the  Pope 
sent  legates  prepared,  in  the  worst  case,  with  all  the  powers  desired 
by  the  Emperor,  but  who  were  at  the  same  time  warned  to  reveal 
only  so  much  as  they  were  compelled  to  do  by  the  exigencies.8 

dum  credendi  quoad  dogmata  fidei,  nunc  autera  XIV.  hujus  mensis  formam  vivendi 
quoad  mores  Germanlae  dedit. 

6  The  King  wrote  to  the  Pope  through  his  nuncio  (Pallavicini,  lib.  x.  cap.  17,  No.  4), 
cum  ea  omnia  ad  christianam  rempublicam  opprimendam  tenderent,  ubi  Pontifex  ad  ea 
praestauda  (to  the  desired  dispensations)  animum  induxisset,  extemplo  revocaturum  se 
Bononia  Oratores  et  Praesules  :  quod  si  aliter  fieret,  patrocinaturum  se  Concilio  et  Apos- 
tolicae  sedi. 

7  The  demands  of  the  Emperor,  in  Raynald.,  1548,  No.  45.  The  most  important  were, 
the  4th,  that  dispensations  be  given  to  the  married  clergy  ;  and  7th,  for  communion  un- 
der both  forms.  The  opinions  of  the  cardinals  (Martene  Collectio,  viii.  1180),  and  of  the 
presidents  of  the  council  in  Bologna  (Raynald.  1.  c,  No.  46),  were  favorable ;  less  so 
were  those  of  the  bishops  deputed  to  Rome  by  the  council  (1.  c,  No.  48),  who  particu- 
larly insisted  that  the  married  clergy  should  give  up  their  offices. 

8  On  the  31st  August  three  nuncios  were  elected  for  this  object.  Eae  vero  facilitates 
postulatae  a  Caesare  non  in  effusa  amplitudine  Internuntiis  concessae  sunt,  sed  justitia 
pro  Dei  cultu  amplificando  temperatae. — Cum  enim  non  iidem  casus  occurrerent  in 
omnibus,  qui  solvi  lege  ecclesiastica  flagitabant,  ideo  pro  eorum  varietate  distincta  fuere 
tria  diplomata,  quibus  jussi  sunt  Internuntii  in  sacerdotum  conjugiis,  et  communione 
sub  utraque  specie  permittendis,  jejuniorum  et  feriarum  observantia  restringenda,  sacer- 
dotiorum  vectigalibus  conjungendis,  rerumque  oblatarum  restitutione  componenda  esse 
parcissimi,  ac  nisi  tres  Internuntii  mutua  sententiarum  consensione  conspirarent  (Bel- 
larmin.  de  Clericis,  lib.  i.  c.  19,  in  Raynald.,  1548,  No.  72).  One  of  these  bulls,  Bene- 
dictus  Deus,  gave  full  powers  for  the  dispensations  held  to  be  absolutely  necessary,  to 
which  the  legates  sub-delegated  many  German  bishops  (the  instrument  sub-delegating, 
which  contained  the  bull,  is  in  Martene  Collectio,  viii.  1203,  and  in  Sastrow,  ii.  351 ;  in 
Martene,  at  the  end,  there  is  also  a  list  of  those  who  were,  and  of  those  who  were  to  be, 
sub-delegated.  In  this  bull  is  also  the  dispensation  to  the  communion,  sub  utraque: 
Praeterea  iis,  qui  hactenus  contra  statutum  Ecclesiae  Communionem  sub  utraque  specie 
sumere  praesumserint,  si  ut  id  eis  concedatur  humiliter  devotionis  causa  petierint,  sub- 
latis  a  se  antea  singulis  erroribus  et  haeresibus, — facta  prius  per  eos  confessione  in  Ec- 
clesia  coram  catholico  sacerdote,  tempore  sumptionis  eucharistiae  sacrae,  tantum  sub 
una  quantum  sub  utraque  specie,  verum  videlicet  Christi  Domini  nostri  et  integrum  cor- 
pus contineri,  catholicam  Ecclesiam  non  errare,  quae  sacerdotibus  celebrantibus  dum- 
taxat  exceptis,  caeteros  tarn  laicos  quam  clericos  sub  una,  videlicet  panis  specie,  com- 
municare  statuit,  sub  utraque  specie — ad  eorum  vitam,  vel  ad  tempus  de  quo  vobis  vide- 
bitur,  eommunicare  valeant,  separatim  tamen  loco  et  tempore, — etiam  concedendi  et 
indulgendi  (concedimus  facultatem).  Here,  too,  authority  was  conveyed  to  absolve  the 
clergy  for  all  kinds  of  irregularities,  even  for  bigamy,  if  they  should  be  penitent,  and 
the  married  would  give  up  their  wives.  The  power,  however,  to  allow  married  priests  to 
continue  married,  if  they  laid  aside  their  clerical  office,  was  given  to  the  legates  in  the 
bull  Ad  Diligentem,  and  was  not  sub-delegated  by  them  (in  Flacii  Bulla  Antichristi  de 
retrahendo  populo  Dei  in  ferream  Aegyptiacae  servitutis  fornacem.  1549.  8. ;  Sastrow, 
ii.  683) :  Cum  charissimus  in  Christo  filius  noster  Carolus  Rom.  Imp. — nobis  significa- 
verit,  quod  pro  restituendis  ad  Ecclesiam  iis,  qui  in  ipsa  Gerraania  ab  eadem  Ecclesia 


198  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

The  imperial  proposals  for  reformation  were  at  once  proclaimed 
at  councils  by  the  Catholic  bishops,9  and  had  just  as  little  effect 
as  the  innumerable  earlier  ordinances  for  reform  of  the  same  kind. 
On  the  other  hand,  great  difficulties  were  found  in  the  acceptance 
of  the  Interim  by  the  Protestants.  At  the  diet  the  Electors  of  the 
Palatinate  and  of  Brandenburg  declared  for  it ;  the  Margrave  John 
von  Ciistrin  and  the  Palgrave  Wolfgang  von  Zweibriicken  opposed 
it  outright ;  the  other  Protestant  states  answered  evasively.  In 
southern  Germany  the  imperial  preponderance  compelled  its  ac- 
ceptance; the  Duke  of  "Wurtemburg  conformed,10  following  the 
example  of  the  Elector  of  the  Palatine  ;u  the  free  cities  were  forced 
to  yield ;  the  example  of  Constance  intimidated  others — it  was 
deprived  of  its  civil  and  ecclesiastical  freedom  for  opposing.13     On 

desciverant,  non  tarn  utile,  quam  necessarian*  esse  dignoscitur,  ut  cum  aliquibus  clericis 
in  sacris  ordinibus  constitutes,  quod  cum  mulieribus,  quas  tanquam  usores  retinent,  re- 
manere,  aut  legitimum  matrimonium  contrahere  possint,  de  Apostolicae  sedis  benigni- 
tate  dispensetur  ;  Nos — Vobis, — ut — aliquos  Clericos  seculares  tantum — citra  tamen 
altaris  et  alia  sacerdotum  ministeria  ac  titulos  beneficiorum  ecclesiasticorum,  cumque 
ipsorum  ordinum  exercitio  sublato, — absolvere,  ac  cum  eis, — quod  inter  se  matrimoni- 
um legitime  contrahere,  et  in  eo,  postquam  coutractum  fuerit,  licite  remanere  possint, — 
misericorditer  dispensare  possitis,  plenam  ac  liberam — concedimus  potestatem  et  facul- 
tatem.  The  third  bull  has  never  been  made  public,  and  may  have  referred  to  the  dis- 
pensation of  married  priests,  so  that  they  might  remain  in  the  clerical  office,  or  to  com- 
pacts to  be  concluded  with  Protestants  on  account  of  the  ecclesiastical  property  confiscated 
by  them. — Although  these  nuncios  received  such  full  power  as  early  as  August  31,  yet 
the  Emperor  sent  word  to  the  bishops,  of  the  date  Brussels,  28th  May,  1549,  that  this  indul- 
gence had  been  communicated  to  him  only  a  few  days  before ;  the  sub-delegating  instru- 
ments are  also  dated  the  same  time.  That  imperial  letter  contains,  among  other  things, 
this  warning  to  the  bishops  (Sastrow,  ii.  685)  :  "Und  dieweil  sich  audi  befunden,  dass 
hievor  der  Sachen  umb  etwas  zuviel  beschehen  seyn  mocht,  indem  dass  Etliche — sich 
etwan  mit  mehrerm  Ernst  u.  Strenge  erzeigt,  dann  Gelegenheit  dieser  Zeit  u.  Liiufe  er- 
tragen  u.  erleiden  konnten  :  ob  nun  woll  zu  wunschen,  dass  all  christliche  Disciplin  u. 
Zuchten  der  alten  Kirchen— allenthalben  eingefuhrt— werden  mochte,  nicht  destoweni- 
ger,  dieweil  die  Sach  vormals  dermassen  uberhand  genommen,  dass  deren  eben  viel 
seind,  die  auf  ihrem  gefassten  Sinn  u.  Unverstand— vast  zu  beharren  gedenken,  u.  sich 
davon  schwerlich  abwenden  lassen  wollen ;  so  sollt  unsers  Erachtens  der  Sachen  umb 
so  viel  mehr  dienlich  u.  furtreglich  seyn,  dass  allenthalben— solche  Maass  u.  Beschei- 
denheit  gehalten  wurde,  damit  diejenigen,  so  sich  abgesundert,  wiederumb  zu  einem 
rechten  christlichen  Wesen  u.  Wandel  mehr  mit  gutem  Willen  unterwiesen  u.  geleitet, 
dann  durch  ubermassigen  Ernst  abscheucht  gemacht  wurden." 

9  In  1548  diocesan  councils  were  held  for  this  object  in  Paderborn,  Mayence,  Wurz- 
burg,  Augsburg,  Liege,  and  Treves ;  in  the  next  year  in  Strasburg  and  Cologne,  and 
provincial  councils  in  Cologne,  Mayence,  Treves,  and  Salsburg.  See  Hartzhcim  Concil. 
Germ.  T.  vi. ;  Brauburger  de  Formula  Reformationis,  p.  29  ss. 

10  Sattler's  Gesch.  v.  Wiirtemberg,  iii.  273.  Zahn's  Reformationsgeschichte  v.  Wiir- 
temberg,  s.  189.     Hartmann's  Gesch.  d.  Reform,  in  Wiirtemberg  (Stuttgart,  1835),  s.  98. 

1 1  Struven's  Pfalzische  Kirchenhistorie,  s.  15. 

12  Comp.  Sleidanus,  ed.  Am  Ende,  iii.  133.  Salig's  Historic  der  Augsb.  Confession, 
i.  583.  Augsburg  was  first  compelled ;  see  Paul  v.  Stetten,  Gesch.  v.  Augsburg,  s.  452. 
On  Nuremberg,  see  Carl  Christ.  Hirsch,  Gesch.  des  Interim  zu  Nurnberg.    Leipzig,  1750 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  9.  1548.  199 

the  other  hand,  in  northern  Germany13  the  Interim  encountered 
the  liveliest  opposition;14  by  the  free  cities,  especially  Magdeburg, 

(cf.  Ricderer's  Abhandlungen  aus  d.  Kirchen-  Biicher-  u.  Gelehrten-Geschichte,  St.  i.  s. 
99);  Strasburg,  see  Rohrich's  Gesch.  v.  Strasburg,  iii.  1;  Ulm,  see  Melch.  Adami  Vitae 
theologorura.  Vita  Mart.  Freeh  t,  p.  145 ;  Reutlingen,  see  Fusing's  Relation  wie  cs  mit 
der  Reformation  d.  St.  Reutlingen  liergegangcn,  s.  278 ;  Kaufbeuren,  see  Wagenseil's 
Beitrag  zur  Gesch.  d.  Reform.  (Leipz.,  1830),  s.  16;  Heilbronn,  see  Jiigcr's  Mittb.eil.zur 
Schwab,  u.  Frank.  Reformationsgeschicbte,  i.  270.  However,  all  changes  were,  for  the 
most  part,  partial  and  external.  One  of  the  papal  legates  wrote  to  Cardinal  Farnese, 
dd.  Mogunt.,  1548  (Raynald.  h.  a.,  No.  72),  se  peragrasse  superiorem  Germaniam  non 
sine  periculo ;  infuctos  Lutherana  lue  in  perfidia  obduruisse,  et  paucos  ad  Religionem 
catholicam  reversos,  spesque  tenues  coram  in  castra  Ecclesiae  traducendorum  affulgere, 
nisi  Caes.  Majcstas  magis  strenuam  operam  ad  id  coiitulerit ;  jacta  quidem  ab  ea  funda- 
menta  redintegrandae  verae  religionis  in  omnibus  terris  ipsi  obuoxiis,  aut  ia  maxima 
earum  parte  ;  Ecclesiasticos  et  Monachos,  qui  pulsi  ab  haereticis  erant,  suis  bonis  resti- 
tuisse  ;  in  Ecclesiis  principibus  duo  altaria  excitari  jussisse, — et  in  iis  quotidie  duo  sacra 
celebrari,  sed  paucos  iis  interesse;  compressis  imperio  illius  adversariis  Catholicos  in 
omnibus  locis  concionari  posse,  at  quod  majoris  ponderis  erat,  non  interdixisse  Luthera- 
nos  a  concionibus  babeudis,  ac  propterea  illos  majori  quam  antea  dilligentia  ac  furore 
habere  concioncs,  impietatemque  diifundere  et  confirmare,  cum  formidarcnt  ne  extin- 
gueretur. 

13  Here  the  Interim  was  accepted  only  by  Erich  II.,  Duke  of  Calenberg  (Schlegel's 
Kirchcngesch.  von  Nord-Deutschland,  ii.  172)  ;  Duke  Henr3r  the  younger,  of  Brunswick- 
Wolfenbiittel,  who  was  reinstated  in  his  lands,  endeavored  to  introduce  Catholicism  en- 
tire (ibid.,  s.  194).  In  East  Friesland  Countess  Anna  introduced  a  milder  Interim-,  like 
that  of  electoral  Saxony — the  East  Frisian  Interim ;  see  Gittermann's  Reformationsgesch. 
v.  Ostfriesland,  in  Vater's  Kirchenhistor.  Archiv  f.  1825,  Heft  ii.  s.  142. — The  cities  of 
Hamburg,  Liibeck,  Bremen,  Luneburg,  Brunswick,  Hanover,  Hildesheim,  Gottingen, 
and  Eimbeck,  after  mutual  consultations  with  the  Emperor,  rejected  the  Interim  (Reht- 
meyer's  Stadt  Braunschweig.  Kirchenhistorie,  iii.  18G,  and  the  Be3'lagen,  s.  81). — To 
the  imperial  rescript,  30th  June,  1548,  by  wdrich  they  were  called  upon  to  accept  it,  the 
princes  of  Anhalt  responded  with  a  denial  (Beckmann's  Anhalt.  Hist.,  v.  144;  vi.  93). 
The  Count  of  Schwarzburg  and  the  Counts  of  Mansfield  promised  to  maintain  as  much 
of  it  as  was  possible  (fortges.  Sammlung  v.  altcn  u.  neuen  theolog.  Sachen,  1721,  s.  3G7, 
719).  At  a  synod  at  Eisleben,  called  Jan.,  1549,  by  the  Counts  of  Mansfield,  Stollberg, 
Schwarzburg,  Hohenstein,  and  Regenstein,  the  Interim  was  wholly  rejected  (Bieck's 
Dreyfaches  Interim,  s.  87).  The  Archbishop  of  Magdeburg  and  Bishop  of  Halberstadt, 
John  Albert,  did  indeed  call  together  his  landed  proprietors  in  Halle,  Aug.,  1548,  and 
demanded  its  immediate  introduction,  but  without  success;  see  J.  G.  Kirchner's  Nach- 
richt  von  den  wegen  des  Interims  in  Halle  vorgefallenen  Begebenheiten.  Halle,  1748. 
8. — The  imprisoned  Elector,  John  Frederick,  could  not  be  induced  to  accept  the  Interim, 
either  by  threats  or  by  severe  treatment  (see  Job.  Forster's  custodia  u.  liberatio  des 
durchl.  Herm  Job.  Friedrich,  etc.,  in  Hortleder,  Yom  Deutschen  Kriege,  Th.  ii.  Buch 
iii.  cap.  88;  Sleidanus,  lib.  xx.,  ed.  Am  Ende,  p.  11G;  comp.  the  remarks  of  Minckwitz 
in  Schelhorn's  Ergotzlichkeiten,  iii.  1057).  His  sons,  also  challenged  to  accept,  assem- 
bled their  superintendents  in  Weimar,  July  26, 1548 ;  these  declared  against  the  Interim 
(see  der  Prediger  der  jungen  Herm,  Joh.  Friedrichcn  Herz.  v.  Sachsen  Sohnen,  christlich 
Bedenken  auf  das  Interim,  in  Bieck's  Dreyfaches  Interim,  s.  102) ;  thereupon  it  was 
also  rejected  by  the  princes  (see  Bieck,  s.  71 ;  cf.  die  Urkunden  in  Tentzel's  Histor.  Be- 
richt  v.  Cyprian,  ii.  500). — The  imprisoned  Landgrave  acted  in  a  weaker  way  :  lie  ac- 
commodated himself  to  the  Interim,  and  also  exhorted  his  sons  to  accept  it,  yet  it  still 
found  no  favor  in  Hesse  (Sleidanus,  lib.  xx.  p.  118;  Salig's  Historie  d.  Augsb.  Confes- 
sion, i.  600;  Rommel's  Philipp  d.  Grossmiithige,  ii.  530). 

14  The  first  work  agajnst  it  was  "Bedenken  aufs  Interim  des  Ehrwiirdigen  u.  Iloch- 


200  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

it  was  opposed  and  satirized  in  the  most  violent  manner  ;15  even  the 
Elector  of  Brandenburg  was  not  able  to  introduce  it  into  his  land.16 
The  Elector  Maurice,  who  at  Augsburg  had  rejected  every  defi- 
nite declaration,  did,  indeed,  cause  the  Interim  to  be  apparently 
accepted,  according  to  the  advice  of  his  divines,  at  a  diet  in  Leip- 
sic,  Dec.  22, n  but  with  such  alterations  that  the  Lutheran  doctrine 

gelahrten  Herrn  Philippi  Melanchthonis  ICten  Jun.,  1548"  (printed  in  Magdeburg  by 
Andreas  Kegel,  rector  in  Eisleben,  without  consent  of  Melancthon  ;  see  Bieck,  s.  64) : 
the  fullest  and  most  respected  was  by  the  Hamburg  Superintendent,  Joh.  Aepinus,  "Be- 
kenntniss  u.  Erklarung  aufa  Interim  durch  der  Stadte  Liibeck,  Hamburg,  Luneburg, 
etc.,  Superintendenten,  Pastorn,  u.  Predigern,  1549."  4.  List  of  writings  against  the 
Interim,  in  Bieck,  s.  123.  Danische  Bibliothek,  v.  15  ;  vi.  168.  Walchii  Biblioth.  Theol. 
ii.  626. 

15  On  the  satirical  poems  and  the  so-called  Interimsthaler,  see  Bieck,  s.  128. 

16  Immediately  after  his  return  from  the  diet  he  appointed  a  convention  of  the  preach- 
ers in  Berlin  ;  the  most  of  them  refused  the  Interim  (Nic.  Leuthinger  de  Marchia  Bran- 
denb.,  lib.  vi.,  in  Krausii  Scriptores  de  rebus  March.  Brand.  Francof.  et  Lips.,  1729.  8., 
p.  218).  Agricola  now  had  to  treat  with  individuals :  Nic.  Leuthinger,  father  of  the  his- 
torian, threw  the  Interim  into  the  fire  in  his  presence  (N.  Leuthinger  Oratio  de  vita  et 
obitu  patris,  1.  c.  p.  1432).  Thereupon  Joachim  followed  the  example  of  the  Elector 
Maurice,  introduced  a  modification  of  the  Interim,  and  effected  a  union  with  him  upon 
it  in  Juterbock,  Dec.  16,  1548  (in  Hortleder,  Th.  ii.  Buch  iii.  cap.  87).  The  Emperor  he 
manifestly  tried  to  deceive  in  his  letter  of  Jan.  11,  1549  (in  Schmidt's  Neuere  Gesch.  d. 
Deutschen,  Buch  i.  cap.  12)  :  "  Weil  er  die  Gemiither  des  armen  gemeinen  Volkes  etwas 
hart  darwider  verbittert  u.  angehetzt  gefunden,  so  babe  er  erstlich  allgemach  einen  Ar- 
tikel  nach  dem  andern  vorgenommen,  die  armen  verfuhrten  Gemiither  berichten  u.  be- 
deuten,  so  dann  aberes  in  seinen  Landen  drucken  u.  publiciren,  auch  in  seinem  Hoflager 
in  alien  Kirchen  aufrichten  lassen,  u.  zu  halten  geboten.  Nun  stehe  er  auch  noch  in 
der  tiiglichen  Arbeit  u.  Uebung  das  Interim  in  andern  Kirchen  u.  Stiidten  u.  in  seinem 
ganzen  Land  anzurichten,  u.  nach  seinem  hochsten  Vermogen  dariiber  zu  halten,  finde 
auch  bey  seinen  Unterthanen  gute  Folge  u.  Gehorsam."  About  the  convention  at  Juter- 
bock he  writes,  that  he  had  there  persuaded  the  Elector  Maurice  and  his  friends  to  ac- 
cept the  Interim ;  only  the  Saxon  theologians  had  some  doubts  about  the  canon ;  yet 
he  hoped  to  set  them  aside.  In  fact  nothing  effectual  was  done  by  Joachim  to  carry  out 
the  Juterbock  Interim,  so  that  the  Emperor  reproached  him  about  it :  but — satius  duce- 
bat,  iram  Caesaris  obsequii  figmento  praecurrendum,  quam  negatione  manifesta  eundem 
in  patriam  acrius  incessendam  armandum  (Leuthinger,  1.  c.  p.  228). 

17  Maurice  called  a  convention  of  divines  and  a  committee  of  the  estates  at  Misnia, 
July  1  (Expositio  eorum,  quae  theologi  Acad.  Wittenbergensis  de  rebus  ad  religionem 
pertinentibus  monuerint.  Witeberg.,  1559.  4. ;  Bl.  Dd.  4),  with  the  demand  that  they 
should  so  decide  that  the  Emperor  might  see,  vos  et  nos  propensos  esse  ad  obedientiam 
subjectissime  praestandam  in  omnibus,  quae  ad  piam  et  christianam  consensionem — 
faciant,  et  pie  et  bona  cum  conscientia  fieri  possint  (Expositio,  Ee  2).  The  theologians, 
in  their  Opinion,  held  fast  to  the  Lutheran  doctrines,  and  then  declared,  as  to  the  cere- 
monies (Hh  3,  b) :  si  in  rebus  istis  adiaphoris  bono  consilio  eorum,  quibus  gubernatio 
Ecclesiarum  commissa  est,  aliquid  deliberatum  fuerit,  quod  ad  concinnitatem  aliuuam 
rituum,  et  ad  bonam  disciplinam  faciat,  in  hoc  concordiae  et  bono  ordini  non  deerimus. 
Nam  de  rebus  per  se  mediis  non  volumus  quicquam  rixari,  quod  ad  externum  attinet 
usum.  Since,  however,  they  foresaw  only  disturbances  from  all  changes,  they  proposed, 
ab  Imperatore  simpliciter  absque  disputatione  et  contrariis  articulis  peti,  ut  has  Eccle- 
sias  in  praesenti  statu  manere  sinat  (LI  2).  Maurice  rejected  this  as  useless,  and  de- 
manded, ne  in  iis,  quae  salva  veritate — fieri  possent,  concedere  recusarent  (Mm).    But 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  9.  1548.  201 

was  essentially  retained,  and  the  Catholic  constitutions  and  usages 
were  only  allowed  as  adiaphora  (Interim  Lipsiense).18     Yet  this 

as  he  was  at  the  same  time  earnestly  entreated  by  the  Emperor,  the  King  of  Rome,  and 
the  Elector  of  Mavence  (Mm  2),  he  called  a  conference  of  the  Bishops  of  Misnia  and 
Naumburg  with  his  theologians  in  Pegau,  Aug.  23,  to  see  if  they  could  not  come  to  an 
agreement  about  the  doctrines,  if  they  were  promised  the  introduction  of  the  ceremonies 
considered  as  adiaphora,  and  the  restitution  of  their  episcopal  authority  (Mm  4).  The 
bishops  accepted  a  draft  made  by  the  divines  on  Justification,  with  an  insignificant 
alteration  (Oo  6),  and  declared  that  it  was  then,  slight  as  the  change  was,  in  agreement 
with  the  Interim  (Pp  2)  ;  further  they  would  not  enter  into  the  matter,  especially  be- 
cause they  had  no  papal  dispensation  sanctioning  the  Interim.  Thereupon  Maurice,  at 
a  diet  at  Torgau,  Oct.  18,  laid  before  the  theologians  called  to  it  propositions  for  a  mod- 
ification of  the  Interim  (Qq  3)  ;  they  answered  these  in  part,  but  requested  time  to  ad- 
vise with  other  clergymen  upon  the  matters  which  might  be  allowed  as  adiaphora.  At 
the  convention  of  theologians  at  Monchszelle,  Nov.  16  (Vv  3),  the  counselors  of  the 
Prince  agreed  with  the  divines  about  the  modifications  to  be  made,  and  prepared  a  doc- 
ument (Yy  4,  b),  which  was  thereupon  adopted  in  the  project  for  union  of  the  two  Elect- 
ors at  Jiiterbock,  Dec.  16  (see  Note  16).  This  document,  with  an  Introduction,  and 
prefaced  by  the  articles  on  Justification  agreed  upon  at  Pegau,  and  with  the  addition  of 
some  concluding  words,  was  laid  before  the  diet  in  Leipsic,  Dec.  22  (Ccc  6),  sanctioned 
by  it,  and  then  printed  as  the  order  of  the  diet.  The  Elector,  on  this  basis,  issued  an 
ordinance  on  Public  Worship.  The  above  order  was  called  by  the  Flacians  the  Lipsi- 
cum  Interim  majus  ;  the  ordinance,  Lipsicum  Interim  minus  (Ddd4.  b. ;  Bieck,  s.  134,  is 
incorrect  on  this  point). 

19  See  the  Beschluss  des  Landtages  zu  Leipzig,  in  Bieck,  s.  361  :  "  Unser  Bedenken 
stehet  darauf,  dass  man  der  Romischen  Kais.  Majestat,  unserm  allergniidigsten  Herm 
Gehorsam  leiste,  u.  sich  also  verhalte,  dass  Hire  Majestat  u.  manniglich  unser  aller  Ge- 
muth  zu  Ruhe,  Frieden  u.  Einigkeit  geneigt  vermerken  moge. — Demselben  nach  beden- 
ken wir  erstlich,  dass  alles,  was  die  alten  Lehrer  in  den  Adiaphoris  d.  i.  in  den  Mittel- 
dingen,  die  man  ohne  Verletzungen  gottlicher  Schrift  halten  mag,  gehalten  haben,  u. 
bey  dem  andern  Theil  noch  im  Brauch  blieben  ist,  hinfort  auch  gehalten  werde,  u.  dass 
man  darinne  keine  Beschwerunge  oder  Wegerunge  suche  oder  fiirwende,  dieweil  solches 
ohne  Verletzung  guter  Gewissen  wohl  geschehen  mag."  First  comes  the  article  on  Just- 
ification, as  agreed  upon  at  Pegau. — I.  How  Man  becomes  just  before  God.  "Wiewohl 
Gott  den  Menschen  nicht  gerecht  macht  durch  Verdienst  eigener  Werke ; — gleichwohl 
wurket  der  barmherzige  Gott  nicht  also  mit  dem  Menschen  wie  mit  einem  Plock,  sondern 
zeucht  ihn  also,  dass  sein  Wille  auch  mit  wurket,  so  er  in  verstiindigen  Jahren  ist.  Denn 
ein  solcher  Mensch  empfaliet  die  Wohlthaten  Christi  nicht,  wo  nicht  durch  vorgehende 
Gnade  der  Wille  u.  das  Herz  bewegt  wird,  dass  er  fur  Gottes  Zorn  erschrecke,  u.  eincn 
Missfallen  habe  an  der  Siinde. — Es  hat  aber  Gott  nicht  allein  seinen  Zorn  geoft'enbaret, 
sondern  darbey  hat  er  seine  gniidige  Verheissung,  nemlich  das  Evangelium  von  seinem 
Sohn  gegeben,  und  ist  sein  ewiger  unwandelbarer  Wille,  —  dass  er  gewisslich  die 
Siinde  vergeben  will,  will  uns  seinen  heil.  Geist  geben,  annehmen,  verneuen,  u.  Erben 
ewiger  Seligkeit  machen  um  seines  Sohns  willen,  nicht  von  wegen  unserer  Verdienst  oder 
Wurdigkeit,  so  wir  in  diesem  Schrecken  u.  Reue  wahrhaftiglich  glauben  u.  vertrauen, 
dass  uns  um  desselbigen  Mittlers  Willen  gewislich  die  SUnde  vergeben  werden. — Dieser 
Glaube  ist  nicht  allein  eine  Erkenntniss,  wie  es  in  den  Teufeln  ist,  oder  in  Menschen, 
die  in  bosen  Gewissen  leben ;  sondern  dieser  Glaube  glaubt  samt  andern  Artikeln  die 
Vergebung  der  Siinden,  nimmt  die  Verheissung  an,  u.  ist  im  Herzen  ein  wahrhaftiges 
Vertrauen  auf  den  Sohn  Gottes,  welches  Trost  u.  Anrufung  u.  andere  Tugenden  mit  er- 
wecket.—- Und  wird  darum  zugleich  der  heil.  Geist  in  unser  Herz  gegeben,  so  wir  also 
die  gottliche  Verheissung  mit  Glauben  fassen,  u.  uns  damit  trosten  u.  aufrichten. — Und 
wurket  der  heil.  Geist  alsdann  im  Herzen  bestandigen  Trost  u.  Leben,  erwecket  alle 
nothigc  Tugenden,  mehret  den  Glauben,  die  Zuversicht,  Hoffnung,  zundet  an  die  Liebe, 
treibet  zu  rechter  Anrufung  u.  zu  guten  Werken,  u.  sind  diese,  die  also  Vergebung  der 


202  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

mitigated  Interim,  which,  however,  came  only  from  the  Protest- 
ants, aroused  even  greater  wrath  among  the  strict  Lutherans  than 

Sunden  u.  den  heil.  Geist  empfahen  haben,  alsdann  Erben  der  ewigen  Seligkoit,  urn  des 
Heilandes  AVillen. — Und  wiewohl  ia  menschlicher  Schwachheit  noch  viel  Zweifelns  u. 
Zappelns  bleibet,  so  hat  doch  Gott  dagegen  seine  Verheissung  gegeben,  uns  zu  trosten  u. 
zn  starken,  dass  wir  den  Zweifel  ubenvinden  u.  zu  Gott  Zuriucht  haben  mogen.  Und 
dass  St.  Paulus  spricht :  ich  bin  mir  nichts  bewusst,  aber  damm  bin  ich  nieht  gerecht : 
hiemit  lehret  er  nicht,  dass  man  zweifeln  soil,  sondern  will,  dass  wir  beyde  Stiicke  ge- 
wisslich  schliessen  sollen,  das  Gewissen  soil  reeht  stehen,  u.  dabey  wissen,  dass  viel  Ge- 
brechen  in  uns  seyn,  u.  ob  wir  gleich  ohne  Siir.de  nicht  leben,  dass  wir  doch  Gott  gefallig, 
u.  einen  gnildigen  Gott  haben  urn  seines  Sohns  willen. — Gleichwohl  muss  man  darne- 
ben  wissen,  dass  in  diesem  schwachen  Leben  viel  boser  Neigung  im  Menschen  bleiben, 
u.  er  ohne  Siinde  nicht  lebet. — Darum  obgleich  ein  neuer  Gehorsam  angefangen,  u. 
die  eingegebene  Gerechtigkeit  im  Menschen  ist,  so  ist  doch  nicht  zu  gedenken,  die 
Person  habe  darum  Vergebung  der  Sunden,  und  sey  nun  also  rein,  dass  sie  keine  Ver- 
gebung  der  Sunden  u.  keinen  Mittler  bedarf. — Es  werden  audi  die  Tugenden  u.  gute 
Werk  in  solchen  Versohneten  Gerechtigkeit  genennet,  wie  oben  von  der  eingegebenen 
Gerechtigkeit  gemeldet,  doch  nicht  in  diesem  Verstande,  dass  darum  die  Person  Ver- 
gebung der  Siinde  habe,  oder  dass  die  Person  in  Gottes  Gericht  ohne  Sunde  sey,  son- 
dern dass  der  Mensch  durch  den  heil.  Geist  erneuert,  u.  die  Gerechtigkeit  mit  dem  Werk 
vorbringen  kann,  u.  dass  Gott  ihm  diesen  schwachen  angefangenen  Gehorsam  in  die- 
ser  elenden  gebrechlichen  Natur  um  seines  Sohns  willen  in  den  Glaubigen  will  ge- 
fallen  lassen." — II.  Of  Good  Works.  "Weiter  von  guten  Werken  ist  diese  Regel  ge- 
wiss,  dass  diese  Werk  gut  und  noting  seyn,  die  Gott  gcboten  hat,  lauts  der  zehen  Ge- 
bot,  u.  derselben  Erklarung  in  der  Apostel  Schriften  genngsam  ausgedriickt. — So  jemand, 
der  in  Gottes  Gnaden  gewesen  ist,  wider  Gottes  Gebot  wissentlich  handelt,  der  betrubt 
den  heiligen  Geist,  u.  verleuret  Gnade  u.  Gerechtigkeit,  u.  fallt  in  Gottes  Zom,  u.  so  er 
nicht  wiederum  bekchret  wird,  fallt  er  in  die  ewige  Strafe. — So  istauch  die  Wiedergeburt 
u.  ewiges  Leben  an  ihr  selbst  ein  neues  Licht,  ist  Gottesfurcht,  ist  Liebe  u.  Freude  in 
Gott  u.  andere  Tugenden,  wie  der  Spruch  sagt :  Diess  ist  das  ewige  Leben,  dass  sie  dich 
wahrhaftigen  Gott  erkennen,  it.  mich  Jesum  Christum.  Wie  nun  dieses  wahrhaftige 
Erkennen  in  uns  leuchtcn  muss,  also  ist  gewisslich  wahr,  dass  diese  Tugenden,  Glaube, 
Liebe  u.  Hoffuung,  u.  andere  in  uns  sej-n  miissen,  u.  zur  Seligkcit  noting  seyn — Und  die- 
weil  die  Tugenden  u.  gute  Werk  Gott  gefallen,  wie  gesagt  ist,  so  verdienen  sie  audi 
Belohnung  in  diesem  Leben  geistlich  u.  zeitlich  nach  Gottes  Rath,  u.  mehr  Belohnung 
im  ewigen  Leben  vermoge  gottlicher  Verheissung.  Und  wird  hiemit  in  keinem  Wege 
bestatiget  der  Irrthum,  dass  die  ewige  Seligkeit  durch  WUrdigkeit  unserer  Werke  ver- 
dienet  werde.  Item  dass  wir  andern  unsern  Verdienst  mogen  mittheilen."  So  far  the 
Pegau  Articles. — III.  Of  the  Power  and  Authority  of  the  Churches.  "  Was  die  wahre  christ- 
liche  Kirche,  die  im  heil.  Geist  versammelt,  in  Glaubeusachen  erkennet,  ordnetu.  lehret, 
das  soil  man  auch  lehren  u.  predigen,  wie  sie  denn  wider  die  heil.  Sehrift  nichts  ordnen 
soil  noch  kann." — IV.  Of  the  Church  Officers.  "Und  dass  dem  Obersten  u.  andern  Bi- 
schoffen,  die  ihr  bischoflich  Amt  nach  Gottes  Befehl  ausrichten,  u.  dasselbige  zu  Erbauung, 
u.  nieht  zur  Zerstorung  gebrauchen,  unterworfen  u.  gehorsam  seyn  alle  andere  Kirchen- 
diencr." — V.  Of  Baptism. — VI.  Confirmation.  "  Dass  die  Firmung  gelehret  u.  gehalten 
werde,  u.  sonderlich  die  Jugend,  die  erwachsen,  von  ihren  Bischofen,  oder  wem  cs  die- 
selben  befehlen,  verhort  ihres  Glaubens, — u.  die  Zusage,  die  ihre  Pathen  in  der  Taufo 
fur  sie  gethan — bekraftigen,  u.  also  in  ihrem  Glauben  vermittels  gottlicher  Gnaden  con- 
firmiret  u.  bestatiget  werden  mit  Auflegung  der  Hande  u.  christl.  Gebeten  u.  Ceremo- 
nien." — VII.  Penance.  —  VIII.  —  Extreme  Unction.  "Wiewohl  in  diesen  Landen  die 
Oelung  in  vielen  Jahren  nieht  in  Gebrauch  gewesen,  dieweil  aber  im  Marco  u.  Jacobo 
geschrieben  stehet,  wie  die  Apostel  derer  gebraucht  haben ; — darum  mag  man  hinfiir- 
der  solche  Oelung  nach  der  Apostel  Brauch  halten,  u.  iiber  den  Kranken  christliche  Gebet 
u.  Trostsprtiche  aus  der  heil.  Sehrift  sprechen,  u.  das  Volk  des  also  berichten,  damit 
man  den  rechten  Verstand  fafi'e,  u.  aller  Aberglaube  u.  Missverstand  vorkonimen  u.  ver- 


CHAP.  1.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  9.  1548.  203 

did  that  of  Augsburg,  and  by  means  of  the  Interimistic  Contro- 
versies made  the  first  rupture  in  the  new  Church. 

Neither  the  proposal  for  Reformation  nor  the  Interim  attained 
the  object  the  Emperor  had  in  view.  The  former  was  without 
effect;  the  latter  was  opposed  by  the  Catholics  as  an  ill-advised 
half  measure,19  and  by  the  Protestants  as  the  work  of  the  devil.21' 

hutet  M'erde."— IX.  Order  of  Church  Officers.— X.  Marriage. — XI.  Mass.  "  Dass  die 
Messe  hinforder  in  diesen  Landen  mit  Liiuten,  Lichten  u.  Gefiissen,  Gesangen,  Klei- 
dungcn  u.  Ceremonien  gehalten  werde."  The  usual  lists  of  prayers  for  mass  and  hymns 
follows ;  but,  instead  of  the  Canon,  Consecration  is  introduced.— XII.  Images.— XIII. 
Singing  in  Churches.  "  Dass  man  die  horas  canonicas,  die  gottseligen  Psalm  in  den 
Stiften,  u.  Stadten  in  den  Kirchen,  da  es  vorhin  gehalten  ist,  singe."— XIV.  Festivals. 
—XV.  Eating  of  Flesh.  "Item  dass  man  sich  am  Freytage,  Sonnabend,  auch  in  der 
Fasten  Fleischessens  enthalte,  u.  dass  solches  als  eine  iiusserliche  Ordnung  auf  der 
Kais.  Majestiit  Befehl  gehalten  werde."— XVI.  The  Manner  of  Life  of  the  Church  Offi- 
cers. Many  deviations  from  the  Augsburg  Interim  are  seen  in  that  of  Leipsic  only  in  the 
omission  of  definite  statements.  To  these  belongs  what  in  Pegau  was  demanded  of  the 
bishops  (Expositio  Nn  4  b):  De  extrema  unctione :  ne  ipsi  quidem  Episcopi  consecra- 
bunt  oleum,  si  consideraverint,  quales  sint  consecrationes  et  quam  absurdae.  Ne  one- 
rentur  Canone.     Nee  onerentur  invocatione  Sanctorum. 

1 9  According  to  Sleidanus  xxi.,  p.  iii.  p.  131,  Robertus  Episc.  Abrincensis  (Antidotum  ad 
Postulatade  Interim.  Lugd.,  1548.' 8.)  wrote  against  it ;  see  the  description  in  the  Ncue 
Beytrage  v.  alten  u.  ncuen  theol.  Sachen,  1759,  s.  435,  and  the  general  of  the  Dominicans, 
Franciscus  Romaeus,  in  Rome.  Catholic  defenders,  with  the  exception  of  G.  Wic'elius's 
Apologie  (Cologne,  1549),  did  not  venture  to  appear  in  print :  Pflug's  Defense  has  only 
recently  been  published  (by  Chr.  G.  Muller,  in  Staudlin's  u.  Tzschirner's  Archiv  f.  alte 
u.  neue  Kircheng.  Bd.  iv.  St.  1,  s.  104). 

20  On  the  effects  of  the  Interim  and  of  the  Imperial  Reformation,  see  the  Declaration 
of  the  States  at  the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  1550  (the  acts  of  this  diet  in  MS.  in  Wolfenbiitel, 
see  Salig,  i.  658),  in  Schmidt's  Neuere  Gesch.  d.  Deutschen,  Buch.  i.  cap.  14.  The  spir- 
itual Electors  declared :  "  Wenn  sie  auch — die  Priidicanten,  die  sich  nicht  nach  dem 
Interim  fi'igen  wollten,  absetzten,  so  fanden  sie  keine  andere  ;  u.  die  kathol.  Geistlichen 
diirften  sie  vermoge  des  Interim  selbst  nicht  dazu  braucheu.  Um  die  vorgeschriebene 
Reformation  in  das  Werk  zu  richten,  hiitten  sie  Provincial-  u.  Diocesan-Synoden  ge- 
halten :  dass  sie  aber  ihren  Zweck  nicht  ganz  erreichet,  seven  allerhand  besondere  Ex- 
emtionem,  Freyheiten,  Dispensationem,  Indulte  u.  andere  Verhinderungen  Schuld." 
The  secular  Electors  :  "  Ihre  Landschaften  n.  Unterthanen  widersetzten  sicli  der  Auf- 
richtung  des  Interim  um  so  mehr,  weil  sie  glaubten,  es  sey  nicht  allerdings  der  Schrift 
gemass  :  wollten  sie  nun  Ernst  furwenden,  so  hiitten  sie  sich  Aufruhre,  Rumoren,  u. 
also  ihrer  Land  u.  Lent  grosse  Zerruttung  u.  schwerlich  Verderben  u.  Abfalls  zu  be- 
fahren."  The  Princes:  "Die  Ursachen  der  Nichtbefolgung  des  Interim  wiiren  haupt- 
siichlich  diese  :  man  habe  auf  hohen  u.  Particular-Schulen  zu  wenig  Fursehung  gethan, 
um  die  Jugend  demselben  gemass  zu  unterweisen ;  da  nun  auch  die  Priidicanten  das 
Volk  nicht  nur  allein  nicht  zur  Haltung  desselben  ermahnten,  sondern  auch  offentlich 
dagegen  predigten,  so  konne  dasselbe  nicht  dafiir  eingenommen  werden.  Auch  seyen 
durch  dasselbe  zwar  die  Communion  unter  beyden  Gestalten  u.  die  Priesterehen  ge- 
stattet :  allein  da  der  Papst  die  Sache  noch  nicht  formlich  gut  geheissen,  so  ausserten 
sich  diejenigen,  die  diese  Dinge  verlangeten,  der  ganzen  Declaration.  Nebst  dem  sey 
Mangel  an  katholischen  Priestern,  die  im  Stande  wiiren,  den  Leuten  den  hinlanglichen 
Unterricht  dariiber  zu  geben  :  vor  allem  aber  mussten  alle  Kirchendiener  ordentlich  ge- 
weiht,  zu  der  Verwaltung  der  Sacramente  fahiggemacht,  von  der  ordentlichen  geistlich- 
en Obrigkeit  gesendet  u.  den  Bischofen  unterworfen  seyn.  Der  gemeine  Mann  werde  auch 
nicht  wenig  durch  etlicher  Geistlichen  leichtfertiges  u.  argerliches  Leben,  dass  der  kaiser- 


204  FOURTH  PEEIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Meanwhile  it  appeared  as  though  some  durable  measures  might 
soon  follow  these  preliminary  arrangements,  when  Julius  III., 
after  the  death  of  Paul  III.,  succeeded  him  in  the  papal  see,  and 
at  once  acceding  to  the  desire  of  the  Emperor,  again  called  the 
council  to  meet  at  Trent,21  May  1,  1551 ;  and  this,  too,  in  spite 
of  the  opposition  of  the  King  of  France.22  The  latter,  accordingly, 
at  once  greeted  the  reassembled  council  with  a  Protest  (Sept.  1, 
1551)  ;23  while  it  seemed  as  though  the  whole  of  Germany,  on  the 
other  hand,  would  have  to  submit  to  it.  The  Protestant  princes, 
summoned  by  the  Emperor  to  send  to  this  council,  received  only 
general  promises24  in  reply  to  their  demands  ;  the  Emperor,  at  the 
same  time,  manifested  such  unusual  earnestness,25  that  it  appear- 

lichen  Reformation  so  wenig  gclebt  n.  nachgegangen  werd,  davon  abgehalten.  Die 
letzte  Hindemiss  seyendlich,  dass  ungeachtet  des  kaiserlichen  Verbots  so  viele  Schmach- 
u.  Schandbiichlein  dagegen  geschrieben,  und  unter  dem  Volk  ausgestreut  wiirden." 

21  The  previous  negotiations  in  Pallavicini,  lib.  xi.  c.  8  ss.  The  Pope  demanded  as 
condition  (1.  c.  c.  9,  No.  3),  ut  in  illis  Comitiis  (in  Augsburg,  1550)  denuo  stabiliret  Cae- 
sar firmiter  Protestantium  subjectionem  per  legitimas  tabulas  ab  ipsis  exhibendam.  Ubi 
id  ab  illis  recusaretur,  Coneilio  amplius  locum  non  esse ; — superesse,  ut  in  eos  Caesar 
armorum  vim  exerceret.  The  Bulla  resumptionis,  of  14th  Nov.,  1550,  in  the  Canoues 
et  decreta  Cone.  Trid. 

22  Sec  the  correspondence  in  the  Lettres  et  Memoires  d'estat,  par  Gail.  Ribier  (Paris, 
1CG6  fol.),  T.  ii.  p.  275  ss. 

23  Raynaldus,  1551,  No.  28-33.  Cf.  the  account  of  the  royal  plenipotentiary,  the  ab- 
bot Jac.  Ani3*ot,  in  Judoci  le  Plat  Monument,  ad  hist.  Cone.  Trid.  spectant.  collectio, 
iv.  249. 

24  The  same  which  the  evangelical  electors  had  already  made  at  the  diet  of  1547  (Sas- 
trow,  ii.  118 ;  above,  Note  1)  were  repeated  bj'  the  Elector  Maurice ;  but  he  was  not 
listened  to  (Sleidanus,  lib.  xxii.  P.  iii.  p.  210 ;  Raynaldus,  1550,  No.  18). 

25  Final  decree  of  the  diet,  13th  Feb.,  1551  (Neue  Sammlung  der  Reichsabschiede 
Frankf.  a.  M.  1747,  ii.  Gil):  "Wir — wollen  aus  kaiserlicher  Macht  u.  Gewalt  alle  die, 
so  auf  dem  Coneilio  erschienen,  die  haben  Aenderungen  in  der  Religion  fiirgenommen, 
oder  audi  andere,  gmidiglich  versichert  haben,  dass  ein  jeder  frey  ungehindert  darzu 
kommen,  darauf  erscheinen,  dasjenige  so  er  zu  Ruhe  und  Sicherung  seiner  Conscienz  u. 
Gewissens  fur  gut  und  nothwendig  acht,  fiirbringen,  u.  wiederum  von  dannen  bis  in 
sein  Gewahrsam  frey  sicher  abziehen  und  kommen  mog.  Zu  dem  gedenken  Wir  im  h. 
Reich  oder  doch  in  der  Niihe,  so  viel  immer  miiglich,  zu  verharren,  ob  dem  Coneilio  zu 
halten  u.  zu  befordern,  damit  dasselbig  zu  guter  richtiger  Endschaft  gebracht  werde. — 
Wir  ersuchen,  ermahncn,  erinncrn  auch  hiemit  Churfiirsten,  Fiirsten,  u.  Stande  des  heil. 
Reichs,  u.  sonderlich  die  Pralaten  geistlichs  Stands,  auch  diejenigen,  bey  denen  sich  die 
Neurung  in  der  Religion  erhalten,  dass  sie  sich  auf  der  Piipstl.  Heiligkeit  Ausschreiben 
zu  dem  fiirgenommenen  Coneilio  geschickt  machen,  und  gefasst  erscheinen,  damit  sie 
sich  kunftiglich  nicht  zu  beklagen,  oder  fiirzuwenden,  als  ob  sie  in  dem  iibereilt,  u.  ihre 
Nothwendigkeit  fiirzubringen  nicht  zugelassen  wiiren.  Dann  wir  an  unserm  Fleiss 
nichts  gedenken  erwinden  zu  lassen,  auf  dass — bemeldte  Stand,  bey  denen  in  der  Reli- 
'gion  Neuerung  furgenommen,  oder  der  Augspurgischen  Confession  anhiingig  gewesen, 
und  derselben  Gesandtcn  in  solchem  Coneilio  erscheinen  mogen,  dass  sie  darzu,  darin 
u.  davon,  bis  wieder  an  ihr  Gewahrsam  gesichert  u.  vergleitet,  auch  nothdiirftiglich  ge- 
hort,  und  die  ganze  Tractation  u.  Beschluss  gottseliglich  u.  christlich,  alien  Affect  hin- 
tangesetzt,  nach  gottlicher  u.  der  alten  Vater  heil.  Geschrift  u.  Lehr  furgenommen,  ge- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  9.  1552.  205 

ed  as  if  the  conquered  party  must  abandon  all  resistance.  Joa- 
chim II,  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  who  was  trying  to  get  the  pa- 
pal confirmation  of  his  son  Frederick  as  Archbishop  of  Magdeburg 
and  Bishop  of  Halberstadt,  declared  his  submission  to  the  council 
through  his  embassadors.26  The  states  of  southern  Germany  and 
of  electoral  Saxony  did,  indeed,  have  confessions  composed  (Con- 
fessio  Virtembergensis,  Confessio  Saxonica27),  so  as  to  insist  upon 
the  Protestant  doctrine ;  their  embassadors  were  heard  in  a  private 
congregation  of  the  council  (Jan.  24,  1552),  in  which  the  Wir- 
tembergers  handed  in  their  Confession,28  while  the  Saxon  envoys 
renewed  the  old  demands  of  their  lord.29  From  southern  Germany 
came  also  Protestant  theologians,30  and  Saxon  divines  journeyed 
to  Trent  to  defend  their  doctrines.31     But  in  this  way  no  deliver- 

handelt  u.  beschlossen,  u.  auch  ein  christlich  nutzliche  Reformation  der  Geistlichen  u. 
Weltlichen  aufgericht,  u.  alle  unrechte  Lehren  u.  Misbrauch  der  Gebuhr  nach  abgestellt 
werden." 

26  See  the  documents  in  Raynaldus,  1551,  No.  41  and  42. 

27  Confessio  doctrinae  Saxonicarum  Ecclesiarum  Synodo  Tridentinae  oblata,  or,  in  the 
original  title,  Repetitio  confessionis  Augustanae  anno  1551  Wittebergae  scripta  et  sub- 
scriptione  praecipuorum  doctorum  in  ecclesiis  et  scholis  confirmata  (letzte  Ausgabe  v.  Jo. 
Quodvultdeus  Burger.  Lips.,  1722.  8.),  written  by  Melancthon  ;  see  Camerarius  De  Vita 
Melanchthonis,  §  90;  Burger,  in  the  introduction  to  his  edition;  Salig's  Historie  der 
Augspurg.  Confession,  i.  667.  —  Confessio  piae  doctrinae,  quae  nomine  illustr.  Princ. 
Christophori  Ducis  Wirtenb.  d.  24.  m.  Jan.,  1552,  congregationi  Tridentini  Concilii  pro- 
posita  est  (last  published  in  Pfaffii  Acta  et  scripta  publica  Ecclesiae  Wirtembergicae. 
Tubing.,  1720.»4.  p.  276),  written  by  Joh.  Brentius ;  see  PfafF  liber  commentarius  de 
actis  scriptisque  publ.  Eccl.  Wirtemb.,  Tubing.,  1718,  4.  p.  24  ss. ;  Salig,  i.  673.  Both 
confessions  were  also  published  with  the  Augsburg  Confession :  Confessiones  fldei  Chris- 
tianae  tres.  Francof.  1553  and  1556.  4. 

28  Sleidanus  (who  came  as  the  Strasburg  embassador  to  Trent),  lib.  xxiii.  P.  iii.  p. 
287,  312  ss.  The  acts  in  Jud.  le  Plat  Monum.  ad  hist.  Cone.  Trident,  spectant.,  iv.  417 ; 
Syntagma  eorum  quae  nomine  111.  Princ.  Christophori  Ducis  Wirtemberg.  in  Synodo 
Trident,  per  legatos  ejus  acta  sunt.  Basil.,  1553.  8.  (reprinted  in  Pfaffii  Acta  Eccl.  Wirt., 
p.  232). 

29  Their  Address  in  Raynald.,  1552,  No.  61,  and  translated  from  a- manuscript  in  Salig's 
Hist,  des  Trident.  Concil.,  ii.  130.  They  demanded  that  further  decisions  should  be  post- 
poned until  the  arrival  of  the  Saxon  divines,  that  the  decrees  already  made  should  be 
again  weighed,  and  that  the  bishops  in  the  council  should  be  released  from  their  oath 
made  to  the  Pope.  Reports  about  these  audiences  in  Friderici  Nauseae  Ep.  Viennensis 
ad  Regem  Ferdinandum,  dd.  30.  Ian.  in  Planchii  Anecdota  ad  hist.  Cone.  Trid.  pert.  nr. 
x.  (Gottinger  Osterprogramm  v.  1801)  ;  of  the  imperial  embassadors  to  the  Bishop  of 
Arras,  in  the  Lettres  et  Memoires  de  Francois  de  Vargas,  de  Pierre  de  Malvenda  et  de 
quelques  Eveques  d'Espagne  touchant  le  Concile  de  Trente,  traduits  de  l'Espagnol,  par 
Mr.  Mich,  le  Vassor.  a  Amsterdam,  1699.  8.  p.  468,  482,  487,  501.  The  latter  show  the 
great  impression  which  was  made  by  the  addresses  of  the  Protestant  embassadors,  and 
the  sympathy  they  found  with  many  bishops. 

30  18th  March,  Sleidanus,  xxiii.,  cd.  Am  Ende,  iii.  p.  323,  where,  too,  their  Instruc- 
tions are  given. 

31  Camerarius  in  Vita  Melanchth.,  §  92. 


206  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

ance  for  Protestantism  could  be  anticipated ;  it  came,  unexpect- 
edly, from  another  quarter. 

The  Elector  Maurice,  who  had  until  then  been  wholly  devoted 
to  the  Emperor,  and  had  carried  the  ban  into  effect  against  the 
refractory  Magdeburg,32  all  of  a  sudden  lifted  up  the  standard  for 
the  oppressed  Protestantism,  the  imperiled  German  freedom,  and 
the  imprisoned  Landgrave.  In  March,  1552,  he  assailed  the  Em- 
peror, lying  sick  at  Innspruck ;  his  army  increased  mightily  as  he 
advanced ;  and  the  whole  of  Protestant  Germany  was  gradually 
uniting  with  him,33  while  the  King  of  France,3*  his  ally,  assailed 
the  imperial  possessions  in  the  Netherlands.  As  Maurice  did  not 
stop  for  negotiations  the  Emperor  was  obliged  to  accept  the  Pas- 
sau  Treaty,35  Aug.  2,  1552,  whereby  freedom  was  given  to  the 
two  imprisoned  princes,  and  a  religious  peace,  insuring  liberty  of 
conscience,  was  guaranteed  to  the  Protestants. 

The  diet,  at  which  the  last  point  was  to  be  concluded  upon, 
was  somewhat  delayed,  because  the  Emperor  v/as  kept  in  the 
Netherlands  by  the  French  war,  and  because  the  wild  Margrave, 
Albert  of  Brandenburg,  was  filling  all  Germany  with  commotion  ;36 
to  the  latter  Maurice  fell  a  victim  at  Sievershausen,  July  9,  1553. 
Since  many  demands  upon  them  might  still  be  made  by  the  Em- 
peror, the  Protestants  prepared  for  the  negotiations  by  the  conven- 
tion of  theologians  at  Naumburg,37  May,  1554.  Meaawhile  Fer- 
dinand was  so  hard  pressed  by- the  Turks,  and  the  Emperor  so 
constantly  employed  with  the  French,  that  the  latter  was  obliged 

33  The  imperial  ban,  July  27,  1547.  All  the  writings  belonging  to  this  matter  are  in 
Hortleder  Vom  teutschen  Kriege,  Th.  ii.  Buch  4.  How  Magdeburg  was  taken  in  Nov., 
1551,  see  ibid.,  cap.  17  and  18. 

33  Hortleder,  Th.  ii.  Buch  5.     Sleidanus,  lib.  xxiv. 

34  The  League  of  5th  Oct.,  1551,  not  ratified  by  the  King  till  Jan.,  1552,  in  the  Re- 
cueil  des  Traites  de  paix,  ii.  258. 

35  See  it  in  Hortleder,  Th.  ii.  Buch  v.  cap.  14.  In  the  treaty  itself  all  that  is  said  of 
the  religious  peace  is,  that  "soil  die  Kais.  Maj.—  innerhalb  eines  halben  Jahrs  einen 
gemeinen  Reichstag  halten,  darauf  nochmals,  auf  was  Wege,  als  nemlich,  eines  General- 
oder  National-Concilii,  Colloquii  oder  gemeiner  Reichsversammlung  dem  Zwiespalte  der 
Religion  abzuhelfen— gchandelt,  u.  also  solche  Einigkeit  der  Religion  durch  alle  Stande 
des  heil.  Reichs  samt  Ihrer  Maj.  ordentlichen  Zuthun  soil  befiirdert  werden."  But  a 
concurrent  treaty  declared:  "Da  aber  die  Vergleichung  audi  durch  derselben  Weg 
keinen  wurde  erfolgen,  dass  alsdann  nichts  desto  weniger  obgemeldter  Friedstand  bey 
seinen  Kriiften  bis  zu  endlicher  Vergleichunabestehen  u.  bleiben  solle." 

30  Hortleder,  Th.  ii.  Buch  vi. 

37  Camerarius  in  Vita  Melanchth.,  §  98.  Acts  in  Mel.  Deutsche  Bedcnken,  s.  377,  and 
in  the  Unschuld.  Nachrichten,  1714,  s.  541. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.     §  9.  1555.  207 

to  sacrifice  his  views  to  the  exigency.38  Although  he  could  not 
determine  to  be  present  at  the  negotiations  which  annihilated  his 
plan  of  many  years,  yet  he  gave  to  his  brother  Ferdinand,  in  his 
place,  unlimited  powers.  Under  the  presidency  of  the  latter  the 
Diet  of  Augsburg  was  opened  Feb.  5,  1555,  and  there,  on  Sept. 
25,  the  Religious  Peace  concluded.39  Its  general  principles  were?< 
that  the  princes  were  guaranteed  a  free  choice  between  the  Cath- 
olic religion  and  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  that  the  religion 
of  the  subjects  should  depend  upon  that  of  the  princes.40     The 

39  The  extent  of  the  preponderance  of  the  Protestants  is  seen  in  two  works,  which  are 
manifestly  satirical  inventions  of  the  times :  I.  Sendbrief  vom  Bischof  u.  s.  Geistlichen 
von  Koln  an  d.  piipstl.  Lcgaten  in  Augsburg,  1555  (in  Schmidt-Phiseldek  Repertor.  der 
Gesch.  u.  Staatsverfassung  v.  Deutschland,  Abtheil.  5.  Anhang,  s.  41),  concluding  with 
the  proposal,  "Dass  Ew.  Heil.  die  Sach  dahin  zu  richten  bedacht,  u.  v.  d.  Lutterischen 
dis  allein  erlangen  u.  erhalten  mochte,  damit  sie  uns,  wie  die  Apostol.  Romische  Kirch- 
en  fur  die  griechische— geduldet,  oder  aber  wie  sie  der  Juden  Synagog  leidet,— also  audi 
leiden  u.  gedulden,  u.  ob  sie  schon  so  gar  mit  uns  nit  stimmten,  jedoch  unsere  Guter, 
Pfruuden  u.  Einkommen  verfolgen  lassen  wollten."— II.  Consilium  trium  Episcoporum 
de  ratione  stabiliendae  Romanae  Ecclesiae  Paulo  III.  datum  (in  Wolfii  Lectt.  Memorabil., 
ii.  519 :  in  Brownii  App.  ad  Fascic.  rerum  expotendarum  et  fugiendarum,  p.  644 ;  the 
same  is  addressed  to  Julius  III.,  and  dated  1553).  It  is  incredible  how  Brown,  and  even 
the  author  of  "Die  Kathol.  Kirche  Schlesiens,"  Alteuburg,  182G,  s.  14,  could  have. held 
it  to  be  genuine.  It  needs  not  even  the  arguments  in  le  Plat  Monum.  ad  Hist.  Cone. 
Trid.  spect.,  ii.  595,  but  only  the  simple  reading  of  the  work,  to  descry  its  irony,  which 
is,  indeed,  often  very  witty  and  to  the  point.  It  is  here  said,  and  this  is  also  further 
proved  at  length  in  No.  1 :  Quod  ad  Germaniam  nunc  attinet,  nos  (ut  verum  tibi  fatea- 
mur)  nullo  pacto  sperare  possumus,  illam  in  tuam  fidem  unquam  esse  redituram.  Quare 
hortamur,  ut  omnem  de  ea  spem  abjicias,  etc. 

39  Christoph  Lehenmann  De  pace  Religionis  acta  publica  et  originalia.  Frankfort, 
1631.  4.  J.  A.  Noesselt  Diss,  admiranda  singularis  providentiae  divinae  vestigia  in  vin- 
dicanda  per  pacem  Passaviensem  et  Augustanam  Saerorum  Evangelicorum  libertate 
exponens,  in  his  Opuscul.  ad  Hist.  Eccl.,  fasc.  iii.  (Halae,  1817)  p.  199.  On  the  spirit 
of  this  religious  peace,  see  Henke's  Magazin,  iii.  596. 

40  The  instrument  itself,  in  the  form  of  an  ordinance  of  the  empire  by  King  Ferdi- 
nand, is  in  Lehenmann,  s.  136.  First  a  general  state  of  peace  is  established  in  the  Ger- 
man empire.  "  Und  damit  soldier  Fried,  audi  der  spaltigen  Religion  halben, — desto 
bestandiger — erhalten  werden  mochte  :  so  sollen  die  Kaiserl.  Majestat,  Wir,  auch  Chur- 
fursten,  Fursten,  u.  Stands  des  heil.  Reichs  keinen  Stand  des  Reichs  von  wegen  der 
Augspurgischen  Confession  u.  derselbigen  Lehr,  Religion  u.  Glaubens  halben  mit  der 
That  gcwaltigerweis  uberziehen,  beschadigen,  vergewaltigen,  oder  in  andere  Wege  wider 
seine  Conscienz,  Wissen  u.  Willen  von  dieser  Augspurgischen  Confessions  Religion, 
Glauben,  Kirchengebrauchen,  Ordnungen  u.  Ceremonien,  so  sie  aufgericht,  oder  noch- 
mals  aufrichten  mochten  in  ihren  Furstenthumben,  Landen  u.  Herrschaften  tringen, 
oder  durch  Mandat,  oder  in  einiger  anderer  Gestalt  beschweren  oder  verachten,  sondern 
bey  soldier  Religion,  Glauben,  Kirchengebrauchen,  Ordnungen  u.  Ceremonien,  auch 
ihren  Haab,  Giitern — ruhiglich  u.  friedlich  bleiben  lassen.  Und  soil  die  strittige  Re- 
ligion nit  anderst  dann  durch  christliche,  freundliche,  friedliche  Mittel  u.  Wege  zu  ein- 
lielligem  christlichen  Verstand  u.  Vergleichung  gebracht  werden.  Alles  bey  Kaiser- 
lichen  u.  Kouiglichen  Wurdcn,  Fiirstlichen  Ehren,  -wahren  Worten  u.  Pon  des  Land- 
friedens.  Dargegen  sollen  die  Stande,  so  der  Augspurgischen  Confession  verwandt  die 
Rom.  Kais.  Maj.  Uns  u.  Churfursten,  Fursten  u.  andere  des  heil.  Reichs  Stande  der 
alten  Religion  anhangig— gleichergcstalt  bey  ihrer  Religion,— auch  ihren  Haab,  Giitern 


208  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Catholics  demanded  an  exception  to  the  first  principle  in  the  case 
of  the  clerical  princes  ;  the  Protestants  contended  against  the  sec- 
ond point  for  a  long  time.  Since  they  could  not  come  to  an  agree- 
ment on  these  controverted  matters,  they  at  length,  in  order  to 
have  a  peace,  contented  themselves  with  the  Declarations  of  the 
Emperor  about  them.41 

— unbeschwert  bleiben — lassen.— Doch  sollen  alle  andere,  so  obgemeldten  beyden  Re- 
ligionen  nicht  anhangig,  in  diesem  Frieden  nit  geraeynt,  sondern  ganzlicb  ausgeschlos- 
sen  seyn."  On  the  church  property  confiscated  by  the  Protestants:  "So  sollen  auch 
solche  eingezogene  Gilter,  welche  denjenigen,  so  dem  Reich  ohn  Mitteln  unterworfen  u. 
Reichstaude  seynd,  nit  zugehorig,  u.  deren  Possession  die  Geistlichen  zu  Zeit  des  Pas- 
sauischen  Vertrags,  oder  seithero  nit  gehabt,  in  diesen  Friedstand  mitbegriffen  u.  ein- 
fezogen  seyn,  u.  bey  der  Verordnung,  wie  es  ein  jeder  Stand  mit  obberiihrten  eingezo- 
genen  u.  allbereit  verwendten  Giitern  gemacht,  gelassen  werden. — Damit  auch  obber- 
uhrte  beiderseits  Religionsverwandte  so  viel  mehr  in  bestandigem  Frieden — bleiben  mo- 
gen,  so  soil  die  geistliche  Jurisdiction — wider  der  Augspurgischen  Confessionsverwand- 
ten  Religion,  Glauben,  Bestellung  der  Miuisterien,  Kirchengebriiuchen,  Ordnungen  u. 
Ceremonien,  so  sie  ufgericht,  oder  ufrichten  mochten,  bis  zu  endlicher  Vergleichung  der 
Religion  nicht  exercirt,  gebraucht  oder  geubt  werden,— und  also— bis  zu  endlicher  christ- 
licher  Vergleichung  der  Religion  die  geistliche  Jurisdiction  ruhen,  eingestellt  u.  sus- 
pendirt  seyn  u.  bleiben.— Es  soil  auch  kein  Stand  den  andern,  noch  desselben  Unter- 
thanen  zu  seiner  Religion  dringen,  abpracticiren,  oder  wider  ihre  Oberkeit  in  Schutz  u. 
Schirm  nehmen,  noch  vertheidingen  in  keinen  Weg.— Wo  aber  unsere,  auch  der  Chur- 
fursten,  Fiirsten  u.  Stande  Unterthanen  der  alten  Religion  oder  Augspurgischen  Con- 
fession anhangig,  von  solcher  ihrer  Religion  wegen,  aus  unsern,  auch  der  Churfursten, 
Fiirsten  und  Standen  des  h.  Reichs  Landen— mit  ihren  Weib  u.  Kindern  an  andere  Ort 
ziehen,  u.  sich  niederthun  wollten,  denen  soil  solcher  Ab-  u.  Zuzug,  auch  Verkaufuug 
ihrer  Ilaab  u.  Guter,  gegen  zimlichen  billigen  Abtrag  der  Leibeigenschaft  u.  Nach- 
steuer,  wie  cs  jedes  Orts  von  Alters  anhero  iiblichen  herbracht  u.  gehalten  worden  ist, 
unverhindert  manniglichs,  zugelassen  u.  bewilligt,  auch  an  ihren  Ehren  u.  Pflichten 
allerding  unentgolten  seyn. — Und  nachdem  eine  Vergleichung  der  Religion  u.  Glaubens- 
sachen  durch  zimliche  u.  gebuhrliche  Wege  gesucht  werden  soil,  u.  aber  ohne  bestan- 
digen  Frieden  zu  christlicher  freundlicher  Vergleichung  der  Religion  nicht  wol  zu  kom- 
men  ;  so  haben  wir—  diesen  Friedstand— bewilligt,  solchen  Frieden— bis  zu  christlicher 
—Vergleichung— stat,  fest  u.  unverbriichlich  zu  halten,  u.  demselben  treulich  nachzu- 
kommen.  Wo  dann  solche  Vergleichung  durch  die  Wege  des  Generalconciliums,  Na- 
tional-Versammlung,  Colloquien  oder  Reichshandlungen  nicht  erfolgen  wiirde,  soil  als- 
dann  nicht  destoweniger  dieser  Friedstand  in  alien  oberzahlten  Puncten  u.  Articuln  bey 
Kraften  bis  zu  endlicher  Vergleichung  der  Religion  u.  Glaubenssachen  bestehen  u.  blei- 
ben.—Nachdem  aber  in  vielen  Frey-  u.  Reichs-Stadten  die  beede  Religionen,  nemlich 
unsere  alte  Religion  u.  der  Augspurg.  Confession- Verwandten  Religion,  ein  Zeithero  im 
Gang  u.  Gebrauch  gewesen  ;  so  sollen  dieselbigen  hinfiiro  auch  bleiben,  u.  in  denselben 
Stadten  gehalten  werden,  u.  derselben  Frej--  u.  Reichs-Stadt  Burger  u.  andere  Einwoh- 
ner,  geistlichs  u.  weltlichs  Stands,  friedlich  u.  ruhig  bey  u.  neben  einander  wohnen,  u. 
kein  Theil  des  Andern  Religion,  Kirckengebrauch  oder  Ceremonien  abzuthun,  oder  ihn 
darvon  zu  dringen,  unterstehen." 

41  The  Declaration  in  relation  to  the  first  point,  the  so-called  Reservatum  ecclesiasti- 
cum,  was  adopted  into  the  treaty  itself:  "Und  nachdem  bey  Vergleichung  dieses  Frie- 
dens  Stritt  flirgefallen,  wo  der  Geistlichen  einer  oder  mehr  von  der  alten  Religion  ab- 
treten  warden,  wie  es  der  von  ihnen  bis  daselbst  hin  besessenen  u.  eingehabten  Erzbi- 
stumb,  Bisturab,  Pralaturn  u.  Beneficien  halben  gethan  werden  soil,  welche  sich  aber 
beede  Religionsstande  nit  haben  vergleichen  konnen  :  demnach  haben  wir  in  Kraft  hoch- 
gedachter  Kom.  Kays.  Maj.  uns  gegebenen  Vollmacht  u.  Heims'tellung  erklart  und 


CHAP.  I— SWISS  REFORM.    §  10.  GERMAN  SWITZERLAND.        209 


§    10. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  SWISS  REFORMATION  TO  1555  (COMPARE  §  6). 

By  the  unfortunate  Cappel  War  (1531)  the  reformed  cantons 
not  only  lost  their  political  superiority,  but  also  their  two  chief 
spiritual  leaders;  for  Occolampadius  died,  Nov.  23,  1531,  of  his 
grief  for  these  misfortunes  and  the  death  of  Zwingle.  Their  places 
were,  indeed,  taken  by  men  who  worked  in  the  same  spirit:  Hen- 
ry Bullinger1  was  the  successor  of  Zwingle,  and  the  post  of  Occo- 
lampadius was  filled  by  Oswald  Myconius  ;2  but  the  relations  of 
the  cantons  appeared  to  be  altering  in  a  way  most  unpropitious 
to  the  Reformation.  In  Zurich  and  Berne  many  voices  were 
raised  in  opposition  to  the  governments,  and  especially  against  the 
interference  of  the  clergy  in  political  affairs  ;3  and  although  there 

gesetzt,  thun  auch  solches  hiemit  wissentlich,  also,  wo  ein  Erzbischof,  Bischof,  Pralat, 
ocler  ein  anderer  geistliches  Stands,  von  unser  alten  Religion  abtreten  wiirde,  dass  der- 
selbig  sein  Erzbisthumb,  Bisthumb,  Pralatur,  u.  andere  Beneficia,  auch  damit  alle 
Frucht  u.  Einkommen,  so  er  davon  gehabt,  alsbald  ohn  einige  Verwiderung  u.  Verzug, 
jedoch  seinen  Ehren  ohnnachtheilig,  verlassen,  auch  den  Capitdln,  u.  denen  es  von  ge- 
meinen  Rechten— zugehort,  ein  Person  der  alten  Religion  verwandt— zu  wahlen  u.  zu 
ordnen  zugelassen  seyn — sollen,  jedoch  kunftiger  christlicher,  freundlicher  u.  endlicher 
VerLj;leichung  der  Religion  unvergreiflich."  In  relation  to  the  second  point  King  Fer- 
dinand decided  in  an  accompanying  decree,  24th  September  (in  Lehenmann,  s.  122): 
"  Dass  der  Geistlichen  eigen  Ritterschaft,  Stadt  u.  Communen,  welche  lange  Zeit  u.  Jahr 
hero  der  Augspurgischen  Confession  u.  Religion  anhangig  gewesen,  u.  derselbigen  Re- 
ligion Glauben,  Kirchengebrauchen,  Ordnungen  u.  Ceremonien  oflfentlich  gehalten  u. 
gebraucht,  u.  bis  auf  heut  dato  noch  also  halten  u.  gebrauchen,  von  deroselben  ihrer 
Religion,  Glauben,  Kirchengebrauchen  u.  Ceremonien  hinfiiro  durch  jemand  nicht  ge- 
drungen,  sondern  darbey  bis  zu  obberiihrter  christlicher  u.  endlicher  Vergleichung  der 
Religion  unvergewaltigt  gelassen  werden  sollen.  Und  auf  dass  solch  unser  Declaration 
limb  so  viel  destoweniger  angefochten  werden  mocht,  haben  gemeine  christliche  Stande 
— uns  zu  unterthanigen  Ehren  u.  Gefallen  bewilliget,  dass  die  Derogation  in  gemeinem 
Religionfrieden  dieses  Reichstags  (inhaltende,  daSs  wider  denselben  Religionfrieden 
keine  Declaration — nit  gegeben, — noch  angenommen  werden,  sondern  unkraftig  seyn 
soil)— obberiihrter  unser  Erklarung  und  Entscheid  unabbruchig,  aber  sonst  bey  ihren 
Wvirden  u.  Kriiften  bestehen  u.  gelassen  werden  soil." 

1  Lebensgeschichte  M.  Heinr.  Bullingers,  Antistes  der  Kirche  v.  Zurich,  by  Sal.  Hess, 
2  Bde.     Zurich,  1828-29.  8.  (incomplete). 

s  Oswald  Myconius,  Antistes  der  Baslerischen  Kirche,  by  Melch.  Kirchhofer.  Zurich, 
1813.  8. 

3  Bullinger,  in.  254 :  "  Viel  richtetend  sich  trotzlieh  uff,  sagtend,  der  Tuftel  hatte  den 
Zwingli  u.  viel  syner  Schryern  hingefuhrt ;  manch  Biedermann  babe  schwygen  miissen 
n.  habe  nitt  reden  dorfen ;  jetzund  aber  dorfe  ein  Biedermann  auch  reden  ;  sy  habend 
wol  gedacht,  die  lydenlosen  PfafFen  wurdent  also  das  Schiff  verfuhren,  u.  fiirohin  miisse 
es  ein  anders  werden.  Man  sahe  denocht  jetzund  wol,  wer  den  rechten  Glauben  habe, 
und  wem  Gott  bygestanden  sye.  Etlich  woltend  wetten,  man  wurde  kurzlich  zu  Zurych 
wiederum  Mess  halten.  Etlich,  die  sich  glycbsnet  hattend,  als  warend  sie  getriiwe 
VOL.  IV. 14 


210  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

was,  at  the  same  time,  a  public  profession  of  attachment  to  the 
Reformation,  yet  the  secret  partisans  of  the  old  Church  began  to 
work  with  new  confidence.4  To  this  were  added  divisions  between 
the  Reformed  cantons.  The  peace,  which  the  Zurichers  were  the 
first  to  enter  into,  was  considered  as  treasonable  to  the  faith  ;5  on 
the  other  hand,  the  conduct  of  the  Bernese  in  the  last  war  had 
been  displeasing  to  the  Zurichers ;  and  thus  coldness  and  distrust 
stole  in  between  the  two  great  Reformed  cantons.6  The  circum- 
stances became  still  more  perplexing  when  the  Anabaptists  began 
to  come  forward  more  boldly  among  the  Reformed,  and  thus  fur- 
nished, as  it  seemed,  new  evidence  in  favor  of  the  Catholic  com- 
plaints as  to  the  dangers  of  the  Reformation ;  nor  would  they  let 
themselves  be  instructed  by  the  public  disputations7  that  were 
held  with  them,  the  most  important  of  which  was  that  at  Zo- 

Friind  Christi  u.  synes  Evangelii  gsyn,  wolltend  dess  nit  Namen  mer  haben,  stalltend 
sich  wider  die  Pfaffen  (als  sy  die  nampten),  u.  redtend  grusamer  wider  den  Zwingli  u. 
synen  Anhang,  denn  die  offen  Find  gewesen  warend."  The  malcontents  in  the  canton 
of  Zurich  met  at  Meilen,  on  Lake  Zurich,  and  gave  to  the  Council,  Nov.  28,  a  written 
statement  of  their  grievances,  in  which  they  demanded  (Tschudi  in  the  Helvetia,  ii.  337 ; 
comp.  Bullinger,  iii.  283)  :  "  Dass  Ihr — der  heimlichen  Rathen,  u.  harverloffener  Pfaffen 
u.  Schwaben  abstandeYit  (dann  uns  will  bedunken,  dass  der  heimlich  Rath,  auch  die 
Pfaffen  u.  andere  ufruhrische  Schreyer  uns  nit  wol  erschossen  habeut),  dessglychen  der 
Pfaffen  in  offeutlichen  u.  heimlichen  Rathen  miissig  gangent,  u.  sich  die  Pfaffen  der 
weltlichen  Sachen  ganz  u.  gar  nut  beladent  in  Stadt  noch  uff  dem  Land,  sonder  das 
Gottswort  verkiindent,  darzu  sie  geordnet  sind. — Zum  vierten, — dass  ihr  nun  hinfiir  in 
iiwer  Stadt  Predikanten  annemment,  die  friedsam  syent,  u.  uff  Fried  u.  Rub.  stelleut,  u.  die 
ufruhrischen  Pfaffen,  so  Uech  u.  uns,  die  gern  Fried  u.  Rub  hattent,  offentlicb  an  der  Kan- 
zel  gottlosent,  hinwegthuent,  u.  uff  dem  Land  unseren  Predikanten  solliches  auch  sagent, 
dass  sie  uns  das  Gottswort  verkiindent  hit  beder  Testamenten,  u.  sich  die  Pfaffen,  wie 
obgemeldt,  keiner  weltlichen  Sachen  unterwindent  noch  beladent,  in  Stadt  noch  uff  dem 
Land,  im  Rath  noch  darneben,  sonder  Uech,  unser  Herren,  lassent  regieren,  als  denn 
einer  frommen  Oberkeit  zustaht,  u.  Ihr  keinem  Pfaffen  nun  hinfiir  kein  Pfrund  wyter 
verlychent,  denn  von  einem  Jahr  zum  andern,  u.  auch  uns  uff  dem  Land  mit  keinen 
Pfaffen  iibersetzent,  die  einer  Gemeind  nit  angenem  syent."  At  last,  however,  the  as- 
surance :  "  Ihr  sollent  ganzlich  by  aller  Wahrheit  wiissen,  dass  Niemand  des  Gemiits 
ist,  von  Gottswort  zu  wycben,"  u.  s.  w.  Similar  complaints  were  made  by  the  people 
of  Berne  to  the  Council ;  seethe  Schweizerischer  Geschichtforscher,  Bd.  7.  Heft  1.  (Berne, 
1828)  s.  132  :  "  Des  ersten",  des  wir  all  gemeinlich  u.  einhellig  ratig  sind  worden,  antref- 
fend  das  heilig  gottlich  Wort,  by  demselbigen  zu  beliben,— u.  nachdem  alsdann  die 
Predicanten  in  Stadt  u.  Land  uff  dem  Cantzel  vil  uff  Uffruhr  u.  Blutvergiessen  geschru- 
wen,  dardurch  gross  Uneinigkeit  entstanden,  sich  desselbigen  gar  u.  ganz  zu  mussigen, 
ouch  der  Schmiitz  u.  Scheltworten  sich  gar  u.  ganz  abzethun,  sunder  uns  allenthalben 
nut  anders  denn  das  wahr,  luter,  eynig  Gottswort  nach  Inhalt  des  Buchstabens  on  alien 
ihren  Zusalz  zu  verkiinden."    Comp.  Muller-Hottinger,  vii.  440  ff. 

4  Bullinger's  Leben,  by  Hess,  i.  128. 

5  Hess,  ubi  supra. 

6  H aller,  by  Kirchbofer,  s.  180. 

7  In  St.  Gall,  1532,  Hottinger's  Helvet.  Kirchengesch.,  iii.  GG2;  in  Berne,  153G,  ibid., 
s.  730. 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORM.    §  10.  GERMAN  SWITZERLAND.        211 

sin^en,8  July,  1532.  The  milder  position  which  the  Reformed 
assumed  toward  them,9  in  order  to  rebuke  the  Catholic  spirit  of 
persecution,  only  served  to  make  them  holder. 

The  Catholic  cantons  at  once  made  use  of  the  superiority  they 
had  gained.  They  restored  by  violence  the  Catholic  Church  in 
the  free  districts  of  Bremgarten  and  Mellingen,  Rapperschweil 
and  G-aster.10  The  conquered  party  and  the  Reformation  were 
contemptuously  assailed  and  lampooned.11  When  Zurich  repelled 
the  wide-spread  report  that  it  was  about  to  return  to  the  papacy12 
by  the  most  decisive  mandates13  establishing  the  Reformation, 
1532,  it  was  met  by  a  breach  of  the  articles  of  peace  on  the  part 
of  the  Catholic  cantons,  and  had  to  submit  to  fresh  humiliation  in 
the  treaty  of  Einsiedeln,  1533.14     These  mandates,  however,  re- 

8  Ruchat,  Hist,  de  la  Reform,  de  la  Suisse,  iv.  213.    Kirckhofer,  s.  178. 

9  In  Zurich,  Hess,  i.  209 ;  in  Berne,  Rucliat,  iv.  220. 

10  Bullinger's  Reformationsgesch.,  iii.  30G.  Hottinger's  Helv.  Kirchengesch.,  iii.  600 
ff.,  63G.     Ruchat,  iii.  4G8  S3.,  500. 

11  Hess,  i.  121. 

12  Bullinger,  iii.  305 :  it  was  ever}' where  rumored,  "in  kurtzem  wurde  man  in  Ziirych 
wiederum  Mess  halten,  und  den  Glouben  der  Romischen  Kylchen  uffnen."  Casp.  Me- 
gander  Ep.  ad  Bullingerum,  in  Hess,  i.  157.  Berne  made  a  formal  demand  on  Zurich 
that  it  should  publicly  refute  this  rumor ;  Kirchhofer,  s.  175. 

13  Comp.  Hess,  i.  156  ff.  Most  important  was  the  mandate  of  Wednesday  after  Trin- 
ity, 1532,  against  mass  and  pilgrimages,  in  Bullinger,  iii.  315:  "Wiewol  wir  vornaher 
uss  Grund  bewiihrter  heiliger  Gschrift— den  Missbruch  der  Biipstischen  Mess  u.  Sacra- 
ments, wie  die  bishar  by  der  Romischen  Kilchen,  nit  zu  kleiner  Schmalerung  und  Ver- 
kleinung  des  bitteren  Lydens  u.  Sterbens  Jesu  Christi,— brucht  worden,  abgethan,  und 
anstatt  derselben  den  begriindten  wahren  Bruch  des  Nachtsmals  des  Herren—  ingesetzt ; 
— und  so  wir  uns  aber  umb  christenlicher  Verschonung  willen  uber  die,  so  sich  in  dem 
Sacrament  der  Danksagung  u.  christenlicher  Gemeinsammi  von  uns  absunderent,  u. 
nach  Biipstischer  Wyss  anderswo  zum  Sacrament  gond,  noch  bisher  keiner  usserlichen 
Straf  erlutert :— darus  mit  der  Zyt,  wo  es  gestattet  wurde,  vil  Unruwen,  Spaltung  u. 
Absiinderung  der  Gmiidten  u.  burgerlicher  Frundschaften  grosslich  zu  ersorgen  :— so 
gepiettent  wir  hiemit  vast  ernstlich, — dass  sich  menklich  der  Unseren  des  Sacraments 
der  Danksagung  u.  Nachtmals  Christi  nach  christenlicher  u.  unserer  Ordnung,  wie  es 
die  gottlicli  heilig  Gschrift  lehrt  u.  vermag,— gebruche.— Dann  so  jemands  sollichs 
ilbersehen,  sich  in  Empfahung  des  Sacraments  von  uns  sunderen,  u.  also  die  Christenen 
Gemeinden  verachten  wurde,  den  wollent  wir  ouch  als  ein  abgetheilt  ungehorsam  Glied 

halten,  ihn  nit  by  oder  under  uns  gedulden,  wandlen  noch  wohnen  lassen,  sonder  von 

Stadt  und  Land  verwysen.—  Dann  wir  mit  gottlicher  Gnad,  unverhindert  der  Triibsal 
u.  Unfaals,  so  Gott  vielleicht  unserer  Sunden  halb  uber  uns  verhangt,  des  styffen  Sin- 
nes  u.  Gemiiths  sind,  dass  wir  by  erkannter  Wahrheit— trostlich  belyben,  u.  in  unser 
Stadt  u.  Land  weder  die  Mess,  biipstische  Sacrament,  noch  utzid  des  us  Gottes  Wort  nit 
Grund  oder  Handveste  hat,  wissen  noch  getulden,  sonder  Gott  u.  der  Wahrheit  Gstand, 
Lob,  Ehr,  u.  Pryss  in  die  Ewigkeit  geben." 

14  Bullinger,  iii.  329,  367.  Hess,  i.  164.  The  Ziirichers  had,  they  said,  broken  the 
treaty  (Bullinger,  iii.  334,  339),  for  it  put  them  under  obligation  not  to  meddle  by  dis- 
putation and  argument  with  the  Catholic  faith ;  also  by  sending  to  the  Catholic  cantons 
epistles  and  public  documents,  with  seals,  declaring  that  Zurich  had  the  true,  indubita- 


212  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

mained  in  force  in  Zurich  ;15  and  in  Berne,  too,  an  oath  to  main- 
tain the  Reformation  was  taken  by  the  whole  canton,  November, 
1534.16 

In  the  divided  cantons  the  Catholic  party  was  especially  active. 
In  Solothurn,  where  the  city  was  reformed  only  in  a  small  pro- 
portion, while  the  country  was  so  by  a  large  majority,  the  Refor- 
mation was  suppressed  in  1533  with  the  aid  of  the  Catholic  can- 
tons.17 Appenzell  adhered  to  its  former  decrees.18  In  Glarus  the 
Catholic  service  was  restored  only  in  some  of  the  churches  ;19  in 
the  city,  Valentin  Tschudi  was  able  so  far  to  allay  the  bitterness 
of  the  parties  that  he  and  other  clergymen  could  officiate  in  both 
churches.20 

Lie  Christian  faith  (cf.  above,  Note  39).  At  Einsiedeln  the  Zurichers  (April,  1533,  Bul- 
linger,  iii.  341)  were  forced  to  confess  that  they  had  not  thought,  in  issuing  the  man- 
date, that  it  would  be  so  hostile  and  hurtful  to  the  Five  Cantons,  and  if  they  had  con- 
sidered this  that  they  would  not  have  issued  it.  For  the  future  they  would  be  on  their 
guard  against  such  mandates  as  would  do  detriment  to  the  confederacy  and  the  peace 
of  the  land.  In  the  second  place,  the  Zurichers  were  to  take  in  hand  and  keep  back  the 
mandates  not  yet  sent  out,  and  wherever  they  had  not  yet  been  proclaimed  and  read, 
not  have  this  done. 

15  Hess,  i.  166. 

16  Haller,  by  Kirchhofer,  s.  202. 

17  Hottinger's  Helv.  Kirchengesch.,  iii.  663.    Ruchat,  iv.  247. 

18  Hottinger,  iii.  644. 

19  Hottinger,  iii.  644  ff. 

20  On  this  Valentin  Tschudi,  see  Schiller's  Huldreich  Zwingli,  Gesch.  seiner  Bildung 
zum  Reformator.  2te  Ausg.,  s.  318  ff.  His  Erasmian  tendencies  are  apparent  in  his 
Letter  to  Zwingle,  15th  March,  1530  (in  Fuesslini  Epistolae  ab  Ecclesiae  Helvet.  Refor- 
matoribus  vel  ad  eos  scriptae.  Centur.  i.  Tiguri,  1742.  8.,  p.  63  ss.) :  Quod  vero  hacte- 
nus  signa  tua  sequi  detrectarim,  non,  charissime  frater,  Papisticae  leges  me  adeo  detinu- 
erunt,  nee  avarum  illud  jugum  prostratum  commovit,  ut  ejus  me  vindicem  subscribe- 
rem  ;  sed  longe  periculosissimum  hoc  bellum  scientia  duce,  regnantibus  privatis  consiliis, 
suscipere  animus  meus  abhorruit.— Caute  enim  providendum,  ne,  dum  corrosas  veteres 
columnas  dejicimus,  tota  domus  nimio  impetu  aegre  concutiarur,  priusquam  nova  fulcra 
admoveantur.  Video  enim,  quosdam  neglecta  charitate  tumultuario  agmine  grassantes 
rei  christianae  plus  detrimenti,  quam  commodi  convehere,  quibus  si  non  tandem  per 
Dominum  capistrum  imponatur,  ut  secundum  Paulum  idem  omnes  loquamdr,  nulla  spes 
est  futurae  quietis.  Caeterum  cum  inter  duo  mala,  quod  tolerabilius  eligendum  sit,  licet 
summe  metuam  gravia  incommoda,  quae  evenire  possunt  recluso  ostio  tjjs  Koivwvias ; 
praesenti  tamen  malo  prius  occurrendum.  Video  enim  hujus  dissensionis  praetextu, 
quam  tam  pertinaciter  de  cortice,  relicto  nucleo,  excitaviraus,  clam  irrepere  neglectum 
Dei,  despectum  magistratuum,  violationem  judiciorum,  vitam  quoque  licentiosam  :  nam 
tanto  odio  exacerbatis  animis  perit  aequitas,  charitas  extinguitur.—  Quid  vero  populo 
tam  hostiliter  diviso  ultra  expectandum  quam  desolatio  ?  Propterea  saluti  patriae  pri- 
mum  consulendum,  ne  libertas  tanto  labore  parta,  nostra  negligentia  amittatur.— Palam 
hactenus  testatus  sum,  Christianismum  in  omnibus  his  ceremoniis  non  consistere ;  sed 
—illud  unicum  a  nobis  requiri,  ut  exuatur  vetus  ille  homo,  ac  charitate  amplectamur 
proximum.  Hue,  hue  ego  direxi,  ceremoniarum  causam  reaedificatae  relinquens  chari- 
tati:  non  enim  hae  antiquatae  me  commoverunt,  at  commovit  Kowwvia  versa  in  privata 
consilia.    Quod  si  alitor  fieri  nequit,  valeant.    Apud  me  plus  valebit  publica  quies,  quam 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORM.    §  10.  GERMAN  SWITZERLAND.         213 

In  German  Switzerland  the  War  of  Cappel  set  bounds  to  the 
Reformation  ;  but  in  the  French  cantons  it  now  gained  an  effectu- 
al entrance.  William  Farel  had  been  preaching  the  Gospel  from 
1526  in  the  French  parts  of  the  cantons  of  Berne  and  Biel;21  next 
he  established  the  Reformation  in  Neufchatel,22  1530 ;  but  in  Ge- 
neva he  now  found  a  much  wider  sphere  for  his  energies.  The 
dukes  of  Savoy,  supported  by  the  bishops  of  Geneva,  had  been  long 
struggling  for  the  possession  of  this  free  city,  surrounded  on  all 
sides  by  the  Savoy  territory.  By  the  luxurious  manners  of  their 
court  they  had  here  gained  adherents  (the  Mamelucs)  in  the  same 
degree  that  they  had  corrupted  the  morals  of  the  city.  The  Gene- 
vese  who  loved  freedom  (called  Eidgnots,  i.  e.,  confederates)  made 
an  alliance  with  the  cantons  of  Berne  and  Freiburg,  and  with  their 
help  restored,  in  152 6,23  the  freedom  of  the  city,  which  had  been 
almost  lost.  From  Berne,  too,  the  Reformation  made  its  way  to 
Geneva  in  1528,  and  it  advanced  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the 
Catholic  Freiburg.24  There  was  first  formed  a  secret  Reformed 
Church,  which  had  to  struggle  with  hard  oppression  and  persecu- 
tion. At  the  suggestion  of  the  Bernese  a  religious  conference  was 
held,25  Jan.  29,  1534,  in  which  Farel  defended  the  Reformation; 
immediately  afterward  public  worship  was  allowed  to  the  Reform- 
ed. Freiburg  now  abandoned  its  alliance  with  Geneva  ;  the  plots 
of  Savoy  became  more  perilous  ;  the  city  was  put  under  the  ban, 
and  had  to  rely  wholly  upon  the  aid  of  Berne.  The  Reformation 
then  advanced  with  great  rapidity,  through  the  zeal  of  the  preach- 
ers Farel,  Anton  Froment,  and  Peter  Viret.     After  another  dispu- 

harum  cura,  caet.  As  the  Catholics  now  began  to  move  anew,  Tschudi  quieted  the 
people  in  Glarus.  Being  married,  he  did  not  read  mass  ;  but  he  was  present  at  it,  and 
preached  to  both  parties.  So,  too,  his  chaplain,  Hans  Heer.  In  1542  the  Catholics  in 
Linthal,  who  had  no  priests,  asked  the  Reformed  preacher,  Brunner,  to  preach  to  them, 
and  to  visit  those  that  were  sick.     See  Hottinger's  Kirchengesch.,  iii.  648. 

21  Ruchat,  i.  391,  488;  ii.  222;  iii.  173.  Das  Leben  Wilh.  Farels,  by  Melch.  Kirch- 
hofer  (2  Bde.,  Zurich,  1831-33.  8.),  i.  67.  Etudes  sur  Farel,  these  par  Charles  Schmidt. 
Strasb.,  1834.  4. 

22  Ruchat,  iii.  175;  iv.  95.     Farel,  by  Kirchhofer,  i.  109. 

13  Histoire  de  Geneve,  par  Mr.  Spon,  ed.  augm.  a  Geneve,  1730. 8.  T.  i.  Hist,  de  Ge- 
neve, par  Jean  Picot  (Geneve,  1811.  8.  3  vols.).  Hist,  de  Gen.,  par  A.  Thourel  (Gen. 
1833.  8.),  T.  i.  [Les  Actes  et  Gestes  Merveilleux  de  la  cite  de  Geneve  (from  1522),  par 
Anthoine  Fromment ;  new  edition  by  Gustave  Revilliocl,  1856.  E.  F.  Gelpke,  Kirchefl» 
gesch.  d.  Schweiz,  i.  1856.  Hagenbach,  Vorlesungen,  D'Aubigne',  vol.  iv.  J.  Gaberel, 
Hist,  de  l'Eglise  de  Geneve,  2  vols.,  published  1858.     Comp.  p.  10-12,  above.] 

2*  Ruchat,  ii.  276 ;  iii.  222 ;  iv.  294. 

"  The  Acts  were  printed  in  French,  1534 ;  in  French  and  Latin,  1G44,  in  12.  Extracts 
in  Ruchat,  v.  97.    Farel,  by  Kirchhofer,  i.  175. 


214  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

tation26  the  papacy  was  abolished  by  the  council,  and  the  Refor- 
mation  adopted,  Aug.  27,  1535.27  The  next  year  the  city  gained 
its  most  distinguished  teacher,  John  Calvin28  (Aug.,  1536),  who 
was  destined  to  have  such  an  efficient  influence  upon  the  devel- 
opment of  all  the  Reformed  Churches.  After  Berne  had  effected 
the  deliverance  of  Geneva,  hard  pressed  by  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  it 
also  conquered  the  Pays  de  Vaud,29  Febr.,  1536.  Here,  too,  the 
friends  of  the  Reformation  made  their  appearance ;  and  a  dispu- 
tation at  Lausanne,30  Oct.  1,  1536,  in  which  Farel,  Viret,  and  Cal- 
vin took  part,  was  followed  by  a  general  adhesion  to  the  Reforma- 
tion.31 Viret  was  left  in  Lausanne,  to  be  its  reformer ;  and  as 
early  as  1537  an  academy  was  there  formed  for  the  training  of 
the  clergy.32 

Though  the  Reformation,  especially  in  consequence  of  the  state 
of  civil  affairs,  had  gained  so  rapid  a  victory  in  Geneva,  yet  there 
were  still  in  the  city  many  who  were  secretly  attached  to  the  old 
Church ;  and  there  were  others,  infected  by  the  corruption  of  mor- 
als introduced  under  the  Savoy  rule,  who  hoped  to  obtain  complete 
license  by  the  acceptance  of  the  Reformation.33  When  the  preach- 
ers set  themselves  against  this  immorality  by  enforcing  strict 
church  discipline,  a  slight  quarrel  between  them  and  the  Bernese 
on  church  usages  was  made  the  occasion  of  getting  rid  of  these 
troublesome  disciplinarians :  they  were  banished  by  a  decree  of 
the  council  in  1538.34     But  their  loss  was  soon  so  deeply  felt  that 

26  On  the  30th  May,  1535,  Ruchat,  v.  271.     Farel,  by  Kirchhofer,  i.  187. 

27  Ruchat,  v.  300. 

28  Calvin,  in  his  Praefatio  ad  Psalmos,  relates  that  he  was  traveling  through  Geneva, 
intending  to  spend  only  one  night  there,  and  at  first  withstood  the  appeals  of  Farel,  do- 
nee Genevae  non  tam  consilio  vel  hortatu,  quam  formidabili  G.  Farelli  obtestatione  re- 
tentus  sum,  ac  si  Deus  violentam  mihi  e  coelo  nianum  injiceret.  Quo  terrore  perculsus 
susceptum  iter — oniisi.  Farel,  by  Kirchhofer,  i.  197.  Das  Leben  Johann  Calvins,  by 
Paul  Henry  (Hamburg,  1835),  i.  161.     [Cf.  above,  pp.  10-12.  ] 

29  Ruchat,  v.  418.  Viret,  Reformateur  de  Lausanne,  these  par  Henri  Jaquemot. 
Strasburg,  1836.  4. 

30  Farel's  Theses  here,  in  Ruchat,  v.  693.  Acts,  in  Ruchat,  vi.  1.  Farel,  by  Kirch- 
hofer, i.  199. 

31  Measures  of  the  Bernese  government  to  promote  the  Reformation,  Ruchat,  vi.  324. 
Edict,  in  which  it  was  ordered  to  be  introduced  24th  Dec,  1536,  in  Ruchat,  vi.  367. 

32  Ruchat,  vi.  446. 

33  Calvinus:  quasi  nihil  aliud  esset  Christianismus,  quam  statuarum  eversio ;  Hot- 
tinger's  Kirchengesch.,  iii.  722.  Registres  de  la  Rep.  4,  Sept.,  1536 :  Quelques  uns  d'en- 
tre  les  principaux  citoyens,  et  un  grand  nombre  d'autres,  ne  pouvant  point  endurer  les 
ministres  qui  les  reprennent  de  leurs  vices,  protestent  devant  le  Conseil  vouloir  vivre 
en  liberte.     Leben  Calvins,  b}-  Henry,  i.  196. 

34  Farel,  by  Kirchhofer,  i.  235.    Henry,  i.  199. 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  10.  GENEVA.  215 

Calvin,  in  1541,  was  called  back  from  Strasburg;35  Farel  remain- 
ed in  Neufchatel.  Calvin  had  to  undergo  many  a  hard  conflict, 
especially  with  a  party  of  fanatical  free-thinkers,  Libertines, 
who  called  themselves   Spirituels  ;36   his  life  was  at  times  in 

25  Henry,  i.  385. 

36  Who  manifestly  still  belonged  to  the  sect  of  the  Free  Spirit ;  see  vol.  ii.  p.  590, 
Note ;  iii.  p.  173.  Cf.  Calvini  Instruetio  adv.  fanaticam  et  furiosam  sectam  Libertino- 
rum,  qui  se  Spirituales  vocant,  written  in  1544  (Ejusd.  Tractatus  theologiei  Amstelod., 
1667,  fol.,  p.  374).  On  the  spreading  of  this  sect  it  is  there  said,  chap,  iv.,  that  a  Flem- 
ish man,  Coppin,  from  Yssel,  had  first  preached  this  doctrine  for  fifteen  j-ears,  and  that 
then  one  Quiutin,  from  Hennegau,  had  made  himself  still  more  famous,  and  propagated 
the  sect  in  France.  Ant.  Pocquet  joined  them,  the  same  who,  two  years  before,  had 
tarried  some  time  in  Geneva.  Cap.  7 :  peregrina  ct  insolenti  utimtur  lingua,  qua  sic 
cornicantur,  ut  nihilo  plus  perspicuitatis  insit,  quam  in  avium  canto.  Non  nego,  quin 
utantiir  commuuibus  vocabulis,  sed  ita  significationem  eorum  deformant,  ut  nemo  intel- 
ligat. — Id  quidem  malitiose  agunt,  ut  possint  clanculum  velut  ex  insidiis  idiotas  circum- 
venire.  Nemini  eniin  revelant  abominationum  suarum  mysteria,  quae  sub  illis  verborum 
tegumentis  latent,  praeterquam  iis  qui  jam  jurejurando  sibi  astricti  sunt.  Cap.  8  :  unus 
est  ex  praecipuis  capitibus  theologiae  ipsorum :  artem  simulandi,  et  sese  trail sformandi 
nosse  oportere,  quo  facilius  homiiiibus  imponant. — Quemadinodum  nulla  est  ipsis  religio 
coram  idolis  se  pi-osternere,  ita  se  omnibus  superstitionibus  Papistarum  adhaerere  simu- 
lant, quod  ex  eorum  opinione  externa  omnia  in  hominis  Christiani  libertate  posita  sunt. 
Cap.  9 :  Semper  hoc  retinent  principium :  scripturam  in  naturali  sensu  suo  acceptam 
literam  mortuam  esse,  atque  occidere,  ideoque  missam  esse  faciendam,  ut  ad  Spiritum 
vivificantem  veniamus. — Conantur  nos  a  Scripturis  avertere,  ut  in  imaginationibus  suis 
vagari,  aut  potius  extra  Scripturae  fines  errare  cogant ;  ut  unusquisque  somnia  sua,  et 
diaboli  praestigias  loco  verbi  Dei  sequatur.  Cap.  10  :  Notandum  est,  eos  nullum  posse 
aliqua  de  re  sermonem  inchoare,  quin  nomen  Spiritus  statim  ab  eis  proferatur :  vixque 
binas  clausulas  continuare  possunt,  quin  subinde  repetant. — Nomen  Spiritus  ad  omnia 
applicant,  quoties  ipsis  commodum  videtur,  ut  omnibus  modis  res  suas  agant.  Cap.  11 : 
Primum  hoc  statuunt :  TJnicum  esse  tantum  Spiritual  Dei,  qui  sit  ac  vivat  in  omnibus 
creaturis. — Quum  igitur  unicum  tantum  spiritum  statuunt,  fingunt  Angelos  nihil  aliud, 
quam  iuspirationes  aut  motus,  non  creaturas  essentia  praeditas  esse.  Animarum  nos- 
trarum  loco  ajunt  Deum  vivere  in  nobis,  vegetare  corpora  nostra,  nos  sustinere,  atque 
omnes  vitales  actiones  efBcere.  Cap.  12 :  Diabolum,  mundum  et  peccatum  accipiunt 
pro  imaginatione,  quae  nihil  est.  Talemque  hominem  esse  ajunt,  quoad  sit  in  ipsorum 
secta  reformatus.— Docent  non  esse  amplius  inhaerendum  opinationi,  quum  abolitum  sit 
peccatum  :  stultumque  esse,  ac  si  aliquid  foret,  de  eo  amplius  laborare.  Cap.  13 :  Postea 
quam  unicum  Spiritum  suo  arbitratu  finxerunt,  destructis  atque  abolitis  turn  Angelorum, 
turn  Diabolorum,  turn  etiam  animarum  naturis,  ajunt,  solum  hunc  Spiritum  efncere  om- 
nia. Quintin  says :  Quod  ego  aut  tujacimus,  Deus  efficit.  Quod  etiam  Deus  /ac it,  ipsi 
facimus.  Nam  in  nobis  est.  Cap.  15 :  Id  praecipue  sibi  proponunt,  ut  sopiant  consci- 
entias,  quo  omni  sollicitudine  vacui  homines,  quicquid  sese  offeret,  quicquid  appetierint, 
perpetrent.  Cap.  16  :  Posteaquam  sic  frena  laxarunt  omnibus,  ut  sinant  unumqnemque 
vivere  suo  arbitratu,  hoc  praetextu,  quod  se  a  Deo  regi  sinant,  ex  eodem  principio  de- 
ducuut,  perperam  fieri,  si  de  re  aliqua  judicetur.  Cap.  17 :  (Dicunt)  Christum  non  obi- 
isse  in  cruce,  sed  tantum  opinationem. — In  eo  constituunt  redcmptionem  nostram,  quod 
Christus  solum  velut  typus  fuit,  in  quo  contemplemur  ea,  quae  ad  salutem  nostram  re- 
quirit  Scriptura. — Quum  ajunt  Christum  abolevisse  peccatum,  sensus  eorum  est,  Chris- 
tum abolitionem  illam  in  persona  sua  repraesentasse. — Caeterum,  ut  imaginantur,  nemo 
nostrum  non  est  Christus :  quodque  in  ipso  factum  est,  in  omnibus  etfectum  dicunt. 
Cap.  18:  Fatentur  quidem  nobiscum,  nos  Dei  filios  esse  non  posse,  nisi  renati  simus. 
Ac  prima  quidem  facie  idem  nobiscum  sentire  videri  possint,  si  tantum  verba  spectan- 


216  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

peril,37  until  his  opponents  were  put  down  in  an  insurrection  set 
on  foot  by  Ami  Perrin,  when  they  were  finally  subdued,  1555.38 
By  the  iron  firmness  of  Calvin  the  morals  of  Geneva  were  wholly 
changed.39  Thus  the  city  was  indebted  to  the  Reformation  for 
its  freedom,  its  order  and  honorable  morals,  and  its  growing  pros- 
perity. The  position  and  language  of  the  city  made  it  the  centre 
of  the  Reformation  for  the  Romanic  countries ;  those  driven  thence 
here  sought  protection.40  On  the  other  hand,  companies  of  preach- 
ers were  trained  in  Greneva,  and  for  other  lands  too,  especially  in 
the  academy41  founded  in  1588.  The  French  Reformed  Church 
received  thence  almost  all  its  preachers.42  Calvin  had  thus  the 
opportunity  of  influencing  the  development  of  many  Reformed 

tur. — Sed  quum  explicandum  est,  quid  per  ea  significare  velint,  omnia  pervertunt. — 
Hoc  enim  principium  summit:  -nempe  regenerationem  esse  restitutionem  innocentiae,  in 
qua  Adam,  antequam  peccasset,  constitutus  erat.  Hunc  autem  innocentiae  statum  sic 
accipiunt :  nihil  dignoscere,  nee  inter  album,  quod  ajunt,  et  nigrum  discernere,  quia 
hoc  Adae  peccatum  fuit,  comedere  de  fructu  scientiae  boni  et  mail.  Sic,  ex  eorum  sen- 
tentia,  veterem  Adamum  mortificare  nihil  aliud  est,  quam  nihil  discernere  quasi  mali 
cognitione  sublata :  ac  puerorum  more  naturalem  sensum  atque  inclinationem  sequi. 
Cap.  19 :  Libertatem  christianam  deinceps  ita  extendunt,  ut  statuant,  omnia  homini  sine 
exceptione  licita  esse.  Totam  legem  abolere  volunt,  inquientes,  nullam  amplius  ejus 
habendam  esse  rationem,  propterea  quod  in  libertatem  asserti  simus.  Cap.  20 :  Paulus 
admonet,  ut  unusquisque  in  ea  vocatione,  in  qua  vocatus  est,  permaneat  (1  Cor.,  vii.  20). 
— Infelices  isti  sententiam  hanc  evertunt,  ut  probent  ac  persuadeant  omnibus,  unum- 
quemque  oportere  naturalem  inclinationem  sequi,  atque  sic  agere  et  vivere,  ut  libebit, 
aut  e  re  sua  esse  videbitur. — Turn  viris  turn  mulieribus  permittunt  sese  quibuscunque 
visum  fuerit,  copulare.  Idque  matrimonium  spirituale  vocant,  quum  alter  altero  con- 
tentus  est. — Ajunt  matrimonium  etiam  solemni  ritu  initum  coram  hominibus  carnale 
esse,  nisi  spiritus  ipsi  bene  conveniant,  atque  ideo  christianum  hominem  minime  ad  id 
adstrictum  esse,  sed  id  solum  inter  Christianos  firmum  esse  debere,  in  quo  utrique  simul 
cum  altero  bene  est.  Cap.  21 :  Eandem  in  bona  confusionem  inducunt,  communionem 
sanctorum  esse  dicentes,  si  nemo  quicquam  possideat  tanquam  suum  ;  sed  unusquisque, 
undecunquo  nancisci  poterit,  ad  se  rapiat.  Cap.  22:  Rident  spem  omnem,  quam  de 
resurrectione  habemus,  idque  jam  nobis  evenisse  dicunt,  quod  adhuc  expectamus.  Si 
quaeratur,  quomodo  id  intelligant :  nempe,  inquiunt,  ut  homo  sciat,  animam  suam  spi- 
ritum  immortalem  esse  perpetuo  viventem  in  caelis;  ac  Christum  morte  sua  opinatio- 
nem  abolevisse,  eaque  ratione  nobis  restituisse  vitam,  quae  in  eo  est,  ut  nos  minime 
mori  cognoscamus.     Henry,  ii.  398. 

37  Thus  in  the  case  of  Jacob  Gruet,  Spon's  Hist,  de  Geneve  (edit,  de  1730),  ii.  47. 
Henry,  ii.  439.  Process  with  Philibcrt  Berthelier,  see  1522.  Spon,  ii.  69.  Bullinger's 
Leben  von  Hess,  ii.  97. 

38  See  Calvin's  Letter  to  Bullinger,  15th  June,  1555,  in  his  Epistoll.,  p.  163.  Spon, 
ii.  72  ss.     Trechsel's  Michael  Servet  u.  seine  Vorganger.     Heidelberg,  1839,  s.  182. 

39  See  Farel's  declaration  in  1557,  in  Farel's  Leben,  by  Kirchhofer,  ii.  125. 

40  Henry,  ii.  420.  Bezae  Ep.  ad  Pastores  Tigur.,  dd.  17.  Dec,  1568  (Ejusd.  Epistt. 
Hanov.,  1597,  p,  152) :  in  hanc  potissimum  Ecclesiam  tamquam  in  portum  quendam 
multa  naufragorum  millia  fuerunt  et  ejecta  et  recepta. 

41  Spon,  ii.  87. 

42  Beza,  1564,  calls  Geneva,  Seminarium  Ecclesiarum  Gallicarum ;  Hottinger's  Kirch- 
engesch.,  iii.  831. 


CH.  I— SWISS  REF.    §  10.  GENEVA.    ITALIAN  SWITZERLAND.     217 

Churches  in  other  countries,  and  of  diffusing  far  and  wide  his 
ecclesiastical  and  doctrinal  views ;  so  that  he  may  be  considered 
as  the  second  founder  of  the  Reformed  Church. 

The  Reformation  spread  by  degrees  also  into  the  Italian  Switz- 
erland. From  1512  the  Twelve  Cantons  possessed  in  common 
the  lordships  of  Lugano  and  Locarno ;  the  Grisons  also  had  the 
exclusive  right  to  Veltlin  and  the  lordships  of  Bormio  and  Chia- 
venna  (Cleves).  Scattered  accounts  of  the  Reformation  had  reach- 
ed these  places  somewhat  earlier.  But  when  the  Inquisition  ap- 
pointed by  Paul  III.,  1542,  compelled  the  Italian  adherents  of  the 
Reformation  to  quit  their  native  land,43  many  of  them  emigrated 
into  these  Swiss  provinces,  became  preachers  of  the  Reformation, 
and  established  Churches.  But  there  were  uninterrupted  conflicts 
among  them,  partly  because  the  Catholics  were  violently  opposed 
to  them,  and  in  part  because  the  Italian  refugees  held  and  preach- 
ed many  peculiar  doctrines.  The  Grisons  established  religious 
freedom  in  their  provinces  in  1544,  and  also  the  equal  rights  of 
both  Churches  in  1557,44  without,  however,  being  able  to  deliver 
the  Reformed  from  constant  persecutions.  In  the  lordships  held 
in  common  the  Reformation  was  continually  opposed  by  the  Cath- 
olic cantons,  and  only  feebly  defended  by  the  Reformed ;  so  that 
at  last  the  little  Church  gathered  in  Locarno  was  obliged  to  wan- 
der forth  in  1555 ;  the  members  of  it  were  settled  for  the  most 
part  in  Zurich.45 

Switzerland  was  not  involved  in  the  great  struggle  which  the 
Reformation  aroused  in  Germany;  this  was  owing  to  the  relations 
which  the  Catholic  cantons  held  to  France,  then  favorable  to  the 
German  Protestants.  Thus  both  parties  refrained  from  taking 
any  part  in  the  Smalcald  war,  although  the  Pope  had  made  a 
very  earnest  demand  upon  the  Catholic  cantons  that  they  should 
contend  against  the  German  heretics.46     At  the  reopening  of  the 

43  P.  D.  R.  do  Porta  Hist.  Reformationis  Ecclesiarum  Rhaeticarum,  i.  ii.  25.  Thom. 
M'Crie,  History  of  the  Reformation  in  Italy,  p.  183.  Ferd.  Meyer,  die  Evangel.  Ge- 
meinde in  Locarno,  i.  21. 

44  De  Porta,  i.  ii.  49,  274.  M'Crie,  s.  29G,  325,  333.  Meyer's  Evangel.  Gemeinde  in 
Locarno,  ii.  198  ff. 

46  Die  Evangel.  Gemeinde  in  Locarno,  ihre  Auswanderung  nach  Zurich  u.  ihre  -\vei- 
tern  Schicksale,  by  Ferd.  Meyer,  2  Bde.  Zurich,  183G.  On  the  various  industrial  arts 
which  they  transplanted  to  Zurich,  especially  in  velvets  and  silks,  see  Meyer,  ii.  140, 
281,  330. 

46  See  §  8,  Note  40.    Bullinger,  by  Hess,  i.  474. 


218  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Council  of  Trent  in  1551,  the  latter  did  not  take  any  part  in 
it  on  account  of  the  protest  of  the  French.47  There  were,  in- 
deed, constant  difficulties  between  the  Catholic  and  Reformed 
cantons  ;48  but  as  both  parties  were  about  equally  powerful,  one 
sword  held  the  other  in  the  scabbard  ;  and  they  both,  slight 
changes  excepted,  retained,  from  this  time  onward,  the  territories 
of  which  they  had  possession. 


§  11. 

RELATIONS  OF  THE  TWO  RELIGIOUS  PARTIES  IN  GERMANY  TO  1618. 

The  religious  peace  corresponded  so  entirely  to  the  deep-felt 
necessities  of  Germany,  that  the  disapproval  of  it,  immediately 
expressed  by  Pope  Paul  IV.,  produced  no  effect.1  And  when  the 
same  passionate  pontiff  gave  new  vent  to  his  rancor  by  opposing 
Charles  in  his  delegation  of  the  imperial  throne  to  Ferdinand,2  in 

47  Treat}'  with  France,  1549  ;  Bullinger,  by  Hess,  ii.  0.  Papal  invitation  to  the  coun- 
cil, ibid.,  s.  30 ;  refused,  s.  34. 

48  Thus  when,  1555,  the  Catholic  cantons  demanded  that  the  evangelical  party  should 
swear  to  the  confederacy  in  the  name  of  the  saints  in  the  old  way  ;  Bullinger,  by  Hess,  ii. 
267 ;  F.  Meyer's  Evangel.  Gemeinde  in  Locarno,  ii.  48 :  when  the  Catholic  cantons  or- 
dered, 1555,  that  the  Bible  translations  sent  out  from  Zurich  should  be  expelled  from 
their  region ;  Meyer's  Gemeinde  in  Locarno,  i.  451 ;  ii.  56 :  and  when,  accordingly,  in 
1556,  Bibles  were  burned  in  Zug  and  Wallis ;  Bullinger,  by  Hess,  ii.  402,  415 ;  Meyer, 
ii.  61,  70. 

1  As  early  as  Dec.  18,  1555,  he  wrote  to  King  Ferdinand  (Raynald.,  h.  a.  No.  51) : 
Vidit  Serenitas  Tua,  quanta  Nos  et  nostri  proximi  Praedecessores  cura  et  sollicitudine 
— procuravimus,  ut  Conventus  Augustanus  potius  religionis  rebus  intactis  dissolveretur, 
quam  ad  Recessum  veniretur  tarn  perniciosum,  sicuti  et  Nobis,  et  Tua  Serenitate  et 
Catholicis  omnibus  invitis  tandem  ventum  est.  On  the  same  day  ad  Wolfgangum  Ep. 
Passav.,  1.  c.  No.  53 :  quid  alienius  a  fide  catholica  potuit  deliberari,  quam  quae  in  Au- 
gustae  proximi  conventus  Recessu  decretum  fuisse  accepimus  ?  Ferdinand  was  com- 
pelled to  listen,  at  the  beginning  of  1556,  to  still  more  earnest  representations  from  the 
nuncio  of  the  Pope,  Delfmus  (see  his  Report  in  Pallavicini,  lib.  xiii.  c.  14,  No.  1) :  Rex 
vero  cum  sibi  videretur  et  in  iis  concedendis,  quae  Catholicis  officerent,  ab  aperta  neces- 
sitate omnis  a  se  nota  procul  arceri,  et  in  rebus  sibi  arbitrariis  vel  maximum  Religionis 
studium  a  se  fuisse  praestitum,  respondit  per  commotions  animi  sensum,  quam  modera- 
tum  ejus  ingenium  ferre  consueverat.  Id  etiam  fortassis  accidit,  quod  jam  apparerent 
in  Paulo  argumenta  animi  male  affecti  in  Austriacam  familiam. 

2  Ferdinand's  upper  chamberlain,  Don  Martin  Gusman,  who  was  to  notify  the  Pope 
of  it,  was  not  admitted  as  an  imperial  embassador;  the  Pope  laid  the  affair  before  the 
cardinals,  whose  opinion,  as  rendered,  corresponded  entirely  with  his  views  ;  Thuani 
Histor.  sui  Temporis,  lib.  xxi.  c.  2 ;  Raynaldus,  1558,  No.  8.  Comp.  the  reports  of  Car- 
dinal Du  Bellay  on  the  procedures  in  the  consistories,  in  Ribier  Lettres  et  Memoircs 
d'Estat,  ii.  623,  759.  The  Pope— rememora  la  translation  de  l'empire  de  Grece  faite  par 
les  Papes,  et  le  Privilege  d'en  faire  election  donne  par  lesd.  Papes  a  la  Germanic—  II 
ne  se  trouveroit  point  qu'il  fut  en  la  puissance  d'un  Empereur  de  resigner  l'Empire,  ny 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  11.    FERDINAND  I.         219 

1558,  he  only  effected  the  formal  rupture  of  the  bonds  by  which 
the  empire  had  until  now  been  bound  to  the  papacy.3     It  became 

aux  Electeurs  d'accepter  la  resignation,  et  suivant  icelle  faire  nouvelle  election,  incon- 
sulto  summo  PonUfice. — Indignus  est  electus,  comme  qui  a  jure  plusieurs  Reces  heretiques  : 

;tem  a  fait  a  son  escient  mouvoir  son  fils  aisne  (Maximilian)  de  fausses  doctrines : 

item  souft're  de  long-temps  prescher  en  sa  cour  a  la  Lutherienne  :  item  a  laisse  vacquer 
dix  ou  douze  ans  les  gros  Eveschez  sans  y  nommer,  pour  en  prendre  les  fruits,  et  ce- 
pendant  3'  a  laisse  faire  aux  Lutheriens  ce  qu'ils  ont  voulu :  item  s'est  usurpe  plusieurs 
Palais  et  Chasteaux  des  Eveschez  et  Monasteres  :  finalement  s'est  fait  elire  clandcstine- 
ment,  refusant  au  Nonce  du  Pape  sa  suite,  et  s'est  fait  elire  par  heretiques,  ergo  depo- 
nendus,  si  jam  esset  Imperator.  The  Pope,  as  in  the  resignation  of  prelates,  must  first  in- 
vestigate, an  justae  causae  sint  resignandi,  et  se  Mberamdi  a  juramento  praestito  Sedl  Apos- 
tolicae,  a  quo  non  potest  se  solvere,  nisi  per  Pontijicem  solvatur.  Puis  il  eust  fallu  proceder 
et  examiner  toutes  autres  choses,  et  mesmemcnt  de  vita,  morihus  et  idoneitcUe  Ferdinandi. 
"With  this  also  agrees  the  opinion  of  the  cardinals,  in  Thuanus,  as  cited  above.  They 
likewise  add :  ob  id— Ferdinando  opus  esse  poenitentia  ;— itaque  mittendum  ab  illo  pro- 
curatorem  cum  plenis  mandatis,  quibus  declaret,  se  iis,  quae  Francofurti  acta  sunt,  ut 
uullius  momenti,  renunciare,  remque  omnem  Pontificis  arbitrio  permittere,  caet.  Even 
after  Charles  V.  had  died,  Sept.  21,  1558,  the  Pope  said  to  the  French  embassador  (see 
his  Report  to  the  King,  25th  Dec,  1558,  in  Ribier,  ii.  777),  qu'il  est  mort  Empereur, 
ayant  este  sacre  par  le  Pape,  sans  l'authorite  du  quel  il  ne  pouvoit  renoncer,  ny  coder 
sa  dignite ;  et  dit  davantage  que  Ferdinand  n'a  encore  autre  qualite,  que  celle  de  Roy 
des  Romains,  obstant  d'une  part  la  nullite  de  la  renonciation  du  defunt,  et  de  l'autre 
que  l'Empereur  mort,  le  Roy  des  Romains  ne  luy  succede  pas  indistinctement,  mais 
qu'il  faut  qu'il  soit  examine,  et  fasse  foy,  comme  il  s'est  au  precedent  porte  en  1'estat  de 
Roy  des  Romains,  pour  estre  promeu  a  l'Empire,  ou  depose  de  ladite  dignite  de  Roy  des 
Romains,  selon  qu'il  se  sera  dignement,  ou  indignement  porte.  Et  par  la  veut  conclure, 
que  l'Empire  est  aujourd'  huy  vaquant,  et  comme  en  passant  me  toucha,  que  le  feu  Tape 
Leon  avoit  eu  envie  de  faire  le  feu  Roy  (Francis  I.)  Empereur. 

3  Already,  by  occasion  of  the  coronation  of  Charles  V.,  it  was  proved  by  the  Bishop 
of  Gurck,  Hieronymus  Balbus,  De  Coronatione,  lib.  sing.,  ad  Carolum  V.,  Imp.,  Lugd., 
1530  (also  in  Freheri  Scriptt.  Rer.  Germ.),  ex  sola  elcctione  Caesarem  jus  plenissimum 
imperandi  consequi,  ex  coronatione  nihil  novi  juris  Caesaribus  accedere.  Now  the  zeal- 
ous Catholic  Vice-chancellor  of  the  empire,  Dr.  George  Siegmund  Seld,  addressed  to 
the  Emperor  a  most  remarkable  document  about  it  (reprinted  in  Goldast's  Politische 
Eeichshandeln,  Th.  5,  s.  167).  In  the  introduction  he  refers  to  the  earlier  pretensions 
of  the  Popes,  and  then  continues  :  "Jetzund  so  das  Reich— auf  Ew.  Maj.  erwachsen,  so 
hebt  man  den  alten  verlegnen  Zank  wieder  an,— u.  bedenkt  doch  hergegen  nicht,  dass 
mittlerzeit,  von  den  vorigen  Babsteu  her,  die  Sachen  weit  ein  andere  Gestalt  gewonnen. 
Dann  da  man  vormals  den  Rom.  Stuhl  gar  nahend  angebetet,  u.  fur  Gott  gehalten,  da 
wird  derselbe  jetzund  von  einem  grossen  Theil  der  Christenheit  verachtet ;  u.  da  man 
vormals  den  Babstlichen  Bann  ubler,  dann  den  zeitlichen  Tod  gefiirchtet,  da  laehet 
man  jetzunder  desselben ;  u.  da  man  vormals,  was  von  Rom  kommen,  fur  gottlich  u. 
heilig  gehalten,  da  ist  das  romische  Wesen  11.  Leben  jetzund  der  ganzen  Welt  dermas- 
sen  bekannt,  dass  schier  manniglich,  er  sey  wer  er  wolle,  der  alten  oder  neuen  Religion, 
dafur  ausspeyet."  Then  the  author  goes  on  to  show  that  the  Emperor  is  under  obliga- 
tion to  the  Pope  only  as  having  the  highest  cure  of  souls ;  that  the  Enfperor  is  to  decide 
about  the  election  of  the  Pope,  has  the  right  to  call  councils,  to  bestow  ecclesiastical 
benefices,  and  to  depose  godless  Popes.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Pope  has  no  rights 
over  the  empire  ;  coronation  by  him  is  not  necessary.  Thereupon  he  refutes  the  accu- 
sation of  the  Pope  against  the  Emperor,  and  reproaches  the  Pope  with  many  unseemly 
doings.  He  advises  that  the  Pope  should  be  set  right,  and,  in  case  he  will  not  yield,  an 
appeal  to  a  general  council.— Both  parties  now  let  the  matter  drop.  Paul  IV.  died  Aug. 
18,  1559 ;  the  newly-elected  Pius  IV.  declared  at  once,  after  consulting  with  the  cardi- 


220  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

clear  to  all  that  a  union  of  the  two  religious  parties  could  no  lon- 
ger be  expected.  The  Colloquy  of  Worms,  appointed  according  to 
the  condition  of  the  treaty,  1557,  was  dissolved  before  it  began.4 
The  invitation  to  the  Council  of  Trent,  whose  sessions  were  re- 
sumed, was  definitively  rejected  by  the  Protestants.5  Protestant- 
ism was  so  diffused,  even  in  Austria  and  Bavaria,  that  the  strict 
Catholic  rulers  of  these  countries,  Emperor  Ferdinand  and  Duke 
Albert,  were  compelled  to  make-concessions  by  allowing  the  Eucha- 
rist under  both  forms,  1556  ;6  in  Silesia  Ferdinand  was  compelled 
to  see  the  Reformed  not  only  holding  their  ground,  but  also  spread- 
ing abroad  farther  and  farther.7  Had  the  ecclesiastical  reserva- 
tions not  existed  Germany  would  have  soon  become  wholly  Prot- 
estant.    The  Protestant  princes,  however,  did  not  allow  themselves 

nals,  Ferdinandum  lcgihus  creatum  Imperatorem  (Raynald.,  1550,  No.  42) :  but  from 
this  time  the  papal  coronation  of  the  Emperor  was  no  longer  requested,  and  no  right  of 
the  Pope  over  the  empire  was  acknowledged. 

4  Its  history,  after  the  manuscript  acts  in  the  Wolfenbuttel  library,  is  in  Salig's  Hist, 
d.  Augsp.  Confession,  iii.  290  ff.  Some  of  the  documents  in  Goldast's  Polit.  Reichshan- 
deln,  s.  740  ff. ;  v.  Bucholtz's  Gesch.  d.  Regierung  Ferdinands  I.,  vii.  359. 

5  Addressed  to  them  by  imperial  and  papal  embassadors,  particularly  at  the  diet  at 
Naumburg,  1561 ;  see  Salig,  iii.  684  ff.,  691  ff. ;  see  J.  II.  Gelbke  der  Naumburg.  Fur- 
stentag.  Leipzig,  1793,  s.  15  ff,  and  the  Acts,  s.  78  ff.,  119  ff.  The  further  exposition 
of  the  grounds  of  refusal  there  concluded  followed,  under  the  title  "  Griindlicher  Bericht 
u.  wahrhaftig  Erklarung  deren  Ursachen,  warum  die  Chur-  u.  Fursten  u.  sonst  die  Standc 
der  Augsp.  Conf.  zugethan  das  verdachtig,  vermeint  vom  Papst  Pio  IV.  verkiindigt  Tri- 
entisch  Concilium  nit  haben  besuchen  wollen"  (in  Goldast's  Reichshandlungen,  s.  194, 
and  his  Polit.  ReichshiLndeln,  s.  744),  and  it  was  handed  to  the  Emperor  in  Frankfort, 
1562,  at  the  coronation  of  Maximilian.  These  were  also  further  carried  out  in  the  work, 
published  1564,  in  quarto,  "  Stattliche  Ausfiihrung  der  Ursachen,  etc."  (also  in  Hortleder 
Vom  teutschen  Kriege,  Th.  i.  Bd.  i.  cap.  47). 

6  Ferdinand  had  issued  a  strict  edict,  Febr.  20,  1554  (to  be  seen  in  Raupach's  Erlau- 
tertes  Evangel.  Oesterreich,  ii.,  appendix,  s.  96),  enjoining  upon  all  his  subjects  to  ad- 
here to  the  old  religion,  and  allowing  the  Lord's  Supper  under  only  one  form.  When  he 
afterward  asked  of  the  states  of  Lower  Austria  aid  against  the  Turks,  they  handed  to  him  a 
supplication,  Jan.  31, 1556  (in  Raupach,  i.,  appendix,  p.  12),  in  which  they  asked  for  the 
freedom  of  the  evangelical  religion.  Ferdinand,  pressed  by  the  exigencies,  allowed  them 
the  Eucharist  under  both  forms  ;  yet  on  the  condition  that,  in  other  respects,  they  should 
conform  to  the  decrees  and  usage  of  the  Roman  Church  (Raupach,  i.  47.  Sleidanus 
lib.  xxvi.,  ed.  Am  Ende,  p.  536).  Thus,  too,  Albert  of  Bavaria  (who  had  twice  heard 
the  Protestant  preacher  Pfauser,  summa  cum  attentione,  on  a  visit  to  the  Palgrave  in 
Neuburg,  Strobel's  Beytriige,  i.  313),  when  he  asked  money  of  his  states,  by  an  edict  of 
March  31,  1556,  allowed  (Sleidanus,  1.  c.  p.  544),  ut  coenam  Domini  totam  percipiant, 
et  diebus  vetitis  urgente  necessitate  cames  edant. 

7  To  the  mediate  princes  of  Liegnitz,  Brieg,  Oels  and  Milnsterberg,  Teschen,  Troppau 
and  Jagemdorf,  and  the  city  of  Breslau,  which  had  long  since  declared  for  the  Reforma- 
tion, Ferdinand  silently  granted  the  same  rights,  about  ecclesiastical  matters,  which  had 
been  conceded  to  the  princes  and  cities  of  the  empire  by  the  religious  peace.  But  Prot- 
estantism also  gained  the  upper  hand  among  the  knights  and  in  the  cities  of  the  direct 
principalities.  Thus,  155C  in  Schweidnitz,  1564  in  Jauer ;  Menzel's  Neuere  Gesch.  d. 
Deutschen,  v.  244. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REF.    §  11.  FERDINAND  I.     MAXIMILIAN  II.   221 

to  be  restrained  thereby  from  giving  to  the  benefices  lying  nearest 
them,  and  already  gained  to  the  Reformation,  bishops  or  adminis- 
trators out  of  their  families  ;8  at  the  same  time,  they  constantly 
pressed  at  the  diets  for  the  complete  abolition  of  such  reservations, 
that  is,  for  freedom  of  religion.9  These  negotiations,  and  many  other 
causes  of  complaint,  were  continually  receiving  fresh  stimulus  at 
the  diet  by  the  collision  between  the  two  religious  parties;  but 
they  were  not  attended  with  perilous  consequences  so  long  as  the 
Emperor  kept  to  an  impartial  medium.  This  impartiality  was 
maintained  as  well  by  the  Emperor  Ferdinand  as  by  his  son  and 
successor,  Maximilian  II.  (1564-76)  ;10  although  the  latter  was 
really  inclined  to  the  Reformation,11  and  conceded  to  the  Austrian 

8  Thus  the  mediate  benefices  of  Brandenburg  had  electoral  princes  as  administrators: 
Havelburg  from  1551 ;  Lebus,  1555 ;  Brandenburg,  15G0.  The  archbishopric  of  Bran- 
denburg had  always  had  Brandenburg  princes  as  archbishops,  of  whom  Sigismund  was 
the  first  Evangelical,  1553 ;  Joachim  Frederick  reformed  the  benefice  entirely,  15GG. 
Thus,  too,  Saxon  princes  were  designated  to  the  Saxon  bishoprics :  Naumburg,  15G1 ; 
Merseburg,  1565 ;  Misnia,  1581 ;  the  chapters,  in  1582,  tirade  a  covenant  that  they  would 
always  remain,  with  their  incumbents,  attached  to  the  heirs  of  the  Elector ;  Camin,  in 
1556,  received  administrators  from  the  princely  family  of  Pomerania ;  Schwerin,  from 
1516,  and  Ratzeburg,  from  1551,  had  bishops  from  the  princely  house  of  Mecklenburg  ; 
Halberstadt,  Bremen,  Liibeck,  Verden,  Osnabriick,  and  Minden  received  gradually  evan- 
gelical bishops,  especially  from  the  neighboring  princely  families,  without,  however,  be< 
ing  exclusively  attached  to  any  one ;  Eichhorn's  deutsche  Staats-  u.  EechtsgeschichtC; 
4te  Aufl.  iv.  149,  158.. 

9  First  at  the  diet  at  Ratisbon,  1556 ;  see  B.  G.  Struven's  ausfuhrl.  Historie  der  Rcli- 
gionsbeschwerden  zwischen  denen  Romisch-catholischen  u.  Evangelischen  im  teutschen 
Reich  (2  Theile.  Leipzig,  1722.  8.),  i.  275  ft'.  Haberlin's  neueste  teutsche  Reichsgc- 
schichte,  iii.  155  ff. 

10  On  the  times  of  Ferdinand  I.  and  Maximilian  II.,  in  Ranke's  Hist.  Pol.  Zeitschrift, 
Bd.  i.  (1832)  s.  223  ff. 

11  His  first  inclination  to  it  came  from  the  teacher  of  his  j-outh,  Wolfg.  Severus ;  S£e 
Raupach's  Evangel.  Oesterreich,  i.  31.  Afterward  he  engaged  in  a  confidential  corre- 
spondence with  Protestant  princes  and  theologians,  and  had  an  evangelical  court  preach- 
er, Joh.  Sebastian  Pfauser  (his  life  in  Strobel's  Beytrage  zur  Literatur,  i.  257),  whom, 
however,  he  was  obliged  to  dismiss  at  the  request  of  Maximilian  (Raupach,  i.  51  ft'.), 
but  recommended  to  his  intimate  friend,  Duke  Christopher  of  Wiirtemberg  (Schelliorn's 
Ergotzlichkeiten,  i.  95),  and  the  Palgrave  Wolfgang  (Strobel's  Beytrage,  i.  303).  In 
Rome  Maximilian  was  consequently  regarded  as  an  apostate  (see  Note  2).  As  he  did 
not  partake  of  the  Catholic  Eucharist  for  several  years,  and  would  only  commune  sttb 
utraque,  this  was  one  of  the  chief  reasons  why  Ferdinand  demanded  such  a  permission 
from  the  Pope  (Literae  secretiores  Ferd.  I.  Rom.  Imp.  pro  obtinenda  Eucharistia  sub 
utraque  in  gratiam  Maxim.  II.  ann.  1560  missae  ad  Pium  IV.  P.  M.,  ed.  J.  A.  Schmidt. 
Helmst.,  1719.  4.  ;  reprinted  in  Gerdesii  Scrinium  antiquarium,  vii.  89).  The  relations 
between  father  and  son  were  now  in  such  tension  that  Maximilian  even  feared  he 
should  be  compelled  to  flight ;  and  for  this  event  endeavored  to  secure  a  refuge  with 
Frederick  II.  of  the  Palatinate  (Abrah.  Sculteti  narratio  apologetica  de  curriculo  vitae. 
Emdae,  1625.  4.  p.  8  ;  Strobel's  Beytrage,  i.  301  f.)  and  Philip  of  Hesse  (Rommel's  Phil, 
d.  Grossmlithige,  ii.  577  f.).  In  15G0  Stanislaus  Hosius,  Bishop  of  Ermeland,  became 
the  papal  nuncio  at  the  imperial  court,  and  sought  to  win  the  King  back  to  Catholicism 


222  FOUKTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

nobility  fhe  free  exercise  of  religion  in  the  churches  of  which  he 
held  the  patronage.12 

In  the  latter  years  of  this  Emperor,13  however,  a  change  in  the 

(Bzovius,  1560,  No.  6  ss. ;  Raynaldus,  1560,  No.  16  ss. ;  Salig's  Gesch.  d.  Trident.  Con- 
cils,  ii.  179,  Note ;  comp.  also  the  letters  in  Cypriani  Tabularium  Eccl.  Rom.,  p.  Ill  and 
129) :  but  that  he  was  deceived  in  his  oft-expressed  hope  of  success  is  proved  by  Maxi- 
milian's later  epistles  to  Duke  Christopher ;  see  his  Correspondence  in  Le  Bret's  Magazin 
zum  Gebrauch  der  Staaten-  u.  Kirchengesch.,  ix.  1.  The  chief  reason  which  kept  him 
from  going  over  was  found  in  the  state  of  political  affairs,  especially  in  Spain  ;  he  always 
remained  a  decided  opponent  of  all  persecution  for  religion  (Raupach,  i.  148).  Comp. 
Ilaas,  Vermischte  Beytrage  zur  Gesch.  u.  Literatur,  Marburg,  1784,  s.  1 ;  v.  Bucholtz's 
Gesch.  der  Regierung  Ferdinands  I.,  vii.  481. 

12  At  first  only  verbally,  and  under  condition  of  remaining  true  to  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession, and  introducing  a  church  order  corresponding  with  it :  with  this  in  view,  Dav. 
Chytraus  was  called  to  Austria  (Raupach,  i.  86).  Pius  V.  sent  at  once  a  legate,  Cardi- 
nal Commendon,  to  the  Emperor,  to  procure  a  revocation  of  these  concessions  (Raupach, 
i.  98 ;  ii.  174,  192),  and  the  latter  was  obliged  to  declare  to  him  (Gabutius,  de  Vita  Pii 
V.,  Romae,  1605,  p.  97),  Pontificem  omnibus  execrationibus,  ecclesiasticisque  poenis  in 
cum  animadversurum,  ipsumque  privaturum  imperatoria  Majestate,  atque  catholicis 
Prineipibus  in  eum  convocatis  novum  Imperatorem  creaturum,  nisi  ejusmodi  decretum, 
;  i  factum  esset,  illico  rescidisset.  The  Emperor,  however,  gave  that  permission  in  a 
formal  written  assurance,  14th  Jan.,  1571  (Raupach,  i.  125 ;  ii.  199). 

13  The  extent  to  which  Protestantism  had  until  now  maintained  a  preponderating  in- 
fluence over  men's  minds  may  be  seen  in  the  remarkable  document  of  the  famous  Gen- 
eral Lazarus  von  Schwendi,  1574:  "Bedenken  an  Kaiser  Maxim.  II.  von  Regierung  des 
h.  Rom.  Reichs  u.  Frej-stellung  der  Religion,"  in  Goldast's  Polit.  Reichshandeln,  s.  962 
ff.  It  is  there  said,  s.  968:  "Der  Adel  ist  fast  durchaus  im  Reich  unter  Kathol.  u.  Lu- 
ther. Obrigkeiten  der  geanderten  Religion  zugethan,  u.  wo  sie  es  nicht  oftentlichen  seyn 
dorfen,  so  seind  sie  es  doch  heimlichen  in  Gemuthern,  oder  ist  schon  ein  Theil  der  Rom. 
Religion  noch  anhangig,  so  ist  es  doch  ein  kalt  halb  Werk,  u.  wenig  Eifers  dahinten,  u. 
die  Alten,  so  noch  mit  Andacht  u.  Eifer  dahin  geneigt,  die  sterben  taglich  hinweg,  die 
Jugcnd  aber  kann  man  also  nicht  zugeben,  sondern  da  man  schon  Fleiss  dabey  thut,  so 
wills  doch  bey  diesen  Zeiten  u.  Exempeln  u.  Gemeinschaften  nicht  haften.  Zudem  so 
reisst  solche  Veranderung  unter  den  Geistlichen  eben  so  wol  ein.  Also  findt  sich  auf 
den  Stiften  an  mehr  Oertern,  dass  ein  guter  Theil  der  Thumbherren  der  Augsburgischen 
Confession  nicht  heimlich  zugethan  seyn,  u.  dass  die  andern  audi  je  langer  je  mehr  neu- 
tral u.  kalt  werden,  u.  dass  sich  in  Summa  schier  Niemand  unter  ihnen  um  seinen  Beruf 
u.  geistl.  Stand  recht  annehmen  will,  sondern  ist  das  meist  um  die  Niessung  der  feisten 
Pfrunden  u.  das  gut  miissig  Leben  zu  thun.  So  stehets  mit  dem  gemeinen  Manne  fast 
also  durchaus,  dass  er  von  dem  alten  Thun  u.  Ceremonien  der  Rom.  Geistlichkeit  nit 
mehr  halt,  dann  so  weit  er  von  seiner  Obrigkeit  darzu  angehalten  wird.  Und  siehet  man 
fast  uberall,  wenn  die  Predigt  aus  ist,  dass  das  VTolk  aus  der  Kirchen  lauft.  Item,  dass 
audi  fast  uberall  an  den  catholischen  Orten  die  Leute  ihre  sondere  Lutherische  odor 
evangelische  Biieher  haben,  darinn  sie  zu  Haus  lesen,  u.  einander  sclbst  predigen  u. 
lehren.  Item  so  findt  man  aus  der  Erfahrung,  da  man  schon  die  geanderte  Religion 
wieder  abgestellt,  u.  die  Catholische  angericht,  als  zu  Costanz  u.  andern  mehr,  dass  man 
doch  auch  durch  sonder  fleissiges  Zuthun  der  Geistlichen  in  so  langen  Jahren  die  Ge- 
miither  nicht  wieder  gewinnen,  u.  der  Rom.  Religion  anhangig  machen  kann.  So  hat 
auch  solches  bisher  weder  in  Niederland,  noch  in  Frankreich  keine  Gewalt,  Obsieg,  Straf, 
Tyrannejr  mogen  zuwegen  bringen,  u.  da  man  sich  schon  ein  Zeitlang  duckt  oder  leidt, 
so  brennen  doch  inwendig  die  Gemiither,  u.  warten  u.  hoffen  auf  ein  bessere  Zeit  u.  Go- 
legenheit,  u.  wollen  ehe  das  Ausserst  darilber  zusetzen.  So  mangelt  es  an  den  Mittelu 
zu  solchem  Werk  nicht  wenig  bey  dem  Stuhl  zu  Rom,  dass  er  namlich  kein  christliche 
Reformation  wollc  zulassen,  u.  giebt  sich  derhalbcn  gegen  der  Welt  ganz  bloss,  als  ob  er 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  11.  MAXIMILIAN  II.         223 

state  of  affairs  was  brought  about  by  the  increasing  influence  of 
the  Jesuits  in  the  Catholic  countries  of  Germany.14  New  life  and 
greater  unity  were  thus  given  to  the  opponents  of  the  Reformation ; 
while  the  Protestants  were  divided  by  violent  conflicts,  in  conse- 
quence of  many  of  their  princes  becoming  connected  with  the  Re- 
formed (Calvinistic)  Church ;  and  they  thus  lost  their  command- 
ing position.  By  the  activity  of  the  Jesuits  the  Reformation  was 
first  suppressed  in  Bavaria.15     Next,  in  1575,  followed  the  Abbot16 

nicht  Gottes  Ehre  u.  die  Wahrheit,  sondern  nur  sein  eigen  Geitz,  Gewalt,  Ehr,  Reputa- 
tion u.  Vortheil  suche.  Unci  lauft  unter  andern  auch  diese  grosse  Verstockung  u.  Blind- 
heit  diessfalls  bejr  ihme  fur,  dass  er  gar  dem  armen  gemeinen  Mann  die  christliche  Ge- 
bet,  u.  die  Biicher  des  Evangelii,  u.  Gottes  Wort  in  seiner  Sprach  an  denen  Orten,  da  er 
Gewalt  u.  Oberhand  haben  mag,  nicht  will  zulassen,  sondern  unterstehet,  ihn  bey  Ver- 
lust  des  Lebens  u.  des  Guts  dahin  zu  dringen  u.  zu  zwingen,  dass  er  seinen  lieben  Gott 
in  einer  fremden  Sprache  muss  anbeten,  u.  weiss  nicht,  was  er  bittet,  u.  vermeint  also 
nachmals  die  Religion  allein  durch  Dnwissenheit,  u.  mit  ausserlicher  Andacht,  Zucht  u. 
Ceremonien  zu  erheben  u.  wiederzubringen,  da  doch  die  Grundfesten  misers  christl. 
Glaubens  u.  Heils  nicht  auf  iiusserlichen  Zwang  u.  Kirchendisciplin,  sondern  auf  der 
Erkantnuss  u.  Vertnauen  an  Gott  stehet,  u.  Christus  selbst,  u.  seine  Apostel,  u.  ihre 
Nachfolger  die  Gebot  und  das  Wort  Gottes  in  gemeiner  Sprach  alien  Volkern  verkiindi- 
get  u.  gelehrt  haben.  Darum  sichs  dann  abermals  bej-  jetziger  Welt  desto  mehr  argern 
u.  stossen  wird,  u.  lasst  sich  desto  mehr  ansehen  u.  muthmassen,  dass  die  vorstehende 
Veranderung  nicht  am  Ende,  sondern  noch  kiinftiglich,  wie  in  den  vergangenen  Jahren 
fortschreiten  u.  wiirken  werde,  u.  dass  Gottes  heimlich  Urtheil,  Straf  u.  Fiirsehung  mit 
furlaufe."    Comp.  Ranke,  Fursten  u.  Volker  von  Siid-Europa,  iii.  8. 

14  At  first  three  Jesuits  were  appointed  professors  in  Ingolstadt,  viz.,  Jay,  Salmeron, 
and  Canisius,  in  1519  (Winter's  Gesch.  d.  Evang.  Lehre  in  Baiern,  ii.  167) ;  in  1557  a 
complete  college  was  opened  there ;  1559  in  Munich.  In  Vienna  they  had  a  firm  hold 
in  1551;  in  Cologne,  1556;  in  Treves,  1561.  The  Cardinal  Otto,  Bishop  of  Augsburg, 
gave  to  them,  in  1563,  the  institutions  for  education  which  he  had  founded — a  seminary, 
a  gymnasium,  and  a  university  at  Dillingen  ;  comp.  Ranke,  Fursten  u.  Volker  v.  Siid- 
Europa,  iii.  25. 

15  On  the  extent  to  which  this  reached,  see  Historia  Soc.  Jesu,  P.  i.  (by  Orlandini) 
lib.  xi.  p.  256,  and  P.  ii.  (by  Sacchino)  p.  321.  In  the  year  1558,  at  the  instigation  of 
the  Jesuits,  an  Inquisition  was  instituted,  to  consult  about  all  accused  of  Lutheranism 
in  the  light  of  thirty-one  articles;  see  "Die  abgottische  Artikel  gestellet  voneinem  Monch 
in  Bayern,  etc.,  mit  einer  kurzen  Erinnerung  Phil.  Melanchthonis,  1558"  (reprinted  in 
the  Fortges.  Sammlung  v.  alten  u.  neuen  theol.  Sachen,  1730,  s.  405).  Against  these 
articles  Melancthon  also  wrote  his  Responsiones  ad  impios  articulos  Bavaricae  inquisiti- 
onis.  Witteb.,  1558.  4.  (comp.  Strobel's  neue  Beytrage  zur  Literatur,  iii.  ii.  167).  In 
the  3-ear  1561  all  public  officers  were  obliged  to  take  oath  to  remain  true  to  the  Catholic 
Church,  according  to  those  articles.  Then  the  same  oath  was  imposed  on  all  subjects : 
those  that  would  not  take  it  must  sell  their  property  and  forsake  the  country.  Jesuits 
were  sent  round  to  carry  out  this  order  (Sacchino,  1.  c.).  The  violent  acts  which  ensued 
are  described  in  the  work:  "  Zwey  Trost-  u.  Vermahnung-schriften  an  die  verjagten 
Christen  aus  dem  Bayerland.  Item  ein  Rathschlag  Joannis  Brentii,"  1564.  4.  (see  Schel- 
horn's  Ergotzlichkeiten,  ii.  287).  Of  the  extent  to  which  Munich  was  depressed,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  emigration  of  many  of  its  thrifty  burghers,  is  described  in  the  letter  of  the 
magistracy  to  the  Duke,  14th  Dec,  1570,  in  P.  Ph.  Wolfs  Gesch.  Maximilians  I.,  and 
see  Zeit,  i.  33,  Note. — Ranke,  Fursten  u.  Volker,  ii.  37. 

16  Immediately  after  he  had  introduced  the  Jesuits;  Haberlin's  neueste  teutsche  Reichs- 
gesch.,  ix.  371 ;  Ranke,  iii.  51. 


224  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

of  Fulda,  and  the  electorate  of  Mayence  at  Eiohsfeld,17  in  spite 
of  the  opposing  imperial  declaration  about  a  religious  peace ;  even 
the  existence  of  such  a  treaty  was  denied.18  Under  the  Em- 
peror Rudolph  II.  (1576-1612)  this  Catholic  reaction  increased 
greatly ;  for  though  he  loved  peace,  yet  he  was  wholly  under  the 
papal  and  Spanish  influence,  and  he  showed  at  once  his  opposition 
to  the  Protestants  by  abolishing  the  evangelical  worship  in  the 
hereditary  Austrian  cities  (1578). 19  Bishop  Julius  of  Wiirzburg, 
drove  out  all  Protestants20  in  1586 ;  other  bishops  and  Catholic 
cities  of  the  empire  were  aroused  to  similar  acts.21     While  in  this 

17  Which  was  almost  wholly  Protestant.  Here,  too,  Jesuits  were  the  soul  of  the  re- 
action, and  erected  at  once  a  college  in  Heiligenstadt ;  J.  Wolf's  Eichsfeldische  Kirchen- 
geschichte.     Gottingen,  1816.  4.,  s.  176  ft'. 

18  See  §  9,  Note  41.  At  first  the  Abbot  of  Fulda  replied  to  his  Protestant  subjects  (see 
Beschwerde  der  Stadt  Fulda,  in  Lehenmann  De  Pace  Religionis,  Buch  ii.  cap.  ix.  s.  200)  : 
"  Desgleichen  ware  der  Appendix  u.  Declaration  des  Religionsfriedens  unerfindlich  u. 
in  rerura  natura  nit  gewesen,  werde  sich  auch  weder  in  der  Mantzischen  noch  Cammer- 
gerichts-Canzley  einig  Original  oder  Bekriiftigung  befinden  ;  so  auch  schon  10  Origina- 
lia  bey  Handen,  wiirden  sie  in  Rechten  wenig  gelten,  dieweil  der  Religionsfried  des  Ap- 
pendicis  mit  keinem  Wortlein  gedenkt,  sondern  inhalt,  dass  keine  Declaration  von  Wiir- 
den und  kraftig  seyn  soil."  When  the  secular  electors  demanded,  at  the  election  of 
Rudolph  II.,  Oct.  15, 1,575,  that  the  Declaration  should  be  mentioned  in  the  stipulations, 
the  clerical  electors  responded  (Lehenmann,  ii.  xv.  s.  274),  "dass  sie  der  angeregten 
Declaration  halben  vor  der  Zeit  nichts,  als  erst  diss  Jahrs  gehort,  ilire  Rath,  so  den  Re- 
ligionsfrieden  anno  1555  helfen  berathschlagen  u.  schliessen,  wiiren  im  Leben  u.  bey 
Handen,  u.  hatten  sich  sich  zwar  wol  zu  erinnern,  was  gestalt  bemeldter  Frieden  abge- 
handelt,  aber  wie  es  mit  der  Erklarung  ergangen,  ware  ihnen  verborgen."  Thereupon 
a  hard  strife  sprung  up  ;  but  the  Declaration  was  not  received  into  the  stipulations,  and 
the  secular  electors  satisfied  themselves  with  guarding  the  rights  of  Protestants  by  Prot- 
estations.    Haberlin's  neueste  Reichsgeschichte,  ix.  341. 

19  He  confirmed  to  the  nobility,  1577,  the  religious  freedom  secured  to  them  by  Max- 
imilian (Raupach's  Evangel.  Oesterreich,  ii.  275).  Meanwhile  he  had  also  allowed  evan- 
gelical worship  to  be  celebrated  in  the  imperial  cities  in  his  own  houses  ;  very  many  of 
the  citizens  had  taken  part  in  these  services.  This  was  not  forbidden  under  Maximilian  ; 
but  it  was  now  prohibited,  at  first  in  Vienna,  where  Maximilian  had  expressly  allowed 
such  service  in  houses  (Raupach,  ii.  283;  Appendix,  p.  157);  next  the  prohibition  was 
made  general  (Raupach,  i.  155 ;  ii.  302).  The  Flacian,  Josua  Opitius,  evangelical  preach- 
er in  Vienna,  had  indeed  caused  a  great  excitement  by  his  violent  sermons  (Raupach,  ii. 
285  f.).  Those  who  applied  for  citizenship  were,  to  be  examined  on  articles  like  the  Ba- 
varian (see  Note  15),  to  set  themselves  right  about  their  Catholicism  ;  see  Raupach,  ii. 
307;  Appendix,  187. 

20  Haberlin's  neueste  Reichsgesch.,  xiv.  513.     Ranke,  Fiirsten  u.  Vcilker,  iii.  119. 

21  In  Paderborn,  when  under  Bishop  Heinrich  (1577-85),  Protestantism  was  widely 
diffused,  his  successor,  Theodore  von  Fiirstenberg,  founded  at  once  a  Jesuit  college,  and 
suppressed  the  Protestants ;  they  were  wholly  expelled  in  1612  (Bessen's  Gesch.  des 
Bisth.  Paderborn.  Paderb.,  1820,  ii.  89;  s.  127).  In  Minister,  where  there  was  still  a 
large  number  who  favored  Protestantism,  Bishop  Ernest  of  Bavaria  introduced  the  Jes- 
uits in  1588,  and  suppressed  Protestantism  (Geschichte  Ministers,  nach  den  Quellen  be- 
ar'neitet,  by  Dr.  II.  A.  Erhard,  drittes  Heft.  Munster,  1837).  Salzburg  was  again  made 
Catholic  by  Archbishop  Wolf  Dietrich,  after  1588  (Gocking's  Emigrationsgeschichte  v.  d. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  11.  RUDOLPH  II.  225 

way  one  of  the  imperial  declarations  about  a  religious  peace  was 
wholly  disregarded,  the  other  declaration — the  so-called  ecclesias- 
tical reservation — was,  on  the  contrary,  enforced  with  great  strict- 
ness when  the  Elector  of  Cologne,  Gebhard  Truchsess  von  Wald- 
burg,  in  1582,  went  over  to  the  Protestant  Church ;  nor  was  any 
attention  paid  to  the  appeal  of  the  Protestant  princes,  who  were 
also  weakened  by  internal  feuds.22 

The  tension  between  the  two  religious  parties  was  still  more 
heightened  by  the  Reformed  Calendar  of  Pope  Gregory  XIII.  in 
1582  ;23  as  the  Catholics  accepted  it  and  the  Protestants  rejected 
it,  there  thus  sprung  up  mutual  hostilities,  which  were  renewed 
almost  every  day.  Just  occasion  for  solicitude  was  also  given  to 
the  Protestants  by  many  works  that  were  published,  particularly 
of  the  Jesuits,  which  not  only  calumniated  the  Preformation,  but 
also  contested  the  validity  of  the  religious  peace.24  Nor  were  they 
less  disturbed  by  the  rumors  of  the  plans  of  their  opponents  for  the 
total  suppression  of  Protestantism.25  Some  events  occurred  which 
increased  this  solicitude.     Margrave  Jacob  of  Baden-Hochberg26 

aus  Salzburg  vertriebenen  Lutheranern,  i.  88)  ;  Bamberg  by  Bishop  Neithard,  1595 
(Jack's  Gesch.  v.  Bamberg,  iii.  199,  212). 

22  Gebhard  was  deposed  and  put  under  the  ban  by  the  Pope,  April  1,  1583 ;  and  Er- 
nest of  Bavaria  put  in  his  place  by  the  cathedral  chapter.  Gebhard  was  thereupon  ban- 
ished, especially  through  the  Bavarian  influence.  Cf.  Mich,  ab  Isselt  (Catholic  priest 
about  1580  in  Cologne,  then  in  Hamburg,  f  1597)  Historia  Belli  Coloniensis,  libb.  iv. 
Colon.,  1584.  8.  Gerh.  v.  Kleinsorgen  (councilor  of  the  electorate  of  Cologne  in  Weil, 
f  1591)  Tagebuch  v.  Gebhard  Truchsess,  or  his  Church  History  of  Westphalia,  3ter  Theil. 
Monster,  1780.  8. — Hiiberlin's  neueste  Reichsgeschichte,  xiii.  Gebhard  Truchsess  v. 
Waldburg,  by  F.  W.  Barthold,  in  Raumer's  Hist.  Taschenbuch.  Neue  Folge,  i.  (Leipz., 
1810)  s.  1. 

23  Haberlin's  neueste  Reichsgesch.,  xii.  640;  xiii.  441. 

2*  So  especially  the  treatise  of  Franciscus  Burghardus  (rather  Andreas  Erstenberger), 
De  Autonomia,  i.  e.,  von  Freystellung  mehrerley  Religion  u.  Glauben.  Miinchen,  1586, 
4.    Cf.  Salig's  Gesch.  d.  Augsp.  Conf.,  i.  788.    Schrockh's  Neuere  Kirchengesch.,  iv.  338. 

25  Comp.  the  Practicae  Romanae  de  Germanis  Haereticis  Extirpandis,  Jan.,  1573,  by 
Cardinal  Charles  of  Lothringia,  in  Riesling's  Beweis  der  Wahrheit  der  Evangelisch- 
Luther.  Religion  aus  den  Kunstgriffen  der  Romisch-Kathol.  Kirche  ihre  Religion  zu  ver- 
breitcn.  Leipzig,  1762.  8.,  s.  159. — De  Statu  Religionis  in  Germania  consilium  Romae 
scriptum,  written  soon  after  1600,  in  Strobel's  Beytrage  zur  Literatur,  i.  179.  On  the 
attempts  to  bring  Protestant  princes  into  the  Catholic  Church,  the  Elector  August  of 
Saxony,  Louis,  Palgrave  of  Neuburg,  William  IV.  of  Hesse,  see  Ranke  Fursten  u.  Vol- 
ker,  iii.  138;  iv.  361. 

26  Induced  by  Pistorius,  his  physician  in  ordinary,  who  had  already  gone  over,  and 
who  stood  in  close  connection  with  the  Jesuits.  The  excitement  was  increased  by  the 
colloquies  which  the  Margrave  set  on  foot:  one  at  Baden,  Nov.,  1589,  between  Pistorius 
and  the  Wiirtemberg  divines,  Andreae,  Heerbrandt,  and  Osiander  (see  Acta  des  Collo- 
quii,  zwischen  den  Wurtemb.  Theologen  u.  Dr.  Jo.  Pistorio  zu  Baden  gehalten.  Tubin- 
gen, 1590.  4.)  ;  and  one  at  Emmendingen,  June,  1530,  between  the  Strasburg  theologian, 

VOL.  IV. — 15 


22G  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

went  over  to  the  Catholic  Church  in  1590,  and  at  once  threatened 
to  suppress  Protestantism  in  his  territory.27  Archduke  Ferdinand, 
a  pupil  of  the  Jesuits,28  since  1596  ruler  of  Steiermark,  Carinthia, 
and  Crain,  drove  all  the  Protestants  out  of  his  country  in  1598.29 
Maximilian,  also  trained  by  the  Jesuits,30  Duke  of  Bavaria  since 
1598,  in  order  to  gain  the  Palgrave  of  Neuburg  for  the  Catholic 
interest,31  appointed  a  colloquy  between  the  Jesuits  and  the  Prot- 
estant theologians  at  Ratisbon,  1601  ;32  his  object  was  not  attain- 
ed, but  the  embittered  feeling  between  the  two  parties  was  only 
the  more  intensified.  The  Catholic  preponderance  was  next  shown 
in  a  menacing  way  in  the  affair  of  the  imperial  city,  Donauwerth. 

Pappus,  and  Zehender,  court  preacher  of  the  Margrave  (Jo.  Fechtii  Hist.  Colloquii  Em- 
mendingensis.     Rostochii,  1694.  8.). 

27  He  became  a  Catholic  July  5,  1590,  on  the  2d  August  commanded  his  evangelical 
preacher  and  school  teacher  to  leave  the  country  within  a  quarter  of  a  year,  and  died 
August  17  ;  whereupon  his  land  fell  to  his  two  Protestant  uncles  ;  Haberlin,  xv.  535. 

28  After  the  decease  of  his  father  he  came  under  the  guardianship  of  Duke  William  V. 
of  Bavaria,  and  had  studied,  1590  sq.,  in  Ingolstadt  under  the  direction  of  the  Jesuits; 
Wolf's  Gesch.  Maximilians  I.,  i.  93.  William  constantly  impressed  upon  him,  orally 
and  in  writing,  that  the  happiness  and  success  of  his  government  depended  upon  his 
zeal  for  the  Catholic  religion,  and  that  nothing  but  misfortune  could  result  from  a  dif- 
ferent course ;  Schmidt's  neuere  Gesch.  d.  Deutschen,  Buch  iii.  cap.  16. 

29  F.  Chr.  Khevenhiillers,  Count  of  Frankenburg,  Annales  Ferdinandei  (9ter  Th.  Re- 
gensb.  u.  Wien,  1640,  fol.  12  Bde.  Leipzig,  1716  ft',  fol.),  Th.  5.  Joh.  Keppler's  (then 
in  Steyermark)  Leben  u.  Wirken  von  Freih.  v.  Breitschwert.  Stuttg.,  1831,  s.  45  ff.  G. 
E.  Waldau's  Gesch.  d.  Protestanten  in  Oesterreich,  Steyermark,  Kiirnthen,  u.  Krain. 
Anspach,  1783,  2  Bde.  8.  Partisan  for  the  Catholics  is  Casar's  Staats-  u.  Religionsgesch. 
v.  Ste}-ermark,  B.  7. 

30  On  the  spirit  of  his  education,  see  the  Instructions  of  Duke  William  V.  for  the 
court  masters  and  preceptors  of  the  prince,  1584,  in  Lor.  Westenrieder's  Beytr.  zur  va- 
terliind.  Historie,  iii.  146.  P.  Ph.  Wolf's  Gesch.  Maximilians  I.  u.  seiner  Zeit  (Miin- 
chen,  1807  ff.  4.,  Bde.  8,  incomplete),  i.  53. 

31  Wolf,  i.  440  ft". 

32  The  leading  Catholic  colloquists  were  Albert  Hunger,  pro-chancellor  of  Ingolstadt, 
and  the  Jesuits,  Jac.  Gretser  and  Adam  Tanner ;  the  Protestants,  Jac.  Heilbrunner, 
court-preacher  at  Neuburg,  and  Aegidius  Hunnius,  professor  in  Wittenberg.  The  Cath- 
olic edition  of  the  acts  :  Actorum  Colloqu.  Rarisbonensis  de  norma  doctrinae  catholicae 
et  controversiarum  religionis  judice,  ed.  II.  Monachii,  1602.  4.  The  Protestant:  Col- 
loquium de  norma  doctrinae  et  controversiarum  religionis  judice  Ratisbonae  habitum 
mense  Nov.  anno  1601.  Lavingae,  1602.  4.  Other  writings,  see  in  Walchii  Bibl.  Theol.. 
iii.  882.  Struven's  pfalz.  Kircbenhistorie,  s.  512,  most  complete  in  Senkenberg's  Forts, 
v.  Haberlin,  i.  36.  Maximilian  had  previously  sent  to  the  Palgrave  several  calumnious 
works  against  Luther,  especially  Conrad  Andreae's  (really  by  the  Jesuit  Conr.  Vetter) 
Der  unschuldige,  demuthige,  wahrhaftige,  etc.,  Luther.  Ingolst.,  1600.  4.,  in  wbich 
Luther  was  charged  with  the  most  horrible  crimes,  which  here  seemed  to  be  proved  by 
his  own  writings.  When  the  Protestants  accused  the  Jesuit  of  falsifying  the  passages 
from  Luther,  he  said  that  he  was  ready  to  have  corporal  punishment  inflicted  on  him  if 
this  was  proved ;  accordingly,  after  the  colloquy  a  conference  was  held,  in  which  the 
calumniator  was  shown  to  be  guilty  of  what  was  charged,  in  the  presence  of  Maximil- 
ian ;  see  Ileilbrunner's  Postcolloquium  Ratisbonense.     Lauingae,  1607.  4.    Wolf,  i.  493. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  11.  RUDOLPH  II.  227 

This  city,  wholly  evangelical,  because  it  would  not  allow  to  the 
Abbot  of  the  Holy  Cross  (Zum  heiligen  Creuze)  the  revival  of  the 
public  processions  long  since  abolished,  was  laid  under  the  impe- 
rial ban.  Maximilian  undertook  to  carry  this  decree  into  execu- 
tion, transformed  the  free  city  into  a  Bavarian  appendage,  and 
abolished  all  freedom  of  evangelical  worship,  1607.33 

All  complaints  of  the  Protestants  were  fruitless.34     The  Em- 

33  See  the  Report  bjr  Ulricli  Grosse,  then  apothecary  in  Donauwertk,  in  Winckler's 
Anecdota  Historico-ecclesiastica  Novantiqua,  i.  3G7  ;  Hiiberlin,  xxii.  440 ;  Wolf's  Gesch. 
Maximilians  I.,  ii.  190. 

34  The  mutual  complaints  of  the  parties  may  serve  as  a  basis  for  judging  about  the 
circumstances ;  these  were  presented  at  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon,  1594  (see  the  Acts  in  Le- 
henmann  De  Pace  Religionis,  i.  481 ;  extracts  in  Struven's  Hist,  der  Religionsbesehwer- 
den,  i.  373).  The  Protestants,  in  their  gravamina,  insisted  that  the  conditions  of  the 
Religious  Peace  were  not  observed,  "dass  auch  derselb  wol  zuweilen  in  einen  andern 
Vcrsfcand  will  gezogen  werden,  darzu  dann  der  Papst  u.  seine  Legaten  u.  Nuntii,  so  hin 
u.  wiedcr  im  Reich  umziehen,  auch  jetzo  noch  bey  dieser  wiihrender  Reichsversammlung 
zur  Stelle  seyn,  nit  wenig  helfen.  Denn  es  wird  offentlich  ausgeben,  dass  weil.  Konig 
Ferdinand  hochloblichstem  Gedachtnus  ohne  papstlichen  Conseus  nicht  gebiihrt  habe, 
ein  Religionfrieden  zwischen  den  Standen  im  Reich  zu  treffen,  dass  auch  derselb  linger 
nicht,  dann  bis  nach  vollendetem  Tridentischen  Concilio  kriiftig  seyn  soil :  derhalben 
cr  numehr  sein  Endschaft  erreicht,  u.  Ringer  nit  bindlich  seye.  Dahero  dann  die  Augs- 
purg.  Confession  unschuldig  fiir  ein  verdampte  Religion  angezogen,  u.  die  darwider  in 
das  Reich  geschickte  papstliche  Bull  mit  angedroheter  Execution  wiederum  ofTentlicli 
angeschlagen,  auch  die  im  Religionfrieden  suspendirte  geistliche  Jurisdiction  wider  miin- 
niglichen  wieder  aufzurichten  unterstanden  werden  will.  Wie  dann  der  Papst  u.  seine 
Nuncii  ihre  Jurisdiction  durch  die  Jesuiter  ihrer  im  Reich  angemassten  Gewalt  u.  Bot- 
miissigkeit  so  weit  extendiren,  dass  sie  die  andern  zu  excommuniciren  u.  degi-adiren, 
die  Zeit  u.  Jahr  zu  veriindern  sich  unterstehen,  auch  wol  die  Kais.  Maj.  dahin  bewegen 
wollen,  dass  Ihre  Maj.  keinem  geistlichen  Stand  seine  Regalia  leihen  soil,  er  habe  dann 
des  Papsts  Confirmation  uber  seine  Election  oder  Postnlation  zuvor  erlangt,  zu  welchem 
Ende  er  dann  auch  die  Juramenta  u.  Statuta  auf  den  hohen  u.  andern  Stiften,  auch  Rit- 
ter-  u.  andern  Orden  von  Tag  zu  Tag  dermassen  geschiirfet  u.  geandert,  dass  den  Evan- 
gelischen  aller  Zutritt  abgeschnitten  wird. — Uberdiess  wird  fiirgegeben,  als  sollten  die- 
jenigen,  welche  vor  dem  Religionfrieden  nicht  zur  Augsp.  Confession  getreten,  jetzo 
dasselb  nit  furzuuehmen  Macht  haben,  u.  derwegen  keinem  Stand,  sonderlich  den  Reich- 
stadten  einige  Reformation  zu  verstatten  sein.  Derohalben  es  bey  etlichen  Stadten  da- 
hingebracht,  dass  sie  sich  vermittelst  Eids  verbunden  u.  reversirt,  bey  der  jetzigen 
Romischen  Religion  zu  bleiben,  keinen  evangelischen  Burger  in  Rath  zu  ziehen,  den 
Biirgern  kein  Exercitium,  wie  fleliendlich  auch  von  viel  tausend  Biirgern  darum  ange- 
sucht  wird,  zu  verstatten,  wie  in  der  Stadt  Coin  geschieht,  allda  die  evangelischen  Biir- 
ger  mit  neuen  vom  Rath  angerichteten  fiscalischen  Processen  geplagt,  gethiirnet,  urn 
Geld  gestraft,  u.  den  Ubelthatern  gleich  gehalten  werden. — Wie  in  gleichem  auch  bey 
etlichen  andern  oberlandischen  Stadten,  als  zu  Schwiibischen  Gmiind,  wie  auch  der 
Stadt  Kaufbeurn  u.  andern  fast  dergleichen  unterstanden,  da  der  frej-e  Lauf  des  h. 
Evangelii  wider  die  Reichs-Constitutiones  gehindert,  auch  prajudicirliche  Decreta  u. 
Bescheid  ertheilt. — Es  befinden  sich  auch  die  Evangel.  Augsburgischer  Confession  ver- 
waudte  Stiinde  in  ihren  u.  Christi  Mitgliedern  in  dem  wider  den  Eeligionsfrieden  nit 
wenig  beschwert,  dass  anstatt  des  freywilligen  ungezwungenen  Auszugs,  so  den  Unter- 
thanen  zu  einer  sondern  Wohlthat  im  Religionsfrieden  gegonnet,  sie  die  Unterthanen 
auszuziehen  u.  dabey  mit  allem  Ernst  gezwungen  werden,  das  Ihrig  in  einer  engcn 
prafigirten  Zeit,  so  Manchen  unmuglich,  mit  Unstatten  zu  verkaufcn,  u.  das  Land  wie 


228  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

peror  Rudolph  was  indeed  obliged,  after  he  had  been  compelled  to 

Ubelthater  zu  raumen,  u.  da  sich  ja  einer  seiner  Gelegenheit  nach  in  ein  benachbart 
evangel.  Ort  begiebt,  wird  ihme  doch  nit  gestattet,  uf  seine  verlassene  Statt  oder  Feld- 
guter  zii  gehen,  u.  die  zu  bauen,  oder  die  gebaueten  Frucht  ihres  Gefallens  einzuheim- 
scben,  sondern' ihnen  ihre  Guter  noch  darzu  wider  ihren  Willen,  auch  zum  Theil  unbe- 
wusst'derselben  in  ganz  geringen  Werth  gesetzt,  und  uberdiss  die  Nachsteur  von  den 
Unterthanen  rnit  Gewalt  gefordert  u.  eingenomnien  werden,  alles  den  Reichsordnungen 
u  der  Billigkeit  zuwider.     Wie  dann  auch  diejenigen,  welche  schon  zur  Eomischen  Re- 
ligion treten,  solcher  harten  Weis  darbey  zu  bleiben  verpflicht  gemacht  werden,  dass, 
wenn  sie  wieder  zur  Augspurg.  Confession  sich  begeben,  die  Obrigkeit  sie  als  Apostatas 
a  Unchristen  zum  hochsten  zu  strafen  Macht  haben  sollten,  wie  die  Formulae  jurandi, 
auch  derwegen  hin  u.  wieder  publicirte  Mandata,  darin  den  Evangelischen  aller  Handel 
bey  Straf  der  Confiscation  ihrer  Giiter  verboten,  ausweisen.     So  will  man  auch  der  Re- 
ligion halben  vertriebenen  an  andern  Orten  kein  Schutz  gonnen,  u.  die  sie  schutzen, 
verfol^en  u.  anfeinden  ;  die  Declaration  des  Religionfriedens,  so  weil.  Kaiser  Ferdinand 
— begeben   als  unkraftig  anziehen  u.  deuten."    They  also  complained  that  the  evangel- 
ical bishop's  had  no  seat  in  the  councils  of  the  empire ;  that  in  the  courts  the  Catholics 
had  a  strong  party  majority ;  that  the  council  of  the  imperial  court,  consisting  almost 
entirely  of  Catholics,  had  cases  illegally  brought  before  it  (comp.  Ranke,  Fiirstlen  u. 
Volker,  iii.  408) ;  that  the  incomes  which  should  come  from  Catholic  countries  to  clois- 
ters under  evangelical  sway  were  kept  back ;  that  the  evangelical  party  in  Catholic 
territories  were  loaded  with  heavy  pecuniary  penalties ;  that  Catholic  princes  forbade 
their  subjects  buying  and  selling  in  the  neighboring  evangelical  cities,  etc.     The  Cath- 
olics on  the  other  hand,  in  their  rejoinder,  maintained,  in  respect  to  the  Religious  Peace, 
"dass  sie  denselben  bishero— ufrichtig,  mit  unverfulschtem  Gewissen— gehalten,  auch 
nit  cemeint  seyen,  denselbigen  in  einige  Disputation,  Erkliiren,  oder  in  was  Namen  des- 
sen°Veranderung  bedacht  werden  konnte,—  fur  sich  selbst  zu  Ziehen,  oder  ziehen  zu 
lassen— Es  lassen  sich  auch  die  kathol.  Stande  wenig  irren,  wie  es  billig  den  andern 
Tbeil  auch  so  hoch  nicht  anfechten  sollt,— was  von  Ufhebung  des  Religionfriedens,  ob 
u.  wie  lang  derselbig  bestiindig  seyn  soil  oder  konne,  disputiret,  besagt,  oder  besckrie- 
ben  wird  —Wie  nicht  wenigers  auch  ihnen  ganz  u.  gar  kein  Gefallens  an  dem  unbe- 
scheidenen  Ausschreien  geschieht,  wollen  es  auch  wissender  Ding  ungern  verhangen, 
do  sie  die  Katholische  u.  ihre  Religion  hin  u.  wieder  uf  der  Gegentheil  Canzeln  unver- 
laumdt   unausgediinzelt,  u.  ihre  hohere  Stand  unverketzert,  u.  vor  den  rechten  Anti- 
christen  olmausgeschrien  bleiben  mochten."    The  spiritual  jurisdiction  was  suspended, 
they  said   in  Protestant  countries,  but  not  in  the  Catholic  ;  the  latter  still  reverentially 
acknowledged  the  Pope  as  the  visible  head  of  the  Church.     "  Zu  welchem  Ende  dann 
die  papstl.  Legaten  u.  Nuntii  jezuweilen  in  das  h.  Reich  verordnet  werden,  einzig  der 
Inspection  halben,  damit  bey  der  Katholischen  Kirchen  die  unzertrennte  Einigkeit  u. 
alte  darbey  herbrachte  Ordnungen  in  bestiindigem  Wesen  erhalten  werden,  dariiber  sie 
auch  im  Reich  kein  andere  Verwaltung  haben,  oder  jemand  der  Katholischen  ihnen  et- 
was  weiter  dem  h.  Reich  oder  einigen  desselben  Stand  zu  Nachtheil  einzuraumen  ge- 
meint   u.  wird  ihnen  mit  keinen  Fugen  zugelegt,  dass  sie  die  Zeit  u.  Jahr  zu  verandern 
unterstehen,  sondern  hat  allein  die  Papstl.  Heiligkeit  die  Tage  der  Zahl  halben,  der 
Kirchen  u.  mathematisehen  Nothdurft  nach,  mit  Wissen  der  Kais.  Maj.  u.  anderer  Po- 
tentaten  (wie  es  Julius  Casar  gethan,  u.  andere  lobliche  Kaiser  auch  thun  wollen)  zu- 
ruck<rezo-en,  u.  also  die  Zeit  oder  Jahr,  wie  es  von  den  Anklagern  den  Katholischen 
fur  ein  antichristische  Notam  will  gedeutet  u.  filrgerupft  werden,  keineswegs  immubrt 
oder  verandert."    The  Catholic  states  were  not  required  to  reply  to  the  attacks  in  re- 
ject to  the  nuncios,  because  "in  Betrachtung  auch  dieserseits  weniger  nit  gedult  wer- 
den muss,  dass  ihre  Superintendenten  ihrer  Meinung  nach  viel  Ordnung  machen    u. 
bisweilen  ihre  Herrn  selbst  u.  deren  Unterthanen,  um  deswillen  sie  den  Katholischen 
Ceremonien  etwas  nachgeben  u.  verhangen,  oder  anderer  Ursachen  halben,  excommu- 
niciren  u.  zuweilen  dem  Bosen  gar  zuerkennen."    The  regalia  had  been  constantly  giv- 
en by  the  Emperor  after  the  papal  confirmation.    The  Catholic  states  were  not  bound 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  11.  RUDOLPH  II.  229 

by  the  Religious  Peace  to  concede  augbt  to  the  Evangelicals.  In  Evangelical  cities  no 
Catholic  was  endured.  As  to  the  Declaration  of  the  Emperor  Ferdinand,  "  so  weiss 
man  doch  wol  was  es  mit  derselben  fur  ein  Meynung  habe,  u.  ist  zu  vielmalen,  so  wol 
auch  durch  Ew.  Kais.  Maj.  selbst  erkliirt  worden,  dass  man  sich  einer  solchen  Declara- 
tion in  wenigsten  nicht  zu  behelfen  hiitt,  indem  sich  dann  die  katholischen  Stande  uf 
den  ausdrucklichen  Inhalt  des  Religionfriedens  in  §.  Und  soil  alles  das,  etc.,  nochmaln 
referirn,"  in  which  all  Declarations  against  the  Religious  Peace  were  declared  to  be 
invalid.  That  the  right  to  a  seat  was  refused  to  some  persons  chosen  bishops,  because 
they  adhered  to  the  Augsburg  Confession,  was  in  consequence  of  the  spiritual  reserva- 
tions, etc.  Besides  this,  the  Catholic  states  brought  complaints  against  the  Evangelical 
party.  "  Zum  Ersten,  obwohl  gesetzt  u.  geordnet,  dass  kein  andere  Religion  u.  Glau- 
ben,  dann  die  beyde  im  h.  Reich  zugelassen  u.  geduldet  werden  solle ;  so  ist  doch  oft'en- 
bar  am  Tag,  u.  der  Kais.  Maj.  gar  unverborgen,  wie  mancherley  Secten,  u.  irrige  u. 
verdammte  Lehre  mit  dem  Namen  der  A.  C.  sich  jetzt  bekleiden,  u.  unter  solchem 
Schein  offentlich  in  Kirchen  u.  Schulen  gepredigt  u.  gelehrt  werden,  so  es  doch  der  A. 
C.  sowohl  als  der  alten  Kathol.  Religion  stracks  zuwider.  Ob  es  aber  nun  geriuger 
Schulstrit  u.  Disputationes,  oder  Spaltungen  in  den  Hauptarticuln  seyn,  referirt  man 
sich  Kurze  halben  auf  die  hinc  hide  ausgangne  Schriften  u.  Biicher,  darinnen  es  viel 
anders  laut,  u.  die  Gelehrten,  so  davon  ohne  Affection  tractiren,  selbst  bekennen.  Zum 
Audern,  ist  nit  die  geringste  Beschwernuss  Katholischer  Seiten,  dass  gegen  den  Inhalt 
Religionfriedens  von  des  audern  Theils  Predigern  u.  andern  Dienern  in  Kirchen,  Schu- 
len u.  taglichen  Schriften,  von  den  Herrschaften,  u.  dem  gemeinen  Volk  der  Kathol. 
Religion  vielerley  unerfindliche  Lehren  u.  Zulagen,  ohne  alien  Grund  zugelegt  u.  ufge- 
messen,  und  gleich  daranf  von  ihnen,  den  Augsb.  Confessionsverwandten— fur  abgot- 
tische  Idololatrae  u.  Unchristen  ausgerufen,  dem  Tiirken  u.  Feinden  verglichen,  ja  un- 
milder  angegeben,  ausgeschrien  u.  verdammt  werden,  welchs  ja  zu  anders  nichts  dienen 
mag,  dann  die  Gemuther  sowol  bey  des  h.  Reichs  Standen,  deu  Oberkeiten,  als  den  Un- 
terthanen  zu  verbittern,  gegen  einander  zu  verhetzen,  u.  gefiihrliche  Unruhen  zu  er- 
wecken. — Auch  nit  ohne,  dass  selbig  der  Augsp.  Conf. — ungleiche  Lehren  u.  deren 
Nachfolger  sich  anfanglich,  die  sie  in  Landen,  Stadten  u.  Communen  einschleifen,  still 
eingezogen,  u.  in  politischen  Diugeu  der  Oberkeit  willfiihrig  erzeigen :  so  giebt  aber  die 
Erfahrung,  wenn  sie  durch  ihre  Practiken  sich  stiirken,  zunehmen  u.  gewaltig  werden, 
wie  ungestume  sie  ausbrechen,  was  Unruhe  sie  erwecken,  was  fiir  gefiihrliche,  abscheu- 
liche  Trennung,  Zerruttung  u.  Veranderung  des  Religion-  u.  Profan-Wesens,  Verhinder- 
ung  der  Commercien,  Schmalerung  des  gemeinen  Nutzes,  iiberschwiingliche  Theurung, 
Ufriihrungen,  Blutvergiessen,  Verderbung  u.  Verwiistung,  Land  u.  Leut  gefiihrliche 
Veranderung  der  Oberkeiten  u.  Regimenten  daraus  zu  gewarten  seyen,  dessen  allein 
die  betrilbte  Niederland  u.  angranzende  Ort  nur  zu  viel  offenbare  Zeugnuss  u.  fast  ge- 
fahrlicbe Exempla  sowol  den  Standen  Augsb.  Conf.  als  Katholischer  Religion  seyn  konn- 
ten. — Zum  dritten  ist  in  dem  Context  des  Religionfriedens  ausdriicklich  versehen  u.  ge- 
ordnet, wenn  ein  Erzbischof,  Priilat,  oder  ein  ander  geistlichen  Stands  von  der  alten 
Religion  abtreten  wiirde,  dass  er  das  Erzbisthum,  Bisthum,  Priilatur  u.  Beneficium  (fiir- 
behalten  seiuen  Ehren)  verlassen,  u.  davon  abtreten  sollte.  Dem  aber  zu  entgegen, 
werden  etliche  ansehnliche  Erz-  u.  Bisthum,  Priilatur  u.  Beneficia,  von  den  Augsb.  Con- 
fessionverwandten  behalten,  besessen  u.  genossen,  darinnen  die  Katholische  Religion 
abgethan,  u.  die  Unterthanen  zu  widriger  Religion  gerichtet,  theils  auch  genothigt. — 
Zum  vierten  wird  im  Rel.  frieden  bey  dem  §.  Weil  aber  der  Stift  u.  Kloster  halb  dieser 
Unterschied  gemacht,  erstlich  dass  die  Stift  u.  Kloster  dem  Reich  ohn  Mittel  unterwor- 
fen,  sie  sej-en  vor  oder  nach  dem  Passauischen  Vertrag  mit  der  Tbat  occupirt,  den  Ka- 
tholischen wieder  restituirt  werden  sollen.  Was  aber  die  Stift,  Kloster  u.  geistl.  Giiter 
anlangt,  die  dem  Reich  nit  ohne  Mittel  unterworfen,  wird  dieser  Unterschied  gemacht, 
dass  diejenigen,  so  vorm  Passauischen  Vertrag  veriindert,  u.  zu  milden  u.  zu  andern 
Sachen  angewendet  worden,  also  bleiben  mogen.  Welche  aber  zu  der  Zeit  des  Passau- 
ischen Vertrags  noch  in  ihrem  Wesen  entsetzt,  u.  doch  h&y  der  Kathol.  Kirchen  Giiter, 
dass  dieselben  darbej-  kiinftiglich  auch  gelassen  werden  sollen.  Nun  ist  ja  unlaugbar, 
sondern  offenbar  dass  in  vielen  der  A.  C.  verwandten  Churf.  u.  Fursten,  Grafen  u. 


230  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Herm  Lauden,  auch  Stadten  viel  Kirchen,  Stift,  Kloster,  u.  Gottshauser,  so  zur  Zeit 
des  Passauischen  Vertrags  nit  von  ihnen  eingezogen,  sondern  noch  unverandert  bey  der 
alten  Religion — gewesen,  darum  dieselben  auch — darbey  batten  sollen — gelassen  werden. 
Und  weiset  die  leidige  Erfahrung  aus,  wie  uninilt  an  vielen  Orten  mit  den  dazumal  noch 
ubrigen  Stiften,  Kirchen,  u.  Klostern  umgangen,  do  die  alte  Religion  verboten  u.  abge- 
schaift,  die  Kirchen  verandert,  Altar  abgerissen,  Baarschaft,  Kleinodia,  Brief,  Siegel  u. 
Register  hinweggenommen,  der  lieben  Heiligen  Reliquien,  u.  Corpora  Martyrum  Christi 
verunehrt,  die  heiligen  Hostien  mit  Fussen  getreten."  Complaint  was  also  made  that 
the  Evangelical  partj'  forced  pastors  of  their  faith  upon  the  people  instead  of  Catholic 
priests  ;  demolished  Catholic  churches  ;  deprived  the  Catholic  clergy  of  their  stipends  ; 
that  in  the  Evangelical  cities  of  the  Empire  churches  were  taken  from  the  Catholics,  and 
the  Catholic  religion  oppressed  or  abolished;  that  the  Catholic  subjects  of  Evangelical 
princes  were  in  many  ways  harassed  and  punished  for  worshiping  in  Catholic  churches, 
etc. — To  these  complaints  of  the  Catholics  the  Evangelical  party  responded  at  the  Diet 
of  1598  (Lehenmann,  i.  528 ;  Struve,  i.  395).  To  be  particularly  noted  are  the  contra- 
dictory statements  about  two  points  in  the  treaty  for  Religious  Peace.  First  they  speak 
of  the  reservations  about  clerical  (spiritual)  affairs:  "Es  wird  sich  in  actis  befinden, 
dass  ann.  52  in  Aufrichtung  des  Passauischen  Vertrags  dahin  ausdrucklich  ist  verhan- 
delt  worden,  was  in  damalen  fiirgeschlagenen  kiinftigen  Religionfrieden  gegen  einem  u. 
dem  andern  Theil  bundlich  seyn,  dasselb  auch  beydertheil  u.  aller  Stand,  u.  ordent- 
lichen  Zuthun  der  Kais.  Maj.  beschlossen  werden  sollen,  derwegen  dieser  Vergleichung 
zuwider  nichts  hat  konnen  noch  sollen  uf  des  einen  Theils  allein  Anbringen  u.  Begehren 
dem  hernach  ann.  55  ufgerichten  Religionfrieden  einverleibt  oder  zugesetzt  werden.  Ob 
nun  wol  bisher  fiirgeben,  u.  noch  bestritten  werden  will,  als  sollten  die  Evangel.  Stande 
in  solchen  Vorbehalt  auch  gewilligt,  u.  auf  damaln  Bom.  Kon.  Maj.  vielfaltige  Hand- 
lung  denselben  ohnwidersprochen  haben  passiren  lassen,  so  kann  man  doch  Evange- 
lischen  Theils  ein  solches  mit  nichten  gestiindig  sej-n :  dieweil  aus  der  Evangel.  Chur- 
u.  Fiirsten  Erklarung  ann.  55  geschehen  ausdrucklich  zu  erkennen,  welcher  Gestalt 
Ihre  Churf.  u.  F.  Gn.  zu  ernstlichstem  diesen  von  ihnen  unverwilligten  Zusatz  des  Vor- 
behalts  aus  dem  Religionfrieden — wieder  zu  cassiren  begehrt,  darbey  sich  ausdrucklich 
dessen  bezeugt,  dass  sie  Gewissens  halben  darum  auch  nicht  zu  willfahren,  noch  mit 
solcher  Willfahrung  sich  zu  beschweren  wiissten.  Es  miissen  auch  die  Gegentheil  ge- 
standig  seyn,  dass  seithero  bey  alien  Reichsversamlungen  zu  Regensburg  u.  Augsburg, 
etc.,  ann.  5G,  57,  59,  76,  solcher  Erklarung  u.  Protestationis — wiederholt  worden.  Zu- 
dem  es  der  Evangelischen  Erachten  nach  wider  einander  laufen,  u.  nit  zu  vergleichen 
seyn  will,  dass  einem  jeden,  der  sich  zu  der  Religion  Augsb.  Conf.  begiebt,  solches  an 
Ehren,  Haab,  u.  Giitern  unnachtheilig  seyn,  u.  dagegen,  wenn  einer  im  geistl.  Stand 
aus  Gottes  Erleuchtung  von  den  rdin.  Misbriiuchen  zu  der  christi.  evangel.  Religion 
sich  begiebt,  aller  seiner  Dignitaten  u.  Einkommen  alsbald  zu  Straf  de  facto  entsetzt 
seyn  soil.  Und  dieweil  solches  bey  der  ganzen  Welt  u.  aller  Posteritat  anderst  nicht 
als  fur  ein  besonder  schmiihhafte  Macul  u.  Verdammung  der  Evang.  Rel.  kann  verstan- 
den  werden,  dass  derselben  Bekenner  nit  allein  keiner  geistl.  Dignitat  oder  Priilatur 
fahig,  sonder  auch  die  er  zuvor  gehabt  durch  Einnehmung  u.  Erkanntnuss  evangelischer 
Wahrheit  deren  als  unwiirdig  entsetzt  seyn  sollen,  so  haben  die  Evangelischen  solchem 
Vorbehalt  sich  billig  zu  widersetzen  gehabt :— derwegen  sie  auch  ohne  Scheubekennen, 
dass  sie  sich  bey  solcher  Widersprechung  des  oft  angeregten  Vorbehalts  zu  handhaben 
schuldig  erachten,  u.  ihrer  christi.  Evangel.  Religion  solchem  Schimpf  u.  Spott  ufzu- 
tragen  Gewissenshalben  nachzugeben  nit  wissen,  dessen  sie  auch  bey  ansehnlichen  Erz- 
u.  andern  Stiften  in  ruhiger  Possession  vel  q.  gelassen  werden.  Und  haben  sich  die 
Romische  Religion  sverwandten  der  Profanation  halben  gar  nicht  zu  befahren ;  sonder 
uber  dass  sich  die  Evang.  Stande— zu  Genugen  erboten,  solche  Stift  vermog  ihrer  ersten 
Fundation  unzweifeliche  Intent  zu  ihrem  rechtlichen  Gebrauch,  wahren  Gottesdienst, 
christlicher  Aufzug  der  Jugend,  u.  zu  andern  christi.  Ubungen  dawieder  zu  richten,  so 
wurd'  ihnen  auch  nit  zuwider  seyn,  noch  femer  sich  zu  vergleichen,  die  besagte  Profa- 
nation zuvorkommen  :  wenn  allein  sie  uf  ihrer  Seiten  die  Sachen  dahin  abrichten,  dass 
ihnen  nicht  grossere  u.  abscheulichere  Profanation  der  geistl.  Stiftungen,  Gefall  u.  Ein- 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  11.  RUDOLPH  II.  231 

renounce  Austria  and  Hungary  in  favor  of  his  brother  Matthias,35 
to  grant  concessions  by  letters  patent,  July,  1609,36  to  Bohemia, 
which  alone  remained  to  him ;  and  Archduke  Matthias  was  not 
only  forced  to  restore  to  the  Evangelical  party  in  Austria  and 
Hungary  their  impaired  rights,  but  also  to  enlarge  them,  March, 
1609.37  But  these  favors  were  merely  wrung  from  them  by  the 
circumstances  of  the  times,  and  could  not  remove  the  distrust  ol 
the  Protestants. 

Thus  the  Catholic  and  Protestant  states  in  Germany  were  con- 
stantly assuming  a  still  more  hostile  attitude.  The  antagonism 
was  strengthened  by  the  controversy  as  to  the  succession  in  Jiilich- 
Cleves.  After  the  death  of  the  last  Duke,  John  William,  March 
25,  1609,  seven  princes  contended  for  the  succession ;  the  elect- 
oral prince,  John  Sigismund,  of  Brandenburg,  and  Philip  Louis, 
Count  Palatinate  of  Neuburg,  took  possession  of  the  province  in 
consequence  of  the  treaty  of  Dortmund,  May  31,  1609,38  while  the 

kommen,  deren  sie  in  allem  Uberfluss  sitzen,  ihren  selbst  geistlichen  Rechtenu.  Canoni- 
bus  zu wider  mit  Wahrheit  konnen  vorgeruckt  werden."  Secondly,  on  the  Confiscation 
of  the  Ecclesiastical  Endowments:  "Darauf  wird  kurzlich  geantwort,  incivile  esse  tota 
lege  perspecta  de  aliqua  ejus  particula  judicare.  Sintemal  der  buchstablich  Inhalt,  u. 
auch  die  Meinung  des  Religionfriedens  des  Orts  also  beschaffen,  dass  es  den  Augsb.  Con- 
fessionsverwandten  nicht  allein  diejenige  geistliche  Guter,  so  sie  zur  Zeit  des  Passau- 
ischen  Vertrags  scbon  ingehabt,  in  Hiinden  liisst,  sondern  auch  was  dergleichen  Guter 
in  ihren  Herrschaften  u.  Gebieten  gelegen,  u.  keinera  Reichsstand  subjicirt,  furders  sich 
deren  anzumassen,  u.  zu  ihren  Kirchen-  u.  Schul-Brauch  oder  dergleichen  milden  Sachen 
zu  verwenden  zugiebt.  Dieweil  dann  in  dem  Religionfrieden  klar  u.  ausdriicklich  ver- 
sehen,  u.  den  Augsb.  Confessionsverwandten  Standen  nicht  weniger  als  den  andern  zu- 
gelassen,  die  evangel.  Religion  vermog  Augsb.  Confession  in  ihrer  Obrigkeiten  u.  Ge- 
bieten anzurichten  ; — so  haben  die  Gegentheil  leicht  zu  erachten,  dass  sie  zu  Erhaltung 
billiger  Gleichheit  in  Religionfrieden  mit  Unbilligheit  Evangelischer  Oberkeit  mit  frey- 
em  Willen  der  Ihrigen  das  anzurichten  zu  benehmen  unterstehen,  darbey  sie  doch  sich 
auch  mit  grossem  Zwang  begehren  handzuhaben,  alles  was  ihrer  Romischen  Religion 
im  geringsten  zinvider,  mit  grosser  Verfolgung — abzuschaffen." 

35  Schmidt's  Neuere  Gesch.  der  Deutschen,  Buch  iii.,  cap.  13  und  17. 

36  See  below,  §  14,  Note  23. 

37  In  Hungary,  at  his  coronation,  November  19,  1608,  he  was  obliged  to  concede  equal 
religious  freedom  to  Catholics  and  the  adherents  of  the  Augsburg  and  Helvetic  Con- 
fessions. In  Austria  the  estates  had  assembled  with  arms  upon  the  Ens  in  Horn,  and 
demanded  the  abolition  of  the  religious  oppressions  as  practiced  under  Rudolph  (se,e 
Note  18),  and  also,  particularly,  religious  freedom  for  the  cities  and  market-places  of 
the  princes  of  the  land.  By  the  mediation  of  the  Moravian  estates  the  matter  was  at 
last  adjusted,  and  Matthias  gave  the  Capitulation-Resolution  of  March  19,  1609  (in  Rau- 
pach's  Evang.  Oesterreich,  i.,  Appendix,  p.  52),  in  which  Maximilian's  guarantees  (Note 
12)  were  confirmed.  In  relation  to  the  cities  and  market-places  there  was  only  an  oral 
promise  given  to  the  Moravian  embassadors  ;  but  the  free  exercise  of  Protestant  worship 
was  confirmed  to  those  cities  on  the  Ens  which  could  show  that  they  had  a  right  to  it. 
Compare  Raupach's  Evang.  Oesterreich,  iv.  172;  Schmidt,  Buch  iii.  cap.  20;  Haberlin, 
xxii.  572.  39  Haberlin,  xxiii.  iii. 


232  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Emperor  favored  the  claims  of  electoral  Saxony.  A  large  part  of 
the  Protestant  states3^  had  already  formed  the  Evangelical  Union 
at  Ahausen,40  May,  1608,  with  Frederick  IV.,  Elector  of  the  Pa- 
latinate, at  their  head ;  and  this  "Union  had  entered  into  a  league 
with  France,  February  11,  1610,  at  Hall,  in  Suabia.41  In  oppo- 
sition to  this  was  formed  the  Catholic  League,42  under  Duke  Max- 
imilian of  Bavaria,  by  the  treaty  of  Munich,  July  10,  1609.  An 
agreement  made  between  these  two  leagues  at  Munich,  October 
14,  1610,  could  not  long  insure  peace  ;43  and  after  the  Count  Pal- 
atine, Wolfgang  William  of  Neuburg,  had  become  Catholic,44  in 
order  to  obtain  the  whole  province  of  Jiilich,  with  the  help  of  the 

39  That  is,  the  Palatinate,  Wiirtemherg,  Baden,  Hesse  Cassel,  and  Anhalt,  besides  the 
counties  and  cities.  Saxony,  Hesse  Darmstadt,  Brunswick,  Pomerania,  and  Mecklen- 
burg did  not  join,  on  account  of  their  hatred  to  Calvinism,  to  which  several  of  those 
states  were  attached  ;  and  electoral  Saxony  approximated  verj-  closely  to  the  Emperor, 
moved  also  by  its  jealousy  against  the  lead  which  the  Palatinate  had  among  the  Protest- 
ant states.  The  extent  of  the  embittered  feeling  of  the  Lutherans  against  the  Calvinists 
may  be  seen  in  a  formal  opinion  of  ^Egidius  Hunnius  and  David  Seleis,  two  theologians 
of  electoral  Saxony,  in  which  they  counseled  Duke  Frederick  William,  at  that  time  the 
administrator  of  the  affairs  of  that  state,  not  to  assent  to  the  Protestant  grievances,  as 
drawn  up  and  presented  to  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon,  1594  (see  Note  34 ;  the  document  is  in 
Haberlin,  xix.  p.  xviii.),  unless  "  he  were  allowed  to  add  a  protestation  that  this  did  not 
imply  assent  to  their  Calvinistic  doctrine."  "  Dieweil  einmal  Reichskundig,  was  vor 
Irrthum  u.  Greuel  hinter  der  Calvinischen  Lehre  stecken,  u.  wie  dieselbe  dem  allein  se- 
ligmachenden  Wort  Gottes,  auch  der  christl.  Augsb.  Conf.  handgreiflich  zuwider ;  dass 
man  demnach  vielmehr  ipso  facto,  als  nuda  protestatione.  von  ihnen  in  diesem  Werk  sich 
zu  separiren  schuldig,  allermeist  aus  folgenden  Griinden  u.  Ursachen.  Dann  erstlich 
ist  miinniglich  unverborgen,  wie  Gott  in  seinem  Wort  befehlt,  falsche  Lehre  u.  derosel- 
ben  offentliche  Vertheidiger  facto  zu  fliehen,  u.  in  Glaubenssachen  auch  ab  omni  specie 
hujusmodi  consociationis  sich  zu  hiiten. — Wie  konnte  man  auch  mit  gutem  Gewissen 
recht  sagen,  dass  sich  die  Calvinische  sub  eodem  script!  titulo  vor  Stande  der  Augsb. 
Conf.  dargeben,  so  doch  sie  derselben  nicht  nur  in  einem  oder  zweenen,  sondern  per  ac- 
cumulationem  errorum  nunmehr  in  6  oder  7  articulis  offenbarlich  zuwider. — Dann  sie 
die  Papisten  desto  weniger  den  Religionsfrieden  zu  halten  sich  schuldig  werden  erken- 
nen,  dieweil  man  andere  verworfene  Secten  in  die  gemeinschaftliche  Augsb.  Conf.  u. 
den  darauf  fundirten  Religionsfried  ziehen  wollte. — Es  wiirden  auch  durch  diesen  Actum 
die  Sacramentirer  in  ihrer  gottlosen  Lehre  trefflich  gestarkt  werden,"  u.  s.  w. 

40  Griindl.  Nachricht  von  der  Evangel.  Union  in  Ph.  E.  Spiess  Archivische  Nebenar- 
beiten  u.  Nachrichten,  Th.  1  (Halle,  1783),  s.  72.     Haberlin,  xxii.  537. 

41  Haberlin,  xxiii.  267. 

.  "  The  ground  had  been  already  laid  by  the  three  ecclesiastical  electoral  princes  in 
1606.  Besides  them  and  Bavaria,  only  bishops  and  abbots  assented  ;  Haberlin,  xxii.  701 ; 
Wolfs  Gesch.  Maximilians  I.  u.  seiner  Zeit,  ii.  421. 

43  Haberlin,  xxiii.  323.     Wolf,  ii.  631. 

44  Struven's  Pfalz.  Kirchenhistorie,  s.  532.  Wolf,  iii.  487.  Some  contemporaneous 
reports  and  documents,  see  in  the  Fortges.  Sammlung  von  alten  u.  neuen  theolog.  Sachen 
for  the  year  1722,  s.  376,  and  in  Henke's  Magazin,  ii.  178.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Jes- 
uit, Jac.  Reihing,  his  court  preacher,  who  composed  a  work  in  defense  of  this  change, 
went  over  to  the  Protestant  Church  in  1621,  and  then  became  professor  of  theology  in 
Tubingen ;  Wolf,  iii.  494. 


CHAP.  I.-GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  12.  THIRTY  YEARS'  WAR.    233 

Spaniards  and  of  the  League,  the  two  parties  took  up  arms  and 
assumed  a  hostile  attitude  toward  each  other. 


§  12. 

THIRTY  YEARS'  WAR. 

Hiiberlin's  neuere  teutsche  Reichsgeschichte,  continued  by  R.  K.  Freyh.  v.  Senkenberg, 
Bd.  24-27.  F.  Schiller's  Gesch.  des  30  jiihr.  Krieges.  Leipz.,  1791,  2  Th.  (Werke, 
Bd.  14  u.  15),  continued  by  K.  L.  v.  Woltmann.  Leipz.,  1809,  2  Th.  (also  in  the  Sup- 
plementen  zu  Schiller's  Werken.  Leipzig,  1823.  Bd.  5  u.  6).  K.  A.  Menzel's  Gesch. 
des  30  jahr.  Krieges  in  Deutschland  (in  his  Neuere  Gesch.  der  Deutschen,  Bd.  6-8). 
Dr.  J.  W.  D.  Richter's  Gesch.  d.  30  jiihr.  Krieges  aus  Urkunden  u.  andern  Quellen- 
schriften,  B.  1.  Leipzig,  1840.  [Alfred  Michiel's  Secret  History  of  the  Austrian  Gov- 
ernment, and  its  Systematic  Persecution  of  the  Protestants.  Lond.,  1859.  Elizabeth 
Stuart,  von  Dr.  Soltl,  3  Bde.  Hamb.,  1840.  Geschichte  Kaiser  Ferdinands  II.,  von 
F.  von  Huther,  i.-ix.  Schaffhausen,  1854-58.  Gfrorer,  Gustav.  Adolphus.  Chap- 
man, History  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  and  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  8vo.    Lond.,  185C] 

Bohemia  cast  the  flaming  brand  into  the  combustible  materials 
that  had  been  gathered  together.  The  Utraquists,  irritated  in 
many  ways,  though  they  formed  the  majority,  at  last  revolted  in 
1618.  Upon  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Maximilian,  which  soon 
ensued,  they  would  not  recognize  his  successor,  Ferdinand,1  and 
gave  their  crown  to  Frederick  V.,  the  youthful  electoral  prince  of 
the  Palatinate.  The  support,  however,  which  he  received  from 
his  father-in-law,  James  I.  of  England,  and  from  the  Protestant 
Union,  was  insignificant.  Ferdinand,2  on  the  other  hand,  had  pow- 
erful aid  from  Spain  and  the  Catholic  League ;  and  thus  his  general, 
Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  after  the  battle  of  the  White  Mountain, 
October  29,  1620,  in  a  short  time  overrun  the  whole  kingdom. 
Ferdinand  inflicted  the  severest  punishments,  and,  with  the  help 
of  the  Jesuits,  abolished  Protestant  worship  in  Bohemia3  and  in 

1  See  below,  §  14,  Notes  24-26. 

3  The  Pope  sent  to  him  a  consecrated  dagger  with  the  Jewish  formula  of  incantation 
— Tetragrammaton  alpha  et  omega,  agla.  Sabaoth  (Miscellanea  Lips.  xi.  41)  ;  a  remark- 
able omen  about  Rome  as  it  then  was ! 

3  The  soul  of  this  and  the  following  reformations  was  Carl  Carafa,  papal  nuncio  at 
the  imperial  court.  (The  Instructions  given  to  him,  April  11,  1621,  are  in  Munter's  ver- 
mischte  Beytriige  zur  Kirchengesch.  Kopenhagen,  1798,  s.  127.  Compare  Ranke,  Fiir- 
sten  u.  Volker,  iv.  387.)  Two  Relations  by  him  are  still  extant :  the  one  is  a  Latin 
manuscript  on  his  work  in  Bohemia  (Ranke,  iii.  459 ;  iv.  403) ;  the  other,  printed  in 
Latin,  comprises  his  whole  agency  as  nuncio :  Car.  Carafa  Ep.  Aversani  Commentaria 
de  Germania  sacra  restaurata  sub  summis  PP.  Gregorio  XV.  et  Urbano  VIII.  regnante 
Aug.  et  Piiss.  Imp.  Ferdinando  II.  Colon.  Agripp.  1639.  8.  (On  a  similar  work  of  Ca- 
rafa, in  Italian  and  in  manuscript,  see  Ranke,  iv.  417.)  At  first,  regard  had  to  be  paid 
to  Saxony,  which  had  given  faithful  help  to  the  Emperor,  and  the  persecution  seemed 


234  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Austria.4  The  Protestant  Union  was  dissolved  f  the  lands  of  the 
Palatinate  were  seized,  the  Lower  Palatinate  by  Spain,  the  Upper 
by  Maximilian,  upon  whom  also,  in  1622,  was  conferred  the  elect- 
oral authority  belonging  to  the  Palatinate.6  The  Catholic  Church 
was  every  where  re-established  by  force.7  In  the  pursuit  of  the 
troops  of  the  Palatinate  many  other  German  countries  had  been 
overrun  and  oppressed,8  and  German  freedom  seemed  to  be  en- 
dangered ;  on  this  account  the  department  of  Lower  Saxony  re- 
sorted to  arms,  under  the  lead  of  King  Christian  of  Denmark, 
1625.  He  was  conquered  by  Tilly  and  Wallenstein,  and  Den- 
mark was  forced  to  conclude  the  Treaty  of  Liibeck,  May  12,  1629. 
With  the  increase  of  the  imperial  army  it  became  more  apparent 
that  the  purpose  of  the  Emperor  was  to  bring  about  the  entire 
preponderance  of  the  Catholic  religion.9     When  the  north  of  Ger- 

to  be  aimed  only  at  the  Calvinists.  The  circumstances  of  the  times  are  characteristically 
set  forth  in  a  private  letter  of  the  imperial  confessor,  the  Jesuit  Martin  Becanus,  to  the 
court  preacher  of  electoral  Saxony,  Hoe  von  Hoenegg,  March  17,  1621  (Fortges.  Samm- 
lung  v.  Alten  u.  Neuen  theol.  Sachen,  1747,  s.  858)  :  Nunc  igitur  vellem  amice  ac  fami- 
liariter  cum  Rev.  ac  Nob.  Dominatione  Vestra  conferre,  an  non  expediret,  ipsas  literas 
Majestatis  penitus  tollere  ac  abolere  propter  has  causas:  1.  quia  a  spiritu  Calvinistico 
profectae  sunt ;  2.  quia  magna  ex  parte  dederunt  occasionem  rebellioni ;  3.  quia  juste 
metuendum  est,  ne  novam  rebellionem  concitent,  nisi  aboleantur ;  4.  quia  ex  earum 
abolitione  nullum  net  praejudicium  aut  nostrae  Romanae,  aut  Vestrae  Augustanae  con- 
fessioni.  Imo  tam  nostra,  quam  Vestra  Confessio  magno  periculo  liberabitur,  si  com- 
muni  consensu  tollatur  illud  idolum  rebellium  Calvinistarum.  Haec  privatim  propono. 
Si  Rev.  ac  Nob.  Dominatio  Vestra  non  probat  has  rationes,  non  repugno.  Si  autem  pro- 
bat,  quod  mihi  est  gratius,  rogo,  ut  pro  suo  in  S.  Caes.  Majestatem  pio  affectu  conetur 
optimo  modo  inducere  Serenissimum  Electorem,  ut  in  abrogationem  seu  abolitionem  cle- 
mentissime  consentiat,  etc.     Comp.  below,  §  14,  Notes  27,  28. 

*  According  to  his  vow,  renewed  at  a  pilgrimage  in  Maria-Cell  (Carafa,  p.  103),  he 
first  began,  1623,  to  forbid  Protestant  worship  in  the  imperial  cities  (1.  c,  p.  162);  in 
1624,  to°expel  all  Protestant  preachers,  even  those  of  the  estates,  from  Upper  Austria 
(1.  c.',  p.  182).  After  an  insurrection  of  the  peasants,  which  thence  ensued,  had  been 
quelled,  1626,  the  nobility  of  Upper  Austria  were  commanded,  1627,  either  to  become 
Catholic  or  to  leave  the  country  (p.  288).  In  the  same  year  all  these  regulations  were 
extended  to  Lower  Austria  (p.  320  sq.).  Comp.  the  Decreta,  appended  to  Carafa,  p.  174 
sq.     Raupach's  Evang.  Oesterreich,  i.  274 ;  iv.  419 ;  Appendix,  p.  237. 

5  Hiiberlin-Senkenberg,  xxv.  43. 

6  Ibid.,  s.  249.  The  valuable  Heidelberg  Library  was  given  to  the  Pope  by  Maxi- 
milian ;  Leo  Allatius  carried  it  to  Rome  ;  ibid.,  s.  279  ;  Ranke,  iv.  393. 

7  Acta  u.  Actitata,  welcher  sich  bey  der  in  Chur-  u.  Fiirstl.  Pfalz  angestellten  Refor- 
mation gebrauchet,  1638.  4.  Struven's  pfalzische  Kirchenhistorie,  s.  556.  How  the  Up- 
per Palatinate  was  divided  into  stations  by  the  Jesuits,  and  their  doings  therein,  see  Ca- 
rafa, p.  318;  Kropff  Hist.  Soc.  Jesu  in  Germania  superiori,  iv.  271. 

B  Thus  the  department  (circle)  of  Suabia  (Hiiberlin-Senkenberg,  xxv.  168)  ;  then,  aft- 
er 1623,  the  department  (circle)  of  Lower  Saxony,  in  which  Tilly  pursued  Count  Ernest 
of  Mansfeld  and  Duke  Christian  of  Brunswick;  ibid.,  p.  269,  356. 

9  Already  in  1626,  in  the  Suabian  circle,  the  Protestants  were  commanded  to  restore 
the  property  of  the  Church ;   Carafa,  p.  268 ;   Struven's  Religionsbeschwerden,  i.  661. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  12.  THIRTY  YEARS'  WAR.    235 

many  had  also  come  under  the  authority  of  the  imperial  hosts,  the 
Edict  of  Restitution  was  issued,  March  6, 1629,  defining  the  Cath- 
olic position  on  all  the  contested  questions  in  respect  to  the  relig- 
ious peace.10  But  when  this  was  carried  into  execution  its  pro- 
visions were  further  extended,11  so  as  to  allow  of  no  doubt  that  it 
was  intended  to  effect  the  entire  extermination  of  Protestantism 
in  Cfermany.12 

Count  John  of  Nassau-Siegen  had  previously  catholicized  his  province,  in  spite  of  all 
the  reversalia  earlier  given  ;  Carafa,  p.  234  ;  Hiiberlin-Senkenberg,  xxv.  517.  In  1G28, 
in  many  cities  of  the  empire,  churches  were  taken  away  from  the  Protestants  and  given  to 
the  Catholics  ;  thus  in  Hall  in  Suahia,  in  Strasburg,  Memmingen,  etc. ;  Kaufbeuern  was 
made  wholly  Catholic  (Wagenseil's  Beitrag  zur  Gesch.  der  Reformation.  Leipzig,  1830, 
s.  39)  ;  and  Hagenau ;  see  Struven's  Religionsbeschwerden,  i.  675  ;  Hiiberlin-Senkenberg, 
xxv.  633.     Comp.  the  imperial  decrees  in  Carafa,  Decreta,  p.  11  ss. 

10  In  Londorp  der  Rom.  K.  Maj.  u.  des  h.  R.  R.  Acta  publica,  iii.  1047.  Khevenhiil- 
ler's  Annales  Ferd.,  xi.  438 :  in  Latin  in  Carafa,  app.,  p.  3.  The  Emperor  here  decided 
of  his  own  authority  :  1.  That  the  Protestant  states  had  not  had  the  right,  after  the  Pas- 
sau  treaty,  to  appropriate  the  ecclesiastical  benefices  which  were  under  their  lordship. 
2.  Protestants,  in  like  manner,  had  claimed  possession  of  archbishoprics  and  bishoprics, 
iu  contradiction  to  the  proper  ecclesiastical  authorities.  3.  The  declaration  of  King  Fer- 
dinand was  invalid,  according  to  which  Protestant  subjects  were  to  enjoy  religious  peace 
in  the  states  under  spiritual  princes.  In  accordance  with  these  decrees  the  courts  were 
to  decide ;  imperial  commissaries  were  to  be  sent  into  the  empire  to  restore  all  church 
property  that  had  been  illegally  appropriated.  Moreover,  the  religious  peace  was  to 
avail  only  for  the  Catholics  and  the  adherents  of  the  unaltered  Augsburg  Confession ; 
all  other  sects  were  to  be  no  longer  tolerated.  All  opposition  to  these  decrees  was  to  be 
punished  with  ban  and  forfeiture.  The  most  distinguished  imperial  councilors  advised 
against  this  decree :  thus  Count  Collalto  (Khevenhuller,  xi.  183),  and  Khevenhiiller 
himself,  who  even  believed  that  the  Emperor  had  been  misled  by  the  craft  of  Richelieu 
(xi.  427).  Carafa,  the  papal  nuncio,  was  especially  active  in  this  matter ;  see  Carafa, 
p.  350 :  licet  tot  tantaeque  difficultates  emerserint,  quantae  et  a  me  et  a  multis  aliis  mi- 
nistris  multorum  mensium  labore  superatae  sunt,  etc. 

11  Thus  in  Augsburg  the  Protestant  service  was  wholly  abolished;  see  Hiiberlin-Sen- 
kenberg, xxvi.  51.  In  Wiirtemberg  those  foundations  and  cloisters  were  appropriated 
which,  at  the  time  of  the  Interim,  had  only  for  a  short  time  had  Catholic  occupants ; 
Sattler's  Gesch.  von  Wiirtemberg,  iv.  5. — Archduke  Leopold  William,  who  was  already 
Master  of  the  Teutonic  Order,  Bishop  of  Strasburg  and  Passau,  and  Abbot  of  Murbach, 
also  became  Archbishop  of  Magdeburg  and  Bremen,  Bishop  of  Halberstadt,  and  Abbot 
of  Hersfeld  ;  Menzel,  vii.  171,  186. 

'•  This  fear  was  especially  enhanced  by  the  polemics  of  the  Jesuits,  now  becoming 
very  violent.  The  most  sensation  was  made  by  a  work  like  that  of  Burghard  (§  11,  Note 
24):  Pacts  compositio — in  Com.  Augustae  anno  1555  edita,  quam  jureconsulti  quidam  ca~ 
tholtci — quaestionibus  illustrarunt  Dilingae,  1629.  4. ;  Lorenz  Forer,  the  Jesuit,  was  re- 
puted to  be  its  author.  This  work,  besides  much  polemical  matter  on  doctrinal  points, 
interpreted  the  provisions  of  the  religious  peace  in  a  manner  most  unfavorable  to  Prot- 
estants. Cf.  cap.  vi.  qu.  31:  Aequaline  jure  Confessionistae  religione  sua,  templis,  mini- 
steriis,  ceremoniis  utuntur,  quo  Catholici?  Resp.  Nequaquam.  Nam  Catholici  ex  anti- 
quissima  et  immemoriali  possessione  jus  acquisitum  habent  fidei,  religionis,  Ecclesiarum 
suarum  :  Confessionistae  autem  se  noviter  intruscrunt;  et  cum  repelli  non  possent,  tole- 
rati  sunt,  etiam  promissione  facta  propter  necessitatem.  Igitur  Catholici  nihil  a  Confes- 
sioiystis  acceperunt,  sed  jure  suo  proprio  ac  pristino  utuntur:  Confessionistae  autem, 
quibus  nullum  jus  competit,  ea  solum  detiueudo  habent,  quae  ipsis  expresse  concessa 


23 G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Meanwhile  the  growing  preponderance  of  the  Spanish- Austrian 
power  had  long  since  awakened  the  jealousy  of  France.  In  the 
stru^le  on  the  succession  in  Mantua,  the  Italian  princes  had  join- 
ed themselves  to  France  from  fear  of  the  Spanish  dominion  ;  and 
thus  even  Pope  Urban  VIII.  was  led  by  political  entanglements 
to  unite  with  France,  and  so,  indirectly,  with  the  German  Prot- 
estants.13 In  alliance  with  France,14  Gustavus  Adolphus,  King  of 
Sweden,  and  the  deliverer  of  the  Protestants,  appeared  upon  Ger- 
man soil,  June  24,  1620.  The  sacking  and  barbarous  treatment 
of  Magdeburg  by  Tilly,  May  10,  1631,  brought  the  hesitating 
Protestant  princes  to  a  decision ;  Hesse,  Brandenberg,  and  Saxony 
joined  with  Sweden.  Tilly  was  defeated  at  Leipsic,  September 
7,  1631 ;  Gustavus  Adolphus  marched  through  the  Rhenish  prov- 
inces, penetrated  into  Bavaria,  freed  the  oppressed  Protestants, 
and  thus  enlarged  the  hosts  of  his  confederates.  And  although 
he  fell,  as  a  conqueror  in  the  battle  of  Liitzen,  against  Wallenstein, 
November  6,  1632 ;  although  the  conflict  afterward  raged  for  a 
long  time  with  all  the  horrors  of  a  religious  war,  and  made  a  large 
part  of  Germany  a  desert ;  and  although  the  fortunes  of  war  some- 

fuerunt.  Quicquid  autem  concessum  non  reperitur,  prohibitum  censeri  debet. — Confes- 
sionistae  praeter  aut  contra  jus  singulari  fruuntur  permissione  et  indulgentia  ipsis  con- 
cessa,  non  sine  Catholicorum  praejudicio  ac  damno.  Tales  autem  concessiones  strictam 
interpretationem  habent.  Qu.  37,  p.  168  :  Religionem  catholicam  in  Imperio  tenere,  et 
subditos  suos  ad  eandeni  compellere,  communi  jure  omnibus  concessum  est :  at  vero  ca- 
tholicam religionem  mutare,  et  novam  sectam  Lutheranam  introducere,  atque  subditos 
ad  eandem  compellere,  generali  lege  prohibitum  est,  iis  exceptis,  quibus  id  indulgentia 
permissum.  Qu.  44 :  The  declaration  of  King  Ferdinand  in  favor  of  the  Protestant  sub- 
jects of  the  spiritual  electors  was  surreptitious ;  first  produced  at  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon, 
1576.  Cap.  xi.  qu.  67  :  The  protestation  of  the  Cardinal  and  Bishop  of  Augsburg,  Otto, 
against  the  religious  peace  had  the  effect  of  making  it  invalid  in  the  bishopric  of  Augs- 
burg, and  the  episcopal  jurisdiction  in  this  bishopric  had  not  been  at  all  suspended. — 
The  polemics  which  the  Jesuits  had  been  for  a  long  time  carrying  on  against  Protest- 
antism and  the  religious  peace  (Salig's  Gesch.  d.  Augsb.  Conf.  i.  767)  now  became  very 
animated.  By  order  of  the  Elector  the  Leipsic  theologians  wrote  :  "Nothwendige  Ver- 
theidigung  des  heil.  Rom.  Rcichs  Evangelischer  Churfursten  u.  Stande  Augapfels,  nem- 
lich  der  wahrenj  reinen— Augsp.  Confession,  u.  des  auf  dieselbe  gerichteten  hochver- 
ponten  Religionfrieds,"  1628.  4.  With  this  began  a  long  series  of  quarrelsome  writings, 
in  the  titles  of  which  this  metaphor  of  the  "apple  of  the  eye"  was  repeated  to  satiety: 
"Brill  auf  den  Evangel.  Augapfel  durch  Andr.  Fabricium,  1629.  4.  Evangelisehen 
Augapfels  Brillen-Butzer.  Leipzig,  4.  Ausbutzer  des  genandt:  Evangelischen  Brillen- 
Butzers.  Dillingen,  1629.  4.  Wer  hat  das  Kalb  ins  Aug  geschlagen  ?  Dillingen,  1629. 
4.     Dillingischer  Kalber-Artzt.     1629.  4.,  u.  s.  w."     Comp.  Menzel,  vii.  194. 

13  Ranke,  Filrsten  ii.  Vcilker,  iii.  528  ff.     Menzel,  vii.  236. 

14  As  early  as  1029  there  were  negotiations  about  it ;  in  1630  it  was  regarded  as  estab- 
lished (Ranke,  iii.  553),  and  Jan.  13,  1631,  formally  abolished  ;  Hiiberlin-Senkenberg, 
xxvi.  252.  A.  F.  Gfrorer's  Geschichte  Gustav  Adolphs,  Konigs  v.  Schweden,  u.  seiner 
Zeit.     Stuttgart  u.  Leipzig,  1837.  8. 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  12.  THIRTY  YEARS'  WAR.    237 

times  wavered,  and  Saxony  separated  herself  from  the  confeder- 
ates by  the  Peace  of  Prague,  May  30,  1635 ;  yet  still  the  Protest- 
ant cause,  supported  as  it  was  by  Sweden,  France,  and  the  United 
Netherlands,  attained  at  last  a  decided  victory  over  the  Imperial 
and  Spanish  arms.  Negotiations  for  peace  were  begun  in  1645 
in  Munster  and  Osnabruck ;  the  victories  of  Turenne  and  Wran- 
gel  gave  them  urgency ;  and  they  resulted  at  last  in  the  Peace 
of  Westphalia^  October  14,  1648.  Protestantism  in.  Germany 
obtained  equal  rights  with  the  Catholic  Church,  and  an  import- 
ant increase  of  power.  In  the  north  of  Germany  many  foun- 
dations were  secularized  in  favor  of  Protestant  rulers  ;16  of  the 
Catholic  princes,  only  Bavaria  maintained  the  advantages  it  had 
acquired.17  The  Religious  Peace  was  confirmed,  and  the  contro- 
versies on  particular  points  brought  to  a  close  by  more  exact  state- 
ments and  additions.  In  all  affairs  of  the  empire  both  religious 
parties  were  to  have  entirely  equal  rights.18     The  right  of  refor- 

15  A.  A.  (Adam  Adami,  Benedictine,  at  last  titular  Bishop  of  Hildesheim,  f  1GG3)  Ar- 
cana pacis  Westphalicae.  Francof.  1698.  4.  (best  edition  :  Adam  Adami  relatio  historica 
de  pacificatione  Osnabrugo-Monasteriensi,  enra  J.  G.  de  Meiern.  Lips.,  1737.  4.)  Joh. 
Gottfr.  v.  Meiern  (privy  councilor  in  Hanover,  f  1745)  Acta  pacis  Westphalicae  publica. 
Hanover  u.  Gottingen,  1734-36.  6  Theile,  fol.  Also  a  Register,  by  J.  L.  Walther.  Got- 
tingen,  1740.  fol. — The  two  instruments  of  the  peace  have  been  often  published :  in  the 
Latin  original  in  J.  J.  Schmaussen's  Corpus  juris  publici  S.  R.  Imp  academicum,  new 
edition.  Leipz.,  1794.  8.,  p.  741  ss.  J.  St.  Putter's  Geist  des  Westphal.  Friedens.  Gottin- 
gen, 1795.  8.  R.  K.  Freih.  v.  Senkenberg's  Darstellung  des  Osnabruck- u.  Munsterischen 
od.  sogen.  Westphalischen  Friedens.     Frankf.  a.  M.,  1804.  8. 

16  Sweden  received  Upper  Pomerania  and  Rugcn,  a  part  of  Lower  Pomerania,  Bre- 
men, and  Verden.  To  compensate  for  their  claims  to  these  lands,  Brandenburg  received 
the  benefices  of  Magdeburg,  Halberstadt,  Camin,  and  Minden;  Mecklenburg  had  those 
of  Schwerin  and  Ratzeburg ;  Brunswick  the  alternativa  successio  in  Osnabruck  and  the 
cloisters  of  Walkenried  and  Groningen  ;  Hesse  Cassel  received  the  abbey  of  Hersfeld. 

1 7  Bavaria  retained  the  electoral  dignity  of  the  Palatinate,  the  Upper  Palatinate,  and 
the  barony  of  Chalm  ;  and  a  new  (the  eighth)  electorate  was  erected  for  the  Palatinate. 
After  the  extinction  of  the  Bavarian  house  this  last  electorate  was  to  cease,  and  the  Pa- 
latinate line  succeed  to  the  Bavarian  dignity  and  possessions. 

18  After  confirming  the  treaty  of  Passau  and  the  Augsburg  Religious  Peace  (Instrum. 
Pacis  Osnabr.,  Art.  V.  §  1),  it  goes  on  :  Quae  vero  de  flonnullis  in  Articulis  controversis 
hac  Transactione  communi  partium  placito  statuta  sunt,  ea  pro  perpetua  dictae  Pacis 
declaratione,  tarn  in  Judiciis,  quam  alibi  observanda,  habebuntur,  donee  per  Dei  grati- 
am  de  Religione  ipsa  convenerit,  non  attenta  cvjusvis  seu  Ecclesiastici  seu  Politici,  intra 
vel  extra  Imperium,  quocunque  tempore  interposita  contradictione  vel  protestatione,  quae 
omnes  inanes  et  nihil  vigore  horum  declarantur.  In  reliquis  omnibus  autem  inter  utrius- 
que  Religionis  Electores,  Principes,  Status  omnes  et  singulos  sit  aequalitas  exacta  mu- 
tuaque.  According  to  §  51  and  53,  the  deputations  and  courts  of  the  empire  were  to 
he  filled  by  both  parties,  with  an  equal  number  of  members.  §  52.  In  causjs  Religionis, 
omnibusque  aliis  negotiis,  ubi  Status  tanquam  unum  corpus  considerari  nequeunt,  ut 
etiam  Catholicis  et  Augustanae  Confessionis  Statibus  in  duas  partes  euntibus,  sola  ami, 
cabilis  compositio  lites  dirimat,  non  attenta  votorum  pluralitate. 


238  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

mation  in  the  states  was  confirmed  in  general  terms,  though  lim- 
ited so  far  as  this — that  the  rights  of  each  religious  party  in  the 
domain  of  the  other  were  to  be  defined  according  to  the  rule  of 
January  1,  1624.19  All  these  regulations  were  likewise  to  hold 
equally  good  for  the  Reformed  (Calvinists),  who  were  now  for 
the  first  time  favorably  acknowledged.20     On  the  other  hand,  the 

19  I.  P.  0.,  Art.  V.  §  2.  According  to  §  14,  all  bona  ecclesiastica  immediate/,  are  to  fall 
to  and  remain  under  the  religious  party  which  had  them  in  possession  January  1,  1624  ; 
and  accordingly  (in  §  15)  the  Reservatum  ecclesiasticum  was  to  be  in  force  in  future. 
§  23.  Quot  Capitulares  aut  Canonici  die  I.  Jan.,  anni  1624,  uspiam  vel  Augustanae  Con- 
fessionis  vel  Catholici  fuerunt,  totidem  illic  ex  utraque  religione  erunt  semper,  nee  de- 
cedentibus  nisi  ejusdem  religionis  consortes  surrogentur.— Exercitium  vero  religionis  in 
mixtis  Episcopatibus  ita  restituatur  et  permaneat,  uti  et  quatenus  id  1624  palam  recep- 
tum  permissumque  fuit.  §  25  and  26 :  also  all  the  mediate  church  property  was  to  re- 
main with  the  religious  party  that  had  it  in  possession  January  1,  1624.  §  30.  Quum 
Statibus  immediatis  cum  jure  Territorii  et  Superioritatis  ex  communi  per  totum  Imperi- 
um  hactenus  usitata  praxi  etiam  jus  reformandi  exercitium  Religionis  competat,  ac  du- 
ll um  in  Pace  Religionis  talium  Statuum  subditis,  si  a  religione  Domini  Territorii  dis- 
sentiant,  beneficium  emigrandi  concessum ; — conventum  est,  hoc  idem  porro  quoque  ab 
utriusque  Religionis  Statibus  observari,  nullique  statui  immediato  jus,  quod  ipsi  ratione 
territorii  et  superioritatis  in  negotio  Religionis  competit,  impediri  oportere.  §  31.  Hoc 
tamen  non  obstante  Statuum  Catholicorum  Landsassii,  Vasalli  et  Subditi  cujuscunque 
generis,  qui  sive  publicum  sive  privatum  Aug.  Conf.  exercitium  anno  1624  quacunque 
anni  parte — habuerunt,  retineant  id  etiam  inposterum  una  cum  annexis,  quatenus  ilia 
dicto  anno  exercuerunt,  aut  exercita  fuisse  probare  poterunt.  §  34.  Placuit  porro,  ut 
illi  Catholicorum  subditi  Augustanae  Confessioni  addicti,  ut  et  Catholici  Augustanae 
Confessionis  Statuum  subditi,  qui  anno  1624  publicum  vel  etiam  privatum  Religionis 
suae  exercitium  nulla  anni  parte  habuerunt,  nee  non  qui  post  pacem  publicatam  dein- 
ceps  futuro  tempore  diversam  a  Territorii  Domino  Religionem  profitebuntur  et  amplec- 
tentur,  patienter  tolerentur,  et  conscientia  libera  domi  devotioni  suae  sine  inquisitione 
aut  turbatioue  privatim  vacare,  in  vicinia  vero,  ubi  et  quoties  voluerint,  publico  Religi- 
onis exercitio  interesse,  vel  liberos  suos  exteris  suae  Religionis  scholis,  aut  privatis  domi 
praeceptoribus  instruendos  committere  non  prohibeantur.  §  35.  Sive  autem  Catholici 
sive  Augustanae  Confessionis  fuerint  subditi,  nullibi  ob  Religionem  despicatui  habeantur, 
nee  a  mercatorum,  opificum,  aut  tribuum  communione, — multo  minus  publicis  coemite- 
riis,  honoreve  sepulturae  arceantur.  §  36.  Quod  si  vero  subditus,  qui  nee  publicum  nee 
privatum  suae  Religionis  exercitium  anno  1624  habuit,  vel  etiam  qui  post  publicatam 
pacem  religionem  mutabit,  sua  sponte  emigrare  voluerit,  aut  a  Territorii  Domino  jussus 
fuerit,  liberum  ei  sit,  aut  retentis  bonis  aut  alienatis  discedere,  retenta  per  ministros  ad- 
ministrare,  et  quoties  ratio  id  postulat,  ad  res  suas  inspiciendas — libere  et  sine  literis 
commeatus  adire.  §  37.  Conventum  autem  est,  ut  a  Territoriorum  Dominis  illis  subdi- 
tis, qui  neque  publicum,  neque  privatum  exercitium  religionis  suae  dicto  anno  habue- 
runt,—terminus  non  minor  quinquennio ;  illis  vero,  qui  post  pacem  publicatam  Religio- 
nem mutant,  non  minor  triennio,  nisi  tempus  magis  laxum  et  spatiosum  impetrare  potu- 
erint,  ad  emigrandum  praefigatur.  Accordingly,  the  right  of  reformation,  on  the  part 
of  the  princes,  could  be  applied  (§  30)  only  in  respect  to  the  religion  which  had  no  pub- 
lic worship  in  1624  (§  31).  If  the  prince  tolerated  it,  it  must  be  in  accordance  with  the 
provisions  in  §  34,  35 ;  he  might  also  force  its  adherents  to  emigrate ;  so  §  36,  37. 

20  I.  P.  O.,  Art.  VII.  §  1.  All  the  rights  resulting  from  the  present,  as  well  as  from 
the  Religious  Peace,  were  to  be  also  conceded— iis  qui  Reformat!  vocantur.  Quoniam 
vero  controversiae  Religionis,  quae  inter  modo  dictos  Protestantes  vertuntur,  hactenus 
non  fuerunt  compositae, — adeoque  illi  duas  partes  constituunt,  ideo  de  jure  reformandi 


CHAP.  I.— GERMAN  REFORMATION.    §  12.  PEACE  OF  WESTPHAL.    239 

Emperor  would  not  allow  the  peace  to  be  extended  to  his  heredi- 
tary lands ;  only  the  mediate  Silesian  principalities  had  their  pre- 
vious religious  rights  confirmed  to  them.21  As  a  protest  on  the 
part  of  the  Pope  was  of  course  to  be  anticipated,  it  was  deprived 
of  all  influence  beforehand,22  and  so  had  no  effect  whatever  when 
it  actually  came.23     Although  the  Protestant  churches  had  still  to 

inter  utramque  ita  conventum  est,  ut  si  aliquis  Princeps  vel  alius  Territorii  Dominus 
vel  alicujus  Ecclesiae  Patronus  posthac  ad  alterius  partis  sacra  transient,  aut  Principa- 
tum,  aut  ditionem,  ubi  alterius  partis  sacra  exercitio  publico  de  praesenti  vigent, — nac- 
tus  fuerit, — ipsi  quidem  Concionatores  aulicos  suae  Confessionis  citra  subditorum  onus 
aut  praejudicium  secum  atque  in  Residentia  sua  habere  liceat.  At  fas  ei  non  sit,  vel 
publicum  Religionis  exercitium,  leges  aut  constitutiones  ecclesiasticas  hactenus  ibi  re- 
ceptas  immutare,  vel  templa,  scholas,  hospitalia,  aut  eo  pertinentes  reditus,  pensiones, 
stipendia  prioribus  adimere,  suorumque  sacrorum  bominibus  applicare,  vel  juris  territo- 
rialis,  Episcopalis,  Patronatus  aliove  quocunque  praetextu  subditis  Ministros  alterius 
Confessionis  obtrudere,  ullumve  aliud  impedimentum  aut  praejudicium  directe  vel  indi- 
recte  alterius  sacris  afterre.  Et  ut  haec  conventio  eo  firmius  observetur,  liceat  hoc  mu- 
tationis  casu  ipsis  communitatibus  praesentare,  vel  quae  praesentandi  jus  non  habent, 
nominare  idoneos  Scholarum  et  Ecclesiarum  Ministros,  a  publico  loci  Consistorio  et 
Ministerio,  si  ejusdem  cum  praesentantibus  vel  nominantibus  sunt  religionis,  vel  hoc 
deficiente,  eo  loco,  quern  ipsae  communitates  elegerint,  examinandos  et  ordinandos,  at- 
que a  Principe  vel  Domino  postea  sine  recusatione  confirmandos. 

21  I.  P.  O.,  Art.  V.  §  38.  Silesii  etiam  Principes  August.  Conf.  addicti,  Duces  scil. 
in  Brieg,  Liegnitz,  Miinsterberg  et  Oels,  itemque  Civitas  Vratislaviensis  in  libero  suo- 
rum  ante  bellum  obtentorum  jurium  et  privilegiorum,  necnon  Aug.  Conf.  exercitio  ex 
gratia  Caesarea  et  Regia  ipsis  concesso  manutenebuntur.  §  39.  Quod  vero  ad  Comites, 
Barones,  Nobiles  eorumque  subditos  in  reliquis  Silesiae  Ducatibus,  qui  immediate  ad 
Cameram  Regiam  spectant,  turn  etiam  de  praesenti  in  Austria  inferiori  degentes  Comi- 
tes, Barones  et  Nobiles  attinet,  quamvis  Caesareae  Maj.  jus  reformandi  exercitium  Re- 
ligionis non  minus,  quam  aliis  Regibus  et  Principibus  competat ;  tamen — ad  interven- 
tionem  Regiae  Majestatis  Sueciae,  et  in  gratiam  intercedentium  Augustanae  Conf.  Sta- 
tuum  permittit,  ut  ejusmodi  Comites,  Barones  et  Nobiles,  illornmque  in  praedictis  Sile- 
siae Ducatibus  subditi  ob  professionem  Aug.  Conf.  loco  aut  bonis  cedere  aut  emigrare 
non  teneantur,  nee  etiam  prohibeantur  dictae  Confessionis  exercitium  in  locis  vicinis 
extra  territorium  frequentare.  §  40.  Praeter  haec  autem — Sacra  Caes.  Maj.  ulterius 
pollicetur,  se  illis,  qui  in  his  Ducatibus  Aug.  Conf.  addicti  sunt,  pro  hujus  Confessionis 
exercitio  tres  Ecclesias  propriis  eorum  sumptibus  extra  civitates  Schweiniz,  Jauer  et 
Glogavium  prope  moenia — aedificandas — concessuram.  §  41.  Et  cum  de  majore  Reli- 
gionis libertate  et  exercitio  in  supra  dictis  et  reliquis  Caesareae  Maj.  et  Domus  Austria- 
cae  regnis  et  provinces  concedendo  in  praesenti  Tractatu  varie  actum  sit,  nee  tamen  ob 
Caesareanorum  Plenipotentiariorum  contradictiones  convenire  potuerit;  Regia  Maj.  Su- 
eciae et  Aug.  Conf.  Ordines  facultatem  sibi  reservant,  eo  nomine  in  proximis  Comitiis 
aut  alias  apud  Suam  Caes.  Maj.,  pace  tamen  semper  permanente  et  exclusa  omni  vio- 
lentia  et  hostilitate,  ulterius  respective  amice  interveniendi  et  demisse  intercedeudi. 

22  I.  P.  0.,  Art.  V.  §  1 ;  see  above,  Note  18. 

23  By  the  bull,  Zelo  domus  Dei,  d.  26.  Nov.,  1G48,  published  3d  Jan.,  1651;  in  Bow- 
er's Hist.  d.  Rom.  Pabste,  edition  of  Rambach  X.,  ii.  21.  Sane  cum  intimo  doloris  sensu 
accepimus,  quod  per  plures  pacis  Osnabrugis — necnon  alterius  pacis  Monasterii — inita- 
rum  articulos  gravissima  Religioni  catholicae — illata  fuerunt  praejudicia.  Etenim  pac- 
tionibus — inter  alia  bona  ecclesiastica  aliaque  ab  haereticis  occupata  illis  eorumque  suo 
cessoribus  in  perpetuum  addicuntur ;  haereticis  Augustanae,  ut  vocant,  confessionis  libe- 
rum  suae  haereseos  exercitium  in  plerisque  locis  permittitur,  et  locorum  pro  aedificandis 


240  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1618. 

encounter  much  oppression  and  craft,  yet  they  attained,  within 
certain  limits,  a  legally  impregnable  position,  and  adequate  means 
to  insure  and  defend  their  rights. 


§  13. 

ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  SWITZERLAND  TO  1648. 

In  the  year  1624  the  Swiss  Reformed  Church  rejoiced  in  the 
concurrence  of  several  events  of  a  favorable  character.  The  prin- 
cipality of  Sax  joined  the  Reformation  ;a  Savoy,  in  its  treaty  with 
Berne,  was  obliged  to  give  pledges  that  it  would  not  make  any 
religious  changes2  in  the  districts  of  Thonon,  Ternier,  and  Gex, 
which  it  received  back ;  the  evangelicals  of  Glarne,  after  many 
attacks,  were  also  recognized  by  the  Catholic  cantons.3    In  Switz- 

ad  hunc  effectum  templis  assignatio  promittitur ;  ipsique  cum  catholicis  ad  publica  mu- 
nia  et  officia,  ac  ad  nonnullos  Archiepiscopatus,  aliasque  dignitates  et  beneficia  ecclesi- 
astica,  precumque  primariarum  Ferdinando  in  Imperatorem  electo  a  praefata  Sede  apos- 
tolica  concessarum  participationem  admittuntur ;  Annatae,  jura  pallii,  confirmationes, 
menses  papales,  et  hujusmodi  jura  et  reservationes  in  bonis  ecclesiasticis  dictae  Confes- 
sionis  Aucustanae  excluduntur ;  confirmationes  electionum,  seu  postulationum  praeten- 
sorum  Archiepiscoporum,  Episcoporum  aut  Praelatorum  ejusdem  Confessionis  potestati 
saeculari  attribuuntur ;  plures  Archiepiscopatus,  Episcopatus,  Monasteria,— et  alia  bene- 
ficia et  bona  ecclesiastica  Principibus  haereticis  eorumque  haeredibus,  etiam  sublata 
denominatione  ecclesiastica,  in  feudum  perpetuum  sub  dignitatis  saecularis  titulo  conce- 
duntur ;  contra  pacem  hujusmodi  ullumve  ejus  articulum  nulla  jura  canonica  vel  civilia, 
— juramenta,  aut  concordata  cum  Romanis  Pontificibus,  ullave  alia  statuta,  sive  politica, 
sive  ecclesiastica,  decreta,.  dispensationes,  absolutions,  aut  alias  exceptiones  allegari, 
audiri,  vel  admitti  debere  disponitur ;  numerus  septem  Electorum  Imperii  olim  aposto- 
lica  auctoritate  praefinitus,  sine  nostro  et  sedis  praefatae  beneplacito  augetur,  et  octavus 
Electorates  in  favorem  Caroli  Ludovici,  Comitis  Palatini  Rheni,  haeretici,  instituitur ; 
aliaque  multa,  quae  pudet  referre,  orthodoxae  religioni  sedique  praefatae  Romanae,  et 
inferioribus  Ecclesiis,  caeterisque  praemissis  summopere  praejudicialia  et  damnosa  de- 
cernuntur.  Et  quamvis  Ven.  Frater,  Episcopus  Neritonensis,  noster  et  Sedis  praefatae 
-nuncius-fuerit  palam  nostro— nomine  protestatus,  ejusmodi  articulos  esse  irritos, 
millos ;— ac  notissimi  juris  sit,  quamcunque  transactionem  seu  pactionem  in  rebus  ec- 
clesiasticis sine  praefatae  Sedis  auctoritate  factam  nullam  nulliusque  roboris  et  momenti 
existere  :  attamen  quo  efficacius  praemissorum  indemnitati  consultum  sit ;— praedictos 
— utriusque  pacis  articulos,  caeteraque  in  dictis  instrumentis  contenta— ipso  jure  nulla, 
invalida,  injusta,  damnata— omnino  fuisse,  esse  et  in  perpetuo  fore;  ncminemque  ad 
illorum-etiamsi  juramento  vallata  sint,  observationem  teneri-atque  perinde  ac  si 
nunquam  emanassent,  pro  non  extantibus  et  non  factis  perpetuo  haberi  debere,  tenore 
earundem  praesentium  decernimus  et  declaramus.  Et  nihilominus  ad  abundantiorem 
cautelam— articulos  praefatos  aliaque  praemissa— potestatis  plenitudine  pcmtus  danina- 
mus,  reprobamus,  cassamus,  annullamus,  viribusque  et  effectu  vacuamus. 

1  Ilottinger's  Helvet.  Kirchengesch.,  iii.  887. 

2  Hottinger,  iii.  899. 

3  Just  after  it  had  been  suggested  to  the  canton  by  the  Catholics  to  expel  all  the  Re- 
formed preachers,  and  to  tolerate  only  Catholic  worship ;  Hottinger,  iii.  885. 


CHAP.  I.— SWISS  REFORMATION.    §  13.  1564  TO  1648.  241 

erland,  however,  as  in  Germany,  a  more  decided  Catholic  antag- 
onism now  began  to  show  itself.  After  1569  this  new  zeal  was 
especially  stimulated  by  Charles  Borromeo,  Archbishop  of  Milan 
(t  1584),  who  visited  in  person  the  Catholic  cantons,  and  endeav- 
ored to  unite  them  for  the  suppression  of  heresy ;  his  agency  was 
particularly  directed  to  the  Italian  part  of  Switzerland.4  Through 
him  the  Jesuits,  too,  obtained  foothold  in  Lucerne,  1574,  and  in 
Freiburg,  1586,5  and  here,  as  in  Germany,  opened  an  uninterrupt- 
ed warfare  against  the  Reformation.6  As,  however,  the  Jesuits  in 
the  poor  country  districts  did  not  find  enough  aid  to  propagate 
their  plans,  and  as  the  old  Swiss  monks  and  clergy  were  too  rude 
to  be  of  much  avail,  Borromeo  introduced  the  new  order  of  the 
Capuchins,  which  soon7  became  widely  diffused,  and  appointed 
the  most  numerous  and  zealous  champions  of  Catholicism  that 
were  to  be  found  in  Switzerland.  Besides  this,  he  founded  in  Mil- 
an the  Collegium  Helveticum8  in  1579,  for  the  education  of  mis- 
sionaries for  Switzerland.  At  last,  for  conducting  these  various 
operations,  he  procured  the  establishment  of  a  standing  nuncio 
for  Switzerland,9  in  1579.  By  this  means,  as  the  Catholic  can- 
tons soon  afterward  conceded  to  this  nuncio  spiritual  jurisdiction10 
(1580),  the  papal  influence  was  unusually  advanced.  A  new 
zeal  took  possession  of  the  Swiss  Catholics.  Jacob  Christoph, 
Bishop  of  Basle,  made  himself  secure,  in  1590,  by  a  league  with 
the  Catholic  cantons,11  and  then  soon  expelled  all  the  Reformed 
worship  from  the  places  (Laufen  and  Zwingen)  under  his  control.12 
In  1586  the  Catholic  cantons  pledged  themselves  by  the  Golden 
or  Borromean  League,  to  be  steadfast  in  the  Catholic  faith,  to 
hold  by  and  protect  each  other  in  the  same,13  and  in  1587  made 

4  Hottinger,  iii.  900,  916.  De  Porta  Hist.  Reform.  Eccl.  Rhaet,  ii.  1.  Meyer's  Evan- 
gel. Gemeinde  in  Locarno,  ii.  264. 

5  Hottinger,  iii.  907,  915. 

6  In  Freiburg  they  set  up  a  printing-office  for  this  purpose  ;  Hottinger,  iii.  930. 

7  The  first  cloister  in  Altdorf  in  Uri,  1580 ;  then,  1581,  in  Stanz  in  Unterwalden ;  1586, 
in  Schwyz  ;  1588,  in  Lucerne ;  1590,  in  Appenzell ;  1593,  in  Baden,  etc.  Hottinger, 
iii.  914. 

8  Hottinger,  iii.  911. 

9  Hottinger,  iii.  912. 

10  Hottinger,  iii.  935.  L'Histoire  de  la  Vie  du  Pape  Siste  V.,  traduit  de  l'ltalien  de 
Greg.  Leti  (a  Paris,  16£J0),  ii.  49. 

"  Hottinger,  iii.  910. 

12  Hottinger,  iii.  918. 

13  Hottinger,  iii.  931.  The  document  is  in  Lauder's  Beschreibung  Helvetischer  Ge- 
schichte,  x.  331. 

VOL.  IV. 16 


242  FOUETH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

a  league  with  Spain,  in  view  of  a  possible  religious  war.14  Aroused 
by  them,  the  Catholics  in  Appenzell  began  to  persecute  their  Re- 
formed brethren ;  and  peace  in  this  canton  was  only  restored  by 
giving  up  the  outer  district  of  Rhoden  exclusively  to  the  Reform- 
ed worship,  and  the  centre  to  the  Catholics,  and  afterward,  in  1592, 
by  conceding  to  both  parts  a  separate  central  authority.15  French 
Switzerland  was  constantly  threatened  by  Savoy  with  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  subjection.  The  chief  ecclesiastical  instrumentality 
in  this  matter  was  that  of  Francis  of  Sales,  provost  and,  from 
1602,  nominal  Bishop  of  Geneva,  but  having  his  seat  in  Annecy.16 
He  especially  labored  for  the  conversion  of  the  Reformed  in  the 
districts  ceded  by  Berne  to  Savoy ;  and,  as  milder  measures  did 
not  prove  sufficient,  he  influenced  the  Duke,  in  1596,  to  suppress 
the  Reformed  worship  by  violence,  setting  aside  the  earlier  treaty.17 
In  accordance  with  his  advice,  the  Duke,  in  1602,  caused  the  city 
of  Geneva  to  be  attacked  by  a  fanatical  multitude  assembled  by 
a  jubilee-indulgence  ;  but  this  shameful  plot  did  not  succeed,18  and 
Geneva  afterward  found  protection  against  the  schemes  which 
were  constantly  set  on  foot  for  its  destruction,19  partly  in  the  jeal- 
ousy of  France  toward  Spain  and  Savoy,  partly  in  the  aid  of  the 
Pteformed  cantons,  especially  Berne.  Still  more  perilous  was  the 
position  of  the  Reformed  in  Italian  Switzerland.  The  Canton 
of  the  Grisons,  though  the  Reformed  preponderated,  was  divided 
as  to  religion ;  in  its  Italian  portions,  particularly  in  Veltlin,  Ca- 
tholicism was  greatly  preponderant.  Besides  this,  its  position  be- 
tween Spanish  Milan  and  Austrian  Tyrol  made  it  of  importance  to 
these  great  powers,  struggling  for  the  supremacy  in  Italy.  Thus 
it  became  the  object  of  various  ecclesiastical  and  political  intrigues ; 
and  in  consequence,  ecclesiastical  and  political  divisions  were  fo- 
mented and  came  into  conflict.  From  Milan  constant  efforts  were 
going  forth  to  arouse  a  fanatical  Catholicism  in  the  Italian  princi- 

14  The  document  is  in  Dumont  Corps  Diplomatique,  v.  i.  459. 

15  Hdttinger,  iii.  948,  962. 

16  La  Vie  de  S.  Francois  de  Sales,  par  M.  de  Marsollier.  2  Tomej.  Paris  ed.,  5. 
1748.  12. 

17  Marsollier,  i.  252. 

18  Thuanus,  lib.  129.  Spon's  Hist,  de  Geneve,  ii.  371.  Hencp  in  Geneva  the  annual 
festival  of  thanksgiving  called  L'Escalade. 

19  To  this  belonged  especially  the  plan  of  Pope  Gregory  XV.,  to  unite  France  and 
Savoy,  in  order  to  destroy  Geneva  (1622,  1624).  See  Ranke's  Fiirsten  und  Volker,  iv. 
394,  402. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  14.  IN  BOHEMIA  AND  MORAVIA.    243 

palities.20  The  final  result  was  a  horrible  massacre,  by  which  the 
Catholic  inhabitants  of  Vletlin,  in  July,  1620,  exterminated  the 
Reformed  living  among  them ;  at  the  same  time,  they  renounced 
allegiance  to  the  authorities  of  the  Canton  of  Orrisons.21     There- 

O 

upon  the  Italian  principalities  were  seized  by  Spain,  while  Austria 
took  possession  of  those  districts  of  the  canton  that  bordered  on 
the  Tyrol,  and  there,  too,  in  1621,  suppressed  the  Reformed  wor- 
ship.22 But  as  in  this  way  the  important  geographical  connec- 
tion between  Germany  and  Italy  fell  under  the  Spanish- Austrian 
power,  France  and  Venice  took  up  arms  for  the  Orisons;  and 
thus,  though  the  Swiss  took  no  direct  part  in  the  Thirty  Years' 
War,  there  sprung  up  here  a  contemporary  struggle  closely  con- 
nected with  it.  The  German  part  of  the  Orrisons  regained  its  old 
freedom ;  but  by  the  Treaty  of  Milan,  1639,  the  canton  received 
back  its  Italian  districts  only  under  the  condition  that  no  other 
worship  but  the  Catholic  should  be  tolerated.23  The  Reformed 
were  totally  expelled  from  Wallis  as  early  as  1626,  after  long  per- 
secutions.24 


SECOND  CHAPTER. 

THE  REFORMATION  IN  OTHER  LANDS. 

§  14. 

IN  BOHEMIA  AND  MORAVIA. 

[Anton  Gindely,  Bohmen  u.  Mahren  im  Zeitalter  der  Reform.,  2  Bde.  Prag.,  1857. 
Franz  Palasky,  Bohmeus  Geschichte,  3  Bde.  1854.  Tomek,  Geschichte  Bohmens. 
Pescheck,  Gesch.  der  Gegenreformation  in  Bohmen.  Dresd.,  1844.  Ehwalt  Die 
alte  u.  neue  Lehre  d.  Bohm.  u.  Mahr.  Briider.  Danzig,  1756.  The  Reformation  and 
Anti-Reformation  in  Bohemia,  2  vols.  8vo.  London.  K.  A.  Miiller,  Fiinf  Biicher  voni 
Bohmischen  Kriege.] 

20  The  religious  equality  conceded  in  1557  (§  10,  Note  44)  was  at  once  violentty  op- 
posed: see  De  Porta,  Hist.  Ref.  Eccles.  Rhaet.  I.,  ii.  280.  As  early  as  1583  a  plan  for 
the  extinction  of  the  Reformed  was  discussed  between  the  Catholics  of  Vletlin  and  the 
Spanish  Governor  of  Milan.  Borromeo  also  had  part  in  this;  see  his  letter  to  the  nun- 
cio Spezzani,  of  Maj'  24,  1584,  in  De  Porta,  ii.  33.  Instigated  and  led  by  the  priests, 
an  insurrection  broke  out,  which,  however,  failed  of  its  purpose,  as  the  Reformed  were 
prepared  for  it ;  ibid.,  p.  38.         * 

21  Hottinger,  iii.  1017.    De  Porta,  ii.  289. 

22  De  Porta,  ii.  451.    Haberlin's  Neueste  Teutsche  Reichsgeschichte,  sxv.  161. 

23  De  Porta,  ii.  603. 
2*  Hottinger,  iii.  1039. 


244  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Luther's  Reformation  nowhere  aroused  more  cordial  sympathy 
than  in  Bohemia.  Both  Calixtines  and  the  Bohemian  Brethren 
rejoiced  in  this  new  support  in  their  conflict  with  Rome,  and  the 
latter  also  welcomed  the  doctrines  with  which,  for  the  most  part, 
they  agreed.  By  letters  and  messengers  both  parties  soon  greet- 
ed the  Reformer. 

Luther,  however,  still  found  much  to  criticise  in  the  views  of 
the  Brethren,1  and  endeavored  to  set  them  right  by  his  treatise 
"  On  the  Adoration  of  the  Sacrament,"  1523.2     At  first  the  Breth- 

1  Luther  first  spoke  out  more  at  length  about  the  Bohemians  in  the  explanation  of 
some  articles  of  his  sermon  on  the  Venerable  Sacrament  of  the  Holy  Body  of  Christ,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1520  (in  Walch,  xix.  554).  Here  he  takes  the  part  of  the 
Calixtines,  although  still  holding  the  communion  sub  una  to  be  allowable ;  but  he  de- 
clares the  Picards,  or  Brethren,  to  be  heretics,  because,  as  he  had  seen  in  one  of  their 
books,  they  "did  not  believe  that  the  flesh  and  blood  of  Christ  were  truly  present,  be- 
sides some  other  heretical  matters."  To  the  same  effect,  in  June,  1520,  in  his  Appeal  to 
the  Christian  Nobility  of  the  German  Nation,  No.  24  (see  §  1,  Note  60) ;  yet  he  here 
speaks  of  the  error  of  the  Picards  dubiously.  Thereupon  two  deputies  of  the  Brethren, 
John  Horn  and  Mich.  Weiss,  came  to  him,  in  1522  (Comenii  Hist.  Frat.  Bohem.  ed. 
Buddeus,  p.  22),  by  whom  he  was  brought  to  a  more  favorable  view,  and  led  to  distin- 
guish between  their  real  belief  and  its  imperfect  doctrinal  expression ;  see  Ep.  ad  Spa- 
latinum,  dd.  4.  Jul.,  1522  (de  Wette,  ii.  217) :  Picardi  apud  me  legatos  habuerunt,  de 
fide  sua  consulentes :  inveni  ferme  omnia  sana,  nisi  quod  obscura  phrasi  et  barbara 
utuntur  pro  Scripturae  phrasi.  Deinde  quae  me  movent,  sunt,  quod  parvulorum  bap- 
tismum  nullius  fidei  et  fructus  asseruut,  et  tamen  eos  baptisant,  et  rebaptisant  ad  se 
venientes  ex  nostris ;  deinde  septem  sacramenta  ponunt.  Nam  caelibatus  sacerdotalis 
inter  eos  placet,  cum  non  necessarium  faciant,  sed  liberum.  Adeo  nusquam  est  in  orbe 
puritas  Evangelii.  An  et  fidei  et  operum  sanam  habeant  sententiam,  nondum  liquet, 
valde  enim  dubito :  de  Eucharistia  nihil  falsum  video,  nisi  fallant  verbis,  sic  nee  de 
Baptismo. 

2  Luther  desired  of  the  deputies  (Note  1)  that  the  Brethren  would  express  their  doc- 
trine about  the  Lord's  Supper  in  a  more  distinct  manner  in  a  special  treatise.  There- 
upon they  sent  to  him  their  Catechism,  in  a  Latin  translation  prepared  by  their  Senior, 
Lucas  (in  German  in  Ehwalt's  Die  alte  u.  neue  Lehre  der  Bohmischen  unci  Miihrischen 
Bruder.  Danzig,  1756,  s.  355).  Luther  first  took  exceptions  to  the  position  "that 
Christ  is  not  in  the  Sacrament  independently  and  naturally,  and  that  the  Sacrament  is 
not  to  be  adored;"  and  on  this  account  he  wrote  his  essay  "Vom  Anbeten  des  Sacra- 
ments des  heil.  Leichnams  Jes.  Chr.  an  die  Bruder  in  Bohmen  u.  Mahren,  Waldenses 
genannt"  (in  Walch,  xix.  1593).  He  here  acknowledges  their  excellences  with  great 
regard  and  friendship,  but  states  to  them  frankly  the  doctrinal  points  on  which  he  still 
takes  offense.  [These  refer  not  only  (1)  to  the  Sacrament,  but  also  (2)  to  their  having 
children  baptized  in  view  of  their  future  faith ;  (3)  particularly  to  their  doctrine  about 
faith  and  works,  that  "  to  believe  in  God  means  to  follow  God  in  love  and  good  works  ;" 
(4)  to  their  seven  Sacraments ;  (5)  that  they  insisted  that  ministers  should  remain  un- 
married, and  in  case  of  marriage  quit  the  office.  Yet  he  concedes  that  many  things  may 
mean  differently  in  Bohemian  from  what  they  seemed  to  do  to  him  in  Latin.  He  also  rec- 
ommends strongly  the  study  of  Greek  and  Latin  on  th#  part  of  the  ministry.]  S.  1624  : 
"  Aufs  erste,  was  ich  am  Sacrament  des  Lcibes  Christi  an  euch  Fehl  habe,  ist  gnug  dro- 
ben  angezeigt  (comp.  §  3,  Note  22).  Wiewol  wirs  noch  nicht  in  den  Schwang  bringen 
mogen  bey  uns,  dass  wir  so  sittig  u.  christlich  das  Sacrament  handelten  unter  be3"der 
Gestalt,  u.  solche  Uebung  der  Lehre  u.  Liebe  u.  sittigs  Leben  unter  uns  aufrichten,  als 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  14.  IN  BOHEMIA  AND  MORAVIA.     245 

ren  felt  repelled  "by  Luther's  views  ;3  "but  at  last  they  changed 
many  things  after  his  hints,  and  he  responded  to  this  docility  by 
publishing,4  in  1533,  the  Confession  which  they  had  handed  in  to 

wir  von  euch  horen.  Es  ist  uoch  grime  mit  uns,  u.  gehet  langsam  von  statten :  bittet 
aber  fur  uns."  2.  "Dass  ihr  die  jungen  Kinder  tiiufet  auf  zukiinftigen  Glauben,  den 
sie  lernen  sollen,  wenn  sie  zur  Vernunft  kommen,  nicht  auf  gegenwartigen."  The  chil- 
dren, he  held,  were  endowed  with  faith  through  the  faith  of  the  Church.  3.  Their  ex- 
planation of  faith  :  "  In  Gott  glauben  sey  mit  Liebe  u.  guten  Werken  Gotte  nachfolgen." 
4.  "Dass  ihr  noch  aus  der  papistischen  Kirche  habt  sieben  Sacramente,  so  doch  die 
Schrift  nicht  mehr  dann  die  zwey,  die  Tauf  u.  den  Tisch  des  Herrn,  hat."  5.  That  they 
their  "  Diener  oder  Pfleger,  die  sich  bey  uns  Priester  u.  Pfaffen  heissen,1'  "  ehelos  zu  blei- 
ben  anhielten."  "  Wiewol  ich  das  gerne  gehort  habe,  dass  ihr  niemand  wehret  ehelich 
zu  werden,  aber  das  Predigtamt  miisse  er  lassen." — "  Das  sind  die  Stiicke.  die  mir  an 
euch  bewusst  noch  etwas  mangeln  an  der  lautern  Lehre  des  Evangelii,  unter  welchen 
ich  das  grosste  achte,  dass  ich  vom  Glauben  u.  Werken  erzahlet  habe.  Denn  wiewol 
ich  nicht  weiss,  ob  ihr  recht  oder  unrecht  haltet ;  so  sehe  ich  doch  wohl,  dass  ihrs  nicht 
kliirlich  dargebet. — Es  mag  aber  auch  wohl  sein,  wie  die  Euern  sagen,  dass  euer  Ding 
gar  viel  bass  in  eurer  Bomischen  Sprache  laute,  denn  ihrs  zu  Latein  geben  konnet :  da- 
rum  vielleicht  etliche  Stiicke  anders  von  uns  verstanden  werden,  denn  ihrs  haltet. — 
Wenn  ichs  bey  euch  erlangeu  konnte,  wollte  ich  bitten,  dass  ihr  die  Sprachen  nicht  also 
verachtet,  sondern  weil  ihr  wohl  konntet,  eure  Prediger  u.  geschickte  Knaben  allzumal 
liesset  gut  Lateinisch,  Griechisch  u.  Ebraisch  lernen.  Ich  weiss  auch  fiirwahr,  dass  wcr 
die  Schrift  predigen  soil  u.  auslegen,  u.  hat  nicht  Hiilfe  aus  Lateinischer,  Griechischer, 
u.  Ebriiischer  Sprache,  u.  soil  es  allein  aus  seiner  Muttersprache  thun,  der  wird  gar 
manchen  schonen  Fehlgriff  thun. — Hiemit  bcfehle  ich  euch  Gottes  Gnaden,  u.  bitte  dc- 
miithiglich,  euere  Liebe  wolle  diess  mein  Schreiben  nicht  in  Veracht  aufnehmen,  als 
hiitte  ich  euere  Fehl  Lust  gehabt  zu  riigen  ;  sondern  weil  ihr  wisset,  dass  man  euch  fur 
die  iirgesten  Ketzer  hiilt,  ich  Zeugniss  gebe,  wie  gar  viel  naher  ihr  seyd  dem  Evangelio, 
denn  alle  andere,  die  mir  bekannt  sind.— Weil  ich  hore,  dass  von  Gottes  Gnaden  bey 
euch  so  ein  feiner,  ziichtiger  iiusserlicher  Wandel  ist,  dass  mann  nicht  so  schwelget, 
frisst  u.sauft,  flucht  u.  schworet,  pranget  u.  offentlich  iibel  thut,  wie  bey  uns ;  sondern 
ein  jeglicher  sich  seiner  Arbeit  niihren  muss, — u.  auch  niemand  darben  lasset :  habe  ich 
mich  nicht  mogen  enthalten,  u.  aus  christlicher  Pflicht  euch  anzeigen,  was  mich  diinkt, 
das  noch  an  eurem  innerlichen  Wandel  des  Glaubens  u.  der  Lehre  Mangel  habe,  welchen 
ich  gerne  aufs  allerlauterste  sehen  u.  horen  wollte.  Denn  wir,  die  wir  mitten  in  Sodo- 
ma  u.  Gomorra  u.  Babjlonia  wohnen,  nicht  sehen,  wie  wir  mochten  einen  solchen  fei- 
nen,  ziichtigen  Wandel  auswendig  anrichten,  Gott  helfe  uns  denn  bass ;  so  haben  wir 
doch  die  rechte,  lautere  Lehre  des  Evangelii,  als  einen  hellen  Lichtstar,  mitten  unter 
diesem  verkehrten  u.  unschlachtigen  Geschlecht  der  Finsterniss,  den  wir  jedermann  mit- 
theilen,  u.  wiederum  von  jedermann  auch  gebessert  werden  wollten  :  welches  wir  auch 
von  euch  gewarten.     Die  Gnade  unsers  Herrn  Jesu  Christi  sey  mit  euch.    Amen." 

3  In  the  year  1524  John  Horn  was  again  sent  as  a  deputy  to  Luther,  in  order  to  in- 
quire into  the  ecclesiastical  order  of  the  new  church ;  but  they  separated  unsatisfied 
(Comenius,  ed.  Buddeus,  p.  22).  Among  the  Brethren  was  published  a  Bohemian  reply 
to  Luther's  exceptions  (Extracts  in  Joh.  Hederici  Examinatio  Capitum  Doctrinae  Fra- 
trum.  Francof.  ad  Od.  1850,  8vo ;  in  German  in  Carpzov's  Religionsuntersuchung  d. 
Bohm.  u.  Miihr.  Briider,  s.  715  ff.). 

4  The  original  Confession,  written  in  Bohemian,  had  been  translated  into  German  by 
Michael  Weiss,  with  several  alterations  favoring  the  Zwinglian  doctrine  of  the  Lord's 
Supper;  and  thus  it  was  first  printed  at  Ziirich  in  1532.  The  elders,  dissatisfied  with 
this,  caused  a  new  translation  to  be  prepared,  which  was  issued  at  Wittenberg,  1531  : 
"  Rechenschaft  des  Glaubens,  der  Dienst  u.  Ceremonien  der  Briider  in  Bohmen  u.  Miih- 
ren,  welche  von  etlichen  Pickarden,  u.  von  etlichen  Waldenser  genannt  werden,  sammt 
einer  nutzlichen  Vorrede  Dr.  Martin  Luthers"  (the  Preface  is  also  in  Luther's  works, 


246  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  Margrave  George  of  Brandenburg  in  1532  ;  and  in  the  Preface 
he  expressed  much  regard  for  them,  and  showed  great  leniency 
toward  their  peculiar  dogmatic  formulas.5  Thus  he  regained  the 
confidence  of  the  Brethren,  and  was  often  visited  and  questioned 
"by  them.6  Following  the  example  of  the  German  Protestants  in 
Augsburg,  the  Brethren  also  handed  in  a  Confession  of  Faith7  to 

bj-  Walch,  xiv.  306).  A  new  translation  is  the  Apologia  verae  doctrinae  eorum  qui  vul- 
go  appellantur  Waldenses  vel  Picardi,  oblata  D.  Georgio  March.  Brand,  nunc  demum 
multis  in  locis  aucta  et  recognita  anno  1538.  Viteberg.  4.  reprinted  in  Lydii  Waldensia, 
I.,  ii.  92.  In  the  time  between  the  first  and  this  revised  translation  occurred  the  discus- 
sions of  the  Brethren  about  the  Iteratio  baptismi  of  those  who  were  converted  from 
Rome :  this  rebaptism  had  been  until  now  a  custom  with  them,  but  it  was  abolished. 
In  the  Apologia,  in  the  Preface,  f.  2,  and  Pars  IV.  De  Baptismo  aquae,  f.  77,  there  is  a 
long  discussion  of  the  reasons  which  had  previously  led  them  to  adopt  rebaptism,  and 
for  its  present  abolition.  The  fides  Christi  is,  after  f.  25,  illius  misericordiae,  nostri  gra- 
tuito  miserentis,  habenda  fiducia.  Fol.  69  :  Sacramenta  quemadmodum  sunt  res  exter- 
nae  sensiles  et  terrenae,  ita  etiam  ad  externos  corporeosque  sensus  percellendos,  a  qui- 
bus  mens  et  intellectus  omnia  recipiunt, — instituta :  quorum  quidem  quaedam  ab  ipso 
Christo,  quaedam  vero  ab  Ecclesia  tradita  sunt. — Quae  vero  institutionis  Christi  sunt, 
haec  apud  nos  modis  omnibus  praestare,  ac  incomparabiliter  magis  ad  rationem  salutis 
requiri.  That  the  bread  and  wine  in  the  Lord's  Supper  are  truly  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ,  is  often  insisted  upon  ;  but  it  is  further  explained,  f.  101  verso  :  Quod  si  quis  ad- 
huc  mentem  nostram  in  iis  requirat  audireque  velit,  dicimus,  credimus  et  asserimus,  cor- 
pus Christi  hie  esse  vere,  spiritualiter,  efficaciter,  saci-amentaliter,  sed  non  corporaliter, 
sive  sensibiliter  corporibus,  sed  bene  spiritibus  ac  mentibus  nostris. 

5  Luther  here  says  that  for  a  long  time  he  could  not  understand  the  explanations  of  the 
Brethren  about  their  doctrine,  because  they  made  use  of  entirely  different  expressions. 
But  after  much  discussion  with  them  about  their  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  he  had 
ascertained  that  they  agreed  with  him  that  in  the  Sacrament  the  true  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  were  received.  "  Da  ich  das  Stucke  befand,  ward  ich  gelinder  gegen  ihrem  Thun, 
weil  sie  doch  sonst  von  der  heil.  Dreyfaltigkeit,  von  Christo,  von  dem  ewigen  Leben,  u. 
von  alien  Artikuln  des  Glaubens  nicht  unrecht  lehreten  noch  hielten,  u.  beschloss,  weil 
sie  nahe  be}-  der  Schrift  geblieben,  dass  man  sie  gar  unlillig  Ketzer  gescholten  hatte, 
sonderlich  bey  den  Papisten."  He  published  this  book  to  promote  agreement  with  the 
Brethren.  "Denn  wiewohl  ich  obgenannter  Bruder  Weise  zu  reden  nicht  weiss  anzu- 
nehmen  ;  so  will  ich  sie  doch  auch  wiederum  nicht  ubereilen,  noch  so  eben  zwingen, 
nach  meiner  Weise  zu  reden,  sofern  wir  sonst  der  Sachen  eins  werden  u.  bleiben.  bis  dass 
Gott  weiter  schicke  nach  seinem  Willen.  Denn  weil  sie  ihre  Lehre  in  einen  solchen 
Methodon  oder  Ordnung  gefasset  haben,  desgleichen  weder  der  Papst  noch  alle  die  seinen 
nicht  haben  ;— so  haben  doch  wir  auf  unserm  Theil  eine  heller  u.  gewisser  Weise, — von 
der  Gnaden  u.  Vergebung  der  Siinden  zu  reden,  weil  wir  die  Werke  u.  Glauben  so  rein 
u.  richtig  von  einander  scheiden,  u.  einem  jeglichen  sein  eigen  Art  u.  Amt  zuschreiben. — 
Derhalben  befehle  ich  dies  Buchlein  zu  lesen  u.  zu  urtheilen  alien  frommen  Christen,  u. 
bitte,  dass  sie  mit  uns  allesammt  beten  wollen  Gott  unsern  Vater  um  Eintriichtigkeit 
der  Lehre  u.  des  Glaubens  :  u.  ob  jemand  ware,  dem  nicht  gnug  in  diesem  Buchlein  ge- 
schehen  wiire,  der  wollte  das  ansehen,  wie  sie  sich  demuthiglich  erbieten,  u.  wenn  sie 
schon  nichts  anders  damit  verdienen,  so  ists  doch  billig,  dass  man  sie  das  zubrochen 
Rohr  u.  glummend  Tocht  seyn  lasse.  Denn  wir  alle  selbst  auch  noch  nicht  so  ganz  u. 
vollkommen  sind." 

6  Tims  in  1535  some  Brethren  were  with  him ;  see  his  letter  to  their  Senior,  Benedict 
Gube,  April  18, 1535  (de  Wette,  iv.  599),  also  1536  and  1542  ;  see  Comenius,  ed.  Buddeus, 
p.  23,  25. 

7  Prooemium  Confessionis  ann.  1573,  in  Camerarii  Hist.  Narratio  de  Fratrum  Orthod. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  14.  IN  BOHEMIA  AND  MORAVIA.     247 

King  Ferdinand  in  1533.  However,  they  only  acquired  that  si- 
lent toleration  which  had  been  long  conceded  to  them  on  account 
of  the  circumstances  of  the  times. 

Among  the  Calixtines,  too,  the  doctrine  of  Luther  soon  gained 
an  entrance.8  An  assembly  of  the  Estates  in  January,  1524,  as- 
sented to  articles  which  provided  for  the  continuation  of  the  ref- 
ormation begun  by  Huss,  in  the  way  set  forth  by  Luther.9  And 
the  opposing  party,  which  was  strongest  in  Prague,  effected  the 
abolition  of  these  articles,  in  July,  1524,10  and  the  renewal  of  the 
validity  of  the  old  compactata  ;  yet  the  number  of  the  Lutheran 
Calixtines  greatly  increased,  and  the  only  difference  between  them 
and  the  Brethren  consisted  in  their  not  adopting  the  strict  church 
discipline  of  the  latter.11 

Thus,  at  the  period  of  the  Smalcald  war,  the  largest  part  of  Bo- 
hemia was  attached  to  the  Reformation.  In  the  attack  on  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  all  these  Utraquists  likewise  saw  that  their 
own  faith  was  in  peril.  Hence  their  estates  denied  to  King  Fer- 
dinand the  aid  of  their  troops  ;  they  assembled  of  their  own  mo- 
tion, prepared  an  army,  and  united  with  the  Elector.12  After  the 
defeat  of  the  latter,  they  were  also  obliged  to  submit.13     There- 

Ecclesiis  in  Bohemia,  p.  270  :  confessionem  hanc  Ecclesiarum  nostrarum,  reliquis  plenio- 
rem,  Bohemica  lingua  a  nostris  conscriptam  anno  1535,  exhibuerunt  Regi— Ferdinando 
II.  Domini,  qui  Ecclesiis  nostris  conjuncti  sunt  et  in  sua  ditione  locum  nobis  concedunt. 
Qui  Rex  et  accepit  et  respondit  Dominorum  nostrorum  legatis  benignissime,  eaque  con- 
fessio  mox  typis  expressa  bohcmice,  et  paulo  post  in  linguam  latinam  conversa,  ut  Vite- 
bergae  typis  exprimeretur.  Confessio  Fidei  ac  Religionis  Baronum  ac  Nobilium  regni 
Bohemiae  Seren.  ac  Invict.  Romanorum  Bohemiae,  etc.,  Regi  Viennae  Austriae  sub  anno 
Dom.  1535,  oblata.  Witeberg,  s.  a.  4,  with  a  Preface  by  Luther,  reprinted  in  an  Ap- 
pendix to  Lydii  Waldensia,  torn,  ii  (also  in  Niemeyer,  Collectio  Confessionum  in  Eccle- 
siis Reformatis  publicatarum,  p.  771). 

8  Letters  of  two  Utraquist  clergymen  to  him,  1519  ;  see  above,  §  1,  Note  50.  Luther's 
Admonition  to  the  Bohemian  land  assembly,  July  10,  1522,  in  de  Wette,  ii.  225. 

9  See  Libri  de  Casibus  et  Seditionibus  in  Communitate  Pragensi  regnante  D.  Ludovi- 
co  Rege  Hungariae.  These  make  the  seventh  book  in  G.  B.  Pontani  a  Braitenberg  Bo- 
hemia Pia.     Francof.  1608,  fol.  p.  94.     See  those  articles,  ibid.  p.  98. 

