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FROM   THE   LIBRARY   OF 
REV.    LOUIS    FITZGERALD    BENSON.   D.  D. 

BEQUEATHED   BY   HIM   TO 

THE    LIBRARY   OF 

PRINCETON  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


Section 


sccr 

iOOllo 


V 


^ 


^N  OF  PR/^ 


MAR    6    1932 


iocmi  SE#£ 


.♦ 


A    TEXT-BOOK 


OF 


C  H  U  R  C  H    HISTORY. 

// 

BY  DR.  JOHN  C.  L  GIESELER. 


^Translates  anti  EfcfteTi 

v 

BY  HENRY  B.  SMITH, 

PROFESSOR  IN  THE  UNION  THEOLOGICAL  SEillNAKT,  NEW  TORE. 


VOL.  V.— A.D.  1517-1854. 


FROM  THE  REFORMATION  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIMES. 


COMPLETED  BY  MARY  A.  ROBINSOX. 


NEW    YORK: 
HARPER    &    BROTHERS,   PUBLISHERS, 

FRANKLIN     SQUARE. 

1880. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1S79,  by 

HARPER    &    BROTHERS, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


PREFACE. 


In  justice  to  the  memory  of  a  beloved  friend  and  colleague, 
I  can  not  refuse  the  request  of  his  wife  to  preface  this  last 
work  on  which  he  was  engaged  with  an  explanatory  statement. 
Gladly  would  I  have  performed  also  the  additional  service  asked 
of  me  to  bring  down  the  history  and  literature  to  the  present 
date,  if  it  could  have  been  done  without  neglecting  more  press- 
ing duties  which  prevent  me  from  finishing  my  own  Church 
History. 

This  volume  concludes  the  English  translation  of  the  Church 
History  of  Dr.  Gieseler,  which  is  too  well  known  to  need  any 
word  of  commendation.1  It  was  begun  by  the  lamented  Pro- 
fessor Henry  B.  Smith,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  who  had  finished  one 
hundred  and  twenty  pages,  when  he  was  called  to  his  reward  in 
heaven,  February  7,  1877,  in  the  sixty-second  year  of  his  age, 
after  a  long  and  painful  struggle  for  life. 

The  remaining  eighteen  pages  of  the  first  part  of  this  volume, 
to  the  close  of  page  138,  were  translated  by  Miss  Mary  A.  Rob- 
inson, the  accomplished  daughter  of  the  celebrated  pioneer  of 
Palestine  exploration,  Dr.  Edward  Eobinson,  Dr.  Smith's  former 
colleague.  This  includes  the  most  valuable  part  of  the  work, 
as  edited  by  Gieseler  himself,  according  to  his  own  plan  of  pre- 
senting a  documentary  history  in  extracts  from  the  original 
sources. 

The  second  and  third  parts  of  the  volume  embrace  Gieseler's 
lectures  on  modern  Church  History  from  1648  to  1854,  pub- 
lished after  his  death  (which  occurred  in  the  latter  year)  in  two 
German  volumes,  by  Dr.  Redepenning  (Bonn,  1855  and  1857). 

The  translation  of  the  History  from  1648  to  1814,  page  139 

1  See  the  Life  and  Writings  of  Gieseler  in  the  first  volume  of  the  American  edi- 
tion, translated  from  Redepenning's  sketch  in  the  fifth  volume  of  the  German  edi- 
tion. 


ii*  PREFACE. 

to  360,  was  assigned  by  Professor  Smith  himself  to  Professor 
Lewis  French  Stearns,  of  Albion,  Michigan. 

That  of  the  History  from  1S11  to  1854,  page  361  to  648,  as 
also  the  Alphabetical  Index  for  the  last  two  volumes  of  the 
American  edition,  are  the  work  of  Miss  Robinson. 

Having  compared  large  portions  of  the  translation  with  the 
original,  I  can  vouch  for  the  care  and  faithfulness  with  which 
the  difficult  task  has  been  accomplished. 

The  English  reader  is  thus  brought  into  possession  of  the 
whole  of  Gieseler's  work,  with  a  considerable  amount  of  valuable 
additional  bibliographical  matter  from  the  hand  of  Dr.  Smith. 

One  brief  chapter  only  has  been  omitted,  that  on  America, 
which  is  altogether  too  superficial  and  too  full  of  serious  errors 
of  fact  and  judgment  to  find  a  place  in  such  a  solid  work.  To 
Gieseler,  as  to  most  German  historians  of  his  day,  America  was 
a  terra  incognita,  or  known  only  from  vague  and  conflicting  re- 
ports of  travelers.  American  Church  history  remains  to  be 
written.  Contributions  there  are  not  a  few;  but  no  one  has 
worked  them  up  into  an  organic  whole,  and  reduced  the  chaos 
of  details  to  order  and  beauty. 

Dr.  Smith  was  just  the  man  for  such  a  task.  He  had  already 
mastered  the  material,  as  may  be  seen  from  his  valuable  Chrono- 
logical Tables  of  Church  History  (published  New  York,  1860). 
I  fully  share  in  the  profound  regret  of  his  many  friends  and 
pupils  that  he  was  not  spared  a  few  years  longer  to  complete 
this  volume,  and  to  perform  the  still  more  important  service  of 
preparing  his  Lectures  on  Systematic  Theology  and  Apologetics 
for  the  press.  During  the  last  nine  years  of  his  life  his  feeble 
and  delicate  frame  was  shattered,  and  his  working  power  im- 
paired, although  his  mind  remained  strong  and  clear  to  the 
end.  His  gradual  breaking-up  excited  the  most  painful  sym- 
pathy of  his  friends,  lie  took  a  fatal  cold  on  the  very  even- 
ing on  which  I  sailed  for  the  Holy  Land ;  and  when,  a  few 
months  later,  I  arrived  in  Jerusalem,  I  received  the  news  of  his 
translation  to  that  higher  and  better  Jerusalem  where  all  doubts 
are  solved,  and  pain  and  death  are  absorbed  in  bliss  and  life 
eternal. 

Dr.  Smith  was  'one  of  the  foremost  scholars  and  divines  of 
America,  equally  gifted  for  Church  history,  philosophy,  and  sys- 
tematic divinity,  and  endowed  with  a  delicate  sense  of  beauty 


PREFACE.  jji* 

in  poetry  and  art.  He  was  equally  at  home  in  Anglo-American 
and  German  learning.  George  Bancroft,  the  American  histo- 
rian, after  reading  his  Inaugural  Address  on  Church  History 
before  the  Directors  of  the  Union  Theological  Seminary  in  1S51, 
formed  the  judgment  that  in  Church  history  Smith  had  "no 
rival  in  this  hemisphere."  Dr.  Tholuck,  with  whom  he  had  stud- 
ied at  Halle  and  stood  on  terms  of  intimacy,  told  me  that  Drs. 
Hodge,  Smith,  and  Prentiss  were  his  "American  pets."  Dr. 
Dorner,  of  Berlin,  was  deeply  affected  by  the  news  of  his  death, 
and  wrote  to  a  friend:  "I  esteem  him  as  one  of  the  first,  if 
not  the  first,  of  American  theologians  of  the  present  day,  firmly 
rooted  in  the  Christian  faith,  free,  large-hearted,  and  far-sighted, 
of  a  philosophical  mind,  and  unusually  gifted  for  systematic  the- 
ology." And  Professor  Godet,  of  Neuchatel,  his  fellow-student 
in  Berlin,  happily  characterizes  him  as  "  one  of  the  most  Chris- 
tian gentlemen,  one  of  the  most  profound,  most  judicious,  and 
most  perspicuous  minds,  he  ever  met.  11  dominait  chaque  siijet, 
et  me  dominait  en  en  jparlant." 

Dr.  Smith  was  no  stranger  to  doubt.  He  fought  manfully 
with  all  forms  of  speculative  unbelief,  especially  with  panthe- 
ism, and  he  came  out  victorious.  His  essays  on  Penan's  Life 
of  Jesus,  and  the  New  Faith  of  Strauss,  are  among  the  ablest 
refutations  of  modern  infidelity.  He  found  in  Christ  the  solu- 
tion of  all  problems  of  history,  the  harmony  of  faith  and  philos- 
ophy. "  Christ  is,"  he  says  in  his  remarkable  discourse  on  Faith 
and  Philosophy,  delivered  at  Andover  in  1849,  "the  centre  of 
God's  revelation  and  of  man's  redemption ;  of  Christian  doc- 
trine and  of  Christian  history ;  of  Christian  sects  and  of  each 
believer's  faith  ;  yea,  of  the  very  history  of  this  our  earth,  Jesus 
Christ  is  the  full,  the  radiant,  the  only  centre — fitted  to  be  such 
because  he  is  the  God-man  and  the  Redeemer :  Christ — Christ, 
he  is  the  centre  of  the  Christian  sj^stem,  and  the  doctrine  re- 
specting Christ  is  the  heart  of  Christian  theology.  .  .  .  Chris- 
tianity, thus  viewed,  gives  us  all  that  philosophy  aims  after,  and 
in  a  more  perfect  form  ;  it  also  gives  us  more  than  philosophy 
can  give ;  and  this  more  that  it  gives  is  what  man  most  needs, 
and  what  reason  alone  never  could  divine.  And  therefore  we 
conclude  that  it  is  not  within  the  scope  of  the  human  mind  to 
conceive  a  system  more  complete,  richer  in  all  blessings.  . . .  The 
highest  ideas  and  ends  which  reason  can  propound  are  really 


jv*  PREFACE. 

embraced,  the  deepest  wants  which  man  can  know  are  truly 
satisfied,  the  sharpest  antagonisms  which  the  mind  can  propose 
are  declared  to  be  reconciled,  in  the  ideas,  the  means,  and  the 
ends  which  are  contained  in  that  revelation  which  centres  in  the 
Person  of  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord." 

Such  are  the  golden  truths  which  he  taught  the  rising  genera- 
tion with  the  ability  of  a  master  and  with  the  earnestness  of  a 
devout  believer,  and  which  his  grateful  pupils  are  now  proclaim- 
ing from  many  pulpits  in  this  country  and  in  distant  heathen 
lands.  His  devoted  friend  and  colleague,  Dr.  Prentiss,  has  done 
a  noble  service  of  love  by  editing  some  of  his  thoughtful  and 
inspiring  essays,  with  a  touching  tribute  to  his  memory.1  May 
it  soon  be  followed  by  a  biography  from  the  pen  of  her  who 
knew  him  best  and  loved  him  most ! 

"We  append,  by  permission  of  the  author,  a  biographical  sketch 
which  another  of  his  intimate  friends  and  colleagues,  Professor 
Poswell  D.  Hitchcock,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  read  before  the  New  York 
Historical  Society,  March  6,  1877 : 

"Fourteen  years  ago  we  mourned  the  loss  and  embalmed  the  memory  of  Edward 
Robinson :  clarum  et  venerabile  nomen.  To-day  we  mourn  another  kindred  loss,  and 
embalm  a  kindred  memory. 

"This  bereavement  is  premature.  There  should  have  been  at  least  ten  years  more 
of  sober,  steady,  solid  work.  But  the  blade  was  too  keen  for  its  scabbard.  It  seems 
an  enormous  waste.  Only  we  do  not  know  what  calls  there  may  be  for  service  where 
blades  are  never  sheathed ;  and  so  we  stand  dumb  once  more  before  this  tremendous 
mystery  of  death,  equaled  only  by  this  other  tremendous  mystery  of  life. 

"Henry  Boynton  Smith  was  born  in  Portland,  Maine,  November  21, 1S15,  not  quite 
sixty-two  years  ago.  He  began  life  auspiciously  in  a  happy  home,  in  that  beautiful 
Eastern  metropolis  noted  for  its  intelligence  and  refinement — the  birthplace  of  the 
poet  Longfellow,  the  residence  for  many  years  of  Payson,  Cummings,  Daveis,  Preble, 
Greenlcaf,  Fessenden,  Shcplcy,  and  others  like  them,  accomplished  divines,  scholars, 
advocates,  jurists,  and  statesmen.  His  pastor  was  Dr.  Ichabod  Nichols,  a  courtly, 
cultured,  gracious  Christian  gentleman.  He  could  not  have  been  born  into  a  better 
atmosphere.  He  was  a  bright  boy,  of  sunny,  cheerful  temper  and  winsome  ways, 
of  ready  wit,  eager  and  quick  to  learn. 

"He  graduated  at  Bowdoin  College  in  1834,  in  the  same  class  with  Dr.  Cyrus 
Hamlin,  of  Constantinople,  also  a  Portland  boy  and  his  life-long  friend.  Of  the 
same  college  generation  were  Dr.  Daniel  R.  Goodwin,  of  Philadelphia,  two  years 
before  him;  President  William  II.  Allen,  of  Girard  College,  and  Professor  Samuel 
Harris,  of  New  Haven,  one  year  before  him;  Dr.  George  L.Prentiss,  afterward  his 
here,  one  year  after  him;  and  Governor  John  A.  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts, 
and  Dr.  Fordycc  Barker,  of  this  city,  three  years  after  him.  So  I  think  it  always  is 
in  history,  as  in  the  firmament  above  us,  the  stars  arc  clustered  in  constellations. 


1  Faith  and  Philosophy  :  Discourses  and  Essays  by  Henry  B.  Smith,  D.D.,  LL.D. 
Edited,  with  an  Introductory  Notice,  by  George  L.  Prentiss,  D.D.,  Professor  in  the 
Union  Theological  Seminary  in  the  City  of  New  York.    New  York,  1S77  (pp.  496). 


PREFACE.  v* 

What  students  do  for  one  another  is  sometimes  quite  equal  to  what  is  done  for  them 
by  their  teachers.  The  president  of  the  college  in  young  Smith's  time  was  Dr. 
William  Allen,  one  of  whose  daughters  he  afterward  married. 

"  His  more  pronounced  religious  life  began  in  college :  this  determined  his  choice 
of  a  profession.  He  studied  theology  at  Bangor  and  Andover,  was  tutor  for  a  year 
at  Bowdoiu,  and  then  spent  nearly  two  years  in  Germany,  chiefly  at  the  universities 
of  Halle  and  Berlin,  where  he  came  in  close  contact  with  such  men  as  Tholuck  and 
Neander.    Philosophy  and  history  were  already  his  favorite  studies. 

"He  came  back  to  the  United  States  with  the  stamp  of  superior  scholarship  in- 
delibly set  upon  him.  For  one  year,  from  1840  to  1841,  he  had  charge  of  the  senior 
class  at  Bowdoin,  while  the  new  president,  Dr.  Leonard  Woods,  was  absent  in  Eu- 
rope. In  1842  he  was  settled  over  a  Congregational  Church  in  the  little  village  of 
West  Amesbury,  Massachusetts.  Even  by  that  plain  people  he  was  equally  beloved 
and  admired.  But  his  constitution  was  delicate,  and  his  impulses  and  aptitudes  de- 
cidedly scholastic.  From  1845  to  1847  he  gave  instruction  in  Hebrew  at  Andover, 
without  giving  up  his  pastorate ;  and  then,  having  resigned  the  pastorate,  took  the 
chair  of  mental  and  moral  philosophy  in  Amherst  College,  succeeding  Professor 
Nathan  W.  Fiske,  who  had  recently  died,  where  he  now  lies  buried,  in  Jerusalem. 

"His  career  at  Amherst  answered,  and  more  than  answered,  the  early  promise. 
Men  now  distinguished  in  the  higher  walks  of  scholarship  and  thought  still  feel  the 
magnetism  of  his  touch,  and  are  still  in  motion  toward  the  goal  he  set  for  them. 
Those  were,  perhaps,  his  most  brilliant  clays.  Afterward  he  was  deeper,  broader, 
stronger,  but  never  more  athletic  and  inspiring.  I  well  remember  his  appearance  at 
Andover  in  the  autumn  of  1849,  when  he  gave  his  capital  address  on  the  Relations  of 
Faith  and  Philosophy.  His  fine  face  was  radiant;  his  slight  frame  surcharged  and 
dilated  with  thought  and  feeling;  and  his  clean-cut,  ringing  English  was  like  the 
voice  of  a  trumpet,  saying  '  Come  up  hither.' 

"The  year  following  brought  him  to  New  York,  known  personally  to  only  two 
or  three  of  them  that  voted  for  him.  I  will  not  say  he  had  outgrown  New  Eng- 
land. In  any  other  section  of  the  country,  it  would  have  been  all  the  same.  The 
time  had  come  for  a  field  and  a  reputation  as  broad  as  the  continent.  Here  in  the 
most  cosmopolitan  of  our  American  cities — real  metropolis,  not  of  commerce  only, 
but  of  politics,  of  science,  of  letters,  and  of  art — he  found  a  congenial  and  respon- 
sive home.  He  passed  over  also  from  the  Congregational  to  the  Presbyterian  fold. 
He  did  this  easily,  not  because  he  cared  little  for  either  of  them,  but  because  he 
loved  them  both,  as,  indeed,  in  the  largeness  of  his  charity,  he  loved  all  who  love  the 
Lord. 

"The  Union  Theological  Seminary,  already  strong  in  the  worldwide  reputation 
of  its  chief  professor,  Dr.  Edward  Robinson,  dates  a  new  epoch  in  its  history  from 
the  advent  of  Dr.  Henry  B.  Smith.  From  1850  to  1S54  he  occupied  the  chair  of 
Church  history,  making  history  a  science,  teaching  history  as  it  was  then  taught 
nowhere  else  among  us.  At  the  end  of  these  four  years  he  was  carried  by  acclama- 
tion into  the  chair  of  systematic  theology.  But  here,  too,  the  historic  spirit  and 
method  dominated.  The  Person  of  Christ,  instead  of  absolute  Divine  determination, 
was  the  centre  of  his  system.  How  he  handled  this  system  only  his  pupils  fully 
know.  For  subtlety  of  analysis,  for  sharpness  of  definition,  for  comprehensiveness 
and  breadth  of  treatment,  for  vital  push  of  intense  personal  conviction,  he  has  had 
but  few  equals.  To  say  he  knew  how  to  teach  would  not  adequately  describe  him. 
Teaching,  with  him,  was  not  so  much  an  art  as  an  instinct.  Reason,  says  Tcrtullian, 
is  a  kind  of  internal  conversation.  Professor  Smith  always  made  the  impression 
of  having  first  persuaded  himself  of  whatever  he  had  occasion  to  teach  others.  In 
no  bad  sense  of  the  word  would  I  call  him  skeptical;  but  evidently  some  of  his 
most  sacred  beliefs  were  trophies,  and  not  traditions.  Having  conquered  for  him- 
self, he  could  lead  others  to  victory. 

"As  a  preacher,  it  was  not  the  fashion  to  praise  him  much.    His  voice  was  not 


vj*  PREFACE. 

Btrong  enough  for  large  popular  assemblies.  But  his  matter  was  always  rich,  his 
style  felicitous,  and  his  whole  manner  inimitably  his  own.  Cultivated  and  thought- 
ful people  always  heard  him  gladly. 

"His  learning  was  encyclopedic.  His  studies  led  him  out  over  vast  territories. 
What  he  knew,  he  knew  exactly,  thoroughly,  positively.  And  what  he  had  once 
learned  he  appeared  never  to  have  forgotten.  This  was  greatly  to  his  advantage  in 
all  emergencies.  As  moderator  of  the  General  Assembly  in  1863,  the  opulence,  va- 
riety, and  aptness  of  his  addresses  were  a  surprise  even  to  some  who  thought  they 
had  known  him  well. 

"The  reunion,  in  1871,  of  the  long-divided  Presbyterian  Church  is,  in  great  part, 
one  of  the  monuments  of  his  genius.  He  made  such  statements  of  doctrine— state- 
ments so  precise,  so  luminous,  so  Mr— that  good  men  saw  where  they  stood  togeth- 
er, and  where,  without  reproach  or  controversy,  they  might  stand  apart.  The  open- 
ing sermon  preached  by  him  before  the  General  Assembly  at  Dayton,  Ohio,  in  1SGI, 
on  Christian  Union  and  Ecclesiastical  Reunion,  made  it  almost  certain  that  the  days 
of  separation  were  numbered. 

"  Of  other  monuments  it  is  hardly  time  as  yet  to  speak.  In  1859  he  founded  the 
American  Theological  Review,  which,  after  one  or  two  changes,  was  united  with  the 
Prina  ton  Rep.  rtory  in  1S72.  Besides  many  valuable  articles  contributed  by  him,  the 
department  of '  Theological  and  Literary  Intelligence'  was  peculiarly  his  own.  He 
published  a  great  deal  first  and  last ;  but  I  am  sure  he  spent  altogether  too  much  of 
his  time  and  strength  in  editing,  though  with  many  and  great  improvements,  the 
works  of  others.  His  Gieseler  and  Ilagenbach  have  done  admirable  service ;  but  the 
world  would  have  been  the  gainer  had  he  put  forth,  in  the  same  direction,  indepen- 
dent works  of  his  own. 

"His  Tabular  Church  History,  published  in  1800,  is  a  condensed  embodiment  of 
what  he  accomplished  in  that  department.  Under  the  head  of  '  General  Character- 
istics,' he  gives,  with  great  felicity,  the  gist  of  the  whole  matter.  But  he  himself 
was  looking  forward  to  the  publication  of  his  theological  lectures  as  the  opus  mag- 
num of  his  life.  While  in  full  working  power,  he  was  in  no  haste  to  bring  the  great 
ami  growing  mass  of  his  material  into  its  final  shape;  and  when  at  last  he  resigned 
his  chair,  his  strength  was  no  longer  equal  to  the  task.  His  notes,  it  may  be,  arc 
sufficiently  full  and  finished  to  be  edited  without  injustice  to  his  reputation.  We 
shall  know  by-and-by,  when  the  cloud  has  lifted  a  little  from  his  home.  Much  use 
might,  no  doubt,  be  made  of  the  note-books  of  his  pupils. 

"But  if  this  should  fail,  all  is  not  lost.  Hundreds  of  Christian  scholars,  in  all 
quarters  of  the  trlobe,  arc  reproducing  the  lessons  of  his  class-room.  Through  each 
one  of  these,  other  hundreds  are  reached,  and  will  yet  be  reached,  till  his  influence 
shall  have  exceeded  all  measurable  bounds.  Who  will  venture  to  say  that  the 
Ausclms  and  Abclards  of  the  Middle  Age  have  done  more  by  their  writings  than 
they  did,  and  are  doing  still,  by  their  contact  with  living  men  ?  Who  knows  how 
much  of  what  we  call  human  learning  is  floating  down  on  the  tide  of  oral  tradi- 
tion? 

"  Dr.  Smith  was  for  a  long  time  an  invalid.  Frail,  at  the  strongest,  he  broke  down 
entirely  in  the  winter  of  1869,  and  was  never  quite  himself  again.  A  year  and  a  half 
he  Bpenl  abroad,  in  Germany,  in  Italy,  in  Greece,  visiting  also  Egypt,  Sinai,  Palestine, 
and  <  ionstantinople.  Resuming  work  in  the  Seminary  in  the  autumn  of  1870,  again 
he  faltered,  and  again  he  rallied,  till  in  1S74,  in  great  bitterness  of  disappointment, 
he  finally  resigned  his  chair,  lie  was,  however,  at  the  same  time,  made  professor 
emeritus  and  appointed  lecturer  in  apologetics.  Twice  he  undertook  bis  work 
in  this  new  department,  but  each  time  broke  down  under  it.  But  still  he  hoped, 
and  still  there  remained  so  much  of  vitality  that,  in  the  autumn  of  1S70,  he  was 
chosen  lecturer  on  the  Ely  Foundation,  ami  expected  to  be  ready  for  the  service  at 
tin'  time  appointed.  Toward  the  end  of  December  he  took  a  severe  cold,  from 
Which  he  never  recovered.     Others  may  have  been  apprehensive  in  regard  to  the 


PREFACE.  vii* 

result,  but  he  himself  apparently  was  not  expecting  to  die  so  soon.  Once  he  spoke 
of  having  ceased  to  cumber  himself  with  the  things  of  this  world,  but  that  was  all. 
He  died  on  Wednesday  morning,  February  7, 1877. 

"What  now  shall  he  his  epitaph?  Let  this  be  written:  Here  lies  an  intrepid 
Christian  scholar,  who  accepted  life  as  a  battle,  and  went  into  it  afraid  of  none  but 
God,  afraid  of  nothing  but  sin." 

Philip  Sciiaff. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  Y. 


FOURTH  PERIOD. 

FROM  THE  REFORMATION  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIMES. 

FIRST  DIVISION. 

A.D.  1517-1648. 
FROM  THE  REFORMATION  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA. 

PART  THIRD  OF  FIRST  DIVISION. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 

FIRST  CHAPTER. 
TO  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT  (DECEMBER,  1545). 

TAGE 

§  53.  Influence  of  the  Reformation  upon  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 9 

54.  New  Orders 13 

SECOND  CHAPTER. 

PERIOD  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT,  DECEMBER  13,  1545,  TO  DECEM- 
BER 4, 1563. 

Sources  and  Literature 21 

§  55.  1545-1551.    (First  Period  of  the  Council,  Dec.  13, 1545,  to  March  11, 1547) . .  23 

56.  1551-1562.   (Second  Period  of  the  Council,  May  1, 1551,  to  April  28, 1552) . .  31 

57.  Third  Period  of  the  Council,  Jan.,  1562,  to  Dec.  4, 1563 44 

THIRD  CHAPTER. 

FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT  TO  THE  PEACE  OF 
WESTPHALIA,  1563-1648. 

§  58.  History  of  the  Papacy 59 

59.  History  of  the  Jesuits 76 

60.  Shaping  of  Scientific  Theology  and  Church  Life  under  Jesuit  Influence. . .    91 

61.  Missions  of  the  Jesuits 106 

62.  New  Orders 117 


iv  CONTENTS. 

FOURTH  CHAPTER. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES. 

TAGE 

§  63.  History  of  the  Theological  Sciences 121 

APPENDIX. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CHURCHES. 
§  64.  History  of  the  Oriental  Churches 127 

SECOND  DIVISION. 

FROM  THE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  TO  THE  TREATY  OF  PARIS. 

PART  FIRST  OF  SECOND  DIVISION. 
HISTORY  OF  PHILOSOPHY  IN  ITS  RELATIONS  TO  CHRISTIANITY. 

§1.  Introduction.     The  Earlier  Secret  Opponents  of  Christianity 139 

2.  The  Philosophy  of  the  Seventeenth  Ceutury,  and  its  Relation  to  Theology. .  141 

3.  Opponents  of  Christianity  in  England 143 

4.  Freethinkers  in  France 146 

5.  Continuation 119 

6.  Opponents  of  Christianity  in  Germany 154 

7.  Rise  of  a  Better  Philosophy  among  the  Protestants 159 

S.  Continuation 163 

PART  SECOND  OF  SECOND  DIVISION. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 

FIRST  CHAPTER. 
HISTORY  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  CONTROVERSIES  IN  FRANCE. 

§    9.  The  Jansenist  Controversies 166 

10.  The  Disputes  of  Louis  XIV.  with  the  Popes 170 

11.  Quietism 1~2 

12.  Continuation  of  the  Jansenist  Controversies 175 

13.  The  Jansenist  Church  in  the  Netherlands 1S1 

SECOND  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  ORDER  OF  JESUS  TO  THE  TIME  OF  ITS  ABOLISH- 
MENT. 

§  14.  Condition  of  the  Order  in  Europe  during  the  Seventeenth  Century 1S3 

15.  Missionary  Controversies  of  the  Order  in  China  and  Malabar 185 

16.  The  Jesuit  State  in  Paraguay.     Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  Several 

Countries 189 

17.  Total  Abolishmeut  of  the  Order  aud  its  Further  Fortunes 194 


CONTENTS. 


THIRD  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  REFORMS  IN  GERMANY  UNDER 

JOSEPH  II. 

TAGE 

§  18.  Preparatory  Work  of  Febronius 198 

19.  The  Reforms  of  Joseph  II 200 

20   Grievances  of  the  German  Archbishops  against  the  Pope.    Puuctation  at 

Ems 206 

31.  Reforms  in  Tuscany 210 


FOURTH  CHAPTER. 
PERIOD  OF  THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 

§  22.  Its  Beginning.    Decrees  of  the  National  Assembly 214 

23.  Progress  of  the  Revolution.    National  Convention.    Directory 218 

24.  Political  Relations  of  the  Pope  with  the  French  Republic 219 

25.  Restoration  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  France 221 

26.  Relations  of  the  Pope  to  the  New  Emperor,  Napoleon  1 224 

27.  History  of  the  German  Catholic  Church  during  this  Period 229 

28.  History  of  other  National  Churches  during  this  Period 234 


FIFTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES  IN  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH 
DURING  THIS  PERIOD. 

§  29.  Their  Progress  in  France  until  the  Middle  of  the  Eighteenth  Century. 

Church  History 236 

30.  Continuation.     Treatment  of  other  Theological  Sciences  in  France 241 

31.  Continuation.    Events  in  France  Unfavorable  to  the  Study  of  the  Theo- 

logical Sciences 245 

32.  The  Theological  Sciences  in  Italy 249 

33.  The  Theological  Sciences  in  Catholic  Germany  during  the  Second  Half  of 

the  Seventeenth  and  the  First  Half  of  the  Eighteenth  Century 253 

34.  Events  Preparatory  to  the  Awakening  of  Theological  Learning  in  Germany.  255 

35.  Distinguished  Theological  Writers 262 


PART   THIRD   OF    SECOND   DIVISION. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  LUTHERAN  CHURCH. 

FIRST  CHAPTER. 
INTERNAL  HISTORY. 

I. — PERIOD    OF   THE    CALIXTINE    SCHOOL   AND   THE    SYNCRETISTIC 
CONTROVERSIES. 

§  36.  Origin  of  the  Calixtine  Controversies 267 

37.  History  of  the  Controversy  itself. 271 


vi  CONTENTS. 

TAGE 

§  3S.  Effect  of  the  Syncretistic  Controversies  upon  the  Relations  of  the  Lutheran 

and  Reformed  Churches 274 

39.  Conversions  of  Lutherans  to  the  Catholic  Church  in  Consequence  of  the 

Syncretistic  Controversies 276 

40.  Later  Results  of  the  Calixtine  Principles.    (1.)  Pacificatory  Negotiations 

of  Spinola  and  Bossuet  with  Molanus  and  Leibnitz 279 

(2.)  Conversion  of  Princess  Elizabeth  and  Duke  Anton  Ulrich  of  Bruns- 
wick to  the  Catholic  Church 2S1 

41.  Other  Emiueut  Theologians  of  the  Lutheran  Church  during  this  Period . .  282 


II. — FROM   THE    BEGINNING    OF    THE    PIETISTIC    CONTROVERSY   UNTIL 

1700. 

§  42.  The  Beginning  of  the  Controversy 284 

43.  Characteristics  of  the  Pietists.     Charges  made  against  them  by  the  Or- 

thodox   28S 

44.  Fanatics  in  the  Lutheran  Church,  and  their  Relation  to  the  Pietists 290 

45.  The  most  Eminent  Adherents  and  Opponents  of  the  School  of  Spener. . . .  292 

46.  More  Moderate  Theologians  in  the  Lutheran  Church 295 

47.  Attempts  at  Union  between  the  Lutheran  and  Reformed  Churches 299 

48.  Origin  of  the  Herrnhuters,  or  United  Brethren 302 


III. — PERIOD    OF   MODERN  TI1EOLOGY,  FROM    1760   TO   1814. 

§  49.  Preparatory  Events 308 

50.  Semler,  Michaelis,  Ernesti 311 

51.  Progress  of  Theological  Enlightenment 314 

52.  Continuation 318 

53.  Continuation 321 

54.  The  other  Theological  Sciences 324 


APPENDIX. 
The  Swedexborgians 326 

SECOND  CHAPTER. 
EXTERNAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  PROTESTANTS  IN  GERMANY. 

§  55.  Persecution  of  the  Protestants  in  the  Palatinate 327 

56.  In  Salzburg 329 

57.  In  the  Austrian  Countries 331 

PART  FOURTH  OF  SECOND  DIVISION. 
HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  ENGLAND. 

§  58.  History  of  the  Reformed  Church  in  England 333 

59.  The  Quakers 334 

60.  The  Methodists 338 

01.  Theological  Lcarnimr  in  England 340 


CONTENTS.  vjj 


PART  FIFTH  OF  SECOND  DIVISION. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  IN  FRANCE,  HOLLAND,  AND 

SWITZERLAND. 

PAGE 

§  62.  External  History  of  the  Reformed  in  France 346 

63.  History  of  Theology  in  the  French  Reformed  Church 350 

64.  History  of  Theology  in  the  Reformed  Church  of  Holland 353 

65.  History  of  Theology  in  the  Swiss  Reformed  Church 357 


THIRD  DIVISION. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  MODERN  CHURCH  FROM  1814  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIME. 

1814-1854. 

§    1.  General  View  of  the  Condition  of  the  Church  during  this  Period 361 

2.  History  of  the  Papacy 385 

3.  Ecclesiastical  History  of  France 409 

4.  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Italy 453 

5.  Ecclesiastical  History  of  England  and  Scotland 471 

6.  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Switzerland  and  the  Netherlands 489 

7.  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Protestant  Germany.     I.  From  1S14  to  1840 498 

II.  Since  1840 543 

8.  History  of  the  Protestant  Church  in  Denmark,  Holland,  and  Switzerland. .  577 

9.  History  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  Germany 593 

10.  Ecclesiastical  Affairs  in  Austria 637 

11.  Russia 643 


Index  to  Vols.  IV.  and  V 647 


CHURCH    HISTORY. 


FOURTH    PERIOD. 


FIRST   DIVISION. 

FROM  1517  TO  1648. 

PART  THIRD  OF  FIRST  DIVISION. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 


FIRST  CHAPTER. 

TO  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT  (DECEMBER,  1545). 

Popes:— Leo  X.  (John  de  Medicis,  tl  Dec,  1521).  Hadrian  VI.  (Hadrian  Florisse, 
of  Utrecht,  9  Jan.,  1522,  to  14  Sept.,  1523).  Clement  VII.  (Julius  de  Medicis,  19 
Nov.,  1523,  to  25  Sept.,  1534).  Paul  III.  (Alexander  Farnese,  13  Oct.,  1534,  to  10 
Nov.,  1549). 

§  53. 

INFLUENCE  OF  THE  REFORMATION  UPON  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC 

CHURCH. 

The  Roman  Catholic  Church,  was  brought  by  the  Reformation 
into  a  state  of  the  most  violent  commotion.  Its  firmest  adherents 
recognized  the  fact  that  the  Reformation  was  only  the  conse- 
quence of  those  abuses  which  had  been  unveiled,  but  not  abol- 
ished, by  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle.1     Not  only  were 

1  The  immorality  of  the  clergy  was  very  generally  admitted.  Compare  the  state- 
ments, in  an  epistle  of  a  provincial  synod,  by  Anton,  Archbishop  of  Prague,  1565 
(Hartzheim,  Cone.  Germ.  vii.  26) :  Qui  dissolutam  Cleri  disciplinam  tantarum  Eccle- 
siae  calamitatum  et  tot  sectarum — causam — esse  arbitrantur,  ii  profecto  non  procul  a 
vero  aberrant.  Marcus  Sittich,  Bishop  of  Constance,  in  an  address  at  a  diocesan 
synod,  1567  (ibid.  p.  454) :  Estote  memores,  damnatam  et  detestandam  Cleri  vitam 
huic  malo,  majori  ex  parte,  ansam  praebuisse; — omnem  fere  hujus  tempestatis  cul- 
pam,  omnium  sapientum  judicio,  in  ejusdem  flagitia,  socordiam,  et  supinam  negli- 
gentiam  conjiciendam  esse.  Omnes  sapientes  peritique  viri  unanimi  sententia  hoc 
asserunt. 

VOL.  V. — 1 


!0  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

complaints  against  these  abuses  uttered  with  renewed  emphasis, 
but  the  voices  of  the  Reformers,  much  as  men  were  disinclined 
to  listen  to  them,  being  supported  by  the  Holy  Scriptures,  which 
were  now  widely  disseminated  by  translations  among  the  Roman 
Catholics,2  gave  new  life  to  reforming  views  and  demands  even 
within  the  bounds  of  the  old  Church.  Thus  many  of  the  Roman 
Catholics  demanded  the  abolition  of  celibacy,3  improvement  in 
popular  instruction,  more  edifying  forms  of  worship,  and  partic- 
ularly the  restoration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  in  both  forms — the 
wine  as  well  as  the  bread.4  The  peculiar  doctrines  of  the  Re- 
formers were  indeed  rejected  by  the  theologians  of  scholastic 

2  Hieronymus  Emser  published  in  Dresden,  1527,  a  translation  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, "so  that  the  people  might  no  longer  be  deceived,  as  heretofore,  but  might 
have  the  real  and  true  Word  of  God,  instead  of  Luther's  word."  This  translation, 
however,  was,  with  few  exceptions,  that  of  Luther,  so  that  the  latter  expressed  his 
joy  about  it  (in  his  Sendbrief  vom  Dolmetschen,  1530,  Walch,  xxi.  311),  that  though 
Duke  George  had  forbidden  his  version,  he  had  still  recommended  that  of  Emser: 
"For  me  it  is  enough,  and  I  am  rejoiced,  that  my  work  ....  must  be  helped  on  by 
my  enemies,  and  that  Luther's  book  is  read  by  his  enemies  without  Luther's  name. 
What  a  revenge  is  mine !"  The  translation  by  John  Dictenberger,  Dominican  in 
Mayence,  1534,  is  from  the  Vulgate.  John  Eck,  Pro-chancellor  in  Ingolstadt,  pub- 
lished his  version  in  1537;  in  the  Old  Testament  following  the  Vulgate,  in  the  New 
Testament  the  Emser  translation.  The  latter,  in  the  Preface,  justifies  the  former 
prohibitions  of  all  translations  of  the  Bible,  but  holds  that  they  have  now  become 
necessary,  "since  the  common  people  are  confused  by  many  false  versions,  so  that 
they  can  not  tell  what  is  the  right  text  of  the  Bible,  and  what  is  man's  book."  Com- 
pare G.  M.  Panzer's  Geschichte  der  rbmisch-cathol.  deutschen  BibelubersetzuiiLi', 
Ni'irnberg,  1781,  4.  On  Faber's  French  translation,  see  vol.  iii.  of  this  work,  §  154, 
Note  38,  p.  490 ;  on  the  Italian,  vol.  iv.  §  19,  Note  4 ;  on  the  Spanish,  §  20,  Notes  14 
and  15. 

3  Jo.  Aventini  (t  1534)  Annales  Bojorum  (first  published  Ingolstadii,  1554,  ed.  N.  H. 
Gundling,  Lips.  1710,  fob),  lib.  v.  init.,  describes  how  Gregory  VII.  had  raised  the 
Papacy  above  the  Empire,  the  abuses  which  crept  into  the  Church  in  consequence, 
and  the  sad  consequences  which  ensued,  particularly  on  account  of  the  celibacy  im- 
posed upon  the  priests. 

*  So,  too,  the  Consilium  Georgii,  Ducis  Saxon,  (in  Stiiudlin's  and  Tzschimer's  Ar- 
chiv  fiir  Kirchengeseh.  ii.  ii.  394),  drawn  up  about  1535,  which  censures  very  many 
ecclesiastical  abuses,  concedes  (p.  402)  that  a  married  person  might  be  admitted 
among  the  clergy :  Attamen  cum  divina  eclebrare  volucrit,  abstincat  ab  raxore  per 
triduum. — Qui  vcro  post  vota  uxores  duxcrunt,  ex  quo  constat  eos  pcrjuros  esse, 
non  admittantur  ad  ullos  status  clericales,  nisi  prius  publican)  egerint  pocnitcntiam 
relictis  libcris  ct  uxoribus.  P.  404:  Venerabile  sacramentum  Eucharistiae  liberum 
sit,  ita  ut  unicuique  liceat  eo  vel  sub  una,  vel  sub  utraque  specie  frui  indifiercnter, 
hac  tamen  lege,  ut  quisque  credat,  unam  speciem  tam  cfflcaccm  quam  ambas.  Ge. 
Wicelii  (then  a  Catholic  priest  in  Eisleben),  Libellus  de  Moribus  vetcrum  Haeret- 
icorum,  Lips.  1537.  E.  7:  Absolutum  exemplar  christiani  hominis  esse  judicant 
(Lutherani),  bina  vesci  specie,  non  secus  ac  si  dominus  Jesus  in  hac  obscrvatione 
proram  ac  puppim  aeternae  salutis  collocasset. — Utinam  in  hoc  articulo  idem  omnes 
sentiremus,  ut  tandem,  composita  lite,  pacis  bono  frui  liceat !  Nihil  omnium  est, 
quod  pcriude  popularium  animos  commovct. 


PART  III.— CH.  I.— CATHOLIC  CHURCH.   §  53.  EFFECTS  OF  REFORM.  1 1 

training ; 5  but  the  type  of  doctrine  thus  far  formally  sanctioned 
by  the  Church  was  still  elastic  enough  to  allow  projects  for  union 
to  be  entertained ; 6  and  many  of  the  Catholic  divines  approxi- 
mated in  a  marked  way  to  the  Reformers  in  their  definitions  of 
several  doctrines,  although  they  still  adhered  to  the  old  Church.7 
The  synods  held  in  Germany  and  France,  however,  restricted 
themselves  to  opposing  the  most  manifest  ecclesiastical  abuses.8 

5  Thus  by  the  Sorbonne,  1521.  See  vol.  iv.  §  21,  Note  1.  Also  1535  in  d'Argen- 
tre,  i.  ii.  395,  and  on  the  10th  March,  1542,  in  Gerdes'  Hist.  Evang.  renovati,  t.  iii. 
Monum.  p.  87  (in  Raynald,  1548,  No.  79,  with  the  wrong  date,  10  Mart.  1548) :  by  the 
theological  faculty  of  Louvain,  1544,  in  Raynald,  1544,  No.  35,  and  Gerdes,  1.  c. 

6  See  the  negotiations  for  agreement  held  in  Augsburg,  1530,  vol.  iv.  §  5,  Note  13, 
and  in  Ratisbon,  1541,  ibid.  §  7,  Note  41 ;  also  the  Augsburg  Interim,  ibid.  §  9,  Note  3. 

7  Remarkable,  in  this  respect,  are  the  declarations  of  John  Wild,  Guardian  of  the 
Franciscans,  and  court  preacher  at  Mayence,  deceased  1554.  During  his  life  he 
printed  several  sermons.  After  his  death,  many  of  his  commentaries  (some  in  Latin) 
on  the  biblical  writings  were  published.  He  recommended  the  reading  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  and  refuted  the  objection  that  they  were  obscure.  He  was  zealous 
against  human  additions  to  the  Word:  "If  I  must  speak  out  the  truth,  our  Chris- 
tianity has  come  to  be  nothing  else  than  vain  Pharisaism  and  hypocrisy ;  for  we 
see  many  ceremonies  but  little  godliness,  many  songs  and  little  devotion,  much 
seeming  and  little  truth,  many  words  and  little  heart,  a  breaking  off  from  some 
meats  and  no  breaking  off  from  sins,  the  one  is  enforced  and  the  other  is  forgotten. 
When  we  keep  the  ecclesiastical  order,  it  is  something  great ;  but  when  we  despise 
God's  commands,  yea,  sin  against  them  daily,  this  does  no  harm."  Then  on  Repent- 
ance and  Faith:  "If  we  want  to  speak  aright  about  repentance  and  Christian  life, 
we  must  not  begin  with  fasting,  praying,  and  giving  alms,  etc.,  for  the  wicked,  too, 
can  do  these  things,  and  yet  they  shall  not  avail  them  any  thing  before  God.  True 
repentance  has  its  beginning,  on  the  one  hand,  in  the  preaching  or  consideration 
of  the  divine  law,  and  the  knowledge  of  sin  from  our  own  unrighteousness,  con- 
demnation, and  fear  of  God's  judgment ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  comes  through  the 
proclamation  of  the  grace  of  God,  through  faith  in  the  divine  promise,  and  calling 
upon  the  divine  name.  From  these  two  fountains — fear  and  faith,  hatred  of  sin 
and  love  of  righteousness — repentance  must  flow  forth,  and  all  this  must  be  expe- 
rienced before  we  come  to  the  fruits  of  repentance."  "By  faith  in  Christ  we  are  re- 
ceived into  a  state  of  grace,  our  sins  are  forgiven,  and  the  righteousness  of  Christ  is 
imputed  to  us,  without  respect  to  who  and  what  we  were  before."  "Nullum  bonum 
et  Deo  gratum  opus  est  extra  fidem,  immo  soli  fideles  bona  opera  faciunt."  "We 
see  that  the  Church  is  full  of  error,  sin,  and  turmoil ;  doctrine  is  perverted  and 
mixed  with  error.  Woe  to  all  those  who  have  brought  this  about."  "The  Church, 
especially  in  these  times,  is  still  in  a  very  bad  way.  Here  with  sin,  there  with 
schism,  they  are  seeking  help  in  every  way,  have  tried  many  sorts  of  things,  have 
appealed  to  every  body — pope,  emperor,  councils,  and  diets — without  being  able  to 
get  any  good  help.  It  has  only  become  worse.  As  much  as  they  bar  up  the  way  on 
the  one  side,  so  that  they  can  not  come  to  union,  so  much  do  they  bar  it  up  on  the 
other,  saying  that  there  must  not  be  any  reform."  "Si  successores  Petri  eo  modo 
potestate  sua  usi  essent  quo  Petrus,  nemo  christianus  earn  potestatem  impugnasset; 
quia  autem  plerique  hac  potestate  abusi  sunt  (quemadmodum  nemo  est,  qui  nesciat), 
haec  causa  et  seminarium  est  hujus  tumultus,  neque  spes  aliqua  est,  turn ul turn  hunc 
cessaturum,  nisi  tollatur  causa."  Comp.  E.  G.  Dieterich,  Diss.  Hist,  de  Joanne  Fero 
(Joh. Wild)  Monacho  et  Concionat.  Moguntino,  Teste  Veritatis  Evang.  Altorf,  1723, 4. 

8  See  the  exhortations  to  the  clergy  for  the  mending  of  their  morals  and  the  faith- 


12  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— AD.  1517-1648. 

But  they  were  now  able  to  do  this  with  greater  success  than  be- 
fore, because  they  were  upheld  by  the  general  sentiment  of  the 
people,  and  no  one  could  doubt  that  the  Reformation  was  work- 
ing benefit  even  to  the  Catholic  Church,  tending  to  a  mitigation 
of  its  old  corruptions.9 

When  the  Reformers,  not  a  little  favored  by  the  fact  that  the 
Popes  were  involved  in  controversies  with  secular  princes,  came 
to  obtain  important  power  even  in  secular  relations,  and  were 
pressing  onward  without  restraint,  it  began  to  be  apparent,  even 
in  Rome,  that  they  could  no  longer  hinder  the  abolition  of  those 
abuses  which  were  rooted  in  the  Papacy  and  the  Roman  curia. 
This  was  unreservedly  declared  by  a  commission  appointed  by 
Paul  III.,  in  1537,  for  taking  counsel  on  this  subject,10  and  this 
Pope  seemed  willing  to  accede  to  their  proposals.11  Hope  was 
even  held  out  of  coming  to  some  understanding  in  respect  to  doc- 
trinal matters  by  the  instructions  given  to  the  legates  sent  to  the 

ful  discharge  of  their  duties,  put  forth  by  the  Synods  in  Mayence  and  Cologne,  1527 
( Hartzheim  Cone.  Germ.  vi.  205) ;  the  work  by  Archbishop  Hermann,  of  Cologne, 
Reformatio  Curiae  Coloniensis,  1528  (p.  221);  and  especially  his  Synodus  Proviu- 
cialis,  Colon.  1536  (p.  235),  the  provisions  of  which  are  for  the  reformation  of  all  ec- 
clesiastical matters;  particularly  part  vi.  (p.  272),  full  directions  about  preaching. 
In  France,  the  two  provincial  councils  of  152S,  Bituricense  (Harduini  Acta  Concil. 
ix.  i,  and  Senonense  s.  Parisiense  (it  was  a  council  for  the  province  of  Sens,  but  was 
held  in  Paris),  sec  Harduini  Acta  Concil.  ix.,  1919. 

9  Ge.  Wicelii  Lib.  de  Moribus  veterum  Haereticorum,  Lips.  1537,  J.  6 :  Amentissi- 
nras  plane  sim,  si  isto  haereseon  variarum  pharmaco  quosdam  religionis  morbos 
partim  curatos  esse,  partim  curari  coeptos,  ulla  ratione  negem. — Religionis  alta  pax 
corruperat  omnia.  Erat,  quod  desiderares  in  cathedra,  quod  in  choro,  quod  in  tliy- 
siasterio :  mores  rcligiosorura  capitum  refercbaut  nobis  ignotum  quendain  Christum, 
non  cum,  quem  crucifixum  praedicavit  Paulus.  Res  vcrgebant  ad  summam  anima- 
rum  calamitatcm.  Itum  est  obviam,  sed  non  recto  pede.  Bene  tamen  habet,  et 
sapientiae  Dei  Max.  Opt.  immensae  gratiae  agendae  sunt,  quod  hacc  haereseon  inun- 
datio  non  niajus  damnum  dedit.     Magnum  quidem  dedit  damnum,  sed  majus  ac- 

Excitavit  somnolentos  pastores,  exacuit  hebetes  theologos,  coegit  otiosos 
ad  ncgotiosa  studia,  correxit  quae  crant  pravissima  multa.  So,  too,  in  an  epistle, 
1536  (G.  Wicelii  Epistolarum  libb.  iv.  Lips.  1537,  lib.  iv.  fol.  q) :  Per  Schisma  ant 
certe  hujus  occasionem  interit  in  Ecclesia  mali  plurimum.  Redeunt  nunc  tandem 
theologi  ad  thcologiam.  Quid  vulgus  istorum  secutum  sit  in  hacc  usque  tempora, 
vidimus.     Utinam  in  dies  acccdant  ad  lucernam  divini  vcrbi  propius ! 

10  See  vol.  iv.  §  19,  Notes  22,  23.  Although  the  Pope,  in  the  Instructions  he  gave 
to  his  nuncio  for  the  Emperor,  Oct.  24, 1536,  had  still  said  (Rayuald.  1537,  Note  10) : 
Quantum  vero  ad  objecta  nobis  gravamina  attinct,  cum  pleraque  eorum  sint  aut 
manifesto  falsa  aut  inania,  et  ctiam  a  summis  Pontilicibus  jam  castigate,  poterit  fa- 
cile  pro  sua  prudentia  ea  refellere. 

11  See  Contareni  et  Poli  Ep.  vol.  iv.  §  19,  Note  23.  In  August,  1540,  the  Pope  ap- 
pointed several  deputations,— super  reformatione,  videlicet  pro  camera  apostolica  et 
tribunali  urbis,  pro  Rota,  pro  Cancellaria  apostolica;  and  commissioned  some  car- 
dinal?,— ut  invigilent  et  curent  ea,  quae  circa  reformationem  couclusa  sunt,  et  san- 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I.— CATHOLIC  CHURCH.    §  54.  NEW  ORDERS.      13 

Conferences  in  Worms  and  Ratisbon  in  1541,12  and  by  the  con- 
cessions which  these  legates  made  on  the  latter  occasion.13  But 
this  was  the  last  sign  issuing  from  Rome  that  indicated  a  dispo- 
sition to  yield  for  the  sake  of  peace. 


§  54. 

NEW  ORDERS. 

The  only  hope  of  making  effective  opposition  to  the  Reforma- 
tion was  in  the  raising  up  of  a  living,  active  clergy.  As  nothing 
was  to  be  expected  from  the  existing  monastic  orders  in  their 
present  decline,  nor  yet  from  the  secular  clergy,  new  orders 
were  formed  in  Italy  for  this  object.  The  time  was  gone  by  in 
which  indolent  contemplation  was  an  object  of  veneration ;  mo- 
nasticism  could  hope  for  influence  among  the  people  only  by  a 
spiritual  activity  aiming  at  the  common  benefit.  The  Capuchins, 
when,  in  1525,  under  the  lead  of  Matthew  de  Bassi,  they  separa- 
ted from  the  Franciscan  Order,  had  in  view  at  first  only  a  narrow 
monastic  end,  which  was  to  revive  in  the  most  precise  form  the 
habiliments  and  way  of  life  of  St.  Francis ;:  but  the  old  Francis- 
can spirit  was  still  living  in  them,  and  they  attained  great  suc- 
cess and  wide  influence  as  popular  preachers.2     The  Theatines 

cita  inviolabiliter  observentur,  et  ubi  opus  fuerit,  suae  Sanctitati  referent.    Acta 
Consistorialio  in  Raynald.  1540,  No.  65. 

12  We  read  in  tbe  Instructions  of  the  Bishop  of  Feltre  for  Worms,  ii.  Oct.  1540, 
in  Raynald.  1540,  No.  54 :  Quod  si  (Protestantes)  aliqua  in  Ecclesia  reformari,  aut 
concedi  petent,  ea  certa  et  clara  scriptisque  commeudata  vobis  exhibeant,  ad  nos 
quam  primum  transmittenda:  quae  si  talia  erunt,  ut  salvo  Dei  honore  et  conscien- 
tia  nostra  concedi  possint,— nos  reipsa  ostendemus  esse  benignos,  et  pacis  caritatis- 
que  maxime  cupidos.  In  the  Instructions  of  the  Cardinal  legate  Contarini  for  Ra- 
tisbon, 28  January,  1541  (Epist.  Reginaldi  Poli  ed.  Quirini  iii.  cclxxxviii.) :  Videndum 
imprimis  est,  an  Protestantes— in  principiis  nobiscum  conveniant,  cujusmodi  est 
hujus  Sanctae  Sedis  primatus,  tanquam  a  Deo,  et  Salvatore  nostro  institutus,  sacro- 
sanctae  Ecclesiae  Sacramenta,  et  alia  quaedam,  quae  turn  sacrarum  literarum  aucto- 
ritate,  turn  universalis  Ecclesiae  perpetua  observatione  hactenus  observata  et  com- 
probata  fuere,  et  tibi  nota  esse  bene  scimus ;  quibus  statim  initio  admissis  omnis  super 
aliis  controversiis  concordia  tentaretur. 

13  Vol.  iv.  (Gieseler),  §  7,  Note  42. 

1  Jo.  de  Terranova  (sine  1532,  Capuchin) ;  De  Origine  Fratrum  Capucinorum  S. 
Francisci,  in  Italian,  1571,  in  Latin  Acta  SS.  Maji  iv.  2S3.  Zach.  Boverii  Annales  Or- 
dinis  Minorum  s.  Francisci,  qui  Capucini  vocantur,  Lugduni,  t.  i.  et  ii.  1632,  39 ;  t. 
iii.  by  Marcellinus  de  Pisa,  1676 ;  App.  ad  t.  iii.  p.  i.  by  Sylvester  a  Mediolano,  Me- 
diol.  1737,  fol. 

2  Their  first  General  Congregation,  1529,  decided,  Constit.  36  (Boverii  Annales  i. 
120) :  Superiores  eos  praedicatores,  quos  ampliori  praedicationis  gratia  a  Deo  prae- 


]  4  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

were  founded  in  1524  by  Cajetan  of  Thiena,  and  John  Peter 
Caraffa,  Bishop  of  Theate  (afterward  Pope  Paul  IV.),  for  the  sake 
of  a  more  zealous  cure  of  souls.3  As  they  were  chiefly  of  noble 
rank,  they  attained  great  authority,  but  were  never  very  numer- 
ous. A  Venetian  patrician,  Jerome  ^Emilianus  (Miani),  establish- 
ed the  Somascans  in  1528,  at  Somasca,  between  Bergamo  and 
Milan,  at  first  to  take  care  of  deserted  children;  they  afterward 
formed  a  Congregation  of  regular  clergy.*  The  Barnabites  also 
formed  a  union  at  Milan  in  1530,  in  a  similar  Congregation, 
and  bound  themselves  to  all  kinds  of  spiritual  labor  among  the 
people.5 

But  all  these  orders  were  overshadowed  by  the  Jesuits.6    Igna- 

ditos  noverint,  otiosos  esse  non  sinant,  sed  in  vineam  Domini  mittant,  ut  in  ea 
non  modo  quadragcsimali  tempore,  sed  aliis  quoque  anni  temporibus  laborent.  Qui 
vero  ad  id  munus  ordinati  fuerint,  meminisse  debent,  potissimam  praedieatiouis 
partem  esse  ipsius  praedicatoris  vitam  atque  honestam  conversationem.  Quaprop- 
ter  minus  yerborum  ornatum  ac  subtiles  speculationes  curantes,  magis  audientium 
utilitati  studeant,  pureque  ac  simpliciter  sanctum  Domini  nostri  Evangelium  prae- 
dicent. 

3  Ant.  Caraccioli  (Thcatine)  Dc  Vita  Pauli  IV.  P.  M.  Collectanea  Historica.  Item, 
Cajetani  Thicnaei,  Bonifacii  a  Colle,  Pauli  Consiliarii,  qui  una  cum  Paulo  IV.  tunc 
Theatino  Episcopo,  Ordinem  Clericorum  regularium  fundaverunt,  Vitae,  Colon.  Ubi- 
orum,  1612.  The  Vita  Cajetani  Thienaei  also  in  the  Act.  SS.  Aug.  ii.  249.  On  Caje- 
tan's  purpose,  ibid.  c.  2,  §  19:  Ipse  itaque  divino,  uti  par  est  credere,  motus  instiuctu, 
in  cam  venit  cogitationem,  si  primaevum  illud  atque  apostolicum  institutum  sua 
aetate  instauraretur,  sacrorumquc  ac  solcmnium  votorum  nuncupatione  perpetuo 
firmaretur,  non  ineptam  earn  fore  reparandae  christianae  reipublicae  rationem. 
Clericos  quidem  sacrorum  ministros  egregiam  olim  laborauti  Ecclesiae  tulisse  opem : 
sed  lit  sunt  res  mortalium  pronac  casibus,  jam  eos  mole  sua  atque  senio  defetiscere. 
Excitari  igitur  oportere  mortalium  animos  novo  atque  apostolico  spiritu,  et  Clericis, 
quos  ingenti  populorum  exitio  improbitas  inscitiaque  corrupisset,  Clericos  alios  at- 
que alius  debere  sufflci,  quorum  opera  damnum,  quod  illi  per  pravum  exemplum 
ehristiano  orbi  intulissent,  sarciretur.  The  papal  bull  of  confirmation,  24  June,  1524, 
and  the  Constitutions  of  1604  in  Auberti  Miraei  Regulae  et  Constitutiones  Clerico- 
ruin  in  Congregatione  viventium,  Antverp.  1638,  4.  p.  23. 

*  The  bulls  of  confirmation  by  Paul  III.  1540,  and  Pius  V.  1568,  in  Miraeus,  1.  c. 
p.  71.    See  p.  137. 

5  Named  from  the  Church  of  St.  Barnabas  in  Milan,  confirmed  by  Clement  VII. 
1533 ;  Miraeus,  1.  c.  page  92. 

6  Historia  Societatis  Jesu,  p.  i.  auct.  Nic.  Orlandino ;  p.  ii.-iv.  auct.  Franc.  Sacchino; 
p.  v.  t.  i.  auct.  Pctro  Possino;  p.  v.  t.  ii.  auct.  Jos.  Juvencio;  p.  vi.  Julio  Cordara, 
Romae,  1615-1714,  fol.  Less  copious  and  more  credulous  is  the  Imago  primi  Sae- 
culi  Soc.  Jesu,  Antverp.  1640,  fol.  Compare  on  them  Ranke's  Furstcn  u.  Volkcr  v. 
Siidcuropa,  iv.  381.  [Ranke's  History  of  the  Popes,  translated  by  W.  K.  Kelly,  Phil, 
ed.  1844,  Appendix,  p.  520,  sq.  |  F.  Kortum'e  EntstehungBgeschichte  des  Jesuitenord- 
ens,  Manheim,  1843.  [For  an  account  of  the  Imago,  see  Notes  and  Queries,  London, 
1856,  Sept.  6,  p.  191.  Other  works  on  the  Jesuits:  Augustin  et  Aloys  de  Backer, 
Bibliothequc  des  Ecrivains  dc  la  Socieie*  de  Jesus,  LiSge,  1^54-1870,  4to.  Abbe 
Guettee,  Hist,  des  Jesuites,  3,  Paris,  1859-60  (partly  from  incdited  documents).  Cre- 
tineau-Joly,  Histoire  des  Jesuites,  6  vols.  Paris,  1856  (against  him  Theiuer).     Bruhl, 


PART  III. -CHAP.  I.-CATHOLIC  CHURCH.    §54.  NEW  ORDERS.      15 

tins  of  Loyola,7  of  one  of  the  families  of  highest  rank  in  Gui- 
puscoa,  a  brave  warrior,  was  disabled  by  a  wound  from  serving 
in  the  army,  and  determined  to  enlist  in  the  spiritual  knighthood 
of  the  holy  Virgin,8  and  to  serve  her  in  Palestine  (1521)  in  the 
conversion  of  unbelievers.  He  devoted  himself  for  a  long  period 
to  strict  ascetic  exercises  and  mystic  (fantastic)  reveries,  but  at 
last  saw  his  need  of  a  thorough  theological  training,  and  betook 

die  Jesuiten,  1854;  G.  Julius,  die  Jesuiten,  2  Bde,  1851 ;  Alex.  Duff,  The  Jesuits,  their 
Origin  and  Order,  Edinb.  4th  ed.  1852;  G.  B.  Nicolini,  Hist.  Jes.  Edinb.  1852;  E.  W. 
Grinfield,  Hist.  Sketch,  Lond.  1853.] 

7  Acta  antiquissima  a  P.  Lud.Consalvo  (Jesuit,  1545,  d.  1575),  ex  ore  s.  Ignatii  excep- 
ta,  originally  written  partly  in  Italian  and  partly  in  Spanish,  and  translated  into  Latin 
in  the  Acta  Sanctorum,  Jul.  vii.  634.  Vita  Ignatii  auctore  Petro  Ribadcneira  (joined 
the  Society  when  a  boy,  1540,  d.  1611),  Neapoli,  1572,  ed.  2,  multo  copiosior,  Madriti, 
1586,  in  the  Act.  SS.  Jul.  vii.  655.  Jo.  Petri  Maffeji  (Jesuit,  1565,  d.  1603),  de  vita  et  Mo- 
ribus  Ignatii  Lojolae,  libb.  iii.  Romae,  1585,  4.  See  on  these  biographies  Ranke,  as 
above.  [On  the  life  of  Loyola :  Isaac  Taylor,  Loyola,  1849.  Founders  of  Jesuitism, 
by  Sir  Jas.  Stephens,  in  his  Essays,  vol.  i.  W.  H.  Rule,  Celebrated  Jesuits,  2  vols. 
Lond.  1858.  Bartoli,  Life  of  St.  Ignatius  Loyola,  transl.  by  Madame  Calderon  de  la 
Barca,  2  vols.  N.  Y.  1855.     F.  Huber,  D.  Jesuitenorden.  1873.] 

8  On  his  sick-bed  he  could  not  get  romances  of  chivalry,  which  had  been  his  favor- 
ite reading,  and  he  now  read  the  lives  of  saints  in  Spanish,  and  thus  had  his  imagina- 
tion filled  with  phantasies,  wondrously  made  up  of  knightly  and  ecclesiastical  ele- 
ments. Compare  his  own  confessions,  Acta  Antiquissima,  §  6.  (Acta  SS.  Jul.  vii. 
636) :  Ex  his  una  erat  cogitatio,  quae  prae  caeteris  ita  ejus  cor  occuparat,  ut  statim 
in  earn  velut  immersus  et  absorptus,  duas,  tres,  quatuorque  horas,  quod  nee  ipse  per- 
ciperet,  ilia  detineretur.  Ea  vero  erat,  quidnam  potissimum  in  obsequium  illustris 
feminae  acturus  esset,  qua  ratione  ad  earn  urbem,  in  qua  ipsa  erat,  proficisci  posset, 
quibus  verbis  alloqueretur  earn,  quos  jocos  et  sales  adhiberet,  quod  specimen  bellicae 
exercitationis  in  ejus  gratiam  ederet.  Ita  auteni  vi  hujus  cogitationis  rapiebatur,  ut 
ne  id  quidem  videret,  quantum  res  ilia,  quam  consequi  optabat,  supra  ipsius  vires  es- 
set. For,  as  the  Spanish  original  adds,  non  erat  comitissa,  nee  ducissa,  sed  erat  ejus 
status  sublimior,  quam  ullus  earum.  §  2.  Aderat  interim  divina  misericordia,  quae 
ex  lectione  recenti  his  cogitationibus  alias  subjiciebat.  Cum  enim  vitam  Christi 
domini  nostri  ac  Sanctorum  legeret,  turn  apud  se  cogitabat,  secumque  ita  colligebat: 
quid  si  ego  hoc  agerem,  quod  fecit  b.  Franciscus  ?  Quid  si  hoc,  quod  b.  Dominicus  ? 
Atque  ita  multa  animo  tractabat,  semperque  sibi  ipsi  res  difficiles  ac  graves  propone- 
bat :  quod  dum  faceret,  facilitatem  ad  eas  consequendas  sentire  ipse  in  se  sibi  vide- 
batur,  nulla  alia  ratione  sibi  proposita,  quam  quod  ipse  apud  se  ita  colligeret :  s.  Do- 
minicus hoc  fecit,  faciam  igitur  et  ego :  fecit  hoc  b.  Franciscus,  faciam  igitur  et  ego. 
Perstabant  autem  hae  cogitationes  satis  diu,  ac  deinde  rebus  aliis  interpositis  inania 
ilia  et  sascularia  succedebant,  quae  et  ipsa  longo  temporis  spatio  protrahebantur. 
Diu  ista  cogitationum  successio  ilium  detinuit ;  et  haec  de  Deo,  ilia  de  saeculo  ani- 
mum  ejus  eo  usque  occupabat,  donee  ipse  prae  lassitudine  abjiceret,  animumque  ad 
alia  converteret.  §  8.  Sed  in  his  cogitationibus  hoc  discrimen  erat,  quod,  cum  saecu- 
laribus  intenderet,  magna  voluptate  capiebatur,  at  ubi  fessus  destitisset,  moestum  se 
atque  ariduni  sentiebat :  cum  vero  de  profectione  Hierosolymitica,  deque  herbis  tan- 
tum  comedendis,  aliisque  hujusmodi  rigoribus  sectandis,  quibus  usos  viros  sanctos 
animadvertebat,  cogitaret,— laetum  se  inveniebat.  §  9.  Post  autem  cum  in  spiritualia 
exercitia  fuisset  ingressus,  hinc  primum  illustrari  coepit  ad  intelligendum,  quod  de 
spirituum  diversitate  suos  docuit.  Hunc  in  modum  cum  spiritus  diversos,  quibus 
agitabatur,  Dei  unum,  alteram  daemonis,  paulatim  agnovisset,  nee  modicum  lumen 


1G  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

himself  to  Paris  to  obtain  it.9  Here,  by  his  strict  asceticism  and 
contagious  enthusiasm,  lie  drew  around  him  several  young  men 
of  high  talent,10  infused  into  them  by  his  Exercitia  Spiritualia 
(which  appealed  both  to  the  senses  and  the  imagination)11  a  kin- 

spirituale  ex  ilia  piorum  librorum  lectionc  sibi  comparessct;  coepit  magis  serio  de 
vita  ante  a  se  acta  cogitarc,  atque  illud  etiam  perpendcre,  quantum  poenitentiae  in- 
digeret,  ut  contracta  per  cam  crimina  expiaret.  Qua  quidcni  in  cogitatione  pia  ilia 
dcsideria  de  imitandis  Sanctis  viris  sese  illi  offerebant,  nulla  majore  ratiocinatione, 
quam  quod  sibi  divina  adjuvante  gratia promitteret,  id  quod  illi  fecisseent  se  quoque 
faeturum.  Sed  nihil  amplius,  statim  ubi  convaluisset,  agere  optabat,  quam  Hiero- 
solymam  proficisci,  flagcllationibus  ac  jejuniis  tarn  multis  adhibitis,  quam  multa  in 
tarn  magno  animo  et  Spiritu  Dei  acccuso  poenitentiae  desiderium  imperaret.  And 
60  he  made  a  pilgrimage,  with  strict  penitential  exercises,  in  1522,  to  the  miracle- 
working  image  of  the  Virgin  on  Mount  Montserrat,  near  Barcelona :  §  17.  Et  cum 
mentcm  rebus  iis  refertam  haberet,  quae  ab  Amadeo  dc  Gaula  (that  is,  in  the  knight- 
ly romance  on  Amadis  of  Gaul)  conscriptac  et  ab  ejus  generis  scriptoribus,  nonnullae 
illis  similes  ci  occurrebant.  Itaque  statuit  ad  arma  sua  (ut  inter  milites  dicitur)  vi- 
gilias  agere  tota  noctc  una  ncque  sedens  neque  jacens,  sed  vicissim  stans  et  flexus 
genua  ante  altare  Dominac  nostrae  Montis  serrati,  ubi  vestimenta  sua  dcponere  stat- 
uerat,  et  Christi  arma  inducre  (a  watch  in  armor,  such  as  those  were  obliged  to  hold 
who  were  to  receive  knighthood). 

9  Of  the  studies  which  he  commenced  in  Barcelona,  and  then  continued  in  Alcala, 
Salamanca,  and  at  last  in  Paris,  he  himself  reports,  Acta  Antiquissima,  §  54 :  Barcino- 
nem  reversus  coepit  in  litcras  diligentcr  incumbere ;  sed  ejus  proposito  multum  illud 
obstabat,  quod,  cum  lectiones  memoriae  mandare  conaretur  (id  quod  in  grammaticis 
principiis  necessarium  est),  novae  illi  intellcctiones  rerum  spiritualium  novique  gus- 
tus  infundebantur,  atque  hoc  ita  abunde,  ut  capere  memoria  nihil  posset,  neque  illud 
a  se  rejicere,  tamctsi  plurimum  reluctaretur.  When  he  came  to  Park  in  1528,  §  73 : 
ad  inferiora  rediit,  cum  perspexisset,  plurimum  se  fundamentis  destitui.  Itaque  una 
cum  pueris  studebat  Parisiensi  more.  But  here,  too,  it  was  no  better,  §  82 :  quoties 
audiebat  magistrum  praelegentem,  tarn  multis  interturbabatur  spiritualibus  rebus, 
ut  audire  attente  non  posset. 

10  Viz.  Peter  Faber,  from  Savoy;  Francis  Xavier,  a  nobleman  of  Novarra;  the 
Spaniard  Jacob.  Laincz ;  Alphonsc  Salmeron,  Nicolas  Bobadilla,  and  the  Portuguese 
nobleman  Simon  Rodriguez. 

11  Exercitia  Spiritualia  S.  P.  Ignatii  Loyolae,  Antvcrp.  1638.  Directorium  in  Exer- 
cit.  Spirit.  Antv.  1038.  These  Exercitia  were  drawn  up  at  an  early  date  by  Ignatius. 
The  Jesuits  assert  that  he  did  this  in  a  cave  near  Maurcsa,  in  1522  (sec  Acta  Sanct. 
Jul.  vii.  417).  They  are  made  for  a  period  of  six  weeks,  prescribing  exactly  all  the 
outward  acts  and  all  the  thoughts.  They  connect  spiritual  meditations  with  cer- 
tain definite  and  fantastic  images  of  Christian  ideas,  which  must  be  produced  in  the 
candidate  in  one  exactly  prescribed  order,  e.  g. :  Secunda  hebd.  qnarta  die.  Fiet 
meditatio  dc  duobus  vexillis,  uno  quidem  Jesu  Christi  optimi  nostri  Imperatoris,  al- 
tera vera  Luciferi,  hostis  hominum  capitalissima.  Oratio  praq)aratoria.  Praeludium 
primum  crit  historica  quaedam  considcratio  Christi  ex  una  parte,  et  ex  altera  Luci- 
feri, quorum  uterquc  omnes  homines  ad  se  vocat,  sub  vexillo  suo  congregandos. 
Secundum  est  ad  constructionem  loci,  ut  repraesentctur  nobis  campus  amplissimus 
circa  Hierosolymam,  in  quo  Dominus  J.  Chr.  tamquam  bouorum  hominum  omnium 
6ummus  Dux  assistat.  Rursum  alter  campus  in  Babylonia,  ubi  se  Lucifer  malorum 
et  adversariorum  ducem  exhibcat.  Tertium  ad  gratiam  petendam  illud  crit,  ut  pos- 
camus  cxploratas  habere  fraudes  mali  duds,  iuvocata  shnul  divina  ope  ad  eas  vitau- 
das;  veri  autem  optimiquc  Imperatoris  Christi  agnoscerc  mores  ingenuos,  ac  per 
gratiam  imitari  posse.    Function  primum  est,  imagiuari  coram  oculis  meis  apud 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I.— CATHOLIC  CHURCH.  §  54.  NEW  ORDERS.   17 

dred  zeal  for  spiritual  chivalry  in  the  service  of  Christ  and  of 
Mary,  and  bound  himself  with  them  by  a  common  vow,  taken  in 
the  church  of  Mary,  at  Montmartre,  in  1534.  In  Venice  they 
found  themselves  obliged  to  abandon  the  project  of  converting 
unbelievers  in  Palestine;  but  they  were  there  directed  by  the 
Theatines  to  oppose  other  enemies  of  the  Church,  for  which  there 
was  an  urgent  call,  and  also  to  work  against  the  licentiousness, 
unbelief,  and  heresies  prevailing  in  the  Christian  nations.  Fol- 
lowing their  example,  they  now  wandered  through  the  cities  of 
Italy,  even  to  Rome,  preaching  repentance.  There  they  laid  be- 
fore the  Pope  the  project  of  their  society,  to  defend  the  Church 
and  oppose  all  its  foes  like  brave  warriors,  with  total  submission 
and  blind  obedience  to  the  Pope  and  his  servant,  the  head  of 

campum  Babylonicum  ducem  impiorum  in  cathedra  ignea  et  fumosa  sedere,  horri- 
bilem  figura  vultuque  terribilem.  Secundum  est,  advertere,  quomodo  convocatos 
daemones  innumeros  per  totum  orbem  spargit  ad  nocendum,  nullis  civitatibus  et 
locis,  uullis  personarum  generibus  immunibus  relictis.  Tertium  attendere,  cujusmo- 
di  concionem  habeat  ad  ministros  suos,  quos  instigat,  at  eorreptis  injectisque  laqueis 
et  eatenis  homines  primum  trahant — ad  cupiditatem  divitiarum,  unde  postea  faeilius 
in  mundani  honoris  ambitionem,  ac  demum  in  superbiae  barathrum  deturbari  queant. 
Similiter  ex  opposite  considerandus  est  summits  optimusque  noster  Dux  et  Imperator  Chris- 
tus.  Function  primum  erit,  conspieari  Christum  in  amoeno  campo  juxta  Hierosoly- 
mam,  humili  quidem  constitutum  loco,  sed  valde  speciosum  forma,  et  adspectu 
summe  amabilem.  Secundum  autem  est,  speculari  quo  pacto  ipse  mundi  dominus 
uuiversi  electos  Apostolos,  discipulos  et  ministros  alios  per  orbem  mittat,  qui  omni 
hominum  generi,  statui,  et  conditioni  doctrinam  sacram  ac  salutiferam  impcrtiant. 
Tertium,  auscultare  concionem  Christi  exhortatoriam  ad  servos  et  amicos  suos  om- 
nes  in  opus  tale  destinatos,  qua  eis  praecipit,  ut  juvare  studeant  quemlibet,  ac  primo 
inducendum  curent  ad  spiritualem  affectum  paupertatis,  et  insuper  (si  divini  obse- 
quii  ratio  et  electio  coelestis  eo  ferat)  ad  sectandam  actu  ipso  veram  paupertatem ; 
deinde  ut  ad  opprobrii,  contemptusque  desiderium  alliciant,  unde  humilitatis  virtus 
enascitur.  Et  ita  tres  consurgunt  pcrfectionis  gradus,  videlicet  paupertas,  abjectio 
sui,  atque  humilitas,  quae  ex  diametro  divitiis,  houori  et  superbiae  opponuntur,  ac 
virtutes  omnes  statim  introdueunt.  Then  follows  a  Colloquium  ad  b.  Vin/inem,  to 
implore  help,  ut  recipi  possim  et  manere  sub  vexillo  Christi,  concluding  with  an  Ave 
Maria;  also  a  Colloquium  ad  Christum  hominem  for  the  same  object,  and  concluding 
with  a  prayer,  Anima  Christi;  finally,  a  Coll.  ad  Patrem,  ut  annuat  petitioni,  cum  Pa- 
ter noster.  Transigetur  hoc  exercitium  semel  in  media  node,  et  altera  vice  sub  auroram. 
Repetitiones  vero  duae  circa  matutini  sacri,  atque  vesperarum  tempus  erunt  faciendae. 
Thus  the  inclinations  and  the  aversions  of  sense  are  enlisted  for  spiritual  ob- 
jects. That  the  effect  was  to  struggle  against  individual  sins  rather  than  against 
the  root  of  sin,  see  in  the  Directory,  p.  24 :  In  the  morning,  soon  as  he  awoke  from 
sleep,  he  was  proponere  diligentem  sui  custodiam  circa  peccatum  aut  vitium  ali- 
quod  particulare,  a  quo  emendari  cupit.  Quoties  id  peccati  genus  homo  commise- 
rit,  manu  pectori  admota  doleat  de  lapsu,  quod  fieri  potest  etiam  assistentibus 
aliis,  nee  advertentibus.  In  the  evening  he  was  to  examine  himself,  and  note  every 
particular  transgression  with  a  point,  and  see  to  it  that  the  series  of  these  points 
became  every  day  less.  See  H.  v.  Orelli,  Wesen  des  Jesuitenordens,  Lpzg.  1846, 
S.  27. 

VOL.  V. — 2 


18  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—A.D.  1517-1648. 

their  Order.12  And  so  they  received,  Sept.  27, 1540,  the  first  sanc- 
tion for  their  society,  Societas  Jesu  (in  Spanish,  Compaiiia  de 
Jesus),13  the  number  of  members  being  limited  to  sixty.  In 
1541  Ignatius  was  elected  the  first  General  of  the  Order. 

12  The  Deliberatio  ct  Dcterminatio  of  the  Society,  which  preceded,  see  in  Act.  SS. 
Jul.  vii.  463.  The  Formula  Vivendi,  which  was  sanctioned  by  the  Pope,  is  contained 
in  the  bull  of  confirmation  Begimini,  5  Kal.  Oct.  1540  (in  the  Literae  Apostolicae, 
quibus  Institutio,  Confirmatio  et  varia  Privilegia  continentur  Soc.  Jesu,  Antverp. 
1635,  p.  0):  Quicunque  in  Societate  nostra,  quara  Jesu  nomine  insigniri  cupimus, 
vult  Mib  cruris  vrxillo  Deo  militare,  et  soli  Domino,  atque  Romano  Pontiiici  ejus  in 
terris  Vicario  servire,  post  solemne  perpetuae  castitatis  votum  proponat  sibi  in  ani- 
mo,  se  partem  esse  Societatis  ad  hoc  potissimum  institutae,  ut  ad  profectum  ani- 
marum  in  vita  ct  doctrina  Christiana,  ad  fidei  propagationem  per  publicas  praediea- 
tiones  et  vcrbi  Dei  ministerium,  spiritualia  exercitia  et  caritatis  opera,  et  nominatim 
per  puerorum  ac  rudium  in  Christianismo  institutionem  ac  Christiridelium  in  con- 
fessionibus  audiendis  spiritualem  consolationem  praeeipue  intendat :  curetque  primo 
Deum,  deiude  hujus  sui  instituti  rationem,  quae  via  quaedam  est  ad  ilium,  semper 
ante  oculos  habere; — unusquisque  tamen  secundum  gratiam  sibi  a  Spiritu  saucto 
subministratain,  et  voeationis  suae  proprium  gradum,  ne  quis  forte  zelo  utatur,  sed 
non  secundum  scientiam.  Cujus  proprii  cujusque  gradus  judicium,  et  officiorum 
discretio  ac  distributio  tota  sit  in  manu  Praepositi  s.  Praelati  per  nos  eligendi  (and 
this,  too,  says  the  Deliberatio,  p.  465,  in  perpetuum,  i.  e.  ad  vitam),  ut  congruus  ordo 
servetur,  in  omni  bene  instituta  communitate  necessarius.  Qui  quidem  Praepositus 
de  consilio  consociorum  constitutioncs,  ad  constructionem  hujus  propositi  nobis 
finis  conducentes,  in  consilio  condendi  auctoritatcm  habeat,  majori  suHYagioruni 
parte  semper  statuendi  jus  habente.  Consilium  vero  intelligatur  esse  in  rebus  qui- 
dem gravioribus  ae  perpetuis  major  pars  totius  Societatis,  quae  a  Praeposito  com- 
mode convocari  poterit;  in  levioribus  autem  et  temporaneis  oinnes  illi,  quos  in  loco, 
ubi  Praepositus  uoster  rcsidebit,  pracscntes  esse  contigerit.  Jubendi  autem  jus  to- 
tum  penes  Pracpositum  exit. — Quamvis  Evangelio  doceamur, — omnes  Christifidelcs 
Romano  Pontifici  tanquam  capiti  ac  Jesu  Christi  Vicario  subesse;  ad  majorem  ta- 
men nostrae  Societatis  humilitatem,  ac  perfectam  uniuscujusque  mortilicationem,  et 
voluntatum  nostrarum  abnegationem  summopere  conducere  judieavimus,  singulos 
nos  ultra  illud  commune  vinculum  speciali  voto  adstringi,  ita  ut  quidquid  modernus 
et  alii  Roman!  Pontifices  pro  tempore  existentes  jusserint,  ad  profectum  aniinarum 
it  fidei  propagationem  pertinens,  et  ad  quaseunque  provincias  nos  mittere  voluerint; 
sine  ulla  tergiversatione  aut  exeusatione,  illico,  quantum  in  nobis  merit,  exequi  te- 
neamur;  sive  miseriut  nos  ad  Turcas,  sive  ad  quoscunque  alios  infideles,  ctiam  in 
partibus,  quas  Indias  rocant,  existentes,  sive  ad  quoscunque  haeretieos  seu  schis- 
maticos,  seu  ctiam  ad  quosvis  fideles. — Voveant  singuli,  se  in  omnibus,  quae  ad 
regulae  hujus  nostrae  observationem  faciunt,  obedientes  fore  Societatis  Praeposi- 
to:— in  illo  Christum,  veluti  praesentem,  agnoscant,  et  quantum  decet,vciierentur. — 
Voveant  singuli  et  universi  perpetuam  paupertatem,  dcclarantes,  quod  non  solum 
privatim,  sed  nequc  ctiam  communiter  possint  pro  Societatis  sustentatione  aut  usu 
— jus  aliquod  civile  acquirere;  sed  sint  contenti  usum  tantum  rernm  sibi  donata- 
rum  ad  neccssaria  sibi  comparanda  rccipcrc.  Possint  tamen  habere  in  nniversitati- 
bus  Cdl-gium,  seu  Collegia  habentia  reditus,  census,  seu  possessiones,  usibus  et  nc- 
cessitatibus  studentium  applicandas. — Opportunum  judieavimus  etiam  statuere,  ne 
quis  in  hac  Societate  recipiatur,  nisi  din  ac  diligentissimc  fueritprobatus  (especially 
by  the  Exercitia  Spiritualia;  see  Deliberatio,  p.  465):  cumque  prudens  in  Christo,  et 
vcl  doctrina  seu  vitae  Christianac  puritatc  apparuerit  conspicuus,  tunc  demum  ad- 
mittatur  ad  Jesu  Christi  militiam, 

13  The  Society  had  previously  chosen  this  name  (Orlandinus,  lib.  ii.  no.  62) :  jnacuit 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I.-CATHOLIC  CHURCH.    §  54.  JESUITS.  19 

As  early  as  1540  two  Jesuits,  Simon  Rodriguez  and  Francis 
Xavier,  went  to  Portugal  at  the  invitation  of  King  John  III.14 
Xavier  soon  left  there  on  a  mission  to  the  Portuguese  East 
Indies ;  Rodriguez,  a  Portuguese  noble,  acquired  unlimited  in- 
fluence over  the  weak  King,  founded  the  first  Jesuit  College  at 
Coimbra,  and  brought  the  Society  to  the  highest  degree  of  pros- 
perity in  Portugal,  although,  by  his  reckless  ambition,  which  he 
showed  even  face  to  face  with  the  King,  he  made  many  enemies 
to  the  new  Order.15 

The  Society  directed  its  chief  attention  to  battling  with  the 
Reformation ;  and,  like  a  well-ordered  host,  acting  according  to 
a  fixed  plan,  with  strict  obedience  and  entire  devotion,  it  set 
itself  at  work  to  aid  all  the  churches,  in  different  countries,  that 
were  imperiled  by  the  progress  of  the  reform.  And  so  the 
Jesuits  went  to  France,  the  Netherlands,  Spain,  and  Germany.16 

omnibus,  ut  a  militari  vocabulo  Societas  Jesu  (suis  enim  cohortibus  milites,  quas 
vulgo  Societates  seu  Compagnias  appellant,  ab  ipsis  fere  ducibus  nomen  indunt) 
appellaretur.     Cf.  Acta  SS.  Jul.  vii.  471. 

14  Comp.  Balthasar  Tellez,  Jesuit  in  Lisbon,  d.  1675,  Chronicles  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus  in  Portugal,  2  vols,  fol.,  in  the  Portuguese  language;  and  the  official  work, 
hostile  to  the  Society,  but  carefully  prepared  from  the  best  sources :  Deductio  Chro- 
nologica  et  Analytica,  ubi  horrendae  manifestantur  Clades  a  Jesuitica  Societate  Lusitaniae 
ejusque  Coloniis  illatae,  ed.  D.  Jos.  de  Seabra  Silvius,  P.  II.    Olisipone,  1771. 

13  He  enticed  young  people  from  the  highest  families  to  enter  into  the  Society, 
and  thus  incensed  these  families  against  him.  When  he  secretly  received  into  the 
Society  a  royal  prince  (1548),  Dom  Thitoin  de  Braganza,  the  King  himself  was  at 
length  enraged,  and  demanded  the  release  of  the  Prince.  But  Rodriguez  replied 
(Tellez,  lib.  ii.  c.  38 ;  in  Latin  in  Seabra,  i.  15) :  Non  posse  se  salva  conscientia  exequi, 
quae  Rex  imperasset; — nunquam  se  passurum,  ut  novus  ille  miles  sequi  desisteret 
coelestis  Ducis  sui  vexillum,  relicta  Religionis  statione,  quam  tanto  cum  ardore 
petiverat ;  and  at  last  he  declared  to  the  King :  quando  dominum  Theotonium  de 
Conimbricensi  Collegio  extrahi  jussurus  erat,  iis  qui  erant  extracturi,  illud  etiam  in 
mandatis  daret,  ut  possessionem  caperent  ejusdem  Collegii,  omniumque  donationum 
ac  provisionum  regiarum,  quae  in  gratiam  Soeietatis  factae  essent.  Sibi  vero  ct 
Sociis  constitutum  esse  alio  migrare,  ubi  divino  servitio  darent  operam :  indecorum 
enim  esse  Societatem  in  Lusitania  permauere,  ubi  tam  violenter  tamque  ignominiose 
tractaretur.  This  the  King  did  not  dare  to  do ;  the  Prince  remained  seven  years  in 
the  Society,  and  then  Ignatius  called  him  to  Rome,  aud  dismissed  him  from  the 
order. 

16  Ignatius  sent  several  young  Jesuits  to  Paris  as  early  as  1540  to  pursue  their 
studies  (Jiibadeneira,  lib.  iii.  c.  1).  When,  in  1542,  the  war  broke  out  between  Spain 
and  France,  the  Spaniards  were  compelled  to  leave  France ;  they  betook  themselves 
to  Louvain,  and  there  got  a  firm  foothold  (ibid.  c.  6).  In  Spain  Francis  Villanova 
founded  the  first  college  in  Complulum  (Alcala),  1543  (c.  8).  In  Germany  the  first 
seats  of  the  Jesuits  were  Cologne,  where  Peter  Faber  won  over  the  first  GermaD, 
Peter  Canisius,  to  the  Society;  Vienna,  whither  Nicolas  Bobadilla  went;  and  Ingol- 
stadt,  where  Claude  Le  Jay  received  a  theological  professorship.  They  were  most 
widely  diffused  in  Italy,  where  they  were  established  in  several  cities. 


20  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Very  soon,  in  March,  1543,  the  Society  acquired  authority  for 
an  unlimited  expansion ;  in  June,  1545,  it  received  permission 
to  preach  and  hear  confessions  every  where,  with  very  large 
powers.17  In  all  its  regulations,  every  thing  was  sacrificed  to 
its  main  object:  corporeal  asceticism  was  restricted  to  the  no- 
vitiate;18 the  injunction  of  singing  the  service  at  certain  fixed 
hours  was  abandoned.19  Like  an  army,  the  Society  insured  unity 
and  order  by  gradations  of  office  and  authority  :  the  Professi, 
the  leaders,  were  few  in  number ;  the  great  crowd  that  streamed 
to  them  were,  from  1546,  made  Coadjutores,  to  look  after  the 
service  of  the  masses.20 

The  failure  of  the  Patisbon  Colloquy,  1541,  led  the  Pope  to 
decide  against  all  concessions  to  Protestants ;  at  the  same  time 
his  courage  was  heightened  by  the  host  of  Jesuits,  ready  for 
battle,  who  put  themselves  at  his  disposal.     Paul  III.  now  de- 

17  In  the  bull  Cum  inter  Ounctas,  June  3d,  1545  (Litcrae  Apostd.  p.  24),  they  received 
permission,  in  quibusvis  Ecclesiis,  et  locis  ac  plateis  communibus  seu  publicis,  et 
alias  ubique  locorum  clero  et  populo  verbum  Dei  praedicandi;  further  confessiones 
audiendi  and  ab  omnibus  et  singulis  peccatis, — quantumcunque  gravibus  et  enornii- 
bus,  etiam  Sedi  apostolicae  reservatis,  et  a  quibusvis  ex  ipsis  casibus  resultantibus 
sententiis,  censuris  et  poenis  ecclesiastieis  (exeeptis  contentis  in  bulla,  quae  in  die 
Coenae  Domini  solita  est  legi)  absolvendi,  ac  eis  pro  commissis  poenitentiam  salu- 
tarem  injungendi;  necnon  vote  quaecunque  per  eos  pro  tempore  emissa  (ultramari- 
nis,  visitationis  liminum  beatorum  Petri  et  Pauli  Apostolorum  de  urbe,  ac  s.  Jacobi 
in  Compostella,  necnon  religionis  et  castitatis  votis  duntaxat  exeeptis)  in  alia  pieta- 
tis  opera  commutandi; — et  Christifidelibus  ipsis  Eucharistiae  et  alia  ccclesiastica 
sacramenta,  sine  alieujus  praejudicio,  nrinistrandi,  dioecemnorxim  locorum,  rectorum 
parochialium  et  aliarum  Ecclesiarum,  aut  quorumvis  aliorum  licentia  desiqicr  minime 
rcquisita. 

18  Car.  Linck,  Imorjo  dbsolutimma  Virtutis  Verbis  ct  Fxemplis  S.  P.  Ignatii  expressa, 
Pragae,  1717,  quotes  from  the  Diarium  P.  Consalvi  (see  Note  7),  quotics  videret 
quempiam  juvenum  jucundo  gustatu  cdulia  sumentem,  visum  gestire  gaudio  Igna- 
tium.  Such  a  one  lie  encouraged,  ut  pergeret,  secuturisque  divinis  obsequiis  atque 
laboribus  vires  pararet.  Itibadeneira,  lib.  v.  c.  8:  for  the  young  people  worn  out  by 
their  studies,  domum  in  remoto  loco  Romae  exaedificandam  curavit,  in  qua,  qui  lite- 
rarum  studiis  invigilarent,  interdum  laxarent  animum,  et  aliquid  dc  gumma  ilia  stu- 
dendi  meditandique  contcntione  remittercnt. 

19  In  the  bull  Regimini,  d.  5  Kal.  Oct.  1540,  confirming  the  Formula  Vivendi,  it  is 
said:  Socii  omnes,  quicunque  in  Bacris  fuerint, — teneantur  singuli  privatim  ac  par- 
ticularitcr,  et  non  communiter,  ad  dieendum  officium  secundum  Ecclesiae  ritum. 

20  Paul  III.  allowed  Ignatius,  by  the  bull  Fxponi  nobis,  June  5th,  1540:  quod  de 
cetero  Sacerdotibus,  qui  vos  in  spiritualibus,  et  pcrsonis  saecularibus,  quae  vos  in 
temporalibus  et  officiis  vestris  domesticis  coadjuvent,  uti  possitis;  ipsique  Coadju- 
tores, tain  Sacerdotes,  quam  pcrsonae  saeculares, — vota  paupertatis,  et  castitatis,  ac 
etiam  obedieutiae,  ita  ut  ad  ilia  servanda  pro  eo  tempore,  quo  tu,  fili  Praepositc,  ct 
qui  pro  tempore  fuerint  ejusdem  SocietatiB  Praepositi,  eis  in  ministerio  spirituali  vel 
temporal]  ntendum  judicaveritis,  et  non  ultra,  adstringantur,  nee  proptcrea  ad  ali- 
quaiu  Bolemnem  professionem  emittendam  teueautur,  neque  ad  cam  aliter  admittan- 
tur,  cinittere. 


PART  III.-CHAP.  II.-CATH.  CHURCH.    §  55.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.   21 

cided  upon  a  conflict  with  the  advancing  Reformation,  regard- 
less of  consequences.  In  1542  lie  decreed  the  appointment  of 
a  general  Inquisition;21  and  on  May  22d,  1542,  he  summoned  a 
General  Council  to  meet  at  Trent,22  to  give  new  props  to  the 
tottering  Catholic  Church. 

[On  the  Jesuits,  see,  further,  Auguste  Carayon,  Bibliographic  historique  de  la  Com- 
pagnie  de  Jesus,  4to,  Paris,  1864;  id.  Document  inedites  concernant  la  Compagnie 
de  Jesus,  torn,  i.-iv.,  vi.-viii.  Paris,  1865  sq.  Th.  Griesinger,  Die  Jesuiten,  2te  Ausg. 
2  Bde.  Lpz.  1866.  A.  Steinmetz,  Hist,  of  the  Jesuits,  2  vols.  Phil.  1848.  E.  Zimgiebl, 
Studien  iiber  d.  Institut,  Lpz.  1870.  J.  M.  Prat,  Histoire  du  Pere  Ribadeneyja,  dis- 
ciple du  St.  Ignace,  Paris,  1863.  On  the  Jesuit  Constitutiones,  1558,  repr.  London,  1848 
(pp.  276),  and  the  formula  "obligare  ad  peccatum"  (Const,  pt.  vi.  c.  5),  see  below, 
§  56,  Note  30.] 


SECOND  CHAPTER. 

PERIOD  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT,  DEC.  13,  1545,  TO  DEC.  4,  1563. 

Historia  del  Concilio  Tridentino  di  Pietro  Soave  Polano  (Paul  Sarpi).     Lond.  1619, 
fol.  (edited  by  M.  Antonius  de  Dominis).     Seconda  Editione  riveduta  e  corretta 
dall'  Autore  (Geneva),  1629.  4.1— Hist,  du  Concile  de  Trente  par  Fra-Paolo  Sarpi, 
traduite  en  francois  avec  des  notes  par  P.  F.  le  Courayer,  3  tomes,  a  Amsterdam 
1751.  4. 

Istoria  del  Concilio  di  Trento,  scritta  dal  Padre  Sforza  Pallavicino,  Rom.  1656-57, 
2  vols,  fol.,  nuovamente  ritoccata  dall'  Autore.  Rom.  1665,  and  Milano,  1717, 3  vols. 
4to.     Lat.  reddita  a  J.  B.  Guttino,  p.  iii.    Antverp.  1673,  fol. s 

Christian  Aug.  Salig's  Vollstandige  Historie  d.  Tridentinischen  Conciliums.  3 
Th.  Halle,  1741-45.  4.  Die  grossen  Kirchenversammlungen  des  15ten  und  16ten 
Jahrh.  von  J.  H.  v.  Wessenberg  (4  Bde.  Constanz,  1840),  Bd.  3  u.  4.  [Comp.  Hefele's 
Beurtheilung,  1842.]  Kollner's  Symbolik  der  h.  apost.  cath.-rom.  Kirche.  Ham- 
burg, 1844,  p.  7. 

Lettres  et  Memoires  de  Francois  de  Vargas,  de  Pierre  de  Malvenda  (both  of  the 
Imperial  embassy  in  Trent)  et  de  quelques  Eveques  d'Espagne,  touchant  le  Con- 
cile de  Trente,  traduits  de  l'Espagnol,  avec  des  remarques  par  M.  Mich,  le  Vassor, 
a  Amsterdam,  1699.    Instructions  et  Lettres  des  Rois  tres  chrestiens  et  de  leurs 


U1  On  the  influence  of  Ignatius  upon  the  Pope  in  establishing  it,  see  vol.  iv.  §  19, 
Note  26,  p.  284;  Orlandinus,  lib.  iv.  no.  18. 

22  In  this  bull,  which  is  prefixed  to  all  the  editions  of  the  Canones  et  Decreta  Cone. 
Trident,  it  is  said  in  regard  to  the  Ratisbon  Colloquy:  Cum  ex  ejus  conventus  sen- 
tentia  peteretur  a  nobis,  ut  ab  Ecclesia  dissentientium  quosdam  articulos  tolerandos 
declararemus,  quoad  per  oecumenicum  Concilium  illi  excuterentur  et  deciderentur; 
idque  nobis,  ut  concederemus,  neque  Christiana  et  catholica  Veritas,  neque  nostra  et 
Sedis  apostolicae  dignitas  permitteret ;  palam  potius  Concilium,  ut  quamprimum 
fieret,  proponi  mandavimus. 

1  On  these  two  editions,  see  J.  G.  Schelhorn's  Ergotzlichkeiten  aus  der  Kirchen- 
historie  und  Literatur,  iii.  1088. 

2  For  a  criticism  of  Sarpi  and  Pallavicini,  see  Ranke's  History  of  the  Popes,  in  the 
Appendix.  J.  R.  Brischar's  Beurtheilung  der  Controversen  Sarpi's  u.  Pallavicini's 
2  Th.  Tubingen,  1844.    On  Sarpi,  see  Kollner's  Symbolik,  p.  4S ;  on  Pallavicino,  p.  55. 


22  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

Ambassadeurs  et  autres  Actcs,  concernant  le  Concilc  de  Trcnte,  4ieme  edit,  revue 
et  augmented  d'un  grand  nombre  d'actes  et  de  lettrcs  tirez  des  menioires  de  M.  D. 
(Messieurs  Du  Pay),  a  Paris,  1054. 4.3  Memoirs  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  principally 
derived  from  Manuscript  and  Unpublished  Records,  etc.,  by  the  Rev.  Jos.  Mend- 
ham.  London,  18:34  (from  a  collection  of  28  MS.  volumes).  [See  also  Mendham, 
Acta  Concil.  Trident,  a  Paleotto,  London,  1842,  and  Supplement.]  On  the  reports 
sent  to  Rome  by  Angelo  Massarello,  Secretary  of  the  Council,  see  the  Notice  des 
Actes  Originaux  du  Concile  de  Trente  (written  at  the  time  when  these  documents 
were  in  Paris),  in  the  Chronique  Religieuse,  t.  i.  (Paris,  1819,  pp.  41).  More  con- 
cise are  the  Acta  Massarelli  et  Courtenbroschii  in  E.  Martene  Ampliss.  Coll.  viii. 
1022,  and  appended  to  Salig's  Gesch.  d.  Trid.  Cone.  Th.  3.  Jodoci  le  Plat  (Prof,  of 
Canon  Law  in  Louvain),  Monumentorum  ad  Hist.  Concil.  Trident,  spectantium 
Amplissima  Collectio,  t.  vii.  Lovan.  1781-87.  4.  G.  J.  Planckii  Anecdota  ad  Hist. 
Concilii  Tridentini  pertincntia,  26  Gottingen,  Programmus  1791-1818.* 

Canones  et  Decreta  6.  Oecum.  et  Gen.  Cone.  Trid.  Romae,  1564  (authentic  edition), 
reprinted  in  innumerable  editions;  critical  edition  by  Jod.  le  Plat,  Antverp.  1779, 
4,  and  in  F.  Gu.  Streitwolf  et  R.  E.  Klener  Libri  Symbolici  Eccl.  Cath.  2  t.  Got- 
tingae,  1838.  [W.  Smcts,  Canones  et  Decreta.  Ed.  4. 1854.  Edition  by  Richter 
and  Schulze,  Lpz.  1853.  Translations  of  Canons  and  Decrees,  by  T.  A.  Buckley, 
Lond.  1851 ;  by  James  Waterworth  (Rom.  Cath.),  1848.] 

[The  first  Latin  translation  of  Sarpi  was  in  1622,  under  the  name  Petri  Suavis  Po- 
lani  (Pauli  Sarpi  Veneti).  It  is  inaccurate.  The  first  two  chapters  were  trans- 
lated by  Sir  Adam  Newton,  the  last  two  by  William  Bedell,  afterward  Bishop  of 
Kilmore.  Archbishop  Abbot  had  the  manuscript  copy  of  Sarpi's  work,  procured 
through  De  Doniinis.  (See  H.  Newland's  Life  of  De  Dominis.  Lond.  1S59.  Notes 
and  Queries,  iv.  p.  275.)  An  English  version  of  Sarpi,  by  Sir  N.  Brent,  was  pub- 
lished, fol.  1619,  also  in  1676.  A.  Bianchi  Giovanni,  Biografia  di  Fni  Paolo  Sarpi, 
Teologo  e  Consultoredi  stato  della  republica  Veneta.  2  vols.  Zurigo,  1836 ;  trans- 
lated into  French,  2  torn.  Bruxelles,  1863.  Heidegger,  Tumulus  Concil.  Trid.  (2. 4to, 
Tiguri,  1690),  contains  a  defense  of  Sarpi.— Pallavicini  is  defended  in  Reding, 
Oecum.  Concil.  Trid.  Veritas  inextincta.  4.  fol.  See  also  the  general  historical 
works  of  Guicciardini,  Sleidan,  and  De  Thou.] 

[Chemnitii,  Examen  Concil.  Trid.  1707;  repr.  Berl.  1866.  Bp.  Jewel,  Apology,  and 
Letters  to  Scipio  on  Council  of  Trent;  see  his  Works,  and  separately  repr.  Lond. 
1854.  Ellies  Du  Pin,  Hist,  du  Concilc  de  Trente.  2.  4to,  1721.  Bp.  Stillingfleet, 
Council  of  Trent  Examined.  4to,  Lond.  1688;  repr.  in  Gibson's  Preservative, 
viii.  ix.  A  Review  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  first  written  in  French  [Ranchin] ; 
transl.  by  G.  L.  [Langbaine].  Fol.  Oxf.  1638.  A  Godlcy  and  Necessary  Admoni- 
tion of  the  Declarations  ...  of  Trent.  Lond.  4to,  1654.  Chastelet  de  Luzancy, 
Reflections  on  the  Council  of  Trent.  Oxf.  1677.  [D.Whitby]  Fallibility  of  Church 
of  Rome  demonstrated  from  Council  of  Trent.  Lond.  1687.  See  also  the  account 
in  Marheineke's  System  des  Katholicismus.— J.W.  Goschl,  Gcschichtliche  Darstel- 
lung  des  Trid.  Concils.  2.  Regensb.  1840.  Danz,  Gesch.  des  Trid.  Concils.  Jena, 
1 8 1>'>.  II.  Rutjes,  Gesch.  des  Trid.  Cone.  Miinster,  1846.  Ludwig  Clams,  Das  Trid. 
Glaubensbekcnntniss  nacligewiesen,etc.  Bd.l,Schaffhausen,1866.  Rev.P.Nampon 
(S.  J.),  Etudes  deJa  Doctrine  Catholique  dans  le  Concile  de  Trent.  12mo,  Paris, 
L852,  pp.  7:20.  C.  Ferini,  II  Concilio  di  Trento.  Riassuuto  storico.  Trient.  1863.— 
T.  A.  Buckley,  Hist,  of  Council  of  Trent.  Lond.  1832.  Jas.Waterworth,  Essays  on 
the  Council,  in  the  preface  to  his  translation  of  its  Decrees  and  Canons.  Lond. 
1848.     Bungener's  Hist,  of  the  Council.     Transl.  New  York,  1S55.     Chas.  Butler, 


3  D.  Gerdesii  Florilcgium  Librorum  Rariorum,  p.  185.    J.  G.  Schelhornii  Amocni- 
tates  Hist.  Eccles.  et  Literariae,  ii.  434. 

4  Two  of  these  programmes  have  the  number  24;  hence  the  last  is  numbered  25 
Instead  of  26. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  55.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.  23 

Hist,  and  Lit.  Account  of  the  Formularies,  etc.  Lond.  1816 ;  repr.  in  his  Works, 
vol.  iv.  1817.  On  the  doctrinal  articles,  comp.  Pusey's  Eirenicon.  Lond.  and  New 
York,  1866.  See,  also,  Ordo  et  Modus  in  Celebratione  sacri  et  generalis  Coneilii 
Tridentini  Observatus,  a  Rmo.  Angelo  Massarello  ejusdem  s.  Coneilii  Secretario 
descriptus  (Cod.  lat.  Mon.  813) ;  extracted  in  Friedrich,  Documents  ad  illustran- 
dum  Concilium  Vatieanum,  1.  Abthlg.  (Nordlingen,  1871),  pp.  265-277.  Th.  Sickel, 
Zur  Gesch.  des  Concils  von  Trient,  Actenstiicke  aus  osterreichischen  Archiven. 
Wien,  1872,  pp.  650 ;  contains  300  documents,  chiefly  on  the  relation  of  Ferdinand 
I.  to  Pius  IV.  See  on  this,  also,  Reimann,  Forschungen  zur  deutschen  Geschichte, 
vi.  585-624,  on  the  negotiations  between  Ferdinand  I.  and  Pius.  Sickel  has  also 
edited  Die  Geschaftsordnung  des  Concils  von  Trient,  from  the  Vatican  manu- 
script. Dr.  von  Dollinger  is  preparing  a  new  collection  of  acts  and  documents 
on  the  Council,  vol.  1,  in  2  parts,  1876.] 

Popes:— Paul  III.  (Alexander  Farnese,d.lO  Nov.,  1549).  Julius  III.  (Joh.  Maria  del 
Monte,  7 Feb.,  1550,  to  23  March,  1555).  Marcellus  II. (Marcellus  Servini,  9  April  to 
1  May,  1555).  Paul  IV.  (Joh.  Peter  Caraffa,  23  May,  1555,  to  18  Aug.,  1559).  Pius 
IV.  (Joh.  Angelus  Medici,  28  Dec.,  1559,  to  9  Dec.,  1565). 


§  55. 

1545  TO  1551.    FIRST  PERIOD  OF  THE  COUNCIL,  DECEMBER  13,  1545,  TO 

MARCH  11,  1547. 

Laur.  Pratani,  Canon.  Eccl.  Tornacensis,  Rerum  in  Syn.  Trident,  sub  Paulo  III.  gesta- 
rum  Epilogus,  written  in  Trent,  1547;  in  Le  Plat,  vii.  ii.  1. 

The  Council  was  opened  in  Trent  with  so  small  a  number  of 
bishops 1  that  the  legates,  the  Cardinals  Del  Monte  (afterwards 
Pope  Julius  III.),  Marcellus  Cervinus,  and  Reginald  Pole,  could 
easily  carry  out  the  Papal  wishes2  in  respect  to  the  important 

1  Cardinal  Joh.  Bellajus  gives  an  unfavorable  judgment  about  them  in  an  ode  (ap- 
pended to  Salmonii  Macriui  Odarum  libri,  Paris,  1546,  p.  154),  e.  g. : 

Namque  inter  istos  ut  fatear  patres 

TJnum  notari  posse,  vel  alteram, 

Quem  conferas  illis  beati 

Tempora  quos  aluere  secli: 
Totius  at  pars  coneilii  quota  est, 

Quae  recta  spectet?  .  .  . 

2  The  Papal  instructions  to  the  legates  ran  thus  (Raynald.  1545,  no.  47) :  De  capiti- 
bus  religionis,  abscisso  quocunque  respectu,  primum  tractabitis,  damnantes  non 
personas,  sed  doctrinam,  et  non  solum  generales  propositiones,  sed  et  particulares, 
quae  nunc  vigent,  et  haeresum  sunt  fundamenta.  De  reformatione  nee  ante  dogma- 
ta, nee  simul  cum  illis  omnino  agant,  cum  haec  secundaria  q£  minor  causa  congre- 
gandi  Coneilii  fuerit;  sed  tali  circumspectione  in  hac  re  utantur,  ut  ocoasio  aliis  non 
sit  credendi,  earn  nos  vel  evitare,  vel  ad  finem  Coneilii  differre  velle :  imo  declarent, 
quod,  quando  Concilium  in  re  principali  bene  procedere  coeperit,  de  ilia,  sicut  con- 
venit,  pertractabitur.  In  rebus,  quae  ad  Romanam  Curiam  pertinent,  de  quibus 
querelas  afferunt,  consiliis  Praelatorum  et  Provinciarum  libenter  aures  porrigant, 
non  quia  Coneilii  sit  illas  emendare,  sed  quia  Pontifex  de  illis  optime  instructus 
remedia  porrigat  opportuna.  Literae  et  scripturae,  quae  nomine  Coneilii  expedien- 
dae  erunt,  etiam  nomine  Legatorum,  uti  Praesidentium,  et  Pontificis,  uti  ab  illis 
repraesentati,  consignentur,  ita  ut  non  solum  Pontifex  Coneilii  convocandi  auctor. 


24 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 


questions  which  at  once  presented  themselves.  The  Emperor 
and  many  bishops  wished  that  the  questions  about  a  reformation 
might  be  first  introduced,  so  as  to  affect  the  Protestants  favor- 
ably ;  but  the  Council  began,  according  to  the  will  of  the  Pope, 
with  condemning  the  most  important  Protestant  doctrines.3 
Most  of  the  bishops  wished  the  forms  of  the  Council  of  Basle 
to  be  observed,  but  the  Papal  legates  carried  the  point  that 
those  of  the  last  Lateran  Council  should  be  adopted.4  It  soon 
became  evident  that  every  thing  was  to  be  ordered  by  the  Papal 

seel  ctiam  summam  in  co  perducendo  auctoritatcm  praeferre  appareat,  ct  tribus 
Lcgatorum  sigillis,  vel  saltern  primi,  muniantur.—  Facultatem  Legatis  damus  aliquas 
indulgentias  largiendi,  Bed  animadvertant,  ut  coucessae  a  Concilio  non  appareant,  cui 
6ummum  jus  et  auctoritas  non  competit. 

3  Tlic  question  as  to  what  should  be  first  taken  up  was  discussed  in  the  Congre- 
gations on  the  18th  and  22d  Jan.,  1546,  and  at  length  settled  by  the  determination  to 
consider  the  articles  of  faith  and  the  projects  for  reform  both  together.     Rome  was 
displeased  at  this,  but  yielded.     The  legates,  however,  brought  it  about  that  that 
determination  was  not  included  in  the  decrees  of  the  Council,  although  they  acted 
in  accordance  with  it.    (See  the  Acts  in  Raynald,  1546,  Nos.  10, 11.)    The  chief  object 
of  Rome,  to  have  the  Protestants  condemned  at  the  outset,  was  in  this  way  attained. 
*  Viz. :  1.  Several  bishops  demanded  that  the  Synod  should  designate  itself  as 
universalem  Ecclesiam  repraesentans.     The  legates  feared  that  then  the  conclusion 
would  be  drawn  (as  at  the  Council  of  Constance;  see  vol.  iii.  p.  228,  §  131,  Note  8), 
quae  potestatem  a  Christo  immediate  habet,  cui  quilibet,  cujuscunque  status  vel 
dignitatis,  ctiamsi  papalis,  existat,  obedire  tenetur,  and  they  insisted  on  the  formula  : 
Sacrosancta  oecumenica  ct  generalis  Tridentina  synodus,  in  Spiritu  saneto  legitime 
congregata,  praesidentibus  in  ea  tribus  apostolicae  Sedis  Legatis.     Comp.  the  dis- 
cussion's, Sess.  II.,  7  Jan.,  1546,  and  the  following  days:  Laur.  Pratamis,  in  Le  Plat, 
vii.  ii.  8 ;'  Sarpi,  ii.  c.  34 ;  Pallavicino,  lib.  6,  c.  5,  6 ;  Salig,  i.  366.     2.  The  demand  that 
the  votes  should  be  taken  by  nations  was  not  earnestly  pressed ;  the  legates  pro- 
posed to  adopt  the  method  of  the  last  Lateran  Council ;  Sarpi,  lib.  ii.  c.  32.    3.  The 
legates  at  once  laid  claim  to  the  exclusive  right  of  initiating  proposals,  and  wished 
to  have  this  expressed  by  the  formula  praesidentibus  Legatis.    The  Bishop  of  Fiesole 
opposed  this  (March,  L546) ;  see  Raynald,  1546,  No.  36.     Later,  May  18,  there  was  a 
\  Lolenl  dispute  upon  this  point  between  the  first  legate  and  the  Bishop  of  Astorga; 
sec  the  Acts  in  Raynald,  1546,  Nos.  67, 68.     Among  other  things,  it  was  said :  Dico, 
Lnquit  Asturicensis,  posse  singulos  Episcopos  proponere,  nee  alitor  fieri  posse:  ex- 
empli causa  ponamus,  aliquem  EpiBCOpum  vellc  aliquam  materiam  contra  Legates 
ipsos  vel  Cardinales  proponere:  aequumne  censctis  ilia  oportcre  Legatis  ipsis  prius 
dicerc,  an  non?    Non,  inquit  Cardinalis  Del  Monte,  vobis  licere  arbitror,  neque  liccbit 
unquam  contra  Legatos  Sedis  apostolicae,  neque  contra  Cardinales  aliquid  propo- 
nere, nee  enim  me  praesente  talia  alicui  permittam  impune  faccrc,  ct  miror  vos 
andere  talia  dicere.    The  question  remained  unsettled.    The  legates  were  able  to 
carry  that  formula  through  only  once  (Sess.  XVII.,  18  Jan.,  1562);  but  they  alone,  in 
fact,  exercised  all  along  the  right  of  initiating  propositions.     An  unnamed  person 
writes  from  Trent,  3  Jan.,  1546,  to  the  assembled  prelates  (Fortgesetztc  Sammlung 
von  alten  und  ncucn  thcol.  Sachcn,  1747,  p.  337) :  Multi  satis  aperte  quid  sint  dieturi 
ostendunt,  non  dico  dc  fidei  articulis  cum  Lutheranis  consensuros,  sed  in  renitendo 
pontificiae  tyrannidi  ct  impcrio  ipsos  fortasse  Luthcranos  longc  supcraturos :  deside- 
ratur,  qui  glaciem  rumpat,  qui  pracsaltet.    O  quantum  insaniunt  Luthcrani,  quod  non 
hue  occurrerunt !    Ego  multis  utor  hie  familiariter,  turn  video,  quid  animo  premant. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  55.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.  25 

will.5  They  began  with  antagonisms  to  the  fundamental  doc- 
trines of  Protestantism.  They  declared  (Session  IV.,  April  8, 
1546)  the  equal  authority  of  tradition6  with  Scripture  ;  also  that 

5  When  the  legates,  Sess.  II.,  were  pressed  on  account  of  the  formula  universalem 
Ecclesiam  repraesentans  (Laur.  Pratanus,  in  Le  Plat,  vii.  ii.  8),  beatissimi  Patris  prae- 
texunt  auctoritatem,  nee  se  posse,  nisi  illo  mature  consulto,  hoc  statuere.  Quo 
audito  dici  non  potest,  ut  Pat  rum  vultus  immutatus  sit :  jam  totius  Synodi  aliam 
cerneres  faciem :  nam  ex  eo  manifestum  esse  poterat,  Legatos  Praesidentes  nil  re 
ipsa  liberum  Synodo  permittere.  Exclamavere  quidam,  non  exspectandam  esse 
cum  Pontiflce  deliberationem  ad  ea  quae  Concilii  auctoritas  statueret ;  alias  liberta- 
tem,  quae  Synodo  debetur,  esse  nullam.  At  a  later  stage  the  legates  came  out  still 
more  decidedly.  In  the  Congregation  of  July  30, 1546,  the  first  legate,  Del  Monte, 
would  not  follow  the  determination  of  the  majority  about  the  next  session  (Acts  in 
Raynald,  1546,  No.  126),  first  saying  that  the  votes  were  equal,  and  then  declaring 
that  all  questions  about  the  order  of  the  Council  depended  on  the  legates  alone ; 
and  he  added :  cum  in  rebus  magna  est  controversia,  parvaque  est  in  numero  Patrum 
differentia,  Legatorum  Sedis  apostolicae  sententia  ita  ponderanda  est,  ut  cuicunque 
parti  adhaeserit  stetur.  "When,  in  the  Congregation  of  Feb.  24,  1547,  appeal  was 
made  to  the  example  of  the  last  Lateran  Council,  the  same  legate  responded  (Acts  in 
Raynald,  1547,  No.  32) :  Quod  alias  in  Concilio  Lateranensi  factum  fuerit,  nihil  ad 
propositum  facit,  quia  Papa  in  Concilio  non  tenebatur  sequi  sententias  Patrum,  si 
nolebat,  et  propterea,  etiamsi  major  pars  contradixisset,  potuisset  etiam  ipse  solus 
statuere.  Bargas,  who  is  praised  for  his  learning  and  piety  by  Pallavicino  (lit.  xxi. 
c.  11,  No.  3),  says  in  a  Memoir  addressed  to  the  Emperor  (Lettres  et  Me'moires,  p.  35) : 
Je  n'ai  pas  expression  assez  forte,  pour  donner  line  juste  idee  du  mal,  que  la  mauiere 
de  regler  le  Concile  a  cause.  Sous  preHexte  d'y  etablir  l'ordre,  les  Legats  du  Pape 
se  rendent  maitres  de  l'assembl^e.  Tout  ce  qui  se  propose,  tout  ce  qui  s' examine, 
tout  ce  qui  se  ddfinit,  e'est  dans  le  temps  et  de  la  facon  qu'il  plait  a,  ces  Messieurs. 
lis  suivent  les  instructions  qu'on  leur  a  donnees  a  Rome,  et  qu'on  leur  envoie  a  tous 
momens.  La  liberty  e'est  la  chose  dont  ils  parlent  le  plus;  mais  ils  la  detruisent 
par  leurs  actions,  factis  autem  negant.  Leur  conduite  n'est  que  deguisement  et  dis- 
simulation. La  liberte,  qu'ils  laissent,  n'est  qu'une  chimere.  Cela  etoit  si  visible, 
que  les  Prelats  pensionnaires  du  Pape  l'avouoient  eux  mesmes,  et  qu'ils  en  temoi- 
gnoient  leur  douleur  aux  gens  de  bien.  L'injustice  du  siecle,  et  la  situation  pre- 
sente  des  affaires  otent  a  tous  la  liberte  de  parler.  On  se  contente  de  geuiir  en 
secret.  P.  42,  on  the  way  in  which  the  decrees  were  drawn  up  and  concluded:  Le 
soir  avant  la  session  ils  (les  Legats)  assembloient  les  Eveques  en  Congregation  ge- 
nerale.  La,  ces  Messieurs  lisoient  les  decrets,  comme  ils  les  avoient  couchez  par 
ecrit  avec  ceux,  qu'il  leur  avoit  plu  de  consulter.  Ainsi  tout  passoit  sans  difficulty. 
Ceux-ci  n'entendoient  pas  ce  dont  il  ^toit  question,  et  ceux-la  n'osoient  pas  ouvrir 
la  bouche.  Enfin  la  pluspart  etoient  las  de  ce  qu'on  les  retenoit  bien  avant  dans 
la  nuit.  Voila  comment  beaucoup  de  choses  conclues  a,  la  haste  et  tumultuaire- 
ment,  ont  ete  publiees  des  le  lendemain.  Si  cette  maniere  d'agir  a  fait  du  mal,  ces 
Messieurs  en  jugeront  eux  mesmes :  ipsi  viderint.  Nos  certe  qui  ea  novimus,  cae- 
teraque  observavimus,  non  possumus  non  dolere  vicem  nostram,  Conciliorumque 
auctoritatem  jam  diu  deploratam. 

6  In  these  discussions,  Rachianti,  Bishop  of  Chiozza,  said  (Episc.  Clodiensis ;  see 
the  Acts  in  Raynald,  1546,  No.  26) :  frustra  nos  modo  quaerere  traditiones  per  manus 
verbo  et  observantia  communis  Ecclesiae  ad  nos  perductas,  cum  habeamus  Evange- 
lium,  in  quo  omnia,  quae  ad  salutem  et  vitam  Christianam  necessaria  sunt,  scripta 
inveniuntur.  Then  he  said  (Laur.  Pratanus,  in  Le  Plat,  vii.  ii.  18) :  impietatem  verbis 
decreti  inesse,  ubi  de  sacris  Uteris  et  traditionibus  dicebatur :  pan  ^Vfatts  affectu. 
Dicta  tamen  postea  revocavit.    The  bishop  soon  left  the  Council  (Sarpi,  i.  293),  and 


20  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

all  the  books  contained  in  the  Vulgate  were  canonical,  and  that 
the  Vulgate  edition  was  "  authentic," 7  at  the  same  time  ordering 
its  revision;8  and  they  likewise  decreed  that  the  interpretation 
of  the  Holy  Scripture  should  be  conformed  to  the  sense  in  which 
the  Church  commonly  received  it.9  In  the  next  following  de- 
crees about  sin  and  justification,  the  Council  had  to  wind  about 
among  the  points  in  controversy  between  the  Dominicans  and 
Franciscans,  so  as  not  to  offend  either  of  these  powerful  orders. 
The  traces  of  this  are  found  in  its  decrees  about  original  sin 10 

was  then  examined  by  the  Inquisitors ;  hut  this  had  such  an  effect  upon  him  that, 
under  Pius  IV.,  he  could  be  used  by  the  legates  in  the  most  important  business,  and 
he  earned  meat  praise  for  his  piety  and  sagacity  (Pallavicino,  lib.  vi.  c.  14,  No.  4). — 
In  the  Decreium  de  Canonicis  Scripturia  it  is  said:  (Synodus)  perspiciens,  banc  vcrita- 
tem  et  disciplinam  contineri  in  libris  scriptis,  et  sine  scripto  traditionibus,  quae 
ipsius  Christi  ore  ab  Apostolis  acceptae,  aut  ab  ipsis  Apostolis,  Spiritu  saucto  dic- 
tante,  quasi  per  manus  traditae,  ad  nos  usque  pervenerunt ;  orthodoxorum  Patrum 
exempla  secuta,  omnes  libros  tarn  veteris  quam  Novi  Testamenti, — necnon  tradi- 
tiones  ipsas,  turn  ad  fidem,  turn  ad  mores  pertinentes,  tanquam  vel  ore  tenus  a 
Christo,  vel  a  Spiritu  sancto  dictatas,  et  continua  successione  in  Ecclesia  cath.  con- 
servatas,  pari  pietatis  affectu  ac  reverentia  suscipit  et  veneratur. 

7  Deer,  de  Editione  et  Um  Sacrorum  Librorum :  (Synodus)  statuit  et  declarat,  ut  haec 
ipsa  vetus  et  vulgata  editio,  quae  longo  tot  saeculorum  usu  in  ipsa  Ecclesia  probata 
est,  in  publicis  lectionibus,  disputationibus,  praedicationibus  et  expositionibus  pro 
authentica  habeatur;  et  ut  nemo  illam  rejicere  quovis  praetexfu  audeat  vel  pracsu- 
mat.  f  On  the  controversy  about  the  interpretation  of  this  decree,  see  Kollner,  Sym- 
bolik,  ii.  pp.  346-8.] 

8  Ibid. :  Ut  posthac  sacra  Scriptura,  potissimum  vero  haec  ipsa  vetus  et  vulgata 
editio,  quam  cmendatissime  imprimatur. 

0  Ibid. :  Ut  nemo— sacram  Scripturam  ad  suos  sensus  contorquens,  contra  eum 
sensum,  quem  tenuit  et  tenet  sancta  mater  Ecclesia,  cujus  est  judicare  de  vero  sensu 
et  interpretatione  Scripturarum  sanctarum,  aut  etiam  contra  unauimem  consensum 
Patrum,  ipsam  Scripturam  sacram  intcrpretari  audeat. 

10  The  most  eminent  divines  who  spoke  upon  this  point  were  the  two  Dominicans, 
the  Italian  Ambrosius  Cathariuus  (who,  however,  deviated  from  Thomas  Aquinas), 
and  the  Spaniard  Dominicus  de  Soto,  a  strict  Thomist ;  also  Hieronymus  Seripandus, 
General  of  the  Augustines.  See  Sarpi,  lib.  ii.  c.  63.  Salig,  i.  455,  Deer,  de  peccato 
originali:  primum  hominem  Adam,  cum  mandatum  Dei  in  Paradiso  fuisset  trans- 
gressus,  statim  sanctitatem  et  justitiam,  in  qua  constitutus  fuerat,  amisisse,  incurris- 
sequc  per  offensam  pracvarieationis  hujusmodi  iram  et  indiguationem  Dei,  atque 
ideo  mortem,— et  cum  morte  captivitatem  sub  ejus  potestate,  qui  mortis  deinde 
habuit  imperium,  h.  e.  diaboli,  totumque  Adam  per  illam  praevaricationis  offensam 
secundum  corpus  et  animam  in  deterius  commutatum  fuisse.— Hoc  Adae  peccatum 
— propagatione,  non  imitatioue  transfusum  omnibus,  inest  unicuique  proprium.— 
Nihil  est  damnations  iis,  qui  vcre  conscpulti  sunt  cum  Christo  per  baptisma  in 
mortem:  qui  non  secundum  camera  ambulant,  sed  vcterem  hominem  exuentes,  et 
novum,  qui  secundum  Deum  creatus  est,  induentes,  innocentes,  immaculati,  puri, 
innoxii,  ac  Deo  dilecti  effecti  sunt.— Manere  autem  in  baptizatis  concupisccntiam 
vel  fomitcm,  haec  s.  Synodus  fatetur  et  sentit :  quae  cum  ad  agonem  relicta  sit,  no- 
cere  non  conscntientibus,  scd  viriliter  per  Christi  Jcsu  gratiam  rcpugnantibus  non 
valet.— Hanc  concupiscentiam,  quam  aliquando  Apostolus  peccatum  appellat,  s. 
Synodus  declarat  Ecclcsiam  catholicam  uunquam  iutellcxisse  peccatum  appellari. 


PART  III.-CHAP.  II.-CATH.  CHURCH.    §  55.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.   27 

and  the  immaculate  conception  of  Mary "  (Sess.  V.,  June  17, 
1546).  The  doctrine  of  Justification,  upon  which  several  of  the 
fathers  of  the  Council  came  very  near  to  the  views  of  Luther,12 
was  at  last  defined  in  the  sharpest  antagonism  to  the  latter  (Sess. 
VI.,  January  13, 1547),13  although  many  points  in  respect  to  it 

quod  vere  et  proprie  in  renatis  peccatum  sit,  sed  quia  ex  peccato  est,  et  ad  peccatum 
inclinat. 

11  Ibid. :  Declarat  tamen  haec  ipsa  s.  Synodus,  non  esse  suae  intentionis  compre- 
hendere  in  hoc  decreto,  ubi  de  peccato  origiuali  agitur,  beatam  et  immaculatani 
virginem  Mariam,  Dei  genitricem ;  sed  observandas  esse  constitutions  felicis  recor- 
dations Sixti  Papae  IV.  (see  vol.  iii.  p.  387,  Note  17,  §  145).  On  the  previous  con- 
troversy, see  Sarpi,  lib.  ii.  c.  67;  Pallavicino,  lib.  vii.  c.  7;  Salig,  i.  475. 

12  Laur.  Pratanus,  in  Le  Plat,  vii.  ii.  21 :  In  sexdecim  continuis  ex  ordine  conventi- 
bus  Praelati  suas  dixere  sententias,  inter  quos  aliqui  fidei  virtutem  mirum  in  modum 
extollebant,  Episcopi  praecipue  Vigorniensis  Britannus,  et  Cavensis  Neapolitanus, 
qui  eo  processit  ad  fidei  encomia,  ut  dilectionem  Dei  vix  necessariam  esse  diceret. 
Reprehensus  a  multis,  ab  opinione  discedere  nunquam  voluit,  quiu  insuper  in  prox- 
imo (cui  ultimo  interfuit)  conventu  productis  in  medium  libris  se  atque  opinionem 
suam  pertinaciter  tuebatur.  After  the  Assembly  he  got  into  a  violent  dispute  about 
it  with  the  Greek  bishop,  Episcopi  Graeculi  barbam  corripiens,  illi  caput  ter  quaterve 
quatit.  He  was  sent  back  to  his  bishopric.  The  General  of  the  Augustines,  Seri- 
pandus,  also  spoke  in  favor  of  justification  by  faith  (Acts  in  Raynald,  1546,  no.  131) ; 
further,  the  Servite,  Laur.  Mazochius,  the  Dominicans  Gregorius  Senensis  aud  Joh. 
Utinensis,  and  two  of  the  Augustine  Order  (Pallavicino,  lib.  viii.  c.  4,  §  3). 

13  Deer,  de  Justiflcatione.  Cap.  1 :  Omnes  homines— servi  erant  peccati,  et  sub  po- 
testate  diaboli  ac  mortis :— tametsi  in  eis  liberum  arbitrium  minime  extinctum  esset, 
viribus  licet  attenuatum  et  inclinatum.  Cap.  4 :  Justificatio  est  translatio  ab  eo  statu, 
in  quo  homo  nascitur  filius  primi  Adae,  in  statum  gratiae  et  adoptionis  filiorum  Dei 
per  secundum  Adam  J.  Chr.  salvatorem  nostrum.  Quae  quidem  translatio  post  Evan- 
gelism promulgatum  sine  lavacro  regenerationis,  aut  ejus  voto  fieri  non  potest. 
Cap.  6 :  Disponuntur  autem  ad  ipsam  justitiam,  dum  excitati  divina  gratia  et  adjuti, 
fidem  ex  auditu  concipientes,  libere  moventur  in  Deum,  credentes  vera  esse,  quae 
divinitus  revelata  et  promissa  sunt,  atque  illud  in  primis,  a  Deo  justificari  impium 
per  gratiam  ejus,  per  redemtionem,  quae  est  in  Christo  Jesu ;  et  dum  peccatores  se 
esse  intelligentes,  a  divinae  justitiae  timore,  quo  utiliter  concutiuntur,  ad  conside- 
randam  Dei  misericordiam  se  convertendo,  in  spem  eriguntur,  fidentes  Deum  sibi 
propter  Christum  propitium  fore;  illumque,  tanquam  omnis  justitiae  fontem,  dili- 
gere  incipiunt :  ac  propterea  moventur  adversus  peccata  per  odium  aliquod  et  de- 
testationem,  h.  e.  per  earn  poenitentiam,  quam  ante  baptismum  agi  oportet :  denique 
dum  proponunt  suscipere  baptismum,  inchoare  novam  vitam,  et  servare  divina  man- 
data.  Cap.  7:  Hanc  dispositionem  seu  praeparationem  justificatio  ipsa  consequitur ; 
quae  non  est  sola  peccatorum  remissio,  sed  et  sanctificatio,  et  renovatio  interioris 
hominis  per  voluntariam  susceptionem  gratiae  et  donorum.  Unde  homo  ex  injusto 
fit  Justus,  et  ex  inimico  amicus,  ut  sit  haeres  secundum  spem  vitae  aeternae. — In  ipsa 
justiflcatione  cum  remissione  peccatorum  haec  omnia  simul  infusa  accipit  homo  per 
J.  Chr.,  cui  inseritur,  fidem,  spem  et  caritatem.  Cap.  8:  Cum  vero  Apostolus  dicit, 
justificari  hominem  per  fidem,  et  gratis;  ea  verba  in  eo  sensu  intelligenda  sunt, 
quem  perpetuus  Ecclesiae  catholicae  consensus  tenuit  et  expressit :  ut  scilicet  per 
fidem  ideo  justificari  dicarnur,  quia  fides  est  humanae  salutis  initium,  fuudamentum, 
et  radix  omnis  justificationis : — gratis  autem  justificari  ideo  dicarnur,  quia  nihil 
eorum,  quae  justificationem  praecedunt,  sive  fides,  sive  opera,  ipsam  justificationis 
gratiam  promeretur. 


2S  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

were  left  unheeded ;  in  particular,  it  was  left  ambiguous  whether 
any  one  could  be  sure  of  his  justification.14  Then  they  began 
upon  the  doctrine  of  the  Sacraments  (Sess.VIL,  March  3,1547)," 
not  deciding  the  contested  point,  how  the  sacraments  worked,16 
but  affirming  the  necessity  of  the  "  intention"  on  the  part  of  the 
administrator.17 

In  the  debates  upon  the  practical  reformation  of  the  Church, 
the  demands  of  the  Spanish  bishops  came  into  especial  and  sharp 
conflict  with  the  claims  of  Home.  The  Pope  implied  that  he 
would  meet  the  general  expectations  by  a  Bull,  but  the  Papal 
legates  did  not  lay  it  before  the  Council.18     On  the  other  hand, 

14  Ibid.  Cap.  9:  Quamvis  necessarium  sit  credere,  nequc  remitti,  neque  remissa 
nnqnam  fuisse  peccata,  nisi  gratis  divina  misericordia  propter  Christum;  ncmini 
taraen  fiduciam  et  certitudinem  remissionis  peccatorum  suorum  jactanti,  et  in  ea 
sola  quiescenti,  peccata  dimitti  vel  dimissa  esse  dicendum  est.  Cap.  12:  Nemo, 
quamdiu  in  hac  mortalitate  vivitur,  de  arcano  divinae  praedestinationis  mysterio 
usque  adeo  praesumere  debet,  ut  certo  statuat,  se  omnino  esse  in  numero  praedesti- 
natorum:  quasi  verum  esset,  quod  justificatus  aut  amplius  peccare  non  possit,  aut 
si  peccaverit,  certam  sibi  resipiscentiam  promittere  debeat.  Nam,  nisi  ex  speciali 
revelatione,  sciri  non  potest,  quos  Deus  sibi  elegerit.  Thereupon  Dominicus  Soto 
wrote  a  work  to  prove  that  man  can  not  be  sure  that  he  has  grace;  Catharinus,  in 
reply,  said  that  the  Council  did  uot  intend  to  condemn  the  opposite  opinion ;  Palla- 
vicino,  lib.  viii.  c.  12,  §  9. 

15  De  Sacramcntis  in  genere,  13  canones;  De  baptismo,  14  canones;  De  confirma- 
tione,  3  canones. 

16  In  particular,  whether  a  virtus  instrumentalis  et  effectiva  was  put  into  the  sacra- 
ments once  for  all  by  God,  in  order  to  produce  the  sacramental  efficacy,  as  the  Do- 
minicans maintained  ;  or  whether  God  works  at  each  time  directly  through  the 
sacraments,  according  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Franciscans.  On  the  violent  strife  of 
the  two  parties,  see  Sarpi,  lib.  ii.  c.  86;  Salig,  i.  567. 

17  De  Sacramcntis  in  genere,  can.  11:  Si  quis  dixerit,  in  ministris,  dum  sacramenta 
conflciunt  et  conferunt,  non  requiri  intentionem  saltern  faciendi  quod  facit  Ecelcsia, 
anathema  sit.  Besides  this,  in  can.  6,  the  anathema  was  declared  against  the  asser- 
tion, sacramenta  novae  legis  non  continere  gratiam,  quam  significant,  aut  gratiam 
ipsam  non  ponentibus  obicem  non  conferre,  quasi  signa  tantum  externa  sint  acceptae 
per  Qdem  gratiae  vel  justitiae,  et  notae  quaedam  Christianae  professionis,  quibus 
apud  homines  discernuntur  fideles  ab  infidelibus  (Zwingli ;  see  §  35,  note  13) ;  can.  9, 
against  such  as  hold  in  tribns  sacramcntis,  baptismo  scilicet,  confirmatioue,  et  or- 
dine,  non  imprimi  charactercm  in  anima;  can.  10,  against  those  who  say  Christianos 
omnes  in  verbo,  et  omnibus  sacramcntis  administrandis  habere  potestatem. 

18  Bulla  Befarmationis  lUuli  P.  111.  ad  Historian  Cone.  Trident,  pertinent  eoncepta  non 
vulgata,  ed.  D.  II.  N.  Clausen,  Havn.  1830, 4to.  It  is  dated  anno  incarnationis  domini- 
cae,  1546,  XI.  Kal.  Jan. ;  that  is,  22d  Dec.,  1546.  Pallavicino,  lib.  ix.  c.  10,  §  3,  puts  it 
in  the  beginning  of  1546;  he  probably  read,  XI.  Kal.  Jan.  In  Trent  they  began  to 
speak  of  it  in  January,  1547;  Laur.  PratanuB,  in  Le  Plat,  vii.  ii.  28.  The  first  legate 
said :  Sc  collcgisse  quaedam  bonorum  morum  impedimenta,  a  patribus  supcrioribus 
mensibus  in  controversiani  quasi  vocata,  quae  si  ex  ordine  excuterentur,fore  ut  inter 
patres  conveniret.  Facile  erant  ilia  patribus  accepta,  et  bona  reformationis  Bpea 
elocebat:  non  paucis  tamen  suspicio  erat,  ilia  jam  pridem  per  diploma  praesidenti- 
bus  a  bcatissimo  Patre  ordinata,  quae  volentes  illi  paulo  alitor  extorquerc,  diploma 


PART  III. -CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.  §  55.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.  29 

several  bishops  asked  in  vain  for  reforms  which  affected  the 
Papal  authority.19  The  legates  maintained  that  the  Council 
could  only  make  reforms  in  those  matters  which  were  referred 
to  it  by  the  Pope,  and  in  these  only  by  the  reservation  of  the 
supreme  Papal  power.20  In  vain  did  some  bishops  endeavor  to 
insist  upon  the  episcopal  rights.21     The  legates  were  able  to 

nulli  unquam  ostenderunt ;  omne  cnim  in  Pontificis  summi  potestate  liberrime  posi- 
tum  semper  voluere,  cautionibus  tam  crebris  decreto  additis,  ut  quod  agerent  ipsos 
nolle  arbitrareris. 

19  The  Bishop  of  Fiesole,  Brachius  Martellus  Episc.  Fesularum,  loth  April,  1546, 
made  an  energetic  speech  against  exemptions,  especially  against  the  right  of  monks 
to  preach  without  the  permission  of  the  bishop  (in  Le  Plat,  iii.  405) :  e.  g. :  Mihi 
omnino  non  placet  quidquam  de  sanctissimorum  Episcoporum  muneribus  tractari, 
nisi  prius  ipsi  Episcopi  fuerint  in  suis  Episcopatibus  libere  atque  integre  restituti. 
Non  puto  horum  privilegiis  nobis  adimi  jus  diviuum,  jus  quaesitum,  jus  Episcopo- 
rum, quod  adimi  nequit. — Aut  omnia  sunt  Episcopis  nobis  nostra  jura  restitueuda, 
aut  nulla  omnino  sunt  nobis  Episcopis  nova  onera  imponenda.  On  account  of  this 
speech  the  legates  wrote  to  Rome,  and  then  administered  a  severe  reproof  to  the 
bishop ;  Pallavicino,  lib.  vii.  c.  4,  §  13  ss.  Vigerius,  Bishop  of  Senigaglia  (d.  June  9, 
1546),  now  demanded  that  it  should  first  of  all  be  decided  that  bishops  held  their 
residence  jure  divino  (Pallaviciuo,  lib.  vii.  c.  6,  §  3).  The  Episcopal  party  united  in 
urging  this  claim ;  for,  they  said,  there  must  be  jure  divino  rights  where  there  are 
jure  divino  duties,  and  all  these  Papal  dispensations  must  be  stopped  which  allowed 
the  holding  of  several  bishoprics  at  once,  and  the  non-residence  of  the  cardinals. 
This  was  stubbornly  opposed  by  the  legates,  and  remained  as  an  apple  of  discord  all 
through  the  Council.  The  Cardinalis  Giennensis  made  a  long  address,  Dec.  30  (see 
Raynald,  1546,  No.  135),  in  which  he  argued,  especially  from  Cajetan,  "residentiam 
esse  de  jure  divino,"  and  violent  debates  followed  (Le  Plat,  iii.  478).  The  Spanish 
bishops  handed  in  eleven  articles,  Feb.  3  (Sarpi,  lib.  ii.  c.  89),  in  which  they  insisted 
that  the  residence  of  bishops  is  jure  divino  ;  that  no  one,  not  even  cardinals,  could 
have  more  than  one  bishopric ;  that,  in  general,  all  pluralities  of  benefices  should  be 
abolished ;  and  that  the  holding  of  ecclesiastical  positions  must  be  made  to  depend 
upon  previous  examination. 

20  Diarium  Massarelli,  on  the  General  Congregation,  February  8, 1547,  in  Rayuald, 
1547,  No.  31:  Rev.  D.  Card.  Del  Monte  confessus  est  Ecclesiam  Dei  indigere  reforma- 
tione,  et  quod  nemo  magis  earn  cupiat,  quam  Pontifex,  et  ipsi  Rev.  DD.  Legati :  ve- 
rum  ea  statuenda  sunt,  quae  executioni  demandari  possunt;  non,  cum  reformarc 
volumus  orbem  Christianum,  in  scandalum  ponamus,  dum  praesertim  praeterito  et 
praesenti  providere  intendimus,  in  quo  multorum  jura  offendentur.  Sed  id  inprimis 
attendendum  est,  quod,  licet  aliqui  dixerint,  quod  Concilium  non  potest  facere  refor- 
mationem  (qui  fuerunt  Episcopi  Feltrensis,  de  Nobilibus,  et  Chironensis),  hoc  verum 
non  est,  quia  Concilium  hoc  legitime  congregatum  omnia  potest  in  his,  quae  sibi  a  Sua 
Sanctitate  demandata  sunt,  in  aliis  aidem  nihil  2)otest.  Si  igitur  Concilium  procedere 
voluerit  in  his,  quae  in  bullis  Sanctissimi  D.  N.  continentur,  procedat,  quia  habebit 
ipsos  Legatos  promptissimos,  salva  tamen  semper  auctoritate  et  praeeminentia  Sedis 
apostolicae,  ut  alia  Concilia  semper  fecerunt,  allegando  exempla  Nicaeni  Concilii  in 
multis  canonibus  (can.  6  ?  see  vol.  i.  Div.  II.  §  93,  Note  1),  et  nonnullorum  aliorum 
conciliorum.  In  his  autem,  quae  Concilium  non  potest,  et  proprie  spectant  ad  Pon- 
tificem,  asserunt  Legati,  se  paratissimos  futuros  mediatores,  ut  Sua  Sanctitas  ea  con- 
cedat,  quae  a  Sua  Sanctitate  petuntur. 

21  Compare  the  proceedings  in  the  Congregation,  February  24, 1547,  according  to 
the  Acts  in  Raynald,  1547,  No.  32.    Certain  rights,  as  delegates  of  the  Pope,  were  to 


30  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1&48. 

conduct  the  decrees  about  reforms  in  respect  to  the  residence 
of  bishops,  dispensations,  and  privileges  in  such  a  way  that  the 
Papal  power  was  not  at  all  diminished.22 

The  question  about  the  removal  of  the  Council  had  been  pre- 
viously raised.23  By  the  threats  of  the  Emperor  this  was  hin- 
dered, until  his  campaign  in  Saxony  removed  him  from  the 
scene.  On  March  11, 1547,  it  was  decided  upon.24  The  Emper- 
or and  the  Pope  now  negotiated  in  an  irritated  tone  upon  having 
the  Council  brought  back  to  Trent  ;25  and  meanwhile  the  former, 
to  the  great  displeasure  of  the  Pope,  took  into  his  own  hands  the 
ecclesiastical  arrangements  which  seemed  to  him  to  be  required 
in  Germany,  by  prescribing,  in  May,  1548,  the  Interim  Augusta- 
mim  to  the  Protestants,  and,  in  June,  1548,  the  Formula  Kefor- 
mationis  to  the  Catholics.26  Thereupon  provincial  and  diocesan 
councils  were  at  once  summoned,27  in  order  to  introduce  the  re- 
be  made  over  to  the  bishops  in  their  dioceses.  Fesulanm  ex  scripto  recitavit,  se 
valde  condolere,  Episcopos  in  propriis  dioecesibus  auctoritate  aliena  agere,  hoc  ne- 
quaquam  ferendum  esse  ajebat,  nt  Episcopi  apostolicam,  i.  e.  alienam  auctoritatem 
in  gregem  sibi  commissum  animadvertant.  Quod,  inquit,  quam  iniquum  sit,  non 
mels  verbis,  sed  verbis  dementis  Papae  I.  Pontificis  attendite.  Tunc  alta  voce  cla- 
mavit  Episcopus  Alifanus,  conversus  ad  Legatos,  dixit,  non  esse  ferendum  Fesulanuni 
in  tanto  consessu  adversus  primam  Sedem  loquentem,  petiitque  dari  sibi  libellum, 
quern  habebat  Fesulanus  in  mauibus,  quoniam  convincere  volebat,  verba  ilia  haere- 
tica  esse.— Adversum  quem  Calagurrilanus  et  Giennensis  dixerunt,  inconveniens  esse 
in  Synodo  libertatem  impedire,  neque  esse  Alifani,  aut  alterius  cujusque  Praelati, 
dicentem  impedire,  vel  de  haeresi  arguere,  sed  solum  Rev.  Praesidentium.  AlbUja- 
nensis,  non,  Patres,  amplius  Fesulanus,  inquit,  audiendus,  quia  relapsus  est,  sed  acri- 
ter  coercendus.  Castellamarus,  nulla  est,  inquit,  concilii  amplius  libertas.—  Ilispani 
omnes  Fesulanum  tuebantur,  et  cum  eis  Senogalliensis  ;  contra  AIbigci7iensis  etAlifa- 
nus  clamabant,  adeo  ut  prae  clamore  non  facile  dicentes  audirentur.  Isti,  non  esse 
quemquam  adversus  primam  Sedem  loquentem  audiendum:  alii  libertatem  Concilii 
laesam  clamabant.  The  legates  restored  with  difficulty  the  old  arrangement.  The 
first  legate  reproved  both  parties,  but  Albiganensem  et  Alifanum  leniter  corripuit, 
admonuitque,  ut  deinceps  munus  hoc  redarguendi  Praelatos  non  sibi  assumerent; 
on  the  other  hand,  Fesulanum  admonuit,  ne  toties  repetitas  cantilenas  cum  offen- 
sione  aurium  omnium  bonorum  repeteret. 

22  The  weighty  decrees  about  reform,  in  the  seventh  session,  which  aimed  at  an 
efficient  possession  and  administration  of  ecclesiastical  offices,  and  abolished  plural 
benefices,  was  from  the  first  restricted  by  the  formula,  Salva  semper  in  omnibus 
Sedis  apostolicae  auctoritate. 

53  In  August,  154(3,  it  was  prevented  only  by  the  earnest  threats  of  the  Emperor. 
See  the  Dfarium  Concil.,  in  Raynald.  154G,  No.  127;  Laur.  Pratanus,  in  Lc  Plat,  vii. 
ii.  22  sq. 

a«  Massarelli  et  Courtenbrosehii  Acta,  p.  101  (in  the  Appendix  to  Salig,  iii.) ;  Laur. 
Pratanus,  in  Le  Plat,  iii.  ii.  30. 

88  Rankc's  Fiirstcn  und  Volker,  etc.,  ii.  255  (in  his  History  of  Popes,  Book  iii.  p.  88, 
Philad.  cd.). 

26  See  above,  Division  I.  §  9. 

27  Division  I.  §  9,  Note  9.    Much  that  was  good  was  determined  in  them.    Comp. 


PART  III.-CHAP.  II.-CATH.  CHURCH.  §  56.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.  31 

forms  prescribed  in  the  above  Formula.  The  Pope  looked  upon 
all  this  as  an  intrusion  upon  his  own  rights,  but  he  was  obliged 
to  bear  it.28  The  King  of  France  was  indeed  for  the  Pope 
against  the  Emperor  ;29  but  even  he  demanded  reformations 
which  greatly  limited  Papal  encroachments,  and  he  hinted  at 
helping  himself  by  provincial  councils.30 


§  56. 

SECOND  PERIOD  OF  THE  COUNCIL— MAY  1, 1551,  TO  APRIL  28, 1553. 

Julius  III.1  (1550-1555)  at  last  yielded  to  the  desire  of  the 
Emperor,  and  again  transferred  the  Council  to  Trent,  although 
France,  in  conflict  with  the  Pope  about  Parma,  did  not  recognize 

Syn.  provinc.  Moguntina,  arm.  1549 ;  Capitula  ad  fidem  pertinentia,  cap.  42  (Hartz- 
heim,  vi.  574) :  Nos  pravae  superstitioni  viara  praecludere  volentes,  omnibus  locorum 
Ordinariis  injungimus,  ut  si  forte  in  territoriis  suis  ad  imaginem  aliquam  concursus 
fieri,  et  homines  ad  ipsius  imaginis  figuram  respectum  habere,  et  quasi  quandam  di- 
vinitatis  opinionem  illi  tribuere  animadverterint,  ipsam  imaginem — aut  tollant,  aut 
mutent,  et  aliam  a  prima,  notabili  quautitate  differeutem,  reponant. 

28  Division  I.  §  9,  Note  5. 

29  Division  I.  §  9,  Note  6. 

30  See  the  instructions  of  the  King  to  his  embassadors  in  Bologna,  Aug.  12, 1547, 
in  Le  Plat,  iii.  647.  He  demanded,  1,  the  abolition  of  the  annates  (first-fruits) ;  2,  of 
the  occupation  of  livings  b}'  anticipation ;  3,  of  several  other  abuses,  e.  g.  the  menses 
papales,  the  carrying  of  litigation  to  Rome,  the  union  of  benefices ;  4,  of  dispensa- 
tions for  gold ;  5,  and  of  the  exemption  of  ecclesiastical  property  from  taxation. 
The  French  bishops,  in  an  epistle  of  September  29, 1548  (in  Le  Plat,  iv.  132),  declined 
the  invitation  to  send  some  of  their  number  to  Rome  to  take  part  in  the  negotia- 
tions about  reform  (p.  138) :  Quamquam  non  negamus  in  restituendis  moribus  et 
excolenda  disciplina  Christianae  vitae  operam  optime  poni  universae  Ecclesiae ;  hoc 
tamen  et  pars  est  altera  eorum,  quae  proponebantur  indicendo  Concilio,  et,  si  dif- 
ferri  non  possit,  a  singulis  Metropolitauis  ad  veterum  canonum  severitatem  commo- 
dius  exigetur,  et  committendum  nobis  non  videtur,  ut  superioribus  maleficiis  hoc 
adjungatur  haud  parvum  malum,  ut  in  sermones  hominum  malevolorum  incurra- 
mus,  nos  nihil  minus  velle,  quam  corruptorum  principiorum  Ecclesiae  administra- 
tionis  medicinam,  quam  improbitatem  nostram  retractare  et  corrigi,  quod  solum 
summum  concilium  et  suscipere  et  perficere  queat,  proiude  subterfugere  nos,  nee 
ullo  remedii  generi  acquiescere. 

1  Before  his  election  the  cardinals,  and  he  among  them,  had  imposed  a  whole 
series  of  obligations  on  the  one  who  should  be  chosen  Pope ;  see  in  Massarellus 
(Appendix  to  Salig,  iii.),  p.  188;  e.  g.  1.  Quod  sacrosanctum  Concilium  universale 
pro  haeresibus  extirpaudis  et  pro  universalis  Ecclesiae  reformatione  omni  studio 
ac  diligentia  prosequetur.  2.  Quod  omnem  reformationem,  quam  per  dictum  Con- 
cilium juxta  canonicas  sanctiones  et  ss.  Patrum  decreta  fieri  contigerit,  omnino 
ratam  et  gratam  habebit.  3.  Quod,  quantum  in  ipso  erit,  interim  curabit,  idque  ad 
omnem  sacri  Romanorum  S.  R.  E.  Cardinalium  collegii,  vel  ab  eis  ad  id  deputato- 
rum  qui  ex  nunc  nominentur  requisitionem,  ut  Curia  Romana  reformetur.  The 
rest  were  chiefly  for  the  advantage  .of  the  cardinals ;  and  the  above  were  doubtless 
only  designed  to  make  the  Pope  more  dependent  on  the  cardinals. 


32 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1048. 


this  transfer,  and  threatened  to  call  a  national  council.2  The 
Papal  party  in  the  Council  adhered  to  the  plan  of  allowing  only 
matters  of  faith  to  be  decided,  and  of  keeping  in  the  background 
all  reforms  touching  upon  the  Papal  authority.3  Crescentius, 
Cardinal  S.  Marcelli,  who  now  presided,  and  who  enjoyed  the 
closest  confidence  of  the  Pope,  roughly  and  defiantly  opposed  all 
the  demands  for  reform*     As  to  the  determination  of  dogmas, 

a  Jac.  Amyot  appeared  as  the  French  embassador  at  Trent,  and  there  had  to  pro- 
test (Acts  in  Raynald.  1552,  No.  32;  Le  Plat,  iv.  241),  ne  Regi  gravissimis  bellicorum 
motuum  difficultatibns  implieato  necessc  esset  Tridentum  ad  Concilium  mitterc 
Buae  ditionis  Episcopos,  quippc  quibus  nee  liber  nee  tutus  co  pateret  accessus,  neve 
id  ipsuni  Concilium,  a  quo  excluderetur  invitissimus,  gencrale  totius  Ecclesiae  ca- 
tholicae  aut  haberetur  aut  appellarctur;— denique  neque  Concilii  hujusmodi— decre- 
tis  aut  ipse,  aut  populus  Gallicus,  aut  ulli  Gallicae  Ecclesiae  Praelati  ct  ministri  iu 
posterum  tencrentur :  imo  vero  se  testari  palam  ac  denuntiare,  ad  cadem  se  remedia 
:ic  praesidia  descensurum,  si  neccsse  videretur,  quibus  majorcs  sui  Francorum  Reges 
in  re  consimili  causaque  uti  consucvissent;  nee  sibi  quidquam  antiquius  fore,  se- 
cundum fldei  ac  religionis  integritatcm,  libertate  et  incolumitatc  Ecclesiae  Gallicae. 
Switzerland  also,  at  the  instigation  of  France,  refused  to  send  representatives  to  the 
Council;  see  Chr.  W.  Gliick's  Gesch.  Darstellung  der  Kirckl.  Verhaltnisse  d.  Kathol. 
Sehweiz  bis  zur  Helvetik,  Mannheim,  1850,  p.  330. 

3  See  the  instructions  of  the  Pope  to  the  legates,  in  Sarpi,  lib.  iv.  c.  28. 

4  When  the  imperial  envoy,  Don  Franc,  de  Toledo,  pressed  the  precedence  of  re- 
forms, the  legate  showed  him,  with  the  greatest  secrecy,  a  letter  of  the  Emperor 
to  the  Pope  (see  Vargas'  Letter  to  Granvella,  Vargas  Lettres  et  Memoires,  p.  63) :  Si  la 
let  tie  est  veritable,  sa  Majeste  a  promis,  qu'on  ne  procedera  a  la  reformation,  qu'au- 
tant  que  le  Pape  le  trouvera  bon,  et  qu'elle  fera  en  sorte  que  les  Eveques  ne  s'oppo- 
scront  point  a  sa  Saintete,  et  qu'ils  laisseront  passer  tout  ce  qu'elle  voudra.  The 
epistle  was  undoubtedly  genuine,  written  by  the  Emperor  to  induce  the  Pope  to 
call  the  council,  and  to  keep  him  aloof  from  France.  Vargas  writes,  October  12, 
1551,  p.  147:  Le  Legat  est  absolumcnt  le  maitre  du  Concile.  II  empeche  mesmc  que 
certaines  choses  ne  passent,  quoique  le  Pape  veuille  bien  les  accorder.  The  Bisbop 
of  Orense,  on  the  same  day,  p.  158 :  Les  Presidens  du  Concile  ne  font  paroitre  ni 
/.  le,  ni  empressement  pour  la  reformation  du  Clerge\  lis  declarent  sans  facon  que 
nous  devons  nous  contcnter  dc  ce  qu'on  voudra  bien  nous  accorder,  sans  qu'il  nous 
soit  permis  d'ouvrir  la  bouche,  pour  demander  quelque  chose  de  plus.  Vargas, 
November  12,  1551,  p.  188:  Le  Legat  va  toujours  son  chemin.  II  se  met  an  huge 
ct  se  tire  d'embarras  en  consumant  le  temps  a  faire  disputer  les  theologiens,  et 
a  tenir  des  congregations  sur  ce  qui  regarde  les  dogmes.  On  s'attend  bien,  qu'ti 
la  derniere  heure,  avant  la  Session,  il  viendra  vitc  et  d'un  air  emprcsse  proposer 
quelque  chose  de  specieux  pour  la  reformation,  et  de  bien  concerts  en  apparence. 
On  n'aura  pas  le  temps  de  le  lire,  ni  dc  le  bien  comprendre.  Tout  cela  ne  ser- 
Vira  qu'il  donner  encore  de  la  confusion  au  Concile  et  de  nouveaux  sujets  de  rail- 
lerie.  Les  paroles  et  les  remonstrances  sont  fort  inutiles  ici.  Je  crois,  qu'elles 
ne  le  sont  pas  moins  a  Rome.  Ce  sont  des  aveugles.  lis  ont  pris  unc  ferine  re- 
solution de  ne  penser  qu'aux  interets  de  la  chair  ct  du  mondc.  Que  tout  perisse, 
ils  ne  s'en  embarrassent  nullcment.  P.  191:  Le  Concile  ne  pent  rien  faire  par  lui 
incsine.  On  l'a  depouine"  de  son  autorite.  II  n'y  a  point  de  liberie.  Le  Legat  est 
Le  maitre,  il  tient  tout  dans  sa  main.  Apres  cela  on  ne  doit  plus  sYtonncr  de  rien. 
Vargas,  November  20, 1551,  p.  209,  says  that  the  reigning  Pope,  Julius  III.,  when  he 
was  cardinal-legate  at  a  previous  council  of  bishops,  had  proposed,  de  leur  ct4der 
a  deux  conditions  le  droit  de  pourvoir  seuls  a.  tous  les  benefices  a  charge  d'ames. 


PART  III.-CHAP.  II.-CATH.  CHURCH.    §  56.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.   33 

he  allowed  thein  to  go  on  with  the  doctrine  of  the  Sacraments  ;5 
but  even  here  there  was  no  lack  either  of  arbitrariness  on  the 
part  of  the  legate6  or  of  controversies  among  the  divines.  So 
that,  when  the  delegates  from  Wiirtemberg  and  Saxony  (January 

La  premiere,  que  toutes  les  expeditions  s'eu  feroient  en  cour  de  Rome,  c'est-a-dire, 
que  l'argent  necessaire  pour  etre  pourvu  de  ees  benefices  seroit  porte  a  Rome :  ces 
Messieurs  pensent  toujours  a  cela,     L'autre  condition,  c'etoit  que  le  droit  de  pour- 
voir  a  tous  les  autres  benefices,  sans  charge  d'ames,  demeureroit  uniquement  au 
Pape.     This  the  present  legate  wished  to  bring  about,  but  desired  that  the  bishops 
should  ask  him  for  it.     In  respect  to  the  benefices  in  commendam,  the  legate  pro- 
posed (p.  253),  qu'on  ne  pourra  pas  donner  un  Eveche"  en  commende  a  ceux,  qui 
n'auront  pas  atteint  l'age  competent.     The  benefices  in  commendam  of  the  cardinals 
would  in  this  way  be  specially  insured.    Many  of  the  prelates  opposed  this  (Vargas 
to  Granvella,  November  26, 1551,  p.  235) :  L'Eveque  de  Verdun,  homme  pieux  et  sin- 
cere, dit  entre  les  autres,  qu'une  pareille  reformation  ne  feroit  aucun  fruit,  qu'elle 
etoit  indigne  du  Concile,  et  qu'elle  ne  convenoit  point  au  temps  present.     II  ajouta, 
que  les  commendes  sont  un  gouffre  qui  engloutit  les  biens  de  l'eglise;  mais  comme 
il  lui  arriva  de  dire,  que  la  reformation  proposee  n'etoit  qu'une  pretendue  reforma- 
tion, un  des  jours  suivans  le  Legat  de  dessein  premedite  s'emporta  si  fort  contre 
l'Eveque  de  Verdun,  qu'il  lui  dit  des  choses  tout  a  fait  desobligeantes,  injurieuses, 
et  contraires  au  respect  du  a  l'assemblee,  et  a  la  liberte  qu'on  devroit  avoir  dans  le 
Concile,  si  Dieu  l'eust  bien  voulu  permettre.     Ce  Prelat  fut  traite  d'etourdi,  de  sot, 
de  jeune  homme.    On  lui  dit  encore  je  ne  sais  quelles  autres  injures,  on  ne  lui  permit 
pas  de  repondre,  enfin  on  le  menaca,  qu'on  sauroit  bien  le  punir.     Vargas,  January 
20,  1552,  p.  425,  reports  how  the  legate,  in  his  doctrinal  definitions  respecting  the 
Sacramentum  Ordinis,  tried  to  foist  in  the  most  sweeping  usurpations  of  the  Papacy, 
especially  the  propositions  (p.  432):  Ut  ilia  (coelestis  Hierusalem)  sub  uno  supremo 
Rectore  varios  et  diversos  ministrantium  continet  ordines,  ita  visibilis  Cliristi  Eccle- 
sia  summum  ipsius  Vicarium  pro  unico  et  supremo  capite  in  terris  habet.     Cujus 
dispehsatione  sic  reliquis  omnibus  membris  officia  distribuuntur,  ut  suis  quaeque  in 
ordinibus  et  stationibus  collocata,  munera  sua  in  totius  Ecclesiae  utilitatem  cum 
maxima  pace  et  unione  exequantur.     Besides  this,  the  legate  wished  to  introduce 
also  an  article  (p.  428),  qui  decide  la  question  de  la  superiorite  du  Pape  au-dessus  du 
Concile.    Some  members  of  the  Commission  endeavored  to  ward  this  off  by  all  sorts 
of  representations :  L'Eveque  d'Orense  aiant  dit  seulement,  qu'il  doutoit  de  la  v(±rite 
de  cet  article,  et  qu'il  vouloit  examiner,  le  Legat  lui  a  repondu  d'une  maniere  inso- 
lente  et  injurieuse:  celui  qui  doute  en  matiere  de  foi  est  h^retique,  et  des  la  vous 
en  etes  un.     The  arrival  of  the  Protestant  delegates  made  it  necessary  to  postpone 
these  discussions  (p.  491) ;  but  afterwards  the  legate  brought  them  up  again,  and 
attempted  to  carry  these  propositions  through  (Vargas,  February  28, 1552,  p.  548). 
The  expedition  of  the  Elector  Maurice  first  put  an  end  to  these  attempts. 

5  Sess.  XIIL,  October  11, 1551,  De  Eucharistia.     Sess.  XIV.,  November  25, 1551,  De 
Poenitentia  et  Extrema  Unctione. 

^  Vargas  to  Granvella,  November  26, 1551,  the  day  after  Sess.  XIV.  (Lettres  et  Me- 
moires,  p.  233) :  La  chose  qui  se  presente  main  tenant  a  mon  esprit,  c'est  la  maniere, 
dont  on  traite  les  dogmes.  Je  vous  ai  deja  <5crit,  qu'on  se  precipite,  qu'on  examine 
peu  les  questions,  et  qu'on  ne  communique  rien  aux  theologiens  eclaires  qui  sont 
ici.  La  doctrine  n'etoit  pas  encore  achevee  le  soir  avaut  la  session.  Plusieurs 
Eveques  donnerent  leurs  suffrages  et  dirent  leur  Placet  sur  des  choses,  qu'ils  n'en- 
tendoient  pas,  et  qu'ils  n'etoient  pas  mesme  capables  d'entendre.  Les  Doctcurs  de 
Louvain,  les  theologiens  qui  sont  venus  avec  l'Electeur  de  Cologne,  et  quelques  uns 
de  nos  Espagnols  ont  ete  fort  m^contens  de  certains  endroits  de  la  doctrine  du  Con- 
cile, et  ils  en  ont  declare  leur  sentiment.  (See  their  reminiscences  in  Sarpi,  lib.  iv. 
VOL.  V.— 3 


34  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

24, 1552)  demanded  a  council  free  from  Papal  influence,7  many 
of  the  bishops  were  rejoiced,  because  in  this  way  subjects  which 
they  were  not  now  allowed  to  handle  might  yet  come  to  speech.8 
The  legate,  on  the  contrary,  thought  of  having  the  supreme 
power  of  the  Papacy  decreed,  in  opposition  to  those  de- 
mands.9   But  the  progress  of  the  army  of  the  Elector  Maurice10 

c.  24,  p.  234) :  Voici  une  fort  mechante  affaire  a  mon  avis.  Si  elle  commence  une  fois 
a  se  divulguer,  et  si  cea  theologiens  mecontens  viennent  a  faire  quelques  demarches, 
e'en  est  assez  pour  decider  tout  ce  qui  se  fait  a  present,  et  ce  qui  a  etc  dejfi  fait.  The 
legate  was  very  mucli  confounded  by  this  proposal  (p.  247),  and  he  would  not  allow 
any  copies  to  be  taken  of  the  decrees  of  the  last  session.  He  summoned  the  doctors 
of  Louvain  and  Cologne,  pour  leur  donner  satisfaction,  et  pour  empecher,  que  l'af- 
faire  n'aille  plus  loin.     The  objectionable  articles  were  secretly  changed  (p.  249). 

7  The  Wiirtemberg  envoys  complained  (Raynald.  1552,  No.  14 ;  Le  Plat,  iv.  4G2), 
quod  ad  audiendam  theologorum  explicationem  nondum  sint  ordinati  et  constituti 
ex  utriusque  partis  consensu  idonci  judices  aut  arbitri,  qui  de  praeseuti  controversia 
religionis  legitime  juxta  scripta  prophetica  et  apostolica,  et  juxtu  verum  verae  Eccle- 
siae  catholicae  consensum  cognoscant.  Nam  cum  illustrissimus  Princeps  noster  in- 
tellexerit,  maximam  partem  doctrinae  suorum  theologorum  pugnare  cum  doctrina 
et  seutentia  Pontificis  Romani  ct  eorum  Episcoporum,  qui  sunt  Romano  Pontifici 
juramentis  et  aliis  obligationibus  addicti ;  nullo  jure,  nulla  aequitate  fieri  potest,  ut 
Pontifex  et  Episcopi  ejus  in  hac  causa,  in  qua  ipsi  sunt  pars,  sive  accusatores  sive 
rei,  pro  idoneis  judicibus  aut  arbitris  agnoscantur.  They  therefore  demanded  that 
the  conclusions  thus  far  reached  in  Trent  should  be  abandoned,  and,  instead  thereof 
that  the  above-designated  idonei  jtuliccs  should  be  summoned.  The  Saxon  repre- 
sentatives (Raynald.  1552,  No.  15;  Le  Plat,  iv.  466)  complained  that  these  earlier  de- 
cisions of  Trent  had  been  drawn  up  by  a  few  prelates  without  giving  the  Protestant 
divines  a  hearing,  and  desired  that  they  should  be  considered  anew.  Cum  autem  et 
jura  et  Concilia,  turn  Constantiense  turn  Basileense,  expresse  constituerint,  quod  in 
causis  fidei,  et  quae  ipsum  etiam  Pontificem  eontingunt,  Pontifex  Concilio  subjectus, 
et  Concilium  supra  Pontificem  sit  ct  esse  debeat,  conveniens  fuerit,  illud  hoc  etiam 
in  loco  omnino  servare  ct  ante  omnia  confirmare,  sicut  in  Basileensi  synodo  factum 
est,— ut  per  hoc  Praelati  ac  reliqui  in  Concilio,  cujuscunque  gradus  ac  ordinis  fue- 
rin't,  a  suis  juramentis,  quibus  Pontifici  obstricti  fuerint,  quantum  ad  Concilium  et 
caus'as  in  eo  tractandas,  liberi  sint.  Et  eenset  Princeps  noster,  quod  hujusmodi  libe- 
ratio,  etiam  sine  expressa  Pontificis  relaxatione,  sequatur  clare  ex  conclusis  Basi- 
leensis  Concilii. 

8  The  Bishop  of  Orcnse  to  Granvella,  January  24, 1552  (Vargas  Lettres,  p.  468) :  Les 
Envoiez  dp  Due  Maurice  de  Saxe,  et  ceux  du  Due  de  Virtemberg  out  dit  aujourd'hui 
fort  an  long  en  pleine  Congregation  ee  que  nous  n'osons  pas  dire  nous-mesmes  sur 
le  chapitre  de  la  reformation.  lis  ont  parle,  et  parmi  quelques  mauvais  endroits  il 
y  en  avait  un  si  grand  nombre  de  bons  dans  leurs  discours,  qu'on  a  cu  raison  de 
prendre  La  precaution,  que  le  peuple  ne  les  entendit  pas.  lis  ont  prescnte  des  ar- 
ticles touchant  la  reformation.  Les  Eveques  souhaitent  fort,  qu'on  leur  domic  la 
liberte  d'opiner  sur  chaenn  en  particulier,  parceque  e'est  le  moien  de  faire  quelque 
chose  d'utile  pour  le  service  de  Dieu.  Malvenda  to  Granvella,  January  27  (p.  487): 
On  dit  qu'il  y  a  des  articles  importans  pour  la  reformation  dans  ce  (pie  les  Envoiez 
de  Virtemberg  ont  demanded  Je  vois,  que  cela  fait  plaieir  a  plusieurs  Prelate,  lis 
sont  bien  aises,  que  les  Protestans  proposent  ccs  choses,  puisque  les  Eveques  n'ont. 
pas  la  liberte  d'en  parler. 
9  Sec  Vargas'  letters  of  January  20, 1552,  and  following;  Note  4  above. 
i°  Division  I.  §  9,  Note  33,  vol.  iv.  p.  206. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  II.-CATH.  CHURCH.     §  56.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.   35 

again  occasioned  another  prorogation  of  the  Council  (April  28, 
1552). 

The  apostolical  Marcellus  II.,  and  the  hopes  of  reform  which 
centred  in  him,  passed  away  in  a  few  days ;  and  then  Paul  IV. 
became  Pope  (1555-1559) — the  severely  monastic  founder  of  the 
Order  of  the  Theatines,  the  ruthless  inquisitor — who  now  under- 
took, with  headstrong  and  passionate  willfulness,  to  fight  against 
the  demands  of  the  age,  and  to  reinstate  the  old  glory  of  the 
Papacy ;  but  he  was  condemned  to  bitter  experience  of  the  van- 
ity of  such  an  attempt.11  He  protested  against  the  Augsburg 
Religious  Peace,  and  the  transferring  of  the  imperial  crown 
from  Charles  to  Ferdinand  ;  but  was  obliged  in  turn  to  hear 
from  Germany  unwelcome  truths  about  the  limits  of  the  Papal 
power.12  With  the  help  of  the  French  he  tried  to  expel  the 
Spaniards  from  Italy;  and  it  was  only  owing  to  the  Spanish 
reverence  for  the  Roman  See  that  he,  shut  up  in  Rome  by  the 
Duke  of  Alba,  received  mild  terms  of  peace.13  On  the  other 
hand,  by  his  haughty  repulse  of  the  advances  made  by  Elizabeth, 
England's  new  queen,  he  separated  that  land  forever  from  the 
Roman  Church.14  He  had  to  abandon  his  purpose  of  calling 
a  Lateran  Synod  instead  of  that  at  Trent.15  He  wished  to  effect 
reformation  without  a  council,16  and  began  the  work  from  his 
stand-point  of  monastic  narrowness  and  Papal  omnipotence:  he 
sharpened  the  Inquisition,17  ordained  stricter  Church  discipline 

11  Ranke's  Fiirsten  u.  Volker  von  Siideuropa,  ii.  279;  History  of  Popes,  Pkilad.  ed. 
p.  95-103. 
18  Division  I.  §  11,  Note  1  sq.  (vol.  iv.  above,  p.  218). 

13  Ranke,  as  above,  p.  100. 

14  See  above,  §  28,  Note  10. 

15  Sarpi,  lib.  v.  c.  23 ;  Pallavic.  lib.  xiii.  c.  17. 

16  Sarpi,  lib.  v.  c.  22.  With  this  in  view,  he  called  together  a  numerous  Commis- 
sion, and  when  they  pointed  out  to  him  the  necessity  of  leaving  the  reforms  to  the 
Council,  he  replied  with  violence,  qu'il  n'avoit  point  besoin  de  Concile,  et  qu'il  e'toit 
au-dessus  de  tous ;— que  c'etoit  une  chose  fort  inutile  d'envoyer  dans  les  montagnes 
une  soixantaine  d'Eveques  des  moins  habiles,  et  une  quarantaine  de  Docteurs  des 
moins  eclaires,  comme  on  avoit  fait  deja  deux  fois,  et  de  croire  que  ces  gens-la  fus- 
sent  plus  propres  pour  reformer  le  monde,  que  le  Vicaire  de  Jesus-Christ  assiste  de 
l'avis  de  tous  les  Cardinaux  qui  sont  les  colonnes  de  toute  la  Chr^tiente  et  l'elite  de 
toutes  les  nations  Chretiennes,  et  des  conseils  des  Prelats  et  des  Docteurs  qui  sont  a 
Rome,  et  qui  sont  les  plus  savans  qui  soient  au  monde,  et  en  beaucoup  plus  grand 
nombre  qu'on  ne  pouvoit  jamais  en  envoyer  a.  Trente. 

17  The  Bull  Cum  ex  Apostolaius  Officio,  March  1, 1559,  in  the  Bullarium,  and  in  Ray- 
nald.  1559,  No.  14,  renews  and  confirms  all  previous  punishments  upon  traitors,  and 
then  determines  against  all  spiritual  and  secular  magnates  (Duces,  Reges,  et  Impera- 
tores  included)  who  had  fallen  into  schism  or  heresy  that  they  have  forfeited  their 


36 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 


also  against  the  clergy,18  and  published  an  Index  JOibrorum  Pro- 

MMtorum,  1557  (new  edition,  1559) : 10  but  these  ordinances  had 
no  effect  outside  of  Italy.  The  temporal  sovereigns  were  the 
rather  thereby  induced  themselves  to  help  the  churches  of  their 
own  lands.  Julius  III.  had  before  this  felt  aggrieved  that  King 
Ferdinand  had  had  a  Catechism  prepared  by  the  Jesuit  Canisius, 
and  had  ordered  his  people  to  be  taught  in  it  (1551).20  Paul  IV. 
had  greater  occasion  of  complaint  when  the  same  King  and  the 
Duke  of  Bavaria  (1556)  allowed  their  subjects  to  receive  the 
communion  in  both  forms  (wine  as  well  as  bread).21  Poland 
thought  about  like  concessions  and  of  a  national  Council.22 

Paul  IV.  aroused  so  much  opposition  by  his  course  that  Pius 
IV.  (1559-1565),  influenced  by  his  nephew,  the  pious  and  zealous 
Charles  Borromeo,  cardinal  and  Archbishop  of  Milan  (d.  1581),23 
thought  only  about  smoothing  over  the  difficulties  when  ap- 
proached by  France  and  Germany  with  the  proposal  to  call  a 
wholly  new  Council  independent  of  Trent ;  for  France  threat- 
ened at  the  same  time  a  national  Council,24  and  the  Emperor 

possessions  and  rights,  ad  ilia  dc  caetero  inhabiles  ct  incapaces,  habeanturque  pro 
relapsis, — pcrinde  ac  si  prins  hacretici  liujusmodi  in  judicio  publice  abjurassent;  nee 
nllo  unquam  tempore  ad  eorum  primnni  Btatum — rehabilitari  possint,  quinimo  sae- 
cnlaris  relinquantur  arbitrio  potestatis,  animadversione  debita  puniendi,  nisi  appa- 
rentibus  in  eis  verae  poenitentiae  indiciis— ex  ipsius  Sedis  benignitate  ct  dementia 
in  aliquo  Monasterio — ad  peragendam  perpetuam  in  pane  doloris  et  aqua  moestitiae 
poenitentiam  retrudeudi  fuerint.  Even  when  dying— (Cardinalibus)  sanetissimum 
Inquisitionis  offieium,  quo  maxime  religio  asseritur,  opprimunturque  haereticorum 
impii  conatus  ac  insidiae,  cnixe  commendavit  (Raynald.  1559,  No.  85). 

18  Rankc's  History  of  the  Popes,  p.  102,  Am.  ed. 

19  The  first  Index  was  published  by  the  Papal  legate  in  Venice,  Joh.  della  Casa, 
1549 ;  see  Schelhorn's  Ergotzlichkeiten,  ii.  3.  On  the  Index  of  Paul  IV.,  see  Schel- 
horn,  i.  4;  comp.  Division  I.,  §  19,  Note  35. 

20  Ferdinand's  order,  Aug.  12, 1554,  in  Goldast.  Const.  Imp.  iii.  5CG.  Philip  II.,  in 
1557,  also  introduced  it  into  the  Netherlands;  sec  the  edict  in  Le  Plat,  iv.  G06.  The 
Dukes  of  Bavaria  had  postils  prepared,  and  directed  the  clergy  to  make  use  of  them, 
Winter's  Gesch.  der  evangel.  Lehrc  in  Baicrn,  ii.  38. 