10  The  counter  articles  set  forth  by  the  magistracy  of  Prague  ;  see  in  Bohemia  Pia,  p. 
103.  On  these  controversies  between  the  strict  Utraquists  and  the  adherents  of  the  Ger- 
man Reformation,  see  Von  Bucholtz,  Gesch.  der  Regierung  Ferdinands  I.,  iv.  439. 

11  The  envoys  of  the  Brethren,  who  came  to  Luther  in  1542,  related  (Comenius,  ed. 
Buddeus,  p.  25),  quomodo  Ilussiticae  per  Bohemiam  et  Moraviam  Ecclesiae  paulatim 
in  Lutheranismum  transeundo,  doctrinam  quidem  Evangelii  recipiant,  in  vitae  tamen 
christianae  studio  nihil  emendent.  Remque  illam  detrimento  cedere  Ecclesiis  nostris  • 
— dum  licentiosi  alibi  quoque  purum  Evangelium  sine  disciplinae  jugo  haberi  posse  jac- 
tantes,  ut  se  nobis  nemo  amplius  adjungat,  nonnulli  etiam  recedant.  efficiant. 

12  Menzel's  neuere  Gesch.  der  Deutschen,  iii.  74  ff.  Von  Bucholtz,  Gesch.  der  R& 
gierung  Ferdinands  I.,  vi.  341. 

13  Menzel,  iii.  211.    Von  Bucholtz,  vi.  404. 


248  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

upon  Ferdinand  (1547)  gave  orders  that  in  the  royal  domains  in 
future  only  Catholics  and  Utraquists,  after  the  standard  of  the 
compactata,  should  be  tolerated,  but  not  the  Picards.  or  Brethren. 
Many  of  the  latter  now  emigrated  to  Poland  and  Russia ;  but  the 
larger  part  contrived  to  maintain  their  ground  in  Bohemia  and 
Moravia.14 

The  Calixtines,  too,  would  not  be  brought  back  to  the  compac- 
tata,  but  adhered  in  part  to  the  Lutheran,  in  part  to  the  Swiss 
Confession.15  Next,  when  the  Jesuits,  from  1552,  came  into  Bo- 
hemia taking  the  lead  in  fighting  against  the  Reformation,16  they 
insisted  that  these  compacts  should  be  enforced  ;  while  the  Calix- 
tines struggled,  on  the  other  hand,  to  have  them  done  away.  Max- 
imilian II.  behaved  very  circumspectly  toward  the  latter,17  but 
could  not  wholly  protect  them  against  the  persecution  of  the  Cath- 
olics, newly  stimulated  by  the  Jesuits.18  When,  in  1575,  the  Ca- 
lixtines and  Brethren  united,19  and  handed  to  the  King  at  the  Diet, 

14  Adr.  Regenvolscii  Systema  Historico-chronolog.  Ecclesiarum  Slavonicarum  Traj. 
ad  Rhen.  1652,  4,  p.  194.  The  Edict  read,  Ut  omnes  Picardi,  qui  nee  Romanae,  nee  Bo- 
hemicae,  i.  e.  Calixtinae  Ecclesiae  subjici  vellent,  divenditis  suis  bonis  intra  dies  42  om- 
nibus regiis  possessionibus  excederent.  Illi  enim,  qui  in  fundis  degebant  Baronum  et 
equestris  Ordinis  virorum,  nequaquam  exterminati  sunt.  Lochner's  Entstehung  u.  erste 
Schicksale  der  Brudergemeinde  (Niirnberg,  1832),  s.  54  ff.     Von  Bucholtz,  vi.  432. 

15  Regenvolscius,  p.  70.  Succedebant  porro  Calixtinis  in  Bohemia  et  Moravia  non 
solum  Lutherani  sive  Augustanae  Confessionis,  sed  etiam  Helvetici  seu  Helveticae  Con- 
fessionis  socii.  Lutherani  passim,  Helvetici  in  ditionibus  Nobilium  et  civitatibus  qui- 
busdam  coetus  suos  habebant. — Utriq-ue  loca  et  templa  Calixtinorum  ocoupabant,  et  in 
plerisque  ritus  eorum  externos  sequebantur.  Omnes  autem  isti  Evangelici,  tam  Fra- 
tres,  quant  Calixtini,  iique  postea  alii  Lutherani,  alii  Helvetici,  nominabantur  vulgo  sub 
utraque,  nempe  specie,  coena  Domini  utentes,  eoque  titulo  a  Pontificiis,  qui  sub  una, 
discriminabantur. 

16  First  1552,  Colloqui  in  Prag,  Balbinus  Epit.  rerum  Bohem.  lib.  v.  c.  12,  p.  593. 

1 7  Thus  he  conceded  on  the  petition  of  the  estates  sub  utraque,  that  in  the  confirma- 
tion of  landed  privileges  the  compactata  be  omitted  ;  see  Die  andere  Apologia  der  Stan- 
de  des  Konigreichs  Boheimb,  so  den  Leib  u.  Blut  unsers  Herrn  u.  Heilands  Jesu  Christ! 
unter  beider  Gestalt  empfahen,  aus  der  Bohm.  Sprach  in  die  Teutsche  versetzt,  ann.  1619. 
4.  (particularly  important  on  account  of  the  135  documents  appended,  pp.  121-505),  s. 
130. 

18  See  the  document  on  grievances  of  1575,  in  the  Andere  Apologia,  s.  136. 

19  After  the  precedence  of  the  Consensus  Sendomiriensis,  agreed  upon  in  1570  be- 
tween the  Brethren,  the  Lutherans,  and  the  Reformed  in  Poland.  Comenius,  ed.  Bud- 
deus,  p.  41 :  Anno  1575,  celebravit  Maximilianus  comitia  Pragae,  ordinesque  Regni  sub 
utraque  syncretismum  sub  communi  unius  confessionis  tessera  inire  permisit,  frustra  id, 
quanquam  omni  nisu,  tam  Jesuitis  quam  Pseudo-Hussitis  impedire  tentantibus.  Cum 
enim  supplicibus  suis  libellis  protestationibusque  inter  alia  inseruissent,  Ordines  sub 
utraque  non  esse  in  fide  unanimes,  sed  fovere  inter  se  Piccardos,  Calvinistas,  Luthera- 
nos :  Ordines,  ut  consensum  testari  possent,  confessionis  communis  conscribendae  inive- 
runt  consilium,  electris  ad  haec  theologis  certis,  illisque  ex  Baronum,  Nobilium,  et  Ci- 
vico  Ordine  inspectoribus  datis.    His  ergo  magistri  Pragenses  obtulerunt  libros  M.  Hus- 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  14.  IN  BOHEMIA  AND  MORAVIA.    249 

for  his  assent,  a  common  confession,20  Maximilian,  in  view  of  the 
opposition  of  the  Catholic  estates,  did  not  venture  to  give  more 
than  an  oral  pledge.21  Under  the  government  of  Rudolph,  which 
immediately  followed  (1576),  the  Jesuits  obtained  a  preponderating 
influence.  Now  the  compactata  alone  were  held  to  be  valid ;  and 
there  was  much  oppression  of  all  that  went  beyond  them,  espe- 
cially of  the  Brethren.22  By  a  letter  patent,  forced  from  the  Em- 
peror by  the  circumstances  (January,  1609),  entire  legal  equality 
with  the  Catholics23  was  indeed  given  to  all  the  adherents  of  the 
Confession  of  1575;  but  still,  even  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 
Matthias  (from  1611)  there  were  many  violations  of  that  religious 

si,  veterumque  Bohemorum  de  religione  facta  synodica  et  comitialia  decreta.  Qui  Au- 
gustanani  confessionem  erant  amplexi  (magna  jam  Ordinum  pars),  obtulerunt  eandem 
confessionem  suam,  sicut  et  suam  illi  qui  ex  fratribus  erant.  Conferebant  ergo  in  sin- 
gulis fidei  articulis  et  sensum,  et  loquendi  formulas  singularum  partium,  exprimebant- 
que  formulis  talibus,  quibus  quaelibet  pars  subscribere  posset  et  vellet,  ad  particularcs 
nimis  subtiles  et  scholasticas  quaestionum  differentias  non  descendendo.  Comp.  Die 
Documente  in  Z.  Theobaldus,  Hussitenkrieg.     Niirnberg,  1621,  in  the  Appendix. 

20  It  was  originally  written  in  Bohemian,  and  published  first  in  German  at  Amberg, 
1609,  8vo  (also  in  the  Appendix  to  Theobald),  and  in  Latin  at  Frankfort,  1619  (also  in 
Niemeyer,  Colleetio  Confessionum,  p.  819).  It  is  called  the  Bohemian,  and  also  the 
Augsburg  Confession,  because  held  by  those  in  Bohemia  who  sympathized  with  the 
Augsburg  Confession.  See  Kocher's  Die  drey  letzten  und  vornehmsten  Glaubensbe- 
kenntnisse  der  Bohm.  Briider.  Frankf.  u.  Leipz.  1741,  8vo ;  in  the  Historical  Preface, 
p.  70.— This  common  Confession  should  not  be  confounded,  as  is  often  done,  with  one 
that  was  previously  handed  in  to  the  Emperor  by  the  Brethren ;  for  the  Confession 
given  to  King  Ferdinand  in  1535  (see  Note  7)  was  revised  in  Bohemian  in  1564,  then 
translated  into  German  and  presented  to  King  Maximilian.  Thereupon  it  was  rendered 
into  Latin,  provided  with  a  Proemium  of  the  date  1572  by  the  clergy  of  the  United 
Brethren,  and  published  with  an  approving  preface  by  the  theological  faculty  of  Witten- 
berg, in  two  editions,  one  Latin  and  the  other  German,  at  Wittenberg,  1573,  8vo.  (Comp. 
the  Proemium  to  this  edition;  also  given  in  Camerarius,  p.  271.)  The  Latin  edition 
may  also  be  found  in  the  Appendix  to  Lj-dii  Waldensia,  ii. 

21  See  the  guarantee  about  their  Confession  of  the  Estates  sub  utraque,  in  the  Andere 
Apologia,  s.  130. 

22  Die  andere  Apologia,  s.  9.  In  particular,  the  archbishop  demanded  that  the  priests 
sub  utraque  should  be  consecrated  by  him,  and  take  a  wholly  Catholic  ordination  vow 
(see  this  in  the  Andere  Apologia,  s.  140). 

23  Der  Majestatsbrief  v.  Jahr  1609,  aus  einer  Bdhm.  Urkunde  ubersetzt,  mit  Anm.  von 
Job.  Borott.  Gorliz,  1803 ;  comp.  Schmidt's  Neuere  Gesch.  der  Deutschen,  Buch  iii. 
cap.  21.  Haberlin's  neueste  teutsche  Reichsgesch.,  xxii.  601.  By  this  their  own  Con- 
sistory was  guaranteed  to  the  Utraquists,  the  University  of  Prague  given  up,  the  choice 
of  defensores  allowed,  and  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  Augsburg  extended  to  them. 
"Es  sollen  auch  wider  den  obbemeldeten  errichteten  Religionsfrieden,  u.  wider  die  von 
Uns  ihnen,  den  St&nden  sub  utraque,  ertheilte  feste  Sicherung  keine  Befehle,  u.  nichts 
dergleichen,  was  ihnen  irgend  worin  die  geringste  Verhinderung  oder  einige  Abander- 
ung  verursachen  konnte,  weder  von  Uns,  Unsern  Erben  u.  nachfolgenden  Konigen  in 
Boheim,  noch  von  sonst  jemandem  an  sie  ergehen,  auch  von  ihnen  nicht  angenommen 
werden.  Wenn  aber  auch  des  etwas  erfolgen,  oder  von  wem  immer  angenommen  wer- 
den  mochte,  soil  es  keine  Kraft  haben,"  etc. 


250  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

pledge.21  At  last  the  Archbishop  of  Prague  and  the  Abbot  of 
Braunau,  by  seizing  the  newly-built  evangelical  churches,  occa- 
sioned a  general  insurrection  (1618).25  Matthias  died  during  these 
disturbances,  and  the  Estates  refused  to  acknowledge  as  kins:  his 

'  Do 

successor,  Ferdinand  II.,26  known  to  be  a  fanatical  Catholic,  and 
committed  their  crown  to  Frederick  V.,  the  young  Elector  of  the 
Palatinate.  When  he  was  defeated,  and  Bohemia  plundered  by 
the  armies  of  Ferdinand,  the  land  lost  not  only  its  civil,  but  also 
its  ecclesiastical  freedom.  Under  the  direction  of  the  Jesuits,  the 
regulations  against  all  that  were  not  Catholics  became  more  strict 
from  year  to  year,27  and  ended  in  1627  with  a  demand  enforced 
upon  all,  either  to  become  Catholic  or  to  quit  the  country.  Ec- 
clesiastical commissions  went  from  place  to  place,  and  saw  to  it 
that  the  order  was  enforced.28  Many  yielded,  at  least  externally, 
to  the  necessity ;  great  crowds  wandered  to  Saxony,  Poland,  and 
Prussia ;  but  not  a  few  were  still  enabled  to  maintain  themselves 
in  their  fatherland,  and  to  be  true  to  their  old  faith,  though  with 
the  greatest  secrecy.29 

§15. 

POLAND,  PRUSSIA,  AND  LIVONIA. 
In  Poland,1  where  the  Hussite  opinions  had  already  in  former 

24  See  Die  andere  Apologie,  s.  19.  Pelzel's  Gesch.  der  Bohmen ;  Prag  u.  Wien,  3te 
Aun.,  1782,  Th.  2,  s.  680.    Menzel's  neuere  Gesch.  der  Deutschen,  vi.  159. 

25  Die  andere  Apologie.  s.  28,  109.     Menzel,  vi.  164. 

26  See  §  11,  Notes  28  and  29.     Compare  Wolf's  Maximilian,  iii.  664;  iv.  224. 

27  Under  direction  of  the  papal  nuncio,  Car.  Carafa:  at  first,  from  fear  of  Saxony,  it 
seemed  as  though  the  persecution  of  the  Utraquists  would  be  confined  to  the  Calvinists  ; 
hut  it  soon  became  general :  see  §  12,  Note  3.  At  first,  1620,  the  Jesuits  were  restored; 
1621,  all  Calvinistic  ministers  were  expelled  as  rebels  {Carafa  Germania  Sacra  Restaura- 
ta,  p.  98 :  me  pro  muneris  mei  ratione  diligenter  instigante.  Comp.  the  Decreta  in  the  Ap- 
pendix, p.  62,  63)  ;  1622,  the  University  of  Prague  was  manned  with  Catholics  (Pelzel,  ii. 
741)  ;  in  spite  of  all  the  representations  of  Saxony,  at  the  repeated  urgency  of  the  nun- 
cio, the  Lutheran  preachers  were  expelled  (Carafa,  p.  134  sq.)  ;  1623,  the  Emperor  him- 
self came  to  Prague,  and  encouraged  this  work  of  conversion  (Carafa,  p.  153  sq.)  ;  1624, 
decrees  were  issued  that  only  Catholics  could  become  citizens,  and  marry  (Carafa,  De- 
creta, p.  75,  78). 

28  The  imperial  Instruction,  in  Carafa,  Decreta,  p.  86.  Compare  (J.  A.  Comenii)  His- 
toria  Persequutionum  Ecclesiae  Bohemicae,  s.  1.  1648,  12.     Pelzel,  ii.  745  ff. 

29  See  Carpzov's  Religionsuntersuchung,  s.  241.  Especially  in  the  Duch}-  of  Fried- 
land,  in  the  district  of  Wsetinen,  and  under  the  barons  of  Zerotin  and  Waldstein. 

1  Adriani  Regenvolscii  (a  fictitious  name  ;  it  was  a  Reformed  preacher,  Andreas  Wen- 
gierski),  Systema  historico-chronologicum  Ecclesiarum  Slavonicarum  Ultrajecti,  1652. 
4.     Stanisl.  Lubieniecii,  Equitis  Poloni,  Hist.  Reformationis  Polonicae.    Freistadii,  1685. 


CHAP.  II.-REFORMATION.    §  15.  POLAND,  PRUSSIA,  AND  LIVONIA.   251 

times,  here  and  there,  found  some  followers,  the  Lutheran  Refor- 
mation also  gained  many  adherents,  in  spite  of  all  opposition,  par- 
ticularly in  the  cities  and  among  the  nobility.  These  were  most 
numerous  in  the  German  cities  of  Polish  Prussia.  Elbingen  de- 
clared for  the  Reformation  as  early  as  1523 ;  in  Dantzic  there 
was  a  violent  attempt  to  make  it  predominant  in  1525,  which 
was  suppressed  by  the  King,  without,  however,  destroying  the  at- 
tachment to  it.     Thorn  soon  followed  these  examples.2 

In  the  Grand-mastership  of  Prussia,3  on  the  contrary,  the  Ref- 
ormation spread  without  hinderance.  As  early  as  1523,  at  the 
suggestion  of  the  Grand  -  master,  Albert  of  Brandenburg,  two 
preachers  were  sent  by  Luther  to  Konigsberg  ;  in  the  same  year 
George  von  Polenz,  Bishop  of  Samland,  and  soon  afterward  Erhardt 
von  Q,ueis,  Bishop  of  Pomerania,  embraced  the  Reformation ;  Al- 
bert himself  renounced  the  Teutonic  Order  in  1525,  confessed  the 
Reformation,  and  took  Prussia  as  a  secular  duchy  in  fief  from 
Poland,  at  the  peace  of  Cracau,  April  9,  1525.  Thus  the  Ref- 
ormation was  in  a  short  time  generally  accepted,  and  Albert,  in 
1544,  founded  the  University  of  Konigsberg  to  sustain  and  pro- 
mote it.4 

In  Livonia  the  Reformation  was  preached  quite  as  early,5  and 
soon  spread  over  the  whole  land,  Riga  taking  the  lead,  favor- 
ed by  the  lords  of  the  land,  who  had  been  independent  of  the 

8.  (this  refers  chiefly  to  Unitarianism).  Salig's  Historie  der  Augsb.  Confession,  ii.  515. 
Die  Schicksale  der  Polnischen  Dissidenten,  Hamburg,  1768-70.  3  Th.  8.  Chr.  G.  v. 
Friese's  Kirchengeschicte  des  Konigreichs  Polen  (2  Theile.  Breslau,  1786.  8.),  Th.  2. 
[Valerian  Krasinski,  History  of  the  Reformation  in  Poland,  2  vols.  8vo.  Lond.  1838  ;  its 
History,  Constitution,  and  Literature,  Lond.,  1855.  Dunham's  History  of  Poland,  in 
Lardner's  Cabinet  Cyclopedia,  1841.  J.  Fletcher,  History  of  Poland,  Lond.,  1831.  N.  A. 
Da  Salvandy,  Histoire  de  Pologne  avant  et  sous  Jean  Sobieski,  2  vols.  8vo.  Paris,  1841. 
J.  Lelevel,  Histoire  de  Pologne,  2  vols.  8vo.  Paris,  1844.  R.  Roepell,  Geschichte  von 
Polen  ;  Hamb.  1841.     Fasti 'Polonici,  1624  sq.,  published  at  Breslau,  1854.] 

2  Hartknoch's  Preuss.  Kirchenhistorie,  s.  658. 

3  Christ.  Hartknoch's  Preuss.  Kirchenhistorie.  Frankf.  a.  M.  1686.  4.  D.  H.  Ar- 
noldt's  kurzgefasste  Kirchengesch.  des  Konigreich's  Preussen,  1769.  8.  Georg  v.  Po- 
lenz, der  allererste  evang.  Bischof,  v.  Dr.  Bockel,  in  Staudlin's  u.  Tzschirner's  Archiv 
f.  alte  u.  neue  Kirchengesch.,  iv.  355.  Der  Dom  zu  Konigsberg  in  Preussen,  von  Gebser 
u.  Hagen.  Konigsb.  1835  (Abth.  1,  Gesch.  der  Domkirche  u.  des  Bisthums  Samland, 
with  a  full  account  of  the  reform  in  the  dukedom  of  Prussia,  by  Gebser.  [Comp.  George 
von  Polentz,  der  erste  evangel.  Bischof,  von  George  v.  Polenz.     Halle,  1858.] 

*  D.  II.  Arnoldt's  ausfuhrl.  u.  mit  Urkunden  versehene  Historie  der  Konigsb.  Univer- 
sitat.     2  Th.     Konigsb.  1746.  8. 

5  F.  K.  Gadebusch,  Lievlandische  Jahrbucher,  Th.  1.    Riga,  1780.  8.    L.  A.  Gebhardt's 
'  Gesch.  v.  Liefland,  Esthland,  Kurland,  u.  Semgallen  (allgem.  Welthistorie,  Th.  50), 
s.  477. 


252  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Grand-master  of  the  Teutonic  Order  since  1521 ;  this,  too,  in  spite 
of  all  the  efforts  of  the  Archbishop  of  Riga.6 

Under  these  circumstances  King  Sigismund,  who  died  in  1548, 
with  all  his  prohibitions,  could  not  prevent  the  progress  of  the 
Reformation  in  Poland  also.  His  son  and  successor,  Sigismund 
August,  was  inclined  to  the  Reformers  ;7  but  at  first,  on  account 
of  the  power  of  the  bishops,  he  could  not  change  any  thing  in  the 
existing  laws.  This  obstacle,  however,  was  removed  in  proportion 
as  the  nobility  declared  themselves,  in  increasing  numbers,  to  be 
on  the  side  of  the  Reformation.8  At  the  diet  at  Petrikow,  in  1555, 
the  representatives  of  the  country  went  so  far  as  to  demand  a  na- 
tional council  to  adjust  the  religious  disputes,  the  result  of  which, 

6  As  early  as  August,  1523,  Luther  addressed  a  printed  epistle  to  the  confessors  of  the 
Gospel  in  Riga,  Reval,  and  Dorpat  (in  de  Wette,  ii.  374). 

7  His  two  court  preachers,  J.  Cosmenius  and  Laur.  Prasnisius,  were  attached  to  the 
Reformation,  as  was  also  the  Franciscan,  Franc.  Lismanius,  confessor  of  the  widowed 
Queen  Bona  (Regenvolscius,  p.  124).  The  King  held  the  Institutions  of  Calvin  in  spe- 
cial esteem  (Salig,  ii.  572).  Calvin  dedicated  to  him,  1549,  his  Comm.  in  Epist.  ad  He- 
braeos ;  he  here  says,  among  other  things :  Corruptum  deformatumque  Dei  cultum, 
quia  innunierae  in  ejus  locum  superstitiones  irrepserint,  intelligis  :  gratiam  Christi  mul- 
tis  tenebris  indigne  obrutam,  vim  mortis  ejus  imminutam,  ipsum  fere  laceratum  ac  dis- 
cerptum,  eversa  funditus  salutis  fiducia :  conscientias  misere,  imo  horrendum  in  modum 
vexatas  fuisse  atque  cruciatas,  a  sincera  rectaque  Dei  invocatione  in  varias  perplexas- 
que  ambages  miseros  homines  abductos,  Ecclesiam  crudeli  tyrannide  oppressam,  deni- 
que  nullam  Christianismi  partem  sinceram  relictam  esse.  Hac  te  intelligentia,  o  Rex 
nobilissime,  non  frustra  a  Deo  fuisse  credibile  est,  quin  ministrum  ad  res  magnas  ele- 
gerit.  Ac  ne  innoxius  piorum  sanguis  de  inclyto  Poloniae  regno  vindictam  exposcens, 
tantam  ejus  felicitatem  nunc  retardet :  ne  qua  gutta  funderetur  hactenus,  mirifica  Dei 
indulgentia  factum  fuit.  Ea  fuit  dementia  et  mansuetudine  felicis  memoriae  Rex  Sigis- 
mundus  Majestatis  tuae  pater,  ut  quum  saevitiae  contagio  tot  Christiani  orbis  regiones 
occupasset,  ipse  puras  manus  continuerit.  Jam  vero  Tua  Nobilitas,  adeoque  eximii 
quique  inter  tuos  proceres  non  modo  Christum  se  illis  offerentem  facile  admittunt,  sed 
cupide  jam  ad  eum  aspirant. — Agedum  ergo,  Magnanime  Rex,  faustis  Christi  auspiciis 
coram  cum  regia  tua  celsitudine,  turn  heroica  virtute  dignam  suscipe :  ut  aeterna  Dei 
Veritas,  qua  et  ejus  gloria,  et  hominum  salus  continetur,  quacunque  imperium  tuum  pa- 
tet,  jus  suum  Antichristi  latronicio  ereptum  recuperet.  Calvin  exhorts  the  King  still 
more  earnestly  to  begin  the  reformation  in  an  epistle  dd.  Non.  Dec,  1554  (Calvini  Epis- 
tolae  Genev,  1575,  p.  139).  He  received  a  gracious  response,  as  appears  from  his  letter 
to  the  King,  1555  (1.  c,  p.  167) :  Ex  litteris,  quas  M.  V.  mittere  dignata  est,  intelligo, 
meam  sedulitatem  gratam  fuisse,  nee  fastidio  vel  contemptu  rejectum  fuisse  meum  illud 
scriptum. — Imo  quia  M.  V.  illud  se  humaniter  excepisse,  et  libenter  se  inspexisse  testa- 
tur,  et  ubi  liberius  otium  contigerit,  sibi  in  animo  esse  attentius  singulas  ejus  partes  me- 
ditari,  plus  inde  fiduciae  ad  iterandum  scribendi  officium  ofterri  mihi  visum  est.  In  the 
year  1556  Melancthon  also  wrote  to  the  King,  and  sent  to  him  the  Augsburg  Confession  ; 
see  the  letter  in  Lubieniecii,  Hist.  Ref.  Pol.,  p.  91. 

8  Lochneri  Comm.  qua  enarrantur  Fata  et  Rationes  earum  Familiarum  Christ,  in  Po- 
lonia,  quae  ab  Ecclesia  Rom.  Cath.  alienae  fuerunt  inde  ab  eo  tempore,  quo  Fratres  Bo- 
hemi  eo  migraverant  usque  ad  Consensus  Sendomiriensis  tempus  in  the  Acta  Societatis 
Jablonovianae  nova,  T.  iv.  fasc.  ii.  (Lips.,  1832.  4.)  p.  25  ss. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  15.  IN  POLAND.  253 

without  doubt,  would  have  "been  the  general  introduction  of  the 
Reformation  ;9  and  Rome  had  to  use  all  the  means  at  it's  com- 
mand to  prevent  it.10  Now,  too,  the  King  expressly  conceded  re- 
ligious freedom11  to  the  cities  of  Dantzic  (1556),  Thorn,  and  El- 
bingen  (1558),  and  granted  admission  to  all  public  dignities  to  the 
evangelical  nobles  of  Lithuania  (1563). 12 

The  whole  of  evangelical  Livonia  in  1561  was  united  with  Po- 
land by  a  treaty  with  the  chief  commander,  Grotthard  Kettler,  in- 
suring its  religious  freedom ;  Kettler  received,  on  the  other  hand, 
Courland  and  Semgallen  as  a  secular  dukedom  and  Polish  fief, 
and  here,  too,  made  the  Reformation  predominant.13 

In  the  train  of  the  Reformation,  however,  its  divisions  gradually 
penetrated  into  Poland.  Its  first  adherents  followed  Luther  alone ; 
but  afterward  many  of  them  turned  to  the  Zwinglian  doctrine 
of  the  Lord's  Supper ;  and  when  the  Wittenberg  Concordia14  had 
died  out,  the  Augsburg  and  the  Swiss  Confessions  were  also  sep- 
arated in  Poland.15     Thither,  too,  came,  in  1548,  the  Brethren15 

9  Regenvolscius,  p.  77. 

10  The  King  demanded  of  the  Pope,  through  embassadors :  1.  The  celebration  of  the 
mass  in  the  mother  tongue ;  2.  Communion  under  both  kinds ;  3.  Permission  of  the 
marriage  of  priests  ;  4.  Abolition  of  the  annates ;  5.  A  national  council  to  rectify  abuses 
and  to  adjust  religious  disputes ;  see  Sarpi,  Hist,  du  Cone,  de  Trente,  liv.  5,  c.  23,  ed. 
Courayer,  ii.  154.  The  Pope,  1556,  sent  Aloysius  Lipomanus,  Bishop  of  Verona,  as  leg- 
ate to  Poland  (see  the  Acts  in  Raynald,  1555,  No.  55  ss.),  who,  however,  at  the  diet  had 
to  put  up  with  hearing  himself  greeted  by  the  deputies  with  a  Salve  progenies  viperarum 
(Lubieniecius,  p.  76).  The  Pope  wrote  to  the  Archbishop  of  Gnesen  (Raynaldus,  1555, 
No.  61) :  Illud  quidem,  de  quo  actum  fuerat,  ut  Concilium  vestrae  Nationis  Episcopo- 
rum  isthic  haberetur  ad  componendas  de  fide  et  religione  controversias,  nullo  modo  a 
nobis  probari  potuisset. — Neque  enim  in  Conciliis  Provinciae  aut  Nationis  alicujus  de 
fidei  religionisque  catholicae  dogmatibus  disceptari  ac  statui  quidquam,  vel  Majorum 
nostrorum  instituta,  vel  juris  ratio,  et  Sacrorum  Canonum  decreta  patiuntur:  de  his 
enim  rebus  in  oecumenicis  generalibusque  Conciliis  agendum,  ut  quae  ad  omnes  perti- 
nent ab  omnibus  approbentur.  Lipomani  by  his  severity  provoked  hatred,  and  did 
not  bring  much  to  pass  ;  more  was  achieved  by  his  successor,  Joh.  Franz  Commendon, 
who  came  to  Poland  in  1563  (see  his  Instructions  in  Schelhorn's  Ergotzlichkeiten  aus 
der  Kirchenhist.,  ii.  749). 

11  Lengnich's  Gesch.  der  Preussischcn  Lande  unter  Konig  Sigism.  Augusto  (Danzig, 
1723,  fol.),  ii.  156. 

12  Fundamenta  liberae  Religionis  Evangelicorum,  Reformatorum  et  Graecorum  in 
Regno  Poloniae,  1764,  fol.  App.  A.  (Wernsdorfs),  Erweis  der  Gerechtsamen  der  Dissi- 
denten  in  Polen.    Berlin,  1772.  8.,  s.  48. 

13  See  Note  5.  K.  L.  Tetsch's  Kurlandische  Kirchenhistorie  bis  zum  Ableben  Gott- 
hards  ersten  Herzogs  v.  Kurland,  3  Theile.     Riga,  1767-70.  8. 

14  See  §  8,  Note  26. 

15  According  to  Regenvolscius,  p.  120,  the  Swiss  Confession  first  appeared  at  Cujavien 
•in  1544. 

16  See  §  14,  Note  14.    Their  first  church  was  in  Posen,  and  their  first  preacher,  from 


254  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

expelled  from  Bohemia,  who,  however,  in  1555,  retaining  their 
church  government,  attached  themselves  to  the  Reformed.17  Next, 
the  Unitarian  Italians,  especially  after  they  had  been  expelled 
from  G-eneva,  in  1558,  found  much  access  to  the  Polish  nobility,18 
and  established  a  church  of  their  own,  after  they  were  rejected,  at 
the  Synod  of  Petrikow,  in  1555,  from  communion  with  the  Re- 
formed, with  whom  at  first  they  connected  themselves.19  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Lutherans,  under  the  influence  of  the  Melanctho- 
nian  school  which  ruled  in  Wittenberg,20  united  with  both  the 
Reformed  and  the  Brethren  at  the  Synod  of  Sendomir,  in  1570.21 
After  this  union,  King  Sigismund  August,  who  had  taken  offense 
only  at  the  quarrels  of  the  Reformation,  was  upon  the  point  of 
declaring  himself  in  its  favor  ;22  but  he  died  in  1572,  and  with 

1553,  was  George  Israel ;  see  Lochner's  Entstehung  u.  erste  Schicksale  der  Briiderge- 
ineinde  in  Bohmen  u.  Makren,  u.  Leben  des  Georg  Israel  (Niirnberg,  1832),  s.  64,  71. 
Tbe  Brethren  were  spread  abroad,  especially  in  Great  Poland. 

1 7  At  the  General  Synod  at  Cosminer ;  Regenvolscius,  p.  70.  Calvin  testified  his  joy 
at  this  in  Ep.  ad  Stan.  Carninski,  dd.  IV.  Cal.  Jan.,  1555  (ed.  Genev.,  1575,  p.  170);  so, 
too,  Wolfg.  Musculus,  in  Berne ;  see  Comenius,  ed.  Buddeus,  p.  29. 

18  Peter  Gonesius,  a  Pole,  who  had  been  in  Wittenberg  and  Moravia,  first  advanced 
the  Unitarian  positions,  after  his  return  in  1556  ;  Lubieniecius,  p.  111.  But  in  1558 
came  thither,  besides  others,  George  Blandrata,  Joh.  Paul.  Alciatus,  Joh.  Val.  Gentilis. 
Salig's  Gesch.  d.  Augsb.  Conf.,  ii.  625.  Lochner  Comm.,  in  the  Act.  Soc.  Jablon.,  iv. 
ii.  86  ss. 

19  Lubieniecius,  p.  201.  As  earl}-  as  1564  a  royal  edict  had  warned  the  Italians  to 
quit  the  country  (Regenvolsc,  p.  222) ;  but  it  was  not  obeyed.  Accordingly,  at  the 
Diet  of  Lublin,  1566,  it  was  ordered  that  the  Anabaptists  and  Tritheites  should  leave 
the  kingdom  in  the  course  of  the  month  (Lubieniecius,  p.  194). 

20  The  Brethren,  whose  doctrines  in  several  points  were  blamed  by  the  Polish  Lu- 
therans (Lochner  Comm.,  p.  96  ss.,  p.  137  ss.),  sent,  in  1568,  a  deputation  to  Wittenberg, 
which  there  received  an  honorable  testimony  to  the  orthodoxy  of  the  Brethren  (see  the 
Acts  in  Loscher's  Historia  Motuum,  iii.  41). 

21  D.  E.  Jablonski  Hist.  Consensus  Sendomiriensis,  cui  subjicitur  ipse  Consensus. 
Berolini,  1731.  4.  Lochner  Comm.,  p.  167  ss.  Church  government  and  usages  were 
left  unaltered ;  as  to  the  Eucharist,  they  united  in  the  statement  (Jablonski,  p.  190) : 
substantialem  praesentiam  Christi  non  significari  duntaxat,  sed  vere  in  Coena  eo  ve- 
scentibus  repraesentari,  distribui  et  exhiberi  corpus  et  sanguinem  Domini,  symbolis  ad- 
jectis  ipsi  rei  minime  nudis,  secundum  Sacramentorum  naturam.  Then  they  also  adopt- 
ed the  definitions  of  the  Confessio  Saxonica  (see  §  9,  Note  27). 

22  On  the  state  of  affairs  should  be  especially  consulted  the  epistles  of  Stanislaus  Ho- 
sius,  in  Stanisl.  Carncovii  Ep.  Wladislaviensis  Epistolae  illustrium  virorum.  Cracov., 
1578.  4.  (reprinted  in  Dlugossi  Hist.  Polon.,  ed.  Lips.,  ii.  1633),  lib.  i.  Thus  Hosius  wrote 
to  the  King,  Ep.  9:  Quaeso  Majestatem  Vestram,  ut  ipsa  secum  expendat,  quale  sit  eo- 
rum  consilium,  qui  novam  quandam  illi  fidiculam  obtrudunt,  et  earn  judicio  Majestatis 
Vestrae  comprobari  volunt :  quin  et  illud  audent  postulare,  ne  quid  Episcoporum,  sed 
Haereticorum  judicio  tribuat  omnia.  Qualem  autem  fidiculam  offerunt?  earn  certe, 
quam  non  solum  Christian!,  verum  etiam  ipsi  rident  Germani  Lutherani,  et  earn  vocant 
ocream  Polonam,  etc.  Ep.  16  ad  Stanisl.  Carncovium,  dd.  S.  Joh.  Bapt.,  1568:  non" 
jam  doceri  volunt  oves  a  pastore,  sed  pastori  docendi  formam  praescribere,  quod  mihi  fit 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  15.  IN  POLAND.  255 

him  expired  the  male  branch  of  the  Jagello  dynasty,  and  Poland 
became  an  elective  monarchy.  In  the  consultations  about  the 
first  election,  the  estates  determined  upon  a  general  confederation 
to  limit  the  royal  power,  1573;  all  the  following  Kings  were 
obliged  to  assent  to  the  prescribed  conditions  by  Pacta  conventa  ; 
among  these  was  the  Pax  dissidentium,  which  gave  equal  rights 
to  all  churches  existing  in  the  kingdom.23     The  royal  power  was 

ab  haedis  meis  Elbingensibus.  Persuadet  sibi  Burgimagister,  se  plus  in  scripturis  intel- 
ligere,  quam  non  solum  Episcopus  ejus  civitatis  intelligat,  verum  etiam  tota  catholica 
Ecclesia.  Posteaquam  vero  jugum  Episcoporum  excusserunt,  Regiam  quoque  Majesta- 
tem  non  pluris  faciunt.  A  nemiue  cogi,  sed  ipsi  cogere  volunt  onines. — De  Trideismo 
ejiciendo  non  video  cur  magis  laboret  (Rex),  quam  de  sectis  aliis  extirpandis :  quin  illi- 
us  ego  sentcntiam  valde  probo,  qui  dixit :  bellum  haereticorum  pax  est  Ecclesiae.  Mor- 
deant  et  comedant  inviccm,  ut  tanto  citius  consumantur  ab  invicem.  De  Augustana 
Confessione  praecipuam  esse  vellem  R.  D.  V.  curam. — Ut  hoc  fundamentum  subrui  pos- 
set, onines  nobis  machinae  sunt  adhibendae. — Ego  vero  scripsi  Regiae  Majestati,  si  vel- 
let  novam  fideni  concedere  meis  haedis  Elbingensibus,  ut  illis  permitteret  Gregorianam 
(the  Unitarian)  potius.  Nam  frustra  fieri  per  plura,  quod  potest  fieri  per  pauciora :  nam 
ad  illam  pervenietur  ad  extremum. — Sat  scio,  quod  secus  quibusdam,  etiam  Ordinis 
nostri  viris,  visum  fuit  in  Comitiis  Lublinensibus.  Nimirum  ut  duae  tantum  sectae  pro- 
scriberentur,  Lutherismus  autem  et  Calvinismus  canonisaretur.  Quod  autem  scribit  R. 
D.  V.  de  admissione  nescio  qua  Comitiorum,  vivendi  et  credendi  suo  arbitratu,  memi- 
nerunt  etiam  Elbingenses  in  scripto  suo,  quod  mihi  transmiserunt,  ejus  rei.  Sed  ego 
de  admissione  hac  nihil  hactenus  certi  cognoscere  potui.  Ep.  22  ad  eundem,  dd.  14. 
Oct.,  1570.  One  Clefeld  had  assured  him,  quod  Regia  Majestas  omnino  pollicita  fuerit, 
se  recepturam  Confessionem  Augustanam.  Et  propterea  Vilnae  novum  templum  aedi- 
ficaverat,  ut  ibi  praedicaretur  Evangelium — secundum  Lutherum.  Another  had  told 
him :  ego  tibi  sancte  promitto,  quandoquidem  certum  est,  Majestatem  Regiam  in  his 
quae  instant  Comitiis  aliquid  in  causa  religionis  constituere  velle,  me,  quaecunque  con- 
stituta  fuerint,  alacriter  ea  recepturum. — Et  in  proximis  Comitiis  Lublinensibus  (Aug., 
1569)  haec  omnia  fere  quae  nunc  scribo  renuntiata  per  me  fuerunt  Regiae  Majestati. 
Dixi  passim  in  Prussia  spargi,  quod  nova  quaedam  fidicula  in  his  Comitiis  condi  debe- 
ret:  hanc  potissimum  ob  causam  ad  ea  me  profectum  esse. — Respondit  mihi  Majestas 
ejus,  me  non  debere  credere  vulgi  sermonibus,  nihil  tale  sibi  in  mentem  venisse  un- 
quam,  se  constanter  in  confessione  fidei  Catholicae — permansuram. — Visa  est  Majestas 
illius  hoc  sermone  meo  permoveri,  nisi  quod  crebrius  audit  haereticos  quam  Catholicos, 
quum  eorum  sit  major  vigilantia.  Ex  quo  fit,  ut  si  quam  in  rectasa  sententiam  sit  per- 
ducta,  facile  de  ea  se  dimoveri  patiatur. — Nulla  fere  XV.  his  annis  Comitia  fuerunt,  in 
quibus  haeretici  quod  voluerunt  non  obtinuerint.  Ep.  23  ad  eundem,  dd.  13.  Jan.,  1571. 
Utinam  adduci  posset  Regia  Majestas,  ut  id  faceret,  quod  ab  ea  supplex  petivi:  nimi- 
rum ut  palam  Christum  connt'eretur,  seque  non  alium  Christum  agnituram  unquam 
praeter  eum,  qui  fuit  agnitus  GOO  jam  annis  in  Polonia,  coram  omnibus  testatum  faciat. 
Haec  mihi  sola  esse  videtur  ratio,  qua  rationibus  Ecclesiae  vel  potius  Regni  totius  pro- 
spici  possit. 

23  The  document  is  in  the  Jura  et  Libertates  Dissidentium  in  Religione  Christiana  in 
Regno  Poloniae  et  M.  D.  Lithuaniae.  Berolini,  1708,  fol.,  p.  7,  and  Nova  Acta  Histo- 
rico-eccles.,  vii.  726.  Universi  nobis  invicem  spondemus, — in  Regem  non  consentien- 
dum  prius,  quam  Jura  nostra  omnia  post  electionem  illi  offerenda  jurejurando  confirma- 
verit, — imprimis  vero  jurejurando  recipiat,  pacem  universalem  inter  Dissidentes  in  Re- 
ligione conservari  et  tueri. — Quandoquidem  autem  in  hac  Republica  non  parvum  repe- 
ritur  dissidium  in  causa  Religionis  Christianae ;  occurrendo  ne  ea  de  causa  inter  incolas 
perniciosa  aliqua  seditio  oriatur,  cujus  exempla  in  aliis  Regnis  luculeuter  videmus,  spon- 


256  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

now  so  weakened  that  neither  the  strictly  Catholic  opinions  of 
Henry  of  Valois  (1574),  nor  the  inclination  of  Stephen  Batori 
(1575-86)  to  tolerance,24  could  have  much  influence  upon  eccle- 
siastical affairs ;  these  were  mainly  dependent  upon  the  nobility 
and  their  relation  to  the  bishops. 

In  Poland,  as  every  where  else,  there  began  about  this  time  a 
reaction  toward  Catholicism.25  The  most  dangerous  foe  of  the 
Reformation,  Stanislaus  Hosius,  Bishop  of  Culm,  afterward  of 
Ermeland,  and  cardinal  (t  1579),26  called  the  Jesuits  into  Poland, 
and  founded  for  them  the  first  college  in  Braunsberg,  in  1565. 
The  other  bishops  followed  his  example,  and  thus  Jesuit  colleges 
sprung  up  in  many  cities.27  The  successful  agency  of  the  Jesuits 
began  under  the  strictly  Catholic  Sigismund  III.  (1587-1632). 
The  fact  that  this  King  conferred  all  offices  and  dignities  only 
upon  Catholics  induced  many  of  the  nobility  to  go  over  to  the 
Catholic  Church.28  But  the  Jesuit  colleges  had  a  still  more  im- 
portant influence  upon  the  young  nobles,  being  frequented  by 
them  in  great  numbers  as  the  best  institutions  for  education  in 

demus  omnes  pro  nobis  et  successoribus  nostris  in  perpetuum,  sub  vinculo  juramenti, 
fide,  honore,  et  conscientiis  nostris,  ut  qui  sumus  Dissidentes  de  religione,  pacem  inter 
nos  conservare,  et  propter  diversam  fidem  et  ritum  in  Ecclesiis  sanguinem  non  effun- 
dere,  neque  poenas  imponere  confiscationis  bonorum,  infamiae,  carceris,  exilii ;  et  alicui 
Superioritati  et  Officio  ad  ejusmodi  processum  nullo  modo  auxilium  dare :  quinimo  si 
aliquis  ilium  effundere  voluerit  ex  ista  causa,  opponere  se  omnes  tenebimur.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  the  name  Dissidents  is  here  used  for  all,  including  the  Catholics  ;  it  was  only 
later  that  it  was  confined  to  the  non-Catholics. 

24  Compare  the  answers  which  he  gave  to  the  zealous  Catholics  who  called  upon  him 
to  suppress  the  heretics  (Regenvolscius,  p.  215) :  Rex  sum  populorum,  non  conscientia- 
rum. — Nolle  se  conscientiis  dominari,  siquidem  Deus  haec  tria  sibi  reservarit,  creare 
aliquid  ex  nihilo,  nosse  futura,  et  dominari  conscientiis. 

25  Ranke's  Fursten  u.  Volker  von  Siid-Europa,  iii.  78,  3G5. 

26  On  him  see  Saljg's  Hist.  d.  Augsb.  Conf.,  ii.  598.  Among  his  works  (ed.  Antverp., 
1571  and  Colon.,  1584,  2  Tomi,  fol.)  the  most  important  is  his  Confessio  Catholicae  Fidei 
(i.  1  sq.),  which  was  set  forth  at  the  Synod  of  Petrikow  in  1551,  and  was  for  a  long  time 
the  point  of  union  for  the  Catholics.  How  fanatical  he  was  is  shown  especially  in  his 
Letters  to  King  Henry  and  his  Confessor  (Opp.,  ii.  358,  359),  in  which  he  complains  that 
the  King  had  sworn  assent  to  the  Pax  dissidentium,  but,  at  the  same  time,  lays  it  upon 
his  conscience  not  to  keep  this  oath.  He  writes  to  the  King :  Supplex  Majestatem  V. 
peto,  sicut  peccando  Petrum  est  secuta,  sic  et  pro  peccato  suo  satisfaciendo  Petrum  imi- 
tetur,  errorem  suum  corrigat,  et  sciat,  quod  juramentum  non  est  vinculum  iniquitatis, 
nee  ullius  absolutionis  indigere  se  ab  hoc  juramento,  sibi  certo  persuasum  habeat.  Quan- 
doquidem  cassa  et  irrita  sunt  omnia  omni  jure,  quae  per  Majestatem  tuam  parum  con- 
siderate facta  sunt. 

27  Sacchini  Hist.  Soc.  Jesu,  P.  ii.  lib.  viii.  114,  P.  iii.  lib.  i.  112,  lib.  vi.  103.  Hart- 
knoch,  s.  1049.  The  laws  prescribed  by  the  Pope  to  the  college  in  Braunsberg,  see  in 
Theiner's  Schweden,  and  his  Stellung  zum  heil.  Stuhle,  Th.  2.    Urkundenbuch,  s.  153. 

28  Ranke,  iii.  369. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  16.  HUNGARY  AND  TRANSYLVANIA  257 

the  land.  Thus  many  evangelical  churches  in  the  country  lost 
the  protection  of  their  noble  lords,  and  in  the  cities  the  larger  part 
of  their  churches  were  gradually  taken  from  them  by  the  decis- 
ions of  the  Catholic  courts  ;29  and  the  disciples  of  the  Jesuits  were 
often  so  far  led  astray  by  the  arrogance  of  the  nobles  and  ecclesi- 
astical fanaticism  that  they  violently  attacked  the  dissidents  and 
their  churches,  raging  against  them  with  slaughter  and  burnings.30 
The  Evangelical  party  was  protected  only  in  the  domains  of  the 
nobles  who  remained  attached  to  their  faith. 

The  King  who  succeeded,  Vladislas  IV.  (1632-48),  was  per- 
sonally very  tolerant,  and  caused  the  Religious  Conference  of 
Thorn31  to  be  held  in  1645,  to  bring  about  peace  among  the  con- 
tending parties ;  but  he  could  not  radically  alter  the  existing  state 
of  affairs. 


§  16. 

IN  HUNGARY  AND  TRANSYLVANIA. 

Jo.  Burii  (Eccl.  Evang.  Carponensis  V.  D.  M.  Leopoldo  I.  Imp.)  Micae  historico  chro- 
nologicae  (MS.  highly  esteemed,  and  much  used  by  subsequent  historians;  see  Dr. 
Czvittinger  spec.  Hungariae  literatae,  p.  94  ss.).  Historia  diplomatica  de  statu  reli- 
gionis  Evangelicae  in  Hungaria,  1710,  fol.  (Pauli  Ember,  Debreceni)  hist.  Ecclesiae 
reformatae  in  Hungaria  et  Transjdvania,  locupletata  a  F.  A.  Lampe.  Traj.  ad  Rhen. 
1728.  4.    Salig's  Gesch.  d.  Augsb.  Conf.,  ii.  803.    Jo.  Ribini  (preacher  in  Pressburg) 


29  See  the  grievances  of  the  cities  as  presented  to  the  diets  of  1601  and  1605,  in  Hart- 
knoch,  s.  1070,  1072. 

30  Especially  in  Posen  and  Cracau:  see  Regenvolscius,  p.  223,  s.  231  ss.,  244. 

31  Acta  Conventus  Thoruniensis.  Varsaviae,  1646.  4.  They  are  also  in  Calovii  Hist. 
Syncretistica,  p.  199.  On  this  conference  see  D.  H.  Hering's  neue  Beitr.  zur  Gesch.  d. 
Ref.  Kirche  in  den  Preuss.  Brand.  Liindern,  ii.  1.  C.  W.  Hering's  Gesch.  d.  Kirchl. 
Unionsversuche,  ii.  1.  The  royal  instructions  for  the  conferees  state  the  object  of  the 
conference  as  follows  (Calovius,  p.  234)  :  Concordiam  et  unitatem  Religionis  ac  beatam 
Ecclesiae  Patriaeque  pacem,  omnium  votis  tantopere  expetitam.  The  business  of  the 
collocutors  is  comprised— in  tribus  actionibus.  Ac  in  prima  quidem  investigent  quam 
accuratissime  propriam  et  genuinam  singularum  partium  doctrinam  et  sententiam/  In 
altera  do  veritate  vel  falsitate  doctrinae  conferant :  in  tertia,  si  quid  circa  praxes  et 
mores  controversum  sit,  discutiant.  Primum,  i.  e.,  perfectam  totius  doctrinae  liquida- 
tionem  et  sincerationem  permagni  facimus,  cum  compertum  Nobis  sit,  maximam  jam 
praesentium  malorum  causam  esse  sinistras  partium  intelligentias,  et  hoc  uno  fomite 
tarn  luctuosum  dissidium  in  hoc  inprimis  Regno  foveri.  They  were  mutually  to  ex- 
plain their  doctrinal  positions  so  long,  donee  cuivis  liquido— constare  possit,  quid  una- 
quaeque  pars  revera  docuerit,  quidve  putetur  vel  fingatur  docuisse.  The  true  doctrine 
as  held  by  all  parties  thus  eliminated,  haec  sola  sit,  turn  sequentium  in  hoc  Congressu 
collocutionum,  turn  (si  forte  pax  nondum  perfecte  coalesceret)  futurarum  deinceps  dis- 
putationum,  scriptionum,  concertationum  materia,  semotis  omnibus  figmentis,  cavillis, 
criminationibus;  imo  penitus  extinctis  funestis  hisce  odiorum,  irarum,  infes'tationum 
facibus  et  incitabulis.     However,  even  this  object  of  the  conference  was  not  fulfilled. 

VOL.  IV. 17 


258  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Memorabilia  Augustanae  Confessionis  in  Regno  Hungariae  de  Ferdinando  I.  usque 
ad  Carolum  VI.,  2  Tom.,  1787-89.  8.  Kurze  Gesch.  der  Evang.  Luther.  Kirche  in 
Ungarn  vom  Anfange  d.  Ref.  bis  Leopold  II.  Gottingen,  1794.  8.  (Mich.  Dion.  Do- 
leschal's,  preacher  at  Vag  Ujhely.)  Die  wichtigsten  Schicksale  der  Evang.  Kirche 
Augsb.  Bekenntnisses  in  Ungarn  v.  J.  1520  bis  1G08.  Leipzig,  1828.  Historia  Ec- 
clesiae  Evang.  Aug.  Confessioni  addictorum  in  Hungaria  universe,  praecipue  vero  in 
XIII.  oppidis  Scepusii  (Zips)  Halberstadt,  1830.  8. 

Chr.  Schesdi  Oratio  de  Origine  reparatae  et  propagatae  coelestis  Doctrinae  in  Transyl- 
vania 1580,  in  the  Fortges.  Samrnlung  v.  alten  u.  neuen  theol.  Sachen,  1732.  s.  559. 
Ge.  Haner  Hist.  Ecclesiaruni  Transylvanicarum.  Francof.  et  Lips.,  1694.  12.  Jos. 
Benko  (Reform,  preacher  in  Kozep-Ajta)  Transsilvania,  P.  i.  Tom.  ii.  (Vindobonae, 
1778.  8.)  p.  121  (lib.  iv.  cap.  12,  de  statu  ecclesiastico). 

[Scriptores  Rerum  Hungariaerum,  veteres  ac  genuini ;  recens.  J.  G.  Schwandtner.  Vin- 
dob.,  1746,  2  fol.  Peterffy,  C.,  Sacra  Concilia  Ecclesiae  Romano-Catholicae  in  Regno 
Hungariae  celebrata,  MXVI.  usque  ad  a.  MDCCXXXIV.  Viennae,  1742. 2  fol.  Count 
Mailath,  Gesch.  der  Magyaren,  5.  8vo,  1820-30.  Zweite  Ausg.,  1852-55.  Ladislas 
Szalay,  Hist.  Hungar.,  5  vols.  8vo.  (to  1690).  Geschichte  d.  Evang.  Kirche  in  Un- 
garn, mit  Riicksicht  auf  Siebenbiirgen.  Berl.,  1854.  History  of  Protestantism  in 
Hungary,  with  a  Preface  by  Dr.  Merle  D'Aubigne.  Lond.,  1854.  Mich.  Horvath, 
Gesch.  Ungarns.  Pesth,  1854,  2  Bde.  8vo.— J.  Paget,  Hungary  and  Transylvania,  2. 
8vo.  Lond.,  1839.  J.  A.  Fessler,  Gesch.  d.  Ungarn,  10.  8vo.  Leipz.,  1815-25.  De 
Sacy,  Histoire  generale  de  Hongrie,  2.  12mo.     Paris,  1778.] 

The  Bohemian  Brethren  who  had,  in  earlier  times,  emigrated 
into  Hungary  remained  insignificant  in  numbers  and  influence. 
On  the  other  hand,  however,  the  connection  which  existed  be- 
tween the  numerous  Germans  that  were  living  in  the  Hungarian 
cities  and  Transylvania  and  their  fatherland  contributed  directly 
and  strongly  to  the  introduction  of  the  writings  and  doctrine  of 
Luther.  Many  young  Hungarians  went  to  Wittenberg  to  study,1 
and  then  became  the  heralds  of  the  Reformation  in  their  own 
land.  The  clergy,  who  were  strong,  opposed-  them  with  great 
zeal,  and  in  1523  had  a  bloody  law  passed  against  the  Reforma- 
tion ;3  but  still  many  cities  and  several  powerful  nobles3  joined  in 
the  movement.  After  1523  they  had  the  upper  hand  in  Hermann- 
stadt.4  In  1525  the  five  royal  free  cities  in  Upper  Hungary  de- 
clared for  the  Reformation.5 

1  Ribini,  i.  5.  G.  Bod  de  Reformationis  Hungaricae  Ministris  Diss.,  in  Gerdesii  Scri- 
nium  Antiquarium,  vii.  346. 

2  The  proposal  of  the  Diet  of  Ofen,  sanctioned  by  the  King,  was,  Artie.  LIV  (Histo- 
ria Diplom.,  p.  3  ;  Lampe,  p.  58)  :  Omnes  Lutheranos  et  eorurn  fautores,  ac  factioni  ipsi 
adhaerentes,  tanquam  publicos  haereticos,  hostesque  sacratissimae  Virginis  Mariae,  poe- 
na capitis  et  ablatione  omnium  bonorum  suorum  Majestas  Regia  veluti  catholicus  Prin- 
ceps  punire  dignctur.  Then,  1525  (1.  c.)  :  Lutherani  omnes  de  regno  exstirpentur,  et  ubi- 
cunque  repcrti  fuerint,  non  solum  per  ecclesiasticas,  verum  etiam  per  saeculares  personas 
libere  capiantur  et  comburantur.     On  the  author  of  these  laws,  see  Ribini,  i.  10  ss.  ^ 

3  G.  Bod  de  Reformationis  Hungaricae  Patronis  Diss.,  in  Gerdesii  Serin.  Antiqu., 
vii.  133. 

*  Compare  the  King's  admonitory  epistle  to  this  city;  Hist.  Dipl.,  p.  3;  Lampe,  p.  59. 
5  Lcutschau,  Seben,  Bar  tfeld,  Eperies,  and  Caschau ;  Lampe,  p.  64. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  16.  HUNGARY  AND  TRANSYLVANIA.  259 

After  the  death  of  King  Louis  II.,  who  fell  in  the  battle  of  Mo- 
hacz,  two  rivals  contended  for  the  Hungarian  throne,  Archduke 
Ferdinand,  and  John  of  Zapolya,  Voy vode  of  Transylvania.  Both 
renewed  the  laws  for  the  persecution  of  the  new  doctrine ;  hut  the 
execution  of  them  was  hindered  by  domestic  wars,  and  the  Refor- 
mation made  incessant  progress.  Many  of  the  nobility  declared 
for  it ;  Hermannstadt,  in  1529,  expelled  all  priests  and  monks ; 
and  Cronstadt  soon  followed  this  example.6  Among  the  distin- 
guished preachers  of  the  Reformation  in  Hungary  was  Matthias 
Devay  (called  Lutherus  Ungaricus),7  who  returned  in  1531  from 
Wittenberg  to  his  native  land ;  in  Transylvania,  John  Honter,  who 
in  1533  came  back  from  Basle  to  his  native  city,  Cronstadt,  and 
worked  for  the  new  doctrines  by  a  printing-press  and  as  a  preacher.8 

By  the  Peace  of  1538  Ferdinand  was  confirmed  in  his  possession 
of  the  throne ;  John  was  to  retain  only  during  his  lifetime  the 
royal  title,  Transylvania,  and  a  portion  of  Upper  Hungary.  Yet 
still,  after  John's  death  in  1540,  his  widow,  Isabella,  endeavored 
to  retain  these  possessions,  with  the  aid  of  Turkey,  for  her  lately- 
born  son,  John  Sigismund.  She  was,  however,  restricted  to 
Transylvania,  while  a  large  part  of  Hungary  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Turkey. 

The  country  being  thus  divided  up  and  engrossed  with  war, 
neither  Isabella  in  Transylvania,  nor  Ferdinand  in  that  part  of 
Hungary  which  remained  to  him,  could  put  a  check  upon  the 
Reformation.  The  whole  Saxon  population  of  Transylvania,  at 
the  Synod  of  Medwisch,  adopted  the  Augsburg  Confession  ;  a  like 
solemn  declaration  in  its  favor  followed  in  the  same  year  in  Hun- 
gary at  the  Synod  of  Erdod,  with  which  the  Transylvanian  Hun- 
garians connected  themselves.9  In  all  parts  of  the  land  synods 
were  held  to  establish  and  arrange  the  new  Church.  After  the 
defeat  of  the  Smalcald  confederates,  Ferdinand,  at  the  Diet  of 
Pressburg,  did  indeed  forbid  heresies  ;10  but  only  Anabaptists  and 
Sacramentarians  seemed  to  be  aimed  at  in  the  prohibition.     No 

6  Benko  Transsilvania,  i.  ii.  125. 

7  On  him  see  Lampe,  p.  72.     Ribini,  i.  30. 

8  Dav.  Czvittingeri  Specimen  Hungar.  literatac.     Francof.  et  Lips.,  1711.  4.  p.  178. 

9  Lampe,  p.  92  s. 

10  Ribini,  i.  70.  Art.  V.  Cultum  divinum  et  religionem  ad  pristinam  normam  esse 
redigendam,  et  haereses  undique  tollendas.  Art.  XI.  Anabaptistas  et  Sacramentarios, 
— qui  adhuc  in  regno  supersunt,  proeul  expellcndos  esse  de  omnium  bonis ; — nee  am- 
plius  illos — intra  regni  fines  esse  recipiendos. 


260  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

steps  were  taken  against  the  royal  cities  in  Upper  Hungary,  which 
in  1549  handed  in  to  the  King  their  Confession11  (Confessio  Pen- 
tapolitana).  In  the  Turkish  part  of  Hungary  the  Reformation 
advanced  unimpeded.12 

After  Isabella,  expelled  by  Ferdinand  in  1551,  had  been  brought 
back  by  the  aid  of  the  Turks  in  1556,  and  again  assumed  the  gov- 
ernment of  Transylvania,  in  order  to  insure  for  her  son  the  land 
which'was  already,  for  the  most  part,  submissive  to  the  Reforma- 
tion, she  was  forced  to  give  her  assent  to  the  decree  of  the  Diet  of 
Clausenburg  (1557),  by  which  equal  rights  with  the  Catholics  were 
conceded  to  the  adherents  of  the  Augsburg  Confession.13 

The  unpropitious  controversy  about  the  Lord's  Supper  unfortu- 
nately very  early  found  an  echo  in  Hungary ;  but  still  the  Augs- 

1 1  Ribini,  i.  76.  The  Confession  is  there  given,  p.  78  ss.  By  Lampe,  Salig,  and  oth- 
ers, this  Confession  is  erroneously  assigned  to  the  year  1530. 

12  On  the  circumstances  attending  the  Reformation,  compare  the  letters  written  in 
these  years  from  Hungarians  to  persons  in  other  countries :  for  example,  that  of  Emeri- 
cus  Zigerius  to  Flacius,  1549,  published  by  the  latter  in  German  at  Magdeburg,  in  1550 
(in  Ribini,  i.  501) ;  the  letters  to  Bullinger,  in  Huldrici  Miscell.  Tigurina,  ii.  192,  198, 
comp.  p.  200.  I  [Gieseler]  have  in  manuscript  several  letters  of  this  description,  ad- 
dressed to  Breslau  preachers.  Thus  Mag.  Jo.  Creslingus  Parochus  Schemnitiensium 
writes  to  Ambr.  Moibanus,  1543.  Interim  autem  vide  admirabile  et  consolantissimum 
Dei  consilium.  Arbitramur  nos,  Turcas  oppressores  esse  Evangelii  filii  Dei :  at  diver- 
sum  Deus  ipse  efficit :  fiunt  enim  suis  bellis  contra  Papistas  (licet  nescientes)  defenso- 
res.  Mirum  namque  in  modum  Evangelium  gloriae  Dei  et  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi 
sub  istis  bellicis  tumultibus  quam  latissime  vagatur.  Tota  enim  Transsylvania  Evan- 
gelium recepit,  frustra  probibente — illo  Georgio  Monacho  Episcopo,  omnium  praesenti- 
um  in  Hungaria  malorum  auctore  (Georg  Martinuzzi,  see  Engel's  Ungrische  Gesch., 
iv.  132). — Et  quod  magis  mireris,  Valachia  quoque  Transsylvaniae  vicina  et  Turcis  sub- 
jecta  Evangelium  recepit.  Tarn  vetus  quam  Novum  Testamentum  sua  lingua  in  Co- 
rona, Transsylvaniae  civitate,  impressa  sunt. — Sed  et  per  Hungariam  paulatira  Evan- 
gelium serpit.  Quod  si  isti  bellici  tumultus  non  intervenissent,  dudum  Pseudoepiscopi 
graviores  tumultus,  quam  ipsimet  Turcae,  contra  Evangelii  professOres  concitassent. 
Adalb.  Wurmloch,  in  Bistriz,  writes  to  Joh.  Hess,  pastor  in  Breslau,  1546:  Reformatae 
sunt  hie  in  Transsylvania  Ecclesiae  urbium  Saxonicarum  Dei  beneficio,  magna  ex  parte 
etiam  in  Hungaria.  Audimus  et  certo  intelligimus,  Budae  (Ofen,  then  under  Turkey) 
paucis  illic  relictis  Hungaris  praedicari  sincerum  Evangelium,  et  crassum  quendam  Sa- 
tanam  papisticum  vehementer  obstitisse,  ita  ut  res  pertraheretur  ad  Praefectum  urbis 
exercitusque.  Qui  audita  controversia  plus  visus  est  approbare  Evangelium,  maxime 
ob  has  causas,  quod  doceat,  unum  colendum  Deum,  reprobetque  abusum  imaginum, 
quas  Turcae  abominantur,  et  nos  propter  illas  plurimum.  Respondit  tamen  Praefectus, 
se  non  esse  eo  collocatum  a  Caesare  suo  ad  diluendas  Religionis  nostrae  controversias, 
sed  ad  conservandum  regnum  Caesaris  ea  in  qua  possit  tranquillitate.  Est  et  alia  Hun- 
gariae  civitas,  Segedinum  nomine,  cui  praeest  Bassa  quidam  Turcicus,  qui  defendit 
Evangelium  et  illius  ministros  praedicatores  contra  omnem  impetum  et  fuiias  Papis- 
tarum. 

13  Decretum,  dd.  1.  Jun.,  1557  (Benko,  i.  ii.  136):  Ecclesias  quoque  Hungaricas  in 
Eeligione  cum  Saxonibus  idem  sentientes  Regina  sub  patrocinium  recipit,  et  Ministris 
illarum  justos  proventus  integre  reddi  et  administrari  mandaturam  se  promittit. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  16.  HUNGARY  AND  TRANSYLVANIA.   261 

burg  Confession  was  for  a  long  time  the  bond  of  union  among  all 
trie  followers  of  the  Reformation.  But  after  the  Calvinistic  con- 
troversy had  broken  out  in  Germany,  in  Hungary  also  synods  were 
arrayed  against  synods,  conferences  and  disputations  were  set  on 
foot,  articles  and  counter-articles  were  exchanged,  until  an  eccle- 
siastical division  followed.  The  Germans,  for  the  most  part,  re- 
mained true  to  the  Lutheran  doctrine  ;u  in  Hungary  the  first 
synod  that  adopted  a  Calvinistic  Confession  was  that  of  Csenger 
(1557  or  1558),  in  the  Confessio  Czengerina.15  In  1566  all  the 
Hungarian  Reformed  Churches  signed  the  Helvetic  Confession.16 
In  Transylvania,  in  1564,  at  the  Synod  of 'Enyed,  a  Lutheran 
superintendent  was  appointed  for  the  Saxons,  and  a  Reformed  for 
the  Hungarians  and  Seklians.17 

Together  with  these  parties  the  Unitarians  also  crept  in.  In 
Hungary  they  were  steadfastly  repelled  ;18  in  Transylvania,  from 
1566,  there  was  much  controversy  with  them.19  But  after  King 
John  Sigismund  and  almost  the  whole  of  Clausenburg  had  been 

14  The  letter  of  Thomas  Hilarius,  pastor  at  Caschau,  to  the  University  of  Wittenberg, 
1574  (in  Riederer's  Nachrichten,  i.  100),  designates  the  free  cities,  those  of  the  county 
of  Zips,  and  the  hill  cities,  as  true  to  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  then  adds :  Neque 
patiuntur  haec  loca,  cum  praecipue  Germani  ea  possideant,  et  gubernent  sub  Imperato- 
ris  et  Regis  Rom.  imperio,  vel  farraginem  sacramentariorum  inter  Ungaros  usitatam, 
vel  fermentum  Arianorum,  Anabaptistarum,  Flacianorum,  vel  vero  aliarum  sectarum 
opiniones  spargi,  sed  nobiscum  eandem  confessionem  verbi  veritatis — in  Augustana 
Confessione  et  corpore  doctrinae  comprehensam  unanimi  consensu  spargunt,  et  contra 
Antichristum  et  ejus  membra  defendunt. 

15  Lampe,  p.  109.  The  Conf.  Czengerina;  see  in  the  Syntagma  Confessionum,  Ge- 
nevae,  1612,  p.  186  ;  in  Augusti  Corpus  libr.  S3'mbolicorum  Eccl.  Reformatae,  p.  241 ; 
in  Niemeyer  Collectio  Confessionum  Reform.,  p.  539. 

16  Lampe,  p.  125. 

17  After  the  controversy  had  continued  from  as  far  back  as  1557  (Benko,  i.  ii.  127), 
the  King  sent  George  Blandrata  to  make  one  more  attempt  at  reconciliation,  but  at  the 
same  time  ordered  (Lampe,  p.  123) :  Sin  autem  id,  quod  postulamus,  sequi  non  poterit ; 
saltern  fiant  ordinationes  piae  in  tranquillitatem  Ecclesiarum,  ut  Ecclesiae  Saxonicae, 
et  quicunque  praesentiam  corporis  in  Coena  asserunt,  habere  possint  unum  certum  Su- 
perintendentem,  virum  gravem,  pium  et  eruditum,  gregi  Domini  sedulo  invigilantem, 
qui  in  unitate  doctrinae,  et  ceremoniarum  conformitate,  ac  disciplina  evangelica  Eccle- 
sias  gubernet,  et  in  sontes  ac  inobedientes  digna  poena  animadvertat :  rursus  qui  diver- 
sam  assertionem  absentis  videlicet  corporis  Christi  contendunt,  suum  habeant  Superin- 
tendentem,  cujus  cura  et  vigiliis,  solitis  ritibus  et  ceremoniis,  Ecclesiae  eorum  in  disci- 
plina evangelica  gubernentur ;  atque  ita  distinctis  limitibus  et  functionibus  quibuscun- 
que  suis  omnibus  prospiciant,  et  controversiae  ac  contentiones  passim  inter  utramque 
partem  grassantes  vel  hoc  modo  sedentur. 

18  Thus  Lucas  Agriensis  was  combated  as  Antitrinitarian,  and  at  length,  in  1568,  im- 
prisoned until  he  should  retract,  although  he  was  still  far  from  the  Transylvaiiian  Uni- 
tarianism  ;  Lampe,  p.  138-146,  187-217 ;  Ribini,  i.  204. 

19  Lampe,  p.  147  ss. 


262  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

gained  in  their  favor,  religious  freedom  was  also  extended  to  them 
at  a  diet  in  1571.20 

The  religious  condition  of  Transylvania,  which  from  this  time 
reckoned  four  Religiones  receptae,  was  on  this  basis  brought  into 
a  regular  order ;  but  it  was  different  in  Hungary.  As  long  as  the 
Emperor  Ferdinand  ruled,  in  that  part  of  Hungary  which  belonged 
to  him  the  decrees  against  the  Protestants  were  not,  indeed,  abol- 
ished, nor  were  they  carried  into  execution.  Under  his  successor, 
Maximilian  II.  (1564-76),  Lutheranism  was  not  only  entirely  toler- 
ated, but  was  also  strikingly  favored  by  the  imperial  generals,  Laz- 
arus Schwendy  and  John  Ruber  von  Pixendorf,  who  avowed  their 
adhesion  to  it.  The  opposition  to  Calvinism  continued,  although 
without  effect.21  Under  Rudolph  II.,  too  (1576-1608),  the  Prot- 
estants for  a  long  time  had  outward  repose.  And  thus,  in  spite 
of  the  violent  struggles  between  the  Lutherans  and  Calvinists, 
kindled  anew  by  the  Formula  Concordiae,  it  came  to  pass  that 
the  larger  part  of  Hungary  accepted  the  Reformation,  and  only 
three  magnates  remained  Catholics.23 

The  new  attack  upon  Protestantism  proceeded  here,  too,  from 
the  Jesuits.  As  early  as  1588,  at  the  proposal  of  the  estates  of 
the  country,  they  were  again  expelled23  from  Transylvania,  where 
they  had  been  allowed  to  come  in  1579,  supported  by  Stephen 
Bathori,  King  of  Poland,  and  had  brought  things  into  great  disor- 

20  They,  however,  at  first  only  received  permission  to  dwell  in  Clausenburg ;  Benko, 
i.  ii.  131,  136. 

Ml  Compare  the  imperial  edict,  31st  Oct.,  1567,  in  Ribini,  i.  207. 

"  According  to  the  testimony  of  one  of  the  first  Hungarian  Jesuits,  Stephanus  Arator, 
it  was  asserted  (Gerdesii  Serin.  Antiqu.,  vii.  174)  :  Eo  jam  ventum  fuerat,  ut  ante  intro- 
ductionem  publicarum  scholarum  Soc.  Jesu  in  Hungaria  in  toto  Regno  nonnisi  tres  Mag- 
nates numerarentur  catholici,  ex  Nobilibus  vero  vix  nlli.  Gregor  v.  Berceviczy  Nach- 
richten  uber  den  jetzigen  Zustand  der  Evangelischen  in  Ungarn.    Leipzig,  1822,  s.  8. 

23  Acts  in  the  Hist.  Diplom.,  p.  8,  and  in  Lampe,  p.  314  ss.  The  estates  were  at  first 
repelled  by  the  prince,  Sigismund  Bathori,  who  was  veiy  submissive  to  the  Jesuits,  but 
forced  the  matter  through  upon  a  very  emphatic  renewal  of  their  request.  They  say  of 
the  Jesuits  (Lampe,  p.  323):  Non  enim  solum  juventutem  liberaliter  disciplinis  institu- 
erunt  (ut  ipsorum  proprium  erat  officium),  sed  et  religionem  suam  palam  et  manifeste 
per  plateas,  templa,  et  compita  in  processionibus  etiam  propagarunt,  in  iis  etiam  locis, 
ubi  nulla  ipsis  a  Regno  facta  fuit  potestas.  Nam  et  Varadini  S.  Aegidii  templum,  ubi 
alias  purior  religio  docebatur,  violenter  occuparunt,  non  juventutis  instituendae,  sed 
religionis  promovendae  causa,  ac  in  civium  injuriam  Crucifixum  armatis  manibus  pub- 
lice  eduxerunt,  ac  turbas  dederunt  maximas,  quas  nisi  ii,  quorum  interfuit,  compressis- 
sent,  seditio  orta  fuisset.  His  non  contenti  contra  Regni  statuta  vicinos  pagos  percur- 
reruut,  ut  Religionem  suam  latius  spargerent ;  domum  ministri  Ecclesiae  S.  Kosmani 
invaserunt,  injuria  affectum  ejecerunt,  libros  quos  habuit  disperserunt,  ipsum  ac  cives 
contumeliose  tractarunt,  caet. 


CHAP.  II.-REFORMATION.    §  16.  HUNGARY  AND  TRANSYLVANIA.  2G3 

der.  But  in  Hungary,  where  they  had  been  called  (1586)  by 
George  Draskovitz,  Archbishop  of  Kolocz,24  they  planted  themselves 
firmly,  and  soon  began  to  break  up  Protestantism.  Thereupon 
the  imperial  dictator  of  Upper  Hungary,  Count  Belgiojoso,  began 
a  persecution  of  the  Protestants  in  Caschau,25  in  1G03,  and  openly 
avowed  his  purpose  of  exterminating  them.  The  Emperor,  in 
1604,  gave  his  formal  assent  to  this  procedure.26  The  Jesuits  at 
once  came  forward  as  the  leaders  and  instruments  of  the  persecu- 
tions which  now  broke  out.  Meanwhile  the  magnate  Stephen 
Botskai  put  himself  at  the  head  of  Protestantism  in  Transylvania  ; 
an  insurrection  in  Hungary  joined  with  him ;  and  the  Archduke 
Matthias  could  only  avert  the  impending  danger  by  conceding 
equal  religious  freedom  to  all  three  religious  parties  in  the  Peac;; 
of  Vienna27  (1606),  and  recognizing  Stephen  as  Prince  of  Transyl- 

24  Doleschal,  s.  2-14.  They  had  already  possessed  a  college  at  Tyrnau,  from  1559  to 
15G7,  but  when  it  burned  down  they  had  again  withdrawn  from  Hungary  (ibid.,  s. 
171,  198). 

2i  Lampe,  p.  332.     Ribini,  i.  320. 

26  When  the  Diet  of  Pressburg  complained  about  the  violation  of  religious  freedom, 
Rudolph  added  to  21  articles  of  the  diet,  sent  to  him,  a  22d,  dated  Prague,  May  3, 
1601  (Lampe,  p.  333;  Ribini,  i.  321),  in  which  the  grievances  of  the  estates  were  sharply 
set  aside,  with  this  addition :  Cum  sua  sacratissima  Caesarea  Regiaque  Majestas— sacro- 
sanctam  catholicam  fidem — in  regnis  et  provinciis  suis,  ac  praesertim  in  hoc  suo  Unga- 
riae  regno — ex  tot  falsis  opinionibus  et  sectis  erutam,  ubique  florere  et  dilatari  cupiat; 
— idcirco  Majestas  sua  sacratissima,  motu  proprio  deque  regiae  suae  potestatis  plenitu- 
dine,  tarn  sancti  Regis  Stephani, — quam  vcro  omnium  aliorum  divorum  quondam  Un- 
gariae  Regum — decreta,  constitutiones  et  articulos  pro  praefata  sancta  catholica  Romana 
fide  et  religione,  quovis  tempore  praeclare  et  pie  editos  et  evulgatos,  non  secus  ac  si  de 
verbo  ad  verbum  praesentibus  Uteris  inserti  et  inscripti  essent,  hoc  speciali  suo  articulo 
clemeiiter  ratilicat  et  confirmat.  Ac  ne  deinceps  in  generalibus  praesertim  et  arduis 
regni  tractatibus  et  diaetis  alicui  religionis  negotium  ad  remorandos  et  interrumpendos 
publicos  tractatus  quovis  colore  et  praetextu  impune  movere  liceat,  benigne  statuit  et 
serio  decernit,  ut  contra  tales  inquietos  rerumque  novarum  cupidos  poena  a  divis  quon- 
dam Regibus  Ungariae  in  eisdem  decretis  et  articulis  statuta  confestim  procedatur,  et 
caeteris  in  exemplum  irremissibiliter  puniantur. 

27  Pacificatio  Viennensis,  dd.  23.  Jun.,  1606  (Hist.  Dipl.,  p.  19;  Lampe,  p.  335).  Art. 
.  I.  abolished  the  Art.  22  of  the  year  1601,  and — juxta  Sac.  Caes.  Regiaeque  Majestatis 

priorem  resolutionem,  declared,  quod  omnes  et  singulos  Status  et  Ordines  intra  ambitum 
Regni  Hungariae  solum  existentes,  tam  Magnates,  Nobiles,  quam  liberas  civitates  et 
Oppida  privilegiata  immediate  ad  coronam  spectantia,  item  in  confmiis  quoque  Regni 
Hungariae  milites  Hungaros  in  sua  Religione  et  confessione  nusquam  et  nunquam  tur- 
babit,  nee  per  alios  turbari  aut  impediri  sinet.  Verum  omnibus  praedictis  Statibus  et 
Ordinibus  liber  ipsorum  Religionis  usus  et  exercitium  permittetur  :  absque  tamen  prae- 
judicio  catholicae  Romanae  Religionis,  et  ut  Clerus,  templa  et  Ecclesiao  catholicorum 
Romanorum  intacta  et  libera  permaneant,  atque  ea  quae  hoc  disturbiorum  tempore  utrin- 
que  occupata  fuere,  rursum  iisdem  restituantur.  (This  last  condition  was  thus  explain- 
ed by  the  Archduke  Matthias,  Non  mala  fide  adjectum  esse ;  sed  ut  utraque  pars  in  eo- 
rum  Religione  et  exercitio  et  templis  non  turbentur ;  Lampe,  p.  336.)  Art.  VIII.  Hun- 
gari  non  consentiunt,  quo  Jesuitae  in  Regno  Hungariae  jura  stabilia  et  possessionaria 


264  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

vania.  At  his  coronation,  too,  in  1608,  Matthias  II.  confirmed 
these  conditions,28  and  pledged  himself  not  to  recall  the  Jesuits.29 
But  the  powerful  Catholic  clergy  protested  against  all  these  con- 
cessions.30 Though  the  following  kings  renewed  them  when  they 
ascended  the  throne,  yet  the  Jesuits  and  religious  oppression  were 
soon  reintroduced.  And  thus  Gabriel  Bethlen,  Prince  of  Transyl- 
vania, did  not  lack  a  pretext  when,  after  the  fanatical  Ferdinand 
II.  had  ascended  the  throne,  he  united  with  Bohemia  and  invaded 
Hungary,  in  the  hope  of  annexing  it  to  his  possessions.  And 
though  he  did  not  attain  this  object,  yet  in  the  Treaty  of  Nicols- 
burg  he  forced  the  Emperor  to  renew  the  old  pledges  (1621) ;  and 
as  they  were  not  kept,  he  again  overrun  the  land  in  1623  and 
1626  ;  each  time  the  promise  to  observe  the  Peace  of  Vienna  was 
solemnly  renewed,  and  each  time  immediately  broken.31     At  the 

habeant  et  possideant.  Sua  tamen  Majestas  juribus  suis  inhaeret  quoad  clausulas  dona- 
tionum  :  tantum  iiant  donationes  juxta  decreta  Regni  et  more  antiquitus  solito. 

28  Hist.  Dipl.,  p.  22.  Ribini,  i.  358 :  Art.  1.  Quantum  itaque  ad  primum  Constitu- 
tionis  Viennensis  Articulum  attinet,  deliberatum  est  per  Status  et  Ordinis  inclyti  Regni 
Hungariae,  ut  Religionis  exercitium  tarn  Baronibus,  Magnatibus  et  Nobilibus,  quam 
etiam  liberis  civitatibus  ac  universis  Statibus  et  Ordinibus  Regni  in  suis  ac  Fisci  bonis, 
item  in  confiniis  quoque  Regni  Hungariae  militibus  Hungaris  sua  cuique  Religio  et  Con- 
fessio,  necnon  oppidis  et  villis  earn  sponte  ac  libere  acceptare  volentibus  ubique  liberum 
relinquatur,  nee  quisquam  omnium  in  liberQ  ejusdem  usu  ac  exercitio  a  quoquam  impe- 
diatur.  Quinimo  ad  praecavenda  inter  Status  et  Ordines  aliqua  odia  et  dissensiones,  ut 
quaelibet  Religio  suae  professionis  Superiores  seu  Superintendentes  habeat,  statutum 
est.  This  article  bas  always  had  the  force  of  fundamental  law,  and  has  been  renewed 
by  the  kings  that  succeeded  when  they  ascended  the  throne. 

29  Hist.  Dipl.,  p.  23.  Art.  8.  Hie  quoque  Articulus  de  Jesuitis  in  vigore  suo  perma- 
neat,  nimirum  ut  ipsi  nulla  in  Regno  Hungariae  bona  stabilia  et  possessionaria  habere 
et  possidere  valeant. 

30  Ribini,  i.  361. 

31  Ribini,  i.  431  ss.  The  views  and  modes  of  action  of  the  Catholic  party  are  made 
specially  clear  in  Carafa  (§  12,  Note  3)  De  Germania  Sacra  restaurata,  a.d.  1625,  p. 
193.  Reformatio  Religionis  hisce  annis  eum  in  Ungaria  felicitatis  cursum,  quern  in  aliis 
provinciis,  tenere  non  potuit :  nam  concessio  libertatis  Religionis  promissionibus  ac 
diplomatibus  regiis  roborata  perfringi  non  potuit. — Inter  tot  tamen  et  tantas  Religionis 
clades  divina  bonitas  supra  omnem  humanam  spem  magna  suppeditavit  auxilia,  quibus 
Religio  catholica  in  regno  sublevata  fuit.  Nam  inprimis  magnorum  virorum  facta  est 
ad  catholicam  fidem  accessio,  in  quorum  amplissimis  dominiis  sacerdotes  catholici  collo- 
cati  fuerunt  expulsis  haeresum  seminatoribus. — Deinde  effectum  est,  ut  omnia  majora 
officia,  et  Regni  Magistratus  administrarentur  per  Catholicos,  qui  et  ipsi  Religionis  rem 
potenter  promoverunt.  Ad  haec  cum  antea  in  Ungaria  Academiae  et  scholae  nullae, 
immo  ne  mediocres  literarum  exercitationes  reperirentur,  hisce  annis  aliquot  introduc- 
tae  sunt.  Thus  Petrus  Pazmany,  cardinal,  and  archbishop  of  Gran,  founded  Jesuit  col- 
leges for  the  children  of  the  nobility,  others  for  the  poor,  and  established  a  Hungarian 
Collegium  Clericorum  in  Vienna.  When  the  Hungarian  estates,  in  1625,  were  on  the 
point  of  electing  the  son  of  the  Emperor,  Ferdinand  III.,  as  younger  King  of  Hungary, 
some  Catholic  councilors  expressed  doubts  (p.  216),  quod  Rcligioni  catholicae  timerent. 
Non  enim  admisissent  Ordines  Regem  ad  coronam,  nisi  eadem  privilegia,  jura,  immu- 


CHAP.  II.—  REFORMATION.    §  17.  IN  DENMARK.  2G5 

same  time,  the  inducements  which  the  lords  of  the  land  and  the 
powerful  clergy  had  at  their  command  were  so  successfully  plied 
among  the  nobles  that  in  1634  the  majority  of  the  diet  had  again 
become  Catholic.32  Since  the  Evangelical  party  had  thus  lost,  for 
the  most  part,  the  protection  of  the  lords  of  the  land,  persecution 
became  the  more  oppressive.33  The  Prince  of  Transylvania,  George 
Rakoczy,  again  took  the  part  of  the  persecuted,  and  compelled  the 
Emperor,  in  the  Treaty  of  Linz,  1645,  to  renew  the  confirmation 
of  the  Peace  of  Vienna  ;34  but  no  abiding  change  in  the  state  of 
affairs  could  be  effected. 


§  17. 

IN  DENMARK,  NORWAY,  AND  ICELAND. 

Harald  Huitfeld's  (chancellor  of  the  kingdom)  Danische  Chronik.  Kopenh.,  1604.  4. 
(in  the  Danish,  the  fifth  part  contains  the  church  history).  Erich  Pontoppidan's 
kurz^efasste  Refonnationshist.  der  Dim.  Kirche.     Lubeck,  1734.  8. ;  it  is  again  pub- 


nitates,  ac  Religionis  praestitutae  libertates  jurasset,  quas  parens  sacramento  suo  firma- 
verat  illo  tempore,  cum  in  maximis  versaretur  periculis,  quando  necessitate  quadam 
compulsus  coactus  fuit,  majoris  boni  ergo  aliquo  modo  cedere  graviora  urgentibus  :  ad 
quae  adeo  enormia  nunc  nulla  necessitas  filium  adigebat.  Sperabant  in  dies,  vel  per 
obiturn  Bethleni,  vel  per  continuatas  victorias  meliora  tempora  successura,  et  sic  ex- 
punctis  iis,  quae  catholicam  Religionem  praepediebant,  posse  aliquando  mitius  jura- 
rnentum  praestari.  Meanwhile,  Palatinus  ipse  (Nicolaus  Esterhazy,  who  had  himself 
gone  over  from  the  Lutheran  to  the  Catholic  Church)  omnem  nobis  anxietatem  in  rebus 
Religionis  exemit,  asserens  etiam  juratos  Regni  articulos  servatis  servandis  posse  everti, 
si  Rex  una  cum  regnicolis  mutationi  decretorum  assentiretur.  In  speciali  inquiebat, 
res  Religionis  facile  corrigendas,  si  plures  catholici  fierent,  et  una  cum  Rege  Religionis 
incommoda  aut  dedecora  abrogarent. — His  rationibus  permotus  Caesar  non  solum  in 
electionem,  sed  et  in  coronationem — praemissa  privilegiorum  confirmatione  non  secus  a 
filio  quam  a  patre  facienda  consensit. 

32  Berceviczy,  s.  23. 

33  Comp.  the  Gravamina  of  the  Evangelicals,  1G38,  in  the  Hist.  Dipl.,  Append.,  p.  16. 

34  The  chief  passage  reads  thus  (Hist.  Dipl.,  p.  42) :  Quod  omnes  Status  et  Ordines 
Regni,  ipsaeque  liberae  Civitates,  necnon  Oppida  privilegiata,  et  milites  Hungarici  in 
confiniis  Regni  liberum  habeant  ubique  suae  Religionis  exercitium  cum  libero  templo- 
rum,  campanarum  et  sepulturae  usu,  nee  quisquam  in  libero  suae  Religionis  exercitio  a 
quoquam  quovis  modo,  aut  sub  quovis  praetextu  turbetur  et  impediatur.  Secundo  de 
non  impediendis  aut  turbandis  rusticis  in  sua  confessione  declaratum  et  conclusum  est, 
ut  illi  quoque  propter  bonum  pacis  et  tranquillitatem  Regni,  sive  sint  Confiniarii,  sive 
Oppidani,  sive  villani  in  quorumcunque  dominorum  terrestrium  et  Fisci  bonis,  juxta 
vigorem  praescripti  Articuli  et  conditionis  in  libero  suae  Religionis  exercitio  ac  usu, 
modoque  ut  supra  simili,  a  Sua  Majestate  Regia,  vel  ejusdem  Ministris,  aut  dominis  suis 
terrestribus,  quovis  modo  aut  quovis  sub  praetextu  non  turbentur  aut  impediantur; 
hactenus  autem  impediti,  coacti  et  turbati  liberum  ipsorum  Religionis  usum  reassumere, 
exercere  et  continuare  permittantur,  neque  ad  alias  Religioni  ipsorum  contrarias  cere- 
monias  peragendas  compellantur.  The  prolix  discussions  of  the  diet  about  the  execu- 
tion of  this  treaty  are  given  in  the  appendix  to  the  Hist.  Dipl. 


2G6  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

liijhed  in  an  enlarged  form  in  his  Annales  Eccl.  Danicae  diplomatici,  or  Kirchenhisto- 
rie  des  Reichs*Danemark  (Kopenhagen,  4  Theile,  1741-53.  4.),  Th.  2,  s.  754  ff.,  and 
Th.  3.  Dr.  F.  Miinter's  Kirehengeschichte  v.  Dilnemark  u.  Norwegen  (Leipz.,  3  Theile, 
1823-33.  8.),  Th.  3.  [Danske  Kirkeshistorie  after  Reformationen,  Ludv.  Helvig,  2, 
8vo  Kopenh.,  1851 ;  2d  ed.,  1857.  Hist.  Eccles.  Islandicae,  P.  Peturssen,  Copenh., 
1847.  Dunham's  History  of  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Norway,  in  Lardner's  Cab.  Cy- 
clop., 1840.  G.  L.  Baden,  Hist.  Denmark,  5  vols.,  Copenh.,  1829-32.  F.  G.  Dahl- 
mann,  Gesch.  Danemarks,  3,  8vo,  Hamb.,  1839-44.] 

"When  fhe  Reformation  began,  the  tyrannical  Christian  II.  was 
ruling  in  Denmark  and  Norway,  and  contending  for  the  throne  of 
Sweden.  In  all  these  kingdoms  the  clergy  was  in  possession  of 
large  property  and  privileges,  and  the  royal  power  was  very  much 
restricted  by  them  and  the  nobility. 

In  Denmark  Christian  II.  endeavored  to  impair  the  superiority 
of  the  prelates  and  nobles,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to  elevate  the 
oppressed  burghers  and  peasantry.  And  as  he  thus  favored  the 
enlightening  of  the  people  and  the  pursuits  of  industry,  he  was 
also  favorably  disposed  toward  the  Reformation.1  In  May,  1521, 
with  several  laws  that  had  a  potent  bearing  upon  ecclesiastical 
matters,  he  went  so  far  as  to  issue  one  encouraging  the  marriage 
of  the  priests.2  In  Sweden,  on  the  contrary,  where  the  free  peas- 
antry and  a  large  part  of  the  nobility  were  opposed  to  him,  he 
sought  to  regain  dominion  by  the  aid  of  the  Pope  and  the  clergy. 
A  papal  ban  helped  him  ;  and  when  he  caused  the  noblest  Swedes 
to  be  executed  in  Stockholm  in  1520,  he  alleged  that  this  slaugh- 
ter was  but  the  execution  of  that  ban.  And  when,  upon  the  com- 
plaint of  the  Swedes,  a  papal  legate  appeared  in  Denmark,  Sept., 
1521,  the  King  did  not  hesitate,  in  order  to  retain  the  papal  pro- 
tection, to  issue  an  edict  in  favor  of  the  mass,  and  to  take  back 
the  objectionable  exhortation  as  to  the  marriage  of  priests,  1522.3 

After  Christian  II.  had  been  deposed,4  Frederick  I.,  Duke  of 

1  In  1519  he  called  Martin  Reinhard  from  Wittenberg  to  Copenhagen  into  the  theo- 
logical faculty;  Miinter,  iii.  25;  Lutherus  ad  Spalatin.,  dd.  7.  Mart.,  1521  (de  Wette,  i. 
570) :  Rex  Daciae  etiam  persequitur  Papistas,  mandato  dato  Universitati  suae,  ne  mca 
danmarent.  Ita  retulit,  quern  illuc  dedimus,  D.  Martinus,  reversus  ut  promoveretur, 
rediturus  illuc. 

-  On  the  collection  of  decrees  which  appeared  on  Trinity  Sunday,  1521,  see  Miinter, 
iii.  42.  There  it  reads :  Art.  17.  "  Rein  Pralat,  Priester,  oder  Geistlicher  diirfe  sich  Lan- 
dercicn  kaufen,  wenn  er  nicht  St.  Pauli  Lehre  1  Tim.  3.  befolgen,  eine  Frau  nehmen,  u. 
wie  seine  alten  Vorvater  im  heil.  Ehestando  leben  wolle." 

3  Miinter,  iii.  68. 

"  Among  the  grounds  of  the  deposition  which  the  estates  brought  forward  (Ludewig 
Reliquiae  Manuscriptorum,  v.  315)  this  is  found,  p.  321 :  Nobilissimam  et  ex  catholica 
stirpe  genitam  conjugem  suam  Lutherana  haevesi  infecit,  ejusdem  haeresis  pullulatores 


CHAP.  II.—  REFORMATION.    §  17.  DENMARK.  267 

Sleswick  and  Holstein,  became  King,  in  1523 ;  but  he  had  previ- 
ously made  great  concessions  to  the  clergy  and  nobility,  and  bound 
himself  to  put  down  with  persecution  the  Reformation  that  was 
pressing  in.5  He  was  true  to  his  promise  ;  only  he  could  not  per- 
secute the  Reformers  after  he  had  forbidden  in  the  duchies  all 
violent  interference  with  the  great  religious  struggle6  (1524).  Per- 
sonally, too,  he  became  more  and  more  inclined  to  the  Reforma- 
tion. And  thus  Luther's  doctrine  now  began  to  be  more  vigor- 
ously diffused,7  especially  in  Jutland,  where  John  Tausen8  had 
been  its  most  zealous  preacher  since  1524.  When  the  King,  too, 
declared  himself  for  it  in  1526,  although  he  still  refrained  from 
bestowing  any  favors  upon  it,  it  received  a  mighty  impulse  in'  all 
the  cities ;  and  when  the  bishops  attempted  to  oppose  it  the  par- 
ties assumed  an  attitude  of  sharp  opposition.  To  forestall  the 
breaking  out  of  the  contest,  the  King,  at  the  Diet  of  Odense,  1527, 
procured  equal  toJeration  for  both  sides.9  The  number  of  the  Lu- 
therans increased  with  rapid  strides.  Wiborg,  in  Jutland,  and 
Malmo.  in  Schonen,  became  the  centres  of  the  Reformation,  which 

contra  jus  pietatemque  in  regnum  nostrum  catholicum  introduxit,  Doctorem  Carolosta- 
dium,  fortissimum  Lutheri  Athletam,  enutrivit. 

5  On  this  capitulation,  see  Miinter,  iii.  101.  Frederick,  among  other  things,  had  to 
promise  (s.  145)  never  to  allow  heretics,  disciples  of  Luther  or  others,  "heimlich  oder 
ofientlich  gegen  den  himmlischen  Gott,  den  heil.  christl.  Glauben,  den  heil.  Vater,  oder 
die  romische  Kirche  zu  predigen  oder  zu  lehren ;  und  wo  solche  im  Reiche  gefunden 
wiirden,  sie  am  Leben  u.  Gute  zu  strafen." 

6  The  edict  reads  (see  Henr.  Muhlii  de  Reformatione  Religionis  in  Cimbria  Coram., 
in  his  Dissertationes  historico  theologicae,  Kiliae,  1715.  4.,  p.  37)  :  "Dass  Niemand  bey 
Hals,  Leib  u.  Gut  urn  der  Religion,  papstischer  oder  Lutherischer,  willen  einem  andern 
an  Leib,  Ehre  u.  zeitlichen  Giitem  Gefahr  u.  Unheil  sollte  zufugen,  sondera  ein  jeder 
sich  in  seiner  Religion  also  sollte  verhalten,  wie  ers  gegen  Gott  den  Allinachtigen  mit 
reinem  Gewisscn  gediichte  zu  verantworten." 

7  John  Michelsen,  a  companion  of  the  expelled  King,  contributed  very  much  thereto 
by  his  Danish  translation  of  the  New  Testament.  Leipzig,  152  1  ;  see  Miinter,  iii.  128. — 
Comp.  Chr.  Thorn.  Engelstoft  Reformantes  et  Catholici  Tempore,  quo  sacra  emeudata 
sunt  in  Dania  concertantes,  Spec,  inaug.  Ilafn.,  1836.  8. 

8  His  life  is  in  the  Danische  Bibliothek  (Kopenhagen,  1737.  8),  Stuck  1,  s.  1. 

9  The  Constitution  in  Pontoppidan,  ii.  806:  1.  "Von  diesem  Tage  an  soil  jedermann 
der  geistlichen  Freiheit  so  weit  geniessen,  dass  niemand  befugt  seyn  soil,  in  eines  an- 
dern Gewissen  zu  forschen,  ob  er  Lutherisch  oder  papistisch  sey.  Vielmehr  soil  ein  je- 
der seiner  Seelen  Sorge  tragen.  2.  Die  Lutherischon  insonderheit,  wclche  bisher  keine 
vollige  Sicherheit  u.  Geleit  gehabt  haben,  nimmt  der  Kunig  von  nun  an  in  eben  densel- 
ben  Schutz  u.  Schirm,  als  die  Papisten.  3.  Dor  in  einigen  hundert  Jahren  den  Kirch- 
endienem,  Canonikern,  Monchen  u.  andern  geistlichen  Leuten  verboten  gewesene  Ehe- 
stand  wird  erlaubt,  u.  jedem  freygestcllt,  cntweder  in  die  Ehe  zu  treten,  oder  in  Rein- 
heit  des  Lebens  zu  verbleiben.  4.  Die  Bischofe  sollen  hinfiiro  kein  Pallium  zu  Pom 
holen,  sondem  allein  vom  Konige  ihrc  Bestatigung  holcn,  wann  sie  erst  vom  Capitol, 
welches  hierin  seine  Frevheit  behalt,  rechtmassig  erwahlet  Bind." 


268  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

was  thence  diffused  over  the  whole  kingdom.  Contemporaneous- 
ly with  the  Augsburg  Diet,  there  was  also  to  be.  at  the  Diet  of 
Copenhagen  (July,  1530),  a  union  of  the  parties.  The  Lutherans, 
with  John  Tausen,  the  preacher  at  Copenhagen,  at  their  head, 
handed  in  a  Confession  of  Faith,10  and  several  writings  were  in- 
terchanged in  respect  to  it.  Union  was  not  effected,  but  the  Lu- 
theran party  now  had  the  decided  preponderance  in  the  kingdom. 
Frederick,  however,  true  to  his  word,  allowed  the  prelates  to  re- 
tain their  power ;  and  thus,  after  his  death  in  1533,  they  were  in 
a  condition  to  attempt  a  decisive  reactionary  movement.  Since 
greater  zeal  for  the  Reformation  was  to  be  expected  from  Freder- 
ick's son,  Christian,  the  prelates  procured  a  postponement  of  the 
election  of  the  King,  that  they  might,  in  the  interregnum,  destroy 
all  innovations.  But  there  was  no  salvation  for  them  in  any  quar- 
ter. A  zealous  Protestant,  Count  Christopher  von  Oldenburg,  now 
took  up  arms  for  the  deposed  King,  Christian  II.,  and  invaded  a 
large  part  of  Denmark.  Threatened  with  the  restoration  of  that 
tyrant,  even  the  clergy  were  compelled  to  assent  to  the  choice, 
previously  refused,  of  Christian  III.  (July  4,  1534).  After  he  had 
brought  the  civil  war  to  a  victorious  issue,  he  had  all  the  bishops 
imprisoned  on  the  same  day,  August  20,  1536  ;  and  a  diet  at  Co- 
penhagen decreed  that  there  should  no  longer  be  bishops  with  such 
authority,  and  that  the  Reformation  should  be  universally  intro- 
duced (October,  1536).  The  church  property  was  divided  partly 
between  the  King  and  the  nobility,  and  partly  between  the  new 
Church  and  pious  foundations.  The  bishops  were  released  only  on 
condition  of  renouncing  their  dignities.  Joachim  Rbnnov,  Bishop 
of  Roeskild,  who  refused,  was  kept  in  prison  till  his  death.  John 
Bugenhagen  was  invited  to  come  for  some  years  and  superintend 
the  reshaping  of  the  Church.11  With  his  co-operation  the  Univers- 
ity of  Copenhagen  was  arranged  anew  ;12  he  crowned  the  King  and 
Queen  (August  12,  1537),13  and  consecrated  the  new  evangelical 
bishops  or  superintendents,  September  2 ;  the  new  ecclesiastical 

'  °  Danish  in  43  articles ;  in  German  in  Pontoppidan,  ii.  836 ;  in  Latin  in  Muhlius,  p. 
133,  and  Munter,  iii.  308. 

1 '  On  Bugenhagen's  residence  in  Denmark,  see  Joh.  Joach.  Miiller's  entdecktes  Staats- 
eabinet,  4te  Eroffnung  (Jena,  1716),  cap.  9.  Balth.  Munter  Symbolae  ad  illustraudam 
Bugenhagii  in  Dania  Commorationem.     Hafn.,  1836.  8. 

12  Munter,  iii.  471. 

13  Die  Kronung  Konig  Christians  III.  v.  Dan.  u.  s.  Gemahlinn  Dorothea  durch  Dr. 
Joh.  Bugenhagen,  herausgeg.  von  Dr.  G.  Mohnike.    Stralsund,  1832.  8. 


CHAP.  II— REFORMATION.    §  18.  IN  SWEDEN.  269 

order  was  published  on  the  same  day,u  and  it  then  received  legal 
sanction  from  the  Diet  of  Odense,  1539. 

In  Norway,15  Catholicism,  supported  by  a  powerful  hierarchy, 
remained  undisturbed  till  the  reign  of  Christian  III.  After  Oluf 
Engelbrechtsen,  Archbishop  of  Drontheim,  had  abandoned  his  op- 
position to  this  King,  and  fled  to  the  Netherlands  (1537)  with  his 
treasures,  Norway  became  a  province  of  Denmark  instead  of  a 
sister  kingdom.  The  Reformation  was  now  introduced  on  the 
part  of  the  government ;  but  for  this  reason  there  was  among  the 
people  for  a  long  time  a  marked  preference  for  Catholicism. 

In  Iceland16  all  reformatory  movements  were  kept  in  check  by 
the  two  bishops  of  the  country,  till  GifTer  Einhasen,  educated  in 
Germany,  became,  in  1540,  Bishop  of  Skalholt,  and  began  to  re- 
form his  diocese  after  the  Danish  Church  order.  After  his  death, 
in  1548,  John  Aresen,  Bishop  of  Holum,  attempted  to  suppress  the 
new  movements  by  violence,  but  he 'was  executed  as  a  rebel  in 
1550.  Thereupon  the  work  of  the  Reformation  was  completed 
without  any  hinderance. 

The  Jesuits  also  tried  to  obtain  a  working  sphere  in  Denmark 
and  Norway,  especially  through  some  young  Danes  who  had  fallen 
into  their  toils,  being  enticed  by  the  reputation  of  their  schools  ;17 
however,  their  efforts  were  unsuccessful,  as  were  those  of  other 
Catholic  missionaries  ;18  and  the  whole  Danish  kingdom  has  ever 
since  remained  true  to  the  Lutheran  Church. 

§  18. 

IN  SWEDEN. 

Jo.  Baazii  (provost  in  Joncoping,  in  East  Gothland)  Inventarium  Ecclesiae  Sueo-Gotho- 
rum,  continens  integram  historiam  Ecclesiae  Suecicae  libb.  VIII.  descriptam.     Linco- 

14  On  their  redaction,  see  Munter,  iii.  484.  The  royal  edict  on  their  publication  is  in 
Pontoppidan,  iii.  224.  Comp.  A.  H.  Lackmann  Hist,  ordinationis  ecclesiasticae,  at  the 
end  of  his  Schleswig-Holsteinischer  Historie,  Th.  3.  It  was  first  written  in  Latin,  and 
afterward  translated  into  Danish  by  Paliadius,  Bishop  of  Seeland,  and  in  this  form  laid 
before  the  Diet  of  Odense. 

15  Munter,  iii.  515. 

16  Ludw.  Harboe  (bishop,  who  Spent  1741-4G  as  Visitator  in  Iceland)  Om  Reformatio- 
nen  i  Island,  in  det  Kjobenhavnske  Selskabs  Skrifter,  v.  u.  vii.     Munter,  iii.  530. 

17  Thus,  in  1613,  six  Catholic  preachers,  who  had  been  trained  in  Jesuit  schools,  were 
deposed  ;  Pontoppidan,  iii.  611. 

13  Nachrichten  von  den  Missionsversuchen  der  Romischen  Kirche  in  Diinemark  u. 
Norwegen,  in  Munter's  Magazin  fur  Kirchengesch.  u.  Kircheurecht  des  Nordens,  B.  2, 
St.  4,  s.  7. 


270  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

piae,  1642.  4.  Dr.  J.  A.  Sckinmeier's  Lebensbeschreibungen  der  drey  Schwed.  Refor- 
matoren,  des  Kanzlers  Lorenz  Anderson,  Oluf  Peterson,  u.  Lorenz  Peterson.  Lilbeck, 
1783.  4.  Geschichte  Schwedens  von  E.  G.  Geijer,  from  tbe  Swedish,  by  Swen  P.  Leff- 
ler  (in  Heeren's  u.  Ukert's  Gesch.  d.  Europ.  Staaten),  2ter  Bd.  Hamburg,  1834.  8. 
R.  C.  H.  Romer  de  Gustavo  I.  rerum  sacrarum  in  Suecia  Saec.  XVI.  instauratore. 
Traj.  ad  Rhen.,  1840.  8. 
[Svvenska  Kyrkoreformationens  historia,  af  L.  A.  Anjon,  3,  8vo,  Upsala,  1850-51  (eomp. 
Reuter's  Repertorium,  Marz,  1852).  Munch,  Origin,  Historjr  and  Migrations  of  Scan- 
dinavia, Christiana,  1851.  Aug.  Theiner,  Sclrvveden  u.  seine  Stellung  zum  heiligen 
Stuhle,  3  Bde.,  Augsb.,  1839.  A.  E.  Knos,  Die  Schwedische  Kirchenverfassung,  mit 
Vorwort  von  Dr.  G.  C.  A.  Harless,  Stuttg.,  1852.  The  History  of  Sweden  in  Hee- 
ren's Gesch.  d.  Europiiischen  Staaten,  4,  8vo.  F.  W.  Schubert,  Schwedens  Kirchen- 
verfassung, 2  Thle.,  1820-21.  Eric  Gustav  Geiger,  History  of  Swedes  (Orebro,  1836), 
translated  bj*  J.  H.  Turner,  3,  8vo,  Lond.  A  chapter  on  the  Church  in  Sweden,  in 
Journal  of  Sacr.  Lit.,  Oct.,  1858.  Anders  Fryxell,  Hist,  of  Sweden,  translated  and 
edited  by  Mary  Howitt,  2,  8vo,  Lond.,  1844.] 

Two  brothers,  trained  in  Wittenberg,  Olaf  and  Lawrence  Peter- 
son (Olaus  and  Laurentius  Petri),  were  at  work  as  early  as  1519 
at  Strengnas  for  the  Reformation ;  among  the  adherents  they  gain- 
ed, the  most  distinguished  was  the  archdeacon  Lawrence  Ander- 
son. Olaf  s  sermons  made  a  great  sensation  at  the  Diet  of  Strensf. 
nas,  by  which  Gustavus  Vasa  was  chosen  King,  after  he  had  freed 
Sweden  from  the  Danish  rule.  Gustavus  was  attracted  to  these 
men  and  their  doctrine,  and  appointed  Lawrence  Anderson  to  be 
his  chancellor,  Olaf  Peterson  preacher  in  Stockholm,  and  Lawrence 
Peterson  professor  of  theology  in  Upsala.1  Gustavus  favored  the 
new  doctrine  the  more  readily,  because  it  seemed  to  give  him  the 
opportunity  of  appropriating  the  immoderate  riches  of  the  Church, 
which  were  indispensable  to  the  new  kingdom,  almost  without 
means,  and  which  had  now  become  dangerous  in  the  hands  of 
prelates  that  favored  Denmark.  The  people,  too,  were  irritated 
against  the  priests  on  account  of  their  too  great  power  and  arro- 
gance ;  but  still  they  were  superstitiously  attached  to  the  Church 
and  its  forms.  Under  these  circumstances  Gustavus  was  able  to 
lay  heavier  burdens  upon  the  priests.  For  this  he  was  accused 
■of  heresy  by  them,2  and  it  became  a  matter  of  much  consequence, 

1  Bishop  Brask,  of  Linkoping,  wrote,  12th  July,  1523,  to  the  Bishop  of  Skara  (Geijer, 
ii.  43) :  Periculose  pullulare  incipit  haeresis  ilia  Lutherana  per  quondam  Magistrum 
Olavum  in  Ecclesia  Stregnesensi,  praesertim  contra  decreta  s.  Rom.  Ecclesiae  ac  ecele- 
siasticam  libertatem  ad  eft'ectum,  ut  status  modernae  SCcclesiae  reducatur  ad  mendicita- 
tcm  et  statum  Ecclesiae  primitivae.  Comp.  the  documents  in  Aug.  Theiner's  Schweden, 
und  seine  Stellung  zum  heil.  Stuhl  unter  Johann  III.,  Sigismund  III.,  und  Karl  IX. 
(2  Theile,  Augsb.,  1838  u.  1839),  Th.  2.    Urkundenbuch,  s.  1  ff. 

2  Gustavus  writes  about  this  in  1526  to  the  Helsingers  (Geijer,  ii.  48),  that  the  priests 
calumniated  him  only  because  he  did  not  tolerate  their  avarice  and  tyranny.  "  Wann 
sie  vermerken,  dass  wir  den  Vortheil  der  Krone  bcdenken,  der  uns  von  wegen  unsers 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  18.  IN  SWEDEN.  271 

particularly  because  they  had  a  fitting  pretext  for  this  in  the  dis- 
orders of  the  Anabaptists  in  Stockholm,  1524,3  and  the  incautious 
expressions  of  several  of  the  new  preachers.4  The  disputation 
held  in  Upsala,  1524,  had  no  special  result.5  Convinced  that  the 
kingdom  was  too  weak  to  bring  to  an  end  the  disturbances  of  the 
country,  which  were  specially  fostered  by  the  clergy,  G-ustavus, 
at  the  Diet  of  "Westerns,  1527,  proposed  to  resign ;  but  instead 
of  this  the  Church  was  surrendered  to  his  discretion.6  A  way 
was  thus  opened  for  the  Reformation,  and  the  nobility  gained  for 
it,  since  the  larger  part  of  the  church  property  fell  to  them ;  but 
the  people  were  wholly  unprepared,7  and  inclined  to  look  upon  all 

koniglichen  Amtes  anbefohlen  ist, — sagen  sie  sogleich,  wir  wollten  einen  neuen  Glau- 
ben  u.  Luther's  Lehre  einfuhren,  da  es  doch  nicht  anders  ist,  als  wie  ihr  jetzo  gehort 
habt,  dass  wir  ihnen  nicht  gestatten  mogen,  wider  das  Gesetz  ihrera  Geize  zu  frohnen." 
Comp.  Gustav's  Apologie  gegen  die  Verlaumdungen  des  entwichenen  Erzb.  v.  Upsala 
Johannes  Magnus,  early  in  1527,  in  Baazius,  p.  206,  and,  taken  from  this,  in  Gerdesii 
Hist.  Reform.,  T.  iii.  Monumenta,  p.  181 :  Intelligimus,  proh  dolor!  nos  aliquorum  im- 
proborum  vocibus  et  scriptis  lacerari,  quasi  novam  Mem  velimus  in  dileetam  patriam 
introducere,  et  novatorcs  quosdam  in  patriae  perniciem  defendere. — Religionis  verae 
curam  nos  habere  juxta  Dei  verbum  non  diffitemur  :  veriorem  nullam  habemus  religio- 
nem,  quam  a  Christo  et  Apostolis  traditam :  de  hac  non  controvertitur,  sed  de  ritibus 
quibusdam  ab  hominibus  inventis,  praesertim  immunitate  Praelatorum  Ecclesiae.  Ritus 
inutiles  cupiunt  docti  abrogates,  quos  etiam  ipsi  Praelati  vident  non  posse  verbo  Dei 
defendi.  Hos  dum  volumus  abrogates,  novam  vel  aliam  quam  vere  christianam  religi- 
onem  introducere  minime  insimulari  possumus,  etc. 

3  Instigated  by  Melchior  Ring  and  Knipperdolling ;  Schinmeicr,  s.  47. 

4  Objurgations  against  bishops,  saints,  and  rites;  in  Schinmeier,  s.  50. 

5  The  questions  in  dispute,  and  the  declarations  of  both  parties  upon  them,  were  print- 
ed by  Olaus  Petri  in  1527.  They  may  be  found  in  Baazius,  p.- 166  ss.,  and  in  Gerdcsius, 
Tom.  iii.  Monumenta,  p.  153  ss. 

6  The  contents  of  the  final  decrees  of  Westeras  are  in  Geijer,  ii.  63.  The  King  was 
especially  authorized  to  take  the  castles  of  the  bishops,  to  determine  the  income  of  the 
bishops  and  the  canons,  to  make  arrangements  about  the  cloisters.  The  nobility  were 
again  to  receive  those  churches  and  cloisters  of  which  the}- had  been  deprived  since  1154 
(when  Carl  Canutson  limited  the  legacies  to  the  Church,  and  confiscated  much  property), 
so  far  forth  as  their  hereditary  right  was  legally  proved  by  the  oath  of  twelve  men.  The 
preachers  were  to  proclaim  the  pure  word  of  God.  The  so-called  Westeras  Ordinance 
made  still  more  definite  arrangements  about  the  Church  (in  Baazius,  p.  223,  and  Gerde- 
sius,  iii.  312).  The  bishops  were  to  give  efficient  preachers  to  the  congregations ;  other- 
wise the  King  was  to  see  to  it.  The  bishops  were  to  hand  in  to  the  King  a  schedule  of 
their  revenues,  that  he  might  determine  what  of  it  should  remain  to  the  churches  and 
what  was  to  fall  to  the  crown.  The  begging  of  monks  was  to  be  restricted  ;  the  inher- 
itance of  the  priest  was  not  to  accrue  to  the  bishop;  the  priests,  in  secular  matters, 
were  to  be  under  the  royal  jurisdiction ;  the  Gospel  was  to  be  read  in  all  the  schools ; 
excommunication  was  to  be  pronounced  only  after  an  investigation  before  a  royal 
court. 

7  When,  in  Westeras,  the  right  was  given  to  the  preachers  of  proclaiming  the  pure 
word  of  God,  the  nobles  added,  in  the  way  of  confirming  it,  "  nicht  aber  ungewisse  Wun- 
derzeichen,  MenschenerfinduiiLcen  u.  Fabeln,  wie  es  bishero  viel  gesehehen."  But  the 
burghers  and  miners  expressed  themselves  about  the  new  faith  :   "Er  moge  untersucht 


272  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

changes  in  ecclesiastical  matters  as  an  apostasy  from  Christendom. 
Accordingly,  the  King  proposed  that  the  first  thing  done  should  be 
to  provide  for  their  instruction,  and  that  all  changes  should,  in  the 
mean  time,  be  deferred.  The  assembly  of  the  clergy  in  Oerebro, 
1529,  made  their  decrees  in  this  spirit,8  and  the  mild  Lawrence 
Peterson  became  Archbishop  of  Upsala  in  1531.  It  was  very  dif- 
ficult, however,  to  gain  a  welcome  among  the  people ;  for  the  old 
clergy  remained  in  their  offices,  and  the  younger  ones  often  did 
more  injury  by  chiding  the  old  usages  than  good  by  their  instruc- 
tions.9 The  King  hit  upon  a  new  arrangement,  making  George 
Normann  superintendent  of  all  the  clergy  of  the  kingdom,  and 
putting  under  him  custodians  and  religious  councilors  for  the  over- 
sight of  the  provinces ;  but  this  was  not  carried  out  thoroughly. 
During  the  reign  of  Gustavus  many  of  the  people  always  re- 
mained discontented  with  the  ecclesiastical  changes ;  and  even  in 
1542  he  was  obliged  to  put  down  a  dangerous  rebellion.10  The 
larger  part  was  wholly  unaffected  by  the  spirit  of  the  Reformation. 
They  saw  in  it  only  a  change  of  ceremonies,  and  a  limitation  of 
the  power  of  the  priests.  And  thus  it  came  to  pass  that  the  mor- 
al effects  of  this  Reformation  were  not  at  all  cheering;11  so  that 

werden,  gehe  aber  iiber  ihren  Verstand."  Also  the  farmers :  "  Schwer  sei  tiefer  zu  ur- 
theilen,  als  der  Verstand  zusagt;"  see  Geijer,  ii.  66  f. 

8  See  these  in  Baazius,  p.  240.  Gerdesius,  T.  iii.  Monum.,  p.  193.  Here  were  retain- 
ed the  consecrated  water,  consecrated  palms,  wax-lights,  salt,  etc. ;  and  they  only  tried, 
by  explanations,  to  separate  superstitious  associations  from  them. 

9  A  violent  epistle  of  the  King  to  the  archbishop,  Lawrence  Peterson,  24th  April,  1539 ; 
see  Schinmeier,  s.  101 ;  Geijer,  ii.  89.  E.  g.  "Es  sey  kein  Wunder,  wenn  die  Gemeinen 
sich  der  evangelischen  Lehre  wiedersetzten,  so  lange  es  ihnen  an  gehoriger  Unterweisung 
fehle.  Er  hatte  billig  dafur  sorgen  sollen,  dass  sie  mit  wiirdigen  Lehrern  hinlanglich 
versehen  worden  waren. — Man  merke  nur  gar  zu  deutlich,  dass  ihn  der  Verlust  der  vori- 
gen  Gewalt  schmerze ;  aber  er  solle  sich  erinnern,  dass  er  ein  Prediger  und  kein  Herr 
sey ;  er  betriige  sich  gewaltig,  wenn  er  glaube,  dass  die  Bischofe  das  so  lange  gemis- 
brauchte  Schwert  wieder  erhalten  wiirden,  welches  man  ihnen  mit  so  vieler  Miihe  aus 
den  Handen  gerissen  hatte.  Und  da  er  selbst  nicht  verstande,  wie  die  Predigten  einge- 
richtet  werden  miissten,  so  wollte  er  ikm  nur  sagen,  dass  er  darin  nicht  auf  die  alten 
Gebrauche  schimpfen,  sondern  den  Kern  der  Religion  vortragen  solle. — Christus  u. 
Paulus  predigten  den  Gehorsam  gegen  die  Obrigkeit ;  aber  auf  den  Schwedischen  Kan- 
zeln  hore  man  nichts  anders,  als  Ausrufungen  iiber  Tyranney  u.  harte  Herrschaft,  so 
wie  Schimpfworte  auf  die  Obrigkeit,"  etc. 

10  Of  Nils  Dacke,  in  Smaland ;  the  insurgents  declared  their  purpose  to  be  the  re- 
establishment  of  Christianit}-,  the  abolition  of  the  Swedish  mass  ;  they  abused  the  mar- 
ried priests,  etc. ;  Geijer,  ii.  91  f. 

11  Compare  the  pastoral  letter  of  Archbishop  Lawrence  Petri,  1558,  in  Baazius,  p.  272 ; 
Gerdesius,  iii.  Monum.,  p.  197:  Habemus  hoc  saeculo  gratia  Dei  singulari  purum  ejus 
verl  inn  et  lucem  Evangelii  clarissimam,  qua  illuminati  a  tenebris  Papistarum  libe'ra- 
mur,  in  fideque  salviiica  conservamur,  servientes  Deo  juxta  patefactuni  ejus  voluntatem. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  18.  IN  SWEDEN.  273 

even  under  the  sons  of  G-ustavus  ecclesiastical  affairs  were  still  in 
a  very  undecided  condition.  The  Calvinism  favored  by  the  eldest 
of  them,  Erich  XIV.  ( 1560-68), 12  did  not  plant  any  roots.  But 
much  more  serious  movements  succeeded  under  John  III.  (1568- 
92),  from  the  attempt  to  reintroduce  Catholicism.13  The  King 
was  here  led  astray  by  the  influence  of  his  Catholic  spouse,  Cath- 
ariha,  a  Polish  princess,  and  by  the  hope  of  succeeding  to  the  Po- 
lish throne.  His  intention  was  to  have  a  mitigated  Catholicism, 
midway  between  the  contending  systems  ;u  and  it  did  not  seem 
so  very  difficult  to  establish  this  in  Sweden,  where  so  little  had 
been  altered  in  the  ecclesiastical  usages.  Without  foreseeing  it, 
the  old  archbishop,  Lawrence  Peterson,  favored  the  influence  of 
this  plan  of  the  King  by  the  ecclesiastical  arrangements  that  were 
published  in  1571  ;13  but  his  successor  (1573);  Lawrence  Peter- 
son Gothus,  went  decidedly  into  this  movement.16  Now,  under 
the  protection  of  the  Queen,  and  the  agency  of  Stanislaus  Hosi- 
us,17  the  Catholic  element  had  a  complete  preponderance.  Two 
Catholic  priests,  under  the  masks  of  evangelical  clergymen,  began 
(1576)  at  Stockholm,  in  a  newly-founded  college,  to  work  by  lec- 

Secl  proh  dolor,  multi  nostratium  hoc  minime  considerantes  vix  audire  purum  verbura 
Dei  gestiunt :  tantum  abest,  ut  vitam  suam  juxta  idem  verbum  instituant.  Alii  ipsum 
verbum  odio  Vatiniano  prosequuntur,  et  quod  aperte  non  audent,  tacite  effutiunt,  adscri- 
bentes  Evangelio  omnium  advcrsitatum  causam.  Reliqui  fructum  nullum  praedicato 
Evangelio  ostendunt,  licet  ejus  praedicatione  videantur  delectari :  verum  (quod  magis 
dolendum  est)  sub  libertate  Evangelii  licentiam  peccandi  studiosius  sectantur  multi, 
quasi  finis  praedicati  Evangelii  sit,  eaque  libertas  Christiana,  ut  liceat  homini  Christiano 
(adhuc  peccatori)  agere  quae  lubet. 

12  Schinmeier,  s.  136  ft'. 

13  Aug.  Theiner's  Schweden  u.  seine  Stellung  zura  heil.  Stuhle  unter  Johann  III., 
Sigismund  III.,  u.  Karl  IX.  (2  Theile,  Augsb.,  1838  u.  1839),  Th.  1,  s.  336;  Th.  2,  Ur- 
kundenbuch,  s.  28. 

14  He  held  the  writings  of  George  Cassander  in  special  esteem  ;  Geijer,  ii.  215. 

15  At  the  suggestion  of  the.  King  the  statements  were  inserted,  that  Anschar  had  in- 
troduced the  true  Christian  religion  ;  that  the  writings  of  the  fathers  helped  to  the  true 
understanding  of  the  Holy  Scriptures ;  that  good  works  should  be  preached  together 
with  faith  ;  that  in  baptism  they  should  retain  the  exorcism,  the  lights,  the  sign  of  the 
cross,  and  the  white  garments ;  that  in  the  Eucbarist  tberc  should  be  the  elevation  of 
the  host ;  that  several  altars  should  be  allowed  in  the  principal  churches,  and  private 
confession  observed.    Hunter's  Magazin,  ii.  i.  7. 

16  The  agreement  which  he  and  the  other  clergy  must  privately  subscribe,  see  in  Baa- 
zius,  p.  365,  and  Hunter's  Magazin  f.  Kirchcngesch.  u.  Kirchenrecht  des  Nordens,  ii.  iii. 
41 ;  Geijer,  ii.  220  ff. 

17  Comp.  his  letters  to  the  Queen,  the  King,  and  John  Hcrbest,  the  Catholic  court 
preacher  of  the  former,  scattered  in  his  collection  of  letters,  in  St.  Hosii  Opera  (Colon., 
1581  fol.),  ii.  336  ss.  The  secret  mission  of  the  Jesuit,  Stanislaus  Warscwicz,  and  bis 
negotiations  with  the  King,  1574,  are  given  in  Theiner,  i.  390,  from  his  report  to  the 
general  of  the  Jesuits. 

VOL.  IV. 18 


274  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

tures,  disputations,  and  sermons;18  several  others  soon  followed 
them  ;  Swedish  youth  were  trained  in  the  foreign  Jesuit  schools  ;19 
Catholic  books  were  translated  and  disseminated  ;20  in  1576  an  al- 
most thorough-going  Romish  liturgy  was  issued,21  and  forced  into 
general  reception  by  the  King.  Only  South  Ermanland,  where 
Duke  Charles,  the  King's  brother,  was  regent,  kept  itself  aloof 
from  the  incoming  Catholicism  and  the  liturgy,  and  provided  a 
place  of  resort  for  the  clergy,  expelled  for  their  unyielding  charac- 
ter. The  King  opened  negotiations  with  the  Pope,  to  submit  to 
him  under  certain  conditions  ;22  and  the  Jesuit,  Anthony  Possevinus, 

18  They  came  from  Louvain ;  they  were  the  secular  priest,  Florentius  Feyt,  and  the 
Jesuit,  Lawrence  Nicolai,  of  Norway.  Stanislaus  Hosius  writes  about  it,  July  8,  1576, 
to  John  Herbest  (Opp.,  ii.  408)  :  Ego  divinitus  id  factum  esse  puto,  quod  venit  ad  vos 
Norvegius  ille,  quem  esse  virum  prudentem,  etbene  doctum,  et  non  vulgari  judicio  prae- 
ditum  audio,  magna  praeterea  pietate :  censerem  hunc  modis  omnibus  amplectendum, 
ut  Ecclesiam  habere  posset,  in  qua  Dei  verbum  praedicaret. — Expedit  autem,  ut  is,  qui 
mittitur  ad  vos,  omnem  occasionem  fugiat,  qua  possint  animi  omnium  offendi.  Poterit 
ridem  in  coelum  usque  tollere,  operibus  extra  fidem  factis  nihil  tribuere,  Christum  uni- 
cum  esse  mediatorem  asserere,  unicum  illud  esse  sacrificium  crucis,  per  quod  salvati 
sumus,  docere ;  quae  cum  in  genere  docuisset,  turn  demum  eorum  quae  docuit  sanum 
intellectum  afterre,  et  planum  omnibus  facere,  quod  nihil  aliud  quam  hoc  fuit  hactenus 
in  Papatu  praedicatum.  Florentius  Fej-t  thus  describes  the  doings  of  his  companion 
(Geijer,  ii.  221) :  Insinuat  se  Pater  Laurentius  in  amicitiam  Germanorum,  hi  enim  faci- 
les  sunt.  Pergit  Pater  ad  Ministros,  sermonem  miscet  variis  de  rebus. — Ministri,  homi- 
nes illiterati,  promtitudinem  Latini  sermonis  et  elegantiam  mirantur,  operam  omnem 
promittunt,  miseri  laqueum,  quo  suspendantur  postea,  sibi  contexunt.  Adeunt  Regem, 
commendant  virum.  Rex  gratam  sibi  esse  commendationem  significat,  gaudet  in  sinu 
rem  dextre  confectam.  Hanc  opportunitatem  nactus  Rex  Patrem  Laurentium  in  theo- 
logiae  Professorem  cooptavit,  statuens,  ut  quotquot  Holmiae  ministri  essent  (erant  autem 
plus  minus  30)  Patris  lectionibus  interessent. — Porro  cum  salutis  nostrae  inimicus  om- 
nem animarum  fructum  semper  impedire  contendit,  excitavit  aemulum  quendam  P. 
Laurentio,  Abrahamum  (Angermannum)  Scholae  Rectorem  :  is  animos  auditorum  sub- 
vertit  et  alienos  a  Patre  fecit.  Progreditur  tamen  Pater,  quotquot  auditores  veniant, 
insinuat  se  in  familiaritatem  aliquorum,  nunc  hunc,  nunc  ilium  dante  Deo  ad  fidem  oc- 
culte  reducit,  caet.    Theiner,  i.  431. 

19  Especially  in  the  German  college  at  Rome,  in  the  colleges  at  Braunsberg,  Ollmiitz, 
and  Fulda ;  Theiner,  i.  525.  The  Queen,  Catharina,  left  a  legacy  for  this  object  to  the 
college  in  Braunsberg  of  10,000  Thl. ;  Geijer,  ii.  225. 

50  E.  g.  Eccii  Enchiridion,  Catechismus  Canisii,  Consul tationes  Cassandri:  on  the 
other  hand,  Luther's  Catechism  was  forbidden  in  the  schools  ;  Geijer,  ii.  273. 

21  It  was  drawn  up  by  the  King  himself  and  his  secretary,  Peter  Fecht,  and  printed 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Jesuits ;  the  archbishop  had  to  publish  it  with  a  preface  under 
his  name  ;  see  Historia  Liturgica  opsatt  Ar,  1638,  af  Laurent.  Eayrnundio  (pastor  at  Thu- 
rinz,  in  South  Ermanland),  edited  by  V.  Stiernman.  Stockholm,  1745.  4.  The  liturgy 
is  printed,  with  a  historical  introduction,  in  F.  Hunter's  Magazin  fur  Kirchengesch.  u. 
Kirdicnrecht  des  Nordens,  ii.  i.  1.  Documents  about  it,  ibid.,  ii.  iii.  40.  On  the  Luther- 
an elements  that  still  remained,  see  Theiner,  i.  415. 

'■  To  these  belonged  especiallj-  (Geijer,  ii.  224),  that  the  mass  might  be  solemnized 
in  part  in  Swedish ;  that  the  cup  remain  to  the  laity ;  that  bishops  be  judged  by  the 
King  in  respect  to  crimes  deserving  death,  and  treason  ;  that  no  claim  should  be  set  up 
to  the  confiscated  church  property ;  that  the  marriage  of  priests  be  allowed,  though  they 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  18.  IN  SWEDEN.  £75 

came  to  Sweden  to  negotiate  with  the  King,23  nominally  an  impe- 
rial, but  in  fact  a  papal  legate.  Meanwhile,  as  the  Pope  neither 
accepted  the  conditions,24  nor  favored  the  political  designs  of  the 
King,  while,  at  the  same  time,  clergy  and  people  became  more 
and  more  incensed  at  the  increasing  boldness  of  the  Jesuits,25  the 
King  gradually  cooled  down  in  his  Catholic  zeal.26  At  last,  after 
Queen  Catharina's  death  in  1583,  and  after  the  new  Queen,  Gun- 
nila,  had  declared  herself  decidedly  opposed  to  Catholicism,  the 
Jesuits  were  banished  and  the  Catholics  persecuted;27  but  the 
King  held  fast  to  the  new  liturgy  in  the  most  obstinate  style.28 

John's  regulations  led  to  the  opposite  of  what  was  proposed. 
Popular  opinion,  before  this  quite  indifferent,  was  now  decidedly 
hostile  to  the  papacy,  and  demanded,  after  the  King's  death  (1592), 
when  his  Catholic  son,  Sigismund  of  Poland,  was  about  to  suc- 
ceed, that  Protestantism  should  be  restored,  and  guarantees  given 
that  the  Polish  and  Catholic  preferences  of  the  King  should  not  be 
injurious  to  the  country.  Charles,  Duke  of  South  Ermanland, 
convened,  as  regent,  an  ecclesiastical  council  at  Upsala  (1593), 
which  abolished  all  the  church  arrangements  of  John,  accepted 
the  Augsburg  Confession  as  the  symbolical  book,  and  banished 
Catholicism  from  Sweden.29  After  long  resistance,  Sigismund, 
too,  confirmed  these  arrangements  ;30  but  as  he  did  not  cease,  in 

should  be  encouraged  to  celibacy ;  that  the  King  might  take  part  in  heretical  worship 
till  Catholicism  should  be  predominant.     Theiner,  i.  459. 

23  Theiner,  i.  456  ff.  On  the  secret  change  of  the  King,  May,  1578 ;  ibid.,  s.  487.  Pos- 
sevin's  report  to  the  Pope  ;  ibid.,  Th.  ii. ;  Urkundenbuch,  s.  257  ff. 

2t  Theiner,  i.  502  ff. 

25  First  by  a  papal  marriage  dispensation,  on  account  of  which  Laurentius  Nicolai, 
the  mediator  in  the  case,  was  excommunicated  b}-  the  Archbishop  of  Upsala,  1578 ;  see 
Theiner,  i.  543.  Soon  after  the  archbishop  and  many  of  the  clergy  pronounced  against 
the  new  liturgy,  and  were  supported  by  Duke  Charles  of  South  Ermanland ;  ibid.,  s.  548. 

25  Especially  in  consequence  of  the  earnest  demands  of  the  Diet  of  Wadstena,  1580 ; 
Theiner,  i.  G07. 

27  Geijer,  ii.  226.  Imago  primi  sacculi  Soc.  Jesu  Antverp.,  1640,  fol.,  p.  219:  tantas 
spes  moriens  regina  secum  abstulit,  hac  sublata  deseruimus  locum,  non  deposuimus  cu- 
ram.     Theiner,  ii.  22. 

28  Again,  in  1588,  he  issued  a  patent  against  the  clergy  in  South  Ermanland,  who  had 
lately  condemned  the  liturgy  anew,  calling  them  blockheads,  jackass  heads,  Satanists, 
and,  as  imps  of  the  devil,  declaring  them  to  be  outlaws  in  the  whole  kingdom. 

29  History  of  this  council  in  Milliter's  Magazin,  ii.  i.  69. 

30  19th  February,  1594;  the  documents  in  Baaz.,  p.  556  ss.  He  promised,  in  particu- 
lar: Hanc  Religionem  in  patria  sartam  tectam  defcndcmus,  non  admittentes,  ut  alieni 
docentes  in  templis  vel  scholis  patriae  alicubi  suam  doctrinam  per  vim  ant  dolum  ad- 
misceant.  Sin  vero  privatam  agunt  vitam  in  hoc  regno,  qui  alienae  Religioni  sunt  ad- 
dicti,  utantur  legibus  civilibus  cum  Patriotis,  quamdiu  quiete  vivunt,  nee  haeresin  pre 


276  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

spite  of  this,  the  attempt  to  gain  a  sure  footing  for  Catholicism  in 
Sweden,  his  subjects  became  more  and  more  alienated.31  In  1599 
decisive  conditions  were  laid  before  him;  he  replied  in  an  un- 
satisfactory manner  ;  whereupon  Grustavus  Vasa's  youngest  son, 
Charles  IX.,  was  first  appointed  Administrator  of  the  kingdom, 
and  then,  in  1604,  made  King.32  Though  inclined  to  Calvinism, 
he  was  obliged  to  yield  to  the  general  zeal  for  Lutheranism  ;33  and 
to  this  Sweden  has  remained  true  without  swerving. 


§  19. 

IN  ITALY. 

Dan.  Gerdesii  Specimen  Italiae  reformatae.  Lugd.  Bat.,  1765.  4.  Thorn.  M'Crie's  His- 
tory of  the  Progress  and  Suppression  of  the  Reformation  in  Italy.  Edinb.  and  Lon- 
don, 1827  ;  2d  ed.,  1833  ;  in  German  by  Dr.  G.  Friederich.     Leipzig,  1829.  8. 

pagatam  cupiunt.  Ad  officia  publica  etiam  politica  nulli  promovebuntur  in  patria,  qui 
Religioncm  Evangelicam  nolunt  salvam,  quiii  potius  qui  earn  serio  defendere  volunt 
publicis  officiis  praeficiantur.  To  quiet  his  conscience,  Sigismund,  by  advice  of  the  nun- 
cio who  accompanied  him,  handed  in  a  secret  protestation  (Ranke,  Fursten  u.  Volker 
von  Siideuropa  im  16ten  u.  17ten  Jahrh.,  iii.  381),  come  S.  Ma  non  con  la  volunta  sua 
ma  per  pura  forza  si  era  indotto  a  concedere  cid  che  haveva  concesso;  and  the  nuncio 
at  the  same  time  induced  him,  che  concedesse  da  parte  agli  cattolici  altretanto  quanto 
haveva  conceduto  alii  heretici,  which  was  in  direct  contradiction  with  the  public  pledge. 
This  last  he  at  once  broke  by  putting  Catholics  in  state  offices,  and  restoring  Catholic 
worship  in  four  places. 

31  At  the  Diet  of  Soderkoping,  October,  1595,  the  entire  regency  had  already  been 
committed  to  Duke  Charles,  and  the  following  decree  passed  (Baaz.,  p.  567)  :  Quanquam 
promiserit  Rex  noster  ore  et  manu,  non  esse  sua  indulgentia  hie  tolerandos  alicnae  Reli- 
gionis  doccntes  ;  tamen  videmus  multos  in  patria  remanere  post  Regis  discessum  factio- 
nis  Jesuviticae  socios,  qui  non  solum  publica  habent  exercitia  Holmiae,  in  Drotning- 
holm  et  Wastenis :  sed  frequenter  oberrant  in  patria,  ut  simpliciores  decipiant.  Conclu- 
dimus  igitur  purgandam  necessario  esse  patriam  ab  his  omnibusque  Sectariis,  et  appro- 
bamus  unanimi  consensu,  ut  omnes  Sectarii  ab  Evangelica  Religione  alieni,  qui  sedem 
clegerunt  in  patria,  omnes  ac  singuli  intra  spatium  sex  hebdomadum  toto  Regno  disce- 
dant,  aut  auctoritate  Magistratus  compellantur  abire.  Officiarii  politici,  qui  a  Sectariis 
sunt  seducti,  nee  amore  nostrae  Religionis  tanguntur,  hi  sunt  ab  officiis  removendi. 
Maneant  tamen  Sueci  in  patria  privatam  vitam  agentes, — quamdiu  scandala  Religionis 
non  pariunt.  By  order  of  the  duke,  the  archbishop,  Abraham  Angermann,  thereupon 
had  a  general  church  visitation,  1596,  to  extirpate  all  relics  of  the  papacy  (Baazius,  p. 
571  ss.).    The  cloister  at  Wadstena  was  now  abolished. 

32  Exegesis  historica  non  minus  aequas  quam  graves  causas  commemorans,  quibus 
Ordines  Sueciae  Sigismundum  renunciantes — Carolum — subrogarunt.  Stockholmiae, 
1610.  4.  (originally  written  in  Swedish  at  the  request  of  Charles  IX. ;  translated  into 
Latin  by  John  Messenius). 

33  In  his  regal  pledge,  March  27,  1607,  he  confirmed  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of 
Dpsala  (Geijer,  ii.  335).  When  afterward  the  Scotchman,  John  Forbesius,  invited  by  a 
Calvinistic  part}'  at  the  court,  defended  the  Calvinistic  decretum  absolutum  (Baazius,  p. 
623  ss.)  in  a  disputation  at  Upsala,  Nov.  17,  1608,  the  King  too  became  inclined  to  Cal- 
vinism (Baazius,  p.  660). 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  19.  IN  ITALY.  277 

[Kiesling,  Epistola  de  Gestis  Pauli  III.  ad  Emend.  Ecclesiae  spectantibus,  Lips.,  1747. 
Schelhorn,  De  Consilio  de  eraendanda  Eccl.  jussu  Pauli  III.,  sed  ab  eodem  neglecto, 
Tiguri,  17*18.  De  Porta,  Hist.  Kef.  Eccl.  Rhaeticarum.  D.  Erdmann,  Die  Reforma- 
tion u.  ihre  Martyrer  in  Italien,  Berl.,  1855.  Jules  Bonnet,  Vie  de  Olympia  Morata, 
3me  ed.,  12mo,  Paris,  1856.] 

In  Italy  a  widely  diffused  culture  was  favorable  to  the  Refor- 
mation ;  on  the  other  hand,  national  pride,  the  power  of  the  hie- 
rarchy, and  the  self-interest  of  Italy,  aided  by  the  papal  omnipo- 
tence, worked  against  it.  On  this  account  it  had  currency  almost 
exclusively  among  the  cultivated,  and  but  a  slight  hold  upon  the 
people.  Luther's  writings  and  those  of  other  reformers  were  ear- 
ly and  warmly  welcomed  ;*  they  were  reprinted  in  part  under  fic- 
titious names,  that  they  might  be  circulated  without  impediment.2 
Then,  too,  the  years  of  the  war  that  began  in  1526  were  favorable 
to  the  diffusion  of  the  new  ideas ;  for  then  the  clerical  oversight 
was  lessened,  and  many  zealous  Protestants  also  came  to  Italy  in 
the  imperial  army  which  plundered  Rome  in  1527,  and  for  a  long 
time  afterward  tarried  in  Naples.3 

The  good  right  of  the  German  Reformation,  in  opposition  to 
ecclesiastical  mechanism  and  the  fatal  doctrine  of  salvation  by 
works,  was  conceded  by  the  more  enlightened  Italians,  and  also 
by  the  clergy,  in  wide  circles.  Hence  the  study  of  the  Scriptures 
was  enlivened,  and  Antonio  Brucioli  first  published  a  correct  and 

1  The  Basle  bookseller,  John  Froben,  reports  to  Luther,  Feb.  14,  1519,  about  his  writ- 
ings (Tom.  i.  Jen.  fol.  8G7,  &.)  :  Calvus  bibliopola  Papiensis — bonam  libellorum  partem 
in  Italiam  deportavit,  per  omnes  civitates  sparsurus.  Neque  enim  tarn  sectatur  lucrum, 
quam  cupit  renascenti.pietati  suppetias  ferre. — Is  promisit  ab  omnibus  eruditis  in  Italia 
viris  Epigrammata  se  missurum  in  tui  laudcm  scripta.  Such  an  epigram,  composed  in 
Milan,  1521,  see  in  Schelhornii  Amoenitates  hist.  eccl.  et  liter.,  ii.  624. 

2  Thus,  especially  Melancthon's  Loci  Theologici,  in  an  Italian  translation,  published 
by  Paul  Manutius  in  Venice  ;  I  principii  della  Theologia  di  Ippofilo  de  terra  nigra  (Sca- 
ligeriana  secunda,  p.  207).  Several  of  Luther's  writings  were  circulated  anonymously  ; 
Zwingle's  went  under  the  names  Coricius  Cogelius  and  Abydenus  Corallus ;  Bucer's 
under  the  name  Aretius  Felinus. 

3  Paul  Sarpi  Hist,  du  Concilc  de  Trente  trad,  par  Courayer,  i.  85:  Dans  1'Italie  meme 
plusieurs  personnes  gouterent  la  nouvelle  Reforme.  Car  a}-ant  etc  deux  ans  sans  Pape 
et  sans  Cour  Romanic,  on  regardoit  les  malheurs,  qu'elle  avoit  essuyes  comme  l'execu- 
tion  d'une  sentence  de  la  justice  divine  contre  ce  Gouvernement ;  et  l'on  prechoit  contre 
l'Eglise  Romaine  dans  les  maisons  particulieres  de  plusieurs  Villes,  et  sur-tout  a  Facnza 
Ville  du  Domaine  du  Pape,  en  sorte  que  l'on  voj'oit  augmenter  tous  les  jours  le  nombre 
des  Lutheriens,  qui  avoient  pris  le  nom  d'Evangeliques.  Clement  VII.  said,  in  his  brief 
to  the  inquisitor  in  Ferrara  and  Modena,  15th  Jan.,  1530  (Raynald.  h.  a.,  No.  51)  :  Cum, 
sicut  ex  relatione  pro  parte  tua  nobis  facta  cum  gravi  nostrae  mentis  molestia  innotuit, 
in  diversis  Italiae  partibus  adeo  pestifera  haeresis  Lutheri  non  tantum  apud  saeculares 
personas,  sed  etiam  ecclesiastieas  et  regulares,  tarn  mendicantes  quam  non  mendicantes, 
invaluerit,  at  aliquando  nonnulli  ex  eis  suis  sermonibus  et  verbis,  et  quod  deterius  est 
publicia  praedicationibus  tali  labo  plerosque  inficiant,  caet. 


278  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

readable  edition  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.4  At  the  same  time,  among 
the  more  earnest  minds,  Augustinianism  gained  a  hold,  as  Ibeing 
the  most  decided  antidote  to  the  corruption  of  the  Church.  Many 
distinguished  men  remained  in  this  stage,  kept  from  further  steps 
partly  by  the  fear  of  a  division  in  the  Church,  and  in  part  by  some 
other  doctrines  of  the  German  reformers.5  They  were  the  more 
inclined  to  remain  true  to  the  Church  when  the  Pope,  Paul  III., 
raised  several  of  them  to  the  cardinal's  dignity,  and  gave  them 
great  influence,  particularly  Gasparus  Contarenus,  in  1535,6  Reg- 
inald Pole  in  1536,7  Federicus  Fegosius,  Archbishop  of  Salerno, 
in  1539,8  John.de  Morone,  Archbishop  of  Modena,  in  1542.9  Oth- 
ers, however,  united  more  decidedly  with  the  German  reformers ; 
and,  even  when  they  did  not  wholly  abandon  the  Catholic  wor- 

4  The  New  Testament  was  first  published,  Venice,  1530.  8.  The  whole  Bible,  1532, 
fol.     Comp.  Schelhorn's  Ergotzlichkeiten,  i.  379,  643. 

5  Comp.  Ranke's  Fiirsten  u.  Volker  von  Siideuropa  im  16ten  u.  17ten  Jahrh.,  ii.  132. 
Marcus  Antonius  Flaminius  takes  an  important  position  among  them  at  the  court  of  Fer- 
rara ;  he  died  1550.  Comp.  Joach.  Camerarii  Narratio  de  Flaminio  (prefixed  to  an  edi- 
tion of  his  letters,  Noriberg,  1571.  8.,  and  in  Schelhornii  Amoenitates  literariae,  x.  1149) 
and  Schelhorn  de  religione  M.  A.  Flaminii,  in  his  Amoenit.  hist.  eccl.  et  lit.,  ii.  1.  His 
chief  writings  were  his  Comm.  in  Psalterium,  a  metrical  paraphrase  of  thirtj-  psalms, 
sacred  poems,  and  epistles.  He  every  where  teaches  the  entire  inability  of  man  to  good, 
and  his  salvation  only  through  faith.  He  says  in  a  letter  (Schelhorn  Amoen.,  ii.  141) : 
Vitae  Christianae  summa  est  accepta  ab  hominibus  gratia  Evangelii,  i.  e.,  justificatio  per 
fidem.  Comp.  p.  102  s.  and  115  s.  On  the  other  hand,  he  defends  the  mass  in  a  letter 
to  Carneseca  (1.  c,  p.  146),  propterea  quod  execranda  secta  Zuingliana  progreditur  om- 
nino  crescendo,  et  multi  sequences  opinionem  Lutheri  condemnant  idololatriam  Missae. 
Comp.  p.  154 :  Et  nos,  vir  praestantissime,  si  non  volumus  naufragium  facere  in  istis 
periculosissimis  scopulis,  humiliter  abjiciamur  coram  Deo,  neque  induci  nos  sinamus 
ulla  ratione,  quantumvis  verisimilis  appareat,  ut  nos  separemus  ab  Ecclesia  catholica. — 
In  voluntate  autem  judicandi  res  divinas  humana  disputatione  refutabimur  abs  Deo,  et 
his  contentiosis  temporibus  ita  applicabimur  uni  parti,  et  odio  prosequemur  alteram,  ut 
penitus  amittamus  judicium  ac  caritatem,  et  perhibeamus  lucem  tenebras,  et  tenebras 
lucem,  et  persuadendo  nobis,  quod  siinus  divites  ac  beati,  erimus  pauperes,  miseri  et 
miserabiles,  quod  non  sciamus  separare  pretiosnm  a  vili,  quae  scientia  absque  spiritu 
Christi  doceri  non  potest. — Wholl}-  in  the  same  evangelical  spirit  with  the  commentary 
of  Flaminius  is  the  Comm.  in  Psalmos,  written  by  Jo.  Bapt.  Folengius  (Benedictine  in 
Monte  Cassino,  f  1559  in  Mantua) ;  see  extracts  in  Gerdes,  p.  257  ss. 

6  Two  old  biographies  of  him,  an  anonymous  Italian,  and  one  in  Latin  bj-  Jo.  Casa ; 
see  in  Regin.  Poli  Epistt.,  ed.  Quirini,  P.  iii.  Praef.,  p.  97  et  142. 

7  Sleidan  already  says  of  him,  lib.  x.  (ed.  am  Ende,  ii.  54) :  Qui  familiariter  hominem 
norunt,  Evangelii  doctrinam  ei  probe  cognitam  esse  dicunt.  Against  Surius,  who  de- 
clares this  to  be  a  calumny,  see  Schelhorn  Amoenit.  hist.  eccl.  et  lit.,  i.  141  ss.  Pohis 
is  very  harshly  judged  as  a  hypocrite  in  an  anonymous  work,  written  by  P.  P.  Vergerius : 
Giudizio  sopra  le  lettere  di  tredici  huomini  illustri,  1555 ;  see  the  passage  in  Schelhorn, 
1.  c.  ii.  7  ss. 

8  On  his  Trattato  della  Oratione,  see  Riederer's  Nachrichten,  iv.  118,  232. 

9  Cardinal  Giovanni  Morone,  in  Miinch's  Denkwiirdigkeiten  zur  politischen  Reforma- 
tions- u.  Sittengeschichte  der  drey  letzten  Jahrhunderte  (Stuttgart,  1839),  s.  175. 


CHAP.  II.—  REFORMATION.    §  19.  IN  ITALY.  279 

ship,  they  formed  societies  for  religious  instruction  and  edification. 
The  difference  between  these  two  parties,  the  Protestant  Evangel- 
ical and  the  Catholic  Evangelical,  really  consisted  only  in  the  im- 
portance they  attached  to  the  unity  of  the  Church ;  and  yet  it  was 
so  impossible  for  the  former  class  to  manifest  their  real  alienation 
from  the  Church  by  any  decisive  outward  manifestation,  that  in 
the  case  of  many  men  it  could  hardly  be  determined  to  which  class 
they  belonged  ;  and  both  parties,  too,  were  kept  by  personal  friend- 
ship in  many  relations  to  each  other. 

The  more  decided  advocates  of  the  Reformation  first  came  out 
openly  in  Ferrara,  after  the  marriage  of  the  Frenoh  princess,  Re- 
nata,10  in  1527,  with  the  Duke  Hercules  II. :  she  gave  them  pro- 
tection. From  this  point  Protestantism  spread  into  Modena,  where 
it  was  welcomed,  especially  in  the  Academy.11  In  Venice,12  too, 
it  had  friends  very  early ;  their  numbers  rapidly  increased ;  they 
found  powerful  advocates,  and  were  diffused  through  the  territory 
of  the  republic,  particularly  in  Vicenza  and  Treviso.  Reformatory 
ideas  were  first  introduced  into  Naples  with  the  imperial  army : 
they  gained  a  more  decisive  influence  through  the  efforts  of  a 
Spanish  nobleman,  Juan  Yaldez,13  who  came  thither  in  1535  as 
'secretary  of  the  Viceroy,  and  died  in  1540.     Here,  also,  the  two 

10  Renea  v.  Este  u.  ihre  Tochter,  von  E.  Munch,  2  Bde.,  Aachen  u.  Leipzig,  1831  u. 
33,  kl.  8. 

1 '  In  1542  it  was  the  general  report  that  Modena  was  citta  Lutherana  (Quirini  in  the 
Praef.  to  Poli  Epistt.,  T.  iii.  p.  84). 

12  Luther  writes,  as  early  as  March  7,  1528,  to  Gabr.  Didymus  (de  Wette,  iii.  289) : 
Laetus  audio  de  Venetis  quae  scribis,  quod  verbum  Dei  receperint.  When  unfavorable 
rumors  about  Melancthon's  yielding  disposition  were  in  circulation  in  Augsburg,  1530, 
the  Venetian,  Lucio  Paolio  Roselli,  wrote  to  him  two  letters  of  counsel  and  encourage- 
ment, July  2G  and  Aug.  1,  1530  (in  Mel.  Opp.  ed.  Bretschneider,  ii.  226  u.  243).  In  the 
first  he  writes  :  Scias  igitur,  Italos  omnes  expectare  Augustensis  hujus  vestri  conventus 
decreta.  Quicquid  enim  in  eo  determinatum  fuerit,  id  caeterae  omnes  christianae  pro- 
vinciae  approbabunt  ob  Imperatoris  praecipue  auctoritatem.  In  1539  Melancthon  wrote 
ad  Venetos  quosdam  Evangelii  studiosos  (usually  wrongly  cited  ad  Senatum  Venetum  ; 
see  Schelhorn's  Ergotzlichkeiten,  i.  422  ff. ;  the  letter  itself,  see  in  Bretschneider,  iii. 
745),  unfolding  to  them  the  principles  of  the  Reformation  in  Germany,  and  warning  them 
as  to  the  Unitarianism  of  Servetus.  In  1542  Balthasar  Alterius  (Altieri.  comp.  on  him 
F.  Meyer's  die  evang.  Gemeinde  in  Locarno,  i.  33,  36,  465),  secretary  of  the  English  em- 
bassador at  Venice,  wrote  to  Luther  (the  letter  is  in  Seckendorf,  iii.  401)  in  the  name  of 
the  Fratres  Ecclesiae  Venetiarum,  Vicentiae  et  Tarvisii,  and  asked  him  to  persuade  the 
German  princes  to  cause  letters  of  recommendation  to  be  written  to  the  Senate,  ut  per- 
mittant  quemlibet  ritu  suo  vivere,  dum  tamen  seditio  et  publicae  quietis  pertnrbatio  ca- 
veator.    Luther  answered  13th  June,  1543,  and  12th  Nov.,  1544  (de  Wette,  v.  565,  695). 

13  On  Valdez,  see  Schelhorn  Amoen.  hist,  eccl.,  ii.  47;  M'Crie,  Gesch.  der  Reform,  in 
Spanien,  translated  by  Plieninger,  s.  148  ff. ;  Dr.  C.  Schmidt  ill  Illgen's  Zeitschr.  f.  d. 
hist.  Thcol.,  vii.  iv.  123. 


280  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

most  remarkable  preachers  of  Italy  became  favorable  to  the  Refor- 
mation, viz.,  Bernardino  Ochino,14  General  of  the  Capuchins,  and 
reverenced  almost  as  a  saint,  and  Peter  Martyr  Vermigli,15  the 
learned  Augustinian.     From  this  circle16  proceeded,  in  1540,  the 

14  (Burc.  Gotth.  Strove)  De  Vita,  Religione,  ct  Fatis  Bern.  Ochini  Senensis,  in  the  Ob- 
servations Halenses,  iv.  400.  De  B.  Och.  Dialogorum  libris,  ibid.,  v.  1.  De  B.  Ochini 
Scriptis  reliquis,  ibid.,  v.  G4.  Nachlese  von  B.  Ochini  Leben  u.  Schriften,  in  Schelhorn's 
Ergotzlichkeiten,  iii.  705,  979,  1141,  2129.     [Bock,  Historia  Antitrin.,  1784.] 

15  P.  Mart.  Verm.  Florentini  Vita  per  Josiam  Simlerum  Tigorumm.  Tiguri,  15G3.  4.  • 
recusa  in  Gerdesii  Scrinium  Antiquarium,  iii.  1 ;  also  in  Melch.  Adamus,  in  his  Vitae 
Theologorum  exterorum  principum.  F.  Ch.  Schlosser's  Leben  des  Theodor  de  Beza  u. 
des  Peter  Martyr  Vermili.  Heidelberg,  1809.  8.  s.  3G3.  Vie  de  Pierre  Martyr  Vermigli, 
These  par  Ch.  Schmidt.  Strasb.,  1835.  4.  [Also  in  Hagenbach's  Leben  u.  Schriften  d. 
Reformatoren,  by  C.  Schmidt,  1859.] 

16  On  these  occurrences  in  Naples  there  is  a  report  by  the  Catholic  Ant.  Caracciolus 
in  the  Vita  Cajetani  Tliienaei,  who,  with  Joh.  Petr.  Caraffa,  had  founded  the  Order  of 
the  Theatines  (Ant.  Caracc.  de  vita  Pauli  IV.  Collectanea  hist.  Colon.  Ubiorum,  1G12. 
4.  p.  239  ss.,  and  Acta  SS.  August.  II.,  297  ss.)  :  Haeretici  homines  regiam  urbem  Nea- 
polim — Lutheriana  labe  inficere  studuerunt.  Nam  primo  Germani  ecpiites  ad  duo  mille, 
et  sex  millia  pcdilum,  qui  post  direptam  Romam  eo  convolaverant,  ut  Lauthrecum  obsi- 
dentem  repellerent,  impii  dogmatis,  quod  Luthero  propinante  imbiberant,  multa  et  ne- 
faria  exempla  passim  cdiderunt.  His  postea.  alio  amandatis  unus  Joannes  Valdesius 
Hispanus,  qui  anno  1535,  Neapolim  venit,  longe  majorcm  mentium  stragem  dedit,  quani 
multa  ilia  Haereticorum  militum  millia.  Hie  enim  Uteris  tinctus  iis,  quae  ad  compc- 
randam  eruditi  opinioncm  satis  vulgo  essent,  placido  adspectu,  quique  innocentiam  prae 
se  ferret,  comitate  suavitateque  sermonis  teterrimam  impietatem  incredibili  vaframento 
occultabat.  Itaque  brevi  ad  se  traxit  multos  his  artibus  illectos  deceptosque.  In  his 
duo  fuere,  ceteris  omnibus  insigniores,  et  digna  corvo  ova,  Bernardinus  Occhinus,  et  Pe- 
trus  Martyr  Vermilius,  ambo  haereticorum  postea  Antesignani.  Bernardinus,  magni 
concionator  nominis,  ostentatione  asperrimi  victus  atque  indumenti,  egregiae  sanctitatis 
famam  sibi  conciliaverat.  Pctrus  vero,  linguarum  peritia  excultus  in  coenobio  S.  Petri, 
cui  praeerat,  epistolas  Pauli  Apostoli  publice  exponendo  ad  sensum  haereticorum  dextere 
pervertebat.  Initium  detegendae  impietatis  a  Nostris  (the  Theatines)  factum :  quippe 
Cajetanus,  perspicaci  vir  ingenio,  rem  odorari  coepit.  Advertit  enim  dogmata,  quae  illi 
Satanicae  Reipublicae  Triumviri  de  purgatoriis  poenis,  de  summi  Pontificis  potestate,  de 
libera  hominum  arbitrio,  de  reorum  justificatione  passim  inspergebant,  sapere  novitatem 
temerariam,  atque  adeo  detestabilem  impietatem.  Observaveratque  Occhinum  ab  us- 
que anno  153G,  quo  in  aede  S.  Joannis  Majoris  concionatus  fuerat,  arnbiguis  quibusdam 
dilemmatis,  et  obtrectatione  in  ecclesiasticos  magistratus  coepisse  auditores  nequissimis 
persuasionibus  inescare.  Hoc  vero  anno  1539,  nempe  paulo  post  quam  Nostri  Paulinam 
aedem  adepti  sunt,  is  ipse  Occhinus  cilicino  indumento,  et  raucis  declamationibus,  h.  e. 
instruments  ad  concitandam  multitudinem  instructissimus,  e  Metropolitani  templi  pul- 
pito  multo  liberius  apertiusque  Lutheriana  sercbat  dogmata.  Cajetanus  igitur,  qui  ad 
hos  audiendos  observandosque  et  ipse  ire,  et  alios  dedita  opera  mittere  solitus  erat,  nihil 
jam  cunctandum  ratus  Cardinalera  Theatinum  (Caraffa),  qui  turn  Romae  Paulum  III. 
P.  M.  ad  instituendum  in  ca  urbe  supremum  Inquisitionis  magistratum  magis  magisque 
sollicitabat,  de  iis  rebus  atque  hominibus  impiis  certiorem  fecit;  et  Neapolitanos  inte- 
rim ipse  monuit,  ut  porro  sibi  caverent.  Denique  conatus  est  mod  is  omnibus  hypocritis 
illis  larvam  detrahere.  Quocirca  etsi  illi  sub  ovina  pellc  lupi  aliquot  annos  cum  magna 
Campaniae  pernicie  latitaverunt ;  tamen  aliquando  tandem,  crescente  nimirum  in  dies 
nequitiae  suspicione,  et  patefactis  promiscuis  et  pudibundis  virorum  ac  foeminarum 
coetibus,  quos  clanculum  cogebant,  omnes  ut  periculo  praeverterent,-quod  sibi  ab  urbe 
imminebat,  alius  alio  aufugerunt.    Tlie  Reformed  Josias  Simler  relates,  on  the  other 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  19.  IN  ITALY.  281 

treatise  Del  Benefioio  di  Christo,17  which  had  a  very  wide  circu- 

hand,  in  the  Vita  Petri  Martyris  (see  Note  15)  Serin.  Antiqu.,  iii.  13  ss.,  how  Martyr,  in 
Naples,  had  turned  from  scholasticism  and  the  Church  fathers  to  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
and  then  had  also  read  Protestant  books  :  nactus  Buceri  commentaria  in  Evangelistas, 
ct  annotationes  in  Psalmos,  quas  ille  sub  Aretii  Felini  nomine  ediderat,  diligenter  evol- 
vit,  Zwinglii  quoque  librum  de  vera  et  falsa  religione,  et  alterum  ejusdem  de  providen- 
tia  Dei,  nonnulla  etiam  Erasmi  et  legit,  et  se  horum  omnium  lectione  multum  profecisse 
saepe  ingenue  eonfessus  est.  Interea  quotidie  pene  cum  amicis,  qui  purae  religionis  stu- 
diosi  erant,  aliquid  ex  sacris  Uteris  et  commentabatur,  sic  ut  hujusmodi  colloquiis  mul- 
tum utrinque  in  vera  religione  aedificarentur. — Fuit  eo  tempore  non  spernenda  ecclesia 
piorum  hominum  in  urbe  Neapolitana:  nam  in  illo  coetu  multi  viri  erant  nobiles  et 
docti,  multae  etiam  excellenti  virtute  foeminae. — Quamvis  autem  hujus  Ecclesiae  prima 
laus  debeatur  Valdesio,  nihilominus  tamen  Martyris  quoque  virtus  commemoranda  est, 
qui  posteaquam  a  Domino  ampliore  luce  divinae  veritatis  donatus  fuit,  et  se  coetui  pio- 
rum adjunxit,  earn  quam  veram  doctrinam  esse  norat  statim  aliis  quoque  praedicare  vo- 
luit.  Etenim  epistolam  D.  Pauli  ad  Corinthios  priorem  publice  interpretari  coepit,  idque 
magno  cum  fructu,  namque  ilium  non  tantum  ejus  Collegii  socii  audiebant,  verum  etiam 
aliquot  Episcopi  et  multi  nobiles.  But  as  he  did  not  interpret  1  Cor.  iii.  13  sq.  of  purga- 
tory, he  was  forbidden  to  give  lectures.  Sed  Martyr— causae  bonitate  fretus  Romam  ad 
Pontiiicem  provocavit,  et  illic  amicorum  ope  adversarios  superavit.  Habuit  enim  turn 
in  urbe  amicos  potentes  et  gratiosos,  Herculem  Gonzagam  Cardinalem  Mantuanum, 
Casparem  Contarenum,  Reginaldum  Polum,  Petrum  Bembum,  Fridericum  Fregosium, 
omnes  et  doctos  et  apud  Pontificem  gratiosos,  et  qui  turn  viderentur  aliquam  reformatio- 
nem  Ecclesiae  desiderare.  Horum  gratia  et  opibus  subnixus  facile  obtinuit,  ut  inter- 
dictum  illud  adversariorum  tolleretur,  et  sibi  concederetur  pristina  docendi  libertas. 
Right  afterward  he  was  obliged  to  leave  Naples  on  account  of  his  health. 

17  The  work  is  described  in  Riederer's  Nachrichten,  iv.  121,  235  ff.  The  author  is  un- 
known. On  this  point  it  is  said  by  P.  P.  Vergerius,  the  editor  of  the  Articuli  contra 
Card.  Moronum  (Tubingae),  1558.  8.  :  Multi  sunt  in  ea  opinione,  quod  vix  fuerit  nostra 
aetate,  saltern  lingua  Italica,  libellus  scriptus  tarn  suavis,  tarn  pius,  tam  simplex,  et  ad 
instruendos,  praesertim  in  articulo  de  justificatione,  rudiores  atque  infirmiores  tam  aptus 
tamque  idoneus.  Imo  dicam  amplius,  Reginaldum  Polum,  Cardinalem  Britannum, 
istius  Moroni  amicum  summum,  existimari  ejus  libri  auctorem,  aut  bonam  partem  in 
eo  habere :  saltern  certum  est  ilium  defendisse  et  promovisse  cum  suis  Flaminiis,  suis 
Priulis,  aliisque  alumnis.  The  same  Vergerius  says,  in  his  remarks  to  the  Catal.  libr. 
prohib.,  1519,  that  the  book  had  two  authors,  who  still  lived  in  Italy  and  favored  by  the 
Roman  court  (Schelhorn's  Ergotzlichkeiten,  ii.  27  s.).  Laderchius  Ann.  Eccles.  ann. 
15G7,  No.  49,  calls  Valdesius  the  author  of  this  book,  and  says  that  Flaminius  had  writ- 
ten an  Apologeticus  for  it.  In  fine,  a  report  of  the  Inquisition  declares  (Ranke,  Fiirsten 
u.  Volker,  ii.  138) :  Quel  libro  del  beneficio  di  Christo,  fu  il  suo  autore  un  monaco  di 
Sanseverino  in  Napoli,  discepolo  del  Valdes,  fu  revisore  di  detto  libro  il  Flaminio,  fu 
stampato  molte  volte  ma  particolamente  a  Modena  de  mandate*  Moroni,  inganno  mold, 
perche  trattava  della  giustificatione  con  dolco  modo  ma  hereticamente.  Schelhorn 
(Amoen.  hist.  eccl.  et  liter.,  i.  157),  and  after  him  many  others,  conjecture  that  Palea- 
rius  is  the  author,  because  he  says  in  his  Oratio  pro  se  ipso :  Ex  Christi  morte  quanta 
commoda  allata  sint  humano  generi,  cum  hoc  ipso  anno  thusce  scripsissem,  objectum 
fuit  in  accusatione.  But  this  work,  for  which  Palearius  was  called  to  an  inquisition  in 
the  same  year  in  which  he  wrote  it,  can  not  lie  the  one  above  designated,  which  was  so 
widely  diffused,  and  as  to  the  author  of  which  there  is  still  constant  hesitation.  [Com- 
pare Benefit  of  Christ's  Death,  Lond.,  185G,  from  an  Italian  edition,  1513,  and  a  French 
translation  of  1561,  found  in  St.  John's  College.  There  was  an  English  version  in  1518. 
In  1849  there  were  two  new  Italian  versions,  at  Pisa  and  Florence,  from  Ayre's  English 
translation.  The  book  had  been  supposed  hopelessly  lost,  though  40,000  copies  of  it 
were  circulated  1513  to  1548.    A  translation  into  German,  Von  d.  Wohlthat  Christi,  from 


282  FOURTH  PEEIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

lation,  and  gained  many  converts  to  the  doctrine  of  justification 
by  faith.  Peter  Martyr  gathered  around  him  a  similar  circle  in 
Lucca,  after  his  appointment  as  prior  of  the  monastery  in  that 
place,  and  at  the  same  time  trained  many  young  persons  in  a  very 
evangelical  spirit18  at  a  college  which  he  there  founded.  Even 
in  the  States  of  the  Church  the  Reformation  found  friends ;  very 
many  in  Bologna.19 

The  controversy  about  the  Lord's  Supper,  which  unhappily  di- 
vided the  Reformers  every  where,  was  also  transferred  to  Italy.20 
The  Italians  who  favored  the  Reformation  took,  for  the  most  part, 
the  side  of  the  Swiss,  in  consequence  of  their  predominant  prefer- 
ence for  intelligibility.  This  rational  tendency,  too,  paved  the 
way  for  the  Anti-Trinitarianism  of  Servetus,  although  these  opin- 
ions had  to  be  kept  in  the  strictest  secrecy.21 

Under  Paul  III.  those  Evangelical  Catholics  had  so  great  influ- 
ence, that  for  a  long  time  it  seemed  as  if  the  Reformation,  by  the 
recognition  of  its  most  important  demands,  was  about  to  be  rec- 
onciled with  the  Church.  A  commission  appointed  by  the  Pope, 
consisting  for  the  most  part  of  men  of  this  tendency,  exposed  ec- 
clesiastical abuses  with  unexpected  frankness,  in  their  memorial 
upon  reform,  1537,22  and  brought  forward  far-reaching  projects 

another  copy,  was  published  at  Leipz.,  1855.  Comp.  Gersdorfs  Rep.,  Nov.  1855.  Notes 
and  Queries,  x.  384,  406  ;  xi.  447 ;  also  for  June  20,  1857.] 

18  Simler  in  Vita  Petri  Mart.,  in  the  Serin.  Antiqu.,  iii.  17. 

19  When,  in  1533,  John  von  Planitz  -was  in  Bologna,  as  embassador  of  the  Elector  of 
Saxony  to  the  Emperor,  the  Bolognese  who  favored  the  Reformation  addressed  to  him  a 
letter,  in  •which  they  urged  him  most  importunately  to  obtain  the  calling  of  a  council ; 
the  letter  is  in  Seckendorf  Comm.  de  Luthero,  iii.  68.  In  1545  Alterius  wrote  to  a  mer- 
chant of  Nuremberg  that  an  Evangelical  nobleman  in  Bologna  was  read}-  to  fit  out  6000 
soldiers  for  a  war  against  the  Pope  ;  Seckendorf,  iii.  578  s. 

20  On  this  division,  Alterius,  in  his  letter  to  Luther,  1542,  entreated  him  to  give  an 
explanation,  which  he  did  in  his  two  replies,  with  his  customary  severitj-  against  the 
Sacramentarians  ;  see  above,  Note  12. 

21  Melancthon  writes  to  the  Venetians  as  early  as  1529  (see  Note  12) :  Intellexi  istic 
circumferri  Serveti  libellum  ;  and  warns  against  his  doctrine.  Among  the  Italian  refu- 
gees there  were  so  many  Unitarians  that  almost  all  the  Evangelical  Italians  were  sus- 
pected of  holding  similar  views.  Thus  the  Unitarians  reckon  Valdesius  and  Ochino 
among  their  number  (Sandii  Bibliotheca  Antitrinitariorum,  p.  2).  This  has  least  proof 
in  the  case  of  Valdesius  ;  when  Beza,  Epistt.,  p.  40,  calls  his  Considerationes — scriptum 
impium  et  irreligiosum  :  this  does  not  refer  to  Unitarian  doctrine,  but  rather  to  ni3'stical 
excesses  (Bock,  Hist.  Antitr.,  ii.  319). — Beza,  Epistt.,  p.  190,  calls  Ochino — Arianorum 
clandestinum  fautorem  ;  Stanislaus  Hosius,  in  the  De  Judicio  Tigurinorum  (Opp.,  i.  695), 
accuses  him  in  the  same  way ;  other  conflicting  opinions  in  Bock,  Hist.  Antitr.,  ii.  509. 
[Comp.  Fock's  Socinianismus,  8vo,  Kiel.,  1847.  L.  Lange,  Gesch.  d.  Unitarier.  1831. 
Zeitschrift  f.  d.  hist.  Theol.,  1843  and  1845.] 

22  There  were  nine  of  the  clergy— among  them  the  cardinals,  Caspar  Contareni,  Joh. 


CHAP.  II.—  REFORMATION.    §  19.  IN  ITALY.  283 

of  amelioration.23  In  the  negotiations  with,  the  German  Protest- 
ants at  Ratisbon,  1541,  the  papal  legate,  Contareni,  gave  in  his 
adhesion  to  the  fundamental  Protestant  doctrine  of  justification 
by  faith.24 

Petr.  Carafe,  Jacob.  Ladoletus,  Reginald  Pole,  and  Frederick  Fregoso,  Archbishop  of 
Salerno.  It  was  printed  in  Rome,  1538,  and  again  in  Latin  by  John  Sturm,  in  Stras- 
burg,  and  published  by  Luther  in  Wittenberg  in  a  German  translation  with  biting  notes, 
and  then  incorporated  in  the  Collection  of  Councils  of  Petrus  Crabbe,  Colon.  Agripp., 
1551.  But  after  it  was  put  by  Paul  IV.,  though  he  had  been  one  of  the  authors,  into  the 
Index  of  1559,  and  afterward  in  all  the  Indices,  it  was  omitted  in  the  later  collections 
of  councils,  and  even  in  the  Annals  of  Raynaldus ;  but  it  was  still  often  issued  by  the 
opponents  of  the  papacy  (e.  g.,  in  Brown  App.  ad  Fasciculum  rerum  expetend.  et  fugiend., 
p.  231).  At  last  the  Cardinal  Quirini  asserted  that  the  prohibition  referred  only  to  the 
edition  of  Sturm,  and  though  Schelhorn  refuted  him  (De  Consilio  de  emendanda  Eccle- 
sia,  auspiciis  Pauli  III.  conscripto,  ac  a  Paulo  IV.  damnato  ad  Eminent.  A.  M.  Card. 
Quirinum  Epistola  J.  G.  Schelhornii,  Tiguri,  1748.  4.),  yet,  since  then,  this  Consilium 
has  been  again  received  into  the  Catholic  collections  of  councils  (in  Mansi  Concill.  Sup- 
plem.,  v.  537,  and  in  Jod.  le  Plat  Monum.  ad.  hist.  Cone.  Trident,  spectantia,  ii.  59G). 

-3  Its  characteristics  may  be  seen  from  the  Introduction :  Sanctitas  tua  mandavit,  ut 
nullius  aut  commodi  tui,  aut  cujuspiam  alterius  habita  ratione,  tibi  significaremus  abu- 
sus  illos,  gravissimos  scilicet  morbos,  quibus  jam  pridem  Ecclesia  Dei  laborat,  ac  prae- 
sertim  haec  Romana  curia  :*  quibus  efl'ectum  propre  est,  ut  paulatim  ac  sensim  ingrave- 
scentibus  pestiferis  his  morbis  magnam  hanc  ruiuam  traxerit,  quam  videmus.  Et  quia 
Sanctitas  tua— probe  noverat  principimn  horum  malorum  inde  fuisse,  quod  nonnulli 
pontinces  tui  praedecessores  prurientes  auribus,  ut  inquit  Apostolus,  coacervaverunt  sibi 
magistros  ad  desideria  sua,  non  ut  ab  eis  discerent  quid  facere  deberent,  sed  ut  eorum 
studio  et  calliditate  inveniretur  ratio  qua  liceret  id  quod  liberet.  Inde  effectum  est,  prae- 
terquam  quod  principatum  omnem  sequitur  adulatio,  ut  umbra  corpus,  difficillimusque 
semper  fuit  aditus  veritatis  ad  aures  Principum,  quod  confestim  prodirent  doctores,  qui 
docerent  Pontificem  esse  dominum  beneficiorum  omnium,  ac  ideo,  cum  dominus  jure 
vendat  id  quod  suum  est,  necessario  sequi,  in  Pontificem  non  posse  cadere  Simoniam. 
Ita  quod  voluntas  Pontificis,  qualiscunque  ea  fuerit,  sit  regula  qua  ejus  operationes  et 
actiones  dirigantur ;  ex  quo  procul  dubio  effici,  ut  quidquid  libeat,  id  etiam  liceat.  Ex 
hoc  fonte,  sancte  Pater,  tanquam  ex  equo  Trojano,  irrupere  in  Ecclesiam  Dei  tot  abusus 
et  tarn  graves  morbi,  quibus  nunc  conspicimus  earn  ad  desperationem  fere  salutis  labo- 
rasse,  etc.  Besides  this,  Contareni,  in  two  letters  to  the  Pope,  refuted  the  exaggerations 
of  the  papal  power  defended  by  flatterers ;  see  these  in  Rocaberti  Biblioth.  Pontificia, 
xiii.  178 ;  Le  Plat  Monumenta,  ii.  605.  He  relates  to  his  friend  Polus  how  kindly  the 
Pope  received  this,  dd.  11.  Nov.,  1538  (Epistt.  Poli,  ed.  Quirini,  ii.  141) :  plurima  chris- 
tiane  mecum  disseruit,  quo  effectum  est,  ut  iterum  conceperim  magnam  spem  aliquid 
Deum  boni  acturum,  neque  portas  inferi  praevalituras  esse  contra  Domini  spiritum. 
How  much  the  Evangelical  party  expected  from  this  Reformation,  see  Poli  Epist.  ad 
Contarenum,  dd.  10.  Jun.,  1537  (Epistt.  Poli,  ii.  68) :  in  maximam  spem  vend,  Pontifice 
perseverante  in  censura  morum,  in  caeteris  non  ita  magnam  futuram  controversiam,  ut 
non  facile  ad  professionem  unius  fidei  in  caritate  omnes  provinciae  consentiant. 

24  See  the  articles  as  compared  above,  §  7,  Note  42.  Comp.  Contareni  Epist.  s.  Tract, 
de  justificatione,  written  in  Ratisbon,  May  25,  1541,  to  explain  and  defend  the  fide  justi- 
ficamur  (this  tract  appeared  in  Paris,  1571 ;  but  in  the  Venice  edition  (1589)  it  is  revised 
by  the  General  Inquisitor  in  Venice  after  the  Tridentine  decrees  ;  expurgatus  prodiit.  In 
Epistoll.  Regin.  Poli,  ed.  Quirini,  P.  iii.  p.  cic,  it  is  found  like  the  Paris  edition ;  p. 
ccxii.  the  Venetian  changes  are  added).  In  Rome  this  view  of  the  doctrine  made  a  great 
sensation  (Jo.  Casa  in  Vita  Contareni,  Epistt.  Poli,  iii.  p.  clxxv. :  Nee  deerant  Eomae, 
qui  dicerent,  nulla  alia  de  causa  ipsum  Germanis  gratum  acceptumque  esse,  nisi  quia 
adversariis  indulsisset,  ac  decreta,  quae  pognacissime  defeiidere  debebat.  iisdem  prodi- 


284  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

But  this  party  had  now  reached  the  height  of  its  influence. 
The  strict  Catholics,  who  opposed  it,  earnestly  insisted  that  such 
manifestations  encouraged  Protestantism  in  general,  and  particu- 
larly in  Italy.25  The  Pope  receded,  and,  by  advice  of  the  Car- 
dinal John  Peter  Caraffa  (1542),  appointed  an  Inquisition  for  the 
suppression  of  Protestantism  in  all  Italy.26  Caraffa  himself  was 
commissioned  to  guide  it ;  all  the  Italian  states  granted  the  need- 
ful aid ;  and  the  new  Inquisition  took  such  energetic  measures 
against  all  suspected  persons,  that  crowds  of  them  abandoned  their 
fatherland  and  sought  security  for  the  most  part  in  Switzerland. 
Many  of  them  were,  by  this  persecution,  first  forced  to  abandon  a 
half-way  position,  and  take  a  decided  stand  for  the  Reformation. 
Among  these  refugees,  to  the  general  astonishment  of  Italy,  were, 
in  1542,  Bernardino  Ochino27  and  Peter  Martyr  Vermigli :  the  lat- 

disset.  Hae  vero  graves  acerbaeque  voces — non  tantum  illic,  ulji  plurimuin  ipsi  obesse 
poterant,  improbe  mittebantur,  verum  etiam  per  omnem  Italiam  fusae  ac  disseminatae 
magnopere  illius  existimationem  ac  dignitatem  laedebant),  and  Contareni  bad  to  be  de- 
fended by  his  friends;  e.  g.,  by  Aloysius  Priolus  (Epistoll.  Poli,  iii.  p.  xlvi.),  and  bj- 
Pole.  How  fully  the  latter  agreed  with  Contareni  is  shown  in  his  letters  to  him.  He 
writes  to  him  on  the  articles  that  were  compared,  dated  May  17,  1541  (Epistt.  Poli,  iii. 
25)  :  Sensi  vero,  tali  me  perfundi  gaudio,  cum  banc  consonantiam  opinionum  viderem, 
quanto  nulla  quamvis  suavis  harmonia  animum  et  aures  unquam  permulcere  posset; 
nee  vero  tantum  ob  earn  causam,  quod  magnum  fundamentum  pacis  et  eoncordiae  jac- 
tum  esse  videbam,  quam  quod  hoc  fundamentum  illud  agnoscerem,  quod  super  omnia, 
ut  inihi  quidem  videtur,  gloriam  Christi  illustrat;  est  vero  fundamentum  totius  doctri- 
nae  Christianae.  Etsi  enim  diversa  tractari  videntur,  ut  de  fide  et  operibus,  ac  justifica- 
tione  ;  tamen  omnia  ad  unum  justificationis  caput  referri,  et  de  eo  convenisse  utriusque 
partis  theologos  maxime  gratulor. — Quod  vero  jubes,  ut  ne  divulgem,  sed  secreto  apud 
me  h abeam,  quae  de  hac  concordia  sunt  scripta,  doleo  ita  tempora  exigere.  July  16  he 
expresses  himself  in  praise  of  the  Tractatus  of  Contareni  (1.  c,  p.  28):  Cum  vero  eadem 
(quam  proposuisti  de  justificatione  sententia)  tuo  nomini  notam  aliquam  inferre  videba- 
tur,  quasi  in  ea  novi  alicujus  dogmatis  approbatorem  te  ostenderes  (novitatis  enim  opi- 
nio, ut  audio,  fuit,  quae  plures  ab  ea  abalienavit),  ad  neminem  quidem  magis,  quam  ad 
me  pertinebat,  omnem  ejusmodi  labem,  quantum  in  me  esset,  eluere. — Cum  ad  reliqua 
dignitatis  munera  per  te  sanctissime  praestita  hoc  accessit,  ut  istam  veritatis  sententiam, 
quam  quasi  marrjaritam  pretlosam  partim  absconditam,  partim  apertam  Ecclesia  semper 
tenuit,  ipse  in  multorum  manus  et  quasi  possessionem  dares,  de  eo  facere  non  possum, 
quin  tibi  maxime  gratuler.  The  Cardinal  Quirini  tries  to  prove  that  Contareni's  doc- 
trine of  justification  is  Catholic,  in  his  Diatriba  qua  illustrantur  et  vindicantur  gesta 
Card.  Gasp.  Contareni  in  conv.  Ratisbonensi  (Epistt.  Poli,  iii.  p.  i.),  cap.  v.  (1.  c,  p. 
xli.).  Against  him,  Kiesling  ad  Quirinum  epist.  de  Contareno,  purioris  doctrinae  de 
justificatione  in  conv.  Ratisbon.  teste  et  confessore.     Lips.,  1749.  4. 

2il  From  this  proceeded,  in  1542,  the  papal  directions,  De  modo  concionandi  (in  Epistt. 
Poli,  cd.  Quirini,  T.  iii.,  praef.,  p.  75),  in  which  Cardinal  Tole  had  the  most  important 
part. 

26  Comp.  Onuphrius  and  Antonius  Caraffa,  in  Ant.  Caraccioli  de  Vita  Pauli  IV.,  Col- 
lectanea Historica,  p.  44  and  156.  The  Bulle,  Licet  ab  initio,  21st  July,  1542,  in  Cocque- 
lines  Bullarium,  iv.  i.  211. 

27  Before  his  flight  he  talked  with  Contareni,  then  legate  in  Bologna,  upon  bis  death- 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  19.  IN  ITALY.  285 

ter  went  to  Zurich,  and  then  became  professor  of  theology  in  Stras- 
burg.23  Not  less  was  the  surprise  when,  in  1548,  Pierpaolo  Ver- 
gerio,  Bishop  of  Capo  d'Istria,29  who  had  been  frequently  employed 
as  a  papal  legate,  fled  to  the  Protestants,  at  first  betaking  himself 
to  the  Orrisons;  and  when  Galeazzo  Caraccioli,30  Marquis  ofVico, 
and  son  of  a  sister  of  that  foe  of  heretics,  Caraffa,  gave  up,  in  1551, 
his  brilliant  position  in  Italy,  to  go  over  to  the  Reformed  Church 
in  Geneva.31 

The  Inquisition  became  still  more  cruel,  when  its  leading  spirit, 
Cardinal  Caraffa,  took  the  papal  chair  as  Paul  IV.,  1555-59.33 
Under  him  the  persecution  was  also  extended  to  those  who  united 
an  evangelical  tendency  with  strict  ecclesiastical  views  ;33  bishops 
and  cardinals  were,  in  1557,  subjected  to  investigation ;  John  Mo- 
bed.  According  to  Ochini's  declaration,  C.  complained  of  the  persecution  that  was  be- 
ginning, and  repeated  his  confession  about  justification  :  see  M'Crie,  p.  186.  But  this  is 
disputed  by  Jo.  Casa  in  Vita  Contareni  (Poli  Epistt.,  iii.  p.  cxc.)  ;  comp.  Quirini,  1.  c, 
p.  lxxxiii.  The  letter  of  the  Cardinal  Caraffa  to  Ochino  to  induce  him  to  return  is  in  Jos. 
Silos  Hist.  Clericorum  regularium.  Extracts  in  Raynaldus,  1542,  No.  56,  and  in  Schel- 
horn's  Ergotzlichkeiten,  iii.  982.  Another  bj-  Claudius  Tolomeus,  in  Schelhorn,  iii.  1005. 
Answer  of  Ochino,  ibid.,  s.  1145.  On  other  letters  of  the  latter  to  the  regents  of  Siena 
and  to  Hieronymus  Mutius  Justinopolitanus,  defending  his  step,  ibid.,  s.  2108. 

28  Martyr  was  afterward  still  in  correspondence  with  his  church  in  Lucca :  see  his 
letters  appended  to  his  Loci  communes  theologici.     Heidelberg,  1613  fol. 

29  On  him,  Salig's  Hist,  der  Augsb.  Conf.,  ii.  1148.  De  Porta  Hist.  Reform.  Eccles. 
Rhaeticarum,  i.,  ii.  139.  [C.  H.  Sixt,  P.  P.  Vigerius,  8vo,  1855;  cf.  Reuter's  Rep.  Aug., 
1857.] 

30  On  him,  Thuani  Hist.,  lib.  84.     His  life  in  Museum  Helveticum,  viii.  519. 

31  Among  other  refugees  were  also  eighteen  disciples  of  Peter  Martyr,  who  left  Italy 
in  1550  (Adami  in  Vita  Sanchii,  p.  75).  Two  of  them  were  canons  of  the  Lateran 
Church — Count  Celsus  Martinengus,  who  became  preacher  of  the  Italian  church  in  Ge- 
neva, and  Hieroi^-nius  Zanchius,  who  became  professor  in  Strasburg,  afterward  in  Hei- 
delberg. How  thej'  came  to  know  the  truth  is  related  in  a  letter  of  Zanchius  to  Philip, 
Landgrave  of  Hesse,  in  Gerdesii  Scrinium  Antiq.,  v.  230  s.  Emanuel  Tremellius  was 
also  one  of  Martyr's  disciples  ;  he  taught  in  many  places,  and  at  length  was  professor  of 
the  Hebrew  language  in  Sedan.  Olympia  Fulvia  Morata,  one  of  the  ladies  of  the  court 
of  the  Duchess  Renata,  of  Ferrara,  could  only  escape  the  persecution  by  following  a 
German  physician,  Griinthler,  to  whom  she  was  married  in  1549,  to  his  native  city ;  her 
life  in  Miinch's  Vermischte  Schrifteii,  ii.  39.  [Comp.  M'Crie's  Ref.  in  Italy,  93,  189,  etc. 
Olympiae  Moratae  Opera.  Basil,  1590.  Jules  Bonnet  Vie  de  Olympia  Morata,  3mc  ed., 
1856,  Paris.]  Among  these  refugees  were  also  Caelius  Secundus  Curio,  who  belonged 
to  the  circle  in  Ferrara,  in  1543  fled,  and  became  a  teacher  in  Lausanne  (Gerdes.  Ital. 
Reform.,  p.  234),  Francis  Stancarus,  Laelius  Socinus,  and  others. 

32  The  Epistola  Busdragi  to  a  cardinal,  1558,  in  Gerdesii  Serin.  Antiq.,  i.  319,  is  man- 
ifestly an  ironical  work,  written  by  one  of  evangelical  views,  to  set  forth  the  insufficien- 
cy of  all  human  agencies  against  the  truth. 

33  Among  those  arrested  were  the  Cardinal  Morone ;  Foscarari,  Bishop  of  Modena ; 
San  Felicio,  Bishop  of  Cava.  Cardinal  Pole  was  recalled  from  his  legation  in  England 
(Raynald.  1557,  No.  42  ss.),  and  was  examined,  as  was  his  intimate  friend  Aloysius 
Priulus.  Comp.  Poli  Epist.  ad  Paulum,  iv.  (Epistol.  Poli,  v.  31),  in  which  Polus  seeks 
to  prove  the  innocence  of  Aloysius  Priulus,  of  the  Cardinal  Morone,  and  of  himself. 


286  FOUKTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

rone34  was  imprisoned  until  the  death  of  this  Pope.  To  put  a  stop 
to  one  of  the  chief  sources  of  heresy,  Paul  V.  published,  in  1559, 
an  Index  librorum  prohibitorum,35  as  a  strict  guide  in  detecting 
and  burning  heretical  books. 

In  this  perilous  time  the  rumor  of  the  Reformation  penetrated 
to  a  small  body  of  Waldenses,  who  had  been  living  for  centuries 
in  two  cities  of  Calabria,  Santo  Xisto  and  La  G-uardia ;  by  ex- 
ternal conformity  to  Catholic  usages,  insuring  a  peaceful  enjoy- 
ment of  a  purer  doctrine.  Aroused  by  the  new  movement,  they 
turned  to  Geneva,  received  preachers  from  that  city,  and  adopted 
the  Genevese  church  constitution.36    But  in  this  way  they  brought 

3*  Jo.  Ge.  Frickii  de  Jo.  Morono,  Articulisque  quibus  tanquam  Lutheranismi  suspec- 
tus  accusabatur,  in  Schelhornii  Amoenitates  Literariae,  xii.  537.  Card.  Giov.  Moroue, 
Beitrag  zur  Gesch.  desselben,  in  Munch's  Verm.  Hist.  Schriften,  ii.  111.  Ibid.,  Denk- 
wurdigkeiten  zur  Gesch.  der  drei  letzten  Jahrh.,  s.  213.  The  articles  upon  which  he 
was  accused  are  published  by  P.  P.  Vergerius,  1558,  reprinted  in  Schelhorn,  1. 1.,  p.  568. 
The  chief  points  of  accusation :  Art.  3.  Dixit  Concilium  Tridentinum  quoad  articulum 
justificationis  esse  retractandum.  4.  Scripsit  Vicario  suo  Mutinensi,  quod  faceret  inti- 
mare  populis,  quod  deberent  tantummodo  confidere  in  sanguine  Christi.  5.  Tenuit,  Sa- 
cerdotem  non  absolvere  poenitentem,  cujus  audit  peccata  in  confessione  sacramentali, 
sed  tantum  declarare  absolutum.  7.  Tenuit,  Pontifici  non  esse  parendum  uti  Vicario 
Christi,  sed  tantummodo  tanquam  Principi  temporali.  8.  Tenuit,  opera  nostra,  quan- 
tumcunque  in  gratia  Dei  facta,  non  esse  meritoria.  10.  Tenuit,  sanctos  non  esse  invo- 
candos.  18.  Quod  libellum  intitulatum  Beneficium  Christi  (see  Note  17)  distribuendum 
curavit,  et  bibliopolae  haeretico,  seu  de  haeresi  suspecto  mandavit,  ut  hujusmodi  libel- 
los  venderet  quam  pluribus  posset,  et  iis,  qui  non  haberent,  dono  traderet,  quia  ipse  pe- 
cuniam  illorum  solveret.  In  the  following  articles  he  is  charged  with  holding  inter- 
course with  heretics,  particularly  those  in  Bologna  and  Modena. 

35  P.  P.  Vergerius  published  them  with  notes  (Opp.  i.  236).  On  this  writes  the  Vene- 
tian, Natalis  Comes,  in  his  Historiarum  tui  temporis  (Venet.,  1581),  lib.  xi.,  f.  263 :  Exiit 
edictum,  ut  libri  omnes  impressi,  vel  compositi,  vel  explanationibus  ab  haereticis  scrip- 
toribus  contaminati,  at  non  illustrati,  sanctissimis  magistratibus  quaesitionum  ubique 
afferrentur,  propositis  etiam  gravissimis  suppliciis,  si  quis  illos  occultasset,  suppressis- 
set,  ac  non  obtulisset.  Tanta  concremata  est  ononis  generis  librorum  ubique  copia  et 
multitude),  ut  Trojanum  prope  incendium,  si  in  nnum  collati  fuissent,  apparere  posset. 
Nulla  enim  fuit  Bibliotheca  vel  privata  vel  publica,  quae  fuerit  immunis  ab  ea  clade,  ac 
non  prope  exinanita. 

36  Hier.  Zanchii  Epist.  ad  Jo.  a  Lasco,  1558  (in  his  Epistoll.  Hanov.,  1609.  8.,  lib.  ii. 
236) :  In  Calabriae  castellis  duobus,  quorum  unum  est  sub  ditione  Ducis  Montis  alti,  al- 
teram est  cujusdam  Nobilis  Neapolitani,  reperta  sunt  quatuor  millia  fratrum,  e  reliquiis 
illorum  fratrum,  qui  Waldenses  appellantur.  Ii  annos  permultos  incogniti,  tuto  in  pa- 
ternis  aedibus  vixerunt.  Etsi  enim  Missas  non  probabant,  sentiebant  tamen  posse  eas  a 
fidelibus  salvis  conscientiis  adiri.  At  ubi  banc  malam  doctrinam  dedocti  fuerunt,  om- 
nes simul  ab  eis  abstinuerunt.  Itaque  factum  est,  ut  non  potuerint  amplius  latere.  Per- 
secutio  igitur  adversus  illos  est  excitata.  Scripserunt  ad  fratres  Genevam,  ut  turn  pre- 
cilms,  turn  consilio,  turn  etiam  humana  ope  se  adjuvent.  To  this  is  to  be  added  what  is 
written  by  Florillus  to  Cratalorus  (see  Note  37)  :  Antea  quam  Geneva  discederem,  misi- 
mus  ad  eorum  instantiam  duos  ministros  verbi,  et  duos  scholae  literariae  magistros. 
Ministri  anno  praeterito  (1560)  fuere  martyrio  affecti,  unus  Bomae,  qui  vocabatur  Jo. 
Aloysius  Pascalis  ex  Cunio  civitate,  alter  Messinae,  Jac.  Bonellus,  ambo  Pedemontani : 
hoc  autem  anno  residuum  illorum  hominum  martyrio  ibi  deletum  est. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  19.  IN  ITALY.  287 

themselves  under  the  notice  of  the  persecutors  of  heresy,  and  both 
congregations  were  wholly  rooted  out  in  a  terrible  massacre,  in 
1560.37 

The  numerous  Protestants  in  Venice  had  until  now  been  little 
affected  by  the  general  persecution ;  but  when,  in  1560,  they  called 
a  preacher  to  form  a  church,  terrible  barbarities  began  to  be  prac- 
ticed upon  them,  and  many  of  them  were  drowned  by  night  in 
the  sea.38  Even  in  the  seventeenth  century  some  Protestants 
were  secretly  living  in  Venice  ;  but  the  republic  was  falsely  judged 
when  charged  with  an  inclination  for  Protestantism  on  account 
of  its  opposition  to  the  papal  usurpations.39 

In  all  other  parts  of  Italy  the  vestiges  of  Protestantism  were  de- 
stroyed with  inflexible  strictness  under  Pius  V.  (1566-72),  who 
had  previously  been  the  president  of  the  Inquisition.40  Among  the 
many  who  under  him  fell  a  sacrifice  to  their  convictions,  the  most 
celebrated  were  the  two  learned  men,  Pietro  Carnesecchi,41  a 
Florentine,  in  1567 ;  and  in  1570  Aonio  Paleario,43  professor  of 
eloquence  in  Lucca. 

37  Simon  Florillus,  preacher  in  Chiavenna,  writes  about  it  to  Wilh.  Cratalorus,  in 
Basle,  1561,  and  sends  him  the  narrative  of  a  Catholic  eye-witness  of  this  slaughter: 
both  letters  are  in  H.  Pantaleonis  ftfartyrum  Historia,  Basil.,  1563,  p.  337,  and  in  Ger- 
desii  Ital.  Reform.,  p.  133. 

36  M'Crie,  p.  224  ff. 

39  Versuche  zu  Anfange  des  17ten  Jahrh.  die  Reformation  in  Venedig  einzufiihren, 
von  Mohnike,  in  Schubert's  Abhandlungen  der  kon.  Deutschen  Gesellschaft  zu  Konigs- 
berg,  ii.  165.  To  help  in  forming  a  judgment  about  it  may  serve  the  letter  of  Paul  Sarpi 
to  the  French  canonist,  Jacques  Leschasser,  of  12th  May,  1609  (in  Le  Bret's  Magazin,  i. 
489):  Observasti  tu  quidem,  quibus  rationibus  Germania  et  Anglia  ritus  religionis  mu- 
taverint.  At  nos  neque  illae.  neque  valentiores  ullae  ad  mutandos  iuducent.  Certas 
leges  et  mores,  licet  minus  bonos,  ferendos  tamen,  ne  mutationibus  assueti  cuncta  mu- 
tare  in  animum  inducamus,  scis  sacras  inter  leges  principem  locum  tenere.  Quibus  le- 
gibus  parcendum  putabimus,  si  summas  contempserimus  ?  Imo  cum  Pontificibus  haec 
nobis  contentio,  quod  illi  ritus  et  disciplinae  leges  quotidie  mutare  volunt,  quas  nos  ma- 
nere  cupimus,  ne  status  reipublicae  concutiatur. 

i0  Gerdesii  Italia  Reform.,  p.  143.    M'Crie,  p.  262. 

41  De  Petri  Carnesecae  Martyrio  in  Schelhornii  Amocn.  Hist.  Eccl.,  ii.  180.  Gerde- 
sius,  p.  143,  205.    M'Crie,  p.  277. 

42  Opp.  ed.  Amstelod.  1696,  ed.  F.  A.  Hallbauer,  Jenae,  1728.  8.,  prefixed  to  the  latter 
edition  is  also  a  vita  Palearii  von  Hallbauer.  Comp.  Schelhorn  Anioen.  Hist.  Eccl.,  i. 
425.    Gerdes,  p.  150,  314.    M'Crie,  p.  286.     [Comp.  above,  Note  17.] 


288  FOURTH  PEPJOD.—DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

§  20. 

IN  SPAIN. 

A.  F.  Biisching  Coinm.  de  Vestigiis  Lutkeranismi  in  Hispania.  Gotting.,  1755.  4.  Ge- 
schichte  der  Verbreitung  des  Protestantismus  in  Spanien,  aus  d.  Franz.  Leipzig,  182S. 
8.  Particularly  Dr.  Thom.  M'Crie,  History  of  the  Progress  and  Suppression  of  the 
Reformation  in  Spain.  Edinhurg  and  London,  1829  (German  by  G.  Plieninger,  with 
a  preface  by  Dr.  F.  C.  Baur.     Stuttgart,  1835.  8.). 

f  -he  Spanish  Protestants,  and  their  Persecution  by  Philip  II.  ;  by  Senor  Don  Ad.  de 
Castro,  transl.  by  Thom.  Parker,  8vo.  Lond.,  1851.  Sanctae  Inquisitionis  Hisp.  artes 
aliquot  detectae :  Reginaldo  Gonsalvo  Montano  auctore ;  Heidelb.,  1567 :  this  is  the 
original  Spanish  martyrology.  Engl,  transl.,  1569,  in  3  vols.  8vo.  Comp.  Essays  of 
Cardinal  Wiseman,  iii.  1-159.  Rossiew  St.  Hilaire,  Histoire  d'Espagne,  Tom.  vii.,  new 
ed.,  1853  sq.,  is  full  on  the  Reformation.  Dunham's  Spain  and  Portugal,  5  vols.,  in 
Lardner's  Cabinet  Cyclopedia.] 

The  indignation  of  the  Spaniards,  still  glowing  against  the  op- 
pression of  the  Inquisition,  naturally  produced  a  certain  suscepti- 
bility to  ecclesiastical  changes.1  In  narrower  circles  a  mystical 
tendency  had  gained  ground,  and  in  connection  with  this  a  more 
spiritual  tone  of  piety.2  Among  the  learned  the  writings  of  Eras- 
mus were  much  read,  and  awakened  a  disposition  to  examine  the 
condition  and  relations  of  the  Church.3  Thus  the  soil  was  pre- 
pared for  the  new  ideas  of  the  Reformation,  when  these  began  to 
penetrate  into  this  country  also,  favored  by  the  union,  under  one 
ruler,  of  Spain  with  Germany  and  the  Netherlands.  The  writings 
of  Luther  were  diffused  in  numerous  copies,  coming  especially 
from  Antwerp,  and  also  in  Spanish  translations.  The  Inquisition 
soon  found  cause  to  persecute  men  of  high  standing  among  the 
clergy  and  men  of  learning  for  holding  Lutheran  or  mystical  opin- 
ions,1 while  the  mass  of  the  people  were  filled  with  horror  at  the 

1  See  M'Crie,  p.  114  sq.  On  the  attempt  of  the  Cortes  of  Castile,  Aragon,  and  Cata- 
lonia, at  the  accession  of  Charles  V.,  to  procure  a  reformation  of  the  Inquisition,  see 
Llorente's  Hist,  of  the  Inquisition  in  Spain,  i.  376.  The  Cortes  of  Aragon  actually  pro- 
cured from  Leo  X.  three  briefs  (1519)  enjoining  upon  the  Inquisitors  to  proceed  accord- 
ing to  the  common  law,  and  providing  that  they  should  be  proposed  by  the  bishops,  and 
visited  by  them  every  three  years ;  ibid.,  p.  395  ss.  But  the  King  and  the  Inquisition 
were  opposed,  and  started  negotiations  and  intrigues  in  Rome.  Leo's  death  put  an  end 
to  the  matter. 

2  See  M'Crie,  p.  152.  The  Spanish  mystics  (called  Alumbrados,  Illuminati,  on  ac- 
count of  the  value  they  ascribecLto  the  internal  illumination)  are  described  in  the  In- 
dulgence of  the  Spanish  Inquisition,  January  28,  1559,  in  Llorente,  ii.  3. 

3  M'Crie,  p.  136. 

4  So,  in  particular,  1527,  Juan  de  Avila,  commonly  called  the  apostle  of  the  Anabap- 
tists ;  see  Llorente,  ii.  6.  Compare,  on  his  remarkable  work  as  a  priest,  Nic.  Antonii 
Bibliotheca  Hisp.  Nova,  Tom.  i.  (Matriti,  1783,  fol.),  p.  639. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  20.  IN  SPAIN.  289 

Lutheran  heresy  by  revolting  accounts  of  it.5  However,  from 
1530,  when  the  Emperor  first  returned  to  Germany  after  several 
years  of  absence,  many  Spaniards  in  his  suite  became  acquainted 
with  the  true  genius  of  the  Reformation,  and  were  converted  to 
it.  Several  of  them  fell  a  sacrifice  to  their  faith  while  still  away 
from  their  fatherland  ;G  others,  immediately  after  their  return,  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Inquisition  ;7  yet  still  the  Reformation,  from 
this  time  onward,  began  to  make  important  though  secret  progress 
in  Spain.8     Seville  and  Yalladolid  were  its  chief  seats.     In  Seville 

5  Spalatin's  account  of  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  (Luther's  Werke  von  Walch,  xvi.  912)  : 
"  Alphonsus  (Valdez),  Kais.  Maj.  Hispauischer  Canzlar,  auch  Cornelius,  haben  etliche 
freuiulliche  Gespriich  mit  dem  Philippo  gehalten,  ihm  angezeigt,  dass  die  Hispanier  be- 
redt  sind,  al's  sollten  die  Lutherischen  an  Gott  nicht  glauben,  auch  an  die  heil.  Drej-- 
faltigkeit,  von  Christo  u.  Maria  nichts  halten,  also  dass  sie  meyneten,  wo  sie  einen  Lu- 
tliciischen  erwiirgeten,  Gott  einen  grossern  Dienst  zu  thun,  denn  so  sie  einen  Tiirken 
erwiirgeten." 

6  Thus  was  it  in  case  of  Jacobus  Enzinas,  or  Dr}-ander,  who  was  burned  in  Rome  in 
1546 ;  M'Crie,  p.  187.  Most  terrible  was  the  assassination  of  John  Diaz  by  his  brother, 
in  Neuburg,  in  15-16  ;  see  the  account  of  a  companion  of  the  unhappy  man,  a  Savoyard, 
Claud.  Senarclaei  Hist.  Vera  de  morte  Jo.  Diazii,  1546.  8.  (reprinted  in  Gerdesii  Scri- 
nium  Antiqu.,  viii.  389).  Sleidanus,  lib.  xvii.  ed.  am  Ende,  ii.  435.  Seckendorf  Hist. 
Luth.,  iii.  653.  M'Crie,  p.  190.  Comp.  Veesenmeyer  in  Illgen's  Zeitschrift.  f.  d.  hist. 
Theol ;  new  series,  i.  iii.  156. 

7  Particularly  Alfonso  de  Virves,  a  Benedictine,  chaplain  of  Charles  V.,  who  had 
taken  him  with  himself  to  Germany,  and  afterward  would  not  hear  any  other  preacher. 
He  was  imprisoned  1534,  and  obliged,  in  1537,  to  renounce  several  Lutheran  positions ; 
Llorente,  ii.  8.  On  account  of  the  favor  of  the  Emperor,  he  was,  however,  in  1540,  made 
Bishop  of  the  Canary  Islands,  and  wrote,  to  purify  himself  from  all  suspicion,  Philip- 
picae  disputationes  XX.  adversus  Lutherana  dogmota  per  Phil.  Melancththonem  de- 
fensa.  Antverp.  1541.  Disp.  XIX.  is  remarkable,  where  he  shows  that  heretics  should 
be  convinced,  but  not  maltreated. 

8  The  Inquisition  itself  helped  to  making  known  the  Lutheran  doctrine,  by  adopting 
into  the  decree  of  denunciation,  annuall}'  proclaimed,  the  Lutheran  doctrines,  not,  in- 
deed, without  perversions  ;  Llorente,  ii.  1 ;  iv.  418  sq.  The  inferences  which  the  Inquis- 
itors drew  from  them  also  served  for  their  further  explanation.  Thus  it  is  related  by 
Reginaldus  Gonsalvius  Montanus  (Raymond  Gonzalez  de  Montes,  a  Spanish  Domin- 
ican, who  in  1588  escaped  from  the  prison  of  the  Inquisition  in  Seville,  and  went  over 
to  the  Reformation,  Llorente,  ii.  23),  Sanctae  Inquisitionis  Hispanicae  artes  aliquot 
detectae,  Heidelbergae,  1567.  8.,  p.  31,  that  a  simple  peasant  was  subjected  to  exam- 
ination by  the  Inquisition,  because  he  had  said,  practer  Christi  sanguinem  nullum  se 
aliud  purgatorium  agnoscere.  He  was  immediately  read}-  to  recant,  but  the  Inquisitors, 
not  contented  with  this,  ex  ilia  praemissa  deducunt  misero  aratori :  ergo  Ecclesia  I!o- 
mana,  quae  contrarium  suis  legibus  decrevit  olim,  errat.  Item,  errat  Concilium.  Item 
justiticationem  sola  fide  constare,  in  qua  et  noxa  et  poena  homo  sit  absolutus :  et  ut 
tandem  finiamus,  ex  istis  deducunt  totam  illorum  dogmatum  concatenationem,  quas 
ipsi  haereses  vocant,  onerantquc  singulis  his  miserum  hominem,  ac  si  omnia  disertis 
verbis  asseruisset,  vel  ipso  obstinate  reclamante,  asserenteque,  se  neque  scire  quidem 
quid  ea  sibi  velint,  abesse  tantum,  ut  ea  aliquando  venisscnt  in  mentcm.  Quis  non  vi- 
de t,  quam  haec  agendi  ratio  plena  sit  fraude  doloque  ac  diabolica  plane  calumnia,  quan- 
tum est  ex  sancto  illo  officio  ?  Ye  rum  spectanda  adorandaque  hie  maxime  est  divina 
providentia  erga  eos,  quos  elegit,  qui  cum  commodioribus  ad  ipsorum  vocationem  atque 

VOL.  IV. 19 


290  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  movement  was  initiated  by  Rodrigo  de  Valero  ;9  the  most 
distinguished  preachers  of  the  city,  Doctor  John  Egidius,10  and 
the  Emperor's  chaplain,  Constantine  Ponce  de  la  Fuente,11  be- 
came connected  with  it.  Into  the  cloisters  of  Seville,  too,  espe- 
cially in  that  of  San  Isidro  del  Campo,  belonging  to  the  Hierony- 
mites,  the  Reformation  found  an  entrance.  In  Valladolid  it  re- 
ceived, in  1555,  a  distinguished  leader,  the  imperial  chaplain,  Au- 
gustine Cazalla,12  and  likewise  made  converts  in  the  cloisters. 
Besides  this,  from  Beam,  which  was  wholly  Protestant,  it  was 
widely  diffused  in  many  cities  of  Aragon.  In  public  its  ad- 
herents were  only  distinguished  by  a  simple,  Biblical  mode  of 
teaching,  and  they  avoided  all  opposition  to  the  Church ;  but  in 
private  they  taught  all  the  doctrines  of  the  German  Reformers.13 

institutionem  mediis  privati  sint,  hoc  eodem  adeo  adverse- — eos  vocat,  erudit,  collustrat. 
Ipsi  enim  Inquisitores,  qui  fidei  ac  veritatis  ipsius  extirpatores  sese  profitentur,  illi  ipsi, 
inquam,  sunt  eo,  quern  diximus,  rnodo  ejusdem  veritatis  concionatores,  doctores,  propa- 
gatores.  Id  elarissimis  multorum  exemplis  est  compertum,  qui  in  ipsorum  manus  inci- 
derunt,  complurium  rerum  ad  ipsorum  salutem  pertinentium  ignari,  tantum  videlicet 
quod  temere  potius  quam  certo  consilio  garrierint,  non  esse  Purgatorium,  vel  quid  si- 
mile, ipsorum  vero  Inquisitorum  quaestionibus,  consequentiis,  inductionibus  congrue 
minusve  deductis,  egressi  sunt  insigniter  instituti,  cujus  rei  vel  is  ipse  rugticus,  de  quo 
jam  diximus,  luculentum  exemplum  esse  possit. 

9  Who  in  1541  was  confined  in  a  cloister;  see  Eegin.  Gonsalv.  Montanus,  p.  259. 
M'Crie,  p.  155. 

10  Montanus,  p.  256  ss.     M'Crie,  p.  161. 

11  In  Seville,  where  Egidius  gained  him  for  the  Gospel,  the  Emperor  heard  him 
preach,  and  made  him  his  chaplain.  He  went  with  Prince  Philip  to  Belgium  and  En- 
gland. During  the  Smalcald  war  he  had,  in  Biberach,  a  remarkable  conversation  with 
■Tac.  Schopper,  by  which  his  knowledge  of  the  Gospel  Was  enlarged  and  confirmed  (see 
the  account  in  Jac.  Schopperi  Orat.  de  Vita  et  Obitu  sui  parentis,  p.  26,  republished  in 
Andr.  Caroli  Memorabilia  Eccles.  saec.  xvii.,  T.  i.,  p.  342).  In  1555  he  returned  to  Se- 
ville, and  became  professor  of  theology  in  the  college  there.  Montanus,  p.  275.  Au- 
tonii  Bibl.  Hisp.,  i.  256.     M'Crie,  p.  216. 

12  M'Crie,  p.  235. 

13  Montanus,  p.  238:  Erant  Hispali  illius  tempore  factiones  duae  concionatorum, 
quos  auditorum  studiosa  partium  ingens  turba  sequebatur.  Alia,  si  verba  ipsa  spec- 
tares,  ad  Epicteti  Stoici  placita,  quam  ad  Scripturae  sacrae  normam  accedebat  propius, 
eo  Epicteto  inferior,  quod  iste  factis  sermoni  consentaneis  serio  videretur  agere,  ilia  om- 
nino  secus.  De  crebris  enim  jejuniis,  de  mortificatione  et  abnegatione  sui,  de  perpetuo 
prccando,  de  prae  se  ferenda  submissione  ac  dejectione  animi,  quam  humilitatem  ipsi 
vocant,  in  ipso  vestitu,  sermone,  vultu,  ac  in  universa  demum  vitae  ratione  multus  ac 
perfe  infinitus  sermo:  at  sub  ista  adeo  plausibili  ac  speciosa  pietatis  larva,  si  propius  iii- 
spexisses,  vidisses,  ne  quid  durius  dicam,  plane  homines.  Summa,  sanctimoniae  totius 
proram  et  puppim,  quod  ajunt,  in  operibus  adversus  contrariae  factionis  institutum  col- 
locantes,  actuosi  inprimis  videri  cupiebant.  Eo  studio,  utpote  ex  ignoratione  verae  jus- 
titiae  nato,  ad  Missas  complures,  ad  sacrorum  locorum  frequentationes,  ad  Confessionis 
"1  commmrionis,  quas  vocant,  usum  frequentissimum,  et  ad  multa  alia  nugamenta ; — a 
verae  justitiae  exercitiis,  judicio  scilicet  et  misericordia,  atque  adeo  ab  ipsa  fide,  unica 
acquirendae  justitiae  ratione,  expiationis  ergo  divertebant.     Urgebant  paupertatcm  ac 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  20.  IN  SPAIN.  291 

Many  Spaniards  who  were  friendly  to  the  Reformation  lived  in 
foreign  lands,  from  fear  of  the  Inquisition  ;  but  they  promoted  the 
Reformation  at  home  by  writings,  which  in  great  numbers  were 
secretly  introduced  and  widely  diffused.  Especially  important 
was  the  effect  of  the  Spanish  translations  of  the  New  Testament 
by  Franz  Enzinas  (Antwerp,  1543), u  and  Juan  Perez  (Venice, 
1556).15 

But  just  these  secret  associations,  when  discovered,  gave  to  the 
Inquisition  the  opportunity  of  seeing  clearly  how  widely  the  Ref- 
ormation was  diffused  in  Spain;16   and  it  at  once   adopted  the 

coelibatum  vel  conjugibus,  inprimis  vero  obedicntiae  votum,  monachorum  credo  aemn- 
latione,  qua  auditores  sibi  adstringebant.  Hanc  ajebant  esse  ipsam  propriae  voluntatis 
abnegationem,  eisdemque  prorsus  ornabant  titulis,  quibus  obedientiam  sui  ornat  Deus. 
Ut  vero  in  perpetuis  tenebris  liberius  liceret  in  impostura  progredi,  a  bonorum  auctorum 
lectione,  maxime  autem  Erasmi,  a  quo  nihil  scilicet  praeterquam  superbe  sapere  edo- 
cendi  essent,  veluti  a  peste  deterrebant  suos,  ablegantes  eos  ad  Henricum  Herpium,  Bo- 
naventurae  opuscnla,  Abecedarium,  Montis  Sionis  ascensum,  et  id  genus  alios,  ex  qui- 
bus humilitatem,  inprimis  vero  coryphaeis  obedire  didicissent. — Altera  factio  conciona- 
torum  erat  quorundam,  qui  ut  sincerius  tractabant  sacras  literas,  ita  etiam  verum  justi- 
tiae  ac  sanctitatis  fontem  ex  eisdem  aperiebant  hominibus,  quorum  et  industria  factum 
est,  ut  ea  urbs,  hoc  inprimis  nomine  omnium  totius  Hispaniae  felicissima,  totos  duode- 
cim  annos,  quod  ad  verae  justitiae  argumentum  attinet,  purum  Christi  evangelium  au- 
diverit,  neque  sine  fructu. — Erant  istius  primarii  assertores,  doctores  Constantinus, 
Aegidius,  Varquius  (Vargas). 

14  Gerdesii  Hist.  Reform.,  iii.  165.     M'Crie,  p.  202. 

15  M'Crie,  p.  208.  Perez  also  published  a  translation  of  the  Psalms,  a  Catechismo, 
and  a  Sumario  de  Doctrina  Christiauo  (Antonii  Bibl.,  i.  757);  also  several  works  of  Joh. 
Valdez  (M'Crie,  p.  154). 

16  The  abbot  Gundisalvus  de  Illescas  saj-s  of  this,  in  his  Historia  Pontifical  y  Catolica 
(Salmanticae,  1574),  according  to  the  translation  in  Moshemii  Dissertt.  ad.  hist.  eccl. 
pertin.,  i.  G72 :  Olim  quicumque  captivi  ex  carceribus  Inquisitionis  producebantur,  ut 
infelicibus  flammis  comburerentur, — erant  plebeji : — at  proximis  annis  carceres,  theatra 
et  rogos  tribunalis  nostri  plenos  vidimus  hominibus  illustribus  nobilissima  stirpe  satis, 
viris  item  tarn  pietate,  quam  eruditione,  nisi  signa  prorsus  fallunt  externa,  longe  supra 
reliquos  positis.  Causam  hujus  et  multorum  aliorum  malorum,  C[uibus  afflicti  sumus, 
in  Regibus  nostris  catholicis  unice  quaesiveris.  Namque  hi,  quum  eximio  essent  amore 
ac  studio  erga  Germaniam,  Angliam,  aliasque  provincias,  quae  Romanae  Ecclesiae  legi- 
bus  et  imperio  sese  subduxerunt,  viros  quosdam  eruditos  et  eloquentia  insigni  praeditos 
in  has  terras  miserunt,  sperantes  fore,  ut  horum  sermonibus  homines  in  errores  delapsi 
ad  veritatis  reducerentur  obsequium.  Sed  praeclarum  hoc  consilium  malo  quodam  facto 
intcrversum  est,  plusque  nobis  calamitatis  attulit,  quam  fructus  et  utilitatis.  Theologi 
nimirum  illi,  qui  ad  alios  illuniinaiidos  amandati  erant,  ipsimet  lumfhe  capti  ad  nos  re- 
dierunt,  deceptique  ab  haereticis  exemplum  eorum  in  patriam  reversi  sunt  imitati ;  ne- 
scio  utrum  id  opinionis  errore  contigerit,  an  vero  arrogantiae  vitio  cecidcrint,  idque  his 
hominibus  defectionem  suaserit,  quod  sese  pro  eruditis  haberi  cernerent,  et  apud  exteros 
populos  majorem  etiam  eruditionis  copiam  acquisivisse  videri  vellent.  And  in  another 
place :  Quemadmodum  hi  captivi  prae  multis  aliia  dignitatc  et  praestantia  eminebant, 
ita  numerus  eorum  tantus  erat,  ut  totam  certus  sim  Hispaniam  ab  illis  corruptam  et 
erroribus  imbutam  fuisse  futuram,  si  binos  aut  tres  menses  medicinam  distulissent  In- 
quisitores,  qua  malum  hoc  curatum  fuit.  So  it  is  said  in  Ludov.  a  Paramo  de  Origine  et 
Progrcssu  Officii  sanctae  Inquisitionis,  Matriti,  1598,  fol.,  p.  300:  Nullus  est,  qui  dubi- 


22 


292  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

most  decisive  measures.17  In  1557  and  1558  a  large  number  of 
the  suspected  were  imprisoned ;  only  a  few  could  save  themselves 
hy  flight.  The  General  Inquisitor,  Fernando  Valdez,  appointed 
Vice-General  Inquisitors  for  Seville  and  Valladolid  ;  new  papal  and 
royal  decrees  were  published  for  the  support  of  the  Inquisition.18 
In  two  large  auto-da-fes  in  Valladolid  (May  21  and  Oct.  8, 1559),19 
and  in  two  in  Seville  (Sept.  24,  1559,  and  Dec.  22,  15G0),20  the 
secret  Protestants  of  those  places  were  exterminated ;  in  1570, 
after  victims  had  fallen  a  sacrifice  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom, 
and  many  evangelical  Spaniards  had  saved  themselves  by  flight 
Protestantism  may  be  said  to  have  been  destroyed  in  Spain.  But 
even  the  truest  sons  of  the  Church  were  dragged  before  the  Inqui- 
sition on  the  charge  of  Lutheranism,  whenever  they  avowed  their 

tet,  quin  magnum  incendium  in  Hispaniarum  regnis  aetate  nostra  excitatum  fuisset,  nisi 
hujus  sacrosancti  Tribunalis  vigilantissimi  Patres  illud  summa  diligentia  adhibita  peni- 
tus  restinxissent.  Quid  Hispauia  futurum  erat,  si  illico  antidotum  appositum  non  fuis- 
set?— adeo  se  diffundere  coeperat  hoc  incendium,  ut  in  periculosissimam  inter  se  conju- 
rationem  Hispaniarum  regnis  brevissimo  tempore  ruinam  allaturam  conspirarent,  caet. 

17  Llorente,  ii.  214. 

19  Already,  Feb.  25, 1557,  Philip  II.  had  revived  an  ordinance  that  had  fallen  into  dis- 
use, according  to  which  a  fourth  part  of  the  confiscated  property  of  heretics  should  fall 
to  the  accuser  (Llorente,  ii.  217).  Sept.  7,  1558,  he  decreed  the  penalty  of  death  and  the 
confiscation  of  goods  upon  all  who  should  buy,  sell,  keep,  or  read  books  forbidden  by 
the  Inquisition,  and  commanded  the  printing  of  the  Index  Librorum  Prohibitorum 
(Llorente,  i.  470).  Pope  Paul  IV.,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  King,  issued  a  brief,  Jan.  4, 
1559,  to  the  Grand  Inquisitor,  Ferdinand  Valdez,  according  to  which  all  who  should 
teach  the  Lutheran  doctrines,  even  though  not  relapsi,  and  in  case  they  only  gave  doubt- 
ful signs  of  repentance,  should  be  executed  (Llorente,  ii.  215).  By  a  bull,  Jan.  5,  1559, 
he  abolished  all  concessions  about  forbidden  books ;  commanded  the  general  inquisitor 
to  persecute  them  ;  demanded  that  father  confessors  should  impose  the  prohibition  upon 
all  who  came  to  confession,  under  penalty  of  excommunication,  and  that  they  should 
reveal  to  the  Inquisition  whatever  they  knew  about  the  diffusion  of  them  (ibid.,  p.  216). 
By  a  bull,  Jan.  7,  1559,  he  granted  to  the  Inquisition,  to  defray  the  costs,  a  canonry  in 
every  Spanish  foundation,  and  an  immediate  appropriation  of  100,000  ducats  from  the 
church  revenues  (ibid.,  p.  217).  On  the  same  day  he  empowered  the  Grand  Inquisitor, 
for  two  years,  to  examine  even  bishops  of  all  grades  as  to  the  Lutheran  heresy,  in  case 
of  need  to  imprison  them,  and  then  to  send  them  to  Rome  to  receive  sentence  (Llorente, 
iii.  228). 

19  Llorente,  ii.  214.     In  the  first  Aug.  Cazalla  was  also  burned. 

20  Llorente,  ii.  255.  Egidius  had  died  in  1556 ;  Constantine  Ponce  de  la  Fuente  died 
in  prison  fin  his  process,  Montanus,  p.  287  ss. ;  Llorente,  ii.  275  ss.)  :  so  that  only  the 
bones  and  effigies  of  these  two  could  be  burned  ;  Llorente,  ii.  144,  278. 

21  See  Martyrum  Elogia,  in  Reg.  Gousalvii  Montani  Inquisit.  Hisp.  artes  aliquot  de- 
tectae,  p.  173  ss. ;  reprinted  in  Gerdesii  Scrinium  antiquar.,  iv.  581.  The  Martyrologi- 
um,  composed  by  Mich.  Geddes,  in  his  Miscellaneous  Tracts,  translated  by  Mosheim,  in 
his  Dissertt.  ad  hist.  cccl.  pertin.,  i.  G63,  is  unimportant.  The  full  narrative  is  in  Llo- 
rente, ii. 

-  On  their  diffusion,  see  M'Crie,  p.  35G.  Spanish  Reformed  Churches  were  formed 
in  Antwerp,  Geneva,  and  London. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  21.  IN  FRANCE.  293. 

belief  in  the  Augustinian  doctrine  of  justification,  now  rejected  at 
the  Council  of  Trent.  Bartholomew  da  Carranza,  Archbishop  of 
Toledo,  one  of  the  fathers  of  Trent,  was  forced  to  spend  the  rem- 
nant of  his  life  in  prison  (1558-1576)  ;23  eight  other  bishops  and 
twenty-five  doctors  of  theology  were  subjected  to  trial  for  the  same 
cause,  and  the  most  of  them  were  condemned  to  recant.24  In  or- 
der to  ward  off  the  new  irruption  of  heresies  the  strictest  censor- 
ship of  books  was  decreed,25  and  learned  investigations  in  the  uni- 
versities were  put  under  such  limitations  that  all  spiritual  life 
must  needs  expire.26 

§  21. 

IN  FRANCE. 

Histoire  Ecclesiastique  des  Eglises  Reformers  au  Royaurne  de  France  (par  Theod.  de 
Beze),  voll.  iii.  a  Anvers.,  1580.  8.  to  1563.  Commentarii  de  Statu  religionis  et  Rei- 
publicae  in  Regno  Franciae  (by  Jo.  Serranus  or  De  Serres,  Ref.  preacher  1 1598,  in  Ge- 
neva), Partes  V.  1570-80.  8.  1557-76.  Franc.  Belcarii  Peguilionis  (Beaucaire  de  Pe- 
guillo'n,  Bishop  of  Metz  f  1593)  Historia  Gallica  (1461-67).  Lugd.,  1625  fol.  Jac. 
Aug.  Thuani  (de  Thou,  President  of  Parliament  in  Paris  f  1617)  Historiarum  sui  Tem- 
poris,  libb.  138  (to  1607),  first  complete  edition,  Orleans  (Geneva),  1620  ff.  5  Bde. 
fol.*) 

Histoire  de  l'e'dit  de  Nantes  (par  Elie  Benoist),  a  Delft,  1693-95.,  3  Tomes  in  5  Bden  in  4. 
A  short  history  of  the  Reformation  precedes.  Histoire  de  la  Reforme,  de  la  Ligue,  et 
du  Regne  de  Henri  IV.,  par  M.  Capefigue,  8  Tomes.  Paris,  1834-35.  8.  A.  L.  Herr- 
mann's Frankreichs  Religions-  u.  Biirgerkriege  im  sechszehnten  Jahrh.  Leipz.,  1828. 
8.  F.  v.  Raumer's  Gesch.  Europas  seit  dem  Ende  des  15ten  Jahrh.,  ii.  161  ff.  Dr.  G. 
Weber's  Geschichtl.  Darstellung  des  Calvinismus  im  Verhaltniss  zum  Staat  in  Genf 
u.  Frankreich.    Heidelberg,  1836.  8.,  s.  33  fF. 

23  Active  as  he  had  been  just  before  in  the  restoration  of  Catholicism  in  England  un- 
der Maiy  (comp.  Nic.  Antonii  Bibl.  Hisp.  nova,  i.  189 ;  his  trial  at  length  in  Llorente, 
iii.  183-315).  Carranza  had  tfie  same  tendency  with  the  Evangelical  Catholics  in  Italy 
— Antonius  Flaminius,  Pole,  Morone,  etc.  (see  §  19,  Notes  5,  31)  ;  and  his  earlier  connec- 
tion with  them  was  one  of  the  points  of  accusation  (Llorente,  iii.  246).  With  them,  he 
judged  more  mildty  about  the  decided  adherents  of  the  Reformation;  several  of  them 
had  been  his  pupils,  and  he  was  still  in  friendly  relations  with  them;  this,  too,  was  ob- 
jected to  him  (Llorente,  iii.  222).  Especialljr  in  his  Catechism  Avas  Lutheran  heresy 
detected ;  yet,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Council  of  Trent,  which  in  vain  took  part  with  the 
archbishop,  declared  it  to  be  orthodox  (ibid.,  p.  268).  Only  bj-  the  most  urgent  threats 
could  Pius  V.  obtain  his  release  (ibid.,  p.  285).  Carranza  came  to  Rome  in  1567,  and 
was  here  kept  with  much  milder  restrictions.  Pius  V.  wished  to  acquit  him,  but  was 
prevented  by  Philip  II.  (ibid.,  p.  296)  ;  and  Gregory  XIII.  at  last  condemned  the  arch- 
bishop to  forswear  sixteen  Lutheran  positions  (in  1576,  ibid.,  p.  306),  about  which  he 
was  suspected,  and  the  most  of  which  referred  to  the  doctrine  of  justification.  A  few 
weeks  afterward  Carranza  died  in  Rome. 

24  Llorente,  iii.  61. 

25  M'Crie,  p.  389. 

26  M'Crie,  p.  394. 


294  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

[W.  Haag,  La  France  Protestante  ;  10  Tom.  8vo.  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  pour  l'histoire  du 
Protestantisme  Frangais  ;  published  since  1850,  and  full  of  documents  illustrating  the 
early  history  of  the  Huguenots.  De  Felice,  Histoire  de  Protestants  de  France  ;  2d  ed., 
1851 ;  English  translation  by  Lobdell,  1851.  Browning's  Huguenots,  8vo,  1845,  Phil, 
ed.  Smedley,  Hist,  of  Ref.  Religion  in  France ;  3  vols,  in  Harper's  Theol.  Library. 
Philip  Le  Noir,  Hist,  eccles.  de  Bretagne  (to  the  Edict  of  Nantes),  edited  by  B.  Vau- 
rigaud ;  Nantes,  1851.  C.  Schmidt,  Gerard  Roussel  (preacher  to  the  Queen  of  Na- 
varre), 8vo,  1845 ;  la  Vie  et  les  Travaux  de  Jean  Sturm,  8vo,  1855.  F.  W.  Ebeling, 
Sieben  Biicher  Franz.  Geschichte.  Bd.  i.,  1855.  Vicomte  Th.  de  Bussiere,  Histoire 
de  l'etablissement  du  Protestantisme  a  Strasb.  et  en  Alsace,  8vo,  1856.  A.  Barrel, 
Hist,  de  1'eglise  Ref.  de  Nimes,  1533-1802 ;  2d  ed.  1856.  Puaux,  Hist  de  la  Reforme 
Franc,  2  Tom.  Paris,  1857-59.  A.  Lievre,  Hist.  d.  Protestants  de  Poitou.  Tom.  i.,  1857. 
Ch.  Brion,  Liste  chronologique  de  l'histoire  protest,  en  France,  jusqu'  a  la  Revocation 
de  l'edit  de  Nantes,  2  vols.  12mo,  1855.  N.  G.  Soldan,  Gesch.  d.  Protest,  in  Frankreich, 
2  vols.  8vo.  Leipz.,  1855.  Von  Polenz,  Gesch.  d.  Franz.  Protestantismus,  1858.  An- 
quez,  Histoire  des  Assemblers  Polit.  des  Reformees  de  Fr.  1573  to  1622,  8vo.  Paris, 
1859.  E.  Castel,  Les  Huguenots  et  la  Constitution  de  1'eglise  Ref.  de  France,  en  1550. 
Publie  al'occasion  du  jubile  de  1859,  12mo.  Paris,  1859.  H.  de  Triqueti,  Les  premiers 
Jours  du  Protest,  en  France  (to  1559).  2d  ed.  12mo.  Paris,  1859.  Henri  Lutteroth, 
La  Reform,  en  France  pendant  sa  premiere  Periods,  8vo.  Paris,  1859. — Comp.  also, 
Victor  de  Chalembert,  Histoire  de  la  Ligue,  Henri  III.  et  IV.  2  vols.  8vo,  1854. 
Aug.  Theiner,  Hist,  de  l'abjuration  de  Henri  IV.  2  vols.  8vo,  1852.  Recueil  de  Let- 
tres  missives  de  Henri  IV.,  par  Beyer  de  Xeiray  (in  the  Coll.  des  Docum.  ined.,  vol. 
vi.  1853).  M.  Capefigue,  Trois  Siecles  de  l'hist.  de  France :  1548-1848.  2  vols.  8vo, 
1852.  L.  Ranke,  Civil  Wars  in  France ;  transl.  New  York,  1854.  Comp.  the  general 
histories  of  Anguetil,  Henri  Martin  (4th  ed.),  Abbe  Guette'e,  Michelet,  M.  A.  Gabourd, 
D'Aubigne,  and  Schmidt  in  Heeren's  Europ.  Staaten.] 

UNDER  FRANCIS  I.  AND  HENRY  II.,  TO  1559. 

John  Huss,  in  Constance,  had  already  found  that  no  reform  in 
doctrine  could  be  expected  from  the  anti-papal  party  in  the  French 
Church.  The  Sorbonne  in  1521  formally  condemned  the  doctrine 
of  Luther.1  As  it  still  had  many  friends,  and  had  gained  in  Meaux, 
since  1521,  a  strong  lodgment,  under  the  protection  of  Bishop  Guil- 
laume  Brigonnet,2  the  Parliament  at  once  lent  its  arm  to  the  cler- 
gy for  a  bloody  persecution.3     Francis  I.  was  a  friend  of  the  Eras- 

1  Determinatio  Theologiae  Facultatis  Parisiensis  super  doctrina  Lutherana  hactenus 
per  earn  revisa,  dd.  15  Apr.,  1521,  in  d'Argentre  collectio  judiciorum  de  novis  erroribus, 
T.  ii.,  p.  ii.  ss.,  u.  in  Gerdesii  hist.  Reform.,  T.  iv.  Monument.,  p.  10.  The  Propositiones 
it  rejected  were  all  taken  from  Lutheri  lib.  de  captiv.  Babylonica;  see  in  d'Argentre,  i., 
ii.  367.  Melancthon  at  once  published  an  Apologia  adversus  furiosum  Parisiensium  The- 
ologastrorum  decretum  Viteb.,  1521.  4.  (recusa  in  Lutheri  opp.  Jen.  ii.  451) ;  cf.  Secken- 
dorf  Coram,  de  Lutheranismo,  i.  185. 

2  Beze,  i.  5 :  Alors  estoit  Evesque  de  Meaux  un  bon  personnage  natif  de  Paris,  nomme 
Guillaume  Briconnet,  lequel  nonobstant  les  Censures  de  Sorbonne,  fut  esmeu  de  tel  zele, 
qu'il  n'espargna  rien  qui  fust  en  son  pouvoir  pour  advancer  la  Doctrine  de  verite  en  son 
Diocese,  conjoignant  les  oeuvres  de  Charite  avec  la  Doctrine  de  verite :  et  non  seule- 
ment  preschant  luy  mesme  (ce  qui  estoit  lors  fort  nouveau)  mais  aussi  appellant  a  soy 
beaucoup  de  gens  de  bien  et  de  scavoir,  tant  Docteurs  qu'autres,  comme  Jaques  Fabri, 
Guillaume  Farel  (estant  lors  a  Paris,  regent  au  college  du  Cardinal  le  Moine),  Martial 
et  Girad  Ruffi,  etc. 

s  The  censures  of  the  Sorbonne,  see  in  d'Argentre,  i.  ii.,  in  Indice,  p.  iv.,  u.  ii.  i.  1  ss. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  21.  IN  FRANCE.  295 

mian  culture,4  and  in  this  sense  elevated  above  many  ecclesiastic- 
al prejudices,  and  inclined  to  a  reformation ;  but  the  severe  earn- 
estness of  the  French  Lutherans,  and  their  enthusiasm  sometimes 
degenerating  into  fanaticism,5  repelled  him,  and  appeared  to  him 
equally  dangerous,  in'  a  political  point  of  view,  with  the  religious 
divisions  which  he  feared  would  ensue  among  his  subjects.  Be- 
sides this,  in  his  constant  conflicts  with  the  Emperor  he  wished 
to  maintain  friendly  relations  with  the  Pope.  At  his  court  there 
were  several  persons,  particularly  his  sister  Margaret,  Queen  of 
Navarre,6  inclined  to  the  Reformation ;  but  a  powerful  party,  at 
the  head  of  which  were  the  Queen-mother  and  the  Cardinal  and 
Chancellor  Anton  du  Prat,  was  opposed  to  it.  And  thus  the  per- 
secution of  the  Lutherans  went  forward,  even  after  the  King  had 
made  an  alliance  with  the  German  Protestant  princes.7  He  de- 
clared to  them,  to  pacify  them,  that  he  let  only  fanatics  be  perse- 
cuted ;8  assured  them  of  his  desire  for  a  reformation  of  the  Church ; 

Jacobus  Faber  Stapulensis,  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  was  censured,  1521,  because  he 
thought  that  he  found  Magdalenes  in  the  New  Testament ;  d'Argentre,  ii.  i.,  p.  7.  He 
then  wrote  in  Meaux  his  Exposition  sur  les  Evangiles,  which  was  condemned  by  the  Sor- 
bonne in  1523  ;  ibid.,  p.  11.  He  found  security  in  Nerac  in  Navarre,  and  died  1537.  The 
first  martyr  was  Jean  le  Clerc,  of  Meaux,  executed  1521  in  Metz  (Beze,  i.  6).  A  special 
sensation  was  aroused,  when  Louis  6.3  Berquin,  a  royal  councilor,  and  a  zealous  adherent  of 
the  Reformation,  whose  writings  and  translations  had  been  previously  (1523)  condemned 
by  the  Sorbonne  (d'Argentre,  ii.  i.,  p.  11),  was  hung  and  then  burned,  in  Paris,  in  152'.) 
(II.  Pantaleonis  Martyrum  historia,  Basileae,  15G3,  fol.  p.  68.  Vater's  kirchenhist.  Ar- 
chiv,  1824,  ii.  2).  The  decrees  of  the  Councils  of  Sens  (held  in  Paris  by  the  Chancellor 
Anton  du  Prat,  Archbishop  of  Sens)  and  Bourges  (held  by  Archbishop  Franz  of  Tournon) 
against  the  Lutherans,  1528,  see  in  Harduini  Acta  Concill.,  ix.  1919  ss. 

4  Burigny's  Leben  des  Erasmus  mit  Zusatzen  v.  Henke,  i.  234.  Capefigue,  i.  192. 
On  Francis,  see  Raumer's  Gesch.  Europas,  ii.  172. 

5  Capefigue,  i.  196.  On  some  calumnious  writings  of  the  }-ear  1534,  see  Strobel  Von 
Melanchthon's  Ruf  nach  Frankreich.  Nurnberg,  1794,  s.  6,  rT.  There,  p.  14,  one  of  them 
is  reprinted,  viz.,  Articles  veritables  sur  les  horribles,  grands  et  importables  abus  de  la 
Messe  papale,  and  in  Gerdesii  Hist.  Reform,  iv.,  Monum.  p.  60.  Luther's  Preface  to  the 
Smalcald  Articles:  "  Es  ist  hie  zu  Wittenberg  gewest  ein  Doctor  (Gervasius  Waim, 
1531 ;  see  Schelhorn's  Ergotzlichkeiten,  i.  290)  gesand,  der  fur  uns  offentlich  sagt,  dass 
sein  Konig  gewiss  u.  iiber  gewiss  ware,  dass  be}-  uns  keine  Kirche,  keine  Oberkeit,  kein 
Ehestand  sey,  sondern  gienge  alles  unter  einander  wie  das  Viehe,  u.  that  jedermann,  was 
er  wolt." 

6  See  Vater's  kirchenhist.  Archiv,  1824,  iii.  1.     Das  Leben  Calvin's  v.  Henry,  i.  17  rT. 

7  1532.     See  §  5,  Note  42. 

8  Francis  had  several  of  the  Reformed  executed  in  a  barbarous  way  in  Paris,  Januarj-, 
1535,  at  the  same  time  that  he,  with  his  children,  was  taking  part  in  a  brilliant  proces- 
sion (Beze,  i.  20.  Strobel  Von  Melanchthon's  Ruf  nach  Frankreich,  s.  29).  They  were 
not  wholly  guiltless  ;  Sturmii  Ep.  ad  Melancthth.,  d.  4.  Mart.,  1535  (Bretschneider,  ii. 
855) :  Per  mensem  Octobrem — libellos  uno  tempore  de  ordinibus  ecclesiastkis,  de  Missa, 
de  Eucharistia  per  universam  fere  Galliam  nocte  in  omnibus  angulis  affixerunt,  ininia- 
nibus  et  tragicis  exclamationibus,  ante  Regis  etiam  conclave  agglutinarunt,  quo  ccrtiora 


296  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

and  even,  in  1535,  invited  Melancthon  to  come  to  him,  that  he 
might  introduce  attempts  at  peace  and  mediation  in  the  sense  of 
Erasmus  ;9  but  Melancthon  did  not  come.     After  .this,  too,  the 

et  magis  quoque  perniciosa  pericula  crearentur.  Nam  perturbatus  liac  re  populus,  ter- 
ritae  multorum  cogitationes  ;  coucitati  Magistrates,  inflamriiatus  Rex  gravissima  judicia 
instituerunt,  nee  immerito,  si  tain  en  in  re  modus  servari  posset.  Latomus,  then  pro- 
fessor in  Paris,  wrote  about  it  to  Erasmus  (Erasmi  Epistt.  Basil.,  1538,  p.  1097)  :  Fuimus 
praeterita  hyeme  in  magno  periculo  et  invidia  Germani  omnes  in  hac  urbe  propter  quo- 
rundam  temeritatem,  qui  libellos  seditiosos  non  solum  tota  urbe  Parisiorum,  sed  etiam 
in  aula  Regis  fixerant.  Dederunt  tamen  illi  poenas :  atque  utinam  omnes  dedissent. 
Sed  interim  et  alii  complures  eadem  tempestate  abrepti  sunt.  The  King  excused  him- 
self to  the  German  princes  in  his  letter  of  Feb.  1,  1535  (in  Freheri  Seriptt.  Rerum  Germ., 
iii.  295,  in  Melancthon's  German  translation  in  Bretschneider,  ii.  828.  It  is  dated  Feb. 
1,  1534,  more  Gallico,  the  year  beginning  at  Easter) :  Quum  ad  nos  delatae  fuerint  im- 
pudentes  quaedam  calumniae,  quae  per  Germaniam  totam  disseminatae,  nominis  nostri 
honorem  et  decus  labefactarent ; — facturos  nos  operae  pretium  putavimus,  si  illis  ipsis 
calumniis  responderemus. — Superiori  autumno  post  Legati  mei  a  vobis  reditum,  quum 
is  ab  iisdem  vestris  concionatoribus  quosdam  velut  isagogicos  libellos  de  sedandis  iis 
controversiis  attulisset,  et  cur  non  spe  imbuerer  optima  initio  nihil  esset ;  ecce  nobis 
dissensionum  et  mendacii  parens,  veritatis  et  quietis  hostis,  quosdam  excitavit  furiosos 
magis  quam  amentes,  qui  omnium  expetendarum  rerum  subversionem  baud  dubie  moli- 
rentur  ac  tentarent,  quorum  ego  paradoxa  malo  iisdem  sepeliri  tenebris,  unde  subito 
emerserant,  quam  apud  vos,  amplissimi  ordines,  hoc  est  in  orbis  terrarum  luce,  memora- 
ri.  Tantum  hoc  dico,  si  qui  unquam  inter  vos  eorum  similes,  aut  longo  etiam  intervallo 
ab  iis  separati  extiterunt ;  abominati  (ut  debuistis)  illos  atque  execrati  estis  omnes. 
Quae  nimirum  contagiosa  pestis,  atque  ad  deterrimam  spectans  seditionem,  ne  latius  in 
Gallia  serperet,  omni  sollicitudine, 'opera,  industria  restiti.  In  conscios  omnes,  qui- 
cunque  fuere  deprehensi,  uti  more  majorum  ac  legibus  animadverteretur,  efl'eci,  nulli 
hominum  generi  parcens  aut  nationi. 

9  The  King,  in  this  matter,  was  chiefly  led  by  the  brothers  Jean  and  Guillaume  du 
Bellay,  the  first  of  whom  was  Bishop  of  Paris  and  cardinal  in  1535,  the  other  a  minister 
of  the  King ;  John  Sturm,  then  professor  in  Paris,  also  joined  them.  Melancthon  sent 
a  memorial,  in  August,  1531,  to  Guillaume  Bellay,  setting  forth  the  simplest  essentials 
of  the  new  doctrine,  and  how  it  could  be  united  with  the  Catholic  doctrine  (Consilium 
de  moderandis  controversiis  religionis  scriptum  a  Ph.  Mel.  ad  Gallos,  in  Bretschneider, 
iii.  741).  By  these  men  the  King  was  made  acquainted  with  Melancthon  and  his  Loci 
Communes,  which  work  pleased  him  much.  Sturm  wrote  this  to  Melancthon,  and  invit- 
ed him  to  France,  dd.  4.  Mart.,  1535  (Bretschneider,  ii.  855).  About  the  sentiments  of 
the  King  he  says :  Videt  in  altera  causa,  quae  vetusta  est,  tamen  rnulta  esse  vitia,  in 
altera,  quae  veritate  nititur,  plurimum  periculi  a  cupidissimis  et  seditiosissimis  homini- 
bus.  Melancthon  answered  cordially,  but  not  without  scruples,  dd.  9.  Maj.  (1.  c,  p. 
874) :  Jam  si  id  agatur,  ut,  etiamsi  leviores  quidam  articuli  nobis  donentur,  tamen  reli- 
qui  graviores  obruantur  et  deleantur,  ego  neque  causae  publicae  neque  Ecclesiae  prof uero. 
Thereupon  a  formal  invitation  followed,  in  a  letter  from  the  King  of  June  23,  and  oth- 
ers, from  Cardinal  Bellay,  June  27  (ibid.,  p.  879),  from  Sturm  (ibid.,  iv.  1029),  and 
Guillaume  Bella}-  (ibid.,  iv.  1033),  brought  by  a  special  envoy,  Barnabas  Voraeus  Fossa. 
Melancthon  asked  of  the  Elector  permission  to  make  the  journey,  August  17  (ibid.,  p. 
903),  and  Luther  seconded  the  request  (de  Wette,  iv.  619).  The  Elector,  already  dis- 
pleased with  the  Memorial  of  Melancthon,  on  account  of  his  yielding  disposition,  sharply 
refused  the  request,  August  24  (in  Bretschneider,  ii.  910),  and  wrote  about  it  to  his  chan- 
chellor,  Briick  (ibid.,  p.  909)  :  "  Wir  tragen  nicht  wenig  Sorge,  so  Philipps  in  Frank- 
reich  reisen  werde,  er  werde  mit  seiner  grossen  Weisheit  u.  Fleiss,  den  er  haben  wird, 
den  Konig  irgend  auf  eine  Meinung  zu  bringen,  viel  nachlassen,  das  hernach  Dr.  Mar- 
tinus  u.  die  andern  Theologi  nicht  werden  einraumen  konnen. — Zu  dem  ist  nicht  zu 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  21.  IN  FRANCE.  297 

King  made  another  attempt  to  come  to  an  understanding,10  but 

vermuthen,  dass  den  Franzosen  Ernst  sey  dcs  Evangeliums  halben,  sondern  weil  sie  die 
Wankelmuthigkeit  bej'  dem  Philippo  spiiren,  dass  sie  werden  anhalten,  ihn  weiter  aus- 
zulernen,  uud  darnack  seine  Unbestandigkeit  auszubreiten,  u.  ihn  zu  verunglimpfen. 
So  ist  auch  wohl  abzunehmen,  dass  die  Leute,  die  die  Sadie  fordem,  mehr  Erasmisch, 
denn  Evangelisch  seyn."  Cf.  Camerarii  de  Vita  Phil.  Mel.,  ed.  Strobel,  p.  145.  Strobel 
Von  Melanchthon's  Ruf  nach  Frankreich  u.  seinem  dahin  geschickten  Religionsbcden- 
ken.     Niirnberg,  1794.  8.  (from  his  Neue  Beytr.  zur  Liter.,  v.  1,  a  special  reprint). 

10  Melancthon's  Consilium,  with  many  alterations,  was  presented  to  the  Sorbonnc, 
August,  1535,  for  their  decision,  in  the  form  of  a  Confession  of  Faith  of  the  Germans, 
and  it  was  declared  by  them  to  be  thoroughly  objectionable ;  see  dArgentre  Collect. 
Judic,  i.  ii.  395  ss. ;  Strobel,  s.  1C7  ff.  Yet  still  the  King,  bjr  his  embassador,  Guillaume 
Bellay,  announced  to  the  Protestant  princes  convened  at  Smalcald,  in  Dec,  1535,  his 
very  favorable  opinions  about  the  articles  of  Melancthon.  These  declarations,  written 
down  by  Spalatin,  are  in  Seckendorf,  iii.  105;  Gerdesii  Hist.  Ref.,  iv.,  Monum.,  p.  68; 
with  other  acts  in  relation  to  that  embassy  in  Melanchth.  Epistt.,  ed.  Bretschneider,  ii. 
1009  ss.  Primum,  de  primatu  Romani  Pontificis  sive  Papae  sentire  Regem  Gallorum 
nobiscum,  jure  tantum  humano  non  divino  eum  habere. — Secundo,  sententiam  nostram 
de  sacramento  Eucharistiae  Regi  placere,  ipsius  autem  theologis  non  item,  ut  qui  trans- 
substantiationem  velint  modis  omnibus  servatam.  Regem  igitur  quaerere  certa,  ut  ha- 
beat  quod  sequatur,  esse  enim  solum,  qui  in  regno  suo  imperet.  Tertio,  de  Missis — 
magnam  esse  altercationem.  Hie  igitur  Regem  sic  sentire :  condonandum  esse  a  nos- 
tris  aliquid,  imo  nostris  suam  Missam  esse  permittendam,  deinde  modum  adhibendum : 
neque  plures  quotidie  in  parochialibus  templis,  quam  tres,  habendas. — Regem  etiam  esse 
in  eo,  ut  putet,  orationes  et  legendas  multas,  ut  ineptas  et  impias,  abrogandas,  aut  sal- 
tern emendandas. — Regem  etiam  dixisse,  se  habere  orarium  ante  multos  annos  scriptum, 
iii  quibus  de  intercessione  Sanctorum  nulla  prorsus  sit  mentio. — Regem  igitur  de  invo- 
catione  et  oratione  nobiscum  sentire  ;  et  tamen  arbitrari  posse  sic  in  oratione  Sanctorum 
mentionem  fieri,  ut,  si  memoria  fiat  Petri,  Pauli,  etc.,  naufragantium,  oremus  et  creda- 
mus,  nos  quoque  periculo  et  discrimine  liberandos  :  pro  memoria,  non  pro  intercessione. 
Quarto,  Regem  quoque  probare  nostram  de  imaginibus  divorum  sententiam,  ita  ut  plebs 
doceatur,  non  adorandas  esse,  sed  ut  pro  memoria  habere  possint.  Quinto,  de  meritis 
Sanctorum  theologos  Gallicos  sententiam  suam  mordicus  retinere  ;  dicere  enim,  sic  me- 
reri,  ut  pro  nobis  exaudiantur.  Tantum  hoc  annitendum,  ut  Rex  veritatem  intelligat. 
Sexto,  Regi  etiam  nostram  de  libera  arbitrio  sententiam  placere.  Nam  quamvis  primo 
theologis  displicuisset,  inspectis  tamen  locis  Philippi  communibus  et  eos  quoque  in  hanc 
nostram  iniisse  sententiam.  Septimo,  de  purgatorio  sententiam  suam  theologos  pertina- 
cissime  tueri,  ut  ex  quo  pendeant  Missae,  indulgentiae,  legata  ad  pias  causas,  nundina- 
tiones  Missarum,  et  breviter  omnia.  Octavo,  de  bonis  operibus  theologos  vehementer 
tenere  suam  sententiam,  nempe  bona  opera  esse  necessaria :  Oratorcm  vera  respondisse, 
nos  quoque  dicere  necessaria,  non  tamen  ita,  ut  per  ea  vel  justificemur  vel  salvemur. — 
Nono,  de  votis  monasticis  dixit,  sperare  Regem,  hoc  se  impetraturum  a  Pontiiice  Roma- 
no, ut  pueri  initientur  docendi,  sed  ne  ante  annum  trigesimum  vel  quadragesimum  ad 
vota  monastica  cogantur,  sed  ut  liberum  sit  ipsis  deserere,  si  necessitas  tulerit,  monas- 
teria,  et  uxores  ducere.  Id  enim  Regi  videri  esse  ex  re  non  solum  Ecclesiae  sed  etiam 
politiae,  ut  sint  viri  idonei,  qui  ministeriis  et  funetionibus  admoveantur. — Ergo  monas- 
teria  sic  instituenda,  ut  sedes  postea  sint  studiorum,  ut  sint  illic  eruditi,  qui  juventutem 
doceant,  et  qui  ab  ipsis  discant. — Decimo,  dixit  Orator,  a  theologis  Gallicis  conjugium 
sacerdotale  non  probari,  sed  Regi  hoc  medium  placere,  ut  nostris  conjugilms  sacerdoti- 
bus  conjugium  eorum  relinquatur,  reliqui  autem  et  futuri  in  coclibatu  maneant :  qui 
autem  duxerint  uxores,  ut  abstineant  ministerio  sacra  et  pastorali  cura. — Undccimo,  de 
utraque  specie,  ait  Orator,  hoc  Regem  apud  Clementem  Romanum  Pontificem  diligenter 
egisse,  et  spem  ipsi  esse,  fore,  ut  hoc  a  Romano  Pontifice  impetret,  ut  sanciat  et  statuat, 
utrumque  cuique  secundum  conscientiae  suae  modum  esse  liberum,  sive  alteram  tan- 
tum sive  utramque  speciem  accipiendi. — Dixit  etiam  Orator  Gallicus,  locum  de  justifi 


298  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  L— A.D.  1517-1648. 

was  soon  turned  about  by  opposite  impressions.11  At  that  time, 
too,  John  Calvin  left  France,  and  in  his  Institutions  gave  to  the 
French  Reformed  a  doctrinal  point  of  union ;  in  the  Preface  he 
exposed  the  injustice  of  the  King.12  Under  his  direction  a  Re- 
formed Church  was  soon  developed  in  French  Switzerland,  par- 
ticularly at  Geneva.  Here  was  the  hearth  and  home  from  which 
the  Reformation  in  France  was  constantly  receiving  new  encour- 
agement and  support.13  Persecution,  however,  increased  in  the 
same  degree :  the  most  horrible  was  that  of  the  Waldenses  in 
Merindol  and  Cabrieres  in  the  Provence,  which  in  1545  ended  in 
a  general  massacre.11 

Yet  the  number  of  the  Reformed  was  already  very  large  when 
Francis  I.  died,  in  1547,  and  was  constantly  increasing  under 

catione  ut  a  nostris  tractetur,  probarc  Regem. — Praeterea  gratissimum  Regi  futurum, 
si  duo  vel  tres  ex  nostris  eruditis  in  Galliam  mitterentur  ad  ipsum,  coram  eo  his  de  re- 
bus collocuturi.  Regem  enim  adhibiturum  colloquio  eruditorum  et  Sorbonicos  morosis 
simos,  et  qui  nobiscum  sentiant,  ad  eruendam  veritatem  evangelicam. 

11  Especially  through  the  influence  of  Cardinal  Tournon.  Du  Prat  died  in  1535.  In 
15-41  Francis  complains  to  the  Pope  of  the  concessions  of  the  legate  at  Ratisbon  (see  §  7, 
Note  44,  at  the  end). 

12  He  wrote  the  Institutions  in  Basle  in  1535.  Extracts  from  the  Praefatio  ad  Regem  : 
Quum  perspicerem  usque  eo  quorundam  improborum  furorem  invaluisse  in  regno  tuo, 
ut  nullus  sanae  doctrinae  istic  sit  locus :  facturus  mihi  operae  pretium  visus  sum,  si  ea- 
dem  opera  et  institutionem  iis  darem,  et  confessionem  apud  te  ederem,  unde  discas, 
qualis  sit  doctrina,  in  quam  tanta  rabie  exardescunt  furiosi  illi,  qui  ferro  et  ignibus  reg- 
num  tuum  hodie  turbant.  Neque  enim  verebor  fateri,  hie  me  summam  fere  ejus  ipsius 
doctrinae  complexum  esse,  quam  illi  carcere,  exilio,  proscriptione,  incendio  muletan- 
dam,  quam  terra  marique  exterminandam  vociferantur.  Equidem  scio,  quam  atrocibus 
delationibus  aures  animumque  tuum  impleverint,  ut  causam  nostram  tibi  quam  odiosis- 
simam  redderent:  seel  id  tibi  pro  tua  dementia  perpendendum  est,  nullam  neque  in 
dictis  neque  in  factis  innocentiam  fore,  si  accusasse  sufficiat.  Sane  si  quis  faciendae 
invidiae  causa  doctrinam  banc,  cujus  rationem  tibi  reddere  conor,  omnium  ordinum  cal- 
culis  damnatam,  multis  fori  praejudiciis  confossam  jamdudum  fuisse  causetur;  nihil 
aliud  dixerit,  quam  partim  adversariorum  factione  et  potentia  violenter  dejectam,  par- 
tim  mendaciis,  technis,  calumniis  insidiose  fraudulenterque  oppressam.  Vis  est,  quod 
indicta  causa  sanguinariae  sententiae  adversus  illam  feruntur ;  fraus,  quod  seditionis  et 
maleficii  praeter  meritum  insimulatur. 

13  See  §  10,  Notes  40,  42.     Weber's  Darstellung  des  Calvinismus,  s.  44. 

l*  These  Waldenses,  the  only  ones  that  still  remained  in  their  original  fatherland, 
were  also  quickened  by  the  Reformation,  and  had  conferences  with  the  German  and 
Swiss  Reformers.  Thus  they  gave  occasion  to  the  Parliament  that  assembled  at  Aix  in 
1540  to  condemn  them  to  a  fearful  sentence  ;  the  execution  of  it  was,  indeed,  delayed  by 
the  favorable  report  upon  the  Waldenses  made  to  the  King  by  William  de  Bellay,  gov- 
ernor of  Piedmont ;  but  it  was  enjoined,  1545,  by  a  new  decree  of  the  Parliament  of  Aix, 
and  carried  out  in  a  horrible  manner.  See  Histoire  memorable  de  la  Persecution  et 
Saccagement  du  Peuple  de  Merindol  et  de  Cabrieres,  et  autres  Circonvoisins  appeles 
Vaudois,  155G.  8. ;  Histoire  de  Persecutions  et  Guerres  faites  contre  ceux  appelles  Vau- 
dois,  Geneve,  1552.  8. ;  Beze,  i.  35  ss.  ;  Sleidanus,  lib.  xvi.,  ed.  am  Ende,  ii.  380;  Thu- 
anus,  lib.  vi.,  ad  ann.  1550;  Capefigue,  i.  337  ss. ;  Calvin's  Leben  v.  Henry  II.,  326. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  21.  IN  FRANCE.  299 

Henry  II.,  although  this  weak  ruler,  under  the  influence  of  zeal- 
ous Catholics,15  sharpened  the  instruments  of  persecution.  Anton, 
King  of  Navarre,  and  his  spouse,  Jeanne  d'Albret,  a  daughter  of 
Queen  Margaret,  avowed  their  adhesion  to  the  Reformation  ;  in 
Beam  the  Reformed  worship  was  openly  observed.  Henry's  alli- 
ance with  the  German  Protestants  against  the  Emperor  was  favor- 
able to  the  progress  of  the  Reformation  ;  in  the  French  army  there 
was  a  company,  under  the  lead  of  D'Andelot,  composed  entirely 
of  Reformers  of  noble  rank.16  But  after  the  King,  in  the  Treaty 
of  Passau,  had  again  made  friends  with  the  Pope,  and,  in  1555, 
formed  with  him  the  Holy  League ;  and  when,  at  the  same  time, 
the  Reformed  in  Paris,  Meaux,  Bourges,  Orleans,  and  many  other 
places,  began  to  unite  in  regular  congregations,17  and  in  1559,  in 
a  general  synod  at  Paris,  had  agreed  upon  a  Confession  of  Faith 
and  a  church  order,18  then  the  Catholic  party,  with  the  Guises 
at  their  head,  renewed  the  persecutions  with  redoubled  violence. 
Among  the  common  people  the  Reformed  wep  hated  and  calum- 
niated ;19  among  the  educated  their  numbers  increased  with  rapid 

15  Particular!)'  of  the  constable,  Anne  de  Montmorency,  the  Cardinal  Charles  de  Lor- 
raine, son  of  the  Duke  of  Guise,  Diana  de  Poitiers,  and  Jacques  d'Ablon,  Marshal  of  St. 
Andre ;  see  Beze,  i.  68 ;  Raumer's  Gesch.  v.  Europa,  ii.  184. 

16  Capehgue,  ii.  39.  Francois  de  Coligny,  Seigneur  d'Andelot,  was  a  brother  of  the 
Admiral  de  Coligny. 

17  Beze,  i.  97,  in  1555  :  Ce  n'est  pas  merveilles,  si  Satan  et  ses  adherans  se  deborde- 
rent  alors  a  tonte  cruaute. — Car  il  commenca  vraiement  alors  d'estre  assailli  et  combatu 
de  plus  pres  qu'il  n'avoit  este  auparavant  en  France,  ou  il  n'y  avoit  encores  proprement 
aucune  Eglise  dressee  en  toutes  ses  parties,  estans  seulement  les  fideles  enseignes  par  la 
lecture  des  bons  livres,  et  selon  qu'il  plaisoit  u  Dieu  de  les  instruire  quelquesfois  par 
exhortations  particulieres,  sans  qu'il  y  eust  administration  ordinaire  de  la  parole,  ou  des 
Sacramens,  ny  consistoire  establi :  ains  on  se  consolait  l'un  l'autre  comme  on  pouvoit, 
s'assemblant  selon  l'oportunite  pour  faire  les  prieres,  sans  qu'il  y  eust  proprement  autres 
prescheurs,  que  les  Martyrs :  horsmis  quelque  petit  nombre  tant  de  moines  qu'autres, 
preschans  moins  impurement  que  les  autres :  tellement  qu'il  se  pent  dire  que  jusques 
alors  le  champ  du  Seigneur  avoit  este  seulement  seme,  et  avoit  fructifie  par  cy  par  la: 
mais  qu'en  ceste  annee  l'lieritage  du  Seigneur  commenca  d'estre  range,  et  mis  par  ordre 
a  bon  escient.  L'honneur  de  ceste  ouvrage  appartient  sans  point  de  doute  apres  Dieu  a 
un  jeune  horame — nomme  Jean  le  Macon  natif  d 'Angers,  dit  la  Riviere,  etc.  He  found- 
ed the  congregation  at  Paris,  which  was  soon  followed  by  others.  Most  of  the  churches 
received  their  preachers  from  Geneva.    Weber,  s.  51,  Note. 

18  Botli  (Beze,  i.  173  ss.)  were  written  in  accordance  with  Calvinistic  principles,  al- 
though the  Reformed  were  still  called  Lutheriens  in  France. 

19  On  their  secret  assemblages,  Beze,  i.  120:  La  commune  opinion  estoit,  qu'on  s'es- 
toit  la  assemble  pour  faire  un  beau  banquet,  et  puis  paillarder  pesle  mesle  les  chandelles 
estaintes.  lis  adjoustoient  aussi  pour  mieux  orner  ce  mensonge,  qu'il  y  avoit  des  Non- 
nains  et  des  Moines. — Les  Cures  et  Prescheurs  de  lcur  coste  employoient  leurs  personnes 
et  sermons  a.  imprimer  ces  mensonges  au  peuple,  disans  mesmes,  qu'on  y  tuoit  les  petits 
enfans,  et  autres  choses  semblables,  desquelles  Satan  a  voulu  diffamcr  l'ancienne  Eglise : 


300  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

strides.  As  a  milder  tone  was  penetrating  even  the  Parliament, 
it  was  proposed  to  introduce  a  spiritual  inquisition.  The  Pope  is- 
sued the  needful  bull,20  April  25,  1557 ;  the  King  forced  the  Par- 
liament, in  spite  of  its  opposition,  to  accept  the  royal  edict  which 
followed  up  the  bull  ;21  but  the  work  remained  unfinished,  because 
he  died  immediately  afterward,  June  29,  1559. 

§22. 

CONTINUATION  TO  THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES. 

When  Francis  II.1  ascended  the  throne,  in  his  fifteenth  year,  the 
widowed  Queen,  Catherine  de  Medici,  supported  by  the  Guises, 
immediately  got  possession  of  the  government,  and  was  able  to 
set  aside  the  King  of  Navarre,  Anton  de  Bourbon,  the  first  prince 
of  the  blood.  All  the  zealous  Catholics  adhered  to  the  Guises ; 
the  Reformed  looked  for  security  to  the  Bourbons.  After  the  con- 
spiracy of  Amboise%1560,  in  which  the  Guises  were  to  be  de- 
prived of  the  government,  the  Reformed,  under  the  name  of  Hu- 
guenots,2 which  had  been  given  to  them,  formed  both  a  political 

et  ce  bruit  estoit  non  seulement  entre  le  commun  penple,  mais  entre  les  plus  grands 
jusques  au  Roy,  auquel  on  tacha  de  le  persuader  par  faux  rapport.  On  introduit  doncques 
l'tin  des  Juges  du  Chastelet,  lequel  osa,  a  l'appetit  des  adversaires  de  l'Evangile,  rap- 
porter  a  la  Majeste  du  Roj-,  qu'on  avoit  trouve  en  la  salle  de  la  maison  plusieurs  pail- 
laces,f  sur  lesquelles  se  commettoient  les  paillardises,  et  l'appareil  aussi  d'un  bon  et 
somptueux  banquet,  qui  s'y  devoit  faire  :  chose  qui  irrita  grandement  le  Roy,  etc. 

20  Given  in  Raynald  ,  1557,  no.  29. 

21  Bfze,  i.  114.  Capefigue,  ii.  41.  In  the  Parliament  an  important  minority  spoke 
against  the  execution  of  the  Reformed,  demanded  a  council,  and  freedom  of  conscience 
until  it  could  be  convened.  The  King  himself  appeared  in  the  Parliament,  June  13, 
1559,  and  caused  the  chiefs  of  this  minority  to  be  arrested ;  Capefigue,  ii.  55.  One  of 
them,  Anne  de  Bourg,  was  burned,  Dec.  23,  1559;  Beze,  i.  246;  Capefigue,  ii.  93;  Va- 
ter's  Kirchenhistor.  Archiv.,  1824,  iv.  13. 

1  Comp.  besides,  Histoire  de  l'estat  de  France,  tant  de  la  republique  que  de  la  religion, 
sous  le  regne  de  Francois  II.,  par  Regnier  de  la  Planche  (contemporary  and  Reformed), 
publire,  par  M.  Ed.  Menncchet,  Tomes  ii.,  Paris,  1836.  8. 

2  Boze,  i.  269.  Or  pource  qu'il  a  este  fait  mention  de  ce  mot  de  Huguenot  donne  a 
ceux  de  la  religion  reformee  durant  l'entreprise  d'Amboise,  et  qui  leur  est  demeure  de- 
puig,  j'en  diray  un  mot  en  passant,  pour  mettre  hors  de  doute  ceux  qui  en  cherchent  la 
cause  asses  a  1'esgaree.  La  superstition  de  nos  devanciers,  jusques  a  vingt  ou  trente  ans 
en  c,a,  estoit  telle,  que  presque  par  toutes  les  bonnes  villes  du  royaume  ils  avoient  opin- 
ion, que  certains  esprits  faisoient  leur  purgatoire  en  ce  monde  apres  leur  mort,  qu'ils  al- 
loient  de  nuict  par  la  ville  battans  et  outrageans  beaucoup  de  personnes,  les  trouvans 
par  les  rues.  Mais  la  lumiere  de  l'Evangile  les  a  fait  esvanouir,  et  nous  a  appris,  que 
e'estoiont  coureurs  de  pave  et  ruffiens.  A  Paris  ils  avoient  le  moine  bourre,  a  Orleans 
le  mulct  Odet,  a  Blois  par  lougarou,  a  Tours  le  roi  Huguet,  et  ainsi  des  autres  villes.  Or 
est  il  ainsi,  (pie  ceux,  qu'on  appelloit  Lutheriens,  estoienten  ce  temps  la  regardes  de  jour 
de  si  pres,  qu'il  leur  falloit  neccssairement  attendre  la  nuit  pour  s'assembler  pour  prier 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  22.  IN  FRANCE.  30 1 

and  an  ecclesiastical  party,  attached  as  well  to  the  doctrine  of 
Calvin  as  to  the  Bourbons.  Meanwhile,  outside  of  this  party,  the 
feelin»  of  the  necessity  for  ecclesiastical  reformation  and  religious 
toleration  had  become  so  general,  and  was  so  distinctly  declared 
even  by  the  Estates  General  assembled  at  Orleans  in  Dec,  15C0,3 
that  the  Regent,  Catharine,  determined  to  adopt  a  middle  course.4 

Dieu,  precher,  et  communiquer  aux  saints  Sacreraens :  tellement  qu'encores  qu'ils  ne 
feissent  peur,  ne  tort  a  personne,  si  est-ce  que  les  prestres  par  derision  les  feirent  succe- 
der  a  ces  esprits  qui  rodoient  la  nuit.  De  cela  advint  nom  estant  tout  commun  en  la 
bouche  du  menu  peuple  d'appeller  ceux  de  la  Religion  Huguenots  au  pays  de  Touraine : 
et  premierement  a  Tours,  que  ceux  de  la  religion  s'assemblans  de  nuit  furent  surnomme's 
Huguenots,  conime  s'ils  eussent  este  la  troupe  de  leur  roi  Huguet :  et  pource  que  la  pre- 
miere descouverte  de  l'entreprise  d'Amboise  se  fit  a  Tours,  qui  en  baillereut  la  premier 
advertissement  sous  ce  nom  de  Huguenots,  ce  sobriquet  leur  en  est  demeure.  So,  too, 
Thuanus,  lib.  xxiv.,  p.  741.  It  is  remarkable  that,  instead  of  being  content  with  this 
explanation,  which  befits  the  first  appearance  of  this  name,  and  is  adequately  verified, 
the  most  manifold  and  strange  explanations  have  been  attempted  (see  Benoist,  1.  23). 
Among  these,  the  derivation  from  eidgnots  (confederates,  see  §  10,  Note  23)  has  the  great- 
est probability.  This  was  advocated  by  the  Viscount  de  Tavannes,  while  his  father  was 
still  living;  this  origin  of  it,  however,  could  not,  it  would  seem,  have  escaped  the  knowl- 
edge of  Beza.     [Comp.  E.  Castel,  Les  Huguenots,  Paris,  1859,  pp.  1-119.] 

3  Preparations  for  this  were  made  by  the  Assemblee  de  Notables  in  Fontainebleau,  Aug., 
1560,  called  by  the  Chancellor  l'Hospital  (about  him  see  Raumer's  Geschichte  Europas, 
ii.  202).  In  this  assembly  .Jean  de  Montluc,  Bishop  of  Valence,  and  Charles  de  Marillac, 
Archbishop  of  Vienne,  exposed  in  the  frankest  way  the  corruptions  of  the  Church,  de- 
manded a  council,  and  condemned  the  execution  of  the  Huguenots ;  see  Serranus,  i.  48. 
Beize,  i.  277.  Thuanus,  lib.  xxv.,  p.  761.  Cf.  Capefigue,  ii.  144.  Of  the  same  purport  is 
the  address  with  which  the  Chancellor  l'Hospital  opened  the  Estates  General  (Beze,  i. 
407),  and  which  found  much  sympathy. 