21  Division  I.  §  11,  Note  6  (above,  iv.  p.  220). 

22  Division  I.  §  15,  Note  10.  Krasinski's  Rise,  Progress,  etc.,  of  the  Reformation 
in  Poland,  2  vols.,  Lond.  1838-40.  German  translation  by  Liudau,  Lpz.  1841.  Severe 
letter  of  the  Pope  to  the  King,  Raynald.  1556,  No.  34. 

23  J.  P.  Glussianus,  De  Vita  et  Reims  gestis  s.  Car.  Borromaei,  Mediol.  1751.  [Can- 
onized by  Paul  V.  KilO.  Godeau,  Vie  de  C.  Borromeo,  Paris,  1748,  2. 12mo;  also  by 
Touron,  1701 ;  Giussano's  life,  transl.  into  German,  August,  1836,  3  vols. ;  Sailer,  Der 
heil.  K.  Borromeo,  August,  1823;  also  a  German  life  by  Dieringer,  Cologne,  1846.] 

24  On  this  proposed  new  general  Council,  see  the  letter  of  the  KitiLT  to  his  em- 
bassador before  the  Emperor,  June  24, 1560,  in  Lc  Plat,  iv.  626.  In  the  Assembly 
of  Notables,  in  Fontaineblean,  1560,  two  bishops  urged  that  France,  through  its 
bishops,  should  reform  its  own  (.'lunch,  because  nothing  could  be  hoped  for  from 


PART  III.-CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  56.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.  37 

Ferdinand  asked  that  the  cup  might  be  given  to  the  laity,  and 
that  the  marriage  of  priests  might  be  allowed.25    Pius  IV.3  to 

Rome  (Division  I.,  §  22,  Notes  3  and  4).  The  King  then  issued  letters  for  a  general 
assembly  of  the  bishops  for  January,  1561  (Lc  Plat,  iv.  650),  pour  conferer,  consulter, 
et  adviser  ce  qu'ils  connoistront  digne  d'estre  propose  audit  concile  general,  si  taut 
est  qu'il  se  tienne  bientost,  et  neantmoins  cependant  resoudre  ensemble  tout  ce  qui 
pourra  toucher  pour  nostre  regard  la  reformation  d'icelles  eglises.  It  was  often 
afterwards  repeated  that,  if  a  free  general  council  could  not  be  convened,  France 
must  help  itself  with  a  national  council ;  letter  of  the  King,  Charles  IX.  (i.  e.  of  his 
mother,  Catharine  de  Medici),  to  the  French  embassador  near  the  Emperor,  Decem- 
ber 24, 1560  (Le  Plat,  iv.  669) ;  to  the  embassador  at  Rome  (Le  Plat,  iv.  672),  Decem- 
ber 31, 1560.  In  the  last  letter,  p.  671,  it  is  said :  Pour  mon  regard  j'ai  le  dit  lieu  de 
Trente  bien  agreable,  et  n'aye  pas  grande  occasion  de  m'arrester,  si  l'ouverture  du 
dit  Concile  se  fait  par  continuation  ou  nouvelle  indiction,  vii  memement  que  sadite 
Saintete  est  en  volonte,  ainsi  qu'elle  m'a  fait  dire,  d'accorder  que  les  determina- 
tions ja  faites  audit  premier  Concile  de  Trente  se  puissent  de  nouveau  disputer  et 
debattre. 

25  The  former  especially,  on  account  of  his  son  Maximilian,  see  letter  to  the  Pope, 
March  6, 1560 (Literae  Secretiores  Ferd.  I.  Imp.  pro  obtinenda  Eueharistia  sub  utraque, 
e  Museo  J.  A.  Schmidii.  Helmst.  1719, 4.  p.  8):  Non  possumus — SanctitatemVestram — 
celare,  nos  comperisse,  quod  eidem  Serenissimo  filio  nostro  Regi  Bohemiae  maxi- 
mum scrupulum  injecerit  communio  sacrosanctae  Eucharistiae  sub  una  specie,  adeo- 
que  Dilectionem  ejus  valde  ineliuare  ad  communionem  sub  utraque  specie,  quam 
nimirum  institutioni  Christi  consentaneam  et  in  primitiva  Ecclesia  non  inusitatam 
fuisse  intendat. — Unde  postea  evenit, — quod  Dilectio  ejus  triennium  fere  a  commu- 
nione  sacrosanctae  Eucharistiae  prorsus  abstiuuerit,  donee  tandem  nos  in  praesen- 
tiarum  officiocissime  rogaverit, — vellemus  illi  apud  Sanctitatem  Vestram  benignam 
dispensationem  impetrare,  qua  ei  sub  utraque  specie  communicare  liceat. — Si  quis 
modus  aut  ratio  inveniri  potest,  qua  huic  negotio  queat  consuli  et  caveri,  ne  idem 
nlius  noster,  desperato  Sanctitatis  Vestrae — auxilio  et  solatio,  sese  dogmatis  et  sectis, 
cum  catholica  et  orthodoxa  religione  nostra  puguantibus,  totum  adjuugat  atque  ad- 
dicat, — magnopere  equidem — Sanctitatem  Vestram  rogatam  volumus,  ut  hujus  rei — 
benignam  rationem  ducere — dignetur.  Comp.  Division  I.  §  11,  Note  11. — The  Discur- 
sus  Caesareae  Majestatis  in  Negotio  Concilii  praesentatus  domino  Nuntio  apostolieo, 
June  20, 1560,  from  which  Pallavicino,  lib.  xiv.  c.  13,  No.  9  ss.,  and  Raynald.  1560,  No. 
55,  merely  give  extracts,  complete  in  Planckii  Anecdota  ad  Hist.  Cone.  Trid.  fasc. 
xvii.-xx.  Among  others,  xviii.  6:  Sexto  cum  videatur  Sanctitas  ejus  eo  animo  esse, 
ut  velit,  sublata  suspensione  Concilii  Tridentini  in  duos  annos  facta,  id  ipsum  Con- 
cilium prosequi,  Caes.  Majestati  in  hoc  quoque  articulo  magnae  diffieultates  occur- 
runi,  non  quidem  sua  ipsius  causa,  quae  pro  sua  parte  hie  non  cogitat  impugnare 
vel  labefactare  illius  Concilii  decreta,  sed  propterea  quod  Majestas  sua  non  intelli- 
git  quomodo  ea  continuatio  seu  prosecutio  fieri  queat.  Nam  obstare  videtur  pri- 
mum  impedimentum  loci  ad  celebrationem  Concilii  incommodissimi.  Deinde,  quod 
antea  Principes  et  Ordines  Augustanae  Confessionis  dicuntur  non  fuisse  sufficienter 
auditi,  quos  certe  audiri  oportet,  si  quis  fructus  Concilii  extare  dehebit.  Praeterea 
non  credit  Majestas  sua  Caesarea,  quod  iidem  adversarii  unquam  recepturi  vel  ad- 
missuri  sunt  acta  et  decreta  in  illo  Concilio  edita,  si  ita  simpliciter  eis  obtrudantur, 
ademta  omni  potestate  et  facultate  opponendi,  quae  contra  ilia  opponere  praeten- 
dunt.  Ad  haec — cavenda  erit  disputatio  et  contentio  cum  Principibus  quibusdam 
catholicis  (France,  see  above,  Note  2),  qui  protestatione  interposita  earn  Synodum 
noluerunt  pro  Concilio  agnoscere,  sed  earn  duntaxat  pro  conventu  particulari  ha- 
buerunt,  in  quo  et  plerique  Principes  prorsus  non  comparuerunt,  cum  fortasse  non 
sint  defuturi,  qui  velint  praetendere,  paucorum  illorum  qui  adfuerunt  praesentiam 
universitati  praejudicare  non  potuisse.     Then  follows  the  proposal  to  take  in  hand 


38  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

avert  impending  dangers,  made  haste  to  summon  the  Council 
again  to  Trent,  Nov.  29, 1560.26 

Meanwhile  the  Society  of  the  Jesuits  was  widely  diffused,  and 
had  grown  to  be  the  most  important  prop  of  the  Papacy.  The 
strict  military  rule  which  Ignatius  intended  to  give  it  could  be 
only  gradually  enforced,  especially  in  distant  parts.  Rodriguez, 
who  had  made  the  Order  numerous  and  powerful  in  Portugal, 
acted  there  so  independently  that  he  had  to  be  recalled  in  1552.27 

the  reformation,  especially  of  the  clergy,  without  waiting  for  the  Council,  fasc.  xix. 
5:  Sunt  denique,  qui  in  tanta  rerura  perturbatione  et  tain  celebrandi  quam  exe- 
quendi  Concilii  difficultate  et  incertitudine — pro  conservanda  simul  atque  instau- 
randa  religione  catholica  nonnihil  de  severitate  canoniea  remittendum,  adeoque  non 
tam  populo,  quam  etiam  Clero  propter  cordis  eorum  duritiem  in  nonnullis  gratifi- 
candum  esse  putant. — Cujusmodi  inter  alios  sunt  praecipui  duo  articuli,  de  commu- 
nione  sub  utraque  laicis,  et  de  conjugio  Clericis  permittendo. — Prioris  autem  arti- 
culi de  communione  status  non  ex  eo  pendet,  an  non  liceat  commnnicare  sub  altera 
tantum;  vel  etiam,  an  non  sub  qualibet  specie  contineatur  et  sumatur  totus  et  inte- 
ger Christus : — sed  an  Ecclesia  tanquam  benignissima  mater  turn  ad  consolandas 
multorum  infirmas  conscientias,  turn  etiam  ad  convineendam  multorum  supersti- 
tiosam  vel  etiam  malitiosam  curiositatem  pro  praesentis  temporis  iniquitate  non 
aequo  justas  habeat  cansas  relaxandae  Constantiensis  prohibitionis  (Gieseler,  vol.  iii. 
p.  8S2,  Note  6,  §  145)  et  restituendi  calicis,  ac  olim  adimcndi  habuerit;  et  an  non 
magis  ex  reipublicae  et  religionis  dignitate  sit,  cuique  Christiano  libertatem  per- 
mitti  usque  ad  decisionem  Concilii  hoc  vel  illo  modo — sumcndi :  ct  hac  ratione 
consociare  Ecclesias,  quae  nunc  disjunctae — sunt,  quam  eadem  libertate  ademta  eos, 
qui  sumunt  utramque,  ab  Ecclesiae  communione  arceri,  eisdemque  hac  occasione  ad 
enormissimas  quasque  sectas  prolabendi  frena  laxare.  Posterioris  vero  articuli  de 
conjugio  Clericorum  difficilior  apparet  resolutio. — Verum  cum  natura  imitatrix  sit 
vitiorum, — paucique  sine  carnis  delicto  reperiantur ; — Sanetissimo  Domino  nostro 
deliberandum  erit,  an  expediat,  istam  clericalis  continentiae  legem  pro  praesentis 
temporis  conditione  usque  ad  Concilii  definitionem  paterna  dispensatione  seu  tlissi- 
mulatione  relaxare,  quam  eadem  mordicus  retenta  sacerdotum  ordini  laqueum,  inji 
cere,  ac  impurissimo  coelibatui,  nefandaeque  seortationi  contra  divinum  praeccptum 
fenestram  aperire.  Quo  magis  enim  ecclesiastici  bonis  abundant  temporalibus,  hoc 
minus  videntur  gravandi  esse  castitatis  voto  vel  lege,  aut  certe  eorum  statum  ad 
paupertatem  Ecclesiae  primitivae  redigendum  esse.  The  Pope,  in  his  reply,  August 
30  (Raynald.  1500,  No.  50),  insisted  upon  continuing  the  Council  of  Trent,  and  re- 
ferred the  Emperor  with  his  two  propositions  to  it. 

26  The  Bull  Ad  Ecclesiae  Segimen  (in  the  Canones  et  Decreta  Cone.  Trid.)  avoided  the 
expression  that  a  continuatio  Concilii  was  intended, but  yet  it  summoned  to  Trent — 
sacrum  oecumenicum  et  generale  Concilium,  sublata  suspensione  quacunque.  Acta 
Cone.  Trid.  a  Gabriele  Card.  Paleotto  Descripta,  ed.  Jos.  Mendham  (Lond.  1842),  p.  14. 

-7  Orlandinus,  lib.  xii.  No.  54  ss.  Rodriguez  admitted  great  numbers  to  the  So- 
ciety, but  the  discipline  was  neglected.  After  his  recall  he  withdrew  to  the  college 
in  Coimbra,  and  there  sprung  up  a  formal  revolt  against  the  new  Order.  Against 
Ignatius  himself  calumnious  accusations  were  stealthily  made  to  the  King  and  to 
the  nun  of  highest  rank  (No.  00):  cum  ambitione  ductum  neptem  snam  in  matri- 
monii) collocandam  Joanni  Borgiae  curasse,  quern  Societatis  edidisse  jam  vota 
Gomius  allirmabat.  Pecunias  e  Lusitana  provincia,  ut  aliis  provinciis  eonsulerct, 
avi M'tissc:  qua  in  re  cum  gravem  adversarium  Simoncm  (Rodericium)  haberet,  eum 
a  provineiae  gubernaculis  dejecisse,  etc.     Ignatius,  however,  was  able  to  keep  the 


PART  III.— CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  56.  THE  JESUITS.  39 

After  the  death  of  Loyola,  July  31,1556,  the  crafty  Lainez  be- 
came General  of  the  Order,  and  caused  the  Constitution  be- 
queathed by  Loyola  to  be  deliberately  adopted  as  the  funda- 
mental law  of  the  Society,  1558  ;~8  so  that  it  received  a  fixed 
and  uniform  shape.  The  rupture  of  all  other  ties  was  the  con- 
dition of  admission,  so  that  its  members  might  belong  wholly 
to  the  Society.29     Unconditional  obedience  to  the  superiors,30  so 

confidence  of  the  King,  and  the  Jesuits  of  Coimbra  did  penance  voluntarily,  going 
through  the  city  flagellating  themselves  (No.  62).  Ignatius  Avrote  at  that  time  the 
Epistola  de  Veritate  Obedientiae  ad  Fratres  in  Lusitania,  7  Kal.  Apr.  1553,  which  is 
appended  to  the  Regulis  Soc.  J. 

28  These  were  for  a  long  time  kept  secret,  even  from  Jesuits  of  the  lower  degree. 
Declarationes  in  examen  generale,  c.  1:  Non  oportebit  Constitutiones  universas  ab 
iis,  qui  novi  accedunt,  legi,  sed  compendium  quoddam  earum,  ubi  quisque,  quid  sibi 
observandum  sit,  intelligat.  Hence  the  Regulae  were  prepared  as  extracts  from  the 
Constitutions,  partly  Regulae  communes,  partly  as  Regulae  for  the  single  offices  and 
classes,  which  together  form  the  Regulae  Soc.  Jesu.  Reg.  comm.  38:  Nemo  quae  domi 
acta  vel  agenda  sunt,  externis  referat,  nisi  Superiori  id  probari  intelligat.  Constitu- 
tiones vero  aliosve  hujusmodi  libros  aut  scripta,  quibus  Societatis  institutum  vel 
privilegia  continentur,  nonnisi  ex  superioris  expresso  consensu  iis  communicet. 
Sarpi  ad  Leschasserium,  August  14, 1612,  in  Le  Bret's  Magazin  f.  Staaten-  u.  Kirchen- 
gcsch.,  iv.  580:  Jesuitae,  ut  audivi,  societatis  constitutiones  et  privilegia  non  impri- 
munt,  nisi  in  Romano  Collegio,  neque  exemplaria  permittunt  nisi  probatis  ex  soci- 
etate.  Impressionem  anni  1606  nunquam  videre  potui,  licet  omnia  susque  deque 
moverim,  ut  exemplar  nancisci  possem.  Joh.  de  Palafox  ad  Innocent.  P.  X.  in 
Liberii  Candidi  Tuba  altera  majorem  Clangens  Sonum  (Argent.  1715, 12mo),  p.  441: 
Quae  alia  religio  occultas  proprias  constitutiones  habet,  privilegia  reclusa,  institu- 
tiones  velatas,  et  omnia,  quae  ad  eorum  pertinent  directionem,  tanquam  mysterio 
aliquo  obvoluta  abscondit? — In  Jesuitica  Societate  plures  sunt,  etiam  professi,  qui 
ignorant  constitutiones  proprias,  privilegia  et  institutiones,  quibus  nomen  adscri- 
bant.  To  the  Constitution  and  Rules  were  then  added  the  Decreta  Congregatiouum 
Generalium,  the  Ordinationes  Praepositorum  Generalium,  and  the  Ratio  Studiorum. 
These,  as  well  as  the  Literae  Apostolicae,  quibus  Institutio,  Confirmatio,  et  varia  Pri- 
vilegia continentur  Soc.  J.,  and  the  Exercitia  Spiritualia  Ignatii,  were  for  a  long  time 
separately  printed,  but  at  length  brought  together  as  the  Corpus  Institutorum  Soc. 
Jesu,  Antverp.  1702,  2  vols.  4to,  and  Institutum  Soc.  Jesu,  Pragae,  1752,  2  vols.  fol. 
[The  Constitutiones  Soc.  Jesu,  1558,  were  reprinted  in  London,  1848,  with  additions.] 

20  Examen  Generale,  c.  4,  No.  7  (before  the  Constihitio7ies) :  Unusquisque  eorum,  qui 
Societatem  ingrediuntur,  consilium  illud  Christi  sequendo :  Qui  dimiserit  palrem, 
etc.,  existimet,  sibi  patrem,  matrem,  fratres,  et  sorores,  et  quidquid  in  mundo  habe- 
bat,  relinquendum  :  imo  sibi  dictum  existimet  verbum  illud :  Qui  non  oclil  patrem  et 
matrem,  insupcr  et  animam  suam,  non  potest  mens  esse  diseipulus.  Et  ita  curandum  ei 
est,  ut  omnem  carnis  affectum  erga  sanguine  junctos  exuat,  ac  ilium  in  spiritualem 
convertat,  eosque  diligat  eo  solum  amore,  quem  ordinata  caritas  exigit.  Then  the 
Declaratio:  Ut  loquendi  modus  sentieudi  modum  juvet,  sanctum  est  consilium,  ut 
assuescant  non  dicere,  quod  parcntes  vel  fratres  habeant,  sed  quod  habebant,  etc. 

30  Constitutionum  P.  VI.  c.  1:  Versari  debet  ob  oculos  Deus  creator  ac  Dominus 
noster,  propter  quem  homini  obedientia  praestatur, — ita  ut— exactissime  omnes  ner- 
vos  virium  nostrarum  ad  hanc  virtutem  obedientiae  in  primis  Summo  Pontifici, 
deinde  Superioribus  Societatis  exhibendam  intendamus :  ita  ut  omnibus  in  rebus,  ad 
quas  potest  cum  caritate  se  obedientia  extendere  (thereto  the  Declaratio :  hujusmodi 
sunt  illae  omnes,  in  quibus  nullum  manifestum  est  peccatum),  ad  ejus  vocem,  per- 


40  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1G48. 

that  complete  unity  in  action  and  doctrine  might  be  attained,31 
was  the  first  duty  of  the  Jesuits.  The  minutest  prescriptions 
were  given  for  all  relations.32     The  Jesuits  found  their  most  im- 

inde  ac  si  a  Christo  Domino  egrcderetur  (quandoquidem  ipsius  loco,  sc  pro  ipsius 
amore  et  revcrentia  obedicntiam  praestamus),  quam  promtissimi  sinius,  re  quavis 
atque  adeo  littera  a  nobis  inchoate  necdum  perfecta  relicta;  ad  cum  scopum  vires 
omnes  ac  intentionem  in  Domino  convertendo,  ut  sancta  obedientia  turn  in  execu- 
tione,  turn  in  voluntate,  turn  in  intellects  sit  in  nobis  semper  omni  ex  parte  per- 
fecta; cum  magna  celeritate,  spirituali  gaudio  et  pcrsevcrantia  quidquid  nobis 
injunctum  fuerit  obeundo;  omnia  justa  esse  nobis  persuadendo,  omncm  sententiam 
ac  judicium  nostrum  contrarium  caeca  quadam  obedientia  abuegando,  et  id  quidem 
in  omnibus,  quae  a  Superiore  disponuntur,  ubi  defiuiri  non  possit  (quemadmodum 
dictum  est)  aliquod  peccati  genus  intercedcre.  Et  sibi  quisque  pcrsuadeat,  quod  qui 
sub  obedientia  vivunt,  se  ferri  ac  regi  a  divina  procidentia  per  Superiores  suos  sinerc 
debent,  perincle  ac  si  cadaver  essent,  quod  quoquove  rsus  ferri,  et  quacunque  ratione  traciari 
se  sinit:  vel  similiter  atque  se?m  bacillus,  qui,  ubicunque  et  quacunque  in  re  velit  uti  qui 
eum  manu  tenet,  ei  inservit. — Omnibus  itidem  maxime  commendatum  sit,  ut  multum 
reverentia  (et  praecipue  in  interiori  liomine)  suis  Superioribus  exhibeant,  Jesum 
Christum  in  eisdem  considerent  ac  revereantur,  eosdem  ex  animo  utpatresin  eodem 
diligant,  ac  sic  in  spiritu  caritatis  in  omnibus  procedant,  ut  nihil  ex  cxternis  vel  iu- 
ternis  eos  eclent.  Cap.  5 :  Cum  exoptet  Soeietas, — suos  omnes  securos  esse,  vel 
certe  adjuvari,  ne  in  laqueum  ullius  peccati,  quod  ex  vi  Constitutionum  hujusmodi 
aut  ordinationum  proveniat,  incidant;  visum  est  nobis  in  Domino,  excepto  expresso 
voto,  quo  Soeietas  Summo  Pontifici  pro  tempore  existenti  tenetur,  ac  tribus  aliis 
essentialibus  paupertatis,  castitatis  et  obedientiae,  nullas  coustitutiones,  declara- 
tiones,  vel  ordiuem  ullum  Vivendi  posse  oUigationem  ad  ])eccatum  mortale  vel  veniale 
inducere,  ?iisi  Superior  ea  in  nomine  Domini  nostri  Jcsu  Cfirixti,  vel  in  virtute  obedientiae 
jubcret.  This  passage  is  frequently  misunderstood.  In  monastic  Latin,  OblUjalio  ad 
peccatum  is  not  obligation  to  sin,  but  obligation  by  or  with  sin,  Obligatw  sub  poena 
peccati,  i.  e.  such  that  its  non-observance  is  reckoned  as  sin.  So  in  P.  VI.  c.  3,  §  8, 
qui  ad  peccatum  obligare  potest  is  the  superior.  Comp.  S.  Francisci  Regula  Tertiari- 
orum,  c.  20  (Holstcn.  iii.  42) :  Caeterum  in  praemissis  omnibus — nullum  ad  mortalem 
culpam  volumus  obligare.  Constitt.  Praedicatorum,  c.  5  (Holsten.  iv.  13) :  Praecepta 
obligantia  ad  mortale  peccatum.  [On  the  formula  Obligare  ad  peccatum,  see  Steitz, 
in  Jahrbuchcr  fiir  deutsche  Theologie,  1864.] 

31  Constitt.  P.  III.  c.  1,  §  18:  Idem  sapiamus,  idem,  quoad  ejus  fieri  possit,  dicamus 
omnes  juxta  Apostolum.  Doctrinae  igitur  differentes  non  admittantur,  nee  verbo 
in  concionibus  vel  lectionibus  publicis,  nee  scriptis  libris  (qui  quidem  edi  non  pote- 
runt  in  luccm  sine  approbatione  atque  consensu  Praepositi  generalis — );  imo  et 
judiciorum  de  rebus  agendis  diversitas,  quae  mater  esse  solet  discordiae,  et  inimica 
unionis  voluntatum,  quantum  fieri  potest,  evitari  debet.  P.  IV.  c.  5,  §  4:  Sequantur 
in  quavis  facultate  sccuriorem  et  magis  approbatam  doctrinam,  et  cos  auctores,  qui 
cam  docent.  Cap.  14:  In  theologia  legetur  (in  the  colleges)  vetus  et  Novum  Testa- 
mentum,  et  doctrina  scholastica  divi  Thomac;  et  in  ca,  quam  positivam  vocant,  eli- 
gentur  ii  auctores,  qui  ad  scopum  nostrum  magis  eonvenire  videbuntur. 

32  Regulae  S.  Jesu.  In  these,  after  a  Summarium  Constitutionum,  follow,  first, 
Regnlae  Communes ;  then  the  rules  for  special  relations,  Regulae  Provincialis,  R. 
Praepositi,  etc.  Characteristic  are  the  Regulae  modestiae.  For  general  inter- 
course is  prescribed  modestia  et  humilitas  conjuncta  eum  religiosa  maturitete; 
then  follow  these  special  injunctions:  2.  Caput  hue  iliac  leviter  non  moveatur, 
6Cd  cum  gravitate,  ubi  opus  erit:  et  si  opus  non  sit,  teneatur  rectum  cum  moderate 
inflcxione  in  partem  anteriorem,  ad  ncutrum  latus  delleeteudo.  3.  Oculos  demissos, 
ut  plurimuni,  tcneaut;  nee  immoderate  eos  elevando,  nee  in  hanc  aut  illam  partem 
circumllectendo.    4.  Inter  loqueudum,  cum  homiuibus  praesertim  alicujus  auctori- 


PART  III.— CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  50.  THE  JESUTTS.         41 

portant  sphere  of  operation  in  the  higher  instruction  of  youth. 
Their  colleges  were  for  the  most  part  devoted  to  higher  culture 
in  general,  but  they  always  had  a  strict  Catholic  basis  of  doc- 
trine and  order.  The  Collegium  Romanum,  founded  in  1551, 
took  the  first  rank  among  them.33  Alongside  of  this,  at  the  in- 
stigation of  Ignatius,  Pope  Julius  III.  founded,  in  1552,  the  Col- 
legium Germanicum  in  Rome,  as  a  theological  training-school, 
to  prepare  Germans  for  the  defense  of  Roman  Catholicism  in 
Germany,  and  committed  it  to  the  charge  of  the  Jesuits;34  and 
this  became  the  pattern  of  a  new  kind  of  theological  institutions 
called  seminaries.35  The  new  Protestant  universities  and  schools 
having  brought  to  light  the  defects  in  the  education  of  youth, 
these  Jesuit  colleges  attained  great  renown  among  the  Catholics, 
and  were  largely  frequented.  Thus  the  Jesuits  were  enabled  to 
win  over  the  best  talents,  and  to  implant  in  the  young  a  fanatical 
devotion  to  the  Church  and  to  their  Society.36    Their  Order  had 

tatis,  non  defigatur  aspectus  in  eorum  vultus,  sed  potius  sub  oculos.  5.  Rugae  in 
fronte,  ac  multo  magis  in  naso,  evitentur,  ut  sereuitas  exterius  cernatur,  quae  inte- 
rioris  sit  indicium.  6.  Labia  nee  nimis  compressa,  nee  nimium  diducta.  7.  Tota 
facies  hilaritatem  potius  prae  se  ferat,  quam  tristitiam,  aut  alium  minus  moderatum 
affectum. 

33  Ribadeneira  in  Vita  Ignatii,  lib.  iv.  c.  3.  (Acta  SS.  Julii,  vii.  735.) 
3*  The  plan  is  developed  by  Ignatius  in  his  letter  to  a  brother  of  the  Order,  Le  Jay, 
July  30, 1553,  in  Friedlander's  Beitrage  zur  Reformationsgesch. (Berlin,  1837),  p.  275. 
In  the  bull  of  foundation,  August  31, 1552,  the  Germans  are  required  to  be  educated, 
sub  magistris  sive  praeceptoribus  eis  per  dilectos  Alios,  Societatem  de  Jesu  nuncu- 
patam,  constituendis,  qui  litteras  humaniores  trium  linguarum,  latinae,  graecae  et 
hebraicae,  ac  logicam,  physicam  et  alias  liberales  disciplinas,  et  demum  sacram  theo- 
logiam  publice  legant  et  doeeant,  and  to  be  specially  prepared  for  clerical  work,  ut 
ipsi  tandem — ,  tanquam  fldei  athletae,  in  suas  regiones,  ad  alios  exeniplo  vitae  suae 
ad  Christum  trahendos,  et  qui  id  talentum  acceperint,  ad  verburn  Dei  praedieandum 
et  docendum, — necnon  haeresum  latens  venenum  deprehendendum,  et  errores  aper- 
tos  convincendum  et  resecandum — remitti  et  destinari  possint.  Comp.  Ribadeneira, 
lib.  iv.  c.  6 ;  Jul.  Cordarae  Collegii  Germanici  et  Hungarici  Historia,  lib.  iv.  (Romae, 
1770,  fol.) ;  Das  dcutsche  Collegium  in  Rom  (Leipzig,  1843). 

35  See  below,  §  57,  Note  33. 

36  This  was  effected  chiefly  by  the  Exereitia  Spiritualia.  The  parents  were  also 
wrought  upon  through  their  children.  The  Jesuits  especially  favored  a  public  show 
of  piety  by  the  revival  of  ancient  superstitious  usages,  and  by  inventing  new  ones. 
Thus  their  scholars  at  Ingolstadt,  where  the  reformation  then  had  many  adherents, 
made  a  pilgrimage  to  Eichstadt  to  receive  confirmation,  1560  (Orlandinus,  ii.  133): 
Ibi  cum  s.  Eucharistiam  pie  suscepissent,  et  rorem,  qui  e  s.  Walpurgae  sepulcro 
stillat,  recepto  patriae  more  ad  pudicitiam  impetrandam  religiose  hausissent,  bini 
ad  summum  templum  admirante  populo  simulque  Deo  eique  coetui  bene  precante 
singulari  modestia  processere.  The  bishop  allowed  them  to  remove  at  once  the 
band  (laid  on  the  spots  anointed  with  the  holy  chrism),  so  as  not  to  stir  the  derision 
of  the  unbelieving ;  but  they  wore  it  for  three  days.  Where  they  could  lay  hands 
on  heretical  books,  they  burned  them.    In  Vienna,  at  the  close  of  a  great  feast  (Jan- 


42  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

different  degrees — the  Scholastici,  the  Coadjutores,  and  the  Pro- 
fessi  qnatuor  Votorum;37  to  which  were  also  added  the  myste- 
rious Professi  trium  Votorum.38     A  strict  examination  preceded 

nary  1,  1561 ;  see  Orlaudinus,  ii.  201),  the  Rector  started  a  game,  in  which  from  one 
dish  was  drawn  the  name  of  oue  of  the  company,  from  another  a  saint  for  him,  and 
from  a  third  a  good  work  he  was  to  do.  On  Sunday,  before  the  fast,  in  the  eating- 
hall  where  the  scholars  were  assembled  for  their  midday  meal,  the  fathers  suddenly 
marched  through,  preceded  by  a  crucifix  and  death's-head,  singing  and  scouru;iiii;' 
themselves.  On  the  next  day  the  pupils  did  the  same.  Fasts  were  at  that  time 
ofteji  not  observed  in  Vienna;  but  a  Jesuit  pupil  preferred  to  be  expelled  from  his 
father's  house  rather  than  to  break  the  fasts.  This  new  fanaticism  was  not,  how- 
ever, always  satisfied  with  harmless  exercises  and  pious  pranks;  in  Poland  the  dis- 
ciples of  the  Jesuits  began,  after  1006,  to  rage  against  the  Evangelicals  with  burn- 
ings and  murder.     See  Gieseler,  iv.  p.  257;  Rankc's  History  of  the  Popes,  p.  2G7. 

37  The  Scholastici  nostri  s.  approbate  (in  relation  to  the  Scholasticis  externis)  were 
those  who,  after  the  completion  of  two  years  of  probation,  had  adopted  the  tria 
vota  simplicia  paupertatis,  castitatis  et  obedientiae  cum  promissione  iugrediendi 
societatem  (Examen  gencrale,  c.  1);  and  this,  soli  Deo  et  non  homini:  ita  nemo  id 
admittit.  Propterea  in  nullius  manibus  fieri  dicitur  (Declar.  ad  Constitutt.  P.  V. 
c.  4,  §  8).  They  had  continued  their  studies,  Constitt.  P.  IV.  c.  3  ss.,  comp.  e.  8,  §  8 : 
in  universum  loquendo,  edoceri  eos  convenit,  quem  modum  tenere  oporteat  hujus 
Societatis  operarios,  qui  in  tam  variis  mundi  rcgionibus,  cumque  tam  divcrsis  homi- 
num  generibus  versari  debent,  antevertendo  incommoda  quae  possuut  accidcre,  et 
emolumenta  quae  ad  majus  Dei  servitium  conferunt  captando,  omnibus  rationibus 
adhibitis  quae  possunt  adhiberi.  Et  quamvis  hoc  sola  unctio  s.  Spiritus,  et  ea  pru- 
dentia,  quam  communicare  solet  Dominus  illis,  qui  in  divina  sua  Majestate  conri- 
dunt,  doccrc  possit;  via  saltern  aliquo  modo  quibusdam  documentis,  quae  juvent,  et 
ad  effectum  divinae  gratiae  disponunt,  aperiri  potest.  After  ending  their  studies, 
the  Scholastici  could  be  employed  in  instructing  (P.  IV.  c.  6,  §  18).  The  Coadjutores 
formali  had  likewise  to  take  only  the  simplicia  vota  et  non  solemnia;  but  in  mani- 
bus ejus,  qui  admissurus  sit,  P.  V.  c.  4,  §  1;  to  this  was  added  the  Declaratio  :  in  ma- 
nibus fieri  vota  dicuntur,  quando  emittuntur  coram  aliquo,  qui,  cum  ad  id  habeat 
potestatem,  ea  admittit.  They  praised  God,  et  tibi  R.  Patri  Praeposito  General! 
Societatis  Jesu,  locum  Dei  tenenti  — paupertatcm,  castitatem  et  obedientiam  :  the 
Coadjutores  formali  spirit  wiles  had  besides,  peculiarem  curam  circa  pnerornm  eru- 
ditionem  juxta  modum  in  littcris  apostolicis  et  constitutionibus  dictae  Societatis 
expressum.  The  Colleges  were  for  the  most  part  manned  with  these  Coadjutors, 
and  they  usually  held  the  office  of  Rector  in  them  (P.  IV.  c.  10,  §  3);  only  as  an  excep- 
tion was  a  Professus  made  Rector  (P.  VI.  c.  2,  §  3).  The  Coadjutores  temporales  were 
limited  to  manual  labor,  Regulae  communes,  No.  14 :  Nemo  eorum,  qui  ad  domes- 
tica  ministeria  admittuntur,  aut  legere  discat  aut  scribere,  aut  si  aliquid  scit,  plus 
litterarum  addiscat,  nee  quisquam  eum  doccat  sine  Praepositi  Generalis  facilitate  : 
Bed  satis  ei  erit  sancta  cum  simplicitate  et  humilitate  Christo  Domino  nostro  ser- 
vire.  The  Professi  quatuor  Votorum  were  obliged  to  take  solemn  vows,  namely, 
paupertatem,  castitatem  et  obedientiam,  et  secundum  earn,  and  to  promise  peculia- 
ri  in  riirain  circa  puerorum  eruditionem;  and  besides  this,  as  votum  quartum,  spe- 
cialem  obedientiam  Bummo  Pontiflci  circa  missiones  (P.  V.  c.  3).  Of  these  Professi 
there  was  only  a  small  number  (P.  VIII.  e.l,  §3:  juverit,  magnam  turbam  ad  pro- 
fessionem  non  admitti).  The  Societas  professa,  always  ready  to  be  sent  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Pope  (P.  IV.  c.  2,  §  4),  lived  in  the  Domis  professis,  which  had  no  revenue, 
and  were  maintained  by  alms  (Pt.  VI.  c.  2).  The  Professi  formed  the  first  class: 
Bupremam  curam  vel  superintendentiain  collcgiorum  professa  Societas  habebit  (P. 
IV.  c.  10). 

38  This  class  was  authorized  by  Julius  III.  in  the  Bull  EhcposcU  Ihbitum,  1550. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  50.  THE  JESUITS.         43 

admission.39  Exact  and  mutual  watchfulness,  with  reports  to  the 
superiors,40  kept  the  latter  accurately  informed  about  every  tiling, 
and  enabled  them  to  assign  to  each  one  the  sphere  for  which  he 
was  fitted.  Since  all  Jesuits  could  be  dismissed,41  the  Society 
kept  out  useless  and  harmful  members.  And  so  it  was  com- 
pacted into  one  whole,  many  members  closely  knit  together. 
Thus  the  most  manifold  talents,  knowledge,  and  aptitudes,  firmly 
chained  to  the  Church  and  the  Society  within,  and  without  equal- 
ly bound  by  strict  oversight  and  discipline,  in  many  and  diverse 
spheres  of  labor,  at  the  beck  of  the  General  of  the  Order,42  were 
made  to  work  for  the  same  ends.43    Spread  abroad  through  many 

Constit.  P.  V.  c.  2,  §  3  :  Praeter  hos  (professos  IV.  votorum)  nonnulli  ad  trium  vo- 
torum  solemuium  tantuni  professionem  adraitti  possunt,  raro  tamen,  et  non  sine 
causis  alicujus  momenti.  According  to  the  Declaratio,  they  must  ordinarily  have 
sufficientiam  in  litteris,  quae  saltern  ad  Confessarii  munus  bene  obeunduni  satis  sit, 
vel  certe  dona  Dei  aliqua  rara,  quae  id  compensare  videautur. — Et  hi  ut  plurimum 
homines  erunt,  qui  propterea  quod  bene  meriti  sint  et  valde  devoti,  quamvis  minori 
doctrina  ac  concionandi  aptitudine  praediti,  quam  nostrum  Institutum  in  Professis 
requirat,  admittendi  esse  in  Domino  videbuntur.  Their  vow  (P.  V.  c.  3,  §  6)  was 
distinguished  from  that  of  the  Coadjutors  by  the  words  in  the  preface,  professionem 
facio  et  promitto.  Since  these  Professi  could  not  be  priests,  since  their  vows  might 
any  where  be  dispensed  with,  and  the  Jesuits  were  not  unconditionally  bound  to  a 
garb;  since,  too,  the  years  of  probation  could  by  dispensation  be  spent  any  where; 
since  some  bishops  (as  was  proved)  were  Jesuits  in  disguise,  and  the  same  has  been 
conjectured  with  probability  in  the  case  of  many  laymen ;  it  has  also  been  supposed 
that  the  Professi  trium  Votorum  were  secretly  Jesuits,  partly  lay,  partly  clerical.  See 
the  Comte  Rendu  des  Constitutions  des  Jesuites  par  Mr.  de  Monelar,  Proc.  gen.  du 
Parlement  de  Provence,  17G3,  p.  376  ss.  This  at  any  rate  remains  an  obscure  point, 
as  no  special  object  is  assigned  to  this  class :  H.  v.  Orelli,  Das  Wesen  des  Jesuitenor- 
dcns,  p.  186. 

39  Primum  ac  Generale  Examen  iis  omnibus,  qui  in  Soc.  Jesu  admitti  potent,  Pro- 
ponendum,  prefixed  to  the  Constitutions  ;  and  the  Constitt.  P.  I.  de  admissione  ad 
probationem.     See  Orelli,  p.  7. 

40  On  the  regular  correspondence  between  the  local  Superiors  and  the  Provincials, 
and  of  both  with  the  General  of  the  Order,  see  Constitt.  P.  VIII.  c.  1,  and  the  later 
supplement  in  the  Instructiones  ad  Provinciales  et  Superiores  Soc.  Instr.  IX.  Be- 
sides this,  every  Jesuit  could  write  to  the  General;  only  he  could  read  those  ad- 
dressed Soli. 

41  Coadjutores  and  Scholastici  became  free  by  laying  aside  their  vows  (Examen 
Gen.  c.  6,  7.     Constitt.  P.  II.  De  Dimissione). 

42  His  monarchical  powers  (Constitt.  P.  IX.  c.  3)  were  only  slightly  limited  by  the 
four  assistants  assigned  to  him  (c.  5).  A  General  Congregation  was  called  by  these 
assistants  to  elect  a  General,  or  to  judge  him.  For  consultation  on  other  affairs,  it 
was  convened  by  the  General.  It  consisted  of  deputies  from  all  the  provinces ;  in 
the  first  instance,  only  from  the  Professi;  in  the  second  instance,  the  Coadjutors 
could  be  added.  As  long  as  it  existed  it  had  the  highest  authority  (Const.  P.  VIII. 
c.  2  sq.). 

43  Perilous  was  the  influence  which  the  General  continued  to  have,  even  over 
those  Jesuits  who  accepted  prelacies,  which  could  only  be  with  his  consent.  It  was 
ordained  in  respect  to  each  one  of  the  Pivfessi,  Const.  P.  X.  §  6 :  Promittat  etiam 


44  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

lands,  this  Society,  by  its  united  action,  propped  up  the  Church 
where  it  was  tottering,  and  gave  it  new  foundations  in  the  re- 
gions from  which  it  had  been  driven  out,  as  well  as  among  the 
unbelieving  nations. 

§  57. 

THIRD  PERIOD  OF  THE  COUNCIL-JAN.  18,  1562,  TO  DEC.  4,  1503. 
On  this  part  of  the  Council,  see  the  records  of  the  eye-witnesses,  Nicolaus  Psal- 
maeus,  Episc.  Virdunensis  ;  Bartholomacus  de  Martyribus,  Arehiep.  Bracarensis  ; 
Torellus  Phola  de  Puggio,  Cathedralis  Ecel.  Fesulanae  Canonicus ;  Jo.  Baptista 
Ficlerus,  Secretary  of  the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  collected  in  Le  Plat,  vii.  ii.  87 
sq.  Acta  Cone.  Trid.  anno  1562  et  1563  usque  in  Finem  Concilii  a  Gabriele  Cardi- 
nale  Paleotto  (present  as  Auditor  Rotae)  Descripta,  edente  Jos.  Mendham,  Loud. 
1843.  [Mem.  Council  of  Trent,  from  MSS.  by  Jos.  Mendham,  Svo,  and  Supl.,  Lond. 
1834-46.  C.  Perini,  II  Concilio  di  Trento  Riassunto  storico,  1545-63,  Trient,  1863. 
R.  St.  Hilaire,  on  Council  of  Trent,  in  vol.  viii.  of  his  Histoire  d'Espagne,  1860. 
Acta  Genuina  ss.  oecumenici  Concilii  Tridentini  .  .  .  ab  Angelo  Massarello  Episc. 
Thelesino  .  .  .  conscripta,  nunc  primum  Integra  edita  ab  Augustino  Theiner.  Ac- 
cedunt  Acta  ...  a  Cardinale  Paleotto,  etc.,  2.  4to,  Zagrabiae,  1874.] 

The  Council  did  not  venture  at  first  to  call  itself  a  continua- 
tion of  the  previous  one,1  although  it  kept  on  with  its  interrupted 
acts.  The  legates,2  as  a  rule,  were  now  obliged  to  proceed  more 
circumspectly  than  before,  because  the  demand  for  actual  re- 
forms resounded  more  importunately  from  all  sides,  even  from 
the  bishops.3   The  Emperor  Ferdinand  handed  in  proposals  which 

Deo,  quod  si  quando— Praelationem  aliquam  extra  Societatem  admittet,  audict  pos- 
tea  quovis  tempore  Praepositi  generalis,  qui  pro  tempore  fuerit,  consilium,  vel  ali- 
cujus,  quem  ille  sibi  ad  hoc  substitueret ;  quodque,  si  senserit  melius  esse  quod  con- 
sul'itur,  sit  illud  executurus. 

1  Sec  §  56,  Note  26.  The  Spanish  embassadors  demanded  at  once  the  open  decla- 
ration, esse  hanc  veteris  Concilii  continuationem,  non  novi  iudictionem  (Palcottus, 
p.  21);  the  imperial  embassadors  (Raynald.  1562,  No.  15),  in  hac  prima  sessione  om- 
nino  continuationis  faciendae  signiflcationem  praecavendam  esse.  The  French  em- 
bassadors, at  their  first  appearance,  insisted  on  the  declaration,  May  26,1502  (Le 
Plat,  v.  lsi  >,  hanc  Bynodum  non  earn  esse,  quae  primum  a  Paulo  III.  Pont.  Max.  in- 
dict a  et  inehoata  fait,  turn  postea  a  Julio  III.  turbulentissimis  temporibus  medias 
inter  Gallorum  et  Hispanorum  acics  continnata,  nullo  praeclaro  faeinore  dissiluit: 
hanc  esse  novam,  nunc  vero  primum  indietam;  but  received  to  this  demand,  which 
was  renewed  in  writing,  the  following  answer  from  the  legates  (p.  185):  Novam  Con- 
cilii indictionem  dcelarare  in  nostra  non  est  potestate,  sed  tantum  ejus  eelebrationi 
praecsse. 

2  The  Cardinals  Hercules  Gonzaira  (Card.  Mantuanus,  President,  followed  at  his 
decease,  March,  1563,  by  the  Cardinal  Job.  Morone,  Bishop  of  Preneste,  the  same 
who,  on  a  charge  of  heresy,  was  imprisoned  under  Paul  IV.;  sec  Div.  I.  §  19, 
Note  34),  Seripandns  (Episc.  Salernitanus,  who  also  died,  March,  150:;,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Card.  Bernh,  Navagerius),  Stanisl.  Hosius  (Episc.  Warmiensis),  and  Simo- 
netta  (Episc.  Pisauricnsis).  The  Cardinal  Marcus  Sit tieus  von  Holicncms(Altaemps), 
a  son  of  the  Pope's  sister,  an  ignoranl  monk,  was  a  mere  figurant. 

3  Sarpi,  lib.  vi.  §  55.     Pallavieino,  lib.  xviii.  c.  7,  §  1,  and  c.  11,  §  11. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.   §  57.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.    45 

penetrated  deeply.4  Bavaria  acceded  to  them ; 5  but  France,  which 
at  first  seemed  to  follow  their  example,6  seemed  to  vacillate ; 
and  the  Emperor  Ferdinand,  after  long  conference  with  the  skill- 
ful Cardinal  Morone  in  Innsprnck  (April,  1563),  became  more 
yielding.7  He  allowed  himself  to  be  convinced  that  his  wishes 
for  reform  by  the  Council  could  not  be  fulfilled  on  account  of 
the  opposition  of  the  Spaniards,  but  that  the  Pope  would  by  and 
by  concede  them  to  him.  So  he  left  Innspruck  (June  25, 1563), 
and  pressed  for  a  conclusion  of  the  Council.8     As  the  doctrinal 

*  These  were  prepared  for  by  a  memorial  of  Staphylus  (Schelhorn,  Amoen.  Eceles. 
ii.  499),  and  another  from  a  commission  (ibid.  i.  490).  These  were  handed  to  the 
legates,  January  7, 1563,  and  are  found  in  various  collections,  which  vary  from  one 
another,  Raynald,  1563,  No.  58,  and  in  Bartholomaei  a  Martyribus  Opp.  (Romae,  1735) 
ii.  405,  both  in  Le  Plat,  v.  364.  The  Syllabus,  in  Schelhorn,  i.  587,  is  only  a  sketch 
from  the  papers  of  Staphylus.  The  Emperor  here  demands  reformation  of  the 
Roman  Curia,  abolition  of  scandalous  dispensations,  of  exemptions,  of  pluralities 
and  simony ;  demands  the  residence  of  bishops,  a  more  edifying  cultus,  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  people  by  preaching  and  in  schools,  higher  culture  and  morals  of  the 
clergy,  etc.  Notice  in  Raynald. :  13.  Fortasse  permittendum,  ut  liccat  alicubi  Minis 
canticis  veruacula  fideliter  versa  intermiscere.  15.  Considerandum  sacro  Concilio, 
an  non  res  ipsa  emagitet,  aliqua  juris  positivi  relaxari.  Et  circa  commuuicationem 
sub  utraque  specie  consuli  desiderio  exterarum  nationum.  16.  De  esu  carnium  et 
jejuniis  aliquid  de  pristino  rigore  remittendum,  super  quo  tamen  prudenter  delibe- 
randum.    17.  Conjugium  item  clericorum  aliquibus  nationibus  concedendum. 

5  Address  of  the  Bavarian  embassador,  Augustin  Baumgartner,  June  37, 1563,  in  Le 
Plat,  v.  335. 

6  Letter  of  the  French  embassador  to  the  Council,  July  4, 1563,  in  Raynald.  1563, 
No.  66. 

7  Summarium  of  these  transactions,  in  Martcne,  Vett.  Monum.  viii.  1351 ;  Le  Plat, 
vi.  15.  The  MS.  Relatione  Sommaria  del  Card.  Morone  sopra  la  Legatione  sua  is 
used  by  Ranke  in  his  History  of  the  Popes.  Morone  himself  gives  as  the  result  of 
his  negotiations  that  the  Council  had  begun  to  change  its  attitude,  and  could  be 
much  more  easily  handled.     See  Ranke,  Hist,  in  Appendix. 

8  Ferd.  Caesaris  ep.  ad  Card.  Moronum,  31.  Jul.  1563,  in  Raynald.  1563,  No.  139:  Nos, 
si  screnissimus  nepos  noster,  Rex  catholicus,  hoc  est  animo,  ut  Concilium  in  longum 
protrahat,  ut  dicitur,  non  possumus  conjectura  assequi,  quibus  rationibus  inducatur, 
quod  velit  Concilium  tamdiu  extrahi,  ncque  tamen  quidquam  in  iis  quae  sunt  juris 
positivi  remitti  (marriage  of  priests,  cup  to  the  laity,  fasts).  Nobis  quidem  tanta 
mora  et  cunctatio  minime  probatur,  qua  nimirum  animadvertimus  universum  chris- 
tianum  orbem  maximopere  offendi. — Quod  autem  paueis  interjectis  diebus  a  proxi- 
me  celebrata  sessione  instituenda  sit  reformatio,  sed  tamen  talis,  ut  ea  tantum  com- 
plectatur,  quae  generatim  sine  ullo  discrimine  ad  omnes  provincias  pertinent ;  in 
hac  re,  quoniam  nuper  ex  sermonibus  cum  Paternitate  vestra  reverendissima  Oeni- 
pouti  habitis  firmam  spem  conccpimus,  quidquid  hactenus  ad  hoc  rcformationis 
negotium  vel  in  hoc  ipso,  vel  in  proximo  praecedenti  Concilio  Tridentino  determi- 
natum  non  fuerit,  id  a  Sanctissimo  Domino  nostro  eo  directum  iri,  ut  quam  citissime 
determinetur,  nunc  equidem  plane  confldimus,  Sanctitatem  suam  in  hoc  ipsum  iuvi- 
gilaturam  quam  diligentissime.  Et  sunt  profecto  ea,  quae  hactenus  pro  parte  nostra 
desiderata  fuerunt,  ejus  omnino  generis,  ut  non  tam  sacrum  Imperium,  regnaque  et 
provincias  nostras  haereditarias,  quam  potius  majorem  orbis  christiani  partem  con- 
cernere  videantur. 


46  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

decrees9  against  Protestants  approached  their  end,  it  seemed  in- 
evitable that  the  Council  must  enter  upon  the  reforms  (so  long 
demanded  and  always  postponed)  of  the  grosser  ecclesiastical 
abuses,  especially  those  which  had  their  roots  in  the  exorbitant 
demands  of  the  Papal  power.  The  legates  then  craftily  began 
with  the  proposals  in  reference  to  the  limitation  of  the  secular 
authority  in  matters  ecclesiastical.10  Most  of  the  bishops  were 
very  ready  to  agree  to  them.  Vain  were  the  protests  of  the  em- 
bassadors of  the  states ; n  the  worldly  rulers  became  anxious,  and 

9  Sess.  XXI.  10.  Jul.  1502 :  De  communione  sub  utraque  Specie  et  Parvulorum. 
Sess.  XXII.  17.  Sept.  1503 :  De  Sacrificio  Missae.  Sess.  XXIII.  15.  Jul.  1503 :  De  Sa- 
cramento Ordinis.  Sess.  XXIV.  11.  Nov.  1503:  De  Sacramento  Matrimonii.  Sess. 
XXV.  3.  4.  Dec.  1503 :  De  Purgatorio.  De  Invocatione,  Veneratione  et  Reliquiis 
Sanctorum  et  sacris  Imaginibus. 

10  These  Capita  de  Immunitate  Clericorum  et  Reformatione  Principum,  communi- 
cated to  the  embassadors  of  the  secular  rulers  the  beginning  of  August  (Pallavieino, 
lib.  xxii.  c.  3,  reprinted  in  Le  Plat,  vi.  227),  demanded  complete  exemption  of  the 
clergy  from  the  state  courts  and  from  taxes  they  had  not  themselves  authorized, 
and  the  abandonment  of  the  Placet  of  temporal  rulers  as  to  all  bulls  and  ecclesiastical 
edicts.  When  they  had  attained  their  end  these  were  withdrawn;  see  Paleotti  Acta 
Cone.  Trid.,  ed.  J.  Mendham,  p.  034:  Hi  omnes  (that  is,  the  embassadors  of  the  tem- 
poral rulers)  apud  Sanctissimum  cgcrunt,  ut  caput  id  vcl  omitteretur  vel  resecare- 
tur.  Sanctissimus,  ut  eos  quoque  forte  promtiores  ad  flniendum  Concilium  haberet, 
facile  eis  assensit,  ac  per  literas  id  Legatis  mandavit,  et  seorsum  multi  Praelati  ex 
his,  qui  vchementiores  videbantur,  admoniti  ex  Urbe  fueruut,  ne  Legatorum  prox'o- 
sitioni  contradicerent.  Quare  fuit  id  caput  in  gcneralem  quandam  formulam,  et  fere 
Lnanem  verborum  sonum,  redactum,  prout  hodic  se  habet,  ae  ab  omnibus  fere  pro- 
bation. So  originated  Sess.  XXV.  Decretum  de  Reform,  c.  20:  Quae  sunt  Juris  Eccle- 
sittstic!  Priiit'lpihitfi  sairularibus  coinmoitlantur. 

11  The  French  embassador  Ferrier  did  so  in  a  very  rough  way,  September  22, 1503, 
and  the  embassy  took  its  departure.  The  address  is  in  Martene,  Vctt.  Monum.  viii. 
1399 ;  Le  Plat,  vi.  233.  It  was  here  pointed  out  how  the  French  kings  had  been 
always  pressing  for  a  reformation.  At,  inquiunt,  abunde  nobis  satisfactum  est  qua- 
fcuor  sessionibus  cum  tot  canonibus,  decretis  et  anathematibus :  certe,  P.  S.,  si  aliud 
pro  alio  solvere  invito  creditore  est  satisfacere,  fatemur  satisfactum ;  si  minus,  adhrc 
creditores  sumus,  quos  nunquam  anathemata,  aut  dogmatum  ant  doctrinae  cathoii- 
cae  deflnitionem  postulasse  scitis.  On  all  the  proposals  for  reform  now  pending: 
1!<  \  rescripsit,  pauca  in  co  (libello)  esse,  quae  cum  antiqua  patrum  disciplina  conve- 
niant,  nmlta  vcro  quae  ei  adversentur. — Deinde  totum  illud  caput,  quod  de  Regum 
et  Principum  reformatione  loquitur,  nihil  tarn  spectare,  quam  ut  antiquissima  Eccle- 
siae  Gallicanac  libertas  tollatur,  ct  Regum  christianissimorum  majestas  et  auctoritas 
minuatur  ct  laedatur.  Beges  mini  christianissimos — multa  de  rebus  sacris  excmplo 
Constantini — ct  aliorum  christianorum  Impcratorum  edixisse,  plures  leges  eccle- 
siasticas  tulisse,  casque  antiquis  Pontificibus  maximis  non  solum  non  displicuisse, 
sed  ctiam  nonnullas  inter  sua  decreta  rctulisse,  et  praecipuos  illarum  auctores  Ca- 
rolum  M.  etLudovicum  IX. — divorum  nomine  dignos  censuisse. — Legibus  regni  aut 
Ecclcsiae  Gallicanac  nihil  omnino  contincri,  quod  repugnct  dogmatibus  Ecclesiac 
catholicae  antiquisquc  Pontiiicuin  decretis  ct  Ecclcsiae  universalis  Conciliis.  Non 
prohiberi  Episcopos  ctiam  totum  annum,  si  velint,  residere  in  dioecesi,  singulisque 
diebus  verbum  Domini  annuntiare,  nedum  octo,  aut  novcm  menses,  diebus  festis, 
quadragesima  aut  adventu,  quemadmodum  vos  in  ultima  scssionc  constituistis:  non 


PART  III— CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  57.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.   47 

themselves  soon  desired  the  end  of  the  Council.  And  so  the 
remaining  decrees  for  reform,  as  proposed  by  the  legates,  were 
adopted  in  great  haste  in  two  sessions.  To  the  Pope  was  com- 
mitted the  revision  and  drawing  up  of  the  ecclesiastical  writings 
that  had  been  adopted,12  and  the  fathers  even  consented  to  ask 
for  a  Papal  confirmation  of  the  Council.13  It  must,  however,  be 
remembered  that  two  thirds  of  the  bishops  were  Italians,  and 
that  many  of  them  drew  a  monthly  stipend  from  the  Pope.14 

prohiberi  Episcopos  sobrie,  juste  et  pie  vivere,  et — omnes  Eeclesiae  proventus,  solo 
nudo  usu  excepto,  pauperibus,  qui  Eeclesiae  bonorum  veri  doinini  sunt,  dare  vel 
potius  reddere,  etc. — Si  quis  antiquissimam  appellationem  ab  abusu,  cujus  etiam  in 
iisce  capitibus  raentio  fit,  et  quo  reniedio  Galli  soliti  sunt  eludere — impetrantes  sub- 
reptitias — literas, — velit  impedire;  aut  Reges  christianissimos, — instante  et  urgente 
reipublicae  necessitate  subditorum  suorum  bonis  et  proventibus,  etiam  ecclesiasti- 
cis,  libere  uti :  ii  sciant,  Regis  potestatem  et  auctoritatem  non  ab  hominibus,  sed  a 
Deo  datam,  leges  item  Galliae  antiquissimas  et  libertatem  Eeclesiae  Gallicanae  sem- 
per impedimento  fuisse.  Mirari  duo  maxime,  primum,  quomodo  vos, — qui  tan  turn 
vestra  causa,  b.  e.  restituendae  disciplinae  ecclesiasticae  causa  in  hunc  locum  conve- 
nistis,  re  infecta  ad  reformandos  eos,  quibus  etiam  dyseolis  obediendum,  et  pro  illis 
semper  orandum  est,  studia  vestra  transtuleritis,  etc. 

12  The  Catalogus  Librorum  Prohibitorum,  Catechismus,  Missale  and  Breviarium. 
See  Contin.  Sess.  XXV.  4.  Dec. 

13  Ibid.  Placetne  vobis,  ut — omnium  ct  singulorum,  quae  tarn  sub  fel.  rec.  Paulo 
III.  et  Julio  III.,  qnam  sub  sanctlssimo  Domino  nostro  Pio  IV.,  Romania  Pontifi- 
cibus,  in  ea  (Synodo)  decreta  et  definita  sunt,  confirmatio  nomine  sanctae  hujus 
Synodi  per  apostolicae  Sedis  Legatos  et  Praesidentes  a  beatissimo  Romano  Pontitice 
petatur?  Responderunt:  Placet.  The  Archbishop  of  Granada  agreed:  Placet  quod 
riuiatur,  seel  non  peti  confirmationem  (Raynakl.  1563,  No.  215) :  according  to  Nicol. 
Psalmaeus,  Le  Plat,  vii.  ii.  135,  there  were  three  bishops,  qui  noluerunt  aliam  confir- 
mationem. 

14  Sarpi,  lib.  vi.  §  23,  says  that  over  forty  bishops  received  every  mouth  30  to  60  tha- 
lers  from  the  Pope.  Ferdin.  Imp.  ad  Papam  VIII.  Id.  Mart.  1563  (Schelhorn,  Amoen. 
i.  410):  Ecee  jam  coepto  Concilio  rumor  tarn  a  catholicis  quam  ab  aliis  hinc  inde 
spargitur,  Concilium  in  omnibus  ad  nutum  Romanae  Curiae  dirigi  et  moderari,  Roma 
cursores  susque  deque  volitare,  nil  proponi  aut  tractari,  quod  a  Romana  Curia  specia- 
tim  baud  imponatur;  promissis,  donis  et  minis  euncta  agitari  in  Concilio.  So,  too, 
Andr.  Dudith,  who  was  in  the  Council  as  Bishop  of  Tina,  in  Dalmatia,  but  laid  aside 
his  office  (1567),  married,  and  became  a  Lutheran,  says  in  his  Apologia  ad  Maxim. 
Imp.  (ed.  Quirinus  Reuter,  Offenbachii,  1610, 4.),  p.  38 :  Quid  profici  potuit  in  eo  Con- 
cilio, in  quo  numerarentur,  non  suis  ponderarentur  momentis  sententiae? — Singulis 
nostrum  centenos  potuit  Papa  de  suis  opponere,  ac,  si  centeni  parum  multi  videren- 
tur,  repente  mille  crcare  potuit,  quos  suis  laborantibus  subsidio  mitteret.  Itaque 
videre  erat,  quotidie  famelicos  et  egentes  Episcopos,  ex  majori  parte  barbatulos  ado- 
lescentes  luxuque  perditos,  Tridentum  volitare,  conductos  ad  sententiam  secundum 
Papae  voluntatem  dicendam,  indoctos  illos  quidem  et  stolidos,  sed  tamen  impuden- 
tia  ct  audacia  utiles. — Nihil  habuit  cum  illo  conventu  s.  Spiritus  commercii,  omnia 
crant  humana  consilia,  quae  in  immodica  et  sane  quam  pudenda  Pontih'cum  tuenda 
domiuatione  consumebantur.  Cursitabant  Romam  nocte  dieque  veredarii,  omnia, 
quae  dicta  consultariue  essent,  quam  celerrime  ad  Papam  deferebantur.  Illinc  re- 
sponsa,  tauquam  Delphis  aut  Dodona,  expectabautur :  illinc  nimirum  Spiritus  ille 
sanctus,  quem  suis  Conciliis  praeesse  jaetant,  tabellarii  manticis  inclusus  mitteba- 


4S  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

In  a  general  review  of  the  proceedings  at  Trent  in  respect  to  re- 
form, it  is  at  once  strikingly  apparent  that  there  runs  through  the 
whole  Council  a  more  or  less  hidden  struggle  between  the  defend- 
ers of  the  unlimited  power  of  the  Papacy  and  the  adherents  of  the 
Council  of  Basle.  It  appeared  at  the  beginning  in  the  question 
whether  the  obligation  of  the  residence  of  bishops  (in  their  sees) 
was  of  divine  right ;  and  behind  this  there  lurked  the  other 
question  about  the  divine  institution  of  the  episcopal  authority.15 

tur:  qui,  quod  admodum  ridiculum  est,  cum  aliquando,  ut  fit,  aquae  pluviis  excres- 
cebant,  non  ante  advolare  poterat,  quam  inundationes  desedisscnt.  Ita  fiebat,  ut 
Spiritus  non  super  aquas,  ut  est  in  Geuesi,  sed  secus  aquas  ferretur.— Quin  etiam 
referebant  Legati  pontificii,  qua  de  re  Papa  agi  vellet,  et  suis  illis,  quibus  hoc  nomiue 
stipem  menstruum  pendebant  (ii  autem  crant  plurimi  egentes  ex  non  opimis  Italiae 
civitatibns,  et  alii  fietitii  quidam  Episcopi,  qui  civitates  nullas,nomen  tantum  retine- 
bant),  de  Pontifieis  mandato  pracscribebant,  a  quibus  discedere  capitale  habebatur. 

15  This  question  was  at  last  mooted  on  the  doctrine  De  Sacramento  Ordinis,  de- 
cided in  Sess.  XXIII.,  July  15, 1563.  The  debates  began  September  18, 1562  (Paleotti 
Acta  Cone.  Trid.  cd.  Mcndham,  p.  279).  The  Commission  appointed  on  this  matter, 
in  the  first  draft  of  the  Doctrina  et  Canones,  reported  October  9, 1562  (p.  289),  tried 
to  avoid  the  controverted  point,  and  merely  said,  Episcopos  Presbyteris  superiores 
esse,  and  in  Apostolorum  locum  successisse.  But  many  bishops,  especially  the 
Spanish,  insisted  on  the  formula— Episcopos  jure  divino  esse  institutos,  while  the 
General  of  the  Jesuits,  Lainez,  denied  outright  this  jus  divinum  (p.  300).  His  speech, 
in  which  he  maintained  that  the  Pope  is  the  only  source  of  spiritual  power,  is  given 
in  extracts  in  Sarpi,  lib.  vii.  No.  20.  The  legates  at  first  wavered,  but  afterwards, 
October  30,  1562,  brought  forward  an  altered  proposal  (Palcotto,  p.  321),  in  which, 
in  place  of  the  present  De  Sacr.  Ordinis,  can.  7  and  8,  it  read :  Si  quis  dixerit,  non 
fuisse  in  Christo  Domino  institutum,  ut  essent  in  Ecclesia  catholica  Episcopi,  ac 
cos,  cum  in  partem  sollicitudinis  a  Pontifice  Romano,  ejus  in  terris  Vicario,  assu- 
muntur,  non  esse  veros  et  legitimos  Episcopos,  Presbyteris  superiores,  et  eadem 
dignitate,  eadem  que  potestate  non  potiri,  quam  ad  haec  usque  tempora  obtinue- 
ruut,  anathema  sit.  The  Archbishop  of  Granada  opposed  this  most  strongly  (p. 
325) ;  tria  praecipue  confutanda  putavit:  primum  illud,  quod  dicitur,  sub  uno  Chrisli 
Vicario,  etc.,  quoniam  Episcopi  sunt  successores  Apostolorum,  et  conscquenter  Vi- 
carii  Christi,  agnoscentes  tamen  superiorem  ct  sibi  ipsis  Vicarium,  qui  potest  alios 
Vicarios  mutare,  evertere  et  abrogare. — Secundum  est  illud,  vocatos  in  partem  sollici- 
tudinis: nam  did  oportet,  vocatos  aDeo,\it  semper  loquuntur  Scripturae.  Tcrtium 
est,  ut  in  ultimo  Canone  dicatur,  Episcopos  jure  divino  institutos  it  superiores  Presbyte- 
ris, cum  id  fuerit  jam  excussum,  nee  celari  potuit,  et  adhuc  sexaginta  et  amplius 
Patres  hie  praesentes  idem  petant,  aliique  sint  petituri,  si  in  Synodo  palam  propona- 
tur.  The  Papalists  conceded,  indeed,  that  potestatem  ordinis  a  Deo  derivari,  but 
maintained  jurisdictioneni  totam  oriri  a  Papa.  After  this  new  project  had  fallen 
through,  the  Cardinal  of  Lothringia  interfered,  and  the  affair  became  more  eu- 
tangled  by  many  new  proposals.  In  an  assembly  of  June  12,  1563,  the  Cardinal 
Morone  gave  this  as  the  state  of  the  case  (p.  3S2):  Agi  nunc  de  ineunda  coneordia 
cumGallis  et  Hispanis:  nolle  Gallos,  ut  eorum  opinio,  quia  asserunt  Concilium  esse 
supra  Papam,  nllatenus  laedatnr;  Hispanos  item  nolle,  ut  eorum  opinio  de  jurisdic- 
tionc  Episcoporuin,  quod  immediate  a  Christo  proficiscatur,  iniprobetur ;  alioquin 
utramque  nationem  enixe  petere,  Tit  si  quid  de  his  statuendnm  sit,  prius  inter  Patres 
disputetur.  Legatis  alicnum  videri,  hue  tempore  tarn  vastas  disputationes  ingredi, 
quae  multis  mensibus  non  absolverentur ;  sed  satins  esse  iis  doctrinam  verbis  com- 


PAKT  III.— CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  57.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.   49 

It  also  came  up  in  the  question  upon  the  right  of  initiating  the 

ponere,  quibus  neutra  opinio  damnetur,  uec  tanien  inde  quidquam  de  dignitate  Sanc- 
titatis  suae  detrahatur.  At  that  time  Lainez,  General  of  the  Jesuits,  spoke  very 
strongly  for  the  absolute  power  of  the  Pope,  and  got  applause  from  the  Ultramon- 
tanes  in  proportion  as  he  enraged  the  Gallicans  (Sarpi,  lib.  viii.  No.  15 ;  Pallavi- 
cini,  lib.  xxi.  c.  6,  No.  9 ;  Salig,  iii.  88).  Thereupon  the  legates  drafted  a  new  propo- 
sition, in  which  the  Papal  power  was  raised  very  high  (Paleotto,  p.  38S),  and  sent  it 
to  Rome  for  approval  (June  19).  But  this  project  was  generally  opposed  by  the 
fathers  at  Trent:  by  the  Italians,  because  it  gave  the  Pope  too  little;  by  the  Span- 
iards and  French,  because  it  gave  too  much.  The  legates  then  came  to  an  agree- 
ment with  the  latter  (p.  391),  ut  doctrina  et  canones  pure  de  Sacramento  Ordinis,  et 
nihil  de  jurisdictione  loquentes  conficiantur,  ut  ita  disputationes  omnes  praecidan- 
tur.  And  the  general  weariness  procured  for  that  proposal  a  very  general  acqui- 
escence. So  we  have  it  now,  in  Sess.  XXIII.,  July  15, 1563,  De  Sacramento  Ordinis, 
cap.  4:  Proinde  sacrosancta  Synodus  declarat,  praeter  caeteros  ecclesiasticos  gradus 
Episcopos,  qui  in  Apostolorum  locum  successerunt,  ad  hunc  hierarchicum  ordinem 
praecipue  pertinere,  et  positos,  sicut  idem  Apostolus  ait,  a  Spiritu  S.,  regere  Eccle- 
siam  Dei ;  eosque  Presby teris  superiores  esse ;  ac  Sacramentum  Confirmationis  con- 
ferre,  ministros  Ecclesiae  ordinare,  atque  alia  pleraque  peragere  ipsos  posse,  quaruni 
functionum  potestatem  reliqui  inferioris  ordinis  nullam  habent.  Can.  6  at  first  read 
(Paleotto,  p.  392) :  Si  quis  dixerit,  in  Ecclesia  catholica  non  esse  hierarehiam,  quae 
constat  ex  Episcopis,  Presbyteris,  et  aliis  ministris,  anathema  sit.  The  Cardinal  of 
Lothringia  and  the  Spaniards  wished  the  following  clause  inserted  (p.  394),  hierar- 
ehiam esse  a  Christo  institutam ;  but  the  Papal  party  feared,  his  verbis  contineri 
et  jurisdictionem,  hiucque  sequi,  Episcopos  immediate  institutos  a  Christo,  et  ab 
eodem  illis  collatam  jurisdictionem,  quod  pati  nolebant.  So  they  united  on  the 
formula  as  it  now  stands  in  the  canon — hierarehiam  divina  ordinatione  institutam. 
Further,  at  the  request  of  the  Spaniards  (p.  39S),  "aliis"  was  left  out  before  "minis- 
tris." The  last  specially  disputed  canon  was  divided  into  two.  Can.  7:  Si  quis 
dixerit,  Episcopos  non  esse  Presbyteris  superiores,  vel  non  habere  potestatem  con- 
firmandi  et  ordinandi ;  vel  earn,  quam  habent,  illis  esse  cum  Presbyteris  communem; 
vel  Ordines  ab  ipsis  collatos  sine  populi  vel  potestatis  saecularis  consensu  aut  voca- 
tione  irritos  esse ;  aut  eos,  qui  nee  ab  ecclesiastica  et  canonica  potestate  rite  ordinati 
nee  missi  sunt,  sed  aliunde  veniunt,  legitimos  esse  verbi  et  Sacramentorum  minis- 
tros ;  anathema  sit.  Can.  8 :  Si  quis  dixerit,  Episcopos,  qui  auctoritate  Romani  Pon- 
tificis  assumuntur,  non  esse  legitimos  et  veros  Episcopos,  sed  figmentum  humaiium, 
anathema  sit.  The  Spaniards  acceded  at  last  on  the  condition  (Paleotto,  p.  397),  ut 
Legati  polliceantur,  cum  in  calce  Concilii  damnandae  erunt  opiniones  Haereticorum, 
tunc  et  illos  includendos,  qui  negant  Episcopos  fuisse  a  Christo  institutos :  itemque 
eos,  qui  primatum  Summi  Pontificis,  ac  supremam  ejus  auctoritatem  non  confiten- 
tur.  Legati  respondent,  se  id  non  praetermissuros,  quantum  in  eis  est,  dummodo, 
si  agatur  de  institutione  Episcoporurn,  declaretur  et  auctoritas  Sanctissimi  in  eos, 
aliave  prout  Patribus  videbantur,  nee  enim  Italos  negare,  Episcopos  esse  a  Christo 
institutos,  sed  addere,  hac  egere  declaratione,  quod  videlicet  sunt  a  Christo  non  im- 
mediate, sed  mediante  Summo  Pontifice  instituti.  Itemque  quod  sunt  a  Christo 
quoad  ordinem,  non  quoad  jurisdictionem.  But  that  anathema  did  not  follow. 
Thus  the  episcopal  authority  was  established  against  presbyters,  the  laity,  and  Prot- 
estants, but  its  institution  and  its  relation  to  the  Papacy  was  left  obscure.  The 
question,  too,  about  the  residence  of  bishops  was  adjusted  in  Sess.  XXIIL,  Deer,  de 
Reform,  cap.  1.  It  had  frequently  been  started  in  the  earlier  periods  of  the  Council, 
and  at  the  beginning  of  the  last  (Bartholomaeus  De  Martyribus,  in  Le  Plat,  vii.  ii. 
139— the  grounds  of  both  sides,  ibid.  p.  140  sq.),  and  came  to  a  vote  April  20, 1562, 
when  6S  were  unconditionally  for  the  right  and  obligation  of  residence— residentiam 
esse  de  jure  divino  necessarian! ;  45  only  on  condition  that,  prius  consulto  Pontifice; 
VOL.  V. — 4 


50  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517^-1648. 

decrees,  which  the  legates  alone  exercised.16  These  points  of 
controversy  sprung  np  again  and  again  during  the  whole  con- 
tinuance of  the  Council ;  and  yet  they  were  at  hist  settled,  not 
by  a  decision,  but  by  avoidance.  Other  decrees  could  be  passed 
only  on  condition  that  this  contested  basis  of  principles  was  ig- 
nored. 

The  aim  of  the  Tridentine  Reform  was  to  improve  ecclesi- 
astical order,  so  far  as  this  was  thought  necessary,  so  as  not  to 
concede  ground  or  right  to  the  demands  of  the  Protestants,  and 
particularly  to  strengthen  Church  power  so  that  it  might  with- 
stand all  attacks. 

The  Papal  authority  was  not  touched  by  this  reform,  but  rather 
kept  in  view  in  all  the  ordinances.17  The  title  Episcopus  Uni- 
versalis Ecclesiae  was  not  indeed  recognized,  nor  was  the  Pleni- 
tudo  Potestatis  expressly  granted ; 18  but  yet  to  the  Pope,  as  God's 
Vicar  on  earth,  the  highest  power  in  the  whole  Church  was 
conceded,19  and  the  Council  was  put  beneath  him,  since  his  con- 

and  30  opposed  (p.  143;  see  too  Paleotto,  p.  104).  On  this  remarkable  result  great 
hostility  and  confusion  arose  (Paleotto,  p.  117).  The  decision  on  the  divina  institutio 
episcoporum  was  followed  by  that  upon  the  residence  of  bishops,  although  the  pro- 
ject of  the  legates  was  changed  in  various  ways.  Thus  in  the  draft  the  introduction 
reads  (Paleotto,  p.  411) :  Cum  tam  divino  quani  huinano  jure  omnes  praepositi  alicui 
muneri  obligentur  reddere  rationem  villicationis  suae,  ct  illi  multo  magis  tenean- 
tur  adstricti,  quibus  est  animarum  cura  commissa:  but  as  adopted  it  stands: 
Cum  praecepto  divino  mandatum  sit  omnibus,  quibus  animarum  cura  commissa  est, 
oves  suas  agnoscere,  pro  his  sacrificium  offcrre,  etc.  However,  the  residence  of 
bishops  is  not  here  recognized  as  of  divine  right  in  a  special  sense.  The  declaration 
of  the  Jesuit  General,  Laincz,  is  characteristic  (Paleotto,  p.  471),  ideo  decretum  se 
laudare  ita  dispositum,  ut  ejus  verba  pie  satis  in  utramque  partem  possint  exponi. 
Punishments  were  to  be  inflicted  on  those  who  were  away  from  their  flocks,  without 
sufficient  grounds,  for  two  or  three  months;  but  these  grounds  were  to  be  judged 
by  the  Pope  or  the  metropolitan. 

16  On  pressure  from  the  King  of  Spain,  it  was  determined  (Paleotto,  p.  610  ss.), 
in  Scss.  XXIV.  Nov.  11, 15G3,  De  Reform,  cap.  21:  S.  Synodus— verba  ilia,  posita  in 
decreto  publicato  Sessione  prima.;— proponentibus  Legalis  (see  §  55,  Note  4) — cxpli- 
cando  declarat,  mentis  suae  non  fuisse,  ut  ex  praedictis  verbis  solita  ratio  traetandi 
negotia  in  generalibus  Conciliis  ulla  ex  parte  immutaretur. 

17  Sess.  XXV.  Dee.  8, 1573,  De  Reform,  cap.  21:  Postremo  s.  Synodus  omnia  ct  sin- 
gula sub  quibuscunque  clausulis  et  verbis,  quae  de  morum  reformatione  atquc  cccle- 
siastica  disciplina — in  hoc  sacro  Concilio  statuta  sunt,  declarat  ita  decreta  fuisse,  ut 
in  his  salva  semper  auctoritas  Scdis  apostolicae  ct  sit,  et  esse  intelligatur. 

19  Attempts  were  made  in  the  negotiations  before  Sess.  XXIII.,  see  Note  15.  Nata- 
lis  Alexandri  Hist.  Ecel.  Saec.  XV.  e1  XVI.  Diss.  12,  Art.  13,  No.  4,  for  the  formula, 
quod  ad  Papain  pertinebat  regere  universam  Ecclesiam  (Bartholomaeus  de  .Martyr., 
in  Le  Plat,  vii.  ii.  151). 

19  Sess.  VI.  Jan.  13,  1547,  De  Reform,  cap.  1:  ipsius  Dei  in  terris  Vicarius.  Sess. 
XIV.  Nov.  25, 1551,  De  Pocnitentia,  cap.  7:  Pontiliees  Max.  pro  suprema  potcstate 
sibi  in  Ecclesia  universa  tradita. 


PAKT  III— CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  57.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.    51 

firmation  of  it  was  asked  for ; 20  and  several  other  weighty  points, 
on  which  no  determinations  were  expected  from  the  Council, 
were  submitted  to  the  Papal  decision.21  The  abuses  profitable 
to  Home  were  only  lightly  touched.  The  decrees  against  the 
plurality  of  benefices,  and  against  benefices  in  commendam,v?eve 
inadequate;22  annats  (first-fruits)  were  retained  according  to  a 
Papal  bull ; 23  only  the  reversion  of  benefices  was  definitely  pro- 
hibited;24 appeals  to  Kome  and  dispensations  were  limited.25 

20  See  Note  17. 

21  See  Note  13. 

22  Sess.  VII.  March  3, 1547,  De  Reform,  cap.  2,  orders  that  no  one  shall  hold  several 
benefices :  Qui  autem  plures  Ecclesias — nunc  detinent,  una  quam  maluerint  retenta 
rcliquas — dimittere  teneantur.  In  cap.  5  dispensations  are  allowed  for  the  posses- 
sion of  several  beneficia  curata.  To  grant  abbeys  in  commendam  is  not  forbidden, 
and  Pallavicino  (lib.  xii.  c.  13,  No.  14)  defends  this  as  necessary. 

23  Paulus  IV.,  in  a  bull,  April  17, 1559  (in  the  Bullarium),  declares  that  he  can  not 
give  them  up.  Pius  IV.  also  rejected  the  demand  to  abolish  them  made  by  Fiance 
(Le  Plat,  v.  59:2, 648, 652),  and  afterwards  by  the  German  Princes  (Raynald.  1563,  No.  44). 

24  Sess.  XXIV.  Nov.  11, 1563,  De  Reform,  cap.  19 :  Decernit  s.  Synodus,  mandata  de 
providendo,  et  gratias,  quae  expectativae  dicuntur,  nemini  amplius— concedi,  nee 
hactenus  concessis  cuiquam  uti  licere. 

25  Sess.  XIII.  Oct.  11, 1551,  De  Reform,  cap.  1:  In  causis  visitationis,  et  correctionis, 
sive  habilitatis  et  inhabilitatis,  necnon  criminalibus  ab  Episcopo — ante  definitivam 
senteutiam  ab  interlocutoria,  vel  alio  quocunque  gravamine  non  appelletur.  Cap.  2: 
A  sententiaEpiscopi — in  criminalibus  appellationis  causa, — si  apostolica  auctoritatc 
in  partibus  earn  committi  contigerit,  Metropolitano,  aut — uni  ex  vicinioribus  Episco- 
pis — committatur.  Sess.  XXIV.  Nov.  11, 1563,  De  Reform,  cap.  10 :  Episcopi — in  om- 
nibus iis,  quae  ad  visitationem  ac  morum  correctionem  subditorum  suorum  spectant, 
jus  et  potestatem  habeant,  etiam  tan  quam  apostolicac  Sedis  delegati,  ca  ordinandi, 
moderandi,  punieudi,  et  exequendi,  juxta  canonum  sanctiones,  quae  illis  ex  prudeu- 
tia  sua  pro  subditorum  emeudatione  ac  dioecesis  suae  utilitate  necessaria  videbun- 
tur.  Nee  in  his,  ubi  de  visitationc  aut  morum  correctione  agitur,  exemtio,  aut  ulla 
inhibitio,  appellatio,  seu  querela,  etiam  ad  Sedem  apostolicam  interposita,  executio- 
nem  eorum,  quae  ab  his  mandata,  decreta  aut  judicata  fuerint,  quoquo  modo  impe- 
diat,  seu  suspendat.  Cap.  20 :  Causae  omnes,  ad  forum  ecclesiasticum  quomodolibet 
pcrtinentes,  etiam  si  beneficiales  sint,  in  prima  instantia  coram  Ordinariis  locorum 
duntaxat  cognoscantur. — Ab  his  excipiantur  causae,  quae  juxta  canonicas  sanctiones 
apud  Sedem  apostolicam  sunt  tractandae ;  vel  quas  ex  urgenti  rationabilique  causa 
judicaverit  Summus  Romanus  Pontifex  per  speeiale  rescriptum  signaturae  Sanctita- 
tis  Suae,  manu  propria  subscribendum,  committere  aut  avocare.— Lcgati  quoque, 
etiam  de  latere,  nuntii,  gubernatores  ecclesiastici,  aut  alii  quarumcunque  facultatum 
vigore,  non  solum  Episcopos  in  praedictis  causis  impedire,  aut  aliquo  modo  eorum 
jurisdictionem  iis  praeripcre,  aut  turbare  non  praesuniaut;  sed  nee  etiam  contra 
Clericos,  aliasve  personas  ecclesiasticas,  nisi  Episcopo  prius  requisito,  eoque  negli- 
gente,  procedant :  alias  eorum  processus,  ordinationesve  nullius  moment!  sint ;  atque 
ad  damni  satisfaetionem  partibus  illati  teneantur.  Upon  Dispensations,  Sess.  XXII. 
Sept.  17, 1562,  De  Reform,  cap.  5 :  Dispensationes,  quacunque  auctoritate  concedendae, 
si  extra  Romanam  Curiam  committendae  erunt,  committantur  Ordinariis  illorum,  qui 
cas  impetraverint;  eae  vero,  quae  gratiose  concedentur,  suum  non  sortiantur  effec- 
tum,  nisi  prius  ab  eisdem,  tanquam  delegatis  Apostolis,  sumrnarie  tantum  et  extra- 
judicialiter  cognoscatur,  expressas  xn-eces  surreptionis  vel  obreptionis  vitio  non 
subjacere.    Sess.  XXV.  Dec.  3, 1563,  De  Reform,  cap.  18 :  Si  urgens  justaque  ratio,  et 


52  FOURTII  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

That  cardinals  should  be  chosen  from  all  Christian  nations,26 
and  should  have  the  qualifications  demanded  of  bishops,27  were 
points  so  defined  that  their  fulfillment  was  constantly  dependent 
on  the  will  of  the  Pope. 

The  divine  institution  of  the  episcopal  power  was  not  dis- 
tinctly recognized,  although  bishops  (in  accordance  with  Acts  xx. 
28)  were  designated  as  successors  of  the  apostles  appointed  by 
the  Holy  Ghost.28  The  rights  of  the  Popes  over  them  remained 
unchanged  ;29  the  co-operation  of  the  people  and  of  the  temporal 
power  in  their  election  was  declared  to  be  unnecessary.30 

The  bishops  received  certain  rights  over  exempted  monks,  but 
only  as  delegates  of  the  Pope.31  Several  decrees  were  passed  to 
insure  the  observance  of  the  rules  of  the  Orders.32 

major  quandoque  utilitas  postulaverit,  cum  aliquibus  dispensandum  esse;  id  causa 
cognita,  ae  gumma  maturitate,  atque  ijraiis  a  quibuscunque,  ad  quos  dispensatio  per- 
tinebit,  erit  praestandum  :  uliterque  facta  dispensatio  subreptitia  censeatur. 

26  Sess.  XXIV.  Nov.  11,  1563,  De  Reform,  cap.  1:  Quos  (Cardinales)  Sanctissimus 
Romanus  Pontifex  ex  omnibus  Christianitatis  nationibus,  quantum  commode  fieri 
potent,  prout  idoneos  repererit,  assumct. 

27  Sess.  XXIV.  Nov.  11,  1563,  De  Reform,  cap.  1.  Sess.  XXV.  Dec.  3,  1563,  De 
Reform,  cap.  1. 

28  See  above,  Note  15,  and  there  Sess.  XXIII.  De  Sacr.  Ordinis,  cap.  4. 

29  Sess.  XXIII.  De  Sacr.  Ordinis,  can.  S,  above,  Note  15.  The  Norma  pmmhmU  ad 
(  reationem  Episcoporum  et  Cardvncilium  is  prescribed  Sess.XXIV.Nov.il,  1563,  cap.  1. 
Onmes,  qui  ad  promotioncm  praeflciendorum  quodcunquc  jus,  quacuuque  ratione,  a 
Sede  apostolica  habent,  ant  alioquiD  operam  suam  praestant,  are  to  retain  their 
rights.  What  is  to  be  kept  in  view  in  the  elections:  The  provincial  synods  are  to 
prescribe,  with  the  assent  of  the  Pope— examinis,  sen  inquisitionis,  aut  instructionis 
faciendae  formam.  This  instruction  is  to  be  sent  to  the  Pope  with  every  election, 
ut  ipse  Summus  Pontifex  plena  totius  negotii,ac  personarum  notitia  habita— Eccle- 
siis  possit  utilius  providere,  after  a  report  has  been  made  upon  it  by  a  cardinal,  with 
the  advice  of  three  others  in  a  Consistorium.  Cap.  5:  Causae  criminates  graviores 
contra  Episcopos,  etiain  haeresis,  quod  absit,  quae  depositione  ant  privatione  dignae 
sunt,  ab  ipso  tantuiu  summo  Pontifice  cognoscantnr  et  tenninentnr.— Minores  vero 
criminales  causae  Episcoporum  in  Coucilio  tantuin  provincial  cognoscantur  et  tcr- 
minentnr,  vel  a  deputandis  per  Concilium  provinciale. 

30  Sess.  XXIII.  De  Sacr.  Ordinis,  cap.  4 :  Docet  insuper  sacrosancta  Synodus,  in  or- 
dinatione  Episcoporum,  saeerdotum  et  caeterorum  Ordinuin  nee  popnli,  nee  eujusvis 
saecnlaris  potestatie  et  magistrates  consensum,  sive  vocationem,  sive  auctoritatem, 
ita  requiri,  ut  sine  ea  irrita  sit  ordinatio.  (On  Cyprian,  see  Gieseler,  vol.  i.  p.  342, 
Note  '.»;  on  Leo,  vol.  i.  p.  867,  Note  33.  | 

31  Sess.  VI.  Jan.  18,  1547,  De  Reform,  cap.  3:  Nemo  saecularis  clcricus  eujusvis  per- 
sonalis (privilegiipraetcxtu),  vel  regulariB  extra  monasterium  degens  etiam  sui  ordi- 
nis privilegii  praetextu  tutus  censeatur, quo  minus,  si  deliqnerit,  ah  Ordinario  loci, 
tanquam  super  hoe  a  Sede  apostolica  delegate,  secundum  canonists  sanctiones  visi- 
t.ni,  pnniri,  et  corrigi  vuleat.  Sess.  XXI.  July  16, 1563,  cap.  8:  Commendata  monas- 
tcria,— in  quibus  nonviget  regularia  ohservantia,  necnoh  beneflcia  tam  curata,  quam 
non  curata,  saecularia  ct  regularia,  qualitercnnqne  commendata,  etiam  exempta,ab 
Episcopis,  etiam  tanquam  apoBtolicae  Sedia  delegate,  annis  singulis  visitentur;  en- 


PART  III.-CHAP.  II.-CATH.  CHURCH.    §  57.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.   53 

Worthy  of  note  are  the  decrees  which  defined  the  necessary 
qualifications  for  spiritual  offices,33  laid  the  basis  for  the  suitable 
education  of  the  clergy,34  ordered  frequent  sermons,35  and  or- 

rentque  iidcm  Episcopi  congruentibns  remediis,  ctiam  per  sequestrationem  fructuum, 
ut  quae  renovatione  indigent  aut  restauratione  reticiantur.  So,  too,  they  were  to 
visit  all  other  cloisters,  and  reform  them  after  these  rules,  if  their  superiors,  after  due 
notice,  did  not  visit  them  within  six  months.  Sess.  XXIV.  Nov.  11, 1563,  De  Reform, 
cap.  4:  Nullus  saecularis,  sive  regularis,  etiam  in  Ecclesiis  suorum  Ordinum,  coutra- 
dicente  Episcopo,  praedieare  praesumat. 

32  Sess.  XXV.  Dec.  4, 1563,  De  Regularibus  et  Monialibus,  cap.  22.  Here  it  is  deter- 
mined, cap.  16 :  Finito  tempore  novitiatus  Superiores  novitios,  quos  habiles  iuvene- 
rint,  ad  profltendum  admittant,  aut  e  monasterio  eos  ejiciant.  But  since  only  a 
small  part  of  the  Jesuits  were  admitted  to  profession  (§  56,  Note  37),  on  the  motion 
of  their  General  it  was  added :  Per  haec  tameu  s.  Synodus  non  intendit  aliquid  inno- 
vare;  aut  prohibere,  quin  religio  clericorum  Societatis  Jesu  juxta  pium  eorum 
institutum  a  S.  Sede  apostolica  approbatum  Domino  et  ejus  Ecclesiae  inservire 
possit.  The  Jesuits  afterwards  referred  this  sentence,  especially  because  it  reads  per 
haec,  and  not  per  hoc,  to  all  the  preceding  decrees  of  this  section,  and  maintained 
that  they  were  excepted  from  them ;  Sarpi,  lib.  viii.  §  72. 

33  Sess.  XXII.  Sept,  17, 1562,  De  Reform,  cap.  1,  de  Vila  et  Honestate  clericorum.  Sess. 
XXV.  Dec.  4, 1563,  De  Reform,  cap.  1,  on  the  life  of  the  bishops. 

34  Sess.  V.  June  17, 1546,  Deer,  de  Reform,  cap.  1 :  In  the  churches  where  there  is  a 
praebenda,  aut  praestimonium  pro  lectoribus  sacrae  theologiae,  the  incumbents  shall 
be  compelled  by  the  bishop  ad  ipsius  sacrae  Scripturae  expositionem  et  interpreta- 
tionem  per  se  ipsos,  si  idonei  fuerint,  alioquin  per  idoneum  substitutum.  In  the 
cathedral  churches,  and  in  the  collegiate  churches  of  large  places,  the  first  vacant 
praebenda  is  to  be  consecrated  to  the  same  end,ut  ipsa  sacrae  Scripturae  lectio  habe- 
atur,  ita  tamen,  ut  quaecunque  aliae  lectiones,  vel  consuetudine  vel  quavis  alia  ra- 
tione  institutae,  propter  id  minime  praetermittantur.  Poor  and  small  churches 
must  have  at  least  one  magistrum,  qui  clericos  aliosque  scholares  pauperes  gram- 
maticam  gratis  doceat,  ut  deinceps  ad  ipsa  sacrae  Scripturae  studia  transire  possint. 
In  the  cloisters  and  gymnasia  those  readings  of  the  sacred  Scriptures  are  to  be  held! 
The  insufficiency  of  this  arrangement  was  especially  evident  after  the  German  Col- 
lege in  Rome,  1552,  gave  the  model  of  a  new  kind  of  institution  for  the  training  of 
the  clergy  (see  §  56,  Note  34).  Cardinal  Reginald  Pole,  in  his  Articles  of  Reforma- 
tion for  the  Euglish  Church,  1556  (§  27,  Note  16),  had  ordered  seminaries  in  every 
diocese  after  that  pattern  (Reg.  Poli  Decretum  XL,  in  Le  Plat,  iv.  594);  and  this  ordi- 
nance was  made  the  basis  of  that  framed  in  Trent,  and  in  part  verbally  copied.  Sess. 
XXIII.  July  15, 1563,  De  Reform,  cap.  18:  Ut  singulae  cathedrales— ecclesiae  pro  modo 
facultatum  etdioecesis  amplitudine  certum  puerorum— numerum  in  collegio— alere, 
ac  religiose  cducare  et  ecclesiasticis  disciplinis  instituere  teneantur.  In  hoc  vero 
collegio  recipiantur,  qui  ad  minimum  duodecim  annos  et  ex  legitimo  matrimonio 
nati  sint,  ac  legere  et  scribere  competenter  noverint.— Hos  pueros  Episcopus  in  tot 
classes,  quot  ei  videbitur,  divisos  juxta  eorum  numerum,  aetatem,  ac  in  disciplina 
ecclesiastica  progressum,  partim  cum  ei  opportunum  videbitur,  Ecclesiarum  minis- 
term  addicet,  partim  in  collegio  erudiendos  retinebit :  aliosque  in  locum  eductorum 
sufficiet,  ita  ut  hoc  collegium  Dei  ministrorum  perpetuum  seminarium  sit.  See 
Aug.  Theiner's  Gesch.  d.  geistl.  Bildungsanstalteu,  Mainz,  1S35,  p.  102  (the  Deer.  Poli, 
p.  463 ;  the  Deer.  Trid.  p.  466). 

35  Sess.  V.  June  17,1546,  Deer,  de  Reform,  cap.  2 :  Decrevit  s.  Synodus,  omnes  Epis- 
copos,  Arcniepiscopos,  Primates,  et  omnes  alios  Ecclesiarum  Praelatos  teneri  per  se 
ipsos,  si  legitime  impediti  non  fuerint,  ad  praedicandum  sanctum  J.  Chr.  evangelium. 
Si  vero  contigerit,  Episcopos  et  alios  praedictos  legitimo  detineri  impedimento: 
juxta  formam  generalis  Concilii  viros  idoneos  assumere  teneantur  ad  hujusmodi 


54  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-164S. 

dained  regular  provincial  and  diocesan  synods  and  church  visita- 
tions.36 But  these  arrangements  were  not  so  strongly  secured 
that  they  could  be  brought  into  effect  unimpaired  ;  only  the  epis- 
copal punitive  power  was  more  firmly  established,37  so  as  to  secure 
more  fully  the  disciplinary  prescriptions  often  vainly  renewed. 

The  request  as  to  the  marriage  of  priests  was  absolutely  reject- 
ed;38 the  granting  of  the  cup  to  the  laity  reserved  for  the  Pope  ;39 

praedicationis  officium  salubriter  exequendum.  Si  quis  autem  hoc  adimplere  con- 
tempserit,  districtae  subjaceat  ultioni.  Archipresbyteri  quoquc,  Plebani,  et  qui- 
cunque  parochiales— Ecclcsias  quocunque  modo  obtinent,  per  se,  vel  alios  idoneos, 
si  legitime  impediti  fuerint,  diebus  saltern  dominicis  et  festis  solemnibus  plebes  sibi 
commissas  pro  sua  et  earum  capacitate  pascant  salutaribus  verbis ;  docendo  ea,  quae 
scire  omnibus  necessarium  est  ad  salutein ;  annuutiandoque  eis  cum  brevitate  et  faci- 
litate scrmouis  vitia,  quae  eos  declinare,  et  virtutes,  quas  sectari  oporteat,  ut  poenam 
aeternam  evadere,  et  coelesteru  gloriam  consequi  valeant.  The  bishops  are  to  hold 
even  exempts  to  the  strict  observance  of  this  decree.  Sess.  XXIV.  Nov.  11, 1503, 
De  Reform,  cap.  4,  these  injunctions  are  repeated  and  supplemented :  there  is  to  be 
preaching  tempore  jejuniorum  quadragesimae,  et  adventus  Domini  quotidie,  vel 
saltern  tribus  in  hebdomada  diebus.— Moneat  Episcopus  populum  diligenter,  teneri 
nnumquemque  parochiae  suae  interesse,  ubi  commode  id  fieri  potest,  ad  audiendum 
verbum  Dei. — Iidem  etiam  saltern  dominicis  et  aliis  festivis  diebus  pueros  in  singulis 
parochiis  fidei  rudimenta,  et  obedientiam  erga  Deum  et  parentes  diligenter  ab  iis,  ad 
quos  spectabit,  doceri  curabunt. 

36  Sess.  XXIV.  De  Reform,  cap.  2 :  Provincialia  Concilia,  sicubi  omissa  sunt,  pro 
raoderandis  moribiis,  corrigendis  excessibus,  controversiis  componendis,  aliisque 
ex  sacris  canonibus  permissis  renoventur.  Quare  Metropolitani— intra  annum  ad 
minus  a  fine  praesentis  Concilii,  et  deinde  quolibet  saltern  triennio  post  octavam 
Paschae  —  seu  alio  commodiori  tempore  pro  more  provinciae  non  praetermittat 
synodum  in  provincia  sua  cogere. — Synodi  quoque  dioecesanae  quotannis  celebren- 
tur:  ad  quas  exempti  etiam  omnes— accedere  teneantur.  On  the  annual,  or  at  least 
biennial,  church  visitations,  see  cap.  3. 

37  See  above,  Note  25. 

38  Sess.  XXIV.  Nov.  11, 1503,  De  Sacramento  Matrimonii,  can.  ix. :  Si  quis  dixerit, 
Clericos  in- sacris  Ordinibus  constitutos,  vel  Regulares,  castitatem  solemnitcr  pro- 
fessos,  posse  matrimonium  coutrahere,  contractnmquc  validum  esse,— anathema  sit. 

39  The  Emperor  Ferdinand  especially  urged,  through  his  Hungarian  embassador, 
George  Drascovitius,  Bishop  of  Funfkirchen,  that  the  cup  should  be  allowed  to 
those  of  his  people  who  wished  it,  under  the  same  conditions  as  were  conceded 
to  the  Hussites  by  the  Council  of  Basle  (Paleottus,  p.  214).  The  grounds  pro  and 
con,  as  given  in  the  voting,  sec  p.  229  sq.,  240  sq.  For  it,  e.g.  p.  241:  Excmplum 
Graecorum,  qui  habent  usum  calicis,  et  tamen  ab  Ecclcsia  non  sunt  separati. — Nee 
apud  cos  auditur  ulluin  periculum  eflusionis,  prout  attcstantur  Praelati,  qui  hie  ad- 
Bunt,  et  habent  Eeclesias  suas  in  iis  loeis  (see  the  votum  of  the  Bishop  of  Calamon, 
p.  235};  and  p.  242:  Controversum  adhuc  est  apud  theologos,  an  plus  gratiac  acqui- 
ratur  ex  sumptione  utriusque  speeiei  quam  unius  tantum.  Ideo  qui  petit  utramque 
elig'it  tutiorein  partem,  et  injuria  ci  lit,  si  prohibcatur  (on  Alex.  Ilalesius,  see  Giese- 
ler,  vol.  ii.  p.  483,  Note  11).  Against  the  concession  were  38;  for  it  unconditionally, 
80;  others  proposed  conditions;  18  would  allow  the  cup  only  to  Bohemians  and 
Hungarians;  others  wanted  to  postpone  the  decision;  others  to  leave  it  to  the 
Pope  (p.  247).  After  long  strife,  tin  Legates  carried  through  the  last  proposal ;  and  so 
there  followed  at  the  close  of  Sess.  XXI.,  Sept  IT,  1502,  the  Decretum  super  Petit  ione 
Couccssionis  Calieis  :  Sacrosancta  Svnodus— decrcvit  integrum  negotiant  ad  Sanctis- 


PART  I1I.-CHAP.  II.-CATH.  CHURCH.  §  57.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.  55 

the  use  of  the  Latin  language  in  the  mass40  was  confirmed ;  the 
worship  of  saints,  images,  and  relics  was  protected  ;41  indulgences 
in  general  were  justified,  without  further  fixing  their  wavering- 
definition  ;  but  the  traffic  in  indulgences  was  forbidden.42 

simum  Dominum  nostrum  esse  referendum,  prout  praesenti  decreto  refert ;  qui  pro 
sua  singulari  prudentia  id  efficiat,  quod  utile  reipublicae  christianae,  et  salutare  pe- 
tentibus  usum  calicis,  fore  judicaverit. 

40  Sess.  XXII.  Sept.  17, 1562,  De  Sacrificio  Missae,  cap.  8 :  Etsi  Missa  magnam  con- 
tineat  populi  fidelis  eruditionem,  non  tamen  expedire  visum  est  Patribus,  ut  vulgari 
passim  lingua  celebraretur.  Quamobrem,  reteuto  ubique  cujusque  Ecclesiae  anti- 
quo,  et  a  s.  Romana  Ecclesia,  omnium  Ecclesiarum  matre  et  magistra,  probato  ritu, 
ne  oves  Christi  esuriant,  neve  parvuli  panem  petant,  et  non  sit  qui  frangat  eis,  man- 
dat  s.  Synodus  Pastoribus,  et  singulis  curam  animarum  gerentibus,  ut  frequenter 
inter  Missarum  celebrationem  vel  per  se,  vel  per  alios,  ex  iis,  quae  in  Missa  leguutur, 
aliquid  exponant;  atque  inter  caetera  sanctissimi  hujus  sacrifieii  mysterium  aliquod 
declarent,  diebus  praesertim  dominicis  et  festis. 

41  Sess.  XXV.  Dec.  3, 1563,  De  Invocatione,  Veneratione  et  Reliquiis  Sanctorum  et 
sacris  Imagiuibus:  Sanctos,  una  cumChristo  regnantes  orationes  suas  pro  hominibus 
Deo  offerre ;  bonum  atque  utile  esse  suppliciter  eos  invocare,  et  ob  beneflcia  hnpe- 
tranda  a  Deo  per  Filium  ejus  J.  Chr.  Dominum  nostrum,  qui  solus  noster  redemptor 
et  salvator  est,  ad  eorum  orationes,  opem  auxiliumque  confugere.— Sanctorum  quo- 
que  Martyrum,  et  aliorum  cum  Christo  viventium  sancta  corpora,  quae  viva  membra 
fuerunt  Christi,  et  templum  Spiritus  sancti,ab  ipso  ad  aeteruam  vitam  suscitauda  et 
glorificanda,  a  fidelibus  veneranda  esse,  per  quae  multa  beneflcia  a  Deo  hominibus 
praestantur.— Imagines  porro  Christi,  Deiparae  Virginia  et  aliorum  Sanctorum  in 
templis  praesertim  habendas  et  retinendas,  eisque  debitum  honorem  et  venerationem 
impertiendam;  non  quod  credatur  inesse  aliqua  in  iis  divinitas  vel  virtus,  propter 
quam  sint  colendae,  vel  quod  ab  eis  sit  aliquid  petendum,  vel  quod  fiducia  in  imagi- 
nibus  sit  Agenda,  velut  olim  flebat  a  gentibus,  quae  in  idolis  spem  suam  collocabant; 
sed  quoniam  honos,  qui  eis  exhibetur,  refertur  ad  prototypa,  quae  illae  repraesen- 
tant.— Illud  vero  diligenter  doceant  Episcopi,  per  historias  mysteriorum  nostrae  re- 
demptionis,  picturis  vel  aliis  similitudinibus  expressas,  crudiri  et  confirmari  popu- 
lum  in  articulis  fidci  commemorandis  et  assidue  recolendis:  turn  vero  ex  omnibus 
sacris  imaginibus  magnum  fructum  percipi,  non  solum  quia  admonetur  populus 
beneficiorum  et  munerum,  quae  a  Christo  sibi  collata  sunt,  sed  etiam  quia  Dei  per 
Sanctos  miracula,  et  salutaria  exempla  oculis  fidclium  subjiciuntur,  ut  pro  iis  Deo 
gratias  agant,  ad  Sanctorumque  imitationem  vitam  moresque  suos  componant.— In 
has  autem  sanctas  et  salutares  observations  si  qui  abusus  irrepserint,  eos  prorsus 
aboleri  s.  Synodus  vehementer  cupit:  ita  ut  nullae  falsi  dogmatis  imagines,  et  rudi- 
bus  periculosi  erroris  occasionem  praebentes,  statuantur.     Quod  si  aliquando  histo- 
rias et  narrationes  sacrae  Scripturae,  cum  id  indoctae  plebi  expediet,  exprimi  et 
flgurari  contigerit :  doceatur  populus,  non  propterea  divinitatem  flgurari,  quasi  cor- 
poris oculis  conspici,  vel  coloribus  aut  figuris  exprimi  possit.     Omnis  porro  super- 
stitio  in  Sanctorum  invocatione,  reliquiarum  veneratione,  et  imaginum  sacro  usu 
tollatur:  omnis  turpis  quaestus  eliminetur:  omnis  denique  lascivia  vitetur:  ita  ut 
procaci  venustate  imagines  non  pingantur  nee  ornentur,  et  Sanctorum  celebratione 
ac  reliquiarum  visitatione  homines  ad  comessationes  atque  ebrietates  non  abutan- 
tur.    No  unusual  image  is  to  be  set  up,  nisi  ab  Episcopo  approbata  fuerit :  nulla 
etiam  admittenda  esse  nova  miracula,  nee  novas  reliquias  recipiendas,  nisieodem 
recognoscente  et  approbante  Episcopo,  who  in  difficult  cases  is  to  bring  the  case 
before  the  provincial  synods,  ita  tamen,  ut  nihil  inconsulto  Sanctissimo  Romano 
Pontiflce  novum  aut  in  Ecclesia  hactenus  inusitatum  decernatur. 

42  Already,  Sess.  XXI.  July  16, 1562,  De  Reform,  cap.  9,  it  was  decreed  that  eleemo- 


56  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-164S. 

These  decrees  of  Trent  were  so  favorable  to  Koine  that  Pius 
IV.,  despite  the  ignorant  scruples  of  some  curialists,43  did  not 
hesitate  about  confirming  them,  lauding  the  moderation  of  the 
Council.44     But  although  he  immediately  enjoined  upon  all  the 

synarum  Quaestorum  nomen  atque  usus  should  be  wholly  abolished,  indulgentias 
vero  aut  alias  spirituales  gratias  per  Ordinarios  locorum,  adhibitis  duobus  deCapitu- 
lo,  debitis  temporibus  populo  publicandas  esse.  The  Decretum  de  Indulgentiis  was 
drawn  the  night  before  the  close  of  the  Council,  since  the  legate  Morone  did  not 
wish  to  have  any  (Paleottns,  p.  644),  Contin.  Sess.  XXV.  Dec.  4, 1563:  Cum  potestas 
conferendi  indulgentias  a  Christo  Ecclesiae  concessa  sit,  atque  hujusmodi  potestate, 
divinitus  sibi  traditu,  antiquissimis  etiam  temporibus  ilia  usa  merit :  sacrosanetu 
Synodus  indulgentiarum  usum,  christiano  populo  maxime  salutarem,  et  sacrorum 
Conciliorum  auctoritate  probatum,  in  Ecclesia  retinendum  esse  docet,  et  praecipit; 
eosque  anathemate  damnat,  qui  aut  inutiles  esse  asserunt,  vel  eas  concedendi  in 
Ecclesia  potestatem  esse  ncgant.  In  his  tamen  concedendis  moderationem,  juxta 
veterem  et  probatam  in  Ecclesia  consuetudinem,  adhiberi  cupit,  ne  nimia  facilitate 
ecclesiastica  discipliua  enervetur.  Abusus  vero,  qui  in  his  irrepserunt,  et  quorum 
occasione  insigne  hoc  indulgentiarum  nomen  ab  haereticis  blasphematur,  emendatos 
et  correctos  cupiens,  praesenti  decreto  generaliter  statuit,  pravos  quaestus  omnes 
pro  his  cousequendis,  unde  plurima  in  christiano  populo  abusuum  causa  fluxit,  om- 
nino  abolendos  esse.  Caeteros  vero,  qui  ex  superstitione,  ignorantia,  irreverentia, 
aut  aliunde  quomodocunque  provenerunt;  cum  ob  multiplices  locorum  et  provin- 
ciarum,  apud  quas  hi  committuntur.  corruptelas  commode  nequeant  specialitcr  pro- 
hiberi :  mandat  omnibus  Episcopis,  ut  diligenter  quisque  hujusmodi  abusus  Eccle- 
siae suae  colligat,  eosque  in  prima  Synodo  provinciali  referat;  ut  aliorum  quoque 
Episcoporum  sententia  cogniti,  statim  ad  summum  Romanum  Pontiflcem  deferan- 
tur :  cujus  auctoritate  et  prudentia,  quod  universali  Ecclesiae  expediet,  statuatur,  ut 
ita  sanctarum  indulgentiarum  munus  pie,  sancte  et  incorrupte  omnibus  fidelibus 
dispensetur.  Some  words,  quae  prohibebant  expresse,  ne  pro  exequendis  indulgen- 
tiis certae  taxarentur  summae,  were  left  out  at  the  instance  of  the  Spanish  embassa- 
dor, Count  de  Luno,  quod  videbantur  haec  de  industria  ita  expressa  ad  notandum 
cruciatam  Hispanam  (Paleottus,  p.  645).  Thus  the  Urnciata,  with  its  complete  indul- 
gence, was  still  sold  for  the  advantage  of  the  Spanish  throne,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
the  pravi  quaestus,  forbidden  by  the  decree,  were  there  carried  to  their  highest  pitch. 

43  Sarpi,  lib.  viii.  §  83.     Pallavicini,  lib.  xxiv.  c.  9,  §  4. 

44  Pii  IV.  Oratio  habita  in  Consistorio  d.  Dec.  30, 1563,  in  Le  Plat,  vi.  306.  After 
praise  to  the  temporal  rulers,  the  cardinals,  and  the  fathers  of  the  Council:  Quibus 
quidcm  patribus  magnam  quoque  nostro  nomine  gratiam  habemus,  quod  in  moribus 
emendandis  corrigendaque  vitae  disciplina  adeo  se  praebuerunt  moderates  in  nos 
et  indulgentes,  ut,  si  nobis  ipsis  illam  curam  ad  nostrum  arbitrium  revocare,  nee 
patrum  judicio  integram  relinqucre  placuisset,  omnino  adhibituri  fuerimus  plus  aui- 
madversionis.  —  Concilii  autem  decreta  principes  ipsi  amplectimur  et  colimus,  ut 
exemplo  et  instituto  nostro  commoti  omnes,  ilia  necessario  servanda,  nullamque 
sibi  relictam  eausam  existiment  a  Concilii  auctoritate  discedendi.  Quam  cum  ipsi 
nobis  hujus  officii  nccessitatem  imponimus,  non  tam,  quid  potestas  nostra  postulet, 
meminimus,  quam,  quid  mansuetudo  requirat  ae  modestia,  cogitamus.  Praeclarum 
est  enim,  legibus  solutum  Principem  vivere  ex  legibus.  The  Bull  of  Confirmation, 
Benedidus  Deus,  Jan.  36,  1564,  in  the  Canones  et  Decreta  Cone.  Trid.  Herein,  to 
avoid  confusion,  it  is  forbidden,  in  extreme  punishments  (Praelatis  sub  interdict! 
ingressus  Ecclesiae,  aliis  vero  sub  excommunicationis  latae  sententiae  poenis),  ne 
quis  sine  auctoritate  nostra  audeat  ullos  commentarios,  glossas,  annotationcs,  scho- 
lia ullumve  omnino  interprctationis  genus  super  ipsius  Concilii  decretis  quocunque 
modo  edere,  aut  qnidqnam  qnoennque  nomine,  etiam  sub  praetextu  majoris  decre- 


PART  III.— CHAP.  II.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  57.  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.    57 

faithful  an  unconditional  acceptance  of  the  Council,45  this  did  not 
by  any  means  universally  follow.  In  France  especially  the  decrees 
of  reform  encountered  decided  opposition,46  and  the  Council  was 
never  published  there.  In  Switzerland,47  too,  and  in  Hungary,48 
they  were  not  accepted,  although  the  unobjectionable  disciplinary 
decrees  were  there  enforced  by  synods.  In  Germany  the  Triden- 
tine  decrees  could  not  be  published  as  laws  of  the  Empire,  but 
the  Catholic  rulers  adopted  them,  1566,  at  the  Augsburg  Diet.49 
The  Council  of  Trent  did  not  indeed  meet  the  wishes50  of  the 

torum  corroborationis  aut  executionis,  aliove  quaesito  colore  statuere. — Nos  enira 
difficultates  et  controversias,  si  quae  ex  eis  decretis  ortae  fuerint,  nobis  declarandas 
et  decidendas,  quemadmodum  ipsa  quoque  s.  Synodus  decrevit  (see  Note  17),  reser- 
vamus. 

45  In  the  Bull  of  Confirmation  (Note  44) :  Decreta  omnia  et  singula  auetoritate 
apostolica  bodie  confirmavimus,  et  ab  omnibus  Cbristifidelibus  suscipieuda  ac  ser- 
vanda esse  decrevimus.  The  observance  and  introduction  of  the  same  is  enjoined, 
with  penalties,  on  ecclesiastics  of  all  degrees ;  but  Imperatorem  electum,  caeteros- 
que  Reges,  Respublicas  ac  Principes  christianos  monemus,  et  per  viscera  misericor- 
diae  Domini  nostri  J.  Chr.  obtestamur,  ut — ad  ejusdem  Concilii  exequenda  et  obser- 
vanda  decreta  Praelatis,  cum  opus  fuerit,  auxilio  et  favore  suo  adsint,  neque  adver- 
santes  sanae  ac  salutari  Concilii  doctrinae  opiniones  a  populis  ditionis  suae  recipi 
permittant,  sed  eas  penitus  interdicant.  In  the  Bull  Siewt  ad  Sacrorum,  xv.  Kal. 
Aug.  1564  (prefixed  to  Canones  et  Deer.  Cone.  Trid.),  it  is  defined,  decreta  (Concilii) 
omnia  ad  reformationem  jusque  positivum  dumtaxat  spectantia  a  Kal.  Maji  proxime 
praeteriti  omnes  obligare  coepisse,  neque  post  earn  diem  excusationem  eujusquam, 
quod  ea  ignoraverit,  admittendam.  Atque  ita  apostolica  auetoritate  declaramus  ac 
definimus,  et  ab  omnibus  judicari  debere  mandamus  atque  statuimus.  Decernentcs 
irritum  et  inane,  si  quid  secus  a  quoquam  quacunque  dignitate,  auetoritate  et  po- 
testate  praedito  contigerit  judicari. 

46  The  bishops  and  the  Guises  pressed  for  the  acceptance.  The  State  Council  and 
Parliament  were  hostile,  because  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  Gallican  Church 
were  molested  by  many  of  the  Tridentine  decrees.  When  the  League,  during  its 
struggle  with  Henry  IV.,  convened  an  Assembled  Generate  at  Paris,  1593,  the  bishops 
here  proposed  the  acceptance,  with  seemingly  the  best  hopes  of  success;  but  the 
President  of  the  Parliament,  Le  Maistre,  intrusted  with  drawing  up  the  report,  in  a 
Memoire,  April  9, 1593  (in  Le  Plat,  vii.  207;  Thuanus,  lib.  105,  No.  21),  brought  to- 
gether the  objectionable  decrees,  and  showed  how  they  injured,  partly  the  royal 
authority,  by  enlarging  the  episcopal  privileges,  and  partly  the  rights  of  the  French 
Church,  as  well  as  those  of  the  King,  by  increasing  the  Papal  power.  The  matter 
was  then  dropped ;  but  in  a  tumultuous  assembly,  August  6, 1593,  the  acceptance  of 
the  Council  was  put  through  (Thuanus,  lib.  107,  No.  10).  This  decision  was  regarded 
as  invalid,  after  order  had  been  restored.  All  subsequent  attempts,  among  which 
that  of  the  clergy  in  the  Mats  Generaux,  1614  and  1615,  as  very  pressing  (the  Acta 
in  Le  Plat,  vii.  284),  were  unsuccessful.  See  Courayer,  Discours  Historique  sur  la 
Reception  du  Concile  de  Trente,  particulierement  en  France,  appended  to  his  trans- 
lation of  Sarpi,  iii.  224. 

47  Chr.  W.  Gliick's  Gesch.  Darstellung  der  kirchl.  Verhaltnisse  der  kath.  Schweiz 
bis  zur  Helvetik,  Mannheim,  1850,  p.  344. 

48  Fessler's  Gesch.  d.  Ungarn,  viii.  285. 

49  Ranke's  History  of  the  Popes,  p.  175,  Am.  ed. 

50  Thus  the  Cardinal  of  Lothringia  solemnly  declared,  Sess.  XXIV.,  November  11, 


58  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

liberal  Catholics;  in  particular,  the  reputable  possession  and  ad- 
ministration of  the  bishoprics  "was  by  no  means  insured.51  But 
yet  it  can  not  be  denied  that  it  put  an  end  to  the  hesitating  con- 
dition of  the  Catholic  Church,  restored  unity  and  order,  and  es- 
pecially did  an  important  work  as  to  the  education  and  honor  of 
the  clergy." 

1503  (Le  Plat,  vi.  290):  Cum  nudius  tertius  meam  de  reformationis  articulis  dicerem 
sentcntiam,  praefatus  sum  ctiam,  mc  valde  cupere,  ut  prisca  ilia  ecclcsiastica  resti- 
tucretur  disciplina;  sed  cum  his  corruptissimis  tcmporibus  et  moribus  iutelligam 
non  posse  ea,  quibus  maxime  opus  est,  protinus  adhiberi  remedia,  interim  asseutiri 
et  probarc  ca  quae  nunc  sunt  decreta:  non  quod  ea  judicem  satis  esse  ad  integram 
aegrotantis  reipublieae  christiauae  curationem,  sed  quod  sperem,  his  prius  leniori- 
bus  fomentis  adhibitis,  cum  graviora  medieamenta  pati  potuerit  Ecclesia,  Pontifices 
maximos,  et  maxime  Sanctissimum  D.  N.  Pium  pro  sua  insigni  pietate  et  prudentia 
diligenter  euraturum,  ut  ea  quae  desunt  implcns,  et  efficaciora  inveuiens  remedia,  in 
usum  veteribus  jam  diu  abolitis  revocatis  canonibus,  et  maxime  quatuor  veterum 
illorum  Conciliorum,  quae  quantum  fieri  poterit  observanda  esse  censeo,  vel,  si  ex- 
pedire  videbitur,  frequcntiori  oecumenicorum  conciliorum  celebratione,  morbum  ab 
Ecclesia  propulsaus  earn  suae  pristinae  restituat  sanitati.  Hanc  autem  meam  men- 
tem  et  sentcntiam  turn  meo,  turn  omnium  Galliae  Episcoporum  nomine  in  acta 
rcferri  volo,  et  ut  id  fiat  a  notariis  peto  et  postulo. 

51  See  the  Memoriale  Card.  Bcllarmini  ad  Clcmentem  VIII.  (1592-1005),  on  the  nec- 
essary reforms,  with  the  rejoinders  of  the  Pope,  in  Ch.  G.  Hoffmanni  Nova  Scriptt. 
et  Monumentorum  Collectio,  i.  023.  Bellarmine  gives  the  following  as  the  abuses 
requiring  correction:  1.  Diuturna  vacatio  Ecclesiarum ;  2.  promotio  minus  utilium 
Praelatornm ;  3.  absentia  Pastorum  ab  Ecclesiis;  4.  polygamia  spiritualis,  videlicet 
cum  uniEpiscopo  plures  Ecelesiae  committuntur;  5.  facilis  translatio  Episcoporum 
de  una  Ecclesia  ad  alteram ;  0.  Episcoporum  resignatio  sine  legitima  causa.  The 
Pope  confesses  the  justice  of  the  complaints,  but  excuses  the  evils  for  the  most  part 
on  account  of  the  great  difficulties  in  the  way  of  doing  right. 

52  Naturally  this  could  only  be  brought  about  by  degrees.  Laurentius  Surius,  a 
Carthusian  at  Cologne,  1508,  in  his  Comm.  Rerum  suo  Tempore  in  Orbe  Gestarum, 
p.  70,  complains  of  the  bad  morals  of  the  clergy,  and  then  adds :  Atque  haec  una  fere 
et  praecipua  ratio  est,  cur  Lutheri  et  ejus  diseipulorum  nefanda  dogmata  ct  impii 
conatus  usque  adeo  felices  habucrint  progressus  multis  annis,  quod  nulla  apud 
Catholicos,  etiam  in  ipso  Clero,  secuta  est  vitae  in  melius  commutatio,  ut  jam 
merito  pudere  nos  debeat  socordiae  et  impudentiae  nostrae,  qui  videmus  nos  undi- 
que  Dei  justo  judicio  propter  peccata  nostra  tot  malis  obrui,  nee  tamen  opcram 
damns,  ut  moribus  rcctius  componendis  et  corrigendis  iram  praepoteutis  Dei  a  nos- 
tris  cervicibus  avcrtamus.    Sec  below,  §  00,  Note  28. 


PART  III.-CHAP.  III.-CATH.  CHURCH.    §  58.  THE  PAPACY.        59 


THIED  CHAPTER. 

FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT  TO  T.HE  PEACE  OF 
WESTPHALIA.     1563-1648. 

Popes  :—  Phis  IV.  t  9  Dec,  1565.  Pius  V.  (Michael  Ghislieri,  8  Jan.,  1566,  to  1  May, 
1572).  Gregorius  XIII.  (Hugo  Buoncompagno,  14  May,  1572,  to  10  April,  1585). 
Sixtus  V.  (Felix  Peretti  of  Montalto,  24  April,  1585,  to  27  Aug.,  1590).  Urbauus 
VII.  t  27  Sept.,  1590.  Gregorius  XIV.  1 15  Oct.,  1591.  Innocentius  IX.  t  30  Dec, 
1591.  Clemens  VIII.  (Ippolyto  Aldobrandino,  30  Jan.,  1592,  to  5  March,  1605). 
Leo  XL  t  26  April,  1605.  Paulus  V.  (Camillus  Borghese,  16  May,  1605,  to  28  Jan., 
1621).  Gregorius  XV.  (Alex.  Ludovisio  of  Bologna,  9  Feb.,  1621,  to  18  July,  1623). 
Urbanus  VIII.  (Maffeo  Barberino,  6  Aug.,  1623,  to  29  July,  1644).  Innocentius  X. 
(Joh.  Bapt.  Pamphili,  15  Sept.,  1644,  tcf  6  Jan.,  1655). 
Ranke's  History  of  the  Popes,  p.  105  sq.,  Am.  ed. 

§  58. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY. 

The  Popes  began  at  once — on  the  basis  newly  won  by  the 
Council  of  Trent,  and  supported  by  the  Jesuits — to  work  with 
fresh  zeal  in  resisting  the  Reformation  and  re-establishing  their 
own  dominion.  Success,  however,  every  where  depended  upon 
the  temporal  powers.  The  Popes  were  allowed  their  old  pre- 
tensions only  where  the  secular  authority  was  weakened  by  re- 
ligions divisions.  In  other  cases,  only  as  much  was  conceded  as 
the  rulers  thought  best. 

Inasmuch  as  the  Council  had  committed  to  the  Popes  the 
publication  of  the  authorized  (normal)  ecclesiastical  works,  the 
latter  were  able  to  complete  in  their  own  sense  the  newly 
begun  establishment  of  all  ecclesiastical  relations.  Pius  IV. 
himself  began  with  the  publication  of  the  Index  Librorum  Pro- 
hibitorum  (March  24, 1564)1  and  the  Professio  Fidei  (November 

1  See  §  57,  Note  12.  The  new  Index,  often  wrongly  cited  as  Index  Tridentinus, 
•which  was  published  by  the  Bull  Dominici  Oregis  Custodiae,  is  a  recasting  of  the  one 
issued  by  Paul  IV.  (§  56,  Note  19),  especially  enlarged  by  ten  Rules  prefixed  (which 
are  also  given  in  many  editions  of  the  Canones  et  Decreta  Cone.  Trident.).  To  be 
noted  are,  Reg.  III. :  Versiones  scriptorum  etiam  ecclesiasticorum,  quae  hactenus 
editae  sunt  a  damnatis  auctoribus,  modo  nihil  contra  sanam  doctrinam  contineant, 
permittuntur.  Librorum  autem  veteris  Testamenti  versiones  viris  tantum  doctis 
et  piis  judicio  Episcopi  concedi  poterunt:  modo  hujusmodi  versionibus  tanquam 
elueidationibus  vulgatae  editionis  ad  intelligendam  sacram  Scripturam,  non  autem 
tanquam  sacro  textu  utantur.  Versiones  vero  novi  Testamenti,  ab  auctoribus  pri- 
mae  classis  hujus  indicis  factae,  nemini  concedantur:  quia  utilitatis  parum,  periculi 
vero  plurimum  lectoribus  ex  earum  lectione  manare  solet.  Reg.  IV. :  Cum  experi- 
ment© manifestum  sit,  si  sacra  Biblia  vulgari  lingua  passim  sine  discrimine  permit- 
tantur,  plus  inde  ob  hominum  temeritatem  detrimenti,  quarn  utilitatis  oriri;  hac  in 


GO  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

13, 1561).2  He  was,  however,  obliged  by  his  promise,  privately 
given  to  the  Emperor,  to  empower  the  German  bishops  to  grant 
the  cup  to  those  that  desired  it  (April  16, 15C4).3     The  worldly 

parte  judicio  Episcopi  aut  Inquisitoris  stctur,  ut  cum  consilio  Parochi  vel  Confes- 
sarii  Bibliorum  a  catholicis  auctoribus  versorum  lectionem  in  vulgata  lingua  eis 
concedere  possint,  quos  iutellexcrint  ex  hujusmodi  lectione  non  damnum,  Bed  fidei 
atque  pietatia  augmentum  capere  posse:  quam  faeultatcm  in  scriptis  habeant.  Qui 
autcm  absque  tali  facilitate  ea  legere  seu  habere  praesumpserit,  nisi  prius  Bibliis 
Ordinario  redditis,  peccatorum  absolutionem  percipere  non  possit.  Bibliopolae 
vero,  qui  praedictam  faeultatcm  non  habenti  Biblia  idiomate  vulgari  conscripta 
vendidcrint,  vcl  alio  quovis  modo  concesserint,  librorum  pretium,  in  usus  pios  ab 
Episcopo  convcrtendum,  amittant,  aliisque  poenis  pro  delicti  qualitate  cjusdem 
Episcopi  arbitrio  subjaceant.  Reg.  X.  confirms  the  censorship  of  books,  as  estab- 
lished by  the  Cone.  Lateran.  1514,  Sess.  X.  This  Index,  like  that  of  Paulus  IV.,  falls 
into  three  classes :  1.  auctores  primae  classis,  all  of  whose  works  are  forbidden ;  2. 
certorum  auctorum  libri  prohibit! ;  3.  libri  prohibiti  ab  incerti  nominis  auctoribus 
compositi.  By  the  Papal  bull  it  was  "published"  for  the  whole  of  Christendom  ; 
but  it  has  never  been  accepted  in  France,  Germany,  and  the  Netherlands. 

2  To  set  forth  the  Romish  doctrine  in  opposition  to  the  Reformation,  the  Papal 
nuncio,  Aloysius  Lippomanus,  had  already  prepared  a  Confession  of  Faith  for  Poland 
at  the  provincial  synod  in  Lowicz,  1556  (in  Strcitwolf  ct  Klener,  Libri  Symb.  Eccl. 
Cath.  ii.  321),  then  Pius  IV.,  1560,  Decreta  et  Articulos  Fidei  jurandos  per  Episcopos 
ct  alios  Praelatos  in  Susccptione  Muneris  Consecrationis  (in  Raynald.  1560,  No.  64; 
Strcitwolf  et  Klener,  ii.  326).  Thereupon  the  legates  in  Trent  brought  forward, 
April,  1563,  seventeen  Canones  super  Abusibus  sanctissimi  Sacramcuti  Ordinis,  and 
in  the  seventeenth  a  Summaria  Fidei  Formula  (Le  Plat,  vi.  32;  Strcitwolf  et  Klener, 
ii.  330),  wiiich  last  was  to  be  solemnly  adopted,  not  only  by  all  ecclesiastics,  but  also 
by  all  secular  officers  before  induction  into  their  offices.  This  declaration,  and  the 
threats  about  the  right  of  patronage,  led  to  decided  opposition  on  the  part  of  the 
embassadors  of  the  temporal  rulers.  Instead  of  these  canons,  we  have  the  essen- 
tially altered  Decretum  de  Reformatione,  in  Sess.  XXIII.,  July  15,  1563,  in  which 
that  Fidei  Formula  is  lacking.  In  place  of  this,  the  Council  ordained,  Sess.  XXIV., 
November  11, 1563,  De  Reform,  cap.  12 :  Provisi  de  beneficiis  quibuscunque  curam 
animarum  habentibus  teneantur,  a  die  adeptae  possessionis  ad  minus  intra  duos 
menses,  in  manibus  ipsius  Episcopi — fidei  publieam  facere  professionem,  et  in  Ro- 
manae  Ecclesiae  obedientia  se  permansuros  spondcant  ac  jurent.  This  Professio 
Fidei  was  prescribed  by  Pius  IV.  in  the  Bull  Injunction  Nobis,  November  13, 1564, 
and  by  the  Bull  In  Sacrosancta,  of  the  same  day,  made  binding  by  oath  upon  all 
teachers  in  universities  and  schools,  and  all  those  who  sought  any  academic  pro- 
motion. The  use  of  the  Professio  for  converts  is  not  prescribed  in  any  bull,  but  it 
became  customary  afterwards.  And  then,  too,  the  conclusion  of  this  bull  is  par- 
ticularly suspicious:  Ilanc  vero  catholicam  fidem,  extra  quam  nemo  salvus  esse 
potest,  quam  in  pracsenti  sponte  profiteor,  ct  veraciter  teneo,  candem  integram  ct 
inviolatam  usque  ad  cxtremum  vitae  spiritum  constautissime,  Deo  adjuvante,  re- 
tinere  et  conflteri,  atquc  a  mcis  subditis,  vel  illis,  quorum  cura  ad  me  in  munere 
meo  spectabit,  teneri,  et  doccri,  ct  praedicari,  quantum  in  me  crit,  curaturum.  Ego 
idem  N.  spondeo,  voveo  ac  juro.  Sic  me  Deus  adjuvet  et  hacc  sancta  Dei  Evan- 
gclia.  It  is  often  called  Professio  Fidei  Tridentinae,  or  Professio  Fidei  Tridcntina. 
The  latter  is  plainly  incorrect.  G.  Chr.  F.  Mohnike's  Urkundl.  Gcsch.  dcr  sogen. 
Prof.  Fidei  Trid.  und  ciniger  andern  riimisch-kath.  (ilaubensbekenntnisse,  Greifs- 
waide.  1822. 

3  After  his  return  to  Innspruck  (g  57,  Note  8),  the  Emperor,  through  his  and  the 
Bavarian  Commissioners,  laid  before  the  envoys  of  the  German  Archbishops,  in 


PART  III.— CHAP.  Ill—  CATH.  CHURCH.    §  58.  THE  PAPACY.         61 

Pius  IY.  was  followed  by  the  Dominican,  Pius  Y.  (1566-1572), 
in  whom  seemed  to  be  incorporate  the  strict  ascetic  piety,  the 
spiritual  arrogance,  and  the  truculency  of  his  Order.4  He  tried 
to  restore  order  at  his  court  and  in  the  Church  with  inexorable 
severity.  In  Italy  the  Inquisition  began  its  bloody  work  with 
new  zeal  ;5  in  Spain  it  exterminated  all  the  remnants  of  Protest- 
antism. In  France,  the  Netherlands,  and  England,  the  exhorta- 
tions of  the  Pope  fostered  civil  war.  To  enforce  the  Papal  do- 
minion over  the  secular  power,  Pius  Y.  tried  to  have  the  Bull 
In  Coena  Domini  proclaimed  and  observed  (1567),  but  was  re- 
pulsed even  in  Naples  by  the  otherwise  so  devoted  Philip  II.6 
But  yet  his  elevation  (1569)  of  the  Duke  of  Florence  to  the 
Archduchy  of  Tuscany  was  accepted;7  and  when  the  Turks  be- 
gan to  settle  in  Cyprus  he  succeeded  in  uniting  Spain  and  Yenice 
in  a  league  with  himself,  which  led  to  the  glorious  victory  of 
Lepantu  (October  7, 1571).8    Of  the  normal  ecclesiastical  works, 

Vienna,  July,  15C3,  the  necessity  of  allowing  the  cup  and  the  marriage  of  priests. 
Only  Treves  and  Salzburg  favored  the  cup — all  were  against  the  marriage  of  priests ; 
yet  the  judgments  of  the  Bishops  Michael  Helding  of  Merseburg,  Julius  Pflug  of 
Naumburg,  Friedrich  Nausea  of  Vienna,  and  Christoph  of  Wienerisch  Neustadt, 
were  in  favor  of  both.  See  Schmidt's  Neuere  Gesch.  d.  Deutschen,  Bd.  4,  Buch  2, 
Cap.  17;  Bucholtz,  Gesch.  Ferdinand's  VIII.,  660.  The  Pope  allowed  only  the  cup. 
We  have  only  his  letter  to  Bishop  Julius  Pflug,  April  16, 1564  (in  Literae  Secretio- 
res  Ferd.  I.  Imp.  pro  obtiucnda  Eucharistia  sub  Utraque  in  Gratiam  Maxim.  II.  Boh. 
Regis,  aun.  1560,  missae  ad  Pium  IV.,  cum  aliis  hue  spectantibus  e  Museo  J.  A. 
Schmidii,  Helmst.  1719,  4,  p.  31,  and  extracts  in  Le  Plat,  vi.  321).  From  the  Act. 
Consist.,  Raynald.  1564,  No.  35,  it  appears  that  this  was  conceded  to  several  (quibus- 
dam)  bishops.  Namely  (according  to  the  Pope's  letter),  facultas  eligendi  et  depu- 
tandi  catholicos  sacerdotes,  qui  in  provincia  tua,  decenti  ordine  servato,  et  omni 
offensione  vitata,  quae  oriri  possit  inter  eommunicantes  sub  utraque,  et  sub  una 
tantum  specie,  ministrare  possint  illam  ex  devotionis  fervore  petentibus,  dummodo 
ii,  qui  illam  petieriut,  cum  s.  Romana  Ecclesia  communionem  habeant,  et  cum  cae- 
teris  in  rebus  fidem  ejus  doctrinamque  sequantur,  turn  hoc  quoque  confiteantur, — 
in  sanctissimo  Eucharistiae  Sacramento  tarn  sub  una,  quam  sub  utraque  specie 
verum  et  integrum  Christi  corpus  esse ;  nee  Romanam  Bcclesiam — errare,  quae  ex- 
ccptis  duntaxat  sacerdotibus  celebrantibus  caeteros  tam  clericos,  quam  laicos  sub 
specie  tantum  panis  communicat.  (See  Gieseler,  iii.  p.  442,  Note).  The  imperial  edict 
for  carrying  out  this  concession,  June  14,  1564  (in  Literae  Secret,  p.  35),  and  the 
publication  by  the  Bishop  of  Gurk,  in  St.  Stephen's  Church,  Vienna,  ibid.  p.  47.  The 
Duke  Albrecht,  of  Bavaria,  meanwhile  involved  in  conflicts  with  his  Protestant 
nobility  (A.  Buchner's  Gesch.  von  Baiern,  vii.  231) — did  not  publish  that  Papal 
allowance  at  all,  and  in  1569  forbade  the  cup  entirely  (p.  246). 

4  Ranke's  History  of  the  Popes,  p.  115-172. 

5  Gieseler,  vol.  iv.  §  19,  Note  40. 

6  Pet.  Giannone,  Gesch.  des  Konigr.  Neapel  mit  Anmerk.  von  Le  Bret,  iv.  240. 

7  Thuanus,  lib.  46. 

8  Thuanus,  lib.  49  and  50.    [R.  St.  Hilaire,  Bataille  de  Lepante,  in  Revue  Chretienne, 
Nov.  1S64;  also,  in  his  Hist,  of  Spain.] 


62  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1048. 

there  were  published,  under  Pius  V.,  the  Catechismus  Romanus 
(15G6),9  containing  the  strict  Dominican  theology;  and,  revised 
with  anxious  reference  to  the  Papal  claims,  the  liturgical  works, 
the  Breviarium  Roman nm  (156S),  and  the  Missale  Romanum 
(1570).10    Gregory  XIII.  (1572-1585)  began  to  labor  with  great 

9  In  15G4,  under  Pius  IV.,  and  under  the  superintendence  of  Cardinal  Carlo  Borro- 
meo,  drawn  up  by  three  Dominicans  (Leonardus  Merinus,  Archicp.  Lancianensis; 
Aegidiua  Foscararius,  Ep.  Mutinensia  ;  Franc.  Forerius  of  Lisbon),  and  Mutius  Cali- 
nius,  Archicp.  Jadrensis,  aided  by  several  humanists  for  the  style.  Under  Pius  V., 
L566,  it  was  revised  by  a  new  commission  of  theologians  and  Latinists,  and  published 
in  Latin  and  Italian;  in  Latin  with  the  title  Catechismus  ex  Dccreto  Concilii  Tri- 
dentini  ad  Parochos,  Pii  V.  P.  M.  jussu  editus.  Romae  apud  Paulum  Manutium, 
1566,  foL  It  was  at  once  generally  adopted,  and  published  countless  times  :  e.  g.  in 
fStrcitwolf  et  Klcncr,  Libri  Symb.  Eccl.  Cath.  i.  101.  The  title  of  Catechismus  Tri- 
dentinus,  often  given,  is  erroneous.  In  the  later  controversy  on  grace  between  the 
Jesuits  and  the  Dominicans,  the  former  depreciated  the  Catechism  as  the  work  of 
Dominicans,  and  denied  that  it  was  binding  on  all  the  Church,  and  opposed  to  it  the 
Catechism  of  Canisius  and  others.  After  that  it  sank  in  repute  and  general  use. 
See  Marheinecke's  Christl.  Symbolik,  ii.  116;  Streitwolf  et  Klener,  T.  I.  Proleg.  p.  lii. ; 
Kollner's  Symbolik  derkath.-romisehen  Kirehe,  p.  ICG. 

10  The  former  by  the  Bull  Quod  a  nobis,  vii.  Id.  Julii,  1568;  the  latter  by  the  Bull 
Quo  primum  tempore,  prid.  Id.  Julii,  1570,  prescribed  to  all  churches  which  could  not 
show  that  they  had  used  their  Breviaries  and  Missals  with  the  assent  of  the  Roman 
See  more  than  two  hundred  years.  The  Breviary  was  revised  anew  under  Clement 
VIII.,  1602,  and  Urban  VIII.,  1631 ;  the  Missal,  under  Clement  VIIL,  1604,  and  Urban 
VIII.,  1634.  Some  characteristic  alterations :  In  the  older  Breviaries  and  Missals,  iu 
the  collect  for  the  day  of  Peter's  Chair, Feb.  22,  it  reads :  Deus,  qui  b.  Petro  Apostolo 
tuo  collatis  clavibus  regni  coelestis  ligandi  atque  solveudi  animas  Pontifieium  tradi- 
disti.  The  revision  struck  out  animas :  the  Pope  is  not  to  be  restricted  to  loosing 
and  binding  souls  alone.  In  the  older  Missal  the  Gospel  for  Tuesday  of  the  third 
week  in  Lent  began :  In  illo  tempore  respiciens  Jesus  in  discipulos,  dixit  Simoni 
Vitro:  si  peccaverit  in  te  frater  tuus,  etc.—  si  te  non  audierit,  die  Ecclesiae.  Here 
Simoni  Petro  was  struck  out;  for  Peter  must  not  be  represented  as  appealing  to  the 
Church  as  a  higher  power.  Pereira,  Abhandl.  v.  d.  Macht  der  Bischbfe,  iibersetzt, 
Frankf.  u.  Leipzig,  1773,  p.  211.  In  the  Octave  of  the  Feast  of  Saints  Peter  and  Paul 
there  was  in  the  Breviary  a  paragraph  of  a  sermon  of  St.  Augustine,  in  which  Matth. 
xvi.  18  was  interpreted  thus :  Tu  es  ergo  Petrus,  et  super  banc  petram,  quam  con- 
fessus  cs,  super  banc  petram,  quam  agnovisti,  diceus:  tu  es  Christus  filius  Dei  vivi, 
aediflcabo  Ecclesiam  meam  ;  super  me  aedificabo  te,  non  me  super  te.  This  section 
was  struck  out:  see  E.  Richerii  Defensio  Libelli  de  Ecclesiastica  etPolitica  Potes- 
tate  (Colon.  1701,  4),  i.  135.  How  carefully  the  revisers  did  their  work  on  other 
points,  see  Guil.  Lindani,  Bishop  of  Ruremonde,  Oratio  Synodica,  1570  (in  Schcl- 
hom's  Ergotzlichkcitcn,  i.  341):  Prodiit  hoc  anno  novum  Rom.  Breviarium,  nobis  ad 
umiiii  omnibus  posthac  ex  Concilii  Prov.  Mechlinieneia  decreto— legendum :  qnot 
Psalmos  habet,  Deus  bone,  quam  mendis  plurimis  contaminatos !  quam  focdis  cor- 
rupt elis  depravatos!  quam  denique  a  vera  lectione  discrepantcs  et  aberrantcs!—  Certe 
Bi  quia  S.  D.  N.  Pium  V.  hae  de  re  fideliter  monuissct,  procul  dubio  eandem  Verbo 
Dei,  Bcribarnm  oscitantia  ct  typographorum  ignavia  deformato,  nee  paucis  locis  de- 
formato,  adhibuisset  operam,  quam  suo  D.  Thomac  Aquinati  aliisve  castigatissimc 
in  lucem  edendis  admovisse  dicitur.— In  hac  novi  Brcviarii  Rom.  castigatione  si  S. 
Patri  tain  fuissent  diligentes  ac  fideles  referendarii, — quam  solent  esse  Romae  ocu- 
lati  in  Bullis  aceuratissime  concipiendis,  ct  aflabrc  omnium  ingeniorum  calliditate 
fingendis,  immortalem  ipei  quidem  peperissent  gloriam. 


PART  III. -CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  58.  THE  PAPACY.        63 

zeal  in  the  establishment  of  theological  institutions.  He  erected 
several  of  thern  in  Rome,11  and  in  other  cities,13  for  countries 
separated  from  the  Roman  Church,  and  urged  upon  the  bishops 
the  founding  of  seminaries  according  to  the  Tridentine  decrees.13 
His  reformation  of  the  Calendar,14  1582,  was  accepted  only  in 
the  Roman  Church.  Sixtus  V.  (1585-1590) 15  was  an  energetic 
character.  He  extirpated  banditti,  promoted  agriculture  and 
manufactures,  and  erected  costly  buildings  at  Rome,  though  in 
doing  this  he  destroyed  many  monuments  of  antiquity.  So,  too, 
he  restored  the  Papal  finances,  and  collected  a  state  treasury,  but 
got  the  means  by  the  sale  of  offices  and  by  loans.  He  arranged 
the  Papal  administrative  affairs  by  adding  to  the  seven  existing 
Congregations  eight  new  ones,  chiefly  for  the  government  of  the 
States  of  the  Church.16  He  kept  up  the  conflict  with  Elizabeth 
of  England  and  the  Huguenots  of  France ;  and  had  the  satisfac- 
tion of  seeing  even  the  Sorbonne,  ruled  by  the  League,  draw  up 
ultramontane  decrees.17     Yet  he  was  wise  enough  to  let  Venice 

o 

11  For  the  Hungarians  (1584,  united  with  the  Colleg.  German.),  English,  Greek, 
Mohammedans,  Jews,  Armenians,  and  Maronites,  see  Aug.  Theiner's  Gesch.  d.  geistl. 
Bildungsanstalten,  Mainz,  1835,  p.  125. 

12  In  Milan  for  Swiss,  in  Braunsberg,  Brugge,  Fulda,  Ypern,  Madrid,  Mantua,  Mons, 
Prag,  Riga,  and  Wilna,  all  under  the  direction  of  Jesuits;  Theiner,  p.  127. 

13  Theiner,  p.  148  sq. 

14  By  the  Bull  Inter  Gravissimas,  Febr.  24, 1582,  enjoined  on  rulers :  Mandamus, 
ut — nostrum  hoc  Kalendarium  et  ipsi  suscipiant,  et  a  cunctis  sibi  subjectis  populis 
religiose  suseipiendum,  inviolateque  observandum  curcnt.  Ten  days  fell  out;  the 
next  Oct.  5  was  to  be  Oct.  15.  Bower's  Gesch.  d.  rom.  Papste,  x.  i.  241;  Ranke's 
Hist,  of  the  Popes,  p.  136.  [Adopted  by  Lutherans  and  in  Holland,  1700 ;  in  Great 
Britain,  1752.] 

15  On  Sixtus  V.,  see  Rankc's  History  of  the  Popes,  pp.  139-151,  219-225;  and  in  his 
biographers  the  Appendix  to  Ranke,  pp.  471-492.  [Baron  Htibner's  Memoirs  of  Six- 
tus V.,  transl.  from  the  French  by  H.  E.  H.  Jerningham,  2  vols.  London,  1S75.  See 
also  in  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  1S72,  Sept.,  Oct.,  Nov.,  three  articles  by  Chs.  Gi- 
raud.     J.  Lorentz,  Sixtus  V.  und  seine  Zeit.     Mainz,  1852.] 

16  By  the  Bull  Immensa,  xi.  Kal.  Febr.  1587.  There  were,  1.  Congregatio  pro  s.  In- 
quisitione  (sancti  Officii);  2.  pro  signatura  gratiae;  3.  pro  ereetione  Ecclesiarum  et 
provisionibus  consistorialibus ;  4.  pro  ubertate  annonae  Status  ecclesiastici ;  5.  pro 
sacris  ritibus  et  ceremoniis ;  6.  pro  classe  paranda  et  servanda  ad  Status  ecclesiastici 
defensionem  ;  7.  pro  indice  librorum  prohibitorum ;  8.  pro  executione  et  interpreta- 
tione  Cone.  Tridentini ;  9.  pro  Status  ecclesiastici  gravaminibus  sublevandis ;  10. 
pro  Universitate  Studii  Romani;  11.  pro  consultationibus  Regularium;  12.  pro  con- 
sultationibus  Episcoporum  et  aliorum  Praelatorum ;  13.  pro  viis,  pontibus  et  aquis 
curandis ;  14.  pro  typographia  Vaticana ;  15.  pro  consultationibus  negotiorum  Sta- 
tus ecclesiastici. 

17  The  Sorbonne,  on  application  of  the  sixteen  presidents  of  districts  in  Paris,  de- 
clared, January  7, 1589,  populum  Galliae  jurejurando  fidei  Henrico  III.  praestito  so- 
lutum  esse,  et  contra  Regem  pro  defensione  religionis  arma  capi  posse.  At  the  same 
time  it  decided,  ut  decretum  ad  Pontificem  mitteretur,  isque  rogaretur  collegii  no- 


G4 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1G48. 


persuade  him  to  be  more  mild  towards  Henry  IV.,  against  the 
violent  opposition  of  Spain  and  the  League.18  To  carry  out  in 
an  enlarged  and  grand  style  one  edict  of  Trent  not  yet  dis- 
charged, he  founded  the  Vatican  Typography,19  and  there  pub- 
lished the  Septuagint  (15S7),  and  then  the  long-expected  normal 
edition  of  the  Vulgate  (1590)  ;20  the  last,  however,  as  was  soon 
detected,  in  so  imperfect  a  form,  so  little  in  harmony  with  its 
pretensions,  that  Clement  VIII.  (1592-1605),  to  the  general  scan- 
dal, had  to  prepare  a  new  edition.21     After  Henry  IV.  had  at- 

minc,  ut  auetoritate  sua  illud  approbaret.  This  Responsum  was  at  once  printed  (in 
Additions  au  Journal  de  Henry  III.,  i.  317).  Thuanus,  however,  remarks,  lib.  94  (ed. 
Franeof.  1G58,  iii.  258),  that  it  was  only  a  work  of  younger  fanatics,  from  which  the 
elders  kept  aloof,  ipsumque  adeo  Decauum— aliter  sensisse,  et  valde  juvenes  a  tain 
pernieioso  consilio  in  praesens  tcmerario,  apud  posteros  mfamiae  pleuo  dehortatum 
esse,  ac  censuisse,  ut  res  integra  ad  Pontiflcem  reruitteretur.  After  the  soberer  part 
had  withdrawn,  these  fanatics,  in  the  name  of  the  Faculty,  passed  similar  decrees  on 
February  4  and  April  5,  in  August  and  September,  1589,  and  May  7, 1590  (C.  du  Pies- 
sis  d'Argentre,  Collectio  Judiciorum  de  novis  Erroribus,  ii,  483).  The  Faculty, 
February  1, 1717,  with  a  full  exhibition  of  the  circumstances,  declared  these  to  be 
spurious  (d'Argentre,  ii,  484). 

18  Ranke,  pp.  222-224. 

19  Bull  Immmsa  (see  Note  16, No.  14):  Nuper— non  mediocri  nostra  impensa  typo- 
graphiam  Vaticanain  ereximus,  nunc  autem  pro  rei  et  uegotii  gravitate  infrascripto- 
rum  Card'malium  Congregationem  statuimus,  quibus  imponimus,  ut  sacra  Biblia  la- 
tinae  vtdgatae, graecae  et  hebraieae  editionis,decretales  epistolas,  Concilia  geueralia, 
sanctorum  praeeipuorum  Ecclesiae  Doetorum  opera,  caeteros  denique  libros,  qui- 
bus fidei  eatholicae  doctriua  traditionesque  ecclesiasticae  contiuentur  et  explican- 
tur,  quam  emendatissime  curent  imprimendos.  Quare  mandamus,  ut  vetustis  nianu- 
scriptis,  emendatisque  codicibus  adhibitis,  praesertim  ex  nobili  et  optimis  libris 
referta  Pontificia  Vaticana  bibliotheca,  adjumento  etiam,  studio  atque  opera  doctis- 
simorum  hominum  ex  omnibus  christiani  orbis  nationibus,  — libros  imprimendos 
accurate  diligenterque  conferant  et  rccognoscaut,  ut  corum  editio,  quantum  fieri  po- 
tent, integra  atque  incorrupta  prodeat. 

20  In  the  previous  bull  it  is  declared:  De  apostolicae  potestatis  plenitudine  statu- 
imus ac  declaramus,  earn  vulgatam— editionem,  quae  pro  authentica  a  Conc.Triden- 
tiuo  recepta  est,  sine  ulla  dubitatione— censendam  esse  banc  ipsam,  quam  nunc,  prout 
optime  fieri  potuit,  emendatam— evulgamus.  The  text  in  future  was  to  be  printed 
only  after  this  edition,  and  to  have  no  variations  in  the  margin.  All  Bibles  before 
printed,  and  Bible  passages  in  the  liturgical  books,  to  be  changed  after  this  edition. 
Si  quis  antem  typographic— Biblia— aliter  quam  juxta  hujusmodi  exemplar,— etiam 
minima  aliqua  particula  imitata,  addita,  vel  detracta,  aut  ad  marginem,  vel  in  textu 
adseripta,  typis  mandare,  aut— vendere— praesumpserit ;  is,— ultra  amissionem  om- 
nium librorum,  et  alias  temporales  arbitrio  inlligendas  pocnas,  etiam  majoris  excom- 
lnunicationis  scntcntiam  eo  ipso  ineurret,  a  qua,  nisi  in  mortis  articulo  coustitutus, 
ab  alio,  quam  pro  tempore  cxistente  Romano  Pontificc  absolvi  non  possit.  Meyer's 
Geach.  der  Schrifterklarung,  iii.  196.  L.  Van  Ess,  Pragmatisch-krit.  Gesch.  der  Vul- 
gata,  Tiibingen,  1824,  p.  26a 

21  Judgment  of  Bcllarmine  to  Clement  VIII.  (Voti  dcgli— Cardinali— nella  Causa 
della  Beatificazione  del  venerabile  Servo  di  Dio  Card.  Bellarmino,  ed.  2,  Ferrara,  17G2, 
p.  56  and  02,  in  Van  Ess,  p.  290) :  Novit  Beatitude-  Vcstra,  cui  se  totamque  Ecclesiam 
discrimiui  commiserit  Sixtus  V.,  duin  juxta  propriae  doctrinae  sensus  sacrorum  Bi- 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  58.  THE  PAPACY.         65 

tained  supremacy  in  France  and  become  a  Catholic,  and  when 
the  Gallican  principles,  admirably  defended  by  Petrus  Pithou22 

bliorum  emendationem  aggressus  est;  nee  satis  seio,  an  gravius  unquam  periculum 
occurrerit.  Bellarmine  relates  in  bis  genuine  autobiograpby  (in  the  Voti  degli  Card. 
Van  Ess,  p.  129),  Anno  1591:  Cum  Gregorius  XIV.  cogitaret,  quid  agendum  esset  de 
Bibliis  a  Sixto  V.  editis,  in  quibus  erant  permulta  perperam  mutata,  non  deerant 
viri  graves,  qui  censerent  ea  Biblia  esse  publice  probibenda :  sed  N.  (Bellarmiiius) 
coram  Pontifice  demonstravit,  Biblia  ilia  non  esse  probibenda,  sed  esse  ita  corrigen- 
da, ut  salvo  honore  Sixti  V.  Pontificis  Biblia  ilia  emendata  proderentur,  quod  fieret, 
si  quam  celerrime  tollerentur,  quae  male  mutata  erant,  et  Biblia  recuderentur  sub 
nomine  ejusdem  Sixti,  et  addita  praefatioue,  qua  significaretur,  in  prima  editione 
Sixti  prae  festinatione  irrepsisse  aliqua  errata  vel  typographorurn,  vel  aliorum  incu- 
ria.  This  course  was  adopted,  and  the  Sixtine  Vulgate  recalled,  so  that  it  is  now  one 
of  the  rarest  of  books,  and  the  new  Clementine  edition  was  published  as  the  Sixtine, 
though  it  deviated  from  it  in  more  than  two  thousand  passages.  The  title  of  this 
new  normal  edition  is  :  Biblia  Sacra  Vulgatae  Editionis,  Sixti  V.  P.  M.  jussu  recognita 
atque  edita,ex  typogr.  Apost.  Vat.,  1592,  fol.  But  Bellarmine  had  to  write  the  Pref- 
ace, and  bring  out  in  it  the  above  lie;  and  this  was  afterwards  discussed  circum- 
stantially when  his  beatification  was  considered.  In  the  bull  prefixed  Clement  VIII. 
commanded,  with  the  same  threats  as  Sixtus  V.,  that  the  Vulgate  should  in  future 
be  printed  after  this  edition ;  but  he  did  not  enjoin  the  change  of  the  Bible  passages 
in  the  books  of  ritual,  nor  forbid  all  marginalia;  cf.  Thomae  James  Bellum  Papale, 
s.  concordia  discors  Sixti  V.  et  Clementis  VIII.  circa  Hieronymianam  editionem, 
Lond.  1604, 4.  Meyer  and  Van  Ess,  as  above.  The  Clementine  Vulgate  was  pub- 
lished again  in  1593  with  new  alterations  of  the  text,  also  in  1598:  all  three  editions 
are  full  of  errors  of  the  press.     See  Van  Ess,  p.  366. 

22  Les  Libertez  de  l'Eglise  Gallicane  par  M.  Pierre  Pithou,  Avocat,  1594,  in  83  Arti- 
cles. The  most  important  are:  Art.  4:  La  premiere  (maxime)  est,  que  les  Papes  ne 
peuvent  rieu  commander  ny  ordonner,  soit  en  general  ou  en  particulier  de  ce  qui  con- 
cerac  les  choses  temporelles  e's  pays  etterres  de  l'obeissance  et  souveraiuete  du  Roi 
tres-chrestien:  et  s'ils  y  commandent  ou  statuent  quelque  chose,  les  sujets  du  Roi,  en- 
core qu'ils  fussent  Clercs,  ne  sont  tenus  leur  obeir  pour  ce  regard.  Art.  5  and  6 :  La  se- 
conde,  qu'encore  que  le  Pape  soit  reconnu  pour  suzerain  es  choses  spirituelles :  toutes- 
fois  en  France  la  puissance  absolue  et  infinie  n'a  point  lieu,  mais  est  retenue  et  bornee 
par  les  canons  et  regies  des  anciens  Conciles  de  l'Eglise  receus  en  ce  Royaume.  Et  in 
hoc  maxime  consistit  libertas  Ecclesiae  Gallicanae.  Art.  40 :  De  la  seconde  maxime 
depend  ce  que  l'Eglise  Gallicane  a  tousjours  tenu ;  que,  combien  que  par  la  regie  ec- 
clesiastique,  ou  (comme  dit  s.  Cyrille  ecrivant  au  Pape  Celestin)  par  l'ancienne  cous- 
tume  de  toutes  les  Eglises,  les  Conciles  generaux  ne  se  doivent  assembler  ni  tenir 
sans  le  Pape  clave  non  errante,  reconneu  pour  chef  et  premier  de  toute  l'Eglise  mili- 
tante,  et  pere  commun  de  tous  Chretiens,  et  qu'il  ne  s'y  doive  rien  conclure  ni  arres- 
ter sans  lui  et  sans  son  autorite,  toutesfois  il  n'est  estime  estre  pardessus  le  Concile 
universel,  mais  tenu  aux  decrets  et  arrests  d'icelui,  comme  aux  commendemens  de 
l'Eglise,  espouse  de  nostre  Seigneur  J.  Chr.,  laquelle  est  principalement  representee 
par  telle  assemblee.  Art.  41:  Aussi  l'Eglise  Gallicane  n'a  pas  receu  indifferemment 
tous  canons  et  epistres  decretalcs,  se  tenant  principalement  a  ce  qui  est  contenu  en 
l'ancienne  collection  appellee  Corpus  Canonum  (Gieseler,  ii.  48,  Note  21),  mesmes 
pour  le  regard  des  epistres  decretales  jusques  au  Pape  Gregoire  II.  Art.  44:  Bulles 
ou  lettres  apostoliques  de  citation  executoriales,  fulminatoires  ou  autres,  ne  s'exe- 
cutent  en  France  sans  Pareatis  du  Roi  ou  de  ses  officiers:  et  1' execution,  qui  s'en 
peut  faire  par  le  lai  apres  la  permission,  se  fait  par  juge  royal  ordinaire  de  l'autorite 
du  Roi,  et  non  auctoritate  apostoliea.  Art.  75 :  Or  pour  la  conservation  de  ces  libertez 
ct  privileges  (que  nos  Rois  tres-Chrestiens,  qui  portent  la  couronne  de  franchise  sur 
tous  autres,  jurent  solemnellement  a  leur  sacre  et  couronnement  de  garder  et  faire 

VOL.  V. — 5 


6G 


FOURTH  PERIOD—  DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 


(Advocate  of  Parliament,  then  General  Procurator,  f  1596),  were 
again  enforced  against  the  League,23  Clement  VIII.  saw  occasion 
to  release  the  king  from  the  ban,  although  he  was  a  relapsus 
(1595).24  Henry  IV.  helped  to  bring  the  Pope  into  condition  to 
appropriate  Ferrara  as  a  lief  in  reversion  (159S)  ;25  but  the  latter 
was  obliged  in  return  to  endure  the  unwelcome  Edict  of  Nantes, 
and  to  declare  the  king's  marriage  void  (1599).26  Paul  V.  (1605 
to  1621),  a  stiff  canonist,  had  a  mind  to  put  an  end  to  the  inter- 
ference of  the  temporal  power  in  Church  matters,  according  to 
the  strict  law  of  the  decretals ;  although  Gregory  XIII.,  as  long 
before  as  1572,  was  obliged  to  submit  to  a  decisive  repulse  from 
Switzerland,  where  he  tried  to  contest  the  criminal  jurisdiction  of 
the  civil  authorities  over  the  clergy.27    Most  of  the  Italian  states 

garder  inviolables)  se  pcuvcnt  remarquerplusieurs  ct  divers  moyens  sagement prati- 
qucz  par  nos  anccstres,  selon  les  occurrences  et  les  temps.  Art.  7G :  Premierement 
par  conferences  amiables  avec  le  sainct  Pere.  Art.  77 :  Secondement,  observant  soig- 
neusement,  que  toutes  bulles  et  expeditions  venant  de  cour  de  Rome  fussent  visitecs, 
pour  scavoir  si  en  icelles  y  avoit  aucune  chose,  qui  portast  prejudice,  en  quelque  ma- 
mere  que  ce  fust,  aux  droits  et  libertez  de  l'Eglise  Gallieane,  et  a  1'autorite  du  Roi. 
Art.  78:  Tiercement,  par  appellations  in terjettees  au  futur  Concile.  Art.  79:  Quar- 
tement,  par  appellations  precises  comme  d'abus,  que  nos  peres  ont  dit  estre  quand  il 
y  a  entrcprise  de  jurisdiction,  ou  attentat  contre  les  saincts  decrets  ct  canons  reccus 
en  ce  Royaurae,  droits,  franchises,  libertez  et  privileges  de  l'Eglise  Gallieane,  concor- 
dats, edits  et  ordonnances  du  Roi,  arrests  de  son  Parlemeut:  bref,  contre  ce  qui  est 
non  seulement  de  droict  commun,  divin  ou  naturcl,  mais  aussi  des  prerogatives  de  ce 
Royaume,  et  de  l'Eglise  d'icelui.  Art.  80:  Lequel  remede  est  reciproquement  com- 
mun aux  Ecclesiastiques  pour  la  conservation  deleurautorite  et  jurisdiction:  si  que 
le  Promoteur,  ou  autre  ayant  interest,  peut  aussi  appellor  comme  d'abus  de  l'entre- 
prise  ou  attentat  fait  par  le  Juge  lai,  sur  ce  qui  lui  appartient.  Art.  81 :  Et  est  en- 
core trcs-remarquable  la  singuliere  prudence  de  nos  majeurs,  en  ce  que  telles  ap- 
pellations se  jugent  non  par  personnes  pureslaies  seulement,  mais  par  la  grande 
chambre  du  Parlement,  qui  est  le  lict  et  siege  de  justice  du  Royaume,  composee  de 
nombre  egal  de  personnes  tant  ecclesiastiques  que  non  ecclesiastiques,  incsmes  pour 
les  personnes  des  Pairs  de  la  couronne. 

23  When  the  University  of  Paris  made  oath  to  Ilcnry  IV.,  April  22,1594,  it  declared 
(Du  Plessis  d'Argentr£,  ii.  506),  quod  dictus  Henricus  est  legitimus  et  verus  Rex, 
Dominus  naturalis  et  haeres  dictorum  regnorum  Franeiae  et  Navarrae  secundum 
leges  fundaincntales  ipsorum,  cique  obedientia  ab  omnibus  subditis  dictorum  reg- 
norum et  incolis  praestanda  est  sponte  et  libcre  prout  a  Deo  imperatum  est,  ctiamsi 
bostes  regni  et  factiosi  homines  usque  hodie  obstiterint  cum  admitti  a  sanctissima 
sede  et  agnosei  tanquam  fllium  bene  nieritum  et  primogenitum  s.  matris  nostrae 
catholicae  quamvis  per  cum  non  steterit,  ncque  stet,  ut  notorietate  facti  permanen- 
tis  palam  lit  omnibus:  et  cum  nulla,  ut  inquit  D.  Paulus, potestas  sit,  nisi  a  Deo, 
idcirco  qui  potestati  ejus  resistunt,  Dei  ordinationi  resistuut,  et  sibi  damuationcm 
acquirunt. 

M  Ranke,  p.  231. 

"  Ranke,  p.  241. 

26  Thuanus,  lib.  125. 

27  Tbe  Pope  had  put  the  ban  upon  Lucerne,  but  afterwards  denied  it:  Helvetia, 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.-CATH.  CHURCH.    §  58.  THE  PAPACY.        67 

avoided  the  strife  by  yielding.28  But  Venice,  stirred  up  by  divers 
encroachments  and  pretensions,  made  decisive  opposition  when 
the  Pope  tried  to  wrest  away  its  criminal  law,  and  to  procure 
the  abolition  of  the  laws  against  the  increase  of  the  real  estate 
of  the  Church.29  A  strife  sprung  up,  in  which,  on  the  one  side, 
the  whole  mediaeval  idea  of  the  Church  and  the  Papacy  was  in- 
sisted upon,  especially  by  the  Jesuits,  Robert  Bellarmine  at  the 
head  of  them  ;  and,  on  the  other  side,  the  modern  state  and  its 
rights  were  chiefly  defended  by  the  great  advocate  of  the  Repub- 
lic, Paul  Sarpi.  The  Pope  proceeded  to  ban  and  interdict  (April, 
1606),  but  the  Venetian  clergy  paid  no  heed  to  it;30  the  Jesuits, 

viii.  62;  L.  Snell's  Gesch.  d.  Einfiihrung  der  Nuntiatur  in  der  Schweiz,  Badeu,  1847, 
p.  xviii. 

28  Ranke,  p.  257. 

29  Interdicti  Veneti  Historia,  de  Motu  Italiae  sub  Initia  Pontitlcatus  Pauli  V.  Coui- 
mentarius,  auct.  Paulo  Sarpio,  recens  ex  Italico  Conversus,  Cautabrig.  1726,  sm.  4. 
Controversiae  Memorabilis  inter  Paulum  V.  P.  M.  et  Venetos  Acta  et  Scripta  Varia, 
Summa  Fide  ex  Italico  in  Lat.  Sermonem  conversa.  In  Villa  San  Vincentiana 
(Genf  ?),  1607.     Ranke,  p.  258. 

30  The  Doge,  in  his  Letter  to  the  Clergy,  May  6,  1606,  gives  the  two  principles 
(Acta  et  Scripta,  p.  14)  on  which  the  Republic  and  its  defenders  ever  insisted :  Tran- 
quillitatem  ac  quietem  dominii  nostro  regimini  a  Deo  commissi  servare  tenemur,  et 
auctoritatem  Priucipis,  neminem  superiorem  in  temporalibus  sub  divina  majestate 
agnoscentis,  tueri  debemus ;  and :  praedictum  Breve  non  modo  ut  injustum,  indebi- 
tumque,  verumetiam  uti  nullum,  nulliusque  roboris,  aut  momenti,  nobis  sabeneum 
(sabbione,  sand)  esse  non  dubitamus,  atque  ita  invalidum,  irritum,  et  fulminatum 
illegitime,  et  de  facto,  nulloque  juris  ordine  servato,  ut  ea  remedia  adhibenda  non 
duxerimus,  quibus  majores  nostri  et  alii  supremi  Principes  usi  sunt  cum  Pontifici- 
bus,  qui  potestatis  a  Deo  sibi  in  aedificationem  traditae  limites  ac  modos  egressi 
fuerunt.  In  reply  the  Romans  contended,  e.  g.  Bellarmine,  Responsio  ad  Libellum 
Doctoris  theologi  (1.  c.  ii.  109) :  In  Clericos  Principes  saeculares  potestatem  non 
habent,  cum  ad  minus  jure  humano  sint  exempti,  sententia  omnium  auctorum 
catholicorum,  licet  etiam  exempti  sint  jure  divino,  ut  inferius  dicemus. —  Nulla 
potestas  est  Principis  ullius  christiani,  quae  potestati  Vicarii  Christi  aliquo  modo 
subjecta  non  sit,  cum  Vicarius  Christi  sit  pastor  universalis,  caput  omnium  Christia- 
norum,  sive  Principes  ii,  sive  privati  sint.  The  Doctor  theologus  had  maintained : 
Sunt  igitur  omnes  Ecclcsiastici  et  Saeculares  jure  divino  subjecti  Principibus  sae- 
cularibus:  omnis  anima  potestatibus  sublimioribus  subdita  sit. — Omnis  potestas  a 
Deo  est:  unde  Reges  et  Principes  saeculares  a  Davide  Propheta  Dii  nominantur. 
Thereto  Bellarmine,  p.  121 :  Si  contrarium  concluderetur,  nempe :  non  sunt  igitur 
JEcclesiastici  nee  Saeczdai'es  de  jure  divino  subjecti  Principi  saeculari,  seel  Saeculares  solum 
de  jure  humano,  Ecclcsiastici  vero  nidlo,  optime  ex  praemissis  deduceretur  haec  con- 
clusio :  demonstravimus  enim,  Principes  superiores  evasisse  hujus  vel  illius  populi 
jure  humano,  non  divino.  To  the  position  of  the  Doctor  theologus :  Auctoritas 
promissa  a  Christo  Salvatore  nostro  S.  Petro  sub  metaphora  clavium  mere  est  spiri- 
tualis,  Bellarmine  replies,  p.  142 :  Adeo  in  diminuenda  Pontiflcis  dignitate  hie  auctor 
proficit,  ut  sit  suspectus  credere,  tantum  Pontificcm  esse  simplicem  aliquem  sacer- 
dotem  et  Parochum,  aut  nullam  plane  jurisdictionem  habere,  nihilque  aliud  posse, 
quam  ad  observantiam  legis  divinae  adhortari,  quod  concionatoris  offlcium  est,  bapti- 
zare,  confessiones  excipere,  quod  Parochorum  est,  qua  in  re  videtur  renovare  velle 


68 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 


the  Theatines,  and  the  Capuchins,  who  advocated  it,  had  to  leave 
the  territory  of  the  Republic.  By  the  mediation  of  the  French 
government,  the  conflict  was  so  far  ended  (1G07)  that  Venice  made 
some  advances  to  the  Pope,  although  it  decidedly  reserved  its 
own  rights.  The  Republic  would  not  at  first  at  all  accept  an 
absolution  from  the  Papal  censures,  in  themselves  nugatory,  and 
at  last  allowed  it  only  in  an  ambiguous  form.31  In  this  whole 
struggle  it  became  plain  that  it  was  impossible  to  renew  the  old 
Papal  pretensions.  The  Papacy,  in  relation  to  the  secular  pow- 
ers, must  henceforth  be  content  to  keep  up  appearances  and  ex- 
ternal honor;  it  must  try  to  retain  the  governments  on  its  side, 
but  avoid  all  conflict  with  them.  In  France,  after  the  death  of 
Henry  IV.  (1610),  the  regency  of  the  Queen -mother,  Mary  de 
Medici,  showed  itself  very  indulgent  to  the  Papal  claims,33  and 
put  itself  on  the  ultramontane  side  against  Edmund  Richer,33 

haeresin  Waldensium,  Marsilii  de  Padua,  et  Joannis  Huss,  quam  Lac  aetate  omnes 
ruoderni  liaeretici  amplectuntur. 

31  The  French  negotiator,  Card,  de  Joyeuse,  appeared  in  the  Senate  with  the  Papal 
legate,  and  said  (P.  Sarpii  interdict!  Veneti  Hist.  p.  219) :  Gaudeo  venisse  hunc  feli- 
cissimum  diem,  mihique  imprimis  exoptatum,  in  quo  Serenitati  vestrae  dico,  censu- 
ras  omnes  sublatas  esse,  sicut  re  ipsa  et  effectu  sublatae  sunt.  P.  220:  Post  pran- 
dium  illius  diei  sparsus  est  rumor,  mane  in  Collegio  datam  a  Cardinale  absolutio- 
nem.  Id  publiei  honoris  zelo  ductis  admodum  displieuit.—  Vcrnm  cito  deposita 
est  omnis  solicitudo:  nam  perquirendo  repertum  est,  fa  ma  in  illam  a  Gallis  sparsam, 
qui  dicerent,  cum  omnes  Collegii  Senatores  in  suis  locis  consisterent,  expectantes, 
ut  fieri  solet,  donee  Dux  resideret  prior,  ut  et  ipsi  postea  considerent,  Cardinalem 
sub  cpomide  signum  crucis  fecisse.  Id  ubi  intellectum  fuit,  solicitudo  ilia  in  hila- 
ritudinem  potius  vertit.— Satis  est,  interdictum  ne  tantillum  quidem  observatam 
fuisse,  et  Senatum  nedum  absolutionem,  scd  et  quamcunque  caeremoniam,  quae 
illius  speciem  prae  se  ferret,  recusasse. 

32  Thus  the  Court,  on  the  representation  of  the  nuncio,  put  a  check  upon  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Parliament  against  Bellarmini  Tract,  de  Potestate  Smnmi  Pontiricis, 
1610  (D'Argentrg,  ii.  i.  19,85),  and  against  Franc.  Suarez  Defensio  Fidei  Catholicae, 
1614  (1.  c.  p.  86).  Many  of  the  bishops  were  exasperated  against  Parliament  by  the 
AppeOalions  comme  (Vabns  frequent  under  Henry  IV.,  and  hoped  to  rid  themselves  of 
Becular  tyranny  by  attaching  themselves  to  the  Papal  party.     [Ranke,  p.  291.] 

33  A  friend  of  Sarpi's,  who  in  the  Venetian  controversy  had  answered  Bellarminc's 
attack  on  Gereon,  in  his  Apologia  pro  Jo.  Gersone  (afterwards  recast,  Lndg.  Bat. 
1676,  4to),  and  who  had  been  syndic  of  the  Sorbonne  since  1008;  he  withstood  at 
every  point  the  renewed  ingress  of  the  Jesuits.  When  the  Dominicans,  at  their 
General  Chapter  in  Paris,  1611,  among  other  points,  presented  the  following  theses 
for  disputation:  1.  Romanum  Pontiflcem  in  tide  et  moribus  errare  non  posse;  2. 
In  nullo  casu  Concilium  esse  supra  Papam  ;  3.  Ad  Papain  pertinere  dubia  decidenda 
Concilio  proponere,  decisa  conflrmare  vel  infirmare,  partibns  silcntiuin  perpetunm 
imponere,  Richer,  as  syndic,  forbade  these  disputations.  The  Dominicans  declared, 
se  istas  conclusiones  non  tanquam  de  iidc,  scd  vclut  problematicaB  proposuisse. 
The  Gallican  theologians,  indeed,  maintained,  Eccleeiam  Gallicanum  a  temporibus 
Constantiensis  Synodi  contrariam  sentcutiam  vclut  de  fide  semper  propugnasse. 


PAKT  III— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  58.  THE  PAPACY.         Q9 

the  zealous  defender  of  the  Gallican  Church  liberties ;  but  Galli- 
canisrn  was  still  firmly  held  by  the  Parliament  and  a  great  part 

However,  the  nuncio  then  at  Paris  allowed  the  disputation  (see  the  Protocol  on 
the  Proceedings,  in  D'Argentre,  ii.  ii.  45).  Thereupon  Richer  wrote  his  Libellus  de 
Ecclesiastica  et  Politica  Potestate,  1611  (often  printed,  e.  g.  Colon.  1660,  4),  in  which 
the  following  positions  are  set  forth  and  carried  out :  Cap.  1 :  Jurisdictio  ecclesias- 
tica primario  ac  essentialiter  Ecclesiae ;  Romano  autem  Pontifici  atque  aliis  Episco- 
pis  ministerialiter  tautum,  sicut  facultas  videndi  oculo  convenit.  Cap.  2 :  Christus 
immediate  et  per  se  claves  sive  jurisdictionem  ordiui  hierarchico  contulit  perimme- 
diatam  et  realem  missionem  omnium  Apostolorum  atque  discipulorum.  Cap.  3 : 
Ecclesia  est  politia  monarchica,  ad  finem  supernaturalem  spiritualem  instituta,  regi- 
mine  aristocratico,  quod  omnium  optimum  et  naturae  convenientissimum  est,  tem- 
perata  a  summo  animarum  pastore  Domino  nostro,  qui  Rex  est,  Monarcha,  Domiuus 
absolutus, — et  caput  essentiale  Ecclesiae.  Cap.  4 :  D.  Petrus  est  solummodo  dis- 
pensator  et  caput  miuisteriale.  Cap.  5  :  In  Ecclesia  status  a  regimine  distinguitur : 
nam  status  monarchicus  est  ad  unitatem  atque  ordinem  vindicandum,  necnon  ad 
efficacem  executionem  canonum :  regimen  vero  aristocraticum  propter  salutare 
consilium,  infallibilem  providentiam,  et  constitutiones  canonum :  Ecclesia  enim 
canone,  non  absoluta  potestate  regitur.  Cap.  6 :  Infallibilis  potestas  decernendi 
aut  constituendi  canones  toti  Ecclesiae,  quae  est  columna  et  firmamentum  verita- 
tis,  non  uni  et  soli  Petro  competit :  idque  praxi  Ecclesiae  comprobatur.  Cap.  11 : 
Cum  Ecclesia  neque  territorium,  neque  jus  gladii  habeat  a  Christo,  et  ad  finem 
supernaturalem  tautum  instituta  sit  de  mediis  necessariis  ad  beatitudinem,  suasive 
tantum  et  directive,  non  coactive  poenas  temporales  irrogando,  judicat.  Cap.  12 : 
Priuceps  politicus,  ut  Domiuus  reipublicae  ac  territorii,  vindex  est  atque  protector 
legis  divinae,  naturalis  et  canonicae :  quare  in  eum  finem  leges  figere,  et  gladium 
distringere  potest.  Cap.  13 :  Princeps  politicus,  ut  Ecclesiae  protector,  et  vindex 
canonum,  judex  est  legitimus  appellationum,  quas  ab  abusu  vocant :  et  hinc  Eccle- 
siae Gallicanae  libertates  originem  sumpserunt.  Cap.  15  :  In  Concilio  generali  con- 
gregato  Papa  habetur  caput  quoad  verbi  divini  praedicationem,  admiuistrationem 
sacramentorum,  et  executionem  canonum  :  minime  vero  quoad  directionem,  et  po- 
testatem  coercitivam  in  totum  Concilium.  These  were  certainly  the  principles  of 
the  Gallican  Church.  Rome  had  been  forced  to  suffer  them  in  the  usage  of  this 
Church.  But  Richer  maintained  that  they  should  be  made  the  principles  of  the 
whole  Church  constitution,  binding  de  fide,  so  that  the  opposite  ultramontane  posi- 
tions would  be  heretical.  At  the  head  of  the  opposing  party  was  Cardinal  Du  Per- 
ron, Archbishop  of  Sens.  The  provincial  synods  of  Sens  and  Aix,  1612,  condemned 
the  book  (L.  Odespun,  Concilia  Novissima  Galliae,  Paris,  1646,  fol.  p.  623).  Richer 
was  forced  by  this  party  to  resign  his  syndicate,  1612  (D'Argentre,  ii.  ii.  59).  He 
remained  steadfast,  and  wrote  his  Defensio  Libelli  de  Eccles.  et  Polit.  Potestate 
(reprint,  vol.  i.  Colon.  1721 ;  vol.  ii.  Paris,  1721,  4to) ;  but  his  foes  stamped  Richeris- 
mus  and  Richeristae  as  heretical  names.  La  Vie  d'Edmond  Richer,  Docteur  de  Sor- 
bonne,  par  feu  Adrien  Baillet,  a  Liege,  1714.  In  the  Assemblee  Gene>ale  des  trois 
Etats,  1614,  the  Tiers-Etat  tried  to  have  it  established  as  fundamental  law  of  the 
state  (Des  Etats  G<5neraux  et  autres  Assemblies  Nationales,  t.  xvi.,  a  La  Haye,  1789, 
p.  285),  que  comme  le  roi  est  reconnu  souverain  en  son  etat,  ne  tenant  sa  couronne 
que  de  Dieu  seul,  il  n'y  a  puissance  en  terre,  quelle  qu'elle  soit,  spirituelle  ou  tem- 
porelle,  qui  ait  aucun  droit  sur  son  royaume,  pour  en  priver  les  personnes  sacrees 
de  nos  rois,  ni  dispenser  ou  absoudre  leurs  sujets  de  la  fidelite  et  obeissance  qu'ils 
lui  doivent,  pour  quelque  cause  ou  pretexte  que  ce  soit.  All  spiritual  and  temporal 
rulers  should  be  bound  to  this  by  oath.  On  the  other  hand,  l'opinion  contraire, 
meme  qu'il  soit  loisible  de  tuer  ou  deposer  nos  rois,  s'elever  et  rebeller  contre  eux, 
should  be  declared  to  be  high-treason  and  damnable,  and  when  uttered  by  a  cleric, 
the  members  of  his  order  were  held  bound  to  contradiction  sur  peine  d'etre  punis 


70  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1048. 

of  the  clergy.    Gregory  XV.  (1621-1623)  gave  to  the  Conclave 
its  present  form,34  and  established  the  Congregatio  de  Fide  Ca- 

do  meme  peine  que  dessus,  comme  fauteurs  des  ennemis  de  cet  etat.  Cardinal  Du 
Perron,  at  the  head  of  the  clergy,  opposed  this  project  in  two  long  speeches,  1.  c. 
xvi.  ii.  91  and  112  ;  see  p.  125 :  Quant  ;1  la  deposition  des  rois,— je  dirai  ce  qui  est  de 
la  croyance  de  l'eglise,  que  ce  point  est  problematique  et  l'a  toujours  ete  en  theolo- 
gie,  qui  ne  peut  etre  comprise  sous  les  loix  politiques. — Qu'en  la  France  cctte  ques- 
tion a  ete  toujours  tenuc  problematique  et  appellant  questions  problematiques, 
contre  lesquelles  de  part  et  d'autre  il  n'y  a  decision  de  l'eeriture,  de  l'eglise,  ni 
aucun  anatheme,  comme  en  philosophic  nous  disons  une  opinion  et  question  pro- 
bable, pour  laquelle  il  n'y  a  demonstration  necessaire. — Si  en  France  la  negative  est 
tenue,  ['affirmative  se  tient  par  les  quatre  parts  de  la  clm'-tiente  (viz.  p.  94,  in  Spain, 
Italy,  Germany,  Poland,  and  Sweden) ;  pour  cela  ni  les  uns  ni  les  autres  ne  sont  ex- 
communies  et  prives  de  la  communion  de  l'eglise,  n'etant  jusqu'iei  intervenu  sur 
telle  question  aucun  coneile  universel.  Thereby  he  proves  at  length  (p.  95, 126)  that 
the  affirmative  has  the  most  for  itself,  and  in  old  times  was  also  accepted  in  France. 
P.  129 :  Je  nc  tiens  neanmoins  cette  question  ni  affirmativement  ni  negativement, 
je  la  propose  comme  problematique  et  tiens  la  negative  politique.— Je  soutiens, 
qu'il  n'est  raisonnable  en  ce  siecle  de  traiter  la  question  et  de  faire  un  point  de  foi 
sur  cet  article,  pour  amener  des  guerres  civiles  et  mettre  un  schisme  en  l'eglise. 
As  to  the  position  about  regicide,  a  temporal  law,  he  says,  can  not  protect  the  King, 
but  only  an  ecclesiastical.  P.  125:  mais  ces  loix,  qui  vont  au  spirituel  et  aux  con- 
sciences, ne  se  peuvent  faire  que  par  ceux,  qui  en  ont  le  pouvoir  en  un  coneile  ge- 
neral, et  l'autorite  de  l'eglise  gallicane  ne  peut  decider  ces  choses.  With  the  new  pub- 
lication of  the  decree  of  Constance  (vol.  iii.  Div.  IV.  §  118,  Note  8,  p.  152),  the  matter 
had  been  settled.  The  Parliament  indeed  declared  (p.  108)  that  three  maximes  were 
in  no  wise  problematical,  and  adduced  several  of  the  arrets  issued  by  it  in  evidence 
(p.  110).  Miron,  President  of  the  Tiers-Etat,  also  replied  to  the  Cardinal  in  a  vigor- 
ous speech  (p.  146).  The  provisional  regency,  however,  ended  the  matter  by  a 
royal  edict,  January  6, 1615,  prohibiting  the  continuance  of  this  discussion  (p.  175). 
The  Pope  (Jan.  31,  1615)  praised  the  clergy  for  its  resistance  to  the  excessus  au- 
daciae,  qua  nonnulli  publico  conventu  istic  IV.  Non.  Jan.  habito  violare  sacrosanc- 
tam  auctoritatem  apostolicae  Sedis  conati  sunt  (xvii.  37).  During  this  period  there 
was  much  discussion  among  the  clergy  as  to  the  acceptance  of  the  Council  of  Trent 
(Le  Plat,  Monum.  ad  Hist.  Cone.  Trident,  vii.  i.  284),  and  the  Pope  encouraged  them 
(Jan.  31, 1615)  to  press  for  it  (p.  293).  But  as  the  Tiers-Etat  opposed  (p.  296),  no 
general  conclusion  could  be  reached  by  the  Estates.  The  clergy  then  determined 
(p.  301),  May  19  and  July  17,  to  have  the  Council  accepted  by  provisional  and  dioce- 
san synods;  but  this  was  not  agreed  to  by  the  King  (p.  314).  An  example  of  the 
extent  to  which  the  French  clergy  of  that  time  were  inclined  to  an  excessive  esti- 
mate of  the  Papal  powers  is  found  in  the  Epist.  Cleri  Gallicani  Lutetiae  congregati 
ad  Urbanum  VIII.  P.  M.  dd.  Id.  Oct.  1625  (Odespun,  Cone.  Novissima  Galliae,  p.  715): 
Is  nempe  es,  ex  cujus  ore  mortalibus  divinae  voluntatis  decreta  pronuneiantur;  cu- 
jus  dignitas  tantac  fclicitatis  est,  ut  nee  periculum  vereri  debeat,  nee  incrementum 
sperarc  possit.  Quidquid  cnim  magnitudinis  vastitas  Orbis  amplccti,  quidquid  po- 
testatis  coeli  favor  impertiri  potuit,  id  in  unius  societatem  eompendii  sacrosancta 
Pontiricum  majestas  inelusit.  Nutu  suo  coelum  reserat,  Taenarum  jussu  rccludit, 
universitatcm  religione  eomplcctitur,  etubique,  quo  nihil  majus  meliusve  terris  da- 
tum est,  Dei  pracpotentis  vices  gerit.  Magna  quidem  sunt  baec,  et  ob  hoc  unum 
circumscripta,  quod  ultcrius  protendi  non  possint.  However,  the  French  clergy  did 
not  venture,  as  is  commonly  alleged,  to  maintain  downright  the  right  of  the  Pope  to 
depose  kings,  or  the  Papal  infallibility. 

34  By  the  Bull  Aeterni  ralris  Filius,  Nov.  15,  1021:  Statuimus, — in  posterum  elec- 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.     §  58.  THE  PAPACY.         71 

tholica  Propaganda,35  to  which  Urban  VIII.  (1623-1644)  added 
important  auxiliaries  in  the  Collegium  de  Propaganda  Fide,  or 
Collegium  Urbani  (1627).36  Urban's  pontificate  is  notorious  for 
the  last  recension  of  the  Bull  In  Coena  Domini  (1627),37  and  for 

tionem  Romani  Pontificis  fieri  aliter  non  posse,  quam  in  Conclavi,  et  eo  clauso,  ac 
post  celebratum  in  eo  prima  die  sacrosanctnm  Missae  solitum  sacrificium,  cui  Car- 
dinales  interesse,  et  in  eo  communicare  consueverunt,  ac  (1)  per  secreta  schedula- 
rum  suffragia  duarum  ex  tribus  partibus  Cardinalium  in  Conclavi  praesentiuin,  prae- 
terquam  si  (2)  omnes  et  singuli  Cardinales  similiter  in  Conclavi  praesentes,  nemine 
dissentiente,  aliquibus  ex  eorundem  Collegio  Cardinalium  committerent  eligendi 
potestatein,  ut  vice  omnium  Ecclesiae  catholicae  providerent  de  pastore :  aut  (3) 
nisi  cornmunitcr  ab  omnibus  et  singulis  Cardinalibus,  qui  itidem  in  Conclavi  prae- 
sentes erunt,  nemine  pariter  dissentiente,  quasi  per  inspirationem,  nullo  praecedente 
de  persona  speciali  tractatu,  per  verbum,  eligo,  intelligibili  voce  prolatum,  aut  scrip- 
to,  si  voce  fieri  non  potuerit,  expressum,  fuerit  celebrata.  Thus,  per  viam  scrutinii, 
sive  comjiromisti,  sive  iiispirationis. 

35  By  the  Bull  Inscrutabili,  of  June  22, 1622.  Several  Cardinals,  adhibitis  etiam  ali- 
quot Romanae  Curiae  Praelatis,  et  Religiosis  viris,  ac  Secretario,  were  empowered,  ut 
omnia  et  singula  negotia  ad  fidem  in  universo  mundo  propagandam  pertinentia  cogno- 
scaut,  et  tractent,  et  graviora,  quae — tractaverint,  ad  Nos  referant,  alia  vero  per  se  ip- 
sos  decidant,  et  expediantpro  eorum  prudentia;  Missionibus  omnibus  ad  praedican- 
dum  et  docendum  Evangelium  et  catholicam  doctrinam  superintendant,  ministros 
necessarios  constituant  et  mutcnt.  Die  Propaganda,  ihre  Provinzen  unci  ihr  Recht, 
mit  besonderer  Riicksicht  auf  Deutschland  dargestcllt  von  D.  D.  Mejer.  Th.  1.  Got- 
tingen,  1852. 

36  Aug.  Theiner's  Geseh.  der  geistl.  Bildungsanstalten,  Mainz,  1835,  p.  132. 

37  The  bull  begins  :  Pastoralis  Bom.  Pont.  Vigilantia,  1.  Apr.  1627.  The  anathema 
is  proclaimed,  1.  upon  all  heretics,  viz.:  Hussitas,  Wichlephistas,  Lutheranos,  Zwin- 
glianos,  Calvinistas,  Ugonottas,  Anabaptistas,  Trinitarios  et  a  Christiana  fide  aposta- 
tas, — eorumque  receptatores,  fautores,  et  generaliter  quoslibet  illorum  defensores ; 
2.  on  all,  ab  ordinationibus — Romanorum  Pontificum — ad  universale  futurum  Con- 
cilium appellantes ;  3.  piratas,  cursarios,  ac  latrunculos  maritimos,  discurrentes  mare 
nostrum,  praecipue  a  monte  Argentario  usque  ad  Terracinam ;  4.  all  who  appropri- 
ate stranded  goods  ;  5.  omnes,  qui  in  terris  suis  nova  pedagia,  seu  gabellas,  praeter- 
quam  in  casibus  sibi  a  jure,  seu  ex  speciali  Sedis  apostolicae  licentia  permissis  impo- 
nunt ;  6.  omnes  falsarios  literarum  apostolicarum  ;  7.  qui  ad  Saracenos,  Turcas  et 
alios  ehristiani  nominis  hostes — deferunt — bellica  instrumenta  ;  8.  impedientes — 
eos,  qui  victualia,  seu  alia  ad  usum  Rom.  Curiae  necessaria  adducunt ;  9.  qui  ad  Se- 
dem  apostolicam  venientes,  et  recedentes  ab  eadem— interficiunt, — spoliant,  capiunt; 
in  fine,  on  all  who  in  any  way  hinder  the  Papal  jurisdiction  ;  15.  qui  ex  eorum  prae- 
tenso  officio — personas  ecclesiasticas— coram  se  ad  suum  tribunal, — vel  Parlamen- 
tum  praetor  juris  canonici  dispositionem  trahunt : — necnon  qui — decreta — publica- 
verint, — unde  libertas  ecclesiastica  tollitur ;  16.  qui— judices  ecclesiasticos— impe- 
diunt ;  17.  qui  jurisdictiones  seu  fructus, — et  reditus  ad  Nos  et  Sedem  apostolicam, 
et  quascunque  ecclesiasticas  personas,  ratione  Ecclesiarum — pertinentes  usurpant, 
vel  etiam — sequestrant ;  18.  qui — onera  Clericis, — ac  eorum  et  Ecclesiarum — bonis — 
absque  Rom.  Pont,  speciali  et  expressa  licentia  imponunt; — cujuscunque  sint  prae- 
eminentiae, — etiamsi  Imperiali,  aut  Regali  praefulgeant  dignitate ;  19.  quoscunque 
Magistratus — quomodolibet  se  interponentes  in  causis  capitalibus,  seu  criminalibus 
contra  personas  ecclesiasticas — sine  speciali,  specifica  et  expressa  hujus  s.  Sedis 
apostolicae  licentia;  20.  against  those  who  in  any  way  invade  the  estates  of  the 
Church,  the  kingdom  of  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  Corsica.  Caetcrum  a  praedictis  sen- 
tentiis  nullus  per  alium,  quam  perRomanum  Pontificem,  nisi  in  mortis  articulo  con- 


^2  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

the  recantation  of  Galileo  (1633).38  And  yet  this  Pope  was  so 
far  influenced  by  political  considerations  that  he  joined  with 
France39  against  the  states  which  defended  the  Catholic  cause- 
Spain  and  Austria.  For  this  Richelieu  sacrificed  to  him  the 
hated  Richer  (1631),40  and  allowed  the  suppression  (1639)  of  the 
writings  of  another  eminent  defender  of  the  Gallican  Liberties, 
Peter  Dupuy  (Puteanus).41    But  yet  in  his  administration  he  en- 

etitutos,  nee  etiam  tunc,  nisi  de  stando  Ecclcsiae  mandatis  ct  satisfaciendo  cautione 
praestita,  absolvi  possit.— Universis  et  singulis  Patriarchis,—  Episcopis,  et  locorum 
Ordinariis  et  rraelatis— mandamus,  ut^-praesentes  literas,  postquam  eas  reeeperint, 
— semel  in  anno,  aut  si  expedire  viderint,  etiam  planes,  in  Ecclesiis  suis,  dum  in  eis 
major  populi  multitude)  ad  divina  convenerit,  solemniter  publicent,  et  ad  Christifi- 
delium  mentes  reducant,  nuntient,  et  deelarent.  Caeterum— curam  animarum  excr- 
centes,— ad  audiendas  peccatorum  confessiones  quavis  auctoritate  deputati,  trans- 
sumptum  praesentium  literarum  penes  se  habeaut,  casque  diligenter  legerc  et  perci- 
pere  studeant.  (J.  F.  Le  Bret's)  Pragm.  Gesch.  d.  Bulle  in  Coena  Domini,  Frankf.  u. 
Leipz.  1769.  70.  4  Bde.  (vol.  1  and  2  new  edition,  1772),  4. 

38  See  his  sentence  and  formula  of  abjuration  in  Mohnike's  Kirchcn-  u.  Literarhist. 
Studien  u.  Mittheilungen,  i.  ii.  811.  Zur  Gesck.  Galilei's  bes.  seines  ersten  Verhors, 
by  Mohnike,  in  the  Studien  u.  Krit.  1832,  ii.  245;  iv.  823.— Galilei's  Schrift:  Nov-an- 
tiqua  Doctrina  de  Sacrae  Scripturae  Testimoniis  in  Conclusionibus  mere  Naturali- 
bus  temere  non  Usurpandis,  in  Paulus,  Aufkliirende  Beitriige,  Bremen,  1830,  p.  321. 
[Prof.  Berti  has  edited  the  Vatican  documents,  Rome,  1876.  Galileo :  sa  Vie,  son 
Proees,  par  Philalete  Chasles,  Paris,  1862.  Abbe  Castelnau,  Vie,  Proees,  etc.,  de 
Galileo,  Paris,  1870.  In  the  Diet,  des  Sciences  Philos.,  2d  ed.  1875,  M.  Martin,  of 
Rcnnes,  on  the  Trial  of  G.,  with  new  documents.  J.  Bertrande,  in  Revue  des  deux 
Mondes,  Nov.  1, 1864.  Case  of  G.,  in  Dublin  Review,  Oct.  1S65;  and  Rambler,  Jan. 
1852.  R.  R.  Madden,  G.  and  the  Inquisition,  London.  The  Martyrdom  of  G.,  North 
Brit.  Rev.,  Nov.  1860.     The  Trial  of  G.,  in  Sybel's  Hist.  Zeitschrift,  1875.] 

39  Ranke's  FLirsteu  u.  Volker,  iii.  542,  562  [History  of  the  Popes,  pp.  318,  326]. 

40  Richer  was  obliged,  December  7, 1629,  in  the  Cardinal's  chamber,  to  subscribe  a 
declaration  drawn  up  by  the  Cardinal  (d'Argentre",  ii.  ii.  303) :  Je  proteste  et  de- 
clare, que  j'ai  toujours  voulu,  et  veux  encore  presentement  me  soumettre  avec  le 
livre  susdit,  scs  propositions,  leur  interpretation,  et  toute  ma  doctrine  au  jugement 
de  l'Eglisc  catholique  et  Romaine,  et  do  saiut  Siege  Apostolique,  que  je  reconnois 
pour  la  mere  et  la  maitresse  de  toutes  les  Eglises,  et  pour  le  jugc  iufaillible  de  la  ve- 
rity. He  then  condemns  these  positions,  which  might  seem  to  lower  the  power  of 
the  Pope  and  prelates,— quoique  ce  n'ait  jamais  6ie  mon  intention.  When  Richer 
afterwards,  in  his  Testamentum,  December  24, 1629,  affirmed  his  principles,  and  this 
was  made  known,  he  was  forced  by  Richelieu's  intimate  counsellor,  the  Capuchin 
P.  Joseph,  to  recant  under  threat  of  death.  Richer  died  Nov.  28, 1631.  See  Baillet, 
above,  Note  33. 

41  On  February  9, 1639,  the  bishops  then  in  Paris  issued  a  letter  to  all  the  French 
bishops  (L.  Odespun,  Concilia  novissima  Galliae,  Paris,  1646,  fol.,  p.  727),  in  which 
they  announced  that  they  had  condemned  the  two  works :  Traictez  des  Droicts  et 
Libertcz  de  l'Eglise  Gallicanc,  1636,  and  Preuves  des  Libertez  de  l'Eglisc  Gallieane, 
1639,  and  invited  them  to  stand  by  this  judgment:  Nusquam  cnim  lidei  christianae, 
Ecclesiac  catholicae,  ecclesiasticae  disciplinae,  Regis  ae  regni  saluti  nocentioribus 
dogmatibus  quisquam  adversatus  est,  quain  iis  quae  istis  voluminibus  sub  tam  leni 
titulo  rccluduntur.  Equidcm,  sicut  haercticorum  ct  schismaticorum  mos  est,  com- 
pilator  ille  multis  pessimis,  quae  propinabat,  bona  quacdam  immiscuit,  et  inter  falsas 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  58.  THE  PAPACY.  73 

forced  those  liberties  so  far  as  to  insure  the  royal  authority  every 
where,  even  in  the  ecclesiastical  sphere.  Innocent  X.  (1644- 
1655)  lost  all  honor  by  his  dependence  on  his  sister-in-law,  Olym- 
pia  Maldachini  ;42  so  that  his  protests  against  the  Peace  of  West- 
phalia had  all  the  less  effect. 

The  increased  power  obtained  by  the  bishops  at  Trent  was 
imparted,  to  them  in  the  form  of  rights  delegated  by  the  Pope. 
They  were  sufficiently  bound  by  the  oath  which  they  took  to 
him.43     But  still  the  standing  nuncios,  first  appointed  for  enforc- 

et  haereticas,  quas  detestamur,  Ecclesiae  Gallicanae  adscriptas  servitutes  potius  quam 
libertates  vera  quaedam  et  legitima  gloriosissimi  Regis  nostri  jura  et  Gallicanae 
Ecclesiae  privilegia  exposuit,  etc.  In  consequence,  these  books  were  suppressed  by 
a  royal  edict.  The  Preuves  were  reprinted  in  Paris,  1651,  enlarged ;  and  besides 
with  a  royal  privilege  (voulant  favoriser  un  ouvrage  de  si  grande  importance  pour 
les  droits  de  notre  Couronne,  pour  le  bien  de  notre  Etat,  et  pour  l'interet  de  l'Eglise 
de  notre  Royaume) :  in  Rouen,  1G51,  the  Traitez  and  the  Preuves,  2  vols,  fob,  were 
still  published  wholly  after  the  editions  of  1636  and  1639.  After  the  death  of  Pierre 
Dupuy,  1651,  his  brother,  Jacques  Dupuy,  published  his  Commentary  on  the  work 
of  Pithou,  1752.     Thus  the  influence  of  the  Parliament  again  repressed  the  clergy. 

42  Ranke,  iv.  38,  450 ;  [Am.  ed.  Hist.  Popes,  pp.  339-311,  360,  575]. 

43  The  last  form  of  this  oath  (see  vol.  iii.  Div.  II.  §  62,  Note  4)  is  found  in  the  Pon- 
tificale  Romanum,  Romae,  1595,  published  by  Clement  VIII. :  Ego  N.  Electus  Ec- 
clesiae N.  ab  hac  hora  in  antea  fidelis  et  obediens  ero  b.  Petro  Apostolo,  sanctaeque 
Romanae  Ecclesiae,  et  Domino  nostro,  Domino  Papae  N.  suisque  successoribus  ca- 
nonice  intrantibus.  Non  ero  in  consilio  aut  consensu,  vel  facto,  ut  vitam  perdant, 
aut  membrum,  seu  capiantur  mala  captione,  aut  in  eos  violenter  manus  quomodoli- 
bet  ingerantur,  vel  injuriae  aliquae  inferantur  quovis  quaesito  colore.  Consilium 
vero,  quod  mini  credituri  sunt  per  se,  aut  Nuntios  suos,  seu  literas,  ad  eorum  dam- 
num me  sciente  nemini  pandam.  Papatum  Romanum  et  Regalia  s.  Petri  adjutor  eis 
ero  ad  retinendum  et  defendendum,  salvo  meo  ordine,  contra  omnem  hominem.  Le- 
gatum  apostolicae  Sedis  in  eundo  ct  redeundo  honorificetractabo,  etin  suis  necessi- 
tatibus  adjuvabo.  Jura,  honores,  privilegia  et  auctoritatem  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae, 
Domini  nostri  Papae  et  successorum  praedictorum  conservare,  defendere,  augere,  et 
promovere  curabo.  Neque  ero  in  consilio,  vel  facto,  seu  tractatu,  in  quibus  contra 
ipsum  Dominum  nostrum,  vel  eandem  Romanam  Ecclesiam  aliqua  sinistra,  vel  prae- 
judicialia  personarum,  juris,  honoris,  status  et  potestatis  eorum  machinentur.  Et, 
si  talia  a  quibuscunque  tractari  vel  procurari  novero,  impediam  hoc  pro  posse ;  et 
quanto  citius  potero,  significabo  eidem  Domino  nostro,  vel  alteri,  per  quern  possit 
ad  ipsius  notitiam  pervenire.  Regulas  ss.  Patrum,  decreta,  ordinationes,  seu  dispo- 
sitioncs,  reservationes,  provisiones  et  mandata  apostolica  totis  viribus  observabo, 
et  faciam  ab  aliis  observari.  Haereticos,  schismaticos  vel  rebelles  eidem  Domino 
nostro  et  successoribus  praedictis  pro  posse  persequar  et  impugnabo.  Vocatus 
ad  Synodum  veniam,  nisi  praepeditus  fuero  canonica  praepeditione.  Apostolorum 
limina  singulis  trienuiis  personaliter  per  me  ipsum  visitabo,  et  Domino  nostro  ac 
successoribus  praefatis  rationem  reddam  de  toto  meo  pastorali  officio,  et  de  rebus 
omnibus  ad  meae  Ecclesiae  statum,  ad  Cleri  et  populi  disciplinam,  animarum  deni- 
que,  quae  meae  fidei  traditae  sunt,  salutem  quovis  modo  pertinentibus  ;  et  vicissim 
mandata  apostolica  humiliter  recipiam  et  quam  diligentissime  exequar.  Quodsi 
legitimo  impedimento  detentus  fuero,  praefata  omnia  adimplebo  per  certum  nun- 
tium  ad  hoc  speciale  mandatum  habentem,  de  gremio  mei  Capituli  aut  alium  in  dig- 
nitate  ecclesiastiea  constitutum,  seu  alias  Personatum  habentem  ;  aut  his  deficienti- 


74  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  L—  A.D.  1517-1G4S. 

ing  the  introduction  of  the  Tridentine  decrees,  and  supported  by 
the  Pope  at  the  principal  courts,44  were  also  designed  to  guard 
the  Papal  interests  as  against  the  bishops,  and  to  insure  the  ple- 
nary authority  of  the  Papacy.  France  was  able  at  once  to  se- 
cure the  rights  of  the  Gallican  Church  against  them.45  But  the 
Papal  nuncio  planted  in  Lucerne  since  1579,  with  the  help  of 
the  Jesuits,  interfered  all  the  more  boldly  with  the  Swiss  polity, 
so  as  to  abridge  the  rights  of  the  bishops,  and  to  embitter  the 
Catholic  cantons  against  the  Protestant.46     So,  too,  the  nuncio 

bus  per  dioecesanum  sacerdotem,  et  Clero  defieiente  omnino  per  aliquem  alium 
Presbytcrum  saeculareru  vel  regularem  spectatae  probitatis  et  religionis,  de  supra 
dictis  omnibus  plene  instructum.  De  hujusmodi  autem  impedimento  docebo  per 
legitimas  probationes,  ad  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae  Cardinalem  proponentem  in  Congre- 
gatione  sacri  Concilii  per  supradicturn  Nuntium  transmittendas.  Posscssioncs  vero 
ad  mensam  meam  pertinentes  non  vendam,  nee  donabo,  neque  impignorabo,  nee  de 
novo  infeudabo,  vel  aliquo  modo  alienabo,  etiam  cum  consensu  CapituU  Ecclesiae 
meae,  inconsulto  Romano  Pontifice.  Et  si  ad  aliquam  alienationem  devenero,  poe- 
nas  in  quadam  super  hoc  edita  coustitutione  contentas  eo  ipso  incurrere  volo. 

44  In  Florence,  Naples,  Turin,  Venice,  Vienna,  Brussels,  Warsaw,  Paris,  Madrid, 
Lisbon. 

45  Fenelon,  Sur  les  Libcrtes  Gallicanes  (in  Le  Bret's  Magazine,  vii.  38):  Le  Nonce 
du  Pape  n'a  aucune  jurisdiction  en  France.  II  y  est  regarde"  simplement  comme 
Ambassadeur  d'uu  Prince  etranger,  et  quand  quelque  Nonce  a  voulu  s'attribuer  un 
territoire,  des  archives,  ou  quelqa'autre  marque  d'antorite,  le  Parlement  s'y  est  op- 
pose. Le  Legat  a  latere  a  jurisdiction,  mais  de  peur  qu'il  n'en  abuse  on  observe 
plusieurs  formalites.  Le  Pape  ne  peut  en  envoyer  en  France  quYi  la  priere  du  Roi, 
au  moins  de  son  consentement.  Etant  arrive  il  promet  avec  serment  et  par  ecrit  de 
n'uscr  de  ses  facultes  qu'autant  qu'il  plaira  au  Roi,  et  conformement  il  nos  usages. 
Ses  Bulles  sont  examinees  au  Parlement  pour  recevoir  les  modifications  necessaires. 
II  ne  peut  subdek'-guer  personne  pour  l'exercice  de  sa  legation  sans  le  consentement 
expres  du  Roi.  Quand  il  sort,  il  laisse  en  France  les  registres  et  les  sceaux  de  sa 
Legation.  Les  deniers  provenans  de  ses  expeditions  sont  employes  en  oeuvres  pies. 
Cardinal  Morosini,  as  legate,  1576,  had  to  take  the  following  oath  (Les  Loix  Eccle'si- 
astiques  de  France,  nouv.  edit,  par  L.  de  Hericourt,  a  Paris,  175G,  fob,  p.  54) :  S.  Roma- 
nae Ecclesiae  Presbyter,  Cardinalis  Maurocenus,  nuncupatus  ad  Henricum  Franco- 
rum  Regem,  et  universum  illius  regnum— s.  Sedis  apostolicae  de  latere  Legatus,  juro 
ct  promitto  in  verba  Cardinalis,  per  sacros  ordincs  meos,  manibus  ad  pectus  positis, 
Christianissimo  Regi,  me  Legati  muncre  non  functurum,  nee  faeultatibus  nrihi  a  s. 
Scde  eonccssis  umiiuih,  nisi  quando  in  regno  ero,  et  suae  Majestati  Christianissimae 
placuerit;  adeo  ut  certior  factus  de  illius  voluntate,  II II  eonvenicnter  Legati  nomen 
ct  jus  continuo  Bim  depositurus,  simulque  omnium  quae  gerentur  a  mc,  legation e 
finita,  codicillos  rclicturum  in  manibus  ejus,  quem  voluerit  sua  Christianissima  Ma- 
jestas ;  item  leges  et  statuta  et  consuetudines  rcgni  scrvaturum  ;  nee  ullo  modo 
auctoritati  et  jurisdiction!  regiae,  juribps,  libertatibus  et  privilcgiis  Ecclesiae  Galli- 
canae  ctUnivcrsitatum  derogaturum.  In  quorum  testimonium  has  praesentes  manu 
mea  subscripsi,  ac  praeterea  sigillo  meo  muniendas  curavi.    So,  too,  the  later  legates. 

46  The  first  nuncio  in  Lucerne  was  Job.  Franz  Buonomi,  Bishop  ofVercelli  (see 
Gesch.  d.  E'mfiihrung  tier  Nuntiatur  in  der  Schweiz,  herausgeg.  v.  D.  L.  Snell,  Baden, 
1847,  p.  xiv.),  who,  however,  hated  for  his  arrogance,  was  removed  1581.  He  was  fol- 
lowed, 1584,  by  Felician  NiDguarda,  Bishop  of  Scala;  1580,  Job.  Bapt.  Santorio, 
Bishop  of  Scala,  who  tried  to  separate  the  Catholic  cantons  from  the  Reformed,  so 


PART  III.-CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.     §  58.  THE  PAPACY.  75 

settled  down  since  1595  at  Cologne,47  during  the  minority  of  an 
archbishop,  the  Bavarian  Prince  Ferdinand,  gave  occasion  to  in- 
cessant complaints  by  his  inroads  upon  the  episcopal  jurisdic- 
tion.48    During  the  troubles  of  the  Thirty-Years' War,  while  the 

that,  with  the  aid  of  the  Jesuits,  the  former  actually  banded  together  in  the  Borro- 
maean  League,  1586  (ibid.  p.  xxviii.  See  vol.  iv.  of  this  work,  p.  240,  Div.  I.  §  13,  Note 
13).  See  Chr.  W.  Gliick's  Gesch.  Darstellung  d.  kirchl.  Verhaltnisse  d.  katholischen 
Schweiz  bis  zur  Helvetik,  Mannheim,  1850,  p.  353. 

47  As  early  as  1584  Joh.  Franz  Buonomi,  as  nuncio,  cum  potestate  Legati  de  Latere, 
was  sent  to  Cologne  to  complete  the  deposing  of  the  Elector  Gebhard.  He  had 
great  powers  assigned  him,  covering  the  whole  province  (see  in  Hartzheim,  Concil. 
German,  viii.  498),  which,  however,  were  much  abridged  by  Sixtus  V.  (ibid.  p.  503). 
As  he  had  successors,  he  was  regarded  in  Rome  as  the  first  stationary  nuncio  in 
Cologne  (Pii  P.  VI.  Responsio  ad  Metropolitanos  Mogunt.  Trevir.  Colon,  et  Salisb. 
super  Nunciaturis  Apostolicis,  Leodii,  1790,  p.  348);  in  fact  he  was  legate  extraordi- 
nary, see  (Ch.  Fr.  Weidenfeld's)  Griindliche  Entwickelung  der  Dispens-  und  Nuntia- 
turstreitigkeiten  (Boun),  1788,  4,  p.  335  ;  Begrundete  Gegenbemerkungen  fiber  die 
Betrachtungen  wider  das  Kolnische  Promemoria,  1789,  p.  83.  But  when  the  seven- 
teen-years-old  Ferdinand  was  elected  coadjutor  on  the  Pope's  recommendation,  the 
Papal  legate  had  to  conclude  a  compact  with  the  Cathedral  Chapter,  in  which  it  is 
declared  (Tractatus  de  Coadjutoria  Archiepiscopi  Ferdinandi,  de  anno  1595,  annexed 
to  the  work,  Calophoria,  or  materials  for  answering  the  writing:  Veritable  Etat, 
etc.,  1787,  p.  53):  Quod  ad  spirituale  attinet,  (S.  Sanctitas)  confidit  de  Coadjutore 
et  Capitulo,  quod  pro  zelo  christianae  religionis  et  pietatis  decorem  domus  Dei 
imprimis  cordi  habcbunt:  attamen,  siquidem  Capitulo  ita  videbitur,  pro  majori  aucto- 
ritate  et  securitate  rerum  tam  temporalium,  quam  spiritualium  offert  Sua  Sanctitas 
habere  in  hac  provincia,  saha  tamen  semper  or  dinar  ia  jurisdiction,  virum  gravem  ac 
pium  cum  titulo  et  dignitate  Nuntii  apostolici,  cum  facultatibus  opportunis  pro 
6alute  Ecclesiae,  et  cum  expresso  mandato  s.  Sedis  apostolicae,  ut  ea,  quae  unioni 
patriae  juratae,  quae  juratis  capitulationibus,  quae  etiam  Ecclesiae  consuetudinibus 
repugnant,  per  omnia  tolli,  et  quae  eis  conveniant,  observari  procuret.  Thus  the 
nunciature  at  Cologne  had  a  transient  occasion,  but  it  became  permanent;  see  Ent- 
wickelung, p.  340 ;  Gegenbemerkungen,  p.  92. 

48  The  nuncios  at  first,  in  cases  of  appeal,  nominated  judices  in  partibus  ;  then 
they  named  for  this  one  of  their  own  clergy  as  auditor ;  next  they  took  appeals, 
passing  over  the  metropolitan ;  and,  in  fine,  took  up  cases  in  the  first  instance ;  see 
Entwickelung  (above),  p.  346.  As  in  the  chapters  of  Cologne,  Miinster,  Liege,  and 
Paderborn  the  episcopal  officials  had  concurrent  jurisdiction  with  the  secular 
judges,  the  nuncios  also  took  appeals  from  them  in  secular  cases;  and  against  this 
the  Imperial  Chamber  had  long  to  struggle ;  see  Pragmat.  u.  actenmassige  Gesch. 
der  zu  Munchen  neu  errichteten  Nuntiatur,  Frankf.  u.  Leipz.  1787,  p.  109.  There  (in 
Appendix,  p.  53)  are  extracts  giving  the  powers  (facultates)  which  Benedict  XIV.,  in 
the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  conferred  on  the  Cologne  nuncio.  Among 
others:  1. Visitandi  et  reformandi  patriarchales  —  et  alias — Ecelesias,  nee  nou  mo- 
nasteria.  2.  Constitutiones,  consuetudines  et  mores  mutandi,  vel  constitutiones  de 
novo  edendi.  5.  Cognoscendi  et  terminandi  causas  criminales,  et  matrimoniales, 
et  quascunque  alias  ecclesiasticas,  profanas,  civiles,  criminales,  et  mixtas,  ad  forum 
ecclesiasticum  quomodolibet  pertinentes  (non  tamen  beneficiales),  praeterquam  in 
prima  instantia.  7.  Conferendi  beneficia  ecclesiastica  simplicia  intra  limites  suae 
legationis,  dummodo  ratione  mensium  apostolicorum  reservata  non  fuerint,  quorum 
fructus  viginti  quatuor  Ducatos  auri  de  Camera  non  excedunt,  etc.  The  Protestants 
at  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon,  1594,  made  special  complaint  that  the  Papal  legates  endeav- 
ored to  undermine  the  Religious  Peace  of  Augsburg,  aud,  with  help  of  the  Jesuits, 


76  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

general  ecclesiastical  order  of  Germany  was  broken  up,  and  the 
bishops  troubled  themselves  less  about  the  Pope,49  the  Arch- 
bishop Ferdinand  of  Cologne,  in  lG^S,  became  more  dependent 
on  the  Pope,  by  obtaining,  through  Papal  indulgences,  the  right 
of  dispensation  as  to  marriages,50  renewable  every  five  years — ■ 
facilitates  quinquennales.bl  By  degrees  such  concessions  were 
interpolated  into  these  indulgences  that  the  dignity  of  the  epis- 
copal office  was  greatly  lowered.52 


§  59. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

The  Jesuits  were  the  most  important  prop  of  the  Popes,  and 
gave  them  the  most  powerful  aid.  They  were  soon  spread 
abroad,  every  where  enlarging  the  Papal  sway  by  confirming 
the  wavering,  quickening  the  indifferent,  restoring  the  lapsed, 
and  converting  the  unbelieving.  They  were  as  active  as  the 
mendicant  friars  had  been  in  their  prime,  and  were  also  as  much 

to  enlarge  their  jurisdiction ;  see  Struve's  Ausfuhrliche  Historic  der  Religionsbe- 
scliwerden,  i.  373,  374. 

49  Thus  Montorio,  the  Papal  nuncio  at  Cologne,  1634,  reported  to  the  Pope  that 
the  German  bishops  filled  the  places  in  the  reserved  Papal  months  and  gave 
dispensations  in  all  cases.  Ranke,  iv.  409;  [Am.  ed.  p.  296;  Appendix,  No.  109,  p. 
542]. 

50  At  Trent  the  Spaniards  and  French  vindicated  this  right  for  the  bishops,  the 
Italians  opposed  (Sarpi,  lib.  viii.  §  31),  and  so  nothing  about  it  was  determined.  It 
is  only  declared,  Sess.  XXV.  De  Reform,  cap.  18  :  Quodsi  urgens  justaque  ratio,  et 
major  quandoquc  utilitas  postulavcrint,  cum  aliquibus  dispensaudum  esse;  id  causa 
cognita,  ac  summa  maturitate,  atque  gratis  a  quibuscunque,  ad  quos  dispensatio  pertine- 
bit,  erit  pracstandum. 

51  Mayencc  followed  in  1658 ;  Treves,  1662.  See  Entwickelung  d.  Dispcns-  u.  Nun- 
tiaturstreitigkeiten,  p.  116. 

62  It  belongs  to  the  powers  (facilitates)  which  Innocent  X.,1680,  conceded  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Mayence  (Ueber  das  unjustifizirliche  Schrcibcn  des  Erzb.  Pacca,  Nun- 
zius  zu  Koln,  Frankf.  u.  Leipz.  1787,  p.  95);  also,  2.  the  facultas,  tenendi  et  legendi 
libros  prohibitos  haereticorum  ad  effectum  cos  impugnandi,  ct  alios  quomodolibct 
prohibitos,  praeterquam  opera  Car.  Molinaei,  Nic.  Machiavelli,  ac  libros  de  astrolo- 
gia — tractantes,  ita  tamen,  ut  libri  ex  illis  provinciis  non  efferantur.  And  this  power 
wns  again  conferred  by  Pins  VI.,  about  1786,  but  with  a  large  increase  of  the  books  un- 
conditionally forbidden  ( ibid.  p.  101).  Besides  this,  the  following  powers  are  also  here 
granted:  12.  Conferendi  Ordines  extra  tempora,  et  non  servatis  interstitiis  usque  ad 
sacerdotium  inclusive;  14.  Conficiendi  olca  cum  quinque  saltern  saeerdotibus,  non 
tamen  extra  diem  Coenac  Domini,  nisi  ueccssitas  Blind  urgeat;  10.  Defercndi  sanc- 
tissimum  Sacramcntum  occulte  ad  Inflrmos  sine  lnmine, — si  ab  haereticis  ant  infide- 
libus  sit  periculum  sacrilcgii,  etc.  In  glaring  contrast  with  this  stand  especially  the 
powers  of  the  nuncios ;  sec  Note  48. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.   §  59.  JESUITS  AFTER  1563.    77 

favored  by  the  Papal  See.1  But  the  efficiency  of  the  Jesuits  was 
on  a  grander  scale,  since  they  did  not,  like  the  mendicants,  limit 
themselves  to  a  one-sided  culture,  but  received  into  their  Society 
manifold  characters  and  talents,  to  use  them,  under  the  strictest 
unity  in  government  and  with  inviolable  obedience,  in  the  most 
varied  services  for  the  ends  of  their  Order.2  Fanatical  ascetics, 
and  those  that  had  talent  for  the  arts  and  for  organization,  were 
employed  in  missions ;  the  worldly  wise  and  skillful  were  placed 
at  courts,  the  learned  in  schools ;  orators  were  made  preachers. 
But  all  were  bound  undeviatingly  to  one  end — the  elevation  of 
their  Society,  and  thereby  of  the  Papacy,  to  sole  sovereignty.  In 
most  of  the  Catholic  states  the  higher  instruction  of  youth  came 
chiefly  into  their  hands,  and  thus  they  formed  a  generation  wholly 
submissive  to  them.  And  as  most  of  the  theological  seminaries, 
instituted  according  to  the  direction  of  Trent,  were  given  up  to 
them,  they  won  a  great  following  among  the  best  educated  of 
the  clergy.  Through  these,  and  also  by  their  own  assiduity  as 
preachers  and  confessors,  they  got  a  most  important  influence 
over  the  people ;  while  they  worked  upon  princes  by  becoming 
confessors  at  the  courts,  a  position  very  often  confided  to  them. 

.  Their  zeal  was  pre-eminently  directed  to  those  states  and  king- 
doms which  had  fallen  off  from  the  Church  ;  and  they  soon  suc- 
ceeded in  kindling  afresh  the  conflicts  of  the  Beformation,  and 
not  only  in  setting  limits  to  it  in  some  lands,  but  also  in  forcing 

1  Litterae  ApOstolicae,  quibus  Institutio,  Confirmatio,  et  Varia  Privilegia  continen- 
tur  Socictatis  Jesu,  Antverp.  1635 ;  also  in  the  Corpus  Institutorum  Soc.  Jesu,  vol.  i. 
Gregory  XIII.  conceded  to  the  Jesuits,  in  the  Bull  Decet  Romanian  Pontiflcem,  1575, 
quod  omnibus  privileges  fratrum  et  sororum  Mendicantium,  aliarumque  religionum 
ordinibus,  et  monasteriis,  ac  personis  tarn  saecularibus  quam  regularibus  hactenus 
concessis  et  in  futurura  concedendis  uti,  frui,  ac  in  eis  procedere  possint.  In  the  de- 
nunciatory address  made  by  Louis  Doll,  in  the  name  of  the  Paris  pastors,  against  the 
Jesuits,  July  13,  1594,  it  is  declared  (d'Argentre,  Collectio  Judiciorum,  ii.  i.  515) : 
Gregoire  XIII.  en  l'an  1575  leur  donne  permission  de  converser  avec  les  heretiques, 
et  a  cette  fin  de  changer  d'habit,  et  se  deguiser.  This  must  have  been  a  secret  priv- 
ilege, as  there  is  no  trace  of  it  in  the  Litteris  Apostolicis. 

2  Imago  Primi  Saeculi  Societatis  Jesu,  a  Provincia  Flandro-Belgica  ejusdem  Socic- 
tatis Repraesentata,  Antverp.  1640,  fol.,  Proleg.  p.  33 :  Dispersa  quidem  sunt  per  om- 
nes  orbis  angulos  Societatis  membra,  tot  nationibus  regnisque  divisa,  quot  limitibus 
tellus:  sed  haec  tantummodo  sunt  intervalla  locorum,  non  mentium;  discrimina 
sermonis,  non  pectoris;  colorum  dissimilitudo,  non  morum.  In  hac  familia  idem 
sentiunt  Latinus  et  Graecus,  Lusitanus  et  Brasilus,  Hibernus  et  Sarmata,  Iber  et  Gal- 
lus,  Britannus  et  Belga:  atque  in  tarn  disparibus  geniis  nullum  certamen,  nulla  con- 
tentio;  nihil  ex  quo  sentias  plures  esse. — Nihil  sua  putantinteresse,  ubi  nati  sint. — 
Idem  propositus,  idem  tenor  vitae,  eadem  voti  copula  colligavit. —  Volvitur  et  revol- 
vitur  hominis  unius  nutu  Societatis  universae  tanta  moles,  moverifacilis,  difflcilis  commoveri. 


78  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

it  back.  So  particularly  in  Germany,3  where  their  most  impor- 
tant polemical  writers  were  found,  viz.,  Martin  Pecanus,4  who 
worked  in  Mayence,  Wiirzbnrg,  and  Vienna,  d.  1624  ;  Jac.  Gret- 
ser,5  in  Ingolstadt,  d.  1625 ;  Adam  Tanner,6  in  Prague  and  In- 
golstadt, d.  1632 ;  and  Laurentius  Forer,7  in  Dillingen,  d.  1569. 
They  worked,  too,  in  Hungary,8  and  in  Poland,9  where  they  suc- 
ceeded, under  Antonius  Possevinus,  in  uniting  with  the  Eo- 
man  Church  the  larger  part  of  the  Greek  Church  of  Lithuania 
and  the   contiguous  Polish   provinces  (1590-1596).10     In  En- 

3  See  Div.  I.  §  11,  Note  14,  in  vol.  iv.  p.  223.  See  Sugenheim's  Gescli.  der  Jesuiten 
in  Deutsehland,  2  Bde.  Frankf.  a.  M.  1847.     Comp.  Chemnitz  (below),  §  60,  Note  30. 

*  His  chief  work:  Manuale  Controvcrsiarum  hujus  Temporis,  Ilerbip.  1623,  4,  often 
reprinted,  Opp.  Paris,  1635,  and  Mogunt.  1649,  fol. 

5  Innumerable  polemical  works  by  him ;  against  Aegidius  Hunnius,  espcciallydog- 
matic  and  polemic;  historic  and  polemic  on  the  Papacy,  Gregory  VII.,  and  Henry 
IV.,  against  Melchior  Goldast.     Opp.  Ratisbonae,  1734,  ss.  17  torn.  fol. 

6  By  him  :  Luthcrus,  s.  Anatomia  Confessionis  Augustanae,  Ingolst.  1613,  4.  Con- 
troversial works  against  Aegidius  Hunnius  on  the  Ratisbon  Conference,  etc. 

7  He  very  often  repeats  that  the  Protestants  had  forfeited  the  Religious  Peace 
(Div.  I.  §  11,  Note  24).  By  him,  among  other  works,  Symbolum  Catholicum,  Luthe- 
ranum  et  Calvinianum  cum  Apostolico  Collatum,  Dillingen,  1622,  4;  Bellum  Ubiqui- 
tisticum,  Vetus  et  Novum,  Dill.  1627, 12  (in  German :  Alter  u.  neuer  Katzenkrieg  v. 
der  Ubiquitat,  Ingolstadt,  1629, 12). 

8  Division  I.  §  16,  Note  24  sq.     See  vol.  iv.  p.  263. 

9  Division  I.  §  15,  Note  26  sq.     See  vol.  iv.  p.  256. 

10  The  Jesuits  drew  the  youth  of  the  Greek  Church,  especially  sons  of  nobles,  into 
their  colleges,  and  gained  them  for  their  party;  they  also  succeeded  in  filling  Greek 
episcopates  with  their  adherents.  As  King  Sigismund  III.  was  wholly  devoted  to 
tin  id,  they  were  able  to  entice  the  nobility  with  offices  and  the  bishops  with  sena- 
torial chairs.  Their  chief  instrument  was  Michael  Rahoza,  Metropolitan  of  Kiew, 
one  of  their  pupils.  At  two  synods  in  Brzesc  Litewski,  1590  and  1594,  the  Union 
was  inaugurated.  In  1595  two  bishops  were  sent  to  Rome ;  Clement  VIII.  ratified 
the  Union  by  the  Bull  Magnus  Dominus  et  LaudabUis,  Dec.  23, 1595,  under  the  stipu- 
lations of  the  Council  of  Florence  (see  vol.  iii.  Div.  IV.  §  156).  A  third  synod  at 
Brzesc  Litewski,  1595,  completed  the  work;  and  the  King  proclaimed  it  by  a  sover- 
eign rescript,  Dec.  15, 1596,  in  which  he  at  the  same  time  threatened  the  stanch  ad- 
herents of  the  Greek  Church  with  the  loss  of  the  royal  favor.  Persecutions  against 
them  were  next  set  on  foot,  and  their  churches  and  cloisters  were  taken  from  them. 
lint  they  hail  from  the  first  the  powerful  protection  of  Constantine  Ostrogoski,Voi- 
vode  of  Kiew;  and,  when  more  tolerant  rulers  succeeded,  many  of  the  Non-United 
Greeks  still  remained.  The  Romish  view  of  these  proceedings  is  given  in  Baronius, 
appended  to  his  Annales  Eccl.  vol.  vii. ;  also  in  the  work,  Die  Ncucstcn  Zustiinde 
der  Kathol.  Kirche  beidcr  Ritus  in  Polen  und  Russland,  Augsb.  1841,  p.  96  (with  docu- 
ments). The  opposing  view,  see  in  Karainsin,  Geseh  des  russ.  Reiches,  ix.  817(Hefele, 
in  the  Tiibinger  Quartalschrift,  1843,  p.  573,  cites  Karamsin,  ix.  318,  as  authority  for 
the  statement  that  Sigismund  III.  did  not  ilireatcn  persecution ;  but  on  p.  321  he  can 
read  in  what  way  Sigismund  Id  them  enter  in).  Au  impartial  account  is  in  Jos.  Lu- 
kasccwicz,  Geseh.  d.  reformirten  Kirehen  in  Litthauen  (2  vols.  Lpz.  1848),  i.  44.  The 
Union  had  in  itself  the  germs  of  its  dissolution;  since,  in  the  view  of  its  projectors, 
it  was  to  be  only  a  transition  to  entire  Roman  Catholicism.  The  United  Church  was 
subordinated  to  the  Roman  Catholics,  and  their  ecclesiastical  institutions  were  in 


PART  III.— CHAP.  Ill— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  59.  JESUITS  IN  SPAIN.     79 

gland11  and  in  Sweden12  the  Jesuits  could  only  stir  up  disorder 
without  permanent  effects.  On  the  other  hand,  in  Spain  and 
France  perils  awaited  them  which  could  only  be  overcome  by 
Papal  succor. 

The  Society  was  originally  composed  chiefly  of  Spaniards,  and 
for  a  long  time  only  Spaniards  filled  the  office  of  General.  As 
in  Spain,  under  the  Inquisition  and  the  Dominicans,  the  theology 
of  Thomas  Aquinas  had  sway,  this  was  also  prescribed  by  Loyola 
to  his  Society.13  Lainez,  however,  moved  by  opposition  to  Prot- 
estant tenets,  and  by  the  prevailing  tendency  outside  of  Spain, 
took  occasion  in  the  Council  of  Trent  to  deviate  from  the  Tho- 
mist  theology.14  The  Declaration  (published  under  his  general- 
ship) to  the  Constitutions  of  the  Order  (1558)  also  indicated  that 
the  dependence  of  the  Society  upon  the  Thomist  teachings  was 
not  unconditional.15  The  Cologne  Jesuits,  in  their  Censura  (1560), 
unreservedly  avowed  Pelagian  principles.16  Thus  originated  a 
contention  between  Jesuits  and  Dominicans ;  and  in  Spain,  where 
the  peculiarities  of  the  Jesuit  constitution  and  the  workings  of 

many  respects  altered.  Thus  hostility  to  the  Romish  Church  was  kept  up  among 
the  United  Greeks. 

11  See  vol.  iv.  §  28,  Note  11  sq.  p.  337. 

12  Vol.  iv.  §  18,  Note  17  sq.  p.  273. 

13  Constitt.  P.  IV.  cap.  14.    See  above,  §  56,  Note  31. 

14  Sess.  VI.,  January  13, 1547,  Can.  IV.  de  Justificatione,  reads :  Si  quis  dixeret,  libe- 
rum  hominis  arbitrium  a  Deo  motum  et  excitatum  nihil  cooperari  assentiendo  Deo 
excitanti, — anathema  sit.  Lainez  in  vain  tried  to  have  substituted  mentem  a  Deo 
motam  et  excitatam  for  arbitrium  a  Deo  motum  et  excitatum,  and  had  to  hear  that 
this  was  Pelagianizing :  See  Augustini  le  Blanc  (i.  e.  really  the  Dominican,  Jac. 
Hyacinth.  Sorry),  Hist.  Congregationum  dc  Auxiliis  divinae  Gratiae  sub  Clem.  VIII. 
et  Paulo  V.,  Lovan.  1700,  fob,  p.  4. 

15  Constit.  P.  IV.  cap.  14,  it  is  said :  In  theologia  legetur — doctrina  scholastica  divi 
Thomae;  but  there  is  added  the  Declaratio :  Praelegetur  etiam  Magister  Sententia- 
rum.  Sed  si  videretur  temporis  decursu  alius  auctor  studentibus  utilior  futurus,  ut 
si  aliqua  summa  vel  liber  theologiae  scholasticae  conficeretur,  qui  his  nostris  tempo- 
ribus  accommodatior  videretur ; — rebus  diligenter  expensis — cumPraepositi  Generalis 
approbatione,  praelegi  poterit.  Hence  it  was  that  the  opposers  of  the  Jesuits  so 
often  reproached  them  with  a  utilior  et  accommodatior  theologia  ;  and  though  this  may 
not  be  proved  from  the  Declaratio,  yet  it  holds  good  of  the  subsequent  development 
of  the  Jesuit  theology. 

16  Censura  de  praecipuis  Doctrinae  Caelestis  Capitibus,  Colon.  1560.  There  it  is 
said,  e.  g.  fol.  33:  Deum  desiderio  peccati  et  concupiscentiae  praefecisse  rationem  et 
arbitrii  libertatem,  cujus  imperio  subjiciatur  peccatum  tali  subjectionc,  qua  vix  ma- 
jor est,  ut  nihil  quicquam  agere  possit  teipso  non  annuente.  Fol.  37:  Deus  sua 
gratia  semper  praesto  est,  si  viderit  animum  ad  ejus  susceptionem  paratum  et  promp- 
tum,  si  non  reluctantem  reperiat.  Fol.  28,  the  warning,  ne  quis  peccata  hominum 
aut  naturam  nimium  exaggeret,  ut  nihil  in  ea  boni  insit.  Comp.  M.  Chemnitii 
Theologiae  Jesuvitarum  Praecipua  Capita,  Lips.  1563,  8. 


80  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

their  Society  had  become  offensive  to  many,  the  number  of  their 
opponents  was  augmented.17  A  still  more  violent  opposition  to 
the  Jesuits  was  engendered  at  the  University  of  Louvain,  iu 
which,  after  the  precedence  of  Michael  Baius,  a  pure  Augustin- 
ianism  supplanted  even  the  theology  of  Aquinas.  Pius  Y.  con- 
demned seventy-nine  articles  of  Baius  (1567)  in  a  very  mild 
form.18     Afterwards  Baius  (15G9  and  1570)  and  the  theological 

17  Mclchior  Canus  (Dominican  in  Salamanca  and  Toledo,  Bishop  of  the  Canary 
Islands,  d.  1500)  had  before  this  interpreted  2  Tim.  iii.  1-7  of  the  Jesuits  (Orlandi- 
nus,  Hist.  Soc.  Jesu,  i,  172),  and  wrote  to  the  Augustinian  Regla,  confessor  of  Charles 
V.,  Tuba  manna  minim  clangens  Sonum,  per  Liberium  Candidum  (i.  c.  the  Carmel- 
ite in  Liege,  Hcnricus  de  s.  Ignatio),  Argent.  1713,  p.  1:  Si  quo  pede  coepcrunt  Patres 
Societatis,  pergere  permittantur,  faxit  Deus,  ne  tempus  tandem  adveniat,  quo  Reges 
eis  obsistere  velint,  nee  possint.  In  his  Loci  Theologici,  Salmant.  1503,  fol.,  lib.  iv. 
c.  2,  he  says :  Societas  Cliristi  (1  Cor.  i.  9)  cum  Christi  Ecclesia  sit,  qui  titulum  sibi 
ilium  arrogant,  hi  videant,  an  haereticorum  more  penes  se  Ecclesiam  existere  menti- 
antnr.  Arias  Moutanus,  royal  chaplain  and  librarian,  wrote  to  King  Philip  II.,  1571 
(Fauli  Colomesii  Opera,  ed.  J.  A.  Fabricius,  Hamburgi,  1709,  4,  p.  537):  monco,  unam 
illarum  rerum,  quas  Majestas  V.  Gubernatori  ac  Ministris,  qui  in  Belgio  sunt  aut 
posthac  erunt,  severissime  debet  injungere,  esse  istam,  ut  caveant  Jesuitis  commi- 
sceri,  nee  quicquam  negotiorum  cum  illis  communiceut,  neque  ad  id,  quod  nunc  ha- 
bent  auctoritatis  vel  opum  in  his  provinciis,  ullam  accessioncm  faciant;  in  specie 
autem,  ut  Gubernator  Bclgii  nemine  illorum  pro  Praedicatore  vel  Confessario  uti 
audeat :  Deo  enim  et  conscientia  teste  pcrspectum  habeo,  tam  hoc  quam  quicquam 
aliud  referee  ad  rem  M.  V.  et  ad  liberam  cxecutionem  boni  regiminis  harum  provinci- 
arum.  Et  M.  V.  pro  certo  habcat,  perpaucos  in  Hispania  inveniri  extra  ipsorum 
Socictatem,  qui  pluribus  et  certioribus  quam  ego  argumentis  perspcetum  habeant, 
quae  sint  illorum  praetensiones  scu  studia,  qui  lines,  quantoque  ingenio  et  conatu 
ad  fines  sibi  propositos  connitantur,  similiterque  de  multis  corum  rebus  i>articu- 
laribus,  quibus  observandis  non  ab  uno,  sed  jam  a  quindecim  anuis  animum  adverti. 
— Nee  enim  me  praeterit,  quos  passim  exploratorcs  habeant,  ut  quicquid  de  suis  et 
alicnis  negotiis  agatur,  resciscant,  quantique  nocumenti,  et  quam  tectas  excrceant 
inimicitias  contra  minoris  auctoritatis  homines,  quos  quovis  modo  rerum  suarum 
quicquam  non  satis  ex  sua  libidine  attingere  intelligunt.  The  same  Arias,  in  his 
Comm.  de  varia  Hebraicorum  Librorum  Scriptione  et  Lcctione  prefixed  to  Biblia 
Hcbraco-Latina,  Antvcrp.  ap.  Plantinum,  1584,  p.  11 :  Utuntur  quidem  illi  (Jesuitae) 
magno  et  incredibili  ad  suas  agendas  res  mysterio:  sed  quod  facile  iis,  qui  simpli- 
cins  apertiusque  agere  volunt,  pelluceat,  quod  non  post  multos  annos  tandem  aperi- 
emlum  est  virtute  illius,  qui  illustrabit  abscondita  cordis  et  occulta  tenebrarum. 

lb  By  the  Bull  Ex  Omnibus  Affliclionibus,  which  is  wanting  in  the  Bullaria.  The 
rejected  points  in  Melch.  Leydeckeri  Hist.  Jansenismi,  Trajccti  ad  Rhen.  1095,  p.  278. 
E.  g.  10.  Non  est  vera  legis  obedientia,  quae  fit  sine  caritatc.  20.  Nullum  est  pecca- 
tum  ex  natura  sua  veniale,  sed  omne  peccatum  meretur  poenam  aeternam.  25. 
Omnia  opera  infidelium  sunt  peccata,  et  philosophorum  virtutcs  sunt  vitia.  27.  Li- 
li.  ruin  arbitrium  sine  gratiae  Dei  adjutorio  non  nisi  ad  peccandum  valet.  39.  Quod 
voluntarie  fit,  ctiamsi  neccssario  fiat,  liberc  tamen  fit.  59.  Quando  per  cleemosynas 
aliaquc  poenitentiac  opera  Deo  satisfacimus  pro  pocnis  temporalibus,  non  dignum 
pretium  Deo  pro  peccatis  nostris  offerimus,  sicut  quidam  ereantes  autumant  (nam 
alioqui  cssemus  saltern  aliqua  ex  parte  redemtores);  sed  aliquid  facimus,  cujus  in- 
tuitu Christi  satisfactio  nobis  applicatur  et  communicatur.  60.  Per  passiones  Sanc- 
torum in  indulgcntiis  communicatas  non  proprie  redimuntur  nostra  delicta;  sed  per 
communionem  caritatis  nobis  corum  passioncs  impartiuntur,  ut  digni  simus,  qui 


PART  III.— CH.  III.— CATH.  CH.     §  59.  JESUITS  AGAINST  AQUINAS.      gl 

faculty  (1585)  were  compelled  to  reject  these  theses  explicitly ; 
but  still  this  theological  tendency  was  not  thereby  changed.  Dur- 
ing this  period  Claudius  Aquaviva  (15S1)  became  General  of  the 
Order,19  the  first  who  was  not  a  Spaniard,  and  by  his  Ratio  Stu- 
diorum,  15S6,  he  freed  the  Society  still  more  decidedly  from  the 
Thomist  theology.20     In  Salamanca,  15S1,  the  theses  of  a  Jesuit 

pretio  sanguinis  Christi  a  poenis  pro  peccatis  debitis  liberemur.  73.  Nemo  praeter 
Christum  est  absque  peccato  originali :  hinc  b.  Virgo  mortua  est  propter  peceatum 
ex  Adam  contractual,  omnesque  ejus  afflictiones  in  hac  vita,  sicut  et  aliorum  justo- 
rum,  fuerunt  ultiones  peccati  actualis  vel  originalis.  75.  Motus  j)ravi  concupisceu- 
tiae  sunt,  pro  statu  hominis  vitiati,  prohibiti  praecepto :  Mm  conciqnsces.  Unde 
homo  eos  sentiens,  et  non  consentiens,  transgreditur  praeeeptum  :  Non  concupisces; 
quamvis  transgressio  in  peceatum  non  deputetur.  76.  Quamdiu  aliquid  concupis- 
centiae  carnalis  in  diligente  est,  non  facit  praeeeptum  :  Liliges  Dominium,  Deum  tuum 
ex  Mo  corde  tuo.  Baius  is  not  even  named  in  the  Bull:  the  tenets  are  said  to  have 
been  avowed  by  men — spectatae  alioquin  probitatis  et  doctrinae ;  though  it  was  gen- 
erally known  that  Baius  was  meant.  Of  these  opinions  the  Bull  says :  Quas  quidem 
sententias  stricto  coram  nobis  examine  ponderatas,  quanquam  nonnullae  aliquo 
pacto  sustineri  possent  (,)  in  rigore  et  proprio  verborum  sensu  ab  assertoribus  in- 
teuto  (,)  haereticas,  erroneas, — scandalosas — respective — damnamus,  circumscribi- 
mus  et  abolemus;  deque  iisdem  et  similibus  posthac  quoquo  pacto  loquendi,  scri- 
bendi  et  disputandi  facultatem  quibuscunque  interdicimus.  There  was  afterwards 
a  dispute  upon  the  question,  whether  in  the  above  sentence  the  (,)  should  be  after 
"possent,"  as  the  Jesuits  would  have  it,  or  after  "intento,"  as  the  adherents  of 
Baius  claimed.  See  Serry,  Hist.  Congregationum  de  Auxiliis,  p.  679.  Baius  main- 
tained in  his  Apology,  XL.  circiter  articulos  falso  sibi  impositos,  multos  praeterea 
a  collectoribus  suis  aemulis  in  alienum  sensum  detortos.  "Interim  male  etiam  me 
habet,  quod  multi  sibi  persuadeant,  omnes  istos  articulos,  qui  in  Bulla  damnantur, 
esse  falsos  vel  haereticos,  cum  aliqui  falsi  esse  non  possint."  Cf.  Leydecker,  p.  293. 
Dissertation  sur  les  Bulles  coutre  Bajus,  ou  Ton  montre,  qu'elles  ne  sont  pas  recues 
par  l'Eglise,  a  Utrecht,  1737. 

19  Ranke's  Fursten  u.  Volker,  iii.  284. 

20  Ratio  atque  institutio  studiorum  per  sex  Patres  ad  id  jussu  R.  P.  Praepositi 
Generalis  Deputatos  Conscripta,  Romae,  1586,  p.  9:  De  opinionum  Delectu  in  theo- 
logica  Facultate.  Regula  I.  Nemo  quicquam  doceat,  quod  cum  Ecclesiae  sensu,  re- 
ceptisque  traditionibus  non  bene  conveniat.  Reg.  II.  Expedit  etiam,  ubi  nullum 
pietatis  et  fidei  periculum  imminet,  suspicionem  vitare  studii  res  moliendi  novas, 
aut  novae  condendae  doctrinae.  Quare  opinionem  ullam  nemo  defendat,  quae  con- 
tra recepta  philosophorum  aut  theologorum  axiomata,  vel  contra  communem  scho- 
larum  theologicarum  sensum  a  plerisque  viris  doetis  esse  judicetur.  Reg.  III.  Quae 
opiuiones,  cujuscunque  auctoris  sint,  in  aliqua  provincia  aut  civitate  multos— eatho- 
lieos,  et  non  indoctos  offendere  scientur,  eas  ibi  nemo  doceat  aut  defendat,  quamvis 
alibi  sine  offensione  doceantur.  Hujusmodi  vero  opiniones  a  quolibet  Provinciali 
colligendae  forent,  audito  consilio  Doctorum  suae  provinciae,  ut,  qui  in  ea  doeent, 
nee  eas  ignorent,  nee  ullas  alias  esse  praeterea  hujus  generis  existiment.  Reg.  V. 
In  theologia  doctrinam  s.  Thomae  (ut  cavetur  4  parte  Constitutionum  cap.  14)  Nos- 
tri  sequantur,  exceptis  paucis,  quae  licet  sint  aut  videri  possint  esse  s.  Thomae,  quia 
tamen  contraria  et  sine  periculo  et  valde  probabiliter  defendi  possunt,  si  quis  haec 
docere  velit,  conniveant  Superiores  ad  ingeniorum  exercitationem  majorem  et  accu- 
ratius  veritatis  examen.  Nostri  itaque  non  cogantur  defendere  quae  sequuntur. 
There  follow  seventeen  positions,  ex  prima  parte  s.  Thomae;  among  them,  6.  Secun- 
das  causas  esse  proprie  et  univoce  instrumenta  Dei:  et  cum  operantur,  Deum  in 

VOL.  V. — 6 


82  FOURTH  PERIOD. -DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

were  assailed  as  Pelagian  ;21  in  15S7  the  Theological  Faculty  of 
Louvain  condemned  thirty-four  theses  of  the  same  stamp  by  two 
Jesuits  of  that  place,  Leonh.  Less  and  Joh.  Uamel.22     The  strife 

illas  primum  influcre  aut  cas  movere.  The  Jesuits  were  especially  charged  by  their 
opponents  with  doubts  upon  this  doctrine,  which  was  considered  as  the  nerve  of 
Augustinianism,  as  far  as  the  human  will  belongs  to-"secoud  causes."  Reg.  VI.  In 
caeteris,  quae  hie  excepts  non  suut,  a  s.  Thorua  Nostri  non  recedant:  expresse  ta- 
meu  detinienda  nonnulla  videntur.  Quaedam,  quia  non  tractantur  a  s.  Thoma: 
quaedam,  quia  ah  eo  attinguntur  quidern,  non  tamen  sub  expressis  ac  propriis  ter- 
tninis  definiuntur:  quaedam  denique,  et  sane  paucissima,  coutraria  s.  Thomae,  quia 
magie  sunt  approbata  commuuiter,  nee  parum  adjuvant  pietatem.  Ea  vero  sunt, 
quae  sequuntur.  21  Propositions  ex  prima  parte  s.  Thomae.  Reg.  VII.  Cum  hue 
propositiones  Doctorum  sententiis  valde  congruant,  et  sint  modo  receptae  commu- 
nius,  licet  in  earum  nonuullis  de  s.  Thomae  mente  dubitarisoleat;  quo  major  tamen 
sit  et  harum  auctoritas  et  Nostrorum  cousensio,  cum  secundum  eas  s.  Doctor  nou 
incommode  possit  exponi,  id  Nostri  praestare  conentur,  quoad  ejus  fieri  poterit. 
Reg.  VIII.  In  iis,  in  quibus  aliqua  libertas  coucessa  fuit,  nullus  ita  partem  unain  de- 
fendat,  ut  alteram  plusquam  par  esset,  exagitet:  prioris  etiam  professoris,  si  contra- 
rium  docuerat,  existimationi  consulat  unusquisque:  et  cum  commode  conciliari 
possuut  doctores,  id  vero  non  negligatur.  Reg.  IX.  In  caeteris  ita  Nostri  s.  Thomae 
adstringautur,  ut  non  nisi  ad  ejus  couclusiones  cogantur:  nee  ad  res,  quae  non  tarn 
theolouicae  quam  philosophicae  sunt,  de  quibus  ea  libertas  vel  obligatio  sit,  quae  in 
philosophia  statuetur.  Reg.  X.  In  iis,  quae  sunt  fidei,  non  facile  Nostri  vel  congru- 
entes  Doctorum  rationes  refellant,  vel  novas  excogitent,  nisi  ex  receptis  jam  solidis- 
que  principiis.  Reg.  XI.  Quae  a  s.  Thoma  nou  tractantur,  neque  hie  designata  sunt, 
ita  Nostri  disputent,  ut  probatos  maximc  sequantur  auctores,  ex  quibus  doceant, 
quae  et  pro  locorum  et  temporum  ratione  magis  recepta  sunt  in  Academiis,  et  ad 
auditor um  pietatem  conferunt.  Observeut  idem  quoque  in  s.  Thomae  sententia  as- 
Bequenda  colligendaque,  si  quando  paulo  obscurior  est.  This  first  Ratio  Studiorum 
was  examined  by  the  Spanish  Inquisition  at  the  instance  of  Philip  II.,  and  declared 
to  be  liber  temerarius,  periculosus,  jactantia  plenus.  In  consequence  it  was  forbid- 
den by  Sixtus  V.  (Serry,  p.  9).  It  is  now  one  of  the  rarest  of  books  ;  there  is  one  in 
the  Library  of  Treves,  and  in  the  Gottingen  Library  there  is  a  manuscript  copy. 

51  Here  first  appears  the  doctrine  De  Scienlia  Dei  Media,  which  was  developed  in 
the  Jesuit  schools  ;  see  Serry,  pp.  5,  G. 

22  These  positions  in  Serry,  p.  11.  Comp.  1.  Ut  quid  sit  Scriptura  sacra,  nou  est 
ncccssarium  singula  ejus  verba  inspirata  esse  a  Spiritu  sancto.  2.  Non  est  necessa- 
rium,  ut  singulae  veritates  et  sententiae  sint  immediate  a  Spiritu  sancto  ipsi  scrip- 
ton  inspiratae.  3.  Liber  aliquis,  qualis  forte  est  secundus  Machabaeorum,  humana 
industria  sine  assistentia  Spiritus  sancti  scriptus,  si  Spiritus  sanctus  postca  testetur 
nihil  ibi  esse  falsum,  cfticitur  Scriptura  sacra  (this  was  against  the  strict  Protestant 
doctrine  of  inspiration).  5.  Dcus  post  praevisum  peccatum  originalc  habuit  volun- 
tatem  dandi  Adamo  et  toti  ejus  posteritati  suftieientia  media  contra  peccata,  et  aux- 
ilia  ad  consequendam  vitam  aeternam  :  ergo  dat  illis  sufliciens  auxilium  ut  possint 
reverti.  10.  Dens  vult  dare  Christum  in  redemtorcm  pro  omnibus,  nullo  excepto : 
ergo  omnibus  praeparavit  sufficientia  media  per  Christum.  21.  Omnes  infideles 
Bemper  et  ubique  habent  enfficiens  auxilium  ex  parte  Dei,  sen  in  actn  primo.  Si 
enim  faccrcnt  quod  in  ipsis  est,  et  quantum  possent  secundum  praesentem  disposi- 
tionem  naturalem  vel  Bupernaturalem,  quam  habent,  Deus  illuminaret  cos,  ut  cre- 
dere possent,  vel  converti.  22.  Qui  invineibilitcr  ignorat  fidem,  tenetur  ad  praeeepta 
naturalia,  i.  e.  Dccalogum  :  ergo  habet  auxilium  morale  sufliciens  ad  ilia  implenda, 
quia  Dcus  ncminem  obligat  ad  impossibile :  alioquin  videtur  accedcre  ad  insaniam 
haereticorum,  qui  dicunt,  per  peccatum  originalc  amissum  liberum  arbitrium  ad  bo- 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.     §  59.  JESUITS.     MOLINA.      83 

thus  begun  became  more  violent  when  the  Jesuit  Louis  Molina, 
teacher  of  theology  at  the  University  of  Evora,  in  Portugal, 
avowed,  in  1588,  a  kind  of  Semipelagianism.23     In  Spain  many 

num.  23.  Sententia  quae  dicit,  eos  qui  salvantur  non  efflcaciter  electos  ad  gloriam 
ante  praevisionem  bonorum  operum,  vel  applications  meriti  contra  peccatum,  vide- 
tur  maxime  probabilis.  Tenent  autem  hanc  sententiam  omues  Patres  Graeci,  adeo 
ut  coramuniter  dicatur  senteutia  Graecorurn.  Et  in  scholio:  Quamquam  diversa 
sententia  Augusttuo  adscribatur,  non  puto  tamen  esse  Augustini.  Quod  si  taraeu 
contraria  sententia  esset  Augustini,  non  admodum  referret.  33.  Numerus  praede- 
stinatorum  non  est  certus  ex  praeordinatione,  quae  anteeedit  omneni  praescientiam 
operum.  34.  Haec  sententia  de  praedestinatione  et  reprobatione  maxime  consenta- 
nea  est  divinae  bonitati,  Scripturarum  auctoritati,  Patrum  testimoniis,  et  naturalis 
rationis  aequitati,  in  nulla  re  omnino  Pelagio  favens,  et  quam  longissime  a  sententia 
Lutheri  et  Calvini,  et  reliquorntn  Tiaereticorum  nostrae  tempestaiis  recedens ;  a  quorum 
sententia  et  argumentis  difficile  est  alteram  sententiam  vindicare. 

23  Liberi  Arbitrii  cum  Gratiae  Donis,  divina  Praescientia,  Providentia,  Praedesti- 
natione et  Reprobatione  Concordia,  Doctore  Lud.  Molina  auctore,  Lisboae,  1588,  fol. 
altera  sui  parte  auctior,  Antverp.  1595, 4.  The  characteristic  doctrines  of  this  work, 
as  drawn  out  by  the  Romish  scrutiny,  see  in  Serry,  p.  241.  E.  g.  I.  Concursus  Dei 
generalis  non  est  inlluxus  Dei  in  causam  secundam,  quasi  ilia  prius  ab  eo  mota  agat 
et  producat  suum  etfectum ;  sed  est  inlluxus  immediate  cum  causa  in  illius  actio- 
nem.— Inlluxus  vero  ille,  quo  causae  applicentur  et  moveantur  ad  agendum,  est  com- 
mentitius, — multumque  praejudicat  libertati  arbitrii  nostri. — Deus  enim  et  liberum 
arbitrium  habcnt  se  tanquam  duae  causae  partiales  (comp.  the  Ratio  Studiorum,15S6, 
Reg.V.  Propos.  6,  above,  Note  20).  II.  Potest  homo  per  vires  naturae  cum  solo  con- 
cursu  generali  Dei  assentiri  mysteriis  supernaturalibus  sibi  propositis  et  explicatis 
(qualia  sunt  Deum  esse  triunum  in  personis,  Christum  esse  Deum,  et  similia),  tan- 
quam a  Deo  revelatis,  actu  mere  naturali. — Homini  tamen  sic  assentienti  supernatu- 
ralibus mysteriis  Deus  ex  certa  lege  a  se  cum  Filio  suo  statute  gratiam  confert,  aux- 
iliave,  quibus  ille  credat  ut  oportet  ad  salutem.  III.  Hominibus,  qui  ad  filiorum  Dei 
dignitatem  nondum  pervenerunt,  eatenus  facta  est  potestas,  ut  filii  Dei  fiaut,  quate- 
nus,  si  quantum  in  se  est  conentur,  praesto  illis  aderit  Deus,  ut  fidem  et  gratiam 
consequantur.  V.  Deus  sine  ulla  intermissione  ad  ostium  cordis  nostri  stat,  para- 
tus  semper  conatus  nostros  adjuvare,  desideransque  ingressum.  VI.  Licet  auxilium 
supernaturale  gratiae  non  sit  simpliciter  necessarinm,  ut  liberum  arbitrium  assentia- 
tur  actu  mere  naturali  iis  quae  fides  docet,  sed  solum  ut  assentiatur  prout  oportet 
ad  salutem ;  nihilominus  quam  saepissime  non  solum  confert,  ut  assensus  eliciatur, 
qualis  oportet,  sed  etiam  ut  simpliciter  eliciatur.  IX.  Vocatio  Dei  interna  ad  fidem, 
interior  excitatio  fidelis  ad  poenitentiam  per  gratiam  praevenientem,  immo  et  illus- 
trationem  et  auxilia,  quibus  justificati  a  Deo  adjuvantur,  turn  ut  majora  Spiritus  in- 
crementa  percipiant,  turn  ne  tentationibus  succumbant, — pendent  quam  maxime  a 
libero  arbitrio  ejus  qui  vocatur  et  excitatur.— Est  enim  rationi  valde  consentaneum, 
ut  ilium  potius  misericorditer  vocet  et  adjuvet  Deus,  qui  paratus  obedire  veritati 
illamque  amplecti,  quam  eum,qui  sinistra  intentione  ad  audiendum  accedit.  X.  Po- 
test homo  solis  viribus  naturalibns  liberi  arbitrii  et  concursu  generali  Dei  elicere 
actum  absolutum  mere  naturalem  dilectionis  Dei  super  omnia,  qui  ad  justificationem 
nequaquam  sufficiat,  et  pari  ratione  propositum  absolutum — placendi  Deo  in  omni- 
bus. XII.  Interim  dum  judicium  rationis  non  absorbetur,— in  arbitrio  humano, 
spectato  in  statu  naturae  lapsae,  sunt  vires  sine  speciali  auxilio  Dei— ad  non  con- 
sentiendum  in  quocunque  temporis  momento  cuicunque  gravi — tentationi,  et  ad  su- 
perandam  quamcunque  magnam  dillicultatem,  quam  pro  servanda — lege  naturali 
necesse  sit  vincere ; — ita  ut,  si  consentiat,  peccet,  eo  quod,  secluso  quocunque  alio 
majori  auxilio,  in  potestate  ipsius,  tametsi  n®n  sine  ingenti  difficultate,  positum  est 


84  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

of  the  older  Jesuits  became  discontented  both  with  the  new 
General  and  with  these  manifestations.24     The  Society  was  di- 

non  transgredi  tunc  legem.  XIV.  TripUcan  scientiam  oportet  distinguamus  iu  Deo, 
nisi  periculose  in  concilianda  libertate  arbitrii  nostri  et  contingcntia  rerum  cum  di- 
riua  pracscientia  hallucinari  velimus. — Unam  mere  naturdlem ;  alteram  mere  libe- 
ram  ;  tertiam  denique  mediam  scientiam,  qua  ex  altissima  ct  inscrutabili  eomprehen- 
sione  cujusque  liberi  arbitrii  iu  sua  essentia  intuitus  est,  quid  pro  sua  imiata  liber- 
tate, si  in  hoc  vcl  illo  vcl  etiam  infinitis  rerum  ordinibus  collocaretur,  aeturum  esset, 
cum  tamen  posset,  si  vellct,  facere  re  ipsa  oppositum  (comp.  Note  31).  XV.  Non 
video,  praetcr  auxilium  particulare  gratiae  praeveuientis  et  coneursum  Dei  genera- 
lem,  necessarium  esse  auxilium  aliud  particulare  gratiae,  ut  liberum  arbitrium  ali- 
quem  illorum  actuum  possit  eliccre  (credendi  scilicet,  sperandi,  et  pocnitendi  ut 
oportct).  XVII.  Nonnulli — duplex  auxilium  divinum  constituunt,  quoddam  efficax, 
et  quoddam  sufficiens,  veruntamen  ineffieax.  Quod  vero  auxilium  efficax  sit  ant 
ineffieax,  censent  nulla  ratione  tribuendum  esse  libero  arbitrio, — quod, — si  eonsen- 
tiat  et  cooperctur  ut  potest,  efficiat  illud  efficax  ;  si  vero  non  consentiat,  neque  co- 
opcretur, — recldat  illud  ineffieax ;  sed  ipsi  auxilio,  sive  Deo,  efficaciter  aut  inefficaci- 
ter  per  illud  moventi,  tribuendum  esse,  quod  liberum  arbitrium  consentiat,  aut  non 
consentiat. — Certe  non  dubitarem,  senteutiam  banc  hoc  ultimo  modo  explicatam 
errorem  in  fide  appellare.  Etenim  ea  data  non  video,  qua  ratione  libertas  arbitrii 
nostri  salva  possit  consistere.  The  Dominicans  especially  attacked  the  Scientia  Dei 
Media  (Serry,  p.  535),  with  which  Augustine  had  already  reproached  the  Pelagians, 
as  scientiam  illam  futurorum  contingentium  dependcutium  a  causa  libera,  ante  ac- 
tuale  decretum  divinae  voluntatis,  volentis  vel  saltern  permittcntis  ilia  futura  esse 
vel  futura  absolute,  vel  futura  sub  conditione. 

24  The  Jesuit  Henr.  Henriquez,  teacher  of  theology  in  Salamanca,  declared  de- 
cidedly against  Molina,  and  handed  in  severe  criticisms  upon  him  to  the  General 
Inquisitor  in  1594,  and  to  the  Pope  in  1597;  Serry,  p.  101.  Joh.  Mariana,  Jesuit  in 
Toledo,  Des  Defauts  du  Gouvernement  des  Jesuites,  c.  4  (Mcrcure  Jesuite,  ii.  107), 
on  the  other  hand,  gives  a  judgment  about  these  matters  on  the  ground  of  discre- 
tion :  Que  dirai-je  du  livre  de  ratione  studiorum,  par  le  moyen  duqucl  nostre  General 
au  commencement  de  son  Generalat  pretendit,  non  seulement  d'ordonncr  la  police 
de  nos  escholes,  mais  aussi  la  reigle  de  doctrine  pour  tous  ? — Le  zele  estoit  bon, 
mais  la  maniere  d'y  proceder  estoit  la  plus  estrange,  qui  se  soit  jamais  entreprise  en 
compagnie  quelconque.  II  est  fort  mal  aise  d'assujettir  les  esprits:  mais  ici  spe- 
cialement  d'antant  que  des  quatre,  qui  furent  choisis  a  cet  effet,  les  trois  estoient 
mal  propres.  Ce  qui  en  rcsulta,  fut,  que  les  provinces  s'en  ressentirent,  l'lnquisi- 
tiou  s'y  interposa,  et  interdit  le  livre.  Et  ce  nonobstant,  ropiniastrete  passa  bien 
avant:  en  quoi  il  se  passa  des  choses  iudignes  de  personnes  tant  prudentes,  qui 
aussi  ne  doivent  estrc  mises  par  escrit. — Ainsi  la  liberty  d'avoir  ses  propres  opinions, 
nonobstant  ce,  est  demeuree,  ct  reste  en  son  estat  precedent.  Dont  sont  procedees 
plusieurs  et  ordinaircs  brouillcries  et  debats  avec  les  Peres  Dominicains,  lesquels 
nous  devious  plustost  recognoistre  pour  maistres.  Je  ne  tairai  de  confesser,  que 
ces  Peres  la  pourroient  bien  un  petit  moderer  leur  rigueur,  comme  aussi,  que  n<>> 
gens  leur  avoient  donne  quelques  occasions:  mais  tout  se  pouvoit  excuser.  Je  ne 
veux  pas  au.-si  rafraichir  la  memoire  de  tous  les  differents,  qui  ont  este  en  grand 
nombre.  Je  dirai  seulement,  qn'a-  l'occasion  d'nn  livre,  qu'  escrivit  le  Pere  Molina 
sur  le  sujet  de  la  grace  ct  du  francarbitre,  ces  Peres  la  s'altererent  bien  fort,  recou- 
rurent  a  Tlnquisition,  ct  de  l;l  a  Rome,  1:1  ou  encor  a  present  le  proees  continue,  ct 
se  meine  avec  beaucoup  d'opiniastrete"  ct  de  passion  :  et  quand  bien  nous  en  sorti- 
rions  victorieux,  ce  qui  est  encor  fort  doutcux,  il  auroit  tousjours  cou'ste  plusieurs 
miUiers,  et  L'inqnietnde  de  plusieurs  anuecs.  Je  me  souviens,  qu'un  personnagc, 
qui  avoit  quelque  cognoissance  de  ces  ehoses,  donna  avis  aux  nostrcs,  qu'ils  se  gar- 
dassent  de  s'embarrasscr,  ou  B'engager  bien  avant  en  cette  affaire,  oraignant  ec  qui 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  59.  JESUITS  IN  SPAIN,     go 

vided  into  two  opposite  parties.  We  know  the  grievances  of 
both  from  the  writings  of  John  Mariana,25  the  most  important 

est  arrive\  Cela  ne  servit  de  rien.  Car  le  General  se  trouva  engage  a  cause  de  la 
permission,  qu'il  avoit  donnee  d'imprimerleditlivre:  et  en  ces  quartiers  de  deca  les 
jeuues  gens  faisoient  le  tout  fort  aise\  Le  malneur  voulut,  que  tant  1' Assistant  a 
Rome,  que  le  Provincial  en  ces  quartiers  (par  les  mains  desquels  tout  passa)  estoient 
hommes  sans  lettres,  fourres  dans  ces  charges  par  gens  de  mesme  humeur  et  gaillar- 
dise.— At  the  instance  of  Spain,  Clement  VIII.  called  (1592)  a  General  Congregation 
of  the  Order.  The  written  complaints  of  the  Spanish  Jesuits  then  addressed  to  him 
are  in  the  Mercure  Jesuite,  ii.  195 ;  Tuba  Magna  mirum  Clangens  Sonum  de  Necessi- 
tate Reformandi  Soc.  Jesu,  Argent.  1713,  p.  400.  Amoug  other  things :  Nova  quae- 
dam  misceri  et  concitari  mala  in  nostra  sodalitate  qui  negat,  amens  est  aut  caecus. — 
Cum  quis  est  creatus  Superior,  nullum  timet,  facit  quod  vult,  tractat  sulxlitos  ut 
libet,  obliviscitur  obedientiae,  humilitatis,  paupertatis,— quia  scit  a  nullo  posse  pri- 
vari  praelatura,  praeterquam  a  Generali,  qui  ad  conservationem  suae  Monarchiae  pu- 
tat  expedire,  ut  Superiores  diutissime  gubernent.  Et  licet  sint  insufficientes,  scan- 
dalosi  et  perturbatores  pacis,  tamen  Generalis  vel  non  credit  subditis,  vel  si  credit, 
ne  videatur  fecisse  malam  electionem,  pertinaciter  sinit  illos  gubernare.  Hinc  est, 
quod  tam  multi  coguntur  egredi  extra  Societatem  nostram,  quia  Generalis  magis 
credit  Superioribus  mendacium,  quam  aliis  vcritatem. — Videmus  cum  magno  detri- 
mento  Religionis  nostrae  et  scandalo  mundi,  quod  Generalis,  nulla  habita  ratione 
nee  antiquitatis  nee  laborum  nee  meritorum,  facit  quos  vult  Superiores,  et  ut  pluri- 
mum  juvenes  et  novitios,  qui  sine  ullis  meritis,  et  sine  ulla  experientia,  cum  maxima 
arrogantia  praesunt  senioribus  et  illis,  qui  diu  laboraverunt  et  laborant  in  Ecclesia 
Dei.  Et  denique  Generalis,  quia  homo  est,  liabet  etiam  suos  affectus  particulares,  et 
cum  afflcitur  erga  aliquem,  promovet  ilium,  etiamsi  vere  indignus  :  et  quia  est  Nea- 
politans, melioris  sunt  conditionis  Neapolitani.— Licet  Generalis  habeat  suos  con- 
siliarios,  tamen  non  tenetur  stare  ipsorum  consilio,  sed  est  dominus  dominantium, 
et  facit  quod  vult,  nullis  legibus  adstrictus,  unde  mortificat  et  vivificat,  deprimit  et 
exaltat  quem  vult,  ac  si  esset  Deus. — Sciat  autem  S.  V.  paucissimos  esse  Professos, 
imo  Constitutiones  ordinant,  ne  multiplicentur  Professi,  quod  an  sit  bene  constitu- 
tum,  videat  S.  V.  Nam  hoc  est  certum,  quod  pauci  sunt  contenti  in  Societate  prae- 
ter  paucos  Superiores  et  Professos.  Et  si  saltern  in  creandis  Professis  observaretur 
justitia, — esset  aliquo  modo  tolerandum  :  sed  res  dependet  a  beneplacito  Generalis, 
qui  homo  est;  quod  quam  sit  indignum,  nemo  est  qui  non  intelligat.  Then  follow 
proposals  to  limit  the  power  of  the  General,  and  to  change  the  Superiors  every  two 
or  three  years.  From  other  provinces,  however,  came  petitions  to  leave  the  Consti- 
tution unaltered  (see  Mercure  Jesuite,  ii.  293;  Tuba,  p.  406  sq.).  The  fifth  General 
Congregation  (Nov.  1593  to  Feb.  1594),  the  first  held  while  a  General  was  living,  was 
wholly  on  the  side  of  the  General,  but  was  obliged  to  accept  the  Papal  order  to 
change  Provincials  and  Rectors  every  three  years.  This  Congregation,  too,  by  the 
desire  of  King  Philip  II.,  conceded  the  renunciation  by  the  Society  of  the  use  of 
several  privileges  in  Spain,  demanded  by  the  Inquisition,  and  already  acted  upon  by 
Aquaviva,  viz.  (Decret.  XXL)  of  the  facultas  legendi  libros  prohibitos;  absolvendi 
ab  haeresi  in  foro  conscientiae ;  et  exemptio,  ne  Nostri  absque  expresso  Superioris 
sui  consensu  ac  mandato  ad  quodvis  munus — obeundum — adigi  vel  cogi  possent. 
Hist.  Soc.  Jesu,  P.  V.  t.  ii.  auct.  Jos.  Juvencio,  p.  1  (lib.  XL  Societatis  domesticis 
motibus  agitata  ab  anno  1591  ad  1608).     Ranke,  iii.  280. 

25  Mariana,  Discurso  de  las  Enfermedades  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus,  appeared  after 
the  death  of  the  author,  in  Spanish,  French,  Italian,  and  Latin,  Bordeaux,  1625  (in 
Spanish  and  French,  as  Discours  des  Defauts  du  Gouvernement  des  Jesuites,  in  Mer- 
cure Jesuite,  t.  ii.,  Geneve,  1635,  p.  1).  The  Jesuits  have  declared  it  to  be  spurious 
or  interpolated ;  against  this,  see  Serry,  p.  116.  Here  appear  the  same  complaints 
against  the  omnipotence  and  arbitrary  rule  of  Superiors  as  in  works  named  in  Note 


80  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1G48. 

24.  Besides  this,  chap.  3  (Mercure,  ii.  100) :  Le  gouvernement  est  fonde  sur  censures 
et  syndications,  qui  est  un  fiel  respandu  par  tout  cc  corps,  qui  lui  cause  une  jaunisse 
universelle  :  d'autant  que  nul  ne  se  peut  tier  de  son  frere,  qu'il  ne  lui  rende  quelque 
mauvais  office  de  mouchard  et  cspion,  et  ne  veuille  aux  despens  d'autrui  gaigner  les 
bonnes  graces  de  scs  Superieurs,  et  sur  tout  du  General  Chap.  4:  Des  Troubles  et 
Debats  entre  les  nostrcs  (p.  101),  on  the  disturbances  in  Spain,  occasioned  by  the 
mistakes  of  General  Aquaviva  in  the  appointment  of  Provincials  and  Rectors.  Chap. 
6:  Complaints  as  to  the  lack  of  good  teachers  in  the  humaniora.  C'est  une  chose 
hors  de  doute,  qu'aujourd'hui  on  sait  moins  de  latin  en  Espagne,  qu'on  n'en  savoit 
il  y  a  cinquante  ans.  Chap.  7:  That  there  were  too  many  Coadjutores  temporaks, 
whose  power  in  the  administration  was  too  great,  and  that  hence  debts  accumu- 
lated immoderately;  p.  129:  les  debtes  sont  telles,  qu'elles  nous  accablent.  Chap. 
10:  De  la  Monarchic.  Nous  sommes  arrives  a  la  source  de  nos  desordres  et  des  de- 
goustemens  que  nous  experimentons.  Singularis  ferus  depastus  est  earn.  Cette  mo- 
narchic, autant  que  jc  puis  juger,  nous  accable,  non  en  tant  que  Monarchic  ;  mais  en 
tant  que  non  bien  attemperee  :  c'est  une  beste  sauvage,  qui  degaste  tout,  et  si  on  ne 
l'arreste,  nous  ne  pouvons  esperer  repos.  Chap.  11 :  Si  lc  General  scul  usoit  de  ce 
gouvernement  et  Monarchic,  la  chose  seroit  tolerable,  au  moins  ses  maux  n'en  se- 
roient  si  grands.  Mais  le  mal  est,  que  les  Provinciaux  et  les  Superieurs  immediats  se 
gouvernent  de  la  nieme  facon  en  leurs  ressorts;  estants  absolus,  sans  qu'aucun  les 
puisse  reteuir,  ni  empescher. — De  la  s'ensuit  peu  de  contentement; — et  pour  mon 
avis,  c'est  une  mesme  chose,  gouvernement  sans  contentement,  et  gouvernement 
taut  if.  Chap.  12:  On  establit  es  charges  des  jeunes  hommes,  peu  lettres  et  de  petit 
fouds,  non  pourccqu'ils  ontles  parties  necessaires  ;  ains,  d'autant  qu'estans  plus  en- 
treprenans  et  hardis,  ils  savent  pateliner  a  propos  et  a  temps. — La  nation  Espagnole 
s'est  persuadee,  qu'elle  demeure  pour  tousjours  excluse  du  Gencralat.  Et  cette 
persuasion,  vraie  ou  fausse  qu'elle  soit,  ne  peut  qu'elle  ne  produise  des  mescontente- 
mens,  et  de  la  desunion,  d'autant  plus  que  c'a  este  cette  nation,  qui  a  fonde  la  Com- 
pagnie.  Chap.  13:  Des  syndications.  Ce  point  des  syndications,  qui  sont  informa- 
tions secrettes  des  fautes  ou  delits  d'autrui,  donnees  au  Superieur  en  secret,  et  sans 
preuve,  et  sans  ouir  partie,  a  de  trans-grandes  difficultes. — J'ose  bien  asseurcr,  que 
si  on  venoit  a  feuilleter  les  Archives  de  Rome,  on  ne  trouvera  pas  un  scul,  qui  soit 
homme  de  bien ;  au  moins  d'entre  nous  autres,  qui  sommes  esloignes,  et  ne  sommes 
point  connus  du  General.  Car  tous  sont  marques,  les  uns  plus,  les  autres  moins. 
Chap.  14,  p.  155 :  II  semble,  que  tout  nostre  gouvernement  n'a  autre  but,  qu'a  couvrir 
les  fautes,  et  a  jetter  de  la  terre  dessus. — Et  n'y  a  presque  autres,  sur  qui  ils  exercent 
leurs  rigueurs  et  tranchans  aceres,  que  quelqucs  pauvres  ehetifs,  qui  n'ont  ni  forces, 
ni  protectcurs.  En  autres  choses  et  matiercs  un  homme  fera  des  grands  maux  et 
iniquites,  sans  qu'on  touche  seulement  a  sa  robe.  Un  Provincial,  ou  Recteur  fera 
choses  fort  indues, — le  chastimeut,  qu'on  lui  donnera  au  bout  de  plusieurs  annees, 
sera,  qu'on  lui  ostera  sa  charge,  et  encor  lc  plus  souvent  meliorc-on  sa  condition. 
Chap.  19 :  La  Compagnie  a  des  loix  en  nombre  desmesure :  et  comme  ainsi  soit,  qu'il 
soit  impossible  de  les  observer,  voire  mesmes  savoir  toutes,  on  perd  le  respect  a 
toutes.  II  y  a  Constitutions,  il  y  a  Reigles,  Decrets  de  Congregations,  visites,  et 
surtout  ordonnances  de  Rome  sans  nombre  et  sans  fin.  Je  puis  bien  assenrer 
qu'elles  passent  des  milliers.  Chap.  20:  Affaires  en  grand  nombre  chargent  ceux  de 
hi  Compagnie.  Nostre  Institut  commande  et  embrasse  grand  nombre  d'oenvres, 
prescher,  confesser,  missions,  visites  de  prisons  et  d'hopitaux  et  de  malades,  en- 
Beigner  le  patenoste  es  lettres  humaines  et  es  plus  hautes  sciences,  et  en  quelqucs 
endroits  s'abaisser  jusque  hi,  que  d'enseigner  aux  petite  enfans  a  lire,  et  a  escrire. — 
Mais  il  y  a  d'autrcs  affaires,  fort  mal  proprcs,  plus  seculiers,  qui  se  rangent  a  nous, 
outre  les  prccedcntcs,  sous  titrc  d'eeuvres  de  piete.  L'importunite  du  mondc  est 
grande  :  et  comme  ils  nous  assistent  de  leurs  aumosnes,  ils  veulent  aussi,  que  nous 
leur  assistions  en  toutes  choses,  en  leurs  manages,  a  leur  faire  leurs  testamens,  a  les 
favoriscr  en  leurs  pretentions  avee  seigneurs,  en  leurs  pruct's,  6b  difficultes  de  leurs 


PART  III— CHAP.  Ill— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  59.  JESUITS  IN  SPAIN.     37 

of  the  Spanish  Jesuits,  and  of  the  General  Aquaviva,26  on  the 
defects  of  the  Society,  and  at  the  same  time  gain  an  insight  into 
these  internal  dissensions.  The  Inquisition  in  Spain  had  already 
begun  investigations  against  several  Jesuits  on  account  of  errors 
in  doctrine  and  carnal  transgressions  in  the  confessional,  when 
Clement  VIII.  transferred  all  these  cases  to  Borne,  and  appoint- 
ed27 the  Congregatio  de  Auxiliis,  1597,  to  decide  upon  the  dis- 
puted dogmas.  For  a  long  time  the  Jesuits  were  threatened 
with  an  unfavorable  issue ; 28  but  yet  they  had  been  so  useful  to 
the  Popes,  and  in  any  case  they  threatened  to  become  so  danger- 

contes,  avec  juges  ;  et  nous  tiennent  occupes  jusques  a  leur  pourvoir  de  delices  ct 
plaisirs,  ou  des  choses  necessaires  pour  leurs  maisons. — Par  ce  moyeu  uos  gens  se 
secularizent,  et  trottent  plus  qu'il  ne  faudroit  hors  de  la  maison. 

26  Claud.  Aquavivae  Industriae  pro  Superioribus  Soc.  Jesu  ad  Curandos  Animae 
Morbos,  Romae,  1600  ;  also  in  Corpus  Institt.  S.  J.,  containing  directions  to  the  Su- 
periors on  the  spiritual  treatment  of  those  under  them,  open  here  and  there  an  out- 
look into  the  special  relations  of  that  period.  Characteristic  of  the  general  spirit 
of  the  Society  are  the  directions  given  to  every  Jesuit:  Cap. VIII.  9.  Si  peculiar! 
aliquo  affectu,  etiam  naturali,  et  veluti  sympathia  affici  se  erga  aliqucm  sentiat ; 
curet  statim  initio  omnem  extraordinariam  communicationem  abrumpere,  et  com- 
muni  tan  turn  caritate  ilium  amplecti  (vix  enim  dici  potest,  quanta  incommoda  oblo- 
cutionum,  detractionum,  querelarum,  dclationum,  suspicionum,  inimicitiarum,  con- 
venticulorum,  munusculorum  et  similium  ex  singulari  et  extraordinaria  communi- 
catione  oriantur),  scd  omnes  uno  spiritu  complectatur.  Cap.  XIII.  Tentatio  contra 
Instilutum  et  aliquot  Begulas,  quae  non  placent.  Morbus  his  plane  periculosus  est,  et 
valde  curatu  ditiicilis,  praesertim  in  antiquioribus.  3.  Dicet  forte  (infirmus), — non 
probari  sibi  diversitatem  graduum,  professionis  dilationem,  tarn  amplam  Superiorum 
potestatem,  reddere  rationem  conscientiae,  manifestationem  defectuum  et  caetero- 
l'um  per  quemlibet,  qui  extra  confessionem  ea  sciret.  9.  Dicet  forte,  non  tam  haec 
in  Instituto  et  legibus  Ignatii,  quam  in  praxi  displicere  ei,  quod  male  a  Superioribus 
practicentur.  Cap.  XV.  Sacadaritas  et  Aulicismus  insinuans  in  Familiaritatcs  et  Gra- 
tiam  externorum.  Morbus  hie  in  Societate  et  intra  et  extra  periculosus  est,  et  istis 
qui  eum  patiuntur,  et  nobis  fere  nescientibus  paulatim  subintrat,  specie  quidem  lu- 
crifaciendi  Priucipes,  Praelatos,  Magnates,  conciliandi  ad  divinum  obsequium  hujus- 
modi  homines  Societati,  juvandi  proximos  etc.  Sed  revera  quaerimus  interdum 
nosipsos,  et  paulatim  ad  saecularia  deflectimus.  1.  Attendenda  igitur  signa,  quibus 
dignosci  morbus  hie  possit.  Ea  autem  inter  cetera  non  obscure  ilium  indicant,  si 
quis  frequentius  illos  adcat ;  si,  cum  abstinet,  sentit  desiderium  praesentiae  et  con- 
gressus  illorum ;  si  eorum  rebus  et  negotiis  tanquam  propriis  se  affici  sentiat;  si 
libenter  amplectatur  negotia  saecularia;  si  Superiore  iuscio  tractet;  si  hujusmodi 
Priucipes  et  Magnates  sibi,  non  Societati  conciliet ;  si  observantia  et  obedientia  incipiant 
illi  sordescere.  3.  Avellendi  hujusmodi  homines  tempestive  bono  aliquo  nomine : 
quia  si  incipiant  altiores  radices  extendere,  non  poterunt  sine  magna  Principum  of- 
fensione  divelli. 

27  Serry,  p.  122  ss. 

28  Clement  VIII.  was  already  inclined  to  decide  against  them  (Serry,  p.  570);  the 
Dominicans  published  a  draft  of  a  Bull  of  Paul  V.  wholly  in  their  interest  (Serry, 
Append,  p.  214).  The  Jesuits  declared  it  to  be  a  forgery;  see  Theodori  Elenthorii 
(rather,  Livini  de  Meyer),  Hist.  Controversiarum  de  diviuae  Gratiae  Auxiliis,  Ant- 
verp.  1705,  fol.  p.  704. 


38  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIY.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

ous  to  them  in  the  future,  that  it  was  not  possible  for  Rome  to 
consent  to  their  humiliation.  Paul  V.  in  1607  reserved  his  de- 
cision, and  then  ended  the  matter  by  enjoining  silence  on  both 
parties.29 

While  the  Jesuits  were  in  this  way  severely  attacked  by  Spain, 
they  were  still  Spain's  truest  adherents  in  the  contest  with  Queen 
Elizabeth  of  England  and  with  the  Huguenots  in  France ;  but 
thus,  too,  they  became  involved  in  other  entanglements.  For  in 
these  conflicts  they  not  only  made  use  of  the  mediaeval  notion  of 
the  authority  of  the  Church  over  temporal  rulers,30  but  they  also 
pressed  the  idea — advanced  before  this  on  the  part  of  the  hie- 
rarchy— that  the  rights  of  earthly  rulers,  being  merely  human, 
could  be  forfeited  by  injustice;  and  hence  drew  the  conclusion 
that  the  highest  temporal  authority  has  its  roots  in  the  people, 
and  is  given  by  them  to  rulers,  and  hence  can  be  revoked ; 31  and 

29  The  nuncios  directed  all  ecclesiastical  rulers,  ne  sinant  imprimi  in  materia  de 
auxiliis,  ctiam  sub  praetextu  commentandi  s.  Thomara,  aut  alio  modo  :  et  qui  volunt 
de  hue  materia  scribere  et  imprimere,  prius  mittant  tractatus  et  compositiones  ad 
banc  sanctam  Inquisitionem  (Romanam).     Serry,  p.  736. 

30  R.  Bellarminus,  De  Potestatc  Summi  Pontiricis  in  Temporalibus  adv.  Guil.  Bar- 
clajum,  Romae,  1610  (Opp.  VII.  829),  precedes  his  work  with  a  long  list  of  Senten- 
tias  illustrium  scriptorum  occidentalis  Ecclesiae  de  potestate  Papae  in  tempo- 
ralibus. 

31  Nicolas  I. ;  see  vol.  ii.  §  21,  Note  12.  Gregory  VII. ;  see  vol.  ii.  §  47,  Note  2. 
R.  Bellarminus,  De  Controversiis  Christianae  Fidei  adv.  hujus  Temporis  Hacreti- 
cos  (Ingolstadt,  1586,  and  often  afterwards,  sometimes  in  three  vols.,  sometimes 
in  four),  torn.  ii.  Controv.  II.  lib.  iii.  De  Laicis,  ac  potissimum  de  Magistratu  po- 
litico, cap.  6:  Hie  observanda  sunt  aliqua.  Primo,  politicam  potestatem  in  uni- 
versum  consideratam,  non  descendendo  in  particulari  ad  Monarchiam,  Aristoera- 
tiam,  vel  Democratiam,  immediate  esse  a  solo  Deo. — Secundo  nota,  hanc  potestatem 
immediate  esse  tauquam  in  subjecto,  in  tota  multitudine. — Tertio  nota,  hanc  potes- 
tatem transferri  a  multitudine  in  unum  vel  plures  eodem  jure  naturae. — Quarto  nota, 
in  particulari  singulas  species  regiminis  esse  de  jure  gentium,  non  de  jure  naturae: 
nam  pendet  a  consensu  multitudinis  constituere  super  se  Regem,  vel  Consules,  vel 
alius  Magistratus,  ut  patet:  et  si  causa  legitima  adsit,  potest  multitudo  mutare 
Regnum  in  Aristocratiam,  aut  Democratiam,  et  c  contrario,  ut  Romae  factum  legi- 
iii  us.  Quinto  nota,  ex  dietis  sequi,  hanc  potestatem  in  particulari  esse  quidem  a 
Deo,  sed  median te  consilio,  et  clcctione  humana,  ut  alia  omnia,  quae  ad  jus  gentium 
pertinent:  jus  enim  gentium  est  quasi  conclusio  deducta  ex  jure  naturae  per  hu- 
manum  discursum.  Ex  quo  colliguntur  duac  differentiae  inter  potestatem  politicam 
ct  ecclesiasticam :  una  ex  parte  subjecti ;  nam  politica  est  in  multitudine,  ecclesi- 
astica  in  uno  hominc,  tanquam  in  subjecto  immediate :  altera  ex  parte  efficientis, 
quod  politica  universe  eonsiderata  est  de  jure  divino,  in  particulari  considerata  est 
de  jure  gentium:  ecclesiastica  omnibus  modis  est  de  jure  divino,  et  immediate  a 
Deo.  In  respect  to  the  Pope,  Bellannine  maintains,  Controv.  torn.  i.  Controv.  III. 
lib.  v.  De  Potestate  Pontiiicis  Temporali,  cap.  4:  Papam  directe  nullius  loci  esse 
dominum  temporalcm  jure  divino  (hence,  non  esse  dominum  totins  orbis,  ullius 
provinciae  aut  oppidi,  cap.  2).    Against  this,  cap.  6:  habere  summam  temjwralem  po- 


PAKT  III.-CHAP.  III.-CATH.  CHURCH.    §  59.  JESUITS  IN  FRANCE.  g9 

that  in  the  case  of  heresy  it  must  be  revoked.32  At  the  same 
time  they  revived  the  doctrine  that  tyrannicide  is  allowable.33 

iestatem  indirecle,  viz.  Pontificem,  ut  Pontificem,  etsi  non  habeat  ullain  mere  tempo- 
ralem  potestatem,  tamen  habere  iu  ordine  ad  bonum  spirituale  summam  potestatem 
disponendi  de  temporalibus  rebus  omnium  Christiauorum.— Quantum  ad  personas, 
non  potest  Papa,  ut  Papa,  ordinarie  temporales  Principes  deponere,  etiam  justa  de 
causa,  eo  modo,  quo  deponit  Episcopos,  i.  e.  tanquam  ordinarius  judex :  tamen  po- 
test mutare  regna,  et  uni  auferre,  atque  alteri  conferre,  tanquam  summus  Princeps 
spiritualis,  si  id  necessarium  sit  ad  animarum  salutem,  ut  probabimus.  Quantum  ad 
leges  non  potest  Papa,  ut  Papa,  ordinarie  coudere  legem  civilem,  vel  conflrmare  aut 
iufirruare  leges  Principum,  quia  non  est  ipse  Princeps  Ecclesiae  politicus :  tamen 
potest  omnia  ilia  facere,  si  aliqua  lex  civilis  sit  necessaria  ad  salutem  animarum,  et 
tamen  Reges  non  velint  earn  condere,  aut  si  alia  sit  noxia  animarum  saluti,  et  tamen 
Reges  non  velint  earn  abrogare.  And  even  this  theory  appeared  to  Pope  Sixtus  V. 
as  lowering  the  papal  power  so  greatly  that  he  had  these  books  put  on  the  Index : 
but  immediately  after  his  death  the  cardinals  had  them  struck  out.  See  Bellarmini 
Vita,  by  Fuligato,  lib.  ii.  c.  7. 

32  Guil.  Alanus  (above,  §  28,  Note  12),  ad  Persecutors  Anglos  pro  Christians  Re- 
sponsio,  1582 :  Si  Reges  Deo  et  Dei  populo  fidem  datam  fregerint,  vicissim  populo 
non  solum  permittitur,  sed  etiam  ab  eo  requiritur,  ut  jubente  Christi  Vicario,  supre- 
mo nimirum  populorum  omnium  pastore,  ipse  quoque  fidem  datam  tali  Principi 
non  servet.  Elizabethae,  Augliae  Regiuae,  saevissimum  in  Catholicos  sui  Regni  Edic- 
tum,  cum  Responsione  per  D.  Andream  Philopatrum  (i.  e.  the  Jesuit  Rob.  Persons), 
Ludg.  1593,  p.  106:  Hinc  infert  universa  theologorum  et  jurisconsultorum  ecclesi- 
asticorum  schola  (et  est  certum,  et  de  fide),  quemcunque  Principem  christianum,  si 
a  religione  catholica  manifeste  deflexerit,  et  alios  avocare  voluerit,  excidere  statim 
omni  potestate  ac  dignitate  ex  ipsa  vi  juris,  turn  humani,  turn  divini,  hocque  ante 
omnem  sententiam  supremi  pastoris  ac  judicis  contra  ipsum  prolatam,  et  subditos 
quoscunque  liberos  esse  ab  omni  juramenti  obligatione,  quod  ei  de  obedientia  tan- 
quam Principi  legitimo  praestitissent,  posseque  et  debere  (si  vires  habeant)  istius- 
modi  hominem  tanquam  apostatam,  haereticum, — hostemque  ex  hominum  chris- 
tianorum  dominatu  ejicere.  Bellarmini  Controv.  torn.  i.  Controv.  III.  lib.  v.  c.  7. 
Aphorismi  Confessariorum,  Auctore  Emanuele  Sa  (Jesuit  in  Ghent,  Coimbra,  and 
Rome),  Colon.  1590:  these  Aphorisms  teach  the  same  doctrine;  and  although  the 
Magister  s.  Palatii  changed  more  than  eighty  passages  in  this  Hand-book  for  Confess- 
ors, which  was  universally  disseminated,  these  doctrines  were  not  touched. 

33  Johannes  Parvus ;  see  vol.  iii.  §  118,  Note  5.  Eman.  Sa,  Aphorismi  Confessar. 
p.  363:  Occupantem  tyrannice  potestatem  quisque  de  populo  potest  occidere, 
si  aliud  non  est  remedium,  est  enim  publicus  hostis.  And  the  Jesuits  held  that 
Elizabeth  of  England  and  Henry  IV.  of  France  were  occupantes  tyrannice  potesta- 
tem. Mart.  Anton.  Delrio  (Jesuit  in  Louvain,  Douay,  Liege,  Mayence,  Gratz,  and 
Salamanca),  Syntagma  Tragoediae  Latinae,  Antverp,  1593,  on  Senecae  Hercules  Furens: 
Plane  tyrannum,  qui  principatum  occupavit,  si  tyrannis  aliter  tolli  non  possit,  inter- 
ficere  cuilibetlicitum  est. — Sed  ilium  qui  jure  successionis  electionisve  Princeps  est, 
quamvis  tyrannus  fiat,  pj'ti'afo  non  licet  occidere, — nisi  uno  casu, — scilicet  ad  corporis 
sui  defensionem.  Jo.  Bridgewater  or  Aquapontanus  (Jesuit  in  Lincoln  and  Rheims), 
Concertatio  Ecclesiae  Catholicae  in  Anglia  adv.  Calvino-Papistas,  Aug.  Trev.  1591 : 
Ne  quis  forte  banc  potestatem  (Praepositorum  Ecclesiae)  ita  penitus  esse  spiritualem 
existimet,  quasi  ad  fidelis  populi  bona  et  facultates,  immo  ad  vitam  auferendam,  cor- 
pusque  variis  cruciatibus  affligendum  non  possit  pertingere ; — animadvertendum  est, 
longe  secus  nos  edoceri  ex  ipsis  Apostolorum  rebus  gestis.— Sic  D.  Petrus— propter 
sacrilegium  et  mendacium  marito  et  uxori  simul  repentinam  mortem  inflixit. — In 
quibus  omnibus  inter  Reges  ipsos  christianos  et  aliuin  a  plebe  christianum  quem- 


90  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

So  they  defended  the  murder  of  Henry  III.  and  the  exclusion 
of  Henry  IV.  from  the  throne.  But  when  Chastel's  attempt 
upon  the  life  of  the  King34  was  traced  back  to  their  influence 
(1594),  the  royal  power  was  already  strong  enough  to  banish 
them  from  France.  They  now  accommodated  themselves  to 
circumstances,  took  part  with  Henry  IV.,  and  did  the  most  for 
his  reconciliation  with  the  Pope.     Thus  they  gained  the  favor 

cunquc  nulla  prorsus  est  differentia.  Regcs  enim  ad  unuin  omnes,  quoniam  se 
suaquc  sceptra  suavi  jugo  Christi  submiserunt,  in  eo  ccclcsiasticae  pastorum- 
que  suorum  auctoritati  non  minus  quam  oves  caeterae,  obtemperaturos  se  professi 
sunt. 

34  With  the  Jesuit  Jean  Guignard,  Rector  of  the  College  de  Clermont,  were  found 
plusicurs  livres  composes  par  lui, — contenant  entr'  autre  chose  approbation  du — 
parricide  du  feu  Roi, — et  induction  pour  faire  tuer  le  Roi  a  present  regnant ;  the  in- 
criminated positions  see  in  D'Argentre,  Collectio  Judiciorum  de  novis  Erroribus,II. 
i.  525;  he  was  condemned  to  the  gallows,  Jan.  7, 1595.  The  Jesuit  Jean  Gueret,  of 
the  same  College,  was  banished  from  the  kingdom  as  the  ci-devant  precepteur  of 
Jean  Chastel  (p.  526).  Special  sensation  was  excited  by  the  book  upon  it  of  Joh. 
Marianae  (Jesuit  in  Toledo),  De  Rege  et  Regis  Institutionc,  lib.  iii.  (Toleti,  1508,  and 
Mogunt.  1605),  lib.  i.  c.  6:  Jac.  Clemens — in  sui  Ordinis  Dominicani  Collegio  theo- 
logiae  operam  dabat,  cum  cognito  a  theologis,  quos  erat  sciscitatus,  tyrannnm  jure 
interirai  posse  (Henrico  III.) — altum  vulnus  iuflixit.  Insignem  animi  confldentiam, 
facinua  memorabile! — Caeso  Rege  ingens  sibi  nomen  fecit. — Equidem  in  eo  consen- 
tire  turn  philosophos,  turn  theologos  video,  cum  Principcm,  qui  vi  et  armis  rempub- 
licam  occupavit,  nullo  practerea  jure  nullo  publico  civium  consensu,  perimi  a  quo- 
ennque,  vita  et  principatu  spoliari  posse.— Si  Princeps  consensu  populi  ant  jure 
haereditario  inipcrium  tenet,  ejus  vitia  et  libidines  ferendae  sunt  eatenus,  quoad  eas 
leges  honestatis  et  pudicitiac,  quibus  est  adstrictus,  negligat.— Attente  tamen  cogi- 
tandum,  quae  ratio  ejus  Principis  abdicandi  teneri  debeat.  Atque  ea  expedita  maxiinc 
et  tuta  via  est,  si  publici  conventus  facultas  dctur,  communi  consensu  quid  statuen- 
dimi  sit  deliberare;  flxum  ratumque  habere  quod  communi  sententia  stetcrit;  in 
quo  his  gradibus  procedatur.  Monendus  inprimis  Princeps  erit  ad  sanitatem  revo- 
candus. — Si  medicinam  respuat,  neque  spes  ulla  sanitatis  relinquatur,  sententia 
pronuntiata  liccbit  Reipublicae  ejus  imperium  detrectare  primum;  et  quoniam 
helium  necessario  concitabitur,  ejus  defendendi  consilia  explicare,  cxpedire  anna, 
peeunias  in  belli  sumptus  impcrare  populis ;  et  si  res  fcret,  neque  alitcr  se  Respu- 
blica  tueri  possit,  eodem  defensionis  jure — Prineipem,  publicum  hostcm  declaratum, 
ferro  perimere.  Eadcmque  facultas  esto  cuicunque  privato,  qui,  spe  impunitatis 
abjecta,  ncglccta  salute,  in  conatum  juvandi  Rempublicam  ingredi  voluerit.  Roges, 
quid  faciendum,  si  pnblici  conventus  facultas  erit  sublata,  quod  saepc  potest  contin- 
gere.  Par  profecto,  mea  quidem  sententia,  judicium  erit,  cum,  Principis  tyrannide 
oppressa  Republica,  sublata  civibus  inter  se  conveniendi  facultate,  voluntas  non  desit 
delendae  tyrannidis: — qui  votispublicis  favene  enm  perimere  tcntarit,  haudquaquam 
inique  cum  fecisse  existimabo.  Ita  facti  quaestio  in  controvcrsia  est,  quis  merito 
tyrannna  habeatur:  juris  in  aperto,  fas  fore  tyrannnm  perimere.  On  murderers  of 
tyrants,  chap.  7:  Quod  si  evascrint,  instar  magnorum  heroum  in  omni  vita  susci- 
piuntur:  si  secus  accidat,  grata  Supcris,  grata  bominibus  hostia  cadnnt,  nobili  eona- 
tu  ad  omnem  posteritatis  memoriam  illustrati.  —  Est  quidem  majoris  virtutis  et 
animi,  simultatem  aperte  exercere,  palam  in  hostcm  Reipublicae  irrucrc:  sed  non 
minoris  prudentiae,  fraudi  et  insidiis  locum  captare,  quod  sine  motu  contingat,  mi- 
nori  certe  periculo  publico  atque  privato. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHUKCH.    §  CO.  JESUIT  ETHICS.       91 

of  this  king,  and  as  he  wished  to  have  this  powerful  Order 
wholly  on  his  side,  he  reinstated  it  in  France35  (1603).  But  the 
Jesuits  still  adhered  to  these  principles,  and  avowed  them  unre- 
servedly where  they  dared.36  In  this  way  they  came  into  con- 
stant collisions  with  the  Gallicans,37  which  hindered  not  a  little 
their  influence  in  France. 


§  60. 

SHAPING  OF  SCIENTIFIC  THEOLOGY  AND  CHURCH  LIFE  UNDER  JES- 
UIT INFLUENCE. 

The  Jesuit  Order,  which  now  determined  the  genius  and  life 
of  the  Church,  made  further  invasions  upon  the  sphere  of  mor- 
als, and  forced  their  innovations  into  practice.1  In  order  to  re- 
store the  confessional,  neglected  in  many  places,  and  to  make 

33  Ranke's  FUrsten  u.  Volker,  iii.  301. 

36  A  collection  of  passages  by  Jesuit  writers  on  tbe  murder  of  rulers  is  found  in 
La  Morale  des  Jesuites,  extraite  fidelernent  de  leurs  Livres  (par  Nic.  Perrault), a  Mons, 
1669,  12,  iii.  235;  upon  lesemajeste  et  regicide,  see  further,  Extraits  des  Assertions 
dangereuses  des  Jesuites,  verifies  et  collationes  par  les  Comraissaires  du  Parlement 
(a  Paris,  1762,  4. ;  5ieme  ed.  a  Amsterd.  1763,  3  tomes,  8.),  iii.  256. 

37  Mariana's  work,  De  Rege  et  Regis  Institutione  (see  Note  34),  was  circulated  in 
Paris  just  before  the  murder  of  Henry  IV.  (see  Memoires  de  Sully)  and  was  burned, 
June  8, 1610,  by  order  of  Parliament  (D'Argentre,  II.  ii.  12).  '  Bellarmini  Tract,  de 
Potestate  Summi  Pontificis  in  Temporalibus  adv.  Guil.  Barclajnm,  Romae,  1610  (Opp. 
VII.  830),  in  which  he  developed  his  principles  (see  Note  31)  more  at  length,  was 
forbidden  by  Parliament,  Nov.  26,  1610  (D' Argents,  II.  ii.  34).  In  defense  of  the 
Society  appeared,  Lettre  Declaratoire  de  la  Doctrine  des  Peres  Jesuites  conformes 
aux  Decrets  du  Concile  de  Constance,  par  le  Pere  P.  Coton,  de  la  Comp.  de  Jesus, 
Predicateur  ordinaire  de  sa  Majeste,  Paris,  1610, 12.  Reply :  Anticoton,  ou  Refuta- 
tion de  la  Lettre  Declaratoire  du  P.  Coton.  Livre  ou  est  prouve,  que  les  Jesuites 
sont  coulpables  et  Autheurs  du  Parricide  Execrable  commis  en  la  Personne  du  Roi 
Henry  IV.  1610, 12.  Next  appeared  :  Reponse  Apologetique  a  l'Anticoton  faite  par 
un  Pere  de  la  Comp.  de  Jesus,  1611.  Against  the  assertion  of  this  last  work  that 
Mariana  on  this  point  agreed  with  the  Council  of  Constance  and  the  Sorbonne,  the 
Sorbonne  published  a  Censura  (D'Argentre,  II.  ii.  37;  where  also  later  decisions 
against  the  Jesuits  may  be  found). 

1  La  Morale  des  Jesuites,  extraite  fidelernent  de  leurs  Livres  (par  Nic.  Perrault),  a 
Mons,  3  tomes,  1669,  12.  Extraits  des  Assertions  dangereuses  des  Jesuites,  verifies 
et  collationes  par  les  Commissaires  du  Parlement  (a  Paris,  1762, 4. ;  5ieme  ed.  a  Am- 
sterd. 1763,  3  tomes,  8.).  Les  Provinciales,  ou  Lettres  Writes  par  Louis  de  Montalte 
(Blaise  Pascal)  a  un  Provincial  de  ses  Amis  et  aux  Rev.  Peres  Jesuites  sur  la  Morale 
et  la  Politique  de  ces  Peres,  Paris,  1656,  4. ;  often  reprinted  and  translated.  C.  F. 
Staudlin's  Gesch.  d.  christl.  Moral  seit  d.  Wiederaufleben  der  Wissenschaften,  Got- 
tingen,  1808,  p.  448.  [See  Franz  Huber,  Jesuiten-Moral,  1870.  Abbe  Maynard,  Les 
Provinciales  et  leur  Refutation,  2,  Paris,  1851.  Comp.  Christian  Remembrancer,  July, 
1S52.  Pascal's  Thoughts  and  Letters,  transl.  by  Geo.  Pearce.  N.  Y.  2  vols.  1858.  Let- 
ters, transl.  by  Thos.  M'Crie,  ed.  O.  W.  Wight,  N.  Y.  1860.  The  first  English  transl. 
was  published  at  London,  1657.    Nicole's  Latin  transl.  1658,  approved  by  Pascal.] 


92  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

themselves  favorites  as  father-confessors,  the  Jesuits  were  very 
indulgent  in  the  confession -chair:2  and  for  this  purpose  they 
adopted  a  very  lax  code  of  morals  and  had  a  large  number  of 

3  Vine.  Filliucii  Moral.  Quacst.  t.  i.  Tract.  VI.  de  Contritione,  cap.  7:  Contritio,  ut 
contra  distinguitur  attritioni,  est  detestatio  de  peccato  quatenus  est  offensa  Dei,  et 
propter  Deum  summe  dilectum,  cum  proposito  non  peccandi  de  caetero. — Attritio 
est  dolor  imperfectus  de  peccato,  qui  non  attingit  ad  perfectionem  eontritionis. — 
Motivum  attritionis  potest  esse  primo  ratio  aliqua  temporalis,  ut  damnum,  poenae, 
privatio  officii, etc.,  secundo  ratio  aeterna,  ut  poenae  inferui,  privatio  gloriac,  deformi- 
tas  supernaturalis  animae,  offensio  etiam  Dei  secundum  aliquos,  sed  non  super  omnia 
dilecti. — Attritio  Christiana  est  detestatio  peccati  disponens  hominem  ad  gratiam 
remote  ct  insufficienter  ex  se  sola,  proxime  et  sufficienter  cum  Sacramento : — est 
per  se  supernaturalis. — Attritio  vero  acquisita  est  naturalis.  Cap.  8:  Primo  quaero, 
an  contritio  cadat  sub  sjxciali  praecepto.  Respondeo  affirmative,  et  quidem  nomine 
eontritionis  intelligatur  tam  propria  contritio,  quam  attritio  aequivalens  illi  ex  con- 
junctione  cum  Sacramento. — Circa  eadem  peccata  non  tenetur  homo,  quotics  eorum 
recordatur,  habere  positivam  coutritionem. — Ex  vi  justitiae  ad  Deum  homo  attritus 
cum  Sacramento  non  tenetur  contcri  in  articulo  mortis,  quia  opinio  de  sufficientia 
attritionis  cum  Sacramento  est  practice  certa  post  Trident,  ideoque  homo  cum  ea 
satisfecit  quantum  debuit. — Quinto  quaero,  pro  quo  tempore  urgeat  eontritionis  obligaiio, 
a?i  statim  p>ost  jieccatum  commissum.  Pro  responsione  suppono  esse  duplicem  senten- 
tiam.  Prima  asserit  teneri  statim  ac  homo  peccavit. — Secunda  negat,  etiamsi  oc- 
currat  opportunitas  et  facile  fieri  possit. — Dico  primo,  tenendum  cum  secunda  sen- 
tcntia.  Primo,  quia  est  communior  Doctorum,  et  praestantioris  nominis.  Secundo, 
quia  congruentior  communi  sensui  fidelium,  qui  solent  semel  tantum  in  anno  con- 
fiteri,  nulla  habita  contritione  in  decursu  anni,  qui  tamen  de  hac  omissione  non 
eonfitentur. — Tertio,  quia  rationabilior ;  turn  quia  alias  qui  semel  peccavit,  differendo 
poenitentiam  continuo  peccaret  peccato  speciali,  sicut  qui  non  restituit,  quod  est 
contra  communem  sensum  Ecciesiae,  ut  dictum  est;  turn  quia  praeceptum  eontri- 
tionis est  affirmativum :  de  natura  autem  praecepti  affirniativi  est,  ut  non  obliget 
semper,  neque  statim. — Septimo  quaero,  quibus  temporibus  obliget  per  se  contritio 
ex  jure  naturali.  Respondeo  et  dico  primo:  si  respiciatur  lex  justitiae,  qua  homo 
obligatur  satisfacere  Deo  pro  injuria  peccati,  sic  non  videtur  obligari,  nisi  quando 
adest  periculum  mortis.  Est  communis  Doctorum,  quos  citavimus. — Dico  quarto: 
tempus  hoc  non  potest  in  particulari  certo  definiri,  sed  relinquitur  arbitrio  pruden- 
tis,  consideratis  circumstantiis,  pcrsonis,  ct  eognita  conscientia  illarum.  In  univer- 
sum  intra  annum  non  videtur  obligare.  Quolibet  septennio  vel  quinquennio  est 
probabilc. — Octavo  quaero,  quibus  temporibus  obliget  per  se  ex  jure  positivo.  Respondeo 
et  dico  primo,  non  obligare  singulis  annis  in  defectum  confessionis,  ita  ut  si  quis 
non  possit  confitcri,  teneatur  habere  contritioncm.  Ratio  est:  quia  ex  lege  confes- 
sionis annuae  tantum  tenetur  quis  habere  earn  coutritionem,  quae  est  neeessaria  ad 
suscipiendum  verum  Saeramcntum  confessionis,  et  lex  de  Sacramento  est  distincta 
a  lege  eontritionis ;  ergo  non  determinat  contritioncm,  nisi  quatenus  includi  debet 
in  Sacramento :  at  in  hoc  non  est  neeessaria  contritio,  sed  satis  est  attritio,  ergo,  etc. 
Dico  tertio,  non  obligare  ratione  periculi  obliviouis  peccatorum.  Turn  quia  non  ob- 
ligat  ad  recogitationem  illorum,  nee  ad  examen.  Cap.  9:  Primo  quaero,  an  sit  nccesse 
ad  contritioncm,  ut  praecedat  distincta  recogitatio  peccatorum.  Respondeo  et  dico  pri- 
mo, tria  habenda  pro  ccrtis  in  hac  quaestionc.  Primum,  contritioncm  esse  debcrc 
de  omnibus  peccatis  mortalibus.  Secundum,  ex  parte  voluntatis  non  requiri  singu- 
las  contritiones  singulorum  peccatorum,  sed  satis  esse  unam  simplicem  contritioncm 
respicientem  omnia  peccata.  Tertium,  requiri  ad  contritioncm  ex  parte  intellectus 
aliquam  considerationem  et  memoriam  de  peccatis  commissis. — Ad  vcram  contriti- 
oncm habendam  non  esse  necesse,  ut  simul  habeatur  actnalis  et  distincta  recogitatio 


PART  III— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  60.  JESUIT  ETHICS.       93 

peccatorum  omnium.  Septimo  quaero,  an  requiratur  certa  iniensio  ad  veram  contriti- 
onem.  Respondeo  esse  quatuor  sententias.  Prima,  necessarian!  esse  summam  in- 
tcnsiouem  actus  absolute,  earn  scilicet,  quam  homo  exhibere  potest  per  couatum 
sibi  possibilem. — Secunda  est,  debere  esse  summam  comparative,  i.  e.  ut  homo  doleat 
de  peccato  magis,  quam  de  quolibet  alio  malo,  et  quam  diligat  quodlibet  creatum 
bonum. — Tertia,  requiri  certum  gradum  intensionis. — Quarta,  non  requiri  certam 
intensionem,  sed  satis  esse  substantiam  actus  contritionis.  The  first  three  opinions 
are  rejected;  the  second,  among  other  reasons,  quia  justificatus  contritione  ut  qua- 
tuor, non  posset  diligere  creaturam  ut  sex,  alias  peccaret  mortaliter;  et  ita  pejoris 
conditionis  esset  quam  uon  justificatus,  qui  posset  amare  ut  sex  vel  septem,  quia  hie 
non  diceretur  praeferre  creaturam  Creatori,  quem  nullo  modo  diligit ;  ille  diceretur, 
quia  intensius  amarct  creaturam  Creatore.  Against  the  third :  actui  contritionis  est 
proportionata  dispositio  ad  gratiam,  et  non  constat,  Deum  requirere  aliquem  certum 
modum  actus:  ergo  per  suam  substantiam  sufficiet,  quia  minima  gratia  est  sufficiens 
ad  remissionem  omnium  peccatorum.  At  ad  minimam  gratiam  sufficit  minima  con- 
tritio,  tanquam  dispositio.  Hence  the  fourth  opinion  is  adopted,  sufficere  subjectum 
actus  contritionis,  in  quocunque  gradu  sit. — Quodcunque  mortale  tollit  gratiam,  ergo 
quaecuuque  coutritio  tollit  peccatum.  Tract.  VII.  de  Confessione,  cap.  6 :  Primo 
quaero,  an  ad  effectum  sacramenli  Confessionis,  h.  e.  ad  gratiam,  sit  necessarius  aliquis  do- 
lor. Respondeo  affirmative.  Secundo  quaero,  qualis  dolor  requiratur  et  sufficiat  ad  ef- 
fectum Sacramenti  Confessionis.  Respondeo  et  dico  primo,  requiri  dolorem  verum, 
sou  attritionem  veram. — Dico  tertio,  banc  eandem  attritionem  sufficere.  Et  quidem 
quod  non  sit  necessaria  contritio,  probatur  ex  cominuniore  sententia  Doctorum. — 
Sejitimo  quaero,  an  hie  dolor  debeat  esse  verus  et  realis,  an  vero  sufficiat  existimatus.  Re- 
spondeo et  dico  primo,  probabile  esse,  dolorem  existimatum  sufficere,  modo  oriatur 
exignorantia  inculpabili.  Primo  constat  auctoritate  Doctorum, — secundo,  ratione. 
Dico  secundo,  probabilius  videri,  quod  requiratur  vera  attritio,  et  non  tanturn  exis- 
timata.  Cap.  13,  No.  356:  Non  proponat  Confessor  difficultates  multas  in  peccatis 
vitandis,  unde  poenitens  constituatur  in  periculo  non  habendi  efficax  propositum  in 
futurum.  Satis  enim  est  proposita  generaliter  peccati  foeditate,  Dei  bonitate,  et  pe- 
riculo damnationis,  inducere  poenitentem  ad  concipiendum  generale  propositum  non 
peccandi  amplius  mortaliter.  Tertium,  non  est  necesse,  ut  Confessor  sibi  persuade- 
at,  aut  probabiliter  judicet  futurum,  ut  poenitens  a  peccato  abstineat :  satis  est,  quod 
existimet,  poenitentem,  quaudo  est  absolvendus,  habere  propositum  illud  generale, 
quod  diximus,  quamvis  illud  sit  per  breve  tempus  mutaturus.  Ita  omnes  auctores. 
No.  358:  Si  iterum  atque  iterum  reincidat,  et  petat  absolutionem,  non  est  neganda 
probato  proposito,  praesertim  si  aliquantum  se  contineat,  si  diniinuat  numerum  pec- 
catorum: aliquando  etiam  differri  poterit  absolutio  ad  tempus.  No.  365  u  Quinto 
quaero,  quid  agendum  cum  inter  poenitentem  et  confessarium  intercedit  diversitas  sententi- 
arum, — quia  poenitens  adhaereat  alicui  opinioni  probabili,  confessor  autem  proba- 
biliorem  contrariam.  No.  368:  Est  triplex  sententia.  Prima,  confessorem  non  posse 
conformari  opinioni  poenitentis,  quia  ageret  contra  conscientiam.  Secunda  distin- 
guit  de  confessore  proprio  et  delegato,  et  proprium  asserit  teneri,  non  delegatum. 
Tertia  de  quocunque  affirmat,  non  modo  posse  sed  etiam  debere.  Ratio,  quia  in  casu 
posito  poenitens  est  integre  confessus  et  bene  dispositus :  neque  enim  peccat  sequen- 
do  opinioncm  probabilem,  et  id  totum  constat  confessori  ut  supponitur:  ergo  nul- 
lum habet  jus  suspendendi  absolutionem,  consequenter  tenetur  absolvere. — Et  cum 
hac  ultima  sententia  videtur  sentiendum.  Ad  rationcm  autem  primae  senteutiae 
respondetur,  non  agere  contra  conscientiam,  quia,  licet  operetur  contra  opinionem 
suam  speculative,  practice  tamen  non  agit  contra  conscientiam,  cum  absolvat  eum, 
quem  novit  esse  bene  dispositum,  et  non  peccare  sequendo  suam  opinionem  proba- 
bilem. Ant.  de  Escobar,  Lib.  Theologiae  Moralis  Tract.  VII.  Examen  IV.  de  Poeni- 
tentia,  cap.  7:  Praxis  circa  praefata  ex  Soc.  J.  schola:  Nam  sufficie?is  cum  Sacramento 
dolor  est,  dolere,  quod  non  satis  doleam  ?  Idem  Sa  ex  Navarro  asserit  sufficientem  esse. 
— An  possit  Confcssarius  2>oenitenliam  omnino  libere  faciendam  arbitrio  poenitentis  impo- 


94  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

writers  employed  in  expounding  and  developing  their  principles.3 
They  unfolded  in  particular  the  doctrine  of  moral  Probabilism 
(which  had,  indeed,  been  before  propounded),4  in  such  manner 
and  measure,6  that  while  they  condemned  sin  in  general,  yet  in 

nere?  Ex  Suarii  sententia  affirmo  non  semper  requiri,  ut  aliquod  opus  in  particulari 
injungatur,  praesertim  Bpiritualibus  personis;  sed  sufficere,  si  dicat:  impono  tibi 
pro  poeniteutia  quidquid  hodie  vel  hac  hebdomada  boui  feceris,  vel  mali  passus  fu- 
eris. — Quid,  si  (poenitens)  affirmet,  se  velle  purgatorii  poenas  subire?  Levem  poeuiten- 
tiam  adhuc  impouat  (eonfessarius)  ad  sacramenti  iutegritatem ;  praecipue  curn  ag- 
noscat  gravem  non  acceptaturum. 

3  The  most  important  moralists  of  the  Jesuits :  Franc.  Toletus,  Spaniard,  Cardinal, 
d.  L596  (Summa  Casuum  Conscientiae  s.  Instructio  Sacerdotum,  Romae,  1002,  and 
often).  Emanuel  Sa,  Portuguese,  in  Ghent,  Coimbra,  and  Rome,  d.  1596  (Aphorismi 
Confessariorum,  Colon.  1590,  and  very  often).  Thomas  Sanchez,  Spaniard,  in  Grana- 
da, d.  1610  (De  Sacramento  Matrimonii,  3  vols.  Genuae,  1592,  and  often  ;  a  work  which 
the  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne  Petrus  Aurelius  [Opp.  Paris,  1046,  II.  243],  describes  as 
opus  non  gloriandum,  sed  pudendum;  tain  immani  curiositate,  tarn  iuvisa  in  rebus 
spurcissimis  et  infandis  et  monstrosis  et  diabolicis  perscrutaudis  sagacitate  horren- 
dnm,  ut  minim  sit,  pudoris  alicujus  hominem  ea  sine  rubore  scripsisse,  quae  quivis 
modestioris  ingenii  vix  sine  rubore  legat.  Portenta  ista  sunt,  auimorum  insidiae, 
incentiva  libidinum,  schola  flagitiorum).  Franc.  Suarez,  Spaniard,  in  Alcala,  Sala- 
manca, Rome,  and  Lisbon,  d.  1617  (Opp.  24  vols.  fol.  of  which  6  are  on  moral  subjects). 
Paul  Laymann,  in  Ingolstadt,  Munich,  Dillingen,  and  Constance,  d.  1635  (Theologia 
Moralis,  Monach.  1625,  and  often).  Vine.  Filliueius,  in  Rome,  d.  1022  (Moralium 
Quaestionum  de  Christianis  Offlciis  et  Casibus  Conscientiae,  ad  formam  cursus,  qui 
praelegi  solet  in  S.  J.  Collegio  Romano,  t.  ii.  Romae,  1021).  Leonh.  Less,  of  Bra- 
bant, in  Louvain,  d.  1023  ( De  Justitia  et  Jure,  ceterisque  Virtutibus  Cardinalibus 
libb.  iv.  ad  Seeundam  Secundac  D.  Thomae,  Lovan.  1005).  Steph.  Bauny,  in  Lyons,  d. 
1049  (Summa  Casuum  Conscientiae,  Paris,  1031).  Anton,  de  Escobar,  in  Valladolid, 
d.  1009  (Liber  Thcologiae  Moralis,  xxiv.  Soc.  Jesu  Doctoribus  reseratus,  Lugd.  1646, 
and  often.  Universae  Theoloniae  moralis  receptiores  absque  Lite  Sententiae  necnon 
problematicae  Disquisitiones,  7  vols.  Lugd.  1652  ss.  fol.).  Herm.  Busenbaum,  in 
Hildesheim  and  Minister,  d.  1668  (Medulla  Casuum  Conscientiae,  Monast.  1645,  a 
work  of  the  largest  circulation). 

4  See  vol.  iii.  §  118,  Notes  7  and  12. 

5  Already  in  the  Ratio  Studiorum,  15S0  (see  §  59,  Note  20),  it  is  said  in  the  section 
Dc  Casibus  Conscientiae,  p.  164:  Porro  ita  Professor  suas  opiniones  constabiliat,  ut 
aliquam  etiam  aliam,  quae  bonos  habeat  auctores,  signiricet  esse  probabilem.  In  the 
Dew  Ratio,  RcgulaeProfessoris  Casuum  Conscientiae,  No.  5:  Ita  suas  confirmet  opini- 
ones,  ut  si  qua  alia  fuerit  probabilis,  et  bonis  auctoribus  munita,  earn  etiam  probabi- 
lem esse  Bignificet.  Escobar,  Lib.  Theol.  Mor.  Prooem.  Examen  III.  c.  3.  dc  Con- 
scientia  Probabili.  Quaenam probabilis  conscientia?  Quae  judicium  continet  alicujus 
rci  ex  opinione  probabili.  Probabilis  autem  opinio  ca  dicitur,  quae  rationibus  inni- 
titur  alicujus  momenti.  Undo  aliquando  unus  tan  turn  Doctor  gravis  admodum 
opinioncm  probabilem  potest  efficere;  quia  vir  doctrinae  specialiter  addictus  baud 
adhaerebit  sententiae  cuilibet,  nisi  pracstantis  seu  sufflcientis  rationis  vi  allectus. 
\iiui  licet  opinionem  probabilem  sequi,  relicla  prdbabUiori?  Licet,  imo  et  tutiori,  modo 
non  immincat  aliquod  periculum,  ad  quod  vitandum  prudentia,  ant  justitia,  aut  ca- 
ritas  dictet  oppositam  sententiam  esse  eligendam.  Possum  me  probabili  aliorum  sen- 
tentiae aplare  mea  jwobabiliori  ac  tuliore  relicta?  Ita  plane,  nee  sic  operans  contra 
conscientiam  agam,  modo  existimem,  alienam  opinionem,  quam  sequor,  esse  proba- 
bilem.    Cap.  6 :  Praxis  circa  pracdicta  ex  Schola  Socielalis:  Poenitens  in  praxi  bona  fide 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  GO.  JESUIT  ETHICS.       95 

its  particular  manifestations  they  very  frequently  excused  and 
palliated  it.  At  the  same  time  they  so  defined  the  difference 
between  mortal  and  venial  sins,6  and  made  such  statements  upon 

sequitur  sententiam  tutam  et  probabiiem:  Confessarius  vero  eandem  speculative  improba- 
bilem  censet:  poteslne  se  accommodare  opinioni  poenitentis  ?  Potest,  modo  sciat,  illam 
tanquam  probabiiem  a  peritis  Doctoribus  admitti.  Imo  ex  Laymani  sententia  tene- 
tur  poenitentem  absolvere,  quia  Confessarius  non  potest  negare  disposito  absolutio- 
uem.  Doctor  poteslne  alteri  consulenti  dare  consilium  non  solum  ex  propria,  sed  etiam  ex 
aliena  sententia  probabili,  quae  consulenti  fit  favorabilior  ?  Posse  affirmo  cum  eodem 
Laymano. — Potestne  judex  inferenda  sententia  ex  duabus  probabilibus  opinionibus  sequi, 
quam  maluerit?  Castro  Palao  (Jesuit  in  Leon)  respondet  posse,  imo  seeluso  scauda- 
lo  modo  juxta  unarn,  modo  juxta  aliam  judieare  :  satis  enim  juste  et  prudenter  agit 
sequens  opinionem,  quam  ipse  probabiiem  agnoseit,  nee  quia  secutus  est  unarn,  altera 
sua  est  spoliata  probabilitate.  Thorn.  Tamburini  (Jesuit  in  Messina),  Explicatio  De- 
calogi,  Lugd.  1659,  lib.  i.  c.  3,  Sect.  3,  Note  8 :  Absolute  puto  cum  Salas,  Vasquez, 
Sanchez,  Merolla,  Pasquier,  satis  esse  iu  omnibus  casibus,  constare  probabiliter,  opini- 
onem esse  probabiiem. 

6  That  this  tendency  was  developed  very  early  in  the  Society  is  proved  by  the  Co- 
logne Censura  of  1560  (see  above,  §  59,  Note  16).  Here  it  is  declared,  fol.  44:  Pecca- 
tum  est  non  quicquid  legi  Dei  repugnat,  sed  hoc  proprie  vocatur  peccatum,  quod  li- 
bera voluntate,  et  a  scieute  committitur.  Fol.  19-4:  Quaedam  peccata,  contra  quae 
lex  tonat  et  fulmiuat,  adeo  sunt  in  se  et  per  se  levia,  ut  factores  nee  sordidos,  nee 
malos,  nee  impios,  nee  Deo  exosos  reddere  possint. — Ilia  quae  lex  coucionatur  de 
perfecta  integritate  ex  toto  corde,  tota  mente,  tota  anima,  et  omnibus  viribus,  ita  ut 
nulla  sit  mala  concupiscentia,  ad  nos,  qui  in  hac  mortali  vita  versamur,  non  perti- 
nent. Hence  it  is  taught,  legi  plene  et  abunde  a  nobis  satisfied,  si  quantum  iu  nobis 
est  praestiterimus.  Escobar,  Lib.  Theol.  Mor.  Tract.  I.  Examen  I.  c.  3:  Quidnam 
ad  peccatum  mortale  requiritur  ?  Plena  et  expressa  advertentia  malitiae,  aut  saltern 
dubium  expressum.  Nisi  enim  quis  advertat,  opus  quod  gerit  esse  malum,  vel  mali 
periculum  adnexum  habere,  aut  nisi  formaliter  dubitet,  censetur  invincibili  inadver- 
tentia  laborare,  quae  non  minus  excusat  a  peccato,  quam  iuvincibilis  iguorantia. 
Paul  Laymann,  Theol.  Mor.  lib.  i.  Tract.  III.  c.  5,  No.  13 :  Supra  monui,  Tract.  II. 
c.  3,  hominem  nunquam  peccare,  nisi  actualiter  advertat  ad  moralem  malitiam  op- 
eris  aut  omissionis. — Idemque,  quamvis  rarius,  etiam  in  iis  locum  habere  potest,  quae 
per  se  mala  sunt,  ut  animus  in  vehemente  passione  irae  vel  tristitiae  adeo  absorbea- 
tur  cogitatione  commoditatis  vel  utilitatis,  ut  vel  nihil  omnino,  vel  valde  tenuiter 
attendat  ad  operis  malitiam  seu  inhonestatem  :  quo  casu  vel  nullum,  vel  duntaxat 
imperfectum  ac  veniale  peccatum  erit.  Jo.  Dicastillo  (of  Naples,  taught  in  Murcia 
and  Toledo,  at  last  Chancellor  in  Dillingen,  d.  1637),  De  Justitia  et  Jure,  caeterisque 
Virtutibus  Cardinalibus,  libb.  ii.  Antverp.  1641,  lib.  ii.  Tract,  II.  Disp.  IX.  Dub.  2, 
No.  48:  Furtum  esse  potest  veniale  ex  indeliberatione.  Quamvis  enim,  ut  docet 
Less.,  difficile  videatur,  furtum  ratione  imperfectae  deliberationis  esse  veniale,  tamen 
aliquando  contingere  potest.  Quidam  enim  ex  consuetudine  ita  sunt  propensi  et 
veluti  determinati  ad  furandum,  ut  rem  auferant  prius  quam  pleno  advertaut  quid 
agant.  Idem  etiam  contingere  potest  ex  vehementia  tentationis,  praesertim  in 
festinatione,  ubi  non  conceditur  deliberatio.  Georg.  de  Rhodes  (of  Avignon,  d.  in 
Lyons,  1661),  Disputationum  Theologiae  Scholasticae  torn.  i.  Lugd.  1671,  De  Actibus 
humanis,  Disp.  II.  Quaest.  II.  Sect.  I.  §  2:  Si  quis  committat  adulterium  aut  honiici- 
dium,  advertens  quidem  malitiam  et  gravitatem  eorum,  sed  imperfectissime  tamen 
et  levissime;  ille,  quantumvis  gravissima  sit  materia,  non  peccat  tamen  nisi  leviter. 
Ratio  est,  quia,  sicut  ad  peccatum  requiritur  cognitio  malitiae,  sic  ad  grave  peccatum 
requiritur  plena  et  clara  cognitio  et  consideratio  illius. 


96  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1G48. 

the  sufficiency  of  repentance,7  that  men's  minds  were  cradled  in 
complete  moral  [carnal]  security.8 

While  the  Jesuits  were  in  this  way  perverting  moral  truth 
to  an  almost  incredible  extent,  they  at  the  same  time  fostered 
those  tendencies  in  dogmatic  theology  which  favored  their  aims. 
They  elevated  the  Papal  power  above  every  thing,  since  their 
own  rested  on  it.  Their  most  skillful  divine,  Robert  Bellarmine, 
taught  them  how  to  give  a  more  attractive  form  to  the  mediae- 
val doctrine  on  this  head  by  seeming  alleviations  of  it,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  hold  it  fast  in  essentials.  In  the  Pope,  it  was 
said,  with  the  highest  spiritual  is  also  united  the  highest  tem- 
poral power.9     The  episcopal  authority,  which  at  times  threat- 

'  See  above,  Note  2. 

8  The  Jesuits  boasted  that  by  their  moral  s3Tstem  they  had  made  the  way  of  salva- 
tion easier;  Ant.  Escobar, Universae  Theol.Mor.  receptiores  Seuteutiae,  vol.  i.  lib.  ii, 
Sect.  1,  cap.  2,  No.  23:  Profecto  dum  video,  tot  diversas  sententias  in  rebus  moralibus 
circnmferri,  divinam  reor  providentiani  fulgurare,  quia  ex  opiuiouum  varietate  ju- 
gum  Christi  suaviter  sustinetur. — Superna  providentia  cautuui,  plures  operationuui 
moralium  vias  expoui,  rectamque  inveniri  posse  actionem,  sive  juxta  unam,  sive 
juxta  alteram  opiuionem  homines  operentur.  Joh.  Caramuel  Lobkowitz,  too,  a 
Cistercian,  Bishop  of  Vigevano,  in  Italy,  d.  1682,  who  had  appropriated  the  Jesuit 
morals,  in  his  Theologia  Moralis  (Lovan.  1045,  fol.  p.  327),  defended  the  Jesuit  doc- 
trine of  Probability.  To  the  objection  that  in  this  way  the  whole  Decalogue  was 
transformed  into  Senteidiae  Probabiles,  he  replied  that  this  was  not  to  be  anticipated ; 
but  yet,  if  it  should  happen,  that  it  would  be  fortunate,  for  then  man  would 
earn  a  great  increase  of  grace,  without  being  able  to  sin  (Sehrockh,  iv.  p.  111). 
Against  this  the  distinguished  Benedictine  Jo.  Mabillon,  after  speaking  of  the  an- 
cient Church,  replies  (Tractatus  de  Studiis  Monasticis,  lat.  versus  a  Jos.  Porta, Venet. 
1729,  P.  I.  cap.  7) :  Tunc  itaque  moralis  doctrina  purius  ac  sincerius  expeudebatur,  nee 
tot  tautisque  dubiis  metaphysicis,  ut  nunc,  erat  obnoxia  ;  verum  eo  ex  tempore  ad 
tot  spcculationes  deveutum  est,  ut  ex  nimio  ac  immoderato  ratiocinandi  aeumine 
nonnumquam  vel  ipsa  ratio  desierit;  quiuimo  non  sine  auimi  uostri  moerore  com- 
pertum  est,  Ethnicorum  cthicen  quorundam  theologorum  Summis  aliquando  fuisse 
pudori. — Postquam  plurimi  liberum  sibi  campum  vindicarunt,  de  humanis  actibus 
et  peccatis  disserendi,  etiam  inconsultis  sacris  Ecclesiac  canonibus,  eo  devenit  mo- 
ralium opinionum  relaxatio,  ut  nullum  paene  ex  criminibus  ceuseatur,  quin  aliquo 
indulgcnti  colore  calamistretur.  Tantum  igitur  abest,  ut  istorum  Summistarum 
Btudium  ad  christianae  philosophiac  consecutionem  quadanteuus  dirigat,  quod  poti- 
us  ex  libera  ipsos  legendi  facilitate  non  modicum  scquatur  detrimentum. — Fructus 
longe  major  ex  Ciceronis  de  offlciis  lectione  hauritur,  qnam nonnullorum  Summista- 
rum, qui  praetcr  amplam  doctrinarum  ac  ratiociniorum  farraginem  nil  Blind  saepe 
saepius  ingernnt,  praeter  qnam  molestas  legentibua  tricas,  unde  difficillime  subinde 
emcrgunt.  Numquid  rectior  norma  ad  probabilitatem  attinens  in  istorum  Summis 
apparet,  ea  Tullii  praefati,  in  qua  pracscribit,  ab  iis  uuiversim  nobis  cavendum  esse, 
quae  licita  necne  Bint  quodammodo  dubitamus?  Quocirca  bene  praccipiunt  (inquit) 
qui  vctant  quidqnam  agere,quod  dubites,  acquum  sit  an  iniquum.  Aequitas  enim  lucet 
ipsa  per  se,  dubilatio  autem  cogitationem  signijicat  injuriae  (De  Offic.  i.  9).  Quot  con- 
scientiae  casus,  inquit  egregius  quidam  Scholiastes,  ex  isto  solum  principio  liquido 
resolvercntur,  si  Cliristilidelcs  hoc  ipsum  scrio  vellent  animadvertere  ! 

9  Jo.  Ozorii  (Spanish  Jesuit,  rector  iu  Soria,  d.  1594)  Coucionum  de  Sanctis  t.  iii. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.-CATH.  CHURCH.    §  60.  JESUIT  MORALS.      97 

ened  to  be  inconvenient  to  the  Papacy,  was  represented  as  a 
mere  emanation  from  the  Papal;10  and  councils  were  liable  to 

Paris,  1607,  Cone,  in  Cathedra  S.  Petri,  p.  64:  Clavium  potestas  Petro  traditur  et 
ejus  suecessoribus,  ad  quarum  potestatem  multa  pertinent.  Primum  universarn  Ec- 
clesiam  regere,  Episcopos  in  diversa  loca  destinare,  Evangeliuin  in  toto  orbe  prae- 
dicare,  omnem  dare,  auferre,  aut  moderari  jurisdictionem,  Reges  creare,  et  iterum 
regna  tollere,  si  a  fide  deficiant,  vel  ejus  praedicatioui  obsistant.  Page  70:  Cum 
expedit  spiritualibus,  potest  Papa  Dominos,  Reges  et  Imperatores  niutare,  regna 
auferre  ab  impiis  Regibus  inobedientibus,  et  publicationera  Evangelii  impedientibus. 
Jo.  Azorius,  Jesuit  in  Alcala,  Placentia,  and  Rome,  d.  1607,  Institutionum  Moralium 
(t.  iii.  Romae,  1600,  ss.),  ii.  1041  (lib.  x.  c.  6) :  Imperatorem  in  temporalibus  esse  Pon- 
tifice  minorem  et  inferiorem,  eique  jure  divino  subjeetum,  sententia  est  communi 
consensu  jurisconsultorum  recepta. — Jure  suo  utitur  Rom.  Pontifex,  cum  Impera- 
tori  justis  de  causis  imperium  abrogat,  sacris  interdicit,  et  subditos  a  jurisjurandi 
vinculo  solvit.  —  Potestatem  temporalem  usu  habet  Imperator :  sed  habet  earn 
Rom.  Pontificis  potestati  subjectam,  et  jure  et  habitu  ab  eodem  Poutifice  pendeu- 
tem.  Et  ita  Rom.  Pontificis  est,  in  certis  causis  Imperatorem  dirigere,  corrigere  et 
judicare,  prout  ad  communem  reipublicae  christianae  et  catholicae  Ecclesiae  salu- 
tem,  pacem  et  utilitatem  conducit.  Angelus  Rocca  (Augustinian,  and  Bishop  of 
Tagaste,  in  Rome,  d.  1620),  Bibliotheca  Apostolica  Vaticana,  Commentario  illustrata, 
Romae,  1591;  p.  5:  Cum  Pontifex  coronatur,  capiti  ejus  tiara,  quam  regnum  mundi 
appellant,  imponitur,  tribus  constans  coronis,  tres  potestates,  h.  e.  imperatoriam, 
rcgiam  et  sacerdotalem,  plenariam  scilicet  et  universalem  totius  orbis  auetoritatem, 
repraeseutantibus.  Corn,  a  Lapide  (Jesuit  in  Louvain  and  in  Rome,  d.  1637),  Comm. 
in  Acta  Apost.  et  in  Epistt.  Canouicas,  Lugd.  1627,  in  1.  Petr.  2,  p.  227:  Sacerdo- 
tale  regnum  Ecclesiae  imprimis  cernitur  in  Episcopis  et  Episcopatu. — Maxime  vero 
idipsum  cernitur  in  Summo  Pontifice  et  Pontificatu,  cujus  summa  et  amplissima 
quaquaversum  est  potestas  per  totum  orbem  sese  extendens,  qua  etiam  Regibus  im- 
perat  (unde  et  Reges  se  ei  supplices  prosternunt,  suaque  sceptra  substernunt),  ac 
Reges  Ecclesiae  rebelles  regno  privare  potest,  uti  saepe  privavit.  The  Popes,  too, 
laid  claim  to  this  power  unreservedly  :  comp.  the  Bull  of  Excommunication  of  Sixtus 
V.  against  Henry  of  Navarre  (Sept.  1585),  in  Thuanus,  lib.  82.  There  is  a  copper  coin 
of  Julius  III.  with  his  effigy  and  the  inscription,  D.  Julius  III.  Reipublicae  Christi- 
anae Rex  ac  Pater.  See  Phil.  Bonanni  Numismata  Pontif.  Rom.  i.  254.  James  I.  of 
England  once  declared  to  Henry  IV.  of  France  that  he  was  ready  to  recognize  the 
Pope  as  the  head  of  the  Church  s'il  vouloit  laisser  la  pretention,  que  les  Papes  ont 
toujours  eue  de  pouvoir  deposer  les  rois  de  leur  etat.  The  French  embassador,  De 
Breves,  negotiated  the  matter  with  the  Pope  Paul  V.  and  reported  to  the  King:  Sur 
ce  point  il  me  dit  ne  le  pouvoir  faire  sans  etre  tache  d'heresie  (Aug.  19, 1609).  See 
Notices  et  Extraits  des  Manuscrits  de  la  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  VII.  ii.  310.  This 
doctrine  was,  however,  after  1594,  constantly  condemned  by  the  Parliament  and  the 
Sorbonne.  The  Augustinian  monk,  Florentin  Jacob,  on  account  of  certain  theses 
which  expressed  it,  was  in  1595  condemned  by  judgment  of  Parliament  to  recant  on 
his  knees  before  the  Sorbonne  (D'Argentre,  II.  i.  532).  Bellarmini  Tract,  de  Pote- 
ntate 3ummi  Pontificis  in  Rebus  Temporalibus  adv.  Guil.  Barclaium  was  forbidden  by 
Parliament  in  1611  (see  D'Argentre",  II.  ii.  19),  although  Bellarmine  only  maintained 
an  indirect  power  of  the  Pope  over  temporal  rulers  (see  §  59,  Note  31).  The  Sor- 
bonne, 1613,  condemned  the  work  of  the  Jesuit  Mart.  Becanus,  Controversia  Angli- 
cana  de  Potestate  Regis  et  Pontificis,  Mogunt.  1612  (1.  c.  p.  64) :  and  with  this  the 
Parliament  also  condemned  Henr.  Spondani  Annales  Eccl.  Baronii  in  Epitomen 
redacti  (p.  73);  and  in  1614,  the  Jesuit  Franc.  Suarez's  Defensio  Fidei  Catholicae  adv. 
Anglicanae  Seetae  Errores,  Coimbrae,  1613,  and  publicly  burned  the  latter  (p.  86). 

10  So  Lainez  in  Trent  (see  §  57,  Note  15).     Rob.  Bellarminus,  De  Controversiis 
Christ.  Fidei,  t.  i.  Tertia  Controv.  Generalis  de  summo  Pontifice,  lib.  iv.  c.  22 :  Re- 
VOL.  V. — 7 


gg  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-164S. 

err.11     The  Pope,  on  the  contrary,  was  not  only  the  infallible 

stat  poslremo  quaestio  de  derivatione  potestatis  ecclesiasticae  a  Pontifice  summo 
ad  Episcopos  caeteros.  Sciendum  est,  triplicem  esse  in  Pontifice  aliisque  Episcopis 
potestatem.  Unam  Ordiuis,  alteram  jurisdictionis  interioris,  tertiam  jurisdictionis 
exterioris;  quarum  prima  refertur  ad  Sacrameuta  conflcienda  et  ministranda,  altera 
ad  populum  christianum  regendum  in  foro  interiori  eonscientiae,  tertia  ad  eundcra 
populum  regendum  in  foro  exterior!.  De  prima  et  seeunda  non  est  quaestio  nostra, 
sed  solum  de  tertia:  nam  de  prima  certum  est  apud  omnes,  illam  aequo  immediate 
habere  a  Deo  Episcopos  ac  ipsum  summum  Pontificem.  Confertur  enim  per  quan- 
dam  consecrationem,  quae  aeque  operatur  in  uno  atque  in  alio. — De  sccuuda  est  qui- 
dem  aliqua  disscusio  inter  auctores:  nam  Abuleusis  —  existimat,  hanc  potestatem 
conferri  omnibus  sacerdotibus  immediate  a  Deo,  quaudo  ordiuantur. — At  Joannes 
de  Turrecremata— docet,  hanc  potestatem  non  conferri  a  Deo  ex  vi  ordinationis,  sed 
ab  homine  per  simplicem  injunctionem.  Ambo  tamen  in  eo  conveniunt,  quod  usus 
hujus  potestatis  pendeat  a  jurisdietione  exteriori,  et  ideo  satis  crit  de  ilia  exteriori 
agere. — Omnes  in  eo  conveniunt,  jurisdictionem  Episcoporum  saltern  in  genere  esse 
de  jure  divino.  Nam  Christus  ipse  ita  ordinavit  Ecclesiam,  ut  in  ea  siut  Pastores, 
Doctores  etc.  (Eph.  iv.  11).  Et  praeterea  nisi  ita  esset,  posset  Pontifex  mutare  huuc 
ordinem,  et  instituere,  ne  ullus  sit  in  Ecclesia  Episcopus,  quod  sine  dubio  non  po- 
test facere.  At  quaestio  est,  an  Episcopi  canonice  eleeti  accipiant  a  Deo  suam  ju- 
risdictionem, sicut  cam  accipit  summus  Pontifex :  an  vero  a  Pontifice.  Sunt  autem 
tres  de  hac  re  theologorum  sententiae.  Prima  eorum,  qui  volunt,  tarn  Apostolos, 
quam  caeteros  Episcopos  immediate  a  Deo  accepisse  et  accipere  jurisdictionem. — 
Altera  est  eorum,  qui  volunt,  Apostolos  non  a  Christo,  sed  a  Petro,  et  Episcopos 
non  a  Christo,  sed  a  Petri  successore  accepisse  vel  accipere  jurisdictionem.— Tertia 
est  media  eorum,  qui  volunt,  Apostolos  quidem  accepisse  a  Christo  immediate  om- 
nem  suam  auctoritatem ;  tamen  Episcopos  non  a  Christo,  sed  a  summo  Pontifice 
earn  accipere;  — quae  sententia  verissima  est,  et  ideo  breviter  confirmanda.  This 
proof  now  follows,  e.  g.  cap.  24 :  Regimen  ecclesiasticum  est  monarchicum,— ergo 
omnis  auctoritas  est  in  uno,  et  ab  illo  in  alios  derivatur.— Si  habercnt  Episcopi  a 
Deo  suam  jurisdictionem,  non  posset  Pontifex  illam  auferre,  aut  mutare.  Cap.  25: 
Dicuntur  Episcopi  succedere  Apostolis  non  proprie,  eo  modo,  quo  unus  Episcopus 
alteri,— sed  duplici  alia  ratione.  Primo  ratione  Ordinis  sacri  episcopalis.  Seeundo 
per  quandam  similitudinem  et  proportionem :  quia  nimirum,  sicut  Christo  in  terris 
vivente  primi  sub  Christo  erant  Apostoli  duodecim,  deinde  LXXII.  discipnli,  ita 
nunc  primi  sub  Romano  Pontifice  sunt  Episcopi,  post  eos  Presbyteri,  inde  Diaconi, 
etc.  In  France,  on  the  other  hand,  Parliament  and  the  Sorbonne  held  fast  to  the 
old  Gallican  doctrine  (see  §  58,  Note  22).  Thus  the  Sorbonne,  Oct.  2, 1610,  revived 
against  the  Jesuits  the  condemnation  of  the  theses  of  Joh.  Sarrazin  (see  vol.  iii. 
§  136,  Note  23,  p.  331),  and  again  insisted  upon  the  propositions  opposed  thereto 
(D'Argentre\  II.  ii.  15),  e.  g. :  I.  Omnes  potestates  jurisdictionis  Ecclesiae  aliae  a 
papali  potestate  sunt  ab  ipso  Christo  quantum  ad  institutionem  et  collationem 
primariam,  a  Papa  autem  et  ab  Ecclesia  quantum  ad  limitationem  et  dispensati- 
oncm  ministerialem.  II.  Hujusmodi  potestates  sunt  de  jure  divino  et  immediatae 
institutae  a  Deo  (viz.  bishops  and  parsons). 

u  Bellarminus,  De  Controv.  t.  ii.  Prima  Controv.  Generalis  de  Conciliis  et  Ecclesia 
militante,  lib.  ii.  c.  11,  would  prove,  Concilia  generalia  ante  confirmationem  summi 
Pontificis  errare  posse,  nisi  Patres  in  definiendo  sequantur  Pontificis  instructionem. 
— Dico  igitur,  Concilium  illud  non  posse  errare,  quod  absolute  est  generale,  et  Ec- 
clesiam universalem  perfecte  repraesentat :  ejusmodi  autem  Concilium  non  est,  an- 
tequam  adsit  sententia  summi  Pontificis.  Nam  Episcopi  caeteri  rcpraesentant  qni- 
dem  corpus  Ecclesiae :— at  legati  Papac  non  ita  repraesentant  caput  Ecclesiae,  i.  e. 
ipsum  Papam,  ut  quod  Ipsi  feciunt  absolute  censeatur  fecisse  Papa,  alioqui  nulla 
requireretur  conlirmatio:  sed  solum  repraesentant  Pontilicem  tanquam  viearii  et 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.   §  60.  JESUIT  DOGMATICS.   99 

source  of  orthodoxy,12  but  also — a  doctrine  till  then  unheard — 
could  himself  never  lapse  into  heresy;13  indeed,  he  was  so  far 
the  lord  of  Christendom  that  sin  itself,  enjoined  by  him,  would  be 
a  duty.14    Thus  he  was  elevated  so  far  above  the  human  sphere 

interauncii  ipsius,  qui  ad  ipsum  referre  clebeant,  cum  oriuntur  clubia,  et  sententiam 
ejus  exspectare  et  exequi.  Itaque  tale  Concilium  cum  nou  repraeseutet  absolute 
auctoritatem  capitis,  non  nisi  imperfecte  totam  Ecclesiam  repraesentat. 

12  Bellarminus,  De  Controv.  t.  i.  de  Rom.  Pontifice,  lib.  iv.  c.  3:  Summus  Pontifex 
cum  totam  Ecclesiam  docet,  in  his  quae  ad  fidem  pertinent,  uullo  casu  errare  potest. 
Luke  xxii.  32,  is  interpreted  thus :  quod  Dominus  duo  privilegia  Petro  impetraverit. 
Unum,  ut  ipse  non  posset  umquam  veram  fidem  amittere,  quantumvis  tentaretur  a 
Diabolo : — Petro  Dominus  impetravit,  ut  non  posset  uuquam  cadere,  quod  ad  fidem 
attinet.  Alteram  privilegium  est,  ut  ipse  tanquam  Pontifex  non  posset  umquam 
docere  aliquid  contra  fidem,  sive  ut  in  sede  ejus  numquam  inveniretur,  qui  doceret 
contra  veram  fidem.  Ex  quibus  privileges  primum  fortasse  non  manavit  ad  poste- 
ros:  at  secundum  sine  dubio  manavit  ad  posteros,  sive  successores.  Cap.  4:  Non 
solum  Pontifex  Romanus  non  potest  errare  in  fide ;  sed  neque  Romana  particularis 
Ecclesia.  Est  autem  observandum  hoc  loco,  in  alio  sensu  accipi  debere  firmitatem 
Ecclesiae  Romanae  in  fide,  et  in  alio  firmitatem  Pontificis :  nam  Pontifex  non  potest 
errare  errore  judiciali,  i.  e.  dum  judicat  et  definit  quaestionem  fidei:  at  Ecclesia  Ro- 
mana, i.  e.  populus  et  clerus  Romanus  non  potest  errare  errore  personali,  ita  ut  om- 
nes  omnino  errent,  et  nulli  sint  in  Romana  Ecclesia  fideles  Pontifici  adhaerentes. 
Cap.  5 :  Non  solum  in  decretis  fidei  errare  non  potest  summus  Pontifex,  sed  neque 
in  praeceptis  morum,  quae  toti  Ecclesiae  praescribuntur,  et  quae  in  rebus  necessariis 
ad  salutem,  vel  in  iis,  quae  per  se  bona  vel  mala  sunt,  versantur.  The  Jesuit  Gret- 
ser,  at  the  Ratisbon  Conference,  1601,  after  being  repeatedly  challenged  by  the  Prot- 
estant theologians  to  speak  out  about  the  judex  fidei,  declared  solemnly  (x\ctorum 
Colloquii  Ratisbon.  de  Norma  Doctrinae  Cath.  et  Controversiarum  Religionis  Ju- 
dice,  ed.  2,  Monachii,  1602,  iv.  p.  19) :  Judex  generalis,  legitimus,  ordinarius  omnium 
controversiarum,  quaecunque  possunt  oriri  in  negotio  religionis,  est  Pontifex  Ro- 
manus ;  sive  solus  definiat  aliquid,  sive  definiat  cum  Concilio  generali.  Iste  judex 
semper  est  infallibilis,  quando  ex  cathedra  definit,  ut  Pontifex,  nulli  errori  obnoxius. 
The  Dominican  Abr.  Bzovius,  in  his  Pontifex  Romanus,  s.  Commentarius  de  Prae- 
stantia  Officii,  s.  Auctoritate,  Virtutibus,  Felicitate  rebusque  praeclare  gestis  sum- 
morum  Pontifieum,  Colon.  1619,  fol.,  enumerates  fifty  special  attributes  of  the  Pope : 
the  fourteenth  is,  nee  falli  nee  fallere  sciens. 

13  Alb.  Pighius  (Provost  in  Utrecht,  d.  1542),  in  his  Hierarchiae  Ecclesiasticae  Ad- 
sertio,  lib.  iv.  c.  8,  first  maintained  outright,  Papam  non  posse  fieri  haereticum;  and 
the  Auditor  rotae  Franc.  Pegna  (d.  1612)  says  on  this  in  his  Comm.  in  Eymerici  Di- 
rectorium  Inquisitorum,  P.  HI.  Qu.  25 :  Sententia  satis  probabilis  videtur,  et  consona 
rationi,  et  fortassis  etiam  antiquorum  Patrum  dictis.  To  the  Jesuits  was  prescribed 
this  rule,  Ratio  Studiorum,  1586,  p.  327 :  De  facto  nullum  unquam  Romanorum  Pontifi- 
eum fuisse  haereticum  probabilius  est,  et  a  Nostris  strenue  defendendum :  posse  vero, 
ut  hominem  ac  Doctorem  privatum,  haereticum  esse,  probabile  facit  communior 
Scholasticorum  opinio,  licet  contrarium  satis  pie  credi  possit.  So  too,  Bellarminus, 
De  Controv.  t.  i.  de  Rom.  Pontif.  lib.  iv.  c.  6,  and  tries  to  evince  this  in  what  follows. 

14  Bellarminus,  De  Controv.  t.  i.  de  Rom.  Pont.  lib.  iv.  e.  5,  in  proving  quod  non 
possit  Pontifex  errare  in  moribus,  says :  Secundo,  quia  tunc  necessario  erraret  etiam 
circa  fidem.  Nam  fides  catholica  docet:  omnem  virtutem  esse  bonam,  omne  vitium 
esse  malum :  si  autem  Papa  erraret  praecipiendo  vitia,  vel  prohibendo  virtutes,  tene- 
retur  Ecclesia  credere,  vitia  esse  bona,  et  virtutes  malas,  nisi  vellet  contra  consci- 
entiam  peccare.  Tenetur  enim  in  rebus  dubiis  Ecclesia  acquiescere  judicio  summi 
Pontificis,  et  facere  quod  ille  praecipit,  non  facere  quod  ille  prohibet:  ac  ne  forte 


100  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A. D.  1517-1648. 

that  he  must  be  looked  upon  as  a  demi-god.15  As  it  was  with 
the  doctrine  about  the  Pope,  so  the  other  doctrines  assailed  by 
Protestants  were  for  the  most  part  carried  to  excess.  That  the 
clergy  were  independent  of  the  civil  power  was  declared  to  be 
of  divine  right.10  Their  celibacy  was  ordained  by  the  apostles.17 
The  worship  of  saints,  in  the  way  most  attractive  to  the  rude 
multitude,  was  not  changed,  though  this  had  been  generally  de- 
sired at  the  Council  of  Trent ; 18  the  Immaculate  Conception  of 

contra  conscieutiam  agat,  tenetur  credere  bonum  esse,  quod  ille  praecipit,  malum, 
quod  ille  prohibet. 