4  Comp.  the  document  which  she  sent  forth,  in  preparing  which  the  Bishop  of  Valence 
is  said  to  have  had  much  influence,  and  which  is  usually  cited  as  a  letter  of  the  Queen 
to  the  Pope,  Aug.  14,  1561  (extracts  in  Thuanus,  lib.  xxviii. ;  more  full}-  in  Servanus,  i. 
105),  given  in  full  in  Beze,  i.  650  ss.  (according  to  Capefigue,  ii.  184,  also  in  the  MSS. 
de  Bethune,  Bibl.  du  Roi,  vol.  cot.  8476) ;  but  according  to  Beza  it  was  first  composed 
after  the  colloquy  of  Poissy,  and  is  probably  to  be  considered  as  the  instructions  of  an 
envoy  sent  to  the  Pope ;  perhaps  the  instructions  given  to  Monsieur  de  Laussac  (Beze,  i. 
649).  Here  it  is  said,  Que  la  quatriesme  partie  de  ce  Royaume  est  separee  de  la  com- 
munion de  l'Eglise,  laquellc  quatriesme  partie  est  des  gentils  hommes,  de  gens  de  let- 
tres,  et  des  principaux  bourgeois  des  villes,  et  de  ceux  du  menu  peuple.  The}'  were  so 
united  and  strong,  qu'il  ne  faut  point  esperer  de  les  pouvoir  diviser,  et  encore  moins 
de  les  ramener  avec  la  force,  sans  mettre  ce  Royaume  en  danger,  d'estre  prove  de  celui 
qui  le  voudroit  conquerir,  011  bicn  d'afFoiblir  ou  mettre  tant  au  bas  ses  forces,  que  de 
cinquante  ans  apres  il  ne  pourroit  revenir  a  son  premier  estat.  However,  a  union  in 
France  was  much  easier,  qu'il  n'y  a  point  dAnabaptistes,  ni  heretiques,  qui  contredi- 
sent  aux  12  articles  de  la  foi,  ni  a  la  declaration,  qui  en  a  este  faite  par  les  anciens 
Concilcs  generaux.  Et  se  trouvent  quelques  pcrsonnages  de  scavoir, — qui  disent,  que 
nostre  S.  Pere  pourroit  accepter  en  la  communion  de  l'eglise  ceux  qui  feroient  la  confes- 
sion de  leur  foi  telle,  quelle  est  universelle  par  tout  le  monde,  que  les  anciens  ont  dit  la 
vraye  et  certaine  reigle  de  foi,  contenant  les  12  articles,  et  ce  que  depuis  nous  a  este  de- 
clare par  les  susdits  concilcs  generaux,  et  que  la  difference  des  autres  opinions  ne  pour- 
roit empecher  qu'ils  ne  fussent  tous  de  l'eglise,  sous  l'obeissance  du  sainct  siege :  non 
plus  qu'ancicnnement  la  diversite  de  la  celebration  de  la  Pasquc,  de  l'obeissance  des 


302  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

After  the  death  of  Francis  II.,  Dec.  3,  1560,  Charles  IX.  succeed- 
ed, at  the  age  of  nine  years.     The  Regent  now  drew  hack  some- 

jeusnes,  et  des  ceremonies,  taut  sur  l'administration  des  sacremens,  que  sur  la  maniere 
de  servir  Dieu,  n'empecha  qu'ils  ne  fussent  tous  Chrestiens,  et  qu'ils  ne  communicassent 
les  uns  avec  les  autres.  In  any  case  the  Pope  must  soon  do  something  to  bring  back 
the  schismatics  to  the  Church,  and  to  confirm  the  wavering.  Proposals  are  made  with 
special  regard  to  this  object :  Quant  a  ceux  qui  sont  encores  sous  l'obeissance  de  l'eglise, 
il  faut  entendre,  qu'il  en  y  a  et  en  tres  grand  nombre,  qui  ne  veulent  encores  s'en  depar- 
tir,  et  toutesfois  sont  combatus  continuellement  en  leurs  consciences  en  trois  principaux 
points.  Le  premier  est,  qu'ils  voyent,  que  la  primitive  Eglise  n'avoit  point  aVimages:  on 
leur  dit,  que  Dieu  a  expressement  defendu  de  les  mettre  en  lieu  d'adoration :  ils  V03'ent, 
que  S.  Gregoire  mesme  a  defendu  de  les  adorer  (vol.  i.,  §  119,  Note  h).  Tous  les  bons  qui 
depuis  les  ont  receves,  ont  declare,  qu'elles  ne  servent  que  a  representer  au  populaire  la 
memoire  des  absens,  et  que  ce  sont  comme  histoires  escrites  pour  les  simples  et  ignorans. 
Ils  voyent  aussi  les  grands  et  enormes  abus,  les  menteries  et  impostures,  et  faux  mira- 
cles, qui  depuis  quelque  temps  ont  este  descouvers  de  ce  Royaume,  et  inclinent  facile- 
ment  a  l'opinion  de  ceux,  qui  n'en  veulent  du  tout  point,  et  entrent  contre  leur  con- 
science aux  Eglises  d'autant  qu'ils  sont  contrains  de  s'agenouiller  devant  les  images. — 
Parquoi — nostre  sainct  Pere  considerera,  s'il  lui  plaist,  s'il  ne  seroit  pas  raisonnable, 
qu'elles  fussent  ostees  des  autels,  et  colloquees  a  l'entour  des  temples,  soit  dedans  ou  de- 
hors.— Le  second  article  est  de  l'administration  des  saincts  sacremens,  du  Baptesme,  et  de 
la  saincte  Communion.  Quant  an  Baptesme,  il  vient  a  noter,  que  beaucoup  de  bons  per- 
sonnages  trouvent  estranges  les  exorcismes  et  oraisons,  qui — a  present  d'autant  que  ceux 
qui  y  assistent  ne  les  entendent  point,  il  semble,  qu'on  s'en  pourroit  passer.  Et  davan- 
tage-il  y  a  beaucoup  de  gens,  qui  estiment,  que  tous  ces  prcambules  soient  de  la  neces- 
site  du  Baptesme,  qui  est  contre  l'opinion  de  l'eglise. — Quant  a  la  saincte  Communion,  il 
y  a  plusieurs  bons  personnages  craignans  Dieu,  qui  sont  scandalises  de  trois  poincts, 
dont  le  premier  est,  qu'on  ne  leur  donne  a  communier,  que  sous  tine  espece  seulement,  et 
ne  peuvent  asseurer  leur  conscience  sur  le  Concile  de  Constance,  ni  sur  la  coustume  in- 
troduite  depuis  quelque  temps,  attendu  que  Jesus  Christ  a  dit :  Prenez,  mangez,  et  beu- 
vez.  Et  tout  ainsi  que  S.  Paul  a  dit : — que  l'homme  boive  de  ce  calice  ;  adjoustant  a  ces 
deux  textes  l'ancienne  coustume  de  l'Eglise  continuee  par  l'espace  de  mil  a  douze  cens 
ans. — Nostre  S.  Pere — jugera,  s'il  lui  plaist,  s'il  seroit  bon  de  permettre,  que  ladite  Com- 
munion fust  restituee  par  privilege,  nonobstant  la  definition  dudit  Concile  de  Constance. 
Pour  le  second  poinct,  il  vient  a  noter,  que  plusieurs  font  conscience  de  se  presenter  a  la 
saincte  Communion  en  la  sorte,  que  nos  Evesques  et  Cures  la  distribuent,  c'est  a  dire  a  un, 
a  deux  ou  trois  a  part,  sans  qu'aucunes  prieres  soient  entendues,  et  sans  que  la  cause  de 
ce  sainct  sacrement  leur  soit  declaree :  et  voudroient  bien,  que  la  maniere  de  la  distri- 
buer  selon  l'ancienne  coustume  de  l'Eglise  fust  remise  sus,  et  sont  tellement  arrestes  sin- 
ce poinct,  que  nos  adversaires  disent,  qu'ils  en  usent  comme  nos  anciens  Peres,  et  la 
nous  ont  laissee  par  escrit ;  que  si  le  regret,  qu'ils  ont  de  se  separer  de  la  communion  de 
l'Eglise,  ne  les  retenoit,  il  y  en  auroit  uu  grand  nombre  qui  pieca  nous  eussent  aban- 
donnes  :  et  ne  se  peut  nier,  que  la  comparaison  de  l'une  fa(;on  a  l'autre  ne  nous  apporte 
grand  prejudice. — Parquoi  pour  obvier  a  cet  inconvenient,  s'il  plaisoit  a  nostre  S.  Pere  lc 
Pape  permettre,  que  la  saincte  Communion  soit  une  fois  le  mois  administree  selon  qu'il 
estoit  en  la  primitive  Eglise,  c'est  a  savoir,  que  l'Evesque  ou  le  Cure,  ou  autres  pour  eux, 
peussent  tous  les  premiers  dimanehes  des  mois,  ou  plus  souvent,  s'ils  en  sont  requis,  as- 
sembler ceux,  qui  en  auroient  devotion,  devant  et  apres  l'orrice,  et  la  peussent  chanter  un 
Pseaume  en  langage  vulgaire,  Assent  confession  generale  de  leurs  peches,  et  prieres  pub- 
liques  pour  tous  magistrats  spirituels  et  temporels,  pour  la  salubrite  de  l'air,  pour  les 
fruicts  de  la  terre,  pour  les  malades  afflige's,  et  pour  tous  autres,  qui  ont  besoin  d'estre 
consoles  pour  la  bonte  et  liberalite  de  nostre  Dieu  :  puis  leur  fust  faite  lecture  de  ce  que 
les  Evangelistes,  ou  sainct  Paul  nous  ont  escrit  concernant  le  sainct  sacrement :  lequel 
aussi  leur  fust  bailie  sous  deux  especes. — II  n'y  a  chose,  qui  tant  tourmente  les  con- 
sciences de  ceux,  qui  veulent  vivre  selon  Dieu,  que  la  crainte  de  n'avoir  les  sacremens 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  22.  IN  FRANCE.  303 

what  from  the  Guises,  declared  the  King  of  Navarre  Lieutenant- 
General  of  the  King,  and,  to  attempt  a  reconciliation,  set  on  foot 
the  Colloquy  of  Poissy,5  in  Sept.,  1551,  between  the  two  religious 
parties ;  and,  although  this  conference  did  not  lead  to  any  results, 
conceded  to  the  Reformed  a  restricted  religious  freedom,6  Jan.  17, 
1562.  But  as  the  Huguenots  were  now  rapidly  increasing,  and 
began  to  feel  their  power,  and  to  express  openly  their  abhorrence 
of  the  Catholic  superstitions,7  the  Catholics  also  became  more  im- 

ainsi  qu'ils  ont  este  institues  et  ordonnes :  et  toutes  les  fois,  qu'ils  sont  persuades,  qu'on 
y  a  adjouste  ou  diminue  pour  y  faire  quelque  changement,  ils  pensent  estre  certainement 
hors  du  chemin  de  leur  salut. — Le  troisiesme  poinct  est,  que  plusieurs  savans  personnagcs 
de  ce  Royaume  et  autres,  qui  sont  en  grand  nombre,  sont  scandalises,  de  la  procession, 
qui  sefait  tous  les  ans  le  jour  qu'on  appelle  du  Corpus  Domini,  a  laquelle  procession  ils  di- 
sent  qu'ils  ne  peuvent  assister  en  saine  conscience  pour  ces  trois  raisons.  La  premiere, 
disent  ils,  pource  que  c'est  directement  contre  l'institution  du  s.  Sacrement,  ou  il  est 
(lit :  Prenez,  mangez,  et  puis :  faites  ceci  en  ma  commemoration,  c'est  a  dire,  ce  que  j'ai 
fait :  et  disent,  qu'il  y  a  pareille  difference  entre  le  prendre  et  le  manger,  et  le  voir  et 
porter  par  les  rues,  comme  on  pourroit  dire,  si  un  medecin  avoit  commande  de  prendre 
une  medecine  au  malade  pour  sa  sante,  et  que  celui  la  au  lieu  de  la  prendre,  la  fist  porter 
honorablement  par  la  maison. — Pour  la  seconde  raison,  ils  allegueut,  que  Jesus  Christ 
est  au  regne  de  son  Pere,  et  ne  requiert  de  nous  que  l'honneur  spirituel  et  l'adoration  en 
esprit  et  verite. — Voila  la  plainte,  qui  est  faite  non  pas  par  les  separes,  mais  par  un  grand 
nombre  d'autres  personnes,  qui  ne  pensent  a  rien  moins,  qu'a  se  desunir  de  l'Eglise,  ains 
pour  contenir  les  infirmes  a  ce  qu'ils  ne  se  departent  point,  desirent,  que  ce  qui  apporte 
plus  de  scandale  que  de  fruict,  plus  d'abus  que'de  devotion,  soit  du  tout  oste,  ou  pour  le 
moins  reforme. — La  Messe  est  le  tiers  article,  pour  lequel  plusieurs  sont  scandalises. 
Tout  le  monde  dit,  que  c'est  un  grand  scandale  en  la  Chrestiente  de  la  voir  ainsi  mettre 
en  vente  par  des  prestres  ignorans,  malvivans  et  vagabonds :  et  toutefois  personne  ne 
fait  semblant  d  y  pourvoir.  Cela  a  fait  grandement  diminuer  la  devotion  du  peunle : 
mais  il  y  en  a  plusieurs,  qui  sont  encores  avec  nous,  qui  ont  passe  plus  outre,  et  font 
grand  scrupule  en  ladite  messe,  tant  pour  la  substance,  que  pour  la  forme  d'icelle. — 
Reste  a  parler  de  la  maniere  de  servir  Dieu,  sur  quoi  vient  a.  noter,  que  tout  ainsi  qu'en 
la  primitive  Eglise  le  chant  des  Pseaumes  et  pricrcs  publiques  en  langage  entendu  d'un 
chacun  contenoit  les  Chrestiens  en  la  crainte  de  Dieu,  en  la  devotion  de  l'invoquer  sou- 
vent,  en  la  fraternelle  amitie ;  attiroit  les  ennemis  a.  vouloir  entendre  ce  que  c'estoit  de 
la  religion  ;  et  rendoit  les  homines  mieux  vivans  et  plus  devots  envers  Dieu  :  aussi  voj-- 
ons-nous  de  nostre  temps,  que  ceux  qui  se  sont  separes  de  nous,  attirent  en  leur  com- 
pagnie  tous  ceux  qui  leur  oyent  chanter  des  Pseaumes  et  faire  les  prieres.  Attendu  done, 
que  c'est  une  chose  bonne  et  louable,  et  dont  l'Eglise  a  si  longuement  use,  il  seroit  bon 
d'user  de  mesme  artifice  et  recevoir  en  nos  Eglises,  deux  fois  le  jour,  le  chant  des 
Pseaumes  en  langage  valguaire  avec  les  prieres  publiques,  et  telles  que  chacun  Evesque 
pourroit  ordonner  en  son  diocese. 

5  On  this  see  Serranus,  i.  112  b. ;  Beze,  i.  489;  Thuanus,  lib.  xxviii. ;  Salig's  Hist, 
d.  Augspurg.  Confession,  iii.  801 ;  Schlosser's  Leben  des  Theodor  de  Beza  u.  des  Petrus 
Martyr  Vermili,  Heidelberg.  1809,  s.  105,  355,  459;  Capefigue,  ii.  18G. 

6  According  to  the  proposals  of  the  Chancellor  l'Hospital  in  the  assembly  at  St.  Ger- 
main ;  Capefigue,  ii.  207.  The  so-called  Edit  de  Janvier,  in  Beze,  i.  G74.  Benoist  Hist, 
de  l'edit  de  Nantes,  T.  i.  Recueil  d'Edits,  p.  1. — On  this  period  compare  the  letters  of 
the  papal  nuncio  in  Paris  to  the  Cardinal  Borromeo,  from  October,  15G1,  to  15G5,  in  the 
Archives  curieuses  de  l'hist.  de  France,  par  Cimber  et  Danjou.  Serie  i.,  T.  vi.  (Paris, 
1835),  p.  1  ss. 

7  Capefigue,  ii.  210. 


304:  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  L— A.D.  1517-1648. 

bittered  against  them.  The  Duke  of  Guise,  by  the  massacre  of 
Vassy,8  March,  1562,  gave  the  signal  of  war.  The  weak  King  of 
Navarre,  intimidated  by  Spain,9  stood  on  the  Catholic  side ;  his 
brother,  the  Prince  of  Conde,  was  the  leader  of  the  Huguenots. 
These  wars  were  interrupted  only  by  short  periods  of  peace.  Aft- 
er the  treaty  of  St.  Germain  en  Laye,10  August  8,  1570,  it  appear- 
ed as  though  the  court  earnestly  desired  to  maintain  peace ;  but 
the  high  carnival  of  blood,  the  Night  of  St.  Bartholomew,11  August 
24,  1572,  revealed  the  hidden  craft,  and  was  the  signal  for  a  new 
series  of  still  more  imbittered  wars.  "With  every  treaty  the  Hu- 
guenots gained  larger  advantages;  but  both  Charles  IX.,  who  died 
May  30, 1574,  and  Henry  III.  were  too  feeble  to  hold  their  engage- 
ments against  the  Catholic  party.  After  the  Peace  of  Beaulieu, 
May,  1576,  the  Duke  of  Guise  formed  the  Holy  League  to  exterm- 
inate the  Huguenots,12  and,  favored  by  the  Pope  and  Spain,  he  got 
possession  of  so  much  power  that  Henry  III.  sank  down  into  the 

8  Several  contemporaneous  accounts,  see  in  the  Archives  curieuses  de  l'hist.  de  France. 
Serie  i.,  T.  iv.,  p.  103  ss.  The  Reformed  (Beze,  i.  722)  and  the  Catholic  (Capefigue,  ii. 
237)  vary  much,  especially  as  to  the  occasion  of  it.  The  most  unprejudiced  is  Thuanus, 
lib.  xxix.,  T.  ii.,  p.  78.  Raumer  Gesch.  Europa's,  ii.  223.  [H.  W.  G.  Soldan,  in  Rau- 
mer's  Hist.  Taschenbuch,  1851,  on  the  •Bartholomew  Night ;  La  France  et  la  St.  Bar- 
thilemy,  Paris,  1855;  Ranke's  Civil  Wars,  pp.  248-278.] 

9  Capefigue,  ii.  233.     Herrmann's  Frankreichs  Religions-  u.  Biirgerkriege,  s.  180. 

10  See  the  edict  in  Benoist,  i.  Anhang,  p.  9. 

11  A  report,  palliating  matters,  of  the  General  Advocate  of  the  Paris  Parliament,  Nov. 
1,  io72,  Vidus  Faber  ad  Stanislaum  Elvidium  (i.  e.,  Joach.  Camerarius)  ;  the  answer  of 
the  latter,  see  in  Gerdesii  Scrinium,  vi.  575.  Against  this,  see  Em.  Varamundi  (F.  Ho- 
tomanni?)  de  Furoribus  Gallicis  Narratio.  Edinburg,  1573.  4.  (often  reprinted).  A  col- 
lection of  the  documents  and  contemporaneous  writings  is  in  the  Archives  curieuses  de 
l'hist.  de  France,  Serie  i.,  T.  vii. ;  Thuanus,  lib.  lii. ;  L.  Wachler's  die  pariser  Bluthoch- 
zeit,  Leipzig,  182G  (as  Appendix :  the  remarkable  confession  of  Henry  of  Anjou,  King 
of  Poland,  made  in  Cracau  to  his  physician  in  ordinary,  Miron,  and  his  conversation 
with  the  Elector  Frederick  III.  in  Heidelberg).  Histoire  de  la  Saint-Barthelemy  d'apres 
les  Chroniques,  Memoires,  et  Manuscrits  du  XVI.  siecle,  par  M.  Audin.  Paris,  1826.  8. 
Ranke,  histor.  polit.  Zeitschrift,  Bd.  2,  Heft  3,  s.  590.  Herrmann,  s.  290.  Capefigue,  iii. 
84.  Raumer,  ii.  252.— On  the  reception  of  the  account  in  other  lands,  and  the  manifes- 
tation of  joy  in  Rome,  see  Thuanus,  lib.  liii.  The  congratulatory  address  of  Muretus  to 
the  Pope  is  the  22d  of  his  Orations.     [Comp.  Bulletin  of  French  Prot.  Hist.  Soc] 

1  -  Thuanus,  lib.  lxiii.  init.  They  united,  ad  restituendam  in  integrum  legem  Dei,  con- 
servandum  sanctissimum  ipsius  cultum  juxta  formam  ct  ritum  S.  R.  E.  Then  it  was 
further  said :  foederis  praefectus  creatur  (naturally,  the  Duke  of  Guise),  cui  universi 
promptam  obedientiam  et  obsequium  sine  conditione  praestare  teneantur :  si  quis  officio 
non  satisfecerit,  aut  tergiversatus  ulla  in  re  fuerit,  ad  praefecti  arbitrium,  cui  cuncti  se 
submitterent,  puniatur.  The  party  even  went  so  far  as  to  insist  upon  giving  back  the 
French  crown  to  the  Carlovingian  line,  from  which  the  Guises  claimed  descent,  and  tak- 
ing it  from  the  Capetian,  who,  it  was  said,  had  usurped  it ;  see  the  instructions  of  Da- 
vid, the  parliamentary  advocate,  sent  to  Rome,  in  Thuanus,  lib.  lxiii.  p.  176;  Capefigue, 
iv.  44. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  22.  IN  FRANCE.  395 

mere  shadow  of  a  king,  and  the  kingdom  was  in  a  state  of  anar- 
chy. The  Pope  declared  that  the  Bourbons  had  forfeited  their 
rights  to  the  throne  of  France,13  for  which  the  Duke  of  Guise  was 
struggling.  The  crafty  Henry  III.  tried  to  help  himself  by  mur- 
der :  two  of  the  Guises  fell  in  1588  ;  the  third  brother,  the  Duke 
of  Mayenne,  at  the  head  of  the  League,  so  pressed  the  King  that 
he  was  forced  to  seek  refuge  with  the  King  of  Navarre.  "When  he 
was  murdered  in  his  camp  at  St.  Cloud,14  in  1589,  the  latter  be- 
came his  successor,  as  Henry  IV. ;  but  he  had  to  contend  contin- 
ually against  the  League ;  and  even  after  he  had  renounced  Prot- 
estantism and  gone  over  to  the  Catholic  Church,15  in  1595,  he 
could  not  at  once  disarm  all  opposition ;  first  in  1595  he  was  ab- 
solved from  the  papal  ban.  After  he  had  obtained  the  peaceful 
possession  of  the  government  he  guaranteed  to  his  former  compan- 

13  The  bull  of  Sept.  9,  1585,  may  be  found  in  the  reply:  Franc.  Hottomanni  Sixti  V. 
Fulmen  brutum  in  Henricura  Regem  Navarrae  et  Henr.  Burbonium  Principem  evibra- 
tum  (1585.  8.,  and  often),  also  in  Goldasti  Monarchia'  Imperii,  iii.  124;  Thuanus,  lib. 
Ixxxii.  p.  44. 

14  Contemporaneous  reports,  see  in  the  Archives  curieuses  de  Thist.  de  France,  Serie 
i.,  Tom.  xii.  361;  Thuanus,  lib.  xcvi.  p.  456.  The  murderer,  the  Dominican,  Jacques 
Clement,  had  inquired  of  a  learned  brother  of  the  order,  salvane  conscientia  Henricum 
Valesium  occidere  posset ;  and  received  the  answer :  siquidem  non  odio  aut  ultionis 
privatae  studio,  sed  amore  Dei  inflammatus,  pro  religione  et  patriae  salute  id  suscipiat, 
non  solum  id  inoft'ensa  conscientia  facere  posse,  sed  multum  apud  Deum  meriturum,  et 
si  in  actu  ipso  moriatur,  proculdubio  inter  beatorum  choros  animam  ejus  evolaturam. 
Cf.  Capeligue,  v.  290.  The  same  doctrines  were  openly  taught  in  the  Jesuit  college  in 
Paris,  and  the  Jesuits,  Petr.  Ribadeneira  and  Joh.  Mariana,  praised  the  deed  of  Cle- 
ment in  their  writings ;  D'Argentre  Collectio  Judiciorum,  ii.  i.  503.  Also  Pope  Sixtus 
V. ;  Raumer,  ii.  332. 

14  Comp.  on  this  the  Memoires  de  Maxim,  de  Bethune  (Sully),  Amsterd.,  fol.  T.  i. 
chap.  38  ss.  Sully  saw  clearly  that  without  the  same  Henry  they  could  never  come  to 
a  peaceful  government ;  in  respect  to  religion,  he  held  it  to  be — pour  infaillible,  qu'en 
quelque  sorte  de  Religion,  dont  les  hommes  fassent  profession  exterieure,  s'ils  meurent 
en  l'observation  du  Decalogue,  creance  au  Symbole,  aiment  Dieu  de  tout  leur  coeur,  ont 
charite  envers  leurs  prochains,  esperent  en  la  misericorde  de  Dieu,  et  d'obtenir  salut  par 
la  mort,  le  merite,  et  la  justice  de  Jesus-Christ,  qu'ils  ne  peuvent  faillir  d'estre  sauvez, 
pource  que  des  lors  ne  sont  ils  plus  d'aucune  Religion  erronee,  mais  de  celle  qui  est  la 
plus  agreable  a  Dieu.  He  ended  his  investigation  in  relation  to  the  King  with  the  as- 
sertion, il  vous  sera  impossible  de  regner  jamais  pacifiquement,  tant  que  vous  serez  de 
profession  exterieure  d'une  Religion,  qui  est  en  si  grande  aversion  a  la  pluspart  des 
grands  et.des  petits  de  vostre  Royaume.  The  confession  of  faith  made  by  the  King 
(chap.  49)  is  the  Professio  Fidei  Pii  IV.,  in  which,  however,  were  omitted  the  mention 
of  the  Council  of  Trent,  as  that  was  not  received  in  France,  and  also  at  the  end  the 
words  (hanc  veram  catholicam  fidem)  a  meis  subditis,  seu  illis,  quorum  cura  ad  me  in 
meo  munere  spectabit,  teneri,  doceri  et  pracdicari,  quantum  in  me  erit,  curaturum  (spon- 
deo).  Capefigue,  vi.  300.  Raumer,  ii.  362.  Ranke,  Fiirsten  u.  Volker  von  Siideuropa, 
iii.  236.  F.  W.  Ph.  v.  Ammon,  Gallerie  der  denkwiirdigsten  Personen,  welche  zur  kath. 
Kirche  iibergetreten  sind.  Erlangen,  1833.  8.,  s.  56.  |_Stuhelin,  Uebertritt  Henri  IV., 
1856.1 

VOL.  IV. 20 


3QG  FOUKTH  PEEIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ions  in  the  faith  legal  rights  and  standing  in  the  Edict  of  Nantes,16 
April  13,  1598. 

§23. 

CONTINUATION  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA. 

The  Reformed  at  once  proceeded  not  only  to  arrange  their 
Church  constitution,  giving  it  a  firm  basis  by  founding  institu- 
tions for  education,1  which  soon  took  a  high  rank,  but  also  to  shape 
their  league  in  such  a  way  as  was  necessary  for  the  protection  of 
their  political  rights.2  In  the  long  struggles  through  which  they 
passed  the  two  religious  parties  had  come  to  such  a  state  of  hatred 
that  they  could  not  immediately  live  together  in  peace.3     The 

16  See  this  in  Benoist,  i. ;  Appendix,  p.  62.  Here  it  is  first  provided  that  all  the  past 
was  to  be  forgotten,  and  that  the  Huguenots  (nos  sujets  de  la  Religion  pretendue  Re- 
formee)  should  every  where  be  allowed  to  have  private  worship,  and  also  public,  under 
certain  restrictions :  in  particular,  §  14,  they  were  forbidden  de  faire  aucun  exercice  de 
ladite  Religion  en  notre  Cour  et  suite,  ni  pareillement  en  nos  terres  et  pais  qui  sont  del  a 
les  Monts,  ni  aussi  en  notre  ville  de  Paris,  ni  a  cinq  lieues  de  ladite  ville.  The  preach- 
ers are  not  to  stir  up  the  people  (§  17)  ;  from  the  Reformed  their  children  are  not  to  be 
taken  (§  18) ;  and  they  are  not  to  be  disturbed  (§  19) :  on  the  other  hand,  thej'  are  to 
refrain  from  all  mere  work  on  the  days  of  the  Catholic  festivals  (§  20).  They  are  to  be 
admitted  to  schools,  universities,  hospitals,  and  public  poor-houses  equally  with  the 
Catholics  (§  22)  ;  but  they  are  not  to  marry  within  the  degrees  of  relationship  forbidden 
by  the  canon  law  (§  23).  They  are  to  be  admitted  to  all  offices  and  dignities  (§  27)  ;  in 
the  Paris  Parliament  is  to  be  a  Chambre  de  l'Edit,  to  decide  upon  the  complaints  of  the 
Reformed,  and  six  Reformed  councilors  are  to  be  appointed  (§  30)  ;  chambers  of  the 
same  kind  to  be  formed  by  the  Parliaments  of  Toulouse,  Grenoble,  and  Bordeaux,  half 
of  the  members  to  be  Reformed  and  half  Catholic  (chambres  miparties,  §  31).  To  the 
edict  of  92  articles  was  added,  May  2,  one  of  52  articles  secrets  et  particuliers,  and  two 
brevets  of  30th  April.  By  the  second  brevet  (1.  c,  p.  95)  it  was  conceded  to  the  Re- 
formed :  que  toutes  les  Places,  Villes  et  Chateaux,  qu'ils  tenoient  jusqu'a  la  fin  du  mois 
d'Aout  dernier,  esquelles  y  aura  garnisons,— demeureront  en  leur  garde  sous  l'autorite 
et  obeissance  de  Sadite  Majeste  par  l'espace  de  huit  ans.— Et  pour  les  autres,  qu'ils  tien- 
nent,  ou  il  ny  aura  point  des  garnisons,  n'y  sera  point  altere  ni  innove.  (So  La  Rochelle, 
Montauban,  Nimes  u  a.,  welche  fast  ganz  unabhangig  waren)— Et  ce  terme  desdites 
huit  annees  expire,— toutefois  S.  M.  leur  a  encore  accorde  et  promis,  que  si  esdites  Villes 
elle  continue  apres  ledit  terns  d'y  tenir  garnisons,  ou  y  laisser  un  Gouverneur  pour  com- 
mander, qu'elle  n'en  depossedera  point  celui  qui  s'en  trouvera  pourvu,  pour  y  en  mettre 
un  autre. 

1  Academies  in  Sedan  (founded  1580,  by  Henry,  Duke  of  Bouillon),  Saumur  (1604,  by 
Duplessis-Mornay,  governor  of  this  city),  Montpellier,  Montauban,  Nimes,  and  Pau,  in 
Beam ;  besides  several  gymnasia.  [Comp.  Michel  Nicolas  on  the  Protestant  French 
Schools  and  Colleges,  in  the  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  de  l'Histoire  du  Prot.  Franc ;  Tom. 
iv.  1856,  pp.  497-511,  582-595.] 

2  Upon  the  church  constitution,  and  the  political  organization  of  the  Protestants,  see 
Weber's  Darstellung  des  Calvinismus  im  Verhaltniss  zum  Staat  in  Genf  u.  Frankreich, 
s.  187  IT. 

3  Among  the  leaders  of  the  Reformed  was  Philip  Mornay  (Seigneur  du  Plessis-Marly), 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  23.  IN  FRANCE.  307 

high  Huguenot  nobles,  accustomed  to  independence,  and  to  vic- 
tory in  the  contests  with  the  Court,  were  still  in  a  very  excited 
state ;  and  this  was  favored  by  the  position  now  assigned  to  the 
Huguenots  as  a  political  corporation.4  Under  Henry  IV.  they 
seemed  to  be  by  degrees  pacified.  During  the  minority  of  Louis 
XIII.,  however,  the  powerful  Huguenot  League  could  not  remain 
without  participation  in  the  party  struggles  of  the  great  princes.5 
Afterward  Louis  XIII.  himself  gave  occasion  to  new  wars,  by  vio- 

who  caused  much  excitement  by  his  violent  controversial  writings,  especially  by  the  work 
De  l'institution,  usage  et  doctrine  de  l'eucharistie  en  l'eglise  ancienne  ;  a  Rochelle,  1598. 
4.  (often  republished).  This  called  out  several  Catholic  rejoinders  (see  Walch,  Bibl. 
Theol.,  ii.  227),  and  also  was  the  occasion  of  a  colloquy  of  the  author  with  Du  Perron, 
Bishop  of  Evreux,  at  Fontainebleau,  in  the  presence  of  the  King,  1600.  Du  Perron  tried 
to  convict  him  of  "having  made  many  false  citations  from  the  fathers  and  scholastics : 
see  Actes  de  la  Conference  tenue  entre  le  Sieur  Evesque  d'Evreux  et  le  Sieur  du  Plessis, 
en  presence  du  Roi  a  Fontainebleau  le  4.  de  May,  1G00,  a  Evreux,  1601,  8. 

4  Comp.  the  Memoires  de  Sully  on  the  Assemblee  generale  of  the  Reformed  at  Cha- 
telleraut,  1605,  in  which  Sulhy  appeared  as  the  plenipotentiary  of  the  King  (in  the  Am- 
sterdam folio  edition,  Tom.  ii.  chap.  51 ;  in  the  revised  edition  of  London,  1778,  8vo, 
Tom.  vi.  chap.  22).  Sully  had  here  to  contend  against  the  reports  and  fears  that  the 
Reformed  were  again  to  be  robbed  of  all  their  privileges,  particularly  against  the  bruit, 
que  ceux  de  la  cabale  de  Messieurs  de  Bouillon,  Desdiguieres  et  du  Plessis  ont  fait 
courir,  que  le  Roi  avoit  delibere  de  re.trancher  ce  qui  estoit  destine  pour  les  Ministres,  et 
de  ne  permettre  plus  d'Assemblee  (ed.  Amst.,  ii.  380).  Of  that  union  instructions  had 
already  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  King  (1.  c,  p.  381),  qui  ont  este  donnees  pour  for- 
mer en  ce  Royaume  une  Republique  separee  en  effet  de  son  autorite  souveraine,  a  quoi 
tendent  l'union,  que  vous  savez  avoir  este  proposee  pour  la  mutuelle  defense  et  conser- 
vation des  chefs  de  parti,  et  les  sermens,  auxquels  on  pretend  assujettir  les  Gouverneurs 
des  Places,  avec  le  rejet  de  ses  Officiers, — et  les  conseils  qu'ils  entendent  dresser  et  es- 
tablir  en  chacune  Province  du  Royaurne,  avec  les  intelligences  estrangeres,  desquelles 
nous  savons  qu'ils  veulent  et  esperent  s'apuyer  et  fortifier  avec  plus  de  soin,  que  jamais. 
Sully  wrote  on  this  to  the  royal  cabinet  (1.  c,  p.  383)  :  Quant  aux  plaintes,  que  vous  me 
faites  des  tesmoignages,  que  ceux  de  ceste  assemblee  rendent  de  se  denier  du  Roi,  et  de 
rechercher  en  eux  mesmes  leur  subsistance,  c'est  chose  dont  je  leur  ai  parle  plusieurs 
fois,  et  fait  toucher  au  doigt  et  a  l'oeil  1'impertinence  de  ce  dessin :  mais  ils  m'ont  tou- 
jours  repondu,  que  si  le  Roi  estoit  immortel,  ils  ne  voudroient  jamais  autre  chose  que  sa 
foi  et  sa  parole,  pour  leur  maintien  et  conservation ;  qu'ils  quitteroient  des  a  present 
toutes  leurs  villes  et  places  de  surete,  se  departiroient  de  toutes  intelligences,  unions  et 
associations,  tant  dedans  que  dehors  le  Royaume,  etc. : — de  la  possession  et  continuation 
desquels  s'ils  s'estoient  une  fois  departis,  et  qu'ils  vinssent  a  avoir  un  Roi,  qui  les  eust  en 
aversion,  il  les  dissiperoit  et  disperseroit  aussitot. — Quant  a  cette  union  proposee,  que 
vous  tesmoignez  d'apprehender,  je  vous  prie  croire  que  c'est  une  chimere,  qui  ne  consis- 
tera  jamais,  qu'en  mines  et  en  paroles,  et  que  la  prudence  et  la  generositc  du  Roi  lui  se- 
ront  toujours  pour  un  Bellerophon,  et  dedans  et  dehors  le  Royaume,  car  cela  sais-je  de 
science.  Quant  a  ce  qu'une  telle  union  pourroit  produirc  pour  le  regard  de  Monsieur  le 
Dauphin,  s'il  suit  les  desseins  du  Roi  son  pere,  il  aura  le  mume  pouvoir. — Quant  a  la  pro- 
longation des  villes  de  surete,  dont  vous  faites  tant  de  cas,  et  tous  ces  gens  d'Assemblee 
aussi,  c'est  encor  une  autre  chimere  facile  a  debeller :  et  plus  ils  en  ont,  plus  cette  am- 
plitude les  rend  elle  foibles, — dont  eux  mesmes  feront  une  experience  dommageable,  si 
jamais  ils  viennent  a  perdre  la  bienveillance  du  Roi,  et  le  contraignent  de  tourner  ses 
amies  contre'eux. 

5  Weber,  s.  195. 


308  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

lently  changing  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil  constitution  in  the 
whole  of  the  Reformed  Beam,  in  1620.6  Richelieu,  who  took  the 
rudder  of  the  state  in  1626,  made  it  his  chief  ohject  to  annul  all 
political  independence,  excepting  that  of  the  King ;  -and  of  course 
to  destroy  the  Huguenot  League.7  He  attained  the  latter  Qnd  aft- 
er the  capture  of  New  Rochelle,  in  1628,8  and  the  last  leader  of 
the  Huguenots,  the  Duke  de  Rohan,  submitted  to  the  Edict  of 
Nimes,  July,  1629,  which  allowed  to  the  Protestants  all  their 
previous  ecclesiastical  rights,  but  deprived  them  of  the  character 
of  a  political  body.9  From  this  period  the  Reformed  lived  in  peace 
under  Louis  XIII.,  and  were  distinguished  for  their  faithfulness 
to  the  King,  their  culture,  and  their  skill  in  industrial  pursuits.10 

6  Weber,  s.  216. 

7  There  were  already  frequent  desertions  of  the  Reformed  party  by  the  nobles ;  Weber, 
s.  228.  Ranke's  Fvirsten  u.  Volker,  iii.  474.  Dupleix  (royal  historiographer,  f  1661) 
says  on  this,  with  hateful  exaggeration,  but  with  a  basis  of  truth,  in  his  Hist,  de  Louis 
XIII.,  p.  220 :  Mais  eux  (les  Gentilshommes)  recognaissans  aussi,  que  les  ministres  et  le 
menu  peuple  des  religionaires  ne  tendent  qu'a  la  destruction  de  la  monarchic  et  ensuite 
de  toute  superiorite  et  mesme  de  la  noblesse,  pour  former  des  deinocraties  et  etats  popu- 
lates, prennent  leur  avantage  du  temps  et  des  occasions,  et  aiment  mieux  maintenir  la 
condition  de  leur  naissance  sous  l'autorite  de  leur  Roi,  que  d'attendre  d'estre  degrades  de 
tous  honneurs  et  meme  massacres  par  la  populace,  lorsqu'elle  se  trouveroit  assez  puis- 
sante  pour  etablir  des  republiques. 

8  Weber,  s.  250. 

9  Already,  in  the  Declaration  du  Roi,  19th  October,  1622  (Benoist  Hist,  de  l'Edit  de 
Nantes,  ii.,  Anhang,  p.  62),  it  is  said:  Defendons  tres-expressement  a  nosdits  sujets  de 
la  Religion  pretendue  Reformee  toutes  sortes  d'Assemblees  generales  et  particulieres, 
Cercles,  Conseils,  Abregez  de  Synodes,  et  toutes  autres  de  quelque  qualite  qu'elles  puis- 
sent  £tre,  a  peine  de  crime  de  leze-Majeste,  s'ils  n'ont  expresse  permission  de  Nous :  ains 
seulement  leur  sont  permises  les  Assemblees  des  Consistoires,  Colloques,  Synodes  pour 
pures  affaires  Ecclesiastiques,  avec  inhibitions  tr^s-expresses  d'y  traiter  d'aucune  af- 
faire politique  sur  les  peiues  que  dessus.  The  Edict  of  Nimes  (l'Edit  de  grace,  by  Be- 
noist, 1.  c.  p.  92)  says,  §  2:  Et  desirans  sur  toutes  choses  voir  a  l'avenir  une  perpetu- 
elle  union  entre  nos  sujets :  comme  nous  voulons  et  entendons  maintenir  ceux,  qui  font 
profession  de  la  Religion  pretendue  Reformee,  en  l'exercice  libre  tranquille  d'icelle,  et 
sans  aucun  trouble,  nous  ne  pouvons  que  nous  ne  desirions  leur  conversion,  pour  laquelle 
nous  offrons  continuellement  nos  prieres  a  Dieu.  C'est  pourquoi  nous  exhortons  tous 
nosdits  sujets  de  ladite  Religion  pretendue  Reformee,  se  depouiller  de  toute  passion,  pour 
etre  plus  capables  de  recevoir  la  lumiere  du  Ciel,  et  revenir  au  giron  de  l'Eglise,  etc. 
Then,  §  5,  the  Edict  of  Nantes  is  confirmed,  but  §  7  it  is  ordered,  que  toutes  les  fortifica- 
tions desdites  Villes  et  lieux  soient  entierement  rasees  et  demolies,  fors  la  ceinture  des 
murailles,  dans  le  terns  de  trois  mois,  a  la  diligence  desdits  habitans  ;  auxquels  nous  en 
confiant,  nous  ne  mettons  pour  cet  effet  aucunes  garnisons  ni  citadelle  esdites  Villes. 

10  Mazarin  says  of  them :  Je  n'ai  point  a  me  plaindre  du  petit  troupeau :  s'il  broute 
de  mauvaises  herbes,  du  moins  il  ne  s'ecarte  pas  ;  see  Eclaircissemens  Historiques  sur  les 
Causes  de  la  Revocation  de  l'Edit  de  Nantes,  et  sur  l'etat  des  Protestants  en  France, 
tires  des  differences  Archives  du  Gouvemement  (par  de  Khulieres,  1788),  i.  18.  We- 
ber, 6.  266. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  24.  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS.         309 

§   24. 
IN  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

Gerhard  Brand  (remonstrant  preacher  in  Amsterdam,  f  1G85),  Historie  der  Reformatie 
en  andere  Kerkelyke  Geschiedenissen  in  en  omtrent  de  Nederlanden;  Deel  i.,  2te 
Ausg. ;  Amsterd.,  1677;  D.  ii.,  1674;  D.  iii.  iv.,  Rotterdam,  1704.  4.  (to  1623,  most 
full  on  the  remonstrant  controversies).  Abridged  in  the  Histoire  abregee  de  la  Re- 
formation des  Pais-bas,  traduite  du  Hollandois  de  G.  Brandt.,  a  Amsterd.,  1730,  3 
Tomes  in  12.  Dan.  Gerdesii  Historia  Reformationis,  iii.  1  ss.  (to  1558).  Ypey  en 
Dermout  Geschiedenissen  der  Nederlandsche  Hervormde  Kerk.  Breda,  1819-27 ;  iv. 
Deelen.,  8. 

[Brandt's  History  of  the  Reformation  in  the  Low  Countries,  4  fol.,  1720,  1770 ;  abridged, 
2  vols.  8vo,  1725.  W.  Bilderdyk,  Geschiedenis  des  Vaderlands ;  uitg.  door  H.  W. 
Tydeman,  8vo.  C.  M.  Davies,  Hist,  of  Holland,  3  vols.  8vo,  Lond.,  1842.  Die  erstern 
Christlichen  Martyrer  in  den  Niederl.,  in  Rudelbach,  Christl.  Biogr.,  Bd.  1.  Prof. 
Ypej-,  of  Groningen,  and  Rev.  J.  J.  Dermont,  of  the  Hague,  the  fullest  History  of  the 
Ref.  Church  of  Holland,  4  vols.  8vo;  a  reply,  "Honor  of  the  Ref.  Church  defended 
against"  them,  b}-  C.  M.  Van  der  Kemp,  3  vols.  8vo.  Ter  Haar,  Die  Ref.  Gesch.  in 
Schilderungen,  8vo.  A.  Kokler,  die  Niederland.  Ref.  Kirche,  8vo,  Erlangen,  1856. 
Comp.  J.  L.  Motley's  Dutch  Republic,  3  vols.  8vo,  1856.] 

In  the  Netherlands  civil  freedom  and  culture  had,  in  an  ear- 
lier period,  proved  favorable  to  reformatory  movements,  and  soon 
brought  about  decided  sympathy  with  the  Reformation  of  Luther, 
in  spite  of  its  condemnation  at  Louvain  ;x  and  this  as  well  in  the 
nourishing  cities  of  Flanders  and  Brabant,  particularly  in  Antwerp, 
as  in  Holland  itself.2     The  Emperor  Charles  V.  earnestly  desired 

1  7th  Nov.,  1519  (in  Lutheri  Opp.  Lat.  Jen.,  i.  466,  in  Loscher,  iii.  850).  The  Louvain 
theologians  declared  that  they  were  led  to  this  by  the  currency  of  the  Opuscula  Lutheri, 
Basil.,  1518  :  Curavimus,  quantum  in  nobis  fait,  ne  in  nostra  Universitate  (liber)  publice 
venderetur.  Verum  cum  experientia  comperissemus,  istud  adhuc  satis  non  esse,  sed 
librum  et  auctorem  ejus  multos  habere  fautores  et  defensores,  asserentes  hujus  libri  doc- 
trinam  vere  esse  christianam,  quorum  suasu  et  auctoritate  multi  e  simplicioribus  ipsum 
librum  cupidius  amplectuntur, — visum  est  nobis  necessarium,  nostram  adhibere  censu- 
ram. 

2  Erasmus  writes  from  Louvain  to  Bilib.  Pirkhaimer,  26th  Jan.,  1519  (Erasmi  Epistt., 
T.  i.  Ep.  234)  :  Ego  hie  in  quotidianis  concionibus  lapidor  a  Praedicatoribus,  et  Luthero 
copulor,  quicum  mihi  nihil  est  negotii:  sed  ita  stolide  rem  gerunt,  ut  populus  etiam 
crassissimus  intelligat.  Non  poterant  magis  officere  Romano  Pontifici,  neque  magis 
Lutherum  commendare  affectibus  hominum.  Nunc  demum  incipiunt  illi  favere,  to  Lu- 
ther, 30th  May,  1519  (Ep.  427) :  Habes  in  Anglia,  qui  de  tuis  scriptis  optime  sentiant, 
et  sunt  hi  maximi.  Sunt  et  hie,  quorum  est  eximius  quidam,  qui  tuis  favent. — Est  Ant- 
verpiae  Prior  ejus  Monasterii  (the  Augustinian,  Jacobus  Spreng,  usually  called  Jacobus 
Praepositus),  vir  pure  christianus,  qui  te  unice  deamat,  tuus  olim  discipulus,  ut  praedi- 
cat.  Is  omnium  paene  solus  Christum  praedicat,  caeteri  fere  aut  hominum  fabulas,  aut 
suum  quaestum  praedicant.  Jacobus  Praepositus  was  imprisoned  in  1520,  and  carried 
to  Brussels,  and  in  1521  forced  to  recant.  Soon  after  he  was  again  preaching  the  Ref- 
ormation in  Brugge,  was  again  put  in  prison  in  Brussels,  but  escaped  (Seckendorf  De 
Lutheran,  i.  179),  was  in  Wittenberg  with  Luther  in  1522  (see  Luther  to  Spalatin,  in  de 
Wette,  ii.  182),  and  afterward  became  pastor  in  Bremen. 


310  FOUETH  PERIOD.— DIV.  L— A.D.  1517-1648. 

to  suppress  the  heresy  in  this  his  hereditary  land.3  A  penal  law 
against  it,  which  he  issued  at  Worms,  May  8, 1521,  for  the  Neth- 
erlands,4 made  more  impression  here  than  the  one  which  was  sent 
out  at  the  same  time  for  Germany.5  Two  Augustinians  in  Brus- 
sels were  the  very  first  martyrs  any  where  of  the  Reformation, 
July  1,  1523.6     As  the  laws  against  the  heretics  were  often  re- 

3  In  Dort  a  Dominican,  Vincentius,  aroused  a  tumult  in  1519  by  a  controversial  ser- 
mon ;  see  Erasrni  Ep.  ad  Godeschalcum  Eosamundum  (Ep.  491)  :  Imputat  mihi  Vincen- 
tius tumultum  Hollandicum,  quod  illic  post  stultissimam  concionem  propemodum  fue- 
rit  lapidatus  a  plebe,  cum  ego  nulli  Hollando  neque  bene  scripserim  de  Luthero,  neque 
male.  Comp.  Ep.  562.  Erasmus,  in  a  letter  to  Alexander,  secretary  of  the  Count  of 
Nassau,  dd.  Lovanii  iii.  Idus  Mart.,  1521  (Epistt.  App.  No.  314),  tells  some  delectable 
things  about  the  controversial  sermons  of  the  monks.  The  Dominicans  drove  it  in  the 
most  scandalous  style  in  Antwerp,  where  the  Augustinians  were  for  Luther :  ut  Magis- 
trate haudquaquam  stultus,  metuens  populi  tumultum,  admonuerit  eos,  ut  apud  popu- 
lum  nee  probarent  Lutherum,  nee  incesserent,  sed  praedicarent  Evaugelium  Christi. 

4  See  it  in  the  Ordonnantien,  Statuten,  Edicten  ende  Placcaerten  van  Vlaendren,  Deel 
i.  (2te  Ausg.,  Antwerpen,  1662,  fob),  p.  88.  It  agrees  essentially,  for  the  most  part  verb- 
ally, with  the  Edict  of  Worms  for  Germany  (§  1,  Note  80). 

5  The  Emperor  appointed  as  inquisitors  his  councilor,  Franz  van  der  Hulst,  and  the 
Carmelite,  Nicol  van  Egmont.  In  1522  the}'  brought  Corn.  Grapheus,  secretary  of  the 
city  of  Antwerp,  a  prisoner  to  Brussels,  on  account  of  a  Preface  to  the  work  of  John  von 
Goch  on  Christian  Freedom,  which  he  had  translated ;  and  they  sentenced  him  to  re- 
cantation, loss  of  property,  deposition,  and  banishment  (see  his  letter  to  the  chancellor 
of  Brabant,  in  Brandt,  i.  71).  The  cloister  of  the  Augustines  in  Antwerp  was  demolished, 
Oct.,  1522 ;  see  Luther  to  Wenc.  Link,  Dec.  19,  1522  (de  Wette,  ii.  265)  :  Quae  Antver- 
piae  gesta  sunt,  credo  te  nosse,  quomodo  mulieres  vi  Henricum  (Heinrich  v.  Ziitphen, 
prior  of  the  Augustines,  who  was  imprisoned  in  Brussels)  Hberarint.  Monasterio  ex- 
pulsi  fratres,  alii  aliis  loci  captivi,  alii  negato  Christo  dimissi,  alii  adhuc  stant  fortes : 
qui  autem  filii  civitatis  sunt,  in  domuni  Beghardorum  sunt  detrusi ;  vendita  omnia  vasa 
monasterii,  et  ecclesia  cum  monasterio  clausa  et  obstructa,  tandem  demolienda.  Sacra- 
mentum  cum  pompa  in  ecclesiam  b.  Virginis  translatum,  tanquam  e  loco  haeretico,  sus- 
ceptum  honorifice  a  Domina  Margaretha :  cives  aliquot  et  mulieres  vexatae  et  punitae. 

6  Heinr.  Voes  and  Job.  Esch.  Comp.  Die  Artikel,  warumb  die  zween  christi.  Augus- 
tiner  Munch  zu  Briissel  verbrannt  sind,  sampt  einem  Sendbrief  Dr.  Mart.  Luther's  an  die 
Christen  in  Holland  u.  Brabant.  Wittenb.,  1523.  4.  (in  Walch,  xxi.  45;  in  de  Wette, 
ii.  362,  is  merely  the  missive).  In  this  missive,  among  other  things,  it  is  said:  "Euch 
ists  fur  aller  Welt  geben,  das  Evangelium  nicht  alleine  zu  horen,  u.  Christum  zu  erken- 
nen :  sondern  auch  die  Ersten  zu  seyn,  die  umb  Christus  willen  Schand  u.  Schaden, 
Angst  u.  Noth,  Gefangniss  u.  Fahrlichkeit  leiden,  und  nu  so  voller  Frucht  u.  Stark  wor- 
den,  dass  ihrs  auch  mit  eigenem  Blut  begossen  u.  bekriiftigt  habt ;  da  bej'  euch  die  zwey 
edle  Kleinod  Christi,  Hinricus  u.  Johannes,  zu  Brussel  ihr  Leben  gering  geacht  haben, 
auf  dass  Christus  mit  seinem  Wort  gepreiset  wurde.  O  wie  verachtlich  sind  die  zwo 
Seelen  hingericht,  aber  wie  herrlich  u.  in  ewiger  Freuden  werden  sie  mit  Christo  widder- 
komen,  u.  recht  richten  diejenigen,  von  denen  sie  itzt  mit  Unrecht  gericht  sind. — Gott 
gelobt,  und  in  Ewigkeit  gebenedeyet,  dass  wir  erlebt  haben  rechte  Heiligen,  und  wahr- 
haftige  Heiligen  sehen  und  horen,  die  wir  bisher  so  viel  falscher  Heiligen  erhebt  u.  an- 
gebetet  haben.  Wir  hieroben  sind  noch  bisher  nicht  wirdig  gewesen,  Christo  ein  solches 
theures  werthes  Opfer  zu  werden ;  wiewohl  unser  Glieder  viel  nicht  ohn  Verfolgung  ge- 
wesen, und  noch  sind.  Darumb,  meine  Allerliebsten,  sej'd  getrost  u.  frohlich  in  Christo, 
und  lasst  uns  danken  seinen  grossen  Zeichen  u.  Wundern,  so  er  angefangen  hat  unter 
uns  zu  thun,"  u.  s.  w.  Luther  also  sung  the  praises  of  those  two  martyrs  in  the  song, 
found  in  manj'  of  the  old  Lutheran  hymn-books,  "Ein  neues  Lied  wir  heben  an"  (in 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  24.  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS.  31 1 

peated  in  new  edicts,7  there  were  also  after  this  some  persecutions 
and  executions.  However,  the  Stadtholder,  Margaret  of  Savoy  (t 
1530),  was  at  least  not  fanatical  ;8  her  successor,  Maria,  the  wid- 

Rambach's  Anthologie  christl.  Gesange,  ii.  40,  with  Latin  and  Dutch  versions  in  Kist 
en  Royaards  Archief  voor  kerkelyke  Geschiedenis,  v.  463).  Enthusiasm  must  have  been 
aroused  especially  by  this  verse  : 

Quiet  their  ashes  will  not  lie ;  Die  Aschen  will  nicht  lassen  ab, 

But,  scattered  far  and  near,  Sie  staubt  in  alien  Landen. 

Stream,  dungeon,  bolt,  and  grave  defy,  Hie  hilft  kein  Bach,  Loch,  Grub  noch  Grab : 

Their  foeman's  shame  and  fear.  Sie  macht  den'Feind  zu  Schanden. 

Those  whom  alive  the  tj-rant's  wrongs  Die  er  im  Leben  durch  den  Mord 

To  silence  could  subdue,  Zu  schweigen  hat  gedrungen, 

He  must,  when  dead,  let  sing  the  songs,  Die  muss  er  todt  an  allem  Ort 
Which,  in  all  languages  and  tongues,  Mit  aller  Stimm'  und  Zungen 

Resound  the  wide  world  through.  Gar  frcihlich  lassen  singen. 

7  Placcaet  dd.  Mecheln,  17ten  Jul.,  1526  (Ordonnantien  ende  Placcaerten  van  Vlaen- 
dern,  i.  103),  forbidding  conventicles,  and  all  communications  and  disputations  about 
heretical  doctrines,  and  all  heretical  books.— Dd.  Bruxelles,  14.  Oct.,  1529  (1.  c,  p.  107) : 
by  the  25th  Nov.  all  heretical  books  must  be  given  up  to  the  first  magistrates  of  the 
cities ;  the  disobedient  are  threatened,  the  Relapsi,  d'estre  execute  par  le  feu,  et  les  au- 
tres,  a  scavoir  les  Hommes  par  l'espee,  et  les  Femmes  par  la  Fosse.  So,  too,  up  to  that 
time,  the  errorists  may  confess  and  forswear  their  errors,  before  the  same  persons. 
Those  that  denounce  them  shall  have  la  moytie  des  biens  de  ceulx,  qu'ils  auront  ac- 
cusez,  attains  et  convaincuz,  provided  the  same  does  not  exceed  the  sum  of  cent  livres 
de  gros  monnoye  de  Flandres ;  of  the  excess  they  are  to  have  the  tenth.  Two  council- 
ors of  the  Conseil  en  Flandres  are  to  decide  in  all  these  matters  without  tedious  process- 
es. Dilatory  magistrates  are  threatened  with  deposition  ;  all  are  to  make  reports  even- 
three  months  to  the  Stadtholder  about  their  doings.— Dd.  Bruxelles,  Oct.  7,  1531  (p. 
113)  ;  against  the  translation  of  the  Bible,  and  the  printing  of  such  translations,  without 
permission.— Dd.  Brussel,  17.  Febr.,  1535  (p.  119)  :  that  monks  and  nuns  who  fled  should 
not  be  entertained,  but  informed  against.— Dd.  Brussel,  22.  Sept.,  1540  (p.  122),  u.  dd. 
Brussel,  17.  Dec,  1544  (p.  129) ;  new  penalties  affixed  to  earlier  laws,  particularly  those 
for  book  prohibitions.— Dd.  Brussel,  June  30,  1546  (p.  134) ;  against  the  printing,  sale, 
and  possession  of  heretical  books,  with  a  catalogue  of  such,  prepared  by  the  theological 
faculty  of  Louvain. 

8  Seckendorfs  Comm.  de  Lutheran,  i.  129,  gives  the  following  extracts  about  it  from 
a  pamphlet  published  at  the  time  of  the  Diet  of  Worms,  1521 :  Lovanienses  Magistri 
conquesti  fuerunt  Dominae  Margarethae, — quod  Lutherus  suis  scriptis  subverteret  rem 
Christianam.  Interrogavit  ipsa :  quisnam  est  iste  Lutherus?  indoctus  est,  inquiunt,  mo- 
nachus.  Respondit  ipsa :  Scribite  multi  docti  contra  unum  indoctum,  tunc  totus  mundus 
plus  credet  multis  doctis,  quam  uni  indocto.  It  directed  the  city  authorities,  Sept.  22, 
1525,  to  see  to  it  that  preachers  and  school-teachers  do  not  injure  the  Church  by  telling 
fables,  and  by  impure  customs  ;  the  27th  of  the  month  the  heads  of  cloisters  were  written 
to  (Brand,  i.  97) :  Wy  syn  volkomelyken  onderricht,  dat  die  dwaelinge,  die  onder  den 
gemeenen  volke  geresen  is,  meest  toekompt  ende  gekomen  is  uit  de  indiscrete  sermoenen 
van  de  Predikanten,  Religieusen  ende  anderen.  Hence  they  are  admonished  to  allow 
only  such  persons  to  preach,  die  voorsienig,  verstandig,  ende  van  goede  manieren  syn, 
ende  wel  geexerceert  ende  geoeffent  in  de  manieren  van  preken :  ende  dat  gy  de  selve 
sulks  onderwyst,  aleer  hy  preken  sal,  dat  hy  hem  wachte,  't  gemeen  volk  te  scandelise- 
ren  mit  onbehoorlyke  fabulen,  rcdenen  ende  narratien  als  ook  wel  geschiedt  is :  dat  hy 
ook  niet  en  vermaene  van  Martinus  Luther,  ofte  syne  leeringen,  noch  ook  van  d'opinic 
van  de  kctters,  die  hier  vortydts  geweest  syn. 


312  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

owed  Queen  of  Hungary,  and  sister  to  the  Emperor,  was  even  se- 
cretly inclined  to  the  Reformation.9  Besides,  the  execution  of 
those  laws  depended  upon  the  provincial  and  city  authorities,  and 
were  frequently  made  more  lenient  by  their  personal  inclinations.10 
While  under  these  circumstances  the  adherents  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, instead  of  diminishing,  were  ever  on  the  increase,  some  fa- 
natical sects  sprung  up  among  them ;  the  first  was  that  of  the 
Free  Spirit,11  and  then  the  Anabaptists.13  The  disorders  of  Mini- 
ster were  occasioned  by  the  Dutch  Anabaptists,  but  the  former 

9  Pope  Paul  III.  complained  of  it,  in  1539,  directly  to  the  Emperor  (Raynaldus  ad  h. 
a.  No.  1-4)  :  Quae  clandestine  factioni  Lutheranae  faveat,  eamque  efferat,  submissisque 
hominibus  causam  Catholicam  deprimat,  atque  optime  ab  Administris  Caesareis  consti- 
tuta  impediat,  etc. 

10  In  spite  of  all  edicts,  Bible  translations  were  issued  with  the  name  of  the  publish- 
er: the  New  Testament,  after  the  Lutheran  version,  translated  into  Dutch,  published  by 
Doen  Pieters-Soon,  Amsterd.,  1523 ;  the  New  Testament,  partly  after  Luther,  parti}-  aft- 
er the  Vulgate,  by  Joh.  Roemund,  Antwerpen,  1525 ;  the  whole  Bible  several  times,  by 
Jac.  Liesveld,  in  Antwerp.  The  latter  person  was  at  length  executed,  1545,  on  account 
of  the  marginal  gloss,  dat  de  Saelicheit  der  menschen  alleen  kompt  door  Jesum  Chris- 
tum. Besides  this,  the  whole  Bible  was  issued  by  Doen  Pieters-Soon.  Amsterd.,  1527 ; 
see  Gerdesius,  iii.  57  ss. — In  1532  the  magistrate  in  Deventer  would  not  permit  the  im- 
perial plenipotentiaries,  who  wanted  to  hunt  up  Lutherans,  to  come  there,  but  declared, 
nullo  modo  concedi  posse,  ut  ulli  Commissarii  extranei  id  juris  usurparent,  sed  accusari 
debere  suspectos  coram  consule  aut  nonnullis  e  senatu  ad  hoc  delegatis ;  see  Revii  Da- 
ventria  illustrata,  p.  250. 

11  1525,  in  Antwerpen,  see  Ein  Brief  Dr.  M.  Luther  an  die  Christen  zu  Antorf  (Ant- 
werpen). Wittenberg,  1525.  4.  (in  de  Wette,  iii.  60):  "Also,  lieben  Freunde,  ist  auch 
unter  euch  kommen  ein  leibhaftiger  Rumpelgeist,  wilcher  euch  will  irre  machen,  u.  vom 
rechten  Verstand  fuhren  auf  seine  Dunkel.  Da  sehet  euch  fur  und  seyd  gewarnet. 
Auf  dass  aber  ihr  deste  has  seine  Tiicke  meidet,  will  ich  hie  derselben  etliche  erzahlen. 
Ein  Artikel  ist.  dass  er  hiilt,  ein  jeglich  Mensch  hat  den  heiligen  Geist.  Der  ander :  der 
heil.  Geist  ist  nichts  anders,  denn  unser  Vernunft  u.  Verstand.  Der  dritte  :  ein  jeglich 
Mensch  gliiubt.  Der  vierte :  Es  ist  keine  Helle  oder  Verdamniss,  sondern  alleine  das 
Fleisch  wird  verdampt.  Der  fiinft :  erne  jegliche  Seele  wird  das  ewige  Leben  haben. 
Der  sechste :  die  Natur  lehret,  dass  ich  meinem  Nahisten  thun  solle,  was  ich  mir  will 
gethan  haben :  solches  wollen,  ist  der  Glaube.  Der  siebend :  das  Gesetz  wird  nicht  ver- 
brochen  mit  boser  Lust,  so  lange  ich  nicht  bewillige  der  Lust.  Der  achte  :  wer  den  heil. 
Geist  nicht  hat,  der  hat  auch  keine  Sunde,  denn  er  hat  keine  Vernunft."  In  these  arti 
cles  the  sect  of  the  Free  Spirit  can  not,  indeed,  be  distinctly  detected ;  for  the  Antwerp 
errorist,  who  had  been  with  Luther,  and  given  occasion  to  this  letter,  did  not,  probably, 
venture  to  come  out  with  his  doctrines  in  full.  That  Libertinism  came  from  Holland 
to  France  and  Geneva,  see  §  10,  Note  36.  The  Walloon  Church  in  Wesel  renounced 
Libertinism  in  its  Confession  (1545,  see  Archief  voor  kerkel.  Gesch.,  v.  425)  :  Nous  con- 
fessons  aussi,  que  les  femmes  ne  doibvent  point  estre  communes. — Par  quoi  nous  rejec- 
tons — toutes  sectes, — comme  les  Anabaptistes,  les  Sacramentaires,  les  Libertains,  etc. 
Philipp  Marnix  de  Aldegonde,  one  of  the  chief  helpers  of  William  of  Orange  (f  1598), 
also  wrote  a  Tractatus  contra  Libertinos,  and  an  Apologetica  Responsio  contra  Anony- 
mum  quendam  Libertinum. 

12  Man}-  persecuted  Anabaptists  fled  to  Emden,  Melchior  Hoffmann  at  the  head  of 
them  ;  thence  they  penetrated  into  the  Netherlands,  and  found  adherents,  especially  in 
Amsterdam,  1533 ;  see  Gerdesii  Hist.  Reform.,  iii.  83  ss. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  24.  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS.         313 

likewise  worked  back  on  the  latter,13  and  thus  new  parties  arose 
among  them,  upon  which  the  sect  of  the  Free  Spirit  seems  to 
have  had  some  influence.14  Among  the  majority  of  the  adherents 
of  the  Reformation,  however,  in  consequence  of  their  relation  to 
their  co-religionists  in  France,  Calvinism  gradually  got  the  upper 
hand.15 

As  the  persecution  of  heresy  up  to  this  time  had  not  achieved 
its  object,  Charles  V.  wished  to  give  to  it  more  impressiveness  by 
a  regular  Inquisition,  after  the  pattern  of  the  Spanish,  1550  ;16 
but  this  could  be  only  very  imperfectly  realized,  and  in  the  chief 
seat  of  the  Reformation,  Antwerp,  not  at  all.17     Philip  II,  guided 

13  On  contemporaneous  attempts  of  Anabaptists  to  obtain  power  in  Dutch  places,  see 
Gerdesius,  iii.  89  s. 

14  After  the  defeat  of  the  Minister  Anabaptists,  a  party  was  formed  under  Ubbo  Phi- 
lippi,  and  under  Menno,  which  wholly  abandoned  the  political  tendencies  of  the  sect.'  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Batenburgeis  aimed  at  restoring  the  Kingdom  of  Christ,  scattered  at 
Miinster.  David  Joris,  in  Delft,  in  fine,  mixed  up  Libertinism  with  Anabaptism  (Gerdes., 
iii.  Ill  s.).  His  doctrine  is  given  in  Thuanus  Hist.,  lib.  xxii.,  p.  750  :  Doctrinam  hacte- 
nus  per  Mosen,  Prophetas,  ipsumque  Christum  ejusque  Apostolos  ac  discipulos  promul- 
gatam  imperfectam  esse  et  inutilem  ad  veram  ac  perfectam  felicitatem  persequendam ; 
suam  vero  perfectam  esse  et  efficacem  ad  hominem,  qui  earn  sedulo  conceperit,  beandum ; 
se  verum  Christum  ac  Messiam  esse,  Patris  dilectissimum  filium,  non  ex  came  sed  ex 
spiritu  Jesu  Christi  susceptum ;  qui  spiritus  Christi,  carne  ejus  in  nihilum  redacta,  quo- 
dam  in  loco  Sanctis  omnibus  ignoto  hactenus  servatus,  nunc  Davidi  Georgio  totus  esset 
traditus  et  in  animam  ejus  infusus  :  se  eum  esse,  qui  domum  Israelis,  verosque  Levi 
filios  (eos  autem  intelligebat,  qui  dogmata  sua  sincera  fide  amplectebantur)  una  cum 
vero  Dei  tabernaculo  sit  spiritu  instauraturus,  non  cruce,  rebus  adversis,  aut  morte, 
quemadmodum  alter  ille  Christus,  qui  a  Patre  missus  in  carnem  venit,  ut  homines  veluti 
pueros  ac  parvulos  nequedum  perfectae  doctrinae  capaces  umbratili  doctrina  ac  sacra- 
mentorum  ceremoniis  in  officio  contineret,  verum  dementia  et  Spiritus  sancti  amore  ac 
gratia,  qui  sibi  a  Patre  sit  datus. — Omne  peccatum  in  Patrem  ac  Filium  admissum  con- 
donari :  quod  autem  in  Spiritum  sanctum  'perpetratum  fuerit  h.  e.  in  Davidem  Georgi- 
um,  nunquam,  neque  in  hoc  neque  in  altera  saeculo  remitti. — Matrimonium  liberum 
esse,  eoque  neminem  uni  mulieri  obligari :  proinde  liberorum  procreationem  communera 
esse  debere  iis,  qui  Davidis  spiritu  renati  sint.  Persecuted,  he  withdrew  from  his  party 
in  1544,  lived  in  Basle  under  assumed  names  and  without  scandal,  and  died  there,  1556 : 
see  Historia  Vitae,  Doctrinae  ac  Rcrum  gestarum  Dav.  Georgii  Haeresiarchae,  conscripta 
ab  ipsius  genero  Nicol.  Blesctykio,  edita  a  Jac.  Revio.     Daventr.,  1G42.  8. 

15  Viglii  Zuichemi  Epistoll.  polit.  et  hist,  ad  Joach.  Hopperum,  Ep.  34,  dd.  23.  Maj., 
15G7:  Confessioni  autem  Augustanae  paucissimi  eorum  adhaerent,  sed  Calvinismus  om- 
nium pene  corda  occupavit. — Ostio  per  Lutheranos  semel  patefacto  ad  ulteriora  errorum 
dogmata  omnes  prope  progrediuntur. 

16  Decr.ee  of  29th  Apr.,  1550,  in  the  Ordonnantien  ende  Placcaerten  van  Vlaenderen, 
i.  157;  in  Latin  extracts  in  Sleidanus,  lib.  xxii.,  ed.  am  Ende,  iii.  203.  Instructions  for 
the  Inquisitors,  31st  May,  1550,  in  Wolfii  Loctiones  Memorabiles,  ii.  G48.  Gerdesii  Hist. 
Reform.,  iii.     App.,  p.  122. 

17  Sleidanus,  lib.  xxii.,  p.  207:  Eo  decreto  promulgato  vehementer  attoniti  fuerunt 
plerique,  Germani  praesertim  et  Angli  mercatores,  qui  per  Caesaris  provincias  et  urbes, 
Antverpiae  potissimum,  maximo  numero  negotiantur.  Itaque  sic  illi  judicabant,  aut  il- 
lud  esse  mitigandum,  aut  alio  commigrandum,  imo  clausis  tabcrnis  multi  cogitabant 


314  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

by  G-ranvella,  Bishop  of  Arras,  hated  by  the  Dutch,  firs£  tried  to 
carry  that  ordinance  of  his  father  into  strict  execution,18  and  at 
once  erected  thirteen  new  bishoprics  (1559)  for  the  sake  of  a  more 
exact  ecclesiastical  supervision.19  In  vain  was  the  general  oppo- 
sition, springing  from  the  injured  freedom  of  the  country  ;  in  vain 
did  the  Reformed  hope  to  bring  the  King  to  a  better  opinion  by 
the  publication  of  their  Confession  of  Faith  (Confessio  Belgica, 
1562 ).20  Philip  immovably  demanded  the  acceptance  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  and  the  execution  of  the  laws,  against  here- 

abire  vitandi  causa  periculi.  Senatus  etiam  Antverpianus,  et  privatim  cives,  qui  maxi- 
mo  et  incredibili  suo  dispendio  futurum  hoc  esse  viderent,  magnis  erant  in  angustiis,  et 
quum  eo  venissent  qui  inquisitionern  instituerent,  omui  studio  et  contentione  repugna- 
bant,  et  ad  Mariam  reginam  profecti,  quanti  nou  ipsorum  modo,  sed  totius  quoque  re- 
giouis  intersit,  ne  fiat,  demonstrant.  Maria  thereupon  herself  went  on  a  journey  to  the 
Emperor  in  Germany,  and  obtained  an  alteration  of  the  decree.  This  new  form,  in 
which  it  appeared  Sept.  25,  1550,  agreed  literally  with  the  previous,  only  rejecting  In- 
quisition and  Inquisitors.  Besides  this,  it  is  also  therein  said :  Ende  angaende  den 
vremden  cooplieden,  ende  andere  die  in  onze  voorschreven  Nederlanden  zouden  willen 
commen,  onze  meenijnghe  en  es  niet,  dezelve  te  bedwijnghen,  de  voorscreven  Certificatie 
(of  his  pastor)  te  overbrijngen  ende  exhiberen  :  behoudelick  dat  sy  aldaer  leven  naer- 
volghende  onze  voorschreven  Ordonnancien,  ende  hemlieden  draghen  zonder  schandali- 
satie  als  vooren.  Yet  still  this  edict  was  published  in  Antwerp,  only  with  a  protest  in 
favor  of  the  city  liberties ;  see  Gerdesii  Hist.  Ref.,  iii.  216  ss. — According  to  all  this,  the 
statements  must  appear  very  exaggerated,  that  50,000  martyrs  died  under  Charles  V. 
(Scultet.  Ann.,  p.  87) ;  the}'  are  even  put  at  100,000  in  Grotii  Annales  et  Historiae  de 
rebus  Belgicis.     Amstelaed.,  1658.  8.,  p.  12. 

18  On  the  following,  see  the  narrative  in  Belgarum  sub  Albani  Ducis  imperio  exulum 
libellus  supplex  ad  Maximil.  II.,  Imp.  et  Ordines  Imperii  in  Comitiis  Spirensibus,  ann. 
1570,  in  Gerdesii  Scrinium  Antiquarium,  viii.  577.  Raumer's  Gesch.  Europas  seit  dem 
Ende  des  15ten  Jahrh.,  iii.  1. 

19  Raynaldus,  ad  ann.  1559,  No.  33.  Until  now  the  Netherlands  had  only  four  bishop- 
rics— Cambray,  Arras,  and  Tournay,  under  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims ;  Utrecht  under 
the  Archbishop  of  Cologne.  The  new  ecclesiastical  arrangement  was  :  the  archbishop- 
ric of  Mechlin,  with  the  bishoprics  of  Antwerp,  Ghent,  Brugge,  Ypern,  Herzogenbusch, 
Roremonde  ;  archbishopric  of  Cambray,  with  the  bishoprics  of  Arras,  Tournay,  St.  Omer, 
Namur ;  archbishopric  of  Utrecht,  with  the  bishoprics  of  Haarlem,  Deventer,  Leuwarden, 
and  Middelburg. 

-°  Hadr.  Saraviae  Ep.  ad  Jo.  Uytenbogardum,  dd.  13.  Apr.,  1612  (in  Praestantium  ac 
eruditorum  virorum  Epistolae  ecclesiasticae  et  theologicae,  Ed.  3.  Anistel.,  1704,  fol. 
Ep.  181)  :  Ego  me  illius  confessionis  ex  primis  unum  fuisse  auctoribus  profiteor,  sicut  et 
Hermannus  Modetus  :  nescio  an  plures  sint  superstites.  Ilia  primo  fuit  conscripta  gal- 
lico  sermone  a  Christi  servo  et  martyre  Guidone  de  Bres  (einem  Wallonischen  Prediger). 
Sed  antequam  ederetur,  ministris  verbi  Dei,  quos  potuit  mancisci,  illam  communicavit ; 
et  emendandum,  si  quid  displiceret,  addendum,  detrahendum  proposuit,  ut  unius  opus 
censeri  non  debeat.  Sad  nemo  eorum,  qui  manum  apposuerunt,  unquam  cogkavit  fidei 
canonem  edere,  verum  ex  canonicis  scriptis  fidem  suam  probare.  The  Confession  of 
Faith  was  drawn  up  in  1559,  and  sent  for  examination  to  many,  including  foreign,  di- 
vines, and  in  1552  to  the  King,  with  a  letter  (see  this,  in  Jac.  Triglandius  kerckelycke 
Geschiedenissen  in  de  vereenigde  Nederlanden.  Leyden,  1650,  fol.  p.  146)  adopted  by 
the  Synod  in  Antwerp,  1560,  but  probably  first  subscribed  at  the  Synod  of  Emden ;  see 
Ypey  en  Dermout  Geschied.  d.  Nederland.  Herv.  Kerk,  i.  444.  Aanteek.,  p.  202.  Kist 
en  Poyaard's  Archief  voor  kerkel.  Geschiedenis,  ix.  291,  347. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  24.  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS.         315 

tics ;  and  thus  provoked  hostilities  in  defense  of  the  freedom  not 
only  of  the  country,  but  also  of  conscience.21  A  league  of  the 
nobles,22  the  Compromiss  (1566)  grew  with  furious  speed,  and 
the  court  had  soon  to  repent  of  having  at  first  ridiculed  them 
under  the  name  of  Beggars  (Grueux).23  Soon  afterward  the  rage 
of  the  people  broke  out  in  the  demolition  of  churches  and  im- 
ages ;2i  starting  from  Flanders,  this  zeal  soon  penetrated  all  the 
provinces  (1566).  Even  the  Stadtholder,  Margaret  of  Parma, 
avenged  these  disorders  cruelly  upon  the  Reformers,  who  were 
considered  as  alone  to  blame,  though  they  were  not  so.25  But  the 
ferocious  Duke  of  Alba  appeared,  in  August,  1567,  at  the  head 
of  a  Spanish  army,  to  annihilate  all  traces  of  the  Reformation. 

21  The  Reformers  were  encouraged  by  the  religious  freedom  which  their  brethren  in 
France  had  obtained  and  bravely  defended,  see  §  22,  Note  6,  ff. ;  see  Libellus  supplex, 
1570  (Gerdesii  Serin.,  viii.  GOO)  :  Interea  autem  teinporis,  dum  libertas  religionis  in  Gal- 
lia constjtuitur,  publicaque  fide  promulgatur,  finitimae  Gallis  urbes  Belgii  earn  ipsani 
evangelicam  religionem,  quain  prope  totos  quadragiuta  annos  intra  privatos  parietes  re- 
tinuerant,  jam  palam  atque  aperte  publicis  concionibus  profited  incipiunt,  parti m  quod 
viderent  non  posse  se  aliter  a  calumniis,  quae  privatis  illis  ac  clandestinis  conventibus 
vulgo  impingebantur,  liberari,  partim  quod  cernerent  populi  multitudinem,  quae  illam 
religionem  amplexa  esset,  haud  amplius  posse  privatis  tectis  occultari. — Mox  quidem 
per  summam  Inquisitionis  ac  suppliciorum  acerbitatem  paululum  repressi  sunt,  nee  ta- 
men  penitus  oppressi. 

22  First  made  by  a  few  persons  in  the  house  of  Philip  v.  Marnix,  lord  of  St.  Adelgonde, 
in  Breda,  February  26, 1566 ;  see  P.  C.  Hoofts  Nederlandsche  Historien  seeders  de  Oover- 
draght  der  Heerschappye  van  Kaizar  Karel  V.  op  Koning  Philips  (Amst.  en  Leyden, 
4te  Ausg.,  1703,  2  Theile,  fol.),  i.  71.  The  document  drawn  up  by  Marnix  is  in  the  rare 
work :  La  description  de  l'Estat  succes  et  occurrences,  advenues  au  Pais  bas  au  faict  de 
la  Religion.  Imprime  en  Aougst,  1569.  8.  Its  unknown  author  was  Jac.  van  Wesen- 
beek,  councilor  and  sj-ndic  of  the  city  of  Antwerp. 

23  Nicolai  Burgimdii  (Prof,  juris  in  Ingolstadt,  f  1630)  Historia  Belgica  ab  anno  1558. 
Ingolst.,  1629.  4.,  p.  182.  When  the  confederates  came  before  the  Stadtholder  in  Brus- 
sels, April,  1566,  and  asked  that  the  Inquisition  might  be  abolished,  a  state-councilor, 
Barlaimont,  said  to  her  (the  Stadtholder)  :  Securam  ego  te  efficio  :  non  est,  quod  Geusios 
illos  (ces  Gueux)  extimescas.  Hooft,  i.  73:  welk  Fransch  woordt  (Gueux),  gesmeedt 
schynende  naar  het  Nederlandsche  guits,  zoo  veel  als  fielen,  oft  landloopers  zeggen  wil. 
This  name  was  accepted  by  the  confederates  as  a  title  of  honor ;  they  began  to  wear 
medals,  on  one  side  of  which  was  a  royal  throne,  on  the  other  a  beggar's  bag  held  by 
two  hands  joined  together,  with  the  inscription,  Fidelles  au  Roy  jusques  a  la  besace. 

24  Two  days  before  had  arrived  the  denial  of  Philip  to  the  request  of  the  Stadt- 
holder, that  the  laws  about  heretics  might  be  made  more  mild ;  see  this  in  Burgundius, 
p.  281. 

25  After  she  had  arrived  at  Antwerp,  April,  1567,  she  caused  the  following  laws  to  be 
proclaimed,  and  at  once  carried  into  execution  (Burgundius,  p.  480) :  Concionatotes  no- 
vae religionis  amissis  bonis  capite  plectuntor.  Fautores  eorum  puniuntor  arbitrio  Gu- 
bernatricis. — Conventicula  ne  sunto.  Magistratus  haec  ipsa  dissipanto. — Matrimonia 
aliosque  ritus  novae  religionis  exercentibus  laquei  poenam  irroganto.  Infantes  ab  hae- 
reticis  baptizati  rebaptizantor. — Magistratus,  praetores,  visitatores  bibliopolarum  et  typc- 
graphorum  diligentem  rationem  habento.  Qui  libros  illicitos  saepius  distraxerit,  capite 
plectitor,  caeteri  poena  extraordinaria,  etc.' 


310  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Thousands  fell  at  the  order26  of  the  Council  of  Blood,  which  he 
established  ;  a  far  larger  number  deserted  their  fatherland,  to  save 
it  with  arms  in  their  hands  under  the  lead  of  Prince  William  of 
Orange.  In  April,  1572,  Briel  was  captured  by  the  rebel  beggars  ; 
the  northern  provinces  joined  in  the  revolt — they  were  all  ready  for 
it.  Alba,  in  November,  1573,  quit  the  Netherlands,  laden  with  the 
curses  of  the  land ;  but  he  was  so  far  from  having  coerced  the 
freedom  of  the  Netherlands,  that,  by  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  Novem- 
ber 8,  1576,  the  southern  provinces  united  with  the  northern  for 
the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards,  and  to  arrange  their  ecclesiastical 
affairs  in  a  righteous  order.27 

26  Comp.  the  declarations  of  Viglius  Zuichemus  ab  Aytta,  President  of  the  High  Coun- 
cil in  Brussels,  who  had  been  a  zealous  Catholic,  and  always  in  favor  of  strict  measures 
against  the  Reformers,  in  his  Epistolis  politicis  et  historicis  ad  Joach.  Hopperum  (Dutch 
councilor  before  the  person  of  the  King).  Leoardiae,  1661.  8.,  z.  B.  Ep.  81,  dd.  Bruxel- 
lae,  25.  Jun.,  1569:  veremur,  ne  dum  confiscationibus  nimium  inhiatur,  et  perfundendi 
sanguinis  nullus  sit  finis,  labes  aliqua  avaritiae  ac  crudelitatis  Majestati  suae  asperga- 
tur.  Ep.  89,  dd.  23.  Oct.,  15G9 :  promtior  populus  ad  omnia  obsequia  foret,  si  tandem 
criminalibus  fiscalibus  processibus  finis  aliquis  imponeretur,  et  jamdudum  gratia  promis- 
sa  non  tantopere  differretur.  Expectamus  etiam  hie  Hispanos  Italosque  Consiliarios  pro 
criminalium  civiliumque  judiciorum  reformatione :  at  hie,  quotquot  fere  sumus,  non 
modo  inepti  inutilesque  videmur,  sed  jura,  leges  et  consuetudines,  quibus  hactenus  vixi- 
mus,  in  dubium  revocantur.  Ep.  138,  dd.  8.  Jul.,  1571 :  Omnium  maxima  auctoritas 
est  apud  Vargam,  cujus  judicio  staut  caduntque  res  nostrae,  adversus  quern  tantum  po- 
puli  odium  est,  ut  ipso  regnante  ad  quietem  reduci  res  nostras  boni  omnes  desperent, 
videbitque  D.  V.  ex  negotio  Trajectensi,  qua  aequitate  sub  talibus  judicibus  res  pertrac- 
tentur. 

27  It  was  hastened  by  the  horrible  cruelties  of  the  Spaniards  in  Antwerp,  November  4, 
1576 ;  see  Thuanus,  lxii.  11 ;  Hooft  1,  479.  The  treaties  in  Dutch  and  French  (see  in 
Dumont  Corps  Universe!  Diplomatique,  v.  i.  278)  were  made  by  the  estates  of  Brabant, 
Flanders,  Artois,  Hennegau,  Valenciennes,  Lille,  Douay,  Orchies,  Namur,  Tournay, 
Utrecht,  and  Mechlin,  on  the  one  side,  and  by  the  Prince  of  Orange,  with  the  estates  of 
Holland  and  Zeeland,  on  the  other,  occasioned  par  l'ambition  et  rigoureux  Gouverne- 
ment  des  Espagnols,  et  par  leurs  injustices  et  violences, — par  ou  les  dits  Pays  sont  tom- 
bez  dans  une  grande  misere. — Pendant  qu'on  esperoit  quelque  soulagement  et  compas- 
sion de  la  part  de  Sa  Majeste,  lesdits  Espagnols  ont  de  jour  en  jour  continue  d'opprimer 
et  ruincr  les  pauvres  sujets,  et  ont  tache  de  les  reduire  dans  un  eternel  esclavage.  Ac- 
cording!}-those  states  pledged  freedom  and  friendship,  and  Art.  2,  d'assister  l'un  l'autre, 
— et  notamment  pour  chasser,  et  tenir  hors  de  ces  Pais  les  Soldats  Espagnols,  et  autres 
etrangers.  Art.  3.  After  the  chasing  away  of  the  Spaniards  the  General  States  shall  be 
convened,  afin  de  mettre  ordre  aux  affaires  du  Pais, — touchant  le  faict  de  1'exercice  de 
la  Religion  es  Pais  de  Hollande,  Zelande,  et  Lieux  associes.  Art.  4.  No  one  shall  be 
allowed  to  do  any  thing,  contre  le  repos,  et  la  paix  publique,  notamment  contre  la  Reli- 
gion Catholique  et  Romaine,  ou  exercice  d'icelle,  ni  d'injurier,  ou  irriter  aucun  a  cause 
d'icclle  de  faict  ou  de  parole,  ni  aussi  le  scandaliser  par  actes  semblables,  sur  peine 
d'etre  punis  comme  perturbateurs  du  repos  public  afin  de  servir  d'exemple  aux  autres. 
Art.  5. — Tous  les  Placarts,  qui  ont  ete  faicts  et  publies  parcidevant  sur  le  faict  d'heresie, 
comme  aussi  les  Ordonnances  criminelles  faictes  parle  Due  d'Alve,  la  poursuite,  et  l'ex- 
ecution  en  sera  suspendue,  jusques  a  ce  qu'il  en  sera  ordonne  autrement  par  les  Etats 
Geueraux. 


CHAP.  II.— REFORMATION.    §  24.  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS.         317 

As  Philip  was  still  inflexible  in  his  purpose  of  exterminating  all 
heresy,  the  northern  provinces,  on  January  23,  1579,  formed  the 
Union  of  Utrecht,  and  renounced  allegiance  to  the  blood-thirsty 
King,  July  26,  1579.28  Prince  Alexander  of  Parma,  Stadtholder 
since  1578,  did  indeed  succeed,  by  the  Treaty  of  Arras,  May  17, 
1579,  in  reconciling  the  Walloon  provinces  with  the  King,29  insur- 
ing their  civil  freedom ;  for  in  these  provinces  the  Catholics  had 
remained  predominant,  and  the  Protestants  had  succumbed.  With 
their  help  he  also  invaded  the  cities  of  Brabant  and  Flanders,  and 
annihilated  or  expelled  all  the  Reformed  without  pity  ;30  and  he 
also  made  a  fanatical  Catholicism  supreme,  by  means  of  the  Jes- 
uits, whom  he  introduced  in  all  quarters.31  On  the  other  hand, 
the  northern  provinces  maintained  their  freedom  under  the  great 
William  of  Orange,  and,  after  he  had  been  murdered  by  a  fanatic 
(July  10,  1584),  under  his  son  Maurice.  Spain  was  compelled  to 
grant  to  them,  in  1609,  a  truce  of  twelve  years.32  After  the  war 
had  broken  out  again,  in  1621,  in  connection  with  the  Thirty 
Years'  War  in  Germany,  Spain  also,  in  1648,  in  the  Peace  of 
Westphalia,  gave  them  independence. 

The  United  Netherlands  insured  their  spiritual  independence  by 
immediately  establishing  institutions  of  education.  They  found- 
ed universities  in  Leyden,  1575  ;33  Franecker,  1585 ;  Grbningen, 
1612  ;  Utrecht,  1636 ;  Harderwyk,  in  1648.34 

29  In  Duinont,  v.*i.  322. 

29  In  Dumont,  v.  i.  350.  All  political  conditions  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent  were  confirm- 
ed ;  on  the  other  hand,  this  treaty  was  made — au  service  de  Dieu,  a  l'entretenement  de 
la  Religion  Catholique  Apostolique  et  Romaine. 

30  Decisive  was  particularly  the  capture  of  Antwerp  after  a  long  siege,  Aug.  17, 1585. 
Comp.  the  treaty  of  the  Prince  with  Brussels,  March  10,  1585,  in  Dunrtmt,  v.  i.  444,  and 
with  Antwerp,  Aug.  17,  1585,  ibid.,  p.  446. 

31  They  first  settled  in  the  Walloon  cities  of  St.  Omer  and  Douay,  and  thence  spread 
into  all  the  captured  cities ;  Historia  Soc.  Jesu,  P.  v.  lib.  iv.  No.  58  (auct.  Sacchino) : 
Alexandro  et  privati  ejus  consilii  viris  ea  stabat  sententia,  ut  quaeque  recipiebatur  ex 
haereticis  civitas,  continuo  fere  in  earn  immitti  societatem  debere  :  valere  id  turn  ad  pie- 
tatem  privatam  civium,  turn  ad  pacem  tranquillitatemque  intelligebant. 

32  The  treaty,  in  Dumont,  v.  ii.  99. 

33  As  a  reward  for  their  heroic  defense  of  the  city  against  the  Spaniards  in  1574,  they 
had  the  choice  between  exemption  from  taxation  for  some  years  and  the  possession  of  a 
university,  and  chose  the  latter  ;  Hooft,  i.  398. 

8*  H.  L.  Benthem's  Holland.  Kirch-  u.  Schulen-Staat,  Li.  1. 


318  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

§   25. 
IN  SCOTLAND. 

The  Historie  of  the  Reformation  of  Religioun  within  the  Realm  of  Scotland — together 
with  the  Life  of  Johne  Knoxe  the  Author  (f  1572).  Edinburgh,  1732. — The  History 
of  the  Establishement  of  the  Reformation  of  Religion  in  Scotland,  b}'  Gilb.  Stuart  (Doc- 
tor of  Laws  and  Fellow  of  the  Antiq.  Society  in  Edinburgh).  Lond.,  1780.  (German 
version,  G.  Stuart's  Gesch.  d.  Ref.  in  Schottland.  Altenburg,  1786. 8.)  History  of  the 
Reformation  in  Scotland,  b}'  Ge.  Cook,  3  vols.,  Edinb.,  1811.  Staudlin's  Kirchenge- 
schichte  von  Grosbritannien  (2  Th.,  Gottingen,  1819),  i.  409. 

[Other  histories  in  German  are  :  Karl  Gustav  von  Rudloff,  Gesch.  d.  Ref.  in  S.,  2  Thle., 
Berl.,  1849.  A.  Gamberg,  Die  Schottische  Nationalkirche,  Hamb.,  1827.  K.  H.  Sack, 
Die  Evang.  Kirche  Schottlands,  Heidelb.,  1844.  J.  Kostlin,  in  the  Deutsche  Zeit- 
schrift,  1851,  Nos.  17-25;  ibid.,  Die  Schottische  Kirche,  ihr  inneres  Leben,  u.  ihr 
Verhaltniss  zum  Staate,  u.  s.  w.,  1853. — Merle  D'Aubigne,  Trois  Siecles  de  Lutte,  8vo, 
1850.] 

\_Wodrow  Society's  Publications,  26  vols.  8vo,  comprising  Calderwood's  Hist.,  4  vols.; 
Knox,  4 ;  Blair  ;  Melville,  2 ;  Scot's  Narration  ;  Row's  Kirk  of  S. ;  Wodrow's  Corresp., 
etc.  Spottisivoode's  Society's  Publications,  12  vols. :  Spottiswoode's  History,  by  Rus- 
sel,  3  vols. ;  Keith's  Hist.,  by  Lawson,  3  vols. ;  Miscellany,  2 ;  Sage's  Works,  3  vols. ; 
Patrick  Forbes,  1  vol. ;  John  Skinner,  Eccl.  Hist.,  2  vols.  8vo,  1788.] 

[W.  H.  Hetherington,  Hist,  of  the  Church  of  S.,  3d  ed.,  2  vols.  1843.  Stephen's,  Th., 
History,  4  vols.,  Lond.,  1844.  A.  Stevenson,  Hist,  of  the  Church  and  State  of  S.  to 
1645,  Edinb.,  8vo,  1845.  M.  Russell,  History  (vols.  ix.  x.  of  Theol.  Lib.,  Rivington's). 
E.  C.  Harrington,  Brief  Notes,  1555-1842,  Exeter,  1843.  H.  Leighton,  Church  of  Unit- 
ed Kingdom,  vol.  i.,  Scotland,  Edinburgh,  1845.  Spalding's  Hist,  of  Troubles  under 
Charles  I.,  8vo,  1829.  H.  Caswell,  Scotland  and  Scotch  Church,  1853.  Th.  M'Crie, 
Sketches  in  S.  History,  2  vols.  12mo ;  Life  of  Melville,  2  vols.  8vo,  1824.  J.  Marshall, 
Scotch  Eccl.  and  Civil  Affairs,  1851.  John  Cunningham,  Church  History  of  Scotland 
to  the  Present  Time,  2  vols.  8vo,  1859.] 

[Principal  Robert  Baillie,  Letters  and  Journals,  1637-62,  Edinb.,  1775,  2  vols.  8vo ;  new 
ed.  by  D.  Laing,  3  vols.  8vo,  Edinb.,  1841^2.  Sir  James  Balfour's  Annales,  4  vols. 
8vo,  1640-52;  Edinb.,  1824.  David  Camerarius,  De  Scotorum  Fortitud.  .  .  .  de  Ortu 
et  progr.  Haeresis,  4to,  Paris,  1631.  Geo.  Conaeus,  De  duplici  Statu  religionis  apud 
Scotos,  Rom.,  4to,  1628.  Buchanan,  Rerum  Scoticarum  Historia.  W.  Robertson, 
Hist.  Scotland.-  J.  Scott's  Lives  of  Prot.  Reformers  in  Scotland,  Edinb.,  1810.  (D. 
Defoe)  Mem.  of  Church  of  S.,  8vo,  1717.  Lesley's  Hist.,  1436  to  1561,  by  Bannatyne 
Club,  4to,  1830.  C.  J.  Lyon,  Hist,  of  St.  Andrews,  2  vols.  8vo,  Edinb.,  1843.  Moli- 
naeus,  Rerum  nuper  in  Scotiam  gestarum  Hist.,  Dantisci,  1641.  James  Stirling,  Naph- 
thali,  or  Wrestlings  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  until  1667,  12mo.] 

James  V.  of  Scotland  favored  the  clergy,  so  as  to  counteract  the 
predominance  of  the  nobility.  In  this  conflict  there  were  many 
martyrs  to  the  Reformation,  which,  with  Luther's  writings,  had 
been  early  introduced  into  the  country.  The  first  of  these  vic- 
tims was  [March  1,  1527-28]  Patrick  Hamilton.1  Yet  still  the 
number  of  its  adherents  increased,  especially  among  the  nobles. 
After  the  death  of  James  V.,  in  1542,  the  Reformed  party  at  first 

1  Stuart's  Gesch.  d.  Ref.  in  Schott.,  s.  7.     [Lorimer's  Life  of  Hamilton,  1856.] 


CHAP.  II.—  KEFORMATION.    §  25.  IN  SCOTLAND.  319 

got  the  upper  hand,  made  James  Hamilton,  Earl  of  Arran,  Lord 
Protector,  and  formed  an  alliance  with  England.  But  the  Cath- 
olic party,  led  by  the  widowed  Queen,  a  sister  of  the  Cruises,  and 
David  Beautoun  (Beton),  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  soon  brought 
the  weak  regent  over  to  their  side,  1543,  and  persecution  began 
afresh.  When,  however,  the  Queen  mother  took  up  arms  against 
the  regent,  she  fell  out  with  his  brother,  John  Hamilton,  Arch- 
bishop of  St.  Andrews,  and  with  the  clergy,  and  was  forced  to 
make  use  of  the  Reformed  party  as  a  counterweight.2  Thus,  just 
at  this  juncture,  the  Reformers  were  able  to  take  a  more  decided 
stand,  to  advance  more  firmly,  and  to  develop  their  ecclesiastical 
affairs  more  definitely  ;  and  they  were  led  to  do  this  by  the  influ- 
ence of  John  Knox,  who  in  1555  had  returned  to  his  fatherland 
from  Geneva  and  the  most  intimate  intercourse  with  John  Cal- 
vin.3 At  the  marriage  of  the  young  Q,ueen  Mary  with  Francis, 
heir  to  the  French  throne,  a  plan  was  formed,  first  to  Catholicize 
Scotland  with  the  help  of  France,  and  then  to  enforce  the  claims 
of  Mary  upon  the  English  throne.  This  plan  was  made  known 
in  Scotland?  by  Knox.  Thereupon  the  Reformed  nobility  formed  a 
defensive  league — the  Congregation  of  Christ.4     At  last,  in  1559, 

2  The  Life  of  John  Knox,  containing  Illustrations  of  the  History  of  the  Reformation 
in  Scotland,  by  Th.  M'Crie,  Edinb.,  3d  ed.,  2  vols.  8vo,  1814  (1839).  In  German,  omit- 
ting the  documents  :  Leben  des  Schottischen  Reformators  Joh.  Knox  mit  einem  Abrisse 
der  Schottischen  Reformationsgeschichte  von  Dr.  Th.  M'Crie,  in  einem  kurzeren  Auszuge 
iibersetzt,  herausgeg.  von  Dr.  G.  J.  Planck.  Gottingen,  1817.  8.  Comp.  s.  224.  [David 
Laing,  Life  and  Writings  of  John  Knox,  2  vols.  8vo,  Edinb.,  1847. — Two  Reformers  had 
been  burned  in  1534 ;  in  1539,  five  in  Edinburgh  and  two  in  Glasgow.  Geo.  Buchanan, 
in  1539,  was  exiled.  Several  Scottish  noblemen,  in  1542,  were  carried  as  prisoners  to 
England,  where  they  were  favorabty  impressed  for  the  Reformation.  In  1545,  George 
Wishart  was  burned  by  order  of  Cardinal  Beautoun ;  and  the  cardinal  was  murdered 
the  same  j'ear.] 

3  M'Crie-Planck,  s.  229. 

4  [This  covenant,  as  given  in  Stevenson's  History,  p.  47,  reads:  "We  perceaving  how 
Sathan  in  his  memberis,  the  antichristis  of  our  tyme,  crueillie  doth  rage,  seiking  to 
dounthring  and  distroy  the  evangill  of  Christ,  and  his  congregatioun,  aucht,  according 
to  our  boundin  dewtie,  to  stryve  in  our  Maisteris  caus,  evin  unto  the  deithe,  being  cer- 
tane  of  the  victorie  in  him  ;  the  quhilk  our  dewtie  being  weill  considderit,  we  do  prom- 
eis  befoir  the  Majestie  of  God  and  his  congregatioun,  that  we,  be  his  graice,  sail  with 
all  diligence  continuallie  apply  our  haill  power,  substance,  and  our  very  lyves,  to  main- 
teine,  set  fordward,  and  establish  the  most  blissit  word  of  God,  and  his  congregatioun: 
and  sail  labour  at  our  possibilitie  to  have  faythfull  ministeris,  puirlie  and  trewlie  to 
minister  Christis  evangill  and  sacramentis  to  his  pepill.  We  sail  maintein  thame,  nur- 
ische  thame,  and  defend  thame,  the  haill  congregatioun  of  Christ,  and  every  member 
thairof,  at  our  haill  poweris  and  wairing  of  our  lyves,  against  Sathan  and  all  wicked 
power  that  dois  intend  tirannie  or  trubil  against  the  foirsaid  congregatioun.  Unto  the 
quhilk  holie  word  and  congregatioun,  we  do  joyn  us  :  and  also  dois  renunce  and  forsaik 
the  congregatioun  of  Sathan,  with  all  the  superstitionis,  abbominatiounis,  and  idolatry 


320  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

measures  "began  to  be  enforced  against  the  Reformation,  and  French 
troops  were  to  carry  them  into  effect.  Then  the  rage  of  the  peo- 
ple broke  forth  in  a  general  destruction  of  churches  and  cloisters  ;5 
and  the  Reformers,  supported  by  England,  forced  a  recognition  of 
their  rights  in  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh,  1560.6  The  strict  Calvin- 
ism preached  by  Knox  became  the  religion  of  the  state ;  the  Par- 
liament, July  10,  1560,  forbade  the  Catholic  worship,7  and  sanc- 
tioned an  entirely  Calvinistic  Confession  of  Faith  (Confessio  Sco- 
tica).8  In  the  same  sense  the  church  government  was  immediately 
set  in  order  in  the  Book  of  Discipline.9 

By  the  death  of  Francis  I.,  1560,  the  union  of  France  with 
Scotland  came  so  speedily  to  an  end  that  it  could  not  imperil  the 
new  order  of  things.  Mary  Stuart  returned  to  Scotland  in  Aug., 
1561,  and  was  obliged  to  tolerate,  though  she  did  not  formally 
confirm,  the  Reformation.  She  herself  remained  a  zealous  Cath- 
olic, and  in  1565  secretly  joined  the  League  of  Bayonne.  As  the 
Catholic  clergy  in  Scotland,  though  deposed  from  their  offices,  still 
held  their  property  and  had  their  political  rights,  and  as  many  of 
the  Reformed  clergy  began  to  show  signs  of  weakness,*being  daz- 
zled by  the  brilliancy  of  the  court,  a  reaction  seemed  not  improb- 
able. On  the  other  hand,  Knox,  now  a  preacher  in  Edinburgh, 
supported  by  the  people,  guarded  the  interests  of  his  party  with 
keenness  and  power,  fought  against  the  plans  of  their  foes  and  the 
timidity  of  his  own  party  with  fearless  vigor,  and  made  himself 


thairof.  And  mairover,  sail  deelair  our  selfis  manifestlie  enemies  thairto.  Be  this  our 
faythful  promeis  befoir  God,  testified  to  bis  congregatioun,  be  our  subscription  at  thir 
presens.     At  Edinburghe  the  3d  day  of  December  1557  j-eirs.     God  caillit  to  witness."] 

5  Stuart,  s.  133.    M'Crie-Planck,  s.  318. 

6  The  assent  of  Francis  and  Mary,  dated  Edinburgh,  July  G,  1550;  see  in  Stuart,  Ap- 
pendix, s.  53.  It  was  confirmed  by  the  treat}'  of  peace  (in  Dumont,  v.  i.  65)  made  the 
same  day  between  those  princes  and  Elizabeth. 

7  Stuart,  Anh.,  s.  74. 

8  M'Crie-Planck,  s.  381.  The  Confession  of  Faith,  originally  drawn  up  in  the  Scot- 
tish dialect,  see,  in  a  Latin  version,  in  Augusti  Corpus  Librorum  Symbol,  qui  in  Eccl. 
Reform.  Auctoritatem  publicam  obtinuerunt,  p.  143;  in  Niemeyer  Collectio  Confessio- 
num  in  Ecclesiis  Reformatis  publicatarum,  p.  340. 

9  First  Book  of  Discipline,  see  M'Crie-Planck,  s.  391.  The  highest  church  court  was 
the  General  Assembly ;  superintendents  were  placed  over  particular  districts.  [The 
Book  of  Policy,  or  First  Book  of  Discipline,  was  not  ratified  in  form  by  the  civil  author- 
ities. Ane  Schort  Somme  of  the  First  Buik  of  Discipline  was  published  at  the  same 
time.  The  Second  Buik  of  Discipline,  or  Heidis  and  Conclusiones  of  the  Policie  of  the 
Kirk,  was  agreed  upon  by  the  General  Assembly  in  1578;  inserted  in  the  Registers  of 
the  Assembly,  1681 ;  and  sworn  to  in  the  National  Covenant,  and  ratified  by  the  Assem- 
bly in  1638,  and  at  divers  other  times.] 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.  32 1 

terrible  to  the  Queen.10  Meanwhile,  by  her  marriage  with  Lord 
Darnley  in  1565,  she  had  already  lost  the  affections  of  her  peo- 
ple ;n  and  when,  after  his  murder,  she  married  Lord  Both  well, 
1567,  she  became  the  object  of  their  aversion.12  In  1568  she  was 
forced  to  flee  to  England,  where,  after  a  long  imprisonment,  she 
was  executed  in  1587.13 

During  the  regency,  which  administered  the  government  in  the 
name  of  James  VI.,  the  parliamentary  decrees  of  1560  were  con- 
firmed, in  Dec,  1567,14  and  the  affairs  of  the  Church  arranged  in 
accordance  with  them.  After  the  Catholic  bishops  had  died  out, 
in  order  to  keep  for  the  throne  the  clerical  representation  in  Par- 
liament, the  superintendents  were  appointed  as  bishops  in  1572. 15 
But  in  1592  strict  Presbyterianism  conquered ;  and  the  bishops 
and  abbots  which  the  King  appointed  after  1598  were,  as  such, 
mere  members  of  Parliament,  without  ecclesiastical  weight  or 
functions.10  Presbyterianism  was  so  deeply  rooted  in  Scotland, 
that  the  episcopate,  re-established  by  James  in  1610,  could  not 
take  any  root  ;17  and  that  Charles  I.,  by  his  attempt  to  introduce 
here,  too,  the  whole  Anglican  Church  system,  only  occasioned  a 
revolt,  which  in  the  end  cost  him  his  kingdom  and  his  life,  in 
1649.18 


THIRD  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  REFORMATION. 

The  History  of  the  Reformation  of  the  Church  of  England,  by  Gilb.  Burnet  (Bishop  of 
Salisbury,  f  1715),  P.  i.  ii.  London,  1679. 1681.  Edit,  iv.,  1715,  fol.  (to  1559,  Lat.  Ge- 
nevae,  1686  u.  1689  fol.*),  the  third  part,  being  supplement  to  the  two  volumes  for- 
mer]}- published.  London,  1715,  fol.  ;  7  vols.  8vo,  1829 ;  8vo,  1846.  German  transl. 
Braunschweig,  1765.  70.  (Comp.  G.  Weber  iiber  die  Leistungen  d.  Englander  auf  d. 
Gebiete  d.  Kg.  Englands,  in  Schmidt's  Zeitschrift  f.  Geschichtswissenschaft,  i.  385.) 

10  M'Crie-Planck,  s.  442. 

11  Ibid,  s.  542.    Raumer's  Gesch.  Europas  seit  dem  Elide  des  15ten  Jahrh.,  ii.  469. 

12  Eaumer,  ii.  478. 

13  See  on  this,  at  length,  Raumer,  ii.  554. 
"  M'Crie-Planck,  s.  578. 

15  Ibid,  s.  619;     Staudlin,  i.  464. 

16  Staudlin,  i.  473. 

17  Staudlin,  ii.  18.     Raumer,  iv.  278. 

18  Staudlin,  ii.  32.     Raumer,  iv.  357. 

*  This  Latin  version  is  here  cited ;  the  third  volume  of  Burnet  is  only  in  English. 
VOL.  IV. 21 


322  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Ecclesiastical  Memorials  relating  chiefly  to  Religion  and  the  Reformation  of  it,  and  the 
Emergencies  of  the  Church  of  England  under  King  Henry  VIII.,  King  Edward  VI., 
and  Queen  Marj-,  by  John  Strj'pe  ;  3  vols.  London,  1721,  fol. ;  and  the  two  continu- 
ations by  the  same  author,  Annals  of  Reformation  and  Establishment  of  Religion 
under  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth ;  3  vols.  London,  ed.  2.  1725-37  (1558  to  1588)  ; 
and  Brief  Annals  of  the  Church  and  State  under  the  Reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 
London,  ed.,  2.  1738  (1589  to  1603),  fol.  [Strype's  Complete  Works,  27  vols.  8vo, 
1821-40.] 

The  History  of  the  Puritans,  or  Protestant  Non-Conformists,  bj-  Dan.  Neal ;  ed.  2. 
Lond.,  1723-38.  4  vols.  8vo.  A  new  edition,  revised,  corrected,  and  enlarged  by 
Joshua  Toulmin,  5  vols.  8vo,  Lond.,  1797.  (German  transl.,  1  Th.  Halle,  1762.  8.) 
[Repeated  editions :  New  York,  Harpers,  2  vols.  8vo.  Comp.  J.  B.  Marsden's  His- 
tory of  Earlier  and  Later  Puritans  ;  2  vols.  8vo.  Lond.,  1852.  S.  Hopkins,  The  Pu- 
ritans ;  1.  2.  8vo.    Bost.,  1859-60.] 

The  History  of  the  Reformation  of  the  Church  of  England,  by  Henry  Soames  (M.A., 
Rector  of  Shellej',  Essex)  ;  vol.  i.  ii.  (Henry  VIII.)  ;  vol.  iii.  (Edward  VI.) ;  vol.  iv. 
(Mary  and  Elizabeth).  London,  1825-28.  8.  Also  his  Elizabethan  Religious  History. 
London,  1839.  8. 

The  Roman  Catholic  view  is  in  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Great  Britain,  by  Jeremy 
Collier  (2  vols.  London,  1708.  14.  fol.),  9  vols.  8vo,  1845,  and,  in  a  work  for  the  most 
part  based  on  that  of  Collier,  History  of  England  till  the  Revolution  of  1688,  by 
John  Lingard  (Cath.  priest  at  Newcastle-on-the-Tyne,  in  Northumberland) ;  14  vols. 
London,  1819-31.  8,  4th  ed.,  1838 ;  German,  by  Von  Salis  and  Von  Berl}-.  14  Bde., 
1828-33.  [Dod's  Church  Hist.  Eng.,  1500-1688 ;  6  vols.  8vo ;  also  in  3  vols.  8vo, 
1837-42 :  Roman  Catholic] 

[General  Histories. — H.  Hallam,  Constb.  Hist.,  2  vols.  8vo.  S.  Turner,  12  vols.  8vo. 
Lond.,  1836-38.    Henry's  Hist.,  12  vols.  8vo,  1788.] 

[Biographical  Worhs.—  P.  F.  Tytler,  Life  of  Henry  VIII.  Edinb.,  1838.  F.  von  Rau- 
mer,  Contributions,  etc.,  transl.  1836.  Fronde's  Hist,  of  Eng.  from  1529  (1.  2.  Hemy 
VIIL),  1856,  9  vols.     Audin's  Life  Henry  VIII.,  transl.  E.  G.  K.  Browne,  1851.     Ri- 

•  dey's  Life  of  Bishop  Ridley,  1763.  Gilpin's  Lives  of  Latimer,  Hooper,  and  other  Re- 
formers, 1753  and  1800.  Strype's  Lives  of  Cranmer,  Parker,  Grindal,  Whitgift,  Ayl- 
mer,  Cheke,  and  Smith.  10  vols.  8vo,  1812-20 ;  new  ed.,  1821-40.  Strype's  Cranmer, 
publ.  by  Eccl.  Soc,  3  vols.  8vo.  C.  Wordsworth,  Eccles.  Biography,  6  vols.  8vo, 
1809 ;  4  vols.  8vo,  1839.  Wharton's  Anglia  Sacra.  Le  Neve,  Fasti  Ecclesiae  Angli- 
canae,  1716  (new  edition  by  Hard}-,  3  vols.  8vo,  1854).] 

[Reformation. — J.  V.  Short,  History  of  Church  of  England  to  Rev.  of  1688,  2  vols.  8vo, 
1832  ;  8vo,  1847  (also  New  York).  F.  C.  Massingberd,  English  Reformation.  Blunt's 
Reform.  Peter  Heylin's  History  of  Reformation,  1674  (Eccl.  Soc).  S.  R.  Maitland, 
Essays  on  Subjects  connected  with  the  Reformation,  8vo.  Carwithen's  Church  His- 
torj-  to  Revol. ;  new  ed.,  2  vols.  8vo,  1852.  Church  of  England  in  the  Reigns  of  the 
Tudors  and  Stuarts,  2  vols.  12mo,  1851.  J.  Baxter,  Church  History  of  England. 
Lond.,  1846.] 

[On  the  Councils  of  England,  Wilkins  ;  Spelman  ;  R.  Hart,  Eccles.  Records,  1846 ;  Edm. 
Gibson,  Synodus  Anglic. ;  ed.  G.  Cardwell,  1854.  J.  W.  Joyce,  England's  Sacred  Sj-- 
nods,  1855.  On  Convocation,  Hooly ;  Trevor,  Hist,  of  Convoc,  1853;  cf.  Christ. 
Rembr.,  Oct.,  1854 ;  Church  of  England  Quarterly,  October,  1854.  Sparrow's  Coll.  of 
Articles,  Injunctions,  etc.,  1661.  Documentary  Annals  of  Eef.  Church,  Refornatio  Le- 
gum ;  new  ed.  by  Cardwell,  1850.  Chs.  Hardwick,  Hist.  Articles  Religion,  new  ed., 
1859.  Formularies  of  Faith  put  forth  by  Henry  VIII. ;  Three  Primers,  ibid.,  new  edi- 
tion, 1850.] 

[The  Books  of  Common  Prayer,  reprinted,  7  fol.,  1844.  F.  Bulley,  Tabular  View  of  Va- 
riations, 1842.  Archd.  Berens,  Hist.  Prayer-book,  new  ed.,  1855.  E.  Cardwell,  Two 
Books  Com.  Prayer  of  Edward  VI.,  2d  ed. ;  Hist,  of  Conf.  and  Revised  Book  of  Pray- 
ers, 3d  ed.  Thos.  Lathbury,  Hist.  Book  Com.  Prayer,  2d  ed.,  1859.  C.  Wheatley,  Ra- 
tional Illustr.  of  Book  Com.  Prayer,  1720;  1846.     Shepherd  on  Com.  Prayer,  2  vols. 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  26.  HENRY  VIII.         323 

8vo,  1801.  W.  Keeling,  Liturgiae  Britannicae,  8vo.  W.  Maskell,  Ancient  Liturgy 
of  Church  of  Eng. ;  and  Monumenta  Ritualia.  Lond.,  1845-47.  W.  Palmer,  Origines 
Liturgicae,  4th  ed.,  2  vols.  8vo,  1845.] 


§26. 

UNDER  HENRY  VIII.  (f  JAN.  28,  1547). 

The  Life  and  Raigne  of  King  Henry  the  Eighth,  by  Edw.  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbur}'. 
Lond.,  1649,  fol.     [Other  lives,  see  above.] 

In  England,  the  doctrines  of  WyclifTe  were  not  yet  forgotten,  - 
when  the  mighty  voice  of  Luther  also  resounded  in  the  land,  and 
was  welcomed  by  many,  in  part,  on  account  of  the  abiding  influ- 
ence of  the  previous  movement.2  King  Henry  VIIL,  as  stiff  a 
Thomist  as  he  was  a  despot,  contended  against  the  new  heresy 
with  both  sword  and  pen.  His  Adsertio  VII.  Sacramentorum  ad- 
versus  M.  Lutherum,3  was  hailed  by  the  Pope  and  his  adherents 
with  the  loudest  applause ;  the  King  was  rewarded  by  the  Pope 
with  the  title  of  Defensor  Fidei.4  This,  together  with  Luther's 
rough  reply,5  animated  the  King  with  redoubled  zeal  for  the  old 

1  On  the  Lollards,  who  were  put  to  death  as  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  see  John  Fox  (who  lived  in  exile  at  Basle,  but  returned  and  died  as  prebendary 
in  Salisbury,  April  18,  1587),  Rerum  in  Ecclesia  gestarum,  quae  postremis  et  periculosis 
his  temporibus  evenerunt,  maximarumque  per  Europam  persecutionum,  ac  Sanctorum 
Dei  Martyrum  commentarii,  P.  i.  de  rebus  per  Angliam  et  Scotiam  gestis  (Basil..  1559, 
fol.),  p.  117.  Additions  to  Burnet,  i.  15.  [G.  Weber,  Gesch.  d.  akatholischer  Secten  in 
Grossbrit.  1.  i.  (Die  Lollarden),  2  vols.  8vo,  1846 ;  new  ed.  1857.] 

2  The  wide  prevalence  of  the  feeling  of  a  necessity  of  a  Reformatio  Cleri  et  Sacrorum 
omnium  is  proved  by  the  letter  of  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  Richard  Fox,  to  Cardinal 
Thorn.  Wolsey,  Jan.  2,  1517  (in  Strype  Ecclesiastical  Memorials,  T.  i.  Docum.,  p.  19 ; 
and  in  Gerdes,  T.  iv.  Monum.,  p.  109),  in  which  it  is  demanded,  as— oblatrantem  diu  po- 
pulum  placatura,  Clerum  illustratura,  Regem  ipsum  Serenissimum  et  Optimates  omnes 
Clero  conciliatura,  et  Deo  imprimis  Opt.  Max.  plus  omnibus  sacrificiis  placitura. 

3  Lond.,  1521.  4.,  against  Luther's  work,  De  Captiv.  Babyl.,  reprinted  Ant verp.,  1522. 
4.  sine  loco,  1523,  4to,  German  by  Hieron.  Emser.,  1522.  4.  Comp.  Planck's  Gesch.  des 
Prot.  Lehrbegriffs,  ii.  98.— Compare  Henry's  Letter,  May  20,  1521,  to  Louis,  Elector  of 
the  Palatinate  (Kapp's  Nachlese,  ii.  458),  and  to  the  Emperor,  in  which  he  calls  for  the 
extirpation  of  heretics. 

*  For  which  he  had  previously  made  endeavors  ;  Pallavicini  Hist.  Cone.  Trid.,  lib.  ii. 
c.  1.  The  Bull  of  Leo  X.,  11th  Oct.,  1521,  in  Rymeri  Foed.,  xiii.  756.  Cone.  Magn. 
Brit.,  iii.  693.  Confirmatory  Bull  of  Clemens  VII.,  5th  March,  1523,  in  Rymer,  xiv.  13. 
Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii.  702.  The  book  in  MS.  was  laid  before  the  Pope  for  his  approval, 
and  hence  that  Bull  of  Leo  appeared  in  the  very  first  edition,  with  the  postscript :  Li- 
brum  hunc  Henrici  VIII. — legentibus  x.  annorum  et  totidem  quadragenarum  indulgen- 
tia  apostolica  auctoritate  concessa  est  (Gerdes,  iv.  178). 

5  Contra  Henrieum  Regem  Angliae,  1522.  4.,  in  his  Opp.  Lat.  ed.  Jen.,  ii.  516.  Hen- 
ry complained  to  the  Saxon  princes  about  this  work  of  Luther  (see  his  letter,  dated  22d 
Jan.,  1523,  in  Cypriani  Epistt.  Clarorum  Virorum,  ex  Bibl.  Goth,  autographis,  p.  9;  in 


324:  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

doctrine.  Yet  still  the  Reformation  found  access  even  into  the 
universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge6  among  the  younger  mem- 
bers ;  and  John  Fryth  and  William  Tyndal,7  though  driven  from 
Oxford,  worked  with  less  restraint  in  foreign  lands  in  the  diffusion 
of  its  principles  among  the  English  people  by  numerous  writings  ;8 
so  that  the  replies  even  of  Thomas  More,9  and  the  efforts  of  the 
bishops,10  and  the  severest  penalties,  could  not  stay  its  progress. 
Tyndal's  translation  of  the  New  Testament  had  the  most  decisive 
effect.11 

But  the  self-will  of  Henry  VIII.  was  mightier  than  his  submis- 
sion to  the  Pope.  His  marriage  with  Catharine  of  Aragon,  his 
brother's  widow,  in  spite  of  the  dispensation  of  Julius  II.,  had  pre- 
viously seemed  to  himself  and  others  open  to  objections.12  His 
passion  for  Anne  Boleyn  now  furnished  the  occasion  for  an.  out- 
break ;13  and  he  demanded  of  the  Pope,  1527,  to  declare  his  mar- 

Gerdes,  iv. ;  Monum.,  p.  119).  The  Elector  replied  unfavorably  (Cyprian's  niitzliche 
Urkunden,  ii.  276).  In  opposition  appeared,  Joannis  Ep.  Roffensis  (Job.  Fisber,  Bishop 
of  Rochester)  Adsertionis  Lutheranae  Confutatio,  1523.  4.  Guil.  Rossei  (i.  e.,  Thomas 
Moro)  Responsio  ad  Convitia  M.  Lutheri  congesta  in'Henricum  R.  Angl.,  1523. 

6  The  first  traces  are  found  in  Oxford,  1521 ;  see  Wood's  Hist,  et  Antiquitates  Univer- 
sitatis  Oxoniensis,  i.  247.  Gerdes,  iv.  187.  In  1526  Cardinal  College  (afterward  Christ 
College),  just  founded  by  Wolsey,  was  the  chief  seat  of  Lutheranism.  In  the  subter- 
ranean prisons  of  this  College  several  died,  others  were  burned,  others  expelled,  some 
recanted.  Wood,  p.  250.  Foxe,  p.  128.  In  Cambridge  several  bishops  thought  that  a 
visitation  on  account  of  heresy  was  needed  in  1523,  but  it  was  prevented  by  Wolsey. 
Burnet,  i.  18. 

7  On  both,  Foxe,  p.  127  and  138.     Gerdes,  iv.  181  ss. 

8  The  list  of  books  forbidden  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  1526,  is  in  Cone.  M. 
Brit.  iii.  707.— Another,  1529,  in  Jo.  Foxe's  Acts  and  Monuments  of  the  Church,  or  the 
Book  of  Martyrs  (Lond.',  1583,  fol.  2  vols.),  ii.  234  ;  and  in  Gerdes,  iv.,  Monum.,  p.  139. 
A  third,  given  us  1529,  in  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii.  719,  in  Gerdes,  1.  c,  p.  134,  must  be  later, 
for  the  Augsburg  Confession  is  named  in  it. 

9  Thomas  Moras,  von  Rudhart.  Nurnberg,  1829,  s.  275  ff.,  433  ff.  [Life  of  More,  by 
Sir  James  Mackintosh.] 

10  Their  Visitations;  Gerdes,  iv.  214. 

2 '  Pentateuch  and  New  Testament.  Cochlaeus  prevented  the  printing  of  it  in  Cologne, 
as  was  first  intended ;  sec  his  Coram,  de  Actis  et  Scriptis  Lutheri,  ad  ami.  1526,  p.  132. 
It  was  then  issued  in  Antwerp,  1526,  and  was  afterward  reprinted  several  times,  and 
brought  to  England  by  German  traders;  see  Gerdes,  Hist,  Ref.,  iii.  107,  iv.  205.  Fox, 
Rerum  in  Eccl.  gestarum,  p.  138,  relates  that  Cuthbert  Tonstall,  Bishop  of  London,  to 
suppress  it,  bought  up  the  first  Antwerp  edition,  and  thus  gave  to  Tyndal  the  means  of 
preparing  a  second  improved  edition.    [Tyndal  was  burned  at  Vilforde,  Holland,  1536.] 

12  Burnet,  i.  21  ss.     Ranke's  Deutsche  Gesch.  im  Zeitalter  d.  Reform.,  iii.  10. 

13  The  older  English  historians  take  the  ground  that  the  proposals  for  divorce  were 
made  before  the  King  became  connected  with  Anne  Boleyn  (Burnet,  i.  24) ;  the  Catho- 
lics (Lingard,  vi.  131)  say  that  his  passion  for  her  was  the  sole  cause  of  the  request.  The 
reasons  alleged  for  the  divorce,  see  in  the  letter  of  Cardinal  Wolsey,  Dec.  5,  1527,  to 
Gregorius  Cassali,  the  English  agent  in  Rome  (Burnet,  i.,  App.,  p.  9)  :  A  variis  multis- 
que  Doctoribus  asseritur,  quod  Papa  non  potest  dispensare  in  primo  gradu  affinitatis, 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  26.  HENRY  VIII.  325 

riage  null  and  void.  The  latter  would  gladly  have  yielded  to  the 
Kin<r,  had  this  not  forced  him  to  declare  the  dispensation  of  his 
predecessor  of  no  effect,  and  compelled  him  to  offend  the  Emperor;14 
and  so  he  thought  that  he  would  let  the  King  cool  off  by  tedious 
processes  of  investigation.15  By  the  advice  of  Thomas  Cranmer,16 
the  King  thereupon  laid  the  matter  before  all  the  Christian  univers- 
ities, in  order  thus  to  compel  the  Pope  to  pronounce  judgment.17 
Thereupon  decrees  were  also  issued  to  limit  the  papal  power  in 
England ;  and  the  English  clergy  willingly  sacrificed  the  Pope  to 
the  King,  in  order  to  avoid  the  popular  hatred,  the  disfavor  of  the 

tanquam  ex  jure  divino  (Lev.  xviii.  16,  xx.  21),  moraliter,  natural iterque  prohibito,  ac 
si  potest,  omnes  affirmant  et  consentiunt,  quod  hoc  non  potest,  nisi  ex  urgentissimis  et 
arduis  causis,  quales  non  subfuerunt.  Bulla  praeterea  Dispensationis  fundatur  et  con- 
cessa  est  sub  quibusdarn  falso  suggestis  et  enarratis :  in  ea  enim  asseritur,  quod  haec 
Regia  Majestas  matrimonium  hoc  cum  Regina  percupiebat  pro  bono  pacis  inter  Henri- 
cum  VII.,  Fcrdinandum  et  Elizabethain,  quum  revera  nulla  tunc  dfssensio  aut  belli  sus- 
picio  esse't  inter  dictos  Principes  vel  Regiam  Majestatem  praedictafn,  quae  in  teneris 
adhuc  annis,  nee  in  discretione  aut  judicio  constitutis  agebat,  nunquam  deinde  assensit, 
aut  quicquam  cognovit  de  hujusmodi  Bullae  impetratione,  nee  unquam  hoc  matrimoni- 
um optavit,  aut  aliquid  de  eo  accepit  ante  Bullae  impetrationem.  Quocirca  ab  his 
omnibus  Doctoribus  atque  Praelatis  judicatur  hujusmodi  dispensationem  non  adeo  vali- 
dam,— ut  praedictum  matrimonium  manifeste  justum  legitimumque  sit;  sed  potius 
quod  multa  possunt  objici  — in  non  leve  periculum  Regiae  prolis,  totiusque  Regni  ac 
subditorum  gravem  perturbationem.  Ad  haec,  postquam  Regia  Majestas,  qui  Walliae 
Princeps  tunc  erat,  decimum  quartum  annum  attigisset,  contractus  revocatio  subsecuta 
est,  Rege  patre  expresse  nolente,  quod  hujusmodi  matrimonium  ullo  pacto  sortiretur  ef- 
fectum. 

14  See  the  reports  of  Knigfch,  the  King's  secretary,  sent  from  Rome,  Jan.  1,  1528  (in 
Burnet,  i.,  App.,  p.  18),  according  to  -which  the  dispensation  was  already  conceded  and 
drafted.  But  Gregorius  Cassali,  Jan.  13,  communicated  in  the  strictest  confidence  the 
secret  advice  of  the  Pope— quod  Rex  deberet  committere  istic  causam  Cardinali,— et  ubi 
causa  fuerit  commissa,  si  Rex  conscientiam  suam  persentiat  coram  Deo  exoneratam,  et 
quod  recte  possit  facere  quod  quaerit,— aliam  uxorem  ducat.  In  that  case  the  affair 
must  and  would  soon  be  adjusted.  But  still,  against  this  proposal  there  was  the  doubt 
about  the  legitimacy  of  children  born  in  such  a  marriage. 

15  The  two  cardinals,  Wolsey  and  Campeggio,  handed  to  the  Pope  the  investigation 
and  result,  Febr.,  1528  (see  the  bull  in  Burnet,  i.,  App.,  p.  20).  But  after  he  had  be- 
come reconciled  to  the  Emperor  (Div.  I.,  §  4,  Notes  32  and  43)  he  called  the  case  before 
him  at  Rome,  July  19,  1529  (Burnet,  1.  c,  p.  49).     Ranke,  iii.  131. 

16  John  Strype,  Memorials  of  the  most  Rev.  Father  in  God,  Thorn.  Cranmer.  Lon- 
don, 1694,  fol. 

17  Burnet,  i.  70.  The  judgment  of  Oxford  and  the  acts  about  it,  see  in  Wood's  Hist. 
et  Ant.  Univ.  Oxon.,  i.  254.  Burnet,  Angl.,  iii.,  App.,  p.  25.  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii.  726 ; 
of  Cambridge,  Burnet,  i.,  App.,  p.  51;  of  foreign  universities,  Burnet,  i.,  App.,  p.  53. 
Rymer  Foedera,  xiv.  391.  The  Reformers  judged  the  most  unfavorably  for  the  King. 
Zwingle,  asked  by  Simon  Grynaeus,  was  against  the  marriage;  advised  a  judicial  di- 
vorce. Luther,  in  a  private  opinion  to  Rob.  Barnes  (Luther's  Briefe,  ed.  de  Wette,  iv. 
294),  declared  that  the  Mosaic  law  was  not  binding,  but  that  the  marriage  was  indisso- 
luble. For  the  King  were  Andreas  Osiander  (whose  niece  was  Cranmer's  wife),  in  a 
work,  De  Matrimoniis  Incestis,  published  at  Augsburg,  and  at  once  forbidden  by  the 
Emperor;  and  also  Oecolampadius. 


32G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

tyrannical  monarch,  and  the  Reformation.18  As  the  Pope  still 
remained  immovable,  Henry,  sustained  by  the  opinions  of  the  uni- 
versities, determined  to  regard  his  previous  marriage  as  void,  and 
married  Anne  Boleyn,  Nov.  14,  1532.  To  the  papal  ban  he  re- 
plied by  declaring  that  the  Pope  had  lost  all  authority  in  England 
(1534)  ;19  and  the  oath  of  supremacy  was  administered,  recogniz- 
ing him  as  the  head  of  the  English  Church.20 

18  Complaints  in  the  Lower  House  about  the  morals  and  avarice  of  the  clergy ;  see 
Raumer,  ii.  22. — After  the  fall  of  Wolsey,  October,  1529,  the  King  had  the  whole  clergy 
arraigned,  because,  in  opposition  to  the  old  law  of  Praemunire  (long  since  fallen  into 
disuse),  they  acknowledged  a  foreign  jurisdiction,  sought  for  papal  bulls,  and  had  proc- 
esses hefore  the  legate.  To  free  themselves  they  had  to  make  a  large  grant.  It  is  said, 
in  the  document  which  makes  this  grant,  of  the  Sj'nodus  provincialis  Cantuariensis,  24. 
Jan.,  1531  (Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii.  742),  that:  Tanta  sunt  illustrissimae  ejus  Majestatis  in 
nos  merita,  quod  nullis  laudibus  aequari — queant.  Etenim  sicut  superioribus  diebus 
universalem  Ecclesiam — studiosissime  calamo  et  sumtuosissimo  bello  contra  hostes  de- 
fendit ; — sic  impraesens  quamplurimos  hostes,  maxime  Lutheranos,  in  perniciem  Eccle- 
siae  et  Cleri  Anglicani,  cujus  singularem  protectorem  unicum  et  supremum  dominum,  et 
quantum  per  Christi  legem  licet,  etiam  supremum  caput  ipsius  Majestatem  recognoscimus, 
conspirantes,  ac  in  Praelatorum  et  Cleri  famam  et  personas  sparsis  famosis  libellis, 
mendaciis  et  maledictis  jampridem  hoc  animo  debacchantes,  ut  illorum  aestimationem 
laederent,  et  vulgo  contemnendos  propinarent ;  sapientissima  ejus  Majestas — taliter  con- 
tudit  et  repressit,  quod  illorum  audacia  coepit  refrigescere. — The  Annates  were  forbid- 
den by  Parliament,  February,  1532 ;  confirmed  by  the  King  July  9,  1533 :  Burnet,  i., 
App.,  p.  61.  On  Elizabeth  Barton,  the  Maid  of  Kent,  who  had  prophesied  against  the 
new  marriage  of  the  King,  and  was  hung,  April  20,  1534,  with  the  priests  who  favored 
her,  see  Burnet,  i.  87. 

19  After  the  Pope  had  decided  against  Henry  about  the  marriage,  March  23,  1534 
(Concil.  Mag.  Brit.,  iii.  769),  the  latter  sent  to  all  the  spiritual  corporations  of  his  king- 
dom the  question:  An  Romanus  Pontifex  habeat  aliquam  majorem  jurisdictionem  col- 
latam  sibi  a  Deo  in  s.  Scriptura  in  hoc  regno  Angliae,  quam  alius  quivis  externus  Epis- 
copus  ?  The  answers,  sent  in  May  and  June,  replied  in  the  negative  to  all  the  questions  : 
they  are  given  in  Burnet,  iii.  p.  52;  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii.  769  ss. ;  those  of  the  Convoca- 
tions (provincial  synods)  of  Canterbury  and  York,  and  of  the  universities  of  Oxford  and 
Cambridge,  are  the  most  noteworthy.  Thereupon  followed  a  ro3'al  edict,  June  9,  1534, 
abolishing  the  usurped  authority  of  the  Pope  (Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii.  772) ;  and  the  Parlia- 
ment, Nov.  3,  1534,  passed  the  Acts  of  Supremac)-,  reading  (Stat,  of  the  Realm,  iii.  p. 
492,  chap.  1.  Thomas  Morus  by  Rudhart,  s.  442),  "  That  the  Kj-ng  our  Soveraign  Lorde 
his  heires  and  successours  Kynges  of  this  Realme  shal  be  takyn  accepted  and  reputed 
the  onely  supreme  heed  in  erthe  of  the  Churche  of  England  callyd  Anglicana  Ecclesia." 

20  The  formulas  then  employed,  see  in  Burnet,  i.,  App.,  p.  74.  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii. 
780.  Rymer,  xiv.  487  ss.  554.  The  substance  is  :  Loyalty  to  King  Henry,  in  terris  Ec- 
clesiae  Anglicanae  supremo  immediate  sub  Christo  capiti,  quod  posthac  nulli  externo 
Principi  aut  Praelato,  nee  Romano  Pontifici,  quern  Papam  vocant,  fidelitatem  et  obedi- 
entiam  promittam  aut  dabo  ;  Recognition  of  the  royal  marriage  ;  further,  quod  Episcopus 
Romanus,  qui  in  suis  Bullis  Papae  nomen  usurpat,  et  summi  Pontificis  primatum  sibi 
arrogat,  nihilo  majoris  neque  auctoritatis  aut  jurisdictionis  habendus  sit,  quam  caeteri 
quivis  Episcopi  in  Anglia  vel  alibi  gentium  in  sua  quisque  dioecesi.  Item  quod  soli  die- 
to  domino  Regi  et  successoribus  ejus  adhaerebimus,  atque  ejus  decreta  ac  proclama- 
tiones,  insuper  omnes  Angliae  leges — perpetuo  manutenebimus,  Episcopi  Eomani  legi- 
bus,  decretis  et  canonibus,  si  qui  contra  legem  divinam  et  sacram  Scripturam  esse  inve- 
nientur,  imperpetuum  renunciantes.     Item  quod  nullus  nostrum  omnium  in  ulla  vel  pri- 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  26.  HENRY  VIII.  327 

Thus  Henry  VIII.  broke  loose  from  the  Pope21  without  acceding 
to  the  Reformation.  He  wished  to  form  an  English  State-Church, 
with  the  scholastic  and  Catholic  dogmas,  in  which  the  King  should 
rule  as  Pope.22  The  adherents  of  the  Pope23  and  the  friends  of  the 
Reformation24  now,  in  turn,  ascended  the  scaffold.  All,  through 
fear,  bowed  to  the  will  of  the  despotic  ruler.  Here,  too,  opinions 
were  divided  only  between  the  two  great  antagonisms  of  the  times. 
Thus,  even  in  the  Court,  there  was  a  reforming  and  a  papal  par- 
ty. At  the  head  of  those  who  wished  to  advance  to  a  complete 
reformation  were  Thomas  Cranmer,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
since  1533,  and  Thomas  Cromwell,  since  1534  Regis  Yicarius 
generalis  in  rebus  ecclesiasticis.25  The  leaders  of  the  papal  party 
were  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  Gardiner,  Bishop  of  Winchester, 
who  tried  to  hinder  all  innovations,  so  that  at  some  future  time 
they  might  more  easily  return  to  the  old  state  of  affairs.  The  Re- 
forming party,  supported  by  the  Queen,  Anne  Boleyn,  executed 

vata  vel  publica  condone  quicquam  ex  sacris  Scripturis  desumtum  ad  alienura  sensum 
detorquere  praesumet,  sed  quisque  Christum  ejusque  verba  et  facta  simpliciter,  aperte, 
sincere,  et  ad  normam  seu  regulam  sacrarum  Scripturarum  et  vere  catholicorum  atque 
orthodoxorum  Doctorum  praedicabit  catholice  et  orthodoxe. 

21  To  defend  his  revolt,  Henry  wrote,  De  Potestate  Christianorum  Regum  in  suis  Ec- 
clesiis  contra  Pontificis  Tyrannidem  et  horribilem  Impietatem  (which  seems  not  to  have 
been  published :  Gerdes,  iv.  23G),  Ed.  Foxe,  Bishop  of  Hereford,  De  Vera  Differentia  Re- 
giae  Potestatis  et  Ecclesiae,  1534 ;  Steph.  Gardiner,  Eishop  of  Winchester,  De  Vera  Obe- 
dientia  (Extracts  in  Schelhornii  Amoenitates  Hist.  Eccl.,  i.  837).  The  King  was  most 
pleased  with  Rich.  Sampsonis  Oratio  de  dignitate  et  potestate  Regis,  1535  (reprinted  in 
Gerdes,  iv.,  App.,  p.  148.  All  these  writings  are  collected  in  the  Reformatio  Ecclesiae 
Anglicanae,  quibus  gradibus  inchoata  et  perfecta  sit.  Lond.,  1G03,  fol.).  He  sent  it  to 
his  relative,  Reginald  Pole,  then  living  in  Italy,  who,  in  reply,  published  the  violent  work, 
Pro  Unitatis  ecclesiasticae  Defensione,  1535,  and  was  made  Cardinal  for  it,  1536.  It  ap- 
peared, Romae,  1539,  fol.  ;  an  account  of  it  in  Schelhornii  Amoenitates  Hist.  Eccl.,  i.  1  ss. 

22  Compare  the  Preface  of  the  King  to  the  Biblia  Latina,  of  which  he  had  an  edition 
published,  1535 :  Nos  itaque  considerantes  id  erga  Deum  officii,  quo  suscepisse  cognos- 
cimur,  ut  in  Regno  simus,  sicut  anima  in  corpore,  et  sol  in  mundo,  utque  loco  Dei  judi- 
cium exerceamus  in  Regno  nostro,  et  omnia  in  potestate  habentes,  quoad  jurisdictionem, 
ipsam  etiam  Ecclesiam  vice  Dei  sedulo  regamus  ac  tueamur,  et  disciplinae  ejus,  sive  au- 
geatur,  aut  solvatur,  nos  ei  rationem  reddituri  simus,  qui  nobis  earn  credidit,  et  in  eo  Dei 
vicem  agentes,  Deique  habentes  imaginem,  quid  aliud  vel  cogitare — potuimus,  quam  ut 
eodem  confugeremus,  ubi  certo  discendum  esset,  caet.  Coins,  with  Latin,  Greek,  and 
Hebrew  inscriptions :  Henricus  VIII.  Angliae  Franc,  et  Hib.  Rex  in  terr.  Eccles.  Angl. 
et  Hib.  sub  Christo  caput  supremum.     See  Biblioth.  Anglaise,  xiv.  18  ss. 

23  There  were  several  monks,  especially  Carthusians  ;  then  Fisher,  Bishop  of  Roches- 
ter, 22d  June,  1535  (Burnet,  i.  192),  Thomas  More,  6th  July,  1535  (Eudhart's  Thomas 
More,  s.  398). 

24  Joh.  Fryth,  burned  in  London  (see  above,  Note  7),  June  22,  1533.  In  153G  twelve 
German  Anabaptists  were  burned  (Foxe,  p.  114) ;  in  1538  Jo.  Lambert,  for  denying 
transubstantiation  (Foxe,  146).  [In  1538  the  Sacramentarians  persecuted.  Harding 
and  Hewett  were  burned.]  2S  His  powers  in  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii.  784. 


328  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

May  19,  1536,  and  Jane  Seymour,  who  died  Oct.  24,  1537,  easily 
gained  the  ear  of  the  King  against  the  monks,  who  were  the  most 
zealous  adherents  of  the  Pope.  The  cloisters  were  subjected  to  a 
visitation26  in  1535 ;  the  smaller  ones  were  then  confiscated  ;27 
and  at  last,  after  a  revolt,  set  on  foot  by  some  monks,  1536,28  they 
were  all  abolished,29  and  their  pious  frauds  exposed  to  the  gaze  of 
the  people.30  To  confirm  the  position  that  neither  the  papacy  nor 
monasticism  was  instituted  by  Christ,  the  Bible  was  diffused  in 
the  mother  tongue,  1538,31  and  recognized  as  the  only  source  of 

16  Burnet,  i.  105.  Instructions  for  the  Visitors,  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii.  786.  Burnet,  i., 
App.,  p.  75. 

27  Immediately  after  the  Visitation  many  of  the  cloisters  were  given  up  to  the  King 
by  their  occupants.  First,  the  cloister  of  the  Premonstrants,  in  Langdon,  the  Abbot  of 
which  had  been  surprised  in  company  with  a  prostitute.  In  the  document,  Nov.  13, 
1535  (in  Rymer,  xiv.  555),  the  Abbot  and  Convent  themselves  declare  :  Domus — statum 
— considerantes,  quod  nisi  celeri  remedio  Regia  provisione  huic  monasterio — brevi  suc- 
curratur  et  provideatur,  fuuditus  in  spiritualibus  et  temporalibus  adnihiletur,  dedimus 
et  concessimus — Illustrissimo  Principi — Henrico  VIII. — dictum  Monasterium,  caet.  A 
list  of  cloisters  given  up  in  the  same  form  (1.  c,  p.  557).  In  other  deeds  resigning  the 
propertj'  it  is  said  (Burnet,  i.,  App.,  p.  86) :  Quandoquidem — serio  perpendimus,  totam 
vivendi  rationem,  quam  nos  et  Religio  nostra  hactenus  observavimus, — potissimum  in 
certis  quibusdam  ceremoniis  et  constitutionibus  Episcopi  Romani — consistere,  illasque 
solummodo  urgeri,  nee  veram  legis  divinae  cognitionem  ostendi, — submittentes  nos  ip- 
sos  potissimum  exteris  Potestatibus,  quibus  nunquam  curae  erat  eos  corrigere  errores  et 
abusus,  qui  nunc  inter  nos  regnare  deprehensi  sunt,  caet.  Or  :  Quandoquidem — serio  ad 
animum  revocavimus,  perfectionem  vitae  christianae  non  consistere  in  ceremoniis,  tuni- 
ca alba,  larvis,  nutationibus,  gestatione  cuculli,  aliisque  hujusmodi  pontificiis  cere- 
moniis, quibus  nos  hactenus  potissimum  exercuimus  ;  sed  veram  viam  Deo  placendi, — 
sincere  nobis  a  domino  nostro  Jesu  Christo,  ejus  Evangelistis,  et  Apostolis  ostensam 
esse  ;  nos  imposterum  eandem  secuturi,  et  ad  voluntatem  supremi  nostri  sub  Deo  in  ter- 
ra capitis  et  Regis  nos  ipsos  conformaturi,  neque  superstitiosas  potestatis  alicujus  exte- 
rae  traditiones  observaturi, — renunciamus,  caet.  As  a  result  of  the  decree  of  Parliament, 
1536,  for  the  suppression  of  monasteries  that  had  less  than  twelve  occupants  (Burnet,  i. 
110),  376  were  abolished. 

28  First  in  the  countj'  of  Lincoln  ;  Burnet,  i.  129. 

29  In  the  form  of  resigning  them ;  however,  this  was  in  part  forced ;  Burnet,  i.  133. 
The  Parliament  confirmed,  in  May,  1539,  all  these  resignations  (1.  c,  p.  146),  and  con- 
fiscated, in  1540,  the  property  of  the  Johannite  Order  (p.  154). 

30  Burnet,  i.  136. 

31  This  had  been  alreadj*  set  on  foot  in  1534  (see  Cone.  Mag.  Brit.,  iii.  776),  and  in  1536 
(Burnet,  I.  iii.),  by  the  provincial  Sjmod  of  Canterbury,  on  the  proposal  of  Cranmer. 
The  publishing  was  at  first  begun  in  Paris,  but  destroyed  before  its  completion  (Sleida- 
nus,  1.  xii.,  ed.  am  Elide,  ii.  124) ;  then  again  printed  in  London  (Le  Long  Biblioth. 
Sacra,  ii.  325).  At  the  same  time  appeared  a  royal  order  (Burnet,  i.,  App.,  p.  101. 
Gerdes,  iv.,  App.,  p.  186)  that  the  parish  priests  should  so  put  up  this  English  Bible  in 
the  churches  that  it  could  be  read  by  all,  and  should  exhort  to  the  reading  of  it :  ita  ta- 
men  ut  sedulo  moneas,  ut  omnes  vitent  altercationes  et  litigia,  atque  in  pervestigando 
vero  sensu  honesta  utantur  sobrietate,  explicationemque  locorum  obscurorum  viris  in 
Scriptura  sacra  exercitatis  relinquant.  Every  four  months  there  must  be  preaching  at 
least  once  in  every  church,  in  which  should  be  proclaimed,  pure  et  sincere  verum 
Christi  Evangelium,  and  the  people  exhorted — ad  opera  caritatis,  misericordiae  et  fidei  in 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  26.  HENRY  VIII.         329 

doctrine.32  While  the  way  was  thus  opening  for  the  knowledge 
of  a  purer  faith,  the  separation  from  Rome  was  made  remediless 
by  the  bull  of  excommunication  issued  by  Paul  III.,  Dec.  7, 
1538,33  who  had  hitherto  refrained  in  the  hope  of  yet  gaining  the 
King.  Yet  Henry  was  still  very  far  behind  the  principles  of  the 
Gf erman  Reformation  ;  his  relation  to  the  German  Protestant  rul- 
ers was  merely  an  external  one,  founded  in  their  common  interest 
against  the  Pope.31  By  the  bloody  statute  of  July  28, 1539,35  lim- 
its were  imposed  upon  the  Reformation.  A  Catechism,  The  Insti- 
tution of  a  Christian  Man,  1537  (new  edition,  15*40),  explained 
to  the  people  the  royal  system  of  belief:36  all  who  went  beyond 

Scriptura  man  data ;  and  be  taught — non  fidendum  esse  in  ullis  aliis  hominum  arbitrio 
extra  Scripturas  excogitatis  operibus,  peregrinationibus  religiosis,  oblatione  nummorum, 
candelarum,  vel  cereorum,  imagiuibus  ac  reliquiis,  vel  earundem  deosculatione,  recita- 
tione  certarum  precum,  caet. 

32  As  early  as  1536  Cromwell  had  proposed  a  Convocation  in  the  name  of  the  King 
(Burnet,  i.  122),  ut  ritus  et  ceremoniae  ecclesiasticae  ad  normam  Scripturae  sacrae  cor- 
rigantur, — absurdum  namque  esse,  potius  ad  glossas  et  Pontificum  decreta,  quam  ipsam 
Scripturam,  quae  sola  religionis  leges  contineat,  recurrere.  In  consequence,  Articles  of 
Reformation  were  agreed  upon  by  the  Convocation,  and  modified  and  decreed  by  the 
King  (Burnet,  1.  c.  ;  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii.  817)  :  I.  All  were  to  believe  the  Holy  Scriptures 
and  the  three  oecumenical  symbols.  II.  Against  the  Anabaptists.  III.  Repentance 
consists  in  contritio,  confessio,  and  emendatio  vitae.  With  contrition  must  be  joined  faith 
in  God's  grace,  so  that  the  forgiveness  of  sin  is  not  to  be  looked  for  from  one's  own  mer- 
it, but  from  the  merits  of  Christ.  Priestlj'  absolution  and  auricular  confession  are  rec- 
ognized. IV.  Transubstantiation.  V.  Necessity  of  good  works,  which,  however,  are 
wrought  within  the  soul  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  VI.  Images  are  means  of  edification,  but 
are  not  to  be  worshiped.  VII.  From  saints  can  not  be  received  any  thing  that  can  not 
be  received  from  God  alone  ;  their  virtues  are  to  be  imitated,  and  they  may  be  invoked 
for  their  intercessions,  yet  without  superstition.  VIII.  Ritual  and  ceremonies  of  worship 
the  people  are  to  regard,  not  as  necessary,  but  as  useful.  IX.  To  pray  for  souls  in  pur- 
gatory, and  to  do  this  in  the  mass,  and  to  give  alms,  is  accordant  with  Christian  love. 
But  it  is  a  superstition  that  papal  indulgences  and  masses,  read  at  certain  places,  are 
of  any  special  avail  there.     [Comp.  C.  Hardwick,  Art.  Relig.,  new  ed.,  1859.] 

33  It  was  made  out  Aug.  30,  1535  (Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii.  792),  but  suspended  and  pro- 
claimed Dec.  7,  1538  (1.  c.,  p.  840).     See  it  in  Burnet,  i.,  App.,  p.  93. 

3i  The  letter  of  the  Smalcald  confederates,  Feb.  16,  1531  (Melanthonis  Opp.,  ed.  Bret- 
schneider,  ii.  477),  he  answered  in  a  friendly  way.  referring  to  their  errors,  Maj-  3  (Seck- 
endorf  Coram,  de  Lutheranismo,  iii.  13). — On  the  negotiations,  1535,  1538,  see  above, 
Div.  I.,  §  7,  Note  24. 

35  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iii.  848.  Burnet,  i.  145.  Ranke's  Zeitalter  d.  Reform.,  v.  158.  It 
consisted  of  VI.  Articles  :  I.  Transubstantiation  confirmed  ;  II.  Communio  sub  utraque 
needless;  III.  Priests,  after  consecration,  can  not  marry,  divina  lege;  IV.  Vows  of 
chastity,  V.  Private  masses,  and,  VI.  Auricular  confession,  are  confirmed.  Those  who 
disobeyed  these  articles  were  to  bo  punished,  in  most  cases,  by  death  and  confiscation  of 
property. — Comp.  the  opinion  of  the  Wittenberg  divines  on  this  edict,  Oct.  23,  1539,  in 
Bretschneider,  iii.  797  ;  and  Melancthon's  letter,  Nov.  1,  to  the  King,  by  request  of  the 
Elector,  full  of  the  most  earnest  representations  against— Edictum  contra  piam  doctrinam 
et  Ecclesiae  necessariam,  quam  profitemur,  editum,  1.  c,  p.  804.     Seckcndorf,  iii.  226. 

36  On  the  first  edition,  see  Neal's  Hist.  Puritans,  i.  33  ;  on  the  second,  wholly  revised, 
Burnet,  i.  159.    (The  theological  controversy  on  the  sacraments  that;  here  sprung  up, 


330  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

it,37  as  well  as  those  who  did  not  come  up  to  it,  were  executed  ;38 
even  Cromwell's  head  fell,  July  20,  1540.39  Only  Cranmer,  under 
these  difficult  circumstances,  was  able  to  maintain  the  confidence 
of  the  King.40  The  theological  despot  at  first  believed  that  by 
making  the  Scriptures  free  he  would  gain  the  convictions  of  the 
people  in  favor  of  his  doctrines  ;41  but  he  soon  found  out  his  error, 
and  limited  the  reading  of  them  to  those  in  high  life,  1543.42 

In  Ireland  the  ecclesiastical  decrees  of  Henry  were  also  pro- 
claimed ;  but  they  met  with  invincible  hinderances  from  the  rude 
culture  of  the  clergy  and  people,  and  the  opposition  of  the  latter 
to  the  English  rule.43 

§  27. 

UNDER  EDWARD  VI.  (f  July  6,  1553)  AND  MARY  (f  Nov.  17,  1558). 

Edward  VI.  came  to  the  throne  at  the  age  of  nine  years.  A 
regency  was  formed,  with  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  as  Protector,  at 
the  head,  in  which  the  Reforming  party  had  the  majority.1    Cran- 

in  the  App.,  p.  112.)  A  third  edition,  1543,  is  said  to  deviate  again  from  the  second 
(Gerdes,  Hist.  Ref.,  iv.  31G). 

37  In  a  short  time  after  this  statute  500  persons  were  imprisoned,  among  them  Bish- 
ops Shakton,  of  Salisbury,  and  Latimer,  of  Worcester,  who  were  compelled  to  resign 
(Burnet,  i.  149).  The  executions  began  after  Cromwell's  fall.  Three  preachers  were 
executed  July  30,  1540 ;  one  of  them  was  Robert  Barnes,  who  had  treated  with  Me- 
lancthon  in  1535  as  the  King's  envoy  (Burnet,  i.  163  ss.).  Luther  published  in  German 
an  account  of  this  martyr's  death  (Walch's  ed.,  Th.  xxi.,  App.,  s.  186).  Among  the 
later  executions,  that  of  Anna  Askew,  1546,  made  a  great  excitement ;  Foxe,  p.  184 ; 
Gerdes,  iv.  334.  [In  Henry's  reign  the  victims  were  two  queens,  two  archbishops,  eight 
bishops,  thirteen  abbots,  five  hundred  monks,  thirtj-  nobles,  and  four  hundred  others.] 

28  With  Barnes  two  papists  were  also  executed  (Burnet,  i.  164). 

39  Foxe,  p.  154.    Burnet,  i.  154. 

40  He  was  accused  1543  (Burnet,  i.  179),  and  1546  (1.  c,  p.  187). 

41  In  May,  1542,  the  order  was  renewed  for  setting  up  the  English  Bible  in  the  churches 
for  the  use  of  the  laity  (Burnet,  i.,  App.,  p.  134),  but  with  the  notice  that  this  was  not 
lit  aliquis  ex  laicis,  Biblia  sacra  legens,  ullam  disputationem,  vel  mysteriorum  divino- 
rum  expositionem  instituere  praesumat ;  sed  ut  quivis  laicus  cum  humilitate,  mansuetu- 
dine  et  reverentia  pro  sua  instructione,  aedificatione  et  vitae  emendatione — ea  legat. 

42  Burnet,  i.  177.  In  the  order  it  is  said :  Quemvis  nobilem  posse  curare,  ut  Biblia 
in  aedibus  suis  placide  et  sine  turbis  legantur.  Cuivis  mercatori,  si  sit  paterfamilias, 
eadem  legere  licitum  esse :  mulieribus  vero,  opificibus  tironibus,  artificibus  servis,  aliis- 
que  servis,  imo  etiam  agricolis  vel  colonis  minime. 

43  See  Primordia  Reformationis  Hibernicae,  in  Gerdesii  Miscellanea  Groning.,  vii.  1 
(translated  from  the  English,  The  Phenix,  2  vols.,  Lond.,  1707. 1708.  8.),  p.  120  ss.  [The 
Irish  Parliament  in  1537  recognized  the  ecclesiastical  supremacy  of  Henry,  though 
Archbishop  Cromer,  of  Armagh  (f  1543),  resisted.  Relics  and  images  were  banished, 
but  no  spiritual  reform  effected.  Dorodull,  Cromer's  successor,  opposed  all  innovations. 
Bishop  Bale,  of  Ossory,  preached  more  decisive  reforms,  1553.] 

1  Burnet,  ii.  26. 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  27.  EDWARD  VI.  33 1 

mer  called  Peter  Martyr  and  Bernh.  Ochino2  to  Oxford,  1547,  and 
Martin  Bucer  and  Paul  Fagius  to  Cambridge,  1549,  in  order,  with 
their  help,  to  introduce  the  Reformation.3  The  basis  was  laid  in 
the  Book  of  Homilies,  1547,4  the  new  English  Liturgy  (the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer,  1548,  revised  1552),5  and  the  Forty-two  Arti- 
cles, 1552.6  Catechisms7  were  prepared  for  instruction  in  schools. 
As  Cranmer  went  to  work  with  great  prudence,  and  endeavored, 
as  far  as  possible,  to  harmonize  the  conflicting  views,  he  did  not 

2  See  Div.  L,  §  19,  Notes  14,  15,  27,  28. 

3  Immediately  after  Henry's  death  images  were  taken  down  in  many  places,  and  the 
proceedings  favored  by  those  in  high  places ;  Burnet,  ii.  6.  In  1547  the  Communion 
under  both  kinds  was  restored,  and  private  masses  abolished  (1.  c,  p.  27).  In  March, 
1547,  a  decree  of  Parliament  allowed  the  marriage  of  priests,  although  pure  celibacy 
was  said  to  be  much  more  appropriate  for  priests  (p.  59) ;  this  was  misinterpreted  as 
though  it  meant  that  the  marriage  of  priests  was  only  connived  at,  while  really  invalid, 
and  was  met  by  a  law  of  1552,  declaring  such  marriages  legal,  and  the  children-born 
in  marriage ;  p.  128. — The  question  about  the  Lord's  Supper  gave  rise  to  much  excite- 
ment. Henry  VIII.  had  laid  great  stress  upon  transubstantiation  ;  many  had  been  ex- 
ecuted for  denying  it.  The  question  was  now  started  in  the  two  universities  anew  by 
the  foreign  divines.  Peter  Martyr  taught  Zwingle's  doctrine  ;  Bucer  maintained  an  in- 
termediate opinion,  between  Luther  and  Zwingle,  resembling  that  of  Calvin.  The  for- 
mer held  a  disputation  about  it  in  Oxford,  May,  1549 ;  in  Cambridge  the  disputation 
followed  in  June,  1549 ;  Burnet,  ii.  71. 

*  Twelve  homilies  by  Cranmer,  Latimer,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  and  Ridley,  Bishop  of 
Rochester;  Burnet,  ii.  18;  Nichols,  Defensio  Eccl.  Anglic,  P.  ii.  c.  14,  p.  326.  [Cran- 
mer probably  wrote  the  3d  Homily,  on  the  Salvation  of  Mankind ;  Gardiner  ascribed  it 
to  him,  and  he  did  not  deny  it.  Becon  and  Hopkins  also  wrote  a  part ;  Becon  wrote  the 
11th  in  three  parts  ;  see  his  Works.  The  best  edition  of  the  Homilies  is  by  Professor 
Corrie,  1850.] 

5  Burnet,  ii.  47  ss.,  102,  113.  Neal's  Hist.  Puritans,  i.  GC.  At  first  the  vestments  of 
the  Catholic  priests  were  retained;  when  Hooper,  chosen  Bishop  of  Gloucester  1550, 
refused  to  wear  them,  he  was  kept  in  durance  for  a  time.  The  whole  Liturgy,  however, 
was  subjected  to  a  new  revision,  in  which  Bucer  co-operated,  especially  by  his  Censura 
super  Libro  Sacrorum  (in  Ejusd.  Scriptis  Anglicanis  Basil.,  1577,  fol.,  p.  456).  The  re- 
sult was  given  in  the  Second  Pra3'er-book,  1552,  by  which  the  use  of  consecrated  oil, 
prayers  for  the  dead,  auricular  confession,  and  the  sign  of  the  cross,  were  abolished. 
From  this  time  the  clergy  ceased  to  wear  the  vestments  of  Catholic  priests. 

6  Burnet,  ii.  111.  ^The  Latin  text,  in  App.,  p.  123  [in  the  German  edition],  is  a  new 
translation  from  the  English,  made  by  the  translator  of  Burnet's  work,  who  overlooked 
the  fact  that  these  Articles  have  an  official  Latin  text,  which  is  given  in  the  Cone.  Mag. 
Brit.,  iv.  73,  and  also,  after  a  Zurich  edition  of  1553,  in  Niemeyer  Collectio  Confessio- 
num  in  Ecclesiis  Reform,  publicatarum,  p.  592. 

7  Cranmer's  Catechism,  1548  (Burnet,  ii.  47),  was  the  Catechism  of  Justus  Jonas, 
translated  into  English  (see  Foxe,  Eerum  in  Ecclcsia  gestarum  Coram.,  p.  418),  and  there- 
fore contains  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Eucharist,  which  Cranmer  then  received ;  see 
Fortges.  Sammlung  von  A.  u.  N.  theol.  Sachen,  1731,  s.  97.  Kocher's  Catechet.  Ge- 
schichte  der  Ref.  Kirchen,  Jena,  1756,  s.  Gl.  He  afterward  adopted  the  Calvinistic  view, 
which  is  expressed  in  the  XIII.  Articles  and  the  Catechism  of  1553  (Eanke,  Reform., 
v.  1G5).  This  last,  the  basis  of  the  Church  Catechism,  was  probably  written  by  John 
Pointer,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  was  accepted  by  the  King,  May,  1553  (Cone.  M. 
Brit.,  iv.  79) ;  see  Kocher,  s.  G7  If. 


332  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

fully  satisfy  any  one  party.8  However,  lie  had  against  him  not 
only  many  opponents,9  but  also  ecclesiastical  abuses  difficult  to  be 
eradicated.10     Besides,  the  people  were  not  yet  ripe  for  thorough- 

8  Calvin,  who  had  made  proposals  to  the  Protector  about  a  Reformation  in  a  long 
epistle  (Epistol.,  ed.  Genev.,  1575,  p.  65;  in  the  original  French  in  Calvin's  Leben,  by 
Henry,  Bd.  2,  Beilagen,  s.  26),  wrote  to  Cranmer  (Epistt,  p.  101):  Conjecti  sunt  in  te 
bonae  partis  oculi,  vel  ut  tuum  motum  sequantur,  vel  ut  cessationis  tuae  praetextu  tor- 
peant.  Atque  utinam  te  duce  aliquanto  longius  jam  ante  triennium  progressi  forent, 
ne  tantum  hodie  negotii  crassis  superstitionibus  tollendis  ac  certaminum  restaret.  Fa- 
teor  equidem,  ex  quo  serio  refloruit  Evangelium  in  Anglia,  intra  breve  tempus  non  par- 
vas  accessiones  esse  factas.  .Verum  si  reputas,  et  quid  adhuc  desit,  et  quam  nimis  fuerit 
in  multis  rebus  cessatum,  non  est  quod  remissius  ad  metam,  quasi  magna  stadii  parte 
confecta,  properes. — Ut  libere  loquar,  magnopere  vereor, — ue  tot  cunctando  transigan- 
fcur  autumni,  ut  perpetuae  tandem  hiemis  frigus  succedat.  Jam  aetas  quo  magis  ingra- 
vescit,  acrius  te  stimulate  debet,  ne,  si  rebus  confusis  e  mundo  sit  migrandum,  magna 
te  ex  conscientia  tarditatis  anxietas  constringat.  Res  confusas  appello :  quia  sic  cor- 
rectae  sunt  externae  superstitiones,  ut  residui  maneant  innumeri  surculi,  qui  assidue 
pullulent.  Imo  ex  corruptelis  Papatus  audio  relictam  esse  congeriem,  quae  non  obscu- 
ret  modo,  sed  propemodum  obruat  purum  et  genuinum  Dei  cultum,  caet.  His  opinion 
on  the  English  Liturgy  is  given,  in  a  letter — ad  Anglos  Francfordenses,  dd.  18.  Jan., 
1555  (1.  c,  p.  158)  :  In  Anglicana  liturgia,  qualem  describitis,  multas  video  fuisse  tole- 
rabiles  ineptias.  His  duobus  verbis  exprimo,  non  fuisse  earn  puritatem,  quae  optanda 
fuerat. 

9  At  their  head  was  the  Princess  Mary,  who  held  fast  to  her  Catholic  private  worship 
(Burnet,  ii.  68  s.,  115  ss.),  and  the  bishops  Gardiner  of  Winchester,  and  Bonner  of 
London.  They  insisted  upon  it  that  no  changes  should  be  made  during  the  minority 
of  the  King  (comp.  on  Mary,  Burnet,  ii.  26,  App.,  p.  71).  Bonner  was  deposed  on  this 
account  in  1549  (Burnet,  ii.  81),  Gardiner  in  1551  (1.  c,  p.  110). 

10  See  Epistola  (Buceri)  ad  Calvinum,  dd.  Cantabrig.  d.  Pentec,  1550  (in  Calvini 
Epistt.,  p.  96) :  Res  Christi  hie  quoque  geritur,  ut,  nisi  Dominus  innocentissimum  et  re- 
ligiosissimum  Regem  et  alios  aliquot  pios  homines  singulari  respiciat  dementia,  valde 
verendum  sit,  ne  horrenda  Dei  ira  brevi  et  in  hoc  Regnum  exardescat.  Inter  Episcopos 
hactenus  de  Christi  doctrina  convenire  non  potuit,  multo  minus  de  disciplina.  Paucis- 
simae  Parochiae  idoneos  habent  Pastores,  pleraeque  venundatae  sunt  Nobilibus :  sunt 
etiam  ex  ecclesiastico  Ordine,  atque  ex  iis  quoque  qui  Evangelici  videri  volunt,  qui  tres 
aut  quatuor  atque  plures  Parochias  tenent,  nee  uni  ministrant,  sed  sufficiunt  sibi  eos, 
qui  minimo  se  conduci  patiuntur,  plerumque  qui  nee  Anglice  legere  possunt,  quique 
corde  puri  puti  Papistae  sunt.  Et  Primores  quidem  regni  multis  Parochiis  praefecerunt 
eos,  qui  in  coenobiis  fuerunt,  ut  pensione  eis  persolvenda  se  liberarent,  qui  sunt  indoc- 
tissimi,  et  ad  sacrum  ministerium  ineptissimi.  Hinc  invenias  Parochias,  in  quibus  ali- 
quot annis  nulla  sit  habita  concio.  Quid  autem  nudis  edictis  et  r^motione  instrumento- 
rum  superstitionum  proiici  queat  ad  regni  Christi  restitutionem,  non  ignoratis.  Utraque 
hie  Academia  habet  permulta  egregia  collegia. — Sed  ea  pridem  inolevit  conniventia,  et 
hoc  maxime  tempore  ita  est  corroborata,  ut  multo  maxima  pars  collegarum  sint  vel 
acerbissimi  Papistae,  vel  dissoluti  Epicurei,  qui  quantum  possunt  juventutem  ad  sua 
studia  pertrahunt,  et  odio  imbuunt  sanae  Christi  doctrinae  atque  disciplinae.  Atqui 
nostri  quoque  adeo  sunt  parci  concionum  suarum,  ut  per  totam  Quadragesimam  excepto 
uno  aut  altero  dominico  die, — in  die  ipso  memoriae  mortis  Christi  ac  etiam  resurrectio- 
nis,  ncque  hodie  ullam  populo  concionem  dederint.  Interim  plerique  Parochorum  sic 
sacra  recitant  et  administrant,  ut  populus  tantundem  de  Christi  mysteriis  intelligat,  at- 
que si  adhuc  Latina  et  non  vernacula  lingua  uterentur.  Cum  vero  de  hac  tam  horrenda 
Ecclesiarum  deformitate  querelae  deferuntur  a  Sanctis  hominibus  ad  regni  Proceres,  di- 
cunt,  his  malis  mederi  esse  Episcoporum :  cum  deferunt  ad  Episcopos  Evangelium  pri- 
dem professos,  respondent  illi,  se  ista  emendare  non  posse,  nisi  publica  regni  constitutio 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  27.  EDWARD  VI.         333 

going  reforms  ;n  preachers  must  first  be  trained,  that  through 
them  the  Reformation  might  strike  its  roots  in  men's  minds.12 
Cranmer  was  not  permitted  to  complete  his  work  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  newly  revised  ecclesiastical  statutes  ;13  for  Edward  VI. 
died,  July  6,  1553,  and  all  the  hopes  of  the  friends  of  the  Refor- 
mation seemed  to  expire  with  him. 

Mary,  who  succeeded,  did  not  long  keep  the  promise  which  she 
made  on  ascending  the  throne — not  to  use  coercion  in  matters  of 
religion.14  The  married  clergy  were  first  dislodged.  The  Church 
was  to  be  restored  to  the  state  in  which  it  was  at  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  Henry  VIII.15     Union  with  Rome  was  again  effected ; 

de  eo  fiat.  The  same  complaints,  see  in  Buceri  De  Re  Vestiaria  in  Sacris  Responsum 
(Ejusd.  Scripta  Anglicana  Basil.,  1577,  fol.,  p.  705).  This  picture  can  be  completed  from 
Petri  Martyris  Epist.  ad  H.  Bullingerum,  dd.  1.  Jun.,  1550,  in  Burnet,  iii.,  App.,  p.  199 
(e.  g.,  Permulta  certe  sunt,  quae  nobis  obstant,  cumprimis  adversariorum  copia,  concio- 
iiatorum  inopia,  et  eorum  qui  profitentur  Evangelium  crassa  vitia,  et  quorundam  prae- 
terea  humana  prudentia,  qui  judicant  religionem  quidem  repurgandam,  sed  ita  vellent 
demutari  quam  minime  fieri  possit,  quod,  cum  animo  sint  et  judicio  civiles  (politicians), 
existimant  maximos  motus  reipublicae  fore  perniciosos) ;  and  Pauli  Fagii  Epistt.  ad 
Marbachium,  dd.  26.  Apr.  and  29.  Jul.,  1549,  in  Jo.  Fechtii  Hist.  Eccl.  saec.  XVI.  sup- 
plementum,  plurimorum  Theologorum  Epistolis  ad  Marbachios  constans,  Durlaci,  1684. 
4.  Epistt.,  p.  8  and  11.  (E.  g.,  Putant,  vix  decern  Concionatores  in  toto  Regno  Angliae 
extare,  qui  aliquid  praestare  possint. — Non  tantum  rari  sunt  hie  concionatores,  sed  etiam 
apud  ipsos  concionatores  rarissimae  conciones  aut  plane  nullae.  Interim  tamen  habent 
magnas,  multas  et  pingues  praebendas,  et  sunt  magni  domini :  satis  esse  putant,  in  con- 
viviis  et  colloquiis  posse  aliquid  de  Evangelio  nugari,  captiosas  ac  curiosas  quaestiuncu- 
las  movere,  cui  vitio  video  Anglicam  gentem  admodum  obnoxiam.  In  summa  luditur 
cum  Christo,  cum  sancto  Evangelio,  et  Ecclesia  ejus. — Nos  libenter  faceremus,  quicquid 
possemus :  sed  quia  linguam  ignoramus,  non  videmus,  quomodo  multum  prodesse  possi- 
mus  :  neque  enim  concionari,  neque  cum  hominibus  loqui  valemus.) 

11  The  insurrections  in  several  provinces  were,  for  the  most  part,  against  the  oppres- 
sions of  the  nobility ;  but  those  that  revolted  in  Devonshire  (1549)  demanded,  in  fifteen 
articles,  a  restitution  of  the  old  doctrines  and  order  of  the  Church  (Burnet,  ii.  76).  After 
this,  too,  many  persons  refrained  from  taking  part  in  the  new  forms  of  worship,  and  ec- 
clesiastical censures  were  imposed  upon  them  by  law  (1.  c,  p.  126). 

12  On  this  account  six  able  preachers  were  made  chaplains  to  the  King  in  1550,  four 
of  whom  were  constantly  on  journeys  in  the  kingdom  to  preach  to  the  people  (Burnet, 
ii.  114). — The  ecclesiastical  laws,  drawn  up  by  Cranmer,  Tit.  vii.,  provided  that  in  every 
diocese  evangelists  should  be  appointed  for  this  object  (ibid.,  p.  131). 

13  Cranmer  had  already  mooted  the  necessity  of  this  under  Henry  VIII.,  1544  (Bur- 
net, i.  181;  App.,  p.  137).  By  a  royal  decree,  Nov.  11,  1551  (Cone.  Mag.  Brit.,  iv.  69), 
a  commission  was  established  for  this  purpose,  which  ended  the  work,  under  Cranmer's 
superintendence,  in  February,  1553;  but  its  actual  introduction  was  hindered  by  the 
death  of  the  King.  Comp.  Reformatio  Legum  Ecclesiasticarum  ex  Auctoritate  primum 
Henrici  VIII.  inchoata,  deinde  per  Regem  Eduardum  VI.  provecta  adauctaquc.  Lon- 
din.,  1640.  4. ;  Burnet,  ii.  130 ;  Gerdesii  Hist.  Ref.,  iv.  383. 

14  Burnet,  ii.  159.  (Edicts  of  August  18,  1553,  in  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iv.  86.)  Raumers 
Gesch.  Europas,  ii.  76.  The  Emperor  Charles  V.  had  also  earnestly  advised  prudence 
and  mildness ;  Raumer's  Briefe,  ii.  78. 

15  The  acts  of  a  conference  of  the  clergy,  called  by  the  Queen  for  this  object,  see  in 


334  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Reginald  Pole  appeared  as  the  papal  nuncio  in  Sept.,  1554  ;16  and 
the  Queen  was  married  to  the  fanatical  Philip  II.,  King  of  Spain, 
in  July,  1554.  With  the  year  1555  "began  such  a  terrible  perse- 
cution of  the  Reformation,17  that  even  Pole  thought  it  unwise.18 
Cranmer  fell  a  victim,  in  Oxford,  March,  1566  ;19  thousands  fled  to 
avoid  death.  The  death  of  Mary,  Nov.  17,  1558,  introduced  a 
new  order  of  things. 

§  28. 

UNDER  ELIZABETH  (f  April  3,  1603). 

The  bloody  persecutions  under  Mary  had  by  no  means  increased 
the  love  for  the  papacy  ;  yet  it  was  a  great  task  which  Elizabeth 
undertook  when  the  highest  authority  in  the  Church  was  com- 
mitted to  her  by  the  Parliament,  in  February,  1559. 1  Professing 
to  desire  full  freedom  of  conscience,  she  yet  believed  that  an  ex- 
ternal ecclesiastical  conformity  might  be  attained  without  doing 
violence  to  it ;  and  such  a  uniformity  seemed  to  her  to  be  neces- 
sary to  the  well-being  of  the  state.2  And  so  she  had  the  Liturgy 
of  Edward  VI.  made  more  acceptable  to  the  Catholics  by  some 
alterations  ;3  and  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  June,  1559,4  made  it 

Foxe  Rerura  in  Ecclesia  gestarum  Comm.,  p.  215  ss.  The  decree  of  the  Parliament  fol- 
lowed at  once ;  Burnet,  ii.  16G. 

16  The  decrees  which  Pole  drew  up  for  the  direction  of  this  reformation,  see  in  Cone. 
M.  Brit.,  iv.  792.  Libri  duo  D.  Reginaldi  Poli.  Primus  liber  de  concilio  agit,  alter  de 
Reformatione  Angliae  sancta  et  huic  aetati  valde  commoda  decreta  describit.  Dilingae, 
1562.  8.,  p.  172. 

1 7  Chiefly  under  the  lead  of  Gardiner,  Bishop  of  Winchester  and  chancellor,  who,  how- 
ever, died  Nov.  12,  1555,  and  still  more  of  Bonner,  Bishop  of  London.  The  larger  part 
of  Foxe's  Rerum  in  Ecclesia  gestarum  Comm.,  Basil.,  1550,  is  devoted  to  the  account 
of  this  persecution,  from  p.  215. 

18  Burnet,  ii.  196,  215. 

19  Foxe,  p.  708  ss.  There,  too,  Bishops  Ridley,  of  London,  and  Latimer,  of  Worcester, 
had  been  already  (1555)  burned  at  the  stake ;  Foxe,  p.  705  ;  Burnet,  ii.  209.  Hooper, 
Bishop  of  Gloucester,  was  burned  in  Gloucester,  February  8,  1555 ;  Foxe,  p.  279 ;  Bur- 
net, ii.  199.  Under  Mary  from  300  to  400  persons  were  executed  on  account  of  religion 
[28  were  burned  at  the  stake]  ;  Raumer's  Gesch.  Europas,  ii.  93. 

1  Burnet,  ii.  252.    Neal's  Hist,  of  the  Puritans,  i.  155  ff. 

2  See  the  letter  of  her  minister,  Francis  Walsingham,  to  a  French  noble,  in  Burnet, 
ii.  275. 

2  In  the  Litany  the  passages  were  struck  out  which  spoke  of  "  the  t}'ranny  of  the  Bish- 
op of  Rome,"  and  all  his  abominations  ;  and  also  the  note  that  declared  that  kneeling  at 
the  Lord's  Supper  did  not  imply  the  worship  of  the  bodil}-  presence  of  Christ.  Pictures, 
crucifixes,  vocal  and  instrumental  music,  and  the  priests'  vestments  (see  §  27,  Note  5), 
were  to  be  retained. 

*  Ncal,  i.  171. 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  28.  ELIZABETH.  335 

binding  on  all  the  churches  of  the  kingdom.  Most  of  the  Catho- 
lics did,  in  fact,  conform,  even  the  majority  of  the  lower  Catholic 
clergy ;  but  the  bishops  could  not  well  assent  to  an  order  of  things 
which  they  had  just  been  persecuting,  and  they  were  deposed.5 
Matthew  Parker,  the  former  teacher  of  the  Queen,  became  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  and  the  ecclesiastical  father  of  the  subse- 
quent English  episcopate.6     In  respect  to  doctrine,  full  freedom 

5  Of  9400  clergy,  their  benefices  were  lost  by  14  bishops,  15  heads  of  ecclesiastical 
corporations,  50  canons,  and  about  80  priests :  see  Neal,  i.  192.  Eaumer's  Gesch.  Euro- 
pas,  ii.  428. — Cf.  Nic.  Sanderi  (Saunders,  canonist  in  Oxford,  left  England,  15G0,  in  or- 
der to  work  for  the  Pope  in  regaining  his  fatherland,  died  in  1583),  De  Origine  ac  Pro- 
gressu  Schismatis  Anglicani,  lib.  iii.  (Colon.,  1585.  8.,  by  Ed.  Rishton,  also  an  English 
Catholic  priest  and  missionary,  f  1595,  who  added  the  third  book ;  often  reprinted.  I 
use  the  edition  of  Gedanus,  1698.  8.)  lib.  iii.,  p.  509 :  Praeter  pluriinos  ex  Optimatibus 
praecipuis — pars  major  inferioris  nobilitatis  erat  plane  catholica;  plebeji  quoque,  qui 
agriculturam  per  totum  regnum  exercent — novitatem  istam  inprimis  detestabantur  :  nee 
regni  illius  provinciae  aliae,  quam  quae  sunt  prope  Londinum  et  aulam,  nee  civitates 
fere,  nisi  maritimae, — ultro  haeresim  amplexabantur. — Praeter  istos  ergo  licet  caeteri 
fere  essent  corde  Catholici,  tamen  putabant  aliquousque  in  exteriori  vita  et  obediendum 
legibus,  et  regiae  voluntati  cedendum ;  et  si  quid  in  ea  re  peccetur,  id  tribuendum  Prin- 
cipi  vel  Magistratui,  et  non  sibi,  qui  judicabant  se  utcumque  hac  necessitate  excusari. 
Venerunt  quoque  in  hanc  ipsam  sententiam  nonnulli  ex  inferiori  Clero  Presbyteri  et 
Parochi,  Ecclesiarumque  cathedralium  vel  collegiatarum  Canonici  non  pauci,  qui  ex 
animo  sectam  damnabant,  et  aliquamdiu  etiam  a  faciendis  istis  novis  officiis  propter  con- 
scientiam  abstinebant. — Sed  cum  Elizabetha  paulo  post — visitationem  Cleri  fecisset,  ac 
in  Parochos,  qui  ritus  parlamentarios  in  Parochiis  suis — non  obibant,  diligenter  inquisi- 
visset ;  plurimi  metu  amissionis  bonorum  et  officiorum  ad  nova  ista  sacra  se  accommo- 
dabant. — Atque  ita  vel  vi  vel  arte  factum  est,  ut  maxima  Catholicorum  pars  usque  adeo 
his  primis  initiis — hostibus  paulatim  cederet,  ut  Schismaticorum  Ecclesias,  conciones, 
communionem  ac  conventicula  aliquaudo  publice  adire  non  recusarent.  Ita  tamen,  ut 
interim  Missas  secreto  domi  per  eosdem  saepe  Presbyteros,  qui  adulterina  haereticorum 
sacra  in  templis  publice  peragebant,  aliquando  per  alios  non  ita  schismate  contamina- 
tos,  celebrari  curarent,  saepeque  et  mensae  Domini,  ac  calicis  Daemoniorum,  hoc  est 
sacrosanctae  Eucharistiae  et  coenae  Calvinicae,  uno  eodemque  die,  illo  luctuoso  tempore 
participes  fierent.  Imo  quod  magis  mirum  ac  miserum  erat,  Sacerdos  nonnumquam  pri- 
us  rem  sacram  domi  faciens,  deferebat  pro  Catholicis,  quos  ipse  id  desiderare  cognove- 
rat,  hostias  secundum  formam  ab  Ecclesia  usitatam  consecratas,  quas  eodem  tempore 
iisdem  dispensabat,  quo  panes  haereticorum  ritu  confectos  caeteris  catholicae  fidei  minus 
studiosis  distribuebat. 

6  He  was  consecrated  by  bishops'driven  away  under  Mary,  December  17, 1559,  in  the 
chapel  of  Lambeth  Palace.  His  consecrator  was  Barlow,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells, 
who  had  been  himself  consecrated  under  Henry  VIII.,  and  now,  returned  from  his  exile 
in  Emden,  was  appointed  Bishop  of  Chichester.  Three  bishops  assisted  him.  The  va- 
lidity of  this  ordination,  not  sanctioned  by  the  Pope,  nor  made  according  to  the  Roman 
rite,  was  at  once  contested  in  numerous  Catholic  controversial  writings  published  in 
Belgium  against  the  English  Church.  But  the  Jesuit,  Christopher  Holywood  (De  in- 
vestiganda  Vera  et  Invisibili  Christi  Ecclesia,  Antwerp,  1G04,  p.  68),  first  related  the 
sorry  fable  that  Parker  and  the  other  bishops,  not  being  able  to  get  a  bishop,  were  not 
consecrated,  but  appointed  in  a  ridiculous  manner  to  the  office,  by  an  apostate  monk,  at 
the  Nag's-Head  Tavern  in  Cheapside.  In  spite  of  all  the  refutations  from  authentic  doc- 
uments, this  calumny  was  often  repeated  by  Catholic  writers ;  and  when  P.  F.  Le  Cou- 
rayer  defended  the  validity  of  the  English  ordinations  (Dissertation  sur  la  Validite  des 


336  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

of  conscience  was  allowed  to  the  laity ;  the  clergy,  in  convocation, 
adopted  as  the  doctrinal  basis  the  XXXIX.  Articles,  reduced  from 
the  XLII.  of  Edward  VI,  January  23,  1563  ;7  this  was  not  con- 
firmed by  Parliament  until  April,  1571.8  Thus  was  formed  the 
Episcopal  Church  of  England — an  attempt  to  separate  from  the 
errors  of  the  Romish  Church  without  giving  up  the  Catholic 
priesthood.  In  consequence  of  this  it  came  into  a  wavering  me- 
dium between  Catholicism  and  Protestantism,  now  recognizing 
the  Holy  Scriptures  as  the  only  source  of  doctrine,  and  again  see- 
ing itself  forced  to  concede  a  lawgiving  authority  to  the  tradition 
of  the  older  Church.9 

Since  no  change  could  be  effected  in  the  course  of  ecclesiastical 
affairs,  either  by  papal  threats  or  papal  promises,10  Pius  V.  at 

Ordinations  cles  Anglois  et  sur  la  Succession  des  Eveques  de  l'Eglise  Anglicane,  a  Brux- 
elles  ;  really  at  Nancy,  1723.  8.),  he  was  so  persecuted  by  the  Jesuits  that  he  had  to  take 
refuge  in  England.  See  Relation  hist,  et  apologetique  des  sentimens  et  de  la  conduite 
du  P.  le  Courayer,  2  T.,  a  Amsterdam,  1729.  8.  Olai  Kiorningii  Coram,  qua  nobilissi- 
ma  Controversia  de  Consecrationibus  Episcoporum  Anglorum  recensetur  et  dijudicatur. 
Helmstadii,  1739.  4.  [Comp.  Palmer  on  the  Church,  vol.  ii. ;  S.  Seabury,  Continuitj" 
of  Church  of  England,  New  York,  1853 ;  Brown's  Story  of  the  Ordination  Examined, 
1731.] 

7  See  these  Articles  in  Benthem's  Engeland.  Kirch-  u.  Schulenstaat,  2te  Aufl.,  s.  170, 
where  the  deviations  from  the  XLII.  Articles  are  also  noted ;  and  in  Niemej'er  Collec- 
tio  Confessionum,  p.  601.     Cf.  Neal's  Hist,  of  Puritans,  i.  217.     [Cf.  Hardwick,  u.  s.] 

8  The  law  of  Parliament  made  subscription  to  the  Articles  binding  only  on  the  cler- 
gy ;  and  so  they  appeared,  too,  in  1571,  under  the  title,  Articuli,  de  quibus  convenit  in- 
ter Archiepiscopos  et  Episcopos  utriusque  Provinciae  et  Clerum  universum  in  Sj'nodo, 
Londin.  1562,  secundum  computationem  Eccl.  Anglicanae,  ad  tollendam  opinionum  dis- 
sensionem,  et  consensum  in  vera  Religione  firmandum.     Neal,  p.  327. 

9  (Jochmann's)  Betrachtungen  uber  den  Protestantismus.  Heidelberg,  1826.  8.,  s. 
206.  At  first  the  episcopal  constitution  was  defended  as  a  wise  human  order ;  Dr.  Ban- 
croft, chaplain  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  first  preached,  in  1588,  that  bishops 
were  superior  to  presbyters  jure  divino,  but  was  very  generally  opposed.  Even  Arch- 
bishop Whitgift  rather  desired  than  believed  the  truth  of  this  doctrine  (Neal,  i.  605). 
Under  James  I.  it  became  predominant  in  the  English  Church.  [On  the  constitution 
and  doctrinal  position  of  the  Church  of  England,  see  Hooker's  Ecclesiastical  Polity ; 
Bull's  Vindication  ;  Stillingfleet's  Protestant  Religion  ;  Burnet  on  the  XXXIX.  Articles ; 
Pearson  on  the  Creed ;  Veneer  on  XXIX.  Articles,  2  vols.  8vo,  1794 ;  Archbishop  Law- 
rence, Bampton  Lectures  for  1804 ;  Todd's  Inquiry  into  the  Declarations  of  the  Reform- 
ers, 8vo,  1818 ;  Archbishop  Seeker  on  the  Catechism,  2  vols.  8vo,  1769  ;  Archbishop  Pot- 
ter on  Church  Government,  edited  by  Crossthwaite,  8vo,  1839 ;  Daubeuy's  Guide  to  the 
Church,  3  vols.  8vo,  1799 ;  W.  Palmer,  Treatise  on  the  Church,  2  vols.  8vo,  1838 ;  Tracts 
for  the  Times,  Oxford,  passim,  etc.] 

10  Raynaldi,  Ann.  Eccl.  ann.  1559,  No.  2:  Elisabetha— cum  suam  in  Regno  succes- 
sionem— significasset  Paulo  Pontifici,  ille,  ut  erat  juris  pontificii  assertor  acerrimus,  re- 
sponds, Regnum  Angliae  beneficiarium  esse  scdis  apostolicae,  nee  ipsam  ob  impedi- 
menta natalium,  jurisque  controversiam  Regni  administrationem  sede  apostolica  incon- 
sulta  jure  corripere  potuisse,  eamque  est  hortatus,  quo  rite  omnia  fierent,  ut  se  pontificio 
arbitrio  permitteret,  paternique  in  earn  animi  nulla  ofricia  praetermissum  iri.  Pius  IV., 
the  successor  of  this  fanatical  Paul  IV.,  was  a  moderate  man,  and  at  once  struck  a  dif- 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  28.  ELIZABETH.  337 

length  pronounced  sentence  of  ban  and  deposition  upon  Elizabeth, 
April  27,  1570.11  Seditious  writings13  came  forth  in  great  num- 
bers from  the  English  colleges13  that  had  been  founded  in  several 
Catholic  countries,  and  from  zealous  priests,14  to  produce  an  effect 
in  England  in  favor  of  Catholicism  and  of  Mary  Stuart.  These 
rebellious  measures  were  opposed  by  severe  laws  ;15  Mary  Stuart 
atoned  for  her  participation  in  them  with  the  forfeit  of  her  life, 
February  16, 1587.16 

Unhappily,  a  lamentable  division  also  grew  up  in  the  English 
Church  itself.  Among  the  English  who  had  been  burned  at  the 
stake  under  Mary's  rule,  many  had  come  to  love  the  simple  Cal- 

ferent  tone.  He  sent  a  nuncio,  and  -wrote  in  his  credentials,  May  5,  15G0  (in  Raynald 
ad  h.  a.,  No.  42),  to  the  Queen:  Omnia  de  nobis  polliceare,  quae  non  modo  ad  animae 
tuae  salutem  conservandam,  sed  etiam  ad  dignitatem  tuam  regiam  stabiliendam  et  con- 
firmandam — a  nobis  desideraris.  Through  the  nuncio  he  offered  to  sanction  the  English 
Liturgj-,  to  allow  the  Lord's  Supper  sub  utraque,  and  to  revoke  the  condemnation  of  the 
marriage  of  Elizabeth's  mother;  but  the  Queen  would  not  give  up  her  supremacy.  A 
second  nuncio,  1561,  was  not  even  allowed  to  come  into  England ;  Neal,  p.  210. 

11  This  is  the  date  (5  Cal.  Maj.,  1570)  of  the  Bull  in  the  Roman  Bullarium  :  in  Burnet, 
ii.,  App.,  p.  221,  it  has  a  wrong  date — 5  Cal.  Mart,  1569  (i.  e.,  according  to  our  calendar, 
1570). 

i2  Particular^'  from  William  Allen  (Alan),  see  Note  12;  Thomas  Harding,  in  Lou- 
vain,  f  1572  ;  Thomas  Stapleton,  canon  in  Louvain,  f  1598  ;  the  Jesuit,  Robert  Persons 
(Parsons),  f  in  Rome,  1G10,  etc. 

13  William  Allen  (Wilhelm  Alanus),  driven  from  a  canomy  in  York  (made  cardinal, 
and  died  1591),  procured  the  establishment  of  the  first,  that  of  Douay,  in  1569,  by  Philip 
II. ;  that  at  Rome,  1579,  by  Gregory  XIII. ;  at  Valladolid,  1589,  and  at  Seville,  1593,  by 
Philig  II.  Afterward  others  were  founded  at  St.  Omer,  1596;  Madrid,  1606;  Louvain, 
1606;  Lidge,  1616;  and  Ghent,  1624  (see  Neal,  p.  41).  Besides  these,  there  was  also- 
founded  a  Congregatio  Angliae  Monachorum  nigrorum,  1607,  or  Monachi  Anglicanae 
Missionis,  which  also  had  several  cloisters  in  Belgium ;  see  Clem.  Rejmeri  Apostolatus 
Benedictinorum  in  Anglia,  Duaci,  1626,  fol. 

14  Thus  the  two  colleges  in  Douay  and  Rome  had  secretly  sent,  up  to  1585,  over  three 
hundred  priests  to  England ;  see  Nic.  Sander,  De  Schismate  Anglicano,  lib.  iii.,  p.  548. 

15  Several  insurrections  from  1579  to  1582  (Raumer,  ii.  549).  Edicts  of  1580,  in  which 
education  in  foreign  seminaries  or  colleges  was  forbidden  ;  priests  or  Jesuits  who  tried 
to  seduce  the  subjects  of  the  Queen  into  the  Roman  Church  to  be  punished  as  traitors, 
and  those  who  received  them  as  harborers  of  treason  (Sander,  ubi  supra,  p.  571 ;  Neal,  p. 
455).  Edict  of  1585 :  all  who  traveled  in  foreign  lands,  excepting  tradesmen,  must  have 
permission  from  the  authorities.  Englishmen  in  foreign  colleges  to  return,  under  pen- 
alty of  the  confiscation  of  their  property  and  banishment  for  life.  All  Jesuits  to  leave 
the  kingdom  within  forty  days,  and  those  who  secretly  harbored  them  to  be  punished 
with  death  (Sander,  p.  625 ;  Raumer,  ii.  551).  Until  1570,  no  Catholic  was  executed ; 
1570  to  1580,  twelve  priests,  and  1580  to  1590,  fifty  priests,  were  executed,  and  fifty-five 
banished  ;  cf.  Sander,  p.  615  :  Et  banc  in  omnes  Ordines  crudelitatem  dicunt  se  non  ex- 
ercere  propter  religionem, — sed  ad  Reginae  ac  Reipublicae  securitatem,  quam  per  Cath- 
olicos  indies  numero  ac  studio  in  Reginam  Scotiae  crescentes,  magis  magisque  periclitari 
asserunt. 

16  She  knew  of  Babington's  conspiracy:  instigated  by  the  Jesuits  in  Rkeiras,  he  had 
conspired  with  several  others  to  murder  Elizabeth ;  Raumer,  ii.  554. 

vol.  iv. — 22 


338  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

vinistic  cultus  ;17  those  who  imbibed  from  them  these  opinions 
could  not  now  be  satisfied  with  the  English  church  government  and 
liturgy,  and  took  special  offense  at  the  retaining  of  the  vestments 
of  the  Catholic  priests.18     The  most  active  and  zealous  preachers 

17  W.  Chlebus,  die  Dissenters  in  England,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  hist.  Theol., 
1848  i.  80.  There  was  a  controversy  in  Frankfort,  1554-56,  in  the  Maine,  among  the 
English  exiles,  whether  they  should  use  in  their  church  the  Liturgy  of  Edward  VI.  or  a 
service  like  that  of  the  other  Reformed  churches ;  see  Neal,  p.  135.  The  Calvinistic 
party  thereupon  formed  a  Church  in  Geneva,  elected  John  Knox  preacher,  adopted  the 
Genevese  forms  of  worship,  which  thej-  set  forth  in  the  book,  The  Service,  Discipline, 
and  Form  of  Qpmmon  Prayers,  and  administration  of  Sacraments  used  in  the  English 
Church  of  Geneva,  1556.  Neal,  p.  141.— [The  English  Liturgy  was  adopted  by  artifice  ; 
cf.  Troubles  in  Frankfort,  etc.     Zurich  Letters,  published  by  Parker  Society.] 

18  See  the  points  in  controversy  in  Neal,  i.  177.  The  Puritan  Lor.  Humphrey  rep- 
resents them  to  the  Zurichers  as  follows  (Burnet,  iii.,  App.,  p.  334) :  Aliquot  maculae, 
quae  in  Ecclesia  Anglicana  adhuc  haerent.  1.  In  precibus  publicis,  etsi  nihil  impurum, 
est  tamen  species  aliqua  superstitionis  Papisticae.  Quod  non  modo  in  matutinis  et  ves- 
pertinis,  sed  in  sacra  etiam  Coena  videre  est.  2.  Praeter  musicae  sonos  fractos  et  ex- 
quisitissimos  Organorum  usus  in  templis  invalescit.  3.  In  administratione  Baptismi 
Minister  infantem  alloquitur :  ejus  nomine  sponsores  parente  absente  de  fide,  de  mundo, 
carne,  Diabolo  deserendo  respondent ;  baptizatus  cruce  signatur.  4.  Mulierculis  etiam 
domi  baptizandi  potestas  facta  est  (baptism  in  extremis).  5.  In  Coena  dominica  sacrae 
vestes,  nempe  Cappa  et  Superpelliceum,  adhibentur ;  communicantibus  genuflexio  in- 
jungitur;  pro  pane  communi  placentula  azyma  substituitur.  6.  Extra  templum  et 
Ministris  in  universum  singulis  vestes  Papisticae  praescribuntur,  et  Episcopi  suum  line- 
um,  rochetum  vocant,  gestant,  et  utrique  pileos  quadros,  liripippia,  togas  longas  a  Pa- 
pistis  mutuo  sumptas  circumferunt.  7.  De  nervo  autem  Religionis,  disciplina,  quid  di- 
cemus  ?  Nulla  est,  nee  habet  suam  virgam  Ecclesia  nostra  :  nulla  censura  exercetur. 
8.  Conjugium  Ministris  Ecclesiae,  publicis  Regni  legibus,  concessum  et  sancitum  non 
est ;  sed  eorum  liberi  a  nonnullis  pro  spuriis  habentur.  9.  Solennis  desponsatio  fit  more 
rituque  Papistico  per  annulum.     10.  Mulieres  adhuc  cum  velo  purificantur  (after  lying 

■  in).  11.  In  regimine  Ecclesiastico  multa  antichristianae  Ecclesiae  vestigia  servantur. 
Ut  enim  olim  Romae  in  foro  Papae  omnia  fuerunt  venalia ;  sic  in  Metropolitan!  Curia 
eadem  fere  omnia  prostant :  pluralitates  Sacerdotiorum,  licentia  pro  non  residendo,  pro 
non  initiando  Sacris,  pro  esu  carnium  diebus  interdictis  et  in  quadragesima,  quo  etiam 
tempore,  nisi  dispensetur  et  numeretur,  nuptias  celebrare  piaculum  est.  12.  Ministris 
Christi  libera  praedicandi  potestas  adempta  est.  Qui  jam  concionari  volunt,  hi  rituum 
innovationem  suadere  non  debent,  sed  manus  subscriptione  ceremonias  oranes  approbare 
coguntur.  13.  Postremo,  articulus  de  spirituali  manducatione,  qui  disertis  verbis  op- 
pugnabat  et  tollebat  realem  praesentiam  in  Eucharistia,  et  manifestissimam  continebat 
veritatis  explanationem,  Eduardi  VI.  temporibus  excusus,  nunc  apud  nos  evulgatur  mu- 
tilans et  truncatus.  (This  refers  to  an  omission  in  the  28th  Article,  by  which,  however, 
the  doctrine  is  not  altered.)  Cf.,  in  reply,  the  letters  of  the  bishops  of  London  and  Win- 
chester to  Bullinger  and  Walter,  in  Zurich,  February  6,  1567,  1.  c.,  p.  341.  They  deny 
some  charges,  concede  others,  and  promise  to  keep  in  mind  a  gradual  abrogation.  They 
further  say  that  up  to  that  time  only  the  priests'  vestments  had  been  in  dispute :  Sum- 
ma  controversiae  nostrae  haec  est :  nos  tenemus,  Ministros  Ecclesiae  Anglicanae  sine 
impietate  uti  posse  vestium  discrimine  publica  auctoritate  jam  praescripto,  turn  in  ad- 
ministratione sacra,  turn  in  usu  externo,  praesertim  cum  ut  res  indiftercntes  proponan- 
tur,  tantum  propter  ordinem  ac  debitam  legibus  obedientiam  usurpari  jubeantur,  et  ran- 
nis  superstitionis  cultus  ac  necessitatis,  quod  ad  conscientias  attinet,  opinio— omnino 
condemnetur.  Illi  contra  clamitant,  vestes  has  in  numerum  T-aJv  aoia<popwv  jam  haud- 
quaquam  esse  adscribendas,  impias  esse,  papisticas,  ac  idololatricas :  et  propterea  omni- 


CHAP.  Ill— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  28.  ELIZABETH.         339 

were  among  the  Puritans,  or  Non-conformists,  the  very  men  who 
had  been  chiefly  instrumental  in  disseminating  the  doctrines  of 
the  Reformation  among  the  people;    for  among  the  rest  of  the 

bus  piis  uno  consensu  Miuisterio  cedendum  potius,  quam  cum  istis  panniculariis  papis- 
ticis,  sic  enim  loquuntur,  Ecclesiae  inservire :  licet  doctrinam  sincerissimam  praedican- 
di  nee  non  omnimodos  errores  seu  abusus  sive  in  ritibus,  sive  in  doctrina,  sive  in  sacra- 
mentis,  sive  in  moribus,  per  sanam  doctrinam  subaccusandi,  exagitandi,  condemnandi 
summam  habemus  libertatem.  Bullinger  had  previously  (Tiguri  Cal.  Maji.,  1566)  ad- 
vised tlie  Puritans,  who  had  put  to  him  questions  about  the  vestments,  to  be  pliable  (1. 
c,  p.  325):  Si  in  ritibus  nulla  est  superstitio,  nulla  impietas,  urgentur  tamen  et  impo- 
nuntur  bonis  Pastoribus,  qui  mallent  illos  sibi  non  imponi :  dabo  sane,  et  quidem  ex 
abundanti,  onus  et  servitutem  ipsis  imponi ;  sed  non  dabo  ideo  justissimis  ex  causis, 
Stationem  vel  Ministerium  propterea  esse  deserendum,  et  locum  cedendum  lupis, — vel 
ineptioribus  Ministris.  Worth}'  of  note  is  the  following  question  proposed  to  him,  and 
his  answer :  An  in  reformatis  Ecclesiis  a  Principe  praescribendum  in  ceremoniis  sine 
voluntate  et  libero  consensu  Ecclesiasticorum  ?  Resp.  Si  voluntas  Ecclesiasticorum 
semper  sit  expectanda  Principi,  nunquam  forte  sapientissimi  et  piissimi  Reges,  Asa, 
Ezechias,  Josaphat,  et  Josias,  aliique  Principes  boui  Levitas  et  Ministros  Ecclesiarum 
redegissent  in  ordinem.  Quamvis  nolim  prorsus  excludi  Episcopos  a  consultationibus 
Ecclesiasticorum,  nolim  rursus  earn  sibi  potentiam  vindicare,  quam  sibi  usurparunt  con- 
tra Principes  et  Magistratus  in  Papatu,  nolim  item  tacere  Episcopos,  et  consentire  ad 
iniqua  Principum  instituta.  The  bishops  had  this  opinion  of  Bullinger  printed  and  dif- 
fused, to  injure  the  Puritan  cause.  Bullinger,  on  the  representation  of  the  Puritans, 
complained  of  this,  because  he  had  spoken  only  of  the  priests'  vestments,  that  being 
the  only  point  of  difference  that  he  then  knew  about,  and  now  his  declarations  were  ap- 
plied to  all  the  points  in  controversy ;  see  his  letter  to  Lord  Bedford,  11th  September, 
1566  (1.  c,  p.  337) :  Audimus  enim  jam  non  de  solo  vestitu  apud  vos  contendi,  sed  insu- 
per  multa  alia  obtendi  piis  Ministris,  quae  merum  Papatum  redolent,  imo  in  Antichristi 
schola  primum  fabricata  sunt,  et  proinde  salva  pietate  recipi  ant  dissimulari  non  pos- 
sunt.  Beza,  too,  on  the  appeal  of  the  Puritans,  gave  an  opinion  in  this  matter,  dd.  Ge- 
nevae,  24.  Oct.,  1567  (Epistolarum  theologicarum  Th.  Bezae  Vezelii  liber  unus.  Ge- 
nevae,  1573.  8.,  p.  103).  He  disapproved  of  all  these  usages,  but  advised  that  they 
should  be  borne  with,  since  they  were  not  per  se  impia  et  idololatrica :  suademus  Pas- 
toribus, ut  postquam  et  coram  Regia  Majestate  et  apud  Episcopos  suas  conscientias  mo- 
desta  quidem — et  tamen  gravi — obtestatione  liberarint,  aperte  quidem  apud  suos  greges 
ea  inculcent,  quae  ad  tollendum  hoc  ofl'endiculum  pertinent,  et  in  istorum  etiam  abusu- 
um  emendationem,  prudenter  simul  ac  placide, — incumbant :  sed  ista  tamen,  quae  mu- 
tare  non  possunt,  ferant  potius,  quam  Ecclesias  ob  earn  causam  deserendo,  majoribus  et 
periculosioribus  malis  occasionem  Satanae  nihil  aliud  quaerenti  praebeant. — Sin  vero 
Ministris  non  tantum  ut  ista  tolerent,  praecipitur,  sed  etiam  ut  ea  tanquam  recta  vel 
chirographo  comprobent,  vel  suo  silentio  foveant :  quid  aliud  suadere  possimus,  quam 
ut  de  sua  innocentia  testati,  et  omnia  remedia  in  timore  Dei  experti,  manifestae  vio- 
lentiae  cedant  ?  At  last  the  earnest  exhortation  to  all,  Anglicarum  Ecclesiarum  fratres, 
ut  omni  animorum  exacerbatione  deposita  (quae  sane  veremur  ut  utrinque  hoc  malum 
vehementer  auxerit),  salva  manente  doctrinae  ipsius  veritate,  et  sana  conscientia,  alii 
alios  patienter  ferant,  Regiae  Majestati  clementissimae  et  omnibus  Praesulibus  suis  ex 
animo  obsequantur,  Satanae  denique  occasiones  omnes  tumultuum  et  infimtarum  calam- 
itatum  quaerenti,  animis  in  Domino  concordibus,  etiamsi  non  statim  idem  de  quibusvis 
sentiant,  constanter  obsistant.  He  made  the  most  earnest  representations  to  the  Bishop 
of  London,  Edward  Grindal,  dd.  5  Cal.  Julias,  1566  (1.  c,  p.  73).  There,  too,  he  sa3's, 
p.  87  :  Denique  quo  tandem  jure,  sive  Dei  verbum,  sive  veteres  omnes  canones  spectes, 
vel  civili  Magistratui  per  se  liceat  constitutis  jam  Ecclesiis  novos  aliquos  ritus  superin- 
ducere,  aut  veteres  abrogare :  vel  Episcopis  absque  Bui  presbyterii  judicio  ac  voluntate 
quicquam'novi  ordinare  fas  sit,  ego  quidem  nondum  didici. 


340  FOUKTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

clergy  the  inactive  or  incompetent  holders  of  livings  and  the  secret 
Catholics  had  the  majority.19  As  the  measures  against  the  Non- 
conformist clergy  became  more  strict,  and  many  of  them  were  de- 
posed, they  began,  in  1566,  to  form  a  separate  church  organization 
according  to  Calvinistic  principles,20  with  which,  however,  many 
of  the  clergy  and  laity  were  secretly  connected,  who  still  remained 
formally  in  the  Episcopal  Church.  The  rupture  between  the  par- 
ties became  much  wider  after  the  Non-conformists  had  been  im- 
prisoned21 in  1592,  and  after  the  doctrines  respecting  the  Sabbath 
and  election  had  been  brought  into  discussion,  1595,22  in  addition 
to  matters  of  external  order.  Yet  Puritanism  still  continued  to 
have  one  foot  in  the  Church ;  and  it  was  the  most  living  principle 
in  it,  constantly  attracting  the  noblest  minds,  and  thus  showed 
that,  in  altered  circumstances,  it  might  become  the  ruling  system 
in  the  English  Church. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  fanatical  Robert  Brown  embraced  Cal- 
vinism in  such  a  harsh  form  that,  from  1580,  he  preached  against 
the  English  Church  as  a  false  Church,  and  declared  that  a  com- 
pletely democratic  constitution  was  alone  scriptural.23     Although 

19  Neal.i.  419,446,579. 

20  Neal,  i.  281.  [Dispersion  at  Plumber's  Hall,  1576.]  In  1572  was  secretly  formed 
the  first  Puritan  Church  in  Wandsworth,  a  village  not  far  from  London,  and  a  presbj-- 
tery  was  chosen  ;  Neal,  i.  368.  A  secret  Presbyterian  church  constitution  was  soon  dis- 
seminated, and  the  churches  united  in  Classes  (presbyteries),  particular^'  in  Essex, 
Northamptonshire,  etc. ;  and  great  numbers  of  the  clergy  of  the  Episcopal  Church  were 
privately  connected  with  them  ;  Neal,  i.  421,  593.  [This  Presbytery  at  Wandsworth  was 
of  ministers  :  no  separate  Church  was  formed.     See  Hopkins,  Puritans,  ii.  265,  Note.] 

21  Acts  of  Parliament,  that  all  who  obstinately  refused  to  attend  public  worship,  or 
led  others  to  do  so,  should  be  imprisoned  and  submit,  or,  after  three  months,  be  banish- 
ed (1592)  ;  Neal,  i.  663.  [Admonition  to  Parliament,  1572,  defended  by  John  Cart- 
wright  against  Archbishop  Whitgift,  1573-77  ;  and  Cartwright  was  driven  abroad. 
Grindal,  Archbishop  Parker's  successor,  was  mild  toward  the  Puritans.  Prophesyings 
of  the  clergy  (1576)  were  put  down  by  force,  and  Grindal  was  sequestered.  Whitgift 
(1583-1604)  enforced  uniformity,  and  revived  the  High  Court  of  Commission.  Martin- 
mas Prelate  Tracts  (1588),  ascribed  to  Penry,  Throgmorton,  Udal,  and  Fenner;  bishops 
and  Book  of  Pra3rer  fiercely  assailed.] 

22  The  Presbyterians  applied  the  Mosaic  Sabbath  laws  to  the  Christian  Sundaj- 
(Neal,  i.  707)  ;  while  the  Episcopalians  of  that  period  made  use  of  Sunday  especially  for 
recreation  and  sports,  Neal,  i.  476.  Calvinistic  particularism  was  first  opposed,  after 
Arminius  led  the  way,  by  Barret,  in  Cambridge  (Neal,  i.  710) ;  but  he  had  to  recant, 
as  the  English  Church  still  held  fast  to  Calvin's  Institutes.  The  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury (Whitgift),  on  the  other  hand,  had  strict  Calvinism  laid  down  in  the  so-called 
Lambeth  Articles  (the  Nine  Articles  of  Lambeth) ;  but  these  were  suppressed,  as  they 
never  received  the  royal  assent  (Benthem's  Engel.  Kirche,  s.  521  ff.) ;  among  the  Epis- 
copalians many  were  Armenians,  and  only  the  Puritans  were  strict  Calvinists. 

23  Neal,  i.  457.  Stiiudlin's  u.  Tzschirner's  Archiv  fur  Kirchengesch.,  ii.  ill.  564.  H. 
F.  Uhden's  Gesch.  d.  Congregationalisten  in  Neu-England  bis  1740  [translated  under 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  29.  JAMES  L  341 

he  himself  afterward  returned  to  the  Church,  and  though  his  fol- 
lowers fared  the  hardest,24  yet  his  doctrine  met  with  great  success, 
and  soon  numbered  thousands  of  adherents  (Brownists,  Independ- 
ents, Congregationalists),  who  renounced  all  fellowship  with  the 
Episcopal  Church.25  A  fanatical  Anabaptist  party,  the  Familists, 
resembling  the  Jorists,  never  attained  to  any  importance.26 


§  29. 

UNDER  JAMES  I.  (f  AritiL  G,  1625),  AND  CHARLES  I.  (executed  January  30, 

1649). 

Neal's  Hist,  of  Puritans,  vols.  ii.  iii.  Raumer's  Gesch.  Europas,  iv.  248  ff. ;  v.  1  ff. 
[Macaulav,  i.  ch.  ii.  Marsden's  Earl}*  Puritans,  1852.  Vaughan's  England  under  the 
Stuarts,  2  vols.  8vo,  1840.  Lucy  Aikin,  Mem.  Courts  James  I.  and  Charles  I.,  Lond., 
1823-33.  Brooks,  Lives  of  Puritans,  1813.  C.  Walker,  Hist,  of  Independency,  Lond., 
1660-61.  Sir  R.  Bulstrode,  Mem.  of  Charles  I.  and  II.,  1721.  W.  Harris,  Lives  of 
James  I.,  Charles  I.,  etc.,  1814.] 

James  I.,  long  since  restive  under  the  restrictions  imposed  upon 
him  in  Scotland  by  the  sombre  and  mistrusting  Presbyterianism,1 

the  title  New  England  Theocrac}-,  Boston,  1858],  Leipzig,  1842,  s.  19.  Chlehus  iiber 
die  Independenten  in  Niedncr's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  hist.  Theol.,  1848,  i.  129.  [Comp  Han- 
bury's  Memorials,  3  vols. ;  Fletcher's  Hist,  of  Independents,  3  vols. ;  Bogne  and  Ben- 
net's  Dissenters,  2d  ed.,  1835 ;  Brooks,  Lives  of  Puritans,  1813  ;  Edm.  Calamy,  Non-con- 
formists' Memorial,  ed.  S.  Palmer,  2d  ed.,  3  vols.,  8vo,  Lond.,  1802;  W.  H.  Stowell, 
The  Puritans  in  England,  1850;  Walter  Wilson,  Hist,  of  Dissenting  Churches,  etc.,  4 
vols.  8vo,  Lond.,  1808.    Particularly  Hopkins,  Puritans,  ii.,  chap,  xi.] 

24  Their  preachers  were  Elias  Thacker  and  John  Copping,  hung  in  1583 ;  Neal,  i. 
474.  In  1593  one  of  their  congregations  was  broken  up,  and  about  56  persons  put  in 
prison  (Neal,  i.  667),  and  their  leaders,  Barrowe  and  Greenwood,  hung;  ibid.,  p.  683 
[also  Udal  and  Penry.    There  were  20,000  in  England  in  1593]. 

25  Many  fled  to  Holland,  and  there  founded  churches ;  there  Robinson,  who  had  es- 
tablished a  church  at  Leyden  (see  Kist  in  the  Nederlandsch  Archiefvoor  Kerk.  Gesch., 
viii.  369),  became  their  leader.  [Some  of  them]  took  the  name  of  Independents  ;  Uh- 
den,  p.  23.  Many  of  these  emigrated  to  New  England,  in  America ;  Neal,  i.  707 ; 
Staudlin  u.  Tzschirner's  Archiv,  ii.  iii.  s.  571 ;  Uhden,  p.  33.  [Jos.  Hunter's  Historical 
Collections,  2d  ed.,  1854.  Robinson's  church  in  England  was  at  Scrooby;  his  church 
at  Leyden  had  three  hundred  communicants.  J.  Smith  had  another  English  church  at 
Amsterdam.] 

26  Their  founder,  Henry  Nicholas  (Niclas),  came  to  England  in  the  last  year  of  Ed- 
ward VI. ;  Elizabeth  issued  a  strict  law  against  them.  James  I.,  in  the  Prooemium  to 
the  BacriXiKoii  Awpou  (Opp.,  p.  13),  called  them  infamem  Anabaptistarum  sectam,  quae 
familia  amoris  vocatur.  Comp.  Baumgarten's  Gesch.  der  Religionsparteien,  s.  1065; 
Walch's  Religionsstreitigkeiteu  ausser  der  Luther.  Kirche,  iv.  840.  On  the  Jorists,  see 
Div.  I.,  §  24,  Note  14. 

1  His  view  of  the  Scottish  Reformation,  in  the  BacnXiicdv  Awpov  ad  Henricum  filium, 
lib.  ii.  (Jacobi  M.  Brit.  Regis  Opera  edita  ab  Jac.  Montacuto,  Lond.,  1619,  fol.,  p.  147): 
Religionis  in  Scotia  reformatio  non  sine  arcano  numinis  auxilio  peracta  fuit :  tarn  multa 
in  populari  tumultu,  et  rebellione  civium  perturbate  facta  fuere  ab  iis,  qui  suis  indul- 
gentes  affectibus  Dei  opus  ucscientes  promovebant : — et  haec  omnia  absque  Principis 


342  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

imagined  that  upon  the  English  throne  he  would  find,  both  in 
Church  and  State,  a  really  unlimited  royalty,2  based  upon  the  prin- 

jussu. Hie  e  ministerio  homines  nonnulli  praecipites,  ignei,  audaces  in  hac  humana- 

rum  divinarumque  rerurn  confusione  tam  gratiosi  ad  plebem  facti  sunt,  ut  degustata  do- 
minationis  dulcedine  coeperint  democraticam  Reipublicae  formani  sibi  somniare  :  et  pri- 
mo  aviae,  deinde  matris  meae  subversione  elati  (et  nimium  sane  blandiebatur  iis  suc- 
cessus)  postremo  pupillari  mea  aetate  ad  democratiae  suae  stabilinientum  diu  abusi, 
jam  potestatem  tribunitiam  spe  certa  devoraverant :  ut  in  populari  republica,  cum  ple- 
bem  quo  vellent  facile  circumducerent,  omnium  negotiorum  momenta  soli  temperarent. 

Crebrae  adversus  me  in  tribunitiis  concionibus  calumniae  spargebantur :  non  quod 

crimen  aliquod  designassem,  sed  quia  Rex  eram,  quod  omni  crimine  pejus  habebatur. 
Ac  quoniam  hanc  odii  causam  palam  profiteri  pudor  erat,  sollicite  in  vitam  meam  mo- 
resque  inquirebant,  minima  quaeque  errata  augentes  in  immensum,  rumoribus  etiam 
falsis  ad  calumniam  arreptis.— Consilia,  quae  tanto  studio  tegebant,  suo  prodebant  indi- 
cio,  nempe  omnes  Reges  et  Principes  Ecclesiae  libertati  esse  inimicos,  et  jugum  Christi 
non  ferre  aequanimiter  :  hac  doctrinae  salubritate  suos  illi  greges  pascebant, — Homines 
factiosi  unum  furoris  sui  praesidium  in  paritate  collocarunt,  qua  freti  homines  improbi, 
audaces,  imperiti  pios,  sapientes  et  modestos  redarguerent.  Est  haec  paritas  mater  con- 
fusionis,  inimica  unitatis,  quae  est  ordinis  parens  :  quod  genus  si,  ut  in  Ecclesia  ita  quo- 
que  in  Republica  obtineret,  omnia  certo  certius  misceri  necesse  foret.  Si  utramque  ames, 
exutraque  pestem  hanc  egere,  Puritanos  inquam,  quos  nee  beneficiis  devincias,nec  jure- 
jurando  fidos  facias,  nee  promissis  constringas  :  sine  modo  ambitiosos,  eine  oausa  uiale- 
dicos,  nee  quicquam  spirautes  nisi  seditiones  et  calumnias:  quibus  una  conscientiae  re- 
gula  est,  non  divini  verbi  auctoritas,  sed  commentorum  suorum  vanitas.  Testor  ilium 
magnum  Deum,  nunquam  inter  Montanos  aut  limitaneos  nostros  latrones  majorem  in- 
gratitudinem  aut  perfidiam  reperiri  posse,  quam  inter  hos  fanaticos  nebulones  :  nee  pa- 
tere,  si  pacate  vivere  decreveris,  ut  hi  eadem  tecum  patria  fruantur.— Una  est  contra 
hanc  pestem  cautio,  si  e  Ministerio  viros  doctos  et  pios— ad  Episcopatus,  aliosque  in  Ec- 
clesia honores  selegeris,  pudenda  ilia  Annexations  lege  (Covenant),  nisi  mea  opera  an- 
tiquatam  inveneris,  abrogata.  Ita  subrutis  fundamentis  non  modo  imaginariam  illam 
paritatem  evertes,  quae  cum  legitima  administratione  Ecclesiae,  aut  Reipublicae  pace, 
aut  Monarchiae  bene  institutae  legibus  nunquam  conveniat ;  sed  etiam  in  regni  comitiis 
antiquum  ilium  trium  ordinum  honorem  restitues,  id  quod  aliter  fieri  omnino  non  potest. 
Ego  tibi  hac  in  re  (si  Deus  dederit)  viam  praemuniam  :  tu,  quod  reliquum  erit,  iisdem 
vestigiis  persequere.  Ad  summam,  id  tibi  de  ordine  ecclesiastico  consultum  velim,  ut 
bonum  pastorem  impense  diligas,  superbum  Puritanum  impense  oderis,  nee  ullum  titu- 
lum  splendidiorem  putes,  quam  ut  Ecclesiae  nutritius  saluteris. 

2  James's  address  to  Parliament  in  1609  (Opp.,  p.  524)  :  Nihil  est  in  terris,  quod  non 
sit  infra  Monarchiae  fastigium.  Nee  enim  solum  Dei  vicarii  sunt  Reges,  Deique  throno 
insident,  sed  ab  ipso  Deo  Deorum  nomine  honorantur.  P.  526 :  Regum,  qui  ab  initio 
aut  belli  aut  electionis  jure  praeerant,  arbitria  pro  legibus  erant :  ut  prirnum  autem  hu- 
manitate  et  prudentia  civili  firmari  coeperunt  regna,  Reges  etiam  legibus  mentem  suam 
exponere  coeperunt,  quae  rogantur  a  populo,  sed  a  Regibus  solis  proprie  feruntur.  iisque 
auctoribus  vim  habent.  Atque  ita  Rex  evasit  lex  loquens.— Quisquis  igitur  in  regno 
composito  susque  deque  habet  leges  suas,  Regis  nomen  amittit,  et  in  tj-rannum  degene- 
rat.  P.  527  :  Quemadmodum— apud  Theologos  blasphemia  est,  quid  Deus  possit,  inqui- 
rere,  licet  autem  vestigare,  quid  velit :— ita  quid  Rex  suprema  potestatis  suae  vi  possit 
facere,  nemo  subditus  nisi  seditiosus  inquirat :  at  justi  Regis  est,  si  divinam  iram  vitare 
cupiat,  notam  facere  populo  voluntatem  suam.  Non  patior  disputandi  materiam  fieri 
potestatem  meam,  at  factorum  meorum  causas  indicare,  eaque  omnia  ad  leges  exigere 
semper  utique  paratus  sum.  Ejusdem,  Jus  liberae  Monarchiae  (Opp.,  p.  184):  Quuni 
omnibus  Christianorum  regnis  tanquam  exemplar  quoddam  proponi  debeat  Monarchia 
Judaica,  quae  ab  ipso  Deo  instituta  nullas  leges  habuit,  nisi  divino  editas  oraculo,  cur, 
obsecro,  turbulenti  et  factiosi  homines  in  Christianorum  Principum  regnis  libertatem 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  29.  JAMES  I.  343 

ciples  of  the  Episcopal  Church.  Accordingly,  he  turned  his  face 
to  Episcopacy.3  The  Catholics  expected,  indeed,  too  much  favor 
from  the  son  of  a  martyred  queen ;  after  the  Gunpowder  Plot4 
(1G05)  they  were  forced  to  forswear  the  doctrine  that  the  Pope 
was  supreme  above  crowned  heads.5    However,  after  this  perilous 

sibi  vendicent,  quae  Dei  populo  110a  debebatur?  praesertim  cum  nullius  unquam  Regis 
major  fuerit  enormitas  aut  superbia,  quam  populo  Israelitico  hie  praedicta  est  (1  Sam., 
viii.  9  ss.). — Nunquam  legimus  suadentibus  Prophetis,  quantumvis  in  impium,  fuisse 
olim  a  populo  rebellatum. 

3  James's  first  address  to  Parliament,  19th  March,  1G04  (Opp.,  p.  489):  Adveniens 
unam  in  Anglia  religionem  publicam  et  probatam  lege,  quam  et  ipse  profiteor,  offendi : 
at  altera  in  ejus  visceribus  latere  mihi  visa  est,  praeter  sectam  quandam  occultam. 
Prima  vera  est  et  orthodoxa  religio,  quae  mihi  semper  cordi  fuit,  et  jure  regni  meruit 
sola  obtinere.  Secunda  est,  quae  injuste  nomen  usurpat  catholicae,  cum  sit  papistica. 
Tertia,  quae  magis  secta  est,  quam  religio,  Puritanorum  est  et  Novatorum,  qui  non  tarn 
fide  distinguuntur  a  nobis,  quam  politiae  specie,  nempe  ochlocraticae  paritatis  studio,  ct 
potestatis  superioris  impatientia,  praesentisque  Ecclesiae  regiminis  odio,  unde  fit,  ut  in 
bene  constituta  Republica  intolerabiles  sint. — Romanam  Ecclesiam  Ecclesiarum  agno- 
sco  matrem,  erroribus  tamen  et  corruptelis  inquinatam,  quales  erant  Judaei  cum  Chris- 
tum crucifigerent.  The  laws  against  Catholics  are  to  be  examined,  quo  demum  pacto 
— dubitatio  omnis  tolli  possit,  si  forte  severius,  quam  legislatoris  mens  erat,  hae  leges  a 
judicibus  fuerint  exercitae,  aut  ita  conscriptae,  ut  insontibus  pariter  ac  sontibus  noce- 
ant.  Die  moderati  et  pacis  publicae  amantes  unter  den  Kathol.  Laien  sollen  geschont 
werden.  Ego  auctor  non  essem  ut  mentis  errores,  quos  divinae  emendationi  par  est 
commendare,  luant  corporibus. — De  Clericis  vero  hoc  sine  circuitione  eloquar,  ni  dims 
res,  quarum  alteram  docent,  alteram  faciunt,  prorsus  ejurarint,  merito  ex  hoc  regno  ex- 
ulare.  Docendo,  fastuosum  ilium  Romani  Pontificis  primatum  citra  modum  extollunt : 
ilium  non  modo  esse  christiani  orbis  spirituale  caput,  verum  etiam  (si  Diis  placet)  in 
Reges  et  Imperatores  potestatem  habere  civilem  plane  et  imperatoriam : — faciendo  au- 
tem,  publicum  merentur  odium,  dum  sua  aut  aliena  manu  Reges  occidunt,  sibique  laudi 
ducunt,  quod  in  suos  quoque  Principes,  pontiiicio  damnatos  anathemate,  nihil  hostile 
omittunt,  subditos  ab  omni  fidelitatis  sacramento  liberant,  et  regna  Tpi\6(pa>  Monarchae 
vel  monstro  potius,  ipsorum  capiti,  in  justam  praedam  exponuut.  Pluribus  hie  opus 
non  est :  utinam  niveus  ille  dies  mihi  luceat,  quo  omnes  Christiani  posita  pertinacia  ab 
extremis  recedant,  et  in  medio,  perfectionis  centro,  dextras  conjungant :  nihil  mihi  pri- 
us  foret  vel  antiquius,  quam  beatissimae  illius  unionis  membrum  censeri.  Certe  si  re- 
centia  ilia  et  crassa  commenta,  quae  nee  ipsi  possunt  tueri,  et  corrigi  oportere  non  ne- 
gant,  tandem  aliquando  pudore  abjicerent,  et  novitatis  studium  hinc  indeque  ponerent, 
non  dubitarem  ego  in  media  via  illis  occurrere.  Nam  ut  fides  mea  vera  antiqua  est,  catho- 
lica  et  apostolica,  sacris  literis  et  expresso  Dei  verbo  fundata ;  sic  in  rebus  ad  politiam 
Ecclesiasticam  spectantibus  antiquitatem  inprimis  revereor :  qua  ratione  satis  mihi  cum 
Deo  cavebo,  ne  vel  in  fide  haereticus,  vel  in  politia  schismaticus  jure  videar. 

*  The  King's  own  narrative :  Conjuratio  sulphurea,  Opp.,  p.  211.  On  the  trial  of 
Garnet,  Superior  of  the  Jesuits  in  England,  and  his  fellow-conspirators,  see  Pulverver- 
schworung,  in  the  Miscellen  aus  der  neuesten  ausland.  Literatur,  Heft  12,  1827.  [Hal- 
lam's  Constl.  Hist.,  p.  232  (New  York  ed.)  ;  Birch's  Negotiations,  p.  233;  Townsend's 
Accusations  of  History,  1825,  p.  247;  Lingard,  ix.  160;  Butler's  Mem.  of  Catholics.] 

5  The  Oath  of  Allegiance,  in  the  Cone.  M.  Br.,  iv.  425.  They  were  to  take  oath,  "  that 
our  sovereign  lord  King  James  is  lawful  and  rightful  King  of  this  realm, — and  that  the 
Pope  neither  of  himself,  nor  by  any  authority  of  the  Church — hath  any  power  or  author- 
ity to  depose  the  King, — or  to  discharge  an)-  of  his  subjects  of  their  allegiance  and  obe- 
dience to  his  majesty,  or  to  give  licence,  or  leave  to  any  of  them  to  bear  arms,  raise  tu- 
mults, or  to  offer  any  violence  or  hurt  to  his  majesty's  royal  person,  state,  or  governe- 


344  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

doctrine  had  been  set  aside,  the  mother  Roman  Church  seemed 
to  the  King  to  stand  so  near  to  the  English  daughter  that  a  re- 
union might  at  some  future  time  he  hoped  for ;  and  so  Catholics 
were  not  only  tolerated,  but  also  not  repelled.  The  Puritans,  on 
the  other  hand,  were  to  be  forced  to  immediate  conformity,  and 
were  persecuted  if  they  hesitated.  But  they  were  thus  made 
more  thoughtful  about  their  rights,  and  defended  them  against  the 
royal  caprice,6  often,  indeed,  on  dangerous  principles.     Thus  they 

ment."  Then  they  had  to  promise  such  "faith  and  true  allegiance  to  the  King,"  that 
no  papal  dispensation  or  absolution  could  release  them  from  it,  and  also  to  divulge  all 
conspiracies  which  should  become  known  to  them.  Farther,  they  must  testify  their  ab- 
horrence of  the  accursed  opinion,  "  that  princes,  which  be  excommunicated  or  deprived 
bjr  the  Pope,  may  be  deposed  or  murdered  bj'  their  subjects,  or  any  other  whatsoever." 
In  fine,  they  must  take  oath  that  thejr  believed  they  could  not  be  released  bj'  the  Pope 
or  any  one  else  from  this  oath,  and  that  they  said  this  without  mental  reservation.  The 
Pope,  Paul  V.,  issued  a  brief  against  it  to  the  English  Catholics,  dd.  X.  Cal.  Oct.,  1606 
(Jacobi,  i.  Opp..  p.  241),  in  which  he  declared,  quod  hujusmodi  juramentum,  salva  fide 
catholica,  et  salute  animarum  vestrarum,  praestari  non  potest,  cum  multa  contineat, 
quae  fidei  ac  saluti  aperte  adversantur,  Avithout  stating  more  definitely  what  it  is  :  this 
was  repeated  in  a  brief,  dd.  X.  Cal.  Sept.,  1607  (1.  c,  p.  250).  The  Cardinal  Bellarmin, 
in  a  letter  to  the  English  archpriest,  G.  Blackwell,  maintained,  juramentum  eo  tendere, 
ut  auctoritas  capitis  Ecclesiae  a  successore  S.  Petri  ad  successorem  Henrici  octavi  in 
Anglia  transferatur.  Against  these  three  letters  James  I.  wrote  his  Apologia  pro  Ju- 
ramento  Fidelitatis,  Lond.,  1608.  8.  (Opp.,  p.  237).  Bellarmin  replied,  and  there  sprung 
up  a  livefy  controversy,  in  which  there  mingled,  on  the  Catholic  side,  Jac.  Gretser, 
Mart.  Becanus,  and  Francis  Suarez ;  on  the  Reformed  side,  Dav.  Pareus,  Petr.  du  Mou- 
lin, and  others.  See  the  literature  in  Walch,  Bibl.  Theol.,  ii.  213.  Most  of  the  English 
Catholics  took  the  oath.  This  power  was  denied  in  Guil.  Barclajus  de  Potestate  Papae, 
an  et  quatenus  in  Reges  et  Principes  saeculares  jus  et  imperium  habeat.  Lond.,  1609.  8. 
In  opposition,  again  calling  forth  many  controversial  writings,  appeared  Rob.  Bellarmi- 
nus  de  summi  Pontificis  in  rebus  temporalibus  potestate.  Rom.,  1610.  8.  (Walch,  ii.  211). 
6  In  1609  a  baccalaureate  in  Oxford,  Edmund  Campion,  defended  the  thesis,  licere 
subdito  Religionis  causa  a  Principe  deficere,  et  arma  contra  eura  sumere,  which,  how- 
ever, he  was  obliged  to  recant  before  the  Academical  Senate  (Wood,  Hist,  et  Antiquita- 
tes  Univ.  Oxon.,  i.  315).  In  1662  a  Master  of  Arts  in  Oxford,  Will.  Knight,  preached 
on  1  Kings,  xix.  9,  on  the  Persecution  of  Elijah,  maintaining  the  same  doctrine,  1.  c, 
p.  326.  Cf.  Doubletii  Ep.  ad  G.  J.  Vossium,  dd.  Lond.,  16.  Aug.,  1622,  in  Vossii  Opp., 
T.  iv.,  Ep.  48 :  Cum  prius  generalia  quaedam  proposuisset,  ex  quibus  vereri  videbatur, 
ne  quid.  Religio  reformata,  ubique  fere  terrarum  nunc  concussa,  etiam  in  Anglia  detri- 
menti  caperet,  tandem  eousque  deveniebat,  ut  assereret,  in  tali  casu  fas  fore  subditis, 
aut  saltern  inferioribus  Magistratibus,  etiam  invito  et  aliud  moliente  Principe,  omnibus 
modis,  atque  adeo  vel  armis,  Religionem  veram  ejusque  publicum  exercitium  tueri : 
addens  illustrandae  theseos  suae  causa,  existimare  se,  Regem  Galliarum,  si,  dum  exer- 
citui  Reformatos  in  urbe  aliqua  obsidenti  interest  quotidie,  ferro  per  manum  subditi  ca- 
deret,  juste  et  sine  ullo  mactationis  crimine  occisum  iri.  Called  to  account  for  this,  he 
replied  :  Credidisse  se,  esse  banc  communem  omnium  Reformatorum  sententiam,  atque 
ita  se  a  Reformatis  Doctoribus  esse  edoctum,  citans  Paraeum  (David  Pareus,  professor 
in  Heidelberg,  \  1622)  in  commentariis  in  Epist.  ad  Rom.  (chap.  13),  Bucanum  (professor 
in  Lausanne  at  that  time)  in  locis  communibus,  et  Stephanum  Junium  Brutum,  sive 
auctorem  libri,  cui  titulus :  Vindiciae  contra  Tyrannos  (the  author  was  Hubert  Languet, 
from  Bourgogne,  successively  in  the  civil  service  of  Saxony,  the  Palatinate,  and  Hol- 
land :  he  died  1581.    The  work  was  first  issued  under  the  false  name  Steph.  Jun.  Bru- 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  29.  JAMES  I.  345 

came  to  have  the  character  of  a  patriotic  opposition ;  so  that  many 
Episcopalians  became  Puritans  in  the  State,  and  thus  allied  with 
the  Puritans  in  the  Church.  James  at  first  professed  to  be  in 
harmony  with  the  Puritans  as  to  matters  of  faith  ;7  but  his  wrath 
against  their  obduracy  made  him  increasingly  averse  to  all  their 
peculiarities.  And  so,  in  1617,  he  enjoined  the  Sunday  Sports,8 
which  they  so  thoroughly  detested.  At  first  he  had  defended 
strict  Calvinism  against  the  Arminians,  and  sent  commissioners 
to  the  Synod  of  Dort  ;9  but  he  refused  to  accept  the  decrees  of  this 
Synod  for  the  English  Church,10  and  thus  prepared  the  way  for 

tus). — Itaque  ipso  in  carcere  detento,  censurae  Academiarum  postea  traditi  fuere  prae- 
dicti  auctores.  Ac  Oxoniensis  quidera  capita  aliquot  selecta  pro  erroneis,  falsis,  impiis 
damnaus  (see  the  Decree  in  Wood,  i.  327),  Paraei  solum  commentarios  ad  Romanos 
publice  conflagrandos  censuit,  quod  etiam  factum,  conquisitis  quotquot  in  Officinis  Bib- 
liopolarum  et  Museis  studiosorum  reperiri  poterant,  exemplaribus.  Cantabrigiensis  vero 
etiam  Bucani  locos  communes,  et  Bruti  vindicias  publice  flammis  tradidit.—  Videbar  ego 
in  Cantabrigiensi  Senatusconsulto  videre  plusculum  bilis  in  rigidos  istos  Genevensis  re- 
formationis  professores  :  sive  ea  causa  sit,  quod  Puritanorum  omne  nomen  exosum  ha- 
bent,  sive  quod  plerique  ibi  Remonstrantium  sententiae  sunt  addictissimi.  Knight  had 
to  spend  two  years  in  prison. 

7  See  Prooemium  ad  RatriXiKov  dwpov  (Opp.,  p.  133) :  Quod  ad  caeteros  concionatores 
attinet,  aliosve  etiam,  quibus  simplex  ilia  nostrae  Ecclesiae  (Stoticae)  politia  Anglicanae 
ceremoniis  praefertur,  quibus  episcopalis  dignitas  papalem  fastum  redolet,  et  pileus  qua- 
dratus  et  superpellicium,  et  id  genus  alia,  Papatus  insignia  videntur,  hos  (testor  honorem 
meum)  nunquam  intellexi.  Imo  vero  tantum  abest,  ut  de  talibus  rebus,  quas  semper 
adiaphoras  aestimavi,  rixandum  putem,  ut  utriusque  partis  eruditos  et  graves  assertores 
pari  honore  et  amore  prosequar.  Non  nostrum  est  inter  eos  litem  tam  veterem  compo- 
nere  :  de  fundamento  fidei  per  Dei  gratiam  inter  nos  convenit.  Et  ex  polemica  hac  par- 
tium  acerbitate  pax  Ecclesiae  turbatur,  et  schismatis  occasione  Papistis  aperitur  janua, 
qua  redeant.  Una  tamen  his  cautio  est  atque  provisio,  ut  suarum  quisque  opinionum 
conscientia  domi  et  apud  se  contentus  sit ;  neque  in  publicum,  ubi  legibus  contrarium 
definitum  est,  eas  producant,  nedum  ut  pervicacia  sua  schismatis  aut  seditionis  in  popu- 
lo  auctores  esse  velint;  sed  legibus  et  patria  consuetudine  acquiescentes  modestiae  et 
paci  studeant,  et  rationum  momentis  aut  suam  sententiam  caeteris  persuadeant,  aut,  si 
alteram  partem  fortiorem  senserint,  positis  opinionum  praejudiciis  ne  erubescant  acce- 
dere. — Religious  conference  at  Hampton  Court,  in  presence  of  the  King,  January,  1G04: 
Neal,  ii.  6.  Royal  order  that  all  should  conform,  lGth  July,  1604;  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iv. 
406.  [In  the  Millenary  Petition  (signed  by  700  persons)  the  Puritans  asked  for  the 
abolition  of  certain  ceremonies,  of  non-residence,  etc.  In  the  conference  at  Hampton 
Court  they  asked  for  a  revision  of  the  Prayer-book,  stricter  discipline,  and  the  declara- 
tion that  the  Bishop  of  Rome  "ought  not"  to  have  jurisdiction,  instead  of  "has  not," 
in  England.] 

8  In  the  Book  of  Sports,  1618.     Staudlin,  ii.  15. 

9  His  instructions  to  the  English  clergy  who  were  sent  thither  (Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iv.  460) 
enjoined  that  they  should  hold  to  Scripture  and  the  doctrines  of  the  English  Church, 
but  endeavor  to  bring  about  a  decision  that  the  disputed  points  be  left  to  the  schools, 
and  not  examined  in  the  pulpit.  That  he  and  the  doctrine  of  the  English  Church  were 
then  Calvinistic,  see  Moshemii  not.  ad  Jo.  Halesii  Historiam  Concilii  Dordraceni  (Ham- 
burg!, 1724.  8.),  p.  233,  450.  [The  English  commissioners  were :  Carleton,  Bishop  of 
Llandaff,  Hale,  Davenant,  Ward,  Bishop  Balcanquall,  from  Scotland,  etc.] 

,0  The  King,  in  consequence  of  Knight's  preaching,  enjoined,  see  Note  6  (Doubletii 


346  FOUKTH  PEEIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  introduction  of  Arminianism,  in  the  shape  of  Latitudinarian- 
ism,  into  the  Episcopal  Church.11  He  also  tried  to  bring  about  a 
complete  union  of  the  Scottish  with  the  English  Episcopal  Church, 
by  restoring  the  episcopacy  in  Scotland,  1610,12  and  by  the  Arti- 
cles of  Perth,  1618.13  Such  arbitrary  measures  made  James  de- 
tested ;  his  want  of  force  made  him  despised ;  and  thus  he  left 
the  kingdom  to  his  son,  Charles  I.,  1625,  in  a  critical  state  of  fer- 
mentation.14 Charles  conceived  that  he  must  be  true  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  his  father,  and  paid  so  little  respect  to  the  Parliament, 
which  endeavored  to  limit  his  arbitrary  rule,  that  after  1629  he 
no  longer  convened  it.  Discontent  increased,  and  became  threat- 
ening.    The  Episcopal  Church,  by  preaching  passive  obedience,15 

Ep.  1.  c),  Pontificios  ornnes  e  carcere  liberari,  qui,  quod  juramentum  fidelitatis  Eegi 
praestare  recusarant,  magno  numero  per  totam  Angliam  detinebantur  captivi ;  Ministris 
praeterea  omnibus  interdixit,  ne  ulla  inter  Pontificios  et  Eeformatos  controversa  capita 
in  publicis  concionibus  disputarent :  solis  enim  Episcopis,  Decanis  et  Doctoribus  ea  in 
umbone  attingere,  si  opus  sit,  fas  esse  voluit.  Particularly,  1G22,  he  forbade  preaching 
upon  the  rights  of  the  King,  and  upon  Predestination  (Cone.  M.  Br.,  iv.  465). 

11  Although  the  name  Latitudinarianism  first  came  into  vogue  about  1660,  3Tet  the 
tendency  already  existed.  At  the  head  stood  William  Laud,  then  Bishop  of  Bath  and 
Wells,  who  had  great  influence  with  the  King ;  see  Wood's  Hist,  et  Antiq.  Univ.  Oxon., 
i.  329.  Besides  him  was  John  Hales,  teacher  in  Eton  (died  1656),  who  had  been  a  com- 
missioner at  the  Sj'nod  of  Dort,  and  was  there  gained  over  to  Arminianism  by  Episco- 
pius  (see  Moshemius  in  Vita  Jo.  Halesii  vor  dess.  Hist.  Cone.  Dordr.,  p.  149);  wholly 
latitudinarian  in  his  book,  De  Schismate,  1636  (1.  c,  p.  159).  So,  too,  his  friend,  John 
Chillingworth,  Chancellor  of  the  Church  of  Salisbury,  f  1644,  in  his  work,  the  Eeligion 
of  Protestants  a  safe  Way  to  Salvation,  1637. 

12  Rudloff's  Gesch.  d.  Eeform.  in  Schottland  (2  Th.,  Berlin,  1847-49),  i.  266.  The  first 
three  Scottish  bishops  had  to  be  consecrated  in  England ;  James  commanded  some  En- 
glish bishops,  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iv.  443,  eos  in  Episcopos  juxta  ritum  et  formam  consecra- 
tionis  in  Ecclesia  nostra  Anglicana  receptam  et  usitatam  ordinare,  auctorizare,  et  conse- 
crare.  Yet  still  the  General  Assembly  remained  the  highest  ecclesiastical  authority. 
[James  began  to  press  episcopacy  upon  Scotland,  in  1606,  by  an  ecclesiastical  commis- 
sion ;  in  1601  the  bishops  were  made  perpetual  moderators.  The  three  consecrated  in 
England  were  Spottiswoode,  Lamb,  and  Hamilton.  The  Articles  of  Perth,  1618,  forced 
the  episcopal  rites  upon  a  reluctant  people.  Comp.  John  Spottiswoode's  Hist.  (Spott. 
Society);  John  Skinner's  Hist.,  1788,  and  Annals,  1778-1816;  H.  Caswall,  Scotch 
Church,  1853;  Lawsons  Epis.  in  Scotland,  1842.] 

13  1.  The  Lord's  Supper  was  received  kneeling.  2.  It  might  be  given  to  the  sick  at 
their  houses.  3.  Private  baptisms  allowed.  4.  Children  might  be  confirmed  at  eight 
years  of  age.     5.  Certain  festivals  to  be  restored.     Rudloff,  i.  273. 

14  Ilistoire  de  la  Revolution  d'Angleterre,  par  M.  Guizot.  Tartie  i.,  in  2  Tomes.  Par- 
is, 1826  and  1827.  8.  (1625  to  1649).  German,  2  Bde.,  Jena,  1844.  Collection  des  Me- 
moires  relatifs  a  la  Revolution  d'Angleterre,  par  M.  Guizot,  2  vols.     Paris,  1823  ss.  8. 

15  Thus  Dr.  Sibthorp  preached,  that  when  a  King  commands  what  the  subjects  can 
not  do,  because  it  is  against  God's  commands,  or  in  its  nature  impossible,  the)'  must  yet 
undergo  the  punishment  of  their  disobedience,  and  submit  in  passive  obedience.  Dr. 
Manwaring  preached,  in  presence  of  the  King,  that  the  King  is  not  under  obligation  to 
regard  the  laws  of  the  kingdom  about  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  subject.  Every 
royal  command,  e.  g.,  about  taxes  or  loans,  lays  the  consciences  of  the  subjects  under 


CHAP.  III.— ENGLISH  REFORMATION.    §  29.  CHARLES  I.  347 

could  not  allay  it,  especially  as  the  Church  under  the  lead  of  Will- 
iam Laud,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  since  1633,  was  more  and 
more  secularized  and  inclined  to  Catholicism.16  The  ecclesiastic- 
al regulations  of  the  King  in  Scotland17  decided  his  unhappy  fate. 
He  tried  to  effect  a  complete  union  of  the  Scotch  with  the  English 
Church ;  in  opposition  to  this  was  formed,  in  1638,  the  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant,  a  league  of  the  Scotch  people  for  Presby- 
terianism.18  The  King  vainly  sought  by  partial  concessions  to 
allay  the  storm.  In  England,  too,  sprung  up  disturbances,  which 
were  only  heightened  by  the  slavish  doctrines  of  the  Episcopal 
Church.19  The  Scotch  invaded  the  north  of  England.  The  En- 
glish Parliament,  convened  in  this  extremity,  soon  showed  as 
slight  respect  for  the  King  as  he  had  shown  for  them,  and  began 
a  reform  in  State  and  Church.  The  King  wavered  at  first  be- 
tween concession  and  resistance.  In  1642  open  war  broke  out 
between  him  and  his  Parliament.  Scotland  joined  the  latter  in 
1643,  and  Parliament  accepted  the  Covenant,  and  introduced  the 
Presbyterian  church  constitution  in  place  of  the  now  hated  Epis- 
copal Church.20     The  contest  with  civil  and  ecclesiastical  tyran- 

obligation  with  the  penalty  of  eternal  damnation.  Consent  of  Parliament  is  not  neces- 
sary for  laying  or  raising  taxes,  etc.     Raumer,  iv.  308,  324. 

16  Restoration  of  pictures,  crosses,  altars,  and  the  like  ;  Neal,  ii.  178,  212.  Man}'  par- 
ish priests  became  justices  of  the  peace ;  Juxon,  Bishop  of  London,  became  Lord  Chan- 
cellor (see  T.  Maj-,  Hist.  Long  Pari. ;  in  Guizot's  Coll.  des  Memoires,  i.  55).  At  the  same 
time  the  bishops,  while  attributing  to  the  King  an  unconditional  authority  in  the  State, 
endeavored  to  find  a  basis  in  the  Church,  ex  jure  divino,  for  a  power  independent  even 
of  the  King.  See  Guizot,  Hist.  L,  i.  88  ss.  96.  Cf.  Can.  6  of  the  Synod  of  1649,  below, 
Note  19. 

17  Book  of  Canons,  1635  (v.  Rudloff,  i.  327).  The  introduction  into  Edinburgh,  in  July, 
1637,  of  the  new  Liturgy,  corresponding  with  the  English,  gave  occasion  to  the  first  dis- 
turbances ;  ibid.,  s.  333.  [Comp.  Hetherington  and  Cunningham  ;  Stevenson's  History, 
Book  ii.,  chap,  i.] 

19  V.  Rudloff,  i.  348.  Given  in  K.  H.  Sack's  Kirche  von  Schottland  (2  Th.,  Heidel- 
berg, 1844-45),  ii.  1.     [Stevenson,  chap,  ii.] 

19  See  the  decrees  of  the  Synod,  1640,  in  Cone.  M.  Brit.,  iv.  543.  Particularly  Canon 
I.,  on  the  royal  power,  where  is  ascribed  to  kings  an  unconditional  right  as  to  the  prop- 
erty of  their  subjects  ;  and  Canon  VI.,  by  which  was  to  be  imposed  upon  all  the  clergy 
an  oath  to  maintain  the  doctrine  and  constitution  of  the  Church :  here,  among  other 
things,  it  reads  :  "  Nor  will  I  ever  give  my  consent  to  alter  the  government  of  this 
Church  by  archbishops,  bishops,  deans,  and  archdeacons,  etc.,  as  it  stands  now  estab- 
lished, and  as  by  right  it  ought  to  stand."  This  is  the  so-called  Et  caetera  Oath.  Comp. 
Jochmann's  Betrachtungen  iiber  den  Protestantismus,  s.  248,  265. 

20  The  Parliament,  July  1,  1643,  summoned  an  assembly  of  divines  at  Westminster, 
consisting  of  laymen  and  clergy,  to  consult  in  respect  to  ecclesiastical  changes  ;  see 
Benthem's  Engeliiiul.  Kirch-  u.  Schulenstaat,  s.  536.  Die  Westminstersynode,  1643-49, 
by  V.  Rudloff,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschrift,  1850,  ii.  238.  In  October,  1643,  pictures,  altars, 
organs,  etc.,  were  ordered  to  be  removed  from  the  churches.    January  4,  1645,  a  Direct- 


348  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ny21  had,  however,  with  the  love  of  freedom,  also  evoked  fanati- 
cism ;  and  soon,  in  opposition  to  the  intolerant  Presbyterianism,22 
there  sprung  up  all  sorts  of  sects23  and  private  opinions.  Many 
persons,  made  distrustful  of  all  positive  Christianity  by  this  strife 
of  sects,  would  have  only  a  religion  of  reason.24  The  Independ- 
ents grew  most  rapidly,  supported  by  the  parliamentary  army25 
and  its  leader,  Oliver  Cromwell.  Charles  could  not  withstand  the 
fanatical  host  of  the  Independents ;  he  was  forced,  in  1646,  to 
take  refuge  with  the  Scottish  army,  and  was,  in  1647,  delivered 
up  to  the  English  Parliament.26     The  Presbyterianism  that  here 

ory,  like  the  Scotch,  was  substituted  for  the  Liturgy.  Afterward  the  assembly  was  oc- 
cupied with  drawing  up  a  Confession  and  two  Catechisms.  The  Confession  (Articles 
of  Religion,  afterward  usually  called  Confessio  Westmonasteriensis,  ed.  Dr.  H.  A.  Nie- 
meyer,  in  Collectionis  Confessionum  in  Ecclesiis  Reformatis  publicatarum  Appendice, 
Lips.,  1840,  8.,  p.  1)  was  accepted  by  the  English  Parliament,  June  20, 1648,  after  striking 
out,  for  the  security  of  the  civil  authorities,  Chap.  20,  §  4,  on  Procedures  against  Error- 
ists  and  Schismatics ;  a  part  of  Chap.  24,  on  Marriage  and  Divorce  ;  Chap.  30,  on  Eccle- 
siastical Penalties ;  and  Chap.  31,  on  Synods  and  Councils.  Thereupon  the  Kirk  of 
Scotland  adopted  the  whole  Confession.  The  Catechisms — the  Larger  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  older  persons,  and  the  Shorter  for  children  (both  in  Niemeyer,  1.  c,  p.  47) — were 
sanctioned,  Sept.  15,  1648 ;  see  Neal,  iii.,  chap.  8.  [Hetherington's  History  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  1843.  Baillie's  Letters,  etc.  The  original  Minutes  of  the  Assembly 
were  discovered,  1859,  in  Dr.  Williams's  library,  Red  Cross  Street,  London.  From  these 
it  appears  that  Dr.  Anthony  Tuckney  drew  up  the  Shorter  Catechism.] 

21  William  Laud,  executed  January  10,  1645;  Raumer,  v.  142.  August,  1646,  all  the 
property  of  the  Episcopal  Church  was  sequestrated,  and  used  to  defray  the  costs  of  the 
war  and  pay  the  debts.  Man}'  churches  were  thus  left  without  clergy ;  Raumer,  v. 
244.  [Laud's  Works,  4  vols.  8vo,  1848  sq.  Conference  with  Fisher,  the  Jesuit,  fob, 
1631.] 

22  Guizot's  Hist.,  i.  ii.  1. 

23  Levelers,  who  rejected  all  external  authority  and  order,  even  that  of  the  Bible,  in 
religious  matters,  merely  obeying  the  Spirit,  and  who  desired  freedom  and  equality  in 
all  external  matters.  The  Seekers  were  those  who  doubted  all  the  truths  of  Christian- 
ity, and  were  seeking  after  the  right  doctrine.  Cf.  Anonymi  epistola  (1654)  De  Nova 
Secta  Quaerentium,  vulgo  Seekers,  in  Anglia  exorta  (Pentecost-programme  at  Gottin- 
gen,  1814,  by  Staudlin).  The  Erastians  adopted  the  principles  of  Thomas  Erastus,  pro- 
fessor of  medicine  in  Basle,  f  1583,  as  laid  down  in  his  work :  Explicatio  gravissimae 
quaestionis,  utrum  excommunicatio  mandate)  nitatur  divino,  an  excogitata  sit  ab  homi- 
nibus  ?  The}7  rejected  all  church  authority.  [Comp.  J.  R.  Prettyman,  The  Church  of 
England  and  Erastianism  since  the  Reform.,  1854 ;  Vierordt,  Gesch.  der  Kirche  in  Ba- 
den, 1847.  His  proper  name  was  Liebler,  or  Lieber;  his  treatise  was  a  posthumous  pub- 
lication.] The  Anabaptists,  called  Baptists  in  England,  had  numerous  adherents  ;  they 
began  to  grow  about  1608  [1646,  Conf.  of  Seven  Baptist  Churches  of  London.  Or- 
chard, Hist.  For.  Baptists,  1855.  Jos.  Ivimey,  Hist.  Eng.  Baptists]  ;  Staudlin's  u. 
Tzschirner's  Archiv  f.  Kirchengesch.,  ii.  582. — On  the  Ranters,  Mugletonians,  etc.,  see 
Benthem's  Engel.  Kirch-  mid  Schulenstaat,  s.  549. 

24  Rationalists,  Naturalists.  G.  V.  Lechler's  Geschichte  des  Englischen  Deismus. 
Stuttgart  u.  Tubingen,  1841,  s.  61.     [Leland's  Deist  Writers,  2  vols.,  1798.] 

25  V.  Rndlofr,  ii.  95. 

26  Raumer,  v.  175.     Guizot's  Hist.,  i.  ii.  196.    V.  Rudloff,  ii.  108. 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  30.  349 

prevailed  was  soon  forced  to  succumb  to  the  Independent  army.27 
The  Parliament  was  at  length  brought  to  terms  by  force,  in  De- 
cember, 1648  ;28  and  Charles  I.,  in  accordance  with  sentence  pro- 
nounced [by  a  tribunal  created  for  the  occasion],  was  executed, 
January  30,  1649.29  In  the  new  Commonwealth  freedom  of  con- 
science was  given  to  all  excepting  Catholics  and  Episcopalians. 


FOURTH  CHAPTER. 
§30. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  MINOR  RELIGIOUS  PARTIES  OF  THE  REFORMATION 

PERIOD. 

By  the  Reformation  the  Scriptures  were  laid  open,  the  author- 
ity of  the  Church  was  broken,  and  thought  became  free.  In  the 
midst  of  this  powerful  stimulus  of  men's  minds  it  was  inevitable 
that  many  opinions  and  parties  should  be  formed,  each  of  which 
believed  that  it  alone  could  produce  a  genuine  reformation,  unvail- 
ing  the  full  truth,  and  establishing  in  the  world  the  true  morality. 
Although  the  Reformation,  where  it  was  a  living  power,  had  a 
most  marked  influence  in  improving  the  moral  condition,1  yet 
there  were  also  many  persons  connected  with  it  by  external  rela- 
tionship alone  ;  and  there  were  those,  too,  who  misunderstood  and 
abused  the  new-found  freedom.2     And  this  furnished  occasion  for 

27  Raumer,  v.  223.     Guizot,  i.  ii.  252. 

29  Raumer,  v.  264.     Guizot,  i.  ii.  373. 

29  Raumer,  v.  268.  Guizot,  i.  ii.  384.  V.  Rudloff,  ii.  127.  [T.  Ma}-,  Hist.  Long  Par- 
liament, Lond.,  1647.  M.  Noble's  Lives  of  English  Regicides,  Lond.,  1798.  Carlyle's 
Cromwell.     Clarendon's  Hist,  of  Rebellion.     Canvithen's  History,  ii.] 

1  By  the  example  of  a  moral  clergy,  and  by  promoting  the  instruction  of  youth : 
comp.  the  testimonies  of  contemporaneous  chroniclers  of  Constance,  in  Schreiber's 
Taschenbuch  fiir  Geschichte  u.  Alterthum  in  Siiddeutschland.  Freiburg  im  Breisgau, 
1841,  s.  73.    The  most  striking  example  was  given  in  Geneva  ;  see  Div.  I.,  §  10,  Note  30. 

2  Erasmus,  in  his  Spongia  adv.  Huttenicas  Adspergines  (Opp.,  ed.  Lugd.,  x.),  1523: 
Sunt  quidam  indocti,  nullius  judicii,  vitae  impurae,  obtrectatores,  pervicaces,  intracta- 
biles,  sic  addicti  Luthero,  ut  nee  sciant,  nee  servent  quod  Lutherus  docet.  Tantuin 
Evangelium  habent  in  ore,  negligunt  preces  et  sacra,  vescuntur  quibus  libet,  et  maledi- 
cunt  Romano  Pontifici :  sic  Lutherani  sunt.  He  often  repeats  this  opinion  in  still  se- 
verer terms  after  his  controversy  with  Luther,  especially  in  his  Epistola  contra  quos- 
dain,  qui  se  falso  jactant  Evangelicos,  1529  (Opp.,  T.  x.).  But  Luther  also  and  his 
friends  chime  in  with  these  complaints  ;  e.  g.,  Hauspostille  (Walchsche  Aus".,  xiii. 
10) :  "  Der  Teufel  fahret  nun  mit  Ilaufeu  unter  die  Leute,  dass  sie  unter  dem  helleu 


350  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

some  to  assert  that  the  Reformation  had  deviated  too  widely  from 
the  old  Church,3  while  to  others  it  seemed  to  have  stopped  half- 
way. And  so  the  former  tried  to  discover  the  truth  in  the  via 
media  between  the  contending  parties ;  while  the  latter  thought 
that  they  must  go  beyond  the  Reformers.  The  peculiarities  of 
the  latter  are  found,  in  part,  in  a  strictly  literal  interpretation  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures ;  in  part  in  a  rational  criticism  of  the  Church 
doctrine  ;  and  partly  in  a  wild,  fantastic  speculation.  In  the  first 
doctrinal  systems  of  this  kind  these  different  elements  were  often 
mingled  in  strange  confusion.     Their  contemporaries,  in  view  of 

Lichte  des  Evangelii  sind  geiziger,  listiger,  vortheilischer,  unbarmherziger,  unziichti- 
ger,  frecher  und  arger,  denn  unter  dem  Papstthum."  Comp.  Hans  Sachsen's  Gespriich 
eines  evangelischen  Christen  mit  einem  Lutherischen,  worin  der  argerliche  Wandel  et- 
licher,  die  sich  Lutherisch  nennen,  angezeigt  und  briiderlich  gestraft  wird.  1524  (see 
the  extracts  of  Veesenmeyer  in  Vater's  Kirchenhist.,  Archive  far  1826,  s.  263).  Eber- 
lin  von  Giinzburg's  (see  Div.  I.,  §  1,  Note  103)  Works :  Vom  Misbrauch  christlicher 
Freiheit,  1552.  Wie  sich  ein  Diener  Gottes  Worts  in  all  seinem  Thun  halten  soil,  1525. 
Eine  getreue  Waraung  an  die  Christen  in  der  Burgauischen  Mark,  sich  auch  furohin  zu 
huten  vor  Aufruhr  und  vor  falschen  Predigern,  1526  (see  the  extracts  in  the  Altdorfisches 
Literar.  Museum,  i.  374,  403,  417).  Many  passages  of  this  kind  are  collected  in  Arnold's 
Kirchen-  u.  Ketzerhistorie,  Th.  ii.,  B.  xvi.,  cap.  13. 

3  Thus  Erasmus  in  respect  to  ecclesiastical  order,  while  he  secretly  allowed  to  the  ini- 
tiated (esoteric)  all  freedom  in  doctrine.  This  view  was  at  the  basis  of  all  his  proposals 
for  union  ;  see  Div.  I.,  §  1,  Notes  67  and  93 ;  §  3,  Note  18.  Others,  on  the  other  hand, 
believed  that  the  doctrine  of  salvation  by  faith  alone  promoted  immorality.  So  Geom-e 
Wizel,  1525  to  1531  Lutheran  pastor  in  Niemeck,  and  who  then  went  back  to  the  Catho- 
lic Church,  and,  though  married,  was  a  Catholic  priest  in  Eisleben,  1533-38 ;  and  then 
lived  in  Fulda  and  Mayence,  dying  in  1571.  His  idea  was  to  restore  the  old  Apostolic 
Church,  as  intermediate  between  the  old  and  new  Church.  His  chief  work  was  written 
at  the  suggestion  of  the  Emperor  Ferdinand  I. :  Via  Eegia  s.  de  Controversis  Religionis 
Capitibus  Conciliandis  Sententia,  1564.  Comp.  on  him  Strobel's  Beitrage,  Bd.  ii.,  st.  1 
u.  2.  Rienacker  in  Vater's  kirchenhist.  Archiv,  1825,  s.  312 ;  1826,  s.  17.  A.  Neander, 
Coram,  de  G.  Vicelio,  Berol.,  1839.  4.  Neander's  das  Eine  u.  Mannichfaltige  des  christl. 
Lebens,  Berlin,  1840,  s.  167.  Holzhausen  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.,  1849,  s.  382.  A  simi- 
lar position  was  taken  by  Theobald  Thamer,  1543-49,  Professor  of  Theology  in  Marburg, 
but  brought  back  to  the  Catholic  Church  by  his  repugnance  to  the  doctrine  of  justifica- 
tion by  faith  alone ;  he  lived  afterward  in  Minden  and  Mayence,  and  was  at  last  Pro- 
fessor of  Theology  in  Freiburg,  in  Breisgau ;  see  Salig's  Gesch.  d.  Augsb.  Confession, 
iii.  199.  Bullinger's  Lebensgesch.  v.  Hess,  ii.  60.  Th.  Thamer,  der  Repriisentant  und 
Vorganger  moderner  Geistesrichtung,  von  Dr.  A.  Neander.  Berlin,  1842.  8.  Here,  too, 
belongs  Ruprecht  von  Mosheim,  who  was,  however,  somewhat  crack-brained,  and  had 
been  clerk  of  the  cathedral  in  Passau,  f  1543 ;  Comp.  Strobel's  Miscellaneen,  v.  1.  So, 
too,  most  of  the  Catholic  theologians  who  took  part  in  the  religious  colloquy  in  Ratisbon 
(Div.  I.,  §  7,  Note  40),  and  in  the  Augsburg  Interim  (§  9).  Besides  these,  there  was 
George  Cassander,  who  taught  in  Briigge  and  Ghent,  and  then  lived  at  the  court  of 
William  of  Cleves,  and  at  last  died  in  Cologne,  1566  ;  see  his  writings  :  De  Officio  pii  ac 
publicae  tranquillitatis  vere  amantis  viri  in  hoc  Religionis  Dissidio,  1561.  De  Articulis 
Religionis  inter  Catholicos  et  Protestantes  controversis  ad  Impp.  Ferdin.  I.  et  Maxim. 
II.  1564.  Comp.  Conring's  collection  of  his  irenical  writings  :  G.  Wicelii  Via  Regia,  etc. 
Ilelmstadii,  1650,  and  Cassandri  et  Wicelii,  de  sacris  nostri  temporis  Controversiis,  libb. 
ii.  1659. 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  30.  35 1 

those  departures  from  doctrine  which  were  most  abhorred,  called 
them  Anabaptists  and  Antitrinitarians. 

First  came  up  the  Anabaptist  prophets,  striving  to  establish  the 
visible  kingdom  of  (rod  upon  the  ruins  of  Church  and  State.4  In 
the  catastrophe  of  Minister  these  excesses  reached  at  once  their 
highest  point  and  their  overthrow.5  Many  fantastic  systems 
sprung  up  along  with  this  anabaptism  ;  in  the  larger  part  of  them 
the  rejection  of  infant  baptism  was,  however,  only  a  subordinate 
element,  while  their  attacks  upon  the  doctrines  of  the  Trinity 
and  the  Person  of  Christ  made  them  appear  like  heathenish  abom- 
inations. Of  a  pantheistic  tendency  were  the  systems  of  Johannes 
Denck,  who  died  in  Basle,  1528,6  who  was  joined  by  Louis  Hetzer, 
beheaded  in  Constance,  February  4,  1529  ;7  and  of  Michael  Serve- 
tus,  burned  in  Geneva,  October  27,  1553  ;8  David  Joris,  who  died 

*  See  Div.  I.,  §  1,  Note  87;  §  3,  Notes  43-50,  60-67.  [Cf.  Die  Strassburger  Wicdcr- 
taufer,  1517-43,  by  T.  W.  Rtihrich,  in  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  Hist.  Theol. ;  Heft,  i.  1860.  Hase, 
Neue  Propheten,  for  the  Anabaptist  Literature.  Vicomte  Th.  de  Bussiere,  Les  Anabap- 
tistes,  Paris,  1853.     K.  W.  H.  Hochmutb,  in  Zeitsch.  f.  d.  Hist.  Theol.,  1858-59.] 

5  See  Div.  I.,  §  7,  Note  13. 

6  Deposed  from  the  rectorate  of  St.  Sebaldus,  in  Nuremberg,  1524 ;  afterward  in  St. 
Gall.  Basle,  Elsace,  and  again  in  Basle  ;  see  Bock,  Hist.  Antitrinitariorium,  ii.  238.  F. 
Trechsel  protestantische  Antitrinitarier  vor  Faustus  Socin,  Buch  i.  (Heidelberg,  1839),  s. 
16.  J.  Denk  u.  s.  Biiehlein  vom  Gesetz,  von  Heberie,  in  d.  Studien  u.  Krit.  1851,  i.  121 ; 
ii.  412.  Six  of  his  shorter  tracts  have  been  reprinted  under  the  title :  Geistliches  Blu- 
mengartlein,  Amsterdam,  1680.  Extracts,  not  always  important  in  their  bearing  on  his 
doctrines,  see  in  Arnold's  Kirchen-  u.  Ketzerhist.  Schafhausen,  1740,  i.  1303.  According 
to  him,  God  is  the  original  source  of  all  creatures ;  through  the  Spirit  (i.  e.,  the  power 
of  God)  was  produced  from  God  the  Word  (i.  e.,  the  totality  of  human  souls).  Christ  is 
a  mere  man,  in  whom  lived  the  highest  love  of  God ;  he  saves  by  doctrine  and  example. 
The  Word  of  God  is  above  the  Holy  Scriptures  ;  an  elect  one  can  be  saved  without  preach- 
ing and  Scripture.  Infant  baptism  is  not  commanded  hy  God,  but  is  sufficient.  In  the 
kingdom  of  God  there  is  no  external  human  authority.  At  the  end  of  all  things  will  be 
a  restoration  of  all,  even  the  evil  spirits. 

7  Previously  a  Catholic  priest  in  Zurich  and  Basle,  and  from  1527  with  Denck  in  El- 
sace. Comp.  Bock,  ii.  231;  Trechsel,  i.  18.  He  and  Denck  published  together:  Alle 
Propheten  nach  hebr.  Sprache  verteutscht,  Worms,  1527,  fol.,  praised  by  Luther  against 
W.  Link  (de  Wette,  iii.  172). — Denck  and  Hetzer  are  very  probably  the  Samosateni  neo- 
teric!, condemned  in  the  Augsburg  Confession,  Article  I.  This  was  formerly  referred 
to  Servetus  and  his  disciples;  Mosheim  conjectured  that  it  meant  Campanus  (Hist. 
Mich.  Serveti,  Helmst.,  1727.  4.);  but  the  old  view  is  defended  by  J.  G.  Walch  (Diss, 
de  Samosatenianis  neotericis,  quorum  mentio  fit  in  A.  C.  Jenae,  1730. 4.)  ;  see  Mosheim's 
anderweit.  Versuch  einer  Ketzergesch.  s.  116.  Servetus  can  not  be  meant,  for  chronolo- 
gy is  against  it;  nor  Campanus,  for  his  doctrine  was  a  different  one. — Jacob  Kautz, 
preacher  in  Worms,  was  a  friend  of  Denck ;  see  Lehrsatze  in  Fussli's  Beitrage,  v.  148. 
Cf.  Hagen's  Reformationszeitalter,  iii.  289.  [Comp.  on  Denck  and  Hetzer,  Th.  Keim  in 
the  Zeitschrift  fur  deutsche  Theologie,  1856,  s.  215-289 ;  and  in  Ilcrzog's  Real  encyclo- 
pedic.    Heberie,  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1855 ;  Hase,  Neue  Propheten.] 

8  From  Villanueva,  in  Aragon  ;  he  came,  in  1530,  to  Basle  ;  from  1532,  under  the  name 
of  Mich,  de  Villeneuve,  he  was  in  Paris,  Orleans,  and  Lyons ;  in  1540  he  was  in  Vienne, 


352  FOUETH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

in  Basle,  August  26, 1556,  and  who,  as  Christus  David,  gave  hirri- 

and  there  (1553)  imprisoned  by  the  Inquisition  on  account  of  his  work,  Christ.  Restitutio, 
but  he  escaped  from  prison.  Comp.  J.  L.  v.  Mosheim's  anderweitiger  Versuch  einer 
vollstandigen  und  unparteiischen  Ketzergeschichte,  Helmstadt,  1784.  Ibid,  neue  Nach- 
richten  von  Mich.  Serveto,  Helmstadt,  1750.  4.  F.  Trechsel,  i.  61,  u.  222.  Henry's  Le- 
ben  Calvins,  iii.  i.  95.  On  the  Trinity  and  Christology  of  Servetus,  see  Heberle,  in  the 
Tiibinger  evang.  theol.  Zeitschrift,  1840,  Heft  2,  s.  5 ;  Baur's  Lehre  v.  d.  Dreieinigkeit, 
iii.  54.  Schenkel's  Wesen  des  Protestantismus,  i.  371.  Relation  du  proces  criminel  con- 
tre  M.  Servet,  redigee  d'apres  les  documents  originaux  par  A.  Rillict,  Geneve,  1844.  (Cf. 
Ebrard's  Abendmal,  ii.  573.) — His  works :  De  trinitatis  erroribus  libb.  vii.,  per  Michae- 
lem  Serveto,  alias  Reves  ab  Aragonia  Hispanum  (Hagenau),  1531,  kl.  8.  Dialogorum 
de  Trinitate,  lib.  ii.  de  justitia  Regni  Christi  capitula  iv.  per  Mich.  Serveto,  etc.  (Hage- 
nau), 1532,  kl.  8.,  Christianismi  Restitutio.  Totius  ecclesiae  apostolicae  ad  sua  limina 
vocatio,  in  integrum  restituta  cognitione  Dei,  etc.  (Vienne),  1553.  8.  (reprinted  at  Nu- 
remberg 1791).  His  first  two  works  are  incorporated  in  this  last,  yet  wholly  recast,  in 
accordance  with  the  doctrinal  progress  of  the  author.  The  doctrine  of  the  Restitutio  is, 
p.  128 :  Deus  est  omnis  essentiae  fons,  fons  luminis,  fons  vitae,  pater  spirituum,  pater  lu- 
minum.  Coelestes  spiritus  ille  essentiat,  ab  eo  fluunt  essentiales  divinitatis  radii,  et  es- 
sentiales  angeli,  qui  iterum  ejus  essentiam  in  res  alias  effundunt. — Ipse  pater  banc  es- 
sentiandi  vim  ita  Christo  totam  tribuit,  ut  ille  alias  res  omnes  essentiet.  Omnia  per 
ipsum  Christum,  et  in  ipso  sunt,  et  consistunt,  ut  docet  Paulus. — Per  angelos  Deus 
lucem  suam  mittit,  et  hoc  ipsum  est  ipsemet  Deus  :  et  Christus  ipse  est  ejus  lucis 
dispensator,  earn  de  substantia  sua  mittens,  spiritum  de  substantia  sua  mittens,  cui 
angeli  ministrant.  Per  angelos  spiritum  ipse  mittit,  et  hoc  ipsum  est  ipsemet  Deus. 
Semper  ibi  relucet  essentia  Dei,  spiritus  ipse  Dei,  divinitas  ipsa,  lux  ipsa  Deus. — Ea 
ipsa  Dei  universalis  et  omniformis  essentia  homines  et  res  alias  omnes  essentiat : 
ejus  spiritus  est  nobis  ab  initio  insitus,  et  postea  iterum  in  nos  copiosus  effusus. — 
Unde  concludimus  oppositum  eorum,  quae  trinitarii  sophistae  doceiit.  Nam  ipsi  meta- 
physicas  tres  res  invisibiles  in  una  essentia  et  natura  ponunt,  quasi  in  uno  puucto  tria 
puncta.  Nos  contra  unam  solam  rem  esse  dicimus,  et  habere  infinitorum  millium  essen- 
tias,  et  infinitorum  millium  naturas.  Non  solum  innumerabilis  est  Deus  ratione  rerum, 
quibus  communicatur,  sed  et  ratione  modorum  ipsius  deitatis. — Unicus  est  modus  divinus 
insignis,  et  principium  aliorum.  Hie  est  modus  plenitudinis  substantiae,  modus  divinus 
sine  mensura,  in  solo  corpore  et  spiritu  Jesu  Christi.  That  is,  God  is  the  essence  of  all 
things  ;  in  himself  incomprehensible,  he  perpetually  reveals  himself  by  his  ideas  (modi) ; 
the  sum  of  these  ideas  is  the  ideal  world,  mundus  archetypus  (p.  137),  Xoyos,  idealis  ra- 
tio (p.  141),  Christus,  prima  Dei  cogitatio  (p.  284) :  the  visible  world  is  something  un- 
real, p.  148 :  Veritas  in  corporibus  non  est :  mutaretur  enim  corporibus  mutatis. — Vani- 
tas  ergo  vanitatum  hie  mundus  est,  et  res,  quae  non  est :  ac  alterius  rei  existentis,  scili- 
cet intelligibilis  mundi  simulacrum  et  umbra.  The  Word  and  the  Spirit  are  only  different 
forms  of  manifestation  of  the  same  divine  essence,  and  in  this  sense  persons  (p.  48),  to 
be  referred  to  a  divine  economy  (p.  676,  personam  dico  esse  faciem,  vultum  seu  rem  ip- 
sam  apparentem).  In  Christ's  conception  God  took  the  place  of  the  father  (p.  150),  in  his 
person  divine  and  human  are  so  closely  united  that  they  can  not  be  sundered  (p.  263). 
Besides  the  Trinity  Servetus  especially  contended  against  infant  baptism,  which  should  be 
altogether  rejected  (p.  564,  ss.).  A  mortal  sin  can  not  be  committed  before  the  twentieth 
year  (p.  363),  and  hence  no  sin  be  washed  away  from  children  by  baptism.  The  right 
time  of  baptism  is  the  thirtieth  year,  as  with  Christ,  p.  412.  Comp.  p.  576 :  Paedobap- 
lisimim  esse  dico  detestandam  abominationem,  Spiritus  sancti  extinctionem,  Ecclesiae 
Dei  desolationem,  totius  professionis  christianae  confusionem,  innovationis  per  Christum 
factae  abolitionem,  ac  totius  ejus  regni  conculcationem.  From  the  Anabaptists  Servetus 
differs,  in  allowing  a  magistracy  and  army  (p.  655),  and  also  taking  the  oath  in  witness 
of  the  truth,  but  not  in  promises  for  the  future;  p.  430.  [Comp.  Calvin  and  Servetus, 
by  T.  K.  Tweedie,  Edinb.—  Ed.  Schade,  Etude  sur  le  Proces  de  Serv.,  Strasb.,  1853.  Sais- 
set  in  Revue  d.  deux  Mondes,  Feb.  Mar.,  1848.    J.  S.  Porter,  Calvin  and  Serv.,  Lond., 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.     §  30.  353 

self  out  to  be  greater  than  Jesus  Christ,9  seems  to  have  heen  in- 
fluenced by  the  sect  of  the  Free  Spirit,  which  at  that  time  had 
followers  in  the  Netherlands,10  and  excited  great  disturbances  in 
Geneva.11  Melchior  Hoffman,  who  died  in  prison  in  Strasburg 
about  1540,  the  head  of  an  Anabaptist  party,  denied  that  Christ 
assumed  his  flesh  from  Mary.12     John  Campanus,  who  died  in 

1854.  So.  Presb.  Rev.,  1855.  Deutsche  Kirchenfreund,  1857.  Bulletin  de  la  Soc.  pour 
l'hist.  du  Prot.  Franc;.,  1858.     Notes  and  Queries,  passim,  1855.] 

9  He  was  bishop  of  the  Anabaptists  in  Delft ;  driven  thence  in  1539,  he  went  to  East 
Friesland,  and  15-14  to  Basle,  where  he  lived,  externally  connected  with  the  Reformed 
Church,  under  the  name  of  Joh.  von  Bruck.  See  Div.  I.,  §  24,  Note  14.  Historic  David 
Joris  des  Erzketzers  aus  Holland,  durch  den  Rector  u.  die  Universitit  einer  lobl.  Stadt 
Basel ;  Basel,  1559.  4.  Historia  Vitae,  Doctrinae  ac  Rerum  gestarum  Dav.  Georgii 
haeresiarchae,  conscripta  ab  ipsius  genero  Nicol.  Blesdykio,  edita  a  Jac.  Revio ;  Da- 
ventr.,  1642.  8.  His  life  by  A.  M.  Cramer  in  Kist  en  Royaards  Nederlandsch  Archief 
vor  kerkel.  Geschiedenis,  v.  1.  (1845),  Nachtrag,  vi.  289  (1846).  Some  j-et  unpublished 
accounts  of  him  in  Mosheim's  anderw.  Versuche  einer  Ketzergesch.,  s.  425.  Comp. 
Trechsel,  i.  36.  His  writings,  T'  Wonderboeck,  1542.  4. ;  enlarged  and  improved,  1550, 
fol.  Verklaeringe  der  Scheppenissen,  1553,  fol.  Christlijke  Sendtbrieven,  3  Bde.  4. 
(sine  anno) ;  and  many  short  tracts  (Cf.  Hallische  Bibliothek,  v.  261,  305.  Bock,  ii. 
286.),  v.  Harderwyk  in  d.  Nederl.  Archief  voor  kerkel.  Geschiedenis,  vii.  393.  Full  ex- 
tracts in  Jessenius  Aufgedeckte  Larve  Davidis  Georgii.  Kiel,  1670.  4.  He  also  con- 
tests the  doctrine  of  three  persons.  "  God  is  and  remains  impersonal  5"  but  he  has  re- 
vealed himself  in  three  human  persons,  with  whom  began  three  periods  of  the  world — 
Moses,  Christ,  and  David  [Joris].  The  true  Christ  is  the  eternal  Word,  in  itself  hidden, 
and  did  not  become  man,  but  dwelt  in  Jesus  ;  so  that  what  befell  Christ  in  his  body  is  to 
be  understood  as  the  corporeal  type  of  the  new  life.  In  David  (Joris),  however,  the  true 
Christ  appeared  in  spirit,  to  bring  perfect  spiritual  knowledge,  and  to  establish  the 
eternal  kingdom  of  God,  in  which  all  power  of  human  magistracy  comes  to  an  end  ;  and 
Chrislus  David  is  to  be  shepherd  and  king,  without  commands  or  force,  by  the  mere  im- 
pulse of  the  Spirit  working  in  all.  By  repentance  and  faith  man  is  made  just  before 
God,  and  is  then  wholly  free  from  the  law;  he  may  do  all  that  he  lusts  for;  he  can  no 
longer  sin  ;  "  all  is  good  which  the  good  tree  brings  forth,  in  the  eyes  of  God,  but  not  so 
in  man's  eyes."  Hypocritica.  compliance  with  civil  and  ecclesiastical  regulations  is  al- 
lowed ;  it  is  even  a  duty.  "  Let  no  one  know  j-our  heart,  for  you  must  seem,  what  3-ou 
are  not,  an  Esau  without,  but  within  a  Jacob  in  truth." — The  estate  of  marriage  and  nat- 
ural shame  are  works  of  the  devil.  Union  is  to  be  free,  ill  the  burning  love  of  God,  for 
the  procreation  of  a  pure  generation. 

10  See  Div.  I.,  §  24,  Note  11. 
"  See  Div.  I.,  §  10,  Note  36. 

12  He  was  a  furrier  from  Suabia ;  in  Sweden,  1524,  with  Rink  and  Knippcrdollhig; 
twice  in  Dorpat  and  Wittenberg ;  preacher  in  Kiel,  1527-29  ;  banished  thence  by  turns  ; 
in  Strasburg  and  Emden ;  and  in  1533  was  imprisoned  in  Strasburg.  Compare  B.  N. 
Krohn's  Gesch.  d.  Wiedertaufer  vornehmlich  in  Niederdcutschland.  M.  Hofmann,  und 
die  Secte  der  Hofmannianer.  Leipzig,  1758.  8.  Joh.  Molleri  Cimbria  literata,  ii.  317. 
Bock,  ii.  292.  At  the  conference  in  Strasburg,  11th  June,  1533  (see  M.  Bucer's  Hand- 
lung  in  dem  onentlichen  Gesprach  zu  Strasburg  jungst  im  Synodo  gehalten,  gegen  M. 
Hoffmann  durch  die  Prediger  daselbst.  Strasburg,  1533.  4.),  he  was  examined  for  four 
errors :  1.  That  the  eternal  Word  of  God  did  not  receive  our  nature  or  our  flesh  from  the 
Virgin  Mary,  so  that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  had  only  one  and  not  two  natures  (he  had 
tried  to  show  this  in  the  work,  Von  der  Menschwerdung,  wie  das  Wort  Fleisch  geworden, 
und  unter  uns  gewohnt  habe.    Strasburg,  1532,)  ;  2.  The  Redemption  of  Christ  in  the 

vol.  iv.— 23 


354  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

prison  at  Cleves  after  1574,  taught  that  there  are  not  three,  but 
two,  divine  persons.13 

In  the  fermentation  of  these  fanaticisms,  fantastic  extravagan- 
ces were  gradually  dissipated,  and  after  the  separation  of  con- 
tending elements  which  did  not  belong  together,  there  proceeded 
from  them,  as  permanent  parties,  the  Unitarians,  or  men  of  crit- 
ical understanding,  the  Mennonites,  or  biblical  literalists,  and  the 
Schwenkfeldians,  with  a  practical,  mystical  tendency. 


§  31. 

UNITARIANS. 