15  Cornelius  Mussus  (Franciscan,  Bishop  of  Bitouto,  one  of  the  fathers  of  Trent), 
Comm.  in  Epist.  Pauli  ad  Rom.,  Venet.  15S8,  4.  in  cap.  14,  p.  000:  A  quo,  Roma, 
quaerenda  sunt  divina  consilia,  nisi  ab  illis  quibus  mysteriorum  Dei  dispensatio  cre- 
dita  est?  Quern  ergo  pro  Deo  habemus  in  his  quae  Dei  suut,  quicquid  ipse  dixerit, 
tanquam  Deum  audire  debemus.  Ego,  ut  ingenue  fatear,  plus  uui  summo  PontiQci 
crederem  in  his  quae  fidei  mysteria  tanguut,  quam  mille  Augustiuis,  llieronymis, 
Gregoriis,  ne  dicam  Richardis,  Scotis,  Guilelmis.  Credo  enim  et  scio,  quod  sumimis 
Pontifex  in  his  quae  fidei  sunt  errare  non  potest,  quoniam  auctoritas  determinandi 
quae  ad  fidem  spectaut  in  Pontifice  residet.  Dedication  of  the  Dominican  Thomas 
Maria  Caraffa,  Naples,  1009:  Paulo  V.,  Vicedeo,  christianae  reipublieae  Monarchae 
invictissimo,  et  pontificiae  omnipotentiae  conservatori  acerrimo  (comp.  W.  J.  Cas- 
telli,  Diss,  de  variis  Causis,  queis  accidentalis  Rom.  Pontificis  Potestas  successive 
ampliata  fait,  Aug.  Trevir.  1788,  4.  p.  6).  At  the  same  time,  Laelius  Zecchius, 
(Canon  in  Brescia),  De  Republica  Ecclesiastica,  cap.  de  Statu  Papae,  art.  28:  Est  et 
dicitur  Christi  vicarius,  et  quod  Deus  in  terris,  et  quod  ipse  facit,  non  humanus 
Princeps,  Bed  Deus  facere  videtur.  Ravaillac,  the  assassin  of  Henry  IV.,  avowed  at 
his  trial  (Edm.  Richerii  Defensio  Libelli  de  Eccl.  et  Polit.  Potestate,  ii.  301):  idem 
plane  esse  Dei  et  Papae  voluntati  contradicere ;  seque  Regem  trucidasse,  quia  con- 
tra Papae  voluntatem  delectus  haberet  militum  ad  expeditiouem  germanicam. 

16  Emm.  Sa,  Aphorismi  Confessariorum,  Colon.  1590,  p.  41:  Clerici  rebellio  in  Re- 
gem  non  est  crimen  laesae  Majestatis,  quia  non  est  subditus  Regi.  Ferd.  de  Castro 
Palao  (Jesuit  in  Valladolid  and  Compostella),  Opus  Morale  de  Virtutibus  ac  Vitiis, 
Part  VII.  Lugd.  1031  ss.  i.  171:  Per  se  et  ex  Datura  rei  tana  Clerici  quam  Laid 
transgredientea  leges  politicas  pnniri  a  Rege  poterant:  at  ex  privilegio  et  exempti- 
one  illis  concessa  a  Christo,  vcl  a  Summis  Pontiticibus,  puniri  non  possunt  ab  alio, 
quam  ab  ecclesiastico  judice. 

17  Bellarminus,  De  Controv.  t.  ii.  Secunda  Controv.  Gcneralis,  de  Membris  Eccl. 
Militantis,  lib.  i.  de  Clericis,  cap.  18:  Joannes  Major  (caelibatum  sacerdotum)  de  jure 
divino  esse  putavit. — Idem  fere  docuit  Clichtovacus. — At  b.  Thomas — diserte  docct, 
votum  continentiae  esse  annexum  Ordinibus  sacris  ex  solo  Ecelesiae  decreto. — 
Idem  docet  Cajctanus  in  Opusculis,  t.  i.  Tract.  27,  et  Sotus,  lib.  vii.  de  Justitia,  quaeat. 
0,  art.  2,  ulii  ctiam  doect,  quod  ego  verissimum  puto,  decretum  hoc,  quo  votum  est 
annexum  Ordinibus,  non  quidem  proprie  divinum  esse,  sed  tainen  esse  apostolicum, 
et  in  tota  Ecclesia  a  temporibus  Apostolornm  longo  tempore  esse  servatum.  Cap.  19 : 
In  actu  conjugii  negari  non  potest,  quin  admixta  sit  quaedam  impuritas  et  pollutio. 
So  too,  Stanislaus  Hosius  (Bishop  of  Culm,  then  of  Ermelaud),  Confessio  Fidei,  c.  50: 
Copulatio  conjugalis  remotum  ab  arbitris  eubile  requirit.  Certe  non  qui  bene,  sed 
qui  male  agit,  odit  lucem,  ait  Christus:  omnia  vero  recte  facta  in  luce  collocari  vo- 
lunt.  Haec  igitur  opera  tenebrarum  pugnant  cum  saecrdotio  maxime,  cujus  opera 
in  luce  collocari  volunt.  This  is  Hie  opinion  of  Jerome,  already  denied  by  Augus- 
tine (see  vol.  i.  «  102,  Note  12,  p.  440).    Comp.  Calixtus  de  Conjugio  Clericorum,p.  1. 

1S  See  §57,  Note  41. 


PART  III.-CHAP.  III.-CATH.  CHURCH.    §  CO.  INDULGENCES,      id 

Mary  received  increasing  recognition.19  The  shame  which 
checked  the  system  of  indulgences  for  some  time  after  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Reformation  vanished  after  Trent  had  spoken. 
To  obtain  money20  it  had  for  a  time  been  necessary  to  practice 
a  certain  degree  of  economy ;  but  this  being  no  longer  the  case, 
indulgences  were  granted  with  a  prodigality  never  before 
known.21     Gregory  XIII.  ventured  again  to  grant  "privileges" 

19  When  the  Spanish  Jesuit  Joh.  Maldonatus  was  teaching  in  Paris,  he  censured 
the  Sorbonne  for  exacting  an  oath  in  favor  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  Mary 
(see  vol.  iii.  p.  388,  §  145,  Note  19):  thereupon  the  Faculty  assembled  (Feb.  1575) 
and  most  of  its  members  solemnly  declared — se  de  fide  tenere,  b.  Virginem  con- 
ceptam  esse  sine  macula  originali.  As  this  contradicted  the  Council  of  Trent 
(§  55,  Note  11),  they  got  into  a  controversy  about  it  with  the  Bishop  of  Paris. 
The  Pope  was  called  upon  to  decide,  but  gave  no  reply  (D'Argentre,  II.  i.  443).  At 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  Minorite  Franciscus  a  Saut  Iago,  of 
Seville,  came  forward  as  the  champion  of  the  Immaculate  Conception :  he  main- 
tained that  the  Holy  Virgin  of  Guadaloupe  bound  him  to  this  by  the  gift  of  a  ring. 
There  was  the  most  violent  contention  between  Franciscans  and  Dominicans,  in 
which  the  Jesuits  took  sides  with  the  former,  while  the  people  were  fanatical  for 
the  Immaculate  Conception;  and  thus  sprang  up  perilous  disturbances.  The  Jes- 
uits here  let  out  their  hate  against  the  Dominicans,  stirred  as  it  had  been  by  the 
contentions— De  auxiliis  gratiae  (§  59,  Note  27) :  see  Serry,  Hist.  Congreg.  de  Aux- 
iliis,  lib.  iv.  c.  27,  p.  766:  Plebem  contictis  revelationibus  ac  miraculis,  institutis 
festivitatibus  et  sodalitiis,  vulgatis  tabellis,  numismatibus,  libris,  concionibus  eo 
usque  commoverunt  fervidi  susurrones,  ut  Praedicatores  in  Claustrorum  penetrali- 
bus  delitescere  coacti  sint,  ne  palam  lapidibus  appetereutur.  Eoque  perducta  res 
est,— ut  sacra  Doctoris  Angelici  imago,  per  ludibrium  vili  jumento  superposita,  per 
vicos,  per  fora,  per  compita  circumducta  fuerit,  dementi  lymphatoque  insequente 
populo  ac  per  subsannationem  clamitante:  sin  peccado  original,  sin  peccado  original. 
The  affair  became  so  dangerous  that  King  Philip  III.  by  a  formal  embassy  implored 
the  Pope  to  decide  the  controverted  question  (Legatio  Phil.  III.  et  IV.  ad  Paulum 
V.  et  Gregorium  XV.  de  definieuda  Controversia  Immaculatae  Conceptions  b.  Virg. 
Mariae,  descripta  per  P.  Fr.  Luc.  Waddiugum,  Lovan.  1624,  fol.).  But  Paul  V.  did 
not  dare  to  touch  the  disputed  dogma  in  the  face  of  the  dreaded  Dominicans:  1617 
he  merely  decided  (Wadding,  p.  14)  ut  non  audeant  in  publicis  concionibus,  lectio- 
nibus,  conclusionibus,  et  aliis  quibuscunqxie  actibus  publicis  asserere,  quod  eadem 
beatissima  Virgo  Maria  fuerit  concepta  cum  peccato  originali.  Per  contra,  he  strict- 
ly forbade  the  others,  quod  negativam  opinionem,  videlicet  quod  non  fuerit  concepta 
cum  peccato  originali,  in  praedictis  publicis  actibus  asserentes,  aliam  opinionem  non 
impugnent,  nee  de  ea  aliquo  modo  agant,  seu  tractent.  This  did  not  quell  the  dis- 
turbances, and  Philip  IV.  sent  a  new  embassy  to  Gregory  XV.  The  latter  extended 
the  orders  of  his  predecessor  to  private  controversy  as  well  (letter  of  July  28, 1622, 
in  Wadding,  p.  456),  and  only  allowed  the  Dominicans  ut  de  eaetero  in  quibuscun- 
que  privatis  eorum  colloquiis  seu  conferentiis,  inter  se  duntaxat,  et  non  inter  alios, 
aut  cum  aliis,  de  materia  ejnsdem  conceptionis  beatissimae  Mariae  Virginis  disserere 
et  tractare  libere  et  licite  possint.  Therewith  he  expressly  declared  that  the  dogma 
remained  undecided. 

20  See  §  57,  Note  42. 

21  Besides  the  inevitable  indulgences,  the  Crusade  Bull  for  Spain  (Amort  de  Ori- 
gine,  Progressu  ac  Fructu  Indulgentiarum,  Aug.  Vind.  1735,  fol.  i.  79)  and  the  Jubilees 
of  1525  and  1550  (Amort,  i.  102),  there  are  no  others  before  the  close  of  the  Council 
of  Trent:  but  after  that  the  General  Indulgences  (p.  103)  and  the  Minor  Indulgen- 
ces (p.  211)  increase  so  rapidly  that  there  were  often  several  in  a  single  year. 


102  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

to  a  given  altar.22  The  Jesuits  especially  were  inexhaustible  in 
discovering  new  objects  of  devotion :  miracle-working  images 
were  constantly  multiplying.23  To  keep  dangerous  light  away, 
not  only  were  the  Indices  Librorum  Prohibitorum24  set  to  work, 
but  Indices  Librorum  Expurgandorum  were  also  published, 
mutilating  the  ancient  writings.25  Though  the  Fathers  of  the 
Church  were  in  these  Indices  only  indirectly  purged,26  yet  they 
were  frequently  falsified  in  new  editions.27 

25  See  vol.  iii.  §  147,  Note  17,  p.  397.  The  privilege  of  1577  (Amort,  II.  285) : 
concedimus,  ut,  quoties  quicunque  sacerdos — ad  altarc,  in  quo— corpus  s.  Juvenalis 
quiescit,  situm  in  cathedrali  Ecclesia  Narnensi,  pro  liberatione  unius  animae  in 
purgatorio  existentis  celebravcrit,  ipsa  anima — easdem  indulgentias  et  peccato- 
rum  rcmissiones  consequatur,  quas  consequeretur, — si  praedictus  Sacerdos  hac  de 
cau?a  Missam  ad  altare  6itum  in  Ecclesia  s.  Grcgorii  de  Urbe  ad  id  deputatum 
celcbraret. 

22  Imago  Primi  Saeculi  Soc.  Jesu,  a  Provincia  Flandro-belgica  ejusdcm  S.  J.  rc- 
praesentata,  Antverp.  1G40,  fol.  p.  778 :  Liber  texendus  foret,  accurate  dicturo  litanias 
Lauretanas,  hnmaculatae  conceptionis  officium,  jejuuia  sabbatina,  supplicationes, 
peregrinationes  votivas,  mancipationes,  et  sexcenta  id  geuus,  per  quae  supra  quam 
dici  potest,  amatam  honoratamque  Dei  matrem  reddidit  Societas. — Inflnitus  sim,  si 
statuas  singularum  urbium  populari  pietate,  luminibus,  votivis  tabellis,  miraculis 
illustres  reccnsere  studeam.  Wolf,  Gesch.  d.  Jesuiten,  II.  179.  To  understand  the 
revolution  in  the  Catholic  Church,  compare  the  Mayence  Council  of  1519,  above, 
S  55,  Note  27.  The  people  were  attached  to  it  by  Brotherhoods :  thus  Ant.  Arnauld 
in  Plaidoye,  p.  45,  reckons  among  the  Jesuit  fraternities — les  Confrairies  du  Nom  de 
Jesus,  du  Cordon,  de  la  Vierge,  de  la  Cappe,  du  Chapelet,  du  petit  Collet,  et  infinies 
autres. 

24  The  one  published  by  Pope  Pius  IV.  1504  (§  58,  Note  1)  was  revised  and  enlarged 
by  Gregory  XIII.  and  Sixtus  V.,  then  by  Clement  III.  in  1595.  Dan.  Francus  de  Pa- 
pistarum  Indicibus  Librorum  Prohibitorum  et  Expurgandorum,  Lips.  1684.  [See 
Rev.  Jos.  Meudham,  Literary  Policy  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  2d  ed.  Lond.  1835:  also 
his  Index  Lib.  Prohib.  1S35.  Gibbons,  Iudex  Vaticanus,  reprint  of  Roman  Index 
Expurg.  Lond.  1837.] 

25  First  by  order  of  the  Duke  of  Alba,  Index  Expurgatorius  Librorum  qui  hoc 
saeculo  prodierunt,  Antverp.  1571,  often  republished,  e.  g.  cura  Franc.  Junii,  Argeu- 
tor.  1609.  Index  Librorum  Expurgandorum,  Madriti,  1584.  4.  Index  Expurgatorius 
cura  J.  M.  Brasichellani,  Mag.  Palat,  Romae,  1607.  Index  Expurgatorius  Inquisiti- 
onis  Lusitanicae,  Olisip.  1624.  fol.  Sentences  and  whole  sections  are  noted  to  be 
struck  out.  Such  erasures  are  often  found  in  copies  belonging  to  libraries  of  clois- 
ters. 

26  Viz.  only  Prefaces,  Notes,  and  Indexes:  but  in  the  Indexes  unpleasant  passages 
are  struck  out,  even  when  they  are  exactly  taken  from  the  Fathers  of  the  Church. 
Thus  the  Index  Expurgat.  Antverp.,  Argent.  1609.  p.  8,  would  erase  in  the  Index 
Frobcnianus  in  Augustini  Opera  these  sentences:  Fides,  non  opera,  justos  ab  inju- 
stis  discernit;  Fides  sola  justificat ;  mortuis  nullam  curam  de  vivis,  etc.  The  Index 
of  the  Inquisition,  ed.  by  Bernliard  de  Sandoval,  Madrit.  1614,  in  the  Index  Operum 
Athanaaii,  commands  the  following  words  to  be  erased — adorari  solius  Dei  est,  al- 
though these  arc  the  very  words  of  Athanasius.  Less  important  ecclesiastical  writ- 
ers  arc  corrected  outright.  Comp.  the  corrections  in  the  Bibliotheca  ss.  Patrum 
collccta  per  Marg.  de  la  Bignc  in  the  Index  Antverp.  p.  305. 

27  This  evil  practice  was  indeed  of  older  date.     Erasmus  complains  of  it  in  the 


PART  III.— CH.  III.— CATH.  CH.    §  60.  FALSIFICATION  OF  WRITINGS.  103 

The  real  source  of  all  these  developments  was  the  attempt  to 
impose  upon  the  whole  Church  the  Jesuit  principle  of  subject- 
ing all  minds  to  their  yoke.  For  this  the  Jesuits  labored  every 
where,  recklessly,  arrogantly,  lusting  for  power,  and  using  cor- 
rupt means.  Thus  they  raised  up  against  themselves  many  op- 
ponents even  in  their  own  Church,28  and  especially  in  the  Galli- 

Prefaces  to  his  editions  of  Jerome  (1516)  and  Hilary  (1523).  But  it  became  more 
and  more  mischievous.  The  most  striking  example  of  the  sort  is  related  by  Francis 
Junius  in  the  Preface  to  the  Index  Expurgat.  Argent.  1609,  about  an  edition  of 
Ambrose  which  the  Franciscans  got  up  in  Lyons,  1559.  Junius  was  a  friend  of  the 
corrector  of  the  press  in  Lyons,  and  saw  the  corrected  sheets  changed  in  the  most 
arbitrary  way.  Even  of  the  edition  of  Ambrose,  Rome,  1579-1587,  prepared  by  Six- 
tus  V.  as  Cardinal,  it  is  said  in  Richerius  Defens.  II.  58:  Certe  memini,  Nicolaum 
Fabrum,  Ludovici  XIII.  praeceptorem,  mini  aliquando  dixisse,  in  ea  editione  multos 
locos  contra  fidem  mss.  librorum,  quos  mini  ostendit,  immutatos  fuisse,  ut  hinc  a 
novis  editionibus  librorum  cavere  discamus.  This  judgment  was  afterwards  con- 
firmed by  the  Benedictines  (Schoenemann,  Bibl.  Patr.  Lat.  I.  406).  The  editor  of 
the  Augustini  Opera,  Venet.  1570.  xi.  torn.  4.  declares  even  on  the  title-page  quod 
ea  omnia  removeri  curaverat,  quae  fidelium  mentes  haeretica  pravitate  possent  in- 
ficere,  aut  a  catholica  et  orthodoxa  fide  deviare ;  and  that  this  refers  to  the  text 
itself,  and  not  to  the  notes  and  such  like,  see  Clement,  Bibliotheque  Choisie  XVIII. 
1.  Schoenemann,  Bibliotheca  Patrum  Latin.  II.  128.  As  to  the  text  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  how  far  it  is  perverted  even  in  the  Roman  edition,  1589,  is  shown  in  Thomae 
Jamesii  Vindiciae  Gregorianae,  Genev.  1625.  4 :  in  the  Epistola  prefixed  there  is  a 
collection  of  the  passages  manifestly  changed  in  the  interest  of  the  Catholic  Church. 
On  similar  changes  see  in  Alcimi  Aviti  Opp.  ed.  Jo.  Gagnejus,  Lugd.  1536.  See  Sir- 
mondi,  Praef.  et  Not.  p.  61,  in  his  edition  of  Avitus,  Paris,  1643.  The  Opus  imper- 
fectum  in  Matthaeum,  often  wrongly  ascribed  to  Chrysostom,  is  very  much  muti- 
lated in  the  editions,  Antwerp,  1537 ;  Paris,  1543, 1547,  and  1557,  under  the  pretext 
of  purifying  it  from  Arian  blemishes.  See  Cave,  Hist.  Literar.  Basil.  1741,  I.  316. 
On  Corruption  in  Cypriani  Lib.  de  Uuitate  Ecclesiae,  see  vol.  i.  p.  237,  §  68,  Note  10; 
on  the  alterations  in  Anastasii  Liber  de  Vitis  Pontificum,  see  Dallaeus,  De  Usu  Pa- 
trum, p.  86,  in  which  last  work  the  whole  of  chapter  iv.  p.  60  sq.  is  to  be  compared. 
In  the  contentions  between  the  Dominicans  and  the  Jesuits  on  the  workings  of 
grace,  similar  falsifications  occur.  The  Jesuit  George  of  Valentia  was  convicted  of 
a  falsification  of  Augustine,  1603,  in  the  presence  of  the  Pope  (Serry,  Hist.  Congreg. 
de  Auxiliis,  p.  302).  The  Dominicans  were  accused  by  the  Jesuits  of  having  falsified 
Aquinas  and  others:  see  Theoph.  Raynaudi  Opera,  vii.  329;  xx.  300,  311.  Domin- 
icans charged  the  Jesuits  not  only  with  falsifying  Aquinas  (Serry,  p.  19),  but  also 
of  changing  Bellarmine's  Controvers.  in  the  German  impressions  (p.  151-747),  and 
the  writings  of  the  Jesuit  Vasquez  (p.  96). 

28  The  Jesuit  Reiffenberg,  in  his  Hist.  Soc.  Jesu  ad  Rhenum  (Colon.  1764,  2  torn, 
fol.)  i.  503,  relates  that  in  the  early  times  of  the  Society  an  Abbot,  as  often  as  he 
thought  of  the  Jesuits,  cried  out  with  sighs— A  Jesuitis  et  Calvinistis  libera  nos, 
Domine !  The  Jesuits  however,  and  not  without  reason,  explained  this  hostility 
otherwise.  See  the  Letter  of  Friends  of  Jesuits  to  the  Pope,  1573  (Lipowsky,  Gesch. 
d.  Jesuiten  in  Schwaben,  I.  222) :  Quod  ad  nonnullorum  Ecclesiasticorum  adversus 
Jesuitas  odium  pertinet,  fatendum  quidem,  Clerum  nonnihil  alienori  animo  ab  ipsis 
esse. — Jam  vero  Clerus  passim  in  Germania  non  solum  literarum  et  rerum  sacrarum 
rudis  et  ignarus  est,  sed  moribus  quoque  ita  corrupte  et  dissolute  vivit,  ut  plerosque 
Canonicos  et  sacerdotes  videre  liceat,  qui  immodica  crapula,  vestitu,  fastu,  blasphe- 
miis  et  omni  voluptatum  genere  nefandissimos  quoque  milites  vincant.— Caeterum 


!04  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

can  Church.29  On  account  of  their  claim  to  a  share  in  the 
cloisters30  given  back  by  the  Edict  of  Restitution3'  (1629),  the 
hostility  of  the  older  Orders  against  them  was  almost  as  great 
as  that  of  the  Protestants,32  against  whom  they  waged  unceasing- 
quod  ad  communcm  Clcrum,  praesertim  Parochos  spectat,  ii  communitcr  in  tota 
fere  Germania  ita  luxuria  diffluunt,  ita  viuo  addicti  misere  debacchantur,  ut  interim 
miseram  plebem,  quani  in  religione  confirtnare  et  instruere  deberent,  in  atheismum 
pacne  in  dies  prolabi  videre  liceat.  Talis  certe  in  Germania  quondam  Clerus  cansam 
apertam  praebuit  exorti  Lutheranismi.  Hi  deniquc  sunt,  qui  et  Jesuitis  aliquantu- 
lum  adversantur  eo  quod  eos  sibi  tam  propter  cruditionem,  quam  vitac  integritatem 
longe  praeferri  vident.  Dum  quippe  electi  profieiunt,  rcprobi  ad  rabiem  furoris  exei- 
tantur,  et  bona  nasceutia,  quae  nolunt  imitari,  persequuntur. 

29  The  bitterest  complaints  were  made  against  them  in  the  speeches  in  Parliament, 
July,  1594:  Plaidoye  de  M.  Aut.  Arnauld,  Advocat  en  Parlement,  pour  i' University 
de  Paris,  demanderesse,  contre  les  Jesuites  Defendeurs,  des  12  et  13  Juillct  1594,  a 
la  Haye  1594.  8  (extracts  in  Thuanus,  lib.  ex.  t.  iii.  p.  620),  and  in  the  address  deliv- 
ered July  13  by  Louis  Doll,  in  the  name  of  the  Paris  pastors :  D'Argentre,  Coll.  Judic. 
II.  i.  510.  They  were  here  accused  especially  for  their  political  intrigues,  kindling 
the  Peasants'  War  in  the  interest  of  Spain,  exciting  to  the  murder  of  the  King,  and 
introducing  Ultramontane  principles  in  general;  also  of  craftily  obtaining  inherit- 
ances, accumulating  property,  corrupting  youth,  infringing  on  the  rights  of  curates, 
etc. 

30  Salig,  Gcsch.  d.  Augsb.  Confession,  I.  810.  Their  most  violent  foe  was  Caspar 
Scioppius  (from  the  Palatinate,  became  Catholic  1598,  d.  at  Padua  1649).  His  writings 
against  them  are  partly  anonymous,  partly  pseudonymous,  and  thus  many  works  are 
wrongly  ascribed  to  him.  His  chief  writings:  Actio  Perduellionis  in  Jesuitas,  jura- 
tos  sacri  Romani  Imperii  Hostes,  1633.  4;  Jesuita  exenteratus  s.  1.  et  a. ;  Anatomia 
Soc.  J.  1633.  4;  Colloquium  inter  Paulum  V.  Papain,  Philippum  Hisp.  Regera,  et 
Ferdin.  Archiducem  Austriae,  ex  Jesuitarum  Monacensium  et  Ingolstadiensium  se- 
cretis  Consiliis  institutum,  1632;  Mysteria  Patrum  Soc.  J.  1633;  Astrologia  ecclesi- 
astica,  1634.  4.  etc.  The  Jesuit  Laur.  Forer,  of  Dillingeu,  was  the  chief  defender  of 
his  Order  against  Scioppius. 

31  See  vol.  iv.  p.  235,  §  12,  Note  10. 

32  The  first  weighty  Protestant  work  against  the  Jesuits  was  Theologiae  Jcsuvita- 
rum  praecipua  Capita,  ex  quadam  ipsorum  Censura,  quae  Coloniae  anno  1560  cdita 
est,  annotata  per  Mart.  Chemnitium,  Lips.  1563.  8  (above,  §  59,  Note  16,  §  60,  Note  6). 
E.g.  on  their  origin,  B.  2:  Sentit  homo  ille  peccati  ct  filius  perditionis,  coeptum 
jam  illud  esse,  quod  Paulus  praedixit:  Quern  Dominua  coiificiet  spiritu  oris  sui  h.  e. 
verbo  sito,  et  videt  reliquorum  Ordinum  quantumvis  praepingucs  et  crassos  ventres 
lKin  posse  fulcire  labascentem  Romanam  scdem,  banc  maxime  ob  causam,  quia  illam 
partem  regulae  Francisci,  quae  sic  habet:  nescientes  non  curent  discere  litems,  omnes 
solicitc  observant,— ita  ut  Ordo  fratrum  ignorantiae  factus  sit  jam  universalis.  Ani- 
madvertit  igitur  Pontifex,— opus  esse  regno  suo  uova  creatura.— Aggressus  est  igi- 
tur— creationem  hujus  novi  Ordinis,  et  in  regula  cavit,  non  esse  onerandos  immodi- 
cis  ccremoniis,  sed  adhibendos  summa  diligentia  ad  discendas  literas,  ad  cognoscenda 
studia  literarum,  ad  cvolvcnda  scripta  veterum,  ut  erroribus  ct  abusibus,  ex  verbo 
Dei  toti  jam  mundo  detectis,  plansibUem  aliqnam  speeiem  orationis  lenocinio  indu- 
ere,  et  nervos  regni  pontificii  conservarc  discerent  et  conarentur,  ut  si  usus  pericli- 
tantis  jam  in  tanta  Evangelii  luce  regni  pontificii  ita  flagitaret,  ex  illo  Ordine  posseut 
tanqaam  cmissarii  in  omncra  terram  Bubmitti  pontiflciae  turpitudinis  patroni.— De- 
inde  anitnadversum  est,  et  hoc  in  Germania  praesertim,  etiara  illos,  qui  Pontificii 
jnrati  sunt,  imo  apostatas  etiam,  qui  magna  mercede  conductitiam  linguam  Romanae 
sedi  locarunt,  quaedam  in  manifestis  erroribus,  et  nimium  crassis  abusibus  impro- 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  60.  JESUITS  HATED.   105 

ly  the  most  embittered  strife.  Among  the  innumerable  works 
which  appeared  against  them,  the  most  remarkable  are  the  apt 
satires  entitled  the  Monita  Secreta  Societatis  Jesu,33  and  the 
Monarchia  Solipsorum.34 

bare,  quaedam  timidius  defendere,  de  quibusdam  uimis  modeste  et  mitius,  quam  sta- 
tus regui  poutificii  ferat,  loqui,  propterea  quod  in  Germania  educati  clarissimam 
Evangelii  lucem  etiam  iuviti  sentiant  in  testimonium  ipsis.  Inita  igitur  in  exordio 
hujus  religionis  fuit  haec  ratio,  ut  in  teneris  annis  pueri,  in  quibus  spes  aliqua  vide- 
retur  ingenii,  in  hunc  Ordinem  cooptarentur,  et  procul  a  luce  Evangelii,  quod  Dei 
benignitate  Germaniae  affulsit,  Romam  missi,  ibi  in  mediis  abominationibus  educa- 
rentur,  fingerentur  et  forrnareutur; — et  postquam  viderentur  imis  visceribus  irnbi- 
bisse  abominationes  et  spurcities,  quas  meretrix  Babylonica  Apoc.  17.  calice  suo 
propinat,  et  satis  esse  charactere  bestiae  confirmati,  ut  tunc  per  Germaniam,  tan- 
quam  locustarum  examina,  dispergerentur,  si  hoc  forsan  artificio  Germania  posset 
rursus  sub  jugum  pontificium  reduci,  et  Ecclesiis  lux  ilia,  quae  ex  verbo  Dei  arfulsit, 
eripi. — Tibi  igitur,  o  Germania,  et  saluti  tuae,  Jesuwitarum  secta  principaliter  in 
exordio  suae  creationis  opposita  fuit.  Et  res  notoria  est,  occuparunt  enim  jam 
examina  ilia  Austriam,  obsederunt  Bavariam,  et  recens  invaserunt  magno  strepitu 
Westphaliam,  et  prospectant  jam  de  alveariis  suis  latius  proferendis,  et  in  illis  quos 
occuparunt  locis  aperiunt  ludos  pro  pueris,  etiam  illis,  qui  prima  literarum  elementa 
discunt.  Et  ut  multos  ad  auditoria  sua  alliciant,  profltentur  ibi  non  tantum  theo- 
logica,  verum  etiam  studia  politioris  literaturae,  id  quo  consilio  fiat,  lector  ex  illis 
quae  diximus  intelligit.  Other  Protestant  works  of  this  period  against  the  Jesuits 
see  in  Walchii  Biblioth.  Theol.  ii.  288.  A  collection  of  Catholic  and  Protestant  works 
against  the  Jesuits  was  published  at  Rochelle,  1580 :  Doctrinae  Jesuitarum  Praecipua 
Capita,  a  doctis  quibusdam  Theologis  —  confutata,  ed.  2,  6  roll.  Rupellae,  1584.  8. 
(comp.  Salig's  Gesch.  d.  Augsb.  Conf.  ii.  178).  Several  Catholic  writers,  even  Alzog, 
Ch.  Hist.  p.  913  (5th  ed.),  falsely  ascribe  to' Calvin  the  declaration  :  Jesuitae  vero,  qui 
se  maxime  nobis  opponunt,  aut  necandi,  aut,  si  id  commode  fieri  non  potest,  ejicieudi, 
aut  certe  mendaciis  ac  calumniis  opprimendi  sunt.  A  most  remarkable  misunder- 
standing!  This  sentence  is  in  the  work  of  a  Jesuit,  Mart.  Becani  Aphorismi  Doc- 
trinae Calvinistarum,  ex  eorum  Libris,  Dictis  et  Factis  collecti,  and  there  it  is  the 
15th  Aphorism  (M.  Becani  Opera,  Mogunt.  1649.  fol.  p.  888) :  but  the  author  does  not 
pretend  to  cite  any  Calvinistic  writer  as  the  author  of  this  opinion  :  he  only  tries  to 
prove,  from  occurrences  in  England  and  Holland,  that  it  is  a  Calvinistic  principle. 

33  The  first  edition  was:  Monita  Privata  Soc.  Jesu,  ex  Hispanico  Latina  Facta, 
Notobirgae  (Cracow),  1612,  cf.  Gretseri  Opp.  xi.  1012. 1015.  Hieronymus  Zaorowski, 
Parochus  in  Gozdziec,  was  subjected  to  a  prosecution  because  suspected  of  having 
published  it  (I.  c.  p.  1013) ;  of  the  result  nothing  is  found  in  Gretser.  A  wholly  new 
edition  next  appeared  under  the  title  Aurea  Monita  religiosissimae  Soc.  Jesu,  edita 
a  Theoph.  Eulalio,  Placentiae  in  4.,  without  giving  the  year,  for  the  "  Turnatii  anno 
1612"  at  the  eud  refers  to  the  Prosa,  appended  to  the  work.  In  this  edition  the 
Monita  Privata  are  followed  by  Testimonia  de  Jesuitis  ;  and  at  the  end  the  Prosa  in 
Laudem  Jesuitarum.  Another  impression,  Arcana  Monita  religios.  Soc.  Jesu,  Anno 
Dom.  1618.  8.  adds  an  Appendix  and  a  Dialogus.  The  Privata  Monita  alone  are  in 
the  Anatomia  Soc.  Jesu,  1633.  4.  p.  53,  with  the  allegation  that  the  Duke  Christian 
of  Brunswick  found  them  in  the  Jesuit  College  of  Paderborn.  In  Holland  the  book 
was  several  times  reprinted,  sometimes  said  to  have  come  from  the  Jesuit  College 
in  Antwerp,  sometimes  to  have  been  taken  from  an  East  Indian  traveler.  It  is  re- 
printed in  the  Pragmat.  Gesch.  der  vornehmsten  Monchsorden,  vol.  ix.  Leips.  1782. 
p.  270:  but  the  literary  notices  of  it  there  given  (p.  220  sq.)  are  largely  incorrect. 
These  Monita  Privata  underwent  a  recasting  in  the  seventeenth. century,  in  which 
the  conclusion  of  the  former  editions  is  made  the  Preface,  several  chapters  are  dif- 


106  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

§61. 
MISSIONS  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

The  first  Jesuit  missions  sent  from  Portugal  were  established 
in  the  possessions  of  that  empire  beyond  the  seas,  in  East  India 
and  Brazil,  and  thence  were  more  widely  propagated.  As  the 
Jesuits  in  this  field  of  labor  showed  themselves  more  adroit  than 
other  missionaries  in  the  use  of  existing  relations,  and  more  un- 
scrupulous in  the  choice  of  means,  they  had  here  likewise  great- 
er, but  also  more  dubious  success. 

Francis  Xavier  labored  from  1541  in  Goa,  the  chief  city  of  the 
Portuguese  East  Indies,  supported  by  the  government,  with  great 
results.  In  1547  he  went  to  Japan,  and  there  converted  many, 
in  spite  of  the  resistance  of  the  heathen  priesthood.     He  died 

ferently  placed,  a  new  chapter  (17)  is  added,  while  the  whole  representation  is  en- 
larged and  the  obscure  parts  are  explained  by  further  details.  (See  the  above  Prag- 
mat.  Gesch.  etc.  ix.  233.)  This  revision  is  often  printed  under  the  title  Monita  Se- 
creta  Soc.  Jesu :  e.  g.  in  Liberii  Candidi  (the  Carmelite  Henricus  de  S.  Ignatio)  Tuba 
Magna  inirum  clangens  Sonum  ad  Clementein  XI.  Imperatorem,  etc.  de  Necessitate 
Reformandi  Soc.  Jesu,  Argent.  1713.  p.  368.  The  author  of  the  Monita  Private  evi- 
dently knows  the  internal  arrangements  and  doings  of  the  Jesuit  Order  very  exact- 
ly, and  gives  a  true  representation  of  their  way  of  working  in  the  customary  language 
of  the  Order.  That  the  work  is  a  satire  is  evident  to  the  unprejudiced  from  its  whole 
character;  and  this  is  more  plainly  seen  on  reading  the  address  to  the  readers  pre- 
fixed to  the  early  editions,  which  is  just  in  the  language  and  tone  of  the  Monita 
itself.  In  form,  these  Instructions  are  copied  from  the  Regulae  Soc.  Jesu,  and  the 
book  was  for  a  long  time  considered  genuine  by  the  enemies  of  the  Order,  and  at- 
tributed to  the  General  Aquaviva.  Against  them  wrote  the  Ingolstadt  Jesuits  Adam. 
Tannerus,  Apologia  contra  Monita  Private  Soc.  J.,  et  Jac.  Gretserus,  Contra  famo- 
sum  Libellum,  cuius  inscriptio  est:  Monita  Private  Soc.  Jesu,  libb.  iii.  apologetici. 
Ingolst.  1618.  4.  (The  last  is  also  in  Gretseri  Opp.  xi.  939.)  The  Carmelite  Henricus 
de  S.  Ignatio  accepted  them  as  genuine  in  his  Tuba  Magna,  but  afterwards  he  ac- 
knowledged them  to  be  spurious,  and  left  them  out  in  the  Tuba  Altera  majorem 
clangens  Sonum,  Argent.  1715,  declaring  justly,  p.  188 :  Facile  in  intelligentiam  cad.it 
satis  corruptum  esse  cor  humanum,  ut  sese  quibuscunque  sceleribus  ct  llagitiis  dedat : 
ast  non  ita  excaecata  et  obtusa  est  mens,  ut  praecepta  scelcrum  ct  flagitiorum  com- 
mittendorum  velit  pracscribere. — Vult  homo  esse  malus,  et  amat  videri  bonus.  The 
time  at  which  the  Monita  appeared  was  that  of  the  most  violent  contentions  against 
the  Jesuits:  the  eleventh  volume  of  the  Works  of  Gretser  is  wholly  made  up  of  de- 
fences against  all  sorts  of  attacks,  including  satirical  writings.  Among  these  are  the 
following :  Gabrielis  Lermaei,  Introductio  in  artem  Jesuiticam  (p.  497).  Georg  Heck- 
el's  Bericht,  welchcrgestalt  d.  Jes.  mit  den  Piipsten,  Pralaten,  Fiirstcn,  gemeinem 
\'<>lk,der  Jugcnd, aueh  mit  sich  sclbst  untereinander  nmzngehen  pflegen,  Frankf. 
1596.  4  (p.  676).  Relatio  de  Studiis  Jcsuitarum  abstrusioribus  (by  a  former  Jesuit, 
Job.  Cambilhon),  1608  (p.  786).  Speculum  s.  Theoria  Doctrinae  Jesuiticae,  160S 
(p.  819).  Exemplar  Literarum  Bononiac  datarum,  in  quibus  Excellentia  ct  Perfectio 
Patrum  Soc.  J.  ostenditur  (p.  869).  Besides  these,  in  the  mass  of  such  writings  are 
also  noteworthy :  Lc  Catechisme  des  Jcsuites,  Villcfranche,  1602.  Le  Passe  par  tout 
des  Peres  Jcsuitcs,  1607. 12.  Physiognomia  Jcsuitica,  Lugd.  1610. 
34  Lueii  Cornel]  Europaci  Monarchia  Solipsorum,  ad  vir.  clar.  Leonem  Allatium, 


PART  III.-CHAP.  III.-CATH.  CHURCH.    §  61.  JESUIT  MISSIONS.  107 

on  a  journey  to  China,  in  1552.1  In  the  latter  country  the  first 
missionary,  1584,  was  Matthew  Bicci,  who,  by  his  mathematical 
attainments,  obtained  the  favor  of  the  higher  classes,  and  over- 
came the  prejudices  of  the  Chinese  against  foreigners  in  general 
by  accommodating  himself  to  their  customs  and  peculiarities, 
and  especially  by  proclaiming  Christianity  to  be  the  completion 
of  the  teaching  of  Confucius.2 

Venet.  1645.  12  (also  in  the  Tuba  Altera  majorem  clangens  Sonum,  Argent.  1715. 
p.  660).  On  the  name,  see  cap.  4:  gloriantur  Solipsi,  se  mundum  instar  solis  illumi- 
nasse,  mortalibus  universis,  in  signum  pacis  et  foederis  sempiterni  cum  coelestibus, 
insplenduisse,  denique  humanum  genus  verae  sapientiae  sale  condivisse.  Cap.  5 : 
Solipsos  Europaeis  singulos  soles  esse,  tot  mundis  illuminandis  idoneos;  Monar- 
chain  tamcn  super  omnes  mille  mundis  regendis,  illustrandis  parem  esse,  idque  totum 
unius  vocabuli  Solipsorum  mysterio  contineri.  Caspar  Scioppius  was  at  first  re- 
puted to  be  the  author,  then  for  a  long  time  the  Jesuit  Melchior  Inchofer,  who  died 
at  Milan,  1648.  It  was  more  probably  Clemens  Scotti,  who  long  time  a  Jesuit,  after- 
ward left  the  Order  and  died  in  Padua,  1669.  See  Niceron's^Nach  rich  ten  von  be- 
riihmten  Gelehrten,  xxii.  221. 

1  Eman.  Acostae  Rerum  a  Soc.  J.  in  Oriente  Gestarum  Volumen,  lat.  a  J.  P.  Maffeo, 
Dilingae,  1571,  and  often.  Horatii  Tursellini  de  Vita  Fr.  Xaverii,  qui  primus  e  Soc! 
J.  in  India  et  Japonia  Evangelium  propagavit,  libb.  iv.  Romae,  1594.  Hist.  Soc.  J. 
P.  I.  auct.  Nic.  Orlandino,  p.  71  et  passim.  [Best  old  Life  of  Xavier  by  P.  Bonhours, 
1621.  Life  of  Xavier,  by  Alban  Butler,  Dubl.  1832;  by  W.  H.  Rule,  Lond.  1854;  by 
Henry  Venn,  Lond.  1862.  Germ,  trausl.  by  Dr.  Hoffmann,  Wiesbaden,  1869.  Life'and 
Letters,  by  H.  J.  Coleridge  (S.  J.),  2  vols.  N.  T.  ;  reprint  1872.  Article  in  Herzog's 
Encyclop.  by  Fronmiiller.  Missionsthatigkeit  des  F.  Xavier,  by  L.  de  Mardees,  in 
Zeitschrift  f.  d.  Lutherische  Theologie,  1860,  with  literature.] 

2  Hist.  Soc.  J.  P.  V.  t.  i.  auct.  Petro  Possino,  p.  213  et  passim.  T.  ii.  auct.  Jos. 
Juvencio,  p.  515  et  passim.  Juvencius,  p.  515:  Matth.  Riccius  ornare  Xaoceanam 
stationem  anno  1591  gestiens,  ut  curiosam  gentem  ad  cognoscendam  Christi  legem 
alliceret,  domum  nostram  piis  tabellis  eleganter  pictis  instruxerat:  quas  dum  afflu- 
entes  cupide  cives,  praesertim  literati,  spectabant,  et  Riccium  singula  explicantem 
audiebant,  non  solum  accendebantur  desiderio  pernoscendae  religionis,  verum  etiam 
amplectendae.  P.  516  shows  how  Ricci  instructed  a  Chinese,  who  was  attracted  by 
his  mathematical  kuowledge :  Primo  quidem  Riccius  nonnihil  ipsi  de  mathematicis 
tradebat  disciplinis  :  deinde  aliquod  doctrinae  christianae  caput  explicabat. — Paucis 
mensibus  ita  profecit,  ut  de  arte  numerandi,  quam  algebram  vocant,  commentaries 
ediderit  in  lucem,  multis  eruditorum  laudibus  ornatos.  Alios  subinde  vulgavit  de 
sphaera,  de  arte  gnomonica,  de  Euclidis  elementis,  addita  semper  honorifica  magistri, 
a  quo  ista  didicisset,  mentione.  This  man  did  not  indeed  become  a  Christian,  but 
he  recommended  Ricci  as  a  mathematician,  who  was  then  employed  by  the  manda- 
rin that  had  charge  of  the  calendar  to  improve  it  (p.  517).  In  1593  P.  Lazarus  came 
to  Xaocca  (p.  518) :  Orturn  ab  illo  est  consilium  mutandae  vestis,  qua  Socii  tunc  ute- 
bantur.  Vestitus  illorum  erat  idem  ac  Bonziorum,  qui  gentis  doctores  et  sacriflculi. 
Est  autem  Bonziorum  apud  Sinas  nomeu  ac  genus  vulgo  invisum  et  infarae,  licet 
suis  flagitiis  speciosam  ementitae  pietatis  larvam  obtendant,  ac  populo  saepe  fucum 
faciant.  Visum  igitur  est,  illam  vestem,  quae  tot  in  Bonziis  scelera  tegeret,  abjicere : 
cumque  jam  publica  omnium  voce  Literati  Magistrique  nuncuparentur,  Literatorum 
insignia  et  habitum  induere,  togam  nempe  talarem,  laxis  et  patentibus  manicis,  cae- 
ruleo  colore  subnigro,  limbo  lato  ejusdem  coloris  at  paulo  vividioris  praetextam: 
cingulum  vesti  assutum,  pendentibus  fimbriis  et  ad  pedes  defluentibus :  pedum  cru- 


10S  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

rumque  tegmen  certis  distinctum,  quae  propriae  sunt  literatorum  notis  (a  picture 
see  in  Du  Halde,  Description  de  la  Chine,  iii.  87).  Ricci  used  his  high  connections 
for  Christianity,  p.  521:  Id  maxime  in  convivio  patuit,  in  quo  cum  dc  christianis  sa- 
cris  sermouem,  velut  aliud  agens,  injecisset,  caque  conflrmaret  ex  ipsorum  Sinensium 
libris,  quorum  locos  plurimos  et  bene  longos  expedite  recitabat,  haerebant  admira- 
tione  defixi.  Then,  p.  525,  the  doctrine  of  Confucius  was  set  forth,  which  the  Jesu- 
its made  their  starting-point.  P.  530:  In  his  Confueii  effatis,  caeterisque  summi 
viri  scriptis,  et  auctoritate  momentum  ingens  et  lumen  P.  Matthaeo  Riccio  paratum 
erat,  quo  tenebris  occupatas  et  libid'mibus  mentes  illustraret.  Turn  ea  tanti  viri 
commendatione  id  assequcbatur,  ut  maguam  ab  eruditis  omnibus  inirct  gratiam,  et 
cos  ad  suscipienda  Christiana  sacra  procliviorcs  haberet.  At  last  Ricci  succeeded  in 
getting  to  the  Emperor  in  Pekin,  1601,  and  gave  him  pictures  of  Christ,  Mary,  John 
the  Baptist,  and  others,  two  clocks,  a  map,  a  musical  iustrumenL,  etc.  (p.  531).  He 
bad  tn  stay  there  to  keep  the  clocks  going  (p.  533).  An  example  of  the  confession 
of  faith  as  prescribed  and  exacted  is  that  of  a  mandarin,  p.  540:  Ego  Li,  christianae 
legis  discipulus,  earn  toto  pectore  complector,  et  sublatis  in  coelum  oculis  Domi- 
num  coeli  oro  quaesoque,  meis  ut  verbis  placidas  aures  accommodet.  Aguosco,  me, 
utpote  qui  nihil  hactenus  de  saucta,  quam  nunc  protiteor,  lege  audivissem,  neque 
nllos  ejus  vidissim  praecones,  vitam  coelestium  rerum  expertcm,  instar  mutae  pecu- 
dis  in  errore  tenebrisque  duxisse.  Incidi  nou  ita  pridem,  singulari  Dei  beneticio,  in 
Occidentis  magni  doctores  duos,  morum  probitate  insignes,  Matthaeum  Riccium  et 
Didacum  Panto}'am:  ipsi  me  legem  Christi  docuerunt,  ipsi  ejus  osteuderunt  imagi- 
nem,  quam  debito  eultu  sum  veneratus.  Hie  mini  primus  fait  gradus  ad  coguitio- 
nem  Patris  mei  coelestis,  ac  divinae  legis,  quam  mortalibus  sauctitate  vera  imbueudis 
dedit.  Possumne  illam  non  magni  aestimare,  nou  omui  cura  et  contcntione  servare? 
Cum  nihilominus  intelligam,  in  multis  me  et  graviter  lapsum  esse  per  annos,  quos 
explevi,  quatuor  et  quadraginta,  summum  geutis  humanae  patrem  obtestor,  ut  pro 
sua  misericordia  meorum  mihi  scelerum,  quae  contra  justitiam,  integritatem,  casti- 
moniam,  fidem,  caritatem  admisi,  ac  si  quid  aliud  vcrbo  vel  tacita  cogitatione  impie, 
temerarie,  turpiter,  inique,  sciens  ac  prudens,  imprudensve  peccavi,  veniam  dignetur 
impertiri.  Nunc  enim  sanctc  pollieeor  ac  denuncio,  me  statim  atque  novam  a  sacro 
fonte  vitam  hausero,  daturum  operam  diligenter,  ut  pristinos  mores  emendem,  et 
facta  mea,  sermones,  consilia  exigam  ad  normam  divinae  legis,  decemque  praecepto- 
rum,  quibus  ilia  maxime  continetur,  a  quibus  ne  transversum  quidem  unguem  discc- 
dere  certum  mihi  ac  deliberatum  est.  Nuneium  rcmitto  profani  et  scelerati  saeculi 
moribus,  placitis  et  erroribus :  quicquid  cum  divina  lege  pugnat,  horreo  ac  detestor. 
Unum  peto,  Pater  creatorque  hominum  Deus,  ut  hunc  tironcm  tuum  in  hac  sancti- 
ons, quam  ingrcdior,  vitae  via  rudem  ct  imperitum,  coelesti  luce  collustres;  qua 
cognoscam,  quid  acceptum  tibi  sit,  ct  cognitum  amplectar:  donee  aevi  mortalis 
emensus  iter,  consequi  te,  ac  tuis  in  coelo  bonis  frui  possim.  Simul  oro  illml,  per 
te  mihi  ut  liceat  in  ejusdem  divinae  legis  tuae  cognitioncm  vocare  quoseunque  po- 
tero,  ac  tantae  felicitatis  socios  quamplurimos,  more  atque  exemplo  tot  Christiano- 
rum  tibi  unice  deditorum,  adsciscere.  Fave  meis  votis,  adorandum  Numen,  nee  pre- 
cantis  famuli  tenuitatem  aspcrnare.  Christianity  is  essentially  only  the  adoration  of 
the  One  God  as  taught  by  Confucius  (see  p.  552 :  Negabat  (Riccius)  rcligionem,  quae 
unum  sine  consorte  Deuin  doecrct, peregrinam  esse:  banc  probabatfuisse  a  Sinensi- 
bus  philosophis  et  eorum  principe  Confueio  traditam,  sed  obliteratam  paulatim 
temporum  vitio :  restitui  tantumniodo  a  Christianis  et  instaurari,  additis  de  Christo, 
quae  Confucius,  quingentis  ante  Christum  annis  natus,  reseire  non  potucrat):  and 
the  Jesuits,  when  attacked  by  the  idolaters,  worshipers  of  Fo,  made  appeal  to  this 
point  (p.  540) — idem  scntirc  Literates,  qui  religionnm  apud  Sinas  velut  arbitri  sunt. 
Their  tirst  church  in  Nankin  bore  the  inscription  (p.  555):  Deo  Opt.  Max.  primuni 
templum  publico  dedicarunt.  It  must  be  confessed  that  there  is  a  certain  similar- 
ity between  the  relation  of  the  Jesuits  to  the  Chinese  philosophy  and  that  of  the 
tirst  Christian  philosophers  in  the  second  century  to  the  Greek  philosophy  (vol.  i. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  61.  JESUITS  IN  CHINA.  109 

This  Christianity  in  Chinese  garb 3  was  widely  diffused  under 
the  guidance  of  the  Jesuits,  who  had  as  mathematicians4  great 
honor  at  court. 

This  process  was  also  imitated  by  the  Jesuits  on  the  Malabar 
coast.  As  long  as  the  missionaries  paid  no  heed  to  the  distinc- 
tions of  caste,  Christianity  was  here  confined  to  the  lower  castes, 
and  the  nobles  were  disinclined  to  it.  But  when  the  Jesuit 
Robert  Nobili,  1G0C,  began  to  separate  himself  as  a  Brahmin 
carefully  from  the  lower  castes,5  and  to  permit  the  new  Chris- 

§  52).  Yet  the  latter  had  its  roots  in  the  whole  education  of  these  early  Christians, 
while  the  Jesuit  scheme  was  invented  as  a  means  of  training,  and  was  merely  an  ac- 
commodation for  a  time.  The  positive  part  of  Christianity,  under  this  Jesuit  train- 
ing, was  chiefly  in  the  cultus,  and  could  be  apprehended  by  the  Chiucse  literati  only 
in  a  symbolical  sense. 

3  J.  H.  Plath,  Gesch.  des  ostlichen  Asiens  (2  Th.  Gottingen,  1830),  i.  358. 

4  So  especially  Father  Adam  Schall,  from  Cologne,  after  1628 :  then  Father  Ferd. 
Vcrbiest,  a  Dutchman  (who  had  even  to  cast  cannon  for  the  emperor).  In  the  year 
when  the  latter  died,  1688,  there  came  six  French  Jesuits,  trained  in  mathematics 
and  mechanics.     See  Du  Halde,  Descript.  de  la  Chine,  iii.  99, 106, 117. 

5  Hist.  Soc.  Jesu,  P.  V.  t.  ii.,  auct.  Jos.  Juvencio,  p.  495:  Has  Madureusium  leges, 
hoc  hominum,  ciborum,  classiumque  discrimen,  ac  praesertim  nobilium  a  vulgo  se- 
cretionem,  cum  Evangelii  praecones  Europaeis  moribus  assueti  negligerent,  nemo 
illos  congressu,  sermone,  aditu,  ac  ne  couspectu  quidem  dignos  existimabat,  praeter 
istos  fortasse  Parias,  qui  illis  tanquam  homiuibus'despicatis  ac  sui  similibus  famili- 
ariter  utebantur.  Hinc  religionis  christianae  contemptus  ingens,  quam,  ut  Prangu- 
orum  (Franks,  all  Europeans,  here  especially  the  Portuguese)  et  Pariarum  religionem, 
horrebant.  Christum  vero,  ut  vilissimae  gentis  Deum,  ac  ne  Deorum  quidem  in  nu- 
mero  censendum  putabant.  When  now  Nobili  came  to  Madura  (p.  496),  depositis 
Europaeorum  vestibus,  sumit  cultum  ct  ornamenta  Brachmanum,  profitetur  aus- 
teritatem  Sauiassiorum.  (On  this  see  the  Capucin  Norbert,  in  his  Memoires,  i.  18: 
B entreprise  iCetoit  pas  facile,  il  etoit  necessaire,  qrCon  se  fit  passer  pour  etre  de  la  race  du 
Bleu  Bramma ;  ce  qui  tie  pouvoit  s'obtenir  sans  employer  quelque  chose  de  plus  que  V 'equi- 
voque.) Nee  solum  austeritatis  et  poeniteutiae  nomen  ac  vultum,  sed  ipsam  rem  ac 
vitae  difficillimae  asperitatem  omnem  induit.  Vescitur  oleribus  et  oryza  semel  in 
die;  abstinet  carne,  piscibus,  ovis,  vino  et  ebrioso  quolibet  liquore;  omnia  vitae 
oblectamenta  respuit.  Hunc  in  modum  transformatus  abdit  se  in  domunculam  e 
cespite,  more  Brachmanum:  illorum  instituta  omnia  ceremoniasque  cognoscit: 
linguam  vernaculam,  dictam  vulgo  tamulicam,  quae  latissime  pertinet,  addiscit ;  in 
eaque  tantum  profecit  paucis  diebus,  ut  natum  in  ipsa  urbe  Madura  et  educatum 
jurasses.  Addit  badagicam,  qui  Principum  et  aulae  sermo :  denique  grandonicam, 
sive  samatcradam,  quae  lingua  eruditorum  est. — Hoc  sermone  conscripta  sunt  monu- 
menta  doctorum,  arcana  religionis  et  mysteria,  quae  cum  novus  Brachmanes  ignorare 
nefas  duceret,  linguae  asperrimae  salebras  omnes  improbo  labore  et  invicta  coustantia 
superavit.  Ubi  maturum  operi  destinato  adesse  tempus  vidit,  prodit  in  luccm  ocu- 
losque  civitatis,  et  se  Brachmauem  ac  primae  classis  nobilem  professus,  famulum 
nobili  natum  pariter  loco  domi  tenet :  fugit  consortia  Pranguorum  et  vulgi :  Brach- 
manes ipsos  ac  Principes  invitat  ad  coguoscenda  novae  theologiae  mysteria.  Mirari 
omnes  ubertatem  nitoremque  sermonis,  eruditionem  suspicere,  amare  comitatem. 
De  nobilitate  nihilomiuus  inquirere,  in  quo  uno  rei  summa  vertebatur.  Proferendi 
fuere  testes  idonei,  edendum  jusjurandum,  publico  scripto  et  instrumento  consig- 
nanda  testimonia:  nihil  omissum,  ut  ejus  natales  etstirpem  certis  argumeutis  explo- 


HO  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

tians  to  practice  many  of  the  earlier  heathen  customs,6  the  Jes- 
uits found  favor  also  with  the  Brahmins  and  the  higher  castes. 
These  missionary  methods  were  at  first  disallowed  even  by 
the  Jesuits  in  Europe.7     But  when  the  Franciscans  laboring  in 

ratara  habercnt.  Ut  percrebuit  fama  Christiani  nobilis  Priucipisque,  commovit  se 
tota  civitas.  Procerus  Braclimanesque  studio  viseudi  et  auscultandi  domum  ejus 
convenere:  illos  neque  omnes,  neque  horis  omnibus  admittebat.  Quo  difliciliorcm 
faciebat  sui  copiam,  eo  cupidius  expetebatur.  Sic  enim  Indi  sunt:  ut  quidque  in- 
ventu  difficillimuni,  ita  maximi  esse  pretii  arbitrantur. — Adeuntes  ad  Romanum  Sa- 
niassium  (id  enim  sibi  nomen  imposuerat)  famulus  iuterdum  excludebat,  quod  in- 
tentum  precationi  herum  diceret,  ac  rerum  coelestium  contemplationi.  Salutatus 
officii  causa,  non  prodibat  ut  resalutaret :  id  amplum  ducunt  viri  Priucipes  ac  docto- 
res  MalabaricL  He  now  disputed  with  Brahmins  on  the  Unity  of  God,  creation, 
and  transmigration,  and  baptized  those  who  were  convinced.  He  also  assumed  the 
garb  of  a  Scmiassius,  a  Chinese  penitent  (p.  498).  The  Brahmins  assumed  (p.  499), 
extitisse  olim  quatuor  in  hoc  Indiae  tractu  leges,  seu  colendi  Dei  vias:  ac  tres  qui- 
dem  cognosci  adhuc  et  vigere, — quartam  vero  legem,  spiritalem  totam,  quae  recta 
perduceret  ad  beatam  immortalitatem,  ajebaut  vel  omnino  periisse,  vel  ita  esse  oc- 
cultam  et  reconditam,  ut  indagari  vix  posset.  Nobili  at  once  announced,  repertam 
tandem  illam,  tot  optatam  votis,  tot  saeculis  ignoratam,  spiritalem,  certain,  admira- 
bilem,  salutis  aeternae  ac  vitae  adipiscendae  viam.  Auditus  est,  et  creditus.  Of 
course  the  new  church  of  nobles  was  strictly  separated  from  the  older  one  of  Pa- 
riahs. 

6  How  Nobili  defended  himself  against  the  objections  immediately  made  to  his 
course  by  other  missionaries  is  related  in  the  same  work  (p.  507).  First  objection — 
he  denied  being  a  Frank.  Answer:  Frank  meant  in  Madura  only  a  Portuguese  or 
low  Christian.  2.  Quod  Saniassium  vocari  se  pateretur,  nee  non  Guruum,  i.  e.  idol- 
aters. Nobili  tried  to  show  that  idolatry  was  not  included  in  the  sense  of  that  word. 
3.  He  had  changed  the  fixed  terms  for  Christian  things.  Reply:  because  they  would 
have  been  misunderstood  in  the  popular  language.  4.  Quid  necesse  fuit  Christianos 
a  Christianis,  Ecclesiam  ab  Ecclesia,  Neophytos  tuos  ab  aliis  per  Societatis  Patres 
recte  institutis,  quasi  facto  schismate,  dividere?  Respondebat  Nobilius,  non  alitor 
christianam  religionem  induei  potuisse.  Ita  enim  ab  illis  Christianis  antiquioribus, 
quos  Pranguos  nominabant,  alieni  erant  Madurenses,  ut  eorum  sermoncm,  adspec- 
tum,  occursum,  cane  pejus  et  angue  fugerent.  Turn,  haec  disjunctio,  inquiebat, 
tantum  est  loci,  non  animorum,  aut  religionis:  hominum  stirpem  ct  conditiouem 
dietinguit,  non  dirimit  caritatcm.  Deniquc  temporis  exigui  limitibus  definitur; 
quoad  nimirum  Christiana  virtus  abrumpat  ilia  dissidia. — Utebatur  etiam  exemplo 
sacrarum  in  Europa  aedium,  in  quibus  dividitur  profanum  vulgus  a  saeerdotibus, 
distinguuntur  proecres  a  plcbejis,  magistratus  a  privatis  secluduntur. — 5.  Quod  ad 
ritus  attinebat  ac  caerimonias,  negabat  P.  de  Nobilibus  inductum  a  se  fuisse,  aut  a 
Christianis,  quos  erudiret,  usurpari  quidquani  imbutum  superstitione.  Erant  sane 
qui  reprehenderent  crcbras  corporum  in  templi  aditu,  antequam  rei  divinae  intcres- 
sent,  lotiones :  sod  id  civile  institutum,  India  omnibus  usitatum,  patebat  esse.  Quod 
enim  Europacis  familiare  est,  ut  mane  praesertim  abluant  manus,  vultum,  os;  id 
maxima  corporis  parte  factitant  sacpius  per  diem  Indi.  Ancient  Christians,  too,  he 
said,  had  vessels  of  water  before  their  churches  for  washings.  0.  Rubbing  the  fore- 
head with  ashes  of  sandal-wood  was  like  the  European  powdering  of  the  hair,  and 
not  suspicious.  So,  too,  with  the  usual  garb  of  the  Saniassi,  etc.  And  so  the  superi- 
ors decided  in  favor  of  Nobili,  and  referred  to  the  tolerance  of  Gregory  the  Great 
toward  the  Anglo-Saxons,  and  of  John  VIII.  to  the  Moravians. 

7  Particularly  by  Bcllarrnine,  I.  c.  p.  505.    His  words  in  the  Memoires  Hist,  pre- 


PART  III.— CH.  Ill—  CATH.  CHURCH.    §  61.  JESUITS  IN  MALABAR,  m 

Madura  complained  of  them  in  Rome,8  and  after  the  Domin- 
icans, who  came  to  China  in  1631,  made  the  same  complaints,9 
the  whole  Jesuit  Order  put  itself  on  the  side  of  its  missionaries ; 

sentds  au  Souverain  Pontife  Benoit  XIV.  sur  les  Missions  des  Indes  Orientales,  par 
le  P.  Norbert,  Capucin  (t.  iv.  Luques,  1745),  i.  20 :  Evangelium  Christi  non  eget  co- 
loribus  et  simulationibus ;  et  minus  quidem  est  ut  Brachinani  non  convertantur  ad 
lidem,  quam  ut  Christiani  non  libere  et  sincere  Evangelium  praedicent.  Christi 
eruciflxi  praedicatio  stultitia  gentibus,  et  Judaeis  scandalum  erat,  sed  non  ideo  divus 
Paulus  et  caeteri  Apostoli  Christum  crucirixum  praedicare  liberrime  destiterunt. 
Nolo  de  singulis  articulis  disputare,  sed  illud  omittere  nequeo,  imitari  superbiam 
Brachmanorum,  videri  mihi  e  diametro  pugnare  cum  humilitate  D.  N.  J.  C,  et  certos 
ritus  observare  valde  periculosum  fidei.  Afterward  Bellarmine  had  to  succumb  to 
the  decision  of  his  Order :  see  Juvencius,  p.  506. 

8  On  these  contentions  about  the  so-called  Malabar  Usages,  see  Memoires  par  Nor- 
bert (above,  Note  7),  and  the  same  further  elaborated  in  the  Memoires  Historiques 
sur  les  Affaires  des  Jesuites  avec  le  Saint  Siege,  par  l'Abbe  C.  P.  Platel  (Norbert),  a 
Lisbone,  voll.  vii.  1766.  4.  The  substance  of  these  complaints  is  iu  the  Memoires  par 
Norbert,  i.  12 :  Ces  nouveaux  venus  commencerent  a  construire  deux  Eglises,  une 
pour  les  Castes  nobles,  l'autre  pour  les  Parreas :  et  en  consequence  on  defendit  a  ces 
derniers  de  venir  se  meler  avec  les  premiers,  fut-ce  meme  a  la  table  de  la  Communion, 
ou  au  tribunal  de  la  penitence.  Les  fonts  baptismaux  des-lors  ne  furent  plus  com- 
muns. — On  chassoit  honteusement  de  l'Eglise  des  nobles  les  personnes  de  la  Caste 
des  Parreas.  On  refusoit  d'entrer  dans  la  maison  de  ceux-ci  pour  lcur  admiuistrer 
les  derniers  Sacremens.  On  exigeoit,  qu'ils  apportassent  sur  le  seuil  de  la  porte  les 
moribonds,  qui  demandoient  ces  secours  spirituels  (Les  Peres  Jesuites  en  admini- 
strant  1' extreme  Onction  aux  Parreas,  prenoient  un  petit  instrument  pour  appliquer 
l'huile  sur  les  parties  du  malade.  lis  se  donnoient  bien  de  garde  de  les  toucher. 
Un  tel  tact  chez  les  Indiens  est  une  souillure).  On  se  pretoit  aux  manages  des  en- 
fans  a  Page  de  sept  ans,  aussi  bien  qu'a  la  publication  des  marques  de  la  puberte 
d'une  fille.  En  un  mot,  il  n'eHoit  plus  guere  possible  de  faire  quelque  difference 
entre  les  manages  des  Chretiens,  et  ceux  des  Gentils.  Un  Crucifix,  l'image  de  la 
Sainte  Vierge,  qu'on  placoit  au  milieu  de  l'endroit  des  ceremonies,  faisoit  presque 
toute  la  distinction.  Les  epouses  chretiennes  portoient  au  col  comme  les  payennes 
la  figure  du  Dieu  Poullear.  Les  Sacremens  ne  s'administroient  plus  selon  les  cere- 
monies observees  dans  toute  l'Eglise.  On  omettoit  l'insuffiation,  la  salive,  le  tact 
immediat,  et  certaines  onctions.  On  imposoit  aux  enfans  Indiens,  qu'on  baptisoit, 
les  noms  de  certains  faux  Dieux  connus,  et  adores  parmi  leur  nation.  Les  Chretiens 
Malabares,  dont  la  plupart  vont  dans  les  rues  publiques  sans  etre  seulement  a  moitie 
habilles,  paroissoient  dans  nos  Eglises  en  presence  du  s.  Sacrament,  la  tete  couverte 
d'une  toque  formee  d'une  piece  de  toile  fort  longue  a  la  maniere  des  Turcs.  Les 
Chretiens  comme  les  Gentils  portoient  en  tout  terns  de  la  cendre  benite  faite  d'ex- 
cremens  de  vache  sur  le  front,  et  sur  les  autres  parties  du  corps,  dans  l'intention 
d'effacer  par-la  leurs  p^chds.  lis  recitoient  les  uns  comme  les  autres  les  memos 
prieres,  en  prenant  les  bains,  qui  sont  d'usage  dans  les  Indes.  Un  Chretien  des  Je- 
suites auroit  cm  se  souiller  de  manger  avec  les  Capucins.  P.  11 :  On  disoit  publique- 
ment :  voila  les  Chretiens  des  Capucins,  voici  les  Chretiens  des  Jesuites. 

9  On  these  complaints,  see  Theatre  Jesuitico  (by  the  Spanish  Dominican  Ildefonso 
a  Sancto  Thoma),  Coimbra,  1654,  and  the  Tratados  Historicos,  Politicos,  Ethicos  y 
Religiosos  de  la  Monarchia  de  China,  por  el  Fr.  Domingo  Fernandez  Navarrete  (Span- 
ish Dominican),  2  t.  Madrid,  1076.  fol.  The  most  significant  parts  of  these  works  are 
translated  in  the  Morale  Pratique  des  Jesuites  (8  tomes ;  t.  i.  published  as  early 
as  1669 ;  several  times  reprinted,  e.  g.  in  Amsterdam,  1746),  t.  ii.  vi.  vii.  The  Domin- 
icans and  Franciscans,  ou  account  of  their  opposition  to  the  national  customs,,  were 


112  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

and  there  sprang  up  the  long  and  weary  contentions  about  the 
Malabar  and  Chinese  usages,  which  the  Jesuits  declared  to  be 
civil  customs,  while  the  other  missionaries  said  that  they  were 
reliirious  and  heathenish.     In  Rome  the  Jesuits  at  first  made 

banished  from  China  in  103S,  and  betook  themselves  to  the  Philippine  Islands.  The 
General  Procurator  of  the  Jesuits  iu  China  and  Japan,  Barthol.  de  Roboredo,  defend- 
ed against  their  attacks  the  course  of  the  Jesuits  iu  China,  163S;  the  Dominican 
Antonio's  de  Sancta  Maria,  who  had  labored  in  China,  at  once  responded :  both 
works  are  in  Navarette,  ii.  and  in  part  translated  in  the  Morale  Pratique  des  Jesuites, 
vi.  66  sq.  Roboredo  gives  the  first  complaint  thus:  lis  disent,  que  e'est  unc  eou- 
tume  inviolable  en  la  Chine,  que  dans  toutcs  les  provinces  il  y  a  differens  temples 
ct  fort  somptueux  dediez  aux  ayeux  et  ancetres  morts  depuis  long  tems.  Qu'en 
quelqu'un  de  ces  temples  ceux  de  la  parents  s'asseinblent  deux  fois  Tan,  pour  otfrir 
des  sacrifices  solcmnels  avec  un  grand  appareil  de  ceremonies  et  d'autels,  et  a  1'un 
desqnels  es1  I'image  de  celui  qui  a  ete  le  chef  de  la  race,  avec  des  cierges  allumez,  et 
parfums,  des  fleurs,  etc.  Que  l'on  designe  une  fois  Tan  ceux,  qui  doiveut  etre  les 
ministres  de  ces  sacrifices,  qui  sont  comme  parmi  nous  le  Pretre,  le  Diacre,  le  Sotis- 
diacre,  et  beaucoup  d'autres;  qu'on  ofl're  dans  ces  sacrifices  de  la  chair,  du  pain,  du 
vin,  des  cierges,  des  parfums.  Qu'on  y  joint  des  prieres  ou  Ton  demande  la  conser- 
vation de  la  vie,  la  sautt4,  la  prosperite  en  ce  monde  et  en  l'autre,  cu  se  mettant  a 
genoux  devant  ces  images,  ct  baisaut  la  terre  en  signe  de  reverence;  qu'ils  font  les 
memos  sacrifices  dans  leurs  maisons,  aux  tombeaux  de  leurs  ancetres  avec  la  memo 
intention  de  les  honorer  et  leur  faisant  les  memos  prieres.  The  Jesuit  expressly 
declared  that  these  allegations  were  true:  ce  qu'ils  ajoiitent  est  vrai  aussi,  que  les 
Chretiens  vont  aux  dits  temples  et  aux  dits  sepulchres,  et  qu'ils  rendent  les  dits 
honneurs  a  leurs  ancetres,  pour  eviter  la  peine  et  l'infamie  qu'ils  encoureroient, 
s'ils  nc  le  faisoicnt.  Et  neanmoins  ce  que  font  ces  Chretiens  dans  ces  temples  ct  a 
ces  sepulchres  a  l'egard  de  ces  defunts  ne  sont  pas  des  idolatries  ni  des  superstitions. 
Viz.  p.  69:  Les  Chinois  usent  de  deux  sortes  de  ceremonies  pour  honorer  leurs  pa- 
rens morts.  Les  unes  sont  propres  a  la  secte  des  Lettrcz,  et  eelles  la  sont  purement 
politiqucs,  qui  n'ont  pour  but  que  de  rendre  a  leurs  parens  morts  un  honneur  pure- 
ment civil.  Les  autres  sont  prises  de  la  secte  des  idolcs,  et  eelles  la  sont  supcrsti- 
tieuses.  Nos  Peres  expliquent  dans  leurs  cateehismes,  quelles  sont  les  politiqucs, 
dont  on  pent  user  pour  temporiser  avec  les  Gentils,  et  quelles  sont  les  supersti- 
tieuses,  et  pour  eelles  la,  on  ne  les  doit  jamais  pratiquer.  Nous  nc  les  distinguons  pas 
ici  pour  eviter  la  prolixity.  Nous  disons  seulement,  que  les  genuflexions,  les  incli- 
nations du  corps  et  de  la  tete,  se  prostcrner  en  terre,  les  parfums,  les  fleurs,  les  choses 
a  manger,  etc.,  que  les  Chinois  tant  Gentils  que  Chretiens  offrcnt  en  1'honneur  des 
deTunts,  sont  choses  indifferentes  et  politiqucs,  ct  honnetetez  civiles,  que  cette  na- 
tion a  accoutume"  de  pratiquer  envers  les  vivans,  comme  nous  faisons  meme  en 
Espagne,  quatid  nous  avons  a  recevoir  chcz  nous  quelque  h6te  de  grande  quality. 
The  opponents  show  in  reply  (p.  71)  that  the  worship  is  idolatrous,  that  these  wor- 
shipers expect  all  sorts  of  happy  effects  from  it:  and  the  Dominicans  Jo.  Bapt.  de  Mo- 
rales and  Anton,  de  S.  Maria  assert  on  their  priestly  word  that  they  have  seen  heat  lieu 
and  Christians  equally  taking  part  in  such  a  cultus,  and  a  learned  Christian  serving 
as  the  priest.  The  second  objection  refers  to  the  reverence  paid  to  Confucius,  and 
is  thus  stated  by  Roboredo,  p.  77:  qu'il  y  a  cu  a  la  Chine,  il  y  a  tres  long  terns,  un 
Philosophe  moral,  qui  y  est  si  cstime  que  dans  toutes  les  villcs  il  y  a  des  temples, 
qui  lui  sont  dediez,  oil  les  Mandarins  qui  en  sont  Gouverncurs  doivent  faire  deux 
fois  l'an  des  sacrifices  solcmnels,  dont  le  Mandarin  est  lui  meme  le  pretre;  et  entre 
ces  deux-la  d'autres  moins  solcmnels.— Qu'on  ofTre  clans  ce  sacrifice  (outre  le  pain, 
la  Morisqueta,  le  vin,  les  cierges,  les  parfums  etles  fleurs)  un  mouton  entier;  et  unc 
piece  de  tafetas  ou  de  satin,  que  l'on  brule.    The  oppouents  of  the  Jesuits  main- 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  61.  JESUITS  IN  CHINA.  113 

known  only  some  of  the  Malabar  usages,  and  these  were  allowed, 
with  some  restrictions,  by  Gregory  XV.,  1623. 10     On  the  other 

tained  that  this  reverence  of  Confucius  had  for  its  object  de  lui  rendre  graces  de  la 
bonne  doctrine,  qu'il  leur  a  enseignee,  et  de  le  prier  comme  un  homme  tres  saint  qui 
peut  beaucoup  aupres  du  Dieu  d'eu  haut,  a  cote  duquel  ils  croient  qu'il  est  assis, 
afln  que  par  ses  merites  il  leur  obtienne  toute  sorte  de  bon  esprit,  de  sagesse  et 
d'entendement. — Ils  ajouteut  que  les  Chretiens  baptisez  par  nos  Peres  font  toutes 
choses  pour  temporiser  avec  les  Gentils,  et  pour  empecher  qu'on  ne  parle  mal  de  la 
loi  de  Dieu,  eu  mettant  une  petite  croix  entre  des  fleurs  ou  des  feuilles,  a  laquelle 
ils  diligent  leur  intention, — ils  dvitent  le  peche  de  scaudale  a  l'egard  des  fideles,  et 
la  peine  que  leur  pourroient  faire  les  infideles,  s'ils  n'avoient  pas  satisfait  a  cette  loi. 
The  Jesuit  concedes  that  the  alleged  facts  are  true,  only  he  denies  that  they  expected 
any  benefits  from  Confucius,  and  that  Christians  brought  to  the  service  a  cross  where- 
with to  pay  homage  to  Confucius  :  and  he  maintains  that  this  reverence  is  an  estime 
politique  and  an  honueur  civile,  but  not  a  sacrifice  superstilieux.  The  third  charge  is 
thus  given  by  Roboredo,  p.  83 :  Ils  disent,  que  dans  toutes  les  citez  et  les  villes,  qui 
out  un  Gouverneur,  il  y  a  des  temples  batis  et  dediez  a  une  Idole  nominee  Chin-Ebon, 
que  les  Chinois  croient  etre  d' office  le  gardieu  de  ees  villes :  que  c'est  une  loi  etablie 
dans  le  Royaume,  que  les  Mandarins  qui  en  sont  Gouverneurs,  sont  obligez  avant  que 
de  prendre  possession  de  leur  charge,  et  ensuite  deux  fois  tous  les  mois,  sous  peine 
de  privation  de  leurs  gouveruemens,  d'aller  a  ces  temples,  de  se  prosterner  et  s'age- 
nouiller  en  mettant  le  front  contre  terre  devant  l'autel  de  cette  idole,  et  de  lui  offrir 
en  sacrifice  du  pain,  des  morisqueta,  du  vin,  des  cierges,  des  parfums.  Ils  mettent 
tout  cela  sur  cet  autel,  et  ils  font  serment  de  se  bien  acquiter  de  leur  charge.  Ces 
Religieux  ajoutent,  que  les  Mandarins  Chretiens  font  toutes  ces  choses,  qui  sont  des 
superstitions  et  des  idolatries,  par  la  permission  de  nos  Peres,  qui  leur  enseignent 
que  pour  s'accommoder  aux  infideles,  et  ne  point  scandaliser  les  fideles,  ils  doivent 
mettre  une  petite  croix,  ou  de  bois  ou  de  papier,  cached  sur  l'autel  entre  les  fleurs, 
ou  peinte  sur  les  cierges,  a  laquelle  ils  rapportent  les  adorations,  que  les  Gentils  font 
a  1' idole,  et  que  par  la  ils  evitent  le  peche  d'idolatrie,  et  ne  perdent  point  leur  Man- 
darinat.  The  reply  of  the  Jesuits :  Nous  repondons,  qu'il  est  vrai,  qu'il  y  a  des  tem- 
ples dediez  a  cette  Idole  Chiu-Hoan,  et  que  les  Mandarins  Gentils,  selon  qu'il  leur 
est  commande  par  la  loi  du  royaume,  font  ces  sacrifices  et  ces  prieres.  Mais  pour 
les  Mandarins  Chretiens  conduits  par  nos  Peres,  ou  ils  ne  les  font  point,  s'ils  s'en 
peuvent  excuser,  ou  ils  apportent  une  croix,  qu'ils  mettent  sur  une  table  (i.  e.  on  the 
altar  of  sacrifice)  a  decouvert,  a,  laquelle  ils  rapportent  leurs  adorations  et  leurs 
prieres.  Et  les  Gentils  sachant,  qu'ils  sont  Chretiens,  voient  bien,  que  c'est  a  cette 
croix,  et  non  a  l'idole,  qu'ils  dirigent  leurs  adorations  et  leurs  prieres,  et  ils  ne 
privent  pas  pour  cela  de  leur  Mandarinat.  In  the  Theatro  Jesuitico  the  Jesuits  are 
reproached  thus  (Morale  Pratique  des  Jesuites,  ii.  11) :  Ils  dispensent  les  Chinois  de 
tous  les  commandemens  de  l'eglise,  viz.  fasts,  aunual  confession  and  communion, 
hearing  mass  on  festivals  and  Sundays.  P.  13:  ils  ne  donnent  aux  femmes  ni  les 
onctions  du  bapteme,  ni  le  Sacrement  de  l'extreme-onction,  because  the  Chinese 
from  jealousy  allowed  no  contact  with  women.  P.  15 :  ils  justifient  les  plus  exorbi- 
tantes  usures,  comme  de  trente  pour  cent.  Afterward,  the  most  prominent  chaige 
made  was  that  the  Jesuits  called  God  Thian  (heaven)  and  Thian-chu  (lord  of  heaven), 
expressions  borrowed  from  the  literati.  [The  word  Shin  was  used  in  all  the  earlier 
Protestant  versions,  Morrison,  Milne,  and  Marshman,  but  it  is  strongly  opposed  on 
account  of  its  too  great  generality.  See  Rev.  S.  C.  Malan,  Who  is  God  in  China,  Shin 
or  Shang-te?  Lond.  1855.  Jas.  Legge,  The  Notions  of  the  Chinese  concerning  God, 
Lond.  1852,  and  Legge's  Chinese  Classics,  1867.  Bluntschli,  Altasiatische  Gottes- 
ideen,  1866.]  Of  the  numerous  vindications  of  the  Jesuits,  see  especially,  Daniel  (a 
Jesuit),  Recueil  de  divers  Ouvrages,  iii.  1. 
10  The  Bull  Romanae  Sedis  Antistes,  Jan.  31, 1623,  in  the  Memoires  par  Norbert,  i. 
VOL.  V.  — S 


114  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

hand,  the  Chinese  observances  were  forbidden1'  by  Innocent  X. 
in  1645,  and  allowed  by  Alexander  VII.  in  165G.12  But  the 
controversies  about  them  were  not  ended  until  a  century  later. 

Portugal  had  before  this  time  endeavored  to  bring  the  mo- 
nophysitic  Abyssinians  into  political  and  ecclesiastical  subjection 
by  supporting  the  tottering  throne.  Jesuits  from  Goa  went 
there  in  1556  to  work  for  this  object.  The  Emperors  showed 
themselves  by  turns  favorable  or  the  reverse,  according  as  they 
needed,  or  could  dispense  with,  the  Portuguese  aid.  In  1642, 
Seltan  Saghed,  by  a  general  persecution,  brought  Romish  Chris- 
tianity in  that  region  completely  to  an  end.13  A  short  time  be- 
fore, it  had  been  exterminated  in  blood  in  Japan,  where  it  was 
very  widely  diffused,  and  this  country  was,  after  1637,  wholly 
closed  to  foreigners.14 

To  Brazil,  also,  many  Jesuits  went  from  Portugal  in  1549,  to 

31,  and  in  the  Mem.  par  Platel,  i.  22.  At  the  suggestion  of  the  Jesuit  General,  quod 
Brachmanes  aliique  Orientalis  Indiae  gentiles  difficile  propterea  adducautur  ad  Chri- 
sti  fidem  amplectendam,  quod  dimittere  nolint  Lineas,  ac  Corumbina  nuncupata  (li- 
gnes  ou  cordons),  quibus  nobilitatem  et  progeniem,  ac  civile  cujuscunque  muuus  ag- 
nosci  perhibent,  neque  sandalis  (the  rubbing  the  forehead  with  dust  of  sandal-wood) 
et  lavationibus  abstinere,  quoniam  ad  corporis  ornatum  et  munditiam  pertiuere  repu- 
tant — all  this  was  allowed,  so  far  as  it  is  kept  free  from  all  contact  with  idolatry. 
Thus  they  must  receive  lineam  et  Corumbiuum,  not,  ab  eorum  Miuistro  Jocim-,  neque 
a  legis  concionatore,  vel  a  Miuistro,  quem  Bottum  seu  aliter  appellant,  nee  ab  alio 
quovis  infideli  nomine,  sed  a  sacerdotc  catholico,  qui  ea  benedicat  lustrali  aqua  et 
piis  precibus  ab  Ordinario  loci  approbandis. 

11  See  the  Responsa  sacrae  Congregationis  de  Propaganda  Fide  confirmed  by  the 
Pope,  upon  seventeen  questions  submitted  by  the  Dominicans,  in  Navarette,  i.  451. 

13  See  the  new  Responsa  of  the  same  Congregation  to  questions  of  the  Jesuits,  iu 
Navarette,  i.  460.  1.  Missionaries  were  allowed  to  dispense  from  fasts,  observance 
of  festivals,  and  annual  confession  and  communion.  2.  It  was  determined,  ex  gravi 
necessitate  proportionata  posse  omitti  quaedam  Sacramentalia  in  baptismate  foemi- 
narum,  ac  ctiam  posse  omitti  ipsum  Sacramcntum  extremae  unctionis.  3.  The  cere- 
monies at  the  conferring  of  the  learned  degrees,  and  the  intfinationcs  more  Sinico  in 
honor  of  Confucius,  were  sanctioned,  quiavidetur  cultus  esse  mere  civilis  ctpoliticus 
(the  Jesuits  had  asserted  that  the  Aula  Confucii  was  a  gymnasium,  and  not  a  tcm- 
plum  proprie  dictum,  and  that,  as  was  in  fact  the  case,  there  was  no  acting  Sacrifi- 
eulus,  vel  ex  idolatrica  secta  Ministellus).  4.  On  the  usages  in  honor  of  the  dead,  it 
was  determined,  in  reference  to  the  Jesuit  descriptions  of  the  same,  posse  tolerari, 
Sinas  conversos  adhiberc  dictas  caeremonias  erga  suos  defunctos  ctiam  cum  Gentili- 
bus,  sublatis  tamen  supcrstitiosis.  Posse  etiam  assistere  tantum  cum  Gcntilibus, 
quando  agunt  supcrstitiosa,  praescrtim  facta  lidei  protestatione,  et  cessante  pcriculo 
subversionis,  et  quando  aliter  odia  et  inimieitiac  vitari  non  possint. 

13  Jobi  Ludolii  Historia  Aethiopica,  Francof.  ad  M.  1681;  ejusd.  ad  suam  Hist. 
Aeth.  Commentarius,  ibid.  1091,  Appendix  ad  Hist.  Aeth.  J.  Ludolii  illiusque  Com- 
mentarium,  ibid.  1693.  fol. — Histoire  du  Christianisnie  d'Ethiopic  et  d'Armeuie,  par 
Materia  Veyssicre  dc  la  Crocc,  a  la  Have,  1738  (Germ.  Danzig,  1740). 

14  Engelb.  Kiimpfer,  Geseh.  u.  BeschrcibuDg  von  Japau,  herausgeg.  v.  Chr.  W. 
Dohm,  2  Bde.  1777.  u.  79.  in  4. 


PART  III.— CH.  III.— CATH.  CHURCH.     §  61.  JESUITS  IN  PARAGUAY.  115 

labor  as  missionaries  among  the  cannibals ; 15  and  there  had  such 
success  that  in  1586  they  were  called  to  the  neighboring  Spanish 
Paraguay.  These  Jesuits  then  began  to  work  with  great  success 
anions:  the  contiguous  free  Indian  tribes,  who  had  until  then 
been  hunted  by  the  Spaniards  in  their  forests  like  wild  beasts. 
That  they  might  educate  their  new  converts  without  hindrance 
in  accordance  with  their  plans,  they  placed  them,  by  permission 
of  the  King  of  Spain  after  1610,  in  reservations  (Reducciones), 
in  which,  separated  from  all  Spaniards,  they  kept  them  under 
the  exactest  oversight,  instructed  them  in  agriculture  and  handi- 
craft, and  gathered  them  into  a  social  state  which  they  lauded 
as  a  model  Christian  community.16  These  Indians  certainly  at- 
tained to  a  good  degree  of  external  culture,  and  led  an  orderly 

15  Patric.  Wittmann's  Allgem.  Gesch.  der  katkol.  Missionen,  Bd.  2.  (Augsb.  1850) 
S.  486. 

16  Comp.  P.  F.  X.  de  Charlevoix  (Jesuit),  Histoire  du  Paraguay,  a  Paris,  1756.  3 
t.  4. ;  another  edition,  Paris,  1757.  6  t.  in  12.  The  Jesuits  were  established  chiefly 
among  the  Guaranis,  Indians.  The  description  of  their  Reductions  {Reducciones)  see 
in  Charlevoix,  i.  232  (12mo  ed.  ii.  34).  In  each  Reduction  there  were  generally  two 
Jesuits,  the  pastor  and  an  assistant :  the  former  directed  every  thing.  The  Caciques 
were  allowed  to  retain  their  high  standing :  besides  these,  there  were  chosen  from  the 
Indians  the  usual  Spanish  magistrates,  Corregidors,  Regidors,  and  Alcaldes,  but  they 
could  do  nothing  without  the  permission  of  the  pastor.  The  men  able  to  bear  arms 
were  enrolled,  and  drilled  every  week ;  their  weapons,  when  not  in  use,  were  kept  in 
the  arsenal.  Magistrates  and  officers  had  fine  uniforms.  Every  family  had  a  small 
farm  to  gain  the  necessaries  of  life ;  but  most  of  the  land  was  held  as  property  of  the 
community  (possessiones  Dei),  which  was  tilled  by  all  (especially  those  under  sen- 
tence). Its  produce  was  deposited  in  the  public  magazines,  and  was  used  for  the 
support  of  churches  and  clergy,  officers  and  soldiers  so  long  as  in  service ;  for  the 
payment  of  tributes,  the  needs  of  the  community,  and  making  good  the  losses  of 
bad  harvests.  Sales  from  these  magazines  were  of  course  made  in  commercial 
places  to  supply  their  other  needs.  None  but  the  native  language  was  allowed,  and 
no  foreigner,  especially  no  Spaniard,  could  come  into  the  Reduction.  There  were 
two  schools  for  children:  in  one  they  were  taught  to  read  and  write  (Spanish  and 
Latin— without  knowing  the  languages),  in  the  other  music  and  dancing.  Many 
Indians  copied  writing  admirably,  and  could  sing  hymns— without  understanding  a 
word.  Young  men  were  instructed  in  all  sorts  of  arts  and  handicraft,  with  won- 
derful success  in  the  way  of  mere  imitation.  The  vices  of  the  Indians  were  indo- 
lence, gluttony,  and  drunkenness,  joined  with  entire  carelessness  about  the  future. 
They  were  kept  to  strict  labor :  the  women  had  to  spin  silk  and  wool.  They  were 
always  under  the  inspection  of  the  missionaries  or  of  overseers  appointed  by  them. 
In  their  warlike  expeditions  the  missionaries  went  with  them.  By  night  the  Re- 
ductions were  always  patrolled.  The  punishments  were  prayers,  fasts,  imprison- 
ment, lashes,  public  penauces.  The  church  and  its  services  were  splendid :  much 
was  done  for  music  and  singing,  for  which  the  Indians  had  great  aptitude.  Before 
service  and  during  processions  dancing  was  carried  on.  Fraternities  were  formed 
by  age  and  sex,  and  these  had  their  own  religious  services,  in  which  special  instruc- 
tions and  warnings  were  given.  The  common  worship  was  restricted  to  masses,' 
vespers,  and  telling  of  beads:  but  the  Christian  creed  was  sung  every  day  by  the 
children,  and  the  catechism  taught.    Public  entertainments  in  the  shape  of  singing 


116  FOURTII  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

life.  But  they  were  not  permitted  to  rise  above  this  stage. 
They  remained  children  in  mind,  and  in  absolute  dependence 
on  the  Jesuits.17  Complaints  were  soon  made  against  the  Jesuit 
missionaries  that  they  not  only  tried  to  supplant  the  mission- 
aries of  other  orders,  and  to  make  themselves  independent  of 

and  dancing  were  also  arranged.  These  Reductions  gradually  grew  into  handsome 
cities.  They  had  straight  streets,  houses  all  alike,  in  the  centre  a  large  plaza,  on 
which  were  the  church,  the  residence  of  the  clergy,  the  arsenal,  magazine,  work- 
shops, and  the  houses  of  refuge  for  widows  and  women  whose  husbands  were 
away.  The  Indians  accepted  the  sovereignty  of  the  King  of  Spain,  aud  after  1049 
every  man  of  them  over  eighteen  had  to  pay  to  him  a  dollar  a  year  as  tribute. 
This  tax,  however,  was  provided  for  out  of  the  profits  of  the  magazines,  and  so 
the  Indians  knew  little  of  this  sovereignty,  as  no  Spaniard  was  allowed  in  their 
Reductions  except  in  the  train  of  the  governors  of  the  proviuces  or  of  the  bish- 
ops, who  eame  very  seldom,  but  were  then  received  with  great  ceremonials,  to  im- 
press these  rulers  favorably.  In  the  commercial  intercourse  with  cities,  Indians 
accompanied  the  expeditious ;  but  a  Jesuit  was  always  at  the  head,  who  kept  the 
closest  watch,  and  prevented  all  intercourse  between  the  Indians  and  the  Spaniards. 
The  Jesuits  have  always  taken  pains  to  glorify  these  settlements  as  copies  of  the 
first  Christian  congregations,  and  as  the  model  of  a  Respublica  Christiana.  A  de- 
scription in  this  sense  is  the  work  of  L.  A.  Muratori,  II  Christianesimo  Felice  nelle 
Missioni  di  Padri  della  Compagnia  di  Giesu  nel  Paraguai,  Venez.  2  torn.  1743  and  1749. 
4. ;  but  it  is  taken  from  the  letters  of  Father  Cataueo,  for  Muratori  could  not  get  any 
other  reports  and  documents  from  the  Jesuits.  (Sec  the  Life  of  J.  F.  S.  Muratori, 
p.  90.) 

17  It  is  to  he  considered  that  the  Indians,  constantly  supervised,  and  working  only 
under  direction,  must  lose  all  mental  activity;  that  they  learned  to  read  and  write 
only  in  languages  which  they  did  not  understand,  and  that  it  never  occurred  to  the 
Jesuits  to  traiu  the  more  capable  ones  for  missionaries  and  teachers.  They  educated 
at  least  three  generations  of  the  Guaranis,  one  after  another,  and  yet  they  imparted 
so  little  self-reliance  to  these  Indians  by  their  culture,  that  when  the  Jesuits  were 
removed  they  fled  for  the  most  part  back  into  the  forests,  aud  began  again  the  life 
of  their  ancestors.  After  the  suppression  of  the  Jesuit  Order  [in  Portugal,  1759 ;  by 
Pope  Clement  XIV.  in  1772],  these  missious  were  spoken  of  almost  always  either 
with  excessive  praise  or  extreme  reprehension.  The  favorable  side  is  exhibited  in 
P.  Wittmann's  Die  Herrlichkcit  der  Kirche  in  ihren  Missionen  seit  der  Glaubens- 
spaltung  (1841),  i.  29 ;  and  the  same  writer's  Allgcm.  Gesch.  d.  kathol.  Missionen, 
ii.  427.  In  some  later  Protestant  reports  (e.  g.  B.  F.  Tietz,  Brasilianische  Zustande 
nach  gesandtschaftl.  Berichten,  Berlin,  1839,  p.  77;  more  unprejudiced,  M.  Bach, 
Die  Jcsuitcn  u.  ihre  Mission  Chiquitos  in  Siidamerika,  herausg.  von  Dr.  Kriegk, 
Lpz.  1843),  the  protection  which  the  Jesuits  procured  for  the  Indians  against  the 
barbarities  of  the  Europeans,  and  the  Jesuit  institutions,  are  emphasized  with  one- 
sided praise.  Not  less  one-sided  have  been  the  reproaches  made  against  them, 
especially  violent  in  a  work  said  to  have  been  left  behind  by  Father  Ibagnez,  an 
expelled  Jesuit  (transl.  in  Le  Bret's  Magaz.  zum  Gcbrauche  der  Staaten-  und  Kir- 
chengesch.  ii.  359,  entitled  The  Jesuit  State  in  Paraguay).  It  is  most  frequently 
objected  to  them  that  they  intended  to  found  an  independent  state.  It  was  never  a 
secret  that  these  Reductions  internally  were  quite  independent  of  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernors, and  that  their  dependence  on  Spain  was  essentially  recognized  only  in  the 
tribute,  and  in  giving  aid  in  war.  Circumstances  made  it  necessary  that  the  Jesuits 
should  here  exercise  the  highest  civil  and  penal  jurisdiction  (Lc  Bret,  ii.  406):  there 
were  indeed  no  capital  punishments,  but  crimes  deserving  death  were  punished  by 
the  fearful  penalty  of  imprisonment  for  life  iu  irons,  until  the  Geueral  of  the  Order 


PART  III.— CHAP.  Ill— CATH.  CHURCH.    §  62.  NEW  ORDERS,     nf 

the  bishops,18  but  also  used  their  missions  for  lucrative  mercan- 
tile transactions  for  the  advantage  of  their  Order.19 

§  62. 

NEW  ORDERS. 

In  the  founding  of  the  New  Orders  the  object  constantly  in 
view  was  to  remedy  the  defects  in  Christian  knowledge  and 

alleviated  it  (Le  Bret,  ii.  413).  But  the  Jesuits  could  not  have  intended  to  establish 
a  wholly  independent  kingdom,  for  this  would  have  made  it  impossible  for  them  to  ex- 
ist in  Europe.  The  Jesuits  also  commenced  similar  missions  in  other  parts  of  Amer- 
ica ;  other  orders  followed  their  example,  and,  after  the  abolition  of  the  Jesuits,  took 
their  place.  The  judgment  of  a  keen  and  unprejudiced  observer,  who  abode  for  some 
time  in  several  of  these  missions,  is  of  weight:  see  Alex,  von  Humboldt's  and  A.  Bon- 
pland's  Reise  in  die  Aequinoctialgegenden,  etc.  1799-1804,  6  Thl.  Stuttg.  1815-1829. 
Humboldt  saw  the  missions  of  the  Capuchins  and  the  Franciscans  in  the  provinces  of 
Barcelona  and  Guiana  (a  general  sketch,  in  the  above  work,  vol.  v.  p.  335).  The  gen- 
eral arrangements  are  just  like  those  of  the  Jesuits,  only  the  similar  struggle  to  be 
free  from  governors  and  bishops  (iv.  670)  had  not  been  successful ;  and  the  Spaniards 
and  the  Spanish  language,  in  spite  of  the  best  efforts  of  the  missionaries,  were  not 
so  far  excluded,  nor  were  the  industrial  pursuits  of  the  Indians  so  far  developed,  as 
in  Paraguay.  Humboldt  grants  that  the  missionary  institutions  had  made  the  In- 
dians attached  to  landed  property  and  fixed  abodes,  and  given  them  a  desire  for  a 
milder  aud  more  pacific  way  of  life  (ii.  180),  and  he  also  praises  the  cleanliness  of 
their  houses  (ii.  35).  On  the  other  hand,  by  their  monotonous,  carefully  watched, 
and  less  active  way  of  life,  they  had  forfeited  their  strength  of  character  and  native 
cheerfulness:  they  had  a  sombre  and  reserved  look,  were  stern,  quiet,  and  joyless; 
in  short,  they  had  become  obedient  but  stupid  (ii.  4, 187, 194).  Like  all  Indians,  they 
were  indifferent  to  religious  opinions,  but  had  a  great  love  for  forms  of  worship — 
not  alone  the  Catholic,  but  secretly  for  those  of  their  old  cultus  (ii.  180).  Nothing 
could  be  said  of  any  higher  intellectual  culture  among  them  than  among  the  free  In- 
dians: they  were  rather  kept  in  an  uncivilized  state,  and  the  effects  of  these  institu- 
tions must  become  more  corrupting  the  longer  they  were  continued  (ii.  5).  Humboldt 
strongly  urges  the  renunciation  of  this  irrational  attempt  to  transplant  the  regimen  of 
the  cloisters  into  the  woods  and  savannas  of  America.  The  Indians  should  be  left  free 
to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  own  industry  without  limiting  their  natural  freedom  at 
every  step,  and  the  monks  who  were  to  labor  among  them  should  be  trained  in  the 
mission  schools  (iv.  503). 

18  In  Japan  they  opposed  the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans.  In  1615  a  Franciscan, 
Louis  Sotelo,  was  appointed  bishop  of  a  part  of  Japan,  but  the  Jesuits  would  not  al- 
low it,  and  on  his  landing  he  was  taken  prisoner  and  burned:  see  the  letter  of  Sote- 
lo, written  from  his  prison  to  Pope  Urban  VIII.  1624,  in  La  Morale  Pratique  des  Je- 
suites,  ii.  108,  and  the  report  of  the  Dominican  Diego  Collado,  to  the  King  of  Spain, 
1631,  ibid.  p.  203:  comp.  vii.  169.  The  Bishop  of  Angelopolis,  in  Mexico,  Joh.  de 
Palafox,  got  into  controversy  with  the  Jesuits,  1647,  was  excommunicated  by  them, 
but  justified  in  Rome:  he  died  as  Bishop  of  Osma  in  Castile,  1659,  in  the  repute  of 
sanctity  (Hist.  deDom  Jean  de  Palafox  in  the  Morale  Pratique,  vol.  iv.).  Also  Hist,  de 
la  Persecution  de  deux  Saints  Eveques  par  les  Jesuites,  l'un  Dom  Bernardin  de  Carde- 
nas (Bishop  of  Assumption,  the  chief  city  of  Paraguay,  who,  in  controversy  with  the 
Jesuits  from  1640,  was  several  times  driven  away),  F  autre  Dom  Phil.  Pardo  (Archbish- 
op of  the  church  of  Manilla,  who  opposed  their  legacy-hunting  and  traffic,  and  hence 
was  banished  by  Royal  order,  16S3,  but  restored,  1684).    See  La  Morale  Pratique,  t.  v. 

19  The  Jesuits,  to  justify  themselves,  appealed  to  the  Bull  of  Gregory  XIII.  Ex  De- 


118  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1048. 

Christian  life  among  the  people,  and  for  this  purpose  to  educate  a 
new  clergy,  inspired  with  insight  and  zeal.  Philip  of  Neri,1  after 
the  pattern  of  the  first  apostolic  Church,  endeavored  to  awaken 
new  interest  in  behalf  of  the  poor  and  the  sick ;  and,  also,  along 
with  the  mechanism  of  the  regular  Church  service,  to  enkindle  a 
more  living  worship  in  houses  of  prayer  (Oratoria).2    He  founded 

bito  Pastoralis  Officii,  Non.  Aug.  15S2  (Litterae  Apost.  quibus  Institutio,  Confirmatio 
et  varia  Privilegia  coutinentur  S.  J.,  Antv.  1035,  p.  200),  in  which  was  conceded  to 
them  facultas  quosvis  contractus  emptiouum,  veuditionum, — necnon  obligationuni 
et  cessionum  quarumlibet  rerum  temporalium,  mobilium  et  immobilium — cclebrau- 
di.  Anton.  Aruauld  already  says  in  his  Plaidoye,  1594  (§  00,  Note  29),  f.  40 :  Le  grand 
vaisseau  Je'suite,  qui  porte  leur  or  et  leurs  marchandises  des  Iudes  (car  ils  tircnt  do 
tous  costez,  a  fin  d'augmenter  leur  tresor  de  Rome  et  d'Espagne)  ce  grand  vaisseau, 
dis-jc,  ne  paye  point  de  quint  au  Roi  Philippe.  Ce  qui  leur  vaut  plus  de  deux  cent 
mille  escus  tous  les  trois  ans.  Urban  VIII.  forbade  in  the  Bull  Ex  Debito  Pastoralis 
Officii,  Feb.  22, 1033  (in  the  Bullaria),  Religiosis  omnibus  cujuscunque  Ordiuis,— etiam 
Societatis  Jesu,  in  Japan,  China,  and  the  East  Indies,  omnem  et  quamcunque  merca- 
turam,  seu  negotiationem,  under  penalty  of  severe  punishments.  Clement  IX.  was 
obliged  to  renew  this  prohibition  in  the  Bull  Pastoralis  Officii,  June  17, 1009 :  in  partic- 
ular he  denied  the  sufficiency  of  the  pretext  of  necessity  for  their  missions,  by  which  this 
traffic  was  excused.  The  Jesuits  admitted  that  they  disposed  of  a  part  of  the  proceeds 
of  th  e  possessiones  Dei :  on  the  sales  of  skins,  Paraguay  tea,  cotton,  honey,  wax,  etc.,  see 
Ibagncz  in  Le  Bret,  ii.  389.  A  part  of  this  went  to  the  needs  of  the  missiou  ;  the  ex- 
cess was  at  the  disposal  of  the  General,  and  he  insisted  upon  the  greatest  economy 
in  the  missions  (ibid.  ii.  421).  That  no  treasures  were  found  at  the  missions  when 
the  Jesuits  were  suppressed  does  not  prove,  as  the  friends  of  the  Jesuits  have  often 
inferred,  that  the  Order  did  not  profit  largely  by  the  traffic  of  the  missions. 

1  Died  1595.  Vita  Phil.  Nerii,  auct.  Ant.  Gallonio  (who  was  a  pupil  of  Neri),  Mo- 
gunt.  1002.  Acta  SS.  Maji,  t.  vi.  400  (for  May  20).  [A.  Bayle,  Vie  de  St.  Phil,  de 
Neri,  Paris,  1859.  8.  pp.  437.    Faber,  Spirit  and  Genius  of  P.  de  N.  Lond.  1850.] 

2  Comp.  the  account  of  Caesar  Baronius,  who  was  one  of  the  first  and  most  emi- 
nent members  of  the  Society  (Ann.  Eccl.  ad  aim.  57.  No.  102) :  Divino  plane  consilio 
factum  est,  ut  nostra  aetate,  ante  annos  XXX.  ad  cjusmodi  apostolici  conventus  for- 
mam,  magna  ex  parte,  ea  potissimum,  quae  ad  audientium  aedilicationem  ex  rerum 
divinarum  scrmonibus  comparata,  ad  profectum  Ecclesiae  peragi  mandavit  Aposto- 
lus, in  urbe  fuerint  instituta;  opera  in  primis  R.  P.  Philippi  Nerii  Florentini,  qui 
tanquam  sapiens  architectus  posuit  fundameutum,  et  ejus  in  Christo  alumni  R.  P. 
Francisci  Mariae  Tarusii  Politiani,  qui  in  his  videbatur  dux  verbi.  Horum  igitur 
studio  et  industria  institutum  primitus  fait,  ut  per  singulos  ferme  dies,  qui  ardeuti- 
ori  studio  christianam  vitam  excolerent,  ad  oratorium  S.  Hieronymi  (in  an  oratory 
fitted  up  under  the  roof  of  the  church  of  St.  Jerome)  convenirent  (ex  eo  namque  et 
nostro  collegio  nomen  est  inditum,  ut  Oratorii  congregatio  diccretur),  ubi  hoc  ordine 
rcli»iosus  haberetur  conventus:  Praemissa  in  primis  silentio  facta  precatione,  ex 
fratribus  aliquis  lectioucm  auspicaretur,  ad  permovendos  animos  ad  pietatem  ac- 
commodatam.  Inter  legendum  etiam  idem  qui  praeesset  Pater  solitus  esset  interlo- 
qui,  eadem  quae  dicta  essent,  accuratius  explicando,  amplificando,  et  ardentiori  stu- 
dio in  audientium  corda  insinuando,  interdum  etiam  aliquorum  ex  fratribus,  quid 
de  aliqua  re  sentireut,  rogando  sententiam,  in  modum  fere  dialogi  6ermonem  ad 
horae  spatium  magna  audientium  alacritate  perduceret.  Ejusdem  jussu  postea  sug- 
gestum  gradibus  sublimiorem  conscenderct  ex  fratribus  aliquis,  qui  ex  vitis  Sancto- 
rum probatis  atque  reccptis,  divinaquc  Scriptura,  ac  ss.  Patrum  sententiis  absque 
fuco  vel  pigmento  intextam  orationeni  habcret.    Qui  huic  succcderet,  eodem  plane 


PART  III.— CHAP.  III.— CATH.  CH.  §  62.  PATRES  ORATORII.   119 

for  this  end  the  Congregatio  Oratorii  (1564),3  without  imposing 
vows  on  its  members.4  After  this  pattern,  Pierre  de  Berulle 
founded  an  association  with  the  same  name  for  France  in  Paris 
(16 ll).5  Both  these  congregations  are  distinguished  for  their 
services  to  theological  learning.  Vincent  de  Paula  established 
in  Paris,  for  missions  among  Christians,  the  Congregation  of  the 
Priests  of  the  Mission,  or  the  Lazarists  (1624),6  to  which,  being  a 
great  friend  of  the  Jesuits,  he  gave  a  Rule  formed  on  theirs.7 

dicendi  genere,  sed  diverso  argumento  sermonem  diceret.  Deraum  tertius  his  acce- 
deret,  qui  historias  ecclesiasticas  ordine  temporum  dispositas  enarraret.  Quibus 
dimidiae  horae  spatio  singulis  ad  dicendurn  concesso,  mira  audientium  utilitate  pa- 
riter  et  voluptate  perfunctie,  cantato  hymno  ac  repetitis  iterum  precibus,  jam  con- 
ventus  absolveretur.  Rebus  igitur  in  hunc  modura  dispositis,  atque  Romani  Ponti- 
flcis  auctoritate  flrmatis,  visa  est  pulcbra  ilia  conveutus  apostolici  facies  pro  ratione 
temporum  reddi :  cui  adgaudeutes  probi  omnes,  complures  ex  ipsis  inde  mutuati 
exernplum  aliis  iu  locis  eadem  pietatis  officia  instituere  ac  propagare  conati  sunt. 
Comp.  tbe  daily  service  in  Wittenberg,  §  47,  Note  4,  and  in  Zurich,  Note  26. 

3  Until  then  the  priests  who  took  part  in  the  exercises  of  the  Oratory  had  lived 
separate  in  different  relations.  In  1564,  Philip  first  united  several  of  these  priests  in 
a  cloister  for  the  service  of  the  church  of  John  Baptist,  given  him  by  the  Floren- 
tines. Baronius  was  the  chief  of  them.  Philip  remained  at  the  church  of  St.  Jerome, 
and  there  aloue  the  exercises  of  the  Oratory  were  continued,  until,  in  1574,  he  built 
a  house  with  an  Oratory  by  the  church  of  St.  Jerome,  and  there  collected  his  whole 
congregation  (Raynald,  1564,  No.  5). 

4  Confirmation  of  the  Congregation  by  Gregory  XIII.  1575,  in  Aub.  Miraei  Regu- 
lae  et  Institutioues  Clericorum  in  Congregatione  viveutium,  Antverp.  1638.  4.  p.  78. 
The  Instituta  Congregationis,  Romae,  1612.  ibid.  p.  79.  See  cap.  3:  In  Ecclesia  no- 
stra, die  Sabbato  ad  vacandum  excepto,  quatuor  quotidie,  nisi  etiam  dies  festi  sint, 
cum  aliquis  tantum  unus  sermocinari  solet  e  Sacerdotibus  nostris,  qui  fuerint  ad 
hoc  oneris  munerisque  delecti,  ordinate  successione,  verba  ad  vulgi  praesertim  cap- 
tum  accommodantes,  et  ad  nullam  prorsus  pompam  vel  vanum  populi  applausum 
declinantes,  genere  dicendi  vere  fructuoso  audientium  animos  pascunt,  Sanctorum 
praesertim  exemplis  ac  probatis  historiis  sermonem  confirmantes.  Vitandae  enim 
sunt  eis  quaestiones  difficiles,  dogmatum  tractatus,  et  quaecunque  scholas  decent 
magis  quam  Oratorium.  —  Sermouibus  absolutis  sacer  concentu  musico  canitur 
hymnus. 

5  Bull  of  confirmation  by  Paul  V.,  Sacrosanctae,  dd.  VI.  Idus  Maji  1613,  in  the  Bul- 
larium,  and  in  Miraeus,  p.  117.  Histoire  de  Pierre  de  Berulle,  Ouvrage  compose- 
d'apres  des  Pieces  originales  et  inedites,  par  M.  Tabaraud,  2  vols.  Paris,  1817.  See 
Herbst  on  the  literary  achievements  of  the  French  Oratorians,  in  the  Tubinger  the- 
ol.  Quartalschrift,  1835,  iii.  407  (Introduction).  Sacred  music,  cultivated  in  all  these 
Oratories,  was  especially  developed  in  that  at  Paris  by  the  services  of  the  chief  di- 
rector of  the  Royal  Orchestra,  who  had  joined  this  Oratory,  and  here  originated  the 
first  so-called  Oratorios.  See  Brevis  Psalmodiae  Ratio  ad  Usum  Presbyterorum  Ora- 
torii, Auct.  Franc.  Bourgoing,  Paris,  1634. 

6  Confirmed  by  Urban  VIII.  1632;  see  Pragmat.  Gesch.  d.  vornehmsten  Monchsor- 
den,  vi.  325.  Vie  de  M.  Vine,  de  Paul,  par  M.  Louis  Abelly,  EvSque  de  Rhodes,  Paris, 
J1664.  Friedr.  Leop.  Stolberg,  Leben  des  h.  Vine.  v.  Paula,  Miinster,  1819.  [Alph. 
Feillet,  La  Misere  au  temps  de  la  Fronde,  et  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  Paris,  1862.] 

7  See  the  Rule  of  the  Lazarists  compared  with  the  Regulis  Communibus  of  the 
Jesuits,  in  Le  Bret's  Magazin  f.  Staaten-  u.  Kirchengesch.  i.  373. 


12o  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Angela  de  Brescia  formed  in  Paris  (1537)  a  society  of  young 
women,  devoted  to  St.  Ursula,  for  the  care  of  the  sick  and  the 
instruction  of  poor  girls.  These  at  first,  like  the  Tertiaries,  con- 
tinued to  live  on  in  their  families ;  and  later,  a  part  of  them 
were  united  in  a  common  life.  After  the  first  Ursuline  cloister 
was  founded  in  Paris,  1612,  the  order  of  nuns  thus  formed 
spread  rapidly.8  For  the  instruction  of  boys  the  Spaniard  Jo- 
seph Calasanza  founded  the  Order  of  the  Piarists  (Patres  Pia- 
rum  Scholarum)  in  1622,9  which  also  was  soon  generally  in- 
troduced. Francis  of  Sales  (see  above,  vol.  iv.  p.  242,  §  13, 
Note  1G)  founded  in  1610  an  order  of  nuns,  called  the  Ordo 
de  Yisitatione  Beatae  Mariae  Virginis,  which  had  for  its  special 
duty  the  care  of  the  sick.10 

The  prescriptions  of  the  Council  of  Trent  as  to  the  forming 
of  congregations11  were  but  slowly  carried  out  by  the  older 
orders,  and  often  apparently.  A  brilliant  exception  was  the 
Benedictine  Congregatio  S.  Mauri  in  France,  which  began  on  a 
small  scale  in  161S,  but  afterward,  under  its  General,  Greg- 
ory Tarisse  (1630-1648),12  with  the  powerful  aid  of  Kichelieu, 
received  a  strong  impulse.  It  encouraged  to  an  unusual  degree 
learned  studies  in  its  cloisters,  and  gave  to  the  distinguished 


»  Pragm.  Gesch.  vi.  303. 

9  Miraeus,  p.  113.    Holstenii  Codex  Regul.  cd.  Brockie,  vi.  439.    Seyfert,  Ordens- 
regeln  der  Piaristen.  2  Bde.  Halle,  1783. 

io  pragm.  Gesch.  vi.  159. 

11  Sess.  XXV.  d.  3.  Dec.  1503.  De  JRegularibus  ct  Mo7iialibns,  cap.  8 :  Monastcria  om- 
nia, quae  generalibus  Capitulis  aut  Episcopis  non  subsunt,  nee  suos  habent  ordinarios 
rcgulares  Visitatores,  sed  sub  immediate  Sedis  apostolicae  protcctione  ac  directions 
regi  consueverunt,  teneantur  infra  annum  a  fine  praesentis  Concilii,  et  deinde  quo- 
libet  triennio  scse  in  congregationcs  redigere,  juxta  formam  Constitutionis  Inno- 
centii  III.  in  Concilio  generali,  quae  incipit:  In  singulis  (vol.  ii.  p.  413,  §  07,  Note  23) : 
ibique  certas  rcgulares  personas  deputarc,  quae  de  modo  et  ordine,  de  praedictis  con- 
gregationibus  erigendis,  ac  statutis  in  eis  exequendis  dcliberent  et  statuant.  Quod 
si  in  his  negligeutes  fuerint,  liceat  Metropolitano,  in  cujus  provincia  praedicta  mo- 
nastcria sunt,  tanquam  Sedis  apostolicae  delegato,  eos  pro  praedictis  causis  convo- 
care.  —  Ipsis  autem  congregationibus  constitutis,  illarum  generalia  capitula,  et  ab 
illis  clccti  Praesides  vel  Visitatores  eandem  habeant  auctoritatem  in  suae  congrega- 
tionis  monastcria,  ac  rcgulares  in  eis  commorantes,  quam  alii  Praesides  ac  Visitatores 
in  caeteris  habent  Ordinibus;  teneauturque  suae  congregatiouis  monasteria  fre- 
quenter visitare,  ct  illorum  reformation!  incumberc,  et  ea  observare  quae  in  sacris 
Canonibus  ct  in  hoc  sacro  Concilio  sunt  decrcta.  Quodsi  ctiam  Metropolitano  in* 
stante  praedicta  exequi  non  curaverint ;  Episcopis,  in  quorum  dioecesibus  loca  prae-i 
dicta  sita  sunt,  tanquam  Sedis  apostolicae  delegatis,  subdantur. 

13  Regula  S.  Benedicti  cum  Dcclarationibus  Congr.  S.  Mauri,  Paris,  1045.  8.    Con- 
stitutioncs  pro  Directione  Regiminis  Congr.  S.  Mauri,  Paris,  1040.  8. 


PART  III.-CHAP.  IV.—  CATH.  CHURCH.    §  63.  THEOL.  SCIENCES.  121 

scholars  which  it  trained  the  necessary  means  and  appliances 
for  the  most  comprehensive  literary  labors.  In  the  historical 
sciences  they  rendered  incomparable  services.13  This  Order 
comprised  more  than  one  hundred  and  eighty  cloisters:  its 
chief  seat  was  the  abbey  St.  Germain  des  Pres  in  Paris. 


FOURTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE   THEOLOGICAL   SCIENCES. 

[Dorner,  Gesch.  d.  Prot.Theol.bes.  in  Deutschland,Munchen,1867.  K.Werner,  Gesch. 
d.  Kath.  Theol.  s.  d.  Trident.  Cone.  8.  Munchen,  1866.  H.  Lammer,  Zur  Kirchen- 
gesch.  d.  XVI.  u.  XVII.  Jahrli.  1862.] 

§  63. 

While  Erasmus  could  merely  invite  the  Catholic  theologians 
to  a  more  thorough  knowledge  and  correct  interpretation  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  the  latter  were  forced,  by  the  attacks  of  the 
Reformers  and  the  knowledge  of  the  Bible  which  was  gaining 
ground  among  the  people,  to  occupy  themselves  more  earnestly 
with  these  subjects.  The  Cardinal  Thomas  de  Vio  Cajetanus 
(d.  1534),  the  most  distinguished  among  the  scholastic  theolo- 
gians of  the  day,  already  felt  this  after  his  colloquy  with  Luther 
at  Augsburg  in  1518,  and  now  commenced  to  study  the  Holy 
Scriptures  with  a  strict  sense  of  truth.1     Another  cardinal,  Jac. 

13  Phil,  de  Cerf,  Bibliotheque  Historique  et  Critique  des  Auteurs  de  la  Congregation 
de  St.  Maur,  a  la  Haye,  1726.  8.  Tassin,  Hist.  Lit.  de  la  Congr.  de  St.  Maur,  Paris, 
1726.  and  Bruxelles,  1770.  4.,  German  with  Notes  (by  Meusel),  Frankf.  and  Leips. 
1773.  2  vols.  Die  Verdienste  der  Mauriner  um  die  Wissenschaften,  by  Herbst,  in  the 
Tiibinger  Theol.  Quartalschrift,  1833.  i.  1.  ii.  133.  iii.  391 ;  1834.  i.  3.  [Mabillon,  An- 
nates Ordinis  S.  Benedicti,  Paris,  1703-1739,  and  at  Lucae,  6  fol.  1739;  Mabillon  et 
DAchery,  Act.  Sanct.  Ord.  S.  Bened.  9  fol.  Ven.  1733.  Helyot,  Hist,  des  Ordres  Mo- 
nast.  8,  4.  Paris,  1714.  Petz,  Bibl.  Bened.  Mauriana,  Wien,  1716.  Ziegelbauer,  Hist. 
Rei  Liter.  Ord.  S.  Bened.  4  fol.  1754.  Montalembert,  The  Western  Monks,  2,  Lond. 
1862.  Sir  James  Stephens,  The  French  Benedictines,  in  Essays,  vol.  i.  from  Edinb. 
Rev.  No.  179.  Lit.  Hist,  of  Bened.,  Gentleman's  Mag.  Dec.  1855.  Art.  in  Herzog's 
Encykl.  by  A.  Vogel.] 

1  Th.  de  Vio  Cajetani  Opera  Omnia,  quotquot  in  Sacrae  Scripturae  expositionem  re- 
periuntur,  cura  Collegii  S.  Thomae  Complutensis,  Ord.  Praed.  Lugd.  1639,  5  vols.  fol. 
He  accomplished  a  strictly  literal  translation  of  the  O.  T.  with  the  assistance  of  two 
individuals  versed  in  Hebrew,  and  of  the  N.  T.  by  the  aid  of  the  translation  and 
notes  of  Erasmus.  The  Vulgate  is  not  sufficiently  accurate  for  him ;  the  Church 
Fathers  have  neglected  the  verbal  sense  too  much.    In  the  history  of  the  Fall  he 


122  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

Sadolctus  (d.  1547),  furnished,  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Epistle 
to  the  Romans,  a  model  of  a  tasteful  and  impartial  exegesis.2 
And  thus  we  find  in  the  Catholic  Church,  during  the  sixteenth 
century,  much  active  effort  for  the  publication  of  authorized 
texts  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,3  as  well  as  for  their  interpretation. 

It  was  necessarily  of  particular  importance  to  this  Church  to 
preserve  the  Vulgate,  which  was  at  that  time  much  corrupted, 
with  an  amended  text,  and  to  see  it  more  widely  spread.  The 
printer  Robert  Stephanus,  of  Paris,  was  first  instrumental  in 
furthering  both  objects  by  the  issuing  of  eight  editions;4  then, 
at  the  suggestion  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  the  Theological 
Faculty  of  Lou  vain,  by  its  editions  of  1547  and  1573,5  the  latter 
of  which  was  largely  made  nse  of  in  the  revision  of  the  Sistine 
Vulgate  under  Clement  VIII.6 

The  Complutensian  Polyglot  edition  was  succeeded  by  the 
more  complete  one  of  Antwerp,  of  1569-1572,  in  eight  volumes, 
which  had  been  prepared  by  Benedict  Arias  Montanus;7  upon 
this  followed  the  Paris  edition  of  1629-1G45,  which  was  still 
richer.  It  was  in  nine  volumes,  and  was  published  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  Parliamentary  advocate  Guido  Michael  le  Jay.8 

Although  the  doctrine  of  a  manifold  interpretation  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures  was  retained  in  the  Catholic  Church,9  it  was  yet 

did  not  accept  a  real  serpent;  he  doubted  the  canonieity  of  the  Epistle  to  the  He- 
brews ;  asserted  that  Dionysius  the  Areopagite  was  not  the  author  of  the  books 
attributed  to  him ;  that  divorce  was  permitted  in  case  of  adultery ;  that  no  command- 
ment of  Christ  existed  with  regard  to  a  distiuction  of  meats  and  drinks ;  that  the 
fire  of  the  damned  was  no  natural  tire;  that  the  history  of  the  woman  taken  in  adul- 
tery, John  viii.  was  unauthentic  ;  that  public  prayers  should  be  made  in  the  vernac- 
ular, etc.  Thereupon  he  was  attacked  with  peculiar  vehemence  by  the  Dominican 
Ambrosius  Catharinus :  Annotationes  in  Excerpta  quaedam  de  Commcntariis  Rev. 
Card.  S.  Xysti  Dogmata,  Paris,  1535,  comp.  Rich.  Simon,  Hist.  Crit.  du  Vicux  Test. 
p.  319 ;  the  same  in  Hist.  Crit.  des  Principaux  Commentateurs  du  N.  T.  p.  537. 

2  This  Commentary  appeared  before  1534,  for  in  that  year  the  Sorbonne  expressed 
its  disapprobation  of  it  (D'Argentre,  Collectio  Judiciorum,  II.  i.  119):  a  second  edi- 
tion, Lugd.  1536.  fol. ;  cf.  Rich.  Simon,  Hist.  Crit.  des  Principaux  Coram,  du  N.  T. 
p.  550.  New  edition  :  J.  Sadoleti  Card,  et  Ep.  Carpentoractensis  in  P.  Epist.  ad  Rom. 
Commentariorum  libb.  iii.  Praemissa  est  Illustris  Viri  Vita,  Auct.  Ant.  Florebello, 
Francof.  ad  M.  1771.  4. 

3  On  the  five  editions  of  the  N.  T.  by  Erasmus,  see  Meyer's  Gesch.  d.  Schrifterklar- 
ung,  ii.  56.    On  the  five  editions  6i  the  same  by  Rob.  Stephanus,  ibid.  p.  64. 

1  Meyer,  ii.  81. 

5  Meyer,  ii.  85. 

6  Meyer,  iii.  203. 

7  Le  Long,  Bibliothcca  Sacra,  ed.  A.  G.  Masch,  i.  340.    Meyer,  ii.  47. 
B  Le  Long-Masch,  i.  350.    Meyer,  iii.  153. 

9  Santis  Pagnini  Isagogae  ad  Sacras  Literas  lib.  i.,  ejusd.  Isagogae  ad  Mysticos  Sa- 


PART  III.-CHAP.  IV.-CATH.  CHURCH.    §  63.  THEOL.  SCIENCES.  123 

deemed  necessary,  in  consideration  of  the  Protestants,  to  lay  par- 
ticular stress  upon  the  verbal  sense  in  the  Commentaries.  The 
Dominican  Santes  Pagninus,  of  Lucca  (d.  at  Lyons,  1541),  who 
rendered  great  services  to  theological  literature  by  his  study  of 
Hebrew,10  issued  a  Latin  translation  of  the  Bible,  which  was  high- 
ly valued  for  its  verbal  accuracy,  although,  on  that  very  account, 
it  was  often  incomprehensible.11  Johannes  Maldonatus  (Paris 
and  Rome,  d.  1583),  one  of  the  few  Jesuits  who  maintained  his 
independence  in  the  Society,12  became  eminent  as  an  exegete.13 
A  model  of  grammatico- historical  exegesis  was  furnished  by 
Andr.  Masius,  councilor  of  the  Duke  of  Cleves  (d.  1573),  in  his 
Commentary  on  the  Book  of  Joshua.'4 

After  the  establishment  of  the  text  of  the  Vulgate  by  Papal 
decree  had  put  a  limit  to  the  Catholic  interpretation,  the  exeget- 
ic  zeal  among  the  Catholics  abated  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
The  diffuse  Commentaries  of  the  Jesuit  Cornelius  a  Lapide  (in 
Louvain  and  Rome,  d.  1637),  abounding  in  allegorical  interpre- 
tations, became  particularly  popular,15  however  little  value  they 
had  for  genuine  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures.  On  the  other 
hand,  Joh.  Morinus,  priest  at  the  Oratoire  in  Paris  (d.  1656),  like 
his  contemporary  Cappellus  of  the  Reformed  Church,  appeared 
as  a  liberal  critic  against  the  prejudices  in  favor  of  the  Masoret- 
ic  text  of  the  Old  Testament.16 

crae  Scripturae  Sensus  libb.  xviii.  Colon.  1540.  fol.   R.  Bellarminus,  De  Verbi  Dei  Inter- 
pretatione,  in  his  Disp.  de  Controversiis  Christ.  Fidei,  i.  131.    Comp.  Meyer,  iii.  357. 
J0  Institutiones  Hebr.  Lugd.  1526.  4.    Thesaurus  Linguae  Sanctae,  Lugd.  1529.  fol. 

11  Biblia.  Habes  in  hoc  libro,  prudens  lector,  utriusque  Testamenti  novam  trans- 
lationem  editam  a  Rev.  s.  Theol.  Doctore  Sancte  Paguino,  Lugd.  1528.  4.  Meyer,  ii. 
536. 

12  In  particular  he  asserted  that  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the  Virgin  was  not 
de  fide,  and  was  therefore  denounced  to  the  Pope  by  the  Sorbonne.  According  to 
Thuanus,  lib.  lxxviii.  p.  636,  the  Jesuits  were  tolerated  by  Parliament  solely  on  his 
account ;  Niceron,  xxi.  188.  The  Jesuits  subsequently  showed  but  little  esteem  for 
him:  his  Opera  Varia  Theol.  t.  iii.  Paris,  1677.  fol.  were  declared  spurious  by  them. 
Against  this,  R.  Simon,  Lettres  Choisies,  i.  176. 

13  J.  Maid.  Commentarii  in  IV.  Evangelistas,  in  duos  tomos  divisi,  Pont-a-Mousson, 
1596.  Even  this  edition  is  not  without  additions  by  the  Jesuit  editor,  while  that  of 
Lugd.  1615,  and  the  subsequent  ones,  have  been  revised  and  altered  by  the  Jesuits. 
R.  Simon,  Hist.  Crit.  des  Princip.  Commentateurs  du  N.  T.  p.  618. 

14  Historia  Josuae  Imperatoris,  Antverp.  1574.  fol.  Comp.  R.  Simon,  Hist.  Crit.  du 
V.  T.  p.  444. 

15  C.  a  Lap.  Commentaria  in  omnes  SS.  Libros,  Venet.  1688, 16  vols.  fol.  R.  Simon, 
Hist.  Crit.  du  V.  T.  p.  423.  The  same,  Hist.  Crit.  des  Princ.  Commentateurs  du  N.  T. 
p.  655. 

16  Exercitationes  Ecclesiast.  in  utrumque  Samaritanorum  Pentateuchum,  Paris, 


124  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1648. 

On  the  field  of  dogmatics  the  scholastic  theologians,  particu- 
larly Petrns  Lombardus  and  Thomas,  retained  their  theological 
authority,17  but  the  scholastic  form  was  abolished.  Melchior 
Canus  (Dominican  in  Salamanca,  d.  15G0)  became,  by  his  Loci 
Theologici,  an  introduction  to  dogmatics,18  the  originator  of  a 
new  method.  Augustine  and  Thomas,  indeed,  remained  nomi- 
nally the  highest  dogmatic  authorities ;  in  reality,  however,  this 
position  was  held,  at  least  in  that  portion  of  the  Church  which 
was  under  the  rule  of  the  Jesuits,  by  the  Jesuit  and  cardinal 
Robert  Bellarmine  (d.  1620).19 

A  great  deal  was  done  by  Catholic  theologians  to  make  the 
ancient  Church  literature  more  generally  known,  as  it  had  a  pe- 
culiar theological  interest  for  them,  and  they  in  particular  had 

1631.  4.  Meyer,  iii.  242.  His  Vita  by  R.  Simon  preceding  the  Antiquitates  Eccl. 
Orient.  Clarissimorum  Virorum  Dissertationibus  Epistolicis  euucleata,  Lond.  1682. 
Niceron,  ix.  30. 

17  Commentaries  on  Lombardus,  by  Johannes  Major,  Prof,  in  Paris  and  Glasgow 
(d.  1540);  Uominieus  Soto,  Dominican  and  Confessor  of  Charles  V.  (d.  1560);  Wil- 
helm  Estius,  Chancellor  and  Professor  of  Theol.  in  Douay  (d.  1613).  St.  Thomas 
was  chiefly  commentated  by  Jesuits  (comp.  §  59,  Note  13  sq.),  particularly  Molina, 
Valentia,  Suarez,  Vasqucz,  Becanus,  Tanner. 

18  Loci  Theol.  Salmant.  1563,  and  often.  Schrockh,  iv.  66.  M.  Cani  Opera,  illus- 
trata  a  P.  Hyacintho  Serry  (Prof,  in  Padua),  1759.4.  His  opinion  of  scholastic  theol- 
ogy, Loc.  Theol.  lib.  viii.  c.  1 :  memento  lector,  earn  me  defendere  scholae  doctrinam, 
quae  sacrarum  literarum  fundamentis  constitute  sit.  Ex  quo  id  efheitur,  quod  ego 
marjno  cum  assensu  omnium  dicere  me  video,  miscram  esse  scholae  doctrinam,  quae  se 
titulis  magisterii  defendat,  miscram  etiam,  atque  haud  scio  an  multo  magis,  quae 
detracts  Scripturae  sacrae  auctoritate  syllogismis  contortis  de  rebus  divinis  philoso- 
phatur.  Imo  ne  de  rebus  divinis  quidem,  sed  nee  de  humanis,  verum  de  his,  quae 
nihil  ad  nos  attincnt.  Intelligo  autem,  fuisse  in  schola  quosdam  theologos  adscrip- 
titios,  qui  univcrsas  quaestioncs  theologicas  frivolis  argumentis  absolverint,  et  vanis 
invalidisque  ratiunculis  magnum  pondus  rebus  gravissimis  detrahentes,  ediderint  in 
theologiam  commentaria,  vix  digna  lucubratione  auicularum.  Et  cum  in  his  sacro- 
niin  Iiibliorum  testimonia  rarissima  Bint,  conciliorum  mentio  nulla,  nihil  ex  antiquis 
Sanctis  oleant,  nihil  ne  ex  gravi  philosophia  quidem,  sed  fere  puerilibus  disciplinis; 
scholastici  tamen,  si  superis  placet,  theologi  vocantur,  ncc  scholastici  sunt,  nedum 
thcologi,  qui  sophismatum  faeces  in  seholam  infercntes,  et  ad  risum  viros  doctos  in- 
citant,  ct  delicatiores  ad  contemptum.  Quern  vero  intclligimus  scholasticum  theo- 
logum?  aut  hoc  verbum  in  quo  nomine  ponimusV  Opinor  in  eo,  qui  de  Deo  rebus- 
que  divinis  apte,  pmdenter,  doetc  e  Uteris  institutisque  sacris  ratiocinetur. 

1 9  Opp.  Colon.  1617, 7  vols.  fol.  His  principal  work,  Disputationes  dc  Controversiis 
Christianae  Fidei,adv.  hujus  Temporis  Haereticos,  Romae,  1581-1592,  revised  edition, 
Venet.  1596,  3  vols.  fol.  often  reprinted  (SchriJckh,  iv.  261).  His  catechism,  Dictaia- 
ratione  pin  Copiosa  della  Dottrina  Christiana,  composta  per  ordine  di  Clemeute  VIII. 
Roma,  1603.4.,  which  announced  itself  as  an  interpretation  of  the  Catech.  Romanus, 
but  was  intended  to  supplant  it,  has  been  translated  into  many  languages,  and  often 
republished.  Vita  del  Card.  Bellarmino,  scritta  da  Giacome  Fuligati,  Roma,  1624.  4. 
Nouvelle  Biblioth.  des  Auteurs  Ecclcsiast.  par  M.  du  Pin,  xvii.  18.  Dictionnaire  de 
Bayle,  art.  Bellarminus.     Niceron,  Nachrichten,  xix.  104. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  IV.— CATH.  CHURCH.     §  63.  THEOL.  SCIENCES.  125 

access  to  libraries  rich  in  manuscripts.  Thus  we  owe  to  them 
the  Bibliothecae  Patrum,20  the  Collections  of  Councils,21  the  Bul- 
laria,22  and  the  Collections  of  Lives  of  Saints.23  The  most  dis- 
tinguished among  the  editors  of  the  works  of  Church  writers 
were  Heinr.  Canisras,  teacher  of  canon  law  in  Ingolstadt  (d. 
1609),24  Nich.  Rigaltius,  parliamentary  councilor,  subsequently 
intendant  in  Metz  (d.  at  Toul,  1654),25  and  the  Jesuit  Jac.  Sir- 
mond,  in  Paris  (d.  1651).26 

The  father  of  Catholic  Church  history  was  Caesar  Baronius, 
priest  of  the  Oratoire  and  cardinal  in  Rome  (d.  1607).27  In 
France,  under  the  impulse  and  protection  of  the  Gallican  prin- 
ciples, the  history  of  ecclesiastical  polity  was  more  freely  inves- 
tigated by  Edm.  Iticherius,  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne  (d.  1631),28 
and  Petrus  de  Marca,  finally  Archbishop  of  Paris  (d.  1662).29 

20  Here  the  Protestants  commenced  with  smaller  collections :  Jo.  Sichardi  Anti- 
dotum  contra  diversas  Haereses,  Basil.  1528.  Micropresbyticon,  Basil.  1550.  Jo. 
Heroldi  Orthodoxographa,  Bas.  1555.  J.  J.  Grynaei  Monumenta  Orthodoxographa, 
Bas.  1569.  fol.  These  were  followed  by  larger  ones  on  the  part  of  the  Catholics: 
Margarini  de  la  Bigne  Bibliotheca  SS.  Patrum,  Paris,  1575, 8 1.  Appendix,  1579.  Mag- 
na Bibl.  vett.  Patr.  Colon.  Agripp.  1618,  14  t.  Nova  Bibl.  Vett.  Patrum  (supple- 
ment to  the  Paris  Bibl.  by  the  learned  printer  Fr.  Morellius),  Paris,  1639,  2  t.  fol. 

21  The  first  by  Jac.  Merlin,  Canon  of  Notre  Dame  (merely  the  common  councils 
and  Pseudoisidorus),  Paris,  1523.  24.  2  t.  Then  by  the  Franciscan  Petr.  Crabbe,  Co- 
lon. 1538,  2  vols. ;  enlarged  1557,  3  vols,  by  the  Carthusian  Laur.  Surius,  Colon.  1567, 
4  vols.  Venet.  1585,  5  vols.  ;  by  Paul  V.  through  the  Jesuit  J.  Sirmond,  Romae,  1608, 
4  vols. ;  by  the  canon  Severin.  Binius,  Colon.  1606,  4  vols. ;  Collectio  Regia,  Paris, 
1644,  37  vols.  fol. 

22  The  publication  of  the  first  Bullarium  Magnum  was  commenced  by  the  jurist 
Laertius  Cherubinus,  Rom.  1617.  fol. 

23  Laur.  Surii  (Carthusian  in  Cologne)  Vitae  Sanctorum,  Col.  1569, 6  vols. ;  enlarged, 
Colon.  1617, 4  vols.  fol.    Acta  SS.  since  1643,  see  vol.  i.  p.  21,  §  4,  Note  3. 

24  Antiquae  Lectioncs,  Iugolst.  1601-8,  6  vols.  4.  (new  edition  by  Jac.  Basnage : 
Thesaurus  Monumentorum  Ecclesiasticorum,  Amst.  1725,  4  vols.  fol.). 

25  Tertulliani  Opera,  Par.  1634  and  1641.  fol.     Cypriani  Opera,  Paris,  1648.  fol. 

26  Among  the  numerous  writers  whose  works  he  edited  are  to  be  distinguished, 
Theodoretus,  Paris,  1642, 4  vols.  fol. ;  Ennodius,  Paris,  1611.  8. ;  Fulgentius,  Par.  1612. 
8. ;  Sidonius,  Par.  1614  and  1652.  4. ;  Avitus,  Par.  1643.  8.  Facundi  Defensio  III.  Ca- 
pitul.  Par.  1629.  8.  Servatus  Lupus,  De  Tribus  Quaest.  Par.  1650.  8.  The  most  note- 
worthy of  his  historico-critical  writings  are  those  against  Salmasius :  Censura  Con- 
jecturae  Anonymi  de  Suburbicariis  Regionibus  et  Ecclesiis,  Par.  161S.  Adveutoria 
de  Suburbicariis,  1620.  Propempticon  de  Suburbicariis,  1622.  8.  Further:  Diss,  in 
qua  Dionysii  Paris,  et  Dion.  Areopagitae  Discrimen  ostenditur,  Par.  1641.  8.  Dis- 
quis.  de  Azymo,  semperne  in  usu  fuerit  apud  Latinos,  Paris,  1651.  8. — J.  Sirmondi, 
Opera  Varia  (coll.  Jac.  de  la  Beaune),  Paris,  1696,  and  Venet.  1728,  5  vols.  fol. 

27  Comp.  vol.  i.  p.  18,  §  2,  Note  11. 

28  De  Ecclesiastica  et  Politica  Potestate,  1611.  Defensio  Libelli  de  Eccl.  et  Polit. 
Potest.  ;  see  above,  §  5S,  Note  33.  Historia  Conciliorum  Generalium,  Colon.  1683, 
3  vols.  4.  and  8. 

29  De  Concordia  Sacerdotii  et  Imperii  libb.  viii.  appeared  in  part,  Paris,  1641,  edited 


126  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-1648. 

Gabriel  Anbespine,  Bishop  of  Orleans  (d.  1630),30  Franc.  Ber- 
nardine  Ferrari,  Professor  of  Sacred  Antiquities  in  Milan  (d. 
16G9),31  and  Joh.  Morinus,  priest  of  the  Oratoire,32  were  active  in 
the  investigation  of  Church  antiquities ;  while  Dionysius  Peta- 
vius,  Jesuit  in  Paris  (d.  1652),  distinguished  himself  in  the  ad- 
vancement of  chronology  and  the  history  of  dogmatics.33 

The  Jesuits,  indeed,  accomplished  much  for  theological  sci- 
ence; but  in  proportion  to  the  fact  that  they  at  that  time  at- 
tracted all  men  of  talent  to  themselves,  they  did  in  reality  but 
little.  They  wasted  their  learned  powers  in  the  development 
of  a  reprehensible  morality,34  which,  unfortunately,  found  favor 
with  a  large  portion  of  the  Church,  and  in  polemics.35 

In  opposition  to  that  Jesuit  morality  which,  engaged  in  a 
constant  bargaining  with  the  divine  law,  endeavors  as  much  as 
possible  to  spare  Christian  virtue  the  renunciation  of  sinful  pro- 
pensities, some  mystics  still  pointed  to  an  inner  union  with  God 
as  the  highest  aim  of  the  Christian.     The  most  distinguished 

entire  by  St.  Baluzius,  Paris,  1663.  fol.  P.  de  Marca,  Dissertationes  III.  (De  Primatu 
Lugdun.,  De  Epist.Vigilii,  De  Tempore  quo  in  Galliis  suscepta  est  Christi  Fides)  ed. 
St.  Baluzius,  Paris,  1669.  P.  de  Marca,  Opuscula  (e.  g.  De  Primatu  Petri,  De  Tempore 
Syn.  Sirm.,  De  Vett.  Collectionibus  Canonum,  De  Patria  Vigilantii),  ed.  St.  Baluzius, 
Paris,  1681. 

30  De  Veteribus  Ecclesiae  Ritibus  Observationum  libb.  ii.  Notae  in  Cone.  Eliberi- 
tanum  et  quosdam  alios  antiquos  Canon es,  Paris,  1623.  4. 

31  De  Antiquo  Epistolarum  Eeclesiasticarum  Genere,  Mediol.  1613.  De  Ritu  Sa- 
crarum  Ecclesiae  Veteris  Concionum  libb.  iii.  Mediol.  1621,  and  repeatedly. 

33  See  above,  Note  16.  Comra.  de  Sacris  Ecclesiae  Ordinationibus,  Paris,  1655.  fol. 
Comm.  Hist,  de  Disciplina  in  Administratione  Poenitentiae,  Antverp.  1682.  fol.  Op- 
era Posthuma  (De  Catechumenorum  Expiatione,  De  Sacr.  Confirmationis,  De  Con- 
tritionc  et  Attritione),  Paris,  1703.  4. 

33  De  Doctrina  Temporum,  Paris,  1627,  2  vols,  fol.  Dogmata  Theologica,  t.  iv. 
Paris,  1644.  50,  new  edition  by  Thcoph.  Alcthinus  (Jo.  Clericus),  t.  vi.  Amstel.  1700. 
fol.,  •which  edition  contains  various  other  essays  by  Pctavius,  f.  i.  De  Potcstate  Con- 
sccrandi  and  De  Pocnitentia  Publica.  Besides  these,  Petavius  edited  Synesii  Opera, 
Paris,  1612  (ed.  2.  accuratior  et  uberior,  1640),  fol.  Epiphanii  Opera,  Paris,  1622,  2 
vols.  fol. 

34  See  §  60,  Note  3. 

35  Polemic  writers  among  the  Jesuits,  besides  Bellarmine  (Note  19)  were  Beeanus, 
Gretser,  Tanner,  and  Forer  (§  59,  Note  3-6),  and,  in  particular,  Gregorius  de  Valentin 
(a  Spaniard,  in  Dillingen,  Ingolstadt,  and  Rome,  d.  1603,  De  Rebus  Fidei  hoc  Tem- 
pore Controversis,  Lugd.  1591) ;  Franc.  Costerus  (from  Mechlin,  in  Cologne  and 
Brussels,  d.  1619,  Enchiridion  Controversiarum  Praecipuarum  Nostri  Temporis  de 
Religione,  Colon.  1585);  Petrus  Cotton  (Confessor  of  Henry  IV.  and  Louis  XIII., 
finally  in  Bordeaux,  d.  1626,  Institutio  Catholica,  in  qua  Fidei  Veritas  comproba- 
tur  contra  Haereses  et  Supcrstitiones  hujus  Aevi,  Mogunt.  1618,  directed  against  Cal- 
vin's Institutio). 


APPENDIX.     §  64.  GREEK  CHURCH.  127 

among  them  was  Francis  de  Sales,  Bishop  of  Geneva  and  Anne- 
cy  (d.  1662).36 


APPENDIX. 

§  64. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  ORIENTAL  CHURCHES. 

The  considerate  treatment  which  the  Greek  hierarchy  had 
experienced  from  the  Turks  immediately  after  the  conquest  of 
Constantinople1  had  soon  changed.2  The  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople, beside  whom  the  three  remaining  ones  had  become 
quite  insignificant,3  had,  indeed,  the  highest  spiritual  and  tem- 

36  Introduction  a  la  Vie  Devote  ;  Les  Epitres  Spirituelles  ;  Les  Vrais  Entretiens 
Spirituels ;  Philothea ;  Theotime,  etc. — Les  C3uvres  du  bien  heureux  Fr.  de  Sales, 
ou  est  adjoustee  la  Vie  de  ce  Prelat,  par  le  P.  Nic.  Talon  de  la  Comp.  de  J.  2  vols. 
1641. 

1  As  the  patriarchate  was  vacant,  the  conqueror  of  Constantinople,  Mohammed 
II.,  immediately  (June  1, 1453)  caused  a  patriarch  to  be  elected,  and  invested  Geor- 
gius  Scholarius,  called  Gennadius,  upon  whom  the  choice  had  fallen,  in  the  manner 
customary  under  the  emperors,  see  Georg.  Phrantzae  Chron.  lib.  iii.  c.  11  (ed.  Bonn. 
1838,  p.  304).  At  the  same  time  he  gave  him  and  all  bishops  subordinate  to  him,  by 
an  official  document  (p.  308),  security  against  all  molestations  and  immunity  from 
tribute;  and,  according  to  the  statement  of  later  Greek  scholars  (J.  Aymon,  Monu- 
mens  Authentiques  de  la  Religion  des  Grecs,  a  la  Haye,  1708.  4.  p.  59),  an  annual  sal- 
ary of  2500  rix-dollars.  Phrantzes  relates,  p.  306,  that  the  Sultan,  on  occasion  of 
the  investiture,  conversed  much  with  the  Patriarch,  and,  lib.  i.  c.  32,  p.  95,  that  he 
frequently  visited  him  ;  later  Greek  scholars  add  (Martini  Crusii  Turcograecia,  Ba- 
sil. 1584.  fol.  p.  16,  109)  that  he  invited  him  to  a  candid  exposition  of  the  Christian 
doctrine  ;  caused  him  to  give  him  the  latter  in  writing,  and  was  inwardly  won  over 
to  Christianity  by  it.  There  are  still  extant  a  Dialogue  between  the  Sultan  and  the 
Patriarch,  and  a  Confession  by  the  latter,  which  are  said  to  have  originated  at  that 
time,  e.  g.  in  E.  J.  Kimmel,  Libri  Symbolici  Eccl.  Orientalis,  Jenae,  1843,  p.  1 ;  comp. 
Proleg.  p.  11.  The  narrative  seems  to  be  a  Greek  fable  of  later  date ;  the  Dialogue  is 
extracted  word  for  word  from  a  dialogue  falsely  attributed  to  Athanasius  (see  Otto, 
in  Niedner's  Zeitschrift,  1850,  iii.  399):  the  Confession  may  be  genuine,  although  it 
is  remarkable  that  the  contemporary  writer  Phrantzes  does  not  mention  it. 

2  The  first  three  patriarchs  had  not  paid  any  tribute  to  the  Sultan  (Aymon,  p.  60; 
according  to  Manuel  Malaxus,  in  Martin  Crusius,  p.  124,  the  first  four) :  the  next  one 
purchased  the  patriarchate,  and  after  that  all  the  patriarchs  were  obliged  to  give 
costly  presents  to  the  Sultan  and  the  high  officials  on  entering  upon  the  office,  and 
pay  an  annual  tribute. 

3  The  Patriarch  of  Alexandria  has  his  seat  in  Cairo ;  he  has  but  few  parishes  and 
no  bishops,  but  only  chorepiscopi,  under  him  ;  the  great  majority  of  the  inhabitants 
are  Copts.  The  Patriarch  of  Antiochia  resides  in  Damascus,  and  has  authority  over 
a  few  bishops  and  parishes.  The  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem  has  the  bishops  of  Bethle- 
hem and  Nazareth,  with  but  small  congregations.  Mich,  le  Quien,  Oriens  Christi- 
anus,  ii.  330,  670 ;  iii.  102. 


128  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.— A.D.  1517-164S. 

poral  jurisdiction  among  his  people,4  and  was  their  representa- 
tive at  the  Porte ;  but  lie  had  therefore  to  struggle  all  the  more 
with  jealousy  and  cabal  among  the  demoralized  Greeks.  lie 
was  obliged  not  only  to  pay  a  heavy  tribute  to  the  Porte,  but  to 
endeavor  to  secure  the  favor  of  the  Turkish  authorities  by  bri- 
bery and  intrigue,  in  spite  of  which  he  frequently  succumbed  to 
secret  attacks  from  those  who  hesitated  at  no  means  to  attain 
their  end.  The  Patriarch  extorted  his  income  from  the  bishops, 
they  from  their  priests,  and  these  again  from  their  parishes ; 5 
the  awful  Anathema  protected  these  extortions. 

Russia  availed  itself  of  a  visit  of  Patriarch  Jeremias  to  Mos- 
cow to  obtain  from  him  his  consent  to  the  establishment  of  a 
patriarchate  at  Moscow  (1589),6  in  order  thus  to  become  ecclesi- 
astically independent  of  Constantinople,  which  was  under  for- 
eign rule. 

Melancthon7  already  had  sent  to  the  Patriarch  of  Constanti- 

4  Comp.  the  official  communication  "which  the  Patriarch  Dionysius  received  from 
the  Porte  in  1671,  Aymon,  p.  486.  There,  among  other  things,  the  authority  is  con- 
ferred upon  him,  que  selon  ses  vaines  et  inutiles  ceremonies  il  etablisse  ou  depose 
des  Metropolitans,  des  Eveques,  des  Pretres,  ou  des  Caloyers,  comme  il  jugera 
qu'ils  l'auront  merite,  ou  qu'ils  ne  l'aurout  pas  merite  ;  qu'aucun  Ecclesiastique  ne 
presume  d'exercer  aucunes  fonctions  des  charges — coutre  la  volonte- — de  ce  Patri- 
arehe;  que  tout  testament  qui  sera  fait  en  faveur  des  pauvres  eglises  par  quelque 
Pretre  mourant,  sera  bon  et  valide,  si  ce  Patriarche  le  juge  ainsi ;  que  s'il  arrive,  que 
quelque  femme  chretienne  de  la  jurisdiction  de  ce  Patriarche  quitte  son  mari,  ou 
qu'un  mari  quitte  sa  femme,  personue  que  lui  ne  pourra  ni  accorder  le  divorce,  ni 
se  meler  de  cette  affaire.  The  Patriarch  has  the  highest  secular  jurisdiction  for 
things  which  are  contested  solely  among  the  Greeks,  according  to  ancient  Chris- 
tian tenets  (vol.  i.  p.  341,  §  69,  Note  6 ;  i.  p.  361,  §  91,  Note  4),  and  maintains  its 
authority  by  his  power  of  excommunication,  Th.  Smith,  De  Ecclesiae  Graecae 
Statu  Ilodierno,  p.  55,  in  his  Opusculis  ex  Itinere  ipsius  Turcico  Enatis,  Rotteraed. 
1716. 

5  Smith,  p.  54. 

6  Karamsin,  Hist,  of  the  Russ.  Emp.  vol.  ix.  p.  181,  Leipz.  1827.  In  the  document 
drawn  up  upon  the  subject  it  was  said  (p.  185)  "  that  ancient  Rome  had  fallen  through 
Apolliuarian  heresy;  the  new  Rome,  Constantinople,  was  in  the  hands  of  ungodly 
Mussulmans;  and  that  the  third  Rome  was  Moskwa;  that  instead  of  the  liar-prince 
of  the  Occidental  Church,  whose  mind  was  darkened  by  the  spirit  of  pseudo-wisdom, 
the  first  general  bishop  of  the  world  was  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople ;  the  sec- 
ond, he  of  Alexandria;  the  third,  the  Patriarch  of  Moskwa  and  all  Russia,  and  the 
fourth  and  fifth  those  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem."  In  explanation  of  the  Apolliua- 
rian heresy,  see  Metrophanis  Critopuli  Confessio,  in  Weissenborn,  Appendix  Libr. 
Symb.  Eccl.  Orient,  p.  180,  that  Apollinaris  was  the  inventor  of  unleavened  bread  at 
the  communion  :  iKiivos  yap  ooy/naTi^wv,  toi>  Kvpiov  capita  a\l/v\ov  Kal  iivovv  avu- 
\i](\tivai,  Kal  Tiiv  a'ipiaiv — tuvti]v  (itftaiijiv  ov  irpo<Tt(\>tpt  Tip  uuo-rtjptfo  iiprov,  oXa  «£i»- 
/ia,  tfida-Kum  '   o,ti  >';  <J/i>X''  Tip  aw/xaTi,  touto  i'j  £v/tij  T<?  apTio . 

7  Several  letters,  which,  already  in  1543  and  1555,  had  been  sent  to  Melancthon  by 
Greeks  of  distinction,  see  in  Mart.  Crusii  Turcograecia,  p.  543. 


APPENDIX.    §  64.  GREEK.  CHURCH.  129 

nople,  Joasaph  II.,  a  Greek  translation  of  the  Augsburg  Confes- 
sion (1559),8  in  order  to  give  the  Greeks  correct  ideas  of  the 
Reformation.  While  Stephen  Gerlach,  of  Wiirtemberg,  was 
preacher  to  the  Imperial  Legation  at  Constantinople,  the  Tubing- 
en theologian,  Jacob  Andreae,  and  Martin  Crusius,  Professor  of 
Greek,  sent  through  him  letters  of  peace  to  the  Patriarch  Jere- 
mias  (1574).  The  opinion  on  the  Augsburg  Confession,  which 
the  latter  sent  back  in  1576,  occasioned  a  correspondence  be- 
tween him  and  the  theologians  of  Tubingen,  which,  however, 
remained  without  any  results.9 

In  the  Greek  islands  under  the  Venetian  rule  the  Roman 
Church  had  long  since  succeeded  in  establishing  itself;10  now 
it  endeavored  also  to  seize  upon  other  portions  of  the  Greek 
Church.  "When  Czar  Ivan  IV.  Wassiljewitsch,  surnamed  the 
Terrible,  laid  claim  to  the  Papal  mediation  in  his  unfortunate 
war  with  Poland,  the  able  Jesuit  Antonius  Possevinus  came  to 
Moscow  (1581)  in  order  to  effect,  on  the  conditions  of  the  Council 
of  Florence,  a  union  between  the  Russian  Church  and  Rome.11 
But  the  unfavorable  peace  with  Poland  could  not  overcome  the 
deep-rooted  aversion  of  the  Russians  against  this  union,  and  Pos- 
sevinus was  obliged  to  depart  without  having  accomplished  his 
object.12  On  the  other  hand,  he  succeeded,  at  the  head  of  other 
members  of  the  Order,  with  the  assistance  of  the  bigoted  King 
of  Poland,  Sigismund  III.,  in  inducing  a  large  number  of  the 


8  By  the  deacon  Demetrius  Rascianus,  who  was  sent  to  Wittenberg  by  the  Patri- 
arch to  investigate  the  Protestant  doctrine.  The  Confession  was  translated  by 
Paulus  Dolscius  ('E^o^oXo'yijo-is  t5)s  6pSoc6£ov  irimtw^,  graece  reddita  a  Paulo 
Dolscio  Plauensi,  Basil.  1559.  8.,  also  in  the  Acta  et  Scripta  Theolog.  Wirteberg.): 
Melancthon's  accompanying  letter  in  the  Corp.  Ref.  ix.  921. 

9  The  original  documents  in  Acta  et  Scripta  Theologorum  Wirtebergensium  et 
Patriarchae  Constantinopolitani  de  Augustana  Confessione,  graece  et  lat.  Witte- 
bergae,  1584.  fol.,  and  Mart.  Crusii  Turcograecia,  Basil.  1584.  fol.  lib.  septimus,  p.  409. 
Diary  of  Stephen  Gerlach  the  elder,  edited  by  his  grandson,  Samuel  Gerlach,  1674. 
Comp.  Chr.  F.  Schnurreri  Oratioues  Acad.  Historiam  Literariam  Illustrantes,  ed.  H. 
E.  G.  Paulus,  Tubing.  1828,  p.  113. 

10  Histoire  de  l'Estat  Present  de  l'Eglise  Grecquc  et  de  TEgl'ise  Armenicnne,  par 
M.  le  Chevalier  Ricaut,  traduite  de  l'Anglois  par  M.  de  Rosemond,  a  Middelbourg, 
1692.  12.  p.  337. 

11  Ant.  Possevini,  Societatis  Jesu,  Moscovia,  Vilnae,  1586.  Karamsin,  Hist,  of  the 
Russ.  Emp.  viii.  260. 

12  Possevin  gives  a  report  of  his  three  religious  colloquies  with  the  Czar  in  "  Mos- 
covia."— The  false  Demetrius,  who  was  supported  by  Poland,  immediately  joined  the 
Romish  Church,  but  by  so  doing  alienated  the  Russians,  1606.  Karamsin,  x.  109. 
Ranke,  Fiirsteu  u.  Volker  von  Sudeuropa,  iii.  390. 

VOL.  V. — 9 


130  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

Greeks  in  Lithuania  to  take  part  in  the  union  (1590-1596).13  A 
portion  of  the  renitent  Greeks  attempted,  indeed,  a  union  with 
the  Protestant  dissidents,  but  it  was  prevented  by  the  resistance 
of  the  Greek  clergy.14 

At  that  time  the  priest  Cyrillus  Lucaris,15  a  native  of  the  Ve- 
netian island  of  Crete,  and  educated  in  Venice  and  Padua,  was 
sent  by  Meletius,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  to  Lithuania,  to  aid 
the  oppressed  Greeks  in  that  province.16  He  there  gained  an 
insight  into  the  intrigues  of  the  Jesuits,17  and  became  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  Protestant  clergy.18  Soon  after,  he  became 
Patriarch  of  Alexandria  (1602),  and  saw  how  the  Jesuits,  under 
the  protection  of  the  French  embassy,  built  a  college  at  Galata 
(Pera),  a  suburb  of  Constantinople  (1603),  and  succeeded  not 
only  in  attracting  a  large  number  of  Greek  youths,19  but  also  in 
gaining  over  some  of  the  clergy.20  On  the  other  hand,  he  made 
the  acquaintance,  at  that  time,  of  the  Dutch  embassador  to  the 
Porte,  Cornelius  Haga,21  obtained  through  him  many  Reformed 

13  See  above,  §  59,  Note  10. 

14  Adr.  Regenvolscii  Systema  Historico-chronologicum  Ecclesiarum  Slavonica- 
rum,  Traj.  ad  Rhen.  1652.  4.  p.  478.  Krasinski,  Hist,  of  the  Reformation  in  Poland, 
translated  by  Lindau,  Leipzig,  1841,  p.  207,  218.  Jos.  Lukaszewicz,  Hist,  of  the  Re- 
formed Churches  in  Lithuania  (2  vols.  Leipzig,  1848),  i.  77. 

15  Monuniens  Authentiques  de  la  Religion  des  Grecs,  par  J.  Aymon,  a  la  Have, 
1708.  4.  (contains  many  letters  from  Cyrillus  and  contemporaries,  and  was  therefore 
subsequently  republished  under  the  title  Lettres  Anecdotes  de  Cyrille  Lucaris, 
Amst.  1718).  Thorn.  Smithi  Collectanea  de  Cyrillo  Lucari,  Lond.  1707  (in  this,  among 
others,  p.  77,  a  Fragmentum  Vitae  Cyrilli,  by  Antoine  Leger,  a  clergyman  of  Geneva 
[uncle  of  the  historian  of  the  Vaudois,  Jean  Leger],  who  resided  in  Constantinople 
from  1628-1636,  and  stood  in  intimate  relations  to  Cyrillus).  Highly  inimical  to 
Cyrillus  is  Leo  Allatius,  De  Eccl.  Occid.  et  Orient.  Perpetua  Consensione,  Colon. 
Agr.  1648.  4.  lib.  iii.  c.  11.  Comp.  Mohnike  in  his  Theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.  1832,  iii.  560. 
Kimmel,  Libri  Symb.  Eccl.  Orient.,  Prolegomena,  p.  22  ss.  [KupiXXos  Aoikapis,  6 
oiKovfAiviKo?  TraTpuipxws-  'TCiri  Mu/okou  'Peviipn.  Athen.  1859.  Comp.  Gersdorf  s 
Repert.  Sept.  1860,  p.  257  sq.]. 

16  He  went  there  in  1590,  and  as  late  as  1600  had  occasion  to  give  a  letter  from  his 
patriarch  to  the  king  (see  in  Regenvolscii  Systema  Hist.-chrouol.  p.  467).  Meletius 
was  a  decided  opponent  of  the  Latins,  Leo  Allatius,  De  Eccl.  Occid.  et  Orient.  Per- 
petua Cons.  p.  997. 

17  Cyrillus  himself  speaks  of  this  in  his  Epist.  ad  Jo.  Uytenbogaert,  1613,  in  Ay- 
mon, p.  162. 

18  Leger,  in  Smithi  Collect,  p.  78. 

19  Chrysoculi  Logothctae  Magnae  Ecclesiae  (Constantinop.)  Narratio  nist.  Tur- 
barum,  quas  Constantinopoli  moverunt  Jesuitae  adv.  Cyrillum  Patr.  Anno  Dom. 
1627  et  1628,  written  Nov.  9, 1628,  in  Aymon,  p.  202  ss. 

20  Thus  Cyrillus,  in  1612,  had  a  controversy  with  a  priest  in  Constantinople  who 
was  an  adherent  of  the  Jesuits,  and  preached  in  favor  of  the  Romish  Church;  thus, 
from  reports  of  the  English  legation,  Smith,  p.  15. 

21  This  acquaintance,  according  to  Cyrillus  ad  Uytenbogaert,  in  Aymon,  p.  126, 


APPENDIX.    §  64.  GREEK  CHURCH.  131 

theological  works,  and  was  brought  by  him  into  communication 
with  Reformed  theologians.22 

Greek  theology,  since  Damascenus,  had  had  no  further  devel- 
opment, and  that  which  the  attempts  at  union  of  the  Latins  had 
forced  upon  it  was  still  felt  to  be  heterogeneous  by  the  more 
learned.23  They  laid  great  stress  upon  the  emanation  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  from  the  Father  alone,24  and  on  the  rejection  of 
Romish  supremacy ;  in  the  Protestants,  it  took  exception  at  the 
rejection  of  a  hierarchy,  as  well  as  of  the  worship  of  saints  and 
images.  On  the  other  hand,  with  regard  to  many  points  which 
were  at  that  time  disputed  between  the  Romish  Church  and  the 
Protestants,  the  Greek  theology  still  adhered  to*  the  older  gener- 
al acceptation,  which  was  capable  as  well  of  a  Romish  as  of  a 
Protestant  development.  The  Greek  religion,  however,  had  be- 
come almost  entirely  an  outward  worship,  attaching  an  exagger- 

falls  in  the  year  1603.  For  the  important  consequences  to  him,  see  Cornelii  Hagae 
Epist.  ad  D.  Festum  Hommium,  1627,  in  Kist  en  Royaards  Nederlandsch  Archief 
voor  kerkelijke  Geschiedenis,  ii.  431 :  Gratissimum  fait  Rev.  Patriarchae  Cyrillo  ex- 
emplar illud  confessionis  et  catecheseos  Ecclesiarum  nostrarum,  quibus,  ut  puro 
Dei  verbo  consentaneis,  Praesul  ille  doctissimus  assentitur.  Radios  hos  aeternae 
lucis  hausit  ex  lectione  Patrum  et  Doctorum  Reformatae  Ecclesiae,  quorum  libris 
ante  aliquot  annos,  cum  Alexandrinae  sedi  praeesset,  opera  mea  a  potentissimis  Pa- 
triae Patribus  donatus  fuit.  Such  books  presented  to  him  by  the  States  of  Holland 
are  also  alluded  to  by  Cyrillus  ad  Uytenbogaert,  1613,  in  Aymon,  p.  163.  According 
to  Aymon  (Dissert.  Preliminaire,  p.  8)  he  traveled  in  the  Occident  after  completing 
his  studies  at  Padua,  and  became  acquainted  with  Protestantism.  Later  writers 
(even  Schrockh,  v.  394)  add  that  he  remained  chiefly  in  Geneva  during  this  journey, 
and  there  first  began  to  incline  toward  the  Reformed  Church.  Leo  Allatius,  De 
Eccl.  Occid.  et  Orient.  Perpetua  Consensione,  p.  1074,  first  mentions  the  absurd  false- 
hood that  he  had  journeyed  from  Wallachia  to  Saxony,  and  there  been  bought  over 
to  heresy  for  500  pieces  of  gold.  Of  these  travels  there  is  not  the  least  mention  in 
the  Letters  of  Cyrillus,  as  edited  by  Smith  and  Leger. 

22  At  first  particularly  with  the  Remonstrant  Uytenbogaert,  to  whom  Cyrillus  sent 
two  very  minute  letters  in  1612  and  1613 :  see  Aymon,  p.  127-164. 

23  Thus  the  Latin  idea  of  a  sacrament  was  virtually  foreign  to  the  Greeks,  although 
they  also  observed  the  sacred  functions  which  the  Latins  comprehended  in  this  idea. 
When,  therefore,  the  French  embassador  De  Nointel,  about  1672,  was  endeavoring  to 
collect  testimony  in  favor  of  the  enumeration  of  seven  sacraments,  it  happened  to 
him  that  (Aymon,  p.  464) :  Un  Papas  d'Eglise  de  Prinkipo— dtant  interroge  du  nom- 
bre  des  Sacramens  qu'il  croioit,  lui  repondit,  quHl  n'etoitpas  assez  habile  pour  savoir 
cela,  which  was  of  course  interpreted  as  a  proof  of  the  horrible  ignorance  of  the 
Greeks.  Likewise  Ricaut  (Note  10),  p.  425,  says  of  the  Armenians :  On  embarrasse- 
roit  extremement  les  Docteurs  Armeniens,  pour  peu  qu'on  les  mist  dans  la  necessity 
de  declarer,  si  leur  Eglise  reconnoist  sept  Sacramens,  ou  si  elle  n'en  recoit  que  deux 
seulement.  Comme  la  force  de  ce  mot  leur  est  inconnue,  il  y  a  de  l'impossibilite  & 
en  accommoder  toutes  les  id^es  :1  leur  capacity. 

2*  This  is  also  insisted  upon  by  Cyrillus,  Ep.  ad  Uytenbogaert,  1613  (in  Aymon, 
p.  136). 


132  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.—  A.D.  1517-1048. 

ated  value  to  certain  forms  which  even  a  slight  degree  of  en- 
lightenment could  not  but  recognize  as  partly  indifferent,  partly 
superstitious  rubbish. 

It  was  the  desire  of  Cyrillus  to  effect  a  closer  union  between 
the  Greek  and  the  Reformed  churches,  the  theology  of  which 
lie  considered  as  harmonizing  perfectly  in  its  fundamental  prin- 
ciples, so  that  the  former  might  gradually  be  purified  by  the 
latter,  and  regain  the  spiritual  vigor  necessary  for  resisting  the 
Romish  oppression  with  which  it  was  threatened.25  He  there- 
fore entered  into  a  correspondence  with  various  Reformed  theo- 

85  Compare  his  reirlarks  ad  Uytcnbogacrt,  1012  (Aymon,  p.  130):  Videntur  aliqui 
exprobrare  Ecclesiae  Orientia  t»;j/  a/iujetav,  quod  videlicet  iude  literarum  stadia  et 
philosopnia  in  alias  partes  migraverint.  Sed  certe  ob  hoc,  quod  mine  aiia^ri^  sit 
Oriens,  valde  beatus  reputari  potest: — quia  non  novit  quaenam  sint  illae  pestiferae 
quaestiones,  quae  hoc  tempore  hominum  iuticiuut  aures  ;  nova  portenta  monstraque 
sunt  et  al  KawoTOfxiai,  metuendae  magis  quam  amplectendac.  Contentus  est  in- 
compta  fide  Christi,  quam  ab  Apostolis,  majoribusque  suis  est  edoctus,  iu  illaque 
usque  ad  sanguinem  perseverat,  uunquam  demit,  uunquam  addit,  nuuquam  mutat, 
semper  idem  manct,  semper  integram  tijv  6pSo6o£iuv  tenet  servatque.  Ad  euudem, 
1013  (I.  c.  p.  101) :  Ob  veritatem  ego  et  cum  propriis  meis  fratribus,  Ecclesiasticis 
Graecis,  controversor:  hostis  sum  ignorantiae,  et  ut  populum  simplieem  esse,  djuetSf/, 
non  moleste  fero,  cum  sciam,  nal  iv  t;;  afiuSia  nal  loiwfxa  (leg.  ioiwrKT/iw)  salvari 
posse  homines  adversus  tidci  hostes  in  dies  quasi  dimicantes,  non  armis  sed  patientia 
certantes,  ut  undequaque  se  Christi  fideles  probent:  ita  mini  displieet,  Pastores  et 
Episcopos  nostros  tenebris  ignorantiae  obmcrgi :  hoc  est  quod  nostratibus  exprobro, 
at  nil  proficio.  Nacti  istam  commoditatem,  Jesuitae  iu  Constantinopolim  fuiida- 
menta  jecerunt  ad  erudiendos  pueros,  et  proflciunt  quod  vulpes  inter  gallinas.  Ob- 
ruet  tandem  Romana  doctrina  mundum,  dummodo  huic  negotio  tantam  operant 
impenduut  Curiae  Romanae  satellites,  nisi  Dens  propitius  fuerit,  cujus  dextra  sola 
navcm  nostrum  turpi  isto  naufragio  salvare  potest  etiam.  To  Professor  Diodati  in 
Geneva,  1032  (Aymon,  p.  29):  Tal  e  dunque  questa  Chiesa  Greca,  che  se  ha  qualehe 
Buperstitione,  che  non  manca  simil  rogna,  lo  dico  in  buona  conseientia,  gli  c  taccato 
da  tempo,  dalla  Romana  Chiesa,  usa  infetar  dove  tocca;  unde  bisogna  con  Ieni  e 
lenti  antidoti  provederne,  se  a  qualcheduno  Iddio  dal  ciclo  douasse  questa  gratia  di 
metterli  in  perfectione.  Ua  molti  anni  consigliavo  sopra  questo  negoeio  con  1'  ecce- 
lentissimo  Signore  Imbasciadore  delli  potentissimi  Signori  Stati  di  Hollandia,  Cor- 
nelio  Haga,  etc.  Ad  D.  David  le-Leu  de  Wilhcm  (Aymon,  p.  174)  on  the  controversy 
between  the  Remonstrants  and  Contraremonstrants :  Mini  videtur,  quod  possit  in- 
veniri  modus  et  facilitas  qua  possint  convenire,  dummodo  voluerint  vcrbo  Dei  non 
abscondilo,  sed  revelalo  adhaerere,  omni  alia  contentione  postposita.  Ad  cundem, 
p.  170,  on  the  reformation  to  be  desired:  Eyo  omnia  ilia  capita  apte  credo  ad  tria 
posse  reduci,  quae  si  missa  flerent  et  opposita  introducerentur,  facilis  essct  reforma- 
tio. Ezplodatur  ambitio,  avaritia  et  superstitio.  Introducatur  humilitas  ad  ex- 
emplum  Christi  Domini,  contemptus  temporalium,  et  simplicitas  Evangelii,  et  facile 
obtinetur  cupitum.  Nella  Chiesa  Romana  non  si  ha  da  sperar  questo,  che  gia  molto 
bene  sapiamo  che  loro  non  danno  Begni  di  Riforma,  ma  obstinatamente  defendono  il 
loro  dogma.  Ecelesiam  Graecam  nil  tarn  pessundat  ut  superstitio.  Iddio  proveda 
come  sa,  e  gli  piace.  To  the  senators,  preachers,  and  professors  in  Geneva,  by  Leger, 
on  his  return  in  1030,  p.  5:  Eeco  che  alle  Amplissimc  vostre  Persone,  e  Reverentie 
vostrc  le  apro  le  viscere  del  mio  cuore,  come  a  fratclli  miei  ainantissiini,  abbrazando 


APPENDIX.    §  64.  CYRILLUS  LUCARIS.  133 

logians,  and,  in  1616,  sent  Metrophanes  Critopulus  to  Oxford  to 
be  educated  there.26 

Thus  Cyrillus  drew  upon  himself  in  the  highest  degree  the 
hatred  of  the  Jesuits,  and  they  commenced  their  attacks  on  him 
particularly  after  he  had  become  Patriarch  of  Constantinople. 
With  the  Greeks  they  held  him  up  to  suspicion  on  account  of 
his  intercourse  with  the  Eeformed  theologians;  to  the  Porte 
they  accused  him  of  a  secret  understanding  with  the  Floren- 
tines. Bribery  accomplished  the  rest.  Cyrillus  was  actually 
banished  to  Ehodes  (1622),  but  was  permitted  to  return  after  a 
short  time.27  On  the  part  of  Pome,  meanwhile,  the  most  stren- 
uous efforts  were  made  to  either  win  over  the  hated  Patriarch,28 
or  ruin  him.  The  instruments  made  use  of  were  the  Jesuits 
and  the  French  embassador.  Cyrillus,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
supported  by  the  embassadors  of  England  and  Holland.  A  rep- 
resentative of  the  Pope  even  made  his  appearance  in  Constanti- 
nople in  1626,  but  was  soon  forced  to  withdraw.29  When  the 
Jesuits  made  use  of  a  Greek  printing-press  which  Cyrillus  had 
imported  from  England  (1627)  for  spreading  the  calumny  that 
it  was  intended  for  disputing  the  Koran,30  they  were  publicly 
humiliated  by  the  Mufti,31  and  immediately  after  banished  from 

la  dottrina  vostra,  che  e  orthodoxa  e  catholica,  e  abhorrendo  la  dottriua  delli  adver- 
sarii,  la  dottrina  Romana  falsa  e  corrotta. 

26  Cyrillus  recommended  him  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  George  Abbot, 
see  Aymon,  p.  46,  and  in  Pauli  Colomesii  Opp.,  ed.  Fabricius,  Hamb.  1709,  p.  557. 
Abbot's  gracious  answer  see  in  ColomesiuSj  p.  561.  Subsequently  the  same  Me- 
trophanes visited  the  German  Protestant  universities,  and  in  Helmstadt,  where  he 
remained  for  some  time,  in  1625,  was  induced  to  make  a  statement  of  the  doctrines 
of  his  Church :  Confessio  Catholicae  et  Apost.  in  Oriente  Ecclesiae,  conscripta  com- 
pendiose  per  Metroph.  Critopulum,  edita  et  Latinitate  donata  a  Jo.  Hornejo,  Helm- 
stad.  1661.  4.  ;  reprinted  in  Weissenborn,  Appendix  Librorum  Symb.  Eccl.  Orient. 
Jenae,  1850. —Cyrillus  presented  to  the  King  of  England,  Charles  I.,  the  famous 
Codex  Alexandrinus,  from  which  Patric.  Junius,  Oxon.  1633.  4.  first  published  the 
Epistt.  dementis  Rom. ;  see  his  Preface. 

27  See  Chrysoculus,  1628,  in  Aymon,  p.  204.  Smithi  Collectan.  p.  25.  An  accouut 
thereof  from  Cyrillus's  own  lips  is  given  by  Leger  in  1629,  in  Smith,  p.  80. 

29  Comp.  the  instructions  to  that  effect  received  about  1624  by  Canachio  Rossi,  a 
native  Greek,  but  educated  by  the  Jesuits  in  Rome,  in  Aymon,  p.  211.  There  it  is 
also  said,  Note  3,  that  the  Pope  would  willingly  spend  ogni  gran  summa  di  denaro, 
per  riunir  si  nobil  membro  (the  Patriarch)  alia  Chiesa. 

29  Chrysoculus,  1628,  in  Aymon,  p.  215  ss.  .  Smith,  p.  33. 

30  Chrysoculus,  in  Aymon,  p.  217  ss.  Smith,  p.  35.  Leger,  in  Smith,  p.  82.  The 
Patriarch  had  an  explanation  of  the  Apostolic  Symbol  printed  for  popular  instruc- 
tion ;  this  was  made  use  of  for  the  above-mentioned  calumny. 

31  The  latter,  questioned  by  the  Grand  Vizier,  gave  the  explanation  (Chrysoculus, 
in  Aymon,  p.  223),  dogmata  contra  Mahometis  instituta  non  esse  continuo  blasphe- 


134  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1048. 

the  Turkish  empire  (162S).33  Others,  however,  soon  arrived  un- 
der a  different  name,33  and  continued  the  persecution  assisted  by 
a  number  of  Latinized  Greeks.  A  new  impulse  was  given  to 
them  by  Cyrillus's  Confession,  written  with  a  view  to  an  agree- 
ment with  the  Reformed  Church,  and  published  in  1G29  by  the 
Dutch  embassador  Cornelius  Ilaga.31     Cyrillus  was  repeatedly 

miis  aut  criruinibus  annurneranda.  Cumque  pennisisset  Imperator  Christianis  doc- 
trinam  suam  profitcri,  ipsos  non  magis  rcos  esse  typis  mandando,  quam  pro  cond- 
one praedicando  publico,  quid  crederent:  ueque  diversitatem  opinionuni,  sed  scan- 
daluin  legibus  pocnisque  obuoxios  facerc. 

32  Chrysoculus,  in  Aymon,  p.  227.     Smith,  p.  42. 

33  Chrysoculus,  in  Aymon,  p.  232.     Leger,  in  Smith,  p.  83. 

3*  It  first  appeared  only  in  Latin :  Confessio  Fidei  Rev.  Dom.  Cyrilli,  Patriarchae 
Const.  1629,  made  a  great  sensation,  and  gave  rise  to  a  reply:  Matthaei  Caryophili, 
Archiep.  Iconiensis,  Censura  Confessionis  Fidei,  seu  potius  Pertidiae  Calviniauae, 
quae  Nomine  Cyrilli  Patr.  Const,  circumfertur,  Romae,  1631  (Smith,  p.  43).  In  the 
beginning  its  authenticity  was  doubted :  the  French  embassador  was  ordered  to 
question  Cyrillus  particularly  with  regard  to  it  (Lettre  du  Sieur  van  Hague  of  Jan. 
7, 1632,  in  Smith,  p.  71,  and  Cyrillus's  Letter  to  Diodati  of  Apr.  15,  1632,  in  Aymon, 
p.  31).  Cyrillus  sent  the  Confession  in  Greek  to  Geneva  by  Leger,  and  gave  his  per- 
mission to  have  it  printed  (to  Diodati,  in  Aymon,  p.  30).  It  appeared,  Gencvae,  1633 ; 
republished,  ostensibly  by  Grotius:  Cyrilli  Luc.  Confessio  Christ.  Fidei,  cui  adjunc- 
ta  est  Genuina  ejusdem  Confessionis  Censura  Synodalis,  una  a  Cyrillo  Berrhoeensi, 
altera  a  Parthenio  promulgata ;  in  1645,  also  in  Kimmel,  Libri  Symbol.  Eccl.  Orient., 
Jenae,  1843,  p.  24.  It  consists  of  eighteen  KsrpdXata  and  four  added  ipunnaus  Kai 
('nroKpiaiLi,  and  is  Calvinian  throughout:  the  Holy  Ghost,  however,  is  designated, 
HHp.  a,  as  ik  tou  iraT/oos  St  vlou  irpoepxoptvov.  The  following  declaration  on  the 
worship  of  images  is  remarkable:  iiroxp.  6' :  iii»  IcrTopiav,  tTrio-ijpov  tIxv^v  ouo-av, 
ouk  aTrofiuXXop.iv,  dXXd  Kal  liKovas  ix*lv  Kal  T0"  X/okttoD  Kai  twv  dyiwv  tw  (iovXopivio 
irapixpixtv  '  tiju  ok  \aTptiav  Kai  Srpi)(jKt'iav  atiTwv,  wi  aTniyoptuopiviiv  irapd  tou  dyiov 
tviv/jlutos  iv  tij  ttprx  ypaq^fj,  i^ouJivouptv,'iva  p.i\  XdSiopzv  dvrt  tou  kt'lcjtou  Kal  ttoiij- 
tou  xpiifiaTa  Kal  Tt)(ynv  Kal  KTiVjuara  Trpocricvvtiv.  Kal  tod  dXXws  cppovouvTa  &3r\tov 
vyoiiptSu,  (is  ouvbv  ix"VTa  ovco'tos  iv  Tali  <j>pial,  Kal  irtTriopwp.ivi)v  t>)v  Kapciav.  Kai 
ijv  d.v  Kptiaaov  tou  Stou  ivToXij  uiroTaao-taSat,  i)  uv^pwTrwv  irii!zio~!zut  paTaioXoyiafs. 
"OttejO  iv  cpofim  Stou  Kai  ayaSrj  avvuSncrtt  'tKTt^ripiSra,  il  kui  <rrJ/<rai  t!\v  cjwpdv  Kpiio-crov 
v  kuS'  ?V«s  ti-vat  6p.oXoyoup.tv.  The  greater  part  of  the  educated  Greeks  in  Constan- 
tinople must  have  been  in  unison  with  this  Confession  at  that  time.  Cyrillus  desig- 
nates it  (Letter  to  Diodati,  1632,  in  Aymon,  p.  33)  as  la  Confession  mia  e  della  Chie- 
sa  Greca;  and  the  Dutch  embassador,  Corn.  Haga,  writes,  Jan.  7,  1632  (in  Smith, 
p.  76) :  II  semble,  que  par  la  providence  dc  Dicu  les  Catholiques  romains  n'effectu- 
cront  point  autre  chose  par  leur  inouye,  odieuse,  et  intolerable  persecution,  que 
d' inciter  le  Patriarche  et  toute  l'Eglise  greeque  a  un  plus  grand  ztMc  de  poursuivre 
l'ceuvre  commun,  et  faire  paroistre  la  verite.  Je  vous  puis  assurer,  Monsieur,  qu'il 
n'y  a  personne  ici  entre  les  Metropolitans  (dont  il  y  a  present  grand  nombre  chez 
le  Patriarche),  et  des  Principaux  de  (inVe,  qui  nc  veuille  mettre  sa  personne,  sa  vie, 
et  son  bien  pour  la  defense  du  dit  Patriarche  et  sa  Confession.  The  Monk  Arsenius, 
too,  who  in  1642  reports  most  unfavorably  on  Cyrillus  and  his  Confession,  says  of 
1 1n-  former  (Cyrilli  Luc.  Confessio,  1645,  p.  104) :  Xyo-TpiKt'iv  Ttva  a-uynpoTi'icras  abvooov 
Ik  -ropy  opoiwv  iavT(o  Kai  LirtTp'nrTwv  dvSrpwirwv, — t»;i/  caipoviuv  eKeitnjv  tjJs  TriaTtw: 
iKZiaiv  toTs-  KaXflivov  ooypavt  auviioovuav  tuvpwaiv.  The  Romish  writers,  Leo  Alla- 
tius  at  their  head,  accuse  Cyrillus  of  grave  misdeeds,  and  assert  that  he  was  bribed 
by  the  Calvinists  (Smith,  p.  6Uj ;  so,  too,  the  later  Greek  writers.     But  Grotius,  too, 


APPENDIX.    §  64.  ARMENIAN  CHURCH.  135 

ousted  from  his  seat  and  reinstalled,35  until  at  length  his  en- 
emies, under  pretense  of  his  having  an  understanding  with  the 
hostile  Cossacks,  induced  the  Sultan  to  order  him  to  be  strangled 
(1638).36  His  successor,  Cyrillus  of  Berrhoea,  who  was  in  favor 
of  Latinization,  immediately  caused  the  heresies  of  his  predeces- 
sor to  be  condemned  at  a  synod  in  Constantinople ; 3T  the  party 
of  the  latter,  however,  was  so  far  from  being  dissolved,  and  the 
Church  in  Constantinople  seemed  so  undecided,  that  the  Metro- 
politan of  Kiew,  Petrus  Magilas,  was  thereby  induced  to  write  a 
creed,  which  was  acknowledged  in  1643  by  all  the  patriarchs,38 
and  won  high  consideration  in  the  Greek  Church. 

The  relations  of  the  Armenian  Church  to  that  of  Rome  lon<r 


judges  him  harshly,  Votum  pro  Pace  Ecclesiae,  1642,  p.  57:  Cyrillum  ilium  Con- 
stautinopolitanum  novi  priclem  et  ille  me.  Doieo  ilium  consiliis  externis,  politicis 
sane,  non  theologicis,  ad  ea  abductum,  quae  si  fecisset  Papa,  jam  ilium  aperte  na- 
TUKvpitiiuv  twv  iiknpwv,  omnes  scholarum,  omues  basiliearum  parietes  resonarent. 
Discussio  Rivetiani  Apologetici,  Ireuopoli,  1645,  p.  10 :  Sumenda  est  Ecclesia  Graeca, 
non  qualem  ex  suo  capite  Cyrillus  nuper  inductus  pretio  conflnxerat,  sed  qualis  est 
revera.  P.  87:  Cyrillus  ille — absque  Synodo,  absque  Patriarcharum,  absque  Metro- 
politarum  consensu  fldem  ritusque  Graecos  mutare  voluit  ad  Calvinisticam  formam. 
Nonne  in  eo  sibi  arrogavit,  quod  erat  plurium  ?  These  reproaches  are  mostly  can- 
celed by  that  which  precedes  them.  It  seems,  indeed,  as  if  the  embassadors  of 
Holland  and  England  had  worked  for  Cyrillus  by  bribery,  as  his  enemies,  the  French 
embassador  in  particular,  worked  against  him ;  but  if  Cyrillus  himself  had  been  ac- 
tuated by  avarice,  he  would  have  been  more  likely  to  fare  advantageously  on  the 
other  side;  see  above,  Note  28. 

35  He  was  banished  to  Tencdos  in  1634,  to  Chios  in  1635,  to  Rhodes  in  1636;  comp. 
his  letters  in  Aymon,  p.  2,  66.     Smith,  p.  56. 

36  Smith,  p.  60.  Already  in  1628,  Chrysoculus  complains,  in  Aymon,  p.  209:  Nee 
unquam  eluent  banc  invidiam  Jesuitae  et  fautor  ipsorum  Gallus,  quod  Turcas  do- 
cuerint  hisce  altercationibus,  posse  ingentes  summas  extorqueri  a  Christianis,  qui 
prius  pauperes  monachi  audiebant:  quod  quidem  nunquam  dediscetur,  et  aliquando 
sedem  ipsam  patriarchalem  pessumdabit.  En  zelum  religionis  et  Patrum  caritatem  ! 
Thus,  later,  too,  the  intrigues  for  the  dignity  of  patriarch  were  continued ;  accord- 
ing to  Cyrillus,  there  were  fifteen  changes  of  patriarchs  before  1671  (Aymon,  p.  314). 
This  proved  too  much  even  for  the  Turks,  and  the  Grand  Vizier,  in  1671,  received  the 
new  Patriarch,  Dionysius  of  Larissa,  and  his  clergy  with  the  words  (De  la  Croix, 
Etat  Present  des  Nations  et  Eglises  Grecque,  Armdnienne  et  Maronite  en  Turquie, 
a  Paris,  1715. 12.  p.  113) :  Chiens,  sans  foi  et  sans  loi,  la  zizanie,  la  discorde  et  la  ja- 
lousie regneront-elles  toujours  parmi  vous,  et  ne  cesserez-vous  jamais  de  vous  per- 
secuter  les  uns  et  les  autres  ?— je  vous  ferai  tous  mourir,  si  j'entens  parler  de  vous 
de  plus  de  six  mois. 

37  Resolution  of  the  Synod  of  Constantinople  under  Cyrillus  of  Berrhoea,  1638, 
in  Kimmel,  Libri  Symb.  Eccl.  Orient,  p.  398;  of  that  of  Jassy,  under  the  Patriarch 
Parthenius,  1642,  p.  408 ;  of  that  of  Jerusalem,  under  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem, 
Dositheus,  1672,  p.  325. 

3  Op.Sro'do£os  ofioXoyla  tt/9  TriaTtw?  tii<s  KaSokLKiys  /cat  aTro<TToXii<f/s  f/CK\j)<r/as  -rjjs 
avaTo\iK?)<;,  ed.  Panagiota,  Amstel.  1662;  Laur.  Normannus,  Lips.  1695;  C.  G.  Hof- 
mannus,  Vratisl.  1751 ;  see  Kimmel,  p.  45,  comp.  his  Prolegomena,  p.  1. 


136  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-1648. 

remained  in  the  old  undecided  state :  the  Armenian  patriarchs, 
in  their  tribulations,39  sought  to  retain  the  assistance  hitherto  re- 
ceived from  the  Romish  Church,  and  therefore  paid  homage  to 
the  Pope,40  but  the  doctrine  and  customs  of  the  Armenian  Church 
remained  unchanged.  The  Armenians,  as  a  commercial  nation, 
had  spread  over  all  countries,  and  settled  particularly  in  com- 
mercial cities,  but  still  remained  in  connection  with  their  Patri- 
arch. It  was  only  since  the  Propaganda41  had  begun  to  operate 
in  Home,  to  educate  Armenians  in  the  strict  Romish  faith,  and 
to  send  out  missionaries  in  order  to  gain  Armenians  for  the 
Romish  Church,42  that  there  were  in  reality  United  Armenians, 
who,  with  their  own  church  ordinances,  combined  the  Romish 
faith,  and  thus  there  occurred  at  this  time  frequent  dissensions 
and  separations  between  United  and  non- United  Armenians. 
Already,  since  the  eleventh  century,  Armenians  had  spread  over 
the  Crimea,  Moldavia,  Wallachia,  and  in  Southern  Russia  as  far 
as  Southern  Poland,  where  Lemberg  became  their  chief  seat. 
It  was  there  that  the  Archbishop  Nicholas  TorosowTicz,  in  1G24, 
gave  the  first  example  of  a  real  union  by  withdrawing  from  the 
supervision  of  the  Patriarch  in  Edshmiadsin  and  subjecting 
himself  to  the  Pope.  For  a  long  time  he  met  with  resistance: 
the  Armenians  in  Poland  did  not  submit  till  1G52,  when  the 
union  was  established  by  an  Armenian  college  which  the  Propa- 
ganda founded  in  Lemberg  in  1664.43  Nevertheless,  the  patri- 
archs in  Edshmiadsin  still  kept  up  for  some  time  their  friend- 
ly relations  with  rich  and  powerful  Rome,44  until  the  frequent 

39  Short  Historic  Description  of  the  Present  Condition  of  the  Armenian  People, 
St.  Petersburg,  1831,  p.  8,  25.  . 

40  The  Patriarch  Stephen  V.  came  to  Rome  in  1545,  and  remained  there  two  years  ; 
Neumann,  Hist,  of  Armenian  Literature,  Leips.  1836,  p.  228.  His  successor,  Michael, 
in  1563,  sent  an  embassador  with  a  letter  of  submission  to  the  Pope;  see  the  letter 
in  Raynald.  1564,  Note  51.  Likewise  Moses  III.  (1629-1633);  sec  Le  Quien,  Oriens 
Christ,  i.  1414,  and  Jacob  IV.  (1655-1680) ;  ibid.  i.  1415. 

41  See  above,  §  58,  Note  35.  In  consequence  of  the  impulse  given  by  the  Propa- 
ganda, the  Patriarch  Moses  III.  (1629-1633)  also  founded  several  schools,  Neumann, 
p.  237. 

42  Thus  in  particular  the  Theatinc  Clement  Galanus,  who  remained  in  the  East 
twelve  years,  and  published  his  Conciliatio  Eccl.  Armenae  cum  Ecel.  Romans  in  3 
vols,  (the  first  contains  a  Hist.  Armcna)  in  the  printing-office  of  the  Propaganda 
until  1650,  Neumann,  p.  242. 

43  Saint-Martin,  in  the  Journal  Asiatiquc,  torn.  ii.  (Paris,  1823)  p.  23. 

44  See  above,  Note  40.  Under  the  Patriarch  Philip  1.  |  1632-1655)  the  Dominican 
Paulus  Firomalli,  who  had  been  sent  as  missionary  to  Armenia  by  Urban  VIII.,  was 
for  several  years  instructor  in  the  school  at  Edshmiadsin,  Neumann,  p.  241. 


APPENDIX.    §  64.  ORIENTAL  CHURCHES.  137 

unions  which  took  place  toward  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  cent- 
ury disturbed  them,  and  at  the  same  time  widened  more  and 
more  the  breach  between  United  and  non-United  Armenians.45 

The  remaining  Oriental  churches  continued  to  lie  motionless 
under  heavy  oppression  and  in  spiritual  torpidity.  Rome  un- 
tiringly carried  on  its  attempts  at  union,  and  frequently  suffer- 
ed itself  to  be  deceived  by  hollow  demonstrations  of  respect,  of 
which  the  heads  of  those  churches  were  by  no  means  sparing, 
if  there  were  any  advantage  to  be  gained  by  them.46 

45  Jeremias  Tshelebi,  in  Constantinople  (d.  1695),  wrote  against  the  United  Ar- 
menians, Neumann,  p.  252.  Job.  Golod,  who  was  Armenian  Patriarch  from  1715, 
brought  about  a  cruel  persecution  of  the  same,  which  lasted  nine  years,  Neumann, 
p.  256. 

46  Characteristic  of  this  is  an  occurrence  of  which  Franc.  Sacchinus,  Historia  Soc. 
Jesu,  pt.ii.,givesa  detailed  account.  Under  Paul  IV.  there  appeared  in  Rome  Abra- 
ham, an  envoy  from  the  Coptic  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  with  a  letter  from  the  latter, 
which  was  construed  in  Rome  as  an  assurance  of  submission.  Further  inquiries  in 
Egypt  through  the  Venetian  Consul  seemed  to  show  a  great  desire  for  union  on  the 
part  of  the  Patriarch.  Pius  IV.  therefore,  in  1561,  sent  several  Jesuits,  Christopher 
Roderic  at  their  head,  to  Egypt  with  costly  gifts  (Sacchinus,  ii.  193  ss.).  After  the 
Patriarch  had  received  the  gifts,  however,  it  was  found  that  the  prospect  opened 
did  not  amount  to  any  thing.  Abraham,  together  with  another  named  Georgius, 
was  finally  authorized,  in  1562,  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  Jesuits,  but  Abra- 
ham no  longer  remembered  all  his  promises  made  in  Rome  (Sacchinus,  ii.  248). 
When  Roderic  demanded  a  formal  declaration  of  submission  from  the  Patriarch,  the 
commissioners  answered  (p.  249),  eum  sermonem  accidere  sibi  novum,  postque  Chal- 
cedonense  Concilium  et  Patriarcharum  disjunctionem  unumquemque  sua  in  Eccle- 
sia  caput  esse  magistrumque  summum ;  immo  Romanum  Pontificem,  si  forte  erraret, 
a  caeteris  Patriarchis  judicari  oportere.  Litteris  suis  modeste  se  et  officiose  locu- 
tos,  atque  obedicntiam  professos  eo  ritu,  quo  humaniter  cum  amicis  agitur,  dum  ad 
eorum  jussa  nos  paratos  profitemur :  suae  humilitatis  causa  titulis  illis  et  nominum 
insignibus  Romanum  Patriarcham  affecisse :  adjecisse  autem  suis  in  litteris  fidei 
summam,  quod  hujuscemodi  communicatioue  se  invicem  salutare  Patriarchas  dece- 
ret:  atque  homiuem  petiisse,  quod,  ut  ipse  ex  caritate  salutasset  Pontificem,  ita 
gratum  sibi  futurum  esset,  si  a  Poutifice  misso  nuncio  vicissim  ipse  salutaretur. 
The  Jesuits  continued  their  negotiations,  but  all  their  craftiness  was  of  no  avail 
against  the  resoluteness  of  the  shrewd  barbarians.  Nevertheless,  the  Romish  pas- 
sion for  union  soon  allowed  itself  to  be  again  deceived.  In  the  year  1594  a  new  em- 
bassy of  the  Coptic  Patriarch  came  to  Rome  (Baronii  Ann.  Eccl.  ad  Ann.  452,  No. 
23),  was  entertained  and  presented  with  gifts,  and  signed  whatever  was  demanded. 
Thus  Baronius,  in  a  Corollarium  ad  T.  VI.  Annalium,  p.  905,  celebrates  the  union  of 
the  Copts,  which  soon  proved  just  as  void  as  all  the  former  ones.  Cyrillus  Lucaris 
ad  Jo.  Uytenbogaert,  1613,  in  Aymon,  p.  157,  writes  thereupon :  Papa  Clemens  VIII. 
Romanus  multa  fecit  tulitque  se  componere  cum  illis  (Coptis),  et  rideret  Vestra  Do- 
miuatio,  si  sciret,  quali  usi  fuerint  Coptae  in  hoc  ncgotio  stratagemate,  quantumque 
Papa  ab  illis  dclusus  fuerit,  quamvis  Baronius  novus  historiographus,  antequam  bene 
veritatem  percepisset,  cum  forsan  pro  more  aulae  Romanae  adularetur  Clementi, 
istam  ei  gloriam  referre  properaverit, — voluitque  ea  de  Coptarum  in  Ecclcsia  Ro- 
mana  conversione  scribere  in  suis  Chronicis,  quae  tempus  non  multum  postea  falso 
fuisse  omnia  probavit.  Imo  Paulus  praesens  Papa  istam  ob  causani  aliquos  Coptas 
ejecit  Roma. 


138  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  I.-A.D.  1517-164S. 

The  Maronites  alone,  in  their  isolation,  clung  firmly  to  Home, 
and  by  the  Collegium  Maroniticum,  which  Gregory  XII.  found- 
ed in  Home  in  1584,  were  bound  more  and  more  closely  to  the 
Papal  See.47 

47  Cyrillus  Lucaris  ad  Jo.  Uytenbogaert,  1613,  in  Aymou,  p.  159:  Maronitica  sccta 
est  semi-Romana,  imo  iucipit  esse  tota  Romana;  quia  multi  Maronitae  profecti  Ro- 
mam  litteris  operant  navarunt,  indeque  in  montcm  Libauum,  castellum  in  Proviucia 
Phoeniciae,  ubi  est  corum  residentia  principalis,  migrarunt,  optime  a  Ronianis  in- 
structi,  et  modo  tota  quasi  gens  ilia  Romanam  scquitur  religionem.  Cum  maxime 
eorum  primus  Episcopus  se  Papistam  profiteatur,  et  quia  Antioebeni  Patriarchae 
Dioecesis  contigua  est  Maronitis,  timeo  ne  incipiaut  et  vicinos  inficere,  praesertim, 
cum  a  parte  Patriarchae,  et  a  nobis  admoniti,  conveniens  tamen  non  sit  cautio : 
homo  enim  Arabs  non  capax  est  mali,  quod  serpit. 


FOURTH    PERIOD, 


SECOND  DIVISION. 

FROM  THE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  TO  THE  TREATY  OF  PARIS, 

1648-1814. 

Sources:  Acta  Historico-ecclesiastica.  Weimar,  1736-90,  in  3  Series,  together  49  vols. 

8. — Neueste  Religions-Geschichte,  edited  by  Walcb  and  Planck.    Lemgo,  1771-93. 

12  pts.  8.— Henke's  Archiv  fur  die  neueste  Kirchengesckichte.    Weimar,  1794-99. 

6  vols,  with  some  continuations. 
Authorities:  Kirckengeschichte  des  18.  Jahrkunderts,  von  v.  Einem,  2  Bde.    Leipzig, 

1782.  —  Schlegel's  Kirchengesckichte  des  18.  Jahrhunderts.     Heilbronn,  3  Th. 

1784-96. — Henke's  Kirckengeschichte  des  18.  Jahrhunderts,  vollendet  von  Vater. 

4  Th.  (5.  bis  8.  Theil  der  Kirchengeschichte),  1802-1820.  —  Memoires  pour  servir 

a  l'Histoire  Eccles.  pendant  le  ISieme  Siecle.    Paris,  1815-16.  2de  Edit.  4  tomes. — 

Schlosser,  Die  Geschichte  des  18.  Jahrhunderts  in  gedrangter  Uebersicht  mit  ste- 

ter  Beziehung  auf  die  vollige  Veranderung  der  Denk-uud  Regierungsweise  am 

Ende  desselben.  2  Th.    Heidelberg,  1823. 


PART  FIRST. 

HISTORY  OF  PHILOSOPHY  IN  ITS  RELATIONS  TO  CHRISTIANITY. 

§    1- 

INTRODUCTION.    THE  EARLIER  SECRET  OPPONENTS  OF  CHRIS- 
TIANITY. 

The  revival  of  the  ancient  literature  subsequent  to  the  fif- 
teenth century  furnished  men  of  learning  with  such  abundant 
facilities  for  testing  the  existing  ecclesiastical  system,  and  at  the 
same  time  disclosed  to  them  so  many  new  opinions  upon  relig- 
ious subjects,  that,  as  a  natural  result,  many  were  prejudiced 
against  Christianity  itself,  accustomed  as  they  were  to  regard  it 
as  identical  ■with  the  prevailing  dogmatic  s}rstem.  The  aver- 
sion which  they  entertained  to  the  scholastic  Aristotelian  philos- 
ophy passed  over  to  the  scholastic  theology,  and  from  it  to  the 
Christian  religion ;  and  the  theologians  themselves  gave  them 
some  cause  for  this  feeling  by  contending  as  zealously  for  scho- 
lasticism as  for  Christianity.  And,  lastly,  the  newly  awakened 
partiality  for  antiquity  very  naturally  came  to  embrace  all  the 


140  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A. D.  104S-1S14. 

sentiments  of  the  great  men  of  antiquity,  including  many  of  their 
religious  opinions.  So  exaggerated  was  the  estimation  in  which 
the  really  valuable  materials  found  in  the  ancient  writers  were 
held,  that  all  their  opinions  and  utterances  were  regarded  as  in- 
capable of  improvement,  and  there  now  arose  in  many  quarters 
a  servile  adherence  to  the  ancients  as  blind  as  the  devotion  of 
the  masses  to  the  Church.  This  manifested  itself  as  early  as 
the  fifteenth  century,  and  to  a  still  greater  degree  in  the  six- 
teenth century  in  Italy  and  even  at  the  Papal  Court ;  and  most 
of  the  friends  of  ancient  learning  either  held  very  lax  views 
respecting  religious  subjects,  or  were  opponents  of  Christianity, 
if  not  secret  atheists.  Owing  to  the  severity  of  the  Inquisition, 
these  opinions  were  seldom  expressed  in  public,  and  were  en- 
tirely withheld  from  the  knowledge  of  the  people.  The  enemies 
of  Christianity  were  compelled  to  keep  quiet,  and  outwardly  to 
adhere  strictly  to  the  Catholic  Church.  Nevertheless,  there  were 
individuals  who,  in  their  writings,  gave  utterance  to  novel  and 
remarkable  opinions. 

Among  these  was  Petrus  Pomponatius  (d.  1526),  a  teacher  of 
philosophy  at  Padua  and  Bologna,  who  employed  the  skepticism 
of  the  academicians  to  assail  the  truths  of  religion,  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul,  the  providence  of  God,  and  other  principles 
of  Christianity.  He  escaped  the  persecution  of  the  Inquisition 
only  by  distinguishing  between  philosophical  and  religious  truths, 
and  declared  that  he  submitted  entirely  to  the  teachings  of  the 
Church,  although  they  could  not  be  demonstrated  by  reason. 
From  his  school  proceeded  many  other  philosophers,  who  taught 
equally  dangerous  doctrines. 

Nicolas  Macchiavelli  (d.  1530),  secretary  of  the  Florentine 
Republic,  in  his  Principles  of  the  Art  of  Government  (II  Prin- 
cipe), which  laid  down  the  principles  of  a  complete  despotism, 
had  the  hardihood  to  make  both  the  religion  and  the  faith  of 
the  subject  wholly  dependent  upon  the  wilt  of  the  sovereign. 

John  Bodinus  (d.  159G),  a  doctor  of  laws  at  Toulouse,  left  a 
manuscript  work  which  was  extensively  circulated,  containing  a 
colloquy  between  a  Jew,  a  Mohammedan,  a  heathen,  a  Catholic, 
a  Lutheran,  a  Reformed  Protestant,  and  a  naturalist  (Colloqui- 
um Ileptaplomeres),  in  which  Christianity  was  ranked  below  all 
the  other  religions.1 

1  Ileptaplomeres  des  Job.  Bodiuus  von  Gubrauer,  Bcrl.  1841. 


PART  I.— §  2.  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.  141 


§  2. 

THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY,  AND  ITS  RELA- 
TION TO  THEOLOGY. 

Similar  manifestations  of  secret  hostility  to  Christianity,  con- 
nected in  some  instances  with  various  superstitions  of  a  different 
character,  particularly  astrology  and  magic,  appear  in  the  seven- 
teenth century  in  Catholic  countries,  and  especially  in  Italy. 

In  the  seventeenth  century  it  was  customary  for  princes  and 
other  dignitaries  to  maintain  their  private  court  -  astrologers. 
Most  of  these  men  based  their  astrology  upon  the  theory  that 
the  world  is  a  mechanism  which  operates  according  to  certain 
laws,  without  the  interposition  of  the  Deity. 

But  these  opinions  were  exceptional,  and  exercised  no  influ- 
ence at  all  upon  the  theology  or  the  popular  belief  of  the  age. 
The  theologians,  both  Catholic  and  Evangelical,  adhered  to  the 
philosophy  of  Aristotle,  which  was  interwoven  with  the  whole 
theological  system,  and  regarded  every  contradiction  of  it  and 
every  attempt  to  found  an  independent  philosophy  as  a  devia- 
tion from  the  orthodoxy  of  the  Church,  and  an  act  of  hostility 
to  Christianity.  As  early  as  the  sixteenth  century  this  was  the 
fate  of  several  philosophers,  and  in  the  seventeenth  century  of 
the  most  distinguished  philosopher  of  that  age,  Benatus  Cartesi- 
us  (Rene  Descartes).1  He  was  born  in  the  province  of  Ton  rain  e, 
served  as  a  soldier  in  several  campaigns,  then  lived  for  a  consid- 
erable time  in  Holland,  where  he  published  most  of  his  philo- 
sophical and  mathematical  works,  and  finally  repaired  to  the 
court  of  Queen  Christina  of  Sweden,  dying  soon  after  at  Stock- 
holm in  the  year  1650. 

Dissatisfied  with  the  existing  philosophies,  particularly  because 
they  invariably  started  with  principles  which  seemed  to  him 
themselves  to  require  demonstration,  he  began  by  calling  in 
question  all  external  reality.  He  accepted  nothing  as  certain 
but  his  own  thinking,  and  took  this  as  the  only  proof  of  his  ex- 
istence (cogito,  ergo  sum).  But  this  thinking  must  have  a  cause, 
and  he  accordingly  inferred  an  absolute  cause,  the  source  of  all 
the  reality  of  our  ideas,  viz.,  God.     He  next  reached  the  idea  of 

1  Cartesius  und  seine  Gegner,  von  C.  E.  Hock,  Wien,  1835.  Des  Cartes  und  Spi- 
noza, von  C.  Schaarschmidt,  Bonn,  1850  (G.  G.  A.  1851,  Marz,  S.  401). 


142  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1648-1814. 

the  most  perfect  being,  and,  inasmuch  as  this  includes  the  ve- 
racity of  God,  he  inferred  from  it  also  the  reality  of  things  ex- 
ternal to  us,  since  God  would  deceive  us  by  our  ideas  if  they 
had  no  objective  reality.  This  system  was  still  further  devel- 
oped, especially  by  the  followers  of  Descartes,  to  the  extent  of 
asserting  an  activity  of  God  in  his  works  so  absolute  as  to  re- 
duce the  whole  world  to  a  machine  dependent  for  its  operation 
upon  God  alone,  thereby  subverting  all  moral  freedom  on  the 
part  of  men. 

In  France  and  Holland  Cartesius  gained  many  followers,  es- 
pecially among  the  Jansenists,  whose  theory  of  predestination 
found  a  support  in  this  philosophy,  while  the  Jesuits  were  its 
bitter  enemies.  In  the  Reformed  Church  of  Holland  Descartes 
also  found  many  adherents,  who  were  for  this  reason  assailed  by 
the  other  Reformed  theologians. 

Far  more  dangerous  to  religion  and  Christianity  was  the  phi- 
losophy of  Benedict  Spinoza  (born  at  Amsterdam,  1632).  He 
was  a  Jew  by  birth,  but  was  afterward  excommunicated  by  the 
Jews  on  account  of  his  opinions,  and  thereafter  lived  entirely 
among  Christians,  without,  however,  receiving  baptism.  He 
died  at  the  Hague  in  1677.  His  system  is  a  perfect  pantheism. 
Refusing  to  admit  that  one  substance  can  create  another,  he 
holds  that  there  is  but  one  substance,  and  that  this  is  God.  All 
individual  entities  are  only  modifications  of  the  one  divine  es- 
sence. All  human  freedom  is  thus  destroyed,  for  in  all  individ- 
ual beings  it  is  the  Deity  alone  that  acts ;  they  have  no  personal 
independence  or  freedom  of  will.  But  inasmuch  as  God  him- 
self acts  according  to  the  laws  of  his  nature,  he  also  has  no 
free-will.  Thus  the  whole  universe  is  transformed  into  a  mere 
machine,  which  operates  according  to  certain  laws.  Spinoza's 
system  was  long  decried  as  pure  atheism.  Although  it  does  not 
deserve  to  be  thus  stigmatized,  it  is  undeniable  that  it  rests  upon 
very  arbitrary  principles,  and  may  be  made  practically  quite  as 
dangerous  as  atheism. 


PART  I.— §  3.  OPPONENTS  OF  CHRISTIANITY  IN  ENGLAND.      143 

§  3. 

THE  OPPONENTS  OF  CHRISTIANITY  IN  ENGLAND. 

John  Leland's  Deist  Writers,  2  vols.  1798.  German  Trausl.  Hannover,  1755. — Lech- 
ler's  Geschichte  des  Engl.  Deismus.  Stuttgart  und  Tubingen,  1811. — [Jolm  Leland, 
View  of  Deistical  Writers;  new  ed.    Edmund,  Lond.  1837]. 

These  philosophers  had  as  yet  ventured  to  make  no  direct  at- 
tacks upon  Christianity.  However  much  the  results  of  their 
systems  might  seem  to  contradict  it,  they  had  not  judged  Chris- 
tianity from  the  standpoint  of  their  philosophy.  The  first  open 
assailants  of  Christianity  made  their  appearance  in  England 
during  the  reign  of  Charles  I.,  at  a  period  when  the  parties  in 
the  National  Church  wTere  engaged  in  most  bitter  controversy 
and  new  religious  denominations  were  constantly  coming  into 
existence.  The  evil  influence  of  this  state  of  affairs  upon  the 
political  condition  of  England  led  many  to  adopt  opinions  unfa- 
vorable to  Christianity  in  general.  Having  extricated  them- 
selves from  the  partisan  conflict  and  begun  to  regard  the  points 
of  controversy  between  the  sections  of  the  Church  as  insignifi- 
cant, they  not  unfrequently  fell  into  the  error  of  renouncing  all 
that  is  positive  in  Christianity  itself,  and  of  looking  upon  natural 
religion  as  alone  certain  and  satisfactory.  Their  aversion  to 
positive  Christianity  was  the  greater  because  they  considered  it 
the  source  of  the  disturbances  and  factions  which  had  so  long 
distracted  England. 

They  assumed  the  name  of  Deists,  because  they  acknowledged 
one  God,  but  were  also  called  Naturalists,  inasmuch  as  they  ad- 
mitted only  a  natural  knowledge  of  God  and  repudiated  all 
revelation.  As  early  as  the  Long  Parliament  individual  voices 
were  raised,  demanding  that  pure  deism  be  declared  the  national 
religion,  and  an  end  thus  made  to  all  the  unhappy  controversies 
which  had  so  long  agitated  Church  and  State.  These  views 
were  especially  popular  in  England  at  the  court  of  Charles  II., 
the  most  luxurious  and  corrupt  of  its  age,  where  the  grossest 
vices  were  associated  with  disregard  and  contempt  for  all  relig- 
ion. The  effect  of  this  deism  was,  therefore,  in  many  instances, 
to  produce  a  flippant  atheism.  Owing  to  the  freedom  of  the 
press  and  of  individual  thought  in  England,  these  forms  of 
hostility  to  Christianity  maintained  themselves  till  far  into  the 


144  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G48-1814. 

eighteenth  century.  Among  the  great  number  of  English  de- 
ists the  following  deserve  particular  mention : 

Edward  Herbert,  Lord  Cherbury,  a  public  officer  at  the  court 
of  James  I.,  but  afterward  on  the  side  of  the  Parliament  against 
Charles  I.  (d.  1648). ]  In  his  writings  he  reduces  the  essence  of 
all  religions  to  five  propositions :  "  There  is  a  God ;  he  is  to  be 
worshiped ;  his  best  worship  is  a  virtuous  life ;  sins  are  expiated 
by  repentance ;  after  this  life  there  are  rewards  and  punish- 
ments." lie  wishes  to  determine  the  relative  value  of  all  exist- 
ing religions  according  to  the  degree  of  distinctness  with  which 
they  enunciate  these  truths.  All  the  other  doctrines  of  those 
religions,  including  Christianity,  which  are  founded  upon  a  spe- 
cial revelation,  he  regards  as  uncertain  ;  but  he  values  Christian- 
ity in  so  far  as  it  contains  these  principles. 

Herbert  was  in  other  respects  a  religious  and  upright  man, 
and  therefore  does  not  properly  deserve  to  be  called  an  enemy 
of  Christianity.  On  the  contrary,  he  always  treated  it  with  great 
respect,  although  he  declared  himself  unable  to  assent  to  all  the 
teachings  of  the  Christianity  of  that  day. 

Thomas  Hobbes,  however,  deserves  the  name  of  a  genuine  en- 
emy of  Christianity.  Born  at  Malmesbury  in  1588,  he  devoted 
himself  at  Oxford  especially  to  the  study  of  philosophy,  physics, 
and  mathematics.  During  the  Civil  War  he  was  a  zealous  loy- 
alist, for  which  reason  he  resided  for  a  long  time  abroad,  and 
was  the  instructor  of  the  exiled  son  of  Charles  I.  in  Paris.  Af- 
terward, during  the  reign  of  Charles  II.,  he  lived  in  retirement 
and  acquired  great  reputation  as  a  philosophical  writer.  His 
philosophy  is  a  mixture  of  skepticism  and  materialism.  He 
doubted  every  thing,  trusted  nothing  but  the  senses,  and  held 
that  the  material  was  the  only  reality.  According  to  his  view, 
religion  is  based  solely  upon  subjective  conceptions,  for  the  ob- 
jective ground  of  religion  lies  at  an  inaccessible  distance  beyond 
the  sphere  of  the  human  mind.  Consequently,  the  respect  which 
lie  pretended  to  have  for  the  existing  religion  could  not  have 
been  very  profound.  This  is  especially  evident  from  the  fact 
that  he  made  religion  wholly  dependent  upon  the  will  of  the 
sovereign.  Hobbes  was  led,  under  the  influence  of  the  political 
disturbances  in  England,  to  regard  an  absolute  monarchy  as  the 
best  form  of  government.     He  therefore  subordinated  religion 

1  Herder,  x.  121, 


PART  I.— §  3.  OPPONENTS  OF  CHRISTIANITY  IN  ENGLAND.       145 

also  to  the  control  of  the  sovereign,  and  conceded  to  him  the 
right  to  determine  the  form  of  public  worship  at  his  own  pleas- 
ure.2 The  skepticism  respecting  religion  in  general  and  Chris- 
tianity in  particular,  and  the  consequent  disregard  for  both 
which  prevailed  particularly  among  the  higher  classes  in  En- 
gland, were  largely  due  to  Hobbes,  whose  influence  as  a  scholar 
and  philosopher  was  very  great.  At  the  court  of  Charles  II.,  not 
only  could  the  Earl  of  Kochester  openly  deride  religion,  but  the 
Earl  of  Shaftesbury  (d.  1713),  notwithstanding  his  greater  philo- 
sophical culture,  had  the  audacity  to  excuse  his  sneers  at  Chris- 
tianity by  the  assertion  that  ridicule  is  the  touchstone  of  the 
truth,  and  that  all  things  which  can  be  made  ridiculous  are 
false.3  Nor  was  there  subsequently  any  lack  of  scholars  and  phi- 
losophers to  maintain  this  opposition  to  Christianity.  While  it 
had  previously  been  assailed  only  on  philosophical  principles, 
its  historical  grounds  were  now  subjected  to  criticism.  The 
first  to  attempt  this  was  John  Toland.  By  birth  an  Irish  Cath- 
olic, he  early  went  over  to  the  Reformed  Church,  and  then  pub- 
lished a  series  of  writings  which  were  intended  to  exalt  natural 
religion  in  opposition  to  Christianity  (d.  1722).  He  began  by 
calling  in  question  the  authenticity  of  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament,  and  then  in  his  work  Nazarenus,  1718,  set  forth  a 
Gospel  of  the  Apostle  Barnabas,  which  was  current  among  the 
Mohammedans,  as  the  authentic  Gosj3el  of  Jesus,  containing  the 
doctrines  of  the  most  ancient  Christians  —  the  Nazarenes  and 
Ebionites.  Under  his  leadership  there  now  began  a  long  series 
of  assaults  upon  the  historical  character  of  Christianity,  which 
had  for  their  object  the  defense  of  pure  deism.  It  went  so  far 
in  England  that  a  London  printer,  named  John  Hive,  even  left 
in  his  will  an  endowment  for  annual  sermons  against  Christian- 
ity. 

Anthony  Collins,  treasurer  of  the  county  of  Essex  (d.  1729), 
followed  with  an  attack  principally  aimed  at  the  argument 
for  Christianity  derived  from  the  prophecies  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. 

Thomas  Woolston  lived  at  Cambridge  and  died  in  the  debtor's 
prison  in  1733.     He  attacked  the  miracles  of  Jesus,  and  argued 

2  Lechlcr,  Das  theologisch-politische  System  von  Hobbes,  in  the  Evangel.  Tii- 
binger  Zeitschrift  fur  Theologie,  Jahrg.  1810,  Heft  I.  S.  3. 

3  Herder's  Werke,  ix.  182. 

VOL.  V. — 10 


146  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

that  they  were  both  improbable  and  inadequate  to  prove  the 
truth  of  doctrines. 

Matthew  Tindal,  a  barrister  (d.  1733),  saw  in  Christianity  only 
a  new  promulgation  of  natural  religion,  and  asserted  that  all  the 
so-called  supernatural  truths  are  mere  inventions  of  priestcraft. 
He  therefore  declaimed  against  all  hierarchy  in  the  Church,  and 
sought  to  have  it  considered  a  merely  civil  institution. 

Thomas  Morgan,  once  the  minister  of  a  Presbyterian  church 
(d.  1743),  Thomas  Chubb,  a  chandler  of  Salisbury  (d.  1747),  and 
Lord  Bolingbroke  (d.  1751)  subsequently  distinguished  them- 
selves among  the  deists  by  reproducing  in  new  forms  the  old 
arguments  against  immediate  revelation  and  Christianity. 

Among  recent  opponents,  the  most  important  is  the  celebrated 
historian  of  England,  David  Hume,  a  Scotchman  by  birth  (d. 
1776).4  From  the  standpoint  of  skepticism  he  assailed  the  cer- 
tainty of  all  human  knowledge,  not  excepting  natural  religion. 
But  he  combated  particularly  the  credibility  of  miracles  and  the 
argument  for  the  truth  of  a  religion  derived  from  them. 

England  was  also  the  first  country  where  an  organized  at- 
tempt was  made  to  introduce  a  purely  deistical  form  of  worship, 
and  so  to  renounce  Christianity  entirely.  In  1776,  David  Will- 
iams started  a  naturalistic  service  of  this  sort,  but  it  was  soon 
abandoned.  When  such  a  form  of  worship  was  afterward  in- 
troduced in  France  during  the  Revolution,  it  was  imitated  in 
England  also,  but  did  not  long  maintain  itself.  The  last  En- 
glishman who  attained  notoriety  as  a  deist  was  Thomas  Paine. 
He  went  to  France  during  the  Revolution,  became  a  member  of 
the  National  Assembly,  and  composed  at  this  period  a  series  of 
works  against  Christianity,  which,  although  betraying  the  most 
surprising  lack  of  historical  knowledge  and  great  philosophical 
shallowness,  nevertheless,  by  their  peremptory  assertions,  exerted 
in  those  days  an  extensive  influence. 

§  4- 
FREETHINKERS  IN  FRANCE. 

The  tendency  to  skepticism,  which  became  increasingly  char- 
acteristic of  philosophy  in  the  seventeenth  century — this  ques- 

*  Davidis  Iluinci  de  Vita  sua  Acta  Liber  (Ann.  Liter.  Helmst.  Anno  1788,  vol.  i. 
p.  3). 


PART  I.— §  4.  FREETHINKERS  IN  FRANCE.         147 

tioning  of  all  knowledge  acquired  by  experience  and  even  by 
reasoning  —  could  not  be  otherwise  than  very  injurious  to  re- 
ligion. It  necessarily  destroyed  all  religions  belief.  Yet  the  dis- 
tinguished French  bishop  Peter  Daniel  Huetius  (d.  1721),  who 
fell  gradually  into  the  most  decided  skepticism,  believed  that 
he  could  best  subserve  the  interests  of  the  Catholic  doctrine  by 
the  propagation  of  this  skeptical  spirit.1  He  held  that  the  more 
men  became  convinced  that  all  the  conclusions  of  the  reason  are 
uncertain,  the  more  ready  they  would  be  to  embrace  the  faith 
of  the  Church  without  even  venturing  to  subject  it  to  the  tests 
of  reason.  With  the  same  object,  the  French  Jesuit  John  Har- 
duin  (d.  1729)  carried  historical  skepticism  to  the  most  preposter- 
ous conclusions.  He  took  the  ground  that  all  the  writings  of 
antiquity,  with  the  exception  of  those  of  Cicero,  Pliny,  Virgil, 
and  Horace,  were  spurious,  and  the  work  of  impostors  in  the 
thirteenth  century.  He  held  the  same  of  the  works  of  most  of 
the  Church  Fathers.  Finally,  he  declared  that  the  Latin  Vul- 
gate was  the  original  text  of  the  New  Testament,  and  the  Greek 
text  only  a  poorly  executed  translation  from  the  Latin.  Thus 
he  tried  to  dispose  of  all  the  historical  sources  from  which  argu- 
ments against  the  Catholic  Church  could  be  obtained,  that,  upon 
the  ruins  of  all  historical  belief,  belief  in  the  Church  might  be 
more  firmly  grounded.2 

All  these  attempts,  however,  to  represent  the  conclusions  of 
reason  and  historical  belief  as  alike  uncertain  could  not  but  be 
injurious  to  the  belief  in  the  Church;  for  the  Catholic  Church 
itself  is  not  willing  to  base  its  authority  merely  upon  its  pres- 
ent condition,  but  appeals  to  certain  historical  principles,  which 
must  be  proved  by  the  historical  method.  If  all  history  is  ren- 
dered uncertain,  it  follows  naturally  that  no  greater  certainty 
can  be  ascribed  to  this  historical  argument  for  the  Church.  If, 
on  the  other  hand,  all  knowledge  through  the  reason  is  called 
in  question,  the  result  is  to  render  any  proof  of  a  divine  revela- 
tion impossible;  for  every  revelation  must  start  with  the  as- 
sumption that  some  conclusions  of  reason  are  certain,  particular- 

1  A  view  already  advanced  by  Hieronymus  Hirnhaym,  Vicar-general  of  the  Pre- 
monstrants  in  Prague,  d.  1679.  Ersch,  Encycl.  sect.  ii.  pt.  8,  p.  384.  Chr.  Barthol- 
mess,  Der  Skepticismus  des  P.  D.  Huetius,  in  den  Strassburger  Beitragen  zu  d.  theo- 
logischen  Wissenschaften,  ii.  1. 

2  Cf.  Bibliotheque  Raisonnee  des  Ouvrages  de  l'Europe,  t.  i.  art.  vi.  p.  71.  (Dey- 
ling,  Observatt.  Miscellan.  t.  i.  p.  339.) 


148  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1814. 

ly  the  conviction  of  God's  existence.  This  could  not  have  been 
iirst  imparted  by  revelation,  because  unless  man  already  pos- 
sessed it  in  himself,  he  would  be  compelled  to  doubt  every  rev- 
elation and  regard  it  as  a  possible  deception. 

Although  this  use  of  skepticism  in  the  interests  of  revelation 
and  of  the  Church  faith  has  been  frequently  made,  especially  in 
the  Catholic  Church,  it  is  nevertheless  evident  that  it  must  be 
unfavorable  to  faith  when  carried  out  to  its  legitimate  conse- 
quences. It  was  of  service  only  in  the  case  of  those  who,  per- 
plexed with  doubts  as  to  the  certainty  of  all  their  knowledge,  in 
a  kind  of  desperation  cast  about  for  something  sure,  and  accept- 
ed the  Church  without  subjecting  it  to  the  test  of  their  own 
principles.  Happy  to  find  peace  at  last,  they  willingly  de- 
ceived themselves  with  this  semblance  of  certainty  and  immu- 
tability. 

The  dangerous  tendency  of  skepticism  which  manifested  itself 
among  these  Catholic  authors  was  still  more  apparent  in  the 
celebrated  Peter  Bayle.3  He  was  a  member  of  the  French  Re- 
formed Church,  and  in  his  youth  was  induced  by  the  Jesuits  to 
become  a  Catholic,  but  soon  afterward  returned  to  the  Reformed 
Church  ;  was  for  a  time  professor  of  philosophy  at  Sedan,  until 
the  abolition  of  the  university  by  Louis  XIV.,  and  then  received 
the  chair  of  philosophy  and  history  in  the  gymnasium  at  Rotter- 
dam. This  position  was,  however,  taken  from  him  (1693)  on 
account  of  the  dangerous  opinions  advanced  in  his  writings,  and 
he  died  in  retirement  (1700).  In  his  earlier  works,  Bayle  at- 
tacked particularly  two  prevalent  evils  of  the  times,  superstition 
and  compulsion  in  religion.  The  appearance  of  a  comet,  which 
at  the  time  excited  universal  terror,  afforded  an  occasion  for 
attacking  the  former,  and  the  sad  fate  of  the  Protestants  in 
France  the  latter.  But  by  these  writings  he  incurred  the  charge 
of  skepticism  and  atheism.  He  endeavored  to  prove  that  su- 
perstition is  worse  than  atheism,  and  that  in  general  the  argu- 
ments for  the  existence  of  a  God  are  not  tenable.  On  the  same 
grounds  he  condemned  all  compulsion  in  religion,  because  true 
and  false  convictions  can  not  be  distinguished  by  any  certain 
criteria,  and,  further,  because  they  can  not  render  those  who  hold 
them  either  meritorious  or  culpable.     His  principal  work  was 

3  Herder's  Wcrke,  ix.  94.  Strauss,  Glaubcnslehre,  i.  325.  Fcuerbach's  Pierre 
Bayle. 


PART  I.— §  5.  FREETHINKERS  IN  FRANCE.  149 

his  Dictionnaire  Historique  et  Critique,4  a  collection  of  treatises 
on  historical  celebrities,  which,  although  containing  much  val- 
uable information,  is  equally  distinguished  for  its  excessive 
skepticism  in  matters  of  philosophy  and  history.  Moreover, 
while  pretending  to  be  of  the  opinion  that  where  reason  and 
faith  come  into  collision,  the  former  must  humbly  submit  to  the 
latter,  he  was  unquestionably  insincere,  and  really  intended  to 
expose  the  irrationality  of  the  dogmatic  system. 


§  5. 

CONTINUATION. 

The  corruption  of  morals  which  prevailed  at  the  magnificent 
and  luxurious  court  of  Louis  XIV.  produced  a  corresponding 
disregard  for  religion.  The  numerous  wits  and  so-called  men 
of  letters  who  were  in  the  pay  of  the  court  would  certainly 
have  made  the  Church  itself  the  especial  object  of  their  ridicule 
had  not  Louis  XIV.,  with  all  his  vices,  cherished  a  scrupulous 
and  superstitious  reverence  for  it,  so  that  the  court  was  com- 
pelled at  least  to  feign  a  similar  respect.  Already,  however,  the 
educated  classes  in  France  were  beginning  to  manifest  that 
aversion  to  the  Christian  Church  which  afterward  resulted  in 
the  most  pronounced  atheism.  The  Jansenist  controversies  also 
tended  to  increase  the  distrust  toward  the  Church.  By  their 
agency  the  ethics  of  the  Jesuits,  the  party  then  in  favor,  were 
exposed  in  their  deformity.  The  Jesuits  parried  this  attack  by 
demanding  the  general  recognition  of  the  fact  that  Jansenius 
had  taught  certain  doctrines  which  the  Pope  had  condemned. 
A  similar  effect  was  produced  by  the  controversies  with  the 
Mystics.  All  these  religious  disputes  had  the  effect  to  produce 
distrust  of  the  Church  in  general.  Then  the  very  secrecy  with 
which,  particularly  at  first,  more  liberal  opinions  had  to  be  ex- 
pressed, and  the  necessity  of  disguising  them  under  the  form  of 
humorous  and  entertaining  tales,  in  order  to  introduce  them 
without  detection,  gained  for  them  the  most  enthusiastic  ap- 
plause in  France,  where  wit  has  always  had  all  the  force  of  co- 
gent argument. 

The  opposition  of  the  government  and  the  clergy  only  aug- 

4  First  published  in  1695.    5  editions,  Amst.  1740,  4  vols.  fol. 


150  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1648-1814 

meuted  the  hostility  to  the  Church.  This  was  the  greater  from 
the  fact  that  in  France  no  other  kind  of  Christianity  was  known 
than  the  Catholic  ecclesiasticism,  which  by  its  dogmas  and  usages 
is  so  offensive  to  the  reason.  The  French  deists,  consequently, 
always  confounded  Christianity  and  Catholicism,  and  therefore 
their  bitterness  against  Christianity  was  aggravated,  judging  it,  as 
they  did,  by  the  peculiar  characteristics  of  the  Catholic  Church.1 
For  this  reason,  there  is  a  striking  difference  between  the  En- 
glish and  French  opponents  of  Christianity.  The  English  went 
to  work  with  much  greater  earnestness,  and  carried  on  the  con- 
test with  arguments.  Most  of  them  went  no  further  than  deism, 
and  really  had  a  high  respect  for  natural  religion.  The  French, 
on  the  contrary,  confined  themselves  almost  exclusively  to  the 
weapons  of  wit  and  ridicule.  Their  philosophical  treatises  are 
of  very  little  value  in  themselves,  and  borrowed  at  that,  for  the 
most  part,  from  the  English.  Some  of  them  fell  into  the  baldest 
atheism  as  well  as  the  grossest  materialism,  and  even  into  the 
defense  of  all  immorality.  In  England,  the  very  openness  and 
zeal  with  which  the  contest  was  carried  on  prevented  it  from 
producing  much  injury.  Skillful  advocates  of  Christianity  ap- 
peared, and,  although  some  were  led  astray  by  the  deists,  among 
the  masses  of  the  people  the  zeal  for  Christianity  was  only 
strengthened  and  increased.  In  France,  however,  the  deistical 
writings  were  circulated  with  more  secrecy ;  but,  owing  to  the 
degeneracy  of  morals  and  the  lack  of  religious  knowledge,  their 
witty  and  entertaining  style  and  their  palliation  of  all  vices  won 
for  them  the  greater  acceptance  among  the  higher  classes  and 
the  young.  As  no  adequate  efforts  were  made  by  the  Chui'ch  to 
counteract  their  influence,  their  circulation  steadily  increased,  and 
toward  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  things  had  reached 
such  a  state  in  France  that  the  idea  of  a  philosopher  and  en- 
lightened man  had  become  synonymous  with  that  of  an  enemy 
of  religion  and  Christianity.  During  the  reign  of  Louis  XV., 
this  evil  tendency  was  fostered  by  the  all-powerful  Marquise  de 
Pompadour.  She  herself  laid  claim  to  wit,  and  wished  to  be  re- 
garded as  a  patroness  of  the  philosophers.  Consequently,  those 
who  desired  to  recommend  themselves  to  her  favor  were  the 
more  forward  to  assume  the  easily  acquired  character  of  a  phi- 
losopher. 

1  Voltaire,  (Euvr.  t.  xl.  p.  398 


PART  I.— §  5.  FREETHINKERS  IN  FRANCE.         15] 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Louis  XIV.,  when  the  government 
conceded  greater  freedom  to  the  press,  the  first  works  against 
Christianity  appeared,  although  the  attacks  were  covert,  and, 
properly  speaking,  only  against  Catholic  Christianity.  The  ear- 
liest publication  of  this  character  was  the  Lettres  Persannes 
(1716)  of  the  afterward  so  famous  Baron  Montesquieu,  in  which 
he  attributed  to  the  Persians  a  most  admirable  system  of  ethics, 
but  at  the  same  time  made  them  utter  very  bitter  sentiments 
concerning  some  of  the  institutions  and  dogmas  of  the  Christian 
Church.  This  work  was  followed  by  a  great  number  of  similar 
fictions,  reaching  into  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  in 
some  of  which  the  religions  of  other  countries  were  compared 
with  Christianity  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  latter,  while  in  others 
Christianity  was  held  up  to  ridicule  by  allegorical  representa- 
tions, the  scene  of  which  was  laid  in  foreign  lands.2  But  the 
most  influential  writer  of  this  class,  who  led  the  opinion  of  almost 
the  whole  of  his  century,  and  did  more  than  any  other  man  to 
increase  the  contempt  for  Christianity,  was  Francois  Marie  Arou- 
et  de  Voltaire.3  Born  in  1695,  he  was  educated  in  a  Jesuit  school 
in  Paris,  and  while  yet  a  youth  showed  such  extraordinary  abili- 
ties that  public  attention  was  immediately  attracted  by  his  first 
tragedy,  CEdipus.  All  Europe  soon  rang  with  his  fame.  The 
greatest  sovereign  of  the  age,  Frederic  II.,  showed  his  respect  by 
inviting  him  to  his  court.  The  latter  part  of  his  life  was  passed 
at  his  country-seat,  Ferney,  near  Geneva,  where  he  died  in  1778. 
It  can  not  be  denied  that  Voltaire  was  possessed  of  extraordinary 
wit,  a  graceful  and  attractive  style,  and  rare  powers  of  persua- 
sion ;  but  his  philosophy  was  superficial,  and  his  historical  ac- 
quirements meagre.  Love  of  fame  and  avarice  were  the  ruling 
passions  of  his  whole  life :  for  their  sake  he  courted  in  his  works 
the  applause  of  the  age.  He  had  no  higher  aims,  and  therefore 
was  as  ready  to  attract  better  natures  by  beautiful  and  pious  sen- 
timents as  to  seek  the  applause  of  his  more  frivolous  readers  by 
maxims  of  lax  morality,  and  by  indelicate,  often  grossly  obscene, 
language.     Imperfectly  acquainted  with  Christianity,  he  consid- 

2  Lcs  Princesses  Malabares,  1735.  Mosheim,  Diss.  ii.  659.  Henri  Comte  de  Bou- 
lainvilliers,  1720-30.     Nic.  Ant.  Boulanger,  d.  1759.     See  Ersch,  Eneycl.  xii.  125, 126. 

3  Voltaire  et  son  Temps,  par  L.  Fr.  Bungener,  2  t.  Paris,  1851  (G.  G.  A.  Aug.  1851, 
p.  1233).  Munscher  on  Voltaire's  antireligious  views  (in  Miinscher's  Lebensbe- 
sehreibung  und  nacbgelassene  Scbriften,  edited  by  Wacbler,  Frankf.  a.  M.  1817, 
p.  141  sq.). 


152  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1648-1814. 

ered  it  a  mere  texture  of  superstitions.  His  sarcasm  did  not 
spare  even  the  truths  of  natural  religion,  although  he  declared 
himself  by  no  means  an  enemy  of  all  religion.  The  most  de- 
testable feature  of  Voltaire's  writings  is  his  corrupt  system  of 
morals,  lie  often  seemed  to  ignore  all  distinction  between  vir- 
tue and  vice,  and  even  exhibited  vice  in  the  most  charming  and 
alluring  forms.  By  these  means  he  inclined  his  age  to  irrelig- 
ion ;  for  men  morally  corrupt  gladly  have  recourse  to  atheism, 
and  are  satisfied  with  the  shallowest  arguments,  because  they 
find  them  practically  useful.  The  direct  arguments  with  which 
Voltaire  assailed  Christianity  were,  for  the  most  part,  borrowed 
by  him  from  the  English  deists ;  but  were  very  superficially  pre- 
sented, and  not  unfrequently  interspersed  with  gross  historical 
blunders.  In  all  his  writings,  scattered  passages  of  this  character 
are  found.4  Contemporaneous  with  Voltaire,  and  laboring  with 
a  similar  object  in  view,  were  the  Encyclopedists,  a  society  of 
scholars  who  associated  themselves  for  the  purpose  of  publishing 
an  encyclopedia  of  all  the  sciences  and  arts.5  Their  chief  object 
was  to  promote  the  interests  of  free  thought  and  the  universal 
rights  of  mankind  in  France;  but  they  regarded  the  positive 
religions  as  the  chief  enemies  of  the  rights  of  reason,  and  there- 
fore attached  Christianity  in  a  more  or  less  open  manner,  at  the 
same  time,  however,  zealously  advocating  natural  religion.  The 
leading  spirits  in  the  Encyclopedia  were  D'Alembert  (d.  17S3), 
who  betrayed  the  greatest  hostility  to  Christianity  in  his  private 
utterances,  as  well  as  in  his  correspondence  with  Frederic  II.,  who 
for  that  reason  named  him  his  Diagoras ;  and  Diderot,  a  noted 
poet  and  skeptical  philosopher  (d.  1784).  The  Encyclopedists  ac- 
quired an  especially  unenviable  notoriety  from  one  of  their  chief 
contributors,  Helvetius  (d.  1771),  who,  in  his  work  De  l'Esprit, 
openly  taught  materialism,  and  tried  to  annihilate  both  morality 
and  religion.  His  book  was  burned,  and  he  was  compelled  to 
sign  a  recantation  ;  but  it  was  evident  that  he  was  not  sincere  in 
it.6     The  same  principles  were  afterward  again  maintained  in 

4  Those  in  which  he  directly  assailed  Christianity  arc,  Dictionnairc  Philosophique, 
1764;  Th£ologie  Portative,  1768;  La  Philosophic  de  I'Histoire,  1765;  fivangile  du 
Jonr,  1760;  La  Bible  cufin  Explupiee  par  Plusieurs  Aumoaiers  dc  sa  Majeste  le  Roi 
de  Prusse,  1776. 

5  Encyclopedic,  ou  Dictionnairc  Univcrscl  Raisonne  des  Sciences,  des  Arts,  et  des 
Metiers,  par  une  Society  des  Gens  de  Lettres,  Paris,  1750  sq.  20  vols.  4. 

6  Wcndt,  in  Erseh,  Encycl.  sect.  ii.  pt.  5,  p.  249. 


PAKT  I.— §  5.  FREETHINKERS  IN  FRANCE.  153 

a  most  dangerous  work,  the  anonymous  Systeme  de  la  Nature, 
1770.  In  the  title,  De  Mirabeau,  who  had  died  shortly  before, 
was  named  as  the  author ;  but  this  was  certainly  false.  The  true 
author  has  never  been  discovered.7  In  this  work,  all  religion  and 
morality  were  openly  repudiated  as  superstition  and  the  fruit  of 
human  imagination ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  atheism,  material- 
ism, and  fatalism  recommended  as  the  highest  wisdom.  Even 
Voltaire  and  Frederic  II.  regarded  this  book,  in  which  effrontery 
was  carried  to  its  highest  pitch,  with  indignation. 

A  man  much  worthier  of  respect  than  these  is  Jean  Jacques 
Rousseau,8  a  native  of  Geneva  (d.  1778).  A  skeptic  in  matters  of 
positive  Christianity,  he  is  usually  counted  among  its  enemies ; 
yet  by  his  moral  earnestness,  which  was  in  many  respects  of  an 
exalted  character,  and  the  regard  for  religion  and  morality  every 
where  apparent  in  his  writings,  he  was  at  that  time  instrumental, 
in  part  at  least,  in  weakening  the  impression  which  the  scoffers 
at  religion  had  produced  upon  an  enervated  age.  Rousseau  was 
profoundly  conscious  of  the  many  defects  from  which  humanity 
suffers,  and  attributed  them  wholly  to  the  departure  from  nat- 
ure. In  all  his  writings,  he  aimed  to  restore  men  to  a  state  of 
conformity  to  nature.  He  applied  this  principle  to  politics  in 
his  Contrat  Social,  in  which  he  unfolded  the  natural  rights  and 
obligations  of  a  citizen  ;  and  to  education  in  his  Emile,  in  which 
he  portrayed  the  progress  of  an  education  according  to  the  laws 
of  nature.  Rousseau's  sentiments  respecting  Christianity  he  has, 
in  Emile,  put  into  the  mouth  of  a  Savoyard  vicar.  He  praised 
its  exalted  moral  character  in  the  most  enthusiastic  and  feeling 
manner,  and,  while  confessing  that  he  could  not  convince  him- 
self of  its  supernatural  origin,  expressed  the  hope  that  God  would 
not  condemn  him  for  this  involuntary  fault.  But  he  gave  his 
most  cordial  assent  to  the  fundamental  truths  of  Christianity,  the 
doctrines  of  God's  existence,  of  the  freedom  and  immortality  of 
the  soul,  and  of  retribution  after  death.  He  would  not  even 
allow  those  in  his  commonwealth  who  denied  such  a  religion. 

And  yet  Rousseau  was  most  violently  assailed,  while  Voltaire, 
who  boldly  scoffed  at  all  virtue,  was  admired  by  the  majority  of 

7  P.  T.  von  Holbach  was  also  represented  as  the  author.    A  German  adaptation  of 
this  work  with  annotations  appeared  in  Leipsic,  1841. 

8  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau,  Sa  Vie  et  ses  Ouvrages,  in  the  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes, 
Paris,  1854,  Jan.  etc.,  by  St. -Marc  Girardin. 


154  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

his  contemporaries.  Both  in  Paris  and  Geneva,  the  Einile  was 
burned,  and  the  author  was  even  driven  from  his  native  town. 
He  died  in  misanthropic  retirement  in  the  principality  of  Neu- 
chatel,  where  he  had  found  a  refuge  under  the  Prussian  govern- 
ment. 

§6. 

OPPONENTS  OF  CHRISTIANITY  IN  GERMANY. 

The  first  opponent  of  Christianity  who  appeared  in  Germany 
was  Johann  Christian  Edelmann.1  He  studied  theology  in  Jena, 
became  afterward  a  Moravian,  withdrew  from  that  communion, 
wandered  about  in  Germany,  and  in  1735  began  to  publfsh  works 
against  Christianity,  e.  g.,  Innocent  Truths,  Moses  with  Uncov- 
ered Face,  Christ  and  Belial,  etc.  Although  his  reading  had 
been  extensive,  his  knowledge  was  very  superficial.  His  relig- 
ious opinions  were  all  borrowed  from  earlier  philosophers,  and 
only  the  abusiveness  and  assurance  with  which  he  expressed  them 
were  his  own.  He  was  a  pantheist,  and  regarded  as  probable  a 
transmigration  of  souls.  He  held  positive  Christianity  to  be 
superstition,  although  he  approved  of  several  of  its  doctrines. 
He  asserted  that  the  Old  Testament  was  composed  by  Ezra,  the 
New  Testament  in  the  time  of  Constantine  the  Great.  His  last 
residence  was  at  Berlin,  where  he  died  in  17G7. 

Edelmann's  assaults  had  little  effect,  except  to  bring  him  into 
contempt  and  arouse  wide-spread  indignation  against  him.  Far 
greater  injury  was  done  to  the  cause  of  Christianity  by  the  ex- 
ample of  many  of  the  German  sovereigns,  who  tolerated  at  their 
courts  the  light-minded  ridicule  of  religion  which  had  been  im- 
ported from  France.  In  this  respect  Frederic  II.2  exerted  an 
exceedingly  unfortunate  influence.  Like  most  of  the  princes  of 
his  day,  he  had  received  an  exclusively  French  education  ;  for 
after  the  time  of  Louis  XIV.  the  courts,  with  few  exceptions,  had 
adopted  the  French  language  and  manners.  He  was,  in  conse- 
quence, almost  totally  ignorant  of  German  literature,  though  all 
the  more  familiar  with  that  of  France,  and  in  it  the  writings  of 

1  His  Life  by  Klosc,  in  Nicdncr's  Zcitschr.  1846,  p.  443.  Edelmann's  Sclbstbio- 
graphie,  written  1752,  published  by  Dr.  C.  R.  W.  Klosc,  Berlin,  1849. 

3  Friedricbs  des  Grossen  Jmjendjahre,  Bildung  and  Qeist,  von  Fr.  Forster,  Berlin, 
1823,  p.  299  sq.  Friedrich  der  Grosse,  cine  Lebensgeschichte,  von  J.  D.  E.  Preuss, 
Berlin,  1882.  1st  Friedrich  II.  Konig  von  Preussen  irreligios  gewesen?  by  Preuss, 
2.  Aufl.  1832.  12. 


PART  I.— §  6.  OPPONENTS  OF  CHRISTIANITY  IN  GERMANY.      155 

the  popular  philosophers  of  the  day,  particularly  Voltaire.  His 
acquaintance  with  Christianity  was  equally  defective.  He  had 
learned  to  know  it  only  in  the  form  of  the  prevalent  dogmatic 
system,  and  this,  naturally,  could  not  protect  him  against  the 
insinuating  eloquence  and  attractive  character  of  the  French 
philosophy.  Frederic  became  its  ardent  supporter,  gathered  at 
his  court  many  French  savants  who  held  its  principles,  and 
carried  on  a  diligent  correspondence  with  others,  as,  e.  g.,  with 
D'Alembert.  Chief  among  his  intimates  was  the  Marquis 
D'Argens,  likewise  an  opponent  of  all  positive  Christianity,  al- 
though an  admirer  of  natural  religion.  The  most  detestable  of 
these  was  the  notorious  Julien  Gffroy  de  la  Mettrie,  who  resided 
for  a  time  at  the  court  of  Frederic,  whose  satire  was  only  equaled 
by  his  ignorance,  and  who  sought  to  attract  attention  by  the  most 
preposterous  assertions.  On  account  of  the  gross  materialism 
advanced  in  his  work  L'Homme  Machine,  he  was  banished  from 
France  and  Holland,  and  found  protection  and  support  in  Berlin 
from  1748  until  his  death,  in  1751.  Voltaire  himself  resided  for 
several  years  in  Berlin,  until  he  had  offended  the  king  by  his  in- 
gratitude and  insolence  and  was  forced  to  leave.  Men  of  this 
sort  were  the  king's  favorite  companions  on  account  of  their 
witty  and  intellectual  conversation.  Their  wit  and  sarcasm  were 
usually  directed  against  religion,  so  that  the  court  became  infect- 
ed with  their  principles.  Through  the  influence  of  the  latter, 
disregard  and  contempt  for  religion  were  the  more  readily  dif- 
fused, especially  among  the  higher  classes  of  the  Prussian  state, 
because  there  was  here  no  powerful  clergy  to  check  the  progress 
of  the  evil.  Frederic's  example  was  soon  imitated  at  several  oth- 
er German  courts.  In  these  also  it  became  the  fashion  to  ridicule 
religion,  Church,  and  clergy ;  and  thus  this  spirit  of  the  French 
philosophers,  with  its  frivolity  and  superficiality  as  well  as  its 
hostility  to  religion,  became  increasingly  prevalent,  especially 
among  the  higher  classes.  The  false  opinion  that  the  Church 
was  only  an  institution  for  the  masses  and  unnecessary  for 
enlightened  men  rapidly  gained  ground,  and  church-going  be- 
came consequently  less  and  less  common  in  the  higher  ranks 
of  society. 

To  this  period  of  Frederic  II.  also  belong  two  other  assaults 
upon  Christianity,  by  which  the  hostile  sentiments  were  still 
more  widely  diffused.     First  the  attacks  of  the  author  of  the 


15G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

so-called  Wolfenbiittel  Fragments.  The  celebrated  Gotthold 
Ephraim  Lessing,  librarian  at  Wolfenbiittel,  published  several 
valuable  treatises  under  the  title  Zur  Geschichte  und  Lite- 
ratur,  aus  den  Schiitzen  der  herzogl.  Bibliothek  zu  "Wolfenbiit- 
tel (Contributions  to  History  and  Literature  from  the  Treasures 
of  the  Ducal  Library  at  Wolfenbiittel).  The  fourth  Contribu- 
tion (Brunswick,  1777)  contained  five  Fragments3  from  a  large 
manuscript  work  against  Christianity  which  was  said  to  be  pre- 
served in  that  library.  But  a  far  greater  sensation  was  pro- 
duced by  a  new  Fragment,  which  Lessing  published  by  itself 
in  1778,  on  the  Aim  of  Jesus  and  his  Disciples.  In  this,  Jesus 
and  his  disciples  were  openly  charged  with  deception.  Jesus, 
it  was  said,  wished  to  found  an  earthly  kingdom ;  but  when 
this  scheme  had  failed,  the  disciples  put  another  construction 
upon  his  designs,  viz.,  that  he  intended  a  spiritual  kingdom. 
After  Lessing's  death,  C.  A.  E.  Schmidt  published  in  17S7  the 
remainder  of  the  still  imprinted  works  of  the  Wolfenbiittel 
fragmentist,  in  which  the  Old  Testament,  the  Jewish  nation, 
and,  in  particular,  David,  wrere  treated  in  an  exceedingly  dis- 
paraging manner.  It  came  to  light  subsequently  that  the  author 
of  these  Fragments  was  Johann  Albrecht  Heinrich  Beimarus, 
professor  in  the  Gymnasium  at  Hamburg.4  They  are  only 
parts  of  a  larger  work5  which  remains  in  manuscript  in  the 
libraries  of  Hamburg  and  Gottingen. 

These  attacks  exerted  little  influence  beyond  the  higher  circles 
of  the  reading  public.  Far  greater  injury,  however,  was  done  to 
the  religious  character  of  the  people  by  Carl  Fried  rich  Bahrdt, 
a  man  of  varied  accomplishments,  of  wit  and  eloquence,  but 
wholly  lacking  in  the  profounder  philosophical  spirit,  in  whose 
character  frivolity  and  indiscretion  were  the  prominent  traits. 

3  Viz.,  1.  On  the  decrying  of  reason  from  the  pulpit;  2.  The  impossibility  of  a 
revelation  which  all  men  can  believe  with  certainty ;  3.  The  incredibility  of  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Israelites  through  the  Red  Sea ;  4.  That  the  Old  Testament  was  not  writ- 
ten for  the  purpose  of  revealing  a  religion ;  5.  Against  the  history  of  the  resurrec- 
tion of  Christ.  On  the  character  of  the  Fragments,  vid.  Rienacker,  Theol.  Stud,  und 
Krit.  1844,  iv.  901. 

1  On  the  author  of  the  "Wolfenbiittel  Fragments  see  Ilartmann,  Leipzig,  Lit.  Zeit., 
Sept.  ls','5,  p.  is(i  ....  ;  Miir/.,  lS'.'d.p.  47:;.  Decisive  upon  this  point  is  Gurlitt,  Leipzig, 
Lit.  Zeit.,  Marz,  1827,  p. 433.  Albrecht  Thacr,  sein  Leben  uml  Wirken,  von  W.  Eorte, 
Leipzig,  1839,  p.  341.  Gotthold  Ephraim  Lessing  als  Theologc  dargestellt,  von  Carl 
Schwarz.    Em  Bcitrag  zur  Geschichte  der  Theologie  im  is.  Jahrhnndert,  Halle,  1854. 

5  Die  Apologie  des  vcrniinftigen  Christenthums,  herausgegeben  von  Klose,  in 
Nicdner's  Zeitschrift,  1S50,  p.  519;  1851,  p.  513. 


PART  I.— §  6.  OPPONENTS  OF  CHRISTIANITY  IN  GERMANY.      15  7 

He  was  professor  of  theology  in  Leipsic,  Erfurt,  and  Giessen, 
then  director  of  a philanthrqpin  at  Heidesheim,  in  the  county  of 
Leiningen,  but  was  displaced  by  the  Council  of  State  on  account 
of  his  loose  opinions,  and  spent  his  last  years  in  Halle  (d.  1792). 
Attention  was  first  drawn  to  him  by  his  translation  of  the  New 
Testament  (Die  neuen  Offenbarungen  Gottes  in  Briefen  und 
Erzahlungen,  1773,  4  vols.  S.),  which  was  not  so  much  a  transla- 
tion as  a  paraphrase,  into  the  text  of  which  he  incorporated  all 
his  strange  notions  and  conjectures.  This  was  the  occasion  of 
his  losing  his  position  at  Heidesheim.  But  his  next  attempt  to 
explain  Christianity  was  even  more  absurd.  He  wrote  his  Briefe 
iiber  die  Bibel  im  Volkston,  12  vols.  1783-91.  In  order  to  fur- 
nish a  natural  explanation  of  the  origin  of  Christianity,  he  gave 
in  these  letters  an  elaborate  fictitious  account  of  the  youth  of 
Jesus.  This  story  represented  Jesus  as  having  been  educated 
for  the  Messiahship  by  an  association  of  men  in  accordance  with 
a  deliberate  plan,  and  furnished  with  occult  medicaments  for 
the  purpose  of  performing  miracles.  The  society  which  Jesus 
gathered  about  him  he  represented  as  a  religious  order  consist- 
ing of  different  grades,  the  secrets  being  communicated  only  to 
the  higher  grades.  Although  this  was  all  pure  invention,  Bahrdt 
asserted  it  with  as  much  assurance  as  if  there  could  be  no  ques- 
tion as  to  its  certainty.  As  his  work  was  written  with  great 
clearness  and  in  a  pleasing  style,  he  found  many  readers  among 
the  middle  classes  in  Germany,  and  consequently  did  more  than 
any  other  German  author  to  injure  Christianity. 

In  Catholic  Germany  the  Illuminati  attracted  much  attention 
about  this  time,  and  were  there  decried  as  the  worst  enemies  of 
Christianity.  While  the  Jesuits  in  Bavaria  were  in  power  at 
court  and  repressed  all  manifestations  of  free  thought,  two  pro- 
fessors, Baader  at  Munich  and  Weishaupt  at  Ingolstadt,  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  founding  a  secret  order  after  the  model  of 
the  Order  of  Jesuits,  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  enlighten- 
ment and  true  morality.  It  was  actually  established  in  1776 
under  the  name  of  the  Order  of  Illuminati,  and  gradually  be- 
came widely  extended.  It  had  several  degrees.  The  direction 
of  the  whole  was  intrusted  to  the  highest  degree  alone,  and  the 
other  members  were  obliged  to  yield  implicit  obedience  to  their 
superiors.  The  Order  sought  to  gain  influence  in  the  appoint- 
ments to  public  office  in  order  to  promote  its  schemes  through 


158  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

the' government,6  and  the  plan  was  in  this  way  to  gradually  ob- 
tain control  of  the  whole  management  of  the  state.  Through 
these  agencies  the  founders  undoubtedly  proposed  to  accomplish 
very  noble  results;  they  wished  to  promote  the  progress  of  the 
human  race  by  the  diffusion  of  intelligence,  to  foster  virtue  ev- 
ery where,  and  to  repress  vice.  But  it  can  not  be  denied  that  the 
society,  dependent  as  it  was  upon  the  disposition  of  a  few  men 
who  exercised  the  entire  control,  would  have  acquired  a  power 
dangerous  to  the  state  had  it  long  maintained  itself.  The  league, 
however,  was  discovered  as  early  as  17S5,  compelled  to  give  up 
all  its  records,  and  strictly  prohibited.  The  founder,  Weishaupt, 
found  a  refuge  in  Gotha.7  This  league  endeavored  also  to  pro- 
mote religious  enlightenment,  and  to  combat  the  priestcraft  and 
superstition  which  were  then  prevalent  in  Bavaria.  It  declared, 
indeed,  that  it  was  not  directly  opposed  to  Christianity,  but  it 
nevertheless  regarded  the  positive  doctrines  as  wholly  unessen- 
tial, and  made  no  distinction  at  all  between  Catholics  and  Prot- 
estants. Many  of  the  members  were  undeniably  deists,  who 
undoubtedly  only  sought  to  secure  the  prevalence  of  deism  in 
the  place  of  Christianity.  The  Illuminati,  however,  in  a  quiet 
way,  did  much  to  overcome  the  power  of  the  gloomy  super- 
stition which  prevailed.  It  was  chiefly  due  to  them  that,  even 
in  the  next  succeeding  reign,  Bavaria  presented  an  aspect  so  dif- 
ferent from  its  former  condition,  and,  although  in  the  days  of 
Carl  Theodor  reckoned  one  of  the  most  benighted  of  Catholic 
countries,  ranked  then  among  the  most  enlightened. 

After  Bahrdt,  no  German  author  who  wrote  against  Christian- 
ity found  particular  favor.  Among  the  most  prolific  of  this  class 
was  Christian  Ludwig  Paalzow,  military  counselor  at  Marien- 
werder,  afterward  criminal  counselor  at  Berlin,  who,  after  1785, 
wrote  many  works  against  Christianity,  but  without  attracting 
much  notice.8 

6  It  sought  also  to  promote  scientific  enterprise  by  combining  all  its  members  who 
were  engaged  in  the  same  department  for  mutual  support. 

'  Perthes,  Das  dcutsehe  Staatslebcn,  p.  2G2,  says  that  according  to  entirely  reliable 
MS.  records,  the  Order  counted  among  its  members  the  reigning  Duke  of  Weimar, 
the  hereditary  prince  of  Gotha,  the  Counts  of  Seefeld,  Seinsheim,  Costauza,  the  im- 
perial embassador  Count  Mettcrnich,  the  canon  Count  Kesselstadt,  the  Baron  of 
Montgelas,  Baron  of  Meppcnhoffen,  etc. ;  in  Gottingen,  Professors  Koppe,  Fedcr, 
Martens;  in  Weimar,  Goethe,  Herder,  Mnsaus,  the  minister  Fritsch,  Kiistncr,  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Pages;  in  Bavaria  and  the  ecclesiastical  territories,  many  canons  and 
priests. 
"  Under  the  titles,  Hierocles,  Gcwisshcit  dcr  Beweise  des  Apollonismus,  Porphy- 


PART  I.— §  7.  RISE  OF  A  BETTER  PHILOSOPHY.  159 

§  7. 

THE  RISE  OF  A  BETTER  PHILOSOPHY  AMONG  THE  PROTESTANTS. 

Erdmann,  Versuch  einer  wissenschaftlichen  Darstellung  der  Geschichte  der  neuern 
Philosophic,  Leipzig,  Riga,  and  Dorpat,  1836  sq. 

At  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  Aristotelian  phi- 
losophy still  maintained  its  supremacy  in  almost  all  the  universi- 
ties, and  all  the  later  systems  had  invariably  to  contend  against 
the  prejudice  that  they  were  unfavorable  to  Christianity,  which 
prejudice  was  partially  justified  by  the  fact  that  the  skepticism 
which  was  a  prominent  feature  in  them  had  furnished  the  oppo- 
nents of  Christianity  with  their  weapons.  Now,  however,  philos- 
ophers appeared  who  sought  to  avoid  both  the  defects  of  the 
Aristotelian  philosophy  and  also  the  offensive  features  of  the  later 
systems.  Among  these,  the  first  place  belongs  to  John  Locke,  an 
English  physician,  who,  after  having  occupied  several  positions 
of  distinction,  lived  in  literary  retirement,  and  died  1704.1  He 
perceived  the  necessity,  in  all  philosophical  investigation,  of  be- 
ginning with  an  accurate  examination  of  the  powers  of  the  hu- 
man understanding,  so  that  the  limits  to  which  it  can  go  might 
be  determined  at  the  outset.  To  satisfy  this  requirement,  he 
wrote  his  Essay  on  the  Human  Understanding.  In  this  treatise 
he  denied  the  existence  of  innate  ideas,  and  endeavored  to  prove 
that  experience  is  the  source  of  all  our  knowledge.  Although 
in  this  he  went  too  far,  there  was  at  least  this  underlying  truth, 
that  all  our  ideas  are  developed  only  through  the  agency  of  ex- 
perience ;  and  at  that  time  it  was  a  good  thing  for  the  one-sided- 
ness  of  skepticism,  which  called  in  question  all  experience,  to  be 
thus  opposed.  Locke  also  did  good  service  by  several  popular 
philosophical  treatises,  particularly  by  his  work  on  the  Reason- 
ableness of  Christianity,  and  by  his  letters  on  Religious  Tolera- 
tion. 

In  Germany,  the  authority  which  the  Aristotelian  philosophy 

rius,  Freret  iiber  Gott,  Religion  und  Unsterblichkeit,  Geschichte  des  Aberglaubens, 
and,  lastly,  Synesius  oder  histor.-philosophischer  Versuch  iiber  Catholicismus  und 
Protestantismus,  Lemgo,  1818.  8.  Here  belongs  also  J.  G.  Seume,  Mein  Sommer 
1805,  Leipzig,  1806,  p.  72.  This  work,  while  directed  against  the  Old  Testament, 
praises  the  elevated  morality  of  Christ,  though  representing  it  as  hidden  under  a 
covering  of  mysticism:  "If  I  can  not  merit  salvation,  I  shall  not  be  condemned.— 
Forgiveness  of  sins  is  the  palladium  of  reprobates  and  imbeciles." 
1  Herder's  Werke,  ix.  155. 


ICO  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  II.— A.D.  10-48-1814. 

had  so  long  held  among  the  Protestants  was  overthrown  by  Chris- 
tian Thomasius.  He  was  born  at  Leipsic,  where  he  studied  phi- 
losophy and  jurisprudence,  and  was  professor  until,  on  account  of 
many  controversies,  he  was  forced  to  leave  the  city  in  1G90.  He 
repaired  to  Halle,  and  was  there  instrumental  in  founding  the 
university,  of  which  he  became  a  professor  (d.  1728).  Thomasius 
attacked  all  slavish  sectarian  philosophy,  both  the  Aristotelian  and 
the  Cartesian,  and  endeavored  to  expose  and  remove  old  preju- 
dices, and  to  promote  freedom  of  thought.  He  thereby  rendered 
valuable  service,  although  he  did  not  himself  enrich  the  sciences 
by  any  remarkable  discoveries.  From  him  dates  the  greater 
freedom  in  philosophical  investigation  which  afterward  pre- 
vailed among  German  philosophers,  and  of  which  the  University 
of  Halle  was  from  the  first  the  centre.  He  also  was  the  first  to 
employ  the  German  language  in  the  lecture -room  and  in  his 
philosophical  writings.  From  his  time  onward  there  were  al- 
ways many  eclectics  among  the  German  philosophers,  who, 
without  confining  themselves  exclusively  to  any  single  school, 
availed  themselves  of  the  good  which  they  found  in  all  the  phi- 
losophers, and  constructed  systems  of  their  own.  Contempora- 
neous with  these  was  a  series  of  distinguished  philosophers,  who 
opened  up  new  methods  in  philosophy.2 

The  most  eminent  was  Gottfried  Wilhelm  Leibnitz.  Born  at 
Leipsic,  he  studied  jurisprudence,  as  well  as  philosophy,  mathe- 
matics, and  history,  and  became  counselor  and  librarian  of  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick-Luneburg  at  Hanover.  He  was  instrumental 
in  establishing  the  Boyal  Academy  of  Sciences  at  Berlin,  became 
its  first  president,  and  was  raised  by  the  Emperor  to  the  rank  of 
baron  (d.  171C).  In  history,  as  well  as  in  mathematics  and  phi- 
losophy, Leibnitz  made  very  important  discoveries,  and  gave  a 
new  impulse  to  the  spirit  of  investigation  in  all  these  sciences. 
He  did  not,  it  is  true,  elaborate  any  complete  philosophical  sys- 
tem ;  but  nevertheless,  by  free,  independent  philosophical  investi- 
gation, and  by  his  own  remarkable  theories,  he  did  much  to  pro- 
mote the  tendency  of  German  philosophy  to  emancipate  itself 
from  authority.3     A  peculiar  feature  of  his  system  was  the  hy- 

2  Thomasius  wrote  against  the  belief  in  witches:  De  Origine  et  Progressu  Proc. 
Inquis.  contra  Sagas  (Wald  Progr.  1821,  p.  3).  In  Prussia  the  death  penalty  for 
witchcraft  was  abolished  in  1714  (ib.  p.  3). 

3  Herder's  Werke,  ix.  369.  Systematis  Leibnitiani  Expositio  quacdam  Rationc  im- 
primis habita  Quaestionis  uum  alia  Esoterica,  alia  Exotcrica  habuerit  Vir  illc  Dog- 


PART  I.— §  7.  RISE  OF  A  BETTER  PHILOSOPHY.  jgj 

pothesis  of  Monads,  i.  e.,  simple  substances  as  the  elements  of  all 
things.  He  regarded  God  himself  as  an  uncreated  monad,  and 
all  other  things  as  created  monads.  Every  monad  has  the  faculty 
of  perception  ;  but  the  human  soul  alone,  which  is  also  a  monad, 
possesses  intelligent  perceptions  and  memory.  Connected  with 
this  theory  was  his  doctrine  of  "pre-established  harmony"  (harmo- 
niajpraestabilita),  by  which  he  explained  the  influence  of  the  soul 
upon  the  body.  Every  soul  has  a  certain  sequence  of  thoughts 
and  desires ;  every  body,  a  sequence  of  motions.  Now,  the  Deity 
has  united  that  soul  and  that  body  whose  motions  are  entirely 
correspondent  to  each  other.  Consequently,  each  acts,  properly 
speaking,  independently  of  the  other ;  but  it  seems  as  if  the  body 
were  directed  by  the  soul. 

The  principal  work  of  Leibnitz  on  the  philosophy  of  religion 
is  his  Essais  de  Theodicee  (Amst.  1710,  2  parts,  12mo),  in  which, 
at  the  instance  of  Queen  Sophia  Charlotte  of  Prussia,  he  en- 
deavored to  refute  Bayle,  who  believed  that  he  had  found  in  the 
misfortunes  of  this  world  a  contradiction  of  the  goodness  and 
wisdom  of  God.  He  sought,  on  the  contrary,  to  prove  that,  as 
the  world  was  intended  to  be  the  abode  of  finite  creatures,  it 
must  of  necessity  itself  have  certain  imperfections;  but  that, 
among  all  possible  worlds,  God  has  selected  the  best.  This  the- 
ory of  the  best  world  has  been  designated  by  the  name  Optimism. 

Although  Leibnitz  was  engaged  only  in  certain  departments 
of  philosophy,  and  consequently  elaborated  no  comprehensive 
philosophical  system,  this  work  was  performed  in  his  spirit,  yet 
independently,  by  Christian  Wolf,4  born  at  Breslau,  1679.  He, 
like  Leibnitz,  combined  the  study  of  philosophy  with  that  of 
mathematics,  and  became,  in  1707,  professor  of  mathematics  in 
Halle.  But  he  there  incurred  the  suspicions  of  the  theologians 
by  his  advocacy  of  the  opinions  of  Leibnitz.  They  discovered 
in  the  harmonia  joraestabilita  open  fatalism,  and  even  accused 
Wolf  of  atheism,  because  he  rejected  the  usual  arguments  for 

mata.  Scripsit  C.  N.  T.  H.  Thomsen,  Schleswig,  1S32.  4.  Geschichte  der  neuern  Phi- 
losophic Darstellung,  Entwickelung  unci  Kritik  der  Leibnitzischen  Philosophie, 
von  L.  A.  Feuerbach,  Ansbaeh,  1837.  G.  W.  Freiherr  von  Leibnitz,  cine  Biographie 
von  Guhrauer,  2  Theile,  Breslau,  1842.  Geschichte  der  neuern  Philosophie,  von  Dr. 
Kuno  Fischer :  vol.  2,  Das  Zeitalter  der  deutschen  Auf  klarung ;  G.  W.  Leibnitz  und 
seine  Schule,  Mannheim,  1855. 

*  Christ.  Wolfs  eigene  Lebensbeschreibung.    Published  with  an  Essay  on  Wolf, 
by  Heinrich  Wuttke,  Leipzig,  1841. 
VOL.  V. — 11 


162  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1G48-1814. 

the  existence  of  God.  They  therefore  brought  such  influences 
to  bear  upon  Frederic  William  I.  that  Wolf  was  deposed  in  1723, 
and  banished  from  the  country.  lie  then  became  professor  at 
Marburg,  but  was  very  honorably  recalled  by  Frederic  II.  to  the 
chancelorship  of  the  university  (1740),  was  afterward  raised  to 
the  rank  of  baron,  and  died  in  1754.  Although  Wolf  started 
with  the  philosophy  of  Leibnitz,  he  elaborated  it  in  a  thoroughly 
independent  manner.  He  deviated  in  some  respects  from  Leib- 
nitz, supplied  many  of  the  portions  which  the  latter  had  left  in- 
complete, and  thus  produced  a  perfect  philosophical  system.  It 
is  distinguished  particularly  for  its  rigidly  mathematical  form, 
both  in  the  arrangement  of  the  whole  and  in  the  disposition  of 
the  single  arguments.  Wolf  was  the  first  to  employ  mathemat- 
ics in  philosophy,  and  his  philosophy  is  consequently  remarkable 
for  its  systematic  coherence,  the  strictness  of  the  argumentation, 
and  its  extraordinary  clearness  and  conciseness.  Wolf  made 
valuable  contributions  to  theology,  not  only  by  the  new  argu- 
ments which  he  advanced  in  support  of  the  truths  of  natural 
theology,  but  also  by  his  rigid  separation  of  the  departments  of 
natural  and  revealed  religion.  Among  the  German  Protestants, 
Wolf  completely  destroyed  all  vestiges  of  the  Aristotelian  scho- 
lastic philosophy.  To  him  also  belongs  the  great  distinction  of 
having  cultivated  the  German  language  so  as  to  adapt  it  to  the 
purposes  of  speculative  philosophy,  whereas  Thomasius  had  writ- 
ten in  German  only  upon  popular  philosophy. 

Wolf,  however,  was  not  without  opponents.  The  most  impor- 
tant was  Christian  August  Crusius,  professor  of  theology  and 
philosophy  at  Leipsic  (d.  1775).  He  opposed  the  philosophy  of 
Leibnitz  and  Wolf  with  another  system,  which  commended  itself 
especially  to  theologians  by  conforming  as  strictly  as  possible  to 
the  system  of  the  Church,  and  even  seeking  to  prove  some  of  the 
positive  doctrines  of  the  latter — e.  g.  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity — 
by  philosophical  methods.  There  was,  however,  so  much  in  his 
system  that  was  arbitrary  and  manifestly  derived  rather  from  the 
imagination  than  the  understanding,  that  his  school  soon  disap- 
peared. 

After  the  defects  of  the  Wolfian  philosophy  had  become  more 
generally  recognized,  eclecticism  became  prevalent  among  the 
German  philosophers,  and  there  was  also  a  tendency  to  give  up 
speculation  and  to  develop  the  practical  truths  of  sound  reason 


PART  I—  §  8.  RISE  OF  A  BETTER  PHILOSOPHY.  J63 

in  a  universally  intelligible  manner.  This  course  was  taken  by 
several  philosophers  of  distinction — Garve,  Plattner,  and  others; 
but  the  general  effect  of  the  Popular  Philosophy  was  to  impair 
the  accuracy  of  philosophical  statement  and  argumentation,  and 
to  foster  such  superficiality  as  prevailed  among  the  Encyclope- 
dists.    This  was  the  case  with  Basedow. 


CONTINUATION. 

In  addition  to  the  works  of  Feuerbach  and  Erdmann  on  philosophy  after  the  time 
of  Bacon  and  Descartes,  and  Fichte's  Beitrage  zur  Cbaracteristik  der  neuern  Phi- 
losophic :  H.  M.  Chalybaus,  Hist.  Entwickelung  der  Speculativen  Philosophic 
von  Kant  bis  auf  Hegel,  Dresden,  1837.  8. ;  3d  ed.  1843.— Fortlage,  Genetische  Ge- 
schichte  der  Philosophic  seit  Kant,  Leipzig,  1852.  —  H.  Ritter,  Versuch  zur  Ver- 
standigung  iiber  die  neueste  deutschc  Philosophic  seit  Kant,  Braunschweig,  1S53. 
— Hase,  Jenaisches  Fichtebiichlein. 

An  entirely  new  epoch  in  German  philosophy  dates  from  the 
appearance  of  critical  philosophy,  with  Immanuel  Kant,  pro- 
fessor of  philosophy  at  Konigsberg  (d.  1804).  The  earlier  sys- 
tems had  either  a  dogmatic  character,  inasmuch  as  they  laid 
down  a  few  principles  as  of  immediate  certainty,  and  did  no 
more  than  deduce  conclusions  from  them  ;  or  else  they  had  a 
skeptical  character,  and  called  in  question  the  certainty  of  all 
human  knowledge.  Kant,  however,  began  by  more  rigidly  sepa- 
rating the  two  classes  of  our  cognitions,  the  purely  rational  from 
the  empirical,  and  defining  more  accurately  the  limits  of  each. 
His  first  work  was  the  Kritik  der  reinen  Vernunft  (1781),  which 
was  followed  by  the  Kritik  der  praktischen  Vernunft  (1788)  and 
others. 

The  appearance  of  Kant  not  only  marked  an  epoch  in  philos- 
ophy, but  had  an  important  influence  upon  theology.  By  his 
efforts  the  superficial  French  naturalism  was  overthrown  in 
Germany.  He  showed  that  pure  reason  certainly  can  not  dem- 
onstrate the  truths  of  religion,  but  proved  the  latter  to  be  postu- 
lates of  the  practical  reason,  and  consequently  objects  of  a  ra- 
tional faith.  At  the  same  time,  he  pointed  out  the  limits  of 
rational  cognition,  and  thus  precluded  all  dogmatizing  upon 
matters  which  transcend  its  sphere.  Accordingly,  the  philoso- 
phy of  Kant  did  not  directly  impugn  the  doctrine  of  a  higher 
revelation,  although  it  was  pre-eminently  the  occasion  of  that 


K54  FOURTn  PERIOD— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

revolution  in  Protestant  theology  which  resulted  in  rational- 
ism.1 

After  the  time  of  Kant,  philosophy  entirely  abandoned  its 
hostile  attitude  toward  theology ;  there  was  rather  an  increasing 
tendency  on  the  part  of  the  latter  to  assimilate  itself  to  the  for- 
mer. No  philosophical  system  arose  without  the  attempt  being 
made  to  remodel  the  dogmatic  system  according  to  its  principles. 
Consequently,  the  history  of  philosophy  forms  the  basis  of  the 
history  of  the  later  theology. 

In  the  footsteps  of  Kant  came  Johann  Gottlieb  Fichte,  who, 
in  his  "Wissenehaftslehre,  1794,  endeavored  to  erect  upon  the 
foundation  laid  by  Kant  a  philosophical  system  developed  from 
a  single  self-evident  proposition.  He  too  deduced  from  the  re- 
quirements of  the  practical  reason  the  necessity  of  a  moral  sys- 
tem of  the  universe,  which  he  called  God.  This  was  construed 
as  atheism,  and  he  was  consequently  compelled  to  resign  his 
professorship  at  Jena  in  1799.  He  afterward  became  professor 
in  the  then  recently  founded  university  of  Berlin  (d.  1814). 

An  entirely  different  method  was  followed  by  Friedrich  Wil- 
helm  Joseph  Schelling,  at  first  professor  at  Jena,  then  at  AViirz- 
burg,  academician  at  Munich,  finally  professor  at  Berlin.  He  was 
the  founder  of  the  Philosophy  of  Nature,2  which  assumed  an  iden- 
tity of  the  Deity  and  the  world,  the  ideal  and  the  real,  the  body 
and  the  soul,  and,  by  the  aid  of  a  so-called  inward  intuition,  sought 
to  develop  the  laws  of  things.  Although  this  philosophy  was  fa- 
vorable to  the  natural  sciences,  inasmuch  as  it  gave  them  a  new 
impulse,  its  general  effects  were  not  beneficial.  It  awakened  the 
imagination  and  emotions  at  the  expense  of  the  understanding, 
and  also  gave  rise  to  many  subsequent  errors  in  the  sphere  of 
theology.  Moreover,  Schelling  occupied  a  wholly  different  atti- 
tude toward  theology  from  Kant  and  Fichte. 

These  critical  philosophers  made  it  a  principle  to  subject  all, 
even  the  positive,  doctrines  of  theology  to  the  tests  of  reason  ;  and, 
while  they  thus  found  a  certain  kernel  of  religious  truth  in  the 
doctrines  of  Christianity,  taught  that  the  rest  was  to  be  regarded 
as  temporary  and  local  opinions,  which  were  valuable  only  so  far 
as  they  were  the  necessary  forms  by  which  alone,  under  those 
external  conditions,  religious  truth  could  find  acceptance  among 

1  Kant's  Religion  inncrlialb  der  Granzcn  der  blossen  Vernunft,  1793.  8. 

2  First  in  the  works,  Idcen  zur  Naturphilosophie,  1797;  Ueber  die  Weltseele,  1798. 


PART  I.— §  8.  RISE  OF  A  BETTER  PHILOSOPHY.  165 

men,  Schelling,  on  the  contrary,  found  in  these  positive  doc- 
trines of  Christianity  the  expression  of  eternal  ideas  of  reason, 
and  accordingly  endeavored  to  deduce  them  from  the  principles 
of  reason  and  to  combine  them  with  his  philosophy.  To  attain 
this  end,  it  must  be  confessed  that  he  was  often  compelled  to 
give  these  doctrines  a  different  interpretation  from  that  which  is 
usual  in  the  Church.  This  was  also  the  case  with  Hegel's  phi- 
losophy, which  came  into  notice  at  the  close  of  this  period,  and 
soon  after  acquired  a  predominant  influence. 


PART  SECOND  OF  SECOND  DIVISION. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCn. 


FIRST  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  CONTROVERSIES  IN  FRANCE. 

THE  JANSENIST  CONTROVERSIES. 
Pfaff,  Diss,  dc  Gratia  et  Praedest.  21  ss.— Marhciuekc,  Symbolik,  iii.  87. 

During  this  period  the  weakness  of  the  Pupal  hierarchy  be- 
came increasingly  manifest.  In  the  Church  the  Jesuits  had 
made  themselves  so  powerful  and  formidable  that  the  popes 
wore  compelled  to  submit  to  their  guidance.  The  Papal  decrees, 
which  did  not  please  the  Jesuits,  were  disregarded  by  them.  In 
their  relations  with  temporal  sovereigns,  the  popes  also  became 
more  and  more  sensible  that  the  nimbus  of  majesty  and  digni- 
ty which  once  surrounded  them  had  disappeared,  and  were  com- 
pelled to  submit  to  indignities,  especially  from  France,  which 
had  been  formerly  unknown.1  Nevertheless,  they  did  not  aban- 
don their  old  pretensions,  notwithstanding  that  they  were  so  de- 
cidedly rejected,  but  concealed  them  only  when  it  seemed  to  be 
necessary.  When  they  thought  they  could  venture  it,  they  still 
acted  in  the  spirit  of  Hildebrand,  as  is  manifest  from  the  series 
of  controversies  which  were  carried  on  in  France  during  the  first 
half  of  this  period,  and  which  began  with  the  Jansenist  contro- 
versies. 

The  Bajian  controversy  respecting  the  Augustinian  system,  in 
which  particularly  the  Franciscans  and  the  Jesuits  had  taken 
ground  against  the  genuine  Augustinian  doctrine,  had  remained 
a  mere  theological  dispute,  without  causing  any  schism  in  the 
Church.  But  the  revival  of  the  same  dispute  by  Cornelius  Jan- 
senius  was  more  serious.     He  was  a  Hollander  by  birth,  studied 

1  On  the  Papacy  after  the  Peace  of  Westphalia,  see  Wesscnberg's  Geschichte  dcr 
Concilien,  iv.  2G3. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— §  9.  JANSENIST  CONTROVERSIES.  167 

theology  in  Louvain,  there  adopted  the  system  of  Augustine,  and 
in  consequence  became  one  of  the  most  active  opponents  of  the 
Jesuits.  At  first  professor  of  theology  in  Louvain,  he  became 
bishop  of  Ypres,  where  he  died  soon  after,  in  163S.  Shortly  be- 
fore his  death  he  completed  a  work  upon  which  he  had  labored 
twenty-two  years,  an  exposition  of  the  true  Augustinian  system 
derived  from  the  writings  of  Augustine  himself.  It  was  pub- 
lished by  his  friends,2  and  appeared  in  1640:  Augustinus,  seu 
Doetrina  S.  Augustini  de  Humanae  Naturae  Sanitate,  Aegritudi- 
ne  et  Medicina  adversus  Pelagianos  et  Massilienses.3  This  work 
attracted  universal  attention.  The  Jesuits,  who  had  always  been 
the  enemies  of  Jansen,  attacked  it  with  violence,  while  it  was  de- 
fended by  his  friends,  among  whom  were  all  the  theologians  of 
Louvain  and  a  great  part  of  the  higher  clergy  of  the  Nether- 
lands. Soon  afterward  the  work  was  prohibited  by  the  Inquisi- 
tion, and  in  the  year  1643  Urban  VIII.  repeated  this  prohibition 
in  his  bull  In  Eminenti,  on  the  general  grounds  that,  according 
to  a  Papal  decree,  nothing  ought  to  have  been  printed  on  the 
doctrine  De  Auxiliis,  and  that  the  book  of  Jansen  contained  sev- 
eral errors.  At  first  this  bull  was  generally  resisted  in  the  Neth- 
erlands, not  only  at  the  University  of  Louvain,  but  also  among 
the  Flemish  clergy.  The  Spanish  government,  however,  inter- 
posed, and  they  were  obliged  to  accept  the  bull,  but  were  excused 
from  subscribing  it  (1651).  Nevertheless,  the  attachment  to  Jan- 
sen and  the  aversion  to  the  Papal  bull  were  long  cherished  se- 
cretly in  the  Netherlands. 

More  open  and  violent  were  the  disturbances  produced  by  the 
Papal  bull  in  France.  The  work  of  Jansen  had  there  been  re- 
ceived with  approval  by  many  theologians  even  in  the  Sorbonne, 
when  the  demand  was  made  upon  the  latter  to  accept  the  Papal 
bull  (1614).  This  was  declined,  and  shortly  after  Antoine  Ar- 
nauld,4  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  went  so  far  as  to  write  two  works 
in  defense  of  Jansen ;  and  so  began  the  Jansenist  controversy, 
which  so  long  distracted  the  French  Church.  The  Jesuits,  with 
a  numerous  following  in  the  Sorbonne,  took  the  lead  in  the  at- 
tack upon  the  adherents  of  Jansenius,  and  gave  them  the  name 
of  Jansenists.     They  in  turn  called  their  opponents  Molinists, 

2  By  the  abbot  of  St.  Cyran,  Jean  du  Verger  de  Hauranne. 

3  Comp.  C.  Jansenii  Tetrateuchus  in  Evaugg.  Aveoni,  1S53.  12. 

4  Vater's  Archiv,  1824,  i.  101. 


1GS  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1048-1814. 

although  they  did  not  all  accept  the  principles  of  Molina.  The 
Jansenists,  true  to  the  system  of  Augustine,  who,  to  show  the  in- 
sufficiency of  human  powers  to  attain  to  holiness,  advanced  the 
most  rigid  moral  principles,  were  the  most  deadly  enemies  of  the 
Jesuitical  perversions  of  morality  and  of  all  merely  external 
sanctity.5  They  laid  great  stress  upon  inward  holiness,  and 
tanght  that  the  sacraments  themselves,  when  only  outwardly  re- 
ceived without  proper  spiritual  preparation,  were  unavailing. 
Moreover,  contrary  to  the  prevailing  principles  of  the  Church, 
they  recommended  in  general,  with  great  earnestness,  the  reading 
of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  new  spir- 
itual life  awakened  by  such  principles  was  too  much  tinctured,  in 
the  Jansenists,  with  a  gloomy  mysticism,  and  that  they  attached 
so  great  importance  to  penances  and  self-mortification  as  to  lead 
even  to  the  disregard  of  health  and  life.  Their  most  noted 
leaders  were  Antoine  Arnauld,  Blaise  Pascal,  Pierre  Kicolc, 
and  Martin  de  Barcos,  Abbot  of  St.  Cyran  (d.  1678).  Their  prin- 
cipal seat  was  the  nunnery  of  Port  Royal,  in  a  suburb  of  Paris,6 
of  which  the  abbess  was  the  sister  of  Antoine  Arnauld,  who  had 
restored  the  strict  conventual  discipline.  Most  of  the  leaders 
of  the  Jansenists  resided  in  the  vicinity  of  this  convent  in  the 
exercise  of  rigid  austerity,  and  for  this  reason  they  were  also 
called  Messieurs  de  Port  Royal. 

As  the  Papal  bull  had  not  condemned  any  particular  doctrines 
of  Jansen  as  heretical,  the  first  concern  of  the  Jesuit  party  in  the 
Sorbonne,  after  the  appearance  of  Arnauld's  apologies,  was  to  ex- 
tract such  propositions  from  the  work  of  Jansen,  and  have  them 
expressly  condemned  by  the  Pope.7  They  obtained  their  wish  from 
Innocent  X.,  who  condemned  (1653,  in  the  bull  Cum  Occasione 
Tmpressionis  Libri)  five  doctrines  ostensibly  Jansen's,  particular- 
ly the  following :  That  many  Papal  decrees  could  not  possibly  be 
observed  by  the  faithful;  that  the  divine  grace  is  irresistible;  and 
that  Christ  did  not  die  for  all  men. 

When  this  bull  appeared,  the  Jesuits  had  already  gained  the 

5  The  Jesuits  did  not  hesitate  to  charge  Augustine  in  so  many  words  with  error, 
Gcrdes,  Serin,  vii.  190. 

6  Port-Royal,  par  C.  A.  Sainte-Bcuve,  t.  i.  Paris,  1840.  Pragm.  Miinchsgeschichte, 
ii.  122.    Reuchlin,  Gescuichte  von  Port-Royal. 

7  Hubert,  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  in  1650  composed  an  address  to  the  Pope,  in  the 
name  of  eighty-five  French  prelates,  in  which  he  declared  live  propositions  in  Jan- 
sen's Augustine  heretical. 


PART  II.-CHAP.  I.-§  9.  JANSENIST  CONTROVERSIES.  109 

majority,  and  counted  in  their  party  the  most  eminent  of  the 
clergy;  and  even  Cardinal  Mazarin,  who  then  stood  at  the 
head  of  the  government,  in  connection  with  many  other  French 
bishops,  thanked  the  Pope  for  this  decision.  But  the  Jansen- 
ists  did  not  yield.  They  asserted  that  the  propositions  con- 
demned by  the  Pope  were  not  to  be  found  in  the  writings  of 
Jansen,  in  the  sense  in  which  he  had  taken  them.  They  there- 
fore declared  that,  while  the  decision  of  the  Pope  respecting  the 
orthodoxy  of  the  doctrines  must  of  course  be  obeyed,  in  order 
to  condemn  Jansen,  the  fact  must  be  settled  in  what  sense  he 
intended  his  expressions.  This  question  also  {question  de  fait) 
awakened  a  lively  controversy.  The  Jansenists  complained  that 
they  were  treated  like  a  sect  separated  from  the  Church,  and  on 
their  part  continued  to  expose  the  disgraceful  moral  principles 
and  policy  of  the  Jesuits.  And  as  it  soon  became  evident  they 
were  now  the  most  powerful  party  arrayed  against  the  Jesuits, 
many  honest  men  espoused  their  cause  from  hatred  to  the  latter. 
Particularly  influential  in  this  respect  were  the  Lettres  Provin- 
ciales  of  Pascal  (1656),  which,  in  an  elegant  and  attractive  style, 
laid  bare  the  true  character  of  the  Jesuits.8 

In  the  meantime  Alexander  VII.  became  Pope  (1655-1667).9 
To  put  an  end  to  the  dispute  in  France,  he  issued  a  new  consti- 
tution anathematizing  those  who  asserted  that  the  five  proposi- 
tions had  not  been  condemned  according  to  the  sense  of  Jansen 
(1656).  In  vain  the  Jansenists  remonstrated  that  this  was  a 
purely  historical  question,  upon  which  the  Church  itself  could 
not  decide,  much  less  the  Pope.  The  French  bishops  all  accept- 
ed the  Papal  decree,  and  drew  up  a  formula  which  was  to  be 
subscribed  by  all  the  clergy,  and  in  which  they  were  to  declare 
their  submission  to  the  Papal  constitutions  and  reject  the  five 
propositions  of  Jansen.  All  who  should  decline  to  subscribe 
were  to  be  regarded  and  prosecuted  as  heretics.10  After  the 
king  had  given  his  sanction  to  this  decree  (1661),  the  subscrip- 
tion was  to  be  required.  The  leaders  of  the  Jansenists  concealed 
themselves,  since  they  were  in  the  greatest  danger.     The  nuns 

8  Pascal's  Leben,  von  Reuchlin,  Stuttg.  1840. 

9  He  also  decided  Pro  Immaculata  Mariae  Conceptione:  Flacii,  Auctar.  Dedicat.  VIII. 
Unschuld.  Nachr.  1701,  p.  209.  [Pope  Alexander  VII.  and  the  College  of  Cardinals, 
by  John  Bargrave,  D.D.,  Canon  of  Canterbury  (1663-1680);  ed.  by  J.  C.  Robertson, 
Camden  Soc.  1867.] 

10  Launoi  Opp.  iv.  ii.  88. 


170  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

of  Port  Royal  resolutely  refused  to  subscribe,  and  consequently 
were  subjected  to  very  harsh  treatment.  But  in  addition  to 
these  there  were  many  ecclesiastics  and  even  four  bishops  who 
would  not  subscribe  the  formula,  while  many  other  bishops 
openly  condemned  the  policy  of  compulsory  subscription,  inas- 
much as  the  point  at  issue  was  not  a  doctrine,  but  a  fact.  The 
whole  French  Church  was  thrown  into  the  greatest  confusion. 

At  this  juncture  Clement  IX.  became  Pope  (1667-16G9),  and 
induced  the  four  bishops  to  subscribe  the  formula  (166S)  by  con- 
ceding the  omission  of  the  expression  unconditionally  (pure- 
■ment),  so  that  the  declaration  was  thus  less  distinctly  made  that 
Jansen  had  actually  taught  these  doctrines  in  an  heretical  sense. 
By  these  means  quiet  was  outwardly  restored  in  the  French 
Church,  and  the  persecution  of  the  Jansenists  ceased.  But  the 
discord  between  the  two  parties  still  continued  to  exist,  and 
waited  only  for  an  opportunity  to  break  forth  afresh  and  with 
greater  violence. 

§10. 

THE  DISPUTES  OF  LOUIS  XIV.  WITH  THE  POPES. 

Although  Louis  XIV.  had  sided  with  the  Jesuits  in  the  Jan- 
senist  controversy,1  uniformly  sustaining  the  Papal  decisions  and 
persecuting  the  refractory  Jansenists,  he  was  yet  extremely  jeal- 
ous of  the  preservation  of  his  royal  prerogatives,  resented  the 
slightest  encroachment  upon  them  on  the  part  of  the  popes,  and 
endeavored  rather  to  enlarge  them.  He  was  thus  brought  into 
collision  with  Innocent  XL,  a  very  estimable  Pope,  who  with 
earnestness  and  rigor  attempted  to  reform  the  many  abuses 
which  were  prevalent  at  Rome  (1676-1G89).  The  French  kings 
had  exercised  a  right  over  most  of  the  bishoprics  under  the  name 
of  La  regale,  by  which,  in  case  of  a  vacancy,  they  received  the 
revenues  and  tilled  the  ecclesiastical  offices  in  the  gift  of  the 
bishop  until  the  new  bishop  had  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  King.  Louis  XI Y.  wished  to  extend  this  right  to  all  the 
bishoprics,  and  required  this  oath  of  fealty  from  the  bishops  on 
their  appointment.     As  many  declined  to  comply  with  this  re- 

1  The  Memoircs  de  Daniel  dc  Cosnac,  Archevequc  d'Aix,  publies  par  le  Comte 
Jules  de  Cosnac,  Paris,  1852,  2  vols.,  show  how  the  bishops  were  involved  in  the  in- 
trigues of  the  court. 


PART  II.— CH.  I.— §  10.  DISPUTES  OF  LOUIS  XIV.  WITH  THE  POPES.  171 

quirement,  the  King  gave  orders  that  their  sees  be  considered 
for  the  time  being  vacant,  and  had  them  administered  by  vicars. 
The  bishops  appealed  to  the  Pope,  who  took  their  part  and  went 
so  far  as  to  excommunicate  the  ecclesiastics  appointed  by  the 
King.  In  order  to  punish  the  Pope  for  this  action,  Louis  con- 
voked a  council  of  the  French  clergy  at  Paris  in  1682  to  secure 
the  rights  of  the  French  Church.2  These  rights  were  recapitu- 
lated by  the  council  in  a  solemn  declaration  consisting  of  four 
propositions  (Quatuor  Propositiones  Cleri  Gallicani).  In  the 
first,  the  clergy  declared  that  the  Pope's  jurisdiction  was  con- 
fined to  spiritual  matters,  and  did  not  extend  to  secular  affairs 
and  to  kings  and  princes.  The  second  proposition  maintained 
the  authority  of  an  cecumenical  council  over  the  Pope.  The 
third  declared  that  the  Pope  was  bound  by  the  laws  of  the 
Church,  and  also  by  the  particular  regulations  and  usages  of  the 
French  Church.  And,  lastly,  the  fourth  asserted  that  the  de- 
cisions of  the  Pope  without  the  ratification  of  the  Church  were 
not  unalterable.  The  King  ordered  these  Propositions  to  be 
published  every  where  and  publicly  read  in  the  universities.  In 
Rome,  however,  they  were  received  with  the  greatest  indigna- 
tion. Innocent  had  them  immediately  burned  by  the  public 
executioner,  and  notified  the  French  clergy  of  his  extreme  dis- 
pleasure at  their  action.3  In  order  to  compel  the  revocation  of 
these  Propositions,  Innocent  withheld  from  the  newly  appointed 
bishops  in  France  their  bulls  of  ratification,  so  that  a  large  num- 
ber of  the  French  sees  soon  stood  vacant.  Louis  XIV.,  on  the 
other  hand,  devised  a  new  method  of  retaliation. 

Innocent  had  determined  to  abolish  the  right  of  asylum  which 
was  attached  to  the  residences  of  the  foreign  embassadors  at 
Rome.  This  privilege  protected  even  the  worst  criminals  from 
.arrest  when  they  had  found  refuge  in  the  district  where  the  for- 
eign embassador  resided.  Inasmuch  as  all  police  regulations 
were  thereby  rendered  inoperative,  all  the  sovereigns  except 
Louis  XIV.  agreed  to  relinquish  this  privilege.  He,  however, 
persistently  refused.  When  the  Pope  gave  orders  to  the  magis- 
trates to  respect  the  right  of  asylum  no  longer,  Louis  XIV. 
(1687)  sent  an  embassador  with  a  retinue  of  a  thousand  soldiers 
to  maintain  it  by  force.     In  vain  the  Pope  excommunicated  the 

2  Wessenberg,  iv.  371. 

3  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1713,  p.  910.    Protestatio  Cleri  Gall.  id.  p.  920. 


172  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

envoy.  Louis  retaliated  by  seizing  Avignon.  Neither  Innocent 
XI.  nor  his  successor  Alexander  VIII.  (1GS9-1G91),  who  solemn- 
ly condemned  the  Four  Propositions  in  a  bull,  lived  to  see  the 
end  of  this  struggle.  It  was  not  until  the  time  of  Innocent  Xll. 
(1691-1700)  that  it  was  terminated  by  a  mutual  compromise. 
Louis,  indeed,  continued  to  maintain  the  right  of  the  rtgalc  in 
all  the  sees  of  his  kingdom,  but  he  relinquished  the  right  of  asy- 
lum and  restored  Avignon  to  the  Pope. 

A  far  more  important  concession,  however,  was  made  when 
he  allowed  the  bishops  elect,  in  order  to  obtain  the  Papal  ratifi- 
cation, to  humbly  address  the  Pope,  disowning  the  Four  Propo- 
sitions, and  promising  to  treat  them  as  if  they  had  never  been 
passed  by  the  council  (1692).4 

It  is  true  that  the  French  Church  did  not  on  this  account  re- 
linquish  these  principles,  but  the  court  withdrew  its  support  from 
their  defenders,  that  the  good  understanding  which  once  more 
existed  with  the  Pope  might  not  be  disturbed.  During  the  con- 
troversy the  King  had  commissioned  the  celebrated  Bishop  of 
Meaux,  Jacques  Benigne  Bossuet,  then  the  most  distinguished  of 
all  the  French  theologians,  who  had  himself  been  present  at  the 
council  of  the  French  clergy,  to  write  a  defense  of  the  Four 
Propositions.  But  now  Louis  would  not  allow  this  work  to  be 
printed,  and  it  remained  in  manuscript  until  it  was  finally  pub- 
lished in  Geneva.5 

§  1L 

QUIETISM. 

The  ethical  system  of  the  Jesuits  made  Christian  virtue  a 
matter  of  comparatively  small  importance,  and  attached  a  dis- 
proportionate value  to  the  external  exercises  of  worship.  It  is 
not,  therefore,  surprising  that  more  deeply  religious  natures 
were  painfully  wounded  and  repelled  by  it,  and  consequently 
driven  to  the  opposite  extreme  of  contemplative  mysticism. 

4  Lc  Bret,  viii.  p.  129,  Note.    Febron,  p.  290. 

5  Under  the  title  J.  B.  Bossucti  Defensio  Declarations  Celeberrimae,  quam  de  Po- 
tcstate  Ecclesiastica  sanxit  Clerus  Gallicanus,  Luxemburg,  17::o, :.'  vols.  4.  The  act- 
ual place  of  publication  was  Geneva.  The  advocates  of  Papacy  declare  this  work 
spurious,  c.  g.  Victor  Amadcus  Soardi,  jurisconsult  at  Turin.  On  the  other  side, 
sec  Febron,  p.  80.  Also  in  the  treatise  I)e  Auetorc  Libri  cui  Titulus :  Defensio,  etc., 
in  second  vol.  of  Jura  S.  Sedis  Rom.  in  SS.  Literis  fundata,  Colon.  Agripp.  1797.  4.  it 
is  represented  as  spurious.  But  eomp.  Bencdicti  I'.  XIV.  Ep.  ad  Archiepisc.  Com- 
postell.  dd.  Jul.  31, 1748  (Opp.  Bossuet.  in  4  t.  six.  pref.  p.  xxix.). 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— §  11.  QUIETISM.  173 

For  this  reason  the  seventeenth  century  abounded  in  mystics, 
many  of  whom  were  to  be  found  among  the  Jansenists.  The 
Jesuits  were  well  aware  that  this  tendency  was  unfavorable  to 
their  interests,  and  therefore  exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost  to 
repress  it.  The  most  remarkable  example  of  the  kind  is  pre- 
sented by  the  history  of  the  Quietists,  a  class  of  mystics  who  ap- 
peared toward  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  so  called 
because  they  endeavored  by  inward  contemplation  and  devotion 
to  attain  to  holiness  and  the  true  rest  of  the  soul.  The  name 
was  taken  from  that  of  a  fanatical  party  in  the  Greek  Church 
in  the  fourteenth  century  called  Hesychiasts.1 

The  first  who  was  persecuted  under  this  name  was  Michael 
Molinos,  a  Spanish  priest  who  lived  at  Rome,  and  was  there  held 
in  very  high  esteem  as  a  preacher  and  confessor.  He  wrote  in 
1675  the  Guida  Spirituale  (Spiritual  Guide),  which  was  every 
where  received  with  the  greatest  favor  and  translated  into  many 
languages.  This  work  was  intended  to  be  a  guide  to  contem- 
plation. It  particularly  recommended  inward  prayer  and  medi- 
tation, but  attached  little  value  to  external  exercises.  For  a 
long  time  the  work  was  eagerly  read  in  Rome,  being  highly  es- 
teemed by  Innocent  XI.  himself,  when  suddenly,  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  Louis  XIV.,  who  acted  under  the  influence  of  his  con- 
fessor, the  celebrated  Jesuit  La  Chaise,  Molinos  was  imprisoned 
at  Rome  and  his  book  subjected  to  a  searching  examination. 
In  the  year  1687  Molinos  was  compelled  to  abjure  his  errors, 
and  was  condemned  to  perpetual  imprisonment.  Undoubted- 
ly the  main  reason  for  this  cruelty  was  the  fear  that  his  doc- 
trines would  be  detrimental  to  the  external  worship  of  the 
Church. 

Nevertheless,  quietism  found  not  a  few  adherents  and  apolo- 
gists in  France.  The  most  noted  was  a  lady  of  rank,  Madame 
Guyon,  who  by  her  persuasive  eloquence  gained  many  follow- 
ers, and,  with  truly  devout  although  extravagant  sentiments, 
aimed  always  at  inward  purification  through  contemplation,  and 
mourned  over  the  prevalence  of  a  merely  external  and  mechan- 
ical worship  in  the  Church.  After  having  been  driven  from 
several  cities  at  the  instigation  of  the  bishops,  she  came  at  last 
to  Paris,  and  there  gained  many  adherents  at  the  court  itself 

1  'Ho-ux'a  animarum.  De  Quietismo,  in  J.  A.Schmid,Decas  Dissertatt.  Hist.  Theol. 
p.  134.    Scharling  (Niedner's  Zeitsch.  1854),  Molinos. 


1 74  FOURTU  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

(10S6).2  Her  most  distinguished  friend  was  the  pious  abbot 
Francois  de  Salignac  de  la  Motte  Fenelon,  then  instructor  of  the 
royal  princes,  who  was  attracted  by  the  devout  sensibility  and 
fervor  of  Madame  Guyon.  On  the  other  hand,  the  not  less  fa- 
mous Bossuet,  Bishop  of  Meaux,  who  was  regarded  as  the  oracle 
of  orthodoxy  in  France,  took  ground  against  quietism.  lie  also 
was  a  truly  pious  man,  but  possessed  too  keen  a  mind  to  over- 
look the  dangerous  tendency  of  this  mysticism,  and  was  too  firm- 
ly grounded  in  the  orthodox  faith  to  be  deceived  by  the  errors 
contained  in  many  of  the  tenets  of  these  mystics,  who,  influenced 
by  their  feelings,  were  not  always  careful  to  observe  the  limits 
of  orthodoxy.  Consequently,  Madame  Guyon  came  into  bad  re- 
pute and  lost  favor  at  court.  She  was  even  imprisoned  for  a 
time,  but  was  afterward  released  (d.  1717). 

After  Fenelon  had  become  Archbishop  of  Cambray,  in  1G91, 
Bossuet  was  desirous  that  he  should  now  also  condemn  the  opin- 
ions of  Madame  Guyon.  But  Fenelon  had  too  much  respect  for 
the  pious  purpose  of  that  lady  to  consent.  He  believed  that  the 
mystics  had  not  always  comprehended  their  own  obscure  ideas, 
and  that  their  deviations  from  orthodoxy  were  only  misappre- 
hensions, while  their  fundamental  principles  (especially  that 
which  made  pure  love  to  God  the  source  of  all  Christian  perfec- 
tion) were,  when  rightly  developed,  wholly  orthodox,  and  con- 
sistent with  the  Church  doctrine.  He  therefore  endeavored  to 
reconcile  quietism  with  orthodoxy,  and  to  this  end  wrote  his 
Explication  des  Maximes  des  Saints.  Scarcely  had  this  work 
appeared  before  he  was  violently  assailed  by  several  of  the  bish- 
ops, particularly  by  Bossuet.  Louis  XIV.  also  was  prejudiced 
against  Fendlon  by  the  latter.3  The  matter  was  referred  to  the 
decision  of  the  Pope,  and  Innocent  XII.  condemned  twenty-three 
propositions  in  Fenelon's  work  as  offensive,  injurious,  and  false 
(1690).  Fcnclon  had  the  humility  to  submit  immediately  to  this 
decision,  and  even  read  it4  himself  from  the  pulpit  to  his  con- 
gregation. So  the  contest  ended,  and  Fenelon  secured  by  his 
course  the  respect  of  all. 

s  C.  Hermes,  Ziige  aus  dcm  Lcben  der  Frau  von  Guyon,  Magdeburg,  1845. 

3  He  had  a  particular  spite  against  Fenelon  on  account  of  the  Telemaque,  Which 
was  supposed  to  be  a  satin:  against  his  government.  On  this  subject,  and  especial- 
ly on  the  course  of  Mine,  de  Maintenon,  see  Bredow  in  the  Minerva,  annual  for  the 
year  1814,  p.  287  ss. 

*  The  Papal  bull  see  in  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1709,  p.  515.  Fenelon's  Retractation,  p.  518. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— §  12.  JANSENIST  CONTROVERSIES.  175 


§  12. 
CONTINUATION  OF  THE  JANSENIST  CONTROVERSIES. 

The  peace  which  Clement  IX.  had  restored  in  the  French 
Church  by  allowing  the  Jausenists  to  subscribe  the  formula  con- 
ditionally (1668)  was  not  of  long  duration.  The  Jesuit  party  soon 
resumed  the  persecution  of  the  Jansenists,  and  compelled  the 
leaders,  among  them  Arnauld,  to  seek  refuge  in  the  Netherlands, 
where  they  found  many  secret  friends  and  adherents  of  Jansen, 
and  where  they  ended  their  lives  in  concealment.  In  order  to 
obliterate  every  trace  of  Jansenism,  the  Jesuits  began  to  assert 
that  it  was  not  enough  to  subscribe  the  formula,  but  that  it  was 
necessary  to  believe  that  the  Pope  and  the  Church  could  not  en- 
even  in  matters  of  fact. 

Clement  XI.  (1700-1721)  came  to  their  aid  with  a  bull  (Vine- 
am  Domini),  in  which  he  went  so  far  as  to  insist  upon  the  un- 
conditional belief  that  Jansen  had  taught  the  mooted  proposi- 
tions in  an  heretical  sense  (1705),  thereby  completely  abrogating 
the  compromise  of  Clement  IX.  The  nuns  of  Port  Koyal  were 
also  directed  to  subscribe  this  bull,  and  when  they  refused  were 
subjected  to  all  sorts  of  persecution,  until  the  hatred  of  the  Jes- 
uits finally  procured  the  total  suppression  of  the  convent,  and 
even  the  destruction  of  the  building  itself  (1710). 

Simultaneously  with  these  events  the  efforts  of  the  Jesuits 
were  particularly  directed  against  a  work  which,  till  then  unno- 
ticed, had  gained  the  Jansenists  many  friends — the  New  Testa- 
ment of  Paschasius  Quesnel.  This  man,  who  was  a  priest  of  the 
Oratoire  at  Paris,  was  a  Jansenist,  for  which  reason  he  was  forced 
to  leave  France,  in  16S5,  and  for  a  time  resided  with  Arnauld  in 
the  Netherlands.  Persecuted  there  also,  he  fled  to  Holland,  and 
died  at  an  advanced  age  in  Amsterdam,  1719.  Subsequent  to 
1671,  Quesnel  had  published  a  French  translation  of  the  New 
Testament,  with  practical  explanations,  which  was  received  with 
universal  favor,  and  passed  through  numerous  editions.  There 
were,  it  is  true,  traces  of  Jansenism  in  this  work,  and  the  Jesuits, 
therefore,  sought  to  cast  suspicion  upon  it.  It  was,  however, 
earnestly  recommended  by  the  Cardinal  and  Archbishop  of 
Paris,  De  Noailles,  who  was  no  friend  of  the  Jesuits.  This  made 
the  latter  the  more  anxious  to  procure  the  condemnation  of  the 


17G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1048-1814. 

book ;  and  at  last  Louis  XIV.  was  persuaded  by  his  Jesuit  con- 
fessor to  submit  the  subject  to  the  decision  of  the  Pope.     Ac- 
cordingly, in  1713,  the  infamous  bull  Unigenitus  (Dei  Filius)1  ap- 
peared, in  which  the  severest  condemnation  was  pronounced  upon 
Quesnel's  New  Testament,  and  one  hundred  and  one  propositions 
were  particularly  designated  as  false   and  heretical.     Among 
these  propositions  were  many  very  distinctly  contained  in  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  while  others  had  been  taken  verbatim  from 
Augustine  and  other  Fathers ;  but  no  explanations  were  added 
in  the  bull  to  show  in  what  sense  they  were  wrong,  and  therefore 
to  be  condemned  in  Quesnel.     For  this  reason  the  bull  caused 
the  greatest  commotion  in  France,  and  a  number  of  bishops,  with 
the  Cardinal  de  Noailles  at  their  head,  as  well  as  many  doctors  of 
the  Sorbonne,  refused  their  assent  to  it.    Louis  XIV.  did  all  in  his 
power,  even  using  force,  to  compel  them  to  submit ;  but  in  1715 
he  died,  leaving  the  French  Church  in  the  greatest  confusion, 
divided  between   the   Acceptants,  or   Constitutionists,  and  the 
Anti-Constitutionists.     The  Duke  of  Orleans,  who  administered 
the  government  as  Regent,  was  an  enemy  of  the  Jesuits,  and  for 
this  reason  at  first  favored  the  opponents  of  the  constitution  Uni- 
genitus.    This  emboldened  a  number  of  ecclesiastics,  who  had 
been  hitherto  restrained  by  fear,  to  declare  against  the  bull ;  and, 
when  the  Pope  still  refused  to  yield  and  would  give  no  explana- 
tion, in  the  year  1717  some  twenty  bishops,  with  the  Archbishop 
de  Noailles  at  their  head,  the  University  of  Paris,  the  congrega- 
tion of  St.  Maur,  and  a  great  number  of  other  ecclesiastics,  ap- 
pealed from  the  Pope  to  a  universal  council.     This  step  only 
widened  the  breach.    The  Appellants  were  now  still  more  loudly 
accused  by  the  Acceptants  of  Jansenism,  although  most  of  them 
declared  themselves  decidedly  against  it.    The  Regent  was  much 
embarrassed.     All  the  attempts  which  were  made,  under  his  di- 
rection, to  induce  the  Pope  to  compromise  were  ineffectual,  and 
Clement  XL  insisted  upon  obedience  to  his  bull.     At  this  junct- 
ure, the  Regent,  probably  fearing  a  schism,  altered  his  policy,  and 
had  the  bull  accepted  by  the  Parliament  (1720).     De  Noailles 
also  assented  to  it  with  certain  explanations,  which  he  at  the 
same  time  made  public.     The  other  Appellants  were  at  least  re- 
duced to  silence,  and  several  who  continued,  notwithstanding,  to 

'  Reprinted  in  the  Unschukl.  Nachr  1713,  p.  819;  also  in  Harduini  Concill.  t.  xi. 
p.  1631.    Walch,  De  Cone.  Lat.  p.  89.    Wessenberg,  iv.  290. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— §  12.  JANSENIST  CONTROVERSIES.  177 

declaim  against  the  bull  were  banished.  "When  Louis  XV.  came 
to  the  throne,  and  Cardinal  Fleury,  a  friend  of  the  Jesuits,  exer- 
cised, from  the  year  1726,  the  entire  control  of  the  government,  the 
position  of  the  Appellants  became  still  more  desperate.  They 
were  now  subjected  to  rigorous  persecution.  De  Noailles  him- 
self was  compelled  to  subscribe  the  bull  unconditionally,  and 
many  fled  to  the  United  Netherlands,  particularly  to  Utrecht,  to 
avoid  the  persecution,  and  joined  the  Jansenists  who  still  re- 
mained there. 

Among  the  most  resolute  Appellants  were  the  congregation  of 
St.  Maur,  of  whom  more  than  live  hundred  became  Re-appel- 
lants, and  refused  to  accept  the  bull,  in  spite  of  the  displeasure 
of  the  Pope,  who  threatened  to  dissolve  the  congregation,  and 
of  the  King,  who,  by  encroachments  upon  the  liberty  of  their 
general  chapter,  prevented  the  election  of  Re-appellants  as  supe- 
riors. At  last  the  superiors  were  persuaded  to  join  the  Constitu- 
tionists;  and,  by  banishment  and  imprisonment  of  the  most  de- 
termined Re-appellants,  the  general  resolution  was  so  far  broken 
that  the  bull  was  accepted  without  reservation.  But  from  that 
time  the  congregation  declined  in  intelligence  and  vigor,  and 
never  afterward  was  of  much  account.2 

Benedict  XIII.,  a  Dominican  (1724-173Q),  in  his  bull  Pretio- 
sus  in  Conspectu  Domini,  enjoined  upon  the  Dominican  Order, 
to  which  he  was  extremely  partial,  to  preach  the  whole  doctrine 
of  St.  Augustine  and  St.  Thomas,  and  especially  the  doctrine  of 
the  operation  of  grace  and  election  without  reference  to  good 
works.  The  Jesuits  resisted  the  publication  of  the  bull,  and  em- 
ployed all  their  arts  to  destroy  its  efficiency.  The  Pope  pub- 
lished it  notwithstanding  ;  but  at  last,  weary  of  the  dispute,  im- 
posed silence  upon  both  parties.3 

All  at  once  a  report  was  circulated  of  miracles  performed  in 
behalf  of  the  oppressed  Appellants.  Among  the  Appellants,  the 
deacon  Francois  de  Paris  was  revered  as  a  kind  of  saint.  He 
had  lived,  according  to  Jansenist  principles,  in  miserable  hovels, 
performing  continual  penances.     His  extreme  asceticism  caused 

2  Cf.  Histoire  de  la  Constitution  Unigenitus  en  ce  qui  regarde  la  Congreg.  de  St. 
Maur,  Utrecht,  1736.  8. 

3  Gregory  VII.  was  canonized  by  Benedict  XIII.  under  protest  of  the  temporal 
government,  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1729,  p.  683 ;  1730,  p.  329.  1729,  Mandements  mehrerer 
franz.  Bischbfe  gegeu  die  Legende  Gregors  VII.,  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1729,  p.  861,  990, 
1194. 

VOL.  V. — 12 


17S  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

his  premature  death  in  1727,  and  he  was  buried  in  the  cemetery 
of  St.  Mc'dard,  in  one  of  the  suburbs  of  Paris.  When  his  admir- 
ers now  made  their  pilgrimages  to  his  grave,  they  soon  discov- 
ered that  wonderful  cures  were  wrought  there.  The  result  was, 
that  invalids  of  every  sort  streamed  incessantly  to  this  grave,  and 
all  Paris  was  soon  filled  with  stories  of  wonderful  cures,  which 
passed  among  the  people  for  so  many  divine  declarations  against 
the  bull  Unigejiitus.  A  remarkable  incident  in  connection  with 
this  excitement  was  the  conversion  of  the  Member  of  Parlia- 
ment Hontgeron,  who  had  previously  led  a  very  dissipated  life 
and  despised  all  religion.  Pie  went  to  the  cemetery  of  St.  Mc- 
dard  from  curiosity,  and  was  so  deeply  affected  by  the  appear- 
ance of  fervor  and  rapture  with  wThich  the  great  multitudes  were 
praying  at  the  grave  of  St.  Paris  that  he  fell  down  and  besought 
God  for  light,  and  from  that  time  led  a  life  of  rigid  penitence, 
lie  subsequently  published  a  description  of  eight  miracles4  said 
to  have  been  wrought  at  the  grave  of  St.  Paris  and  supported  by 
sworn  testimony,  and  endeavored  to  prove  by  them  both  the  in- 
nocence of  the  Appellants  and  the  pernicious  intentions  of  the 
Pope  and  the  Jesuits.  But  when  he  presented  this  work  to  the 
King,  he  was  sent  to  the  Bastille,  where  he  remained  until  his 
death.  As  regards  these  miracles  at  the  grave  of  St.  Paris,  it  is 
difficult,  in  the  absence  of  unprejudiced  and  careful  investiga- 
tions made  at  the  time,  to  determine  the  true  state  of  the  case.5 
This  much  is  certain,  that  a  great  number  of  the  sick  were  not 
cured,  and  then  the  fault  was  attributed  to  their  own  lack  of 
the  inward  grace.  Other  reputed  cures  were  either  only  par- 
tial or  of  short  duration,  while  in  some  instances  it  was  shown 
even  at  that  time,  by  the  investigations  which  were  instituted, 

4  La  Verite  dcs  Miracles  operes  par  1' Intercession  dc  M.  de  Paris,  1737.  Extracts 
from  this  work  in  Less,  Ueber  die  Religion,  ihre  Geschichtc,  Wahl  unci  Bestatigung, 
vol.  ii,  p.  7G8  ss. 

5  Similar  stories  of  miracles  in  Paris:  Claude  Bernard,  formerly  of  licentious  fri- 
volity, suddenly  converted,  penitential  preacher  in  Paris,  who  sucked  out  ulcers  in 
the  hospitals,  etc.,  d.  1641.  Ee  had  not  been  dead  four  weeks  before  a  hundred  mir- 
acles had  been  counted  which  were  Baid  to  have  been  performed  by  him  in  Paris, 
and  afterward  they  became  innumerable.  Adelnng,  Geschichtc  dcr  menschl.  Narr- 
hcit,  pt.  ii.  p.  271-287.  Ersch,  Encycl.  pt.  ix.  p.  167.  De  Miraculis  Francisci  de  Paris, 
Mosheim,  Diss,  ii.  307.  Tholnck,  Vcrmischtc  Schriften,  i.  133.  Journal  Historique 
ct  Anccdotiquc  du  Regne  du  Louis  XV.,  par  E.  J.  F.  Barbier,  public  par  A.  de  la  Villc- 
ffille,  t.  ii.  Paris,  1849.  How  little  such  accounts  are  to  be  trusted,  sec  Jesscn,  in 
Damerow's  Zeit&chrift  fiir  Psychiatric  (against  Caltueil).  [Convuls.  Jansenistes,  in 
Figuicr's  Histoire  du  Merveilleux,  Paris,  1859.] 


PART  II.— CHAP.  I.— §  12.  JANSENIST  CONTROVERSIES.  179 

that  falsehood  and  deception  had  been  employed.  The  Jesuits, 
however,  were  greatly  embarrassed  by  these  miracles,  since  they 
could  not  disprove  them  without  impugning  by  their  arguments 
the  other  miracles  of  the  Church.  They  therefore  sometimes 
refused  to  give  an  opinion,  sometimes  attributed  them  to  the 
Devil,  or  else  tried  to  make  out  that  they  were  simple  bene- 
factions, which  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  doctrines  of  the 
recipients. 

But  from  the  year  1731,  when  the  party  of  the  Appellants, 
and  still  more  the  populace  in  Paris,  had  become  thoroughly  ex- 
cited by  these  miracles,  there  began  to  be  new  developments. 
There  were  many  who  for  a  long  time  previous  had  undertaken 
all  sorts  of  fanatical  vows  and  penances  in  honor  of  St.  Paris. 
They  now  began  to  have  ecstatic  experiences  at  the  grave  of  the 
saint.  They  fell  into  convulsions  and  sang,  or  preached  and 
prophesied,  generally  against  the  bull  Unigenitus.  To  check 
this  disorder,  the  King  had  the  cemetery  of  St.  Medard  walled 
up  and  occupied  by  a  military  guard.  But  this  only  made  the 
mischief  worse;  for  all  the  relics  of  the  saint,  of  which  great 
numbers  were  preserved,  and  every  handful  of  earth  from  his 
grave,  now  sufficed  to  cure  all  diseases  and  to  produce  ecstasies, 
so  that  the  only  result  of  this  measure  was  to  multiply  the 
places  where  the  miracles  were  wrought.  The  number  of  the 
Convulsionnaires  constantly  increased,  and  the  mad  frenzy  which 
had  taken  possession  of  the  Parisian  populace  in  particular  grew 
more  violent. 

Before  long  the  Convulsionnaires  began  to  require  forcible 
means  {secotors  violents)  to  intensify  their  ecstasies.  Among  them 
were  bodily  tortures  of  all  kinds,  which  were  practiced  by  many 
of  the  Convulsionnaires  to  a  fearful  extent.  They  caused  them- 
selves to  be  beaten  upon  the  breast  with  iron  bars,  rolled  them- 
selves about  in  or  near  a  great  fire,  and  boasted  afterward  that  dur- 
ing this  time  they  had  been  in  a  peculiarly  blissful  state.  All  the 
royal  commands  and  penalties  were  ineffectual ;  but  at  last  these 
very  excesses  brought  the  whole  thing  to  an  end.  The  most  rep- 
utable Appellants  condemned  the  secours  violents  as  sins  against 
the  Sixth  Commandment,  and  thus  their  party  divided  into  Secou- 
ristes  and  Anti-Secouristes.  The  former  were  almost  exclusive- 
ly confined  to  the  populace,  and  the  miracles  continued  among 
them  only,  but  gradually  decreased  when  the  charm  of  novelty 


ISO  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

had  worn  off  and  the  movement  had  ceased  to  be  supported  by 
men  of  intelligence.6 

Afterward  the  Appellants  continued  to  exist  secretly  in 
France.  They  had  their  own  priests,  who  confessed  them  and 
administered  the  communion,  but  no  measures  were  taken 
against  them  except  that  the  clergy  frequently  warned  the 
people  against  them  as  heretics  and  Jansenists.  But  from  the 
year  1752  new  disorders  began.  The  Appellants  were  always 
compelled  to  apply  to  the  regular  priest  for  the  sacrament  of 
extreme  unction  as  a  condition  of  burial  in  consecrated  ground. 
This  induced  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  Christophe  de  Beaumont, 
at  the  instigation  of  the  Jesuits,  to  forbid  the  administration  of 
the  sacraments  to  those  about  to  die  unless  they  could  prove  by 
a  certificate  that  they  had  formerly  confessed  to  the  priest  of 
their  parish.  But  the  Parliament  immediately  took  the  matter 
in  hand  and  declared  that  the  sacraments  could  not  be  refused 
on  this  ground,  since  the  bull  Umgenitus  was  not  a  rule  of  faith. 
The  Archbishop  was  supported  by  the  King,  but  the  Parliament 
persisted  in  their  determination,  and,  when  such  a  case  of  re- 
fusal occurred,  had  the  revenues  of  the  Archbishop  confiscated. 
The  King  forbade  the  Parliament  to  interfere  in  spiritual  af- 
fairs, and  followed  this  action  by  banishing  all  its  members  to 
foreign  parts ;  but  it  was  to  no  purpose.  lie  was  finally  com- 
pelled to  yield,  since  most  of  the  other  French  bishops  declared 
that  the  presentation  of  a  certificate  of  confession  was  not  neces- 
sary for  the  administration  of  the  sacraments.  The  Pope,  Bene- 
dict XIV.,  was  asked  to  decide  the  matter,  which  he  did  in  a 
very  mild  form  (1756).  He  called,  it  is  true,  the  bull  Unigen- 
itus an  apostolic  constitution  to  which  obedience  was  due,7  but 
required  that  the  sacraments  should  only  be  refused  to  those 
who  were  open  and  notorious  opponents  of  the  bull. 

This  action  immediately  put  an  end  to  the  Jansenist  disputes 
in  France,  and  after  the  fall  of  the  Jesuits  the  bull  Unigenitus 
lost  its  authority  complete!}'.8 

6  Cf.  Less  ante,  vol.  ii.  p.  214  ss.,  813  ss.  0?]uvres  Philosophiques  tlu  Pere  Andre, 
avec  one  Introduction  et  des  Notes  par  Viet.  Cousin  (contained  in  the  Bibliotheque 
Philosophiqne,  publico  par  M.  Charpentier),  1S43. 

7  Tanta  est  profecta  in  Ecclesia  Uci  auetoritas  apostolicae  eonstitutionis,  quae  in- 
cipit  UhigenUvs,  ut  nemo  fldelium  possit  absque  salutis  aeternae  discrimine  a  debi- 
ta  erga  ipsam  subjectione  scse  subducere. 

9  Christ.  Matth.  Pfaffii  Acta  Publica  Constitutionis  Unigenitus,  Tubing.  17:21.  4. 


PART  II.-CH.  I.-§  13.  JANSENIST  CHURCH  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS.  181 

This  dispute  was  one  great  cause  of  the  deterioration  of  the 
French  clergy.  For  zeal  in  behalf  of  the  bull  Unigenitus  was 
one  of  the  chief  recommendations  for  promotion  to  the  higher 
offices  of  the  Church.  In  this  way  Dubois,  Laffitteau,  Tencin, 
Rohan,  even  became  cardinals.9 


§  13. 

THE  JANSENIST  CHURCH  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

Janssonius  de  Jansenistarum  Historia  et  Principiis,  Groningae,  1841.  8. 

The  Jansenists  and  Appellants  found  nowhere  a  safer  res- 
idence than  in  the  Republic  of  the  United  Netherlands,  and  con- 
sequently many  repaired  thither  on  account  of  the  persecutions 
in  France  and  the  Spanish  Netherlands.  After  the  Reformation 
only  a  few  Catholics  were  left  in  this  republic.  They  were  un- 
der the  spiritual  direction  of  a  bishop  in  partibus,  who  had  his 
residence  in  Utrecht.  The  Flemish  Catholics  were  for  the  most 
part  favorable  to  Quesnel's  writings,  and  the  higher  clergy  had 
been  won  over  to  the  cause  of  Jansenism  by  Arnauld,  who,  about 
the  year  1689,  resided  in  Delft.1  They  were  therefore  denounced 
by  the  Jesuits  as  Jansenists,  although  they  always  refused  to  ac- 
cept this  name.  The  Jesuits  now  attempted  to  force  their  way 
into  these  regions  as  missionaries  for  the  purpose  of  alienating 
the  Catholic  population  from  their  pastors,  while  at  the  same 
time  they  accused  the  latter  at  Rome,  and  finally  succeeded  in 
procuring  from  the  Pope  the  removal  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Utrecht  (1704).  These  measures  incensed  the  Flemish  Cath- 
olics still  more  against  the  Papacy.  The  government  came  soon 
after  to  their  rescue  and  forbade  all  foreign  priests,  particularly 
the  Jesuits,  to  labor  within  its  bounds.  The  bull  Unigenitus, 
which  excited  universal  indignation  in  Holland  among  the  Cath- 
olics, and  the  immigration  of  the  persecuted  French  Appellants, 
completed  the  rupture  of  this  Church  with  Rome.  When  the 
Pope  obstinately  refused  to  confirm  a  newly  elected  bishop  of 
Utrecht,  the  chapter  of  that  place  had  him  consecrated  in  1723 

(containing,  first,  a  Historia  Constitutionis  Unigenitus).  Anecdotes  ou  Memoires 
Secrets  de  la  Constitution  Unigenitus,  Utrecht,  1732,  3  vols.  8.  German :  Geheime 
Nachrichten  von  der  Constitution  Unigenitus,  Magdeburg,  1755.  8. 

9  See  Gregoire,  Hist,  du  Manage  des  Pretres  en  France,  1826,  p.  125. 

1  Memoires  touchant  le  Progres  du  Jansenisme  en  Hollande,  1698. 


182  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

by  a  bishop  who  belonged  to  the  Appellants.  In  order  that  the 
episcopal  succession  might  not  be  broken,  these  Appellants  also 
had  bishops  appointed  for  Haarlem  and  Deventer,  and  thus  the 
Church  of  Utrecht  has  maintained  itself  separate  from  Home 
to  the  present  time.  They  are  indeed  called  Jansenists  by  the 
Roman  Catholics,  but  have  always  refused  to  acknowledge  that 
name,  and  have  preserved  the  strictest  orthodoxy.  Yet  they  have 
always  been  distinguished  for  their  opposition  to  the  ethics  of 
the  Jesuits,  the  strictness  of  their  Church  discipline,  and  their 
subjection  to  the  temporal  government.  This  Church  has  contin- 
ued to  recognize  the  primacy  of  the  Roman  See,  but  has  made  a 
distinction  between  the  Roman  See  and  the  Roman  Curia,  upon 
which  it  laid  the  blame  of  the  separation.  With  reference  to  the 
Pope,  it  taught  very  emphatically  that  he  was  liable  to  err,  and 
had  actually  given  utterance  in  the  bull  Unigenitus  to  heretical 
doctrines ;  that  he  was  therefore  inferior  in  authority  to  the  coun- 
cils and  bound  to  respect  appeals  to  the  same ;  and  that  he  had 
not  the  right  to  violate  the  Church  laws  and  the  privileges  of 
individual  churches,  as  he  had  done  in  the  case  of  the  Church 
of  Utrecht.  The  blame  of  this  error  on  the  part  of  the  Pope 
was  charged  to  the  Roman  Curia  and  its  ambition.  This  Church 
of  Utrecht  has  consequently  always  shown  itself  very  favorably 
disposed  to  reunion  with  the  Church  of  Rome  if  the  latter  would 
only  acknowledge  its  principles.  Accordingly,  they  are  accus- 
tomed to  present  the  names  of  their  newly  elected  bishops  to 
the  Pope  for  confirmation,  and,  when  this  is  refused,  to  repeat 
the  solemn  appeal  to  an  oecumenical  council.  Likewise  at  the 
election  of  a  new  Pope  this  Ecclesia  Ultrajectina  has  solemn 
masses  celebrated,  the  Te  Deum  sung,  and  a  letter  of  congrat- 
ulation sent  to  the  new  Pope ;  but  in  return  it  has  received  upon 
each  occasion  a  kind  of  bull  of  excommunication.2 

2  Gabriel  du  Pac  de  Bellcgarde,  born  1717,  accompanied  the  Doctor  of  the  Sor- 
bonne  D'Eltcmare  (for  whom,  as  his  theological  instructor,  he  had  a  strong  attach- 
ment) in  1751  to  Holland,  was  for  a  time  prebendary  in  Lyons,  and  died  at  Utrecht, 
1789.  His  writings  are  distinguished  for  thorough  acquaintance  with  ecclesiastical 
antiquities  and  canon  law:  Collection  Gent'rale  des  03uvrcs  d'Ant.  Arnauld,  Lau- 
sanne, 1772-82,  49  vols.  4.  Supplement,  ad  Varias  Collectioncs  Operum  Z.  B.  v.  Es- 
pen,  1763.  Memoires  sur  l'Histoire  de  la  Bulle  Unigenitus  dans  les  Pays-Bas  depuis 
1713  jusqu'en  1730,  Utrecht,  1755,  4  vols.  12.  He  was  one  of  the  most  active  mem- 
bers of  the  convocation  at  Utrecht  in  17G3,  and  wrote  the  important  preface  to  the 
Rccueil  des  Tcmoignages  rendus  ;1  l'Eglise  d' Utrecht.  This  work  was  followed  by 
L'Histoire  Abregde  de  l'Eglise  M^tropolitaine  <V Utrecht,  1705,  12.  e*d.  3ieme,  Utr. 
1852.     He  used  his  connection  with  the  celebrated  Van  Swieten  to  circulate  writings 


PART  II.— CH.IL— §  14.  JESUITS  IN  EUROPE  IN  THE  17TH  CENTURY,  ig; 


SECOND   CHAPTER. 

IIISTORY  OF  THE  ORDER  OF  JESUS  TO  THE  TIME  OF  ITS  ABOLISH- 
MENT. 

§    14. 

CONDITION  OF  THE  ORDER  IN  EUROPE  DURING  THE  SEVENTEENTH 

CENTURY. 

Le  Bret,  vii.  p.  392.— Sophronizon,  viii.  4,  62  ;  5,  97.— Wald,  Symbola  ad  Hist.  Recen- 
tissimam  Soc.  Jesu,  Regiom.  1817.  4. 

About  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  Order  was 
in  an  exceedingly  flourishing  condition.  It  numbered  about 
twenty  thousand  members,  who,  scattered  throughout  the  known 
world,  possessed  establishments  every  where,  in  some  cases  with 
very  considerable  property,  and  in  many  countries  unbounded  in- 
fluence. Moreover,  they  were  closely  united  among  themselves 
and  strictly  subordinated  to  the  commands  of  the  General,  so 
that  the  latter  could  often  control  by  his  will  whole  states  and 
kingdoms.  The  education  of  the  young  was  in  many  countries 
almost  entirely  in  their  hands,1  and  several  universities,  e.  g., 
Vienna  and  Prague,  were  exclusively  supplied  with  instructors 
from  their  number.  In  most  of  the  Catholic  kingdoms  the  Jes- 
uits possessed  unlimited  influence  over  the  sovereigns  and  men 
of  high  rank  (as  they  were  accustomed  to  select  their  confessors 
from  the  Order),  and  made  use  of  it  to  further  the  schemes  of 
the  popes,  and  especially  the  interests  of  their  Order,  as  well  as 
to  oppress  their  opponents,  particularly  the  Protestant  churches. 
Even  in  France,  where  the  Order  had  previously  met  with  so 
much  opposition,  it  obtained  under  Louis  XIV.  the  greatest 
power,  and  that  potent  prince  yielded  himself  almost  completely 
to  the  control  of  his  confessors,  the  Jesuits  La  Chaise  and  Le 

in  the  Austrian  states,  in  which  he  combated  the  blind  adherence  to  the  Roman 
Court.  Cf.  Suite  des  Nouv.  Eccl.  d' Utrecht  du  Dec.  25, 1790.  A.  L.  Z.  1790.  In- 
telligenzbl.  No.  87,  p.  709. 

1  Leibnitz,  Ueber  den  Verfall  der  Gelehrsamkeit  unter  den  Jesuiten  am  Ende  des 
17ten  Jahrh.  See  his  Briefwechsel  mit  Landgraf  Ernst,  herausgeg.  von  Rommel, 
ii.  224.  On  their  system  of  education,  see  Schmidt,  Zeitschrift  fur  Geschichtswis- 
senschaft,  iv,  113. 


184  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.-A.D.  1648-1814. 

Tellier.  They  were  the  chief  instigators  of  the  persecution  of 
the  Jansenists,  in  the  course  of  which  they  expressed  with  impu- 
nity the  most  extravagant  assertions  respecting  the  authority  of 
the  Papal  decisions  in  the  very  country  which  had  once  been  so 
liberal. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  general  reputation  of  the  Order 
received  in  its  controversy  with  the  Jansenists  some  serious 
blows.  The  loose  moral  principles  of  the  Jesuits  gave  their  ad- 
versaries a  most  important  advantage,  of  which  they  did  not 
hesitate  to  avail  themselves  in  their  controversial  writings.  No 
work  did  more  to  injure  the  cause  of  the  Order  in  this  respect 
than  the  Lettres  Provinciales  of  Blaise  Pascal.2  Pascal  was 
one  of  the  most  extraordinary  and  learned  men  of  his  age. 
In  his  youth  he  engaged  in  the  study  of  physics  and  mathe- 
matics with  great  success,  and  made  several  important  dis- 
coveries in  these  sciences,  although  he  ceased  to  occupy  him- 
self with  them  after  his  twenty-fourth  year.  From  that  time 
lie  devoted  himself  entirely  to  religious  meditations  and  strict 
ascetic  discipline,  and  died  at  the  age  of  thirty-nine  in  Paris 
(1G62).  His  Lettres  Provinciales,  which  he  published  under 
the  assumed  name  of  Louis  de  Montalte,  1656.  4.,  were  ad- 
dressed to  a  Provincial  (friend  in  the  provinces),  and  consist 
of  colloquies  between  Montalte  and  a  Jesuit,  in  which  the  for- 
mer propounds  questions  upon  moral  subjects  and  the  latter  an- 
swers them  according  to  the  principles  of  his  Order.  They  are 
masterpieces  of  satire  as  well  as  of  pure  classic  style,  and  were 
consequently  circulated  with  the  greatest  rapidity  throughout 
all  Europe,  passed  through  a  large  number  of  editions,  and  were 
translated  into  many  languages.  For  a  long  time  Pascal's  Let- 
ters were  the  favorite  reading  of  the  nation.  The  Jesuits  were 
held  up  to  ridicule,  which  did  more  to  injure  their  cause,  espe- 
cially in  France,  than  if  their  principles  had  been  exhibited  in 
ever  so  contemptible  a  light  in  serious  language.  This  work 
was  most  strictly  prohibited  by  the  King,  but  to  no  purpose. 
The  prohibition  only  stimulated  curiosity.  Quite  as  fruitless 
were  the  refutations  of  the  Jesuits,  which  appeared  in  great 

3  Ncandcr,  Wiss.  Ahhandl.  p.  58.  rascal's  Thcol.  n.  philos.  Werkc,  von  K.  Ad. 
Blech,  Prediger  in  Danzig,  8  vols. ;  vol.  i.  Berlin,  1840,  with  Pascal's  Life  by  his  sister, 
Gilberts  Perier,  and  an  Introduction  by  Neander.  De  Blaaio  Pascale  Vcritatis  et  Di- 
vinitatiB  Bel.  Cbristianae  Vindice,  Pars  I.  et  II.  Auctore  D.  Isaac  Rust.  Erlang.  1832. 


PT.  II.-CH.  II.— §  15.  MISSIONARY  CONTROVERSIES  OF  THE  JESUITS.  185 

number,  for  they  lacked  Pascal's  wit  and  satire.  It  was  not 
until  1696  that  a  Jesuit,  Gabriel  Daniel,  appeared  with  a  Re- 
ponse  aux  Lettres  Provinciales,  which  attempted,  with  some 
success,  to  turn  the  weapons  of  wit  and  ridicule  against  Pascal, 
although  it  was  still  far  from  equaling  his  famous  work.  After 
the  appearance  of  the  Provincial  Letters,  other  frequent  and  se- 
vere attacks  were  made  upon  the  ethics  of  the  Jesuits,  not  only 
by  Jansenists,  but  also  by  other  distinguished  Catholic  theolo- 
gians. The  most  important  work  of  this  class  is  that  of  Nicole 
Perrault,  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne.3  With  wonderful  pains  he 
has  collected  all  the  pernicious  doctrines  of  the  Jesuits  from  the 
writings  of  all  their  moralists,  with  accurate  references  to  each 
work,  and  refuted  them.  The  contest  became  so  violent  as  even 
to  require  the  intervention  of  the  popes,  who  condemned  certain 
of  the  immoral  principles  of  the  Order.  Of  these  several  were 
condemned  by  Innocent  XL,  who  was  in  general  no  friend  of 
the  Jesuits  (1679),  and  his  successor,  Alexander  VIIL,  in  1690 
also  condemned  in  particular  the  doctrine  of  the  "philosophical 
sin,"  which  was  represented  by  the  Jesuits  themselves  as  com- 
paratively unimportant.4 

All  these  events  had  the  effect  of  making  the  Jesuits  in  gen- 
eral more  cautious  in  their  utterances  upon  questions  of  casuis- 
try, and  even  induced  some  of  them  to  take  open  ground  against 
certain  ethical  principles  which  had  been  previously  maintained 
in  the  Order,  e.  g.,  against  the  doctrine  of  moral  jprobabilism. 
Nevertheless,  the  Order  has  never  entirely  renounced  these  doc- 
trines. 

§  15. 

MISSIONARY  CONTROVERSIES  OF  THE  ORDER  IN  CHINA  AND  MALA- 
BAR. 

While  the  Order  in  Europe  was  seeking  to  confirm  the  au- 
thorit}'  of  the  Pope  by  the  most  extravagant  assertions  of  his 
power,  especially  in  the  Jansenist  controversies,  it  manifested 
elsewhere  a  remarkable  insubordination  toward  the  Papal  de- 
crees and  even  the  Papal  legates,  employing  against  them  the 

3  La  Morale  des  Jdsuites  cxtraite  fidelement  de  leurs  Livres,  Mods,  1669,  3  vols.  8. 
Condemnation  of  Jesuit  Morality,  in  Arehinard,  i.  108. 

4  Also  in  1700  Jesuitical  doctrines  were  condemned  by  the  French  clergy  at  the 
suggestion  of  Bossuet,  Wessenberg,  iv.  355.  Versuch  der  Jesuiten  einen  Einfluss 
zu  erlangen  durch  die  Andacht  zum  Herzen  Jesu :  Illgens  Zeitschrift,  iv.  1,  220. 


1S(3  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  lGiS-1814. 

same  arguments  which  it  had  condemned  in  the  Jansenists,  so 
that  it  became  evident  that  the  real  object  of  its  activity  and 
zeal  was  not  the  advancement  of  the  Pope,  but  of  the  Order. 
AYherever  the  authority  of  the  Pope  was  needed  for  their  own 
advancement,  the  Jesuits  sought  to  exalt  it  in  every  conceivable 
manner.  But  where  they  found  that  they  could  hold  the  reins  of 
power  without  his  help,  they  ignored  and  disobeyed  him  as  soon 
as  he  attempted  to  interfere  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  Order. 

Already  during  the  previous  period  the  Jesuit  missionaries  in 
China1  and  Madura  had  been  charged  by  the  missionaries  of 
other  orders  with  having  made  undue  concessions  to  the  opin- 
ions and  customs  of  those  nations,  and  even  with  having  not 
only  permitted,  but  also  complied  with,  unchristian  and  heathen- 
ish practices.  As  long  previous  as  1032  an  order  had  been  is- 
sued by  Gregory  XV.  with  regard  to  the  so-called  Malabar 
usages,  in  which  a  few  were  allowed  under  certain  restric- 
tions, but  the  rest  strictly  prohibited.  The  Jesuits,  however, 
were  never  very  exact  about  observing  these  limitations.  As  to 
the  Chinese  practices,  although  there  were  at  first  some  con- 
demnatory decrees  issued  from  Rome  against  them,  Alexander 
VII.  in  1G56  decided  again  in  favor  of  the  Jesuits,  declaring 
that  the  questionable  practices  were  merely  of  a  civil  nature, 
and  did  not  need  to  be  forbidden  upon  religious  grounds. 
After  these  decisions  there  was  a  season  of  quiet,  but  toward 
the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  old  controversies  were 
reopened.  About  this  time  several  Lazarists  came  to  China  as 
missionaries,  who  forthwith  insisted  that  the  honors  which  the 
Chinese  were  accustomed  to  pay  to  their  ancestors  and  to  Con- 
fucius should  not  be  rendered  by  the  new  converts,  and  imme- 
diately began  to  revive  the  charges  against  the  Jesuits  at  Rome. 
At  the  same  time,  the  complaints  against  the  Jesuit  mission  in 
Madura  and  its  compliance  with  the  Malabar  usages  were  re- 
vived. In  order  to  investigate  and  decide  upon  both  of  these 
accusations,  the  Pope  dispatched  to  Asia  the  Patriarch  of  Anti- 
och,  De  Tournon.  He  went  first  to  Malabar  (1703)  and  there 
decided  entirely  against  the  Jesuits,  condemning  the  Malabar 
usages,  which  they  permitted  and  even  observed  themselves. 
But  when  De  Tournon  in  1705  crossed  to  China,  the  Jesuits 
there  put  a  melancholy  end  to  his  work.     By  their  mathemat- 

1  Vatcr's  Anbau,  ii.  125. 


PT.  II.-CH.  II. — g  15.  MISSIONARY  CONTROVERSIES  OF  THE  JESUITS.  1ST 

ical,  mechanical,  and  astronomical  knowledge  they  had  managed 
to  secure  the  favor  of  the  emperors  in  a  high  degree,  and  as 
court  mathematicians  occupied  positions  of  considerable  influ- 
ence. Accordingly,  when  De  Tournon  as  Papal  legate  forbade 
the  converts  to  observe  the  Chinese  practices,  the  Jesuits  ob- 
tained an  imperial  decree  for  his  imprisonment,  and  after  much 
ill-treatment  the  legate  died  in  prison  (1710).2 

The  Jesuits  in  Madura  also  entirely  disregarded  the  direc- 
tions of  De  Tournon,  and  persistently  declared  that  they  had  re- 
ceived the  permission  of  the  Pope  for  the  Malabar  usages.  The 
Capuchins  at  Pondicherry  on  this  account  suspended  all  ecclesi- 
astical intercourse  with  the  Jesuits.  But  the  latter  managed  to 
hold  their  own  in  this  French  colony  by  the  assistance  of  influ- 
ential members  of  the  Order  in  France.  Although  the  Capu- 
chins induced  Clement  XII.  to  issue  a  new  decree  against  the 
Malabar  usages  (1734),  the  Jesuits  nevertheless  succeeded  in 
preventing  it  from  attracting  much  notice.  They  published  it 
in  Latin,  made  the  same  distinction  between  facts  and  right 
which  they  had  condemned  so  strenuously  in  the  Jansenists,  as- 
serted that  the  Pope  had  been  deceived  in  the  facts  and  the  like. 
The  Capuchins  accordingly  sent  Father  Norbert  to  Eome  to 
press  their  charges  with  greater  energy.  Benedict  XIY.  now 
issued  a  stringent  prohibition  of  the  Malabar  usages  in  the  bull 
Omnium  Sollicituclinum  ;  and  as  the  Jesuits  had  to  govern 
their  course  with  reference  to  the  European  states  in  whose  col- 
onies they  were  residing,  they  were  forced  to  obey.  This  only 
increased  their  hatred  of  Father  Norbert. 

He  had  published  at  Avignon  in  1742  his  Memoires  Histo- 
riques  sur  les  Affaires  des  Jesuites  avec  le  Saint  Siege,  in  which 
he  gave  a  detailed  account  of  the  quarrels  in  the  Chinese  and 
Malabar  missions,  a  work  which  (especially  in  the  second  greatly 
enlarged  edition)3  is  the  principal  authority  for  the  history  of 
these  controversies.  For  this  reason  he  was  so  bitterly  pursued 
by  the  Jesuits  that  even  the  Pope,  Benedict  XIY.,  gave  him  no- 
tice that  he  could  not  protect  him  in  Eome,  and  allowed  him  to 
reside  wherever  he  might  choose  in  secular  dress.  He  accord- 
ingly took  refuge  in  Protestant  countries — in  England,  Berlin, 
and  Brunswick.      But  when  his  enemies  thereupon  circulated 

2  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1714,  p.  441. 

3  Lisbon,  7  vols.  4. 1766. 


188  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

the  report  that  lie  had  become  a  Lutheran,  he  returned  to  the 
Catholic  states.  lie  was,  however,  still  unable  to  find  a  place  of 
security,  until  he  at  last  settled  in  Portugal  after  the  Jesuits  had 
been  expelled  from  that  country. 

The  Jesuits  in  China  showed  themselves  still  more  contuma- 
cious. Clement  XL  issued  in  1715  the  bull  Ex  ilia  Die  against 
the  Chinese  practices,  in  which  their  observance  was  most  strict- 
ly forbidden  under  penalty  of  the  greater  excommunication. 
But  when  a  Franciscan  published  this  bull,  the  Jesuits  accused 
him  of  disseminating  a  foreign  edict  against  domestic  customs 
and  regulations.  The  Franciscan  was  imprisoned  and  for  sev- 
enteen months  subjected  to  the  greatest  cruelties.  Thereupon 
Clement  XL  sent  to  China  in  1720  a  new  legate,  Mezzabarba, 
the  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  and,  seeing  plainly  that  nothing 
was  to  be  accomplished  by  severity,  gave  him  private  instruc- 
tions in  case  of  necessity  to  concede  certain  modifications  of  the 
former  decrees.  This  legate  also  had  to  suffer  much  from  the 
Chinese  Jesuits.  They  tried  to  prevent  him  from  obtaining  an 
audience  with  the  Emperor.  He  was  heard  instead  by  manda- 
rins in  the  name  of  the  Emperor,  and  among  these  was  a  Jesuit, 
dressed  as  a  mandarin,  who  particularly  questioned  him  upon 
many  subjects  and  spoke  very  slightingly  of  the  Pope,  while  the 
legate,  according  to  Chinese  usage,  was  compelled  to  answer  the 
questions  kneeling.  Mezzabarba's  mission  was  likewise  ineffectu- 
al, but  when  the  Jesuits  learned  that  he  was  authorized  to  make 
certain  modifications  in  the  Papal  order,  the}7  succeeded  in  in- 
ducing him,  while  on  his  return,  to  make  them  known  in  a  pas- 
toral letter  to  the  Catholic  clergy  in  China.  He  permitted  a 
number  of  the  practices,  but  only  as  civil,  not  as  religious  acts, 
thereby  giving  the  Jesuits  an  excuse  for  entirely  disregarding 
the  former  Papal  bull.  Nevertheless,  the  old  contest  with  the 
other  missionaries  continued,  since  they  did  not  acknowledge  the 
concessions  of  Mezzabarba.  Benedict  XIV.  therefore  finally  is- 
sued a  new  bull  {Ex  quo  Singulari)  in  1711, 4  in  which  he  sol- 
emnly reaffirmed  the  bull  of  Clement  XL,  and  strictly  prohibited 
the  concessions  of  Mezzabarba  on  the  ground  that  they  had  been 
only  extorted  from  that  legate.  The  Jesuits  in  China  were  at 
last  forced  to  obey  these  decrees,  as  were  the  Jesuits  of  Madura 
soon  after,  by  virtue  of  a  similar  bull.     From  that  time  Chris- 

4  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1750,  p.  415. 


PAET  II.— CHAP.  II.— §  16.  JESUIT  STATE  IN  PARAGUAY.         189 

tianity  met  with  varying  fortunes  in  China,  being  several  times 
violently  persecuted  and  then  again  tolerated.  After  the  abol- 
ishment of  the  Order  of  Jesus  the  Jesuits  continued,  it  is  true, 
to  maintain  themselves  in  China  without  further  regard  to  the 
Papal  bull,  and  managed  to  survive  even  under  persecution; 
but  the  missions  suffered  severely  after  the  abolishment  and 
during  the  French  Revolution,  since  no  new  missionaries  were 
sent  to  them  from  Europe.  It  was  not  till  the  spring  of  1817, 
after  the  re-establishment  of  the  Order  of  Jesus,  that  twelve 
Jesuits  were  again  sent  to  China.  Meanwhile  an  imperial  de- 
cree had  already  been  issued  on  Jan.  30,  1815,  forbidding  the 
propagation  of  Christianity  under  severe  penalties,  and  permit- 
ting only  those  Europeans  to  remain  in  the  empire  who  were 
employed  as  mathematicians  in  Peking.  This  decree  is  only 
now  relaxed  owing  to  the  Revolution  in  China,5  and  up  to  the 
present  time  has  hindered  the  further  extension  of  Christianity 
in  that  country.6 

§  16. 

THE  JESUIT  STATE  IN  PARAGUAY.     EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS 
FROM  SEVERAL  COUNTRIES. 

Histoire  de  la  Chute  des  Jesuites  au  XVIII.  Siecle  (1750-1782),  par  le  Comte  Alex, 
de  Saint-Priest,  Paris,  1844.  8. ;  translated  in  the  Appendix  to  Genin's  work,  Die 
Jesuiten  u.  die  Univers,  translated  by  G.  Fink,  Bellevue,  near  Constance,  1844.  Cf. 
Die  Minerva,  1844,  vol.  3,  p.  359.    Herder's  Werke,  x.  41. 

Meanwhile  the  establishments  of  the  Jesuits  in  Paraguay1 
had  developed  unobserved  into  a  regular  state.  The  Jesuits, 
under  the  pretext  that  the  cruelty  and  loose  morals  of  the  Span- 
iards prevented  the  Indians  from  embracing  Christianity,  bad 

5  It  must  be  remembered  that  this  was  written  some  time  previous  to  1854,  the 
year  of  Gieseler's  death. — Tr. 

6  The  principal  work  on  the  Jesuit  missions  in  other  parts  of  the  world  is  the 
Lettres  Ediflantes  et  Curieuses  ecrites  des  Missions  Etrangeres,  par  quelques  Mis- 
sionnaires  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus,  Paris,  1699-1774,  32  vols.  12.  It  is  full,  in- 
deed, of  exaggerated  statements  of  the  success  of  the  missions,  but  replete  with 
valuable  information  respecting  the  natural  and  social  condition  of  these  countries. 
We  are  especially  indebted  to  the  Jesuits  for  accurate  information  about  China, 
which  was  previously  quite  unknown  to  Europe.  As  a  rule,  only  the  most  talented 
Jesuits,  who  had  received  a  special  preparation  for  the  work,  were  sent  to  China,  par- 
ticularly those  who  had  made  great  attainments  in  physics  and  mathematics.  They 
sent  back  during  the  course  of  the  eighteenth  century  many  treatises  on  China  and 
translations  of  Chinese  writings,  which  are  collected  in  the  Memoires  concernantles 
Chinois,  Paris,  1777-1814, 16  vols,  (the  16th  vol.  under  the  supervision  of  Sacy). 

1  See  Fourth  Period,  Div.  I.  Part  III.  chap.  3,  p.  115. 


190  FOURTH  PERIOD. -DIV.  II.— A. D.  1618-1814. 

already  obtained  a  decree  from  Philip  III.  forbidding  the  Span- 
iards to  enter  these  colonies.  They  now  stationed  guards  along 
the  frontiers  with  stringent  orders  to  turn  back  all  strangers, 
and,  that  the  Spaniards  might  be  the  less  able  to  gain  any  ad- 
vantage from  their  establishments  in  these  colonies,  the  use  of 
the  Spanish  language  was  entirely  prohibited  in  them.  They 
promised  the  King  of  Spain  an  annual  per  capita  tribute,  and 
in  case  of  war  a  certain  contingent  of  troops. 