Christoph.  Sandii  (from  Konigsberg,  separated,  with  his  father,  as  Arians,  from  the  Lu- 
theran Church,  and  died  in  Amsterdam,  1680)  Bibliotheca  Antitrinitariorum.  Frei- 
stadii  (i.  e.,  Amsterdam),  1684.  8.  F.  S.  Bock,  Historia  Antitrinitariorum,  maxime 
Socinianismi  et  Socinianorum.  Regiom.  et  Lips.,  1774-84.  8.  (T.  i.  contains  a  Bibli- 
oth.  Antitr. ;  T.  ii.,  De  Antitrinitariis  ante  Socinos  and  De  Socinis.  There  was  still  to 
be  published  T.  iii.,  Hist.  Antitr.  in  Polonia  et  Lithuania ;  T.  iv.,  In  reliquis  Europae 
regionibus ;  T.  v.,  Systema  theol.  Socinianae,  etc.).  F.  Trechsel,  die  Protest.  Anti- 
trinitarier  vor  Faustus  Socin,  2tes  Buch,  Lelio  Sozini  u.  die  Antitrimtarier  seiner  Zeit, 
Heidelberg,  1844.  Der  Socinianismus  nach  s.  Stellung  in  d.  Gesammtentwickelung 
d.  christl.  Geistes,  nach  s.  hist.  Verlauf  u.  nach  s.  Lehrbegriffdargestellt  von  0.  Fock. 
2  Abthl.,  Kiel,  1847.  [Histoire  du  Socinianisme,  4to,  Paris,  f723.  Fock,  D.  Socinia- 
nismus in  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  Hist.  Theol.,  1845.  Literatur  d.  Socinianism.,  ibid.,  1853,  s. 
43-46.  J.  P.  Bauermeister,  De  System.  Socin.  dogmat.  Comm.  tres,  Rostock,  1830- 
32.  L.  Lange,  Gesch.  u.  Lehrbegriff  ds.  Socin.,  Leips.,  1831.  Baur,  Lehre  d.  Drei- 
einigkeit,  iii.  s.  46  ss.  Dorner,  Lehre  d.  Person  Christi,  ii.  751  ss.  Theoph.  Lindsey, 
Hist.  View  of  Unitarianism  from  the  Reformation.  Wallace,  Antitrinitarian  Biogra- 
phy. T.  R.  Beard,  Hist.  Illustrations,  etc.  Thos.  Rees,  Racovian  Catechism,  -with 
Historical  Introduction,  Lond.,  1818.] 

payment  of  original  sin  is  equal  for  all ;  it  is  given  to  all  to  be  the  children  of  God,  if 
the}'  use  well  the  offered  grace ;  3.  He  who  has  once  known  and  received  Christ,  if  he 
willfully  sin,  can  never  expect  to  be  pardoned  (according  to  Heb.,  vi.  4 ;  and  x.  26) ; 
4.  The  baptism  of  children  is  from  the  devil. 

13  He  came  in  1528,  as  tutor  of  some  young  persons  of  noble  families,  to  Wittenberg. 
They  made  an  excitement  among  the  peasants  in  Julich  by  proclaiming  that  the  end  of 
the  world  was  at  hand,  and  was  imprisoned  in  Cleves  after  1553.  Comp.  J.  G.  Schel- 
horn,  De  Jo.  Campano  Antitrinitario  in  his  Amoenitates  literariae,  xi.  1.  Bock,  ii.  244. 
Trechsel,  i.  26.  His  work,  "  Wider  die  Lutherischen  und  alle  Welt  nach  den  Aposteln," 
which  Luther  read  in  MS.,  1531  (Table  Talk,  fol.  277.  Melanchthon  ad  C.  Heresbach,  dd. 
15.  Jul.  1531,  Corp.  Reformat.,  ii.  513),  seems  not  to  have  been  printed.  Extracts  from 
his  "  Gottlicher  u.  heil.  Schrift  Restitution  und  Besserung,  1532.  8."  in  Schelhorn,  1.  c, 
p.  78.  He  taught  that,  according  to  Gen.,  i.  26,  27;  and  v.  1,  2,  the  marriageable  man, 
i.  e.,  two  persons  in  one  man,  was  created  in  the  image  of  God,  and  hence  that  in  God 
there  were  two  persons,  Father  and  Son,  one  as  man  and  wife  (John,  x.  30).  The  Son, 
eternally  begotten  of  the  substance  of  the  Father,  is  his  representative,  underlord, 
servant,  messenger,  and  hence  Logos.  The  Spirit  is  not  person,  but,  on  the  one  hand, 
the  common  nature  of  the  Father  and  Son ;  on  the  other  hand,  their  common  working 
in  man. 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  31.  UNITARIANS.  355 

The  critical  tendency  which,  from  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  had  led  many  Italian  humanists1  to  reject  all  religion, 
though  it  became  reconciled  with  Christianity  in  the  circles  at- 
tached to  the  Reformation,  yet  it  also  began  to  subject  particular 
doctrines  of  the  Church  to  strict  examination.  The  work  of  Ser- 
vetus,  De  Trinitatis  Erroribus,  1531,2  especially  fostered  this  tend- 
ency ;  and  in  and  near  Vicenza  there  were  reported  to  be  about 
forty  men  of  learning  inclined  to  the  Reformation,  and  closely 
united  for  the  secret  interchange  of  such  ideas,3  who  rejected  the 

1  See  above,  ii.  iv.,  §  154,  Note  g,  ff. 

3  See  above,  §  30,  Note  8. 

3  Stanislai  Lubieniecii,  Jun.  (Socinian  preacher,  died  in  Hamburg,  1675),  Historia  Re- 
formationis  Polonicae.  Freistadii  (Amsterdam),  1685.  8.,  p.  38:  Ex  commentariis  mss. 
Budzinii  (Budzinius  was  secretary  of  Lismanimis,  a  friend  of  Laelius  Socinus,  and  left  a 
history  of  the  Unitarians  in  Polish,  in  MS. ;  see  Bock,  i.  1,  85)  et  vitae  Laelii  Socini  cur- 
riculo  (lost)  colligo,  circa  annum  1546,  in  agro  Veneto,  Vicentiae  et  in  aliis  urbibus  non 
paucos  veritati  indagandae  operam  dedisse,  et  huic  flni  collegia  et  colloquia  pia  institu- 
isse.  Pertractabant  hi  praecipua  fidei  christianae  capita.  Unum  scil.  esse  Deum  altis- 
simum,  qui  cuncta,  nt  crearit,  potenti  verbo  et  efficaci  jussu  suo,  ita  et  sapienti  ac  be- 
nigna  providentia  sua  conservet.  Filium  ejus  unigenitum  esse  Jesum  Nazarenum,  ho- 
minem  verum,  at  non  simplicem,  utpote  virtute  Spiritus  Sancti  in  casta  virgine  genitum. 
Hunc  a  Deo  Patribus  promissum  tempore  definite  posteris  eorum  missum,  mysterinm 
Evangelii  salutaris  hominibus  annunciasse,  viam  vitae  aeternae  non  indulgendo  carni, 
sed  pie  vivendo  consequendae  monstrasse:  ex  voluntate  paterna  vitam  parandae  et  san- 
ciendae  peccatorum  remission!  impendisse,  ab  eo  resuscitatum  et  exaltatum  esse,  cre- 
dentes  in  Christum  eique  morigeros  a  Deo  justificari:  ita  pios  homines  immortalitatem 
in  primo  Adamo  perditam  in  novissimo  Adamo  eandem  recuperare  :  hunc  solum  populi 
sibi  subjecti  esse  caput  et  dominum  :  hunc  omnium  vivorum  et  mortuorum  constitutum 
judicem,  in  ultimo  die  ad  nos  venturum  :  interea  regnum  mille  annorum  recuperaturum 
et  obtenturum  ;  ad  ultimum  Deo  Patri  regnum  traditurum,  eique  subjectum  iri,  ut  Deus 
sit  omnia  in  omnibus.  Caeterum  dogmata  vulgo  recepta  de  Trinitate,  de  Christo  Dei, 
qui  sit  ipse  Deus  Creator,  idem  Deus,  qui  Pater,  de  Spiritu  Sancto  Dei,  qui  Deus  pariter 
sit,  de  justificatione,  vel  per  opera  meritoria,  vel  per  fidem  solam  meritum  Christi  sibi 
applicantem,  aliaque-his  similia  esse  opiniones  per  Philosophos  Graecos  introductas. 
Quae  sane  praecipuam  religionis  christianae  partem  constituunt,  et  in  lucem  prolata  to- 
tum  christianum  orbem,  ut  excusso  vitiorum  veterno  evigilaret,  concusserant.  Erat  ex 
hac  pia  societate  Abbas  quidam,  Bucali  dictus  (in  Sandii  Bibl.  Antitrin.,  p.  18,  he  is  called 
Leonardus,  Abbas  Busalis),  qui,  arcanis  suis  collegiis  et  studiis  evulgatis,  in  praesen- 
tissimo  cum  versarentur  discrimine  salutis,  una  cum  aliis  XL.  viris  fuga  se  eripuit,  et 
quam  Christianus  inter  Christianos  habere  non  poterat,  apud  Turcas  quaesivit  et  invenit 
salutem.  Thessalonicam  isti  concesserant,  exceptis  tribus,  Julio  Trevisano,  Franco  de 
Ruego,  et  Jacobo  de  Chiar,  quonun  illi  duo  Venetiis  suffocati,  tertius  iste  morte  naturali 
obiit.  Et  Abbas  quidem  Damasci  vitam  finivi*.  Qui  vero  ad  Turcas  se  non  contulerunt, 
silentio  tempestivo  tecti,  nee  tamen  satis  in  patria  tuti,  in  Helvetia,  Moravia,  tandem  et 
in  nostra  Polonia  refugium  invenerunt.  Inter  hos  Laelius  Socinus  Senensis  fuit,  vir  non 
tantum  natalium  splendore,  utpote  vel  sanguine,  vel  affinitate  Pontificibus  et  multis  Ita- 
licis  Principibus,  ut  vidimus,  innexus,  sed  et  eruditione  ac  singulari  morum  probitate 
clarissimus.  Is  itaque  turn  illius  periculi  metu,  turn  compertis  et  fastiditis  erroribus 
studio  inquirendae  et  confitendae  veritatis,  patria  relicta  anno  Christi  1547,  in  Helvetiam 
primum  se  contulerat.  Dehinc  ut  Galliam,  Britanniam,  et  utramque  Germaniam  pera- 
grarat,  ita  et  Poloniam  anno  1551,  salutaverat,  et  semine  pietatis  in  cordibus  Lismanini 


356  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

church  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  and  infant  baptism.  When  the 
adherents  of  the  Reformation  were  expelled  from  Italy  by  the  In- 
quisition (after  1542),4  and  betook  themselves  for  the  most  part  to 
Switzerland,  many  of  them  were  attached  to  these  devious  opin- 
ions. In  the  canton  of  the  (xrisons  they  soon  gave  occasion  for 
controversies,5  and  the  Italian  refugees  were  very  generally  sus- 

et  aliorum  sparso,  paulo  post  in  Moraviam,  inde  in  Helvetiam  reverterat.  In  Moravia 
vero  Paruta,  Gentilis,  Darius,  et  Alciatus  agentes  in  indagando  vero  solerter  se  exerce- 
bant,  ita  et  Franc.  Niger,  et  Bernardinus  Ochinus:  quorum  quidam  in  Polonia,  alii  alibi 
e  vita  exiverunt.  Qui  in  Moravia  degebant,  subinde  tbeses  de  Trinitate,  et  ambiguis 
Scripturae  sacrae  phrasibus  in  Poloniam  vicinam  mittebant.  Atque  haec  seminaria 
veritatis,  ut  suo  loco  videbimus,  fuere.  Of  that  society  in  Venice  there  are  also  ac- 
counts, probably  from  the  same  sources,  in  Andreas  Wissowatius,  Junior  (Socinian 
preacher,  died  in  Amsterdem,  1C78),  in  the  Narratio  Compendiosa,  in  Sandii  Bibl.  Anti- 
trin.,  p.  209  s.,  and  Sandius,  1.  c,  p.  18.  With  this  agrees  the  early  diffusion  of  the  Ref- 
ormation in  the  province  of  Venice  (see  supra,  Div.  I.,  §  19,  Note  12);  Melanchthonis 
Ep.  ad  Venetos  quosdam  Evangelii  studiosos,  1539  (Corp.  Reformat.,  iii.  748)  :  Intellexi 
istic  circumferri  Served  libellum. — Vos  admonendos  atque  obtestandos  esse  duxi,  ut 
hortatores  atque  auctores  sitis,  ut  fugiant,  abjiciant,  execrentur  impiuin  Serveti  erro- 
rem  ;  then  follows  a  long  refutation  of  this  error.  This  society  must  have  been  without 
any  definite  constitution  :  it  was  an  informal  secret  association,  with  which  distant  per- 
sons might  also  be  connected,  and  in  which  very  different  shades  of  opinion  were  ex- 
pressed and  allowed.  Lubieniecky  substitutes  later  Socinian  doctrines.  Cf.  Mosheim, 
Institutiones  Hist.  Eccl.,  p.  812;  Chr.  F.  Illgen,  Symbolarum  ad  Vitam  et  Doctrinam 
Laelii  Socini  Illustrandam,  Part  I.,  Lips.,  1826.  4. ;  Trechsel,  ii.  391.  Comp.  Heberle, 
in  the  Theol.  Studien  u.  Kritik.,  1846,  ii.  414. 

*  Supra,  iii.  L,  §  19,  Note  26. 

5  Comp.  P.  D.  R.  de  Porta  Hist.  Reformationis  Ecclesiarum  Rhaeticarum  (Curiae  Rhae- 
torum  et  Lindaviae,  2  Tomi.,  1772-76.  4.),  i.  ii.  62  ss.  Franciscus  Calaber,  who  had  been 
a  preacher  in  Lower  Engadin,  first  made  disturbances,  by  rejecting  infant  baptism,  de- 
nying the  moral  distinction  of  good  and  evil,  and  the  merits  of  the  sufferings  of  Christ, 
and  by  maintaining  that  salvation  did  not  begin  until  the  judgment.  He  was  deposed 
1544  ;  De  Porta,  1.  c,  p.  67 ;  Trechsel,  ii.  77.  Camillus  Renatus,  a  Sicilian,  private 
teacher  in  Chiavenna  from  1547  (De  Porta,  1.  c,  p.  81),  made  even  greater  confusion. 
His  opponent,  Augustinus  Maynardus,  also  an  Italian  refugee  and  preacher  in  Chia- 
venna, has  collected  his  doctrines  in  Theses,  which  he  says  are  partly  taken  from  MSS. 
of  Camillus,  partly  from  his  Tractatus  de  Sacramentis,  and  partly  from  his  oral  decla- 
rations (see  1.  c,  p.  127) ;  only  Theses  11,  12,  and  17,  he  says,  are  from  the  reports  of 
others.  The  most  Remarkable  are  (p.  83)  :  I.  Quod  anima  rationalis  sit  mortalis,  ac 
moriatur  una  cum  corpore  :  sed  in  novissimo  die  resuscitetur  una  cum  corpore,  et  quod 
tunc  demum  totus  homo  fiat  immortalis.  (But  this  held  only  of  the  righteous  :  cf.  Thes. 
XII. :  quod  homines  impii  non  sint  resurrecturi  corporaliter  in  extremo  die.  Thes.  IT. 
Of  a  dormitio  animarum,  is  the  only  one  of  these  Theses  which  docs  not  relate  to  Ca- 
millus ;  see  Maynardus,  1.  c,  p.  127.)  777.  Quod  homines  non  resuscitentur  in  eadem 
ipsa  natura  et  substantia,  in  qua  prius  fuerunt,  sed  in  alia,  quia  corpus  animale  et  cor- 
pus spirituale  differunt  et  substantia  et  natura.  IV.  Quod  non  sit  aliqua  lex  naturalis 
in  homine,  qua  cognoscuntur  res,  quas  vel  facere  vel  vitare  dcbemus.  V.  Quod  Dcca- 
logus  non  sit  utilis  credentibus,  causa  quod  non  sint  sub  lege,  et  quod  homines  pii  non 
habeant  opus  alia  lege  quam  Spiritus.  VI.  Quod  per  peccatum  Adae  mors  corporis  non 
intravit  in  mundum,  et  quod,  si  non  peccasset  Adam,  mortuus  nihilominus  fuisset  cor- 
porali  morte,  tam  ipse  quam  posted  ipsius.  VII.  Quod  Sacramenta,  veluti  baptismus 
et  coena  Domini,  non  sint  utilia  his  qui  recipiunt;  sed  sint  instituta  tantum  pro  signis, 
quibus  discernuntur  Christian"!  a  non  Christianis,  et  ut  homo  testiticetur,  se  in  Christum 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  31.  UNITARIANS.  357 

pected  of  being  secretly  Antitrinitarians  and  Anabaptists.6  In 
Geneva,  where,  since  1542,  they  had  a  congregation  of  their  own,7 
the  Antitrinitarians  became  more  circumspect  after  the  execution 
of  Servetus ;  they  were  expelled  only  after  subscription  to  a  con- 
fession of  faith  had  been  demanded  of  them,  1558.8     In  Zurich 

credere.  (Cf.  IX.  Quod  Deus  per  Sacramenta  nullam  rem  operetur  in  his  qui  utuntur, 
sed  quod  solummodo  monstrent  ilia  quae  est  operatus.)  VIII.  Quod  Christus  habuerit 
carnem  peccati  et  concupiscentiam.  et  ob  id  sit  dictus  maledictus  peccator,  non  quod 
fuerit  sacrificium  pro  peccato,  aut  crucis  ignominiam  passus  pro  peccatore,  sed  quia  fuit 
conceptus  in  peccato  originali,  et  quantumcunque  non  habuerit  peccatum  actuale,  potuit 
tamen  peccare.  X.  Quod  Christus  non  habuerit  aliquod  meritum,  quia  hoc  non  inveni- 
tur  expressum  in  Scriptura  sancta.  XI.  Quod  Christus  in  cruce  desperarit,  vel  Deo  sit 
diffisus,  quando  dicebat :  Deus  raeus,  Deus  meus,  quid  me  dereliquisti  ?  XVII.  Quod 
homines,  qui  a  Deo  non  sint  renati,  sint  irrationales,  sicut  bruta,  quousque  per  Spiritum 
Dei  non  fuerint  translati  in  regnum  Christi.  He  also  wrote  Adversus  baptismum,  quern 
sub  regno  Papae  atque  Antichristi  acceperamus,  and  in  this  work  not  only  rejected  in- 
fant baptism,  but  said  that  all  baptism  was  superfluous  after  the  founding  of  the  Church 
(p.  88).  The  similarit}'  between  these  doctrines  and  the  Socinian  is  unmistakable ;  and 
hence  the  fact  is  important,  that  Laelius  Socinus,  just  at  this  period,  passed  some  time 
in  Chiavenna,  and  was  in  friendly  intercourse  with  Camillus,  although  he  took  no  part 
in  the  controversy  (p.  SG  ;  cf.  Illgen  Vita  L.  Socini,  p.  17).  Camillus  was  excommuni- 
cated 1550  ;  De  Porta,  i.  ii.  104  ;  F.  Meyer's  Die  evangel.  Gemeinde  in  Locarno  (Zurich, 
1836),  i.  50  ;  Trechsel,  ii.  85.  Later,  too,  the  adherents  of  Camillus  made  some  disturb- 
ance in  Chiavenna,  and  were  connected  with  other  Italian  refugees,  as  Alciatus,  Blan- 
drata,  and  Ochino  ;  De  Porta,  i.  ii.  390  ss.,  493  ss.  The  strife  ceased  here  only  after  the 
Synod  of  the  canton,  1571,  had  excommunicated  the  remnant  of  the  Antitrinitarian- 
Anabaptist  party  ;  Trechsel,  ii.  135. 

6  General  declarations  about  them  :  Comander,  preacher  in  Chur,  to  Bullinger,  1518  : 
Sunt  ingenia  ilia  Italica  ad  contentionem  prona,  et  ad  placandum  difficilia :  possent 
tandem  illorum  litigia  et  contentiones  nobis  omnibus  damnum,  et  jacturam  Evangelio 
quoque  adferre  (De  Porta,  i.  ii.  94).  Lentulus,  too,  a  preacher  in  Veltlin,  also  an  Ital- 
ian, had  to  contend  with  such — hominibus  Italis,  quibus  nulla  religio  placet,  quando 
papistica  eis  incepit  displicere  (his  letter  to  Joh.  Wolf,  in  Zurich,  1566,  see  De  Porta,  i. 
ii.  496).  Hieron.  Zanchius,  also  for  a  time  preacher  in  Chiavenna,  asked  Bullinger  to 
give  credentials  to  no  Italian  about  whom  he  was  not  certain  that  he  was  orthodox  in 
the  articles  De  Deo,  de  peccato  originali,  de  satisfactione  Christi,  de  praedestinatione,  et 
de  animarum  post  exitum  e  corpore  sorte.  He  used  to  say :  Hispania  (fatherland  of 
Servetus)  gallinas  peperit,  Italia  fovit  ova,  nos  jam  pipientes  pullos  audimus  (De  Porta, 
i.  ii.  493). 

7  Calvin's  Leben  by  Henry,  ii.  420.     Trechsel,  ii.  280. 

8  Valentini  Gentilis  justo  capitis  supplicio  Bernae  afFecti  brevis  Historia.  Auctore 
Bened.  Aretio,  Bernensis  Ecclesiae  doctore  theologo.  Genevae,  1567.  4.,  initio :  Valen- 
tinus  Gentilis  Campanus,  post  relictam  patriam  Coscntiam,  peragrata  Neapoli,  Sicilia, 
et  Italia,  tandem  Genevam  pervenit.  Aderanttum  in  Italica  Ecclesia  homines  permulti 
ex  tota  Italia,  qui  alii  alias  ob  causas  eo  sese  contulerant :  inprimis  vero,  qui  pietatis 
nomine  extorres,  e  patria  illuc  profugerant.  Inter  hos  erant  quidam  kcilvwv  SoyfxaTuiv 
ibperai.  Georgius  enim  Blandrata,  professione  medicus,  negotium  Trinitatis  recenter 
coeperat  convellere :  agebatur  tamen  id  adhuc  privatim,  et  familiari  scriptione  ultro 
citroquc.  Lis  erat  de  vocibus  receptis,  ut  est  ovtria,  uTroaTa*™?,  Trinitas,  ofioovcnov,  etc. 
Volvebant  interea  idem  saxum  Matthaens  Cribaldus,  Jurisconsultus  Celebris  (from  Chie- 
ri,  in  Piedmont),  et  Jo.  Paulus  Alciatus  quidam,  Mediolanensis  (i.  e.,  Pedemontanus). 
Hanc  concertationem  cum  intelligent  novus  hospcs  Gentilis,  coepit  acumen  ingenii  in 
eodem  argumento  exercere.    Ac  in  eo  brevi  cum  aliis  ita  profecit,  ut  non  dubitarent 


358  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  Italian  Church  of  Locarno  had  been  welcomed,  1555  ;9  but  it 
was  allowed  to  run  down,  1563,  in  order  to  hinder  the  diffusion 
of  error,  after  the  banishment  of  its  preacher,  Bernard  Ochino.10 
Laelius  Socinus  (Sozzini),11  however,  who  was  only  noted  for  his 
inquisitiveness  in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge,  found  no  difficulty  in 
hiding  his  convictions,13  and  died  in  peace  in  Zurich,  May  14, 

affirmare,  Ecclesias  evangelicas  adhuc  graviter  errare  una  cum  Papistis,  quibus  in  arti- 
culo  Trinitatis  adhuc  parerent.  Nam  illas  cum  Papatu  tueri  non  Trinitatem,  seel  Qua- 
ternitatem  potius.  Veram  Trinitatem  habere  tres  aeternos  et  distinctos  Spiritus,  non 
tarn  personali,  quam  essentiali  numero  differentes.  Haec  turn  omnium  communis  et 
uniformis  erat  sententia,  a  quo  mox  alii  aliis  diverticulis  abeuntes,  in  opiniones  pugnan- 
tes  et  monstrosas  sunt  prolapsi.  Gribaldus,  during  the  process  against  Servetus,  de- 
clared against  persecution  for  belief;  but  afterward  he  himself  fell  into  errors,  and  was 
banished  from  Geneva,  1555  (see  Calvini  Ep.  ad  Georg.  Com.  Wirtebergensem,  d.  VI. 
Non.  Maji,  1557,  Epp.  ed.  Genev.,  p.  183).  He  subsequent!}-  lived  in  the  Bernese  prov- 
ince of  Gex,  upon  the  estate  of  Farges,  which  he  had  purchased,  and  was  in  constant 
communication  with  Geneva,  which  was  not  far  distant.  The  Confession  of  Faith  writ- 
ten by  Calvin  for  the  Italians  to  subscribe,  May  18,  1558,  see  in  Valentini  Gentilis,  Tc- 
terrimi  Haeretici,  impietatum  ac  triplicis  perfidiae  et  perjurii  brevis  Explicatio  ex  actis 
publicis  Senatus  Genevensis  optima  fide  descripta.  Cum  praef.  Th.  Bezae.  Genevae, 
1567.  4.,  p.  1,  reprinted  in  Jo.  Calvini  Tractatus  Theologici,  ed.  Amstelod.,  1667,  p.  568. 
After  an  animated  controversy  even  those  suspected  of  heresy  subscribed ;  but  the}'  soon 
gave  occasion  for  new  complaints.  Alciati  and  Blandrata  took  refuge  with  Gribaldus, 
as  also  did  Gentilis,  after  being  obliged  to  make  public  confession  for  his  backsliding  in 
Geneva ;  comp.  Valentini  Gentilis  Impietatum  Explicatio,  etc.  Heberle,  Aus  dem  Le- 
ben  von  G.  Blandrata,  in  the  Tiibinger  Zeitschrift  fur  Thcologie,  1840,  Heft  4,  s.  116 ; 
Trechsel,  ii.  313. 

9  Die  Evangel.  Gemeinde  in  Locarno,  ihre  Auswanderung  nach  Zurich,  und  ihre  wcu 
tern  Schicksale,  von  F.  Meyer  (2  Bde.,  Zurich,  1836),  ii.  1. 

10  (Comp.  Div.  1,  §  19,  Notes  14,  27.)  The  occasion  was  given'byliis  Dialogi  XXX. 
in  duos  libros  divisi.  Basil.,  1563,  which  he  wrote  in  Italian  ;  the  Latin  translation  is  by 
Castellio  (extracts  in  the  Observatt.  selectis  Halensibus,  v.  1).  Although  he  seemed, 
on  the  face  of  it,  to  be  maintaining  even  orthodoxy  against  errors,  yet  the  sharp  way  in 
which  he  put  the  error,  and  the  weak  refutation  of  it,  made  him  suspected.  In  Zurich 
the  XXIst  Dialogue  was  decisive  against  him  :  he  here  seemed  to  allow  polygamy  un- 
der certain  circumstances.  But  the  Dialogues  XIX.  and  XX.,  De  Trinitate,  seemed  to 
betray  a  secret  inclination  toward  Unitarianism.  Cf.  Meyer's  Gemeinde  in  Locarno,  ii. 
168  ff.  Ochino  defended  himself  after  his  exile  in  an  Italian  Dialogue  (in  Schelhorn's 
Ergotzlichkeiten,  iii.  2009).  The  Ziirichers  replied  in  :  Spongia  adv.  Aspergines  Bern. 
Ochini,  qua  verae  causae  exponuntur,  ob  quas  ille  ab  urbe  Tigurina  fuit  relegatus.  m. 
Martio,  1564  (reprinted  in  H.  Hottinger,  Hist.  Eccl.  N.  T.,  ix.  475;  in  Schelhorn,  iii.  2157). 
Comp.  Trechsel,  ii.  221. 

11  Bock,  Hist.  Antitr.,  ii.  568.  Vita  L.  Socini.  Scripsit  Chr.  F.  Illgen.  Lips.,  1814. 
8.  Ejusdem  Symbolaruni  ad  Vitam  et  Doctrinam  L.  Socini  illustrandam,  Part,  1  et  2. 
Lips.,  1826.  4.  Lalius  Socinus,  by  J.  K.  v.  Orelli,  in  the  Wissenschaftl.  Zeitschrift, 
Jahrg.  2  (Basel,  1826),  Heft  3,  s.  28.  Ungedruckte  Urkundeu  zum  Leben  von  L.  Soci- 
nus, ibid.,  s.  138.     Comp.  Trechsel,  ii.  137. 

12  He  left  Italy  in  1547,  went  first  to  the  canton  of  the  Grisons,  and  then  traveled,  by 
way  of  Geneva,  through  France,  England,  and  Belgium ;  came  to  Basle  and  Zurich, 
and  went  to  Wittenberg,  on  Melancthon's  account,  in  1550  (cf.  Illgen  Symbolaruni  P. 
ii.)  ;  in  1551  he  journeyed  thence  to  Poland,  but  returned  in  the  same  year  to  Switzer- 
land, lived  by  turns  in  Geneva  and  Zurich,  but  soon  exclusively  in  the  latter  city,  from 
whence,  in  1558,  he  went  for  a  short  time  back  to  Poland ;  and  in  1559  to  Italy.    He 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  31.  UNITARIANS.  359 

troubled  the  divines  every  where  with  theological  problems  and  doubts,  without  avow- 
ing his  own  opinions;  thus  Calvin,  e.  g.,  in  1548,  upon  the  recognition  of  papal  baptism, 
on  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  etc.  (Calvin's  reply  has,  in  Calv.  Epistt.  ad  Genev.,  1575, 
p.  84,  the  false  heading,  Farellus  Calvino  ;  in  the  Hanau  edition  it  reads  correctly,  Cal- 
vinus  Zozino).  Calvin,  in  his  second  letter,  already  rebukes  his  excessive  subtlety  (7 
Id.  Dec,  1549,  ed.  Gen.,  p.  93):  Ideo  serius  quam  optabas,  respondeo,  quia  invitus,  ut 
veru-m  fatear,  quo  me  vocant  literae  tuae,  protrahor.  De  resurrectione  carnis  video  tibi 
minime  esse  satisfaction.  Atqui  si  plus  a  me  postulas,  ne  scire  quidem  ultra  quam  do- 
cui  appeto,  etc.  Still  more  strongly  in  Cal.  Jan.,  1552  (in  the  Vita  F.  Sociui,  by  Sam. 
Przypcovius,  prefixed  to  E.  Soc,  Opp.,  p.  2 ;  also  in  Henry's  Leben  Calvins,  Bd.  i.  Beil. 
s.  57) :  Non  est,  quod  expectes,  dum  ad  ilia,  quae  objicis,  quaestionum  portenta  respon- 
deam.  Si  tibi  per  aereas  illas  speculationes  volitare  libet,  sine  me,  quaero,  humilem 
Christi  discipulum  ea  meditari,  quae  ad  fidei  meae  aedificationem  faciunt.  Ac  ego  qui- 
dem silentio  meo  id,  quod  cupio,  consequar,  ne  tu  mihi  posthac  sis  molestus.  Liberale 
vero  ingenium,  quod  tibi  Dominus  contulit,  non  modo  in  rebus  nihili  frustra  occupari, 
sed  exitialibus  figmentis  corrumpi,  vehementer  dolet.  Quod  pridem  testatus  sum,  serio 
iterum  moneo,  nisi  hunc  quacrendi  pruritum  mature  corrigas,  metuendum  esse,  ne  tibi 
gravia  tormenta  accersas.  Ego,  si  indulgentiae  specie  vitium,  quod  maxime  noxiiun 
esse  judico,  alerem,  in  te  essem  perfidus  et  crudelis.  Itaque  paululum  nunc  mea  asperi- 
tate  te  ofl'endi  malo,  quam  dulcibus  curiositatis  illecebris  male  captum  non  retrahi. 
Erit  tempus,  ut  spero,  cum  te  ita  violenter  expergefactum  fuisse  gaudebis.  He  was 
more  gently  admonished  by  Bullinger  (Lebensgeschichte  Bullingers,  bj"-  S.  Hess,  ii.  50) : 
e.  g.,  Video  te  studiosissimum  esse  sacrarum  literarum,  et  negotii  salutis  nostrae  verae,  sed 
simul  et  valde  curiosum,  qui  multos  subinde  quaestionum  modos  flectis  et  reflectis,  im- 
plicas  item  et  dissolvi  postulas. — Alii  quidem  voluptatibus  se  dedunt  Principum  aulas 
sectantes ; — tu — mavis  peregrinando  et  disputando,  et  opportune  et  importune  interro- 
gando,  quid  certo  credas  discere. — Ceterum  requiro  modum  et  in  hac  quoque  re  optima. 
— Nostra  religio  non  est  intinita,  sed  in  compendium  redacta. — Omnia  refert  ad  pietatem. 
Nil  curat  quaestiones  varias  et  implicatas.  Non  probat  Apostolus  eos  qui  semper  di- 
scunt,  nunquam  ad  cognitionem  veritatis,  ut  in  ea  acquiescant,  perveniunt. — Noli  hoc 
meum  consilium  spernere :  non  primus  hoc  objicio.  Meanwhile  Julius  Mediolanus,  a 
pastor  in  Poschiavo  (in  the  Grisons),  had  awakened  the  suspicions  of  Bullinger  against 
Socinus,  quasi  Ario,  vel  Serveto,  aut  Anabaptistis  favens  adorandam  Dei  trinitatem  non 
agnoscat,  aeque  sincere  fateatur.  Bullinger  induced  him  to  set  forth  a  Confession  of 
Faith,  and  then,  by  friendly  criticisms  (the  letter  in  H.  Hottinger's  Hist.  Eccl.,  ix.  427, 
is  by  Bullinger ;  see  Hess,  ii.  55).  to  make  some  alterations  in  it.  This  he  sent,  with  a 
letter  in  which  he  took  the  part  of  Socinus,  to  Julius  (Hottinger,  I.e.,  p.  417).  The  Con- 
fession of  Faith  of  July  15, 1555,  begins :  Ego  Laelius  Socinus  a  pueris  unum  Symbolum 
didici,  et  nunc  scio  et  agnosco,  quod  Apostolorum  dicitur,  esse  antiquissimum,  omnibus 
temporibus  in  Ecclesia  receptum,  tametsi  varie  scriptum.  Sed  nuper  legi  etiam  alia,  et 
honorem  tribuo,  quern  possum  et  debeo,  Symbolis  vetustissimis,  Nicaeno  et  Constanti- 
nopolitano.  Praeterea,  quod  ignari  homines  pertinaciter  inficiantur,  ego  Trinitatis,  Per- 
sonarum,  uiro<TTu<rzws,  consubstantialitatis,  unionis,  distinctionis,  et  alias  similes  voces 
agnosco  non  recens  excogitatas,  sed  a  1300  annis,  inde  usque  a  temporibus  Justini  Mar- 
tyris,  in  toto  fere  christiano  orbe  fuisse  usitatas,  et  quidem  maximis  gravissimisque  de 
causis.  Verumtamen  libere  dicam,  quod  sentio  ego:  modis  omnibus  probarem,  si  adhuc 
verbis  Christi,  Apostolorum  et  Evangelistarum  Christiana,  apostolica  et  evangelica  fides 
nobis  explicaretur :  nee  ideo  ilia  vocabula  nego  Patribus  necessaria  fuisse,  ad  ea  splen- 
didius  efferenda,  quae  jam  catholice  nobis  traduntur,  ac  sane  tanta  cum  veneratione  ab 
Ecclesiis  recipiuntur:  multo  minus  in  dubium  verto  christians  religionis  fundamenta, 
quae  singulis  Orthodoxis  certissima  debent  esse,  ac  utinam  mihi  reddantur  ccrtiora : 
quia  non  contendo,  Patrem  esse  eundem,  qui  Filius  et  S.  Spiritus.  Non  imaginor  tres 
Jehovas,  Deos  nostros  coessentiales :  non  discindo  in  Christos  duos  unam  Christi  perso- 
nam, vel  naturarum  confusionem  ullam  admitto,  sed  ingeniorum  lasciviam  et  petulan- 
tiam  valde  metuo.  Proinde  caveo  semper  ab  hujusmodi  letifcris  paradoxis,  necnon  Ca- 
tabaptistarum  errores  onmes  fugio,  Scrveti  dogmata,  Arianismum  totum  execror  hor- 


3G0  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

1562. 13     On  the  other  hand,  the  less  prudent  Valentinus  Gentilis 

reoque. — Fateor  ingenue,  me  curiosiorem  fuisse,  quam  potuerint  ferre  nimis  zelotypi 
quidam  Pythagorici :  sed  erga  me  tanta  nunc  extitit  Patris  coelestis  benignitas,  ut  plane 
confidam,  me  posthac  longe  dexterius  versaturum  esse  in  congressibus  hominum  sanc- 
tissimis.  Ego  nempe  phantasticorum  speculationibus  omissis,  ineptis  argutiis,  fallaci- 
bus  ratiunculis  Sophistarum  jam  valedictis,  quod  maximum,  quod  excellentissimum  Dei 
beneficium,  e  terrae  pulveribus  me  omnino  excitandum  spero,  caet.  Julius  repeated  bis 
suspicions  to  Bullinger  (dd.  4.  Nov.,  1555,  in  Fueslini  Epistolae  ab  Ecclesiae  Helveticae 
Iieformatoribus  vel  ad  eos  scriptae,  p.  353).  How  Socinus  worked  covertly  for  bis  doc- 
trines is  shown  by  Hieron.  Zancbius  (also  an  Italian  refugee,  see  Bd.  i.,  §  19,  Note  31, 
who  was  successive!}'  professor  in  Strasburg,  preacher  in  Chiavenna,  and  professor  in 
Heidelberg,  f  1590),  Lib.  de  tribus  Elohim  (Francof.,  1572),  in  praef :  Fuit  is  Laelius  no- 
bili  honestaque  familia  natus,  bene  gracce  et  hebraice  doctus,  vitaeque  etiam  externae 
inculpatae,  quarum  rerum  causa  mihi  quoque  intercesserat  cum  illo  non  vulgaris  amici- 
tia :  sed  homo  fuit  plenus  diversarum  haeresium,  quas  mihi  tamen  nunquam  propone- 
bat,  nisi  disputandi  causa,  et  semper  interrogans,  quasi  cuperet  doceri.  Hanc  vero  Sa- 
mosatenianam  iuprimis  annos  multos  fovit,  et  quoscunque  porro  potuit,  in  eundem  per- 
traxit  errorem.  Pertraxit  autem  non  paucos.  Me  quoque,  ut  dixi,  diversis  tentavit  ra- 
tionibus,  si  eodem  possit  errore  simul  et  aeterno  exitio  secum  involvere:  quemadmodum 
fecerat  etiam  antea  Matthaeus  Gribaldus  et  alii.  Faustus  Socinus  says  of  his  uncle,  Lae- 
lius (Frag,  de  Christi  Natura,  Opp.,  i.  782) :  Tantum  abfuit,  ut  is  in  religione  nihil  certi 
habuerit,  quemadmodum  aliqui  constanter  affirmant,  ut  nemo  unquam  exactius  de  om- 
nibus christianae  religionis  dogmatibus  vel  senserit,  vel  cum  opportunum  ei  videbatur, 
iocutus  fuerit.  Verum  cum  praeter  pauca  quaedam,  ea  videlicet,  quae  ad  salutem  sunt 
prorsus  necessaria,  nihil  fere  in  Ecclesiis,  quae  Komanum  Antichristum  execrantur,  post 
tantas  tamque  diuturnas  tenebras  suae  pristinae  claritati  restitutum  videret,  nolebat  ille 
sententiam  suam,  nisi  in  levioribus  quibusdam  controversiis,  omnibus  aperire,  ne  turba- 
rentur  Ecclesiae,  et  infirmi,  quorum  maximam  semper  habuit  rationem,  offenderentur, 
et  a  vero  Dei  cultu  ad  idola  fortasse  iterum  adducerentur,  neve  tandem  divina  Veritas  ab 
eo  praedicata,  qui  neque  pastoris  neque  doctoris  officio  in  Ecclesia  fungeretur,  ob  aucto- 
ris  non  magnam  auctoritatem,  magno  christiani  orbis  detrimento,  passim  rejiceretur,  ac 
propemodum  conculcaretur.  Praesertim  cum  apud  aliquas  Ecclesias  earn  opinionem, 
eumque  morem  jam  invaluisse  cerneret,  ut  execrabiles  haberentur,  quicunque  adversus 
receptas  sententias  vel  mutire  quidem  ausi  essent.  Praestare  igitur  arbitrabatur,  dubia 
et  quaestioncs  illustribus  in  Ecclesia  viris  identidem  proponere,  ut  ea  ratione  paulatim 
via  ad  veritatem  sterneretur,  addubitantibus  illis  interdum  ob  argumenta  ab  eo  allata 
de  invcteratarum  opinionum  firmitate,  easque  non  amplius  populo  tamquam  christianae 
religionis  axiomata  obtrudentibus,  quod  tamen,  ut  omnem  offensionem  vitaret,  addiscen- 
di  tantum  studio  a  se  fieri  dicebat  (qua  tamen  ratione  ab  initio  idem  vere  ab  eo  factum 
fuisse  verisimile  est)  :  quare  etiam  discipulum  semper  se,  nunquam  autem  doctorem 
profitebatur.  Hoc  tamen  suum  institutum  amicis  non  usque  adeo  probari  sentiebat,  qui- 
bus  dum  obsequi  recusat,  non  sine  Dei  consilio  vir  summus  immatura  morte  sublatus 
est,  quod  mox  patefieri  coepit,  cum  statim  fere  post  mortem  ejus  eorum,  quae  ipse  palam 
docere  non  audebat,  pars  aliqua  et  Uteris  consignari,  et  passim  divulgari  est  coepta,  id 
quod  eo  vivente  nunquam  fortasse  contigisset.— Hac  scilicet  ratione  Deus,  quae  illi  uni 
patefecerat,  omnibus  manifesta  esse  voluit,  ut  ignorantiae  tenebris  penitus  discussis  in- 
cipiat  tandem  christianus  populus  ei  ex  animo  fidere,  debitamque  obedientiam  praestare, 
exteri  vero  ad  ejus  veram  et  salutarem  per  Jesum  Christum  cognitionem  facilius  per- 
trahi  possint. 

13  Faustus  Socinus  ep.  ad  Andr.  Dudithium  (Opp.,  i.  508)  :  In  medio  vitae  cursu,  anno 
aetatis  37,  eo  ipso  tempore,  cum  amicorum  precibus  tandem  permotus  constituisset  atque 
etiam  coepisset,  saltern  inter  ipsos,  nonnulla  in  apertum  proferre,  breviter,  cum  fructum 
aliquem  tantorum  tamque  laboriosorum  in'  theologia  studiorum  videre  debuisset,  quern 
fructum  alii  postea  ac  fere  statim  ab  illius  morte  vidcrunt. 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  31.  UNITARIANS.  361 

was  decapitated  in  Berne,  1566  ;u  and  Matthew  Gribaldus  (Gri- 
baud)  was  snatched  from  a  like  fate  by  the  plague,  1564.15 

As  Switzerland  did  not  offer  a  sure  place  of  refuge,  many  of 
these  Antitrinitarian  Italians  betook  themselves  to  Poland,16  where 
many  of  the  nobility  not  only  protected  the  Reformation,  but  were 
glad  to  welcome  the  refined  Italian  culture.  For  a  long  time 
Antitrinitarianism  was  here,  too,  propagated  in  secret ;  Peter  Go- 
nesius  (Conyza)  first  proclaimed  it  openly  in  Pinczow  from  1556.1' 
But  John  George  Blandrata  was  especially  active ;  he  had  been 
driven  from  Geneva,  and  likewise  came  to  Poland  in  1558.  The 
leading  persons  connected  with  him  were  Francis  Lismanini,  Gre- 
gorius  Pauli,  a  preacher  in  Cracow,  Peter  Statorius,  rector  in  Pinc- 
zow since  1559,  and  George  Schomann,  from  1560  a  preacher  in 
the  same  place.18     They  were  aided  by  the  lively  opposition  there 

14  On  him  see  the  writings,  cited  Note  8,  by  Aretius  and  Beza.  Bock,  Hist.  Antitr., 
i.  i.  369,  and  ii.  427.  Trechsel,  ii.  316.  See  Confessio  evaugelica  (printed  in  Lyons 
about  1561) ;  see  in  Trechsel,  ii.  471. 

15  Bock,  ii.  456.  On  the  doctrinal  sentiments  of  the  Genevese  Antitrinitarians,  Gri- 
baldi,  Blandrata,  Gentilis,  and  Alciati,  see  Heberle,  in  the  Tubinger  Zeitschr.  f.  Thcol., 
1840,  iv.  128  ff.  According  to  them,  the  Son  and  the  Spirit  were  two  eternal,  but  limit- 
ed, emanations  from  the  Father  ;  and  they  thus  substantial!}'  agreed  with  the  Antc-Ni- 
cene  Fathers,  to  whom  they  appealed.  [But  see  Bull,  Defensk)  Fid.  Nic,  Baur's  Drei- 
einigkeit,  and  Dorner's  Person  Christi.]  Comp.  Valentini  Gentilis  Impietatum  brevis 
Explicatio  auct.  J.  Calvino,  in  the  work  published  by  Beza  (see  Note  8),  and  in  Calvini 
Tractatus  Theologici.     Amstel.,  1667,  p.  568.     Trechsel,  ii.  282. 

16  See  the  appendices  to  Sandii  Bibl.  Antitrin.,  viz.,  p.  181:  Jo.  Stoinii  (since  1612  pas- 
tor in  Rakau,  f  1654)  Epitome  Historiae  Originis  Unitariorum  in  Polonia ;  p.  189 :  Ge. 
Schomanni  (from  1560  preacher  in  Pinczow,  f  1591)  Testamentum  ;  p.  207  :  Andr.  Wis- 
sowatii,  Jun.  (Socin.  preacher,  f  in  Amsterdam,  1678),  Narratio  Compendiosa,  quomodo 
in  Polonia  a  Trinitariis  Reformatis  separati  sint  christiani  Unitarii. — Adriani  Regenvol- 
scii  (pseudonym)  Systema  historico-chronoloyicum  Ecclesiarum  Slavonicarum,  Traj.  ad 
Rhenum,  1652.  4.  (again  published  in  1679  under  the  real  name  of  the  author,  Andreas 
Wengerscius  (Wengierski),  a  Reformed  preacher  in  the  district  of  Lublin).  Stanislai 
Lubieniecii,  Jun.  (Socin.  preacher,  f  in  Hamburg,  1675),  Historia  Reformationis  Poloni- 
cae.  Freistadii  (Amsterdam).  1685.  8.  G.  W.  C.  Lochneri  comm.  qua  enarrantur  Fata 
et  Rationes  earum  familiarum  christianarum  in  Polonia,  quae  ab  Ecclesia  Romano-cath- 
olica  alienae  fuerunt,  usque  ad  Consensus  Sendomiriensis  tempus,  in  the  Acta  Socictatis 
Jablonovianae  Nova,  T.  iv.  Fasc,  ii.  (Lips.,  1832,  4.)  p.  S6.  Geschichte  der  Reforma- 
tion in  Polen,  by  Grafen  Valerian  Krasinski,  from  the  English  of  W.  A.  Lindau.  Leip- 
zig, 1841,  8.,  s.  143  ff.  308  ff. 

17  Lubieniecius,  p.  111.  Heberle  in  the  Tubinger  Zcitschrift  far  Thcologie,  1840,  iv. 
138. 

18  Ge.  Schomanni  Testamentum,  at  the  end  of  Sandii  Bibl.  Antitr.,  p.  193,  ad  ami. 
1559:  Pinczoviae  ego  cum  Petro  Statoria  Thionvillano  Gallo,  ct  Johannc  Thenaudo 
Bituricensi  Gallo,  D.  Francisco  Lismanino,  D.  Georgio  Blandrata  medico,  Bernardino 
Ochino  familiariter  vixi,  et  evidenter  didici,  errorem  esse,  non  fidem  christianam,  Trin- 
itatis  personarum  omnimodam  aequalitatem :  scd  unum  esse  Deum  Patrem,  ununi  Dei 
Filium,  unum  Spiritmn  Sanctum :  licet  adhuc  multa  noa  intelligeremus  ad  hoc  perti- 
nentia. 


362  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

made  to  the  doctrine  of  Francis  Stancaro,  that  Christ  is  mediator 
only  in  his  human  nature.19  For  they  maintained,  not  unsuc- 
cessfully, the  position  that  this  error  could  be  refuted  only  by  the 
neglected  truth  that  the  Father  is  greater  than  the  Son.20  Some 
soon  went  further,  and  denied  the  divinity  of  the  Holy  Ghost.21 
Others  rejected  infant  baptism.22  In  vain  did  Calvin  utter  warn- 
ings against  the  new  doctrine  ;23  the  synods  convened  to  repress  it 

19  Stancaro,  from  Mantua,  professor  in  Konigsberg  1551,  adopted  this  doctrine  in  op- 
position to  Osiander,  and  was  involved  in  controversies,  not  only  here,  but  also  in 
Frankfort-on-the-Oder,  where  he  went  in  1552 :  these  disputes  he  also  brought  into  Po- 
land in  1553.  In  1554  he  went  to  Transylvania,  and  1558  returned  to  Poland,  where  he 
died  in  1574.  On  his  restless  character,  see  the  opinions  of  his  contemporaries  in  the 
letter  of  Mainardo  to  Bullinger,  1558,  in  the  Museum  Helvet.,  six.  491.  See  Planck's 
Gesch.  des  Prot.  Lehrbegriffs,  iv.  449.     Comp.  Heberle,  s.  156.    See  below,  §  39,  Note  31. 

20  Lubieniecius,  p.  117 :  Stancarus  statuebat,  Filium,  cum  unus  idemque  Deus  cum 
Patre  credatur,  Mediatorem  non  secundum  divinam  naturam,  ne  sui  ipsius  Mediator  es- 
set, — sed  tantum  secundum  humanam  esse.  In  reply,  Lismaninus  in  Epist.  ad  Stan. 
I  wan.  Karninscium,  1.  c,  p.  122:  Dico  et  repeto,  quod  nisi  apertissime  ostendatur,  quo- 
modo  Filius  est  aequalis  Patri,  et  quomodo  Pater  est  major  Filio,  antequam  homo  fieret, 
nunquam  discedent  a  Stancarismo  nostri  fratres  seducti. — P.  119 :  Arianus  est,  qui  non 
confitetur,  Filium  esse  consubstantialem  et  coaeternum  Patri,  non  qui  a  Sabellianismo 
liberat  homines,  ne  Patrem  et  Spiritum  S.  incarnatum  et  passum  cogantur  asserere. 
Verbis  Stancarus  distinguit  Patrem  a  Filio,  re  autem  ita  confundit,  ut  generationem 
Filii,  et  processionem  Spir.  S.  tollat  omnino.  Thus  they  held  fast  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
Antitrinitarians  of  Geneva ;  see  Note  15. 

21  At  the  Synod  of  Pinczow,  November,  1559,  a  letter  was  presented  from  Chclmski, 
quibus  in  dubium  vocabat  invocationem  Spiritus  Sancti.  But  Peter  Statorius  is  the  re- 
puted originator  of  this  doubt ;  Lubieniecius,  p.  148.  At  that  time  he  still  denied  this 
doctrine,  Regenvolscius,  p.  184;  but  afterward  he  openly  avowed  it:  Spiritum  S.  non 
esse  tertiam  Deitatis  personam,  nee  Deum,  sed  Dei  virtutem  et  donum,  quod  Deus  in 
cordibus  fidelium  excitet,  Lubieniecius,  p.  149. 

22  Peter  Genesius  first  presented  to  the  Synod  at  Bresk,  in  Lithuania  (December, 
1558),  a — libellum  contra  paedobaptismum,  quo  ritum  hunc  nee  Scripturae  sacrae,  nee 
primae  antiquitati,  nee  sanae  rationi  convenire  docuit,  and  was  generally  opposed,  Lu- 
bieniecius, p.  144.  Then  there  was  a  dispute  about  it  in  Wilna,  1559,  where  Martin 
Czechovicius  was  the  leading  opponent  of  infant  baptism.  At  the  Synod  of  Brasin  and 
Wengrov,  1565,  their  number  was  already  very  considerable ;  see  Lubieniecius,  p.  176 
(cf.  M.  Czechovicii  do  Paedobaptistarum  errorum  origine.  Lublini,  1575.  4. ;  earlier  pub- 
lished in  Polish.  Das  Lehrgebiiude  der  Wiedertaufer  nach  den  Grundsatzen  des  M. 
Czechowitz,  by  J.  R.  Kiessling.     Reval  and  Leipzig,  1776.  8.). 

2U  lie  warned  the  Bohemian  brethren  in  Poland  against  Blandrata,  prid.  Cal.  Jul., 
1560  (Epp.  ed.  Genev.,  p.  233).  particularly  the  Prince  Radzivill,  who  specially  favored 
him,  in  the  dedication  of  the  second  edition  of  his  Commentary  on  the  Acts,  dd.  August 
1,  1560.  He  accused  Blandrata  of  Servetianism ;  but  the  latter  quieted  his  admirers  by 
confessing  three  Persons,  equal  in  essence  and  equally  eternal.  He  justified  himself 
before  the  Sj-nod  at  Pinczow  (January,  1561),  Regenvolscius,  p.  86 ;  and  the}-  were  very 
indignant  at  Calvin ;  see  his  letters  of  1561  to  Poland  (Epp.  ed.  Genev.,  p.  256,  ss.). 
The  Zurichers,  too,  warned  the  Poles,  in  a  letter,  March,  1561,  against  both  Stancarus 
and  the  Antitrinitarians;  see  Schlusselburg  Catalogus  Haereticorum  (Francof.,  1597  ss. 
Ix.  voll.  8.),  ix.  224.  There  were  afterward  published,  from  several  quarters,  contro- 
versial works  against  the  new  Arianism  in  Poland  (collected  in  Valentini  Gentilis  Im- 
pietatum  Brevis  Explicatio  ed.  Th.  Beza.    Genev.,  1567,  4.,  p.  56  ss.) ;  two  letters  from 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  31.  UNITARIANS.  363 

only  kindled  the  flames.24  The  Unitarians  united  in  a  church, 
which  was  excluded  from  the  fellowship  of  the  Reformed  Church 
in  1565  in  Petrikow.25  Their  chief  seat  was  at  first  at  Pinczow, 
and  then  at  Racow,  built  in  1569.  In  Poland  they  had  several 
scattered  churches,  under  the  protection  of  the  nobility,  who  fa- 
vored them.  Among  these  protectors  was  the  famous  Andreas 
Dudith.26  Blandrata  went,  in  1563,  to  Transylvania,  where  he 
was  physician  in  ordinary  to  the  King,  John  Sigismund,  whom  he 
brought  over  to  his  doctrines  ;  and  there,  in  1571,  he  procured  re- 
ligious freedom  for  his  party.27  Francis  Davidis  was  here  their 
first  superintendent. 

As  Unitarianism  sprang  from  many  independent  individual 
opinions,  the  new  church  did  not  at  once  come  to  unity  in  the 
faith.  With  the  rejection  of  infant  baptism  other  Anabaptist  pe- 
culiarities pressed  in  and  were  canvassed  ;28  in  the  doctrine  respect- 
Calvin,  ad  Fratres  Polonos,  1563  (also  in  his  Tractatus  Theol.  ed.  Amstelod.,  p.  589);  from 
Josias  Simler,  professor  in  Zurich,  Jo.  Wigand,  Alex.  Alesius,  professor  in  Leipsick,  and 
from  the  Geuevese  clergy  (1565). 

2*  The  Synod  in  Pinczow,  April,  1562,  decreed  (Lubieniecius,  p.  131),  ut  Ministri  ab- 
stineant  a  modis  loquendi  philosophicis  de  Trinitate,  de  essentia,  de  generatione,  de 
modo  procedendi,  quae  omnia  sint  extra  verbura  Dei ;  sed  ut  quilibet  se  contineat  intra 
terminos  Prophetarum,  Apostolorum  et  symboli  apostolici.  A  Confessio,  probably  hand- 
ed in  to  this  Synod  by  Blandrata,  has  been  published  by  Henke  (Opusc.  Acad.,  p.  245), 
■with  a  refutation  by  Flacius.  The  controversy,  however,  soon  broke  out  again  between 
Gregorius  Pauli,  preacher  at  Cracau,  and  the  violent  Trinitarian,  Stanisl.  Samicius, 
preacher  in  a  village  near  Cracau. 

25  Lubieniecius,  p.  201.  By  a  royal  edict,  August  6,  1564,  all  heretical  Italians  were 
banished  from  the  kingdom  (Regenvolscius,  p.  222),  and  then  the  Unitarians,  by  a  law 
of  the  Diet  of  Lublin,  1566  (Lubieniecius,  p.  194) ;  however,  the  last  was  not  put  into 
execution,  and  from  1573  the  Unitarians  were  also  protected  by  the  Pax  Dissidentium 
(see  Div.  I.,  §  15,  Note  23). 

26  Before  this  Bishop  of  Tina,  and  in  this  capacity  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Trent ; 
then  Bishop  of  Funf  kirchen ;  he  married  in  Poland,  1565,  and  purchased  the  estate  of 
Smigla,  in  the  voy  vode  of  Posen,  the  previous  possessor  of  which  had  also  been  a  pro- 
tector of  the  Unitarians  ;  see  M.  Adelt,  Nachricht  v.  d.  ehemaligen  Schmieglischeu  Ari- 
anismus,  Danzig,  1741. 

27  Comp.  Div.  I.,  §  16,  Notes  19,  20.  The  King  was  gained  chiefly  by  two  religious 
colloquies  in  Stuhlweissenburg,  1566  and  1568,  in  which  Blandrata  and  Davidis,  by  their 
dexterity,  maintained  an  ascendency  over  the  Reformed.  The  proceedings  were  pub- 
lished: those  of  the  first  in  Clausenburg,  1566  (Sandii  Bibl.,  p.  30);  those  of  the  second 
— Disputatio  in  causa  s.  Trinitatis  inter  novatores  D.  G.  Blandratam  caet.  et  Pastores 
ministrosque  Ecclesiae  Dei  catholicae  Albae  Juliae— habita,  Claudiopoli,  1568.  4.— pub- 
lished by  the  Reformed  preachers  (extracts  in  Salig's  Gesch.  d.  Augsb.  Conf.,  ii.  855). 
In  the  Gottingen  Library  is  Summa  Professionis  Doctrinae  de  uno  vero  Deo  Patre  Filio- 
que  ejus  unigenito  J.  Chr.  crucifixo,  horum  denique  Spiritu  sancto— scripta  et  edita  per 
Ministros  Eccl.  Claudiopolitanae,  Claudiopoli,  1570,  a  copy  is  extant  (Mss.  theol.  thet., 
i.  107  b.).  On  the  objection  that  the  Catholic  Trinity  is  really  a  quatemity,  see  Royaards 
de  Leer  der  Quaterniteit,  Nederl.  Archief  door  Kist  en  Royaards,  ii.  263. 

29  All  the  Racovians  maintained  that  no  Christian  could  hold  any  civil  office  (Sandii 


3Q4  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ino-  Christ,  the  subordinationism  with  which  they  began  was  soon 
abandoned,  and  many  went  over  to  Ebionitism.29  The  majority, 
however,  united  in  the  faith30  which  was  expressed  in  the  Cate- 
chism published  in  Cracow  in  1574.31     In  1579  Faustus  Soci- 

Bibl.,  p.  45).  When  Jacob  Palaeologus,  also  a  Unitarian,  wrote  against  this,  Gregorius 
Pauli  (1573)  defended  the  doctrine  against  him  (Bock,  ii.  801  s.),  and  (1574)  against  Stan- 
islaus Budzinius  (Bock,  i.  i.  86,  and  i.  ii.  613).  Martin.  Czechovicius  De  Vita  et  Moribus 
primitivae  Ecclesiae  Christi,  in  the  Appendix  to  his  Dialogues,  1575,  taught  the  same,  and 
also  that  a  Christian  could  not  wear  a  sword  (Sandii  Bibl.,  p.  51).  Stanislaus  Budzinius 
taught  a  millennial  kingdom,  and  was  opposed  in  this  by  Gregorius  Pauli  and  Faustus 
Socinus  (Bock,  i.  i.  86,  and  i.  ii.  613) ;  cf.  Fausti  Socini  contra  Chiliastas  ad  Synodum 
Chmielnicensem  epist.,  dd.  17.  Sept.,  1589  (Opp.,  i.  440) ;  Martinus  Czechovicius  is  also 
here  called — acerrimus  contrariae  sententiae  propugnator. 

29  Schomanni  Testamentum  (Sandii  Bibl.,  p.  194  s.)  ad  ann.  1566  :  Sub  id  fere  tempus 
ex  rhapsodiis  D.  Laelii  Socini  quidam  fratres  didicerunt,  Dei  Filium  non  esse  secundam 
Trinitatis  personam  Patri  coessentialem  et  coaequalem  :  sed  hominem  Jesum  Christum 
ex  Spiritu  Sancto  conceptum,  ex  Virgine  Maria  natum,  crucifixum  et  resuscitatum :  a 
quibus  nos  commoniti  sacras  literas  perscrutari,  persuasi  sumus.  Petrus  Gouesius  and 
Stanisl.  Farnovius  held,  in  opposition  to  this,  the  older  opinion  (Note  15),  and  were  de- 
clared by  the  rest  of  the  Unitarians  to  be  Arians,  just  as  these  had  before  this  themselves 
been  said  to  be.  ■  Between  the  two  parties  there  were  fruitless  negotiations  at  the  Synods 
of  Lankut  and  Skrzynna,  1567  (Lubieniecius,  p.  215  ss.).  The  latter  declared  (p.  219  s.)  : 
Pie  et  sancte  Trinitas  retinenda  est  ea  lege,  ut  fraterna  caritas  ex  praescripto  Filii  Dei 
servetur,  et  alter  alterius  infirmitates  toleret,  nullo  vero  prorsus  modo  alter  alteram  eon- 
vitiis  incessat.— Interea  integrum  est  per  scripta  de  eo  agere,  sed  ita,  ne  alter  alteram 
calumnietur. — Orationes  et  conciones  sacras  alii  aliorum  audire  possunt  ea  cautione  si- 
cuti  orationes  peractae  fuerint  ea  forma,  quae  in  verbo  Dei  est  tradita. — Si  forte  illas 
orationes  vel  conciones  audire  nolens  foras  exierit,  non  est  id  ei  vitio  ferendum,  quasi 
vinculum  fraternae  dilectionis  solveret,— alter  alterius  fklei  imperare  nolens,  cum  istius 
dominus  et  largitor  sit  ipse  Deus,  usquequo  is  miserit  sapientiores  Ministros  Angelos 
suos,  tempore  suo  zizania  avulsorus,  et  a  tritico  separaturos.  Interim  nos  alii  alios  non 
evellumus,  nee  laceremus :  hoc  enim  Christus  noluit  permittere  Apostolis,  tanto  minus 
id  nobis  permisit.  But  even  this  mere  external  union  was  not  attained.  Farnovius 
formed  in  Sandecz,  on  the  Hungarian  frontier,  a  distinct  sect  (Farnovians),  which  was, 
however,  dissolved  after  his  death  (he  died  after  1615 ;  Regenvolscius,  p.  89).  Mean- 
while there  was  another  rupture  among  the  rest  of  the  Unitarians  when  Francis  David- 
is,  superintendent  in  Transylvania,  rejected  invocations  to  Christ.  Blandrata  opposed 
him,  and  had  Faustus  Socinus  brought  to  Transylvania  in  1578,  to  induce  him  to  aban- 
don his  views.  As  this  was  unsuccessful,  a  general  synod  in  Thorda  condemned  him  in 
1579;  the  Prince  sentenced  him  to  perpetual  imprisonment,  and  he  died  in  prison,  1579 
(Davidis'  Theses  and  Blandrata's  Antitheses,  see  in  Lampe  Hist.  Ecclesiae  Reform,  in 
Hungaria  et  Transylvania,  p.  306;  De  J.  Chr.  Invocatione  disp.  quam  F.  Socinus  per 
Scripta  habuit  cum" Franc.  Davidis  anno  1578  et  1579,  in  F.  Socini  Opp.,  ii.  709).  The 
doctrine  of.these  Semijudaizantes  found  also  adherents  in  Poland.  Their  leader,  Simon 
Budnaeus  (hence  called  Budnejans),  was  deposed  in  1582,  and  afterward  recanted  (San- 
dii Bibl.,  p.  54;  Bock,  i.  i.  80). 

30  Called  Racovienses  (by  F.  Socinus,  in  the  Responsio  pro  Racoviensibus  ad  Jac.  Pa- 
laeologum,  1581) :  hence  this  Catechism,  though  printed  in  Cracow,  goes  by  the  name 
of  the  First  Racovian  ;  Sandii  Bibl.,  p.  44. 

31  Catechesis  et  Confessio  Fidei  Coetus  per  Poloniam  congregati  in  Nomine  Jesu 
Christi,  Domini  nostri  crucifixi  et  resuscitati,  Cracoviae,  1574.  12.  In  Sandii  Bibl.,  p. 
44,  it  is  conjectured  that  it  was  principally  drawn  up  by  Gregorius  Pauli,  senior  in  Cra- 
cow ;  more  probably  it  was  by  George  Schomann,  then  preacher  in  Cracow ;  Bock,  i. 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  31.  UNITARIANS.  365 

nus32  came  to  Poland.  He  had  been  directed  in  his  theological 
education  by  the  influence  of  his  uncle  Laelius,  and  from  the  man- 

ii.  826.  On  this  very  rare  book,  see  J.  A.  Muller,  in  Bartholomai  fortges.  niitzl.  Anmer- 
kungen,  xxi.  758  ;  Mosheim,  Institutt.,  p.  815  ;  Baumgarten's  Nachrichten,  xi.  35.  The 
Unitarian  superintendent,  George  Eniediuus  (f  1597),  wrote  an  explanation  of  it  (San- 
dii  Bibl.,  p.  93).  It  is  divided  :  I.  De  Deo  et  Jesu  Christo.  II.  De  justificatione  nostri. 
III.  De  disciplina.  IV.  De  oratione.  V.  De  baptismo.  VI.  De  Coena  Domini.  Polio 
b.  3.  Quid  est  Jesus  Christus,filius  Dei?  Est  Homo,  mediator  noster  apud  Deum,  pa- 
tribus  olim-  per  Prophetas  promissus,  et  ultimis  tandem  temporibus  ex  Davidis  semine 
natus,  quern  Deus  pater  fecit  Dominum  et  Christum,  hoc  est,  perfectissimum  Prophe- 
tam,  sanctissimum  sacerdotem,  invictissimum  regem,  per  quern  novum  mundum  crea- 
vit,  omnia  restauravit,  secum  reconciliavit,  pacificavit,  et  vitam  aeternam  electis  suis 
donavit :  ut  in  ilium  post  Deum  altissimum  credamus,  ilium  adoremus,  invocemus,  au- 
diamus,  pro  modulo  nostro  imitemur,  et  in  illo  requiem  animabus  nostris  inveniamus. 
Folio  c.  6.  Ubi  vero  scribitur  de  ea,  quam  dicis,  nova  creatione  ?  Es.  lxv.  17.  Ecce  ego 
creo  coelos  novos  et  terram  novam ;  Es.  lxvi.  22 ;  Ezech.  xxxvi.  26.  Dabo  vobis  cor 
novum,  et  auferam  cor  lapideum ;  Ps.  Ii.  12.  Cor  mundum  crea  in  me,  Deus,  et  spiri- 
tum  rectum  innova  in  visceribus  meis.  Ubi  vero  scriptum  extat,  per  Jesum  omnia  denuo 
esse  creata,  restaurata,  reconciliata  et  pacificata?  Jo.  i.  Omnia  per  ipsum  facta  sunt; 
2  Cor.  v.  Si  quis  est  in  Christo  Jesu,  nova  creatura  est,  Vetera  praeterierunt,  ecce  nova 
facta  sunt  omnia.  Then  follow,  without  further  explanations  :  Hebr.  i.  2  ;  Hebr.  ii.  5 ; 
Col.  i.  16-20 ;  Eph.  i.  3,  10,  ii.  3-18,  iv.  22-24.  Folio  e.  2.  Spiritus  sanctus  est  virtus 
Dei,  cujus  plenitudinem  dedit  Deus  pater  Filio  suo  unigenito,  domino  nostro,  ut  nos 
adoptivi  ex  plenitudine  ejus  acciperemus.  Folio  e.  5.  .Quid  est  justification  Est  ex 
niera  gratia  Dei  per  dominum  nostrum  Jesum  Christum,  sine  operibus  et  meritis  nostris, 
omnium  praeteritorum  peccatorum  nostrorum  in  viva  fide  remissio,  vitaeque  aeternac 
indubitata  explicatio,  et  auxilio  Spiritus  Dei  vitae  nostrae  non  simulata,  sed  vera  cor- 
rectio,  ad  gloriam  Dei  patris  nostri,  et  aedificationem  proximorum  nostrorum.  Folio  i. 
6.  Baptismus  est  hominis  Evangelio  credentis  et  poenitentiam  agentis  in  nomine  Patris 
et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti,  vel  in  nomine  Jesu  Christi,  in  aquam  immersio  et  emersio, 
qua  publice  profitetur  se  gratia  Dei  Patris,  in  sanguine  Christi,  opera  Spiritus  Sancti, 
ab  omnibus  peccatis  ablutum  esse,  ut  in  corpus  Christi  insertus,  mortificet  veterem  Ada- 
mum,  et  transformetur  in  Adamum  ilium  coelestem,  certus,  se  post  resurrectionem  con- 
secuturum  esse  vitam  aeternam.  Folio  k.  3.  Omnes  igitur  baptizandi  verbum  Dei  audire, 
credere,  confiteri  et  poenitentiam  agcre  debent  ?  Planissime,  referring  to  Acts  viii.  35  ss. ; 
Hebr.  vi.  1  s. ;  Gal.  iii.  26,  27;  Acts  viii.  12.  Sed  baptizabant  totas  familias  in  fidem 
p  it  rum  familias?  Non.  Nam  Justus  sua  fide  (non  aliena)  vivit;  Hab.  ii.,  et  Act.  16. 
Ubi  dicuntur  baptizasse  familias,  nonnisi  audientes  et  credentes  baptizarunt.  Folio  k.  6. 
Quid  est  coena  Domini?  Est  actio  sacra,  ab  ipso  Christo  domino  instituta,  in  qua  pro- 
bati  discipuli  Christi,  in  coetu  sacro  ad  mensam  Domini  devote  discumbentes,  Deo  patri 
pro  ejus  in  Christo  benefices  ex  ammo  gratias  agunt,  panem  frangentes  edunt,  et  ex 
calice  Domini  bibunt,  ad  devotam  recordationem  corporis  Christi  domini  pro  nobis  in 
mortem  traditi,  et  sanguinis  ejus  effusi  in  remissionem  peccatorum  nostrorum,  excitan- 
tes  se  invicem  ad  constantem  sub  crucc  patientiam,  et  sinceram  fraternam  dilectionem. 
Folio  1.  4.  Quomodo  autem  Christus  huic  actioni  adest,  quum  eum  oporteat  coelo  capi  us- 
que ad  tempus  restaurationis  omnium,  Act.  iii.  ?  Adest  certissime  suis  fidelibus,  ut  pro- 
misit,  Matth.  xxviii.  Ecce  ego  vobiscum  sum  omnibus  diebus  usque  ad  consummationem 
saeculi :  adest  inquam  non  carnaliter,  sed  Spiritu  suo  sancto,  ut  est  Jo.  xiv.  Rogabo 
Patrem  et  alium  Paracletum  dabit  vobis,  caet. 

32  Vita  Fausti  Socini  Senensis,  descripta  ab  Equite  Polono  (Sam.  Przypcovio),  1636. 
4.  (also  prefixed  to  F.  Socini  Opp.  Irenopoli,  1656  (2  Tomi  fol.),  before  T.  I.).  Bock, 
Hist.  Antitrin.,  ii.  654-850;  Fock,  i.  159.     Opinion  of  the  Socinians  about  him  : 

Alta  ruit  Babylon :   destruxit  tecta  Lutherus, 
Muros  Calvinus,  sed  fuudamenta  Sociuus. 


3G6  FOUETH  PERIOD.— DIV.  E— A.D.  1517-1648. 

uscripts  the  latter  left  had  fully  imbibed  his  opinions.  He  was 
not  at  first  welcomed  by  the  Unitarians,  because  he  would  not 
allow  himself  to  be  rebaptized  ;33  but  by  degrees  he  gained  over 
their  leaders,  and  through  them  the  churches.34     And  thus  he 

33  F.  Socinus  ad  Sophiam  Siemichoviam  (Opp.,  i.  432)  :  Quod  mihi  objicis,  me  com- 
munionem  cum  fratribus  et  Christifidelibus  spernere,  nee  curare,  ut  una  cum  ipsis  coe- 
nam  Domini  celebrenr,  quam  tamen  celebrare  ab  ipso  Domino  omnes  jubemur :  respon- 
deo,  me,  postquam  in  Poloniam  veni,  nihil  antiquius  habuisse,  quam  ut  me  quam  max- 
ime  cum  fratribus  conjungerem,  licet  invenissem  illos  in  non  paucis  religionis  hostrae 
capitibus  a  me  diversum  sentire. — Quod  si  nihilominus  aquae  baptismum  una  cum  illis 
non  accipio,  hoc  propterea  fit,  quia  id  bona  conscientia  facere  nequeo,  nisi  publice  antea 
protester,  me,  non  quod  censeam  baptismum  aquae  mihi  meique  similibus  ullo  modo 
necessarium  esse,  sed  ut  cum  fratribus  arctius  conjungar,  id  facturum  esse :  id  quod 
fratres  nullo  pacto  mihi  concedere  volunt. — Cum  mihi  aquae  baptismus  non  videatur 
necessarius  iis,  qui  ex  Christianis,  i.  e.,  Christum  profitentibus  nascuntur,  et  in  ea  pro- 
fessione  parentes  imitantur,  atque  ita  nihil  revera  referre  arbitrer,  nisi  propter  scanda- 
lum,  utrum  isti  necne,  et  an  potius  adulti,  quam  infantes  baptizentur :  propterea  non 
diffiteor,  me  circa  infantiuni  baptismum  haud  difficilem  futurum,  si  contingeret,  Eccle- 
siae aedificationem  sic  postulare,  illumque  citra  omne  scancalum  dari  posse.  Cf.  Ejus- 
dem  epist.  ad  Sim.  Ronembergium  (1.  c,  p.  429),  where  he  especially  directs  attention 
to  the  external  disadvantages  accruing  to  the  Church  on  account  of  the  general  hatred 
of  Anabaptist  opinions. 

34  Przypcovius,  1.  c— migravit  in  Poloniam,  ubi  Ecclesiis  Polonicis,  quae  solum  pa- 
trem  Domini  Jesu  summum  Deum  agnoscunt,  publice  adjungi  ambivit.  Sed  cum  dis- 
sensionem  in  quibusdam  dogmatis  non  premeret,  satis  acerbe  atque  diu  repulsam  passus 
est.  Qua  tamen  igrominia  minime  accensus,  vir,  non  tarn  indole,  quam  animi  instituto 
ad  patientiam  compositus,  nulla  unquam  alienati  animi  vestigia  dedit.  Quin  potius  im- 
pressionem  variorum  hostium,  a  quibus  tunc  illae  Ecclesiae  vexabantur,  suo  sibi  inge- 
nio  sumpsit  propulsandam.  These  controversial  writings  are  named,  and  the  fatalities 
which  befell  him.  In  tot  mails  solatium  a  negotio  petit,  quod  sibi  repurgandis  qui  turn 
in  Ecclesia  vigebant  erroribus  divinitus  datum  sentiebat.  Quanquam  igitur  antea 
quoque  Ecclesiasticos  conventus  frequentare  solitus,  anno  tamen  1588,  in  Brescensi  Sy- 
nodo — majore  quam  antea  conatu  atque  fructu  de  morte  et  sacrificio  Christi,  de  justifi- 
catione  nostra,  de  corrupta  hominis  natura,  denique  cum  Davidianis  et  Budneistis  de 
Jesu  Christi  invocatione  disputavit.  Hie  fuit  annus,  quo  primum  Luclaviciani  coetus 
cura  atque  provincia  mandata  est  Petro  Stoinio.— Is  non  minus  judicio  acer,  quam  prom- 
tus  eloquio,  postquam  Socini  amicitiae  copia  facta  est,  in  sententiam  ejus  libenter  con- 
cessit. Paulo  ante  quoque  non  paucos  e  praecipuis  privatim  in  suam  sententiam  per- 
traxerat,  et  suffragantium  sibi  non  exigua  indies  fiebat  accessio.  Eefragabantur  tamen 
adhuc  viri  maximae  auctoritatis,  Nemojevius  ac  Czechovicius,  et  plerique  e  Ministris 
natu  majoribus. — Jamque  et  alii  certatim  e  pastorum  ordine  partibus  addebantur,  prae- 
sertim  e  junioribus,  quos  minus  morabatur  inveteratae  opinionis  atque  auctoritatis  prae- 
judicium.— In  magno  sententiarum  dissensu  laudabilis  haec  fuit  illius  Ecclesiae  Concor- 
dia, quod  tantum  opinionibus,  non  etiam  odiis  homines  illi  pugnaverint,  et  cum  alii  alio- 
rum  sententias  detestarentur,  sese  tamen  mutuo  minime  damnarent.  Itaque  iutegra 
utrinque  tolerantia  saepius  acriter  disceptabant,  atque  hoc  fuit  praecipuum  illarum  Sy- 
nodorum  negotium.— Eepurgata  sic  plene  ab  erroribus  Ecclesia,  veluti  ad  unam  earn 
rem  hucusque  vita  producta,  (Socinus)  non  tarn  immaturo  sibi,  quam  luctuoso  suis  fato 
eripitur  Luclaviciis,  exeunte  bruma,  anno  aetatis  quinto  ultra  sexagesimum.  Ultima 
morientis  vox  excepta,  se  non  magis  aevi,  quam  invidiae  et  molestiarum  saturum.  laeta 
atque  intrepida  spe  propendere  in  supremum  ilium  fati  sui  articulum,  qui  missionem  ab 
aerumnis  simul  et  laborum  stipendium  ostenderet—  Nemo  memoria  nostra  de  toto  chris- 
tiano  orbe,  sed  inprimis  de  Ecclesiis  Polonicis  melius  meruit.  Primum  enim  genuinam 
sacrarum  literarum  mentem  tot  editis  lucubratiouibus,  innumeris  in  locis,  aperuit.    Dein- 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  31.  UNITARIANS.  367 

transformed  the  Polish  Unitarians  into  Socinians.  Their  doctrinal 
views  were  expressed  in  the  Racovian  Catechism,  1605,35  pub- 
lished just  after  his  decease  in  1604.3S 

de  sententias  de  Dei  atque  Christi  persona,  quas  jam  in  Polonia  vigentes  deprehenderat, 
solidis  argumentis  confirmari,  et  a  subtilibus  cavillis  atque  sophismatis  perite  defendi 
uiius  egregie  docuit.  Mox  quasdam  impias,  alias  profanas  sententias,  quarum  exitia- 
bile  virus  furtim  in  Ecclesiae  gremium  irrepebat,  felicissime  exstinxit.  Nemo  acrius 
Judaizantes  repressit :  idem  Chiliastarum  opinionem,  idem  multa  praeterea  alia  fanatica 
somnia  explosit.  Errores  autem,  qui  a  reformatis  Ecclesiis  hausti  magno  adhuc  numero 
in  ea  Ecclesia  regnabant,  mira  felicitate  exstirpavit.  Talia  erant  de  justificatione,  de 
placanda  justitia  Dei,  de  praedestinatione,  de  servitute  arbitrii,  de  peccato  originis,  de 
coena  quoque  Domini,  de  baptismo,  et  alia  sinistre  intellecta  dogmata.  Denique  subla- 
tis  perniciosis  erroribus,  ne  quid  ineptiarum  quoque  in  Ecclesia  relinqueret,  superstitiones 
plurimas  circa  res  indifferentes  exterminavit.  Ex  hoc  genere  fuit  nimia  vilis  vestitus 
ambitio,  deinde  capessendi  magistratus,  aut  ctiam  citra  vindictae  studium  sui  juris  perse- 
quendi  religio,  et  si  quos  similes  naevos  primi  fervoris  inconsideratior  zelus  asperserat. 

35  Its  authors  were  the  Racow  preachers,  Peter  Statorius  or  Stoinius,  who  died  in  1605, 
while  it  was  being  drawn  up,  and  Valent.  Smalcius,  the  magnate  Hieron.  Moscorovius, 
and  the  rector  in  Wengrow,  afterward  pastor  in  Smigla,  Joh.  Volkelius  (Bock,  i.-ii.  847). 
It  was  first  published  in  Polish  (1605),  12mo.  (Sandii  Bibl.,  p.  100),  then  translated  into 
Latin  by  Moscorovius  :  Catechesis  Ecclesiarum,  quae  in  Regno  Poloniae  et  magno  Ducatu 
Lithuaniae — affirmant,  neminem  alium  praeter  Patrem  Domini  nostri  J.  Chr.  esse  ilium 
unum  Deum  Israelis,  hominem  autem  ilium  Jesum  Nazarenum,  qui  ex  virgine  natus  est, 
nee  alium,  praeter  aut  ante  ipsum,  Dei  filium  unigenitum  et  agnoscunt  et  confitentur. 
Racoviae,  1609.  12.  (reprinted  in  G.  L.  Oederi  Catechesis  Racoviensis  s.  liber  Socinia- 
norum  primarius.  Francof.  et  Lips.,  1739.  8.).  The  new  edition,  Irenopoli  post  annum 
Dom.  1659.  (i.  e.,  1665)  8.,  was  revised  by  Joh.  Crell  and  Jonas  Schlichting,  and  enlarged 
more  than  one  half.  Smalcius  published  in  1608  a  German  translation  from  the  Polish, 
which  deviates  in  slight  particulars  from  the  Latin  of  Moscorovius.  J.  A.  Schmid  progr. 
de  Catechesi  Racoviensi.  Helmst.,  1704.  4. ;  Fock,  i.  183.  [The  Racovian  Catechism, 
with  Notes  and  Illustrations,  transl.  from  the  Latin,  etc.    By  Thomas  Rees.    Lond.,  1818.] 

36  Catechesis  Racov.  I.  De  Scriptura  sacra,  p.  1 :  Religio  Christiana  est  via  patefacta 
divinitus,  vitam  aeternam  consequendi.  (Cf.  F.  Socini  Lectiones  Sacrae,  Opp.  i.  290 : 
Christiana  religio  non  humanae  rationi  nllo  pacto  innititur,  sed  tota  ex  voluntate  Dei 
pendet,  et  ex  ipsius  patefactione.  Ejusdem,  Brevissima  Institutio  Christianae  Religio- 
nis,  Opp.,  i.  675 :  Nihil  verisimilius  et  verbis  ipsius  Christi  magis  consentaneum  est, 
quam  ipsum  Christum,  postquam  natus  est  homo,  et  antequam  munus  sibi  a  Deo  patre 
suo  demandatum  obire  inciperet,  in  coelo,  divino  consilio  atque  opera  fuisse,  et  aliquam- 
diu  ibi  commoratum  esse,  ut  ilia  ab  ipso  Deo  audiret  et  praesens  apud  ipsum,  ut  ipsa 
Scriptura  loquitur,  videret,  quae  mundo  mox  annunciaturus  et  patefacturus  ipsius  Dei 
nomine  erat.)  II.  De  via  salutis,  p.  18  :  Ut  homo  natura  nihil  habet  commune  cum  im- 
mortalitate,  ita  earn  ipse  viam,  quae  nos  ad  immortalitatem  duceret.  nulla  ratione  per  se 
cognoscere  potuit.  III.  De  cognitione  Dei,  p.  34 :  Vox  Dens  duobus  potissimum  modis 
in  Scripturis  usurpatur.  Prior  est,  cum  designat  ilium,  qui — ita  omnium  auctor  est  et 
principium,  ut  a  nemine  dependeat.  Posterior  modus  est,  cum  cum  denotat,  qui  potesta- 
tem  aliquam  sublimem  ab  uno  illo  Deo  habet,  aut  deitatis  unius  illius  Dei  aliqua  ratione 
particeps  est.  Etenim  in  Scripturis  propterea  Deus  ille  unus  Deus  Deorum  vocatur  (Ps. 
1.  1).  Atque  ea  quidem  posteriore  ratione  Filius  Dei  vocatur  Deus  in  quibusdam  Scrip- 
turae  locis  (comp.  Joh.  x.  35,  36).  IV.  De  eognitione  Christi,  p.  47 :  Christ  is — natura 
homo  verus,  but  not — purus  homo.  Etenim  est  conceptus  e  Spiritu  sancto,  natus  ex  Ma- 
ria virgine,  eoque  ab  ipsa  conceptione  et  ortu  filius  Dei  est.  (F.  Socini  Breviss.  Ins  tit., 
Opp.,  i.  654 :  Quanquam  istud  ipsum,  quod  Christus  ea  ratione,  qua  dixi  conceptus  ac 
formatus  fuerit,  et  proprii  atque  unigeniti  Filii  Dei  appellatione  continetur,  proprie  lo- 
quendo  ad  ipsius  Christi  essentiam  referri  non  debet :  alioquin  scqueretur, — aliam  esse 


368  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Although  the  Unitarians  in  Transylvania,  where  they  always 
enjoyed  a  recognized  religious  freedom,  had  to  make  a  public  dec- 

humanam  Christi  naturam,  aliam  nostram.  P.  G55 :  Christum  Dei  filium  proprium  et 
unigenitum  esse,  quia  ex  ipsius  Dei  substantia  sit  generatus,  istud  merum  est  humanum 
com  men  turn.)  P.  103:  Aequalitas  Christi  cum  Deo  in  eo  est,  quod  ea  virtute,  quam 
in  eum  contulit  Deus,  ea  omnia  effecerit  et  efficiat  quae  ipsius  Dei  sunt,  tanquam  Deus 
ipse.  V.  De  prophetico  J.  Chr.  munere.  Cap.  i. :  De  praeceptis  Christi,  quae  legi  addi- 
dit.  P.  145  :  Quid  Dominus  Jesus  pruecepto  primo  addidit  ?  Id  quod  etiam  Dominum 
Jesum  pro  Deo  agnoscere  tenemur,  i.  e.,  pro  co,  qui  in  nos  potestatem  habet  divinam,  et 
cui  nos  divinum  exhibere  honorem  obstricti  sumus.  In  quo  is  honor  divinus  Christo  de- 
bitus  consistit  ?  In  eo,  quod  quemadmodum  adoratione  divina  eum  prosequi  tenemur, 
ita  in  omnibus  necessitatibus  nostris  ejus  opem  implorare  possumus.  Adoramus  vero 
eum  propter  ipsius  sublimem  majestatem :  imploramus  opem  ipsius  propter  sublimem  et 
divinam  ejus  potestatem.  Cap.  ii. :  De  praeceptis  Christi  sigillatim  ab  eo  traditis.  Cap. 
iii. :  De  coena  Domini,  p.  187 :  Est  Christi  Domini  institutum,  ut  fideles  ipsius  panem 
frangant  et  comedant,  et  ex  calice  bibant,  mortis  ipsius  annunciandi  causa,  quod  perma- 
nere  in  adventum  ipsius  oportet.  Quid  vero  est  annunciare  mortem  Domini  ?  Est  pub- 
lice  ac  sacrosancto  Christo  gratias  agere,  quod  is  pro  ineffabili  sua  erga  nos  caritate  cor- 
pus suum  torqueri,  et  quodammodo  frangi,  et  sanguinem  fundi  passus  sit,  et  hoc  ipsius 
beneficium  laudibus  tollere  et  celebrare. — Nonne  alia  causa,  ob  quam  Coenam  instituit 
Dominus,  superest?  Nulla  prorsus  :  etsi  homines  multas  excogitarint,  cum  alii  dicant, 
esse  sacrificium  pro  vivis  et  mortuis,  alii  usu  ipsius  se  consequi  peccatorum  remissionem 
et  firmare  fidem  sperent.  Cap.  iv. :  De  baptismo  aquae,  p.  195 :  Quid  vero  sentis  de 
aquae  baptismo  ?  Id,  quod  sit  ritus  exterior,  quo  homines  vel  e  Judaismo,  vel  e  Genti- 
lismo  ad  religionem  christianam  accedentes,  manifeste  profitebantur,  se  Christum  pro 
suo  Domino  agnoscere.  Nnm  ergo  ad  eum  ritum  infantes  pertinent  ?  Nullo  pacto. 
Nam  nee  in  Scripturis  ullum  mandatum  aut  exemplum  ea  de  re  habemus,  neque  ipsi  (ut 
res  ipsa  indicat)  Christum  pro  suo  servatore  agnoscere  per  aetatem  possunt.  Quid  vero 
de  iis  sentiendum  est,  qui  infantes  baptizant  ?  Quantumvis  hac  in  re  errent,  non  licet 
tamen  ideo  eos  condemnare,  modo  alioquin  ir.dololatrae  non  sint,  sed  pie  secundum 
Christi  praecepta  vivant,  et  alios  sententiam  ipsorum  repudiantes  non  persequantur. 
Non  consistit  enim  regnum  Dei  in  hujusmodi  externis,  sed  in  justitia,  pace  et  gaudio  in 
Spiritu  sancto.  Cap.  v. :  De  promisso  vitae  aeternae.  Cap.  vi. :  De  promisso  Spiritus 
sancti.  Cap.  vii. :  De  confirmatione  divinae  voluntatis.  Cap.  viii. :  De  morte  Christi. 
Christ  must  suffer  and  die,  p.  220  :  Eo  quod  ab  ipso  servandi  iisdem  afflictionibus  et  morti 
ejusmodi  plerumque  sunt  obnoxii.  Then — Qua  ratione  Christus  suo  ipsius  exemplo  cre- 
dentes  ad  persistendum  in  ilia  singulari  pietate  et  innocentia,  sine  qua  servari  nequeunt, 
movere  potuisset,  nisi  atrocem  mortem,  quae  pietatem  facile  comitari  solet,  gustasset? 
aut  qui  curam  suorum  in  tcntationibus  et  periculis,  iisque  ab  omnibus  malis  liberandis, 
tantam  gcrere  potuisset,  nisi,  quantopere  graves  et  naturae  humanae  per  se  intolerabiles 
essent,  ipse  expertus  esset  ?  Besides,  p.  223 :  Mors  Christi  nos  manifesto  de  ingenti  in 
nos  Dei  caritate  certos  reddidit :— resurrectione  Christi— de  resurrectione  nostra,  et  porro 
vita  aeterna  consequenda  certiores  facti  sumus,  si  praeceptis  Domini  Jesu  paremus.  P. 
227  :  Nonne  est  etiam  aliqua  alia  mortis  Christi  causa  ?  Nulla  prorsus.  Etsi  nunc  vul- 
go  Christiani  sentiunt,  Christum  morte  sua  nobis  salutem  meruisse,  et  pro  peccatis  nos- 
tris plenarie  satisfecisse,  quae  sententia  fallax  est,  et  erronea,  et  admodum  pemiciosa. 
(F.  Socini  Breviss.  Instit.,  Opp.  i.,  G7G  :  Christi  obedientia  usque  ad  mortem  crucis,  ejus- 
que  sanguinis  fusio,— quamvis  nee  suo  pretio,  neque  ipsae  per  se  effecerint,  ut  veniam 
peccatorum  nostrorum  adepti  simus,  illis  tamen  peractis  ex  decreto  et  benignitate  Dei 
factum  est,  ut  nos  a  poenis  peccatorum  liberati  simus.  Christus  enim — per  istam  obe- 
dientiam  et  sanguinis  sui  fusionem,  plenissimam  potestatem  ab  ipso  Deo  est  consecutus 
salutem  reipsa  nobis  dandi,  et  ab  omni  miseria  atque  ab  interitu,  quae  propriae  peccato- 
rum sunt  poenae,  nos  penitus  liberandi.)  Cap.  ix. :  De  fide,  p.  246.  Quae  tides  est, 
quam  necessario  consequitur  salus  ?    Est  fiducia  per  Christum  in  Deum.     Unde  appa- 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  31.  UNITARIANS.  369 

laration  in  favor  of  the  adoration  of  Christ,  yet  the  party  of  Non 
Adorantes,  which  was  started  by  Francis  Davidis,  continued  to 

ret  earn  in  Christum  fidem  duo  comprehendere :  unum,  ut  non  solum  Deo,  verum  et 
Christo  confidamus;  deinde,  ut  Deo  obtemperemus  non  in  iis  solum,  quae  in  lege  per 
Mosen  lata  praecepit,  et  per  Christum  abrogata  non  sunt,  verum  etiam  in  iis  omnibus, 
quae  Christus  legi  addidit.  Cap.  x. :  De  libero  arbitrio,  p.  249 :  Estne  id  situm  in  nos- 
tra potestate,  ut  ad  eum  modum  Deo  obtemperemus  ?  Prorsus.  Etenim  certum  est, 
primum  hominem  ita  a  Deo  conditum  fuisse,  ut  libero  arbitrio  praeditus  esset,  nee  vero 
ulla  causa  subest,  cur  Deus  post  ejus  lapsum  ilium  eo  privaret :  ac  neque  justitia  Dei 
admittit,  nee  etiam  inter  poenas,  quibus  Adae  peccatum  punivit  Deus,  ejusmodi  poenac 
ulla  mentio  extat. — Peccatum  originis  nullum  prorsus  est : — et  lapsus  Adae,  cum  unus 
actus  fuerit,  vim  earn,  quae  depravare  ipsam  naturam  Adami,  multo  minus  vero  poste- 
rorum  ipsius  posset,  habere  non  potuit.  P.  252  :  Communiter  in  hominibus  natura  exi- 
guae  admodum  sunt  vires  ad  ea,  quae  Deus  ab  illis  requirit,  perficiendum  :  at  voluntas 
ad  ea  perficiendum  omnibus  adest  natura.  Nihilominus  tamen  eae  vires  non  ita  prorsus 
exiguae  sunt,  ut  homo,  si  vim  sibi  facere  velit,  divino  auxilio  accedente,  non  possit  vo- 
luntati  divinae  obsecundare.  Auxilium  vero  suum  nemini  Deus  prorsus  denegat  ex  iis, 
quibus  voluntatem  suam  patefecit:  alioquin  Deus  nee  castigare,  neque  punire  juste  con- 
tumaces  posset,  quod  tamen  utrumque  facit.— Auxilium  divinum  istud  duplex  est,  inte- 
rius  et  exterius.— Aux.  interius  est,  cum  Deus  in  cordibus  eorum,  qui  ipsi  obediunt,  quod 
promisit,  obsignat.  Cap.  xi. :  De  justification,  p.  270 :  Per  fidem  in  Christum  conse- 
quimur  justificationem. — Justificatio  est,  cum  nos  Deus  pro  justis  habet,  quod  ea  ratione 
facit,  cum  nobis  et  peccata  remittit,  et  nos  vita  aeterna  donat.— VI.  De  officio  Christi 
regio,  p.  274:  Quae  ipsius  regni  est  ratio?  Ea,  quod  Deus  eum  suscitatum  a  mortuis, 
et  in  coelos  assumptum  a  dextris  suis  collocavit,  ei  potestate  in  coelis  et  in  terra  pmni 
data,  et  omnibus  ipsius  pedibus,  se  excepto,  subjectis,  ut  fideles  suos  gubernare,  tueri,  et 
aeternum  servare  possit.  (F.  Socini  Brevissima  Institutio,  Opp.,  i.  C68 :  Necesse  est, 
omne  istud  judicium,  quod  sibi  a  Patre  datum  fuisse  Christus  ait,  esse— omnium  ad  ip- 
sius Christi  regnum  quovis  modo  pertinentium  hominum— gubernationem  cum  summa 
potestate  atque  imperio  conjunctam,  et  qualem  ipse  Pater  habet,  qui  nunc  earn — non  ex 
sua  persona  seu  per  se  ipsum,  sed  ex  persona  Christi,  et  per  Christum  exercet.  P.  669 : 
Est  enim  Christus  Patri  subordinatus,  cum — omnem  suam  potestatem  ab  illo  acceperit, 
eamque  pro  eo  exerceat,  atque  una  cum  ipsa  totus  perpetuo  ab  illo  pendeat ;  ita  ut  ne- 
cesse sit,  quidquid  hac  subordinatione  inspecta — a  Christo  petitur,  id  eadem  opera  a  Pa- 
tre peti.) VII.  De  munere  Christi  sacerdotal!,  p.  285 :  Munus  sacerdotale  in  eo  situm 

est,  quod,  quemadmodum  pro  regio  munere  potest  nobis  in  omnibus  nostris  necessitati- 
bus  subvenire  :  ita  pro  munere  sacerdotali  subvenire  vult,  ac  porro  subvenit.  Atque 
haec  illius  subveniendi  seu  opis  afferendae  ratio  sacrificium  ejus  appellator.  Quare  haec 
ejus  opis  afferendae  ratio  sacrificium  vocatur?  Vocatur  ita  figurato  loquendi  modo, 
quod,  quemadmodum  in  prisco  foedere  summus  Pontifex,  ingressus  in  sancta  sancto- 
rum, ea,  quae  ad  expianda  peccata  populi  spectarent,  perficiebat,  ita  Christus  nunc  pe- 
netravit  coelos,  ut  illic  Deo  appareat  pro  nobis,  et  omnia  ad  expiationem  peccatorum 
nostrorum  spectantia  peragat.  Quid  porro  est  peccatorum  expiatio?  Est  a  poenis, 
quae  peccata  turn  temporariae  turn  aeternae  comitantur,  et  ab  ipsis  etiam  peccatis,  ne 
eis  serviamus,  liberatio.  Qui  expiationem  peccatorum  nostrorum  Jesus  in  coelis  pera- 
git  ?  Primum  a  peccatorum  poenis  nos  liberat,  dum  virtute  et  potestate,  quam  a  Patre 
plenam  et  absolutam  consecutus  est,  perpetuo  nos  tuetur,  et  iram  Dei.  quae  in  impios 
effundi  consuevit,  interventu  suo  quodammodo  a  nobis  arcet:  quod  Scriptura  exprimit, 
dum  ait,  eum  pro  nobis  interpellare.  Deinde  ab  ipsorum  peccatorum  servitute  nos  libe- 
rat, dum  eadem  potestate  ab  omni  flagitiorum  genere  nos  retrahit  et  avocat :  id  vero  in 
sua  ipsius  persona  nobis  ostendendo,  quid  consequatur  is  qui  a  peccando  desistit ;  vel 
etiam  alia  ratione  nos  hortando  et  monendo,  nobis  opem  ferendo,  ac  interdum  puniendo, 
a  peccati  jugo  exsolvit. — VIII.  De  Ecclesia  Christi.  Cap.  i. :  De  Eccl.  visibili.  Cap. 
ii. :  De  regimine  et  gubernatione  Ecclesiac  Christi.     Cap.  iii. :  De  disciplina  Eccl.  Chris- 

VOL.  IV. 2  I 


370  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

exist  until  163S.37  The  danger  that  threatened  them  from  the 
Jesuits  soon  passed  away  ;38  but  that  dissension  had  the  effect 
of  leading  many  Unitarians  into  the  Reformed  Church,  under  the 
reign  of  the  Reformed  prince,  George  Rakoczi.39  The  doctrine 
of  the  Ador antes  was  substantially  Socinian  ;  but  yet  the  Raco- 
vian  Catechism  was  not  introduced,  and  the  name  of  Socinians 
was  constantly  declined.40 

The  Socinians  of  Poland  were  indebted  to  the  nobility  for  the 
protection  they  enjoyed  ;  and  they  maintained  their  influence  with 
them  by  a  high  degree  of  culture,  which  was  specially  fostered  by 
the  Gymnasium,  founded  in  Racow,  1602.41  The  schools  of  the 
Jesuits  in  rivalry  with  it  acquired  increased  influence,  and  at  last 
the  hatred  of  the  Jesuit  party  succeeded  in  demolishing  it,  and 

It.  Cap.  iv. :  Be  Ecclesia  Christi  invisibili.  Comp.  Ziegler's  Darstellung  des  eigen- 
thumlichen  Lehrbegriffs  des  Faustus  Socinus,  in  Henke's  Neues  Magazin,  iv.  ii.  201. 
Zerrenner's  Neuer  Versuch  zur  Bestimmung  der  dogmat.  Grundlehren  von  Offenbarung 
and  heil.  Schrift  nach  dem  Systeme  der  Socinianischen  Unitarier ;  Jena,  1820.  Baur's 
Lehre  von  der  Dreieinigkeit  in  ihrer  geschichtl.  Entwickeluug,  iii.  101.  Fock's  Socinia- 
nismus,  iL  289.  The  most  important  doctrinal  text-book  of  the  Socinians,  published  at 
the  expense  of  the  church,  is  Jo.  Volkelii  De  Vera  Religione  libri  v.,  quibus  praefixus 
est  Jo.  Crellii  lib.  de  Deo  et  ejus  attributis,  ita  ut  unum  cum  illis  opus  constituat ;  Ra- 
coviae,  1G30.  4.  (recus.  Amstelod.,  1612.  4.). 

37  On  the  history  of  the  Unitarians  in  Transylvania,  which  is  still  very  imperfectly 
known,  see  Petri  Bod  de  Felso-Tsernaton  Hist.  Unitariorum  in  Transylvania.  Lugd.  Bat.. 
177G.  Walch's  neueste  Religionsgeschichte,  v.  173;  vii.  345.  Staudlin  im  Archiv  f.  alte 
and  neue  Kirchengeschichte,  iv.  i.  149.  Davidis,  in  1579,  was  succeeded  as  superin- 
tendent by  Demetr.  Hunyadi,  who  declared  in  favor  of  the  worship  of  Christ  in  a  Con- 
fession (in  Walch,  v.  182),  and  published  a — Scriptum,  quo  Paedobaptismus,  etc.,  ab  Ec- 
clesia intermissa  recipi  et  observari  jubentur ;  see  Scriptum  fratrum  Transylvanorum,  in 
the  Defensio  Franc.  Davidis  in  negotio  de  non  invocando  J.  C.  in  precibus.  Basil,  1581. 
8.,  p.  277.  The  third  superintendent,  from  1592,  George  Enyedin,  favored  the  Non  Ad- 
orantes  (Walch,  v.  184),  against  whom,  however,  meanwhile,  Prince  George  Rakotzi 
began  to  put  the  old  laws  into  strict  execution,  1638  (Walch,  v.  188  ;  Fock,  i.  258). 

38  Supra,  Div.  I.,  §  16,  Note  23. 

39  So  among  the  Szeklers  more  than  CO  churches  (Archiv  far  Kirchengeschichte,  iv.  i. 
154),  particularly  the  Non  Adorantes,  Walch,  v.  189,  and  nobles,  Walch,  vii.  351. 

40  Their  doctrinal  system  is  unfolded  in  Summa  Universae  Theologiae  Christianae  se- 
cundum Unitarios,  Claudiopoli,  1787.  8.  (fromihe  papers  left  by  superintendent  Michael 
Lombard  Sz.  Abrahami,  f  1758,  edited  by  George  Markos,  professor  of  theology  in  Clau- 
senburg;  see  Archiv  f.  Kircheng.,  i.  1,  86;  iv.  1,  155).  Extracts  by  Rosenmuller,  in 
Siaudlin's  und  Tzschirner's  Archiv  f.  Kircheng.,  i.  i.  83.  Here  baptism  and  the  Lord's 
Supper  appear  as  Sacramento,  (which  expression  Socinus  rejected),  i.  e.,  as  mutuae  inter 
Dcum  ac  homines  sacrae  confoederationis  tesserae :  non  enim  sunt  tantum  testimonia 
obedientiae  christianae,  sed  etiam  gratiae  divinae  in  nos  collatae  et  conferendae  signa, 
vim  signilicandi  non  a  natura,  sed  ex  institutione  Dei  et  Christi  habentia.  Baptism,  as 
the  rite  of  consecration,  is  binding  on  all,  and  infant  baptism  is  to  be  retained,  though 
it  can  not  be  proved  from  the  New  Testament ;  Fock,  i.  261. 

41  Lubieniecius,  p.  239  ;  Vita  A.  Wissowatii  at  the  end  of  Sandii  Bibl.,  p.  229;  Kra- 
sinski  Gesch.  der  Reform,  in  Polen,  s.  318 ;  Fock,  i.  214. 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  32.  MENNONITES.  371 

expelling  the  Socinians  from  Racow,  1638.42  Then  began  the  per- 
secutions, which  ended  in  their  total  expulsion  from  Poland,  1658.43 
The  refugees  found  complete  toleration  only  among  their  co-relig- 
ionists in  Transylvania ;  in  Prussia  and  in  the  Mark  they  were 
treated  with  such  forbearance  that  a  few  poor  remnants  survived.44 
In  Holland  full  freedom  was  conceded  to  individuals,  but  no 
church  was  allowed  to  be  gathered :  many  of  them  here  joined 
the  Mennonites  and  the  Remonstrants.45 

§  32. 

THE  MENNONITES. 

J.  II.  Ottii  Annales  Anabaptistici ;  Basil,  1672.  4. — Grundliche  Historie  von  den  Bege- 
benheiten,  Streitigkeiten,  and  Trennungen,  so  unter  den  Taufgesinnten  bis  1615  vor- 
gegangen  (from  the  Dutch  of  C.  van  Gent),  bj-  J.  Chr.  Jehring,  Jena,  1720. — H.  Schyn 
Hist.  Christianorum,  qui  in  Belgio  foederato  Mennonitae  appellantur,  Amstelod,,  1723. 
Ejusd.  Historiae  Mennonitarum  plenior  dcductio,  Amstel.,  1729. — J.  A.  Stark's  Gesch. 
d.  Taufe  u.  Taufgesinnten,  Leipzig,  1789. — G.  L.  v.  Reiswitz  u.  Fr.  Wadzeck  Glau- 
bensbekenntniss  der  Mennoniten  u.  Nachricht  von  ihren  Colonieen  nebst  Lebensbe- 
schreib.  Menno  Simonis,  2ter  Theil ;  Berlin,  1824.  Reiswitz  Beitriige  zur  Kenntniss 
der  Mennoniten  ;  Breslau,  1829. 

[Gobel  d.  Rhein.  Westph.  Kirche.  Brandt's  Ref.  in  Holland.  A.  M.  Cramer,  Het  Leven, 
von  Menno  Sim.,  Amstd.,  1837.  C.  Harder,  Leben  Menno  Simons,  Konigsb.,  1846. 
B.  K.  Roosen,  Menno  Sim.,  Leipz.,  1848.  D.  S.  Gorter,  Onderzoek  naar  ket  Kenmer- 
kend  beginsel  der  Nederl.  Doopsgezinden  ;  Sneek,  1850.  Comp.  J.  J.  van  Osterzece 
in  Herzog's  Real-encyclopiidie,  Bd.  ix.    Th.  de  Bussiere  Les  Anabaptistes,  Paris,  1853.] 

Among  the  Anabaptists  there  had  always  been  a  part  striving 
to  live  strictly  according  to  the  Gospel,  without  putting  forth  fa- 
natical pretensions  to  extraordinary  spiritual  gifts,  or  attempting 
to  revolutionize  existing  relations.1     It  was  only,  however,  after 

42  Vita  Wissowatii,  1.  c,  p.  233 ;  Krasinski,  s.  321 ;  Fock,  i.  220. 

43  They  were  accused  of  treason  in  the  war  wTith  Sweden ;  also  in  the  work,  Prodi- 
tiones  Arianorum  patriae  suae  Poloniae  sub  tempus  belli  Suecici,  1657.  4.  In  reply 
Stanisl.  Lubieniecius  wrote  Memoriale  in  causa  Fratrum  Unitariorum.  Stetini,  1659. 
(MS.,  see  Bock,  i.  i.  455  s.)  So,  too,  Sam.  Przypkovius  Vindiciae  pro  Unitariorum  in 
Polonia  religionis  libertate  (reprinted  at  the  end  of  Sandii  Bibl.,  p.  267 ;  cf.  Bock,  i.  ii. 
699).  Lubieniecius,  p.  293 ;  Vita  Wissowatii,  p.  248  ;  Schrockh's  Kirchengesch.  s.  d. 
Ref.,  ix.  427;  Krasinski,  s.  323;  Fock,  ii.  226. 

44  Rambach's  Religionsstreitigkeiten  mit  den  Socinianern,  s.  190  ;  Schrockh,  ix.  4 43  ; 
Fock,  ii.  234,  251. 

45  Rambach,  s.  177 ;  Fock,  i.  242. 

1  Sebastian  Franck's  Chronik,  1536,  fol.  f.  448  a.  [The  substance  is,  that  a  Christian 
is  one  who  lives  no  longer  after  the  flesh,  nor  seeks  aught  on  earth ;  to  whom  life  and 
death  are  the  same  ;  who  when  struck  strikes  not  again  ;  who  loves  his  enemies  ;  who 
never  seeks  his  own  by  force  ;  who  gives  what  every  one  asks,  takes  no  oath,  bears  no 
weapons,  and  has  naught  in  common  with  the  world.]  Etliche  unter  ihnen  wollen,  ps 
sei  so  ein  heiliges,  einfaltiges,  unstrafliclies,  abgestorbenes,  vollkommenes  Ding  um  cinen 
Christen,  also  dass  er  nach  dem  Fleisch  niunner  lebe,  noch  das  auf  Erden  sey  suchen 


372  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  disturbances  at  Minister2  that  Menno  Simons  came  forward, 
1536,  to  give  a  form  of  government  and  order  to  the  dispersed.3 
He  had  previously  been  a  Catholic  pastor  at  Witmarsum,  near 
Franeker,  and  by  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures  and  the  writings 
of  the  Reformers  had  attained  the  same  stand-point  with  the  Ana- 
baptists. By  unwearied  activity,  and  in  constant  peril  of  life,  he 
had  succeeded  in  founding  churches,4  especially  in  the  Nether- 
lands, and  then  in  many  of  the  cities  on  the  coast  of  Northern 
Germany  and  Prussia.  He  ended  his  life,  spent  in  constant  dan- 
ger, in  Fresenburg,  near  Oldesloe,  in  Holstein,  June  13,  1561. 

The  distinguishing  characteristic  of  the  Mennonites  (Doopsge- 
zindenf  consisted  in  this,  that  they  tried  simply  and  strictly  to 

moge.  Desshalb  soil  und  moge  ein  Christ  der  Welt  nicht  mehr  leben,  nichts  Weltliches 
rnehr  achten.  dem  gleich  gelte  sterben  als  leben,  ja  dem  diess  Leben  eine  Langweile 
sey  .  der  aller  Ding  gelassen  steh',  geschlagen  nicht  wieder  schlage,  der  sogar  verlaug- 
net  sein  selbst  nicht  mehr  sey,  dass  er  alien  Creaturen  widersagt  hab,  dass  er  nichts 
mehr  nach  dem  Fleische  kenne,  der  Sterben  fur  einen  Gewinn  achtet,  Reichthum  fur 
Koth,  ja  der  Welt  Frend,  Wollust,  Ehre,  Leben  fur  Leid,  Unlust,  Schande  und  Tod  ach- 
tet,—der  liebe  seinen  Feind,  benedeit  die,  die  ihn  vermaledeien,  der  aller  Ding  in  alien 
Dingen  Gott  frei  ledig  und  gelassen  in  freiem  Sabbath  stehe,  in  dem  Gott  allezeit  seinen 
Platz  und  Werk  moge  haben,  der  willig  und  gern  Gewalt  leide,  das  Seine  mit  Gewalt 
genommen  nicht  wieder  fordere,  der  Jedermann  gebe  und  leihe,  wer  bittet  und  fordert, 
und  nichts  dafur  hoffe,  der  aller  Ding  nicht  schwore,  nicht  vor  Gericht  handle,  nicht 
kriege,  keine  Waffen  trage,  der  kein  weltlich  Herrschaft,  Zins  oder  Knecht  moge  haben, 
der  aller  Ding  als  ein  gestorbener  Mensch  einhergehe  ohne  alien  Geschmuck,  der  nichts 
Eigenes  moge  haben  und  nichts  mit  der  Welt  gemein,  als  Gastung,  Freudenmal,  Han- 
del, Zunft,  Gesellschaft,  Wirthschaft,  Hochzeit,  Tanze,  u.  s.  w. 

i  The  Miinster  projects  were  disapproved  by  Ubbo  Philipps,  who  was  a  Catholic  priest 
in  Leeuwarden  (1534),  and  had  become  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Anabaptists,  and  had 
consecrated  David  Joris  (§  30,  Note  9),  Menno  Simons,  and  his  brother  Dirk  Philipps 
(Schyn,  ii.  185)  as  ministers  of  the  sect :  this  he  declares  himself  in  his  confession  written 
after  he  had  gone  over  to  the  Reformed  Church.  See  this  in  Jehring,  s.  216.  Gerde- 
sii  Hist.  Reform,  iii.  112.  Menno,  too,  often  speaks  very  strongly  against  the  Miinster 
disturbances  ;  compare  his  work,  Tegen  Jan  van  Leyden,  Opp.,  p.  1165. 

3  On  his  life,  see  Jo.  Molleri  Cimbria  Literata,  ii.  835.  M.  M.  Cramer  het  Leven  en 
de  Verrigtingen  van  Menno  Simons,  Amst.,  1837.  Menno  Symons  geschildert  von  B.  K. 
Roosen,  menn.  Prediger,  Leipzig,  1848.  He  has  himself  described  his  exodus  from  the 
papacy  in  the  Claren  Beantwoordinge  over  eene  Schrift  Gellii  Fabri,  1552,  Opp.,  p.  470; 
Latin  by  Schyn,  ii.  119  ;  German  by  Gittermann,  in  Stiiudlin's  u.  Tzschimer's  Archiv  f. 
Kirchengcsch.,  ii.i.  102,  and  in  Von  Reiswitz  u.  Wadzeck,  i.  49.— Opera  Menno  Symons 
ofte  groot  Sommarie  dat  is  Vergaderingh  van  sijne  Boecken  en  Schriften,  1646. 4.  (in  this 
collected  edition,  however,  much  has  been  changed ;  see  Ottius,  p.  97). 

4  His  journeys  and  the  different  places  where  he  stopped  can  not  be  exactly  pointed 
out.  First  he  staid  in  West  Friesland,  until  he  was  declared  an  outlaw  by  an  edict,  1543, 
(Ottius,  p.  100).  Then  he  was  a  longer  time  in  Emden  (Ubbo  Emmius  in  Historia  Fris., 
p.  921),  later  in  Liibeck  and  Wismar;  see  Molleri  Cimbria  literata,  p.  837.  The  Re- 
formed preacher  in  Emden,  Martin  Micronius,  writes,  1556,  to  Bullinger :  Mennonis  reg- 
mira  latissime  in  hisce  omnibus  maritimis  regionibus  patet,  ab  extremis  Flandriae  oris 
Dantiscura  usque  (Ottius,  p.  125). 

5  On  the  origin  of  these  names,  which  first  came  up  after  1570,  see  Jaarboekje  voor  de 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  32.  MENNONITES.  373 

lay  hold  with  a  believing  heart  upon  all  the  doctrines  and  precepts 
of  the  Scripture,  and  to  carry  them  out  in  life.6  They  did  not  ac- 
cept any  Confession  of  Faith,7  and  ascribed  no  worth  to  scientific 
expositions  of  the  doctrinal  system.8     Accordingly,  they  rejected 

doopsgezinde  Gemeenten  in  de  Nederlanden,  Amst.,  1837,  p.  39.     In  Menno's  works  the 
only  designations  are  such  as Gemeente  Gods,  ellendige,  weerloze Christenen,  breeders,  etc. 
6  Menno  describes  in  his  work,  Van  bet  rechte  Christen  geloove,  1556  (Opp.,  p.  154), 
the  faitli  of  the  Papists,  that  of  the  Lutherans  (they  teach,  dat  ons  bet  geloobe  alleen 
salich  maeckt,  oock  sonder  eenighe  toedoen  der  wercken.     Hence  there  is  among  them 
so  wild  a  life,  dat  men  onder  de  Turcken  ende  Tartaeren  (vermoede  ick)  naenwe  soo  een 
godtloos  leelijck  leben  vinden  sal),  and  the  faith  of  the  Engelschen  oft  Zwingelschen 
(they  believe,  datter  twee  Sonen  in  Christo  sijn,  Son  of  God  without  mother,  Mary's 
Son  without  Father).     On  the  other  hand,  p.  158 :  Wy  leeren  ende  gelooven,  ende  dat 
met  kragt  ende  gewelt  der  gantscher  schrift,  als  dat  de  geheele  Christus  Jesus  van  bo- 
ven  tot  beneden,  van  binnen  ende  van  buyten,  sienlijck  ende  onsienlijck  Godts  eerste- 
geborene  <~nde  eengheborene  eygen  Sone  is,  het  onbevindelijck  eeuwighe  woort  daer  alio 
dingen  do*  geschapen  sijn,  de  eestgeborne  aller  Creatueren,  een  waerachtich  mensch, 
door  des  Almachtigen  eeuwighen  Vaders  eeuwige  geest  ende  stercker  kracht  bovenalder 
menschen  begrijp  ende  wetenschap  in  Maria  de  reyne  Jonckvrouwe  geworden,  our  Mes- 
siah, Prophet,  Teacher,  and  High-priest,  die  ons  sijns  Vaders  goede  wille  ende  welbe- 
hagen  geleert  heeft,  ons  als  een  onstraffelijck  voorbeelt  voorgewandelt  heeft,  ende  heeft 
also  hem  selven  voor  onse  sonden  in  het  cruys  den  vader  tot  eenen  soeten  reuck  vrywil- 
lichlijck  henen  gegeven,  door  den  welcken  wy  al  te  samen  hebben  (die  dat  metter  her- 
ten  gelooven)  quytscheldinghe  onser  sonden,  genade,  gonste,  barmherticheyt,  vryheyt, 
vrede,  dat  eeuwige  leven,  een  versoende  vader,  ende  eenen  vryen  toeganck  tot  Godt  in 
den  Geest.    Ende  dit  alle  door  sijn  verdiensten,  gerechtigheyt,  voorbidden  ende  bloet, 
ende  niet  door  ouse  wercken  eeuwelijck.    Alle  die  dit  aldus  voor  gewis  ende  waerachtig 
metter  herten  konnen  gelooven,  ende  sijn  door  het  woort  in  haeren  geest  besegelt,  also- 
danige  worden  in  den  inwendigen  mensche  verandert,  ontfanghen  des  Heeren  vreese 
ende  liefde,  baren  uyt  haer  geloobe  de  gerechtigheyt,  vrucht,  kracht,  een  onbestraffe- 
liick  leven,  ende  nieuwe  wesen  (that  is,  essentially  the  despised  Lutheran  doctrine). 
P.  160 :  Siet,  so  moet  men  metter  herten  gelooven,  als  Paulus  seyt,  dat  is,  wy  moeten 
soo  aen't  woordt  hangen  ende  kleben,  so  aennemen  ende  indrucken,  dat  wy  ons  daer 
nimmermeer  van  af  en  keeren,  noch  afkeeren  en  laten,  dan  dattet  in't  herte  noch  al  die- 
per  ende  dieper  altijt  inwortelt,  op  dat  wy  door  sijn  kracht  Godt  uyt  alien  onsen  vermo- 
gen  vreesen,  ende  onse  sonden  recht  boeten  mogen.    Want  de  hertgrondelijcke  ongever- 
wede  vreese  drijft  de  sonden  uyt,  ende  is  onmogelijck  sonder  Godts  vreese  rechtveerdich 
te  worden.     P.  167  :  Dat  rechte  Evangelische  geloove  siet  ende  achtet  alleene  op  Chris- 
tus leere,  Ceremonien,  gebod,  verbod,  ende  onbestraffelijck  voorbeelt,  ende  schickt  hem 
daer  na  uyt  alle  sijn  vermogen.     P.  128  :  De  almachtige  groote  Heere  en  wil  hem  met 
geen  bloote  namen  laten  te  vreden  stellen,  maer  hy  wil  een  waerachtich  vruchtbaer  ge- 
loove, een  ongeverwede  vierige  liefde,  een  nieu  omgekeert  verandert  herte,  een  waer- 
achtige   ootmoedicheyt,   bermherticheyt,   kuysheyt,    lijtsaemheyt,   gerechticheyt  ende 
vrede  :  hy  wil  den  geheelen  mensch,  hert,  mont  ende  daet,  die  sijne  lust  in  des  Heeren 
woort  heeft,  die  de  waerheyt  van  herten  spreect,  die  ziin  vlees  cruyst,  en  die  sijn  goet 
en  bloet  (alst  de  noot  eyscht)  gewillichlic  voor  des  Heeren  woort  stelt. 

7  On  their  old  Confession  of  Faith,  see  Schyn,  ii.  78.  The  oldest,  1580,  is  by  John  Ris, 
preacher  of  the  Waterlanders  in  Alcmar  (Schyn,  ii.  279),  and  Lubbert  Gerard,  in  Latin 
in  Schyn,  i.  172. 

s  Menno,  p.  666 :  Maer  soo  verre  als  mijn  onwetenheyt  bctreft,  die  hy  my  hier  met 
groote  bitterheyt  voonverpt,  en  sehame  ick  my  niet  voor  alle  man  te  bekennen,  so  ick 
niet  alleen  onwetende,  maer  oock  geheel  ongeleert  ben,  der  Tongen  weynich  oft  niet  er- 
varen.— Maer  so  wijt  der  hcmelscher  wijshcyt  aengaet,  ben  ick  door  des  Heeren  genade 


374  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  oath  (Matt.  v.  37),  the  use  of  arms  (Matt.  xxvi.  52),  all  re- 
venge (Matt.  v.  39),  divorce  excepting  in  case  of  adultery  (Matt. 
v.  32),  and  infant  baptism  (Matt,  xxviii.  19).9  In  the  doctrine  of 
grace  they  held  that  Christ  died  for  all  ;10  in  the  Lord's  Supper 
they  agreed  with  Zwingle.11     The  Church  was  to  them  the  com- 

so  verre  van  Godt  geleert,  dat  ick  van  herten  bekenne,  dat  mijn  Verlosser  ende  Hey- 
lant  Christus  Jesus  Gods  eengeborn  ende  erstgeboren  eygen  Sone  is,  etc.  Ende  dese  sel- 
bige  wijskeijt — achte  ick  de  alderweerdichste  te  zijn  die  men  noemen  kan,  oftse  oock  al- 
schoon  van  eenen  ongeleerden  Kardrijber  oft  Colendrager  geleert,  ende  weder  aen  den 
dach  gebracbt  werde. — Siet,  mijn  Leser,  om  deser  Philosophien  soetichej't,  eerbarhej-t, 
deucht,  vrucht,  liefde  ende  schoonheydt,  die  ick  van  geen  boochberoemde  Doctoren,  noch 
in  geen  hooge  scholen  geleert  hebbe, — heb  ick  lieber  uytverkoren  aller  werelt  Geleerden 
onwetende  ende  ongeleerden  Sot  te  zien,  op  dat  ick  voor  mijnen  Godt  wijs  bevonden 
werde,  dan  der  Wereltwijsen  de  alder  beroemsteeeu  te  zijn,  ende  ten  laetsten  voor  den 
wijsen  Godt  een  Sot  te  zijn.  Menno  often  complains  that  learned  people  have  falsified 
Christianity,  and  are  the  persecutors  of  the  true  Christians.  Thus,  p.  119,  he  addresses 
the  Roman,  Lutheran,  and  Zwinglian  clergy  (e.  g.,  p.  120:  Godts  naem  lastert  ghy,  sijn 
hej-lige  Woort  vervalscht  ghy,  sijne  kinderen  ende  dienaren  vervoolght  ghy,  ende  op 
sijn  genade  doet  ghy  alle  quaet)  ;  comp.  p.  590,  609. — Protocollum  Frankenthalense, 
1571  (see  below,  Note  20),  in  Schyn,  ii.  226 :  Quaeritur,  an  Pater,  Filius  et  Spiritus  sanc- 
tus  sint  unica  divina  essentia,  sed  in  tribus  personis  distincta.  Tota  haec  disputatio  nil 
nisi  mera  est  logomachia,  nam  in  re  ipsa — plane  conveniunt ;  et  Mennonitae  solummodo 
admodum  anxii  sunt,  in  tarn  sublimi  mysterio,  humanum  excedente  sensum,  aliis  uti 
verbis,  quam  Spiritus  sanctus  ipse  in  sacra  Scriptura  usus  fuit,  quare  ipsis  voces  inro- 
o-T-ao-Etos  et  personae  minime  arridebant,  putantes  illas  a  Patribus  excogitatas  mysterium 
Trinitatis  magis  obscurare  quam  explicare,  quare  sese  stricte  retinebant,  et  suam  men- 
tern  solummodo  exprimere  volebant  phraseologiis  a  Spiritu  sancto  usitatis,  et  non  hu- 
manis  vocibus.  Compare  their  Confession  given  in  to  the  estates  of  Holland,  1626  (in 
Schyn,  ii.  82) :  Verbum  bfxooumo?,  ut  etiam  verba  triplicitas  et  tres  personae  a  veteri- 
bus  dim  excogitata  nos  devitamus,  quia  sacra  Scriptura  ea  haud  novit,  et  periculosum 
est  de  Deo  aliis  ac  Scripturae  verbis  loqui. 

9  He  calls  them,  Opp.,  p.  882,  schadelicken  superstitie,  and  says,  datse  niet  uyt  Godt 
ende  Godts  Woort,  maer  uyt  Antichrist,  ende  uyt  den  putte  des  afgronts  voortgekomen 
ende  gesproten  is.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Mennonites,  because  they  did  not  baptize 
their  children,  were  called  by  their  opponents  Kinderenzielmoorders  (Opp.,  p.  964). 

10  Menno  Simons  van  de  Rechtveerdichmakinghe,  Opp.,  p.  869.  Jo.  Risii  et  Lubb. 
Gerardi  Confessio,  1580,  Art.  vii.,  in  Schyn,  i.  179:  Christus  pro  omnibus  ad  propitia- 
tionem  datus,  oblatus  et  mortuus  est.  In  cujus  rei  confirmationem  voluit  Deus  ut  gratia 
haec  universalis,  caritas  et  benignitas  per  praedicationem  Evangelii  omnibus  creaturis 
seu  populis  annuntiaretur  et  offerretur.  Omnes,  qui  poenitentes  et  credentes  gratiosum 
istud  Dei  in  Christo  beneficium  admittunt  aut  accipiunt,  atque  in  ea  perseverant,  sunt  et 
manent  per  ejus  misericordiam  electi,  de  quibus  Deus  ante  jacta  mundi  fundamenta  de- 
crevit,  ut  regni  et  gloriae  coelestis  participes  evaderent.  Sed  qui  oblatam  istam  gratiam 
dedignantur  aut  respuunt,  tenebras  loco  lucis  amant,  in  impoenitentia  et  incredulitate 
perseverant,  seipsos  per  istam  malitiam  salutis  reddunt  indignos,  etc. 

11  Menno,  p.  43:  Ons  en  is  niet  een  letter  in  de  gantsche  Schrift  bevolen,  als  dat  wy 
over  dat  sienelijcke  ende  tastelijcke  signo  disputeren  sullen,  wat  dat  in  hem  sy.  De  gee- 
stelijcke  rechten  alle  dingen  geestelijck :  want  wat  dat  in  der  substantie  sy,  mach  met 
handen  getast,  met  oogen  gesien,  ende  metten  monde  gesmaect  worden.  Maer  dat  staet 
ons  meest  te  bedencken,  dat  wy  dat  significato,  dat  is  dat  gene,  dat  met  desen  signo  (dat 
is  teken)  alien  waerachtigen  Christgeloovigen  voorgedragen,  afgebeelt  ende  vermaent 
wort,  in  onser  swackheyt  mogen  na  komen,  ende  so  veel  als  in  ons  is,  gelijckformich 
zijn.     Comp.  p.  531  and  883. 


CHAP.  IV— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  32.  MENNONITES.  375 

munion  of  saints,  to  be  kept  in  its  purity  by  strict  discipline.13 
The  civil  magistracy  they  declared  to  be  still  necessary,  but  for- 
eign to  Christ's  kingdom,  so  that  no  one  of  their  number  could 
hold  a  magistrate's  office.13 

As  early  as  1554  a  controversy  about  the  strictness  of  excom- 
munication divided  the  milder  Waterlanders  (the  rude  Mennonites) 
from  the  stricter  or  finer  Mennonites ;  these  last  (1565)  were  split 
up  into  three  parties — Flemings,  Frisons,  Germans.14    These  divi- 

12  Menno,  p.  555:  The  Church  is  a— Vergaderinge  der  Godtvruchtigen  ende  een  gc- 
meynschap  der  Heyligen.  P.  541 :  Soo  lange  de  Herders  ende  de  Leeraers  dat  godtsa- 
lige  vrome  leben  in  der  kracht  dreven,  Doop  ende  Nachtmael  den  boetveerdighen  alleene 
toedienden,  ende  de  Afsonderiughe  na  der  Schrift  recht  hielden,  ziin  sy  Christi  Gemeyn- 
te  ende  kercke  gebleven.  Maer  soo  haest  sy  dat  gemaekelijck  ruyme  leven  sochten,  dat 
cruyce  Christi  hateden,  hebben  sy  die  Roede  neder  gheleyt,  den  Volcke  vrede  toegeseyt, 
den  Ban  metter  tijt  milder  geraaeckt,  ende  also  een  Gemeynte  Antichristi,  Babel,  ende 
Werelt  geworden,  gelijck  van  vele  hondert  Jaren  herwaerts  wel  gesien  is. — Gelijck  een 
Wijnbereh  sonder  thuyn  ende  graven,  ende  een  Stadt  sonder  mueren  ende  Poorten  is : 
soo  is  oock  een  Gemeynte,  die  sonder  Afsonderinghe  ende  Ban  is.  Want  de  Vyandt  tot 
alsulck  een  vryen  inganck  hebben,  ende  ziin  verdoemelijck  Oncruydt  onverhindert  zaey- 
en  ende  planten  mach.  Risii  et  Gerardi  Confessio,  Art.  24  (Schyn,  i.  201)  :  Tales  fideles 
et  regenerati  homines,  per  totum  terrarum  orbem  dispersi,  sunt  verus  Dei  populus,  sive 
Ecclesia  Jesu  Christi  in  terra.— At  quamvis  banc  inter  Ecclesiam  ingens  simulatorum  et 
hypocritarum  lateat  et  versetur  multitudo,  illi  tamen  soli,  qui  in  Christo  regenerati  et 
sauctifieati  sunt,  vera  corporis  Christi  sunt  membra,  atque  ea  propter  beatorum  promis- 
sorum  haeredes.  Art.  25  :  In  hac  sua  sancta  Ecclesia  Christus  ordinavit  Ministerium 
evangelicum,  uempe  doctrinam  verbi  divini,  usum  sacrorum  Sacramentorum,  curamque 
pauperum,  ut  et  Ministros  ad  perfungendnm  istis  ministeriis :  atque  insuper  exercitium 
fraternae  allocutionis,  punitionis  et  tandem  amotionis  eorum,  qui  in  impoenitentia  persc- 
verant :  quae  ordinationes  in  verbo  Dei  conceptae  solummodo  juxta  sensum  ejusdem 
verbi  exequendae  sunt. 

13  Risii  et  Gerardi  Confessio ;  Art.  37  (Schyn,  i.  214) :  Potestas  sive  magistratus  politi- 
cus  necessaria  Dei  ordinatio  est,  instituta  ad  gubernationem  communis  societatis  huma- 
nae  et  conservationem  vitae  naturalis  et  civiliter  bonae,  ad  defensioncm  bonorum  et 
castigationem  malorum.  Agnoscimus,  verbo  Dei  nos  obligante,  officii  nostri  esse,  po- 
testatem  revereri,  eique  honorem  et  obedientiam  exhibere  omnibus  in  rebus,  quae  verbo 
Domini  non  sunt  contrariae.  Nostri  officii  est,  Deum  omnipotentem  pro  eis  deprecari, 
illique  pro  bonis  et  aequis  magistratibus  gratias  agere,  atque  absque  murmuratione  justa 
tributa  et  vectigalia  reddere.  Potestatem  banc  politicam  Dominus  Jesus  in  regno  suo 
spiritual!,  Ecclesia  Novi  Testamenti,  non  instituit,  neque  banc  officiis  Ecclesiae  suae 
adjunxit :  neque  discipulos  aut  sequaces  suos  ad  regalem,  ducalem,  vel  aliam  potesta- 
tem vocavit,  neque  praecepit,  ut  illam  arriperent  et  mundano  more  gubernarent :  multo 
minus  Ecclesiae  suae  membris  dedit  legem  tali  muneri  aut  dominio  convenientem  :  sed 
passim  ab  eo  (cui  voce  e  coelo  audita  auscultandum  erat)  vocantur  ad  imitationem  iner- 
mis  ejus  vitae  et  vestigia  crucem  ferentia  ;  et  in  quo  nihil  minus  apparuit,  quam  mun- 
danum  regnum,  potestas  et  gladius.  Hisce  omnibus  igitur  exacte  perpensis  (atque  insu- 
per, non  pauca  cum  munere  potestatis  politicae  conjuncta  esse,  ut  bellum  gerere,  hosti- 
bus  bona  et  vitam  eripere,  etc.,  quae  vitae  Christianorum,  qui  mundo  mortui  esse  de- 
bent,  aut  male  aut  plane  non  conveniunt),  hinc  a  talibus  officiis  et  administrationibus 
nos  subducimus. 

14  Waterland  on  the  Pampus,  in  North  Holland.—  Tbc  division  (15G5)  originated  in 
Friesland,  between  the  Frisons  and  Flemings  (refugees  from  Flanders).  The  Flemings 
were  the  stricter  party ;  and  the  most  important  point  of  dispute  was  about  the  sentence 


37(5  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

sions  lost  their  importance  in  the  seventeenth  century.15  But  a 
separation  that  took  place  in  Amsterdam,  1664,  had  a  much  wider 
influence,  extending  also  to  the  other  Dutch  churches ;  it  was  be- 
tween the  Mennonites  who  held  the  opinions  of  the  Remonstrants 
and  the  old  orthodox  party.16 

For  a  long  time  the  Mennonites  were  thought  to  be  like  the 
fanatical  Anabaptists,  and  were  severely  persecuted  ;17  but  the  ex- 

of  excommunication,  which,  according  to  the  strict  view,  should  be  inflicted  for  even- 
transgression  without  previous  warning ;  and  it  broke  oft"  communion  between  married 
persons  and  relatives.  Menno  was  at  first  for  the  milder  view  (see  letters  to  the  Breth- 
ren at  Franeker,  1555,  and  to  the  Brethren  at  Emden,  1556,  in  Jehring,  s.  222) ;  but  he 
then  went  over  to  the  stricter  party  (see  Banboeck,  Opp.,  p.  349).  Besides  this  thejfoe 
Mennonites  held  fast  to  Menno's  opinion,  that  Christ  as  man  was  created  in  the  womb 
of  Mary,  without  receiving  aught  from  her ;  cf.  Opera,  p.  667,  1021 ;  see  the  Confession 
of  the  Prisons  and  Germans,  1630,  in  Schyn,  ii.  92;  on  this  point,  ibid.,  p.  161  (cf.  M. 
Hofmann,  §  30,  Note  12).  Lastly,  the  ./me  Mennonites  were  distinguished  by  the  wash- 
ing of  feet;  see  the  Confession,  1630,  Art.  13  (Schyn,  ii.  101):  Sequitur  adhuc  Sancto- 
rum lotio  pedum  cum  a  fidei  consortibus  e  longinquo  advenientibus  invisimur,  ut  eo- 
rum  pedes  secundum  consuetudinem  veteris  Testamenti  et  Christi  exemplum  data  oc- 
casione  lavemus,  eo  contestantes  nostram  coram  Deo  proximoque  humilitatem,  sup- 
plici  voto,  ut  Dominus  nos  quotidie  in  humilitate  corroboret,  et  uti  nos  invicem  alio- 
rum  pedes  lavimus,  ita  et  ipsi  complaceat  nostras  animas  suo  sanguine  ac  aquis  Spiri- 
tus  sancti  ab  omni  macula  et  impuritate  peccati  emendare  et  depurare.  The  fall  nar- 
ration of  these  divisions,  from  an  eye-witness,  translated  in  Jehring,  s.  104,  gives  the 
repulsive  picture  of  a  rude  pietj',  pervaded  by  ambition  and  dogmatism  of  the  smallest 
kind. 

15  At  a  meeting  in  Cologne,  1591,  the  Frisons  united  with  the  Germans  (Ottius,  p. 
187) :  the  Confession  there  adopted  is  the  Concept  of  Cologne,  May  1,  1591  (Jehring,  s. 
181).  These,  again,  united  with  the  Flemings  in  Amsterdam,  1630 ;  and  this  union  was 
several  times  renewed,  e.  g.,  in  Lej-den,  1664;  see  the  agreement  there  set  forth,  in  Jeh- 
ring, s;  275 ;  cf.  Schyn,  ii.  42.  In  all  these  unions  the  milder  party  prevailed,  that  is, 
the  one  originally  that  of  the  Waterlanders  ;  Jehring,  s.  21.  Some  churches,  especially 
of  the  Frisons,  remained  separate. 

16  The  leader  of  the  Remonstrants,  or  Socinians,  was  Dr.  Galenus  Abrahams  (see  Ben- 
them's  Holliind.  Kirch-  u.  Schulenstaat,  i.  832;  Jehring,  s.  30),  hence  called  Galenists, 
and,  from  the  house  where  they  assembled  (bij  het  Lam),  Lamists ;  the  opponents  were 
called  Apostoolians,  from  their  leader,  Dr.  Samuel  Apostool ;  and  Zonists,  from  their 
house  in  de  Zon  (sun).  By  the  Algemeene  Doopsgezinde  Societeit,  founded  in  1811,  the 
two  churches  came  again  into  closer  fellowship ;  see  Jaarboekje  voor  de  Doopsgez.  Ge- 
meenten,  1838  en  1839,  p.  118;  cf.  p.  99. 

17  Menno  (Opera,  934)  recites  and  refutes  the  objections  made  to  them:  viz.,  1.  They 
are  Munsterites  ;  2.  They  would  not  obey  civil  authority  ;  3.  They  are  insurrectionary, 
and  would  take  possession  of  cities  and  lands  if  they  only  had  the  power ;  4.  They  had 
their  goods  in  common  ;  5.  They  had  many  wives,  and  had  women  in  common,  seggen 
tot  malkanderen  :  Suster,  mijn  geest  begeert  u  vleesch  ;  6.  If  any  one  after  baptism  fell 
into  sin,  they  refused  all  repentance  and  grace ;  7.  Sy  schelden  ons,  wy  zijn  Lantloo- 
pers,  he3'melicke  sluypers,  oft  sluypers  in  die  huysen,  vervoerders'  nieuwe  Monnicken, 
Glyseners,  dat  wy  ons  beroemen  sonder  sonde  te  zijn,  Hemelstormers  ende  werckheyli- 
gen,  di  door  onse  verdiensten  ende  wercken  willen  salich  worden,  een  godtloose  Secte 
ende  Rotterije,  Kinderenzielmoordenaers,  Wederdopers,  Sacramentschenders,  ende  dat 
wy  met  den  Duyvel  beseten  zijn  ;  8.  It  was  said :  Welaen,  hebben  sy  die  waerheyt,  so 
laet  haer  int  openbaer  komen. 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  32.  MENNONITES.  377 

ample  of  their  martyrs  only  confirmed  their  steadfastness.18  By 
their  diligence,  frugality,  honesty,  and  love  of  peace  they  obtained 
position  and  esteem.  In  the  Netherlands  they  first  received  tol- 
eration after  having  given,  in  1572,  important  aid  in  money  to 
Prince  William  of  Orange  ;19  in  1626  they  obtained  entire  relig- 
ious freedom.  In  the  cities  on  the  coast — Emden,  Hamburg, 
Dantzic,  and  Elbingen — they  obtained  toleration  on  account  of 
their  mercantile  importance. 

In  the  Palatinate  there  were  also  churches  of  Baptists,  who  kept 
up  church  fellowship  with  the  Dutch  Mennonites.20  Less  close 
was  the  connection  of  the  latter  with  the  churches,  which,  in  spite 
of  all  penal  statutes,  continued  to  exist  in  Switzerland  in  consid- 
erable numbers  and  strength.21  From  thence,  too,  they  came  into 
Moravia.23     They  were  expelled  from  Moravia,  1622,  by  Ferdi- 

1 8  Their  memory  was  carefully  preserved  by  writings.  The  first  Martyrology,  often 
reprinted,  was  :  Het  offer  des  Heeren,  1542,  in  12mo.  Then  the  Waterlanders  publish- 
ed Martelaarspiegel  der  weereloze  Christenen,  Haarlem,  1615  and  1631.  4.  The  Fri- 
sons  put  forth  in  opposition  the  Historie  van  de  vrome  getuigen  Jesu  Christi,  Hoorn, 
1617  and  1626,  because  in  the  Martyrs'  Mirror  the  declai'ations  of  the  martyrs  on  the 
incarnation  of  Christ  had,  they  said,  been  falsified.  Last  of  all :  Het  bloedigh  Tooneel 
der  Dopsgezinde,  etc.,  door  Tieleman  Jans  van  Braght,  Dordrecht,  1660,  fol.,  and  Am- 
sterdam, 1685,  2  T.,  fol.     Comp.  Jaarboekje,  1838  en  1839,  p.  102. 

19  Wagenaar  Beschrijving  van  Amsterdam,  Deel  iii.,  Boek  iii.,  fol.  237.    Ottius,  p.  158. 

20  Menno,  in  1544,  is  said  to  have  himself  been  in  Cologne,  and  had  intercourse  with 
the  Anabaptists  of  that  region  (Jaarboekje,  1838  en  1839,  p.  57).— The  meeting  of  the 
Swiss  and  German  Anabaptists  in  Strasburg,  1555,  consulted  upon  the  incarnation  of 
Christ ;  see  Martelaarspiegel,  p.  193.  Hoornsches  MartjTerbueh,  p.  210.— The  Elector 
Frederick  III.,  in  1571,  had  a  conference  held  with  the  Anabaptists  (Protocoll  d.  i.  alle 
Handlung  des  Gesprachs  zu  Frankenthal  mit  denen  so  man  Wiedertaufer  nennet,  Hei- 
delberg, 1573.  Struven's  pfalzische  Kirchenhistorie,  s.  238),  the  protocol  of  which  is 
reckoned  by  the  Mennonites  among  their  doctrinal  documents,  Schyn,  ii.  223.— On  the 
union  of  the  Frisons  and  Germans  in  Cologne,  1591,  see  supra,  Note  15. 

21  On  the  different  sorts  of  Swiss  Baptists,  see  H.  Bullinger's  der  Widertaufferen  Ur- 
sprung,  Furgang,  Secten,  Wesen,  furneme  und  gemeine  ihrer  Lehr  Artikel,  Zurich,  1560. 
4.  Bl.  17.  Erbkam's  Gesch.  d.  Protest.  Secten.,  s.  556.  Among  them  there  long  re- 
mained vestiges  of  the  original  fanaticism,  and  they  were  thus  distinguished  from  the 
Mennonites  (Ottius,  p.  302,  327) ;  yet  the  latter  looked  upon  them  as  brethren  in  the 
faith,  and  several  times  procured  intercessions  of  the  States-General  in  their  behalf  ad- 
dressed to  the  cantons ;  thus  to  Zurich,  1660  (Ottius,  p.  348),  to  Berne,  1710  •  in  Jehrin"- 
s.  282. 

22  Here,  too,  they  were  driven  away  after  1547  (Ottius,  p.  109).  Many,  however,  re- 
mained behind,  and  strengthened  themselves  from  Switzerland  (Ottius,  p.  162  ss.  170  s. 
222).  Moravia  became  the  Holy  Land  of  the  Baptists,  and  their  messengers  invited 
them  to  come  there  from  all  quarters  (Ottius,  p.  178).  Here  they  lived  in  a  strictlv- 
governed  community  (see  the  description  in  Vier  und  funfzig  erhebliche  Ursachen,  wa- 
rum  die  Wiedertaufer  nicht  sein  im  Lande  zu  leiden,  durch  Chr.  A.  Fischer  Kathol. 
Pfarrer  zu  Veldsperg,  Ingolstadt,  1607.  Ottius,  p.  201,  240 ;  Erbkam,  s.  672).  The 
Herrenhuters  (United  Brethren)  have  manifestly  derived  many  of  their  regulations  from 
this  source. 


378  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

nand  II.23     From  Switzerland,  after  the  persecution  of  1659,  they 
retreated  into  Alsace  and  the  Rhenish  Palatinate.24 


§  33. 

SCHWENCKFELD. 

Salig's  Historie  d.  Augspurg.  Confession,  iii.  950. — Planck's  Gescb.  d.  Entstehung,  etc., 
unseres  Protest.  Lehrbegrift's,  v.  i.  75. — H.  W.  Erbkam's  Gesch.  der  Protest.  Secten 
im  Zeitalter  d.  Reformation,  Hamburg  u.  Gotha,  1848,  s.  357. — G.  L.  Hahn  Schwenck- 
feldii  Sententia  de  Christi  persona  et  opere  exposita,  Vratislav.,  1847. 

[Baur's  Dreienigkeit,  iii.  219  f.  244  f.  Dorner's  Person  Christi,  ii.  573.  624  f.  Niedner's 
Geschicbte  d.  Kirche,  s.  673-7.] 

Caspar  Schwenckfeld,1  of  Ossing,  a  nobleman  in  the  service  of 
the  Duke  of  Liegnitz,  and  a  pious  and  zealous  advocate  of  the 
Reformation,2  began  early  to  complain  of  its  insufficiency,  on  the 
ground  that  it  produced  among  its  adherents  only  a  dead  faith,  in- 
stead of  a  genuine  Christian  life.3  When  the  controversy  about 
the  Lord's  Supper  broke  out  between  Luther  and  Zwingle,  he 
conceived  that  he  had  received  (1525)  by  revelation  the  only  true 
interpretation  of  the  words  of  institution ;  and  here  he  approach- 
ed the  Swiss  view.4     But  as  he  became  more  confirmed  in  the 

-3  Ottius,  p.  245.     They  fled  to  Hungary  and  Transylvania. 
24  Ottius,  p.  337. 

1  The  family  name  was  Schwenckfeld ;  his  baronial  estate,  Ossing,  was  in  the  circle 
of  Liiben,  principality  of  Liegnitz  ;  Rosenberg's  Schles.  Reformationsgesch.,  s.  54. 

2  Comp.  Ein  christi.  Ermanung  zu  furdern  das  Wort  Gottes  an  den  Herrn  Bischof 
zu  Breslau  durch  die  Edlen  H.  M.  v.  Langenwalde  imd  C.  Schwenckfeld  v.  Ossick  v. 
1.  Jan.,  1524.  4. ;  see  Salig,  iii.  955. 

3  Comp.  Ermahnung  des  Missbrauchs  etlicher  furnehmsten  Artikel  des  Evangeliums, 
aus  welcher  Unverstand  der  gemeine  Mann  in  fleischliche  Freiheit  und  Irrung  gefiihrt 
wird,  v.  11.  Jun.,  1524.  4.  These  abused  articles  he  designates  as  being :  1.  That  faith 
alone  justifies  us ;  2.  That  we  have  no  free-will ;  3.  That  we  can  not  keep  God's  com- 
mands ;  4.  That  our  works  are  nothing ;  5.  That  Christ  has  made  satisfaction  for  us. 
Thus  we  hear  it  said  :  "  Ey  wer  kann  Gottes  Gebot  halten  ?  Unsere  Seligkeit  besteht 
ja  nicht  in  Werken,  sondern  in  Glauben,  haben  wir  doch  das  Evangelion  d.  i.  eine  trbst- 
liche  Botschaft,  und  Chnstus  hat  uns  vom  Gesetz  befreiet."—  "Es  sind  alle  Bierhauser 
voll  unniitzer  Prediger,  lassen  sich  bedunken,  so  sie  nur  einen  Zank  mit  Gottes  Wort 
anrichten,  Widerpart  halten  konnten,  und  sehr  schreien,  saufen,  und  alle  Eitelkeit  trei- 
ben,  es  stiinde  ganz  wohl  in  der  Christenheit,  man  redete  stets  von  Gott,  und  sagen,  sie 
stehen  bei  Gottes  Wort."— But  if  they  would  take  the  words  of  Christ  to  heart :  "  meino 
Wrorte  sind  Geist  und  Leben,  so  wiirden  sie  nicht  so  unschicklich  damit  wiirfeln,  son- 
dern in  anderer  Weise  dem  Worte  nachtrachten." 

4  He  gained  over  to  this  view  Valentin  Krautwald,  preacher  in  Liegnitz,  who  also 
first  declared  it  in  letters  (Epistolare,  Th.  2,  Buch  2,  in  the  beginning).  He  thus  inter- 
prets the  words  of  institution  :  Quod  ipse  panis  fractus  est  corpori  esurienti,  nempe  cibus, 
hoc  est  corpus  iueum,  cibus  videlicet  esurientium  animarum.  On  the  conferences  about 
it,  which  Schwenckfeld  had  as  early  as  1525  with  Luther,  in  Wittenberg,  see  Schwenck- 
feld's  letter  to  Dr.  Zauch  (Epist.,  ii.  ii.  20),  and  F.  v.  Walden  (1.  c,  p.  24);  cf.  Salig,  iii. 


CHAP.  IV— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  33.  SCHWENCKFELD.  379 

idea  that  the  spiritual  renewal  of  man  was  effected  by  an  imme- 
diate agency  of  God  in  the  soul,  and  not  by  the  external,  ecclesi- 
astical means  of  grace — by  Christ,  the  internal  Word,  and  not  by 
the  outward  Word  of  God5 — he  framed  a  series  of  mystical  spec- 
ulations, in  which  he  came  into  decided  opposition  to  all  Christian 
parties.  Among  all  creatures,  so  he  taught,  man  alone  is  destined 
to  become  partaker  of  the  divine  nature.6  For  this  object  the 
Word  of  God  became  man ;  not  created  as  a  man,  but  begotten 
in  the  Virgin  from  the  divine  essence,  and  hence  begotten  essen- 
tially in  the  same  way  with  the  Word.7     So  Christ  upon  the  cross 

9G1.  Erbkam,  s.  370.  The  preachers  in  Liegnitz  all  participated  in  Schwenckfeld's 
views ;  see  their  declaration  to  the  Duke,  1527,  in  Rosenberg's  Schles.  Reformations- 
geschichte,  s.  412. 

5  So  first  in  the  work,  De  Cursu  Verbi  Dei,  origine  fidei  et  ratione  justificationis 
Epist.  C.  Schwenkfeldii,  cum  praef.  Jo.  Oecolampadii,  Basil,  1527.  8.  German  in  the 
Epistolare,  ii.  ii.  364.  Comp.  s.  371 :  "  Gott  braucht  keine  iiusserlichen  Dinge  und  Mit- 
tel  zu  seiner  innerlichen  Gnade  und  geistlichem  Handel. — Wer  von  aussen  ein  und 
durch  das  Aeussere  in  das  Innere  will  kommen,  der  vei'steht  nicht  den  Gnadenlauf. — 
Der  Mensch  muss  Alles  vergessen  und  fallen  lassen,  und  zu  dem  Einsprechen  der  Gnade 
aller  Dinge  ledig,  gelassen,  und  alien  Kreaturen  genommen  seyn,  ganzlich  Gott  erge- 
ben. — Derwegen  ist  der  Gnade  und  des  heil.  Geistes  einiger  Schlitt  und  Mittel,  darin  er 
in  die  stille,  lebendige  Seele  rutscht,  sein  allmachtiges  ewiges  Wort,  so  ohne  Mittel  von 
dem  Munde  Gottes  ausgehet,  und  gar  nicht  durch  die  Schrift,  ausseres  Wort,  Sakrament, 
oder  irgend  eine  Kreatiirlichkeit  im  Himmel  und  auf  Erden.  Gott  will  ihm  diese  Ehre 
selbst  und  allein  vorbehalten  haben,  den  Menschen  durch  sich  selbstbegnadigen,  lehren, 
den  heiligcn  Geist  mittheilen  und  selig  machen,  und  die  Gnade,  Erleuchtung  und  Selig- 
keit  durch  keine  Kreatur  wirken,  weil  auch  das  Fleisch  Christi  nicht  ein  genugsam  In-  r 
strument  dazu  war,  es  musste  vor  verklart,  in  das  himmlische  Wesen  verzuckt,  und  von 
unsern  Augen  weggenommen  werden." 

6  Epistolare,  ii.  ii.  461,  851. 

7  Confession  von  J.  Chr.,  Th.  3.  (in  Schwcnkfeld's  christi.  orthodoxische  Bilcher, 
i.  22G) :  "  Solchs  nemlich,  dass  Gott  dieses  Menschens,  ja  des  ganzen  Christi,  des  eini- 
gen  Sohnes  Gott  und  Menschens,  ganzcr  Vater,  auch  im  Erzeugen  und  Empfangnuss 
seines  Fleischs  ist,  so  wol  als  der  ganze  Christus  Gottes  und  Maria  einiger  Sohn  ist,  wol- 
len  sie  nicht  gnug  bedenken,  sehen  auf  die  Mutter  zu  viel  zur  linken  Seiten,  also  dass 
sie  Gott  den  Vater  zur  Rechten  hinterstellig  lassen,  gleich  als  ob  Christus  nicht  ganz 
(auch  nach  seinem  Menschen)  Gottes  Sohn  wiire,  sonder  halb,  also  zu  reden,  des  Vatern, 
und  die  ander  Halfte  der  Mutter  war:  wie  sollten  sie  denn  nicht  mit  ihm  unter  die  Cre- 
aturen  schlagen  ?  so  doeh  Gott  der  himmlisehe  Vater  (von  welchem  alle  Sippschaft  her- 
kommt)  auch  da  sein  vaterlich  Amt  braucht,  wie  ihm  gebiihret,  das  ist  gottlich  und 
himmlisch,  dass  Maria  schwanger  wird,  dass  sie  ihm  einen  ganzen  Sohn  zum  Heiland 
aller  Welt  empfanget  und  gebieret.  Der  Mensch  Jesus  Christus  ist  ein  neuer  Mensch, 
ein  ander  Adam,  weder  der  erste  Adam,  und  seine  Nachkommlinge  creaturische  Men- 
schen sevn,  und  ob  er  wohl  ein  Mensch,  auch  in  den  Tagen  seines  Fleisches  ein  sterb- 
licher  wahrer  Mensch  gewest  ist,  so  ist  er  doch  Gottes  natilrlicher  Sohn,  er  ist  nicht  ge- 
schaffen,  sondern  aus  Gott  und  einer  heil.  Jungfraucn  durcli  den  heil.  Geist  gebohren. 
Er  hat  wohl  ein  menschlich  Fleisch  und  ist  Fleisch,  es  hat  aber  viel  ein  ander  Gestalt 
mit  seinem  Fleische,  weder  mit  allem  creaturlichen  erschaffenen  Fleische. — Wcnn  sie 
nun  nicht  gem  muthwillig  und  fiirsetzlich  wiillcn  irren,  so  werden  sie  die  zweierlci  Amt 
Gottes,  das  Amt  der  Schopfung  und  sein  vaterlich  Amt,  mit  der  h.  Schrift  untcrschei- 
den,  und  aus  Matth.  i.,  Luc.  i.  bedenken,  woher  Maria  sey  schwanger  worden,  was  auch 


380  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

has  canceled  our  sin;8  but  after  his  exaltation  he  was  wholly 

Unterscheides  seyn  moge  zwischen  einem  aus  Erd  oder  Staub  erschaffnen  Menschen, 
und  einem  Menschen,  der  aus  Gott  und  seinem  Geiste  urspriinglich  von  einer  heil.  Jung- 
frauen  ist  gebohren,  oder  (wie  es  Paulus  unterscheidet)  zwischen  einem  Fleische  der  Sun- 
den  und  einem  andern,  das  wohl  in  der  Gleichheit  des  Fleischs  der  Silud,  aber  doch  nicht 
ein  Fleisch  der  Siinden  war,  wie  denn  Christus  ein  solch  heilig  neu  Fleisch,  auch  vom 
ersten  Blick  seines  Empfiingnus  aus  Maria  gehabt  hat.  Also  denn  mogen  sie  bald  fin- 
den,  dass  Christus  ein  gottlicher  Mensch,  QtavQpwrroi,  ein  neuer  himmlischer  Mensch,  ein 
Mittler  und  sonderlicher  Herr  und  Heiland  ist.  Darum  sollen  sie  bedenken,  dass  Gott 
der  Allnnichtige  seinen  gottlichen  Rath  beim  Menschen,  oder  beim  Fleische  und  Mensch- 
werden,  nicht  auf  einen,  noch  auf  einerlei  Menschen  oder  Ankunft  des  Menschens,  son- 
der  auf  zwene  unterscheidne  Menschen  fiirgenommen  und  gestellt  hat.  Auf  zween,  sag 
ich,  deren  einer  irdisch,  der  ander  himmlisch  war,  nicht  also  himmlisch,  dass  er  nicht 
ein  wahres  Fleisch  und  Blut  hab,  noch  aussem  Fleisch  Maria  nicht  sey  erzeuget  und  ge- 
bohren, sonder  dass  er  von  ihr  neuer  himmlischer  gottlicher  Weise  erzeuget,  und  in  ihr 
sey  empfangen,  dass  sein  Anfang  aus  Gott  ist  herkommen,  wie  es  auch  die  Vater  also 
ausgelegt  und  verstanden  haben.  Aus  welchem  allem — mogen  sie  guten  Bescheid  ha- 
ben,  dass  der  Mensch  Jesus  Christus  kein  Creatur  oder  Geschopf,  auch  in  den  Tagen 
seines  Fleisches  nie  gewest  ist.  Denn  sollt  er  ein  Creatur  seyn,  so  miissts  ja  eutzweder 
vom  Vater  oder  von  der  Mutter  herkommen  :  nicht  vom  Vater,  weil  Gott  der  Vater 
keiner  erschaffnen  Creatur,  als  Creatur,  Vater,  sonder  ihr  Schopfer  ist :  auch  nicht  von 
der  Mutter,  denn  sie  hat  ihnen  nicht  vermogen  zu  schaft'en,  noch  das  Wesen  geben,  so 
wenig  sie  aus  eigner  Kraft  hatt  mogen  schwanger  werden,  ob  sie  wohl  ihr  jungfrauliches 
Fleisch  darzu  dargereicht  hat,  dass  er  Mensch  ist  gebohren  :  woher  sollt  denn  Christus 
ein  geschaffne  Creatur,  und  nicht  vielmehr  Gottes  natiirlicher  eingebohrner  Sohn  se}-n  ?" 
Schwenckfeld  believed  that  the  union  of  the  divine  and  human  natures  in  one  Person 
could  be  conceived  of  only  in  this  way  ;  and  he  declared  that  the  common  view,  which 
ascribed  much  to  the  human  alone,  and  other  things  again  only  to  the  divine  nature, 
was  mere  Nestorianism.  Comp.  Von  der  Ganzheit  Christi,  beide  im  Leiden  und  in  sei- 
ner Herri ichkeit,  mit  Aufdeckung  und  treuer  Warming  an  alle  Christen,  sich  zu  hiiten 
fiir  den  wiederholten  Nestorianischcn  Irrthum  der  Theilung  des  eingebornen  unzertheil- 
igen  Sohnes  Gottes,  1542.  4.,  and  Cassianus  Von  der  Menschwerdung  Christi  wider  den 
Mestorianischen  Irrthum  der  Theilung  Christi,  4  ;  comp.  Erbkam,  s.  450. — It  still,  indeed, 
remains  incomprehensible  how  aught  but  perfect  deitj-  can  be  generated  from  the  divine 
nature,  and  how  that  which  Mary  imparted  in  the  conception  of  Christ  could  have  been 
nothing  of  a  creature  kind.  Dorner's  Entwickelungsgesch.  d.  Lehre  v.  d.  Person  Christi, 
s.  204  ;  Baur's  Lehre  v.  d.  Dreieinigkeit  und  Menschwerdung  Gottes  in  ihrer  geschichtl. 
Entwicklung,  iii.  219. 

8  Confession  von  J.  Chr.,  Th.  3  (Orthodox.  Biicher,  i.  286) :  "  Also  sagen  wir,  dass 
Christus  Jesus,  so  er  unser  Mittler  und  Hohepriester  ist,  der  sey,  welcher  seinen  Leib, 
ja  sich  selbst,  zum  immerwahrenden  Opfer  aufgeopfert,  uns  mit  Gott  versiihnet,  vom 
ewigen  Tode  gefreiet,  die  Siinde  mit  seinem  Blute  abgewaschen,  und  derselbigen  Verge- 
bung,  auch  die  Ileiligung  und  das  ewige  Leben  durch  seinen  bittern  Tod  hab  erworben. 
Solches  hatdem  Mittler  Gottes  und  der  Menschen,  dem  Herren  J.  Chr.  nach  dem  Willen 
seines  Vaters  wollen  gebiihren,  welches  auch  alleine  ihnen  aus  der  Creaturen  Ordnung 
zu  heben  mehr  denn  genug  ware.  Nachdem  sich  aber  dieser  Mittler  und  Hohepriester 
selbst  fiir  uns  hat  aufgeopfert,  und  durch  sein  eigen  Blut  einmal  in  Sancta,  d.  i.  in  den 
Himmel  selbst  war  eingegangen,  und  eine  ewige  Erlosung  hat  erfunden,  mittlet  er  nun 
weiter,  dass  gedaohte  Erlosung  und  seine  Wohlthat,  ja  alles,  was  er  in  seiner  Dispensa- 
tion durch  den  Gehorsam  des  Kreuzes  und  durch  sein  heilig  Leiden  hat  erworben,  und 
im  Himmel  zu  der  Rechten  Gottes  eingenommen,  auch  nun  durch  ihn,  ja  in  ihm,  und 
aus  ihm  auf  uns  komme,  und  bei  unserm  Herzen,  Seel  und  Gewissen  zur  ewigen  Selig- 
keit  wcnle  angelegt.  Deshalben  er  denn  von  Gott  seinem  Vater  zum  Haupt  der  Ge- 
meine,  welche  sein  Leib  ist,  gegeben,  auf  dass  er  nit  alleine  der  sey,  welcher  unser 
Bests  bei  Gotte  handlet,  und  alles  bei  ihm  erwirbet,  sonder  den  eingenommenen  Reich- 


CHAP.  IV— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  33.  SCHWENCKFELD.  381 

adopted  into  the  deity ;  so  that  his  very  flesh  was  made  divine, 
becoming  what  God  himself  is ;  and  thus  he  remains  eternally  in 
two  natures,  but  his  human  nature  is  divine.9  This  ruler  in  the 
Kingdom  of  Grace  directly  produces  regeneration  in  the  hearts  of 
men,  imparting  himself  to  them,  and  dwelling  in  them  with  flesh 
and  blood,  as  well  as  in  the  spirit,10  and  is  their  real  food,  which 

thum  Gottes  auch  selbst  in  die  Glieder  seines  Leibes— durch  den  heil.  Geist  einfliesse 
und  austheile,  dass  sie  aus  seinem  geistliehen  Einfluss  wachse,  sich  nahre  und  erlialten 
werde,  dass  eben  dieser  Mittler,  der  Mensch  Jesus  Christus,  welcher  uns  Vergebung  der 
Siinden  hat  envorben,  audi  solche  gebe,  und  wir  in  ihm  haben  und  empfangen." 

9  Confess,  v.  J.  Chr.,  Th.  i.  (Orthodox.  Biicher,  i.  125) :  "  Dass  ich  aber  geschrieben, 
Christus  sey  heut  in  der  Gloria  kein  Creatur,  hab  ich  damit  wollen  anzeigen,  dass  er 
auch  nach  seinern  Menschen  durch  die  Verkliirung  und  Erhohung  in  Gott  unser  Herr 
und  Gott  sey  worden  (Act.  2).  Nicht  dass  er  je  ein  Creatur  sey  gewest,  sonder  dass 
er  alles  was  creaturlicher  Art,  Eigenschaft,  oder  dieses  leiblichen  Wesens  an  seinem 
Menschen  dort  befunden  (da  er  der  Leidlichkeit  und  aller  Diirftigkeit  am  unser  Willen 
unterworfcn),  ja  alle  Idiornata,  so  dem  Fleisch  zeitlich  anhangen,  nu  durch  den  Tod  hab 
abgelegt,  dagegen  aber  eine  vollkommne  Neuigkeit,  Unsterblichkeit,  und  das  kimm- 
lische  Wesen  durch  die  Gloria  Gottes  seines  Vaters  angelegt,  und  damit  sey  bekleidet. 
Nicht  meine  ichs  also,  dass  sein  menschliche  Natur,  Leib  u.  Seel,  drum  in  solcher  Glo- 
ria abgetilget  und  aufgehoret  hab,— als  ob  die  Menschheit  Christi  sey  zur  Gottheit  wor- 
den, oder  in  die  Gottheit  sey  verwandelt,  wie  mir  Etliche  unbillig  zulegen  :— glaube  und 
bekenne,  dass  Chr.  J.  auch  noch  heut  u.  ewig  ein  wahrer  ganzer  Mensch  mit  Leib, 
Fleisch,  Blut  u.  Gebein  ist  in  himmlischer  Klarheit  in  einem  unbegreiflichen  Licht  u. 
Wesen :  es  ist  sein  Menschheit  geandcrt  oder  gewandelt,  nicht  verkehret,  noch  verzeh- 
ret,  sonder  gewandelt  sprich  ich,  durch  die  himmlische  Gloria  gebessert,  und  mit  gott- 
lichem  Reichthum  gemehret.  Christus  ist  nach  seiner  Menschheit  in  die  Herrlicheit 
des  Wesens  Gottes  kommen,  darinnen  ganz  gottlich  und  geistlich,  ja  nach  dem  Wesen 
alles  das  was  Gott  worden,  dass  dieser  himmlische  Mensch,  unser  Herr  und  Konig 
Christus,  durch  sein  Erhohung  alle  gottliche  Idiomata  und  Eigenschaft  Gottes  hat  er- 
reicht  und  eingenommen,  iibet  gottliche  Werk,  hat  himmlische  Amt,  Reich  und  Ver- 
mogen." 

10  Sendbrief  v.  d.  Justification  (Orthodox.  Biicher,  i.  484)  :  "  In  Summa,  wir  seind  aus 
heil.  Schrift  gewiss,  gottlob,  dass  justificatio  da  in  Paulo  ein  Gerechtmachung,  und  jus- 
tificai-e  gerecht  machen,  wie  auch  justitia  Dei  Gottes  Gerechtigkeit  d.  i.  die  Giite  und 
Fromkeit  des  frommen  treuen  Gottes  allda  heisst,  wclche  er  durch  Christum  im  heil. 
Geiste  seinen  Auserwahlten  allhie  mittheilet  durch  den  Glauben : — nachdem  er  dieselb 
und  alle  himmlische  Giiter  in  Christum  als  in  den  Schatzkasten  der  ewigen  Seligkeit 
hat  gelegt,  in  quo  tota  plenitudo  divinitatis  corporaliter  inhabitat, — dass  wir  es  bei  ihm 
durch  den  Glauben  sollen  suchen,  wie  denn  Christus,  der  regierende  Gnadenkonig,  solche 
Gerechtigkeit  Gottes,  Fromkeit,  Liebe,  Gute  und  Gottseligkcit  allhie  nach  dem  Maass 
des  Glaubens  ausgeusst  in  alle  auserwahlte  neugebohrne  Herzen. — Christus  sollte  ster- 
ben,  und  uns  nach  dem  Willen  Gottes  seines  Vatern,  auch  nach  seinem  selbst  Willen— 
erlosen,  und  so  das  alles  geschehen,  sollt  er  alsdann  uns  zu  einem  Versuhner,  Hciland 
und  Gerechtigkeit  furgesetzt  werden.  Unser  Seligkeit  sollte  zuvor  ganz  ausgericht  wer- 
den,  wir  solltens  glauben  (da  kommt  die  Gnad  und  Gabe  des  heil.  Geists),  und  im  Glau- 
ben an  deme,  der  fur  uns  gelitten,  alles  lebendig  finden,  und  wahrhaftig  und  weseutlich 
empfahen  zum  ewigen  Leben.  So  nun  die  Erlosung  geschehen,  und  Jesus  Christus  mit 
seinem  Fleisch  und  Blut  in  alle  gottliche  Gloria  aufgenommen,  ja  ganz  in  Gott  versetzt, 
ganz  gottlich  und  herrlich  ist  worden ;  so  macht  er  uns  durch  den  heil.  Geist,  welchen 
er  vom  Vater  eingenommen  (Act.  2.)  gerecht.  Er  emeuert  unsern  Sinn,  wiedergebicret 
uns,  seliget,  speiset  und  heiliget  uns  in  der  Einigkeit  des  einigen  ewigen  Wesens  Gottes. 
Wie  war  er  sonst  die  Nahrung,  Speise  und  Trank  unser  Seelen  (Joh.  vi.),  wenn  er  nit 


382  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

is  only  set  forth  in  figure  in  the  Lord's  Supper.11     By  such  regen- 

unser  Gerechtigkeit  war?  O  selig  seind,  die  nach  solcher  Gerechtigkeit  hungert  unci 
durstet!  Matth.  v.  Dalier  gehort  nun  das  kurze  Evangelium,  welches  aus  Paulo  an 
zweien  Orten  ist  ausgezogen,  und  lautet  also :  Christus  ist  gestorben  um  unser  Sunden 
willen,  und  ist  aufgeweckt  um  unser  Gerechtwerdunge  willen  (Rom.  4.),  auf  dass,  so  wir 
durcb  seine  Gnade  gerecht  gemacht,  Erben  wiiren  des  ewigen  Lebens  nach  der  Hoffnung 
(Tit.  3.).  Das  ist  die  Summa  unsers  christlichen  Glaubens."  This  righteousness  we  re- 
ceive through  faith  alone,  without  works.  But  the  justifying  faith  is  (Bekanntnus  und 
Eechenschaft  v.  d.  Hauptpuncten  des  christl.  Glaubens,  Orthodox.  Bucher,  i.  8.)  "  nicht 
ein  verni'mftiger  Wahn  oder  historische  Beredung,  sonder  ein  Gabe  des  h.  Geists,  ja  im 
Grunde  ein  Weseu  mit  deme  der  ihn  schenkt  oder  giebet :  er  ist  ein  lebendige  empfind- 
liche  Kraft  des  lebendigmachenden  Gottes,  dadurch  die  Herzen  gereiniget  und  erneuert 
werden,  welcher  Glaube  auch  die  Gerechtigkeit  Gottes,  Christum  Jesum,  wahrhaftig, 
wirklich  und  empfindlich  nach  seiner  Masse  mit  ins  glaubige  Herz  bringt."  He  speaks 
against  the  Lutheran  and  Catholic  doctrine  of  justification  in  Epistolare,  i.  812 :  "  Die 
Lutherischen  haben  einen  historischen  Christum,  den  sie  nach  dem  Buchstaben  erken- 
nen,  nach  seinen  Geschichten,  Lehre,  Mirakeln  und  Thaten,  nicht  wie  er  heut  lebendig 
ist  und  wirkt.  Wie  sie  auch  einen  historischen  Vernunftglauben  und  historische  Justi-  ■ 
fication  haben,  die  sie  auf  promissiones,  auf  die  Verheissungen,  unangesehen  weme  sie 
zustendig  sein, — griinden. — Ihre  justitia  oder  Gerechtigkeit  ist  allein  Vergebung  der 
Sunden  auswendig  aus  Glauben,  wie  man  etwa  Ablass  kaufte,  und  dass  uns  Gott  um 
Christi  mediatoris,  des  Mittlers  willen  die  Siind  nicht  wolle  zurechnen.  Das  ist,  ob  wir 
schon  Sunder  sein,  unci  bose  Buben  bleiben,  so  werden  wir  doch  propter  fidem,  um  des 
Glaubens  willen  in  Christum  von  Gott  fur  gerecht  gehalten  und  angenommen,  wie  sie 
meinen,  als  ob  Gott  zu  uns  im  Sterben  oder  am  jungsten  Tag  sagen  wilrde  :  "  koinmt 
her  ihr  Buben  in  Himmcl  um  Christi  meines  Sohns  willen,"  etc.  Gott  halt  keinen  fur 
gerecht,  in  deme  gar  nichts  seiner  wesentlichen  Gerechtigkeit  ist. — Nach  dem  Glauben 
und  Erkantniss,  da  man  allein  gliiubt,  dass  Christus  das  sey,  was  die  Schrift  von  ihm 
sagt,  wird  niemand  gerecht  noch  selig  vor  Gotte  :  sonst  mussten  alle  gerecht  und  selig 
seyn,  die  Christum  fur  ihren  Erliiser  und  Seligmacher  nach  dem  Zeugniss  der  heil. 
Schrift  haben  angenommen,  und  Christen  genennet  werden.  Drum  trachten  so  wenig 
Lutherische  nach  rechtschaffner  Busse  und  Besserung  des  Lebens,  und  wird  also  die 
Heiligung  des  Geistes,  die  Erneuwerung  des  Gemiitks,  und  die  rechte  Frommigkeit  in 
Christo,  wie  auch  die  neuwe  Geburt,  die  guten  Werk  und  Busse  verdunkelt,  dass  ich  nit 
sage  gar  aufgehaben.  Dagegen  suchen  das  Gegentheil  (the  Catholics)  in  gemein  die 
Frommigkeit  oder  Gerechtigkeit  in  ihren  Werkcn,  Applicationibus,  Zueignungen,  Ver- 
dienst  und  Ceremonien  filrnehmlich :  Christus  regnans  et  justificans,  der  regierende 
gerechtmachende  Christus  muss  iiberall  das  Nachtraben  halten.  Sie  wollen  (beede 
Part)  den  neuwen  Menschen,  der  nach  Gotte  geschaffen  ist  in  Heiligkeit  und  Gerechtig- 
keit der  Wahrheit,  vom  alten  nicht  unterscheiden,  noch  die  neuwe  Creatur,  die  in  Christo 
Jesu  vor  Gott  allein  gilt  (Gal.  vi.),  nicht  recht  bedenken,  welches  viel  Irrthum  gebieret." 
If  the  essential  divine  righteousness  is  in  the  regenerate  man,  it  would  seem  that  he 
must  be  without  sin ;  and  accordingly  this  inference  was  drawn  from  Schwenckfeld's 
doctrine.  Flacius  first  represented  this  as  his  doctrine,  and  afterward  the  Formula  Con- 
cordiae  did  the  same  (Cap.  12).  Schwenckfeld  himself  repeatedly  denied  this  inference, 
saying  that  the  regenerate  still  sin  in  many  ways,  on  account  of  the  old  man  still  re- 
maining, and  that  they  would  be  perfectly  renewed  only  in  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  ; 
see  Planck,  v.  i.  221 ;  Erbkam,  s.  413,  Anm. 

11  Bekanntnus  und  Rechenschaft  v.  d.  Hauptpuncten  des  christi.  Glaubens  (Ortho- 
dox. Biicher,  i.  16) :  In  respect  to  baptism  two  kinds  of  water  are  to  be  distinguished : 
"Namlich  ein  geistlich,  gottlich  Wasser  der  Gnaden,  ein  Bad  des  Wassers  im  Worte 
des  Lebens  (welchs  der  h.  Geist  ist),  damit  der  himmlische  Hohepriester  Jesus  Chr.  in- 
nerlich  die  Seel,  Herz  und  Gewissen  zur  Vergebung  der  Sunden  tiiuft,  und  ein  leiblich 
elementisch  Wasser,  damit  der  Diener  ausserlich  den  Leib  oder  das  Acussere  am  Men- 
schen auf  das  Anrufen  und  Bekanntnus  des  Namens  des  Herren  tiiuft."    That  purifica- 


CHAP.  IV.— MINOR  PARTIES.    §  33.  SCHWENCKFELD.  383 

eration  man  is  made  just,  and  becomes  a  partaker  of  the  divine 
nature  and  the  divine  essence,  as  was  his  original  destination. 

Schwenckfeld  was  obliged  to  leave  Silesia  in  1528  ;12  he  staid 
by  turns  in  Strasburg,  Augsburg,  Spires,  and  Ulm,  without  attach- 
ing himself  to  any  of  the  existing  parties.  He  showed  most  re- 
gard for  the  Anabaptists,  many  of  whom  were  spiritually  related 
to  him  ;13  and  for  a  long  time  he  was  still  in  intercourse  with  the 
Swiss.  But  after  he  had  more  fully  avowed  his  peculiar  opinions 
a  contest  originated,  from  1538,  in  which  he  was  attacked  from 
all  quarters  in  innumerable  controversial  works,14  particularly  on 

tion  comes  through  faith  in  the  blood  of  Christ:  "  Das  Wasser  des  Sacraments  waschet 
den  Leib,  und  bedeutet  das  was  in  der  Seel  geschieht,  welche  durch  den  Geist  wird  ge- 
reiniget."  So,  too,  in  respect  to  the  Lord's  Supper,  two  kinds  of  food,  the  spiritual  and 
the  corporeal  (s.  18):  "Namlich,  ein  geistlich,  gottlich,  himmlisch  Brot,  Speise  und 
Trank,  welches  der  Leib  Christi  fur  uns  gegeben,  und  sein  heilig  Blut  ist,  das  zur  Ver- 
gebung  der  Siinden  ist  vergossen :  und  ein  leiblich  sacramentlich  Brot  und  Trank,  so 
der  Herre  Jesus  im  Nachtmal  zu  seinem  Wiedergedachtnus  zu  brechen,  zu  essen  und 
zu  trinken  fur  seinem  Abscheide  den  Seinen  hat  befohlen.  Das  erst  Brot  giebt  allein 
Christus  der  Sohn  des  Menschen  innerlich  zur  Speise,  Kraft  und  Nahrung  der  christ- 
gliiubigen  Seele,  wie  er  solches  zuvor  (Joh.  vi.)  hat  verheissen,  welcher  auch  von  Gott 
dem  Vater  allein  darzu  ist  besiegelt.— Das  ander  Brot  heisst  das  Brot  des  Herren,  wel- 
ches der  Diener  giebt,  oder  mit  der  christi.  Gemeine  bricht  zum  Wiedergedachtnus  des 
Herren."  The  internal,  spiritual  eating  must  precede,  and  the  sacramental  and  extern- 
al follow.  So  (s.  22)  he  contends  against  the  Lutheran  as  well  as  the  Zwinglian  doc- 
trine of  the  Supper,  but  (Epistolare,  i.  10-1)  especially  against  the  notion  that  Christ  is 
in  the  bread :  "  Der  sich  mit  dem  irdischen  Brote  will  vereinigen,  dass  er  drunter,  drin- 
nen  oder  damit  moge  genossen  werden.  Unser  Christus  ist  heut  nicht  mehr  unter  der 
Gewalt  der  Sunder,  dass  ihn  die  Gottlosen  zur  Speise  geniessen." 

13  Leben  und  Wirken  C.  Schwenkfeld's  in  Schlesien,  1490-1528,  by  A.  Wachler,  in  the 
Schlesische  Provinzialblatter,  1833,  i.  110. 

13  Epistolare,  ii.  ii.  307:  "Die  Wiedertaufer  sind  mir  deshalb  desto  lieber,  dass  sie 
sich  urn  gottliche  Wahrheit  etwas  mehr,  denn  viele  der  Gelehrten  bekilmmern.  Wer 
Gott  sucht  im  Ernste,  der  wird  ihn  finden."  Yet  still  he  accused  them  of  holding  many 
errors,  especially  in  overestimating  their  baptism,  and  communion  with  their  Church ; 
and  thus  he  puts  aside  the  objection,  often  made  to  him,  that  he  was  a  secret  Anabap- 
tist ;  he  also  refers,  on  this  point,  to  the  fact  that  the  leaders  of  the  Anabaptists  had  for- 
bidden their  followers  all  intercourse  with  him  under  penalty  of  excommunication ; 
Epist.,  ii.  ii.  1012;  comp.  Orth.  Biicher,  i.  371  ff. 

11  The  Lutheran  divines  assembled  in  Smalcald,  March,  1540,  published  a  declaration 
drawn  up  by  Melancthon,  De  Francko  et  Schwenckfeldio  (Corp.  Ref.,  iii.  983),  in  which 
they  rejected  Schwenckfeld's  doctrine,  Humanitatem  Christi  post  glorificationem  non 
esse  creaturam  as  impium  delirium.  The  theologians  convened  at  Worms  issued,  Oct. 
4, 1557,  another  declaration,  also  written  by  Melancthon,  especially-  against  the  doctrine 
of  Schwenckfeld  that  the  divine  element  comes  first,  and  after  that  the  external  word 
for  exercising  the  external  man  (Corp.  Ref.,  ix.  324). — Salig,  iii.  908,  gives  an  enumer- 
ation of  Schwenckfeld's  writings  in  chronological  order,  with  extracts.  The  collection  be- 
gun in  four  folios  comprises  hardly  the  half  of  them,  viz. :  I.  "  Der  erste  Theil  der  christi. 
orthodoxischen  Biicher  und  Schriften  des  edlen,  etc.,  Manns  Casp.  Schwenckfeldt,  15G4, 
fol.  sine  loco  (contains  the  most  important  doctrinal  writings ;  the  second  part  was  not 
published).  II.  Epistolar  des  edlen,  etc.,  Casp.  Schwenckfcldts,  christlich  lehrhaftc 
Missiven,  1556  (doctrinal  and  practical).     III.  and  IV.  The  second  part  of  the  Episto- 


384  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

account  of  his  Eutychianism.  He  replied  to  every  assault,  espe- 
cially contending  against  the  position  that  the  flesh  of  Christ  was 
a  created  substance,  representing  this  as  the  weightiest  of  errors. 
As,  however,  he  also  attributed  the  highest  value  to  that  internal 
sanctification  wrought  by  Christianity,15  he  not  only  gained  the 
regard  of  several  princes,  particularly  the  Landgrave  Philip,  of 
Hesse,  and  Elector  Joachim,  of  Brandenburg,  but  also  adherents 
among  the  Suabian  nobles  and  in  Silesia,  who  called  themselves 
the  Believers  in  the  Glory  of  Christ.  In  Wiirtemberg  they  suc- 
cumbed to  the  persecutions  that  began  in  1558. 16  In  Silesia  and 
Upper  Lusace  they  continued  after  his  death,17  which  occurred 
at  Ulm,  December  10,  1562.  But  after  1718  persecution  drove 
them  from  Silesia ;  most  of  them  fled  to  the  Upper  Lusace,18  and 
in  1730  the  larger  part  emigrated  to  Pennsylvania.  Frederick  the 
Great  at  last  gave  religious  freedom  to  the  feeble  remnant  in 
Silesia.19 

lare  was  to  contain  the  mission  against  the  four  chief  Christian  parties,  in  four  books ; 
there  were  published  only  the  first  book,  on  the  Papists'  Doctrine  and  Faith,  and  the 
second,  on  the  Lutherans,  both  in  1570,  fol.,  sine  loco ;  the  third  and  fourth  books,  against 
the  Zwinglians  and  Anabaptists,  were  not  issued. 

15  Epistol.,  ii.  ii.  683,  to  the  Landgrave  Philip  :  "  Meine  redliche  Meinung,  Schreiben, 
Grand  und  Glaube  ist  in  Summa  dahin  gerichtet,  dass  wir  wahre  Christen,  fur  Gott 
fromm,  gerecht  und  selig  mochten  werden,  dass  wir  Gott  den  Vater  und  J.  Chr.  seinen 
Sohn  (wahren  Gott  und  Mensch)  als  unsern  Herm  im  heil.  Geiste  recht  lernten  erken- 
nen,  wie  wir  auch  des  heil.  Geistes,  des  Geistes  der  Gnaden  und  des  Reichthums  Gottes 
in  unserm  Herzen  mochten  theilhaftig  werden ;  item  wie  wir  unsern  alten  Adam  aus- 
ziehen,  die  eingeschriebene  Maledeyung  ausloschen,  und  dagegen  einen  neuen  Menschen 
in  gottlicher  Benedeyung,  in  Heiligkeit,  Gerechtigkeit  und  Wahrheit  zum  ewigen  Leben 
mochten  anziehen,  und  einmal,  wie  wir  fur  Gott  ein  gut,  sicher,  frohlich  Gewissen  erlan- 
gen  unci  ins  Reich  Gottes,  in  die  himmlische  Burgerschaft  Jesu  Christi  immer  weiter 
versetzt  wiirden,  dass  wir  in  Friede,  Liebe,  Einigkeit,  so  in  Christo  ist,  aufwachsen  und 
in  aller  Gottesfurcht  leben  und  wandeln  mochten." 

16  Schnurrer's  Erliiuterungen  der  Wiirtemberg.  Kirchen-Reformations-  u.  Gelehrten- 
Geschichte  (Tubingen,  1798),  s.  154,  256.    Erbkam,  s.  408. 

17  The  year  1561  is  usually  given  as  that  of  his  death;  see  against  this  Erbkam,  s. 
411.  His  followers  had  no  regular  churches,  but  only  conventicles ;  see  Hist.  Nachricht 
von  Herrn  Casp.  Schwenckfeld  v.  Ossing  (by  the  preacher  A.  Kopcke),  Prentzlau,  1744, 
s.  181. 

18  Fortges.  Sammlung  von  alten  und  neuen  theolog.  Sachen,  1720,  s.  494. 

19  See  the  edict,  March  8, 1742,  in  the  Hist.  Nachricht  von  Herrn  C.  Schwenckfeld  v. 
Ossing,  s.  2. 


:  PART  SECOND  OF  FIRST  DIVISION. 

INTERNAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  EVANGELICAL  CHURCHES. 


FIRST  CHAPTER. 

FORMATION  OF  THE  DOCTRINAL  SYSTEM  IN  THE  EVANGELICAL 
CHURCHES. 

§    34. 

FIRST  SHAPING  OF  THE  SYSTEM  OF  DOCTRINES  IN  THE  LUTHERAN 

CHURCH. 

M.  Goebel's  Die  Religiose  Eigenthiimlichkeit  der  Lutherischen  und  der  Reform.  Kirche, 
Bonn,  1837.  D.  Schenkel's  Das  Wesen  des  Protestantismus  aus  den  Quellen  des  Re- 
forniationszeitalters  dargestellt,  3  Bde.,  Schafhausen,  1846-51. 

[G.  J.  Planck,  Gesch.  der  Entstehung,  vom  Protestant.  Lehrbegriff,  6  Bde.,  1791-1800. 
H.  Heppe,  Die  Bekenntnissschriften  d.  altprot.  Kirche  Deutschlands,  1855 ;  Confes- 
sionelle  Entwickelung,  1855;  Ursprung  u.  Gesch.  d.  Bezeichnungen  "  Reformirte" 
und  "Lutherische  Kirche,"  1859.  W.  Gass,  Gesch.  d.  Protest.  Dogmatik,  2  Bde., 
Berlin,  1854-57.  Alex.  Schweizer,  d.  Protest.  Centraldogmen,  2  Bde.,  Zurich,  1854. 
Eduard  Kollner,  Symbolik  d.  Luth.  Kirche  (Erster  Bd.  d.  Symbolik),  1837.  H.  E.  F. 
Guericke,  Syrnbolik,  2te  Aufl.,  1846.  K.  Matther,  comp.  Symbolik,  1854.  R.  Hof- 
mann,  Symbolik,  1857.  Sartorius,  Soli  Deo  Gloria,  1859 ;  Beitriige,  1853.  M.  Schneck- 
erburger,  Vergleichende  Darstellung,  1855.] 

As  all  the  genuine  attempts  for  the  reformation  of  the  Church 
proceeded  from  Augustinianism,  which,  in  opposition  to  reliance 
upon  works,  that  fundamental  source  of  corruption,  declared  the 
entire  helplessness  of  man,  and  thus  fostered  the  humility  which 
is  the  essence  of  all  true  piety ;  so,  too,  the  doctrine  of  Augustine 
as  to  the  corruption  of  human  nature,  and  that  man  could  he 
saved  only  by  divine  grace  given  in  Christ,  was  the  one  with 
which  the  Reformers  of  the  sixteenth  century  were  most  deeply 
penetrated,  and  which  they  consequently  enforced  in  the  most 
living  manner. 

Luther,  more  strictly  than  Augustine,  accepted  the  doctrine  of 
Paul ;  emphatically  teaching  that,  since  even  the  righteousness 
of  the  elect,  being  incomplete,  can  not  avail  before  God,  so,  too, 
the  justification  of  man  with  God  is  only  a  declaring  just  on  ac- 
count of  the  merits  of  Christ,  and  that  this  can  be  attained  only 
vol.  iv. — 25 


38G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

by  faith  in  these  merits  without  any  works.1     Moral  relations  man 
can,  indeed,  know  and  judge  by  reason  ;2  but  he  can  not  thus  be- 

1  Augsburg.  Confess.,  Part  I.,  Art.  4  :  "  Weiter  wird  gelehrt,  dass  wir  Vergebung  der 
Sunde  und  Gerechtigkeit  fur  Gott  niterlangen  mugen  durch  unser  Verdienst,  Werk  und 
(}enugthuen,  sonder  dass  wir  Vergebung  der  Sunde  bekunnnen  und  \ror  Gott  gerecht 
werden  aus  Gnaden  um  Christus  willen  durch  den  Glauben,  so  wir  glauben,  das  Chris- 
tus  fur  uns  gelitten  hat,  und  dass  uns  um  seinetwillen  die  Sunde  vergeben,  Gerechtig- 
keit und  ewigs  Leben  geschenkt  wird  :  dann  diesen  Glauben  will  Gott  fur  Gerechtigkeit 
fur  ihme  halten  und  zurechnen,  wie  Sant  Paul  sagt  zu  Romern  am  3  u.  4."  Melanch- 
thon  ad  J.  Brentium,  1531  (Corp.  Ref.,  ii.  501)  :  De  fide  teneo  quid  te  exerceat.  Tu  ad- 
huc  haeres  in  Augustini  imaginatione,  qui  eo  pervenit,  ut  neget  rationis  justitiam  coram 
Deo  reputari  pro  justitia  ;  et  recte  sentit.  Deinde  imaginatur,  nos  justos  reputari  prop- 
ter hanc  impletionem  legis,  quam  efficit  in  nobis  Spiritus  sanctus.  Sic  tu  imaginaris, 
fide  justifieari  homines,  quia  fide  accipiamus  Spiritum  sanctum,  ut  postea  justi  esse  pos- 
simus  impletione  legis,  quam  efficit  Spiritus  sanctus.  Haec  imaginatio  collocat  justi- 
tiam in  nostra  impletione,  in  nostra  munditie  seu  perfectione,  etsi  fidem  sequi  debet  haec 
renovatio.  Seel  tu  rejice  oculos  ab  ista  renovatione  et  a  lege  in  totum  ad  promissionem 
ct  Christum,  et  sentias,  quod  propter  Christum  justi,  hoc  est  accepti  coram  Deo  simus 
et  pacem  conscientiae  inveniamus,  et  non  propter  illam  renovationem.  Nam  haec  ipsa 
novitas  non  sufficit.  Ideo  sola  fide  sumus  justi,  non  quia  sit  radix,  ut  tu  scribis,  sed 
quia  apprehendit  Christum,  propter  quem  sumus  accepti:  qualis  sit  ilia  novitas,  etsi 
necessario  sequi  debet,  sed  non  pacificat  conscientiam.  Ideo  non  dilectio,  quae  est  im- 
pletio  legis,  justificat,  sed  sola  fides,  non  quia  est  perfectio  quaedam  in  nobis,  sed  tantum 
quia  apprehendit  Christum:  justi  sumus  non  propter  dilectionem,  non  propter  legis  im- 
pletionem, non  propter  novitatem  nostram,  etsi  sint  dona  Spiritus  sancti,  sed  propter 
Christum,  et  hunc  tantum  fide  apprehendimus.  Augustinus  non  satisfacit  Pauli  sen- 
tentiae,  etsi  propius  accedit  quam  Scholastici.  Et  ego  cito  Augustinum  tanquam  pror- 
sus  6fx6\lni(j)ov  propter  publicam  de  eo  persuasionem,  cum  tamen  non  satis  explicet  fidei 
justitiam.  Crede  mihi,  mi  Brenti,  magna  et  obscura  controversia  est  de  justitia  fidei, 
quam  tamen  ita  recte  intelliges,  si  in  totum  removeris  oculos  a  lege  et  imaginatione 
Augustini  de  impletione  legis,  et  defixeris  animum  prorsus  in  gratuita  promissione,  ut 
sentias,  quod  propter  promissionem  et  propter  Christum  justi  h.  e.  accepti  sumus,  et 
paeem  inveniamus.  Ilaec  sententia  est  vera,  et  illustrat  gratiam  Christi,  et  mirifice 
erigit  conscientias. — Quando  haberct  conscientia  pacem  et  certam  spem,  si  deberet  sen- 
tire,  quod  tunc  demum  justi  reputemur,  cum  ilia  novitas  in  nobis  perfecta  esset?  Quid 
hoc  est  aliud  quam  ex  lege,  non  ex  promissione  gratuita  justifieari  ?  Luther  subjoined  : 
Et  ego  soleo,  mi  Brenti,  ut  hanc  rem  melius  capiam,  sic  imaginari,  quasi  nulla  sit  in 
corde  meo  qualitas,  quae  fides  vel  caritas  vocetur,  sed  in  loco  ipsorum  pono  ipsum  Chris- 
tum et  dico :  haec  est  justitia  mea  ;  ipse  est  qualitas  et  formalis,  ut  vocant,  justitia  mea, 
ut  sic  me  liberem  ab  intuitu  legis  et  operum  ;  imo  et  ab  intuitu  objectivi  istius  Christi, 
qui  vel  doctor  vel  donator  intelligitur ;  sed  volo  ipsum  mihi  esse  donum  et  doctrinam 
per  se,  ut  omnia  in  ipso  habeam.  Brenz  replied  to  this,  July  5  (p.  510) :  Didici  vobis 
doctoribus  non  solum  recte  sentire,  verum  etiam  recte  loqui. 

2  In  respect  to  such  relations  Luther  often  appeals  to  reason,  to  reason  and  com- 
mon sense,  to  a  good  conscience  and  honest  reason,  to  the  law  of  nature ;  see  Hagen's 
Deutschlands  Verhaltnisse  im  Reformationszeitalter,  ii.  400,  404,  406.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  repels  reason  in  the  sharpest  style  when  it  assumes  to  judge  about  the  positive 
doctrines  of  revelation  ;  e.  g.,  Wider  die  himmlischen  Propheten,  Th.  2,  1525  (Walch, 
xx.  280)  :  "  Aber  wenn  man  also  mit  unserm  Glauben  will  umgehen,  dass  wir  unsern 
Diinkel  zuvor  in  die  Schrift  tragen,  und  darnach  dieselbige  nach  unserm  Sinn  lenken, 
und  allein  darauf  sehen,  was  dem  Pobel  und  gemeinen  Dunkel  eben  ist,  so  wird  kein 
Artikel  des  Glaubens  bleiben.  Denn  es  ist  keiner,  der  nicht  uber  Yernunft  sey  von  Gott 
gestellet  in  der  Schrift."  S.  309  :  "  Hinfiirder  lehret  cr  (Carlstadt)  uns,  was  Frau  Hul- 
da,  die  naturliche  Vernunft  zu  diesen  Sachen  sagt :  gerade  als  wussten  wir  nicht,  dass 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.  §  34.  LUTHER.   387 

come  righteous  ;3  only  through  such  justification  does  he  come  into 
a  closer  union  with  God,  and  become  filled  with  the  love  of  God  ; 
thus  alone  can  he  become  truly  holy,  and  bring  forth  works  which 
are  really  good.4     The  Augustinian  doctrine  of  predestination,  too, 

die  Yernunft  ties  Teufels  Ilure  ist,  und  nichts  kann  denn  liisteren  und  schanden  alles 
was  Gott  redt  und  thut." 

3  In  the  Smalcald  Articles,  1537,  Th.  3,  Art.  1,  are  rejected  as  heathenish  the  doctrines 
that  man's  natural  powers  are  uninjured  by  the  fall,  and  that  he  has  natural  power  to 
obey  all  of  God's  commands:  "Dass  nach  dem  Erbfal  Ada  des  Menschen  natiirliche 
Kriifte  sind  ganz  und  unverderbt  blieben.  Und  der  Mensch  habe  von  Natur  eine  rechte 
Vernunft  und  guten  Willen,  wie  die  Philosophi  solches  lehren.  Item,  dass  der  Mensch 
habe  einen  freien  Willen  guts  zu  thun  und  boses  zu  lassen,  und  wiederum  guts  zu  lassen 
und  boses  zu  thun.  Item,  dass  der  Mensch  miige  aus  naturlichen  Kriiften  alle  Gebot 
Gottes  thun  und  halten.  Item,  er  miige  aus  naturlichen  Kriiften  Gott  lieben  iiber  alles, 
und  semen  Nahesten  als  sich  selbs.  Item,  wenn  ein  Mensch  thut,  so  viel  an  ihm  ist,  so 
giebt  ihm  Gott  gewisslich  seine  Gnade." 

4  Luther  ad  Spalatinum,  1516  (de  Wette,  i.  40)  :  Non  enim,  ut  Aristoteles  putat,  justa 
agendo  justi  efficimur,  nisi  simulatorie  ;  sed  justi  (ut  sic  dixerim)  fiendo  et  essendo-ope- 
ramur  justa  :  prius  necesse  est  personam  esse  mutatam,  deinde  opera :  prior  placet  Abel, 
quam  munera  ejus.  More  fully  in  his  Sermon  v.  d.  Freiheit  eines  Christenmenschen, 
1520  (Walch,  xix.  1225).  Luth.  Coram,  in  Epist.  ad  Gal.,  1535,  ad  Gal.,  2,  16  (Opp. 
Jen.,  T.  iv.,  f.  43  verso) :  Fides  Christiana  non  est  otiosa  qualitas  vel  vacua  siliqua  in 
corde,  quae  possit  existere  in  peccato  mortali,  donee  caritas  accedat  et  earn  vivificet ; 
sed  si  est  vera  fides,  est  quaedam  certa  fiducia  cordis  et  firmus  assensus,  quo  Christus 
apprehenditur.  Ita  ut  Christus  sit  objectum  fidei,  imo  non  objectum,  sed,  ut  sic  dicam, 
in  ipsa  fide  Christus  adest.  Fides  ergo  est  cognitio  quaedam  vel  tenebra,  quae  nihil  vi- 
det,  et  tamen  in  istis  tenebris  Christus  fide  apprehensus  sedet,  sicut  Deus  in  Sinai  et  in 
templo  sedebat  in  medio  tenebrarum.— Justificat  ergo  fides,  quia  apprehendit  et  possi- 
det  istum  thesaurum,  scilicet  Christum,  praesentem.  Fol.  44  verso :  Fides  apprehendit 
Christum,  et  habet  eum  praesentem,  inclusumque  tenet,  ut  annulus  gemmam.  Et  qui 
fuerit  inventus  hac  fiducia  apprehensi  Christi  in  corde,  ilium  reputat  Deus  justum.  Haec 
ratio  est  et  meritum,  quo  pervenimus  ad  remissionem  peccatorum  et  justitiam.  Quia 
credis,  inquit  Deus,  in  me,  et  fides  tua  apprehendit  Christum,  quem  tibi  donavi,  ut  esset 
mediator  et  pontifex  tuus,  ideo  sis  Justus.  Itaque  Deus  acceptat  seu  reputat  nos  justos 
solum  propter  fidem  in  Christum.  Et  valde  necessaria  est  acceptatio  seu  reputatio  :  pri- 
mum,  quia  nondum  sumus  perfecte  justi,  sed  in  hac  vita  haeret  adhuc  peccatum  in  car- 
ne :  hoc  reliquum  in  came  peccatum  purgat  in  nobis  Deus :  deinde  relinquimur  etiam 
quandoque  a  Spiritu  sancto,  et  labimur  in  peccata,  ut  Petrus,  David  et  alii  Sancti.  Ha- 
bemus  tamen  semper  regressum  ad  istum  articulum,  quod  peccata  nostra  tecta  sint, 
quodque  Deus  ea  non  velit  nobis  imputare,  Psalm,  xxxii.  et  Rom.  iv. — Postquam  fidem 

.in  Christum  sic  docuimus,  docemus  etiam  de  bonis  operibus.  Quia  apprehendisti  fide 
Christum,  per  quem  Justus  es,  incipe  nunc  bene  operari,  dilige  Dcum  et  proximum,  in- 
voca,  gratias  age,  praedica,  lauda,  confitere  Deum,  benefac  et  servi  proximo,  fac  officiuni 
tuum.  Haec  vere  sunt  bona  opera,  quae  fluunt  ex  ista  fide  et  hilaritate  cordis  concepta, 
quod  gratis  habemus  remissionem  peccatorum  per  Christum.  Ad  v.  20,  fol.  55  verso: 
Quare  fides  pure  est  docenda,  quod  scilicet  per  earn  sic  conglutineris  Christo,  ut  ex  te  et 
ipso  fiat  quasi  una  persona,  quae  non  possit  segregari,  sed  perpetuo  adhaerescat  ei,  ut 
cum  fiducia  dicere  possis  :  ego  sum  Christus  h.  e.  Christi  justitia,  victoria,  vita,  etc.,  est 
mca;  et  vicissim  Christus  dicat:  ego  sum  ille  peccator,  h.  e.  ejus  peccata,  mors,  etc., 
sunt  mea.  Fol.  56,  verso:  Ex  his  intelligi  potest,  unde  veniat  ilia  aliena  et  spiritualis 
vita,  quam  animalis  homo  non  percipit. — Quia  ilia  vita  est  in  corde  per  fidem,  ubi  ex- 
tincta  came  regnat  Christus  cum  suo  Spiritu  sancto,  qui  jam  videt,  audit,  loquitur,  ope- 
ratur,  patitur  et  simpliciter  omnia  agit  in  ipso,  etiamsi  caro  reluctetur.     Breviter,  ista 


388  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

did  not  suffice  for  Luther,  when  he  tried  to  shape  a  speculative 
statement  of  it  corresponding  to  his  humble  sense  of  an  uncondi- 
tional dependence  upon  God.5     But  as  he  was  in  general  disin- 

vita  non  est  carnis,  licet  sit  in  came,  sed  Christi  filii  Dei,  quern  fide  possidet  Christia- 
uus.  Augsb.  Conf.,  Part  I.,  Art.  20 :  "  Der  Glaub  ergreift  allzeit  allein  Gnad  u.  Verge- 
bung  der  Sunde,  u.  dieweil  durch  den  Glauben  der  heilig  Geist  geben  wird,  so  wird  auch 
das  Herz  geschickt  gute  Werk  zu  tbun.  Dann  zuvorn  dieweil  es  obn  den  heil.  Geist 
ist,  so  ist  es  zu  schwach,  darzu  ist  es  ins  Teufels  Gewalt. — Derhalb  ist  die  Lehre  vom 
Glauben  nicht  zu  schelten,  dass  sie  gute  Werk  verbiete,  sonder  viel  meher  zu  ruhmen, 
dass  sie  lehre  gute  Werk  zu  tbun,  u.  Hulf  anbiete,  wie  man  zu  guten  Werken  kommen 
muge.  Dann  ausser  dem  Glauben  u.  ausserhalb  Christo  ist  menschlicbe  Natur  u.  Ver- 
mugen  viel  zu  schwach,  gute  Werk  zu  thun,  Gott  anzurufen,  Geduld  zu  haben  im  Lei- 
den, den  Niichsten  lieben,  befohlne  Aemter  fleissig  auszurichten,  gehorsam  zu  seyn, 
bose  Lust  zu  meiden:  solche  hoche  u.  rechte  Werk  mugen  nit  geschehen  ohn  die  Hulf 
Christi,  wie  er  selbs  spricht  Johann.  xv. :  Ohn  mich  kunnt  ihr  nichts  thun."  Interpre- 
tation of  First  Epistle  of  Peter,  1523,  on  i.  17  (Walch,  ix.  672)  :  "  Dass  nun  bier  der  Apos- 
tel  saget,  dass  Gott  nach  den  Werken  richtet,  ist  auch  wahr :  aber  dafur  soil  mans  ge- 
wisslich  halten,  wo  der  Glaube  nicht  ist,  dass  da  auch  kein  gut  Werk  konne  seyn ;  und 
wiederum  dass  da  kein  Glaube  sey,  wo  nicht  gute  Werke  sind.  Darum  schleusst  er  den 
Glauben  u.  gute  Werke  zusammen,  dass  also  in  den  beyden  die  Summa  des  ganzen 
christlichen  Lebens  stehe.  Wie  du  nun  lebest,  so  wird  es  dir  gehen,  darnach  wird  dich 
Gott  richten.  Darum,  ob  uns  Gott  wol  nach  den  Werken  richtet,  so  bleibet  dennoch 
das  wahr,  dass  die  Werke  allein  Fruchte  sind  des  Baums,  bei  welcben  man  siehet,  wo 
Glaube  oder  unglaube  ist :  darum  wird  dich  Gott  aus  den  Werken  urtheilen  und  iiber- 
zeugen,  dass  du  geglaubet  oder  nicht  geglaubet  hast."  Comp.  Joh.  Briefman's  Unter- 
richt  u.  Ermahnung  an  die  christi.  Gemein  zu  Cottbus,  1523,  communicated  bj-  Dr.  Lom- 
matzsch,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  hist.  Tbeol.,  iii.  507.  How  earnestly  Luther  insist- 
ed on  a  moral  renewal  of  the  inner  man  may  be  seen  in  Disp.  III.  contra  Antinomos, 
1528,  T.  i.,  Jen.  fol.  519:  1.  Poenitentia  Papistarum,  Turcarum,  Judaeorum  et  omnium 
infidelium  et  hypocritarum  est  per  omnia  similis.  2.  Ea  est  de  aliquo  vel  aliquibus  pec- 
catis  actualibus  dolere  et  satisfacere,  postea  esse  securum  de  aliis  peccatis  sen  originali 
peccato.  3.  Haec  autem  poenitentia  eorum  est  particularis  et  temporalis,  tantum  de 
aliquibus  peccatis,  et  in  aliqua  parte  vitae.  4.  Coguntur  ita  sentire,  qui  peccatum  ori- 
ginale  prorsus  non  intelligunt  corruptionem  et  perditionem  esse  totius  naturae.  5.  Poe- 
nitentia fidelium  in  Christo  est  ultra  peccata  actualia,  perpetua,  et  usque  ad  mortem  per 
totam  vitam.  6.  Quia  ipsorum  est,  morbum  seu  peccatum  naturae  detestari  et  odisse 
usque  ad  finem.  7.  Recte  enim  Christus  dicit  omnibus  suis :  poenitentiam  ar/ite,  totam 
scilicet  vitam  suorum  volens  esse  poenitentiam.  9.  Quare  omnia  opera  post  justifica- 
tionem  sunt  aliud  nihil  quam  poenitentia  seu  bonum  propositum  contra  peccatum.  10. 
Nihil  aliud  enim  agitur,  quam  ut  peccatum  per  legem  ostensum  et  in  Christo  remissum 
ex  purge  tur. 

5  Comp.  particularly  L.  De  servo  Arbitrio  ad  D.  Erasmum.  Roterod.  1525  (comp.  Div.  I., 
§  3,  Note  15)  ;  e.  g.  T.,  Jen.  iii.  f.  165 :  Est  itaque  et  hoc  inprimis  necessarium  et  salu- 
tare  Christiano  nosse,  quod  Deus  nihil  praescit  contingenter,  sed  quod  omnia  incommu- 
tabili  et  aeterna  infallibilique  voluntate  et  praevidet,  et  proponit,  et  facit.  Hoc  fulmine 
sternitur  et  conteritur  penitus  liberum  arbitrium.— Ex  quo  sequitur  irrefragabiliter : 
omnia  quae  facimus,  etsi  nobis  videntur  mutabiliter  et  contingenter  fieri  et  fiant,— re- 
vera  tamen  fiunt  necessario  et  immutabiliter,  si  Dei  voluntatem  spectcs.— Optarim  sane 
aliud  melius  vocabulum  dari  in  hac  disputatione,  quam  hoc  usitatum  necessitas,  quod 
non  recte  dicitur,  neque  de  divina  neque  humana  voluntate. — Voluntas  enim  sive  di- 
vina  sive  humana  nulla  coactione,  sed  mere  lubentia  vel  cupiditate  quasi  vere  libera 
facit  quod  facit,  sive  bonum  sive  malum.  Sed  tamen  immutabilis  et  infallibilis  est  vo- 
luntas Dei,  quae  nostram  voluntatem  mutabilem  gubernat.  Fol.  198  verso:  Primum, 
etiam  ratio  et  diatribe  concedit,  Deum  omnia  in  omnibus  opcrari,  ac  sine  ipso  nihil  fieri 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.  §  34.  LUTHER.   389 

clined  to  speculate  upon  religious  things,6  so,  too,  he  was  unwill- 
ing to  enter  into  subtle  distinctions  about  these  depths  of  the  God- 
head.7    On  the  other  hand,  he  made  the  doctrine  of  justification 

nee  efficax  esse. — Quando  ergo  Deus  omnia  in  omnibus  movet  et  agit,  necessario  movet 
etiam  et  agit  in  Satano  et  impio.  Agit  autem  in  illis  taliter,  quales  illi  sunt,  et  quales 
invenit,  h.  e.  cum  illi  sint  aversi  et  mali,  et  rapiantur  motu  illo  divinae  omnipotentiae, 
non  nisi  aversa  et  mala  faciunt. — Hie  vides,  Deus  cum  in  malis  et  per  malos  operatur, 
mala  quidem  fieri;  Deum  tamen  non  posse  male  facere,  licet  mala  per  malos  faciat,  quia 
ipse  bonus  male  facere  non  potest,  malis  tamen  instrumentis  utitur,  quae  raptum  et  mo- 
turn  potentiae  suae  non  possunt  evadere.  Cf.  Jul.  Muller,  Lutheri  De  Praedestinatione 
et  Libero  Arbitrio  Doctrina.  Gottingae,  1832.  4.  The  different  opinions  of  later  Luther- 
an divines  upon  this  doctrine  of  Luther,  see  in  Walch's  Introduction  to  the  18th  part  of 
Luther's  "Writings,  p.  129.  Some  conceded  his  agreement  with  Calvin.  Thus  Chytrae- 
us  (see  infra,  §  42,  Note  4),  and  Calixt :  the  strictest  orthodox  Lutherans,  e.  g.,  Calov 
and  Loscher,  conceded  that  there  was  much  that  was  offensive  in  these  views ;  but  thery 
tried  to  palliate  them,  and  particularly  to  defend  Luther  from  all  agreement  with  C&L- 
vin.  Others,  in  fine,  endeavored,  by  interpretation,  to  reconcile  this  work  with  the  Lu- 
theran orthodox}- ;  thus,  too,  Rudelbach's  Reformation,  s.  279. 

6  Kirchenpostille  for  the  Sunday  of  Holy  Trinity  (Walch,  xi.  1548)  :  "  Man  begehet 
heute  das  Fest  der  heil.  Dreifaltigkeit,  welches  wir  auch  ein  wenig  mussen  ruhren,  dass 
wirs  nicht  umsonst  feiern :  wiewol  man  diesen  Namen  Dreifaltigkeit  nirgend  findet  in 
der  Schrift,  sondern  die  Menschen  haben  ihn  erdacht  und  erfunden.  Darum  lautet  es 
zumal  kalt,  und  viel  besser  sprache  man  Gott,  denn  die  Dreifaltigkeit.— Die  hohen  Schu- 
len  haben  mancherlei  Distinctiones,  Traume  und  Erdichtung  erfunden,  damit  sie  haben 
wollen  anzeigen  die  heil.  Dreifaltigkeit,  und  sind  dariiber  zu  Narren  worden.  Darum 
wollen  wir  aus  der  Schrift  eitel  Spriiche  nehmen,  damit  wir  fassen  und  beschliessen  wol- 
len die  Gottheit  Christi."  Rationis  Latomianae  Lutherana  Confutatio,  1521  (Tom.  Jen., 
ii.  fol.  407):  Nee  est  quod  mini  homousion  illud  objectes  adversus  Arianos  receptum. 
Non  fuit  receptum  a  multis,  iisque  praeclarissimis,  quod  et  Hieronymus  optavit  aboleri. 
— Quod  si  odit  anima  mea  vocem  homousion,  et  nolim  ea  uti,  non  ero  haereticus.  Quis 
enim  me  coget  uti,  modo  rem  teneam,  quae  in  concilio  per  Scripturas  definita  est  ?  Me- 
lanchthonis  Loci  Communes  Rerum  Theologicarum,  ed.  1521.  A.  iv.  :  In  his  (locis)  ut 
quidam  prorsus  incomprehensibiles  sunt,  ita  rursus  sunt  quidam,  quos  universo  vulgo 
Christianorum  compertissimos  esse  Christus  voluit.  Mysteria  divinitatis  rectius  adora- 
verimus,  quam  vestigaverimus.  Immo  sine  magno  periculo  tentari  non  possunt,  id  quod 
non  raro  sancti  viri  etiam  sunt  experti. — Proinde  non  est  cur  multum  operae  ponamus 
in  locis  illis  supremis,  de  Deo,  de  unitate,  de  trinitate  Dei,  de  mj-sterio  creationis,  de 
modo  iucarnationis.  Quaeso  te,  quid  adsecuti  sunt  jam  tot  saeculis  scholastici  theolo- 
gistae  cum  in  his  locis  solis  versarentur?  Nonne  in  disceptationibus  suis,  ut  ille  ait, 
vani  facti  sunt,  dum  tota  vita  nugantur  de  universalibus,  formalitatibus,  connotatis,  et 
nescio  quibus  aliis  inanibus  vocabulis  ?  Et  dissimulari  eorum  stultitia  posset,  nisi  Evan- 
gelium  interim  et  beneficia  Christi  obscurassent  nobis  illae  stultae  disputationes. — Re- 
liquos  vero  locos,  peccati  vim,  legem,  gratiam  qui  ignoravit,  non  video  quomodo  Chris- 
tianum  vocem  :  nam  ex  his  proprie  Christus  cognoscitur,  siquidem  hoc  est  Christum 
cognoscere,  beneficia  ejus  cognoscere,  non,  quod  isti  docent,  ejus  naturas,  modos  incar- 
nationis  contueri. — Haec  demum  Christiana  cognitio  est,  scire  quod  lex  poscat,  unde  fa- 
ciendae  legis  vim,  unde  peccati  gratiam  petas,  quomodo  labascentem  animum  adversus 
daemonem,  cai'nem  et  mundum  erigas,  quomodo  adflictam  conscientiam  consoleris. 
Scilicet  ista  docent  scholastici  ?  Baur's  christi.  Lehre  v.  d.  Dreieinigk.  u.  Menschwer- 
dung  Gottes  in  ihrer  geschichtl.  Entwicklung,  iii.  19. 

7  Luther's  Enarratio  in  Genesin  (written  153G-1545)  ad  Gen.  vi.  5.  (T.  vi.,  Viteberg, 
1561,  fol.  97  verso) :  Sequor  autem  ego  banc  perpetuam  regulam,  ut  quantum  potest, 
tales  quaestiones  vitem,  quae  nos  protrahunt  ad  solium  summac  majestatis.  Melius  au- 
tem et  tutius  est  consistere  ad  praesepe  Christi  hominis.    Plurimum  enim  periculi  in  eo 


390  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648.     j 

by  faith  alone  the  centre  of  his  whole  religious  life,8  and  the  touch- 

est,  si  in  illos  labyrinthos  ilivinitatis  te  involvas.  Fol.  98 :  De  hac  voluntate  substanti- 
al! et  divina  nihil  scrutandum,  sed  simpliciter  abstinendum  est,  sicut  a  majestate  di- 
vina :  est  enim  inscrutabilis,  nee  voluit  earn  Deus  proponere  in  hac  vita.  Quibusdam 
involucris  voluit  earn  ostendere,  baptismo,  verbo,  Sacramento  coenae.  Haec  sunt  divina 
simulacra  ej;  voluntas  signi,  per  quae  pro  nostro  captu  nobiscum  agit.  Igitur  in  haec 
tantum  intuendum  est.  Voluntas  beneplaciti  simpliciter  dimittenda  est,  nisi  sis  vel  Mo- 
ses, vel  David,  vel  aliquis  similis  perfectus  vir,  quanquam  hi  quoque  in  voluntatem  be- 
neplaciti sic  intuiti  sunt,  ut  a  voluntate  signi  nusquam  averterent  oculos.  Ad  Gen.  xxvi., 
9,  fol.  385 :  Audio  spargi  passim  sceleratas  voces  inter  nobiles  et  magnates  de  praedes- 
tinatione  sive  praescientia  divina.  Sic  enim  loquuntur  :  si  sum  praedestinatus,  sive 
bene,  sive  male  egero,  salvabor :  si  non  sum  praedestinatus,  damnabor  nulla  ratione 
habita  operum. — Sunt  haec  diabolica  et  venenata  tela,  et  ipsum  peccatum  originale,  quo 
seduxit  diabolus  primos  parentes,  cum  diceret :  eritis  sicut  dii.  Non  enim  erant  con- 
tenti  revelata  divinitate,  qua  cognita  beat!  erant,  sed  volebant  penetrare  profuuditatem 
divinitatis. — Sic  igitur  in  libello  de  servo  arbitrio  et  alibi  docui,  esse  distinguendum, 
quando  agitur  de  notitia  vel  potius  de  subjecto  divinitatis.  Aut  enim  disputandum  est 
de  Deo  abscondito  aut  de  Deo  revelato.  De  Deo,  quatenus  non  est  revelatus,  nulla  est 
fides,  nulla  scientia  et  cognitio  nulla.  Atque  ibi  tenendum  est  quod  dicitur :  quae  supra 
nos.  Ejusmodi  enim  cogitationes,  quae  supra  aut  extra  revelationem  Dei,  sublimius  ali- 
quid  rimantur,  prorsus  diabolicae  sunt,  quibus  nihil  amplius  proficitur,  quam  ut  nos  ip- 
sos  in  exitium  praecipitemus,  quia  objiciunt  objectum  impervestigabile,  videlicet  Deum 
non  revelatum.  Hauspostille,  Septuagesima  Sunday,  in  Walch,  xiii.  473.  Interpreta- 
tion of  the  2d  Epist.,  1524,  on  2  Petr.,  i.  10,  in  Walch,  ix.  846.  Interpretation  of  the 
17th  chap.  John,  1530,  on  verse  6,  in  Walch,  viii.  723.  Letter  of  consolation  to  a  person 
not  named  on  account  of  doubts  on  election,  20th  Jul}-,  1528,  in  de  Wette,  iii.  354 : 
"  Gott  der  Allmachtige,  im  Fall  dass  er  alle  Ding  weiss,  und  miissen  alle  Werk  und  Ge- 
danken  in  alien  Creaturen  nach  seinem  Willen  geschehen,  juxta  decretum  voluntatis 
suae,  so  ist  doch  sein  ernstlicher  Will  und  Meinung,  auch  Befehl,  von  Ewigkeit  beschlos- 
sen,  alle  Menschen  selig  und  der  ewigen  Freuden  theilhaftig  zu  machen,  wie  Ezech. 
am  18.  cap.  (v.  23)  klarlich  gemeldt  wird,  da  er  saget:  "Gott  will  nicht  den  Tod  des 
Sunders,  sondern  dass  er  sich  bekehre  und  lebe."  Will  er  nu  die  Sunder,  die  unter  dem 
weiten,  hohen  Himmel  allenthalben  leben  und  schweben,  selig  machen  itnd  haben:  so 
wollet  ihr  euch  durch  euer  narrische  Gedanken,  vom  Teufel  eingegeben,  nicht  abson- 
dern,  und  von  der  Gnade  Gottes  scheiden. — Dazu  gehort  ein  rechter  wahrer  Glaube,  der 
solch  Zagen  und  Verzweifeln  austrcibe,  welches  ist  unser  Gerechtigkeit,  wie  zum  Rom. 
am  iii.  (v.  22)  stehet :  "  die  Gerechtigkeit  Gottes  durch  den  Glauben  an  J.  Chr.,  welcher 
ist  in  alien  und  iiber  alle  Menschen." 

8  Luther  Comm.  major  in  Epist.  ad  Galatas.  1535,  Praef.  brevis  (Jen.  T.  iv.  fol.  3  ver- 
so) :  Periculum  hoc  maximum  et  proximum  est,  ut  diabolus  ablata  pura  fidei  doctrina 
rursus  invehat  doctrinas  operum  ac  traditionum  humanarum. — Quare  haec  doctrina 
nunquam  satis  tractari  et  inculcari  potest.  Ea  jacente  et  pereunte  jacet  et  perit  simul 
tota  cognitio  veritatis,  ea  vero  florente  florent  omnia  bona,  religio,  verus  cultus,  gloria 
Dei,  certa  cognitio  omnium  statuum  et  rerum.  Ad  Gal.  iii.  13,  fol.  90  verso:  Ita  opor- 
tet  nos  magnificare  articulum  justitiae  christianae  contra  justitiam  legis  et  operum, 
quanquam  nulla  vox  aut  eloquentia  sit,  quae  digne  possit  concipere,  multo  minus  elo- 
qui  ejus  magnitudinem.  Fol.  91  verso :  Locus  igitur  justificationis,  ut  saepe  moneo,  dili- 
genter  discendus  est.  In  eo  enim  comprehenduntur  omnes  alii  fidei  nostrae  articuli,  eo- 
que  salvo  salvi  sunt  et  reliqui.  Smalcald  Articles,  Part  II.,  Art.  1 :  "Von  diesem  Arti- 
kel  kann  man  nichts  weichen  oder  nachgeben,  es  falle  Himmel  und  Erden,  oder  was 
nicht  bleiben  will,  denn  es  ist  kein  ander  Name  den  Menschen  gegeben,  dadurch  wir 
konnen  selig  werden,  spricht  S.  Petrus  Act.  iv.  Und  durch  seine  Wunden  sind  wir  ge- 
heilet,  Jes.  liii.  Und  auf  diesem  Avtikel  stent  alles,  das  wir  wider  den  Papst,  Teufel 
und  Welt  lehren  und  leben.  Darum  miissen  wir  des  gar  gewiss  seyn  und  nicht  zwei- 
feln.     Sonst  ists  alles  verloren,  und  behalt  Papst  und  Teufel  und  alles  wider  uns 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.-LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.    §34.  LUTHER.      39 1 

stone  by  which  he  tried  not  only  all  other  doctrines  and  ecclesias- 
tical usages,  but  also  the  worth  of  the  different  biblical  writings.9 
The  misunderstanding  of  this  truth  w*as,  in  his  view,  the  funda- 
mental corruption  of  the  Church ;  and  it  was  the  cause  of  his  sep- 
aration from  it,  hard  as  this  was  for  him.10  When  this  truth  is 
proclaimed  out  of  the  pure  source  of  revelation11 — the  Holy  Scrip- 
den  Sieg  unci  Recbt."  To  the  Church  at  Eslingen,  October  11,  1523,  in  de  Wettc, 
ii.  417. 

9  Preface  to  New  Testament,  1524,  in  Walch,  xiv.  105:  "Weil  nun  Johannes  gar 
wenig  Werke  von  Christo,  aber  gar  viel  seiner  Predigten  schreibt;  wiederum  die  an- 
dern  drei  Evangelisten  viel  seiner  Werke,  wenig  seiner  Worte  beschrieben  :  ist  Johan- 
nis  Evangelium  das  einige  zarte,  rechte  Hauptevangelium,  und  denen  andern  dreien 
weit  vorzuziehen  und  hoher  zu  heben.  Also  auch  St.  Pauli  und  Peter's  Episteln  weit 
tiber  die  drei  Evangelia  Matthai,  Marci,  und  Luca  vorgehen.  Summa,  St.  Johannis 
Evangelium  und  seine  erste  Epistel,  St.  Pauli  Episteln,  sonderlich  die  zu  den  Romern, 
Galatern,  Ephesern,  und  St.  Peter's  erste  Epistel,  das  sind  die  Bucher,  die  dir  Christum 
zeigen,  und  alles  lehren,  das  dir  zu  wissen  noth  und  selig  ist,  ob  du  schon  kein  ander 
Buch  nock  Lehre  nimmermehr  sehest  noch  horest.  Darum  ist  St.  Jacob's  Epistel  eine 
rechte  stroherne  Epistel  gegen  sie,  denn  sie  doch  keine  evangelische  Art  an  ihr  hat." 
Witli  this  are  connected  Luther's  free  views  upon  inspiration  ;  compare  his  preface  upon 
Dr.  Wenc.  Linken's  Annotationes  tiber  die  5  B.  Mosis,  1543,  in  Walch,  xiv.  172  :  "  Und 
haben  ohne  Zweifel  auf  diese  Weise  die  Propheten  im  Mose,  und  die  letzten  Propheten 
in  den  ersten  studiret,  und  ihre  guten  Gedanken,  vom  heil.  Geist  eingegeben,  in  ein 
Buch  aufgeschrieben.— Ob  aber  denselben  guten  treuen  Lehrern  und  Forschern  der 
Schrift  zuweilen  auch  mit  unterfiel  Heu,  Stroh,  Holz,  und  nicht  eitel  Silber,  Gold,  unci 
Edelgestein  baueten;  so  bleibet  doch  der  Grund  da:  das  andere  verzehret  das  Feuer 
des  Tages."    Schenkel,  i.  53,  168. 

10  See  Div.  I.,  §  1,  Notes  7,  8,  54.  Luther,  De  abroganda  Missa  privata.  Praef.  ad 
fratres  suos  Augustinenses,  dd.  1.  Nov.,  1521  (T.  Jen.  ii.  f.  442  verso):  Ego  quotidie  in 
meipso  experior,  quam  difficile  sit  conscientiam  longo  impietatis  usu  vexatam  ad  sanam 
pietatis  scientiam  revocare  et  infirmitatem  ejus  sanare.  Quot,  rogo,  medicamentis,  quam 
robusta  resina  Galaad  (comp.  Jer.  viii.  22),  quam  potentibus  et  evidentibus  scripturis 
meam  ipsius  conscientiam  vixdum  stabilivi,  ut  auderem  unus  contradicere  Papae,  et 
credere  eum  esse  Antichristum,  Episcopos  esse  ejus  Apostolos,  Academias  esse  ejus  lu- 
panaria  !  Quoties  mihi  palpitavit  tremulum  cor,  et  reprehendens  objecit  eorum  fortissi- 
mum  et  unicum  argumentum  :  tu  solus  sapis?  totne  errant  universi?  tanta  saecula  ig- 
noraverunt  ?  Quid,  si  tu  erres,  et  tot  tecum  in  errorem  trahas  damnandos  aeternaliter  ? 
Et  tandem  confirmavit  me  verbis  suis  certis  et  fidelibus  Christus,  ut  jam  nee  tremat  nee 
palpitet,  sed  insultet  cor  meum  his  papisticis  argumentis,  non  aliter  atque  tutissimum 
iittus  minaces  et  tumidas  procellas  ridet. 

11  Luther,  De  Servo  Arbitrio  ad  D.  Erasmum,  1525  (T.  Jen.  iii.  fol.  162)  :  Quid  ais 
Erasme  ?  Non  satis  est  submisisse  sensum  Scripturis  ?  etiam  Ecclesiae  decretis  submit- 
tis  ?  Quid  ilia  potest  decernere  non  decretum  in  Scripturis  ?  Deinde  ubi  manct  libertas 
et  potestas  judicandi  decretores  illos,  ut  Paulus  1  Cor.  xiv.  docet:  caeteri  dijudicent?— 
Quae  ista  nova  religio  et  humilitas,  ut  nobis  tuo  exemplo  potestatem  adimas  judicandi 
decreta  hominum,  et  subjicias  sine  judicio  bominibus  ?  Fol.  162  verso :  Sed  esse  in  Scrip- 
tura  quaedam  abstrusa,  et  non  omnia  exposita,  invulgatum  est  quidem  per  impios  So- 
phistas,  quorum  ore  et  tu  loqueris  hie,  Erasme,  sed  nunquam  unum  articulum  produxe- 
runt,  nee  producere  possunt,  quo  suam  hanc  insaniam  probarent.  Talibus  autem  larvis 
Satanas  absterruit  a  legendis  Uteris  sacris,  et  reddidit  Scripturam  sacram  contemptibi- 
lem,  ut  suas  pestes  ex  philosophia  in  Ecclesia  faceret  regnare.  Hoc  sane  fateor,  esse 
multa  loca  in  Scripturis  obscura  et  abstrusa,  non  ob  majestatem  rerum,  sed  ob  ignoran- 


392  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

tures — and  made  living  in  the  soul,  then — this  he  knew  with  en- 
tire certainty — all  the  errors  and  abuses  that  had  crept  into  the 
Church  must  fall  away  of  themselves,  the  Church  would  become 
free  from  the  bondage  into  which  it  had  fallen  through  the  craft 
of  man,  and  improvement  in  morals  would  be  the  necessary  re- 
sult.12 Luther  by  no  means  desired  to  reject  all  ecclesiastical  de- 
velopments ;  he,  in  fact,  laid  stress  upon  agreement  with  the  uni- 
versal Church;13  but  he  would  have  all  the  doctrines  and  usages 

tiam  vocabulorum  et  grammaticae,  sed  quae  nihil  impediant  scientiam  omnium  rerum 
in  Scripturis.  Quid  enim  potest  in  Scripturis  augustius  latere  reliquum,  postquam  frac- 
tis  signaculis  et  voluto  ab  ostio  sepulcri  lapide,  illucl  summum  mysterium  proditum  est, 
Christum  filium  Dei  factum  hominem,  esse  Deum  trinum  et  unum,  Christum  pro  nobis  pas- 
sum  et  regnaturum  aeternaliter  ?  Nonne  haec  etiam  in  biviis  sunt  nota  et  cantata  ?  Tolle 
Christum  e  Scripturis,  quid  amplius  in  illis  invenies  ?  Res  igitur  in  Scripturis  contentae 
omnes  sunt  proditae,  licet  quaedam  loca  adhuc  verbis  incognitis  obscurae  sunt.  Stul- 
tum  est  vero  et  impium,  scire,  res  Scripturae  esse  omnes  in  luce  positas  clarissima,  et 
propter  pauca  verba  obscura  res  obscuras  dictare.  Si  uno  loco  obscura  sunt  verba,  at 
alio  sunt  clara.  Fol.  184 :  Si  scriptura  obscura  vel  ambigua  est,  quid  illam  opus  fuit 
nobis  divinitus  tradi  ?  annon  satis  sumus  obscuri  et  ambigui,  nisi  de  coelo  nobis  augea- 
tur  obscuritas  et  ambiguitas  et  tenebrae  ?— Debent  omnes  Christianorum  articuli  tales 
esse,  ut  non  modo  ipsis  certissimi  sint,  sed  etiam  adversus  alios  tarn  manifestis  et  Claris 
Scripturis  firmati,  ut  omnibus  os  obstruant,  ne  possint  quicquam  contradicere. 

12  Luther  Vom  Anbeten  des  Sacraments  an  die  Bohmen,  1523 ;  see  Div.  I.,  §  14,  Note 
2,  at  the  close. 

13  Thus  he  defends  infant  baptism,  Ep.  ad  Melanchth.,  13.  Jan.,  1522  (de  Wette,  ii. 
127) :  Ego  vero  video  id  singulari  miraculo  Dei  factum,  ut  solus  hie  articulus  de  parvu- 
lis  baptisandis  nunquam  fuerit  negatus  ne  ab  haereticis  quidem  :  adeo  nulla  est  confes- 
sio  illius  in  oppositum,  sed  e  contra  totius  orbis  confessio  constans  et  una  ad  propositum. 
Hanc  autem  confessionem  negare  esse  Ecclesiae  illius  verae  et  legitimae,  arbitror  impi- 
issimum  esse.  Idem  enim  mihi  videtur  atque  Ecclesiam  negare.— Quod  ergo  non  est 
contra  Scripturam,  pro  Scriptura  est,  et  Scriptura  pro  eo.  Luther  to  Duke  Albrecht  of 
Prussia,  1532,  in  de  Wette,  iv.  354,  on  the  Lord's  Supper  :  "  Zudem  so  ist  dieser  Artikel 
nicht  eine  Lehre  oder  Aufsatz  ausser  der  Schrift  von  Menschen  erdichtet,  sondern  klar- 
lich  im  Evangelio  durch  helle,  reine,  ungezweifelte  Wort  Christi  gestift  und  gegriindet, 
und  von  Anfang  der  christlichen  Kirchen  in  aller  Welt  bis  auf  diese  Stund  eintriichtig- 
lich  gegliiubet  und  gehalten  :— welchs  Zeugniss  der  ganzen  heiligen  christlichen  Kirchen 
(wenn  wir  schon  nichts  mehr  hiitten)  soil  uns  allein  gnugsam  seyn,  bei  diesem  Artikel 
zu  bleiben,  und  daruber  keinen  Rottengeist  zu  horen  noch  zu  leiden.  Denn  es  fahrlich 
ist  und  erschrecklich,  etwas  zu  horen  oder  zu  glauben  wider  das  eintrachtig  Zeugniss, 
Glauben  und  Lehre  der  ganzen  heiligen  christlichen  Kirchen,  so  von  Anfang  her,  nu 
uber  funfzehen  hundert  Jahr  in  aller  Welt  eintrachtiglich  gehalten  hat.  Wenns  ein  neu 
Artikel  ware,  und  nicht  von  Anfang  der  heil.  christi.  Kirchen,  oder  war  nicht  bei  alien 
Kirchen  noch  bei  der  ganzen  Christenheit  in  aller  Welt  so  eintrachtiglich  gehalten: 
ware  es  nicht  so  fahrlich  noch  schrecklich,  davon  zu  zweifeln  oder  disputiren,  ob  es 
recht  sey.  Nu  er  aber  von  Anfang  her,  und  so  weit  die  ganze  Christenheit  ist,  eintrach- 
tiglich gehalten  ist :  wer  nu  dran  zweifelt,  der  thut  eben  so  viel,  als  glaubet  er  kern 
christliche  Kirche,  und  verdammt  damit  nicht  allein  die  ganze  heilige  christliche  Kirche, 
als  eine  verdammte  Ketzerinn,  sondern  auch  Christum  selbs  mit  alien  Aposteln  und 
Propheten,  die  diesen  Artikel,  da  wir  sprechen:  "  Ich  glaube  eine  heilige  christliche 
Kirche"  gegriindet  haben,  und  gewaltig  bezeuget,  namlich  Christus  Matth.  xxviii.  : 
"Siehe,  ich  bin  bei  euch  bis  an  der  Welt  Ende,"  und  St.  Paulus  1  Tim.  iii. :  "Die 
Kirche  Gottes  ist  eine  Saule  und  Grundveste  der  Wahrheit."    In  the  Augsburg  Confes- 


PAKT  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.    §  34.  LUTHER.      393 

of  the  Church  tested  by  the  Bible,  and  allow  nothing  which  was 
opposed  to  it.14     Besides  this,  he  desired  that  man's  freedom  in 

sion,  at  the  end,  it  is  said  that  this  confession  is  made,  "  damit  man  daraus  dester  has 
zu  vernehmen  habe,  dass  bei  uns  nichts  weder  mit  Lehre  noch  mit  Ceremonien  ange- 
liommen  ist,  das  entweder  der  heiligen  Schrift  oder  gemeiner  christlichen  Kirchen  zu-  . 
entgegen  ware."  Cf.  Melanchthon  ad  Campegium,  dd.  6.  Jul.,  1530,  Div.  I.,  §  5,  Note 
22.  Ejusd.,  Epist.  Nuncupatoria  ad  Erid.  Myconium,  prefixed  to  Sentent.  Veterum  ali- 
quot Scriptorum  de  Coena  Domini,  Viteberg,  1530,  in  Corp.  Ref.,  ii.  29 :  Quanquam  autem 
fides  nou  pendeat  ab  humana  auctoritate  sed  a  verbo  Dei,  tamen  cum  Scriptura  imbeeil- 
les  a  fortioribus  confirmari  velit,  juvat  habere  Ecclesiae  testimonia  in  omni  genere  ten- 
tationum.  Ut  enim  vivos  libenter  consulimus,  quos  judicamus  nsum  aliquem  habere 
spiritualium  rerum,  ita  et  veteres,  quorum  scripta  probantur,  censeo  consulendos  esse. 

14  Luther  to  the  Emperor's  Deputy  and  the  Estates  of  the  Imperial  Government  at 
Nuremberg,  August,  1523  (de  Wette,  ii.  367),  against  the  first  article  of  the  imperial 
edict  of  March  6,  1523,  "that  the  Gospel  was  to  be  preached  as  interpreted  by  teachers 
approved  and  accepted  by  the  Christian  Church,"  appeals  to  Augustini,  Ep.  19,  ad  Hie- 
ronymuni  de  Petro  reprehenso  a  Paulo,  c.  1 :  "  Ich  gebe  allein  den  heil.  Biichern,  die  da 
canonici  heissen,  die  Ehre,  dass  ich  gliiube,  keinen  derselben  Schreiber  geirret  haben : 
die  andern  alle  lese  ich  also,  dass,  wie  hoch  sie  scheinen  mit  Kunst  und  Heiligkeit;  den- 
noch  nicht  darum  recht  achte,  dass  sie  also  halten  ;  sonder  wo  sie  mirs  mit  den  Spruch- 
en  der  heil.  Schrift  oder  heller  Vernunft  beweisen."  To  this  Luther  adds :  "  Hie  sehen 
wir  ja,  dass  St.  Augustinus  ein  Ziel  steckt,  die  Lehrer  anzunehmen,  und  wirft  sie  alle 
unter  das  Urtheil  der  heil.  Schrift,  wie  billig ;  dass  uber  diess  Ziel  sich  nicht  gebuhrt 
Jemand  anzunehmen,  er  sey  wie  heilig  u.  gelehrt  er  miige.  Solchen  Verstand  von  den 
Lehrern,  so  die  christl.  Kirche  angenommen  und  approbirt  hat,  achten  wir  auch  im 
Mandat  seyn ;  wollen  und  kiinten  auch  keinen  andern  leiden,  es  gehe  dariiber,  wie  Gott 
will."  Luther,  Coram,  major  in  Epist.  ad  Galatas,  1535,  ad  Gal.,  i.  11,  12.  (T.  Jen.  iv. 
fol.  23) :  Valde  igitur  speciosum  et  robustum  hoc  argumentum  Pseudoapostolorum  fuit, 
quod  et  hodie  plures  commovet,  scilicet:  "  Apostoli,  sancti  Patres,  et  eorum  successores 
sic  docuerunt,  Ecclesia  sic  sentit  et  credit :  impossible  est  autem,  quod  Christus  tot  sae- 
culis  Ecclesiam  suam  errare  sinat.  Tu  certe  solus  non  sapis  plus,  quam  tot  sancti  viri, 
et  tota  Ecclesia,"  etc. — Quando  Satan  hoc  urget,  et  conspirat  cum  carne  et  ratione,  per- 
terrefit  conscientia  et  desperat,  nisi  constanter  ad  te  redeas,  et  dicas:  "  Sive  S.  Cypria- 
nus,  Ambrosius,  Augustinus,  sive  S.  Petrus,  Paulus,  Johannes,  imo  angelus  e  coelo  ali- 
ter  doceat,  tamen  hoc  certo  scio,  quod  humana  non  suadeo,  sed  divina,  h.  e.  quod  Deo 
omnia  tribuo,  hominibus  nihil." — At  ais :  "Ecclesia  est  sancta,  Patres  sunt  sancti." 
Bene,  sed  Ecclesia,  quamlibet  sancta,  tamen  cogitur  orare  :  "  Remitte  nobis  debita  nos- 
tra." Sic  Patres,  quamlibet  sancti,  tamen  per  remissionem  peccatorum  salvati  sunt. 
Ergo  neque  mihi,  neque  Ecclesiae,  neque  Patribus,  neque  Apostolis,  neque  angelo  e 
coelo  crcdendum  est,  si  quid  contra  verbum  Dei  docemus :  sed  verbum  Domini  stat  in 
aeternum.  Alioqui  hoc  argumentum  Pseudoapostolorum  maxime  valuisset  contra  Pauli 
doctrinam,  quia  profecto  magna,  magna,  inquam,  res  fuit,  opponere  totam  Ecclesiam 
cum  toto  choro  Apostolorum  Galatis  contra  Paulum  unicum,  ct  eum  recentiorem,  ac 
minus  auctoritatis  habentem.  Firmissimum  ergo  hoc  argumentum  fuit,  et  potenter  con- 
clusit :  nemo  enim  libenter  dicit  Ecclesiam  errare,  et  tamen  necesse  est  dicere,  earn  er- 
rare, si  extra  vel  contra  verbum  Dei  aliquid  docet. — Hoc  argumentum  et  hodie  maxime 
praegravat  causam  nostram.  Nam  si  neque  Papae,  neque  Patribus,  neque  Lutbcro, 
etc.,  credendum  est,  nisi  doceant  purum  Dei  verbum,  cui  turn  credeudum  est?  Quis 
interim  certas  faciat  conscientias,  utri  purum  Dei  verbum  doceant,  nos  an  adversarii 
nostri  ?  Nam  et  ipsi  jactant  se  purum  Dei  verbum  habere  ct  docere.  Nos  Papistis  non 
credimus,  quia  verbum  Dei  non  docent,  neque  possunt  docere.  E  contra  ipsi  acerrime 
nos  oderunt  et  insectantur,  ut  pestilentissimos  haereticos  ac  seductores. — Quisque  igitur 
videat,  ut  certissimus  sit  de  sua  vocatione  et  doctrina,  ut  cum  Paulo  certissime  ac  secu» 
rissime  ausit  dicere :  "  Etiamsi  nos  aut  angelus  e  coelo,"  etc.    Schenkel,  i.  19. 


394  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

matters  of  faith,  and  the  freedom  of  Christians  in  indifferent  mat- 
ters, should  be  respected,15  and  weak  consciences  spared  in  making 
ecclesiastical  changes.16  But  to  the  unlicensed  freedom  of  fanat- 
ics, who  relied  upon  an  internal  word  independent  of  Scripture, 

15  Luther,  Instructions  to  all  who  come  to  Confession,  1521,  in  Walch,  xix.  1009: 
"  Niemand  soil  zum  Glauben  gezwungen,  sondern  nur  berufen  werden.  Soil  jemand 
kommen,  Gott  wird  ihn  durch  ein  Rufen  wohl  bewegen  :  bewegt  er  ihn  nicht,  was 
machst  du  mit  deinem  Treiben  ?"  S.  1012  :  "  Zum  eilften.  Darum  hiite  dich,  und  lass 
ja  kein  Ding  so  gross  seyn  auf  Erden,  ob  es  auch  Engel  vom  Himmel  waren,  dass  dich 
wider  dein  Gewissen  treibe  von  der  Lehre,  die  du  gottlich  erkennest  und  achtest."  Lu- 
ther, On  Confession,  to  F.  v.  Sickingen,  1521,  in  Walch,  xix.  1036:  "Aber  der  Papst 
und  geistliche  Setzer,  die  fahren  mit  Lucifer  iiber  den  Himmel,  geben  vor,  ihr  Ding  sey 
gottlich,  und  mache  vor  Gott  fromm,  regiere  und  fiihre  die  Gewissen  zu  recht.  Das 
kann  Gott  nicht  leiden,  da  ist  er  ein  Eiferer.  Denn  in  den  Gewissen  will  er  allein  seyn, 
und  sein  Wort  allein  regieren  lassen,  da  soil  Freiheit  seyn  von  alien  Menschensatzun- 
gen."  Luther's  Answer  to  the  Book  of  King  Henry  VIII.  of  England,  1522,  in  Walch, 
xix.  333.  "  Frei,  frei,  frei  wollen  und  sollen  wir  seyn  in  allem,  das  ausser  der  Schrift 
ist:  trotz  der  es  uns  wehre."  Luther,  To  the  Church  at  Eslingen,  21.  October,  1523,  in 
de  Wette,  ii.  419 :  "  Wahr  ists,  class  ich  gesagt  habe,  es  sey  gut  Ding  um  Beichten. 
Item  ich  wehre  und  verbeut  nit  fasten,  wallen,  Fisch  essen,  feiren,  etc.,  aber  doch  also, 
dass  solchs  frei  geschehe. — Das  Gewissen  wollen  und  sollen  wir  frei  haben  in  alien  Wer- 
ken,  die  nit  zum  Glauben  oder  der  Liebe  des  Naehsten  dienen."  Luther's  Short  Confes- 
sion about  the  Holy  Sacrament,  1544  (Walch,  xx.  2225) :  "  Was  frey  ist,  nemlich  weder 
geboten  noch  verboten,  darin  man  weder  si'mdigen,  noch  verdienen  kann,  das  soil  in  un- 
ser  Macht  stehen,  als  unser  Vernunft  unterworfen,  dass  wirs  mogen,  ohn  alle  Simde  und 
Fahr  des  Gewissens,  brauchen  oder  nicht  brauchen,  halten  und  fahren  lassen,  nach  un- 
serm  Gefallen  oder  Nothdurft ;  und  wollen  kurzum  hierin  freye  Herren,  und  nicht 
Kr.echte  seyn." 

16  Luther  to  Spalatin,  7.  March,  1522,  in  dc  Wette,  ii.  145:  "Ich  verdamme  als  ein 
Greuel  der  Papisten  Messe,  daraus  sie  ein  Opfer  und  gut  Werk  machen,  dadurch  der 
Mensch  Gott  versi'ihnet  wird.  Ich  aber  will  nicht  Hand  anlegen,  noch  Jemand,  so  ohn 
Glauben  ist,  bereden,  vielweniger  zwingen,  dass  er  sie  selbs  mit  Gewalt  abthue.  Allein 
treibe  und  verdamme  ich  solchen  Missbrauch  der  Messen  durchs  Wort.  Wers  gliiubt, 
der  gliiube  es,  und  folge  ungenothiget ;  wers  aber  nicht  glauben  will,  der  lasse  und  fahre 
immer  bin :  denn  niemand  soil  zum  Glauben,  und  was  den  Glauben  belanget,  gezwun- 
gen, sondern  durchs  Wort  gezogen  und  gewonnen  werden. — Ich  verwerfe  auch  die 
Bible,  die  man  ehret,  aber  durchs  Wort ;  treibe  die  Leute  nicht,  dass  sie  sie  verbrennen 
sollen,  sondern  dass  sie  ihr  Zuversicht  und  Vertrauen  nicht  drauf  setzen,  wie  bisher  ge- 
schehen,  und  noch  geschieht.  Sie  wiirden  wohl  von  ihneii  selbs  fallen,  wenn  das  Volk 
recht  durchs  Wort  untervveiset  wiisste,  dass  sie  fur  Gott  nichts  sind  noch  gelten.  Also 
verdamme  ich  auch  des  Papsts  Gesetze  von  der  Ohrenbeicht,  vom  Gebot,  zum  heil.  Sac- 
rament zu  bestimmter  Zeit  zu  gehen,  vom  Gebet  und  Anrufen  der  Heiligen,  ihnen  zu 
feiren  und  fasten.  Ich  thue  es  aber  mit  und  durchs  Wort,  dass  ich  die  Gewissen  frei 
mache,  und  von  solchen  Stricken  erledige.  Wenn  das  geschieht,  stehets  denn  bei  ihnen, 
dass  sie  derselben  entweder  brauchen  um  der  Schwachen  willen,  die  noch  dran  hangen 
und  drinnen  verwirret  sind,  oder  nicht  brauchen,  wo  sie  und  andere  stark  sind :  dass 
also  die  Liebe  herrsche  und  Oberhand  behalte  in  diesen  und  dergleichen  ausserliehen 
Werken  und  Gesetzen."  Luther  to  the  Church  in  Eslingen,  21.  October,  1523,  in  de 
Wette,  ii.  419:  "Weil  nun  viel  schwacher  Gewissen  seind,  die  in  Papsts  Gesetzen  ge- 
fangen  liegen,  so  ists  wohlgethan,  dass  du  nit  Fleisch  essest,  etc.  Denn  solch  nit  Fleisch 
essen  wird  damit  ein  Werk  der  Lieb,  weil  du  damit  deinem  Nachsten  dienest,  seiner 
Weise  zu  folgen,  und  seines  Gewissens  zu  verschonen."  Comp.  Luther's  Eight  Sermons 
against  Dr.  Carlstadt's  Novelties,  preached  in  Lent,  at  Wittenberg,  1522,  in  Walch, 
xx.  4. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.    §  34.  LUTHER.      395 

he  opposed  the  principle  that  the  Spirit  is  not  given  to  man  with- 
out media,  and  that  faith  comes  from  the  "Word  of  God.17  Extern- 
ally he  would  have  diverging  doctrines  repressed  by  the  civil  au- 
thorities only  so  far  that  they  should  not  disturb  the  public  order.18 

17  Luther,  Against  the  Heavenly  Prophets,  Th.  2,  1525,  in  Walch,  xx.  271 :  "So  nun 
Gott  sein  heiliges  Evangelium  hat  auslassen  gehen,  handelt  er  mit  uns  auf  zweierlel 
Weise.  Einmal  ausserlich,  das  anderemal  innerlich.  Aeusserlich  handelt  er  mit  uns 
durch  mundliche  Worte  des  Evangelii  und  durch  die  leiblichen  Zeicheu,  als  da  ist  Taufc 
und  Sacrament.  Innerlich  handelt  er  mit  uns  durch  den  heil.  Geist  und  Glauben  sarat 
andern  Gaben.  Abcr  das  alles  der  Massen  und  der  Ordnung,  dass  die  ausserlichen 
Stucko  sollen  und  miissen  vorgehen,  und  die  innerlichen  hernach  und  durch  die  ausser- 
lichen kommen,  also  dass  ers  beschlossen  hat,  keinem  Mens'chen  die  innerlichen  Stiicke 
zu  geben  ohne  durch  die  iiusserlichen  Stiicke ;  denn  er  will  niemand  den  Geist  noch 
Glauben  geben  ohne  das  ausserliche  Wort  und  Zeichen,  so  er  dazu  eingesetzt  hat,  wie 
er,  Luc.  xvi.  29,  spricht :  Lass  sie  Mosen  und  die  Propheten  horcn.  Daher  auch  St. 
Paulus  darf  nennen  die  Taufe  ein  Bad  der  neuen  Geburt,  darinne  Gott  den  heil.  Geist 
reichlich  ausgeusst,  Tit.  iii.  5,  G,  7 :  Und  das  mundliche  Evangelium  eine  gottliche  Kraft, 
die  da  selig  mache  alle,  die  dran  glauben,  Rom.  i.  16." 

18  Luther's  Interpretation  of  the  82d  Psalm,  on  verse  4,  in  Walch,  v.  1055.  He  here 
distinguishes  four  cases:  "  Erstlich  sind  etliche  Ketzer  aufriihrisch,  die  Offentlich  leh- 
ren,  dass  man  keine  Obrigkeit  leiden  soil.  Item  dass  kein  Christ  moge  im  Stande  der 
Obrigkeit  sitzen.  Item  dass  man  soil  nichts  Eigenes  haben,  sondern  von  Weib  und 
Kind  laufen,  Haus  und  Hof  lassen,  oder  alle  Dinge  gemein  halten  und  haben.  Dicse 
sind  stracks  und  ohne  alien  Zweifel  zu  strafen  von  der  Obrigkeit,  als  die  da  offentlich 
wider  die  weltlichen  Rechte  und  Obrigkeit  streben,  Rom.  xiii.  2.  Denn  sie  sind  nicht 
schlecht  allein  Ketzer,  sondern  als  die  Aufriihrer  greifen  sie  die  Obrigkeit  und  ihr  Regi- 
ment und  Ordnung  an,  gleichwie  ein  Dieb  fremdes  Gut,  ein  Morder  fremden  Leib,  und 
ein  Ehebrecher  fremdes  Gemahl  antastet,  welches  alles  nicht  zu  leiden  ist.  Zum  An- 
dern, wo  etliche  wollten  lehren  wider  einen  offentlichen  Artikel  des  Glaubens,  der  kliir- 
lich  in  der  Schrift  gegrundet,  und  in  aller  Welt  gegliiubet  ist  von  der  ganzen  Christen- 
heit,  gleichwie  die,  so  man  die  Kinder  lehret  im  Credo:  als  wo  jemand  lehren  wollte, 
dass  Christus  nicht  Gott  sey,  sondern  ein  schlechter  Mensch,  und  gleich  wie  ein  andcrer 
Prophet,  wie  die  Turken  und  die  Wiedertaufer  halten;  die  soil  man  auch  nicht  leiden, 
sondern  als  die  offentlichen  Lasterer  strafen:  denn  sie  seind  auch  nicht  schlecht  allein 
Ketzer,  sondern  offentlicke  Lasterer.  Nun  ist  ja  die  Obrigkeit  schuldig,  die  offentlichen 
Lasterer  zu  strafen,  als  man  die  strafet,  so  sonst  fluchen,  schworen,  schmahen,  lustern, 
schanden,  verleumden. — Denn  hiermit  wird  niemand  zum  Glauben  gedrungen,  denn  er 
kanu  dennoch  wol  glauben,  was  er  will.  Allein  das  Lehren  und  Lastern  wird  ihm  ver- 
boten,  damit  er  will  Gott  und  den  Christen  ihre  Lehre  unci  Wort  nehmen,  und  will 
solches  dennoch  unter  derselbigen  eigenen  Schutz  und  Gemeinschaft  aller  weltlichen 
Nutzung  zu  ihrem  Schaden  thun.  Er  gehe  dahin,  da  nicht  Christen  sind,  und  thue  es 
daselbst.  Denn,  wie  ich  mehr  gesagt,  wer  bei  Burgern  sich  niihren  will,  der  soil  das 
Stadtrecht  halten,  und  dasselbige  nicht  schanden  und  schmahen,  oder  soil  sich  trollen. 
— Zum  Dritten,  wo  sichs  begibt,  dass  in  einer  Pfarre,  Stadt  oder  Herrschaft  die  Papisten 
und  Lutherischen  (wie  man  sie  nennet)  gegen  einander  schreien  und  wider  einander 
predigen  ilber  etlichen  Artikeln,  da  beides  Theils  die  Schrift  vor  sich  haben  will,  wollte 
ich  dennoch  solche  Zwiespalt  nicht  gerne  leiden,  und  meine  Lutherischen  sollten  auch 
selbst  gerne  abtreten  und  schweigen,  wo  sie  merken,  dass  man  sie  nicht  gerne  horet,  wie 
Christus  lehret,  Matth.  am  10.  v.  14,  und  sich  lassen  zu  predigen  zwingen,  wie  ich  thue. 
— Will  aber  ja  hier  kein  Theil,  oder  kann  vielleicht  Amts  halben  nicht  weichen  noch 
schweigen,  so  thue  die  Obrigkeit  dazu,  und  verhore  die  Sache,  und  welches  Theil  nicht 
bestehet  mit  der  Schrift,  dem  gebiete  man  das  Stilleschweigen.— Denn  es  ist  nicht  gut, 
dass  man  in  einer  Pfarre  oder  Kirchspiel  widerwartige  Predigt  in  das  Volk  liisset  geheu : 


396 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 


Yet  he  rejected  all  punishment  of  heretics  as  such,  and  all  use  of 
force  in  their  conversion.19 

Luther's  doctrine,  that  justification  does  not  come  from  the  law, 
but  from  faith,  was  not  infrequently  misunderstood,  and  threaten- 
ed to  lead  to  dangerous  errors.20  Accordingly,  Melancthon,  in  his 
Articulis,  de  quibus  egerwit  Visitatores  in  regione  Saxoniae, 
1527,21  insisted  with  emphasis  that  the  preachers  should  also 

denn  es  entspringen  daraus  Rotten,  Unfriede,  Hass  und  Neid,  auch  in  andern  weltlich- 
en  Sachen.  Zum  Vierten,  wo  aber  etliche  gegen  einander  schreien  uber  solchen  Arti- 
keln,  da  beide  Theile  bekennen,  class  es  kerne  Schrift,  sondern  alte  Gewohnheit  oder 
Menschengesetze  sey,  neberi  und  ausser  der  Schrift  aufgekommen,  als  Platten,  Weih- 
wasser,  Wiirzweihe,  und  dergleichen  unnothige  Stucke  mehr,  die  weder  mit  Wunder- 
zeichen  noch  Miirtyrerblut  bestiitiget  sind,  da  soil  man  keinesweges  solch  Gezanke  auf 
der  Canzel  leiden,  sondern  beiden  Theilen  gebieten,  dass  sie  Friede  haben.  Denn  was 
die  Schrift  nicht  hat,  darum  sollen  die  Prediger  nicht  zanken  vor  dem  Volke,  sondern 
sollen  die  Schrift  immer  treiben.  Denn  Liebe  und  Friede  gehet  weit  uber  alle  Ceremo- 
nien,  wie  St.  Paulus  auch  sagt,  dass  der  Friede  solle  iiber  alles  den  Vorgang  haben,  und 
ist  unchristlich,  dass  Friede  und  Einigkeit  solle  denen  Ceremonien  weichen.— Was  ich 
aber  sage  von  offentlichen  Predigten,  das  sage  ich  vielmehr  von  Winkelpredigten  und 
heimlichen  Ceremonien  :  denn  dieselbigen  sind  aller  Dinge  nicht  zu  leiden :  sonst  mag 
einer  bei  sich  selbst  lesen  und  glauben,  was  er  will.  Will  er  nicht  Gott  horen,  so  hore 
er  den  Teufel." 

19  Luther,  To  the  Christian  Nobles  of  the  German  Nation,  24;  Div.  I.,  §  1,  Note  CO. 
Kirchenpostil,  Sermon  on  the  Fifth  Sunday  after  Epiphany,  in  Matth.  xiii.  24-30 
(Walcb,  xi.  693) :  "  Aufs  andere  (lehrt  uns  diess  Evangelium),  wie  wir  uns  halten  sol- 
len gegen  dieselbigen  Kctzer  und  falsche  Lehrer.  Nicht  sollen  wir  sie  ausrotten,  noch 
vertilgen.  Er  spricht  offentlich  allhier,  man  solle  es  lassen  mit  einander  wachsen.  Mit 
Gottes  Wort  soil  man  bier  allein  handeln :  denn  es  gehet  also  zu  in  dieser  Sache,  dass 
wer  heute  irret,  kann  morgen  zurecht  kommen.  Wer  weiss,  wann  das  Wort  Gottes  sein 
Herz  riihren  wird  ?  Wo  er  aber  verbrennet  oder  sonst  erwurget  wird,  so  wird  damit 
gewehret,  dass  er  nicht  kann  zurechtkommen,  und  wird  er  also  dem  Worte  Gottes  en- 
triicket,  dass  er  muss  verloren  seyn,  der  sonst  hiitte  mogen  selig  werden.  Da  geschieht 
denn,  was  hier  der  Herr  sagt,  dass  der  Waizen  wird  auch  mit  ausgerauft,  wenn  man  das 
Unkraut  ausgatet.  Das  ist  denn  gar  graulich  Ding  vor  Gott,  und  nimmermehr  zu  ver- 
antworten.  Daraus  merke,  welche  rasende  Leute  wir  sind  so  lange  Zeit  gewesen,  die 
wir  die  Turken  mit  dem  Schwerte,  die  Ketzer  mit  dem  Feuer,  die  Juden  mit  Todten  ha- 
ben wollen  zum  Glauben  zwingen,  und  das  Unkraut  ausrotten  mit  unserer  eigenen  Ge- 
walt,  grade  als  waren  wir  die  Leute,  die  uber  Herzen  und  Geister  regieren  konnten,  und 
wir  sie  mochten  fromm  und  recht  machen,  welches  doch  allein  Gottes  Wort  thun  muss." 
In  the  sentence  of  condemnation  by  the  Sorbonne,  1521  (Div.  I.,  §  21,  Note  1),  the  propo- 
sition of  Luther,  haereticos  comburi  est  contra  voluntatem  Spiritus,  is  rejected  in  the 
terms— haec  propositio  est  falsa,  contra  voluntatem  Spiritus  divini  asserta  et  errori  Ca- 
tharorum  et  Waldensium  consona ;  d'Argentre  Collectio  Judiciorum  de  novis  Erroribus, 
i.  ii.  367. 

20  See  above,  §  30,  Note  3.  Georgii  Wicelii  Assertio  bonorum  Operum,  p.  71,  at  the 
end  of  his  Confutatio  Calumniosissimae  Responsionis  Justi  Jonae,  Colon.,  1549 :  Con- 
cionatores  secuti  magistros  suos  mirum  in  modum  ubique  et  semper  supploserunt  bona 
opera,  adeo  ut  nulla  ab  illis  sit  audita  concio,  in  qua  misera  opera  non  crucifixerint. 
Neque  enim  judicaverunt  se  ivayyiXLltiv,  nisi  quam  insanissime  bona  opera  conspue- 
rent.  Atque  adeo  ipsa  populi  evangelici  religio  et  conversatio  plus  satis  declarant,  doc- 
tane  sint  opera  in  suis  ecclesiis  an  dedocta,  etc. 

31  See  Div.  I.,  §  4,  Note  25. 


PAET  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.    §  34.  LUTHER.      397 

preach  repentance,  a<nd  that  this  must  precede  faith,  and  that  they 
must  explain  the  law,  the  knowledge  of  which  is  necessary  to 
work  repentance.22  On  the  other  hand,  John  Agricola  (Magister 
Eisleben)23  maintained  that  repentance  is  not  to  come  from  the 
law,  but  from  the  Gospel,  and  thus  gave  occasion  for  the  Antino- 
mian  Controversy?*  the  only  one  which  prevailed  in  the  Lutheran 
Church  during  the  lifetime  of  Luther.  Agricola  at  first  allowed 
himself  to  be  appeased  in  a  conference  with  Luther  and  Melanc- 
thon,  in  Torgau,25  December,  1527 ;  but  he  renewed  his  assertions 
in  some  arrogant  theses,  1537.26     The  truth  that  seemed  to  be 

22  Chursachsische  Visitations-Artikel,  1527  and  1528,  Latin  and  German  ;  edited  by 
G.  Th.  Strobel,  Altdorf,  1777.  It  begins  :  Pastores  debent  exemplum  Christi  sequi,  qui 
quoniam  poenitentiam  et  remissionem  peccatorum  docuit,  debent  et  ista  pastores  tradere 
Ecclesiis.  Nunc  vulgare  est  vociferare  de  fide,  et  tamen  intelligi  quid  sit  fides  non  po- 
test, nisi  praedicata  poenitentia.  Plane  vinum  novum  in  utres  veteres  infundunt,  qui 
fidem  sine  poenitentia,  sine  doctrina  timoris  dei,  sine  doctrina  legis  praedicantt  et  ad 
carnalem  quandam  securitatem  adsuefaciunt  vulgus.  Ea  securitas  est  deterior,  quam 
omnes  errores,  qui  antea  sub  Papa  fuerunt,  hoc  genus  concionatorum  describit  Hierony- 
mus  et  vituperat  eos,  qui  dicant,  pax  pax,  et  non  est  pax. — Aliquando  totum  decalogum 
enarrent  ordine,  quia  praedicatio  legis  ad  poenitentiam  provocat,  aliquando  certum  ali- 
quod  vitium  vituperent,  et  copiose  declarent,  quam  graviter  offendatur  Deus,  et  quas 
poenas  minetur.  Non  enim  satis  est  praecepta  enarrare,  sed  etiam  poenas  commemo- 
rent,  quas  Deus  minatur  peccatoribus.  Nee  tantum  de  aeternis  poenis,  sed  etiam  de 
praesentis  vitae  poenis  doceant. 

23  M.  Joh.  Agricola's  aus  Eisleben  Schriften  mogliehst  vollstandig  verzeichnet,  by 
M.  B.  Kordes,  Altona,  1817.  Luther's  opinion  about  him,  to  Jac.  Stratner,  court  preach- 
er at  Berlin,  6.  Dec,  1540,  in  de  Wette,  v.  321 :  Non  est  Meister  Grickel  is  vir,  qualis 
cupit  videri,  aut  qualem  credit  esse  Marchio,  neque  nnquam  erit.  Nam  si  velis  scire, 
quidnam  ipsa  vanitas  sit,  nulla  certiore  imagine  cognosces,  quam  Islebii.  Hoc  depre- 
hendes  gestu,  voce,  cachinnis,  denique  omnibus  animi  et  corporis  motibus  et  moribus,  ut 
scurram  possit  superare  quemvis.  Meum  consilium  fait,  ut  a  functione  verbi  in  aeter- 
num  abstineret,  et  jocularem  aliquam  professionem  susciperet :  ad  docendum  prorsus 
non  valet.  Ac  si  omnia  reliqua  essent  tolerabilia,  tamen  gloriae  furor  tantus  est  in  eo, 
ut  nihil  possit  Deo  in  suo  opere  prodesse,  sed  plurimum  nocere.  The  attack  on  Melanc- 
thon  had  its  ground  probably  in  his  chagrin  that  a  vacant  theological  chair  at  Witten- 
berg had  been  given  to  him,  and  not  to  Agricola ;  see  Bretschneider  in  the  Theol.  Stu- 
dien  u.  Krit.,  1829,  iv.  741. 

24  Documents  about  its  history  in  C.  E.  Forstemann's  Neues  Urkundenbuch  zur  Ge- 
schichte  der  Evangel.  Kirchenreformation,  Bd.  1  (Hamburg,  1842.  4.),  s.  291.  Comp. 
Planck's  Gesch.  der  Entstehung  unseres  Prot.  Lehrbegriffs,  v.  i.  1.  C.  L.  Nitzsch  De 
Antinomismo  Jo.  Agricolae  Comm.  II.,  Viteberg,  1804.  4.  (also  in  his  De  Discrimine 
Revelationis  Imperatoriae  et  Didacticae,  Viteb.,  1830,  ii.  1).  A.  Wewetzer  De  Antino- 
mismo Jo.  Agricolae  diss.,  Stralsund,  1829.  4.  K.  Matthes  Phil.  Melanchthon  (Alten- 
burg,  1841),  s.  93. 

25  Mel.  ad  Just.  Jonam,  dd.  20.  Dec,  1527,  Corp.  Ref.,  i.  914 ;  cf.  Luthcrus  ad  eun- 
dem,  dd.  10.  Dec,  1527,  in  de  Wette,  iii.  243. 

26  Ratzeberger,  Luther  u.  s.  Zeit,  edited  by  Neudecker  (Jena,  1850),  s.  96.  Agricola 
had  secretly  and  anonymously  diffused  his  Eighteen  Positiones:  Luther  had  them  pub- 
lished, December  1, 1537,  and  then,  in  1538,  refuted  them  in  five  Disputationes,  to  which 
a  sixth  was  added  in  1540  (Opera,  Tom.  i.,  Jen.  fol.  516.  Comp.  the  relation  in  Forstc- 
mann,  i.  313).     The  most  important  of  those  Positiones  are :  1.  Poenitentia  docenda  est 


398  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

hoverino-  before  the  mind  of  Agricola  was  this,  that  an  external 
law,  by  its  external  promises  and  threatenings,  could  not  awaken 
true  repentance,  that  is,  a  moral  hatred  of  sin ;  that  this,  on  the 
contrary,  is  produced  only  by  the  living  knowledge  of  God  and 
love  to  him.27  But  he  expressed  these  ideas  so  obscurely,  and 
with  such  an  irrational  contempt  of  the  law,  that  the  refutation 
of  this  Antinomianism  by  Luther's  disputations  was  a  very  time- 
ly and  desirable  work.28 

non  ex  decalogo,  aut  ulla  lege  Mosi,  sed  ex  violatione  Filii  per  Evangelium.  2.  Nam 
Christus  Lucae  ultimo  ait :  "  sic  oportuit  Christum  mori,  et  hoc  modo  intrare  in  suam  glo- 
riam,  ut  praedicentur  in  nomine  suo  poenitentia  et  remissio  peccatorum."  3.  Et  Chris- 
tus apud  Johannem  ait,  Spiritum  arguere  mundum  de  peccato,  non  legem.  4.  Idem  do- 
eet  ultima  concio  Christi :  ite,  praedicate  Evangelium  omni  creaturae.  5.  Paulus  cum 
ad  Philippenses  ait:  "hoc  sentite  in  vobis,  quod  et  in  Christo  Jesu,  ut  in  timore  et  tre- 
more  salutem  vestram  operemini,"  praeclare  statuit,  docendam  esse  poenitentiam,  quam 
vocat  timorem  et  tremorem,  ex  memoria  Christi,  non  ex  lege.  6.  Ex  concionibus  Pauli 
et  Barnabae  satis  manifestum  est,  non  esse  opus  lege  ad  ullam  partem  justificationis. 
7.  Sine  quacunque  re  datur  Spiritus  sanctus,  et  homines  justificantur :  ea  res  non  est  ne- 
cessaria,  ut  doceatur,  neque  pro  principio,  neque  medio,  neque  fine  justificationis.  8.  At 
datus  olim,  et  datur  perpetuo  Spiritus  sanctus,  et  justificantur  homines  sine  lege  per  so- 
lum Evangelium  de  Christo.  9.  Ergo  lex  Mosi  non  est  necessaria  ut  doceatur,  neque 
pro  principio,  neque  medio,  neque  fine  justificationis.  13.  Quare  pro  conservanda  puri- 
tate  doctrinae  resistendum  est  iis,  qui  docent,  Evangelium  non  praedicandum  nisi  ani- 
mis  prius  quassatis  et  contritis  per  legem.  16.  Lex  tantur  arguit  peccata,  et  quidem 
sine  Spiritu  sancto,  ergo  arguit  ad  damnationem.  17.  Opus  est  autem  doctrina,  quae 
ma^na  efficacia  non  tantum  damnat,  sed  et  salvat  simul :  ea  autem  est  Evangelium, 
quae  conjunctim  docet  poenitentiam  et  remissionem  peccatorum.  18.  Nam  Evangelium 
Christi  docet  tram  de  coelo  et  simul  justitiam  Dei,  Rom.  i.  Est  enim  praedicatio  poe- 
nitentiae,  conjuncta  promissioni,  quam  ratio  non  tenet  naturaliter,  sed  per  revelationem 
divinam.  Then  follow  the  passages  from  Luther's  writings  in  which  the  doctrine  is 
stated  "pure,"  and  other  passages  from  the  Visitation-Articles  and  Luther's  Comm.  in 
Ep.  ad  Gal.,  in  which  it  is  " impure"  propounded.  At  the  close,  also,  "alii  articuli  An- 
tinomi,"  which  are  probably  only  oral  declarations  :  1.  Lex  non  est  digna,  ut  vocetur 
verbum  Dei.  2.  Art  thou  a  whore,  a  knave,  an  adulterer,  or  any  other  sort  of  sinner,  if 
thou  believest  thou  art  jn  the  way  of  salvation.  (This  and  the  third  proposition  of  like 
import,  Agricola  declares  (in  his  Klagschrift,  in  Forstemann,  i.  317)  to  be  a— purum  fig- 
mentum  et  chimaera.  Luther  appended  to  the  Weimar  copy  in  MS. :  istas  duas  potest 
negare  fortasse,  tamen  nescio.  •  Nee  sunt  Islebio  imputati,  sed  aliis  ut  suis  discipulis,  ut 
titulus  indicat.  Omnes  aliae  sunt  M.  Grickels,  ut  ex  aliis  probatur.)  4.  Decalogus  be- 
longs to  the  town-hall,  and  not  to  the  pulpit.  5.  All  who  go  about  with  Moses  must  go 
to  the  devil,  on  the  gallows  with  Moses.  G.  We  are  not  to  prepare  men  for  the  Gospel 
by  the  preaching  of  the  law ;  God  must  do  it,  whose  work  it  is.  7.  In  Evangelio  non 
debere  agi  de  violatione  legis,  sed  de  violatione  Filii.  8.  Audire  verbum  et  ita  vivere 
est  consequentia  legis.  9.  Audire  verbum  et  sentire  in  corde  est  propria  Evangelii  con- 
sequentia.  10.  Peter  knew  nothing  about  Christian  freedom.  11.  His  declaration  :  Cer- 
tam  facientes  vocationem  vestram  per  bona  opera,  is  good  for  nothing.  12.  As  soon  as 
thou  thinkest  it  must  go  thus  and  so  in  Christendom,  every  body  is  to  be  refined,  honor- 
able, discreet,  holy,  and  chaste,  thou  hast  already  prostituted  the  Gospel ;  Cap.  vi.,  Luke. 

27  Comp.  Nitzsch  Comm. ;  see  Note  25.     Schenkel,  i.  178. 

28  Disp.  i.  (T.  i.,  Jen.  fol.  517)  :  1.  Poenitentia,  omnium  testimonio  et  vero,  est  dolor 
de  peccato  cum  adjuncto  proposito  melioris  vitae.  2.  Hie  dolor  proprie  aliud  nihil  est, 
nee  esse  potest,  quam  ipse  tactus  seu  sensus  legis  in  corde  seu  conscientia.    4.  Poeni- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.    §  34.  LUTHER.      399 

The  doctrines  held  in  common  by  the  Lutheran  Reformers  were 
set  forth  in  the  Catechisms  of  Luther,  1529  ;29  in  the  Augsburg 
Confession,30  1530,  in  opposition  to  the  old  church,  on  the  part  of 
the  rulers  and  cities ;  in  the  Smalcald  Articles,31 1537,  on  the  part 
of  the  theologians.  The  Augsburg  Confession  was  generally  con- 
sidered as  the  doctrinal  centre  of  the  parties,  and,  especially  after 
the  Diet  of  the  princes  at  Naumburg,  1561,  it  became  customary 
to  impose  it  by  an  oath.32 

tentiae  prior  pars,  scil.  dolor,  est  ex  lege  tantum.  Altera  pars,  scil.  propositum  bonum, 
nou  potest  ex  lege  esse.  5.  Non  euim  potest  homo,  territus  a  facie  peccati,  bonum  pro- 
ponere  suis  viribus,  cum  nee  quietus  et  securus  id  possit.  6.  Sed  vi  peccati  confusus  et 
obrutus  cadit  in  desperationem  et  odium  Dei,  seu  descendit  ad  inferos,  ut  Scriptura  lo- 
quitur. 7.  Ideo  addenda  est  legi  promissio  seu  Evangelium,  quae  conscientiam  territam 
pacet  et  erigat,  ut  bonum  proponat.  Disp.  ii.  1 :  Lex  non  solum  est  non  necessaria  ad 
justificationem,  sed  plane  iuutilis  et  prorsus  impossibilis.  10.  Ex  his  autem  non  sequi- 
tur,  legem  esse  abolendam,  et  e  concionibus  Ecclesiae  tollendam.  11.  Quin  eo  magis 
est  necesse  earn  doceri  et  urgeri,  quod  non  est  necessaria,  sed  impossibilis  ad  justifica- 
tionem, 12.  ut  homo  superbus  et  de  viribus  suis  praesumens  erudiatur,  sese  per  legem 
non  posse  justificari.  37.  Sed  et  hoc  falsum  est,  quod  sine  Spiritu  sancto  arguat  lex 
peccatum,  cum  lex  sit  scripta  digito  Dei.  Disp.  v.  42 :  Quare  lex  promiscue  docenda 
est,  sicut  et  Evangelium,  tarn  piis  quam  impiis.  43.  Impiis,  ut  territi  agnoscant  suum 
peccatum,  mortem  et  inevitabilem  iram  Dei,  per  quam  humilientur.  44.  Piis,  ut  admo- 
neantur  carnem  suam  cruciiigere  cum  concupiscentiis  et  vitiis,  ne  securi  fiant.  Agricola 
yielded  ;  and,  as  he  had  diffused  his  error  especially  in  Eisleben,  Luther  addressed  a. let- 
ter (de  Wette,  v.  147)  to  the  preacher  of  that  place,  Casp.  Giittel,  Jan.  1539,  in  which 
he  refuted  the  error  and  announced  Agricola's  recantation.  Afterward,  however,  Agric- 
ola thought  that  Luther,  in  that  letter  and  other  writings,  had  ascribed  to  him  doctrines 
he  had  never  held,  and  addressed  a  formal  complaint  about  the  matter  to  the  Elector 
(March  1,  1510,  in  Forstemann's  Neues  Urkundenbuch,  i.  317).  Luther  answered  very 
violently  (ibid.,  s.  321).  Without  awaiting  the  investigation  Agricola  went  to  Berlin  as 
court  preacher,  and  at  length  sent  thence  a  recantation,  Dec.  G,  1540  (ibid.,  s.  349). 

~3  Dr.  J.  Chr.  W.  Augusti's  Einleitung  in  die  beiden  Hauptkatechismen  der  Evangel. 
Kirche,  Elberfeld,  1824,  s.  44.  Dr.  E.  Kollner's  Symbolik  der  Luther.  Kirche,  Ham- 
burg, 1837,  s.  485.  Die  erste  Ausgabe  v.  Luther's  kl.  Katechismus  in  einer  niedersach- 
sischen  Uebersetzung  (1529),  mit  einer  Untersuchung  uber  die  Entstehung  des  kleinen 
Katechismus,  edited  by  C.  Monckeberg,  Hamburg,  1851,  12mo.  Dr.  G.  Mohnike's  das 
sechste  Ilauptstuck  im  Katechismus  nebst  einer  Gesch.  der  katechet.  Literatur  in  Pom- 
mern,  Stralsund,  1830. 