In  this  seclusion  the  Jesuits  now  gradually  .built  up  a  remark- 
able state  with  a  constitution  wholly  unique.  The  number  of 
their  Seducciones  by  degrees  increased  to  thirty,  with  a  popula- 
tion of  considerably  more  than  100,000  souls.  They  taught  the 
Indians  all  the  arts  and  trades,  and  provision  was  thus  made  for 
all  the  necessities  and  conveniences  of  life.  The  subjects  to- 
gether formed  a  kind  of  family,  of  which  the  Jesuits  were  the 
fathers.  Each  individual  inhabitant  had  his  daily  task  definitely 
assigned  him,  and  his  finished  work  was  deposited  in  the  public 
store-houses,  from  which  each  in  return  received  what  he  needed. 
With  the  goodly  surplus  of  wares  and  natural  products,  the  Jes- 
uits carried  on  a  considerable  commerce,  which  brought  them  m 
immense  profits.  The  religious  as  well  as  the  secular  government 
were  administered  by  the  Jesuits,  who  were  teachers,  physicians, 
judges,  stewards,  legislators,  and  priests,  and  managed  as  embas- 
sadors of  God  to  secure  the  most  unlimited  confidence  and  obe- 
dience from  the  Indians.  In  this  they  were  greatly  assisted  by 
the  confessional,  through  which  they  could  learn  all  the  secrets 
of  their  subjects.  The  Jesuits,  in  their  descriptions  of  this  state, 
give  paradisaical  pictures  of  the  tranquillity  and  happiness  which 
there  prevailed.  But  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  in  order  to 
secure  from  the  Indians  that  unconditional  obedience  which 
was  requisite  for  the  maintenance  of  these  institutions,  they  had 
perforce  to  keep  them  in  a  state  of  permanent  pupilage.  The 
instruction  which  they  received  from  the  Jesuits  was  exceeding- 
ly meagre,  and  for  the  most  part  confined  to  outward  proficiency 
in  the  arts.  But  all  independence  of  mind  was  forcibly  sup- 
pressed, so  that  there  could  be  no  purely  human  development. 
The  whole  country  was  like  a  great  monastery,  where  every 
thing  was  done  according  to  the  will  of  the  superior,  but  indi- 
vidual thought  and  action  wholly  excluded.  The  Indians  were 
well  broken  in,  but  nothing  higher  was  attained. 


PART  IL-CHAP.  II.— §  16.  JESUIT  STATE  IN  PARAGUAY.         191 

That  this  new  state  might  be  properly  defended,  the  Jesuits 
also  established  an  army  upon  a  European  footing,  built  forts 
and  organized  an  artillery ;  in  this  likewise  acting  in  the  double 
capacity  of  instructors  and  commanders.2 

The  condition  of  this  realm  remained  for  a  long  time  a  secret 
to  the  world,  until  at  last,  in  1750,  a  boundary  treaty  between  Por- 
tugal and  Spain  was  the  occasion  of  disclosing  it.  By  its  terms 
the  boundary  line  passed  transversely  across  the  mission  territory, 
and  several  Eeducciones  fell  in  consequence  to  Brazil.  When 
the  treaty  was  about  to  be  carried  into  effect,  the  Jesuits  resisted 
with  their  army,  although  they  protested  that  they  were  not  to 
blame,  and  that  they  could  not  control  the  fury  of  the  Indians. 
The  Spanish  and  Portuguese  forces  were  compelled  to  unite  in 
a  regular  war  against  Paraguay,  which  ended  in  the  total  over- 
throw of  the  latter  (1758). 

This  event,  which  created  a  generally  unfavorable  feeling  to- 
ward the  Jesuits,  worked  especially  to  their  disadvantage  at  the 
Court  of  Portugal ;  and  the  King,  Joseph  Emanuel,  and  particu- 
larly his  minister,  Pombal,  became  extremely  hostile  to  them. 
In  Brazil,  likewise,  complaints  had  long  been  made  that  the  Jes- 
uits of  that  country  held  the  Indians  in  unnatural  subjection, 
and  so  monopolized  the  trade  in  their  productions  as  to  ruin  all 
commercial  enterprises  on  the  part  of  others.  The  consequence 
was  that  they  were  deprived  of  their  positions  as  confessors  at 
the  court,  and  the  King  urged  the  Pope  to  forbid  the  Order  to 
interfere  in  political  affairs  or  to  engage  in  commerce  (1757). 

At  that  time  the  Pope  was  Benedict  XIV.  (1740-1758),  a 
very  learned,  amiable,  and  moderate  man,  who  otherwise  had 
reason  to  dislike  the  Jesuits  for  the  insubordination  they  had 
manifested  in  the  missionary  controversies  in  China  and  Madu- 
ra. Shortly  before  his  death  he  issued  a  decree  for  the  refor- 
mation of  the  Order,  but  too  late  for  it  to  prove  effectual,  for  his 
successor,  Clement  XIII.  (1758-1769),  had  been  elected  chiefly 
through  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits,  and  was  therefore  their 
friend  and  protector.  But  this  very  partiality  only  served  to 
augment  the  general  antipathy  to  the  Jesuits ;  and  as  the  Pope 

2  False  descriptions  are  given,  f.  i.  in  Muratori  II  Cristianesimo  Felice,  1743,  in  Le 
Bret,  Magasin,  ii.  364,  499 ;  Das  Reich  der  Jesuiten  in  Paraguay,  von  P.  Ibagnez,  in 
Le  Bret,  ii.  359  sq.  For  other  opinions,  see  Brasilianische  Zustande,  von  F.  Tietz, 
Berlin,  1S39.  8.  Die  Jesuiten  unci  ihre  Mission  CMquitos  in  Sudamerika,  Moriz  Bach. 
Edited  by  Kriegk,  Leipzig,  1S43.  8. 


192  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  It— A.D.  1C4S-1814. 

would  not  agree  to  any  radical  reformation  of  the  Order,  his 
course  was  the  means  of  bringing  about  its  fall,  for  in  a  short 
time  it  was  expelled  from  most  of  the  European  states.  This 
happened  first  in  Portugal,  where  the  government  had  already 
long  been  hostile  to  it.  The  immediate  occasion  was  afforded 
by  the  attempt  to  assassinate  the  King  (Sept.  175S),3  which  was 
attributed  to  the  instigation  of  the  Jesuits  and  used  for  their  de- 
struction. They  were  consequently  soon  after  imprisoned  and 
their  property  confiscated.  The  Pope  tried  iu  vain  to  pacify 
the  King.  By  a  royal  edict  of  Sept.  3, 1759,  the  Order  of  Jesus 
was  totally  abolished  in  all  Portuguese  countries.4 

The  Order  soon  after  met  with  a  similar  fate  in  France.  Al- 
though in  the  days  of  Louis  XIV.  it  had  there  exerted  the  great- 
est influence  through  the  royal  confessors,  it  afterward  gradually 
lost  its  power,  and  its  numerous  enemies  turned  public  opinion 
more  and  more  against  it.  Just  at  this  time  the  most  influential 
persons  in  France  were  its  enemies,  viz.,  the  Marquise  de  Pom- 
padour, the  mistress  of  Louis  XV.,  and  the  Due  de  Choiseul, 
the  prime  minister.  The  Jesuits  afforded  the  immediate  occa- 
sion for  their  overthrow  in  France  by  their  colonial  commerce. 
It  was  already  a  complaint  of  long  standing  that  wherever  they 
established  missions  they  carried  on  trade,  and  by  various  expe- 
dients so  managed  that  all  other  commerce  except  their  own  was 
destroyed.  This  was  done  nowhere  on  a  larger  scale  than  in  the 
French  islands  in  the  "West  Indies — Martinique  and  St.  Domin- 
go— after  the  shrewd  Pore  La  Yalette  had  become  solicitor-gen- 
eral of  the  missions  in  those  islands  (1747).  This  man  erected  in 
Martinique  a  whole  street  of  magazines  and  factories,  and  carried 
on  an  immense  traffic  with  all  the  seaports  of  Europe.  His  credit 
was  quite  unlimited,  and  he  accordingly  drew  large  sums  on  ex- 
change from  eminent  commercial  houses  in  Marseilles  which  he 
repaid  in  colonial  products.     He  had  just  drawn  in  this  manner 

J  J.  F.  M.  v.  Olfers  Ucbcr  den  Mordversucb  gegen  den  Konig  Johnnn  von  Portu- 
gal den  3.  Sept.  1758,  cine  historische  Untersuchung,  Berlin,  1839,  is  exhaustive. 
The  instigator  of  this  attempt  was  the  Duke  of  Aveiro,  who  bribed  two  murderers 
to  do  the  deed  on  account  of  personal  insults.  The  investigation  was  conducted  in  a 
very  irregular  manner.  The  Jesuits  were,  it  is  true,  in  close  relations  to  the  malcoii- 
tent  nobles,  but  there  is  no  trace  at  all  of  their  participation  in  the  conspiracy. 

4  Anton  Ernst  Clausing,  Sammlung  der  neuesten  Schriften,  welche  die  Jesuiten 
in  Portugal  betreffen.  Aus  dem  Italicnisehen,  Coin  (rather  Leipzig),  1701  sq.,4  vols. 
4.  Diplomat.  Correspondenz  aus  den  Jahrcn  1759  u.  17()'.t,  betrcllend  die  Bestrafung 
n.  Ausweisung  der  Jesuiten  aus  Portugal,  Gottingen,  lt>50. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  II.— §  16.  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS.  193 

several  million  livres  from  a  house  in  Marseilles  and  sent  out  in 
return  several  ships  laden  with  colonial  products,  when  the  war 
between  France  and  England  broke  out  and  the  ships  were  capt- 
ured (1755).  By  this  misfortune  La  Yalette's  business  was 
ruined.  The  merchants  of  Marseilles  demanded  compensation 
from  Ricci,  the  General  of  the  Order,  but  without  success.  The 
matter  finally  came  before  the  Parliament,  and  it  was  decided 
that  as  the  Order  had  none  but  common  property,  it  was  bound 
to  pay  the  amount  demanded  with  interest  (1761).  Taking  ad- 
vantage of  this  opportunity,  and  undoubtedly  incited  by  the 
course  of  events  in  Portugal,  the  Parliament  had  the  constitu- 
tions of  the  Order  brought  before  it,  declared  that  the  unlimited 
power  which  they  gave  the  General  was  prejudicial  to  the  au- 
thority both  of  the  Church  and  the  sovereigns,  ordered  a  great 
number  of  Jesuitical  writings  containing  immoral  teachings  to 
be  burned  by  the  executioner,  and  forbade  the  Order  in  France 
to  receive  new  members.  The  Kino;  now  tried  in  vain  to  brine: 
about  a  reformation  of  the  Order  in  France.  Both  the  General, 
Ricci,5  and  Clement  XIIL,  who  was  wholly  subservient  to  the 
Jesuits,  declined  to  agree  to  it,  and  so  at  last  Louis  XV.  deter- 
mined to  put  an  end  to  the  Order  in  his  realm  (1764).  All  its 
grades  and  establishments  were  abolished,  although  the  Jesuits 
were  permitted  to  remain  as  French  citizens  so  long  as  they 
faithfully  observed  all  their  duties  as  subjects. 

These  humiliations,  which  announced  the  approaching  fall  of 
the  Order,  induced  Pope  Clement  XIIL,  in  order  to  rescue  the 
oppressed  society,  to  issue  the  bull  Apostolicum  (pascendi  Do- 
minici  gregis  munus),  1765,  in  which  he  praised  it  in  extrav- 
agant language,  defended  it  from  all  accusations,  and  gave  it  his 
solemn  sanction. 

But  the  Papal  authority  itself  had  already  declined  too  far 
for  this  bull  to  alter  public  opinion.  The  gross  falsehoods  which 
it  contained  only  excited  disgust,  and  brought  Jesuits  and  Pope 
into  still  greater  contempt.  It  was  immediately  suppressed  in 
France  by  an  act  of  Parliament.  Spain  soon  after  followed 
the  example  of  Portugal  and  France.  In  the  year  1767  the 
Order  in  Spain  was  suddenly  declared  dissolved,  and  all  the  Jes- 

5  His  declaration  with  reference  to  the  banishment  of  the  Jesuits  from  Portugal 
see  in  History  of  the  Bull  In  Coena,  ii.  125 :  the  Order  could  not  be  abolished  because 
the  Pope  was  infallible  in  the  establishment  of  a  regular  order.    Cf.  ib.  p.  127. 
VOL.  V. — 13 


194  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

nits,  some  five  thousand  in  number,  were  taken  into  custody  and 
transported  in  ships  to  the  Papal  States,  where  they  were  re- 
quired to  live  upon  royal  pensions  and  never  to  leave  that  coun- 
try. All  the  remonstrances  of  the  Pope  were  ineffectual;  in 
the  same  year  the  Jesuits  were  expelled  from  the  kingdom  of 
Naples  and  the  island  of  Malta,  and  finally,  in  1768,  also  from 
the  duchy  of  Parma. 

§  17. 

TOTAL  ABOLISHMENT  OF  THE  ORDER  AND  ITS  FURTHER  FORTUNES. 

Sammlung  merkwurdiger  Schriften,  die  Aufhcbung  des  Jesuitenordens  betreffend, 
Frankf.  a.  Leipzig,  1773-84,  4  vols.  8.  Clement  XIV.  et  Carlo  Bertinazzi,  Corre- 
spondance  inedite,  3ieme  £dit.  Paris,  1828,  is  not  genuine.  The  author  is  said  to  be 
Delatouche  (author  of  the  Fragoletta).  Hall.  A.  L.  Z.  Erganzungsbl.  Dec.  p.  935. 
(In  a  letter  of  1727  the  election  of  Cardinal  Lambertini  as  Pope  is  mentioned, 
though  it  did  not  occur  till  1740.  In  a  letter  of  1739  there  is  a  distinct  allusion  to 
Rousseau  as  being  then  already  a  distinguished  man,  which  was  not  the  case  till 
after  1750).  The  work  of  Cretinau-Joly  on  Clement  (Paris,  1847)  is  very  Jesuitical. 
See  on  the  other  side  Ganganelli,  Papst  Clemens  XIV.,  seine  Briefe  u.  s.  Zeit,  von 
dem  Verfasser  der  Rom.  Briefe,  Berlin,  1847.  Histoire  du  Pontifieat  de  Clement 
XIV.,  par  Aug.  Theiner,  traduite  de  l'allemand  par  Paul  de  Geslin,  t.  2,  Paris,  1852. 
dementis  XIV.  Epistolae  et  Brevia,  ed.  Aug.  Theiner,  Paris,  1852.  Geschichte  des 
Pontificate  Clemens  XIV.  aus  dem  Geh.  Archive  des  Vaticans,  von  Aug.  Theiner, 
Bd.  I.  Leipzig  u.  Paris,  1853.  [Life  of  Clement  XIV.,  2d  ed.,  revised  after  3d  Paris 
ed.  by  the  Marquis  of  Caraccioli,  Loud.  1778.  8.  Xavier  de  Rarignau,  Clement 
XIII.  XIV,  about  1854  (R.  a  Jesuit)]. 

These  events  were  in  themselves  sufficient  to  prepare  the  way 
for  the  complete  overthrow  of  the  Order,  which  the  favor  of  the 
Pope  could  only  for  a  time  delay,  but  not  prevent.  After  the 
death  of  Clement  XIII.,  every  thing  depended  upon  the  choice 
of  the  new  Pope.  The  conclave  was  long  continued,  for  two 
parties  contended  in  it — the  one  in  the  interests  of  the  courts 
of  Bourbon  and  Portugal,  the  other  of  the  Jesuits.  At  length 
the  former  was  victorious,  and  Cardinal  Ganganelli  became 
Pope  under  the  name  of  Clement  XIV.  (1769-177-1),  one  of 
the  most  excellent  popes  that  ever  held  the  office.  Although  a 
Franciscan,  lie  had  little  of  the  monkish  spirit,  was  prudent  in 
affairs  of  state,  mild  and  amiably  disposed  in  ecclesiastical  mat- 
ters, kind  and  benevolent,  though  strict  in  maintaining  the  laws. 
He  was  no  friend  of  the  Jesuits,  but  although  the  Bourbon 
courts  were  always  urging  him  to  abolish  that  Order  entirely,  he 
nevertheless  found  it  very  difficult  to  destroy  this  still  extremely 
powerful  organization.  At  length  the  celebrated  bull  Dominus 
ac  Rcdcmjptor  Hosier  of  July  21, 1773,  was  issued,  by  which  the 


PART  II.— CHAP.  II— §  17.  ABOLISHMENT  OF  THE  ORDER.        195 

Order  was  abolished.  At  the  same  time  all  the  establishments 
of  the  Jesuits  were  seized,  and  the  General,  Lorenzo  Ricci, 
brought  to  the  Castle  of  San  Angelo.  The  Pope  was  well  aware 
how  much  his  own  person  was  endangered  by  this  measure,  and 
is  said  to  have  declared  when  he  signed  the  bull  that  he  was 
signing  his  own  death-warrant.  He  actually  died  on  the  22d  of 
September,  1774,  from  the  effects  of  poison,  which  it  is  extreme- 
ly probable  was  administered  by  the  Jesuits.1 

Notwithstanding  the  Papal  abolition,  the  Order  still  continued 
to  exist  in  the  non-Catholic  states.  Frederic  II.  forbade  the 
publication  of  the  bull,  and  permitted  the  Jesuits  to  remain  in 
his  states  (Silesia  and  Cleves),  as  he  had  nothing  to  fear  from 
them,  and  did  not  recognize  the  Papal  decrees.  He  jestingly 
declared  that  he  had  promised  in  the  Peace  of  Breslau  to  leave 
the  ecclesiastical  status  in  Silesia  unchanged ;  and,  since  he  was 
a  heretic,  the  Pope  could  not  give  him  a  dispensation  to  release 
him  from  the  obligation  of  his  word  and  the  duties  of  an  honor- 
able man.  But  soon  afterward  the  King  made  the  Jesuits  in 
his  realm  adopt  another  constitution,  and  Frederic  William  II. 
abolished  them  entirely.2 

They  maintained  themselves  permanently,  however,  in  a  part 
of  Russia.  Peter  I.  had,  it  is  true,  already  ordered,  in  the  year 
1719,  that  they  should  leave  all  the  Russian  states  without  delay ; 
but  when,  in  the  partition  of  Poland  in  1772,  White  Russia  fell 
to  the  share  of  Russia,  it  contained  several  establishments  of  Jes- 
uits.3 As  these  had  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Empress 
Catherine  II.,  they  succeeded,  by  the  aid  of  some  of  the  influen- 
tial men  at  court,  in  preventing  the  publication  of  the  Papal  bull 
in  Russia.  The  successor  of  Clement  XIV.,  Pius  VI.,  was  really 
a  secret  friend  of  the  Jesuits,  but  was  compelled  through  the  so- 
licitations of  the  Bourbon  courts  to  make  every  effort  to  bring 
the  Order  in  Russia  to  terms.  But  it  was  all  in  vain ;  the  soci- 
ety only  increased,  being  re-enforced  by  refugees  from  other  Eu- 

1  On  the  death  of  Clement,  Le  Bret,  v.  304.  Scipio  Ricci,  by  Potter,  i.  236.  The 
poisoning  is  also  denied  by  Frederic  II.  (letter  to  D'Alembert).  See  Gaugauelli, 
Papst  Clement  XIV.,  seine  Briefe  u.  seine  Zeit,  von  dem  Verfasser  der  Rom.  Briefe, 
Berlin,  18-47.  Wie  lebte  und  starb  Ganganelli  ?  Aus  den  Quellen  beantwortet  von 
Imra.  Reichenbach,  Neustadt  a.  d.  Orl.  1S31,  expresses  an  opinion  against  the  suspi- 
cion of  poisoning. 

2  Gesch.  des  Preuss.  Staats,  Frankf.  a.  M.  1819,  i.  146. 

3  Russland  und  die  Jesuiten  von  1772  bis  1820.  Nach  meist  ungedruckteu  Urkun- 
den.  Von  H.  Lutteroth,  iibers.  von  Dr.  Birch,  Stuttgart,  1846. 


196  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1648-1814. 

ropean  countries.  They  received  permission  to  choose  a  vicar- 
general,  obtained  (in  1800)  control  of  the  service  in  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  at  St.  Petersburg,  and  acquired  no  little  influ- 
ence. The  Emperor  Paul  I.  likewise  favored  them,  and  recom- 
mended them  to  Pope  Pins  VII.,  who  finally,  by  the  rescript 
Cathollcae  in  1S01,  consented  to  their  re-establishment  in  Russia. 
In  other  countries  the  Jesuits  were  compelled  to  submit  to 
the  bull  of  abolition ;  but  they  every  where  made  it  appear 
that  they  were  only  yielding  to  unjust  compulsion,  condemned 
without  a  hearing,  and  that  the  Pope's  bull  was  consequently  le- 
gally inoperative.  Numerous  defenses  of  the  Order,  which  ex- 
pressed extreme  animosity  and  bitterness,  appeared,  particularly 
in  Augsburg.  There  was  soon  ground  for  believing  that  the 
Jesuits,  especially  in  Germany  and  Italy,  in  spite  of  the  de- 
struction of  their  external  organization,  were  nevertheless  con- 
tinuing to  exist  as  a  secret,  compactly  united  society,  and  were 
even  seeking  to  propagate  themselves.  When  the  Order  was 
abolished,  so  little  property  was  found  that  there  was  good  reason 
to  suppose  that  the  officers,  who  had  foreseen  the  catastrophe  for 
years,  had  removed  it  to  a  place  of  safety  and  also  made  away 
with  the  documents  relating  to  it.  In  some  of  the  German  coun- 
tries they  were  allowed  to  assume  the  ordinary  dress  of  secular 
priests,  and  were  retained  in  the  educational  institutions.  This 
was  the  case  in  the  dioceses  of  Augsburg,  Freising,  and  Ratisbon, 
under  the  bigoted  Bishop  Clement  Wenceslaus,  Elector  of  Treves 
(d.  1812).  They  were  not  removed  thence  till  1807.4  The  sus- 
picion of  a  permanent  secret  organization  and  activity  on  the 
part  of  the  Jesuits  was  awakened  and  fostered,  chiefly  by  some 
Berlin  scholars — Gedicke,  Biester,  and  Nicolai — in  the  year  17S0 
and  afterward.  They  brought  forward  many  arguments  for 
their  belief  in  the  Allgemeine  deutsche  Bibliothek  and  the  Ber- 
liner Monatsschrift,  some  of  which  were  very  remarkable,  e.  g., 
a  charter  of  the  Assistentia  Gcrmaniae,  as  it  existed  at  that  very 
time,  comprising  more  than  9000  Jesuits.5  About  this  time  a 
still  greater  sensation  was  produced  by  a  series  of  papers  in  the 
Berliner  Monatsschrift,  in  which  it  was  attempted  to  prove  that 

*  See  Beyschlag,  in  Ersch,  Eneycl.  pt.  vi.  p.  3C9.  Gcsch.  dcs  Prcuss.  Staats,  Frankf. 
a.  M.  1819,  i.  139.  Cf.  also  the  Denkw.  der  Grafln  v.  Gcnlis.  Hall.  A.  L.  Z.  Nov.  1825, 
p.  458. 

5  Allg.  deutsche  Bibl.  vol.  lxxvii.  p.  349. 


PART  II.— CH.  II.— §  17.  FURTHER  FORTUNES  OF  THE  JESUITS.    197 

the  Jesuits,  under  various  pretexts,  had  insinuated  themselves  into 
other  secret  societies,  particularly  into  certain  lodges  of  the  Free- 
masons, where  they  were  trying  to  obtain  a  predominating  influ- 
ence, and  to  make  use  of  it  in  converting  Protestants  to  Catholi- 
cism and  committing  them  to  the  cause  of  the  Order  of  Jesus.6 
Among  others,  J.  A.  Stark,  chief  court-chaplain  at  Darmstadt,  was 
accused  of  having  thus  secretly  become  a  Catholic  priest  and 
Jesuit.  The  controversy  on  this  subject  could  not  be  definitely 
settled  at  the  time,  but  an  anonymously  published  panegyric  on 
Catholicism,  Theoduls  Gastmahl,1  which  emanated  from  Stark, 
afterward  confirmed  the  old  suspicion ;  and  when  he  died  (in 
1815),  his  remains  were  interred  in  a  Catholic  cemetery  with 
cowl  and  tonsure. 

Pius  VII.  was  always  partial  to  the  Jesuits ;  he  not  only  sanc- 
tioned the  continuance  of  the  Order  in  Russia,  but  also  attempted 
in  1804  to  restore  it  in  Naples,  where,  however,  it  only  continued 
for  a  year,  and  was  then  again  abolished  by  King  Joseph  Napo- 
leon in  1805,  as  it  had  been  before  in  Venice,  Naples,  and  Par- 
ma.8 

The  Order  of  Jesus  was  re-established9  on  the  7th  of  August, 

1814,  by  the  bull  Sollicitudo  Omnium,  under  the  false  impres- 
sion that  by  its  aid  throne  and  altar  could  be  most  securely 
defended  against  all  revolutionary  assaults.  The  Order  was  re- 
ceived by  the  various  nations  with  aversion  and  distrust,  espe- 
cially in  France,  where  it  could  only  appear  under  a  new  name. 
What  it  accomplished  has  been  unfortunately  shown  by  the 
events  of  the  27th  of  July,  1830. 

6  With  regard  to  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits  on  Freemasonry,  see  the  necrologue 
of  Bode  in  Schlichtegroll's  Supplement-Band  des  Necrologs  fur  die  Jahre  1790-1793, 
Div.  I.  p.  376  sq. 

7  Frankf.  a.  M.  1809,  and  frequently. 

8  Febron,  228. 

9  Wald,  Symbolae  ad  Histor.  Recentiss.  Soc.  Jesu,  p.  6.    Ukase  of  December  20, 

1815,  by  which  they  were  expelled  from  St.  Petersburg. 


19S  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A. D.  1648-1814. 


THIRD  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF   THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   REFORMS   IN   GERMANY   UNDER 

JOSEPH   II. 

§  is. 

PREPARATORY  WORK  OF  FEBRONIUS. 

Until  the  time  of  Joseph  II.,  Catholic  Germany  was  always 
one  of  the  Pope's  most  obedient  countries.  This  was  due,  in  the 
first  place,  to  the  divided  condition  of  the  land,  and  then  also  to 
the  great  influence  which  the  Jesuits  had  managed  to  acquire  at 
most  of  the  courts.  It  is  true  that  even  at  an  earlier  date  the 
German  princes  had  begun  here  and  there  to  assert  their  sover- 
eign rights  in  ecclesiastical  affairs ;  and  the  popes,  seeing  their 
authority  so  much  restricted  in  other  countries  by  the  secular 
governments,  had  been  gradually  compelled  to  moderate  their 
high  pretensions  in  Germany  also ;  nevertheless,  the  Pope  still 
continued  to  maintain  most  of  his  rights  in  this  country.1  How- 
ever, more  liberal  opinions  as  to  the  relation  of  the  ecclesiastical 
to  the  secular  authority,  emanating  chiefly  from  France,  were 
disseminated  in  Germany  also.  But  the  first  impulse  was  given 
to  the  general  circulation  and  propagation  of  such  opinions  by  a 
very  remarkable  work  published  under  a  fictitious  name — Justini 
Febronii  de  Statu  Ecclesiae  et  Legitima  Potestate  Romani  Pon- 
tificis  Liber  Singularis,  Bullioni  (Bouillon,  properly  Frankfurt  a. 
M.),  1763-1774,  5  parts,  4.2  The  author  maintains  that  the  ex- 
travagant views  which  prevailed  with  reference  to  the  authority 
of  the  Pope  were  the  chief  obstacle  to  the  union  of  the  sep- 
arated religious  parties,  and  that  these  exaggerations  were  the 
source  of  many  disorders  in  the  Church  itself.     Accordingly,  he 

1  The  infallibility  of  the  Pope  in  great  extent,  asserted  by  the  University  of 
Cologne,  1765,  Febronius,  vol.  ii.  init.  Claims  of  the  Pope  prosecuted  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  eighteenth  century,  Verpoortcn,  Felix  Redintegratio,  p.  10.  The  kingdom 
of  Prussia  not  recognized,  ViUers-Henke,  ii.  9G.  Nuncios  decide  civil  lawsuits,  Pfaff, 
Origg.  467.  1729,  in  Munich,  Ordo  Defensorum  Imm.  Cone.  Mariae,  Unschuld.  Nachr. 
1 739,  p.  074.    On  the  Udligenschwyl  matter,  1725,  see  Gluck,  Kath.  Schweiz,  536. 

-  Marhcineke,  Symb.  ii.  382.  Rechts-  u.  geschiehtsmassige  Erortcrung  einiger  die 
Concordata  Nationis  Germanicae,  and  die  von  dcr  deutsehen  Nation  dieserhalb  zu 
fuhrende  gcrechte  Bcschwcrdc  betreffenden  Frageu,  Frankfurt,  1770  (Febron.  204). 


PART  II.— CH.  III.— §  18.  PREPARATORY  WORK  OF  FEBRONIUS.  199 

proposes  to  confine  the  Papal  authority  within  its  original  limits, 
and  lays  down  the  following  principles  upon  the  subject : 

The  Church  does  not  properly  possess  a  monarchical  form  of 
government.  The  power  of  the  keys  was  committed  by  Christ 
to  the  Church  in  general,  and  is  to  be  exercised  in  an  equal  de- 
gree by  all  the  bishops  ;  for  the  bishops  are  successors  of  the 
apostles,  and  the  episcopal  dignity  is  of  divine  institution.  But 
the  Pope  is  not,  as  the  Curialists  assert,  the  universal  bishop  of 
the  Church,  and  the  bishops  only  his  functionaries,  who  have  re- 
ceived their  authority  from  him  and  exercise  it  in  his  name. 
Just  as  all  the  apostles  were  equal  in  power  in  the  Church,  irre- 
spective of  the  primacy  of  Peter,  so  all  the  bishops  are  equal. 
True,  the  Pope  possesses  the  primacy,  but  it  is  only  intrusted  to 
him  by  Peter  and  the  Church,  and  consequently,  if  the  Church 
so  decides,  can  be  attached  to  another  see  than  that  of  Rome. 
The  object  of  the  primacy  is  the  preservation  of  the  unity  of  the 
Church ;  the  Pope,  as  the  chief  bishop,  is  to  see  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  this  unity  in  the  faith  and  the  observance  of  the  laws  of 
the  Church,  but  he  is  to  do  this  only  by  counsels  and  admoni- 
tions, not  by  commands  to  the  other  dioceses.  Accordingly,  he 
has  no  jurisdiction  over  them,  no  right  to  confirm  the  bishops  or 
even  to  fill  the  offices  in  foreign  dioceses,  to  reserve  certain  cases 
for  his  own  decision,  or  to  exempt  the  monasteries.  He  can  not 
make  laws  of  universal  authority  either  in  matters  of  faith  or  of 
Church  discipline,  but  every  bishop  must  have  the  sole  charge  of 
the  regulation  of  these  matters  in  his  own  diocese ;  while  uni- 
versal laws  can  only  proceed  from  a  universal  synod,  which  alone 
possesses  infallibility  in  matters  of  faith.  Moreover,  the  latter 
does  not  need  to  be  convoked  by  the  Pope,  and  its  determina- 
tions do  not  require  the  Papal  ratification.  All  the  other  kinds 
of  influence  which  the  popes  obtained  over  the  Church  during 
the  Middle  Ages,  particularly  by  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  Decre- 
tals, must  be  surrendered ;  the  people  also  must  be  thoroughly 
instructed  in  these  matters,  and  the  temporal  sovereigns  keep  a 
better  watch  over  their  rights. 

All  these  assertions  were  carefully  presented  and  argued  with 
profound  historical  learning,  while  the  doctrinal  system  of  the 
Church  was  allowed  to  stand  entirely  unmolested. 

The  Pope  at  that  time  was  Clement  XIIL,  who  was  always  so 
anxious  to  restore  the  assumptions  of  the  ancient  popes,  and  oft- 


200  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1648-1814. 

en  used  a  style  of  speech  such  as  had  not  for  a  long  time  pro- 
ceeded from  Rome.  Accordingly,  the  first  volume  of  this  work 
had  scarcely  appeared  before  it  was  condemned  in  Rome,  and 
every  effort  was  made  by  the  Pope  to  suppress  it.  But  this  only 
caused  it  to  be  read  more  generally,  and  intensified  the  impres- 
sion which  it  produced.  New  editions  soon  appeared,  and  Ger- 
man, French,  and  Italian  translations.  Even  in  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal the  book  was  read  with  great  approval.  And,  although 
numerous  opponents  soon  came  forward,  especially  from  among 
the  monks,  they  were  not  able  to  destroy  the  impression  which 
had  already  been  made. 

At  length,  after  protracted  efforts,  the  Papal  party  succeeded 
in  ascertaining  the  author.  He  was  John  Nicolas  Von  Hont- 
heim,  suffragan  bishop  of  the  Elector  of  Treves,  Clement  Wen- 
ceslafis,  a  man  long  respected  for  his  character  and  learning,  and 
at  that  time  already  far  advanced  in  years.  The  Elector  em- 
ployed every  means  to  induce  him  to  recant,  and  finally,  for  the 
sake  of  peace,  the  old  man  consented  to  a  retractio,  in  which  he 
briefly,  and  without  assigning  reasons,  retracted  all  his  assertions, 
and  excused  himself  on  the  ground  that  he  had  gone  too  far  in 
an  inconsiderate  zeal  to  reunite  the  Protestants  with  the  Church. 
They  were  glad  enough  at  Rome  to  accomplish  even  as  much  as 
this,  and  readily  bestowed  the  Papal  pardon  without  further 
punishment.  But  when  they  triumphantly  hastened  to  publish 
this  retraction  every  where,  Von  Ilontheim  followed  it  with  an 
explanation,  in  which,  with  many  important  limitations,  he  more 
accurately  defined  the  principles  he  had  yielded.  He  also  re- 
signed his  office  immediately  afterward,  retired  to  his  estates  in 
Luxembourg,  and  died  in  his  ninetieth  year,  1700.3 

§19. 

THE  REFORMS  OF  JOSEPH  II. 

The  very  policy  which  Febronius  had  prescribed  for  the  sov- 
ereigns was  not  long  afterward  adopted  by  the  Emperor  Joseph 
II.1  As  long  as  he  was  only  co-regent  with  his  bigoted  mother, 
Maria  Theresa,  he  was  unable  to  accomplish  any  thing  in  this 

3  Walch,  Neucste  Religionsgeschiehte,  vols.  i.  vi.  vii.  viii. 

1  Dr.  Gross-Hoffinger,  Histor.  Darstcllung  der  Allein-Rcgierung  Josephs  II.,  ins- 
oesondere  der  Reaction  gegen  den  Gcist  seiner  Anstalten,  Stuttgart  u.  Leipzig,  1837. 
The  same:  Geist  der  Gesetzc  Josephs  II.,  Stuttgart  u.  Leipzig;  Wcssenberg,  iv.  383. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— §  19.  REFORMS  OF  JOSEPH  II.  201 

direction,  but  had  the  better  opportunity  to  become  accurately 
acquainted  with  the  condition  of  the  Church  and  of  religion  in 
his  states,  and  to  mature  his  plans  for  the  necessary  reforms.  In 
this  work  he  found  a  very  sagacious  coadjutor  in  his  minister 
Prince  Yon  Kaunitz,  who  entered  into  his  plans  with  zeal  and 
prudence.  Yet  undoubtedly  the  majority  of  the  nation  were  as 
yet  unprepared  for  such  changes ;  they  followed  in  too  quick 
succession  not  to  produce  great  agitation  in  the  public  mind, 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  Joseph  II.  was  lacking  in  the  requisite 
perseverance.  In  the  execution  of  his  radical  measures,  diffi- 
culties, greater  or  less,  arose,  for  which  he  was  not  prepared. 
These  he  attempted  to  obviate  by  restrictive  decrees,  but  only 
succeeded  thereby  in  inspiring  the  powerful  party  of  the  opposi- 
tion with  greater  courage ;  and  new  objections  were  constantly 
raised,  until  his  zeal  became  exhausted. 

Joseph  succeeded  his  mother  as  sovereign  of  the  Austrian  he- 
reditary dominions  in  1780.  His  ecclesiastical  regulations  had 
a  double  purpose.  He  wished,  in  the  first  place,  to  secure  to  his 
non-Catholic  subjects,  by  legal  guarantees,  the  exercise  of  their 
religious  rights,  and  then  to  eradicate  the  numerous  abuses  which 
had  crept  into  the  Catholic  Church. 

With  reference  to  the  first  point,  he  issued  his  Edict  of  Toler- 
ation in  October,  1781.  He  thereby  left  all  his  subjects  free  to 
attach  themselves  to  the  Catholic  or  to  the  Greek  Church,  or  to 
either  of  the  two  Protestant  confessions.  He  gave  the  non- 
Catholics  the  right,  where  there  was  a  certain  number  of  them 
together,  to  build  churches,  only  requiring  that  service  should 
not  be  held  in  them  publicly.  In  the  Austrian  dominions  many 
secret  Protestants  had  maintained  themselves  since  the  time  of 
the  Reformation,  who,  under  the  pressure  of  the  former  govern- 
ments, had  outwardly  professed  the  Catholic  faith.  These  now 
came  out  in  greater  numbers  than  had  been  expected,  and,  ac- 
cordingly, the  Catholic  clergy  succeeded  in  securing  many  other 
restrictions  of  the  freedom  of  religious  profession.  All  who  had 
previously  been  regarded  as  Catholics 'and  now  declared  for  an- 
other Church  were  compelled  to  receive  from  four  to  six  weeks' 
instruction  in  the  monasteries  respecting  the  truth  of  the  Cath- 
olic religion.     It  is  true  that  the  imperial  command  prescribed 

Correspondence  between  Joseph  II.  and  Clement  Wenceslaus,  Elector  of  Treves,  in 
Illgens  Zeitschr.  ii.  1,  341.   On  Maria  Theresa,  see  Marheineke,  Symb.  ii.  317,  Note  n. 


202  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

moderation  and  gentleness  in  their  treatment,  bat  only  too  often 
threats  and  ill  usage  were  employed.  Then  permission  was 
given  to  the  Catholic  clergymen  in  case  of  sickness  to  pay  a 
single  visit  to  those  who  had  withdrawn  from  the  Church,  and 
to  make  a  final  attempt  to  convert  them.  Several  other  restric- 
tions of  the  same  sort,  in  the  interest  of  the  Catholic  Church,  fol- 
lowed ;  but,  notwithstanding,  the  clergy  put  forth  every  effort  to 
curtail  even  this  measure  of  liberty  accorded  to  the  non-Cath- 
olics. In  spite  of  all  these  obstacles,  and  the  fact  that  the  new 
congregations  had  to  bear  the  whole  expense  of  building  their 
churches  and  supporting  the  pastors  and  teachers,  and,  moreover, 
were  still  compelled  to  pay  many  fees  to  the  Catholic  Church, 
after  the  Edict  of  Toleration  numerous  Protestant  congregations 
were  formed  in  all  the  Austrian  dominions,  and  even  in  Vienna 
itself.2 

Of  still  greater  importance  were  Joseph's  regulations  with 
respect  to  the  Catholic  Church.  lie  not  only  asserted  the  right 
of  the  sovereign  to  restrict  the  spiritual  jurisdiction,  in  so  far  as 
it  could  endanger  the  secular  power,  but  also  assumed  sovereign 
rights  which  no  ruler  before  him  had  ever  thought  of.  Follow- 
ing the  principles  of  Febronius,  he  wished  the  Pope  to  be  re- 
garded only  as  the  centre  of  the  unity  of  the  Church  for  the 
preservation  of  uniformity  and  purity  in  doctrine,  but  to  possess 
no  other  authority  and  jurisdiction  over  it.  All  that  was  directly 
connected  with  the  public  exercise  of  worship,  and  the  external 
management  of  the  Church,  belonged  to  the  sovereign;  but 
purely  spiritual  matters  were  under  the  control  of  the  bishops, 
who  had  the  final  decision  in  them,  each  in  his  own  diocese.  In 
accordance  with  these  principles,  the  Emperor  issued,  after  the 
close  of  the  year  17S0,  a  series  of  very  remarkable  statutes.  He 
restricted  the  amount  of  donations  to  ecclesiastical  institutions 
to  the  sum  of  1500  florins.  He  prohibited  the  connection  of 
the  monks  with  foreign  superiors,  abolished  their  exemption, 
and  placed  them  under  the  control  of  the  bishops.  He  issued 
the  strictest  orders  that  no  Papal  document  should  be  published 
until  it  had  received  the  placetum  regium.  He  restored  to  the 
bishops  the  full  power  of  absolution,  and  the  exclusive  decis- 
ion in  matrimonial  causes  without  further  recognition  of  re- 

5  In  Bohemia,  deists  made  their  appearance  (in  consequence  of  the  long  oppres- 
sion of  Protestantism).    Hormayer,  Tascheub.  f.  d.  vaterland.  Gcsch.  f.  1853,  S.  91. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  Ill— §  19.  REFORMS  OF  JOSEPH  II.  203 

served  cases  or  permitting  recourse  to  Rome  ;  he  prohibited  the 
bulls  In  Coena  Domini  and  Unigenitus,  and  ordered  their  remov- 
al from  all  the  ritual-books,  under  a  heavy  penalty.  He  also  for- 
bade his  subjects  to  accept  titles  or  dignities  from  Rome  without 
the  consent  of  the  sovereign,  prohibited  their  studying  at  Rome, 
and  ordered  the  examination  of  all  priests  connected  with  the 
religious  orders.  He  soon  after  abolished  all  the  orders  not  en- 
gaged in  pastoral,  educational,  or  eleemosynary  work,  but  leading 
a  life  of  idleness,  and  put  their  property  together  into  a  great  relig- 
ious and  educational  fund,  with  which  he  founded  a  large  number 
of  new  parishes  and  schools,  and  established  general  seminaries 
for  the  proper  education  of  those  destined  for  the  priesthood.  At 
the  same  time,  candidates  desirous  of  being  installed  in  the  par- 
ishes in  the  gift  of  the  sovereign  were  required  to  undergo  rigor- 
ous examinations.  Joseph,  also,  caused  the  suppression  of  many 
customs  connected  with  the  public  worship  which  fostered  super- 
stition ;  reduced  the  number  of  altars ;  had  the  numerous  tablets 
and  gifts  which  were  attached  to  the  statues  of  the  saints  in 
memory  of  their  supposed  assistance  removed  ;  restricted  the 
processions  and  pilgrimages;  abolished  many  of  the  abuses  con- 
nected with  the  indulgences  by  requiring  that  all  Papal  indul- 
gences should  receive  the  sanction  of  the  government ;  prohib- 
ited various  customs  relating  to  the  exhibition  of  relics ;  and 
forbade  the  priests  to  traffic  in  consecrated  articles,  such  as 
crosses,  amulets,  and  the  like.  Finally  he  went  so  far  as  to  re- 
quire that  the  whole  service  of  the  Church  should  be  conducted 
in  the  vernacular. 

All  these  regulations  were  made  without  consulting  the  bish- 
ops of  the  realm,  or  making  any  especial  effort  to  gain  their  ap- 
proval. It  was  therefore  inevitable  that  many  of  them,  faithful 
to  their  early -imbibed  conceptions  of  the  independence  of  the 
Papal  authority,  took  ground  against  the  measures  of  Joseph, 
and,  more  or  less  covertly,  endeavored  to  hinder  their  execu- 
tion. Their  most  active  opponent  was  the  Cardinal  and  Arch- 
bishop Migazzi,  of  Vienna,  who,  at  the  very  beginning,  urgently 
remonstrated  with  the  Emperor,  but  without  producing  any  im- 
pression upon  him. 

These  new  measures  naturally  caused  the  greatest  excitement 
at  Rome,  where  it  was  absolutely  impossible  to  remain  indiffer- 
ent when  so  considerable  a  part  of  the  Catholic  Church  was  re- 


204  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1814. 

nouncing  its  ancient  subjection.  The  Pope  at  that  time  was 
Pius  VI.  (1774-1799),  the  successor  of  Clement  XIV.,  but  quite 
unlike  that  great  pontiff.  Thoroughly  kind-hearted,  indefatiga- 
bly  active,  and  of  spotless  reputation,  he  was,  nevertheless,  defi- 
cient in  the  shrewdness  which  was  just  then  so  indispensable  for 
a  Pope.  His  chief  fault  was  excessive  vanity  and  self-compla- 
cency. He  was  one  of  the  most  handsome  men  of  his  time, 
and  captivated  every  one  by  his  looks,  his  attractive  manners, 
and  his  eloquence.  But  he  attached  too  much  value  to  these 
external  qualities,  and  sought  to  enhance  them  by  artificial 
means.  He  paid  the  most  scrupulous  attention  to  his  personal 
appearance,  dress,  and  deportment,  especially  in  his  official  cere- 
monies, which  were  generally  carefully  rehearsed  beforehand. 
He  had  withal  a  great  degree  of  ecclesiastical  pride,  and  was 
quite  partial  to  the  principles  of  the  old  popes  in  their  relations 
to  the  temporal  princes.  When  the  news  of  Joseph's  rapid  re- 
forms reached  Rome,  following  each  other  in  quick  succession, 
Pius  VI.  suddenly  formed  the  resolution  to  go  himself  to  Vien- 
na and  visit  the  Emperor.  In  doing  this,  he  undoubtedly  count- 
ed principally  upon  his  attractive  personal  qualities  and  powers 
of  persuasion.  In  March,  1782,  the  Pope,  under  the  escort  of 
the  Emperor,  made  his  brilliant  entry  into  Vienna,  where  he  was 
treated  with  the  greatest  respect  aud  honored  with  numerous 
ceremonies.  But  more  than  this  he  did  not  accomplish  by  the 
journey.  Joseph  himself  declined  to  enter  into  any  discussion 
of  his  course,  but  referred  the  Pope  entirely  to  his  minister, 
Prince  Ivaunitz,  and  all  attempts  to  change  the  sentiments  of 
the  latter  were  ineffectual.  At  the  same  time,  the  Pope  was 
most  carefully  watched,  and  all  petitions  to  him  in  person  were 
forbidden.  Pius  perceived  that  his  personal  presence  with  the 
Emperor  was  useless ;  for  even  during  his  visit  the  ecclesiastical 
reforms  were  continued,  and,  in  particular,  several  monasteries 
were  abolished.  Accordingly,  he  soon  took  his  departure,  but 
on  the  way  back  had  the  satisfaction  of  binding  the  Bavarian 
court  at  Munich  more  firmly  to  his  interests. 

When  this  attempt  had  failed,  Pius  endeavored  by  written 
representations  to  influence  Joseph,  who  still  persevered  in  the 
policy  he  had  inaugurated.  The  language  of  the  Pope  grcwT 
increasingly  urgent,  and  finally  he  went  so  far  as  to  demand  the 
repeal  of  several  innovations,  in  a  rescript  (September,  17S3)  that 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— §  19.  REFORMS  OF  JOSEPH  II.  205 

had  almost  the  tone  of  command.  The  Emperor  returned  this 
rescript  unanswered,  and  was  now  on  the  point  of  making  the 
spiritual  affairs  of  the  realm  entirely  independent  of  the  Pope. 
But  while  deliberating  upon  this  course,  he  suddenly  resolved  to 
visit  Borne,  under  the  pretext  of  settling  his  differences  with  the 
Pope,  but  really  for  the  purpose  of  consulting,  with  reference  to 
his  plans,  two  experienced  statesmen,  the  French  envoy  at  Rome, 
Cardinal  Bernis,  and  the  Spanish  envoy,  Chevalier  Azara.  These 
two  statesmen  prevented  the  threatened  rupture  with  the  Pope 
by  pointing  out  to  the  Emperor  the  danger  he  incurred  by  such  a 
course  of  producing  dangerous  political  disturbances,  inasmuch 
as  there  was  not  any  adequate  education  of  the  people  to  prepare 
the  way  for  it.  Accordingly,  from  this  time,  the  Emperor  began 
to  yield  to  the  Pope  in  various  particulars,  and  returned  to  Vi- 
enna in  March,  17S-i,  with  materially  altered  plans.  It  is  true, 
the  laws  already  published  still  continued  in  force,  and  the  Em- 
peror persistently  asserted  his  sovereign  authority  in  Church 
matters  ;  but  the  opposing  clergy  were  no  longer  held  to  a  strict 
observance  of  the  laws,  and  a  rupture  with  Rome  wTas  avoided 
The  result  was  a  vacillating  course,  which  increased  the  courage 
of  the  Papal  party  in  the  Austrian  states,  while  it  destroyed  the 
confidence  of  the  Emperor's  true  supporters. 

Nowhere  were  these  reforms  of  Joseph  II.  received  with 
greater  dissatisfaction  than  in  the  Austrian  Netherlands,  where 
a  fanatical,  ignorant  clergy,  among  whom  there  was  still  a  large 
number  of  ex-Jesuits,  controlled  the  minds  of  the  people.3  Ac- 
cordingly, most  of  Joseph's  regulations  were  never  fully  carried 
out  in  that  country,  and  the  abolition  of  several  monasteries  only 
served  to  exasperate  the  people  still  more  against  him.  In  view 
of  the  deficiency  of  proper  institutions  in  the  Netherlands  for 
the  education  of  capable  clergymen,  the  Emperor  resolved  to 
abolish  all  the  existing  episcopal  seminaries,  and  in  their  place 
to  establish  a  general  seminary  at  Louvain,  under  the  charge  of 
learned  theologians,  and  a  branch  seminary  at  Luxembourg,  in 
which  alone  the  prospective  clergymen  should  henceforth  be  ed- 
ucated. This  measure  met  with  general  opposition.  The  clergy, 
with  the  Primate  of  the  Netherlands  and  Archbishop  of  Mech- 
lin, Cardinal  Yon  Frankenberg,4  at  their  head,  resisted  it,  and 

3  Forster's  Ansichten  vom  Niederrhein,  ii.  20  sq. 

*  Der  Cardinal  J.  H.  v.  Frankenberg  u.  sein  Kampf  fur  die  Freiheit  der  Kirche,  von 
A.  Theiner,  Freiburg,  1850,  G.  G.  A.  Aug.  1851,  p.  1253. 


206 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1648-1814. 


endeavored  to  bring  the  new  seminaries,  their  professors,  and 
text-books,  under  the  reproach  of  heresy.  Moreover,  the  Estates 
of  the  Netherlands  remonstrated  against  the  changes  in  Church 
affairs,  and  at  last  began  to  withhold  the  revenues,  on  the  ground 
■that  the  Emperor  had  violated  the  constitution  of  the  state. 
This  action  led  Joseph  to  forcible  measures,  which  gave  only 
the  greater  opportunity  to  the  priests,  and  especially  the  ex-Jes- 
uits, to  stir  up  the  people.  In  17S9  a  general  insurrection  broke 
out  in  the  Netherlands,  and  the  Estates  solemnly  renounced  all 
obedience  to  the  Emperor.  It  was  in  vain  that  he  now  attempt- 
ed to  restore  the  episcopal  seminaries.  Quite  as  ineffectual  were 
his  efforts  to  obtain  a  settlement  through  the  interposition  of  the 
Pope.  Joseph  died  in  the  midst  of  these  negotiations  (Feb.  20, 
1790),  before  the  Netherlands  had  returned  to  their  allegiance.5 

§  20. 

GRIEVANCES  OF  TIIE  GERMAN  ARCHBISHOPS  AGAINST  THE  POPE, 
AND  THEIR  PU NOTATION  AT  EMS. 

Marheineke,  Symb.  ii.  385.— E.  v.  Munch,  Gesch.  des  Emser  Congresses  und  seiner 
Punctate,  Karlsruhe,  1840.— Deutsche  Blatter,  v.  1 ;  vi.  1. 

The  reforms  of  Joseph  II.,  and  their  good  effects  in  his  Aus- 
trian dominions,  stirred  up  the  other  Catholic  states  in  Germany, 
and  called  their  attention  to  the  many  abuses  which  had  found 
their  way  into  the  Church.  But  the  German  archbishops  were 
especially  affected  by  the  declaration  of  the  Emperor,  which  re- 
stored to  the  bishops,  in  his  hereditary  dominions,  the  entire  right 
of  dispensation  and  absolution,  and  prohibited  all  recourse  to 
Rome  in  such  matters.  They  could  not  but  feel  how  much,  on 
the  contrary,  their  own  original  episcopal  prerogatives  had  be- 
come restricted  by  Papal  usurpations.  Thus,  in  particular,  since 
the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  custom  had  grown  up  for 
the  Pope  to  grant  the  archbishops  indults  for  five  years  to  give 
dispensations  in  the  case  of  certain  obstacles  to  marriage  {facili- 
tates qiiinquennales)}     But  he  had  reserved  to  himself  all  other 

s  Dcr  Abfall  der  belgischcn  Frovinzen  von  Oestorrcich,  von  Louis  Lax,  Aachen, 
1836.  8.  Christian  Willi,  v.  Dohm,  Merkwiirdigkeiten  meiner  Zeit,  Lemgo,  vol.  ii. 
(1815)  p.  263  sq.  Kaiser  Leopold  II.  Gesch.  Oesterrcichs  unter  seiner  Regierung 
(1790-1792),  von  J.  B.  Schels,  Vienna,  L837.    Munch,  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  p.  329. 

1  Deutsche  Blatter,  ii.  82.  Origination  of  these  facilitates  in  1645.  See  Koini- 
sche  Gegenbenierkuugen,  p.  213  sq. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— §  20.  THE  PUNCTATION  AT  EMS.  207 

cases ;  and,  since  even  the  dispensations  in  question  were  granted 
only  in  virtue  of  the  Papal  indult,  the  implication  was  that  the 
whole  right  of  dispensation  belonged  exclusively  to  the  Pope. 
But  since  the  sixteenth  century  the  Pope  also  kept  a  nuncio  at  Co- 
logne, who  had  the  fullest  authority  to  exercise  the  assumed  Pa- 
pal rights  in  the  adjoining  sees,  and  in  reserved  cases  to  dispense 
and  absolve,  as  well  as  to  decide  in  ecclesiastical  cases  in  the 
third  instance.2  This  nuncio,  however,  was  never  satisfied  with 
resting  here,  but  trespassed  also  upon  the  episcopal  rights ;  and 
all  complaints  hitherto  made  had  been  ineffectual.  Now,  how- 
ever, more  was  to  be  expected  from  the  German  archbishops, 
especially  since  they  could  be  certain  of  the  support  of  the  Em- 
peror. The  Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  Jerome,  Count  of  Collo- 
redo,  had  shown  himself,  at  the  very  commencement  of  Joseph's 
reformations,  an  enlightened  prelate,  who  clearly  recognized  the 
imperfections  of  the  Church,  as  was  evidenced  by  a  remarkable 
pastoral  letter  of  1782,  in  which  he  freely  censured  the  empty 
outward  display  of  the  worship,  and  urged  that  it  be  made  more 
edifying,  giving  pertinent  directions  to  this  end  ;  for  which  rea- 
son Joseph  II.  had  the  letter  reprinted  and  circulated  in  his 
states.  The  Elector  and  Archbishop  at  Cologne,  at  this  time, 
was  the  Emperor's  brother  Maximilian,  who  was,  for  the  most 
part,  in  sympathy  with  his  brother's  views  respecting  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Church ;  and  although  less  was  to  be  expected  from 
the  Electors  of  Mayence  and  Treves,  a  new  encroachment  of  the 
Pope  upon  the  rights  of  all  the  German  archbishops  aroused 
them  also  to  take  part  in  the  common  defense. 

At  the  court  of  the  Bavarian  Palatinate,  under  Carl  Theodor, 
the  ex-Jesuits  had  acquired  a  very  considerable  influence,  and, 
chiefly  through  their  efforts,  that  court  had  been  brought  into 
the  blindest  subjection  to  the  Roman  See,  which  had  been  great- 
ly increased  by  the  personal  visit  of  Pius  YI.  The  Bavarian 
territories  had  no  provincial  bishops  of  their  own,  but  were  dis- 
tributed among  the  dioceses  of  the  neighboring  bishops,  so  that 
the  sees  of  the  four  German  archbishops  extended  over  parts  of 
the  Bavarian  territories.  Acting  undoubtedly  at  the  instigation 
of  the  ex- Jesuits,  who  were  never  partial  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  bishops,  Carl  Theodor  now  applied  for  a  nuncio  who  should 
have  the  supreme  jurisdiction  over  the  combined  provinces  of 

2  Thus  nine  instances  became  possible.     Gegenbemerkungen,  p.  44. 


208  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1648-1814. 

the  Bavarian  Palatinate,  with  powers  similar  to  those  accorded 
to  the  Rhenish  nuncio  at  Cologne.  The  archbishops  could  not 
treat  this  action  with  indifference ;  for  experience  had  taught 
them  that  the  nuncios  did  not  confine  themselves  merely  to  the 
cases  of  reservation,  but  were  wont  also  to  encroach  upon  the 
episcopal  rights.  They  accordingly  appealed  to  the  Emperor  to 
defend  their  official  rights,  and  Joseph  II.  replied  that  the  Papal 
nuncios  in  Germany  were  to  be  regarded  simply  as  envoys  in 
political  affairs  and  such  matters  as  immediately  concerned  the 
Pope,  but  that  no  jurisdiction  was  to  be  accorded  them.  At  the 
same  time,  he  called  upon  the  archbishops  to  assert  their  episco- 
pal rights  to  their  legitimate  extent,  and  promised  to  protect 
them  in  so  doing. 

Accordingly,  when  the  Papal  nuncio  made  his  appearance  at 
Munich,  and  immediately  defined  his  policy  by  invading  the 
episcopal  rights,  the  archbishops,  through  their  delegates,  insti- 
tuted a  Congress  at  Ems,  and  there  agreed  upon  certain  propo- 
sitions touching  the  episcopal  rights  and  their  relation  to  the 
Papal  See.  This  was  the  origin  of  the  memorable  Punctation 
of  Ems  of  August  25,  1786.  The  archbishops  declared  that 
they  would  honor  the  Pope  as  the  Primate  of  the  Church  and 
the  centre  of  its  unity,  but  that  they  would  not  recognize  the 
other  asserted  prerogatives  of  the  Papal  See  which  were  de- 
rived from  the  Pseudo - Isidorian  Decretals;  that  the  bishops 
possessed  exclusive  authority  in  their  own  dioceses  to  bind  and 
loose,  and  consequently  all  reservations,  the  facultates  quinquen- 
nales  and  the  nunciatures,  must  be  discontinued.  In  like  man- 
ner, they  endeavored  to  restrict  the  exercise  of  Roman  patron- 
age in  appointments  to  ecclesiastical  office  and  the  large  sums 
of  money  which  flowed  into  the  Roman  treasury ;  and,  finally, 
they  determined  that,  in  all  ecclesiastical  causes,  the  bishops' 
court  should  be  uniformly  regarded  as  the  first  instance,  and  that 
of  the  archbishops  as  the  second,  without  the  interposition  of  Pa- 
pal nuncios ;  while  for  the  third  instance  the  Pope  must  appoint 
judges  in  Germany,  and  these  must  be  themselves  Germans. 

The  Emperor  assured  the  archbishops  that  he  would  protect 
them  in  the  maintenance  of  the  rights  thus  asserted.  Accord- 
ingly, they  did  not  renew  their  application  for  the  ratification  of 
the  facultates  quinquennales,  but  began  to  exercise  their  rights 
to  the  extent  to  which  they  had  declared  them.     True,  the  Pa- 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— §  20.  THE  PUNCTATION  AT  EMS.  209 

pal  nuncio  at  Cologne,  Bartholomew  Pacea,  a  young  and  high- 
spirited  man,  declared  all  the  dispensations  of  the  archbishops 
void,  and  the  marriages  contracted  in  virtue  of  them  between 
relatives  as  incestuous  and  invalid;  but  his  circular  letter  was 
prohibited  in  all  the  three  Rhenish  archbishoprics,  and  all  the 
priests  were  compelled  to  send  the  copies  which  they  had  re- 
ceived to  the  governments.3 

But  Roman  persistency  and  .cunning  conquered.  The  arch- 
bishops had  already  injured  their  cause  by  entering  into  this 
agreement  without  consulting  the  German  bishops.  Although 
the  latter  would  have  gained  greatly  by  the  restoration  of  their 
episcopal  rights,  most  of  them  feared  that  the  archbishops  were 
only  trying  to  curtail  the  powers  of  the  Pope  in  order  to  restore 
their  old  metropolitan  rights,  and  so  to  exercise  over  the  bishops 
a  control  more  oppressive  than  it  was  possible  for  the  Papal 
power  to  be.  The  Roman  Curia  endeavored  in  every  way  to 
foster  these  apprehensions,  and  the  result  was  that  the  German 
bishops  took  the  part  of  the  Pope  and  the  nuncios.  But  the  Pa- 
pal See  received  still  greater  support  from  the  court  of  the  Ba- 
varian Palatinate,  which  not  only  forbade  its  subjects  to  accept 
dispensations  from  the  archbishops,  since  they  had  not  renewed 
their  facilitates,  but  permitted  the  nuncio  to  exercise  many 
functions  manifestly  episcopal,  and,  when  the  Emperor  remon- 
strated, threatened  to  separate  its  territories  from  the  archiepis- 
copal  dioceses,  and  to  appoint  provincial  bishops  of  its  own. 

Unfortunately,  an  election  of  co-bishops  was  now  approaching 
at  Mayence,  in  which  that  court  needed  the  aid  of  the  Pope. 
Accordingly,  in  1787,  the  Elector  of  Mayence  intimated  to  the 
Pope  that  he  desired  an  amicable  settlement  of  the  difficulties 
arising  from  the  Punctation  of  Ems,  entered  immediately  into 
his  former  relations  with  the  Roman  Court,  and  had  new  indults 
granted  him.  True,  the  matter  was  discussed  in  the  Imperial 
Diet  (1788)  ;4  but  there,  also,  nothing  was  accomplished,  since 
the  Bavarian  Palatinate  insisted  that  the  sovereign  possessed  the 
right  to  receive  Papal  nuncios.     The  archbishops  perceived  that 

3  For  documents  relating  to  the  Congress  of  Ems,  see  Paulus,  Die  neuesten 
Gi'undlagen  der  deutsch-katholischen  Kirchenverfassung,  p.  1,  Stuttgart,  1821. 

4  Two  memoirs  between  Electoral  Mayence  aud  Prussia  in  the  Politisch.  Journ. 
von  gelehrten  u.  andern  Sachen,  Stuck  4,  April,  1789,  p.  522.  Assumptions  of  the 
Pope,  Plenitudo  Potestatis  :  Mainzer  Monatsschrift,  vol.  ii.  pt.  12,  p.  984.  Develop- 
ment of  the  Nunciature,  pt.  14. 

VOL.  V. — 14 


210  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II— A.D.  1048-1814. 

the}'  would  not  succeed  by  force,  and  therefore  negotiated  with 
the  Pope  for  a  compromise.  But  this  they  also  failed  to  obtain. 
They  received  instead  a  diffuse  reply,  in  which  all  the  Papal 
pretensions  were  reasserted  in  their  most  extreme  form.5 

This  ended  the  matter;  for  the  Revolution,  which  began  im- 
mediately afterward  in  France,  occupied  the  attention  of  the 
neighboring  states  to  the  fullest  extent,  and  the  Punctations  of 
Ems  were  soon  forgotten. 

§21. 

REFORMS  IN  TUSCANY. 
Munch,  Dcnkwurdigkeiten,  p.  303. 

Peter  Leopold,  Grand-duke  of  Tuscany,  entered  upon  the  ref- 
ormation of  his  country  with  greater  prudence  and  caution  than 
his  brother,  Joseph  II.  But  the  greatest  prudence  was  indeed  nec- 
essary, for  the  Tuscan  Church  was  at  that  time  in  a  state  of  pro- 
found decay.  The  clergy  were  extremely  numerous ;  but  also,  for 
the  most  part,  completely  ignorant.  The  secular  priests  had,  to  a 
great  extent,  lost  their  influence  over  the  people ;  all  the  schools 
and  most  of  the  confessionals  were  occupied  by  monks  ;  and,  as 
these  were  all  independent  of  the  bishops,  the  episcopal  author- 
ity was  at  a  very  low  ebb.  On  the  other  hand,  the  country  was 
completely  under  the  control  of  Rome,  which,  by  means  of  the 
monks,  had  fostered  there  the  greatest  reverence  for  all  the 
measures  of  the  Roman  Court.  Every  liberal  movement  was 
suppressed  by  the  stringent  Inquisition,  which  was  under  the 
management  of  the  Dominicans.  Peter  Leopold  assumed  the 
government  of  this  country,  at  a  very  early  age,  in  the  year  1765  ; 
but  it  was  not  until  1780  that  he  began,  simultaneously  with  his 
brother  Joseph,  to  introduce  several  ecclesiastical  reforms.  His 
great  aim  was  first  of  all  to  increase  the  authority  of  the  bishops 
and  the  national  clergy,  and  to  promote  among  them  a  more 
thorough  theological  education ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to  cur- 
tail the  excessive  influence  of  the  Papal  Court  and  the  monks. 
To  this  end,  stricter  examinations  of  the  candidates  for  vacant 
parishes  were  instituted,  and  the  bishops  were  induced  to  estab- 

5  Sanctissimi  Domini  nostri  Pii  Papae  VI.  Responsio  ad  Mctropolitanos  Mogunti- 
num,  Trcvircnscm,  Colonieuscm  ct  Salisburgeuscm  super  Nuutiaturis,  Romac,  ITS'.). 
4.  (35  sheets). 


PART  II.— CHAP,  in.— |  21.  REFORMS  IN  TUSCANY.  211 

lish  academies  for  the  prospective  clergymen.  The  priests  were 
directed  to  explain  the  mass  and  the  Gospel  to  the  people  every 
Sunday,  and  to  give  the  young  suitable  instruction  in  religious 
truth.  On  the  other  hand,  the  exemptions  and  privileges  of  the 
monastic  orders  were  repealed,  and  they  were  put  under  the 
control  of  the  bishops,  the  influence  of  Rome  was  restricted,  and 
the  rights  of  the  sovereign  once  more  enforced.  After  much 
had  been  done  by  these  measures  for  the  education  of  the  clergy 
and  the  people,  the  Grand-duke  was  desirous  that  the  inner  ref- 
ormation of  the  Church  should  proceed  from  the  national  bish- 
ops themselves,  and  accordingly,  in  1786,  laid  before  them  a  plan 
of  reform.  The  most  important  points  which  were  here  pro- 
posed were,  that  synods  be  held  in  each  diocese  at  least  every 
two  years,  and  that  the  reforms  should  be  prosecuted  by  these 
synods.  The  principal  reforms  were  as  follows :  The  emenda- 
tion of  the  liturgical  books,  suitable  regulation  and  improvement 
of  the  divine  service,  the  restoration  of  the  original  episcopal 
rights  in  opposition  to  the  Papal  usurpations,  the  introduction  of 
suitable  text-books  into  the  schools,  and  restriction  of  the  influ- 
ence of  the  monasteries  over  the  people. 

Unfortunately,  the  great  majority  of  the  national  bishops  were 
opposed  to  the  purposes  of  the  government.  They  were,  in  gen- 
eral, averse  to  allowing  any  interference  of  the  secular  authority 
in  ecclesiastical  affairs  ;  and,  moreover,  the  government  had  in- 
curred the  suspicion  of  Jansenist  proclivities  by  proposing  the 
doctrines  of  St.  Augustine  as  the  rule  of  faith,  and  recommend- 
ing several  Jansenist  works,  among  them  even  QuesnePs  Obser- 
vations on  the  New  Testament.  Accordingly,  most  of  the  opin- 
ions on  the  propositions  of  the  government  proved  to  be  extreme- 
ly unfavorable ;  some  declaring  the  reforms  unnecessary  and 
inexpedient ;  some  requiring  that  they  should  proceed  from  the 
Pope,  but  not  from  the  secular  government  or  the  bishops.  Only 
three  bishops  were  for  the  government,  and  among  these  the 
most  zealous  was  Scipio  Ricci,  Bishop  of  Pistoja,  and  also  an 
advocate  of  Jansenism.  Tie  not  only  approved  all  the  proposals 
of  the  government  in  his  opinion,  but  on  some  points  went  still 
further,  and  immediately  afterward  (still  in  1786)  convoked  his 
clergy  to  a  synod  at  Pistoja,  for  the  purpose  of  at  once  inaugu- 
rating the  necessary  reforms  in  his  diocese  by  their  aid.  In  di- 
rect opposition  to  previous  usage,  he  not  only  communicated  to 


212  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.— A.D.  1W8-18U. 

his  priests  the  opinions  of  the  bishops,  but  allowed  them  free 
discussion  and  decision  upon  the  matters  laid  before  them ;  and 
yet  the  result  of  this  Synod  certainly  exceeded  all  the  expecta- 
tions of  the  government.  In  respect  to  the  Papal  authority,  the 
Synod  formally  adopted  the  four  propositions  of  the  Gallican 
Church  of  the  year  1GS2,  and  decided  upon  some  very  important 
reforms  for  the  removal  of  abuses  in  public  worship  and  in  the 
monastic  system.  At  the  same  time,  however,  it  can  not  be  de- 
nied that  Rieci  and  his  clergy  were  unmistakably  devoted  to  the 
Jansenist  system,  and  that  many  of  the  utterances  of  the  Synod 
with  reference  to  the  doctrines  of  grace  were  thoroughly  Jan- 
senistic.  It  is  true,  the  court  at  that  time  sympathized  with  this 
tendency,  and  supported  the  Bishop  of  Pistoja;  but  even  then  it 
could  be  plainly  foreseen  that  it  would  be  only  the  easier  in  fut- 
ure for  the  Roman  Court  to  turn  back  the  tide  of  reform  in  Tus- 
cany, because  they  would  be  able  to  trace  it  to  the  Jansenist 
heresy. 

It  was  manifestly  inopportune  that  the  Grand-duke,  soon  af- 
ter the  Synod  of  Pistoja,  convoked  all  the  bishops  of  his  realm 
to  a  general  synod  at  Florence  (1787).  For  the  irritation  of  the 
majority  of  the  bishops,  who  in  their  formal  opinions  had  already 
declared  against  all  reforms,  had  been  only  increased  by  the 
Synod  of  Pistoja,  so  that  the  result  of  the  General  Synod  was 
directly  contrary  to  the  former,  and  opposed  to  all  innovations. 
Although  the  government  remained  true  to  its  convictions  re- 
specting  the  necessity  of  an  ecclesiastical  reformation,  and  con- 
tinued as  before  to  exercise  its  sovereign  rights,  it  did  not,  how- 
ever, venture  to  make  any  changes  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
Church,  but  left  each  bishop  free  to  regulate  such  matters  in  his 
own  diocese.  It  likewise  supported  Ricci  in  his  reforms ;  and, 
during  the  reign  of  Leopold,  he  was  not  disturbed  by  the  Roman 
authorities.  But  Leopold  could  not  prevent  the  other  clergy 
from  giving  vent  to  their  hatred  of  Ricci  in  the  most  spiteful 
calumnies,  and  thus  exciting  the  people  more  and  more  against 
him. 

After  the  death  of  Joseph  II.,  Leopold  succeeded  him  in  the 
imperial  office,  and  was  compelled  to  resign  the  government  of 
Tuscany  to  his  son ;  for,  according  to  earlier  stipulations,  that 
country  was  never  to  be  united  with  Austria  under  the  same 
ruler.     The  new  government  thought  it  necessary  to  yield  to  the 


PART  II.— CHAP.  III.— §  21.  REFORMS  IN  TUSCANY.  213 

discontent  of  the  people  at  certain  of  the  innovations,  and  made 
a  compromise  with  the  three  national  archbishops.  Iticci  was 
now  cast  off  entirely,  and  even  the  resignation  of  his  episcopal 
office  did  not  put  an  end  to  the  persecutions  against  him.  A 
Papal  bull  soon  appeared  {Auctorem  ffldei,  August  28, 1794),  in 
which  eighty-five  declarations  of  the  Synod  of  Pistoja,  and  par- 
ticularly the  four  propositions  of  the  Gallican  Church  approved 
by  it,  were  rejected  and  condemned.  The  political  disturbances, 
especially  the  invasion  of  Italy  by  the  French,  at  first  secured 
Eicci  from  personal  persecutions ;  but  as  soon  as  the  French  had 
been  expelled  from  Italy  by  Suwarow,  Eicci  was  thrown  into 
prison  (1799)  at  Florence  by  his  enemies.1  During  the  French 
War,  the  opponents  of  the  republican  constitution,  the  Eoman 
party  and  the  clergy,  had  already  begun  to  attribute  to  the  same 
source  the  aspirations  after  civil  liberty  and  the  efforts  to  secure 
ecclesiastical  liberty  and  to  restrict  the  power  of  the  Pope. 
Similar  views  were  now  disseminated  among  the  people.  The 
Synod  of  Pistoja  was  represented  as  the  cause  of  the  revolution- 
ary disturbances,  and  placed  in  the  same  category  with  the  ISTew- 
Franks.2  Eicci  allowed  himself,  while  in  prison,  to  be  persuaded 
to  a  conditional  subscription  of  the  Papal  bull,  but  received  from 
the  newly  elected  Pope,  Pins  VII.,  the  answer  that  he  must  ac- 
cept the  bull  unconditionally.  Although  the  battle  of  Marengo 
soon  brought  about  the  release  of  Eicci  (1S00),  nevertheless,  for 
the  sake  of  peace,  he  finally  entered  into  negotiations  with  the 
Papal  Court.  For  this  purpose  he  availed  himself  of  the  occa- 
sion when  Pius  VII.  was  passing  through  Florence  on  his  return 
to  Eome  after  the  coronation  of  Napoleon  at  Paris  (early  in 
1805).  He  agreed  to  subscribe  the  Papal  condemnation  of  the 
Synod  of  Pistoja  on  condition  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  ap- 
pend a  special  treatise  in  defense  of  his  course  and  principles.3 
The  Pope  received  him  very  kindly,  and  accepted  his  retraction, 
but  gave  him  back  his  defense  as  unnecessary;  and  the  Curia 
made  every  effort  to  give  the  utmost  publicity  to  his  recantation 
in  all  Catholic  countries.4 

While  the  results  of  Leopold's  reforms  in  Tuscany  were  thus 

1  The  Bishop  of  Noli  was  also  persecuted.    Vater's  Archiv,  1823,  iii.  128. 

2  Comp.  Aurelii  Thomasii  Epist.  in  the  Ulmer  Jahresschrift,  vol.  i.  pt.  ii.  p.  376.  • 

3  Vater's  Anbau,  i.  35. 

*Vie  de  Scipion  de  Ricci,  Eveque  de  Pistoie,  par  L.  I.  de  Potter  (d.  1859),  Bru- 
xelles,  1825,  3  tomes. 


214:  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A. D.  1G48-1S14. 

quickly  dissipated,  those  of  Joseph  in  Austria  soon  met  with  a 
similar  fate.  His  brother,  Leopold  IL,  already  was  compelled 
to  revoke  several  of  the  regulations ;  and,  after  his  death,  in  1792, 
under  his  son  and  successor,  Francis  IL,  all  the  affairs  of  the 
Church  were  by  degrees  restored  to  the  condition  in  which  they 
were  before  the  time  of  Joseph.5 


FOURTH  CHAPTER. 

PERIOD  OF  THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 

Geschichtc  der  franz.  Revolution,  Hermes,  xxiv.  (1S24,  pt.  iv.),  p.  182, 199.  The  works 
of  Bail  aud  Mignet.  Wacbsmuth,  Geschiclite  Frankreicha  im  Rcvolutionszeitaltcr, 
pt.  i.  1840,  Hamburg  (belonging  to  Heercn's  and  Uckert's  -works).  Gerviuus, 
Gesch.  des  neunzehutcn  Jahrhuuderts.  Au?.  Theiner,  Doeumens  inedits  relatifs 
aux  Affaires  Religieuses  de  la  France,  1790-1800.  Extraits  des  Archives  Secrets 
du  Vatican,  Paris,  1858. 

§  22. 

ITS  BEGINNING.    DECREES  OF  THE  NATIONAL  ASSEMBLY. 

During  the  course  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  France  had  gradually  become  extremely  critical.  Ever 
since  the  time  of  Louis  XIV.,  a  heavy  burden  of  debt  had  rested 
upon  the  state,  which  had  been  enormously  increased  under 
Louis  XV.,  and  under  Louis  XVI.  rendered  the  government  so 
desperate  that  it  was  compelled  to  convoke  the  Estates,  which 
had  not  for  a  long  time  been  assembled. 

The  taxes  were  at  that  time  increased  to  an  excessive  degree, 
but  the  pressure  came  almost  exclusively  upon  the  citizen  class; 
the  nobility,  with  their  immense  estates,  were  exempt  from  most 
of  the  taxes,  and  consequently  reveled  in  abundance,  while  pov- 
erty every  where  prevailed  in  the  third  estate.  A  great  part  of 
the  national  wealth  was  in  the  possession  of  the  Church,  and  of 

5  Actenstiieke  zur  Gesch.  des  oesterrcich.  Kirch  en  wcsens  unter  Leopold  II. ,  Ar- 
ohiv  f.  Kunde  oesterrcich.  Geschichtsquellen,  iii.  No.  1.  On  the  subject  of  the  whole 
chapter,  see  Peter  Philip  Wolf,  Gcschichte  der  romisch-katholischen  Kirche  unter 
der  Rcgierung  Pius  VI.,  Zurich  u.  Leipzig,  7  vols.  1798-1803— very  complete  in  the 
narration,  and  for  the  most  part  correct  in  judgment,  though  at  times  too  spiteful 
toward  the  Roman  Court.  On  this  matter,  see  vols,  ii.-v.  Memoires  Historiques  et 
Philosophiques  sur  Pie  VI.  2  vols,  a  Paris  Tan  huit  (1S01).  The  anonymous  authoi 
is  Bourgoing,  afterward  French  envoy  at  Dresden  (d.  1S11).  He  has  drawn  his  ma- 
terials from  trustworthy  sources,  and  enters  profoundly  into  his  subject. 


PART  II.— CH.  IV.— §  22.  BEGINNING  OF  THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION.  215 

this  comparatively  little  was  contributed  to  the  state.  The  use 
of  this  Church  property,  however,  was  very  unequally  distributed. 
The  prelates  had  immense  revenues,  while  the  parish  priests  were 
so  scantily  paid  as  to  be  scarcely  secured  from  starvation. 

These  circumstances  were  well  calculated  to  increase  the  in- 
fluence of  the  so-called  philosophers,  who,  since  the  middle  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  had  been  making  more  and  more  noise 
in  France — sometimes  attacking  the  existing  Church,  and  again 
energetically  proclaiming  the  equality  of  human  rights.  They 
first  found  access  to  the  higher  classes,  among  whom  luxury  had, 
at  that  time,  reached  its  highest  pitch.  Their  teachings  were 
welcome  here  because  they  subverted  all  the  principles  of  moral- 
ity. Under  the  pretense  of  philosophy,  all  religion  was  now 
discarded.  It  began  to  be  a  mark  of  good-breeding  to  ridicule 
the  Church  and  religion,  and  to  openly  advocate  infidelity  and 
atheism.  This  made  it  all  the  easier  to  deride  the  restraints  of 
morality  which  interfered  with  licentiousness.  The  superior 
clergy  participated  in  this  corruption  of  the  higher  classes.  The 
bishoprics  had  for  a  long  time  been  obtained  by  all  sorts  of  low 
intrigues  at  court,  and  in  the  appointments  to  them  respect  was 
had  rather  to  birth,  rank,  and  connections  than  to  the  fitness  of 
the  candidates.  They  had  thus  become  mere  benefices ;  and  the 
occupants,  for  the  most  part,  spent  their  great  revenues  at  court, 
leaving  the  management  of  the  dioceses  to  vicar-generals.  Un- 
der Louis  XV.,  the  higher  French  clergy  were  terribly  demoral- 
ized. Many  sees  were  for  years  unvisited  by  their  bishops,  who 
led  a  luxurious  life  at  court,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  adopt,  at 
least  in  practice,  all  the  principles  of  the  philosophers,  while  they 
assumed  their  ecclesiastical  dignities  only  when  it  was  necessary 
for  the  sake  of  appearance.1 

Meanwhile,  these  principles  of  the  philosophers  had  gradually 
found  their  way  among  the  oppressed  lower  classes,  causing  them 
to  feel  more  keenly  the  injustice  with  which  they  were  treated. 
They  had  begun  to  talk  of  inalienable  human  rights,  which  were 
restricted,  and  that  fermentation  was  already  at  work  which 
burst  all  bonds  in  the  Revolution. 

Unfortunately,  religion  did  not  possess  sufficient  power  among 

1  De  la  Mennais,  Reflexions  sur  l'Etat  de  l'Eglise  en  France  pendant  le  18ieme 
siecle.  Histoire  de  l'Eglise  de  France  pendant  la  Revolution,  par  l'Abbe  Jager,  3  t. 
Paris,  1852. 


21G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A. D.  1648-1814. 

the  lower  classes  to  oppose  a  barrier  to  their  excited  passions, 
and  so  to  prevent  them  from  breaking  away  from  all  restraints. 
The  higher  clergy,  wholly  through  their  own  fault,  were  almost 
universally  hated  and  despised.  The  entire  work  of  religious 
instruction,  and  the  management  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  had 
been  left  to  the  lower  clergy,  who  were  paid  with  extreme  mea- 
greness,  and,  as  has  been  remarked,  scarcely  secured  from  starva- 
tion. The  training  of  the  priests  in  the  seminaries  was,  for  the 
most  part,  pitiably  insufficient,  as  these  institutions  were  poorly 
endowed  by  the  bishops  and  subjected  to  no  adequate  supervis- 
ion.2 Accordingly,  the  majority  of  the  priests  possessed  little 
intellectual  culture  and  very  slight  influence  with  the  educated 
classes,  and  consequently  the  religious  instruction  of  the  people 
was  in  a  most  wretched  state.  And  in  this  we  shall  find  the 
true  cause  of  the  dreadful  crimes  and  outrages  which  followed 
in  the  train  of  the  French  Revolution.  The  religion  of  the 
French  populace  was  at  best  a  gloomy  fear  founded  upon  the 
grossest  superstitions  and  an  habitual  respect  for  the  rites  of  the 
Church.  All  this  was  easily  dispelled  by  the  universal  diffusion 
of  the  so-called  philosophical  ideas,  and  was  succeeded  by  the 
most  fearful  irreligion  and  atheism,  which  could  not  but  produce 
terrible  consequences  among  a  people  naturally  so  excitable  as 
the  French. 

Under  these  circumstances,  when  the  financial  difficulties  of 
the  government  had  reached  the  highest  point,  Louis  XVI. 
convoked  the  Estates.  The  government  purposely  contrived  to 
have  the  representatives  of  the  third  estate  and  the  lower  clergy 
far  superior  in  number  to  those  of  the  nobility  and  the  higher 
clergy.  On  June  17, 1789,  the  National  Assembly  was  opened, 
and  its  very  first  measures  indicated  the  dangers  which  threat- 
ened the  existing  organization  of  the  Church.  In  order  to  re- 
lieve the  disordered  finances,  their  first  thought  was  of  the  posses- 
sions of  the  Church,  and  in  quick  succession  law  after  law  was 
enacted  with  reference  to  them.  At  first  they  were  merely  sub- 
jected to  the  general  tax,  which  was  thereafter  to  bear  uniformly 
upon  all  property ;  then,  to  relieve  the  people,  the  tithes  were 
abolished ;  finally,  at  the  proposal  of  De  Talleyrand,  Bishop  of 
Autun,  all  the  possessions  of  the  Church  were  declared  national 
property.  It  was  decided  to  sell  them,  and  in  lieu  of  them  to 
2  Tzschirner's  Arcliiv,  i.  2,  'JOG. 


PART  II.—  CH.  IV—  §  22.  BEGINNING  OF  THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION.  217 

give  the  ecclesiastics  salaries  which  were  set  at  a  much  lower 
rate  for  the  bishops  and  a  much  higher  for  the  parish  priests 
than  their  former  incomes.  Soon  afterward  the  convents  were 
abolished,  and  the  vows  of  all  the  orders  declared  no  longer 
binding. 

Now,  however,  the  National  Assembly,  regardless  of  the  re- 
monstrances and  protests  of  the  clergy,  went  still  farther,  and 
began  to  interfere,  also,  with  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Church. 
It  decreed  that  the  episcopal  dioceses  should  be  co-extensive  with 
the  boundaries  of  the  new  departments ;  that  each  department 
should  have  but  a  single  bishop ;  and  that  the  authority  of  a  for- 
eign bishop  should  nowhere  be  recognized.  This,  however,  was 
not  to  work  any  detriment  to  the  unity  of  faith  and  fellowship 
which  were  to  be  maintained  with  the  Pope  as  the  visible  head 
of  the  Church.  Still  greater  excitement,  howTever,  was  caused 
by  the  decision  that  in  future  all  bishoprics  and  curacies  were  to 
be  filled  by  election  of  the  people.  In  vain  the  Pope  remon- 
strated against  these  decrees,  in  vain  the  French  clergy  warned 
against  the  clanger  of  a  schism ;  the  National  Assembly  wTas  not 
to  be  deterred,  and  finally  (November  22, 1790)  demanded  from 
the  clergy  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  new  constitution.  Those 
who  would  not  take  the  oath  wrere  to  be  forthwith  regarded  as 
deposed,  and  their  places  to  be  filled  by  others.  Many  priests 
took  the  oath,  but  more  refused.  Of  these,  many,  it  is  true,  were 
deposed  ;  but  many  kept  their  places,  notwithstanding,  partly 
because  there  was  a  lack  of  priests,  partly  because  the  confusion 
was  too  great  to  carry  these  measures  immediately  into  execu- 
tion, especially  in  places  where  the  congregations  were  attached 
to  their  pastors.  After  the  Pope  had  exhausted  every  expedient 
to  prevent  the  requirement  of  the  oath,  in  July,  1791,  he  pro- 
nounced the  ban  upon  all  the  priests  who  had  taken  it  (jyretres 
assermentes).  This  bull,  however,  was  not  allowed  to  be  pub- 
lished any  where  in  France,  and  was  entirely  disregarded.  In 
consequence,  the  clergy  who  would  not  take  the  oath  now  began 
to  emigrate  en  masse,  as  had  already  been  the  case  with  the 
nobility.3 

3  Necker's  History  of  the  French  Revolution,  4  vols.  1797. 


218  FOURTH  FERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1648-1814. 


§23. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.     THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  AND 
THE  DIRECTORY. 

A  time  of  horror  now  began  in  France.  Various  parties  al- 
ternately gained  possession  of  the  government,  spent  their  rage 
upon  their  opponents,  and  in  turn  fell,  supplanted  by  other  par- 
ties. On  the  1st  of  October,  1791,  the  National  Assembly  was 
superseded  by  the  Corps  Ltgislatif.  On  the  21st  of  September, 
1792,  this  yielded  to  the  National  Convention,  which  proclaimed 
the  Republic  in  France,  and  caused  the  condemnation  of  the 
King  (January,  1793).  During  this  reign  of  terror,  the  fearful 
lack  of  religious  principle  among  the  French  people  was  dis- 
closed. No  concealment  was  made  of  the  purpose  to  destroy 
every  vestige  of  the  Catholic  religion,  which  was  regarded  as  the 
enemy  of  the  Republic.  A  new  republican  calendar  was  intro- 
duced, according  to  which  the  reckoning  of  time  began  with  the 
21st  of  September,  1792.  Decades  were  observed  instead  of 
Sundays ;  most  of  the  churches  were  plundered  and  closed  ;  the 
priests  were  deprived  of  their  stipends ;  and  in  November,  1793, 
began  the  celebration  of  Feasts  of  Reason  in  the  church  of 
Notre  Dame  at  Paris,  instead  of  the  priestly  service,  at  which  a 
Goddess  of  Reason  was  set  up  for  worship.  At  this  time,  the 
universal  madness  was  shared  even  by  ecclesiastics.  Bishop  Go- 
bet,  of  Paris,  appeared  with  his  vicar-generals  at  the  bar  of  the 
Convention  with  the  declaration  that  they  had  hitherto  deceived 
the  people ;  but  now  renounced  their  priestly  functions,  and 
would  take  part  in  no  other  worship  than  that  of  liberty  and 
equality.1  But  soon  after  (in  May,  1791)  Robespierre  himself 
caused  the  National  Convention  to  declare  that  the  French  na- 
tion acknowledged  a  Supreme  Being  and  the  immortality  of  the 
soul ;  and  when,  not  long  afterward,  Robespierre  fell  (July, 
1791),  quieter  times  began.  By  the  third  constitution,  a  Directo- 
ry, consisting  of  five  directors  (September  23, 1795),  received  the 
executive  power.  This  government  did  not  concern  itself  at  all 
with  ecclesiastical  affairs,  but  permitted  every  form  of  worship 
as  soon  as  its  priests  declared  their  allegiance  to  the  nation.  A 
singular  phenomenon,  characteristic  of  the  times,  was  the  society 

1  Hist,  du  Clerge,  iii.  293. 


PART  II.—  CH.  IV.— §  24.  RELATIONS  OF  POPE  WITH  THE  REPUBLIC.  219 

of  Theophilantliropists,  which  was  originated  in  Paris  (1797)  by 
one  of  the  directors,  Lareveilliere  Lepaux  (d.  March  2S,  1824). 
They  openly  professed  the  religion  of  reason  alone,  and  adopted 
a  form  of  worship  consisting  of  addresses  and  hymns,  as  well  as 
of  certain  symbolical  rites,  which  took  the  place  of  Christian 
baptism,  confirmation,  and  marriage.  Their  number  increased 
in  Paris  to  some  10,000,  and  they  there  occupied  ten  churches 
for  their  worship.  In  many  other  French  cities,  also,  Theophi- 
lanthropism  was  introduced,  and  at  first  very  zealously  propa- 
gated, even  to  the  persecution  of  the  Catholics,  who  were  be- 
ginning to  reappear.  But  this  zeal  soon  subsided,  and  the  new 
worship  quickly  disappeared  in  the  provinces.  In  Paris,  it  main- 
tained itself  till,  in  1802,  the  consuls,  in  consequence  of  the  con- 
cordat which  had  been  concluded,  determined  no  longer  to  per- 
mit the  Theophilantliropists  to  meet  in  national  buildings.2 


§  24. 

POLITICAL  RELATIONS  OF  THE  POPE  WITH  THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC. 

Meanwhile,  the  Pope  also  had  fallen  into  political  disputes 
with  the  French  Kepublic.  As  early  as  1790,  the  National  As- 
sembly had  annexed  the  Papal  counties  of  Avignon  and  Venais- 
sin  to  the  French  dominion.  The  Pope  had  protested  in  vain 
against  this  step,  and  afterward  joined  the  princes  allied  against 
France,  although  he  still  declared  that  he  wished  to  remain  neu- 
tral. When  he  thereupon  openly  took  part  in  the  war  against 
France,  he  was  forthwith  severely  punished  for  it  by  Bonaparte, 
who  conquered  the  greater  part  of  the  territory  of  the  Church, 
and  constrained  the  Pope  to  agree  to  the  Peace  of  Tolentino 
(February  19,  1797).  He  was  thereby  compelled  to  renounce 
forever  all  claim  to  Avignon  and  Venaissin,  to  cede  the  three 
legations  of  Bologna,  Ferrara,  and  Eomagna  (about  a  third  of 
the  States  of  the  Church)  to  the  new  Cisalpine  Republic,  and  to 

2  Gregoire  (former  Bishop  of  Blois),  Gcschichte  des  Theophilanthropismus,  Han- 
over, 1806.  Arndt,  Reiseu  durch  Frankreich,  pt.  ii.  p.  49  sq.  Gottesverehrungen 
der  Neufranken,  Oder  Ritualbuch  der  Theophilanthropen,  aus  dem  Franz.  Leipzig, 
1798.  Pii  VI.  Pont.  Max.  Acta  quibus  Ecclesiae  Catholicae  Calamitatibus  in  Gallia 
consultum  est,  vols.  i.  ii.  Roma,  1871  (better  than  Theiner).  In  this  the  decree  of 
Pius,  Oct.  5, 1793,  in  which  he  allowed  validity  of  civil  marriage,  if  before  witnesses 
(vol.  ii.  p.  62). 


220  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

pay  thirty  million  livres  for  war  expenses.  At  the  same  time, 
he  was  obliged  to  allow  the  French  to  carry  off  the  most  impor- 
tant works  of  art  and  the  most  valuable  manuscripts  from  the 
Papal  collections.  But  soon  afterward  a  still  greater  misfort- 
une befell  the  Pope.  The  republican  sentiments  which  the 
French  had  disseminated  found  their  way  from  the  Cisalpine 
Republic  into  the  States  of  the  Church.  The  discontent  with 
the  Papal  government  had  been  increased  by  the  French  war 
contributions,  which  had  exhausted  all  the  monetary  resources 
of  the  States  of  the  Church,  and  had  even  made  it  necessary  to 
have  recourse  to  the  jewels  of  the  Papal  crown  to  meet  the 
emergency.  As  early  as  December,  1797,  an  insurrection  broke 
out  in  Rome.  While  the  Papal  soldiers  were  fighting  the  insur- 
rectionists, the  French  general  Duphot  mingled  with  the  com- 
batants and  lost  his  life.  This  accident  gave  the  French  Di- 
rectory a  pretext  for  causing  General  Berthier  to  take  possession 
of  Pome  and  the  States  of  the  Church.  A  Roman  Republic  was 
proclaimed,  and  the  government  confided  to  five  consuls  (Febru- 
ary, 179S).1  Pius  VI.  was  compelled  to  relinquish  the  govern- 
ment, and  was  carried  off  a  prisoner  from  Rome.  At  first,  he 
was  taken  to  several  cities  in  Upper  Italy,  and  then  to  the  town 
of  Valence,  in  France,  where  he  died  August  29, 1799.2 

In  the  meantime,  the  war  of  Austria  and  Russia  against  France 
had  been  already  recommenced ;  and,  while  Bonaparte  was  in 
Egypt,  Suwarrow,  with  an  allied  army,  reconcpaered  the  whole  of 
Italy  (1799).  This  enabled  thirty-five  cardinals  to  assemble  at 
Venice  for  the  election  of  a  new  Pope,  and  on  the  21st  of  March, 
1800,  their  choice  fell  upon  Cardinal  Chiaramonti,  Pius  VII.3 
He  was  born  in  1712  at  Cesena,  of  a  noble  family,  entered  the 
Benedictine  Order,  taught  theology  and  philosophy  at  Parma 
and  Rome,  and  afterward  became  Bishop  of  Tivoli  and  then  of 

1  A  picture  of  the  religious  and  political  disturbances  which  arose  in  the  little 
Catholic  cantons  of  Switzerland,  1798,  is  given  iu  a  masterly  manner  by  Zschokke 
in  his  history  of  the  insurrection  in  that  year. 

2  P.  Ph.  Wolf,  Geschiehte  der  katholischen  Kirche  unter  Pius  VI.  Zurich  u.  Leip- 
zig, 179&-1802.  7  vols.  Memoires  Historiques  et  Philosophiqucs  sur  Pie  VI.  2  vols. 
a  Paris  Pan  hnit  (1801),  by  Bourgoing ;  see  above,  p.  214.  Gcseh.  d.  Wegfiihr.  u. 
Gefangensch.  Pius  VI.  von  dem  Abbe  Baldassari,  aus  dem  Franz,  von  F.  X.  Stcek, 
Tubingen,  1844.  8. 

3  Ilistoirc  du  Pape  Pie  VII.  par  M.  le  Chevalier  d'Artaud,  Paris,  1S36.  2  tomes,  S. 
Bcrault-Bcrcastcl,  Neueste  Geschiehte  der  Kirche  Christi  von  der  Wahl  Pius  VII. 
1800-1833 ;  Augsburg,  1833.  vol.  i. 


PT.  II.— CH.  IV.— §  25.  RESTORATION  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH.  221 

Imola.  As  Bishop  of  Imola,  he  conducted  himself  so  discreetly 
at  the  time  of  the  French  invasion  of  Italy  that  he  was  almost 
the  only  one  of  all  the  cardinals  who  secured  the  favor  of  the 
French  generals.  This  he  did  especially  by  a  Christmas  homily, 
in  which  he  endeavored  to  show  that  the  democratic  form  of 
government  then  introduced  into  Italy  was  not  at  variance  with 
the  Catholic  faith,  but  rather  encouraged  genuine  Christian  vir- 
tues. At  the  time  of  his  election  to  the  Papacy,  this  partiality 
for  the  French  was  adduced  against  him  by  several  of  the  cardi- 
nals; but  afterward  this  very  circumstance  was  turned  to  good 
account  in  the  negotiations  with  France.  On  the  3d  of  July, 
1800,  Pius  VII.  made  his  solemn  entry  into  Rome.  He  found 
there  universal  poverty  and  an  entire  exhaustion  of  resources, 
and  put  forth  every  effort  to  remedy  by  personal  retrenchments 
this  unfortunate  state  of  affairs. 


§  25. 

RESTORATION  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  FRANCE. 

Mme.  de  Stael,  Considerations  sur  les  Principaux  Evenemens  de  la  Revolution  Fran- 
caise:  extends  to  July  5, 1815.—  Wessenberg,  Gescli.  der  Concil.  iv.  393.— Napole- 
on's own  utterances  in  Ruhr's  Predigerbibl.  vol.  x.  pt.  4,  p.  554.— Ranke,  Histo- 
risch-politische  Zeitschr.  Jahrg.  1832,  Sept.  bis  Dec.  or  vol.  i.  p.  627.— A.  C.  Thibau- 
deau,  Le  Consulat  et  1' Empire,  ou  l'Histoire  de  la  France  et  de  Napoleon  Bonaparte 
de  1799-1815,  Paris,  1835,  10  vols.— Histoire  des  Cabinets  de  l'Europe  pendant  le 
Consulat  et  1' Empire,  ecrite  apres  les  documens  reunis  aux  archives  des  Affaires 
Etrangeres,  1800-1815,  par  M.  Armand  Lefevres,  4  vols.  8.— L'Eglise  Romaine  et  le 
Premier  Empire  (1800-1814),  avec  Notes,  par  M.  le  Comte  d'Haussouville,  2  tomes, 
Paris,  1868. 

During  this  time  the  political  condition  of  France  had  under- 
gone great  changes,  which  soon  occasioned  a  corresponding  alter- 
ation in  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  that  country.  Bonaparte  had 
returned  from  Egypt  in  October,  1799,  and  had  immediately  af- 
terward overthrown  the  Directory.  The  administration  was  now 
confided  to  three  consuls,  of  whom  Bonaparte  was  the  first ;  and 
from  this  time  he  exercised  almost  absolute  power.  He  endeav- 
ored to  restore  the  affairs  of  the  country,  which  had  fallen  into 
the  most  pitiable  confusion  during  the  Revolution,  to  a  state  of 
permanent  order ;  and  thereby,  undeniably,  did  good  service  to 
France,  although  the  course  of  events  proved  that  he  had  only 
wished  by  these  efforts  to  prepare  the  nation  for  a  monarchy,  which 


222  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  II.— A. D.  1G4S-1814. 

afterward  became  a  most  unmitigated  tyranny.  Accordingly,  he 
soon  turned  his  attention  to  the  restoration  of  the  ecclesiastical  af- 
fairs of  France.  The  Catholic  worship  had  not,  it  is  true,  at  that 
time  entirely  ceased  in  France,  and  the  service  was  still  conducted 
in  many  of  the  churches  by  priests  who  had  taken  the  oath.  But 
a  large  part  of  the  nation  had  already  separated  themselves  com- 
pletely from  the  Church  ;  and  the  number  threatened  to  steadily 
increase  as  the  older  generation,  which  was  still  attached  to  the 
Church  through  principle  or  habit,  died  off,  and  the  younger, 
which  had  been  trained  during  these  years  of  revolution,  grew 
up.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  a  nation  destitute  of  religion 
would  have  any  morality,  and  without  this  any  fidelity  toward 
the  constitution  and  government.  These  considerations  made  it 
urgently  important  for  Bonaparte  to  make  every  possible  effort 
to  prevent  the  total  ruin  of  the  Church.  He  therefore  speedily 
entered  into  negotiations  with  the  Pope,  and  the  result  was  the 
Concordat  of  July  15,  1801.  The  Pope  could  not  but  rejoice 
that  the  French  Church,  which  he  had  already  regarded  as  lost, 
was  now  returning  to  its  allegiance,  and  consecpiently  Bonaparte 
was  able  to  obtain  conditions  such  as  the  popes  had  never  before 
granted  to  any  government.  By  this  treaty  the  protection  of  the 
state  was  guaranteed  to  the  Catholic  religion,  not  as  the  exclusive 
religion,  but  only  as  that  of  the  great  majority  of  the  people. 
Its  public  worship,  however,  was  to  be  subject  to  such  police  reg- 
ulations of  the  government  as  might  be  necessary  for  the  peace 
of  the  community.  The  French  priests  who  had  emigrated  were 
to  relinquish  their  offices.  In  order  to  remove  the  distinction 
between  the  sworn  and  unsworn  clergy,  and  so  to  terminate  the 
schism,  all  were  compelled  to  resign  and  receive  new  appoint- 
ments. The  government  obtained  the  power  to  nominate  the 
archbishops  and  bishops  of  the  realm  unconditionally,  and  the 
Pope  was  to  do  no  more  than  bestow  the  canonical  investiture. 
The  number  of  sees  was  still  further  diminished,  so  that  now 
some  of  them  comprised  from  two  to  three  departments.  The 
former  civil  oath  for  the  clergy  was,  it  is  true,  abolished  ;  but  it 
was  agreed  that  they  should  swear  fealty  and  obedience  to  the 
now  existing  government.  The  sale  already  made  of  the  prop- 
erty of  the  Church  was  expressly  recognized  as  valid,  and  the 
government  engaged  to  grant  the  clergy  a  suitable  support  out 
of  the  public  treasury.     Finally,  the  same  rights  and  privileges 


PT.  II.-CH.  IV. -§  25.  RESTORATION  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH.    223 

which,  the  French  kings  had  maintained  in  their  relations  to  the 
Holy  See  were  conceded  to  the  First  Consul.1 

Obviously  certain  matters  were  here  passed  over  in  silence  re- 
specting which  both  parties  had  intentionally  refrained  from 
asking  definite  statements,  because  both  hoped  in  the  sequel  to 
obtain  more  favorable  terms.  But  the  First  Consul  published, 
simultaneously  with  the  Concordat,  organic  laws  touching  the 
new  circumstances  of  the  Church  (1S02),2  in  which  he  made  the 
necessary  regulations  regarding  these  undecided  points.  Among 
these  the  following  were  especially  annoying  to  the  Roman 
Curia : 

1.  All  Papal  bulls  must  have  the  placet  of  the  government 
before  their  publication,  and  no  Papal  legate  or  nuncio  might 
enter  France  without  the  consent  of  the  same.  In  like  manner, 
no  decrees  of  foreign  synods,  not  even  of  the  universal  councils, 
could  be  published  till  they  had  been  officially  examined. — Inas- 
much, however,  as  these  principles  had  always  been  maintained 
in  the  earlier  Gallican  Church,  the  present  refusal  of  the  Curia 
to  acknowledge  them  was  the  more  surprising. 

2.  In  case  of  the  abuse  of  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  re- 
course might  be  had  to  the  Council  of  State. — This  was  only 
a  transfer  of  the  right  which  the  Parliament  had  exercised  be- 
fore, and  therefore,  also,  nothing  new. 

3.  The  monastic  orders  were  to  be  fordver  dissolved  in  France, 
and  every  exemption  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops  remain 
abolished. 

4.  But  the  Curia  took  the  greatest  offense  at  the  24th  Article, 
which  provided  that  all  who  taught  in  the  seminaries  should  be 
obliged  to  subscribe  the  declaration  of  the  French  clergy  of 
1682,  and  to  teach  the  doctrine  of  the  Four  Articles.3 

1  Persecution  of  the  sworn  priests  as  early  as  1807.  Niemeyer,  Reise,  vol.  iv., 
first  half,  p.  235.  Consalvi  was  then  ready  to  abolish  celibacy.  Kirchenzeit.  1827, 
p.  1582. 

2  Ph.  Chr.  Reinhard,  Neue  Organisation  des  Religionswesens  in  Frankreich,  Kolu, 
1802. 

3  Marheineke,  Symb.  ii.  317,  Note  m. 


224  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II—  A.D.  164S-1814. 

§2G. 

RELATIONS  OF  THE  POPE  TO  THE  NEW  EMPEROR,  NAPOLEON  I. 
Documents  in  Tzschirner's  Archiv,  ii.  172,  409 ;  also,  i.  3,  209. 

The  Pope  immediately  condemned  these  laws  in  a  secret  con- 
sistory, and  from  that  time  onward  exerted  himself  incessantly 
to  secure  their  alteration.  The  desired  opportunity  seemed  to 
offer  itself  when  Bonaparte,  after  his  proclamation  as  Emperor, 
invited  the  Pope  to  Paris  to  anoint  him  to  that  dignity  (1S04). 
He  there  endeavored  to  secure  both  the  repeal  of  the  obnox- 
ious laws  and  the  restoration  of  the  Romagna  to  the  States  of 
the  Church.  But  so  far  from  accomplishing  his  purpose,  he 
found  Napoleon  desirous  of  obtaining  still  further  concessions 
from  him.  They  parted,  each  exceedingly  dissatisfied  with  the 
other  ;  and,  from  that  time,  the  coolness  between  the  two  stead- 
ily increased.  After  Napoleon  had  conquered  the  whole  of  Up- 
per Italy  and  Naples,  and  had  thereby  acquired  the  supreme 
control  of  all  Italy,  he  approached  the  Pope,  in  1S08,  with  still 
greater  demands.  The  latter  was  to  recognize  a  practically  in- 
dependent Patriarch  of  France,  to  be  appointed  by  the  Emperor ; 
to  introduce  the  Neapolitan  Code  into  the  States  of  the  Church ; 
to  grant  liberty  to  all  forms  of  worship ;  to  abolish  monasteries 
and  celibacy  ;*  and,  finally,  to  join  the  alliance  against  England 
and  Sicily,  and  close  his  sea-ports  to  those  powers.  The  Pope 
resolutely  refused ;  and,  on  the  contrary,  met  the  proposal  with 
complaints  against  the  French  legislation.  In  particular,  he 
charged  it  with  criminal  indifference,  in  that  it  gave  the  prefer- 
ence to  no  religion,  thereby  contradicting  the  spirit  of  the  Roman 
Church,  which  could  no  more  associate  with  any  other  Church 
than  Christ  with  Belial.  Moreover,  he  censured  the  marriage 
laws  of  the  French  Code,  because  they  recognized  the  civil  mar- 
riage as  the  only  valid  ceremony  in  the  eyes  of  the  law;  and, 
also,  because  they  removed  several  of  the  canonical  obstacles  to 
marriage,  and  conferred  upon  the  civil  magistrates  the  right  of 
decision  in  matrimonial  causes.2 

1  Theol.  Stndicnordnun.o;  in  Tzschirncr's  Archiv,  i.  2,  209.  In  1S11,  Napoleon  pro- 
hibited the  teaching  ofanj  thin--  except  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic  in  element- 
ary schools:  Pflanz,  Relig.  Lehen  in  Frankreich,  p.  CG. 

2  As  to  the  recent  marriage  laws  of  France,  see  Jahresschrift  fur  Thcologie  und 
Kirchenrecht  tier  Katholiken,  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  p.  59. 


PT.  II.— CH.  IV.— §  26.  RELATIONS  OF  THE  POPE  TO  NAPOLEON  I.    225 

The  rupture  with  Sicily,  and  the  closing  of  his  sea-ports  to 
English  and  Sicilian  vessels,  he  declined  on  the  ground  that  he 
could  not  separate  himself  from  a  portion  of  his  flock  nor  en- 
gage in  war  against  them.  Thereupon  the  French  general  Mi- 
ollis  entered  Eome,  February  2, 1808,  and  took  military  posses- 
sion of  the  States  of  the  Church.  When,  however,  the  Pope, 
notwithstanding,  resolutely  persisted  in  the  declarations  he  had 
made,  the  entire  States  of  the  Church,  by  an  imperial  decree  of 
May  17,  1809,  were  incorporated  with  the  French  Empire.3 
Upon  this  the  Pope  issued  a  bull4  (June  10),  in  which  he  pro- 
nounced the  ban  upon  all  who  had  assailed  the  prerogatives  of 
the  Holy  See ;  and,  in  a  communication  of  June  11,  he  explicitly 
announced  to  the  Emperor  that  he  had  been  excommunicated. 
Nevertheless,  the  Pope  sanctioned  the  decision  of  a  congregation 
that  those  excommunicated  by  this  bull  were  not  such  as  needed 
to  be  shunned,  since  they  were  not  expressly  named  in  it.  The 
bull  itself  was  only  circulated  in  a  private  manner,  as  the  gov- 
ernment endeavored  in  every  way  to  prevent  its  publication. 
After  Pius  VII.  had  protested  against  all  the  measures  of  the 
Emperor,  and  had  refused  to  accept  the  pension  which  the  latter 
offered  him,  he  was  forcibly  removed  (July  G)  from  the  Quirinal 
Palace — the  entrances  to  which  he  had  had  walled  up — and  was 
carried  off  to  France,  where  a  residence  was  assigned  him  in  Sa- 
vona.5 

But  there,  also,  the  Pope  persevered  in  the  course  he  had  al- 
ready adopted.  He  particularly  embarrassed  the  Emperor  by 
persistently  refusing  to  grant  the  canonical  investiture  to  the  bish- 
ops whom  Napoleon  had  appointed  to  the  vacant  sees.  In  this 
way  twenty-seven  sees  were  one  after  another  vacated.  The  re- 
sult was  to  create  considerable  dissatisfaction  among  the  people, 
which  was  nourished  by  the  secret  emissaries  of  the  Papal  party, 
and  the  bull  of  excommunication  obtained  a  steadily  increasing, 
though  private,  circulation.  Here  and  there  a  sect  of  so-called 
True  Catholics  withdrew  from  the  control  of  the  bishops,  and 
carried  on  their  worship  in  secret  under  the  direction  of  apos- 

3  Marheinekc,  Symb.  ii.  392. 

*  Given  in  Vater's  Anbau,  ii.  17. 

5  J.  H.  Kessler,  Authentische  Correspondenz  des  romischen  Hofes  mit  der  fran- 
zosischen  Regierung  seit  dera  Einfalle  in  den  romischen  Staat  bis  zur  gewaltsamen 
Abfuhrung  des  Papstes,  Tubingen,  1814.     Archives  Historiques  et  Politiques,  ou  Re- 
cueil  de  Pieces  Offlcielles,  etc.  par  F.  Scboell,  181S,  t.  ii.  iii. 
VOL.  v. — 15 


22G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  164S-1814. 

tolic  vicars.  Napoleon  made  ineffectual  attempts  to  humble  tlie 
Pope  by  harsh  measures.  All  his  cardinals  and  court  attendants, 
and  even  his  secretary,  -were  taken  from  him ;  he  Mas  forbidden 
to  carry  on  any  correspondence,  and  was  supplied  with  only  the 
most  scanty  maintenance.  But  he  made  this  a  new  reason  for 
persevering  in  his  course,  and  now  replied  to  all  propositions 
that  he  could  do  nothing  without  the  advice  of  his  cardinals. 

Since  the  close  of  the  year  1S09,  the  Emperor  had  already  as- 
sembled an  ecclesiastical  council  composed  of  a  number  of  bish- 
ops, and  had  caused  them  to  prepare  several  opinions  as  to  the 
best  course  to  be  pursued  with  reference  to  the  Pope.6  At 
length  Napoleon  called  together  a  national  synod  to  meet  in 
June,  1S11.  But  a  short  time  previous,  in  May,  lie  sent  a  depu- 
tation of  bishops  to  the  Pope,  correctly  surmising  that  the  latter, 
in  order  to  prevent  the  Synod  from  acting  independently  of  him, 
would  concede  as  much  as  possible.7  The  deputies  were  to  pro- 
pose to  the  Pope  that  he  should  receive  palaces  at  Rome,  Paris, 
and  several  other  places  in  the  Empire,  with  two  million  francs 
yearly  revenues,  and  the  enjoyment  of  sovereign  honors.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  promise  was  required  from  him  that  he  would 
take  no  action  against  the  Four  Propositions  of  1682.  If  he 
wished  to  reside  in  Rome,  he  was  to  take  the  oath  prescribed  in 
the  concordat.  Above  all,  he  must  agree  immediately  to  grant 
the  bishops  elect  the  canonical  investiture,  and  to  concede,  in  fut- 
ure cases,  that,  if  the  same  were  not  given  within  three  months, 
it  might  be  granted  by  the  metropolitan  or  the  senior  bishop  of 
the  province.  The  Pope,  who  had  reason  to  fear  that  the  ap- 
proaching national  council  would  make  a  permanently  different 
arrangement  for  the  canonical  investiture  of  the  bishops,  gave 
the  deputation  an  oral  promise  that  he  would  bestow  upon  the 
bishops  elect  the  desired  investiture,  and  that  in  future,  after  a 
delay  of  six  months,  the  power  should  rest  with  the  metropoli- 
tan. But  as  to  all  other  points  he  declared  himself  unwilling 
to  negotiate  until  his  liberty  and  his  advisers  were  restored. 

The  National  Council  was  opened  on  the  17th  of  June,  1811, 
immediately  after  the  return  of  the  deputies.  Inasmuch  as  the 
deputation  had  not  settled  all  the  points  at  issue  between  the 
Emperor  and  the  Pope,  and,  moreover,  the  declaration  of  the  lat- 

s  De  Pradt,  iii.  869  ss.     Ranke,  Ilist.-polit.  Zeitschrift,  i.  G38.       ■ 
7  Dc  Pradt,  ii.  400. 


PT.  II.— CH.  IV.— §  26.  RELATIONS  OF  THE  POPE  TO  NAPOLEON  I.  227 

ter  respecting  the  canonical  investiture  had  been  given  in  an  un- 
satisfactory form,  Napoleon  desired  that  the  Council  itself  should 
adopt  the  method  of  procedure  in  case  of  investiture  to  which 
the  Pope  had  already  given  his  assent,  and  submit  it  to  the  Em- 
peror for  his  approval,  in  order  that  its  provisions  might  be  in- 
corporated into  the  laws  of  the  state.  By  so  doing,  the  Gallican 
Church  would  have  taken  an  important  step  in  the  direction  of 
independence,  and  the  Pope  would  have  had  the  stronger  mo- 
tives for  compliance.  Napoleon  hoped  that  the  Council  would 
adopt  these  measures  the  more  readily  because  the  point  had 
been  already  conceded  by  the  Pope.  But  not  a  few  voices  were 
immediately  raised  in  the  Council  insisting  that  the  Pope  must 
first  be  set  entirely  at  liberty  ;  and  it  was  the  unanimous  opinion 
that,  inasmuch  as  the  consent  of  the  Pope  was  not  in  the  proper 
form,  nothing  could  be  done  until  the  decisions  of  the  Council 
had  received  his  approval.  Incensed  at  this  action,  Napoleon 
dissolved  the  Council  on  the  11th  of  July,  and  caused  the  arrest 
of  the  three  bishops  who  had  been  most  decided  in  their  opposi- 
tion to  the  adoption  of  the  decree  in  the  form  prescribed  by  the 
Emperor.  The  government,  however,  perceiving  that  nothing- 
was  to  be  gained  by  this  despotic  measure,  entered  into  new  ne- 
gotiations with  the  individual  bishops,  which  resulted  in  the  re- 
assembling of  the  National  Council  on  the  5th  of  August.  The 
Papal  concessions  were  now  put  into  the  form  of  a  decree,  but 
with  the  stipulation  that  the  sanction  of  the  Pope  must  be  ob- 
tained. The  Council  was  then  dissolved,  and  a  deputation  of 
the  same  proceeded  to  Savona  to  obtain  the  Papal  ratification  of 
their  decisions.8 

This  ratification  was  actually  granted  in  a  rescript  of  the  20th 
of  September,  in  which  the  Pope,  singularly  enough,  called  the 
excommunicated  Napoleon  his  beloved  son,  and  himself  showed 
as  little  regard  for  the  previous  excommunication  as  the  other 
ecclesiastics  had  hitherto  done. 

Nevertheless,  the  bishops  elect  did  not  even  yet  obtain  the  ac- 
tual canonical  investiture.  It  is  probable  that  Napoleon,  pre- 
suming upon  the  yielding  disposition  which  the  Pope  had  mani- 
fested, believed  that  it  would  now  be  easy  to  come  to  a  full 

8  Das  National-Concilium  zu  Paris  im  Jahre  1811,  von  dem  Canonicus  Melchers, 
Miinster,  1814.  Affaires  du  Concile,  in  the  Memoircs  du  Due  de  Kovigo,  t.  v. 
p.  309  sq. 


228  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1048-1814. 

agreement  with  Lira  upon  all  the  points  at  issue.  He  therefore 
withheld  the  Papal  answer,  and  now  tried  to  obtain  a  compre- 
hensive concordat  by  which  all  difficulties  should  be  settled. 
In  the  summer  of  1S12,  while  Napoleon  himself  was  in  Russia, 
the  Pope  was  removed,  not  without  some  hardships,  to  Fontaine- 
bleau,  where  negotiations  were  begun  with  him  for  a  new  con- 
cordat. After  his  return  from  the  unfortunate  Russian  cam- 
paign, the  Emperor  prosecuted  this  matter  in  person,9  treating 
the  Pope,  according  to  his  custom,  with  rude  severity,10  while  the 
latter  resolutely  insisted  that  he  could  not  negotiate  until  he  had 
his  liberty  and  his  cardinals  once  more  around  him.  At  last, 
however,  he  gave  his  consent  to  a  provisional  agreement  which 
was,  in  general,  quite  satisfactory  to  the  Emperor.  The  regula- 
tions of  the  Council  respecting  the  investiture  of  the  bishops 
were  ratified  anew ;  the  Pope  accepted  the  pension  of  two  mill- 
ion francs,  which  had  been  previously  offered  to  him ;  the  right 
was  secured  to  him  to  send  envoys  to,  and  receive  them  from, 
foreign  powers ;  and  the  Emperor  promised  to  restore  to  favor 
the  bishops  and  priests  who  had  fallen  under  his  displeasure. 
This  provisional  agreement,  which  was  signed  by  both  parties  at 
Fontainebleau  on  the  25th  of  January,  1813,  was  to  be  kept  se- 
cret, and  simply  to  form  the  basis  of  a  definitive  settlement,  in 
which  the  college  of  cardinals  was  to  be  consulted.11  Never- 
theless, Napoleon  hastened  to  publish  this  treaty  as  a  new  con- 
cordat by  which  all  the  differences  with  the  Pope  were  arranged. 
He  certainly  had  reason  to  regard  it  as  of  the  greatest  impor- 
tance, for  it  contained  an  indirect  relinquishment  by  the  Pope 
of  the  States  of  the  Church ;  but  he  was  not  willing  to  wait  for 
a  conference  with  the  cardinals,  because  he  was  well  aware  that 
many  of  them  would  object  to  the  proposed  conditions.  For 
this  reason,  he  did  not  allow  those  cardinals  from  whom  he  ex- 
pected opposition  to  meet  with  the  Pope,  but  only  those  upon 
whose  favorable  disposition  he  thought  that  he  could  count. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  Pope  certainly  had  a  right  to  re- 
gard the  agreement  as  broken.  It  had  been  made  public  con- 
trary to  the  promise  of  the  Emperor,  and  the  Pope  was  still  de- 

0  Tzschirncr's  Arcliiv,  ii.  2:24. 

10  Chateaubriand,  Dc  Buonaparte  et  des  Bourbons,  Paris,  1814,  p.  12. 

11  See  Manuscrit  de  1813,  par  lc  Baron  Fain,  Paris,  1S24.    German  Transl.  Stuttg. 
and  Tiib.  vol.  i.  p.  44  sq. 


PART  II.— CH.  IV.-§  27.  THE  GERMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH.      229 

prived  of  his  most  faithful  cardinals.  Pius  accordingly  warned 
the  archbishops  not  to  believe  the  false  report  that  a  concordat 
had  been  actually  concluded.  The  Emperor,  on  the  other  hand, 
issued  a  menacing  decree  against  all  who  violated  the  concluded 
concordat.  The  Pope  was  again  treated  with  greater  severity, 
and  kept  in  closer  confinement.  But  the  hour  of  his  release  was 
now  approaching.  When  the  allies  entered  France,  he  was  at 
first  removed  from  Fontainebleau  to  the  western  part  of  the 
country ;  but  the  fall  of  Napoleon  set  him  free,  and  he  returned 
immediately  to  Home,  making  his  entry  into  the  city  on  May 
24, 1814.12 

§  27. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  GERMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  DURING  THIS  PERIOD. 

During  the  unsuccessful  wars  of  the  German  Empire  against 
the  French  Republic,  the  whole  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  had 
fallen  into  French  hands,  and  at  first  secretly,  by  the  Treaty  of 
Campo  Formio  (1797),  but  afterward  again  by  the  Treaty  of 
Luneville  (1801),  had  been  ceded  to  France.  Not  only  were  all 
the  ecclesiastical  states  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  secularized 
by  France,  but  it  was  also  expressly  stipulated  that  the  temporal 
princes  who  had  lost  provinces  upon  that  side  of  the  river  should 
be  indemnified  by  the  secularization  of  territories  belonging  to 
the  Catholic  Church  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine.  These 
secularizations  were  defined  by  the  decree  of  the  Imperial  dep- 
uties (Reichsdeputations-Hauptschluss)  of  February  25,  1803.1 
All  the  ecclesiastical  principalities  and  estates,  excepting  only 
the  estates  of  the  Elector-archchancellor,  were  declared  secular- 

1  =  Essai  Historique  sur  la  Puissance  Temporelle  des  Papes,  et  sur  1' Abus  qu'ils  out 
fait  de  leur  Ministere  Spirituel,  Paris,  2  tomes,  4ieme  t4dit.  1818.  The  author  availed 
himself  of  the  archives,  which  were  brought  at  that  time  from  Rome  to  Paris,  and 
from  them  produces  many  documents  previously  unknown.  Fragmens  relatifs  a 
T Histoire  Ecclesiastique  des  Premieres  Annies  du  19ieme  Siecle,  Paris,  1814— publish- 
ed by  the  Archbishop  of  Tours  (De  Barral),  one  of  the  envoys  of  the  Council  to  the 
Pope  at  Savona ;  full  of  important  documents.  Extracts  and  translations  from 
these  and  other  French  works  in  Beitrae;e  zur  Geschichte  der  katholischen  Kirche 
im  19ten  Jahrh.  Heidelberg,  1818.  Pius  VII.  d.  Aug.  20, 1823 ;  Leo  XII.  elected  Sept. 
23, 1823. 

1  Gaspari,  Der  Deputationsrecess  mit  hist.,  geograph.  und  statist.  Erlaut.  Hamb. 
1803.  Hof,  Das  deutsche  Reich  vor  der  franz.  Revolution  und  nach  clem  Frieden 
zu  Luneville,  vol.  ii.  App.  p.  34.  Schmidt,  Geschichte  der  Deutschen,  fortgesetzt 
von  Jos.  Milbiller,  vol.  xxi.  p.  280-320. 


230  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

ized,  and  divided  among  the  temporal  princes,  who  were,  for  the 
most  part,  Protestants.  Even  the  estates  of  the  cathedral  chap- 
ters were  surrendered  to  the  temporal  rulers ;  and,  at  the  same 
time,  general  permission  was  given  to  the  sovereigns  to  secular- 
ize all  the  religious  endowments  and  monasteries  in  their  re- 
spective territories,  and  to  have  the  free  disposal  of  their  proper- 
ty. The  sovereigns  gradually  availed  themselves  of  this  permis- 
sion ;  the  monasteries  were  abolished  in  all  the  German  states 
except  Austria ;  the  monks  and  nuns  were  pensioned ;  and  thus 
by  this  single  measure  the  Pope  lost  a  great  host  of  faithful  de- 
pendents, who  hitherto  had  been  the  chief  support  of  his  author- 
ity. The  only  obligation  which  was  imposed  upon  the  new  sov- 
ereigns was  to  endow  those  cathedrals  which  were  to  be  retained, 
to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  Catholic  worship  and  the  public 
instruction,  and  to  pay  the  pensions  of  the  superseded  clergy. 
But  one  spiritual  prince  was  left  in  Germany,  the  former  Elector 
of  Mayence.  As  Mayence  had  fallen  to  the  share  of  France,  the 
office  of  Elector-archchancellor  {Churerzkamler)  and  Primate 
of  Germany  was  transferred  to  the  See  of  Ratisbon  ;  and  the 
Elector-archchancellor  received  as  his  estates  the  principalities 
of  Aschaffenburg  and  Ratisbon,  with  the  town  of  Wetzlar.2 

All  these  changes,  by  which  the  German  Catholic  Church  was 
deprived  of  almost  all  its  possessions,  were  carried  through  with- 
out the  slightest  consultation  with  the  Pope.  Under  the  exist- 
ing circumstances,  he  did  not  venture  any  open  resistance,  al- 
though he  secretly  did  his  utmost,  through  his  nuncio  in  Vienna, 
to  secure  the  repeal  of  these  measures,  but  without  success.  It 
is  remarkable  that  even  at  that  time  the  Roman  Court  was  still 
privately  trying  to  carry  out  the  hierarchical  principles  to  an 
extent  which  can  be  matched  only  by  the  assumptions  of  the 
most  arrogant  popes  of  the  Middle  Ages,  notwithstanding  the 
great  change  in  all  the  circumstances  of  the  times. 

For  example,  a  letter  of  instruction  to  the  nuncio  at  Vienna, 
written  during  this  period,  was  found  in  the  Papal  archives 
while  they  were  kept  in  Paris,  which  complains  most  bitterly 
that  so  many  possessions  of  the  Church  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  heretical  princes.  Attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that,  by  the 
canon  law,  the  property  of  the  heretics  ought  to  be  confiscated, 
and  the  subjects  of  an  heretical  prince  absolved  from  all  their 

3  Vuter's  Aubau,  ii.  1. 


PART  II— CH.  IV—  §  27.  THE  GERMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH.       231 

obligations.  True,  these  "  holy  maxims  "  could  not  now  be  car- 
ried out ;  but  this  point  could  never  be  admitted,  that  the  estates 
of  the  Catholic  Church  might  be  ceded  to  heretical  princes.3 

But  as  all  measures  of  this  kind  were  ineffectual,  the  Roman 
Curia  was  content,  as  usual,  to  temporize,  keeping  silent  for  the 
time,  and  waiting  for  better  days.  By  the  cession  of  the  left 
bank  of  the  Rhine  to  France,  many  of  the  dioceses  of  the  Ger- 
man bishops  had  been  dismembered,  since  the  French,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  concordat,  had  made  a  new  ecclesiastical  distribu- 
tion of  the  recently  acquired  territories.  It  was  therefore  ex- 
tremely important  that  the  boundaries  of  the  dioceses  in  the 
provinces  which  still  remained  German  should  be  re-arranged, 
and  the  endowments  of  the  bishops  and  their  chapters  definitively 
settled ;  for  the  secularized  bishops  only  received  life  pensions, 
and  no  provision  at  all  had  been  made  for  their  possible  succes- 
sors. For  this,  an  agreement  was  necessary  between  the  Roman 
Court  and  the  individual  German  princes,  who  had  to  provide 
for  the  endowment  of  the  bishops  and  their  chapters.  But  too 
great  demands  were  made  by  Rome ;  and  the  negotiations  them- 
selves were  carried  on  with  very  little  spirit,  because  the  Curia 
was  constantly  expecting  a  change  for  the  better  in  political  af- 
fairs, and  was  therefore  unwilling  to  make  any  settled  arrange- 
ments respecting  the  management  of  the  German  Church  during 
such  unfavorable  times.  On  the  other  hand,  the  governments 
were  not  slow  to  avail  themselves  of  the  situation  to  constantly 
enlarge  their  authority  in  opposition  to  the  hierarchy,  and  the 
Papal  See  was  consequently  all  the  more  averse  to  enter  into 
any  agreements  with  them.  In  Bavaria,  particularly,  the  princi- 
ple that  the  Church  was  to  be  allowed  no  interference  at  all  in 
civil  matters  was  carried  out  with  great  strictness.  According- 
ly, the  clergy  in  that  country  were  deprived  of  jurisdiction  in 
matrimonial  causes,  and  the  sovereign  asserted  that,  with  the  sec- 
ularized bishoprics,  he  had  also  received  the  right  of  patronage, 
because  it  had  been  exercised  by  the  former  bishops  only  in  their 
sovereign  capacity.  The  clergy  were  deprived  of  many  privi- 
leges, particularly  the  privilegium  fori  ;  their  real  estate  was 

3  Essai  Historique  sur  la  Puissance  Temporelle  des  Papes,  in  the  Beitrage  zur  Ge- 
schichte  der  katholischen  Kirche  im  19.  Jahrh.  p.  37.  Neuere  Rettungsversuche  des 
indireeten  papstlichen  Dominiums  iiber  die  Souveraine  :  Paulus,  Sopnronizon,  viii. 
3,62. 


232  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1648-1814. 

taxed;  in  many  cases,  instead  of  their  former  revenues,  they  were 
actually  allowed  only  scanty  stipends ;  and,  under  the  name  of 
an  ecclesiastical  police,  a  control  was  often  exercised  over  the 
public  worship  and  the  ecclesiastical  usages  to  a  greater  extent 
than  properly  belonged  to  the  state.  Moreover,  the  political  con- 
dition of  Germany  was  now  subject  to  such  sudden  and  frequent 
changes  as  to  materially  interfere  with  the  regulation  of  the  af- 
fairs of  the  Church.  For,  in  1S06,  the  German  Empire  was  com- 
pletely dissolved,  and  it  was  immediately  replaced  by  the  Rhen- 
ish Confederation,  which  at  first  was  merely  a  union  of  the  South 
German  states  under  the  protectorate  of  Napoleon,  but  soon  aft- 
er extended  itself  also  over  the  North  German  states.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  change,  the  former  Elector-archchancellor  was 
made  Prince-primate  of  the  Rhenish  Confederation,  and  received, 
in  addition  to  his  previous  domain,  the  free  city  of  Frankfort, 
with  its  surrounding  territory.  But  on  the  19th  of  February, 
1S10,  this,  the  sole  remaining  ecclesiastical  state  in  Germany, 
was  declared  secularized  by  Napoleon,  and  changed  into  a  grand- 
duchy.  The  former  Prince  -  primate  was,  indeed,  to  remain 
Grand-duke,  but  after  his  death  the  country  was  to  become  an 
hereditary  domain  of  Napoleon's  stepson  Eugene,  the  Viceroy  of 
Italy.  Thus  the  Catholic  Church  in  Germany  had  lost  its  last 
possession,  and  the  earnest  endeavors  of  the  Prince  -primate 
Charles,  Baron  of  Dalberg,  to  restore  order  to  the  affairs  of  the 
German  Church  remained  ineffectual.  He  made  public  his 
desires  upon  this  subject  in  a  special  work,4  in  which  he  pro- 
posed that  the  French  Concordat  should  also  be  adopted  for  the 
states  of  the  Rhenish  Confederation.  Quite  as  unsuccessful 
were  his  efforts  to  induce  the  National  Council  at  Paris  to  take 
steps  for  the  benefit  of  the  German  Church.  The  old  distribu- 
tion of  the  dioceses  still  continued,  although  many  of  them,  in 
consequence  of  the  cessions  to  France,  had  become  quite  insig- 
nificant. But  now,  in  anticipation  of  a  new  distribution  and  a 
more  adequate  definement  of  the  status  of  the  new  bishops,  none 
of  the  episcopal  sees  were  refilled  when  they  had  once  become 
vacant.  The  consequence  was  that  the  old  German  bishops  and 
their  chapters  gradually  died  off  without  their  places  being  filled 
again  ;  and  so,  at  the  same  time  when  Germany  was  liberated 

4  De  la  Pais  de  l'fiiilisc  dans  lcs  Etats  de  la  Confederation  Rlu'-nanc,  Paris,  1810. 
German  :  Ueber  den  Frieden  der  Kirche,  zu  Regensbnrg,  1810. 


PART  II.— CH.  IV—  §  27.  THE  GERMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH.      233 

from  the  yoke  of  Napoleon,  there  were  only  five  German  bishops 
still  remaining,  most  of  whom  were  far  advanced  in  years,  viz., 
the  Archbishop  of  Ratisbon  and  Constance,  and  the  Bishops  of 
Eichstadt,  of  Passan  and  Corvey,  of  Hildesheim  and  Paderborn, 
and  of  Fnlda,  the  last  of  whom,  however,  died  during  the  year 
1S14.  The  vacated  dioceses  were  meanwhile  governed  by  vicars-  • 
general  —  always  bad  substitutes,  because  they  are  invariably 
dependent  upon  Rome,  and  find  it  to  their  advantage  to  make 
themselves  as  acceptable  as  possible  to  the  Curia.  Besides  these 
there  were  only  a  few  suffragan  bishops ;  and  the  lack  of  bish- 
ops was  felt  the  more  sensibly  in  Catholic  Germany  as  it  became 
increasingly  difficult  to  obtain  those  sacraments  which  can  only 
be  administered  by  the  bishops,  viz.,  ordination  and  confirmation. 
It  was  not  till  after  the  fall  of  Napoleon,  when  the  political  af- 
fairs of  Germany  had  been  once  more  permanently  settled,  that 
the  German  Catholic  Church  could  look  for  a  restoration  in  con- 
formity with  the  new  order  of  things.5 

The  negotiations  with  Rome  respecting  this  matter  were  some- 
what protracted,  because  the  princes  endeavored,  in  the  proposed 
concordats,  to  confine  the  Roman  authority  within  fixed  limits, 
while  Rome  would  make  no  concessions,  and,  besides,  was  dis- 
trustful of  the  Protestant  princes,  whose  subjects  the  majority 
of  the  German  Catholics  had  now  become. 

Bavaria  was  the  first  to  conclude  its  concordat  of  July  5, 1S17. 
It  received  the  archbishopric  of  Munich  and  Freysing,  with  the 
bishoprics  of  Augsburg,  Passau,  and  Ratisbon  ;  and  the  archbish- 
opric of  Bamberg,  with  the  bishoprics  of  Wurzburg,  Eichstadt, 
and  Spires.  Next  came  Prussia,  by  the  bull  Be  Salute  Anima- 
rum  of  July  16,  1821,  ratified  by  the  King  August  23,  1821, 
which  established  in  the  eastern  portion  the  archbishoprics  of 
Gnesen  and  Posen,  with  the  bishopric  of  Culm  and  the  exempt 
bishoprics  of  Breslau  and  Ermeland  ;  and,  in  the  western  prov- 
inces, the  archbishopric  of  Cologne,  with  the  bishoprics  of  Treves, 
Minister,  and  Paderborn.  Hanover  followed,  in  accordance  with 
the  bull  Imjyensa  Romanorum  Sollicitudo  of  March  26, 1824, 
and  received  the  two  exempt  bishoprics  of  Osnabriick  and  Hil- 
desheim, but  provisionally  only  one  bishop. 

5  Gottlieb  Jacob  Planck,  Betrachtungen  uber  die  neuesten  Veranderungen  in  dem 
Zustande  der  deutschen  katholischen  Kirche,  und  besonders  uber  die  Concordate 
zwischcn  protestantischen  Souverains  und  dem  romischen  Stuble,  welclie  dadurch 
veranlasst  werden  mochten,  Hanover,  1808. 


234  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II—  A.D.  164S-1S14. 

The  South  German  states  Wiirtemberg,  Baden,  Hesse,  and 
Nassau  carried  on  the  most  protracted  negotiations,  because  they 
wished  to  make  conditions  to  secure  the  rights  of  the  provincial 
bishops  and  to  restrict  the  influence  of  the  Roman  Curia.  But 
Pius  VII.  already  designated  the  bishoprics  August  10,  1S21. 
The  archbishopric  of  Freiburg  received  the  bishoprics  of  Rotten- 
burg,  Mayence,  Limburg,  and  Fulda.  By  a  bull  of  April  11, 
1827,  the  method  of  filling  the  vacant  offices  was  settled.  The 
Archbishop  of  Freiburg  was  consecrated  and  installed  October 
21, 1827. 

§  28. 

HISTORY  OF  OTHER  NATIONAL  CHURCHES  DURING  THIS  PERIOD. 

With  the  exception  of  Germany,  no  nations  were  more  involved 
in  the  fortunes  of  France  than  Italy  and  Spain  ;  and,  consequent- 
ly, the  churches  of  these  countries  also  passed  through  manifold 
changes. 

When  Naples  had  been  conquered  by  the  French  (March, 
1806)  and  given  to  Napoleon's  brother  Joseph,  the  latter  soon 
after  abolished  most  of  the  monastic  orders  and  confiscated 
their  estates.  The  same  result  followed  in  the  kingdom  of 
Italy  and  in  the  States  of  the  Church  when  Napoleon  had  an- 
nexed them  to  that  kingdom  (1810).  The  Inquisition  had  some 
time  before  been  abolished  in  Rome.  Otherwise,  after  the  ab- 
duction of  the  Pope,  the  whole  Italian  Church  shared  the  fort- 
unes of  the  French  Church,  in  that  the  canonical  investiture  was 
not  granted  to  any  of  its  bishops  elect.  For  the  Code  Napo- 
leon,  the  principles  of  which  respecting  ecclesiastical  matters 
were  displeasing  to  the  Pope,  had  now  been  every  where  intro- 
duced ;  and  the  latter  did  not  recognize  the  King  of  Naples,  be- 
cause the  change  of  government  in  that  country  had  been  made 
without  his  consent,  and  he  therefore  regarded  it  as  an  infringe- 
ment upon  the  rights  which  he  claimed  as  feudal  lord  of  Naples. 

Similar  changes  followed  in  Spain  when  Napoleon,  after  the 
abdication  of  Charles  IV.,  had  appointed  his  brother  Joseph 
King  of  Spain,  in  1808.  The  new  King  immediately  abolished 
the  Inquisition,  and  in  the  following  year  (1800)  decreed  the  dis- 
solution of  all  the  Spanish  monasteries.  Both  of  these  meas- 
ures were  very  beneficial  to  the  country,  for  the  multitude  of 


PT.  II.— CH.  IV.— §  28.  HISTORY  OF  OTHER  NATIONAL  CHURCHES.    235 

monasteries  swallowed  up  a  disproportionately  large  part  of  the 
wealth  of  the  nation,  while  every  Spaniard  without  distinction 
felt  the  grievous  oppression  of  the  Inquisition.  It  is  true,  the 
public  autos-da-fe  had  become  less  frequent  during  the  second 
half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  had  wholly  ceased  under  the 
last  king ;  yet  this  secret  tribunal  was  still  terrible  enough,  and 
many  were  incarcerated  in  its  prisons  simply  upon  suspicion. 
An  exceedingly  injurious  influence  still  continued  to  be  exerted 
by  the  censorship  of  the  press  which  it  maintained,  and  by 
which  it  not  only  prohibited  the  introduction  of  all  foreign 
books  which  seemed  in  any  respect  suspicious,  but  greatly  hin- 
dered the  development  of  native  intellectual  talent  and  the 
growth  of  Spanish  literature.  Joseph  abolished  it,  and  commit- 
ted the  archives  to  Juan  Antonio  Llorente,  who  had  formerly 
been  secretary  of  the  Inquisition,  for  the  purpose  of  preparing  a 
history  of  it.1 

That  the  educated  portion  of  the  nation  universally  recognized 
the  inexpediency  of  continuing  the  Inquisition  is  evident  from 
the  fact  that  the  Cortes,  which  took  the  lead  of  the  Spaniards 
who  opposed  the  intruder  Joseph,  and  had  otherwise  a  strong 
aversion  to  all  French  innovations,  nevertheless  abolished  the 
Inquisition  (February  12,  1813)',  as  incompatible  with  the  civil 
constitution. 

1  He  thereupon  published,  first,  in  Spanish,  Annals  of  the  Inquisition,  Madrid, 
1812, 2  pts. ;  then,  Histoire  Critique  de  l'lnquisition  d'Espagne,  Paris,  1817, 4  pts. 


236  FOURTII  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 


FIFTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES  IN  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH 
DURING  THIS  PERIOD. 

Allgem.  Gesch.  dcr  theolog.  u.  relig.  Bildung:  Hexenglaube,  Fr.  Spce,  Cautio  Crimi- 
nalis,  Rintelii,  1631. — Then  the  Instructio  circa  Judicia  Sagarum,  Romae,  1657  (in 
Waldt's  Progr.  1821). — The  Papist  Numquam  Retrorsum :  Pius  VI.  privileges  an  al- 
tar in  1789,  that  by  each  mass  a  soul  might  be  rescued  from  Purgatory. — Gaertner, 
Corp.  Jur.  Eccl.  Cathol.  Nov.  ii.  455.— Schles.  Umlaufsschr.  10.— [F.  Duilhe  de  St. 
Projet,  Des  Etudes  religicuses  en  France  depuis  le  17ieme  Siecle  jusqu'a  nos  jours, 
Paris,  1861. — Karl  Werner,  Gesch.  der  kath.  Theol.  scit  dem  Trident.  Concil.  8. 
Miinchen,  1866,  vol.  vi.  Gesch.  der  Wiss.  in  Deutsehland ;  ncuere  Zt. — Adolphc 
Perraud,  l'Oratoire  de  la  France  au  17iemc  et  au  l'Jieme  Siecle,  Paris,  1867.] 

§  29. 

THEIR  PROGRESS  IN  FRANCE  UNTIL  THE  MIDDLE  OF  THE  EIGHT- 
EENTH CENTURY.    CHURCH  HISTORY. 

Until  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  France  was  still 
the  principal  seat  of  theological  learning  in  the  Catholic  Church. 
Many  circumstances  contributed  to  this  result.  First,  the  con- 
test between  the  various  parties  in  that  country — the  Jesuits  and 
Jansenists,  the  Ultramontanists  and  the  advocates  of  the  Gallican 
theory  of  Church  liberty,  as  well  as  the  Catholics  and  the  Prot- 
estants— incited  them  to  fruitful  investigations.  Then,  also,  the 
greater  freedom  of  the  Gallican  Church  and  the  absence  of  the 
Inquisition  were  conducive  to  literary  activity.  The  Benedic- 
tines of  the  Congregation  of  St.  Maur  were  distinguished,  above 
all,  for  learned  theological  works  ;  next  to  them  came  the  Pa- 
tres  Oratorii,  less  extensively  the  Jesuits,  but  also  the  secular 
clergy  and  even  a  few  learned  laymen.  Of  all  the  departments 
of  theology,  none  was  more  assiduously  cultivated  than  Church 
history ;  and  much  was  accomplished,  particularly  in  the  publi- 
cation and  critical  elucidation  of  the  older  ecclesiastical  writ- 
ings. In  this  department  the  Benedictines  of  St.  Maur  deserve 
the  first  place,  and  among  these  the  following  should  be  particu- 
larly noticed : 

-lean  Mabillon  (d.  170S)  made  valuable  contributions  to  the 
history  of  the  Benedictine  Order  and  of  the  Middle  Ages  in  his 
Annales  Ordinis  S.  Benedicti  and  Acta  Sanctorum  Ordinis  S. 


PART  II.— CH.  V.-§  29.  FRENCH  WRITERS  ON  CHURCH  HISTORY.    237 

Benedicti,  and  also  in  his  edition  of  the  Opp.  S.  Bernardi.  The 
famous  minister  of  state  Colbert  engaged  him  to  travel  through 
France,  Germany,  and  Italy,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  valua- 
ble books  and  manuscripts.  He  published  a  portion  of  the  re- 
sults in  his  Iter  Germanicum  and  Museum  Italicum.  But  his 
principal  work  was  De  Re  Diplomatica,  which  was  the  first  sci- 
entific treatise  upon  diplomacy. 

Bern,  de  Montfaucon  (d.  1741)  did  good  service  in  both  pro- 
fane and  ecclesiastical  archaeology  :  in  the  former,  by  his  sump- 
tuous work  L'Antiquite  Expliquee  et  Representee  en  Figures, 
10  vols.  fol. ;  in  the  latter,  by  his  edition  of  the  works  of  Atha- 
nasius  and  Chrysostom,  and  of  Origen's  Hexapla,  as  well  as  by  a 
collection  of  the  Greek  Fathers  (Collectio  Nova  PP.  et  Scripto- 
rum  Graecorum). 

Mention  should  also  be  made  of  Lucas  Dacherius  (D'Achery, 
d.  16S5)  and  his  Spicilegium  Veterum  Aliquot  Scriptorum,  13 
vols.  4to ;  Thierry  Ruinart  (d.  1709),  for  his  Acta  Sincera  Pri- 
morum  Martyrum  ;  Jean  Martianay  (d.  1717),  the  editor  of  Hie- 
ronymi  Opp.,  5  vols.  fol.  By  Edmond  Martene  (d.  1739)  we  have 
the  Thesaurus  jSTovus  Anecdotorum,  5  vols.  fol. ;  Vett.  Scriptor. 
et  Monumentornm  Collectio  Amplissima,  9  vols.  fol. ;  De  Anti- 
qnae  Ecclesiae  Ritibus,  4  vols.  fol.  Charles  de  la  Rue  (Ruaeus, 
d.1736)  edited  Origenis  Opp.,  4  vols. fol.;  and  Prudentius  Mara- 
nus  (d.  1762),  Cypriani  Opp.  and  Justini  M.  Opp. 

The  last  great  works  which  were  prepared  under  the  supervis- 
ion of  this  society  by  many  of  its  members,  and  which  were  also 
important  contributions  to  Church  history,  were  the  Ilistoire 
Litteraire  de  la  France,  Paris,  1733, 12  vols.  4to  ;  L'Art  de  Veri- 
fier les  Dates  des  Faits  Historiques ;  Glossarium  Nov.  ad  Scrip- 
tores  Med.  Aevi  Latinos  et  Gallicos,  4  vols,  fol.1 

Although  the  French  Jesuits  accomplished  less  than  the  Con- 
gregation of  St.  Maur,  they  nevertheless,  from  time  to  time,  made 
valuable  contributions  to  Church  history.  Among  them,  Louis 
Maimbourg  (d.  1686)  deserves  the  first  mention.  He  was  a  not- 
able exception  to  the  other  Jesuits,  in  that  he  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  court  and  the  Gallican  Church  in  the  controversy  between 
Louis  XIV.  and  the  Pope,  and  wrote  for  the  former :  Hist,  du 
Grand  Schisme  d'Occident,  Paris,  1679  ;  Traite  Historique  de 
l'lCtablissement  et  des  Prerogatives  de  1'lCglise  de  Rome  et  de 

1  Tassin,  Gelehrtengeschichte  der  Congregation  von  St.  Maur. 


23S  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

ses  Eveques,  16S5.  He  was,  in  consequence,  excluded  from  his 
Order  at  the  instance  of  the  Pope,  but  was  richly  indemnified  by 
the  French  Court.  However,  he  lent  the  assistance  of  his  pen 
in  other  affairs  of  the  court  with  equal  willingness.  When  they 
began  to  devise  measures  for  the  conversion  of  all  the  French 
Protestants,  he  wrote  his  Methode  Pacifique  pour  ramener  sans 
Dispute  les  Protestans,  1670 ;  his  partisan  and  mendacious  His- 
toire  du  Lutheranisme,  1GS1 ;  his  Histoire  dn  Calvinisme,  16S2  ; 
Histoire  de  l'Arianisme  et  Socinianisme,  1682  ;  also,  Histoire  du 
Schisme  des  Grecs,  1678,  2  vols. 

Some  of  the  Jesuits,  also,  did  good  service  by  making  more 
complete  collections  of  the  councils  than  had  hitherto  existed. 
It  is  true  that  as  early  as  1644  the  Conciliorum  Collectio  Regia, 
37  vols,  fol.,  had  appeared  in  Paris  in  sumptuous  typographical 
style ;  but  it  had  many  omissions,  and  was,  in  parts,  very  negli- 
gently compiled.  A  more  complete  and  accurate  edition  was 
undertaken  by  the  Jesuit  Phil.  Labbeus  (Labbe,  d.  1667),  and 
after  his  death  by  the  Jesuit  Gabr.  Cossart.  It  appeared  in 
Paris,  1672, 17  vols.  fol. 

Still  more  complete  was  the  collection  thereupon  issued  by 
the  Jesuit  Jean  Harduin  (d.  1729),  Conciliorum  Collectio  Ee- 
gia  Maxima,  Paris,  1715,  12  vols.  fol.  But  as  lie  here  and 
there  betrayed  Ultramontanist  sentiments  respecting  the  au- 
thority of  the  Pope,  the  work  was  prohibited  by  advice  of  the 
Sorbonne,  but  afterward  gradually  acquired  a  very  general  cir- 
culation. 

But  the  zeal  for  the  preservation  of  Christian  antiquities  was 
not  confined  to  the  clergy  of  the  religious  orders :  there  were 
also  secular  clergy,  and  even  laymen,  who  participated  in  it. 

Henri  du  Valois  (Valesius),  royal  counselor  and  historiog- 
rapher (d.  1676),  furnished  Eusebii  Hist.  Eccl.,  Paris,  1659 ;  So- 
crat.  et  Sozom. ;  Theodoret  et  Evagrius.  Jean  Baptiste  Cotelier 
(Cotelerius),  professor  and  member  of  the  Sorbonne  at  Paris 
(d.  1686),  edited  the  Patres  Apostolici;  Ecclesiae  Graecae  Monu- 
raenta,  4  vols.  4to.  Steph.  Baluzius  (Baluze),  professor  of  canon 
law  at  Paris,  who  fell  into  disgrace  on  account  of  certain  state- 
ments in  his  Histoire  Geneal.  de  la  Maison  d'Auvergne,  was 
banished  and  never  afterward  reinstated  (d.  1718),  was  a  distin- 
guished connoisseur  in  the  ancient  canon  law,  and  rendered  im- 
portant service,  particularly  in  the  history  of  the  Middle  Ages. 


PART  II.-CH.  V.-§  29.  FEENCH  WRITERS  ON  CHURCH  HISTORY.    239 

He  has  given  us  the  Oapitularia  Begum  Francorum ;  Vitae  Pa- 
parum  Avenionensium,  etc. ;  Collectio  Veterum  Monumentorum, 
7  vols.  Svo. 

Louis  Elie  Du  Pin,  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne  (d.  1719),  was  a 
distinguished  advocate  of  the  Gallican  theory  of  ecclesiastical 
freedom.  He  published  his  valuable  work,  De  Antiqua  Eccle- 
siae  Disciplina,  1686,  in  defense  of  the  Four  Propositions  of  the 
Gallican  clergy  ;  but,  on  account  of  his  many  liberal  opinions, 
was  very  odious  to  the  Papal  See  and  the  Jesuits.  His  rare  ac- 
quaintance with  Church  history  was  also  evinced  by  his  editions 
of  the  works  of  Optatus  of  Milevia  and  the  chancellor  Gerson. 
His  most  elaborate  work,  Nouvelle  Biblioth.  des  Auteurs  Ecele- 
siastiques,  Amst.  1693, 19  vols.  4to,  abounds  in  valuable  observa- 
tions, though  in  some  parts  too  carelessly  composed. 

Pierre  Daniel  Huetius,  Bishop  of  Avranches,  in  Normandy, 
resigned  his  bishopric  in  1699,  aud  resided  with  the  Jesuits  at 
Paris  (d.  1721) ;  (Origenis  Commentarii  in  Sacr.  Scriptur.,  Botho- 
mag.  1668).  His  Demonstratio  Evangelica,  Paris,  1679,  fol.,  is 
noteworthy ;  it  is  an  argument  for  the  truth  of  Christianity,  in 
which  he  endeavors,  with  rare  learning,  but  it  must  be  confessed 
often  by  very  artificial  methods,  to  confirm  the  Biblical  history 
by  means  of  the  profane,  and  to  find  traces  of  the  religion  of 
the  Bible  in  the  heathen  mythology  and  philosophy. 

Eusebius  Benaudot,  previously  pater  Oratorii  (d.  1720),  is  cel- 
ebrated for  his  Liturgiarum  Orientalium  Collectio,  2  vols.  4to, 
Paris,  1715,  and  the  Historia  Patriarcharum  Alexandrinorum. 

Then  we  may  mention  those  who  treated  the  subject  of  Church 
history  as  a  whole,  or  extensive  portions  of  it : 

Sebastian  Le  Nain  de  Tillemont,  priest  in  the  abbey  of  Port 
Boyal  and  Jansenist,  and  for  this  reason  odious  to  the  Jesuits, 
wrote  the  Memoires  pour  servir  a  l'Histoire  Ecclesiastique  des 
Six  Premiers  Siecles,  Paris,  1693, 16  vols.  4to. 

Natalis  Alexander,  provincial  of  the  Dominicans  and  professor 
of  theology  at  Paris  (d.  1724),  wrote  the  Historia  Ecclesiastica 
Yet.  et  Novi  Test.,  Paris,  S  vols,  fob,  thorough  and  liberal.  But 
because,  in  the  history  of  Gregory  VII.,  he  had  demonstrated  the 
innocence  of  Henry  IV.,  the  Pope  prohibited  the  printing  or 
reading  of  any  of  his  works,  under  penalty  of  excommunication.2 

2  This  ban  was  afterward  removed  by  Benedict  XIII.  Wakh,  De  Cone.  Lat.  p.  100, 
104.    Ittig,  Praef.  Hist.  Eccl.  Saec.  I.  p.  44. 


240  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

Alexander  was,  on  this  account,  violently  assailed  even  by  the 
Roman  brethren  of  his  own  Order,  but  did  not  allow  himself  to 
be  influenced  thereby,  and  afterward,  in  the  continuation  of  his 
history,  wr<  >te  still  more  openly  against  the  pretensions  of  the  Pope. 

Claude  Fleury,  Benedictine  abbot,  afterward  instructor  of  sev- 
eral of  the  royal  princes,  and  finally  confessor  of  the  young  king 
Louis  XV.  (d.  1723).  He  also  was  a  radical  and  outspoken 
champion  of  Gallicanism,  and,  at  the  same  time,  threw  much 
light  upon  the  condition  and  doctrines  of  the  ancient  Church, 
although  he  always  adhered  to  the  Catholic  orthodoxy,  albeit  the 
zealous  advocates  of  the  Curia  endeavored  to  cast  suspicion  upon 
him.3  His  principal  work,  Ilistoire  Ecclesiastique,  20  vols.  4to, 
written  in  an  agreeable  and  graceful  style,  became  almost  a 
classic  among  the  French,  and  supplanted  all  other  works  of  the 
kind.  The  best  portion  of  it  is  contained  in  the  interspersed 
Dissertations  sur  1'IIistoire  Ecclesiastique. 

In  the  light  which  the  labors  of  these  men  threw  upon  the 
earlier  history  of  the  Church,  it  was  inevitable  that  the  legends 
of  the  saints  should  be  also  here  and  there  subjected  to  a  more 
critical  examination.  Jean  De  Launoi  (Launoius),  doctor  of  the 
Sorbonne  (d.  1678),  obtained  especial  celebrity  from  several 
treatises,  in  which  he  investigated  such  legends  of  the  saints  as 
were  principally  circulated  in  France:  De  Duobus  Dionysiis; 
De  Commentitio  Lazari,  Maximini  Magdalenae,  Marthae  in 
Provinciam  Appulsu  ;  De  Origine  Scapularis  Carmelitarum,  etc. 
He  was,  for  this  reason,  called  Le  Dtnicheur  des  Saints  (one  who 
drags  them  from  their  niches  or  nests) ;  and  the  pastor  of  the 
church  of  St.  Eustache  at  Paris  used  to  say  that  he  always  bowed 
low  when  he  met  him,  so  that  his  saint  might  be  left  in  peace. 
Launoi  also  defended  the  principles  of  the  Gallican  Church  in 
several  treatises,  and  wrote  particularly  against  the  monastenal 
exemptions  and  the  privileges  of  the  mendicant  friars,  as  well 
as  in  favor  of  the  authority  of  the  oecumenical  synods  over  the 
Pope,  and  the  legislative  power  of  the  princes  in  respect  to  mar- 
riages (Opp.  ed.  Coloniae  [properly  Geneva],  10  vols.  fol.  1731  sq.). 

Adrien  Baillet,  librarian  of  an  advocate-general  at  Paris  (d. 
1700).  His  work,  Les  Vies  des  Saints,  not  published  in  full  till 
after  his  death,  Paris,  1724,  4  vols,  fob,  is  the  only  critical  histo- 

3  As  to  the  secret  deviations  of  Catholic  theologians  from  the  doctrines  of  the 
Church,  see  Ileumanni  Cousp.  p.  310. 


PART  IL-CHAP.  V.— §  30.  OTHER  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES.      241 

ry  of  the  saints  in  the  Catholic  Church,  although  even  this,  from 
prudential  motives,  is  frequently  obscure  in  its  expressions.  It 
found  a  place,  however,  in  the  Eoman  Index,  and  was  prohibited 
by  individual  bishops  under  penalty  of  excommunication. 


§  30. 

CONTINUATION.— TREATMENT  OF  THE  OTHER  THEOLOGICAL 
SCIENCES  IN  FRANCE. 

The  other  theological  sciences  had  also  a  number  of  eminent 
representatives,  although  not  so  many  as  Church  history. 

Conspicuous  in  Biblical  literature  was  Richard  Simon,  from 
Dieppe  in  Normandy,  pater  Oratorii  at  Paris.  His  principal 
works,  Hist.  Crit.  du  Vieux  Test,  Hist.  Crit.  du  Nouveau  Test., 
furnished  the  first  unprejudiced  opinions  respecting  the  origin 
and  history  of  the  books  of  the  Bible,  and  were,  for  that  reason, 
universally  assailed.  The  Catholics  charged  him  with  being  a 
Protestant,  because  he  freely  criticised  the  Vulgate  and  exposed 
the  faults  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Church ;  the  Protestants  attacked 
him  as  an  enemy  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  A  clamor  was  raised 
against  him  in  his  own  Order ;  he  therefore  left  it,  and  passed 
his  last  years  in  his  native  town  of  Dieppe  (d.  1712).  It  was  not 
till  long  after  his  death  that  the  Protestants  first  began  to  avail 
themselves  of  his  investigations.  Simon  also  wrote  several  other 
works  on  the  condition  and  history  of  the  Greek  and  other  Ori- 
ental Christians :  Fides  Ecclesiae  Orientalis,  1671 ;  Hist.  Critique 
de  la  Creance  et  des  Coutumes  des  Nations  du  Levant,  1684;  La 
Creauce  de  l'Eglise  Orientale  sur  la  Transsubstantiation,  1687. 

Pierre  Sabbathier,  Benedictine  of  the  Congregation  of  St. 
Maur  at  Paris  (d.  1712).  His  Biblior.  Sacrorum  Latinae  Versio- 
nes  Antiquae,  Kemis,  1713,  3  vols,  fob,  are  a  collection  of  the 
fragments  of  the  Latin  versions  previous  to  Jerome. 

Augustin  Calmet,  Benedictine  abbot  at  Senones,  in  Lorraine 
(d.  1757),  is  the  most  eminent  Biblical  commentator  among  the 
modern  Catholics  (Commentaire  Litteral  sur  tous  les  Livres  de 
l'Ancien  et  du  Nouv.  Testam.,  Paris,  1707  sq.  23  vols.  4to,  trans- 
lated into  Latin  by  Giovanni  D.  Mansi,  Lucca,  1730,  fob).  He  is 
conspicuous  for  his  rejection  of  all  mystical  interpretations  and 
his  exclusive  regard  for  the  literal  meaning,  as  well  as  for  hav- 
ing availed  himself  of  the  labors  of  Protestant  commentators. 
vol.  v. — 16 


242  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1&4S-1814. 

On  the  other  hand,  he  has  been  reproached  with  an  imperfect 
acquaintance  with  the  Oriental  languages,  and  an  excessive  ten- 
dency to  crowd  his  works  with  unnecessary  historical  and  archae- 
ological erudition  for  the  sake  of  display.  The  historical  treat- 
ises scattered  through  the  work  have  been  published  separately 
with  valuable  annotations :  Calmet's  Biblische  Untersuchungen, 
mit  Anmerkungen  von  J.  L.  Mosheim,  Bremen,  2d  ed.  1744,  6 
vols.  Svo.  In  addition  to  these,  he  wrote  the  Dictionnaire  Ilisto- 
rique,  Critique,  Chronologique,  Geographique  et  Litteral  de  la 
Bible,  Paris,  1730,  4  vols,  fob 

Charles  Francois  Houbigant,  priest  of  the  Oratoire  at  Paris 
(d.  17S3).  In  the  Biblia  Ilebr.  c.  Notis  .Criticis  et  Versione  La- 
tina,  Paris,  1753, 4  vols,  fob,  he  gave  an  entirely  new  recension  of 
the  text,  based  upon  the  principle  that  the  Hebrew  manuscripts 
were  of  too  recent  origin,  and  contained  an  adulterated  text. 
He  therefore  sought  to  restore  the  correct  text,  partly  from  the 
ancient  versions,  partly  by  critical  conjectures.  His  labor  has 
little  independent  value,  but  was  instrumental  in  awakening  a 
new  interest  in  Biblical  criticism. 

Mention  should  also  be  made  of  Jacques  Le  Long,  a  priest  of 
the  Oratoire  at  Paris  (d.  1721),  on  account  of  his  Bibliotheca  Sa- 
cra, 1723,  fol.  It  is  a  catalogue  of  all  the  editions  and  transla- 
tions of  the  Bible — enlarged  in  the  edition  of  Andreas  Gottlieb 
Masch  {Consistorialrath  at  Neu-Strelitz),  Halle,  1728,  4  vols.  4to. 

Turning  now  to  dogmatics  and  polemics,  we  find  no  one 
among  all  the  French  theologians  who  has  acquired  a  greater 
reputation  than  Jacques  Bcnigne  Bossuet.1  Born  at  Dijon  in 
1627,  he  studied  in  Paris,  became  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  and 
there  acquired  a  high  reputation  as  a  pulpit  orator.  He  was 
made  instructor  to  the  Dauphin,  then  Bishop  of  Meaux,  and  at 
the  same  time  almoner  of  the  Dauphiness  (d.  1704).  lie  was  the 
most  learned  and  eloquent  bishop  of  his  times,  a  man  of  very 
strict  morals,  but  ambitious  and  illiberal  in  his  treatment  of  those 
who  differed  with  him.  No  one,  in  his  day,  exercised  so  great  an 
influence  upon  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  France,  was  so  emi- 
nent in  the  Church,  or  so  influential  at  court,  as  he ;  aud,  con- 

1  Vcronius,  who,  in  his  Rcgula  Fidei  Catholicae,  has  grasped  the  essential  idea  of 
Catholicism  more  fully  than  perhaps  any  other  Catholic  dogmatist,  is  at  times  less 
reliable,  because,  being  a  tool  of  Richelieu,  he  shaped  his  utterances  solely  with  a 
view  of  regaining  the  Protestants.  See  Marhciuckc,  Symb.  ii.  14 ;  Wesscnberg,  iv. 
287. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  V.— §  30.  OTHER  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES.      243 

sequently,  he  was  a  party  to  all  the  important  ecclesiastical 
transactions  of  his  age.  He  was  chiefly  instrumental  in  the 
composition  of  the  Four  Propositions  of  the  Gallican  Church,  in 
1682 ;  and  also  defended  them  in  his  Defensio  Declarations  Ce- 
leberrimae,  quam  de  Potestate  Ecclesiastica  sanxit  Clerus  Galli- 
canus,  Genevae,  1730.  He  published  several  works  against  Qui- 
etism, and  compelled  Fenelon  to  recant.  With  similar  zeal,  he  at- 
tacked the  critical  writings  of  Richard  Simon,  and  was  instrumen- 
tal in  having  the  Hist.  Critique  du  Vieux  Test,  publicly  burned 
in  France.  But  he  spared  the  Jansenists,  in  spite  of  the  great 
hostility  to  them  at  the  court,  and  valued  their  eminent  writers. 
His  chief  literary  efforts,  however,  were  directed  toward  the  Prot- 
estants, whose  return  into  the  Church  he  endeavored,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  desire  of  the  court,  in  every  way  to  accomplish. 

His  principal  work  in  this  department  is  the  Exposition  de  la 
Doctrine  de  l'Eglise  Catholique  sur  les  Matieres  de  Controverse, 
in  which  he  endeavored  so  to  represent  those  doctrines  of  the 
Catholic  Church  which  are  especially  offensive  to  Protestants  as 
to  remove  their  obnoxious  features.  But  the  result  was  that,  in 
the  first  edition  of  1671,  the  Sorbonne  found  several  errors  to 
censure.  These  were  avoided  in  the  subsequent  editions,  and 
the  work  now  received  an  authorization  from  Innocent  XL  him- 
self, obtained  an  uncommonly  large  circulation,  and  was  trans- 
lated into  many  languages.  It  was,  notwithstanding,  afterward 
again  attacked  by  Catholic  writers,  among  others  by  Maimbourg, 
on  account  of  the  reserve  and  ambiguity  with  which  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Church  were  handled.2  On  the  other  hand,  many 
reformed  theologians  wrote  refutations  of  this  book.  In  the 
Histoire  des  Variations  des  Eglises  Protestantes,  1688,  2  vols. 
4to,  he  tries  to  prove  that,  inasmuch  as  the  belief  of  the  Protest- 
ant churches  has  often  changed,  it  can  not  be  the  true  religion ; 
but  that,  reversing  the  argument,  the  unaltered  faith  of  the  Cath- 
olic Church  proves  its  truth  by  its  very  stability.  Other  writings 
of  this  sort  treated  of  single  points  of  controversy,  such  as  the 
communion  in  both  kinds,  the  mass,  the  adoration  of  the  cruci- 
fix, and  the  like.3 

-  On  the  literary  history  of  this  book,  see  the  Hague  Biblioth.  des  Sciences,  t.  xviii. 
20;  Bibl.  Critique  par  Mr.  de  Sainjon  (Rich.  Simon),  iv.  299;  Walchii  Bibl.  Theol. 
ii.  323;  Ersch,  Encycl.  xii.  84. 

3  Histoire  de  Bossuet,  par  le  Cardinal  de  Bausset,  Versailles,  2d  ed.  1819,  4  vols.  8. 
02uvres  de  Bossuet,  Versailles,  1815  sq.  43  vols.  8. 


244  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1048-1814. 

Next  to  Bossuet,  the  most  eminent  controversial  opponents  of 
the  Reformed  Church  among  the  French  theologians  were  the 
two  leaders  of  the  Jansenists,  Antoine  Arnauld  and  Pierre  Ni- 
cole. The  immediate  occasion  for  the  controversy  was  afforded 
by  the  Jesuits,  who  endeavored  to  represent  the  Jansenists,  on 
account  of  their  adherence  to  the  Augustinian  system,  as  secret 
friends  and  supporters  of  the  Reformed.  To  clear  themselves 
of  this  suspicion,  they  now  wrote  against  the  Reformed.  We 
may  particularly  mention  the  controversy  respecting  the  Lord's 
Supper  with  the  Reformed  pastor  Claude,  in  which  they  tried 
to  demonstrate  that  the  Catholic  doctrine  was  that  of  the  prim- 
itive Christian  Church. 

Among  the  numerous  dogmatic  works  which  appeared  in 
France  during  this  period,  two  were  received  with  especial  fa- 
vor— viz.,  that  of  J.  Baptiste  du  Iiamel,  priest  of  the  Oratoire  at 
Paris  (d.  1706),  Theologia  Speculatrix  et  Practica,  Paris,  1G01, 
7  vols.  Svo,  in  which  he  combined  the  scholastic  method  of  the- 
ology with  the  proof  of  the  individual  doctrines  from  the  writ- 
ings of  the  Fathers ;  and  Natalis  Alexander's  Theologia  Dogma- 
tica  et  Moralis,  Paris,  1G93, 10  vols.  Svo. 

Practical  theology  was  also  brought  to  a  rare  degree  of  per- 
fection. During  the  age  of  Louis  XIV.  the  French  language 
had  reached  the  highest  stage  in  its  culture.  That  period 
abounded  in  men  who  produced  masterpieces  in  poetry  and 
prose,  and  thus  the  public  taste  became  more  refined  and  ele- 
gant. It  was  not  long  before  this  had  its  effect  upon  pulpit 
oratory ;  and  the  old  style  of  preaching,  which  was  not  above  in- 
sipid jesting  and  delighted  in  a  display  of  all  sorts  of  pedantry,4 
became  offensive.  A  more  dignified  eloquence  took  its  place. 
It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that  this  also  continued  to  evince 
the  characteristics  of  the  age  and  nation ;  even  the  most  distin- 
guished pulpit  orators  of  France  are  lacking  in  elevated  simplic- 
ity, while  their  discourses  are  overburdened  with  oratorical  orna- 
ment and  display,  and  are  therefore  better  fitted  to  excite  the 
imagination  and  the  emotions  than  to  produce  elevation  of 
thought  and  edification. 

Among  the  most  distinguished  French  preachers  are  Bossuet, 
whose  funeral  sermons,  delivered  on  various  occasions  of  death 
at  the  court,  are  particularly  celebrated,  and  Louis  Bourdaloue, 

*  As,  e.  g.,  Andiv  Doulangcr  (Erscli,  Encycl.  xii.  138). 


PART  II.— CHAP.  V.— §  31.  DECLINE  OF  THEOLOGY  IN  FRANCE.     245 

a  Jesuit,  who,  on  account  of  his  oratorical  talents,  was  sent  by 
his  Order  to  Paris,  and  there  soon  became  court  chaplain.  For 
many  years  he  was  highly  esteemed  both  as  preacher  and  con- 
fessor, and  still  more  for  the  worth  of  his  private  character 
(d.  1704) :  Sermons,  Paris,  1707  sq.  The  fame  of  Bourdaloue 
was  almost  eclipsed  by  that  of  Jean  Baptiste  Massillon,  priest  of 
the  Oratoire,  court  chaplain  during  the  reigns  of  Louis  XIV. 
and  XV.,  then  Bishop  of  Clermont  (d.  1742) :  Sermons,  Paris, 
1745  sq.  16  vols.  8vo.5 

§  81. 

CONTINUATION— EVENTS  IN  FRANCE  UNFAVORABLE  TO  THE  STUDY 
OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES. 

An  active  interest  in  the  cultivation  of  the  theological  sciences 
was  also  developing  itself  among  the  monastic  orders  in  France, 
when  they  were  confronted  by  a  new  reformer  of  the  monastic 
system,  whose  appearance  is  a  notable  event  in  the  histoiy  of 
monasticism,  although  his  influence  never  spread  very  far. 

Jean  Bouthillier  de  Ranee  entered  the  ranks  of  the  clergy  at 
an  early  age,  and,  through  connections  at  the  court,  became  the 
recipient  of  a  great  number  of  preferments.  He  was  a  man  of 
great  attainments,  particularly  in  Greek  literature,  but  led  an 
extremely  wild  and  dissolute  life.  Several  events,  especially  the 
unexpected  and  terrible  sight  of  the  corpse  of  his  mistress,  af- 
fected him  so  powerfully  that  he  resolved  to  devote  himself  to 
the  strictest  monastic  life.  He  resigned  all  his  livings,  retaining 
only  the  Cistercian  abbey  La  Trappe,  situated  in  a  desolate  re- 
gion of  Normandy.  His  first  concern  was  to  reform  the  monks, 
who  were  notorious  for  their  dissolute  life,  and  he  accordingly 
(1664)  introduced  among  them  such  rigorous  discipline  as  is 
scarcely  found  equaled  in  all  the  annals  of  monasticism.  All 
studies  were  banished  from  the  monastery,  and  in  their  place 
he  imposed  upon  the  monks  the  most  difficult  manual  labor  and 
the  strictest  penances,  allowing  them  only  the  most  scanty  and 
miserable  fare,  consisting,  for  the  most  part,  of  uncooked  roots 
(d.  1700).  His  example  was,  it  is  true,  too  discouraging  to  find 
many  imitators,  yet  the  monastery  of  La  Trappe  maintained  this 
inhuman  discipline  until  the  Revolution.    At  that  time  the  Trap- 

5  Theremin,  Demosthenes  und  Massillon. 


24G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1W8-1S14. 

pists  were  compelled  to  emigrate ;  a  part  of  them  settled  in  the 
diocese  of  Paderborn,  others  went  as  far  as  the  Vistula.  Al- 
though they  tried  to  keep  up  their  numbers  there  by  kidnapping 
children,  their  increase  was  prohibited  by  the  Prussian  govern- 
ment, and  they  seem  now  to  have  disappeared.1 

Ranee  was,  moreover,  the  pronounced  enemy  of  all  monastic 
studies,  and  asserted  in  his  work  Traite  de  la  Saintete  et  des  De- 
voirs de  l'Etat  Monastique  that  they  were  really  a  violation  of 
the  monastic  vow,  and  therefore  to  be  shunned  by  the  monks. 
This  induced  Mabillon,  of  St.  Maur,  to  write  his  celebrated  work 
Des  Etudes  Monastiques,  1691,  in  which  he  shows  that  the  sci- 
ences have  been  cultivated  by  the  monks  from  time  immemorial, 
and  their  study  recommended  to  the  monasteries  by  the  most 
distinguished  Fathers.  Eancu's  work  did  no  injury  at  all  to  the 
cause  of  study  in  the  French  monasteries ;  but  various  causes 
conspired  to  bring  about  the  gradual  cessation  of  the  same,  as 
was,  in  general,  the  case  with  respect  to  the  study  of  theological 
sciences  during  the  reign  of  Louis  XV.  The  bishoprics  and  the 
rich  benefices  in  the  days  of  this  king  were  conferred  by  the 
court  for  the  most  unworthy  considerations,  and  fell  more  and 
more  into  the  hands  of  ignorant,  dissolute  men  who  squandered 
their  revenues  at  court,  and  gave  themselves  as  little  concern 
about  theological  science  as  they  did  about  their  flocks,  although 
they  missed  no  opportunity  to  show  in  public  a  zeal  for  ortho- 
doxy, and  to  display  their  official  dignities,  that  they  might  still 
retain  some  respect  among  the  people.  This  example  of  the 
prelates  and  the  ever-increasing  frivolity  of  the  age  had  their  ef- 
fect upon  the  other  clergy  also,  and  dampened  their  ardor  in  the 
cause  of  science ;  all  the  more  because  of  the  appearance,  just 
at  this  time,  of  so  many  freethinkers  in  France,  who,  in  propor- 
tion as  they  exposed  Church  and  religion  to  ridicule,  weakened 
the  general  interest  in  theological  science.  In  the  second  half 
of  the  eighteenth  century  theologians  of  learning  and  talent  had 
already  become  so  rare  in  France  that  the  so-called  philosophers 
met  with  hardly  any  more  resistance  in  their  attacks  upon  the 
Church,  and  the  apologies  which  appeared  in  answer  to  them 
were  few  and  insignificant.2 

1  Leben  des  Bouth.  dc  Raner,  von  Gdckingk,  Berlin,  1821,  2  vols.  Der  Orden  der 
Trappistcn,  von  Ludw.  Ritscrt,  Darmst.  1833. 

2  The  most  distinguished  theologian  among  the  defenders  of  the  Church  faith 


PART  II.— CHAP.  V.— §  31.  DECLINE  OF  THEOLOGY  IN  FRANCE.  247 

Accordingly,  the  theological  sciences  had  long  passed  their 
prime  in  France  when  the  Revolution  broke  out.  The  effect  of 
the  latter  was  to  drive  from  the  country  a  large  part  of  the  higher 
and  monastic  clergy :  there  remained,  for  the  most  part,  only  the 
lower  secular  clergy,  who  had  previously  lived  under  the  great- 
est oppression  and  possessed  little  education.  Nothing  was  to 
be  expected  from  them,  either  for  the  enlightenment  of  the  peo- 
ple or  the  cultivation  of  the  theological  sciences.  Moreover, 
all  the  seminaries  disappeared  during  the  Revolution,  and  were 
afterward  only  imperfectly  restored.  The  persecution  which  the 
clergy  who  remained  were  compelled  to  undergo,  the  constantly 
increasing  influence  of  the  freethinkers,  with  which  these  priests 
were  not  able  to  cope,  and  the  knowledge  that  they  had  lost  their 
power  over  the  great  majority  of  the  people,  only  served  to  con- 
firm them  in  a  blind,  intolerant  orthodoxy,  because  they  thought 
that  here  lay  the  only  chance  of  safety  for  the  Church.  Even 
the  old  party  spirit  of  hatred  to  the  Jansenists  was  reawakened, 
and  continues  to  the  present  time  among  the  Catholic  clergy  in 
France.  But,  at  the  same  time,  they  were  compelled  to  yield 
unconditional  obedience  to  the  government,  especially  after  the 
accession  of  Napoleon,  or  else  expose  themselves  to  personal 
danger.  A  notable  sign  of  these  times  was  the  Catechisme  a 
l'LTsage  de  toutes  les  Eglises  de  l'Empire  Frangais,  Paris,  1806, 
which  received  the  sanction  of  the  Papal  nuncio  then  at  Paris. 
It  follows,  for  the  most  part,  the  plan  of  Bossuet's  catechism, 
but  differs  particularly  in  having  a  section  treating  in  detail  of 
the  duties  to  those  in  authority,  and  especially  to  Napoleon  and 
his  successors.3 

In  later  times  a  few  individual  theological  writers  have  ac- 

against  the  philosophers  was  Nicolas  Sylvester  Bergier,  professor  of  theology  at  Be- 
sancon,  subsequently  royal  confessor  and  prebendary  at  Paris  (d.  April  9, 1790).  A 
series  of  works  from  his  pen  appeared  from  1768  to  1789,  among  others,  Le  D<5isme 
ReTute  par  lui-meme ;  Apologie  de  la  Religion  Chretienne ;  Examen  du  Materialisme ; 
Traite  Historique  et  Dogmatique  de  la  Vraie  Religion ;  Dictionnaire  Theologique. 
He  is  not  without  theological  learning  and  even  acquaintance  with  some  Protestant 
works,  but  lacks  philosophical  thoroughness  and  penetration  and  historical  acumen. 
Violent  and  unjust  toward  the  Protestants,  to  whom  he  would  deny  all  literary  mer- 
it, he  advocated  the  severest  measures  against  heretics.  His  style  is  chaste,  lively, 
and  eloquent.    The  French  clergy  gave  him  a  yearly  salary  of  2000  livres. 

3  In  particular,  the  obligation  of  the  service  militaire  was  here  emphasized,  and 
Napoleon's  merits  lauded.  It  said:  "  Honorer  et  servir  notre  empereur  est  done 
honorer  et  servir  Dieu  meme;"  those  who  do  not  observe  their  obligations  to  him 
"se  rendroient  dignes  de  la  damnation  eternelle."  These  are  mere  specimens  of 
the  subjection  of  the  Church  to  the  State  at  that  time. 