30  Div.  I.,  §  5,  Notes  4  and  5. 

31  Div.  I.,  §  7,  Notes  18  and  19. 

33  In  the  new  statutes  of  the  theological  faculty  drawn  up  by  Melancthon,  1533,  it  is 
declared  (Liber  Decanorum  facultatis  theol.  Acad.  Viteberg,  ed.  C.  E.  Forstemann,  Lips., 
1838,  p.  152)  :  1.  Ut  in  Ecclesiis  totius  ditionis  nostrae — ita  in  Academia — volumus  pu- 
ram  Evangelii  doctrinam,  consentaneam  confessioni,  quam  Augustae  anno  1530,  Imp. 
Carolo  exhibuimus, — pie  et  fideliter  proponi,  conservari  et  propagari.  And  in  the  oath 
for  the  doctorate,  appended,  p.  158 :  Ego  promitto  Deo, — me  Deo  juvante  fideliter  servi- 
turum  esse  Ecclesiae  in  docendo  Evangelio  sine  ullis  corruptelis,  et  constanter  defen- 
surum  esse  Symbola,  Apostolicum,  Nicaenum  et  Athanasianum,  et  perseveraturum  esse 
in  consensu  doctrinae  comprehensae  in  confessione  Augustana,  quae  per  hanc  Ecclesiam 
exbibita  est  Imperatori  anno  1530.  The  Hamburg  Convention,  April  15, 1535,  prepared 
by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  of  Liibeck,  Bremen,  Rostock,  Stralsund,  Liineburg,  and 
Hamburg,  provided  that  the  preachers  should  follow  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  be 


400  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

§  35. 
THE  FIRST  SHAPING  OF  THE  DOCTRINAL  SYSTEM  IN  THE  SWISS  CHURCH. 

[Das  theologisclie  System  Zwingli's,  by  Dr.  E.  Zeller,  Tubingen,  1853  ;  ibid.,  Ursprung 
u.  Charakter  des  Zwingl.  Lehrbegriffs,  in  Theol.  Jahrbucher  (Tubingen),  1855.  C. 
Sigwart,  Zwingli,  mit  Riicksicht  auf  Picus  Mirandula,  1855.  Kohler,  zur  Beurtheilung 
Zwingli,  in  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  Luth.  Theol.,  1857.  G.  W.  Roder,  d.  Schweizer.  Reforma- 
tor,  Mag.  Huld.  Zwingli,  St.  Gallen,  1855.  R.  Christoffel,  Leben  und  Schriften  Zwin- 
gli's, 1855  (the  Life  transl.  by  John  Cochrane,  Edinb.,  1858).  F.  J.  Stahl,  Die  Lu- 
therische  Kirche  und  die  Union,  Berlin,  1859 :  reviewed  by  Stier  and  Baxmann,  in  the 
Deutsche  Zeitschrift,  1859.] 

Zwingle,  like  Erasmus,1  was  devoted  to  truth  and  morality ;  but 
he  contended  against  untruth,  superstition,  and  immorality,  with- 
out the  hesitation  which  impeded  Erasmus,  and  also  with  the  zeal 
of  a  patriot,  since  here  he  saw  the  honds  by  which  Rome  and  the 
hierarchy  fettered  his  fatherland.2  The  Holy  Scriptures  were  to 
him  an  unconditional  authority.3  He  would  have  the  highest  rev- 
examined  upon  it  before  thej'  were  received,  and  also  that  thejr  should  diligently  use 
the  Catechism  of  Luther ;  see  Schroder's  Evangel.  Mecklenburg,  i.  302.  The  Church 
Order  of  Suabian  Hall,  1543,  prescribes  that  the  biblical  doctrine  be  taught  as  expound- 
ed in  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  Apology.  In  the  other  oldest  Church  Orders  there 
is  usually  reference  to  the  Scriptures,  and  also  a  compendium  of  doctrine,  or  reference 
to  other  books  or  guides,  e.  g.,  Luther's  Postils,  his  interpretation  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Galatians.  However,  after  the  Augsburg  Confession  had  been  subscribed  anew  at  the 
Diet  of  Princes  in  Naumburg,  Feb.  8,  1561,  and  was  recognized  as  the  standard  for  all 
the  churches  of  the  land  (see  J.  H.  Gelbke's  der  Naumburg.  Fiirstentag,  Leipzig,  1793, 
s.  139  ff.),  it  was  more  frequently  made  binding  in  the  regular  Church  Orders.  Comp. 
J.  C.  G.  Johannsen's  Untersuchung  der  Rechtmassigkeit  der  Verpflichtung  auf  symbo- 
lische  Bucher,  Altona,  1833,  s.  317  ff.  *  The  same,  Die  Anfange  des  Symbolzwanges  un- 
ter  den  Deutschen  Protestanten,  geschichtlich  dargestellt.     Leipzig,  1847. 

1  See  Div.  I.,  §  2,  Notes  9,  12.    Melanchthon  ad  Camerar.,  §  3,  Note  26. 

s  When  Zwingle  entered  upon  his  career  in  Zurich  (1519)  he  announced  to  the  chap- 
ter that  he  would  preach  the  Gospel  of  Matthew  (H.  Bullinger's  Reformationsgesch.,  i. 
12):  "Das  wollt  er  erkleren  mit  Geschrift,  und  nit  mit  Menschen  Gutdiinken,  alles  zu 
Ehren  Gott,  sinem  einigen  Sun  unserm  Herren  Jesu  Christo,  und  zu  rechtem  Heil  der 
Seelen,  und  frommer  biderber  Liithen  Underrichtung."  As  to  the  contents  of  the  Ser- 
mons :  "  In  welchen  er  Gott  den  Vatter  pryst,  und  alle  Menschen  allein  uff  Gottcs  Sun, 
J.  Chr.,  als  den  einigen  Heiland  vertruwen  lehrt.  Heftig  hub  er  an  wider  den  Miss- 
glauben,  Superstition  und  Glychssnery  reden.  Die  Buss  oder  Besserung  des  Lebens, 
und  christenliche  Lieb  und  Triiw  treib  er  heftig.  Die  Laster,  als  der  Mussigang,  Un- 
maass  in  Essen,  Trinken,  Kleidern,  Fressery  und  Fullery,  Undertrucken  der  Armen, 
Pensionen  unci  Kriegen  straft  er  ruch,  trang  ernstlich  uff  dass  ein  Oberkeit  Gericht  und 
Recht  hielten,  Wittwen  und  Waisen  schirmten,  und  dass  man  die  eidgenossische  Fryheit 
sich  zu  behalten  flysse,  der  Fursten  und  Herren  buhlen  ussschluge." 

3  Zwingli's  Artikel,  1-16,  1523,  Div.  I.,  §  2,  Note  65.  Explanation  of  Art.  15  (Zw. 
Werke,  Schuler  u.  Schulthess,  i.  209)  :  "  Kurz  mit  ist  war,  denn  das  Gott  zeigt;  und 
alles,  das  nit  in  dem  Wort  Gottes  sinen  Grund  hat,  wird  nit  war  erfunden  :  denn  der 
Mensch  ist  lugenhaftig."  Guil.  Farel  De  l'Authorite  de  la  Parole  de  Dieu  (Life  of  Fa- 
rcl,  by  Kirchhofer,  Zurich,  1831,  ii.  189)  :  Soyons,  soyons  par  l'Evangile  serfs  de  Dieu 
et  dc  l'Evangile,  et  affrauchis  de  tout  ce  que  Jesus  Christ  ne  nous  a  point  ordonno,  et 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  DOCTRINES.    §  35.  ZWINGLE.     401 

erence  given  only  to  God  and  his  revelation,  and  reshape  all  ec- 
clesiastical doctrines,  usages,  and  customs  after  the  divine  Word, 
without  regard  to  the  church  development,  except  in  matters  of 
indifference.  He  aimed  not  merely  to  purify,  but  also  to  remould 
the  Church,  according  to  the  standard  of  the  Scriptures;  and,  since 
the  honor  due  to  Grod  was  here  involved,  he  did  not  scruple  to 
have  his  ecclesiastical  and  moral  reforms  introduced  by  the  civil 
authorities.4  He  blamed  Luther  for  advancing  too  slowly,  and 
yielding  too  much  to  the  weak.5  Zwingle  was  also  attached  to 
Augustinianism,6  and  to  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith  ;7  but  by  faith  he  understood  the  total  appropriation  of  sal- 

que  l'Evangile  ne  contient  point,  de  sorte  que  tout  cela  soit  loin  de  nous,  et  qu'il  n'ait 
ne  lieu  ne  puissance  en  nous :  mais  que  J.  Chr.  seul  et  son  Evangile  y  regne  et  y  ait  lieu. 
*  Comp.  the  ordinances,  Div.  I.,  §  2,  Notes  85,  88,  89,  etc.  The  Bernese  gemein  Re- 
formation,  Febr.  7,  1528  (Bullinger's  Reformationsgesch.,  i.  440),  begins  with  the  dec- 
laration of  the  mayor  and  council:  "Als  dann  uns  von  wegen  der  Oberkeit  gebuhrt, 
uch,  die  unseren,  uns  von  Gott  bevolchnen  nit  allein  in  weltlichen  Sachen  zu  aller  Bil- 
likheit  zewysen,  sonders  ouch  zu  rechtgeschaffnem  christenlichem  Glouben  (als  wyt 
Gott  Gnad  gibt)  Inleitung  zegeben,  und  ein  erber  Vorbild  uch  vorzetragen,  ist  uch  ane 
Zwyfel  wol  wiissend,  wie  vil  wir  uns  in  solichem  gearbeitet,  wie  mangerlei  Ordnungen 
und  Mandaten  wir  disshalb,  uns  und  uch  zu  guter  Underrichtung,  angesachen  und  uff- 
gericht,"  etc. 

5  His  treatise,  De  Vera  et  Falsa  Religione,  1525  (Opp.,  iii.  226),  is  against  Erasmus 
and  his  adherents,  and  not  against  Luther :  Hinc  quorundam  scripta  adeo  impura  sunt 
quod  ad  veritatem  adtinet,  quamvis  quod  ad  fucum  nitidissima  sint,  ut  nescias,  an  sati- 
us  fuisset  stilum  nunquam  levavisse,  quam  veritatem  adeo  inverecundis  blanditiis  in- 
volvisse.  Qui  tamen  usque  adeo  sibi  placent,  ut  nisi  ipsorum  vestigiis  incedas,  ac  con- 
tra christiani  pectoris  ingenium  sis  vel  procaciter  blandus,  vel  ambitiose  elegans,  cum 
veritatis  etiam  jactura,  a  tuis  abstineant,  ut  canis  a  balneo.  Tumultuosa  sunt  ilhs,  quae 
vera  sunt ;  morbum  enim  graviorem  esse  ajunt,  quam  qui  fortibus  remediis  possit  resti- 
tui.  Belli  homines!  an  unquam  viderunt  gravem  morbum  levibus  curari?  lenti  morbi 
levibus  curantur.  Pontificum  ergo  morbus,  si  nunc  primum  lente  crudescere  inciperet, 
conveniret  plane  his  remediis.  Verum  omnia  ubi  membra  sunt  a  morbo  absorpta,  an 
non  jam  efficax  istud  remedium,  quod  unum  ac  solum  pristinae  sanitati  restituere  potest, 
propinandum  est?  lenta  fortasse  lentam  redderent  mortem,  sed  nativa  vitam  ac  valetu- 
dinem  restituent.  The  second  explanation  of  the  18th  Article,  1523  (Werke,  i.  255),  upon 
Luther,  see  Div.  I.,  §  2,  Note  39.  Then  he  continues :  "  Ich  weiss  ouch,  dass  er  (Luther) 
vil  nachgibt  in  etlichen  Dingen  den  Bloden,  dass  er  vil  anderst  handlen  mocht,  in  dem 
ich  nit  seiner  Meinung  bin ;  nit  dass  er  ze  vil,  sunder  ze  wenig  gredt  hat ;  als  in  dem 
Buchlin  der  zehen  Ussatzigen  (als  mir  geseit  ist,  dann  ich  es  nit  gelesen  hab)  lasst  er 
etwas  der  Bycht  nach,  dass  man  sich  dem  Priester  solle  erzeigen,  welchs  doch  us  der 
selbigen  That  Christi  (Luc.  xvii.  14)  nit  mag  gezogen  werden.— Derglychen  mit  dem 
Wort  Sacrament  gibt  er  den  Latineren  nun  ze  vil  nach :  denn  was  bekiimmeret  uns 
Tutschen,  wie  die  walschen  todten  Pfyfer  die  heiligen  Zeichen,  die  uns  Gott  gegeben 
hat,  nennind.— Derglychen  von  Fiirbitt  der  Seligen  und  andren  Dingen,  darin  er  flir 
und  fur  etwas  nachgibt,  als  ich  verstand,  den  Bloden." 

6  Second  explanation  of  the  20th  Article,  1523  (Werke,  i.  275).  Elenchus  contra 
Catabaptistas,  1527  (Opp.,  iii.  424).  Sermonis  de  providentia  Anamnema,  1530  (Opp., 
iv.  111). 

7  Second  explanation  of  the  15th  Article,  1523  (Werke,  i.  208),  on  Mark  xvi.  16: 

VOL.  IV. — 26 


402  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

vation  in  Christ,  thus  including  sanctification.8  He  handled  the 
Augustinian  doctrine  of  election  with  great  freedom,9  considering 
it  as  a  philosophical  speculation,  and  not  as  a  church  doctrine. 
Sin,  in  particular,  he  viewed  as  determined  by  God  through  the 
union  of  the  soul  with  a  body,10  denying  that  original  sin  is  a 

"  Welcher  glouben  wirt  und  getouft,  der  wirt  heil  oder  selig.  Welcher  gloubt  und  sich- 
er  vertruwt  in  das  Gut,  das  uns  Gott  us  Gnaden  gegeben  hat,  dass  es  unser  Heil  syg, 
das  da  ist  der  Sun  Gottes,  der  wirt.selig."  Coram,  de  Vera  et  Falsa  Relig.  1525  (Opp., 
iii.  198)  :  His  ergo  praemissis,  videlicet  quod  Christus  expiatio  pro  omnium  peccatis  ac 
via  salutis  est, — atque  ei  tandem  est  soli  qui  ipso  fidit,  consequi  putant  ii,  qui  Evangelio 
vel  parum  fidei  habent,  vel  ipsum  impurius  hauserunt,  ut  omnes,  qui  ipso  nitantur,  li- 
centia  deteriores  fiant :  fieri  enim  aliter  non  posse,  quam  cum  humana  mens  audiat  sic 
liberaliter  omnia  condonari  per  Christum,  proclivior,  ut  est  ingenium,  ad  libidinem  red- 
datur.  Thereupon  the  answer :  Fides  Christiana  res  est,  quae  in  animo  credentium  sen- 
titur,  sicut  valetudo  in  corpore.  Hanc  quisque  facile  sentit,  iniqua  sit  an  aequa.  Sic  qui 
Christianus  est,  sentit,  ut  mens  propter  peccatorum  onus  male  habeat ;  et  contra  sentit, 
quam  bene  habeat,  cum  remedii  in  Christo  certa  est. — Qui  crus  fregit,  et  medicum  nac- 
tus  est  felicem,  qui  deluxatum  membrum  recte  restituit,  non  sic  cogitat:  "Beatus  es 
quod  talem  invenisti  medicum,  crebro  crus  franges,  nam  medicus  iste  omnia  potest:" 
sed  per  omnem  vitam — circumspicit  ac  cavet  ne  crus  iterum  frangat. — Sic  qui  ad  hunc 
modum  exidtant,  cum  Christum  audiunt  pro  omnium  commissis  solvisse :  "  Peccabi- 
mus,  nam  gratis  omnia  condonantur  per  Christum,"  nunquam  senserunt  peccati  dolo- 
rem.     Nam  si  sensissent  unquam,  omni  studio  caverent,  ne  qua  fieret,  ut  reciderent. 

8  F.brard's  Dogma  v.  h.  Abendmal,  ii.  88.  Schenkel,  ii.  299.  Melancthon  reports  to 
the  Elector  John  about  the  Marburg  Conference,  1529  (Corp.  Ref.,  i.,  p.  1099):  "  Zum 
Vicrten  reden  sic  (Zwingle  and  his  friends)  und  schreiben  unschicklich  davon,  wie  der 
Mensch  vor  Gott  gerecht  geschiitzt  werde,  und  treiben  die  Lehre  vom  Glauben  nicht 
gcnugsam,  sondern  reden  also  davon,  als  waren  die  Werke,  so  dem  Glauben  folgen,  die- 
selbige  Gerechtigkeit.  Auch  thun  sie  bosen  Bericht,  •wie  man  zum  Glauben  komme. 
Nun  haben  sie  Unterricht  in  diesem  Artikel  von  uns  dazumal,  so  viel  in  der  Eil  gesche- 
hen  mogen,  empfangen.  Je  mehr  sie  davon  horeten,  je  bass  es  ihnen  gefiel,  und  sind 
in  alien  diesen  Stiicken  gewichen,  wiewohl  sie  zuvor  offentlich  anders  geschrieben."  Id. 
ad  Gorlicium,  1530  (Corp.  Ref.,  ii.  25) :  Nulla  est  mentio  fidei  justificantis  in  omnibus 
Zwinglianorum  libris.  Cum  nominant  fidem,  non  intelligunt  illam,  quae  credit  remis- 
sionem  peccatorum,  quae  credit,  nos  recipi  in  gratiam,  exaudiri  et  defendi  a  Deo,  sed 
intelligunt  historicam. 

9  Dr.  A.  Hahn  on  Zwingle's  doctrine  of  providence,  of  the  nature  and  destination  of 
man,  and  also  of  election,  in  the  Theol.  Studien  u.  Kritiken,  1837,  iv.  765.  J.  J.  Her- 
zog,  Remarks  on  Hahn,  ibid.,  1839,  iii.  778.  Ebrard's  Dogma  vom  h.  Abendmal,  ii.  80. 
Schenkel,  ii.  390.  Calvin's  opinion  about  Zwinglii  Sermonis  de  Providentia  Anamnema, 
in  Epist.  ad  Bullingerum,  1552  (ex  Ms.,  in  Hen^-'s  Leben  Calvin's,  iii.  i.  62):  Zwinglii 
enim  libellus,  ut  familiariter  inter  nos  loquamur,  tarn  duris  paradoxis  refertus  est,  ut 
longissime  ab  ea  quam  adhibui  moderatione  distet.  Zwingle  would  not  have  this  spec- 
ulation taught  to  the  weak,  Ep.  ad  Fridol.  Fontejum,  25.  Jan.,  1527  (Opp.,  viii.  ii.  21): 
Sed  heus  tu,  caste  ista  ad  populum,  et  rarius  etiam :  ut  enim  pauci  sunt  vere  pii,  sic 
pauci  ad  altitudinem  hujus  intelligentiae  perveniunt. 

10  Zw.  ad  illustr.  Cattorum  Principem  Philippum  Sermonis  de  Providentia  Dei 'Anam- 
nema., 1530  (Opp.,  iii.  79),  c.  3,  p.  89:  Cum  igitur  unum  ac  solum  infinitum  sit,  necesse 
est  praeter  hoc  nihil  esse. — Jam  certum  est  quod  quantum  ad  esse  et  existere  attinet, 
nihil  sit  quod  non  numen  sit:  id  enim  est  rerum  universarum  esse.  C.  4,  p.  99:  Quid 
enim  alienius  est  a  mentis  et  intellectus  perspicuitate  ac  luce  quam  terrae  corporisque 
stupor  et  inertia? — Mens  veri  amans  et  subinde  numinis  reverens,  e  cujus  substantia 
cognationem  trahit,  aequitati  et  innocentiae  studet :  corpus  ad  suam  originem  propen- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  DOCTRINES.    §  35.  ZWINGLE.     403 

ground  of  guilt  and  punishment.11  Nor  would  he  concede  that 
election  was  conditioned  hy  baptism,  and  consequently  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  reckon  even  pious  heathen  among  the  elect.12     With 

det,  ad  lutum,  ad  carnem,  atque  horum  ingeniuin  sequitur.  Ita  ut  si  hominem  compa- 
rare  cuiquam  velis,  nulli  rei  vicleatur  esse  similior  quam  si  luti  massam  rivulo  clarissi- 
mo  et  purissimo  imponas.  P.  105  :  Quo  fit,  ut  volentibus  nobis  legem  amplecti  ex  men- 
tis desiderio,  alia  lex  quae  in  membris— scripta  est,  repugnet,  ut  quae  velimus  quidem 
pro  animi  probitate,  per  carnis  tamen  improbitatem  non  operemur.  Cum  autem  utrius- 
que  vigor  non  suus  sit  sed  praesentis  Dei,  qui  omnium  esse,  existere  et  virtus  est,  resul- 
tat,  ut  oninino  illius  voluntate  et  conscientia  caro  spintui  ogganniat,  perinde  ac  spiritus 
illius  dicto  audiens  esse  cupit.  C.  6,  p.  112 :  Sed  quod  Deus  operatur  per  hominem,  ho- 
niini  vitio  vertitur,  non  etiam  Deo.  Hie  enim  sub  lege  est,  ille  liber  legis  spiritus  et 
mens.— Unum  igitur  atque  idem  facinus,  puta  adulterium  aut  homicidium,  quantum  Dei 
est  auctoris,  motoris  ac  impulsoris,  opus  est,  crimen  non  est ;  quantum  autem  hominis 
est,  crimeu  ac  scelus  est.     Schenkel,  ii.  146. 

11  Zw.  de  Peccato  Originali  Declaratio,  ad  Urbanum  Rhegium,  1526  (Opp.,  iii.  629): 
Diximus,  originalem  contagionem  morbum  esse  (before :  naturalem  defectum,  germa- 
nice,  ein  natiirlicb.es  Bresten),  non  peccatum,  quod  peccatum  cum  culpa  conjunctuin  est ; 
culpa  vero  ex  commisso  vel  admisso  ejus  nascitur  qui  facinus  designavit.  This  was  also 
objected  to  him  in  Marburg,  1529,  see  Melancthon's  report  to  the  Elector  (Corp.  Ref.,  i. 
1099)  :  "Dass  Zwinglius  geschrieben,  dass  keine  Erbsiinde  sey,  und  lehret,  Siinde  sey 
allein  ausserliche  bose  Werke  und  Thaten,  und  meinet,  des  Herzens  angeborne  Unrein- 
igkeit  und  Liiste,  item  dass  wir  von  Natur  Gott  nicht  fiirchten,  nicht  glauben,  sey  nicht 
Siinde.  Diess  ist  eine  grosse  Anzeigung,  dass  Zwinglius  nicht  viel  von  rechter  christ- 
licher  Heiligkeit  wisse,  dieweil  er  Siinde  allein  in  ausserliche  Thaten  setzet."  Yet  Zwin- 
gle  also  wrote  in  his  Fidei  Ratio  ad  Carolum  Imp.,  1530  (Opp.,  iv.  6) :  De  originali  pec- 
cato sic  sentio :  peccatum  vere  dicitur  cum  contra  legem  itum  est :  ubi  enim  non  est  lex, 
ibi  non  est  praevaricatio,  et  ubi  non  est  praevaricatio,  ibi  non  est  peccatum  proprie  cap- 
tum. — Patrem  igitur  nostrum  peccavisse  fateor :  at  qui  ex  isto  prognati  sunt,  non  hoc 
modo  peccarunt :  quis  enim  nostrum  in  paradiso  pomum  vetitum  depopulatus  est  denti- 
bus  ?  Velimus  igitur  nolimus,  admittere  cogimur,  peccatum  originale,  ut  est  in  filiis 
Adami,  non  proprie  peccatum  esse  : — non  enim  est  facinus  contra  legem.  Morbus  igitur 
est  proprie  et  conditio.     Schenkel,  ii.  31. 

12  Zw.  de  Peccato  Originali  Declaratio,  ad  Urb.  Rhegium,  1526  (Opp.,  iii.  632) :  Salus 
aeternae  vitae,  et  contra  aeternae  mortis  aerumnae,  cum  prorsus  sint  liberae  vel  election  is 
vel  abjectionis  divini  judicii :  videntur  quotquot  de  hac  quaestione  unquam  disseruerunt 
paulo  incautius  definivisse,  nunc  quidem  infantes  omnes,  qui  vel  circumcisi  vel  tincti 
baptismi  lavacro  non  essent,  nunc  vero  adultos  itidem  omnes  damnando. — Cum  ergo 
vita  aeterna  eorum  sit,  qui  ad  earn  electi  sunt  a  Deo,  cur  nos  temere  judicamus  de  qui- 
busvis,  cum  clectio  Dei  nos  lateat  ?— Cum  iterum  Paulus  Rom.  ii.  eum,  cujus  intactum 
est  praeputium, — superare  dicat  atque  praestare,  si  modo,  quod  lex  monet,  faciat,  ei  qui 
inciso  praeputio  gloriatur :  ostendere  enim  legis  opus  scriptum  esse  in  corde  suo,  cum  id 
faciat  quod  lex  monet.  Quis  autem  in  cor  humanum  quicquam  scribit  Deo  dignum,  nisi 
is,  qui  ipsum  condidit,  quemadmodum  testatur,  Hierem.  xxxi.  ?— Si  ergo  impulsore  Deo 
Dei  opus  facit,  cur  nos  eum  damnamus,  quod  tinctus  aut  recisus  non  sit  ? — Ista  in  hunc 
usum  argumentati  sumus,  ut  ostenderemus  toto  errare  coelo.  etiamsi  sint  non  modo 
magna,  sed  Vetera  quoque  nomina,  qui  damnationi  aeternae  solent  adjudicare  nunc 
Christianorum  infantes,  cum  non  sint  baptismo  tincti, nunc  vero  eos  omnes  quos  gentiles 
vocamus.  Quid  enim  scimus,  quid  fidei  quisque  in  corde  suo  Dei  manu  scriptum  tene- 
at  ?  Zw.  Christianae  Fidei  Expositio  ad  Regem  Christianum  (Franciscum  I.)  scripta, 
1531  (Opp.,  iv.  65) :  Credimus  ergo,  animos  fidclium  protinus,  ut  ex  corporibus  evaserint, 
subvolare  in  coelum,  numini  conjungi,  aeternumque  gaudere.  Hie  tibi  sperandum  est, 
o  piissime  Rex,  si  modo  instar  Davidis,  Ezechiae  et  Josiae  rerum  summam  a  Deo  tibi 
creditam  moderatus  fueris,  te  visurum  esse  primum  numen  ipsum  in  sua  substantia,  in 


404  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D:  1517-1648. 

this,  too,  was  connected  his  doctrine  of  the  sacraments,  that  they 
only  served  in  attestation,  or  as  signs,  of  faith,  but  were  not  the 
media  for  imparting  divine  grace.13     And  thus  the  doctrine  of  the 

sua  specie ;— deinde— sanctorum,  prudentium,—  virtuosorum  omnium,  quicunque  a  con- 
dito  mundo  fuerunt,  sodalitatem. — Hie  duos  Adamos,  redemtum  ac  redemtorem,  hie 
Abelum,  Enochum, — Petrum,  Paulum;  hie  Herculem,  Theseum,  Socratem,  Aristidem, 
Antigonum,  Numam,  Camillum,  Catones,  Scipiones,  hie  Ludovicum  pium, — et  quotquot 
in  fide  hinc  migrarunt  majores  tuos  videbis.  Comp.  Ebrard's  Dogma  vom  h.  Abendmal, 
ii.  77 ;  cf.  Lutheri  Enarratio  in  Genesin  (written  1536-45)  ad  Gen.  xlvii.  26  (T.  vi.,  Vite- 
berg,  1561,  fol.  699)  :  Nos  quoque  dicimus,  plurimas  gentes  salvatas  esse,  etiam  ex  linea 
seu  stirpe  Cain.  Multi  enim  conversi  sunt  fortuita  misericordia,  quod  aggregaverunt  se 
ad  Ecclesiam,  quae  habebat  eloquia  Dei.  Quanquam  ipsis  non  fuerat  data  promissio  de 
Christo,  tamen  fructus  ejus  in  gentes  manabat,  cum  audirent  conciones  et  doctrinam  pa- 
trum. — Sed  Judaei  haec  non  credunt,  et  fanatici  nostri,  hac  doctrina  abusi,  foedissime 
lapsi  sunt.  Sicut  Zuinglius  nuper  scripsit,  Numam  Pompilium,  Hectorem,  Scipionem, 
Herculem  frui  aeterna  beatitudine  in  Paradiso  cum  Petro  et  Paulo  et  aliis  Sanctis. 
Quod  nihil  aliud  est,  quam  aperte  fateri,  quod  sentiant,  nullam  esse  fidem,  nullum 
Christianismum.  Si  enim  Scipio  et  Numa  Pompilius,  qui  fuerunt  idolatrae,  salvati 
sunt,  cur  oportuit  Christum  pati  et  mori,  aut  quorsum  opus  est  baptizari  Christianos, 
aut  doceri  Christum  ? — Itaque  valde  perniciosus  error  est,  quern  nos  neutiquam  probare 
aut  tueri  possumus.  Et  tamen  audio,  Zuinglium  allegare  commentarium  meum  in  Ge- 
nesin, ubi  dixi,  aliquos  de  generatione  Cainica  salvatos  esse :  idque  etiam  doceo,  sed  non 
dico,  quod  salvati  sunt  ut  Cainitae  aut  Aegyptii,  sed  ut  incorporati  et  conjuncti  Ecclesiae 
piorum.  Supra  enim  audivimus,  quoties  narravit  Moses  excitata  fuisse  altaria  ab  Abra- 
hamo  et  aliis  Patribus,  docuisse  eos  familiam  suam,  et  ad  earn  alios  accessisse,  audivisse 
conciones,  et  verbum  traditum  a  patribus  amplexos  esse,  adjunxisse  etiam  vota  et  preces 
suas  ad  invocationem  piorum.— Non  excludo  quidem  gentes,  sed  dico,  eas  nulla  alia  ra- 
tione  servari,  quam  per  verbum  Christi.  But  besides  this,  there  is  still  a  second  resort 
in  favor  of  the  heathen ;  see  Melancthon  ad  A.  Musam,  1543  (Corp.  Ref.,  v.  58) :  De 
quaestione  tua  aliquoties  cum  Luthero  disserui :  et  illi  et  mihi  videtur  simplicissime,  ut 
sonat,  articulus  intelligendus  esse :  Christum  fuisse  apud  inferos,  excitasse  multos  mor- 
tuos,  et  erudiisse  fortassis  praestantes  omnium  gentium  viros,  ut  Scipionem,  Fabium  et 
similes.  Tale  quiddam  intelligit  Petrus,  qui  clare  ait,  Christum  apud  inferos  conciona- 
tum  esse. 

13  Zw.  Comm.  de  Vera  et  Falsa  Religione,  1525  (Opp.,  iii.  228)  :  Vocem  istam  Sacra- 
mentum  magnopere  cupiam  Germanis  nunquam  fuisse  receptam,  nisi  germane  esset  ac- 
cepta.  Cum  enim  hanc  vocem  Sacramentum  audiunt,  jam  aliquid  magnum  sanctumque 
intelligunt,  quod  vi  sua  conscientiam  a  peccato  liberet.  Rursum  alii,  cum  istorum  er- 
rorem  viderunt,  dixerunt  sacrae  rei  signum  esse.  Quod  equidem  non  improbarem  ad- 
modum,  nisi  hoc  quoque  statuerent,  cum  externe  Sacramentum  peragas,  turn  certo  intus 
peragi  mundationem.  Tertii  prodiderunt  Sacramentum  signum  esse,  quod  tandem  de- 
tur,  ubi  mentis  expiatio  facto  sit,  sed  in  eum  usum  detur,  ut  is  qui  accipit,  certus  redda- 
tur,  quod  jam  transactum  sit  istud,  quod  per  Sacramentum  significatur.  All  these  opin- 
ions he  sets  aside  (against  the  second,  p.  230 :  Hac  ratione  libertas  divini  Spiritus  alli- 
gata  esset,  qui  dividit  singulis  ut  vult,  i.  e.  quibus,  quando,  ubi  vult :  nam  si  tunc  coge- 
retur  intus  operari,  cum  nos  extra  signis  notamus,  signis  prorsus  alligatus  esset),  and  de- 
clares his  opinion,  p.  231 :  Sunt  ergo  Sacramenta  signa  vel  ceremoniae, — quibus  se  homo 
Ecclesiae  probat  aut  candidatum  aut  militem  esse  Christi,  redduntque  Ecclesiam  totam 
potius  certiorem  de  tua  fide  quam  te.  (So,  too,  Melancthon,  Loci  Theol.,  1521.  Ql  verso : 
Probabilis  et  illi  voluntatis,  qui  symbolis  seu  tesseris  militaribus  haec  signa  comparave- 
runt,  quod  essent  notae  tantum,  quibus  cognosceretur,  ad  quos  pertinerent  promissiones 
divinae.)  Hence  it  was  objected  to  the  Zwinglians  in  Marburg  (Melancthon's  Report  to 
the  Elector,  Corp.  Ref.,  i.  1099) :  "  Zum  Andern  irren  sie  sehr  vom  Predigtamt  oder 
Wort,  und  vom  Brauch  der  Sacramente.    Denn  sie  lehren,  dass  der  heil.  Geist  nicht 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  DOCTRINES.    §  35.  LORD'S  SUPPER.  405 

Lord's  Supper  came  to  be  the  point  of  controversy  between  Zwin- 
gle  and  his  followers  on  the  one  side,  and  Luther  on  the  other.14 
Luther  had,  indeed,  abandoned  transubstantiation  ;  but  he  held  fast 
to  the  view  that  the  sacraments  were  media  of  grace,  and  conse- 
quently to  the  real  presence  of  Christ  and  the  true  reception  of 
his  body  and  blood  in  the  Lord's  Supper.15     According  to  Zwin- 

durchs  Wort  oder  Sacrament  gegeben  werde,  sondern  werde  ohne  Wort  und  Sacrament 
gegeben.  Also  lehrete  auch  Miinzer,  und  fiel  dadurch  auf  eigene  Gedanken ;  wie  denn 
folgen  muss,  wenn  man  den  heil.  Geist  ohne  Wort  vermeinet  zu  erlangen."  Yet  still 
Zwingle  again  declares,  in  the  Fidei  Ratio  ad  Carol.  Imp.  1530  (Opp.,  iv.  9)  :  Credo,  imo 
scio,  omnia  Sacramenta  tarn  abesse  ut  gratiam  conferant,  ut  ne  adferant  quidem  aut  dis- 
pensent, — Dux  autem  vel  vehiculum  Spiritui  non  est  necessarium  :  ipse  enim  est  virtus  » 
aut  latio  qua  cuncta  feruntur,  non  qui  ferri  debeat ;  neque  id  unquam  legimus  in  Scrip- 
turis  sacris,  quod  sensibilia,  qualia  Sacramenta  sunt,  certo  secum  ferrent  Spiritum  ;  sed 
si  sensibilia  unquam  lata  sunt  cum  Spiritu,  jam  Spiritus  fuit  qui  tulit,  non  sensibilia- 
Ebrard's  Dogma  vom  h.  Abendmale,  ii.  90.     Schenkel,  i.  412. 

14  On  the  beginning  of  the  contest  and  the  first  controversies,  see  Div.  I.,  §  3,  Note 
21  sq.  Zwingle  and  Luther  came  out  against  each  other,  especially  after  1527.  There 
were  published,  almost  contemporaneously,  1527,  Zwinglii  Arnica  Exegesis,  i.  e.  exposi- 
tio  Eucharistiae  ncgotii  ad  Mart.  Lutherum  (Opp.,  iii.  459) ;  and  M.  Luther,  "  Dass  diese 
Worte  Christ! :  das  ist  mein  Leib,  noch  veste  stehen,  wider  die  Schwiirmgeister"  (in 
Walch,  xx.  950).  To  this  Zwingle  responded  in  the  work,  "  Dass  dise  Wort  Jesu  Chris- 
ti:  das  ist  min  Lychnam,  der  fur  iich  hinggeben  wirt  ewiglich  den  alten  einigen  Sinn 
haben  werdend,  u.  M.  Luther  mit  sinem  lezten  Buch  sinen  und  des  Papsts  Sinn  gar  nit 
gelehrt  noch  bewiihrt  hat,"  1527  (Werke,  ii.  ii.  16);  and  Oecolampadius :  "Dass  der 
Missverstand  Dr.  Mart.  Luther's  auf  die  ewige  bestandige  Worte,  das  ist  mein  Leib,  nicht 
bestehen  mag,  die  andere  billige  Antwort  Joh.  Oekolampadii,"  Basel,  1527.  4.  "  Vom 
Abendmal  Christi  Bekenntniss"  M.  Luther,  1528  (usually  called  the  Great  Confession), 
in  Walch,  xx.  1118.  "  Ueber  Dr.  M.  Luther's  Buch  Bekenntniss  genannt,  zwo  Antwor- 
ten  Joh.  Oekolampadii  u.  Huldrich  Zwingli's"  (Zwingli's  answer  in  his  Works,  ii.  ii.  94, 
and  in  Walch,  xx.  1538 ;  that  of  Oecolampadius  in  Walch,  xx.  1720). — Historical  Ac- 
counts. 1.  The  side  of  the  Reformed:  Lud.  Lavateri  Hist,  de  Origine  et  Progressu  Con- 
troversiae  Sacramentariae  de  Coena  Domini  ab  anno  1524-63  deducta.  Tiguri,  1563.  4. 
Rud.  Hospiniani  Historic  Sacramentaria  (2  Tomi.  Tiguri,  1598  and  1602,  fol.),  T.  ii. 
Ebrard's  Dogma  v.  h.  Abendmale,  ii.  136.  2.  The  Lutheran  side:  Comp.  Ernst  Loscher's 
extended  Historia  Motuum  zwischen  den  Evangelisch  Lutherischen  u.  Reformirten,  2te 
Aufl.,  3  Th.  Frankf.  u.  Leipzig,  1723.  24.  4.  Planck's  Gesch.  der  Entstehung  unsers 
Protest.  Lehrbegriffs,  ii.  247,  464. 

15  Goebel,  Luther's  Abendmalslehre  vor  und  in  dem  Streite  mitCarlstadt  (Theol.  Stu- 
dien  u.  Kritiken,  1843,  ii.  314),  Schenkel,  i.  397,  475,  502.  Luther's  Grosse  Confession, 
1528,  in  Walch,  xx.  1380:  "Der  heil.  Geist — lehret  uns  solche  Wohlthat  Christi,  uns 
erzeiget,  erkennen,  hilft  sie  empfahen  u.  behalten,  niitzlich  brauchen  u.  austheilen, 
mehren  u.  furdern.  Und  thut  dasselbige  beide  innerlich  u.  ausserlich  :  innerlich  durch 
den  Glauben  und  andere  geistliche  Gaben,  ausserlich  aber  durchs  Evangelium,  durch 
die  Taufe  und  Sacrament  des  Altars,  durch  welche  er,  als  durch  drei  Mittel  oder  Weise, 
zu  uns  kommt,  und  das  Leiden  Christi  in  uns  iibet  und  zu  Nutz  bringet  der  Seligkeit. — 
Eben  so  rede  ich  auch  und  bekenne  das  Sacrament  des  Altars,  dass  daselbst  wahrhaftig 
der  Leib  und  Blut  im  Brot  und  Wein  werde  mundlich  gegessen  und  getrunken,  obgleich 
die  Priester,  so  es  reichen,  oder  die,  so  es  empfahen,  nicht  glaubeten,  oder  sonst  mis- 
brauchten.  Denn  es  stehet  nicht  auf  Menschen  Glauben  oder  Unglauben,  sondern  auf 
Gottes  Wort  u.  Ordnung."  Luther's  Sixth  Sermon  against  Carlstadt,  1523  (Walch,  xx. 
48) :  "  Die  leibliche  u.  iiusserliche  Empfahung  ist  die,  wenn  ich  den  Leichnam  Christi 
und  sein  Blut  ausserlich  mit  dem  Munde  cmpfahe.     Und  solche  Empfahung  kann  wol 


406  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

gle,  on  the  other  hand,  the  bread  and  the  wine  were  only  signs  of 
the  body  and  the  blood  ;16  and  though  he  afterward  conceded  a 
spiritual  participation  in  the  body  and  blood,  yet  he  also  said  that 
this  consisted  only  in  the  believing  remembrance  of  the  Crucified 
One,  such  as  believers  alone  had,  and  that  even  with  them  it  was 
not  restricted  to  the  participation  in  the  Lord's  Supper.17 

olme  Glauben  u.  Liebe  geschehen  von  alien  Menschen.—  Aber  die  innerliche,  geistliche 
u.  rechte  Empfahung  des  Sacraments  ist  viel  ein  ander  Ding.— Ohne  den  Glauben  ist  die 
ausserliche  Empfahung  dieser  Sacramente  nichts.— Der  Glaube  aber  ist  dahin  gerichtet, 

class  wir  vestiglich  glauben  mussen,  dass  Christus  Jesus  Gottes  Sohn  sej%  u.  die  einige 

Genugthuung  fur  unsere  Siinde.— Der  in  einem  solchen  Glauben  stehet,  der— nimmt 
"■diess  Sacrament  wurdig  zu  einer  Sicherung  und  Wahrzeichen,  dass  er  gdttlicher  Zusage 
und  Versprechung  gewiss  sey." 

16  Zw.  de  Vera  et  Falsa  Religione,  1525,  Opp.,  iii.  25G,  shows  that  in  the  Scripture  est 
often  stands  for  significat,  and  gives  his  view,  p.  258 :  Coena  igitur  dominica,  ut  earn 
Paulus  appellat,  mortis  Christi  commemoratio  est,  non  peccatorum  remissio :  nam  ea 
solius  mortis  Christi  est.  Ait  enim :  hoc  quod  nunc  cdere  ac  bibere  jubeo,  symbolum 
vobis  erit,  quo  omnes  utemini  simul  manducando  et  bibendo  tunc,  cum  mei  commemo- 
rationem  facietis.  Quam  commemorationem  Paulus  i.  Cor.  xi.  26.— Sic  expressit :  quo- 
tiescunque  enim  ederitis  panem  hunc,  symbolicum  scilicet  (nam  carnem  nemo  appellat 
omnium),  et  hoc  poculum  biberitis,  mortem  Domini  annunciate,  donee  veniat.  Quid 
vero  est  annunciare  mortem  Domini  ?  praedicare  nimirum,  gratulari,  laudare.  Schen- 
kel,  i.  487. 

17  Zw.  ad  Matth.  Alberum  de  Coena  Dom.  Epist.  1524  (Opp.,  iii.  589) :  Joh.  vi.  does 
not  refer  to  the  Sacrament  (p.  593).  The  sense  of  the  passage  is  (p.  594) :  Panis,  quern 
ego  dabo,  caro  mea  est  pro  mundi  vita  tradita.  Caro  igitur  mea,  quatenus  est  morte  ad- 
flicta,  cibus,  h.  e.  spes  est  animae.  P.  595:  Vult  ergo  Christus,  nos,  nisi  edamus  ejus 
carnem,  i.  e.  nisi  credamus,  eum  pro  nobis  mortem  obiisse  et  sanguinem  effudisse,  vita 
esse  carituros.  This  is  a  spiritualis  manducatio ;  Christ  here  speaks  de  fide,  non  de  Sa- 
cramento Eucharistiae.  For,  p.  602,  with  Augustin.  super  Joan  vi.,  Tract.  26,  the  sacra- 
mentalis  esus  must  be  distinguished  from  the  spiritalis.  (On  John  vi.  he  discourses  at 
length  in  his  Klare  Unterrichtung  vom  Nachtmahle  Christi,  Werke,  ii.  i.  438.)  On  this 
account  Zwingle  from  the  first  rejected  expressions  which  implied  a  literal  partaking  of 
the  spiritual  body  of  Christ  in  the  Lord's  Supper.  Comm.  de  Vera  et  Falsa  Religione, 
1525  (Opp.,  iii.  270) :  Dicunt :  nos  adoramus,  atque  etiam  edimus  spirituale  corpus 
Christi.  Quid  per  Deum  opt.  max.  est  spirituale  corpus  Christi  ?  An  uspiam  in  Scrip- 
turis  repertum  est  aliud  spirituale  Christi  corpus,  quam  aut  Ecclesia,  quemadmodum, 
Eph.  iv.  4  et  Col.  i.  18,  habetur,  aut  fides  nostra,  quae  et  credit,  eum  in  cruce  poenas  pro 
nobis  dependisse,  et  per  eum  salutis  certa  est  ?  Cur  quaeso  ejusmodi  vocibus,  quas  nul- 
lus  capit  intellects,  pias  mentes  oneramus  ?  Spirituale  corpus  sic  ab  homine  capitur, 
ut  si  dicas  corporea  mens,  aut  carnea  ratio.  An  non  spiritualiter  edimus  Christi  corpus, 
cum  ipsum  credimus  pro  nobis  caesum,  eoque  fidimus  ?  On  the  other  hand,  Bucer  was 
in  favor  of  the  spiritual  reception.  Thus,  as  early  as  his  opinion  upon  the  controversy 
between  Carlstadt  and  Luther,  26.  Dec,  1524  (Fussli's  Beitrage  zur  Reformationsgesch., 
v.  115)  :  "  Sehe  allein,  was  du  da  geniessest,  dass  du  es  dem  Herrn  zur  Gedachtniss  ge- 
niessest,  auf  dass  du  durch  den  Glauben  das  Fleisch  und  Blut  Christi  geistlich  geniessest ; 
d.  i.  dass  du  ganzlich  glaubest,  dass  du  durch  solches  Opfer  von  allem  Uebel  erloset,  und 
ein  Kind  Gottes  worden  seyest."  In  his  letter  to  Luther,  defending  the  remarks  in  favor 
of  the  Swiss  which  he  had  added  to  the  Latin  translation  of  the  fourth  part  of  the  Luther- 
an Postils  (Praefatio  in  quartum  tomuni  postillae  Lutheranae  continens  summam  doc- 
trinae  Christi,  1527.  8.),  he  says,  fol.  E.  1 :  Ostendimus,  non  posse  verba  haec  corpora- 
lem  Christi  praesentiam  statuere,  quia  nee  ipse  Dominus  in  coena  panem  in  corpus  suum 
mutaverit.    Quomodo  enim  dicemus,  factum  esse  quod  non  fuit  ?    Panis  panis  mansit, 


PART  II.— CHAP.  L— REFORMED  DOCTRINES.  §  35.  LORD'S  SUPPER.  407 

With  Luther,  in  fact,  that  which  was  alone  essential  was  the 
real  presence  and  true  reception  of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ 
in  the  Lord's  Supper.18  In  the  investigation  and  determination 
of  these  points  against  Zwingle  he  was,  however,  led  to  emphasize 

non  fuit  igitur  factum  corpus,  ut  jam  multoties  dictum.  Turn  illud :  in  hoc  est  corpus, 
Scriptura  non  habet.  Denique  manducari  Christum  corporaliter  nihil  prodest,  non  igi- 
tur voluit  carnalem  sui  manducationem  instituere.  Ergo  verba  ilia  :  hoc  est  corpus  meum, 
ita  intelligenda  sunt,  panis  ut  corpus  Christi  vere  quidem  sit,  sed  spiritaliter,  sed  disci- 
pulis  uti,  sicut  corpore  panis,  ita  mente  edatur  corpus  Christi.  The  Swiss  adopted  this 
view  so  far  as  to  sa}-,  even  on  the  Zwinglian  interpretation,  that  the  spiritual  partaking 
could  be  united  with  the  sacramental.  Thus  Oecolampadius,  in  the  disputation  at  Berne, 
1528  (Zwingli's  Werke  by  Schuler  u.  Schulthess,  ii.  i.  126):  "Item  wir  verlaugnen 
keineswegs,  dass  wir  den  Leib  Christi  essen  und  sein  Blut  trinken ;  aber  wir  tkun  das 
geistlich  durch  den  Glauben,  dass  wir  durch  das  Leiden  Christi  Gott,  dem  himmlischen 
Vater,  versohnt  sind,  nicht  aber,  dass  unter  dem  Brod  wesentlich  oder  leiblich  sey  der 
Leib  Christi."  So,  too,  Zwingle  accepted  the  15th  Marburg  Article  (Div.  I.,  §  4,  Note 
38).  Cf.  Zwinglii  ad  Carolum  Imp.  Fidei  Ratio,  1530  (Opp.,  iv.  11) :  Credo  in  sacra  Eu- 
charistiae — coena  verum  Christi  corpus  adesse  fidei  contemplatione ;  h.  e.  eos,  qui  gratias 
agunt  Domino  pro  beneficio  nobis  in  Filio  suo  collato,  agnoscere,  ilium  veram  carnem 
adsumsisse,  vere  in  ilia  passum  esse,  vere  nostra  peccata  sanguine  suo  abluisse,  et  sic  om- 
nem  rem  per  Christum  gestam  illis  fidei  contemplatione  velut  praesentem  fieri.  Sed 
quod  Christi  corpus  per  essentiam  et  realiter,  h.  e.  corpus  ipsum  naturale,  in  Coena  aut 
adsit  aut  ore  dentibusque  nostris  mandatur,  quemadmodum  Papistae  et  quidam  qui  ollas 
Aegj-ptiacas  respectant  perhibent,  id  vero  non  tantum  negamus,  sed  errorem  esse  qui 
verbo  Dei  adversetur,  constanter  adseveramus.  Id.  Ad  illustr.  Gcrmaniae  Principes  Au- 
gustae  congregatos  de  Convitiis  Eccii  (Opp.,  iv.  33) :  Et  nos  nunquam  negavimus,  cor- 
pus Christi  sacramentaliter  ac  in  mjrsterio  esse  in  Coena,  cum  propter  fidei  contempla- 
tionem,  turn  propter  symboli,  ut  diximus,  totam  actionem.  Ejusd.  Christ.  Fidei  Exposi- 
tio  ad  Regem  Christ,  scripta,  1531  (Opp.,  iv.  53)  :  Spiritualiter  edere  corpus  Christi  nihil 
est  aliud  quam  spiritu  ac  mente  niti  misericordia  et  bonitate  Dei  per  Christum ;  h.  e.  in- 
concussa  fide  certum  esse,  Deum  nobis  peccatorum  veniam  et  aeternae  beatitudinis  gau- 
dium  donaturum  esse  propter  Filium  suum. — Sacramentaliter  autem  edere  corpus  Christi, 
cum  proprie  volumus  loqui,  est  adjuncto  Sacramento  mente  ac  spiritu  corpus  Christi 
edere. — Spiritualiter  edis  corpus  Christi,  non  tamen  sacramentaliter,  quoties  mentem 
tuam  sic  anxiam  :  quomodo  salvus  fies  ?  etc. — cum,  inquam,  sic  anxiam  mentem  sic  so- 
laberis  :  Deus  bonus  est,  etc. — Verum  cum  ad  Coenam  Domini  cum  hac  spirituali  man- 
ducatione  venis,  et  Domino  gratias  agis  pro  tanto  beneficio, — ac  simul  cum  fratribus  pa- 
nem  et  vinum,  quae  jam  symbol icum  Christi  corpus  sunt,  participas,  jam  proprie  sawa- 
mentaliter  edis,  cum  scilicet  intus  idem  agis  quod  foris  operaris,  cum  mens  reficitur  hac 
fide  quam  symbolis  testaris.  At  sacramentaliter  improprie  dicuntur  edere,  qui  visibile 
sacramentum  sive  symbolum  publice  quidem  comedunt,  sed  domi  fidem  non  habent. 

19  Luther,  Against  the  Heavenly  Prophets,  1525  (Walch,  xx.  368) :  "  Uns  ist  nicht  be- 
folilen  zu  forschen,  wie  es  zugehe,  dass  unser  Brod  Christus  Leib  wird  und  sey.  Gottes 
Wort  ist  da :  da  bleiben  wir  bei,  und  glaubens."  Dass  diese  Worte — noch  veste  stehen, 
1527  (Walch,  xx.  968) :  "  Wie  aber  das  zugehe,  wissen  wir  nicht,  sollens  auch  nicht 
wissen."  S.  1011 :  "Wie  aber  das  zugehe,  ist  uns  nicht  zu  wissen :  wir  sollens  glauben, 
weil  es  die  Schrift  u.  Artikel  des  Glaubens  so  gewaltiglich  bestiitigen."  To  the  Swiss 
Reformed,  Dec.  1,  1537  (de  Wette,  v.  85)  :  "Wir  lassens  gottlicher  Allmachtigkeit  be- 
fohlen  seyn,  wie  sein  Leib  und  Blut  im  Abendmal  uns  gegebcn  werdc,  wo  man  aus  sei- 
nem  Befehl  zusammen  kommt,  u.  sein  Einsatzung  gehalten  wird.  Wir  denken  da  kei- 
ner  Auffahrt  u.  Niederfahrt,  die  da  sollt  geschehen,  sondern  wir  bleiben  schlechts  u. 
einfaltiglich  bei  seinea  Worten :  da3  ist  mehi  Leib,  das  ist  meia  Blut."  Comp.  Planck, 
vi.  745. 


408  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  corporeal  presence  and  reception  with  the  mouth  as  necessary 
conditions  of  the  real  presence ;  and  he  even  went  so  far,  in  reply- 
ing to  the  objections  of  his  opponents  derived  from  the  very  nature 
of  a  body,  as  to  maintain,  in  opposition  to  them,  the  ubiquity  of 
Christ's  humanity.19  The  Strasburg  theologians,  Bucer  and  Cap- 
ita, saw  correctly,  from  the  first,  that  the  supposition  of  a  spiritual 

1 9  To  Zwingle's  objection,  that  the  body  of  Christ  was  sitting  at  the  right  hand  of  God, 
and  hence  could  not  be  in  the  Lord's  Supper,  he  replied  in  the  work,  Dass  diese  Wort  J. 
Chr.  d.  i.  m.  L.  noch  veste  stehen,  1527  (Walch,  xx.  1010) :  "Christi  Leib  ist  zur  Rech- 
ten  Gottes,  das  ist  bekannt.  Die  Rechte  Gottes  ist  aber  an  alien  Enden,  wie  ihr  miisset 
bekennen  aus  unserer  vorigen  Ueberweisung.  So  ist  sie  gewisslich  auch  im  E-rod  und 
Wein  uber  Tische.  Wo  nun  die  rechte  Hand  Gottes  ist,  da  muss  Christi  Leib  u.  Blut 
seyn ;  denn  die  rechte  Hand  Gottes  ist  nicht  zu  theilen  in  viel  Stucke,  sondern  ein  eini- 
ges  einfiiltiges  Wesen. — Das  will  auch  Christus,  so  oft  er  im  Evangelio  bekennet,  dass 
ihm  alles  sej*  iibergeben  vom  Vater,  und  alles  unter  seine  Fiisse  gethan,  Psalm  viii.  7, 
d.  i.  er  ist  zur  Rechten  Gottes  ;  welches  ist  nicht  anders,  denn  dass  er  auch  als  ein 
Mensch  uber  alle  Dinge  ist,  alle  Dinge  unter  sich  hat  u.  drtiber  regiert.  Darum  muss 
er  auch  nahe  dabei,  drinnen  und  drum  seyn,  alles  in  Hiinden  haben,  etc.  Denn  nach 
der  Gottheit  ist  ihm  nichts  iibergeben,  noch  unter  die  Fiisse  gethan,  so  ers  zuvor  alles 
gemacht  und  erhalt.  Sitzen  aber  zur  Rechten  ist  so  viel  als  regieren  und  Macht  haben 
uber  Alles.  Soil  er  Macht  haben  und  regieren,  muss  er  freilich  auch  da  seyn  gegenwiir- 
tig  und  wesentlich  durch  die  rechte  Hand  Gottes,  die  allenthalben  ist.  Was  will  nun 
hier  werden  ?  Es  will  das  draus  werden  :  Wenn  Christus  im  Abendmal  diese  Worte 
(das  ist  mein  Leib)  gleich  nie  hatte  gesagt  noch  gesetzt,  so  erzwingens  doch  diese  Worte 
(Christus  sitzt  zur  Rechten  Gottes),  dass  sein  Leib  u.  Blut  da  moge  seyn,  wie  an  alien 
andern  Orten,  u.  darf  hier  nicht  einiger  Transsubstantiation,  oder  Verwandlung  des 
Brods  in  seinen  Leib ;  kann  dennoch  wol  da  seyn :  gleichwie  die  rechte  Hand  Gottes 
nicht  drum  muss  in  alle  Dinge  verwandelt  werden,  ob  sie  wol  da  und  drinnen  ist.  Wie 
aber  das  zugehe,  ist  uns  nicht  zu  wissen  :  wir  sollens  gliiuben,  weil  es  die  Schrift  u.  Ar- 
tikel  des  Glaubens  so  gewaltiglich  bestiitigen."  [The  substance  of  the  reply  is,  that  the 
"  right  hand  of  God"  is  every  where,  and  so  may  be  in  the  bread  and  wine  of  the  Lord's 
table..  To  sit  at  the  right  hand  of  God  means,  to  govern,  to  have  power  over  all,  etc.] 
Zwingle,  in  his  rejoinder,  went  into  an  investigation  of  the  doctrine  of  the  two  natures 
(Werke,  ii.  ii.  G6),  and  showed  that  the  view  of  Luther  led  to  a  confounding  of  the  two 
natures,  and  illustrated  the  usage  of  language  as  to  the  two  natures  by  the  figure  of  speech, 
alloiosis,  as  often  exemplified  in  the  words  of  Christ;  s.  66:  "Hierum  wiss,  dass  die 
Figur,  die  aXkoiioais  heisst  (mag  uns  '  Gegenwechsel'  zimlich  vertiitschet  werden),  von 
Christo  selbs  unzalbarlich  gebrucht  wird ;  und  ist  die  Figur,  so  vil  hieher  dient,  ein  Ab- 
tuschen  oder  Gegenwechslen  zweier  Naturen,  die  in  einer  Person  sind ;  da  man  aber  die 
einen  nennet,  und  die  andren  verstat ;  oder  das  nennet,  das  sie  beed  sind,  und  doch  nur 
die  einen  verstat."  Luther  now  became  very  zealous  against  this  alloiosis,  but  yet  de- 
clared, in  his  Larger  Confession,  1528,  that  in  his  former  work  he  had  only  made  an  at- 
tempt to  explain  the  presence  of  Christ ;  Walch,  xx.  1177  :  "  Denn  dass  ich  beweisete, 
wie  Christus  Leib  allenthalben  sey,  weil  Gottes  rechte  Hand  allenthalben  sey,  das  that 
ich  darum  (wie  ich  gar  offentlich  daselbst  bedinget),  dass  ich  doch  eine  einige  Weise 
anzeigte,  damit  Gott  vermocht,  dass  Christus  zugleich  im  Himmel  und  sein  Leib  im 
Abendmal  sey,  und  vorbehielt  seiner  gottlichen  Weisheit  und  Macht  wohl  mehr  Weise, 
dadurch  er  dasselbige  vermochte,  weil  wir  seiner  Gewalt  Ende  noch  Maass  nicht  wissen." 
Though  he  afterward  defended  that  view  against  Zwingle's  objections,  yet  it  is  apparent 
that  lie  did  not  hold  it  unconditionally.  He  never  repeated  it  in  his  later  works.  Comp. 
Chemnitz,  infra,  §  38,  Note  24.  F.  W.  Rettberg's  Occam  u.  Luther,  oder  Vergleich  ihrer 
Lehre  vom  heil.  Abendmale,  in  the  Thcol.  Studien  u.  Kritiken,  1839,  i.  69.  Baur's  Drei- 
cinigkeit,  iii.  398.     Schenkel,  i.  529.     [Cf.  C.  H.  Weisse,  Christologie  Luther's,  1852.] 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  DOCTRINES.    §  35.  LORD'S  SUPPER.  409 

i 

reception,  restricted  to  the  Lord's  Supper,  was  enough  to  unite  the 
contending  parties.20  But  Bucer's  efforts  to  make  out,  on  this  ac- 
count, that  the  whole  controversy  was  a  mere  strife  of  words,  were 
of  no  avail,  since  there  was  between  Zwingle  and  Luther  a  real 
contradiction  as  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  which  had 
its  roots  in  their  more  general  views  as  to  the  nature  of  the  sacra- 
ments. And  hence  in  Marburg,  1529,  a  union  was  not  effected, 
notwithstanding  the  concessions  which  Zwingle  was  inclined  to 
make.21 

The  cities  of  the  Oberland,  under  the  lead  of  Bucer,  maintained 
their  independence  of  the  two  contending  parties  by  handing  in 
their  own  Confession22  at  the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  1530.  The  next 
attempt  of  Bucer  to  effect  a  union,  much  as  the  circumstances  of 
the  times  pressed  to  it,  was  favorably  received  only  by  Oecolam- 
padius,  but  decisively  rejected  by  both  Luther  and  Zwingle.23    Bu- 

20  See  Bucer,  above,  Note  17.  Thej'  sent  George  Chaselius,  Professor  of  the  Hebrew 
language,  to  Luther,  October,  1525,  to  induce  him  to  come  to  terms ;  the  answer  of  Lu- 
ther is  in  de  Wette,  iii.  42.  Oil  the  efforts  of  both  sides  to  make  peace,  see  Planck,  ii. 
310 ;  Schenkel,  i.  535. 

21  See  Div.  I.,  §  4,  Notes  37  and  38;  Das  Religionsgesprach  zu  Marburg  im  J.  1529, 
von  L.  J.  K.  Schmitt,  Marburg,  1840. 

32  Div.  I.,  §  5,  Note  29. 

23  On  these  attempts,  see  S.  Hess,  Lebensgesch.  Dr.  Joh.  Oekolampads,  Zurich,  1793,  s. 
311 ;  J.  J.  Herzog's  Leben  Joh.  Oekolampads  (2  Bde.,  1843),  ii.  229.  They  began  in  Sep- 
tember, 1530,  at  a  synod  in  Zurich,  and  continued  to  February,  1531.  Bucer's  full  report 
to  the  Duke  of  Luneburg,  April,  1531,  is  in  Hess,  s.  368.  Bucer,  always  insisting  that  it 
was  only  a  strife  about  words,  proposed,  from  Augsburg  to  the  synod  in  Zurich,  Septem- 
ber, 1530,  the  formula  (Hess,  s.  313)  :  "  Dass  Christus  im  Nachtmal  gegenwartig  sey, 
nicht  im  Brod,  nicht  vereinigt  mit  dem  Brod,  sondern  im  Sacrament, — der  blossen  Seel 
und  reinem  Gemuth ;  und  also  geistlich  auf  die  Weise  zugegen  sey,  als  die  Geschrift 
weiset,  Christus  wohnet  in  Euch,  wird  seyn  mitten  unter  ihnen,  unci  wir  werden  Woh- 
nung  bei  ihm  haben"  [i.  e.,  Christ  is  present  in  the  Supper,  not  in  the  bread,  but  in  the 
sacrament— to  the  soul ;  as  when  the  Scripture  says,  Christ  dwells  in  you].  The  Swiss 
agreed  to  this  formula ;  Bucer,  however,  felt  that  he  could  not  come  to  Luther  with  it, 
and  proposed  to  the  diet  in  Basle,  Nov.  1G,  1530,  the  formula :  "  We  believe  and  confess 
that  the  true  body  and  the  true  blood  of  Christ  are  really  present  in  the  Lord's  Supper, 
and  are  olr'ered  with  the  words  and  sacrament  of  the  Lord."  Oecolampadius  was  ready 
to  accept  this,  and  recommended  it  to  Zwingle,  Nov.  19  (Zwingl.  Opera,  viii.  ii.  54G). 
Zwingle,  however,  adhered  to  the  form  before  agreed  upon  in  Zurich,  Nov.  20  (1.  c,  p. 
549).  But  Bucer  still  sent  the  last  formula  to  Luther,  who  replied,  Jan.  22,  1531  (de 
Wette,  iv.  216)  :  Gratias  agimus  Deo,  quod  saltern  eatenus  Concordes  simus,  uti  scribis, 
quod  utrique  confitemur,  corpus  et  sanguinem  Christi  vere  in  Coena  adesse,  et  cum  ver- 
bis porrigi  in  cibum  animae.  Miror  autem,  quod  Zwinglium  et  Oecolampadium  quoque 
hujus  opinionis  aut  sententiae  participes  facis. — Si  igitur  corpus  Christi  confitemur  vere 
exhiberi  animae  in  cibum,  et  nulla  est  ratio,  cur  non  impiae  quoque  animae  hoc  modo 
exhiberi  dicamus,  etiamsi  ilia  non  recipiat,  quemadmodum  lux  solis  videnti  pariter  et 
caeco  offertur :  miror,  cur  vos  gravet  ultro  conliteri,  etiam  cum  pane  offerri  foris  ori  tarn 
piorum  quam  impiorum. — Sed  si  ista  sententia  nondum  apud  vos  maturuit,  censeo  diffe- 
rendam  causam,  et  divitiam  gratiam  ulterius  expectaudam. — Qu?*2  solidam  et  plenam 


410  FOUKTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

cer  renewed  his  undertaking,  with  more  prospect  of  success,  after 
the  disastrous  termination  of  the  Cappel  war  (1531)  made  it  de- 
sirable for  the  Reformed  Swiss  to  effect  a  union  with  the  German 
Evangelical  princes  ;24  but,  in  order  to  appease  the  excited  pas- 
sions of  both  sides,  he  allowed  himself  to  say  many  things,  which 
brought  upon  him  the  reproach  of  ambiguity.25  He  found  most 
favor  in  Basle,  where  the  desire  for  union  was  continued  under 
Oswald  Myconius,  the  successor  of  Oecolampadius,  and  expressed, 
not  only  in  the  Basle  Confession,26  which  appeared  in  January, 

concordiam  (vollige  Kirchengeineinschaft)  non  possum  vobiscum  confiteri,  nisi  velim 
conscientiam  laedere,  imo  nisi  velim  semina  jactare  multo  majoris  turbationis  ecclesia- 
rum  nostrarum  et  atrocioris  discordiae  inter  nos  futurae. — Commendemus  cansam  Deo, 
interim  servantes  pacis  istius  qualiscunque  et  concordiae  eatenus  firmatae,  quod  confite- 
mur,  corpus  Domini  vere  adesse  et  exhiberi  intus  animae  fideli  (i.  e.,  the  articles  agreed 
upon  in  Marburg,  Div.  I.,  §  4,  Note  38).  His  doubts  about  them  are  more  fully  devel- 
oped to  the  Elector  John,  under  date  Feb.  16,  1531  (de  Wette,  iv.  223).  Bucer  asked  of 
Zwingle,  Feb.  6,  1531  (Zwingl.  Opera,  viii.  ii.  576),  a  written  declaration  in  the  sense 
of  the  earlier  agreement,  that  it  might  be  laid  before  Luther ;  and  in  this  connection  he 
expressed  the  idea  of  a  syncretism :  Cuperem  vel  quavis  ratione,  quae  modo  Christi  glo- 
riam  non  obscuret,  si  nondum  solidam  concordiam,  saltern  Syncretismum  inter  nos  ob- 
tinere.  Meanwhile  Zwingle  had  already  heard,  through  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  about 
Luther's  doubts,  and  violently  opposed  all  union,  February  12, 1531  (Opp.,  viii.  ii.  579)  : 
Vos  istud  plane  agitis,  ut  concordia  v-irovkos  fiat,  quae  quotidie  novum  dissidium  exul- 
ceret.  Isti  Missam  ferme  magis  papisticam  habent,  quam  ipsi  Papistae,  Christum  in 
loco,  in  pane,  in  vino  non  minus  indicant,  quam  in  scriniolo  Pontificii. — Nam  bonus  ille 
Cattorum  Princeps  anxie  monet,  Lutherum  cupere,  ut  et  istud  fateamur,  Christi  corpus 
on  etiam  praeberi,  cum  symbola  porriguntur.  At  the  end :  Summa  summarum :  per- 
stamus  perpetuo,  neque  alitor  credas  me  unquam  sensurum,  etiamsi  orbis  diversum  sen- 
tiat,  quam  et  nunc  et  antea  sensimus. 

2*  On  these  renewed  attempts  at  union,  see  Planck,  iii.  i.  355 ;  Lebensgeschichte  H. 
Bullinger's,  by  S.  Hess  (2  Bde.,  Zurich,  1828-29),  i.  185 ;  Oswald  Myconius,  by  Melch. 
Kirchhofer  (Zurich,  1813),  s.  195 ;  Die  Confiicte  des  Zwinglianismus,  Lutherthums  und 
Calvinismus  in  der  Bernischen  Landeskirche  von  1532-58,  by  Dr.  C.  B.  Hundeshagen, 
Berne,  1842,  s.  59;  Ebrard's  Dogma  v.  h.  Abendmal,  ii.  361.  [Comp.  The  Lives  of  Oe- 
colampadius and  of  Myconius,  by  Ilagenbach,  in  his  Leben  u.  Schriften  der  Eeformato- 
ren,  1859.] 

25  Thus  to  the  Swiss  he  spoke  with  reverence  of  Zwingle  and  Oecolampadius,  while 
toward  Luther  he  was  always  trying  to  ward  off  the  suspicion  that  he  was  inclined  to 
Zwingle's  doctrine  ;  see  Bullinger,  by  Hess,  i.  283,  290,  301. 

26  K.  R.  Hagenbach's  Krit.  Geschichte  der  ersten  Basler  Confession,  Basel,  1827.  Dr. 
H.  A.  Niemeyer  Collectio  Confessionum  in  Ecclesiis  Eeformatis  publicatarum,  Lips., 
1840,  p.  78 ;  cf.  praef.,  p.  xxviii.  The  article  on  the  Lord's  Supper  there  reads :  "  In 
des  Herren  Nachtmal,  in  dem  uns  mit  des  Herren  Brot  und  Trank,  sammt  den  Worteri 
des  Nachtmals  der  wahr  Lyb  und  das  wahr  Blut  Christi  durch  den  Diener  der  Kylchen 
furbildet  und  angebotenwiirdet,  blybt  Brot  und  Win.  Wir  gloubend  aber  vestiglich, 
dass  Christus  selbs  syge  die  Spyss  der  gloubigen  Seelen  zum  ewigen  Leben,  und  dass 
unsere  Seelen  durch  "den  wahren  Glouben  in  den  kriitzigten  Christum  mit  dem  Fleisch 
und  Iilut  Christi  gespyset  und  getrankt  werdend,  also  dass  wir  sines  Lybs,  als  unsers 
einigen  Houpts,  Glieder  in  ihm,  und  er  in  uns  lebe,  damit  wir  am  jiingsten  Tag  durch 
ihn  und  in  ihm  in  die  ewigen  Frowd  und  Seligkeit  ufferstan  werdend.— Und  schliessend 
aber  den  naturlichen,  wahren,  wesentlichen  Lyb  Christi— nit  in  des  Herren  Brot  noch 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  DOCTRINES.    §  35.  LORD'S  SUPPER.  41 1 

1534,  "but  also  in  taking  part  in  the  union  which  was  effected, 
1534,  in  the  adjacent  Wiirtemberg.27  Zurich,  too,  showed  itself 
favorable,  under  the  lead  of  Henry  Bullinger.  In  Berne,  among 
the  clergy,  a  strict  Zwinglianism  had  the  preponderance  ;28  but 
the  aristocratic  government  desired  the  union.29  Thus  Bucer  suc- 
ceeded in  bringing  the  Swiss,  at  a  synod  held  in  Basle,  January 
30,  1536  sq.,30  into  the  pacific  mood  which  is  expressed  in  the 
Confession  of  Faith  (Confessio  Helvetica  I.)31  there  drawn  up.  On 
this  account  they  were  at  first  the  more  hostile  to  the  Wittenberg 
Concordia  (May,  1536),  which  contained  the  doctrine  that  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ  were  partaken  of  even  by  the  unworthy.32 
Yet  Bucer  was  still  able  to  pacify  them  by  explanations  ;33  with 
these  interpretations  the  Swiss  declared  to  Luther  that  they  were 
ready  to  adopt  the  Concordia  (November,  1536), 34  and  he  replied 


Trank.  Darum  wir  ouch  Christum  nit  in  dicsen  Zeichen  Brot  und  Wins,  die  wir  gemein- 
lich  Sacramenta  des  Lybs  und  Bluts  Christi  nennend,  sonder  in  den  Himlen  by  der  Ge- 
rechten  Gott  des  Vatters  anbetend,  daher  er  kilnftig  ist  zu  richten  die  Lebendigen  und 
die  Todten." 

27  It  was  made  between  the  preachers  who  here  introduced  the  Reformation,  Simon 
Grynacus,  of  Basle,  and  Ambrosius  Blaurer,  from  Constance,  holding  the  Swiss  views, 
and  the  Lutheran  Erhard  Schnepf ;  Kirchhofer's  Mjrconius,  s.  206. 

29  At  their  head  was  Caspar  Megander  ;  see  Kirchhofer's  Myconius,  s.  226  ;  Hundes- 
hagen,  s.  64. 

29  Das  Leben  Wilh.  Farel's,  by  Melch.  Kirchhofer~(Zurich,  2  Bde.,  1831,  1833),  ii.  27. 

30  Bullinger's  Leben,  by  Hess,  i.  217.     Kirchhofer's  Myconius,  s.  237. 

31  Less  correctly  called  Conf.  Basileensis  II. ;  see  in  Niemeyer  Confess.  Reform.,  p. 
105  ;  cf.  praef.,  p.  xxxiii. ;  in  the  original  German  in  Bockel's  Bekenntnissschriften  der 
Evangel.  Reform.  Kirche  (Leipzig,  1847),  s.  115.  21.  De  vi  et  efficacia  Sacramentorum : 
Sigua,  quae  et  Sacramenta  vocantur,  duo  sunt,  Baptismus  et  Eucharistia.  Haec  rerum 
arcanarum  symbola  non  nudis  signis,  sed  signis  simul  et  rebus  constant. — In  Eucharis- 
tia panis  et  vinum  signa  sunt,  res  autem  communicatio  corporis  Domini,  parta  salus,  et 
peccatorum  remissio.  Quae  quideni  ut  ore  corporis  signa,  sic  fide  spiritus  percipiuntur. 
Nam  in  rebus  ipsis  totus  fructus  Sacramentorum  est. — 23.  (Asserimus)  coenam  vero 
mysticam,  in  qua  Dominus  corpus  et  sanguinem  suum,  i.  e.,  seipsum  suis  vere  ad  hoc 
offerat,  ut  magis  magisque  in  illis  vivat,  et  illi  in  ipso.  Non  quod  pani  et  vino  corpus 
et  sanguis  Domini  vel  naturaliter  uniantur,  vel  hie  localiter  includantur,  vel  ulla  hue 
carnali  praesentia  statuantur.  Sed  quod  panis  et  vinum  ex  institutione  Domini  symbola 
sint,  quibus  ab  ipso  Domino  per  Ecclesiae  ministerium  vera  corporis  et  sanguinis  ejus 
communicatio,  non  in  periturum  ventris  cibum,  sed  in  aeternae  vitae  alimoniam  exhi- 
beatur. 

32  Div.  I.,  §  7,  Note  28.  Myconius,  by  Kirchhofer,  s.  263.  Ebrard's  Abendmal,  ii. 
382.     Schenk'el,  i.  545. 

33  Div.  I.,  §  7,  Note  29.  Myconius,  by  Kirchhofer,  s.  267.  Bullinger,  by  Hess,  i.  241. 
Worthy  of  note  is  the  letter  of  the  learned  Joacli.  Vadianus,  burgomaster  of  St.  Gallon, 
to  Bullinger,  2.  Nov.,  1536  (in  Bullinger's  Lebensgesch.  by  Hess,  i.  263),  which  points 
out  unsparingly  that  among  the  Swiss  theologians,  also,  exaggerated  mistrust  and  ex- 
citableness  were  delaying  the  union  so  much  to  be  desired. 

3*  Their  letter  in  Hospiniani  Hist.  Sacramentaria,  ii.  263. 


412  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

in  such  terms  (December  1,  1537)35  that  the  agreement  seemed 
to  be  completed.  Strict  Zwinglianism  was  suppressed  in  Berne, 
and  in  both  Berne  and  Basle  even  a  Lutheran  tendency  became 
predominant.36 

Luther  thought  he  might  take  for  granted,  as  the  Swiss  had  ac- 
knowledged the  real  presence,  that  they  had  abandoned  the  Zwin- 
glian  doctrine.  But  as  they  still  expressed  reverence  for  Zwingle, 
he  thought  that  he  must  prove  he  had  not  come  to  terms  with 
the  Zwinglian  error.  Stimulated  by  the  new  edition  of  Zwingle's 
works,  he  came  out  very  strongly  against  him,  in  his  "  Short  Con- 
fession of  the  Holy  Sacrament,  against  Enthusiasts,"  1544.37  This 
work  aroused  in  Switzerland  a  general  indignation,38  and  com- 
pletely shattered  the  Concordia,  which  had  been  but  loosely  held. 

In  1561  Calvin  returned  to  Geneva,39  and  commenced  that  ex- 
traordinary career  which  made  him  the  second  reformer  of  his 
Church.    In  Strasburg  he  had  become  connected  with  the  Church 

3b  See  above,  Note  18,  and  Div.  I.,  §  7,  Note  32.  Ebrard's  Abendmal,  ii.  396.  The 
Swiss  looked  upon  the  union  as  already  completed,  in  their  reply,  4.  Mai,  1538  (in  Walch, 
xvii.  2608). 

36  Megander's  deposition,  at  the  end  of  1537  ;  Hundeshagen,  s.  95.  The  leaders  of  the 
Lutheranizing  tendency  in  Berne  were,  Peter  Kunz  (see  his  letter  to  Iodocus  Neobolus, 
in  Wittenberg,  in  Hundeshagen,  s.  369),  and  Sebastian  Meyer,  to  whom  (1538)  Simon 
Sulzer  was  added,  who  soon  became  the  head  of  the  party;  Hundeshagen,  s.  105.  On 
Basle,  see  above,  Note  27.  How  Myconius  was  cried  out  against  as  a  Lutheran  in  Zu- 
rich, see  Kirehhofer's  Myconius,  s.  354. 

37  See  Div.  I.,  §  8,  Note  26. 

38  Bullinger,  by  Hess,  i.  437.  Melanchthon  ad  H.  Bullingerum,  30.  Aug.,  1544  (Corp. 
Ref.,  v.  475) :  Fortassis  priusquam  hae  meae  literae  ad  te  perferentur,  accipies  atrocissi- 
mum  Lutheri  scriptum,  in  quo  bellum  iripi  oi'nrvov  KvpictKov  instaurat.  Nunquam  ma- 
jore  impetu  hanc  causam  egit.  Desino  igitur  sperare  Ecclesiarum  pacem.  Tollent  cris- 
tas iuimici  nostri, — Ecclesiae  nostrae  magis  distrahentur.  qua  ex  re  ingentem  capio  dolo- 
rem.  Calvin,  too,  expressed  his  decided  disapproval  to  Bullinger,  Nov.  25,  1544  (infra, 
Note  42),  and  to  Melancthon,  12.  Cal.  Febr.,  1545  (Calvini  Epp.  et  Responsa,  Genevae, 
1575,  fol.,  p.  52).  The  Ziirichers  thereupon  published  the  Confession  drawn  up  by  Bul- 
linger, "  Wahrhafte  Bekenntniss  der  Diener  der  Kirche  zu  Zurich,  was  sie— glauben 
und  lehren,  insonderheit  aber.von  dem  Nachtmal  unseres  Herm  J.  Chr.,  mit  geburlicher 
Antwort  auf  das  unbegrundet  argerlich  Schmahen,  Verdammen  u.  Schelten  Dr.  M.  Lu- 
ther's," 1545  ;  Bullinger,  by  Hess,  i.  445.  The  document  was  also  subscribed  by  Berne, 
although  a  LutheranizingBernese  preacher  called  it  "  a  fencing  and  fantastical  little 
book ;"  ibid.,  s.  451.  Calvin,  too,  judged  unfavorably  of  it  (ibid.,  s.  455).  Calvinus 
ad  Melanchth.,  28.  Jun.,  1545:  Verum  aut  aliter  scribere  oportuit  aut  penitus  tacere. 
Praeterquam  enim  quod  totus  libellus  jejunus  est  et  puerilis,  cum  in  multis  pertinaciter 
magis  quam  erudite,  et  interea  parum  verecunde  Zuinglium  suum  excusant  ac  tuentur, 
nonnullaque  in  Luthero  immerito  exagitant,  turn  vero  in  praecipui  capitis  tractatione, 
i.  e.  in  ipso  causae  statu,  infeliciter,  meo  judicio,  se  gerunt.  Luther  did  not  reply  to  this 
Zurich  document. 

39  See  Div.  I.,  §  10,  Note  35.  Das  Leben  Joh.  Calvin's  des  grossen  Reformators,  by 
Paul  Henry.     Hamburg,  3  Bde.,  1835-44. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  DOCTRINES.    §  35.  CALVIN.       413 

there  established,  had  subscribed  the  Augsburg  Confession,40  and  en- 
tirely agreed  with  Bucer  as  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper.41 

40  Calv.  ad  M.  Schalingium,  Pastorem  Ratisbon.,  viii.  Cal.  April,  1557  (Epp.  et  Re- 
sponsa,  Genev.,  1575,  fol.  p.  182) :  Nee  vero  Augustanam  confessionem  repudio,  cui  pri- 
dem  volens  ac  libens  subscripsi,  sicuti  earn  auctor  ipse  interpretatus  est  (viz.  in  the 
Variata).     Henry,  ii.  505. 

41  Ebrard's  Abendmal,  ii.  412,  424.  Schenkel,  i.  425,  565.  He  gives  testimony  to 
Bucer,  in  a  letter  to  H.  Bullinger,  12.  Mart.,  1540 :  Tametsi  enim  singulari  perspicientia 
judiciique  acumine  praeditus  est,  nemo  tamen  est,  qui  religiosius  studeat  in  simplicitate 
Verbi  Dei  se  continere,  ac  alienas  ab  eo  argutias  non  dico  minus  captet  sed  magis  oderit 
(ex  MS.  in  Henry's  Leben  Calvin's,  i.  274).  Comp.  Calv.  ad  Zebedaeum,  19.  Maj.,  1539 
(ex  MS.  in  Henry,  Bd.  i.  Appendix,  s.  43),  ad  Bullingerum,  6.  Cal.  Jul.,  1548  (Henry, 
Bd.  ii.  Appendix,  s.  131).  Calvin's  Judgment  on  the  sacramental  controversy,  in  his 
De  Sacra  Coena  (1540  in  French,  1545  Latin,  by  Des  Gallars ;  Henry,  i.  268.  Calvini 
Tractatus  Theol.  Amstelod.,  1667,  fol.,  or  Opp.  Calv.,  T.  viii.  p.  8) :  Cum  Lutherus  do- 
cere  coepit,  sic  materiam  Coenae  tractabat,  ut,  quod  ad  corporalem  Christi  praesentiam 
attinet,  talem  ipsam  relinquere  videretur,  qualem  tunc  omnes  concipiebant.  Nam  trans- 
substantiationem  damnans,  panem  corpus  Christi  esse  dicebat,  quod  una  cum  ipso  con- 
junctum  esset.  Adjungebat  praeterea  similitudines  duras  quidem  illas  et  rudes.  •  Sed 
eis  uti  cogebatur,  quod  aliter  mentem  suam  explicare  non  poterat.  Difficile  enim  est 
rem  tarn  arduam  exponere,  quin  impropria  quaedam  subinde  accersantur.  Dehinc  su- 
borti  sunt  Zuinglius  et  Oecolampadius,  qui,  cum  imposturam  et  deceptionem  a  diabolo 
invectam  considerarent  in  stabilienda  praesentia  ilia  carnali,  quae  ab  annis  sexcentis 
tradita  et  pro  certo  habita  fuerat,  rem  tanti  momenti  dissimulare  nefas  esse  existima- 
runt.  Maxime  cum  huic  errori  execrabilis  idololatria  annexa  esset,  quod  Christus  quasi 
sub  pane  inclusus  adoraretur.  Quia  vero  difficillimum  erat,  banc  opinionem,  quae  diu 
jam  et  altius  radices  egerat  in  animis  hominum,  revellere,  omnem  ingenii  vim  ad  earn 
impugnandam  applicarunt,  admonentes  crassissimi  et  absurdissimi  erroris  esse,  non  ag- 
noscere  ea  quae  de  adscensione  Christi  tota  Scriptura  testiiicatur,  ipsum  in  coelum  in 
hominis  natura  receptum  esse,  ibique  mansurum,  quoad  descendat  ad  judicandum  or- 
bem.  Sed  huic  proposito  nimium  intenti,  quam  nraesentiam  Christi  in  Coena  credere 
debeamus,  qualis  illic  communicatio  corporis  et  sanguinis  ipsius  recipiatur,  dicere  omitte- 
bant,  adeo  ut  Lutherus  eos  nihil  praeter  signa  nuda  et  spiritualis  substantiae  vacua  re- 
linquere velle  existimaret.  Ideo  coepit  palam  obsistere,  ita  ut  pro  haereticis  habendos 
denunciaret.  Ex  quo  semel  eiferbuit  contentio,  sic  temporis  progressu  adaucta  et  in- 
flammata  est,  ut  acerbius  aequo  exagitata  sit  per  annos  plus  minus  quindecim,  quibus 
interim  neutri  alteros  aequo  animo  et  placido  audire  sustinebant.  Cum  etiam  ad  con- 
cordiam  aliquam  accedere  debuissent,  magis  ac  magis  regressi  sunt,  nihil  aliud  spec- 
tantes  quam  ut  opinionem  suam  tuerentur,  et  contrariam  refutarent.  Habemus  itaque 
qua  in  re  impegerit  Lutherus,  in  qua  etiam  Oecolampadius  et  Zuinglius.  Lutheri  partes 
erant  ab  initio  admonere,  non  esse  propositi  sui,  praesentiam  localem  talem  statuere, 
qualem  Papistae  somniant.  Item  testari,  se  non  hoc  quaerere,  ut  Sacramentum  Dei 
loco  adoraretur.  Tertio  abstinere  a  similitudinibus  illis  rudibus  et  perceptu  difficillimis, 
aut  moderate  eis  uti,  atque  ita  interpretari,  ut  nullam  offensionem  parere  possent.  De- 
nique,  ex  quo  mota  est  contentio,  ipse  modum  excessit,  turn  in  declaranda  opinione  sua, 
turn  in  aliis  nimia  verborum  acerbitate  vituperandis. — Alii  etiam  offenderunt  in  eo,  quod 
ita  tenaciter  inhaeserunt  in  oppugnanda  superstitiosa  ilia  et  fanatica  opinione  Papista- 
rum  de  praesentia  locali  et  adoratione  quae  inde  sequebatur,  ut  ad  vitium  diruendum  co- 
natus  suos  potius  converterint,  quam  ad  id  quod  cognitu  utile  erat  stabiliendum.  Nam 
etsi  veritatem  non  negarunt,  earn  tamen  non  ita  aperte  ut  decebat  docuerunt.  Hoc  in- 
telligo  :  dum  nimis  studiose  ac  diligenter  in  hoc  toti  incumbebant,  ut  assererent,  panem 
et  vinum  corpus  et  sanguinem  Christi  vocari,  quod  ipsorum  signa  sint ;  non  cogitarunt 
sibi  hoc  interea  simul  agendum,  ut  adjungerent  ita  signa  esse,  ut  nihilominus  Veritas 
cum  eis  conjuncta  sit.    Nee  testati  suut,  sose  non  co  tenderc,  ut  veram  communionem 


414  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

For  Luther  he  had  a  high  regard,42  and  was  also  greatly  es- 
teemed in  turn  by  him.43     He  put  Zwingle  much  lower,  express- 

obscurarent,  quam  nobis  hoc  Sacramento  Dominus  in  corpore  et  sanguine  suo  exhi- 
bet.  Utrique  profecto  in  culpa  fuerunt,  dum  sese  mutuo  audire  non  sustinuerunt,  ut 
posita  omni  affectione  veritatem,  undecunque  patefieret,  sequerentur.  Verum  non  ideo, 
quod  nostri  erga  ipsos  officii  est,  praetermittere  debemus.  Ne  scilicet  obliviscamur  gra- 
tiarum  et  beneficiorum  quae  Deus  in  eos  contulit,  et  nobis  per  ipsorum  nianuni  distri- 
buit,  etc. 

42  Calv.  Resp.  contra  Pighium  de  Libero  Arbitrio,  1543  (Opp.,  viii.  119) :  Si  qttis  tem- 
poris  illius  statum  prudenter  consideret,  quo  exortus  est  Lutherus,  eum  alias  fere  omnes 
difficultates  habuisse  cum  Apostolis  communes  videbit :  una  vero  in  re  iniquiorem  ac  du- 
riorem  fuisse  ejus  conditionem  quam  illorum,  quod  nullum  erat  tunc  in  mundo  regnum, 
nullus  principatus,  cui  illi  bellum  indicerent,  hie  autem  emergere  nullo  modo  poterat, 
nisi  ejus  imperii  ruina  et  interitu,  quod  non  modo  omnium  potentissimum  erat,  sed  reli- 
qua  omnia  quasi  sibi  obnoxia  tenebat.  P.  123  :  De  Luthero — nunc  quoque  sicut  hacte- 
nus  non  dissimulanter  testamur,  eum  nos  habere  pro  insigni  Christi  Apostolo,  cujus 
maxime  opera  et  ministerio  restituta  hoc  tempore  fuerit  Evangelii  puritas.  Calv.  ad 
Bullingerum,  25.  Nov.,  1544  (Epist.  et  Respons.  ed.  Genev.,  p.  383),  in  reference  to  Lu- 
ther's Confession,  Note  37  :  Audio  Lutherum  tandem  cum  atroci  invectiva  non  tarn  in 
vos,  quam  in  nos  omnes  prorupisse.  Nunc  vix  audeo  a  vobis  petere,  ut  taceatis. — Sed 
haec  cupio  vobis  in  mentem  venire,  primum  quantus  sit  vir  Lutherus,  et  quantis  dotibus 
excella't,  quanta  animi  fortitudine  et  constantia,  quanta  dexteritate,  quanta  doctrinae 
efficacia  hactenus  ad  profligandum  Antichristi  regnum  et  simul  propagandam  salutis 
doctrinam  incubuerit.  Saepe  dicere  solitus  sum,  etiamsi  me  diabolum  vocaret,  me  ta- 
men hoc  illi  honoris  habiturum,  ut  insignem  Dei  servum  agnoscam,  qui  tamen,  ut  pollet 
eximiis  virtutibus,  ita  magnis  vitiis  laboret.  Hanc  intemperiem,  qua  ubique  ebullit, 
utinam  magis  frenarer  studuisset ;  vehementiam  autem,  quae  illi  est  ingenita,  utinam  in 
hostes  veritatis  semper  contulisset,  non  etiam  vibrasset  in  servos  Domini ;  utinam  recog- 
noscendis  suis  vitiis  plus  operae  dedisset !  Plurimum  illi  obfuerunt  adulatores,  cum 
ipse  quoque  natura  ad  sibi  indulgcndum  nimis  propensus  esset.  Nostrum  tamen  est  sic 
reprehendere  quod  in  eo  est  malorum.  ut  praeclaris  illis  donis  aliquid  concedamus.  Hoc 
igitur  primum  reputes,  obsecro,  cum  tuis  collegis,  cum  primario  Christi  servo,  cui  mul- 
tum  debemus  omnes,  vobis  esse  negotium.  High  esteem  is  also  avowed  in  the  letter  of 
Calvin  to  Luther,  Jan.  20, 1545  (Henry,  ii.,  Append.,  s.  106),  which  was  sent  to  Melanc- 
thon,  tiut  not  delivered  by  him. 

43  Calv.  ad  Farellum,  20.  Nov.,  1539  (ex  MS.  in  Henry,  i.  267.  The  passages  in  pa- 
renthesis were  erased  by  Calvin,  but  plainly  expressed  his  real  sentiments)  :  Crato  unus 
ex  chalcographis  nostris  Witemberga  nuper  rediit,  qui  literas  attulit  a  Luthero  ad  Bu- 
cerum  (see  the  same  in  de  Wette,  v.  210),  in  quibus  ita  scriptum  erat :  saluta  mihi 
Sturmium  et  Calvinum  reverenler,  quorum  Ubellos  singulars  cum  volitptate  legi.  (Jam  re- 
puta,  quid  illic  de  Eucharistia  dicam.  Cogita  Lutheri  ingemutatem.  Facile  erit  sta- 
tuere,  quid  causae  habeant,  qui  tam  pertinaciter  ab  eo  dissident.)  Philippus  autem  ita 
scribebat :  Lutherus  et  Pomeranus  Calvinum  et  Sturmium  jusserunt  salutari.  Calvinus 
magnam  gratiam  iniit.  Hoc  vero  per  nuncium  jussit  Philippus  narrari,  quosdam,  ut 
Martinum  exasperarent,  illi  indicasse,  quam  odiose  a  me  una  cum  suis  notaretur.  Lo- 
cum ergo  inspexisse,  et  sensisse  sine  dubio  illic  se  attingi.  Tandem  ita  fuisse  locutum  : 
spero  quidem,  ipsum  olim  de  nobis  melius  sensurum,  sed  aequum  est  a  bono  ingenio  nos  ali- 
quid ferre.  (Tanta  moderatione  si  non  frangimur  sumus  plane  saxei.  Ego  vero  fractus 
sum.  Itaque  satisfactionem  scripsi,  quae  pracfationi  in  epistolam  ad  Romanos  insere- 
tur.)  As  Luther  at  this  time  must  have  known  the  Institutions  of  Calvin,  it  follows, 
from  the  declarations  of  this  letter,  that  he  was  then  satisfied  with  his  doctrine  upon  the 
Lord's  Supper ;  and,  besides,  it  also  fully  agreed  with  that  to  which  the  Swiss  had  de- 
clared assent  to  Luther  in  1536.  Thus  the  avowals  of  Luther  about  Calvin  are  trust- 
worthy, given  by  Christoph.  Pezel,  in  his  Ausfuhrl.  Erzahlung  vo'm  Sacramentsstreit, 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.—  REFORMED  DOCTRINES.    §  35.  CALVIN.       415 

ing  an  unfavorable  judgment  respecting  him.44  His  strict  char- 
acter was  mirrored  forth  in  his  theology,  the  head  and  front  of 
which  was  the  Augustinian  system,  unvailed,  and  carried  to  all 
its  consequences  ;45  and  also  in  his  principles  about  the  Church, 

Bremen,  1600.  So  he  writes  to  Cruciger  on  Calv.  Responsio  ad  Sadoletum,  1540  (s. 
125) :  "  Diese  Schrift  hat  Hiinde  und  Fiisse,  und  ich  freue  mich,  dass  Gott  solche  Leute 
envecket,  die,  ob  Gott  will,  dem  Papstthum  vollend  den  Stoss  geben,  und  was  ich  wider 
den  Antichrist  angefangen,  mit  Gottes  Hfilfe  hinausfiihren  werden."  On  Calv.  de  Sacra 
Coena,  which  was  sent  to  him  by  the  Wittenberg  bookseller,  Moritz  Golsch,  1545,  and 
particular!}'-  on  the  passage  adduced  above,  Note  41,  he  thus  expresses  himself  to  the 
same  (s.  137)  :  "  Moritz,  es  ist  gewiss  ein  gelehrter  und  frommer  Mann,  dem  hiitte  ich 
anfanglich  wohl  dorfen  die  ganze  Sache  von  diesem  Streit  heimstellen.  Ich  bekenne 
meinen  Theil :  wenn  das  Gegentheil  dergleichen  gethan  hiitte,  wiiren  wir  bald  anfangs 
vertragen  worden,  denn  so  Oecolampadius  und  Zwinglius  sich  zum  ersten  also  erkliiret 
hatten,  waren  wir  nimmer  in  so  weitlauftige  Disputation  gerathen."  Henry,  ii.  499. 
The  last  anecdote  is  borrowed  by  Hospinianus  (ii.  312)  from  Pezel ;  Ebrard  (ii.  47G)  is 
wrong  in  his  opinion  that  it  is  there  told  about  Calvin. 

44  Calv.  ad  Zebedaeum,  19.  Maj.,  1539  (in  Henry,  i.  ;  Beil.,  s.  45):  Buceri  retracta- 
tionibus  non  est  ut  tantopere  succenseas.  Quia  in  tradendo  Sacramentorum  usu  errave- 
rat,  jure  earn  partem  rctractavit.  Atque  utinam  idem  facere  Zuinglius  in  animum  in- 
duxisset,  cujus  et  falsa  et  perniciosa  fait  de  hac  re  opinio.  Quam  cum  viderem  multo 
nostrafium  applausu  arripi,  adlmc  agens  in  Gallia  impugnare  non  dubitavi. — Nihil  fuisse 
asperitatis  in  Zwinglii  doctrina,  tibi  minime  concedo.  Siquidem  videre  promtum  est,  ut 
nimium  occupatus  in  evertenda  carnalis  praesentiae  superstitions,  veram  communica- 
tionis  vim  aut  simul  disjecerit,  aut  certe  obscuravit.  Calv.  ad  Farellum,  4.  Mart.,  1540 
(in  Hundeshagen,  s.  33)  :  Uruntur  boni  viri  (the  Ziirichers),  si  quis  Lutherum  audct 
praefcrre  Zuinglio,  quasi  Evangelium  nobis  pereat,  si  quid  Zuinglio  decedit,  neque  ta- 
men  in  eo  fit  ulla  Zuinglio  injuria.  Nam  si  inter  se  comparantur,  scis  ipse,  quanto  in- 
tervallo  Lutherus  excellat.  Itaque  mihi  minime  placuit  Zebedaei  carmen,  in  quo  non 
putabat  se  pro  dignitate  laudare  Zuinglium,  nisi  diceret  majorem  sperare  nefas.  Cum 
viventibus  et  umbris  maledicere  inhumanum  habetur,  turn  vero  de  tanto  viro  non  hono- 
rifice  sentire  impie  certe  esset.  Verum  est  aliquis  modus  in  laudando,  a  quo  ille  procul 
discessit.  Ego  certe  tantum  abest  quin  illi  asscntiar,  ut  majores  multos  nunc  videam, 
aliquos  sperem,  omnes  cupiam.  Calv.  ad  Petr.  Viretum,  3.  Id.  Sept.,  1542  (J.  Calvini, 
Th.  Bezae,  Henrici  IV.,  Regis  Literae  quaedam,  ed.  C.  G.  Bretschneider,  Lips.,  1835,  p. 
10)  :  De  scriptis  Zuinglii  sic  sentire,  ut  sentis,  tibi  permitto.  Neque  enim  omnia  legi. 
Et  fortassis  sub  finem  vitac  retractavit  ac  correxit  in  melius  quae  temere  initio  excide- 
rant.     Sed  in  scriptis  prioribus  memini,  quam  profana  sit  de  Sacramentis  doctrina. 

45  Jo.  Calvini  Institutio  Christiauae  Religionis  was  published  in  three  principal  edi- 
tions, with  alterations  (Henry,  iii. ;  Beil.,  s.  177)  ;  1.  In  French,  Basle,  1535;  in  Latin, 
Basle,  1530  (Henry,  i.  102).  2.  Argentorati,  1539.  3.  Genevae,  1559  (Henry,  i.  28G). 
On  the  Fall  and  Redemption  through  Christ,  Instit.,  lib.  ii.  c.  1-7.  On  Election,  lib.  iii. 
c.  21-24.  Cf.  iii.  21, 1 :  In  ipsa  quae  terret  caligine  non  modo  utilis  hujus  doctrinae,  sed 
suavissimus  quoque  fructus  se  profert.  Nunquam  liquido  ut  decet  persuasi  erimus,  sa- 
lutem  nostram  ex  fonte  gratuitac  misericordiae  Dei  fluere,  donee  innotuerit  nobis  aeterna 
ejus  electio,  quae  hac  comparatione  gratiam  Dei  illustrat,  quod  non  omnes  promiscue 
adoptat  in  spem  salutis,  sed  dat  aliis  quod  aliis  negat.  Hujus  principii  ignorantia  quan- 
tum ex  gloria  Dei  imminuat,  quantum  verae  lmmilitati  detrahat,  palam  est. — Qui  hoc 
extinctum  volunt,  maligne  quantum  in  se  est  obscurant  quod  magnifice  ac  plenis  buccis 
celebrandum  erat,  et  ipsam  humilitatis  radicem  evellunt. — Qui  fores  occludunt,  ne  quis 
ad  gustum  hujus  doctrinae  accedere  audeat,  non  minorem  hominibus  quam  Deo  faciunt 
injuriam.  Calvin  went  beyond  Augustine  in  being  a  supralapsarian ;  iii.  23,  4 :  Rur- 
sum  excipiunt :  nonne  ad  earn,  quae  nunc  pro  damnationis  causa  obtenditur,  corruptionem 


416  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

for  which  he  demanded  independence  of  the  State  and  strict  dis- 
cipline.46 All  these  peculiarities  found,  at  that  time,  more  support 
in  Lutheranism  than  in  the  Zwinglian  reform ;  and  so  Calvin,  in 
the  German  Switzerland,  soon  came  under  the  suspicion  of  being 
Lutheran  in  sentiment,  and  of  striving  to  introduce  a  new  papa- 
cy.47 He  was  particularly  hated  in  Berne,  which  ascribed  chiefly 
to  Calvin  the  loss  of  its  political  influence  in  Geneva,  and  was  at 
the  same  time  very  reluctant  to  see  Calvinistic  principles  pene- 
trating into  the  Canton  de  Vaud,  then  under  the  Bernese  rule,  as 
it  seemed  to  imperil  the  government  of  the  Church  by  the  secular 
power.48  The  Lutheranizing  clergy  of  Berne  were  indeed  favor- 
able to  Calvin  ;49  but  this  led  to  their  defeat  in  1548,  and  giving 
the  upper  hand  again  to  the  strict  Zwinglian  party.50  By  the 
Consensus  Tigurinus51  of  1549  Calvin  removed  the  doubts  about 


'ol 


Dei  ordinatione  praedestinati  ante  f iterant?  Cum  ergo  in  sua  corruptione  pereunt,  nihil 
aliud  quam  poenas  luunt  ejus  calamitatis,  in  quam  ipsius  praedestinatione  lapsus  est  Adam, 
ac  posteros  suos  praecipites  secum  traxit.  Annon  itaque  injustus,  qui  creaturis  suis  tarn 
crudeliter  illudit  ?  Fateor  sane,  in  hanc  qua  nunc  illigati,  sunt  conditionis  miseriam  Dei 
voluntate  decidisse  universos  filios  Adam  :  atque  id  est  quod  principio  dicebam,  redeun- 
dum  tandem  semper  esse  ad  solum  divinae  voluntatis  arbitrium,  cujus  causa  sit  in  ipso 
abscondita.  Sed  non  protinus  sequitur,  huic  obtrectationi  Deum  subjacere.  Occurre- 
mus  enim  cum  Paulo  in  hunc  modum  :  0  homo  tu  quis  es,  qui  disceptes  cum  Deo  ?  Rom. 
ix.  20  ss.  However,  in  other  places  he  distinguishes  in  this  doctrine  what  is  practically 
necessary  and  what  is  speculative ;  see  Responsio  contra  Pighium  de  Libero  Arbitrio, 
1543  (Opp.,  viii.  123)  :  Cum  edenda  Augustae  esset  Confessionis  formula  (Phil.  Melanch- 
thon),  non  nisi  in  ea  doctrina  immorari  voluit,  quae  sola  Ecclesiae  propria  est  et  neces- 
saria  cognitu  ad  salutem  :  nihil  scilicet  valere  per  se  naturae  vires  ad  percipiendam 
fidem,  ad  obedientiam  divinae  legis,  et  totam  spiritualem  justitiam.  So,  too,  in  1546,  he 
published  Melancthon's  Loci  in  a  French  translation,  and  declared  in  the  Preface  that 
Melancthon  had  said  about  predestination  all  that  was  necessary  for  the  salvation  of 
man,  and  only  omitted  what  could  not  be  known  without  danger  (Henry,  ii.  496). 

46  Calv.  Institutio,  lib.  iv. 

47  Henry,  ii.  461. 

49  Hundeshagen's  Conflikte  des  Zwinglianismus,  Lutherthums,  und  Calvinismus  in 
ier  Bernischen  Landeskirche  v.  1532-58;  Berne,  1842,  s.  55  ff.,  330  ff. 

49  Ilundeshagen,  s.  161. 

50  Ilundeshagen,  s.  196  ff.,  209.  The  Vaudois  preachers  (Viret  and  Valier)  were  re- 
ceived in  a  very  unfriendlv  manner  by  the  clergy  in  Berne,  who  stood  at  the  head  of 
affairs;  see  Calvinus  ad  Bullingerum,  6.  Cal.  Jul.,  1548  (Henry,  ii.,  App.,  s.  132:  Ob- 
secro  te,  mi  Bullingere,  si  ita  agendum  est,  utrum  generosius  saltern  fuit,  Bernae  an 
Romae  subjici  ?  Agnosce  etiam,  quam  apta  fuerit  Jodoci  interrogate,  quis  me  vocasset, 
ut  Lausannae  concionarer.  Tandem  ut  primis  ultima  responderent,  jussi  sunt  fratres 
abire  et  facessere  cum  suo  Calvinismo  et  Buceranismo.  Et  haec  omnia  furioso  prope 
impetu  et  insanis  clamoribus.     Quid  durius  aut  truculentius  a  Papistis  expectes  ? 

51  Agreed  upon  by  Calvin  and  Farel  in  Zurich,  with  the  clergy  of  that  city;  see  Bul- 
linger's  Leben,  by  Hess,  ii.  15 ;  Calvin's  Leben,  by  Henry,  ii.  469  ;  Hundeshagen,  s.  248 ; 
Niemever  Confess.  Eccl.  Ref.,  praef.,  p.  xli. ;  the  Consensus  itself,  in  Niemeyer,  p.  191 ; 
German  in  Bockel's  Bekenntnissschriften  d.  Evang.  Ref.  Kirche,  s.  173.  VI.  Haec  spi- 
ritualis  est  communicatio,  quam  habemus  cum  Filio  Dei,  dum  Spiritu  suo  in  nobis  habi- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  DOCTRINES.  §  35.  CALVIN.   417 

his  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  by  especially  emphasizing  those 
Zwinglian  principles  which  he  adopted,  and  those  Lutheran  views 

tans  faciat  creilentes  onirics  omnium,  quae  in  so  resident,  bonorum  compotes.  Cujus 
testificandae  causa  tarn  Evangelii  praedicatio  instituta,  quam  Sacramentorum  usus  no- 
bis commendatus,  nempe  Baptismi,  et  sacrae  Coenae.  VII.  Sunt  quidem  et  hi  Sacra- 
mentorum fines,  ut  notae  sint  ac  tesserae  cliristianae  professions  et  societatis  sive  fra- 
ternitatis,  ut  sint  ad  gratiarum  actionem  ineitamenta  et  exercitia  fidei  ac  piae  vitae,  de- 
nique  syngraphae  ad  id  obligantes.  Sed  hie  unus  inter  alios  praccipuus,  ut  perea  nobis 
gratiam  suam  testetur  Deus,  repraesentet  atque  obsignet. — VIII.  Cum  autem  vera  sint, 
quae  nobis  Dominus  dedit  gratiae  suae  testimonia  et  sigilla,  vere  procul  dubio  praestat 
ipse  intus  suo  Spiritu,  quod  oculis  ct  aliis  sensibus  figurant :  h.  e.  ut  potiamur  Christo, 
tanquam  bonorum  omnium  fonte,  turn  ut  beneficio  mortis  ejus  reconciliemur  Deo,  Spi- 
ritu renovemur  in  vitae  sanctitatem,  justitiam  denique  et  salutcm  consequamur,  simul- 
que  pro  his  beneficiis  olim  in  cruce  exhibitis,  et  quae  quotidie  fide  percipimus,  gratias 
agamus.  IX.  Quare  etsi  distinguimus,  ut  par  est,  inter  signa  et  res  signatas,  tamen 
non  disjungimus  a  signis  veritatem,  quin  omnes,  qui  fide  amplectuntur  illic  oblatas  pro- 
missiones,  Christum  spiritualiter  cum  spiritualibus  ejus  donis  recipcre,  adeoque  et  qui 
dudum  participes  facti  erant  Christi,  communionem  illam  continuare  et  reparare  fatea- 
mur.  X.  Materia  aquae,  panis  aut  vini,  Christum  nequaquam  nobis  offert,  nee  spiritua- 
lium  ejus  donorum  compotes  nos  facit ;  sed  promissio  magis  spectanda  est,  cujus  partes 
sunt,  nos  recta  fidei  via  ad  Christum  ducere,  quae  fides  nos  Christi  participes  facit.  XII. 
Praeterea  si  quid  boni  nobis  per  Sacramenta  confertur,  id  non  fit  propria  eorum  virtute, 
etiam  si  promissionem,  qua  insigniuntur,  comprchendas.  Deus  enirn  solus  est,  qui  Spi- 
ritu suo  agit.  Et  quod  Sacramentorum  ministerio  utitur,  in  eo  neque  vim  illis  suam  in- 
fundit,  neque  Spiritus  sui  efiicaciae  quicquam  derogat,  sed  pro  ruditatis  nostrae  captu 
ea  tanquam  adminicula  sic  adhibet,  ut  tota  agendi  facultas  maneat  apud  ipsum  solum. 
XIV.  Constituimus  ergo,  unum  esse  Christum,  qui  vere  intus  baptizat,  qui  nos  in  Coena 
facit  sui  participes,  qui  denique  implet  quod  figurant  Sacramenta ;  et  sic  quidem  uti  his 
adminieulis,  ut  totus  effectus  penes  ejus  Spiritum  resideat.  XVII.  Ilac  doctrina  everti- 
t-ur  illud  Sophistarum  commentum,  quod  docet,  Sacramenta  novae  legis  conferre  gratiam 
omnibus  non  ponentibus  obicem  peccati  mortalis.  Praeterquam  enim  quod  in  Sacra- 
mentis  nihil  nisi  fide  percipitur,  tenendum  quoque  est,  minime  alligatam  ipsis  esse  Dei 
gratiam,  ut,  quisquis  signum  habeat,  re  etiam  potiatur.  Nam  reprobis  peraeque  ut  elec- 
tis  signa  administrantur,  Veritas  autem  signorum  ad  hos  solos  pervenit.  XVIII.  Cerium 
quidem  est,  offerri  communiter  omnibus  Christum  cum  suis  donis,  nee  hominum  incre- 
dulitate  labefactari  Dei  veritatem,  quin  semper  vim  suam  retineant  Sacramenta ;  see! 
non  omnes  Christi  et  donorum  ejus  sunt  capaces. — XIX.  Quemadmodum  autem  nihilo 
plus  Sacramentorum  usus  infidelibus  conferct,  quam  si  abstinerent,  imo  tantum  illis 
exitialis  est :  ita  extra  eorum  usum  fidelibus  constat,  quae  illic  figuratur  Veritas. — Sic 
in  Coena  se  nobis  communicat  Christus,  qui  tamen  et  prius  se  nobis  impertierat  et  per- 
petuo  manet  in  nobis.  Nam  cum  jubeantur  singuli  seipsos  probare,  inde  consequitur. 
fidem  ab  ipsis  requiri,  antequam  ad  Sacramentum  accedant.  Atqui  fides  non  est  sine 
Christo,  sed  quatenus  Sacramentis  confirmatur  et  augescit  fides,  confirmantnr  in  nobis 
Dei  dona,  adeoque  quodammodo  augescit  Christus  in  nobis,  et  nos  in  ipso.  XXI.  Prac- 
sertim  vero  tollenda  est  quaelibet  localis  praesentiae  imaginatio.  Nam  cum  signa  liic 
in  mundo  sint,  oculis  cernantur,  palpentur  manibus ;  Christus,  quatenus  homo  est,  non 
alibi  quam  in  coelo,  nee  aliter  quam  mente  et  fidei  intclligentia  quaerendus  est.  Quare 
perversa  ct  impia  supcrstitio  est,  ipsum  sub  elementis  hujus  mundi  includcre.  XXII. 
Proinde  qui  in  solennibus  Coenae  verbis  :  hoc  est  corpus  meum,  hie  est  sanguis  meus,  prae- 
cise  literalem,  ut  loquuntur,  sensum  urgent,  cos  tanquam  praepostcros  interpretes  repu- 
diamus.  Nam  extra  controversiam  ponimus,  figurate  accipienda  esse,  ut  esse  panis  ct 
vinum  dicantur  id  quod  significant. —XXIV.  Hoc  modo  non  tantum  rcfutatur  Papista- 
rum  commentum  de  transsubstantiatione,  sed  crassa  omnia  figmenta  atque  futiles  ar"i!- 
tiae,  quae  vol  coelesti  ejus  gloriae  detrahuut  vel  vcritati  humanae  naturae  minus  sunt 

vol.  iv. — 27 


418  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

which  he  rejected ;  .hut  Berne  did  not  accept  this  formula,52  and 
was  steadfast  in  its  hostility.  When  Hieronymus  Bolsec  was  put 
in  prison  in  Geneva,53  October  16,  1551,  for  his  opposition  to  un- 
conditional election,  and  this  doctrine  was  formally  set  forth  by 
the  Genevese  clergy  in  the  Consensus  Genevensis,54  January  1, 
1552,  the  German  cantons  replied  by  referring  to  the  unsearch- 
ableness  of  the  secret  things  of  God,  and  advised  mildness.55  As 
Bolsec,  however,  was  banished  from  Geneva,  and  continued,  with- 
out interruption,  to  calumniate  Calvin  from  his  place  of  refuge  in 
the  neighboring  Canton  de  Yaud,  the  dissatisfaction  of  Berne  with 
Calvin  came  to  be  more  distinctly  expressed  ;56  preaching  upon 

consentaneac.  Neque  enim  minus  absurdum  judicamus,  Christum  sub  pane  locare  vcl 
cum  pane  copulare,  quam  panem  transsubstantiare  in  corpus  ejus.  On  the  contents, 
see  Planck,  v.  ii.  19 ;  Ebrard's  Abendmal,  ii.  503.  Comp.  Calvin's  doctrine  about  the 
Lord's  Supper  on  the  basis  of  his  Institutio,  and  judged  from  the  Lutheran  point  of  view 
in  Rudelbach's  Reformation,  Lutherthum  und  Union  (Leipzig,  1839),  s.  187.  [Comp. 
Jul.  Midler,  Lutheri  et  Calv.  Sent,  de  sacra  Coena,  Halle,  1853.  J 

52  Hundeshagen,  s.  251.    Ebrard,  ii.  522  f. 

53  Trechsel's  Antitrinitarier,  i.  185.     Henry,  iii.  i.  44.     Hundeshagen,  s.  271. 

54  Henry,  iii.  i.  82.  This  Consensus  was  not  subscribed  by  the  Zurich  theologians ; 
but  the  Consensus  Tigurinus,  in  which  election  is  also  incidentally  mentioned,  was  con- 
firmed by  them  anew  in  1551 ;  Henry,  iii.  ii.,  App.,  s.  114.  The  Consensus  Genevensis, 
in  Niemeyer,  p.  218  (cf.  Praef.,  p.  xlvi.) ;  German  in  Bockel,  s.  182.  It  is  a  violent 
polemic  against  Albertus  Pighius  and  Georgius  Siculus :  Bolsec  is  not  named,  but  con- 
temptuously referred  to.  It  is,  as  Calvin  himself  says,  a  reproduction  of  the  paragraph 
in  the  Institutio.  Melanchthon  ad  C.  Peucerum,  1.  Febr.,  1552  (Corp.  Ref.,  vii.  932): 
Lelius  (Socinus)  mihi  scribit,  tanta  esse  Genevae  certamina  de  Stoica  necessitate,  ut  car- 
ceri  inclusus  sit  quidam  a  Zenone  dissentiens.  O  rem  miseram  !  Doctrina  salutaris  ob- 
scuratur  peregrinis  disputationibus. 

55  See  the  letters  of  Zurich,  Berne,  and  Basle,  in  Jo.  Alph.  Turretini  Nubes  Testium 
pro  moderato  et  pacifico  de  Rebus  theologicis  Judicio  (Genev.,  1719.  4.),  p.  102 ;  the  first 
two  are  also  in  Henry,  iii.  ii.,  App.,  s.  17.  The  Bernese  wrote  :  Illud  tamen  etiam  atque 
etiam  videndum  esse  sentimus,  ne  quid  severius  statuatur  in  errantes,  ne,  dum  dogma- 
turn  puritatem  immoderatius  vindicamus,  a  regula  Spiritus  Christi  deficiamus,  h.  e.  ca- 
ritatem  fraternam,  unde  discipuli  Christi  censemur,  ad  sinistram  declinantes,  transgre- 
diamur.  Bullinger  wrote  to  Calvin  (Bullinger's  Leben,  bj'  Hess,  ii.  42) :  Apostoli  subli- 
mem  banc  causam  paucis  attigerunt,  nee  nisi  coacti,  eamque  sic  moderati  sunt,  ne  quid 
hide  ofiTenderentur  pii. — Si  simplici  veritate  non  sinit  se  superari  Hieronymus  (Bolsec), 
nos  nullam  vim  praeterea  possumus  addere. 

56  Bullinger,  by  Hess,  ii.  237.  Trechsel's  Antitrinitarier,  i.  194.  Hundeshagen,  s.  280. 
Henry,  iii.  i.  69.  Calvinus  ad  Bullingerum,  18.  Sept.,  1554  (in  Hundeshagen,  s.  281) : 
Agri  Bernensis  concionatores  me  haereticum  omnibus  Papistis  deteriorem  pro  suggestu 
proclamant.  Ac  quo  quisque  petulantius  in  me  bacchatur,  eo  plus  sibi  favoris  et  praesi- 
dii  comparat.  The  execution  of  Servetus,  Oct.  27,  1553,  was  made  the  occasion  of  much 
reproach  to  Calvin  by  all  his  opponents  (Trechsel,  i.  263) ;  Bolsec  said,  Magnam  inju- 
riam  Scrveto  factam  esse,  et  bonam  causam  injusta  Calvini  tj-rannide  fuisse  oppressam 
(Trechsel,  i.  195).  Andr.  Zebedee,  professor  in  Lausanne,  a  stiff  Zwinglian :  Ignis  gal- 
licus  vicit  ignem  hispanicum,  sed  ignis  Dei  vincet  ignem  gallicum  (Hess,  ii.  238).  Sc- 
bast.  Castellio,  professor  in  Basle,  published:  De  Haereticis,  an  sint  perscquendi,  et 
omnino  quomodo  sit  cum'eis  agendum,  doctorum  virorum  turn  veterum  turn  receutiorum 


PART  II— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  DOCTRINES.    §  35.  CALVIN.       41 9 

predestination  was  forbidden  ;57  the  Vaudois  were  prohibited  from 
receiving  the  Lord's  Supper  in  Geneva;58  and  no  satisfaction  was 
"iven  to  the  Genevese  when  they  complained  of  being  calumni- 
ated.59 All  the  German  Swiss  became  still  more  incensed  against 
the  Calvinistic  theologians,  when  Theodore  Beza,  in  the  spring  of 
1557,  to  induce  the  German  princes  to  intercede  for  the  French 
Reformed,  handed  in  to  the  Elector  Otto  Henry,  of  the  Palatinate, 
and  Duke  Christopher,  of  Wiirtemberg,  a  Confession,60  and  there- 

Sehtentiae  (the  Preface,  with  the  assumed  name  Martinus  Bellius,  subscribed,  Magde- 
burg!, 1554)  ;  Laelius  Socinus :  Dialogus  inter  Calvinum  et  Vaticanum,  1554;  cf.  Seb. 
Casteilio  Lebensgeschichtc,  by  J.  C.  Fiiesslin,  Frankf.  u.  Leipz.,  1775,  s.  63;  F.  Chr. 
Schlosser's  Leben  des  Theodor  de  Beze  und  des  Peter  Martyr  Vermili,  Heidelberg,  1809, 
s.  54.  The  dissension  was  increased  by  the  fact  that  the  Genevese  held  that  the  Lord's 
Supper  could  not  be  dispensed  in  a  holy  manner  without  the  excommunication  of  the 
unworthy,  which  was  not  the  case  in  Berne.  Other  subjects  of  strife  were  baptismal 
fonts  (of  stone),  which  the  Genevese  abolished  and  the  Bernese  retained  ;  and  the  doing 
away  in  Geneva,  after  a  short  time,  of  all  festivals  which  did  not  fall  on  Sundays.    - 

57  The  2Gth  January,  1555,  the  Bernese  Council  renewed  the  prohibition  about  disput- 
ing on  doctrines  and  ecclesiastical  order,  and  especially  emphasized  (Hundeshagen,  s. 
286)  certaines  hautes  et  subtiles  doctrines,  opinions,  et  traditions  des  hommes,  principa- 
Iement  touchant  la  matiere  de  la  divine  predestination,  qui  nous  semble  non  etre  neces- 
saire,  ains  qui  servent  a.  factions,  sectes,  erreurs,  et  debauchement,  qu'a  edification  et 
consolation.  The  classis  of  Lausanne  made  representations  against  this  edict,  which 
was  renewed  March  13,  on  the  6.  Non.  Maj.,  1555 ;  in  Gerdesii  Scrinium  Antiqu.,  ii.  472. 

58  In  the  edict  of  26th  January,  1555,  in  Hundeshagen,  s.  394.  The  Lord's  Supper, 
in  the  Bernese  churches,  was  held  by  many  Calvinists  not  to  be  valid,  because  there 
was  no  church  discipline. 

"  After  many  complaints,  madetin  writing,  had  proved  ineffectual,  a  deputation  from 
Geneva,  and  Calvin  in  person,  appeared  before  the  Bernese  council,  March,  1555 ;  but 
the  accused  denied  the  charges,  and  brought  forward  counter  complaints  on  the  ground 
of  Calvin's  objections  to  Zwingle  and  the  Zurich  Confession  (supra,  Note  38),  and  also 
charges  of  heterodoxy.  The  council  did  not  impose  punishment,  but  demanded  peace, 
Arret  du  3.  Avril,  1555  (Trechsel's  Antitrinitarier,  i.  203  ;  Hundeshagen,  s.  292)  :— Aus- 
sy  que  nos  trfis  chers  combourgeois  de  Geneve  tiennent  main,  que  leurs  ministres  fassent 
du  semblable  et  que  dorrenavant  se  depourtent  de  composer  livres  contenants  si  hautes 
choses,  pour  perscruter  les  secrets  de  Dieu,  a  notre  semblant  non  necessaires,  qui  don- 
nent  occasion  de  telles  choses  et  qui  plus  destruisent  que  edifient. — Toutefois  luy  (Cal- 
vin) et  tous  les  Ministres  de  Geneve  par  ces  presentes  expressement  advertissons,  cas 
advenant,  que  nous  trouvions  aulcungs  livres  en  nos  pays,  par  luy  ou  par  aultres  com- 
posez,  contrariants  et  repugnants  a  notre  dite  Disputation  et  Reformation  (Div.  I.,  §  6, 
Notes  10,  11),  que  non  seulement  ne  les  souffrirons,  ains  aussi  les  bruslerons.  Item 
tous  personnages,  qui  vicndront,  hanteront  en  nos  pays,  parlants,  devisants,  disputants, 
escripvants,  et  tenants  propos  contraires  a  nostre  Disputation  et  Reformation,  i  ceux 
punirons  selon  leur  demerite,  de  sorte  que  chascung  entendra  que  ne  voullons  ccla 
souffrir. 

60  Bullingcr,  by  Hess,  ii.  359.  Hundeshagen,  s.  311.  The  Confession  subscribed  by 
Beza,  Farel,  and  others,  professed  to  give  the  doctrines  of  the  Churches  in  France, 
Switzerland,  and  Savoy  ;  the  best  account  of  this  is  in  Baum's  Theodor  Beza,  Th.  1 
(Leipz.,  1843),  s.  405  :  Fatemur  in  Coena  Domini  non  omnia  modo  Christi  beneficia,  sed 
ipsam  etiam  Filii  hominis  substantiam,  ipsam,  inquam,  veram  carnem,  quam  Verbum 
aeternum  in  perpetuam  unitatem  personae  assumpsit,  in  qua  natus  et  passus  pro  nobis 
resurrexit,  et  ascendit  in  coelos,  et  verum  ilium  sanguinein,  quem  fudit  pro  nobis,  non 


420  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

upon,  at  the  Diet  of  Worms,  October,  1557,  made  declarations61 

significari  duntaxat,  aut  sj-mbolice,  tj-pice  vel  figurate  tanquara  absentis  memoriam  pro- 
poni ;  sed  vere  ac  certe  repraesentari,  exhiberi,  et  applicanda  offerri,  adjunctis  ipsi  rei 
symboiis  minime  nudis,  sed  quae,  quod  ad  Deum  promittentem  et  offerentem  attinet, 
rem  ipsam  semper  vere  ac  certo  conjunctam  habeant,  sive  fidelibus,  sive  infidelibus  pro- 
ponantur.  Jam  vero  modum  ilium,  quo  res  ipsa,  i.  e.,  verum  coi'pus  et  verus  sanguis 
Domini  cum  sj'mbolis  copulatur,  dicimus  esse  sjmbolicum  sive  sacramentalem.  Sacra- 
mentalem  autem  modum  vocamus  non,  qui  sit  duntaxat  figurativus,  sed  qui  vere  ac 
certo  sub  specie  rerum  visibilium  repraesentet,  quod  Deus  cum  symboiis  exliibet  et  of- 
fert,  nempe  quod  superiore  articulo  diximus :  ut  appareat,  nos  ipsius  corporis  Christi 
substantiae  praesentiam  in  Coena  retinere  et  defendere.  Et  si  quid  nobis  cum  vere  piis 
et  doctis  controversiae  est,  non  de  re  ipsa,  i.  e.,  de  praesentia  sed  de  modo  praesentiae 
duntaxat,  qui  soli  Deo  est  cognitus,  a  nobis  autem  creditur,  disceptari.  Quod  autem 
attinet  ad  modum,  quo  syrnbola  nobiscum  communicantur,  physicum  eum  esse  scimus. 
Nam  physice  visibkia  ilia  et  palpabilia  sumimus.  Denique  quod  attinet  ad  modum, 
quo  res  ipsa,  i.  e.,  naturalis  ilia  et  vera  Christi  substantia  vere  ac  certo  nobis  communi- 
catur,  non  facimus  eum  modum  physicum,  nee  localem  conjunctionem  imaginamur,  aut 
diffusionem  naturae  humanae  Christi,  aut  crassam  illam  et  naturalem  commixtionem 
substantiae  Christi  cum  nostra  substantia,  non  denique  papisticam  transsubstantiatio- 
nem,  sed  spiritualem  esse  modum  dicimus,  i.  e.,  qui  nitatur  incomprehensibili  Spiritus 
Dei  omnipotentis  virtute,  quam  nobis  in  hoc  verbo  suo  patefecit :  hoc  est  corpus  meum, 
hoc  est  sanguis  meus.  Obtestamur  autem  omnes  fratres  verae  pacis  ac  concordiae  aman- 
tes,  ut  sepositis  omnibus  privatis  afFectibus  cogitent,  ecquid  oporteat  illos,  qui  de  Christi 
Sacramentis  ita  sentiunt  et  docent,  pro  infidelibus  et  haereticis  traduci.  This  Confession 
-was  handed  in  -without  the  knowledge  of  the  Swiss  :  when  it  was  made  known  to  them, 
they  were  much  discontented  with  it,  because,  while  it  professed  to  give  the  doctrine  of  the 
Swiss  churches,  it  was  so  very  different  from  the  Consensus.  See  Bullinger's  correspond- 
ence about  it  with  Calvin  and  Beza,  in  Bullinger,  by  Hess,  ii.  362;  Hundeshagen,  s.  312. 
Comp.  the  account  in  Bullingeri  ad  Jo.  a  Lasco,  24.  Jun.,  1558,  in  J.  C.  Fueslini  Episto- 
lae  ab  Eccl.  Helv.  Reformatoribus  vel  ad  eos  scriptae  (Tiguri,  1742),  p.  414 ;  Baum's 
Theod.  Beza,  i.  267.  * 

61  When  the  Lutheran  divines  in  Worms  asked  for  a  Confessio  doctrinae  Ecclesia- 
rum  Gallicarum,  for  which  they  were  to  intercede,  their  deputies,  Beza,  Farel,  Joh. 
Budaus  of  Geneva,  and  Casper  Carmel,  Reformed  preacher  in  Paris,  did  not  dare  to  pre- 
sent the  Confession  which  in  the  spring  had  been  handed  in  to  the  Duke  of  Wiirtem- 
berg,  because  it  was  so  much  disapproved  in  Switzerland ;  but  they  drew  up  a  shorter 
raid  more  cautious  declaration  (see  this  in  Corp.  Ref.,  ix.  332,  in  Baum's  Theod.  Beza,  i. 
409),  which  is  often  incorrectly  confounded  with  that  Confession.  It  is  there  said  :  Cum 
legerimus  vestram  confessionem,  quae  Augustae  exhibita  est  anno  1530,  prorsus  earn  in 
omnibus  articulis  congruere  cum  nostris  Ecclesiis  judicamus,  et  earn  amplectimur,  ex- 
cepto  tamen  uno  articulo,  videlicet  de  Coena  Domini,  in  quo  controversiae  haerent,  de 
quibus  colloquia  cum  vestris  semper  expetivimus,  et  speramus  dirimi  eas  posse,  si  eru- 
ditorum  et  piorum  explicatio  audiatur.  Nunquam  hoc  nos  sensimus  aut  docuimus,  Coe- 
nam  Domini  esse  tantum  signum  professionis, — aut  esse  signum  tanlum  absentis  Christi. 
— Constantissime  affirmamus,  Filium  Dei  missum  esse,  ut  per  eum  colligatur  Ecclesia, 
et  adesse  eum  suo  ministerio,  et  in  Coena  testificari,  quod  faciat  nos  sibi  membra.  Et 
verba  Pauli  sequimur,  qui  ait:  panis  est  Koivwvia  corporis,  i.  e.,  ilia  res,  quam  cum  su- 
mimus, filius  Dei  vere  adest  et  facit  nos  per  fidem  sibi  membra,  et  testificator,  se  nobis 
dare  etapplicare  remissionem  peccatorum,  Spiritum  sanctum,  et  vitam  aetcmam.  Baum's 
Th.  Beza,  i.  302.  From  Zurich  reproaches  about  this  new  Confession  were  also  addressed 
to  Beza;  Bullinger,  by  Hess,  ii.  377  ;  Baum,  i.  326:  also  from  Berne ;  Hundeshagen,  s. 
319.  Bullinger  ad  Jo.  a  Lasco,  24.  June,  1558  (in  Fueslini  Epistt.,  p.  416):  implicate 
iterura  loquuntur  de  Coena,  et  exponunt  locum. Pauli  1  Cor.  x.  secus  quam  oportebat. 
Dubitamus  item,  an  Ecelesiae  Gallicanae  per  omnia  agniturae  sint  Augustanam  confes- 
sionem, lnaxime  in  Confessione  auriculari  et  Missa. 


TART  II.— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  DOCTRINES.    §  35.  CALVIN.       421 

which  seemed  to  concede  too  much  to  the  Lutherans.  Beza,  of 
his  own  accord,  left  L^ausanne  in  1558 ;  and  soon  afterward  the 
Calvinistic  preachers,  who  were  urgent  for  stricter  church  disci- 
pline, were  banished  from  the  Canton  de  Vaud,C2  1559.  Calvin 
died  in  the  midst  of  these  dissensions,  May  27,  1564. 

This  tension  was  kept  from  resulting  in  a  total  separation,  in 
part  by  the  attacks  which  both  parties  had  in  common  to  undergo 
from  the  ultra-Lutheran  Germans,  on  account  of  their  'doctrine 
respecting  the  Lord's  Supper.  Another  occurrence  in  Germany 
helped  to  bring  them  nearer  together.  The  Elector  Frederic  III., 
of  the  Palatinate,  went  over  to  the  Reformed  Church  in  1560,  and 
thereupon  had  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  drawn  up  by  Zacharias 
Ursinus  and  Caspar  Olevianus,  in  1563.63  When  the  Lutheran 
side  then  raised  the  question,  whether  the  Elector  could  still  be 
considered  as  an  adherent  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  as 
such  included  in  the  religious  treaty,64  the  Swiss  were  led  to  unite 
in  the  Confession  left  by  Bullinger,  as  the  expression  of  their  com- 
mon faith  (Confessio  Helvetica  II.  ,1566),65  in  order  to  show  their 
agreement  with  the  Aus-sburw  Confession. 

The  Heidelberg  Catechism  and  the  second  Helvetic  Confession 
were  the  most  widely  diffused  formularies  of  the  Reformed  Church. 
Their  doctrine  respecting  the  Lord's  Supper  agrees  with  that  of 
Calvin;66  but  the  Augustinian  doctrine  of  election  is  not  in  the 

02  Hundeshagen,  s.  351  ff. 

"  In  German  and  Latin  in  Niemeyer's  Coll.  Confesslonum  Reform.,  p.  390;  cf.  Praef., 
p.  lvii.  :  in  German  in  Bockel's  Bekenntnissschriften  d.  Evangel.  Ref.  Kirche,  s.  395. 
H.  S.  van  Alpen's  Gesch.  und  Literatur  d.  Ileidelb.  Katechism.,  Frankf.  a  M.,  1800.  Au- 
gustus Hist.  Krit.  Einleitung  in  die  beiden  Hauptkatechismen  der  Evangel.  Kirche,  El- 
berfeld,  1821,  s.  9G.  Dr.  M.  J.  II.  Beckhaus  iiber  den  Lehrbegriff  des  Heidelb.  Kate- 
chismus,  in  Illgen's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  hist.  Theol.,  viii.  (1838),  ii.  39.  Ebrard's  Abendmal, 
ii.  G02.  [On  the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  compare  Nevin's  work,  and  his  articles  in  the 
Mercersburg  Review,  1853  sq.,  and  the  Princeton  Repertory,  1854.  Also  Kahnis,  Lehre 
vom  Abendmal,  1851 ;  and  Dieckhoff,  Abendmalslehre  im  Zeitalter  der  Ref.,  1854.] 

64  B.  G.  Struven's  pfalzische  Kirchenhistorie,  Frankfurt,  1721.  4.,  s.  165  ff. 

65  Confessio  Helvetica  posterior.  Recognovit  atque  cum  integra  lectionis  varietate 
autographi  Turicensis,  prolegomenis  indicibusque  edidit  0.  F.  Fritzsche,  Turici,  1839. 
In  Xiemeyer,  p.  462;  cf.  Praef.,  p.  lxiii.     Ebrard's  Abendmal,  ii.  735. 

66  Heidelberg  Catechism,  Question  76:  "Was  heisst  den  gekreuzigten  Leib  Christi 
essen,  und  sein  vergossen  Blut  trinken  ?  Es  heisst  nit  allein  mit  glaubigem  Herzen 
das  ganze  Leiden  u.  Sterben  Christi  annehmen,  u.  dardurch  Vergebung  der  Siinden  u. 
ewiges  Leben  bekommen :  sonder  auch  darneben  durch  den  heil.  Geist,  der  zugleich  in 
Christo  u.  in  uns  wohnet,  also  mit  seincm  gebenedeiten  Leib  je  mehr  u.  mehr  vereiniget 
werden,  dass  wir,  obgleich  er  im  Himmel,  und  wir  auf  Erden  sind.  dennoch  Fleisch  von 
seinem  Fleisch,  und  Bein  von  seinen  Beinen  sind,  u.  von  einem  Geist  (wie  die  Gliedor 
unsers  Lcibs  von  einer  Seelen)  cwig  leben  und  regieret  werden."    (Question  78  :   "  Wie 


422  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

Catechism  at  all,  and  the  Confession  gives  it  in  a  mild  form,  far 
behind  that  in  which  Calvin  advocated  it.6!     On  the  other  hand, 

das  Wasser  in  dem  Tauf  nit  in  das  Blut  Christi  verwandelt,  oder  die.  Abwaschung  der 
Sunden  selbst  wird,  deren  es  allein  ein  gottlich  Wahrzeichen  u.  Versicherung  ist :  also 
wird  auch  das  heil.  Brod  im  Abendmal  nit  der  Leib  Christi  selbst,  wiewol  es  nach  Art 
nnd  Brauch  der  Sacramenten  der  Leib  Christi  genennet  wird."  Question  79:  Christus 
hat  das  Brod  seinen  Leib,  u.  den  Kelch  sein  Blut  genannt,  "dass  eruns  nit  allein  damit 
will  lehren,  dass,  gleichwie  Brod  u.  Wein  das  zeitliche  Leben  erhalten,  also  sey  audi 
sein  gekreuzigter  Leib  u.  vergossen  Blut  die  wahre  Speis  u.  Trank  unserer  Seelen  zum 
ewigen  LeDen ;  sonder  vielmehr  dass  er  uns  durch  diess  sichtbare  Zeichen  und  Pfand 
will  versichern,  dass  wir  so  wahrhaftig  seines  wahren  Leibs  u.  Bluts  durch  Wirkung 
des  heil.  Geists  theilhaftig  werden,  als  wir  diese  heiligen  Wahrzeichen  mit  dem  leili- 
lichen  Mund  zu  seiner  Gediichtnuss  empfangen,  und  dass  all  sein  Leiden  u.  Gehorsam 
so  gewiss  unser  eigen  sey,  als  hatten  wir  selbst  in  unser  eigen  Person  alles  gelitten  u. 
genuggethan."  Cf.  Beckhaus,  in  Illgen's  Zeitschr.,  viii.  ii.  82;  Ebrard's  Abendmal,  ii. 
604.  Conf.  Helvetica  Posterior,  c.  xxi. :  Retinere  vult  Dominus  ritu  hoc  sacro  in  re- 
centi  memoria  maximum  generi  mortalium  praestitum  beneficium,  nempe  quod  tradito 
corpore  et  effuso  suo  sanguine  omnia  nobis  peccata  nostra  condonavit,  ac  a  morte  aeter- 
na  et  potestate  diaboli  nos  redemit,  jam  pascit  nos  sua  came  et  potat  suo  sanguine,  quae 
vera  fide  spiritualiter  percepte  alunt  nos  ad  vitam  aeternam. — Et  quidem  visibiliter  hoc 
foris  Sacramento  per  ministrum  repraesentatur,  et  veluti  oculis  contemplandum  exponi- 
tur,  quod  intus  in  anima  invisibiliter  per  ipsum  Spiritum  sanctum  praestatur. — Mandu- 
catio  non  est  unius  generis.  Est  enim  manducatio  corporalis,  qua  cibus  in  os  percipitur 
ab  homine,  dentibus  atteritur,  et  in  ventrem  deglutitive  Hoc  manducationis  genere  in- 
tellexerunt  olim  Capernaitae  sibi  manducandam  carnem  Domini,  sed  refutantur  ab  ipso 
Joan.  c.  vi. — Est  et  spiritualis  manducatio  corporis  Christi,  non  ea  quidem,  qua  existi- 
memns  cibum  ipsum  mutari  in  spiritum,  sed  qua,  manente  in  sua  essentia  et  proprietate 
corpore  et  sanguine  Domini,  ea  nobis  communicantur  spiritualiter, — per  Spiritum  sanc- 
tum, qui  videlicet  ea,  quae  per  carnem  et  sanguinem  Domini,  pro  nobis  in  mortem  tra- 
dita,  parata  sunt,  ipsam  inquam  remissionem  peccatorum,  liberationem,  et  vitam  aeter- 
nam applicat  et  confert  nobis,  ita  ut  Christus  in  nobis  vivat,  et  nos  in  ipso  vivamus,  efli- 
citque,  ut  ipsum,  quo  talis  sit  cibus  et  potus  spiritualis  noster,  i.  e.,  vita  nostra,  vera  fide 
percipiamus. — Fit  autem  hie  esus  et  potus  spiritualis  etiam  extra  Domini  Coenam,  et 
quoties,  aut  ubicunque  homo  in  Christum  crediderit.  Quo  fortassis  illud  Augustini  per- 
tinet :  quid  paras  dentem  et  ventrem  ?  crede  et  manducasti.  Praeter  superiorem  mandu- 
cationem  spiritualem  est  et  sacramentalis  manducatio  corporis  Domini,  qua  fidelis  non 
tantum  spiritualiter  et  interne  participat  vero  corpore  et  sanguine  Domini,  sed  foris 
etiam  accedendo  ad  mensam  Domini  accipit  visibile  corporis  et  sanguinis  Domini  Sacra- 
mentura.  Prius  quidem,  dum  credidit  fidelis,  viviiicum  alimentum  percepit,  et  ipso  fru- 
itur  adhuc,  sed  ideo,  dum  Sacramentum  quoque  accipit,  non  nihil  accipit.  Nam  in  con- 
tinuatione  communicationis  corporis  et  sanguinis  Domini  pergit,  adeoque  magis  magis- 
que  incenditur,  et  crescit  fides,  ac  spirituali  alimonia  reficitur. — Et  qui  foris  vera  fide 
sacramentum  pereipit,  idem  ille  non  signum  duntaxat  percipit,  sed  re  ipsa  quoque,  ut 
diximus,  fruitur.  Praeterea  idem  ille  institutioni  et  mandato  Domini  obedit,  laetoque 
animo  gratias  pro  redemptione  sua  totiusque  generis  humani  agit,  ac  fidelem  mortis  do- 
minicae  memoriam  peragit,  atque  coram  Ecclesia,  cujus  corporis  membrum  sit,  attesta- 
tur:  obsignatur  item  percipientibus  Sacramentum,  quod  corpus  Domini  non  tantum  in 
genere  pro  hominibus  sit  traditum, — sed  peculiariter  pro  quovis  fidf  li  communicante. — 
Caeterum  qui  nulla  cum  fide  ad  hanc  sacram  Domini  mensam  accedit,  Sacramento  dun- 
taxat communicat,  et  rem  Sacramenti,  unde  est  vita  et  salus,  non  percipit.  Et  talcs 
indigne  edunt  de  mensa  Domini, — et  ad  judicium  sibi  edunt  et  bibunt. 

67  Ileidelb.  Catech.  Qu.  37,  it  reads  that  Christ  "an  Leib  und  Seele — den  Zorn  Gottes 
wider  die  Siinde  des  ganzen  menschlichen  Geschlechts  getragen  hat ;"  Question  54  : 
"  Dass  der  Sohn  Gottes  aus  dem  ganzen  menschlichen  Geschlecht  ihm  ein  auserwahlte 
Gemein  zum  ewigen  Leben  durch  sein  Geist  u.  Wort  in  Einigkeit  des  wahren  Glaubens 


PART  II— CHAP.  I.—LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.    §  36.  MELANCTHON.    423 

strict  Calvinism  had  the  preponderance  among  the  Reformed,  out- 
side of  Switzerland  and  Germany,68  and  was  decidedly  expressed 
in  the  Confessio  Belgica,  1559,  and  in  the  Confessio  Gallicana,69 
1561. 

Basle,  under  its  antistes,  Simon  Sulzer  (since  1553),  was  in 
close  union  with  the  new  Church  of  Baden,  and  did  not  adopt  the 
second  Helvetic  Confession.  Sulzer  even  intended  to  take  part  in 
Andrea's  work  on  the  Formula  Concordiae ;  hut  in  the  last  years 
of  his  life  (he  died  1585)  this  intention  was  frustrated.  His  sue- 
cessor,  J.  J.  Grynaeus,  restored  Basle  to  agreement  with  the  rest 
of  the  Swiss  churches.70 


§  36. 

MELANCTHON'S  THEOLOGICAL  RELATIONS  TO  LUTHER. 

Versuch  einer  Charakteristik  Mclanchthon's  als  Theologen  u.  einer  Entwickelung  seines 
Lehrbegriff's,  von  F.  Galle,  Halle,  1840.  Phil.  Melanchthon,  sein  Leben  n.  Wirken,  aus 
den  Quellen  dargestellt  von  K.  Matthes,  Altenburg,  1841.  [C.  F.  Ledderhose,  Life  of 
Melancthon,  transl.  from  German  by  G.  F.  Krotel,  New  York,  1854.  Cox's  Life  of 
Melancthon,  Lond.,  1815.  Mel.  und  das  Interim,  Rossel  in  Studien  und  Kritiken, 
1S44 :    comp.  Zeitschrift  fur  d.  Hist.  Theol.,  1851.     Mel.  Hypotyposea,  Schwarz  in 

von  Anbeginn  der  Welt  bis  ans  End  versammle,  schutze  u.  erhalte,  u.  dass  ich  dersel- 
ben  ein  lebendiges  Glied  bin,  u.  ewig  bleiben  werdc."  On  the  later  controversy,  wheth- 
er the  Catechism  teaches  universal  or  particular  grace,  see  Beckhaus,  in  Illgen's  Zeitschr., 
viii.  ii.  70.  Confessio  Helvet.  posterior,  X.  De  praedestinatione  Dei  et  electione  Sanc- 
torum. Deus  ab  aeterno  praedestinavit  vol  elegit  libere  et  mera  sua  gratia,  uullo  homi- 
num  respectu,  Sanctos,  quos  vult  salvos  facere  in  Christo. — Ergo  non  sine  medio,  licet 
non  propter  ullum  meritum  nostrum,  sed  in  Christo  et  propter  Christum  nos  elegit  Deus, 
ut  qui  jam  sunt  in  Christo  insiti  per  fidem,  illi  ipsi  etiam  sint  electi ;  reprobi  vero,  qui 
sunt  extra  Christum. — Et  quamvis  Deus  norit,  qui  sint  sui,  et  alicubi  mentio  fiat  pauci- 
tatis  electorum,  bene  sperandum  est  tamende  omnibus,  neque  temere  reprobis  quisquam 
est  annumerandus. — Satis  perspicuum  et  firmum  habebimus  testimonium,  nos  in  libro 
vitae  inscriptos  esse,  si  communicaverimus  cum  Christo,  et  is  in  vera  fide  noster  sit,  nos 
ejus  sumus.  Consoletur  nos  in  tentatione  praedestinationis,  qua  vix  alia  est  periculo- 
sior,  quod  promissiones  Dei  sunt  universales  fidelibus,  quod  ipse  ait :  petite  et  accipietis, 
omnis  qui  petit  accipit.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  epistle  to  the  Romans  is  not  cited  in 
this  section.  Predestination  to  condemnation  is  not  mentioned,  as  Bullinger,  in  particu- 
lar, feared  that  it  would  be  so  misunderstood  as  to  represent  God  as  the  author  of  sin  ; 
see  Hess's  Bullinger,  ii.  40. 

68  Beza  was  a  strict  supralapsarian.  Thus,  at  the  colloquy  of  Mompelgard,  1586,  he 
defended  against  Andrea,  the  position  :  Adamum  sponte  quidem,  sed  tamen  non  modo 
praesciente,  sed  etiam  juste  ordinante  et  decernente  Deo  in  istas  calamitates  prolapsum 
esse  ;  see  Acta  Colloquii  Montisbelligartensis,  Witteberg,  1613.  4.,  p.  414,  424,  429.  Th. 
Beza,  Ad  Acta  Colloqu.  Montisbell.  Responsio  (Partes  ii.,  Genev.,  1588,  4.),  p.  233. 

69  Niemeyer  Coll.  Confess.  Reform.,  p.  360  u.  311. 

70  Hagenbach's  Gesch.  d.  ersten  Basler  Confession  (Basle,  1827),  s.  90.  The  second 
Helvetic  Confession  was  formally  assented  to  by  Basle  first  in  1642 ;  s.  158. 


424  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1618. 

Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1855;  ibid,  on  Melancthon's  Loci  in  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1857;  comp.  Cor- 
pus Reform.,  vol.  xxv.-xxvii.  Zum  Secular-Andenken  Phil.  Mel.,  by  J.  F.  T.  Wohl- 
farth,  1858.] 

When  Philip  Melancthon  came  to  Wittenberg  in  1518,  he  was 
already  attached  to  the  reforming  tendencies.  He  there  came 
into  intimate  relations  with  Luther,1  and  devoted  himself  with 
great  zeal  to  the  study  of  theology.3  In  his  Loci  Commun.  Re- 
rum  Theologicarum,  1521,  he  presented  the  first  scientific  elabo- 
ration of  the  new  doctrine.  The  theological  controversies  which 
immediately  sprung  up  among  the  adherents  of  the  Reformation 
somewhat  cooled  his  zeal,  and  at  the  same  time  convinced  him  of 
the  need  of  a  more  thorough  philosophical  and  philological  cul- 
ture among  the  theologians.  For  some  years  he  seemed  to  aban- 
don theology,  and  to  devote  himself  exclusively  to  his  original 
course  of  study.3  However,  in  1526  he  took  a  theological  chair, 
and  began  to  move  more  independently  in  this  sphere.  He  al- 
ways esteemed  piety  and  morality  as  the  highest  object  of  all  the- 
ological pursuits,4  and  unity  and  order  as  essential  conditions  of 

'  Mel.  ad  Jo.  Langium,  11.  Aug.,  1519,  Corp.  Ref.,  i.  10G:  Ego  et  Martini  studia  et 
pias  literas  et  Martinum,  si  omnino  in  rebus  humanis  quidquam,  vehementissime  diligo, 
et  animo  integerrimo  complector.     Galle,  s.  101. 

2  Mel.  ad  Jo.  Schwebelium,  Maj.,  1520,  C.  R.,  i.  190  :  Nunc  seriae  ac  necessariae  ma- 
gis  suntoccupationes  nostrae,  quam  fuerunt  illae  in  Suevis  olim,  cum  adhuc  iviavuvofxiv. 
Galle,  s.  109.  For  the  high  estimation  in  which  Luther  held  him,  see  Lath,  ad  Jo.  Stan- 
pitium,  3.  Oct.,  1519  (de  Wette,  i.  341):  Philippi  positiones  (against  Eck,  in  Lutheri 
Opp.,  Tom.  i.,  Jen.  Lit.,  p.  345)  vidisti  ant  nunc  vides  audaculas  sed  verissimas.  Ita  re- 
sponds, ut  omnibus  nobis  esset  id  quod  est,  scilicet  miraculum  :  si  Christus  dignabitur, 
multos  ille  Martinos  praestabit,  diabolo  et  scholasticae  theologiae  potentissimus  hostis : 
novit  illorum  nugas  et  Christi  petram  :  ideo  potens  poterit.  Amen.  Ad  Jo.  Langium,  18. 
Aug.,  1520  (de  Wette,  i.  478)  :  Ego  de  me  in  his  rebus  nihil  statuere  possum :  forte  ego 
.praecursor  sum  Philippi,  cui  exemplo  Heliae  viam  parem  in  spiritu  et  virtute,  conturba- 
turus  Israel  et  Achabitas.     Galle,  s.  101, 131. 

3  In  many  letters  he  expresses  the  desire  to  give  up  the  theological  lectures.  Galle,  s.  113. 
Mel.  ad  Spalatin.,  Jul.,  1522,  C.  R.,  i.  575.  Thcologica,  quae  praelegere  coeperam  prop- 
ter Baccalaureatum,  ut  mos  est,  omittere  malim. — Humanarum  literarum  et  multis  et 
adsiduis  doctoribus  opus  esse  video,  quae  non  minus  hoc  saeculo,  quam  sophistico  illo 
negliguntur.  Nuper  adeo  plerosque  juvenes  languentes  revocavi  in  viam,  qui  omissa 
bene  dicendi  cura  nescio  quid  sectabantur.  Mel.  Praefatio  ad  Lutheri  Librum  de  con- 
stituendis  Scholis.,  Aug.,  1524,  C.  R.,  i.  6G6 :  Linguas  profecto  praecidi  oportet  iis,  qui 
pro  concionibus  passim  a  literarum  studiis  imperitam  juventutem  dehortantur.  Nam 
admissa  barbarie  videmus  olim  labefactatam  esse  religionem,  et  vehementer  metuo,  ne 
codem  redeat  res,  nisi  manibus  ac  pedibus  pulcherrimum  Dei  munus,  literas,  defenderi- 
mus.     [Comp.  L.  Koch,  Melancthon's  Schola  Privata,  1859.] 

4  Mel.  ad  Joach.  Camerarium,  22.  Jan.,  1525,  C.  R.,  i.  722  :  De  negotio  zuxapiorTias 
non  aliud  adhuc  suseeptum  video,  nisi  ut  hac  occasione  in  intricatas,  obscuras  et  profa- 
nas  quaestiones  ac  rixas  conjecti  animi  a  conspectu  doctrinae  necessariae  tanquam  tur- 
bine quodam  auferantur. — Ego  mihi  ita  consents  sum,  non  aliam  ob  causam  unquam 
Tit)eu\oyi]Ktvai,  nisi  ut  vitam  emendarem. 


PART  II— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.    §  36.  MELANCTHON.    425 

the  efficiency  of  the  Church.5  Hence  he  was  repugnant  to  the 
theological  speculations  and  controversies,  which  seemed  to  lose 
sight  of  that  object  and  of  these  conditions  ;6  and  he  blamed  the 
violence  of  Luther  in  these  discussions.  He  kept  himself  ready 
to  sacrifice  what  was  non-essential  for  the  sake  of  peace,7  and 
was  impartial  in  acknowledging  what  was  true  in  the  opinions  of 
his  opponents.8  Thus  his  doctrinal  peculiarities,  gradually  devel- 
oped, and  consummated,  as  to  the  chief  points,  in  his  edition  of 
the  Loci9  of  1535,  had  for  their  aim  to  sunder  what  was  essential 

5  Melancthon's  judgment  expressed  to  the  Landgrave,  Philip  of  Hesse,  Sept.,  152G, 
C.  R.,  i.  821 :  Videtur  item  utile  prohibcre  dissensiones  in  concionibus.  Rixantur  au- 
tem  non  tantum  Papistae,  sed  et  adversarii  Papistarum  saepe  multo  vehementius  quam 
alteri.  Nonnunquam  etiam  lis  est  de  lana  caprina.  Eas  dissensiones,  quantum  fieri 
potest,  studeat  V.  Cels.  per  praefectos  cohiberi  ita,  ut  qui  sanior  videatur  solus  doceat, 
alter  taceat  prorsus,  juxta  Pauli  regulam.  Doceat  autem  non  fidem  tantum,  sed  timo- 
rem  quoque  Dei,  cujus  jam  paene  nulla  in  concionibus  mentio  fit,  ac  caritatem,  et-inter 
praecepta  caritatis  summum  et  gravissimum  obedientiam  erga  magistratus.  Postremo 
rogo  Cels.  V.,  ut  quantum  pie  fieri  potest,  pacis  publicae  causa  veteres  cerimonias  con- 
served Nunquam  ritus  ac  mores  sine  magnis  scandalis  mutantur.  Et  Christianismus 
minime  in  ritibus  situs  est,  sed  in  timore  Dei,  fide,  caritate  et  obedientia  erga  magis- 
tratus ;  quae  utinam  tam  sedulo  docerent  concionatores  quam  strenue  vociferantur  in 
Papam. 

6  Postilla  Melanthoniana  (collecta  a  C.  Pezelio,  p.  i.,  Heidelb.,  1594  ;  p.  ii.-iv.,  Ilano- 
viae,  1594.  95.  8.),  p.  ii.,  p.  759 :  Ego  non  delector  inanibus  disputationibus,  nee  quaero 
subtilitates  in  ullo  genere  doctrinarum,  sed  quaero  realia  et  quae  utilia  sunt  in  omni  vita. 
Non  est  sapientia  quaerere  praestigias  et  excogitare  nova,  aut  occupari  disputationibus 
inutilibus.     Galle,  s.  234. 

7  Mel.  ad  Alex.  Drachstadtium  Epist.  Nuncupatoria  in  Scholia  in  Epist.  Pauli  ad 
Coloss.,  Haganoae,  1557.  ,C.  R.,  i.  874  :  Multae  hoc  tempore  controversiae  tractantur, 
quas  hie  attingere  oportuit.  In  his  explicandis  volul  non  tantum  diligentiam  meam 
probari  lectoribus,  sed  etiam  tTriduEiav,  quam  in  ecclesiasticis  dissensionibus  in  m'imis 
praestari  oportebat.  Neque  enim  aliter  aut  conservari  aut  sarciri  Ecclesiae  concordia 
potest.  Ad  Ge.  Spalatinum,  1527,  on  his  instructions  to  the  Visitatores  :  Tantum  me 
hoc  cavisse,  ut  sine  aeerbitate  verborum  res  nudae  proponerentur.  Multae  mihi  causae 
fuerunt  ejus  lenitatis.  Nolui  enim  alere  Aurei  et  similium  amentiam,  qui  putant,  uuum 
hoc  esse  docere  Evangelium,  summa  contentione  atque  amarulcntia  debaechari  vclut  e 
plaustris  adversus  eos,  qui  a  nobis  dissentiunt.  Neque  ignoro,  quantum  odii  apud  quos- 
dam  conciliarit  mihi  haec  mea  diligentia ;  sed  mihi  magis  spectandum,  quid  Deo  place- 
ret,  quam  quomodo  s}-cophantas  illos  mihi  placarem,  a  quibus  nunc  ut  haereticus,  ut  fu- 
naticus  traducor  (C.  R.,  i.  898). 

8  Mel.  ad  Casp.  Aquilam,  Nov.,  1527,  C.  R.,  iv.  959  :  Ego  in  hac  inspectione  Ecclesi- 
arum  maxime  volui  concordiam  constituere.  Itaque  hortatus  sum  eos,  qui  docent  Evan- 
gelium, ut  moderate  et  sine  conviciis  suum  ofneium  faciant :  quaedam  etiam  in  doctrina 
superioris  saeculi  probavi,  v.  c.  poenitentiae  partitionem,  si  tamen  tribuatur  satisfactio 
Christi  {leg.  Christo),  eamquc  partitionem  utilem  esse  existimo  ad  docendum.— Nimio 
odio  Papae  quidam  omnia  bona  et  mala  juxta  damnant :  ca  ex  re  quanta  sint  nata 
scandala  videmus.  Quin  potius  quae  poterunt  tolerari  aut  excusari  leniamus,  ut  Eccle- 
siae concordiae  consulamus. — Multa  nunc  melius  docentur  divino  beneficio  in  Ecclesia 
quam  ante  ;  sed  quaedam  melius  olim  docebant  aliqui,  quam  multi  nunc  indocti  Luthc- 
rani. — Quaedam  Papistae  in  nostris  non  sine  causa  rcprehendunt. 

5  On  this  second  chief  edition,  see  Strobel's  Literiirgesch.  v.  Ph.  Mclinclithon's  Locis 


42G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

from  all  that  might  lead  to  needless  strife  or  to  misunderstandings 
that  imperiled  morality. 

In  the  controversy  of  Luther  with  Erasmus  he  came  to  see  the 
danger  of  strict  necessarianism,  to  which  he  had  been  previously 
inclined.10  After  1527  he  abandoned  it  by  degrees,11  until  at 
length,  in  the  edition  of  the  Loci  in  1535,  he  came  to  teach  a 
synergism  on  the  part  of  man  in  the  work  of  conversion,  and  re- 
jected the  necessarian  view  as  an  error  of  the  Stoics.12 

Theologicis,  Altdorf  u.  Niirnberg,  1776,  s.  56.  Mel.  ad  J.  Camerarium,  2.  Sept.,  1535, 
C.  R.,  ii.  936  :  Ego  nunc  in  meis  locis  multa  mitigavi.  Ad  eund.,  24.  Dec,  1835,  C.  R., 
ii.  1027  :  In  locis  meis  etiam  sicubi  videor  habere  oivripas  (ppovrioas,  vides  me  hoc  agere, 
ut  rebus  obscuris  et  intricatis  aliquid  addam  lucis.  Nam  tu  ne  malles  obsecro  me  au- 
gere  ras  aKvpoXoyias,  w^irip  gtwIkov  Tiva  h  irXaTwv'i^ovTa,  cum  summas  rerum  vidc- 
as  me  retinere.  Neque  tamen  valde  recuso,  etiam  si  qua  plaga  mihi  accipienda  ali- 
quando  erit,  habeo  enim  rationem  mei  consilii. 

10  Loci  Theol.,  1521.  A.  7:  Quandoquidem  omnia,  quae  eveniunt,  necessario  juxta 
divinam  praedestinationem  eveniunt,  nulla  est  voluntatis  nostrae  libertas.  B.  4  verso  : 
Praediccnt  liberi  arbitrii  vim  Pharisaei  scholastici :  Christianus  agnoscet,  nihil  minus  in 
potestate  sua  esse,  quam  cor  suum. — Summa,  si  ad  praedestinationem  referas  humanam 
voluntatem,  nee  in  extemis  nee  in  internis  operibus  ulla  est  libertas,  sed  eveniunt  omnia 
juxta  destinationem  divinam.  Si  ad  opera  externa  referas  voluntatem,  quaedam  videtur 
esse  judicio  naturae  libertas.  Si  ad  adfectus  referas  voluntatem,  nulla  plane  libertas  est 
etiam  naturae  judicio.  Comm.  in  Ep.  ad  Rom.,  1524,  in  cap.  8  :  Itaque  sit  haec  certa  sen- 
tentia,  a  Deo  fieri  omnia,  tarn  bona,  quam  mala. — Consequitur  itaque,  ridiculum  commen- 
tum  esse  liberum  arbitrium. — Nos  vero  dicemus,  non  solum  permittere  Deum  creaturis, 
ut  operentur,  sed  ipsum  omnia  proprie  agere,  ut,  sicut  fatentur  proprium  Dei  opus  fuisse 
Pauli  vocationem,  ita  fateantur,  opera  Dei  propria  esse,  sive  quae  media  vocantur,  ut 
comedere,  bibere,  communia  cum  brutis,  sive  quae  mala  sunt,  ut  Davidis  adulterium, 
Manlii  severitatem  animadvertentis  in  filium. — Constat,  Deum  omnia  facere  non  per- 
missive sed  potenter, — ita  ut  sit  ejus  proprium  opus  Judae  proditio,  sicut  Pauli  vocatio. 
Galle,  s.  247. 

11  Mel.  Enarratio  Epist.  ad  Colosscnses,  1527  :  Quia  Christus  ipse  dicit  Joh.  viii.  :  cum 
loquitur  mendacium,  ex  propriis  loquitur,  non  faciam  Deum  auctorem  peccati,  sed  natu- 
ram  conservantem,  et  vitam  et  motum  impertientem,  qua  vita  et  motu  diabolus  aut  im- 
pii  non  recte  utuntur.— Claris  sententiis  traditum  est  (Joh.  vi.,  Rom.  viii.),  humanam 
voluntatem  non  habere  ejusmodi  libertatem,  ut  justitiam  christianam  seu  spiritualem 
efiicere  possit,  idque  ideo,  ut  discamus,  christianam  justitiam  non  tantum  esse  civilia 
opera,  seu  ejusmodi  opera,  quae  ratio  per  se  cfficit,  sed  novam  quandam  vitam  prorsus 
ignotam  impiis.— Habet  libertatem  voluntas  humana  in  deligendis  his,  quae  ^vx^a 
sunt,  ut  hoc  aut  illud  cibi  genus  eligere,— habet  et  vim  carnalis  et  civilis  justitiae  effici- 
endae,  continere  manus  potest  a  caede,  a  furto,  abstinere  ab  alterius  uxore.  With  this 
agree  the  Visitation  Articles,  1527  (ed.  by  Strobel,  s.  31  and  36.),  and  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession, Arts.  18  and  19.  He  goes  a  step  farther  in  the  tertia  editio  Enarrationis  Epist.  ad 
Rom.,  1532,  ad  cap.  9  :  Scriptores  veteres  omnes  praeter  unum  Augustinum  ponunt,  ali- 
quam  causam  electionis  in  nobis  esse.  Et  recentiores  p.a\a  /3e/3>j\«)s  affirmare  audent, 
rem  totam  pendere  ex  meritis  nostris  et  dignitate  nostra,  quod  ideo  falsum  esse  necesse 
est,  quia  neque  justificamur  neque  salvamur  propter  dignitatem  nostram  aut  impletio- 
nem  legis.  Verecundius  est,  quod  aliquamdiu  placuit  Augustino,  misericordiam  Dei 
vere  causam  electionis  esse,  sed  tamen  eatenus  aliquant  causam  in  accipiente  esse,  qua- 
tenus  promissionem  oblatam  non  rcpudiat,  quia  malum  ex  nobis  est.     Galle,  s.  274. 

12  Loci  Theol.,  1535.  Be  causa  peccati  et  de  contingentia,  E.  verso:  Est  autem  haec 
pia  et  vera  sententia,  utraque  manu.  ac  verius  toto  pectore  tenenda,  quod  Deus  non  sit 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.    §  36.  MELANCTHON.  427 

The  misapprehension,  dangerous  to  morality,  of  the  formula, 
that  faith  alone  justifies,  he  expressly  contended  against  in  the 
Visitation  Articles,13  1527:  in  his  Loci,  1535,  he  declared  that 
good  works  were  the  necessary  results  of  faith.11 

causa  peccati,  et  quod  Deus  non  velit  peccatum.  Sed  causae  peccati  sunt  voluntas  Dia- 
boli,  et  voluntas  hominis.  E.  III.  verso:  Nee  invehenda  sunt  in  Ecclesiam  deliramenta 
de  Stoico  fato,  aut  Trspl  tJ}s  ai/uy/ojs :  nihil  eniin  habent  veri  aut  firmi,  sed  sunt  merae 
praestigiae  ac  sophisticae  coacervationes.  Deinde  non  est  obscurum,  quantum  haec  opi- 
nio noceat  pietati  et  moribus,  si  sic  sentiant  homines,  ut  Zenonis  servulus  dicebat,  non 
debere  se  plecti,  quia  Stoico  fato  coactus  esset  peccare.  Ab  his  opinionibus  decet  pios 
auribus  atque  animis  abhorrere.  De  humanis  viribus  seu  de  libero  arbitrio,  E.  IV.  verso: 
Quaeritur,  quomodo  voluntas  sit  libera,  h.  e.  quomodo  possit  obedire  legi  Dei. — Primum 
igitur  respondeo:  cum  in  natura  hominis  reliquum  sit  judicium  et  delectus  quidam  re- 
ruin  quae  sunt  subjectae  rationi  aut  sensui,  reliquus  est  etiam  delectus  externorum  ope- 
rum  civilium.  Quare  voluntas  humana  potest  suis  viribus  sine  renovatione  aliquo  modo 
externa  legis  opera  facere. — Illud  tantum  addain,  banc  ipsam  libertatem  efficiendae  civi- 
lis  justitiae  saepe  vinci  natural!  imbecillitate,  saepe  impediri  a  diabolo. — Secundo,  Evan- 
gelium  docet  in  natura  horribilem  corruptionem  esse,  quae  rcpugnat  legi  Dei,  h.  e,  facit, 
ne  praestare  integram  obedientiam  possimus. — Sciendum  est  igitur  de  libero  arbitrio, 
non  posse  homines  legi  Dei  satisfacere.  Nam  lex  divina  requirit  non  tantum  externa 
facta,  sed  interiorem  munditiem,  timorem,  fiduciam,  dilectionem  Dei  summam,  denique 
perfectam  obedientiam,  et  prohibet  omnes  vitiosos  affectus.  Constat  autem,  homines 
banc  perfectam  obedientiam  in  hac  corrupta  natura  non  praestare.  De  hac  corruptione 
praecipue  loquimur,  non  de  externis  factis,  cum  extenuamus  libertatem  voluntatis. — De- 
inde et  hoc  addendum  est :  voluntas  humana  non  potest  sine  Spiritu  sancto  efficere  s-pi- 
rituales  affectus,  quos  Deus  requiret,  scil.  verum  timorem  Dei,  veram  fiduciam  miseri- 
cordiae  Dei,  obedientiam  ac  tolerantiam  afflietionum,  dilectionem  Dei,  et  similes  motus. 
— Neque  haec  eo  dicuntur,  ut  laqueos  injiciamus  conscientiis,  aut  deterreamus  homines 
a  studio  obediendi,  aut  credendi,  aut  ne  conentur.  Imo  cum  a  verbo  ordiri  debeamus, 
certe  non  repugnandum  est  verbo  Dei,  sed  annitendum  ut  obtemperemus,  et  intuenda 
promissio  Evangelii,  quae  est  universalis.  Porro  in  veris  certaminibus  haec  clarius  ju- 
dicari  possunt,  quam  in  oticsis  disputationibus.  Nam  in  vero  agone,  ubi  angimur  de 
remissione  peccatorum,  erigere  nos  debemus  et  intueri  in  promissionem. — Et  Spiritus 
sanctus  ibi  efficax  est  per  verbum.  Sicut  inquit  Paulus  :  Spiritus  adjuvat  infirmitatem 
nostram.  In  hac  lucta  hortandus  est  animus,  ut  omni  conatu  retineat  verbum.  Non 
est  dehorlandus  ne  conetur,  sed  docendus,  quod  promissio  sit  universalis,  et  quod  debeat 
credere.  In  hoc  exemplo  videmus,  conjungi  has  causas,  Verbum,  Spiritum  sanctum,  et 
voluntatem,  non  sane  otiosam,  sed  repugnantem  infirmitati  suae.  Has  causas  hoc  modo 
ecclesiastici  scriptores  conjungere  solent.  Basilius  inquit :  fiovov  OiXijcrov,  iced  b  0eos 
■Kpoairavrci.  Deus  antevertit  nos,  vocat,  movet,  adjuvat,  sed  nos  viderimus  ne  repug- 
nemus.  Constat  enim  peccatum  oriri  a  nobis,  non  a  voluntate  Dei.  Chrysostomus  in- 
quit:  6  oe  'sKkwv  tuv  fiov\6fiivov  'iXku.  Id  aptc  dicitur  auspicanti  a  verbo,  ne  adverse- 
tur,  ne  repugnet  verbo.  Et  nos  quidem  sic  judicare  oportet.  Non  enim  indulgere  de- 
bemus diffidentiae  aut  desidiae  naturali.     Sehenkel,  ii.  445. 

13  Supra,  §  34,  Note  22. 

14  Loci  Theol.,  1535.  De  bonis  operibus,  G.  IV.  verso:  Plane  igitur  et  clare  dico:  obe- 
dientia  nostra,  h.  e.  justitia  bonae  conscicntiae  seu  operum,  quae  Deus  nobis  praeeipit, 
necessario  sequi  debet  rcconciliationcm. — Accoptatio  ad  vitam  aeternam,  seu  donatio 
vitae  aeternae  conjuncta  est  cum  justificatione,  i.  e.,  cum  remissione  peccatorum  et  re- 
conciliatione,  quae  fide  con  tin  git,  juxta  illud:  quos  justificat,  eosdem  et  glorificat  (Rom. 
viii.  30).  Itaque  non  datur  vita  aeterna  propter  dignitatem  bonorum  operum,  sed  gra- 
tis propter  Christum.  Et  tamen  bona  opera  ita  nccessaria  sunt  ad  vitam  aeternam,  quia 
s<  qui  reconciliationem  necessario  debent.     Ideo  Paulus  ait :  vae  mihi  si  non  docuero  Evan- 


428  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

After  he  had  for  a  long  time  held  fast  to  the  Lutheran  doctrine 
of  the  Lord's  Supper,  as  in  agreement  with  the  ancient  Church,15 
and  had  been  opposed  to  all  union  with  the  Swiss,16  he  was  first 
led  to  adopt  a  milder  tone  by  the  Dialogus  of  Oecolampadius,17 
and  began,  after  1531,  to  declare  in  favor  of  a  union.18  After  the 
conference  with  Bucer  in  Cassel,  at  the  end  of  1534  and  begin- 
ning of  1535,  he  decidedly  changed  his  views,19  holding  firmly, 
from  this  time  on,  that  the  internal  reception  of  Christ  and  union 
with  him  is  all  that  is  essential  in  the  Lord's  Supper.20 

odium  (1  Cor.  ix.  1G).  Item  :  qui  talia  agunt,  regnum  Dei  non  possidebunt  (Gal.  v.  21). 
Requiruntur  autem  non  solum  externa  civilia  opera,  sed  etiam  spirituales  motus,  timor 
Dei,  fulucia,  invocatio,  dilectio,  et  similes  motus. — Sed  non  satis  est  docere,  quod  obedi- 
entia  nostra  necessaria  sit :  addendum  est  enim,  quomodo  placeat  Deo,  cum  constet, 
ncminem  satisfacere  legi. — Et  necessaria  est  ilia  obedientia,  et  placet  Deo,  sed  in  recon- 
ciliatis,  et  est  justitia,  non  quia  legi  satisfacit,  sed  quia  jam  personae  placent. 

15  He  seeks  to  show  this  agreement  in  the  work :  Sententiae  Patrum  de  Coena  Domini 
cum  praef.  ad  Myconium,  March,  1530.     Galle,  s.  390. 

16  Mel.  ad  H.  Baumgartnerum,  17.  Maj.,  1529  (Corp.  Ref:,  i.  1070) :  Quaeso,  ut  quan- 
tum poteris,  des  operam,  ne  recipiantur  Cingliani  in  ullius  foederis  societatem.  Neque 
enim  convenit  impiam  sententiam  defendere,  aut  confirmare  vires  eorum,  qui  impium 
dogma  sequuntur,  ne  latius  serpat  venenum.     Cf.  ad  eund.,  20.  Jun.,  1529, 1.  c,  p.  1077. 

17  Oec.  Dialogus,  quid  de  Eucharistia  Veteres  turn  Graeci,  turn  Latini  senserint,  1530. 
is  written  against  the  Sententiae  of  Melanctl.on,  to  show  that  Augustine  did  not  teach 
the  manducatio  oralis,  that  particular  passages  from  other  Fathers  are  interpolated,  etc. 

18  Mel.  ad  Bucerum,  Apr.,  1531  (Corp.  Ref.,  ii.  498):  De  nostris  negotiis  nihil  habeo 
quod  scribam,  nisi  quod  spercm,  aliquando  inter  nos  veram  et  solidam  concordiam  coi- 
turam  esse  idque  ut  fiat  Deum  oro,  certe  quantum  possum  ad  hoc  annitar.  Nunquam 
enim  placuit  mini  haec  violenta  et  hostilis  digladiatio  inter  Lutherum  et  Cinglium.  Me- 
lius illi  toti  causae  consultum  fuerit,  si  sinamus  paulatim  consilescere  has  tragicas  con- 
tentiones.     Ad  eund.,  10.  Oct.,  1533  (1:  c,  p.  G75). 

19  Mel.  ad  J.  Brentium,  12.  Jan.,  1535  (C.  R.,  ii.  823):  'Opw  ok  7ro\\as  twv  irakaiwu 
<rvyypa(j)iwv  p.apTvpia<s  tlvai,  a'i  avtv  upfpifioXias  ip/njvEuovm  to  pvuTi'iptov  -mpi  tuttov, 
Kat  Tpo'7rLKw<s'  kvavriai  ok  pupTvpiui  titrlv  v  viwT!.pai  j)  voQoi  (the  Dialogues  of  Oecolam- 
padius  had  manifestly  helped  him  to  a  knowledge  of  this).  "Zkitttiov  ok  nal  vp~iv,  d  ira- 
Xatas  yyai^jjs  inrspaa-rri'^iTE.  <r(poopa  ok  ev^oip^jv  T)/i>  tvaifii'i  kKxXijcriav  TaVTijv  SLkiiu 
ouaiaai  autv  cro^ia-TiKJ/s  kol  tivev  TvpavvlSos.  And  right  after  his  return  from  Cassel 
he  wrote  about  the  negotiations  there  had  with  Bucer — ad  J.  Camerarium,  10.  Jan.,  1535 
(1.  c,  p.  822):  Meam  sententiam  noli  nunc  requirere,  fui  enim  nuneius  alienae,  etsi  pro- 
fecto  non  dissimulabo  quid  sentiam,  ubi  audiero,  quid  rcspondeant  nostri.  Schenkel, 
i.  552. 

20  Loci  Thcol.,  1535.  De  Coena  Domini,  N.  VIII.:  Supra  dictum  est,  Sacramentum 
ceremoniam  esse  additam  promissioni,  in  qua  Deus  nobis  aliquid  exhibet.  Sic  et  haec 
Coena  est  Sacramentum,  debet  enim  intelligi  ceremonia  addita  summae  totius  Evange- 
lii,  quod  et  complectitur  in  ipsis  verbis :  hie  est  calix  novum  testamentum,  i.  e.,  testimo- 
nium novae  promissiohis.  Est  et  summa  Evangelii  seu  promissionis  in  his  verbis  :  hoc 
est  corpus  meum  quod  pro  vobis  dalur,  item  :  hie  est  sanguis  qui  pro  multis  effundltur  in  re- 
missionem  peccatorum.  Principalis  igitur  finis  hujus  ceremoniae  est,  ut  testetur,  nobis 
exhibcri  res  in  Evangelio  promissas,  scil.  remissionem  peccatorum  et  justificationem 
pro)iter  Christum. — Deinde  sic  prodest  haec  ceremonia,  cum  fidem  addimus,  scil.  qua 
credimus  promissa  contingere,  nosque  consolamur;  et  hoc  spectaculum  oculis  atque 
animo  objicitur,  ut  nos  ad  credendum  admoneat,  ct  fides  in  nobis  exsuscitetur.     Christus 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.    §  36.  MELANCTHON.  429 

Melancthon's  doctrinal  views  were  widely  diffused  by  his  nu- 
merous hearers,  and  gained  the  majority  of  the  academical  teach- 
ers in  "Wittenberg.  Luther  was  magnanimous  enough  to  distin- 
guish between  what  was  essential  in  religious  doctrines  and  their 
dogmatic  form  of  statement ;  and  thus  the  small  body  of  his  strict- 
est adherents,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  Nicholas  von  Amsdorf, 
never  fully  succeeded  in  making  him  mistrustful  of  his  true 
helper.21 

cnim  testatur  ad  nos  pertinere  beneficium  suum,  cum  nobis  impertit  suum  corpus,  ct  nos 
sibi  adjungit  tanquam  membra,  qua  non  potest  alia  conjunctio  cogitari  propior.  Testa- 
tur item  se  in  nobis  efficacem  fore,  quia  ipse  est  vita  :  dat  sanguinem,  ut  testetur,  se  nos 
abluere. — Multae  autem  et  horribiles  de  hoc  Sacramento  controversiae  extiterunt.  Dis- 
putatur  de  verbis  Coeuae,  an  sit  in  his  verbis  metaphora :  hoc  est  corpus  meum.  Quaeri- 
tur  de  Missa,  an  sit  quaedam  oblatio  facienda  et  applicanda  pro  aliis  vivis  et  mortuis,  ut 
mereatur  eis  remissionem  seu  culpae  seu  poenae ;  quid  differant  opus  sacerdotis  et  laici. 
Hae  controversiae  et  aliae  his  vicinae  facile  dijudicari  possent,  si  non  esset  mutata  vetus 
Ecclesiae  consuetutlo  in  hac  ceremonia  tractanda.  Atque  utinam  synodus  eas  pie  et 
feliciter  explicet.  Ego  nee  auctor  nee  assertor  ullius  novi  dogmatis  esse  volo,  quod  non 
habet  Ecclesiae  veteris  probata  testimonia.  Non  enim  contemno  Ecclesiae  catholicae 
judicium  et  auctoritatem.  Quid  autem  de  verbis  Coenae  senserint  ecclesiastici  scripto- 
res,  ex  dictis  eorum  apparet.  Paulus  inquit:  Panis  est  communicatio  corporis  Christi, 
poculum  est  communicatio  sanguinis  Christi.  Itaque  datis  his  rebus,  pane  et  vino,  in  Coe- 
na  Domini,  exhibentur  nobis  corpus  et  sanguis  Christi.  Et  Christus  vere  adest  Sacra- 
mento suo,  et  efflcax  est  in  nobis,  sicut  Hilarius  inquit :  quae  sumpta  et  hausta  faciunt, 
ut  Christus  sit  in  nobis,  et  nos  in  Christo.  Mirum  profecto  et  ingens  pignus  sum  mi  crga 
nos  amoris,  summae  misericordiae,  quod  hac  ipsa  Coena  testatum  vult,  quod  seipsum 
nobis  impcrtiat,  quod  nos  sibi  adjungat  tanquam  membra,  ut  sciamus,  nos  ab  eo  diligi, 
respici,  servari.  Mel.  ad  Vitum  Theodorum,  23.  Apr.,  1538  (Corp.  Ref.,  iii.  514)  :  Ego 
ne  longissime  recederem  a  veteribus,  posui  in  usu  sacramentalem  praesentiam,  et  dixi, 
datis  his  rebus  Christum  vere  adesse  et  efficacem  esse.  Id  profecto  satis  est.  Nee  ad- 
didi  inclusioncm,  aut  conjunctionem  talem,  qua  affigeretur  ™  iipTw  to  crw/ua,  ant  ferru- 
minaretur,  aut  misceretur.  Sacramenta  pacta  sunt,  ut  rebus  sumptis  adsit  aliud. — Quid 
reqniris  amplius?  Et  hue  decurrendum  est  tandem,  nisi  defendas  illud,  quod  nonnulli 
jam  dicunt,  separatim  tradi  corpus  ct  sanguinem.  Id  quoque  novum  est,  ac  ne  Papist  is 
quidem  placiturum.  Error  foecundus  est,  ut  dicitur,  multas  quaestiones  parit  ilia  pby- 
sica  conjunctio  :  an  separatim,  an  sint  inclusae  partes,  quando  adsint,  an  extra  usum? 
Horum  nihil  legitur  apud  veteres.  Nee  ego,  mi  Vite,  inveham  has  disputationes  in  Ec- 
clesiam,  eoque  tarn  parce  dixi  in  Locis  dc  hoc  negotio,  ut  a  quaestionibus  ill  is  juventu- 
tem  abdticerem.  On  his  agreement  with  Calvin,  see  Calvinus  ad  Farellum,  Mart.,  1539 
(Calv.  Epistolae,  ed.  Genev.,  1575,  p.  12)  :  Cum  Philippo  fuit  mihi  multis  de  rebus  col- 
loquium (in  Frankfort,  March,  1539,  see  Henry,  i.  244) :  de  causa  concordiae  ad  eum 
prius  scripseram,  ut  bonis  viris  de  ipsorum  sententia  certo  possemus  testari.  Miseram 
ergo  paucos  articulos,  quibus  summam  rei  breviter  perstrinxeram.  lis  sine  controversia 
ipse  quidem  assentitur :  sed  fatetur  esse  in  ilia  parte  nonnullos,  qui  crassius  aliquid  re- 
quirant,  atque  id  tanta  pervicacia,  ne  dicam  tyrannide,  ut  diu  in  periculo  fuerit,  quod 
eum  videbant  a  suo  sensu  nonnihil  alienum.  Quanquam  autem  non  putat  constare  soli- 
dam  consensionem,  optat  tamen,  ut  haec  concordia,  qualiscunque  est,  fovcatur,  donee 
in  unitatem  suae  veritatis  nos  Dominus  utrinquc  adduxcrit.  De  ipso  nihil  dubita,  quia 
penitus  nobiscum  sentiat. 

21  How  Luther  thought  about  the  attacks  on  Mclancthon  (§  34,  Note  25),  ad  M<  1..  27. 
Oct.,  1527  (de  Wette,  iii.  215):  Scribis  tc  Magellan  a  quodam,  quod  poenitentiam  a  ti- 
morc  Domini  incipi  docaeria  in  visitatione  vestra.    Scripsit  ; imilia  fere  Mag.  Eislebius, 


430  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

When  Caspar  Cruciger,  in  1536,  first  made  public  the  Melanc- 
thonian  formula — Bona  opera  non  quidem  esse  causam  efficien- 
tem  salutis,  sed  tamen  causam  sine  qua  non22 — it  was  violently 
assailed  by  Cordatus.23  Luther,  whom  Amsdorf  tried  to  rouse 
up,24  disapproved,  indeed,  of  the  formula,  but  so  fully  conceded  the 
right  intention  of  it,  that  the  opponents  had  to  drop  their  com- 
plaint.25 

sed  ego  pugnam  istam  verboram  non  magni  pitto,  praesertim  apud  valgum.  Nam  timor 
poenae  et  timor  Dei  qi/.am  differant,  facilius  dicitur  syllabis  et  Uteris,  qua.m  re  et  affectu 
cognoscitur.  Thus,  too,  he  would  certainly  have  judged  in  after  years  about  most  of 
the  attacks  upon  him.  Mel.  ad  Vitum  Theodorum,  22.  Jun.,  1537  (Corp.  Ref.,  iii.  383)  : 
Scis  me  quaedam  minus  horridc  dicere  de  praedestinatione,  de  assensu  voluntatis,  de 
necessitate  obedientiae  nostrae,  de  peccato  mortali.  De  his  omnibus  scio  re  ipsa  Luthe- 
rum  sentire  eadem,  sed  ineruditi  quaedam  ejus  <popTiKwTtpa  dicta,  cum  non  videant  quo 
pertineant,  nimium  amant.  Nee  ego  cum  illis  pugnandum  mihi  esse  duco.  Fruantur 
suo  judicio.  Mihi  tamen  concedant  homini  Peripatetico,  et  amanti  mediocritatem,  mi- 
nus Stoice  alicubi  loqui. 

22  Supra,  Note  14. 

53  Strobel's  Literiirgcsch.  v.  Mel.  Locis  Theol.,  s.  97.  Ratzeberger,  edited  by  Neu- 
decker,  s.  81.    Galle,  s.  345. 

24  Amsdorf.  ad  Lutherum,  14.  Sept.,  153G  (Corp.  Ref.,  iii.  1G2),  an  announcement  of 
the  false  doctrine.  Melancthon,  who  knew  only  by  report  about  the  intrigues  against 
him,  wrote  in  respect  to  them — ad  Lutherum,  Jonam,  Bugenhagium,  et  Crucigerum,  1. 
Nov.,  1536,  1.  c,  p.  179. 

25  Mel.  ad  Vitum  Theodorum,  22.  Jun.,  1537  (C.  R.,  iii.  383):  Equidem  studeo  omni 
officio  tueri  concordiam  nostrae  Academiae,  et  scis  in  hoc  genere  me  etiam  artis  aliquid 
adhibere  solere.  Nee  hostili  animo  videtur  in  nos  esse  Lutherus.  Heri  etiam  admodum 
amanter  de  his  controversiis  mecum  collocutus  est,  quas  movit  Quadratus  (Cordatus), 
cum  quidem  ego  disputarem,  quam  tragicum  spectaculum  futurum  esset,  si  velut  Cad- 
mei  fratres  inter  nos  ipsi  depugnaremus.  Cruciger  ad  Vitum  Theodorum,  10.  Jul.,  1537, 
1.  c,  p.  385:  Existimo,  te  vidisse  jam  propositiones  Lutheri  nuper  disputatas  respon- 
dente  Petro  Ravo.  Ibi  cum  forte  repeterem  cujusdam  argumenta  de  hac  propositione, 
quod  nova  obedientia  sit  necessaria  ad  salutem,  adductis  ad  id  Scripturae  locis,  tametsi 
D.  negabat  sibi  placere  hoc  sic  dici  necessariam  ad  salutem,  quod  vulgus  fortasse  non 
recte  intelligeret;  hoc  mihi  prolixe  concedebat,  quod  sit  effectus  necessario  sequens  jus- 
tificationem.  (According  to  an  account  of  Friedr.  Myconius,  in  Just.  Menius  Bericht 
von  der  bittern  Wahrheit,  1559,  M.  3.,  Luther,  in  this  disputation,  did  not  say  that  the 
position,  "that  good  works  are  necessarj'  to  salvation,"  was  altogether  objectionable, 
but  said  that  the  position,  "that  good  works  are  necessary  to  justification,"  was  so.) 
Quod  ego  sane  aecipiebam,  cum  de  re  viderem  eum  non  dissentire,  etiamsi  quaedam 
vttotkXijpws  dicere  solebat,  ut  de  batuentibus  vocabulis  philosophicis,  praesertim  illud, 
quod  Philippo  respondebat  de  abrogatione  legis,  etiam  obligationem  sublatam  esse, 
quasi  sentiens,  non  solum  quoad  justiiicationem  et  condemnationem  nullam  esse  vim 
legis,  sed  etiam  debitum  obedientiae  abolitum.  Male  hoc  habuit  nostrum,  sed  noluit 
cam  rem  porro  agijare.  Then,  upon  the  calumnies  of  the  opposite  party,  with  the  re- 
mark :  Lutherus  quidem  ipse  satis  ostendit,  hoc  sibi  displicere.  Melancthon  changed 
the  passage  in  his  Loci  (cf.  Note  14),  in  the  edition  of  1538,  so  as  to  read :  Haec  nova 
spiritualitas  ita  necessaria  est  ad  vitam  aeternam,  ut  reconciliationem  necessario  scqui 
debeat,  without  being  farther  attacked  for  it.  In  the  Instructions  of  the  Wittenberg  di- 
vines to  F.  Myconius,  when  he  was  sent  to  England  in  1538,  he  was  expressly  enjoined 
not  to  contend  about  the  position  that  good  works  are  necessary  to  salvation,  if  justifica- 
tion through  faith  alone  was  recognized ;  see  Just.  Menius,  ubi  supra.     Meanwhile  Me- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.    §  3G.  MELANCTHON.  43 1 

Meanwhile,  as  Melancthon  had  advised  the  court  preacher,  Ja- 
cob Schenck,  in  Freiburg  (at  the  beginning  of  1537),  to  yield  about 
receiving  the  Lord's  Supper  under  one  species,20  an  attempt  was 
made  to  bring  him  into  suspicion  with  the  Electoral  Court  and 
with  Luther  as  to  his  general  doctrine  about  this  sacrament  ;27 
but  no  abiding  impression  could  be  made.  Luther,  on  the  contra- 
ry, decidedly  took  Melancthon's  part,  when  Agricola,  doubtless  en- 

.  lancthon  afterward  also  avoided  the  expression,  ad  vitam  aetcrnam,  adhering  to  the 
statement :  obedientia  nostra  necessario  sequi  debet  reconciliationem,  which  formula  is 
also  found  in  the  Loci  of  1535 ;  see  Note  14. 

26  Strobel's  Literiirgesch.  von  Mel.  Locis  Theol.,  s.  112.    Matthes,  s.  185. 

17  In  the  Weimar  archives  there  is  a  document  professing  to  report  inquiries  address- 
ed to  Luther  and  Bugenhagen,  b}-  the  Chancellor  Briick,  in  the  presence  of  the  Elector, 
May  5,  1537  (C.  R.,  iii.  3G5),  and  in  which  these  two  men  are  asked  about  the  deviations 
of  Melancthon  and  other  irregularities,  and  at  the  same  time  are  put  under  obligation 
to  observe  a  strict  silence  about  this  inquiry.  The  document  is  doubtless  genuine,  so 
far  as  this,  that  such  an  examination  was  intended ;  but  that  it  really  took  place,  is  only 
noted  on  the  back  of  the  document  in  another  handwriting;  and  this  is  manifestly  in- 
correct. For,  1.  In  the  reported  investigation  mention  is  reproachfully  made  of  the 
changes  (up  to  that  time  most  unimportant)  made  in  the  Augsburg  Confession,  in  the 
new  edition  bj'  Melancthon ;  and  if  this  really  took  place,  how  can  we  explain  the  im- 
portant changes  in  the  edition  of  1540,  and  Luther's  agreement  with  them?  2.  Bruck's 
letter  to  the  Elector,  October,  1537,  refers  to  another  examination  of  Luther,  which  had 
to  do  only  with  the  doctrine  about  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  which,  as  is  very  plain  from 
the  narrative,  could  not  have  been  preceded  by  any  similar  conference.  In  this  letter  it 
is  said  (C.  R.,  iii.  427) :  "  Doctor  Martinus  sagt  und  bekennt,  dass  er  nimmermehr  ge- 
meint  hatte,  dass  Philippus  noch  in  den  Phantaseyen  so  steif  steckte.  Daraus  ich  ver- 
stunde,  dass  ihme  Philippus  das  Schreiben  Ew.  Chf.  G.  (?)  an  Doctor  Jacob  (Schenk) 
verborgen  gehabt.  Er  zeigte  darneben  an,  er  hatte  wohl  allerlei  Vorsorge,  und  konnte 
nicht  wissen,  wie  Philippus  am  Sacrament  ware.  Denn  er  nennte  es  nicht  anders, 
hielte  es  auch  nur  fur  eine  schlechte  Ceremonien,  hatte  ihn  auch  lange  Zeit  nicht  sehen 
das  heil.  Abendmal  empfahen.  Er  hatte  auch  Argumente  gebracht  nach  der  Zeit  als  er 
zu  Cassel  gewest,  daraus  er  vernommen,  wie  er  fast  Zwinglischer  Meinung  ware.  Doch 
wie  es  in  seinern  Herzen  sti'mde,  wisse  er  noch  nicht.  Aber  die  heimlichen  Schreiben 
und  Rathe,  '  dass  unter  den  Tyrannen  einer  das  Sacrament  moge  in  einerlei  Gestalt 
empfahen,'  giiben  ihm  seltsame  Gedanken.  Aber  er  wollte  sein  Herz  mit  Philippo 
theilen,  und  wollte  ganz  gern,  dass  sich  Philippus  als  ein  holier  Mann  nicht  mochte 
von  ihnen  und  von  der  Schul  allhier  thun ;  denn  er  that  ja  grosse  Arbeit.  Wiirde  er 
aber  auf  der  Meinung  verharren,  wie  er  aus  dem  Schreiben  an  Dr.  Jacob  vermerkt,  so 
musste  die  Wahrheit  Gottes  vorgehen."  Melancthon  about  this  time  expected  an  ex- 
amination (ad  Camerar.,  11.  Oct.,  C.  R.,  iii.  420,  ad  Vitum  Theod.,  13.  Oct.,  p.  429 :  Heri . 
intellexi  scriptos  articulos  mihi  proponendos.  Sed  certi  nihil  habeo,  est  enim  mirifica 
occultatio),  which  did  not  come  oft',  since  meanwhile  Agricola  had  again  come  forward 
with  his  Antinomianism,  and  Schenck  had  joined  him.  Mel.  ad  Vitum  Theod.,  25. 
Nov.,  1537,  1.  c,  p.  152:  Post  illas  nuper  de  me  deliberationes  habitas  etsi  dies  mihi 
dicta  crat,  tamen  Lutheri  morbus  impediit,  nc  quid  ageretur,  deindc  fuerunt  induciae. 
Et  Fribergensis  ille  o^fxi'iyopoi  ita  rait,  ut  displiceat  suo  theatro.  Vociferatur  turpiter 
contra  legem  ilia  aroira,  quae  somniabat  Islebius,  Christiauis  nullam  legem  praedican- 
dam  esse.  De  hac  ipsa  re  jam  litigat  per  literas  Islebius  cum  Luthero.  Vide,  quale 
doctrinae  genus  isti  inepti  pariant,  qui  nostras  in  his  materiis  accuratas  et  /uttfoot/ak 
distributiones  fastidiunt,  et  suas  quasdam  uKvpoXoyius  amant,  quibus  applaudunt  in- 
docti. 


432  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

couraged  by  these  circumstances,  again  tried  to  insist  upon  his 
Antinomian  views  in  opposition  to  Melancthon.28  Melancthon  re- 
mained in  the  position  of  collocutor  of  the  Wittenbergers,29  and 
was  ever  conscious  of  his  essential  agreement  with  Luther,30 
which  was  also  conceded  by  the  latter,  who  always  spoke  with 
high  veneration  of  his  Philip.31  As  to  the  new  edition  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession  in  1540,  the  so-called  Variata,  afterward 
so  much  calumniated,32  no  one  at  that  time  thought  of  taking  of- 

28  See  above,  §  34,  Note  27.  But  still  the  machinations  of  the  opponents  continued  ; 
Mel.  ad  Vitum  Theod.,  22.  Mart.,  1538,  C.  R.,  iii.  503:  Amsdorfius  Luthero  scripsit,  vi- 
peram  eum  in  sinu  alere,  me  significans :  omitto  alia  multa.  Ad  Jo.  Camcrarium,  27. 
Nov.,  1539,  1.  c,  p.  840  :  Me  dolores  animi,  quos  tuli  toto  triennio  acerbissimos  et  conti- 
nuos,  et  caeterae  quotidianae  aerumnae  ita  consumserunt,  ut  verear  me  diu  vivere  non 
posse.  To  this  time  of  controversy  also  belong  the  recommendations  of  ecclesiastical 
unit}-  in  academical  orations :  De  puritate  doctrinae  in  Ecclesia  conservanda,  1536,  C. 
Ref.,  xi.  272 ;  and  De  concordia  et  communicatioue  studiorum  atque  operarum,  1537, 
p.  329. 

29  In  Smalcald,  Febr.,  1540,  Matthes,  s.  197;  in  Worms,  Nov.,  1540,  s.  207;  in  Ratis- 
bon,  Apr.,  1541,  s.  218. 

30  Testamentum  Melanchthonis,  1540,  C.  R.,  iii.  825.  After  he  had  here  spoken  of  his 
faith  and  his  labors  for  the  new  Church,  he  says :  Nee  meum  consilium  fuit,  ullam  no- 
vam  opinionem  serere,  sed  perspicue  et  proprie  exponere  doctrinam  catholicam.  quae 
traditur  in  nostris  Ecclesiis,  quam  quidem  judico  singulari  Dei  beneficio  patefactam  esse 
lils  postremis  temporibus  per  Dr.  Martinum  Lutherum,  ut  Ecclesia  repurgaretur  et  in- 
stauraretur,  quae  alioqui  funditus  periissct. — Ago  autem  gratias  Rev.  D.  Doctori  M.  Lu- 
thero, primum  quia  ab  ipso  Evangelium  didici,  deinde  pro  singulari  erga  me  benevolen- 
tia,  quam  quidem  plurimis  beneficiis  declaravit,  eumque  volo  a  meis  non  secus  ac  pa- 
trem  coli.  Ego,  quia  vidi  et  comperi  praeditum  esse  excellenti  et  heroica  vi  ingenii  et 
multis  magnis  virtutibus  ac  pietate,  doctrina  praecipua,  semper  eum  magni  feci,  dilexi, 
et  colendum  esse  sensi. 

31  Luth.  ad  Mel.,  18.  Jun.,  1540  (when  Melancthon  was  staying  in  Weimar,  on  the 
journe}-  to  Hagenau),  in  de  Wette,  v.  293:  Mirum  est,  quam  desideramus  te  vidcre. — 
Nos  tecum,  et  tu  nobiscum,  et  Christus  hie  et  ibi  nobiscum. — Nos,  qui  te  sincere  ama- 
mus,  diligenter  et  efficaciter  orabimus.  When  Luther  immediately  afterward  found 
Melancthon  sick  unto  death  in  Weimar,  he  exclaimed,  when  he  first  saw  him,  "  God 
help !  how  the  devil  has  reviled  this  organon  to  me !"  and  then  he  prayed  mightily, 
and  spoke  to  Melancthon  words  of  the  tenderest  love.  See  Ratzebcrger,  by  Neudecker, 
s.  102. 

32  Conf.  Aug.  a.  1540  a  Mel.  edita  variata  ilia,  accurate  reddita  et  illustrata  a  Mich. 
Weber,  Halis,  1830,  4.  The  most  important  change  was  in  Article  X.  This  originally 
read :  De  Coena  Domini  docent,  quod  corpus  et  sanguis  Christi  vere  adsint  et  distribu- 
antur  vescentibus  in  Coena  Domini,  et  improbant  secus  docentes.  But  in  the  Variata : 
De  Coena  Domini  docent,  quod  cum  pane  et  vino  vere  exhibeantur  corpus  et  sanguis 
Christi  vescentibus  in  Coena  Domini.  The  first  form  was  considered  by  the  Catholics  in 
Augsburg,  1530,  as  in  agreement  with  their  doctrine  ;  and  so  the  Philippists  (Melanc- 
thonians)  justified  the  necessity  of  a  change.  The  second  formula  undoubtedly  had  re- 
spect to  the  Concordia  with  the  Swiss,  then  existing;  and  the  Calvinists  could  afterward 
find  in  it  their  own  doctrine.  Comp.  Ueber  das  Verhaltniss  der  veriinderten  Augsb. 
Conf.  zur  unveranderten,  Rudelbach's  unci  Guericke's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  Luther.  Theol.  und 
Kirche,  1851,  iv.  C40.—  The  German  Confession,  subscribed  by  the  princes  in  Augs- 
burg, was  changed  by  Melancthon  in  later  editions  only  verbally,  and  thus  has  had  1.0 
editio  variata. 


PART  II.-CHAP.  I.-LUTHERAN  DOCTRINES.    §  36.  MELANCTHON.  433 

fense  at  it.33  On  the  other  hand,  the  Cologne  project  of  a  Ref- 
ormation, which  appeared  in  1543,  but  which  was  not  known  in 
Wittenberg  until  1544,  aroused  new  divisions34  by  its  section  on 
the  Lord's  Supper,  which  was  drawn  up  by  Bucer,  but  approved 
by  Melanothon.  The  sharp  censure  of  Amsdorf  was  more  readily 
welcomed  by  Luther,  because  he  at  that  time  was  suffering  in  his 
bodily  health,  and  was  in  a  bitter  mood  on  account  of  the  state  of 
affairs  in  Wittenberg  ;35  and  he  had  also  been  made  very  excitable 
by  the  controversy  with  the  Swiss,36  then  renewed,  just  upon  this 

33  It  was  considered  as  a  revision,  which  made  the  Confession  more  plain  ;  very  much 
praised  by  Brenz  (Brent,  ad  Vit.  Theodor.,  1541,  C.  R.,  iv.  737),  and  immediately  used 
at  the  colloquy  of  Worms,  January,  1541,  without  any  heed  being  paid  to  Eck's  excep- 
tions on  account  of  the  alteration  of  the  text  (see  Melancthon's  Report,  C.  R.,  iv.  34)  by 
the  Elector  (who  yet  in  his  Instructions  had  specially  desired  that  the  colloquists  should 
abide  by  the  Augsburg  Confession)  or  by  Luther  (Weber's  Gesch.  d.  Augsb.  Conf.,  ii. 
312).  On  the  contrary,  Luther  wrote  to  the  Elector,  May  10, 1541  (de  Wette,  v.  357),  as 
to  the  Ratisbon  negotiations,  which  were  a  continuation  of  those  at  Worms  :  "  Zulctzt 
bitten  wir,  E.  K.  F.  G.  wollten  M.  Philippus  u.  den  Unsern  ja  nicht  zu  hart  schreiben, 
damit  er  nicht  abermal  sich  zu  Tod  grame.  Denn  sie  haben  ja  die  liebe  Confession 
ihnen  furbehalten,  und  darin  noch  rein  unci  fest  blieben,  wenn  gleich  alles  fe3'let."  As 
long  as  Melancthon  lived  the  Variola  was  universally  used  without  objections,  even  by 
the  most  decided  opponents  of  Melancthon,  as  Westphal,  and  in  the  Weimar  Confuta- 
tion-Book (Strobel's  Apologie  Melanchthon's,  s.  131  ff.),  until  it  was  first  rejected  by 
Flacius  in  the  Weimar  disputation  with  Striegel,  15G0  (Disp.,  p.  127),  and  then  by  the 
party  of  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  at  the  Naumburg  Diet  of  the  Princes,  15G1  (Salig's  Gesch. 
d.  Augsb.  Conf.,  iii.  669),  and  at  the  colloquy  in  Altenburg,  1560  (infra,  §  38,  Note  17),  as 
being  favorable  to  the  Sacramentarians  and  Calvinists.  Peucer  declared,  in  Praef.  in 
Ph.  Mel.  Opp.,  p.  i.,  1562:  Fuit  autem  posterior  (editio  emendatior  Aug.  Conf.)  scripta 
a  Philippo,  mandante,  recognoscente  et  approbante  Luthero,  et  necesse  fuit,  earn  scrili 
propter  adversarios,  quod  multa  cavillarentur  illi,  quae  oportuit  explicari,  ut  occasiones 
et  argumcnta  talium  cavillationum — eis  adimercntur.  On  the  other  hand,  the  divines 
of  the  Duke  of  Saxony  maintained  at  Altenburg,  1560  (Acta,  the  Wittenberg  edition,  fol. 
253,  b) :  "  Es  wissen  auch  viel  Christen,  dass  Lutherus  selbst  wider  dieselbige  Aenderung 
oftmals  geredt,  Beschwerung  daruber  gehabt,  und  gesaget,  dasselbe  Buch  ware  auch 
nicht  Philippi,  sondern  der  christl.  Kirchen  Bekenntniss,  darum  gebiihre  es  ihme  als 
einem  Privaten  nicht,  nach  seinem  Gutdunken  und  Wohlgefallen  dasselbe  zu  verneuern 
oder  zu  verandern."  But  yet  Peucer's  allegation  was  repeated  by  men  who  were  not  at 
all  on  the  side  of  the  Philippists.  Nic.  Selneccer,  Catalogus  Brevis  Praecipuorum  Con- 
ciliorum,  Francof.  ad  M.  1571.  8.,  p.  97 :  Recognita  est  Aug.  Conf.  posterior,  relegente  et 
approbante  Luthero,  tit  vivi  adhuc  testes  affirmant.  Dav.  Chytraus  Hist.  d.  Augsb.  Conf., 
2te  Ausg.,  1577,  and  Mart.  Chemnitius,  Judicium  de  Controversiis  quibusdam  circa  quos- 
dam  Aug.  Conf.  Articulos  (ed.  Polyc.  Leyser.,  Viteberg,  1594),  p.  7,  say,  at  least,  that 
it  was  brought  forward  at  the  conference  at  Worms  with  the  approbation  of  Luther ; 
comp.  Strobel's  Apologie  Melanchthon's,  s.  85.    Weber's  Gesch.  der  Augsb.  Conf.,  ii.  291. 

34  See  Div.  L,  §  8,  Note  18. 

35  In  many  letters  at  this  period  Luther  bewails  his  feeble  state  of  health.  On  his 
controversy  with  the  Wittenberg  jurists,  who  declared  private  betrothals  valid,  see  his 
letters  to  the  Elector,  Jan.  22,  1544  (de  Wette,  v.  615) ;  to  the  consistory  in  Wittenberg 
(s.  618).  His  aversion  to  luxurious  habits,  especially  in  female  dress,  is  expressed  to 
his  housekeeper,  July,  1545  (s.  752). 

36  See  Div.  L,  §  8,"  Note  26 ;  supra,  §  35,  Note  38. 

VOL.  IV.— 28 


434  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

matter  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  The  friendly  relations  between  the 
two  men  seemed  to  be  endangered  ;37  but  Melancthon  had  most 
to  undergo  from  the  strict  Lutherans.  Luther  regained  his  com- 
posure, and  the  attack  upon  Melancthon38,  from  which  he  shrunk, 
was  not  made.  Soon  afterward  the  latter  drew  up  the  proposals 
for  union,  which  were  to  be  handed  in  to  the  Emperor  (the  so- 
called  Wittenberg  Reformation)  ;39  and  Luther  hesitated  as  little 
as  did  the  other  Wittenberg  theologians  to  subscribe  them  (Jan. 
14,  1545),  though  they  breathed  throughout  the  pacific  spirit  of 
Melancthon. 

37  Mel.  ad  M.  Buccrum,  28.  Aug.,  1544  (C.  R.,  v.  474)  :  (Lutherus)  rursus  tonare  coe- 
pit  vehemeutissime  irspl  guttvov  kvpiukov,  et  scripsit  atrocem  librum,  qui  nondum  editus 
est,  in  quo  ego  et  tu  sugillamur.  Fuit  his  diebus  hanc  ipsam  ob  causam  apud  Amsdorfi- 
uni,  quem  unum  ad  hujus  consilii  societatem  adhibet,  habetque  unum  laudatorem  hujus 
impetus.  Landgrave  Philip  besought  Chancellor  Briick  to  pacify  Luther,  and  to  pre- 
vent an  open  rupture  between  him  and  Melancthon,  Oct.  12,  1544  (p.  501).  The  Elector 
also  commissioned  Bruck  to  endeavor  to  keep  Luther  from  writing  against  Melancthon, 
April  26,  1645  (p.  746).  To  this  period,  and  to  the  years  1536-39,  Melancthon  refers  in 
his  declaration— ad  Chph.  a  Carlowiz,  28.  Apr.,  1548  (C.  R.,  vi.  880)  :  Tuli  antea  servi- 
tutem  paene  deformem,  cum  saepe  Lutherus  magis  suae  naturae,  in  qua  (piXovuKia  erat 
non  exigua,  quam  vel  personae  suae  vel  utilitati  communi  serviret.  When  this  decla- 
ration became  known,  and  excited  great  attention,  he  excused  it  in  a  letter  to  Th.  a 
Malzan,  13.  Sept.,  1549  (C.  R.,  vii.  462) :  Et  fortasse  quid  significet  <pi\6i>HKo<;  non  con- 
siderant.  Non  est  crimen  sed  -n-dOos,  usitatum  heroicis  naturis,  quod  nominatim  Pericli, 
Lysandro,  Agesilao  tribuunt  scriptores.  Et  omnino  erant  in  Luthero  heroici  impetus. 
Nee  minim  est,  nos,  quorum  naturae  sunt  segniores,  interdum  mirari  illam  vehementiam. 

38  He  alluded  to  him  with  the  highest  honor  in  his  Praef.  ad  Tom.  i.,  Opp.  Lutheri, 
5.  Mart.,  1545:  Nunc  extant  methodici  libri  quam  plurimi,  inter  quos  loci  communes 
Philippi  excellunt,  quibus  theologus  et  Episcopus  pulchre  et  abunde  formari  potest,  nt 
sit  potens  in  sermone  doctrinae  pietatis.— Eodem  anno  (1518)  jam  M.  Philippus  Melan- 
thon  a  Principe  Friderico  vocatus  hue  fuerat  ad  docendas  literas  graecas,  baud  dubie  ut 
haberem  socium  laboris  in  theologia.  Nam  quid  operatus  sit  Dominus  per  hoc  organum, 
non  in  literis  tantum,  sed  in  theologia,  satis  testantur  ejus  opera,  etiamsi  irascatur  Satan 
et  omnes  squamae  ejus. 

39  Corp.  Ref.,  v.  578.  Here,  p.  584,  it  is  proposed  to  establish  confirmation:  "Niim- 
lich,  so  ein  Kind  zu  seinen  mundigen  Jahren  komme,  offentlich  sein  Bekenntniss  zu  ho- 
ren,  unci  zu  fragen,  ob  es  bei  dieser  einigen  gottlichen  Lehre  u.  Kirchen  bleiben  wollt, 
und  nach  der  Bekenntniss  und  Zusage  mit  Auflegung  der  Hande  ein  Gebet  thuen." 
To  the  Lord's  Supper  are  to  be  admitted  (s.  588)  those  who,  "vorhin  verhiirt  und  absol- 
virt  sind,  und  nicht  in  offentlichen  Lastern  verharren,  welche  auch  rechten  Verstand 
liaben  sollen,  was  dieses  Sacrament  sey.  niimlich  Niessung  des  wahren  Leibes  unci  Blutes 
Christi,  und  wozu  diese  Niessung  zu  thuen,  namlich  dass  der  Glaub  erwecket  und  gc- 
starkt  werde :  dieweil  uns  Christus  durch  diese  seine  Ordnung  seinen  Leib  und  Blut 
gebe,  dass  er  uns  gewisslich  zu  Gliedmassen  mache,  vergebe  uns  unser  Siind  aus  Gna- 
den  um  seines  Todes  willen,  nicht  von  wegen  dieses  unsers  Gehorsams,  wolle  uns  gna- 
diglich  erhciren  und  regim,  etc.  Item,  dass  wir  fur  seinen  Tod  und  Auferstehung  u. 
alle  Gaben  hie  danken.  Item,  dass  wir  hiebei  auch  erkennen,  dass  wir  Eines  Heilands 
Christi  Gliedmass  sind,  und  sollen  gegen  alien  Gliedmassen  Lieb  u.  Gutes  erzeigen  un- 
serm  Hailand  Christo  zu  gefallen,"  etc.  S.  598,  a  proposal  again  to  recognize  bishops 
and  to  obey  them :  "  Wenn  sie  anfahen,  zu  pflanzen  reine  Lehre  des  Evangelii  und 
christi.  Reichung  der  Sacramentc." 


PT.  II.— CH.  I.— LUTHERANISM.    §  37.  PHILIPPISTS  AND  FLACIANISTS.  435 

In  the  last  months  of  Luther's  life  the  friendly  relations  between 
the  two  men  were  wholly  restored.40  But  Luther  saw  long  be- 
forehand that  the  existing  dissension,  no  longer  reined  in  by  him, 
would  lead  to  an  open  rupture  after  his  death.41 


§  37. 

CONTROVERSY  OF  THE  PHILIPPISTS  AND  THE  STRICT  LUTHERANS,  TO 
THE  DEATH  OF  MELANCTHON,  1560. 

The  unfortunate  results  of  the  Smalcald  war  were  the  occasion 
of  the  outbreak  of  this  controversy.  The  Augsburg  Interim,  and 
the  tyranny  with  which  it  was  carried  out  in  Southern  Germany, 
aroused  the  wrath  of  all  the  adherents  of  the  Reformation ;  and 
thus  the  strict  disciples  of  Luther,  who  tried  to  imitate  this  man 
of  genius  in  all  respects  with  a  slavish  exactness,1  received  great 
applause  for  their  violent  opposition  to  the  Interim.  "When  Me- 
lancthon,  on  the  other  hand,  in  his  despondency,2  allowed  himself 
to  be  used  by  the  Elector  Maurice,  who  was  generally  considered 
as  an  apostate,  in  drawing  up  a  second  Interim,3  his  friends  com- 
plained of  him,4  and  his  enemies  began  at  once  a  most  bitter  war- 
fare against  him  and  his  followers  in  Electoral  Saxony  (the  Phil- 

40  Chancellor  Bruck  reported  to  the  Elector,  Jan.  9, 1546  (C.  Ref.,  vi.  10),  that  Luther 
advised  not  to  send  Melancthon  to  Ratisbon,  and  then  said  :  "That  Philip  was  a  true 
man,  neither  shy  of  nor  avoiding  any  body ;  but  for  this  service  he  was  weak  and  sick. 
—If  we  were  to  lose  the  man  from  the  university,  half  the  university  would  go  off  with 
him." 

41  From  the  Weimar  archives  Seckendorf  reports  (Comm.  de  Lutheranismo,  iii.  165) 
that  Luther,  in  his  severe  illness  at  Smalcald,  1537,  had  said  to  the  Elector,  fore,  ut  post 
mortem  suam  discordia  in  Academia  Wittenbergensi  oriretur,  et  doctrinae  suae  mutatio 
fieret. 

1  Postilla  Melanthoniana,  i.  319  :  (Polypragmosyne)  nonnunquam  oritur  ex  Ka/co£ti\/a 
seu  imitatione  prava  alieni  exempli,  ut  multi  nunc  volunt  similes  esse  Luthero:  prae- 
texunt  zelum,  qui  est  sine  scientia,  tumultuantur  de  rebus  incognitis,  non  inquirunt 
fontes  negotiorum.  De  talibus  inquit  Polybius  :  Multi  volentes  videri  similes  magnis  vi- 
ris,  cum  'ipya  imitari  non  possint,  imitantur  Traptpya  et  producunt  in  theatrum  stultitiam 
suam. — Calvini  Secunda  Defensio  contra  Westphalum,  1556  (Opp.,  viii.  679)  :  0  Lu- 
there,  quam  paucos  tuae  praestantiae  imitatores,  quam  multas  vero  sanctae  tuae  jactan- 
tiae  simias  reliquisti ! 

2  His  letter  to  Christoph  v.  Carlowitz,  a  councilor  of  the  Elector  Maurice,  28th  Apr., 
1548  (C.  R.,  vi.  879),  which  soon  became  known,  made  a  particularly  unfavorable  im- 
pression about  him. 

3  See  Div.  I.,  §  9,  Notes  17, 18. 

*  Brentius  ad  Mel.  ineunte  anno  1549,  C.  R.,  vii.  289.  Ant.  Corvinus  ad  Mel.,  25. 
Sept.,  1549,  in  Illgen's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  Hist.  Thcol.,  ii.  ii.  226.  Calvin,  ad  Mel.,  1550 
(Calv.  Epistt.,  ed.  Genev.,  p.  89). 


43G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ippists).5  When  as  yet  there  were  only  reports  in  circulation 
about  the  new  Interim,  Matthias  Flacius  Illyricus,6  Professor  of 
the  Hebrew  language  in  "Wittenberg,  assailed  it  as  designed  to  re- 
store the  Papacy.7  Then  from  Magdeburg,  to  which  city  he  had 
fled  from  Wittenberg  in  April,  1549,  he  began  to  fight  against  the 
Leipsic  Interim,8  which  had  in  the  mean  time  (December,  1548) 
been  published,  in  conjunction  with  the  strict  Lutherans  who 
were  living  in  Magdeburg,  Nicholas  von  Amsdorf,  Matthew  Ju- 
dex, Nicholas  Gallus,  to  whom  were  added  John  Wigand,  preach- 
er at  Mansfeld,  and  Caspar  Aquila,  Superintendent  in  Saalfeld. 
It  was  particularly  urged  against  it  that  the  Church  ought  not  to 
allow  what  were  really  matters  of  indifference  (adiophora,  the 

5  Planck,  iv.  184.     Schriftenverzeichniss  in  Salig's  Hist.  d.  Augsb.  Conf.,  i.  631. 

6  M.  Flacii  111.  Leben  u.  Tod,  by  J.  B.  Ritter,  Frankf.  u.  Leipzig,  1725.  E.  A.  H. 
Heimburgius  de  Matth.  Flacio  111.,  Jenae,  1839.  M.  Flac.  111.,  a  lecture  by  Dr.  A. 
Twesten,  with  appendices,  and  an  essay  on  Melancthon's  relation  to  the  Interim,  by  H. 
Rossel,  Berlin,  1844.  [Comp.  W.  Preger,  M.  Flacius  Illyricus  und  Seine  Zeit.  Erste 
Halfte.     Erlang.,  1859.     W.  Gess,  Gesch.  d.  Prot.  Dogmatik,  i.  56  sq.] 

7  Thus  he  had  also  described  it  to  the  Hamburg  preachers,  Hamburgenses  ad  Me- 
lanth.,  16.  Apr.,  1549,  C.  R.,  vii.  367.  And  Agricola  had  written  that  the  Saxon  divines 
had  wholly  agreed  to  the  Augsburg  Interim ;  and  Melancthon  had  written  to  a  friend : 
Ego  non  recuso  ferrc  servitutem  in  adiaphoris  salva  doctrina;  and  in  the  Juterbock  Re- 
cess (Div.  I.,  §  9,  Note  17)  adopted  the  words :  "  Und  in  Mitteldingen  soil  man  alles 
halten,  wie  es  die  alten  heil.  Viiter  gehalten  haben,  und  jenes  Theil  jetziger  Zeit  audi 
noch  halt."  The  consequence  of  this,  said  the  Hamburgers,  would  be,  ut  sub  adiapho- 
rorum  appellatione  Ecclesiae  omnes  impios  usus,  profanationes  et  corruptelas  rursus  ob- 
trudant,  atque  hac  astutia  nostram  doctrinam  et  religionem  ex  fundamento  evertaut,  et 
Papismi  impietates  omnes  restituant ;  utque  hoc  astute  efficiant,  adiaphororum  com- 
mento  fascinant  pios  animos. 

8  Flacii  Narratio  Actionum  et  Certaminum,  drawn  up  by  him  for  the  Strasburg  di- 
vines, 1568  (in  Conr.  Schlusselburgii  Catalogus  Haereticorum,  lib.  xiii.,  Francof.,  1599, 
p.  802),  gives  the  chief  corruptions  thus :  Fuit  abjecta  diserte  formula  sola  fides,  sicut  ea 
Philippus  inde  a  comitiis  Augustanis  non  libenter  usus  est,  qui  earn  ibi  teste  Cochlaeo  il- 
lis  cesserat,  et  contra  accepta,  principally.  Fuit  comprobata  papistica  doctrina  liberi  ar- 
bitrii  in  Interim.— Fuit  renovatum  Pseudoapostolorum  dogma  de  operum  necessitate  ad 
salutem,  seu  causa  sine  qua  non,— olim  anno  1536,  gravissime  anathematizatum  a  Lu- 
thero  reliquisque  theologis  in  publica  disputatione,  postquam  per  integrum  annum  ea 
controversia  illic  agitata  et  examinata  esset  (comp.  §  36,  Notes  22-25.  In  the  Interim 
it  stands  only,  that  good  works  are  necessary,  but  not  that  they  are  necessary  for  salva- 
tion). Non  abfuit  etiam  fides  formata,  ut  ex  Juterbacensi  diplomate  patet.  Fuit  con- 
sensum,  ut  redderetur  jurisdictio  Episcopis  ordinariis  et  etiam  supremo  (as  in  the  Wit- 
tenberg Plan  of  Reform,  subscribed  by  Luther,  §  36,  Note  39).  Fuit  corrupla  doctrina 
de  poenitentia,  addita  confessione  et  satisfactione,  exclusaque  fide,  quae  etiam  a  sacra- 
mentis  separatur.  Fuit  restituta  confirmatio  (as  in  the  Wittenberg  Reformation)  et  ex- 
trema  unctio.  Usus  quoque  carnium  tempore  jejunii  et  duobus  illis  diebus  vetitus. 
Vulgares  cautiones  ecclesiasticae  Lutheri  et  aliorum  sublatae,  et  in  earum  locum  Grego- 
rianus  boatus  cum  latina  lingua  restitutus.  Missa  tanquam  quicldam  diversum  a  com- 
niunione  instaurata  (false),  in  qua  etiam  expresse  Confiteor.  Decretum  fuit,  ut  credere- 
tur  et  doceretur  quicquid  Ecclesia  statuisset,  confirmaudi  videlicet  concilii  et  potestatis 
papalis  gratia.    Et  alia  hujua  generis  innumera  portenta. 


PT.  II.— CH.  I.-LUTHERANISM.    §  37.  ADIAPIIORISTIC  CONTROVERSY.  437 

Adiaphoristic  Controversy)*  to  be  forced  upon  it  by  a  hostile 
power.     At  the  same  time,  in  this  controversy  the. milder  form- 

9  Conr.  Schliisselburgii  Catal.  Haereticorum  lib.  xiii.  de  Adiaphoristis  et  Interimistis. 
Planck,  iv.  174.  Melancthon's  excuses,  ad  Francofurtenses,  29.  Jan.,  1549,  C.  R.,  vii. 
321 :  Omnes  sani  intelligunt,  naturae  hominis  convenire  ordinis  elegantiam  in  publicis 
congressibus. — Volo  et  deinceps  semper  eandem  vocem  verae  doctrinae  servari,  et  nullos 
recepi  impios  cultus.  In  caeteris  autem  rebus  ostendamus  modestiam  et  tolerantiam  in 
servitute. — Praeterea  majus  est  scandalum  deserere  Ecclesias  propter  causas  non  maxi- 
mas,  aut  praebere  causam  judiciis  populi,  qui  diceret,  nos  propter  parvas  res  pertinacia 
nostra  attrahere  bella ;  quam  praebere  adversariis  qualemcunque  occasionem  calumni- 
andi  nostram  moderationem. — Nee  propterea  amittitur  libertas  Christiana,  si  recte  doce- 
bimus.  Nam  corda  scient,  tales  ritus  non  esse  cultus  Dei,  sed  alia  majora  opera,  veram 
fidem,  etc.  Sine  hac  doctrina,  et  sine  his  virtutibus  libertas  externa  in  cibis,  vestitu  et 
similibus  adiaphoris  non  est  libertas  Christiana,  sed  nova  politia,  gratior  fortasse  populo, 
quia  pauciora  vincula  habet.— In  hac  nostra  infirmitate  cum  primum  veteres  ritus  abo- 
liti  sunt,  magna  fuit  et  docentium,  et  opinionum  et  locorum  dissimilitudo.  Aliqui  pri- 
vatam  absolutionem  prorsus  aboleverant,  quod  cum  non  sit  recte  factum,  etiam  ante  hoc 
tempus  restitui  earn  optavi.— Nee  restitutio  aliorum  rituum  mediorum  praevaricatio  est, 
cum  doctrinae  puritas  retinetur.  Comp.  Paul  Eber,  by  Chr.  H.  Sixt,  Heidelberg,  1843, 
s.  183,  and  Eber's  Narrative,  s.  237.  In  reply,  Calvinus  ad  Mel.,  1550  (Epist.  ed.  Ge- 
nev.,  p.  90):  Tu  si  ad  cedendum  fuisti  mollior,  id  tibi  vitio  a  multis  verti,  non  est  quod 
mireris.  Adde,  quod  eorum,  quae  tu  media  facis,  quaedam  cum  Dei  verbo  manifesto 
pugnant.  Nimis  praecise  fortassis  quaedam  alii  urgent,  atque  ut  in  contentionibus  fieri 
solet,  odiose  quaedam  exagitant,  quibus  non  inest  tantum  mali.  Verum  si  quid  in  re- 
bus divinis  intelligo,  tarn  multa  Papistis  abs  te  concedi  non  oportuit,  partim  quia  lax- 
asti,  quae  verbo  suo  Dominus  adstringit,  partim  quia  proterve  Evangelio  insultandi 
materiam  dedisti.  Cum  circumcisio  adhuc  licita  esset,  annon  vides,  Paulum,  quia  ver- 
suti  ac  malitiosi  aucupes  insidias  piorum  libertati  tendebant,  illis  profectam  a.  Deo  cere- 
moniam  pertinaciter  negare  ?  Itaque  ne  ad  momentum  quidem  se  illis  cessisse  gloria- 
tur,  quo  Evangelii  Veritas  integra  maneret  apud  gentes. — Alia,  ut  nosti,  tua  est,  quam 
multorum  conditio.  Plus  enim  ignominiae  ducis  vel  antesignani  trepidatio,  quam  gre- 
gariorum  militum  fuga  sustinet. — Itaque  plures  tu  unus  paululum  cedendo  querimonias 
et  gemitus  excitasti,  quam  centum  mediocres  aperta  defectione.  Mel.  ad  Flacium,  5. 
Sept.,  1556,  C.  R.,  viii.  841 :  Cum  doctrina  retineretur  integra,  malui  nostros  hanc  servi- 
tutem  subire,  quam  deserere  ministerium  Evangelii ;  et  idem  consilium  me  Francis  de- 
disse  fateor.  Hoc  feci ;  doctrinam  confessionis  nunquam  mutavi.  Ego  etiam  de  ritibus 
his  mediis  minus  pugnavi,  quia  jam  antea  in  plerisque  Ecclesiis  harum  regionum  re- 
tenti  erant.  Postea  vos  contradicere  coepistis.  Cessi,  nihil  pugnavi.  Ajax  apud  Ho- 
merum  proelians  cum  Hectore  contentus  est  cum  cedit  Hector,  et  fatetur,  ipsum  victo- 
rem  esse.  Vos  finem  nullum  facitis  criminandi.  Quis  hoc  hostis  facit,  ut  cedentes  et 
arma  abjicientes  feriat?  Vincite,  cedo,  nihil  pugno  de  ritibus  illis,  et  maxime  opto,  ut 
dulcis  sit  Ecclesiarum  concordia.  Fateor  etiam  hac  in  re  a  me  peccatum  esse,  et  a  Deo 
veniam  peto,  quod  non  procul  fugi  insidiosas  illas  deliberationes.  The  Formula  Con- 
cordiae  gives  the  point  of  controversy  precisely  and  correctly :  X.  De  Ceremoniis  Eccle- 
siasticis :  Una  pars  sensit,  quod  persecutionis  tempore  (quando  confessio  fidei  edenda 
est),  etiamsi  adversarii  Evangelii  in  doctrina  nobiscum  non  consentiant,  tamen  sana  et 
salva  conscientia  liceat  quasdam  dudum  abrogatas  ceremonias  (quae  per  se  adiaphorae, 
et  a  Deo  neque  praeceptae  neque  prohibitae  sunt)  postulantibus  id  et  urgentibus  adver- 
sariis restituere,  et  hoc  modo  cum  iis  in  rebus  illis  per  se  adiaphoris  conformem  quan- 
dam  rationem  instituere  posse.  Altera  vero  pars  contendit,  quod  persecutionis  tempore 
(quando  confessio  fidei  requiritur)  adversariis,  illaesa  conscientia  et  sine  jactura  veritatis 
coelcstis,  restitutione  rerum  adiaphorarum  gratineari  non  possimus  :  praesertim  quando 
adversarii  hoc  agunt,  ut  aut  vi  manifesta  aut  occultis  machinationibus  sinceram  doctri- 
nam opprimant,  et  paulatim  falsa  dogmata  in  Ecdesias  nostras  reducaut. 


438  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ulas  of  the  Melancthonian  theology  were  declared  to  be  corrup- 
tions of  pure  doctrine,  and  then  were  made  the  occasion,  one  aft- 
er another,  of  as  many  special  controversies.  Thus  the  Witten- 
berg divine,  George  Major,  was  led  by  an  attack  of  Nicholas  von 
Amsdorf  to  declare  (1552)  the  necessity  of  good  works  to  salva- 
tion.10 Thereupon  the  Majoristic  controversy  broke  out  with  great 
violence,11  in  which  Justus  Menius,  Superintendent  of  Gotha,  was 
also  involved.12  The  "Wittenbergers  conceded  that  that  phrase 
might  easily  be  misunderstood,  but  not  that  it  was  absolutely 
false,13  and  let  Major  stay  in  his  post  as  teacher ;  and  they  were 

10  To  Amsdorf  s  work,  "  Dass  Dr.  Pommer  und  Dr.  Major  Aergerniss  und  Verwirrung 
angericht,"  Magdeburg,  1551.  4.,  appeared  the  reply:  "Auf  des  ehrenwiirdigen  Herru 
Niclas  v.  Amsdorf 's  Schrift  Antwort  G.  Majors."  Wittenberg,  1652.  4.  Major  there 
writes,  C.  1,  verso:  "Das  bekenne  ich  aber,  dass  ich  also  vormals  gelehret,  und  noch 
lehre,  und  forder  alle  mein  Lebtag  also  lehren  will,  dass  gute  Werk  zur  Seligkeit  nothig 
sind,  und  sage  Offentlichen  und  mit  klaren  und  deutlichen  Worten,  dass  niemands  durch 
bose  Werk  selig  werde,  und  dass  auch  niemands  ohne  gute  Werk  selig  werde,  und  sage 
mehr,  dass  wer  anders  lehret,  auch  ein  Engel  vom  Himmel,  der  sey  verflucht;"  [that 
good  works  are  necessary  to  salvation,  that  no  one  can  be  saved  by  bad  works,  nor  with- 
out good  works,  etc.]  In  further  explanation  [that  good  works  can  not  effect  forgive- 
ness or  justification ;  that  those  gifts  are  received  alone  through  Christ,  and  by  faith], 
C.  11,  verso:  "Dass,  wiewol  wir  also  lehren,  dass  die  Werk  zur  Seelen  Seligkeit  von 
nothen,  dass  dennoch  solche  gute  Werk  das  nicht  wirken  oder  verdienen  konnen  oder 
mogen,  dass  uns  die  Siinde  vergeben,  die  Gerechtigkeit  zugerechnet,  der  h.  Geist  und 
das  ewige  Leben  gegeben  werden  :  denn  solche  herrliche  himmlische  Giiter  sind  uns  al- 
leiu  durch  den  Tod  unsers  einigen  Mittlers  und  Heilands  Jesu  Christi  erworben,  und 
miissen  allein  durch  den  Glauben  empfangen  werden  :  dennoch  miissen  auch  gute  Werk, 
nicht  als  Verdienst,  sonder  als  schuldiger  Gehorsam  gegen  Gott  vorhanden  seyn."  In 
his  sermon,  delivered  soon  after,  on  "Paul's  Conversion,"  Leipz.,  1553,  4,  D.  3,  he  says, 
— "that  works  are  not  to  attain  salvation,  but  to  maintain  salvation,  and  so  far  necessary 
that  the  not  doing  them  is  a  certain  sign  that  faith  is  dead." 

11  C.  Schliisselburgii  Catal.  Haeret.,  lib.  vii.  de  Majoristis.  Salig,  i.  638.  Planck, 
iv.  469.  G.  Thomasius,  das  Bekenntniss  der  Evangel.  Luth.  Kirche  in  der  Consequenz 
seines  Princips,  Nurnberg,  1848,  s.  100. 

12  Planck,  iv.  512. 

13  Melanchthonis  Sententia,  1553.  C.  R.,  viii.  194  :  Cum  dicitur,  nova  obedientia  est 
necessaria  ad  salutem,  Papistae  intelligunt  bona  opera  esse  meritum  salutis.  Haec  pro- 
positio  falsa  est ;  ideo  ilium  modum  loquendi  mitto.  Et  tamen  dici  usitatum  est :  nova 
obedientia  est  necessaria,  npn  ut  meritum,  sed  necessitate  causae  formalis ;  ut  cum  dico : 
paries  albedine  necessario  est  albus. — Necessarium  autem  significat :  coactione  extortum 
— (aut)  ordinalum  immutabili  ordine :  sic  dicitur  :  in  angelis,  Maria  bona  opera  sunt  ne- 
cessaria, videlicet  ordinata  immutabili  ordine  divino,  quo  creatura  subjecta  est  creatori. 
Melancthon's  Memorial  to  the  Senate  of  Nordhausen,  Jan.  13,  1555,  C.  R.,  viii.  410 :  He 
earnestly  advised  the  preachers  who  were  there  contending  about  the  proposition — "  Good 
works  are  necessary  to  salvation,"  to  let  it  drop,  [on  account  of  the  different  ways  in 
which  it  was  understood ;  and  also  that  the}'  should  stop  discussing  Dr.  Major  and  his 
affairs  in  the  pulpit.  As  to  the  ambiguity  of  the  proposition,  he  further  speaks  of  the 
sense  in  which  necessarium  and  debitum  are  used  in  the  discussion,  some  understanding 
them  as  equivalent  to,  extortum  coactione,  others  as  implying  only  the  order  and  plan 
of  divine  wisdom.  Others,  again,  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  good  works  were  more  inju- 
rious than  bad  works.    And  Dr.  Jiickel  (Agricola)  and  Naogeorgius  (Kirchmaier)  main- 


PT.  II— CH.  I.-LUTIIERANISM.    §  37.  CALVINISTIC  CONTROVERSY.  439 

accordingly  accused  of  holding  the  same  error.  Thereupon  Joa- 
chim Westphal,  preacher  in  Hamburg,  renewed  the  sacramental 
controversy  against  Calvin  and  Peter  Martyr,14  undoubtedly  with 

tained  that  a  man  may  have  justifying  faith  even  while  knowingly  violating  the  divine 
law.  To  which  Dr.  Luther  replied,  that  by  sins  against  the  conscience  faith  is  expelled  ; 
and  that  good  works  are  not  mere  outward  works,  but  repentance,  thankfulness,  etc.] : 
"Weil  doch  alsbald  diese  Dcutung  angeluinget  wird,  als  sollten  gute  Werke  Verdienst 
seyn  der  Seligkeit ;  zum  Andern,  dass  sie  audi  Doctoris  Majoris  Person  und  Sach  nicht 
auf  den  Predigtstuhl  bringen,  sondern  stellen  dieses  zu  seiner  sell)  Erklarung.  Und  ist 
diese  Disputation  aus  vielen  vorigen  frevelen  Reden  von  zwanzig  Jahren  her  verursacht. 
Etliche  wollen  diese  Rede  nicht  dulden  :  gute  Werke  sind  nothig ;  oder  also :  man  muss 
gute  Werke  thun  ;  wollen  diese  zwei  Worter  necessitas  und  debitum  nicht  haben  :  und 
stund  der  Ilofprediger  (Agricola)  derselbigen  Zeit,  und  spielet  mit  dem  Wort  muss  :  '  das 
Muss  ist  versalzen;'  verstund  necessarium  und  debitum  fiir  erzwungen  durch  Furcht 
der  Strafe,  extortum  coactione,  und  redete  hohe  Wort,  wie  gute  Werke  ohne  Gesetz  kii- 
men.  So  doch  necessarium  und  debitum  nicht  erstlich  heisset  extortum  coactione,  son- 
dern die  ewige  und  unwandelbare  Ordnung  gottlicher  Weisheit,  und  der  Herr  Christus 
und  Paulus  selbst  diese  Worte  necessarium  und  debitum  brauchen.  Ein  andrer  sagt : 
dem  Glauben  waren  gute  Werk  schadlicher  denn  hose  Werk.  Darnach  kamen  Doctor 
Jackel  (Agricola)  und  Naogeorgius  (Thorn.  Kirchmaier,  1544,  C.  R.,  v.  290),  die  rissen 
das  Loch  noch  weiter  auf,  und  verstunden  die  Proposition:  sola  fide  justificamur  also: 
es  behielte  ein  Mensch  den  Glauben  und  heil.  Geist,  wenn  er  gleich  wider  Gottes  Gesetz 
wissentlich  thate,  als  da  David  den  Ehebruch  und  Todschlag  that.  Nahmen  weg  den 
Unterscheid  der  todtlichen  Sunde  und  der  bosen  Neigung  in  Ileiligen.  Und  ist  des 
Naogeorgi  Schrift  davon  durch  den— Herzog  Joh.  Friedrich— an— Doctorem  Martinum 
gesandt  worden,  der  darauf  geantwortet  und  deutlich  geschrieben  vom  Unterscheid  der 
Sdnden,  und  dass  durch  Siind  wider  das  Gewissen  der  heil.  Geist  und  Glaube  ausge- 
stossen  wiirden.— Wahrhaftiger  Glaub  ist  nicht  ohne  Werk  im  Herzen,  oh  sie  gleich 
nicht  Verdienst  seyn,  causae  justificationis,  sondern  folgen  dem  Glauben.  Und  ist  eine 
grobe  Rede,  so  man  spricht  von  dem  bekehrten  Morder  am  Kreuz,  er  habe  nach  der  Bc- 
kehrung  nicht  gute  Werke  gehabt.  Denn  Werke  heissen  nicht  allein  iiusserliche  Tha- 
ten,  sondern  auch  im  Herzen  Reu,  Anrufung,  guter  Vorsatz,  Danksagung,  Geduld,  wel- 
che  Tugenden  sind  Friichte  des  heil.  Geistes."  Comp.  the  Responsum  de  Controversia 
Schweinfurtiana,  13.  Nov.,  1559,  on  the  same  subject,  C.  R.,  ix.  969.  Major,  in  his  "Be- 
kenntniss  v.  d.  Artikel  der  Justification,"  Wittenberg,  1558.  4.,  vindicated  his  orthodoxy, 
and  concluded  with  the  proposal  "  not  to  make  use  of  the  phrase,  '  good  works  are  neces- 
sary to  salvation,' on  account  of  their  false  interpretation,"  saying  that  he  had  "for 
some  years  refrained  from  using  it."  Still  his  opponents  were  not  satisfied,  but  demand- 
ed recantation.  Andreas  Musculus,  professor  in  Frankfort-on-the-Oder,  a  follower  of 
Agricola,  and  a  violent  foe  of  Melancthon,  said,  in  an  address,  1558,  "  Those  that  teach 
that  we  must  do  good  works  belong  to  the  devil,  with  all  who  follow  them,"  and  was 
involved  in  a  controversy  about  it  with  his  colleague,  Abdias  Praetorius  (S.  Th.  Wald 
Controversia  de  bonorum  Operum  Necessitate  inter  Musculum  et  Praetorium  agitata, 
Diss.,  Lips.,  1786.  4.).  Amsdorf  wrote  a  work  with  the  title,  "  That  the  proposition,  good 
works  are  hurtful  to  salvation,  was  [is]  a  right  true  Christian  proposition,"  1559.  4. ;  that 
is,  works  by  which  it  is  hoped  to  deserve  grace  and  salvation  ;  and  thus  the  matter  be- 
came a  frivolous  oxymoron. 

14  First  against  the  Consensus  Tigurinus,  1549,  see  §  35,  Note  51,  and  against  Petri 
Martyris  Vermilii  Florentini  de  Sacramento  Eucharistiac  in  celeberrima  Angliae  Schola 
Oxoniensi  Tractatio,  Tiguri,  1552.  In  the  preface  of  Jo.  Wolphius  to  the  latter,  after  a 
characterizing  of  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  it  is  added  :  hujus  quidem 
opinionis  Martinum  Lutherum  auctorem  et  patronum  fuisse  ferunt : — eum  errorem  Pe- 
trus  Martyr  omnem  diligentissime  refutavit.  Thus  was  the  attack  opened.  Westphal 
now  wrote :  Farrago  Confusanearum  et  inter  sc  Dissidentium  Opiuionum  de  Coena  Do- 


440  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

respect  to  the  Philippists,  who  agreed  with  Calvin,  though  they 
did  not  openly  say  so  (the  Calvinistic  Controversy).15  The  Swiss 
at  first  kept  silence;  but  when  John  a  Lasko,16  driven  from  En- 
gland (1555)  under  Mary,  with  his  French  Reformed  Church, 
was  refused  admission  into  Denmark  and  Northern  Germany  with 
bitter  expressions  of  religious  hatred,17  Calvin  and  Bullinger,  in- 
censed by  this  fanaticism,  came  forward  in  defense  of  their  doc- 
trine.18    Calviu  claimed  to  agree  with  the  Augsburg  Confession, 

mini  ex  Sacramentariorum  Libris  congesta,  Magdcb.,  1552 ;  also,  Recta  Fides  de  Coena 
Domini  ex  Verbis  Apostoli  Pauli  et  Evangelistarum  demonstrata,  Magdeb.,  1553. 

15  Planck,  v.  ii.  1.     Ebrard's  Dogma  v.  heil.  Abendmale  u.  s.  Gesch.,  ii.  525. 

16  Excellent  statements  on  the  matter  in  controversy  in  Jo.  a  Lasco  Ep.  ad  Alb.  Har- 
denberg,  Emdae,  1546  (Gerdesii  Scrinium  Antiquarium,  ii.  G29) :  Ego  enim  tanti  non 
facio  dissidium  hoc  de  dementis  Sacramentorum,  posteaquam  de  mysteriis  convenit,  ut 
propter  elementa  scindi  velim  societatem  et  caritatem  christianam.  Mysterium  porro 
omnium  summum  in  Coena  esse  puto  communionem  corporis  et  sanguinis  Christi :  in 
hoc  vcro  nullum  usque  dissidium  video :  omnes  enim  ingenue  fatemur,  nos  in  Coena 
vero  Christi  corpori  et  sanguini  vere  etiam  communicare,  quicunque  verbo  illius  credi- 
mus.  Quid  jam  attinet,  quo  modo  id  fiat  anxie  et  curiose  disquirere,  atque  hoc  nomine 
turbas  in  Ecclesia  non  necessarias  excitare,  quam  alioqui  satis  affligi  et  perturbari  ab 
hostibus  nostris  videmus  ?  Excitent  eas,  qui  volent,  me  illarum  socium  non  habebunt. 
Mihi  ea  corporis  et  sanguinis  Christi  manducatio  satis  est,  quam  Dominus  ipse  ore  suo 
nobis  ad  salutem  nostram  satis  esse  testatur,  dum  illi  addit  vitae  aeternae  promissionem, 
non  facta  interim  mentione  ullius  alterius  manducationis. — Quare  hanc  ipsam  et  non  ali- 
am  manducationem  Coenae  usu  in  animo  meo  renovo,  fidemque  illius  in  animo  raeo  ex 
Christi  institutione  obsigno,  ne  mihi  excidat  unquam.     [Bartels,  in  Z.  f.  d.  Theol.,  18G0.] 

17  Joh.  Utenhovii  (one  of  their  preachers)  Simplex  et  Fidelis  Narratio  de  instituta  ac 
demum  dissipata  Belgarum  aliorumque  peregrinorum  in  Anglia  Ecclesia,  ac  potissimum 
de  susceptis  postea  illius  Nomine  Itineribus,  Basil.,  15G0,  is  the  chief  source,  but  not 
without  exaggerations;  see  Pontoppidan's  Kirchenhist.  v.  Danemark,  iii.  317;  Neue 
Beitr.  von  alten  und  neuen  Theol.  Sachen,  175G,  s.  596,  750 ;  Gittermann,  in  Vater's 
Kirchenhist.  Archiv,  1825,  ii.  150. — Planck,  v.  ii.  36.  [Bartels,  in  Zeitschr.  f.  deutsche 
Theol.,  I860.] 

18  Jo.  Calvini  Defensio  Sanae  et  Orthodoxae  Doctrinae  de  Sacramentis,  quam  minis- 
tri  Tigurinae  Ecclesiae  et  Genevensis  ante  aliquot  annos  brevi  Consensionis  Formula 
complexi  fuerunt,  Nov.  28,  155-1  (in  the  Opp.  Calvini,  ed.  Amstel.,  T.  viii.  p.  618,  under 
the  titles  Consensio  Mutua  and  Consensionis  Capitum  Expositio). — Westphali  Collecta- 
nea Sententiarum  D.  Aur.  Augustini  de  Coena  Domini,  Ratisp.,  1555. — Lasco  Purgatio 
Ecclesiae  peregrinorum  Francofurtensis,  1555.  Calvini  Secunda  Defensio  contra  West- 
phalum,  Jan.,  1556,  dedicated  to  the  Ministris  et  sinceris  Dei  cultoribus  in  Saxonicis 
Ecclesiis  et  Germania  inferiore  (Opp.,  viii.  659).  Bullingeri  Apologetica  Defensio,  qua 
ostenditur,  Tigur.  Eccl.  ministros  nullum  sequi  dogma  haereticum  in  Coena  Domini, 
Febr.,  1556. — Confessio  Fidei  de  Eucharistiae  Sacramento  par  ministros  Ecclesiarum 
Saxonicarum  (Magdeburg,  Eisleben,  Bremen,  Hildesheim,  and  Liibeck),  Magdeb.,  1557. 
Further  works  by  Brenz,  Erhard  Schnepf,  Erasm.  Alber,  Paul  v.  Eitzen,  Westphal. — 
Calv.  Ultima  Admonitio  ad  Joach.  Westphalum,  cui  nisi  obtemperet,  eo  loco  posthac 
habendus  erit,  quo  pertinaces  haereticos  haberi  jubet  Paulus,  1557  (Opp.,  viii.  G85). — 
Westphali  Justa  Defensio  adv.  insignia  Mendacia  Jo.  a  Lasco,  1657,  ejusd.  Apologia  con- 
fessionis  de  Coena  Domini  contra  corruptelas  et  calumnias  Jo.  Calvini  scripta,  Ursellis, 
1558. — Th.  Bezae  De  Coena  Domini  Plana  et  Perspicua  Tractatio,  in  qua  Jo.  Westphali 
Calumniae  refelluntur,  1559  (Tract.  Theol.,  i.  211 ;  comp.  Theod.  Beza,  by  Baum,  ii.  48). 
Calvin's  Leben,  by  Henry,  iii.  i.  308.     Bullinger's  Leben,  by  Hess,  ii.  213. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTIIERANISM.     §  37.  CRYPTO-CALVINISTS.    441 

and  appealed  to  the  authority  of  Melancthon  as  its  author.19  His 
opponents,  on  the  other  hand,  with  hardly-dissembled  scorn,  endeav- 
ored to  prove  that,  during  the  lifetime  of  Luther,  Melancthon  had 
taught  only  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper.20  In  spite 
of  all  these  charges  Melancthon  kept  silence.21  Then  the  Philip- 
pists,  scattered  through  the  north  of  Germany,  began  to  be  stig- 
matized as  Crypto-Calvinists.22  John  Timann,  preacher  in  Bremen, 
in  a  work  against  the  Sacramentarians,  1555,  first  insisted  upon 
the  ubiquity  of  Christ's  body  as  a  settled  dogma,23  and  most  of  the 
Bremen  preachers  subscribed  to  it.  The  cathedral  preacher,  Al- 
bert Hardenberg,  was  attacked  as  a  Crypto-Calvinist  on  account 
of  his  decided  opposition  to  them.24     In  the  violence  of  the  strife 

15  Calvini  Sec.  Defensio,  1556  (Opp.,  viii.  G75) :  repeto,— in  confessione,  qualis  Ratis- 
bouae  (at  the  colloquy  in  Ratisbon,  1511,  the  Variata)  edita  fuit,  verbuni  non  extare 
doctrinae  nostrae  contrarium.  Si  qua  in  sensu  ambiguitas  incidat,  nullum  magisido- 
neum  esse  interpretem,  quam  auctorem  ipsum,  cui  etiam  id  honoris  pro  suo  merito  facile 
pii  omnes  et  eruditi  deferent.  Ejusd.  Ultima  Admonitio,  1557  (1.  c,  p.  687)  :  Ego  si  te- 
mere  comperiar  Philippi  nomine  abusus,  nullas  ignominiae  notas  recuse — Solum  quod 
dixi  et  quidem  centies  si  opus  sit,  confirmo,  non  magis  a  me  Philippum  quam  a  propriis" 
visceribus  in  hac  causa  posse  divelli.  Letters  of  Calvin  to  Melancthon,  asking  him  to 
break  his  silence,  dd.  6.  Cal.  Sept.,  1554  (Epist.,  ed.  Gen.,  p.  133),  3.  Non.  Mart.,  1555 
(p.  157),  10.  Cal.  Sept.,  1555  (p.  162),  3.  Non.  Aug.,  1557  (p.  185). 

20  A  new  edition  of  Phil.  Mel.  Sententiae  Vett.  aliquot  Scriptorum  de  Coena  Domini 
(§  36,  Note  15)  cum  praef.  Nic.  Galli,  quae  secundae  hujus  editionis  causam  ostendit  et 
alia  continet  lectu  utilia,  Ratisponae,  1554.  In  the  preface  it  is  said:  Cumque  reperi- 
antur,  qui  etiam  Philippi  auctoritate  errorem  hunc  molliant  et  insinuent,  etsi  causa  haec 
non  nititur  homiuum  suffragiis,  operae  pretium  tamen  me  facturum  arbitrabar  (ac  quod 
nee  auctori  recte  improbari  possit),  si  hanc  olim  editam  ab  ipso  confessionem  darem  re- 
cudendam. — Quoquo  modo  suspicentur  aut  opinentur  aliqui  de  sententia  Philippi  in  re 
sacramentaria,  nos  earn  clare  hie  expressam  demonstramus,  et  gratias  ipsi  agimus  pro 
collectis  veterum  suffragiis.  Westphal  then  wrote,  Clarissimi  viri,  Ph.  Melanchtbonis 
Sententia  de  Coena  Domini,  ex  Scriptis  ejus  collecta,  Hamburg.,  1557. 

21  Mel.  ad.  Calvinum,  14.  Oct.,  1554,  C.  R.,  viii.  362:  Quod — me  hortaris,  ut  repri- 
mam  ineruditos  clamores  illorum,  qui  renovant  certamen  irtpl  ApToXaTptLas,  scito,  quos- 
dam  praeeipue  odio  mei  earn  disputationem  movere,  ut  habeant  plausibilem  causam  ad 
me  opprimendum.  Ad  U.  Mordeisen,  15.  Nov.,  1557,  C.  R.,  ix.  374:  Si  mihi  conccda- 
tis,  ut  in  alio  loco  vivam,  respondebo  illis  indoctis  sycophantis  et  vere  et  graviter,  et  di- 
cam  utilia  Ecclesiae. 

22  Thus,  in  Schwerin,  the  jurist  Justus  Jonas;  in  Rostock,  the  magister  Rudolph 
Mi'inchhausen ;  Wigger's  Kirchengcsch.  Mecklenburgs,  s.  144. 

23  Farrago  Sententiarum  Consentientium  in  Vera  et  Catholica  Doctrina  de  Coena  Do- 
mini— contra  Sacramentariorum  dissidentes  inter  se  Opiniones— collecta  per  Jo.  Timan- 
lium  Amsterodamum,  Francof.,  1555.  A  sketch  of  this  work  in  Dan.  Gerdes  Hist.  Mo- 
tuum  Eeclesiasticorum  in  civitate  Bremensi  ab  a.  1547-61  (in  Scrinium  Antiquar.,  v.  1, 
also  printed  separatelj-),  p.  91.  A  section  of  the  work,  p.  225-299,  was  to  prove,  quod 
Christi  corpus  ubique  sit,  eo  quod  Verbum  caro  factum  est,  et  quod  sedet  ad  dextram 
Patris. 

24  A  Ilardenbergii  Positiones  adv.  Ubiquitatem  Corporis  Christi  in  Farragine  Jo.  Am- 
jterodami,  in  Gerdes,  p.  96:  §  13.  Quare  juxta  formas  loquendi  tain  Scripturae  sacrae 
quam  veteris  Ecclesiae  concludo  adversus  imaginariam  et  admodum  nuper  istam  reper- 


442  .FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

many  zealots  were  brought  to  the  outskirts  of  transubstantiation.25 
Melancthon  contended  unreservedly  against  these  new  excrescen- 
ces, and  never  denied,  in  the  public  declarations  he  had  occasion 
to  make,  his  essential  agreement  with  Calvin  on  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per ;  but  ho  avoided  saying  any  thing  upon  the  peculiarities  of 
the  Lutheran  doctrine,  in  order  to  get  rid  of  a  disagreeable  con- 
troversy.26 

The  Flacianists  were  the  ruling  party  in  Magdeburg,  Ducal 
Saxony,  and  the  north  of  Germany  ;  the  Philippists  in  Electoral 
Saxony  alone.  On  the  other  hand,  the  larger  part  of  the  Evan- 
gelical churches  of  the  country  (particularly  in  Pomerania,  Hesse, 
and  Southern  Germany)  looked  upon  the  controversy  with  such  a 
degree  of  impartiality,  that,  with  all  their  attachment  to  Luther's 
doctrine,  they  still  acknowledged  the  great  services  of  Melanc- 
thon, and  blamed  the  violence  of  the  Flacianists.27  But  as  they 
did  not  prevent  the  latter  from  speaking  their  high  words,  these 
seemed  to  have  more  influence  than  they  really  possessed.  They 
even  went  so  far  as  to  summon  Melancthon,  January,  1557,  to  a 
recantation,  which,  however,  he  refused  to  make.28 

tarn  pantitopian,  quam  ubiquitatem  vocant :  Christum  hominem  ubique  esse  propter  per- 
sonae  unitatem,  non  autem  ejus  carnem  vel  humanitatem. 

25  Melancthon's  Memorial  to  the  Palatine  Elector,  1.  Nov.,  1559,  C.  R.,  ix.  962: 
Acerrime  pugnant  Papistae,  et  eorum  similes,  ut  dicatur  corpus  Christi  extra  sumtio- 
nem  inclusum  esse  speciebus  panis,  aut  pani,  et  postulant  adorationem,  sicut  Morlinus 
Brunsvigae  dixit :  Thou  must  not  say,  "  Mum,  mum,"  but  thou  must  say,  "  What  is 
this  which  the  priest  has  in  his  hand?"  (a  phrase  imitated  from  one  in  a  letter  of  Luther 
to  the  council  and  congregation  of  Frankfort-on-the-Maine,  1533  (Walch,  xvii.  2435) ; 
but  there  the  concluding  words  are,  "what  bread  and  wine  are  in  the  sacrament?") 
Sarcerius  jubet  delapsas  particulas  colligi,  et  erasa  terra  comburi.  So,  too,  in  Salig, 
iii.  528. 

26  Ebrard's  Dogma  v.  h.  Abendmale,  ii.  464. 

27  Brentius  ad  Mel.,  6.  Nov.,  1552,  C.  R.,  vii.  1129 i  Te  latere  nolui,  utut  alii  de  me 
judicent,  me  inter  hyperboreas  illas  rixas  non  solum  veterem  nostram  amicitiam,  sed 
etiam  veterem  sententiam  irtpi  dinaioavvii?,  quam  divina  dementia  a  vobis  praeceptori- 
bus  didici,  retinere.  Coepi  te  semel  animo  meo,  ut  o-zctDos  Christi,  complecti,  et  doctri- 
nam  Ecclesiae  a  vobis  traditam  ut  consentaneam  sacrae  Scripturae  agnoscere. — Mihi  in 
hac  rerum  perturbatione  non  aliud  relictum  videtur,  quam  ut  optem  tibi  animum  excel- 
sum,  qui  ista  contemnat,  ac  non  dcfatigetur  sua  officia  Ecclesiae  probare. 

28  On  all  these  attempts  at  compromise,  see  Planck,  vi.  25.  In  the  C.  R.,  ix.  23,  are 
the  acts  in  the  negotiations  at  Wittenberg,  January,  1557,  with  the  divines  of  Lower 
Saxony  (particularly  Morlin,  Superintendent  in  Brunswick,  V.  Curtius,  Superintendent 
in  Liibeck,  Paul  von  Eitzen,  Superintendent  in  Hamburg).  On  the  conditions  proposed 
to  Melancthon,  p.  36:  2.  Rejiciantur  omnes  contrarii  errores  Papistarum,  Interimista- 
rum,  Anabaptistarum,  Sacramentariorum.  3.  Ex  articulo  de  justificatione  tollantur 
omnes  corruptelae,  pugnantes  cum  sincera  doctrina  apostolica,  et  Augustana  confes- 
siono,  praecipue  corruptelae  de  necessitate  operum  ad  salutem.  5.  Ne  fiat  conciliatio 
cum  Papistis  de  ceremoniis,  nisi  prius  convcnerit  de  doctrina,  et  ipsi  desierint  esse  perse- 


PT.  II.— CH.  I.—  LUTHERANISM.     §  37.  SYNERGISTIC  CONTROVERSY.  443 

After  Flacius  had  entered  upon  a  theological  professorship  at 
Jena.  April,  1557,  this  University  became  the  centre  of  the  strict 
Lutherans ;  as,  too,  it  had  been  destined  to  be  a  firm  citadel  of 
pure  Lutheranism,  against  the  degenerate  Wittenberg,  by  the 
princes  of  the  duchy,  the  pious  martyr,  John  Frederick,  and  his 
son,  John  Frederick  the  Second.  Theologians  from  Jena,  depu- 
ties of  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  brought  their  disputes  even  into  the 
religious  conference  with  the  Catholics  at  Worms,  September, 
1557,  and  so  put  an  end  to  the  colloquy.29 

The  beginning  of  1558,  Amsdorf,  as  if  for  the  consecration  of 
the  new  Jena  University,  attacked  the  Propositiones  de  Libero 
Arbitrio,  1555,  of  Dr.  Pfeffinger  ;30  and  Flacius  then  turned  the 
controversy  against  the  Melancthonian  synergism,31  defending,  in 

cutores  doctrinae.  6.  Tempore  persecutionis  edatur  ingenua  confessio,  et  non  admitta- 
tur  servitus  pugnans  cum  libertate  Christiana.  7.  Petinms  quoque  amanter  a  Rev.  Do- 
mino praeceptore,  ut  publico  quodam  scripto  contestari  velit,  suam  sententiam  de  rebus 
adiaphoris  et  necessitate  operum  ad  salutem  cum  nostrarum  Ecclesiarum  confessione 
conjunctam  esse. 

23  Acts,  C.  R.,  ix.  221.  Planck,  vi.  129.  This  aroused  so  much  attention  that  Pope 
Paul  IV.  wrote  at  once  to  Ferdinand,  14.  Nov.,  1557  (Raynaldus,  1557,  No.  32) :  Cum 
maxima  cura  et  sollicitudine  afficeremur  ex  impiorum  consiliis,  quos  Wormatiam  con- 
rluxisse  audiebamus ; — ipse  misericordiarum  pater  et  Deus  totius  consolationis  animum 
nostrum  erexit,  et  hujusmodi  inter  eos,  ut  audivimus,  dissidia  excitavit,  ut  non  acrius 
cum  catholicis  quam  inter  se  certare  et  dissidere,  alii  alia  dogmata  defendentes,  coepc- 
rint ;  qua  quidem  tarn  idonea  occasione  allata,  cum  in  manu  tua,  carissime  fili,  sit,  im- 
pia  eorum  consilia  dissipare,  nonne  pro  tua  perpetua  in  Deum  pietate  et  catholicae  reli- 
gionis  studio  eniteris,  ut  ea  peste  Germaniam  liberes  ?  praesertim  cum  in  eo  non  solum 
Ecclesiae  paci,  sed  regnis  tuis  et  Romano  imperio  consulturus  sis,  noli  per  Deum  immor- 
talem  tantae  apud  homines  gloriae,  noli  tanti  apud  Deum  meriti  tempus  amittere ! 

30  Oeffentliche  Bekenntniss  der  reinen  Lehre  des  Evangelii  u.  Confutatio  der  jetzigen 
Schwiirmer  durch  Nic.  v.  Amsdorf,  Jena,  1558.  4. 

31  M.  Jo.  Stolsii  (court  preacher  to  the  Duke  of  Saxony),  Refutatio  Propositionum 
Pfeffingeri  de  Libero  Arbitrio,  cum  praef.  M.  Jo.  Aurifabri.  M.  Flacii  Illyrici  de  eadem 
Controversia,  October,  1558.  Flacius  de  Originali  Peccato  et  Libero  Arbitrio,  two  dis- 
putations, 1558,  and  November,  1559,  also  appended  to  the  Disp.  Vinariensis,  p.  243. 
Now  first  was  attention  directed  to  the  changes  which  Melancthon  had  introduced  into 
his  edition  of  the  Loci  Theol.,  1548,  in  the  section  De  humanis  virions,  s.  de  libero  arbi- 
trio, and  which  was  ever  afterward  regarded  as  the  leading  passage  for  synergism  :  Vidi 
multos  non  Epicuracos,  qui  cum  essent  in  aliquo  moerore  propter  suos  lapsus,  disputa- 
bant :  quomodo  sperem  me  recipi,  cum  non  sentiam,  in  me  transfundi  novam  lucem  et 
novas  virtutes  ?  Praeterea  si  nihil  agit  liberum  arbitrium  :  interea,  donee  sensero,  fieri 
illam  regenerationem  de  qua  dicitis,  indulgebo  diflidentiae  et  aliis  vitiosis  affectibus. 
Haec  Manichaea  imaginatio  horribile  mendacium  est,  et  ab  hoc  errore  mentes  abdu- 
cendse  sunt  et  docendae,  agere  aliquid  liberum  arbitrium. — Ncc  admittendi  sunt  Mani- 
chaeorum  furores,  qui  fingunt,  aliquem  esse  numerum  hominum,  quos  vocant  vXikous 
Kal  xoucota,  qui  converti  non  possint.  Nee  fit  conversio  in  Davide,  ut  si  lapis  in  ficum 
verteretur.  Sed  agit  aliquid  liberum  arbitrium  in  Davide,  cum  audivit  objurgationem 
et  promissionem,  volens  jam  et  libere  fatetur  delictum.  Et  agit  aliquid  ejus  voluntas, 
cum  se  sustentat  hac  voce :  Dominus  abstulit  peccatum  tuum.  Cumque  conatur  se  hac 
voce  sustentare,  jam  adjuvatur  a  Spiritu  S.  juxta  illud  Pauli ;  Evangelium  est  potcntia 


444  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

opposition  to  it,  unconditional  predestination  (the  Synergistic  Con- 
troversy).2,1 In  vain  did  the  Evangelical  princes,  assembled  at 
Frankfort,  try  to  put  an  end  to  all  these  controversies  by  a  con- 
siderate and  candid  declaration — the  Frankfort  Recess,33  of  March 

Dei  ad  salutem  non  repugnanti,  i.  e.,  non  contemnenti  promissionem,  sed  asscntienti  et 
credenti. — Si  tantum  exspectanda  esset  ilia  infusio  qualitatum  sine  ulla  nostra  actione, 
sicut  Enthusiastae  et  Manichaei  finxerunt:  nihil  opus  esset  ministerio  evangelico,  nulla 
etiam  lucta  in  aniniis  esset.  Sed  instituit  Deus  ministerium,  ut  vox  accipiatur,  ut  pro- 
missionem mens  cogitet  et  amplectatur,  et,  dum  repugnamus  diffidentiae,  Spiritus  S.  si- 
mul  in  nobis  sit  efficax.  Sic  igitur  illis,  qui  cessationem  suam  excusant,  qui  putant,  ni- 
hil agere  liberum  arbitrium,  respondeo :  immo,  mandatum  Dei  aeternum  et  immotum 
est,  ut  voci  Evangelii  obtemperes,  ut  filium  Dei  audias,  ut  agnoscas  mediatorem.  Quam 
tetra  sunt  haec  peccata,  nolle  adspicere  donatum  generi  humano  mediatorem,  Filium 
Dei  ?  Non  possum,  inquies.  Immo  aliquo  modo  potes.  Et  cum  te  voce  Evangelii  sus- 
tentas,  adjuvari  te  a  Deo  petito,  et  scito,  Spiritum  S.  efficacem  esse  in  ea  consolatione. 
Scito,  velle  Deum  hoc  ipso  modo  nos  convertere,  cum  promissione  excitati  luctamur  no- 
biscum,  invocamus  et  repugnamus  diffidentiae  nostrae  et  aliis  vitiosis  affectibus.  Ideo 
veteres  aliqui  sic  dixerunt,  liberum  arbitrium  in  homine  Jacultatem  esse  applicandi  se  ad 
gratiam,  i.  e.,  audit  promissionem,  et  assentiri  conatur,  et  abjicit  peccata  contra  consci- 
entiam.  Talia  non  fiunt  in  diabolis  :  discrimen  igitur  inter  diabolos  et  genus  humanum 
consideretur.  Fiunt  autem  haec  illustriora,  considerata  promissione.  Cum  promissio 
sit  universalis,  nee  sint  in  Deo  contrariae  voluntates,  necesse  est,  in  nobis  esse  aliquam 
discriminis  causam,  cur  Saul  al>jiciatur,  David  recipiatur,  i.  e.,  necesse  est,  aliquam  esse 
actionem  dissimilem  in  his  duobus.  Haec  dextre  intellccta  vera  sunt;  et  usus  in  exer- 
citiis  fidei  et  in  vera  consolatione,  cum  acquiescunt  animi  in  Filio  Dei  monstrato  in  pro- 
missione, illustrabit  hanc  copulationem  causarum,  verbi  Dei,  Spiritus  S.  et  voluntatis. 
Man}'  of  the  friends  of  Melancthon  took  exceptions  to  this  paragraph — post  mortem  Lu- 
theri  insertum — especially  to  the  definition,  liberum  arbitrium  facultatem  esse  applican- 
di se  ad  gratiam,  and  asked  him  about  it,  particularly  at  Worms,  1557.  Melancthon 
satisfied  them  by  the  declaration  that  he  meant,  voluntas  renata ;  comp.  Balthasar's  His- 
toric des  torgischen  Buchs,  st.  5,  s.  13,  31. 

32  Conr.  Schlusselburgii  Catal.  Haer.  lib.  v.  de  Synergisms.  Planck,  iv.  567;  the 
controversial  works  enumerated  by  Ed.  Schmid,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.  f.  Hist.  Theol., 
184!),  i.  15. 

33  C.  R.,  ix.  489.  Historie  des  Sacramentsstreits,  Leipzig,  1591,  4.,  s.  570.  A  work 
by  Melancthon  is  at  the  basis  of  it :  either  the  Formula  Consensus  (C.  R.,  ix.  365)  drawn 
up  at  Worms,  or  the  German  draft  of  the  same  for  the  Elector  August,  C.  R.,  ix.  403 ; 
sec  Melancthon's  letter  to  the  Council  of  Nuremberg,  Ma}-  14,  1558,  C.  R.,  ix.  548.  Be- 
sides this  an  essay  of  Brenz  was  used,  presented  to  Duke  Christopher  of  Wurtemberg, 
which,  with  exception  of  the  Osiander  question,  agrees  wholly  with  Melancthon's  (Sat- 
tler's  Wiirtemb.  Geschichte,  iv.  125.  Schnurrer's  Erlaut.  der  Wiirtemb.  Kirchen-Refor- 
mations-  u.  Gelehrten-Gesch.,  s.  248).  The  princes,  in  their  final  declaration  (Recess), 
announce  that  they  do  not  design  to  put  forth  any  new  Confession,  but  011I3-  to  speak  of 
the  contested  points  in  the  sense  of  that  of  Augsburg.  Thus  :  1.  Man  is  justified  through 
faith  alone,  on  account  of  the  obedience  of  Christ,  but  not  on  account  of  the  subsequent 
new  life,  in  which  great  infirmity  and  sin  still  remain  (against  Osiander).  2.  "About 
this  proposition — good  works  are  necessary  to  salvation.  It  is  doubtless  divine  and  im- 
mutable verity — nova  obedientia  est  necessaria ;  new  obedience  is  necessary  in  the  jus- 
tified ;  and  these  words  must  be  understood  correctly.  Necessary  means,  according  to 
divine  appointment :  nova  obedientia  est  necessaria,  and  nova  obedientia  est  debitum 
eo  ipso,  quia  ordo  immotus  est,  ut  creatura  rationalis  Deo  obediat. — On  the  other  hand, 
some  make  a  gross  interpretation  ;  necessary  means,  forced  by  fear  or  punishment.  The 
words  good  works  are  also  grossly  understood,  as  if  they  meant  only  external  works.  But 
this  saying,  nova  obedientia,  etc.,  must  be  thus  understood  :  the  new  light  in  the  heart, 


PT.  II— CH.  I— LUTHEEANISM.    §  37.  PHILIPPISTS  AND  FLACIANISTS.  445 

18,  1558.  Duke  John  Frederick  the  Second  decidedly  refused  to 
accept  it ;  and  published,  the  beginning  of  1559,  a  confutation  of 
all  the  erroneous  doctrines  of  the  times,34  particularly  those  of  the 

kindled,  through  the  Word  of  God,  by  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  also  including 
jov  in  God,  petitions,  good  intentions,  from  which  external  good  works  proceed. — Al- 
though now  the  proposition,  nova  obedientia  est  necessaria,  is  to  be  retained,  yet  we  will 
not  append  the  clause  ad  salulem,  because  this  is  understood  of  meritum  or  deserts  ;  and 
so  the  doctrine  of  grace  is  obscured.  For  this  remains  true,  that  man  is  justified  before 
God,  and  is  an  heir  of  eternal  blessedness,  through  grace,  for  the  sake  of  the  Lord  Jesus, 
and  only  through  faith  in  him."  3.  Of  the  Sacrament  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  the  Lord. 
According  to  the  Augsburg  Confession,  it  is  to  be  taught  [that  Christ  is  essentially  pres- 
ent with  the  bread  and  wine,  and  that  we  eat  and  drink  his  body  and  blood,  and  so  are 
his  members  ;  as  Hilary  (below)  testifies ;  and  Paul,  too,  says  that  the  bread  we  eat  is 
the  communion  with  the  body  of  Christ]  "  dass  in  dieser,  des  Herrn  Christi,  Ordnung 
seines  Abendmals  er  wahrhaftig,  lebendig,  wesentlich  und  gegenwartig  sey,  auch  mit 
Brod  und  Wein,  also  von  ihm  geordnet,  uns  Christen  sein  Leib  und  Blut  zu  essen  und 
zu  trinken  gegeben,  und  bezeuget  hiermit,  dass  wir  seine  Gliedmassen  seyen,  applicirt 
uns  sich  selbst  und  seine  gniidige  Verheissung,  und  wirkt  in  uns.  Hilarius  also  says : 
Haec  sumta  et  hausta  faciunt,  ut  Christus  sit  in  nobis  et  nos  in  ipso;  i.  e.,  so  man  dies 
niesset  u.  trinkt,  ist  damit  Christus  in  uns  und  wir  in  ihm.  Diese  Worte  reden  klar  von 
der  Niessung,  wie  auch  ausdrucklich  von  der  Niessung  Paulus  redet :  das  Brot  ist  die 
Gemeinschaft  mit  dem  Leib  Christi ;  das  kann  nicht  ausser  der  Niessung  verstanden 
werden."  4.  [As  to  the  Adiaphora,  or  things  indifferent,  they  may  be  used  or  not,  with- 
out sin  ;  yet  when  the  truth  is  perverted,  not  only  ceremonies  in  themselves  indifferent, 
but  even  others,  may  become  hijrtful.  As  Paul  says,  to  the  impure  all  is  impure.] 
"Von  den  Adiapho/-is,  oder  mittelmiissigen  Ceremonien  in  der  Kirche.  Yon  mittel- 
massigen  Ceremonien  soil  also  gelehrt  werden,  dass  dieselben  mogen  ihrer  selbst  halb 
ohne  Siinde  gebraucht  oder  uirterlassen  werden : — da  aber  die  rechte  christliche  Lehrc 
des  heil.  Evangelions  verunreinigt  oder  verfolgt  wi'irde,  da  sind  nicht  allein  die  mittel- 
massigen,  sondern  auch  andere  Ceremonien  schadlich  und  nachtheilig,  wie  Paulus  sagt : 
den  Unreinen  ist  alles  unrein."  Further  on,  the  princes  agree  that  when  in  future  there 
are  disputations  on  any  of  these  articles,  that  they  will  confer  again  in  Christian  love 
and  gentleness,  and  not  allow  that  there  be  other  teaching  in  their  lands.  Whoever 
comes  to  contrar}'  conclusions  is  to  seek  advice  of  the  experienced.  No  work  shall  be 
published  on  religious  matters  without  being  first  inspected  by  the  appointed  authori- 
ties; and  Calumnious  writings  shall  not  be  allowed.  Consistories  and  superintendents 
are  to  receive  instructions  for  such  cases  ;  and  no  one  who  teaches  differently  shall  be 
allowed  to  be  in  the  service  of  the  Church.  Moreover,  by  this  agreement  they  do  not 
intend  to  depreciate  or  exclude  other  estates  of  a  kindred  confession  ;  they  are  to  be  in- 
vited to  accede.  This  declaration  (Recess)  was  subscribed  by  the  Electors  of  the  Palati- 
nate, of  Saxonj-,  and  of  Brandenburg,  by  Count  Palatine  Wolfgang,  Duke  Christopher 
of  Wurtemberg,  and  Landgrave  Philip  of  Hesse.  J.  F.  le  Bret,  De  Recessu  Franco- 
furtano  anni  1558,  dogmatico  eridos  pomo,  Tubing.,  179G.  4.     Planck,  vi.  174. 

31  Illustrissimi  Principis  ac  Domini,  Dom.  Jo.  Friderici  secundi,  suo  ac  fratrum  D. 
Jo.  Wilhelmi,  et  D.  J.  Friderici  natu  junioris  nomine  solida  et  ex  verbo  Dei  sumpta 
confutatio  et  condemnatio  praecipuarum  corruptelarum,  sectarum  et  errorum,  hoc  tem- 
pore— ingruentium  et  grassantium, — ad  suae  Cels.  et  fratrum  suorum  subditos  cujus- 
cunque  ordinis  scripta  et  edita.  Jenae,  1559.  4.  Contents  :  1.  Confutatio  erroris  Serve- 
ti ;  2.  iSchuenclfeldii ;  3.  Antinomorum ;  4.  Anabaptistarum ;  5.  Zuinglii.,  f.  20:  Snmma 
scntentiae  nostrae,  sicut  et  in  Augustana  Confessione  et  Apologia,  et  Schmalc.  articulis 
proponitur,  haec  est,  videlicet :  quod  in  Cocna  Domini  Christus  re  vera  corpus  et  san- 
guinem  suum  sumentibus  impertiat,  idque  non  imaginarie,  sed  vere  et  substantialiter ; 
non  absentia  in  coelo,  sed  praesentia  in  terra;  nee  tantum  dignis,  sed  etiam  indignis; 
non  fide  tantum  spiritualiter,  sed  etiam  ore  corporalitcr  usurpanda ;    ac  quod  credenti- 


446  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Philippists,  that  thus  he  might  forever  establish  pure  Lutheran- 
ism  in  his  land.     But  this  work  introduced  dissension  even  among 

bus  simul  donet  et  applicet  remissionem  peccatorum,  atque  alia  beneficia  in  Evangelio 
promissa.    Against  the  first  objection  of  the  Zwinglians  :  Christus  supra  coelos  omnes 
evectus  est,  et  nunc  consiclet  ad  dextram  aeterni  Patris  definito  et  conscripto  loco :  ergo 
impossibile  est,  in  sacramento  Coenae  corpus  et  sanguinem  Christi  vere  et  substantiali- 
ter  exhiberi,  wird  behauptet,  ascensionem  Christi  non  esse  localem  quandarn  disjunc- 
tionem  aut  secessionem  ab  Ecclesia,  sed  patefactionem  illustrem  et  conspicuam  divini- 
tatis,  quam  habuit  Christus  ab  aeterno  una  cum  Patre,  et  quam  forma  servi  assumpta 
in  natura  nostra  tantisper  texit  et  occultavit,  donee  mysterium  redemptionis  nostrae 
absolveret.     Deinde  dextra  Dei  non  significat  locum  aliquem  definitum  et  circumscrip- 
tum, ut  est  dextra  alicujus  regis :  sed  ut  Deus  nullo  corporali  loco  concludi  et  appre- 
hendi  potest,  ita  dextera  ejus  omnia  implet,  excedit  et  superat,  et  nusquam  non  praesto 
adest.— Haec  vero  majestas  Christi,  ut  modo  nullo  impedimento  est  praesentiae  corporis 
ipsius  in  Coena,  ita  multo  magis  earn  comprobat  et  confirmat,  et  quia  humanitas  Christi 
ad  dexteram  Dei  collocata  est,  et  cum  divinitate  perpetuo  et  indissolubili  foedere  copu- 
lata  unione  hypostatica.     6.  Confutatio  eorruptelarum  in  articulo  de  libero  arbitrio  s.  de 
viribus  humanis.     First  against  the  Pelagians,  and  then  against  the  Synergists,  f.  33 
verso :  Secunda  opinio  longe  concinnior  et  judicio  rationis  plausibilior  haec  est :  homi- 
nem  lapsu  Adae  vitiatum,  et  de  suo  statu  et  integritate  miserabiliter  quidem  dejectum 
esse  ita,  ut  natura  ad  peccatum  propensus  et  proclivis  sit,  sed  tamen  vires  humanas  non 
ita  prorsus  prostratas,  extinctas  et  deletas  esse,  quin  gratiae  Dei  excitanti  et  adjuvant! 
libere  in  conversione  hominis  cooperari  possit.     Hinc  acceptionem  vel  rejectionem  gra- 
tiae Dei  in  libero  hominis  arbitrio  collocant :  et  mentem  ac  voluntatem  hominis  civipyov 
seu  causam  cum  verbo  et  Spiritu  Dei  cooperantem  staiuunt  nostrae  ad  Deuin  conversio- 
nis  seu  regenerationis.     In  opposition  the  doctrine  is  set  forth,  naturam  humanam  lapsu 
Adae  non  modo  infirmatam,  sed  prorsus  a  Deo  aversam  eique  inimicam  et  tyrannidi 
peccati  ac  Satanae  subjectam  esse,  ita  ut  non  tantum  propensa  ad  peccandum  inclinet 
et  feratur,  sed  peccato  prorsus  obnoxia  et  mancipata  sit.     Etsi  enim  lapsus  Adae  non 
sustulit  ipsam  voluntatem,  tamen  ex  libera  servam,  et  ex  bona  malam  fecit.     Deinde 
proiitemur,  utrumque  homini  non  renato  impossibile  esse,  intelligere  aut  apprehendere 
voluntatem  Dei  in  verbo  patefactam,  aut  sua  ipsius  voluntate  ad  Deum  se  convertere, 
boni  aliquid  velle  aut  perficere.    F.  35  verso :    Paulus  toturxi  Deo  vendicat,  quod  scili- 
cet non  tantum  voluntatem  nostram  adjuvet,  sed  ipsum  velle  et  perficere  efficiat.     F. 
36  verso :  Quod  autem  post  regenerationem  homo,  per  Spiritum  sanctum  nova  luce  et 
voluntate  donatus,  jam  ut  tcmplum  et  organum  Spiritus  sancti  Deo  obtemperet,  ut  tunc 
cwfjoyos  Dei  appelletur,  non  refragamur.     7.  Confutatio  errorum  Osiandri  et  Stanclcari 
in  articulo  justificationis.     8.  Contra  errorem  Majoris,  quod  bona  opera  necessaria  sint 
ad  salutem.    9.  Confutatio  Adiaphorismi,  f.  55 :  His  et  aliis  gravissimis  causis  inducti 
hactenus  Adiaphorismo  contradiximus,  et  nos  ab  ipsis  auctoribus  tantisper  segregamus, 
donee  solemni  aliqua  et  perspicua  refutatione  ab  ipsis  condemnetur,  et  ex  Ecclesia 
Christi  explodatur  ac  profligetur.     Conclusio,  f.  59  :  Mandamus  primum  omnibus  et  sin- 
gulis nostrae  ditionis  Praelatis,  et  inprimis  Academiae  Jenensis  Professoribus,— ut  quae 
schola  ab  ill.     Principe  Electore  amantissimo  parente  nostro,  et  a  nobis  dilectissimisque 
fratribus  nostris  ad  tuendum  coeleste  salutaris  veritatis  Evangelii  depositum,  oppugnan- 
dosque  errores  ac  sectas  praecipue  instituta  fundataque  est,  item  Superintendentibus, 
Pastoribus,—  Ludirectoribus,— ut  et  puram  Evangelii  doctrinam— hisce  quoque  confuta- 
tionibus  congruentem— doceant,  nee  ulla  ratione  corruptelis  illis,  quarum  confutatio  hie 
suscepta  est,  aut  ullis  aliis  patrocinium  aut  sophisticam  defensionem  accommodent. 
From  that  doctrine,  de  libero  arbitrio,  unconditional  predestination  necessarily  follows. 
This  was  not,  indeed,  acknowledged  in  plain  terms  by  Flacius  (see  Planck,  iv.  704),  but 
it  was  by  others  of  his  party,  e.  g.,  Wigand,  in  his  Solutiones  ad  Paralogismos  Syner- 
gistarum  (Schliisselburg,  Catal.  Haeret.,  v.  228):    Alia  sunt  arcana  Dei,  quae  ut  non 
possumus,  ita  nee  debemus  scrutari ;  alia  sunt  patefacta,  quae  toto  pectore  amplectenda 


PT.  II.—  CH.  I.— LUTHERANISM.    §  37.  PHILIPPISTS  AND  FLACIANISTS.  447 

the  divines  of  Jena,  since  Victorinus  Strigel35  defended  synergism. 
The  Duke,  misled  by  zealots,  at  first  had  him  imprisoned  (from 
March  till  August,  1559) ;  but  even  after  his  release  the  division 
was  not  healed.36 

Other  disturbances  sprung  up  at  the  same  time  in  Heidelberg.37 
The  Reformation  had  been  introduced  into  the  Palatinate  under 
the  co-operation  of  Melancthon,  and  his  doctrine  about  the  Lord's 
Supper  adopted  in  the  church  order.  The  imperious  Tilemann 
Hesshusius,  made  General  Superintendent  in  Heidelberg,  1558, 
could  of  course  easily  discover  Ciypto-Calvinists,  and  attacked  in 
particular  the  deacon  William  Krebitz  for  being  one.  The  Elect- 
or Frederick  III.,  who  succeeded  Otto  Henry  in  1559,  at  first  tried 
to  reconcile  the  disputants ;  but  as  they  continued  the  controversy 
in  the  pulpits  he  dismissed  both  of  them,  September,  1559. 

Before  his  death  Melancthon  had  occasion  to  speak  decidedly 
about  the  controverted  topics.  In  his  opinion  about  the  Weimar 
Confutation,  given  to  the  Elector  August,  March  9,  1559,  he  de- 
clared against  the  Flacian  excrescences38  in  a  concise  manner; 

et  mordicus  retinenda  sunt.  Patefacta  sunt,  quod  tantum  credentes  in  Christum  Deus 
velit  salvos  facere,  item  incredulitas  sit  ex  nobis.  Sed  recondita  Dei  judicia  sunt,  quare 
Paulum  convertat,  Caipham  non  convertat,  Petrum  labentem  recipiat,  Judam  relinquat 
in  desperatione.  Til.  Hesshusii  Confutatio  Synergistarum  (1.  c,  p.  320) :  Hoc  respectu 
Deus  non  volt,  ut  omnes  salventur:  non  enim  omncs  elegit.  Nic.  Ambsdorfii  Sententia 
de  Declaratione  Victorini,  1562  (1.  c.,  p.  547)  :  Non  est  nisi  unus  modus  agendi  Dei  cum 
omnibus  creaturis. — Quare  eodem  modo  cum  homine  volente  et  intelligente  agit  Deus, 
quemadmodum  cum  omnibus  creaturis  reliquis,  lapide  et  trunco,  per  solum  suum  velle 
et  dicere. — When  God  speaks,  stone  and  wood  are  borne,  fashioned,  and  laid,  as,  when 
and  whither  he  will,  quia  non  cadit  passer  in  terrain  sine  voluntate  patris,  qui  in  coelis 
est.  Thus,  when  God  speaks  and  wills,  man  is  converted,  per  ministerium  verbi,  be- 
comes pious  and  holy.  When  God  wills  and  speaks,  man  believes  the  Gospel,  and  is 
saved :  quia  Deus  miseretur  cujus  vult,  et  spiritus  spirat  ubi  et  quando  vult. — Sicut  la- 
pides  et  trunci  sunt  in  potestate  Dei,  ita  et  eodem  modo  voluntas  et  intellectus  hominis 
sunt  in  voluntate  Dei,  ut  homo  nihil  prorsus  velle  et  eligere  possit,  nisi  id  quod  vult  et 
dicit  Deus,  sive  ex  gratia,  sive  ex  ira.  Comp.  Philipps,  L.  v.  Hessen,  condemnatory 
Memorial  on  the  Confutation,  in  a  letter  to  Duke  Joh.  Friedrich,  7th  March,  1559,  C.  E., 
ix.  752. 

35  Briefwechsel  der  beriihmtesten  Gelehrten  mit  Ilerzog  Albrecht  von  Preusscn,  by 
Joh.  Voigt  (Konigsberg,  1841),  s.  575.  J.  C.  Th.  Otto  de  Vict.  Strigelio  liberioris  Mentis 
in  Eccl.  Luther.  Vindice,  Jenae,  1843.     Sehenkel,  ii.  453. 

36  Planck,  iv.  598. 

37  Henr.  Altingii  (professor  of  theology  in  Heidelberg  and  Groningen,  f  1G44)  Histo- 
ria  Ecclesiae  Palatinae  (ed.  L.  Chr.  Mieg,  in  the  Monumenta  Pietatis  et  Literaria,  Fran- 
cof.  ad  M.,  1701. 4.,  p.  129).  B.  G.  Struve  (professor  jur.  in  Jena)  Pfaltzische  Kirchenhist., 
Frankf.,  1721.  4.,  s.  66.  Salig,  iii.  439.  Planck,  v.  ii.  329.  L.  Hausser's  Gesch.  d.  rhein. 
Pfalz,  ii.  7.  D.  Seisen's  Gesch.  d.  lieform.  in  Heidelberg,  Heid.,  1846,  s.  76.  Ebrard, 
ii.  585. 

38  Corp.  Pkef.,  ix.  763.  [In  substance :  the}-  use  the  term  Zwinglians  by  way  of  re- 
proach, and  make  a  distinction  between  old  and  new  Zwinglians,  not  defining  the  latter. 


448  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

They  would  be  esteemed  the  most  cordial  haters  of  Popery,  yet  have  not  a  word  to  say 
about  their  most  gross  idolatry  ;  and  besides  this,  they  advocate  such  propositions  as  not 
even  papists  have  done,  viz.,  that  the  bod}-  of  Christ  is  in  all  places,  in  stone  and  wood. 
If  this  be  so,  what  were  the  difference  between  this  sacrament  and  other  things.]  "  5. 
Yon  Zwinglianern  haben  sie  einen  verdiichtigen  Titel  gemacht,  alte  und  neue  Zwinglia- 
ner,  und  sagen  doch  nicht,  was  sie  neue  Zwinglianer  nennen.  Nun  wollen  sie  gehalten, 
seyn  die  allerfreudigsten  Papstfresser,  und  durfen  nicht  ein  Wort  sagen  von  dieser  al- 
lergrobsten  Abgotterei,  namlich  dass  ausser  dem  eingesetzten  Brauch  nicht  Sacrament 
seyn  kann,  sondern  stiirken  papistische  Abgotterei,  und  setzen  dennoch  etliche  proposi- 
tiones,  welche  niemand  in  der  Kirche  von  Anfang,  auch  die  Piipstischen  nicht,  gesetzt 
haben,  namlich:  dass  der  Leib  Christi  an  alien  Orten  se}-,  in  Steyn  und  Holz.  So  nun 
dieses  also  ware,  was  wiirde  Unterscheid  se}-n  zwischen  diesem  Sacrament  und  andern 
Dingen?" — "6.  Vom  freien  Willen  ist  offentlich,  dass  sie  mich,  Philippum,  furnehmlich 
anfechten.  Davon  thue  ich  diesen  Bericht.  Ich  hab  bei  Leben  Lutheri  und  hernach 
diese  Stoica  und  Mauichaea  deliria  verworfen,  dass  Luther  und  andre  geschrieben  ha- 
ben :  alle  Werk,  gut  und  boss,  in  alien  Menschen,  guten  und  biissen,  miissten  also  ge- 
schehen.  Nun  ist  offentlich,  dass  diese  Rede  wider  Gottes  Wort  ist,  und  ist  schadlich 
wider  alle  Zucht,  und  liisterlieh  wider  Gott.  Darum  habe  ich  mit  fleissiger  Nachtrach- 
tung  Unterscheid  gesetzet,  wiefern  der  Mensch  freien  Willen  hat,  iiusserliche  Zucht  zu 
halten,  auch  vor  der  Wiedergeburt."  [In  substance:  he,  Philip,  had  been  particularly 
attacked  about  free-will.  But  even  in  Luther's  life  he  had  rejected  the  Stoica  and  Ma- 
nichaea  deliria,  written  by  Luther  and  others,  that  all  deeds,  good  and  bad,  must  occur 
as  they  do,  which  is  against  God's  word,  and  blasphemous ;  he  had  tried  to  show  how 
far  man,  even  before  regeneration,  had  free-will  to  maintain  external  discipline.]  (The 
Pomeranian  General  Superintendent,  Jac.  Rungius,  a  pupil  of  Melancthon,  related  about 
the  Worms  Conference,  1557 ;  see  Balthasar's  Hist,  des  torgischen  Buchs,  St.  5,  s.  32 : 
Cum  Pontificii  a  nostris  flagitarent,  ut  damnarent  Illyricum  in  doctrina  de  libero  arbi- 
trio,  Osiandrum  in  doctrina  de  justiricatione,  et  Cahinum  in  doctrina  de  Coena  Domini, 
et  Brentius  cum  plerisque  aliis  a  condemnando  Illyrico  non  alienus  essct;  respondit  D. 
Philippus,  non  esse  in  eo  obsequendum  Papistis,  qui  sub  nomine  Illyrici  Lutheri  con- 
demnationem  vafre  a  nostris  flagitarent.  Sibi  Lutheri  mentem  et  sententiam  in  doctrina 
liberi  arbitrii  esse  notam,  damnare  igitur  earn  nee  posse,  nee  velle.) — Wie  wir  nun  leh- 
ren  von  der  Bekehrung  oder  Wiedergeburt, — referiren  wir  uns  auf  unsre  Schriften. — 
Nun  sagen  wir,  es  soil  der  Mensch  beide  Predigt  betrachten,  Gesetz  und  Evangelium  ; 
und  so  er  sich  trostet  mit  dem  Evangelio  und  Trost  in  rechtem  Schmerzen  fiihlet,  ist  ge- 
wiss,  dass  Gott  den  heil.  Geist  in  das  Herz  gibt,  der  alsdann  wirket. — Und  ist  also  der 
heil.  Geist  arrabo  und  das  Pfand  im  Trost,  und  bleibet  die  Regel:  praecedente  gratia 
comitante  voluntate.  Denn  beides  ist  wahr  :  Wenn  der  Mensch  ware  wie  ein  Block,  so 
ware  kein  Streit.  Item,  so  sich  der  Wille  vom  Trost  abwenden  mag,  so  ist  dagegen  zu 
verstehen,  dass  er  etwas  wirket,  und  folget  dem  heil.  Geist,  so  er  den  Trost  annimmt. 
Et  rejiciens  rejicit  sua  voluntate,  nee  Deus  est  causa,  quod  voluntas  rejicit.  Item,  do- 
nee voluntas  oninino  repugnat,  nulla  est  conversio. — Wir  sprechen,  der  Gefallene  soil 
in  der  Rene  und  Angst  die  Verheissung  der  Gnade  betrachten  ;  dadurch  wirket  Gott, — 
gibt  ein  Funklein  des  Glaubens,  dass  Trost  u.  Streit  anfahet.  Hie  schreiet  Ulyricus, 
Stolz  und  sein  Bruder  Gallus  von  der  Envahlung:  was  hilft  diese  Verheissung  diesen, 
die  nicht  erwahlet  sind  ?— So  sind  dergleichen  Trostschriftcn,  durch  Lutherum  gestellt, 
noch  in  seinen  epistolis  zu  finden,  und  haben  ich  und  Andere  oft  in  Gegcnwartigkeit 
gchoret,  class  er  selbst  Andere  also  getrostet  hat :  sie  sollten  sicli  an  die  Promission  hal- 
ten, welche  ist  universalis,  und  sollen  wir  uns  selbst  nicht  ausschliesscn.''  [In  sub- 
stance :  Man  is  to  have  respect  to  both  law  and  Gospel ;  if  he  has  comfort  in  the  Gos- 
pel, with  real  sorrow  for  sin,  God  is  working  in  his  heart  by  the  Spirit.  The  Holy  Ghost 
is  the  arrabo,  and  pledge  of  comfort;  the  rule  is — praecedente  gratia,  comitante  volun- 
tate. If  man  were  a  block,  there  were  no  controversy ;  there  is  activity  both  in  opposing 
and  yielding  to  the  Holy  Spirit.  God  works  in  and  by  the  repentance  of  the  fallen,  and 
gives  &  glimmer  of  grace  for  comfort.  And  such  comfort  Luther,  too,  preached  and 
talked  about,  exhorting  to  hold  fast  to  the  promise,  which  is  universal.]    Joach.  Came- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  37.  MELANCTHON,  1559.  449 

but  more  fully  against  all  the  old  and  new  errors  of  the  times39  in 

rarius  was  also  asked  by  the  Elector  to  give  a  memorial  on  the  matter,  and  handed  one 
in,  Feb.  15,  1559,  wholly  agreeing  with  Melancthon ;  it  is  in  the  Neue  Beitrage  von 
alten  und  neuen  Theol.  Sachen,  1754,  s.  721. 

39  Mel.  Testamentum,  18.  Apr.,  1560,  C.  R.,  ix.  1098 :  Confessionem  fidei  et  gratiarnm 
actionem  ad  Deum  et  dominum  nostrum  J.  Chr.  scripseram  ante  bis,  sed  chartae  sunt 
interceptae.  Volo  tamen  confessionem  meam  esse  responsiones  de  Bavaricis  articulis 
contra  Pontificios,  Anabaptistas,  Flacianos  et  similes.  The  Responsiones  appeared  in 
Viteb.,  1559.  8. ;  reprinted  in  Opp.  Mel.,  i.  360,  and  in  Corp.  Doctrinae  Misnicum,  p.  891. 
De  XXII.  Art.  An  credant  in  homine  esse  liberum  arbitrium?  Resp.  Etiam  in  homine 
non  renato  est  aliqua  libertas  voluntatis,  quod  attinet  pd.  externa  opera  facienda. — Ego, 
ut  intelligi  possit,  dici  de  externis  gestibus,  et  ut  disputationes  quasdam  obscuras  prac- 
teream,  nomino  earn  libertatem  regendae  loapmotivae. — Haec  rectio  locomotivae,  quae 
est  facere  opera  externa  legi  Dei  congruentia,  nominatur  usitate  externa  disciplina, 
quam  severe  praecipi  a  Deo  manifestum  est. — Simul  autem  sciendum  est,  hanc  liberta- 
tem regendae  locomotivae  etiam  horribiliter  impediri  duabus  rebus,  praesertim  in  impiis, 
videlicet  humana  infirmitate  et  impulsionibus  diabolorum. — Palam  etiam  rejicio  et  de- 
testor  Stoicos  et  Manichaeos  furores,  qui  affirmant,  omnia  necessario  fieri,  bonas  et  ma- 
las  actiones,  de  quibus  omitto  hie  longiores  disputationes.  Tantum  oro  juniores,  ut  fu- 
giant  has  monstrosas  opiniones,  quae  sunt  contumeliosae  contra  Deum,  et  perniciosae 
moribus. — Recitata  vera  sententia  de  hoc  gradu  libertatis  in  non  renatis  profiteri  et  hoc 
necesse  est  contra  Pelagianos  et  Monachos,  hanc  disciplinam  nequaquam  esse  impletio- 
nem  legis  Dei,  quae  concionatur  de  perfecta  conformitate  cum  Deo,  et  interiore  et  exte- 
riore  obedientia,  nee  esse  inchoationem  intei'ioris  obedientiae,  nee  esse  justitiam  coram 
Deo,  nee  tollere  peccata,  nee  mereri  remissionem  peccatorum. — Non  possunt  tolli  pecca- 
tum  et  mors  libero  arbitrio  hominum,  nee  potest  voluntas  humana  inchoare  interiorem 
obedientiam  sine  Filio  Dei,  sine  Evangelio,  et  sine  Spiritu  sancto.  Talis  non  est  libertas 
humanae  voluntatis.  Sed  tamen  in  renatis  qualis  sit  libertas,  considerandum  est,  quia 
non  est  minor  libertas  in  Joseph,  quam  in  Scipione.  Simul  etiam  considerandum  est, 
quid  intersit  inter  castitatem  Joseph  et  castitatem  Scipionis. — Etiamsi  foris  haec  opera 
videntur  similia,  tamen  intus  causae  dissimiles  sunt,  Filius  Dei  accendens  cogitationem 
in  mente  per  doctrinam,  et  Spiritus  sanctus  excitans  motus  in  corde,  qualis  ipse  est,  et 
voluntas  obtemperat  volens,  non  coacta. — Persona  justa  est  sola  fide  propter  Mediato- 
rem  :  deinde  placet  obedientia,  quae  est  justitia  bonae  conscientiae,  quae  regitur  invoca- 
•tione  Dei  et  Spiritu  sancto,  et  est  fructus  Spiritus  sancti,  et  cultus  Dei,  quiapetitur,  sen- 
titur  et  praedicatur  auxilium  Dei,  et  ostenditur,  quod  Deo  hie  honos  tribuatur,  qui  in 
credente  propter  Filium  placet. — Manifestum  est  et  varie  oppugnari  fidem  in  illis  ipsis 
quoque,  qui  ad  Deum  conversi,  renati  et  sancti  sunt,  cum  aut  adspiciunt  suam  infirmi- 
tatem,  aut  disputant  de  electione.  His  certe  opus  est  labore  quaerente  dicta,  quae  Deus 
consolationis  causa  proposuit. — Sicut  igitur  etiam  conversi  postea  consolatione  erigendi 
sunt,  ita  in  ipsa  conversionc  dicendum  est  iis,  qui  jam  habent  dolores,  ne  maneant  in 
dubitatione,  donee  vi  cogantur  credere,  sed  audiant  et  cogitent  Evangelium,  quo  Deus 
est  efficax  et  trahit  corda,  et  sciant  se  tunc  esse  illos  auditores,  ad  quos  dictum  est :  vc- 
nite  ad  me  omnes,  qui  laboratis  et  onerati  estis,  et  ego  reficiam  vos. — Sed  dicunt  illi  dispu- 
tatores,  Evangelium  tantum  ad  electos  pertinere.  Ad  id  respondeo  :  etsi  non  omnes  ac- 
cipiunt  consolationcm, — tamen  promissio  est  universalis,  et  certum  est  pertinere  earn  ad 
omnes,  qui  earn  aecipiunt. — Donee  enim  omnino  repugnat  voluntas,  nulla  facta  est  con- 
versio.  Ideo  inquit  Chrysostomus  :  'LXku  /xiv  6  6eos,  (lovkofiivov  ol  'IXkii. — Alii  non  vo- 
lunt  videri  tollere  doctrinam,  et  tamen  removent  consolationem,  quae  inchoatur  verbo, 
cum  disputant  promissionem  particularem  esse,  et  ponunt  contradictorias  voluntates  in 
Deo.  His  oppono  dictum :  fides  ex  auditu  est.  Et  quae  potest  esse  fides,  si  depellatur 
mens  a  promissione  his  fulminibus  :  fortassis  nihil  ad  te  pertinet  promissio,  exspecta 
violentos  raptus  et  coactionem. — Vidimus  ipsum  Lutherum  in  suo  quodam  agone  ego  et 
alii  saepe  repetentem  hoc  dictum  :  conclusit  omnes  sub  peccatum,  ut  omnium  misereatur. — 
Et  tamen  simul  fateor,  pluriina  Deum  in  omnibus  Sanctis  ita  agere,  ut  voluntas  tantum 

vol.  iv. — 29 


450  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

his  Responsiones  ad  impios  Articulos  Bavaricae  Inquisitionis,  Au- 
gust, 1559 ;  and  in  the  memorial  drawn  up  by  request  of  the  Elect- 
or Palatine,  Frederick  III.,  November  1,  1559,40  he  counseled  that 

tit  subjectum  patiens.  Interea  tamen  regula  tenenda  est:  Jides  ex  auditu  est;  cogitati- 
one  promissionis  nos  sustentemus,  repugnemus  diffidentiae,  et  inter  veros  gemitus  dica- 
mus  :  credo,  Domine,  opemfer  imbecillitati  meae.  Art.  XXIII.  An  sola  fide  homo  just) ji- 
cetur. — Etsi  verura  est,  cum  in  conversione  fit  vera  consolatio  fide  per  Spiritum  sanctum, 
habitare  Deuin  in  cordibus,  et  inchoari  novam  obedientiam  ;  tamen  semper  statuendum 
est,  in  hac  vita  personam  justam  esse  coram  Deo  sola  fide,  i.  e.,  habere  remissionem 
peccatorum  et  reconciliationem  seu  imputationem  justitiae,  placere  seu  acceptam  esse 
personam  Deo  ad  vitam  aeternam,  et  haeredem  vitae  aeternae  sola  fide,  i.  e.,  fiducia 
Mediatoris ;  ut,  quanquam  in  Paulo  rena^p  habitat  Deus,  et  sunt  excellentes  virtutes. 
tamen  quia  adhuc  in  eo  peccatum  est  in  hac  vita,  persona  habet  remissionem  peccato- 
rum,— et  est  justa,  placens  Deo,  et  accepta  ad  vitam  aeternam  sola  fide,  i.  e.,  propter 
solum  Mediatorem.  Art.  XXIV.  An  credant  bona  opera  facta  in  dilectione  esse  merila 
citae  aeternae  ? — Utor  docendi  causa  his  tribus  admonitionibus  in  hac  re : — 1.  Necesse 
est  in  conversione  statuere,  quod  persona  placeat  Deo  propter  Filium  gratis  sola  fide. 
2.  Agnoscamus,  nos  nequaquam  legi  satisfacere,  sed  haerere  in  nobis  adhuc  multa  pec- 
oata,  et  has  sordes  vero  dolore  deploremus.  3.  Sciamus  tamen  inchoandam  esse  obedi- 
entiam, et  oportere  in  nobis  esse  bonum  propositum  non  faciendi  contra  conscientiam. 
Et  hanc  inchoatam  obedientiam,  quanquam  languidam,  tamen  etiam  placere  propter 
Mediatorem  in  conversis,  qui  et  repugnant  infirmitati  suae,  et  credunt,  earn  sibi  remitti 
propter  Mediatorem.  Haec  exercitia  fidei  in  quotidiana  invocatione  considerentur.  Et 
quanquam  haec  obedientia  nequaquam  meretur  vitam  aeternam,  tamen  juxta  promissi- 
ones  de  operibus  :  date  et  dabitur  vobis,  et  similes  habet  in  hac  vita  praemia  spiritualia 
et  corporalia,  juxta  consilium  Dei,  mitigationem  multarum  publicarum  et  privatarum 
calamitatum.  Refutatio  Serveti  on  the  two  natures  in  Christ :  Caste  et  reverenter  usi- 
tatae  formae  loquendi  in  Ecclesia  retinendae  sunt. — Nequaquam  dicitur  in  abstracto : 
natura  divina  est  humana;  sed  in  concreto  dicitur:  Deus  est  homo,  cum  de  Christo 
nato  ex  virgine  loquimur.  Item :  Deus  est  natus  ex  virgine,  Deus  est  passus.  Et  no- 
minatur  haec  forma  loquendi  communicatio  idiomatum,  quae  est  praedicatio,  in  qua 
proprietas  unius  naturae  dicitur  de  persona  in  concreto,  et  significatur,  in  Christo  duas 
esse  naturas,  non  tantum  ita,  ut  altera  sit  socia  et  separabilis,  sicut  in  Elia  et  aliis  Sanc- 
tis adest  Deus  societate  ut  auxiliator  et  separabiliter,  sed  sic,  quod  Xo'yos  assumserit 
humanam  naturam  miranda  unione  inseparabili  et  personali. — Haec  breviter  adjeci,  ut 
pii  commonefiant  de  veteribus  Ecclesiae  certaminibus  et  judiciis,  et  cogitent  de  fontibus. 
Supra  recitavi  dictum  Petri,  qui  ait,  Christum  passum  carne,  et  addidi  alia  quaedam 
vetera  dicta,  quae  sint  in  conspectu,  et  opponantur  Stenckfeldii  (Schwenckfeld)  et  alio- 
rum  clamoribus,  qui  audacter  similia  spargunt  Eutychianis,  et  delent  doctrinam  de  com- 
municatione  idiomatum.  In  his  quorundam  tanta  est  petulantia,  ut  fingant  duplicem 
communicationem  idiomatum,  aliam  dialecticam,  aliam  physicam,  quae  est  confusio 
naturarum. 

40  Responsio  Ph.  Mel.  ad  Quaestionem  de  Controversia  Heidelbergensi,  C.  R.,  ix.  961 : 
Non  difficile,  sed  periculosum  est  respondere.  Dicam  tamen,  quae  nunc  de  controversia 
alius  loci  monere  possum  :  et  oro  Filium  Dei,  ut  et  consilia,  et  eventus  gubernet.  Non 
dubium  est,  de  controversia  Coenae  ingentia  certamina  et  bella  in  toto  orbe  terraruni 
secutura  esse,  quia  mundus  dat  poenas  idololatriae  et  aliorum  peccatorum.  Ideo  peta- 
mus,  ut  Films  Dei  nos  doceat  et  gubernet.  Cum  autem  ubique  multi  sint  infirmi,  et 
nondum  instituti  in  doctrina  Ecclesiae,  imo  confirmati  in  erroribus ;  necesse  est  initio 
habere  rationem  iniirmorum.  Probo  igitur  consilium  Illustrissimi  Electoris,  quod  rix- 
antibus  utiinque  mandavit  silentium,  ne  distractio  fiat  in  tenera  Ecclesia,  et  infirmi  tur- 
bentur  in  illo  loco,  et  vicinia:  et  optarim,  rixatores  in  utraque  parte  abesse.  Secundo, 
remotis  contentiosis  prodest  reliquos  de  una  forma  verborum  convenire.  Et  in  hac  con- 
troversia optimum  esset  retinere  verba  Pauli:   panis,  quern  frangimus,  noivwvia  karl 


PART  II.-CHAP.  I.-LUTHERAN  CHURCH.  .  §  37.  MELANCTHON,  1559.  45 1 

an  end  should  be  put  to  the  controversy  about  the  Lord's  Supper, 
which  most  aroused  popular  feeling,  by  an  earnest  prohibition  of 
the  discussion  of  all  needless  questions. 

Frederick  III.  adopted  this  advice  of  Melancthon  as  the  rule  of 
his  procedure ;  and,  as  he  prescribed  the  formula — that  the  body 
of  Christ  is  received  with  the  bread — for  the  Church  in  the  Pa- 
latinate, and  at  the  same  time  had  no  objection  to  ecclesiastical 
fellowship  with  the  Swiss,  in  the  eyes  of  the  strict  Lutherans  he 
seemed  to  have  avowed  himself  wholly  on  Calvin's  side.  Thus 
he  was  necessarily  driven  more  and  more  toward  the  Swiss; 
and  he  also  changed  the  church  ordinances  after  the  Swiss  pat- 
tern, 1560.41  The  Palatinate  was  reputed  to  be  Calvinistic,  al- 
though it  had  not  adopted  the  most  characteristic  features  of  Cal- 
vin's system — his  doctrine  of  predestination  and  form  of  church 
government.  The  adjacent  Wurtemberg  was  so  roused  up  by 
these  events,  that  John  Brenz,  the  leader  of  its  clergy,  who  had 
hitherto  been  so  circumspect  in  the  midst  of  the  controversies,42 
at  a  synod  in  Stuttgart,  December  19,  1559,  procured  the  adop- 

tov  aw/ictTo?.  Et  copiose  de  fructu  Coenae  dicendum  est,  ut  invitentur  homines  ad 
amorem  hujus  pignoris,  et  crebrum  usum.  Et  vocabulum  Kotvwuia  declarandum  est. 
Non  dicit,  mutari  naturam  panis,  ut  Papistae  dicunt ;  non  dicit,  ut  Breinenses,  panem 
esse  substantiate  corpus  Christi ;  non  dicit,  ut  Heshusius,  panem  esse  verum  corpus 
Christi :  sed  esse  Kowwviav,  i.  e.,  hoc,  quo  fit  consociatio  cum  corpore  Christi,  quae  fit 
in  usu,  et  quidem  non  sine  cogitatione,  ut  cum  mures  panem  rodunt. — Adest  Filius  Dei 
in  ministerio  Evangelii,  et  ibi  certo  est  efficax  in  credentibus,  ac  adest  non  propter  pa- 
nem, sed  propter  hominem,  sicut  inquit:  manete  in  me,  et  ego  in  vobis ;  item  :  ego  sum  in 
patre  meo,  et  vos  in  me,  et  ego  in  vobis.  Et  in  his  veris  consolationibus  facit  nos  sibi 
membra,  et  testatur,  se  corpora  nostra  vivificaturum  esse.  Sic  declarant  veteres  Coe- 
nam  Domini.  Sed  hanc  veram  et  simplicem  doctrinam  de  fructu  nominant  quidam  co- 
thurnos,  et  postulant  dici,  an  sit  corpus  in  pane,  aut  speciebus  panis  ?  Quasi  vero  Sa- 
cramentum  propter  panem,  et  illam  papisticam  adorationem  institutum  sit.  Postea  fin- 
gun  t,  quomodo  includant  pani ;  alii  conversionem,  alii  transsubstantiationem,  alii  ubi- 
quitatem  excogitarunt.  Haec  portentosa  omnia  ignorata  sunt  eruditae  vetustati. — 
Quae  si  nova  sunt  in  Ecclesia,  cogitandum  est,  an  recentioribus  licuerit  novum  dogma 
invehere  in  Ecclesiam.  Nee  ego  ignoro,  multa  citari  notha  sub  veterum  titulis  (comp. 
§  36,  Notes  15,  19,  §  37,  Note  20),  de  quibus  eruditi  judicent.  Nee  vero  jam  institui 
longam  disputationem,  nee  cum  contentiosis,  qui  idola  et  parricidia  stabiliunt,  disputare 
volo,  quorum  saevitiam  et  ego  experior.  Sed  tantum  pro  meo  judicio  significare  volui, 
quid  in  illo  loco  pro  infirmitate  tenerae  Ecclesiae  faciendum  esse  existimem.  Ac  maneo 
in  hac  sententia,  contentiones  utrinque  prohibendas  esse,  et  forma  verborum  una  et 
simili  utendum  esse.  Si  quibus  haec  non  placent,  nee  volunt  ad  communionem  acce- 
dere,  his  permittatur,  ut  suo  judicio  utantur,  modo  non  fiant  distractiones  in  populo. 

41  Literatur,  see  Note  37.  Heppe,  Character  der  Deutsch-Reformirten  Kirche,  in  the 
theol.  Studien  u.  Krit.,  1850,  iii.  684. 

42  See  above,  Note  27.  Planck,  v.  ii.  390.  Ebrard,  ii.  646.  [Comp.  Brenz,  Selbst- 
apologie  fur  seine  Rechtglaubigkeit,  by  Dr.  G.  Vecsenmeyer,  in  the  Zeitschrift  f.  die 
historische  Theologie,  I860.] 


452  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

tion,  not  only  of  the  strict  Lutheran  doctrine  about  the  Lord's 
Supper,  but  also  of  the  declaration  of  the  absolute  ubiquity  of  the 
body  of  Christ.43  Thereupon,  too,  he  gave  the  first  precise  devel- 
opment of  this  doctrinal  point,  and  a  wholly  new  shape  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  communicatio  idiomatum.Ai     Melancthon  uttered 

43  Confessio  et  Doctrina  Theologorum  et  Ministrorum  Verbi  Dei  in  Ducatu  Wirtem- 
bergensi  de  vera  Praesentia  Corporis  et  Sanguinis  J.  Chr.  in  Coena  Dominica,  German 
and  Latin  in  Pfaffii  Acta  et  Scripta  publica  Ecclesiae  Wirtembergicae  (Tubing.,  1720. 
4.),  p.  334 :  Firmiter  credimus  et  docemus,  in  Coena  Domini  cum  pane  et  vino  virtute 
verbi  seu  institutione  Christi  verum  corpus  et  verum  sanguinem  Domini  nostri  J.  Chr. 
vere  ac  substantialiter  exhiberi  omnibus  Coena  Domini  utentibus,  ut,  quemadmodum 
ministri  manu  exhibentur,  ita  ore  mauducantis  et  bibentis  accipiantur. — Dum  vero  banc 
veri  corporis  et  sanguinis  Christi  veram  praesentiam  statuimus,  nullam  corporis  et  san- 
guinis ejus  cum  pane  et  vino  commixtipnem,  nullam  in  pane  localem  inclusionem  asse- 
rimus,  sed  sacramentali  unione  talem  praesentiam  docemus,  quae  verbo  Christi  definita 
est.  Accipiens  enim  panem,  dixit :  hoc  est  corpus  meurn ;  accipiens  calicem  dixit :  hie 
est  sanguis  metis. — Quia  vero  ab  his,  qui  veram  in  Coena  Domini  corporis  et  sanguinis 
Christi  praesentiam  negant,  articulus  fidei  de  ascensu  Christi  in  coelum,  et  sessione  ejus 
ad  dexferam  Dei  Patris  opponitur,  ut,  quoniam  in  coelo  est,  in  Coena  praesens  esse  ne- 
getur:  nos  hunc  fidei  articulum  non  nostris,  sed  Apostoli  verbis  quam  simplicissime  ex- 
plicamus,  ubi  scribit :  qui  descendit,  idem  Me  est,  qui  etiam  ascendit  supra  omnes  coelos, 
ut  impleret  omnia  (Eph.  iv.  10).  Non  enim  sic  in  editiorem  aliquem  locum  aeris  vel  fir- 
mamenti  ascendit,  ut  ibi  haereret,  sed  etiam  in  earn  majestatem  et  gloriam  ingressus 
est,  quae  teste  Apostolo  est  (Eph.  i.  21)  super  omnem  principatum,  et  potestatem,  et  virtu- 
tem,  et  dominationem,  et  omne  nomen,  quod  nominatur,  non  solum  in  hoc  saeculo,  sed  etiam 
infuturo.  Itaque  nullam  humanae  naturae  diffusionem  aut  membrorum  Christi  distrac- 
tionem  imaginamur,  sed  hominis  Christi  majestatem  explicamus,  qua  ad  dexteram  Dei 
collocatus,  non  solum  divinitate  sua,  sed  homo  Christus  quoque  implet  omnia  modo  coe- 
lesti  et  humanae  rationi  imperscrutabili,  qua  majestate  praesentia  ejus  in  Coena  non  tol- 
litur  sed  confirmatur.  In  the  passage,  Eph.  iv.  10,  the  apostle  is  speaking,  not — de  va- 
ticiniorum  impletione,  sed  de  majestate  Christi,  qua  nunc  in  gloria  Patris  omnibus  rebus 
praesens  est,  et  res  omnes  ill!  praesentes.  Its  connection  with  the  fifth  section  of  the 
ducal  Saxon  Refutation  is  not  to  be  mistaken  (see  above,  §  34). 

44  Brenz  wrote  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  1560  his  work  De  Personali  Unione  dua- 
rum  Naturarum  in  Christo,  which,  however,  was  not  published  till  1561.  4.  (see  J.  Brenz 
by  Hartmann  and  Jiiger,  ii.  380),  reprinted  in  Brentii  Opp.,  viii.  831.  Cf.  p.  834 :  Quain- 
quam  divina  substantia  non  mutetur  in  humanam,  et  unaquaeque  suas  habet  proprieta- 
tes,  tamen  hae  duae  substantiae  ita  sunt  in  unam  personam  in  Christo  conjunctae,  ut 
altera  ab  altera  reipsa  nunquam  dividatur.  P.  835 :  Ut  ubicunque  est  Deitas,  ibi  etiam 
sit  humanitas  Christi.  P.  836  :  Quid  obsecro  prohibet,  quo  minus  id,  quod  convenit  uni 
substantiae  per  se,  hoc  conveniat  alteri  per  accidens,  ut  Dialectici  loquuntur  ?  Vetus 
et  verus  sermo  est  de  Christo,  quod  quicquid  convenit  Filio  Dei  per  naturam,  hoc  conve- 
niat filio  hominis  per  gratiam.  P.  837  :  Etsi  humana  substantia  obnoxia  est  passioni  et 
morti,  tamen  haec  proprietas  non  sic  inhaeret  homini,  ut  ea  mutata  mutetur  et  hominis 
substantia. — Homines  in  sua  resurrectione  retinent  veram  et  perfectam  humanam  sub- 
stantiam.  Quod  si  haec  proprietatum  seu  accidentium  mutatio  non  mutat  rei  substan- 
tiam,  quomodo  non  posset  etiam  immutata  manere  substantia  corporis,  etiamsi  alicubi 
non  esset  localiter  in  loco,  cum  in  loco  esse  non  sit  corporis  substantia,  sed  tantum  pro- 
prietas substantiae  accidentaria  ?  P.  838  :  Etsi  humanam  naturam  extra  Christum,  et 
juxta  physicas  rationes  in  uno  tantum  loco  esse  oportet, — et  Christus  suscepit  tempore 
ministerii  et  conversationis  suae  in  hoc  mundo  humanas  (propter  peccatum)  imbecilli- 
tates,  ac  fuit  corpore  suo,  pro  conditione  hujus  mundi,  in  loco  circumscriptive :  tamen 
interea  hypostatica  uuio  non  fuit  dissoluta,  ut,  ubicunque  fuit  deitas  Christi,  ibi  non  se- 


PART  II.— CH.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  37.  CHRIST'S  UBIQUITY.    453 

in  vain  his  warnings  to  the  Duke  Christopher  of  Wiirtemberg,45 
and  soon  greeted  with  joy  the  summons  which  released  him  from 

cum  halnierit  etiam  humanitatem  suam,  idque  non  localiter,  sed — repletive. — Non  tri- 
buimus  Christo  multa  et  varia  corpora,  nee  tribuiruus  corpori  ejus  localem  extensionem 
aut  diffusionem,  sed  evehimus  ipsum  ultra  hunc  corporalem  mundum,  extra  omnem 
creaturam  et  locum,  et  collocamus  juxta  conditionem  hypostaticae  unionis  in  coelesti 
majestate :  quam  etsi  tempore  carnis  suae  in  hoc  saeculo  dissimulavit,  seu  ea  sese,  ut 
Paulus  loquitur,  exinanivit,  tamen  nunquam  ea  caruit. — Porro  ex  hac  admiranda  et  in- 
effabili  unione  oritur  Celebris  ilia  in  ecclesiasticis  scriptoribus  communicatio  idiomatum. 
— Existimant  multi,  quod,  cum  dicitur,  inter  divinam  et  humanam  naturam  Christi  esse 
communicationem  idiomatum,  intelligendum  sit,  esse  tantum  communicationem  propri- 
etatum  vocabulorum,  et  non  proprietatum  rerum.  Ac  veteres  recte  quidem  docuerunt, 
quantum  ego  hactenus  judicare  possum,  de  communicatione  idiomatum.  Scholastici 
autem  et  recentiores  nonnulli,  cum  dicunt  personam  Christi  non  habere  ubique  secum 
unitam  humanitatem,  videntur  affirmare,  in  Christo  esse  tantum  communicationem  ver- 
balem,  non  realem. — His  fiet  tandem  Christus  homo  non  verus  Deus,  sed  tantum  nuncu- 
pative ;  et  patietur  pro  peccatis  nostris  Deus  Christus  non  vere,  sed  tantum  sermone. 
Nos  autem  intelligimus  in  hac  materia  per  idiomata  non  tantum  vocabulorum,  sed  etiam, 
rerum  proprietates  :  ut,  cum  per  communicationem  idiomatum  de  Christo  dicimus,  Deum 
esse  passum  et  mortuum,  non  sit  sententia,  quod  Deus  Verbum  dicatur  tantum  sermone 
vocabuli  pati  et  mori,  res  autem  ipsa  nihil  prorsus  ad  Deum  pertineat,  sed  quod  Deus, 
etsi  natura  sua  nee  patitur,  nee  moritur,  tamen  passionem  et  mortem  Christi  ita  sibi 
communem  faciat,  ut  propter  hypostaticam  unionem  passioni  et  morti  personaliter  ad- 
sit,  et  non  aliter,  ut  sic  dicam,  afficiatur,  quam  si  ipse  pateretur  et  moreretur.— Sic  etiam 
idiomata  rov  \6yov— praedicantur  non  verbis  tantum  inanibus,  sed  etiam  vere  et  reipsa 
de  carne  Christi.  Sola  Deltas  est  vivifica,  et  tamen  etiam  caro  Christi  est  vivifica,  ha- 
betque  vim  vivificam,  non  quidem  e  sua  carnis  natura,  sed  ex  natura  deitatis,  cui  per- 
sonaliter est  uuita.  P.  847 :  Si  deitas  et  humanitas  Christi  una  sunt  et  inseparabilis 
persona,  certe  negari  non  potest,  quin,  cum  Filius  Dei  assumpsit  in  utero  matris  filium 
hominis  in  unitatem  personae,  continuo  evexerit  et  collocaverit  eum  in  ea  majestate  et 
gloria,  in  qua  ipse  ab  aeterno  apud  patrem  suum  fuit. — Itaque  et  turn  ascendit  Filius 
hominis  in  coelum,  et  est  deinceps  in  coelo,  etiamsi  in  terra  omni  contumeliarum  genere 
afficiatur.  P.  848  :  Vere  passus  est  humanos  dolores,  vere  mortuus  est:  interea  tamen 
retinuit  suam  majestatem  auctoritative, — quam  suo  tempore  patefecit  executive.  Acce- 
dit  et  illud,  quod  etsi  tempore  humilitatis  suae  non  ostentavit  sunimam  suam,  quam 
habuit,  majestatem,  tamen  non  omnino  earn  sic  dissimulavit,  ut  non  aliquoties  praesen- 
tiam  ejus  manifestis  argumentis  testificaretur.  Nam  et  XL  diebus  ac  noctibus  jejuna- 
vit,  et  super  aquas  ambulavit,  et  invisibilem  se  reddidit,  et  tactu  mortuos  suscitavit,  et 
se  coram  discipulis  suis  coelesti  gloria  transformavit.  P.  849:  Dices  autem:  si  Irypo-^ 
statica  unio  duarum  naturarum  in  Christo  tantum  valet,  ut  ubicunque  est  deitas,  ibi 
etiam  sit  humanitas,  non  quidem — locali  diffusione, — sed  mirando  et  coelesti  modo,  quid 
opus  erit,  ut  accipiam  corpus  et  sanguinem  Christi  in  Coena  ab  ipso  instituta,  cum  ha- 
beam  domi  panem  et  vinum,  in  quibus  corpus  et  sanguis  Christi  praesentia  sint,  et  liceat 
mihi  singulis  diebus,  imo  et  horis  ea  sumere?  Sed  audi  vicissim.  Etsi  Christus  sua 
majestate  una  cum  corpore  et  sanguine  suo  a  tuo  domestico  pane  et  vino  minime  absit, 
tamen  ut  sumas  ea  efficaciter,  verbum  Christi  sequendum  est.  Against  the  ubiquity, 
H.  Bullingeri  Tractatio  Verborum  Domini,  Jo.  xiv.  2,  Tiguri,  1561 ;  it  gave  occasion 
to  the  following  controversial  works :  Jo.  Brentii  Sententia  de  Libello  Bullingeri,  cui 
Titulus  est :  Tractatio,  etc.  Francof.,  1561.  4.  (Opp.,  viii.  868).— H.  Bullingeri  Respon- 
sio,  qua  ostenditur,  Sententiam  de  coelo  et  dextra  Dei  firmiter  adhuc  perstare,  Tig.,  1562. 
—J.  Brentius,  De  divina  Majestate  Christi.  Francof.,  1562.  4.  (Opp.,  viii.  891).  Peter 
Martyr,  too,  and  Beza,  and,  on  the  other  side,  Jac.  Andreae,  took  part  in  this  dispute ; 
Planck,  v.  ii.  482 :  Baur's  Dreieinigkeit,  ill-  410. 
45  The  Duke  of  Wiirtemberg,  probably  stimulated  by  Mel.  Resp.  ad  Impios  Art. 


454  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

these  entangling  controversies,46  which  became  more  and  more 
threatening :  he  died  April  19,  1560. 


§  38. 

CONTINUATION  OF  THE  CONTROVERSY  TO  THE  FALL  OF  CRYPTO-CAL- 
VINISM  IN  THE  ELECTORATE  OF  SAXONY,  1574. 

While  the  occurrences  in  the  Palatinate  and  in  Bremen  were 
giving  new  life  to  the  controversy  with  the  Calvinists,  the  doc- 
trine of  the  ubiquity  of  Christ's  body1  presenting  the  most  im- 
portant point  in  dispute,  the  synergistic  disquietudes  in  Jena  were 
also  on  the  increase.  The  theologians  and  clergy  of  that  place, 
invigorated  by  the  accession  of  John  Wigand  and  Matthew  Judex, 
1560,  endeavored  to  uphold  the  principles  of  the  Confutation  (see 
above)  by  an  inquisitorial  church  discipline.2     At  the  colloquy  be- 

Bavar.  Inquis.,  had  made  complaint,  as  early  as  November  3,  1559,  to  the  Elector  of 
Saxony  about  the  sacramentarian  character  of  Melancthon's  -works  (see  the  letter  in 
Sattler's  Wiirtemb.  Gesch.,  iv.  140),  and  asked  for  a  synod.  Melancthon  now  sent  to 
him  his  Enarratio  Epistolae  ad  Coloss.  praelecta  anno  1556,  Viteb.,  1559.  8.  (Opp.,  iv. 
324).  Here  it  is  said  (Opp.,  iv.  358) :  Ascendit,  scil.  corporali  et  physica  locatione, 
in  coelum ;  i.  e.,  in  locum  coelestem,  ubicunque  est,  quia  hie  non  sunt  fingendae 
allegoriae.  Ascensio  fuit  visibilis  et  corporalis,  et  saepe  ita  scripsit  tota  antiquitas, 
Christum  corporali  locatione  in  aliquo  loco  esse,  ubicunque  vult.  Corpus  localiter  ali- 
cubi  est  secundum  veri  corporis  modum,  ut  Augustinus  inquit.  Mel.  ad  Hardenberg, 
12.  Jan.,  1560,  C.  R.,  ix.  1029 :  Dux  Wirtenbergensis  me  atrociter  accusat,  quod  natu- 
ras  in  Christo  dirimam.  Petivi  non  solum,  ut  me  prius  audiat  quam  condemnet,  sed  ut 
simul  veterem  et  puriorem  Ecclesiam  audiat :  ad  G.  Cracovium,  3.  Febr.,  1560,  p.  1036 : 
Legi  decretum  Abbatum  Wirtebergensium,  nee  possum  quale  sit  venustius  significare, 
quam  si  dicam  esse  Hechingense  Latinum,  cum  oppidum  Hechingen  in  vicinia  illorum 
Abbatum  situm  sit.— Illustr.  Principi  respondi  breviter.— Si  longior  a  me  responsio 
irtpl  fiva-T^piwu  petitur,  significabitis.  Tempore  enim  opus  est  ad  describenda  vetera 
testimonia,  et  profecto  invitus  -ircpl  tov  iravraxov  disputo,  quia  multa  (ltfin\a.  turbant 
mentes  in  vera  cogitatione.  Ad  Hardenb.,  9.  Febr.,  1560,  p.  1046 :  Dux  Wirtebergensis 
misit  formulam  irtpi  p.v<rrnplwv  ad  nostrum  Principem,  in  qua  retinet  et  pingit  to  irav- 
Taxov.     Petivit,  ut  exhiberetur  his  Academiis,  sed  non  est  exhibita. 

46  Causae  cur  minus  abhorreas  a  morte,  written  by  Melancthon  (Corp.  Ref.,  ix.  1098) 
a  few  days  before  his  death,  on  the  left  side  of  the  leaf:  Discedes  a  peccatis.  Liberabe- 
ris  ab  aerumnis,  et  a  rabie  theologorum.  On  the  right,  Venies  in  lucem.  Videbis  Deum. 
Intueberis  Filium  Dei.  Disces  ilia  mira  arcana,  quae  in  hac  vita  intelligere  non  potu- 
isti.  Cur  sic  simus  conditi.  Qualis  sit  copulatio  duarum  naturarum  in  Christo.— How 
the  Catholics  judged  about  these  controversies  may  be  seen  in  a  very  full  account  by  the 
Cardinal  Bishop  Von  Culm,  Stanislaus  Hosius  ad  Henricum  Brunsvicensem  Ducem 
dd.  Tridenti,  24.  Mart.,  1562,  in  le  Plat.  Monum.  ad  Hist.  Cone.  Tridentini  spectant., 
v.  124. 

1  See  §  37,  Note  44.  Gesprach  zwischen  Wirtemberger  und  Pfiilzer  Theologen  im 
Kloster  Maulbronn,  1564.    Ebrard,  ii.  666. 

2  Special  excitement  was  caused  by  the  refusal  to  allow  the  jurist,  Matth.  Wesenbe- 
cius,  to  take  the  place  of  a  godfather,  in  July,  1560  (the  acts  in  J.  J.  Midler's  entdeck- 


PART  II.— CH.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  38.  SYNERGISTIC  STRIFE.  455 

tween  Flacius  and  Striegel,  in  Weimar,  August,  1560,3  the  for- 
mer, in  his  violence,  was  led  to  make  the  assertion  that  original 
sin  is  the  very  substance  of  human  nature  ;4  many,  and  among 
them  the  Duke  John  Frederick  the  Second,  were  made  to  waver 
in  their  judgment  about  synergism.  The  latter,  however,  still 
adhered  so  firmly  to  the  Lutheran  side,  that,  at  the  Diet  of  Naum- 
burg,  January,  1561,  called  by  the  Elector  August  to  effect  a  re- 
newal of  the  union  of  the  princes  upon  the  Augsburg  Confession 
in  opposition  to  the  Council  of  Trent,  he  and  the  Duke  of  Meck- 
lenburg hesitated  to  subscribe  unless  the  prevailing  errors  were 
condemned.5  Soon  afterward  he  found  it  necessary  to  change  his 
policy,  that  he  might  put  an  end  to  the  disturbances  in  Jena. 
He  took  away  from  the  preachers  the  right  of  excommunication, 

tes  Staatscabinet,  Erste  Eroffnung,  Jena,  1714,  s.  38).  The  clergy  demanded  of  him 
(p.  43),  ut  categorice  respondeam,  utrum  per  omnia  approbem,  an  non,  librum  (Confu- 
tationis),— et  eorum  conciones  quotidianas,  quibus  ejusmodi  liber  explicaretur,  and  re- 
fused him  the  place  of  godfather  because  he  hesitated  to  make  this  declaration ;  Salig, 
iii.  579.     Planck,  iv.  612. 

3  Disputatio  de  Original!  Peccato  et  Libera  Arbitrio  inter  Matthiam  Flacium  Illyr.  et 
Vict.  Strigelium  publice  Vinariae  anno  1560  habita  (written  out  by  Wigand)  ed.  Sim. 
Musaeus,  1502,  cd.  2,  1563.  4.  (See  Ed.  Schmid,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.  fur  hist.  Theol., 
1849,  i.  7).  Here  precede  Flacii  and  Strigelii  propositiones  de  libera  arbitrio :  in  the  short 
Relatio  de  Disputatione  Vinariensi  (fortges.  Sammlung  v.  alten  u.  neuen  theol.  Sachen, 
1740,  s.  383)  the  positions  of  both  parties  were  given ;  de  definitione  Evangelii,  de  Ma- 
jorismo,  de  Adiaphorismo,  de  academica  epocha ;  in  all  which  Striegel  inclines  to  Me- 
lancthon,  and  often  makes  use  of  just  his  positions.  In  Flacii  Prop,  de  Libera  Arbi- 
trio :  3.  Homo  spirituali  hac  lepra  (ut  Lutherus  loqui  solet)  penitus  corruptus  non  tan- 
tum  amisit  omnes  bonas  vires, — sed  et  insuper  contrarias  et  deterrimas  acquisivit, — seu 
est  ad  imaginem  Satanae  transformatus,  ejusque  charactere  signatus,  ac  veneno  penitus 
infectus,  ita  ut  necessario  seu  inevitabiliter  Deo  ac  verae  pietati  semper  et  vehementer 
adversetur.  4.  Solus  Deus  immensa  misericordia  per  Verbum,  Sacramenta  et  Spiritum 
S.  convertit  hominem,  trahit,  illuminat,  donat  fidem,  justificat,  renovat,  et  ad  bona 
opera  condit:  seu  labefactata  et  mortificata  ilia  foeda  Satanae  imagine  suam  denuo  in 
nobis  condit  ac  reformat,  cor  lapideum  ac  adamantinum  excidit,  ac  novum,  inscripta  ei 
sua  lege  aut  imagine  condit,  non  solum  non  cooperante  ex  se  natural!  aut  Adamico 
libero  arbitrio,  sed  etiam  contra  furente  ac  fremente.  Gratia  Dei  sum  quicquid  sum, 
1  Cor.,  xv.  In  reply,  Striegel :  3.  Vere  igitur  affirmo,  hominem  viribus  naturalibus 
sine  Filio  Dei,  sanante  nostra  vulnera  per  Evangelium,  et  dante  Spiritum  Sanctum,  ne 
qiiidem  inchoare  posse  veram  et  salutarem  conversionem  ad  Deum. — 4. — tamen  non  ita 
in  nobis  efficax  est,  ut  invitum  hominem  subigat,  sed  ut  subjectionis  cupidum  faciat : 
nee  ut  ignorantem  trahat,  sed  ut  intelligentem  sequentemque  praecedat.  Donee  enim 
omnino  repugnat  voluntas,  nulla  potest  fieri  conversio.  5.  Concurrunt  igitur  in  conver- 
sione  haec  tria  :  Spiritus  sanctus,  movens  corda  per  vocem  divinam  ;  et  ipsa  vox  Dei  co- 
gitata,  sive  inter  audiendum,  sive  in  lectione,  sive  in  pia  meditatione,  et  voluntas  homi- 
nis,  quae  voci  divinae  inter  trepidationem  utcunque  assentitur,  simul  petens  auxilium 
ab  eo,  qui  ait :  venite  ad  me  omnes  qui  laboratis  et  onerati  estis,  et  ego  rejiciam  vos.  Salig, 
iii.  587.    Planck,  iv.  606.     Ed.  Schmid  a.  a.  0.  s.  26. 

*  Disputatio,  p.  26,  44.    Ed.  Schmid,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.,  1849,  i.  60. 

*  Salig,  iii.  652.     Planck,  vi.  213.      Der  Naumburgische  Furstentag,  oder  wichtige 
Urkunden  und  Acten  densclben  betr.,  edited  by  J.  H.  Gelbke,  Leipzig,  1793. 


450  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

which  in  Jena  had  been  so  much  abused,  and  gave  it  instead,  as 
well  as  the  censorship  of  all  published  works,  to  a  Consistory  es- 
tablished in  Weimar.6  When  the  Flacianists  now  began  to  make 
a  noise  about  the  subjection  of  the  Church,  and  the  suppression 
of  the  pure  doctrine,  the  Duke  saw  no  other  way  for  restoring  the 
endangered  peace  than  by  deposing  the  theological  professors  (the 
latter  part  of  1561)  and  all  preachers  who  agreed  with  them.7 
The  theological  faculty  was  filled  with  Wittenberg  divines.8 

The  controversies  at  Bremen  produced  no  less  disquietude.9 
Hardenberg  was  banished  in  1560  from  the  district  of  Lower 
Saxony ;  the  strict  Lutheran  magistracy  now  called  Simon  Mu- 
siius,  who  had  just  been  driven  from  Jena,  to  be  the  Superintend- 
ent of  Bremen,  to  annihilate  all  traces  of  Calvinism.  In  a  new 
church  order  he  tried  to  enforce  the  hierarchical  pretensions 
which  had  just  cost  him  his  place  in  Jena  ;  and  a  new  con- 
troversy threatened  to  spring  up.10  Meanwhile  the  new  burgo- 
master, Daniel  von  Biiren,  put  an  end  to  all  this  confusion,  by 
dismissing  the  Superintendent,  and  forbidding  all  polemics  against 
Hardenberg  in  the  pulpit,  1562.  The  members  of  the  Council 
belonging  to  the  opposite  party  fled  from  the  city,  and  endeavor- 
ed to  raise  a  commotion  against  the  sacramentarian  Bremen  ;  but 
the  city  steadfastly  adhered  to  the  principles  which  had  given  it 
repose,  and  maintained  them,  too,  in  the  agreement  made  in  1568 
with  those  who  had  fled  from  them.11 

6  Salig,  iii.  G52.  Planck,  iv.  G21.  Jo.  Schmidt's  Weimar.  Gesetzsammlung.  (Jena, 
1801),  ii.  310. 

7  Salig,  iii.  843.  Planck,  iv.  63G.  Striegel  published  a  Declaration  about  his  opin- 
ions, and  mediating  Wiirtemberg  divines  a  Superdeclaration ;  but  Striegel,  by  accept- 
ing a  professorship  at  Leipsic,  gave  up  all  prospect  of  reconciliation.  Some  forty 
preachers  were  deposed  because  they  adhered  to  the  Confutation,  and  ignored  these 
Declarations.  Salig,  iii.  882.  Planck,  iv.  643.  Schmid,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.,  1849, 
i.  50. 

8  In  1562,  Joh.  Stossel,  who  had  studied  at  Wittenberg,  and  received  the  degree  of 
Master;  in  1565,  Selnecker,  Freyhub,  and  Salmuth.     Salig,  iii.  914. 

9  On  them,  see  work  of  Gerdes,  cited  §  37,  Note  23.  Also  Salig,  iii.  716.  Planck,  v. 
ii.  138  (Elard  Wagner's  Ref.  preacher  in  Bremen),  Dr.  A.  Hardenbergs  im  Dom  zu 
Bremen  gefuhrtes  Lehramt,  Bremen,  1779,  4.  Die  Brem.  Burgermeister  Dan.  v.  Biiren 
d.  alt.,  und  Dan.  v.  Biiren  d.  jungere  bjr  Dr.  A.  G.  Deneken,  Bremen,  1836. 

10  Salig,  iii.  783.  Wagner,  s.  361.  J.  H.  Duntze's  Gesch.  d.  freien  Stadt  Bremen. 
Bd.  3.  (Bremen,  1848),  s.  294. 

11  Treaty  of  Verden,  3d  March,  1568,  in  Lunig's  Reichsarchiv,  Part,  special.  Cont., 
iv.  f.  255.  The  city  here  declared  its  adherence  to  the  Augsburg  Confession,  the  Apol- 
ogy,  the  Catechism  of  Luther,  the  Bremen  Church  Order,  and  the  Frankfort  Recess, 
and  allowed  the  refugees  to  come  back,  on  their  promise  to  give  up  all  opposing  claims. 
Duntze,  iii.  356. 


PART  II.— CH.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  38.  CRYPTO-CALVINISTS.  457 

As  now,  in  consequence  of  these  occurrences  in  the  Palatinate 
and  in  Bremen,  the  controversy  about  the  sacrament  had  become 
the  most  important  and  living  of  all  the  doctrinal  conflicts,  and 
as,  at  the  same  time,  the  agreement  of  Melancthon  and  Calvin 
upon  the  disputed  doctrine  had  been  made  very  evident ;  the  the- 
ologians of  the  Saxon  Electorate,  who  openly  avowed  themselves 
the  true  disciples  of  Melancthon,12  were  stigmatized  as  Crypto- 
Calvinists  by  the  strict  Lutherans.  The  Elector  August,  with 
whom  the  son-in-law  of  Melancthon,  Caspar  Peucer,  Professor  of 
Medicine  and  Physician  in  Ordinary  to  the  Elector,  had  the  great- 
est influence  even  in  theological  matters,  wished,  as  a  true  Lu- 
theran, to  keep  far  away  from  all  Calvinism ;  and  yet  he  regard- 
ed the  Flacianists  as  exaggerated  ultra  Lutherans,  hostile  to  his 
house,  and  fomenters  only  of  disturbances.  And  so  he  was  very 
ready  to  believe,  as  to  his  theologians,  that  they  adhered  to  the 
Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  in  all  essential  points, 
and  were  opposed  to  the  Flacianists  only  in  rejecting  some  excres- 
cences of  this  doctrine,  particularly  the  ubiquity  of  Christ's  body. 
They,  however,  concealed  from  him  that  they  found  what  was  es- 
sential in  Calvin  as  well  as  in  Luther;13  and  that,  going  beyond 

12  The  bookseller  Vogelin,  in  Leipzig,  published  there  in  1560,  under  the  title  Cor- 
pus Doctrinae  Ckristianae.  in  German  and  Latin,  a  collection  comprising,  besides  the 
three  oecumenical  Symbols,  works  of  Melancthon  alone;  viz.,  the  Augsburg  Confession 
and  Apology,  the  Saxon  Confession  (see  Div.  I.,  §  9,  Note  27),  the  Loci  Theologici,  the 
Examen  Ordinandorum,  and  Responsiones  ad  impios  art.  Inquisit.  Bavar.  This  Corpus 
Doctrinae  Misnicum  or  Philippicum  was  introduced  into  the  churches  by  the  Elector,  on 
the  motion  of  the  Leipsic  Consistory  (Loscher's  Historia  Motuum,  iii.  197).  Comp. 
Balthasar's  Historie  des  Torgischen  Buchs,  ii.  39 ;  on  the  editions :  Strobel's  Literar- 
gesch.  v.  Mel.  Locis  Theol.,  s.  2G7. 

13  The  Reformed  Simon  Stenius,  who  studied  at  this  time  in  Wittenberg,  and  was  aft- 
erward professor  in  Heidelberg,  in  his  Oration,  qua  in  Academia  Heidelb.  D.  Casp.  Peu- 
ceri  manibus  parentatum  est,  Servestae,  1G03.  4.,  p.  23,  says,  of  the  Wittenbergers  and 
their  subsequent  fall :  Nihil  magis,  ut  ego  puto,  offendit  Electorem  magnanimum,  quam 
quod  non  diserte  opinionem  sacramentariam  vulgo  vocatam  Peucerus  vel  probaret  vel 
improbaret,  sed  involucris  quibusdam  et  ambiguis  rcsponsis  dubium  quaerentis  animum 
relinqueret,  magis  ivXaftuav  soceri  imitans,  quam  suae  naturae  morem  gerens.  Quae 
prudens,  ut  turn  existimabatur,  temporique  multorum  opinione  conveniens  tergiversatio 
etiam  in  aliis  deprehendebatur.  Memini  ah  Esromo  (Riidinger,  Professor  of  Natural 
Science  in  Wittenberg)  aliquando  non  leviter  objurgari,  quod  nimis  libere  sententiam 
orthodoxam  defenderem.  Opus  esse  circumspectione  politica,  ne  intempestiva  Trappi)- 
oia  rebus  communibus  noceat.  Respondi  ego  simplici  animo,  me  natura  abhorrere  a 
simulandi  studio,  ac  in  veritatis  divinae  professione  nihil  loci  esse  ejusmodi  artibus. 
Addidi  autem  quasi  vates  aliquis  et  hoc:  vos  dabitis  aliquando  poenas  hujus  politicae 
cautionis ;  vestrum  erat,  veritatem  publice  et  aperte  profited.  Jam  vultis  a  nobis  in 
scholis  frangi  glaciem,  ut  facilior  exitus  vobis  pateat,  et  tamen  indignamini,  si  quid  aper- 
tius  a  nobis  proferatur.    The  jurist,  Justus  Jonas,  the  younger,  in  his  letters  to  Duke 


458  FOURTH  PERIOD—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Melancthon,  they  were  becoming  more  and  more  impatient  against 
all  the  peculiarities  of  the  Lutheran  doctrine.14  They  were,  in 
fact,  complete  Calvinists,  though,  in  presence  of  their  prince,  they 
tried  to  seem  like  genuine  Lutherans. 

The  Elector  August  could  only  be  confirmed  in  his  satisfaction 
with  his  divines,  when  he  compared  the  peace  that  reigned  in  his 
territories  with  the  disturbances  which  the  Flacianists  had  brought 
into  the  land  of  Ernest.  After  John  Frederick  the  Second,  in  his 
rancor  against  the  loss  his  house  had  sustained  from  William  von 
(xrumbach,  had  become  involved  in  enterprises  disturbing  the 
peace,  and  so  had  fallen  under  the  imperial  ban,  and  had  been 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Elector  August,  April,  1567  ;15  his  brother 
and  successor,  John  William,  in  spite  of  his  friendly  relations  with 
the  Elector,  again  revived  the  plan  of  making  Jena  the  seat  of 
pure  Lutheranism,  dismissed  the  Wittenberg  divines  who  had  been 
installed  there,  and  called  in  their  place  the  strict  Lutherans,  John 
Wigand,  John  Frederick  Coelestinus,  Timothy  Kirchner  (1568), 
and  Tilem.  Heshusius  (1569). 16  A  conference,  set  on  foot  by  the 
Elector  and  their  Duke,  between  their  divines,  in  Altenburg17 
(October,  1568  to  March,  1569),  was  made  the  occasion,  by  the 
Jena  theologians,  of  uttering  the  most  intemperate  accusations 
against  the  Philippists,18  and  of  course  widened  the  rupture.     The 

Albert  of  Prussia,  1561  sq.,  also  bitterly  blames  the  dissimulation  of  the  Wittenbergers, 
who  held  to  the  truth  in  Calvin's  sense,  and  yet  condemned  Calvin ;  Joh.  Voigt's  Brief- 
wechsel  der  beruhmtesten  Gelehrten  mit  H.  Albrecht,  s.  403,  406. 

M  Compare  the  conduct  of  Peucer  and  of  the  theologians  in  the  matter  of  Conrad 
Schliisselburg,  a  student  of  Wittenberg,  when  he  wished  to  take  the  degree  of  Master. 
Since  he  would  not  grant  that  the  divines  taught  pure  doctrine,  he  was  sent  off  in  Janu- 
ary, 1568,  and  in  March  the  anathema,  too,  was  published  against  him  :  Schliisselburg, 
Catal.  Haer.,  xiii.  609,  730;  Mohnike's  Kirchen-  u.  Literarhist.  Studien  u.  Mittkeilun- 
gen,  Bd.  1,  Heft  2  (Stralsund,  1825),  s.  239. 

15  K.  A.  Menzel's  Nenere  Gesch.  der  Deutschen,  iv.  342.  Joh.  Voigt's  Wilh.  v.  Grum- 
bach  u.  s.  Handel,  in  Raumer's  Hist.  Taschenbuch,  1847,  s.  145. 

10  E.  Schmid,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.,  1849,  i.  58.  The  negotiations  upon  the  call  to 
Heshusius,  whose  dismissal  from  the  post  of  court  preacher  to  the  Duke  Palatine  of 
Neuburg  was  refused,  see  in  J.  J.  Midler's  entdecktes  Staats-Cabinet,  funfte  Eroffnung, 
s.  43. 

17  Collection  of  the  Acts  :  Colloquium  zu  Altenburg  in  Meissen,  Jena,  1569.  fol. ;  Col- 
loquium Altenburgense  de  Articulo  Justificationis,  Jenae,  1570.  4.  In  replj- :  Ganze 
unci  unverfalschte  Acta  des  Colloquii  zu  Altenburg,  Wittenberg,  1570.  fol. ;  Acta  Collo- 
quii Aldeburgensis,  Lips.,  1570.  fol. ;  G.  F.  Loeberi  ad  Hist.  Colloquii  Alteburg.  Ani- 
madversiones  ex  Documentis  genuinis  partim  nunc  primum  editis  erutae,  Alteburgi, 
1776.  4. ;  Planck,  vi.  334. 

18  Enumeration  of  the  Philippist  corruptions  of  the  doctrine  of  justification,  see  the 
Wittenberg.  Acten,  F.  12 :  "  1.  That  we  are  justified  before  God  by  both  imputatione  and 
inchoatione  at  once.     2.  We  are  chiefly  justified  by  faith.     3.  That  good  works  are  neces- 


PART  II.— CH.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  38.  CRYPTO-CALVINISTS.  459 

Elector  August  was  so  indignant  at  this,  that  he  demanded  of  his 

sary  to  salvation.  4.  That  by  good  works  we  have  salvation  and  justification.  5.  That 
we  are  not  to  contend  about  the  word  sola  in  the  proposition — we  are  justified  through 
faith  alone  (sola).  6.  That  there  is  a  difference  between  justification  and  salvation.  7. 
That  the  righteousness  of  the  Christian,  by  which  he  is  justified  before  God,  is  in  this 
life  imperfect.  8.  That  eternal  life  is  given  for  good  works.  9.  That  salvation  and 
justification  are  received  through  faith  and  confession."  They  afterward  set  aside  the 
Corpus  Uoctrinae  Misnicum  as  unsound.  F.  276 :  [In  substance  :  1.  Because  the  copies 
of  the  first  impression  did  not  contain  the  original  Augsburg  Confession  of  1530,  but  a 
copy  never  approved  by  the  estates ;  and  in  the  second  impression  the  two  are  mixed 
up ;  and  that  the  author  (Melancthon)  had  no  right  to  make  the  changes  of  his  own 
will. — And,  besides,  Philip  had  so  altered  it  as  to  open  a  window  for  the  Calvinists  to 
get  in ;  and  Papists,  too,  may  take  advantage  of  this.]  "  1.  Dass  die  Exemplar  und 
Bucher  des  ersten  Drucks  die  wahre  alte  Confession,  so  anno  30  zu  Augspurg  Kaiser 
Karl  ubergeben,  nicht  haben,  sondern  an  derselben  Statt  eine  solche  Confession,  die  zu 
Augspurg  weder  geschrieben  noch  ubergeben,  oder  von  den  Standen  Augspurgischer 
Confession  approbirt  und  unterschrieben  worden.  Im  andern  Druck  aber  beruhrtes 
Corporis  doctrinae  werden  zwei  Exemplar  der  wahren,  rechten  und  unrechten  Augspur- 
gischen  Confession  in  einander  gemenget.  Nu  hat  aber  der  Autor  oder  Schreiber  des- 
selben  Buchs  nicht  Macht  gehabt,  dasselbe  als  sein  eigen  Buch,  darum  seines  Gefallens, 
zu  corrigiren.— Uber  das  so  hat  Philippus  so  oft  gedachte  Augspurgische  Confession  ge- 
andert,  dass  er  auch  endlich  den  Sacramentirern  und  Calvinisten  ein  Fenster  aufgethan 
in  dieselbe  einzuschleichen.  Man  mag  traun  zusehen,  dass  nicht  etwan  mit  der  Zeit  die 
Papisten  auch  ein  soldi  Schlupfloch  finden,  sich  in  dieselbige  mit  einzudrehen."  Comp. 
above,  §  36,  Note  33.  After  these  corruptions  have  been  pointed  out  in  the  Corpus  Doc- 
trinae, they  go  on  to  say  about  Melancthon  that  he  should  not  be  held  to  be  equal  to 
Luther,  and  that  he  himself  confessed  that  he  wanted  to  bring  Luther's  doctrines  into 
his  manual  [and  that  he  was  wortlry  of  honor  so  far  as  he  did  this  truly,  but  in  error 
when  introducing  philosophy  and  fleshly  wisdom].  "Wo  er  nu  solches  recht,  rein  und 
treulich  thut,  ist  er  warlich  aller  Ehren  und  Danks  werth :  so  oft  er  sich  aber  die  Philo- 
sophiam,  menschliche  Vernunft  und  fleischliche  Weisheit,  liisst  anderswohin  verleiten, 
da  ists  offenbar,  dass  er  nicht  gerade  zugehe,  sondern  irre  und  strauchle."  They  then 
refer  to  Melancthon's  indecision  about  Carlstadt's  vagaries,  and  also  in  Augsburg.  "  Es 
bezeuget  auch  gnugsam  die  einige  Disputation,  darinnen  Lutherus  die  papstische  Pro- 
position von  Nothwendigkeit  guter  Werk  zur  Seligkeit  aus  der  Kirchen  verworfen  und 
verdammt,  und  die  Aenderung  und  Unterdriickung  derselben  Dictaten  Philippi  durch 
Lutherum  erlangt,  wie  oft  Philippus  hab  aus  der  Bahn  springen  wollen,  und  doch  voni 
Luthero  zuriickgezogen  und  gehalten  worden.  (Comp.  above,  §  36,  Note  25.)  Wie  auch 
Philippus  die  Sacramentirer  in  ihrer  Schwiirmerei  gestarkt,  bezeuget  nicht  allein  Cal- 
vinus  in  oftentlichen  ausgegangenen  Schriften,  sondern  auch  der  Brief  an  den  Churfur- 
sten  Pfalzgrafen,  und  etliche  andere  an  Hardenbergium. — Wie  er  sich  auch  zur  Zeit 
des  Interims  gehalten,  und  was  er  den  Papisten  nachgegeben  und  eingeraumet,  beweiset 
nicht  allein  sein  Brief  an  Carolovicium  geschrieben  (see  §  36,  Note  37),  welcher  Kaiser- 
licher  Majestiit  selbst  zu  lesen  gegeben,  und  schier  durch  ganz  Europam  ausgesprenget 
worden,  sondern  auch  seine  Schriften  und  Rathschlage  den  Actis  synodicis  einverleibet. 
Letzlich  so  werfen  uns  die  Papisten  selbst,  und  nicht  ohne  Ursach  fur,  dass  Philippus 
seine  Bucher,  sonderlich  da  Lutherus  alt  worden,  und  aus  diesem  Leben  abgeschieden, 
so  oft  geandert,  gemindcrt  und  gemehret."  [That  Luther  condemned,  at  Augsburg, 
the  papal  proposition  about  the  necessity  of  good  works  to  salvation,  and  demanded 
a  change  in  Philip's  dictata;  and  that  Melancthon  was  kept  straight  only  by  Luther. 
And  then,  too,  Philip  strengthened  the  sacramentarians  (Calvinists),  as  is  seen  in  sev- 
eral of  his  writings.  He  also  yielded  to  the  papists  in  the  matter  of  the  Interim,  as  is 
seen  in  his  letter  to  Carolovicius,  which  went  the  rounds  of  Europe,  etc.  And  the  pa- 
pists, too,  reproach  us  with  the  fact  that  Philip  altered  his  works  too  much,  especially 
after  Luther  had  grown  old.] 


4G0  FOUKTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

clergy,  besides  their  pledge  to  adopt  the  Corpus  Doctrinae  Philip- 
picum,  a  formal  abjuration  of  Flacianism.19 

The  Ultra- Lutherans  felt  the  blow  severely,  when  some  of  them, 
and  even  their  very  leader,  Flacius,  in  their  exaggerations,  were 
carried  beyond  the  boundaries  of  orthodoxy.  In  spite  of  all  the 
warnings  of  his  friends,  Flacius  did  not  give  up  his  opinion  that 
original  sin  is  the  very  substance  of  the  human  soul ;  on  the  con- 
trary, in  1567  he  set  it  forth  at  length  as  a  most  weighty  doctrine, 
not  yet  sufficiently  recognized  in  its  important  bearings  on  the 
purity  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Church.20     And  thus  he  at  last  com- 

19  They  were  obliged  to  sign  a  declaration  (given  in  Loscher's  Hist.  Motuum,  iii.  21) 
accepting  the  Corpus  Doctrinae,  and  also  to  declare  :  "  Ich  bin  audi  den  Flacianischen 
Illyrischen  fahrlichen  Irrthum,  zankischen  Geschmeiss,  giftigen  Gebeiss  und  Schwar- 
merey,  damit  dieser  Lande  Schulen  und  Kirchen  von  dem  erdichteten  und  angegebenen 
Adiaphorismo,  Synergismo,  und  Majorismo,  und  andern  falschen  Auflagen  beschweret, 
nicht  anhangig,  hab  audi  nicht  Gefallen  darob,  und  will  auch  hinfortan  mit  Gottes  gna- 
diger  Hiilf  mich  desselben  ganzlich  enthalten,  damniren,  fliehen  und  meiden,  und  nach 
Vermogen  auch  verhiiten"  [renouncing  Flacius  and  all  his  works,  and  adiaphorisra, 
and  synergism,  and  majorism,  and  promising  henceforth  to  flee  and  condemn  all  these 
things].  Of  course  no  success  attended  the  attempt  of  the  estates  of  electoral  Saxony, 
through  the  Weimar  estates,  to  put  an  end  to  the  calumnies  of  the  clergy  of  ducal  Sax- 
ony against  the  Church  of  electoral  Saxony  (February  and  March,  1570)  ;  see  the  doings 
in  the  Sammlung  v.  alten  u.  neuen  theol.  Sachen,  1734,  s.  164,  375. 

20  In  M.  Flacii  Clavis  Scripturae  (Francof.  ad  M.,  1567,  2  Partes,  fol.)  appeared,  ii. 
523,  as  Tract.  VI.  Aliquot  Theologici  Libelli,  among  them,  p.  635,  one  De  Peccati  Ori- 
ginalis  aut  veteris  Adami  Appellationibus  et  Essentia,  p.  638:  Ad  declarationem  hujus 
sententiae  uberiorem,  quod  praecipuum  peccatum  originale  sit  quiddam  substantiate  in 
homine,  forte  non  parum  profuerit  distinguere  substantiam  materialem  et  formalem. 
Potest  enim  considerari  substantia  alicujus  testacei  aut  vitrei  aut  argentei  vasis,  turn 
quatenus  ex  tali  materia  est,  turn  quatenus  vas  illud  sic  formatum  est  pulchre  aut  tur- 
piter.— Sic  igitur  in  hac  disputatione  de  corruptione  hominis  non  nego,  illam  viliorem 
materiam,  aut  massam  hominis  initio  conditam  adhuc  utcunque  remansisse,  tametsi 
valde  vitiatam,  sicut  si  in  vino  aut  aromatibus,  expirante  aerea  et  ignea  substantia,  re- 
maneret  tantum  terrena  et  aquea  ;  sed  formam  substantialem,  aut  substantiam  formalem 
deperiisse,  imo  in  contrariam  esse  mutatam  sentio.  Loquor  autem  non  de  ista  externa 
et  crassa  forma,  quam  considerat  in  adolescente  puella,  aut  etiam  in  toto  homine  philo- 
sophia ; — sed  loquor  de  ea  nobilissima  substantiali  forma,  ad  quam  praecipue  ipsum  cor, 
aut  potius  anima  rationalis  formata  erat,  ita  ut  ipsa  sua  essentia  esset  Dei  imago,  eum- 
que  repraesentaret,  utque  suae  substantiales  potentiae,  intellectus  ac  voluntas  affectus- 
que,  ad  Dei  proprietates  essent  conformatae,  eumque  turn  repraesentarent,  turn  vere 
agnoscerent,  et  promptissime  amplecterentur.— Hanc  ergo  formam  substantialem  dico 
non  tantum  deperiisse  homini,  sed  etiam  prorsus  in  contrariam  esse  inversam :  ita  ut, 
cum  antea  homo,  praesertim  quod  attinet  ad  animam  rationalem,  esset  viventis  Dei  viva 
imago,  nunc  sit  sua  essentia  in  eadem  summa  ac  nobilissima  parte  vera  imago  Satanae. 
Hanc  substantialem  immutationem  animae  Scriptura  (comp.  Ps.  Ii.  12 ;  Ezech.  xi.  19) 
exprimit  per  cor  lapideum  aut  adamantinum,  aut  contra  per  cor  spirituale :  quod  ideo 
pro  anima  rationali  ponitur,  quod  ibi  anima  rationalis  habitare  censetur. — Hanc  igitur 
inversam  substantiam  formalem,  aut  formam  substantialem  summi  gradus, — quae  jam 
eum,  ut  causa  formalis,  facit  imaginem  et  filium  Diaboli, — statuo  esse  verum  et  quasi 
unicum  fontem  omuis  peccati,  sive  habitualis,  sive  actualis,  et  idipsum  quod  vocamus 
originale  peccatum :  quod  non  tantum  ideo  sic  vocatur,  quia  nobiscum  oritur,  sed  etiam 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §38.  FLACIANISM.      4G1 

pelled  the  Jena  divines  (after  1570)  to  combat  this  new  Maniche- 
ism  (the  Flacian  Controversy).21  Flacius  persuaded  a  part  of 
his  adherents  to  adopt  his  error;22  but  every  body  else  was  op- 
posed to  him. 

quia  oriuntur  inde  omnigena  peccata:  quae  ratio  etymologiae  aut  appellationis  hujus, 
hactenus  a  multis  neglecta,  diligenter  observanda  est.  Hoc  igitur  modo  sentio  et  asse- 
ro,  primarium  peccatum  originate  esse  substantiam,  quia  anima  rationalis,  et  praesertim 
ejus  nobilissimae  substantialesque  potentiae,  nempe  intellectus  et  voluntas,  quae  antea 
erant  ita  praeclare  formatae,  ut  essent  vera  imago  Dei, — nunc  sunt  fraude  Satanae  adeo 
prorsus  inversae,  ut  sint  vera  ac  viva  imago  Satanae.  P.  654  :  Ita  eadern  res  potest  ha- 
bere duos  auctores  ac  causas,  alium  ratione  primae  creationis,  et  alium  ratione  secunda- 
riae  metamorphoseos.  Sic  multa  aliter  sunt  a  natura  ratione  primae  originis,  aliter  ab 
arte  ratione  secundae  transformationis,  ut  vitrum,  lateres,  testae,  caseus,  butyrum.  P. 
G55  :  Opponunt  alioqui,  oportere  tamen  distingui  creaturam  Dei  a  peccato,  quod  non  est 
a  Deo.  Respondeo :  separato  tu  mihi  jam  Diabolum  a  sua  inhaerente  malitia.  Non 
ergo  aliter  possumus  ista  distinguere,  quam  dicendo,  hominem  ratione  primae  creationis 
et  praesentis  etiam  conservationis  esse  a  Deo,  sicut  et  ipsum  Diabolum ;  sed  ratione  is- 
this  horrendae  metamorphoseos  esse  a  Diabolo,  qui  nos  vigore  efficacis  sententiae  ac  poe- 
nae  irati  Dei :  viorte  morieris,  non  solum  sibi  in  vilissima  mancipia  rapuit,  sed  etiam  re- 
fudit,  recoxit,  et  commutavit,  aut  (ut  ita  dicam)  metamorphizavit  in  virum  alium  (ut 
Scriptura  loquitur),  sicut  ipscmet  inversus  est.  It  is  clear  that  Flacius  did  not  deviate 
from  the  common  notion  of  original  sin,  but  from  the  notions  about  substantia  and  acci- 
dens;  and  that  he  was  here  wavering,  confounding  the  phrases  substantia,  forma  sub- 
stantialis,  and  substantia  formalis.  Cf.  Schenkel,  ii.  44.  It  is  worthy  of  note,  that  the 
Tubingen  physician,  Leonhard  Fuchs,  whom  Flacius  knew  as  a  student  at  Tubingen  in 
1540,  and  of  whom  he  says  (in  Schliisselburg,  xiii.  806)  :  Qui  mihi  usque  ad  mortem  ob 
commune  puritatis  Evangelii  stadium  odiumque  corruptelarum  fuit  longe  amicissimus, 
had  taught,  morbum  esse  substantiam,  (Ritter's  Flacius,  s.  15).  Flacius  cited  several  pas- 
sages from  Luther  on  bis  side,  in  which  it  is  declared — humanam  naturam  seu  substan- 
tiam peccato  esse  corruptam.  His  chief  passage  was  Luth.  in  Gen.  iii. :  Sed  vide  quid 
sequatur  ex  ilia  sententia,  si  statuas  justitiam  originalem  non  fuisse  naturae,  sed  donum 
quoddam  superfiuum,  superadditum.  Annon  sicut  ponis,  justitiam  non  fuisse  de  essentia 
homiuis,  ita  etiam  sequetur,  peccatum  quod  successit  non  esse  de  essentia  hominis :  but  Lu- 
ther is  here  speaking  011I3-  against  the  scholastic  doctrine  of  a  justitia  superaddita,  the 
removal  of  which,  according  to  Scotus,  was  the  only  basis  of  original  sin.  On  the  para- 
doxes of  Flacius  and  his  love  of  strife,  see  Joach.  Morliu's  Erklarung  in  Braunschweig, 
1567,  in  Rehtmeyer's  Braunschw.  Kirchenhist.,  Beilagen  d.  3.  Th.  s.  114. 

21  Jo.  Wigand,  De  Maniebaeismo  renovato,  Lips,  et  Jen.,  1587.  4.  Conr.  Schliissel- 
burgii  Catal.  Haereticorum,  lib.  ii.  (Francof.,  1597),  de  Secta  recentium  Manichaeorum 
et  Substantialistarum.  Planck,  v.  ii.  293.  Ed.  Schmid  des  Flacius  Erbsiindestreit,  his- 
toriscb-literarisch  dargestellt,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.  f.  hist.  Tbeol.,  1849,  i.  3,  ii.  218.  The 
principal  work  against  Flacius  was  :  Til.  Heshusii  Antidoton  contra  impium  et  blaspbe- 
mum  Dogma  M.  Fl.  111.,  quo  adserit,  quod  Peccatum  Originis  sit  Substantia:  Jenae, 
1572  ;  ed.  2,  1576;  ed.  3,  1579.  4.  The  chief  point  made  against  him  was  (Antidoton, 
fol.  38)  :  Si  substantia  animae  est  peccatum  originis,  alterum  e  duobus  necesse  est  poni, 
videlicet  aut  Satanam  esse  conditorem  substantiarum,  aut  Deum  esse  peccati  creatorem 
et  sustentatorem.     Flacius  died  11th  March,  1575,  in  Frankfort-on-the-Main. 

32  Particularly  Cyriacus  Spangenberg,  dean  in  Mansfeld,  at  the  head  of  several  Mans- 
feld  preachers  (Ed.  Schmid,  i.  71  ;  ii.  118,  242),  and  Christopher  Irenaeus,  court  preach- 
er in  Weimar,  with  several  Thuringian  preachers  (ii.  233).  Both  continued  the  contro- 
versy after  the  death  of  Flacius,  although  Irenaeus  was  dismissed  for  it  in  1572,  and 
Spangenberg  in  1574  (ii.  271).  Irenaeus,  and  other  Flacianists  expelled  from  Saxony, 
were  installed  in  the  Austrian  possessions,  and  transferred  the  dispute  thither;  see  B. 


462  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Ultra-Lutheranism,  inflamed  by  the  controversy  on  the  Lord's 
Supper,  also  led  the  Flacianist,  John  Saliger,  of  Rostock,  to  a 
statement  essentially  kindred  with  the  doctrine  of  transubstantia- 
tion,  1568.23  But  this  controversy  was  confined  to  Mecklenburg. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  doctrine  of  ubiquity  was  generally  accept- 
ed by  the  strict  Lutherans,  although  in  Lower  Saxony  that  mod- 
ification of  it  (deviating  from  the  absolute  ubiquity  of  the  Wiir- 
temberg  divines)  advocated  by  the  Brunswick  theologians,  Martin 
Chemnitz24  and  Nicholas  Selnecker,  had  many  advocates.25 

Raupach's  Erliiutertes  Evangel.  Oesterreich.,  2te  Fortsetz.,  s.  43,  and  in  several  other 
passages. 

23  Der  Saligersche  Abendmalsstreit,  dargestellt  von  Dr.  J.  Wiggers,  in  Niedner's  Zeit- 
schr.  f.  hist.  Theol.,  1848,  iv.  613.  Saliger  (Beatus)  and  Fredeland,  when  preachers  in 
Liibeck,  already  taught  that  bv  virtue  of  the  consecration,  and  ante  usum,  the  bread  and 
wine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  were  the  true  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  and  accused  those 
who  denied  this  of  being  Sacramentarians.  Further,  they  declared  that  the  peccatum 
originis  was — ipsa  substantia  corporis  et  animae  hominis,  and  taught  that  Christ  as- 
sumed— carnem  alterius  speciei.  Thejr  were  deposed  in  Liibeck,  1568.  Saliger  was  im- 
mediately installed  as  pastor  in  Rostock,  and  here  renewed  the  controversy  (comp.  Chj-- 
traei  Epist.  ad  Beatum,  Apr.,  1569,  in  Chytraei  Epistt.,  p.  666).  The  two  Dukes  at 
length,  in  October,  1569,  issued  a  decision,  drawn  up  by  David  Chytraeus,  that  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ  [are  truly  given  us  by  Christ  himself  through  his  ministers,  and  re- 
ceived by  the  mouth:  merely  blessing  the  elements,  or  repeating  the  words  of  the  insti- 
tution, does  not  make  a  proper  sacrament — this  must  include  all  the  actions — as  Christ 
said,  "Do  this;"]  "uns  von  Christus  selbst  durch  die  Hand  des  Dieners  gegeben,  und 
nicht  alleiii  mit  dem  Glauben  geistlich,  sondern  auch  mit  deni  Munde  leiblich  von  uns 
genossen — wird.  Der  Segen,  wie  ihn  etliche  nennen,  oder  die  Erziihlung  der  Worte-der 
Einsetzung  Christi,  wo  nicht  die  ganze  Action  des  Abendmals,  wie  die  von  Christo  ge- 
ordnet,  gehalten  wird, — macht  allein  nicht  ein  Sacrament ;  sondern  es  muss  der  Befehl 
Christi:  'das  thut,'  welcher  die  ganze  Action  dieses  Sacraments,  dass  man  in  einer 
christi.  Zusammenkunft  Brod  und  Wein  nehme,  segne,  austheile,  empfahe,  esse,  trinke 
und  des  Herrn  Tod  dabei  verklindige,  zusammenfasset,  unzertrennt  und  unverruckt  ge- 
halten werden."  Saliger  was  deposed  because  he  would  not  submit  to  this  decision  ;  of 
his  Flacian  errors,  which  were  then  not  openly  opposed,  no  word  was  spoken.  Some 
Wismar  preachers  afterward  defended  his  opinion  about  the  Lord's  Supper ;'  and  in  Ros- 
tock several  citizens  (Beatians)  remained  true  to  it,  so  that  there  were  dealings  with 
them  about  it  as  late  as  1596. 

24  Mart.  Chemnitii  De  Duabus  Naturis  in  Christo,  de  Hypostatica  eorum  Unione,  de 
Communicatione  Idiomatum  et  aliis  quaestionibus  hide  dependentibus,  Jenae,  1570.  8., 
often  reprinted,  and  also  at  the  end  of  Chemm.  Locis  Theol.  Cap.  4:  Humana  natura, 
quia  ex  se,  et  ex  naturali  sui  constitutione  non  est  sufficiens  et  idonea  ad  omnia  officia 
regni,  sacerdotii  et  dominii  Christi,  ad  quae  assumpta  est,  ex  ilia  unione  cum  \6yw  ac- 
cepit  non  tantum  incomprehensibilia  et  ineffabilia  dona  et  ornamenta  creata  et  finita, 
formaliter  ipsi  inhaerentia ;  sed  quia  tota  plenitudo  Deitatis,  Filii  Dei,  personaliter  in 
assumpta  natura  habitat,  plenitudo  ilia  lucet  in  ea  tota,  ita  ut  caro  ilia,  hoc  quasi  lumi- 
ne  accensa,  ipsa  etiam  luceat,  atque  ita  ditata  sit  divinis  virtutibus  et  operationibus,  non 
per  physicam  effusionem  et  essentialem  inhaesionem,  sed  per  oeconomiam  unionis,  ut 
Xo'yos  omnipotentiae  suae  opera  in  ilia,  cum  ilia  et  per  illam  assumptam  naturam  pro 
beneplacito  suo  exerat  et  perficiat,  sicut  anima  corpori,  et  ignis  ferro  ignito  potentias  et 
operationes  suas  communicant.  Quam  majestatem  in  ipso  primo  momento  unionis, 
quando  tota  plenitudo  Deitatis  in  Christo  habitare  coepit  corporaliter,  humana  natura 


PART  II.-CHAP.  I.-LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  38.  FLACIANISTS.     4G3 

accepit  ac  habuit ;  sed  ratione  exinanitionis,  tempore  humiliationis,  illam  non  semper 
exeruit  et  usurpavit.  Deposita  autem  in  resurrectione  et  ascensione  servi  forma  in  ple- 
nariam  ac  manifestam  ejus  possessionem  et  usurpationem  per  sessionem  ad  dextram 
majestatis  et  virtutis  Dei  collocata  et  exaltata  est.  Cap.  30 :  Quia  unio  facta  est  salva 
differentia  et  naturarum  et  proprietatum  essentialium,  certum  ac  verum  est,  assumtam 
humanam  naturam  per  hypostaticani  unionem  non  amisisse  essentiales  suas  proprietates, 
nee  factam  cssentialiter — infinitam  aut  immensam  ; — sed  in  ipsa  unione  est  ac  manet 
ratione  essentiae  finita.— Sicut  eo  modo  in  terris  conversatus  fuit,  Paulo  in  castris  adsti- 
tit  et  jam  in  coelis  juxta  veri  glorificati  corporis  modum  ita  adest,  ac  Stephano  ita  se 
ostendit,  et  tali  etiam  forma  in  nubibus  ad  judicium  veniet.  Quia  vero  praeterea  kabe- 
mus  certum  verbum  et  peculiarem  ac  specialem  in  testamentaria  institutione  Filii  Dei 
promissionem  et  asseverationem  de  praesentia  corporis  et  sanguinis  sui  in  coena,— sicut 
et  mox  de  promissione  praesentiae  totius  Christi  in  Ecclesia  dicemus :  certe  propter 
physicas  proprietates  non  est  ex  humana  ratione  decretum  faciendum,  Christum  cum 
assumta  sua  natura  non  posse,  praeter  et  ultra  quam  essentiales  seu  physicae  assumtae 
naturae  proprietates  ferant  et  efficiant,  alio,  Deo  possibili  ac  noto,  nobis  vero  incompre- 
hensibili  modo,  per  et  juxta  bypostaticae  unionis  oeconomiam  praesentem  adesse,  ubi- 
cunque  verbo  suo  tradidit,  promisit  ac  asseveravit,  se  corpore  suo  adesse  velle.— Toti 
plenitudini  Deitatis  Filii  personaliter  unita  est  assumta  natura,  ut  Xo'yos  intra  arcanum, 
arctissimum— complexum  non  alicubi  particulae  alicujus,  sed  totius  plenitudinis  divinae 
suae  naturae,  quae  supra  et  extra  omnem  locum  est,  secum,  intra  se,  apud  se,  et  penes 
se,  personaliter  unitam  atque  praesentissimam  semper  habeat,  et  in  ilia  plenitudine  Dei- 
tatis assumpta  natura  suam— inseparabilem  et  indistantem,  seu  locorum  intervallo  in- 
disjunctam  babeat  immanentiam.— Praesentia  haec  assumtae  naturae  in  Christo,  de  qua 
nunc  agimus,  non  est  vel  naturalis,  vel  essentialis,  sed  voluntaria  et  Uberrima,  depen- 
dens  a  voluntate  et  potentia  Filii  Dei,  h.  e.  ubi  se  humana  sua  natura  adesse  velle  certo 
verbo  tradidit,  promisit  et  asseveravit.— Doctrina  haec  de  hypostatica  unione  ostendit, 
Filio  Dei  non  possibile  tantum,  sed  facile  esse,  praesentiam  illam  corporis  sui,  verbo 
promissam, — ratione  ac  virtute  hypostaticae  cum  Divinitate  unionis,  praestare  et  efficere 
velle  ac  posse. — Retineamus  illud  quod  verissimum  est,  Christum  szio  corpore  esse  posse, 
ubicunque,  quandocunque,  et  quomodocunque  vult :  de  voluntate  vero  ejus  ex  patefacto  certo 
verbo  judicemus.  Atque  illud  consilium,  ut  omnium  simplicissimum  et  tutissimum  Lu- 
therus  ipse  simplicioribus  subjicit.  Cum  enim  multis  argumentis  de  generali  ubiquitate 
disputasset,  postea  cum  animadverteret,  in  quos  labyrinthos  disputationum  controversia 
Sacramentaria  ita  abriperetur,  et  a  verbis  institutionis,  quibus  praesentia  corporis  et 
sanguinis  Christi  in  Coena  traditur  et  promittitur,  abduceretur,  tandem  in  majori  sua  de 
Coena  Domini  confessione  inquit  (T.  ii.,  Wittenb.,  p.  178;  see  above,  §  35,  Note  19)  :  li- 
cet argumenta  ilia  de  ubiquitate  refutari  non  possint,  se  tamen  cum  nemine  velle  con- 
tendere, an  per  modum  ubiquitatis  corpus  Christi  in  coena  adsit,  cum  divina  sapientia 
et  potentia  possit  alio  nobis  ignoto  et  ineffabili  modo  illud-,  quod  certo  verbo  et  expressa 
promissione  tradidit,  efficere.  Ac  rationem  addit,  quod  adversarii  inde  arripiant  occa- 
sionem  digrediendi  in  alias  inexplicabiles  disputationes,  ut  interim  ferias  habeant,  ne 
ad  verum  controversiae  statum,  qui  in  verbis  institutionis  propositus  est,  respondere 
cogantur. — Et  Tomo  Jenensi  8,  fol.  375,  inter  Lutheri  sententias  extat  una,  quae  dicit, 
simplicioribus  sufficere  hoc  axioma,  Filium  Dei  cum  assumto  suo  corpore,  quando  vult, 
posse  esse  ubicumque  vult,  salva  corporis  veritate.  And  thus  it  is  said  (at  the  end  of  I.) 
in  the  "  Wohlgegrundetes  Bericht,"  which  takes  the  last  place  in  the  Corpus  Doctrinae 
Julium,  and  in  which  Chemnitz  undoubtedly  had  the  largest  share,  that  we  may  attribute 
to  the  human  nature  of  Christ  only  the  prerogatives  "about  which  we  have  express  and 
clear  testimony  in  the  Scriptures  :"  and  "  as  to  the  disputation  about  ubiquity — according 
to  Luther's  counsel,  we  set  it  aside,  for  most  weighty  and  critical  reasons,  until  hereafter, 
in  eternity,  we  shall  see  Christ  as  he  is,  face  to  face  in  his  glory ;  as  this  is  fully  de- 
clared in  the  repeated  common  Confession  of  the  Saxon  Churches  on  this  article,  to 
which  we  refer  the  pastors."    Baur's  Dreieinigkeit,  iii.  428. 

25  Selnecker's  writings  on  the  Lord's  Supper,  in  Fortges.  Sammlung  v.  alten  u.  neuen 
thcol.  Sachen,  1744,  s.  356.    Cf.  Kurze.  wahre  u.  einfaltige  Bekanntnus  Dr.  Nic.  Sel- 


404  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

In  all  these  controversies  the  divines  of  Ducal  Saxony  and  of 
Lower  Saxony  were  opposed  to  those  of  Electoral  Saxony ;  the 
"Wurtemberg  theologians  were  in  conflict  with  the  latter  only  on 
the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  The  churches  of  other  parts 
of  the  country  took  little  part  in  these  disputes ;  in  many  of  them, 
particularly  in  Pomerania  and  Hesse,  the  Corpus  doctrinae  Philip- 
picum  had  high  authority.26 

When  Jacobus  Andreae,  Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Tubin- 
gen, supported  by  his  prince,  Duke  Christopher,  who  had  always 
desired  union,27  and  by  Duke  Julius  of  Brunswick,  undertook,  in 

necceri  v.  d.  Majestat,  Auffahrt,  Sitzen  zur  Rechten  Gottes  und  vom  Abendmale  unsers 
Herm  J.  Chr.  Heinrichstadt,  1571.  4.  [3.  The  ascension  of  Christ,  and  sitting  at  the 
right  hand  of  God,  means  his  coming  to  new  honor  and  power.  4.  The  heavens  received 
him  :  this  does  not  mean  that  he  is  restricted  to  a  certain  locality,  nor  that  his  body  is 
no  longer  on  earth,  but  that  he  is  Lord  of  heaven  as  of  earth.  9.  Christ  does  not  sit  on 
any  particular  throne — the  whole  heaven  is  his  throne,  etc.  10.  Christ  is  every  where, 
and  in  his  human  as  well  as  divine  nature — as  he  promised — though  this  is  above  and 
beyond  all  the  natural  properties  of  the  human  bodj\]  "  3.  Christus  ist  aufgehaben, 
gen  Himmel  gefahren,  oder  in  Himmel  aufgenommen,  u.  durch  die  Rechte  Gottes  er- 
hohet.  Dieses  Auffahren  heisst  nicht  uber  sich  hinaufsteigen,  als  wann  einer  an  einer 
Leiter  oder  Treppeu  auf  ein  Soller  uber  sich  steiget ;  sondern — zu  den  hochsten  Ehren 
kommen,  und  neue  unmessliche  Gewalt  bekommen. — 4.  Er  hat  den  Himmel  eingenom- 
men  der  Himmel  aber,  als  ein  gewisser  erschaffener  Ort,  hat  ihn  nicht  eingenommen, 
oder  an  einen  gewissen  Ort  beschlossen,  dass  er  derwegen  mit  seinem  Leib,  wo,  wenn, 
und  wie  er  will,  auf  Erden  nicht  mehr  seyn  konne ; — sondern  er  ist  ein  Herr  des  Him- 
mels,  ja  uber  alle  Creaturn  im  Himmel  u.  Erden.  Ich  fahre  auf,  spricht  er,  zu  meinem 
Vater  das  ist :  mir  ist  alle  Gewalt  geben  im  Himmel  und  Erden. — 9.  Christus  sitzet 
nicht  auf  einem  sonderlichen  Stuhl  seiner  Menschheit  nach,  an  einem  gewissen  urn- 
schninkten  Ort,  und  nach  dem  Cirkel  abgemessen  Revier, — sondern  der  ganze  Himmel 
ist  nu  sein  Stuhl,  und  seine  Majestat  und  Gewalt  ist  unendlich,  und  er  ist  allmachtig, 
wahrer  Gott  und  Mensch.— 10.  Christus,  Gottes  und  Marien  Sohn,  ist  an  alien  Orten, 
und  bei  uns  allzeit  gegenwartig  laut  seiner  Verheissung :  ich  bin  bei  euch  bis  zu  Ende 
der  Welt,  nicht  allein  nach  seiner  gottlichen  Natur,  sondern  auch,  da  er  laut  seines 
Worts  seyn  will,  und  dahin  er  sich  mit  seinem  Wort  auch  nach  seiner  menschlichen 
Natur  selbs  verbunden  und  versprochen  hat,  als  im  Abendmal,  obgleich  solchs  geschicht 
wider  und  uber  alle  natiirliche  Eigenschaft  eines  menschlichen  Leibs."— On  the  other 
hand,  in  the  Articuli  de  Coe.na  Domini,  written  by  Andreas  Musculus  (cf.  §  37,  Note  13), 
laid  before  his  ministers  for  subscription  by  the  Elector  John  George  of  Brandenburg, 
1572,  in  c.  2,  Art.  5:  Non  dari  locum,  in  quo  sit  Filius  Dei  secundum  divinam  naturam, 
ut  ibi  non  sit  Filius  hominis  secundum  humanam  naturam,  et  ante  et  post  ascensionem ; 
and  Art.  6,  that  Christ,  from  the  moment  of  conception— nullis  necessitatibus  localitatis 
physicae  subjectus,  nee  ullis  locorum  terminis  inclusus,  ant  locorum  angustiis  necessa- 
rio  circumscriptus  ;  see  these,  with  criticisms,  in  Lamb.  Danaei  Opusc.  Theol.,  Genevae, 
1583,  fol.,  p.  1588. 

26  Duke  Julius  of  Brunswick  wrote  to  Chemnitz,  who  had  raised  objections  to  its  in- 
troduction in  the  duchy,  November  14,  1570  (Fortges.  Sammlung  v.  alten  u.  neuen 
theol.  Sachen,  1737,  s.  395)  [recognizing  it  as  the  first  and  true  body  of  doctrine,  and, 
as  such,  received  in  these  principalities]  :  "  Inmassen  denn  dasselbige  erste  und  rechte 
Corpus  doctrinae  auch  in  Pommern,  Hessen,  und  andern  Chur-  und  Fiirstenthumern  mehr 
aus  christl.  guten  Rath  in  die  Kirchen  verordnet  worden." 

27  Job.  Brenz,  by  Hartmann  and  Jiiger,  ii.  403. 


PAET  II.— CH.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  38.  PHILIPPISTS  IN  1570.  4G5 

1569,  to  labor  for  the  restoration  of  ecclesiastical  harmony,28  he 
was  very  much  in  favor  of  the  Wittenbergers,  hoping  to  effect  a 
union29  between  them  and  the  churches  which  until  now  had 
taken  no  part  in  the  strife,  and  thus  to  force  the  Jena  divines  and 
their  party  to  yield.  Consequently  the  latter  at  once  declared  de- 
cisively against  him  ;30  the  "Wittenbergers  excepted  only  to  the 
doctrine  of  ubiquity  as  stated  in  his  articles,  and  demanded  that 
their  Corpus  Doctrinae  be  taken  as  the  pure  norma  of  doctrine.31 
Accused  (1570)  by  Duke  Julius  to  the  Elector  of  rejecting  ubiq- 
uity, they  easily  vindicated  themselves  before  him  ;32  but  yet  much 
excitement  was  aroused  when  they  now  proceeded  to  expound 
their  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  decidedly  rejecting  ubiquity.33 

29  Lconli.  Hutteri  Concordia  Concors,  Vitemb.,  1G14,  fol.  Fama  Andreana  reflores- 
cens — curante  Jo.  Val.  Andreac,  1630.  12.  J.  N.  Anton's  Gesch.  d.  Concordienformel 
(2  Tli.,  Leipzig,  1779),  i.  108 ;  Planck,  vi.  371. 

29  His  articles  in  Hutter,  f.  29  ;  more  full  in  the  Unschuldige  Nachrichten,  1718, 
s.  188. 

30  Der  Theologen  zu  Jena  Bedenken  und  Erinnerung  auf  einen  Vorschlag  einer  Con- 
ciliation in  den  streitigen  Reli.nionssachen,  Jena,  1569.  4.  Der  Theologen  zu  Jena  Be- 
kanntniss  von  fiinf  streitigen  Religions-Artikeln,  Jena,  1570.  4. 

31  Planck,  v.  ii.  544.' 

32  The  complaint  referred  to  the  Propositiones  de  praecipuis  horum  temporum  Contro- 
versiis,  Vitemb.,  1570,  published  at  the  public  promotion  of  12  Doctores  theol.  (see  Lo- 
scher's  Hist.  Mot.,  iii.  23,  142).  The  Declaration  of  the  Wittenbergers  to  the  Elector,  31st 
Jul}-,  1570,  in  Hutter,  f.  37. 

33  Catechesis  continens  Explicationem  simplicem  et  brevem  Decalogi,  Synib.  Apost., 
orat.  dominicae,  doctrinae  de  poenitentia  et  Sacramentis,  contexta  ex  corpore  doctrinae 
christianae,  quod  amplectnntur  ac  tuentur  Ecclesiae  regionum  Saxonicarum  et  Misnica- 
rum,  quae  sunt  6ubjectae  ditioni  Ducis  Electoris  Saxoniae,  edita  in  Academia  Witebcr- 
gensi,  et  accommodata  ad  usum  scholarum  puerilium,  1571.  The  particularly  objection- 
able passages  were,  p.  77,  on  the  ascension:  Actorum  primo  describitur  historia  ascen- 
sionis  :  videntibus  Mis  elevatus  est,  et  nubes  suscepit  eum  ab  oculis  eorum ;  et  Actorum  3  : 
Oportet  Christum  coelo  capi  usque  ad  tempora  restitutions  omnium.  Intelligatur  autem 
ascensio,  ut  sonat  litera,  et  de  corpore  et  de  corporali  locatione.  Ascensio  fuit  visibilis 
et  corporalis,  et  semper  ita  scripsit  tota  antiquitas,  Christum  corporali  locatione  in  ali- 
quo  loco  esse,  ubicunque  vult,  et  ascensio  corporalis  facta  est  sursum.  P.  123 :  Quid 
est  Coena  Domini?  Est  communicatio  corporis  et  sanguinis  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christ], 
sicut  in  verbis  Evangelii  instituta  est :  in  qua  sumtione  Filius  Dei  vere  et  substantiali- 
ter  adest :  et  testatur  se  applicare  credentibus  sua  beneficia.  Testatur  etiam,  se  ideo 
assumsisse  humanam  naturam,  ut  nos  sibi  fide  insertos  membra  sua  faciat.  Denique 
testatur,  se  velle  in  credentibus  esse,  et  eos  docere,  vivificare  ac  regere.  Violent  warn- 
ings against  this  Calvinistic  Catechism  were  at  once  published  by  the  divines  of  Bruns- 
wick, Liineburg,  Mansfeld,  Jena,  and  Halle,  as  also  by  Chemnitz,  Morlin,  etc.,  col- 
lected and  printed  in  the  History :  "  Einhellige  Bekenntnis  vieler  hochgelarten  The- 
ologen und  furncmer  Kirchen  von  dem  1.  Newen  Catechismo  der  newen  Wittenberger, 
und  von  ihrer  2.  Newen  Grundfeste,  auch  von  ihrem  darauf  beschlossenen  3.  Newen 
Bekenntnis,  Jena,  1572.  4."  Planck,  v.  ii.  571.  The  alleged  falsification  of  Scripture 
was  particularly  urged,  viz.,  that  Beza  translated  Acts,  iii.  21,  quern  oportet  coelo  capi, 
instead  of  que m  oportet  coelos  excipere,  who  must  receive  the  heavens. 

VOL.   IV. — 30 


4GC  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

To  the  violent  attacks  upon  them  they  replied  by  a  no  less  violent 
defense,34  and  even  succeeded  in  quieting  the  discontented  Elect- 
or by  the  Consensus  Dresdensis,35  in  October,  1571.     When,  after 

34  "Von  der  Person  und  Menscliwerdung  unsers  Herrn  Jesu  Christi,  der  wahren 
christl.  Kirchen  Grundfest,  wider  die  newen  Marcioniten,  Samosatener,  Sabellianer, 
Arianer,  Nestorianer,  Eutychianer  und  Monotheleten  unter  dem  Flacianischen  Haufen. 
Durch  die  Theologen  zu  Wittenberg— gestellet.  Neben  wahrhafter  Verantwortung  auf 
die  giftigen  und  bosliaftigen  Verliiumdungen,  so  von  den  Propositionibus  und  Cate- 
ehismo  zu  Wittenberg  ausgangen  von  vielen  dieser  Zeit  ausgesprenget  werden,  Witten- 
berg, 1571.4.,"  the  so-called  Wittenberg  basis.  Also:  "  Endlicher  Bericht  u.  Erklii- 
rung  der  Theologen' beider  Universitaten  Leipzig  und  Wittenberg,  auch  der  Superin- 
tendenten  der  Kirchen  in  des  Churf.  zu  Sachsen  Landen,  belangend  die  Lehre,  so  ge- 
melte  Universitaten  und  Kirchen— gefuhret  haben.  Mit— christlicher  Erinnerung— von 
den  streit-igen  Artikeln,  so  Flacius  Illyricus  mit  seinem  Anhang— muthwillig— erregt, 
und  dadurch  die  Kirchen  Gottes  in  Deutschlaud— zerriittet  hat.     Wittenberg,  1571.  4." 

35  "  Kurze  christl.  u.  einfaltige  Wiederholung  der  Bekenntniss  der  Kirchen  Gottes  in 
des  Churf.  zu  Sachsen  Landen  v.  d.  heil.  Nachtinal  des  Herrn  Christi  samnit  den  zu  die- 
ser Zeit  in  Streit  gezogenen  Artikeln  v.  d.  Person  u.  Menschwerdung  Christi,  seiner 
Majestat,  Himmelfahrt  und  Sitzen  zur  Rechten  Gottes,  in  der  christl.  Versamrnlung  zu 
Dresden  gestellet  d.  10.  Oct.  mit  einhelligem  Consens  der  Univ.  Leipzig  u.  WTittenberg, 
der  dreien  geistl.  Consistorien,  u.  aller  Superattendenten  der  Kirchen  dieser  Lande, 
Dresden,  1571.  4.  (published  also  in  Wittenberg  in  Latin  and  Low  German).  [The  sub- 
stance  of  this  Consensus :  The  human  nature  of  Christ  was,  indeed,  purified  and  trans- 
figured after  the  resurrection  and  ascension,  and  endowed  with  high  properties ;  but  it 
remained  a  real  human  nature,  with  its  essential  properties,  and  was  not  deified,  or  en- 
dowed with  infinitude,  eternity,  etc.,  but  is  still  flesh  of  our  flesh— Tne  ascension  of 
Christ  is  to  be  understood  literally,  and  was  not  a  mere  spectacle  ;  and  in  heaven  Christ 
retains  the  form  and  shape  of  his  true  body,  and  will  thence  come  to  judgment.— Sitting 
at  the  right  hand  of  God  implies  a  difference  between  Christ  and  all  others ;  it  means 
the  raising  of  both  natures,  in  their  integrity,  to  the  roj-al  and  priestly  office.  Christ 
alone  is  so  in  heaven  as  to  know  perfectly  the  Father's  will. — In  the  Lord's  Supper  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  truly  present,  and  gives  to  us  his  body  and  blood,  offered  for  us,  and 
so  testifies  that  he  accepts  us  as  members  of  his  body,  and  gives  forgiveness,  and  truly 
and  powerfully  dwells  in  us. — We  also  avoid  the  strange  strife,  which  Luther,  too,  tried 
to  guard  against,  as  when  he  often  says  that  we  must  not  dispute  about  "  every  where." 
These  new  questions  disturb  the  peace,  and  would  alter  the  doctrine  of  the  land,  as  the 
invention  about  the  plujska  commiinicatio,  etc. ;  and  all  the  old,  long  since  condemned 
heresies  are  hatched  out  anew.]  "  Wiewol  aber  die  menschl.  Natur  nach  der  Auferste- 
hung  u.  Himmelfahrt  verkliiret,  und  alle  Schwachheiten,  denen  sie  zuvor  unterworfen 
gewesen,  abgeleget,  und  mit  hohern  Gaben  als  alle  Engel  u.  Menschen  gezieret  worden ; 
so  ist  sie  dennoch  warhaffte  menschl.  Natur  geblieben,  und  hat  die  M-esentlichen  Eigen- 
schaften  derselben  an  sich  behalten,  und  ist  vor  sich  weder  vergottert,  noch  der  gottl. 
Natur  an  Ewigkeit,  oder  Unendlichkeit  des  Wesens,  oder  andern  gottlichen  Eigenschaf- 
ten  gleich  worden  ;  sondern  ist  gewisslich  und  wahrhaftig  noch  ein  Fleisch  von  unserm 
Fleisch,  und  ein  Bein  von  unserm  Bein.— Und  verstehen  wir  die  Beschreibung  und  His- 
torien  der  Auffart  Christi  gen  Himmel  nach  dem  Buchstaben,— halten  demnach,  dass 
die  Auffart  nicht  ein  blosser  Schein,  und  nur  ein  sichtbar  Spectakel  gewesen  sey,  son- 
dern dass  unser  Ilerr  J.  Chr.  mit  seinem  wahvhaften  Leibe  von  der  Erde  sich  in  die 
Ilcilie  erhaben,  und  die  sichtbaren  Himmel  durchdrungen,  und  die  himmlische  Woli- 
nung  eingenommen  habe,  do  er  in  der  Glori  und  Herrlichkeit  das  Wesen,  Eigenschaft, 
Form  unci  Gestalt  seines  wahren  Leibes  behiilt,  und  von  dannen  am  jiingsten  Tage  zum 
Gericht  in  grosser  Herrlichkeit  sichtbarlich  wird  wieder  kommen.— Dass  aber  die  Sclirift 
saget,  Christus  sitze— zur  Rechten  Gottes  verstehen  wir,  dass  hiermit  gevveiset  werde 
ein  Untersehied  zwischen  Christo  der  gen  Himmel  gefahren  ist,  und  zwischen  Elia  und 


( 

TART  II.— CH.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  38.  PHILIPPISTS  IN  1573.  4(J7 

the  death  of  Duke  John  William,  the  Elector,  as  guardian  and  re- 
gent of  the  Thuringian  principalities  (1573),  banished  Hesshusius 

andern  Heiligen  imd  auserwahleten  Engeln,  die  auch  im  Himmel  seind,  erklaren  es 
auch  fiirnehmlich  von  der  Erhohung  nach  beiden  Naturen  zum  koniglichen  und  priest- 
crlichen  Amt,  welches  doch  den  Unterschied  beider  Naturen  nicht  aufhebet.  Dann  al- 
lein  Christus  also  im  Himmel  ist,  dass  er  fur  und  fur  in  des  Vaters  allergeheimsten 
Ruth  und  Sehooss,  und  also  wahrhaftig  in  das  Allerheiligste  ein-  und  ausgehet,  siehet 
und  erkenuet  den  Willcn  des  Vaters,  sammlet  ihm  eine  Kirchen  aus  menschlichem 
Geschlecht,  u.  s.  w. — Wir  glauben  unci  halten,  dass  der  Herr  Christus  in  dieser  Ordnung 
seines  heil.  Abendmals  wahrhaftig,  lebendig  u.  gewiss  gegenwiirtig  ist,  also  dass  er 
seinen  wahren  Leib  fur  uns  am  Stamm  des  Kreuzes  aufgeopfert,  und  sein  wahres  Blut 
vor  uns  vergossen  mit  Brot  und  Wein  in  diesem  Sacrament  uns  giebt,  und  hiemit  bezeu- 
gct,  dass  er  uns  annehme,  zu  Gliedmassen  seines  Leibes  mache,  und  uns  mit  seinem 
Blut  reinige,  und  Vergebung  der  Siinden  schenke,  und  wahrhaftig  in  uns  wohnen  und 
kraftig  in  uns  sej-n  wolle. — Wir  vermeiden  auch  die  fremde  und  zur  Einsetzung  dieses 
Nachtmals  nicht  gehorende  Streite,  welche  Herr  Lutherus  selber  mit  Vleis  vorhilten 
und  absehneiden  wollen.  Als  do  er  vielmals  sagt,  class  vom  Allenthalben  oder  an  al- 
ien Orten  sej-n  nicht  soil  disputirt  werden. — Dass  aber  dieser  Zeit  unruhige  Leut  sich 
dawider  erst  anfangen  aufzulegen,  wie  wir  seit  dem  deutschen  Kriege  her  auch  in  an- 
dern Artikeln  mit  Schmerzen  haben  erfahren  miissen,  class  alles  was  zuvor  recht  und 
unangefochten  blieben  ist,  nu  erst  von  ihnen  aus  Muthwillen  ubel  gedeutet  und  ver- 
falscht  worden  ist ;  in  deme  haben  dieser  Lande  Kirchen  u.  Schulen,  so  stets  bei  einerlei 
Form  der  Lehre  geblieben,  solche  unruhige  Leut  fur  jedermanniglich  billig  zu  beschul- 
digen,  als  die  weder  die  Wahrheit  noch  den  Frieden  suchen,  und  nicht  weniger  in  die- 
sem Artikel  von  der  wahren  Gegenwart  des  Leibes  u.  Blutes  Christi  im  Abendmal,  als 
in  andern  Artikeln  ganz  gefahrliche  und  argerliche  Disputationes  erregen,  und  die  ein- 
faltige  gewisse  Lehre  mit  ungegrimdeten  und  fremden  Getichten  aufs  scheusslichste 
verderben.  Demi  dass  durch  die  ertichte  realem  oder  physicam  communicationem,  dar- 
aus  sich  etliche  bemuhen  fundamenta  und  Gri'mde  der  Lehr  vom  Abendmal  zu  suchen, 
der  hohe  Artikel  von  beiden  Naturen  in  Christo  verfalschet,  und  hiergegen  alle  alte  ver- 
dammte  Ketzerei  der  Marcioniten,  Valentinianer,  Maniehaer,  Samosatener,  Sabelliancr, 
Arianer,  Nestorianer,  Eutychianer  u.  Monotheleten  auf  die  Balm  gebracht  werden,  das 
ist  anderswo  allbereit  dargethan  und  erwiesen."  Among  the  reasons  urged  against  the 
ubiquity  are  [2.  It  is  wholly  unseemly  that  Christ,  in  the  Supper,  should  not  be  present 
in  a  different  way  from  that  in  which  he  is  every  where  present,  in  stone  and  wood  (as 
in  the  divine  omnipresence) ;  the  sacramental  union  of  the  body  of  Christ  with  the 
bread  must  be  something  special  (as  Luther  taught  in  the  Formula  Concordiae).  4. 
This  doctrine  began  in  the  opposition  to  Schwenckfeld's  extravagances.  G.  It  is  an  im- 
plicate contradictions  that  Christ  gives  us  his  true  body  in  the  Supper,  and  yet  that  he 
has  no  real  human  body  after  his  resurrection,  which  must  be  the  case  if  ubiquity  be 
poured  out  upon  the  humanity  of  Christ]  :  "  Zum  andern  ist  es  der  Ordnung  und  Stif- 
tungdes  heil.  Abendmals  ganz  ungemass,  dass  in  wahrem  Brauch  desselben  eine  Gegen- 
wart seyn  soil  per  modum  ubiquitatis,  d.  i.  dass  Christus  im  Abendmal  anders  nicht 
seyn  soil,  als  sonsten  an  alien  Orten,  in  Steinen  und  Holz,  gleich  als  wie  man  sonsten 
von  der  praesentia  universali,  oder  allgemeinen  Gegenwart  redet,  darmit  Gott  in  alien 
Creaturen  gegenwiirtig  ist,  so  doch  die  sacramentliche  Vereinigung  des  Leibs  Christi 
mit  clem  Brot  (wie  es  Herr  Lutherus  in  Formula  Concordiae,  mit  den  oberlandischen 
Iheologen  anno  3G  gestalt,  sclbst  nennet)  eigentlich  gehSret  in  die  besondere  Gegenwart 
des  Herrn  Christi,  darmit  und  dardurch  or  im  heil.  Ministerio  in  der  glaubigen  Menschen 
Herzen  kraftig  seyn  will." — "  Zum  Vierten,  dass  vor  wenig  Jahren  Caspar  Schwenk- 
feld  die  ertichte  Allenthalbenheit  des  Leibs  Christi  gleicher  Gestalt  gestritten,  und  dar- 
mit seine  irrige  Meinung  von  einer  newen,  fremden,  und  zuvor  unerhorten  Gegenwart 
des  Leibs  und  Bluts  Christi  im  Abendmal,  wider  die  Lehre  dieser  Kirchen  von  diesem 
hohen  und  grossen  Geheimniss,  darthuen  wollen." — "Zum  sechsten,  class  es  ein  offen- 


463  FOURTH  PEKIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

and  "Wigand  from  Jena,  and  likewise  drove  off  all  the  clergy  of 
that  district  who  were  not  ready  to  declare  their  doctrinal  agree- 
ment with  the  church  of  Electoral  Saxony,36  the  strict  Lutheran 
party  seemed  to  be  entirely  conquered,  and  the  Philippists  to  have 
the  upper  hand.  The  Wittenberg  Philippists,  at  least,  were  deceived 
by  appearances,  and  thought  that  they  might  come  out  more  openly 
with  their  Calvinism,  which  they  did  (1574)  in  the  Exegesis  per- 
spicua  Controversiae  de  Coena  Domini.37.  But  thereupon  all  the 
Protestant  princes  assailed  the  Elector  with  the  demand  that  he 
should  no  longer  spare  the  avowed  Calvinists ;  and  August  was 
terribly  enraged  against  those  who  had  been  deceiving  him  so 
many  years.38  The  leaders  of  the  party  were  arrested,  and  kept 
a  long  time  in  strict  imprisonment  ;39  the  theologians  and  suspect- 
ed clergy  were  obliged  to  subscribe  articles  in  Torgau  ;40  the  four 

barliche  implicatio  contradictionis  ist,  welche  niit  der  gottlichen,  ewigen  Wahrheit 
streitet,  dass  Christus  im  heil.  Abendmal  uns  seinen  wahrhaftigen  Leib  giebt,  und  dass 
er  doch  keinen  wahren  nienschlichen  Leib  nach  seiner  Verklarung  haben  soil,  welches 
ohne  Mittel  folget,  wo  die  Allenthalbenheit  samt  der  weseutlichen  Ausgiessung  der  gott- 
lichen Eigenschaften  in  die  Menschheit  Christi  eingefiihret  werden  soil." 

36  Ldscher's  Historia  Motuum,  iii.  154. 

37  According  to  Loscher,  iii.  162,  Pezel  and  Peucer  had  a  leading  part  in  it,  but  it  was 
drawn  up  by  Esrom  Riidinger,  professor  of  the  natural  sciences.  Here  were  rejected 
the  doctrines  of  the  manducatio  oralis,  and  the  actual  reception  of  the  body  by  the  un- 
believing, about  which  the  Wittenbergers  had  before  kept  silence. 

38  Hutteri  Concordia  Concors,  f.  50.  Loscher,  iii.  160.  Anton's  Gesch.  d.  Concor- 
dienformel,  s.  120.     Tlanck,  v.  ii.  616. 

3D  Privy-councilor  Dr.  Georg  Cracau  (his  life  in  the  Sammlung  vcrmischter  Nach- 
richten  zur  sachs.  Geschichte,  Bd.  8,  Chemnitz,  1773,  s.  1)  and  the  Church-councilor 
Joh.  Stossel  died  in  prison ;  but  the  physician  Casp.  Peucer  was  liberated  in  1586  (Casp. 
Peuceri  Historia  Carcerum  et  Liberationis  divinae,  opera  et  studio  Christ.  Pezelii  edita, 
Tiguri,  1605)  ;  the  court  preacher  Christian  Schiitz  was  set  free  in  1589,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  second  Saxon  Crypto-Calvinistic  dispute. 

40  "  Kurz  Bekenntnis  u.  Artikel  vom  heil.  Abendmal  des  Leibs  und  Bluts  Christi, 
daraus  klar  zu  sehen,  was  hievon  in  beiden  Univ.  Leipzig  u.  Wittenberg,  und  sonst  in 
alien  Kirchen  und  Schulen  des  Churfursten  zu  Sachsen  bisher  offentlich  gelehret,  ge- 
glaubt  und  bekannt  worden.  Auch  was  man  fur  sacramentirische  Irrthum  und  Schwar- 
merei  gestraft  hat,  und  noch  strafet.  Uebergeben  und  gehandelt  im  jiingsten  Landtag 
zu  Torgau.  Wittenberg,  Sept.,  1574.  4."  Also  at  the  same  time,  in  Latin,  Confessio 
paucis  Articulis  complectens  Summam  Doctrinae  de  vera  Praesentia  Corporis  et  San- 
guinis Christi  in  Coena  dominica,  etc.,  Viteberg.,  1574.  8.  In  this  Confession  they  as- 
sume the  ground  (Preface)  that  the  correct  doctrine  had  ever  been  taught  in  the  church 
of  Electoral  Saxony,  and  that  now  only  a  few  Crypto-Calvinists  have  been  detected ; 
further,  that  Melancthon  entirely  agreed  with  Luther  in  doctrine  ;  and  that  they  there- 
fore adhered  to  the  Philippist  Confessions,  the  Corpus  Doctrinae,  and  the  Consensus 
Dresdensis.  The  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  was,  indeed,  set  forth  with  all 
its  specialties ;  so  in  particular  Art.  affirm.  VII.  indignis  quoque  corpus  et  sanguinem 
Domini  exhiberi,  et  ab  his  in  instituta  distributione  vere  accipi,  and  Art.  VIII.  the  oris 
manducatio:  so,  too,  Calvin,  Beza,  Bullinger,  Peter  Martyr,  and  the  Theologi  Heidel- 
bergenses  (Art.  negat.  VII.,  and  frequently)  were  specially  denounced.     On  the  other 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.     §  39.  OSIANDER.       4G<J 

Wittenberg  divines,  who  hesitated,  were  banished.41  And  thus 
was  Philippism  conquered  in  its  strong-hold  by  strict  Lutheran- 
ism. 


■\z 


§  39. 

OSIANDRIC  CONTROVERSY. 

Jo.  Wigandus  de  Osiandrismo,  1586.  4.  Conr.  Schlusselburgii  Catal.  Haereticorum,  lib. 
vi.  Chr.  Hartknoch's  Preuss.  Kirchenhistoria,  Frankf.  a.  M.  u.  Leipzig,  1686.  4.,  s. 
309.  Salig's  Hist.  d.  Augsb.  Confession,  ii.  915.  Planck,  iv.  249.  [Die  Rechtferti- 
gungslehre  des  Osiander,  von  A.  Ritschl,  in  the  Jahrb.  f.  deutsche  Theologie,  1857. 
Baur,  Brevis  Disquis.  in  Andr.  Osiand.  de  Justif.  Doctrinam,  1831.  Lehnerdt,  De 
And.  Osiand.  Vita  et  Doctrina,  Berol,  1835.  Wilken,  Osiand.  Leben,  i.  1844.  He- 
berle,  in  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1844.  Gess,  Gesch.  d.  Prot.  Dogmatik,  1854,  i.,  s.  61  sq.  C. 
F.  G.  Held,  De  Opere  Jesu  Christi  salutari,  quid  M.  Lutherus  senserit  demonstratur, 
Gotting.,  1860.  F.  H.  R.  Frank,  Ad'eccles.  de  Satisf.  Christi  doctrinam,  quid  reduu- 
daverit  ex  lite  Osiandrica,  Erlang..  1858.  R.  F.  Grau,  De  Andr.  Osiandri  Doctrina 
Commentatio,  I860.] 

Andreas  Osiander,  the  highly  endowed  reformer  of  Nuremberg,1 
in  opposition  to  the  external  view  of  justification  by  faith  alone, 
as  undoubtedly  held  by  many  of  the  reformers,  and  as  objected  to 
the  Lutheran  Church  by  the  Anabaptists,  adopted  the  position 

hand,  it  is  said,  Art.  affirm.  IV. :  Firmiter  retinemus  utrumque  fidei  articulum :  ascen- 
dit  ad  coelos,  sedet  ad  dexteram  Patris.  Ac  ne  carnis  quidem  ubiquitatem,  aut  quic- 
quam  quod  vel  veritatem  corporis  Christi  tollat,  vel  ulli  fidei  articulo  repugnet,  propter 
praesentiam  in  Coena  fingimus  aut  probamus.  Denique  de  modo  et  possibilitate  prae- 
sentiae  corporis  et  sanguinis  Domini  plane  nihil  disputamus.  Nam  omnia  haec  imper- 
scrutabilia — statuimus. 

41  Fricdr.  Widebram  and  Christoph  Petzel  went  to  Nassau,  Heinr.  Moller  to  Ham- 
burg, Caspar  Cruciger  to  Hessen. 

42  The  Torgau  Confession  did  not,  indeed,  satisfy  the  strict  Lutherans ;  see  the  Bish- 
op of  Pomesania,  Joh.  Wigand's,  Erinnerung  von  der  Bekenntniss  der  Theologen  m 
Meissen,  Konigsberg,  1575.  4.  ;  and  his  other  work,  Ob  die  neuen  Wittenberger  stets  bis 
daher  einig  mit  den  alten  gelehret,  u.  ob  Lutheri  u.  Philippi  Schriften  durchaus  ganz. 
einig  and  einhellig,  Konigsberg,  1575.  4.  Meanwhile  the  Philippists  had  to  accommodate 
themselves  to  the  strict  Lutheranism  now  ruling  at  the  court.  Dr.  Andr.  Freyhub,  Pro- 
fessor of  Theology  at  Leipsic,  was  accused  of  holding  that  Christ  was  exalted  in  his  two 
natures  ;  that  no  divine  property  was  imparted  to  his  human  nature  ;  and  that  the  body 
of  Christ  is  in  heaven,  in  a  definite  place  ;  and  although  he  with  justice  appealed  to  the 
Dresden  Consensus,  which  was  expressly  sanctioned  by  the  Torgau  Confession,  he  was 
still  deposed ;  see  Hutter's  Concordia  Concors,  p.  82.  The  Elector  now  attached  him- 
self to  the  theologians  who  had  before  this  tried  to  restore  peace  to  the  Church  (Andreae, 
Chemnitz,  Selnecker,  etc.) :  that  he  was  still  very  much  opposed  to  the  old  Jena  di- 
vines, as  Flacianists,  is  clear  from  his  correspondence  with  the  dowager  Duchess  Doro- 
thea Susanna,  1575  (Sammlung  v.  alten  und  neuen  theol.  Sachen,  1734,  s.  534),  who 
long  tried  in  vain  to  procure  the  restoration  of  her  court  preacher,  Gernhardus,  deposed 
in  1573. 

1  See  Div.  I.,  §  1,  Note  118. 


470  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

that  faith  was  the  medium  of  the  indwelling  of  Christ  in  the  hu- 
man soul.  This  form  of  statement  often  occurs  in  Luther's 
works,2  and  Osiander  used  it  to  describe  living  faith  as  appropri- 
ating Christ,  and  developed  the  view  in  a  mode  akin  to  that 
of  the  German  mystics  of  the  14th  century.3     This  representa- 

5  See  §  34,  Note  4.  Comp.  Etliche  schone  Spriiche  von  der  Rechtfertigung  des  Glau- 
bens  des  Ehrw.  Hochgelehrten  Dr.  M.  Luther,  welche— verdolmetscht  hat  A.  Osiander, 
Konb'sberg,  1551.  4.  Excerpta  quaedam  dilucide  et  perspicue  dictorum  de  Justificatione 
fidei  in  Comm.  super  Epist.  Pauli  ad  Galatas  Rev.  Patris  Dom.  M.  Lutheri  (ed.  Osian- 
der), Regiom.,  1551.  4. 

3  Ein  gut  Unterricht  uud  getreuer  Rathschlag  aus  heil.  gottlicher  Schrift.  wess  man 
sich  in  diesen  Zwietrachten,  unsern  heil.  Glauben  und  christl.  Lehr  betreffend,  halten 
soil  (by  Osiander),  1524,  reprinted  at  Konigsberg,  1553,  in  4to ;  cf.  the  reprint,  f.  2,  v. 
[God  knows  himself;  his  knowledge  is  a  word  ;  and  the  word  is  God  himself,  preached 
to  us  in  the  Gospel.     Therein  is  the  nature  of  God,  his  righteousness,  truth,  grace,  made 
known  to  us  ;  all  is  shown  in  Christ.     And  whoever  rightly  receives  the  Word,  receives 
God  himself.     Through  faith  the  Word  of  God,'  Christ  himself,  dwells  in  us ;  we  say 
with  Paul,  "I  live,  yet  not  I,"  etc.  ;  and  thus  through  the  Word  dwelling  in  us  we  are 
justified.  '  We  no  longer  live  in  fleshly  sense,  but  the  spirit  of  Christ  dwells  in  us ;  for 
Christ  can  not  but  be  righteous,  and  work  righteousness  in  us.     And  so  Christ  must  be 
our  righteousness,  not  by  being  in  heaven,  but  by  being  in  us,  etc.]  :  "  Gott  erkennet 
sich  selbs,  sein  Erkantnus  ist  ein  Wort,  und  das  Wort  ist  Gott  selbs,  dasselbig  Wort 
lasst  er  uns  eroffnen  u.  predigen  im  heil.  Evangelio.     Dann  daselbst  wiird  uns  die  Na- 
tur  Gottes  eroffnet,  nemlich  sein  Gerechtigkeit,  Wahrheit,  Weisheit,  Gnad  und  E-arm- 
herzigkeit,  etc.,  wie  er  dann  sich  selbs  erkannt,  und  das  alles  in  Christo  erzeigt  hat. 
Und  wer  das  Wort  recht  vernimmt,  behalt  und  gliiubt,  der  empfahet  Gott  selbs,  dann 
Gott  ist  das  Wort.     So  nun  durch  den  Glauben  das  Wort  Gottes,  Christus  unser  Herr, 
in  uns  wohnet,  und  wir  mit  ihm  eins  seyn  worden,  mogen  wir  mit  Paulo  wol  sprechen  : 
'  Ich  lebe,  lebe  aber  nicht  ich,  sonder  Christus  lebet  in  mir ;'  und  da  seyn  wir  denn 
durch  den  Glauben  gerechtfertigt.     Dann  es  leben  nicht  wir,  d.  i.  wir  leben  nicht  nach 
dem  fleischlichen  Sinn,  sondern  der  Sinn  und  Geist  Christi  ist  und  lebt  in  uns :    der 
kann  je  nicht  anderst  dann  gerecht  seyn,  und  Gerechtigkeit  in  uns  wurken.     Darum 
sprichter  Joh.  xv. :  '  Ohn  mich  konnt  ihr  nichts  thun;'  und  Esaias  am  xxvi. :  '  Herr,  du 
wirst  uns  Fried  geben,  dann  alle  unsere  Werk  hastu  in  uns  gewurkt.'    Und  also  muss 
Christus  unser  Gerechtigkeit  seyn,  nicht  class  er  im  Himmel  zu  der  Gerechten  des  Va- 
ters  gerecht  sey,  und  wir  hernieden  in  alien  Siinden  und  Unflat  wollten  leben,  und  dann 
sprechen,  Christus  wiir  unser  Gerechtigkeit :  er  muss  in  uns,  und  wir  in  ihm  seyn,  und 
so  das  geschicht,  haben  wir  auch  den  heil.  Geist,  durch  den  die  Lieb  in  unser  Herz  gegos- 
sen  wird,  wie  Paulus  zu  den  Rom.  am  5.  sagt.     Also  sicht  und  verstehet  man,  dass  wir 
durch  Gottes  Wort  Gott  erkennen,  und  also  im  Glauben,  d.  i.  in  Gottes  Wort  leben. 
Dann  der  Glaub  empfahet  und  fasset  Gottes  Wort,  das  Gott  selbs  ist :  das  bringt  denn 
auch  den  heil.  Geist  mit  ihm,  der  die  Lieb  in  das  Herz  geusst,  und  wird  durch  den  Glau- 
ben der  Tod,  durch  die  Lieb  aber  die  Sund  vertrieben.     Und  das  ist  das  neu  Verbiind- 
nus,  das  uns  Gott  durch  Jeremiam  am  31.  Cap.  zusagt  und  spricht :    'Ich  will  mein 
Ges'etz  in  ihr  Inwendigsts  geben,— und  ihrer  Ungerechtigkeit  nimmer  mehr  gedenken.' 
Das  alles  aber  ist  nicht  vollkommen,  dieweil  wir  in  diesem  Leben  seyn,  sonder  nur  an- 
gefangen,  und  wachst  von  Tag  zu  Tag."    Handlung  Eines  Ehrsamen  weisen  Raths  zu 
Nurnberg  mit  ihren  Pradicanten,  1525  ;  reprinted,  Konigsberg,  1553,  in  4to.    Osiander  to 
Art.  3  [Only  one  simple  righteousness  avails  with  God,  that  is  God  himself;  the  Word 
is  Christ,  whom  we  receive  by  faith  ;  and  thus  is  Christ,  as  God  himself  in  us,  our  right- 
eousness.    Works  are  not  righteousness,  but  its  .fruits.     It  is,  indeed,  true  that  faith  is 
not  without  works  flowing  from  love,  but  these  should  never  be  called  righteousness  ; 
the  faith  which  does  not  work  is  no  faith]  :  "  Es  ist  nit  mehr  denn  nur  eine  einige  ein- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  00.  OSIANDER.       47 1 

tion  harmonized  very  well,  in  the  chief  points,  with  the  Lutheran 
doctrine  of  justification.  And  though'  Osiander  laid  an  unwar- 
rantable stress  upon  the  peculiar  shape  he  had  given  to  the  doc- 
trine,4 and  though,  too,  he  was  not  wanting  in  readiness  to  engage 
in  controversy,5  yet  he  was  unassailed  so  long  as  Luther's  mag- 
nanimous spirit  was  able  to  restrain  in  the  new  church  all  con- 

feltige  Gcrechtigkeit  die  vor  Gott  gilt,  die  ist  Gott  selbst :  das  Wort  ist  aber  Christus, 
das  fassen  wir  im  Glauben,  und  ist  also  Christus  als  Gott  selbst  in  uns  unser  Gerechtig- 
keit,  die  gilt  allein  vor  Gott. — Werk  aber  sey  nicbt  Gerechtigkeit,  sondem  Frucht  der 
Gerechti"-keit.  Es  ist  wol  wahr,  der  Glaub  ist  nit  ohn  Werk  die  aus  der  Liebe  fliessen, 
sollen  aber  Dimmer  mehr  Gerechtigkeit  genennet  werden  :  es  ist  auch  der  Glaub,  der 
nicht  wirkt,  kein  Glaub,  sonder  nur  erdickt  und  todt,  wie  ein  gemacht  Bild  nit  ein 
Mensch  ist."  To  Art.  4  [The  Gospel  has  two  parts  ;  the  first,  that  Christ  has  satisfied  the 
justice  of  God  ;  the  second,  that  he  purifies  and  justifies  us  from  sin  by  dwelling  in  us]  : 
"Das  Evangelium— hat  aber  zwei  Stuck,  das  erste,  dass  Christus  der  Gerechtigkeit  Gots 
Gnug  hat  gethan,—  das  anclere,  dass  er  uns  von  Siinden  hat  gereinigt  und  rechtfertigt 
uns,  so  er  in  uns  wohnet."  Heberle,  A.  Osiander's  Lehre  in  Hirer  fruhesten  Gestalt,  in 
the  Theol.  Studien  u.  Krit.,  1844,  ii.  371.  C.  H.  Wilken,  A.  Osiander's  Leben,  Lehre  und 
Schriften,  Erste  Abth.  v.  1498-1530  (Stralsund,  1844.  4.),  s.  13. 

4  Schliisselburg,  Cat.  Haeret.,  vi.  243,  and  Melch.  Adam,  in  the  Vita  Osiandri,  relate 
that  Osiander,  in  Marburg,  1529  (Div.  I.,  §  4,  Note  37),  preached  after  Luther,  in  his 
high-flying  way,  and  that  Luther  expressed  disapproval  and  anxiety  about  it.  But  this 
is  contradicted  in  Melanchthon  ad  Camerar.,  5th  .Oct.,  1529  (C.  R.,  i.  1098)  :  Osiander— 
mirifiee  delectavit  Lutherum  et  nos  omnes.  There  is  manifestly  a  confounding  of  this 
with  a  later  occurrence  at  Smalcald ;  see  Wilken,  s.  32,  C2.  Osiander  himself  relates 
that  he  had  maintained,  in  Augsburg,  1530,  in  opposition  to  Melancthon,  that  Christ, 
who  dwells  in  us  by  faith,  is,  in  his  divine  nature,  our  righteousness ;  and  that  he  could 
not  get  this  high  truth  introduced  into  the  Augsburg  Confession  ;  see  "  Beweisung  dass 
ich  nun  iiber  die  30  Jahr  allweg  eincrlei  Lehr  v.  d.  Gerechtigkeit  des  Glaubens  gehalten 
hab,  Konigsberg,  1552,"  4.  C.  1,  v. ;  and  "  Widerlegung  der  ungegriindeten,  undienst- 
lichen  Aiitwort  Ph.  Melanchthon's,  Konigsberg,  1552,"  4.  O.  1,  P.  3.  In  fine,  Osiander 
says,  in  his  "  Bericht  u.  Trostschrift  an  alle  die,  so  durch  das  falsch,  heimlich  Schreien 
— meiner  Feinde,  als  sollt  ich  von  der  Rechtfertigung  des  Glaubens  nicht  recht  halten, 
— geargert  oder  betriibet  worden  sind,  Konigsberg,  1551,"  4.,  that  he  preached  in  Smal- 
cald in  1537,  from  1  John,  iv.  2,  3,  on  justification,  and  that  his  sermon  was  very  much 
lauded  by  Luther  and  the  other  theologians  present.  On  the  other  hand,  M.  Flacius,  in  his 
"  Verlegung  des  Bekenntniss  Osiandri  v.  d.  Rechtfertigung,  Magdeburg,  1552,"  4.  A.  4. 
v.,  appealing  to  Nicholas  von  Amsdorf,  who  was  still  living,  alleges  that  Luther,  and 
main'  other  theologians,  were  much  pleased  with  Osiander's  new  interpretation  of  1 
John,  iv.  So,  too,  Justus  Menius,  in  his  work,  "v.  d.  Gerechtigkeit,  die  vor  Gott  gilt, 
wider  die  neue  alcumistische  Theologie  A.  Osiandri,  1552,"  4. ;  he  adds  that  Amsdorf 
then  prophesied  "  that  if  this  spirit  should  at  an}-  time  get  time  and  space,  the  phan- 
tasies of  all  other  enthusiasts  would  be  esteemed  as  only  child's  play  in  comparison  with 
him." 

5  This  showed  itself  particularly  in  the  controversy  about  the  general  formula  for  coni 
fossion,  which  all  the  preachers  in  Nureml>ei-g  read  after  the  sermon,  but  which  Osian- 
der rejected,  1533.  This  matter  he  brought  in  a  rude  and  presumptuous  manner  into  his 
sermons;  so  that  Laz.  Spencder,  otherwise  his  friend,  wrote  to  Veit  Dietrich,  August, 
1533  (Leben  Spengler's,  by  Hansdorf,  s.  312) :  "  It  was  indeed  high  time  for  Dr.  Luther, 
the  patron  of  all  of  us,  to  ride  Osiander  with  a  tight  rein,  in  a  special  letter,  for  this 
horse  is  too  bold  and  unchecked  to  be  ridden  even  with  sharp  spurs :  that  j-ou  know  as 
well  as  myself."  Peace  was  restored  by  Luther;  but  Osiander  revived  the  dispute  in 
153G  and  1539;  see  G.  Th.  Strobel's  Leben  Veit  Dietrichs,  Altorf  u.  Numb.,  1772,  s.  2G. 


472  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1(348. 

troversies  which  did  not  seem  to  him  to  be  indispensable  for  pre- 
serving the  purity  of  truths  essential  to  salvation.6 

Osiander  was  driven  from  Nuremberg  by  the  Interim,  but  was 
immediately  appointed  preacher  and  professor  in  Konigsberg  by 
his  old  protector,  Duke  Albert  of  Prussia.  But  here,  too,  there 
were  excitable  divines,  who  were  at  once  irritated  by  his  imperi- 
ous nature,  and  who  took  offense  at  his  peculiar  doctrine  about 
justification,  as  promulgated  in  his  very  first  disputation,  April  5, 
1549.7  The  controversy,8  stirred  up  chiefly  by  Friedr.  Staphy- 
lus,9  came  into  the  University  chairs  and  the  pulpits.  A  second 
disputation  of  Osiander,  October  24,  1550,10  and  his  confession, 
1551, n  in  Avhich  he  more  fully  developed  his  doctrine,12  only  in- 

*  How  correctly  Luther  judged  the  man  is  seen  in  the  letters  he  wrote  about  the  first 
dispute  on  the  formula  for  confession,  October  8,  1533.  In  that  to  Osiander  (de  Wette, 
iv.  48  sq.)  he  exhorts  him  most  earnestly  to  peace  ;  in  the  other  to  Wenc.  Linck  (s.  485), 
he  says  about  Osiander :  Nunc  te  per  Christum  oro,  ut  una  cum  tuis  sodalibus  velis  ocu- 
los  istos  misericordia  vestrae  non  claudere,  et  hunc  hominem  suis  opinionibus  captum, 
velut  aegrotum  agnoscere,  et  hoc  cogitare,  non  quomodo  publice  confundatur  et  damne- 
tur,  ne  ex  scintilla  ista  fiat  incendium,  sed  potius,  quanta  fieri  potest  adhuc  modestia  et 
prudentia  et  simul  patientia  vestra,  liberetur  et  sanetur. — Non  credidissem  ego  (hoc  ne- 
que  jactabis,  neque  disseminabis  in  publicum),  istum  hominem  tot  cogitationibus  occu- 
patum,  et  ut  ex  suo  scripto  intelligo,  tarn  procul  a  sinceritate  nostrae  doctrinae  posi- 
tum  :  sed,  ut  dixi,  si  magis  irritaretur,  effunderentur  majora  scandala,  per  quae,  etiamsi. 
non  vinceret,  tamen  turbas  moveret,  et  negotia  faceret,  quae  melius  esset  praecaveri. 
Si  igitur  vobis  nostrum  consilium  placuerit,  speramus,  cum  tempore  rem  istam  in  se 
quieturam  esse,  et  ilium  interim  propius  ad  nos  accessurum  esse.  [Comp.  J.  C.  Lehn- 
erdt,  Anecdota  ad  hist.  Andr.  Osiandri  pertinentia.   3  Part.     Regiomont.,  1841-44.] 

7  A,  Osiandri,  theologiae  in  schola  Region).  Professoris  primarii,  Disputationes  duae : 
una  de  Lege  et  Evangelio  habita  Non.  Aprilis,  1540,  altera  de  Justificatione  habita  ix. 
Kal.,  November,  1550,  Regiom.,  1550.  4. 

8  A  narrative  favorable  to  Osiander's  is :  Job.  Funcken's  wahrhaftiger  u.  griindl.  Be- 
richt,  wie  die  argerliche  Spaltung  von  der  Gerechtigkeit  des  Glaubens  sich  anfiinglich 
im  Lande  Preussen  erhaben,  Konigsberg,  1553.  On  the  other  side  :  Joac'h.  Morlin's 
Historia,  welchergestalt  sich  die  Osiandrische  Schwarmerei  im  Lande  zu  Preussen  er- 
haben, und  wie  dieselbe  verhandelt  ist,  mit  alien  Actis  beschrieben,  s.  1,  et  a.  4  ;  and  by 
Staphylus :  Historia  Aeti  Negotii  inter  Frid.  Staphylum  et  A.  Osiandrum  in  Prussia 
contra"  Calumnias  Jo.  Funccii  in  Strobel's  Miscellaneen  literar.  Inhalts,  i.  219 ;  ii.  224. 
In  addition  :  "  Herzog's  Alberti  I.  Ausschreiben— ,  darin  grundlieh  und  ordentlich,  wie 
sich  die  argerliche  Swiespalt  uber  dem  Articul  von  unser  armen  Sunder  Rechtfcrtigung 
—erhaben,  und  was  wir  uns  mit  grossen  Sorgen,  Einigkeit  zu  machen,  bemiihet,  darge- 
than,  und  was  wir  ferner  durch  freundl.  Beforderung—  Herrn  Christofs,  Herzogen  zu 
Wirtenberg,  durch  S.  L.  Theologos— vorgeschlagenen  Mitteln— erlernet,  u.  zu  Fortstel- 
lung  der  Einigkeit  unserer  Kirchen  gehalten  wollen  haben,  Konigsberg.  1553,"  4.,  with 
many  documents.  The  effect  of  the  dispute  upon  the  University  of  Konigsberg  is  de- 
scribed in  Dr.  M.  Toppen's  Griindung  der  Univ.  zu  Konigsberg  ;  Konigsb.,  1844,  s.  188. 

9  He  again  became  (1552)  Catholic  in  Breslau,  was  a  counselor  of  the  Emperor  Ferdi- 
nand, was  made  superintendent  of  the  University  of  Ingolstadt  in  1561,  and  died  in  1564. 
Leben  u.  Schriften  Friedr.  Staphyli,  in  Strobel's  Miscellaneen,  i.  1.  Dr.  M.  Toppen's 
Grundung  der  Univ.  zu  Konigsberg,  s.  178.  l0  See  note  7. 

11   Von  dem  einigen  Mittler  J.  Chr.  u.  Rrchtfertigung  Bekenntnuss  A.  Osiander  ;  Kc- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  39.  OSIANDER.      473 

flamed  the  strife,  because  he  here  treated  his  opponents  with  ar- 
rogance and  harshness.  Joachim  Mtirlin,  who  became  a  pastor  in 
Konigsberg,  September,  1550,  tried  in  vain  to  adjust  the  contro- 
versy, and  then  took  the  lead  among  Osiander's  opponents.  The 
Duke  adhered  to  Osiander,  and  besought  all  the  German  estates 
of  the  Augsburg  Confession  to  have  their  theologians  pass  judg- 

nigsberg,  September,  1551.  4.  De  unico  Mediatore  J.  Chr.  et  justificatione  fidci  Confes- 
sio  A.  Osiandri,  Regiom.,  October,  1551.  4.     On  the  contents,  see  Salig,  ii.  951. 

12  Disp.  de  Justificatione  hab.  ix.  Kal.,  November,  1550,  thes.  3  :  Justificare  propria 
et  primaria  institutione  significat  ex  impio  justum  facere,  h.  e.  mortuum  ad  vitam  revo- 
care.  4.  Quod  proprium  est  omnipotentiae  divinac  non  minus,  quam  creare.  10.  Fides 
autem,  qua  homo  justificatur,  est  motus  spiritualis,  quem  Deus  per  verbum  praedicatum 
et  Spiritum  S.  in  cordibus  nostris  excitat.  13.  Ea  se  relative  habet  ad  verbum  Evange- 
lii.  14.  Objcctum  enim  Evangelii  est  J.  Chr.  per  verbum  Evangclii  tide  apprehensus. 
17.  Sicut  David  vocat  calicem  inebriantem,  cum  non  calix,  sed  vinum  contentum  ine- 
briet ;  ita  fides  est  justificans,  cum  tamen  non  fides,  sed  Christus  fide  comprehensus  jus- 
tificet.  21.  Justitia  ilia,  quam  fide  apprehendimus,  est  justitia  Dei,  non  tantum  quia 
Deo  est  accepta,  sed  quia  revera  justitia  Dei,  nempe  Domini  nostri  J.  Chr.,  qui  Deus  est 
benedictus  in  saecula.  28.  Eadem  est  justitia  Patris,  Filii  et  Spiritus  S.,  et  haec  justitia 
Dei  est  justitia  fidei.  29.  Haec  justitia  non  confertur  cuiquam,  nisi  prius  ei  remissa  fu- 
erint  peccata  per  sanguinem  Christi.  30.  Unde  justificationis  duae  sunt  partes,  remissio 
peccatorum  et  reconciliatio  cum  Deo.  31.  Reconciliari  autem  Deo  est  Christo  uniri,  ex 
eo  renasci,  ilium  in  nobis  et  nos  in  illo  esse,  per  ilium  vivere,  ejusdemque  in  nobis  in- 
habitantis  justitia  justos  censeri.  32  et  33.  Christus  enim  est  sponsus  noster,  cum  quo 
sumus  caro  una,  membra  scil.  corporis  ejus,  caro  de  came  ejus,  et  os  ex  ossibus  ejus. 
36.  Hinc  divinae  naturae  consortes  efficimur :  qui  enim  Deo  adhaeret,  fit  unus  Spiritus 
cum  eo.  38  ss.  Habitat  igitur  Christus  per  fidem  in  nobis,  et  per  consequens  etiam  Pa- 
ter et  Spiritus  S.  qui  in  Christo  sunt,  Jo.  xvii.  11, 12  ;  Jo.  vi.  56,  caet.  53.  Hinc  justitia 
ejus  essentiali  justi  sumus,  juxta  illud,  Jerem.  xxiii. :  Dominus  justitia  nostra.  56.  Hinc 
vita  ejus  essentiali  vivimus  et  vivemus  juxta  Johannis  illud,  c.  6,  v.  57  :  sicut  misit  me 
vivens  Pater,  etc.  57.  Ac  illud  Johannis  6,  v.  53  :  nisi  manducaverimus  carnem,  etc.  58. 
Manducare  carnem  hie  est  credere,  ipsum  peccata  nostra  pertulisse  in  corpore  suo,  et 
sanguinem  suum  effudisse  in  remissionem  peccatorum,  ita  ut  hac  fide  cum  illo  una  caro 
fiamus.  64  ss.  Hinc  gloria  ejus  essentiali  gloriiicati  sumus,  quia  nobis  earn  claritatem, 
quam  habuit  apud  Patrem,  dedit  nobis,  Jo.  xvii.  5  ;  cf.  Rom.  viii.  30  ;  2  Cor.  iii.  ult.  ; 
2  Jo.  iii.  2.  Hinc  etiam  essentiali  caritate  ejus  inflammamur  :  caritas  enim  Dei  diffusa 
est  in  cordibus  nostris,  Rom.  v.  5.  Deus  enim  caritas  est,  et  qui  in  caritate  manet,  in  Deo 
manet,  et  Deus  in  illo,  1  Jo.  iv.  12,  13.  68.  Omnis  spiritus,  qui  non  confitetur,  Christum 
ad  hunc  modum  venisse  in  carnem  nostram,  ex  Deo  non  est.  Et  hie  est  Spiritus  Anti- 
christi.  70  ss.  Zwinglianus  est  in  corde  qui  hoc  non  credit :  impossibile  enim  est,  ut 
credat  verum  corpus  Christi  in  pane  et  verum  sanguinem  in  calice,  qui  non  credit,  Chris- 
tum revera  habitare  in  christiano  homine.  73.  Glacie  frigidiora  docent,  nos  tantum  prop- 
ter remissionem  peccatorum  reputari  justos,  et  non  etiam  propter  justitiam  Christi  per 
fidem  in  nobis  inhabitantis.  74.  Non  enim  tarn  iniquus  est  Deus,  ut  eum  pro  justo  ha- 
beat,  in  quo  verae  justitiae  prorsus  nil  sit.  76.  Justitia  quidem  Christi  nobis  imputatur, 
sed  non  nisi  cum  in  nobis  est.  78.  Turn  opera  bona  fiunt  a  justificatis,  vivificatis,  glori- 
licatis  ;  non  vero  justificant,  neque  vivificant,  neque  glorificant.  79.  Et  quanquam  qui 
justificatus  est,  justificari  debeat  adhuc,  hoc  tamen  non  fit  operibus  nostris,  sed  cogni- 
tione  Filii  Dei  per  fidem,  per  quam  ei  de  die  in  diem  magis  unimur.  Cf.  De  unico  Medi- 
atore Confessio  Osiandri  A.  4  :  Manifestum  est,  quod  quidquid  Christus,  ut  fidelis  media- 
tor nostri  causa  impletione  legis  ac  passione  morteque  sua  cum  Deo,  patre  suo  coelesti, 
cgit,  factum  id  esse  ante  mille  quiiigentos  et  eo  amplius  annos,  cum  nos  nondum  esse- 


474  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ment  on  the  points  in  dispute,  October  5,  1551. 13  Osiander,  by 
his  attacks  upon  the  ordinary  doctrine  of  justification,14  laid  him- 

mus  nati.  Quare  si  proprie  loqui  volumus,  non  potuit  illud  nostra  justificatio  neque 
esse  neque  nominari,  sed'tantum  nostra  redeniptio  et  satisfactio  pro  nobis  ac  peccatis 
nostris.  So,  too,  it  is  the — altera  pars  officii  Domini  nostri, — ut  sese  jam  ad  nos  conver- 
tat,  ac  miseris  nobiscum  peccatoribus  tanquam  cum  parte  rea  itidem  agat,  ut  tantam 
gratiam  agnoscamus  et  per  fidem  cum  gratiarum  actione  recipiamus,  ut  nos  per  fidcm  a 
morte  peccati  vivos  et  justos  restituat,  et  peccatum  jam  condonatum,  adhuc  tamen  in 
carne  nostra  babitans,  et  tenaciter  inbaerens — in  nobis  prorsus  mortificetur  et  extingua- 
tur.  Et  hoc  demum  est  negotium  nostrae  justiiicationis,  quod  Dominus  et  servator  nos- 
ter  J.  Chr.  perficit.  Tlie  divine  righteousness  is  that  which  God  himself  has,  yea,  that 
which  God  is.  This  united  itself  -with  the  humanity  of  Christ,  and  made  it  righteous. 
Thus  human  righteousness  has  its  ground  in  the  divine,  and  tbe  latter  too  is  the  ground 
of  our  justification.  M.  3  :  Diserte  et  clare  respondeo,  quod  secundum  divinam  suam 
naturam  (J.  Chr.)  sit  nostra  justitia  et  non  secundum  humanam  naturam,  quamvis  hanc 
divinam  justitiam  extra  ejus  humanam  naturam  non  possumus  invenire,  consequi  aut 
apprehendere  :  verum  cum  ipse  per  fidem  in  nobis  habitat,  turn  affert  suam  justitiam, 
quae  est  ejus  divina  natura,  secum  in  nos,  quae  deinde  nobis  etiam  imputatur,.ac  si  es- 
set  nostra  propria,  immo  et  donatur  nobis  manatque  ex  ipsius  humana  natura,  tanquam 
ex  capite,  etiam  in  nos,  tanquam  ipsius  membra.  To  this  was  added  the  view,  that 
Christ  in  his  human  nature  is  the  image  of  God,  after  which  man  was  created;  comp. 
Osiander's  work :  An  filius  Dei  fuerit  incarnandus,  si  peccatum  non  introivisset  in  rauu- 
dum  ?  Item  de  imagine  Dei  quid  sit  ?  ex  certis  et  evidentibus  S.  S.  testimoniis — de- 
promta  explicatio,  Monteregio  Prussiae,  1550.  4.  C.  3 :  Non  debet  imago  Dei  intelligi 
nisi  de  Verbo  incarnato.  E.  3 :  Dicit  Deus,  se  homiuem  facturum  ad  similitudinem 
suam, — ut  scilicet  honio  talis  fieret,  qualis  Christus  secundum  humanam  naturam  in 
mente  Dei  praedestinatus  esset.  Among  the  leading  positions  of  this  work,  the  follow- 
ing are  also  noteworthy :  C.  Si  Filius  Dei  non  fuisset  incarnandus,  nisi  peccatum  introi- 
isset  in  mundum,  nos  atque  totum  regnum  Dei  carere  cogeremur  rege  nostro,  idque  in 
omnem  aeternitatem.  9.  Nisi  Dcus  voluisset  Filium  suum  incarnari,  nunquam  de  man- 
do  condendo  quicquam  cogitasset.  Sed  Deus  ante  alia  omnia  Filium  suum  incarnan- 
dum  decrevit,  ac  propter  ipsum  reliquas  creaturas  universas  fecit,  nullam  prorsus  con- 
diturus,  nisi  Filius  ejus  esset  incarnandus.  Herebj-  he  boasts,  E.  2,  sese  rem  tantam 
hactenus  a  nemine  post  Apostolos  recte  explicatam  in  lucem  produxisse,  und  setzt  hin- 
zu,  Lutherum  quidem  vidisse  aliquid,  sed  non  serio  intendisse  animum,  ut  uberius  ex- 
plicaret.  However,  he  declared  that  he  did  not  want  to  dispute  about  this  opinion. 
Planck,  iv.  2G7.  D.  F.  Chr.  Baur  Epist.  gratul.  ad  D.  Th.  J.  Planck,  disquisitio  in  A. 
Osiandri  de  justificatione  doctrinam,  ex  recentiore  potissimum  theologia  illustrandam ; 
Tiibing.,  1831.  4.  Baur's  christl.  Lehre  v.  d.  Versohnung  in  ihrer  gescliichtl.  Entwick- 
elung;  Tiibing.,  1838,  s.  316.  Dorner's  Lehre  v.  d.  Person  Christi,  s.  200.  G.  Thoma- 
sius,  das  Bekenntniss  der  evang.  Lutherischen  Kirche  in  der  Consequenz  seines  Prin- 
cips  ;  Nurnbcrg,  1848,  s.  71.     Schenkel,  ii.  355. 

13  The  writing  is  in  the  declaration  of  the  Duke  (E.  1,  v.),  1553,  cited  in  Note  8  ;  and 
also  (after  the  copy  sent  to  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse)  in  Neudecker's  Neue  Beitr.  zur 
Gesch.  der  Reform.,  i.  1. 

14  Comp.  thes.  73,  74  above,  Note  12.  Osiandri  Confessio,  F.  2 :  Horribiliter  errant, 
qui  verbum  justificare  tantum  intelligunt  pro  justum  reputare  et  pronunciare,  et  non 
pro  eo,  quod  est  in  veritate  et  reipsa,  justum  efficere.— TJbi  de  justificatione  fidei  agitur, 
ibi  verbum  justificare  non  humano,  forensi  et  sophistico  more  est  intelligendum,  sed  di- 
vine- modo.  Deus  enim  non  pronuntiat  nos  solum  justos,  sed  efficit  etiam  re  ipsa.  Ita- 
que  est  philosophicus,  carnalis  et  impraemeditatus  sermo,  justificare  esse  verbum  fo- 
rense,  ac  significare,  reum  judicio  absolutum  pronunciare.  Osiander  maintained  that 
he  agreed  with  Luther;  see  above,  Note  2.  On  the  other  hand,  he  said  that  Melanc- 
thon  had  perverted  the  doctrinal  system  in  the  Augsburg  Confession  (see  above,  Note 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  39.  OSIANDER.      475 

self  open  to  the  charge,  made  in  most  of  these  official  declarations, 
that  his  views  were  a  falsification  of  this  fundamental  doctrine  of 
the  new.church.15     Only  the  Wiirtemberg  judgment,  December  5, 

1551,  drawn  up  by  Brenz,16  tried  to  vindicate  the  essential  agree- 

4),  and  that  by  the  Wittenberg  doctorate's  oath  (§  31,  Note  32)  minds  were  ensnared ; 
Planck,  iv.  301,  336.     In  reply,  Mel.  Orat.  de  Calumnia  Osiafidri,  1553,  C.  R.,  xii.  G. 

15  The  mildest  of  these  was  Melancthon's  Antwort  auf  das  Buch  llerrn  A.  Osiander's 
v.  d.  Rechtfertigung  des  Menschen,  Wittenberg,  1552.  4. ;  full  and  thorough  was  the 
Responsio  Ministrorum  Ecclesiae  Christi,  quae  est  Hamburgi  et  Lunebergi  ad  confessio- 
nem  A.  Osiandri  de  mediatore  J.  Chr.  ;  Magdeb.,  1553.  4.  About  these  and  the  other 
opinions,  see  Salig,  ii.  982 ;  Planck,  iv.  333.  Melancthon  gives  a  pertinent  opinion  about 
the  doctrine  of  Osiander,  in  a  letter  to  the  Osianderist  Culmann,  in  Nurnberg,  11.  Dec, 

1552,  C.  R.,  vii.  1151:  Multa  sunt  in  illis  paradoxis  vel  aenigmata,  vel  sophistica,  quae 
populo  nihil  prosunt,  etiamsi  leniantur  interpretatione.  Quale  hoc  est,  quod  contendit 
ilia  Gorgo,  non  recte  dici :  Deus  vivijicat  renascentes,  sed  vult  dici :  Deus  est  ipsa  rena- 
sccntium  vita.  An  non  vult  distingui  inter  creatorem  et  vitam  creatam  ?  aut  vult  Deum 
tantum  esse  Stoicam  iuoiXtxtiav  ?  Fac,  hoc  leniri  posse  commoda  interpretatione  (nam 
et  ego  ista  pharmaca  novi)  ;  sed  quid  prodest  populo  turbare  res  recte  traditas  ?  Sunt 
autem  alia,  quae  ne  possunt  quidem  leniri,  quale  hoc  est :  ante  annos  mille  quingentos 
factam  esse  remissionem,  sed  nunc  illabi  justitiam.  An  Nero  habet  remissionem,  sed 
perit,  quia  non  illapsa  est  justitia  ?— Scis  in  nostris  Ecclesiis  fideliter  inculcatam  esse 
doctrinam,  in  vera  conversione,  cum  corda  fide  per  verbum  eriguntur,  habitare  Dcum  in 
conversis. — Sed  alia  quaestio  est :  unde  mens  statuere  debeat,  placere  se  Deo,  ut  crasse 
loquar,  et  quomodo  fiat  inhabitatio.  Hie  dicimus,  placere  hominem  fide  propter  media- 
torcm  Deum  et  hominem,  et  niti  fidem  non  his  novis  actionibus,  sed  ipso  mediatore.  Ac 
in  infinitum  anteferenda  est  obedientia  mediatoris  his  actionibus,  quae  fiunt  in  nobis. 
Inde  abducit  homines  Osiander,  obruens  remissionem,  ita  ut  dicat  factam  esse  ante  an- 
nos MD.  :  et  places,  inquit,  quia  imputatur  divinitas,  non  meritum  mediatoris.  Ilaec 
sunt  enthusiastica,  quae  obscurant  b'eneficia  Filii  Dei,  et  delent  veram  consolationem. 
Cf.  Responsio  Ministr.  Eccl.  Hamb.  et  Lunburg.  J.  2 :  Scriptura  loquitur  de  praesentia, 
de  efficacia,  operatione  et  gubernatione  Dei,  quando  in  hoc  sermone  versatur,  quod  Deus 
habitat  in  credentibus.  Frequenter  in  Scripturis  usurpatur  haec  metaphora,  quae  ab  hor 
minibus  sermoncm,  ut  fit  in  multis  aliis,  transfert  ad  Deum.  Homines  habent  suam  so- 
cietatem,  et  coetus  habent  civitates  et  domos,  in  quibus  cum  civibus  et  familia  sua  con- 
versantur :  hinc  Scriptura  sumit  habitandi  verbum  et  ad  Deum  transfert,  et  significat 
Dei  praesentiam,  familiaritatem  et  conversationem  cum  hominibus,  efficaciam  et  opera- 
tionem  in  Sanctis.  —  Deum  habitare  cum  hominibus  est,  eum  se  hominibus  associare, 
praesentem  esse,  ac  quasi  patremfamilias  agere,  providere,  curare,  respicere,  juvare,  re- 
gere  et  defendere.  Deus  ubique  praesens  est  sua  essentia,  potentia  et  sapientia :  gratia 
autem  sua,  favore,  benevolentia  et  defensione  peculiariter  praesens  est  suis  electis.  Ibi 
Deus  dicitur  habitare,  ubi  adest  sua  gratia  et  benevolentia,  ubi  dat  verbum  gratiae  suae, 
et  promissiones  suas  de  miscricordia  sua  et  rcmissione  peccatorum  patefecit,  ubi  agit  suo 
spiritu,  ubi  colitur,  iuvocatur  et  exaudit.—  Asseruit  Osiander  in  disputatione  sua,  Deum 
ita  habitare  in  credentibus,  ut  in  Christo  habitat  omnis  plenitudo  divinitatis  corporali- 
tcr.  Hoc  si  verum  sit,  nihil  posset  addi  ad  illam  plenitudinem,  ncc  peterent  credentes 
repleri  Spiritu  sancto. — Inhabitatio  Dei  in  nobis  gratiae  est,  non  naturae;  donationis, 
non  proprietatis  ;  eommunicationis  ac  participations,  non  personalis  unionis ;  ut  est  in 
Christo. 

16  Brenz  had  previously  had  a  similar  view  to  that  of  Osiander  (see  Mel.  Ep.  ad  Brent 
above,  §  34,  note  1),  but  was  here,  as  on  all  other  points,  averse  to  controversy ;  com- 
pare the  letters  to  Melancthon,  Gth  November,  1552,  C.  R.,  vii.,  1129,  and  29th  Septem- 
ber, 1555,  in  Riederer's  Abhandlungen,  iv.  432.  (Non  videtur  mihi  controversia  potis- 
sicmni  de  dogmate,  sed  magis  de  persona  cs.^e,  utrumne  Osiander  hoc  an  aliud  senserit. 


476  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ment  of  Osiander  with  the  Lutheran  doctrine,  and  recommended 
the  contestants  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  each  other.17  The 
Duke,  accordingly,  kept  back  the  other  opinions,  that  he  might 
effect  an  adjustment  through  the  "Wurtemberg  divines.  Their  six 
theses,18  propounded  for  this  purpose,  were  in  fact  declared  by  both 

Veritas  igitur  et  rectitudo  dogmatis  ita  illustretur,  nt  nullum  de  eo  dubium  inter  nos- 
tras relinquatur.  Maneat  autem  hoc,  si  quidem  ita  videbitur,  in  dubio,  utrumne  Osian- 
der hoc  an  diversum  senserit)  ;  to  Camerarius,  13th  December,  1552,  in  Strobel's  Bei- 
trage  zur  Literatur,  ii.  123. 

17  See  the  Wurtemberg  opinion,  the  first  that  was  sent  in,  in  Duke  Albert's  proclama- 
tion, 1553  (see  above,  Note  8),  F.  3;  extracts  in  Salig,  ii.  974  ;  comp.  Joh.  Brenz,  bj'  J. 
Hartmann  and  K.  Jager,  ii.  335. 

18  The  Duke  also  called  upon  Bugenhagen  to  be  a  mediator  (21st  March,  1552,  in  J. 
Voigt's  Briefwechsel  der  beriihmtesten  Gelehrten  mit  Herzog  Albrecht,  Konigsb.,  1841, 
s.  105),  but  received  from  him  a  decisive  refusal ;  ibid.  The  Tubingen  declaration  (which 
the  Duke  had  asked  for),  June  1, 1552,  is  in  Herzog's  Alberti  Ausschreiben,  ch.  ii.,  and  in 
Wigandus  de  Osiandrismo,  p.  142.  The  points  of  union  [in  substance:  1.  That  Christ's 
obedience  comes  originally  from  his  divine  nature,  and  is  a  fruit  of  the  divine  righteous- 
ness that  is  in  Christ ;  2.  That  this  obedience  is  a  satisfaction  for  our  sins,  and  a  propi- 
tiation of  God's  wrath,  and  that  its  merit  is  that  of  the  eternal  divine  justice ;  3.  That 
we  are  to  receive  by  faith  this  obedience  of  Christ,  and  trust  in  it  with  the  assurance 
that  our  sins  are  forgiven,  etc. 

As  to  the  divine  righteousness,  both  parties  are  agreed  :  1.  That  God  in  his  divine  es- 
sence alone  is  the  true,  eternal  justice,  Luke  xviii. ;  2.  That  through'  faith  in  Christ, 
God  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit  truly  dwells  in  us,  with  all  his  blessings  ;  3.  That 
through  this  faith  in  Christ,  God,  dwelling  in  us,  forgives  the  sin  which  still  clings  to 
us  ;  but  he  does  not  let  us  remain  in  sin  wholly  unrenewed,  but  begins  to  expel  it  in  this 
life,  and  to  make  us  righteous,  until  in  the  future  life  we  become  wholly  free  from  sin. — 
The  dissensions  of  the  two  parties  is  a  bellum  grammaticale— on  the  interpretation  of  the 
justitia  Dei  (see  below)  in  some  passages  of  Paul — whether  it  is  to  be  considered  as  the 
essential  righteousness  of  God,  and  the  verbum  justiricare  to  be  taken  as  merely — pro  ab- 
solvere  injustum,  or  as  being — re  ipsa  justum  facere  ;  and  whether  the  obedience  of  Christ 
can  be  called  a  righteousness.]  "  Soviel  den  Gehorsam  Christi  belanget,  halten  unsers 
Verhoft'ens  beide  Parteien  :  1.  bass  der  Gehorsam  Christi,  den  er  hie  auf  Erden  Gott  seim 
himlischen  Vater  im  Thun  und  Leiden  bewiesen  hat,  komme  urspriinglich  von  seiner 
gottlichen  Natur,  und  sey  eine  Frucht  der  gottlichen  Gerechtigkeit  in  Christo ;  2.  Dass 
dieser  Gehorsam  Christi— sey  eine  Busse  unserer  Siinden,  und  eine  Versohnung  Gottes 
Zorns, — eine  Bezahlung  fur  unser  Erlosung  von  Siinden,  Tod  und  Holle,  und  ein  Ver- 
dienst  der  ewigen  gottlichen  Gerechtigkeit  und  Seligkeit ;  3.  Dass  wir  diesen  Gehorsam 
Christi,  uns  durch  das  Evangelium  verkiindiget,  mit  Glauben  sollen  annehmen,  uns  des- 
selbigen  in  alien  Anfechtungen  der  Siinden  und  des  Todes  vertrosten,  und  gewislich 
vertrauen,  dass  Gott  der  Vater  uns  von  wegen  des  Gehorsams  seines  Sohns  verzeihe 
alle  Sunde,  nehme  uns  auf  an  Kindes  Statt,  und  erhalt  uns  zum  ewigen  Leben  im  Tod. 

"  So  yiel  -aber  die  gottliche  Gerechtigkeit  belanget,  sind  beide  Parteien  unsers  Ver- 
trauens  einerlei  Meinung  in  folgenden  Artikeln  :  1.  Dass  Gott  in  seinem  gottlichen  We- 
sen  allein  die  rechte  ewige  Gerechtigkeit  sey,  Luc.  xviii.  Nemo  bonus  nisi  solus  Deus ; 
2.  Dass  durch  den  Glauben  in  Jesura  Christum  Gott  der  Vater,  Sohn  und  heil.  Geist 
sammt  alien  ihren  Giitern  in  uns  wahrhaftig  wohnen,  Jo.  xiv.  Veniemus  ad  eum,  et 
mansionem  apud  eum  faciemus ;  3.  Dass  durch  den  Glauben  in  Christum  Gott,  in  uns 
wohnend,  vergebe  uns  wohl  die  Sunde,  so  noch  in  uns  hie  auf  Erden  stecken,  und  recline 
sie  uns  nicht  zu  aus  Verdienst  seines  lieben  Sohns,  unsers  Herrn  Jesu  Christi ;  aber  er 
lasse  uns  nicht  fiirund  fiir  unverneuert  in  der  Sunde  bleiben,  sondern  fahe  an  hie  in  die- 
sem  Leben  die  Sunde  auszufegen,  und  uns  mit  der  That  fromm  und  gerecht  zu  machen, 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  39.  OSIANDER.      477 

parties  to  be  orthodox,  but  were  rejected  by  Osiander's  opponents 
because  they  might  be  misinterpreted  in  his  favor.  After  the 
death  of  Osiander,  October  17,  1552,  his  son-in-law,  the  court 
preacher,  Joh.  Funck,  who  had  the  highest  confidence  of  the  old 
Duke,  came  to  be  the  leader  of  this  small  party ;  but  with  all  his 
adroitness  and  concessions,  he  could  not  set  aside  the  general  ha- 
tred which  weighed  upon  his  party.  In  vain  did  the  old  Duke 
endeavor,  by  a  proclamation,19  to  effect  a  union  upon  the  six  Wiir- 
temberg  articles,  banishing  meanwhile,  in  1553,  the  reckless  op- 
ponent, Mori  in.  Equally  in  vain  was  a  Confession20  of  his  own, 
offered  as  a  means  of  coming  to  agreement  (1554).  Although 
these  formulas  tried  to  reduce  Osiandrism  to  the  terms  of  Luther- 
an orthodoxy,  yet  a  latent  poison  was  scented  in  them.  Recanta- 
tion was  demanded  of  the  Osiandrists,  and  the  most  absurd  er- 
rors were  imposed  upon  them  as  the  logical  consequences  qf  their 
opinions.21  The  deposition  of  the  refractory  preachers,  in  1555, 
only  increased  the  general  exasperation. 

In  Pomesania,22  too,  and  in  Nuremberg,23  there  were  a  few  fol- 

bis  wir  im  kiinftigen  Leben  der  Siinden  ganz  ledig,  und  mit  vollkomener  Fromigkeit 
und  Gereclitigkcit,  als  rechte  Glieder  Ckristi  und  Kinder  Gottes,  gezieret  werden. 

"  Dieweilen  wir  denn  ganzlicher  Zuversicht  sind,  die  Parteien  werden  keinem  der  er- 
zahlten  Hauptartikeln  widersprechen,  sonder  dieselbigen  mit  der  ganzen  christlichen 
Kirchen  gleicher  Meinung  halten  ;  so  konnten  wir  uns  aus  ihrer  beiden  Schreiben  nicht 
anders  berichten,  denn  dass  ihr  Zwiespalt  sey  nur  ein  bellum  grammatical,  namlich  ob 
in  etlichen  Spruchen  Pauli  als  Rom.  iii.  Nunc  vero  absque  lege  justitia  Dei  manifestata 
est,  dum  comprobatur  testimonio  legis  et  Prophetarum.  Justitia  vero  Dei  per  fidem  J. 
Christi.  Item  justificamur  gratis  per  illius  gratiam.  Item  arbitramur  fide  justificari 
hominem,  etc.  Diese  Wort  justitia  Dei  flir  die  wesentliche  Gerechtigkeit  Gottes,  und 
das  verbum  justificare  nicht  pro  absolvere  injustum,  sed  re  ipsa  justum  facere  verstan- 
den  werden  sollen,  ob  auch  der  Geliorsam  Christi  moge  eine  Gerechtigkeit  genannt 
werden." 

1 9  See  above,  Note  8. 

30  In  manuscript  in  Wolfenbiittcl,  see  Salig,  ii.  1027;  extracts  in  Wigandus  de  Osian- 
drismo,  p.  356.  It  was  laid  before  a  synod  in  Konigsberg  in  1554,  which  declared  it  to 
be  unsatisfactory. 

21  Matth.  Vogel's  Dialogus  eines  armen  Sunders  mit  Moyse  u.  Christo  v.  d.  Rechtfer- 
tigung  des  Glaubens,  sammt  s.  Bedenken  von  der  zugetragenen  Zwiespalt  iiber  solchcn 
Artikel,  und  einer  Antwort  auf  Dr.  J.  Morlein  ungestiimen  Sendbrief,  Konigsb.,  1557.  4. 
Vogel  who  had  also  fled  from  Nuremberg  on  account  of  the  Interim,  was  by  no  means 
agreed  with  Osiander  on  all  points,  but  was  declared  to  be  one  of  his  followers  by  his 
violent  opponents  on  account  of  his  calm  impartiality.  According  to  his  memorial  in 
the  case,  Osiander  was  accused  of  teaching  that  forgiveness  of  sins  is  also  had  by  those 
who  do  not  believe;  that  we  are  justified,  not  by  faith  alone,  but  also  by  works ;  that 
believers  become  gods,  and  like  Christ  in  all  things,  etc. ;  Salig,  ii.  1056. 

22  In  Stettin  Petrus  Artopous  was  deposed  for  being  an  Osiandrist,  1556;  Salig,  ii. 
1045. 

23  Here  Leonh.  Culmann,  preacher  at  St.  Sebald's,  was  the  chief  among  Osiander's 


478  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

lowers  of  Osiander ;  but  when  they  were  removed  from  office  the 
controversy  was  soon  brought  to  an  end. 

To  attain  peace,  Funck  and  the  other  Osiandrists  at  last  aban- 
doned all  their  peculiar  doctrinal  formulas,24  and  joined  the  Wit- 
tenbergers,  who  had  been  so  bitterly  contemned  by  Osiander  him- 
self. They  persuaded  the  Duke  to  set  forth  (1558)  a  new  church 
order  with  Philippist  doctrines.25  Funck  handed  in  a  Confession 
of  Faith  to  the  divines  of  Leipsic  and  Wittenberg,  and  was  de- 
clared by  them  to  be  orthodox  (1561)  ;26  in  1563  he  openly  con- 
fessed, in  four  sermons,  that  he  had  previously  given  occasion  for 
misunderstandings  and  mistrust.27  And  yet  the  reproach  of  Osi- 
andrism  still  remained  upon  the  small  and  closely  hedged  in  com- 
pany of  strangers,  since  they  would  not  directly  condemn  it.  Be- 
sides this  they  were  now  accusecf  of  Philippism  ;  and,  opposed  by 
all,  they  were  held  up  only  by  the  Duke.  When  the  latter  fell 
out  with  his  estates,  he  being  accused  by  them  of  oppressive  taxa- 
tion and  interference  with  their  privileges,  as  also  of  arbitrary  en- 
croachments upon  the  constitution  of  the  Church,  the  chief  blame 
was  ascribed  to  the  Osiandrists,  since  Funck,  being  the  Duke's 

friends,  whom  Melancthon,  Dec.  11, 1552  (Corp.  Ref.,  vii.  1150),  and  Jan.  25, 1553  (ibid., 
viii.  2G),  exhorted  to  peace.  Culinann  too,  together  with  Joh.  Fabricius,  preacher  at  St. 
Lanrentius,  was  upbraided  for  favoring  Osiander  by  the  council  of  Nuremberg,  Sept.  14, 
1554  ;  sec  the  protocol  in  Strobel's  Neue  Beitriige,  i.  91.  Yet  still  the  controversy  broke 
out  later,  and  Melancthon,  with  several  other  theologians,  was  invited  to  Nuremberg, 
Sept.,  1555,  to  adjust  it.  He  published  at  that  time  an  Oratio,  exhorting  to  peace,  and 
an  examination,  in  German,  of  the  doctrine  of  justification,  which  was  to  be  subscribed 
by  all  the  Nuremberg  clergy  (both  in  Corp.  Ref.,  viii.  54G).  Culmann  and  Vetter  did 
not  subscribe,  but  took  their  departure.  G.  G.  Zeltneri  Paralipomenon  Osiandrinum 
s.  Leonh.  Culmanni  Vita  et  Fata,  Altorf.,  1710.  4.  It  tf-as  afterward  made  a  question 
whether  Culmann  should  be  admitted  to  communion  ;  see  Melancthon's  Opinion,  Corp. 
Ref,  viii.  613. 

24  Duke  John  Albert  of  Mecklenburg,  son-in-law  of  Duke  Albert,  tried  to  settle  the 
dispute  at  a  synod  at  Riesenburg,  February,  1556.  Funck  made  a  declaration,  which 
was  considered  as  a  recantation,  but  which  he  afterward  said  meant,  that  by  his  mode 
of  teaching  he  had  given  occasion  for  errors,  but  not  that  he  held  them  himself.  How- 
ever, he  was  obliged  to  give  assent  to  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  to  Melancthon's 
Loci  Communes ;  see  the  narrative  of  the  Duke  in  a  letter  to  Flacius,  in  Wigandus  de 
Osiandrismo,  p.  291 ;  Salig,  ii.  1055. 

25  Matth.  Vogel  had,  in  1556,  drawn  up  for  this  object  an  outline  of  Christian  doctrine, 
after  Melancthon's  Loci,  and  personally  given  it  to  Brenz  to  be  examined  (Voigt's  Brief- 
wechsel  ber.  Gelehrten  mit  Herzog  Albr.,  s.  57)  ;  it  was  also  sent  to  Melancthon  for  this 
purpose  (Voigt's  Mittheilungen  aus  der  Correspondenz  des  Herz.  Albr.  mit  Luther.  Me- 
lanchthon  und  Sabinus,  s.  52).  Several  persons  had  part  in  drawing  up  the  church  or- 
der; among  them  Aurifaber,  at  whose  instance  exorcism  was  omitted  in  the  baptismal 
service,  which  gave  so  much  offense ;  see  Hartkuoch,  s.  395. 

26  Wigandus  de  Osiandrismo,  p.  301. 

27  Wigandus,  p.  306.     Hartknoch,  s.  408. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  39.  OSIANDER.        479 

confessor  and  counselor,  had  the  chief  influence  upon  him.  And 
so  they  had  to  share  in  the  general  exasperation  evoked  by  the 
arbitrary  measures  of  the  adventurer  Skalich,  who,  since  1561, 
ruled  the  country  instead  of  the  weak  Duke,28  and  to  which  Funck 
at  last  fell  a  sacrifice  on  the  scaffold,  in  1566,29  in  accordance  with 

28  See  M.  Toppen  zur  Gesch.  d.  stiindiscken  Verhaltnisse  in  Preussen,  in  Raumer's 
hist.  Taschenbuche,  1847,  s.  459. 

29  Ilistorie  von  Funck,  Sclmell,  Horst,  und  Steinbach  ex  actis  publ.  msctis  ;  in  the 
Acta  Borussica,  Bd.  3  (Konigsberg  u.  Leipzig,  1732),  s.  217,  311,  471.  Comp.  the  bill  of 
complaint  lodged  against  them,  Sept.  7,  15G6,  p.  347.  They  were  accused  of  being  [per- 
nicious disturbers  of  the  peace,  of  trying  to  do  away  with  the  long-established  order  in 
church  matters,  approved  by  the  whole  country ;  and  Mr.  John  Funck,  too,  long  ago 
held  to  and  defended  Osiander's  heretical  opinions,  and  brought  it  to  pass  that  many 
honest  ministers  and  teachers  were  deposed  and  banished.  Besides,  he  has  aided  in  in- 
troducing a  church  order,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  country,  imposing  a  scandalous 
baptismal  service,  and  persecuting  and  banishing  those  who  resisted.  Likewise,  it  is 
notorious  that  Mr.  Funck,  without  the  assent  of  the  land,  helped  to  bring  in  a  Samland 
President  (Aurifaber,  1554),  who  pushed  on  these  innovations  ;  and  that  Matthew  Horst, 
too,  not  long  ago,  without  the  advice  of  the  old  counselors,  set  up  such  a  President 
(in  the  person  of  Matth.  Roseler),  who  had  passed  so  glibly  from  one  studio  to  an- 
other, that  he  was  first  a  medicus,  and  then  a  jurist,  and  lastly  (desperatio  facit  mona- 
chum)  became  a  theologus,  and  was  put  up  here  for  a  bishop  or  president.  Again,  it  is 
notorious  that  Mr.  Funck,  Matth.  Horst,  Hans  Sehnell,  and  Steinbach  joined  with  Paulo 
Scalichio  in  inverting  and  disturbing  the  common  church  order  of  the  land,  etc.]  "tan- 
quam  novatores  et  publicae  pacis  perturbatores  perniciosissimi  vorlangst  vor  diesem 
unterstanden  haben,  und  noch  unlerstehen  und  Vorhabens  seyn,  alle  christliche  wohl- 
hergebrachte  lobliche,  und  mit  gemeiner  Landschaft  Rath  und  Bewilligung  vor  Alters 
gestellte  und  aufgerichtete  gute  Kirchen-  und  Regiments-Ordnungen  in  diesem  Lande 
zu  turbiren,  aufzuheben, — und  ihrcs  Gefallens  zu  reformiren.  Und  das  es  wahr  sey,  so 
ist  offenbar  u.  notorium,  dass*M.  Joh.  Funck  sick  vor  etlichen  Jahren  dem  Hauptketzer 
Osiander  anhangig  gemachet,  seine  ketzerische  Lehre  mit  Gewalt  helfen  treiben  und 
verfechten,  dariiber  auch  mit  Rath  u.  That  dahin  gearbeitet,  auch  dasselbige  helfen  ins 
Werk  riehten,  dass  viel  rechtschaffene  from  me  unschuldige  Kirchendiener  und  Lehrer 
ihres  Kirchenamts  entsetzet  und  des  Landes  verwiesen  se}-n.  Zudem  hat  er  helfen  ra- 
then  und  thaten,  dass  die  alte  Kirchenordnung,  die  mit  aller  Stande  gemeiner  Land- 
schaft Ratli,  Wissen  und  Belieben  angenommen,  zerrissen,  [und  eine  andere]  ohne  der 
Landschaft  Vorwissen  aufgerichtet,  darein  eine  neue  hochiirgerliche  Ordnung  des  heil. 
Sacraments  der  Taufe  gemeiner  Landschaft  und  den  Kirchendienern  aufgedrungen,  und 
die  es  nicht  annehmen  wollen,  dariiber  verfolgt,  mit  Gefangniss  gestraft,  und  auch  des 
Landes  verwiesen  worden.  Zudem  ist  notorium  und  o.Tenbar,  dass  M.  Funck  dahin  ra- 
then  und  thaten  helfen,  dass  hinter  Wissen  und  Willen  einer  gemeinen  Landschaft  ein 
Samliindischcr  Prasident  ist  cingesetzt  (Johannes  Aurifaber,  1554 :  see  Hartknoch,  s. 
378),  der  die  eingerissenen  Neuerungen  in  der  Kirchen  hat  helfen  stiirken,  und  dass 
auch  kurz  verwichener  Zeit  durch  Matthiam  Horst  ein  soldier  Prasident  ohne  alle  Vor- 
wissen und  Willen  der  Landschaft,  oder  anderer  alten  Rathe  gefordert  (Matthaus  Rose- 
ler, 15G5,  Prasident  des  Pomeranischen  Bisthums ;  s.  Hartknoch,  s.  413),  der  so  leicht- 
fertig  von  einem  studio  auf  das  andere  gesprungen,  dass  er  erstlich  ein  Medicus  gewest, 
darnach  ein  Jurist  worden  ist,  und  hat  zu  Rostock  procuriret,  letzlich  aber,  wie  man 
sagt,  quod  desperatio  facit  Monachum,  ein  theologus  worden,  und  allhier  vor  einen  Bi- 
schof  oder  Prasidenten  sich  aufgeworfen.  Zum  andern  ist  notorium  u.  offenbar,  dass 
gedachter  M.  Funck,  Matth.  Horst,  Hans  Sehnell,  und  Steinbach  sich  dem  Paulo  Scali- 
chio haben  anhangig  gemacht,  mit  und  ncben  dcmselben  helfen  rathen  und  thaten,  da- 
mit  die  gemeine  Regimentsordnung  dieses  Landes  gar  invertiret  u.  zerstoret  wurde,"etc. 


430  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

a  decision  of  a  Polish  commission,  which  the  estates  had  request- 
ed to  institute  proceedings.  Osiandrism,  which  had  long  before 
vanished  away,  was  now  formally  condemned  by  Morlin,  again 
recalled  and  made  Bishop  of  Samland,  in  the  Repetitio  Corporis 
Doctrinae  Christianae,  published  in  1567.30 

By  opposition  to  Osiander's  doctrine,  that  Christ  is  our  right- 
eousness only  in  his  divine  nature,  the  violent  Italian,  Francis 
Stancarus,31  who  was  professor  of  theology  (1551)  for  some  time 
in  Konigsberg,  was  led  to  take  the  opposite  ground,  that  Christ  is 
our  righteousness  only  in  his  human  nature.32  This  error  was 
overlooked  in  Konigsberg  by  the  opponents  of  Osiander ;  but  when 
Stancarus  endeavored  to  enforce  it  as  a  weighty  and  fundamental 
truth  in  the  Evangelical  churches  of  Poland,  Hungary,  and  Tran- 
sylvania, he  found  decided  opposition  ;  and  this  was  strengthened 
by  the  memorials  of  Melancthon,  Calvin,  and  the  Zurich  divines  ;33 

—In  the  government's  note,  1542,  it  was  established  that  there  should  be  at  all  times 
two  bishops  in  Prussia  with  full  spiritual  jurisdiction— those  of  Samland  and  of  Pome- 
sania  ;  and  yet  the  Duke  had  filled  the  vacant  sees  with  presidents,  who  drew  smaller 
incomes  and  were  more  dependent  on  him.  Thus  there  was  opportunity  for  more  arbi- 
trary procedures  in  favor  of  Osiandrism.  On  this  account  the  estates,  as  early  as  1556, 
hadpressed  for  the  reinstatement  of  bishops  ;  see  Toppen,  in  Raumer's  hist.  Taschenb., 
1847,  s.  416,  434,  481. 

30  German,  Konigsb.,  1567.  Fol.  Latin,  ibid.,  1570.  8.  Hartknoch,  s.  424.  Planck,  iv. 
439.  As  Corpus  Doctrinae  this  Repetitio  presupposed  the  Augsburg  Confession,  the  Apol- 
ogy for  the  same,  and  the  Smalcald  Articles  ;  but  later  the  formula  itself  was  called 
Corpus  Doctrinae  Prutenicum  ;  Hartknoch,  s.  427. 

31  Jo.  Wigandus  de  Stancarismo,  Lips.,  1585.  4.  Schliisselburg  Catal.  Haereticorum, 
lib.  ix.     Planck,  iv.  449.     Comp.  above,  §  31,  Note  19. 

33  Among  his  reasons,  the  most  important  are  (Schliisselburg,  ix.  233) :  Nemo  potest 
esse  mediator  sui  ipsius :  Jam  si  Christus  esset  mediator  etiam  secundum  naturam  di- 
vinam,  esset  mediator  sui  ipsius,  quia  est  unus  Deus  cum  Patre  et  Spiritu  sancto :  Ergo 
Christus  non  est  mediator  secundum  naturam  divinam  (p.  249)  :  Pacificati  sumus  per 
sanguinem  crucis  ejus  per  eundem ;  reconciliavit  nos  corpore  carnis  suae  per  mortem, 
Coloss.,  i. :  Sanguis  crucis  et  mors  sunt  humanae  naturae,  non  divinae :  Ergo  per  natu- 
ram humanam  Christi  tantum  sumus  reconciliati,  et  non  per  divinam.  But  he  thereby 
declares  (p.  45) :  Excludo  naturam  divinam  ab  officio  sacerdotii  et  mediationis  Christi, 
sed  non  a  persona  ejus.  He  appealed  especially  to  (p.  226)  1  Tim.,  ii.  5:  Unus  Deus, 
unus  et  mediator  Dei  et  7iominum,  homo  J.  Chr.  Rom.,  v.  15.  1  Cor.,  xv.  21 ;  also  to  the 
Concilium  Ephesinum  (p.  298),  the  church  fathers,  particularly  Augustine  (p.  305),  the 
scholastics  Peter  Lombard,  Thomas  Aquinas,  Bonaventura,  Richard  St.  Victor,  Biel  (p. 
162,  310).  Peter  Lombard  was  especially  held  to  be  the  source  of  his  opinion,  who  un- 
doubtedly says,  in  so  many  words  (Sentent.,  lib.  in.  dist.  19)  :  Christus  mediator  dicitur 
secundum  humanitatem,  non  secundum  divinitatem  ;  and  this  has  remained  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Catholic  Church  ;  see  Baur's  Lehre  v.  d.  Versohnung,  s.  347. 

33  Mel.  Responsio  de  Controversia  Stancari  scripta.  Lips.,  1553  (also  in  Schliissel- 
burg, ix.  163).  Calvini  Responsum  ad  Fratres  Polonos,  quomodo  Christus  sit  Mediator, 
ad  refutandum  Stancari  Errorem.  Genev.,  1561  (also  in  his  Tractatus  Theol.,  p.  587). 
Epistolae  duae  ad  Ecclesias  Polonicas,  Evangelium  J.  Chr.  amplexas  scriptae  a  Tigtiri- 
nae  Ecclesiae  ministris  de  negotio  Stancariano,  Tiguri,  1561  (Schliisselburg,  ix.  184). 


PART  II.-CHAP.  I.-LUTHERANISM.    §  40.  FORMULA  CONCORDIAE.  481 

But  his  doctrine  still  produced  much  disquietude.     His  death,  in 
1574,  was  also  the  death  of  his  doctrine. 

§  40. 

REDACTION  OF  THE  FORMULA  CONCORDIAE. 

Rud.  Hospiniani  Concordia  Discors,  de  Origine  et  Progressu  Formulae  Concordiae  Ber- 
gensis,  Tiguri,  1607,  fol.  Leonh.  Hutteri  Concordia  Concors,  de  Origine  et  Progressu 
Formulae  Concordiae  Ecclesiarum  Coufessionis  Augustanae,  Witeberg.,  1614,  fol.  J. 
N.  Anton's  Gesch.  der  Concordienformel  der  Evang.  Luth.  Kirche,  2  Th.  Leipzig,  1779. 
Planck,  vi.  403.  [K.  F.  Goschel,  Die  Concordienformel,  Gesch.,  Lehre,  etc.,  Leipz., 
1858.  F.  H.  R.  Frank,  Die  Theologie  der  Concordienformel  hist.-dogm.  entwickelt,  i. 
1858.  H.  Heppe,  Confessionelle  Entwickelung,  1854  ;  Geschickte  d.  Concordienformel, 
i.  1857;  Gesch.  des  Deutschen  Protestantismus,  1551-81,  4  Bde.,  1853-59;  Dogmatik 
des  Deutschen  Protestantismus,  3  Bde.,  1859.] 

After  the  Crypto-Calvinists  of  Saxony  had  been  set  aside,  and 
the  pugnacious  theologians  of  the  opposite  party  had  withdrawn,1 
the  greatest  hinderances  to  the  peace  of  the  Church  seemed  to 
have  been  removed.  Andreae,  who  up  to  this  time  had  been  at 
work  without  success  for  the  Concordia,  now  addressed  himself 
to  the  matter  with  new  zeal,  especially  as  the  Elector  August  join- 
ed the  princes  who  favored  it,  and  in  fact  became  the  most  zealous 
among  therm 

There  were  really  only  two  points  of  doctrine  about  which  they 
had  not  come  to  a  full  decision  in  the  orthodox  Lutheran  Church. 
The  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  was  indeed  every  where  accept- 
Chief  work  of  Stancarus :  De  Trinitate  et  Mediatore  Domino  nostro  J.  Chr.  adv.  H.  Bul- 
lingerum.  P.  Martyrem  et  J.  Calvinum  et  reliquos  Tigurinae  et  Genevensis  Ecclesiae 
ministros,  Ecclesiae  Dei  perturbatores,  ad  magnificos — Dominos  Polonos  nobiles  ac  eo- 
rum  ministros,  Cracoviae,  1562. 

1  Proposition  of  the  Electorate  of  Saxony  to  the  convention  in  Lichtenberg,  Feb.  18, 
1576,  in  Hutterus,  f.  77:  [They  are  moved  to  this  because  some  of  the  disputatious 
divines  are  dead ;  others  have  used  themselves  up  in  the  strife  ;  and  so  many  God- 
fearing divines  desire  peace.]  "  Zu  diesem  christl.  Werk  und  Furhaben  hat  uns  und 
andere  desto  mehr  bewogen,  dieweil  wir  und  Ihre  Liebden  wissen,  dass  etzliche  zankische 
Theologen,  Illyricus  u.  Andere,  so  diesen  Streit  erreget,  zum  Theil  mit  Tode  abgangen, 
die  Uebrigen  aber  eines  Theils  mit  Disputiren  und  Zanken  dermassen  abgemattet,  dass 
sie  verhoffentlich  nunmehr  in  sich  selbst  gehen,  und  sich  vielleicht  besser  weisen  und 
bescheiden  lassen  werden.  Zu  dem  sind  gleichwol  auch  viel  Gottfiirchtige  und  Fried- 
liebende  Theologen  jetziger  Zeitam  Leben,  so  zu  solcher  Einigkeit  begierig  und  geneigt 
seyn,  dieselbige  von  Herzen  wiinschen,  und  zu  Gott  dem  Allmiichtigen  darumb  seufzen 
und  beten."  Wigand  and  Hesshusius  were  still  the  most  dangerous  persons ;  but  the 
former  was  far  awav  as  Bishop  of  Pomesania,  and  the  latter  as  Bishop  of  Samland. 
The  Landgrave,  William  of  Hesse,  in  a  letter  to  the  Elector,  expressed  the  hope  that 
Chemnitz  and  Chytraeus  would  earnestly  admonish  them  to  peace  and  quiet ;  and  that 
they  would  probably  be  able  to  accomplish  it  (Planck,  vi.  447,  from  Selnecker's  papers). 
[Comp.  C.  A.  Wilkens,  Tileman  Hesshusius,  Leipz.,  I860.] 
VOL.  IV. 31 


482  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ed  in  its  strict  Lutheran  form;  but  yet  the  communicatio  idio- 
matam  realis,  taught  in  connection  with  it,  was  not  every  where 
accepted  in  the  same  form,  and  by  many  it  was  wholly  rejected. 
So,  too,  the  Melancthonian  synergism,  violently  as  it  was  opposed, 
had  many  friends  among  those  who  did  not  see  how  else  they 
could  escape  the  fearful  doctrine  of  an  unconditional  predestina- 
tion. 

"What  was  now  needed  was  to  unite  prominent  theologians  of 
different  countries  in  the  work  of  pacification — men  who  loved 
peace,  and  were  above  suspicion  as  to  their  orthodoxy.  •  Andreae 
first  sent  a  declaration  about  the  controverted  points,  approved  by 
the  Wurtemberg  divines  (the  Suabian  Confession,  Liber  Tubin- 
gensis,  1574),2  to  the  two  most  distinguished  theologians  in  Lower 
Saxony — Martin  Chemnitz,  Superintendent  of  the  city  of  Bruns- 
wick, and  David  Chytraeus,  professor  in  Rostock,  both  of  them 
pupils,  but  not  blind  adherents,  of  Melancthon.  These  consulta- 
tions3 resulted  in  full  investigations,  especially  as  to  the  doctrines 
of  the  Lord's  Supper  and  free-will,  which  were  inserted  into  the 
above  Suabian  Confession,  and  published  as  the  Suabian-Saxon 
Concordia  in  1575  ;4  but  these  additions  made  the  document  un- 
symmetrical.  Andreae,  therefore,  reduced  its  contents  to  a  shorter 
and  more  proportionate  form,  and  this  new  revision  was  sanction- 
ed by  a  council  of  Wurtemberg  and  Baden  theologians  in  the 
cloister  of  Maulbronn — the  Maulbronn  Formula,  January,  1576.5 
To  obtain  a  common  document  of  union  from  these  two  formulas, 
the  Elector  August  convened  an  Assembly  of  divines  at  Torgau, 
after  several  of  his  clergy  had  declared  in  favor  of  the  work  of 

2  Andreae  had  dedicated  to  Duke  Julius  "  Sechs  christl.  Predigten  von  den  Spaltun- 
gen,  so  sich  zwischen  den  Theologen  Augsb.  Confession  von  Anno  1548  bis  auf  das  J. 
1573  nach  und  nach  erhaben,  Tubingen,  1573."  4.,  and  sent  these  sermons  to  Chemnitz 
and  Chytraeus  with  the  proposal  that  they  should  be  generall}'  subscribed  and  used  for 
effecting  a  union.  But  sermons  were  not  found  to  be  very  appropriate,  and  Andreae 
was  led  to  draw  up  from  them  the  doctrinal  theses  in  a  concise  form ;  see  Rehtmeyer's 
Stadt  Braunschweigische  Kirchenhistorie,  iii.  439 ;  0.  F.  Schutzi  De  Vita  Dav.  Chytraei 
Commentariorum,  libb.  iv.  (Hamburg,  1720-28),  ii.  389 ;  Planck,  vi.  403.  Thus  Andreae 
drew  from  these  sermons  the  above  declaration,  whicli  was  not  printed.  The  writings 
with  which  he  sent  it  to  Duke  Julius  and  Chemnitz,  March,  1574,  are  in  J.  G.  Bertram's 
Reformations-  u.  Kirchenhist.  d.  Stadt  Lilneburg  (Braunschweig,  1719.  4.),  Beil.,  s.  172. 

3  See  the  correspondence  in  Bertram,  Beil.,  s.  181  ff. 

i  In  Pfaffii  Acta  et  Scripta  Tubl'ica  Ecclesiae  Wirtembcrgicae  (Tubing.,  1720.  4.),  p. 
381,  they  are  given  incorrectly:  many  corrections  are  found  in  Balthasar's  Hist.  d.  Tor- 
gischen  Buchs.  The  sections  on  the  Lord's  Supper  and  free-will  are  by  Chytraeus  ;  see 
Planck,  vi.  417. 

5  Unpublished,  see  Planck,  vi.  429. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  40.  THE  CONCORDIA.  483 

pacification  in  Lichtenberg  (February,  1576),  and  avowed  their 
willingness  to  sacrifice  the  Corpus  Doctrinae  Philippicura.6  This 
convention,  under  the  lead  of  Andreae,  Chemnitz,  and  Chytraeus, 
soon  finished  their  work — in  the  Torgau  Book,  May,  1576.7  The 
Suabian-Saxon  Concordia  was  laid  at  the  basis ;  but  the  honora- 
ble mention  it  made  of  Melancthon  had  to  be  obliterated,8  while 
many  extracts  from  Luther  were  inserted,  taken  from  the  Maul- 
bronn  Formula.9 

6  The  doings  are  in  Hutterus,  f.  76  b.  Their  declaration,  f.  78  b:  "  Auf  dass  nun— 
manniglieh  zu  spuren  habe,  dass  wir  von  Grund  unserer  Herzen  zuin  christl.  Fried  und 
Einigkeit  geneigt,  so  erklaren  wir  uns  dahin,  dass  wir  keines  Menschen  Gewissen  an 
obgemelt  Buch,  Corpus  doctrinae  genannt,  binden  sollen  noch  wollen,  auch  dasselbig 
niemande  aufdringen  als  ein  Symbolum,  normam  oder  Richtschnur,  sondem  haltens  fur 
ein  herrlichs  guts  nutzlichs  Buch,  und  commendirn  es  als  ein  methodum  docendi  et  dis- 
cendi,  daraus  sich  die  Lehrer  und  die  Jugend  rechter  Art  und  Ordnung  zu  reden,  zu 
schreiben  und  zu  lehren  erholen  konnen.  Und  so  etwas  darin,  so  in  Streit  mag  gezogen 
werden, — wollen  wir  dasselbig  allezeit  regulirt  und  verstanden  haben  nach  Gottes  aus- 
drucklichem  Wort,  und  Schriften  Lutheri."  [In  substance:  that  they  would  bind  no 
man's  conscience  to  the  above  book,  nor  use  it  as  a  Symbolum,  but  the}'  commend  it  as 
a  noble  good  book,  to  be  used  in  teaching ;  the  controversial  points  in  it  to  be  understood 
according  to  the  Word  of  God  and  Luther's  writings.] 

7  J.  H.  Balthasar's  Hist,  des  Torgischen  Buchs,  6  Stiicke,  Greifswald  u.  Leipzig, 
1741-44.  4.  (P.  vii.  sect.  1-4,  and  P.  viii.),  appeared  till  1756  as  academical  dissertations. 
The  Torgau  Book  was  reprinted,  with  a  preface  by  Semler,  Halle,  1760.  Besides  the 
three  divines  mentioned  above,  there  also  came  to  Torgau  Andreas  Musculus  and  Chris- 
topher Cornerus,  from  Frankfort-on-the-Oder,  and  eleven  theologians  from  electoral  Sax- 
ony;  at  the  head  of  them  Crellius  of  Wittenberg,  and  Harder  and  Selnecker  from  Leip- 
sic ;  comp.  Anton,  i.  167. 

s  In  the  Suabian-Saxon  Concordia,  in  Pfaff,  p.  385,  it  is  said :  "  Es  werden  aber  an- 
dere  gute  nutzliche  reine  Biicher,  Auslegung  der  heil.  Schrift,  Widerlegung  der  Irrthu- 
mer,  Erklarung  der  Lehrartikel,  und  sonderlich  die  fur  andere  ordentlich  wollgefassteu 
Schriften  des  Herrn  Philippi,  hiemit  nicht  verworfen,  welche,  sofern  sie  dem  itztgemel- 
ten  Furbild  der  Lehre  gemass,  als  ordentliche  nutzliche  Auslegungen  und  Erklarungen 
billif  commendiret,  und  nutzlich  gebraucht  konnen  und  sollen  werden"  [i.  e.,  other 
good  books,  commentaries,  etc.,  and  especially  the  writings  of  Master  Philip,  well  and 
orderly  drawn  up,  are  not  rejected,  but  justly  commended,  so  as  they  are  accordant 
with  the  type  of  doctrine  here  propounded,  etc.].  In  the  Torgau  Book  (Semler's  edition, 
p.  12)  the  words  in  relation  to  Melancthon,  "  und  sonderlich — Philippi,"  are  erased.  In 
the  Suabian-Saxon  Concordia,  in  the  article  on  the  Lord's  Supper,  in  Pfaff,  p.  444  [Philip 
is  mentioned  with  Luther  as  an  authority  for  the  interpretation  of  Paul]:  "Derselben 
auch  unsere  lieben  Vatere  und  Praeceptores,  als  Lutherus  an  vielen  Orten,  und  Philip- 
pus  in  libro  visitationis  Saxonicae  diesen  Spruch  Pauli  also  erklaren,"  etc.  In  the  Tor- 
gau Book,  on  the  other  hand  [the  name  of  Philip  is  here  omitted]:  "Derhalben  auch 
unser  lieber  Vater  und  Vorfahren,  als  Lutherus  und  andere  reine  Lehrer  Augsburgischer 
Confession,  diesen  Spruch,"  etc.  Without  question,  Musculus,  the  violent  opponent  of 
Melancthon  (see  §  37,  Note  13),  had  much  to  do  with  this.  Dan.  Greser,  superintendent 
in  Dresden,  who  was  present,  relates  in  his  Autobiography  (Schutz,  De  Vita  Chytraei, 
ii.  405),  that  Satan  tried  to  foment  disturbances  in  Torgau  ;  "  so  that  even  Dr.  Musculus 
became  so  enraged  that  he  rose  up,  and  for  a  long  time  said  he  would  not  stay  in  the 
convention,  but  meant  to  go  off.  But  the  disturbance  was  restrained,  and  Musculus  be- 
sought to  remain,  so  that,  God  be  praised,  all  things  reached  a  good  and  peaceful  end." 

9  Comp.,  on  the  whole  affair,  Balthasar,  i.  11. 


484  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

This  Torgau  Book  was  now  sent  for  approval  to  all  the  Luther- 
an national  churches  of  Germany,  but  met  with  a  very  diverse 
reception.  Holstein,  in  the  Grottorf  and  Hadersleben  part,  de- 
clared against  any  new  confession  of  faith.10  The  theologians  of 
Hesse,11  Zweibriicken,13  and  Simmern13  held  out  the  prospect  of 
acceding  to  it,  but  they  wished  it  drawn  up  more  in  the  mild 
spirit  of  Melancthon.     The  divines  of  Pomerania,14  Anhalt,15  and 

10  The  Gottorf  Memorial,  by  the  General  Superintendent,  Paul  von  Eitzen,  reprinted 
in  the  Jena  Christmas  Programme,  1780  :  Super  Libro  Torgensi  Censura  Holsato-Sles- 
vieensis  (Sept.  21,  157G),  variis  Observationibus  illustrata  (a  D.  Danovio) ;  see  Planck, 
vi.  485;  Johannsen,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  hist.  Theol.,  1850,  s.  638.  It  is  here 
maintained :  1.  That  the  existing  normal  writings  are  sufficient  for  the  decision  of  the 
points  in  dispute :  2.  That  by  a  new  symbolical  book  the  calumnies  of  the  opponents 
would  be  strengthened ;  3.  That  by  the  same,  errors  which  had  vanished  away  would 
be  revived  to  confuse  men's  minds ;  4.  That  in  it,  too,  there  were  many  new  modes  of 
statement  and  disputations,  about  which  new  and  dangerous  divisions  would  spring  up. 
Particularly  did  it  seem  "  as  if  it  was  intended  by  this  work  to  put  the  poor  church  into 
confusion  with  the  new  paradoxes  which  vegetated  and  were  sent  forth  in  the  book  of 
Master  Brentius,  De  Majestate  Christi,  1564."  The  Elector  was  advised  to  adhere  to 
his  Corpus  Doctrinae,  but  to  exclude  from  it,  in  the  Loci  Comm.,  "the  two  paragraphs 
— in  loco  de  libero  arbitrio — which  were  not  there  in  the  lifetime  of  hoby  father  Luther" 
(see  §  37,  Note  31) ;  and  to  add  the  Smalcald  Articles,  the  Catechisms  of  Luther,  and 
Melancthon's  Sententiae  Patrum  de  Coena  Domini  (see  §  36,  Note  15).  Das  Hadersle- 
bener  Gutachten  v.  d.  Propste  Georg  Petriius  in  the  Danische  Bibliothek,  iv.  275 ;  see 
Johannsen,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.,  1850,  s.  652. 

11  Proceedings  of  the  General  Synod  in  Cassel,  Aug.  27  to  Sept.  4,  1576,  see  in  Dr.  H. 
Heppe's  Gesch.  der  Hess.  Generalsynoden  von  1568-1582  (2  Bde.,  Kassel,  1847),  i.  195. 
Its  memorial  on  the  Torgau  Book,  Sept.  5, 1576,  ibid.,  Appendix,  p.  10  (in  Latin  in  Hos- 
pinianus, f.  65).  The  severe  reply  of  the  Saxon  divines  (Appendix,  p.  30)  first  made 
evident  the  division  between  the  churches  of  Upper  and  of  Lower  Hesse.  Landgrave 
William  and  the  Hessian  Lowlanders  held  firmly  to  the  Philippist  stand-point,  and  re- 
jected the  doctrine  of  ubiquity  ;  Landgrave  Louis  and  the  Upper  Hessians,  on  the  other 
hand,  led  by  Dr.  Aegidius  Hunnius,  recently  called  from  Tubingen  to  Marburg,  showed 
themselves  inclined  to  the  Formula  Concordiae  ;  Heppe,  i.  220 ;  Appendix,  p.  54. 

12  Hospinianus,  f.  70,  v. 

13  Hospinianus,  f.  73,  v. 

14  Their  critique  is  in  J.  H.  Balthasar's  anderer  Sammlung  einiger  zur  Pommer. 
Kirchenhist.  gehorigen  Schriften,  s.  9.     Planck,  vi.  496. 

15  J.  Chr.  Beckmaun's  Hist.  d.  Fiirstenth.  Anhalt,  vi.  106.  Semler's  Preface  to  the 
Torgisches  Buch,  s.  33.  Planck,  vi.  507.  Johannsen,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.,  1846,  s.  269. 
[Among  other  things,  they  deplore  the  attempt  here  made  to  tear  asunder  Luther  and 
Philip,  those  two  dear  heroes,  canonizing  the  one  and  making  the  other  an  offense.  If 
they  should  succeed  in  banishing  the  works  of  Melancthon — single  definitions  of  which 
have  often  thrown  more  light  upon  the  subjects  than  all  the  other  books  we  have — this 
would  raise,  new  disturbances,  not  easily  allayed,  and  followed  by  a  mere  barbaries.'] 
"Besorgen  deswegen,  die  Autores  werden  sich  des  Verdachts  nicht  entledigen  konnen, 
dass  sie  die  zwei  theure  Helden,  Lutherum  u.  Philippum, — von  einander  reissen,  den 
einen  kanonisiren,  den  andern  stinkend  machen,  und  in  seinem  Untergang  eigene  Ehre 
suchen  wollten.  Sollte  es  auch — wirklich  darauf  angelegt  seyn,  die  so  niitzliche  und 
nothige  Schriften  Melanchthon's  aus  unsern  Kirchen  und  Schulen  zu  verdrangen,  in 
welche  sie  doch  oft  mit  einer  einzigen  Definition  ein  grosseres  Licht  hineingetragen  ha< 
ben,  als  jetzt  uns  alien  mit  alien  unsern  Buchern  moglich  ist; — so  besorgen  wir  unt 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.  §  40.  THE  CONCORDIA.  485 

Magdeburg16  earnestly  defended  the  theology  of  Melancthon  against 
the  covert  attacks  made  in  the  Torgau  Book.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  theologians  of  the  duchy  of  Brunswick,17  and  the  cities  of  Lii- 
beck,  Hamburg,  and  Liineburg,18  desired  an  express  condemna- 
tion of  the  Melancthonian  teachings,  and  of  the  objectionable 
works  of  the  Philippists  ;  Hesshusius  even  demanded  that  all 
teachers  of  erroneous  doctrine,  and  among  them  Melancthon, 
should  be  condemned  by  name.19  The  rest  of  the  memorials  de- 
clared themselves,  upon  the  whole,  satisfied  with  the  Book,  and 
criticised  only  some  insignificant  points.20  The  new  Elector  of 
the  Palatinate,  Louis  VI. ,  upon  his  accession  to  the  government 
at  the  death  of  his  father,  Frederick  III.  (October  26,  1576), 
immediately  re-established  Lutheranism  in  his  possessions  ;21  but 
yet  he  did  not  at  first  seem  inclined  to  favor  the  Formula  Con- 
cordiae.22 

The  Elector  August  summoned  another  convention  of  theolo- 
gians to  meet  at  the  cloister  Bergen,  near  Magdeburg,  which  in 
three  sessions,  March  to  May,  1577,  examined  the  criticisms  that 

wahrlich  eines  neuen  Larmens,  der  sich  nicht  so  leicht  legen,  und  dem  wahrscheinlich 
eine  lautere  barbaries  folgen  wiirde." 

16  Semler's  Preface  to  the  Torgau  Book,  s.  31.     Planck,  vi.  518. 

17  At  the  Synod  of  Riddagshausen,  Aug.  9,  1576:  their  memorial  in  Hutterus,  f.  111. 
Planck,  vi.  459. 

18  At  the  Convention  in  Molln,  Recessus  Moloniensis,  of  Nov.  2,  157G,  in  Bertram's 
Reformations-  und  Kirchenhist.  der  Stadt  Liineburg,  Beil.,  s.  321. 

19  His  criticism  on  the  Torgau  Book  in  his  Epist.  ad  Chemnitium,  in  Hospinianus,  f. 
72 :  Existimamus,  Ecclesiae  necessitatem  postulare,  ut  in  hac  formula  auctores  et  patroni 
corruptelarum,  Illyricus,  Philippus,  Pfeffingerus,  Osiander,  Major,  Calvinus,  Petrus 
Martyr,  epistola  Philippi  ad  Palatinum  nominentur,  ac  Ecclesiae  et  posteritati  saltern 
indicentur,  ut  juventus  in  librorum  lectione  errores  cum  formula  concordiae  pugnantes 
cavere  possit.     [Comp.  Wilkens's  Hesshusius,  Leipz.,  I860.] 

20  Decisions  of  the  churches  in  Goslar,  Brunswick,  Hildesheim,  Gottingen,  Hanover, 
Nordheim,  Hameln,  Eimbeck,  and  Hoxter,  at  a  synod  in  Brunswick,  Nov.  14,  1576,  in 
Rehtmeyer's  Stadt  Braunschw.  Kirchenhist.,  Th.  3,  Beil.,  s.  261.  Opinion  of  the  Meck- 
lenburg clergy  in  a  s}'nod  at  Rostock,  Oct.  16, 1576,  in  Schiitzi  de  Vita  Chytraei,  lib.  ii., 
App.,  p.  48;  Pfalz-Neuburger,  in  Hospinianus,  f.  73,  v.;  electorate  of  Brandenburg,  at 
a  synod  in  Lebus,  Aug.  4,  1576 ;  see  Semler's  Preface  to  Torg.  Buch,  s.  8,  20. 

21  Struve's  Pfiilz.  Kirchenhistorie,  s.  294.  D.  L.  Wundt's  Magazin  f.  d.  Kirchen-  u. 
Gelehrten-Gesch.  d.  Kurfurstenth.  Pfalz,  Bd.  2  (Heidelb.,  1790),  s.  31.  L.  Hausser's 
Gesch.  d.  Rheinischen  Pfalz,  ii.  85. 

22  In  a  contemporary  manuscript  there  is  a  communication,  ex  ore  Schechzii  (the 
court  preacher  of  the  Elector),  given  in  Wundt,  ii.  132,  who  says,  "This  Elector  caused 
ft  to  be  proclaimed,  per  Stolzium,  anno  1577,  in  the  church  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  that  his 
electoral  grace  had  no  pleasure  in  the  ubiquity,  which  is  preached  fully  in  all  the  other 
churches  hereabouts.  But  Timoth.  Kirchner,  a  proud  Doctor,  came  here  (as  Professor 
tf  Theology  in  Heidelberg),  and  so  influenced  his  electoral  grace  that  in  consequence  he 
subscribed  the  Formula  of  Concord." 


486  FOUKTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

had  been  sent  in,23  and  changed  the  Torgau  Book  to  accord  with 
the  results  of  this  investigation.  The  stricter  party  here  acquired 
such  preponderance  as  to  obliterate  all  those  traces  of  the  Melanc- 
thonian  teaching  which  had  remained  in  the  Lower  Saxon  parts 
of  the  Suabian-Saxon  Concordia.24     To  satisfy  the  desire  for  a 

23  Cliytraeus  ad  Jac.  Monavium  Non.  Maji,  1581  (Epistt.,  Hanov.,  1614,  p.  417)  :  Tor- 
gensem  librum  Bergensi  ego  etiam  multis  modis  praefero.  Et  me  non  adhibito  ille  pri- 
nium  mutatus  est  a  triumviris  Jacobo  (Andrea),  Selneccero  et  Kemnicio.  Postea  mense 
Junio  alii  etiam  tres  (Chytraeus,  Musculus,  und  Cornerus)  pro  forma  advocati  sumvis, 
cum  omnia  jam  transacta  essent.  [H.  Heppe,  Der  Text  d.  Bergischen  Concordienfor- 
mel  verglichen  mit  dem  Texte  d.  Schwiibisch  sachsischen  Concordie  u.  des  Torgauen 
Buches.     Marb.,  1857.] 

:*  The  authors  of  the  Concordia-formula  had  previously  held  to  the  Melancthonian 
synergism.  M.  Chemnitius,  Loc.  Theol.,  p.  i.,  de  lib.  arb.,  c.  7,  shows  that  the  will 
of  man  in  conversion  is  not — plane  otiosa ;  cf.  ejusd.  Judicium  de  Controversiis  quibus- 
dam,  p.  55  ss.  5  Examen  Cone.  Trid.,  p.  i.,  loc.  7,  Sect.  3,  §  7 ;  comp.  Chytraeus,  in  his 
often-printed  Catechesis,  1554,  taken  from  Melancthon's  Loci,  and  in  his  Comra.  in  Ge- 
nesin,  Viteberg.,  1558,  p.  364  ;  and  in  the  Declaration  der  theol.  Fac.  in  Rostock  an  den 
Herzog  v.  Mecklenburg  iiber  die  streitigen  Artikel,  1570,  in  Bertram's  Luneb.  Reforma- 
tions- u.  Kirchenhist.,  Beil.,  s.  100  f. ;  and  Andrea,  in  his  Articles  of  1569  (see  above,  § 
38,  Note  29),  in  the  Unschuld.  Nachr.,  1718,  s.  208.  So,  too,  in  the  Suabian-Saxon  Con- 
cordia, in  the  section  on  free-will,  drawn  up  by  Chytraeus  and  Chemnitz,  synergistic 
views  were  adopted  (Pfaff,  p.  497),  and  this  passage  was  retained  in  the  Torgau  Book 
(Semler's  edition,  p.  78).  It  is  here  said  that  in  conversion  man  is  not  treated  as  a  stick 
or  stone ;  he  is  not  forced  to  it — per  modum  coactionis  ;  he  can  resist  the  H0I3'  Spirit, 
or  allow  himself  to  be  renewed.  This  section  was  canceled  in  the  Bergen  Book,  and 
exchanged  for  another  (ed.  Rechenberg,  p.  672),  to  the  effect  that  man  is  only  so  far  not 
to  be  compared  with  a  stick  or  stone  as  the  latter  do  not  resist,  do  not  understand  or 
feel ;  but  he  is  so  much  the  worse,  because  before  his  renewal  he  only  opposes  the  will 
of  God  ;  comp.  Balthasar,  iv.  38.  The  passage  in  the  Suabian-Saxon  Concordia  (Pfaff, 
p.  499),  and  in  the  Torgau  Book  (Semler,  s.  84),  which  contained  Melancthon's  doctrine 
of  the  three  causes  co-operating  in  conversion,  was  expunged.  On  the  other  hand,  in 
the  Bergen  Book  (p.  681)  it  is  declared :  Quandoquidem  etiam  juventus  in  scholis  doc- 
trina  ilia  de  tribus  causis  efficientibus,  concurrentibus  in  conversione  hominis  non  renati 
vehementer  perturbata  est : — denuo  repetitum  volumus  ex  supra  posita  explicatione, 
quod  conversio  ad  Deum  sit  solius  Spiritus  sancti  opus  : — interim  tamen  praedicatione  et 
auditu  sancti  verbi  sui,  tanquam  ordinario  et  legitimo  medio  s.  instrumento  suo,  utitur  ; 
comp.  Balthazar,  v.  1 ;  vi.  26.— The  words  of  the  Suabian-Saxon  Concordia  (Pfaff,  p. 
504),  and  of  the  Torgau  Book  (p.  94),  viz.,  "  in  the  cases  in  which  man  does  not  lay 
hold  of  grace"  (sich  zur  Gnaden  nicht  appliciret)  were  changed  to  this — "  is  not  made 
susceptible  to  grace  by  God"  (von  Gott  zur  Gnade  nicht  geschickt  gemacht  wird) :  Bal- 
thasar, v.  22. — In  the  Torgau  Book  (p.  96)  the  Melancthonian  formulas :  hominis  vo- 
luntas in  conversione  non  est  otiosa,  sed  agit  aliquid  ;  item  :  trahit  Deus,  sed  volentem 
trahit,  were  explained  and  justified  as  referring  to  the  will  already  under  the  swaj-  of 
the  Holy  Spirit ;  but  in  the  Bergen  Book  (p.  680)  they  are  rejected  as  not  like,  but 
opposed,  to  the  form  of  sound  doctrine :  Balthasar,  v.  25.  Other  articles  were  altered 
in  the  same  spirit.  Thus  the  Nurembergers  complain  (Hospinian.,  f.  88,  v.),  in  articulo 
de  Coena,  quae  in  Torgensi  formula  bene  sint  determinata,  in  Bergensi  concordia  depra- 
vata  esse.  Chytraeus  ad  theol.  Helmstadienses,  27.  Nov.,  1582.  (Epistt.,  p.  1199) :  Uti- 
nam  vero  hie  campus,  adeo  speciose  contra  ubiquitatem  declamandi,  adversariis  inser- 
tione  quorundam  dictorum  Lutheri  in  librum  concordiae  (see  Torgau  Book,  s.  236),  non 
patefactus  esset !  Quae  in  Torgensi  archet3'po  non  extare  ipsi  meministis.  And  thus 
all  traces  of  the  Melancthonian  theology  were  set  aside,  of  which  Chytraeus,  who  was 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.  §  40.  THE  CONCORDIA.  487 

concise  formula,  frequently  expressed,  the  Epitome  was  added  to 
the  Solida  Declaratio. 

This  Bergen  Book  sanctioned,  in  twelve  sections,  the  strict  Lu- 
theran doctrine  ;25  hut  it  also  left  in  a  wavering  state  the  two  doc- 
trines which  had  till  now  been  undetermined.  It  left  it  uncer- 
tain whether  the  ubiquity  of  the  body  of  Christ  were  absolute  or 
not,26  and  it  did  not  solve  the  contradiction  between  its  strict  Au- 

absent,  afterward  bitterly  complained;  see  Schiitzius  de 'Vita  Chytraei,  ii.  458;  Chy- 
traeus  ad  Aegid.  Ilunniuin,  1591  (Epistt.,  p.  870)  :  Nihil  omnium,  quae  a  me  dicta,  acta 
aut  scripta  essent,  Jac.  Andreae  Aristarchus  noster  probabat,  ita  ut  ne  verbum  quidem 
a  me  scriptum  libro  concordiae  insit,  ideoque  non  inter  auctores  illius,  sed  subscriptores 
recenseri  merito  possim.  The  authors  of  the  Formula  of  Concord  tried  to  give  the  mat- 
ter a  different  aspect ;  comp.  Chemnitz  to  the  Senate  in  Liibcck,  1st  Jul}-,  1577  (Ber- 
tram, Beil.,  s.  3G7) : — as  to  what,  in  consequence  of  the  critical  opinions  sent  in,  had 
been  declared,  illustrated,  and  improved  in  the  formula,  salva  substantia,  comp.  p.  370. 
Selnecceri  Recitationes  aliquot  de  Consilio  scripti  Libri  Concordiae,  Lips.,  1581.  4.  p. 
63  :  nihil  in  conventu  Bergensi  in  sententia,  cum  in  ea  conveniretur  utplurimum,  in 
Torgensi  libro  mutatum,  licet  interdum  voculas  et  utiliter  monita  adderent  doctores. 

25  I.  De  peccato  originis  (where,  among  other  things,  the  error  of  Flacius  is  repu- 
diated) ;  II.  De  libero  arbitrio  (against  Synergism)  ;  III.  De  justitia  fidei  coram  Deo 
(against  Osiander)  ;  IV.  De  bonis  operibus  (bona  opera  esse  necessaria,  but  not,  as  Ma- 
jor said,  necessaria  ad  salutem  ;  on  the  other  hand,  Amsdorf's  formula  was  also  reject- 
ed, viz.,  bona  opera  noxia  esse  ad  salutem) ;  V.  De  Lege  et  Evangelio  (against  Melanc- 
thon's  doctrine,  Evangelium  esse  concionem  poenitentiae) ;  VI.  De  tertio  usu  Legis 
(against  Antinomianism)  ;  VII.  De  Coena  Domini  (against  Calvin)  ;  VIII.  De  persona 
Christi ;  IX.  De  descensu  Christi  ad  inferos  ;  X.  De  ceremoniis  ecclesiasticis,  quae  vulgo 
adiaphora  vocantur  (against  Adiaphorism) ;  XI.  De  aeterna  praedestinatione  et  elec- 
tione  Dei ;  XII.  De  aliis  haeresibus  et  sectis,  quae  nunquam  Aug.  Conf.  sunt  am- 
plexae. 

26  On  the  communicatio  idiomatum  realis,  p.  778 :  Sentimus  et  docemus, — quod  hu- 
mana  in  Christo  natura  Majestatem  illam  acceperit,  secundum  rationem  hypostaticae 
unionis,  videlicet  quod  cum  tota  divinitatis  plenitudo  in  Christo  habitet,  non  quemad- 
modum  in  Sanctis  hominibus  et  angelis,  sed  corporaliter,  ut  in  proprio  suo  corpore,  etiam 
omni  sua  majestate,  virtute,  gloria,  operatione  in  assumta  humana  natura  liberrime 
(quando  et  quomodo  Christo  visum  fuerit)  luceat,  et  in  ea,  cum  ea,  et  per  earn,  divinam 
suam  virtutem,  majestatem  et  efficaciam  exerceat,  operetur,  et  perficiat.  Idque  ea, 
quodammodo,  ratione,  qua  anima  in  corpore,  et  ignis  in  ferro  candente  agit  (comp. 
Chemnitz,  §  38,  Note  24).  P.  767  :  Earn  vero  majestatem  statim  in  sua  conceptione,  eti- 
am in  utero  matris  habuit :  sed  ut  Apostolus  loquitur,  seipsum  exinanivit,  eamque,  ut 
Dr.  Lutherus  docet,  in  statu  suae  humiliationis  secreto  habuit,  neque  earn  semper,  sed 
quoties  ipsi  visum  fuit,  usurpavit.  Jam  vero  postquam — ut  Apostolus  testatur,  super 
omnes  coelos  ascendit ;  et  revera  omnia  implet,  et  ubique,  non  tantum  ut  Deus,  verum 
etiam  ut  homo,  praesens  dominatur  et  regnat,  a  mari  ad  mare,  et  usque  ad  terminos  ter- 
rae.  P.  784 :  Ubicunque  recte  dixeris  :  hie  est  Deus  :  ibi  fateri  oportet  et  dicere  :  ergo 
etiam  Christus  homo  adest.  Et  si  locum  aliquem  monstrares,  in  quo  solus  Deus,  non 
autem  homo  esset,  jam  statim  persona  divideretur.  (Brenz,  §  37,  Note  44.)  On  the  oth- 
er hand,  it  is  again  declared,  p.  783,  the — majestas,  quam  Christus  secundum  suam  hu- 
manitatem  accepit,  ut  etiam  secundum  illam  suam  assumtam  naturam,  et  cum  ea,  prae- 
sens esse  possit,  et  quidem  praesens  sit,  ubicunque  velit  (after  Chemnitz) :  praesertim 
vero  sentimus,  eum  Ecclesiae  suae  in  terris,  ut  mediatorem,  caput,  regem  et  summum 
sacerdotem,  praesentem  esse. — Et  sane  in  hujus  rei  confirmationem  sacram  suam  Coe- 
nam  instituit,  ut  testaretur,  se  etiam  secundum  earn  naturam,  qua  carnem  et  sanguinem 


.188  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

gustinian  doctrine  about  human  corruption  and  its  assertion  that 
the  grace  of  God  through  Christ  was  universal.27 

When  this  formula  was  now  sent  to  the  Lutheran  churches  for 
subscription,  the  Palgrave  John  Casimir  (who  remained  attached 
to  the  Reformed,  though  his  brother,  the  Elector  Louis,  had  be- 
come Lutheran)  reminded  the  Reformed  states  that,  if  this  was 
accepted  as  the  symbolical  book  of  the  Lutheran  Church,  its  sep- 
aration from  the  Reformed  Church  was  forever  decided.  This 
led  to  the  convention  of  the  Reformed  states  in  Frankfort-on-the- 
Main,  September,  1577,  which  in  vain  attempted  to  hinder  the 
adoption  of  the  Formula  Concordiae,  and  only  resulted  in  induc- 
ing the  Elector  Palatine  to  propose  the  canceling  of  several  of  the 
hard  expressions  of  the  document.28 

habet,  nobiscum  esse,  in  nobis  habitare,  operari,  et  efficacem  esse  velle.    Baur's  Dreiein- 
igkeit,  iii.  415. 

27  The  strictest  Augustinianism  is  brought  forward  in  the  1st  and  2d  sections.  E.  g., 
p.  656 :  Credimus,  quod  hominis  non  renati  intellectus,  cor,  et  voluntas  in  rebus  spiri- 
tualibus — ex  propriis  naturalibus  viribus  prorsus  nihil  intelligere,  credere, — velle, — ope- 
rari aut  cooperari  possint, — ita  ut  in  hominis  natura  post  lapsum  ante  regenerationem 
ne  scintillula  quidem  spiritualium  virium  reliqua  manserit,  aut  restet,  quibus  ille  ex  se 
ad  gratiam  Dei  praeparare  se,  aut  oblatam  gratiam  apprehendere, — aut  se  ad  gratiam 
applicare  aut  accommodare — possit.  Thus,  p.  680,  it  is  taught,  -with  Luther,  horainem 
in  conversione  sua  pure  passive  sese  habere.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  eleventh  arti- 
cle, the  absolute  predestination,  -which  results  necessarily  from  that  doctrine,  is  rejected ; 
and  it  is  maintained,  p.  804,  quod  non  tantum  praedicatio  poenitentiae,  verum  etiam 
promissio  Evangelii  sit  universalis,  h.  e.  ad  omnes  homines  pertineat.  P.  808 :  Ut  Deus 
in  aeterno  suo  consilio  ordinavit,  Ut  Spiritus  sanctus  electos  per  verbum  vocet,  illuminet 
atque  convertat,  atque  omnes  illos,  qui  Christum  vera  fide  amplectuntur,  justificet,  at- 
que  in  eos  aeternam  salutem  conferat :  ita  in  eodem  suo  consilio  decrevit,  quod  eos,  qui 
per  verbum  vocati,  illud  repudiant,  et  Spiritui  sancto  (qui  in  ipsis  per  verbum  efficaci- 
ter  operari  et  efficax  esse  vult)  resistunt,  et  obstinati  in  ea  contumacia  perseverant,  in- 
durare,  reprobare,  et  aeternae  damnationi  devovere  velit.  It  is  clear  that  in  the  will, 
which  lays  hold  of  grace,  there  must  be  something  good.  If  this  comes  from  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Holy  Spirit,  which  works  it  in  some,  and  not  in  others,  then  the  doctrine  of 
unconditional  predestination  follows  ;  but  if  this  belongs  to  the  natural  man,  then  it  was 
wrong  to  say  before,  quod  homo  non  renatus  se  ad  gratiam  applicare  non  possit.  We 
here  find  contradictory  positions,  and  not  truths  standing  over  against  each  other,  as, 
Thomasius  maintains  (Bekenntniss  d.  evangel.  Luther.  Kirche,  Niirnberg,  1848,  s.  223) ; 
nor  can  we  concede  that  it  does  not  belong  to  the  formula  Concordiae  as  a  confession, 
but  to  theology,  to  reconcile  them  ;  for  that  formula  throughout  contains  only  too  much 
of  theology.  But  a  Confession  ought  not  to  countenance  any,  even  seeming,  contradic- 
tions, for  if  it  does  it  can  not  be  received. 

28  The  Acta  Conventus  Francof.  in  D.  Blondel  Actes  Authentiques  des  Eglises  Refor- 
mees  touchant  la  Paix,  a  Amsterdam,  1655.  4.,  p.  59.  Planck,  vi.  591.  Des  Churf.  v. 
d.  Pfalz  Bedenken  u.  Erklarung  an  die  Churf.  von  Sachsen  u,  Brandenburg  v.  17.  Oct., 
1577,  in  Struve's  Pfalz.  Kirchenhist.,  s.  313.  He  wishes,  1.  That  the  appeal  to  the  first, 
unaltered  Augsburg  Confession  should  be  changed  into  the  Augsburg  Conf.  simpliciter; 
2.  That  the  name  of  Synergists  be  excluded,  and  also  that  the  Osiandrists  and  Flacian- 
ists  should  not  be  named  ;  and  that  the  formulas— Deus  trahit,  sed  volentem,  item  homi- 
nis voluntas  non  est  otiosa,  item  tres  sunt  causae  conversionis— should  either  be  entirely 


PAKT  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.  §  40.  THE  CONCORDIA.  489 

Meanwhile  the  formula  was  subscribed,  in  the  year  1577,  in 
Saxony,**  Brandenburg,30  Anspach,  Brunswick,  Grubenhagen, 
Liineberg,  Mecklenburg,  Wurtemberg,  Zweibriicken,  Baden, 
Henneberg,  and  Mbmpelgard  ;  and  also  in  Hamburg,  Liibeck, 
Liineberg,  and  several  of  the  imperial  cities  of  the  Oberland. 
This  prevented  the  new  Assembly,  convened  at  Tangermunde, 
March,  1578,31  from  considering  the  changes  desired  by  the  Elect- 
or of  the  Palatinate.  At  the  convention  held  in  Smalcald,  Octo- 
ber, 1578,32  the  authors  of  the  Bergen  Book  came  to  an  under- 
standing with  the  representatives  of  the  Palatinate  so  far  as  this, 
that  the  demand  of  the  Elector  should  be  met  in  a  preface.  This 
preface  was  then  sketched  in  two  conventions  in  Jiiterbock,  Jan- 
uary and  June,  1579,  sanctioned  by  the  Elector  Palatine,  July  31, 
.  1579,  and,  after  the  consideration  of  some  suggestions,33  entirely 
confirmed  in  the  cloister  of  Bergen,  February,  1580,34  so  that  the 

omitted,  or  admitted  with  the  Candida  interpretatio  of  the  Torgau  Book ;  3.  That  the 
doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  should  be  based  upon  the  Word  of  God  alone,  without  in- 
troducing subtile  disputations  about  ubiquity ;  4.  Some  phrases  about  the  majesty  Of 
Christ,  where  it  concerns  the  matter  in  abstracto,  should  be  omitted ;  5.  The  expression 
damnamus,  in  respect  to  the  Calvinists,  should  either  be  wholly  avoided,  or  made  mild- 
er.— The  proposal  of  the  English  embassador  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony  to  give  up  the 
Formula  Concordiae  altogether,  out  of  regard  to  the  common  interests  of  all  the  Re- 
formed churches,  see  in  Hospinianus,  f.  92 :  from  a  Weimar  MS.  in  Schneider's  Biblioth. 
d.  Kirchengesch.,  i.  207. 

29  See  on  this,  Nic.  Selnecceri  Recitationes  aliquot  de  Consilio  scripti  Libri  Concor- 
diae, et  modo  agendi,  qui  in  subscriptionibus  servatus  est;  Lips.,  1581.  4.  Recit.  iv.  p. 
59.  Comp.  the  Unterschrift  der  Concordienformel  in  Sachsen,  von  Johannsen,  in  Nied- 
ner's  Zeitschr.,  1847,  s.  1. 

30  See  Christoph.  Cornerus,  General  Superintend,  of  the  Mark,  Bericht  an  den  Churf. 
zu  Brandenburg  iiber  die  Erinnerungen  der  Pfarrherm,  so  auf  den  Synodis  zu  Berlin, 
Prenzlau,  Ruppin,  und  Nauen  zu  Verlesung  und  Unterschreibuug  des  Berg.  Buchs  ver- 
sammlet  gewesen  (1577,  not  1571),  in  the  Fortges.  Sammlung  von  alten  und  neuen  theol. 
Sachen,  1749,  s.  824.  Here  there  is  a  much  more  open  exhibition  of  the  doubts  than  in 
Selnecker. 

31  Instructions  of  the  Elector  August  for  this  synod,  in  Hutterus,  c.  21,  f.  165.  Me- 
morial of  the  theologians,  ibid.,  f.  168. 

32  On  this,  see  Heppe,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.,  1852,  ii.  283.  Schmalcaldischer  Ab- 
schied  in  Struve's  Pfalzischer  Kirchenhist.,  s.  319. 

33  The  strict  Lutherans  especially  criticised  it,  because  the  Frankfort  Recess  of  1558 
(§  37,  Note  33)  is  called  a  Christian  judgment.     Flanck,  vi.  665. 

34  The  rulers,  in  whose  name  the  preface  is  prepared,  confess — solam  primam  illam 
Augustanam  Confessionem,  Imp.  Carolo  V. — exhibitam. — Quod  ad  alteram  Aug.  Conf. 
editionem — attinet,  animadvertimus, — quosdam  sub  praetextu  verborum  posterioris  il- 
lius  editionis  corruptelas  in  negotio  Coenae,  et  alios  errores  contegere  et  occultare  volu- 
iSSe. — Nos  sane  nunquam  posteriorem  editionem  in  ea  sententia  accepimus,  quae  a  pri- 
ore  ilia,  quae  exhibita  fuit,  ulla  ex  parte  dissideret.  Nee  etiam  alia  scripta  utilia  D. 
Philippi  Melanchthonis,  neque  Brentii,  Urbani  Regii,  Pomerani  et  similium  repudianda 
ac  damnanda  esse  judicamus,  quatenus  cum  ea  norma,  quae  Concordiae  libro  expressa 
est,  per  omnia  consentiunt.     Quanqaam  autem  r.onmilli  theologi,  et  in  his  ipse  Luthe- 


490  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Elector  August  was  able  to  publish  the  Concordia  in  Dresden, 
June  25,  1580,  on  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession.35 

All  attempts  to  induce  Holstein,36  Hesse,37  Pomerania,38  Anhalt,39 

rus  cum  de  Coena  Domini  agerent,  inviti  etiam  ab  adversariis  ad  disputationes  de  per- 
sonali  unione  duarum  in  Christo  naturarum  pertracti  sint ;  tamen  theologi  nostri  in  Con- 
cordiae  libro — diserte  testantur,  et  nostram  et  hujus  libri  sententiam  constantem  et  per- 
petuam  esse,  pios  homines  in  negotio  Coenae  dominicae  ad  nulla  alia  fundamenta,  quam 
verborum  institutionis  testamenti  Domini  nostri  J.  Chr.,  deducendos  esse. — At  vero,  cum 
ilia  assertio  nostra,  et  simplex  verborum  testamenti  Christi  sensus  ab  adversariis  im- 
puguatur,— denique  articulis  Syinboli  apostolici,  praesertim  de  Filii  Dei  incarnatione, 
ascensione  in  coelum,  et  sessione  ad  dexteram  Omnipotentis, — contrarius  et  proinde 
etiam  falsus  esse  contenditur,  vera  solidaque  articulorum  illorum  interpretatione  demon- 
strandum est,  nostram  illam  sententiam  nee  a  verbis  Christi,  neque  ab  articulis  illis  dis- 
sidere.— Ad  condemnationes— impiorum  dogmatum,  et  ejus  praesertim,  quod  de  sacra 
Coena  extitit,  quod  attinet,— non  solum  earn  ob  causam,  ut  universi  sibi  ab  his  damna- 
tis  dogmatibus  caverent,  omnino  proponendae  fuerunt,  sed  ob  alias  etiam  quasdam  ra- 
tifies nullo  modo  praetermitti  potuerunt.  Sic  ut  nequaquam  consilium  et  institutum 
nostrum  sit,  eos  homines,  qui  ex  quadam  animi  simplicitate  errant,  nee  tamen  blasphe- 
mi  in  veritatem  doctrinae  coelestis  sunt,  multo  vero  minus  totas  Ecclesias,  quae  vel  sub 
Romano  Imperio  nationis  Germanicae,  vel  alibi  sunt,  damnare. 

35  "  Concordia,  christliche,  wiederholte,  einmuthige  Bekenntniss  nachbenannter  Chur- 
fiirsten  und  Stande  augspurgischer  Confession,  etc. ;  Dresden,  1580."  Fol.,  contains 
all  the  new  Corpus  Doctrinae :  the  three  oecumenical  creeds,  the  unaltered  Augsburg 
Confession,  the  two  Catechisms  of  Luther  (with  Luther's  little  book  on  Marriage  and 
Baptism),  and  the  Formula  Concordiae.  The  Elector  Palatine  took  offense  at  the 
book  on  baptism,  on  account  of  the  formula  for  Exorcism,  which  had  been  abolished 
in  the  Palatinate ;  and  hence  this  work  on  Baptism  and  Marriage  was  omitted  in  the 
second  edition  of  1580,  and  the  following  editions  (Anton,  ii.  19).  The  first  Latin  ver- 
sion of  the  Formula  was  by  Lucas  Osiander,  and  published  in  the  Concordia  (Latin)  • 
Lips.,  1580.  4.  It  was  revised  by  Nic.  Selnecker,  1582,  and  still  further  improved  in  tho 
edition  of  1584  :  the  text  of  the  latter  is  retained  in  the  later  editions  ;  see  Balthasar,  i.  37. 

36  Johannsen,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.,  1850,  s.  C56. 

37  The  Upper  Hessians,  especially  the  theologians  of  Marburg,  declared  themselves 
ready  to  accept  it  unconditionally  and  at  once  ;  see  Heppe's  Gesch.  d.  Hess.  Generalsy- 
noden,  i.  238 ;  but  the  Landgrave  William  of  Lower  Hesse,  and  his  Superintendent, 
Meier,  presented  a  very  unfavorable  criticism  (ibid.,  p.  244)  ;  and  at  the  Convention  of 
Treissa  (Nov.  11-24,  1577),  after  violent  discussion,  the  Lower  Hessians  carried  through 
a  decree  to  delay  subscription  for  the  present,  and,  awaiting  the  decision  of  a  synod,  to 
forbid  the  use  of  the  new  phrases  about  the  two  natures  of  Christ,  the  doctrine  of  the 
communicatio  idiomatum,  and  all  polemics  (p.  248).  This  was  followed  by  the  letter 
of  the  four  Landgraves  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  drawn  up  by  the  Landgrave  William, 
declining  the  Formula  (p.  2C3;  App.,  p.  115). 

38  The  acts  of  the  General  Synods  convened  upon  the  matter  in  Greifswald  (February, 
1578)  and  Stettin  (May,- 1578),  see  in  J.  H.  Balthasar's  Erste  Sammlung  einiger  zur 
Pommer.  Kirchengesch.  gehorigen  Schriften  (Greifswald,  1723.  4.),  s.  346.  The  Memo- 
rial, composed  by  the  Superintendent  Jac.  Runge,  and  adopted  by  the  Stettin  synod, 
are  in  Balthasar's  Andere  Sammlung,  s.  116.  The  correspondence  between  Runge  and 
Chemnitz  ;  ibid.,  p.  172.  The  consultation  of  the  General  Synod  in  Stettin  on  the  pre- 
liminary matter  (December,  1579),  see  in  Erste  Samml.,  s.  402 ;  for  the  criticism  of  it, 
see  Zweite  Samml.,  s.  202. 

39  Their  judgment,  Aug.  31, 1577,  in  Beckmann's  Hist.  d.  Fiirstenth.,  Append,  vi.  110; 
see  Johannsen,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.,  1846,  s.  283. 


PT.  II— CH.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  40.  FORMULA  OF  CONCORD.  491 

and  Zweibriicken40  to  subscribe  the  Bergen  Book  were  unsuccess- 
ful. Silesia,  on  account  of  its  relation  to  the  Emperor,  had  never 
taken  any  part  in  the  negotiations  about  the  Formula  of  Concord.41 
Several  of  the  free  cities,  particularly  Nuremberg,43  Strasburg,43 
Frankfort-on-the-Main,  Spires,  Worms,  Magdeburg,44  and  Nord- 
hausen,45  declined  to  accede.  And  one  of  the  most  zealous  pro- 
moters of  the  Formula,  Duke  Julius  of  Brunswick,  abandoned  it,46 
upon  being  severely  blamed  by  the  friends  of  that  instrument, 
because,  from  political  interests,  he  had  allowed  three  sons  (Nov. 
27,  1578)  to  receive  Catholic  consecration.47     After  this  even  the 

40  Hospinianus,  f.  13G,  138. 

41  K.  A.  Mcnzel's  Neuere  Gesch.  d.  Deutschen,  v.  199. 

42  Nuremberg,  together  with  the  Margrave  of  Anspach  and  Baireuth,  in  1573  adopted 
as  the  norma  doctrinae  twelve  documents  (viz.,  the  three  oecumenical  symbols,  the  Cat- 
echisms of  Luther,  Augsb.  Confession,  Apology,  Smalcald  Articles,  Conf.  Saxon.,  Me- 
lancthon's  Loci  Oomm.,  Examen  theol.,  Defmitiones,  Responsiones  ad  impios  art.  Bava- 
ricos,  Responsio  de  controversia  Stancari,  and  the  church  order  of  1533)  ;  and  this  dec- 
laration was  to  be  subscribed  by  the  clergy  (Negotiations  about  it  in  Strobel's  Beitrage 
zur  Literatur,  i.  261.  The  declaration  subscribed  by  the  Nuremberg  clergy  is  in  Stro- 
bel's Literargesch.  v.  Mel..  Locis  Theol.,  s.  288).  Melancthon  was  highly  honored  in 
Nuremberg  and  in  the  University  of  Altdorf,  founded  by  that  city  1573  (Strobel's  Lite- 
rargesch., s.  299) ;  and  consequently  the  Formula  did  not  have  many  friends  there. 
Nuremberg  also  resented  it,  because  the  Bergen  Book  was  sent  to  them  by  the  Margrave 
of  Baireuth,  October,  1577,  to  be  subscribed  simpliciter,  and  thought  it  unseemly  that, 
after  the  norma  doctrinae  established  in  1573,  they  should  so  soon  be  called  upon  to  adopt 
another  (Altdorf.  Literar.  Mus.,  i.  213).  The  Nuremberg  divines  also  urged  many  objec- 
tions to  the  Bergen  Book  (their  criticism  of  it,  Dec.  10, 1577,  see  ibid.,  p.  223) ;  likewise 
to  the  preliminary  address  (Dec.  14,  1579,  in  Strobel's  Literargesch.,  p.  297) ;  and  Nu- 
remberg delayed  its  assent. 

43  The  Strasburg  clergy,  with  John  Pappus  at  their  head,  wished  to  subscribe ;  the 
Council  forbade  it,  out  of  regard  to  their  Swiss  confederates.  When  Pappus  brought 
the  matter  forward  in  a  disputation,  he  became  involved  in  a  controversy  with  Jo.  Stur- 
mius,  rector  of  the  University,  in  which  theologians  of  other  places  soon  took  part  (Luc. 
Osiander,  Steph.  Gerlach,  and  Jac.  Andreae  for  Pappus;  Lamb.  Danaeus  for  Sturm); 
see  Hospinianus,  f.  144;  the  numerous  controversial  writings  in  Feuerlini  Biblioth. 
Symb.,  p.  199. 

44  But  the  clergy  of  the  archbishopric  were  obliged  to  subscribe  ;  Hospinianus,  f.  129. 
43  Declaratio  Ministerii  Nordhusani  de  Formula  dicta  Concordiae  d.  9.  Jan.,  1581,  in 

the  Fortges.  Sammlung  v.  alten  u.  neuen  theol.  Sachen,  1729,  s.  192. 

46  C.  G.  H.  Lentz  de  Causis  non  receptae  in  terris  Brunsvicensibus  Formulae  Concor- 
diae (Gottingische  Doctordissert.)  Brunsvigae,  1837.  4.  Ibid. :  Die  Concordienformel 
im  Herzogthum  Braunschweig,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.  fur  die  histor.  Theol.,  1848,  ii.  265. 

47  The  eldest,  Henry  Julius,  was  also  presented,  in  connection  therewith,  as  the  pro- 
posed Bishop  of  Halberstadt;  see  die  Univ.  Helmstadt  im  16ten  Jahrh.  v.  E.  L.  Th. 
Henke,  Halle,  1833,  s.  15.  Lentz,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.,  1848,  ii.  289.  Many  Evangel- 
ical princes  and  divines  wrote  to  the  Duke  in  very  severe  terms  about  the  matter.  Chem- 
nitz, among  other  things,  said  to  him  (p.  292) — [that  it  conflicted  with  the  Formula 
Cone,  where,  treating  of  the  adiaphora,  it  is  said  that  in  such  cases,  even  in  what  is  ex- 
ternally indifferent,  there  should  be  no  doings  with  public,  hardened  papists,  etc.]  :  "  So 
streitet  auch  das  Factum  wider  die  Formulam  Concordiae,  denn  Titulo  de  adiaphoris 
aus  Gottes  Wort  erweiset  wird,  dass  den  offentlichen  verstockten  Papisten  in  solchein 


492  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I—  A.D.  1517-1618. 

Helmstadt  divines  came  to  f±  rupture  with  the  authors  of  the 
Formula  Concordiae,48  being  "especially  incensed  about  the  Apol- 
ogy49 which  the  latter  drew  up  in  Erfurt  (1581-82),  because  it 
declared  openly  in  favor  of  absolute  ubiquity;50  whereupon  this 

Falle  auch  in  ausserlichen  Mitteldingen  Nichts  solle,  noch  mit  gutem  Gewissen  konne 
nachgeben  und  eingewilligt  werden,  und  werden  diese  wichtigen  Ursachen  angezeigt, 
warum  die  Papisten  den  Gebrauch  der  Ceremonien  nennen  die  Religion."  And  so  the 
Duke  came  into  conflict  with  those  enlisted  in  the  work  of  the  Concordia,  and  was  not 
invited  to  the  assembly  at  Jiiterbock,  which  he  took  much  to  heart.  Instead  of  Chem- 
nitz, the  two  first  Helmstadt  divines  now  became  his  theological  advisers ;  Daniel  Hof- 
mann  had  even  justified  those  Catholic  consecrations,  and  Tilemann  Hesshusius  had  at 
least  kept  silent. 

iS  The  Helmstadt  divines  found  in  the  Formula,  now  printed  and  sent  to  them,  (un- 
important) deviations  from  the  copy  before  subscribed  by  them,  and  asked  of  Chemnitz 
explanations  about  them,  and  about  the  leaving  out  of  Luther's  book  on  Marriage  and 
Baptism,  Oct.  23,  1580 ;  see  Hutterus,  p.  358. 

49  Violent  works  were  at  once  published  against  the  Formula  Concordiae,  viz. :  His- 
toria  der  Augspurg.  Confess,  durch  M.  Ambrosium  Wolfium,  Neustadt  a.  d.  Hardt,  1580. 
4. ;  Theologorum  et  Ministrorum  ecclesiarum  in  ditione  Jo.  Casimiri  Palatini  Admonitio 
Christ,  de  libro  Concordiae,  ibid.,  1581.  4.  (also  in  German:  Christl.  Erinnerung  vom 
Concordi-Buch— der  Theol.  und  Kirchendiener  in  der  Furstl.  Pfalz  bei  Rhein,  ibid.,  1581. 
4.)  ;  Der  Anhaltinischen  Theologen  Bedenken  uber  die  Prafation  des  Concordienbuchs, 
ibid.,  1581.  4 ;  Warhafte  und  christl.  Verantwortung  der  Prediger  zu  Bremen— v.  d. 
Person  Christi,  h.  Tauf,  h.  Abendmal,  gottl.  Wahl,  Ceremonien,  Bremen,  1581.  4. ;  Chr. 
Irenaei  (a  Flacianist)  Examen  des  ersten  Artikels  u.  des  Wirbelgeistes  im  neuen  Con- 
cordienbuche  v.  d.  Erbsiinde,  1581.  4.  On  this  account  the  Electors  of  the  Palatinate, 
of  Saxony,  and  of  Brandenburg  called  the  theologians  Tim.  Kirchner,  Nic.  Selnecker, 
and  Mart.  Chemnitz  to  Erfurt,  near  the  close  of  the  year  1581,  to  consult  about  refuting 
these  works.  Their  works  were  sent  to  several  of  the  estates  to  be  examined,  and,  after 
their  hints,  were  finally  revised  by  the  same  divines  in  Brunswick,  May  and  June,  1582. 
They  were  published  under  the  titles :  Apologia,  oder  Verantwortung  des  christl.  Con- 
cordienbuchs wider  der  Neustadter  und  Anhaltischen  Theologen  Erinnerung,  Heidel- 
berg, 1583,  fol. ;  Widerlegung  der  vermeinten  Entschuldigung  der  Prediger  zu  Bremen, 
Heidelb.,  1583,  fol. ;  Refutatio  Irenaei,  grundlicher  Bericht  auf  das  Examen  M.  Christ. 
Irenai,  Heidelb.,  1583,  fol.  These  three  works  were  written  by  Kirchner,  and  the  first 
two  reprinted,  with  others,  at  Dresden,  1584,  fol.  To  these  were  added  the  work  written 
by  Selnecker  and  Chemnitz :  "  Grundliche,  wahrhaftige  Historie  v.  d.  Augsb.  Confes- 
sion wider  Ambrosii  Wolfii  gefalschte  Historian),"  Leipzig,  1584,  fol. 

60  Duke  Julius  was  aggrieved  anew  because  the  three  Electors  had  the  Apology  drawn 
up  without  his  aid  ;  see  the  letters  to  the  Electors  of  the  Palatinate  and  of  Saxony,  May 
and  August,  1582,  in  Hospinianus,  f.  243.  The  conference  at  Quedlinburg,  January, 
1583,  between  the  authors  of  the  Apology  and  the  Helmstadt  divines,  was  very  violent, 
and  led  to  no  union  (Hospin.,  f.  247,  v.).  The  ubiquity  was  a  special  subject  of  alterca- 
tion. Hesshusius  declared  that  he  agreed  with  the  Form.  Cone,  quod  Christus  omnipo- 
tentia  sua  divina  corpore  suo  -praesens  esse  possit,  ubicunque  vult  (1.  c,  f.  250,  v.),  but 
rejected  the  absolute  ubiquity.  In  the  same  sense  the  Helmstadt  divines  expressed 
themselves  to  Duke  Julius  (see  the  letter  of  June,  1584,  in  Chr.  v.  Schmidt-Phiseldeck's 
Rcpertorium  der  Gesch.  u.  Staatsverfassung  v.  Teutschland,  Abth.  8.,  Halle,  1794,  s. 
280).  They  concede  [that  the  Formula  contains  expressions  which  the  advocates  of 
ubiquity  interpret  in  their  sense,  but  claim  that  this  interpretation  is  counter  to  the  plain 
intent  of  the  document]  (s.  285)  :  "  dass  in  der  Form.  Cone,  solche  Reden  stehen,  welche 
die,  so  die  ubiquitatem  statuiren,  vor  sich  deuten,  wir  aber  vermuge  des  kundbaren  vor- 
siitzlichen  und  eigentlichen  Intents  der  Form.  Cone,  denselben  Verstand  vor  fremd  hal- 
ten."    Then  they  remark  upon  what  is  found  in  a  letter  of  the  Duke  [that  some  of  his 


PT.  II.— CH.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  41.  GERMAN  REF.  CHURCH.  493 

Formula  was  dropped  in  Brunswick-Wolfenbiittel  (although  it  had 
befcn  previously  subscribed  there),  and  the  Corpus  Doctrinae  Ju- 
lium  alone  retained.51 

Outside  of  Germany  the  Formula  Concordiae  was  adopted  in 
Prussia,52  though  not  in  the  cities  of  Dantzic  and  Elbingen  ;53  but 
it  was  decisively  rejected  by  the  King  of  Denmark.54 


§  41. 

GERMAN  REFORMED  CHURCHES. 

[H.  Heppe,  Deutsch-Reform.  Kirche,  in  Studien  u.  Kritiken,  1850 ;  translated  in  Mercers- 
burg  Quarterly  Rev.,  1853.  F.  Blaul,  Das  Ref.  werk  in  der  Pfalz ;  Speyer,  1846. 
Seisen,  Ref.  in  Heidelberg,  1846.  C.  Olevianus  and  Z.  Ursinus,  Leben  u.  ausgewahlte 
Schriften,  von  K.  Sudhoff,  in  Leben  und  Schriften  d.  Viiter  d.  Ref.  Kirche,  viii.  Theil, 
1857.] 

The  Philippists,  repulsed  as  Calvinists  by  the  Formula  of  Con- 
cord, and  incensed  by  the  new  doctrine  about  the  ubiquity  of 
Christ's  body,  would  naturally  feel  attracted  to  fellowship  with 

councilors  are  trying  to  persuade  him  to  give  up  the  Form.  Cone,  sub  praetextu  ubiqui- 
tatis,  and  also  to  entice  them  to  do  the  same]  (s.  289)  :  "  wie  etliche  E.  F.  G.  Rathe,  po- 
litici  und  theologi,  am  Hof  mit  aller  Macht  dahin  arbeiten,  wie  sie  E.  F.  G.  von  der  ein- 
mal  angenommenen  u.  neben  Chur-  u.  Fiirsten  unterschriebenen  Formula  Concordiae 
sub  praetextu  ubiquitatis  mogen  wendig  u.  abfallig  machen,  und  hiezu  unsern  consens 
gem  herauslocken  wollten ;"  but  they  will  hold  fast  to  the  Formula,  and  advise  the 
Duke  to  do  the  same.     [Comp.  C.  A.  Wilkens,  Hesshusius,  Leipz.,  I860.] 

51  In  his  Church  Service  of  1569  Duke  Julius  had  already  declared  the  three  Oecu- 
menical Symbols — the  Augsburg  Confession  and  Apology,  the  Smalcald  Articles,  and 
the  Catechisms  and  other  works  of  Luther — to  be  the  Corpus  Doctrinae  (Rehtmej-er's 
Braunschw.  Kirchenhist.,  iii.  337).  This  Corpus  doctrinae  Julium  (to  which  was  added 
Urbani  Regii  Tract,  de  Formulis  caute  loquendi)  was  printed  anew  in  1576  with  the 
Church  Service  (Rehtmeyer,  iii.  423),  and  alone  remained  valid  (Lentz,  in  Niedner's 
Zeitschr.,  1848,  s.  304).  In  this  the  ubiquity  was  set  aside;  see  §  38,  Note  24.— That 
this  separation  from  the  Concordia  was  chiefly  the  work  of  Hesshusius,  see  Henke's 
Univ.,  Helmstiidt,  s.  43. 

52  By  all  the  clergy,  but  not  by  the  Konigsberg  professors ;  Hartknoch's  Preuss. 
Kirchenhist.,  s.  487. 

53  On  Dantzic,  Hartknoch,  s.  725 ;  on  Elbing,  s.  1010. 

54  Letter  of  Queen  Elizabeth  of  England  to  King  Frederick  II.  of  Denmark,  touching 
the  Formula  Concordiae,  October  24,  1577  (in  Hutter,  f.  140,  v.,  and  from  a  Weimar 
MS.  in  Schneider's  Biblioth.  d.  Kirchengesch.,  i.  220).  Letters  sent  by  the  King,  with 
the  above,  to  his  brother-in-law,  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  and  his  reply  (in  Hutter,  f.  140, 
v.  f.  141,  v.).  The  King  wrote  to  the  Landgrave,  William  of  Hesse,  February-  8,  1581, 
with  strong  animadversions  upon  the  Form.  Cone,  (in  Gerdesii  Hist.  Ref.,  T.  iii.  praef., 
and  in  Schneider,  i.  225),  and  stating  that  he  had  forbidden  it  in  his  estates:  "And 
that,  since  it  was  only  just  that  rulers  should  live  according  to  their  laws,  we  took  the 
two  printed  Exemplaria,  beautifully  and  nobly  bound  as  they  were,  which  our  dear  and 
friendly  sister,  the  Electress  of  Saxon)-,  not  long  since  sent  to  us,  as  soon  as  we  got 
them,  and  threw  them  into  a  good  chimney-fire  and  burned  them  up." 


494  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  Calvinistic  churches,  which  were  opened  to  them  without  the 
demand  of  any  change  in  doctrine.  The  destiny  of  these  church- 
es in  the  different  countries  where  they  were  established  was, 
however,  dependent  upon  the  personal  views,  relations,  and  incli- 
nations of  their  rulers.  In  the  Palatinate,  after  the  death  of 
Louis  VI.,  in  1583,  the  Calvinistic  order  was  re-established  by 
his  brother,  John  Casimir,  the  guardian  of  the  youthful  Frederick 
IV. ;  and,  as  the  two  communions  could  not  live  together  in  peace, 
the  Lutheran  Church  was  obliged  to  yield.1  In  Nassau,  Melanc- 
thonianism  was  firmly  established  by  the  theologians  Widebram 
and  Pezel,3  expelled  from  Wittenberg  in  1574;  and  a  decided 
Confession  of  Faith  was  set  forth,  in  opposition  to  the  Formula 
of  Concord,3  in  1578.     The  alliance  of  the  reigning  family  with 

1  B.  G.  Struven's  Pfalzische  Kirchenhist.,  s.  382.  Wundt's  unci  Rheinwald's  Maga- 
zin  f.  d.  Pfiilz.  Gesch.,  iii.  137.     L.  Hausser's  Gesch.  d.  Rhein.  Pfalz,  ii.  142. 

2  See  §  38,  Note  41.  To  them  were  added,  from  1576,  several  preachers  driven  from 
the  Palatinate  by  Louis  VI.  ;  see  J.  II.  Steubing's  Kirchen-  u.  Reformationsgesch.  d. 
Oranien-Nassauischen  Lande,  Hadamar,  1804,  s.  105. 

3  At  a  synod  at  Dillenburg ;  see  Steubing,  p.  107.  Among  other  things,  p.  Ill  [The 
ubiquity  is  a  monster  unknown  to  the  old  Church  and  the  Word  of  God.  Though  in  the 
first  Confession  handed  in  to  Charles  V.,  Art.  X.,  papal  transubstantiation  was  contain- 
ed, yet  it  was  afterward  rejected  by  all  the  teachers  and  the  author  of  the  Confession, 
etc.]:  "Die  Ubiquitiit  oder  Allenthalbenheit  des  Leibes  Christi  ist  als  ein  Ungeheuer 
der  alten  Kirche  und  Gottes  Wort  unbekannt.— Obwohl  in  der  ersten  Confession,  dem 
Kaiser  Carl.  V.  iiberreicht,  im  lOten  Artikel  die  piipstische  Transubstantiation  stehen 
geblieben  (see  §  36,  Note  32) — so  ist  sie  doch  uachmals  von  alien  Lehrern  der  Augsb. 
Confession  verworfen,  und  vom  Authore  Confess,  aus  gutem  Bedacht  nicht  allein  veriin- 
dert  im  lOten  Artikel,  wo  papstischer  Weis  geredet  worden  war,  sondern  auch  aus  der 
Apologie  der  Canon  Missae  und  Bulgarii  Spruch,  quod  pane  mutato  ipsum  corpus  Christi 
fiat,  etc.,  ganz  ausgelassen  worden.  Diese  recognita  exemplaria  sind  nachher  auf  alien 
colloquiis  und  Reichstagen  von  den  Evangel.  Standen  ubergeben  worden."  P.  118,  the 
ceremonies  are  enumerated  which  were  to  be  done  away  with.  At  Baptism,  1.  The  sign 
of  the  cross ;  2.  Questions  are  not  to  be  addressed  to  the  children,  but  to  the  sponsors  ; 

3.  Baptism  in  emergency  and  by  women.  At  the  Lord's  Supper:  1.  Lights  and  can- 
dles ;  2.  Robes  worn  at  mass,  the  alba  and  cope ;  3.  Altars  to  be  exchanged  for  tables ; 

4.  The  face  of  the  minister  to  be  turned  to  the  congregation ;  5.  No  napkins  to  be  held 
under  the  communicants ;  6.  It  is  not  wrong  to  receive  the  consecrated  bread  with  the 
hand;  7.  The  host  done  away;  bread  is  to  be  broken.  Besides  this:  1.  Confirmation 
was  abolished,  but  examination  in  the  Catechism,  and  making  confession  of  faith  before 
the.  first  communion,  were  retained ;  2.  Auricular  confession  was  abolished,  but  special 
preparation  for  the  Lord's  Supper  enjoined ;  3.  Abuses  in  respect  to  rites  at  marriages,  to 
the  blessing  of  women  in  childbirth,  and  to  burials,  were  done  away  with ;  4.  So,  too, 
Latin  hymns  and  organs ;  5.  Preachers  are  no  longer  to  be  restricted  to  the  Sunday's 
Gospels  and  Epistles ;  6.  The  bowing  of  the  knee  at  the  name  of  Jesus  is  left  to  Chris- 
tian freedom ;  and,  7.  The  same  with  kneeling  and  other  external  forms  in  prayer. 
Abolished  were  :  8.  Apostles'  and  Saints'  days  ;  9.  Pictures  and  images  ;  and,  10.  Cruci- 
fixes to  be  taken  from  the  churches.  At  the  end  it  is  said  that  "  the  Hessian  Emenda- 
tion has  also  given  an  example  to  the  princes  of  this  land."  [This  Emendation  was 
now  so  much  the  more  needed  on  account  of  the  intrigues  of  papists  and  Jesuits,  and 
because  for  some  years  foreign  envoys  have  come  and  gone  from  France  and  Holland  ; 


PT.  II.— CH.  I.-LUTHEEAN  CHURCH.     §  41.  GERMAN  REF.  CHURCH.  495 

the  Netherlands  helped  in  making  an  entire  transition  to  Calvin- 
ism, by  the  adoption  of  the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  1582,  and  the 
Church  Service  of  Holland  in  15S6.4  The  neighboring  counties, 
Wittgenstein,  Solms-Braunfels,  Sayn,  Isenburg,  and  Wied,  united 
with  them.5  In  Bremen,  where  the  Philippisi  party  had  the  up- 
per hand  in  the  Council,  the  new  excitement  aroused  by  the  ef- 
forts to  introduce  the  Formula  of  Concord  led  to  the  calling  of 
Widebram  and  Pezel,  and  ended  in  the  adoption  of  Calvinistic 
usages,  and  the  deposal  of  the  strict  Lutheran  clergy,  1581.6 
And  so  Bremen,  in  hostility  with  the  Lutheran  archbishops,  whose 
jurisdiction  was  disputed,  and  in  conflict  with  its  Lutheran  neigh- 
bors, after  the  Hanse  league  in  1613  had  become  allied  with  the 
United  Netherlands,7  became  openly  connected  with  the  Calvin- 
istic communion.8     The  numerous  citizens  who  remained  Lu- 

because  the  Evangelicals  stumbled  at  the  superstitions  that  remained  ;  and  every  church 
has  Christian  freedom  about  external  ordinances,  as  was  allowed  in  the  Frankfort  Re- 
cess, and  used  in  the  Palatinate  and  Hesse.  And  yet  they  would  not  separate  wholly 
from  the  Augsburg  Confession,  etc.]  "  Diese  Emendation  war  itzt  um  so  nothiger,  weil 
die  Papisten  und  besonders  die  Jesuiten  gar  versteckt  unsere  Leute  an  sich  zu  zieken 
suchten,  und  weil  etliche  Jahre  her  ein  gross  Auf-  und  Abziehen  von  fremden  Gesand- 
ten  u.  andern  Gasten  aus  Frankreich  und  Niederlanden  gewesen,  so  dass  Evangelische 
sich  an  den  noch  hier  ubriggewesenen  abergliiubischen  Ceremonien  iirgerten. — und  hat 
jede  Kirche  christliche  Freiheit,  die  ausserlichen  Satzungen  nach  Gelegenheit  anzuord- 
nen< — Diese  christliche  Freiheit  wird  audi  im  Frankfurtischen  Abschied  (§  37,  Note  33) 
den  Evangelischen  Standen  belassen,  und  schon  haben  sich  ihrer  Pfalz  und  Hessen  be- 
dient. — Derowegen  folgt  auch  nicht,  dass  man  sich  von  der  Augsb.  Confession  ganzlich 
trennen  wolle,  ob  man  wol  etliche  Ceremonien,  so  bei  etlichen  andern  Stiinden  der 
Augsb.  Confession  gehalten  werden,  geandert  hat."  The  Reformed  Academy  of  Her- 
born  was  founded  by  Count  John  the  Elder,  of  Nassau-Dillenburg,  in  1584. 
*  Steubing,  s.  155,  171,  189. 