248  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1648-1814. 

quired  distinction.  Among  these  is  Francois  Augustc  Chateau- 
briand. When,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  concordat  of  1801, 
some  of  the  French  writers  endeavored  to  resist  the  general  in- 
fidelity, and  to  awaken  a  new  love  for  religion  and  the  Church, 
he  took  precedence  of  them  all  in  his  work  Genie  du  Christia- 
nisme,  ou  Beautes  de  la  Religion  Chretienne,  Paris,  1S02,  5  vols. 
Although  this  apology  lacked  profundity,  and  did  not  reach  the 
standard  of  true  philosophy,  it  was  wholly  adapted  to  the  French 
character,  and  produced  a  very  general  impression.  In  this  brill- 
iant work  Chateaubriand  employs  the  fancy  pre-eminently  to  set 
forth  in  most  attractive  style  the  aisthetic  and  poetic  side  of  Ca- 
tholicism ;  but  this  very  method  was  all  the  more  successful  be- 
cause the  philosophers  had  used  similar  means  to  draw  the  peo- 
ple away  from  the  Church.  Chateaubriand  afterward  followed 
this  with  several  other  works  of  a  similar  character,  as  well  as 
several  romances,  intended  to  excite  and  foster  a  pious  imagina- 
tion. His  Itineraire  de  Paris  a  Jerusalem,  2d  ed.  3  vols.  1S11, 
should  also  be  mentioned  here.  He  became  by  far  the  greatest 
favorite  among  religious  authors. 

Henri  Gregoire,  professor  at  Pont-a-Mousson,  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  deputies  in  the  National  Assembly,  and  one  of  the 
first  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  constitution,  became 
Bishop  of  Blois,  and  afterward  a  senator.  lie  also,  though  in  a 
different  way  from  Chateaubriand,  was  active  in  resuscitating  the 
French  Church.  His  chief  aim  was  to  put  an  end  to  the  abuses 
which  were  threatening  to  become  permanent  in  the  Church,  and 
to  secure  the  establishment  of  a  settled  form  of  Church  govern- 
ment in  opposition  to  the  Roman  Curia.  When  the  ill-feeling 
on  account  of  Jansenism  was  again  excited  among  the  clergy,  he 
wrote  Les  Ruines  de  Port-Royal  des  Champs  en  1809,  Paris,  1809. 
He  was  also  active  under  the  Bourbons  in  maintaining  the  men- 
aced Gallican  Church  freedom.  He  published  at  that  time  his  Es- 
sai  Ilistorique  snr  les  Libertes  de  l'Eglise  Gallicane,  Paris,  IS  IS.4 

Dominicus  de  Pradt,  Bishop  of  Poitiers,  was  appointed  Arch- 
bishop of  Mechlin  by  Napoleon,  but,  with  many  other  nominated 
bishops,  failed  to  receive  the  Papal  investiture.  As  he  was  a 
distinguished  diplomatist,  Napoleon  employed  him  extensively 
in  political  affairs. 

4  Summary  in  the  Beitriige  zur  Geschichte  der  kath.  Kirchc  im  19.  Jahrh.  Ileidelb. 
1818,  p.  1. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  V.— §  32.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES  IN  ITALY.    249 

He,  too,  was  at  this  time  very  zealous  in  the  defense  of  the 
ancient  liberties  of  the  Church :  Les  Quatres  Concordats,  suivis 
de  Considerations  sur  le  Gouvernement  de  l'Eglise  en  general  et 
sur  l'Eglise  de  France  en  particulier  depuis  1815,  Paris,  1818, 
3  vols.5 

§  32. 

THE  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES  IN  ITALY. 

After  the  [Reformation,  Italy  always  had  many  eminent  men 
of  learning ;  but  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  country  did 
not  permit  any  free  and  independent  investigations  in  theology. 
The  supreme  head  of  the  Church  was  there  too  close  at  hand, 
and  his  Inquisition  too  greatly  feared,  for  ecclesiastics  to  lightly 
venture  upon  any  deviation  from  the  system  of  the  Church.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  learned  theologians,  who  were  versed  in  dog- 
matics and  canon  law,  and  had  not  incurred  the  suspicion  of  the 
hierarchy  by  any  startling  opinions,  found  the  way  open  to  lucra- 
tive livings  and  the  highest  offices  in  the  Church.  It  is  there- 
fore no  wonder  that  theological  scholarship  in  that  country  was 
content  with  a  mere  knowledge  of  that  which  the  Church  re- 
quired, and  held  itself  aloof  from  all  freer  investigations  which, 
in  any  case  personally  injurious,  might  become  positively  dan- 
gerous. Accordingly,  during  this  period  there  was  an  almost 
entire  want  of  really  independent  theological  works  in  Italy, 
inasmuch  as  the  greater  number  only  reproduced,  in  a  slightly 
altered  form,  what  was  universally  accepted  in  the  Church.  The 
most  valuable  works  of  the  Italian  theologians  are  compilations 
and  editions  of  older  theological  writings.  The  following  au- 
thors deserve  mention : 

Leo  Allatius,  the  most  celebrated  of  all  the  so-called  Latiniz- 
ing Greeks.  He  was  born  at  Chios,  went  to  Rome  at  an  early 
age,  and  there  joined  the  Roman  Church,  becoming  librarian  of 
Cardinal  Barberini,  and  finally  of  the  Vatican  library  (d.  1669). 
He  performed  valuable  services  in  the  cause  of  ancient  litera- 
ture, history,  and  archaeology,  as  well  as  by  the  publication  of 
the  works  of  several  ancient  authors.  As  a  theological  writer, 
he  devoted  himself  particularly  to  the  defense  of  the  Latin 
Church  against  the  Greeks,  and  labored  to  prove  that  the  two 
churches  agreed  completely,  and  that  misunderstandings  alone 
5  Summary  in  Staudlin's  unci  Tzschirner's  Archiv,  vol.  iv.  pt.  ii. 


'250  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A. D.  1648-1814. 

kept  the  Greeks  separated  from  the  Latins.1  It  is,  however,  gen- 
erally acknowledged  that  Allatius  gives  a  very  one-sided  view 
of  the  subject,  concealing  the  differences  and  only  emphasizing 
the  points  of  agreement. 

Benedict  XIV.,  previously  Cardinal  Lambertini  (Pope  from 
1740  to  1758),  was  one  of  the  most  learned  of  the  popes.  His 
work  De  Servorum  Dei  Beatiiicatione  et  Canonizatione,  libb.  iv. 
4  vols.  Svo,  is  particularly  worthy  of  notice,  being  an  accurate 
description  of  the  requirements  for  the  probation  and  canoniza- 
tion of  a  saint.2 

Especial  distinction  belongs  to  the  learned  Maronites  Assema- 
ni,  who,  educated  at  the  Maronite  seminary  in  Rome,  did  much 
to  promote  the  study  of  the  language  and  history  of  their  father- 
land, particularly  its  Church  history. 

Giuseppe  Simone  Assemani  was  canon  and  custodian  of  the 
Vatican  library  (d.  176S):  Bibliotheca  Orientalis  Clementino- 
Vaticana,  Rome,  1719-1728,  4  vols.,  containing  more  complete 
information  concerning  the  Oriental  churches  and  their  history.3 
Ephraemi  Syri  Opp.,  Rome,  1762,  6  vols.,  in  which  his  nephew 
Stephen  Evodius  had  a  share. 

His  nephew  Stefano  Evodio  Assemani  (also  the  nephew  of 
Giuseppe  Aloysio),  Archbishop  of  Apamea  and  custodian  of  the 
Vatican  library  (d.  17S4) :  Acta  Sanctorum  Martyrum  Oriental, 
et  Occidental.  Chaldaice,  1748,  2  vols.  fol.  Giuseppe  Aloysio 
Assemani  was  the  brother  of  Giuseppe  Simone,  and  professor  of 
the  Oriental  languages  at  Rome  (d.  1782):  Codex  Liturgicus 
Ecclesiae  Universae ;  Libb.  Ritnales,  Missales,  Pontific,  etc., 
Rome,  1749-1766,  13  vols.  4to. 

But  this  series  of  great  Italian  theologians  is  not  yet  complete. 
Giovanni  Dominico  Mansi,  Archbishop  of  Lucca  (d.  1769),  pro- 
duced the  Sacrorum  Concil.  Nova  et  Amplissima  Collectio,  Venet. 
1759-1792,  39  vols.  fol.  In  addition,  he  republished  many  older 
writings  of  importance,  e.  g.,  Baronii  Annales,  Luccae,  1738-1759, 
3S  vols,  fol.,  and  translated  Calmet's  exegetical  works  into  Latin. 

Blasio  Ugolino  compiled  the  Thesaurus  Antiquitatnm  Sacra- 
rum,  Venet.  1744-1769,  36  vols,  fol.,  a  selection  taken,  for  the 

1  His  chief  work  on  this  subject  is  De  Ecclesiae  Occidental  atque  Orientalis  Per- 
pctua  Consensione,  libb.  iii.  Cologne,  1648.  4. 

3  Complete  works  of  Benedict,  Rome,  1747  sq.  12  vols.  4. 
3  Summary  by  Aug.  Fr.  Pfeiffer,  Erlangen,  2  vols.  177G.  8. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  V.— §  32.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES  IN  ITALY.     251 

most  part,  from  the  works  of  Protestant  scholars  upon  Hebrew 
history  and  archaeology. 

Dominico  Vallarsi,  Jesuit  at  Verona  (d.  1771),  published  Hie- 
ronymi  Opp.  Veronae,  1731-174:2,  in  11  vols.  fol. 

Among  the  numerous  dogmatists,  who  are  scarcely  more  than 
a  repetition  of  each  other,  the  most  eminent  is  Giovanni  Lorenzo 
Berti,  an  Augustinian  monk,  and  professor  of  theology  at  Pisa 
(d.  1766).  His  Theologia  Historico-dogmatico-scholastica,  1739 
sq.  10  vols,  fol.,  composed  at  the  direction  of  the  general  of  his 
Order,  is  superior  in  matter  and  style  to  many  other  dogmatic 
works.  It  contains  not  only  the  scholastic  theology,  but  also 
much  historical  information.  The  author  was  a  strict  follower 
of  Augustine  in  the  doctrines  of  grace,  and  was  consequently 
obnoxious  to  the  Jesuits,  who  openly  reproached  him  with  hav- 
ing revived  the  errors  of  Jansen.  In  particular,  the  Abbe  Gorgne, 
of  Soissons,  the  Archbishop  Saleon,  of  Vienne,  the  Jesuit  Zac- 
caria  and  the  Archbishop  Languet,  of  Sens,  charged  him  with 
having  revived  the  errors  of  Bajus  and  Jansen ;  but  he  defended 
himself  in  a  published  apology  with  such  force  as  to  completely 
silence  his  opponents.4 

Important  contributions  to  the  department  of  Biblical  litera- 
ture were  rendered  by  the  valuable  collections  of  Josephus  Blan- 
chinus  (Bianchini),  secretary  of  the  Academy  of  Church  History 
at  Rome  (d.  1759)  (Evangeliarum  Quadrnplex  Latinae  Versionis 
Antiquae,  Rome,  1749,  2  vols.  fol. ;  German,  Die  Evangelien 
nach  der  Uebersetzung  der  Itala),  and  Giovanni  Bernardo  de 
Rossi,  professor  at  Parma  (Variae  Lectiones  Veteris  Test.  Par- 
ma, 1784-1788,  4  vols.  4to). 

The  most  distinguished  Italian  scholar  of  this  period,  and  the 
only  one  who  had  also  the  courage  to  express  independent  opin- 
ions upon  theological  subjects  and  to  deviate  from  Roman  views, 
was  Antonio  Lud.  Muratori  (born  1672  at  Vignola) ;  in  his  early 
life,  for  a  time,  curator  of  the  Ambrosian  library  at  Milan  ;  then, 
subsequent  to  1700,  archdeacon  at  Modena,  and  librarian  and 
curator  of  the  archives  of  the  Duke  of  Modena  (d.  1750).  He 
rendered  service  of  especial  value  by  the  publication  of  many 
unknown  writings  of  the  Middle  Ages  :5  Liturgia  Romana  Ve- 
tus,  Venet.  1748,  2  vols.  fol. 

*  Cf.  Kraft,  Neue  theol.  Bibl.  vii.  31.    Ernesti,  Neue  theol.  Bibl.  iv.  144. 
5  Anecdota  ex  Ambrosiana  Bibliotheca,  4  vols.     Anecdota  Graeca.     Rerum  Itali- 
carum  Scriptores,  27  vols.     Antiquitatcs  Italiae  Mcdii  Aevi,  6  vols. 


252  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

Muratori  was  a  very  strict  Catholic,  and  held  such  extreme 
views  with  reference  to  heretics  as  even  to  advise  the  use  of 
force  to  bring  them  back  into  the  Church.  Nevertheless,  he 
found  much  hurtful  superstition  in  the  religious  practice  of  the 
people,  which  he  tried  to  overcome.  For  example,  the  adoration 
of  the  saints,  and  particularly  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  had  assumed, 
in  all  respects,  the  character  of  idolatrous  worship.  This  was 
especially  encouraged  by  the  Jesuits,  who,  at  all  their  universi- 
ties in  Spain,  Italy,  and  Germany,  required  from  the  instructors, 
and  those  who  received  academic  honors,  an  oath  to  the  Immac- 
ulate Conception  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  a  vow  to  maintain  the 
doctrine,  if  necessary,  with  life  and  estate.  Accordingly,  great 
was  the  sensation  when  Muratori  published  a  work6  censuring 
this  oath  as  a  practice  not  to  be  tolerated,  inasmuch  as  the  doc- 
trine itself  was  merely  a  matter  of  human  opinion,  not  of  divine 
revelation.  In  consequence,  many  refutations  of  his  views  ap- 
peared in  Italy,  but  were  all  triumphantly  answered.  Muratori 
also  composed  several  books  of  devotion  for  the  people,  by  which 
more  correct  views  upon  many  subjects  were  disseminated,  as, 
e.  g.,  that  the  adoration  of  the  saints,  although  useful,  is  not  nec- 
essary, and  that  excessive  reliance  upon  the  Holy  Virgin  is  to  be 
avoided. 

In  addition  to  this,  a  controversy  between  the  Pope  and  the 
Emperor  respecting  the  supreme  power  in  the  duchies  of  Parma 
and  Piacenza,  in  which  his  own  sovereign  was  also  involved,  af- 
forded him  an  opportunity  to  develop,  in  an  admirable  manner, 
the  subject  of  the  rights  of  the  empire  in  the  States  of  the 
Church.7  In  this  work  he  set  in  an  entirely  new  light  the  terri- 
torial donations  which  the  Papal  See  had  received  in  ancient 
times ;  and  certainly  he  would  not  have  clone  this  with  impunity 
in  Italy  if  his  own  sovereign  had  not  protected  him. 

6  De  Ingcniorum  Modcrationc  in  Religionis  Ncgotio,  Paris,  1714, 4. 

7  Esposizione  dei  Dritti  Imperiali,  Modena,  1712;  French,  Les  Droits  dc  r Empire 
sur  l'Etat  Ecclesiastiquc,  Utrecht,  1713.  4. 


PT.  II— CH.  V.— §  33.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES  IN  CATH.  GERMANY.    253 

§  33. 

THE  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES  IN  CATHOLIC  GERMANY  DURING  THE 
SECOND  HALF  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  AND  THE  FIRST  HALF  OF 
THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

"While  the  theological  sciences  were  at  their  highest  stage  in 
France,  they  had  become  almost  extinct  among  the  German 
Catholics.  All  the  educational  institutions  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  monks,  particularly  of  the  Jesuits ;  and  under  their  manage- 
ment the  noblest  germs  of  excellence  were  destroyed,  and  wher- 
ever a  freer  spirit  manifested  itself  it  was  forcibly  suppressed. 
The  whole  theological  literature  of  Catholic  Germany  during 
this  period  is  extremely  meagre.  The  text-books  of  theological 
science  were  a  mere  repetition  of  the  traditional  opinions;  for 
the  rest,  the  controversial  works  against  the  Protestants  still 
formed  the  most  important  portion  of  this  literature. 

Distinguished  among  this  class  of  authors  were  the  two  broth- 
ers Von  Walenburch,  of  whom  Adrian  von  Walenburch  was 
Suffragan  Bishop  of  Mayence  (d.  1669)  and  Peter  von  "Walen- 
burch Suffragan  Bishop  of  Cologne  (d.  1675). l  The  most  detest- 
able of  all  was  Joh.  Nicolas  Weislinger,  a  Jesuit  of  Strasburg, 
about  1720-1730.2 

Every  where,  both  in  Protestant  and  Catholic  countries,  the 
trials  for  witchcraft  were  still  common,  and  innumerable  witches 
were  burned.  True,  a  Jesuit,  Friedrich  Spee,  of  Treves  (d.  1635), 
who  had  accompanied  many  of  them  to  the  stake,  had  already 
very  distinctly  acknowledged  the  innocence  of  these  unfortu- 
nates, and  had  shown  in  energetic  language  the  folly  of  the  trials 
for  witchcraft  ;3  and  several  sovereigns,  of  whom  the  Elector  of 
Mayence,  Philip  von  Schonborn,  was  the  first,  had  entirely  abol- 
ished these  trials  in  their  domains.  Nevertheless,  this  fearful 
superstition  continued  to  prevail  in  other  German  countries.  In 
Protestant  Germany  it  was  brought  to  an  end  by  Christian  Tho- 
masius ;  but  in  Catholic  Germany  it  was  not  till  1729  that  the 
last  witch,  a  half-crazy  nun,  was  burned  in  "Wiirzbnrg,  and  Maria 
Theresa  first  decreed  that  no  more  witches  and  sorcerers  should 
be  burned  in  Austria.4 

1  Opera  Omnia,  2  vols.  Cologne,  1670.  fol. 

2  Friss  Vogel  oder  stirb — der  neue  hither.  Heilige. 

3  In  his  Cautio  Criminalis  circa  Processus  contra  Sagas,  1631. 

*  Acta  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  60  (by  Schelhorn,  see  his  Ergotzlichk.  i.  130),  also  p.  671. 


254  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.—  A.D.  104S-1S14. 

How  gloomy  the  outlook  was  at  that  time  in  Germany  is 
shown  particularly  by  the  Salzburg  controversy  respecting  ma- 
riolatry  in  the  year  1740.  At  the  University  of  Salzburg,  as  in 
most  of  the  German  Catholic  universities,  the  oath  respecting  the 
Immaculate  Conception  was  required,  and  the  worship  of  Mary 
was  carried  to  the  greatest  excesses.  At  that  time  some  young 
Salzburg  ecclesiastics  returned  from  Italy  to  their  native  country, 
and  brought  back  with  them  many  liberal  opinions  on  the  subject 
of  Church  legends  and  other  superstitions,  such  as  were  preva- 
lent in  Italy  chiefly  through  the  influence  of  Muratori.  With  the 
co-operation  of  the  then  archbishop,  they  established  a  literary 
society,  in  which  they  busied  themselves  with  various  subjects 
pertaining  to  antiquity,  including  the  antiquities  of  the  Church. 
They  were  instrumental  in  circulating  Muratori's  book  De  Inge- 
niorum  Moderatione  in  Salzburg,  and  with  it  more  liberal  opin- 
ions respecting  the  worship  of  Mary  and  the  oath  to  the  Immac- 
ulate Conception.  These  actions  greatly  incensed  the  theologi- 
ans of  the  university.  By  a  singular  confusion  of  names,  they 
took  Muratori  for  the  founder  of  the  Freemasons  {liberorum 
Murariorum),  and  now  raised  a  terrible  clamor,  declaring 
that  the  new  sect  of  Freemasons,  who  aimed  at  abolishing  the 
worship  of  Mary,  and  eventually  subverting  the  whole  Catholic 
Church,  threatened  to  get  the  upper  hand  in  Salzburg,  and  were 
protected  by  the  archbishop  himself.  As  these  complaints  were 
brought  to  the  notice  of  the  people  by  sermons  and  publica- 
tions, they  also  became  restless.  The  archbishop,  however,  pro- 
hibited all  writing  upon  the  subject,  and  the  discovery  of  the 
true  cause  of  the  misunderstanding  contributed  not  a  little  to 
render  the  monks  ridiculous.  The  result  was  to  this  extent  fa- 
vorable to  the  university  that  it  induced  the  archbishop  to  re- 
move these  ignorant  zealots,  and  to  fill  their  places  with  men  of 
learning,  to  the  great  advantage  of  theological  education  in  Salz- 
burg. 

This  period  witnessed  the  establishment  of  the  Academy  of 
Sciences  at  Munich  (founded  1759,  reorganized  1S07).5  Among 
the  first  in  Bavaria  to  begin  the  work  of  dispelling  the  literary 
darkness  was  Euscbius  Amort,  born  in  Upper  Bavaria  in  1G92,  for 
a  long  time  at  Home ;  after  1740,  dean  of  the  Augustinian  mon- 

5  L.  Westenrieder's  Gesch.  dcr  bayrischen  Acad,  dcr  Wissenschaften,  Miinchcn, 
1804-1807,  2  vols.  8. 


PART  II.— CHAP.  V— §  34.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES  IN  GERMANY.    255 

astery  of  Pollingen,  in  Upper  Bavaria;  in  1759,  member  of  the 
Academy  of  Sciences  in  Munich  (d.  1775).°  He  was,  it  is  true, 
a  rio-id  Ultramontanist,  and  asserted  that  princes  and  kings  were 
not  only  subject  to  the  Pope  in  spiritual  matters,  but  also  that 
the  latter  was  the  arbiter  in  secular  affairs,  at  the  same  time 
defending  the  Inquisition  and  forcible  conversions ;  but  he  in- 
veio-hed  against  visions  and  revelations,  and  was  in  other  re- 
spects  tolerant  and  of  eminent  moral  character.7 

This  was  during  the  reign  of  the  Elector  Max  Joseph  (1745- 
1777),  a  liberal  ruler  who  took  the  Academy  of  Sciences  under 
his  protection,  and  devoted  his  attention  to  the  improvement  of 
the  lower  and  higher  schools.  But  how  far  Catholic  Germany 
was  behind  the  age  as  late  as  1773  is  shown  by  a  letter  of  Clem- 
ent XIV.  to  a  German  prelate,  dated  December  5,  1773.  He 
complains  that  the  priests  and  monks  are,  for  the  most  part,  ex- 
tremely ignorant,  and  in  consequence  addicted  to  the  blindest 
superstition ;  that  for  a  long  time  the  best  books  in  Germany 
have  come  from  the  Protestants  exclusively ;  exhorts  him  to  en- 
courage the  study  of  the  classics  and  of  history,  philosophy,  and 
theology;  praises  the  institutions  at  Mayence  and  Wurzburg ; 
and  points  to  the  efforts  of  the  King  of  Prussia  in  behalf  of  his 
Catholic  subjects  as  an  example  worthy  of  imitation.8 


§  34. 

EVENTS  PREPARATORY  TO  THE  AWAKENING  OF  THEOLOGICAL 
LEARNING  IN  GERMANY. 

The  first  tokens  of  an  awakening  to  greater  freedom  of 
thought  upon  theological  subjects  appeared  in  Austria  during 
the  reign  of  Maria  Theresa.  Although  a  strict  Catholic,  this 
sovereign  was  very  jealous  of  her  royal  prerogatives,  and  knew 
how  to  secure  them  against  the  encroachments  of  the  hierarchy. 
She  also  did  much  to  encourage  the  study  of  theological  science. 
As  a  consequence,  the  theologians  began  to  think  more  independ- 

6  As  early  as  1720  lie  had  founded  a  literary  society,  Academia  Carolo-Albertina, 
■which  rendered  good  service  in  the  diffusion  of  aesthetic  and  literary  culture,  and 
publishad  its  transactions  in  6  vols.— Parnassus  Boicus.  He  wrote  De  Indulgentiis ; 
Demonstratio  Crit.  Religionis  Cathol. ;  Vetus  Disciplina  Canonic.  Regularium  et 
Secularium ;  Elementa  Juris  Canon. ;  Leben  der  Heiligen  Gottes. 

7  Cf.  Savioli,  Acad.  Ehrendcnkmal  des  verstorb.  Eus.  Amort,  Miinchen,  1777. 
Meusel's  Lex.  der  verstorb.  Schriftst.  i.  87.     Baader's  Gelehrtes  Baiern,  i.  20. 

8  See  Literatur  des  kathol.  Deutschlands,  Coburg,  1776,  vol.  i.  pt.  ii.  p.  71. 


256 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1048-1814. 


ently ;  and,  after  the  gradual  decrease  in  influence  and  final 
abolishment  of  the  Order  of  Jesus  had  removed  the  hindrances 
to  progress,  theological  learning  sprang  up  full  of  promise  among 
the  German  Catholics,  at  the  very  time  when  it  -was  steadily  de- 
clining in  France. 

The  German  Catholic  theologians  did  not,  it  is  true,  accom- 
plish so  much  in  the  Held  of  theology  proper  as  did  the  French 
during  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries;  but  it  is  wor- 
thy of  notice  that  the  Germans,  as  soon  as  they  had  begun  once 
more  to  cultivate  the  theological  sciences,  immediately  endeav- 
ored to  apply  the  results  of  their  scientific  labors  to  the  practical 
life  of  the  Church;  whereas,  in  France,  even  during  the  most 
flourishing  period  of  theological  learning,  the  results  of  this  kind 
were  small,  and  confined  to  the  defense  of  the  rights  of  the  Gal- 
lican  Church.  The  theological  awakening  in  Germany  began 
with  the  removal  of  old  prejudices  respecting  the  ecclesiastical 
law;  and  from  that  time  onward  proceeded  uninterruptedly  in 
the  endeavor  to  restrict  the  power  of  the  Papal  hierarchy,  aud, 
on  the  other  hand,  to  augment  the  authority  of  the  sovereigns  and 
the  bishops.  At  the  same  time  the  leaders  in  the  movement 
aimed  to  disseminate  enlightened  religious  ideas  among  the  peo- 
ple, and  to  adapt  the  form  of  worship  to  the  requirements  of 
the  times.  And  now,  as  in  the  days  of  the  Eeformation,  was 
manifested  that  honest  disposition  of  the  Germans  in  religious 
matters  which  allows  no  dissimulation,  but  imparts  without  con- 
cealment that  which  it  has  recognized  as  true. 

Among  the  first  encouraging  signs  in  Catholic  Germany  were 
the  pastoral  letters  of  two  Catholic  bishops,  who,  with  great 
plainness  of  speech,  inveighed  against  many  of  the  faults  of  their 
Church.  The  first,  from  the  Archbishop  of  Vienna,  Prince  von 
Trautson  (1750),  gave  the  priests  some  plain-spoken  directions  to 
disseminate  purer  religious  knowledge  among  the  people,  censur- 
ing the  excessive  saint-worship  and  the  extravagant  regard  for 
indulgences,  rosaries,  images,  processions,  and  the  like.  He  said 
that  the  conceptions  of  the  people,  chiefly  through  the  fault  of 
their  preachers,  had  become  wholly  superstitious.'  The  other, 
from  the  Bishop  of  Gurk,  Count  von  Thun  (1771),  took  advan- 
tage of  the  celebration  of  the  post-jubilee  year  to  give  some  very 
important  instructions  respecting  penance,  the   forgiveness  of 

1  Act,  Hist.  Ecclcs.  xv.  915. 


PART  II— CHAP.  V.— §  34.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES  IN  GERMANY.     257 

sins,  and  the  efficacy  of  indulgences.  Of  no  little  significance, 
in  the  course  of  events,  was  the  reform  soon  afterward  (1752) 
inaugurated  at  the  University  of  Vienna,  by  which  the  influence 
of  the  Jesuits  in  that  university  was  considerably  restricted. 

But  these  events  were  overshadowed  in  importance  by  the 
work  of  the  suffragan  bishop  Yon  Hontheim  (Justini  Febronii 
De  Statu  Ecclesiae  et  Legitima  Potestate  Eomani  Pontiricis, 
1763-1774,  5  vols.  4to).  This  it  was  that  actually  aroused  the 
German  theologians  from  their  lethargy,  and  stimulated  them 
to  free  investigation.  The  principles  of  the  Gallican  Church  be- 
came increasingly  prevalent  in  Germany,  and  even  Maria  The- 
resa was  won  over  to  them,  chiefly  through  the  influence  of  her 
distinguished  physician  in  ordinary,  Baron  Van  Swieten. 

The  latter  also  brought  about  a  much-needed  reformation  in 
the  system  of  instruction  in  Austria.  He  secured  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  Benedictine  Stephan  Rautenstrauch,  of  Prague,  one 
of  the  most  liberal  and  learned  canonists  of  that  period,  as  di- 
rector of  the  theological  faculty  at  Vienna  (1774) ;  and  through 
his  efforts  new  instructions  were  now  issued  to  all  the  theolog- 
ical faculties  of  the  Catholic  states,2  by  which  the  foundation 
was  laid  for  a  more  thorough  study  of  theology.  They  re- 
quired all  students  of  theology  to  study  five  years,  applying 
themselves  at  first  to  the  Oriental  languages — particularly  the 
Hebrew — Church  history,  hermeneutics,  and  exegesis,  and  after- 
ward to  dogmatics,  canon  law,  and  pastoral  theology.  The 
young  emperor  Joseph  took  some  part  in  these  changes  as  co- 
regent  ;  when,  howTever,  he  assumed  exclusive  control,  the  gov- 
ernment entered  upon  those  remarkable  reforms  which  gave  a 
new  impulse  to  theological  inquiiy,  and  inspired  the  theologians 
with  a  courage  and  freedom  previously  unknown.  The  theolo- 
gian who  advocated  the  Emperor's  policy,  particularly  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  ecclesiastical  law,  and  did  much  to  promote 
the  diffusion  of  liberal  ideas  in  Austria,  was  Joseph  Valentin 
Eybel,  professor  of  canon  law  at  Vienna,  afterward  gubernatori- 
al counselor  at  Innspruck  (d.  1S05).  He  had  previously  written 
a  very  liberal  treatise  on  canon  law,3  on  account  of  which  he 
had  been  assailed  by  the  Papal  party.  During  the  reign  of  Jo- 
seph II.  he  labored  with  great  assiduity,  by  means  of  short  pop- 

2  Act.  Hist.  Eccles.  iii.  743. 

3  Introductio  in  Jus  Ecclesiasticum  Catholicorum,  2d  ed.  1778.  8. 

VOL.  V. — 17 


25S  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

ular  treatises  in  tlie  German  language,  to  correct  many  widely 
prevalent  misconceptions.4 

Contemporaneous  with  these  movements  in  Austria,  encour- 
aging signs  also  appeared  in  other  Catholic  countries.  In  Bam- 
berg, the  bishop  Franz  Ludwig  von  Erthal  (1779-1795)  was  an 
active  patron  of  the  sciences.  He  furnished  young  men  of  tal- 
ent with  the  means  of  traveling  for  purposes  of  study,  and 
sought  to  encourage  scholarship  by  instituting  prize-discussions. 
In  Salzburg,  subsequent  to  the  scandalous  controversy  respecting 
mariolatiy,  much  light  had  been  diffused;  and  before  Joseph 
had  commenced  his  reformation  in  Austria,  the  energetic  Arch- 
bishop Jerome  had  here  issued  in  his  pastorals,  from  the  year 
1770  onward;  many  excellent  regulations  and  instructions  for 
the  eradication  of  prevalent  abuses  and  superstition. 

The  period  during  which  the  government  furthered  these  ef- 
forts in  Austria  and  in  Salzburg,  which  was  afterward  united 
with  that  country,  did  not,  however,  long  continue.  Under  Fran*- 
cis  I.  many  of  Joseph's  reforms  were  abandoned,  and  the  theo- 
logical writers  and  teachers  were  again  subjected  to  strict  espi- 
onage and  rigid  censorship.  After  that  time  it  was  unmistaka- 
bly the  tendency  in  Austria  to  return  as  far  as  possible  to  the 
old  order  of  things,  and  to  exclude  the  entrance  of  all  new  ideas, 
political  as  well  as  ecclesiastical,  because  to  these  were  attributed 
all  the  civil  revolutions  and  national  disturbances  of  modern 
times.  Nevertheless,  there  have  always  been  individuals  who 
have  preserved  a  measure  of  enlightenment  from  that  better 
period  ;  and  it  was  scarcely  to  be  expected  that  the  nation  could 
be  kept  so  intellectually  isolated,  and  free  from  all  foreign  influ- 
ence, as  that  any  great  results  should  flow  from  these  attempts. 

The  course  of  events  in  Bavaria  was  singular..  At  first,  under 
the  liberal  government  of  Maximilian  Joseph  (1745-1777),  the 
country  participated  in  the  new  light  which  was  dawning  in 
Germany.  A  Theatine  monk  at  Munich,  P.  Sterzinger,  first 
ventured,  in  1700,  to  attack  the  belief  in  witchcraft  as  an  un- 
founded prejudice.  He  caused  great  excitement,  and  found 
not  a  few  antagonists ;  but  triumphantly  defended  his  position, 
and  destroyed  the  belief  of  many  in  that  pernicious  superstition. 

*  Thus,  e.  «;.,  lie  wrote :  Was  ist  der  Ablass  ?  17S0 ;  Was  ist  der  Papst  ?  1 TSJ ;  Was 
ist  ein  Bischof?  1782;  Was  untlialten  die  Urkundcn  ties  Christcnthums  von  der 
Ohrenbeichte?  1784. 


PART  II.-CHAP.  V.— §  34.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES  IN  GERMANY.    259 

His  success  irritated  the  Obscurants,  particularly  the  Jesuits,  and 
they  put  forth  every  effort  to  bring  the  Devil  once  more  into  re- 
pute. They  found  a  convenient  tool  in  Johann  Joseph  Gassner,  a 
priest  from  the  Grisons,  who,  in  1774,  began  to  acquire  notoriety 
at  Ellwangen,  in  Suabia,  as  an  exorcist.  He  divided  all  diseases 
into  two  classes,  natural  and  supernatural ;  asserting  that  the  lat- 
ter proceeded  from  the  Devil,  and  could  be  cured  by  the  name 
of  Jesus,  if  the  sufferer  had  a  firm  faith  in  the  power  and  efficacy 
of  that  name.  He  declared  himself  able  to  discover  whether  a 
disease  was  natural  or  not  by  the  jjraecejptum  jprobatw inn,  in  vir- 
tue of  which  he  commanded  the  Devil  to  produce  the  paroxysm ; 
if  this  thereupon  ensued,  the  disease  was  unnatural.  Gassner  also 
visited  other  towns,  and  every  where  the  diseased  flocked  to  him 
by  thousands.  But  it  was  not  long  before  several  bishops  as  well 
as  the  secular  governments  declared  against  him, and  forbade  him 
to  ply  his  trade.  It  was  quite  evident  that  the  possessed  whom  he 
actually  cured  had  been  prepared  beforehand  for  their  part.  Of 
the  countless  other  patients,  he  had  to  dismiss  the  majority  un- 
cured,  either  under  the  pretext  that  their  disease  was  natural  or 
that  they  did  not  have  sufficient  faith  ;  while  excitable  persons, 
of  strong  imagination,  not  unfrequently  believed  themselves 
cured,  only  to  relapse  afterward  into  a  worse  state.  Even  Pins 
VI.  was  compelled  to  condemn  the  miraculous  cures  of  Gassner 
as  superstitious.  Nevertheless,  the  latter  had  a  deanery  in  the 
See  of  Batisbon  conferred  upon  him  (d.  1779).5 

Although  the  Bavarian  government  had  taken  very  decided 
steps  against  the  disorders  of  Gassner,  it  exhibited  a  surpris- 
ing change  under  the  new  Elector,  Carl  Theodor  (1777-1799). 
This  prince  was  completely  under  the  influence  and  control  of 
the  ex-Jesuits,  and  consequently  acted  in  a  spirit  directly  con- 
trary to  that  of  Joseph.  This  was  first  manifested  in  his  treat- 
ment of  Andreas  Zaupfer,  secretary  of  the  military  council  of 
the  court  at  Munich.  He  published  an  Ode  on  the  Inquisition, 
portraying  in  lively  colors  the  detestable  character  of  that  institu- 
tion. The  ex-Jesuits,  enraged  at  this,  not  only  preached  against 
him,  but  also  obtained  from  the  Elector  a  decree  whereby  all 
copies  of  the  ode  were  ordered  to  be  confiscated,  its  contents 
were  censured,  and  Zaupfer  commanded  to  make  before  the 

5  Die  aufgedeckten  Gassnerschen  Wunderkuren  aus  authent.  Urkunden  beleucktet 
(probably  by  Sterzinger),  1775. 


2G0  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

magistracy  a  confession  of  the  Catholic  faith.  Under  Carl 
Theodor  the  government  continued  to  act  in  the  same  spirit. 
While  in  Austria  processions  and  pilgrimages  were  prohibited, 
in  Bavaria  they  were  earnestly  recommended,  and  many  of  the 
abolished  holidays  restored.  But  immediately  after  the  death 
of  Carl  Theodor  and  the  accession  of  King  Maximilian  Jo- 
seph, the  supremacy  of  monachism  and  superstition  was  over- 
thrown. The  Protestants  received  universal  toleration,  the  sov- 
ereign rights  were  rigidly  maintained  in  opposition  to  the  hie- 
rarchy, greater  freedom  of  thought  and  of  the  press  was  conceded, 
the  educational  institutions  were  suitably  reorganized,  and  Prot- 
estant scholars  were  invited  from  abroad  to  give  a  new  impulse 
to  learning.  Since  that  time  Bavaria  has  made  great  progress 
also  in  theology ;  and,  in  particular,  much  has  been  done  for  the 
improvement  of  the  public  worship,  the  proper  education  of  the 
clergy,  and  the  eradication  of  deep-rooted  popular  prejudices. 

In  many  of  the  German  ecclesiastical  states,  as  well,  much 
had  been  done  for  theological  enlightenment.  But  in  these, 
more  than  elsewhere,  the  cause  met  with  bitter  opposition,  and 
was  endangered  by  every  new  change  of  rulers.  The  greatest 
results  were  accomplished  in  the  electorate  of  Cologne  by  Jo- 
seph's brother  Maximilian,  under  whose  protection  canonists  like 
Hedderieh  and  exegetes  like  Dereser  could  teach  and  write  with 
great  freedom.  When  these  men  were  accused  at  Rome  by  the 
cathedral  chapter  of  Cologne,  Maximilian  defended  them  there 
also  with  great  zeal. 

In  other  places,  however,  the  Obscurants  succeeded  in  stirring 
up  persecutions  against  the  liberal  theologians.  The  most  nota- 
ble instance  was  that  of  Johann  Lorenz  Isenbiehl.  As  pastor  of 
the  Catholic  congregation  in  Gottino-en,  he  had  eno;a£red  exten- 
sively  in  the  study  of  the  Oriental  languages  under  Michaelis; 
and  for  this  reason  had  been  called  by  the  Elector  of  Mayence 
to  that  city  as  professor  in  this  department,  but  had  incurred 
the  enmity  of  the  Obscurants.  On  the  occasion  of  a  change  of 
sovereigns,  they  succeeded  in  having  him  deposed  from  his  pro- 
fessorship (1774),  and  banished  to  a  seminary  for  the  purpose  of 
recommencing  the  study  of  theology.  He  was  subsequently 
made  teacher  of  an  inferior  school  with  a  very  meagre  salary, 
and  thereupon  published  his  Xeuer  Versuch  liber  die  Weissagung 
vom  Immanuel,  Es.  vii.  14,  Coblenz,  177S,  in  which  he  denied  the 


PART  II— CHAP.  V— §  34.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES  IN  GERMANY.     261 

Messianic  character  of  that  passage.  He  was  thrown  into  pris- 
on, where  lie  finally  consented  to  repudiate  his  book  after  it  had 
been  condemned  by  many  bishops,  faculties,  and  the  Pope  him- 
self. He  then  received  a  position  as  prebendary,  which,  how- 
ever, was  exchanged,  after  the  secularization  of  1803,  for  a  small 
pension.     He  died  in  1818  at  Oestrich,  in  the  Eheingau. 

After  the  majority  of  the  ecclesiastical  principalities  had  been 
secularized,  and,  for  the  most  part,  had  come  under  the  control  of 
Protestant  princes,  the  liberal  theologians  there  too  were  able  to 
prosecute  their  work  with  greater  freedom,  and  without  fear  of 
governmental  interference.  The  clergy  of  the  German  provinces 
which  had  fallen  to  France  now  took  little  part  in  the  intellect- 
ual life  of  the  German  people ;  Austria  too  shut  herself  off  from 
it,  and  endeavored,  as  far  as  possible,  to  return  to  the  old  order 
of  affairs.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Catholic  theologians  in  Bava- 
ria, Wurtemberg,  and  Baden  vied  with  each  other  in  free  theo- 
logical inquiry.  They  endeavored  to  expose  and  remove  super- 
stition and  ecclesiastical  abuses,  to  regulate  the  relations  of  the 
hierarchy  to  the  temporal  governments,  to  restore  individual 
Catholic  dogmas  to  their  original  definitions,  and  to  disencum- 
ber them  of  later  accretions. 

The  then  primate  of  the  Rhenish  Confederation,  Carl  von 
Dal  berg,  favored  these  efforts,  although  he  endeavored,  at  the 
same  time,  to  adhere  faithfully  to  the  orthodoxy  of  the  Church. 
Several  theological  periodicals  served  as  organs  of  the  progress- 
ive party.6 

The  results  of  this  tendency  were  most  generally  diffused  in 
the  See  of  Constance,  which  had  the  Prince-primate  for  its  bish- 
op, but  was  administered  for  him  by  the  excellent  vicar-general, 
Baron  von  Wessenberg.  x\t  the  direction  of  the  latter,  pastoral 
conferences  were  established  which  stimulated  the  clergymen  to 
scientific  labors,  and  effected  many  reforms  in  the  public  worship. 
In  particular,  the  German  language  was  introduced  into  the  wor- 
ship, as  was  also  the  case  in  many  parts  of  Bavaria.7 

6  Such  as  the  Jahresschrift  fur  Theologie  und  Kirchenreeht  der  Katholiken,  Ulm, 
since  1806.  Johaun  Joseph  Batz,  Theologische  Zeitschrift,  Bamberg  und  Wurzburg, 
1809.  Archiv  fiir  das  kath.  Kirchen-  und  Schulwesen  vorziiglich  in  den  rheinischen 
Bundesstaaten,  Frankf.  a.  M.  3  vols.  1810-1812. 

7  One  result  of  the  pastoral  conferences  in  the  See  of  Constance  was  the  Archiv 
fiir  die  Pastoralconferenzcn  in  dem  Landcapitel  des  Bisthums  Constanz,  Constance, 
1804  sq. 


262  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814 

It  was  not  surprising  that  the  orthodox  party  violently  resisted 
these  rapid  progressive  measures.  Their  principal  organ  was  the 
Literaturzeitung  far  katholische  Religionslehrer,  published  by 
Felder,  afterward  by  von  Mastiaux,  Landshut,  since  1S10. 

But  this  journal  was  too  deficient  in  candor  and  in  intellect- 
ual power  to  be  able  to  check  the  tendency  of  the  times.  It 
dealt  alternately  in  extravagant  praise  and  extravagant  censure 
without  thorough  criticism.  Moreover,  the  disagreement  be- 
tween the  two  parties  constantly  increased,  and  the  liberals  ex- 
hibited more  and  more  of  that  spirit  of  protest  which  had  pro- 
duced the  Iteformation  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

§  35. 

DISTINGUISHED  THEOLOGICAL  WRITERS. 

In  the  department  of  Biblical  literature,  Dominions  von  Bren- 
tano,  priest  in  the  foundation  of  Kempten  (d.  1707),  attained  dis- 
tinction. At  the  direction  of  his  abbot,  Rupert  II.,  he  translated 
the  Bible  into  German.1 

Thaddaeus  Anton  Dereser  was  first  professor  of  exegesis  at  the 
1  diversity  of  Bonn,  then  at  Freiburg,in  the  Breisgau,  afterward  at 
Breslau.  At  the  request  of  the  Elector  of  Cologne,  Dereser  com- 
posed, in  1791,  a  German  breviary,  intended  primarily  for  nuns.2 

Carl  Yan  Ess,  pastor  at  Huysburg,  near  Halberstadt,  and  Lean- 
der  Van  Ess,  professor  and  pastor  at  Marburg,  translated  the 
New  Testament.3 

Johann  Jahn,  professor  of  the  Oriental  languages  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Vienna,  on  account  of  his  many  liberal  opinions  (such 
as  that  the  books  of  Job,  Jonah,  Tobit,  and  Judith  were  didactic 
poems,  and  that  the  demoniacs  of  the  New  Testament  were  mere- 
ly diseased),  was  subjected  to  many  persecutions,  which  resulted 
in  his  removal  from  his  professorship  (1807).  He  spent  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life  as  prebendary  in  the  church  of  St.  Stephen, 
in  Vienna  (d.  1S17).1 

1  Frankfurt  a.  M. :  Das  Ncuc  Testament.  1790 ;  Das  Alte  Testament,  pt.  i.  1797. 
The  four  following  parts  of  the  Old  Testament  (1801-1809)  are  added  by  Th.  A.  De- 
reser. 

2  The  8th  ed.  of  which  appeared  in  1S20.  Also  a  Biblischcs  Erbauungsbuch,  Heil- 
bronn,  1810,  4  pts. 

8  Sulzoach,  1807 ;  11th  ed.  1820. 

4  With  respect  to  these  persecutions,  see  the  letters  prefixed  to  John  Jahn' 8  Nach- 


PART  II.— CH.  V.— §  35.  DISTINGUISHED  THEOLOGICAL  WRITERS.     263 

Franz  Carl  Alter,  ex-Jesuit  and  instructor  at  a  gymnasium  in 
Vienna  (d.  1S01).5 

Johaim  Leonhard  Hug,  professor  of  theology  at  Freiburg,  the 
most  learned  and  acute  of  the  Catholic  critics  of  the  Kew  Testa- 
ment.6 

In  Church  history  the  following  did  good  service  by  the  elab- 
oration of  single  portions  and  the  collection  of  documents :  John 
Nicolas  von  Ilontheim;7  Stephan  Alexander  Wurdtwein,  suf- 
fragan bishop  at  Worms  (d.  1796)  ;8  Gerbert,  Prince-abbot  of  St. 
Blasius,  in  Baden  (d.  1793).9 

Less  was  accomplished  for  general  Church  history,  though  it 
was  not  left  entirely  untouched.  Among  the  laborers  in  this 
field  were  Caspar  Koyko,  professor  of  Church  history  at  Prague, 
afterward  retired  as  archdeacon  and  gubernatorial  counselor 
(d.  1819),10  and  Anton  Michl,  professor  of  canon  law  and  Church 
history  at  Landshut  (d.  1813).11 

Dogmatic  theology  also  had  its  representatives.  The  principal 
were  Benedict  Stattler,  an  ex-Jesuit,  at  first  professor  at  Ingol- 
stadt,  then  censorial  counselor  at  Munich  (d.  1797)  ;12  Engel- 
hardt  Kliipfel,  an  Augustinian,  professor  of  theology  at  Freiburg 
(d.  1811)  ;13  Patricius  Benedict  Zimmer,  professor  of  theology  at 

trage  zu  seinen  theolog.  Werken,  Tubingen,  1821.  His  most  celebrated  works  are: 
Einleit.  in  die  Biicher  des  Alten  Bundes,  2d  ed.  1801, 1802, 2  vols. ;  Bibl.  Archaologie, 
3  vols.  1796-1805;  edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  1806,  3  vols.  He  also  wrote  several 
grammars  and  chrestomathies  for  the  Oriental  languages,  as  well  as  compcndiums 
of  hermeneutics  and  of  several  of  his  larger  works. 

5  His  Novum  Test.,  2  vols.,  is  important  as  a  collation  of  several  Vienna  MSS. 

6  Eiuleitung  in  das  Neue  Testament,  Tubingen,  1808,  2  vols.  (2d  ed.  1821). 

7  By  his  Historia  Trevirensis,  1750,  3  vols.  fol. 

8  Dioecesis  Moguntina  in  Archidiaconatus  Distributa,  1767,  3  vols.  4.  Thuringia  et 
Eichsfeldia,  1790, 1  vol.  4. 

9  Historia  Nigrae  Sylvae,  1783,  3  vols.  4.  Vetus  Liturgia  Allemannica,  1776,  3  vols, 
large  4.     Ejus  Monumenta  Veteris  Liturgiae  Allcmann.  1777,  4  vols,  large  4. 

10  Einleitung  in  die  christliche  Religions-  und  Kirchengeschichte,  1788.  Christ- 
liche  Religions-  und  Kirchengesch.  4  vols.  1789-1795.  Geschichte  der  Kirchenver- 
sammlung  zu  Costnitz  (Constance),  4  vols.  1780  sq. 

11  Christliche  Kirchengesch.  1807,  2  vols. 

12  Demonstratio  Evangelica,  1771.  Theologia  Christiana  Theoretica,  6  vols.  1776- 
1780— a  sagacious  presentation  of  the  orthodox  Catholic  system.  On  the  other  hand, 
he  wrote  several  manuals  of  Christian  ethics,  in  which  the  Jesuit  probabilism  is 
still  prominent,  and  extremely  immoral  doctrines  are  taught. 

13  Institutiones  Theologiae  Dogmaticae,  Vindob.  2  vols.  1789,  in  an  easy,  clear  style 
without  scholastic  subtleties,  and  with  some  liberal  expressions,  e.  g.,  that  no  Chris- 
tian should  be  deprived  of  reading  the  Holy  Scriptures ;  that  the  veneration  of  relics 
might  be  wholly  dispensed  with.  More  in  detail  in  the  4th  ed.,  revised  by  Gregori- 
us  Thomas  Ziegler  (Vienna,  1821),  professor  of  dogmatics  at  the  University  of  Vien- 
na ;  but  all  these  liberal  statements  are  omitted. 


264  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1&48-1814. 

Landshut  (d.  1S20);14  Marianus  Dobmayer;15  Liebermann,  re- 
gent of  the  theological  seminary  at  Mayence.16 

Worthy  of  notice  was  the  attempt  made  by  Friedrich  Brenner, 
parish  priest  at  Bamberg,  to  apply  the  philosophy  of  Schelling 
to  the  Catholic  theology.17  On  the  other  hand,  Kant's  philoso- 
phy was  employed  in  support  of  the  Catholic  system  by  Ildefons 
Schwarz  (d.  1794),  a  Benedictine,  professor  of  theology  at  the 
monastery  of  Banz.18 

Among  the  Catholic  theologians  who  endeavored  to.  modify 
and  give  a  rational  presentation  of  single  doctrines,  and  to  re- 
form the  worship  of  the  Church,  mention  should  be  made  of 
Benedict  Maria  von  Werkmeister,  first  a  Benedictine,  then  eccle- 
siastical counselor,  and  member  of  the  Board  of  Education  at 
Stuttgart.19  And  in  the  improvement  of  the  liturgy  Yeit  An- 
ton Winter,  ecclesiastical  counselor  and  professor  of  theology  at 
Landshut  (d.  1814),  took  a  prominent  part.20 

Among  the  representatives  of  pastoral  theology,  especial  dis- 
tinction belongs  to  Johann  Michael  Sailer,  ex-Jesuit,  professor 
of  theology  at  Landshut,  finally  Bishop  of  Ratisbon,  who,  in  his 
writings,  aimed  always  at  the  production  of  genuine  piety  ;  and, 
in  the  spirit  of  an  elevated  mysticism,  endeavored  to  vitalize  the 
forms  of  public  worship,  and  to  make  them  conducive  to  relig- 
ious feeling  and  purpose.  During  a  long  career  as  public  in- 
structor, he  imparted  his  opinions  to  a  great  number  of  Bavari- 
an clergymen,  among  whom  he  possessed  great  influence.  The 
sticklers  for  orthodoxy,  however,  doubted  his  soundness ;  and  this 

14  Thcologia  Christiana  Dogmat.  1789,  2  vols. ;  and  Theol.  Christiana  Spccialis  ct 
Thcorct.  1802— a  very  clear  development,  with  the  attempt  to  present  the  doctrines 
in  their  mildest  form. 

15  Systema  Theologiae  Catholicac,  Sulzbach,  180S  sq.  (voluminous  collection),  7pts. 
incomplete. 

16  Institutiones  Theologicac,  2  vols.  Mayence,  1820 — very  rigid,  and  returning  en- 
tirely to  the  old  system. 

17  Freie  Darstellung  der  Thcologie  in  dcr  Idee  des  Himmelreichs,  3  vols.  1S15-1S18. 
18Handbuch  der  christlichcn  Religion,  3  vols.  5th  ed.  1818. 

"Thomas  Freikirch,  oder  freimiithige  Untersuchungen  iiber  die  Unfehlbarkeit 
dcr  katholischcn  Kirche,  1792.  An  die  unbeschcidenen  Verchrer  der  Heiligcn,  be- 
m meters  Maria,  1803. 

20  Liturgie,  was  sie  scin  soil,  untcr  Hinblick  auf  das,  was  sic  im  Christenthum  ist, 
1809 — plain-spoken  censure  of  the  mechanical  features  of  the  Catholic  worship,  that 
it  was  unintelligible  to  the  people  in  the  Latin  language,  and  conducive  to  various 
superstitions.  As  plans  for  improvement  he  presented  Erstes  tcutsches  kritisches 
Messbucb,  1810;  Erstes  tcutsches  kritisches  katholisches  Ritual,  1811,  in  which  he 
took  the  Protestant  worship,  in  many  particulars,  for  his  model. 


PART  II—  CH.  V— §  35.  DISTINGUISHED  THEOLOGICAL  WRITERS.    265 

induced  him  to  make  a  confession  of  his  faith  in  the  Church,  and 
to  revoke  all  that  he  might  have  uttered  to  the  contrary.21 

Mention  should  be  made  of  two  other  Catholic  theologians, 
both  of  whom  withdrew  from  the  Church,  without,  however,  join- 
ing the  Protestants.  First,  Pierre  Francois  Le  Courayer,  a  cler- 
gyman and  librarian  of  the  chapter -house  of  St.  Genevieve  at 
Paris.  The  union  negotiations  between  the  French  Catholic 
and  the  English  Episcopal  churches  afforded  him  an  opportuni- 
ty (1723)  to  show  that  the  English  bishops  derived  their  conse- 
cration in  unbroken  succession  from  the  apostles ;  that  it  was 
therefore  canonically  valid,  and  did  not  need  to  be  repeated  in 
case  of  a  possible  union.  These  assertions  involved  him  in  con- 
troversy with  man}7  French  theologians ;  even  the  government 
seemed  likely  to  take  action  in  the  matter,  and  his  position  be- 
came so  dangerous  that  he  was  obliged,  in  1728,  to  take  refuge 
in  England.  During  the  course  of  this  controversy  he  was  led 
to  advocate  many  opinions  abhorred  in  his  Church  as  heretical. 
He  denied  the  sacrifice  in  the  mass  and  the  character  indelebilis 
of  the  priests,  and  censured  the  low  masses,  the  celibacy  of  the 
priests,  and  the  worship  of  saints  and  images.  Although  he  ap- 
proached so  closely  to  the  Protestants,  he  did  not  openly  profess 
their  faith,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he  was  ejected  from 
his  own  Church  (d.  1776).22 

The  other  was  Alexander  Geddes,  a  Catholic  clergyman  of 
Scotland,  who,  to  acuteness  and  sound  criticism,  united  an  ex- 
tensive acquaintance  with  the  Oriental  languages.  He  published 
a  new  English  translation  of  the  Bible,  with  explanatory  and 
critical  notes,  1788  sq.,  which  involved  him  in  a  violent  contro- 
versy with  the  Apostolic  Vicar  in  England.  He  had  expressed 
many  liberal  opinions  in  his  notes,  in  particular,  calling  in  ques- 
tion the  genuineness  of  the  Mosaic  writings.     But  he  gave  still 

21  Vorlesun^en  ans  der  Pastoraltheologie,  1788,  3  vols.  Collections  of  sermons: 
Predigten  bei  verschiedenen  Anlassen,  1790,  2  vols. ;  Christliche  Reden  an's  Cbris- 
tenvolk,  1802;  Das  Heiligthum  der  Menschheit,  2  vols.  1808;  Vertraute  Reden  zu- 
nachst  an  Junglinge,  1803,  2  vols.  Several  prayer  and  other  devotional  books. 
Handbuch  der  christlichen  Moral,  Wien  und  Mi'mehen,  1818.  Complete  edition  by 
Widmer.  His  Life  by  Chr.  Schmid,  author  of  Die  Ostereier  [Bodemann's  Job.  M. 
von  Sailer,  Gotha,  1856]. 

22  His  edition  of  Sarpi,  Histoire  du  Concile  du  Trente,  London,  1736,  2  vols.  fol. 
Histoire  de  la  Reformat,  par  Sleidan,  Paris,  1767,  3  vols.  Examen  des  Defauts  Th6- 
ologiques,  ou  l'on  indicme  les  Moyens  de  les  Reformer,  Amst.  1714,  2  vols.  12. — a  crit- 
icism of  the  Catholic  system. 


200 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II—  A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 


greater  offense  by  numerous  contradictions  of  the  Papal  preten- 
sions, especially  by  the  assertion  that  the  Catholics  of  England 
had  the  right  to  elect  their  own  bishops.  Finally,  in  1796,  in  a 
very  emphatic  letter  to  the  Apostolic  Vicar,  Geddes  declared 
that  he  renounced  the  Papacy,  but  not  the  Catholic  Church. 
He  resided  in  London  till  his  death,  in  1S02.23 

23  Geddes'  Notes  on  the  Pentateuch  are  translated  and  incorporated  into  Vater's 
Comment,  zum  Pentateuch,  Halle,  180:2-1805,  3  vols. 


PART  THIRD  OF  SECOND  DIVISION. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  LUTHERAN  CHURCH. 


FIRST  CHAPTER. 

INTERNAL  HISTORY. 

I.-PERIOD  OF  THE  CALIXTINE  SCHOOL  AND  THE  SYNCRETISTIC 
CONTROVERSIES. 

Planck's  Geschichte  der  protestantischen  Theologie  seit  der  Konkordienformel,  Got- 
tingen,  1831,  p.  90.— Georg  Calixt's  Briefwecksel  in  einer  Auswahl  herausgegeben 
von  Ernst  Ludw.  Tlieod.  Henke,  Halle,  1833.  Georg  Cal.  und  seine  Zeit.  1.  Abtk.: 
Die  Universitat  Helnistadt  im  17.  Jahrhundert,  von  Ernst  Ludw.  Theod.  Henke, 
Halle,  1833.— Geschichte  der  syncretistischen  Streitigkeiten,  von  H.  Schmid,  Er- 
langen,  1846.— Georg  Calixt  und  der  Syncretismus,  von  Dr.  W.  Gass,  Breslau,  1846. 
—Henke,  E.  L.  Th.,  Georg  Calixt  und  seine  Zeit,  Halle,  vol.  i.  1853 ;  vol.  ii.  Div.  1, 
1856. 

§  36. 
ORIGIN  OF  THE  CALIXTINE  CONTROVERSIES. 

The  University  of  Helmsteclt  had  long  been  regarded  with 
suspicion  by  the  strict  Lutherans,  because,  as  in  all  the  provinces 
of  Brunswick,  the  Form  of  Concord  was  not  there  accepted ;  and 
consequently  the  instructors  were  allowed  greater  latitude  as  to 
many  doctrines.  In  particular,  George  Calixtus  had  given  of- 
fense by  many  of  his  opinions  since  he  assumed  his  professor- 
ship, in  1614.  At  the  very  beginning  he  had  publicly  contra- 
dicted the  doctrine  of  the  ubiquity  of  Christ's  humanity,  and 
declared  the  communicatio  idiomatum  realis  to  be  Eutychian- 
ism.  He  made  no  attempt  to  conceal  his  strong  desire  for  a  re- 
union of  the  Lutheran  Church  with  the  Catholic  and  Reformed, 
and  attached  little  value  to  many  of  the  doctrines  regarded  as 
distinctive.1  He  believed  all  the  Christian  churches  to  be  one  in 
the  ground  of  their  faith,  and  all  who  possessed  this  common 
faith  to  be  alike  destined  to  salvation.  He  accordingly  saw,  in 
the  different  churches,  only  different  societies,  which,  neverthe- 

1  "  Symbolum  Apostolicum  esse  sufflciens"  had  already  been  the  judgment  of  Cas- 
sander  (Gerdes,  serin,  vi.  756). 


2G8  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1WS-1S14. 

Jess,  were  the  same  in  all  essentials.  At  the  same  time,  however, 
he  was  not  indifferent  to  all  the  distinctive  doctrines  of  the  Cath- 
olic Church,  but  regarded  many  of  them  as  contradictory  to,  and 
in  the  way  of,  the  true  Christian  faith.  Still,  he  made  little  ac- 
count of  many  of  the  points  of  difference;2  did  not  hesitate  to 
concede  to  the  Pope  the  primacy  in  the  Church ;  and  also  thought 
that  the  Lord's  Supper  might  be  called  a  sacrifice,  and  that  the 
prayers  for  the  dead  were  necessary.  On  the  other  hand,  he  was 
not  less  free  with  respect  to  many  articles  of  belief  then  accept- 
ed in  all  the  churches.  Thus,  he  took  the  ground  that  not  every 
tliiug  in  the  Scriptures  is  to  be  regarded  as  of  divine  revelation, 
but  only  that  portion  in  which  doctrines  are  communicated.  In 
like  manner,  he  denied  that  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  is  taught 
with  such  distinctness  in  the  Old  Testament  that  a  convincing 
argument  for  it  can  be  drawn  from  that  source. 

lie  believed  that,  in  order  to  effect  a  union,  all  the  churches 
must  return  to  the  symbolis  and  decisions  of  the  councils  of  the 
first  five  centuries  {consensus  quinqueseculctris)?  and  forget  all 
later  controversies.4  He  thereby  apparently  gave  the  tradition 
of  these  centuries  an  authority  as  a  source  of  knowledge  co-or- 
dinate with  that  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  These  principles  met 
witli  general  acceptance  at  Helmstedt ;  the  fame  of  Calixtus  at- 
tracted many  students  thither,  and  thus  the  Calixtine  School  be- 
came extensively  diffused,  especially  in  the  provinces  of  Bruns- 
wick, both  Wolfenbiittel  and  Liineburg,  of  which  Helmstedt  was 
at  that  time  the  common  university.  The  general  characteris- 
tics of  this  school  were  a  more  zealous  cultivation  of  historical 
theology  and  moderation  in  dogmatical  opinions. 

At  the  same  time,  it  can  not  be  denied  that  the  teachings  of 
Calixtus  had  an  injurious  effect  upon  many  of  his  scholars.  In- 
asmuch as  the  prevailing  tendency  of  the  age  elsewhere  was  to 
doctrinal  rigidity  and  intolerance,  these  milder  opinions  natural- 
ly led  many  to  regard  the  existing  churches  with  indifference, 
although  Calixtus  himself  was  far  from  doing  so;  and  always 

2  He  was  of  the  Catholic  opinion  respecting  the  doctrine  of  Original  Sin,  Ilase's 
Dogm.  §  87. 

3  Praef.  ad  Lib.  de  Conj.  Cleric,  cd.  Henke,  p.  viii. 

4  Cassander,  ep.  37,  also  praises  the  counsel  of  some  ■wise  men  in  France  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Reformation:  Se  libentcr  compromittere  banc  controversiam  arbi- 
trio  ecclesiae  priscac  seu  patrum  quingentorum  a  Christo  annorum ;  reliquis  qui  in- 
secuti  sint  annis  baud  gravatim  reinuiciaturum  (Anton,  de  Domin.  vii.  c.  12,  p.  123). 


PT.  Ill—  CH.  I.— §  36.  OKIGIN  OF  THE  CALIXTINE  CONTROVERSIES.    269 

maintained  that,  while  all  the  churches  contained  the  essentials 
of  Christianity,  they  were  kept  in  the  background  and  covered 
up  by  abuses  to  a  greater  degree  in  one  than  in  another,  and 
that  consequently  one  Church  was  more  favorable  to  genuine 
Christian  life  than  another.  Accordingly,  if  such  a  Calixtinian 
fell  into  the  hands  of  one  of  the  adroit  Catholic  theologians,  such 
as  the  Jesuits,  who  at  that  time  devoted  themselves  especially  to 
the  conversion  of  Protestants,  he  was  brought  over  to  Catholicism 
with  little  difficulty  ;  for  it  was  not  hard  to  show  that  there  were 
more  traces  of  the  consensus  qui?iquesecula?'is,  particularly  as 
regarded  the  constitution  and  practices,  in  the  Roman  than  in 
the  Lutheran  Church.  The  result  was  that,  at  an  early  period, 
some  of  the  friends  and  pupils  of  Calixtus  went  over  to  the  Cath- 
olic Church,  and  that,  as  long  as  this  school  existed,  a  consider- 
able number  of  theologians  and  scholars  turned  in  that  direction  ; 
while  others,  to  say  the  least,  regarded  such  a  course  with  indif- 
ference. 

At  last  a  preacher  of  Hanover,  Statius  Buscher,  opened  the 
attack  upon  Calixtus  and  his  followers.5  The  Helmstedt  theo- 
logians published  a  defense ;  but  they  were  not  able  to  weaken 
the  impression  which  the  accusations  of  Buscher  had  made 
throughout  the  whole  Lutheran  Church.  Calixtus  and  his  fol- 
lowers were  every  where  regarded  with  extreme  suspicion.  The 
attack  upon  them  did  not,  however,  become  general  until  after 
the  religious  conference  at  Thorn.  The  King  of  Poland,  Vladis- 
laus  IV.,  arranged  this  conference  (1645)  between  Catholic  and 
non-Catholic  theologians  (Dissidents),  in  the  hope  that  the  two 
parties,  by  a  peaceful  discussion  of  their  respective  beliefs,  would 
be  able  to  remove  many  mutual  prejudices,  and  thereby  be  en- 
couraged to  come  to  an  understanding.6  To  this  end  the  Re- 
formed in  Poland  proposed  to  the  Lutherans  of  that  country  to 
unite  with  them  in  this  conference ;  but  the  latter  were  at  that 
time  extremely  hostile  to  the  Reformed,  and  would  not  consent 
to  be  mixed  up  with  them.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg,  Frederic  William,  who  sent  some  Reformed  theo- 
logians to  Thorn,  induced  Calixtus  to  go  thither  also  to  look 
after  the  common  interests  of  the  Protestants.  The  rigid  Luther- 
ans, of  whom  Abraham  Calovius,  then  preacher  at  Dantzic,  was 

5  In  the  work  Cryptopapismus  Novae  Theologiae  Helrnstadiensis,  1639. 

6  Unschuld.  Naehr.  1746,  p.  34.     Gerdes,  serin,  vii.  374. 


070  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

the  leader,  were  highly  displeased  at  the  coming  of  Calixtus, 
whom  they  regarded  as  no  longer  a  true  Lutheran  theologian ; 
they  were  still  more  irritated  with  him  because,  while  at  Thorn, 
he  lived  on  the  most  intimate  terms  with  the  Reformed  theolo- 
gians, and  even  assisted  them  in  the  preparation  of  their  confes- 
sion of  faith.  The  conference  soon  came  to  an  end,  with  no 
other  result  than  to  intensify  the  animosity  between  the  two 
Protestant  confessions.  The  Lutherans  now  attacked  Calixtus, 
whom  they  regarded  as  a  traitor  to  pure  Lutheranisni,  with  great 
bitterness.  During  the  conference,  he  had  taken  occasion  to  de- 
clare in  his  writings,  without  reserve,  that  all  the  articles  of  be- 
lief necessary  to  salvation  were  contained  in  the  Apostles'  Creed, 
and  that,  in  consequence,  all  the  Christian  churches  were  perfect- 
ly united  in  the  ground  of  their  belief.  Accordingly,  the  charge 
of  Syncretism,  which  had  often  been  made  against  him  before, 
was  clamorously  urged,  and  the  Syncretistic  controversy  began. 

Syncretism  properly  designated  the  community  of  feeling 
among  the  Cretans  which  led  them,  in  spite  of  all  their  internal 
divisions,  to  unite  against  the  common  enemy  in  case  of  clanger 
from  without.  In  this  sense,  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  David  Parens,  a  Reformed  theologian  of  Heidelberg, 
had  desired  to  have  the  Protestants  join  in  a  syncretism  against 
the  Roman  Church.7  But  the  Lutherans  were  at  this  time  bitter- 
ly opposed  to  any  association  with  the  Reformed  Church;  and  so 
syncretism  acquired  among  them  the  signification  of  a  mingling 
of  religions,  an  indifference  to  all  existing  marks  of  distinction 
between  the  churches,  for  which  reason  they  intentionally  gave 
the  word  a  false  derivation  from  avyKepavvv/ii.  With  this  mean- 
ing, Calixtus  was  now  accused  of  Syncretism;8  he  was  charged 
with  being  partial  at. once  to  Catholicism,  Calvinism,  Socinian- 
ism,  and  Arminianism. 

7  The  expression  is  to  be  met  with  as  early  as  the  days  of  the  Reformers.  Mar- 
beineke,  Symb.  i.  48,  Note.  Ilcring,  Geschiehte  der  kirchlichen  Unionsversuelie, 
ii.  G5,  as  early  as  1519;  Illgcns  Zcitschr.  ii.  2,  228;  in  Zwingli,  1525,  Ep.  ad  Oecol. 
Epist.  vii.  1,390.     Schmid,  247. 

9  Calovius  turned  it  into  a  avyKpovTi]<T/i.6s— a  contact  of  opponents,  collision  of 
adversaries,  disunion  (from  vvyKpovw),  Gass,  p.  107. 


PT.  III.— CH.  I.— §  37.  HISTORY  OF  SYNCRETISTIC  CONTROVERSY.     211 

§  37. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  CONTROVERSY  ITSELF. 

The  most  violent  opponents  of  Calixtus  were  the  theologians 
of  Electoral  Saxony,  led  by  Jacob  Weller,  chief  court-preacher  at 
Dresden.  At  his  suggestion,  the  Elector  endeavored  to  persuade 
the  princes  of  Brunswick  to  take  legal  measures  to  compel  the 
return  of  Calixtus  and  his  school  at  Helmstedt  to  orthodoxy. 
But  they  declared  that  they  preferred  to  leave  to  the  theologians 
themselves  the  justification  of  their  course.  Accordingly,  in 
1650,  the  conflict  began.  Innumerable  controversial  writings 
were  exchanged  ;  and  as  their  authors  did  not  hesitate  to  indulge 
in  the  most  bitter  recrimination,  and  even  cutting  personalities, 
this  controversy  was  one  of  the  most  violent  ever  carried  on  in 
the  Lutheran  Church.1 

The  most  important  antagonists  of  Calixtus2  were  Jacob  Wel- 
ler, formerly  professor  at  Wittenberg,  then  superintendent  in 
Brunswick,  and,  after  1646,  chief  court -chaplain  at  Dresden 
(d.  1664),  and  Abraham  Calovius,  the  Flacius  of  this  period,  pre- 
viously preacher  in  Dantzic,  after  1650  professor  of  theology  and 
superintendent -general  at  Wittenberg  (d.  1686).  Calovins  was 
undeniably  one  of  the  most  sagacious  and  learned  theologians  of 
his  age,  as  is  evidenced  by  his  great  work  on  dogmatic  theology,3 
which  ranks,  with  Gerhard's  work,  among  the  most  important 
dogmatical  writings  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  is  distin- 
guished for  its  accurate  and  clear  development  even  of  the  most 
abstruse  problems.  Less  valuable  was  his  great  exegetical  work,4 
which  had  the  solely  dogmatico-polemic  object  of  fortifying  the 
Lutheran  orthodoxy  at  all  points,  and  was  particularly  directed 
against  the  recently  published  opinions  of  Grotius.  All  the  writ- 
ings of  Calovius  are  characterized  by  the  most  extreme  churchly 
orthodoxy,  and  by  contemptuous  asperity  and  zealous  vehemence 
against  all  doctrines  in  the  slightest  degree  deviating  from  it. 
This  is  true  particularly  of  his  numerous  writings  against  the 
Syncretists,  in  which  he  did  not  shrink  from  personal  abuse  to 

1  The  works  are  catalogued  in  Walch's  Bibl.  Theol.  ii.  672. 

5  Schmid,  237. 

3  Systema  Locorum  Theologieorum,  12  vols.  4.  Wittenberg,  1655-1677. 

*  Biblia  Illustrate,  1672,  4  vols.  fol. 


272  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II— A.D.  KMS-1814. 

gratify  his  theological  rancor.  He  was  by  far  their  most  for- 
midable opponent,  wrote  most  frequently  and  at  greatest  length 
against  them ;  and  his  writings  were  the  most  profound,  as  well  as 
the  most  bitter  and  injurious,  which  appeared  in  this  controversy. 

Next  to  Calovius  stands  Johann  Iliilsemann,  professor  at  Wit- 
tenberg, afterward  professor  of  theology  and  superintendent  at 
Leipsic  (d.  1GG1),  an  industrious  author  of  many  polemical  works 
against  Catholics,  Calvinists,  and  particularly  the  Syncretists. 
lie  also  published  a  manual  of"  dogmatic  theology,5  which  is  re- 
markable for  its  scholastic  sophistry  and  obscurity  as  well  as  its 
barbarous  style. 

On  the  other  hand,  Calixtus  was  supported  by  the  whole  uni- 
versity of  Helmstedt,  including  Hermann  Coming,  the  most  cel- 
ebrated German  scholar  of  this  period,  a  polyhistor,  who  excelled 
in  almost  every  department  of  human  knowledge,  professor  of 
medicine  and  political  science  at  Helmstedt  (d.  1GS1).  He 
composed  several  works  on  the  reformation  needed  in  the  Bo- 
man  Church,  on  the  desirability  of  a  union  of  all  the  Christian 
churches,  and  also  in  defense  of  Calixtus  and  the  University  of 
Helmstedt  against  the  charges  of  their  enemies. 

Calixtus  died  in  1656,  while  the  dispute  was  still  raging.  Af- 
ter his  death,  his  son,  Friedrich  Ulrich  Calixtus,  also  professor  of 
theology  at  Helmstedt  (d.  1701),  took  the  principal  part  in  de- 
fending his  father  and  carrying  on  the  controversy.  He  did  not, 
however,  possess  the  intellect  and  learning  of  the  latter ;  and  his 
zeal  in  behalf  of  his  father's  honor  not  unfrequently  led  him  to 
such  abusive  treatment  of  his  opponents  as  gave  the  controversy 
more  and  more  the  character  of  a  personal  quarrel. 

After  the  death  of  the  elder  Calixtus,  the  most  prominent 
among  the  professors  of  theology  in  Helmstedt  was  Joachim 
Hildebrand,  who,  although  he  took  little  part  in  the  controversy, 
rendered  valuable  service  to  the  cause,  in  the  spirit  of  George 
Calixtus,  in  the  department  of  ancient  Church  history,  lb' 
afterward  became  superintendent-general  at  Celle  (d.  1601).6 

Several  theologians  of  Konigsberg  were  also  charged  with 
Syncretism.  The  Elector  Frederic  William  had  a  high  regard 
for  the  tolerance  of  the  Calixtine  school,  and  desired  a  more 

5  Brcviarum  Theologiac,  1G48. 

6  Of  value  are  his  works  De  Priscae  Eeclesiac  Saeris  Publieis,  Templis  et  Diebus 
Festis ;  De  Precibus  Vcterum  Christ. ;  De  Nuptiis  et  Natalitiis  Veterum. 


PT.  III.— CH.  L— §  37.  HISTORY  OF  SYNCRETISTIC  CONTROVERSY.    273 

general  diffusion  of  their  principles  in  his  states  in  order  to 
mitigate  the  dissensions  between  the  Reformed  and  Lutheran 
theologians.  He  therefore  called  to  Konigsberg  two  pupils  of 
Calixtus,  Christian  Dreier  and  Johann  Latermann,  who  were, 
however,  there  violently  assailed  as  Syncretists.  Nevertheless, 
they  found  many  supporters,  and  Dreier  (d.  1688)  particularly 
did  much  to  disseminate  the  Calixtine  principles  in  Prussia.7 

One  of  the  more  important  incidents  of  the  controversy  was 
the  appearance  of  a  work  composed  by  Calovius,  Consensus  Re- 
petitus  Fidei  Yere  Lutheranae,  which  the  theologians  of  Elector- 
al Saxony  issued  against  the  Syncretists  as  a  public  and  solemn 
condemnation  of  their  errors.8  Their  intention  was  to  obtain 
for  this  work  symbolical  authority  in  the  Church.  It  was  sub- 
scribed by  all  the  theologians  in  the  two  universities,9  but  never 
obtained  any  more  general  authority — a  result  which  was  chiefly 
due  to  the  calm,  unpartisan  course  of  the  theologians  of  Jena  and 
of  Ducal  Saxony  in  general. 

Among  the  latter,  Salomon  Glassius,  previously  professor  at 
Jena,  then  superintendent-general  at  Gotha  (d.  1656),  enjo}Ted 
the  highest  reputation.  At  the  direction  of  his  sovereign,  Ernest 
the  Pious,  Duke  of  Saxe-Gotha,  he  published  an  opinion  upon  the 
controversy,  in  which  he  demonstrated  with  equal  impartiality 
and  thoroughness  that  the  disputed  points  were  unimportant, 
and  that  the  erroneous  doctrines  with  which  Calixtus  was  charged 
were  at  most  only  indiscreet  expressions.10  The  theologians  of 
Jena  maintained  this  impartiality  throughout  the  whole  contro- 
versy, although  they  thereby  incurred  the  enmity  of  the  theolo- 
gians of  Electoral  Saxony,  and  were  themselves  charged  by  the 
latter  with  many  errors. 

At  that  time,  the  leader  at  Jena  was  Johann  Musaeus,  a  theo- 
logian of  high  standing,  the  author  of  several  profound  dogmat- 
ical treatises,  in  particular  of  a  good  Introductio  in  Theologiam, 
1679  (d.  1681).  He  took  the  chief  part  in  the  composition  of 
the  detailed  declaration  in  which  the  theologians  of  Jena  denied 

7  Mandat.  pro  Syncretistis,  1676.  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1736,  p.  60.  Propositions  and 
counter-propositions  touching  five  points  of  controversy  in  Calovii  Hist.  Syncret. 
p.  885  ss. 

8  Calovii  Declaratio,  1678 ;  see  in  Winkler's  Anecdota,  i.  848. 

9  Also  theologians  of  Mecklenburg ;  Wigger's  Kirchengesch.  Mecklenburgs,  p.  205. 

10  In  the  year  1644:  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1738,  p.  41.  For  his  opinion,  published  in 
1662,  see  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1732,  p.  486. 

VOL.  V. — 18 


•2  74  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1W8-1814. 

the  charges  made  against  them,  and  afterward  followed  it  with  a 
scathing  review  of  the  Consensus  Repetitus,  which  the  theologi- 
ans of  Electoral  Saxony  wished  to  force  upon  the  Church,  lie 
thus  did  much  to  quiet  the  general  excitement. 

Finally,  the  Elector  of  Saxony  himself  became  weary  of  the 
disputes  of  his  theologians,  although  at  first  he  had  zealously 
supported  them  in  their  opposition  to  the  Syncretists.  When 
Calovius  published  his  Historia  Syncretistica,  16S2,  4to,  the 
Elector  had  it  suppressed,  and  it  was  therefore  secretly  repub- 
lished in  1GS5.  Notwithstanding  the  violence  of  this  work 
against  the  Syncretists,  it  is  valuable  on  account  of  the  numer- 
ous original  documents  contained  in  it.  It  was  also  the  last  im- 
portant work  in  this  controversy,  which  after  the  death  of  Calo- 
vius ceased  entirely.  But  the  two  different  schools,  the  Calixtine 
and  the  Electoral  Saxon,  continued  to  exist  in  the  universities ; 
the  former  being  characterized  by  moderation  and  tolerance  to- 
ward other  churches,  which  indeed  often  bordered  on  indiffer- 
entism,  the  latter  by  the  greatest  dogmatical  rigidity  and  pre- 
cision. 


§33. 

THE  EFFECT  OF  TnE  SYNCRETISTIC  CONTROVERSY  UPON  THE  RE- 
LATIONS OF  THE  LUTHERAN  AND  REFORMED  CHURCHES. 

After  the  Calixtinian  Controversy,  there  was  always  a  party 
in  the  Lutheran  Church  that  not  only  earnestly  desired  a  union 
with  the  Reformed,  but  also  regarded  it  as  feasible,  inasmuch  as 
the  points  of  difference  related  to  matters  comparatively  unes- 
sential. The  Ilelmstedt  theologians,  in  particular,  continued  to 
maintain  this  opinion. 

On  the  other  hand,  these  controversies  increased  the  hostility 
with  which  the  Reformed  were  regarded  by  their  opponents,  and 
in  many  places  it  appeared  more  openly  than  before.  This  was 
the  case  particularly  in  the  states  of  the  electorate  of  Branden- 
burg, of  which  the  rulers  were  Reformed,  while  the  great  major- 
ity of  the  subjects  were  Lutheran.  Most  of  the  Lutheran  cler- 
gymen in  that  country  had  been  educated  at  Wittenberg,  where 
they  had  imbibed  the  most  malignant  conceptions  respecting  the 
Reformed ;  for  in  Wittenberg  the  students  were  still  taught  to 
believe  that  the  Reformed  Church  had  fallen  into  the  grossest 


PT.  in.— CH.  I.— §  38.  EFFECTS  OF  SYNCRETISTIC  CONTROVERSY.   275 

errors,  that  it  was  unworthy  the  name  of  an  evangelical  Church, 
and  that  it  was  not  to  be  reckoned  as  belonging  to  the  Augsburg 
Confession.  Accordingly,  the  Lutheran  preachers  of  Branden- 
burg now  incessantly  assailed  the  errors  of  the  Reformed  from 
their  pulpits.  The  Elector  Frederic  William  therefore  finally 
decreed  that  no  theologian  who  had  studied  at  Wittenberg 
should  be  appointed  to  office  in  his  territories ;  and  soon  after- 
ward (1664)  took  measures  to  check  the  extravagant  polemics 
which  were  in  vogue  in  the  pulpits.1  He  forbade  the  practice 
of  attacking  the  other  Church  by  a  forced  construction  of  its 
symbols,  the  use  of  insulting  epithets,  and  the  abuse  of  the  so- 
often-recommended  tolerance  as  Syncretism.  Some  of  the  Lu- 
theran preachers  who  refused  to  submit  were  deposed  and  ban- 
ished, among  them  the  famous  sacred  poet  Paul  Gerhard. 

In  other  places,  also,  zealous  Lutherans  endeavored  to  demon- 
strate the  superiority  of  their  Church  to  the  Reformed.  Hector 
Gottfried  Masius,  chaplain  of  the  King  of  Denmark,  wrote  a 
work2  to  prove  that  Lutheranism  alone  could  give  security  to 
the  throne,  and  that  the  other  religions,  particularly  the  Re- 
formed, endangered  it.  He  thereby  became  involved  in  a  pro- 
tracted controversy  with  Reformed  theologians,  and  also  with 
Thomasius. 

The  result  was  that  at  that  time  the  Reformed  were  still  re- 
garded with  extreme  aversion  in  most  of  the  Lutheran  countries, 
so  that  all  connection  with  them  was  avoided,  and  marriages 
between  Lutherans  and  Reformed  were  considered  unlawful. 
When,  in  1689,  the  Lutheran  duke  William  of  Saxe-Zeiz  mar- 
ried a  Brandenburg  princess,  a  preacher  of  Magdeburg  actually 
published  a  work  declaring  such  marriages  unlawful  and  dan- 
gerous, which  gave  Thomasius  the  opportunity  for  a  sharp  refu- 
tation. 

1  His  edict  is  contained  in  the  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1736,  p.  51.  Opinions  respecting 
it,  ib.  1718,  pp.  238,  616,  620 ;  1736,  p.  158 ;  1750,  p.  499.  In  regard  to  previous  at- 
tempts at  union,  particularly  the  conference  at  Cassel  in  1661,  see  also  Unschuld. 
Nachr.  1727,  p.  1069;  1730,  p.  587. 

2  Interesse  Principuru  circa  Religionem  Evangelicam,  Hafn.  1687.  4. 


27G  FOURTH  PERIOD. -DIV.  II.-A.D.  164S-1S14. 


§39. 

CONVERSION  OF  LUTHERANS  TO  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  CONSE- 
QUENCE OF  THE  SYNCRETISTIC  CONTROVERSY. 

No  period  can  show  a  greater  number  of  distinguished  con- 
verts from  the  Lutheran  to  the  Catholic  Church  than  the  time 
during,  and  shortly  after,  the  Syncretistic  Controversy.  Many 
of  them,  it  is  true,  were  actuated  by  external  and  unworthy  mo- 
tives. But  it  can  not  be  denied  that  this  step  was  taken  by  not 
a  few  in  consequence  of  the  controversy  itself.  "Weary  of  the 
perpetual  conflicts  and  feuds  in  their  own  Church,  they  came  to 
regard  a  supreme,  decisive  authority,  like  the  Pope  in  the  Catho- 
lic Church,  as  indispensable.  Many,  also,  were  carried  over  by 
the  principles  of  Calixtus,  who  undeniably  imbued  his  pupils 
with  indifference  to  the  distinctive  doctrines  of  the  various 
churches.  Not  a  few  of  his  less  discerning  pupils  laid  great 
stress  upon  the  principle  that  salvation  was  possible  in  any  of 
the  churches ;  and,  when  they  fell  in  with  adroit  Catholic  theo- 
logians, were  entrapped  by  the  argumentum  a  tuto.  A  similar 
effect  was  produced  by  the  false  doctrine  of  Calixtus  that  the 
faith  and  practice  of  the  first  five  centuries  possessed  a  kind  of 
judicial  authority.  It  was  not  difficult  to  demonstrate  that  many 
of  the  peculiar  doctrines  and  practices  of  the  Catholic  Church 
which  the  Protestants  rejected  existed  as  early  as  these  centu- 
ries. Calixtus,  it  is  true,  was  too  well  acquainted  with  history 
not  to  perceive  the  essential  difference  between  the  modern  Ca- 
tholicism and  that  of  the  fifth  century ;  but  many  of  his  follow- 
ers were  misled  by  the  similarity  of  certain  customs  and  prac- 
tices, and  allowed  themselves  to  be  deceived  as  to  the  true  char- 
acter of  many  of  the  doctrines  of  the  later  Catholic  Church  by 
qualifying  explanations. 

The  consequence  was  that  not  a  few  who  belonged  to  the  Ca- 
lixtine  school  went  over  to  the  Catholic  Church  ;  and,  in  their 
published  apologies,  frequently  appealed  to  their  instructors  in 
justification  of  their  course,  urging  them,  in  accordance  with 
their  principles,  to  take  the  same  step.  The  opponents  of  Ca- 
lixtus were  therefore  not  wholly  wrong  in  asserting  that  his 
Syncretism  led  to  Catholicism,  although  mistaken  in  charging 
him  with  any  such  proclivities. 


PT.  III.— CH.  I.— §  39.  LUTHERANS  CONVERTED  TO  CATHOLICISM.  277 

The  first  remarkable  instance  of  this  sort  was  the  conversion 
of  John  Frederic,  Duke  of  Brunswick,  afterward  reigning  Duke 
of  Hanover.  While  he  was  traveling  in  Italy,  the  Jesuits  suc- 
ceeded in  converting  his  chaplain,  Blume,  who  had  previously 
been  a  professor  at  Helmstedt  Through  the  influence  of  the 
latter,  the  Duke  himself  was  brought  over  to  the  Catholic 
Church  (1651). 

Many  other  conversions  produced  a  great  sensation.  Chris- 
toph  Yon  Kantzow,  a  nobleman  of  Holstein,  who  had  studied 
theology  with  great  success  at  Helmstedt,  while  at  Home,  in 
1650,  was  converted  to  Catholicism.  He  afterward  went  so  far 
in  writings  against  Calixtus  as  to  endeavor  to  prove  the  agree- 
ment of  the  Catholic  Church  with  ancient  Christianity. 

Andreas  Fromm,  provost  at  Berlin,  joined  the  Catholic  Church 
in  1667,  and  received  a  parochial  charge  in  Bohemia.1  In  his 
explanation  of  this  step,  he  appealed  directly  to  the  theologians 
of  Helmstedt,  who,  as  he  said,  had  certainly  themselves  admitted 
that,  to  escape  from  the  perplexities  of  modern  theological  con- 
troversy, it  was  necessary  to  return  to  the  Christianity  of  the 
first  five  centuries.  This,  however,  was  to  be  found  only  in  the 
Catholic  Church. 

Matthaeus  Praetorius,  a  Prussian  clergyman,  also  went  over, 
in  1685.  In  a  wTork  published  in  consequence,  Tuba  Pacis,  he 
appealed  expressly  to  the  theologians  of  Ko'nigsberg.2 

Johann  Philip  Pfeiffer,  court-chaplain,  and  professor  at  Ko'n- 
igsberg, followed  in  1694. 

The  learned  Johann  Ernst  Grabe,  of  Konigsberg,  was  also  dis- 
posed to  take  this  step,  likewise  in  consequence  of  the  Calixtine 
doctrine  of  the  consensus  quinquesecularis.     He  was  dissuaded 


»  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1713,  p.  383 ;  1726,  p.  733.  It  has  been  asserted  that,  from  ha- 
tred to  the  Electoral  house,  he  wrote  in  revenge  the  prophecy  of  the  monk  Her- 
mann of  Lelmin;  see  V.  H.  Schmidt,  Die  Weissagung  der  Monchs  Hermann  von 
Lehnin  liber  die  Mark  Brandenburg  und  ihre  Regenten,  Berlin,  1820.  According  to 
Wilken,  in  Schmidt's  Allgem.  Zcitschr.  fur  Geschichte,  vol.  ix.  1846,  Seidel  was  the 
author;  according  to  Giesebrecht  (Die  Weissagung  von  Lehnin  und  Chr^Hemr. 
Delven)  the  last  named.  For  the  proof  of  this  authorship,  see  Gieseler :  Die  Leh- 
ninsehe  Weissagung  gesjen  das  Haus  Hohenzollern,  als  ein  Gedicht  des  Abtes  von 
Huvsburg  Nicolaus  von~Zitzwitz,  aus  dem  Jahre  1692,  nachgewiesen,  erklart  und  in 
Hinsicht  auf  Veranlassung  und  Zweck  beleuchtct,  Erfurt,  1819.  The  prophecy  ap- 
peared, complete  in  all  but  a  few  verses,  first  in  G.  P.  Schultz,  Das  Gclahrte  Preusseu, 
vol.  ii.  (Thorn,  1723).     See  Gieseler,  as  above,  p.  25. 

*  Des  Matth.  Praetorius  Aufruf  zur  Vereinigung,  iibersetzt  herausgegeben  von 
Binterim,  Aachen,  1822. 


278  FOURTH  PERIOD— 1)1  V.  II.—  A. D.  1G-1S-1S1-4. 

from  it,  however,  by  other  theologians,  particularly  Spener ;  but 
went  to  Englaud  and  joined  the  Episcopal  Church,  in  which  he 
believed  that  he  had  at  last  discovered  the  true  primitive  consti- 
tution of  the  Christian  Church.  He  resided  there  from  1700 
until  his  death,  in  1711,  as  a  private  individual,  supported  by  a 
pension  from  the  English  Queen,  and  completed  his  valuable 
works  on  Christian  antiquity.3 

The  following  sovereigns  also  went  over,  for  reasons  in  part 
unknown  : 

Ernest,  Landgrave  of  Hesse-Rheinfels,  was  converted  in  Vien- 
na by  a  Capuchin  in  1G52.4  Christine,  Queen  of  Sweden,  abdi- 
cated in  1051,  became  a  Catholic,  and  spent  the  remainder  of 
her  life  at  Rome  (d.  1GS9).  A  passion  for  singularity,  which 
was  otherwise  characteristic  of  her,  seems  to  have  been  her  prin- 
cipal motive,  for  she  afterward  treated  the  worship  of  the  Cath- 
olic Church  with  remarkable  indifference.  Frederic  Augustus, 
Elector  of  Saxony,  withdrew  from  the  Protestant  Church  in  1097, 
in  order  to  become  King  of  Poland,  but  at  the  same  time  gave 
the  country  satisfactory  guarantees  for  the  inviolability  of  its  re- 
ligious constitution.  His  conversion  was  planned  by  Jesuits  who 
were  secretly  residing  in  the  country.5 

3  His  edition  of  Irenocus. — Ed.  LXX.  Spicilegium  SS.  Patrum  Priorum  Saeculo- 
rum. 

*  Leibnitz  und  Landgraf  Ernst  von  Hessen-Rlieinfcls.  Ein  ungedruckter  Bricf- 
wcchscl  von  Chr.  von  Rommel,  Frankf.  a.  M.  1847,  2  vols.  8. 

5  Forstcr's  Hole  und  Cabinette  Europae  im  18.  Jahrh.  vol.  iii.  Relatio  eorum  quae 
circa  Professionem  Fidei  a  Scren.  Christina  evencrunt  Annalcs  Literarii,  Ilelmst. 
aim.  1783,  ii.  97.  Molmike,  Geschichte  des  ungarischen  Fluchformulars,  p.  103  sq. 
Grauert's  Christine,  Konigin  von  Schwedcn,  und  ihr  Hof,  Bonn,  1S3C.  Aug.  Theincr, 
Geschichte  dcr  Zuriickkehr  dcr  regicrenden  Hiiuser  von  Braunschweig  und  Sachscn 
in  den  Schooss  der  katholischen  Kirehe,  Eiusiedelu,  1843 — with  many  documents. 
Soldan,  Proselytismus  in  Sachsen  und  Braunschweig,  Leipzig,  1845,  p.  79  sq.  Cypri- 
an, Ursprung  und  Wachsthum  des  Papstthums,  541. 


PART  III— CH.  I.— §  40.  RESULTS  OF  THE  CALIXTINE  PRINCIPLES.  279 

§  40. 

LATER  RESULTS  OF  THE  CALIXTINE  PRINCIPLES. 

Planck's  Geschicbte  der  protestantischen  Theologie,  p.  314. — The  Maycnce  Propo- 
sals of  Union  of  1060  in  Gruber,  Cornmerc.  Litter.  Leibnitii,  i.  411  ss.  Moser's  Pa- 
triot. Archiv,  v.  277  sq.  Art.  Boyneburg,  in  Erscb,  Encycl.  xii.  177.  De  Com- 
mercio  Epistolico  Leibnitiano  circa  reconciliandarnm  Ecclesiarum  Protestantium 
Opus:  Annal.  Litter.  Helmst.  ann.  17S4,  i.  385.— Proposals  of  Union  in  1673  :  Un- 
schuld.  Nachr.  1718,  p.  947  sq.  Imperial  authorization :  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1753, 
p.  888. — Soldan,  Dreissig  Jahre  des  Proselytismus  in  Sachsen  und  Braunschweig, 
Leipzig,  1845. 

1.  PACIFICATORY  NEGOTIATIONS  OF  SPINOLA  AND  BOSSUET  WITH 
MOLANUS  AND  LEIBNITZ. 

The  strikingly  liberal  sentiments  which  so  many  Lutheran 
theologians  cherished  toward  the  Catholic  Church  were  well 
calculated  to  excite  the  hope  among  the  Catholics  that  they 
would  now  be  able  to  labor  with  greater  success  than  formerly 
for  the  reclamation  of  the  Lutheran  Church.  Especial  efforts 
were  made,  with  this  end  in  view,  by  Christopher  Rojas  de  Spi- 
nola,  Bishop  of  the  Neustadt  (ISTew  Town)  in  Vienna.  After  the 
year  1676,  he  traveled  with  the  strictest  secrecy,  and  under  dif- 
ferent names,  through  the  countries  where  he  was  most  hopeful 
of  influencing  the  theologians,  particularly  the  Brunswick  prin- 
cipalities, where  he  was  received  with  especial  favor  at  the  Han- 
overian court.  The  most  eminent  theologian  of  that  country 
was  Gerhard  Walter  Molanus,  Abbot  of  Loccum,  a  pupil  of  G. 
Calixtus,  who  had  adopted  all  the  Syncretistic  principles  of  his 
instructor ;  but,  less  sagacious  than  he,  did  not  perceive  the  dan- 
gers of  a  union  with  the  Catholics.1  After  the  negotiations  of 
Spinola,  Molanus  drew  up  an  opinion.2  He  held  the  union  to 
be  practicable  and  desirable,  and  believed  that  it  was  only  nec- 
essary that  the  two  parties  should  come  to  an  agreement  as  to 
the  authoritative  sources  of  belief.  With  respect  to  this  point, 
he  assigned  the  first  place  to  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  the  second 
to  the  Church's  interpretation  of  the  same. 

Then,  he  thought,  they  must  convince  each  other  by  mutual 
explanations  that  they  were  agreed  in  the  essentials  of  their  be- 

1  F.  U.  Calixtus's  negotiations  with  him,  1683 :  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1713,  p.  379 ;  1729, 
p.  600.  The  bishop's  proposals,  ib.  p.  742.  The  Emperor  Leopold's  letter  of  1701  to 
the  Pope  in  Winckler's  Anecd.  i.  307. 

2  Regulae  circa  Christianorum  Omnium  Ecclesiasticam  Reunionem,  in  OZuvres  de 
Bossuet  ed.  Versailles,  xxv.  205  (1817). 


2S0  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1048-1814. 

lief,  and  that  they  held  no  unchristian  errors.  The  differences 
in  harmless  matters  of  opinion  must  be  mutually  allowed;  and, 
notwithstanding  these,  they  could  unite,  leaving  the  settlement 
of  them  to  a  council  to  be  convened  at  some  future  time.  The 
communion  under  both  forms,  and  the  marriage  of  priests,  were 
to  be  still  conceded  to  the  Protestants,  and  no  abjuration  of  er- 
rors to  be  required  from  them. 

Spinola,  however,  was  sent  by  the  Emperor  with  a  new  com- 
mission to  Hungary  and  Transylvania  to  treat  with  the  Prot- 
estants of  those  countries  (1691)  ;3  and  now  the  celebrated  Bos- 
suet  was  called  to  take  part  in  the  negotiations  with  Molanus. 
The  reigning  Duchess  of  Hanover,  Sophia,  a  daughter  of  the 
unfortunate  Elector  Frederic  V.  of  the  Palatinate,  had  a  sister 
Louisa  who  had  become  a  Catholic  in  France,  and  was  Abbess 
of  Maubuisson.  The  latter,  a  friend  and  admirer  of  Bossuet,  no 
sooner  heard  of  the  negotiations  between  Spinola  and  Molanus 
than  she  induced  her  sister  to  make  Bossuet  a  party  to  them.  A 
correspondence  was  now  carried  on  with  the  greatest  secrecy 
between  Molanus  and  Bossuet,  in  which  Leibnitz  also  afterward 
participated  (1691-169-i).4  But  although  Molanus  was  almost 
too  compliant,5  the  negotiations  led  to  no  result.  Bossuet  would 
not  listen  to  a  union  between  the  two  churches,  unless  the  Protest- 
ants would  formally  adopt  the  doctrines  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
although  upon  other  points  he  made  many  concessions,  e.  g.,  the 
communion  under  both  forms,  the  marriage  of  priests,  and  even 
the  formal  recantation. 

Subsecpiently,  at  the  direction  of  Duke  Anton  Ulrich  of  Bruns- 
wick-Wolfenbiittel,  Leibnitz  re-opened  the  correspondence  with 
Bossuet  (1699-1701),  but  again  without  result.6 

3  Unsclmld.  Naekr.  1721,  p.  224  sq. 

*  Leibnitz,  at  the  very  beginning,  as  early  as  1679,  was  favorable  to  the  union, 
Winckler's  Anecd.  i.  504.  Excursus  on  Leibnitz's  political  proposals  of  union  in 
Leibnitz's  German  writings,  edited  by  G.  E.  Guhrauer,  vol.  i.  (Berlin,  1838),  1st  sup- 
plement. On  the  Systema  Theol.  ib.  vol.  ii.  suppl.  p.  55.  Soldan,  p.  04.  Pertz, 
in  Schmidt's  Zeitschrift  fur  Geschiehtc,  Juli,  1846,  p.  65.  Leibnitz  und  Landgraf 
Ernst  von  Hessen-Rheinfels,  Briefwechsel,  herausgegeben  von  Rommel.  Correspou- 
denz  zwischen  Leibnitz,  dem  Jansenisten  Arnanld  und  Landgraf  Ernst,  herausgege- 
ben von  Grotcfend,  1846. 

5  The  opinions  of  Molanus  and  Leibnitz  of  169S,  Winckler's  Anecd.  i.  312.  The 
strange  will  of  Molanus,  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1738,  p.  633;  complete,  1701,  p.  309. 

6  Fried ensbenehmen  zwischen  Bossuet,  Leibnitz  und  Molanus,  Sulzbach,  1815. 
Documents  and  letters  in  Quivrcs  de  Bossuet,  Versailles,  1817,  t.  xxv.  and  xxvi. 
Ilistoirc  de  Bossuet,  par  De  Bausset  (2d  ed.  1819),  iv.  145. 


PART  III— CH.  I.— §  40.  RESULTS  OF  THE  CALIXTLNE  PRINCIPLES.  281 


2.  CONVERSION  OF  THE  BRUNSWICK  PRINCESS  CHRISTINE  ELISABETH, 
AND  HER  GRANDFATHER,  THE  REIGNING  DUKE  ANTON  ULRICH,  TO 
THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 

In  these  negotiations  for  union,  the  courts  of  Brunswick  and 
Leibnitz  had  reckoned  especially  upon  the  pacific  disposition  of 
the  Helmstedt  theologians ;  and  they  had  therefore  been  very 
careful  to  appoint  none  but  theologians  of  the  school  of  Calixtus 
to  positions  in  that  university.  But  these  theologians  now  com- 
mitted an  error  which  was  justly  regarded  throughout  the  whole 
Lutheran  Church  as  extremely  offensive. 

The  granddaughter  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick- Wolf enbiittel, 
the  Princess  Christine  Elisabeth,  was  to  be  married  to  the  King 
of  Spain,  Charles  III.,  afterward  the  Emperor  Charles  VI. ;  and 
it  was  required  that  she  should  enter  the  Catholic  Church.7  This 
she  was  at  first  reluctant  to  do ;  but  was  persuaded  by  the  repre- 
sentation that  she  would  not  change  her  religion,  but  only  her 
communion  ;  and  the  marriage  took  place  in  the  year  1708. 
Opinions  were  requested  from  a  great  number  of  theologians 
respecting  the  propriety  of  this  step.  They  all  pronounced 
against  it  with  the  exception  of  the  Faculty  of  Helmstedt,  who, 
with  certain  qualifications,  defended  it.8  The  author  of  the  latter 
opinion,  Johann  Fabricius,  had  already  endeavored,  in  other  writ- 
ings, to  show,  in  the  spirit  of  Calixtus,  the  unimportance  of  many 
doctrines  hitherto  regarded  as  essential.  These  views  were  not 
without  their  beneficial  effect  at  a  time  when  an  exaggerated 
value  was  attached  to  certain  dogmatical  formulas ;  but  the  con- 
clusion which  he  drew,  that  the  difference  between  the  churches 
was  unimportant,  was  plainly  false.  For  surely,  if  certain  arti- 
cles of  belief  are  unessential  and  to  be  decided  by  the  individual 
conscience,  it  is  wrong  to  sacrifice  personal  liberty  by  accepting 
and  swearing  to  certain  definitions  of  them  as  the  only  right  ones 
with  no  inward  conviction  of  their  truth. 

The  opinion  of  the  Faculty  of  Helmstedt,  which,  contrary  to 
the  wishes  of  the  authors,  was  made  public,  was  the  more  offens- 

7  Soldan,  p.  183.  Anton  Ulrich  unci  Elisabeth  Christine  von  Braunschweig-Liine- 
burg-Wolfenbiittel.  Eine  durch  archivalische  Documente  begriindete  Darstellung 
ihres  Uebertritts  zur  romischen  Kirche,  von  W.  Hoeck,  Wolfenbuttel,  1845.  Mola- 
nus's  opinion,  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1722,  p.  556. 

8  Moser's  Patriotisches  Archiv,  vol.  xi.  No.  1.  Kirchenzeit.  1827,  p.  1545.  Fabri- 
cius's  opinion,  Unschuld.  Nachr.  174S,  p.  970. 


282  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  104S-1S14. 

ive  because  the  Brunswick  court-chaplains  were  simultaneously 
dismissed  for  having  opposed  the  above-mentioned  change  of  re- 
ligion.9 The  general  indignation  was  expressed  with  great  ve- 
hemence, and  the  Syncretistic  Controversy  threatened  to  break 
out  with  fresh  violence,  although  Fabricius  and  the  theologians 
of  Ilelmstedt  declared  that  their  opinion  had  been  published  in 
a  falsified  form.  Fabricius,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  all  offense, 
resigned  his  academical  office  in  1709,  and  was  appointed  super- 
intendent of  the  schools  in  Brunswick.  He  devoted  his  leisure 
to  the  composition  of  his  valuable  Historia  Bibliothecae  Fabrici- 
anae,  Wolfenb.  1714  sq.  6  vols.  4to.  But  by  that  time  the  theo- 
logians were  fully  occupied  with  the  Pietistic  Controversy,  and 
he  did  not  attract  their  attention. 

An  event  even  more  remarkable  was  the  conversion  of  the  old 
duke  Anton  Ulrich  (then  more  than  seventy  years  old),  which, 
however,  did  not  cause  the  slightest  change  in  the  religious  con- 
stitution of  the  country.10 


§  41. 

OTHER  EMINENT  THEOLOGIANS  OF  THE  LUTHERAN  CHURCH  DUR- 
ING THIS  PERIOD. 

In  all  the  departments  of  theology  except  dogmatics,  those  the- 
ologians were  most  eminent,  and  rendered  the  most  valuable  ser- 
vices to  science,  who  took  no  part  in  the  prevalent  controversies. 

In  Biblical  philology,  Johann  Vorstius  carried  forward  with 
distinguished  success  the  work  begun  by  Glassius.  At  first  rector 
of  the  school  at  Flensburg,  he  afterward  entered  the  Reformed 
Church,  and  became  rector  of  the  gymnasium  of  Berlin  and  su- 
perintendent of  the  Electoral  library  (d.  1676).  He  was  an  excel- 
lent philologist,  and  in  a  comprehensive  treatise  first  demonstra- 
ted the  Oriental  character  of  the  New  Testament  dialect.1 

Among  the  exegetes,  two  distinguished  theologians  of  this  pe- 
riod are  deserving  of  especial  mention.     Martin  Geier,  professor 

9  S.  von  Spilckcrs  und  Brbnncnbcrgs  Yatcrliindisches  Archiv  fur  hannoverisch- 
braunschweigischc  Geschichtc,  Liim-burg,  1S:>J,  No.  3,  p.  444.  Cf.  the  letters  of 
Anton  Ulrich  in  the  Hamb.  Vermischte  Bibl.  vol.  i.  No.  5,  p.  SG4. 

10  Ho  desired  the  restoration  of  the  cup  to  the  laity,  but  without  success.  Gcr- 
des,  Serin,  vii.  113. 

1  Philologia  Sacra,  Leydcn,  1058.  Republished  under  the  title  Commentarius  do 
Hcbraismis  Novi  Test,  cura  J.  F.  Fischer,  Lips.  1778. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I.— §  41.  EMINENT  LUTHERAN  THEOLOGIANS.  283 

of  theology  at  Leipsic,  afterward  chief  chaplain  of  the  court  at 
Dresden  (d.  16S0),  was  the  author  of  commentaries  on  the  Psalms, 
Daniel,  Proverbs,  and  Ecclesiastes.  They  are  the  best  commen- 
taries on  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  which  appeared  during 
this  period — copious,  abundantly  supplied  with  critical  grammat- 
ical explanations,  and  free  from  the  dogmatical  and  polemical 
applications  which  were  usual  at  that  time.2 

Also,  Sebastian  Schmidt,  professor  of  theology  at  Strasburg 
(d.  1696).  His  translation  of  the  Bible3  is  verbally  accurate  and 
free  from  obscurity,  although  it  contains  many  errors.  In  addi- 
tion to  this,  he  left  commentaries  upon  most  of  the  books  of  the 
Bible.4 

In  Church  history,  Christian  Kortholt,  professor  of  theology 
and  chancellor  of  the  university  at  Kiel,  attained  distinction 
(d.  1694).  Although  he  wrote  several  apologies  for  his  Church, 
in  reply  to  Catholic  writers,  he  never  took  part  in  the  internal 
disputes  of  the  Lutheran  Church,  but  rendered  more  valuable 
service  by  monographs  on  Church  history  and  ecclesiastical  ar- 
chaeology.5 

Among  the  dogmatic  theologians,  Johann  Andreas  Quenstedt, 
professor  at  Wittenberg,  ranks  next  to  Calovius  (d.  16SS).  His 
Theologia  Didactico-polemica,  16S5,  like  the  Wittenberg  school, 
from  which  it  proceeded,  is  characterized  by  a  rigid,  intolerant, 
heresy-seeking  orthodoxy.  The  author  was  advanced  in  years 
when  he  wrote  it,  and  wished  to  make  it  the  depository  of  the 
results  of  his  theological  investigations.  The  prolixity  and  gar- 
rulousness  of  age  can  be  readily  recognized  in  it ;  but,  in  spite  of 
all  these  faults,  it  displays  great  learning  and  profound  thought. 
The  dogmatic  theology  of  David  Hollaz,  provost  and  pastor  at 
Jacobshagen,  in  Pomerania  (d.  1713),  is  not  of  equal  literary 
value.6 

2  Opp.  1695,  Amsterd.  2  vols.  fol. 

3  Strasburg,  1696. 

4  The  most  valuable  are  those  on  the  books  of  Joshua,  Judges,  Samuel,  Job,  Jere- 
miah, Hosea,  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  the  First  Epistle  of  John.  Others 
were  published  by  his  pupils  after  his  death,  and  are  unimportant. 

5  Particularly  by  the  works  De  Calumniis  Paganorum  in  Veteres  Christianos ;  De 
Persecutionibus  Ecelesiae  Primaevae ;  Disquisitiones  Anti-Baronianae. 

6  His  Examen  Theologicum  is  a  synopsis  of  the  larger  works  of  Gerhard,  Calovius, 
and  Quenstedt  in  catechetical  form,  and  in  itself  of  no  especial  merit.  It  was  partic- 
ularly designed  for  the  preparation  of  candidates  for  examination,  and  for  this  rea- 
son was  very  popular  and  frequently  reprinted. 


284  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 


II.— FROM  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  PIETISTIC  CONTROVERSY 
UNTIL  1760. 

Planck's  Geschichtc  der  protestantischen  Theologie,  p.  180. 

§  42. 

THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONTROVERSY. 

During  the  Syncretistic  Controversy  the  one-sided  dogmatism 
of  the  so-called  orthodox  school  was  strikingly  manifest.  It  ap- 
peared, from  the  zeal  with  which  they  maintained  the  importance 
of  all  the  distinctive  doctrines  of  the  Lutheran  Church,  as  if  all 
that  was  necessary  to  make  a  man  a  good  Christian  was  that  he 
should  be  a  firm  adherent  of  that  system.  The  moral  influences 
of  Christianity  were  ignored  in  this  controversy;  and  even  in 
preaching  it  was  more  usual  to  discuss  theological  themes  from 
their  polemical  side  than  to  give  them  a  practical  moral  applica- 
tion. The  better  preachers  of  the  day  could  not  but  be  sensible 
of  this  fault ;  and  now  Spener,  like  Arndt  and  Andreae  in  earlier 
times,  came  into  prominence  through  his  efforts  to  correct  the 
prevalent  deficiency.1 

Philip  Jacob  Spener  was  born  in  1G35  in  Alsace ;  was  at  first 
a  preacher  at  Strasburg,  and  in  1G66  was  called  to  Frankfort- 
on-the-M ain  as  senior  of  the  evangelical  pastors.  He  was  deeply 
impressed  with  the  fact  that  the  sermons  of  the  day,  which  were, 
for  the  most  part,  composed  of  dogmatic  disquisitions  and  violent 
attacks  upon  those  of  differing  opinions,  could  be  of  little  profit 
to  the  people.  He  accordingly  endeavored  to  give  them  an  in- 
telligible and  edifying  form,  wholly  avoiding  the  controversial 
terminology,  and  adhering  to  the  simple  language  and  ideas  of 
the  Bible.  He  also  brought  the  catechetical  exercises,  which 
were  then  entirely  neglected  by  the  clergymen  and  left  to  the 
school-teachers,  again  into  repute.  Although  under  no  obli- 
gation to  do  so,  he  undertook  the  catechisations  himself,  and 
thus  infused  new  life  into  this  important  department  of  instruc- 
tion. 

In  order  to  exert  a  greater  influence  over  his  congregation,  he 

1  Forerunners  of  Spener :  Walcli,  Streitigkciten  der  luthcrischen  Kirche,  iv.  1066. 
Spener  laments  the  prevalent  atheism :  Schelhoru,  Ergotzlichkeit,  ii.  IDS — a  revul- 
sion from  previous  superstition,  p,  203. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I.— §  42.  THE  PIETISTIC  CONTROVERSIES.      285 

began  in  1670  to  hold  private  meetings  in  his  own  house,  colle- 
gia pietatis,  in  which  he  repeated  his  sermons,  expounded  pas- 
sages from  the  New  Testament,  and  also  gave  those  present  an 
opportunity  to  make  inquiries  and  express  their  own  opinions. 
Finally,  he  made  known  his  views  respecting  the  necessity  of  a 
reformation  of  the  public  instruction  in  the  Lutheran  Church  in 
a  work  entitled  Pia  Desideria,  which  first  appeared  (1675)  as  the 
introduction  to  a  new  edition  of  Joh.  Arndt's  Sermons,  but  was 
afterward  considerably  enlarged,  and  published  separately.  His 
especial  object  in  this  book  was  the  reformation  of  the  clergy. 
He  said  that  most  of  the  preachers  regarded  religion  as  a  mere 
matter  of  the  understanding,  and  believed  that  they  fulfilled 
their  obligations  if  they  were  able  to  defend  the  orthodox  doc- 
trines against  their  opponents,  while  upon  themselves  their  relig- 
ion had  no  moral  influence ;  that  they  were  unacquainted  with 
personal  piety,  and  consequently  could  not  awaken  it  in  the 
hearts  of  their  congregations.  He  desired  that  the  system  of 
education  for  the  prospective  clergymen  in  the  universities  should 
be  remodeled ;  and  that  instead  of  occupying  their  time,  as  had 
hitherto  been  the  case,  almost  exclusively  with  dogmatics  and 
polemics,  the  effort  should  also  be  made  to  awaken  in  them  a 
spirit  of  personal  piety ;  for,  he  declared,  only  a  regenerate 
man  possesses  the  true  theology.  Without  the  new  birth  it 
might  be  possible  to  attain  to  a  philosophy  of  divine  things,  but 
not  to  a  theology.  He  insisted  upon  a  reformation  not  only  of 
the  clerical  profession,  but  of  all  the  other  walks  of  life,  for  the 
purpose  of  reviving  the  spirit  of  vital,  inward  Christianity.  All 
were  under  obligations  to  assist  and  edify  each  other  in  this  re- 
spect. In  order  to  emphasize  this  point,  he  called  particular  at- 
tention to  the  often-repeated  declaration  of  Luther  that  all  Chris- 
tians are  entitled  to  participate  in  the  spiritual  priesthood,  not- 
withstanding the  fact  that  certain  individuals  are  appointed  by 
the  Church  for  its  regular  administration. 

This  work  of  Spener  attracted  universal  attention.  However 
much  it  may  have  wounded  the  feelings  of  many  at  the  time,  its 
complaints  and  the  wishes  it  expressed  were  too  just  to  be  openly 
contradicted.  A  great  number  of  clergymen  cordially  embraced 
the  sentiments  of  Spener,  and  endeavored  to  co-operate  with  him 
in  his  plans.  Collegia  pietatis  were  introduced  in  other  places ; 
but  they  were  immediately  strenuously  opposed  by  not  a  few  of 


286  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A. D.  164S-1S14. 

the  theologians  ;  and  it  is  possible  that  in  some  cases  there  were 
disorders  which  gave  cause  for  complaint.3 

Spener's  reputation,  however,  steadily  increased,  and  in  16S6 
he  was  called  as  chief  court-chaplain  to  Dresden,  where  he  en- 
tered a  more  extensive,  but  at  the  same  time  more  dangerous, 
sphere  of  labor ;  for  he  now  came  to  the  country  where  the  zeal 
for  the  orthodoxy  of  the  letter  had  reached  the  highest  pitch. 
He  there  rendered  many  important  services,  securing,  in  particu- 
lar, the  general  introduction  of  catechetical  examinations  in  the 
Saxon  electorate.  lie  next  endeavored  to  bring  about  a  reform 
in  the  method  of  theological  instruction  in  the  national  universi- 
ties. At  Leipsic,  things  had  gone  so  far  that  the  students  were 
taught  scarcely  any  thing  except  dogmatics,  polemics,  philosophy, 
and  homiletics.  For  many  years  there  had  been  no  lectures  on 
exegesis.  Spener  procured  the  issue  of  an  order  to  the  theolog- 
ical faculty  requiring  the  resumption  of  the  exegetical  lectures, 
but  thereby  incurred  their  displeasure.  About  this  time  three 
young  masters  of  arts  in  Leipsic — August  Hermann  Francke, 
Johann  Caspar  Schade,  and  Paul  Anton — began,  in  the  manner 
of  Spener,  to  give  lectures  in  German  on  the  books  of  the  Bible, 
not  for  the  sake  of  learned  exposition,  but  simply  for  the  purpose 
of  awakening  and  stimulating  genuine  piety.3  These  collegia 
pictatis  were  largely  attended  both  by  students  and  citizens; 
but  aroused  the  displeasure  of  all  the  other  clergymen  in  Leipsic, 
who  discovered  much  that  was  dangerous  in  these  meetings,  and 
feared  that  the  pure  doctrine  might  thereby  be  imperiled.  The 
seemingly  austere  life  introduced  by  these  young  men  and  their 
followers,  together  with  their  abstinence  from  all  kinds  of  amuse- 
ment, were  regarded  as  fanaticism,  and  the  nickname  Pietists4 
was  invented  to  designate  them.  For  these  reasons  an  effort  was 
made  to  have  the  lectures  prohibited,  which  object  was  accom- 

2  On  Spener's  idea  de  ecclesiolis  in  ccdesia  furmandis  there  are  some  remarkable 
passages  from  the  theological  opinions  in  Spangenberg's  Lcben  dea  Grafen  von 
Zinzendorf,  p.  234.  Also,  Theol.  Bcdenkcn,  i.  034  sq. ;  and  Consilia  Latina,  iii. 
517.  Against  separation  from  the  external  fellowship  of  the  Church,  lie  wrote 
Der  Klagen  iibcr  das  vcrdorbenc  Christenthum  Missbrauch  nnd  rechter  Gebrauch, 
Frankfurt,  1684.  (3d  ed.  1696)  12.  Bartholdt,  Die  Erweckten  im  protestant  Deutsch- 
land  wahrend  des  Ausgangs  des  17.  nnd  der  ersten  Iliilfte  des  18.  Jahrh.  besonders 
der  fromme  Grafenhof,  in  Raumer'a  Historisches  Taschcnbuch,  1852  und  1853.  Spe- 
ner's Life  by  Knapp,  in  the  "  Biograph,"  iv.  127.  Philipp  Jac.  Spener  u.  s.  Zeit, 
von  Hossbach,  2  vols.  Berlin,  1*28  (1st  ed.). 

3  Illgen,  Hist.  Collegii  Philobiblic!  Lipsensis,  5  vols.  4. 
*  Already  given  in  Frankfort,  Planck,  p.  189. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I.— §  42.  THE  PIETISTIC  CONTROVERSIES.      287 

plished  after  a  legal  investigation  ;  and  in  1691  the  three  mas- 
ters left  Leipsic. 

Spener  was  unable  to  do  any  thing  in  their  behalf,  because  he 
had  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  Elector  by  the  freedom  with 
which  he,  as  confessor,  had  censured  the  morals  of  the  latter.  He 
was  consequently  himself  desirous  of  a  change,  and  in  1691  ac- 
cepted a  call  to  Berlin  as  provost  and  preacher. 

In  Leipsic,  Christian  Thomasius  had  been  a  defender  of  August 
Hermann  Francke  against  the  attacks  of  his  opponents,  and  by 
many  other  acts  and  utterances  had  there  incurred  great  enmity. 
He  was  accordingly  compelled,  in  1690,  to  leave  Leipsic.  He 
went  to  Berlin,  and  thence  to  Halle,  where  he  was  instrumental 
in  founding  a  new  university.  The  court  of  Brandenburg  fa- 
vored this  step,  because  hitherto  most  of  the  Lutheran  theologians 
of  Brandenburg  had  been  obliged  to  study  in  Leipsic  and  Wit- 
tenberg (Frankfort  and  Duisburg  being  Reformed,  and  Konigs- 
berg  too  distant),  where  they  imbibed  a  spirit  of  intolerance  and 
partisan  hostility  toward  the  Reformed.  A  theological  faculty, 
however,  organized  under  the  direction  of  Spener,  promised  bet- 
ter things.  The  theological  professorships  were  filled  entirely  in 
accordance  with  his  suggestions ;  and  thus  it  happened  that  Au- 
gust Hermann  Francke  and  Paul  Anton,  together  with  Joachim 
Justus  Breithaupt,  were  invited  thither.  Halle  now  became  the 
principal  seat  of  the  Pietists,  as  they  were  called,  against  whom 
the  most  violent  opposition  arose  from  Wittenberg  and  Leipsic. 
After  Spener  had  left  Saxony,  it  was  no  longer  thought  neces- 
sary there  to  spare  him,  and  he  and  his  party  were  accused  of 
innumerable  errors.  The  hostility  to  the  Pietists  and  their  new 
university  was  increased  by  the  fact  that  Wittenberg  and  Leip- 
sic, deprived  of  the  Brandenburg  students,  now  noticeably  lost 
ground.  Accordingly,  two  parties  once  more  arose  in  the  Lu- 
theran Church — the  Pietists,  Hallensians,  or  Spenerians,  and  the 
Orthodox  or  Wittenberg  party. 


288  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1814. 

§  43. 

CHARACTERISTICS  OF  TOE  PIETISTS.— THE  CHARGES  MADE  AGAINST 
THEM  BY  THE  ORTHODOX. 

Ncumcister,  Kurzer  Auszug  dcr  Spcnerschen  Irrthiimer,  1727. — J.  U.  Chr.  Koppen, 
Reine  Lchrc  unci  Unscuuld  Spcners,  Berlin,  1727  (Unschuld.  Nachr.  1730,  p.  1103 
sq.). — Pictistische  Bcwcgungen  in  Harburg,  von  Klose,  in  Nicdncr's  Zeitscnr. 
1853,  ii.  204. 

The  essential  difference  between  the  school  of  Spener  and  the 
so-called  Orthodox  consisted  in  this,  that  the  former  regarded 
Christianity  as  pre-eminently  a  matter  of  the  heart  and  will,  and 
holiness,  or  the  inward  regeneration  through  God's  grace,  as  its 
necessary  fruit;  while  the  Orthodox,  on  the  other  hand,  had  trans- 
formed Christianity  almost  entirely  into  a  formal  theology  or 
system  of  speculation.  Upon  this  difference  were  based  all  the 
charges  which  were  made,  not  unfrequently  after  an  extremely 
unfair  interpretation  of  their  principles,  against  the  Pietists. 

The  school  of  Spener  deviated  in  no  respect  from  the  Luther- 
an orthodoxy,  but  attached  little  value  to  subtle  doctrinal  dis- 
tinctions ;  and  particularly  insisted  that  the  symbolical  books,  as 
of  human  composition,  must  be  always  carefully  distinguished 
from  the  sole  divine  source  of  faith,  the  Holy  Scriptures.  They 
declared  that  only  a  mind  enlightened  by  the  Holy  Spirit  could 
interpret  the  Bible ;  that  genuine  Christianity  was  the  result  of 
such  an  interpretation  alone ;  that  human  philosophy  had  no 
right  to  intermeddle  with  theology ;  and  that  from  such  inter- 
meddling the  prevailing  demoralization  had  arisen.  They  ac- 
cordingly set  a  comparatively  low  estimate  upon  the  necessity 
and  utility  of  the  symbolical  books.  Some  also  had  scruples 
about  swearing  to  them ;  but  no  one  was  willing  to  question 
their  ecclesiastical  authority.  The  charge  of  disregard  for  the 
symbolical  books,  made  against  them  by  the  Orthodox,  was  conse- 
quently unjust.  The  course  of  the  latter,  however,  who  unduly 
exaggerated  the  importance  of  these  books,  calling  them  divine, 
inspired  of  God,  and  infallible,  was  truly  censurable. 

Among  the  Spenerian  principles  there  was  one  which  gave 
especial  offense  to  the  Orthodox — viz.,  that  the  theology  of  the 
unregenerate  was  no  true  theology.  Spener  did  not,  of  course, 
deny  that  an  unregenerate  man  could  comprehend  the  truths  of 
religion,  so  far  as  they  are  expressed  by  the  understanding  in 


PART  III— CHAP.  L— §  43.  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  PIETISTS.    289 

ideas,  and  that  therefore  his  theology  could  be  logically  cor- 
rect: but  he  was  unwilling  that  any  but  the  vital,  fruit-bear- 
ing knowledge  of  divine  things  should  be  called  true  theology. 
The  Orthodox,  on  the  other  hand,  insisted  that  an  unregenerate 
man  could  also  possess  the  true  theology,  and  might  be  capable 
of  being,  to  a  certain  degree,  enlightened.  The  unconverted 
teachers,  they  declared,  could  exercise  their  office  as  beneficially 
as  the  converted,  in  virtue  of  the  official  grace  imparted  to  them 
{gra  t  la  m  in  isterialis). 

The  school  of  Spener  insisted  particularly  that  the  faith  of  jus- 
tification must  be  a  living  faith,  and  accompanied  by  good  works. 
The  prevalent  abuse  and  misconception  of  faith  as  a  mere  assent 
to  the  Orthodox  system l  made  it  all  the  more  necessary  to  em- 
phasize this  point.  The  Orthodox,  on  the  contrary,  went  so  far 
as  to  assert  that  the  faith  of  justification  itself  was  not  yet  liv- 
ing, and  had  no  connection  with  good  works.  They  sought  to 
make  it  appear  that  the  Pietists  taught  justification  by  works. 

The  followers  of  Spener,  considering  sanctification  an  indis- 
pensable condition  of  redemption,  were  very  strict  in  their  moral 
principles.  They  wished  to  have  the  whole  life  regarded  as  a 
continuous  worship  of  God ;  and  held  all  worldly  recreations 
and  amusements  (dances,  games,  plays,  fashions  in  dress,  feasts, 
jesting),  which  were  usually  considered  acliaphora,  or  things  in- 
different, to  be  unlawful.  The  Orthodox,  on  the  other  hand, 
countenanced  these  things.2 

Finally,  another  harmless  opinion  of  Spener  was  counted  as 
one  of  the  grossest  of  errors.  He  hoped  that  a  more  glorious  pe- 
riod of  the  Church  was  to  come  when  the  Jews  would  be  con- 
verted and  the  Papacy  overthrown.  This  better  time  was,  as  he 
believed,  expressed  in  the  Apocalypse  under  the  figure  of  the 
Millennium  (although  it  was  not  to  last  precisely  a  thousand 
years  nor  to  be  an  earthly  kingdom,  since  these  expressions 
were  only  to  be  taken  figuratively).  He  was  accordingly 
charged  with  Chiliasm. 

1  Dogmatical  liberality  of  the  Pietists,  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1707,  p.  234,  467;  1708, 
p.  495;  1709,  p.  52;  1710,  p.  522. 

3  Spener  did  not  declare  the  adiapJwra  in  themselves  sinful;  but,  as  they  now  ex- 
isted in  the  actual  world,  true  Christians  would  not  participate  in  them,  because 
they  were  connected  with  so  many  sins,  and  it  was  difficult  to  avoid  contamination. 
Tet  it  must  be  left  to  the  judgment  and  conscience  of  each.  Some  of  his  pupils, 
however,  went  much  further,  and  did  great  harm  by  their  extravagance  and  legal 
strictness.  Cf.  Spener,  Consilia  Theolog.  ii.  113.  Letzte  theol.  Bedenken,  iii.  710. 
VOL.  V. — 19 


290  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

There  were  also  many  other  subjects  of  dispute  between  the 
two  parties.  The  collegia  pi etatis,  meetings  held  by  the  Spene- 
rians,  in  addition  to  the  public  divine  service,  were  condemned 
by  the  Orthodox  as  injurious,  and  conducive  to  erroneous  belief. 
And  because  the  Spenerians  judged  the  elder  mystics  mildly, 
and  respected  them  for  their  Christian  spirit,  although  admit- 
ting their  errors,  they  were  placed  in  the  same  category  with 
them.  The  followers  of  Spener  desired  that  polemics  should  be 
banished  from  the  pulpits,  and  the  practical  exposition  of  the 
Scriptures  again  be  made  the  chief  end  of  preaching;  they  en- 
deavored particularly  to  awaken  repentance  as  the  preparation 
for  the  divine  grace,  and  the  enlightenment  which  that  grace 
produces.  The  main  object  of  the  old  preachers,  on  the  contrary, 
had  been  the  so-called  elenchus  of  unbelievers;  and  they  there- 
fore found,  in  the  new  style  of  preaching,  culpable  indifference 
to  error.  All  sorts  of  heresies  were  imputed  to  the  followers  of 
Spener  by  their  opponents,  who  compared  them  now  with  the 
Platonists,  now  with  the  Schwenkfeldians,  Socinians,  Anabap- 
tists, etc. 

§  44. 

FANATICS  IN  THE  LUTHERAN  CHURCH,  AND  THEIR  RELATION  TO 
THE  PIETISTS. 

Shortly  before,  and  during,  the  Pietistic  Controversy,  many 
fanatics  made  their  appearance  in  the  Lutheran  Church.1  This 
fact  was  injurious  to  the  Pietists,  partly  because  they  did  not  con- 
demn these  men  as  severely  as  the  Orthodox  (Spener,  for  instance, 
was  unwilling  to  condemn  Jacob  Bohme),  and  made  a  distinction 
between  their  pious  disposition  and  their  errors;  partly  because 
many  of  these  fanatics  manifestly  had  a  certain  affinity  to  the 
Pietists.  This  gave  the  Orthodox  an  opportunity  to  attack  them 
still  more  vehemently,  and  to  place  Pietism  in  the  same  category 
with  these  forms  of  fanaticism.  And,  indeed,  it  can  not  be  de- 
nied that,  especially  later,  many  of  these  men  found  their  way 
into  the  ranks  of  the  Pietists,  and,  to  some  extent,  disseminated 
their  opinions  among  them,  although  the  original  spirit  of  Piet- 
ism had  nothing  akin  to  fanaticism. 

Quirinus  Kuhlmann,  from  Breslau,  whose  mind  had  become 
deranged  through  the  influence  of  Bohme's  writings,  wandered 
1  Interview  with  a  Pietist  of  Casscl,  1G97:  Winckler's  Aneedota,  i.  G77. 


PART  III— CHAP.  I.— §  44.  FANATICS  IN  THE  LUTHERAN  CHURCH,  ogj 

about  Europe  endeavoring  to  found  the  fifth  monarchy  of  the 
saints,  and  declaring  that  he  was  a  prince  of  God.  He  was 
burned  at  Moscow,  16S9.2 

Johann  Georg  Gichtel,  a  jurist  of  Ratisbon,  abandoned  his 
country  and  office  at  an  early  day,  and  privately  gathered  a  par- 
ty about  him  in  Holland.  He  derived  his  opinions  from  Bohme's 
writings,  but  desired  to  be  himself  greater  than  Bohme.  His 
chief  object  was  to  found  a  priesthood  after  the  order  of  Mel- 
chisedek.  These  priests  were  to  live,  like  the  angels,  without 
marriage  and  labor,  that  they  might  be  able  by  their  prayers  to 
appease  the  wrath  of  God  over  the  sins  of  the  world,  and  to 
change  it  to  love  and  beneficence.  Gichtel  died  in  1710.3  His 
followers,  Gichtelians  or  Angel  Brothers,  not  only  survived  long 
in  Holland,  but  traces  of  them  were  subsequently  discovered  in 
several  places  in  Germany. 

These  two  fanatics  and  their  adherents  deviated  so  much  from 
the  doctrines  of  the  Bible  that  the  Pietists  could'not  in  any  way 
be  confounded  with  them ;  but  there  were  two  others  who  did 
them  much  harm. 

Johann  Wilhelm  Petersen  had  been  superintendent  at  Lime- 
burg,  but  was  deposed,  and  died  on  his  estate  near  Zerbst  in  1727. 
He  taught  Chiliasm  and  Restorationism,  i.  e.,  the  return  of  all 
things,  even  of  the  reprobate,  to  their  original  condition.  His 
idea  of  the  Millennium  was  visionary  and  extremely  sensual.  As 
he  was  acquainted  with  Spener,  who  judged  him  very  mildly, 
and  about  the  same  time  first  gave  expression  to  his  hope  of  the 
better  times,  which  subjected  him  to  the  charge  of  Chiliasm, 
Petersen  and  Spener  were  often  classed  together  as  agreeing  in 
their  principles,  although  Spener,  it  was  allowed,  expressed  him- 
self with  more  caution  and  delicacy. 

Johann  Conrad  Dippel  was  born  in  Darmstadt,  and  in  his  ear- 
lier days  taught  at  Giessen.  He  afterward  attacked  the  Lutheran 
Church  with  violence  and  ridicule,  roamed  about  in  every  direc- 
tion, was  imprisoned  for  a  time  in  Denmark,  and  died  in  1734  at 
the  Castle  of  Wittgenstein.  By  his  "chemical  theology"  he  at- 
tached himself  entirely  to  the  school  of  Bohme,  and,  like  him,  de- 
sired the  abolition  of  all  the  external  institutions  of  the  Church.4 

2  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1711,  p.  755 ;  1748,  p.  965. 

3  Id.  1758,  p.  212, 315, 489, 657,  791,  878;  1759,  p.  63, 161. 

*  Id.  1726,  p.  1030;  1729,  p.  1033.     Klose,  on  Dippel,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.  1851, 


092  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  II.— A.D.  1048-1814. 

Gottfried  Arnold  was  far  less  extravagant  than  Dippel,  but 
devoted  to  a  fanatical  mysticism.  Born  in  Saxony,  he  was  per- 
sonally acquainted  with  Spener,  and  a  diligent  attendant  at  his 
collegia pietatis  in  Dresden.  He  became  professor  of  history  at 
Giessen,  but  resigned  his  position  in  1G9S  because  he  could  no 
longer  endure  the  state  of  affairs  in  that  university.  Through 
Spener's  influence  he  was  appointed  ecclesiastical  inspector  at 
Perleberg  in  the  March  (d.  1714). 

He  differed  from  the  school  of  Spener,  for  which  he  otherwise 
had  a  high  regard,  in  many  fanatical  opinions,  which  are  ex- 
pressed at  length  in  his  work  Geheimniss  der  gottlichen  Sophia. 
Most  remarkable  is  his  history  of  the  Church  and  of  heresy,  the 
chief  aim  of  which  is  the  disparagement  of  the  Orthodox  and 
the  defense  of  the  so-called  heretics  as  the  only  representatives 
of  true  Christianity.5  Arnold's  opinions,  also,  were  commonly 
ascribed  by  the  Orthodox  to  the  whole  party  of  the  Pietists.6 


§  45. 

THE  MOST  EMINENT  ADHERENTS  AND  OPPONENTS  OF  THE  SCHOOL 

OF  SPENER. 

The  Spenerian  school  produced  few  theologians  of  distinguish- 
ed learning.  Its  chief  object  was  to  awaken  Biblical  Christian- 
ity within  itself.  Science  was  valued  only  as  contributing  to 
this  end.  The  Spenerians  attached  great  importance  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  original  languages  of  the  Bible,  and  did  good 
service  by  breaking  up  the  exclusive  study  of  scholastic  theolo- 
gy ;  but  they  contented  themselves  with  simple,  practical  exposi- 
tion, better  adapted  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  heart  than  the  re- 
quirements of  scientific  theology,  and  did  not  enter  into  the  in- 
vestigation of  historical  questions.  By  the  prominence  which 
they  gave  to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  and  their  freedom  from 
prejudice  with  respect  to  the  dogmatic  system  of  the  Church, 

i'li.  4G7.     [Gobcl,  Geschichtc  des  cbristliclicn  Lcbcus  in  der  rheiuisch-westphiilischen 
ev.  Kircbe,  3  vols.  18G0.] 

5  Published  in  the  year  1699,  Frankfort-on-thc-Main,  2  vols.  fol.  G.  Arnold,  L'His- 
torien  de  l'Eglise,  par  A.  Riff,  Strasbourg,  1S47.  [Gottf.  Arnold,  Eine  Couferenz, 
Zeit.  fur  hist.  Thcol.  1871,  3-36.] 

6  With  regard  to  the  excesses  of  separatism  and  fanaticism  in  the  county  of  Witt- 
er n-tcin,  particularly  the  fearful  depravity  of  Eva  von  Buttlar  and  the  Buttlar  gang, 
see  M.  Gobefs  Geschichtc  des  christliehen  Lebeus  in  der  rheinisch-'westphalischeu 
ev.  Kirehe,  ii.  73G  sq. 


PT.  III.-CH.  I.— §  45.  ADHERENTS  AND  OPPONENTS  OF  SPENER.     293 

they  prepared  the  way  for  a  more  scientific  treatment  of  the  Bi- 
ble, although  not  themselves  able  to  commence  it. 

Among  the  most  eminent  theologians  of  this  school  who  took 
part  in  the  controversy  with  the  Orthodox,  Philip  Jacob  Spener 
himself  holds  the  first  place  (d.  1705).  lie  wrote  several  works 
in  defense  of  his  principles.1 

Next  comes  August  Hermann  Francke,  the  pious  founder  of 
the  Orphan  House  at  Halle,  a  very  large  institution  which  he 
established  entirely  from  charitable  contributions.  By  his  zeal 
and  active  piety  Francke  acquired  an  influence  and  respect  in 
the  Protestant  Church  such  as  few  theologians  have  ever  pos- 
sessed, which  enabled  him  to  do  much  to  disseminate  the  prin- 
ciples of  Spener.  The  thousands  who  were  educated  in  the 
schools  of  the  Orphan  House,  and  studied  at  the  University  of 
Halle,  were  there  gained  for  the  cause  of  Pietism,  and,  in  the 
positions  which  they  afterward  occupied,  spread  its  principles  far 
and  wide.2  The  Bible  Society  connected  with  the  Orphan  House, 
which  was  established  by  Baron  von  Canstein,  also  advanced  the 
cause  by  securing  a  more  general  circulation  of  the  Bible  than 
had  previously  been  possible.  Francke  died  in  1727.  He  also 
was  subjected  to  various  attacks  from  the  side  of  the  Orthodox.3 

Most  of  the  Spenerian  theologians  maintained  a  very  temper- 
ate attitude  in  this  controversy,  and  only  defended  themselves 
when  they  were  assailed.  A  distinguished  exception,  on  account 
of  the  multitude  and  acrimony  of  his  controversial  writings,  was 
Joachim  Lange,  after  1709  professor  at  Halle  (d.  1744).4 

Among  the  opponents  of  the  Pietists  were  counted  all  the 
theologians  of  Wittenberg  and  Leipsic.  After  the  beginning  of 
the  eighteenth  century  the  principal  leader  was  Valentin  Ernst 
Loescher,  from  1709  superintendent  at  Dresden  (d.  1749),  a  man 
who  made  valuable  contributions  to  modern  Church  history.5 

1  Among  his  writings  may  be  mentioned,  Theologische  Bedenken,  1700  sq.  4  vols. 
4.— a  collection  of  opinions  on  questions  of  theology  and  Church  government,  con- 
taining many  valuable  plans  for  reform. 

2  Der  Pietismus  in  Wurtemberg.  Eine  historische  Skizze,  von  K.  F.  Nanz,  Stutt- 
gart, 1841. 

3  Especially  on  account  of  his  Observationes  Biblicae,  in  which  he  made  some  mod- 
est propositions  for  the  improvement  of  several  passages  in  Luther's  translation  of 
the  Bible. 

*  Here  belong  particularly  his  Antibarbarus  Orthodosiae  ;  Gestalt  des  Kreuzrei- 
ches  Christi  in  seiner  Unschuld,  etc. 

5  By  his  Vollstandige  Reformationsacta,  1720  sq.  3  vols.  4.  and  Historia  Motuum 
between  the  Lutherans  and  Reformed,  1717  sq.  3  vols.  4. 


294  FOURTH  PEKIOD.— DIV.  II.— A. D.  1G4S-1S14. 

Besides  publishing  a  great  number  of  smaller  works  against  the 
Pietists,  he  established,  in  1701,  a  periodical  for  the  purpose  of 
opposing  them,  Unschuldige  Nachrichten  von  alten  und  neuen 
theologischen  Sachen,  which  also  contains  much  other  valuable 
information.6 

At  last  the  two  courts  interfered  to  end  the  controversy.  The 
Dresden  government  prohibited  the  use  of  the  name  Pietists,  and 
forbade  Loescher  to  continue  the  publication  of  the  Unschuldige 
Nachrichten  (1720).  This  action  did  not,  indeed,  reconcile  the 
parties,  but  the  controversial  writings  became  less  frequent. 
The  attention  of  the  theologians  was  soon  turned  in  a  different 
direction  by  the  appearance  of  Wolfs  philosophy,  and  in  the 
universal  interest  excited  thereby  this  controversy  subsided. 
The  principles  of  Spener  long  continued  to  prevail  in  Halle,  and 
from  that  centre  were  extended  over  a  great  part  of  Protestant 
Germany.  To  this  school  unquestionably  belongs  the  credit  of 
having  revived  the  study  of  the  Bible;  restored  theology  to  its 
Scriptural  basis,  from  which  it  had  become  separated  in  its  po- 
lemic development ;  and  made  religion  once  more  a  matter  of 
the  heart  and  will,  whereas  it  had  been  reduced  almost  entirely 
to  a  matter  of  the  understanding. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  can  not  be  denied  that  the  Halle  school 
made  not  a  few  hypocrites.  A  rigid,  external  type  of  piety  soon 
began  to  be  insisted  upon,  and  all  the  pupils  were  forced  to  con- 
form to  it.  The  result  was  that  many  simulated  the  piety  which 
they  did  not  possess.  The  collegia  jyietctiis,  which  were  imitated 
in  other  places,  were  also  the  source  of  much  mischief.  Loqua- 
cious and  ambitious  persons  often  obtained  the  management  of 
them,  and  perverted  them  to  the  gratification  of  their  own  vanity ; 
not  unfrequently  they  were  fanatics  who  circulated  their  fanat- 
ical opinions.  These  meetings  fostered  indifference  to  the  pub- 
lic services  of  the  Church,  particularly  in  congregations  where 
the  preachers  were  popular  with  the  upper  classes.  They  also 
produced  a  sectarian  spirit  which  looked  down  upon  all  who  did 
not  belong  to  the  sect  as  mere  worldlings,  and  consequently  did 
more  to  prevent  than  to  promote  Christian  charity.     The  result 

6  The  most  complete  refutation  of  the  Pietists,  and  also  of  importance  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  controversy,  is  his  Timotheus  Verinus,  2  vols.  8.  Wittcnb.  1718,  p.  21.  Va- 
lentin Ernst  Loescher  nach  sciuem  Lcben  und  Wirken,  von  Moritz  von  Engelhardt, 
•-M  ed.  Stuttgart,  185G. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I.— §  46.  MODERATE  LUTHERAN  THEOLOGIANS.  295 

was  that  in  most  countries  these  conventicles  were  soon  prohib- 
ited. 

§46. 

MORE  MODERATE  THEOLOGIANS  IN  THE  LUTHERAN  CHURCH. 

Even  during  the  Pietistic  Controversy  some  of  the  Lutheran 
theologians  had  maintained  an  intermediate  position  between 
the  two  extremes  of  the  conflicting  parties.  They  recognized 
the  excessive  tendency  to  speculation,  and  the  tyrannical  intoler- 
ance of  strange  opinions  which  prevailed  among  the  Orthodox ; 
and  were  equally  sensible  of  the  clangers  which  the  Pietists  in- 
curred by  the  prominence  which  they  gave  to  emotion  in  relig- 
ion, their  extravagances  in  religious  services,  and  their  neglect  of 
learning.  The  theologians  of  Jena  deserve  respectful  mention 
in  this  particular,  especially  Buddeus,  one  of  the  most  learned 
and  eminent  theologians  of  his  times.  After  the  excitement  of 
the  controversy  had  subsided,  more  moderate  views  prevailed, 
and  most  of  the  Lutheran  theologians  occupied  a  middle  ground, 
where  they  endeavored  to  avail  themselves  of  the  merits  and 
avoid  the  faults  of  both  parties.  The  Pietistic  Controversy  was 
consequently  very  beneficial  to  the  Lutheran  Church.  It  pre- 
vented theology,  which  was  degenerating  into  a  barren  scholas- 
ticism, from  falling  into  total  decay,  and  gave  a  new  impulse  to 
the  almost  entirely  neglected  study  of  the  Bible.  It  also  re- 
stored dogmatic  theology,  in  a  measure,  to  its  Scriptural  basis, 
gave  a  fuller  development  to  its  practical  side,  and  freed  it  of 
many  useless  subtleties.  At  the  same  time,  the  partisan  Church 
history  of  Gottfried  Arnold,  by  its  paradoxical  statements,  awak- 
ened new  interest  in  the  study  of  historical  theology.  When, 
not  long  afterward,  Wolf  appeared  with  his  new  philosophical 
system,  he  found,  it  is  true,  numerous  opponents  among  the  the- 
ologians; but  there  were,  notwithstanding,  many  to  employ  his 
discoveries  in  the  interests  of  dogmatic  theology,  and  to  him  par- 
ticularly belongs  the  credit  of  having  stimulated  the  theologians 
to  an  acute,  perspicuous,  systematic  development  of  their  subjects. 
Thus,  from  the  period  of  the  Pietistic  Controversy  down  to  the 
time  when  the  theological  sciences  received  a  new  impulse  and 
direction,  there  is  an  unbroken  line  of  eminent  theologians  who 
cultivated  and  elucidated  the  various  departments  of  theology 
witli  thoroughness  and  diligence. 


29G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1048-1814. 

In  Biblical  literature,  particularly  that  of  the  New  Testament, 
valuable  service  was  rendered  by  Johann  Christoph  Wolf,  pro- 
fessor of  theology  at  Wittenberg,  afterward  preacher  at  Ham- 
burg (d.  1730).  While  at  Wittenberg  he  opposed  the  Pietists, 
and  wrote  against  them  ;]  but  afterward  found  fault  merely  with 
their  style,2  and  took  no  further  part  in  the  controversy.3 

Likewise  Christian  Schoettgen,  rector  of  the  Kreuzschule  at 
Dresden  (d.  1751),4  and  Johann  Albert  Bengel,  who  was  attracted 
to  Pietism  in  his  early  days  by  the  writings  of  Arndt,  Gerhard, 
and  Francke,  and  remained  true  to  its  principles  during  his  whole 
life.  He  was  abbot  and  counselor  of  the  consistory  in  Wiirtem- 
berg  (d.  1753).  His  chief  claim  to  distinction  was  that  he  was 
the  founder  of  New  Testament  criticism  in  the  Lutheran  Church.5 

Valuable  contributions  to  Old  Testament  literature  were  made 
by  Johann  Ileinrich  Michaelis,  professor  of  the  Oriental  lan- 
guages and  theology  at  Halle,  a  friend  of  Francke,  whose  Obser- 
vations Biblicae  he  helped  to  defend  (d.  173S),6  and  Christian 
Benedict  Michaelis  (d.  17G4) ;  also,  Johann  Gottlob  Carpzov,  pro* 


1  The  Absurda  Tlalcnsia,  1707. 

2  Cf.  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1716,  p.  96. 

3  His  Curae  Philologicac  et  Crit.  in  Nov.  Testamentum,  1732,  4  vols.  4.,  contain  a 
collection  of  the  best  interpretations,  and  are  still  very  useful.  Also  his  Biblio- 
theca  Hebraiea,  1715  sq.,  4  vols.  4.,  is  the  most  complete  work  on  Hebrew  literature. 
He  made,  besides,  several  contributions  to  Church  history :  Historia  Bogomilorum ; 
Manichaeismus  ante  Manichaeos;  edition  of  Theophilus  Antioch.  ad  Autol.  1724  sq. 

*  Horae  Hebraicae  et  Talmud,  in  Nov.  Testamentum,  1733, 2  vols.  4.  Also  his  lexi- 
con (Nov.  Lex.  in  Nov.  Testamentum)  was  far  more  valuable  than  any  which  had 
preceded  it. 

5  Previously  it  had  been  usual  to  follow  the  text  of  the  Elzevir  editions  without 
investigation.  The  pious  Bengel  found  in  other  editions  numerous  different  read- 
ings, and,  becoming  alarmed  as  to  the  certainty  of  the  text,  was  led  from  conscien- 
tious motives  to  revise  it.  His  New  Testament  with  an  Apparatus  Crit.  1734.  4. ; 
the  Apparatus  much  enlarged,  1703.  4.  Although  very  cautious  in  the  changes  which 
he  made,  he  was  violently  assailed  on  account  of  them.  As  an  expounder  of  the 
New  Testament,  Bengel  was  by  no  means  unprejudiced;  he  found  every  where  em- 
phases  which  the  ordinary  rules  of  grammar  were  not  sufficient  to  explain.  But  his 
Gnomon  Novi  Testamenti,  1759.  4.,  contains  many  good  philological  observations. 
He  paid  particular  attention  to  the  Apocalypse,  and  in  his  Erklarte  Offenbarung  Jo- 
bannis,  1740,  actually  claimed  to  have  deciphered  the  history  of  the  future  to  the 
end  of  the  world.  His  example  in  this  respect  did  much  harm,  and  led  many  to  be- 
lieve in  these  signs  of  the  Apocalypse.  His  Life,  in  Fresenius's  Pastoral-Sammlun- 
gen,  xv.  367. 

6  Biblia  Hebraiea,  1720,  with  various  readings  and  some  marginal  notes.  Annota- 
tiones  Uberiores  in  Ilagiographos,  3  vols.  4.  The  best  commentaries,  however,  on 
the  Proverbs,  Lamentations,  and  Daniel  are  by  Christian  Benedict  Michaelis,  nephew 
cd' the  above,  and  his  successor  as  professor  of  the  Oriental  languages  and  theology 
at  Halle,  a  far  more  learned  man  than  the  former,  whose  disquisitions  are  still  valu- 
able. 


PART  III— CHAP.  I.— §  46.  MODERATE  LUTHERAN  THEOLOGIANS.  297 

fessor  of  Hebrew  at  Leipsic,  afterward  superintendent  at  Liibeck 
(d.  1767).7 

Numerous  theologians  devoted  themselves  especially  to  Church 
history.  Among  them  was  Johann  Franz  Buddeus,  professor  of 
theology  at  Jena  (d.  1729),  a  man  familiar  with  almost  all  the 
departments  of  theology,  who  possessed  at  once  profound  philo- 
sophical and  extensive  historical  learning.  His  work  on  dog- 
matics, to  which  he  was  the  first  to  give  the  name  Theologia 
Dogmatica,  maintained  a  happy  medium  between  the  extremes 
of  the  then  conflicting  parties,  avoided  unnecessary  speculations, 
and  carefully  developed  the  Scriptural  basis  and  the  history  of 
doctrines,  yet  with  no  lack  of  philosophic  accuracy.8 

Also,  Johann  Alb.  Fabricius,  professor  in  the  gymnasium  at 
Hamburg  (d.  1736),  who  was  conversant  with  all  the  branches  of 
archaeology,  and  rendered  exceedingly  valuable  service  in  eccle- 
siastical antiquities.9 

Christoph  Matthaeus  Pfaff,  professor  of  theology  and  chancel- 
lor at  Tubingen,  afterward  at  Giessen  (d.  1760),  was  eminent  in 
canon-law  and  Church  history.  He  was  the  first  scholar  in  the 
Lutheran  Church  to  furnish  a  thorough  discussion  of  the  former,10 
and  to  the  latter  he  made  many  separate  contributions.11 

Johann  Lorenz  von  Mosheim,  professor  of  theology,  first  at 
Helmstedt,  then  at  Gottingen,  where  he  was  also  chancellor  of 
the  university  (d.  1755),  is  one  of  the  most  distinguished  theolo- 
gians of  his  times.  He  was  the  author  of  valuable  works  in  all 
the  departments  of  theology,  also  in  dogmatics  and  ethics ;  but 
particularly  in  two,  Church  history  and  pulpit  oratory,  he  ex- 
celled all  his  contemporaries.  His  method  of  treating  Church 
history  introduced  a  new  era.     His  numerous  works  upon  that 

7  Critica  Sacra  Vet.  Test.  1728.  4.  Introcluctio  ad  Libros  Can.  Bibliorum  Vet.  Test. 
1721,  3  vols.  4.  As  far  as  the  Church  system  applies  to  these  sciences,  it  is  strictly 
followed.  Otherwise,  these  works  are  learned  and  accurate,  and  contain  many  orig- 
inal researches,  e.  g.,  on  the  old  versions. 

8  Among  his  numerous  other  works,  which  include  a  collection  of  short  treatises, 
Miscellanea  Sacra,  the  principal  are  the  Historia  Ecclcs.  Vet.  Test.,  2  vols.  4.,  and  Isa- 
goge  Historico-Theologica  ad  Theologiam  Universam,  a  compendium  of  the  history 
of  the  theological  sciences — both  still  valuable. 

9  By  the  publication  of  several  old  ecclesiastical  works,  Codex  Pseudepigraphus 
Vet.  Test.  2  vols. ;  Codex  Apocryphus  Nov.  Test.  3  vols. ;  Bibliotheca  Ecelesiastica ; 
Salutaris  Lux  Evangelii  Toti  Orbi  Exoriens. 

10  In  his  work  De  Originibus  Juris  Ecclesiastici. 

11  His  Introductio  in  Historiam  Theologiae  Litterariam,  3  vols.  4.,  is  very  valuable 
for  the  literature  of  theology. 


298  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1814. 

subject  are  distinguished  as  much  for  their  thorough  research  as 
for  their  pragmatical  spirit  and  beautiful  style.12  lie  could  write 
German  with  quite  as  much  elegance  as  Latin  ;  his  Yersuch  einer 
grundlichen  Ketzerhistorie  being  one  of  the  first  finely  written 
German  works.  As  a  pulpit  orator  Mosheim  occupied  the  first 
place  in  the  Lutheran  Church.  lie  formed  his  style  after  En- 
glish and  French  models.  The  influence  of  the  latter  can  be 
plainly  seen  in  the  frequent  overburdening  of  his  discourses  with 
rhetorical  figures ;  but  he  never  loses  sight  of  the  chief  objects 
of  preaching,  instruction  and  edification  ;  and  his  sermons  are 
consequently  distinguished  for  clearness,  practical  relation  to  life, 
and  adherence  to  the  Scriptures.13 

Johann  Georg  Waleh,  professor  of  theology  at  Jena  (d.  1775), 
a  man  of  great  learning,  but  lacking  in  acuteness  and  original 
research,  published  many  useful  compilations  in  the  departments 
of  theological  literature  and  Church  history.14 

Among  the  dogmatic  theologians  of  this  period,  the  most  em- 
inent are  those  who  applied  the  philosophy  of  Wolf  to  theol- 
ogy. When  Wolf  first  appeared  in  Halle  with  his  system,  he 
was  not  only  attacked  (and  finally  driven  away)  by  the  theologi- 
ans of  that  place,15  who  were  in  general  hostile  to  all  philosophy, 
but  also  by  the  Orthodox  party,  who  wished  to  maintain  the  Ar- 
istotelian philosophy.  Gradually,  however,  his  system  was  adopt- 
ed by  some  of  the  theologians  and  applied  to  dogmatics.  Among 
these  were  Canz,  in  Tubingen  (d.  1753) ;  Reinbeck,  provost  in 
Berlin  (d.  1741) ;  Schubert,  professor  at  Ilelmstedt  and  after- 
ward at  Greifswalde  (d.  1774).  But  no  one  went  so  far  as  Ja- 
cob Carpov,  director  of  the  gymnasium  at  Weimar  (d.  1767),  who 
in  his  Dogmatics  endeavored  to  demonstrate  the  whole  system  of 
doctrine  by  the  reason,  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  Wolf. 
His  work  made  a  great  sensation  at  first,  but  was  soon  forgotten. 

The  most  distinguished  dogmatician  of  this  period  was  Sieg- 
mund  Jacob  Baumgarten,  professor  of  theology  at  Halle  (d.  1757), 
a  man  of  profound  philosophical  thought  and  extensive  learning, 

12  Particular  mention  should  be  made  of  his  Institutiones  Historiae  Ecclesiasticae, 
still  one  of  the  best  works  of  this  sort,  and  Connnentarii  de  Rebus  Christianorum 
ante  Constantinum  Magnum. 

13  Ileilige  Redcn,  6  vols.  8.  1765. 

14  Bibliotheca  Theologiea  Sclecta,  4  vols.  8.  Bibliotheca  Patristiea,  edition  of 
Luther's  works,  24  vols.  4.  Einleitung  in  die  Religionsstreitigkeiten  der  evangel.- 
luther.  Kirehe,  5  vols.  4. 

15  Particularly  by  Joachim  Lange. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I.— §  47.  ATTEMPTS  AT  UNION.  299 

who  also  made  valuable  contributions  to  history,  particularly  the 
history  of  literature.16  His  most  important  works  were  the 
Evangelische  Glaubenslehre17  and  Untersuchung  theologischer 
Streitigkeiten.18  From  the  study  of  Wolf's  philosophy  Baum- 
garten  derived  his  careful  systematization,  accurate  definition  of 
conceptions,  and  strictly  logical  argumentation.  These  features 
are  characteristic  of  all  Baumgarten's  works,  particularly  of  the 
two  just  mentioned.  Both  are  unequaled  of  their  kind,  and  the 
polemic  theology  is  remarkable  for  the  correct  presentation  of 
the  opinions  of  others,  the  faithful  statement  of  their  arguments, 
and  the  rigid  logic  of  the  refutations.  His  published  opinions19 
upon  theological  subjects  are  also  very  instructive  on  account  of 
their  references  to  contemporaneous  history,  and  their  thorough 
discussion  of  various  vexed  questions  in  dogmatics  and  ecclesi- 
astical law. 

From  the  school  of  Baumgarten  proceeded  several  eminent 
theologians  who  aided  in  the  foundation  of  the  new  theology. 
Baumgarten,  it  is  true,  adhered  strictly  to  the  traditional  theolo- 
gy, and  most  of  his  pupils  followed  his  example.  But  the  more 
distinguished  men  of  his  school  were  stimulated  to  independent 
thought  and  research,  and  opened  new  lines  of  thought,  which 
led  to  new  discoveries. 

§  47. 

ATTEMPTS  AT  UNION  BETWEEN  THE  REFORMED  AND  LUTHERAN 

CHURCHES. 

Rudelbach's  Reformation,  p.  610. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  there  were  already 
many  theologians  in  the  Lutheran  Church  who  favored  a  union 
with  the  Reformed,  and  there  was  consequently  a  better  pros- 
pect for  success  in  the  negotiations  for  union  than  in  the  case  of 
those  instituted  in  the  seventeenth  century.  The  theologians  of 
Helmstedt  and  their  followers  were  particularly  partial  to  such 
a  union,  and  the  school  of  Spener  were  also  not  averse  to  it. 
Spener,  indeed,  had  scruples  about  the  decretum  absolutum,  and 

16  By  his  Nachr.  von  einer  hall.  Bibliothek  und  Nachr.  von  merkw.  Biickero. 

17  Halle,  1759,  3  vols.  4. 

18  It  appeared,  1762,  in  3  vols.  4. 

19  Theologische  Bedenken.    In  all,  nine  collections. 


300  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

regarded  it  as  a  dangerous  error ;  but  be  believed  a  union  possi- 
ble, inasmuch  as  the  two  churches  appealed  to  a  common  stand- 
ard of  faith,  the  Holy  Scriptures,  while  with  respect  to  the  many 
doctrines  upon  which  they  could  not  unite,  he. held  that  they 
must  exercise  mutual  toleration.1  The  only  reason  why  Spener 
and  his  followers  took  no  more  active  part  in  the  subsequent  ne- 
gotiations was  that,  being  already  involved  in  so  many  contro- 
versies, they  were  not  willing  to  increase  them  for  fear  of  caus- 
ing a  division  in  the  Church. 

In  this  desire  for  union  several  of  the  sovereigns  also  partici- 
pated. The  House  of  Brandenburg  had  long  favored  a  union 
upon  political  grounds,  inasmuch  as  it  was  itself  Reformed,  while 
the  great  majority  of  its  subjects  were  Lutherans.  Under  Fred- 
eric I.,  Leibnitz  had  exerted  great  influence,  particularly  with 
the  learned  queen  Sophia  Charlotte,  and  the  ensuing  efforts  for 
union  are  said  to  have  been  largely  due  to  him. 

One  of  the  first  indications  of  Frederic's  disposition  was  that, 
on  his  acceptance  of  the  crown,  in  1701,  he  appointed,  for  his  cor- 
onation and  anointment,  his  two  court-chaplains,  Bernhard  von 
Sanden  and  Benjamin  Ursinus,  to  the  office  of  bishop.2  This 
was  evidently  a  step  in  the  direction  of  the  English  Church, 
with  the  intention  before  long  of  entering  into  negotiations 
with  that  Church  also.  Soon  afterward  conferences  of  Luther- 
an and  Reformed  theologians  were  actually  held  in  Berlin  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  a  union  betw.een  the  two  churches.  The 
negotiations  were,  however,  soon  suspended  (1703).  One  of  the 
Lutherans  engaged  in  the  conference,  Winkler,  preacher  in  the 
cathedral  at  Magdeburg,  had  presented  the  King  with  a  plan 
embodying  his  views  respecting  the  most  feasible  method  of  ac- 
complishing the  union.  The  substance  of  it  was  that  certain 
practices  in  the  Lutheran  Church,  such  as  exorcism,  the  wearing 
of  the  chasuble,  etc.,  should  be  abolished,  but  that  liberty  should 
be  allowed  with  respect  to  many  matters  of  belief.  This  plan 
was  published,  in  1703  (by  whom  it  is  not  known),  under  the 
title  Arcanum  Rcgium,  and  produced  great  excitement.3     The 

1  Connected  with  this  was  the  conversion  of  Duke  Moritz  Wilhelm  of  Saxe-Zeitz 
to  the  Catholic  Church.  Fritzschc,  De  Jesuitarum  Machinationibus  Halensis  The- 
ologi  Opera  ad  Irrituin  Redactis,  Coram.  1. 

2  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1745,  p.  119.     Planck's  Gcsch.  der  Theol.  p.  355. 

3  Ironical  writings  in  Berlin  :  I'nschukl.  Nachr.  1713,  p.  390,  399.  Controversy  be- 
tween the  Universalists  and  Particularists,  ib.  1.  c.  p.  5S8. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I.— §  47.  ATTEMPTS  AT  UNION.  301 

theologians  of  Electoral  Saxony  assailed  it  with  especial  vio- 
lence, and  the  negotiations  in  Berlin  had  to  be  broken  off  in 
spite  of  the  earnest  efforts  of  the  Swiss  Reformed  theologians 
to  bring  them  to  a  successful  conclusion.  Nevertheless,  some 
few  churches  at  Berlin  and  Konigsberg  were  at  that  time  set 
apart  for  the  use  of  mixed  congregations,  and  consecrated  by 
clergymen  of  both  communions.  The  King  now  conceived  the 
idea  of  a  closer  union  between  the  Reformed  Church  of  Bran- 
denburg and  the  English  Episcopal  Church,  a  project  in  which 
Leibnitz  again  took  an  active  part.  The  plan  was  to  introduce 
the  English  liturgy,  which  recommended  itself  to  the  King's 
fondness  for  display,  into  the  Reformed  Church  of  Brandenburg 
and  the  Lutheran  Church  of  Hanover.  In  the  mean  time,  how- 
ever, Frederic  died  (1713),  and  his  son,  Frederic  William  I.,  was 
at  first  wholly  indifferent  to  the  union.4 

Not  long  afterward  two  Tubingen  theologians,  Johann  Chris- 
tian Klemm  and  Christoph  Matthaeus  Pfaff,  revived  the  propo- 
sals for  a  union.5  Their  writings  (1719-1720)  made  a  strong 
impression  even  upon  the  corpus  evangelicorum  at  Ratisbon,  and 
that  body  took  some  steps  to  promote  the  union.  But  the  most 
eminent  Lutheran  theologians,  Cyprian  and  Mosheim,  and  par- 
ticularly the  Supreme  Consistory  of  Dresden,  were  still  opposed 
to  it ;  and  the  attempt  was  consequently  again  unsuccessful. 

After  this  time,  however,  the  two  churches  grew  more  and 
more  friendly.  The  controversy  between  them  subsided,  and 
the  unimportance  of  the  differences  between  them  came  to  be 
more  and  more  acknowledged.  Frederic  William  I.,  it  is  true, 
failed  in  his  attempt  to  secure  the  union  by  inducing  the  Re- 
formed to  relinquish  their  doctrine  of  the  decretum  absolu- 
tum  ;  while,  in  1736,  he  ordered  the  abolishment  of  some  of  the 
objectionable  practices  in  the  Lutheran  Church  (the  chasuble, 
exorcism,  and  candles  on  the  altar).  But  this  measure,  which 
once  would  have  certainly  occasioned  great  commotion,  created 
at  that  time  no  unusual  excitement.  When  Frederic  II.,  imme- 
diately after  his  accession  in  1710,  gave  the  congregations  entire 

4  Relation  des  Mesures  qui  furent  prises  dans  les  annees  1711-1713  pour  intro- 
duire  la  Liturgie  Anglieaue  dans  le  Royaume  de  Prusse,  par  J.  T.  Muysson,  1779. 
Darlegung  der  im  vorigen  Jahrhundert  -wegen  Einfiibrung  der  englischen  Kir- 
chenverfassung  in  Preussen  gepflogenen  Unterbandlungeu,  Leipzig,  bei  O.  Wlgaud, 
1&42. 

5  Mobuike,  Mittbeilungen,  i.  112. 


302  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II—  A.D.  1648-1814. 

liberty  in  these  matters,  there  were  already  very  many  that  did 
not  desire  to  have  these  practices  restored. 

During  the  negotiations,  the  German  Reformed  theologians 
had  decidedly  favored  the  union,  and  always  declared  that  they 
did  not  regard  the  difference  between  the  two  churches  as  fun- 
damental. In  this  spirit  they  readily  joined  the  Lutheran  theo- 
logians, after  the  controversy  had  ceased,  in  their  researches  and 
labors  in  the  field  of  theological  science.  Accordingly,  from 
this  time  the  history  of  theology  in  the  two  churches  becomes 
identical.  The  scientific  labors  of  their  theologians  became  so 
interdependent  as  no  longer  to  be  distinguished  by  their  ecclesi- 
astical differences. 

§  48. 

THE  ORIGIN  OP  THE  HERRNHUTERS,  OR  UNITED  BRETHREN. 
Herder,  x.  56.— Planck,  Gesch.  d.  Theologie,  p.  265—  Tholuck.Verm.  Schriften,  i.  433. 

The  tendency  which  prevailed  in  the  earlier  school  of  Halle, 
but  which  even  in  Halle  gradually  assumed  a  more  moderate 
character,  resulted  in  the  founding  of  a  separate  community 
which,  in  a  form  peculiar  to  itself,  continued  to  maintain  the 
principles  of  Spener.  This  was  the  United  Brethren,  the  com- 
munity founded  by  Count  Nicholas  Ludwig  von  Zinzendorf. 

Born  at  Dresden,  in  1700,  of  a  family  intimately  associated 
with  Spener,  he  received  a  pious  education,  and  was  accustomed 
from  his  childhood  to  religious  meditation  and  attendance  at  the 
daily  meetings  for  prayer.  He  afterward  came  under  the  care 
of  Francke,  in  the  grammar-school  at  Halle,  where  this  tendency 
was  further  confirmed.  His  guardian  endeavored,  without  suc- 
cess, to  turn  his  mind  in  a  different  direction,  and  for  this  reason 
sent  him  to  Wittenberg.  There,  also,  he  persevered  in  his  relig- 
ious exercises,  and  studied  theology  with  quite  as  much  zeal  as 
the  law,  although  the  latter  was  the  profession  for  which  he  was 
intended.  The  one  idea  which  governed  all  his  thoughts  and 
feelings  was  the  desire  to  attain  the  closest  union  with  the  Sav- 
iour, to  whose  sole  guidance  he  wished  to  commit  himself.  At 
that  early  day  this  idea  had  taken  complete  possession  of  his  im- 
agination and  manifested  itself  in  various  ways,  often  to  the  ex- 
tent of  triviality  and  even  impropriety.  He  considered  all  the 
other  theological  doctrines  comparatively  unimportant,  and  this 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I.— §  48.  ORIGIN  OF  THE  HERRNHUTERS.      303 

alone  the  real  essence  of  Christianity.  After  the  completion  of 
his  studies  he  made  a  journey  through  the  Netherlands,  France, 
and  Switzerland,  and  then,  at  the  desire  of  his  relatives,  accepted 
an  office  under  the  government  at  Dresden,  although  he  had  pre- 
viously always  wished  to  devote  himself  to  the  ministry.  While 
occupying  this  position,  he  found  time  to  publish  several  devo- 
tional works,  and  every  Sunday  held  religious  meetings  at  his 
own  house,  after  the  model  of  the  collegia  pietatis.  At  this 
period  he  constantly  lamented  the  decline  of  genuine  Christian 
piety  ;  and,  inasmuch  as  he  saw  that  it  was  impossible  to  reform 
the  Church  as  a  body,  he  conceived  the  thought  of  gathering  out 
of  it  a  society  of  sincere  friends  of  the  Saviour,  or,  as  Spener  had 
once  expressed  it,  an  ecclesiola  in  ecclesia. 

Since  the  Thirty  Years'  War  the  so-called  Bohemian  and  Mo- 
ravian Brethren  had  been  compelled,  by  severe  persecutions,  to 
emigrate  from  Moravia.1  They  had  already  formed  several  con- 
gregations in  Saxony,  when  a  proposition  was  made  to  the  Count 
to  permit  some  of  their  families  to  settle  upon  his  estate  Ber- 
tholsdorf,  in  Lusatia.  In  1722  three  families  settled  on  the  Hut- 
berg,  near  Bertholsdorf,  and  the  construction  which  one  of  their 
number  put  upon  that  name — viz.,  that  the  settlement  was  under 
the  protection  of  the  Lord  {unter  der  Hut  des  Herm) — was  the 
occasion  of  the  name  which  the  new  colony  assumed,  Herm- 
hut.  This  colony  was  soon  considerably  increased,  not  only  by 
the  emigrants  who  constantly  joined  it,  but  also  by  strangers. 
It  was  not  long  before  contentions  arose.  There  were  many 
fanatics  in  the  number,  wTho  separated  from  the  rest.  Some 
wished  to  have  the  Reformed  doctrines  adopted,  others  the  Lu- 
theran, while  the  Bohemian  and  Moravian  Brethren  strenuously 
insisted  upon  the  preservation  of  their  ancient  constitution  and 
discipline.  Finally,  in  1727,  the  Count  succeeded  in  effecting 
an  agreement.  By  his  eloquent  and  persuasive  appeals  he  so  far 
united  all  the  members  of  the  community  that,  in  their  desire 
for  the  firm  establishment  of  the  true  theology  of  the  Saviour's 
blood  and  cross,  they  were  willing  to  overlook  all  unessential 
differences.  Unreserved  consecration  to  the  Saviour,  and  union 
with  him,  who  has  redeemed  us  by  his  sufferings,  were  the  ideas 
which  now  almost  exclusively  formed  the  basis  of  the  religious 
life  of  the  community,  while  every  thing  else  was  regarded  as  of 
1  Simler's  Samml.  ii.  918. 


304  FOURTH  PERIOD .— D1V.  II.— A.D.  1048-1814. 

comparatively  small  importance.  At  the  same  time,  however,  a 
form  of  government  was  introduced  founded  upon  the  old  Mo- 
ravian constitution,  bat  containing  much  that  was  peculiar  to  it- 
self. Twelve  elders  were  chosen,  with  the  Count  as  their  presi- 
dent, who  constituted  the  conference  of  elders,  and  had  the  su- 
preme control.  A  general  court  composed  of  brethren  settled 
disputes.  Regular  meetings  for  prayer  were  established,  and 
texts  of  Scripture  {Losungen,  or  watch-words)  were  provided  for 
them  as  the  subjects  for  each  day's  meditations.  Certain  of  the 
brethren  and  sisters  associated  themselves  to  keep  up  the  so-called 
horary  prayer,  praying  incessantly  from  midnight  to  midnight 
in  hourly  rotation.  The  congregation  was  divided,  according  to 
age  and  sex,  into  smaller  bands,  sections,  or  choirs,  which  had 
their  particular  seasons  for  devotion.  At  the  same  time,  they 
maintained  their  agreement  with  the  doctrines  of  the  Reformers; 
kept  up  their  connection  with  the  Lutheran  Church  in  Berthols- 
dorf ;  and  only  reserved  to  themselves  the  right  of  having  their 
own  peculiar  form  of  government,  appealing  in  defense  of  this 
claim  to  the  example  of  their  ancestors,  the  old  Moravian  Breth- 
ren. Zinzendorf's  distinguished  connections  secured  for  the 
community  numerous  and  influential  patrons  in  other  countries; 
and,  since  from  the  first  brethren  had  been  sent  abroad  to  win 
souls  for  the  Saviour,  they  met  with  great  success  in  many  of  the 
German  states,  as  well  as  in  Denmark,  England,  and  Switzer- 
land. In  1732  Zinzendorf  resigned  his  office  under  the  govern- 
ment; was  examined  in  Stralsund  under  a  different  name  as  a 
Lutheran  candidate  of  theology,  in  order  to  prove  his  orthodoxy 
as  a  Lutheran;  and  was  thereupon  ordained  by  the  court-chaplain 
Jablonsky  at  Berlin,  the  oldest  bishop  of  the  Brethen  in  Poland, 
as  bishop  or  senior  of  Moravian  Brethren  (1737). 

Meanwhile,  the  community  had  fallen  into  disfavor  at  Dres- 
den. A  commission  sent  from  that  place  to  Ilerrnhut  could 
not,  it  is  true,  find  any  ground  for  complaint  as  to  the  orthodoxy 
of  the  Brethren,  inasmuch  as  they  accepted  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession in  every  particular ;  nevertheless,  in  173S,  Zinzendorf  was 
banished  perpetually  from  Saxony.  He  now  made  long  journeys 
in  behalf  of  the  community  in  foreign  countries,  not  only  in  Eu- 
rope, but  even  as  far  as  the  West  Indies  and  North  America 
(where  he  performed  the  duties  of  a  Lutheran  preacher  from 
17-41-1743),  and  infused  new  life  into  the  missions  which  had 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I— §  48.  ORIGIN  OF  THE  HERRNHUTERS.      305 

been  commenced  at  an  earlier  period.  In  England  he  obtained, 
in  1749,  the  passage  of  an  act  of  Parliament  declaring  the  com- 
munity a  true  Episcopal  Church,  and  granting  it  religious  toler- 
ation. 

The  Brethren  obviously  made  no  distinction  between  the 
Protestant  churches.  They  received  members  from  all  without 
requiring  them  to  sever  their  existing  relations.  In  order  to 
prevent  misunderstanding  upon  this  point,  the  synods  at  Mari en- 
born  (1744  and  1745)  established  three  different  trqpipaedias — 
the  Lutheran,  Reformed,  and  Moravian.  The  form  of  worship 
was  ordered  for  each  (particularly  in  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's 
Supper)  according  to  the  usage  of  the  Church  to  which  the  tro- 
pics belonged.  In  their  associate  relations,  however,  no  distinc- 
tion was  made  between  the  trqpi.  The  manifest  indifference  of 
the  community  to  the  distinctive  doctrines  of  the  churches  caused 
it  to  be  regarded  by  many  with  suspicion  ;  and  many  other  pecul- 
iarities, both  on  the  part  of  the  Count  and  his  followers,  had  the 
same  tendency.  The  Brethren  fully  adopted  the  religious  idio- 
syncrasies of  Zinzendorf ;  and,  although  they  were  deserving  of 
respect  on  account  of  their  sincerity,  yet  the  influence  of  a  relig- 
ious imagination  upon  the  pious  emotions  produced  many  fanat- 
ical notions,  of  a  dangerous  tendency.  The  main  idea  which 
characterized  the  whole  religious  life  of  the  community  was  that 
of  intimate  union  with  the  Saviour,  to  whose  guidance  they 
wished  to  confide  themselves  in  a  childlike  and  submissive  spir- 
it, and  whose  death  upon  the  cross  was  their  sole  and  certain  re- 
liance. To  a  truly  childlike  piety  the  Count  united  an  extreme- 
ly vivid  imagination  ;  and  he  consequently  embellished  this  idea 
with  comparisons  which,  in  his  familiarity  with  the  Saviour,  he 
did  not  always  carefully  select,  and  which,  for  that  very  reason, 
were  often  offensive  to  others.  These  favorite  figures  had  refer- 
ence partly  to  the  atonement  through  Jesus's  death,2  and  became 
standing  metaphors  among  the  Brethren ;  partly  to  the  union  of 
the  congregation  with  himj  which  was  represented  as  a  marriage, 
and  often  illustrated  by  indelicate  comparisons.3  So  exclusive 
was  the  worship  of  the  Saviour  that  God  the  Father  was  quite 

8  Such,  particularly,  as  represented  Jesus  as  a  lamb  in  many  trivial  images;  the 
blood  of  Jesus  cries  for  us  to  righteousness ;  we  must  take  refuge  in  the  wound  in 
his  side,  etc. 