5  Steubing,  s.  170.  J.  St.  Reck,  Gesch.  d.  gran.  u.  furstl.  Hauser  Isenburg,  Runkel, 
Wied,  Weimar,  1825.  4,  s.  187.  On  the  other  hand,  Nassau- Weilburg,  -Usingen,  -Saar- 
briicken,  -Idstein,  and  Solms-Lich  and  -Laubach  remained  Lutheran. 

6  Up  to  this  time  no  controversy  about  the  faith  had  been  tolerated.  The  Philippist 
preacher,  Franz  Franke,  and  his  strict  Lutheran  colleague,  Stephen  Ziegenhagen,  when 
they  got  into  a  controversy  about  the  Lord's  Supper  in  1565,  were  both  of  them  de- 
posed (J.  H.  Duntze's  Gesch.  d.  freien  Stadt  Bremen,  Bd.  3,  Bremen,  1848,  s.  359).— 
Jod.  Glanaeus,  pastor  of  St.  Anschar,  was  zealous  for  the  Formula  of  Concord ;  Pezel 
and  Wiedebram  were  invited  to  oppose  him  ;  and  he,  with  two  preachers  of  kindred  sen- 
timents, was  deposed  (Duntze,  iii.  412).  Pezel  became  pastor  of  St.  Anschar  in  1589, 
and  superintendent  in  1599  (Duntze,  iii.  410).  In  1580  the  altars,  and  1586  pictures, 
were  removed  from  the  churches  (Duntze,  iii.  497  sq.).  But  the  theologians  of  Bremen, 
in  their  controversial  writings  with  the  strict  Lutherans,  constantly  disavowed  the  name 
of  Calvinists.  As  late  as  1590  was  published  :  "  Ausfuhrliche,  wahrhafte  und  bestan- 
dige  Erziihlung,  was  von  dem  heil.  Nachtmal  Jesu  die  Lehre  derjenigen  eigentlich  sey, 
die  man  unbefugt  Calvinisch  nennet." 

7  Duntze,  iii.  491. 

8  In  1614  the  host  was  abolished  (Duntze,  iii.  500) ;  1618,  delegates  were  sent  to  the 
Synod  of  Dort  (p.  507). 


496  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

theran  were  for  a  long  time  obliged  to  frequent  the  neighboring 
churches,  until  Archbishop  Frederick,  Prince  of  Denmark,  re- 
opened for  Lutheran  worship,  in  1638,  the  cathedral  church, 
which  had  remained  closed  since  the  deposal  of  Hardenberg.9 

Electoral  Saxony,  too,  was  on  the  point  of  being  carried  over  to 
Calvinism10  by  the  Chancellor,  Nicholas  Krell,  under  Christian  I., 
the  brother-in-law  of  the  Palgrave  John  Casimir,  and  the  suc- 
cessor of  the  Elector  August,  who  died  in  1586 ;  but  this  second 
Saxon  Crypto- Calvinism  was  again  and  at  once  rooted  out  with 
the  greatest  strictness,  after  the  death  of  Christian  I.,  in  1581, 
under  the  regency  of  Duke  Frederick  William  of  Saxon  Alten- 
burg.11  Equally  transient  was  the  introduction  of  Calvinism  into 
Baden  by  the  Margrave  Ernst  Frederick,  the  brother  of  the  Mar- 
grave Jacobus  (1509-1604),12  who  became  a  Catholic. 

In  spite  of  all  the  violent  attacks  of  Philippism,  Anhalt  remain- 
ed steadfast;  and  the  marriage  of  Prince  John  George  with  a 
daughter  of  the  Palgrave  John  Casimir  was  soon  followed  (1596) 
by  the  adoption  of  the  Church  Service  of  the  Palatinate.13     In 

9  Duntze,  iii.  589. 

10  J.  R.  Riesling's  Fortsetzung  of  the  Historia  Motuum,  Schwabach,  1770,  4.  Planck's 
Gesch.  d.  Protest.  Theol.  von  der  Ronkordienformel  an,  Gottingen,  1831,  s.  36.  In  1588 
it  was  forbidden  to  contend  against  the  Reformed,  in  writing  or  the  pulpit  (Kiesling,  s. 
50)  ;  an  edition  of  the  Bible,  with  revised  text,  was  begun  (p.  59) ;  exorcisms  were  abol- 
ished (p.  65) ;  Philippists  were  invited  to  come ;  Urban  Pierius  became  superintendent 
in  Wittenberg ;  G.  Schimfeld,  and,  after  him,  John  Salmuth,  the  chief  court  preacher ; 
Saxon}-  made  common  cause  with  the  Reformed  states,  particularly  the  Palatinate 
(p.  96). 

11  Kiesling,  s.  126.  To  revive  orthodoxy  four  Visitation  Articles  were  drawn  up,  in 
1592,  by  Aegid.  Hunnius,  Mart.  Mirus,  Georg  Mylius,  and  Josua  Lonnerus  (Neu  ver- 
mehrtes  und  vollstandiges  Corpus  Jur.  Eccl.  Saxonici,  Dresden,  1773.  4.,  s.  256  :  1.  Von 
d.  heil.  Nachtmal  ;  2.  V.  d.  Person  Christi ;  3.  V.  d.  heil.  Taufe  ;  4.  V.  d.  Gnadenwahl 
u.  ewiger  Vorsehung  Gottes),  which  was  to  be  subscribed  by  all  the  clergy.  On  tbe 
trial  of  Nic.  Crell,  ending  with  his  execution,  October  9,  1601,  see  Kiesling,  p.  161.  On 
the  Lutheran  side  it  has  always  been  earnestly  maintained  that  Crell  was  not  condemn- 
ed—religionis  causa ;  see  H.  Chr.  Engelcken  Hist.  X.  Crellii  Capite  plexi,  variis  Aber- 
rationibus  liberata,  Rostoch.,  1727.  4. 

12  There  was  published  :  "  Kurze  u.  einfaltige— Bekenntniss,  nach  welcher— die  Kir- 
chen-  u.  Schuldiener  in  d.  Markgrafschaft  Baden  sich— im  Lehren  zu  verhalten  haben, 
Staffort,  1599"  (the  so-called  Staffort  Book),  wholly  Calvinistic,  with  violent  attacks  on 
Lutheranism.  In  reply:  "  Bestandiger  u.  griindlicher  Bericht  fiber  das  vermeinte 
christi.  Bcdenken,  etc.,  durch  die  Wurtemberg.  hierzu  verordneten  Theologen,  Tubin- 
gen, 1601."  4.  Comp.  Hamberger's  Forts,  d.  Geschichte  der  Chur-  u.  Furstl.  Hiiuser  in 
Teutschland,  by  A.  B.  Michaelis,  iii.  197. 

13  The  Repetitio  Anhaltina,  the  Philippistic  Confession  handed  in  by  the  Anhaltines 
in  Cassel,  1579,  see  in  Niemeyer,  Collect.  Confessionum  Reform.,  p.  612.  Comp.  J. 
Chr.  Beckmann's  Historia  des  Furstenthums  Anhalt  (7  Th.  Zerbst,  1710,  fol.),  vi.  121 
ff.     In  1589  exorcism  was  abolished,  p.  128  ;  even  this  was  considered  as  a  step  toward 


PT.  II.-CH.  I.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.  §  41.  GERMAN  REF.  CHURCH.  497 

Hesse-Cassel  the  Landgrave  Maurice,  after  the  death  of  his  uncle, 
Louis  IV.,  obtained  half  of  Upper  Hessia,  in  addition  to  Lower 
Hessia ;  and  he  then  showed  his  intention  of  going  over  to  Cal- 
vinism by  his  three  points  for  the  improvement  of  the  Church.14 

Calvinism  ;  and  John  Arndt,  who  was  deposed  from  his  ministry  in  Badeborn  because 
he  would  not  give  up  exorcism,  considered  himself  as  driven  off  by  the  Calvinists ; 
Scharff,  Supplementum  Historiae  Litisque  Arndianae,  Wittenb.,  1727,  p.  21.  Job.  Arndt, 
ein  biograph.  Versuch  von  F.  Arndt,  Berlin,  1838,  s.  28.  In  the  "  Taufbuchlein  fur  die 
Kirchen  im  Furstenth.  Anhalt,"  1590.  4.,  more  proof  of  this  was  detected,  and  many 
works  were  issued  against  it,  and  against  the  Amlingites  (the  Anhaltines  being  so  called 
from  their  leader,  the  Superintendent  Wolfgang  Amling  of  Zerbst).  In  1596,  pictures, 
Latin  hymns,  priestly  vestments  at  mass,  and  surplices,  lights  at  the  Lord's  Supper 
and  altars,  were  abolished ;  bread  was  substituted  for  the  wafer ;  and  the  Heidelberg 
Catechism  introduced  instead  of  Luther's ;  see  Beckmann,  vi.  134.  On  the  numerous 
controversial  writings  between  the  Anhaltines  and  the  Wittenbergers,  see  ibid.,  140. 

14  Dr.  H.  Heppe,  die  Einfiihrung  der  Verbesserungspuncte  in  Hessen  von  1G04-1G10, 
Kassel,  1849.  The  three  points  are  there  given,  p.  15  [1.  No  disputation  about  the  per- 
son of  Christ;  say,  in  concreto,  "  Christ  is  every  where,"  and  not,  in  abstracto,  "the 
humanity  of  Christ  is  every  where  ;"  2.  The  Ten  Commandments  to  be  learned,  as  God 
himself  wrote  them  down ;  pictures  to  be  taken  down ;  3.  In  the  Supper,  the  bread  to 
be  broken]  :  1.  Dass  die  gefiihrlichen  und  unerbaulichen  Disputationes  und  Streit  von 
der  Person  Christi  eingezogen,  und  von  der  Allenthalbenheit  Christi  und  was  derselben 
anhiingig  in  concreto,  als  :  "  Christus  ist  allenthalben,"  und  nicht  in  abstracto:  "die 
Menschheit  Christi  ist  allenthalben,"  gelehrt;  2.  Dass  die  zehn  Gebote  Gottes,  wie  sie 
der  Herr  selbst  geredtJt,  mit  seinen  eigenen  Fingern  auf  die  steinernen  Tafeln,  und  von 
Mose  in  der  Bibel  geschrieben,  gelehrt  und  gelernt;  und  die  noch  vom  Papstthum  an 
etlichen  Orten  uberbliebenen  Bilder  abgethan  ;  3.  Dass  in  der  Administration  und  Ge- 
branch  des  heil.  Abendmals  das  gesegnete  Brot  nach  der  Einsetzung  des  Herrn  soil  ge- 
brochen  werden."  Maurice  asserted  that  he  did  not  propose  any  changes  in  religious 
matters  (p.  22),  and  particularly  not  to  introduce  Calvinism  (p.  9G) ;  the  Augsburg 
Confession  and  Apology,  the  Hessian  Church  Service,  and  the  Concordia  Buceri  (Cone- 
Vitebergense,  153G,  see  Div.  I.,  §  7,  Note  28),  were  to  be  retained ;  images  were  to  be 
forbidden,  as  God  himself  had  enjoined,  and  he,  as  ruler  of  the  land,  must  do  this  (p. 
G9)  ;  he  must  seek  to  promote  the  weal  of  the  Church  in  every  way  (p.  70),  in  virtue  of 
the  jus  episcopate,  which  L.  Philip  had  obtained  by  peaceful  agreement  with  the  Elector 
of  Mayence  (1528,  see  Kopp,  Nachr.  v.  d.  Verf.  d.  geistl.  und  Civilgerichte  in  Hessen,  i. 
107.  App.,  No.  46.  renewed  1552;  Joannis  Rer.  Mogunt.,  i.  858).  The  General  Synod 
in  Cassel,  April,  1G07,  drew  up  a  corresponding  Confession  of  Faith  (p.  71),  which  was 
essentially  Philippistic,  but  went  beyond  Melancthon  in  denying  that  the  body  of  Christ 
was  received  by  unbelievers  (p.  77).  It  is  very  characteristic  of  the  Philippist  divines, 
who  came  to  Marburg  in  place  of  the  dismissed  Lutherans,  that  in  a  memorial  addressed 
to  the  Landgrave  in  1G08,  while  declaring  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  to  be  the  best,  they 
advised  against  its  introduction  into  the  Paedagogium  of  Marburg.  For  [the  reform  has 
been  most  hindered  by  the  fact  that  the  Giossen  divines  have  led  the  people  to  believe  that  it 
was  intended  to  lead  to  the  introduction  of  this  very  Catechism,  which  they  had  always 
denied]  es  habe  "  das  christliche  Verbesserungswerk  bishero  nichts  so  sehr  aufgehalten, 
dann  die  von  den  Giessnern  dem  Volk  tief  eingebildete  Opinion,  es  stecke  was  Anders 
dahinter,  nemlich  der  Heidelbergische  Katechismus,  u.  werd  also  dann  es  bei  diesen 
Verbesserangspuncten  nicht  bleiben.  Dawider  man  gleichwol  allzeit  protestirt,  und  zu 
Ableinung  dessen  unsere  Confession  und  Katechismum  edirt  hat.  Sollte  man  nun  den 
Heidelbergischen  Katechismum  allhier  im  Paedagogio  einfuhren,  wiird  dadureh  unsere 
vielfaltige  Protestation  und  Ableinung  geschwacht,  und  der  schwere  und  hinderlichc 
Verdacht  im  Volk  machtig  gestarkt."  (See  Ileppe's  Beitrage  zur  Gesch.  u.  Statistik  des 
Hess.  Schulwesens  im  17.  Jahrh.,  Kassel,  1850,  s.  108.) 

vol.  iv. — 64 


498  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

Lower  Hessia  readily  adopted  the  change ;  but  in  Upper  Hessia 
and  the  other  parts  of  the  land  Lutheranism  could  not  be  sup- 
pressed.15 

The  change  of  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  John  Sigismund, 
to  Calvinism,  in  1614,  was  at  first  only  a  personal  matter  ;16  but 
the  example  of  the  prince  was  not  without  its  influence,17  and  he 
endeavored  to  introduce  his  principles  into  the  whole  church  of 
his  land.18     Although  he  and  his  successors  did  not  make  any 

15  The  testament  of  the  Landgrave  of  Upper  Hessia,  Louis  IV.,  who  died  1G04,  in 
Rommel's  Neuere  Gesch.  v.  Hessen,  ii.  72,  divided  Upper  Hessia  between  Hesse-Cassel 
and  Ilesse-Darmstadt,  but  declared  [that  his  subjects,  preachers,  etc.,  must  be  left  in 
the  enjoyment  of  their  religion,  as  held  at  the  time  of  his  decease]  :  "  Wir — wollen 
ihnen  auch  hiermit  bei  Verlust  desjenigen,  so  ihnen  hierein  verordnet,  und  sie  von  Uns 
zu  erben  haben,  ufferlegt  und  anbevohlen  haben,  dass  sie  Unsere  gehorsame  Undertha- 
nen  bei  Unserer  wahren  Religion, — und  dan  Unsere  Superintendenten,  Pfarrher  und  Pre- 
diger,  so  zu  Zeit  Unsers  Absterben  sein  werden,  in  ihrem  Beruf  und  Lehr  bleiben,  und 
darvon  nicht  abweisen  oder  verdringen  lassen."  Louis  Maurice,  after  the  division  of  the 
land,  took  possession  of  his  half.  L.  Louis  V.  of  Hesse-Darmstadt  protested  at  first 
against  the  testament,  but  afterward  declared  that  L.  Maurice  had  forfeited  his  part,  ac- 
cording to  the  terms  of  the  will,  by  his  ecclesiastical  innovations,  took  the  part  of  the 
theologians  expelled  from  Marburg,  and  in  1G07  founded  the  University  of  Giessen 
(Rommel,  ii.  147).  Attaching  himself  to  the  Emperor,  he  procured,  in  1623,  a  judgment 
from  the  Imperial  Council  declaring  that  L.  Maurice  had  forfeited  his  half  of  Upper 
Hesse  b}'  his  innovations  (Rommel,  ii.  219) ;  the  country  was  attacked  by  Till}-,  and 
taken  possession  of  by  Darmstadt.  From  this  time  Cassel  fought  for  Sweden,  and 
Darmstadt  for  the  Emperor.  The  heroic  Landgravine,  Amelia,  in  the  treaty  of  union 
made  at  Cassel,  April  14, 1648,  received  at  least  the  smaller  half  of  Upper  Hesse,  instead 
of  Ilesse-Cassel  (Rommel,  iv.  764).  Lutheranism,  again  established  there  under  the 
Darmstadt  rule,  remained  unmolested,  according  to  the  principles  declared  in  the  Peace 
of  Westphalia. 

1G  See  D.  II.  Ilering's  Hist.  Nachricht  v.  d.  ersten  Anfang  der  Evang.  Ref.  Kirche  in 
Brandenburg  unter  Joh.  Sigismund,  Halle,  1778.  The  Elector  issued  an  edict,  24th  Feb- 
ruary, 1614  (in  Mylius,  Corp.  Constit.  March.,  i.  353),  in  which  he  forbade  "  unneces- 
sary strife  and  disputations  in  the  pulpit,"  especially  against  other  churches ;  and  en- 
joined upon  the  preachers  "  to  declare  God's  Word  simply  and  purely,  according  to  the 
apostolic  and  prophetic  Scriptures,  the  five  chief  symbols,  the  improved  Augsburg  Con- 
fession, and  the  Apologies  for  the  same,  without  any  falsification,  and  without  any  in- 
vented glosses  and  new  formulas  of  doctrine  of  idle,  hair-splitting,  and  proud  theolo- 
gians." In  May,  1614,  followed  the  Confessio  Fidei  Joh.  Sigismundi,  in  Hering,  Append., 
s.  1,  and  in  Niemeyer,  Coll.  Conf.  Ref.,  p.  642. 

17  Comp.  the  letter  of  some  of  the  nobles  (who  at  once  joined  him)  to  the  Elector,  in 
Fortges.  Sammlung  v.  alten  u.  neuen  theol.  Sachen,  1746,  s.  326. 

18  To  the  statutes  of  the  theological,  faculty  in  Frankfort-on-the-Oder,  he  added,  1616 
(Hering,  s.  325):  Xotum  facimus,  Nos,  posteaquam  Ubiquitatis  dogmate  Ecclesiae  Dei 
misere  imponi,  et  veteres  revocari  haereses,  pridem  in  Synodis  Chalcedonensi  et  Ephe- 
sina  damnatas,  inprimis  pigmentis  realis  communicationis  idiomatum  divinorum  carni 
assumtae  factae,  Arii,  veterum  et  novorum  Photinianorum  foveri  causam  deprehendi- 
mus,—  dogma  illud  toto  pectore  detestari.  Officii  itaque  Nostri  duximus,  illud  a  Scholis 
et  Ecclesiis  Nostris  prohibere.— Mandamus  vero  severe,  orthodoxam  de  Filio  Dei  doctri- 
nam  juxta  oracula  sacra  et  symbola,  Patrumque  scripta  puriora,  a  Luthero  puriore  et 
orthodoxo,  et  a  Phil.  Melanchthone  nervose  et  solide  traditam  summo  studio  addisci, 
atque  in  scholis  et  Ecclesiis  doceri :  sentinam  etiam  Pontificiam  de  orali  manducatione 


PT.  II.— CH.  L— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  41.  GERMAN  REF.  CHURCH.   499 

changes  in  it,  yet  a  deeply-rooted  mistrust  on  the  part  of  the  Lu- 
therans, as  to  the  ecclesiastical  measures  adopted  by  their  princes  of 
the  Reformed  faith,  could  not  be  extirpated.19  The  Duke  of  Meck- 
lenburg Giistrow,  Hans  Albrecht  II.,  who  went  over  to  the  Calvin- 
ists  in  1618,  encountered  such  opposition  from  his  brother  and  the  es- 
tates that  he  could  hardly  succeed  in  having  church  service  according 
to  the  Reformed  ritual  even  for  himself.  After  his  death,  in  1636, 
his  son  Gustavus  Adolphus,  then  three  years  of  age,  was  taken 
from  his  mother  by  force  to  be  educated  in  the  Lutheran  faith.20 

All  these  German  churches,  which  came  into  fellowship  with 
the  Calvinists,  professed  that  they  did  not  wish  to  separate  them- 
selves from  the  Augsburg  Confession,  nor  to  be  Calvinistic.21     In 

camis  Christi  omni  plane  Scripturae  testiinonio  destitutam  aversamur,  atque  ex  scliolis 
atque  Ecclesiis  Nostris  eliminatam  volumus  una  cum  libro  illo,  quern  vocant  Concordiae 
formulam,  qui  horribilia  ista  dogmata  contra  Scripturam  sacram  canonisare  voluit,  et 
Ecclesiis  atque  scliolis  obtrusit.  Sufficiat  scholis  atque  Ecclesiis  Nostris  juxta  Biblia 
sacra  et  Symbola,  atque  Confessionem  Augustanam  Corpus  doctrinae  a  Phihppo  tradi- 
tum,  ad  cujus  normam  Ecclesiarum  atque  scholarum  Professores  et  Ministri  sese  compo- 
nan't  non  sine  fructu  publico.  The  theological  Faculty,  then  consisting  only  of  the  Phil- 
ippist,  Christopher  Pelargus,  General  Superintendent  of  the  electoral  Mark  (on  him,  see 
Hering,  p.  188),  and  John  Heidenreich,  accepted  this  at  once,  but  were  henceforth  re- 
garded as  Reformed,  and  the  clergy  of  the  Mark  were  now  educated  in  Wittenberg. 

19  Several  of  the  Lutheran  clergy  were  at  once  deposed  on  account  of  their  violent 
calumnies  against  Calvinism  ;  but  the  prohibition  of  the  Elenchus  nominalis  was  gener- 
ally considered  as  a  violation  of  the  freedom  of  the  Church ;  comp.  Hering,  p.  241.  No 
less  excitement  was  aroused  by  the  ordinance  of  1624,  under  the  Elector  George  Will- 
iam, that  the  pastors  "should  in  nowise  refuse,  in  case  any  one  desired  his  child  to  be 
baptized  without  exorcism"  (Hering's  Beitriige  zur  Gesch.  d.  Evang.  Ref.  Kirche  in  d. 
Preussisch  Brandenb.  Landern,  i.  123).  That  the  Reformed  theologians  had  it  in  mind 
to  make  the  Lutheran  Church  of  the  land  like  their  own  in  doctrines  and  ceremonies,  ap- 
pears from  a  memorial  of  the  Frankfort  theological  Faculty  to  the  Elector  George  Will- 
iam, 1633,  on  a  projected  church  visitation  ;  Fortges.  Sammlung  von  alteu  u.  neuen  theol. 
Sachen,  1728,  s.  27;  Hering's  Beitr.,  i.  132. 

20  Franck's  Altes  u.  Neues  Mecklenburg,  xii.  176,  xiii.  183.  J.  Wigger's  Kirchen- 
gesch.  Mecklenburgs  (Parchim  u.  Ludwigslust,  1840),  s.  175,  180. 

21  Comp.  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  on  Election,  §  35,  Note  67.  The  Anhalt  Confes- 
sion of  1579  (see  Note  13)  adduces,  after  Melancthon,  tres  causae  concurrentes  in  con- 
version, and  emphatically  maintains  that  "  Christ  did  not  come  to  save  only  some,  but 
the  whole  human  race,  which  was  corrupt."  The  Cassel  Confession,  1607  (Heppe's  Ein- 
fuhrung  der  Verbesserungspuncte,  s.  74):  "  Gleichergestalt  von  dem  hohen  Geheimnis 
der  ewigen  Gnadenwahl  glauben  und  lehren  wir  Alles,  was  davon  in  der  Bibel  geschrie- 
ben,  und  ausserdem  glauben  und  lehren  wir  nichts  davon  ;  enthalten  uns  auch  der  har- 
ten  Reden,  so  etwa  von  Andern  gefuhrt,  und  den  Einfaltigen  zur  Verzweiflung  oder 
flcischlichen  Sicherheit  Anlass  geben  mochten."  [We  teach  on  election  all  that  is  in  the 
Bible,  and  nothing  else ;  and  avoid  all  hard  speeches,  which  lead  the  simple  to  despair 
or  carnal  security.]  Their  confession  is  [the  same  with  that  of  Luther  in  the  preface  to 
the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  where  he  says  that  Paul,  in  the  9th,  10th,  and  11th  chapters, 
teaches  that  it  depends  upon  the  eternal  purpose  of  God  who  shall  believe  and  who  not, 
and  so  it  is  taken  out  of  our  hands  and  put  in  God's  hand  alone.  And  this  is  in  the  high- 
est degree  needful ;  for  we  are  so  weak  that,  if  it  depended  on  us,  no  man  would  be 


500  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

their  doctrine  they  were  Philippistic,  and  were  generally  called 
Reformed  churches.  This  ecclesiastical  division  was  also,  with 
the  princes,  followed  by  political  separations ;  for  the  unlicensed 
polemics  of  their  divines  aroused  among  the  Lutheran  people  a 
bitter  hatred22  against  the  other  party ;  and  this,  too,  was  trans- 
saved.  But,  as  God's  purpose  can  not  fail,  nor  any  one  escape  it,  -we  have  hope  against 
sin],  "dasjenige,  was  Herr  Lutherus  in  der — Vorrede  iiber  die  Epistel  an  die  Eomer — 
gethan,  und — welches  also  lautet :  Am  9.  10.  u.  11.  Capitel  lehrt  er  (Paulus)  von  der 
ewigen  Vorsehung  Gottes,  daher  es  urspriinglich  tleusset,  wer  glauben  oder  nicht  glau- 
ben  soil,  von  Siinden  los  oder  nicht  los  werden  kann,  damit  es  ja  gar  aus  unsern  Han- 
den  genommen,  und  allein  in  Gottes  Hand  gestellt  sei,  dass  wir  fromm  werden.  Und 
das  ist  auch  aufs  Allerhochste  nothig.  Denn  wir  sind  so  schwach  und  ungewiss,  dass, 
wenn  es  bei  uns  stiinde,  wiirde  freilich  kein  Mensch  selig,  der  Teufel  wiirde  sie  gewiss 
alle  iiberwaltigen.  Aber  nun  Gott  gewiss  ist,  dass  ihm  sein  Vorsehen  nicht  fehlet,  noch 
Jemand  ihm  wehren  kann,  haben  wir  noch  Hoffnung  wider  die  Siinde."  Confessio  Joh. 
Sigismundi,  1614  (Hering's  hist.  Nachricht,  App.,  s.  14) :  "  Dass  Gott  der  Allmachtige 
aus  pur  lauter  Gnaden  u.  Barmherzigkeit — zum  ewigen  Leben  verordnet  und  auserwiih- 
let  hat  alle  so  an  Christum  bestandig  glauben,  wisse  auch  und  erkenne  gar  wohl  die 
Seinen,  und  wie  er  sie  von  Ewigkeit  geliebet,  also  schenkt  er  auch  ihnen  aus  lauter  Gna- 
den den  rechtschaffenen  wahren  Glauben,  n.  kraftige  Bestandigkeit  bis  ans  Ende. — So 
hab  auch  Gott  nach  seiner  strengen  Gerechtigkeit  alle,  die  an  Christum  nicht  glauben, 
von  Ewigkeit  iiberseken,  denselben  das  ewige  hollische  Feuer  bereitet. — Nicht  dass  er 
nicht  alle  wolle  selig  haben,  denn  das  Widerspiel  durchaus  in  d.  heil.  Schrift  zu  finden 
ist,  sondern  dass  die  Ursach  der  Siinde  und  des  Verderbens  allein  bei  dem  Satan  und  in 
den  Gottlosen  zu  suchen,  welche  wegen  ihres  Unglaubens  und  Ungehorsams  von  Gott 
zum  Verdammniss  verstossen.  Item,  dass  an  niemands  Seligkeit  zu  zweifeln,  so  lang 
die  Mittel  zur  Seligkeit  gebrauchet  werden,  weil  alien  Menschen  unwissend,  zu  welcher 
Zeit  Gott  die  Seinen  kraftiglick  berufe,  wer  kllnftig  glauben  werde  oder  nicht."  [In 
substance  :  God  ordained  and  elected  all  who  believe  in  Christ  to  eternal  life,  and  knows 
them  that  are  his,  and  loved  them  from  eternit}-,  and  of  pure  grace  gives  to  them  true 
faith  and  perseverance. — So,  too,  in  his  strict  justice,  he  passed  by  from  eternitj'  those 
who  do  not  believe. — Not  that  he  would  not  have  all  to  be  saved ;  for  the  cause  of  sin 
is  in  Satan  and  the  godless  alone.  Item,  we  are  not  to  despair  of  any  one's  salvation  so 
long  as  the  means  can  be  used,  since  no  one  knows  when  God  may  call  his  own,  etc."] 
Among  the  opiniones  were  these  [that  God  elects  on  account  of  foreseen  faith — which  is 
Pelagian;  also,  that  he  condemns  absolutely,  and  not  on  account  of  sin]:  "Dass  Gott 
propter  (idem  praevisam,  wegen  des  Glaubens,  so  Er  zuvor  ersehen,  etliche  auserwahlet 
habe,  welches  Pelagianisch ;  dass  er  dem  meisten  Theil  die  Seligkeit  nicht  gonne,  wel- 
chen  er  absolute,  bloshin,  ohne  cinige  Ursach,  auch  nicht  wegen  der  Siinde,  verdammet, 
da  doch  der  gerechte  Gott  niemand  zur  Verdammniss  beschlossen,  denn  wegen  der  Siinde, 
und  denvegen  der  Rathschluss  der  Verwerfung  zur  Verdammniss  nicht  ein  absolutum  de- 
cretum,  ein  freier  lediger  Rathschluss,  zu  achten."  Among  the  Reformed  of  the  Mark 
it  was  disputed,  1712  sq.,  whether  this  Confession  taught  gratia  universalis  or  particu- 
laris  (Hering's  Hist.  Nachricht,  p.  129);  but  it  is  obviously  opposed  to  Calvin's  modes 
of  statement. 

22  Thus  it  was  objected  to  the  Calvinists,  in  the  controversial  works  of  the  time  (He- 
ring,  p.  93),  that  their  God  was  more  like  the  devil  than  the  true  God ;  that  they  agreed 
with  the  Arians,  Nestorians,  the  Turks,  etc.  ;  that  their  doctrine  was  worse  than  the 
papists',  yea,  than  the  devil's  doctrine.  Comp.  the  memorial  of  the  divines  of  Electoral 
Saxony,  1594,  Div.  I.,  §  11,  Note  39;  Polycarpi  Leyser's  (court  preacher  in  Dresden, 
f  1G10)  Calvinismus,  d.  i.  eine  Erklarung  des  Catechismi  M.  Lutheri  in  8  Predigten  also 
gefasset,  dass  darinnen  einfiiltig  geweiset  wird,  in  welchen  Stiicken  desselben  die  Cal- 
vinisten  mit  uns  strcitig  seyn,  und  denselben  verfalscken  wollen,  Leipzig,  1595.     There 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHEBANISM.    §  42.  DOCTRINAL  RESULTS.    5Q1 

ferred  to  their  external  differences,  even  when  these  were  conceded 
to  he  unessential.  The  political  imbecility  of  the  German  Prot- 
estants was  the  inevitable  consequence  of  this  state  of  things. 


§  42. 

FINAL  STATEMENTS  OF  THE  LUTHERAN  DOCTRINE. 

The  two  dogmas,  that  had  not  been  completely  settled  even  in 
the  Formula  Concordiae,  soon  received  a  more  definite  shape  in 
the  course  of  the  controversial  discussions.  Since,  as  against  the 
Calvinists,  the  universality  of  divine  grace  was  always  insisted 
upon  with  special  emphasis,1  Samuel  Huber,  professor  in  Witten- 

it  is  preached  to  the  people,  fol.  235  :  "  Welchs  gottseliges  Herz  kann  doch  miteinem  sol- 
chen  Liistermaul,  das  mit  so  vielfaltiger  falseher  Lehr  beschmitzt  ist,  wie  wir  bisher 
von  den  Calvinisten  gehort  haben,  Fried  und  Freundschaft  halten?  Es  ware  noch  ja 
so  bald  mit  den  Papisten  eine  Einigkeit  zu  treffen,  als  mit  den  Calvinisten,  dann  diesel- 
ben  kaum  mehr  Irrthumb  wider  unsern  Catechismum  haben,  als  die  Calvinisten,  wie 
solches  in  ander  Wcge  geweiset  worden."  Dav.  Parei  (professor  in  Heidelberg)  Ireni- 
cum,  Heidelb.,  1614.  4.,  p.  13G :  Tanta  est  quorundam  adversae  partis  Theologorum, 
nescio  Kanondaa  dicam,  an  appwcrria  et  incogitantia  hoc  tempore,  ut  potius  cum  Papis- 
tis,  capitalibus  Evangelii  hostibus,  contra  reformatas  Ecclesias,  quam  cum  his  adversus 
Papistas  syncretismum  faciendum,  familiariter  con versan dura,  societatem  colendam, 
plusque  Papistis,  quam  Calvinistis,  quos  vocare  solent,  fidendum  esse,  palam  scribere, 
suisque  suadere  non  erubescant.  He  then  cites  sixteen  articles  in  which  the  doctrine 
of  the  Calvinists  is  most  grossly  perverted  by  the  Lutherans. 

1  Thus  in  the  colloquy  set  on  foot  by  Duke  Frederick  of  Wiirtemberg,  1586,  in  Mom- 
pelgard,  between  Jac.  Andrea  and  Theod.  Beza,  see  Acta  Colloquii  Montisbelligartensis, 
Tubing.,  1587,  and  Witteberg.,  1613.  4.  Here  it  was  maintained  by  Andreae,  p.  413 : 
Quod  Deus  salvandos  non  modo  praesciverit,  sed  etiam  ab  aeterno  elegerit,  et  ad  vitam 
aeternam  praedestinaverit ;  and,  quod  salvandorum  apud  Deum  certus  sit  numerus.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  rejects  as  an  error  the  doctrine,  p.  414:  Deum  reprobos  nondum  na- 
tos  nullo  indignitatis  respectu  exitio  destinasse,  et  quosdam  ad  justum  judicium  a  Deo 
conditos  esse.  This  is  still  the  illogical  stand-point  of  the  Formula  Concordiae,  as  is 
clearly  shown  by  Beza  ad  Acta  Colloquii  Montisbelgardensis  Tubingae  edita  Responsio 
(Partes  ii.,  Genev.,  1588),  ii.  158.  In  the  Electoral  Visitation  Articles  of  1592,  Art.  4 
(comp.  §  41,  Note  11),  the  pure  and  true  doctrine  is  thus  set  forth  [1.  Christ  died  for  all ; 
— 2.  God  created  no  one  to  damnation, — commands  all  to  hear  Christ  in  the  Gospel,  and 
thus  promises  power  and  grace  for  salvation ;  3.  That  many  men  are  condemned  by 
their  own  fault,  who  either  will  not  hear  Christ,  or  fall  from  grace  through  error  as  to  M'hat 
is  fundamental,  or  by  sin  against  conscience  ;  4.  That  all  sinners  who  repent  are  accept- 
ed] :  "  1.  Dass  Christus  vor  alle  Menschen  gestorben; — 2.  Dass  Gott  niemand  zur  Ver- 
dammniss  geschaffen, — befehliget  alien,  dass  sie  seinen  Sohn  Christum  in  dem  Evangelio 
horen  sollen,  und  verlieisset  dadurch  Kraft  und  Wiirkung  des  heil.  Geistes  zur  Bekeh- 
rung  u.  Seligkeit;  3.  Dass  viel  Menschen  durch  ihre  eigene  Schuld  verdammet  werden, 
die  entwedcr  das  Evangelium  von  Christo  nicht  horen  wollen,  oder  aus  der  Gnade  wie- 
der  ausfallen  durch  Irrthum  wider  das  Fundament,  oder  durch  Siinde  wider  das  Gewis- 
sen ;  4.  Dass  alle  Sunder,  so  Busse  thun,  zu  Gnadcn  angenommen  werden."  On  the 
other  hand,  the  false  and  erroneous  doctrine  of  the  Calvinists  is  thus  given  [1.  Christ 


502  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

berg,  1592-94,2  thought  that  this  position  could  be  reconciled  with 
the  Augustinian  doctrine  of  original  sin  only  by  the  assumption 
that  Grod  had  elected  all  men  to  salvation.3  Thus  he  gave  the  oc- 
casion, made  use  of  by  his  colleague,  Aegidius  Hunnius,  for  that 
development  of  the  doctrine,  afterward  generally  accepted,  accord- 
ing to  which  the  decisive  factor  in  election  or  rejection  remained 
on  the  side  of  the  unrenewed  man.4 

died  only  for  the  elect ;  2.  That  God  created  the  larger  part  of  men  for  damnation,  and 
will  not  that  they  be  converted  and  saved ;  3.  That  the  elect  can  not  lose  faith  and  the 
Holy  Ghost  and  be  condemned,  however  many  and  great  crimes  they  may  commit ;  4. 
That  the  non-elect  must  be  damned,  and  can  not  be  saved  though  the}'  be  baptized  a 
thousand  times,  and  daily  go  to  the  Supper,  and  live  as  holy  as  possible]:  "1.  Dass 
Christus  nicht  fur  alle  Menschen,  sondern  allein  vor  die  Auserwahlten  gestorben  sey ; 
2.  Dass  Gott  den  meisten  Theil  derer  Menschen  zum  ewigen  Verdammniss  geschaffen, 
und  wolle  nicht  haben,  dass  sie  bekehret  und  selig  werden ;  3.  Dass  die  Auserwahlten 
und  Neugebohrnen  nicht  konnen  den  Glauben  und  heil.  Geist  verlieren  und  verdammt 
werden,  wenn  sie  gleich  allerlei  grosse  Siinde  und  Laster  begehen  ;  4.  Die,  so  nicht  er- 
wahlet  sind,  miissen  verdammet  werden,  und  konnen  nicht  zur  Seligkeit  kommen,  wenn 
sie  gleich  tausendmal  getauft  werden,  u.  tiiglich  zum  Abendmal  gingen,  auch  so  heilig 
u.  unstraflich  lebten,  als  es  immer  moglich." 

2  Comp.,  on  this  controversy,  J.  A.  Schmidii  Diss,  de  Sam.  Huberi  Vita,  Fatis  et  Doc- 
trina,  Helmst.,  1708.  4. ;  J.  G.  Walch's  Religionsstreitigkeiten  der  Evang.  Luth.  Kirche, 
i.  176.  The  literature  is  in  Walchii  Biblioth.  Theol.,  ii.  645.  Huber,  when  a  preacher 
in  the  Canton  of  Berne,  was  already  a  decided  opponent  of  Calvinism,  and  developed 
his  peculiar  views.  He  was  deposed  in  Berne  (1588)  in  consequence  of  a  disputation 
with  Beza,  and  then  became  a  Lutheran  preacher  in  Wurtemberg,  where  he  also  aroused 
distrust,  though  he  did  not  openty  avow  his  opinions  till  he  came  to  Wittemberg.  After 
his  deposal  (1594)  he  lived  in  different  places,  and  died  in  Osterwieck  in  1624. 

3  Bestiindige  Bekandtnuss  Dr.  Sam.  Huber's,  Ursel,  1595.  4.  [God,  through  his  Son, 
not  only  elected  some,  but,  as  he  is  a  common  Saviour,  he  elected  and  ordained  all  men 
to  salvation. — When  this  general  grace  is  offered  to  men  they  divide  themselves  into 
two  classes.  The  one  follow  the  call,  and  receive  through  faith  that  to  which  they  were 
elected  ;  the  other  and  larger  class  will  not  hear  the  Gospel,  or  despise  it.  All  impeni- 
tent sinners  belong  to  this  class,  and  thej-  are  all  eternally  condemned] :  "  So  bekenne 
ich, — dass  Gott — durch  diesen  seinen  Sohn — nicht  nur  einen  Ausschuss  auserlesen  und 
erwiihlet  habe,  sondern  wie  Christus  ein  gemeiner  Heiland  ist, — also  habe  auch  Gott  alle 
Sunder,  niimlich  alle  Menschen  durch  diesen  seinen  Sohn  erwiihlet  und  verordnet  zum 
Leben,  Heil  u.  Seligkeit. — Derbei  so  glaube  und  bekenne  ich, —dass  wenn  nun  solches 
allgemein  Gnadenwerk  Gottes  uber  alle  Menschen  an  den  Menschen  kommt,  gelehret, 
verkiindiget  und  geprediget  wird, — dass  sich  allda  die  Menschen  durch  Glaube  und  Un- 
glaube  theilen  in  zwen  Haufen.  Der  eine  Haufen  folget, — und  bekommt  also  durch 
den  Glauben  dasjenig,  darzu  er  erwiihlet  ist  in  Christo. — Der  ander  Hauf,  u.  leider  der 
grosste  Haufe,  will  das  Evangelium  nicht  horen,  oder  wenn  er  es  gleich  horet,  so  ver- 
achtet  er  es. — Derhalben  dieser  Haufe,  darunter  alle  unbussfertige  Sunder  stehen, — die- 
weil  sie  nicht  annehmen,  was  ihnen  durch  Christum  erworben  und  geordnet  war,  so 
werden  sie  alle  zu  Hauf  mit  einander  verlohren  und  verdammt,  und  wie  sie  im  Unglau- 
ben  sterben,  also  werden  sie  auch  ewiglich  verdammt  und  verlohren."  His  error  con- 
sisted in  teaching  universal  election  instead  of  universal  grace.  Comp.  Bescheidentliche 
Antwort  auf  das  kurze — Bekenntniss  Dr.  Sam.  Huber's — gestellet  durch  die  theol.  Fac- 
ultat  zu  Wittenberg,  Frankf.  a.  M.,  1595.  4. ;  Actorum  Huberianorum  P.  i.  ii.,  pub- 
lished by  the  Wurtemberg  divines,  Tubingen,  1597.  4. 

*  Aeg.  Hunnii  Tract,  de  Providentia  Dei  et  aeterna  Praedestinatione,  s.  Electione  fili- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— LUTHERANISM.    §  42.  DOCTRINAL  RESULTS.   503 

The  theologians  of  Giessen5  adopted  the  view  that  there  was  in 
Christ,  in  his  state  of  humiliation,  and  as  to  his  human  nature,  a 
KivuHTig  idiomatum  divinorum  (an  emptying  of,  or  parting  with 
the  divine  properties — the  advocates  of  this  doctrine  were  called 
Keiiotisls).     The  divines  of  Tubingen  maintained,  in  opposition, 

orum  Dei  ad  salutem,  Francof.,  1597  (Opp.,  i.  G53).  See  his  Opp.,  i.  809:  Duplex  est 
auditus,  alter  externus,  alter  interims.  Prior  potest  esse  cum  studio  cognoscendi,  dis- 
cendi  et  aliquo  inodo  meditandi.  Interims  autem  auditus  definitur  assensu  cordis  et  ob- 
sequio  voluntatis,  ut  audire  idem  sit  quod  assentiri  in  doctrina,  quod  obedire  in  vita. — 
Hie  auditus  interims — nequaquam  in  nostra  potestate  situs  est,  sed  a  Deo  per  exterio- 
rem  ilium  auditum  in  nobis  exsuscitatur.  Externus  autem  ille  est  adbuc  in  nostrarum 
virium  arbitrio.  Potest  enim  homo  non  renatus  illam  pacdagogicam  disciplinam  seu 
ministerii  obedientiam  externam  adhuc  servare,  i.  e.  accedcre  concionem  verbi  vcl  non 
accedere,  audire  vel  non  audire.  Potest  etiam  cum  quodam  studio  audire,  meditari  ali- 
quo modo,  potest  ut  contemnere  ita  etiam  non  contemnere,  si  actualem  contemtum  rc- 
spicias.  P.  812  :  Quis  autem  est  httjus  quaestionis — usus?  Ut  appareat  manifesto,  etsi  con- 
versio,  fides,  agnitio  veritatis,  aeterna  salus,  etc.,  ne  minima  quidem  ex  parte  in  nostro 
sunt  arbitrio  posita, — esse  tamen  in  aliquibus  nondum  conversis  hominibus  longe  plura 
obstacula,  quae  fructificationem  verbi  validius  impediant,  quam  in  aliis :  esse  quosdam 
etiam  ex  non  conversis  regno  Dei  propinquiores,  sicut  de  scriba  sou  legisperito  Christum 
proimnciantem  audivimus  (Marc.  xii.  31.  Other  instances  before  adduced  :  Matth.  xxi. 
31,  xix.  23,  xi.  23,  etc.)  :  Non  quod  his  quicquam  insit  facilitation  aut  virium  applicandi 
se  ad  gratiam,  aut  in  spiritualibus  cooperandi  Deo  (haec  enim  omnia  soli  Deo  et  opera- 
tioni  ejus  in  solidum  sunt  adscribenda:  converle  me  Domine,  et  convcrtar);  sed  quod  in 
caeteris  plura  sint  ct  fortiora  impedimenta,  quae  aditum  Spiritui  sancto  praecludunt, 
quo  minus  in  eis  perinde  velit  esse  per  praedicatum  verbum  efiicax. — Idcirco  et  Scrip- 
tura  hortatur  homines  etiam  non  conversos,  ut  obstacula  ilia  removcant,  et  viam  com- 
planent,  h.  e.  peccata  et  studia  perversa,  quorum  plcraque  etiam  a  non  renatis  (ut  sanio- 
rum  Ethnicorum  exempla  testantur)  caveri  aut  abjici  possunt,  deponant  et  abjiciant; 
quae  alias  non  submota  obstent,  quo  minus  Dominus  apud  illos  ingrediatur.  That  they 
had  come  back  to  the  Melancthonian  theory  (see  §  3G,  Note  12,  §  37,  Note  39),  although 
they  rejected  the  word  synergism,  is  shown  at  length  by  Chytraeus  in  a  letter  of  the 
Rostock  to  the  Wittenberg  divines,  dd.  20.  Maji,  1595  (Dav.  Chytr.  Epistolae,  Hanov., 
1611,  p.  1271)  :  Scitis  initio  cmendationis  doctrinae  ecclesiasticae  in  vestra  ilia  Ecclesia- 
rum  et  scholarum  metropoli  per  Lutherum  ante  70  annos  institutae,  dum  liberum  homi- 
nis  arbitrium  fortiter  oppugnabatur,  multa  de  hoc  ipso  doctrinae  praedestinationis  capite 
horridius  disputata  et  asserta  fuisse,  videlicet,  praedestinationem  divinam  omni  volun- 
tati  humanae,  turn  in  externis  operibus  turn  internis  cogitationibus,  libertatem  adimere, 
omnia  necessario  et  quidem  absoluta  necessitate  evenire. — Haec,  inquam,  et  multa  his 
similia  horridiora  (quae  tunc  in  vestra  cathedra  velutoracula  docebantur,  nuncnusquam 
nisi  in  Calvinianorum  scholis  retinentur)  Philippus,  communis  praeceptor  noster,  postea 
paulatim  leniit  ac  sustulit,  dum  in  omnibus  libellis — has  de  necessitate  Stoica  et  Mani- 
chaea,  ut  vocat,  opiniones  absurdas  refutat,  et  de  liberi  arbitrii  viribus  quid  possint  so- 
lae,  quid  non  possint  nisi  a  Spiritu  sancto  conversae  et  adjutae,  distinctius  explicat,  et 
Scripturae  testimonia,  pro  divina  praedestinatione  seu  necessitate  Manichaea  et  Stoica 
stabilienda  initio  causae  Lutheri  allegata,  longe  alitor  explicat,  et  argumenta  praecipua 
ubique  refutat,  idque  vivo  adhuc  Luthero,  etc. 

5  The  Giessen  theologians  were  Balth.  Mentzer  and  Just.  Feurborn  ;  the  Tubingen, 
Matthias  Hafenreifer  (f  1G19),  Luc.  Osiander,  Melch.  Nicolai,  and  Theod.  Thummius. 
Tlie  history  of  the  dispute  is  given  by  Mentzer  in  his  Necessaria  et  justa  Defcnsio  contra 
injustas  Criminationes  Luc.  Osiandri,  etc.,  Giess.,  1G24.  4.  (Opp.,  ii.  1233).  In  replv  : 
Theod.  Thummii  Acta  Mentzeriana,  Tilbing.,  1G25.  4.  The  controversial  works  are  i.i 
Walchii  Bibl.  Theol.,  ii.  G54.     [Bodemeyer,  Die  Lehre  d.  Kenosis.     Gotting.,  18G0.] 


504:  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

a  hiding  (Kpvxpig)6  of  the  divine  attributes,  and  were  called  Kryp- 

6  The  points  in  controversy  are  given  by  the  Saxon  theologians,  as  follows,  in  the 
Solida  Decisio  (see  Note  7) :  1.  Cum  in  Scriptura  sacra  de  irapovc'ut  Dei  apud  creaturas 
modificata  agitur,  an — nuda  Dei  adessentia,  an  vero  simul  efficax  operatio  innuatur? 
Adeoque  num  ad  accuratam  definitionem  praesentiae  Dei  apud  creaturas  semper  etiam 
operatio  efficax  divina,  ceu  pars  essentialis,  necessario  requiratur  ?  Ubi  pars  una  (Gies- 
sen)  affirmativam,  altera  (Tubingen)  negativam  magna  contentione  tuetur.  2.  An  prae- 
sentia  Dei  modificata  apud  creaturas,  prout  in  sacris  Bibliis  describitur,  a  sola  immensi- 
tate  ct  infinitate  Dei  (Tubingen),  an  vero  etiam  a  Uberrima  ejus  voluntate  (Giessen)  ori- 
atur. — Postea  dc  hoc  etiam  controvertitur,  quod  sit  omnipraesentiae  Christi  Jesu  juxta 
carnem  fundamentum  proprium  et  proximum  ?  An  voluntas  et  beneplacitum  Dei  (Gies- 
sen) ?  an  personalis  unio  (Tubingen)  ?  an  ad  dexteram  Dei  sessio  ?  3.  An  commode  de 
Christo  Jesu  dici  possit,  quod  secundum  carnem,  in  ipso  statu  humiliationis,  quia  et  in 
ipsa  morte  semper  et  incessanter  coelum  ac  terram,  ut  Rex,  guberaarit,  et  potenter  qui- 
deui,  occulta  tamen,  dominatus  sit.  Ubi  quidam  in  affirmativam  (Tub.),  quidam  in  ne- 
gativaui  senteatiam  (Giess.)  descenderunt.  4.  An  Christus  Jesus  secundum  utrainque 
naturam  (Tilb.),  au  vero  tantum  secundum  humanam  (Giess.)  se  exinaniverit?  Adeo- 
que an  omne  illud  quod  in  statu  exinanitionis  fecit  et  sustinuit,  juxta  utramque  naturam 
ille  fecerit,  et  perpessus  fuerit  ?  Ita  quidem,  ut  et  recte  affirmari  queat,  divinitatcm  esse 
passam,  et  humanitatcm  coelum  et  terram  gubernasse  et  conservasse  (Tiib.)  ?  Deinde 
aceiTima  quoque  est  disceptatio,  quid  sit  proprie  exinanitio  ?  an  per  earn  innuatur,  quod 
Christus  Jesus  secundum  assumtam  carnem,  quoad  plenarium  et  incessanteui  usum  divi- 
nae  majestatis,  realiter  et  aA.?j6o>s,  voluntarie  tamen  et  taatuai  usque  ad  statum  exalta- 
tionis,  sc  exinaniverit  (Giess.)  ?  vel  an  exinanitio  ilia  hoc  solum  intendat,  Christum  in 
statu  KEvwa-etos  aeque  ac  jam  ad  dexteram  Dei,  qua  homo  fuit,  inhabitantem  suam  pleni- 
tudinem  totam  Deitatis  plenarie  ac  incessanter,  sed  tamen  occulte  et  lateuter  in  regimi- 
ne  totius  universi  usurpasse  et  exercuisse  (Tiib.)  ?  Mentzer,  iu  his  Neccssaria  et  justa 
Dcfensio  (Opp.,  ii.  1319),  preseats  the  questioa  ia  controversy,  thus :  An  J.  Chr.  0t«v- 
fpo)7ros  in  statu  exinanitionis  juxta  humanitatem  fuerit  omnipraesens  creaturis,  et  totum 
universum  gubernarit?  Affirmat  D.  Osiaader  cum  suis,  aos  negamus.  Affirmationis 
suae  rationcm  petit  Osiauder  ex  uuione  hypostatica.  Quae  cum  semper  eodem  modo  se 
habeat,  et  mutationcm  nullam  admittat,  putat,  Christum,  ut  hominem,  aeque  ia  statu 
exiuanitioais  fuisse  omnipraeseatem  creaturis,  et  coelum  ct  terram  gubernasse,  uti  jam 
in  statu  gloriae  ad  dextram  Dei  sedeas  est  oaiaibus  rebus  praesens,  et  coelum  et  terram 
gubernat :  hoc  duataxat  discrimiue,  quod  in  statu  exinaaitioais  omnipraesentiam  illam 
et  universalem  guberuationem  humanitas  texerit  et  occultarit  sub  forma  servili ;  aunc 
autem  deposita  servili  ilia  coaditione  eaadem  gloriose  et  majestatice  declaret  et  mani- 
fested Negationis  nostrae  rationem  aos  petiaius  ex  statu  exiaauitioais  :  ia  quo  J.  Chr. 
ftai/0/oai7ros,  juxta  aaturaui  huaiaaaui,  diviuaui  oamiscieatiae,  et  oamipoteatiae,  et  om- 
nipraesentiae majestatem,  per  unionem  personalem  vere  et  realiter  sibi  commuuicataui, 
semper  habuit,  verum,  ut  peccatmn  protoplastoruui  atque  adeo  omuia  nostra  peccata  ex- 
piaret,  et  pro  nobis  pati  et  mori  posset,  eaai  aoa  semper  et  ubique,  sed  libere,  ubi  et 
quando  et  quomodo  voluit,  pro  officii  sui  ratione,  salva  semper  permaaeate  uaione  perso- 
aali,  usurpavit.  The  Giesseu  diviaes  aiaiataiaed  the  coastaut  tcrrjaK  (possession),  but 
denied  the  uninterrupted  Xj0'"/0''5  (use  °f tae  attributes).  During  this  dispute  a  work  was 
published  (chiefly  devoted  to  showiug  the  uselessuess  and  recklessuess  of  the  dispute) 
uader  the  title  Ruperti  Meldenii  (G.  Calixti  ?)  Paraenesis  Votiva  pro  Pace  Ecclesiae  ad 
theologos  Augustanae  Confessioais  (also  by  F.  Liicke,  as  a  couiuient  on  the  peaceful 
maxiui :  la  aecessariis  uaitas,  etc.,  Gtittiagea,  1850,  s.  87).  See  ia  Liicke,  s.  108:  Ti- 
des multos  disputare  de  praeseutia  caruis  Christi  ia  profuudissimo  humilitatis  statu, 
quos  tamen  ipsos  Christuai  habere  praeseatem  ia  cordibus  suis  per  fideai  habitantem, 
ego  adduci  vix  possuai  at  credaai,  quia  video  illos  de  humilitate  Christi  multa  garrire 
sine  humilitate,  de  praeseutia  ejus,  qui  est  charitas  ipsa,  sine  charitate,  etc.  That  other 
divines,  especially  the  Saxon,  lamented  this  controversy,  is  shown  iu  Tholuck's  Geist  d. 
Lulh.  Theologen  "Wittenbergs  \m  17tea  Jahrh.  (Ilaaiburg  u.  Gotha,  1852),  s.  64. 


PART  II.— CH.  L— REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  43.  THE  NETHERLANDS.  505 

tists.  This  controversy,  carried  on  from  1619,  led,  according  to 
the  declaration  of  the  Saxon  theologians,  1624,7  to  the  general 
abandonment  of  the  absolute  communicatio  idiomatum  realis. 


§  43. 

CALVINISM  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS.    ARMINIAN  CONTROVERSY. 

Jo.  Uytenbogaert  kerckelijcke  Historie,  vervatende  verscheyden  gedenckwaerdige  Saeck- 
en,  in  de  Christenbeyt  voorgevallen,  voornamentlijck  in  dese  geunieerde  Provincien  (to 
1G19),  Rotterdam,  1647,  fol.  Against  this  Remonstrant  view  of  the  history  :  Jac.  Tri- 
glandius  kerkelijcke  geschiedenissen  van  de  vereenigde  Nederlanden,  Leyden,  1G50, 
fol.  The  Remonstrant  Gerh.  Brand  Historie  der  Reformatie  (see  Div.  I.,  before  §  24). 
Ypey  en  Dermout  (ibid.),  ii.  153.— Historie  der  Remonstranten  door  Jac.  Regenboog 
(Remonstrant  preacher  in  Amsterdam),  Amsterd.,  1774.  76.  (German  translation  by  H. 
M.  A.  Cramer,  Lemgo,  1781.  84.,  2  Th.).  Ch.  J.  W.  Mosche  Hist.  Sententiarum  Rc- 
monstrantium  de  Rebus  ad  Religionem  et  Conscientiam  pertinentibus  spec.  1,  Jenac, 
1790.— Adr.  a  Cattenburgh  Biblioth.  Remonstrantium,  Amstel.,  1728.  G.  S.  Franck- 
ius  De  Hist.  Dogmatum  Arminianorum,  Kiliae,  1813. 

[Brandt's  History  of  the  Reformation  in  Holland,  4  fol.  1720-23  and  1770 ;  abridged,  2 
vols.  8  vo,  1725.  Durell,  History  of  the  Reformed  Countries  beyond  the  Seas,  4to,  1662. 
Episcopius  in  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  hist.  Theologie,  1843.  Articles  of  Synod  of  Dort,  trans- 
lated by  Thos.  Scott,  12mo.  The  Creed  of  Arminius,  by  Moses  Stuart,  in  Bibl.  Repos., 
1831.  Articles  on  Arminius  in  Meth.  Quarterly,  iv.  425,  556;  ibid.,  1857,  by  W.  F. 
Warren  ;  Christ.  Examiner,  1860  ;  Lit.  and  Theol.  Review,  vol.  vi.  Life  of  Arminius, 
by  Caspar  Brandt,  translated  by  John  Guthrie,  Lond.,  1855 :  life  by  N.  Bangs,  1844. 
Works  of  Arminius  translated,  full  edition,  3  vols.  8vo,  Auburn,  1852.] 

[Scripta  Adversaria  collationis  Hagiensis  habitae  a.  1611,  latine  Berti,  Lugd.  Bat.,  1617. 
Confessio  Pastorum  (by  Episcopius),  1622.  Acta  et  Scripta  synodalia  Dordracena,  fol. 
1620.  Judicium  Synodi  Nationalis,  1619.  Hales  (John),  Hist.  Cone.  Dordr.,  ed.  Mos- 
hemius,  Hamb.,  1724.  Graf,  Beitrage  zur  Gesch.  d.  Synode  von  Dordrecht,  Basel, 
1825.  Limborch,  Vita  Episcopii,  Amst,  1701.  Life  and  Death  of  Arminius  and  Epis- 
copius, Lond.,  1672.] 

In  the  Reformed  churches  of  the  Netherlands  different  types 
of  doctrine  were  developed,  according  to  the  chief  sources  from 
which  the  opinions  were  derived,  whether  from  the  writings  of 
Erasmus,  or  those  of  the  Saxon  or  of  the  Swiss  Reformers;  but  as 

7  The  Elector  John  George,  in  1623,  convened  the  Leipsic  and  Wittenberg  divines  in 
Dresden,  under  the  presidency  of  the  upper  court  preacher,  Hoe  von  Iloenegg;  and  the 
latter  drew  up,  in  accordance  with  the  results  of  this  assemblage,  the  Solida  Dccisio 
quatuor  nuperrime  controvcrsorum  capitum,  which  was  published  in  Leipsic,  1624,  4to, 
preceded  by  the  Electoral  order  that  public  teaching  should  accord  witli  it.  In  all  es- 
sential points  this  was  a  decision  in  favor  of  the  Giessen  divines ;  and  it  was  declared 
by  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse-Darmstadt,  Louis  V.,  to  be  a  binding  formula  in  his  posses- 
sions (Rommel's  neuere  Gesch.  v.  Hessen.  ii.  192).  The  Tubingen  divines,  in  reply, 
drew  up  the  Arnica  Admonitio  super  Decisione,  etc.  (written  by  Thummius),  Tubing., 
1624,  which  was  followed  by  the  Saxons  with  their  Necessaria  et  incvitabilis  Apologia, 
s.  adsertio  decisionis  solidae  (drawn  up  by  Hoe  v.  Hocnegg),  Lips.,  1625.  4.  After  this 
the  controversy  died  out,  in  the  midst  of  the  distractions  of  the  Thirty  Years'  AVar. 


50G  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

these  agreed  in  the  main  points,  so  their  advocates  continued  foi 
a  long  time  to  live  at  peace  in  the  same  church-fellowship.1  The 
first  ecclesiastical  arrangements  were  made  by  the  church  itself, 
quite  independently  of  the  civil  authority  ;  but  as  the  new  repub- 
lic was  more  firmly  established  it  endeavored  to  bring  the  church 
under  its  superintendence.2  At  the  same  time,  the  strict  Calvin- 
ism, which  had  first  penetrated  from  France  into  the  Walloon 
Church,  began  to  be  more  widely  diffused,  and  to  demand  unity 

1  Ep.  Ordinum  Hollandiae  ad  Jac.  Magnae  Brit.  Regcm,  1G18  (Praestantium  ac  eru- 
ditorum  Virorum  Epistolae  ecclesiasticae  et  theol.,  ed.  iii.,  Amstelod.,  1704,  fol.  p.  499)  : 
Ab  initio  repurgatae  apud  nos  religionis,  cum  inter  Pastores,  turn  in  fidelium  plebe,  de 
praedestinationis  negotio,  et  quae  huic  cohaerent,  variatum  est  sententiis.  Aliis  enim 
ea  probata  sunt  dogmata,  quae  a  Calvini,  Bezae,  aliorumque  auctoritate  non  parum  sibi 
dignitatis  conciliarunt,  eadem  nimirum  quae  in  Anglia  defenderant  viri  docti  Withake- 
rus  et  Perkinsius :  alii  ab  his  dissidentes  sententiae  suae  laudabant  non  spernendos  auc- 
tores  Erasmum,  Melanchthonem,  Bullingerum  atque  alios.  Quanquam  vero  in  Gelria 
quoque  et  Frisia  non  defuisse  Pastores,  qui  posteriorem  hanc  sententiam  tuerentur,  edi- 
tis  libris  apparet;  tamen  in  Ilollandia  Westfrisiaque,  et  in  Trovincia  Trajectina  major 
semper  fuit  ita  sentientium  numerus  :  partimque  vivunt  adhuc,  partim  obierunt  Profes- 
sores  et  Pastores,  qui  ante  annos  XXX.  et  XL.  hanc  docendi  rationem  publice  sunt  se- 
cuti,  nemine  ipsis  earn  ob  rem  movente  litem.  Quod  si  quando  in  conventibus  ecclesi- 
asticis,  ubi  priorem  illam  sententiam  plures  tuebantur,  quidam  ecclesiasticas  eo  nomine 
censuras  fratribus  intenderent,  nos  ante  annos  XX.  et  amplius  auctoritate  nostra  talibus 
censuris  intercessimus,  et  ad  concordiam  fleximus  Pastoram  animos.  Uytenbogaert,  p. 
142  ss.    Ypey  en  Dermout,  i.  427,  ii.  171. 

2  Ep.  Ord.  Holl.  (see  Xote  1),  p.  498  :  Quo  primum  tempore  hisce  in  regionibus  Eras- 
mi  Lutherique  scriptis  accensa  lux  est, — Pastores,  qui  passim  pios  coetus  collegerant, 
cum  leges  publicas  sibi  adversas  haberent,  atque  ideo  eorum  praesidio  uti  non  possent, 
necessitate  compulsi,  ad  Galliae  exemplum,  regimen  quoddam  constituerunt  ecclesias- 
ticum,  quod  ex  Pastoribus  et  dclectis  e  fidelium  multitudine  Senioribus  constans,  e  con- 
sessibus  minoribus  in  majores,  quasi  per  gradus  quosdam,  assurgcret.  Postquam  vero 
nos  primi  omnium  cum  Zelandiae  Ordinibus— ad  vindicandam — avitam  libertatem,  simul 
— ad  sublevandam  Ecclesiam  animum  adjecimus,  templa,  imaginibus  purgata,  emenda- 
tions doctrinae  magistris  tradidimus,  eosdem  liberalibus  e  publico  aerario  stipendiis  sus- 
tentavimus  ;  statim  inter  Pastores  quosdam  et  Magistratuum  plerosque  ortae  contentio- 
nes :  cum  illi.  quidem  id,  quod  persecutionum  necessitate  invaluerat,  regimen  sine  ulla 
mutatione  retentum  vellent,  sibique  ac  Senioribus  potestatem  omnem  ferendarum  legum 
ecclesiasticarum,  conferendique  munera  ecclesiastica  vindicarent:  hi  contra,  mutatis 
temporibus,  manente  functionum  discrimine,  mutandam  nonnihil  censerent  formam  gu- 
bernationis :  quippe  cum,  ut  ex  verbo  divino  docet  Belgica  confessio,  non  id  modo  mu- 
nus  sit  Magistratuum,  ut  dc  civili  politia  conservanda  sint  solliciti ;  sed  et  ut  operam 
dent  tollendis  adulterinis  cultibus,  praedicando  Evangelio,  propagando  Christ!  regno : 
quod  cum  officium  faciunt  Magistratus,  eosdem  esse  supremos  et  civilium  et  ecclesias- 
ticarum rerum  gubernatores,  ac  proinde  nullum  esse  regimen  externum,  quod  non  su- 
premo in  Republica  imperio  subordinetur.  First  church  service  of  the  churches  under 
the  cross  in  Wesel,  1568,  and  Emden,  1571 ;  then  the  church  service  of  Dort,  1578.  The 
first  state  order  for  church  service  (edited  by  Eoyaards,  in  Nedcrl.  Archief  voor  kerk. 
Geschiedenis,  iii.  305  ;  comp.  his  Introduction)  was  not  carried  out.  The  National  Syn- 
od  in  the  Hague,  convened  by  Lord  Leicester,  published  a  strictly  Calvinistic  liturgy, 
1580  ;  then  followed,  1591,  the  church  service  of  the  states  of  Holland,  which,  however, 
was  not  carried  out  (Ypey  en  Dermout,  i.  353). 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  43.  ARMINIANISM.    507 

of  doctrine  by  the  adoption  of  the  Belgic  Confession  and  the  Hei- 
delberg Catechism,  the  acceptance  of  the  Decrelum  absolutum,3 
and  also  to  insist  upon  the  independence  of  the  Church  in  relation 
to  the  state.  This  led  to  several  controversies,4  which  at  last 
came  together  in  the  great  Arminian  discussion. 

James  Arminius,5  preacher  in  Amsterdam,  who  had  been  led 
by  his  earnest  studies  to  abandon  strict  Calvinism,6  became,  in 
1603,  professor  of  theology  in  Leyden,  and  was  soon  involved  in 
such  an  animated  conflict  with  his  colleague,  Francis  Gomarus, 
that  parties  of  Gromarists  and  Arminians  were  speedily  formed 
throughout  the  whole  republic.  The  point  raised  was,  indeed, 
only  the  doctrine  of  predestination  ;  but  the  difference  of  the  par- 
ties was  much  deeper.     The  Arminians  wished  for  biblical  sim- 

3  Hugonis  Grotii  Annales  et  Historiae  de  Rebus  Belgicis,  Amstel.,  1G58,  p.  552  :  Auxit 
sententiae  (Calvini)  rigorem  Genevae  E-eza,  per  Germaniam  Zanchius,  Ursinus,  Pisca- 
tor,  saepe  eo  usque  provecti,  ut,  quod  alii  anxie  vitaverant,  apertius  nonnunquam  tra- 
derent,  etiam  peccandi  neoessitatem  a  prima  causa  pendere :  quae  ampla  Lutheranis 
criminandi  materia,  et  supra  illud  de  Eucharistia  nova  certaminis  seges.  Apud  Bata- 
vos  initio  motae  religionis  super  his  contendere  haud  vacuum  fuit :  facile,  quamvis  inter 
diversa  sentientes,  aequo  jure  agebatur.  At  ubi  multa  juventus  a  Genevensibus,  Pala- 
tinis,  Nassoviis  doctoribus  veniens,  instituendis  praefecta  Ecclesiis,  numerare  se  cocpit, 
tempus  rati  quae  ipsi  didicerant  in  legem  vertere,  dissidendi  manifestos  certabant  aut 
non  admittere  ad  sacra  munera,  aut  admissos  excludere :  unde  crebri  ad  Ordines  ques- 
tus,  Anastasium  Velausum  in  Geldria,  in  Frisia  Gellium  Snecanum,  Trajecti  Hubertum, 
apud  Batavos  Hiltamum,  Clementem  Martium,  Hermannum  Herberti  et  alios  eadem 
palam  et  tuto  docuisse  testantium  :  donee  duo,  quos  dixi,  Gomarus  inde,  liinc  Arminius, 
in  ipsa  Lugduncnsi  schola  sua  quisque  iirmare,  aliena  labefactare  aggressi  sunt.  How 
the  synods  began  to  demand  subscription  to  the  Confessio  Belgica  and  the  Heidelberg 
Catechism  is  related  by  J.  Borsius,  in  the  Archief  voor  Kerk.  Geschiedenis,  ix.  285. 

*  Dirik  Volckaerts  zoon  Koornhert  (f  1590)  is  to' be  regarded  as  the  forerunner  of  the 
Remonstrants  ;  in  a  large  number  of  books  (Works,  Amst.,  1G30,  3  fol.)  he  was  a  zeal- 
ous advocate  of  freedom  of  conscience,  and  of  the  reduction  of  theology  to  a  few  essen- 
tial points.  He  was  involved  in  a  controversy  in  Leyden,  1578,  for  assailing  Calvin's 
and  Beza's  views  on  predestination,  and  on  the  execution  of  heretics  (Uytenbogaert,  p. 
198).  In  1583  he  wrote  against  the  Dutch  Catechism  ;  reply  by  A.  Saravia,  professor 
of  theology  in  Leyden  (Brand,  Hist,  de  la  Ref.,  i.  202).  Casp.  Coolhaas,  preacher  in 
Leyden,  defended  the  rights  of  the  magistracy  over  the  Church,  denied  Calvinistic  pre- 
destination, and  would  receive  all  those  as  brethren  who  would  accept  the  fundamental 
truths  of  Christianity.  He  was  deposed  by  the  Synod  of  Middelburg  in  1581  (Brand,  i. 
282,  289.     Ypey  en  Dermout,  ii.,  Aant.,  p.  68). 

5  Casp.  Brantii  (son  of  Gerhard,  and  also  Remonstrant  preacher  in  Amsterdam)  Hist. 
Vitae  Jac.  Arminii,  Amstclod.,  1721  (praef.  notasque  addidit  J.  L.  Moshemius,  Bruns- 
vig.,  1725). 

6  The  preachers  in  Delft,  A.  C.  van  der  Linden  and  Reinier  Donteclock,  wrote,  1589  : 
Responsio  ad  Argumcnta  quaedam  Bezae  et  Calvini  ex  tractatu  de  Praedestinatione  in 
cap.  ix.  ad  Rom.,  in  order  as  Sublapsarian  to  refute  the  Supralapsarians.  Martin  Ly- 
dius,  professor  in  Franeckcr,  called  out  Arminius  to  defend  Calvin  and  Beza  ;  and  the 
investigations  to  which  he  was  thus  led  brougbt  Arminius  to  entirely  opposite  convic- 
tions.    C.  Brantii  Hist.  Vitae  J.  Arminii  cd.  Moshcim,  p.  22. 


508  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

plicity  in  doctrines,  and  a  peaceful  spirit  in  the  Church,7  and  also 
for  the  subjection  of  the  Church  to  the  state.8  The  Gomarists,  on 
the  contrary,  demanded  the  adoption  of  strict  Calvinism,  not  only 
in  doctrine,  but  also  as  to  the  independence  of  the  Church  in  rela- 
tion to  the  state.  In  vain  did  the  States  favorable  to  the  Armin- 
ians,  led  by  John  van  Oldenbarneveld  and  Hugo  Grotius,  use  all 
their  efforts  to  maintain  the  peace  of  the  Church  ;  the  Gomarists 
became  more  and  more  violent  and  stiff-necked. 

After  the  death  of  Arminius  (1609),  his  successor,  Simon  Epis- 
copius,9  and  John  Uytenbogaert,10  preacher  at  the  Hague,  became 
the  leaders  of  the  party.  To  refute  false  accusations,  they  set 
forth  their  doctrinal  views  in  a  Remonstrance  (Remonstrantie, 
hence  called  Remonstrants),11  addressed,  in  1610,  to  the  States 

7  Uytenbogaert,  in  1G10,  wrote  an  account  of  a  remarkable  conversation  which  he  had 
with  Is.  Casaubon,  in  which  the  latter  openly  avowed  his  objections  to  Calvinism 
(Praestantium  ac  erud.  Virorum  Epist.  Eccl.,  p.  250)  :  Quaesivit  (Casaubonus)  de  Ar- 
minio,  anne  et  ille  haberet  aliquid  de  quo  conquereretur.  Respondi,  habere,  sed  praeci- 
puum  esse,  quod  ageret,  ut  posset  uniri  Christianismus :  modum  autem  hunc  esse,  ut 
discrimen  fieret  inter  fundamentalia  et  non  fundamentalia ;  ut  de  illis  certi  esse  posse- 
mus,  de  his  libere  prophetare.  Ad  hoc  ille :  o  sanctas  cogitationes !  Arminius  him- 
self says  in  his  Testament  (Vita,  p.  199)  :  coram  Deo  testor,  me  bona  conscientia  in  mu- 
nere  mco  et  vocatione  simpliciter  et  sincere  ambulasse  :  sollicite  admodum  et  curiose 
hoc  cavens,  ne  quid  proponerem  aut  docerem,  quod  non  adhibita  ante  diligentia  ex  s. 
Scripturis  disquirendis  comperissem  cum  iisdem  Scripturis  ad  amussim  convenire  :  quae- 
cunquc  ad  propagationem  ampliiicationemque  veritatis,  religionis  christianae,  veri  Dei 
cultus,  communis  pietatis,  et  sanctae  inter  homines  conversationis,  denique  ad  conveni- 
entxm  christiano  nomini  tranquillitatem  et  pacem  secundum  verbum  Dei  possent  con- 
ferre,  excludens  Papatum,  cum  quo  nulla  unitas  fidei,  nullum  pietatis  aut  christianae 
pacis  vinculum  servari  potest; 

8  Cf.  J.  Uytenbogaert  tractaat  van't  Ampt  en  Auctoriteit  eener  hooger  Christelijke 
Overhcit  in  kerkelijke  saken.,  1G10.  4.  Hugonis  Grotii  Oratio  in  Senatu  Amstel.,  ix. 
Cal.  Maji,  161G,  habita.     Opp.  Theol.,  iii.  177. 

9  Hist,  vitae  Sim.'Episcopii  scripta  a  Phil,  a  Limborch,  Amstel.,  1701. 

10  J.  Uytenbogaert  leven,  kerckelijke  Bedieninge  ende  zedige  verandwoording,  164G. 
4.  (also  at  the  end  of  an  edition  of  his  kerk.  Historic). 

11  They  agreed  upon  a  declaration,  January,  1610  (Uytenbogaert,  kerk.  Historie,  p. 
524),  which,  witli  the  necessary  changes  in  the  form  of  it,  was  afterward  submitted  to 
the  states  as  the  Remonstrantia  (in  the  Schriftelijke  Conference  gehouden  in's  Graven- 
hage,  1C11,  tusschen  sommigc  Kerkendienaren,  1612.  4.,  p.  1).  The  five  articles  in  which 
the  Remonstrants  declare  their  doctrine,  Latin  in  Benthcm's  Holl.  Kirch-  u.  Schulen- 
staat,  i.  635.  Walch's  Religionsstreit.  ausser  d.  Luth.  Kirche,  iii.  540 :  I.  Deum  aeterno 
immutabili  decreto  in  Jesu  Christo  filio  suo  ante  jactum  mundi  fundamentum  statuisse, 
ex  lapso— humano  genere,  illos  in  Christo,  propter  Christum,  et  per  Christum  servare, 
qui  Spiritus  s.  gratia  in  eundein  ejus  Filium  credunt :— contra  vero  eos,  qui  non  conver- 
tnntur, — in  peccato  et  irae  subjectos  relinquere  et  condemnare,  as  in  Job.  iii.  3G.  II. 
Proinde  J.  Chr.— pro  omnibus  et  singulis  mortuum  esse,— ea  tamen  conditione,  ut  nemo 
ilia  remissione  peccatorum  re  ipsa  fruatur,  praeter  hominem  fidelem,  as  in  Joh.  iii.  16; 
1  Joh.  ii.  2.  III.  Hominem  vero  salutarem  fidem  a  se  ipso  non  habere,— sed  necessari- 
um  esse  rum  in  Christo  per  Spiritum  ejus  sanctum  regigni  et  renovari,— ut  aliquid  boni 


PAKT  II.— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  43.  ARMINIANISM.    509 

of  Holland  and  West  Friesland ;  but  these  States  attempted  in 
vain  to  bring  their  opponents,  the  Contra-Remonstrants,  to  toler- 
ate these  doctrines.12  The  strife  became  more  bitter  by  assum- 
ing a  political  character.  The  States  wished  for  peace,  and  in 
1609  had  carried  through  an  agreement  for  a  twelve  years'  truce 
with  Spain,  under  the  influence  of  Oldenbarneveld  and  Orrotius, 
and  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the  Stadtholder,  Prince  Mau- 
rice of  Orange.  The  accusation  against  these  statesmen,  that 
they  were  bribed  by  Spain,  was  all  the  more  readily  welcomed 
by  the  Contra-Remonstrants,  since  the  Arminians,  who  support- 
ed the  States,  were  implicated  in  the  charge  of  treachery.13 
The  States  of  Seeland,  Friesland,  Groningen,  and  G-eldern,  car- 
ried away  by  this  impulse,  demanded  a  national  synod  to  con- 
demn the  Remonstrants.  The  States  of  Holland,  Utrecht,  and 
Upper  Yssel  were  opposed  to  this  ;14  but  six  of  their  cities,  and 

possit  iatelligere,  cogitare,  velle  et  perficere  nach  Joh.  xv.  5.  IV.  Hanc  Dei  gratiain 
esse  initium,  progressum  ac  perfectionem  omnis  boni ; — adeo  quidem,  ut  omnia  bona 
opera,  quae  excogitare  possumus,  Dei  gratiae  in  Christo  tribuenda  sint.  Quod  vero  mo- 
dum  operationis  illius  gratiae  attinet,  ilia  non  est  irresistibilis.  De  raultis  enim  dicitur, 
eos  Spiritui  s.  restitisse,  Act.  7.  et  alibi  multis  locis.  V.  Qui  Jesu  Christo  per  veram 
fidem  sunt  insiti,  ac  proinde  Spiritus  ejus  vivificantis  participes,  eos  abunde  habere  fa- 
cultatum,  quibus  contra  Satanam — et  propriara  suam  carnem  pugnent,  et  victoriam  ob- 
tineant,  veruntamen  per  gratiae  Spiritus  s.  subsidium  ;  Jesum  Christum  vero  illis  Spi- 
ritu*suo  in  omnibus  tentationibus  adesse,  manum  porrigere,  et,  modo  sint  ad  certamen 
promti,  et  ejus  auxilium  petant,  neque  officio  suo  desint,  eos  confirmare. — Sed  an  illi 
ipsi  negligentia  sua  initium  sui  esse  in  Christo  deserere  non  possint, — conscientiae  nau- 
fragiuin  facere,  a  gratia  excidere,  penitus  ex  s.  Scriptura  esset  expendendum,  antequam 
illud  cum  plena  animi  tranquillitate  et  ir\iipo(popiii  docere  possent. 

12  The  states,  upon  receiving  this  Remonstrance,  ordered  (Uytenbogaert,  p.  529),  dat 
de  Predicantcn  van  't  gevoelen  in  dese  Remonstrantie  uj'tgedruckt,  zijnde  in  actuelcn 
dienst,  van  de  Censuren  der  andere  Predicanten  desen  aengaende  souden  blijven  be- 
vrijdt,  ende  dat  men  d'aenkomende  Kerckendienaren  in  bet  examineren  vorder  niet  en 
soude  beswaren,  als  van  oudts  is  gebruyckelijck  geweest,  ende  sonderling  in  't  stuck 
van  de  Praedestinatie,  hooger  noch  swaerder  niet  als  in  de  vijf  Artijckelen  wordt  ver- 
klaert.  The  clergy  took  the  ground  that  this  order  was  an  interference  of  the  secular 
power  in  spiritual  matters,  and  hence  invalid.  The  states  endeavored,  fruitlessly,  to 
bring  about  conferences  between  the  two  parties  in  the  Hague,  1G11  (Ypey  en  Dcrmout, 
ii.  193),  and  in  Delft,  1613  (1.  c.,  p.  201).  So,  too,  their  decree  of  January,  1G14  (Grotii 
Opp.  Theol.,  iii.  Ill),  by  which  the  clergy  were  exhorted  to  peace,  remained  unsuccessful. 

13  Ypey  en  Dermout,  ii.  215.  The  feeling  of  the  Contra-Remonstrants  comes  out  in 
Bogermanni  Ep.  ad  J.  J.  Breitingerum  (preacher  in  Zurich),  23d  June,  1618  (Miscella- 
nea Tigurina,  ii.  429)  :  Mysterium  est  iniquitatis,  non  tantum  ecclesiasticae,  sed  et  po- 
liticae,  quod  quinquarticularia  (quam  vocant)  controversia  occultat.  Turbatur  Eecle- 
sia,  turbatur  Politia.  Orthodoxi  quibusdam  in  locis  persecutiones  passi  sunt  acerbissi- 
mas,  et  regimen  politicum  ejectis  orthodoxis  eommissum  est  Papisticis,  Libertinis,  Neu- 
tralises, qui  ad  induciarum  exspirationem  idonea  essent  hostium  mancipia. 

'■*  Ep.  Ord.  Holl.  ad  Jacob.  R.,  1618  (see  Note  1),  p.  500  :  Sunt  qui  existimarint,  hasce 
controversias  nationalis  Synodi  decisione  terminandas.  Nos  vero  Majestatem  tuam — 
expendere  oramus,  prius  an  utilis  sit  futura  ilbrum  controversiarum  decisio,  deinde  an 


510  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

among  them  the  powerful  Amsterdam,  held  with  the  opponents ; 
so  that  the  states  of  Holland  at  last  remained  alone,  and  were 
themselves  obliged  to  assent,  after  their  chief  men,  Oldenbarne- 
veld,  Grotius,15  and  Hogerbeets,  had  been  put  in  prison  by  order 
of  the  Estates-General.  Thus  the  National  Synod  of  Dort  was 
convened  (November,  1618,  to  May,  1619)  ;1C  and  invitations  to  it 
were  sent  to  the  other  Reformed  national  churches.17  Its  de- 
cisions could  be  anticipated.  Not  only  these  statesmen,18  but 
also  the  Remonstrants,19  were  condemned  ;  the  Calvinist  doctrine 

recte  per  nationalem  Synoclum  id  possit  expediri.  Ad  prius  quod  attinet,  rogatur  Ma- 
jestas  tua  examinare,  an  credibile  sit,  in  iis  controversiis,  de  quibus  inanifesta  est  vete- 
ran Patrum  dissensio,  de  quibus  inter  religionis  instauratores  convenire  non  potuit,  ac 
ne  inter  Pontificios  quidem  convenit,  praestari  posse  a  nostri  saeculi  ingeniis,  quod  hac- 
tenus  nulla  saecula  praestiterunt. — Alteram  quod  ad  Majestatis  tuae  perspicax  judicium 
deferimus,  hoc  est,  an  tutum  satis  sit,  et  concordiae  omnium  Ecclesiarum  conveniens, 
controversias,  quae  omnes  ferine  Ecclesias  sunt  pervagatae,  unius  nostrae  nationis  Syno- 
do  determinari. — Habemus  et  recens  in  Germania  exemplum,  ubi  cum  Saxones  Theologi 
et  Pastores  librum  confecissent,  quern  concordiae  vocabant, — placuit  Reginae  Elisa- 
bethae  et  piis  Germaniae  Principibus,  Francofurti  conventum  instituere,  in  quo  legati — 
epistolam  ad  Germaniae  Principes  scripserunt,  in  qua  ostendunt,  recte  ipsos  facturos 
fuisse,  si  consilia  sua  contulissent  cum  aliis  gentibus,  quae  eundem,  quem  ipsi,  Deum 
invocant. — Tarn  piis  moderatisque  consiliis  cum  non  auscultarent  doctores  Saxonici,  sed 
paucarum  provinciarum  cousensum  subscriptionibus  firmarent,  secuta  inde  est  ilia  luc- 
tuosa  nobis,  lucrosa  liostibus,  evangelicarum  Ecclesiarum  divulsio.  Quod  ipsum  satis 
grave  nobis  exemplum  esse  debet,  ne  tale  quid  iterum  committamus.  Eo  autem  magis 
ad  communem  evangelicarum  Ecclesiarum  statum  pertinebit  quicquid  de  praedestina- 
lione  et  adhaerentibus  quaestionibus  statuetur,  quod  Augustanae  confessionis  theologi 
in  his  controversiis  nunc  maxime  pedem  figant  (see  §  42). — Et  quanquam  hoc  anno  pro- 
vinciae  quaedam  iterum  nationalem  Synodum  urgere  coeperunt,  atque  earn  indicere 
sunt  aggressae ;  illae  tamen  provinciae,  quae  veteribus  illis  controversiis  magis  impli- 
catae  praecipites  condemnationes  perhorrescunt,  assensum  suum  negant :  neque  arbi- 
trantur  id  juris  concessum  esse  aliis  provinciis,  ut  vel  una  invita,  nedum  pluribus,  com- 
muni  foederatorum  nomine  aliquid  imperii  circa  ecclesiastica  usurpent ;  cum  id  imperi- 
um  minima  ambigua  slipulatione  provinciae  singulae  integrum  illibatumque  sibi  ser- 
vaverint,  conuexae  quidem  religionis  vinculo  cum  vicinis  provinciis  itidem,  ut  cum  Ma- 
jestatis tuae  regnis,  aliisque  per  Europam  eandem  veritatem  sequentibus,  sed  sine  ulla 
mutua  subjectione. 

15  Hugo  Grotius  v.  II.  Luden,  Berlin,  1806,  s.  128.    Ypey  en  Dermout,  ii.  215. 

16  Decree  of  the  Estates-General  for  convening  the  synod,  11th  November,  1617,  in 
Bcnthem's  Holl.  Kirchcn-  u.  Schulenstaat,  i.  371. 

:  7  That  addressed  to  the  Swiss,  see  Miscellanea  Tigur.,  ii.  273.  Brandenburg  was  in- 
vited, but  did  not  send  any  theologians ;  see  Hering's  hist.  Nachricht  v.  d.  ersten  An- 
fang  der  Ref.  Kirche  in  Brandenburg,  s.  383.  Anhalt  alone  was  not  invited.  The 
French  Reformed  were  forbidden  by  Louis  XIII.  to  send  delegates.  A  list  of  all  the 
members  is  in  Benthcm,  i.  379.  The  foreign  churches  represented  were  the  English 
Episcopal,  the  Scotch,  the  Palatinate,  Hesse,  Switzerland,  Wetterau,  Geneva,  Bremen, 
and  Emden. 

1S  Oldenbarneveld  was  executed  13th  May,  1619;  Regenboog,  i.  299. 

19  Acta  Synodi  Nationals  Dortrechti  habitae,  Dordrechti,  1620.  4.  (the  official  collec- 
tion). Acta  et  Scripta  synodalia  Dordracena  Ministrorum  Remonstrantium,  Herder- 
wijci,  1620.  4.  (the  Remonstrant  collection).     Jo.  Halesii  (preacher  to  the  English  em- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  43.  ARMINIANISM.    51 1 

of  predestination  was  formally  confirmed  ;20  and  the  Remonstrant 
clergy  banished,  in  case  they  did  not  renounce  all  exercise  of 

bassy,  present  as  a  spectator)  Hist.  Concilii  Dordraceni  (reports  to  the  English  embas- 
sador at  the  Hague);  J.  L.  Moshemius,  lat.  vertit,  variis  Observationibus  et  Vita  Ha- 
lesii  auxit,  Hamb.,  1724.  Many  letters  in  the  Praestantium  ac  Erud.  Virorum  Episto- 
lae  eccl.,  especially  the  reports  to  the  English  embassador  at  the  Hague  of  the  Scotch 
theologian,  Gualth.  Balcanquallus,  p.  527,  540,  etc.  Favorable  to  the  synod  were  the 
reports  sent  to  Zurich  by  H.  J.  Breitinger  (Miscellanea  Tigur.,  ii.  377).  Balcanquallus, 
8.  Cal.  Apr.,  1619  (1.  c,  p.  565),  made  three  remarks  upon  the  synod :  1.  Praesidem 
(Joh.  Bogermann,  preacher  at  Leeuwaarden)  plus  sibi,  quam  ullus  ante  eum  Praeses, 
arrogasse  in  conficiendis  canonibus,  quos  a  reliquis  volebat  approbari  per  nudum  placet, 
vel  rejici  per  solum  non  placet. — 2.  Videtur  mihi  multo  minus  turbarum  in  Synodo  futu- 
rum  fuisse,  si  duo  viri  abfuissent,  quibus  praeseutibus  nunquam  turbae  Synodo  deerunt; 
Sibrandum  (Sibr.  Lubbertum,  professor  in  Franeker)  et  Gomarum  (professor  in  Gronin- 
gen)  intelligo,  qui  alteruas  habent  vices  furendi  ac  tumultuandi.  Proxima  ante  hodier- 
nam  procella  a  parte  Gomari  detonuit :  hodie  Sibrandus  invectus  est  in  nostrum  Colle- 
gium (the  foreign  divines)  tanta  cum  iracundia  et  impotentia,  tantaque  cum  acerbitate 
verborum,  ut  nulla  re  magis  de  ipso  ultio  sumatur,  quam  nuda  relatione  verborum,  quae 
protulit.  (How  these  two  at  first  calumniated  the  Bremen  divines ;  and  how  Gomarus 
blamed  the  Bishop  of  Landaff;  see  p.  547  ss.)  3.  Nisi  Tu,  Vir  ill.,  magna  diligentia 
provideas,  ut  bonum  consilium  hue  afferatur,  prout  comparatum  esse  video,  Synodus 
erit  res  omnibus  saeculis  deridenda.  Praeses  et  Provinciales  nullo  modo  consulunt  dig- 
nitati  aut  honori  exterorum,  neque  flocci  faciunt  rationem,  quam  reversi  tenebimur  red- 
dere  omnibus  earn  petentibus.  Volunt  canones  suos  ita  turgere  speculationibus  ex  cate- 
chismo  petitis,  ut  prae  iis  crepare  ac  disrumpi  videantur ;  satisque  video,  nullum  esse  in 
Synodo  ministrum  Contraremonstrantem,  quin  velit  earn  doctrinam,  quam  ipse  propo- 
sing et  contra  quam  Remonstrantes  exceperuut,  totam  canonibus  infarciri,  ut  ostentare 
possit  a  se  dicta. 

50  Gomarus  came  out  as  a  Supralapsarian  (Acta  Syn.  Nationalis,  p.  272  :  Non  tantum 
hominem  lapsum,  sed  etiam  ante  lapsum  in  praedestinatione  a  Deo  consideratum ;  cf. 
Balcanquallus,  Praest.  Vir.  Epist.,  p.  556).  According  to  Breitinger  (Misc.  Tigur.,  ii. 
419)  he  was  the  only  Supralapsarian.  The  English  wished  to  throw  out  some  (Supralap- 
sarian) duriores  locutiones  ;  particularly  this  :  Deum  movere  hominum  linguas  ad  blas- 
phemandum,  and  :  hominem  non  posse  plus  boni  facere  quam  facit.  The  divines  of 
Hesse  and  Bremen  joined  with  them  in  this,  but  without  success  (Acta  Syn.  Nat.,  p. 
277 :  ne  calumniari  possent  adversarii,  rejectione  phrasium  incommodarum  etiam  doc- 
trinam orthodoxam,  quam  professi  cssent  illi,  qui  in  ejus  explicatione  ejusmodi  phrasi- 
bus  durius  aut  imprudentius  usi  videntur,  pariter  damnari.  Cf.  Blancanquallus,  Praest. 
vir.  epist.,  p.  569.  Mosheim  in  edit.  Halesii,  p.  58).  Yet  still  Professor  John  Macco- 
vius,  in  Franeker,  who  was  complained  of  for  similar  opinions  (e.  g.  Deus  destinat  ali- 
quos  ad  poenam  et  ad  ea,  propter  quae  juste  infligi  mereatur),  after  a  private  hearing, 
was  warned  to  avoid  such  positions  as  would  give  rise  to  scandal,  and  scholastic  phrases 
which  might  be  misunderstood  (see  J.  Heringa,  twistzaak  van  Maccovius  i.  d.  Archief 
voor  kerk.  Geschiedenis,  iii.  503).  The  Canones  Synodi  de  V.  Remonstr.  Articulis,  see 
Acta  Syn.  Nation.,  p.  279  ;  also  a  special,  official  edition  :  Judicium  Syn.  Nat.  habitae 
Dordrechti  ann.  1618  et  1619  de  quinque  Doctrinae  Capitibus  in  Ecclesiis  Belgicis  con- 
troversis  promulgatum,  6.  Maj.,  1619.  4. ;  also  in  Niemeyer,  Coll.  Conf.  Reform.,  p.  690. 
They  are  divided  into  five  chapters  :  1.  De  divina  praedestinatione  ;  2.  De  morte  Christi 
et  hominum  per  earn  redemptione ;  3  et  4.  De  hominis  corruptione  et  conversione  ad 
Deum  ejusque  modo ;  5.  De  perseverantia  Sanctorum.  Every  chapter  ends  with  a  Rt- 
jectio  errorum.  Cf.  i.  7  :  Est  autem  electio  immutabile  Dei  propositum,  quo  ante  jacta 
mundi  fundamenta  ex  universo  genere  humano,  ex  primaeva  integritate  in  peccatum  et 
cxitium  sua  culpa  prolapso,  secundum  liberrimum  voluntatis  suae  beneplacitum,  ex 
mera  gratia,  certain  quorundam  hominum  multitudinem,  aliis  nee  meliorum  nee  digni- 
orum,  sed  in  communi  miseria  cum  aliis  jacentium,  ad  salutem  elegit  in  Christo,  qucm 


512  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

their  ecclesiastical  functions.21  In  fact,  the  condemnation  of  the 
Lutheran  doctrine  was  involved  ;  and  so  the  separation  from  the 
Lutherans  on  the  part  of  the  Reformed  was  fully  carried  out.22 

§  44. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  REMONSTRANTS— CONTINUED. 

[A.  Schweizer,  Die  Protestantischen  Centraldogrnen,  1856,  Band  ii.  31-201.     W.  Gass, 
Geschichte  d.  Prot.  Dogmatik,  Bd.  ii.  1857.] 

Many  of  the  Remonstrants  were  welcomed,  in  1621,  by  Fred- 
crick  II.,  Duke  of  Holstein,  where  they  founded  Friedrichstadt,  in 
Sleswick.1  Those  left  behind  in  the  Netherlands,  being  deprived 
of  their  clergy,  formed,  in  consequence,  the  sect  of  Rhynsburgers 
or  Collegiants,  led  by  three  brothers  of  the  name  of  Van  der 

etiam  ab  aeterno  mediatorem  et  omnium  electorum  caput,  salutisque  fundarnentum  con- 
stituit,  atque  ita  eos  ipsi  salvandos  dare  et  ad  ejus  communionem  per  verbum  et  Spiri- 
tum  suum  efficaciter  vocare  ac  trahere,  sou  vera  in  ipsum  fide  donare,  justificars,  sancti- 
ficare,  et  potenter  in  Filii  sui  communione  custoditos  tandem  gloriticare  decrevit,  ad  de- 
monstrationem  suae  misericordiae,  et  laudem  divitiarum  gloriosae  suae  gratiae  nach 
Eph.,  i.  4-6.  Rom.,  viii.  30.  In  tbe  Rejectio  errorum,  which  follows  every  chapter,  the 
Lutherans  are  manifestly  included,  where  those  errorists  are  condemned, — Cap.  i.  4  :  Qui 
docent,  in  electione  ad  iidem  hanc  conditionem  praerequiri,  nt  homo  lumine  naturae 
recte  utatur,  sit  probus,  parvus,  humilis,  et  ad  vitam  aeternam  dispositus,  quasi  ab  istis 
electio  aliquatenus  pendeat ;  and  Cap.  3  et  4,  8 :  Qui  docent,  Deurn  in  hominis  regenera- 
tione  eas  suae  omnipotentiae  vires  non  adhibere,  quibus  voluntatem  ejus  ad  fidem  et 
conversionem  potenter  et  infallibiliter  flectat ;  sed  positis  omnibus  gratiae  operationibus, 
quibus  Deus  ad  hominem  convertendum  utitur,  hominem  tamen  Deo  et  Spiritui  regene- 
rationem  ejus  intendenti — ita  posse  resistere, — ut  sui  regenerationem  prorsus  impediat. 
Comp.  §  42,  Note  4. 

11  See  the  Sententia  Synodi  de  Remonstrantibus  hinter  den  Canones.  The  leaders  of 
the  party  are  deposed  from  their  offices  in  the  church,  reliquos  autem,  quorum  cognitio 
ad  Synodum  hanc  nationalem  non  devenit,  Synodis  provincialibus,  Classibus  et  Presbj-- 
teriis,  ex  ordine  recepto,  committit :  quae  omni  studio  procurent,  ne  quid  Ecclesia  detri- 
menti  vel  in  praesens  capere,  vel  in  posterum  metuere  possit.  The  heads  of  the  party 
were  then  called  upon  by  the  Estates-General  to  subscribe  the  Akte  van  Stilstand  (the 
pledge  to  refrain  from  ecclesiastical  acts ;  see  this  in  Ypey  en  Dermout,  ii.,  Aant,  p. 
175)  ;  those  that  refused  were  banished.  The  provincial  synods  took  measures  against 
the  rest  of  the  Remonstrant  clergy ;  they  first  demanded  subscription  to  the  decrees  of 
Dort ;  if  this  was  refused,  then  a  subscription  to  the  Acte  van  Stilstand;  and  if  this  were 
not  complied  with,  they  caused  the  recusants  to  be  banished  ;  Ypey  en  Dermout,  ii.  245. 
See  the  Acts  of  the  Synod  of  South  Holland  on  this  matter,  complete  in  the  Archief  voor 
kerkel.  Geschiedenis,  vii.  On  the  violent  persecution  of  the  Remonstrants,  see  Regen- 
boog,  ii.  164  ff.  Prince  Maurice  was  not  at  all  in  favor  of  such  severe  measures  ;  Ypey 
en  Dermout,  ii.  228,  268. 

-2  See  Moshemius,  De  Auctoritate  Cone.  Dordraceni  Concordiae  sacrae  noxia,  prefixed 
to  his  edition  of  J.  Halesii  Hist.  Cone.  Dordr. 

1  Brandt,  Hist,  de  la  Reform,  des  Pais-bas,  ii.  330.  Pontoppidan's  Annales  Ecclesiae 
Danicae,  iii.  713. 


PART  II.-CHAP.  I.— REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  44.  REMONSTRANTS.    513 

Kodde,  who  from  principle  rejected  all  clergy.2  After  the  death 
of  Prince  Maurice,  1625,  under  the  Stadtholder,  Henry  Frederick, 
the  banished  clergy  returned  to  their  fatherland.  At  first  they 
were  only  silently  permitted  to  exercise  the  right  of  worship ;  un- 
til, in  1630,  Amsterdam  permitted  them  to  build  a  church.  Am- 
sterdam and  Rotterdam  were  their  chief  seats  ;  in  Amsterdam 
they  established  a  gymnasium  for  the  education  of  teachers.3 

The  Remonstrants  now  came  out  with  a  more  open  avowal  of 
their  doctrinal  peculiarities.  In  proportion  to  their  conviction, 
that  speculation  had  led  the  Calvinistic  dogmas  to  erroneous  con- 
clusions, was  the  decision  with  which  they  set  aside  all  human 
confessions  of  faith,4  and  took  the  Holy  Scripture  alone  as  their 
guiding  star  in  doctrine,  ascribing  special  value  to  those  parts  of 
it  which  are  of  practical  importance.5     They  denied  not  only  the 

2  Brandt,  ii.  218.  Ypey  en  Dermout,  ii.  284.  In  the  18th  century  they  were  absorbed 
among  the  Mennonites  ;  Ypey  en  Dermout  kerk.  geschiedenis  der  18  eeuw,  ix.  239-271. 

3  Brandt,  ii.  311.  Ypey  en  Dermout  Geschiedenis  van  de  herv.  christ.  Kerk  in  Neder- 
land,  ii.  324. 

4  Though  Episcopius  wrote  the  Confessio  s.  Declaratio  Sententiae  Pastorum,  qui  in 
foederato  Belgioe  Remonstrantes  vocantur,  Herderwijci,  1622.  4.  (Opp.,  ii.,  ii.  09),  yet 
in  it  he  expressly  guarded  against  the  opinion  that  it  was  to  have  a  binding  authority. 
In  respect  to  confessions  of  faith,  he  demanded  in  the  Preface  (Opp.,  ii.,  ii.  71)  :  1.  Nemo 
ad  formulas  illas  coufugiet,  ut  ex  iis  certa  fide,  veluti  ex  fontibus  hauriat  ac  depromat 
ea,  quae  credenda  sunt. — 2.  Nemo  ad  earum  sensus  adstringetur,  aut  adstringi  se  patie- 
tur  alia  lege,  quam  quatenus  et  quamdiu  ipse  certo  deprehendit  atque  in  conscientia  sua 
convincitur,  eas  cum  Scripturarum  sensibus  convenire.  3.  In  disputationibus,  collationi- 
bus,  examinibus  ad  illas  nunquam  provocabitur,  neque  ad  illarum  incudem  revoeabun- 
tur  fidei  controversiae  ;  sed  ad  solum  verbum  divinum,  tanquam  ad  regulam  unicam — 
omnes — exigeutur  aut  expendentur. — Hoc  itaque  fundamento  semel  rite  jacto — semper 
in  Ecclesia  J.  Chr.  sarta  tecta  manebit  libertas,  qua  sine  periculo  in  formulas  istas  in- 
quirere,  iisque  sine  scrupulo  contradicere  (salvis  semper  modestiae,  caritatis  et  pruden- 
tiae  christianae  legibus)  licebit.  Cf.  Ch.  J.  W.  Mosche,  Hist.  Sententiarum  Remonstran- 
tium  de  rebus  ad  religionem  et  conscientiam  pertinentibus  Spec.  1.,  Jenae,  1790,  p.  35. 

5  Episcopius,  1.  c,  p.  73 :  Ad  praxim  autem  christianae  pietatis  omnia  direximus. 
Quippe  veram  theologiam  credimus  mere  practicam  esse,  non  autem  vel  simpliciter,  vel 
maxima  et  potiore  sui  parte  speculativam,  et  proinde  quaecunque  in  ea  traduntur,  eo 
unice  referenda,  ut  ad  offieium  suum  sedulo  faciendum,  et  mandata  J.  Chr.  observan- 
dum  acrius  aptiusque  homo  inflammetur  atque  animetur.  Arida  enim,  effoeta,  sterilis, 
et  proinde  spuria  est  theologia,  quae  intra  inanem  speculationem  et  contemplationem 
meram  consistit,  quaeque,  postquam  diu  multumque  vigilantissimi  cujusque  industriam 
fatigavit,  atque  ingenium  solum  operose  exercuit,  ad  voluntatem  tamen  non  penetrat, 
et  debitum  Deo  obsequium  in  ea  non  gignit ;  eoque  nee  veram  nee  salutiferam  Dei 
Christique  notitiam  in  nobis  efficit. — Caetera  omnia,  nisi  ad  hunc  scopum  dirigantur, 
coram  Deo  vana  sunt  ac  frivola,  et  per  se  minimi  pretii,  adeoque  paene  nihili  ducenda 
(cf.  Institt.  Theol.,  lib.  i.,  c.  2.  Opp.,  i.  4),  p.  72:  Potest  salva  manere  pax  et  Concor- 
dia Christiana,  imo  debet  etiam,  inter  coetus  opinionibus  divisos  distinctosque,  si  modo 
per  nos  non  stet,  quominus  omnes  isti,  qui  necessaria  omnia  ad  salutem  adhuc  retinent, 
et  dogmata  pietati  noxia  praefracte  non  urgent,  in  unum  coiiant,  et  mutua  caritate  atque 
amore  fraterr.o  sese  invicem  in  Domino  Jesu  complectantur.     At  si  per  nos  stct,  quo  mi- 

vol.  iv. — 33 


514  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ordinary  doctrine  of  original  sin,6  but  also  the  speculative  con- 
struction of  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity.7  Hence  the  charge  of  So- 
cinianism  was  more  easily  brought  against  them ;  and,  in  point 
of  fact,  they  came  into  more  friendly  relations  with  the  Socinians 
than  the  other  churches  thought  to  be  advisable.8 

nus  Ecclesiae  illae  coalescant  et  in  unum  corpus  consolidentur,  quae  coalescere  ac  con- 
solidari  possunt  et  debent,  aut  si  unitas  conjuuctasque  sine  necessitate  disciadamus,  ac 
in  partes  dividamus,  turn  vero  schisrnatis  reos  nos  facimus,  et  turbatae  pacis  ac  concor- 
diae  apud  Deum  postulari  meremur :  quod  adeo  verum  est,  ut  Apostolus  non  minus  eti- 
am  scbismatis  reos  agere  videatur,  qui  Cbristi  esse  gloriabantur,  non  minus  certe,  quam 
caeteros,  qui  se  Pauli,  aut  Apollo,  aut  Cephae  esse  dicebant.  In  his  Apologia  pro  Con- 
fessione  (1.  c.,  p.  114)  he  expressly  defends  the  Remonstrant  position,  pauca  admodum 
esse,  quae  praecise  ad  aeternam  salutem  obtinendam  scitu  et  creditu  necessaria  sunt. 
Comp.  §  43,  Note  7.  See  G.  G.  Zeltneri  Breviarium  Controversiarum  cum  Eemonstran- 
tibus  agitatarum,  Norib.  et  Altorfi,  1719,  p.  1,  50. 

6  Simonis  Episcopii  Institt.  Theol.,  lib.  v.  c.  2  (Opp.,  i.  402) :  Patet,  fontem  sive  cau- 
sam,  unde  miseria  haec  duplex  in  universum  genus  humanum  profluit,  esse  suam  pro- 
priam  cujusque  hominis  culpam,  sive  potius  liberrimam  hominis  voluntatem ;  quia  im- 
possible est,  ut  homo  aut  peccati  reus  fiat  absque  propria  voluntate  sua  libera,  aut  poe- 
nae  sive  miseriae  proprie  dictae  absque  culpa  sua,  eaque  vincibili  aut  evitabili.  On 
original  sin  :  1.  Scriptura  nuspiam  peccati  alicujus  originalis  meminit,  nedum  ut  pecca- 
tuin  istud  miseriae  bujus  causam,  quid  dico,  causam  primam  ac  potissimam,  imo  unicam 
esse  asscrat.  2.  Nee  ut  adseruisse  id  credatur  Scriptura,  ratio  sinit,  -which  is  proved  at 
Length.     Zeltner,  p.  193. 

7  Sim.  Episcopii  Institt.  Theol.,  iv.  32  (Opp.,  i.  333):  Sed  vero  addo,  certum  esse  ex 
iisdem  Scripturis,  personis  his  tribus  divinitatem,  divinasque  perfectionis  tribui  non  col- 
lateraliter  aut  coordinate,  sed  subordinate:  ita  ut  Pater  solus  naturam  istam  divinam  et 
perfectiones  istas  divinas  a  se  habeat, — Filius  autem  et  Spiritus  sanctus  a  Patre  ;  ac  pro- 
iade  Pater  divinitatis  omnis,  quae  in  Filio  et  Spiritu  S.  est,  fons  ac  principium  sit.  P. 
884 :  Subordinatio  haec  diligenter  attendenda  est.  Permagnae  enim  est  utilitatis  :  quia 
per  earn  non  tantum  funditus  tollitur  TjOiSeotijs,  quam  collateralitas  paene  necessario 
secum  trahit,  sed  et  Patri  sua  gloria  sarta  tecta  conservatur.  Enimvero  subordinatione 
hac  posita  certum  est,  Patri  soli  proprie  istam  divinitatis  perfectionem  sive  Ak/xiiv  com- 
petere,  quod  earn  a  se  ipso  i.  e.  a  nullo  alio  habeat. — Unde  consequitur,  Patrem  sic  esse 
primum,  ut  etiam  summus  sit,  turn  ordine,  turn  dignitate,  turn  potestate. — Certe  ego 
nullus  dubito,  quin  Filius  ipse  Patrem  suum  ob  banc  etiam  praerogativam  et  k^oyjjv  se 
majorem  vocare  potuerit,  Jo.  xiv.  28,  et  Scriptura  passim  Patrem  vocet  nunc  Deum  ab- 
solute, nunc  unum  Deum,  1  Cor.  viii.  4 ;  nunc  unum  Deum  et  Patrem  omnium,  Eph.  iv. 
C ;  nunc  unum  et  solum  verum  ilium  Deum,  Jo.  xvii.  3 ;  nunc  Deum  ac  Patrem  Domini 
nostri  J.  Chr.,  uti  passim  in  epistolarum  initiis. — Cap.  34,  p.  338 :  Restat  ut  videamus, — 
utrum  praecise  ad  salutem  scitu  ac  creditu  necessarium  sit,  Jesum  peculiari  isto,  quern 
adstruximus,  modo  Filium  Dei  esse,  iisque  qui  id  negant,  aut  in  dubium  vocant,  ac  pro- 
inde  id  confiteri  non  audent,  anathema  sit  dicendum.  Resp.  Argumenta  pro  parte  ne- 
gante  mihi  longe  videntur  praeponderare,  et  quidem  haec.  Primum,  quia  nuspiam  in 
Scriptura  id  necessarium  creditu  esse  adseritur,  nee  per  bonam  nedum  necessarian!  con- 
sequentiam  ex  ea  elicitur. — Secundum  argumentum  nostrum  hoc  est.  Quia  honor  Chris- 
to  debitus,  i.  e.,  fides  et  obedientia,  quam  Deus  Pater  Jesu  Christo  attributam  vult,  sarta 
tecta  constare,  i.  e.,  Christo  tribui  potest  absque  eo,  quod  cognoscatur  isto  peculiari  modo 
ex  Patre  suo  genitus  esse.— Tertium  argumentum  :  In  primitivis  Ecclesiis,  quae  ab  ipsis 
usque  Apostolorum  temporibus,  saltern  per  tria  integra  saecula  fuerunt,  fides  ac  professio 
specialis  hujusmodi  filiationis  ad  salutem  scitu  ac  creditu  necessaria  judicata  non  fuit: 
ergo  cur  jam  necessaria  credatur,  causa  non  est.     Zeltner,  p.  71,  87. 

8  Comp.  Grotius's  letter  to  the  Socinian,  Job.  Crell,  May  10,  1G31  (H.  Grotii  Epistt. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.-REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  45.  PREDESTINATION.  5 15 

§   45. 
THE  DOCTRINE  OF  PREDESTINATION  AFTER  THE  SYNOD  OF  DORT. 

Although  the  decrees  of  Dort  were  subscribed  by  representa- 
tives of  most  of  the  Reformed  national  churches,  yet  they  were 
not  by  any  means  able  to  gain  a  victory  for  strict  Calvinism  in 
the  whole  of  the  Reformed  Church.  In  the  Reformed  churches 
of  Brandenburg,1  Anhalt,  Hesse,  and  Bremen2  they  were  not  at 
all  received.  King  James  I.,  though  he  sent  deputies  of  the  Epis- 
copal Church  to  the  Synod  of  Dort,  still,  in  1622,  forbade  Calvin- 
ism ;3  and  the  principles  of  the  Remonstrants  gained  ground  in 
the  Episcopal  Church,4  and  formed  the'  numerous  party  of  Lati- 
tudinarians.5  The  French  Reformed  Church,  in  the  progress  of 
the  controversy,  showed  itself  more  favorable  to  the  Remonstrants 
than  to  their  opponents.6     Not  to  separate  from  the  fellowship  of 

Amstel.,  1687,  fol.,  p.  104)  :  Bene  in  epistola  tua — de  me  judicas,  non  esse  me  eorum  in 
numero,  qui  ob  sententias  salva  pietate  dissentientes  alieno  a  quoquam  sim  animo,  aut 
boni  alicujus  amicitiam  repudiem.  Etiam  in  libro  de  vera  religione — multa  invenio 
summo  cum  judicio  observata  :  illud'vero  saeculo  gratulor,  repertos  homines,  qui  neuti- 
quam  in  controversiis  subtilibus  tantum  ponant,  quantum  in  vera  vitae  emendatione,  et 
quotidiano  ad  sanctitatem  profectu. 
' '  Hering's  Hist.  Nackricht  v.  d.  ersten  Anfang  der  Ref.  Kirche  in  Brandenburg,  s.  391. 

2  Ludov.  Crocius  (pastor  of  St.  Martini,  and  one  of  the  Bremen  divines  at  Dort)  de- 
clared himself,  in  his  Syntagma  Theologiae,  Brem.,  1636,  to  be  a  disciple  of  Melancthon 
on  the  doctrine  of  predestination.  Hence  the  strict  adherents  of  Dort  zealously  insisted 
(see  Crocii  Dyodecas  Dissertatt.  apologeticarum  et  exegeticarum  Syntagmatis  Theol., 
Bremae,  1642,  in  praef.),  Bremam  versam  in  speluncam  borrendarum  damnatarumque 
haeresium,  Atheismi  ac  Libcrtinismi ;  et  inibi  nunc  temporis  omnia  indubitata  pietatis 
mysteria,  quibus  nostra  salus  innititur,  ab  ipsis  fundamentis  convelli. — Suspicantur,  nos 
monstra  alere,  et  nescio  quam  tertiam  Ecclesiam  a  Lutherana  et  Reformata  diversam 
temere  moliri. 

3  See  above,  §  29,  Note  10. 

4  As  earhy  as  1622  Doubletius  writes  to  G.  J.  Vossius,  in  the  letter  cited  above,  §  29, 
Note  6,  about  the  University  of  Cambridge  :  Videbar  ego  in  Cantabrigiensi  Senatuscon- 
sulto  vidcre  plusculum  bilis  in  rigidos  istos  Genevensis  reformationis  professores;  sive 
ea  causa  sit,  quod  Puritanorum  omne  nomen  exosum  habent,  sive  quod  plerique  ibi  Re- 
monstrantium  sententiae  sunt  addictissimi.  Fui  istic  tempore  comitiorum  in  convivio 
publico  splendidissimo,  cui  plusquam  triginta  Doctores  theologiae,  aliique  equites  ac 
nobiles  mtercrant,  ubi  acerrime  de  praedestinatione,  libero  arbitrio,  et  reliquis  apud  vos 
tantopere  controversis  capitibus  disputabatur,  quibusdam  Remonstrantium  sententiam 
obnixe  defendentibus  adversus  Doctorem  Balcanquallum — :  quo  nomine  cum  ego  valde 
mirarer,  dicebant  mihi  Doctorum  unus  et  alter, — dubium  sibi  esse,  utra  pars  plures  in 
Academia  habcret  fautores,  Remonstrantiumve,  an  Contraremonstrantium.  Quod  in 
privatis  colloquiis  ipse  postea  vcrum  comperi  in  quam  plurimis.  Comp.  above,  §  28, 
Note  22. 

5  See  above,  §  29,  Note  11. 

6  The  Synod  of  Tonneins,  1614  (Tous  les  Synodes  nationaux  des  c'glises  reforme'es  de 


516  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  Reformed  churches,  it  did,  indeed,  at  the  Synod  of  Alais, 
1620,  accept  the  decrees  of  Dort;7  but  that  it  still  maintained 
the  same  opinions  upon  the  contested  points  was  soon  evinced 
by  its  declaration  that  the  Lutherans  were  orthodox  on  all  the 
leading  articles  of  the  faith.8  Thereupon,  too,  the  system  of  Mo- 
ses Amyraldus  (Amyraut),  professor  of  theology  at  Saumur,  called 
the  scheme  of  Universalismus  hypotheticus?  became  very  widely 

France  par  M.  Aymon,  a  la  Haye,  T.  ii.,  1710.  4.,  ii.  57),  determined,  in  the  first  in- 
stance, to  effect  a  union  of  the  Reformed  churches,  to  which  the  Lutherans  were,  then  to 
be  invited.  To  attain  the  first  object,  from  all  the  Reformed  Confessions  a  common  one 
was  to  be  drawn  up  for  all  the  churches — dans  laquelle  on  pourroit  omettre  plusieurs 
points,  qui  ne  sont  pas  necessaires  a  notre  salut  eternel :  parmi  lesquels  on  peut  compter 
ces  controverses,  qui  ont  ete  agitees  touchant  le  franc  arbitre,  la  perseverance  des  Saints, 
et  la  predestination :  etant  une  chose  trds-certaine,  que  toutes  les  erreurs  en  fait  de  re- 
ligion proviennent  de  ce  que  Ton  veut  ou  trop  savoir,  ou  trop  avoir ;  c'est-a-dire,  que  la 
curiosite  et  l'avarice  en  sont  les  sources.  C'est  ce  dernier  peche,  qui  a  corrompu  et 
ruine  1'eglise  de  Rome.  Mais  Satan  fait  encore  tous  ses  efforts  pour  nous  corrompre  par 
le  premier.  Quoiqu'il  en  soit,  si  nous  pouvions  seulement  gagner  cela  sur  nous,  que 
nous  ignorassions  volontiers  plusieurs  matieres,  et  que  nous  fussions  contens  savoir 
uniquement  ce  qui  regarde  le  salut  de  notre  ame,  et  la  gloire  de  Dieu ;  nous  ferions  un 
grand  pas,  et  on  peut  dire,  que  nous  aurions  deja  bien  avance  notre  ouvrage  d'union. 

7  Aymon,  ii.  182.  The  Articles  of  Dort  were  read  and  approved,  and  the  form  of  an 
oath  adopted  by  which  the  members  of  the  synod  bound  themselves  to  the  same,  which 
was  also  to  be  required  of  all  the  clergy.  In  this,  the  doctrine  of  the  Arminians  is  re- 
jected— parcequ'elle  fait  dependre  l'election  du  fidele  de  la  volonte  de  l'homme,  et  at- 
tribue  tant  de  pouvoir  a  son  franc  arbitre,  qu'elle  aneantit  la  grace  de  Dieu,  et  parce- 
qu'elle deguise  le  Papisme  pour  etablir  le  Pelagianisme,  et  renverser  toute  la  certitude 
du  salut.  However,  the  clergy  were  exhorted,  qu'ils  s'abstiennent  des  questions  vaines 
et  curieuses,  qu'ils  ne  fouillent  point  dans  le  conseil  secret  de  Dieu  au  de-la  des  termes 
de  sa  parole;  qu'ils  ignorent  plutot  les  choses  cachees  que  de  s'ingerer  dans  celles  qui 
sont  illicites,  et  qu'ils  fassent  servir  toute  la  doctrine  de  la  predestination  a  la  pratique 
des  vertus,  a  la  consolation  des  ames,  au  repos  des  consciences,  et  a  l'etude  de  la  piete, 
afin  que  par  ce  moyen  toute  occasion  de  contestation  soit  levee. 

8  Synode  National  de  Charenton,  1631  (Aymon,  ii.  501) :  Ce  Synode  declara,  que  par- 
ceque  les  Eglises  de  la  confession  d'Ausbourg  convenoient  avec  les  autres  Eglises  Re- 
formers dans  les  points  fondamentaux  de  la  veritable  religion,  et  qu'il  n'y  avoit  ni  super- 
stition, ni  idolatrie  dans  leur  culte,  les  fideles  de  ladite  Confession,  qui  par  un  esprit 
d'amitie  et  de  paix  se  joindroient  a  la  communion  de  nos  Eglises  dans  ce  roiaume,  pour- 
roient,  sans  faire  aucune  abjuration,  etre  recus  avec  nous  a  la  table  du  Seigneur,  et 
qu'en  qualite  de  parains  ils  pourroient  presenter  des  enfans  au  bateme,  pourvuqu'ils  pro- 
missent  au  Consistoire  de  ne  les  soliciter  jamais,  ni  directement,  ni  indirectement,  de 
transgresser  la  doctrine  recue  et  professee  dans  nos  Eglises ;  mais  qu'ils  les  instruiroient 
et  eleveroient  dans  les  points  et  articles  qui  leur  sont  communs  avec  nous,  et  touchant 
lesquels  les  Lutheriens  et  nous  sommes  d'accord.  Wholly  in  Calvin's  sense ;  see  §  35, 
Note  45,  at  the  end. 

9  A  further  development  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Scotchman,  John  Cameron,  successive- 
ly professor  at  Saumur,  Glasgow,  and  Montauban,  died  1625.  Anryraut  unfolded  his 
system  in  his  Traite  de  la  Predestination  et  de  ses  principes  differents,  Saumur,  1634. 
"  God  has  determined  to  save  all  men  through  Christ,  on  condition  that  they  believe  in 
him  (a  manifest  concession  to  the  Lutherans) :  by  this  general  call  to  salvation  the 
physical  power  of  believing  is  given  them,  but  not  the  moral  power ;  the  latter  is  im- 
parted only  in  the  special  call  to  the  elect.    The  heathen,  too,  in  consequence  of  the  re- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.-REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  45.  PREDESTINATION.  517 

diffused  among  the  Reformed,  in  spite  of  all  the  opposition  of  the 
Dutch  theologians.10 

demption  through  Christ,  even  without  a  particular  knowledge  of  Christ,  can  yet  believe 
in  him  and  be  saved  by  a  general  belief  in  the  providence  and  compassion  of  God." 
Accordingly,  Amyraut  declared  before  the  synod  at  Alencon,  1637  (Blondel,  Actes  Au- 
tbentiques,  p.  23),  que  Jesus  Christ  est  mort  pour  tous  homines  suffisament,  et  pour  les 
seals  esleus  efficacieusement.  He  distinguished  two  divine  decrees,  p.  25,  le  premier, 
de  sauver  tous  les  homines  s'ils  croient  en  lui,  et  le  second,  de  donner  la  foi  a  quelques 
una.  Cf.  Jaeger,  Hist.  Eccl.  et  Polit.  Saec.  XVII.  (Hamb.,  1709,  fol.),  i.  522.  Chr.  M. 
Pfaffii  de  Formula  Consensus  Helvetica  diss.,  Tubing.,  1723.  4.,  p.  5.  Moise  Amyraut, 
sa  Vie  et  ses  Ecrits,  these  par  Ch.  E.  Saigey,  Strasbourg,  1849,  p.  16.  Moses  Amyraldus 
v.  Dr.  Alex.  Schweizer,  in  Baur's  und  Zeller's  Theol.  Jahrbucher,  1852,  i.  41 ;  ii.  155. 
[Comp.  Schweizer,  Protest.  Ceutraldogmen,  ii.  225-439.  Gass,  Gesch.  d.  Prot.  Dogma- 
tik,  ii.  (1857),  324-359.] 

10  The  opposition  came  from  Dumoulin,  professor  in  Sedan,  who  stirred  up  the  theologic- 
al faculties  of  Geneva,  Leyden,  Franeker,  and  Groningen  against  Amyraut,  and  Paul  Tes- 
tard,  preacher  in  Blois,  who  agreed  with  him.  See  their  letters  to  the  National  Synod  in 
Aymon's  Synodes  Nationaux,  ii.  604.  Pierre  Dumoulin,  in  his  letter,  enumerated  as  er- 
rors the  following  positions  of  Aniyraut  (1.  c,  p.  618)  :  Qu'il  n'est  pas  absolument  neces- 
saire  a  salut  d'avoir  une  connoissance  claire  de  Jesus  Christ,  que  Jesus  Christ  etoit  mort 
egalement  et  indifferernent,  pour  tous  les  hommes,  que  les  reprouves  peuvent  etre  sauves 
s'ils  veulent,  que  Dieu  a  des  conseils  et  des  decrets  qui  ne  produiront  jamais  leur  effet, 
que  Dieu  a  ote  aux  hommes  leur  impuissance  naturelle  pour  croire,  et  qu'il  les  a  con- 
vertis  a  soi,  qu'il  fasse  dependre  l'efficace  de  l'esprit  qui  regenere  d'un  conseil,  qui  peut 
changer.  The  National  Synod  held  at  Alencon,  1637,  dismissed  the  accused  with  hon- 
or, after  he  had  more  fully  declared  his  opinions ;  forbidding  him,  however,  to  make  use 
of  some  of  the  formulas  liable  to  be  misunderstood  (Aymon,  ii.  571).  So,  too,  the  Syn- 
od  of  Charenton,  1644,  acquitted  him  of  the  charge  that  he  had  not  observed  these  lim- 
itations, and  allowed  him  to  reply  to  the  attacks  from  foreign  parts  (loc.  cit.,  p.  603). 
These  attacks  came  particularly  from  Fred.  Spanheim,  professor  in  Leyden,  and  Sam, 
Maresius,  professor  in  Groningen.  In  reply,  in  defense  of  Amyraut,  appeared :  Actes 
Authentiques  des  eglises  reformees  touchant  la  paix  et  charite  fraternelle,  par  D.  Blon- 
del, Amst.,  1655.  4.  Jo.  Dallaei  Apologia  pro  duabus  Ecclesiarum  in  Gallia  protestan- 
tium  synodis  nationalibus  adv.  F.  Spanhemii  exercitationes  de  gratia  universali,  Amst., 
1655. 


518  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1G48. 


SECOND  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  EXTERNAL  ORDER  AND  WORSHIP  OF  THE  EVANGEL- 
ICAL CHURCHES. 

§   46. 
CONSTITUTION  AND  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  EVANGELICAL  CHURCHES. 

Schenkel  iiber  das  ursprungl.  Verhaltniss  d.  Kirche  zum  Staate  auf  dem  Gebiete  des 
Evang.  Protestantismus,  Theol.  Studien  und  Krit.,  1850,  i.  203  ;  ii.  453.  Ibid.,  Wesen 
des  Protestantismus,  Bd.  3.  L.  Richter's  Gesch.  der  Evangel.  Kirchenverfassung  in 
Deutschland,  Leipzig,  1851.  [J.  W.  F.  Honing,  Grundsiitze  Evang.  Lutb.  Kirchenver- 
fassung, 2te  Aufl. ;  Erlangen,  1851.  Stahl,  Kirchenverfassung  nach  Lehre  u.  Recbt 
d.  Protestanten ;  Erlangen,  1840.  J.  Hansen,  Lutherische  u.  Reformirte  Kirchen- 
lehre,  1855.  Tb.  Kliefoth,  Acht  Biicher  von  d.  Kirche,  1854-5.  A.  Petersen,  Die  Idee 
der  Kirche,  3  Thle.,  1839-45.] 

Luther  and  Zwingle  were  agreed  upon  the  point  that  all  eccle- 
siastical rights  have  their  roots  in  the  Church  as  a  congrega- 
tion.1 They  rejected  all  hierarchy,  and  insisted  upon  the  universal 
priesthood  of  all  Christians,  so  that  the  clergy  were  only  commis- 
sioned by  the  churches,2  and  ordination  was  only  a  formal  call  to 

1  Luth.  Resolutio  super  propositione  XIII.  de  potestate  Papae,  1519  (Loscher's  Refor- 
mationsacta,  iii.  15G)  :  Ubicunque  praedicatur  verbum  Dei  et  creditur,  ibi  est  vera  fides, 
petra  ista  immobilis ;  ubi  autem  fides,  ibi  Ecclesia ;  ubi  Ecclesia,  ibi  sponsa  Christi ; 
ubi  sponsa  Christi,  ibi  omnia  quae  sunt  sponsi.  Ita  fides  omnia  secum  habet,  quae  ad 
fidem  sequuntur,  claves,  sacramenta,  potestatem  et  omnia  alia.  Zwiuglii  Archeteles, 
1522  (Opp.,  iii.  73) :  Non  unius  esse  videtis  aut  alterius  de  Scripturae  locis  pronunciare, 
sed  omnium  qui  Christo  credunt.  Second  Disputation  at  Zurich,  1523  (Werke,  i.  532) 
[All  is  in  the  control  of  the  Church  that  is  not  clearly  expressed  in  God's  Word,  pro- 
vided naught  essential  is  changed]  :  "Es  stat  alls  an  der  Kilchhore,  -was  mit  dem  hel- 
len  Wort  Gottes  nit  ist  usdruckt,  sofer  dass  das  Wesenlich  nienen  geandret  werde." 
Zwingli  of  Preacher's  Office,  1525  (Werke,  ii.,  i.  332) :  "  So  das  Urtheil  des  Bannes, 
ouch  der  Lehr,  iiberall  der  Gmeiud  ist ;  vil  mer  das  Erkiesen  um  einen  Lehrer  nit  eines 
fromden  Pochbischofs  oder  Abts  syn  soil  sunder  der  Kilchen,  die  Raths  wyser  christen- 
licher  Propheten  und  Evangelisten  pfligt."  [Ban,  doctrine,  and  much  more  the  cboice 
of  a  teacher,  is  with  the  Church.] 

2  Luther  an  d.  christi.  Adel  deutscher  Nation,  1520,  against  the  first  Wall  (see  Div.  I., 
§  1,  Note  60).  Luther  de  Captivitate  Babylon.,  1520,  de  Ordine  (Tom.  Jen.,  ii.  283  ver- 
so) :  Esto  itaque  certus,  et  sese  agnoscat  quicunque  se  Christianum  esse  cognoverit,  om- 
nes  nos  aequaliter  esse  sacerdotes,  h.  e.  eandem  in  verbo  et  Sacramento  quocunque  ha- 
bere potestatem.  Verum  non  licere  quenquam  hac  ipsa  uti,  nisi  consensu  communitatis 
aut  vocatione  majoris.  Quod  enim  omnium  est  communiter,  nullus  singulariter  potest 
sibi  arrogare,  donee  vocetur.  Ac  per  hoc  Ordinis  sacramentum,  si  quidquam  est,  esse 
nihil  aliud,  quam  ritum  quendam  vocandi  alicujus  in  ministerium,  ecclesiasticum.  Lu- 
ther, Auslegung  des  110  Psalms,  1539  (Walch,  v.  1509,  in  proof  that  he  did  not  afterward 
change  his  views,  as  Schenkel  assumes  in  his  Wesen  des  Protest.,  iii.  277)  [Everj-  Chris- 
tian has  and  exercises  the  priestly  work ;  above  this  is  the  common  office  of  teacher 


PART  II.— CH.  II.- LUTHERAN  CHURCH.     §  46.  ITS  CONSTITUTION.  519 

office.3  The  office  of  preaching,  it  was  held,  was  indeed  institu- 
ted by  Christ  for  the  proclamation  and  preservation  of  pure  doc- 
trine ;4  but  the  preachers  must  be  elected  and  called  by  the  con- 
gregation; and  the  congregation,  too,  has  the  chief  supervision 
of  the  soundness  of  doctrine;5  it  is  also  to  determine  all  eccle- 

— for  in  a  church  all  have  office,  nor  can  the  sacraments  be  fitly  celebrated  in  every 
house — hence  there  must  be  special  persons  for  this  ;  but  this  is  not  to  make  an  order  of 
priests] :  "  Siehe,  also  hat  und  iibet  ein  jeglicher  Christ  solche  Priesterwerke.  Aber 
uber  das  ist  nun  das  gemeine  Amt,  so  die  Lehre  offentlich  fuhrct  und  treibet,  darzu  ge- 
horen  Pfarherren  und  Prediger.  Denn  in  der  Gemeinde  konnen  sie  nicht  alle  des  Amts 
gewarten:'so  schicket  sichs  auch  nicht,  in  einem  jeglichen  Hause  zu  taufen,  und  das 
Sacrament  zu  reichea.  Darum  muss  man  etliche  darzu  erwahlen  und  ordnen,  so  zu 
predigen  geschickt,  und  darzu  in  der  Schrift  sich  uben,  die  das  Lehramt  fiihren,  und  die- 
selbe  vertheidigen  konnen  :  item,  also  die  Sacramente  von  wegen  der  Gemeinde  handeln, 
damit  man  wisse,  wer  da  getauft  worden  sey,  und  alles  ordentlich  zugehe. — Solches  ist 
aber  nicht  der  Priecterstand  an  ihm  selbst,  sondern  ein  gemein  offentlich  Amt  fur  die, 
so  da  alle  Priester,  d.  i.  Christen  sind."  Comp.  Smalcakl  Articles,  1537,  Anhang  v.  d. 
Bischofe  Gewalt ;  Christl.  Concordienbuch  v.  Baumgarten,  s.  604. 

3  Luther  de  Capt.  Babyl.,  see  Note  2.  Thus  Luther  counseled  the  Bohemians,  De  in- 
stituendis  ministris  Ecclcsiae  ad  clariss.  Senatum  Pragensem,  1523  (Tom.  Jen.,  ii.  554 
verso) :  Ubi  oravsritis,  nihil  dubitetis  iidelem  esse,  quern  rogastis,  ut  det  quod  petiistis. — 
Turn  convocatis  et  convenientibus  libere,  quorum  corda  Deus  tetigerit,  ut  vobiscum  idem 
sentiant  et  sapiant,  procedatis  in  nomine  Domini,  et  eligite  quem  et  quos  volueritis,  qui 
digni  et  idonei  visi  fucrint.  Turn  impositis  super  eos  manibus  illorum,  qui  potiores  inter 
vos  fuerint,  confirmetis  et  commendetis  eos  populo  et  Ecclesiae  seu  universitati,  sintque 
hoc  ipso  vestri  Episcopi,  Ministri  seu  Pastores,  Amen.     See  below,  §  47,  Note  16. 

*  Augsb.  Confession,  Art.  28.  Of  the  Power  of  Bishops  [The  office  of  bishop  is  to 
preach,  forgive  sin,  judge  about  doctrine,  and  exclude  the  godless  from  the  Church  ;  and 
pastors  and  churches  are  to  obey  them  (Luke  x.).  But  if  they  teach  aught  against  the 
Gospel,  we  have  God's  command  not  to  obey  them  (Matth.  vii. ;  Gal.  i.  8;  2  Cor.  xiii.,  etc.). 
The  bishops'  power  about  marriage  and  tithes  is  from  man]:  "  Derhalben  ist  das  bi- 
schoflichc  Amt  nach  gottlichen  Rechten,  das  Evangelium  predigen,  Sunde  vergeben, 
Lehre  urtheilcn,  und  die  Lehre,  so  dem  Evangelio  entgegen,  verwerfen,  und  die  Gottlo- 
sen,  dero  gottlos  Wesen  offenbar  ist,  aus  christlicher  Gemein  ausschliessen,  ohne  mensch- 
liche  Gewalt,  sondern  allein  durch  Gottes  Wort ;  und  disfalls  sind  die  Pfarrleut  und 
Kirchen  schuldig,  den  Bischofen  gehorsam  zu  seyn,  laut  dieses  Spruchs  Christi  Luc.  am 
10  :  '  Wer  euch  buret,  der  horet  mich.'  Wo  sie  aber  etwas  dem  Evangelio  entgegen  leh- 
ren,  setzen  oder  aufrichten,  haben  wir  Gottes  Befehl  in  solchem  Fall,  dass  wir  nicht  sol- 
len  gehorsam  seyn,  Matth.  am  7 :  '  Sehet  euch  vor  vor  den  falschen  Propheten'  (ferner 
Gal.  i.  8 ;  2  Cor.  xiii.  18,  10).  Dass  aber  die  Bischofe  sonst  Gewalt  u.  Gerichtszwang 
haben  in  etliehen  Sachen,  als  nemlich  Ehesachen  oder  Zehnten,  dieselben  haben  sie  aus 
Kraft  menscblicher  Rechte."  But  that  "  there  is  no  difference,  by  divine  right,  between 
bishops  and  pastors"  is  shown,  after  Jerome,  in  the  Smalcald  Articles,  Anhang  v.  d.  Bi- 
schofe Gewalt  (Baumgarten's  Concordienbuch,  s.  604). 

5  Luther's  Grund  u.  Ursache  aus  der  Schrift,  dass  eine  christl.  Versammlung  oder 
Gemeinde  Recht  und  Macht  habe,  alle  Lehre  zu  urtheilen,  und  Lehrer  zu  berufen,  ein- 
und  abzusetzen.,  1523  ;  in  Walch,  x.  1794.  Melanchthon  de  Bonifacio,  viii.  1537,  C.  R., 
iii.  468 :  Cognitio  de  doctrina — pertinet  non  solum  ad  Magistratum,  sed  ad  Ecclesiam, 
h.  e.  non  tantum  ad  Presbyteros  sed  etiam  ad  laicos  idoneos  ad  judicandum. — Siquidem 
S_vnodi  sunt  judicia  Ecclesiae,  et  cum  errant  Episcopi,  laici  habent  mandatum,  ut  ab  eis 
dissentiant.  Smalcald  Articles,  1537,  Anhang  v.  d.  Bischofe  Gewalt  (Baumgarten's 
Concordienbuch,  s.  604)  [Where  the  Church  is,  is  also  the  command  to  preach  the  Gos- 
pel ;  hence  churches  must  have  the  right  to  choose  and  ordain  their  ministers ;  and  this 


520  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1G48. 

siastical  arrangements,  and  to  pass  sentence  of  excommunica- 
tion.6 

But  to  carry  these  rights  into  practice  presupposed  a  thorough 
Christian  education  of  the  Churches,  which  was  to  be  attained 
only  with  great  efforts,  and  without  which  the  attempt  to  exer- 
cise these  rights  would  lead  to  incalculable  disorders  and  divi- 
sions.7    Strongly  as  Luther  insisted  upon  the  separation  of  the  ec- 

is  a  gift  of  God  to  the  Church,  and  can  not  be  taken  away  by  any  human  authorit)*]  : 
"Denn  wo  die  Kirche  ist,  da  ist  je  der  Befehl  das  Evangelium  zu  predigen.  Darum 
miissen  die  Kirchen  die  Gewalt  behalten,  dass  sie  Kirchendiener  fordern,  wahlen  und 
ordiniren.  Und  solche  Gewalt  ist  ein  Geschenk,  welches  der  Kircken  eigentlich  von 
Gott  gegeben,  und  von  keiner  menschlichen  Gewalt  der  Kirchen  kann  genommen  wer- 
den."  With  appeal  to  Eph.  iv.  8,  11,  12 ;  Matth.  xviii.  20 ;  1  Petr.  ii.  9 ;  but  with  the 
addition  :  "  These  words  refer  only  to  the  true  Church,  which,  as  it  alone  has  the  priest- 
hood, must  also  have  the  power  to  elect  and  ordain  ministers." 

6  Luther's  Sermon  vom  Bann,  1519  (Walch,  xix.  1111):  "The  power  of  the  ban  is 
given  by  Christ  to  the  holy  mother,  the  Christian  Church,  i.  e.,  the  congregation  of  all 
Christians."  Luther  of  the  Keys,  1530  (Walch,  xix.  1182)  [The  Church,  in  the  matter 
of  the  ban,  must  be  certain  that  it  is  deserved;  for  in  the  ban  it  is  Christ  who  speaks; 
and  the  Church  is  not  bound  to  believe  the  official's  indictment  or  the  bishop's  letters; 
it  is  even  bound  not  to  believe  them,  for  men  are  not  to  be  believed  in  God's  matters. 
It  is  a  Christian  Church,  and  not  the  official's  handmaid,  nor  the  bishop's  jailer,  so  that 
he  might  say  to  it,  Greta,  Hans,  put  this  person  in  ban  for  me.  This  might  do  in  secu- 
lar affairs,  but  not  where  souls  are  at  stake — there  the  Church  is  to  be  judge  and  wife]  : 
"Die  Gemeine,  so  solchen  soil  bannisch  halten,  soil  wissen  und  gewiss  seyn,  wie  der 
den  Bann  verdienet  und  drein  kommen  ist : — denn  sie  gehoret  auch  darzu,  wenn  jemand 
bei  ihr  soil  verbannet  werden,  spricht  hie  Christus  :  und  ist  nicht  schuldig  des  Officials 
Zeddel,  noch  des  Bischofes  Briefe  zu  glauben,  ja  sie  ist  schuldig  hie  nicht  zu  glauben ; 
denn  Menschen  soil  man  nicht  glauben  in  Gottes  Sachen.  So  ist  eine  christliche  Ge- 
meine nicht  des  Officials  Dienstmagd,  noch  des  Bischofes  Stockmeister,  dass  er  moge 
zu  ihr  sagen  :  da  Greta,  da  Hans,  halt  mir  den  oder  den  im  Bann. — In  weltlicher  Obrig- 
keit  hiitte  solchs  wol  eine  Meynung:  aber  hie,  da  es  die  Seelen  betrifft,  soil  die  Gemeine 
auch  mit  Richter  und  Frau  seyn."  Zwingli  Uslegung  des  31.  Artikels,  1523  (Werke,  i. 
338):  "Dass  also  der  Bann  allein  einer  jeden  Kilchhore  sye,  die  den  Veriirgrenden  soil 
bannen,  und  gheines  besundren  Menschen,  lehrend  die  Wort  und  That  Pauli,  1  Cor.  v. 
1-6." 

7  Luther's  deutsche  Messe,  1526,  Preface  (Richter's  Evangel.  Kirchenordnungen  des 
16.  Jahrh.,  i.  36)  [Rules  and  orders  could  soon  be  made  if  we  only  had  the  right  sort 
of  persons  ;  but  the  churches  can  not  be  organized  for  lack  of  materials. — We  must  hold 
fast  to  the  two  methods  of  training  the  youth,  and  preaching  and  calling  to  faith,  until 
we  can  find  or  make  the  right  sort ;  else  we  become  bankrupt.  For  we  Germans  are  a 
wild,  rude,  noisy  people,  with  which  much  can  not  be  done  excepting  in  the  greatest 
need]  :  "  Kurzlicb,  wenn  man  die  Leute  und  Personen  hiitte,  die  mit  Ernst  Christen  zu 
seyn  begehrten,  die  Ordnunge  und  Weisen  wiiren  balde  gemacht.  Aber  ich  kann  und 
mag  noch  nicht  eine  solche  Gemeine  odder  Versammlunge  ordnen  odder  anrichten :  denn 
ich  habe  noch  nicht  Leute  und  Personen  dazu,  so  sehe  ich  auch  nicht  viel,  die  dazu  drin- 
gen. — Indes  will  ichs  bei  den  gesagten  zwo  Weisen  lassen  bleiben,  und  offentlich  unter 
dem  Volk  solchen  Gottisdienst,  die  Jugend  zu  uben  und  die  andern  zum  Glauben  zu 
ruffen  und  zu  reizen,  neben  der  Predigt,  helfen  foddern,  bis  dass  die  Christen,  so  mit 
Ernst  das  Wort  meinen,  sich  selbst  finden  und  anhalten,  auf  dass  nicht  eine  Rotterei 
draus  werde,  so  ichs  aus  meinem  Kopf  treiben  wollte.  Denn  wir  Deutschen  sind  ein 
wild,  roll,  tobend  Volk,  mit  dem  nicht  leichtlick  ist  etwas  anzufahen,  es  treibe  denn  die 


PAET  II.— CH.  II— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  46.  ITS  CONSTITUTION.  521 

clesiastical  and  secular  powers,8  yet,  after  the  hierarchy  was  set 
aside,  he  had  to  invoke  the  aid  of  the  State  authorities  (whose  of- 
fice, in  fact,  it  is  to  preserve  order  in  all  spheres)9  to  take  care  of 

hohiste  Noth."  So,  too,  Luther  advised  the  Landgrave  Philip  against  the  introduction 
of  the  church  service  drawn  up  on  the  basis  of  these  principles  by  the  Synod  of  Hom- 
berg :  see  his  letter  of  January,  1527,  in  Richter's  Gesch.  d.  Evangel.  Kirchenverfas- 
sung,  s.  41  [He  could  not  be  so  bold  as  to  introduce  such  a  crowd  of  laws  with  such 
strong  words ;  laws  imposed  too  soon  are  ill-advised  ;  and  experience  shows  that  in  this 
service  much  must  be  changed,  and  some  things  left  to  the  authorities  alone.  We  must 
go  to  work  with  fear  and  courage  before  God,  be  moderate,  wait  till  some  things  take 
root,  and  then  additions  will  come  as  a  matter  of  course  when  needed — as  was  the  case 
with  Moses,  Christ,  the  Romans,  the  Pope,  and  all  lawgivers]  :  "  Denn  ich  bisher  und 
kann  auch  noch  nicht  so  kuhne  sein,  so  ein  Haufen  Gesetze  mit  so  machtigen  Worten 
bei  uns  furzunehmen. — Dann  ich  wol  weiss,  habs  auch  wol  erfahren,  dass  wenn  Gesetze 
zu  frue  fur  den  Brauch  und  Ubung  gestellt  werden,  selten  wol  gerathen,  die  Leute  sind 
nicht  darnach  geschickt. — Und  die  Erfahrung  wirds  geben,  dass  dieser  Ordnung  viel 
Stuck  wiirden  sich  andern  miissen,  etliche  der  Oberkeit  alleiue  bleiben. — Darumb  ist 
mit  Furcht  u.  Demuth  fur  Gott  zuzufarn,  und  diese  Maas  zu  halten,  kurz  und  gut,  we- 
nig  und  wol,  sachte  und  immer  an,  darnach  wenn  sie  einwurzeln,  wird  des  Zuthuns 
selbs  mehr  folgen,  denn  von  Nothen  ist,  wie  Mosi,  Christo,  den  Romern,  dem  Bapstund 
alien  Gesetzgebern  gangen  ist." 

8  Luther's  Schrift  v.  weltl.  Obrigkeit,  wie  weit  man  ihr  Gehorsam  schuldig  sey,  1523, 
Walch,  x.  437  [We  must  carefully  separate  these  two  regiments,  and  keep  both  ;  the 
one  is  for  piety,  the  other  for  external  peace,  keeping  off  evil  works.  Neither  is  enough 
in  the  world  without  the  other.  P.  452 :  The  secular  laws  are  for  the  body  and  goods  ; 
over  the  soul  God  will  let  no  one  rule  but  himself;  and  when  the  secular  power  gives 
laws  to  the  soul,  it  trespasses  on  God's  rule,  and  destroys  the  soul] :  "  Darurn  muss  man 
diese  beide  Regimente  mit  Fleiss  scheiden,  und  beides  bleiben  lassen,  Eins,  das  fromm 
macht,  das  andere,  das  ausserlich  Friede  schafft,  und  bosen  Werken  wehret :  keins  ist 
ohn  das  andere  gnug  in  der  Welt."  S.  452 :  "  Das  weltliche  Regiment  hat  Gesetze,  die 
sich  nicht  weiter  erstrecken,  denn  iiber  Leib  und  Gut,  und  was  ausserlich  ist  auf  Erden. 
Denn  iiber  die  Seele  kann  und  will  Gott  niemand  lassen  regieren,  denn  sich  selbst  al- 
lein.  Darum  wo  weltliche  Gewalt  sich  vermisset,  der  Seelen  Gesetz  zu  geben,  da  greift 
sie  Gott  in  sein  Regiment,  und  verfiihret  und  verderbet  nur  die  Seelen."  Augsb.  Conf., 
Art.  28,  of  the  Power  of  Bishops  [The  two  regiments,  the  spiritual  and  secular,  are  not 
to  be  confounded ;  the  former  is  for  preaching  and  the  sacraments,  but  is  not  to  set  up 
to  depose  kings,  or  annul  the  laws  of  the  State,  or  obedience  to  the  authorities,  etc.]  : 
"  Darum  soil  man  die  zwei  Regiment,  das  geistlich  und  weltliche,  nicht  in  einander 
mengen  und  werfen.  Denn  der  geistlich  Gewalt  hat  seinen  Befehl  das  Evangelium  zu 
predigen  und  die  Sacrament  zu  reichen,  soil  auch  nicht  in  ein  fremd  Amt  fallen,  soil 
nicht  Konige  setzen  oder  entsetzen,  soil  weltlich  Gesetz  und  Gehorsam  der  Obrigkeit 
nicht  aufbeben  oder  zerri'itten,  soil  weltlicher  Gewalt  nicht  Gesetz  machen  und  stellen 
von  weltlichen  Handeln." 

9  Luther  to  the  Elector  John,  22d  November,  1526  (de  Wette,  iii.  136)  [All  papal 
rule  being  at  an  end,  and  cloisters,  etc.,  fallen  into  his  hands,  it  was  now  his  duty,  and 
his  alone,  to  arrange  all  matters.  Villages  and  cities  should  be  obliged  to  have  schools, 
preachers,  etc. ;  they  must  be  obliged  to  do  this,  even  if  unwilling — just  as  to  construct 
bridges,  highways,  and  the  like]  :  "  Nu  aber  in  E.  K.  F.  G.  Fiirstenthum  piipstlich  und 
geistlichcr  Zwang  und  Ordnung  aus  ist,  und  alio  Kloster  und  Stift  E.  K.  F.  G.  als  dem 
obersten  Hilupt  in  die  Hande  fallen,  kommen  zugleich  mit  auch  die  Pflicht  und  Be- 
schwerde,  solches  Ding  zu  ordnen  ;  denn  sichs  sonst  niemand  annimmt,  noch  annehmen 
kann  noch  soil. — Wo  eine  Stadt  oder  Dorf  ist,  die  des  Vermogens  sind,  hat  E.  K.  F.  G. 
Macht,  sie  zu  zwingen,  dass  sie  Schulen,  Predigtstiihle,  Pfarren  halten.  Wollen  sie  es 
nicht  zu  ihrer  Seligkeit  tliun  noch  bedenken,  so  ist  E.  K.  F.  G.  da,  als  oberster  Vormund 


522  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  Church,  now  deprived  of  superintendence.  The  State,  too, 
had  always  had  certain  rights  in  the  Church  ;10  and  the  secular 

der  Jugend  und  aller,  die  es  bediirfen,  und  soil  sie  mit  Gewalt  dazu  halten,  dass  sie  es 
thun  mussen ;  gleich  als  wenn  man  sie  mit  Gewalt  zwingt,  dass  sie  zur  Briicken,  Steg 
und  Weg,  oder  sonst  zufalliger  Landsnoth,  geben  und  dienen  mussen."  Instructions  to 
the  Visitors,  1528,  in  Rickter's  Kirchenordnung,  i.  83  [Having  received  the  Gospel 
through  God's  great  grace,  we  would  gladly  have  arranged  the  affairs  episcopally — witli 
the  office  of  visiting.  But  as  no  one  of  us  had  been  called  to  this  office — and  j-et  it  was 
one  which  is  common  to  all  Christians — we  humbly  asked  our  prince,  ordained  by  God 
as  such,  for  the  sake  of  the  Gospel  and  the  welfare  of  the  Christians  in  his  land,  to  ap- 
point fitting  persons  to  this  office.  Some,  who  opposed,  we  separated  from.  Though  his 
roj-al  grace  was  not  appointed  to  teach  and  administer  in  spiritual  matters,  yet  it  was 
his  duty  to  prevent  divisions  and  disasters  among  his  subjects ;  as  the  Emperor  Con- 
stantine  had  to  aid  the  bishops  at  Nice,  since  he  could  not  permit  the  dissensions  which 
Arius  had  stirred  up]  :  "  Demnack  so  uns  itzt  das  Euangelion  durch  unaussprechliche 
Guade  Gottes  barmherziglich  wieder  kommen, — kitten  wir  auch  dasselbige  recht  bi- 
schoflicli  und  Besucheamt,  als  aufs  hohest  von  Nothen,  gerne  wieder  angericht  gesehen. 
Aber  weil  unser  keiner  dazu  berufen,  oder  gewissen  Befehl  hatte,  und  S.  Pctrus  nicht 
will  in  der  Christenheit  etwas  schaffen  lassen,  man  sey  denn  gewiss,  dass  Gottes  Ge- 
schiift  sey,  hat  sichs  keiner  fur  dem  Andern  thuren  (mogen)  unterwinden.  Da  haben 
wir  des  gewissen  wollen  spielen,  und  zur  Liebe  Amt  (welchs  alien  Christen  gemein  und 
gcboten)  uns  gehalten,  und  demugtiglich  mit  Bitten  angelangt  den  durchleuchtigslen 
hochgeborenen  Fursten  und  Herren,  Herren  Johans,  Herzog  zu  Sachsen,— als  den 
Landesfiirsten,  und  unser  gewisse  weltliche  Oberkeit,  von  Gott  verordnet ;  dass  S.  K. 
F.  G.  aus  christlicher  Liebe  (denn  sie  nach  weltlicher  Oberkeit  nicht  schuldig  sind)  und 
um  Gottes  Willen,  dem  Evangelio  zu  gut  und  den  elenden  Christen  in  S.  K.  F.  G.  Lan- 
den  zu  Nutz  und  Heil,  gnadiglich  wollten  etliche  tuchtige  Personen  zu  solchem  Amt 
foddern  und  ordenen. — Wo  aber  etliche  sich  muthwilliglich  dawidder  setzen  warden, — 
mussen  wir  dieselbigen  sich  lassen  von  uns — sondern. — Wiewol  wir  auch  hierin  unsers 
gnadigsten  Herren  Hulf  und  Rath  nicht  wollen  unbesucht  lassen.  Denn  obwol  S.  K. 
F.  G.  zu  lehren  und  geistlich  zu  regieren  nicht  befohlen  ist ;  so  sind  sie  dock  schuldig, 
als  weltliche  Oberkeit  darob  zu  halten,  dass  nicht  Zwietracht,  Rotten  und  Aufruhr  sich 
unter  den  Unterthanen  erheben,  wie  auch  der  Kaiser  Constantinus  die  Bischove  gen 
Nicea  foddert,  da  er  nicht  leideu  wollt  noch  sollt  die  Zwietracht,  so  Arrius  hatte  unter 
den  Christen  im  Kaiserthum  angericht."  Hence  Luther  says  of  the  Elector,  in  his  let- 
ter to  the  Visitors,  March  25,  1539  (de  Wette,  v.  173),  that  he  "  was  our  one  only  bishop 
in  extremities,  because  no  other  bishop  would  help  us." 

10  Luther's  Verlegung  der  12  Artikel  der  Bauerschaft,  1525,  Walch,  xvi.  84  [On  the 
first  Article — viz.,  a  Church  has  the  right  to  elect  and  depose  its  pastor  ;  right,  if  done 
in  a  Christian  way.  But  if  the  property  of  the  parish  is  from  the  lords,  and  not  the 
Church,  the  Church  can  not  use  it  for  him  whom  thejr  elect — this  were  robbery — but 
must  ask  the  rulers  first  for  a  pastor.  If  this  is  refused,  the  Church  may  choose  its 
own,  and  support  him,  and  leave  to  the  rulers  their  property.  If  the  latter  will  not  let 
them  have  such  a  pastor,  then  the}-  must  let  him  go  to  another  city,  and  they  flee  with 
him,  as  Christ  teaches] :  "  Auf  den  ersten  Artikel :  Eine  ganze  Gemeiude  soil  Macht 
haben,  einen  Pfarrherrn  zu  wtihlen  und  entsetzen.  Dieser  Artikel  ist  recht,  wenn  er 
nur  auch  christlich  wurde  vorgenommen. — Wenn  nun  die  Giiter  der  Pfarr  von  der  Ober- 
keit kommen,  und  nicht  von  der  Gemeiude,  so  mag  die  Gemeinde  nicht  dieselben  Giiter 
zuwenden  dem,  den  sie  erwahlet,  denn  das  ware  geraubt  und  genommen  :  sondern,  will 
sie  einen  Pfarrherrn  haben,  dass  sie  zuerst  solchen  demuthiglich  bitte  von  der  Oberkeit. 
Will  die  Oberkeit  nicht,  so  wahle  sie  einen  eigenen,  und  niihre  denselben  von  ihren  eige- 
nen  Giitern,  und  lasse  der  Oberkeit  ihre  Giiter,  oder  erlange  sie  mit  Recht  von  ihnen. 
W  ill  aber  die  Oberkeit  solchen  ihren  erwahleten  und  ernahreten  Pfarrherrn  nicht  leiden, 
so  lass  man  ihn  fliehen  in  eine  andere  Stadt,  und  fliehe  mit  ihm,  wer  da  will,  wie  Chris- 
tus  kdiret.     Das  heisset  christlich  und  evantrelisch  eifrenen  Pfarrherrn  wahlen  und  ha- 


PART  II.-CH.  II.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  46.  ITS  CONSTITUTION.  523 

authorities  formed  likewise  the  most  important  and  prominent 
members  of  the  Church.11  Biblical  examples,  also,  not  only  justi- 
fied this  course,  but  made  it  a  sacred  duty13  of  princes  to  preserve 

ben.  Wer  anders  thut,  der  handelt  unchristlich,  als  ein  Rauber  und  Freveler."  Judici- 
um Theolog.,  Viteberg.,  153G  (Corp.  Ref.,  iii.  224),  declares  on  the  question  :  Quatcnus 
ad  Magistrates  civilis  offieium  pertinet  abolere  impios  cultus?  quod  Magistratus  in  Ec- 
clesiis,  pertinentibus  ad  suum  dominium  aut  jus  patronatus,  debeat  prohibere  impios 
cultus  et  restituere  pios.  Nam  secundum  praeceptum  decalogi  jubet  prohibere  et  punire 
blasphemias.— Et  Magistratus  custos  esse  debet  nou  solum  secundae  tabulae,  sed  etiam 
primae,  quod  ad  externam  disciplinam  attinet.  Constat  autem  impia  dogmata,  impios 
cultus,  blasphemias  esse.  This  is  further  carried  out  in  a  memorial  of  Melancthon,  1537, 
on  the  question  :  An  Principes  debeant  mutare  impios  cultus,  cessantibus  aut  prohibentibus 
Episcopis  aut  superioribus  Dominis?     Corp.  Ref.,  iii.  240. 

11  See  the  Memorial,  1537,  mentioned  at  the  close  of  Note  10,  C.  R.,  iii.  244:  Cessan- 
tibus Episcopis,  aut  si  ipsi  Episcopi  falsa  doceant,  reliqua  Ecclesia  debet  malos  pastores 
ab  officio  removere,  et  in  quolibet  coetu  praecipua  membra  caeteris  praeire  debent,  et 
juvare  alios,  ut  emendetur  Ecclesia.  Principes  et  caeteri  Magistratus  debent  esse  prae- 
cipua membra  Ecclesiae.  Ergo  necesse  est,  illos  banc  emendationem  inchoare  et  adju- 
vare.  Smalcald  Article,  Appendix  on  the  Power  and  Supremacy  of  the  Pope,  1537,  in 
Baumgarten's  Concordienbuch,  s.  601  [Chiefly  must  kings  and  princes,  the  leading  mem- 
bers of  the  Church,  help  and  see  to  the  doing  away  of  all  error,  and  instructing  the  con- 
science ;  to  this  office  God  has  exhorted  them  in  Psalm  ii. :  their  highest  care  should 
be  to  promote  God's  glory]:  "  Vornehmlich  aber  sollen  Konige  und  Fiirsten,  als  vor- 
nehmste  Glieder  der  Kirchen,  helfen  und  schauen,  dass  allerlei  Irrthum  weggethan,  und 
die  Gewissen  recht  unterrichtet  werden,  wie  denn  Gott  zu  solchem  Amt  die  Konige  und 
Fiirsten  souderlich  vermahnet  im  2.  Psalm :  '  Ihr  Konige,  lasset  euch  weisen,  und  ihr 
Richter  auf  Erden,  lasst  euch  ziichtigen.'  Denn  diess  soil  bei  den  Konigen  und  grossen 
Herren  die  vornehmste  Sorge  seyn,  dass  sie  Gottes  Ehre  fleissig  fordern."  Melancthon'a 
Memorial,  De  Impositione  Manuum  ad  Vitum  Theod.,  1540,  C.  R.,  v.  210:  Vides  in  pro- 
batissimis  historiis,  fuisse  universalem  morem  primae  Ecclesiae,  eligi,  i.  e.  vocari  Epis- 
copos  per  populum,  i.  e.  honestissimos  homines  in  singulis  ordinibus. — Sic  nunc  vocantur 
ministri  in  nostris  Ecciesiis  vel  per  Principes,  vel  per  Senatum  in  Rebuspublicis.  Et  est 
pia  et  justa  vocatio.  Princeps  et  Senatores  dupliciter  habent  jus  vocandi :  primum  quia 
praesunt,  et  vult  Deus  gubernatores  curare  ministerium  Evangelii :  deinde  quia  sunt 
praecipua  membra  Ecclesiae. 

12  Luth.  ad  Spalatin.,  12.  Nov.,  1525,  de  Wette,  iii.  50  :  Debent  enim  Principes— blas- 
phemias nominis  Dei  manifestas — cohibere,  interim  nihil  cogentes,  sive  credant  illi,  sive 
non,  qui  prohibentur. — Exemplum  credo  satis  magnum  esse,  quod  Christus  flagellis  fac- 
tis  vi  expulit  vendentes  et  ementes  de  templo.  Luther  to  the  Margrave  George  of  Bran- 
denburg, 1531,  in  de  Wette,  iv.  307  [As  King  Hezekiah  did  right  in  breaking  in  pieces 
the  brazen  serpent  of  Moses,  because  the  people  made  of  it  an  idol,  although  many  were 
offended  at  him,  so  with  your  Grace  in  respect  to  masses]  :  "  Darum  gleichwie  der  Ko- 
nig  Ezechias  recht  that,  dass  er  die  heilige  eherne  Schlange  Mose  zerbrach,  weil  das 
Volk  einen  Gotzen  draus  machte,  unangesehen  dass  sich  viel  davon  iirgerten  und  ihm 
feind  wurden :  also  sey  E.  F.  G.  auch  fest  und  getrost,  dass  sie  solch  lasterlich  Messen 
haben  abgethan."  Mel.  quaestio  de  Bonifacio  VIII.,  1537,  C.  R.,  iii.  470 :  Magistratus 
servit  gloriae  Dei,  et  fit  ejus  functio  cultus  Dei,  cum  studet  tueri,  propagare,  et  ornare 
veram  doctrinam,  et  econtra  prohibere  impia  dogmata.  Quia  ita  facit  principale  offici- 
um,  quod  proprie  ad  gloriam  Dei  pertinet,  et  quod  proprie  meretur  ilium  titulum,  quo 
ornantur  Magistratus  in  Psalmo  (lxxxii.  6)  :  Ego  dixi,  dii  estis:  scilicet  quia  et  officium 
habent  diviuitus  constitutum,  et  impertiri  debent  res  divinas,  religionem,  justitiam,  dis- 
ciplinam, pacem,  etc.  Et  ob  hanc  causam  vocantur  ab  Esaia  (xlix.  23)  nutritii  Eccle- 
siae, quia  nutrire  et  tueri  debent  pios  doctores,  et  non  debent  saevitiam  exercere  in  Chris- 
tianos.    In  the  Reformatio  Ecclesiarum  Hassiae  of  the  Synod  at  Ilomberg,  1526  (Rich- 


524  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  truth  in  its  purity.  Thus  the  rulers  of  the  land  were  induced 
to  visit  their  churches  and  to  set  them  in  order.13  Afterward  the 
highest  authority  in  the  management  of  the  Church  was  conceded 
to  them,  even  including  the  right  of  obliging  their  subjects  to  ful- 
fill their  external  duties  to  the  Church.14  It  was  only  expected, 
on  the  other  hand,  that  they  would  carry  out  the  regiment  of  the 
Church  by  means  of  special  courts  kept  distinct  from  the  secular 
authorities,15  and  in  accordance  with  the  counsels  of  the  clergy.16 

ter's  Kirchenordnungen,  i.  66),  reference  is  had  to  the  example  of  King  Jehoshaphat  (2 
Chron.,  xvii.  7).  In  the  Memorial  of  the  Wittenberg  divines,  De  Jure  Reformandi,  1537 
(C.  R.,  Ill-  242),  there  is  even  an  appeal  to  the  case  of  Nebuchadnezzar  (Dan.,  iii.  29),  qui 
edictum  proponit,  ne  quis  dicat  blasphemiam  contra  Deum  Israel. 

13  See  Luther's  Appeal  to  the  Elector  John,  22d  November,  1526;  de  Wette,  iii.  135. 

14  See  Luther  to  the  Elector,  above,  Note  9.  Thus  the  Elector  commands  the  peas- 
ants, through  the  Visitors,  1529  (Richter's  Kirchenordnungen,  i.  103) :  1.  To  truly  hear 
the  Word  of  God ;  3.  To  give  to  the  pastors  their  rents  and  tithes  full}'  and  punctually 
on  an  appointed  day,  etc.  Luther  to  the  Margrave  George  of  Brandenburg,  14th  Sept., 
1531 ;  de  Wette,  iv.  308  [It  would  be  proper  for  the  Elector  to  enjoin,  with  penalties,  the 
use  of  the  Catechism ;  for,  if  the  people  will  be  Christians,  they  ought  to  be  obliged  to 
learn  what  a  Christian  ought  to  know — whether  he  believe  in  it  or  not] :  "  Doch  ware  es 
fein,  dass  E.  F.  G.  aus  weltlicher  Oberkeit  gebote  beide,  Pfarrherrn  und  Pfarrkindern, 
dass  sie  alle  bei  einer  Strafe  mussten  den  Katechismum  treiben  und  lemen,  auf  dass, 
weil  sie  Christen  seyn  und  heissen  wollen,  auch  gezwungen  wurden  zu  lernen  und  wis- 
sen,  was  ein  Christ  wissen  soil,  Gott  gebe,  er  glaube  daran  oder  nicht."  (That  is,  faith 
comes  only  from  preaching  through  the  working  of  the  Holy  Spirit:  the  natural  man  is 
to  be  bound  by  the  law  to  the  outward  hearing  of  the  sermon  ;  the  civil  powers  have  to 
administer  the  law.)  In  the  Memorial  of  the  Wittenberg  divines,  De  Jure  Reformandi, 
1537  (C.  R.,  iii.  246),  it  is  declared,  politias  divinitus  admirabili  sapientia  et  bonitate 
constitutas  esse,  non  tantum  ad  quaerenda  et  fruenda  veutris  bona,  sed  multo  magis,  ut 
Deus  in  societate  innotescat,  ut  aeterna  bona  quaerantur. 

15  Luth.  ad  Melanchth.,  21.  Jul.,  1530,  de  Wette,  iv.  105:  Primum  cum  certum  sit, 
duas  istas  administrationes  esse  distinctas  et  diversas,  nempe  ecclesiasticam  et  politi- 
cam,  quas  mire  confudit  et  miscuit  Satan  per  Papatum :  nobis  hie  acriter  vigilandum 
est,  nee  committendum,  ut  denuo  confundantur. — Secundo,  ex  hoc  sequitur,  quod  ea- 
dem  persona  non  possit  esse  Episcopus  et  Princeps,  nee  simul  pastor  et  paterfamilias. 
Intelligis  hie  satis,  quid  velim.  Personas  impermixtas,  sicut  et  administrationes  volo, 
etiamsi  idem  homo  utramque  personam  gerere  possit,  et  idem  Pomeranus  possit  esse  pa- 
rochus  et  oeconomus. — Tertio,  Episcopus,  ut  Episcopus,  nullam  habet  potestatem  super 
Ecclesiam  suam  ullius  traditionis  aut  ceremoniae  imponendae,  nisi  consensu  Ecclesiae 
vel  expresso  vel  tacito.— Quarto,  Episcopus  ut  Princeps  multo  minus  potest  super  Eccle- 
siam imponere  quidquam,  quia  hoc  esset  prorsus  confundere  has  duas  potestates,  et  turn 
vere  esset  allotrioepiscopus,  et  nos  si  admitteremus  eum,  essemus  paris  sacrilegii  rei. — 
Quinto,  Episcopus  ut  Princeps  potest  suis  subditis,  ut  subditis,  imponere  quicquid  visum 
fuerit,  modo  pium  et  licitum  sit,  et  subditi  tenentur  obedire.  Obediunt  enim  tunc  non 
ut  Ecclesia,  sed  ut  cives.— Sic  si  Caesar  praecipiat  generaliter  omnibus  jejunium,  obe- 
dient etiam  ii  qui  sunt  Ecclesia,  quia  Ecclesia  est  sub  Caesare  secundum  carnem,  sed 
non  obedit  ut  Ecclesia.  Idem  est  de  rege  Josaphat.  Verum  de  Machabaeis  clarum  est, 
quod  sua  Encaenia  non  ipsi  soli  instituerunt,  sed  totus  populus  uno  consensu  (1  Mace, 
iv.  59). 

16  Melanchth.  Quaestio  de  Bonifacio  VIII.,  1537,  C.  R.,  iii.  470  :  Nee  debet  esse  (Ec- 
clesia) onixoKpaTia,  qua  promiscue  concedatur  omnibus  licentia-vociferandi,  et  movendi 
dogmata,  sed  apiaTOKparia  sit,  in  qua  ordine  hi,  qui  praesunt,  Episcopi  et  Reges  com- 


PART  II.— CH.  II.-LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  46.  ITS  CONSTITUTION.  525 

For  this  object  Superintendents  were  at  first  appointed,  in  order 
to  fill  up,  as  far  as  seemed  necessary,  the  vacancies  left  by  the 
retiring  of  the  bishops.17  It  was,  however,  soon  seen  that  there 
was  required  for  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  some  authority  having 
judicial  functions,  and  accordingly  Consistories  were  established 
(the  first  in  Wittenberg,  in  1539)  after  the  pattern  of  the  earlier 
episcopal  courts  of  the  same  name.18     The  churches,  instead  of 

municent  consilia,  et  eligant  homines  ad  judicandum  idoneos.  Ex  his  satis  intelligi  po- 
test, cognitionem  de  doctrina  pertinere  ad  Ecclesiam,  i.  e.  ad  Presbyteros  et  Principes ; 
sed  Principes,  re  cognita  et  judicata,  jam  custodes  esse  externae  disciplinae,  et  execu- 
tores  sententiae  Synodi. 

17  At  first  in  the  Stralsund  church  service,  1525  (Richter,  i.  23),  one  was  appointed 
as  the  head  of  the  preachers,  -who  was  to  have  the  oversight  of  their  doctrine  and  life, 
and  direct  the  administration  of  worship.  The  other  preachers  were  to  listen  to  him,  to 
change  nothing  without  his  consent ;  but  he,  too,  was  to  consult  with  them.  Installa- 
tions and  removals  were  made  by  the  council  (after  the  advice  of  the  above),  which  had 
the  highest  authority.  Next,  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  in  the  Instructions  to  the  Visitors, 
1527  (Richter,  Kirchenordnung,  i.  80),  appointed  pastors  in  the  chief  cities  as  superin- 
tendents, who,  in  the  districts  assigned  them,  were  to  have  the  watch  over  doctrine, 
church  service,  and  the  walk  of  the  pastors.  The  pastors  were  not  to  grant  divorce  of 
their  own  authority,  but  make  over  such  matters  to  the  superintendents :  when  legal 
interference  became  necessary,  the  matter  was  referred  to  the  chief  civil  functionary, 
who  was  to  decide  it,  consulting  with  the  superintendent,  the  pastor,  and  other  learned 
persons.  The  Visitors  still  remained  as  a  court  of  appeal  (see  Just.  Jonas  Bedenken 
der  Consistorien  halber  1538,  in  Richter's  Gesch.  der  Kirchenverf.,  s.  84,  85).  In  like 
manner,  superintendents  were  soon  provided  for  in  the  church  services  drawn  up  by 
Bugenhagen,  in  that  of  the  city  of  Brunswick,  1528  (Richter,  i.  109),  of  the  city  of  Ham- 
burg (ibid.,  i.  128),  and  by  degrees  in  all  the  Lutheran  countries.  Here  and  there  the}' 
had  almost  an  episcopal  position :  thus,  Urbanus  Rhegius,  superintendent  of  Brunswick- 
Luneburg,  who  died  1541.  Here  the  ecclesiastical  missives  appeared,  with  the  follow- 
ing prefatory  formula:  "We,  by  the  grace  of  God,  Ernest,  Duke  of  Brunswick  and 
Luneburg,  and  Urbanus  Rhegius,  Doctor  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,"  etc.  See  Unschuld. 
Nachr.,  1705,  s.  G41. 

18  The  first  occasion  was  presented  in  the  matter  of  marriage.  All  contested  matri- 
monial cases,  which  had  to  do  with  marriage  only  as  an  external  relation  and  a  matter 
of  external  rights,  were  always  declared  by  Luther  to  be  secular  matters,  and  to  belong 
to  the  civil  tribunal  (see  above,  note  4) ;  see  particularly  in  his  work  on  Marriage  Mat- 
ters, Walch,  x.  892  :  "  I  find  no  example  in  the  New  Testament  in  which  Christ  or  the 
apostles  had  to  do  with  such  matters,  excepting  where  they  touched  the  conscience,  as 
St.  Paul,  1  Cor.  vii.  12."  But  as  questions  both  of  conscience  and  of  law  were  here  al- 
ways impinging  upon  each  other,  the  subject  of  marriage  was  committed  to  the  clergy 
and  the  civil  courts  (Note  17).  The  necessity  of  their  organic  union  was  soon  felt;  see 
Sraalcald  Articles,  1537,  in  the  Appendix  on  the  Authority  of  Bishops  (Baumgarten's 
Concordienbuch,  s.  608):  "for  the  appointment  of  Marriage  Tribunals:  As  there  are 
here  so  manifold  and  strange  cases,  there  is  needed  a  special  tribunal."  The  Saxon  Es- 
tates consequently  requested,  1537  [that  there  might  be  four  Consistories  appointed  for 
ecclesiastical  matters,  and  especially  marriage  cases],  "dass  S.  Churf.  G.  gnadiglich  in 
Ihren  Landen  vier  Consistorien  wollten  aufrichten  lassen,  dohin  alle  ecclesiasticae  cau- 
sae, Predigtamt,  Kirchen,  Pfarrer,  ihr  Defension  contra  injurias,  ihr  Wandel  und  Le- 
ben  belangend,  etc.,  und  sonderlich  auch  die  Ehesachen— mochten  geweiset  werden." 
The  Wittenberg  divines  agreed  to  a  memorial  drawn  up  by  Justus  Jonas,  1538  (in  Rich- 
ter's Gesch.  d.  Kirchenverfassung,  s.  82),  and  particularly  insisted  that  there  should  bo 


526  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  right  of  electing  their  clergy,  retained  only  the  right  of  op- 
posing the  appointments  of  patrons.19  Excommunication  fell  into 
disuse  for  a  long  time  ;20  and  when  it  was  revived,  it  at  once  fell 

in  every  consistory  a  commissarius,  or  highest  judex,  -who  should  have  "  complete  juris- 
diction and  power  to  cite  and  bring  forward  the  parties,  hear  and  adjudicate  the  case," 
since  the  usual  officers  were  often  neglectful.  A  ConsistorjT  was  now  established  in 
Wittenberg,  about  which  Luther  wrote  to  Spalatin,  12th  January,  1541  (de  Wette,  v. 
329) :  Etsi  hie  Witenbergae  consistorium  coeperit  constitui,  tamen  ubi  absolutum  fuerit, 
nihil  ad  Visitatores  pertinebit,  sed  ad  causas  matrimoniales  (quas  hie  ferre  amplius  nee 
volumus  nee  possumus)  et  ad  rusticos  cogendos  in  ordinem  aliquem  disciplinae  et  ad 
persolvendos  reditus  pastoribus,  quod  forte  et  nobilitatem  et  magistratus  passim  neces- 
sario  attinget.  In  1542  Consistories  were  definitively  appointed  in  Wittenberg,  Zeitz, 
and  Zwickau  (the  last  sketch,  the  basis  of  the  Constitution,  in  Richter's  Kirchenord- 
nung,  i.  3G7.  Mel.  ad  Camerar.,  11.  Oct.,  1545,  C.  R.,  v.  865,  says  about  the  changes : 
Hie  plura  sunt  SiKavina,  nos  theologica  plura  inserueramus).  The  Consistory  in  Wit- 
tenberg was  composed  of  two  theologians,  two  doctors  of  law,  an  exchequer  attorney,  a 
notary  (secretary),  and  two  messengers.  It  had  the  oversight  of  purity  of  doctrine,  the 
order  of  worship,  the  morals  of  the  clergy  and  congregations  ;  it  was  to  protect  the  cler- 
gy in  their  rights  and  authority,  and  to  decide  in  marriage  affairs.  It  was  to  appoint 
visitations  of  the  churches,  and  to  see  that  remote  places  were  visited  by  superintend- 
ents and  functionaries.  It  alone  had  the  power  of  excommunication  (till  then  fallen 
into  disuse),  by  which  persons  were  excluded  from  all  church  matters  excepting  ser- 
mons, including  civil  punishments,  suspension  from  office,  and  prohibition  of  labor  for  a 
time.  After  this  precedent,  Duke  Maurice  established  Consistories  in  Leipsic,  1543  (Ver- 
ordnung  vom  22.  Sept.,  1543,  in  Mencken  Scriptt.  Rer.  Germ.,  ii.  2171 :  it  was  united 
from  1544  to  1550  with  the  Merseburg),  and  in  Meissen,  1545  (K.  G.  Weber's  System. 
Darstellung  des  im  Kdnigreiche  Sachsen  geltenden  Kirchenrechts,  i.  438)  ;  his  brother 
August  as  Administrator  of  Merseburg,  1544,  in  Merseburg  (Fraustadt's  Einfiihrung  der 
Reform,  in  Merseburg,  s.  156) ;  Elector  Joachim  II.  of  Brandenburg,  1543,  in  Cologne, 
on  the  Spree  (H.  v.  Miihler's  Gesch.  der  Evangelischen  Kirchenverfassung  in  Branden- 
burg, s.  59).  The  Wittenberg  Reformation,  1545  (C.  R.,  v.  604),  declared  such  Church 
courts  or  Consistoria  to  be  necessary. 

19  Melancthon's  Memorial  to  Duke  Henry,  1536  (C.  R.,  iii.  184) :  "It  is  true  that  no 
man  should  assume  the  public  office  of  preacher  without  a  public  call ;  and  this  call  is 
to  come  chiefly  from  the  civil  authorities,  with  the  assent  of  the  churches  of  the  place 
where  the  person  is  ordered  to  preach."  Mel.  de  Reformatione  Ecclesiae,  1541  (C.  R., 
iv.  544) :  In  eligendis  pastoribus  etsi  jus  patronis  nollemus  adimi,  tamen  nee  patroni 
praeficiant  pastores  non  prius  commendatos  aliquo  testimonio  Ecclesiae,  h.  e.  honesto- 
rutn  hominum  in  eo  coetu,  cui  datur  pastor.  Et  liceat  Ecclesiis  rejicere  impios  ant  non 
idoneos,  aut  referre  rem  ad  Episcopos,  aut  eos,  qui  loco  Episcoporum  sustinent  guberna- 
tionem  ecclesiasticam.  The  later  ecclesiastical  usage  is  first  put  forth  in  the  Wiirtem- 
berg  church  service,  1559  (Richter,  ii.  201).  It  provides  that  before  any  one  is  appoint- 
ed preacher  he  must  first  preach  several  times  in  the  church  in  the  presence  of  the  su- 
perintendent. If  the  congregation  refuse  to  have  him  "for  honorable  causes,"  he  shall 
not  be  forced  upon  them.  But  if  the  refusal  be  "frivolous,  without  honorable  cause, 
from  ignorance  or  caprice,"  the  church  council  is  to  pay  no  heed  to  it.  This  provision 
was  then  adopted  in  the  Brunswick  church  service,  1569  ;  and  in  that  of  Electoral  Sax- 
ony, 1580.  Here  and  there  the  congregations  had  a  more  or  less  free  choice,  e.  g.  in 
Sleswick-Holstein ;  see  Matthiae,  Beschreib.  der  Kirchenverfassung  in  d.  Herzogthu- 
mern  Schlcswig  u.  Holstein  ;  Flensburg.  1778,  s.  84. 

20  Memorial  of  the  Wittenberg  divines  to  those  of  Ansbach  and  Nuremberg,  1532  (de 
Wette,  iv.  388)  [No  other  ban  than  exclusion  from  the  Lord's  Supper ;  and  this  can  be 
carried  out,  because  no  one  is  admitted  to  this  sacrament  without  being  previously  in- 
structed by  the  pastor  or  deacon. — Where  the  ban  is  public,  the  civil  authorities  must 


PART  II— CH.  II.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  46.  ITS  CONSTITUTION.   597 

into  the  hands  of  the  Consistories  which  had  gradually  sprung 
up.21 

As  Luther  had  complained  of  the  jurists  for  holding  fast  to  th.3 

enjoin  the  avoiding  of  the  excommunicated — which  in  large  places  might  lead  to  much 
injustice.  But  our  private  ban  does  not  disturb  civil  commerce]  :  u  Wir  haben  keinen 
andern  Bann  noch  zur  Zeit  ufgericht,  denn  dass  diejenige,  so  in  offentlichen  Lastern  sind 
und  nit  ablassen,  nit  zu  dem  Sacrament  des  Leibs  und  Bluts  Christi  zugelassen  werden ; 
und  das  kann  man  damit  erhalten,  dass  man  bei  uns  niemand  das  heil.  Sacrament  rei. 
diet,  er  sey  denn  zuvor  durch  Pfarrer  oder  Diacon  verhcirt. — Sollt  audi  der  oft'entlicb. 
Bann  angericht  werden,  so  muss  die  weltlich  Oberkeit  dennoch  auch  dazu  ein  Ordnung 
halten  mit  der  Meidung  des  Verbannten,  sollte  anders  der  offentlich  Bann  ein  ernstlich 
Excmpel  seyn  :  dass  willt  nu  auch  zu  dieser  Zeit  sonderlich  in  grossen  Stadten  und  Re- 
gimentern  viel  Unrichtigkeit  gebaren.  Aber  dieser  unser  Bann,  da  privatim  einem  das 
Sacrament  verboten  wird,  irret  die  burgerlich  Beiwohnung  und  Handel  nichts."  Lu- 
ther's Table-Talk.  Warning  to  the  Wittenbergers,  1539  (Walch,  xxii.  958) :  "  A  cry 
has  gone  out  among  you,  about  which  many  idle  things  have  been  said,  that  the  ban  is 
again  to  be  set  up."  P.  965 :  "  This  is  the  true  and  chief  reason  why  the  ban  has  every 
where  fallen  into  sheer  disuse,  that  there  are  so  few  true  Christians  any  where,  a  mere 
little  flock  of  small  numbers."  So,  too,  he  writes  to  A.  Lauterbach,  April  2, 1543,  in  re- 
spect to  the  dukedom  of  Saxony  (de  Wette,  v.  551):  Placet  exemplum  Hassiacae-ex- 
commuuicationis :  si  idem  potueritis  statuere,  optime  facietis.  Sed  Ceutauri  ct  Har- 
pyiae  aulicae  aegre  ferent. 

11  How  Luther  would  have  excommunication  administered  (after  Matth.  xviii.  15)  is 
seen  in  his  Admonition  to  the  Wittenbergers,  1539  (Walch,  xxii.  960)  :  "  I  would  have  ex- 
communication begun,  and,  if  God  will,  at  once.  When  I  have  first  warned  the  accused, 
I  then  would  send  to  him  two  persons,  two  chaplains  or  others.  Next,  I  would  have  him 
before  me  in  the  sacristy,  or  elsewhere  in  the  presence  of  the  chaplain,  or  of  two  members 
of  the  council  and  corporation,  and  of  two  honorable  persons  of  the  congregation.  If  he 
will  not  amend,  but  keep  on  in  public  sins  with  a  stiff  neck,  I  would  then  declare  the 
matter  publicly  to  the  Church  in  this  wise :  Dear  friends,  I  proclaim  to  you  that  N.  has 
been  warned,  first  by  me,  then  by  the  chaplain,  next  by  councilors  and  members  of  the 
corporation,  and  also  by  members  of  the  Church,  and  he  will  not  turn  from  his  evil  ways. 
Hence  it  is  my  friendly  prayer  to  you,  help  with  3'our  counsel,  kneel  down,  help  to  pray 
against  him  and  to  give  him  over  to  the  devil,"  etc.  The  pastor  was  here  to  proceed  in 
company  with  the  Church,  but  to  be  the  leader  and  executor  in  the  matter.  Smalcald 
Articles,  1537,  Append.,  on  the  Power  of  Bishops  (Baumgarten's  Concordienbuch,  s.  606) : 
"This  is  certain,  that  all  pastors  should  have  common  jurisdiction,  to  excommunicate 
those  who  live  in  public  sin  ;  and  that  the  bishops  have  tyrannically  assumed  this."  It 
is  here  presupposed  that  the  parties  are  to  have  the  counsel  of  suitable  members  of  the 
Church ;  and  this  is  often  declared  in  other  connections.  Luther  says  in  his  Yermah- 
nung,  1539  (Walch,  xxii.  958)  :  "Solchen  Bann  wollten  wir  gern  anrichten,  nicht  dass 
es  ein  Caplan  oder  Prediger  allein  thun  sollte  oder  konnte,  ihr  alle  musst  selbst  mit  hel- 
fen."  Theologi  Yitcb.  ad  Concionatores  Norinberg,  1540,  C.  R.,  iii.  965:  Restituatur  et 
excommunicatio, — adhibitis  in  hoc  judicium  senioribus  in  qualibet  Ecclesia.  Mel.  de 
Abusibus  Eccles.  emendandis,  1541,  C.  E.,  iv.  548:  "Nee  liceat  soli  pastori  ferre  sen- 
tcntiam  excommunicationis  sine  ulla  judicum  decuria,  aut  neminc  adhibito  ex  honesti- 
oribus  viris  suae  Ecclesiae."  The  Wittenberg  Reformation,  1545,  C.  E.,  v.  605,  would 
commit  to  the  Consistories  the  sententia  excommunicationis:  "Dock-  sollen  in  alle  Weg 
die  Sachen  vorhin  gehort  und  mit  ordentlicher  Weise  geurtheilt  werden,  zu  welcher 
Yerhcir  nicht  allein  die  Priester  zu  Ziehen,  sondern  auch  gottfurchtige  gelehrte  Perso- 
nen  aus  den  weltlichen  Standen  und  fiirnehme  Gliedmass  der  Kirchen.  Denn  da  unser 
Ileiland  Christus  spricht:  saget  es  der  Kirchen, — folget,  dass  nicht  allein  ein  Stand, 
namlich  die  Bischofe,  sondern  auch  andcre  gottfurchtige  Gelahrte  aus  alien  Standen  als 
Richtcr  zu  setzen  sind,  und  voces  decisivas  haben  sollen." 


528  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

canon  law  because  it  had  not  teen  legally  abolished,22  and  also  be- 
cause they  adhered  to  statutes  inconsistent  with  the  Gospel,23  so, 
too,  he,  as  well  as  Melancthon,  were  opposed  to  the  preponderance 
of  the  secular  power24  in  ecclesiastical  affairs ;  and  both  were  of 

52  J.  II.  Boehmeri  Jus  Eccles.  Protestantium,  i.  122  ss. 

23  These  differences  are  given,  as  follows,  by  Justus  Jonas,  in  the  Bedenken  der  Con- 
sistorien  halber  1538  (in  Riehter's  Gesch.  d.  Evangel.  Kirckenverfassung,  s.  89) :  1.  On 
secret  vows  of  marriage  (which  the  jurists  declared  to  be  valid,  and  Luther  invalid).  2. 
On  divorces  and  their  grounds.  3.  On  the  marriage  of  priests  (which  the  jurists  persist- 
ently declared  invalid).  4.  On  the  unlawful  degrees  (the  jurists  here  held  fast  to  the 
canon  law ;  the  Reformers  went  back  to  the  Mosaic).  5.  On  the  wives,  children,  heirs, 
sons  and  daughters  of  pastors  and  preachers — to  protect  them  against  the  Collaterales, 
friends  by  birth,  who  might  be  papists  and  opposed  priests'  marriage.  As  to  this  arti- 
cle, it  is  of  the  first  importance  to  have  a  provincial  statute  and  law  given  by  the  royal 
authorities,  that  many  thousand  orphans  and  widows  may  not  be  molested.  (Luther 
complains  to  the  Count  Albr.  of  Mansfeld,  5th  October,  1536,  de  Wette,  v.  26 :  "  Sinte- 
mal  ich  noch  bis  daher  niclit  einen  Juristen  habe,  der  wider  den  Papst  in  solchen  oder 
dergleichen  Fallen  mit  mir  und  bei  mir  halten  wolle,  also  dass  sie  auch  meine  Ehre  und 
Bettelstucke  nicht  gedenken  meinen  Kindern  zuzusprechen,  noch  keines  Priesters." 
Elector  Joh.  Friedrich  in  the  Furhaltung  vom  5.  Mai,  1537,  C.  R.,  iii.  366 :  "  Zudeme 
vermerkten  E.  Ch.  G.,  dass  die  Juristen  zum  Theil  der  Priester  Ehe  in  ihren  Lectionen, 
auch  sonst  Gftentlich  beredeten,  davon  den  Leuten  Ursach  gegeben  wiirde,  wenn  die  be- 
weibten  Priester  verstiirben,  dass  ihre  Freunde  ihre  Erbschaft  fordern  thaten,  und  woll- 
ten  ihre  Kinder  nicht  Erbe  seyn  lassen.  Nun  wollten  aber  E.  Ch.  Gn.  durch  eine  Lan- 
desordnung  vermittelst  gottlicher  Hulf  demselben  Maass  finden,  wiewohl  E.  Ch.  Gn. 
weiter  vermerkten,  als  wollt  man  fiirgeben,  dass  auch  ein  solch  Ordnung  kraftiglich 
nicht  gemacht,  noch  aufgericht  konnt  werden.")  In  the  project  of  the  Wittenberg  Con- 
sistorial  Order,  1542,  Riehter's  Kirchenordnung,  i.  374,  the  marriage  of  priests  was  de- 
clared to  be  legal,  and  secret  betrothals  forbidden  ;  however,  these  provisions,  as  well  as 
the  whole  concluding  part,  were  not  adopted  in  the  published  Order :  the  Elector  order- 
ed, January  8,  (?)  1544,  the  jurists  to  agree  with  the  theologians,  and  accept  the  Luther- 
an views  (Seckendorf  Comm.  de  Lutheranismo,  iii.  581).  In  the  Consistory,  particu- 
larly, the  view  of  the  jurists  about  private  betrothals  had  got  the  upper  hand ;  and  Lu- 
ther complained  of  this  to  the  Elector,  January  22,  1544  (de  Wette,  v.  615),  and  wrote 
very  bitterly  to  the  Consistory  itself  (p.  618),  and  spoke  and  preached  against  it  (ad 
Spalatinum,  30.  Jan.,  1544,  1.  c,  p.  626:  Ego  tibi  fateor,  in  hoc  anno  novo  sic  esse  me 
acccptum,  ut  in  vita  niea  et  in  tota  causa  Evangelii  nunquam  fuerim  perturbatior.  Ori- 
tur enim  mihi  cum  Juristis  negotium  acerrimum  de  clandestinis  sponsalibus).  The  ju- 
rists did  not  conform  to  the  decision  of  the  Elector,  as  they  thought  themselves  bound 
by  the  law  of  the  empire  (Luther's  Predigt  gegen  sie,  Walch,  xxii.  2175,  2178).  They 
also  declared  the  archdeacon  a  digamus,  because  he  has  had  two  wives,  and  would  not 
recognize  him  as  a  preacher  (p.  2179).  From  this  period  are  the  strongest  sayings  of 
Luther  against  the  jurists;  so,  too  (Walch,  xxii.  2210),  "We  must  pull  down  the  Con- 
sistory, if  we  would  not  soon  have  the  jurists  and  pope  in  it."' 

24  Mel.  ad  Mithobium,  1541,  C.  R.,  iv.  679 :  Plerique  Principes— multo  fuerunt  in  di- 
ripiendis  Monasteriis  diligentiores,  quam  in  constituendis  irapoiKiai<;  et  scholis.— Hacte- 
nus  alii  saevierunt  in  Ecclesias,  alii  finxerunt  corruptelas  doctrinae,  certarunt  obscoenis 
libellis,  finxerunt  insulsos  dialogos,  oblectarunt  se  Venereis  voluptatibus,  neglexerunt 
Ecclesias  et  scholas,  certarunt  ambitione.  Luth.  ad  Cresserum,  parochum  Dresdensem, 
1543,  de  Wette,  v.  596  :  Nihil  boni  sperare  possum  de  forma  excommunicationis  in  aula 
vestra  praesumta.  Si  enim  futurum  est,  ut  aulae  velint  gubernare  Ecclesias  pro  sua 
cupiditate,  nullam  dabit  Deus  benedictionem,  et  fient  novissima  pejora  prioribus.— Aut 
igitur  ipsi  fiant  pastores,  praedicent,  b'aptizent,  visitent  aegrotos,  communicent  et  omnia 
eccleshistica  faciant,  aut  desinant  vocationes  confundere,  suas  aulas  curent,  Ecclesias 


PART  II.— Cn.  II.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.     §  4G.  ITS  CONSTITUTION.  529 

opinion  that  the  restoration  of  the  episcopal  dignity  as  a  merely 
human  institution — if  the  bishops  accepted  the  Evangelical  faith 
— would  be  beneficial  to  the  Church.25  x\.fter  and  by  the  Religious 
Peace,  however,  episcopal  jurisdiction  over  Protestant  countries  be- 
ing suspended,  the  princes  having  received  the  assent  of  the  empire 

relinquant  his,  qui  ail  eas  vocati  sunt,  qui  rationom  Deo  reddent. — Satan  pevgit  esse  Sa- 
tan. Sub  Papa  miscuit  Ecclesiam  politiae  :  sub  nostro  tempore  vult  miscere  politiam 
Ecclesiae.  To  Amsdorf,  21st  July,  1544  (de  Wette,  v.  075  ) :  "  The  court  isn't  worth  any 
thing.  Its  regiment  is  mere  crabs  or  snails.  It  can't  get  away  from  the  statu  quo,  or 
else  it  comes  right  back  to  it.  Christus  optima  Ecclesiae  consuluit,  qui  aulac  non  com- 
misit  Ecclesiarum  administrationem.  The  devil  had  else  nothing  to  do  but  devour  vain 
Christian  souls." 

15  There  was  universal  complaint  about  the  Blights  and  arbitrary  treatment  to  which 
the  clergy  were  subjected  by  the  people  and  officers  of  government.  Having  got  rid  of 
the  oppression  of  the  clergy  of  the  old  Church,  they  wei-e  not  ready  to  let  the  new  clergy 
become  so  powerful.  Thus  in  Luther's  Exhortation  to  Prayer  against  the  Turks,  1541, 
Walch,  xx.  2744  :  "  It  has  come  to  this — that  we  see  young  masters,  cities,  even  small 
muddy  towns  and  villages,  that  would  prevent  their  pastors  and  preachers  from  inveigh- 
ing against  sin  and  crime  in  the  pulpit,  or  else  chase  them  away  and  starve  them  ;  and 
he  that  takes  any  thing  from  them  is  holy.  If  they  complain  to  the  officials,  the}'  are 
called  so  ambitious  that  nothing  can  satisfy  them."  Erasmus  Sarcerius  on  the  Annual 
Visitation;  Eisleben,  1555.  4.  Cf.  Engelhardt,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.  f.  Hist.  Theol.,  1850. 
i.  86.  It  was  seen  that  reputable  and  independent  men  must  be  put  at  the  head  of  church 
affairs  to  insure  favorable  treatment  and  energetic  measures,  and  to  secure  the  requisite 
authority  to  the  clergy.  Comp.  the  Memorial  of  the  Wittenberg  and  other  divines  to  the 
diet  at  Smalcald,  March  1,  1540,  C.  R.,  iii.  942  [Even  if  we  had  bishops  sound  in  doctrine, 
etc.,  yet  the  large  cities  and  princes  may  not  be  inclined  to  give  them  a  jurisdiction, 
and  allow  visitations.  Cut  it  is  evident  that  the  churches  need  to  be  visited  by  those 
high  in  office,  else  the  churches  will  not  be  long  honored,  and  pastors  will  be  evil  treated 
in  villages. — If  any  bishops  keep  the  true  faith,  it  would  be  well  for  them  to  retain  Or- 
dinatio,  Yisitatio,  and  Jurisdictio  in  marriage  matters]  :  "  Wenn  gleich  die  Biscliofe  die 
rechte  Lehre  annehmen,  dieselbige  zu  fordern  u.  tiichtige  Personen  dazu  zu  halten  sich 
crbietcn,  so  werden  doch  vielleicht  die  grossen  Stadte  u.  etliche  Fiirsten  nicht  gern  lei- 
den,  dass  ihnen  wiederum  cine  jurisdictio  eingeraumt  sollt  werden,  und  dass  sie  umher- 
ziehen  und  visitiren.  Dagegen  ist  aber  auch  zu  gedenken,  dass  den  Kirchen  mit  der 
Zeit  vonnothen  scyn  wird,  dass  sie  durch  stattliche  Personen  visitirt  werden.  Denn  die 
weltliehen  Herren  werden  die  Lange  der  Kirchen  nicht  gross  achten,  und  werden  jetz- 
und  die  Priester  auf  den  Dorfcrn  iibcl  gehalten,  werden  auch  vicl  Pfarren  wiiste.  Nun 
ware  es  niitzlich,  so  sich  etliche  Pralaten  der  Kirchen  treulich  annehmen  wollten,  die- 
weil  sie  doch  die  Giiter  haben,  und  konnten  die  Visitation  crhalten,  dass  sie  solchcs 
thaten. — Wo  nun  etliche  Bischofe  und  Stifte  rechte  Lehre  und  die  nothigen  Stiicke  an- 
nehmen, u.  der  Kirche  dienen  wollten,  ware  nachzugeben,  dass  sie  in  ihren  Dignititen 
blieben,  und  behielten  die  Ordinatio,  Visitatio,  und  Jurisdictio  in  Ehesachen."  Thus 
the  Reformers  constanth-  advised  the  retaining  of  bishops  as  a  human  institution,  so  far 
as  they  accepted  the  true  faith,  and  modified  their  privileges  in  accordance  with  it. 
Comp.  Augsb.  Conf.,  Art.  28,  at  the  end.  Mclancthon  especially  often  and  strongly  ex- 
pressed himself  in  favor  of  this.  Ad  M.  Alberum,  2.1.  Aug.,  1530  (C.  R.,  ii.  303):  Qna- 
lis  autem  ad  posteros  status  futurus  *st  dissoluta  politia  Episcoporura  ?  Profani  juris- 
dictionem  ecdesiasticam  ct  similia  negotia  rcligionum  non  curant.  Ad  J.  Camerar.,  31. 
Aug.,  1530  (p.  334):  Utinam,  utinam  possim  non  quidein  dominationem  confirm  are,  se<l 
administrationem  rcstituere  Episcoporum.  Video  cnim,  qualem  simus  babituri  Ecclc- 
siam,  dissoluta  TroXiTttct  ecclesiastica.  Video  postea  mullo  intolerabiliorem  futuram  ty- 
rannidem,  quam  antea  unquam  fuit.  Ad  eund.,  4.  Sept.,  1530  (p.  341)  :  Quo  jure  lice- 
VO!„  IV. — 34 


,530  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

to  their  exercise  of  authority  in  the  matter,26  Consistories  were  at 
once  every  where  established,27  and  became  the  organs  of  the  rul- 
ers in  their  whole  government  of  the  Church.28  The  opposition 
of  the  Flacianists,  who  wanted  theologians  to  rule  in  the  Church 
instead  of  princes,29  was  fruitless.30     In  the  countries,  too,  in  which 

bit  nobis  dissolvere  iroXiTtiay  ecclesiasticam,  si  Episcopi  nobis  concedant  ilia,  quae 
aequum  est  eos  eoncedere.—  Semper  ita  sensit  ipse  Lutherus,  quern  nulla  de  causa  qui- 
dam,  ut  video,  amant,  nisi  quia  beneficio  ejus  sentiunt  se  Episcopos  excussisse,  et  adep- 
tos  libertatem  rninime  utilem  ad  posteritatem.  Qualis  enim  cedo  futurus  est  status  ad 
posteros  in  Ecclesiis,  si  omnes  veteres  mores  sint  aboliti,  si  nulli  certi  sint  praesides? 
Ad  Bellajum  Langaeum,  1.  Aug.,  1534  (p.  740) :  Non  hoc  agitur,  ut  politia  ecclesiastica 
aut  potestas  Pontiflcum  aboleatur;  non  hoc  agitur,  ut  veteres  ordinationes  sine  discri- 
mine  mutentur.  Praecipui  ex  nostris  maxime  cupiunt,  usitatem  Ecclesiae  forrnam  con- 
servare  quantum  possibile  est. 

20  Appeals  to  this  in  the  Baden-Pforzheim  Mandate,  155G,  Richter's  Kirchenordnung, 
ii.  178 ;  in  the  Hessian  Church  Service,  1572,  ibid.,  s.  349.  But  the  princes  frequently 
appealed  to  divine  authority.  Thus  Duke  Christopher  of  Wiirtemberg,  in  the  Preface 
to  the  Church  Service,  1559  (ibid.,  p.  198) :  "  Wie  w  uns  dann  (ungeacht  dass  etzlicher 
Vermeinen  nach  der  weltlichen  Oberkeit  allcin  das  weltlich  Regiment  zustehen  sollt) 
vor  Gott  schuldig  erkennen,  und  wissend  unsers  Amts  und  Berufs  sein,  wie  audi  des 
Gott  der  Allmaehtig  in  seinem  gestrengen  Urtheil  von  uns  erfordern  wird,  vor  alien 
Dingen  unser  untergebne  Landschaft  mit  der  reinen  Lchr  des  h.  Evangelii — versorgen, 
und  also  der  Kirchen  Christi  mit  Ernst  und  Eifer  annehmen ;  dann  erst  und  darneben 
in  zeitlicher  Regierung  nutzliche  Ordmnig  und  Regiment — anzustellen  und  zu  erhal- 
ten."  So,  too,  Duke  Julius  of  Brunswick- Wolfenbiittel,  in  his  Mandate  prefixed  to  the 
Church  Service,  1569  (cf.  s.  319). 

27  The  divines  assembled  at  Naumburg,  May,  1554,  insisted  on  this ;  see  the  Declara- 
tion, drawn  up  by  Melancthon,  C.  R.,  viii.  290:  "The  Consistoria  are  already  set  on 
foot  in  some  places,  but  the  executio  is  weak."  P.  291 :  All  that  rule  are  bound  ''to  see 
to  it  that  the  true  doctrine  is  preached,  and  that  consistories  are  instituted  for  the  pun- 
ishment of  vice  and  the  maintenance  of  discipline  and  unity."  So,  too,  Erasmus  Sarce- 
rius,  General  Superintendent  in  Mansfeld  :  Von  christlichen,  nothigen,  und  niitzen  Con- 
sis'torien  oder  geistl.  Gerichten,  Eisleben,  1554.  4. ;  see  Engelhardt,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr. 
f.  d.  Hist.  Thcol.,  1850,  s.  116.  Thus,  in  1564,  a  Consistory  was  established  at  Celle 
(Schlegel's  Kirchen-  u.  Reformationsgesch.  von  Norddeutschland,  ii.  395  ;  Richter's  Kir- 
chenordnung, ii.  285) ;  1568  one  at  Wolfenbuttel  (Schlegel,  ii.  263). 

-"  For  this  end  there  was  appointed,  first  in  Wittenbci-g,  a  central  church  commission, 
the  Church  Council,  by  the  Service-Book  of  1559  (see  Richter,  ii.  218) ;  and,  after  this 
example,  an  Upper  Consistory  in  Dresden,  by  the  Church-Book  of  Electoral  Saxon)-, 
1580  (ibid.,  421);  comp.  Richter's  Gesch.  d.  Evang.  Kirchenvcrfassung,  s.  121. 

29  Thus  Hesshusius,  1559,  in  Heidelberg,  §  37,  Note  37 ;  the  theologians  in  Jena,  15G0, 
§  38,  Note  2 ;  Musaus,  in  Bremen,  1561,  §  38,  Note  10. 

30  The  Weimar  book  against  the  Frankfort  Recess  had  also  declared  against  a  super- 
vision of  doctrine  on  the  part  of  the  Consistories ;  see  Melancthon's  Answer,  in  C.  R., 
ix.  618.  When  the  Consistory  was  established  in  Weimar,  in  1561  (see  §  38,  Note  6), 
Flacius  wrote  to  Max  Morlin,  its  first  clerical  assessor,  and  brought  forward  twelve  rea- 
sons against  the  establishment  of  a  Consistory  (Unschuldige  Nachr.,  1716,  s.  764):  I. 
Politicus  Magistratus  sibi  sumit  jus  condendi  dedreta  de  rebus  religionis  et  judicio  gra- 
vissimo  Ecclesiae  de  doctrina  et  clavibus.  Sumit  etiam  sibi  jus  eligendi  personas,  et 
denique  concludendi  suo  judicio  de  sententiis,  cum  Ecclesiae  sit  condere  decreta  de  cere- 
moniis  ac  judiciis  suis,  non  potentum  ac  sapientum  mundi  hujus.  Videte  iterum  atque 
iterum  vos  Speculatores  Israel,  ne  assuefaciatis  aulas  ac  Achitopheles  ad  obtrudenda 
Ecclesiae  sua  inandata,  per  vos  tanquam  suos  praecones  proclamanda.     Inde  jus  sibi 


PART  II.—  CH.  II.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  46.  ITS  CONSTITUTION.  531 

the  bishops  accepted  the  Reformation,  and  at  first  retained  the 
government  of  the  Church,  in  Brandenburg31  and  Prussia,32  as 
well  as  in  those  in  which  a  synodal  constitution  was  first  intro- 
duced, in  Pomerania33  and  Hesse,31  these  arrangements  were  grad- 

sument  nunc  impii  Magistrates  et  in  omnem  posteritatem,  religionesque  pro  arbitrio  for- 
mabunt  et  reformabunt,  eritque  ein  Kaiserlich  Papstthum,  sicut  tu  nostros  affectare  nu- 
per  pie  monebas.  II.  Privantur  Ecclesia  omnesque  alii  pii  Pastores  ac  Superintenden- 
tes  (facilitate)  per  sj-nodos  judicandi  de  doctrina,  penes  quam  et  quos  rerum  maximarum 
haec  potestas,  turn  diviuo  mandato,  turn  veteri  perpetuoque  more  ac  consuetudine  tale 
judicium  fuit.  III.  Praecipitatur  religio  et  Ecclesia  in  extremum  periculum  tyrannidis 
paucorum  Consistorialium.  Sicut  Bedenken  Illustr.  Principis  contra  Francofurticum 
decretum  monet.  IV.  Contra  verbum  Dei,  Augustanam  Confessionem,  Apologiam, 
Schmalcaldicos  Articulos,  et  totius  Ecclesiae  consuetudinem  aufertur  prorsus  clavis 
ligans  a  ministris  J.  Chr. — Talis  laceratio  ministerii  an  sine  impietate  fieri,  aut  a  vobis 
Superintcndentibus  promoveri  queat,  Vos  fratrcsjudicate.  X.  Simpliciter  mandatur' 
tantum  executio  poenae  Superintendenti  a  Consistorio  sine  omni  ipsius  cognitione  :  qua 
conscientia  earn  ille  praestare  poterit?  Nam  Superintendentes  erunt  tantum  lictores 
aut  carnifices,  qui  simpliciter  ac  sine  omni  cognitione  mandata  Magistratus  exequi  te- 
nentur.  XI.  Ex  praefatione  satis  apparet,  quod  etiam  separatio  a  sacramento  seu  sus- 
pensio  Ministris  auferatur.  Nemini  ergo  Pastores  audebunt  negare  Sacramenta  aut  ab- 
solutionem  nisi  convicto  prius  ac  condemnato  a  Consistorio.  Quanta  hie  profanatio  Sa- 
cramentorum  :  XII.  Prorsus  tollitur  processus  Christi,  Matth.  xviii. :  Si peccaverit  in  te 
f rater  tuns,  aut  si  quid  habes  contra  proximum,  etc.  Hie  enim  simpliciter  mandatur,  ut, 
si  quis  novit  aliquod  alicujus  crimen  etiam  occultum,  mox  accuset  coram  Consistorio. — 
Abjecto  ergo  Christi  praescripto  sequamur  hominum  processum.  Taceo,  quod  istis  mu- 
tuis  cruentisque  accusationibus  horrenda  dissidia  inter  Pastores  et  auditores  excitabun- 
tur.  Nam  Pastoris  castigatio  paterna  est,  at  accusatio  coram  Principe  omentum  quid 
sonat  et  continet.  Multi  Pastores  mavolent  summam  licentiam  peccandi  suis  relinquere, 
quam  tarn  molestas  quia  et  sumtuosas  lites  sustinere. 

31  Matthias  of Jagow,  Bishop  of  Brandenburg,  conformed  to  the  Reformation,  assent- 
ed to  the  church  service  appointed  by  the  Elector  (Richter,  i.  323),  and  remained  in  pos- 
session of  his  episcopal  rights  until  his  death,  in  1545.  General  Superintendents  and  a 
Consistory  were  appointed,  in  Cologne-on-the-Spree,  for  the  dioceses  of  the  bishops  cf 
Havelburg  and  Lebus.  After  the  death  of  Jagow  the  same  arrangement  was  extended 
to  the  Brandenburg  diocese ;  II.  v.  Mulder's  Gcsch.  d.  Evang.  Kirchenverfassung  in  d. 
Mark  Brandenburg,  Weimar,  1846,  s.  50 ;  Richter's  Gesch.  d.  Evang.  Kirchenverfassung, 
s.  131. 

32  Here  both  bishops  conformed,  the  Bishop  of  Samland,  and  of  Pomesania,  and  issued, 
in  1525,  the  first  Evangelical  Church  Service  Book  (Richter,  i.  28).  This  episcopal  pow- 
er afterward  became  inconvenient  to  the  Duke,  and  he  repeatedly  left  the  posts  unfilled, 
while  the  Estates  were  trying  to  keep  them  up.  With  the  death  of  the  Bishop  of  Pome- 
sania and  the  administrator  of  Samland,  Wigand  (1587),  the  episcopal  office  came  to  an 
end,  and  Consistories  were  established  ;  Jacobson's  Gesch.  der  Quellen  des  Evang.  Kir- 
chenrechts  der  Provinzen  Preussen  und  Posen,  s.  21 ;  Richter's  Gesch.  d.  Evang.  Kir- 
chenverfassung, s.  129. 

33  In  Pomerania  the  General  Superintendents  had  man)-  episcopal  rights ;  from  1541 
general  synods  of  the  city  preachers  were  convened  from  time  to  time,  which  decided 
about  all  ecclesiastical  matters  under  the  presidency  of  the  General  Superintendent ; 
Balthasar's  zwei  Sammlungen  einiger  zur  Pommerschen  Kirchenhistorie  gehbrigen 
Schriften,  Greifswald,  1723.  25.  4.  At  the  Greifswald  Sjmod,  1556,  it  was  determined 
to  erect  three  Consistoria  or  church  courts  at  Stettin,  Colberg  or  Stolpe,  and  Greifswald, 
which  should  decide  about  excommunications,  since  the  pastors  often  incurred  peril  in 
these  cases  (Balthasar,  i.  138).     The  last  General  Synod  was  held  in  1503:  afterward 


532  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ually  superseded  by  the  consistorial  constitution  ;  in  Jiilich,  Cleve, 
and  Berg,  however  (and  here  alone),  peculiar  relations  contributed 
to  the  building  up  and  firm  establishment  of  the  synodal  constitu- 
tion.35 In  theory,  the  government  of  the  Church  by  princes  was 
usually  vindicated  on  the  assumption  that  the  episcopal  rights  had 
devolved  upon  them  in  consequence  of  the  Religious  Peace  ;  and 
then,  by  an  exact  limitation  of  this  authority,  the  Church  was  to 
be  protected  against  arbitrary  encroachments.36 

the  power  of  the  General  Superintendents  passed  over  to  the  Consistories  (Balthasar  Jus 
Eccl.  Pastorale,  i.  262,  541 ;  Richter's  Gesch.  d.  Evang.  Kirchenverfassung,  s.  123). 

34  Against  the  Church  Service,  drawn  up  by  Franz  Lambert,  and  adopted  by  the  Syn- 
od of  Homberg,  1526  (Reformatio  Ecclesiarum  Hassiae,  in  Richter's  Kirchenordn.,  i.  56), 
which  established  presbyteries  and  synods,  but  allowed  the  churches  the  right  of  appoint- 
ing and  deposing  preachers,  Luther  uttered  strong  doubts  (see  Note  7,  above),  and  it  was 
never  carried  through.  The  Landgrave  thereupon  appointed  six  superintendents,  with 
modified  episcopal  prerogatives  (in  Cassel,  Rotenburg,  Marburg,  Alsfeld,  Darmstadt,  and 
St.  Goar)  ;  see  Ilessische  Visitationsordnung  von  1537,  in  Richter's  Kirchenordn.,  i.  281 ; 
they  held  annual  synods  in  their  dioceses,  and  then,  in  conjunction  with  some  selected 
pastors,  formed  the  General  Synod,  the  highest  ecclesiastical  court.  By  the  Order  for 
Christian  Church  Discipline,  1559  (Richter,  i.  290),  elders  were  appointed  for  each  church 
for  purposes  of  discipline.  The  General  Synods  were  kept  up  after  Philip's  death,  under 
the  separate  governments  of  his  sons,  but  came  to  an  end  in  1582,  in  consequence  of  the 
divisions  that  sprung  up  between  the  Calvinizing  Lower  Hessians  and  the  strict  Luther- 
an Upper  Hessians  (Dr.  H.  Heppe's  Gesch.  d.  Hess.  Generalsynoden  v.  1568-82,  2  Bde., 
Kassel,  1847).  Upon  the  introduction  of  Calvinism,  the  Landgrave  Maurice  exercised 
more  than  episcopal  rights ;  and  then  established  a  cousistorj-  in  Marburg,  1010,  as  the 
highest  ecclesiastical  tribunal,  i.  e.,  the  highest  organ  of  his  ecclesiastical  authority 
(Heppe's  Einfuhrung  dcr  Verbesserungspuncte  in  Hessen,  Kassel,  1849,  s.  174).  W. 
Bach's  Gesch.  d.  kurhess.  Kirchenverfassung,  Marburg,  1832. 

33  As  the  ducal  house  of  these  lands  remained  Catholic  until  its  extinction  in  1609, 
the  Evangelical  churches  were  obliged  to  have  an  independent  constitution,  in  the  for- 
mation of  which  the  refugees  from  Holland  had  an  important  influence,  especially  those 
driven  from  London  in  1554  (see  §  37,  Note  17),  a  part  of  whom  settled  in  Wesel  and 
Duisburg,  with  their  church  government  drawn  up  by  John  a  Lasco  ;  and  then  there 
were  synods  of  the  refugees,  in  Wesel,  1568,  and  Emden,  1571  (§  43,  Note  2).  The 
church  government  being  already  established,  it  wras  confirmed  by  Brandenburg  and 
the  Palatinate  Neuburg,  and  remained  afterward  unaltered ;  because  Brandenburg,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  oppression  of  Evangelical  churches  in  the  Catholic  Palatinate  of 
Neuburg,  obliged  it  to  hold  fast  the  status  quo,  and  hence  was  itself  obliged  to  do  the 
same.  Griindlicher  Bericht  iiber  d.  Kirchen-  und  Religionswesen  in  den  Fiirstenthu- 
mern  Jiilich,  Cleve,  und  Berg,  anch  zugehorigen  Grafschaften  Murk  u.  Ravensberg, 
Dusseldorf,  1735.  4.  Von  Oven  die  Presbyterial-  und  Synodalvcrfassung  in  Berg,  Jiilich, 
Cleve,  n.  Mark,  Essen,  1829.  Jacobson's  Gesch.  d.  Quellen  des  Evang.  Kirchcnreehts  der 
Provinzen  Rheinland  und  Westphalen,  Konigsberg,  1844.  M.  Goebd's  Gesch.  d.  christl. 
Lebens  in  der  Rheinisch-Westphalischen  Evangel.  Kirche,  Bd.  2,  Abth.  1.  (Coblenz, 
1852),  s.  70.  [Stahl,  Kirchenzucht,  1845 ;  C.  II.  Sack,  Obscrvationcs  ad  disciplinam 
eccles.,  in  Niedner's  Zcitschrift,  January,  1854.] 

36  Jo.  Gerhardi,  Thcologi  Jenensis,  Loci  Theologici  (Jcnae,  1610-22,  9  voll.,  4.). 
Locus  XXIV.,  de  Ministerio  Ecclesiastico,  §  112  (ed.  Cotta,  xii.  116):  Quamvis  ex  con- 
stitutione  pacis  religiosae  anno  1552,  Passavii  sancita,  et  anno  1555,  Augustae  confirmata 
Electores,  Principcs  ac  Status  Imperii  Augustanae  coufessioni  addicti  jura  episcopalia  in 
suis  territoriis  sibi  vindiccnt ;  tamen  exercitium  eorum  ita  temperant,  ut  quacdiun  capi- 


TART.  II.— CH.  II.— REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  46.  ITS  CONSTITUTION.  533 

In  Denmark  and  Sweden  the  Episcopal  Constitution  remained; 
but  in  Denmark  all  judicial  authority37  was  taken  from  the  bish- 
ops, who  were  to  be  only  superintendents  :  in  Sweden  it  was  re- 
tained, with  restrictions,  and  in  conjunction  with  a  co-ordinate 
Consistory.38  In  both  countries  the  King  had  the  highest  ecclesi- 
astical power. 

In  the  Reformed  churches  the  constitution  was  developed  in  a 
different  manner. 

In  the  Swiss  cantons  the  great  councils  were  not  only  the  high- 
est tribunals,  but  also  the  organs  of  the  people ;  and  hence  their 
ecclesiastical  decisions  might  be  considered  as  the  voice  of  the 
people.  But  Zwingle  saw,  no  less  than  Luther,  that  the  people 
were  not  yet  ripe  for  a  church  government,  realizing  the  ideal ;  and 
it  was  also  evident  that  it  was  impolitic  to  have  in  the  same  town 
two  republican  constitutions  alongside  of  each  other — one  for  the 
Church,  and  another  for  the  State.  Consequently  he  had  no  scru- 
ples about  transferring  the  government  of  the  Church  to  the  great 
Council  of  Zurich,  as  representing  the  congregation.  The  clergy, 
especially  those  of  the  principal  city,  were  only  invited  to  consult- 
ations ;  but  they  retained  the  right  of  protest  in  case  any  thing 
was  done  against  the  Word  of  God.39     The  clergy,  whose  equal- 

ta  ipsimet  non  adtingant,  sed  Ecclesiae  ministris  relinquant,  utpote  praedicationem  verbi 
et  sacramentorum  administrationem,  potestatem  clavium,  examen  eligendorum  minis- 
trorum,  eorum  ordinationem,  etc.,  quaedam  per  Consistoriales  et  Superintendentes  pera- 
gant,  utpote  Ecclesiarum  visitationem,  causarum  ecclesiasticarum,  ad  quas  etiam  ma- 
trimoniales  spectant,  dijudicationem,  etc.,  quaedam  sibi  soils  immediate  reservent,  ut- 
pote constitutionum  ecclesiasticarum  promulgationem,  synodorum  convocationem,  etc., 
quaedam  denique  cum  consensu  Ecclesiae  administrent,  utpote  electionem  et  vocationem 
ministrorum.     Richter's  Gesch.  d.  Evang.  Kirchenverfassung,  s.  192. 

37  Staudlin's  Kirchl.  Geographic  u.  Statistik,  i.  21G.  J.  Wiggers'  Kirchl.  Statistik, 
ii.  377. 

38  F.  W.  v.  Schubert  Schweden's  Kirchenverfassung  u.  Unterrichtswesen  nach  fruhe- 
rem  und  gegenwiirtigem  Zustande,  2  Bde. ;  Greifswalde,  1821.  Stiiudlin,  i.  237.  Wig- 
gers, ii.  394.  [Hist,  of  Ref.  in  Sweden,  by  L.  A.  Anjou ;  transl.  b}-  II.  M.  Mann,  New 
York,  1859,  pp.  386-594.] 

33  Zwinglii  Subsidium  de  Eucharistia,  1525  (Opp.,  iii.  339):  Dicam  hie  obiter  de  usu 
Senatus  Diacosiorum,  propter  quern  q'uidam  nos  calumniantur,  quod  ca,  quae  totius  Ec- 
clesiae esse  debeant,  nos  per  ducentos  agi  patiamur,  quum  totius  urbis  et  vicinorum  Ec- 
clesia  sit  plus  minus  septem  millium.  Sic  ergo  habeant  isti :  Qui  verbo  praesumus  Ti- 
guri,  olim  jam  libere  monuimus  Diacosios,  quod  ea,  quae  judicio  Ecclesiae  totius  fieri 
debeant,  ad  ipsos  non  alia  lego  rejici  patiamur,  quam  si  verbo  duce  consulant  et  decer- 
nant ;  deinde  quod  ipsi  non  sint  aliter  Ecclesiae  vice,  quam  quod  ipsa  Ecclesia  tacito 
consensu  hactenus  benigne  receperit  eorum  Senatus  vel  consulta  vel  decreta.  Vulgavi- 
mus  eandem  sentent.iam  apud  universam  Eeclcsiam  ;  admonuimus  etiam  hac  tempes- 
tate,  qua  nonnulli  (Anabaptists)  feruntur  stupidissimis  affectibus,  quos  tamen  spiritum 
internum,  si  Diis  placet,  vidsri  volunt,  baud  tuto  multitudini  committi  posse  quaedam. 


534  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ity  was  decisively  insisted  upon,40  were  appointed  by  the  magis- 
tracy ;  the  churches  had  only  the  right  of  objecting.41  Zwingle, 
too,  held  that  excommunication  was  unnecessary,  since  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  Christian  magistracy  to  inflict  punishments.42     In 

Non  quod  vereamur,  Deum  Opt.  Max.  defuturum,  quo  minus  dirigat  Ecclesiam  suam  ; 
sed  rebus  adhuc  teneris  non  miscendam  esse  contentionis  occasionem.  Suasimus  ergo, 
ut  plebs  judicium  externarum  rerum  hac  lege  Diacosiis  permittat,  ut  ad  verbi  regulam 
omnia  comparentur,  simul  pollicentes,  sicubi  coeperint  verbi  auctoritatem  contemnere, 
nos  coufestim  prodituros  esse  ac  vociferaturos.  Consentit  ad  hunc  usque  diem  Ecclesia, 
tametsi  decretum  super  ea  re  nullum  promulgaverit,  sed  placiditate  ac  tranquillitate, 
quibus  hactenus  utitur,  consensum  suum  sic  probat,  ut  ipsam  aegre  laturam  adpareat, 
si  quis  Evangelii  successum  argifta  curiositate  impedire  conetur ;  simul  non  ignorans,  ut 
rebus  istis  debeamus  ad  Cbristi  nostrumque  decorem  sic  uti,  ut  pax  Christiana  servetur. 
Quicquid  ergo  de  immutandis  ritibus  occurrit,  ad  senatum  Diacosiorum  refertur,  ncn 
absque  exemplo :  nam  et  Antiocbia  duos  modo,  Paulum  et  Barnabam,  Ilierosolj-mam 
mittit,  nee  ipsa  decernit,  quod  tamen  jure  potuisset.  Causa  fuit,  quod  immoderatam 
contentionem  vereretur,  quae  quanto  major  est  concio  tanto  magis  crudescit.  Quod  au- 
tem  Diacosii  in  bis  rebus,  Ecclesiae  non  suo  nomine,  agant,  hinc  adparet,  quod  quicquid 
apud  nos  statuitur,  puta  de  imaginibus,  de  celebranda  Eucharistia  et  similibus,  id  eis 
Ecclesiis  quae  in  oppidis  et  agro  sunt  libenim  relinquit :  ubi  nimirum,  quod  Ecclesiae 
non  sunt  tantae,  contentionis  incendium  non  magnopere  metuendum  esse  vident.  Ces- 
sit  consilium  sic,  ut  ex  Deo  esse  facile  cognoscas.  Sic  igitur  soliti  sumus  hactenus  ante 
omnia  multitudinem  de  quaestione,  quae  Senatus  judicio  cognoscenda  erat,  probe  docere. 
Ita  enim  factum  est,  ut  quicquid  Diacosii  cum  verbis  ministris  ordinarent,  jam  dudum 
in  animis  fidelium  ordinatum  esset.  Denique  Senatum  Diacosiorum  adivimus,  ut  Ec- 
clesiae totius  nomine,  quod  usus  postularet,  fieri  juberent,  quo  tempestive  omnia  et  cum 
decoro  agerentur.  Factum  est  itaque,  ut  contentionis  malum  ab  Ecclesia  prohiberetur. 
— Sic  utimur  Tigiiri  Diacosiorum  Senatu,  quae  summa  est  potestas,  Ecclesiae  vice. 
Zwingle,  on  the  other  hand,  concedes  that  the  people  have  the  right  to  depose  rulers 
that  govern  in  an  unchristian  way,  Artikel  zu  der  Disput.,  1523,  Art.  42  (Werke,  i. 
15G)  :  "  So  sie  aber  untriiwlich  und  usser  der  Schnur  Cbristi  faren  wurdind,  mogend  sio 
mit  Gott  entsetzt  werden."    Conf.  the  TJslegung,  s.  369. 

40  Lud.  Lavater  (preacher,  and  at  last  Antistes  in  Zurich),  de  Ritibus  et  Institutis 
Eccl.  Tigurinae,  1559  (ed.  J.  B.  Ottius,  Tiguri,  1702),  §  3,  p.  10  :  Nullum  inter  minis- 
tros,  quod  potestatem  attinet,  est  discrimen.—  Omnes  fere  res  ecclesiasticae  ad  primari- 
um  concionatorem  urbis  (qui  primus  a  restituto  Evangelio  Iluldr.  Zvinglius  fuit,  cui 
Uenr.  Bullingerus  successit)  referuntur.  Is  suo  arbitratu,  totius  Ecclesiae  et  omnium 
ministrorum  nomine,  inconsultis  aliis  nihil  agit  vel  scribit ;  sed  alios  pastores  convocat, 
et  suum  consilium  et  judicium  cum  illis  communicat.  Si  res  sit  magni  momenti,  sena- 
tui  et  sjmodo  proponitur. 

41  Ziiricher  Pradicantenordnung,  1532,  in  Richter's  Kirchenordnung,  i.  169:  If  a 
parish  is  vacated,  the  dean  shall  announce  the  fact  to  the  magistracy,  and  the  patron 
(Lehen  Herr),  if  there  be  one.  The  candidates  are  to  be  examined,  and  testimonies 
about  the  result  sent  to  the  Council.  The  Council"  elects  ;  and  then  the  congregation  is 
convened  in  presence  of  the  dean  by  the  authorized  representative  of  the  Council.  The 
election  "on  the  part  of  the  church  is  to  be  open,  and  it  is  to  be  proclaimed,  that  if  any 
one  present  knows  any  thing  base  or  discreditable  about  the  candidate  he  must  openly 
declare  it."  If  there  is  no  complaint,  the  dean  presents  the  new  pastor  to  the  church, 
and  lays  his  hands  upon  him.  Then  "the  prefect  or  representative  of  the  Council  is  to 
commend  the  pastor  to  the  church  in  the  name  of  the  Christian  magistracy."  Lavater, 
§  2,  p.  6. 

42  In  the  Order  of  the  Zurich  Cathedral  Court  (Richter,  i.  22)  it  is  also  added  that  tho 
pastor  is  to  "  excommunicate  and  exclude  the  adulterer,  with  the  Christian  congrega- 


PART  II.— CH.  n.— REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  46.  ITS  CONSTITUTION.   535 

1525  a  court  was  appointed,  in  connection  with  the  cathedral,  to 
take  charge  of  matters  pertaining  to  marriage.43  The  deans  and 
synods  merely  had  supervision  as  to  doctrine  and  life,4*  and  the 
Church  Session  as  to  violations  of  chastity  ;45  but  all  punishment 

tion."  In  a  law  against  adulterers,  152G  (Bullinger's  Ref.  Gesch.,  i.  378),  the  Burgo- 
master and  Council  decreed,  that  they  "should  be  sundered  and  excluded  from  all  Chris- 
tian and  honest  converse  and  communion."  So,  too,  they  could  not  be  chosen  to  any 
posts  or  offices  of  honor.  However,  these  laws  seem  not  to  have  been  enforced ;  Hun- 
deshagen,  Conilicte  des  Zwinglianismus,  324. — Zwingle  said,  at  the  Synod  of  St.  Galleu, 
December,  1530  (Simler's  Sammlung  alter  und  neuer  Urkunden  zur  Kirchengesch.  vor- 
nemlich  des  Schweizerlandes,  i.  432)  [In  the  times  of  the  apostles  there  was  no  Christian 
magistracy,  and  the  Church  had  to  administer  excommunication,  etc.  Now  the  magis- 
trates are  Christian,  and  hold  the  sword ;  but  in  case  they  do  not  fulfill  their  office  the 
churches  must  resume  the  exercise  of  discipline]  :  "  Zu  der  Aposteln  Zyt  was  die  Kileh 
zerstreut,  so  was  noch  kein  christenliche  Oberkeit,  die  in  der  Kilchen  Gsctz  und  Ord- 
nung  und  Straf  des  Bosen  und  des  Ergerlichen  hielte.  Da  nun  S3-e  der  Bann  und  das 
Usschliessen  ihnen  nothwendig  gsyn,  die  Laster  unter  ihnen  abzustellen.  Sit  aber 
christenliche  Oberkeiten  worden,  so  Schwert  und  Straf  von  Gott  habind,  sollend  jetz 
die  das  usrichten. — Ob  aber  die  Oberkeiten  ihr  Amt  nit  thun  weltind,  alsdann  mogind 
die  gmeinen  Kilchen  sich  ihres  Gwalts  ouch  gebruchen  mit  dem  Bann,  damit  die  Kil- 
chen rein  und  ungeargeret  bliebe." 

43  The  decree  is  in  Bullinger's  Reformationsgesch.,  i.  287.  Richter's  Kirchenordnung, 
i.  21.  The  court  consisted  of  two  pastors,  two  members  of  the  inferior,  and  two  of  the 
great  Council.     Lavater,  §  29,  p.  108. 

44  In  Zurich,  1528,  semi-annual  synods  were  appointed,  at  which  all  the  clergy  and 
deputies  of  the  churches  were  to  appear ;  and  eight  members  of  the  Council  were  present 
(Bullinger's  Reformationsgesch.,  ii.  3).  It  received  a  more  fixed  form  by  the  Zurich 
Preachers'  Order  of  1532  (Richter,  i.  168).  Every  pastor,  on  entering  upon  his  office, 
had  to  take  this  oath  [That  he  would  preach  the  Gospel  truly,  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments, according  to  the  mandate  of  his  Zurich  rulers,  and  teach  no  doubtful  dogma,  none 
not  before  approved  by  the  sj-nod ;  be  true  to  the  Burgomaster  and  Council,  promote 
the  weal  of  Zurich,  obej'  its  laws,  not  reveal  the  secrets  of  synod,  ect.]  :  "  Dass  ich  das 
heilig  Evangelium  und  Wort  Gotts,  darzu  ich  beriift't  bin,  truwlich  und  nach  rechtem 
christenlichen  Verstand,  ouch  nach  Vermbg  Alts  und  Niiws  evangelischen  Testaments, 
hit  miner  Herren  von  Zurich  vorusgangnen  Mandats,  lehren  und  predgen,  und  darunter 
kein  Dogma  u.  Lehr,  die  zwyflig  und  noch  nit  uf  der  Bahn  und  erhalten  sye,  nit  inmi- 
schen,  sy  sye  dann  zevor  gemeiner  ordenlicher  Versamlung,  so  jarlich  zwei  mal  gehal- 
ten,  anzeigt,  und  vor  derselbigen  erhalten.  Darzu  soil  und  will  ich  einem  Burgermeis- 
ter  und  Rath,  ouch  den  Burgeren,  als  miner  ordenlichen  Oberkeit  triiw  und  hold  sin : 
gemeiner  Stadt  und  Land  Zurich  Nutz  und  Frommen  fiirdern,  ihro  Schaden  warnen  und 
wenden,  so  ferr  ich  vermag  :  ouch  ihren  und  ihren  nachgesetzten  Vogten  und  Amtluten 
Geboten  und  Verboten  in  ziemlichen  billigen  Sachen  gehorsam  und  gewiirtig  sin  :  Item 
die  Hcimlichkeiten  des  Synodi  verschwygen  und  nit  offenbaren."  In  this  synod  all  the 
clergy,  one  after  another,  were  subjected  to  examination  ;  comp.  the  Censures  in  the 
synods  of  1533-35,  in  S.  Hess,  Sammlungen  zur  Beleuchtung  der  Kirchen-  und  Refor- 
mationsgesch. d.  Schweiz.,  Heft  1  (Zurich,  1811),  p.  118;  p.  139  there  is  a  judgment  on 
Bullinger. 

43  In  1526  there  was  a  law  against  lewdness  (Bullinger's  Ref.  Gesch.,  i.  369),  in  which 
the  judges  about  marriage  cases  (members  of  the  Cathedral  Court)  were  enjoined  to  pro- 
ceed against  the  guilt}'  parties  in  the  cit}-.  In  the  country  districts,  in  ever)*  parish 
there  were  to  be  three  or  four  men  selected  (p.  372),  with  the  pastor,  to  watch  over  all 
marriage  matters  (called  Ehogaumer) ;  and  to  them  all  cases  of  unchastity  were  to  be 
referred.    They  were  to  warn  the  offenders  several  times,  and,  if  this  was  fruitless,  to 


536  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-10-18. 

was  in  the  hands  of  the  civil  authorities.  The  other  Reformed 
cantons  imitated  these  arrangements.  In  Basle,  Oecolampadius 
procured  (1530)  the  introduction  of  excommunication,  but  was 
obliged  to  concede  the  participation  of  the  civil  authorities,  and 
the  infliction  of  civil  penalties.40  In  1539  this  arrangement  was 
again  abolished.47 

Calvin  wished  to  have  the  Church  wholly  independent  of  the 
State.  The  State  should  only  protect  the  Church  in  its  opera- 
tions, but  must  not  intrude  into  its  internal  affairs  ;48  the  cler- 
gy and  synods  were  to  have  charge  of  doctrine  and  the  sacra- 
refer  the  matter  to  the  head  magistrate  for  punishment.  These  guardians  of  marriage 
formed  a  church  session  (Kirchenstillstand),  so  called  because  they  remained  in  the 
church  after  service  for  consultation. 

46  See  particularly  Ilerzog's  Leben  Job.  Oekolampads,  ii.  192.  Oecolampadius  was 
always  for  church  discipline  :  as  early  as  the  Reformation  decree  of  1529,  pastors  and 
deacons  were  authorized,  after  warning  offenders  without  success,  to  exclude  them  from 
the  Lord's  Supper  (Ilerzog,  ii.  1G4).  But  this  did  not  go  into  effect.  Oecolampadius, 
in  an  address  to  the  Council  (Oec.  Epistol.,  fol.  42),  then  pleaded  for  a  complete  resto- 
ration of  church  discipline,  and  the  appointment  of  a  college,  consisting  of  the  four  city 
pastors,  four  members  of  the  Council,  and  four  of  the  congregation,  to  administer  such 
discipline  after  the  prescriptions  of  Christ  in  Matth.  xviii.  15 ;  cf.  Epistol.  Oecol.  ad 
Zwingl.,  Sept.  17,  1530  (Zwingl.  Opera,  viii.  510).  He  endeavored  to  get  other  cantons 
to  adopt  the  same,  but  in  vain.  At  a  diet  in  Aarau,  Sept.,  1530,  Ilaller  opposed  him. 
In  St.  Gallen  there  was  a  division  among  the  clergy  on  this  point,  and  at  a  synod  held 
at  St.  Gallen,  Dec,  1530,  even  Zwingle  declared  against  excommunication  (Simler,  i. 
432).  However,  the  Council  of  Basle  ordered,  Dec.  14,  1530,  that  in  each  church  two 
members  of  the  Council,  and  two  of  the  congregation,  should  be  joined  with  the  pastor 
and  the  deacons  for  this  object,  and  that  those  who  remained  under  sentence  more  than 
a  month  should  be  severely  punished. 

47  Oecolampadius  himself  was  subjected  to  many  vexations  on  account  of  his  attempts 
to  restore  discipline  :  Ilerzog,  ii.  207  ;  Oswald  Myconius,  by  Kirchhofer,  s.  105.  At  last, 
in  1539,  the  Council  ordered  that  the  pastors  should  only  warn,  but  not  punish;  and 
that  after  three  fruitless  warnings  offenders  should  be  complained  of  to  the  Council ; 
Kirchhofer,  s.  325. 

48  Calvini  Institutt.,  lib.  iv.  c.  11.  De  Ecclesiae  Jurisdictione,  §  3:  Non  animadver- 
tunt,  quantum  sit  discrimen  et  qualis  dissimilitudo  ecclesiasticae  et  civilis  potestatis. 
Neque  enim  jus  gladii  habet  Ecclesia  quo  puniat  vel  coerceat,  non  imperium  ut  cogat, 
non  carcerem,  non  poenas  alias  quae  solent  infligi  a  magistratu.  Deinde  non  hoc  agit, 
ut  qui  peccavit,  invitus  plectatur,  sed  ut  voluntaria  castigatione  poenitentiam  profitea- 
tur. — At  quemadmodum  magistratus  puniendo  et  manu  eoercendo  purgare  debet  Ecclc- 
siam  offendiculis,  ita  verbi  minister  vicissim  sublevare  debet  magistratum,  ne  tarn  multi 
peccent.  Sic  conjunctae  debent  esse  operae,  ut  altera  sit  adjumento  alteri,  non  impedi- 
mento.  §  4 :  Non  magistratus,  si  pius  est,  eximcre  se  volet  communi  filiorum  Dei  sub- 
jectionc,  cujus  non  postrema  pars  est,  Ecclesiae  ex  vcrbo  Dei  judicanti  se  subjicere  : 
tantum  abest  ut  judicium  illud  tollere  debeat. — Imperator  bonus  intra  Ecclesiam,  non 
supra  Ecclesiam  est.  §  10:  Neque  (sancti  viri)  improbabant,  si  quando  suam  auctori- 
tatem  interponerent  Principcs  in  rebus  ecclesiasticis,  modoconservando  Ecclesiae  ordini, 
non  turbando,  disciplinaeque  stabiliendae,  non  dissolvcndae  hoc  fieret.  Nam  cum  Ec- 
clesia cogendi  non  habeat  potestatem,  neque  expetere  debeat  (de  civili  coorcitione  lo- 
quor)  ;  piorum  Regum  ac  Principum  partes  sunt,  legibus,  edictis,  judiciis  religionem 
pustinere. 


PART  II.—  CH.  II.— REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  4G.  ITS  CONSTITUTION.  537 

ments  ;49  church  discipline  belonged  to  the  elders  chosen  by  the 
congregation  in  conjunction  with  the  clergy,  who  were,  however, 
to  impose  only  ecclesiastical  penalties  ;  the  deacons  had  the  care 
of  the  poor  ;50  the  right  to  elect  preachers,  elders,  and  deacons  be- 

49  Calvini  Institt.,  iv.  8,  1:  De  spirituali  tantum  potestate  loquor,  quae  propria  est 
Ecclesiae.  Ea  autem  cousistit  vcl  in  doctrina,  vel  in  jurisdictione,  vel  in  legibus  fercn- 
dis.  Locus  de  doctrina  duas  habet  partes,  auctoritatem  dogmatum  tradendorum,  et 
eorum  explicationem.  iv.  3,  4. :  Qui  Ecclesiae  regimini  secundum  Christi  institutionem 
praesunt,  nominantur  a  Paulo  primum  Apostoli,  dein  Prophetae,  tertio  Evangelistae, 
quarto  Pastores,  postremo  Doctores.  Ex  quibus  duo  tantum  ultimi  ordinarium  in  Ec- 
clesia  munus  habent :  alios  tres  initio  regni  sui  Dominus  excitavit,  et  suscitat  etiam  in- 
terdum  prout  temporum  necessitas  postulat. — Inter  Pastores  ac  Doctores  hoc  discriminis 
esse  puto,  quod  Doctores  nee  disciplinae  nee  Sacramentorum  administrationi,  nee  moni- 
tionibus  aut  exhortationibus  praesunt,  sed  Scripturae  tantum  interpretation!,  ut  sincera 
sanaque  doctrina  inter  iideles  retineatur  ;  pastorale  autem  munus  haec  omnia  in  se  con- 
tinet.  §  6 :  Dominus,  cum  Apostolos  mitteret,  mandatum  illis  dedit  de  praedicando 
Evangelio  et  baptizandis  credentibus  in  remissionem  peccatorum.  Antea  autem  manda- 
verat,  ut  sacra  symbola  corporis  et  sanguinis  sui  ad  exemplum  distribuerent.  En  sanc- 
tam,  inviolabilem,  perpetuamque  legem  impositam  iis  qui  in  Apostolorum  locum  succe- 
dunt,  qua  mandatum  accipiunt  de  Evangelii  praedicatione,  et  Sacramentorum  adminis- 
tratione.  §  8 :  Caeterum  quod  Episcopos  et  Presbyteros  et  pastores  et  ministros  pro- 
miscue  vocavi,  qui  Ecclesias  regunt,  id  feci  ex  Scripturae  usu,  quae  vocabula  ista  con- 
fundit :  quicunque  enim  verbi  ministerio  funguntur,  iis  titulum  Episcoporum  tribuit. 
iv.  9,  13:  Nos  certe  libenter  concedimus,  si  quo  de  dogmate  incidat  disceptatio,  nullum 
esse  nee  melius  nee  certius  remedium,  quam  si  verorum  Episcoporum  spiodus  conveniat, 
ubi  coutroversum  dogma  excutiatur.  Multo  enim  plus  ponderis  habebit  ejusmodi  defi- 
nitio,  in  quam  communiter  Ecclesiarum  pastores,  invocato  Christi  spiritu,  consenserint, 
quam  si  quisque  seorsum  domi  conceptam  populo  traderet,  vel  pauci  homines  privatim 
earn  conficerent.  Deinde  ubi  collecti  in  unura  sunt  Episcopi,  commodius  in  commune 
deliberant,  quid  sibi,  et  qua  forma  docenckim  sit,  ne  diversitas  offendiculum  pariat. 
Tertio  banc  rationem  praescribit  Paulus  in  dijudicandis  doctrinis.  Nam  cum  singulis 
Ecclesiis  attribuat  dijudicationem  (1  Cor.,  xiv.  29),  ostendit,  quis  in  gravioribus  causis 
sit  ordo  agendi :  nempe  ut  Ecclesiae  inter  se  communem  eognitionem  suscipiant. — Sta- 
tuo,  non  ideo  interire  in  Ecclesia  veritatem,  etiamsi  ab  uno  Concilio  opprimatur,  sed 
mirabiliter  a  Domino  servari,  ut  iterum  suo  tempore  emergat  et  superet.  Hoc  autem 
perpetuum  esse  nego,  uf  vera  sitet  certa  Scripturae  interpretatio,  quae  Concilii  suffragiis 
fuerit  recepta. 

50  Calvinii  Institt..  iv.  3,  8:  Besides  the  officiis,  quae  in  verbi  ministerio  consistunt, 
Paul,  in  Rom.  and  1  Cor.,  also  mentions  others.  Ex  quibus  qu.ie  temporaria  fuerunt 
omitto. — Duo  autem  sunt  quae  perpetno  manent,  gubernatio  et  cura  pauperum.  Guber- 
natores  fuisse  existimo  seniores  ex  plebe  delectos,  qui  censurae  morum  et  exercendae 
disciplinae  una  cum  Episcopis  praeessent.  §  9.  Cura  pauperum  Diaconis  mandatafuit; 
iv.  11,  1 :  Quemadmodum  nulla  urbs  nullusve  pagus  sine  magistratu  et  politia  stare  po- 
test :  sic  Ecclesia  Dei  sua  quadam  spirituali  politia  indiget,  quae  tamen  a  civili  prorsus 
distincta  est,  eamque  adeo  nihil  impedit  aut  imminuit,  ut  potius  multum  juvet  ac  pro- 
movcat.  Ista  igitur  jurisdictionis  potestas  nihil  aliud  erit  in  summa  quam  ordo  compa- 
ratus  ad  spiritual  is  politiae  conservationcm.  §  2.  On  the  passages  Jo.  xx.  23,  and 
Matth.  xvi.  19  :  Utraque  est  generalis  sententia,  eadem  semper  ligandi  solvendique  po- 
testas (nempe  per  verbum  Dei),  idem  mandatum,  eadem  promissio.  Eo  autem  difl'e- 
runt,  quod  prior  locus  peculiariter  de  praedicatione  est,  qua  verbi  ministri  funguntur, 
hie  ad  disciplinary  excommunicationis  pertinet,  quae  Ecclesiae  permissa  est.  §  5 :  In 
usu  duo  sunt  consideranda  :  ut  a  jure  gladii  prorsus  separetur  haec  spiritual  is  potestas, 
deinde  ne  unius  arbitrio,  sed  per  legitimum  conscssum  administrctur. — Severissima 
enim  Ecclesiae  vindicta,  et  quasi  ulrimum  fulmen,  est  excommunicatio,  quae  non  nisi  in 


538  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

longed  to  the  church,  under  the  guidance  of  the  clergy.51  How- 
ever, in  the  Genevese  church  constitution,  Calvin  conceded  much 
that  was  less  essential,  in  deference  to  the  circumstances  of  the 
times.52  The  Calvinistic  church  government  was  carried  out 
much  more  strictly  in  France,  where  the  civil  power  was  out- 
side of  the  Church.53    Here  the  Consistories,  Colloquies,  Provincial 

necessitate  adhibetur.  Ilia  porro  nee  vim,  nee  manum  desiderat,  sed  verbi  Dei  potentia 
contenta  est. 

51  Calvini  Institt.,  iv.  3, 12  :  Quales  eligere  Episcopos  deceat,  Paulus  duobus  locis  co- 
piose  exequitur  (Tit.,  i.  9 ;  1  Tim.,  iii.  1):  Summa  tamen  hue  redit,  non  esse  eligendos 
nisi  qui  sint  sanae  doctrinae  et  sanctae  vitae,  nee  aliquo  vitio  notabiles,  quod  et  illis  adi- 
mat  auctoritatem  et  ministerio  ignominiam  afferat.  De  Diaconis  et  Senioribus  similis 
prorsus  est  ratio.  §  14  :  Habemus  ergo,  esse  hanc  ex  verbo  Dei  legitimam  ministri  vo- 
cationem,  ubi  ex  populi  consensu  et  approbatione  creantur  qui  visi  fuerint  idonei. 
Praeesse  autem  electioni  debere  alios  Pastores,  ne  quid  vel  per  levitatem,  vel  per  mala 
studia,  vel  per  tumultum  a  multitudine  peccetur.  On  ecclesiastical  legislation,  iv.  10, 
2  :  Hoc  unum  contendo,  necessitatem  imponi  conscientiis  non  debere  in  quibus  rebus  a 
Christo  liberantur.  §  29  :  Omnes  ecclesiasticas  constitutiones,  quas  pro  Sanctis  et  salu- 
taribus  recipimus,  in  duo  capita  referre  licet :  alterae  enim  ad  ritus  et  ceremonias,  alte- 
rae  ad  disciplinam  et  pacem  respiciunt.  §  30  :  Quia  (Dominus)  in  externa  disciplina  et 
ceremoniis  non  voluit  sigillatim  praescribere  quid  sequi  debeamus  (quod  istud  pendere  a 
temporum  conditione  provideret,  neque  judicaret  unam  saeculis  omnibus  formam  conve- 
nire),  confugere  hie  oportet  ad  generales  quas  dedit  regulas,  ut  ad  eas  exigantur  quae- 
cunque  ad  ordinem  et  decorum  praecipi  necessitas  Ecclesiae  postulabit.  §  31 :  Jam 
vero  christiani  populi  officium  est,  quae  secundum  hunc  canonem  fuerint  instituta,  libera 
quidem  conscientia.  nullaque  superstitione,  pia  tamen  et  facili  ad  obsequendum  propen- 
sione  servare,  non  contemptim  habere,  non  supina  negligentia  praeterire. 

S2  Ordonnances  Ecclesiastiques  de  l'Eglise  de  Geneve,  1541  (Richter's  Kirchenorden,  i. 
342.  Comp.  Henry's  Calvin,  ii.  109 ;  Richter's  Gesch.  d.  Kirchenverfassung.  s.  171),  issued 
by  the  Syndics,  the  Less  and  Great  Council.  The  choice  of  a  pastor  was  by  the  other 
clergy,  the  smaller  Council  to  confirm,  the  congregation  to  agree.  All  pastors  to  be  an- 
nually visited  by  a  commission,  consisting  of  two  deputies  of  the  Council  and  two  of  the 
ministry.  The  Anciens  were  chosen,  two  from  the  Lesser  Council,  four  from  the  Coun- 
cil of  Sixty,  and  six  from  the  Council  of  Two  Hundred.  They  and  the  preachers  form- 
ed the  Consistory,  which  administered  church  discipline.  P.  352  :  Et  que  tout  cela  se 
face  en  telle  sorte,  que  les  ministres  n'ayent  aucune  jurisdiction  civile,  et  que  par  cc 
Consistoire  ne  soit  en  rien  derogue  a  l'autorite  de  la  Seigneurie  ni  a  la  Justice  ordinaire  : 
ainsi  que  la  puissance  divine  demeure  en  son  entier :  et  mesmes  ou  il  sera  besoin  de  faire 
quelque  punition  ou  contraindre  les  parties,  que  les  Ministres  avec  le  Consistoire,  ayans 
oui  les  parties  et  faictes  les  remonstrances  et  admonitions  telles  que  bon  sera,  ayent  it 
rapporter  le  tout  au  Conseil,  lequel  sur  leur  relation  advisera  d'en  ordonner  et  faire  juge- 
ment  selon  l'exigcnce  du  cas  (against  this,  Calvini  Institt.,  iv.  11,  4 :  Neque  enim  con- 
sentancum  est,  ut  qui  monitionibus  nostris  obtemperare  noluerint,  eos  ad  magistratum 
deferamus).  A  short  sketch  of  these  orders  is  in  Calvini  Ep.  ad  Gasp.  Olevianum,  Non. 
Nov.,  15G0  (Epistt.  cd.  Gen.,  1575,  p.  228).  I  Comp.  M.  Goebel,  Disciplin  in  d.  Refor- 
mirtcn  Kirche  bei  Calvin,  in  the  Kirchliche  Vierteljahrsschrift,  1845.  L.  W.  Hassen- 
kamp,  Anfiinge  d.  Evangelischen  Kirchenzucht,  in  the  Deutsche  Zeitschrift,  18o6,  on  Bu- 
cer,  and  on  the  Lutheran  and  Reformed  churches  generally.] 

"  This  Constitution  was  established  at  the  first  six  National  Synods  (Paris,  1559; 
Poitiers,  1560;  Orleans,  1562;  Lyons,  15G3;  Paris,  1565;  Verteuil,  1567);  see  the  acts 
in  Tous  les  Svnodes  Nationauxdes  Eglises  Eeformeesde  France,  par  Aymon,  a  la  Have, 
2  T.,  1710,  4."    Ebrard,  die  Entstehung  und  erste  Entwickelung  der  Presbyterialveifus- 


PART  II.— CH.  II.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.  §  47.  PUBLIC  WORSHIP.  539 

Synods,  National  Synods,  in  an  ascending  series,  were  pure  eccle- 
siastical tribunals  ;  the  National  Synod  had  the  highest  authority. 
But  the  government  was  aristocratic  :  the  Consistories  appointed 
the  lay  elders,  and  the  Provincial  Synods  the  preachers  ;  the  con- 
gregations had  only  the  right  of  declining  to  receive  them.  So, 
too,  in  essential  points,  was  the  church  government  constituted  in 
Scotland — in  Kirk  Sessions,  Presbyteries,  Synods,  and  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  ;54  and  in  the  Netherlands — Kerkenraad,  Classicale 
Vergaderinge,  Particulier  Synode,  Nationaal  Synode.55  In  the 
German  Reformed  churches,  however,  the  princes  had  the  su- 
preme direction  of  church  affairs,  with  a  consistorial  constitution  ; 
although  in  some  instances  the  presbyterial  order  was  establish- 
ed.56 Only  in  Jiilich,  Cleve,  and  Berg  did  the  Reformed  Church 
receive  a  synodal  constitution  like  that  of  Holland.57 


§  47. 

THE  ORDER  OF  PUBLIC  WORSHIP. 

G.  B.  Eisenscbmid,  Gesch.  d.  vornehmsten  Kirchengebriiuche  d.  Protestanten,  Leipzig, 
1795.  J.  L.  Funk's  Geist  und  Form  des  von  Dr.  M.  Luther  angeordneten  Kultus,  Ber- 
lin, 1818.  A.  H.  Graser,  die  Rom.  Kathol.  Liturgie,  mit  steter  Rucksicht  auf  die  Litur- 
gie  der  Grieck.  und  altesten  Evangel.  Luther.  Kirche,  2  Th.,  Halle,  1823.  Kliefoth  die 
urspriingl.  Gottesdienstordnung  in  den  deutschen  Kircheu  Luth.  Bekenntnisses,  ihre 
Destruction  und  Reformation,  Rostock  und  Schwerin,  1847.  [Schciberlein,  Der  Evan- 
gel. Gottesdienst,  in  Studien  und  Kritiken,  1854,  transl.  in  Presb.  Quarterly,  1857. 
H.  Alt,  Der  christl.  Cultus,  2te  Aufl.,  1851.  Der  Protest.  Gottesdienst,  von  Dr.  Karl 
Bahr,  in  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  Luth.  Theol.,  1852.  Eutaxia,  or  Presb.  Liturgies  (by  C.  W. 
Baird),  New  York,  2d  ed.,  1858  ;  comp.  Book  of  Public  Prayer,  compiled  from  Form- 
ularies of  the  Reformed  Churches,  New  York,  1856.     Foreign  Reformed  Liturgies, 

sung  in  der  Rcf.  Kirche  Frankreichs,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  Hist.  Theologie,  1849, 
ii.  280. 

5*  A.  F.  L.  Gemberg,  die  Schottische  Nationalkirche  nach  ihrer  gegenwiirtigen  innern 
und  ausscrn  Verfassung,  Hamburg,  1828.  K.  II.  Sack,  die  Kirche  v.  Schottland,  Bei- 
triige  zu  deren  Geschichte  und  Beschreibung.,  2  Th.,  Hamburg,  1844.  45.  [Comp.  the 
Histories  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  by  Iletherington,  Lorimer,  Wodrow,  Cunningham 
(1859),  etc.  The  Divine  Right  of  Church  Government,  New  York,  ed.  1844.  The  Scotch 
Buiks  of  Discipline,  and  the  Discussions  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  in  Robinson's 
Church  of  God,  Phil.,  1858.] 

65  H.  L.  Benthem's  Holland.  Kirch-  und  Schulenstaat,  2  Th.,  Frankf.  u.  Leipzig,  1G98. 

56  M.  Goebel's  Gesch.  d.  christl.  Lebcns  in  d.  Rheinisch-Westphal.  Evangel.  Kirche, 
ii.  ii.  525.  The  church  regulations  of  the  Palatinate  were  here  of  great  influence.  By  a 
decree  of  15G3  elders  and  deacons  were  appointed  (Richter,  ii.  2G5).  The  church  coun- 
cil (Consistory)  was  established  in  Heidelberg  as  earl)-  as  1560;  its  rules  were  given 
1564  (ibid.,  276).  Superintendents  were  continued,  and  held  annual  synods  with  the 
clergy  and  teachers  of  the  schools,  at  which  their  doctrine  and  life  and  the  state  of  the 
congregations  were  examined  (p.  2S0). 

47  See  the  Literature,  above,  Note  35. 


540  FOURTH  PEPJOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Notes  and  Queries,  Jul}-,  1856.    Alasco's  Dutch  Liturgy,  see  British  Mag.,  vols.  xv. 
and  xvi.] 

In  the  order  of  Public  Worship  there  is  a  thorough-going  dif- 
ference between  Luther  and  Zwingle:  the  former  retained,  as  a 
whole,  the  service  of  the  ancient  Church,  and  only  excluded  what 
in  it  was  positively  corrupt ;  while  Zwingle  shaped  anew  the  whole 
cultus,  according  to  the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 

Luther,  from  the  first,  made  the  sermon  pre-eminent  as  the 
most  important  part  of  public  worship ;  but  in  the  ceremonies 
he  did  not  wish  to  have  any  changes  until  the  congregation  had, 
through  preaching,  been  made  to  feel  the  need  of  alterations.  Ac- 
cordingly, after  Carlstadt's  violent  reformation,  he  restored  the 
ancient  service,  removing,  however,  all  coercion,1  even  the  obliga- 
tion of  private  confession,2  and  letting  superstitious  observances 

1  Luther's  acht  Sermon  von  ihm  gepredigt  zu  Wittenberg  in  der  Fasten,  1522,  in  two 
editions,  in  Walch,  xx.  1  and  02. 

3  In  1523  Luther  and  Pomeranus  restored  "  Confessionem  auricularem  and  privatam 
absolutionem,"  which  had  been  abolisbed  during  the  disturbances  about  the  worship  of 
images;  see  Froschel,  Fortges.  Sammlung  von  alten  und  neuen  theol.  Sachen,  1731,  s. 
696.  Luther  ubi  supra  achte  Predigt  b.  Walch,  xx.  60  [He  who  has  remorse  for  sin, 
and  would  have  peace,  let  him  tell  his  sins  in  private  to  his  brother,  and  pray  for  abso- 
lution and  comfort;  this  private  confession  should  not  be  prevented,  nor  yet  forced  on 
any  one]  :  "  Wer  sich  nun  mit  den  Siinden  beisst,  und  derer  gem  los  ware,  will  er  einen 
gewissen  Trost  und  Spruch  horen,  damit  er  sein  Herz  stille ;  der  gehe  hin  und  klage 
seine  Sunde  in  geheim  seinem  Bruder,  bifcte  ihn  um  Absolution  und  urn  ein  trostlich 
Wort— Darum  habe  ich  gesagt,  und  sage  es  noch,  dass  ich  mir  diege  heimliche  Beichte 
nicht  will  nehmen  lassen.  Ich  will  audi  niemand  dazu  zwingen,  oder  gezwungen  ha- 
ben,  sondcrn  einein  jeglichen  frei  heimstellen."  Luther's  Warnungschrift  an  die  zu 
Frankf.  a.  M.,  sich  vor  Zwinglischer  Lehre  zu  hiiten,  1533  (Walch,  xvii.  2448)  [In  con- 
fession are  two  parts  :  1.  The  telling  of  sins,  as  to  which  our  consciences,  through  God's 
grace,  have  been  delivered  from  the  insupportable  papal  rule,  that  all  sins  must  be  con- 
fessed.—But  with  this  freedom  there  is  also  the  custom  for  penitents  to  tell  of  the  sins 
which  most  weigh  en  him ;  but  this,  not  in  the  case  of  those  who  know  well  what  sin  is, 
as  pastors,  and  Master  Philipps,  etc.,  but  for  young  people  and  common  people,  for  their 
better  instruction.  And  this,  too,  is  in  order  to  find  out  if  they  know  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
Credo,  and  Commandments.  2.  Absolution,  spoken  by  the  priest  in  God's  place ;  and 
this  is  only  God's  word  of  comfort  and  peace.— In  the  first  part  we  learn  the  law,  in  the 
second  the  Gospel]  :  "  In  der  Beicht  sind  zwei  Stuck.  Erstlich,  die  Sunde  erzahlen  ;  in 
welchem  Stuck  wir  die  Gewissen  auch  haben  durch  Gottes  Gnade  erloset— von  der  un- 
truglichcn  Last  und  unmoglichcn  Gehorsam  des  piipstlichen  Gesetzes,  darin  er  gebeut, 
alle  Sunde  zu  erzahlen.— Neben  dieser  Freiheit  behalten  wir  die  Weise,  dass  ein  Beicht- 
kind  erzahle  ctliche  Sunde,  die  ihn  am  moisten  driicken.  Und  das  thun  wir  nicht  um 
der  Verstiindigen  willen  :  denn  unser  Pfarrherr,  Caplan-,  M.  Philipps,  und  solche  Leute, 
die  wohl  wissen  was  Sunde  ist,  von  denen  fodern  wir  dor  kein.es.  Aber  weil  die  liebe 
Jugend  taglich  daher  wiichst,  und  der  gemeine  Mann  wenig  verstehet,  um  derselben 
halten  wir  solche  Weise,  auf  dass  sie  zu  christlicher  Zucht  und  Verstand  erzogen  wer- 
den.  Denn  auch  soldi  Beichten  nicht  allein  darum  geschieht,  dass  sie  Sunde  erzahlen ; 
Fondern  dass  man  sie  verhore,  ob  sie  das  Vater  Unser,  Glauben,  zehn  Gebot,  und  was 
der.CaUchismus  mchr  giebt,  konnen.— Wo  will  man  aber  das  besser  thun,  und  wo  ists 


PART  II.— CH.  II.-LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  47.  PUBLIC  WORSHIP.    541 

fall  into  disuse.3  First,  in  the  year  1523,  he  "began  the  reforma- 
tion of  the  cultus.  In  his  work  on  the  Order  of  Public  Wor- 
ship* he  arranged  for  having  Bible  hours  on  week-days  instead 

nothiger,  denn  so  sie  sollen  zum  Sacrament  gehen  ? — Das  andere  Stuck  in  der  Beicht 
ist  die  Absolution,  die  der  Priester  spricht  an  Gottes  Statt:  und  darum  ist  sie  nichts  an- 
ders  denn  Gottes  Wort,  damit  er  unser  Ilerz  trostet  und  stiirket  wider  das  biise  Gewis- 
sen,  und  wir  sollen  ihr  glauben  und  trauen,  als  Gott  selber. — So  brauchen  vvir  nun  der 
Beicht,  als  einer  christlichen  Uebung.  Im  ersten  Stucke  ilben  wir  uns  am  Gesetz,  im 
andern  am  Evangelio.  Denn  im  ersten  Stuck  lernen  wir  des  Gesetzes  recbt  brauchen 
(wie  St.  Paulus  redet),  namlich  die  Siinde  erkenjen  und  hassen.  Im  andern  Stuck  iiben 
wir  uns  am  Evangelio,  lernen  Gottes  Verheissung  und  Trost  recht  fassen,  und  bringen 
also  ins  Werk,  was  man  auf  der  Canzel  predigt." 

3  Sebast.  Froschel,  preacher  in  Wittenberg,  in  the  preface  to  his  Tractat  vom  Priest- 
crthuma  (Wittenberg,  15G5.  4.),  describes  the  condition  of  the  Church  at  Wittenberg  as 
he  found  it  at  his  arrival,  in  1522  (Fortg.  Sammlung  von  alten  und  neuen  theol.  Sachen, 
1731,  s.  689).  In  the  parish  church  there  was  only  one  mass  in  the  week,  besides  this, 
on  Sundays  and  festivals.  The  deacons  "gave  the  sacrament  of  the  Supper  in  full  to 
whoever  came,  whether  he  had  confessed  or  not."  Nobody  but  Luther  preached.  On 
Sundays  and  festivals  he  preached  first  in  his  cloister  church,  and  then  communed  with 
the  other  monks.  Then  he  went  to  the  parish  church,  and  preached  there  after  mass, 
and  again  at  12  o'clock.     In  fast  times  he  preached  daily  at  4  o'clock  on  the  Catechism. 

4  In  AVralch,  x.  2G2,  after  the  original  in  Richter's  Kirchenordnung,  i.  1  [Three  great 
abuses  have  come  into  public  worship;  1.  God's  Word  has  been  put  to  silence,  only  read 
and  sung ;  2.  Instead  of  it,  fables,  lies,  legends  are  told ;  3.  The  notion  that  such  serv- 
ice is  a  work  for  securing  God's  favor:  and  so  faith  has  gone  down,  and  every  body 
must  give  to  churches,  be  a  monk  or  nun. — To  remedy  these  abuses,  the  congregation 
should  never  come  together  without  hearing  God's  Word  preached.  So  it  was  in  the 
times  of  the  apostles,  even  daily,  one  hour  in  the  morning.  The  preacher  or  reader 
should  also  explain  the  word  (in  1  Cor.  xiv.);  for  if  not  it  is  of  no  use,  as  is  seen  in 
cloisters. — The  Old  Testament  should  thus  be  read  through,  chapter  by  chapter,  each 
day  half  an  hour  or  so;  and  then  the  Psalms  should  be  used,  and  some  good  responso- 
ria,  to  the  end  of  the  hour,  not  to  weary  the  hearers.  In  the  evening  the  New  Testa- 
ment should  be  taken  up  in  the  same  way.  If  all  the  people  can  not  do  this,  at  least 
tha  preachers  and  scholars  should.  On  Sundays  let  all  the  congregation  come  togeth- 
er, and  read,  and  sing,  and  have  preaching— in  the  morning  usually  from  the  Gospels, 
in  the  evening  from  the  Epistles.— Saints'  festivals  should  be  abolished ;  but  a  good 
Christian  legend  may  be  introduced  Sunday  after  the  Gospel,  b}'  way  of  example.  Yet 
the  festivals  of  the  Purification  and  Annunciation  of  Mary,  the  Assumption  and  Nativi- 
ty, may  be  kept  for  a  time  ;  John  Baptist's  festival  is  also  pure.  None  of  the  apostles' 
legends  but  St.  Paul's  is  pure,  etc. :]  "Drei  grosse  Missbrauch  sind  in  den  Gottesdienst 
gefallen  :  der  erst,  dass  man  Gottis  Wort  geschwiegen  hat,  und  alleine  gelesen  und  ge- 
sungen  in  den  Kirchen,  das  ist  der  ergiste  Misbrauch :  der  ander,  da  Gottis  Wort  ge- 
schwiegen gewesen  ist,  sind  neben  einkommen  so  viel  unchristlicher  Fabeln  und  Lugen, 
beide  in  Legenden,  Gesange  und  Predigen,  das  graulich  ist  zu  sehen :  der  dritte,  dass 
man  solchen  Gottesdienst  als  ein  Werk  than  hat,  damit  Gottis  Gnade  und  Seligkeit  zu 
erwerben,  da  ist  der  Glaub  untergangen,  und  hat  Jcdermann  zu  Kirchen  gebcn,  stiften, 
Pfaff,  Munch  und  Nonnen  werden  wollen.  Nu  diese  Misbrauch  abzuthun,  ist  aufs  erst 
zu  wissen,  dass  die  christlich  Gemeine  nimmer  soil  zusammenkommen,  es  werde  denn 
daselbs  Gottis  Wort  gepredigt,  u.  gebett,  es  sey  auch  aufs  kurtzist.— Also  ists  aber  zu- 
gangen  unter  den  Christen  zur  Zeit  der  Apostel,  und  sollt  auch  noch  so  zugehen,  dass 
man  taglich  des  Morgens  eine  Stunde  friih  urn  vier  oder  funfe  zusammenkame,  und  da- 
selbs lesen  liesse,  es  seven  Schuler  oder  Priester,  oder  wer  es  se}-,  gleichwic  man  ilzt 
noch  die  Lection  in  der  Metten  lieset. — Darnach  soil  der  Prediger  oder  welchem  es  be- 
fohleu  wird,  hcrfur  treten.  und  dieselb  Lection  ein  Stuck  auslegen,  das  die  andern  alio 


542  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

of  masses,  and  abolished  saints'  days.  That  baptism  might  be 
practiced  intelligently,  he  translated  the  old  ritual  in  his  Little 
Book  on  Baptism  (Taufbuchlein).5  For  the  Sunday  service  he 
wrote  the  Formula  Missae  et  Communionis  pro  Ecclesia  Wit- 
t  ember  gensi  (December,  1523) — a  revision  of  the  old  ritual  of  the 
mass.6     After  he  had  begun  to  compose  those  German  church 

verstehen,  lernen  unci  ermahnet  werden.  Das  erst  Werk  heisst  Paulus  1  Cor.  xiv.  mit 
Zungeii  reden,  das  ander  Auslegen  oder  Weissagen,  und  mit  dem  Sinn  oder  Verstand 
reden.  Und  wo  diess  nicht  geschicht,  so  ist  die  Gemeine  der  Lection  nichts  gebessert, 
vie  bisher  in  Klostern  und  Stiffen  geschehen,  da  sie  nur  die  Wiinde  haben  angeblahet. 
Diese  Lection  soil  aber  seyn  aus  dem  alten  Testament,  narnlich  dass  man  ein  Buch  fur 
sich  nebme,  und  ein  Capitel,  oder  zwei.  oder  ein  halbes  lese,  bis  es  aus  sey,  darnach  ein 
anders  furnemen,  und  so  fortan,  bis  die  ganze  Biblia  ausgelesen  verde,  und  vo  man  sie 
nicht  verstehe,  dass  man  furuber  fahre  und  Gott  ehre.  Also  dass  durch  tiiglicbe  Ubunge 
der  Schrift  die  Christen  in  der  Schrift  verstandig,  lauftig  und  kundig  verden.—  Wenn 
nu  die  Lection  und  Auslegung  ein  halb  Stund  oder  lunger  gewiihret  hat,  soil  man  drauf 
ingemein  Gott  danken,  loben  und  bitten  urn  Frucht  des  Worts,  etc.  Dazu  soil  man 
brauchen  der  Psalmen  und  etlicher  guten  Responsoria,  Antiphon,  kurz  also,  dass  es  alles 
in  einer  Stund  ausgerichtet  werde,  oder  vie  lange  sie  vollen:  denn  man  muss  die  Seelen 
nicht  uberschutten,  dass  sie  nicht  mude  und  uberdrussig  werden,  wie  bisher  in  Klostern 
und  Stiften  sie  sich  mit  Eselsarbeit  beladen  haben.  Desselben  gleichen  an  dem  Abend 
um  sechs  oder  funfe  widder  also  zusammen.  Und  hie  sollt  aber  aus  dem  alten  Testa- 
ment ein  Buch  nach  dem  andern  furgenommen  werden,  namlich  die  Propheten,  gleich- 
wie  am  Morgen  Moses  und  die  Ilistorien.  Aber  veil  nu  das  neue  Testament  auch  ein 
Buch  ist,  lass  ich  das  alte  Testament  dem  Morgen,  und  das  neue  dem  Abend,  odder  wie- 
derum  und  gleich  also  lesen,  auslegen,  loben,  singen  und  beten,  wie  am  Morgen,  auch 
ein  Stund  lang. — Auch  ob  solchs  tiigliches  Gottisdiensts  vielleicht  nicht  die  ganze  Ver- 
sammlunge  gewarten  kunnte,  sollen  doch  die  Priester  und  Schuler,  und  zuvor  diejeni- 
gen,  so  man  verhofft  gute  Prediger  und  Seelsorger  aus  zu  werden,  solchs  thun. — Des 
Sonntags  aber  soil  solch  Versammlung  fur  die  ganzen  Gemeine  geschehen,  uber  das 
tagliche  Versammeln  des  kleinern  Haufen,  und  daselbs,  wie  bisher  gewohnet,  Mess  und 
Vesper  singen,  also  dass  man  zu  beider  Zeit  predige  der  ganzen  Gemeine,  des  Morgens 
das  gcwohnlich  Evangelion,  des  Abends  die  Epistel. — Die  tagliehen  Messen  sollen  ab- 
seyn  allerdinge,  denn  es  am  Wort,  und  nicht  an  der  Messen  liegt. — Aller  Heiligen  Fest 
sollten  abseyn,  odder  wo  ein  gute  christliche  Legende  ware,  auf  den  Sontag  nach  dem 
Evangelio  zura  Exempel  mit  eingeftihrt  werden.  Doch  das  Fest  Purificationis,  Annun- 
ciationis  Maria  liess  ich  bleiben,  Assumtionis  und  Nativitatis  mus  mannochein  Zeitlang 
bleiben  lassen,  wiewol  der  Gesang  drinnen  nicht  lauter  ist.  Johannis  Baptistae  Fest  ist 
auch  rein.  Der  Apostel  Legend  ist  keine  rein,  ohn  St.  Pauli,  drum  mag  man  sie  auf  die 
Sonntage  ziehen,  odder  so  es  gefiillt,  sondcrlich  feiren.  Anders  mehr  wird  sich  mit  der 
Zeit  selb  gebcn,  wenn  es  angehet.  Aber  die  Summa  sey  die,  dass  es  ja  alles  geschehe, 
dass  das  Wort  im  Scbwang  gehe,  und  nicht  wiederum  ein  Loren  und  Dohnen  draus  werde, 
wie  bisher  gcwesen  ist." 

5  In  Eichter's  Kircbenordnung,  i.  7.  In  the  postscript  Luther  declares  that  he  did 
not  mean  to  cbange  it  so  as  to  have  "  an}-  thing  peculiar,"  but  so  as  to  spare  the  weak 
consciences,  "  that  they  may  not  complain  that  I  wanted  to  establish  a  new  baptism." 

6  In  Richter's  Kircbenordnung,  i.  2.  The  sequences,  offertory,  and  canon  were  omit- 
ted ;  in  place  of  the  latter  there  was  a  simple  consecration  and  distribution  of  the  ele- 
ments in  both  forms.  Cantica  velim  etiam  nobis  esse  vernacula  quam  plurima,  quae 
populus  sub  Missa  cantaret,  vel  juxta  gradualia,  item  juxta  Sanctus  et  Agnus  Dei.  Quis 
enim  dubitat,  eas  olim  fuisse  voces  totius  populi,  quae  nunc  solus  chorus  cantat  vel  re- 
spondet  Episcopo  benedicenti?— Sed  poetae  nobis  desunt,  aut  nondum  cogniti  sunt,  qui 
pias  et  spirituales  cantilenas  (ut  Paulus  vocat)  nobis  concinnent,  quae  dignae  sint  in 


PART  II.— CH.  II.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.     §  47.  PUBLIC  WORSHIP.    543 

songs,7  which  laid  such  mighty  hold  upon  the  heart,  and  contribu- 
ted so  powerfully  to  the  spread  of  the  Reformation ;  he  published 
in  1526  his  Deutsche  Messe  und  Or  timing  Gottisdienst,8  which 

Ecclesia  Dei  frequentari.  Interim  placet  illam  cantari  post  communionem :  Gott  sei 
gelobet  und  gebenedeiet. — Praeter  banc  ilia  valet:  Nu  bitten  wir  den  heiligen  Geist. 
Item:  Ein  Kindelin  so  lobelich.  Nam  non  multas  invenias,  quae  aliquid  gravis  spiri- 
tus  sapiant.  Haec  dico,  ut  si  qui  sunt  poetae  germanici,  extimulentur  et  nobis  poemata 
pietatis  cudant.  [Comp.  Documents  (2)  for  a  new  Form  of  Worship  in  the  Church  of 
All  Saints,  Wittenb.,  published  by  Mutter  in  the  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  Hist.  Theol.,  18G0. ] 

7  Luther's  first  hymn  was:  " Xu  freut  euch,  lieben  Christen gmein,"  1523  (Wackerna- 
gel's  Deutsches  Kirchenlied,  s.  129).  Then  appeared:  "Etlich  christlich  Lieder,  Lob- 
gesang  und  Psalm,  Wittenberg,  1524.  4.,"  containing  eight  hymns  :  "  Xu  freut  euch  lic- 
hen Christen  gmein ,-"  three  by  Paul  us  Speratus,  court  preacher  of  Duke  Albert  of  Prus- 
sia: "  Es  ist  das  Heil  wis  kommen  her ;  In  Gott  glaub  ich,  dass  er  hat ;  Ililf  Gott,  wie  ist 
der  Jlenschen  Xoth  ,"  by  Luther:  "  Ach  Gott  vom  Ilimmel  sich  darein  (Ps.  xii.) ;  Es 
spricht  der  Uhweisen  Mund  icol  (Ps.  xiv.)  ;  Aits  tiefer  Xoth  schrei  ich  zu  dir  (Ps.  exxx.)  ;" 
by  an  unknown  writer:  " In  Jesus  Xamen  heben  wir  an."  Luther  ad  Spalatinum,  1524 
(de  Wette,  ii.  590),  also  asks  of  him — aliquem  psalmorum  in  cantilenam  transferre,  sicut 
hie  habes  meum  exemplum  :  velim  autem  novas  et  aulicas  voculas  omitti,  quo  pro  cap- 
tu  vulgi  quam  simplicissima  vulgatissimaque,  tamen  munda  simul  et  apta  verba  cane- 
rentur,  deinde  sententia  perspicua  et  psalmis  quam  proxima  redderetur.  Libere  itaquc 
hie  agendum,  et  accepto  sensu,  verbis  relictis,  per  alia  verba  commoda  vertendum.  A. 
J.  Rambach  iiber  Dr.  M.  Luther's  Verdienst  urn  den  Kirchengesang,  Hamburg,  1813. 
Luther's  geistl.  Lieder  mit  den  zu  s.  Lebzeiten  gebrauckl.  Singweisen,  edited  by  Ph. 
Wackernagel,  Stuttgart,  1848.  At  the  burial  of  Frederick  the  Wise  in  the  cathedral 
church  of  Wittenberg,  Ma)-,  1525,  German  songs  of  Luther  were  sung  in  turn  with  the 
Latin  :  A  us  tiefer  Xoth  schrei  ich  zu  dir ;  Mitten  wir  im  Leben  sind ;  Wir  glauben  all  an 
einen  Gott ;  and  Nit  bitten  wir  den  heilgen  Geist ;  see  G.  Spalatiu's  Hist.  Nachlass  und 
Briefe,  by  Neudecker  and  Preller,  Bd.  i.  (Jena,  1851)  s.  70. 

8  In  Walch,  x.  2G6,  after  the  first  edition  in  Richter's  Kirchenordnung,  i.  35.  Preface  : 
"  Before  all  else,  I  would  cordially  ask,  and  for  the  sake  of  the  Lord,  that  all  who  see, 
or  would  follow  this  order  of  ours  in  the  worship  of  God,  would  not  impose  it  as  a  law, 
nor  bind  any  body's  conscience  thereto,  but  use  their  Christian  freedom  at  pleasure,  as, 
where,  and  as  long  as,  matters  make  it  seemly."  Weekly  Service:  In  the  morning  the 
scholars  sing  some  Latin  hymns  ;  thereupon  one  reads  some  chapters  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment in  Latin,  another  the  same  in  German ;  then  antiphonies  and  the  sermon,  Mon- 
day  and  Tuesday  on  the  Catechism,  Wednesday  on  the  Gospel  of  Matthew,  Saturday  on 
John's  Gospel,  Thursday  and  Friday  on  the  Epistles ;  then  a  German  lvymn,  the  Lord's 
Prayer  privately,  collects,  Benedicamus  Domino.  In  the  evening  the  same,  without  the 
sermon,  and  reading  in  the  Old  Testament.  Sunday  Service :  Three  sermons,  at  five 
or  six  in  the  morning  on  the  Epistles,  at  the  mass  service  on  the  Gospels,  at  evening 
on  the  Old  Testament.  As  to  the  principal  service,  the  mass  in  German:  "We  let  the 
paraphernalia,  altar,  lights  stay  till  we  see  reason  to  change  them  ;  whoever  will  do  dif- 
ferently let  him.  But  in  the  true  mass,  with  real  Christians,  the  altar  should  not  stay 
thus,  and  the  priest  should  turn  his  face  to  the  congregation,  as  doubtless  Christ  did  in 
the  Supper.  That  waits  its  time.''  The  order  of  service :  the  congregation  sings  a  sacred 
song,  then  Kyrie  eleison,  Christc  eleison,  Kyrie  eleison. — The  priest  reads  a  collect  with 
his  face  to  the  altar,  the  Epistles  face  to  the  people. — Hymn  by  the  congregation,  "  Xu 
bitten  wir  den  heiligen  Geist"  (Now  we  pray  the  Holy  Ghost),  or  some  other. — The  priest 
reads  the  Gospel. — The  congregation  sings  "  Wir  glauben  alle  an  einen  Gott." — Sermon 
on  the  Gospel,  paraphrase  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  exhortation  to  those  who  wish  to  receive 
the  sacrament,  both  the  last — conceptis  seu  praescriptis  verbis,  "so  that  one  may  not 
have  it  one  way  one  day  and  another  differently  the  next  day." — Then  follows  the  ad- 
ministration, thus  (repeating  the  words  of  institution) — Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  etc.,  in 


544  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

was  also  shaped  after  the  old  ritual,  but  simplified,  giving,  in  the 
hymns,  a  part  of  the  service  to  the  congregation. 

Alon<*  with  this  German  service,  the  Latin  was  for  a  long  time 
followed  on  the  festival  days.  Luther's  liturgical  reformation  was 
concluded  by  the  issuing,  at  the  same  time,  of  the  Baptism  Book,9 
1526,  in  a  simpler  form,  and  afterward  the  Marriage  Book.10  Be- 
fore all  things  he  endeavored  to  promote  the  spiritual  growth  of 
the  people,  especially  by  his  Catechisms.11  In  the  Liturgy  no  fur- 
ther changes  were  made,  excepting  the  omission  of  the  elevation 
of  the  host  in  the  Lord's  Supper,12  January,  1543. 

memory  of  me.  But  it  seems  to  me  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  right  observance  that 
the  sacrament  should  be  given  right  after  the  consecration  of  the  bread,  before  the  bless- 
in"-  of  the  cup.  For  thus  it  is  in  both  Luke  and  Paul ;  in  the  same  way  with  the  cup, 
after  they  have  eaten,  etc.  Meanwhile,  sing  the  Sanctus  in  German  (Jesaia  dem  Pro- 
pheten  das  geschah,  etc.)  ;  or  the  hymn,  Gott  sei gelobt ;  or  John  Hus's  song,  Jesus  Christ 
our  Lord.  Then  bless  and  give  the  cup,  and  sing  what  was  not  sung  of  the  above  hymns, 
or  the  Agnus  m  German.— The  Elevation  we  do  not  abolish,  but  retain,  because  it  agrees 
so  finely  with  the  German  Sanctus,  and  means,  that  Christ  has  commanded  us  to  remem- 
ber him.  For  just  as  the  sacrament  is  elevated  bodily,  and  yet  Christ's  body  and  blood 
are  not  seen  in  it,  so,  too,  by  the  preaching  of  the  Word  he  is  called  to  mind  and  eleva- 
ted, and,  in  addition,  confessed  and  highly  honored  in  the  receiving  of  the  sacrament." 
Then  the  collects  and  singing. 

9  Richter's  Kirchenordnung,  i.  7.  Here  were  omitted  the  breathing  on  the  baptized 
person,  the  salt,  spittle,  chrism  ;  and  the  exorcism  was  made  much  shorter. 

10  In  Walch,  x.  854.  The  year  usually  assigned  is  1546,  but  it  is  already  in  the  2d 
edit,  of  the  Shorter  Catechism,  Wittenberg,  1529;  see  Riederer's  Nachrichten  zur  Kir- 
chen-,  Gelehrten-,  und  Buchergeschichte,  ii.  100. 

11  See  Div.  1,  §  4,  Note  26. 

12  In  Peuceri  Tract.  Hist,  de  Ph.  Mclanchth.  Sententia  de  Controversia  s.  Coenae, 

Amb.,  1505.  4.,  p.  24,  it  is  said  that  this  Elevatio  had  until  then  been  observed— proci- 

dentibus  ad  souitum  tintinnabuli,  et  pectora  mox  pulsantibus  imperitioribus  cum  gemi- 

tu  et  suspiriis.     Comp.  above,  Note  8.     Luther  to  the  Chancellor  Briick,  Jan.  6,  1543, 

de  Wette,  v.  529;  to  Duke  Albert  of  Prussia,  Feb.  17,  1543,  ibid.,  p.  541:  "We  have 

done  away  with  the  Elevation  in  our  churches,  and  I  willingly  allow  it  for  this  reason 

alone,  that  such  ceremonies  must  not  be  our  masters,  as  if  it  were  a  sin  to  do  otherwise  ; 

for  we  Christians  will  and  must  be  masters  of  such  ceremonies,  so  that  they  may  not 

grow  over  our  heads  as  articles  of  faith."    Melancthon  wrote  to  the  Landgrave  Philip, 

Jan.  17,  1545  (in  C.  R.,  v.  20),  "that  many  unlearned  folks  have  made  so  much  ado 

about  Dr.  Martin's  doing  away  with  the  Elevation,  that  there  is  much  to  write  about  it." 

Comp.  Luther's  kurzes  Bckenntniss  v.  heil.  Sacrament,  1544,  Walch,  xx.  2225  f.    Mc- 

lanchthon  ad  J.  Schlaginhauffcn,  18.  Jim.,  1544,  C.  E.,  v.  420:  Etsi  multa  disputata 

sunt  a  multis  de  elevatione  Sacramenti,  tamen  in  Ecclesiis  nostris  ideo  placuit  eum  mo- 

rcm  mutari,  quod  allegata  hac  elevatione  aliqui  confirmabant  morcm  circumferendi  et 

adorandi  panis.     Hanc  autem  circumgestationem  constat  extra  rationem  Sacramenti 

esse,  ut  si  aqua  circumgestaretur  sumpta  ex  ceremoniis  baptismi.     Sunt  enim  Sacra- 

menta  actiones  institutae  a  Deo.     Aqua  non  est  Sacramentum,  sed  ipsa  baptizatio  so- 

nante  sinuil  verbo  Dei.     Sic  de  Coena  Dei  sentiatur :  panis,  ordinatus  non  ad  sumptio- 

nem  sed  ad  circumgestationem,  nequaquam  est  Sacramentum.     Non  enim  alligandus 

est  Deus  a.l  aliquam  creaturam  sine  expresso  verbo  Dei,  ut  constat.     At  the  end  of  154:; 

Veil  Dietrich  also  abolished  the  Elevation  in  Nuremberg;  see  Strobel's  Nachr.  v.  d.  Lc- 

ben  und  den  Sehrifteu  Veit  Dietrichs,  Altorf  und  Nurnberg,  1772,  s.  99. 


PART  II— CH.  II.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.     §  47.  PUBLIC  WORSHIP.    545 

Luther  fully  recognized  the  support  which  external  usages  de- 
rive, in  part  from  habit,  partly  from  their  hold  upon  the  sensuous 
nature  of  man;13  and  consequently,  he  wished  that  they  might  be 
spared,  until  a  change  was  demanded  by  the  progressive  culture 
of  the  people.  On  the  other  hand,  he  always  insisted  that,  with 
exception  of  the  sacramental  acts,  all  the  usages  of  public  wor- 
ship were  of  human  origin,  and  urgently  opposed  the  assumption 
that  they  could  be  considered  as  works  in  themselves  well  pleas- 
ing unto,  and  effectual  with,  God.11  Thus  he  regarded  the  ob- 
servance of  the  Lord's  day  as  only  a  human  institution,15  and  rc- 

13  Against  church  music,  clocks,  organs,  pictures,  under  the  aspect  of  meritorious 
works,  Luther  wrote  hard  sayings ;  but  he  speaks  differently  of  them  as  an  expression 
and  excitation  of  devotion,  e.  g.  to  Senfel,  musician  to  the  Bavarian  court,  Oct.  4,  1530; 
de  Wette,  iv.  181 :  Plane  judico,  nee  pudet  asserere,  post  theologiam  esse  nullam  artem, 
quae  musicae  possit  aequari,  cum  ipsa  sola  post  theologiam  id  praestet,  quod  alioqui 
sola  theologia  praestat,  scilicet  quietem  et  animum  laetum,  manifesto  argumento,  quod 
diabolus,  curarum  tristium  et  turbarum  inquietarum  auctor,  ad  vocem  musicae  paene  si- 
militer fugiat,  sicut  fugit  ad  verbuin  theologiae.  Hinc  factum  est,  ut  prophetae  nulla 
sic  arte  sint  usi  ut  musica,  dum  suarn  theologiam  non  in  geometriam,  non  in  arithmeti- 
cam,  non  in  astronomiam, 'scd  in  musicam  digesserunt,  ut  theologiam  et  musicam  habe- 
rent  conjunctissimas,  veritatem  psalmis  et  canticis  dicentes.  Luther  Wider  die  himml. 
Propheten,  Th.  1,  1524,  Walch  xx.  213  [It  is  better  to  paint  on  the  wall  the  creation, 
the  building  of  the  ark,  etc.,  than  worldly,  shameless  pictures :  would  to  God  that  the 
lords  and  rich  people  might  picture  the  whole  Bible  in  their  houses  for  every  body  to  see, 
God  wants  me  to  hear  and  read  his  works,  especially  the  sufferings  of  Christ :  if  I  hearT 
I  must  make  a  picture  of  it  in  my  heart ;  whether  I  will  or  no,  when  I  hear  about  Christ, 
I  see  in  my  heart  the  image  of  a  man  on  a  cross,  just  as  naturally  as  my  face  is  mirrored 
in  the  water  when  I  look  there.  If  it  is  not  sin,  but  right,  to  have  Christ's  image  in  the 
heart,  why  should  it  be  a  sin  to  have  it  in  the  eyes?] :  "  Es  ist  besser,  man  mahle  an 
die  Wand,  wie  Gott  die  Welt  schuf,  wie  Noah  die  Area  bauet,  und  was  mehr  guter  His- 
toiien  sind,  denn  dass  man  sonst  irgend  weltlich  unverschamt  Ding  mahlet :  ja  wollte 
Gott,  ich  konnte  die  Herrn  und  die  Reichen  dahin  bereden,  dass  sie  die  ganze  Bibel  in- 
wendig  und  auswendig  an  den  Hausern  vor  jedermanns  Augen  mahlen  Lessen,  dass  wiire 
ein  christlich  Work.  So  weiss  ich  auch  gewiss,  dass  Gott  will  haben,  man  solle  sein 
Werk  luiren  und  lesen,  sonderlich  das  Leiden  Christi.  Soil  ichs  aber  horen  oder  geden- 
ken,  so  ist  mirs  unmoglich,  dass  ich  nicht  in  meinem  Ilcrzen  sollte  Bilder  davon  mach- 
en.  Denn  ich  wolle,  oder  wolle  nicht,  wenn  ich  Christum  hore,  so  entwirft  sich  in  mei- 
nem Herzen  ein  Mansbild,  das  am  Krcuze  hanget,  gleich  als  sich  mein  Antlitz  natiir- 
lich  entwirft  ins  Wasser,  wenn  ich  drein  sehe.  Ists  nun  nicht  Silnde,  sondern  gut, 
dass  ich  Christus  Bildc  im  Ilerzen  habe ;  wamim  sollts  Siinde  seyn,  wenn  ichs  in  Au- 
gen habe?" 

14  Augsb.  Confession,  Art.  2G  (Baumgarten's  Concordienbueh,  s.  84) :  "Auch  werden 
dieses  Theils  viel  Ceremonien  und  Tradition  gehalten,  als  Ordnung  der  Messe  und  an- 
dere  Gesiinge,  Feste,  etc.,  welche  dazu  dienen,  dass  in  der  Kircbe  Ordnung  gehalten 
wenie.  Daneben  aber  wird  das  Volk  untcrrichtet,  dass  solcher  ausserlicher  Gottes- 
dienst  nicht  fromm  macht  vor  Gott,  und  dass  mans  oline  Beschwerung  des  Gewissens 
haltcn  soil,  also  dass,  so  man  es  nachlasst  oline  Aergerniss,  nicht  daran  gesundigt 
winl.  Diese  Frciheit  in  ausserlichen  Ceremonien  haben  auch  die  alten  Vater  gehal- 
ten." 

15  Explanation  of  the  Third  Commandment  in  the  Larger  Catechism,  in  Baumgarten's 
Concordienlmchc,  s.  673. 

VOL.  IV. — 35 


546  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

tained  the  ordination  of  the  clergy  only  as  a  testimony  that  they 
were  regularly  called  to  their  office.16 

Hence  Luther  was  far  from  demanding  an  identity  of  ceremo- 
nies in  the  new  church ;  and,  though  most  of  the  German  national 
churches  adopted  the  Wittenberg  Service  Book  as  a  model,  yet 
many  deviated  from  it.  Particularly  was  exorcism  in  the  rite  of 
baptism,  which  Luther  retained,  excluded  from  several  of  them.17 
On  the  other  hand,  Confirmation,  though  recommended  in  a  puri- 
fied form  by  the  Reformers,18  was  introduced  into  but  a  few  of  the 
churches.19 

16  See  above,  §  46,  Note  3.  Luther  Von  der  Winkelmesse  und  Pfaffenweihe,  1533, 
Walch,  xix.  1544:  "Die  Pfarren  oder  Predigtamt  sind  allezeit  ausser  und  uber  den 
Cbresem  durch  Fursten,  IIerren,  Stadte,  aucli  von  Bischofen — und  andern  Standen  ver- 
liehen,  und  durch  solch  Verleihen  ist  der  Beruf  und  die  rechte  Weihe  zum  Ministerio 
oder  Amt  blieben.  Daneben  hat  man  solche  berufene  Pfarrherren,  so  solche  Lehen  und 
Amt  empfangen,  auch  priisentiret,  d.  L  zu  den  Winkelbischofen  gewiesen,  und  sie  lassen 
investiren  oder  einweisen,  wiewol  solches  nicht  der  Beruf  noch  Lehen,  sondern  Bestati- 
gung  solches  Berufs,  und  nicht  vonnothen  gewesen  ist.  Denn  der  berufene  Pfarrherr 
wohl  ohne  solche  Bestiitigung  hatte  konnen  sein  Pfarramt  ausrichten."  Melanchthon 
ad  Vitum  Theodorum,  Oct.,  1543,  C.  R.,  v.  187:  Lutherus  -mpl  kiriQlaao<!  xilP^"  admo- 
dum  miratus  est  Collegae  tui  contentionem,  ac  affirmavit,  si  de  ritu  contenderet,  multis 
saeculis  eura  ritum  non  servatum  ab  Episcopis. — Sed  Ecclesiae  vocatio  vere  est  vene- 
randa.  Nee  postea  aliud  fuit  impositio  manuum,  nisi  publicum  testimonium.  In  Ham- 
burg, ordination  by  the  laying  on  of  hands  was  not  practiced  before  1549.  When  John 
Frederus,  a  disciple  of  Luther,  after  being  in  the  sacred  office,  was  called  as  Superin- 
tendent to  Stralsund  in  1546,  he  would  not  receive  ordination  anew  by  the  laying  on  of 
hands,  as  was  there  the  custom,  alleging  that  the  call  on  the  part  of  the  magistracy  was 
sufficient ;  but  he  himself  ordained  others.  He  adhered  to  this  position  when  called  in 
1551  as  Superintendent  to  Ri'igen.  Thereupon  he  got  into  a  controversy  with  John  Knip- 
strov,  General  Superintendent  at  Greifswald.  The  Wittenberg  divines  decided  against 
him  (see  Balthasar's  Erste  Sammlung  einiger  zur  Pommer.  Kirchenhistorie  gehorigen 
Schriften,  s.  98)  ;  so,  too,  the  S3-nod  in  Greifswald,  1556  (ibid.,  p.  106),  but  expressly,  not 
because  the  laying  on  of  hands  was  necessary,  but  because  it  was  prescribed  in  the 
Church  Service  Book.  Comp.  Mohnike's  Johannes  Frederus  (2  Stilcke,  Stralsund,  1837. 
4.),  i.  9,  31;  ii.  10,  21. 

17  So  in  Hesse,  Wiirtemberg,  the  Palatinate,  and  several  of  the  free  cities,  particular- 
ly Augsburg,  Ulm,  and  Strasburg;  see  J.  M.  Krafft's  ausfuhrl.  Historic  vom  Exorcismo, 
Hamburg,  1750. 

18  Ep.  Principum  Evang.  ad  Carol.  V.  Imp.  de  Libro  Eatisbon.,  12.  Jul.,  1541,  C.  R., 
iv.  489 :  Vellemus  in  Ecclesiis  ubique  Ohtechismum  exerceri,  ut  liber  monet,  et  post 
cxamen  et  professionem  fieri  precationem  a  populo  pro  pueris.  Hanc  credimus  non  esse 
irritam,  nee  displicet  addi  impositionem  manuum.  Et  haec  faint  in  quibusdam  Ecclesiis 
apud  nos.     Wittenberg.  Reformation,  1545  (C.  R.,  v.  584) ;  see  §  36,  Note  39. 

19  According  to  the  Brandenburg  Kirchenordnung,  1540  (Richtcr,  i.  325),  it  was  to  be 
chiefly  administered  by  the  bishop  ;  if  this  could  not  be,  then  by  the  pastor.  Besides  this, 
it  was  introduced  into  Hesse  ;  see  Hess.  Ordnung  der  Kirchenzucht,  1539,  in  Richter,  i. 
"291,  and  Casselschc  Kirchenordnung,  ibid.,  i.  302;  in  Waldeck,  Kirchenordn.,  155G,  ibid., 
ii.  173  ;  in  Pomerania,  Kirchenordn.,  1563,  ibid.,  ii.  235  (it  was  to  be  administered  by  the 
Superintendent  and  the  leading  city  pastors).  Thereupon  it  was  recommended  by  Chem- 
nitz in  his  Examen  Cone.  Trid.,  P.  ii.,  p.  258,  and  the  church  service,  drawn  up  by  him 
and  Andreae  for  Duke  Julius  in  1565  (Eichter.  ii.  320),  was  introduced  into  Brunswick- 


PAET  II.— CH.  II.— REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  47.  PUBLIC  WORSHIP.   547 

Thus  the  forms  of  worship  in  the  Saxon  Church  still  had  much 
resemblance  to  the  Catholic,  as  long  as  Luther  lived.20  The  Adi- 
aphoristic  Controversy  seemed  likely  to  prepare  the  way  for  a 
greater  simplicity ;  hut  the  Calvinistic  Controversy  had  an  oppo- 
site effect — leading  to  a  firm  and  even  high  estimation  of  all  those 
Catholic  vestiges,  in  contrast  with  the  Calvinistic  sobriety.21 

In  the  Reformed  Church  of  Zurich  the  publication  of  Leo  Ju- 
dae's  Baptismal  Book,22 1523,  seemed  an  indication  that  all  the 
old  ceremonies  were  not  to  be  unqualifiedly  rejected.  However, 
after  pictures,  altars,  and  all  adornments  had  been  removed  from 
the  churches23  in  1524,  and  Zwingle,  in  1525,  had  exchanged  the 
ritual  of  the  mass  for  a  simple  biblical  celebration  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,24  they  proceeded  generally  to  reconstruct  the  service 
of  public  worship  after  the  pattern  of  the  primitive  Christian 

Wolfenbiittel,  but  given  in  charge  to  the  Superintendents  alone.  According  to  Gerher's 
Hist,  der  Kh'ckenceremonien  in  Sachsen,  Dresden,  u.  Leipzig,  1732.  4.,  p.  633,  it  was  also 
customary  in  Saxon}-,  but  came  into -disuse  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  J.  F.  Bachmann's 
Geschichte  d.  Einfuhrung  d.  Confirmation  innerhalb  d.  Evang.  Kirche ;  Berlin,  1852. 

20  Luther  to  Chancellor  Briick,  April,  1541,  de  Wette,  v.  340  :  "  Es  sind,  Gottlob,  un- 
sere  Kirchen  in  den  Neutralibus  so  zugericht,  dass  ein  Laie  oder  Walh  oder  Spanier, 
der  unsere  Predigt  nicht  verstehen  konnte,  wenn  er  siihe  unser  Messe,  Chor,  Orgeln, 
Glocken,  Casein,  etc.,  wiirde  er  miissen  sagen,  es  ware  ein  recht  piipstisch  Kirche,  und 
kein  Unterscheid  oder  gar  wenig  gegen  die,  so  sie  selbs  unter  einander  haben."  Me- 
lanchthon  ad  Flacium,  5.  Sept.,  1556,  C.  R.,  viii.  841,  writes  in  the  same  way  to  apologize 
for  the  Leipsic  Interim  :  Ego  etiam  de  ritibus  his  mediis  minus  puguavi,  quia  jam  antea 
in  plcrisque  Ecclesiis  harum  regionum  retenti  erant. 

-1  Thus  they  began  to  lay  great  stress  upon  exorcism  in  the  countries  in  which  it 
was  retained.  In  Prussia  it  was  set  aside  in  1558,  but  restored  in  1567 ;  see  above,  §  39, 
Notes  25,  29.  On  the  other  hand,  in  Dantzrc  the  majority  of  the  preachers  constantly 
declared  against  it,  and  it  was  entirely  abrogated  by  the  magistracy  in  1571 ;  Hart- 
knock's  Preuss.  Kirchenhistorie,  s.  710;  Kraft's  Historie  v.  Exorcismo,  s.  964.  In  the 
Church  Service  of  the  county  of  Hcnneburg,  1582,  it  was  declared  (Eichter,  ii.  461)  that 
exorcism,  "because  it  was  on  the  boundary  of  the  papacy,"  should  be  retained  only  for 
a  time  where  it  was  still  in  use,  but  otherwise  should  be  forbidden  ;  Kraft,  p.  992.  In 
Nuremberg,  on  the  other  hand,  a  controversy  about  it  sprung  up  in  1579,  when  some 
Dutch  persons  living  there  wished  to  have  their  children  baptized  without  exorcism. 
Although  some  preachers  were  willing  to  abandon  it,  yet  the  majority  declared  by  de- 
grees against  it ;  see  Strobel's  Miscellan.,  iv.  198.  When  it  was  abolished  in  Electoral 
Saxony,  1588  (see  §  41,  Note  10),  and  in  Anhalt,  1589  (ibid.,  Note  13),  it  was  looked 
upon  as  a  step  toward  Calvinism,  and  there  sprung  up  a  long  and  weary  controversy 
with  the  Anhalters  about  it ;  Kraft,  p.  432.  And  so  it  made  a  greater  sensation  when, 
after  the  death  of  the  decided  opponent  of  the  Calvinists,  Aegidius  Hunnius,  his  Theses 
de  abrogando  Exorcismo,  Erfurti,  1603,  were  published,  in  which  he  expressed  a  Wish 
for  its  gradual  abolition.  On  the  controversy  that  ensued,  see  Kraft,  p.  548,  the  Theses, 
p.  567. 

22  To  be  found  in  Zwingle's  Works,  ii.  ii.  226.  Like  the  Lutheran,  it  is  a  translation 
of  the  Catholic,  abbreviated.     It  retained  the  breathing,  salt,  exorcism,  chrism,  etc. 

23  Div.  1,  §  2,  Note  88. 

a*  Div.  1,  §  2,  Note  93.     The  Liturgy  in  Zwingle's  Works,  ii.  ii.  233. 


548  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  L—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

Church.23  And  so  all  the  traditional  usages  were  set  aside :  in 
place  of  the  Tlorac  Canonicae,  biblical  readings  were  introduced 
into  both  the  minsters  of  Zurich  :26  the  organs  were  also  broken 
up  in  the  Zurich  churches  in  1527,  and  even  singing  in  the 
church  done  away  with.27  The  usual  service  consisted  only  of 
singing  and  prayer  ;28  the  Lord's  Supper  was  seldom  celebrated  ;29 
in  place  of  confession  there  was  a  general  preparatory  service  ;30 

25  Form  des  Taufs,  1525.  Ordnung  der  christl.  Kilchen  zu  Zurich,  Kinder  zc  touffen, 
die  Ehe  zu  bestiiten,  die  Predigt  anzefahen  und  zu  enden.  Gedachtnus  der  Abgestorb- 
nen.     Das  Nachtmal  Christi  zu  begon  ;  Zurich,  1529,  in  Richter's  Kirchenordn.,  i.  134. 

20  Bullinger's  Reformationsgesch.,  i.  290:  they  began  1525.  'In  the  choir  of  the  great 
minster  assembled  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  all  the  pastors,  preachers,  canons, 
chaplains,  and  older  pupils.  Zwingle  began  with  a  prayer ;  a  student  read  the  text  in 
the  Latin  ;  Jac.  Ceporinus,  professor  of  Hebrew,  expounded  the  Hebrew  in  Latin,  Zwin- 
gle the  Greek  Scriptures  in  Latin ;  then  one  of  the  preachers  interpreted  it  in  German, 
and  concluded  with  prayer.  The  Old  Testament  was  gone  over  from  the  beginning  to 
the  end.  In  the  female  minster,  Oswald  Myconius,  at  vespers,  read  the  New  Testament 
in  the  same  way,  at  first  only  in  German.  Afterward  the  Greek  text  was  explained  in 
Latin,  and  all  these  readings  were  transferred  to  the  academical  auditorium  ;  comp.  La- 
vater  De  Ritibus  et  Institutis  Eccl.  Tigurinae,  1559-,  §  18,  p.  75.  The  original  arrange- 
ment was  manifestly  in  imitation  of  the  Wittenberg  week-day  service,  after  Luther's  or- 
der (see  above,  Note  4). 

27  Singing  by  the  choir  was  abolished  as  early  as  1525  (Bullinger,  i.  291),  organs  in 
1527  (ibid.  418),  "  because  they  do  not  well  agree  with  the  apostolic  doctrine,  1  Cor.  xiv. 
— For  in  olden  times  they  would  not  have  either  singing  or  organs  in  the  churches." 
Lavater,  §  10,  p.  42 :  Morem  cantandi  multis  de  causis  Ecclesia  Tigurina  non  recepit, 
tempus  sacris  destinatum  coetibus  duntaxat  auscultationi  verbi  Dei  et  precibus  impen- 
deus.  Interim  tamen  moderatum  cantum,  sive  publice  in  coetibus  sacris  fiat,  sive  pri- 
vatim  domi,  nequaquam  improbat.  Nam  et  Vitoduri  et  Steinae  (duo  sunt  municipia  di- 
tionis  Tigurinae)  Psalmos  vulgari  lingua  cantant. 

29  Lavater  (§  9,  p.  27)  describes  them.  Public  worship  on  Sunday  was  held  in  the 
four  city  churches — in  the  morning,  in  summer,  at  seven  o'clock  ;  then  at  eleven  in  the 
chief  church,  and  in  the  afternoon  at  three  o'clock.  Diebus  dominicis  tribus  signis, 
quae  campanis  dantur,  convocatur  plebs.  Paulo  ante  tertium  signum  adolescens  ali- 
quis,  si  quae  domus,  praedia,  agri,  vineae  venales  sint,  plebi  significat:  item  quae  amis- 
sa  sunt  et  reperta.  Vocantur  etiam  qui  uxores  suas  vel  maritos  reliquerunt,  ut  in  foro 
matrimoniali  respondeant.  Dato  tertio  signo,  magistratus  interdum  sua  decreta,  quae 
totam  plebem  scire  interest,  promulgat.  Mox  verbi  minister  suggestum  conscendit  et 
sermonem  auspicatur.  General  church  prayer.  Sermon.  Prayer  about  those  who  had 
died  during  the  week.  Confession  of  sin.  Lord's  Prayer.  The  Apostles'  Creed  (at  first 
also  the  angelic  greeting,  afterward  omitted).  Concio  his  verbis  dimittitur:  Pauperes 
in  vestris  eleemosynis  propter  Dei  praeceptum  vobis  commendatos  habetotc.  Orate  pro 
me,  idem  facturus  sum  pro  vobis.  Abite  in  pace,  Dominus  sit  vobiscum.  Zwinglii  Fidei 
Ratio  ad  Car.  Imp.,  1530  (Opp.,  iv.  15) :  Credo  ceremonias,  quae  neque  per  superstitionem 
fidei  neque  verbo  Dei  contrariae  sunt  (quanquam  hujusmodi  nesciam  an  quae  inveni- 
antur),  per  caritatem  tolerari  posse,  donee  lucifer  magis  ac  magis  allucescat.  Sed  simul 
credo,— dictas  ceremonias  abolendas  esse,  quantumvis  reclament  qui  perfido  suntanimo. 
About  this  writes  Melanchthon  ad  Luthcrum,  14.  Jul.,  1530,  C.  R.,  ii.  193 :  De  ceremo- 
niis  loquitur  valdo  helvetice,  i.  e.  barbarissiine,  velle  se  omnes  ceremonias  esse  abolitas. 

25  In  Zurich  only  on  the  two  Christinas  days,  Maundy-Thursday,  and  Good-Friday, 
and  on  the  two  Easter  days.     Lavater,  §  8,  p.  23. 

30  Lavater,  §  13,  p.  02 :    Trivatam  confessionem  et  absolutioncm  Tigurina  Ecclesia 


PART  II.— CH.  II.-REFORMED  CHURCH.    §  47.  PUBLIC  WORSHIP.    549 

the  ordination  of  preachers  was  made  to  coincide  with  their  instal- 
lation ;31  and  Zwingle  was  not  even  favorable  to  the  observance 
of  the  Sabbath.32 

On  the  other  hand,  in  Basle  the  new  German  Psalms  were  cor- 
dially welcomed,33  and  were  sung  in  public  worship,  although 
here  too  the  organs  were  mute.  It  was  the  same  in  the  neigh- 
boring cantons  of  Schafhausen  and  St.  Gallen.  In  Basle  the  play- 
ing of  the  organ  was  restored  under  the  Antistes,  Sulzer,34  in  1561 ; 
but  in  Zurich  it  was  banished,  and  even  church  singing  was  not 
introduced  until  1598.35 

The  Church  of  Geneva  adopted  substantially  the  Zurich  order 
of  service,36  but  also  introduced  the  French  Psalms  of  Clement 

non  retinuit,  quia  caret  praccepto  et  exemplo  Scripturae.  Contenta  est  publica  ilia  con- 
fessione,  quae  ab  omnibus,  ministro  praeeunte,  soli  Deo  fit.  Interim  vero,  si  qui  in  ca- 
sibus  diflicilioribus  scelere  aliquo  pressi,  consilium  a  ministro  petant,  non  rejicit.  Abso- 
lutionem  item  publice  annunciat  minister,  testificans  poenitentiam  agentibus  et  creden-_ 
tibus  in  Christum  remissa  esse  peccata.  Item  privatim  homines  consolatur  ex  verbo 
Dei,  non  tamen  novum  aliquem  ritum  instituit.  §  13,  p.  52  :  Ante  certos  statutosque 
illos  dies,  quibus  Eucharistia  celebratur,  habentur  sermones  ad  populum  de  dignitate  ct 
usu  Eucharistiae :  item  quo  pacto  se  quisque  ad  percipiendas  sacras  has  epulas  praepa- 
rare  debeat.  Illis  etiam  ipsis  diebus,  quibus  peragitur,  breves  exhortationes  ad  plebem 
fiunt,  ne  quis  indigne  corpus  ct  sanguinem  Christi  sumat ;  see  the  confession  of  sin  in 
the  Bernische  Abcndmahlsliturgie,  1529,  Trechsel's  Beitrage  zur  Gesch.  der  Schweizer- 
isch-Reform.  Kirche,  i.  96. 

31  See  §  4G,  Note  41. 

32  Zwingli's  Uslegung  des  XXV.  Artikels,  1523  (Wcrke,  i.  317)  :  "  I  do  not  find  that 
laziness  is  the  worship  of  God.  If  any  body  goes  into  the  field  on  Sunday,  after  having 
done  his  duty  to  God,  and  mows,  cuts,  hews,  or  does  any  other  necessary  work  which 
the  season  demands,  I  know  very  well  that  this  is  more  pleasing  to  God  than  mere  idle- 
ness.    For  the  believer  is  above  the  Sabbath." 

33  Here,  as  in  many  German  cities,  the  Reformation  began  in  1526,  with  the  singing 
of  German  psalms  in  some. of  the  churches  ;  and  Oecolampadius  justified  this  in  a  peti- 
tion, saying,  "  that  the  song  of  praise  was  the  occupation  of  angels,  a  refreshment  of  the 
soul,  an  allurement  to  prayer,  a  preparation  for  the  more  devout  hearing  of  the  Word 
of  God,  etc.,  and  was  not  onh-  enjoined  upon  the  clergy  and  scholars,  but  as  a  general 
rule,"  etc. ;  see  Hottinger's  Helvet.  Kirchengesch.,  iii.  293.  Without  doubt  they  used 
in  singing  the  collections  of  hymns  which  had  been  printed  in  great  numbers  (1524)  in 
Wittenberg,  Erfurt,  Nuremberg,  Strasburg,  and  other  places  (see  Wackernagel's  Deutsch- 
cs  Kirchenlied,  s.  723  ft".) :  psalms  by  Luther,  Lud.  Oeler,  Heinr.  Vogtherr;  see  A.  Sara- 
sin's  Hist.  Entwicklung  des  Psalmengesangs  in  d.  Ref.  Kirche,  in  the  Baselsche  Beitrage 
zur  vaterl.  Gesch.,  Bd.  4.  (1850),  s.  321. 

3*  Och's  Gesch.  v.  Basel,  vi.  435. 

35  Hottinger's  Helvet.  Kirchengesch.,  iii.  966. 

30  Les  Ordonnances  Ecclesiastiques  de  l'Eglise  de  Geneve,  1541 ;  Richter's  Kirchen- 
ordnung,  i.  342.  Peculiarities :  Even  in  the  Canton  of  Berne  the  Zurich  mode  of  ordi- 
nation (§  46,  Note  41)  was  not  strict!}'  retained  ;  in  Brugg,  1544,  there  was  the  unequal 
custom,  "  that  some  of  the  deans,  with  the  chief  magistrate,  laid  on  hands  upon  those 
presented,  in  the  presence  of  the  subjects,  but  others  did  not"  (Hundeshagen,  die  Cou- 
flicte  des  Zwinglianismus,  Lutherthums  nnd  Calvinismus  in  d.  Bern.  Landeskirche,  s. 
176).     In  Geneva  the  laying  on  of  hands  was  wholly  given  up  ;  Richter,  i.  343  :  Quant 


550  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Marot  and  Theodore  Beza  in  the  church  service.37  The  foreign 
Reformed  churches38  followed,  in  this  particular,  the  example  of 
Geneva.  In  1573  was  published  Ambrose  Lobwasser's  German 
translation  of  the  French  Psalms,39  which,  being  adapted  to  the 
old  melodies,  soon  became  the  general  hymn-book  of  the  German 
Reformed  Church. 

The  Reformed  Church  every  where  laid  stress  on  the  point, 
that,  after  the  precedence  of  the  primitive  church,  only  psalms, 
and  not  uninspired  songs,  should  be  sung  in  public  worship.  At 
the  same  time  they  looked  upon  all  music  as  something  secular, 

a  la  manure  de  l'introduire,  pour  co  que  les  ceremonies  du  temps  passe  ont  este  tournees 
en  beaucoup  de  superstitions,  a  cause  de  l'innrmite  du  temps,  il  suffira  qu'il  se  fasse  par 
un  des  Ministres  une  declaration  et  remonstrance  de  l'office  auquel  on  l'ordonne :  puis 
qu'on  face  prieres  et  oraisons,  arm  que  le  Seigneur  lui  face  la  grace  de  s'en  acquiter. 
The  Lord's  Supper  was  administered  four  times  in  the  year  (p.  347)  :  on  the  Sundaj-  after 
Christmas,  at  Easter,  Whitsuntide,  and  on  the  first  Sunday  of  September.  Que  le  Di- 
manche  devant  qu'on  celebre  la  dicte  Cene  on  en  face  la  denonciation,  afin  que  nul  en- 
fant y  vienne  devant  qu'avoir  fait  profession  de  sa  foi,  selon  qu'il  sera  expose  au  Cate- 
chisme ;  et  aussi  pour  extorter  tous  etrangers  et  nouveaux  venus  de  se  venir  premier 
representer  a  l'Eglise. 

37  Ordonnances,  1541 ;  Richter,  i.  347 :  Nous  avons  aussi  ordonne  d'introduire  les 
chants  ecclesiastiques  tant  devant  qu'apres  le  sermon,  pour  mieux  inciter  le  peuple  a 
louer  et  prier  Dieu.  Pour  le  commencement  on  apprendra  les  petits  enfans,  puis  avec 
le  temps  toute  l'Eglise  pourra  suivre.  On  Marot  and  his  Psalms,  see  Beze  Hist.  Eccl. 
des.  Eglises  Reforme'es  au  Royaume  de  France,  i.  33.  Claude  Goudimel  and  Wilh.  Franc 
composed  the  melodies  for  them,  and  then  Calvin  published  (1543)  the  fifty  Psalms  of 
Marot.  Beza  thereupon  translated  the  others  into  verse,  and  melodies  were  composed 
for  them  by  the  same  masters ;  Ruchat  Hist,  de  la  Reform,  de  la  Suisse,  vi.  535  ;  Baum's 
Th.  Beza,  i.  182 ;  Sarasin  in  den  Baselschen  Beitragen  zur  vaterlandisclie  Geschichte, 
iv.  315. 

38  In  the  French  Reformed  Church  the  laying  on  of  hands  was  again  introduced  in 
ordination ;  Synode  de  Paris,  1559,  art.  9  (Synodes  Nationaux  par  Aymon,  i.  2)  :  Leur 
election  sera  confirmee  par  les  prieres  et  l'imposition  des  mains  des  ministres ;  toutefois 
sans  aucune  superstition.  However,  several  churches  did  not  adopt  the  laying  on  of 
hands,  and  it  was  declared  to  be  optional ;  Synode  de  Paris,  1565,  art.  7,  p.  64.  Latei* 
it  was  attempted  to  make  it  general ;  Synode  de  Gergeau,  1601,  art.  7,  p.  236;  Syn.  de 
St.  Maixent,  1609,  art.  4,  p.  358.  In  the  Dutch  Church  at  first  there  was  the  laying  on  of 
hands  (Synod  of  Wesel,  1568  ;  see  Mensinga  Verhandeling  over  de  Liturgische  Schriften 
derNederl.  hervormde  Kerk,  in  Verhandeling.  van  het  Haagsche  Genootschap  Deel  xi.), 
Gravenhag.,  1851,  p.  49.  But  the  Synod  of  Dort  abolished  it,  1574  (Mensinga,  p.  51)  : 
Ovcrmits  de  oplegging  der  handen  in  deze  jongheid  der  kerke  tot  superstitie  getogen  en 
sommiger  bespotting  onderworpen  zou  mogen  wezen,  hebben  de  broeders  besloten,  dat 
men  diezelve  nalaten  zal.  However,  the  Synod  of  Dort,  1578,  restored  it,  and  since 
then  it  has  remained  (Mensinga,  p.  54). — The  Palatinate  Church  Service  of  1563  (Rich- 
ter, ii.  261)  first  declared  that  there  should  be  a  service  of  preparation  on  the  Saturday 
before  the  Sunday  when  the  Supper  was  to  be  administered,  in  which  three  questions 
must  be  answered  in  the  affirmative  by  those  assembled.  At  the  same  time,  those  who 
were  to  commune  for  the  first  time  must  "  make  confession  of  their  faith."  Comp.  Vinke 
over  den  Oorsprong  van  eenige  Vragen  bij  de  Voorbereiding  voor  het  heil.  Avoudmaal, 
in  Kist  en  Royaards  Archief,  vi.  ii.  1. 

39  Professor  of  Law  in  Konigsberg,  in  Prussia,  died  1585. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— EVANGELICAL  THEOLOGY.    §  48.  HISTORY.  55 1 

and  banished  the  organ  from  the  churches.  However,  the  or- 
gan was  restored  in  Holland,40  1.637,  and  in  the  Palatinate,41 
1655. 


THIRD  CHAPTER. 


HISTORY  OF  THEOLOGICAL  AND  RELIGIOUS  CULTURE   IN   THE  EVAN- 
GELICAL CHURCHES. 

§  48. 

HISTORY  OF  THEOLOGY. 

LComp.  Gass,  Geschichte  der  Protestantischen  Dogmatik,  2  vols.  8vo ;  Berlin,  1854-57. 
A.  Schweizer,  Die  Protestantischen  Centraldognien,  2  vols.  8vo;  Zurich,  1854.] 

The  Reformers  and  their  immediate  successors  were  so  much 
engrossed  by  the  urgency  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  that  they  could 
not  cultivate  the  science  of  theology  any  further  than  was  de- 
manded by  the  pressing  necessities  of  the  Church.  They  were 
chiefly  occupied  in  producing  popular  works  for  the  instruction  of 
the  people,  and  controversial  writings  for  the  refutation  of  false 
doctrines.  Their  other  theological  labors  were  restricted  to  exe- 
getical  and  doctrinal  works  for  the  instruction  of  the  better-edu- 
cated classes,  especially  the  clergy.  But  in  all  their  writings  they 
kept  aloof  from  merely  learned  investigations,  that  had  no  refer- 
ence to  practical  use. 

And  yet  they  acknowledged  the  importance  of  a  comprehensive 
and  scientific  cultivation  of  theology  j1  and  the  directions  now 
given  for  theological  study — pre-eminently  those  of  Andreas  Hy- 

40  At  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation  the}'  were  still  plaj-ed — thus,  1578,  in  Haar- 
lem; in  the  disturbances  about  images  in  15G6,  they  were  destroyed  among  the  Wal- 
loons, in  Brabant  and  Flanders,  but  retained  in  the  Northern  Netherlands.  The  Synod 
of  Dort,  1578,  demanded  that  they  should  be  given  up  ;  however,  they  were  kept  by  the 
magistrates,  who  continued  to  support  organists,  and  had  the  organs  played  by  them 
before  or  after  public  worship.  In  Leyden  they  were  first  in  1G37  again  used  in  singing ; 
and  the  South  Holland  Synod  of  Delft,  in  1638,  declared  this  custom  to  be  an  adiaphoron. 
Thereupon  began  an  unedifying  strife  between  organists  and  counter-organists  ;  see  Kist 
het  kerkelijke  Orgel-gebruik,  in  Kist  en  Royaards  Archief,  x.  189. 

41  At  first  in  Bacharach  and  Heidelberg;  see  Wundt's  Magazin  fur  die  Kirchen-  und 
Gelehrtengesch.  der  Pfalz,  ii.  5G. 

1  De  non  contemnendis  Studiis  humanioribus  futuro  theologo  maxime  necessariis  cla- 
rorum  virorum  ad  Eobanum  Hessum  Epistolae  Lutheri,  Melanchthonis,  Petri  Mosellani, 
Jodoci  Jonae,  Jo.  Draconis,  etc.,  Erphurdiae,  1523.  Melanchthonis  brevis  discendae 
theologiae  Ratio,  1530  (Opp.  cd.  Yiteb.,  ii.  35). 


552  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

perius,  professor  in  Marburg  (who  died  in  1564)2 — already  incul- 
cate the  need  of  scientific  culture  and  preparation  to  an  extent  not 
previously  conceived. 

The  Reformers  started  from  the  position  that  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures can  be  relied  upon  as  the  source  of  revealed  truth,  because 
they  have  only  one  literal  sense,  and  not  several  senses.3  As  a 
result  of  this  position,  previous  exegetical  works  were,  for  the 
most  part,  found  to  be  unfitted  for  use,  and  others  must  take  their 
place. 

Regarding  scholasticism  as  the  mother  of  so  many  errors,  Lu- 
ther often  inveighed  bitterly  against  Aristotle  ;4  and  as,  at  first, 
they  had  nothing  to  take  the  place  of  the  old  philosophical  text- 
books and  lectures,  philosophical  study  was  for  some  time  wholly 
prostrate  in  Wittenberg;  although  Luther  did  not  at  any  time 
desire  that  all  philosophy  should  be  set  aside.5     Thereupon  Me- 

2  De  Tlieologo  s.  de  Ratione  Studii  Theol.,  libb.  iv.  An  dr.  Hvperio  auctore.,  Basil., 
1556. 

3  Lutheri  Operationes  in  XXII.  Psalmos  priores,  1521,  ad  Psalm,  xxii.  19  (Jen.,  T.  ii. 
243  verso) :  Cumprimis  S.  Thomas  cum  Lyra  et  suis  in  orbem  vulgare  coeperunt  qua- 
drigam  illam  sensuum  Scripturae,  literalem,  tropologicum,  allegoricum  et  anagogicum, 
ac  in  has  cpuatuor  partes  dividere  hanc  vestem  Christi. — Nonne  impiissimum  est  sic  par- 
tiri  Scripturas,  ut  literae  neque  fidem  neque  mores  neque  spem  tribuas,  sed  solam  histo- 
riam  jam  inutilem  ?  In  Luther's  answer  to  the  "  iiberchristliche,  iibergeistliche,  und 
uberkiinstliche  Buch  des  Bocks  Eraser,  1521,"  see  the  section  on  The  Letter  and  the 
Spirit,  against  Eraser's  assertion  that  Scripture  has  a  double  sense — a  literal  and  a  spir- 
itual. Walch,  xviii.  1G02:  "The  Hoi}-  Spirit  is  the  most  plain  and  simple  of  all  writers 
and  speakers  in  heaven  or  on  earth  ;  hence  His  Word  can  not  have  more  than  one  plain 
sense,  which  we  call  the  literal  tongue-sense."  Comp.  Ph.  Melanchth.,  Elementorum 
Rhetorices,  libb.  ii.,  diligcnter  recogniti,  Yitcberg,  153G,  in  lib.  ii.  the  section  De  qua- 
tuor  sensibus  sacrarum  literarum  ;  e.  g.,  G.  4  :  Oratio,  quae  non  habet  unam  ac  simpli- 
cem  sententiam,  nihil  certi  docet.  G.  5  :  Si  omnia  sine  discrimine  velimus  transfor- 
marc  in  varios  sensus,  nihil  habebit  certi  Scriptura. — Haec  interpretandi  ratio  maxime 
labefacit  auctoritatem  Scripturae.     So  all  following  Luther,  and  Reform.  Theologians. 

4  Luther  and  J.  Langium,  8th  February,  1516  (de  Wette,  i.  15)  :  Nihil  ita  ardet  ani- 
mus, quam  histrionem  ilium,  qui  tam  vere  Graeca  larva  Ecclesiam  lusit,  multis  revelare, 
ignominiamque  ejus  cunctis  ostendere,  si  otium  esset. — Nisi  caro  fuisset  Aristoteles,  vere 
diabolum  cum  fuisse  non  puderet  asserere.  Melancthon,  too,  at  first  spoke  disparaging- 
ly of  Aristotle ;  see  Galle's  Characteristik  Mel.  als  Theologen,  s.  110 ;  but  we  find  an 
equally  harsh  judgment  in  the  Catholic  philologian,  Marius  Nizolius  ;  see  Ritter's  Gesch. 
d.  christi.  Philos.,  v.  446.  But  these  opinions  are  only  in  respect  to  the  hair-splitting 
dialectics,  and  some  theses  of  Aristotle's  physics  and  metaphysics. 

5  Luther,  An  den  christi.  Adel  deutscher  Nation,  1520,  Walch,  x.  379  :  "  Here  now 
my  advice  is,  that  the  books  of  Aristotle,  Physica,  Metaphysica,  De  Anima,  Ethica,  which 
have  been  hitherto  reputed  the  best,  should  be  wholly  set  aside,  with  all  others  which 
make  a  boast  about  natural  things,  and  yet  teach  nothing  about  either  natural  or  spirit- 
ual things.  Besides  this,  nobody  up  to  the  present  has  understood  his  opinions,  and  so 
much  noble  time  and  many  noble  souls  have  been  vainly  burdened  with  useless  labor, 
study,  and  cost.  And  yet  I  would  willingly  keep  Aristotle's  books  on  Logic,  Rhetoric, 
and  Poetics,  or  have  them  abridged,  for  they  can  be  read  with  profit,  and  exercise  young 


PART  II.— CH.  III.— EVANGELICAL  THEOLOGY.    §  48.  PHILOSOPHY.  553 

lancthon  began  to  simplify  and  purify  the  Aristotelian  philoso- 
phy ;G  and  his  text-hooks  were  introduced  into  all  the  educational 
establishments  attached  to  the  Reformation.7  In  this  way  Aris- 
totle came  again  io  so  high  honor  in  all  the  reformed  churches,  that 
the  new  philosophical  systems  which  sprung  up  were  generally 
looked  upon  and  opposed  as  perilous  to  orthodoxy;8  though  that 

people  in  speaking  and  preaching  well ;  but  the  comments  and  minute  divisions  had 
better  be  left  off."  Luther,  in  a  letter  to  Spalatin,  December  9, 1518  (de  Wette,  i.  190), 
expresses  a  wish  that  the  Thomist  philosophy  might  be  left  out  of  the  University,  and 
then,  too,  the  Scotist,  donee— pura  philosophia  et  theologia,  omnesque  matheses  ex  fon- 
tibus  suis  hauriantur.  Melancthon  says  in  his  inaugural  oration,  De  Corrigendis  Ado- 
lcscentiae  Studiis,  29th  August,  1518,  C.  R.,  xi.  22,  so  much  praised  by  Luther  (ad 
Spalat.,  August  31,  1518,  in  de  Wette,  i.  134) :  In  ea  sum  plane  sententia,  ut  qui  velit 
insigne  aliquid  vel  in  sacris  vel  foro  conari,  parum  effecturum,  ni  animum  anteahuma- 
nis  disciplinis  (sic  enim  philosophiam  voco)  prudenter,  et  quantum  satis  est,  exercuerit. 
Nolo  autem  philosophando  quenquam  nugari :  ita  enim  fit,  ut  communis  etiam  sensus 
tandem  obliviscare.  Sed  ex  optimis  optima  selige,  eaque  cum  ad  scientiam  naturae, 
turn  ad  mores  formandos  attinentia.  In  primis  hie  eruditione  Graeca  opus  est,  quae  na- 
turae scientiam  universam  complectitur,  ut  de  moribus  apposite  ac  copiose  dicerc  queas. 
Plurimum  valent  Aristotelis  moralia,  leges  Platonis,  Poetae. — Necessaria  est  omnino  ad 
banc  rem  historia,  cui — non  invitus  uni  contulero,  quidquid  emeretur  laudum  universus 
artium  orbis. — Complector  ergo  philosophiae  nomine  scientiam  naturae,  morum  rationes 
et  exempla.  Luther's  Table-Talk,  Walch,  xxii.  3G9  :  "  Theology  must  be  empress  ; 
philosophy  and  other  good  arts  should  be  her  servants,  and  not  govern  her."  P.  220G  : 
"  Aristotle  is  one  of  the  best  teachers  in  philosophia  morali,  to  tell  us  how  to  lead  a  fine- 
ly-tempered outward  life  ;  but  in  naturali  philosophia  he  is  fit  for  nothing."  Cf.  J.  H. 
ab  Elswich,  De  varia  Aristotelis  in  Scholis  Protestantium  Fortuna  (before  J.  Launoii  De 
varia  Arist.  in  Acad.  Paris.  Fortuna  Diss.,  Vitemberg,  1720),  p.  18. 

6  Mel.  Declam.  de  Philosophia,  1536,  C.  R.,  xi.  282:  Eruditam  philosophiam  requiro, 
non  illas  cavillationes,  quibus  nullae  res  subsunt.  Ideo  dixi,  unum  quoddam  philoso- 
phiae genus  eligendum  esse,  quod  quam  minimum  habeat  sophistices,  et  justam  metho- 
dum  retineat:  talis  est  Aristoteles  doctrina.  Sed  huic  tamen  aliunde  addenda  est  ilia 
praestantissima  philosophiae  pars  de  motibus  coelestibus.  Nam  reliquae  sectae  plenae 
sunt  sophistices  et  absurdarum  et  falsarum  opinionum,  quae  etiam  moribus  nocent.  Nam 
illae  hj-perbolae  Stoicorum  sunt  omnino  sophisticae,  bonam  valetudinem,  opes  et  similia 
non  esse  bona  :  commentitia  est  et  aTrddtia,  falsa  et  perniciosa  opinio  de  fato.  Epicurus 
non  philosophatur,  sed  scurratur,  cum  affirmat  omnia  casu  extitisse :  tollit  primam  cau- 
sam,  et  dissentit  in  totum  a  vera  physicorum  doctrina.  Fugienda  est  et  Academia,  quae 
non  servat  methodum,  et  sumit  sibi  licentiam  immoderatam  omnia  evertendi :  quod  qui 
facere  student,  hos  necesse  est  multa  sophistice  colligere.  Quanquam  is  qui  ducem  Aris- 
totelem  praecipue  sequitur,  et  unam  quandam  simplicem  ac  mini  me  sophisticam  doctri- 
nam  cxpetit,  intcrduin  et  ab  aliis  auctoribus  sumere  aliquid  potest;  ab  Elswich,  p.  3G. 

7  Rhetorica,  1519, 1521, 1531.  Dialectica,  1520.  Epitome  Ethicorum,  1537, 1550.  Comm. 
de  Anima,  1540,  recognitus,  15G0.  Initia  Doctrinae  Physicae,  1555,  1559.  Tennemann's 
Gesch.  d.  Philos.,  ix.  117.  Ruble's  Gesch.  d.  neuern  Philos.,  ii.  478.  Ritter's  Gesch.  d. 
christl.  Philos.,  v.  495.  Flacius  and  his  followers  (cf.  Clavis  Script.,  i.  893;  Jo.  Stolz 
in  Defensione  Lutheri,  p.  79),  as  well  as  Osiander,  inveighed  in  vain  against  Aristotle  ; 
see  ab  Elswich,  p.  52.  [Koch,  Mel's  Schola  Privata,  1859.  C.  Schlottmann,  Do  Phil. 
Mel.  Reipublicae  litter.  Reform.,  Bonn,  1SG0.  Planck,  Mel.  Praeceptor  Germanise, 
I860.] 

8  E-eza  ad  P.  Ramum,  1.  Dec,  1570,  in  Bezae  Epistt.  Theolog.,  Genev.,  1573,  p.  202: 
Nobis  certum  ac  constitutum  est,  et  in  ipsis  tradendis  logicis,  et  in  caeteris  explicandis 
disciplinis  ab  Aristotelis  sententia  nc  tantillum  quidem  deflectere.    The  philosophy  of 


554  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

of  Peter  Ramus9  (who  died  in  1571,  on  the  night  of  St.  Bartholo- 
mew) was  favored  by  the  French  Reformed  Church,  and  that  of 
Rene  Descartes10  (who  died  in  Sweden,  1650)  found  adherents  in 
the  Netherlands.  However,  through  the  influence  of  the  unceas- 
ing polemics,  dialectics  became  more  sharp  and  refined  ;  and  con- 
sequently, from  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  a  new  scholas- 
ticism began  to  be  formed  in  Germany  and  the  Netherlands, 
through  the  influence  of  that  same  Aristotelian  philosophy.11 
Among  the  German  Reformers,  Martin  Luther12  and  Melanc- 

Ramus  made  its  waj-  into  Germany,  particularly  in  several  of  the  Westphalian  schools, 
in  Dusseldorf,  Dortmund,  Corbach ;  but  where  it  showed  itself  in  the  Universities  it  was 
violently  opposed.  In  Leipsic,  in  1591,  Jo.  Cramerus,  Organi  Aristotelici  Professor, 
was  deposed  on  this  account,  and  "  Ramusism"  was  forbidden  by  an  electoral  decree 
(Jo.  Hulsemanni  Dialysis  apologetica  problematis  Calixtini  num  Mysterium  s.  trinitatis 
a  solo  vel.  Test,  possit  evinci,  Lips.,  1650.  4.,  in  praef.,  p.  8,  12,  13)  in  Helmstiidt,  1597 
(Griindl.  Widerlegung  von  Buscher's  Crypto-Papismus  Helmstadiensis,  Luneburg,  1641, 
i.  26)  ;  cf.  ab  Elswich,  p.  54. 

9  Temiemann,  ix.  420.  Ritter,  v.  471.  [Ramus,  Sa  vie  et  ses  ecrits,  par  M.  C.  Wad- 
dington,  Paris,  1855;  comp.  Eclectic  (Lond.),  Sept.,  1856;  Ritter's  christl.  Philos.,  ii. 
p.  50.] 

10  Tennemann,  x.  200.  [Bouillier,  L'Hist.  de  la  Phil.  Cartesienne,  2  vols.,  Paris,  1854. 
H.  Schmidt,  Rene  Descartes  und  seine  Reform  der  Phil.,  1859.  Edinburgh  Review,  1852. 
Ritter,  christl.  Phil.,  ii.  239  seq.] 

11  Dav.  Chytraeus  ad  Theologos  Witteberg.,  d.  20.  Maji,  1595  (Chytraei  Epistt.,  p. 
1276)  :  Nee  prorsus  de  nihilo  est,  quod  nuper  ad  nos  ex  Anglia  quidam  scribebat,  nostri 
temporis  theologiam  plane  scholasticam  esse,  in  qua  nihil  fere  pietatis  appareat,  sed 
verborum  et  argumentorum  acuminibus  tantum  se  mutuo  Theologi  compungant.  In 
Germany  the  conflicts  with  the  Jesuits  afforded  special  opportunities  for  this  scholasti- 
cism. It  made  its  first  appearance  in  the  religious  conference  at  Ratisbon,  appointed  by 
Duke  Maximilian  of  Bavaria  and  the  Palgrave  Philip  Louis,  between  the  Ingolstadt 
Jesuits  and  the  theologians  of  the  Palatinate,  Saxony,  Ansbach,  and  Wiirtemberg :  the 
chief  disputants  were  the  Jesuit,  Jac.  Gretser,  and  the  Wittenberg  theologian,  Aegidius 
Hunnius ;  see  Acta  Colloquii  Ratisbon.  de  norma  doctrinae  cath.  et  controversiarum  re- 
ligiouis  judice,  Monachii,  1602.  4.  One  of  the  conditions  of  the  colloquy  was— p.  4 : 
Collocutores  argumenta  sj-llogismo,  vel  alia  in  logicis  probata  argumentandi  forma  in- 
cludant ;  and  accordingly  Gretser  several  times  demanded  (p.  7, 19)  that  the  disputation 
should  be  sckolastice,  dialectice.— In  Holland  the  first  scholastic  was  Joh.  Makowsky  or 
Maccovius,  professor  in  Franeker;  see  Twistzaak  van  Maccovius  door  J.  Heringa,  in  the 
Archief  voor  kerk.  Geschiedenis,  iii.  505.  He  was  complained  of  at  the  Synod  of  Dort, 
1619,  because— methodum  incommodam,  sententias  obscuras  et  ambiguas,  verba  philoso- 
phica,  metaphysica  et  scholastica  saepe  adhiberi  (p.  557).  The  synod  acquitted  him  of 
heresy,  but  exhorted  him,  p.  543 :  In  docendo  utatur  genere  dicendi  eacrae  Scripturae 
conformi,  perspicuo,  piano,  et  in  orthodoxis  Academiis  recepto. 

12  On  his  life,  and  the  works  of  Melancthon,  Matthesius,  and  Cochliius,  see  Div.  1, 
before,  §  1.  Luther's  Leben  v.  Karl  Jiirgens  (till  1517,  3  Bde.,  Leipzig,  1846-47).  E.  F. 
Vogel'a  Bibliotheca  biographica  Lutherana,  Halle,  1851.  Stammbaum  der  Familie  des 
Dr.  M.  Luther,  von  Prof.  Nobbe,  in  Leipzig,  Grimma,  1846.— Editions  of  his  works :  the 
Wittenberg  (12  German  Tomi,  and  7  Tomi  Latini,  1539-59,  fol.)  was  complained  of  for 
Philippistic  alterations.  Hence  the  Jena  edition  was  started,  particularly  by  Amsdorf 
(8  German  Tomi  and  4  Tomi  Lat.,  1556  ss.,  fol.)  ;  cf.  Cypriani  Hist.  Tomorum  Luthcri, 
in  the  Fortges.  Sammluug  von  alten  und  neuen  theol.  Sachen,  1726,  s.  735. — The  fol- 


PART  II— CH.  III.— EVANGELICAL  THEOLOGY.    §  48.  PHILOSOPHY.  555 

thon  took  the  foremost  rank  as  theological  writers ;  the  former,  a 
man  of  soul  and  power,  was  especially  distinguished  for  his  trans- 
lation of  the  Bible,  his  Catechisms,  Hymns,  Biblical  Commenta- 
ries, and  Sermons.  Philip  Melancthon13  was  eminently  versed  in 
philosophy  and  philology,  as  well  as  in  theology,  and  obtained  a 
wide  influence  by  his  Loci  Theologici,  and  his  numerous  written 
judgments  and  opinions  on  theological  subjects.  Along  with  them 
are  deserving  of  mention,  John  Brenz  (preacher  in  the  Suabian 
Hall,  then  provost  at  Stuttgart,  deceased  1570),14  as  exegete  and 
preacher  ;   and  Martin  Bucer  (in  Strasburg,  then  in  Cambridge, 

lowing  editions  are  enlarged,  but  only  in  the  German  works:  the  Altenburg,  1GG1  ff. ; 
the  Leipsic,  1729  ff.,  fol.  ;  so,  too,  the  Halle  (03-  J.  G.  Walch,  1737  ff.,  24  Theile,  4)  ;  the 
last  has  very  careful  introductions.  On  the  other  hand,  the  original  text  is  given  in  the 
Erlangen  edition  (by  Irmischer,  Plochmann,  and  Elsperger,  1826  ff.,  G7  vols,  in  German 
and  23  Tomi  Lat.,  8.).  Luther's  Briefe,  Sendschreiben,  und  Bedenken,  kritisch  u.  hist, 
bearbeitet,  by  W.  M.  L.  de  Wette,  5  Th.,  Berlin,  1825  ff.  [vol.  vi.,  Seidemann;  185G].— 
Luther  (Pass  diese  Worte  Christi  d.  i.  m.  L.  nock  feste  stehen,  1527,  Walch,  xx.  1112) 
says  that  his  church  Postils  are  the  "very  best  book  which  I  ever  made,  which  the 
papists,  too,  willinglj-  have."  Among  his  exegetical  works,  the  most  valuable  are  his 
commentaries  on  Genesis,  the  Psalms,  and  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians  (on  the  latter,  a 
shorter  and  a  longer  commentary).  [On  Luther,  comp.  Hare's  Mission  of  the  Comfort- 
er, vol.  ii.,  1855,  revised  edition.  On  Irmischer's  edition,  see  Reuter's  Repertorium, 
Aug.,  1855.  Life  of  Luther,  by  Henry  Worsley,  2  vols.,  Lond.,  1856-57.  An  edition 
of  the  Table-Talk  in  Bohn's  Library,  1857.  A.  C.  Seidemann,  Luther's  Grundbesitz,  a 
long  article  in  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  Hist.  Theol.,  1860.  H.  Vorreiter,  Luther's  Ringen  mit 
dem  anti-christlichcn  Princip.  d.  Revolution,  Halle,  I860.] 

13  Omnium  Operum,  P.  iv.,  Wittebergae,  1562-64.  fol.  Ph.  M.  Epistolae,  Pracfatio- 
nes,  Consilia,  Judicia,  Schedae  Academicae,  ed.  C.  G.  Bretschneider,  or  Corpus  Refor- 
matorum,  voll.  xiv.,  Ilalis  Sax.,  1834-47.  4.  [xxvii.  vol.,  the  last  issued  for  Melancthon's 
jubilee,  1859].  Bibliotheca  Melanchthoniana,  a  list  of  his  works  and  those  upon  him, 
appended  to  Joach.  Camerarii  de  Vita  Ph.  Mel.  Narratio,  ed.  G.  Th.  Strobel,  Halae,  1777, 
p.  543.  F.  Galle's  Versuch  einer  Characteristik  Melanchthon's  als  Theologen,  und  einer 
Entwickelung  seines  Lehrbegriffs,  Halle,  1840.  Ph.  Melanchthon,  s.  Leben  11.  Wirken 
von  K.  Matthes,  Altenburg,  1841.  Geschlecht  d.  Schwarzerde,  by  Forstemann,  in  the 
Theolog.  Studien  u.  Exit.,  1830,  i.  119.  [On  Melancthon's  Hj-potj-posen  and  Loci,  see 
Schwarz,  in  Studien  u.  Kritiken,  1855  and  1857 ;  and  on  Melancthon  as  a  moral  philos- 
opher, ibid.,  1853. — Ledderhose's  Life,  translated  by  Krotel,  New  York,  1854.  On  his 
theological  position,  see  the  addresses  on  occasion  of  the  Ter-centennial  celebration, 
1859,  by  Rothe,  Kahnis,  Dorner  (in  Jahrb.  f.  Deutsche  Theologie).  Comp.  Wohlfarth, 
Zura  Secular-Andcnken,  1858;  Volbeding,  Phil.  Mel.  wie  er  leibte  und  lebte,  18G0;  and 
the  works  written  for  the  same  occasion,  by  Czerwenka,  Heppe,  etc.] 

li  Luther,  in  his  Table-Talk  (Walch,  xxii.  2290),  says  of  him  :  "No  one  of  the  theo- 
logians of  our  time  so  explains  and  discourses  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  as  does  Brentius  ; 
in  such  a  way  that  I  often  wonder  at  his  mind,  and  doubt  my  capacity.  I  believe  that 
no  oneof  us  could  do  what  he  has  done  in  explanation  of  the  Gospel  of  John."  Comp. 
Luther's  Preface  to  Brenz's  Commentary  on  the  Preacher  and  Amos,  in  Walch,  xiv.  188. 
— Opp.  Tubing.,  157G-90,  viii.  T.  fol.  The  first  seven  contain  the  exegetical  works  ;  see 
upon  them,  G.  W.  Meyer's  Gesch.  der  Schrifterklarung,  ii.  425.  Joh.  Brenz  nach  ge- 
druckten  und  ungedruckten  Quellen  von  Jul.  Ilurtinnnn  und  K.  Juger,  2  Bde.,  Ham- 
burg, 1840-42.  [Geo.  Veesenrneyer,  J.  Brenz,  Selbst-Apologie  fur  seine  Rechtglaubig- 
keit ;  in  Niedner's  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  Hist.  Theol.,  1860,  p.  156  sq.] 


55 G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

deceased  1551), 15  in  exegesis.  In  the  next  generation,  Matthias 
Flaoius  Illyricus16  (who  died  in  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  1575)  ob- 
tained a  permanent  reputation  in  church  history  and  exegesis  ; 
Joachim  Camerarius,17  professor  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  lan- 
guages in  Leipsic  (who  died  in  1574),  published  excellent  works 
preparing  the  way  for  a  learned  exegesis  of  the  New  Testament ; 
Martin  Chemnitz,  Superintendent  in  Brunswick  (deceased  1586), 
a  highly  esteemed  doctrinal  divine,18  adhered  to  the  Melanctho- 
nian  type  of  dogmatics,  while  he  tried,  at  the  same  time,  to  satisfy 
the  strict  Lutheran  orthodoxy.  After  the  adoption  of  the  Formula 
Concordiae,  the  theological  statements  of  which  document  were 
most  definitely  elaborated  by  Aegidius  Hunnius,19  Superintendent 
and  Professor  in  Magdeburg  (who  died  in  1603),  all  the  Philip- 
pistic  (Melancthonian)  tendencies  were  decisively  rejected,  and 
Melancthon's  Loci  were  supplanted  by  Leonh.  Hutter's  (professor 
in  Wittenberg ;  died  in  1616)20  Compendium  Locorum  Theologi- 

15  Simon  Grynaeus  wrote  about  him,  1533:  Palmam  tibi  in  sacris  Uteris  inter  Ger- 
manos  eoncedo,  Verpoorten,  p.  11.  M.  Buc,  Enarrationes  in  sacra  IV.  Evang.,  Argent., 
1527.  Aretii  Felini  (i.  e.,  M.  Buceri)  Coram,  in  Psalmos,  1529.  Meyer,  ii.  432.  Buceri 
Seripta  Anglicana  a  Conr.  Huberto  collecta,  Basil.,  1577,  fol.  A.  M.  Verpoorten,  Comra. 
Hist,  do  Martino  Bucero,  Coburgi,  1709.  [On  Bucer,  comp.  Schenkel,  in  Herzog's  Real- 
encyclopadie.  F.  W.  Baum,  his  Life  and  Writings,  in  Hagenbach's  Leben  d.  Viiter  d. 
Reform.  Kirche,  Bd.  iii.  18G0.     Rohrich,  La  Reforme  en  Alsace.] 

16  On  the  Magdeburg  Centuries  (vol.  i.,  Div.  I.,  §  2.  Note  11),  see  Sagittarii  Introd.  in 
Hist.  Eccl.,  i.  240.  Rittcr's  Flacius,  s.  Gl. — Flacius,  Catalogus  Testium  Veritatis,  Basil., 
155G.  4. ;  Clavis,  Scripturae  Sacrae,  2  P.,  Basil.,  1567,  fol.  Meyer,  ii.  134,  502.  M. 
Flacii  Illyrici  Leben  u.  Tod  von  J.  B.  Ritter,  Frankf.  u.  Leipz.,  1725.  M.  Flacius,  111. 
eine  Vorlesung  von  A.  Tvvesten,  mit  Beilagen  v.  H.  Rossel,  Berlin,  1844.  [W.  Preger, 
Flacius  and  seine  Zeit.     Erste  Hiilfte.     Erlangen,  1859.] 

17  J.  Camer.,  Notatio  Figurarum  Sermonis  in  libb.  iv.  Evangeliorum,  Lips.,  1572.  4. 
Not.  Fig.  in  Apostolicis  Scriptis.  Accessere  et  in  lib.  irpu^wv  et  airoKu\v\l/ua<;  similes 
notationes,  Lips.,  1572.  4.     Meyer,  ii.  508. 

18  M!  Chemnitz,  Examen  Cone.  Tridentini,  P.  iv.,  1565-73.  8.  Best  edition,  G.  Chr. 
Joannis.  Francof.  ad  M.  1707,  fol. — M.  Ch.,  Loci  Theologici  editi  Opera  Polyc.  Lyseri. 
Francof.  ad  M.  1591.  [Sec  Gass,  Prot.  Dogmatik  ;  and  Schenkel,  in  Herzog's  Real- 
encyclop.] 

19  Aeg.  Hunn.,  De  Persona  Christ!  ejusque  ad  dextram  Dei  sedentis  divina  majestate, 
1585.  Adsertio  sanae  et  orthodoxae  Doctrinae  de  Persona  et  Majestate  Christi,  1592. 
Articulus  de  Trinitate  per  quaestiones  et  responsiones  pertractatus,  Francof.,  1589. 
Artie,  de  Justificatione,  Vitemb.,  1589.  De  Sacramentis  Vet.  et  Novi  Test.,  Francof., 
1595.  De  Providentia  Dei  et  aetema  Praedestinatione,  Francof.,  1597.  Tract,  de  Libero 
Arbitrio,  Francof.,  1597.  Art.  de  Peccato,  ex  Scripturae  Sacrae  fundamentis  exsiructus, 
Vitemb.,  1606.  Art.  de  Lege  et  Evangelio,  Vitemb.,  1607.  Also  many  polemic  writ- 
ings.    [Comp.  Gass,  Prot.  Dogmatik,  i.  163  ;  ii.  42,  et,  jjassim.'] 

20  Viteb.,  1610,  drawn  up  by  order  of  the  Elector,  Christian  II.,  and  introduced  into 
all  the  schools;  see  Walch,  Bibl.  Theol.,  i.  36.  More  full  was  his  Loci  Communes 
Theol.,  Vitemb.,  1619,  fol.  Against  Hospinian  he  wrote  Concordia  Concors  :  de  Origine 
et  Progressu  Formulae  Concordiae,  Vitemb.,  1614,  fol.     [On  Hutter,  see  Gass,  as  re- 


PART  II.— CH.  III.— EVANGELICAL  THEOLOGY.  §  48.  LUTHERANS.  557 

corum.  Dogmatics  now  assumed  a  scholastic  form  ;  exegesis  was 
made  entirely  dependent  on  theology,21  and  almost  all  theolog- 
ical talent  was  expended  upon  scholastic  divinity  and  polemics.22 
Ethical  science  was  very  much  neglected  ;  yet  the  numerous  the- 
ological decisions  about  cases  of  conscience  gave  to  the  "Witten- 
berg divine,  Frederick  Balduin  (who  died  in  1627),  the  materi- 
als for  the  construction  of  a  new  system  of  casuistry,23  which 
was  at  the  same  time  in  the  strictest  opposition  to  the  Jesuit 
perversions  of  morality.  The  Jena  theologians  of  this  period 
were  distinguished  for  their  mildness  of  spirit  and  their  learning  ; 
John  Gerhard  (who  died  in  1637)  surpassed  all  previous  achieve- 
ments by  his  great  work24  on  doctrinal  theology ;  and  Sal.  Glas- 
sius,  professor  in  Jena,  in  1640  appointed  General  Superintendent 
in  Gotha  (deceased  in  1656),  gave  a  new  basis  to  exegesis  in  his 
Philologia  Sacra.25  The  Rostock  professor,  John  Tarnov  (who 
died  in  1625),  stands  almost  alone  in  this  period  as  a  liberal  and 
learned  exegete.26 

Among  the  theologians  of  the  Reformed  Church,  the  first  to  be 
named  for  their  exegetical  and  polemic  writings  are  Ulrich  Zwin- 


ferred  to  above ;  Heppe's  Gesch.  der  Concordienformel,  1857,  and  his  other  works ;  Franch, 
Theologie  d.  Concordienformel,  Erlangen,  1858.] 

21  On  the  Commentaries  of  Aegidius  Hunnius  und  Polycarp.  Leyser,  see  Meyer's 
Gesch.  d.  Schrifterkliirung,  iii.  408. 

22  See  Euperti  Meldenii  Paraenesis  Votiva  (soon  after  1624,  see  §  42,  Note  6).  Cf. 
LOcke,  s.  114  :  Innumerabiles  parturit  feracissimum  hoc  saeculum  disputationes  et  con- 
troversias,  plures  quam  aestas  vermes,  muscas,  pulices  et  culices,  de  fide,  ejusque  capi- 
tibus,  quae  quidem  sic  vocantur  et  videutur  :  dixi,  dico,  multas  esse  ex  illis  inanes  nu- 
gas  et  paleas,  quia  sine  caritate. 

23  Fr.  Bald.,  Tractatus  luculentus  posthumus— de  Materia  rarissime  antehac  enucle- 
ate, Casibus  nimirum  Conscientiae,  Witteb.,  1G28.  4.  Cf.  Staudlin's  Gesch.  d.  christl. 
Moral  seit  dem  Wiederaufleben  der  Wissenschaften,  s.  288.  De  Wette's  Geschichte  der 
christl.  Sittenlehre,  ii.  314. 

2i  Locorum  Theologicorum  T.  ix.,  Jenae,  1G10-22.  5.  (denuo  edidit,  observationes  nee 
non  praefationem,  qua  de  vita  scriptisque  auctoris  disseritur,  adjecit  J.  F.  Cotta,  22  voll., 
Tubing.,  1762-81.  4.)  Comp.  Vita  Jo.  Gerhardi  conscripta  a  E.  R.  Fischer,  Lips.,  1723, 
p.  386.  Staudlin's  Gesch.  der  theol.  Wissensch.,  i.  242.— Confessionis  Catholicae,  in  qua 
Doctrina  Catholica  et  Evangelica,  ex  Romano-catholicorum  suffragiis  confirmatur  Auct. 
J.  Gerh.,  libb.  ii.  in  4  Partes,  Jenae,  1634-37.  4. ;  see  Fischer,  p.  401.  Stiiudlin,  ii.  1G. 
[Gass,  ubi  supra,  i.  261  sq."| 

25  Jenae,  1623.  4.  (his  temporibus  accommodata  a  J.  A.  Dathe  et  G.  L.  Bauer,  T.  ii., 
Lips.,  1776-97.  8.)    See  Meyer's  Gesch.  d.  Schrifterkliirung,  iii.  125,  333. 

26  Exercitationum  Biblicarum  libb.  iv.  (Rostoch.,  1619.  4.  On  the  sensation  made 
by  its  giving  up  the  interpretations  of  Luther,  Chemnitz,  and  Hunnius,  see  Tholuck's 
Wittenb.  Theol.  des  17ten  Jahrh.,  s.  153).  Comm.  in  prophetas  minores,  Rost.,  1622  ss. 
4  (with  a  preface  by  J.  B.  Carpzovs  on  Tarnov's  Leben  u.  Yerdieuste,  Lips.,  1688.  4.) ; 
cf.  Meyer,  iii.  420. 


558  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

gle27  and  John  Oecolampadius.28  Zwingle's  work,  De  Vera  et 
Falsa  Religione,  was  soon  eclipsed  by  Calvin's  Institutio  Chris- 
tianao  Religionis  f°  after  which  for  a  long  time  all  productiveness 
in  doctrinal  matters  in  the  Reformed  Church  was  brought  to  a  con- 
clusion. The  opposition  made  to  the  Calvinistic  dogmatics  by  Se- 
bastian Castellio,  professor  of  the  Greek  language  in  Basle  (deceased 
1563), 30  was  witkout  any  general  influence;31  his  Latin  transla- 

27  Lebensbeschreibung  M.  u.  Zwingli's  von  J.  L.  Hess,  aus  dem  Franz,  nebst  einem 
literarisch  hist.  Anhang  v.  L.  Usteri,  Zurich,  181L  Zwingli's  Werke,  erste  vollst.  Aus- 
gabe  durch  Melch.  Schuler  u.  Joh.  Schulthess  :  Bd.  1  u.  2.  Deutsche  Schriften,  vol.  iii.- 
viii.  opera  lat.,  Zurich,  1828-42.  gr.  8.  On  his  exegetical  works,  see  Meyer,  ii.  402. 
[Life  and  Times  of  Zwingle,  from  the  German  of  Hottinger;  by  F.  C.  Porter,  Harrisb., 

1856.  Bib.  Sacra,  Life  by  Professor  Robbins,  vols.  viii.  and  ix.  H.  Christoffel,  Life  of 
Zwingle,  etc.  (in  Hagenbach's  Leben  d.  Reform.),  translated  by  John  Cochran,  Edinb., 
1858.  Stahl,  in  his  work,  Die  Union,  on  Zwingle's  theological  system  ;  comp.  Stier,  in 
Deutsche  Zeitschrift,  1859,  and  Baxmann,  ibid.  E.  Zeller,  Das  theolog.  System  Zwin- 
gli's, Tubingen,  1853.  G.  W.  Eoder,  d.  schweiz.  Ref.  Mag.  Huld.  Zwingli,  St.  Gallen, 
1855.  C.  Sigwart,  Zwingli,  d.  Charakter  seines  Systems,  mit  Rucksicht  auf  Picus  Mi- 
randula,  1855;  comp.  Jiiger,  in  Stud,  und  Krit.,  1856,  and  Jacobi,  in  Deutsche  Zeitschrift, 

1857,  No.  1.  E.  Zeller,  Ursprung  und  Charakter  d.  Zwinglischen  Lehrbegriffs,  in  Theol. 
Jahrb..  1857.] 

29  In  German,  Husgen,  nicht  Hauschein,  see  Ullman,  in  the  Theol.  Studien  u.  Krit., 
1845,  i.  155.  Lebensgesch.  Dr.  J.  Ockolampads  u.  die  Reform,  d.  Kirche  zu  Basel  v.  J. 
J.  Herzog,  2  Bde.,  Basel,  1843  (Additions  by  Ullmann,  as  above.  Hagenbach's  Review, 
ibid.,  p.  191).  Chronolog.  Verzeichniss  d.  Schriften  Oekol.  in  Hess,  s.  413;  comp.  also 
Herzog,  ii.  257.  [On  Oecolampadius,  see  Hagenbach,  ubl  supra ;  comp.  Biblical  Re- 
pertory, 1851.] 

29  Das  Leben  J.  Calvin's  d.  grossen  Reformators  v.  Paul  Henry,  3  Bde.,  Hamburg, 
1835-44  [transl.,  omitting  the  Appendix,  by  Dr.  Stebbing,  2  vols.,  London  and  New 
York,  1854].  Literature  of  his  works  in  Henry,  hi.  ii.  175.  J.  Calvini  Opera  Omnia 
Theol.,  T.  vii.,  Genevae,  1617 ;  new  edition,  T.  ix.,  Amstel.,  1667,  fol.  In  the  Geneva 
edition  are  wanting:  Jo.  Calv.  Epistolae  et  Responsa.  Genev.,  1575,  fol. ;  better  edi- 
tion, Lausanne,  1576.  8.  In  the  Amsterdam  edition  the  Epistles  are  in  Tom.  xi.  On 
his  exegetical  writings,  see  Meyer,  ii.  450.  [The  Merits  of  Calvin  as  an  Interpreter,  by 
Professor  Tholuck,  translated  by  L.  Woods,  Jun.,  in  Bibl.  Repos.,  Andover,  July,  1832. 
Calvin's  Collected  Works,  translated  and  published  at  Edinburgh,  52  vols.,  completed 
1855.  His  Correspondence,  ed.  by  Jules  Bonnet,  translated,  to  be  in  4  vols.,  two  of 
which  are  published.  On  his  life,  see  Haag's  France  Protestante  ;  Guizot  in  Musee  des 
Protest.  Celeb. ;  Gabriel's  Hist,  de  l'Eglise  de  Geneve,  1855 ;  Robbins,  in  Bib.  Sacra, 
1845-46 ;  New  American  Cyclopaedia ;  T.  H.  Dyer,  London,  1850 ;  Revue  Chretienne, 
1854  ;  Kirchenfreund,  1857  ;  British  and  Foreign  Quarterly,  I860.] 

30  Seb.  Castellio's  Lebensgeschichte,  by  J.  C.  Fuesslin,  Frankf.  u.  Leipzig,  1775.  [On 
Castellio,  see  Schweizer,  Central  Dogmen,  i.  310,  372,  etc. ;  Henry,  Leben  Calvin's,  ii. 
383;  Trechsel's  Anti-Trinitar.,  i.  208;  Schweizer,  ubi  supra.] 

31  Dc  Haereticis  an  sint  pcrsequendi,  etc.,  cum  praef.  Mart.  Bellii,  Magdeb.,  1554 
(Henry,  iii.  ii.  89):  another  work  against  Calvin's  doctrine  of  predestination  (Henry, 
iii.  ii.  28).  On  the  controversy,  see  Fuessli,  50 ;  Henry,  iii.  i.  88  [and  Schweizer,  as 
above].  These  anonymous  writings  of  Castellio  soon  passed  into  oblivion  ;  but  the 
chief  contents  were  adopted  in  a  work  published  after  Castellio's  death  by  Faustus  Soci- 
nus,  viz.,  Seb.  Castellionis  dialogi  iv.,  Aresdorffii,  1578.  12.  (De  praedestinationc,  de 
electione,  de  libero  arbitrio,  de  iide,  an  perfecte  legi  Dei  ab  hominibus  obediri  possit, 
responsio  de  praedestinationc,  defensio  adv.  libellum  Jo.  Calvini,  de  calumnia.) 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— EVANGELICAL  THEOLOGY.    §  48.  REFORMED.  559 

tion  of  the  Bible32  was  opposed  in  Geneva  as  a  work  of  Satan. 
On  the  other  hand,  Theodore  Beza,  professor  and  preacher  in  Ge- 
neva (deceased  1605),33  was  considered  a  model  in  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  New  Testament ;  and  the  French  Reformed  theologian, 
John  Mercerus  (who  died  in  Usez,  in  Languedoc,  1570),34  prepared 
excellent  works  on  the  Old  Testament.  John  Drusius,  professor 
in  Leyden  and  Franecker  (deceased  1616),  Louis  de  Dieu,  pro- 
fessor in  Leyden  (died  1642),35  and  the  two  Basle  professors,  John 
Buxtorf,  the  father  (died  1629),  and  his  son  (who  died  in  1664),3G 
contributed  materially  to  extend  the  study  of  the  Oriental  lan- 
guages in  the  explanation  of  the  books  of  Scripture.  Here,  too, 
however,  exegesis  came  into  the  service  of  dogmatics.  Thus  was 
it  in  the  learned  commentaries  of  John  Piscator,  professor  in  Her- 
born  (died  1626)  ;37  but  still  more  after  the  Arminian  controver- 
sies in  Holland.38  In  the  field  of  church  history  the  most  dis- 
tinguished authors  were:  Rudolph  Hospinianus,  preacher  in  Zu- 
rich (died  1626)  ;39  Gerhard  John  Vossius,  professor  in  Leyden, 
and  afterward    in  Amsterdam   (died   1649).40      David   Blondel, 

32  Biblia  Interprete  Seb.  Castalione  una  cum  ejusdem  Annotationibus,  Basil.,  1551, 
fol.,  often  reprinted.  In  the  dedication  to  Edward  VI.  of  England,  Castellia  assigns  as 
his  object,  ut  fidelis,  et  Latina,  et  perspicua  esset  haec  translatio  ;  comp.  JLryer,  ii.  290. 
In  1555  he  published  a  French  translation  of  the  Bible.  Beza  opposed  to  it  his  Latin, 
N.  T.  Latine  jam  olim  a  vet.  Interprete,  nunc  denuo  a  Th.  Beza  versum,  cum  ejusdem 
Annotationibus,  Oliva  Rob.  Stephani,  155G,  fol. ;  then  by  Castellio :  Defensio  suartim 
Translationum  Bibliorum,  et  maxime  Novi  Foederis,  Basil.,  1562;  Beza,  in  reply:  Re- 
sponsio  ad  Defensiones  et  Reprchcnsiones  S.  Castell.,  15G3;  comp.  Castellio  v.  Fuesslin, 
s.  43. 

33  Th.  Beza  nach  handschriftl.  Quellcn  dargestellt,  by  J.  W.  Baum,  2  Th.,  Leipzig, 
1843.  51.  [the  third  part,  containing  the  Appendices,  published  1852]. — N.  T.  cujus  Grae- 
co  textui  respondent  interpretationes  duae,  una  vetus,  altera  nova  Th.  Bezae,  ejusdem 
Th.  Bezae  annotationes,  of  this  four  editions,  1565, 1582, 1588, 1598,  fol.  From  this  text 
of  Beza  was  formed  the  textus  receptus ;  Meyer,  ii.  72,  475.  [Comp.  Schlosser's  Life  of  ■ 
Beza;  and  Herzog,  in  his  Encyclopedia.] 

34  His  commentaries  were  published  by  Beza  after  his  death,  Comm.  in  lib.  Job,  and 
in  Sal.  Proverbia,  Ecclesiasten  et  Cant.  Cant.,  Gencvae,  1573,  fol.,  in  Gcnesin,  Gen.,  1598, 
fol.     Meyer,  ii.  481. 

35  On  both,  Mej-er,  iii.  413. 

36  Meyer,  iii.  23,  169. 

37  Meyer,  iii.  410.  His  new  German  version  of  the  Bible  (Herborn,  1602)  is  often  un- 
intelligible, from  its  slavish  adherence  to  the  original;  Mej-er,  iii.  369. 

39  Thus  the  exegetical  works  of  Andreas  Rivetus,  professor  in  Leyden,  then  in  Breda 
(f  1651),  and  Franc.  Gomarus,  professor  in  Groningen  (f  1641);  see  Meyer,  iii.  417. 

39  De  Templis,  1587,  multo  auctius,  1603 ;  De  Monachis,  1588,  auctius,  1609 ;  Festa 
Christianorum,  1593,  cum  additamentis,  1612  ;  Historia  Sacramcntaria,  T.  ii.  1598  and 
1602 ;  Concordia  Discors,  de  Origine  ct  Progressu  Formulae  Concordiac  Bcrgensis,  1607  ; 
Historia  Jesuitica,  1619  :  collected  edition  Tiguri  in  fol. 

40  Hist,  de  Controversiis,  quas  Pelagius  ejusque  Reliquiae  moverunt,  libb.  vii.,  Lugd. 


560  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

preacher  in  Houdan,  near  Paris,  and  then  successor  of  Vossius 
in  Amsterdam  (died  1655),41  was  famous  for  historical  criticism ; 
and  in  the  same  sphere  the  kindred  Episcopal  Church  of  England 
could  point  to  the  learned  James  Usher  (Usserius),  professor  in 
Dublin,  and  afterward  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  who  died  in  1655.42 
In  the  French  Reformed  Church,  Daniel  Chamier,  professor  in 
Montauban  (died  1621),  published  the  most  complete  polemical 
work  against  the  Roman  Catholic  Church;43  Moses  Amyrault 
(Amyraldus),  professor  in  Saumur  (died  1664),  an  excellent  sys- 
tem of  Christian  ethics.44  Louis  Cappellus,  professor  in  Saumur 
(died  1658),  investigated  the  history  of  the  Hebrew  text  of  the 
Old  Testament ;  but  at  that  time  his  works  gave  great  offense,45 
though  they  laid  the  basis  for  a  new  period  in  Biblical  research. 
The  same  was  the  case  with  the  exegetical  writings  of  Hugo  Gro- 
tius  (died  1645),46  who,  as  an  author,  influenced  theology  at  sev- 

Bat.,  TG18.  4.  (locupletatius  cura  Isaaci  Vossii,  Amstel.,  1G55.  4.).  On  account  of  this 
work,  -which  displeased  the  Contra-Remonstrants,  he  lost  his  post  in  Leyden,  and  was 
even  excommunicated  for  a  time;  see  Niceron's  Nachr.  v.  heruhmten  Gelehrten,  i.  91; 
comp.  the  Synodale  Handelingen  in  de  Zaak  der  Remonstranten,  in  the  Archief  voor 
kerk.  Geschiedenis,  vii.  69,  79,  et  passim. 

41  Pseudo-Isidorus  et  Turrianus  vapulantes,  Genev.,  1G28.  4.  De  Eucharistia  veteris 
Ecclesiae,  1640.  De  la  Primaute  en  l'Eglise,  Geneve,  1641,  fol.  Apologia  pro  Sententia 
Hieronymi  de  Episcopis  et  Presbyteris,  Amstel.,  1646. 4.  De  Formulae  Regnante  Christo 
in  veterum  Monumentis  Usu,  Amstel.,  1G4G.  4.  Tract,  de  Jure  Plebis  in  Regimine  Ec- 
clesiastico,  Paris,  1648.  8.  De  Joanne  Papissa,  Amstel.,  1657.  8.  [Actes  authentiques 
des  eglises  reform,  de  France,  de  Germ.,  de  Gr.  Bretagne,  1651.] 

42  Gotteschalci  et  Praedestinatianae  Con troversiae  Hist.,  Dublini,  1631.  4.  Veterum 
Epistolarum  Hibernicarum  Sylloge,  Dubl.,  1G32.  4.  Britannicarum  Ecclesiarum  An- 
tiquitates,  quibus  inscrta  est  Pelag.  Haereseos  Historia,  Dull.,  1639.  4.  De  Romanae 
Eccl.  Symbolo  Apostolico  veteri  aliisque  Fidei  Formulis,  Lond.,  1647.  4.  Annales  Vet. 
et  Novi  Test.,  2  P.,  Lond.,  1650.  54.,  fol.  (best  edition,  Genevae,  1722,  fol.,  which  also 
contains  Chronologia  Sacra,  De  Rom.  Eccl.  symbolo  and  Usserii  Vita  a  Th.  Smitho  con- 

.scripta).  [Works  by  Dr.  Elrington,  xvi.  vols.,  1847-50,  Dublin.  Answer  to  a  Jesuit 
(1624),  Camb.,  1835.] 

43  Dan.  Cham.  Panstratiac  Catholicae,  s.  Controversiarum  de  Religione  adversus  Pon- 
tificios  Corpus,  ed.  cura  Bened.  Turretini,  iv.  T.,  Genev.,  162G,  fol.     [Schweizer,  ii.  233.] 

44  Comp.  §  45,  Note  8.  La  Morale  chrcsticnne  a  Mr.  de  Villarnoul,  a  Saumur,  1652- 
60,  4  P.,  in  6  Banden ;  cf.  Staudlin's  Gesch.  d.  christl.  Moral  scit  d.  Wiederaufleben-d. 
Wisscnsch.,  s.  406 ;  de  Wette,  Gesch.  d.  christl.  Sittenlchre,  ii.  320.  [On  the  school  of 
Saumur,  see  Ebrard,  Dogmatik,  i. ;  Gass,  Gesch.  d.  Dogmatik,  ii. ;  but  especially  Schwei- 
zer,  Central-Dogmen,  ii.  225-439,  on  Camero,  Amyraut,  and  Dallacus ;  and  5o4-663  on 
Pajon;  cf.  Theol.  Jahrb.  (of  Baur  and  Zellcr),  1853.] 

45  Arcanum  Punctationis  revelatum,  Lugd.  Bat.,  1624.  4.  Controversy  about  this 
■with  the  Buxtorfs ;  see  Meyer's  Gesch.  der  Schrifterklarung,  iii.  273.— Lud.  Cappelli 
Critica  Sacra,  Lutet.,  Paris,  1650,  fol. ;  Meyer,  iii.  287. 

46  De  Veritate  Religionis  Christ,  cura  G.  J.  Vossii,  1627.  Annotationes  in  libros 
Evangeliorum,  Amst.,  1611,  fol.  Annott.  in  N.  T.  T.,  ii.  iii.,  Paris,  1646.  50.,  fol.  An- 
nott.  in  V.  T.  3  T.,  Paris,  1614,  fol.     Hugo  Grotius  nach  s.  Schicksalen  und  Schriftcn 


PT.  II.— CIL  III.— EVANGELICAL  CHURCH.     §  40.  RELIGIOUS  STATE.  5Q1 

eral  points,  but  who  was  not  regarded  by  the  Reformed  Church 
of  that  period  as  in  sympathy  with  it. 


§49. 

RELIGIOUS  EDUCATION  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

One  of  the  chief  blessings  of  the  Reformation  was  found  in  the 
fact,  that  the  increased  religious  knowledge  was  spread  abroad 
and  confirmed  by  means  of  sermons,  catechetical  exercises,  and 
the  care  of  souls ;  and  that  a  class  of  clergy  was  trained  adapted  to 
this  work.  Thus,  in  consequence  of  Luther's  urgent  exhortations,1 
schools  were  founded  in  all  the  cities  attached  to  the  Reformation  ; 
in  the  smaller  towns  there  were  at  least  schools  for  popular  in- 
struction,2 in  the  larger  towns,  higher  institutions  for  education.3 
In  Saxony4  and  "Wiirtemberg5  cloisters  were  appropriated  to  this 
object.     New  universities  and  academies  were  also  established.6 

dargestellt  v.  II.  Luden,  Berlin,  180G.     [A  new  edition,  with  translation,  of  Grotius  on 
the  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion,  by  John  Clarke,  D.D.,  Lond.,  I860.] 

[Comp.,  on  this  chapter,  A.  Tholuck,  Das  akadem.  Leben  des  lGten  Jahrh.,  2  Bde., 
1854-55.] 

1  An  die  Rathsherrn  aller  Stadte'Deutsches  Landes,  dass  sie  chustl.  Schulen  aufrich- 
ten  und  halten  sollen.  M.  Luther,  Wittenberg,  1524.  4.  (Walch,  x.  532),  translated  into 
Latin  by  Vine.  Opsopiius :  De  constituendis  scholis  M.  Lutheri  liber,  donatus  latinitati. 
Praecedit  Ph.  Melanehth.  praefatio,  Hagenoae,  1524  (the  Preface  is  given  in  C.  R.,  i.  G66). 
Der  127te  Psalm,  ausgelegt  an  die  Christen  zu  Rigen,  in  Liefland.  M.  Luther,  Witten- 
berg, 1524  (de  Wette,  ii.  595),  urged  especially  the  erection  of  schools  and  the  regular 
payment  of  the  clergy. 

2  The  general  plan  of  instruction  was  laid  down  in  the  Instruction  to  the  Visitors, 
1528  (Richter's  Kirchenordnung,  i.  100).  Besides  religious  instruction,  reading,  writing, 
and  singing,  the  children  were  to  be  taught  only  in  Latin,  not  German,  Greek,  or  He- 
brew (without  doubt  because  then  they  could  obtain  a  strict  knowledge  of  grammar  only 
through  the  Latin)  ;  and  for  this  object  they  were  divided  into  three  houses  (classes),  in- 
structed by  the  schoolmaster  and  his  two  assistants.  J.  Wigger's  Kirchengeschichte 
Meklenburgs,  s.  140. 

3  Thus  in  the  school  in  Nuremberg,  which  Melancthon  aided  in  founding,  dedicated 
23d  May,  152G  (the  Oration  in  C.  R.,  xi.  10G),  and  where  John  Camerarius  as  rector, 
Eoban  Hess,  and  other  able  men  were  appointed.  Comp.  J.  D.  Schulze,  Literaturge- 
schichte  der  sammtl.  Schulen  im  teutschen  Eeiche,  Weisscnfels  u.  Leipz.,  1804.  Wach- 
ler's  Gesch.  d.  Litcratur,  2te  Umarbeitung,  iii.  33. 

4  The  Prince's  schools,  founded  by  Maurice,  Schulpforta  and  Meissen,  1543,  and 
Grimma,  1550. 

5  Theological  stipendium  in  the  Augustine  cloister  in  Tubingen,  from  1548.  By  the 
cloister-edict,  155G,  schools  were  established  in  fifteen  cloisters,  which,  however,  had 
been  reduced  to  five  at  the  close  of  the  15th  century ;  sec  Job.  Brenz,  by  Hartmann  aid 
Jager,  ii.  290. 

6  German  Universities:  Marburg,  1527;  Strasburg,  1538;  Konigsberg,  in  Preusscn, 
1544;  Jena,  1557;  Hclmstadt,  1576;  Altorf,  1575;  Giessen,  1607;  Rinteln,  1619.  In 
Switzerland  :  in  Zurich,  Collegium  Carolinum,  1521 ;  in  Lausanne,  Thcol.  Acad.,  1537  ; 

vol.  iv.— -36 


5G2  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  L— A.D.  1517-1G48. 

All  these  institutions  had  theological  and  religious  education  chief- 
ly in  view  ;  the  training  of  the  clergy  was  their  most  important 
object.  Some  of  these  schools7  even  attained  a  great  reputation, 
and  contributed  in  no  slight  degree  to  recommend  the  Reformation. 
In  country  places  it  was  for  some  time  the  custom  for  the  pas- 
tors alone  to  instruct  the  youth  in  the  Catechism.8  The  cloisters 
were,  however,  soon  called  to  give  aid,  and  were  also  obliged  to 
exercise  the  children  in  singing  the  hymns  of  the  church.9  The 
ecclesiastical  ordinance  of  Electoral  Saxony,  in  1580,  first  enjoined 
the  cloisters  to  open  schools  for  general  instruction.10 

in  Geneva  Univ.,  1558.  In  Holland,  Universities  in  Leyden,  1575;  Franecker,  1585; 
Harderwyk,  1C00;  Groningen,  1614;  Utrecht,  1G3G.  In  France,  particularly  the  Acad- 
emies in  Montauban,  Sedan  (15G2),  and  Saumur  (1G01).  [The  French  Protestants  es- 
tablished (1578-1685)  one  or  more  colleges  in  every  province  of  the  kingdom,  excepting 
Provenc.e,  thirty-two  in  all,  with  a  course  of  instruction  of  seven  years ;  and  also  at  least 
one  parochial  school  for  even-  church.  Comp.  Nicolas,  in  the  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  de 
l'Hist.  du  Protest.  Franc;.,  1856,  pp.  497-511,  582-595.  On  the  Academy  of  Geneva,  see 
Cellerier,  in  the  same  work,  p.  13  sq.,  200  sq.,  253  sq.  See  also  Bussiere,  Protest,  in 
Strasb.,  etc.,  1859.] 

7  Thus  the  school  founded  in  the  Dominican  cloister  of  Strasbnrg  by  its  leading  teach- 
er, Joh.  Sturm  (1537-1583),  deposed  as  Calvinist.  and  died  1589.  [Comp.  Chs.  Schmidt, 
La  Vie  et  les  travaux  de  Jean  Sturm,  1855.]  (Th.  Vomel  in  Schwarz  Darstellungen  aus 
dem  Gebiete  der  Piidagogik,  Leipzig,  1833,  s.  103.)  One  in  Goldberg,  in  Silesia,  by  Val- 
entin Friedland  Trotaendorf  (1531-1556.  G.  Pinzger's  Val.  Friedl.  Trotzendorf,  Hirsch- 
berg,  1825).  One  in  Iifeld,  b}-  the  Abbot  Mich.  Neander  (1550-1595.  W.  Havemann's 
Mittheilungen  aus  dem  Leben  von  M.  Neander,  Gottingen,  1841). 

b  After  Luther's  suggestions,  in  his  Deutsche  Messe,  1526  (Richter's  Kirchenordnung,  i. 
;!7)  :  "  This  instruction  must  now  be  given,  because  there  is  not  yet  amr  special  congre- 
gation, it  maj-  be  from  the  pulpit,  at  particular  times  or  daily,  as  the  need  is ;  and  at 
home  children  and  servants  must  be  taught  in  private  morning  and  evening,  if  they  are 
to  become  Christians.  Not  only  must  they  learn  the  word  by  heart,  as  before,  but  they 
must  be  asked  verse  bj-  verse,  and  must  answer  what  each  means,  and  how  the}7  under- 
stand it."  Ph.  H.  Schiller's  Gesch.  d.  katechet.  Rcligionsunterrichts  unter  d.  Protestan- 
ten ;  Halle,  1802,  s.  49. 

9  In  the  Saxon  Church  Order,  1533,  the  only  injunction  upon  the  sacristans  in  this 
respect  is  about  having  singing,  especiallj'  in  winter  (Richter's  Kirchenordnung,  i.  228) : 
"  Sie  sollen  die  Jugend  zuweilen,  sonderlich  im  Winter,  auch  die  andern  Leute  die 
christliche  Gesange  lehren,  und  dieselben  in  der  Kirchen  zur  Messe  und  vor  und  nach 
den  Predigten  treulich  und  ordentlich  helfen  singen."  On  the  other  hand,  the  village 
sextons  in  Liibeck,  1531  (i.  150),  Pomerania,  1535  (i.  249),  and  Meissen,  1540  (i.  321), 
arc  enjoined  to  aid  the  pastor  in  the  Catechism  ;  and  the  Saxon  General  Articles  of  1557 
(ii.  186)  enjoin  [that  they  teach  the  Catechism  and  singing  Sunday  afternoons,  and  on 
some  week-da}',  and  examine  the  children  in  the  Catechism ;  and  this  in  all  the  villa- 
ges] :  "  Die  Dorfkiister  sollen  verpflichtet  seyn,  alle  Sonntage  nach  Mittag,  und  in  der 
Wochen  auch  auf.einen  gewissen  Tag  die  Kinder  den  Katcchismum,  und  christliche 
Deutsche  Gesange  mit  Fleiss  und  deutlich  zu  lehren,  und  naehmals  in  den  vorgesproch- 
cnen  oder  vorgelesenen  Artikeln  des  Katechismi  wiederum  zu  vorhoren  und  zu  exami- 
niren,  und  do  eins  oder  mehr  Filial  zu  der  Pfarr  gehoreten,  soil  er  mit  solchem  Lehren, 
mit  Ratli  seines  Pastors,  dermassen  abwechseln,  dass  die  Jugend  in  alien  Dorfern  nach 
Nothdurft  unterwiesen,  und  ja  nicht  versiiumet  werde." 

10  The  Reformatio  Ecclesiarum  Hassiae,  1526,  published  by  the  Synod  of  Hombcrg, 


PT.  II.— CH.  III.— EVANGELICAL  CHURCH.     §  49.  RELIGIOUS  STATE.  5(33 

Thus  the  Protestant  churches  now  possessed  great  spiritual 
treasures  in  their  German  version  of  the  Bible,  in  their  Cate- 
chisms, and  in  their  church  songs ;  while  in  preaching11  and  in 
the  schools  they  had  institutions  which  laid  these  treasures  open 
to  all.  And  yet  even  Luther  found  cause  to  complain  of  the  in- 
crease of  license.12  This  was  the  result  in  part  of  the  transition 
from  church  coercion  to  church  freedom ;  in  part  of  a  misappre- 
hension of  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith;  in  part  of  the 
bitter  polemics  in  which  this  new  doctrine  about  faith  was  pro- 
claimed to  the  people.  For  these  polemics  tended  to  make  this 
doctrine,  in  a  one-sided  manner,  a  matter  of  the  mere  understand- 
ing, and  not  unfrequently  presented  it  in  so  rude  a  method  as  only 
to  excite  passion,  and  thus  not  unfrequently  kept  the  real  religious 
marrow  of  the  doctrine  in  the  back-ground.  •  These  erroneous 
tendencies  had  been  already  opposed  by  Melancthon  in  his  In- 
structions to  the  Visitors.13  Luther,  too,  in  his  numerous  sermons, 
gave  admirable  examples  of  a  style  of  preaching  adapted  to  lay 
hold  of  the  heart  and  to  arouse  the  moral  sensibilities.14    But  when 

ordains,  c.  30  (see  Richter's  Kirchcnordnung,  i.  08) :  In  omnibus  civitatibus,  oppidis  et 
pagis  sint  puerorum  scbolae,  ubi  rudimenta  et  scribendi  rationem  doceantur;  however, 
this  order,  like  the  most  of  them,  did  not  go  into  execution.  In  the  Prussian  Chureli 
Ordinance,  1568,  the  bishops  were  enjoined  (ii.  302)  to  have  schools  for  the  cities,  etc. : 
"  Dass  sie  bei  den  Stadten,  audi  ziemlichen  Kirchen  auf  dem  Lande  anhalten,  damitdie 
Schulen  wol  bcstellet  und  versehen  werden."  The  peasants  were  required  to  pay  eight 
schillinge  for  every  hide  [about  thirty  acres]  of  land,  for  the  schoolmaster  (p.  304).  In 
the  ecclesiastical  ordinance  of  Electoral  Saxony,  1580,  the  first  question  asked  of  the 
sacristans  and  guardians  was,  whether  they  would  obey  the  order  about  the  schools  (ii. 
413):  "  Ob  er  vermoge  unser  Ordnung  die  Schule  angestellet,  und  alle  Tage  aufs  wc- 
nigst  vier  Stunden  Schul  halte,  besonders  aber  den  Katechismum  die  Kinder  mit  Fleiss 
in  der  Schulen  lehre,  und  mit  ihnen  Dr.  Luther's  geistliche  Gesiing  und  Psalmen  treibe." 
The  school  money  was  two  pennies  the  week.  Then,  p.  450,  they  are  exhorted  to  use 
all  diligence  about  the  schools,  and  see  to  them  daily:  "  Es  sollen  audi  alle  Custodes 
and  Dorfkilsterer  Schul  halten,  und  derselben  taglich  mit  allem  Fleiss  vermoge  der 
Ordnung  abwarten,  darinnen  die  Knabcn  lehren  lesen,  schreiben,  und  christliche  Ge- 
siinge,  so  in  der  Kirchen  gebraucht  werden  sollen,  darauf  der  Pfarrer  sein  fleissiges  Auf- 
sehen  haben,  und  das  Yolk  mit  Ernst  dazu  vermahnen  soil." 

11  Which  were  also  diffused  among  the  people  in  Postils.  So  particularly  both  of  Lu- 
ther's Postils ;  and  Anton  Corvinus  (professor  in  Marburg,  general  Superintendent  in 
the  principality  of  Calenberg,  f  1553),  Postillen  iiber  EVhngelien  und  Episteln,  mit  Lu- 
ther's Vorrede,  1535.  37.  (first  published  in  German,  then  also  in  Latin);  Joh.  Brenz. 
Postille  uber  die  Evangelien  (published  by  Job.  Pollicarius).  Frankf.,  1550  (see  Brenz, 
by  Hartmann  and  Jager,  ii.  471);  lastly  the  Postils  of  Job.  Gerhard  (sec  §  48,  Note  23). 
.fena,  1G13,  and  Joh.  Arnd  (see  below,  §  50,  Note  22).     Leipsic,  1G1G. 

12  See  above,  §  30,  Note  2. 

1 3  See  above,  §  34,  Notes  20,  22. 

M  Luther's  homiletic  rules  are  brought  together  in  M.  Conr.  Tortae  (preacher  in  Eis- 
lebcn,  f  1585),  Pastorale  Lutheri,  Leipzig,  1580.  4.,  and  J.  V,.  Walch's  Sammlung  klei- 


5Q4  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

disputes  arose  in  the  bosom  of  the  Church,  the  polemic  harshness 
of  Luther's  other  writings  found  numerous  imitators  even  in  the 
pulpit.15  The  excellent  homiletic  directions  of  Andreas  Hyperius16 
and  Nicolas  Hemming  (professor  in  Copenhagen,  afterward  canon 
in  Rothschild,  died  1600)17  had  no  great  influence.  Most  of  the 
sermons  were  filled  with  one-sided  dogmatic  and  polemic  matter. 
From  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  a  scholastic  style 
of  preaching  prevailed,  not  unfrequently  conjoined  with  entire  lack 
of  taste,  or  rude  phraseology  unworthy  of  the  pulpit,  and  sometimes 
with  a  display  of  useless  learning;18  so  that  even  the  five-fold 
Usus,  which  had  become  the  rule  in  the  structure  of  sermons,19 
could  not  make  them  useful  for  Christian  culture.  Pastoral  in- 
ner Schriften  v.  d.  Gott  gefiilligen  Art  zu  predigen,  Jena,  1746.  Comp.  Ph.  H.  Schil- 
ler's Gesch.  der  Veriinderungen  des  Geschmacks  im  Predigen,  insonderheit  unter  den 
Protestanten  in  Deutschland  (3  Th.,  Hallo,  1792.  93.),  i.  38.  E.  Jonas,  die  Kanzelbered- 
samkeit  Luther's  nach  ihrer  Genesis,  ihrem  Character,  Inhalt  u.  ihrer  Form,  Berlin,  1852. 
li  Comp.  the  extracts  from  Morlin's  Sermons  against  Osiander,  delivered  in  Konigs- 
bcrg,  1551,  in  Salig's  Hist.  d.  Augsb.  Conf.,  ii.  966.  That  the  Wittenbergers  could  be 
equally  harsh  is  seen  in  Major's  Predigt  im  Oct.,  1557,  gegen  seine  Widersacher,  Salig, 
iii.  324. 

16  See  §  48,  Note  2.  A.  Hyp.  de  formandis  Concionibus  Sacris,  s.  de  Interpretatione 
Scripturarum  popular!,  libb.  ii  ,  Marburgi,  1553,  denuo  ed.  H.  B.  Wagnitz,  Halae,  1781 ; 
comp.  Schuler,  i.  95. 

17  Nic.  Hemm.  Pastor.  Unterrichtunge,  wie  ein  Pfarrherr  und  Seelsorger  in  Lehr, 
Leben,  und  allem  Wandel  sich  christlich  verhalten  soil,  Leipzig,  1566 ;  comp.  Schuler, 
i.  102. 

18  Evidence  of  this  in  Schuler,  i.  120,  150.  On  some  of  the  better  Saxon  preachers, 
see  Tholuck's  Geist  der  Luther.  Theologen  Wittenbergs  im  17ten  Jahrh.  (Hamburg  and 
Gotha,  1852),  s.  69.     [Also,  Tholuck,  Lebenszeugen  d.  Lutherischen  Kirche,  1859.] 

19  Usus  didascalicus,  elenchthicus,  paracleticus,  epanorthoticus,  and  paedeuticus,  after 
2  Tim.  iii.  16,  and  Rom.  xv.  4.  Dav.  Chytraeus  ad  Hier.  Mencelium,  Superint.  Islebi- 
cnsem  (Chytraei  Epistt.,  p.  348):  Utinam  timore  Dei  et  poenitentia  et  metu  irae  ac  ju- 
cficii  divini  adversus  peccatum  animos  nostros  et  auditorum  nostrorum  ad  verae  pietatis 
ac  justitiae  et  dilectionis  Dei  ac  proximi  exercitia  potius,  quam  ad  disputationum  rixas, 
quae  non  sublatam,  scd  mutatam  esse  superioris  aetatis  sophisticam  ostendunt,  adsue- 
faceremus!  (Joh.  Val.  Andreae)  Veri  Christianismi  Solidaeque  Philosophiae  Libertas, 
Argentor.,  1618.  12.,  p.  99:  De  Evangelii  quidem  voce  clara,  pura,  vereque  apostolica 
equidem  est  quod  nobis  gratulemur;  nee  id  Antichristum  latet,  frementem  cum  reliquis 
Ecclesiae  hostibus,  ac  ruptum  paene  medium :  atque  utinam  nunquam  contentiosorum, 
ambitiosorum  spirituum  impugnatione  co  adactum  fuisset,  ut  plus  nunc  in  malignitatis 
eorum  detectione  evitationeque,  quam  nuda  beneficiorum  erga  nos  Dei  confessione  veri- 
tatisque  agnitione  nobis  sit  ndgotii  factum.  Ea  res  incautioribus  imposuit,  ut  hac  hu- 
manae  rationis  contentione  et  delectati  admodum  fuerint,  et  iis  acquieverint,  omnemque 
vitam  imprudentissime  absumpserint.  Nempe  Trinitatem  definirc  quam  adorare,  prae- 
sentiam  Christi  probare  quam  omni  tempore  ac  loco  revereri,  peccatorum  poenitentiam 
describere  quam  intra  se  sentire,  operum  merita  refutare  quam  opus  bonum  facere,  ac 
per  sacras  literas  frequenter  volutari,  quam  dilectionis  christianae  praxi  occupari  ma- 
lunt:  denique  theologiam  scientiam  aliquam  faciunt,  cujus  cognitio  veluti  logices  aut 
inetaphysicae  ad  eruditionis  famam  impetrandam  admodum  utilis.  Then  follows  a  sad 
account  of  the  village  pastors  of  the  time. 


PT.  II.— CH.  III.— EVANGELICAL  CHURCH.    §  49.  RELIGIOUS  STATE.  555 

struction  in  the  Catechism  subsided  into  catechetical  sermons,  or 
was  altogether  abandoned.20  In  the  Reformed  Church  a  strict 
discipline  still  upheld  order  ;21  but  in  the  German  Lutheran 
Church  they  seemed  to  care  only  for  orthodoxy  ;22  and,  besides, 
ignorance,  immorality,  and  rudeness  penetrated  the, popular  mind, 
and  reached  a  fearful  height,  especially  during  the  devastations 
of  the  Thirty  Years'  War.23  Belief  in  witchcraft  was  still  preva- 
lent, notwithstanding  some  opposition  to  it  ;24  and  in  the  seven- 

20  Schuler's  Gesch.  d.  katechet.  Religionsunterrichts  unter  den  Protestanten,  s.  84. 

21  Jo.  Val.  Andreae  Vita  ab  ipso  conseripta,  ex  autographo  ed.  F.  H.  Rheiirrold,  Berol., 
1849,  p.  24 :  Dum  Genevae  essem  (the  spring  of  1611),  notavi  rem  magni  momenti,  et  cu- 
jus  non  tarn  memoriam  quam  desiderium  nisi  cum  vita  nunquam  posuero.  Nam  praeter  , 
perfectam  reipublicae  liberae  formam  atque  curam  peculiare  ornamentum  et  disciplinae 
instrumentum  urbs  habet  censuram,  qua  in  omnes  civium  mores  et  minutissimos  etiam 
excessus  hebdomatim  inquiritur,  primum  per  inspectores  vicanos,  dein  seniores,  denique 
ipsum  Senatum,  prout  rei  atrocitas,  aut  delinquentis  vel  duritia  vel  pertinacia  exegerit. 
Hinc  prohibentur  omnes  dejerationes  et  execrationes,  aleae  et  chartarum  lusus,  lascivia, 
petulantia,  rixae,  odia,  doli,  fraudes,  emulsiones,  comessationes,  luxus,  protervia,  socor- 
dia,  bilis  immodica,  rusticitas,  nedum  majora  flagitia,  quae  propemodum  inaudita  hie 
sunt  et  insolita.  Quae  morum  castimonia  mirum  quam  decori  sit  religioni  christianae, 
quam  conveniens,  quam  propria,  ut  earn  nobis  abesse  atque  plane  negligi  omnibus  la- 
crymis  deplorandum  sit,  et  ut  restituatur  bonis  cunctis  allaborandum.  Me  sane  nisi  re- 
ligionis  dissonantia  arcuisset,  morum  consonantia  aeternum  devinxisset,  adeoque  omni 
nisu  exinde  studui,  ut  tale  quid  nostris  Ecclesiis  conciliarem. 

22  How  reckless  they  were  is  seen  in  the  example  of  the  great  astronomer,  John  Kep- 
ler, who  died  1G30.  Comp.  John  Kepler's  Leben  und  Wirken,  by  J.  L.  C.  Freih.  v. 
Breitschwert,  Stuttgart,  1831.  Kepler  was  a  devout  Protestant,  driven  from  Steier- 
mark  for  his  belief,  in  1G00,  by  the  bigoted  Ferdinand  II.  (p.  44) ;  but  he  was  tolerant 
toward  other  churches,  and  rejected  the  doctrine  of  ubiquity  (p.  21) ;  his  assertion,  that 
the  Earth  moved,  was  held  to  be  contrary  to  Scripture  (p.  35) ;  and  hence  he  could  not 
find  any  post  in  his  fatherland,  Wiirtemberg  (p.  55).  Comp.  Tholuck's  Luth.  Theologen 
Wittenbergs,  s.  82. 

23  J.  B.  Andrea  und  sein  Zeitalter  dargestellt,  by  W.  Hossbach,  Berlin,  1819,  s.  35. 
Tholuck,  s.  93. 

24  Luther,  too,  believed  that  witches  could  harm  men  and  cattle,  but  considered  the 
opinion  that  they  could  transform  themselves  and  ride  through  the  air  to  be  a  deception 
of  Satan  :  see  Decern  Praecepta  praedicata  ann.  1517,  in  Loscher's  Reformationsacta,  i. 
593.  Even  John  Kepler  participated  in  the  belief  of  his  times  as  to  witches  ;  see  Breit- 
schwert, p.  130.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  opposed  by  Joh.  Wier  (Leibarzt  des  Herzogs 
v.  Cleve)  de  Praestigiis  Daemonum,  Incantationibus  et  Veneficiis,  libb.  vi.,  Basil.,  1563. 
4.  (Noteworthy  is  Wier's  correspondence  with  Brenz,  1565  and  1566.  The  latter  had  long 
opposed  the  opinion  that  hail  and  thunder  storms  could  be  produced  by  witches,  but  con- 
ceded that  thej-  might  possibly  injure  men,  and  considered  the  laws  to  be  just  against 
those  who,  even  erroneously,  believed  that  the}'  could  hurt  others  with  the  help  of  the 
devil.  On  the  other  hand,  he  granted  that  the  blind  rage  which  was  sacrificing  so  many 
as  witches  ought  to  be  restrained  ;  Joh.  Brenz,  by  Hartmann  and  Jiiger,  ii.  484)  ;  Thorn. 
Erastus  (physician  and  philosopher  in  Basle)  de  Lamiis  s.  Strigibus,  Basil.,  1577  (Wundt's 
Mag.  f.  pfalzische  Geschichte,  ii.  210)  ;  Augustin  Lercheimer's  christl.  Bedenken  u.  Erin- 
nerung  von  Zauberei,  Frankf.,  1585,  fol.  (also  in  J.  Scheible's  Kloster,  ii.  206)  ;  Gabriel 
Naude  (physician  in  Rome  and  Paris),  Apologie  pour  les  grands  hommes,  soupconnes  de 
Magie,  Paris,  1625 ;  Cautio  criminalis,  s.  de  processibus  contra  sagas,  lib.  ad  magistra- 
tus  Germaniae  hoc  tempore  necessarius,  auctore  inccrto  theologo  orthod.  (Frid.  Spec, 


56G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

teenth  century  the  execution  of  witches  had  hecome  so  frequent25 
that  the  different  churches  seemed  to  rival  one  another  in  exhib- 
iting their  Christianity  in  this  form. 


§  50. 

COUNTER-WORKINGS  OF  MYSTICISM  AND  OF  PRACTICAL  CHRISTIANITY 
IN  THE  LUTHERAN  CHURCH. 

In  proportion  as  theology  in  the  Lutheran  Church  degenerated 
into  a  dry  orthodoxy  of  the  letter,  without  nourishment  for  the 
spirit  or  power  in  the  moral  sphere,  it  was  natural  for  those  minds 
that  longed  for  a  living  faith  to  turn  again  in  the  direction  of 
mysticism.  The  mystics  of  the  Middle  Ages,  esteemed  as  they 
were  hy  Luther  himself,  had  constantly  retained  many  quiet 
friends  in  the  Lutheran  Church.  And  then,  too,  mysticism  prop- 
er, which  was-  directly  employed  in  the  service  of  medicine  by 
Theophrastus  Bombastus  von  Hohenheim,  surnamed  Paracelsus 
(who  died  in  Salzburg,  1541)1,  and  at  first  advocated  only  by  the 
physicians  of  the  school  of  Paracelsus,3  was  further  developed  in 
its  theological  aspects,  and  in  this  shape  brought  into  opposition 
to  the  theological  scholasticism,  at  the  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  Valentine  Weigel,  pastor  in  Tschopau,  in  Misnia 
(who  died  in  1588),  avoided  giving  offense  while  living  ;3  but  in 

Jesuit  in  Trier),  Rintel.,  1G31.  [On  witchcraft  and  superstition  in  England  in  seven- 
teenth century,  see  Roberts's  Social  Hist,  of  Eng.,  185G,  p.  522  sq. ;  Scott's  Discovery  of 
Witchcraft,  1655 ;  John  Webster's  Displaying  of  Supposed  Witchcraft . . .  wherein  a  Cor- 
poreal League  betwixt  the  Devil  and  the  Witch  is  utterly  denied  and  disproved,  Lond., 
1677;  S.  R.  Maitland,  The  Conduct  of  the  Clergy  with  regard  to  Magic  and  Sorcerv, 
Theol.  Critic,  June,  1852.] 

25  G.  C.  Horst's  Damonomagie,  oder  Gesch.  des  Glaubens  an  Zauberei  und  damon. 
Wunder,  mit  bes.  Berucksichtigung  des  Hexenprocesses  (2  Th.,  Frankf.  a.  M.,  1818),  i. 
197  ;  ii.  149.  An  account  of  the  way  in  which  Kepler's  mother  was  examined  as  a 
witch,  1615,  and  of  her  defense  by  her  son,  is  in  Joh.  Kepler's  Leben  by  Freih.  v.  Breit- 
schwert,  s.  97.  [A  complet  eedition  of  Kepler's  works,  by  Chs.  Frisch,  vol.  i.-iii.,  I860, 
Frankf.     Comp.  Playfair,  in  Edinb.  Rev.,  v. ;  Life,  in  For.  Qu.  Rev.,  xv.] 

1  On  him,  as  a  physician,  see  K.  F.  II.  Marx  zur  Wiirdigung  des  Theophr.  v.  Ho- 
henheim, in  den  Abhandl.  der  Kgl.  Gesellschaft  der.Wissenschaften  zu  Gottingcn,  Bd. 
i.  (1843),  s.  73.  Die  Theologie  des  Theophr.  Parac.  v.  Hohenheim,  in  Auszugen  aus  s. 
Schriften  dargestellt  v.  Dr.  H.  A.  Preu,  Berlin,  1839.  On  his  philosophy,  see  Tenne- 
mann's  Gesch.  der  Philosophie,  ix.  205.  Ritter's  Gesch.  d.  christl.  Philos.,  v.  516. 
[Hagenbach,  Vorlesungen  iiber  die  Reform.,  iii.  337  sq.  M.  Carriere,  Phil.  Weltanschau- 
ung d.  Reform.,  Stuttg.,  1847.     Ritter,  Christl.  Phil.,  ii.  155  sq.] 

a  Secta  Medicorum  Paracelsica,  Hermetica,  Spagirica,  Chymica ;  see  Marx,  s.  112. 
Comp.  Arnold's  Kirchen-  u.  Ketzerhist.,  Th.  2,  B.  16,  Cap.  22,  §  8. 

3  On  his  life  and  writings,  see  Arnold's  Kirchen-  u.  Ketzerhist.,  Th.  2,  B.  17,  Cap.  17. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.     §  50.  MYSTICISM.    567 

his  quiet  residence  in  the  country  he  had  written  a  series  of 
works,  which  began  to  be  issued  in  1609,4  and  created  an  im- 
mense excitement  by  their  theosophic  and  fanatical  speculations.5 
After  1612  Jacob  Bohme's6  (shoemaker  in  (xorlitz,  Philosophus 

UnschuLlige  Nachrichten,  1715,  s.  22 ;  comp.  s.  1075.  He  subscribed  the  Formula  Con- 
cordiae,  1580;  see  his  Dialogus  de  Christianismo,  Neuenstadt,  1G18.  4.,  s.  39  [Not  as 
man's  book,  but  as  containing  in  intent  the  Apostles'  doctrine.  He  also  complains  of 
the  haste  with  which  they  were  called  upon  to  subscribe.  Yet  he  did  it  to  avoid  the  re- 
proach that  he  did  not  believe  the  apostolic  doctrine.  But  he  must  still  say  to  the  high 
schools  that  they  do  not  know  Christ,  etc.]  :  "  Nicht  ihrer  Lehre  oder  Menschen  Buch- 
ern  habe  ich  mich  untcrschrieben.  Sondern  dieweil  sie  ihren  Intent  auf  die  Apostoli- 
sche  Schrift,  und  dieselbige  alien  Menschen  Biichern  vorziehen  (wie  billig),  konnte  ich 
das  wol  leiden. — Zu  dem  war  es  ein  schnelle  Uberhujung  oder  Ubereilung,  dass  man 
nicht  etliche  Tage  oder  Wochen  solche  Ding  einem  jeden  insonderheit  zu  uberlesen  ver- 
gonnete,  sondern  nur  in  einer  Stunde  dem  ganzen  Haufen  vorgelesen,  uud  darauf  dio 
Subscription  erfordert.  Zum  dritten  wollte  mir  armen  Zuhorer  nicht  gebuhren,  dem 
Teufel  ein  Freudenmahl  zu  machen  uud  anzurichten,  dass  der  ganze  Hauf  geschrien 
hatte :  da,  da,  wir  habens  wol  gewusst,  er  seye  nit  unserer  Lehr  gemiiss.  Also  hatte 
mein  unbeweglicher  Apostolischer  Grund  miissen  fiir  eine  verlogene  Lehre  gehalteu 
werden,  welches  Gott  nicht  gefallig,  die  Perlen  fur  die  Siiu  zu  schiitten,  oder  das  Hei- 
ligthum  den  Hunden  zu  geben  :  zu  Lohn  hatten  sie  mich  zutreten  und  zurissen,  ware 
niir  billig  geschehen,  dass  ich  fiir  der  Zeit  mir  mein  Leben  hatte  abgekurzet :  mein  Be- 
kanntnuss  ware  keinem  unter  dem  ganzen  Haufen  niltze  gewesen,  nur  iirgerlich, — Gott 
ward  michs  wol  heissen,  wenn  ich  soil  sprechen  zu  den  hohen  Schulen  :  sie  kennen 
Christum  nicht,  wer  unberuft  laufet,  richtet  nichls  aus.  Mache  mir  also  gar  kein  Ge- 
wissen  mit  diesem  Unterschreiben."  Postille,  i.  108  :  "  Bist  Du  in  der  Zahl  der  Pricst- 
er,  und  wirst  gewahr,  dass  dein  Stand  ungottlich  ist,  lass  den  iiussern  Menschen  eineu 
Priester  seyn,  lass  ihn  das  Joch  oder  das  Kreuz  tragen,  klage  du  es  Gott,  und  hiite  dich 
ja,  dass  du  nach  dem  innern  Menschen  kein  Priester  se3-st." 

4  In  Halle  and  in  Magdeburg;  see  the  chronological  list  in  the  Unschuldige  Nach- 
richten,  1715,  s.  35.  The  first  which  aroused  attention  was  "  Kirchen-  oder  Hauspostill 
iiber  die  Sonntags-  und  fiirnehmsten  Fest-Evangclien,  Neustadt  (Magdeburg),  1G11." 
Weigel's  writings,  after  his  death,  were  at  first  circulated  in  copies  made  b3'  his  chorist- 
er, Weickert ;  and  their  integrity,  and  even  the  genuineness  of  several,  is  consequentlv 
doubtful. 

5  On  his  doctrine,  see  Arnold,  Th.  2,  B.  17,  cap.  17,  §  7.  Dorner's  Entwickelungs- 
geschichte  der  Lehre  v.  d.  Person  Christi,  s.  224.  Baur's  Gesch.  d.  Lehre  v.  d.  Versoh- 
nung,  s.  463,  and  his  Lehre  v.  d.  Dreieinigkeit,  iii.  257.  Ritter's  Gesch.  d.  christi.  Phi- 
Iosophie,  vi.  77.  [Comp.  Niedner,  Gesch.  d.  Kirch*:,  737  sq.  L.  Pertz,  Der  Weigelia- 
nismus,  in  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  Hist.  Theol.,  1857.  Walch,  Religionsstreitigkeiten,  iv.  1024 
sq.  Planck,  Gesch.  d.  Protest.  Theol.,  72  sq.  Hagenbach,  Vorlesungen  iiber  die  Ref., 
iii.  337  sq.] 

6  His  life,  after  his  own  communications,  by  Abrah.  v.  Franckenberg,  prefixed  to  his 
works.  Comp.  Arnold,  Th.  2,  B.  17,  cap.  19.  J.  Bohme's  Leben  und  Lehre,  dargestellt 
von  Dr.  W.  L.  Wullen,  Stuttgart,  1836.  Die  Lehre  des  Deutschen  Philosophen  J.  Bohme, 
systematisch  dargestellt  v.  Dr.  J.  Hamberger,  Miinchen,  1814.  Tennemann's  Geschich- 
te  der  Philos.,  x.  183.  Dorner's  Lehre  von  d.  Person  Christi,  s.  231.  Baur's  Lehre  v. 
der  Dreieinigkeit,  iii.  261.  Ritter,  vi.  100.  Bohme  derived  his  Paracelsian  ideas  from 
his  intercourse  with  physicians  of  that  school ;  viz.,  Balthasar  Walther,  Cornel.  Weiss- 
ner,  and  Tobias  Kober.  [Wullen,  Bluthen  aus  J.  Bohme's  Mystik,  Stuttg.,  1836.  A. 
E.  Umbreit,  Jakob  Bohme,  Heidelb.,  1835.  Baur,  Gnosis,  558;  and  in  Zeller's  Jahrb., 
1850.  Hamberger,  Lehre  des  Deutschen  Philos.  Jak.  B.,  Miinchen,  1844.  Tholuck,  i;i 
Zeitschr.  f.  christi.  Wiss.,  1854.     Auberlen,  in  Ilerzog's  Realeneyclop.     II.  A.  Feehner, 


508  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Teutonicus,  died  1624)  mystical  book,  "  The  Aurora  Rising,"  be- 
gan to  be  circulated  in  manuscript ;  it  was  followed,  after  a  pe- 
riod of  ten  years,  by  a  large  number  of  other  works.7  Although 
these  two  theosophists  were  independent  of  each  other,  yet  many 
of  the  ideas  of  the  old  mystics,  of  Paracelsus,  and  of  the  fanatical 
Anabaptists,  found  an  equal  response  in  their  writings,  particularly 
in  their  disdain8  of  all  Christianity  of  the  letter,  and  of  all  scien- 

Jak.  B.,  Leben  u.  Schriften  (Preisschrift),  1857.  Schaff'a  Kirch  enfreund,  1853.  Christ. 
Rev.,  Jul)-,  1854.  Life,  In-  Biailoblotzky,  in.  Penny  Cyclopedia.  Works,  4  vols.  fol.  in 
English,  17G4-81.  Ellistone  was  the  chief  English  translator.  Law  proposed  another 
edition,  this  not  being  satisfactory;  see  his  Animadversions  on  Dr.  Trapp.  Comp. 
Notes  and  Queries,  viii.  13 ;  ix.  24G ;  and  second  series,  i.  395,  etc.  See  also,  Hegel, 
Gesch.  d.  Phil.,  iii.  29G  sq.     Ritter,  Christl.  Phil.,  ii.  1G5  sq.] 

7  All  these  works  were  at  first  circulated  in  manuscript  copies.  His  Aurora,  oder 
Morgenrothe  im  Aufgangc,  was  first  printed  in  1631,  12mo.  The  first  imperfect  edition 
of  his  works  was  b)-  H.  Ammersbach  and  H.  Beetke,  Amsterdam  (Halberstadt),  1675. 
4.  A  more  complete  edition  by  J.  G.  Gichtel,  Amsterdam,  1G82,  10  Bde.,  8.  ;  since  then 
often  published;  the  last  edition  by  K.  W.  Schiebler,  Leipzig,  1831-42,  4  Bde.,  and  Stutt- 
gart, 1835-46,  G  Bde. 

8  By  B.  Weigel,  Postille,  i.  124  [We  are  all  taught  of  man  alone.  We  come  from  the 
high  schools,  and  are  to  preach  Christ,  whom  we  do  not  know.  Our  doctrine  is  from 
men,  and  our  life  from  the  devil.  Besides,  we  are  compelled  to  swear  that  we  will  not 
teach  otherwise  than  what  is  prescribed  in  men's  books — Augsb.  Confession,  Philip's  Loci, 
and  the  like  ;  and  he  who  will  not  is  called  a  fanatic,  and  persecuted] :  "  Sind  wir  nicht 
alle  bloss  von  Menschen  gelehrt,  aufgeworfen  und  berufen  ?  Von.hohen  Schulen  kom- 
men  wir  her,  und  sollen  Christum  predigen,  welchen  wir  nicht  kennen.  Unsere  Lehre 
ist  von  Menschen,  aus  Menschen-Biichern  odcr  Postillen,  und  unser  Wandcl  oder  Leben 
ist  vom  Teufel :  den  Hoffarth,  Eigennutz,  Faulheit,  damit  jetziger  Zeit  fast  alle  Theo- 
logcn  besessen  sind,  kommt  fiirwahr  nicht  von  Gott,  sondern  vom  Teufel.  So  wir  von 
hohen  Schulen  und  von  Menschen  gewahlt,  geordnet,  und  geschickt  sind,  lassen  wir  es 
dabei  bleiben  ;  unser  keiner  gedenkt  weiter  zu  lernen  von  Gott :  ja  etliche  miissen  noch 
dazu  vor  Gott  ein  Jurament  thun,  sie  wollen  nichts  anders  lehren,  als  was  in  Menschen- 
Buchern  vorgeschrieben  ist.  Damit  sind  audi  etliche  wohl  zufrieden,  um  ihrer  Faulheit 
v.illen,  bcruhen  gern  auf  dem  Corpore  doctrinae,  auf  den  Postillen,  auf  der  Augustana 
Confessio,  auf  den  Locis  Philippi,  auf  den  Schriften  Lutheri,  auf  der  Viiter  Buchern, 
auf  der  Formula  Concordiae  ;  sagen  :  Gott  Lob  und  Dank !  es  ist  alles  ganz  leicht  in 
der  Theologie  kurz  zusammengefasst,  so  bediirfen  wir  nicht  viel  Studirens.  Und  so  man 
einen  horte,  der  da  postpositis  homiriiuin  scriptis  die  heilige  Schrift  allein  wollte  handlen 
und  sich  von  Gott  lehren  lassen, — so  hiessen  sie  ihn  einen  Abtrunnigen  von  der  Augsb. 
Konfession,  einen  Schwarmer,  einen  Schwenkfelder,  der  sich  wolle  den  heil.  Geist  oder 
die  Salbung  lassen  lehren  :  vermOgen  sie  nicht  wider  einen  solchen  zu  schreiben,  so  he- 
ben  sie  Steine  auf.  und  werfen  nach  ihm,  d.  i.  giessen  ihn  bei  der  weltl.  Obrigkeit  an, 
dass  er  getodtet,  oder  zum  Landc  hinausgeworfen  werde."  J.  Bohine,  Morgenrothe  im 
Aufgang,  Cap.  22  [I  need  not  the  formulas  of  the  philosophers  and  theologians,  for  I 
have  another  master — the  whole  of  nature  :  thence  I  learn  my  philosophy  and  theology. 
12.  But  as  men  are  gods,  and  have  the  knowledge  of  God,  I  do  not  despise  their  formulas 
of  philosophy,  etc.  15.  Nature,  and  not  myself,  condemns  their  pride  and  wrath]  :  "  11. 
Ich  brauche  nicht  ihrer  (der  Philosophen,  Astrologen,  u.  Theologen)  Formula  u.  Art,  sinte- 
mal  ichs  von  ihnen  nicht  gelernet  habe,  sondern  habe  einen  andern  Lehrmeister,  wel'cher 
ist  die  ganze  Natur.  Yon  derselben  ganzen  Natur  mit  ihrer  instehenden  Geburt  habe 
ich  meine  Philosophiam,  Astrologiam,  und  Theologiam  studirct  und  gelernet,  und  nicht 
von  Menschen  oder  durch  Menschen.     12.  Weil  aber  die  Menschen  Gutter  sind,  und  ha- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  Ill— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  50.  MYSTICISM.     5Q9 

tific  theology  ;  in  their  exaltation  of  the  inward  light,  and  of  im- 
mediate union  with  Grod ;  and  in  their  adoption  of  the  theories 
of  Paracelsus  ahout  the  harmony  of  the  visible  and  the  invisible 
world,  and  about  man  as  the  microcosm  of  the  universe.  Many 
deviations  from  ecclesiastical  orthodoxy  were  the  inevitable  conse- 
quence.9 

As  the  tendency  to  the  mysterious  and  wonderful  was  advancing 
with  rapid  strides,  leading  to  hazardous  religious  fanaticism,  the 
then  youthful  John  Val.  Andreae10  (born  in  1586 ;  deacon  at  Vai- 

ben  die  Erkiinntnus  Gottes  des  Einigen  Vaters,  aus  dem  sie  seind  herkommen,  und  in 
dem  sic  leben,  so  verachte  ich  ihre  formulam  der  Philosophiae,  Astrologiae,  und  Theolo- 
giae  gar  nicht.  Dann  ich  befindc,  dass  sic  meisteutheils  gar  auf  rechtem  Grunde  ste- 
het,  und  will  mich  auch  befleissen,  dass  ich  ihrer  Formula  mochte  nachfahren. — 15.  Ich 
habe  dessen  auch  keinen  Befehl,  dass  ich  mich  iiber  sie  soil  hoch  beschweren  und  sic 
verdammen,  ohne  iiber  ihre  Laster  der  Hoft'art,  Geitzes,  Neides,  und  Zornes :  iiber  das 
beschweret  sich  der  Geist  der  Natur  miichtig  sehr,  nicht  ich,  was  wollte  ich  armer  Staub 
thun,  der  ich  doch  fast  ohnmiichtig  bin  ?  1G.  Allein  das  zeiget  der  Geist :  ihnen  ist  das 
Pfund  des  Gcwichtes  und  der  Schlussel  uberantwortet  worden,  und  sie  seind  in  ihren 
Wolliisten  des  Fleisches  ersofFen,  und  haben  das  Pfund  des  Gewichtes  in  die  Erde  ver- 
graben,  und  den  Schlussel  in  ihrer  hoffartigen  Trunkenheit  verloren. — 18.  Darumb 
spricht  der  Geist  der  Natur,  weil  sie  nicht  wollen  aufwachen  vom  Schlafe  und  die  Thi'tr 
aufmachen,  so  will  Ichs  selber  thun.  19.  Was  konnte  ich  armer,  einfaltiger  Laye  sonst 
von  ihrer  hohen  Kunst  lehren  oder  schreiben,  so  es  mir  nicht  von  dem  Geiste  der  Natur 
gegeben  ware,  in  dem  ich  lebe  und  bin  ? 

9  An  inventory  of  the  errors  of  Weigel  is  given  in  Neue  Beitrage  v.  alten  u.  neucn 
thcol.  Sachen,  1755,  s.  862,  e.  g. ;  the  Virgin  Man*  was  from  heaven,  the  divine  wisdom  ; 
Christ's  humanity  was  not  of  the  nature  of  Adam  ;  man  has  two  sorts  of  flesh — the  one, 
earthly,  from  Adam ;  the  other,  heavenly,  from  Christ.  Bohme  held  that  there  were 
three  persons  in  the  Godhead,  but  also  seven  spirits,  the  sources  of  things ;  that  the 
world  was  created  from  nothing ;  but  that  God  is  this  nothing ;  that  Christ  received  his 
heavenly  flesh  from  the  heavenly  Eve,  etc. 

10  J.  V.  Andreae  De  Curiositatis  Pernicie,  Argentor.,  1021.  12.  After  (p.  14  sq.)  he 
had  spoken  about  the  deceptions  of  chemistry,  magic,  and  astrology,  and  complained 
that  its  advocates  would  construct  a  new  religion,  he  adds,  p.  33:  Emersit  hac  nostra 
aetate  religio  aliqua  multiformis  ac  polypi  instar,  quam  Weigelianam  appellare  possc- 
mus,  quod  sub  hoc  nomine,  cui  injuriam  non  fecerim,  circumferatur.  Et  cum  primum 
valde  bona  propinaret,  et  internum  hominem  egrcgie  formaret,  saperetque  devotum  quid 
et  coelicum  spirans,  nunc  nescio  an  non  supponat,  certe  monstrosissima  quaequc,  et  in 
religionem  puriorcm  contumeliosissima  profert,  et  haereseos  pestilentissimae  genuinum 
exerit.  Nolo  hie  exaggcrare,  quam  in  D.  Lutheri  maxima  merita  injuria  sit,  quam  in 
spiritum  hcrois  dicacula,  passim  omne  verbi  ministerium,  et  fidos  Dei  servos  suggillct, 
quam  pro  suo  aethcreo  lumine  omnes  faculas  ridcat  et  conculcet,  ut  nihil  hie  lene  aut 
cum  Christo,  quemadmodum  crepat,  mansuetum  reperias.  Sed  quod  Sacramenta  ele- 
vet,  Spiritum  tantum  interpretem  jactitet,  de  Christi  carne,  de  beata  Dei  genitricc,  dc 
damnatorum  statu,  de  omniscientia  aliqua,  dc  imputationis  figmento,  de  absolutionis 
temeritate  nefanda  dcliret,  atque  ubique  Ecclesiam  Christi  maxima  bile,  summaque  in- 
juria onerct,  id  ut  indignum,  ita  ad  animum  bonis  ct  meliora  sitientibus  vocandum  est, 
ne  vitia  hujus  saeculi  perosi,  et  incommodas  multorum  administrationes  dedignantes, 
homiuis  unius  malcdicentiae  juxta  et  jactantiae  se  incogitantius  concrcdant,  aut  hanc 
rubdolam  colendi  Deum  rationcm,  quae  foris  nullihi  pateat,  et  inter  omnes  religioncs 
vcrsari  possit,  cunctasque  mundi  leges  consuctudinesvc  admittat,  illabi  sibi  patiantur. 


570  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1G48. 

hingen,  1614;  Superintendent  at  Calw,  1620;  court  preacher  and 
consistorial  councilor  in  Stuttgart,  1639 ;  Abbot  of  Bebenhausen, 
1650;  Abbot  of  Adelberg,  1654;  died  1654), n  in  order  to  satirize 
the  credulous  curiosity,  which  was  not  wanting  even  in  his  nar- 
row circle,12  wrote,  after  1602,13  the  work  entitled  "  The  Chymic- 
al  Marriage  of  Christian  Rosenkreuz,  anno  1459,"  to  which  was 
added,  before  1610,  "  The  Universal  and  General  Reformation  of 
the  Whole  of  the  "Wide  World,  by  the  Faraa  Fraternitatis  of  the 
praiseworthy  Order  of  the  Rosicrucians."11    When  these  writings, 

11  J.  V.  Andreae  Vita  ab  ipso  conscripta,  ed.  F.  II.  Rheinwald,  Berol.,  1849,  in  Ger- 
man in  D.  Chr.  Seybold's  Selbstbiographien  beruhmter  Manner,  Bd.  2,  Winterthur,  1700. 
Comp.  J.  V.  Andrea  und  s.  Zeitalter,  dargestellt  v.  W.  Hossbacb,  Berlin,  1819.  [Comp. 
Niedner's  Gesch.  d.  Kirche,  740  sq. ;  Pabst,  Andreae's  entlarvter  Apap,  1827.] 

12  J.  V.  A.  De  Curiositatis  Pernicie,  p.  38 :  Hie  equidem  persaepe  haesitavi,  cum  con- 
junctissimos  meos,  caetera  ingeniosos,  pios,  industries,  literatos,  cautos,  veros,  sed  cu- 
riositatis labe  conspersos,  nee  post  frequentissimas  elusiones, — damna,  ludibria, — nihilo- 
minus  eousque  corrigi  vidercm,  quin  ad  naturam  levissimo  objecto  redirent,  et  spes  (mea 
opinione)  non  tam  abjectas,  quam  cmortuas  resuscitarent,  novisque  impostoribus  se  tur- 
pissime  praeberent.  Unde  unara  eorum  artem  rcperi  vel  celare,  vel  fallere  dissuadentes 
amicos,  aut  certe  subaudire,  ac  velut  ab  hac  sublimitate  remotos  negligere  ;  paulo  tamen 
post,  ubi  mendacium  simulque  aliquid  sumtuum  exhalarunt,  redire,  ac  profundissimo 
silentio  omne  vanitatis  niysterium  elevatum  aut  sepultum  velle.  Tales  ego  persaepe 
pertuli,  necnisi  diuturna  mora,  postquam  omnia  monita  frustra  fuerunt,  superavi,  didi- 
cique  frequentissimis  exemplis,  quemcunquc  curiositatis  contagio  corripuisset,  nulla  fide, 
nullo  vero,  nullis  artlbus  sanari  posse,  sed  Deo,  sibi  et  tempori  relinquendum,  denique  a 
pauperie  macerandum  esse. 

13  Andreae,  in  bis  Vita,  ed.  Rheinwald,  p.  10,  speaks  of  this  "Chymische  Hochzeit"  as 
one  of  the  writings  (the  only  one  left)  which  lie  had  composed,  from  1C02,  exercendi  in- 
genii  ergo.  (Superfuerunt  Nuptiae  cbymicae,  cum  monstrorum  foccundo  foetu,  ludibri- 
nm,  quod  mireris  a  nonnullis  aestimatum,  et  subtili  indagine  explicatum,  plane  futile, 
et  quod  inanitatem  curiosorum  prodat).  In  this  Chymical  Marriage  first  appeared  the 
name  "  Christian  Rosenkreuz,"  although  it  was  printed  later  than  the  "  Fama,"  viz.,  first 
in  Strasburg,  1G1G  (reprinted  at  Ratisbon,  1781). 

14  "  Allgemeine  und  General-Reformation  derganzen  wciten  Welt,  beneben  der  Fama 
Fraternitatis  des  loblichen  Ordens  des  Rosenkreuzes.''  This  work  came  in  manuscript 
to  Tyrol  as  earl}-  as  1G10  (see  Haselmeyer's  Reply,  appended  to  the  "Fama"),  but  was 
first  printed  at  Cassel,  1014  (rcpr.,  Ratisbon,  1781).  This  "General  Reformation"  is  a 
translation  of  a  work  by  a  favorite  author  of  Andreae's,  viz.,  Traj.  Boccalini's  Rag- 
guagli  di  Parnasso.  In  the  second  edition,  Cassel,  1G15,  was  added  the  Confession  oder 
Bekanntnuss  der  Societiit  und  Briiderscbaft  R.  G,  which  was  also  published  in  the  orig- 
inal Latin  in  Sccrctioris  Philosophiae  Consideratio  brevis,  a  Phil,  a  Gabella  conscripta, 
et  nunc  primum  una  cum  Confessione  Fraternitatis  R.  C.  in  lucem  edita.  Cassellis,  1615. 
Comp.  Die  beiden  Ilauptschriften  der  Rosenkreuzcr,  die  Fama  und  die  Confession,  kri- 
tisch  geprufter  Text  mit  dem  Latein.  Originale  der  zweiten  Schrift,  Frankf.  a.  M.,  1827. 
That  Andreae  was  the  author  of  these  works  is  now  generally  assumed  (see  Hossbacb, 
s.  98  ;  Guhrauer  iiber  den  Verf.  u.  d.  Sinn  u.  Zweck  der  fama  fratern.,  in  Niedner's  Zeit- 
schr.  f.  d.  Hist.  Theol.,  1852,  ii.  298);  but  it  is  still  not  beyond  doubt.  In  his  Vita,  p. 
10,  Andreae  openly  confesses  (see  Note  13)  that  he  wrote  the  "Chymische  Hochzeit ;" 
but  does  not  say  that  he  was  the  author  of  the  "  Fama"  and  the  "  Confession,"  which 
he  manifestly  reckons  among  the  "monstrorum  foecundus  foetus"  of  the  same.  And 
so,  too,  he  says,  p.  4G  (sec  Note  17,  below),  doubtless  in  relation  to  the  Chymische  Iloch- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.     §  50.  MYSTICISM.     571 

which  were  for  a  long  time  circulated  only  in  manuscript,  began 
to  appear  in  print,  1614,  they  awakened  a  strong  and  intense  ex- 
citement, and  led  to  a  confused  search  after  that  secret  brother- 
hood of  deeply-dyed  magicians.15  In  vain  did  Andreae  speak  in 
the  strongest  terms  against  this  confusion  and  misapprehension  ;lb 

zeit,  that  he  wished  to  suppress  it,  but  that  curiosity  brought  it  again  to  notice,  and 
gave  rise  to  another  progeny.  In  his  oath  on  the  matter,  1639  (see  Note  16,  below),  An- 
dreae could  not  have  escaped  from  the  difficulties  by  merely  saying,  "  se  risisse  semper 
Rosae-Crucianam  fabulam,"  if  he  had  himself  been  the  author  of  the  fable.  The  differ- 
ent characteristics  of  these  writings,  too,  are  not  to  be  mistaken.  The  Chymische  Hoch- 
zeit  is  a  mere  satire :  in  the  Fama  and  Confessio,  earnestness  is  mingled  with  the  inven- 
tion (e.  g.,  adherence  to  the  pure  doctrine  of  the  Reformation,  rejection  of  projects  for 
making  gold)  ;  the  intermingling  of  earnest  Christian  truths  with  such  loose  sport,  in 
the  fashion  here  found,  is  unnatural  for  such  a  man  as  Andreae.  And  now  hear  the 
oldest  witnesses.  Melchior  Brelerus,  physician  in  ordinary  of  Duke  August  of  Bruns- 
wick, and  an  intimate  friend  of  John  Arnd,  who,  too,  was  on  friendly  terms  with  An- 
dreae, in  his  Mysterium  Iniquitatis  pseudoevangelicae,  1621,  p.  100,  confidently  asserts 
that  the  Fama  was  by  three  distinguished  persons,  who  wanted  by  means  of  it  to  get  at 
the  alleged  holders  of  the  philosopher's  stone.  In  the  posthumous  works  of  M.  Chris- 
toph  Hirsch,  preacher  in  Eisleben,  an  intimate  friend  of  John  Arnd  (see  Arnold's  Kirchen- 
und  Ketzerhistorie,  iv..  No.  25),  it  appears  that  Arnd  had  learned  in  a  confidential  way 
from  Andreae,  that  the  latter,  with  thirty  other  persons  in  Wurtembcrg,  first  published 
the  Fama,  in  order,  l.y  means  of  the  judgments  expressed  upon  it,  to  detect  the  lovers 
of  the  true  wisdom.  This  shows  that  the  Fama  and  Confession  proceeded  from  a  circle 
known  to  Andreae,  but  not  that  he  was  the  author.  That  mythical  personage,  Christian 
Rosenkreuz,  was  his  creation ;  hence  he  could  speak  decidedly  about  the  Brotherhood 
of  the  Rosicrucians  as  a  fable  (see  Note  16),  since  the  idea  of  it,  if  it  did  not  come  from 
him,  did  still  originate  in  that  phantasy  of  his.  Had  he  been  the  author  of  the  Fama 
and  Confession,  it  can  not  be  explained  why,  in  his  Vita  (which  was  to  go  only  in  man- 
uscript into  the  hands  of  intimate  friends),  he  did  not  avow  it  as  frankly  as  he  did  that 
he  wrote  the  Chymische  Hochzeit.  . 

15  Arnold's  Kirchen-  u.  Ketzerhist.,  Th.  2,  B.  17,  cap.  18.  Hossbach's  Andrea,  s.  85. 
Andreae,  Mythologia  Christiana,  Argentor,  1619.  12.,  p.  290  (Apologorum  Manipulus,  6, 
c.  13),  divides  into  the  following  classes  those  who  had  been  seduced  by  the  Fama  :  Pri- 
mum  quidem  bonos  aliquos,  qui  <rcpu\fiaTa  humanae  fabulae  annotantes  ac  pertaesi,  ali- 
quod  lenimentum  quaesivere.  Dein  decoctores  sive  eruditionis  sive  nummorum,  ut  suae 
miseriae  solatium  acciperent.  Postea  infelices  Chymicos,  qui  naturam  omnem  fodicantes, 
nee  nisi  lippientes  et  claudicantes  redditi,  hie  suave  aliquod  somnium  sibi  conciliare  sa- 
tegere.  Sed  et  Podagrici,  et  desperatorum  morborum  alii,  temporis  et  dolorum  falli- 
mentum  sunt  aucupati.  Denique  impostores  quam  plurimi,  quibus  is  unicus  finis,  ut 
eonfietis  monstrosissimis  aenigmatibus,  simulata  arcanorum  possessione,  jactitata  natu- 
rae interpretatione,  ementito  silcntii,  temperantiae,  obscuritatis  Sacramento,  Magnatum 
aures  circumsonare,  atque  hinc  aurum  aliquod  potabile  conficere  possint. 

16  J.  V.  A.  Menippus,  s.  Dialogorum  Satyricorum  Centuria,  Inanitatum  Nostratium 
Speculum,  Cosmopoli,  1618.  12.,  p.  24,  cap.  12.,  fraternitas  :  A.  De  fraternitate  ilia,  quae 
vulgo  circumfertur,  ecquid  sentis  ?  B.  Minus  magnifice. — A.  Quid  ergo,  an  esse  tales 
aliquos  crcdis,  an  curiosorum  ludibrium  ?  B.  Vix  dixerim  :  nisi  quod  male  me  habet, 
tot  viros  bonos  spe  sua,  et  insolita  expectatione  excidere.  A.  Id  nempe  debebatur,  qui- 
bus prae  simplici  via  Christi  artiliciosa  aliqua  et  insolita  arriserat.  Turris  Babel,  s.  Ju- 
diciorum  de  Fraternitate  Rosaceae  Crucis  Chaos,  Argent.,  1619.  12.,  at  the  end,  p.  69  : 
Fama:  Satis  superque  hominibus  illusum  est  :  liberemus  tandem  constrictos,  confirme- 
mus  fiuctuantes,  erigamus  lapsos,  revocemus  trans  versos,  sanemus  morbidos.  Ehenv, 
mortales,  nihil  est,  quod  fraternitatem  expectetis  :  fabula  peracta  est.     Fama  adstruxit, 


5Y2  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

in  vain  did  he,  in  a  series  of  allegorical  and  satirical  writings, 
chastise  all  the  follies  of  the  times,17  and  work  by  word  and  deed 
for  the  interests  of  practical  Christianity  ;18  artful  men  made  use 

fama  destruxit.  Fama  ajebat,  fama  negat :  quicunque  estis,  sive  curiosi  sive  supini, — 
sive  mendici  sive  impostores, — sive  athei  sive  superstitiosi,  sive  decoctores  sive  avari, 
mihi  et  vobis  spectators  plaudite.  De  Curiositatis  Pernicie,  Argentor.,  1G21. 12.,  p.  35  : 
Huic  accessit  fraternitatis  cujusdam  Rosaceae  ludibrium,  curiosorum  hujus  temporis,  ni 
fallor  viscus  et  offendiculum.  Si  paucos  bonos  excipias,  quibus  tot  rerura  corruptio  do- 
luit,  e'mendationis  spes  animum  fecit ;  reliqua  turba  supra  quam  dici  potest  Democrito 
risum  civit.  Continebat  ea  fabula  quicquid  salivam  posset  movere  divinatoribus,  calcu- 
latoribus,  decoctoribus,  microcosmicis,  ecstaticis,  cabbalistis,  magis,  et  in  universum  cu- 
riosis  omnibus,  atque  planissime  Aeoli  utres  pollicebatur.  Adaugebat  histrioniam  tarn 
multiplex  concertatio  propugnantium  et  impugnantium,  invitantium  et  apparentium, 
tentantium  et  credentium,  ludentium  et  quiritantium,  expectantium  et  desperantium, 
et  quis  fando  diversissimae  inanitatis  variolates  explicet,  quibus  officinae  occupabantur, 
ac  nundinales  catalog!  coronabantur.  Jam  metuebat  clerus,  ne  qua  nova  haeresis  or- 
bem  inundaret :  jam  trepidabat  vulgus,  ne  quis  ex  Arabia  exercitus  colonias  quaereret : 
jam  res  literaria  barbariem  redire  timebat.  Sed  hos  plerosque'liberavit  ilia  ipsa  quae 
detinuit  rei  vanitas,  et  erexit  quae  terrefecit  nullitas,  et  dimisit  quae  convocavit  fama. 
Still  Andreae  remained  under  suspicion  of  being  secretly  connected  -with  the  Rosicru- 
cians  ;  when  taking  office  in  Stuttgart  (1639),  in  his  Confession  he  was  obliged  to  make 
oath  (Vita,  p.  183),  sc  risisse  semper  Eosae-Crucianam  fabulam,  et  curiositatis  fratercu- 
los  fuisse  insectatum. 

17  On  these  writings  he  scys,  Yita,  p.  40  :  Cacterum,  quod  Deum  sancte  testor,  non  ea 
mihi  insectandi  petulantia  fuit,  aut  nocendi  ulla  libido,  quam  declamitatores  aggere- 
bant ;  sed  quod  christianam  causam  animo  fervide  foverem  et  quovis  modo  promotam 
vellem,  quod,  cum  plana  via  mihi  negaretur,  per  ambages  et  cuniculos  persequi  conatus 
sum,  non  scoptico,  quod  aliquibus  videbar,  genio,  sed  ea  arte,  quam  pii  multi  adhibue- 
runt,  ut  per  lusum  et  ingeniosa  allectamenta  seria  agerem  et  Christianismi  amorem  pro- 
pina'rem.  Is  mihi  scopus,  id  consilium  fuit,  quod  si  non  satis  circumspectum,  aetati 
minus  maturae  et  tot  stimulis  incitatoribus  imputetur.  Sane  ut  primum  multis  aegre 
facere  morborum  nostrorum  tractationem  animadverti,  ipse  dolui  et  extinctum  volui  ca- 
nem,  sed  qui  curiositate  obstetrice  hoc  ipso  denuo  revixit,  et  aliam  sobolem,  quae  pro- 
fecto  aeternum  sepulta  jacuisset,  excitavit,  cujus  gratiam  unis  obtrectatoribus  debeat,  si 
quid  unquam  gratiae  invenerunt. 

18  He  sought  to  promote  the  better  religious  instruction  of  youth  by  his  "  Christliche 
Evangel.  Kinderlehre,  Stuttgart,  1621"  (comp.  Schuler's  Gesch.  d.  katechet.  Religions- 
unterrichts  unter  den  Protestanten,  Halle,  1802,  s.  87  ;  reprinted  there,  s.  329).  He 
called  on  those  who  had  been  deceived  by  the  Rosicrucian  Brotherhood  to  hold  only  the 
more  firmly  to  the  Brotherhood  of  Christ ;  lnvitatio  fraternitatis  Christi,  1617  ;  comp. 
De  Curiositatis  Pernicie,  Argentor.,  1621,  p.  36 :  Itaque  velut  Babylonicae  turris  struc- 
tores,  non  Unguis,  sed  judiciis  et  capitibus  divisi  ad  sua  paulatim,  dispersi  retroeunt.— 
Qui  si  quid  egregii  animo  conceperunt,  paratique  meliora  toto  animo  admittere,  tueri  et 
propagare  fucrunt ;  illam  potius  jam  certam,  tot  amicis  Dei  expertam,  jam  toties  Sa- 
tanae,  mundoque  oppositam  Christi  fraternitatem  amplectantur,  mentemque  integram 
et  conatus  omnes  eo  convertant,  ut  societas  Christi  sub  Evangelii  legibus  coalescat,  ordo- 
que  mutuae  caritatis  emergat,  ac  donorum  Dei  communicatio  in  coeli  honorem,  Eccle- 
siae  norem,  proximique  rorem  appareat.  He  described  such  an  ideal  state  in  his  Rei- 
publicae  Christianopolitanae  Descriptio,  Argentor.,  1619.  12.  He  soon  formed  the  plan 
of  a  stricter  Societas  Evangelica  for  this  object.  In  the  Vita,  p.  100,  the  object  of  this 
Christiana  Societas  Is  thus  given  :  Quae  deposita  argenti  notabili  summa  in  praesens 
pauperum  indigentiac  succurreret :  in  futurum  vero,  si  res  ita  ferret,  yel  occurrentibus 
necessitatibus  subveniret,  vel  posteris  rectius  prospiccret,  et  una  amicitiae  constantiam 
servaret,  moribusque  deviis  occurreret.     The  property  grew  to  18,000  florins  ;  comp.  h'.s 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.     §  50.  MYSTICISM.    573 

of  the  delusion,  and  actual  brotherhoods  of  Rosicrucians  were 
formed.19 

As  these  mystical  tendencies  spread  abroad  the  scholastic  di- 
vines turned  with  bitter  hatred  against  them,20  in  fact,  against  all 
who  appeared  to  favor  them  in  any  degree,  and  even  against  such 
as  were  trying  to  build  up  Christianity  through  the  influence  of 
pious  feelings  rather  than  by  theological  scholasticism.21  John 
Arnd  (successively  pastor  in  Badebom,  in  the  Anhalt  principality, 
in  Q,uedlinburg,   Brunswick,  and  Eisleben  ;    Superintendent  in 

Cello  in  1611 ;  deceased  1621),23  though  a  martyr  for  Lutheran 

• 

Epist.  ad  Comenium,  1629,  in  J.  A.  Comenii  Opera  Didactica  Omnia,  Amstel.,  1657,  p. 
284:  Fuimus  aliquot  et  magnae  notae  viri,  qui  post  Famae  vanae  (fraternitatis  Roseae) 
ludibrium  in  hoc  coivimus,  ante  octennium  circiter,  et  plures  in  procinctu  erant :  cum 
nos-exceperunt  turbae  Germanicae  et  propemodum  disjecerunt. — Scopus  ftiit :  Christum 
loco  suo  restituere,  pulsis  passim  idolis  s.  religiosis  s.  literariis.  He  drew  up  :  Imago  et 
Leges  Societatis  Evangelicae,  and  Verae  Unionis  in  Christo  Jesu  Specimen,  selectissimis 
ac  probatissimis  amicis  sacrum,  1628.  The  societj'  seems  to  have  remained  small,  but 
to  have  continued  after  Andreae's  death.  Hossbach,  s.  179.  Spener  says  (in  his  War- 
haftige  Erziihlung  dessen  was  wegen  des  s.  g.  Pietismi  vorgegangen,  Amsterd.,  1700. 
12.,  s.  18)  of  Andreae :  "  For  my  part,  I  regard  his  writings  so  highh-,  that  if  I  could 
and  must  call  back  a  man  from  the  grave  to' benefit  our  churches,  it  would  probably  cost 
me  much  thought  whether  I  should  select  any  one  in  preference  to  him." 

19  Andreae,  in  his  Reipublicae  Christianopolitanae  Descriptio,  Argentor.,  1619.  12.,  p. 
30,  speaks  of  impostoribus,  qui  so  Roseae  Crucis  fratres  mentirentur.  J.  S.  Sender,  nn- 
parteiische  Sammlungen  zur  Historie  der  Rosenkreuzer,  4  Stiicke,  Leipzig,  1786-88.  J. 
G.  Buhle  iiber  den  Ursprung  u.  die  vornehmsten  Schicksale  d.  Orden  d.  Rosenkreuzer 
u.  Freimaurer,  Gottingen,  1804.  F.  Nicolai's  Bemerkungen  tiber  die  Geschichte  u.  Ur- 
sprung der  Rosenkreuzer  und  Freimaurer,  Berlin,  1806.  [The  Fama  and  Confessio 
were  published  at  Frankfort,  1827.  Comp.  Herder  in  his  Zerstretite  Blatter,  and  in  the 
Teutsche  Mercur.  Naude,  Instruction  ii  la  France  sur  la  verite  de  l'Histoire  des  Freres 
de  la  Rose-Croix,  Paris,  1623.  W.  Keller,  Gesch.  d.  Freimauerei  in  Deutschland,  Gies- 
sen,  1859.  In  Notes  and  Queries,  vols.  vii.  and  viii.,  lists  of  works  on  the  Rosicrucians. 
Louis  Figuier,  L'Alchimie  et  les  Alchimistcs,  Paris,  1854 ;  chap.  v. ;  La  Societe  des  Rose- 
Croix,  pp.  247-266.] 

20  Comp.,  e.  g.,  Nicol.  Hunnius  (professor  of  theology  in  Wittenberg,  in  1623  Super- 
intendent in  Liibeck,  f  1643)  christl.  Betrachtung  der  neucn  Paracelsischen  u.  Weigeli- 
anischen  Theologie,  Wittenberg,  1622  (comp.  Nic.  Hunnius,  by  Dr.  L.  Heller,  Liibeck, 
1843,  s.  35) ;  Theod.  Thummii  (professor  in  Tubingen,  f  1630)  Impietas  Weigeliana,  h. 
e.  necessaria  Admonitio  de  CXX.  Erroribus  novorum  Prophetarum  coelestium,  quos  a 
Val.  Weigelio  nostra  haec  aetas  dicere  cocpit  Weigelianos,  Tubing.,  1622.  4.  Jo.  Ger- 
hardi  Disputationes  Theologicae,  in  quibus  gloria  Dei  per  corruptelas  Weigelianos  labc- 
factari  ostenditur,  in  his  Dusput.  Theol.  p.  815. 

21  J.  V.  Andreae  Oratio  Inaugur.  Tubingae  habita,  p.  86  (Arnold's  Kirchen-  u.  Kctz- 
eihist.,  Th.  2,  B.  17,  cap.  17,  §  50),  complains  that  Satan  defiles  with  the  name  of  Wei- 
gelians  all  those  who  are  earnest  in  religion  and  for  church  discipline,  so  that  it  hardly 
avails  for  them  to  prove  their  innocence  and  orthodoxy  in  ever  so  clear  a  manner.  In 
the  Alethea  Exul.,  p.  326,  he  complains,  "that  whoever  now  seeks  to  lead  an  honest 
life  is  accused  of  being  an  enthusiast,  a  Schwenckfeldian,  an  Anabaptist." 

"  Christian  Gerber's  Historie  der  Wiedergebornen  in  Sachsen  (4  Th.,  Dresden,  1725), 
ii.  210,  and  J.  F.  Gauhe's  Appendix  to  it,  containing  an  authentic  and  full  Historia  Arn- 
diana,  ibid.,  s.  263.     Joh.  Arudt,  ein  biographischer  Vcrsuch,  by  F.  Arndt,  preacher  in 


574  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

orthodoxy,23  and  of  wide-reaching  influence  in  matters  of  prac- 
tical piety,  was  compelled  to  see  his  book,  On  True  Christianity, 
fiercely  attacked24  as  savoring  of  that  mysticism  ;  and  these  at- 
tacks were  even  more  strongly,  renewed  during  the  seventeenth 
century,  in  proportion  as  this  book  became  the  comfort  and  refuge 
of  all  pious  hearts.  Even  the  distinguished  dogmatic  productions 
of  John  Gerhard25  were  not  sufficient  to  protect  his  practical  writ- 
ings from  the  charge  of  mysticism.26  And  so,  in  this  period,  no- 
body could  complain  of  a  one-sided,  intellectual  Christianity,  nor 

Berlin,  Berlin,  1838.  0.  Wehrhan's  Lebensgeschichte  Johann  Arndt's.  Hamburg,  1848. 
H.  L.  Pertz  de  Jo.  Arndtio  ejnsquc  Libris  de  vero  Christianismo  (Gottingen  prize  es- 
say), Hannoverae,  1852.  4.  [Tzschirner's  Memorabilien,  iii.  1.  M.  Goebel,  Gesch.  des 
christlichen  Lebens  in  der  Rheinisch-Westphal.  Evang.  Kirchc,  1852,  ii.  464.  Hagen- 
bach,  Vorlesungen  iiber  die  Reformat.,  iii.  371  sq.] 
23 '  See  above,  §  41,  Note  13. 

24  The  first  book  was  published  at  Brunswick,  1C05 ;  the  whole  four  books  probably 
first  in  1G09.  Immediately  after  its  appearance  the  first  book  was  attacked  by  some  of 
Arnd's  colleagues  in  Brunswick,  for  perverting  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  insisting 
too  strongly  upon  good  works ;  also  for  teaching  that  believers,  even  in  this  life,  must 
attain  unto  perfection;  and  for  using  suspicious  phraseology  from  Tauler,  Weigel,  and 
others.  Afterward  a  special  case  was  made  out  against  it,  because  Arnd  (in  the  2d  book, 
chap.  24)  had  incorporated  twelve  chapters  from  Weigel's  Book  of  Prayer,  although  he 
asserted  that  he  did  not  know  that  this  book  (then  current  only  in  manuscript)  was  by 
Weigel,  and  although  no  errors  could  be  detected  in  this  part  of  the  work.  After  his 
death,  Arnd  was  specialty  assailed  in  Lucas  Osiander's  (chancellor  and  professor  in  Tu- 
bingen) Theol.  Bedenken,  welchergestalt  J.  Arndens  wahres  Christenthum  nach  Anlei- 
tung  des  lieil.  Worts  Gottes  anzusGhen  sey,  Tubingen,  1G23.  Comp.  Rupertus  Melde- 
nius  (§  42,  Note  G),  in  Liicke,  s.  141 :  Cum  gemitu  et  lachrymis  experiuntur  (pii  ac  boni 
viri),  sanctum  ilium  virum,  et  de  Ecclesia  Dei  praeclarissime  meritum,  Jo.  Amdlum, 
imo  Angelum  Dei,  missum  ad  praedicandam  poenitentiamadhuc  semel  ante  novissimum 
diem,  tarn  immanibus  convitiis  proscindi,  et  tot  contumeliis  affici,  atque  adeo  deterri- 
marum  haereseon  maculis  conspergi. — Proh  summe  Deus,  quo  hae  res  tandem  sunt  eva- 
surae!  However,  his  defendants  were  not  less  numerous  than  his  assailants.  Comp. 
Apologetica  Arndiana,  Schutzbriefe  zurchristl.  Ehrenrettung  Joh.  Arnd's,  Leipzig,  1706; 
G.  B.  ScharfT,  Supplcmentum  Historiae  Litisque  Arndianae,  Wittenb.,  1727 ;  Walch's 
Religionsstreitigkeiten  der  Luth.  Kirche,  iii.  18G,  v.  1131 ;  F.  Arndt,  s.  64,  151,  203. 

25  See  §  48,  Note  23.  [See  Tholuck's  Lebenszeugen,  1859;  Deutsche  Zeitechrift, 
Nov.  3,  18G0,  Weingarten  on  MSS.  of  Gerhard.] 

26  A  list  of  the  same  in  Vita  Jo.  Gerhardi,  quam  exposuit  E.  R.  Fischer,  Lips.,  17-.'!. 
p.  437.  Among  them,  those  most  read  were  his  Meditationes  Sacrae,  Jenae,  1606,  Schola 
Pietatis,  d.  i.  christl.  Unterrichtung  zur  Gottseligkeit,  5  Biicher,  Jena,  1622.  23.,  in  12 
vols.,  and  his  Postill  (§  49,  Note  11).  Gerhard  complains,  in  a  letter  to  Arnd,  1620 
(Fischer,  p.  505) :  Nee  mihi  parcunt,  sed  in  publicis  concionibus  eorum  errorum  per;:- 
gunt  reum,  qui  ne  in  mentem  quidem  unquam  mihi  venerunt.  Elsewhere  (Fischer, 
p.  177): 

Qui  studium  hoc  aevo  pietatis  graviter  urget, 

Et  sophias  partem  tractat  utramque  sacrae, 
Ille  Rosaecrucius  vel  Weigelianus  habetur, 

Et  nota  turpis  ei  scribitur  haereseos. 
De  me  noli  verita  est  virosa  calumnia  id  ipsuui 

Spargere,  et  his  nugis  conciliarc  fidem. 


PT.  II.— CH.  III.— EVANGEL.  CHURCH.     §  51.  ATTEMPTS  AT  UNION.  575 

verge  on  the  emotional  phrases  used  by  the  old  mystics,  without 
being  himself  exposed  to  the  accusation  of  mysticism.27 


§  51. 

ATTEMPTS  AT  UNION. 

C.  W.  Ilering's  Gesch.  d.  kircbl.  Unionsversuche  seit  der  Reformation,  2  Bde.,  Leipzig, 
1836.  38.  Ch.  G.  Neudecker's  die  Hauptversuche  zur  Pacification  der  Evangelisch- 
Protest.  Kirche  Deutschlands,  Leipzig,  1846.  [Hoeuinghaus,  Chronol.  Verzeichniss 
d.  Bekehrungen,  Aschaflfenb.,  1837.] 

The  divisions  and  controversies  between  the  different  churches 
were  so  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  Christianity,  and  were  at  the 
same  time  so  inauspicious  in  political  relations,  that  attempts 
were  constantly  made  to  adjust  them. 

27  Ph.  J.  Spener's  warhaftige  Erzahlung  dessen  was  wegen  des  s.  g.  Pietismi  in 
Deutschland  vor  einiger  Zeit  vorgegangen,  Amsterd.,  1700.  12.,  s.  15:  "Thus  very 
much  had  to  be  undergone  on  account  of  their  zeal  in  practical  Christianity,  and  for  the 
punishment  of  public  abuses  and  crimes,  by  Dr.  Andr.  Kessler,  Superintendent  at  Co- 
Imrg  (f  1643);  Dr.  Am.  Mengering,  Superintendent  at  Halle  (f  1C47) ;  Dr.  Joh.  Mat- 
theus  Meyfart,  professor  and  pastor  in  Erfurt,  against  whom  was  arrayed  almost  the 
whole  body  of  the  learned,  on  account  of  his  public  complaints  about  the  corrupt  state 
of  the  universities  and  high  schools,  which  he  published  in  1636  (Pennalismus  od.  Erin- 
nerung  v.  d.  Wiedererbauung  d.  acad.  Disciplin,  1634.  4.);  Dr.  Joh.  Schmid,  professor 
and  president  of  the  church  convention  in  Strasburg  (f  1658) ;  Dr.  Justus  Gesenius, 
General  Superintendent  of  Hanover  (f  1671) ;  Dr.  Sal.  Glassius  (f  1656,  see  §  48,  Note 
24),  who,  in  Witten.  memor.  Theol.  dec.  9,  n.  3,  p.  1216,  was  obliged  to  repeat  the  above 
verses  of  Dr.  Gerhard  against  his  adversaries,  who  loaded  him  with  the  reproach  of  Wei- 
gelianism  ;  and  among  the  Nurembergers  there  was  Joh.  Saubertus  (pastor  of  St.  Se- 
bald,  ■)■  1646),  with  his  successor,  Joh.  Mich.  Dilhern  (f  16G9),  who,  because  calumny 
could  not  find  any  other  semblance  against  him,  nor  could  he  so  easily  be  joined  in 
condemnation  with  other  more  violent  persons,  was  forced  by  disputatious  folks  to  bear 
the  name  of  a  Syncretist."  He  especially  appeals  to  Jo.  Sauberti  Theologi  Umbra  deli- 
neata  a  Jo.  Val.  Andreae,  Luneburgi,  1647,  in  which  Andreae  "describes  the  story  of 
his  life,  the  state  of  the  Church  at  that  time,  the  proposals,  behavior,  and  doings  of  the 
dear  man  ;"  and  he  gives  a  long  extract  from  this  work.  Further,  p.  19  :  "  But  after 
that  time  the  thing  itself  did  not  change,  only  the  persons,  who,  inflamed  with  godlike 
zeal,  cried  out  against  the  corrupt  life  in  the  midst  of  our  churches,  and  especially  about 
that  new  Gospel,  which  the  famous  Rostock  divine,  Dr.  Paulus  Tarnovius  had  already, 
1624,  attacked  (De  Novo  Evangelio  Orat.,  republished  in  J.  G.  Pfeifi'er  Variorum  Auc- 
torum  Miscellanea  Theol.,  Lips.,  1736,  p.  909),  and  showed  that  it  was  the  cause  of  all 
the  misery  which  had  flooded  the  whole  of  Christianity."  In  explanation  of  the  passage 
translated  from  Tarnov's  address :  "  The  new  and  false  Gospel  is  a  vain  imagination 
about  Christ,  an  error  as  to  the  grace  and  compassion  of  God,  which  does  not  come  from 
God's  Word,  but  from  the  secret  counsel  of  the  prince  of  darkness, — who  promises  deliv- 
erance from  sin  and  punishment,  and  eternal  life  to  those  that  observe  external  wor- 
ship, and  confess  the  true  Christianity  witli  the  mouth  (even  if  it  be  denied  in  the  heart) ; 
and  by  such  vain  imagination  holds  that  all  the  good  promised  to  the  trap  believer  be- 
longs to  them,  though  they  have  no  real  inward  repentance,  but  011I3-  an  external  and 
hypocritical."     Comp.  Waleh'a  Rcligionsstreit.  d.  Lath.  Kirche,  iv.  1060. 


576  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

In  the  first  attempts  at  union  between  the  Roman  Catholic  and 
the  Reformed  churches,  the  Catholics  met  the  Protestants  with  an 
unusual  spirit  of  concession  ;l  but  toward  the  close  of  the  sessions 
of  the  Council  of  Trent,  when  its  proceedings  threatened  to  make 
the  division  remediless,  they  began,  in  some  quarters,  to  recog- 
nize, as  the  only  method  which  promised  success,  the  one  already 
advocated  by  Erasmus.2  The  Queen  Regent  of  France,  Cathe- 
rine de  Medicis,  recommended  the  Pope,  1561,  to  effect  a  recon- 
ciliation of  the  parties  by  correcting  abuses  and  simplifying  the 
doctrines;3  the  Emperor  Ferdinand  laid  similar  proposals  before 
the  Council,  1563.4  Though  these  were  neglected,  yet  they  led 
the  Catholic  theologians,  Frederick  Staphylus.5  George  Wicel,0  and 

1  So  in  Augsburg,  1530;  see  Div.  I.,  §  5,  Note  13;  the  Ratisbon  Interim,  1541,  ibid. 
§  7,  Note  41 ;  the  Augsburg  Interim,  1548,  ibid.  §  9,  Note  3. 

:  Erasmus  ad  Matth.,  xi.  30;  see  vol.  iii.,  §  154,  p.  482,  Note  22.  Also  his  Epist.  ad 
Jo.  Carondiletum,  Archiep.  Panormitanum,  dated  January,  1522,  prefixed  to  his  edi- 
tion of  Hilaryus,  Basil.,  1523,  and  in  his  Epistles,  lib.  28,  ep.  8:  He  complains  here  of 
the — curiosas,  ne  dicam  impias  quaestiones;  of  the  periculosa  curiositas  in  tbe  sphere 
of  theology,  and  exhorts,  in  contrast,  to  fixing  the  attention  rather  upon  the  moral  claims 
of  Christianity.  Sumraa  nostrae  religionis  pax  est  et  unanimitas.  Ea  vix  constare  po- 
tent, nisi  de  paucissimis  definiamus,  et  in  multis  liberum  relinquamus  suum  cuique  ju- 
dicium :  propterea  quod  ingens  sit  rerum  plurimarum  obscuritas,  et  hoc  morbi  fere  in- 
natum  sit  hominum  ingeniis,  ut  cedere  nesciant  simul  atque  res  in  contentionem  vocata 
est,  quae  postquam  incaluit,  hoc  cnique  videtuf  verissimum,  quod  temere  tuendum  sus- 
ceperit. — Imo  hoc  demum  est  eruditionis  theologicae,  nihil  ultra  quam  sacris  Uteris  pro- 
ditum  est  definire,  verum  id  quod  proditum  est  bona  fide  dispensare.  Multa  problema- 
ta  nunc  rejiciuntur  ad  sj-nodum  olKovfitviKr,u :  multo  magis  conveniebat  quaestiones 
ejusmodi  in  illud  rejicere  tempus,  cum  sublato  speculo  et  aenigmate  videbinms  Deum  de 
facie.  Then  he  calls  attention  to  the  peculiar  opinions  of  Hilary,  which  are  now  repu- 
ted to  be  heresies,  in  proof  of  the  position  that  the  ancient  Church  was  very  watchful 
about  such  deviations. 

3  Div.  I.,  §  22,  Note  4.  Comp.  G.  Cassandri  Epist.  37,  ad  D.  Ximenium,  15G1  (Opp., 
p.  1131)  :  In  France  there  are  three  parties,  papists,  Huguenots,  and — tertio  loco  est  ordo 
moderatorum  et  pacilicatorum,  qui  et  corrigenda  nonnulla  in  Ecclesia  agnoscunt,  neque 
tamen  importunitatem  novcllorum  (ut  vocant)  concionatorum  approbant:  hi  quaerunt 
consilia,  quibus  Ecclesia  ad  norm-am  divinae  Scripturae  et  Ecclesiae  priscae,  quam  mini- 
ma fieri  potest  mutatione,  et  rctentis  quoad  fieri  potest  antiquitatis  reliquiis,  constitua- 
tur,  et  utraque  pars,  vel  certe  qui  in  utraque  parte  saniores  sunt,  ad  christianam  concor- 
diam  et  unionem  reducantur.  Hujus  scntentiae  et  animi  sunt  Rex  Navarrae,  et  Regina 
mater,  Episcopus  Valentinus, — Cancellarius  Eegni  Hospitalius  dictus,  optimi  quoque  et 
praestantissimi  ex  regiis  consiliariis,  et  inter  eos  vir  doctissimus — Paulus  Foxius,  ex 
Sorbonicis  praecipui  Espencaeus,  et  Salignacus  Abbas,  nee  abhorret  ab  his  Cardiualis 
Lotaringus.  He  is  reported  to  have  said  in  a  religious  colloquy — se  libcntcr  compro- 
niittere  hanc  controversiam  arbitrio  Ecclesiae  priscae,  scu  Patrum  quingentorum  a  Chris- 
to  annorum,  reliquis  qui  insequuti  sunt  annis  baud  gravatim  rcnunciaturum. 

4  See  below,  §  57,  Note  4. 

5  On  him  see  §  39,  Note  9.  His  work,  Ad  Imp.  Ferd.  I.  de  Reformanda  Ecclesia  Con- 
silium, 1502,  in  Schelhornii  Amoenit.,  ii.  499,  is  aimed  particularly  at  lessening  the  pow- 
er of  the  Pope,  and  the  riches  and  privileges  of  the  clergy. 

6  Oa  him  see  §  30,  Note  3.     His  Via  Regia  s.  de  Controversiis  Religionis  capitibus 


PT.  II.— CH.  Ill— EVANGEL.  CHURCH.  §  51.  ATTEMPTS  AT  UNION.  577 

George  Cassander,  to  draw  up  comprehensive  proposals,  in  order, 
as  it  appeared,  to  bring  about  the  desired  union,  at  least  in  the 
countries  subject  to  the  Emperor;  but  this  was  prevented  by  his 
death  in  1564.     Cassander's7  proposition  was  especially  notewor- 

conciliandis  Sententia,  written  on  demand  of  the  Emperor  Ferdinand,  but  first  sent  to 
Maximilian  II.  in  1561  (best  in  G.  Cassandri  et  G.  Wicelii  de  sacris  nostri  temporis  Con- 
troversiis,  ed.  H.  Conring,  Helmst.,  1659.  4.),  contains  a  concise  outline  of  doctrine,  and 
points  out  the  abuses  to  be  remedied. 

7  On  him  see  §  30,  Note  3.  Cass,  de  Officio  Pii  Viri  in  hoc  Ecclesiae  Dissidio,  1561, 
occasioned  by  the  reassembling  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  in  G.  Cassandri  Opp.  (ed.  Jo. 
Cordesius),  Paris,  1616,  fol.,  p.  781.  Comp.  p.  783:  Earn  doctrinam  ut  veram  et  catho- 
licam  habendam  esse  judico,  quae  sacris  Uteris  est  expressa ;  deinde,  quae  ex  mente  et 
intelligentia  earundem  literarum  ab  ipsis  usque  Apostolorum  temporibus  est  tradita,  et 
per  successionem  ad  nos  usque  derivata;  quarum  utramque  pari  fidei  integritate  am- 
plectendam  duco.  Tertio  loco  est,  quae  ab  omnibus  Ecclesiis,  vel  majore  certe  parte,  est 
recepta,  et  probabilibus  rationibus  e  sacris  Uteris  confirmata. — Quarto  loco  quaestionum 
quoddam  genus  est,  quae  neque  tam  claris  Scripturae  testimoniis,  neque  tarn  antiquo  et 
jnagno  consensu  Ecclesiae  nituntur,  tamen  posterioribus  temporibus  in  hac  praecipua 
occidental!  Ecclesiae  parte  institutae  et  receptae  sunt :  quae  cum  divinis  literis  manifes- 
te  non  repugnent,  in  earum  confutatione  neque  pugnaciter  agendum,  neque  ea  de  causa 
Ecclesiarum  pacem  perturbandam  puto.  Quod  si  sententia  aliqua,  jam  omnino  recepta 
et  firmata,  minus  probabilis  videatur,  de  ea  tamen  non  passim  et  odiose  contendendum, 
sed  cum  eruditis  et  moderatis  viris  placide  inquirendum  et  disceptandum  existimo. 
Quae  autem  certorum  hominum  quamvis  doctorum  probabilibus  disputationibus  asse- 
runtur,  ita  ut  alii  alitor  de  iis  sentiant,  liberam  cuique  quid  velit  sequendi  potestatem 
esse  constat.  Si  quae  vero  sententiae  et  divinis  literis  et  veteris  Ecclesiae  tradition!  ad- 
versae,  et  per  errorem  vel  imperitiam,  vel  etiam  ambitionem  postremis  his  et  corruptis- 
simis  temporibus  invectae  videntur,  eas  ut  sarmentum  vitandas  et  cavendas  non  nego  : 
sic  tamen  ut  privato  homini  temere  apud  quosvis  de  iis  contendendum  non  putem,  ubi 
certa  offensio,  profectus  et  utilitatis  nulla  spes.  Itaque  prudentiam  christianam  hie  ad- 
hibendam,  ut  non  temere  et  passim  ubique  dicas  quicquid  sentias,  neque  tamen  unquam 
dicas  contra  quam  sentias:  ubi  vero  gloria  Dei  vel  proximi  utilitas  postulat,  libere  et 
constanter  dicas  quod  sentias.  P.  788  :  Omnes  ii,  qui  ob  reprehensionem  nonnullorum 
abusuum  initio  rejecti,  conscientiae  impulsu  in  ratione  docendi  et  forma  ministerii  ali- 
quid  immutarunt,  ab  Ecclesia  defecisse  dicuntur,  et  inter  haereticos  et  schismaticos  nu- 
merantur :  videndum  est,  quam  id  recte  et  juste  fiat.  Ecclesia  enim  Christi  caput  est 
et  corpus ;  a  capite  non  receditur,  nisi  per  falsam  et  Scripturis  sacris  dissentaneam  de 
capite  Christi  doctrinam  ;  a  corpore  vero  non  per  quamvis  rituum  et  opinionum  diversi- 
tatem,  sed  per  solam  caritatis  defectioncm.  Quare,  ut  ante  quoque  dixi,  qui  recta  sen- 
tentia de  Christo  capiti  junguntur,  et  caritatis  et  pacis  vinculo,  etiamsi  opinionibus  qui- 
busdam  et  ritibus  diserepent,  reliquo  Ecclesiae  corpori  conncctuntur,  nullo  modo  ut 
schismatici  et  ab  Ecclesia  alieui  habendi  sunt,  etiamsi  ab  alia  Ecclesiae  parte  potenti- 
ore  et  gubcrnationem  obtinente  rejecti,  et  ab  eorum  societate  et  communione  separati 
videantur.  Neque  enim  quaevis  rejectio  et  separatio  schismaticos  facit,  sed  initia  sepa- 
rationis  et  causae  spectandae  sunt,  non  enim  separatio  facit  schisma,  sed  causa.  P.  791 : 
Quicquid  igitur  in  utraque  hac  Ecclesiae  parte,  sive  ea  antiquo  nomine  catholica,  sive 
nuper  nato  evangelica  nuncupatur,  integrum,  sanum,  doctrinae  evangelicae  et  apostoli- 
cae  traditioni  consentaneum  invenio,  id  ut  Christi  Ecclesiae  proprium  veneror  et  am- 
plector :  eamque  Ecclesiam,  quod  in  fundamento  verae  et  apostolicae  doctrinae,  quae  for- 
tissimo Mo  fidei  symbolo  continelur,  consistat,  nee  jmpio  schismate  a  reliquarum  Eccle- 
siarum communione  se  separct,  veram  Ecclesiam,  veraeque  Ecclesiae  et  catholicae  Ec- 
clesiae Christi  membrum  esse  judico. — Neque  ad  banc  unitatem  catholicae  Christi  Ec- 
clesiae divcllendam  et  distrahendam,  caeremoniarum  aliquot  et  quaestionum  divcrsita- 

vol.  iv. — 37 


578  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

thy,  viz.,  to  bring  back  the  doctrines  of  the  Church  to  their  orig- 
inal simplicity,  as  the  condition  of  union.  After  the  doctrine  and 
government  of  the  Catholic  Church  had  been  established  by  the 
Council  of  Trent,  there  could  be  no  more  proposals  from  the  Cath- 
olic side  of  yielding  in  respect  to  doctrine.  The  religious  collo- 
quies, started  for  various  reasons,  were  unsuccessful  attempts  to 
convince  their  opponents  of  their  errors.8     The  attempts  made  by 

tem  valere  puto,  niodo  in  fundamento  fidei  cum  capite  Christo,  et  in  sincera  caritate  cum 
corpore  ejus,  quod  est  Ecclesia,  communio  et  societas  retineantur.  G.  Cassandri  de  Ar- 
ticulis  Religionis  inter  Catholicos  et  Protestantes  controverais  Consulfatio  ad  invictissi- 
mos  Impp.  Ferdinandum  I.  et  Maxim.  II.  ejus  successorem,  1564  (Opp.,  p.  893  :  G.  Cass, 
et  G.  Wic.  de  sacris  nostri  temporis  Controversiis  libri,  cura  II.  Conringii,  Helmst.,  1659. 
4.,  p.  1).  He  put  the  Augsburg  Confession  at  the  basis.  On  the  foundation  of  his  me- 
diating proposals,  see  the  Praefatio :  Divina  Seriptura,  tanquam  eertissima  quadam  re- 
gula,  vetercs  in  controversiis,  quae  statim  post  Apostolorum  discessum  extiterant,  diju- 
dicandis  usi  sunt:  sed  saepe  in  his  contentionibus  evenit,  ut  de  sensu  et  intelligentia 
harum  divinarum  literarum  non  conveniret,  ac  non  paucae  controversiae  ortae  sirit,  qua- 
rum  in  iis  divinis  Uteris  non  tam  certa  et  aperta  explicatio  reperiebatur.  Quare  semper 
necesse  fuit  ad  consensum  universalem  vetustissimarum  Eccleslarum,  tanquam  ad  publi- 
cum et  firmissimum  testimonium  vivae  apostolicae  doctrinae  etverae  scriptorum  aposto- 
licorum  intelligentiae  provocare,  quod  et  hodie  usu  venire  videmus.  Quare  longa  et  per- 
tinaci  contcntione  hue  tandem  ventum  est,  ut  ea  quoque  pars,  quae  nudis  Scripturis  niti 
hactenus  visa  est,  nunc  universalem  hunc  antiquitatis  consensum  usque  adeo  non  asper- 
netur,  ut  etiam  in  nonnullis  gravissimis  quaestionibus  summum  causae  suae  iirmamen- 
tum  in  ea  collocent:  id  quod  multis  et  clarissimis  scriptorum  illius  partis  testimoniis 
probari  potest.  Elucet  aiitem  hoc  publicum  Eccleslae  testimonium  maxima  in  lis  scriptori- 
bus  aique  scriptls,  quae  fuerunt  ab  aetale  Constantlni  vsque  ad  actatem  Leonis  vet  etiam 
Gregorii.  Quare  ex  ea  forma  atque  descriptione  Ecclesiac,  quae  fuit  iis  temporibus,  ap- 
tissimum  exemplum  proponi  poterit,  ad  quod  controversiae  omnes  de  religiorie,  turn  in 
doctrina  turn  in  caeremoniis,  referri  possint.  Cur  autem  lmjus  temporibus  exemplum 
potissimum  proponendum  sit,  multae  sunt  causae.  Primum  quia  turn  per  varia  certa- 
mina,  eruditissima  scripta,  et  gravissima  Concilia  praecipuae  omnes  de  summis  religio- 
nis nostrae  capitibus  controversiae  diligentissime  et  fidelissime  pertractatae  et  discepta- 
tae  fuerunt.— Deinde  quia  ea  aetate  Ecclesia,  quae  hactenus  servituti  tj-rannidis  fuerat 
subjecta,  tune  per  universum  fere  orbem  libertati  fuit  restituta,  optimaque  rationc  ut 
illi  statui  convenienti  administrata.  Itaque  111 i  aetati  maxime  cum  conditione  Eccle- 
siae  nostrae  tempestatis  convenit.  Ad  haec  quia  ea  aetate  sanctissimi  et  doctissimi  an- 
tistites  extiteruut,  qui  acceptam  per  manus  a  majoribus  inde  usque  ab  Apostolis  doctri- 
nam  Meliter  conservarunt,  et  Ecclesiis  summa  fide  et  diligentia  tradiderunt,  et  ab  omni 
ambitione,  avaritia,  inscitia,  quibus  postea  Ecclesia  tantum  non  oppressa  fuit,  longissime 
abfuerunt. — Quapropter  cum  utraque  pars  universalem  ilium  antiquitatis  consensum, 
qui  maxime  in  ea  aetate,  quam  diximus,  cernitur,  tanquam  certissimum  testimonium 
evangelicae  et  sincerae  doctrinae  amplectatur,  magna  jam  via  ad  concordiam  et  pacifi- 
cationem  aperta  esse  videtur,  modo  utrinque  hostilem  animum  et  odium  exuant,  et 
ehristianae  caritatis  eflectum  induant,  deinde  fidem  servent,  et  quod  acquum  est  prac- 
Stent. 

8  In  Germany  the  conferences  appointed  by  James,  Margrave  cf  Baden,  in  Baden, 
IT/SO,  and  in  Emmendingcn,  1590  (see  Div.  I.,  §  11,  Note  26),  and  that  of  Duke  Maxi- 
milian of  Bavaria,  and  the  Palgrave.of  Ncuburtr  at  Ratisbon,  1601  (ibid..  Note  3"2).  la 
France  the  conferences  at  Ntmes,  1599,  and  at  Fontainebleau,  1600,  and  tlie  various  ne- 
gotiations of  Richelieu  with  the  Reformed  ;  sec  Hering,  i.  388.  [Pu-ux,  Hist,  de  la  Rcf. 
Franc.,  Tome  iv.  I860.] 


PT.  II— CH.  III.— EVANGEL.  CHURCH.    §  51.  ATTEMPTS  AT  UNION.  579 

some  Protestant  rulers  to  conciliate  the  Catholic  Church  by  changes 
in  their  national  churches  only  imbittered  their  Protestant  sub- 
jects, without  effecting  any  doctrinal  concessions  on  the  part  of 
the  Catholics.9  Equally  fruitless  were  the  proposals,  on  the  basis 
of  Cassander's  ideas,  made  by  Mark  Antony  de  Dominis,  Arch- 
bishop of  Spalatro,  who  died  in  1624. 10 

In  the  controversies  between  the  Lutherans  and  the  Reformed, 
the  latter  maintained  the  positions  that  both  parties  were  essen- 
tially agreed  as  to  doctrine,  that  they  should  mutually  tolerate 
the  discrepant  opinions,  and  must  make  common  cause  against 
the  Catholics ;  and  Zwingle  was  the  first  to  call  this  desirable  re- 
lation by  the  name  of  ovyicpr)Ti(Tn6g.n  But  the  Lutherans  saw 
soul-destructive  error  in  the  deviating  doctrines  of  the  Reformed, 
and  this  became  the  general  opinion  in  the  Lutheran  Church  after 
its  victory  over  the  Philippists,  who  were  favorable  to  the  Reformed. 
The  Polish  Lutherans,  indeed,  under  the  influence  of  the  Witten- 
berg Philippism,  had  effected  a  union  with  the  Reformed  and  the 
Moravian  Brethren  of  their  land  at  Sendomir,  1570  ;12  but  after 
the  strict  party  had  gained  the  victory  in  the  Formula  Concordiae, 
they  were  led  to  retract  this  union  by  instigation  from  Germany.13 

9  E.  g.,  John  III.  in  Sweden,  after  1571  (Div.  I.,  §  18,  Note  15,  seq.) ;  James  I.  ami 
Charles  I.  in  England  (above,  §  29). 

10  He  fled  to  London,  161G,  and  became  a  clergyman  in  the  Episcopal  Church,  and 
there  wrote  his  great  work,  De  Republica  Ecclesiastica,  libb.  x.  (2  Tom. ;  Lond.,  1G17 
-1620,  fol.,  contain  only  lib.  i.-vi.,  reprinted  T.  i.,  Heidelb.,  1618  ;  T.  ii.,  Francof.,  1620, 
fol.  To  this  was  added,  T.  iii.,  Hanov.,  1622  (Francof.,  1658),  containing  lib.  vii.  and 
ix.)  He  allowed  himself  to  be  enticed  back  to  Pome  in  1622,  and  there  died  in  prison, 
1624 :  his  body  was  burned.  Comp.  J.  W.  Jaegeri  Hist.  Eccl.  et  Polit.  saeculi  xvii.,  i. 
242.  Gabr.  Barthol.  Gramondi  Hist.  Galliae  ab  Excessu  Henrici  IV.,  Amst.,  1653,  lib. 
iii.,  p.  186.  [Henry  Newland,  Life  and  Contemporaneous  History  of  De  Dominis,  Lon- 
don, 1859.     Comp.  Notes  and  Queries,  July,  1859 ;  and  Dublin  Review,  1859.] 

11  Zwinglii  Epist.  ad  Verbi  Ministros  Basileenses,  5.  Apr.,  1525  (Opp.  vii.  i.  390)  :  Tcn- 
tamur  nunc  hand  contemnenda  tentatione,  puta  ipsius  Eucharistiae  discussione.  Quae 
res  plane  non  tantos  tumultus  dabit,  quantos  quidam  sperant,  si  modo  arvyKpi)Ticrndu 
fecerimus,  h.  e.  in  dimicationo  consensum :  quern  quaedam  infirma  et  imbellia  alioqui 
animalia  dum  faciunt,  crudelissimos  hostes  sic  terrent,  ut  nihil  ab  eis  mali  patiantur. 
Then  Buccr,  1531 ;  see  above,  §  35,  Note  23.  Melanchthonis  Responsio  ad  Criminatio- 
nes  Staphyli  et  Avii,  Viteb.,  1558,  init,  (Opp.,  iv.  813):  Intuens  Ecclesiarum  nostranim 
vulncra,  cum  propter  alias  causas  multas  ingenti  dolore  afficior,  turn  vero  eo  magis  cru- 
cior,  quod  occupati  intcstinis  bellis  non  studemus  vel  avyKpirricrfxco,  ut  olim  dicebatur, 
nos  adversus  communes  hostes  conjungcre.  Saepe  etiam  in  querela  de  nostris  dissidiis 
Demosthenis  epistolam  rccito.  in  qua  hortatur  cives,  ut  deponant  domestica  odia  et  sese 
conjungant  contra  cxternos  hostes. 

13  See  Div.  I.,  §  15,  Notes  20  and  21.      . 

13  These  influences  became  marked  from  1582  ;  D.  E.  Jablonski  Hist.  Consensus  Sen- 
domiriensis,  Berol.,  1731.  4..  p.  05.     Here  too  preached  a  zealous  Lutheran,  Paulus  Ge- 


580  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Even  after  this  the  Reformed  showed  themselves  for  the  most 
part  favorable  to  ecclesiastical  peace  with  the  Lutherans,  with  tol- 
eration of  the  opinions  on  both  sides.  The  Synods  of  the  French 
Reformed  Church  for  a  long  time  made  advances  in  this  sense  to 
the  Lutherans.14  This  peaceful  spirit  of  his  mother  church  was 
unsuccessfully  expressed  in  his  Irenicum  by  Francis  Junius  (from 
Bourges,  professor  in  Heidelberg,  and  afterward  in  Leyden :  he 
died  in  1602). 15  In  the  Lutheran  Church  these  attempts  were 
received  with  less  favor,  because,  by  the  shape  into  which  the 
doctrines  about  the  Person  of  Christ  and  Election  were  then  de- 
veloped, it  had  separated  itself  still  further  from  the  Reformed 
Church ;  and  also  because  the  Lutherans  were  imbittered  by  the 
change  to  Calvinism  of  several  of  the  German  national  churches, 
and  by  the  hard  treatment  frequently  experienced  by  the  church- 
es and  preachers  that  still  adhered  to  Lutheranism.  The  Synod 
held  at  Mbmpelsgard  in  15861G  showed  the  fruitlessness  of  all  ef- 

ricius,  in  Posen,  auditores  melius  facturos,  si  ad  Jesuitas,  quam  ad  aliam  confessionem 
evangelicam  Consensu  Polohico  receptam  transeant  (Jablonski,  p.  95).  After  the  death 
of  the  Lutheran  Superintendent,  Erasmus  Gliczner,  1G03,  the  Lutherans  no  longer  at- 
tended the  mixed  sj-nods,  p.  121. 

14  The  National  Sj-nod  at  Gap.  1603  (Aymon  Synodes  Nationaux,  i.  274),  expressed 
the  wish,  d'entrer  en  conference  et  union  avec  les  eglises  d'Allemagne  (qu'on  appelle  Lu- 
theriennes),  pour  oter  le  schisme,  qui  est  entre  elles  et  nous,  and  determined,  with  this 
in  view,  to  write  to  the  orthodox  Universities  in  German)',  England,  Scotland,  Geneva, 
and  Sedan.  They  received  approving  replies ;  but  nothing  more  was  done  (i.  300). 
Thereupon  the  Synod  of  Tonneins,  1614,  took  up  the  plan  anew  (see  §  45,  Note  6) ;  and 
the  Synod  at  Vitro,  1617  (Aymon,  ii.  108),  named  a  commission  to  perfect  it.  The 
breaking  out  of  the  Arminian  controversies  enfeebled  this  zeal  for  union ;  but  still  the 
Synod  of  Charenton,  1631,  declared  that  Lutherans  were  orthodox,  and  to  be  admitted 
to  the  Lord's  Supper  (§  45,  Note  8). 

15  Irenicum,  de  Pace  Ecclesiae  Catholicae  inter  Christianos.  quamvis  diversos  Sen- 
tentiis,  religiose  procuranda,  colenda  atque  continenda,  in  Psalmis  Davidis,  122  et  133 
Meditatio,  1592  (Opp.,  Genev.,  1613,  2  Tom.,  fol.  i.  677). 

16  See  §  42,  Note  1.  The  dispute  here  was  on  five  points  :  De  Coena  Domini,  de  per- 
sona Christi,  de  templis  pontificiis  reformandis  (the  Lutherans  held,  Acta  Coll.  Montis- 
bell.,  p.  321 :  Imagines,  quibus  historiae  et  res  sacrae  repraesentantur,  adiaphoron  esse ; 
imagines,  quae  ad  idololatriam  prostant,  abrogandas  esse ;  templa  et  altaria,  imagini- 
bus  minime  idololatricis  exornata  non  diruenda,  organa  musica  ex  templis  non  elimi- 
nanda  esse.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Reformed  held :  Usum  picturae  et  sculpturae  in 
historiis  sacris  repraesentandis,  etsi  per  se  est  uctdipopos,  tamen  magis  nocere,  quam 
prodesse,  si  in  sacra  loca  inferantur,  propter  humani  ingenii  ad  idololatricum  cultum 
propensionem :  musicen  minime  damnamus ;  sed  ubi  cantatur  harmonice  quod  mente 
non  intelligitur,  res  ipsa  ostendit,  quid  inde  consequatur,  nempe  ut  paulatim  magna 
para  cultus  Dei  in  cantiunculas  mutetur,  et  non  Dei  verbo  mentes  pascantur,  sed  inani- 
bus  sonis  aures  mulceantur:  quamvis  res  per  se  sit  aouicpopos,  lapideam  structuram, 
quam  altare  vocant,  vel  ligneam  mensam  communem  habere  in  usu  sacrae  Coenae  do- 
mmicae ;  tamen  probabile  non  est,  Satanam  unquam  potuisse  Coenae  dominicae  sacra- 
mentuin  in  illud  horrendum  sacrificium  denuo  offerendi  Christi  commutare,  si  altaribus 


PT.  II.-CH.  1II.-EVANGEL.  CHURCH.     §  51.  ATTEMPTS  AT  UNION.    581 

forts  at  pacification.  When  the  danger  from  the  Catholics  in- 
creased, it  was  felt,  especially  in  the  Palatinate,  how  desirable  the 
syncretism  with  the  Lutherans  would  he.  In  this  sense  an  Ex- 
hortation was  published  at  Heidelberg  in  1606,17  followed  by  the 
Irenicum  of  David  Pareus  (professor  at  Heidelberg;  died  1622), 
in  1614.18  Both  were  decisively  and  bitterly  repelled  by  the  Lu- 
therans,19 to  the  joy  of  their  common  foes.20 

Meanwhile  the  theological  disputes  in  the  Lutheran  Church  it- 
self again  became  more  violent  and  bitter.  The  controversy  be- 
tween the  theologians  of  Giessen  and  Tubingen  on  the  Commu- 
nicatio  Idiomatum,21  and  the  attack  upon  John  Arnd's  book  on 
True  Christianity,22  gave  all  the  more  just  ground  for  offense,  as 
it  occurred  while  the  Catholic  predominance  over  Protestantism 
was  constantly  increasing,  and  seemed  to  make  the  Protestant 
cause  still  more  hopeless.  Many  persons  were  induced,  by  these 
distractions  in  their  own  church,  to  seek  for  unity  and  peace  in 

christianae  Ecclesiae  caruissent)  ;  De  Baptismo  (the  Lutherans  maintained,  p.  352  :  Bap- 
tismum  non  signum  duntaxat,  sed  lavacrum  regenerationis  vere  esse,  in  casu  extremo 
necessitatis  mulieribus  licitum  esse  infantes  baptizare.  The  Reformed  held :  Aliquam 
latentem  virtutem  aliam  aquae  (licet  sacramentali)  attribuere,  quam  sacramentalis  sig- 
nincationis,  existimamus  manifestam  esse  idololatriam ;  Baptismus  pars  est  ministerii 
publici,  quod  est  expresso  Dei  verbo  mulieribus,  imo  etiam  privatis  personis,  interdie- 
tum)  ;  and  de  praedestinatione. 

17  Treuherzige  Vermahnung  der  Pfiilzischen  Kirche  an  alle  andere  Evangelische 
Kirchen  in  Deutschland,  1606  (also  in  Goldast's  Polit.  Reichshandeln,  s.  894). 

18  D.  Parei  Irenicum,  s.  de  Unione  et  Synodo  Evangelicorum  Concilianda,  Heidelb., 
1614.  4.,  p.  66  :  Faciamus  in  re  hona,  quod  tribunitius  ille  Prognostes  Paulus  Windech 
(Canon  at  Marchdorf,  had  just  before  written  :  Prognosticon  futuri  status  Ecclesiae,  op- 
positum  insulsi  cujusdam  per  Sueviam  lutherologi  libro  de  signis  ruituri  Papatus)  suis 
Pontiliciis  suadet  in  re  mala  :'  Si,  inquit,  saperent  Catholici,  et  ipsis  cara  esset  reipublicae 
christianae  salus,  syncretismum  colerent.  Et  nos  igitur  pio  syncretismo  adversus  commu- 
nem  hostem  Antichristum  studia  consiliaque  conjungamus,  donee  plenam  illam  concor- 
diam  bonis  omnibus  desideratissimam  obtinere  queamus.  Neque  mihi  hie  quisquam 
dixerit,  ita  licentiam  quidvis  credendi  in  religione  quaeri,  Samaritanismum  suaderi. 
Absit  a  viris  bonis  tarn  inconsiderata  vox.  Nihil  nobis  cum  Samaritanismo,  cum  Li- 
bertinismo,  cum  vanis  religionum  confusionibus.  Loquimur  de  tolerantia  Christiana 
mutua  partium  caetera  consentientium,  in  hac  una  primaria  contradictione  dissidenti- 
inn  :   Corpus  Christi  est  in  pane  et  ubique  :  corpus  Christi  non  est  in  pane  et  ubique. 

19  J.  G.  Sigwarti  Admonitio  Christiana  de  Irenico  Parei,  Tubing.,  1616.  4.  Leonh. 
Hutteri  Irenicum  vere  Christianum,  Viteb.,  1616.  4.  In  these  works  syncretism  was 
also  opposed,  as  if  it  had  in  view  a  mixed  religion. 

20  The  Jesuit,  Adam  Contzen,  wrote  against  Pareus  :  Consultatio  de  Unione  et  Syno- 
do Generali  Evangelicorum,  and.  De  pace  Germaniae  libb.  ii.,  and  in  it  exhorted  the 
Lutherans,  as  dear  brethren,  not  to  unite  with  the  Calvinists.  How  the  Lutherans  at 
this  time  stood  on  the  side  of  the  Catholics  against  the  Reformed,  see  the  letter  of  the 
imperial  confessor,  the  Jesuit  M.  Becanus,  to  the  court  preacher  of  the  Elector  of  Sax- 
ony.    Hoe  von  Hoenegg,  1621  ;  Div.  I.,  §  12,  Note  4. 

J1  See  §  42,  Note  5.  M  See  §  50,  Note  24. 


582  FOURTH  PERIOD.^DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  Roman '  Church.23  This  led,  in  the  Lutheran  Church,  to  a 
vigorous  protest  against  that  love  of  theological  strife  which 
would  not  endure  peace  and  freedom  in  the  Church,  and  which 
was  killing  all  living  piety  by  the  dead  letter.24 

The  peril  from  the  Catholics,  meanwhile,  was  assuming  a  still 
more  threatening  aspect,25  and  indicated  the  necessity  of  a  union 
with  the  Reformed  ; '  and  consequently  the  feeling  toward  them 
became  more  mild.      In  the  Leipsic  Conference  of  163126  the 

23  Ruperti  Meldenii  Paraenesis  about  1G25,  in  Lucke,  s.  13G :  Videtis,  auditis,  percipitis. 
quam  crebrae  sint  defectioncs  a  vestra  religione,  quam  frequentes  airocrTaaiai,  in  quan- 
tas  angustias  grex  et  numerus  vester  redactus  !  Quam  causam  putatis  subesse  ?  Ver- 
bo  dicam  :  facile  princeps  est  vestra  discordia  ct  confusio. — Ecce  enim  homines  sim- 
pliees,  et  fundamento  non  satis  solido  nixi,  vestris  otiosis  subtilitatibus  adeo  redduntur 
perplexi,  adeo  dubii  et  intricati,  ut  tandem,  quid  credant  aut  cui  credant,  plane  igno- 
rent,  inprimis  si  videant,  spinosas  istas  quaestiones  et  disputationes  jam  non  privatim 
agitari,  sed  etiam  in  publica  schismata  et  nervum  erumpere.  Sic  enim  illi  secum  :  hem 
quid  hoc  rei  ?  ergone  doctores  ipsimet  inter  se  de  2iraecip>uis  capitibus  (sic  quidem  ipsis  vi- 
dentur)  dissentiunt  ?  Quid  nobis  agendum  superest  ?  quid  nos  securos  praestabit,  utra  pars 
recte  doceat?  o  nos  miscros!  quid  si  forte  ab  una  vel  altera  parte,  vel  tandem  ab  viraque 
seducamur  ?  Quibus  ignitis  telis  Satan-ae  si  accedant  scandala  vitae,  a  quibus  certe  im- 
munes  non  estis,  quicunque  rixis  potius,  quam  aedificationi  Ecclesiae  dediti  estis  et  in- 
cumbitis,  quam  praeceps  sit  haec  ad  lapsum  et  abnegationem  verae  doctrinae  via,  divi- 
nate  vos  ipsi,  aperitur  porta  Anticliristianismo,  credite.  Hugo  Grotius  ad  J.  Duraeum, 
1637  (Praestantium  ac  Eruditorum  Virorum  Epistolae  Ecclesiasticae  et  Theol.,  Amstel., 
1704,  fol.,  p.  796)  :  Est  autem  haec  res  (unio  Ecclesiarum)  magis  optanda  Protestanti- 
bus,  quod  quotidie  multi  cos  deserunt,  et  se  coetibus  Romanensibus  addunt,  non  alia  de 
causa,  quam  quod  non  unum  est  corpus,  sed  partes  distractae,  greges  segreges,  propria 
cuique  sua  sacrorum  communio,  ingens  praeterea  maledicendi  certamen. 

-4  So  particularly  about  1625,  Ruperti  Meldenii  (G.  Calixti  ?)  Paraenesis  Votiva  pro 
pace  Ecclesiae  ad  Theologos  Augustanae  Confessionis ;  also  in  J.  G.  Pfeiffer,  Variorum 
Auctorum  Miscellanea  Theologica,  Lips.,  1736,  p.  136;  and  in  F.  Lucke,  uber  den  Frie- 
densspruch :  In  necessariis  unitas,  in  Non  necessariis  libertas,  in  utrisque  caritas  (first 
found  in  Meldenius),  Gottingen,  1850,  s.  87.  Comp.  Lucke's  additional  statements  in 
the  Studien  u.  Krit.,  1851,  iv.  906. — Particularly  did  the  numerous  defenders  of  Arnd 
(§  50,  Note  24)  help  to  increase  that  feeling. 

25  The  court  preacher  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  Matth.  Hoe  v.  Hoenegg  (Div.  I.,  §  12, 
Note  3),  whom  the  Jesuits  had  lured,  was  soon  undeceived,  when,  after  the  Calvinists, 
the  Lutherans  also  were  expelled  from  Bohemia  (ibid.,  §  14,  Note  27.  Fidelis  Admonitio 
de  Religione  Papistica  fugienda  et  Lutherana  constanter  retinenda  ad  Evangelicbs  in 
Bohemia  et  alibi  pressos  scripta  per  facultatis  theol.  Doctores  et  Professores  in  Acad. 
Wittebergensi,  1624.  4.) ;  and  when,  from  1626,  the  Lutherans  began  also  to  be  treated 
with  violence  in  Germam-  (ibid.,  §  12,  Note  9).  Then,  with  the  aid  of  other  Saxon  theo- 
logians, and  by  order  of  the  Elector,  he  wrote  the  "  Vertheidigung  des  Augapfels,  1628" 
(§  12,  Note  12),  from  which  the  polemics  against  the  Jesuits  received  a  new  impulse. 

a6  Occasioned  by  the  Electors  of  Saxony  and  Brandenburg  and  the  Landgrave  Will- 
iam of  Hesse.  On  the  Reformed  side  were  the  court  preacher  of  Brandenburg,  Joh. 
Bergius  ;  the  Marburg  professor,  Joh.  Crocius ;  and  the  Casscl  court  preacher,  Theophil. 
Neuberger.  On  the  Lutheran  side,  the  chief  Saxon  court  preacher,  Matthias  Hoe  v. 
Hoenegg,  and  the  Leipsic  professors,  Pokyc.  Leyser  and  Heinr.  Ilopfuer.  The  German 
protocol  of  the  conference  has  been  often  printed — e.  g.  in  the  "  Drci  Confessiones  oder 
Glaubensbckenntnisse,  welche  in  den  Churf.  Brandenb.  die  Religion  betreffenden  Edic- 
tis  oft  genennet  werden"  (several  times  printed  in  Frankf.  on  the  Oder,  Cologne  on  the 


IT.  II.— CH.  III.— EVANGEL.  CHURCH.    §  51.  ATTEMPTS  AT  UNION.  583 

points  in  dispute  were  debated,  even  on  the  Lutheran  side,  in  a 
much  more  moderate  spirit  than  before,  although  they  were  not 
here  brought  to  an  adjustment.  By  this  Leipsic  colloquy,  John 
Duraeus  (Dury),  a  Scotch  Presbyterian  clergyman,  who,  as  preach- 
er to  the  English  church  at  Elbingen,  had  been  already  busy 
with  thoughts  about  union,  and  afterward,  in  England,  had  won 
over  many  of  the  Latitudinarians,27  was  emboldened  to  undertake 

Spree,  and  Kustrin),  in  D.  II.  Ilcring's  Nachr.  v.  d.  ersten  Anfange  d.  Ref.  Kirche  in 
Brandenburg,  Halle,  1778;  Append.,  s.  22;  and  in  Nicmeyer,  Coll.  Confessionum  Re- 
form., p.  G53. 

27  Jos.  Hall  (Dean  of  Worcester,  then  Bishop  of  Exeter,  and  at  last  of  Norwich),  Pax 
Terris,  in  Dnraei  Irenicorum  Traetatuum  Prodromus,  p.  297 :  Pauca  fnerunt  ilia  fidei 
capita,  quae  primaevis  Christianis  necessario  credenda  proponehantur.  Neque  vero  plu- 
ra  sunt,  quae  a  Christianis  quibuscunque,  ut  scitu  credituque  ad  salutem  necessaria  re- 
quiruntur:  eadem  nempe  est  et  semper  erit  communis  ilia  fides  tradita  olim  Sanctis,  cu- 
jus  professione  Christiani  indigitamur,  nee  alia  ex  eo  creari  aut  debet,  ant  vero  potest. 
Praecipua  tot  tantarumque  inter  Christianos  litium  causa  fuit  et  adhuc  est  curiosa  ilia 
credendorum  multiplicatio. — Iisdem  vestigiis  insistere  debet  remedium,  quibus  et  mor- 
bus :  ad  sua  nimirum  principia  (ut  sero  sapere  discamus)  redueendus  est  Christianis- 
mus ;  et  modus  statuendu^  illis  articulis,  in  quibus  velut  de  fide  credendis  acquiescere 
debet  plebs  Christiana.  Jo.  Davenantius,  Episc.  Sarisburiensis  (De  pace  inter  Evangeli- 
cos  procuranda  seutentiae  quatuor,  Duraeo  traditae,  Londini,  1638.  12.,  p.  59) :  Non 
nostri  saeculi  theologis  incumbit  hoc  negotium,  ut  populo  Christiano  novos  ac  funda- 
mentales  catholicae  fidei  articulos  procudant.  Qui  Apostolorum  et  primitivae  Ecclesiae 
temporibus  non  fuit  fundamentalis,  nostris  affirmationibus,  altercationibus,  anathema- 
tismis;  nunquam  evadet  fundamentalis.  Prima  haec  credibilia,  quae  ex  toto  Scripturac 
corpore  in  symbolum  apostolicum  collecta  ct  comportata  habemus,  constituunt  illam  fun- 
damentalis fidei  regulam,  quam  Augustinus  pusillis  magnisque  communem  vocat,  atque 
ab  omnibus  perseveranter  tenendam  decernit. — Qui  credit  omnia,  quae  hoc  brevi  symbo-. 
lo  comprehensa  habemus,  vitamque  Christi  praeceptis  conformem  agere  conatur,  ex  albo 
Christianorum  non  est  expungendus,  neque  a  communione  cum  aliis  christianae  cujus- 
cunque  Ecclesiae  membris  abigendus. — Agnosco  tamen  dogmata  multa  praeter  hosce 
articulos  in  sacris  Scripturis  contineri,  atque  ex  sacris  Scripturis  per  firmam  consequen- 
tiam  posse  deduci,  quae  sunt  cognitu  perquam  utilia,  ct  ad  profectum  in  theologica  sci- 
entia  multum  conducunt :  sed  sub  amittendae  salutis  aut  communionis  periculo  turn  de- 
mum  tenenda  sunt,  cum  in  Scripturis  contineri,  vel  ex  Scripturis  necessario  consequi 
manifeste  declarentur  et  intelligantur.  In  hisce  si  qua  Ecclesia  non  potest  veram  suam 
sententiam  aliis  Ecclesiis  ita  manifestam  reddere,  ut  eas  in  eandem  pertrahat,  renunciare 
debet  illarum  erroribus,  fraternae  tamen  communioni  propter  hosce  errores  renunciare 
non  debet.  Hisce  addo,  quod  etiamsi  locus  aliquis  sacrosanctae  Scripturae  videatur 
hisce  Ecclesiis  fundamentalem  articulum  stabilire,  aliis  non  videatur,  non  est  tamen  in 
hoc  opinionum  discrimine  satis  justa  causa  communionis  abrumpendae,  modo  utraque 
ipsum  articulum  pie  credat,  et  in  aliis  Scripturae  sanctae  locis  clare  ct  solide  fundatum 
agnoscat.  Denique  et  illud  adjungendum,  non  esse  impossibile,  neque.  a  bonorum  Chris- 
tianorum officio  alienum,  cum  illfe  Ecclesiis  communionem  retinere,  qui  nobis  opinionem 
aliquam  sequi  videntur,  quae  revera  non  potest  cum  fundamentali  articulo  cohaerere ; 
dummodo  ipsum  articulum  explicite  profiteantur,  et  ambabus  (quod  ajunt)  ulnis  am- 
plexentur.  Abhorret  enim  a  caritate,  imo  a  recta  ratione,  ut  quia  propter  consequentias 
ncc  intellectas,  nee  a  se  concessas  putetur  fundamentalem  articulum  negasse  aut  reje- 
cisse,  quam  firmiter  credit,  explicite  asserit,  et  si  opus  esset  veritatem  ejusdem  vel  san- 
guine suo  obsignaret. — Nimium  sibi  placet  ilia  Ecclesia,  quae  alias,  in  quibus  nee  invc- 
nitur  tyrannis,  nee  idololatria,  nee  haeresia  mortifera,  propter  aliquam  intelligentiae  in- 


584  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

journeys,  and  to  write  books,  for  securing  a  union  among  all 
the  national  churches  formed  on  the  basis  of  the  Reformation.28 
However,  he  found  as  much  disinclination  to  this  among  the  Lu- 
therans as  he  did  sympathy  among  the  Reformed  ;29  and  so  his 
restless  and  self-sacrificing  attempts  were  quite  unsuccessful.  He 
died  at  Cassel  about  1680. 


§52. 

GEORGE  CALIXTUS. 

Geschichte  der  Synkretistischen  Streitigkeiten  in  der  Zeit  des  G.  Calixt  von  H.  Schmid, 
Erlangen,  184G.  G.  Calixt  u.  d.  Synkretismus  von  Dr.  W.  Gass,  Breslau,  1846.  Baur 
fiber  d.  Character  und  die  geschichtl.  Bedeutung  des  Calixtin.  Synkretismus  (in  Baur's 
u.  Zeller's  tkeol.  Jahrbiiehern,  vii.  ii.  163).  [Henke,  Georg  Calixtus  und  seine  Zeit, 
i.  ii.  2,  1853-60,  Halle ;  comp.  review  by  Hundeshagen,  in  Stud.  u.  Kritiken,  1856. 
George  Calixtus  and  the  Peace-makers,  in  Christian  Remembrancer,  London,  1855. 
Walch  called  Calixtus  Cal[vino  m]ixtus,  and  identified  him  with  the  number  of  the 


firmitatem,  tanquam  sua  communione  indignas,  aspernatur.  «Non  sic  priscae  Ecclesiae 
Patres,  etc. 

■a  Writings  of  Duraeus  :  Hypomnemata  de  Studio  Pacis  Ecclesiasticae,  Amstel.,  1636. 
4.  Consultatio  Theol.  super  Negotio  Pacis  Eccl.  Promovendo,  Lond.,  1636.  4.  Capita 
dc  Pace  Evangelica,  Lond.,  1657.  4.  Irenicorum  Tractatuum  Prodromus,  Amstelod., 
1662.  8.  Comp.  J.  Chr.  Coleri  Hist.  Jo.  Duraei,  Vitemb.,  1716.  4.  C.  J.  Benzelii  Coram. 
Hist.  Theol.  de  J.  Duraeo,  maxime  de  actis  ejus  Suecanis,  cum  praef.  J.  L.  Moshemii, 
Ilelmst.,  1744.  D.  H.  Hering's  neue  Beitrage  zur  Gesch.  d.  Ref.  Kirche  in  Branden- 
lmrg,  i.  369.  Duraeus  unfolds  his  scheme  at  length  in  the  Dedication  of  his  Irenicorum 
Tractatuum  Prodromus.  In  every  national  church  there  was  to  be  a  Collegium  Pacifi- 
catorium,  constituted  of  some  theologians  and  persons  of  high  position ;  these  colleges 
were  to  confer  together  upon  the  conditions  and  means  of  union,  and  come  into  corre- 
spondence with  one  another.  The  main  conditions  were  these  :  1.  Negotium  per  dispu- 
tationem  scholasticam  nunquam  esse  agitandum  ;  2.  Ad  praxim  pietatis  omnia  concor- 
diae  consilia  et  media  esse  referenda ;  3.  Per  concessa  in  libris  symbolicis  semper  esse 
procedendum ;  4.  Omnia  esse  subordinanda  fundamentalibus  et  irrefragabilibus  Chris- 
tianismi  dogmatibus,  quae  ipsi  Pontificii  negare  non  possint;  5.  De  syncretismo,  i.  e., 
de  nova  quadam  religionum  miscella,  non  esse  deliberandum,  sed  de  fundamentali  Con- 
cordia; 6.  Nunquam  agendum  de  factione  aliqua  politica  contra  Poutificios  formanda, 
sed  de  Protestantium  innocentia  manifestanda,  ut  pateat,  haereseos  crimen  iis  nullo  jure 
a  Pontificiis  imputari ;  7.  Postquam  in  fundamentalibus  inter  partes  consensum  esse  ap- 
parent, in  reliquis  tolerantiae  innoxiae  locum  esse  dandum  ;  8.  Prophetandi  libertatem, 
secundum  s.  Scripturas  regulatam,  et  quae  personalia  non  tractet,  concedendam  esse ; 
0.  Injuriarum  praeteritarum  amnestiam  esse  sanciendam,  nee  impune  admittendum,  ut 
ulli  se  novis  injuriis  lacessant;  10.  Regimen  Ecclesiarum  utrique  parti  liberum  esse  re- 
linquendum,  ut  illud,  prout  ex  usu  suo  utilissimum  judicabit  Ecclesia  quaelibet,  consti- 
tuat.  The  means  recommended  were  :  the  setting  aside  of  the  prejudices  of  the  parties 
against  one  another,  the  publication  of  books  to  recommend  the  union,  and  correspond- 
ence between  the  parties. 

29  Nic.  Ilunnii  (Superintendent  in  Lubeck,  f  1643)  Theol.  Consideratio  Interpositionis 
s.  Pacificatoriae  Transactionis  a  D.  J.  Duraeo  tentatae  (presented  to  the  Council  of  Lu- 
beck in  1041),  ed.  cum  praef.  Sam.  Poraarii,  Vitemb.,  1677.  Comp.  Nik.  Ilunnius,  by 
Dr.  L.  Heller,  Lubeck,  1843,  s.  123. 


PART  II.-CHAP.  III.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  52.  G.  CALIXTUS.    5S5 

beast  in  the  Apocalypse.     Schweizer,  Central  Dogmen,  i.  171 ;  ii.  532.     Gass,  Geseh. 
d.  Dogmatik,  i.  248,"  300 ;  ii.  68.     Niedner,  Gesch.  d.  christl.  Kirche,  743-7.] 

Iii  the  University  of  Helmstadt,  under  the  influence  of  Hesshu- 
sius  (who  died  1588),  though  neither  the  Formula  of  Concord  nor 
the  doctrine  of  ubiquity  was  accepted,  yet  the  strict  Lutheranism 
and  passion  for  theological  controversy1  of  that  restless  man  pre- 
vailed, until,  in  the  reign  of  the  learned  Duke  Henry  Julius  (1589- 
1613),  and  after  the  appointment  of  the  distinguished  philologist, 
John  Caselius  (1589),  there  was  a  zealous  cultivation  of  classical 
studies  and  the  Aristotelian  philosophy,  which  had  been  neglected 
in  the  Universities  since  the  decline  of  the  school  of  Melancthon.2 
As  a  consequence,  the  Melancthonian  theological  teaching  became 
predominant,3  and  the  zealous  Hesshusian,  Daniel  Hoffmann,  was 
obliged,  in  1602,  to  yield  to  it.4 

In  these  circumstances,  George  Calixtus,  trained  under  the  sper 
cial  influence  of  John  Caselius  (who  died  1613),  and  of  the  phi- 
losopher, Cornelius  Martini  (deceased  1621),  received  such  an  ed- 
ucation at  that  University  as  fitted  him  to  become  the  head  and 
leader  of  the  new  Helmstadt  theology,  in  which  the  Melanctho- 
nian tendency  received  new  life  and  a  new  development.  After 
completing  his  academical  studies,  he  traveled  through  England, 
Holland,  Italy,  and  France ;  became  acquainted  with  the  state  of 
the  different  churches  and  with  many  eminent  men ;  and  in  this 
way,  as  well  as  by  a  more  thorough  study  of  the  different  peri- 

1  Thus  the  conti'oversy  on  the  Formula  Concordiae  and  on  ubiquity  was  continued  for 
a  long  time,  and  with  great  violence,  by  the  Helmstadt  divines,  especially  Daniel  Hof- 
mann,  against  Wurtembc-rg  and  Saxon  theologians  ;  Walch's  Religionsstreit.  der  Luth. 
Kirche,  iv.  503.  [On  Hesshusius,  comp.  C.  A.  Wilkens,  Tile.  Hessh.  nach  handschriftl. 
Quellen,  Leipz.,  I860.] 

2  Die  Univ.  Helmstadt  im  16ten  Jahrh.  von  E.  L.  Th.  Henke,  Halle,  1833,  s.  57. 

3  Calixtus,  in  his  Prooemium  to  Augustus,  De  Doctrina  Christ,  and  Vine.  Lerin.  Com- 
mon., p.  Iii.,  cites  the  following  sentence,  which  seems  to  contain  the  whole  of  the  Ca- 
lixtine  syncretism,  from  Caselii  Ep.  ad  Laur.  Scheurlium  :  Quae  religiosissimi  omnibus 
saeculis,  omnibus  locis  inter  se  consentientia  tradiderunt,  ea  deramn  sunt  dXiiS-tos  Ka$o- 
Xuca.  Remarkable  for  its  moderation  was  also  the  opinion  of  Duke  Henry  Julius  about 
the  Reformed.  In  a  letter  to  the  Lutheran  princes,  assembled  in  Dresden,  15th  Decem- 
ber, 1610  (Schlegel's  Kirchen-  u.  Reformationsgesch.  v.  Norddeutschland,  ii.  374),  he  ex- 
pressed the  desire  that  the  Reformed  might  not  be  excluded  from  the  religious  peace ; 
that  they  might  not  separate  from  them,  lest  the  Catholic  party  more  easily  snprJress 
them  ;  and  that  instead  of  separate  alliances  there  should  be  a  general  union  effected 
by  a  diet. 

*  When,  in  1598,  he  began  a  fight  against  philosophy  in  general ;  Walch's  Religions- 
str.  d.  Luth.  Kirche,  iv.  514 ;  Planck's  Gesch.  d.  Protest.  Theol.  nach  der  Konconlion- 
formcl,  s.  91 ;  Henke,  s.  82;  Thomasius  de  Controvcrsia  Hofmanniana,  Erlang.,  1844. 


58G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ods'of  ecclesiastical  history,  he  obtained  a  more  comprehensive 
view  of  Christianity  than  was  at  that  time  usual  in  the  Lutheran 
Church. 

He  returned  to  Helmstadt  in  1613,  and  became  professor  in 
the  University  December,  1614.  Though  he  did  not  bring  back 
from  his  journey  any  preference  for  any  other  Church,  and  through 
his  whole  life  maintained  that  the  Lutheran  Church  was  the  pur- 
est of  all,  yet  he  had  adopted  the  opinion  of  the  peace-makers  and 
Remonstrants,  that  the  essential  doctrines  of  Christianity  were  held 
by  all  the  churches,  and  desired  to  propagate  this  opinion,  and  to 
bring  the  adherents  of  all  the  churches  to  some  nearer  understand- 
ing. As  he  saw  that  the  great  hinderance  to  this  union  was  in  the 
exaggerated  importance  attached  to  the  special  doctrines  of  par- 
ticular churches,  so,  too,  he  detected  many  excrescences,  which 
he  desired  to  have  entirely  removed.  "With  this  in  view  he  at 
once  commenced  an  attack  on  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  which  was  continued  through  his  whole  life,5 
because  these  doctrines,  in  spite  of  their  want  of  truth,  were  ty- 
rannically insisted  upon  as  necessary  to  salvation.6     He  was  al- 

5  Upon  his  journey  he  wrote,  in  Cologne,  a  work,  De  Pontificio  Missae  Sacrificio  Tract., 
printed  there  by  Bartohlus  Nihusius,  then  his  warmest  friend,  Francof.  ad  Moen.,  1G14 
(Cal.  Digressio  de  Arte  Nova,  §  10).  Colloquium  Hemelschenburgense  inter  G.  Calix- 
tum  et  P.  Angustinum  Jesuitam  de  Principio  credendorum,  1G14.  De  Religiosa  Adora- 
tione  disp.,  1623.  4.  De  Conjugio  Clericorum,  1631.  4.  In  1G22  Nihusius  became  a 
Catholic  in  Cologne,  and  wrote :  Ars  Nova  dicto  s.  Scripturae  unico  lucrandi  ex  Ponti- 
ficiis  plurimos  in  partes  Lutheranorum,  detecta  nonnihil  et  suggesta  theologis  Helmsta- 
diensibus,  G.  Calixto  praesertim  et  Conr.  Hornejo,  Ilildes.,  1G33,  in  which  he  insisted, 
in  particular,  that  the  Catholics  did  not  have  to  prove  the  truth  of  their  doctrines,  be- 
cause they  were  possessed  of  them  by  a  long  tradition ;  but  that  the  Protestants  were 
bound  to  substantiate  their  opposition  by  the  very  words  of  Scripture.  To  this  Calixtus 
replied  in  his  Digressio,  qua  excutitur  Nova  Ars,  quam  nuper  commentus  est  B.  Nihu- 
sius, appended  to  his  Epitomes  Theol.  Moralis,  Pars  I.,  Helmst.,  1634.  4.,  and  there,  § 
262,  enumerated  the  Roman  Catholic  errors. — Dp  visibili  Ecclesiastica  Monarchia,  1643. 
4.  De  Sacrificio  Christi  semel  in  Cruce  oblato  et  initerabili,  1644.  Responsum  Maledi- 
cis  Theologorum  Moguntinorum  pro  Rom.  Pontiiicis  infallibilitate  pracceptoquc  commu- 
nionis  sub  una  Vindiciis  oppositum,  2  Partes,  Helmst.,  1644.  4.  De  Missis  Solitariis, 
1647.  Disp.  de  Primatu  Rom.  Pont.,  1650.  Ad  Ernestum,  Landgravium  Hassiae  re- 
ponsum,  Helmst.,  1651.  Acta  inter  Dom.  Ernestum,  Hassiae  Landgravium  et  G.  Ca- 
lixtum,  Helmst.,  1651.  The  Capuchins  of  Mayencc  wrote  against  him,  especially  Vale- 
rianus  Magnus  ;  in  reply,  G.  Cal.  Responsum  ad  Actionem,  quam  tertiam  pro  Disputa- 
tione  inter  praecipuos  dissidentes  de  Fide  Christiana  numerant  P.  Valcrianus  Magnus 
ejusque  Socii,  Helmst.,  1652.  4. 

6  Epist.  ad  Aug.  Ducem  vor  Cassandri  de  Comm.  sub  utraque  Specie,  1642,  d.  3: 
Pontifex — vult, — suam  auctoritatem  majorem  esse  Evangelio,  vult,  in  sua  manu  esse, 
sancirc  fidei  decreta,  sive  articulos  fidei  statuere. — Haereticos  autem,  inter  quos  praeci- 
pue  Protestantes  numerat,  et  quotannis  per  Iiorribilem  bullam,  quam  Cocnae  Domini 
vocant,  devovet,  exui  vult  fortur.is.  honoribus,  fama  ct  vita,  Reges  ct  Principcs  corur.i 


PART  II.-CHAP.  III.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  52.  G.  CALIXTUS.    587 

ways  averse  to  the  Calvinistic  views  of  the  Lord's  Supper  and  of 
predestination  ;  but  he  no  more  considered  them  to  be  fundament- 
al errors  than  did  the  Reformed  those  doctrines  in  which  the  Lu- 
therans differed  from  them.7  Strict  Lutheranism  was  as  exclu- 
sive as  Roman  Catholicism  ;  and  in  opposition  to  its  harshness  he 
advocated  the  milder  theology  of  Melancthon,  particularly  in  reject- 
ing the  doctrine  of  the  ubiquity  of  Christ's  body,8  in  maintaining 
the  necessity  of  a  new  life  in  order  to  salvation,9  and  in  his  theory 
of  original  sin.10 

regnis  et  principatibus  dejici. —  Quamdiu  certe  adscrtionibus  ct  bullis  talia  sancientibus 
Roma  inhaerct,  irrecoiiciliabilem  esse  nemo  non  intelligit.  Cal.  Responsum  ad  Actio- 
nem tcrtiam  P.  Valeriani  M.,  1652,  says,  p.  28 :  1.  Quod  inter  particulars  Ecclesias 
Pontificiam,  Lutheranam  et  Reformatam  Pontificia  sit  omnium  inquinatissima ;  2.  Quod 
nemo,  qui  rem  intelligat,  ab  alia  puriore  ad  ilium  impurissimam  illaesa  conscientia 
transire  possit ;  3.  Quod  haec  ipsa  Pontificia  Ecclesia  dogmata,  quaecunque  potuerit, 
ad  augendum  et  stabiliendum  quaestum  cleri  et  dominatum  Pontiiieis  detorserit  vel  in- 
vexertt;  4.  Quod  Ecclesia,  in  qua  dego,  nulli  defectui  vel  errori,  quod  attinet  articulos 
fidei  ad  salutem  necessarios,  sit  obnoxia.  P.  40:  Si  ea  credit  Poutifex,  quorum  indi- 
cium antea  fecimus,  hactenus  sane  cum  eo  in  fide  communicamus.—  Quatenus  autem 
stabiliendo  quaestui  cleri  suaeque  potentiae  multa  commentitia  et  nova  fingit  et  super- 
addit,  seque  in  regno  Christi  ab  ipso  Christo  constitutum  esse  Proregem,  totiusque  mun- 
di  arbitrum  et  dominum  jactitat;  eatenus  profecto  cum  eo  communem  fidem  non  habc- 
mus,  sed  quam  ipse  fidem  appellat,  nos  errores,  et  quidem  ingentes  ac  pcrniciosos,  esse 
dicimus. 

7  G.  Calixtus  de  Praecipuis  Christianae  Religionis  Capitibus  Disputt.  XV.  anno  1G11 
habitae,  Helmst.,  1613  recusae  ;  Disp.  VI.,  de  Praedestinatione  ;  Disp.  XI.,  de  Coena  Do- 
mini. G.  Calixtus  Consideratio  Doctrinae  Pontificiae  juxta  ductum  Concilii  Trident, 
ct  reformatae  juxta  ductum  Confessionis  Thoruni  Boruss.  anno  1645  exhibitae,  ed  F.  U. 
Calixtus,  1659.  G.  Calixtus  de  Tolerantia  Reformatorum  Consultatio,  Francof.,  1650, 
emendatius  ed.  F.  U.  Calixtus,  Helmst.,  1697. 

8  G.  Calixtus  de  Praecipuis  Christ.  Rel.  Capitibus,  Disputt.  XV.,  1611 ;  Disp.  III.,  de 
persona  et  officio  Christi,  §  43 :  Manifestum  est  ex  hisce,  ab  Eutychianismo  alienos  non 
esse,  quicunque  divina  attributa — humanitati  attribuunt, — nommatim  qui  immensitatem 
sive  omnipraesentiam  carni  adscribunt. 

9  G.  Calixtus  Epitomes  Theol.  Moralis,  P.  I.,  1634.  4.,  p.  3:  Finis  partis  ejus,  quam 
ex  diseiplina  theologica  modo  tractamus  et  moralem  vocamus,  hie  est,  ut  homo  fidelis 
in  fide  et  statu  gratiae  perseveret,  nee  eo  per  peccata  libere  et  contra  conscientiam  per- 
pctrata  excidat. — Quemadmodum  per  hujusmodi  sanctimoniae  studium  fides  non  acqui- 
ritur,  sed  quae  acquisita  jam  ante  fuit,  conservatur :  ita  quoque  per  idipsum  studium 
vita,  sive  jus,  si  ita  loqui  libeat,  ad  haereditatem  vitae  aeternae  aliquando  adeundam 
non  acquiritur,  sed  acquisitum,  ne  amittatur  aut  intercidat,  custoditur,  quin  et  con- 
firmatur. 

10  G.  Calixtus,  Epitome  Theologiae,  ex  ore  dictantis  excepta  et  edita,  Goslar.,  1619, 
p.  106,  de  statu  post  lapsum  :  Supernaturalia  ilia,  quae  habebat  homo,  penitus  amisit, 
iisque  amissis  non  amplius  est  talis,  qualem  Deus  esse  volebat,  neque  amicus,  sed  ini- 
micus.  Naturalia  quidem  retinuit,  ut  intellectum,  voluntatcm,  appetitum,  ejusque  po- 
tcntias,  habitus  et  actus  naturales,  quanquam  et  ilia  sunt  vitiata  ct  debilitata  in  exer- 
cendis  actionibus  suis,  quantumvis  naturalibus,  praeterquam  fuissent  in  statu  innocen- 
tiae  ;  quippe  removebat  donum  originalis  justitiae  impedimenta,  quibus  nunc  intrican- 
tur  et  irretiuntur.  P.  113  :  Haec  carentia,  cum  qua  nascimur,  est  peccatum  illud,  quod 
originale  solemus  vocare,  privative  oppositum  justitiae  originali,  nempe  in  intellectu  ij;- 
norantia,  tenebrae  sive  caligo  ;  in  voluntate  aversio  a  Deo  et  bono ;  in  appetitu  rebellio. 


5g3  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Even  in  the  first  works  of  Calixtus  there  were  points  which 
o-ave  offense  to  the  stricter  Lutheran  divines.11  Though  in  other 
instances,  where  the  deviations  were  much  less  marked,  these  the- 
ologians had  taken  up  their  arms  in  opposition,  they  were  yet 
kept  back  from  a  controversy  with  Helmstadt,  probably  chiefly 
from  the  fear  lest  Brunswick,  which  by  its  rejection  of  the  For- 
mula Concordiae  seemed  to  be  already  on  the  way  to  the  Re- 
formed Church,12  might  be  led  by  such  attacks  to  go  over  wholly, 
following  the  example  of  so  many  other  German  principalities. 

A  still  greater  sensation  was  made  when  Calixtus,  following 
essentially  in  the  steps  of  Cassander,  developed  his  peace-making 
theology  into  the  position13 — that  the  fundamental  doctrines  of 
Christianity,  sufficient  for  salvation,  were  contained  in  the  Apos- 
tle's Creed,  and  in  the  common  faith,  explanatory  thereof,  of  the 

De  peccato  originali,  and  De  peccato  diss.,  1G17,  in  G.  Cal.  de  Peccato  Tractatus  Diver- 
si,  congest!  a  F.  U.  Calixto,  Helmst.,  1G59.  4.  This  Thomist  (Aquinas)  view  of  original 
sin  is  also  declared  to  be  correct  in  the  Apology  for  the  Augsburg  Confession  ;  see  Con- 
cordia, ed.  Rechenberg,  p.  53  ;  and  hence  Calixtus  appeals  to  it. 

11  Caspar  Pfaffradius.  professor  of  theology  in  Helmstadt,  a  Hesshusian  (f  1G22),  in 
his  praef.  to  Lutheri  de  Servo  Arbitrio  lib.  1G19,  attacks  the  doctrine  of  Calixtus  on 
original  sin,  as  laid  down  in  his  Epitome  Theologiae.  The  Giessen  divine  criticised  it 
freely  in  a  letter  to  his  son-in-law,  the  Superintendent  Wideburg  in  Wolfenbuttel,  31st 
March,  1G20  (in  J.  Hiilsemanni  Dialysis  Apologetica  Problematis  Calixtini,  num  Myste- 
rium  Trinitatis  e  solo  V.  T.  possit  evinci,  Lips.,  1650.  4.,  praef.,  p.  100),  in  Cal.  Epitome 
Theol. ;  particularly  in  the  articles  de  imagine  Dei  et  de  peccato,  de  praedestinatione, 
de  communicatione  idiomatum  ;  much,  he  said,  was  ad  palatum  Papistarum,  much  Cal- 
vinianis  non  ingratum.  Comp.  Tholuck's  Wittenberg.  Theologen  im  17ten  Jahrhun- 
dert,  s.  101. 

12  Conr.  Hornejus  wrote  from  Verden  as  early  as  February,  1616,  to  Calixtus  (Henke, 
Commercii  Literarii  Calixtini  fasc.  iii.,  Marburgi,  1840,  p.  7):  Retulit  nuper  nescio 
quis  e  ducatu  Brunsvicensi  nobilis  juvenis,  famam  esse  in  agro  Brunsvicensi  de  plerisque 
Academiae  Juliae  doctoribus  veneno  Calviniano  infectis,  inter  quos  tu  praecipuus  sis. 
Risi  cum  audirem  hoc,— sed  et  dolui  postea,  cum  viderem  ita  remis  velisque  a  quibus- 
dam  isto  praetextu  contendi  ad  extremam  barbariem. 

13  First  in  the  Prooemium  to  Augustini  de  Doctrina  Christ,  libb.  iv.,  de  Fide  et  Sym- 
bolo  lib.  1,  Vincentii  Lerin.  Commonitorium  ed.  G.  Calixtus,  Helmst.,  1629.  8.,  in  which 
he  adopts  the  method  prescribed  by  Augustine  and  by  Vincent  for  ascertaining  the 
truths  of  salvation.  Of  the  subsequent  writings  of  Calixtus,  the  most  important,  in 
their  bearings  on  this  matter,  are  :  Digressio,  qua  excutitur  Nova  Ars,  quam  nuper  com- 
mentus  est  B.  Nihusius,  appended  to  Epitome  Theol.  Moralis,  Helmst.,  1634.  4.  Disp. 
de  Auctoritate  Antiquitatis  Ecclesiasticae,  Helmst.,  1639.  8.  Epist.  ad  Augustum,  Du- 
cem  Brunsvic,  vor  G.  Cassandri  de  Communione  sub  utraque  specie  dialogus  ;  ed.  G. 
Calixtus,  Helmst.,  1642.  4.  Responsum  maledicis  theologorum  Moguntinorum  pro 
Rom.  Pontifieis  Infallibilitate  Praeceptoque  Communionis  sub  una  vindiciis  oppositum, 
2  Partes,  Helmst.,  1644.  4.  Consideratio  et  iiriKpiTis  appended  to  Scripta  facientia  ad 
Colloquium  a-Rege  Vladislao  IV.  Torunii  indictum  ed.  G.  Calixtus,  Helmst.,  1645.  4. 
Desidcrium  et  Stadium  Concordiae  Ecclesiasticae,  1650,  often  printed ;  also  appended 
to  G.  Calixti  Widerlegung  der  Verlaumdungen  Dr.  Jac.  Wellers,  and  in  answer  to  Dr. 
Joh.  IKilscmanni  meisterliches  Muster,  Helmst.,  1651.  4. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  52.  G.  CALIXTUS.    589 

first  five  centuries  ;  and  that  the  churches  which  acknowledged 
this,  and  viewed  the  additional  tenets  of  the  particular  churches 
as  non-essential,  should  at  once  come  into  peaceful  relations,  and 
thus  pave  the  way  for  a  future  union  of  the  churches.14     But 

14  Desideriura  ct  Studium  Concordiae  Ecclesiasticae,  1650,  §  4:  Qui  crcdunt,  se  non 
propriis  meritis,  sed  virtute  ct  merito  passionis  J.  Chr.  peccatorum  remissionem  conse- 
cuturos,  et  post  resurrectionem  carnis  suae  ad  gloriam  perventuros  confidunt,  ponuntque 
iuter  se  et  iram  diviuam  meritum  et  mortem  Christi ;  praeterea  baptizati  sunt,  et  Eucha- 
ristia  prout  datur  fruuntur  ;  opera  autem  carnis  non  perpetrant,  sed  temperanter,  juste 
et  pie  vivunt  in  praesente  saeculo,  exspectantes  beatam  spem  et  illustrem  adventum 
gloriae  magni  Dei  et  servatoris  nostri  J.  Chr. :  eos  a  Deo  filios  baberi,  et  ad  haereditatem 
regni  coelestis  admitti  certum  est.  Tales  autem  inter  se  longe  magis  conveniunt,  et  in- 
timitis conjunguntur,  quam  pridem  memorati  (heathen,  Jews,  Mohammedans,  and  So- 
cinians),  nempe  sicut  membra  sub  capite  Christo.  Odisse  itaque  non  oportet. — Qui  ex- 
tra corpus  illud  est,  sive  ejus  corporis  sub  capite  Christo  membrum  non  est,  non  potest 
salvari.  Qui  vero  ejusdem  corporis  sub  capite  Christo  membra  sunt,  inter  se  sunt  fra- 
tres  et  sorores.  Quod  igitur  attinet  Pontificios  et  Reformatos,  aut  negari  oportet,  queni- 
quam  eorum  esse  membrum  Christi,  et  affirmari,  omnes — aeternae  morti  addictos  esse  : 
aut,  si  nobiscum  aeternae  vitae  participes  esse  possunt  vel  erunt,  tanquam  ejusdem  Pa- 
tris — filios,  tanquam  concorpores  et  cohaeredes,  tanquam  fratres  et  sorores  haberi  et  dil-i- 
gi  oportet.  §  5  :  Pium  igitur  est  desiderium  eorum,  qui  expetunt,  dissidia  et  odia,  quae 
iuvaluerunt,  proh  dolor !  inter  illos,  qui — ita,  nti  dictum  fuit,  credunt  seque  gerunt,  aut 
certe  gerere  debebant,  mitigari,  et  si  fieri  queat,  plane  tolli. — Etiamsi  vero  actualis  et  ex- 
terna per  Sacramentum  communio,  inprimis  propter  exortas  circa  idipsum  infelices  con- 
troversias,  prohibeatur ;  perseveret  nihilominus  virtualis  et  interna,  consistens  in  mutua 
benevolentia  et  caritate,  qualem  Christiano  debet  Christianus,  et  in  desiderio  studioque 
removendorum  impedimentorum,  quae  actuali  et  externae  perfectae  communioni  obsis- 
tunt.  (S.  Cath.  Ecclesiae  Symbola  ct  Confessiones,  1C-49,  praef.  Superiora  credentibus 
et  professis  si  nos  actujungi  prohibet  sive  distantia  regionum,  sive  dissidia  Principum, 
sive  aliud  obstaculum,  jungimur  tamen — animo  ct  affeciu.)  Quo  animo  si  simus,  teterri- 
mum  schismatis  crimen  a  nobis  amolimur.  §  C :  Interea  observandum,  non  esse  viri 
boni,  nedum  Christiani,  aliud  sentire,  et  aliud  refragante  conscientia  profiteri. — Qui 
apud  animum  suum  persuasus  est,  nullam  esse  Pontificis  avafxapTi)aiav,  nullum  ex  jure 
divino  primatum,  nullum  purgatorium,  nullam  transsubstantiationem  ;  non  potest  sal- 
va  conscientia  prae  se  ferre  et  profiteri,  quod  esse  credat. — Qui  persuasus  est,  sententiam 
aliquam  esse  vcram,  non  potest  absque  mortali  crimine  earn  improbare  vel  damnare,  et 
ne  quidem  simulare,  quod  improbct  vel  damnet.  Est  autem  ingens  discrimen  inter  ista  : 
ego  hanc  sententiam  non  existimo  esse  veram ;  ego  hanc  sententiam  vere  haereticam  judico, 
et  omnes  ei  addictos  a  divina  gratia  et  coelesli  regno  exclusos.  §  8  :  Porro  observandum, 
constituta  esse  divinitus,  a  quibus  cognitis  et  creditis  pendere  debeat  aeterna  hominum 
salus,  nee  haec  per  arbitrium  et  constitutiones  humanas  augeri  vel  incrementum  capere 
posse.  Quae  igitur  ad  salutem  Christianis  primorum  sacculorum  et  martyribus  Christi  suf- 
fecerunt,  haec  etiam  nobis  hodie  sufficiunt.  Dices  forte  :  ergo  non  fuerit  ad  salutem  nc- 
cessarium  credere,  quod  Filius  sit  aeterno  Patri  u/ioovaio-;.  Eespondeo:  rem  ipsam  cre- 
dere, nempe  Filium  esse  verum  et  eundem  cum  Patre  suo  Deum,  ad  salutem,  et  at  Filio 
redemtori  nostra  debitus  cultus  praestetur,  est  necessarium  :  per  istud  autem  vocabulum 
rem  eft'erre  vel  exponere,  non  quidem  ad  salutem  est  necessarium,  est  autem  suo  quodam 
alio  modo  necessarium,  nempe  ad  excludendas  Arianorum  ludificationes.  Doctores  sane 
et  antistites  Ecclesiarum  non  alia  ratione  vel  fide  salutem  consequuntur,  quam  simplicea 
Christiani.  Multa  tamen  illis  prae  his  scitu  et  cognitu  sunt  necessaria,  non  quidem  directs 
ad  salutem,  sed  ad  salutarem  doctrinam  rite  explicandam,  confirmandam  et  defendendam. 
(Comp.  Consideratio  et  i-mVpttris,  §  20,  appended  to  Scripta  facientia  ad  Colloquium  Tho- 
run.)  Then  on  the  Media  ad  concordiam  cliristianam  promovendam  et  procure ndam  faci- 
entia.  Among  other  things,  §  10 :  Quae  praecise  ad  salutem  sunt  necessaria,  distinguantur 


o90  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

even  these  views,  though  in  decided  opposition  to  the  strict  Lu- 
therans, were  for  a  long  time  not  assailed  by  them.     Statius  Bu- 

ab  aliis,  quae  pari  modo  necessaria  non  sunt :  ei  si  de  illis  fuerit  consensus,  quod  ista  atti- 
nct,  etiamsi  actualis  coninuniio  plene  exerceri  nondum  possit,  cessent  tamen  mutuae  con- 
demnationes,  et  obtineat  tolerantia.  (In  the  Responsum  ad  Mogunt.,  P.  i.,  §  44,  he  distin- 
guishes, after  the  manner  of  Bonaventura  and  other  scholastics,  in  what  pertains  to  faith, 
three  things — antecedentia,  constituent  la,  and  consequent  la:  Quae  constituunt  fidem,  Bona- 
venturae principaliter  credenda,  sunt  articuli  symbol  o  propositi.  Antecedentia  sunt,  quae 
ex  luniine  naturae  sive  de  animae  immortalitate,  sive  de  Deo  cognosci  possunt. — Antc- 
cedit  quoque  cognitio  divinae  canonicae  Scripturae,  e  qua,  quae  fidem  reapse  constitu- 
unt, doceri  et  deduci  debent.  Consequent ia  sunt,  quae  ex  articulis  ad  fidem  proprie  fa- 
cientibus  tanquam  corollaria  eliciuntur,  quo  pertinent  omnes  quaestiones  annatae,  emer- 
geutia  dubia,  et  dogmatum  appendices.  In  hisce  aliquid  posse  vel  intelligere  ad  offici- 
um  docendi  rectius  obeundum  requiritur,  non  praecise  ad  salutem  consequendam. 
§  GG :  Antecedentium  et  Consequentium  cognitio  non  ad  quosvis  pertinet,  sed  ad  perfecti- 
ores.)  §  12  :  Quaestiones,  quarum  decisio  ad  pietatem  aut  praxin  christianam,  sive  spe 
salutis,  sive  cultu  divino,  sive  officio  caritatis,  sive  administratione  Sacramentorum,  sive 
gubernatione  Ecclesiac  exercendam,  nihil  confert,  omittantur,  vel  tanquam  indifferentes 
in  medio  relinquantur  :  ad  populum  autem  temere  nunquam  proferantur.  (Consideratio 
it  Lit  in  pic- ii,  §  32,  appended  to  Scripta  facicntia  ad  Colloqu.  Thorun. :  Iterum  atque  ite- 
rum  moneo,  theologiam  nostram  practicam  esse,  et  proinde  quaestiones,  quae  ad  praxin, 
a  nobis,  iuquam,  praestandam  et  exercendam  praxin,  nihil  faciant,  pro  indifferentibns 
habendas,  nee  de  iis  odiose  et  cum  detrimento  mutuae  christianae  caritatis  contenden- 
dum  esse.  He  divides  theology,  Prooem.  in  Aug.  et  Vine,  p.  3,  in  theologiam  ecclesi- 
ustlcam,  quam  didacticam  et  positivam  vocari  posse,  et  doctrinae  capita  proponere  et  ex- 
ponere  diximus;  in  exegcticam,  quae  Scripturas  interpretctur ;  in  historicam,  quae  anti- 
quitatem  evolvat;  et  denique  in  academlcam,  cujus  sit  disputare,  doctrinam  fidei  adver- 
•ous  haereticos  tueri,  et  controversias  circa  illam  exortas  plene  et  accurate,  quantum  fieri 
possit,  expedire.)  §  13  :  Quae  vero  ita  comparata  sunt,  ut  populum  non  plane  igrxorarc 
ex  usu  sit,  quod  de  populo  dissentientibus  vicino  vel  immixto,  quomodo  multis  in  locis 
te  res  habet,  aifirmari  potissimum  poterit ;  ibi  errores  ea  dexteritate  refutentur,  ut  erga 
errantes  commiseratio  potius  subcat,  quam  excitentur  odia  et  inimicitiae.  §  14:  Sufii- 
ciat  consensus  circa  to  quod  est  mysteriorum,  etiamsi  to  quomodo  non  possimus  pene- 
trate. §  20 :  Quae  Ecclesia  affirmat,  quod  aliae  negant,  et  propter  quod  negatum  eas 
coinmunione  sua  indignas  judicat,  ilia  idipsum  probare  debet.  §  21 :  Probandum  autem 
crlt  primo  et  principaliter  ex  sacra  canonica  Scriptura.  Quae  quoniam  testimonium 
perhibet  Ecclesiae,  quod  sit  columna  et  Jirmamentum  verltatis  (1  Tim.  iii.  15),  praecipuc 
vero  primitivae,  diras  ab  ethnica  Roma  persequutiones  passae,  quod  fuerit  Ecclesia  Sanc- 
torum et  Marti/rum  Jesu  (Apoc.  xvii.  G),  consequents-  ex  unaniml  consensu  primae  etpris- 
cae  Ecclesiae  idipsum,  quod  controvcrsum  est,  j)robandum  venlt.  (Prooem.  in  August,  et 
Vincent.,  p.  48:  Deus  in  Scriptura — mj'Stcria  sive  articulos  fidei  et  sacramenta  saluti 
nostrae  necessaria  tradit  revelando  et  sciscendo,  sive  instituendo  et  mandando  ;  Ecclesia 
vero  eadem  tradit  nee  revelando  nee  instituendo,  sed  de  revelatis  ac  institutis  divinitus 
tcstificando.)  §  22:  Si  quod  affirmatur,  non  proponitur  ut  nccessarium  ad  salutem,  nee 
ut  causa  scissionis  vel  denegatae  communionis,  hand  opus  erit  de  eo  magnopere  angi. 
Sin  ut  tale,  necessc  fuerit  dcinonstrari,  non  modo  quod  verum  sit,  sed  etiam  quod  tale 
verum,  et  quod  tale  semper  habitum  et  agnitum.  Quid  autem  ut  tale  habuerit  et  agno- 
verit  prisca  Ecclesia,  innotescit  ex  eis,  quae  adultos,  priusquam  baptizarentur,  disecrc 
et  edoctos  profiteri  jussit.  Quos  enim  baptizabat,  non  alio  loco  quam  vere  Christianc- 
rum  et  fidelium  habebat,  et  mox  usu  sanctac  Eucharistiae  dignabatur.  Nee  ab  eis  aliud 
in  posterum  requirebat,  nisi  ut  in  ea,  quam  professi  essent,  fide  constantes,  coetuique 
fidelium  conjuncti  pie  et  inculpate  viverent.  •  Docebantur  autem  et  profitebantur  sum- 
mam  fidei,  Symbolo,  quod  Apostollcum  hodie  vocalur,  comprehensam.  (Responsum  ad 
Moguntinos,  P.  i.,  §  35 :  Symbolum  dictum  Apostollcum,  non  quidem  quod  ab  ipsis  Apos- 
tolis  totidem  verbis  conceptum  :  id  enim  si  essct,  canonis  biblici  partem  faceret,  libris- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.    §  52.  G.  CALIXTUS.    59 1 

scher,  the  Hanover  preacher,  stood  for  a  long  time  alone  in  his  at- 

que  et  scriptis  apostolicis  accenseretur:  seel  quod  contineat  summam  totius  doctrinae 
apostolicae,  cuivis  adulto  et  rationis  compoti  ad  salutem  nccessariae ;  quin  nee  aliis, 
quam  quibus  ipsi  usi  fucrunt  Apostoli  et  Evangelistae,  verbis  expositam.  That  this 
symbol  contains  all  the  doctrinal  articles  necessary  to  salvation,  he  shows  by  citations 
from  the  Fathers  of  the  Church  and  from  the  scholastics,  ibid.,  §  39  ss.) — Accesserunt 
deiriceps  Symbola  alia  ad  explanationem  apostolici  facientia,  et  juxta  quae  idipsum  ca- 
piendum,  si  doctiores  et  doctores  ultra  simplicitatem  ad  accuratiorem  disquisitionem 
progredi  necessitas  aliqua  vel  haereticorum  importunitas  exigat.  (Digressio  de  arte 
nova,  appended  to  Theol.  Mor.,  p.  443:  Fidem  nostram  et  doctrinam  nostram  complecti- 
tur  :  Symb.  A postolicum  ;  Symb.  Nicaenum,  Constantinopolitanum  et  Alhanasianum  ;  Ana- 
thematismi  Ephesini;  Confessio  Chalcedonensis ;  Quae  Nestorianorum  et  Eutychianorum 
reliquiis  quintet  et  sexta  Synodi  opjiosuerunt ;  Quae  item  Pelagianis  Africana  plenaria,  sive 
ut  vocari  solet  Milevitana  synodus,  et  Arausicana  secunda  synodus  opposuerunt.  Calixtus 
published  the  same  under  the  title:  Sanctae  Catholicae  et  Apostolicae  Ecclesiae,  ejus- 
que  primorum  oecumenicorum  Conciliorum  Symbola  et  Confessiones,  1G49;  also  annex- 
ed to  his  Widerlegung  Weller's  and  Hiilsemann's,  1G51.  De  sanctissimo  trinitatis  mys- 
tcrio  contra  Socinianos  exercitatio,  Helmst.,  1G45,  §  37:  Omnia  sj-mbola,  unum  aposto- 
licum,  quod  simplicem  fidem  conduct,  si  excipias,  doctoribus  inserviunt,  non  laicis,  quos 
vocant :  illorum  enim  est  dogmata  fidei  uberius  exponere,  contra  objectiones  tueri,  et 
contradicentibus  os  obturare ;  comp.  Cassander,  §  51,  Note  G,  and  the  English  bishojrs 
Hall  and  Davenant,  §  51,  Note  2G.)  Accesserunt  etiam  doctorum  scripta,  de  dogmati- 
bus,  quibus  Ecclesia  ejus  temporis  niteretur,  testimonium  perhibentia.  Consensu  itaque 
priscae  Ecclesiae  ex  symbolis  ct  scriptis  manifestato  doctrina  Christiana  recte  confirma- 
tur.  Intelligimus  autem  doctrinam  fundamentalcm  et  necessariam,  non  quasvis  anna- 
tas  appendices  et  quaestiones;  aut  etiam  quorundam  Scripturae  locorum  iuterpretationes. 
Do  talibus  cnim  unanimis  et  universalis  consensus  non  poterit  erui  vel  proferri.  Et  ma- 
gis  apud  plerosque  spectandum  est,  quid  tanquam  communem  Ecclesiae  sententiam  pro- 
ponant,  quam  quomodo  earn  coniirment  aut  demonstrent.  Comp.  Prooem.  in  August, 
ct  Vine,  p.  CD:  Summa  eorum  quae  diximus  hue  redit,  non  potuissc  fieri,  ut  Ecclesia 
nniversa,  inprimis  Ecclesia  primorum  saeculorum  in  vicem  capitum  sive  articulorum 
iidei  falsitates  amplecteretur  et  ad  posteros  propagaret,  ut  Ecclesia,  iuquam,  universal  i- 
ter  antiquitus  in  fundamentis  rcligionis  erraret ;  ct  hoc  nobis  constare  ea  certitudine, 
qua  sacris  Scripturis  divinisquc  promissionibus  adsentimur:  quae  vero  fuerit  publica  et 
passim  reccpta  primorum  saeculorum  doctrina  e  priscorum  doctorum  consensu,  quem 
scripta  illorum  inter  se  collata  manifestum  relinquant,  patere  certitudine  morali,  quae  in 
illo  quidem  genere  maxima  sit,  et  formidincm  oppositi  sufficienter  excludat. — Teneamus, 
;i 1 1  Yincentius,  quod  ubique,  quod  semper,  quod  ah  omnibus  creditum  est.  Illud  semper,  ut 
lirmo  stet  talo,  prima  saecula  et  apostolicam  aetatem  proxime  subsecuta  comprehendat 
necesse  est. — A*d  summum  si  a  primo,  ad  quod  Apostoli  ipsi  et  scriptores  canonici  perti- 
nent, proxima  quatuor  saecula  in  tuam  sententiam  consenserint,  praescriptione  antiquita- 
tis  vicisti.  Quin  ad  cum  niodum  legitimac  traditionis  antiquitas  non  angustis,  sed  oppido 
laxis,  quinyentorum  put  a  ab  cxordlo  eierae  cliristianae  annorum  terminis  circumscribitur. 
This  arbitrary  limitation  of  five  hundred  years  was  also  previously  proposed  in  France, 
§  51,  Note  2,  and  seems  to  have  been  recommended  to  Calixtus  try  its  bearing  on  the 
Catholics ;  see  Digressio  de  arte  Nova,  p.  214 :  Cum  doctores  postcriorum  saeculorum, 
si  quidem  orthodoxi  sint,  11011  disscntiant  nee  dissentire  possint  a  doctoribus  priorum  : 
qui  hos  secum  concordare  demonstraverit,  ei  de  consensu  reliquorum  sccuro  esse  licet. 
Provocant  itaque,  qui  in  superioribus  auditi  fucre  (Catholic  divines), 'ad  doctores  primo- 
rum quinquc  saeculorum. — Quam  sententiam  nos  quoque  probamus,  et  sic  genuinam  ec- 
clesiasticam  antiquitatem  cancellis  niininie  angustis  includimus.  P.  24G :  Profitemur  et 
promittimus,  quidquid  ejus,  quod  a  Christo  et  Apostolis  descendisse  et  ad  salutem  credi- 
tu  necessarium  nos  affirmamus,  ab  altera  parte  negatum  fuerit,  id  totum  a  nobis  consen- 
su ct  testimonies  primorum  quinque  saeculorum,  eo  qui  in  superioribus  satis  descriptus  est 
modo,  demonstratum  iri.     Contra  vcro  oramus  ct  fiagitamus,  ut  viuissim  Pontificii,  quod 


592  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

tacks  upon  the  Helmstadt  theology.15  But  then  came  the  collo- 
quy at  Thorn,16  in  1645,  at  which  Calixtus,  repelled  by  the  Lu- 
therans, attached  himself  to  the  Reformed,  and  aroused  hostility.17 
His  adherents  were  first  assailed :  Conrad  Hornejus,  professor  in 
Helmstadt,  for  his  doctrine  of  the  necessity  of  good  works  ;18  John 
Latermann,  in  Konigsberg,  on  whose  side  were  Michael  Behm 
and  Christian  Dreier,  professors  in  the  University,  for  holding  sev- 
eral Calixtine  positions ;  in  addition  to  which  it  was  also  main- 
tained by  them  that  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  was  not  distinctly 
taught  in  the  Old  Testament.19     At  last,  in  1648,  began  the  at- 

ipsi  eadem  in  re  affirmant  et  nos  negamus,  similiter  demonstrent.  He  proposed  in  his  po- 
lemics against  the  Catholics  the  two  principles,  Ad  Ernest.  Landgr.  Hassiae  responsum, 
1651,  p.  22 :  Qiridquid  sacra  Scriptwa  docet,  est  verum,  and  Quidquid  primorum  quinque 
saeculorum  Ecclesia  unanimiter  professa  fuit,  est  verum.  Comp.  the  similar  views  of 
Cassander,  §  51,  Note  6. 

15  Crypto-Papismus  Novae  Theologiae  Helmstadiensis,  das  heiml.  Papstthumb,  in 
the  Newen  Helmstiidtischen  Theologen  Schrifteu  unter  dem  Schein  der  Evangel.  Lehr 
hin  und  wieder  versteckt,  durch  M.  Statium  Buscherum,  in  4  vols.  (Hamburg,  1640). 
Buscher,  a  disciple  of  Daniel  Hofmann,  and  in  philosophy  a  Ramist,  was  cited  before 
the  consistory  in  Hildesheim  to  reply  to  a  large  number  of  accusations,  but  failed  to  ap- 
pear, fled  from  the  city,  and  died  soon  after ;  see  the  proceedings  in  a  work  issued  hj 
order  of  the  Duke,  "Griindliche  Widerlegung  eines  unwarhaften  Gedichts  untcrm  Titul 
Crypto-Papismus,"  etc.,  2  Th.,  Liineburg,  1641.  4.  Schmid  Gesch.  der  Synkret.  Strei- 
tigkeiten,  s.  49. 

16  See  Div.  I.,  §  15,  Note  31.  The  design  of  this  colloquy  was  so  harmonious  with 
the  views  and  wishes  of  Calixtus,  that,  before  it  was  held,  he  collected  the  works  pub- 
lished in  reference  to  it,  to  recommend  them  to  general  consideration:  Scripta  facientia 
ad  Colloquium  a  Ser.  Poloniae  Rege  Vladislao  IV.  Torunii  indictum.  Accessit  G.  Ca- 
lixti  Consideratio  et  iiriKpL(Ti<;,  Helmst.,  1645.  4. 

17  Schmid  Gesch.  d.  Synkr.  Streitigk.,  s.  60. 

18  Hornejus  had  already  maintained,  in  his  work,  Diss.  IX.,  de  Justificatione,  1640, 
in  several  theses,  a — necessitas  bonorum  operum  ad  aeternam  salutem  consequendam, 
and  was  blamed  for  it  by  Willi.  Leyser  in  Wittenberg,  in  a  letter  (contained  in  J.  Hul- 
semanni  Dialysis  Apologetica  Problematis  Calixtini,  p.  450).  Hornejus  defended  his 
thesis  in  a  disputation,  De  fide  et  bonis  Operibus.  Resp.  M.  Jo.  Latermanno,  1643;  and 
then  Hulsemann,  though  without  naming  Hornejus,  refuted  this  Majoristic  doctrine  (see 
§  37,  Note  10  sq.)  in  his  Supplementum  Breviarii  Theologici,  Vitemb.,  1044.  At  last 
Hornejus,  by  his  Disp.  de  Summa  Fidei,  non  qualislibet,  sed  quae  per  Caritatem  opera- 
tur,  Necessitate  ad  Salutem,  1646,  gave  occasion  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony  to  call  the 
attention  of  his  theological  Faculty  to  the  matter ;  and  then  a  letter  of  warning  was  sent 
to  Calixtus  and  Hornejus  by  the  Faculties  of  Leipsic,  Wittenberg,  and  Jena— de  phra- 
sibus  et  sententiis  ipsorum  scandalosis,  which  was  violently  answered. 

19  Latermann,  under  the  presidency  of  Calixtus,  had  defended  a  thesis,  De  sanctissi- 
mo  Trinitatis  Mysterio  contra  Socinianos  Exercit.,  Helmst.,  1645,  and  in  this  had  said, 
§  5 :  Quanquam  mysterium,  de  quo  agimus,  Patriarchis  et  rrophetis  suo  quodam  modo 
ex  peculiari  Dei  revelatione  cognitum  fuisse  inficias  ire  nolimus ;  ita  tamen  in  libris, 
quos  instinctu  Spiritus  sancti  ediderunt,  contineri,  ut  a  quovis  ibi  deprehendi  aut  olim 
potuerit,  aut  nunc  seposito  N.  T.  possit,  id  vero  negamus :  ibique  vestigia  potius  quam 
aperta  animumque  convinccntia  dicta  reperiri, — cxistimamus.  And  then  the  passage, 
Gen.  i.  26,  faciamus  hominem  ad  imaginem  et  similitudinem  nostram,  was  recognized  as  a 
luculerJum  vestigium.     This  very  unsuspicious  assertion  was  not  criticised  until  the  vie- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— LUTHERAN  CHURCH.     §  52.  G.  CALIXTUS.    593 

tack  against  the  central  points  of  the  system  of  Calixtus,  his  views 
about  the  Christian  doctrine  of  salvation,  and  his  projects  for  ef- 
fecting the  pacification  of  the  churches.20  Making  use  of  an  ex- 
pression long  since  in  ill  repute  among  the  Lutherans,  this  posi- 
tion was  denominated  Syncretism.  Thus  began  the  Syncretistic 
Controversy. 

lent  Coelestinus  Mislenta,  professor  in  Konigsberg,  when  holding  a  disputation  there— 
de  aeterna  Dei  praedestinatione,  1646,  objected  to  Latermann  as  an  advocate  of  several 
Ilelmstadt  errors,  and  among  them  the  above  opinion.  As  other  Faculties  were  called 
upon  to  give  a  judgment  upon  this  controversy,  Wittenberg  and  Strasburg  in  particular 
were  led  to  pronounce  against  that  view  ;  see  Hartknoch's  Preussische  Kirchenhistoria, 
s.  605.  Calixtus  wrote  about  it :  De  Quaestionibus,  num  Mysterium  s.  Trinitatis  e  so- 
lius  V.  T.  Libris  possit  demonstrari,  et  num  ejus  Temporis  Patribus  Filius  Dei  in  pro- 
pria sua  Hypostasi  apparuerit,  Diss.,  Helmst.,  1650.  4. 

20  Jo.  Conr.  Dannhaueri  (professor  in  Strasburg)  Mysterium  Syncretismi  detecti,  pro- 
scripti,  et  Symphonismo  compensati,  Argentor.,  1648.  4.  Abrah.  Calovii  (preacher  in 
Dantzic,  who  became  (1650)  professor  and  General  Superintendent  in  Wittenberg,  the 
chief  opponent  of  the  Syncretists)  Digressio  de  Nova  Theologia  Helmstadio-Regiomon- 
tanorum  Syncretistarum,  Calixti,  Horneji,  Behniii,  Dreieri,  Latermanni,  first  published 
at  the  end  of  his  Prolegomenis  Institutionum  Theologicarum,  Dantisc,  1649.  8. ;  after- 
ward in  his  Systema  Locorum  Tbeologic,  i.  881. 
VOL.  IV. 38 


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END  OF  VOL.  IV.