3  With  the  cohabitation  of  marriage,  etc.    Cf.  the  Messalians,  Neander,  ii.  2,  520. 
Amnion,  Fortbildung  des  Christenthums,  ii.  2,  20S. 
VOL.  V. — 20 


306  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

left  out  of  view.  Zinzendorf  said,  "  God  the  Father  is  not  di- 
rectly our  Father,  but  the  Lord  Jesus  is  our  real  Father;  we 
have  to  do  only  with  the  Son."4  He  wished  to  have  the  Son 
only  worshiped,  and  all  those  offices  ascribed  to  him  which  are 
usually  distributed  between  the  three  Persons  of  the  Godhead 
— creation,  redemption,  and  sanctifieation.  He  also  not  unfre- 
quently  used  comparisons  with  reference  to  the  three  Persons  of 
the  Trinity  which  could  not  but  be  offensive  to  others.  For  ex- 
ample, he  called  Christ "  our  dear  Husband,"  God  the  Father  "  our 
dear  Father,"  and  the  Holy  Ghost  "  our  dear  Mother."  This  fa- 
vorite idea  of  intimate  union  with  the  Saviour  expressed  itself 
in  singular  practices.  The  fundamental  principle  of  the  Breth- 
ren was  to  commit  themselves,  with  no  will  of  their  own,  to  the 
Saviour's  guidance.  They  believed  that  he  guided  them  partly 
by  his  Spirit  poured  out  upon  them,  while  in  some  cases  his  will 
was  to  be  discovered  by  lot.  In  particular,  to  keep  the  marriages 
free  from  all  fleshly  considerations,  it  was  customary  to  deter- 
mine them  by  lot. 

From  the  first  the  Brethren  had  regarded  themselves  as  an  as- 
sociation of  the  heirs  of  grace  gathered  out  of  the  great  corrupt- 
ed churches,  and  standing  in  the  closest  connection  with,  and 
under  the  most  immediate  direction  of,  the  Saviour.  The  rapid- 
ity and  success  of  their  progress  seemed  to  them  the  result  of  a 
miracle  wrought  by  the  Saviour  in  their  behalf,  and  accordingly 
confirmed  this  belief.  They  considered  themselves  the  elect 
flock  of  Christ,  and  the  inevitable  result  was  an  injurious  spirit- 
ual pride,  which  made  them  look  down  upon  the  other  churches 
in  spite  of  their  outward  appearance  of  humility. 

The  Count  and  his  community  were  indifferent  to  dogmatical 
definitions,  except  in  so  far  as  they  were  related  to  their  all-im- 
portant conception  of  intimate  union  with  Christ.  It  was  this 
indifference,  and  not,  as  has  been  charged,  hypocrisy,  which  made 
the  Count  declare  his  entire  agreement  with  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession.5 For  this  reason  he  strongly'disapproved  of  the  practice 
of  studying  the  Bible  for  the  purpose  of  culling  the  doctrines 
from  it.  lie  spoke  at  times  in  very  strong  language  of  the  ob- 
scurity of  the  Scriptures,  and  declared  that  no  human  learning 

♦  Unsehuld.  Nachr.  1745,  p.  412. 

5  Zinzcndorfs  Passapcr,  mit  cincm  Vorwort  von  D.  A.  Petersen,  Jena,  1850— a 
dramatic  representation  of  his  relation  to  Lutheran  orthodoxy. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  I.— §  48.  ORIGIN  OF  THE  HERRNHUTERS.       307 

was  able  to  interpret  it,  but  only  the  Spirit  who  illuminated  the 
sacred  writers  themselves.  Accordingly,  he  encouraged  the  read- 
ing of  the  Bible  only  conditionally,  in  order  to  guard  against  abuse. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  these  peculiarities  seemed  dangerous 
to  many,  and  that,  especially  after  the  year  1740,  many  writings 
against  them  were  published.  The  principal  theologians  who 
opposed  the  society,  and  in  their  works  severely  censured  them, 
were  Johann  Gottlieb  Carpzov,  Baumgarten,  and  Bengel.  On 
the  part  of  the  society,  replies  were  published  by  the  Count  and 
other  members,  particularly  August  Gottlieb  Spangenberg,  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  Brethren.  He  lost  his  position  as  adjunct 
professor  in  the  theological  faculty  at  Halle  (1733)  on  account 
of  his  attachment  to  Zinzendorf,  and  from  that  time  identified 
himself  entirely  with  the  society.  He  was  active  in  the  cause  of 
its  missions,  making  many  journeys,  particularly  to  North  Amer- 
ica, and  also  wrote  a  number  of  apologetic  works  in  reply  to  va- 
rious attacks.  His  learning  and  calm  judgment,  for  which  he 
was  distinguished  in  the  community,  admirably  fitted  him  for 
this  task.  To  him  the  Brethren  owed  the  first  complete  exposi- 
tion of  their  doctrines,  Idea  Fidei  Fratrum,  Barby,  1770,  as  well 
as  the  Ratio  Disciplinae  ITnitatis  Fratrum  (a  description  of  their 
form  of  government),  17S9.  He  died  a  bishop  at  an  advanced 
age  in  1792. 

As  long  as  Zinzendorf  lived,  he  was,  although  under  various 
names,  the  leader  of  the  whole  society.  After  his  death,  in  1760, 
the  direction  was  confided  to  a  conference  of  elders,  which  now 
has  its  headquarters  in  Bertholsdorf.  In  addition,  the  Synod, 
which  exercises  the  supreme  power  and  consists  of  deputies  from 
all  the  congregations,  meets  from  time  to  time.  During  its  ses- 
sion the  elders'  conference  is  dissolved,  and  a  new  one  elected  by 
it.  Each  congregation,  also,  has  its  particular  conference,  which 
is  subordinate  to  the  general  conference.  The  settlements  of 
the  United  Brethren  are  very  numerous,  especially  in  the  Saxon 
Electorate,  Lusatia,  Prussia,  Russia,  Holland,  England,  and  Amer- 
ica. All  are  distinguished  for  their  honesty  and  industry.  This 
last  trait,  and  the  aid  of  many  benevolent  friends,  enable  them 
to  meet  the  outlay  required  by  the  institutions  of  the  community 
and  the  missions.  They  have  all,  however,  become  heavily  in- 
debted, especially  in  late  years,  which  have  not  been  favorable 
to  their  business. 


308  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.-A.D.  1648-1814. 

The  United  Brethren  undoubtedly  exerted,  in  many  respects, 
a  beneficial  influence  upon  the  Evangelical  Church.  They  gave 
prominence  to  that  great  essential  of  Christianity,  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  heart ;  and  set  the  example,  in  their  communion,  of 
ignoring  the  differences  of  the  Protestant  denominations.  By 
their  expressive  and  affecting  worship,  by  their  close  relation  to 
pious  evangelical  Christians,  even  when  they  did  not  actually 
enter  the  society,  as  well  as  their  influence  over  the  great  num- 
ber of  children  not  belonging  to  their  community  who  were  ed- 
ucated in  their  schools,  they  gave  a  wide  circulation  to  these 
principles.  The  tendency  to  fanaticism,  which  was  at  first  man- 
ifested, has,  in  later  times,  gradually  disappeared,  although  the 
external  discipline  has  remained  the  same.  It  could  be  desired 
that  the  latter  might  also  be  remodeled,  for  in  its  present  form 
it  is  conducive  to  hypocrisy  and  spiritual  pride,  and  that  the 
community  might  be  externally  reunited  with  the  Evangelical 
Church  to  which  it  really  belongs ;  otherwise  it  can  never  real- 
ize that  universality  which  is  essential  to  Christianity.6 


III.— PERIOD  OF  MODERN  THEOLOGY,  FROM  1760  TO  1814. 

J.  A.  II.  Tittmann's  Pragm.  Gesclriclite  der  Theologie  unci  Religion  in  der  protest. 
Kirche  wahrend  der  2.  Halfte  des  18.  Jahrh.  Breslau,  1  vol.  to  the  appearance  of 
the  Critical  Philosophy,  1805. — W.  Miinscher,  Historical  Development  of  the 
causes  and  occasions  by  which  Dogmatic  Theology  has  received  a  new  form  in 
Protestant  Germany  since  the  last  half  of  the  Eighteenth  Century,  in  Staudlin's 
Beitr;it;e  zur  Philosophic  nnd  Geschichtc  der  Religion,  iv.  1  sq. — Tholuek's  Verm. 
Schriften,  ii.  1. — Planck's  Theol.  p.  357. 

§  49. 

PREPARATORY  EVENTS. 

Soon  after  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  a  period  of 
more  independent  theological  inquiry  began  in  the  German  Lu- 
theran Church,  during  which  all  the  doctrines  of  the  Church  sys- 

6  Spangenberg,  Lebcn  des  Derm  Grafen  von  Zinzendorf,  Barby,  17?2-1775,  8  vols. 
David  Cranz,  Die  alte  und  ncue  Brudcrhistoric,  Barby,  1771 — with  two  continua- 
tions, 1704  and  1810.  Chr.  Ferd.  Schulzc,  Von  der  Eutstehung  und  Einrichtung 
der  evangelischen  Brudergemeinde,  Gotha  und  Leipzig,  1822.  Ersch,  Encycl.  xiii. 
171,  article  Bruder-Unitat.  Ludw.  Schaaff,  Die  evangelische  Brudergeinehnle  ge- 
Bchichtlich  dargestellt,  Leipzig,  1S25.  8.  Lebcn  des  Grafen  von  Zinzendorf,  von 
Varnhagen  von  Ense,  Berlin,  ls:',0.  L.  K.  von  Schrautcubaeh,  Der  Graf  von  Zinzen- 
dorf und  die  Briidergcmcindc  seiner  Zeit  dargestellt.  Hcrausgegcben  von  F.  W. 
Eolbing,  Gnadau  und  Leipzig,  b.  Kummer,  1*5L. 


PT.  III.-CH.  I.-§49.  EVENTS  PREPARATORY  TO  MODERN  THEOLOGY.  309 

tern,  which  had  been  hitherto  regarded  as  almost  beyond  ques- 
tion, were  one  after  another  examined,  and  in  many  respects 
changed.  From  the  nature  of  things,  it  was  inevitable  that  such 
a  period  should  follow  the  Reformation.  For  the  Reformation, 
by  rejecting  all  human  authority  in  matters  of  faith,  really  de- 
prived the  dogmatic  system  of  its  authority,  and  left  it  to  the 
private  judgment  of  the  individual.  The  new  Church,  it  is  true, 
adopted  a  large  portion  of  that  system ;  but  only  beqause  its  at- 
tention was  turned  at  first  chiefly  to  the  doctrines  of  practical 
importance,  and  they  only  were  reformed.  The  continuation  of 
this  reformation  was  prevented  partly  through  the  fear  of  con- 
ceding too  much  to  the  fanatical  parties  of  the  day,  partly  by  the 
belief  that  the  symbolical  books  permitted  no  change  in  the  def- 
initions of  the  doctrines.  Moreover,  the  Catholics  had  often  ac- 
cused the  Lutherans  of  altering  their  system  of  theology,  and 
even  sought  to  question  the  right  of  the  later  Lutherans  to  claim 
affinity  to  the  Augsburg  Confession.  Inasmuch  as  the  Luther- 
ans themselves  had  no  conception  of  a  unity  of  the  Church  apart 
from  unity  of  doctrine,  they  were  the  more  tenacious  of  the  doc- 
trinal system  which  the  Augsburg  Confession  embodied.  Ac- 
cordingly, in  the  seventeenth  century  the  Lutheran  Church  pre- 
sented the  spectacle  of  a  new  scholasticism  which  laid  the  whole 
stress  upon  the  letter  of  the  Church  theology,  counted  the  accept- 
ance of  the  letter  to  be  saving  Christian  faith,  and  devoted  all  its 
energy  to  the  development  of  the  orthodox  doctrines,  even  to  the 
most  unimportant  particulars.  The  Calixtinians  endeavored, 
without  success,  to  check  this  tendency.  They  were  regarded, 
and,  particularly  in  later  times;  not  without  reason,  as  too  un- 
sound to  be  worthy  of  consideration.  The  Pietists  did  more  to 
arouse  the  conviction  that  the  Church  system  was  of  human 
making,  and  that  adherence  to  it  was  by  no  means  identical 
with  true  Christian  faith.  From  that  time  theologians  labored 
in  the  departments  of  exegesis  and  Church  history  with  less  re- 
gard to  dogmatical  considerations,  and  those  who  had  a  leaning 
toward  Pietism  often  even  manifested  in  their  writings  an  op- 
position to  the  so-called  Orthodox,  which,  although  productive 
of  party  feeling,  nevertheless  resulted  in  greater  freedom  of 
thought. 

During  this  period  numerous  works  of  Deists  and  Katuralists 
against  Christianity  appeared,  especially  in  England.     The  Ger- 


310 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  101S-1814. 


man  theologians,  finding  that  these  writings  were,  to  some  extent, 
translated  into  German,  and  that  they  were  becoming  increas- 
ingly popular,  were  obliged  to  take  steps  to  counteract  their 
influence.  In  their  efforts  to  refute  them,  the  theologians  not 
unfrequently  discovered  points  in  the  Church  system  which 
could  not  be  easily  defended.  At  the  same  time,  their  attention 
was  called  to  theological  works  of  an  earlier  date,  such  as  had 
appeared  particularly  in  England  and  among  the  Armiuians, 
which  subjected  individual  doctrines  of  the  Church  to  an  his- 
torical and  philosophical  criticism.  They  soon  became  aware 
that  if  some  of  the  doctrines  which  were  opposed  to  reason,  and 
consequently  difficult  to  defend,  could  be  modified,  it  would  be 
much  easier  to  refute  the  Deists.  At  the  same  time,  the  study 
of  the  Bible  began  to  be  carried  on  with  greater  care  and  free- 
dom from  prejudice.  The  works  of  Grotius  and  Richard  Si- 
mon, which  had  hitherto  been  regarded  with  suspicion,  were 
more  generally  studied,  and  laid  the  foundation  for  new  crit- 
ical and  exegetical  researches.  The  knowledge  of  the  Orient 
and  its  languages  became  more  accurate  and  comprehensive. 
Scholars  began  to  read  the  books  of  the  Bible  in  the  spirit  of  the 
original,  and  to  recognize  the  error  of  the  earlier  dogmatists  who 
had  applied  the  principles  of  the  cold  understanding  to  the  lan- 
guage of  emotion  and  imagination,  and  by  literal  interpretations 
had  deduced  doctrines  from  types  and  bold  metaphors.  Accord- 
ingly, they  were  not  satisfied  with  relieving  the  doctrines  of  their 
later  additions  and  restoring  them  to  their  original  Scriptural 
form,  but  began  also  to  examine  the  proof-texts  to  discover  how 
much  belonged  to  the  rhetorical  style,  and  how  much  to  the  es- 
sence of  the  thought.  It  was  therefore  inevitable  that  the  whole 
system  should  be  remodeled;  nor  was  it  strange  that  many  who 
remained  true  to  the  old  beliefs  found  fault  with  these  methods 
of  procedure,  and  regarded  them  as  certain  to  result  in  Natural- 
ism. Consequently,  with  this  time  began  the  contest  between 
the  conservative  and  progressive  parties  which  still  continues. 
The  Prussian  theologians  were  the  most  active  in  their  candid 
investigations  of  the  system  of  the  Church — a  result  due  to  the 
freedom  of  the  press  and  of  instruction  which  prevailed  during 
the  reign  of  Frederic  the  Great. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  L— §  50.  SEMLER.    MICIIAELIS.    ERNESTI.      311 

§  50. 
SEMLER.    MICIIAELIS.    ERNESTI. 

The  three  Lutheran  theologians  who  exerted  the  greatest  in- 
fluence upon  the  advancement  and  development  of  the  theologi- 
cal sciences  were  Semler,  Michaelis,  and  Ernesti.  The  intellect- 
ual revolution  in  the  department  of  theology  was  due,  most  of 
all,  to  Johann  Salomo  Semler.  He  was  educated  at  the  school 
of  the  Orphan  House,  and  was  attached  to  the  Pietistic  principles, 
but  afterward  imbibed  more  liberal  opinions  in  the  school  of 
Baumgarten.  He  became  a  devoted  follower  of  the  latter,  and, 
even  when  he  was  appointed  professor  at  Halle  (1752),  still  con- 
tinued to  adhere  to  his  principles ;  but  after  Baumgarten's  death 
he  began  to  assume  a  more  independent  position.  The  field  of 
research  to  which  Semler  devoted  his  comprehensive  and  pro- 
found study  included  all  the  branches  of  historical  theology.1  A 
remarkable  memory  and  great  diligence  enabled  him  to  attain 
to  such  knowledge  in  this  department  as  is  seldom  accmired.  To 
these  advantages  he  united  a  talent  for  observation,  a  power  of 
combination,  and  a  keen  perception  which  made  him  incompa- 
rable in  criticism,  although  he  was  often,  it  must  be  confessed, 
too  aggressive  and  dogmatic.  He  was,  however,  deficient  in  pow- 
er to  elaborate  his  thoughts  systematically  and  to  present  them 
clearly,  perhaps  only  because  he  worked  too  rapidly,  and  did  not 
take  the  requisite  pains.  He  investigated  the  departments  of 
Biblical  literature  and  the  literature  of  Church  history  with 
marvelous  industry,  and,  never  satisfied  with  traditional  opin- 
ions, always  went  back  to  the  original  sources,  in  order  to  reach 
an  independent  conclusion.  He  communicated  his  various  dis- 
coveries in  numerous  works,  large  and  small,  generally  only  par- 
tially elaborated,  because  he  did  not  take  sufficient  time  for  the 
task;  but  he  always  stimulated  others  to  further  investigations. 
This  was  particularly  the  case  in  New  Testament  criticism  and 
doctrinal  and  Church  history.  From  the  standpoint  of  doctrinal 
history  he  exerted  an  influence  upon  dogmatic  theology.  His 
careful  examination  of  the  Church  systems  of  all  ages  in  their 
true  historical  form,  and  his  accurate  knowledge  of  their  devia- 
tions from  each  other,  inclined  him  to  look  with  indulgence  upon 

1  H.  Sckmid,  Die  Thcologie  Senders,  1858. 


312  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

the  differences  in  doctrine,  -while  his  natural  amiability  made 
him  regard  rather  the  disposition  and  intent  of  others  than  the 
form  of  their  expressions.  lie  was,  moreover,  a  man  of  child- 
like piety,  who  clearly  recognized  in  himself  the  fact  that  inward 
piety,  and  not  the  doctrinal  utterance,  makes  the  Christian.  Ac- 
cordingly, in  his  examination  of  doctrines  he  went  to  work  with 
the  greatest  freedom.  lie  held  that  a  distinction  should  always 
be  made  between  the  private  religion,  which  is  the  property  of 
the  individual,  and  in  which  each  must  follow  his  own  con- 
science, and  the  public  religion,  or  distinctive  doctrine  of  the 
Church,  which  must  be  the  standard  in  public  ecclesiastical  ut- 
terances. He  did  not,  it  is  true,  make  this  distinction,  in  spite 
of  its  importance  to  himself,  as  clear  as  could  have  been  de- 
sired ;  but  by  means  of  it  he  secured  the  necessary  freedom 
and  impartiality  in  his  inquiries.     He  died  in  1791. 

Although  Semler  left  a  great  number  of  works,  none  were 
completed  with  sufficient  care  to  be  of  permanent  and  classical 
value.  They  contain,  however,  scattered  through  them,  innumer- 
able new  though  undeveloped  observations  and  thoughts  which 
have  never  been  entirely  exhausted  and  made  use  of ;  and  con- 
sequently his  writings  are  still  very  instructive.2 

Another  pioneer  in  Biblical  literature,  although  not  so  daring 
as  Semler,  was  Johann  David  Michaelis,  son  of  Christian  Bene- 
dict, after  1750  professor  in  ordinary  of  Oriental  literature  at 
Gottingen,  then  privy-counselor  of  justice,  and  knight  of  the  Or- 
der of  the  North  Star  (d.  1791).  In  dogmatic  theology  Michae- 
lis remained  true,  with  a  few  unimportant  exceptions,  to  the  sys- 
tem of  the  Church,  but  accomplished  little  in  that  department, 
His  most  successful  work  was  in  Biblical  criticism  and  exegesis. 
He  freed  himself  from  the  opinions  which  had  hitherto  acted  as 
a  restraint  upon  criticism,  and  performed  valuable  services  in 
the  investigation  of  the  origin  of  various  Biblical  books,  and  also 
in  the  correction  of  the  text.  In  particular  the  credit  belongs 
to  him  of  having  brought  about  a  more  accurate  knowledge  of 

2  In  criticism  and  New  Testament  exegesis  the  most  important  arc  his  Paraphrases 
of  the  New  Testament  books,  with  critical  observations  and  valuable  introductions. 
In  Church  history  his  Sclecta  Capita  Hist.  Ecel.  3  vols,  and  the  historical  introduc- 
tions to  Baumgarten's  Dogmatics  and  Polemics.  On  his  life,  character,  and  writ- 
ings, sec  Eichhorn's  Bibliothck  dcr  bibl.  Literatur,  v.  1.  Semler's  Letztes  Glaubens- 
bekenntniss  iiber  natiirl.  und  Christ!  Religion.  Mit  ciner  Vorrede  herausgegeben 
von  Christian  Gottfried  Sehiitz,  Konigsberg,  1792. 


PART  III— CHAP.  I— §  50.  SEMLER.    MICHAELIS.    ERNESTI.      313 

the  condition  of  the  Orient  and  its  peculiarities,  and  having  ap- 
plied it  to  the  explanation  of  the  Bible,  lie  thus  originated  the 
more  accurate  historical  interpretation.3  , 

The  third  of  the  three  distinguished  theologians  who  were  in- 
strumental in  inaugurating  the  new  era  in  theology  was  Johann 
August  Ernesti,  one  of  the  most  celebrated  theologians  of  his 
day,  at  one  time  rector  of  the  St.  Thomas  school  in  Leipsic,  then 
professor  of  oratory,  and  after  1759  professor  in  ordinary  of  the- 
ology (d.  17S1).  Ernesti's  greatest  service  to  theological  science 
was  in  the  department  of  New  Testament  interpretation.  He 
was  the  first  to  theoretically  develop  an  exact  grammatical  inter- 
pretation in  its  perfect  purity,  and  to  apply  it  practically — a  task 
for  which  he  was  fitted,  above  all  others,  by  his  familiarity  with 
classical  antiquity.  He  completely  demolished  the  theory  that 
the  language  of  the  New  Testament  was  pure  Greek,  as  well  as 
the  doctrine  of  emphases,  which  destroyed  all  accurate  interpre- 
tation. On  the  contrary,  he  insisted  that  the  idiom,  both  the  gen- 
eral and  that  peculiar  to  the  individual  writers,  should  be  ob- 
served. His  theological  works  are  not  numerous,  but  are  of 
great  value,  particularly  on  account  of  the  critical  linguistic  ob- 
servations. He  also  exerted  a  wide  influence  through  his  nu- 
merous pupils,  many  of  whom  afterward  became  distinguished 
exegetes.*  In  dogmatics  Ernesti  adhered,  for  the  most  part, 
to  the  doctrines  of  the  Church,  but  favored  the  efforts  made 
to  reform  them  so  far  as  they  were  based  upon  thorough  in- 
vestigation, and  were  not  the  result  merely  of  a  rash  zeal  for 
innovation.5 

By  the  thoroughness  and  moderation  with  which  he  judged 
the  new  efforts  of  his  age  in  the  department  of  theology,  he  re- 
strained the  indiscretion  of  the  progressive  party,  while  the  great 

3  His  most  important  writings  are,  Einleitung  in  das  neue  Test,  (first  published  in 
1750)  4th  ed.  2  vols.  4. 1788 ;  Mosaisches  Recht,  6  vols.  1770  sq.;  Oriental,  und  exeget. 
Bibliothek,  23  vols.  1771  sq. ;  Uebersetzung  des  alten  und  neuen  Test,  mit  Anmerk- 
ungen  fur  Ungelehrte  (Old  Test.  13  vols.,  New  Test.  3  vols.).  Michaelis's  biography 
by  Hassenkamp,  Rinteln,  1799.  On  his  literary  character,  see  Eichhorn's  Bibliothek 
der  bibl.  Literatur,  iii.  pt.  5. 

*  Several  valuable  exes^etical  and  critical  treatises  are  collected  in  his  Opusculis 
Philologicis  Criticis,  1704,  and  Opusculis  Theologicis,  1773.  Especial  distinction 
belongs  to  his  Institutio  Interpretis  Novi  Test.  1761  (and  often  afterward),  which  not 
only  excels  all  previous,  but  also  most  of  the  later  hermeneutics — a  thesaurus  of  crit- 
ical observations  and  admirable  rules,  written  in  classical  Latin. 

5  His  Neue  theolog.  Bibliothek  (1760-1769, 10  vols.)  and  Neueste  theolog.  Biblio- 
thek (1771-1774,  4  vols.)  belong  to  the  most  substantial  theological  journals. 


314  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.  D.  1048-1814. 

respect  which  was  every  where  felt  for  him  secured  an  unprej- 
udiced hearing  for  the  new  opinions,  and  suppressed  the  tenden- 
cy to  brand  them  as  heresy.6 


§51. 

PROGRESS  OF  THEOLOGICAL  ENLIGHTENMENT. 

The  spirit  of  free  inquiry  in  the  department  of  theology  first 
manifested  itself  in  the  treatise  of  Sender  De  Demoniacis  quo- 
rum in  Is  ov.  Test,  fit  Mentio.,  1760.  The  occasion  of  this  work 
was  the  case  of  a  woman,  in  the  vicinity  of  Wittenberg,  who  be- 
lieved herself  to  be  possessed,  and  was  so  regarded  by  several  of 
the  theologians  of  that  place.  In  refuting  a  work  which  had 
appeared  with  reference  to  this  case,  Semler  came  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  the  doctrine  of  possession  by  evil  spirits  was  nowhere 
sanctioned  by  Jesus  and  the  Apostles,  but  that  they  had  only  ac- 
commodated themselves  to  the  then  prevalent  mode  of  speech, 
which  itself  was  founded  upon  conceptions  borrowed  from  the 
heathen,  and  tinctured  with  the  strange  notions  of  the  people 
themselves.  The  demoniacs  of  the  New  Testament  were  accord- 
ingly persons  who  were  suffering  from  violent  and  unusual  dis- 
eases. This  explanation  of  Semler  drew  out  fierce  attacks  from 
several  quarters ;  but  so  many  similar  expressions  of  opinion  fol- 
lowed in  quick  succession  that  public  attention  could  not  long 
be  confined  to  one. 

A  great  sensation  was  produced  when,  after  the  death  of  the 
Gottingen  theologian  Christoph  August  Ileumann,  his  posthu- 
mous work,  The  Proof  that  the  Doctrine  of  the  Reformed  Church 
concerning  the  Lord's  Supper  is  the  Right  and  True,  was  pub- 
lished by  A.  F.  W.  Sack,  in  1764.  It  called  forth  several  replies ; 
but  the  Reformed  doctrine  had  already  too  many  supporters 
among  the  Lutherans  for  any  considerable  controversy  to  grow 
out  of  it.  Semler,  meanwhile,  proceeded  with  his  investigations. 
In  the  year  1764,  he  showed,  in  his  Observations  on  the  So-called 
Proof-texts  of  Dogmatics,  the  spuriousness  of  the  passage  1  John 
v.  7,  and  became  thereby  involved  in  a  violent  controversy  with 

*  Dcs  Ilcrrn  J.  A.  Erncsti  Verdienste  urn  die  Thcologie  und  Religion,  von  W.  A. 
Teller,  Berlin,  l~s:;.  8.  Additions  to  this  work,  by  J.  S.  Semler,  Halle,  1783.  Car. 
Ludw.  Bauer,  Formulae  ac  Diseiplinae  Ernestiauae  Indoles,  Lips.  1782. 


PT.IIL— CH.L— §51.  PROGRESS  0?  THEOLOGICAL  ENLIGHTENMENT.  315 

Johann  Melchior  Gotze,  senior  pastor  at  Hamburg.1  More  im- 
portant were  his  Inquiries  concerning  the  Canon,  which  now  fol- 
lowed and  began  with  the  Apocalypse.  The  genuineness  of  this 
book  had  already  been  questioned  by  Ernesti,  Michaelis,  and  Sem- 
ler, when,  in  17G9,the  last-named  published  the  posthumous  work 
of  Georg  Ludwig  Oeder,  dean  at  Feuchtwang  in  Anspach,  Christ- 
lich  freie  Untersuchung  iiber  die  sogenannte  Offenbarung  Jo- 
hannis.  This  work  occasioned  a  lengthy  controversy.  Christian 
Friedrich  Schmidt  of  Wittenberg,  Chancellor  Eenss  of  Tubingen, 
and  Kiiittel,  superintendent-general  of  Brunswick,  wrote  in  favor 
of  the  Book  of  Revelations,  while  Semler  took  ground  against  it. 
During  the  progress  of  this  controversy,  Semler's  Freie  Unter- 
suchung vom  Canon2  appeared,  containing  a  great  number  of 
new  and  daring  disclosures.  He  showed  how  widely  the  ancient 
churches  had  varied  in  their  designation  of  the  canon,  and  that 
certain  of  the  Biblical  books,  having  been  intended  for  particu- 
lar times  and  readers,  were  consequently  not  equally  applicable 
to  entirely  different  circumstances.  This,  he  held,  was  especially 
true  of  the  Old  Testament,  the  contents  of  which  could  not  be 
regarded  as  wholly  divine,  inasmuch  as  certain  features  of  it, 
e.  g.  its  particularism,  were  even  refuted  by  Jesus  and  the  Apos- 
tles. He  thereby  not  only  asserted  the  right  to  subject  the  his- 
torical origin  of  these  books  to  the  freest  investigation,  but  in- 
sisted that  the  ecclesiastical  canon  was  to  be  distinguished  from 
the  Word  of  God  contained  in  it.  Whether  any  particular  por- 
tion is  the  Word  of  God  can  not  be  determined  by  historical 
evidence,  but  must  be  decided  by  its  internal  character,  as  it  does 
or  does  not  contain  that  which  is  true  and  useful  for  all  men  in 
every  age.  For  this  reason  he  would  have  every  reader  free  to 
retain  whatever  book  of  the  Bible  he  found  most  conducive  to 
his  edification. 

These  opinions  at  that  time  met  with  great  opposition.  In  par- 
ticular, Christian  Friedrich  Schmidt  endeavored  to  refute  them 
in  his  Historia  Antiqua  et  Vindicatio  Canonis,  Lips,  1775,  Svo. 
But  he  attempted  to  prove  too  much  by  his  laborious  treatises, 
and  consequently  proved  nothing  at  all. 

Another  controversy  had  reference  to  the  utility  and  author- 

1  Job.  Melchior  Gotze,  Eine  Rettung,  von  Dr.  G.  R.  Rope.    Cf.  Gallerie  Hamburger 
Theologen,  vol.  iii.  on  J.  S.  Semler,  1861. 
3 1771-1775,  4  vols.  8. 


316  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  164S-1S14. 

ity  of  the  symbolical  books.  Provost  Liidke  of  Berlin  took 
Ground  against  them  in  his  work  Vom  falschen  lleligionseifcr, 
17G7,  and  consequently  found  many  assailants.  The  most  vio- 
lent in  this  instance,  also,  was  Johann  Melchior  Gotze ;  but  he 
injured  his  cause  by  recommending  compulsory  measures.  An- 
ton Friedrich  Biisching,  member  of  the  supreme  consistory,  came 
to  the  aid  of  Liidke,  at  the  same  time  criticising  the  symbolical 
books  of  the  Lutheran  Church,  and  denying  some  of  their  doc- 
trines. Finally  Sender  also  took  the  same  side.3  After  this 
controversy,  the  conviction  became  more  and  more  general  that 
the  symbolical  books  did  not  possess  unchangeable  authority, 
and  could  not  restrain  free  individual  investigation. 

AVhile  the  theologians  were  thus  correcting  the  opinions  re- 
specting the  sources  of  theology,  the  philosophers  did  much  to 
exhibit  the  doctrines  of  religion  itself  in  a  clarified  form.  The 
Popular  Philosophy,  which  was  then  beginning  to  prevail,  was, 
it  is  true,  justly  chargeable  with  superficiality  and  shallowness, 
for  it  often  dealt  merely  with  externals,  and  discarded  thorough 
investigation  as  useless  refinement.  Nevertheless,  at  that  time 
it  exerted  a  beneficial  influence,  partly  by  its  stimulating  power, 
partly  by  the  many  good  ideas  to  which  it  gave  more  general 
currency.  Prominent  among  the  representatives  of  this  philos- 
ophy was  Johann  Bernhard  Basedow,  noted  as  a  reformer  of  the 
educational  system,  and  founder  of  the  PhUanthrqpin  in  Dessau 
(died  at  Magdeburg,  1790).  He  proposed4  as  the  pure  and  genu- 
ine Christianity  a  system  of  natural  religion  ;  but  he  showed  too 
much  the  want  of  thorough,  systematic  research.  A  much  more 
profound  philosopher  was  Johann  August  Eberhard,  a  preacher 
at  Berlin,  and  afterward  at  Charlottenburg,  finally  professor  of 
philosophy  at  Halle  (d.  1S09).  In  his  Xeue  Apologie  des  Socra- 
tes, 1772,  he  attacked,  in  the  first  place,  Augustine's  doctrine  of 
the  condemnation  of  the  heathen,  and  then  the  doctrines  of 
Christ's  vicarious  atonement  and  of  the  eternity  of  future  pun- 
ishment. In  the  same  spirit,  Lessing  wrote  his  Erziehung  des 
Menschengeschlechts,  17S0. 

It  was  not  long  before  even  theologians  openly  adopted  this 
philosophy.     The  most  noted  was  Wilhelm  Abraham  Teller,  pro- 

3  In  his  Apparatus  ad  Libros  Symbolicos  Eccles.  Lutheranae,  Halle,  1775. 

4  In  his  Philalethla,  1764,  2  vols. ;  Theologiscb.es  System  der  uesunden  Vernunft; 
Versucu  einer  freiniuthigen  Dogmatik. 


PT.IIL— CH.L— §51.  PROGRESS  OF  THEOLOGICAL  ENLIGHTENMENT.  317 

fessor  at  Helmstedt,  afterward  a  member  of  the  supreme  con- 
sistory, and  provost  at  Berlin  (d.  1S04).  In  his  earlier  works  he 
deviated  from  the  system  of  the  Church  chiefly  in  matters  of 
minor  importance ;  but  he  gradually  came  to  attach  less  value 
to  the  positive  doctrines,  and  to  regard  only  the  truths  of  reason 
contained  in  them  as  essential  to  Christianity.5 

Gotthilf  Samuel  Steinbart,  professor  of  theology  at  Frankfort- 
on-the-Oder  (d.  1S09),  took  a  similar  position.6 

A  most  important  agency  for  the  dissemination  and  defense 
of  these  new  opinions  was  the  Allgemeine  Deutsche  Bibliothek, 
which,  from  the  year  1765,  was  published  at  Berlin  by  the  learn- 
ed bookseller  Friedrich  Nicolai.  Its  chief  object  was  the  promo- 
tion of  intellectual  enlightenment,  and  the  contributors  were  all 
supporters  of  the  new  theological  principles.  They  gave  utter- 
ance in  it  to  the  freest  sentiments,  and  by  its  aid  kept  up  a  per- 
petual warfare  against  the  old  system.7 

The  immediate  results  of  these  sudden  changes  could  not  but 
be  injurious  to  religion  in  general.  The  dogmatic  system,  hith- 
erto regarded  as  impregnable,  was  on  every  hand  assailed  and 
disputed  ;  and,  inasmuch  as  the  piety  of  many  was  involved  with 
this  system,  it  naturally  suffered  when  the  latter  was  impugned. 
Moreover,  the  substitutes  which  were  from  time  to  time  offered 
in  place  of  the  old  faith  were  generally  weak  and  unworthy  of. 
respect,  being  chiefly  borrowed  from  the  superficial  French  phi- 
losophy, which  did  more  to  injure  religion  than  to  promote  it. 

Accordingly,  this  period,  taken  by  itself,  presents  a  melancholy 
spectacle ;  and  it  is  only  when  it  is  regarded  as  a  necessary  stage 
to  the  attainment  of  a  more  thorough  and  comprehensive  relig- 
ious culture  that  its  value  can  be  recognized. 

5  In  the  later  eds.  of  his  Worterbuch  des  neuen  Test.  1732,  this  tendency  began  to 
show  itself;  it  was  openly  expressed  in  his  Religion  der  Vollkommeneren,  1792. 

6  In  his  System  der  reinen  Philosophie,  oder  Gliickseligkeitslehre  des  Christen- 
thums,  1778. 

7  Nicolai's  Leben  unci  Meinungen  des  Herrn  Mag.  Sebaldus  Nothanker,  1776, 3  vols, 
did  much  to  bring  the  pastoral  office  into  ridicule. 


318  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A. D.  1W8-1814. 

§  52. 

CONTINUATION. 

Although  the  new  philosophical  views  of  Christianity  met  in 
general  with  little  favor  among  the  theologians,  yet  they  were  not 
without  inllucnce  upon  them.  So  strong  was  the  doubt  expressed 
concerning  certain  doctrines  of  the  old  system,  not  merely  on 
philosophical  but  also  on  Biblical  grounds,  as  a  result  of  the  in- 
creasing thoroughness  of  exegesis,  that  most  of  the  theologians 
found  themselves  compelled  either  to  surrender  these  doctrines 
entirely  or  else  to  give  them  a  new  form.  Moreover,  the  new 
investigations  had  the  effect  upon  even  the  most  orthodox  theo- 
logians of  inciting  them  to  give,  as  far  as  possible,  a  practical 
application  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Church,  in  order  thereby  to 
demonstrate  their  importance.  All  empty  speculation  was  now 
entirely  banished  from  dogmatics,  and  gave  place  to  a  salutary, 
practical  tendency. 

Among  the  defenders  of  the  old  system  against  all  modern 
attacks,  Georg  Friedrich  Seiler,  professor  of  theology  at  Erlangen 
(d.  1807),  deserves  mention.  lie  not  only  defended  single  doc- 
trines in  his  writings,1  but  also  presented  the  whole  system  ac- 
cording to  a  freer  method,  without,  however,  attempting  to  re- 
duce it  to  the  scholastic  form.2 

Two  other  dogmatists  of  this  period  occupied  a  more  moder- 
ate position  between  the  two  extremes,  and  endeavored  by  quali- 
fying explanations  to  preserve  the  essentials  of  the  Church  sys- 
tem while  surrendering  points  of  minor  importance : 

Johann  Christoph  Doederlein,  professor  of  theology  at  Altorf, 
afterward  at  Jena  (d.  1792).  His  work  on  dogmatic  theology3 
was  very  popular  on  account  of  its  clearness,  its  fullness  com- 
bined with  terseness,  and  its  moderate  tone,  although  the  au- 
thor's theological  system  is  not  entirely  consistent  with  itself. 

Samuel  Friedrich  Nathanael  Morns,  professor  of  theology  at 
Leipsic  (d.  1792),  a  distinguished  linguist  and  New  Testament 
exegete,  educated  in  the  school  of  Ernesti,  restored  dogmatic  the- 

'  Ucbcr  die  Gotthcit  Christi,  1775 ;  Ueber  den  Versolmungstod  Christi,  1778. 

2  In  his  Thcologia  Dogmatico-polemica,  1774. 

3  Institutio  Theologi  Christiani  in  Capitibus  Religionis  Theoreticis  Nostris  Tem- 
poribus  Accommodata,  1780,  2  vols. 


PT.  III.—  CH.  I.-§52.  PROGRESS  OF  THEOLOGICAL  ENLIGHTENMENT.  3 19 

ology4  to  its  Scriptural  basis,  and  surrendered  those  doctrines 
which  could  not  be  proved  from  the  Bible  upon  strict  exegetical 
principles,  such  as  the  imputation  of  Adam's  sin  and  the  ubiqui- 
ty of  Christ's  human  nature.  He  also  mentioned  the  eternity  of 
future  punishment  with  doubt. 

All  at  once,  however,  it  seemed  as  if  free  inquiry  were  again  to 
be  suppressed  in  the  very  country  where,  under  Frederic  II.,  it 
had  been  allowed  the  most  untrammeled  development,  and  the 
old  and  abandoned  theological  status  to  be  forcibly  restored.5 
Frederic  William  II.  assumed  the  government  with  the  firm 
purpose  of  eradicating  the  innovations  in  religion.  He  appoint- 
ed as  minister  of  religious  affairs  a  former  preacher,  Wollner, 
who  had  succeeded  in  gaining  his  confidence.  This  man  was 
the  author  of  the  celebrated  religious  edict6  which  appeared  in 
1788,  and  was  intended  to  completely  restore  the  old  orthodoxy. 
All  preachers  and  school-teachers  were  commanded,  under  pen- 
alty of  removal,  to  adhere  to  the  doctrine  of  the  symbolical  books. 
Inasmuch  as  the  system  of  the  Church  was  thus  declared  un- 
changeable, and  the  secular  power  endeavored  to  secure  it  from 
investigation  by  forcible  means,  this  edict  called  forth  a  great 
number  of  opinions,  and  occasioned  a  series  of  writings  which 
were  mostly  occupied  with  the  question  whether  the  doctrines 
of  the  symbolical  books  were  to  be  considered  unalterable,  and 
how  far  the  authority  of  Protestant  princes  extended  with  regard 
to  Church  doctrines.7 

More  stringent  measures  were  adopted.  The  King  called  from 
Breslau  to  Berlin  as  members  of  the  supreme  consistory  the 
preacher  Hermes,  a  well-disposed  but  narrow-minded  man,  and 
Hilmer,  a  teacher  in  the  gymnasium,  who,  according  to  popular 

*  In  his  Epitome  Theologiae  Christianae,  Lips.  1789. 

5  Gesch.  des  preuss.  Staates  (by  Manso),  Frankf.  1819,  i.  165, 170,  201,  355.  Fanat- 
icism in  Berlin,  Dohm's  Leben  by  Gronau,  p.  122.  Friedr.  Nieolai's  Leben  by 
Gockingk,  p.  90.    Thiebault,  Vie  Privet  de  Frederic  II.  Transl.  i.  215,  257;  ii.  ±5. 

6  Original  documents  concerning  the  Edict  of  17S8,  by  K.  H.  Sack,  in  Zeitschr.  f. 
d.  hist.  Theol.  1858,  p.  3-49. 

7  Henke's  Beurtheilung  aller  Schriften,  welche  durch  das  konigl.  preuss.  Reli- 
gionsedict  veranlasst  sind,  Kiel,  1793.  Admirable  conduct  of  the  Consistorialrath 
Diterich,  whose  earlier  work,  Die  ersten  Griinde  der  christl.  Lehre,  was  about  to  be 
introduced  as  a  text-book.  He  declared  that  he  no  longer  regarded  it  as  useful,  and 
that  he  would  make  a  public  statement  to  this  effect:  the  whole  edition  had  to  be 
withdrawn.  S.  J.  J.  Spalding's  Lebensbeschreibung,  von  ihm  selbst  aufgesetzt, 
Halle,  1804,  p.  122.  Diterich's  life  and  character  in  Henke's  Archiv  der  neuesten 
Kircheno-esch.  v.  221. 


320  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.— A.D.  164S-1814. 

report,  espoused  this  cause  from  motives  of  policy  ;  and  a  course 
was  now  entered  upon  of  which  even  Wollner  did  not  wholly  ap- 
prove. Some  of  the  members  of  the  supreme  consistory,  among 
them  Teller,  were  retired  ;  and  in  1792  an  Inimediat-Commis- 
sion  was  constituted,  in  addition  to  the  supreme  consistory,  wit li 
especial  control  over  the  theological  examinations.  All  the  pro- 
vincial consistories  were  also  supplemented  by  examining  com- 
missions which  were  placed  under  the  direction  of  the  Immedi- 
at-Commission.  Hermes  prepared  a  scheme  for  the  examination 
of  candidates  which  was  particularly  designed  to  test  their  or- 
thodoxy ;  and  every  one  who  received  an  ecclesiastical  office  was 
obliged  to  bind  himself  by  a  condition  annulling  his  commission 
in  case  of  unfaithfulness  to  the  system  of  the  Church.  In  this 
way  it  was  supposed  that  the  necessary  precautions  had  been 
taken  to  exclude  from  the  offices  of  the  Church  all  who  did  not 
strictly  adhere  to  the  doctrines  of  the  symbolical  books. 

These  measures,  however,  were  so  distasteful  to  public  opinion 
that  they  could  not  be  completely  carried  into  effect.  This  was 
particularly  demonstrated  in  the  case  of  the  proceedings  against 
the  preacher  Schulz  at  Gielsdorf,  near  Berlin,  who  had,  it  must 
be  confessed,  preached  with  great  levity  and  indiscretion  against 
many  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Church.  It  was  found  impossible 
to  obtain  a  decree  of  condemnation  against  him  from  the  su- 
preme court,8  and  it  became  necessary  to  depose  him  by  an  order 
of  the  cabinet  (1791). 

Menacing  intimations  were  made  to  the  most  distinguished 
professors  in  the  universities  —  Kant,  Kosselt,  Kiemeyer — to 
change  the  tone  of  their  instructions ;  and  finally  Hermes  and 
Hilmcr  began  to  travel  through  the  country,  and  every  where  to 
purge  the  schools  and  churches  of  heterodox  elements.  They, 
however,  met  in  general  with  an  unwelcome  reception,  especially 
at  Halle,  whence  they  were  formally  expelled  by  the  students  in 
1795.  Their  zeal  now  began  to  abate,  and  after  the  death  of 
Frederic  William  II.,  in  1797,  all  these  measures  were  abolished  ; 
Wollner,  Hermes,  and  Ililmer  dismissed  ;  and  the  supreme  con- 
sistory reinstated  in  all  its  rights.9 

8  Vater's  Anbau,  i.  237. 

9  Gcsch.  des  prcuss.  Staates,  ii.  7. 


PT.III.—CH.  I.— §53.  PROGRESS  OF  THEOLOGICAL  ENLIGHTENMENT.  321 

§  53. 

CONTINUATION. 

Manitius,  Die  Gestalt  der  Dogmatik  iu  der  lutherischen  Kirchc  seit  Morus,  Wittenb. 

1806. 

So  far  were  these  compulsory  measures  in  the  Prussian  states 
from  hindering  the  progress  of  free  thought  that  even  during 
their  continuance  the  new  movement  in  philosophy  and  theology 
was  actually  gaining  ground.  This  result  was  due  to  the  philos- 
ophy of  Iinmanuel  Kant,  -which,  after  the  year  1790,  began  to 
exert  a  more  general  and  predominant  influence.  He  examined 
more  carefully  than  any  of  his  predecessors  the  grounds  of  re- 
ligious belief,  as  well  as  the  grounds  of  morality,  overthrew  the 
prevalent  eudaemonism  in  ethics,  and  represented  morality  as 
governed  by  the  dictates  of  the  practical  reason,  which  of  itself, 
without  any  external  reference  to  happiness,  requires  obedience. 
But  since  we  possess  the  desire  for  happiness,  and  this  as  a  mat- 
ter of  right  is  connected  with  virtue,  we  are  compelled  to  assume 
a  harmony  between  morality  and  happiness.  This  we  can  do 
only  upon  the  assumption  that  there  is  a  God  and  an  eternal 
life.  Both  of  these  truths  must  be  accepted  as  postulates  of  the 
practical  reason.  Accordingly,  religion  is  founded  upon  morali- 
ty ;  but  the  latter  receives  from  the  former  the  dignity  of  a  divine 
enactment.  But  the  supreme  arbiter,  even  in  matters  of  belief, 
is  the  practical  reason,  and  the  value  of  religious  belief  is  to  be 
determined  solely  by  its  connection  with  moralit}7  or  the  law  of 
the  practical  reason.  In  accordance  with  these  principles,  Kant 
now  made  public  his  work  Religion  innerhalb  der  Grenzen  der 
blossen  Vernunft,  1793 — a  critical  examination  of  the  Christian 
revelation,  in  which  he  followed  a  method  entirely  new,  and  gave 
a  new  direction  to  theology.  He  left  the  question  undecided 
whether  there  is  a  supernatural  or  superrational  revelation,  since 
reason  affords  no  decisive  grounds  upon  which  to  base  a  conclu- 
sion. He  rejected  all  dogmatical  knowledge,  from  which  only 
fanaticism  and  superstition  could  result,  and  made  the  real  core 
and  essence  of  a  revealed  faith  to  consist  in  the  pure  ethical  be- 
lief of  religion,  which  must  be  the  source  and  end  of  a  revelation. 

This  conception  of  revelation  he  called  nationalism,  and  was 
accordingly  the  author  of  an  expression  which,  afterward  used 
vol.  v. — 21 


322  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1614. 

in  a  much  broader  sense,  designated  that  theological  view  which 
makes  the  reason  the  supreme  arbiter  in  matters  of  faith. 

In  this  work  Kant  reviewed  the  Church  system,  extracting 
from  the  doctrines  their  ethical  contents,  and  passing  judgment 
upon  their  value  accordingl}\  lie  did  not,  however,  always  en- 
ter into  an  analysis  of  the  doctrines  in  their  historical  form ;  but 
often  took  them  as  symbols  of  moral  ideas,  and  by  his  ethical 
construction  not  unfrequently  imposed  an  entirely  new  meaning 
upon  them.1  Accordingly,  he  made  the  doctrine  of  the  Church 
merely  a  symbolical  representation  of  the  new  religion  of  rea- 
son. 

He  admitted  that  these  doctrines  as  a  system  did  not  have  the 
meaning  which  he  found  in  them  ;  but  he  asserted  that  they  in- 
cluded this  moral  sense  also  ;  that  it  constituted  their  chief  mer- 
it ;  and  that  it  was  because  they  contained  it  that  they  had  made 
so  deep  an  impression  upon  the  minds  of  men,  and  had  found 
such  general  acceptance. 

In  connection  with  this  theory,  Kant  called  for  an  ethical  in- 
terpretation of  the  Scriptures.  While  admitting  that  the  Church 
required  a  statutory  law  based  upon  divine  revelation,  and  that 
such  a  law  could  only  be  preserved  by  a  Holy  Writ,  he  demand- 
ed, on  the  other  hand,  that  the  Scriptures  should  always  be  in- 
terpreted in  a  sense  agreeable  to  the  dictates  of  the  practical  rea- 
son. He  did  not  wish  to  have  this  ethical  interpretation  substi- 
tuted for  the  historical  explanation  of  the  Scriptures,  as  has  been 
often  erroneously  supposed ;  but  to  have  it  regarded  as  some- 
thing higher,  and  only  applicable  to  the  Bible  so  far  as  its  con- 
tents are  divine. 

Kant's  work  produced  a  profound  sensation,  but  met  with 
quite  as  much  opposition  as  approval.  Among  the  theologians 
who,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  adopted  Kant's  ideas,  and,  after 
his  example,  endeavored  to  rationalize  the  Church  system,  the 
most  noted  were,  Johann  Ileinrich  Tieftrunk,  professor  of  philos- 
ophy at  Halle  ;2  Christoph  Friedrich  Amnion,  professor  of  theolo- 
gy at  Gottingen,  afterward  at  Erlangen,  finally  chief  court-chap- 
lain at  Dresden  ;3  Johann  Wilhelm  Schmid,  professor  of  theology 

1  The  Word,  which  was  in  the  beginning  with  God,  is  the  ideal  of  ethical  human- 
ity. 

2  Censur  des  protestant.  Lehrbcgrifls,  Berlin,  1701-1705,  3  vols. 

3  Entwurf  einer  wisscnsehaftlich  pract.  Thcologie,  Gottingen,  1797. 


PT.IIL— CH.  I.— §53.  PROGRESS  OF  THEOLOGICAL  ENLIGHTENMENT.  323 

at  Jena  (d.  1798)  ;4  Carl  Friedrich  Staudlin,  professor  at  Go'ttin- 
gen.5 

The  philosophy  of  Kant  did  not,  however,  permanently  main- 
tain this  influence  in  theology.  Its  own  supporters,  particularly 
Amnion  and  Staudlin,  afterward  abandoned  it.  The  ethical  in- 
terpretation was  assailed  by  others  on  account  of  its  arbitrary 
character,  and  was  soon  generally  regarded  as  untenable.6 

The  more  recent  philosophical  systems  have  also  had  an  influ- 
ence upon  dogmatics :  the  philosophy  of  Schelling,  which  guided 
Carl  Daub  in  his  speculations;7  the  system  of  Johann  Friedrich 
Fries,  which  De  Wette  followed.8  Hegel  also  exerted  a  decided 
influence  upon  Marheineke's  Dogmatics  and  Schleiermacher  upon 
Twesten. 

Another  series  of  later  dogmatists  have  been  less  influenced 
by  particular  philosophies.  They  rather  unite  the  historical  with 
the  philosophical  method.  They  attempt  to  discover  historically 
what  originally  constituted  the  essence  of  the  teaching  of  Jesus, 
how  it  was  understood  and  reproduced  by  the  Apostles,  and  by 
rational  criticism  seek  to  separate  tfye  permanently  true  from  the 
temporary  and  local. 

Thus  Jacob  Christoph  Rudolph  Eckermann,  ecclesiastical  coun- 
selor, and  professor  of  theology  at  Kiel.9  Heinrich  Philipp  Con- 
rad Henke,  professor  of  theology  at  Helmstedt,  and  abbot  of 
Konigslutter  (d.  1809). 10    Julius  August  Ludwig  Wegscheider.n 

On  the  other  hand,  other  dogmatic  theologians  adhered  to  and 
defended  the  old  system.  Among  these  were  Gottlob  Christian 
Storr,  professor  at  Tubingen,  afterward  chief  court-chaplain  at 
Stuttgart  (d.  1S05).13     Franz  Volkmar  Reinhard,  chief  court- 

4  Ueber  christl.  Religion,  deren  Beschaffenheit  und  zweckmassige  Behandlung, 
Jena,  1797. 

5  Dogmatik  und  Dogmengeschichte,  2  vols.  1800. 

6  Fliigge's  Versuch  einer  hist.  krit.  Darstellung  des  bisherigen  Einflusses  der  kan- 
tischen  Philosophic  auf  alle  Zweige  der  wissensch.  und  pract.  Theologie,  Hanover, 
1796,  2  vols. 

7  Theologoumena,  1806. 

8  Lehrbuch  der  christl.  Dogmatik,  2d  ed.  181S-1S21,  2  vols.  Ueber  Religion  und 
Theologie,  2d  ed.  1821. 

9  Cf.  Theol.  Christ.  1791.  Handbuch  zum  gelehrten  u.  system.  Studium  der  christl. 
Glaubenslehre,  4  vols.  1801.  2. 

10  Lineamenta  Institutionis  Fidei  Christ.  1793. 

11  Institutiones  Theol.  Christ.  Dogmat. ;  first  in  1815. 

1S  Doctrinae  Christianae  Pars  Theoretica,  1793.  Storr's  Lehrbuch  der  christl. 
Dogmatik  ins  Deutsche  iibersetzt,  mit  Erlauterungen,  von  Carl  Chr.  Flatt  (prof,  in 
Tubingen),  1S03 ;  2d  ed.  1813. 


.304  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A. D.  1G4S-1S14. 

chaplain  at  Dresden  (d.  1S12).13  Atigusti,  professor  and  mem- 
ber of  the  supreme  consistory  at  Bonn.14  Carl  Gottlieb  Bret- 
schneider,  member  of  the  supreme  consistory  at  Gotha.15 

§  5±. 

TEE  OTHER  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES. 

In  this  modern  period  after  Semler,  all  the  theological  sciences 
were  so  far  revised  and  enriched  by  numerous  contributions  as 
to  receive  an  entirely  new  form.  The  emancipation  from  the 
restraints  of  the  old  scholastic  theology  was  every  where  condu- 
cive to  free,  impartial  investigation ;  and  although  in  the  mass 
of  new  productions  there  is  much  to  be  found  which  is  superfi- 
cial, indiscreet,  and  untenable,  the  modern  period  has  contributed 
many  important  discoveries  of  permanent  value. 

In  the  department  of  Biblical  literature  may  be  mentioned 
Johann  Gottfried  Eichhorn,  professor  at  Jena,  afterward  at  Giit- 
tingen.  His  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament l  is  the  first  his- 
torico-critical  treatment  of  this  science,  but  is  not  free  from  un- 
tenable hypotheses.2 

Johann  Jacob  Griesbach,  professor  at  Jena  (d.  1S12),  labored 
in  the  department  of  New  Testament  criticism.  He  was  the 
first  to  avail  himself  of  all  the  rich  material  extant  to  furnish  a 
complete  criticism  of  the  New  Testament.3 

Numerous  separate  contributions  were  made  to  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  Old  Testament.  The  following  were  eminent  com- 
mentators:  Johann  Christoph  Doederlein,4  Wilhelm  Gesenius, 
professor  at  Halle  ;5  Ernst  Friedrich  Carl  Eosenmuller,  professor 
of  Oriental  Literature  at  Leipsic.6 

13  Vorlesungcn  iibcr  die  Dogmatik,  1801. 

14  System  der  christl.  Dogmatik  nach  dem  Lehrbegriffe  der  luth.  Kirche,  1809. 

15  Handbuch  der  Dogmatik  der  evangel,  luth.  Kirche,  2  vols.  1814.  Neauder,  Das 
verflossene  halbe  Jahrh.  uud  seine  Verhaltnisse  zur  Gegcnwart,  Wiss.  Abb.  p.  215. 

1  1780,  3  vols. 

-  Einl.  in  die  Apocryphen,  1795, 1  vol.  Einl.  ins  Neue  Test.  1804  sq.  3  vols.  Re- 
pertor.  fur  bibl.  und  morgenl.  Literatur,  18  vols.  Then  Biblioth.  der  bibl.  Literatur, 
1<>  vols. 

3  Nov.  Test.  Graece,  179G,  1806,  2  vols.  8.  Defense  of  this  criticism  in  the  Symbo- 
lae  Criticae,  2  vols,  and  the  Commcutar.  Crit.  in  Textum  Grace.  Novi  Test.  2  vols. 

*  The  Proverbs,  177S.  Isaiah  (Lat.  vcrtit  notasquc  subjecit),  1775.  Observationes 
in  Libros  Poet,  (as  auctarium  to  Hugo  Grot.  Annott.  ad  Vet.  Test.),  1799. 

5  Lexicon— Grammar— Jcsaias,  ubers.  mit  vollstiiud.  philol.  krit.  und  histor.  Comm. 
3  vols.  1820-1823. 

6  Scholia  in  Vet.  Test.  7  vols.,  more  a  compilation. 


PART  III— CHAP.  I.— §  54.  OTHER  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES.      305 

Distinguished  as  New  Testament  commentators  are :  Johann 
Benjamin  Koppe,  professor  of  theology  at  Gottingen,  afterward 
superintendent-general  at  Gotha,  finally  court-chaplain  and  mem- 
ber of  the  consistory  at  Hanover  (d.  1791).7  Julius  Pott,  pro- 
fessor at  Gottingen,  previously  at  Helmstedt.8  Samuel  Friedrich 
Nathanael  Morus  (d.  1792).9  Johann  August  Nosselt,  professor 
of  theology  at  Halle  (d.  1807).10  Georg  Christian  Knapp  (d.  Oc- 
tober 14, 1825).11  Heinrich  Eberhard  Gottlob  Paulus,  professor 
at  Heidelberg,  previously  at  Jena  and  Wiirzbnrg.12  Christian 
Gottlieb  Kuinoel,  professor  at  Giessen.13 

The  folio  wins:  are  distinguished  as  writers  on  Church  history  : 
Christian  Wilhelm  Franz  Walch,  professor  at  Gottingen  (d.  1784), 
eminent  for  his  thorough  and  impartial  research.14  Johann  An- 
dreas Cramer,  chancellor  and  professor  of  theology  at  Kiel  (d. 
1 78S).15  Johann  Matthaus  Schroeckh,  professor  of  history  at  Wit- 
tenberg (d.  180S).16  Ludwig  Timotheus  Spittler,  previously  pro- 
fessor of  history  at  Gottingen,  afterward  minister  of  state  in 
Wiirtemberg  (d.  1S10).17  Gottlieb  Jacob  Planck,  member  of  the 
consistory  and  professor  of   theology  at  Gottingen.18    Johann 

7  Novum  Test.  Graece  Perpetua  Annotatione  Illustratum.  He  himself  prepared 
only  Vol.  IV.  Epist.  ad  Rom.  1783,  and  Vol.  VI.  ad  Galat.,  Eplies.,  Thessal.  1778— 
continued  by  J.  H.  Heinrichs,  superintendent  at  Burgdorf,  near  Hanover,  who  added 
Acta,  Epp.  ad  Tim.,  Tit.,  Philem.,  Philipp.,  Coloss.,  Hebraeos,  and  Apocalyps. 

8  He  furnished  Vol.  IX.  of  the  above  work,  Epist.  Cathol.  more  distinguished  than 
the  other  continuations. 

9  Valuable  exegetical  treatises  in  his  Dissert.  Theol.  et  Philolog.  2  vols.  1787.  Aft- 
er his  death  many  of  his  exegetical  lectures  were  published  by  his  pupils — not  equal 
in  value. 

10  Opusc.  ad  Interpret.  Sacr.  Scripturarum,  Fasc.  II.  Exercitatt.  ad  Sacr.  Litter. 
Iuterpret.  1803. 

11  Scripta  Varii  Argumenti  maximam  partem  Exegetica  atque  Historica,  1S05, 
2  vols. 

12  Philol.  krit.  und  histor.  Comm.  fiber  das  Neue  Test.  4  vols.  1804 — very  valuable 
on  account  of  numerous  historical  disquisitions  inserted  in  it. 

13  Comm.  in  Libr.  Novi  Test.  Histor.  4  vols.  1807-1818 — is  a  compilation. 

14  Gescbichte  der  Papste,  1758.  Gesch.  der  Concilien,  1759 — particularly  his  Hi- 
storic der  Ketzereien,  11  vols.  1762-1785. 

15  Continuation  of  Bossuet's  Introduction  to  the  Universal  History  of  the  World, 
7  vols.  1757-1786 — especially  valuable  for  the  history  of  the  scholastics. 

16  Christl.  Kirchengeschichte,  35  vols.  Kirchengesch.  seit  der  Reform.  10  vols. 
1708-1810 — a  most  complete  work. 

17  Gruudriss  der  Geschichte  der  christl.  Kirche,  17S2 — an  admirable  summary;  he 
also  carefully  investigated  particular  portions  of  Church  history  in  several  smaller 
works:  the  History  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition;  of  the  Cup  in  the  Lord's  Supper; 
of  Canon  Law  down  to  Pseudo-Isidor. 

18  Geschichte  der  Entstehung  und  Ausbildung  der  N.-T.  kirchlichen  Gesellschafts- 
Vcrfassung,  5  vols.  Gesch.  der  Entstehung  und  Bildung  unsers  protest.  Lehrbegrifis 
vom  Anfaug  der  Reform,  bis  zur  Einfuhrung  der  Concordienformel,  6  vols. 


32G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1G48-L814. 

Ernst  Christian  Schmidt,  professor  at  Giessen.19  August  Nean- 
der,  professor  at  Berlin.20 

The  department  of  ethics  was  cultivated  by  Reinhard,  Am- 
nion, Stiiudlin,  and  De  "VVette. 

Among  the  most  eminent  preachers  were :  Johann  Friedrich 
Wilhelm  Jerusalem,  abbot  and  court-chaplain  at  Brunswick  (d. 
17S9).  Johann  Andreas  Cramer,  chancellor  at  Kiel.  Georg  Jo- 
achim Zollikofer,  Reformed  pastor  in  Leipsic  (d.  1788).  Franz 
Volkmar  Reinhard.  Johann  Gottlob  Marezoll,  professor  and 
chaplain  of  the  University  of  Gottingen,  then  pastor  at  Copenha- 
gen, afterward  superintendent  at  Jena.  Josias  Friedrich  Chris- 
tian Ldffler,  superintendent-general  at  Gotha  (d.  1S1G).  Johann 
Heinrich  Bernhard  Draseke,  pastor  at  Bremen.  Friedrich  Schlei- 
ermacher.  Hanstein,  member  of  the  supreme  consistory,  pro- 
vost and  preacher  at  Berlin  (d.  1S21).  Ribbeck,  provost  at  Ber- 
lin. . 

APPENDIX. 

THE  SWEDENBORGIANS. 
Ilerdcr's  Werke,  ix.  4TS. — Mohler's  Symbolik. 

While  events  were  preparing  for  the  better  period  of  theology 
in  the  Lutheran  Church,  Emanuel  Svvedenborg  revived  in  Swe- 
den the  old  theosophical  fanaticism,  and  became  the  founder  of 
a  sect  which  has  maintained  itself  until  the  present  time.  He 
was  the  son  of  a  bishop  of  West  Gothland,  and  was  well  acquaint- 
ed with  the  natural  sciences,  especially  chemistry  and  metallur- 
gy ;  but  was  carried  away  by  mystical  opinions  respecting  the 
correspondence  of  the  spiritual  and  physical  worlds,  after  the 
manner  of  Jacob  Bohme,  and  after  the  year  1743  began  to  have 
divine  revelations,  and  to  hold  communication  with  spirits  and 
angels.  He  constructed  a  strange  system  of  fanatical  theology, 
and  found  many  followers.  His  desire  was  to  found  a  Church 
of  the  New  Jerusalem,  and  he  hoped  that  this  would  soon  extend 
over  the  whole  world.     In  England,  especially,  he  met  with  great 

19  Handtrach  der  christl.  Kirchengcsch.  6  vols.  Bes.  Untcrs.  iiber  cinzclnc  Thcile 
deralten  Kirchengesch.  Bibl.fiir  Kritik,  ExegeBe  des  Neuen  Tost.  u.  alU'bto  Kirchen- 
gesch. :;  vols,     llist.-krit.  Einl.  ins  None  Test 

'-'  Kaiser  Julian  unci  sein  Z.ilaltcr;  Der  heilige  Bernhard  unci  sein  Zeltalter;  Ge- 
net. Entwickelung  der  vomehmsten  gnoBtischen  Systeme;  Der  hciligo  Chrysosto- 
raus  unci  sein  Zeitalter. 


PART  III.— CHAP.  II.— §  55.  PROTESTANTS  IN  THE  PALATINATE.  327 

success.  He  died  in  London  in  1772.  The  Swedenborgian  The- 
osophic  Society  in  England,  and  the  so-called  Exegetical  Philan- 
thropic Society  in  Sweden,  still  maintain  themselves,  and  form 
the  first  germs  of  the  future  Church  of  the  New  Jerusalem. 
They  have  many  peculiarities  both  in  theology  and  Church  gov- 
ernment.1 


SECOND  CHAPTER. 

EXTERNAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  PROTESTANTS  IN  GERMANY. 

§  55. 

THE  PERSECUTION  OF  THE  PROTESTANTS  IN  THE  PALATINATE. 

Notwithstanding  the  Peace  of  Westphalia,  which  so  solemnly 
guaranteed  toleration  to  the  Protestants  after  the  normal  year 
1624,  they  were,  even  until  recent  times,  subjected  in  many  coun- 
tries to  much  oppression  from  their  Catholic  rulers.  This  was 
particularly  the  case  in  the  Palatinate,  which  from  the  days  of 
the  Reformation  had  been  entirely  Protestant. 

The  line  of  Reformed  electors  became  extinct  with  the  Elect- 
or Carl  in  16S5,  and  the  Catholic  house  of  Pfalz-Neuburg  ob- 
tained the  government.  Louis  XIY.  also  laid  claim  to  several 
portions  of  this  country,  and  a  war  arose  in  consequence,  in  the 
course  of  which  the  Lower  Palatinate  was  overrun  by  the  French, 
the  Protestant  worship  broken  up,  and  the  churches  given  over 
to  the  Catholic  priests.  Finally,  in  the  Treaty  of  Ryswick  (1697), 
Louis  XIV.  obtained  by  menaces  a  stipulation  that,  in  the  por- 
tions of  the  country  which  the  French  were  about  to  evacuate, 
the  Catholic  religion  should  be  maintained  in  the  condition  in 

1  Readers  in  Sweden,  Tzschirner's  Arcbiv,  iv.  614 ;  v.  277,  293.  Hans  Nielsen 
Hauge,  Tzschirner's  Arehiv,  iv.  854;  v.  237.  Cf.  H.  G.  von  Bretschn eider's  spirited 
analysis  of  Swedenborg's  character  in  the  Allg.  teutsche  Bibl.  cvii.  15  sq.  Acten, 
Urkunden  und  Nachrichten  zur  neuesten  Kirehengesch.  Weimar,  ii.  213  sq.  (1790). 
Samml.  von  Urkunden  betr.  das  Leben  unci  den  Character  Emanuel  Swedenborgs. 
Aus  den  Quellen  treu  und  mit  Anmerkungen  begleitet  von  Dr.  Tafel,  Tubingen,  1839. 
Swedenborg's  Ansicht  von  der  heiligen  Schrift,  by  Hauber,  Tubinger  ev.-theol. 
Zeitschrift,  1840,  No.  4,  p.  32.  Die  Lehre  der  neuen  Kirche,  oder  das  neue  Jerusalem, 
dargest.  und  gepriift  von  Haug,  in  the  Studien  der  ev.  Geistlichkeit  Wiirtembergs, 
1842,  xiv.  I.  and  II.  Abriss  des  Lebens  u.  Wirkens  Em.  Swedenborgs,  translated  from 
the  Penny  Encyclopedia,  with  new  documents,  and  with  reference  to  the  accounts 
and  opinions  concerning  him,  Stuttg.  1845.  8. 


328  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

which  it  was  at  that  time.  When  the  Catholic  electors  were 
once  more  in  undisturbed  possession  of  the  country,  they  availed 
themselves,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Jesuits,  of  this  stipulation  to 
permanently  restrict  the  exercise  of  the  Protestant  religion.  The 
Prussian  Court,  it  is  true,  extorted  an  agreement  (the  Interims- 
Religioiisdeclaration),  in  1705,  by  which  the  Elector  promised 
to  allow  his  subjects  the  fullest  religious  freedom.  But  neither 
was  this  agreement  long  observed,  nor  did  the  subsequent  re- 
monstrances of  Protestant  princes,  and  even  the  commands  of 
the  Emperor,  secure  any  permanent  relief  for  the  subjects  of 
the  Palatinate. 

At  the  Congress  of  Baden,  in  1714,  the  Protestant  Estates 
urgently  demanded  the  repeal  of  the  stipulation.  The  French 
envoys  refused  to  accede  to  this  demand.  The  Pope,  as  it  ap- 
peared, had  charged  the  King's  confessor,  Letellier,  by  a  re- 
script, in  1712,  to  dissuade  Louis  from  yielding  to  the  requests 
of  the  Protestants.1  The  Protestant  princes  accordingly  pro- 
tested against  the  Peace  of  Baden. 

The  electors  endeavored  to  secure  the  general  introduction  of 
an  arrangement  (simultcmeimi)  by  which  the  possession  of  the 
churches  should  be  divided  between  the  three  religious  confes- 
sions. The  Lutherans,  who,  under  the  earlier  Reformed  electors 
had  been  without  churches  in  many  places,  were  at  first  well 
satisfied  with  this  arrangement,  and  thanked  the  electors  for  it. 
But  it  soon  appeared  that  this  measure  was  really  in  the  inter- 
ests of  the  Catnolics,  its  sole  object  being  to  foster  disagreement 
between  the  Reformed  and  Lutherans.  A  large  portion  of  the 
Church  property  was  given  to  the  Catholics.  The  Jesuits  found 
their  way  into  the  Reformed  National  University  of  Heidelberg 
and  obtained  possession  of  several  of  the  professorships.  In 
mixed  marriages  it  was  required  that  the  children  should  be- 
come Catholics;  the  Protestants  were  obliged  to  join  in  the  cele- 
bration of  Catholic  festivals  and  the  like.  During  the  continuance 
of  the  houses  of  Pfalz-Neuburg  and  Pfalz-Sulzbach,  until  the 
death  of  Carl  Theodor,  in  1799,  these  oppressions  were  kept  up 
under  various  forms.  Inasmuch  as  even  earlier  there  had  been 
reason  to  apprehend  the  extinction  of  these  houses,  the  electors 

1  It  lias,  however,  recently  come  to  light  that  the  Pope  took  this  course  with  ref- 
erence to  the  King  of  France  only  at  the  express  request  of  the  Court  of  Vienna. 
For  the  correspondence  on  this  subject,  see  Koch,  Recueil  des Traites,  i.  209;  Schoell, 
in  Koch's  Hist.  Abr.  des  Traites  de  Paix,  ii.  152. 


PART  III.-CHAP.  II.— §  56.  PERSECUTIONS  IN  SALZBURG.   329 

made  every  effort  to  bring  over  the  house  of  Pfalz-Zweibriicken, 
which  was  next  in  the  line  of  succession,  to  the  Catholic  Church. 
They  finally  succeeded  in  securing  Prince  Frederic  (1746).  The 
first  elector  of  this  house  was  Maximilian  Joseph,  who,  however, 
immediately  deserted  the  principles  of  his  ancestors,  and  by  le- 
o-al  enactment  granted  the  Protestants  universal  toleration  not 
only  in  the  Palatinate,  but  also  in  Bavaria. 

Accordingly,  in  1S01,  the  first  evangelical  citizen  w7as  admit- 
ted in  Munich,  notwithstanding  the  excitement  which  the  event 
produced  in  that  place.2  In  consequence  of  the  changes  which 
afterward  took  place,  the  Palatinate  has  fallen  to  Baden,  and 
thus  again  come  into  the  possession  of  a  Protestant  sovereign.3 

§56. 

IN  SALZBURG. 

[Ludwig  Clams :  Die  Ausv^anderung.  d.  Salzbg.  Protest.  1731-1733,  Innsbruck,  1864 
(R.  C.).— Carl  von  Heffel,  On  the  Expulsion  of  the  Protestants  from  Salzburg, 
1732,  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  hist.  Theol.  1859,  pt.  i.] 

As  far  back  as  the  days  of  the  Hussites,  and  more  especially 
since  the  time  of  Luther,  there  had  been  in  Salzburg,  particular- 
ly among  the  mountaineers,  many  secret  adherents  of  the  evan- 
gelical doctrines,  who,  however,  did  not  dare  to  express  their 
opinions  publicly,  and  consequently  had  no  uniform  doctrinal 
svstem.  Many  of  them  had  received  but  little  instruction,  and 
they  agreed  only  in  their  contempt  for  the  Catholic  worship  and 
in  their  practice  of  secretly  reading  the  Bible  and  certain  Prot- 
estant devotional  books,  particularly  Luther's  Domestic  Sermons 
(Ilauspostille?)).  At  the  same  time,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  they 
outwardly  conformed  to  the  Catholic  practices.  These  secret 
Protestants  had  before  this  period  been  from  time  to  time  dis- 
covered, and  on  several  occasions  many  of  them  had  been  ban- 

2  Papal  rescript  to  the  Elector,  February  12,  1803,  in  Miiller's  encyclopad.  Hand- 
buch  des  Kirchenrechts,  i.  190. 

3  Burkard  Gotth.  Struve,  Ausfuhrl.  Bericht  von  der  pfalzischeri  Kirchenhistorie, 
Frankf.  1721.  4.  Putter,  Systemat.  Darstellung  der  pfalzischen  Religionsbeschwer- 
den,  Gottingen,  1793.  Henke's  Kirchengesch.  v.  188.  Historische  Erinnerungen 
oder  Deukwiirdigkeiten  aus  der  neuern  Geschichte  des  bairischen  Staats,  namlich 
vom  Ausgange  der  Regierung  des  Churf.  Carl  Theodor  bis  zum  Tode  des  Konigs 
Maximilian  Joseph,  2  vols.  Stuttg.  1836.  8. 


330  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

islied.  This  had  been  the  case  shortly  before  the  Thirty  Years' 
War,  and  in  the  year  16S1. 

A  more  serious  persecution,  however,  was  commenced  in  the 
year  1729  by  the  Archbishop  Leopold  Anton,  Count  of  Firmian. 
He  first  sent  around  a  band  of  Jesuits  to  search  out  the  secret 
Protestants.  They  were  discovered  by  their  private  gatherings 
for  prayer,  their  Protestant  devotional  books,  and  especially  by 
their  neglect  to  employ  the  salutation  which  had  shortly  before 
been  recommended  by  the  Pope,  and  to  which  an  indulgence 
was  attached.  When  the  demand  was  made  that  they  should 
deliver  up  their  books  and  abjure  their  opinions,  it  caused  seri- 
ous disturbances  in  several  places.  The  Archbishop  made  this 
a  pretext  for  treating  the  Protestants  as  insurgents.  He  had  a 
great  number  of  them  imprisoned,  and  called  upon  the  Emperor 
for  military  assistance.  The  corpus  evangelicorum  for  a  long 
time  remonstrated  without  success,  and  insisted  upon  a  legal  in- 
vestigation of  the  alleged  civil  offenses,  which,  however,  was 
never  instituted.  Finally,  a  decree  was  published  (October  31, 
1731)  requiring  all  the  Protestant  inhabitants,  under  severe  pen- 
alties, to  immediately  leave  the  country.  The  unfortunate  peo- 
ple, who  could  not  in  so  short  a  time  dispose  of  their  property 
were  mercilessly  expelled  in  the  midst  of  winter.  They  num- 
bered about  22,000 — a  tenth  of  the  whole  population. 

The  Protestant  powers  zealously  espoused  the  cause  of  these 
persecuted  people.  Frederic  William  I.,  in  particular,  immedi- 
ately received  a  large  portion  of  them  (about  17,000),  supplied 
their  necessities,  and  allowed  them  to  settle  in  Prussian  Lithua- 
nia, and  some  other  districts  in  Prussia  which  had  been  depopu- 
lated by  an  epidemic  (1709).  Others  went  to  South  Carolina,  in 
North  America,  and  there,  under  the  protection  of  the  King  of 
England,  founded  the  town  of  Ebenczer. 

The  example  of  the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg  was  immediately 
followed  by  the  Prince-prior  of  Perch tolsgaden  (1733),  who  also 
had  many  secret  Protestants  in  his  country.  They  found  refuge 
in  Berlin  and  in  several  cities  of  Hanover,  where  their  artistic 
skill  made  them  a  welcome  accession.2 

1  "  Gclobt  sei  Jesus  Christus" — "  in  Ewigkeit.     Amen." 

3  J.  J.  Moser,  Actenmiissiger  Bericht  von  der  jetztmaligen  schweren  Verfolgung 
der  Evangelischen  im  Erzstift  Salzburg,  17132.  From  the  Salzburg  side,  however, 
they  arc  treated  as  insurgents:  J.  B.  Dc  Caspari,  Actcnmiiss.  Gesch.  der  beruhm- 
ten  Salzburgcr  Emigration,  aus  dem  Lat.  MS.  von  Hubcr,  Salzburg,  1790.     Zau- 


PART  III.— CHAP.  II.— §  57.  PERSECUTIONS  IN  AUSTRIA.  331 

§  57. 

IN  THE  AUSTRIAN  COUNTRIES. 

In  the  German  states  of  Austria  the  Protestants  had  not  even 
been  included  in  the  Peace  of  Westphalia,  and  the  government 
would  grant  them  absolutely  no  toleration.  When  the  secret 
Protestants  in  the  neighboring  country  of  Salzburg  had  been 
discovered  and  compelled  to  emigrate,  the  Austrian  Protestants 
began  also  to  feel  a  desire  for  religious  liberty ;  but  they  were 
not  allowed  to  leave  the  country  of  their  own  accord.  From 
time  to  time,  however,  numbers  of  them  were  transported  to 
Transylvania,  where  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants  were  al- 
ready Protestants.  At  last  Joseph  II.,  by  the  Edict  of  Tolera- 
tion in  1781,  permitted  them,  under  certain  restrictions,  to  form 
congregations,  and  many  were  established  in  Carniola,  Carinthia, 
Upper  Austria,  and  even  at  Vienna. 

In  Silesia  the  principles  of  the  Reformation  had  been  very 
generally  diffused,  particularly  in  Lower  Silesia.  Religious  lib- 
erty had  been  expressly  guaranteed  to  this  country  by  the  Peace 
of  Westphalia.  Nevertheless,  it  was  not  long  before  oppressive 
measures  began  to  be  adopted.  The  Protestants  were  deprived 
of  most  of  their  churches;  numerous  laws  were  enacted  to  their 
disadvantage ;  and  the  Catholic  clergy,  particularly  the  Jesuits, 
exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost  to  convert  them.  Charles  XII. 
of  Sweden,  it  is  true,  by  the  Treaty  of  Altranstatt  (1707),  obliged 
the  Emperor  to  restore  the  religious  affairs  of  the  country  to 
the  condition  contemplated  by  the  Peace  of  Westphalia,  and 
thus  for  a  time  put  a  stop  to  these  oppressive  measures.  But 
not  long  afterward  they  were  resumed  and  continued  until  in 
174:2  the  whole  of  Lower  Silesia  was  ceded  by  the  Treaty  of 
Breslau  to  Prussia.1 

ner's  Chronik  von  Salzburg,  continued  by  Gartner,  10  vols.,  under  the  title,  Gesch. 
der  Baueruauswanderung  unter  dem  Erzbischofe  Firmian,  Salzburg,  1821.  Panse, 
Geschicbte  der  Auswanderung  der  evangelischer.  Salzburger,  Leipzig,  1827.  Schulze, 
Die  Auswanderung  der  evang.  gesinnten  Salzburger,  Gotha,  1838. 

1  Gerdes,  Serin,  vii.  555.  Wuttke,  Schlesien?  offentl.  Verhaltnisse  unter  den 
Habsburgern,  Leipzig,  1842-1843.  Eichler,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.  1846,  p.  653.  Exe- 
cutionsrecess  von  1709,  Unscbuld.  Naclir.  1708,  p.  676  sq.  Biermann,  Geschichte 
der  evangeliscben  Kirche  Oesterreichisch-Schlesiens,  mit  besonderer  Riicksicbt  auf 
die  der  Gnadenkirche  vor  Tescben,  Denkschr.  zum  150-jahrigen  Jubelfeste  der  evan- 
gel. Jesuskircbe  vor  Teschen,  Tescben,  1859.    8. 144  pp. 


332  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

In  Hungary  complete  religious  liberty  had  been  guaranteed 
to  the  Protestants  by  formal  treaties,  particularly  by  the  peace 
of  Vienna  (1606),  and  that  of  Liuz  (1647).  Nevertheless,  the 
rude,  intolerant  Hungarian  clergy,  who  exerted  a  great  influence 
over  certain  officials  of  high  rank,  found  innumerable  ways  of 
oppressing  the  Protestants  by  depriving  them  of  their  churches, 
restricting  their  preachers,  enticing  individuals  into  the  Catholic 
Church,  etc. 

They  availed  themselves  in  particular  of  an  insurrection  in 
Hungary  in  1671  to  accuse  the  evangelical  clergymen  of  insti- 
gating sedition,  although  it  was  proved  that  the  ringleaders  were 
Catholics.  At  the  Imperial  Diet  of  Oedenburg  in  16S1,  new 
articles  materially  restricting  the  exercise  of  the  Protestant  re- 
ligion were  enacted.3  And  even  the  meaning  of  these  Oeden- 
burg articles  was  constantly  perverted  to  obtain  pretexts  for  new 
oppressions.  This  state  of  affairs  continued  till  Joseph  II.,  by 
his  Edict  of  Toleration,  put  an  end  to  all  these  persecutions,  with 
the  exception  of  some  lesser  annoyances.  They  were,  however, 
afterward  resumed  in  Hungary.  Many  new  complaints  were 
consequently  made  to  Francis  I.,  but  it  is  not  known  with  how 
much  success. 

Already  in  earlier  times  every  effort  had  been  made  to  pre- 
vent the  Protestants  in  Hungary  and  the  Austrian  states  from 
studying  in  foreign  countries.  Joseph  II.  allowed  them  this 
privilege ;  but  afterward,  in  1820,  an  evangelical  Faculty  of  The- 
ology was  established  at  Vienna,  and  all  natives  were  forbidden 
to  attend  foreign  universities. 

2  Tzscliirncr,  Kirchengesch.  Archiv,  i.  2,  91.    Form  of  curse,  Gerdes,  Serin,  iii.  740. 

3  Wesscnberg.  iv.  281.  [The  Prot.  Ch.  in  Hungary  (review  of  the  whole  history), 
Brit,  and  For.  Ev.  Rev.  January,  1862.] 


PART  IV.— §  58.  HISTORY  OF  REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  ENGLAND.    333 


PART  FOURTH  OF  SECOND  DIVISION. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  ENGLAND. 

[Thos.  Lathbury,  Hist,  of  Rel.  Parties  in  England,  1640-1660, 1858.— Marsden,  Hist,  of 
the  Early  and  Later  Puritans.— Neal's  Hist,  of  the  Puritans.— Rev.  Geo.  G.  Perry, 
The  History  of  the  Church  of  England  from  the  Death  of  Elizabeth  to  the  Present 
Time,  vol.  i.  1861,  London  (to  be  in  3  vols.).] 

§5S. 

"When  Cromwell  became  Protector  of  the  English  republic 
which  was  established  after  the  execution  of  Charles  I.,  he  found 
the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  the  nation  in  the  greatest  confusion. 
The  Episcopal  Church,  as  well  as  the  Catholic  Church,  had  fall- 
en with  the  kingdom.  But  of  the  parties  which  had  been  es- 
tablished in  opposition  to  it,  many  were  to  some  extent  hostile 
to  each  other,  and  of  these  more  and  more  sprang  up  during 
these  times  of  religious  excitement,  prominent  among  them  the 
Quakers.  The  most  powerful  religious  parties  of  this  period 
were  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Independents,  both  of  which 
were  ambitious  to  become  the  national  church.  Cromwell,  how- 
ever, although  himself  an  Independent,  gave  the  preference  to 
no  particular  party,  but  tolerated  all  except  Episcopalians  and 
Catholics.1  His  son  and  successor,  Kichard  Cromwell,  soon  re- 
signed the  Protectorate ;  and  Charles  II.,  who  had  secretly  be- 
come a  Catholic  in  France,  was  called  to  the  throne  in  1660. 
He  immediately  restored  the  Episcopal  Church  to  its  position  as 
Established  Church,  and  at  the  same  time  favored  the  Catholics, 
but  soon  began  to  persecute  the  other  dissenters.  He,  how- 
ever, placed  so  many  Catholics  in  high  offices  that  Parliament, 
fearing  for  the  safety  of  the  national  religion,  passed  in  1673 
the  famous  Test  Act,  by  which  it  was  enacted  that  no  one  not 
a  member  of  the  Episcopal  Church  could  occupy  any  public 
office.2 

1  The  founder  of  the  English  Unitarians  was  John  Biddle  (Bidellus).  Ersch,  En- 
cycl.  x.  101.     Tzschirner's  Archiv,  iv.  66.    Fock,  Socinianismus,  i.  265. 

a  [Fletcher's  Hist,  of  Independents  in  England,  3  vols.  Rev.  Thomas  Coleman,  The 
Two  Thousand  Conferences  of  1662,  2d  ed.  1S62 ;  ib.  English  Conferences  after  the 


334  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814. 

After  the  death  of  Charles,  in  16S4,  his  brother,  James  II.,  who 
openly  professed  the  Catholic  faith,  and  quite  as  openly  avowed 
his  purpose  to  introduce  and  disseminate  it  in  England,  became 
king.  Accordingly,  he  began  by  issuing,  in  1GS7,  a  declaration 
of  tolerance  for  all  parties.  Its  object,  however,  was  immedi- 
ately detected,  as  it  was  accompanied  by  many  other  measures 
in  the  interest  of  the  Catholics.  Thereupon  his  disaffected  sub- 
jects invited  the  King's  son-in-law, William,  Prince  of  Orange, 
to  come  to  England.  He  made  his  appearance  in  1GSS  with  an 
army.  James  was  compelled  to  leave  the  kingdom,  and  Will- 
iam became  King  of  England.  Soon  afterward  Parliament 
passed  the  Toleration  Act,  granting  religious  liberty  to  all  the 
Christian  denominations  except  the  Papists  and  Socinians,  al- 
though by  the  Test  Act  they  still  continued  to  be  excluded  from 
all  public  offices.  In  Scotland,  however,  the  Presbyterian  was 
declared  the  national  Church.  Finally,  it  was  enacted  by  Par- 
liament that  no  Catholic  sovereign  could  reign  over  the  king- 
dom. Accordingly,  after  the  death  of  Queen  Anne,  the  House 
of  Hanover  came  to  the  throne  (1714).  Under  this  house  the 
ecclesiastical  constitution  has  remained,  in  general,  unchanged, 
except  that  the  stringency  of  many  of  the  laws  against  the  Non- 
Episcopalians  was  relaxed.  The  Catholics,  whose  worship  had 
not  hitherto  been  allowed,  and  against  whom  very  strict  laws 
existed,  were  in  177S  placed  upon  the  same  footing  with  the 
other  dissenters  and  granted  the  same  degree  of  toleration. 
Since  1829  they  have  received  additional  advantages,  although 
not  until  after  numerous  and  protracted  contests  in  Parliament.3 


§59. 

THE  QUAKERS. 
Tzschirner's  Archiv,  ii.  585. 

During  the  agitated  times  when  Charles  I.  was  deposed  and 
the  English  Republic  established,  a  great  number  of  small  sects 
arose,  almost  all  of  which  soon  disappeared.     More  successful, 

Reformation  to  the  Commonwealth.    John  Stoughton,  Church  and  State  Two  Hun- 
.1ml  Years  A-o  ( lOUO-ltUi:!),  lKii'J.] 

3  White,  Bcleuehtunp;  des  kath.  Glaubens,  p.  23,  24.  Mazurc,  Hist,  dc  la  Revolu- 
tion dc  1088  en  Angleterre,  Paris,  1825,  3  vols.  8. ;  and  Macaulay.  Herder's  Werke, 
ix.  139.     Tzschirner's  Archiv,  ii.  597;  III.  497. 


PART  IV—  §  59.  THE  QUAKERS.  335 

however,  than  the  rest  were  the  Quakers.  In  the  wide-spread 
religions  fanaticism  of  the  day,  it  was  a  common  opinion  that 
neither  learning  nor  spiritual  office  was  necessary  for  the  ac- 
ceptable preaching  of  the  Word,  but  that  all  depended  upon  the 
gifts  of  the  Spirit.  There  were  accordingly  at  that  time  among 
the  Independents  and  Baptists  many  gifted  brethren  who  were 
accustomed  to  speak  in  public.  Moreover,  the  excessive  impor- 
tance attached  to  the  externals  of  worship  in  the  then  odious 
Episcopal  Church  had  brought  forms  generally  into  contempt. 

Among  those  who  grew  up  during  these  times  was  George 
Fox,  a  shoemaker,  by  nature  quiet,  reserved,  and  fond  of  relig- 
ious meditation.  After  having  tried  in  vain  to  obtain  instruc- 
tion and  consolation  from  others,  he  discovered  that  the  source 
of  all  religious  knowledge  and  all  godliness  was  the  Inner  Light, 
which  is,  indeed,  weakened  and  obscured  by  error  and  sin,  but 
which  by  the  help  of  God  can  be  again  developed.  The  neglect 
of  this  Inner  Light  he  charged  chiefly  to  the  then  existing 
churches,  in  which  the  Gospel  was  preached  merely  for  the  sake 
of  the  temporal  support  it  afforded,  instead  of  from  the  impulse 
of  the  Spirit,  and  had  been  entirely  transformed  into  a  worldly 
science.  After  the  year  1649  he  began  to  preach  in  public  and 
to  gather  a  sect  about  him ;  but  both  he  and  they  were  not  un- 
frequently  subjected  to  severe  punishments  on  account  of  the 
disparaging  language  which  they  constantly  uttered  against 
Church  and  clergy.  Nevertheless,  Fox  found  many  ardent  fol- 
lowers, who,  with  equal  enthusiasm,  won  new  Friends,  as  they 
called  themselves,  on  every  side,  until  in  1658  their  number  was 
already  so  great  that  Fox  was  able  to  convene  at  Bedford  a  gen- 
eral assembly  of  delegates  from  the  various  congregations  to 
discuss  a  form  of  government  and  worship.1  At  first  much 
rude  fanaticism  made  its  appearance  among  the  Quakers.  They 
sought  opportunity  to  utter  denunciatory  messages  to  all  classes 
of  people.  They  entered  the  churches  during  service  and  in- 
terrupted the  preachers.  Sometimes  they  ran  about  naked  and 
announced  coming  judgments.  During  the  reign  of  Charles  II. 
this  fanaticism  gradually  disappeared,  particularly  after  numer- 
ous men  of  culture  joined  the  Quakers.     Samuel  Fisher,  George 

1  They  acquired  the  name  Quakers  in  the  following  manner:  A  magistrate  whom 
Fox  addressed  with  the  words  "Quake  hefore  the  Word  of  the  Lord!"  first  called 
him  and  his  followers  by  this  nickname.  For  their  explanation,  in  1661,  Unschuld. 
Nachr.  1715,  p.  423. 


336  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II— A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

Keith,  William  Perm,  and  Robert  Barclay,  particularly  the  last- 
named,  were  chiefly  instrumental  in  reducing  their  belief  to  a 
definite  system.  William  Penn,  the  son  of  an  admiral,  joined 
the  Quakers  while  still  a  boy,  although  his  father  had  recourse 
to  severe  measures  to  induce  him  to  abandon  them.  Having 
come  into  possession  of  his  large  fortune,  he  used  a  considerable 
portion  of  it  to  obtain  for  the  Friends  a  secure  retreat  away 
from  Europe.  In  payment  of  a  claim  which  he  held  against 
the  Crown,  he  received  a  tract  of  country  in  North  America, 
which  was  called,  after  him,  Pennsylvania  (16S1) ;  purchased 
the  land  again  from  the  Indians,  and  settled  it  for  the  most 
part  with  Quakers,  although  he  granted  equal  rights  to  all  in- 
habitants of  the  new  state.  The  Quakers  soon  afterward  ob- 
tained toleration  by  the  Toleration  Act  of  James  II.  Subse- 
quently they  were  also  exempted  from  the  obligation  of  taking 
the  formal  oath.  When  Fox  died,  in  1G91  (near  London),  he 
left  behind  a  society  already  numerous,  and  possessing  an  exter- 
nal organization  which  secured  its  permanent  existence. 

The  doctrines  of  the  Quakers  were  first  scientifically  formula- 
ted by  Robert  Barclay  (d.  1090),  a  learned  Scotchman.2 

The  fundamental  principle  of  their  system  is  the  doctrine  of 
the  Inner  Light,  or  the  Christ  in  us — an  immediate  operation  of 
the  Divine  Spirit  upon  the  soul,  through  which  alone  men  can  be 
enlightened  and  sanctified.  This  Inner  Light  is  the  supreme 
standard  of  faith,  and  the  sole  means  of  understanding  the  Iloly 
Scriptures.  It  is  the  living  original,  while  the  Bible  is  ouly  a 
dead  copy,  which  it  alone  can  vivify.  It  is  this  inward  Christ, 
who  sanctifies  and  justifies  us,  and  who  would  do  so  even  if  we 
were  ignorant  of  the  objective  Christ.  Pious  heathen  even  have 
been  visited  by  this  inner  Christ  and  brought  to  salvation.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  Quakers  made  little  of  the  historical  element  in 
Christianity,  and  usually  regarded  the  history  of  Jesus  as  an  al- 
legorical representation  of  the  Christ  in  us.  In  like  manner,  they 
held  that  the  true  baptism  and  the  true  Lord's  Supper  were 
things  merely  subjective  and  spiritual — cleansing  from  sin,  re- 
generation. The  external  baptism  and  Lord's  Supper  are  only 
shadows  of  these  higher  realities,  and,  consequently,  must  cease 
entirely  for  those  who  possess  the  substance.     All  externals  in 

-  His  principal  work  is  Thcologiae  vcre  Christiauac  Apologia,  1G7G,  4.  Yater's 
Anbau,  ii.  93. 


PART  IV.— §  59.  THE  QUAKERS.  337 

worship,  temples,  altars,  music,  holidays,  marriage  and  funeral 
services,  are  superfluous,  and  founded  on  superstitious  ideas. 
The  Inner  Light  alone  can  fit  a  man  to  become  a  true  evangel- 
ical teacher,  and  only  God  himself  can  therefore  train  and  con- 
secrate true  teachers.  Consequently,  a  ministry  of  human  ap- 
pointment is  unnecessary  and  harmful,  and  it  is  a  disgrace  to 
preach  a  prescribed  system  of  doctrine  for  pay.  Learning  and 
eloquence  are  of  no  value ;  their  results  are  human  and  there- 
fore uncertain  ;  the  Spirit  speaks  simply  and  without  art.  Con- 
sequently the  Quakers  have  a  great  aversion  to  all  technical 
theological  terms.3  The  whole  system,  accordingly,  rested  upon 
a  few  principles  which  permitted  the  freest  development  of  sub- 
jective piety  without  restricting  it  by  the  obligation  of  formulas, 
and  was,  it  must  be  confessed,  especially  in  the  early  days  of 
Quakerism,  productive  of  much  fanaticism.  The  religion  of  the 
Quakers  had  always  a  practical  tendency,  and  was  distinguished 
for  its  strict  moral  principles.  As  its  chief  aim  is  to  let  the  Di- 
vine Light  shine  within,  all  attachment  to  earthly  things  must 
be  severed,  and  all  the  vanities  of  the  world  forsaken.  Hence 
the  sober  character  of  the  Quakers  and  their  renunciation  of 
amusements,  rich  dress,  fashions,  etc.  Moreover,  since  the  Di- 
vine Light  dwells  in  all  men,  all  are  to  regard  and  love  each 
other  as  equal ;  and  while  giving  servile  reverence  to  none,  at 
the  same  time  to  give  no  offense. 

Accordingly,  they  uncover  the  head  before  none,  call  each 
other  "  thou,"  and  refrain  from  compliments.  They  also  avoid 
war  and  strife,  and  decline  to  perform  military  service.  Lastly, 
they  regard  oaths  as  sinful,  because  all  are  bound  to  tell  the 
truth  under  all  circumstances,  and  an  oath  implies  the  creation 
of  a  stronger  obligation  to  truthfulness. 

On  the  Continent  the  Quakers  have  never  obtained  any  ex- 
tensive following.  Since  1791,  however,  a  Quaker  community 
has  been  formed  in  Pyrmont  and  another  in  Minden.  On  the 
whole,  this  sect  is  declining.  In  England  they  are  diminishing 
in  number,  and  many  no  longer  observe  the  old  strict  rules  of 
the  society,  but  allow  themselves  certain  luxuries.4 

3  In  recent  times,  however,  the  practice  of  allowing  all  persons  without  distinc- 
tion to  speak  in  public  has  been  considerably  restricted.  Most  of  the  congregations 
have  men  who,  with  no  especial  distinction,  and  without  leaving  their  secular  vo- 
cations, generally  perform  the  preacher's  duties. 

*  W.  Sewer's  History  of  the  Origin,  Growth,  and  Progress  of  the  Christian  People 

VOL.  V.— 22 


338  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1618-1814. 

§60. 

THE  METHODISTS. 

Herder,  x.  20G.— Tzschimer's  Arcbiv,  iii.  334. 

A  religions  society  was  subsequently  formed  which  was  con- 
temporaneous with,  and  in  its  character  closely  akin  to,  the 
Herrnhuters  of  Germany. 

At  that  time  there  was  a  general  feeling  in  England  that  true 
piety  and  morals  were  declining.  Naturalism  was  becoming  in- 
creasingly prevalent  among  the  higher  classes,  and  ministered  to 
their  immorality.  The  common  people  were  in  a  state  of  ex- 
treme religious  ignorance.  The  Episcopal  Church,  from  which 
most  might  have  been  expected,  was  doing  almost  nothing  to 
remedy  these  evils.  While  the  dissenters-  were  noted  for  their 
activity  and  fervor,  there  was  too  much  formality  in  the  worship 
of  the  Episcopalians,  and  the  higher  clergy  were  too  indifferent 
to  the  duties  of  their  office  to  accomplish  any  thing. 

A  feeling  of  these  deficiencies  induced  some  Oxford  students, 
chief  among  whom  was  John  Wesley,  to  form  an  association  in 
1720.  Their  purpose  was  to  read  together  in  the  Greek  and 
Latin  authors,  and  also  in  the  New  Testament.  But  the  society 
soon  assumed  an  exclusively  religious  character.  To  counteract 
the  influence  of  unbelief  and  immorality,  to  awaken  practical 
Christianity  and  genuine  piety,  and,  if  not  successful  in  their  own 
country,  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  heathen,  were  the  objects 
they  proposed.  While  still  in  Oxford,  they  began  to  visit  the 
sick  and  prisoners.  They  also  held  devotional  meetings,  fasted 
frequently,  and  attended  the  communion  every  Sunday.  One  of 
the  numerous  nicknames  which  this  society  received  was  that  of 
Methodists,  on  account  of  the  regularity  of  their  pious  exercises, 
which  were  called  the  new  method  of  obtaining  salvation.  The 
society,  nevertheless,  increased  in  numbers,  and,  in  1734,  received 
an  important  accession  in  the  person  of  George  Whitefield,  who 
was  afterward  regarded  as  their  second  founder. 

It  was  he  who,  after  Wesley  had  gone  to  America  as  a  mis- 
called Quakers,  transl.  into  German,  1742.  W.  Penn's  Brief  Account  of  the  Chris- 
tian Society  of  Friends  called  Qnakers,  transl.  by  Luclwig  Scebohm,  Pyrmont,  1792. 
By  Non-Quakers:  Gerhard  Croesc  (a  Dutch  clergyman),  Historia  Quakeriana,  Am- 
stcl.  1G95.  Georg  Willi.  Alberti,  AulVkht.  Xachricht  von  der  Religion,  Gottesdienst, 
Sitten  und  Gcbriiuchen  der  Quaker,  Hannover,  1750. 


PART  IV.— §  60.  THE  METHODISTS.  339 

sionary  in  1735,  first  appeared  among  the  people  as  a  revival 
preacher.  His  fervid  eloquence  every  where  produced  the  pro- 
foundest  impression,  and  Methodism  spread  extensively  among 
the  masses.  Meanwhile,  Wesley  had  returned  from  America ; 
and,  while  in  England,  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  Herrnhut- 
ers,  in  whom  he  found,  as  he  believed,  the  same  spirit  and  aims, 
and  whom  he  honored  as  the  only  true  Christians  remaining  in 
the  world.  He  accordingly  went  to  GermainT,  where  he  visited 
Count  Zinzendorf  and  the  various  settlements  of  the  Brethren. 
Afterward,  however,  Wesley  had  a  disagreement  with  Zinzen- 
dorf, because  the  latter  taught  that  Christians  were  not  bound  by 
the  law ;  that  they  might  be  conformed  to  the  world,  etc.  Wesley 
censured  him  especially  for  not  maintaining  strict  principles  re- 
specting the  duty  of  truthfulness.  After  his  return  from  Ger- 
many, he  preached  extensively  in  England,  and  sent  out  pious  lay- 
men as  itinerant  preachers  to  carry  on  the  work  in  the  provinces. 
As  the  Episcopal  churches  were  soon  closed  against  him  and  his 
assistants,  they  preached  in  the  open  air,  often  to  many  thousands. 
The  chief  subjects  of  Wesley's  preaching  were  the  moral  cor- 
ruption of  men,  the  merits  of  Christ,  the  grace  of  God  in  Christ, 
and  justification  by  faith.  He  taught  that  the  divine  grace  oft- 
en comes  upon  the  unconverted  so  instantaneously  and  power- 
fully that  they  are  immediately  transformed,  converted,  and  en- 
lightened. These  representations  produced  such  an  effect  upon 
his  hearers  that  it  was  not  uncommon,  while  he  was  preaching, 
for  many  to  cry  aloud,  fall  to  the  earth  in  convulsions,  and  then 
declare  that  they  felt  themselves  converted  and  forgiven.  The 
Methodists  called  this  the  "  getting  grace,"  and  it  was  a  part  of 
their  belief  that  it  could  be  distinctly  recognized  and  felt. 

In  the  year  1741,  a  controversy  arose  between  the  two  leaders 
of  the  Methodists,  Wesley  and  Whitefield.  Whitefield,  like  Cal- 
vin, taught  the  doctrine  of  unconditional  election,  while  Wesley 
held  the  grace  of  God  to  be  universal.  A  correspondence  be- 
tween the  two  ensued  which  was,  it  is  true,  conducted  with  calm- 
ness and  propriety,  but  resulted  in  a  division  of  the  Methodists. 
The  Wesleyan  or  Arminian  Methodists  have  always  been  far 
more  numerous  and  successful  than  the  Calvinistic.  Wesley,  who 
was  honored  as  a  patriarch  by  his  followers,  spent  the  remain- 
der of  his  long  life  (d.  1791)  in  the  work  of  organizing  the  rap- 
idly increasing  society.     He  was  as  little  desirous  of  separating 


340  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1648-1814. 

from  the  Episcopal  Church  as  Zinzendorf  from  the  Lutheran, 
and  maintained  that  his  only  wish  was  to  revive  genuine  Chris- 
tian life  in  the  Established  Church.  The  Methodists  are,  how- 
ever, regarded  as  dissenters  in  England. 

The  organization  of  the  Methodist  Church  is  a  combination 
of  Episcopal,  Presbyterian,  and  Moravian  characteristics.  The 
preachers  are  partly  local  and  partly  itinerant.  The  former  are 
pious  laymen  who  are  gifted  in  exhortation.  The  true  clergy- 
men are  the  itinerant  preachers,  who  go  from  place  to  place  to 
visit  the  congregations  and  to  propagate  Methodism.  The  whole 
Church  is  subject  to  the  direction  of  the  conference,  which  meets 
annually  in  one  of  the  larger  English  cities,  and  is  composed  of 
preachers  exclusively.  At  present  there  are  few  towns  in  En- 
gland where  there  is  not  a  Methodist  chapel,  which  is  attended 
not  only  by  Methodists,  but  largely  by  others  who  find  here  a 
more  genuine  religious  life  than  in  the  forms  of  the  Episcopal 
Church.  Methodism  has  thus  had  a  very  beneficial  effect  in  dif- 
fusing piety  and  morality,  especially  among  the  lower  classes  of 
the  people.1 

§  CI. 

THEOLOGICAL  LEARNING  IN  ENGLAND. 

During  the  first  half  of  this  period,  valuable  contributions  were 
inade  to  the  theological  sciences  in  England,  especially  in  the 
departments  of  Biblical  literature  and  Church  history.  Much 
less  can  be  said  of  dogmatic  theology.  During  the  whole  period 
the  English  literature  has  no  comprehensive  work  to  show  upon 
that  subject. 

Just  at  the  beginning  of  the  period  a  work  of  great  importance 
in  this  department  appeared,  the  London  Polyglot,  1G53-1657, 
6  vols.,  fob,  which,  in  addition  to  the  texts  of  the  Paris  Polyglot, 
furnished  several  others,  and  appended  lists  of  various  readings. 
The  principal  undertaker  of  this  work,  in  which  he  was,  how- 

1  Life  of  John  Wesley,  with  a  History  of  Methodism,  by  J.  Hampson,  translated 
by  A.  H.  Niemeyer,  Halle,  1793,  2  vols.  J.  G.  Burkhard's  Vollstandige  Geschichte 
der  Methodisten  in  England,  2  vols.  Niirnbcrg,  1790.  John  Wesley's  Leben,  die  Ent- 
stchuiiL;-  and  Verbreitnng  des  Mcthodismus.  Nach  dem  Engl,  des  Robert  Southey 
bcarbeitet.  Ilerausge^eben  von  Friedr.  Adolph  Krummaeher,  Hamburg,  1828,  2  vols. 
Der  Methodismns.  Eine  gekronte  Preisschrift,  von  J.  W.  Baum,  Zurich,  1S38. 
[Southey,  Life  of  John  Wesley.] 


PART  IV.— §  61.  THEOLOGICAL  LEARNING  IN  ENGLAND.    341 

ever,  assisted  by  other  English  scholars,  was  Brian  Walton,  pre- 
viously chaplain  of  Charles  I.,  who  underwent  many  hardships 
during  the  Civil  "War,  but  was  made  Bishop  of  Chester  by  Charles 
II.  (d.  1661).  He  was  also  the  author  of  the  Apparatus  prefixed 
to  the  work — a  general  introduction,  which  has  since  been  pub- 
lished by  itself.1 

This  undertaking  was  immediately  followed  by  another  com- 
pilation of  the  most  important  commentaries  on  all  the  texts  of 
the  Bible.  It  was  prepared  by  John  Pearson,  Bishop  of  Chester 
(d.  16S6),  with  the  help  of  three  other  scholars.2  Its  greatest 
fault  is  that  it  contains  the  writings  of  many  second-rate  exe- 
getes  without  abridgment,  and  is  consequently  extremely  repe- 
titious. 

For  this  reason  another  collection,  arranged  upon  a  more  con- 
venient plan,  was  soon  afterward  made  by  Matthew  Polus,  a 
Presbyterian  clergyman,  who,  like  many  others,  was  deposed  un- 
der Charles  II.,  and  afterward  died  at  Amsterdam,  1679.3 

The  following  English  theologians  are  distinguished  for  their 
valuable  services  in  the  department  of  Biblical  literature :  John 
Lightfoot,  professor  of  theology,  and  vice-chancellor  at  Cam- 
bridge (d.  1675),  an  eminent  connoisseur  in  Jewish  literature, 
who  was  the  first  to  make  use  of  the  Talmud  and  the  rabbinical 
writings  in  the  interpretation  of  the  New  Testament.4  Hum- 
phrey Hody,  professor  of  Greek,  and  archdeacon  at  Oxford  (d. 
1706).5  John  Mill,  professor  of  theology  at  Oxford  (d.  1707), 
distinguished  in  New  Testament  criticism.6 

Among  the  various  kinds  of  expository  works,  the  paraphrases 
were  extremely  popular  in  England,  and  a  great  number  were 
published.  First  in  the  series  of  English  paraphrasts  stands 
Henry  Hammond,  chaplain  of  Charles  I.,  who  was  twice  impris- 

1  Ed.  Dathe,  Lips.  1777. 

2  Critici  Sacri,  1060  sq.  9  vols.  fol. 

3  Synopsis  Criticorum,  Lond.  1669,  5  vols.  fol.  This  work  gave  extracts  not 
only  from  the  authors  used  in  the  Criticis  Sacris,  hut  from  mauy  others  there 
omitted. 

4  Particularly,  Horae  Hebraicae  ct  Talmudicae,  Opp.  Rotterd.  1686,  2  vols.  fol. 

5  De  Bibliorum  Textibus  Originalibus,  Versionibus  Graecis,  etLatina  Vulgata,  Ox. 
1705,  in  which  the  usual  explanation  of  the  origiu  of  the  LXX.  is  first  unanswerably 
refuted. 

6  In  his  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  upon  which  he  labored  thirty  years,  he 
gave  a  collection  of  various  readings  from  manuscripts,  versions,  and  writings  of  the 
Fathers,  which  far  surpassed  all  previous  attempts.  His  Prolegomena  are  also  valu- 
able for  New  Testament  criticism. 


342  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

oned  on  account  of  his  adherence  to  the  royal  cause  (d.  1660)  ;7 
then  John  Locke,  the  celebrated  philosopher  (d.  1704).8  His 
paraphrases  were  so  popular  in  England  that  they  were  contin- 
ued by  James  Pierce,  a  nonconformist  clergyman,  and  George 
Benson,  a  Presbyterian  minister,  and  carried  through  all  the 
epistles.9 

The  most  eminent  of  these  paraphrasts  was  Samuel  Clarke, 
chaplain  of  Queen  Anne  (d.  1729).  He  was  well  acquainted 
with  the  ancient  literature,  as  is  shown  by  his  edition  of  Homer. 
His  paraphrases  of  the  Four  Gospels  (1701) 10  manifested,  in  ad- 
dition to  his  thorough  knowledge  of  the  language,  an  accurate 
exegetical  taste. 

History  and  Hebrew  archeology  were  cultivated  by  John  Sel- 
den,  a  barrister  in  London  (d.  1654)  ;n  John  Spencer,  canon  at 
Cambridge  (d.  1693)  ;12  and  Humphrey  Prideaux,  Dean  of  Nor- 
wich (d.  1724).13 

In  Church  history,  also,  valuable  work  was  done  during  this 
period  in  England.  Noted  in  this  department  were  James  Ush- 
er, Archbishop  of  Armagh,  in  Ireland  (d.  1655)  ;w  John  Pearson, 
Bishop  of  Chester  ;15  Henry  Dodwell,  an  Irishman,  from  16SS 
professor  of  history  at  Oxford  (he  was  one  of  the  Episcopalians 
who  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  new  king,  Will- 
iam III.,  on  the  ground  that  James  II.  was  still  the  rightful  sov- 

7  His  English  Paraphrase  with  Notes  (1G38)  was  translated  into  Latin  by  Clericus, 
and  is  made  still  more  valuable  by  the  observations  of  the  latter. 

b  His  paraphrases  and  notes  on  the  Epistles  to  the  Galatians,  Corinthians,  Ro- 
mans, and  Ephesians  are  not  remarkable  philologically,  but  he  succeeded  in  develop- 
ing Paul's  mode  of  thought  and  sequence  of  ideas  very  happily. 

9  They  are  also,  for  the  most  part,  translated  into  German. 

10  German  by  Wilmsen,  Berlin,  17G3,  3  vols.  4. 

11  De  Diis  Syris  ;  De  Synedriis  Veterum  Ilebracorum. 

»  Bis  work  De  Legibus  Eebraeorum  Ritualibus  is  the  first  purely  historical  ex- 
amination of  the  rites  of  the  Hebrews.  Previously,  they  had  all  been  regarded  as 
profound  mysteries,  and  particularly  as  typical  allusions  to  the  Messiah.  He  show- 
ed their  purpose  historically,  and  proved  that  Moses  had  borrowed  many  customs 
from  the  heathen.  This  valuable  work  was  for  a  long  time  very  offensive  to  the 
theologians,  and  was  frequently  assailed  ;  but  at  last  its  merit  was  recognized. 

13  The  Old  and  New  Testament  in  connection  with  the  History  of  the  Jews  and 
tin-  Neighboring  Nation-— in  English,  French,  and  German. 

14  His  principal  work  is  Annales  Vetcris  et  Novi  Testament!,  which  extend  to  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  are  very  valuable  for  chronology.  He,  also  wrote  on 
the  old  English  Church  history,  the  history  of  the  Pelagian  Controversy,  etc. 

15  Annales  Cyprianici,  Opera  Posthuma,  edited  by  Dodwell,  Lond.  1688.4. — of 
which  the  mosl  valuable  are  Annales  Paulini  and  Disscrtatioues  Duae  de  Scric  et 
Successione  Primorum  Ronnie  Episcoporum. 


PART  IV.— §  61.  THEOLOGICAL  LEARNING  IN  ENGLAND.    343 

ereign,  and  was  for  that  reason  deprived  of  his  position)  (d. 
1711)  ;16  William  Cave,  Canon  in  Windsor  (d.  1713)  ;17  Joseph 
Bingham,  a  clergyman  near  Portsmouth  (d.  1723). 18 

Meanwhile,  the  more  liberal  opinions  respecting  the  theolog- 
ical system  of  the  Church,  the  adherents  of  which  had  been 
called  as  early  as  the  previous  period  Zatitudinaria?is,  had  be- 
come increasingly  prevalent  in  the  Established  Church.  Even 
those  doctrines  hitherto  regarded  as  essential  were  one  after  an- 
other assailed,  and  the  way  was  prepared  in  England  for  that 
revolution  in  theology  which  was  afterward  completed  in  Prot- 
estant Germany.  A  remarkable  exponent  of  this  tendency  was 
Daniel  Whitby,  a  clergyman  of  Salisbury  (d.  1726).  He  disputed 
the  doctrine  of  the  imputation  of  Adam's  sin  and  the  Calvinistic 
doctrine  of  predestination.19  Shortly  before  his  death,  he  went 
over  to  Arianism,  defending  it  in  a  work  which  was  published 
afterward. 

Samuel  Clarke  is  noted  for  his  doctrine  respecting  the  Trinity, 
which  was  regarded  as  semi-Arianism.  He  differed  from  the 
received  theology  in  assuming  a  subordination  of  the  Three  Per- 
sons. He  declared 20  that  the  Three  are  alike  eternal,  but  that 
the  Father  alone  is  un derived,  while  the  Son  and  Spirit  receive 
their  being  and  attributes  from  the  Father.  His  work  caused 
at  the  time  great  excitement.  Clarke  lost  his  position  as  court- 
chaplain  on  account  of  it,  and  many  writings  appeared  against 
him.  Nevertheless,  the  so-called  New  Arianism  steadily  gained 
ground  in  the  churches  of  England. 

Another  who  did  much  to  bring  about  this  result,  and  was 
also  noted  for  other  singular  opinions,  was  William  Winston. 
He  had  studied  philosophy  and  mathematics  under  Newton,  and 

16  His  Dissertationcs  in  Irenaeura  and  in  Cyprianum  are  valuable,  though  at  times 
they  go  too  far  in  defense  of  untenable  hypotheses.  Not  long  before  his  death,  his 
excessive  regard  for  the  genuine  Episcopal  Church  led  him  to  adopt  the  strange 
theory  that  the  soul  is  by  nature  perishable,  and  that  only  a  true  baptism  can  give 
it  immortality.  But  this  true  baptism  is  that  only  -which  is  administered  by  a  true 
Episcopal  priest. 

17  Scriptorum  Ecclesiasticorum  Historia  Literaria.  Primitive  Christianity,  or  the 
Religion  and  Customs  of  the  Early  Christians.     Also  German. 

18  He  wrote  the  first  complete  work  on  Ecclesiastical  Archaeology,  translated  into 
Latin  by  Grischovius :  Origines  Ecclesiasticae,  10  vols.  4.  On  Bishop  Benjamin 
Hoadly,  see  Pfaff,  Origg.  p.  471;  on  Francis  Blackburn  (d.  1787),  clergyman  at  Rich- 
mond, Ersch,  Eucycl.  x.  291;  Rees,  Engl.  Encyclopedia. 

19  In  the  work  De  Imputatione  Peccati  Adami  (republished  by  Sender,  1775). 

20  In  his  Scriptural  Doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  1712.  German,  with  an  introduction, 
by  Semler,  1774. 


Sii  FOURTH  TERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814 

had  already  distinguished  himself  by  daring  speculations  in  these 
sciences  before  he  received  his  pastoral  charge  in  Suffolk.  There 
he  soon  began  to  preach  against  the  commonly  accepted  doc- 
trine of  the  Trinity,  and  to  defend  Arianism  as  the  original 
doctrine  of  Jesus ;  for  which  reason  he  too  was  deposed  in  1709. 
lie  now  wrote  his  work  Primitive  Christianity  Revived,21  having 
found  primitive  Christianity,  as  he  asserted,  chiefly  in  the  Epis- 
tles of  Ignatius  and  the  Apostolic  Constitutions.  He  also  main- 
tained some  other  extremely  peculiar  opinions.  He  charged  the 
Jews  with  having  falsified  many  of  the  prophecies  in  the  Old 
Testament  respecting  Christ,  and  proposed  to  restore  the  correct 
text  from  the  writings  of  Joseplms,  Philo,  and  the  New  Testa- 
ment. He  announced  the  speedy  coming  of  Christ,  etc.  Final- 
ly he  became  a  Baptist  (d.  1752). 

Arthur  Sykes,  a  clergyman  in  London  (d.  175G),  endeavored,  in 
a  work  written  in  1737,  to  prove  that  the  demoniacs  of  the  New 
Testament  were  afflicted  with  natural  diseases,  particularly  with 
epilepsy.  A  number  of  works  appeared  on  both  sides  of  the 
question,  and  several  English  scholars  of  distinction,  among  them 
Nathaniel  Lardner,  declared  their  agreement  with  Sykes.  The 
most  thorough  discussion  of  this  side  was  by  Hugh  Farmer,  a 
Presbyterian  clergyman  (d.  17S7).22 

In  recent  times,  theology  has  been  less  cultivated  in  England. 
In  the  department  of  Biblical  literature,  however,  important  ser- 
vices have  been  rendered  by  Robert  Lowth,  professor  at  Oxford, 
afterward  Bishop  of  London  (d.  17S7),"3  and  Benjamin  Kenni- 
cott,  professor  at  Oxford  (d.  1783)  ;24  Robert  Holmes,  also  pro- 
fessor at  Oxford  (d.  1S06);25  and  Herbert  Marsh,  professor  at 
Cambridge,  afterward  bishop.26 

Church  history  was  almost  exclusively  confined  to  the  history 
of  the  Church  in  Great  Britain,  to  which,  however,  many  valua- 

21  In  1711,  5  vols.  8. 

22  In  the  Essay  on  the  Demoniacs  of  the  New  Testament.     Also  German. 

23  In  his  work  I)e  Sacra  Poesi  Ilebraeornm  he  gave  the  first  thorough  analysis  of 
the  genius  of  Hebrew  poetry,  and  demonstrated  its  aesthetic  merit.  In  his  Transla- 
tion of  Isaiah,  with  Notes  (Germ,  by  Koppe),  lie  applied  the  principles  advanced  in 
the  former  work,  and  explained  Isaiah  chiefly  from  the  sesthetic  side. 

L1  Noted  for  the  extensive  collation  of  manuscripts  which  he  made  for  the  correc- 
tion of  the  Hebrew  text,  and  his  large  edition  of  the  Old  Test.  L776,  1780,  :2  vols.  fol. 

'-  II'-  projected  a  similar  collation  of  manuscripts  for  the  LXX.,  which  appeared 
after  1798. 

36  Notes  and  Additions  to  Michaclis's  Introduction  to  the  New  Test,  (translated 
by  Roseumiiller). 


PART  IV.— §  61.  THEOLOGICAL  LEARNING  IN  ENGLAND.    345 

ble  contributions  were  made.  A  work  of  great  merit  is  the 
Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History,  by  Nathaniel  Lardner  (cler- 
gyman, d.  1768). 

Among  pulpit  orators  England  can  boast  several  of  distinc- 
tion. The  first  to  excel  in  this  department  was  John  Tillotson, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (d.  1694:).  His  sermons  have  been 
often  printed,  and  have  done  much  to  awaken  a  better  taste. 
Among  the  later  pulpit  orators,  the  most  noted  are  Hugh  Blair, 
professor  of  rhetoric,  and  Presbyterian  clergyman  at  Edinburgh 
(d.  1S00),27  and  Lawrence  Sterne,  also  a  popular  author,  the  most 
distinguished  preacher  among  the  Episcopalians. 

For  the  most  part,  the  preachers  among  the  dissenters  excel 
those  of  the  Established  Church  in  earnestness,  fervor,  and  true 
eloquence.  This  is  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  the  latter  usual- 
ly read  their  sermons  (and  in  many  cases  out  of  printed  books), 
so  that  real  eloquence  can  not  develop  itself  among  them. 

27  Translated  by  Sack  and  Schleiermacher,  5  vols. ;  see  Erscli,  Encyel.  x.  301. 


346  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.— A.D.  104S-1S14. 


TART  FIFTH  OF  SECOXD  DIVISION. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  IN  FRANCE,  HOLLAND,  AND 

SWITZERLAND. 


§62. 

EXTERNAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMED  IN  FRANCE. 

Le  Gouvernement  dc  Louis  XIV.  de  16S3  a  1689,  par  P.  Clement,  Paris,  1S48;  Got- 
tinger  Gel.  Anz.  1849,  p.  1534.— Ch.  Weiss,  Memoirc  sur  les  Protestants  de  France 
au  ITieme  Siecle,  in  the  Memoires  de  l'Academie  des  Sciences  morales  et  poli- 
tiques  de  l'lnstitut  de  France,  t.  viii.  1852.  4. — G.  De  Felice,  Gesch.  der  Protestan- 
ten  Fraukreichs  vom  An  fang  der  Reformation  bis  zur  Gegenwart ;  Deutsch  von 
Pabst,  Leipz.  1855. — [Histoire  Chronologiquc  de  l'Eglise  Protestante  jusqu'a  la 
Revocation  de  l'Edit  de  Nantes,  par  Charles  Drion,  t.  i.  Paris,  1856.] 

Undek  the  administrations  of  Richelieu  and  Mazarin,  the  tol- 
eration promised  to  the  Reformed  in  the  Edict  of  Nantes  was 
for  the  most  part  accorded,  although  in  particular  cases  it  was 
from  time  to  time  infringed  upon,  and  they  were  annoyed  by 
constant  efforts  for  their  conversion.  This  was  also  the  condition 
of  affairs  when,  after  the  death  of  Mazarin,  in  1661,  Louis  NIV. 
himself  undertook  the  management  of  the  government.  By 
degrees,  however,  a  party  extremely  hostile  to  the  Protestants 
obtained  a  predominant  influence  over  Louis.  The  King  was  as 
superstitious  as  he  was  dissolute,  and  his  pious  devotion  to  the 
Church  increased  every  year  without  any  corresponding  improve- 
ment in  his  morals.  lie  endeavored  to  atone  for  his  vices  by 
confession  and  good  works,  and  in  this  way  he  came  completely 
under  the  influence  of  his  confessor,  the  wily  Jesuit  La  Chaise. 
The  minister  of  war,  the  Marquis  De  Louvois,  made  common 
cause  with  the  latter ;  and  even  the  King's  mistress,  Madame  de 
Maintenon,  although  previously  a  Protestant,  entered  into  their 
schemes.  It  was  easy  to  persuade  the  King  that  the  most  glori- 
ous and  pious  work  which  he  could  perform  was  the  extirpation 
of  heresy  in  France,  the  only  difficulty  being  that  he  was  too 
good-natured  to  consent  immediately  to  forcible  measures.  lie 
at  first  allotted  large  sums  of  money  to  be  used  in  bribing  the 
Reformed  to  return  to  the  Catholic  Church.     This  method  was 


PART  V.— §  62.  THE  REFORMED  IN  FRANCE.        347 

successful  with  many  of  the  common  people.  Long  lists  of  con- 
verts were  now  laid  before  the  King,  and  he  was  led  to  believe 
that  the  majority  of  the  Reformed  had  either  come  over,  or  else 
could  easily  be  persuaded  to  take  that  step.  In  order  to  hasten 
this  result,  the  King  by  degrees  caused  severer  measures  to  be 
employed.  The  Protestants  were  deprived  of  their  churches,  ex- 
cluded from  all  offices,  little  children  were  enticed  from  their 
parents,  and  the  like.  These  measures  were  taken  especially  aft- 
er the  year  1681,  and  chiefly  at  the  instigation  of  Louvois.1  The 
most  infamous  were  the  so-called  dragonnades  (dragoon  conver- 
sions). The  King  was  induced  to  send  dragoons  into  the  prov- 
inces, where  the  Reformed  were  numerous,  and  compel  the  latter 
to  bear  the  whole  burden  of  quartering  them.  Louvois  took  care 
that  the  Protestants  should  be  subjected  to  all  kinds  of  annoy- 
ance from  the  soldiers,  even  to  bodily  ill-treatment.  The  result 
was  an  increase  in  the  number  of  outward  conversions ;  but  all 
the  greater  was  the  inward  discontent  of  those  who  were  thus 
forced  into  Catholicism.  It  soon  became  necessary  to  employ  the 
death-penalty  against  the  relapsi.  Obstinate  Reformed  Protes- 
tants, too,  were  executed  or  condemned  to  the  galleys.  Invita- 
tions came  to  the  Reformed  from  England,  Denmark,  and  Hol- 
land, to  emigrate  to  those  countries,  whereupon  Louvois  stationed 
troops  along  the  frontiers.  Nevertheless,  in  the  first  three  years, 
50,000  families  succeeded  in  escaping  from  France.  Finally,  on 
October  17, 1685,  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  which  had  for  a  long  time 
been  practically  annulled,  was  formally  revoked,2  the  Reformed 
worship  prohibited  under  severe  penalties,  the  clergymen  ban- 
ished, and  the  churches  demolished.  Although  all  who  remained 
were  forbidden  to  leave  the  country,  the  emigration  neverthe- 
less secretly  continued.  The  refugees,  numbering  in  the  aggre- 
gate from  five  to  six  hundred  thousand,  found  a  cordial  welcome 
in  Switzerland,  Holland,  England,  Protestant  Germany,  and  par- 

1  Memoires  de  Daniel  de  Cosnac,  Areheveque  d'Aix,  publies  par  lc  Comte  Jules  de 
Cosnac,  2  vols.  Paris,  1852 ;  G.  G.  A.  April,  1853,  p.  608.  Apology  for  these  measures 
by  Bossuet,  Carove  ii.  80.     Herder's  Werke,  ix.  81. 

2  Six,  De  Edicto  Nannetensi  in  Pottii  Syll.  Coinm.  Theol.  iii.  239.  According  to  Bo- 
namici  (In  Laudem  Pontif.),  Innocent  XI.  had  a  share  in  it:  Le  Bret  Mag.  viii.  98. 
On  Madame  de  Maintenon,  see  Bredow  in  the  Minerva  for  the  year  1814,  p.  245-266. 
Histoire  de  Madame  de  Maintenon,  par  M.  le  Due  de  Noailles,  2  vols.  Paris,  1848,  ac- 
quits her.  The  opinion  of  Queen  Christina  of  Sweden,  16S6:  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1716, 
p.  228.  Prince  Eugene's  opinion,  Wessenberg,  4, 280.  Respecting  the  complicity  of 
Catholic  clergymen,  see  Wenz,  Des  Glaubens  Kraft,  p.  257. 


348  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

ticularly  the  states  of  Brandenburg;  and,  as  there  were  many  in- 
telligent men  among  them — scholars,  artists,  and  mechanics — 
they  every  where  amply  repaid  the  kindness  of  their  reception. 
After  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  the  contumacious 
Reformed  Protestants  in  France  were  bitterly  persecuted.  Im- 
prisonment, servitude  in  the  galleys,  and  capital  punishment  were 
alternately  employed  against  them.  Nevertheless  many  remained 
steadfast,  and  held  their  meetings  in  forests  and  wildernesses. 

In  the  mountain  regions  of  the  Cevennes,  in  Languedoc,  events 
took  a  different  course.3  These  districts  were  occupied  by  the 
descendants  of  the  old  "Waldenses,  who  still  continued  to  differ 
from  the  Reformed  in  various  particulars.  It  was  now  proposed 
to  bring  them  also,  by  similar  means,  back  to  the  Catholic  Church. 
These  rude  mountaineers  had  always  been  inclined  to  fanaticism 
and  religious  extravagance,  and  the  constant  persecutions  in- 
creased this  tendency  to  a  fearful  extent.  Prophets  and  miracle- 
workers  appeared  among  them,  and  finally  a  terrible  conflict, 
which  involved  these  regions  in  all  the  horrors  of  a  religious 
war,  broke  out  between  the  mountaineers  and  the  royal  troops. 
Louis  was  just  at  that  time  occupied  with  the  Spanish  war  of 
succession,  and  so  bravely  and  skillfully  was  the  contest  carried 
on  by  the  Camisards  (as  they  were  called  from  their  short  coats, 
camise  or  chemise),  that  he  was  compelled  in  170G  to  accede  to 
a  peace,  by  which  amnesty  was  granted  to  all,  and  the  leaders 
were  permitted  to  withdraw  from  the  country.  Some  of  the 
emigrants,  under  the  name  of  the  Cevennes  Prophets,  caused  a 
great  sensation  in  England,  Holland,  and  Protestant  Germany 
by  their  prophecies  and  pretended  miracles,  and  deceived  many 
weak-minded  people. 

After  the  reign  of  Louis  XIY.  the  condition  of  the  Protestants 
in  France  was  extremely  unsettled.4  The  laws  which  had  been 
enacted  against  them  were  not  revoked,  but  it  depended  upon 
the  disposition  of  the  provincial  magistrates  whether  they  were 
more  or  less  strictly  enforced.     After  1743  the  Protestants  were 

3  Hofmann's  Gesch.des  Aufruhrs  in  den  Scvenncn  untcrLudwigXIV.,Nordlingcn, 
L837.     |  Bippolyte  Blance,  De  l'Inspiration  des  Camisards,  Paris,  1859.] 

*  Eistoire  des  Eglises  du  D£ser1  chez  les  Protestants  de  France  depuis  la  Fin  da 
Begne  de  Louis XIV.,  jasqu'ala  Revolution  Francaise,  par  Ch.  Coquerel,  2 vols.  Pari-, 
1841.  Excellent:  translated  in  abridged  form  by  Sixt, Berlin,  1846.  On  Paul  Ra- 
baut,  Wenz,  p.  70,  SO:  Le  Vicux  Cemvol,  par  Babant  Saint-Etienne,  Wenz,  p.  189. 
Ilistoire  des  Pastcurs  du  Desert,  par  Napoleon  Peyrat,  2  vols.  Paris,  1S42.  8. 


PART  V.— §  62.  THE  REFORMED  IN  FRANCE.   «      34.9 

permitted  to  meet  together  without  interference  outside  of  the  ' 
cities,  and  their  clergymen  were  no  longer  persecuted,  although 
the  law  still  condemned  them  to  the  halter.  They  were,  how- 
ever, subjected  to  many  hardships.  Their  marriages,  for  exam- 
ple, the  so-called  manages  da  desert  (because  they  were  con- 
secrated in  the  wilderness),  were  legally  void,  and  the  children 
considered  illegitimate.  Consequently,  the  Catholic  collateral 
relatives  of  these  children  were  able,  whenever  they  pleased,  to 
deprive  them  of  their  inheritances.  Nor  was  this  period  free 
from  scenes  of  bloodshed.  The  last  was  the  execution  of  Jean 
Calas,  in  1761,  at  Toulouse.  He  was  a  feeble  old  man  who  was 
accused  of  having  hanged  his  son  because  the  latter  had  wished 
to  enter  the  Catholic  Church.  Voltaire  publicly  exposed  the 
crying  injustice  of  this  procedure,  and  soon  after  confirmed5  the 
more  moderate  sentiments  which  were  beginning  to  prevail  with 
reference  to  the  Protestants.  The  government  itself  was  now 
disposed  to  treat  them  with  more  leniency,  and  was  only  pre- 
vented by  the  vehement  protestations  of  the  clergy  from  doing 
more  at  first  than  to  favor  the  indulgence  to  the  Protestants. 
Finally,  on  January  29, 1788,  a  royal  edict  was  issued  granting 
them  toleration,  although  only  under  certain  limitations.6  They 
were  allowed  to  engage  in  trade,  their  marriages  were  declared 
valid,  and  they  were  permitted  to  have  their  children  baptized 
by  their  own  clergymen.  All  public  offices,  however,  remained 
closed  to  them.  But  during  the  Kevolution  they  were  placed 
upon  terms  of  religious  equality  with  the  Catholics.7  This  privi- 
lege was  left  undisturbed  under  Bonaparte,  who  provided  for  the 
Protestant  worship  as  well  as  for  the  Catholic ;  gave  the  Prot- 
estants churches,  assisted  them  in  building  new  ones,  and  granted 
their  clergymen  the  same  support  from  the  public  treasury  as 
was  given  to  the  Catholics.8 

5  By  his  Traite  sur  la  Tolerance.  [Jean  Calas  et  sa  Faraille :  Etude  Hist,  d'apres  les 
Documents,  par  Athanase  Coquerel,  Paris,  1858.] 

6  See  on  this  point  Annuaire  des  Eglises  Ref.,  par  Rabaut,  p.  456.  Me'rnoires  de 
Louis  XVIII.  in  Wenz,  Des  Glaubeus  Kraft,  p.  11. 

7  Annuaire,  p.  355, 469. 

8  Elias  Benoist  (Reformed  preacher  at  Alencon,  forced  to  emigrate,  then  preacher 
at  Delft,  d.  1728),  Histoire  de  l'Edit  de  Nantes,  Delft,  1693,  4  vols.  4.  Friedr.  Eberb. 
Rambach,  Schicksal  der  Protestanten  in  Frankreich,  Halle,  1759,  2  vols.  8.  De  Rhu- 
lieres,  Eclaircissemens  Historiques  sur  les  causes  de  la  Revocation  de  l'Edit  de  Nautes 
et  sur  l'etat  des  Protestants  en  France  jusqu'a  uos  jours,  1788,  2  vols.  8. 


350  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1648-1814 

bo. 

HISTORY  OF  THEOLOGY  IN  THE  FRENCH  REFORMED  CHURCH. 

[A.  Vinct,  Hist,  de  la  Predication  parmi  lcs  Reformes  au  lTiemc  Siecle,  Paris,  18G0. 
Vinet  gives  account  of  ten  preachers :  Du  Moulin  (who  was  an  advocate  for  union, 
and  went  to  England  by  invitation  of  James  I.  in  1615)  published  ten  decades  of 
sermons  and  sixty  controversial  treatises  ;  Le  Faucheur,  eight  volumes  of  ser- 
mons and  twelve  treatises ;  Mestrezat,  several  volumes  of  sermons  aud  twenty 
treatises;  Daille,  twenty  volumes  of  sermons  and  thirty  -  live  treatises;  Amy- 
rant  ;  Gachez,  one  volume  of  sermons ;  Claude,  three  large  volumes  aud  nineteen 
detached  sermons;  Du  Bosc,  next  to  Claude  in  ability,  and  the  first  complete 
orator,  seven  volumes  of  sermons  (rare);  Superville,  live  volumes  of  sermons; 
Sauriu,  ten  volumes  of  sermons  and  two  treatises.] 

The  French  Reformed  Church,  until  it  was  forcibly  suppressed 
by  Louis  XIV.,  always  contained  numerous  learned  theologians, 
who  rendered  valuable  services  in  the  cause  of  science.  The 
following  were  distinguished  at  the  beginning  of  this  period : 
Samuel  Bochart,  preacher  at  Caen  (d.  1667),  a  man  of  extraor- 
dinary learning,  particularly  in  Biblical  literature;1  John  Daille 
or  Dallaeus,  pastor  of  the  congregation  at  Charenton,  near  Paris 
(d.  1670),  an  eminent  scholar  in  the  department  of  Church  histo- 
ry. Although  all  his  historical  works  are  directed  against  par- 
ticular errors  of  the  Catholic  Church,  they  are  of  great  value  on 
account  of  their  profound  and  impartial  research.2 

It  has  been  already  remarked  that  at  an  early  period  the  French 
Reformed  Protestants  departed  from  the  strict  theology  of  Calvin. 
Moses  Amyraldus  (Amyrault),  for  example,  taught  in  Saumur 
the  imiversalismus  hypotheticus.  Claude  Pajon,  professor  of 
theology  at  Saumur,  deviated  still  more  from  Calvinism,  lie 
ascribed  an  important  part  in  conversion  to  the  human  free-will, 
and  was  for  this  reason  decried  by  many,  particularly  by  the 
rigid  Hollanders,  as  an  Arminian  and  Pelagian.  He  therefore 
resigned  his  professorship  and  became  a  pastor  at  Orleans  (d. 
1685).  He  had  many  supporters  among  the  French  Reformed 
clergymen.  The  Hollanders  stigmatized  his  doctrines  as  a  pe- 
culiar heresy,  and  the  exiled  French  preachers  who  came  to  Ilol- 

1  His  principal  works  are  Phaleg  ct  Canaan.,  and  Ilierozoicon  de  Animalibnfl  S. 
Scripturac. 

2  Dc  Pscudcpigraphis  Apostolieis;  De  la  Creancc  des  Peres  sur  1c  Fait  des 
Images;  Dc  Poenis  et  fcHatisfactionibus  1  In  mania  ;  De  Jejnniia  ct  Quadrigesima ;  De 
Conflnnatione  ct  Extrema Unctione ;  De  Auricnlari  Confessione;  De  Scriptis  quae 
sub  Uionysii  Areopag.  et  Saneti  Ignatii  Nomiuibus  Circumferuutur ;  De  Cultibus 
Reliiriosis  Latinorum  Libri  IX. 


PT.V.-§63.  THEOLOGY  IN  THE  FEENCH  REFORMED  CHURCH.    351 

land  were  compelled  to  give  an  express  assurance  that  they  were 
not  advocates  of  Pajonism.3 

A  similarly  moderate  spirit  was  manifested  by  the  contempo- 
raneous professor  of  theology  at  Sedan,  Louis  Le  Blanc  de  Beau- 
lieu  (d.  1675),  a  learned  and  profound  scholar,  and  a  modest, 
upright,  and  honorable  man.  He  was  extremely  averse  to  the 
polemics  of  his  day,  and  earnestly  endeavored  to  unite  the  op- 
posing parties.  lie  even  considered  many  of  the  points  of  con- 
troversy between  the  Catholics  and  Protestants  unimportant,  or 
else  mere  logomachy,  yet  doubted  the  possibility  of  a  union. 
But  for  this  very  reason  he  advocated  all  the  more  zealously  the 
union  of  the  Evangelical  and  Reformed  churches,  inasmuch  as 
their  differences  did  not  touch  the  foundation  of  Christian  faith, 
and  he  wished  to  see  all  controversy  between  them  banished 
from  the  pulpit.  He  was,  however,  accused  by  many  theologians 
of  his  Church  of  lukewarmness  and  a  Syncretism  prejudicial  to 
the  truth.  Not  a  few  suspected  him  of  secretly  endeavoring  to 
promote  the  union  which  Cardinal  Richelieu  had  in  mind.  Aft- 
er his  death,  however,  his  merits  were  generally  recognized.4 

Among  the  exiled  French  clergymen  were  many  others  emi- 
nent in  various  respects.  Jean  Claude,  pastor  at  Charenton,  near 
Paris,  was  noted  at  the  time  of  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  as  a  brave  and  sagacious  defender  of  the  Reformed,  who 
were  then  assailed  by  many  Catholic  writers.  He  wrote  an  ad- 
mirable Defense  de  la  Reformation  in  reply  to  the  Jansenist 
Nicole,  and  exchanged  controversial  writings  with  Arnauld  on 
the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  Claude  was  regarded  in  his 
day  as  the  soul  of  the  Reformed  party  in  France,  and  was  con- 
sequently violently  hated  at  the  court.  Accordingly,  when  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  was  revoked,  Claude  was  brought  to  the  fron- 
tier within  twenty-four  hours,  while  the  other  pastors  were  al- 
lowed fourteen  days.  He  went  to  Holland,  where  he  died  in 
1687.  Mention  should  also  be  made  of  Pierre  Jurien,  professor 
at  Sedan,  after  his  banishment  professor  and  preacher  at  Rotter- 
dam— a  man  of  much  sagacity  and  learning,  but  whose  works 


3  Der  Pajonismus  von  A.  Schweizer,  in  Baur's  and  Zeller's  Theol.  Jahrb.  xii.  (1S53) 
pt.  i.  p.  1,  and  in  his  Protest.  Centraldogmen,  second  half,  Zurich,  1856. 

♦He  wrote  Theses  Theologicae  Variis  Temporibus  in  Acad.  Sedanens.  editae,  1675. 
4.  (The  first  in  the  year  1645.  They  form  a  tolerably  complete  system  of  dogmat- 
ics.) 


352  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1G4S-1814. 

were  so  passionate  and  almost  fanatical  in  their  treatment  of  all 
who  differed  from  him  as  to  be  extremely  prejudiced.  lie  not 
only  violently  assailed  Bossuet,  Arnauld,  and  Nicole,  but  kept  up 
a  jealous  watch  for  every  deviation  from  pure  Calvinism  in  his 
own  Church,  and  was  particularly  hostile  to  Pajon  and  Bayle. 

Jacques  Basnage,  pastor  of  the  Walloon  congregation  at  the 
Hague  (d.  1723),5  was  a  very  learned  and  discerning  author,  al- 
though he  did  not  always  study  the  sources  with  care.  Samuel 
Basnage,  pastor  at  Zutphen,  in  the  Netherlands,  a  relation  of  the 
above  (d.  1721).6  Jacob  Lenfant,  pastor  and  member  of  the 
consistory  at  Berlin  (d.  172S).7  Isaac  de  Beausobre,  after  16Si 
pastor  and  member  of  the  consistory  at  Berlin  (d.  173S).8  Jean 
Souverain,  an  advocate  of  Arminianism,  for  which  reason  he 
was  deposed  from  his  pastoral  office  in  France  several  years 
before  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  He  thereupon 
went  to  England,  entered  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  became  a 
pastor  again.  lie  died  at  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century.9 
David  Ancillon,  pastor  at  Metz,  died  as  pastor  of  the  French 
Church  at  Berlin,  1692.10 

The  most  distinguished  preacher  among  the  French  Reformed 
Protestants  was  Jacques  Saurin,  who  emigrated  from  France  in 
childhood,  studied  theology  at  Geneva,  and  became  pastor  of  the 
French  Reformed  congregation  at  the  Hague  (d.  1730).11 

After  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  by  which  all  the 
Reformed  Protestant  clergymen  were  compelled  to  emigrate, 
there  was  of  course  no  theological  learning  among  the  Reformed 
in  France.  It  was  only  at  the  constant  peril  of  their  lives  that 
individual  clergymen  ventured  to  visit  the  congregations.  These 
were  educated  at  Geneva  and  Lausanne;  but  after  the  safety 

5  Histoire  de  l'Eglisc,  Rotterdam,  1G99,  2  toIs.  fol. 

f'  Wrote  against  Baronius,  De  Rebus  Sacris  et  Ecclesiasticis  Exercitatibncs  Ilistor- 
ico-criticae ;  Annales  Politico-ecclcsiastiei  to  1G04,  3  vols.  fol. 

7  Hist,  du  Concile  de  Pise,  2  vols.  4.  ;  Hist,  du  Conc.de  Constance,  2  vols.  4. ;  Hist. 
dc  la  Guerre  des  Hussites  et  du  Concile  de  Basle,  2  vols.  4.,  characterized  by  impar- 
tiality and  historical  accuracy. 

8  Histoire  Critique  dc  Maniclioe  et  du  Manicheismc. 

9  After  his  death,  I.e  Platonisme  Dgvoile*  was  published,  in  which  he  demonstrated 
that  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  was  formed  under  the  influence  of  the  Platonic  phi- 
losophy, 

10  Relation  d'nne  Conference  qu'il  cut  en  1057  avee  M.  Bedaeicr,  Evequc  d'Aoste, 
Sedan,  1657.  4. ;  Apologie  dc  Luther,  de  Zwingli,  dc  <  'alvin,  et  de  Bezc,  Ilanau,  1666. 
(Cf.  Bayle's  Diet.  Niceron,  pt.  viii.). 

11  See  sermons  in  ten  parts,  also  transl.  into  German. 


PT.  V.— §  64.  THEOLOGY  IN  THE  REFORMED  CHURCH  OF  HOLLAND.  353 

of  the  Protestants  had  been  secured  by  Napoleon,  a  theological 
school  was  founded  at  Montauban  in  1S09.  For  a  Ions:  time, 
however,  there  was  no  theological  literature  in  France. 


§61. 

HISTORY  OF  THEOLOGY  IN  THE  REFORMED  CHURCH  OF  HOLLAND. 

[Cur.  Rahlenbeck,  Rapport  sur  les  Actes  et  Documents  concernant  le  Protestantisme 
Beige  depuis  la  Paix  de  Westphalie,  Bruxelles,  1873.] 

After  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  scholasticism 
found  its  way  again  into  the  Dutch  Reformed  theology,  as  it  did 
into  the  Lutheran.  The  theologian  who  represented  the  extreme 
of  this  tendency  was  Gisbert  Voetius,  from  1636  professor  at 
Utrecht  (d.  1676).  He  had  been  present  at  the  Synod  of  Dort, 
and  adhered  with  the  greatest  strictness  to  its  doctrines,  assailing 
with  excessive  violence  every  new  opinion  which  seemed  to  be  a 
deviation  from  them.  He  thereby  acquired  in  Holland  a  repu- 
tation for  the  most  rigid  orthodoxy.  In  the  philosophy  of  the 
Cartesians  and  the  theology  of  the  Cocceians,  he  found  the  two 
parties  which  were  the  particular  objects  of  his  attacks.  In  dis- 
tinction from  them,  his  followers  wTere  called  Voetians. 

Voetius  assailed  the  Cartesian  philosophy1  on  the  ground  that 
it  led  to  skepticism,  pantheism,  and  even  to  atheism,  and  that  it 
also  unduly  exalted  the  reason,  while  it  held  all  knowledge  de- 
rived from  the  senses  to  be  deceptive  and  uncertain.  The  con- 
troversy began  as  early  as  1639.  Voetius  was  supported  by  most 
of  the  Dutch  clergymen,  and  he  even  succeeded  in  1656  in  ob- 
taining from  the  States  of  Holland  a  law  prohibiting  the  teach- 
ing of  this  philosophy  and. its  application  to  theology.  Never- 
theless, until  near  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  it  still 
had  many  supporters  in  Holland. 

Quite  different  was  the  theological  party  of  the  Cocceians,  who 
were  also  assailed  by  Voetius.2 

Johannes  Cocceius  (properly  Cock),  a  native  of  Bremen,  was 
professor  of  Hebrew  at  Franeker,  afterward  at  Leyden  (d.  1669). 
He  attempted  to  reform  both  exegesis  and  dogmatics.  Grotius, 
as  he  thought,  assumed  too  much  as  a  matter  of  course  that  the 
Bible  was  to  be  treated  like  any  other  book  of  human  compo- 

1  Benthem,  ii.  57.  2  Id.  ii.  116. 

VOL.  V. — 23 


354  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1G4S-1S14. 

sition.     Cocceius,  on  the  other  hand,  began  with  the  assumption 
that  it  was  a  book  full  of  divine  mysteries,  and,  in  order  to  un- 
fold them,  laid  clown  the  principle  that  the  words  of  the  Scrip- 
ture must  always  mean  as  much  as  it  was  possible  for  them  to 
mean.     By  aid  of  this  principle  he  endeavored  particularly  to 
establish  a  typical  interpretation.     He  discovered  every  where 
types  and  figures  of  future  events.     In  the  Old  Testament,  ac- 
cording to  his  theory,  Christ  was  chiefly  prefigured  ;  in  the  Can- 
ticles and  the  Apocalypse  the  whole  history  of  the  Christian 
Church  was  allegorically  represented.     With  this  peculiar  exe- 
gesis he  connected  an  equally  peculiar  theology.     He  wished  to 
separate  theology  entirely  from  philosophy,  and  restore  it  to  its 
simple  Scriptural  form.     His  fundamental  idea  was  that  of  a 
covenant  of  God  with  men.    He  distinguished,  in  the  first  place, 
the  Covenant  of  Works,  or  of  Nature  before  the  Fall,  from  the 
subsequent  Covenant  of  Grace,  and  divided  the  latter  into  three 
economies — before  the  Law,  under  the  Law,  and  under  the  Gos- 
pel.    Under  these  main  ideas  he  arranged  the  whole  system  of 
Christian  doctrine,  and  carried  the  covenant  theory  into  all  the 
particular  doctrines.     For  this  reason,  Cocceius  introduced  into 
his  theology  many  illustrations  taken  from  the  science  of  law. 
This  so-called  Federal  Theology,  as  well  as  the  exegesis  of  Coc- 
ceius, found  many  friends  in  Holland.    The  strict  Voetians,  how- 
ever, opposed  it,  and  various  controversies  arose  between  the  two 
parties.     The  most  violent  had  reference  to  the  law  of  the  Sab- 
bath, the  Cocceians  asserting  that  it  was  binding  merely  upon 
the  Jews,  and  that  the  Lord's  day  was  a  voluntary  Christian  ob- 
servance ;  while  the  Voetians,  on  the  other  hand,  insisted  that  the 
Sabbath  law  still  applied  to  Sunday. 

At  first  the  Cartesians  and  Cocceians  were  in  no  way  connect- 
ed with  each  other,  Cocceius  himself  having  desired  to  separate 
theology  entirely  from  philosophy.  But  the  two  parties  found 
themselves  outwardly  brought  together  by  the  attacks  of  their 
common  opponents,  the  Voetians,  and  it  was  not  long  before  the 
discovery  was  made  that  many  of  the  Cartesian  principles  could 
be  advantageously  employed  in  support  of  the  Cocceian  theology. 
The  teachings  of  Descartes  respecting  the  uncertainty  of  human 
knowledge  were  quite  to  the  point  in  opposition  to  those  scholastic 
Voetians  who  wished  to  demonstrate  every  thing.  Accordingly, 
some  of  the  Cocceian  theologians  began  to  introduce  the  Carte- 


PT.  V.— §  64.  THEOLOGY  IN  THE  REFORMED  CHURCH  OF  HOLLAND.  355 

sian  philosophy  into  their  federal  theology,  and  this  gave  more 
reason  for  regarding  the  Cartesians  and  Cocceians  as  allies. 

At  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  however,  the  Cartesian 
philosophy  encountered  a  decided  reverse  in  Holland  through  the 
controversy  originated  by  Balthasar  Becker,  pastor  at  Franeker 
and  afterward  at  Amsterdam.  He  had  been  at  an  earlier  period 
assailed  on  account  of  a  catechism  in  which  he  had  advanced  some 
peculiar  ideas.  A  still  greater  sensation  was  produced  by  his  work 
The  World  Bewitched,  1691,  in  which  he  denied  the  influence  of 
the  devil  and  of  demons  upon  the  world  and  men.3  In  support 
of  this  view  he  appealed  to  Descartes,  who  held  that  the  essence 
of  a  spirit  consists  in  the  thinking,  so  that  it  can  not  operate  in 
other  substances.  Accordingly,  he  argued  that  those  passages 
of  Scripture  in  which  mention  is  made  of  the  operation  of  an- 
gels and  devils  are  not  to  be  taken  as  literally  true,  and  that  the 
demoniacs  of  the  New  Testament  are  to  be  regarded  as  afflicted 
with  occult  diseases.  He  did  not  absolutely  deny  the  existence 
of  evil  spirits,  but  treated  it  rather  as  an  unsolved  problem.  He 
was  consequently  deposed  and  excluded  from  the  communion  of 
the  Church.  He  afterward  connected  himself  with  the  more 
liberal  French  Reformed  party  (refugies),  d.  1698.  From  this 
time  the  influence  of  the  Cartesian  philosophy  declined  in  Hol- 
land. Becker's  work  obtained  extraordinary  celebrity,  and  was 
translated  into  several  languages.4 

Among  the  numerous  Cocceian  theologians  who  distinguished 
themselves  as  learned  exegetes,  the  following  deserve  mention : 
Hermann  Witsius,  successively  professor  of  theology  at  Franeker, 
Utrecht,  and  Leyden  (d.  1708),  was  at  first  a  zealous  Cocceian,  but 
in  his  maturer  years  opposed  some  of  the  doctrines  of  Cocceian- 
ism,  although  in  general  he  remained  faithful  to  that  system.5 
Campegius  Vitringa,  professor  of  theology  at  Franeker  (d.  1722), 
with  some  limitations  and  modifications,  followed  the  Cocceian 
principles  in  his  exegesis.6    Friedrich  Adolph  Lampe,  professor 

3  Similarly  Ant.  V.  Dale,  De  Origine  et  Progr.  Idolatriae,  1696.  (See  Wald's  Progr. 
Congrcgationem  S.  Offic.  Rom.  etc.  1821,  p.  19.) 

4  Into  German  by  Job.  Mor.  Schwager,  with  notes  by  Semler,  Leipzig,  1781,  3  vols. 
8.  Schwager's  Beitrag  zur  Gesch.  der  Intoleranz,  oder  Meinuugen  unci  Schieksale 
Balthasar  Beckers,  Leipzig,  1780.  W.  H.  Becker,  Schediasma  de  Controversiis  B. 
Beckero  ob  Librum  etc.  Motis,  Konigsberg,  1721. 4. 

5  His  work  on  dogmatics  De  Oecouomia  Dei  cum  Hominibus  Libb.  IV.  ;  his  Mis- 
cellanea Sacra,  2  vols.  4.,  contain  many  excellent  exegctical  and  historical  treatises. 

6.Comm.  in  Esaiam,  2  vols.  fol. ;  De  Synagoga  Vctere. 


356  FOURTH  PEMOD.-DIV.  II.-A.D.  1618-1814. 

of  theology  at  Utrecht,  afterward  professor  of  theology  and 
preacher  at  Bremen  (d.  1729).7  In  addition  to  these,  the  follow- 
ing Dutch  theologians  may  be  mentioned :  Frederic  Spanheim 
the  younger,  professor  of  theology  at  Leyden  (d.  1G97),  who  wrote 
a  Church  History  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments.8  Albert 
Schultens,  professor  of  Oriental  languages  at  Leyden  (d.  1750),9 
was  a  noted  Old  Testament  commentator.  He  was  the  first  to 
bring  into  general  use,  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Hebrew,  the 
kindred  dialects,  particularly,  and  indeed  too  exclusively,  the 
Arabic  language.  Hermann  Venema,  professor  of  theology  at 
Franeker  (d.  1787),  a  very  learned  theologian.10 

In  recent  times  Holland  has  done  but  little  for  the  theological 
sciences.  In  the  one  department  of  exegesis,  however,  valuable 
contributions  have  been  made,  not  so  much  by  the  production  of 
new  material  as  by  the  careful  collection  and  elaboration  of  the 
old.  The  Dutch  exegetical  works  are  characterized,  for  the  most 
part,  by  copious  development  of  the  passages  from  their  philo- 
logical and  historical  side ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  familiar  and 
irrelevant  matter  is  presented  in  wearisome  fullness, often  with  lit- 
tle evidence  of  thorough  and  critical  linguistic  knowledge  or  in- 
dependent historical  research.  Moreover,  the  development  of  the 
thought  and  the  argument  is  much  neglected.  Especial  value  is 
attached  to  good  Latin  style.  The  following  deserve  mention : 
Hermann  Muntinghe,  professor  of  theology  at  Groningen;11 
John  van  Voorst,  professor  of  theology  at  Leyden ; 12  Jodocus 
Heringa,  professor  of  theology  at  Utrecht,  an  acute  dogmatician, 
who,  however,  was  long  suspected  of  neology ; 13  Elias  Anton 
Borger,  professor  of  theology  at  Leyden. u 

Passing  to  the  other  religious  denominations  in  Holland,  we 

7  Comm.  in  Evang.  Joh.  3  vols.  4. ;  very  copious,  but  frequeutly  goes  too  far  iu  the 
attempt  to  discover  profound  mysteries. 

8  Chiefly  distinguished  for  his  Geographia  Sacra  et  Ecclcsiastica. 

9  Voluminous  commentaries  on  Job  and  the  Proverbs.  [F.  Miihlau,  Alb.  Schul- 
tens  u.  s.  Bed.  f.  d.  hcbraische  Sprachwissenseh.,  Z.  f.  Luth.  Theol.  1870,  p.  1-21.] 

10  Commentar.  in  Psalmos,  6vols.4. ;  Institutiones  Historiae  Eeclesiae  Vet.  et  Nov. 
Test.  7  vols.  4. 

11  Dutch  versions  of  Job,  the  Psalms,  and  the  Proverbs,  also  translated  into  Ger- 
man. 

12  Author  of  several  small  works  in  New  Test,  exegesis — anions;-  others,  Animad- 
verss.  de  Usu  Vcrborum  c.  Praepositionibue  Compositorum  in  Nov.  Test.  Spec.  II. 

13  On  the  Right  Use  and  the  Ahuse  of  Biblical  Criticism  ;  On  the  Teaching  of  Je- 
sus and  his  Apostles  with  reference  to  the  Religious  Conceptions  of  their  Contempo- 
raries. 

11  Interpretatio  Epist.  ad  Galatas;  De  Mysticismo. 


PART  V.-§65.  THEOLOGY  IN  THE  SWISS  REFORMED  CHURCH.  357 

find  the  Mennonite  preacher  Anton  van  Dale,  afterward  a  physi- 
cian in  the  hospital  at  Haarlem  (d.  1708),  a  man  noted  for  his 
profound  and  varied  learning.15 

The  Remonstrants,  likewise,  have  always  had  eminent  scholars 
among  them.  Philip  van  Limborch,  professor  of  theology  in 
the  Arminian  gymnasium  at  Amsterdam  (d.  1712),  published 
the  first  complete  Arminian  system  of  theology.16  Jean  Leclerc 
(Clericus),  professor  of  Hebrew,  philosophy,  and  Church  history 
at  the  same  place  (d.  1736),  by  a  great  number  of  works  enriched 
many  departments  of  theology,  particularly  Biblical  literature 
and  Church  history,  and  did  much  to  produce  a  more  independ- 
ent criticism  of  the  Bible.17  Johann  Jacob  Wetstein,  deacon  at 
Basle,  lost  his  position  because  he  was  charged  with  Socinianism, 
and  became  the  assistant  of  Clericus  at  Amsterdam,  and  after 
his  death  his  successor  (d.  1754).18  Paul  van  Hemert,  professor 
at  the  same  place,  noted  for  an  independent  and  acute  work  on 
the  doctrine  of  Accommodation.19 

§  65. 

HISTORY  OF  THEOLOGY  IN  THE  SWISS  REFORMED  CHURCH. 

External  history :  Gluck,  Kath.  Schweiz,  p.  366,  530.— Der  Glaubenszwang  der  Zii- 
richer  Kirche  im  17ten  Jahrh.,  von  O.  A.  Werdmiiller,  Zurich,  1845.  8.— Escher,  in 
Ersch,  Encycl.  sect.  2,  pt.  5,  p.  244.  [E.  de  Brede\  Vie  de  Francois  Turrettini,  Lau- 
sanne, 1871,  p.  300.— Id.  Vie  de  Jean  Diodati,  Theologien  Genevois,  1576-1649,  ib. 
1871.] 

It  has  been  already  remarked  in  the  previous  period  that  there 
was  a  gradual  decline  in  the  influence  of  strict  Calvinism  in 
Switzerland,  and  even  in  Geneva,  owing  to  the  fact  that  so  many 
of  the  young  Swiss  studied  in  French  academies.    They  brought 

13  De  Origine  et  Progressu  Idolatriae  ac  Superstitionum ;  De  Oraculis  Ethnico- 
rum ;  Dissert,  super  Aristea  de  LXX  Interpretibus ;  Historia  Baptismorum  (against 
P^dobaptism). 

16  Theologia  Christiana,  4.  and  fol. ;  then  an  admirable  defense  of  Christianity 
against  a  Jew,  De  Veritate  Relig.  Christiauae;  also  a  Historia  Inquisitionis,  which, 
until  recent  times,  was  one  of  the  best;  A.  des  Amorie  van  der  Hoeven  de  Jo.  Cler- 
ico  et  Phil,  a  Limborch.  Amstel.  1843. 

17  Ars  Critica;  Vetus  Testamentum  translatum  cum  Paraphrasi  et  Perpetuo  Com- 
mentario  et  Dissertatt.  Philologicc.  5  vols.  fol. ;  Historia  Ecclesiastica  duorum  Pri- 
morum  Seculorum. 

18  Nov.  Test.  2  vols,  fol.,  with  an  extremely  rich  apparatus  of  readings  and  a  col- 
lection of  explanatory  parallel  passages  from  the  classical  and  rabbinical  writers. 
His  Prolegomena,  valuable  for  criticism,  printed  separately  by  Sender,  1764. 

19  On  the  Accommodations  in  the  New  Test,  (also  Germ.  1767). 


358  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.—  A.D.  1648-1814. 

back  many  more  liberal  opinions,  particularly  the  principles  taught 
by  Louis  Capellus  respecting  the  Old  Testament.  In  order  to  ar- 
rest the  progress  of  these  opinions,  the  most  eminent  Swiss  theo- 
logians, prominent  among  them  Johann  Ileinrich  Heidegger,  pro- 
fessor of  theology  at  Zurich,  and  Francois  Turretin  (1G23-1G77), 
professor  and  pastor  in  Geneva,  determined  to  bind  the  whole 
clergy  of  the  country  by  a  new  symbolical  book.  This  confes- 
sion was  drawn  up  by  Heidegger,  and  in  1G7G,  under  the  name 
of  the  Formula  Consensus,  it  was  adopted  by  most  of  the  evan- 
gelical cantons,  Geneva  following  their  example  two  years  after.1 
All  the  pastors,  including  the  French  clergymen  who  had  found 
refuge  in  Switzerland,  were  compelled  to  subscribe  it.  This 
procedure  was  extremely  distasteful  to  many  of  the  Swiss  them- 
selves, as  well  as  to  the  foreign  Reformed  sovereigns.  In  par- 
ticular, the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  earnestly  remonstrated  with 
the  cantons  against  this  new  confession,  which  seemed  likely  not 
only  to  divide  the  Reformed  Church  anew  within  itself,  but  also 
to  separate  it  permanently  from  the  Lutherans.  Basle  alone  at 
that  time  immediately  abolished  the  Formula  Consensus  (1GS5). 
Geneva  followed,  after  much  discussion,  in  1704.  In  the  other 
cantons,  however,  especially  in  Berne,  the  subscription  was  rig- 
idly enforced,  and  many  who  declined  it  were  deposed  and  ban- 
ished. It  was  not  till  after  the  year  1722  that,  in  consequence 
of  the  repeated  demands  of  many  foreign  evangelical  sovereigns, 
the  requirement  was  gradually  relaxed,  and  the  Consensus  finally 
lost  all  authority.2 

These  repressive  measures  only  promoted  the  liberal  tenden- 
cy which  was  quietly  and  unobtrusively  developing  among  the 
Swiss  theologians.  Even  in  Geneva,  once  so  rigid,  many  doc- 
trines began  to  be  regarded  with  less  respect  than  previously, 
and  the  religious  instruction  became  increasingly  practical.  This 
was  particularly  the  case  after  the  death  of  Frangois  Turretin,  and 
was  largely  due  to  the  efforts  of  his  nephew,  Jean  Alphonse  Tur- 
retin, professor  of  theology  (d.  1737),  who  was  also  a  zealous  ad- 
vocate of  the  scheme  for  union  among  the  Protestants,  which 
was  then  being  agitated  in  Prussia,3  and  of  Benedict  Pictet, 

1  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1732,  p.  721,  973 ;  17:.':;,  i>.  82,  95, 594 ;  1760,  p.  401, 263. 
-  Unschuld.  Nachr.  1760,  p.  408. 

3  Dc  Pace  Protestantium  Ecclesiastica,  On  Zimmermann's  work  in  Geneva,  see 
Vita  Zimmermanni,  scrips.  Fritzsehe,  Turici,  1841.  4. 


PART  V.— §  65.  THEOLOGY  IN  THE  SWISS  REFORMED  CHURCH.     359 

professor  at  Geneva,  also  a  nephew  of  Francois  Turretin  (d. 
1724).4 

The  subscription  of  the  Formula  Consensus  was  abolished  in 
1706.  In  1725  the  subscription  of  all  symbolical  books  was 
dispensed  with,  and,  instead,  candidates  for  the  ministry  were 
directed  to  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  admonished  to  introduce 
no  unnecessary  themes  calculated  to  produce  strife  into  the 
pulpit.5 

In  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  a  great  sensation  was 
produced  by  a  review  of  the  religious  situation  in  Geneva  in  the 
Encyclopedia  of  D'Alembert  and  Diderot,  under  the  article  "  Ge- 
neve." The  writer,  with  high  commendations  of  the  ecclesiastical 
constitution  and  the  prevalent  enlightenment,  praised  the  preach- 
ers on  the  ground  that  their  Christianity  was,  for  the  most  part, 
a  pure  deism,  and  that  they  discarded  all  its  mysteries.  On  ac- 
count of  this  charge,  the  Venerable  Compagnie  took  occasion,  in 
1758,  to  defend  itself  by  the  issue  of  a  public  confession  of  faith. 
This  manifesto,  however,  plainly  showed  that  they  no  longer  ad- 
hered to  the  old  dogmatic  system,  but  professed  a  rational  Bibli- 
cal Christianity. 

After  the  year  1816,  the  same  charges  were  urged  against  the 
clergymen  of  Geneva  by  certain  sectarians  who  had  established 
themselves  in  that  city  through  the  efforts  of  the  English  Meth- 
odists. The  former  were  accused  particularly  of  denying  the  di- 
vinity of  Christ,  original  sin,  and  predestination.  The  Venerable 
Comjpagnie  in  so  far  acknowledged  the  truth  of  these  charges 
as  to  agree,  in  1817,  not  to  discuss  these  doctrines  in  the  pulpit. 
A  tedious  controversy  ensued;  and  in  1823  this  sect,  which  had 
accmired  the  nickname  3fo?niers,  separated  entirely  from  the 
Genevan  Church  and  joined  the  English  Church. 

Among  the  eminent  theologians  of  the  Swiss  Church  were 
Johann  Heinrich  Hottinger,  professor  of  theology  at  Zurich 
(drowned  when  about  to  take  a  professorship  at  Leyden,  1667)  ;6 
Johann  Caspar  Suicerus,  professor  at  Zurich  (d.  16S4);7  Johann 

*  Theologie  Chretienne,  3  vols.  4. ;  and  his  popular  Morale  Chretienne,  2  vols.  4. 

5  J.  Schulthess,  Fur  und  wider  die  Bekenntnisse,  p.  12.  Kirchenhist.  Archiv,  V.  i. 
115.     Documents  in  Simler's  Samral.  i.  700. 

6  Historia  Eeclesiastica,  9  vols,  in  8. ;  copious  for  the  sixteenth  century,  to  which 
five  vols,  are  devoted.  Hottinger  also  did  much  in  the  field  of  Oriental  languages. 
His  Thesaurus  Philologicus  is  an  introduction  to  the  Old  Testament. 

'  Thesaurus  Ecclesiasticus,  2  vols.  fol. 


360  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  II.— A.D.  1648-1814 

Ileinrich  Ileidegger,  Hottinger's  successor  at  Zurich  (d.  169S) ; 8 
Johann  Jacob  Hottinger,  son  of  Johaim  Ileinrich,  and  successor 
to  Heidegger  (d.  1735) ; 9  Daniel  Wyttenbach,  deacon  at  Berne, 
then  professor  of  theology  and  superintendent-general  at  Mar- 
burg (d.  1770)  ;10  Johann  Friedrich  Stapfer,  professor  of  polemic 
theology  at  Berne  (d.  1775)  ;n  Johann  Jacob  Hess,  antistes  (chief 
preacher)  at  Zurich  (d.  May  29, 1828) ; 12  Johann  Schulthess,  pro- 
fessor of  theology  at  Zurich.13 

8  Best  known  as  a  dogmatician  by  his  Corpus  Thcologiae  Christianae,  2  vols.  fol. ; 
also  his  historical  works,  Historia  Patriarcharum. 

9  Helvctischc  Kirchengeschichte,  4  vols.  4. 

10  He  applied  the  Wolfian  philosophy  to  theology.  Tentamen  Thcologiae  Dog- 
maticac,  3  vols.  8. 

11  Author  of  several  valuable  works.  Popular  dogmatics :  Grundlegung  zur  wah- 
ren  Religion,  12  vols.  8. ;  Sittenlehre,  6  vols.  8. ;  Institutiones  Thcologiae  Polemicae 
Universae,  5  vols. 

12  Noted  for  his  contributions  to  Biblical  history:  Gesch.  d.  Israeliten  vor  den 
Zeiten  Jesu,  12  vols.  8. ;  Lebensgesch.  Jesu,  2  vols. ;  Gesch.  und  Schriften  der  Apostel 
Jesu.  3  vols.,  with  sermons  and  devotional  works. 

13  Exegetisch-theol.  Forschungen,  2  vols. 


FOURTH    PERIOD. 


THIRD    DIVISION. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  MODERN  CHURCH  FROM  1814  TO  THE  PRESENT 

TIME. 

Staudlin,  Kirchengesch.  des  19ten  Jahrh.  bis  1822,  in  Vater's  Arcbiv,  1823,  LI;  ii.  1. 
Vater's  Uebersicbt  der  rom.-kath.  Kircbe,  ib.  1823,  i.  75.  - 

I.— 1814-1854. 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  DURING  THIS 

PERIOD. 

The  French  Revolution  in  1789  introduced  a  time  of  subver- 
sions in  Europe  which  has  not  yet  come  to  an  end.  These  revo- 
lutions commenced,  indeed,  on  political  ground,  but  soon  extend- 
ed to  all  social  relations,  and  to  ideas  and  opinions  as  well ;  and 
thus,  in  particular,  religion  and  the  Church  were  likewise  affected 
by  them. 

It  is  always  extremely  difficult  to  gain  a  perfectly  correct  and 
unprejudiced  view  of  the  intellectual  condition  of  our  own  time. 
Partly,  the  individual  standpoint  is  too  limited  to  make  it  pos- 
sible to  recognize,  comprehend,  and  rightly  classify  the  multi- 
tude of  phenomena  which  appear ;  partly,  the  most  important 
portion  of  this  condition — the  ideas,  principles,  and  sentiments — 
lies  hidden  in  the  interior  of  millions  of  intellects,  so  that  it  is  dif- 
ficult to  distinguish  it.  Add  to  this  the  inevitable  partiality  of 
each  individual,  who  necessarily  has  his  own  standpoint  from 
which  he  observes  and  judges,  his  peculiar  ideas  and  principles 
according  to  which  he  forms  his  opinion,  and  it  is  evident  that 
no  view  of  the  times  can  be  entirely  unbiased. 

In  spite  of  this  difficulty,  however,  we  should  not  shun  the  ef- 
fort to  comprehend  the  age  in  which  we  live ;  for  it  is  this  knowl- 
edge upon  which  chiefly  depends  our  working  efficiently,  and 
doino;  our  share  of  £ood  in  our  time.     We  therefore  seek  to  un- 


3G2  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

derstand,  also,  the  state  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  our  age  as  the 
result  of  former  developments,  in  order,  partly,  to  recognize  in 
the  whole  course  of  these  developments  the  wise  guidance  of 
Providence,  and  partly  to  gain  courage  and  firmness  for  our  own 
work  in  the  Church  and  for  the  Church. 

The  European  monarchies,  with  the  sole  exception  of  England, 
had  in  modem  times  assumed  an  absolute  character.  Formerly 
they  had  been  limited  by  estates,  which  were  formed  chiefly  from 
the  nobility,  the  clergy,  and  cities  ;  but  various  causes  had  com- 
bined to  deprive  these  estates  of  their  power,  and  thus  they  were, 
in  some  countries,  no  longer  assembled,  while  in  others  they  had 
become  a  mere  empty  form,  and  in  fewer  still  had  preserved 
some  very  insignificant  rights.  At  the  same  time,  however,  the 
nobility  and  the  clergy  still  remained  privileged  estates,  and  were 
considered  the  supports  of  the  throne ;  but  they  had  no  public 
sphere  of  activity  except  in  the  service  of  the  sovereign — the  no- 
bility as  officials  in  the  State,  the  clergy  as  officials  in  the  Church. 

Thus,  great  and  well-intentioned  monarchs,  with  their  absolute 
power,  found  it  much  easier  than  it  would  have  been  in  conjunc- 
tion with  estates  to  make  certain  beneficial  dispositions  and 
changes,  as  did  Frederic  II.  in  Prussia  and  Joseph  II.  in  Austria. 
But  as  great  men  are  rare  every  where,  and  none  the  less  so  on 
thrones,  it  more  frequently  happened  that  the  absolute  monarchs 
abused  their  power,  in  order  to  follow  their  inclinations  or  satisfy 
their  lusts ;  or,  even  if  they  were  kindly  disposed  toward  their 
subjects,  did  not  recognize  the  real  wants  of  the  latter,  but  were 
led  astray  by  their  advisers,  so  that  in  this  manner  the  people 
were  oppressed  in  various  ways. 

This  oppression  was  nowhere  felt  more  strongly  than  in 
France,  where  the  reigns  of  Louis  XIV.  and  Louis  XV.,  by  their 
unbounded  extravagance,  had  laid  a  fearful  burden  of  debt  upon 
the  land,  while  the  nobility  and  the  clergy,  notwithstanding  that 
the  greater  part  of  the  national  wealth  was  in  their  possession, 
yet  contributed  little  toward  the  taxes,  so  that  the  whole  weight 
of  the  latter  rested  upon  the  citizens  and  the  peasants.  Louis 
XVI.  was  a  very  benevolent  monarch,  but  too  much  biased  b}' 
the  prejudices  of  the  day,  and  too  weak  to  take  the  necessary  de- 
cisive steps;  and  matters  finally  went  so  far  that,  in  the  Revolu- 
tion, the  people  sought  to  help  themselves. 

But  this  first  Revolution,  like  all  subsequent  ones  in  France, 


§  1.  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  MODERN  TIMES.  303 

received  its  impulse  and  its  character  in  the  capital  of  Paris.  In 
this  enormous  city  there  is  living,  in  quiet  times,  a  large  mass  of 
people  in  extreme  destitution,  in  the  depths  of  misery,  indeed, 
who  can  lose  nothing  by  any  change  of  affairs,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, may  gain  thereby.  Thus,  there  exist  here  a  multitude  of 
people  who  are  at  all  times  inclined  to  revolt,  and  willingly  offer 
themselves  as  tools  for  the  leaders  of  political  factions.  Now  it 
was  in  Paris,  under  the  influence  of  the  parties  prevailing  there, 
that  all  changes  and  all  new  constitutions  were  consulted  and 
decided  upon,  and  it  was  incumbent  upon  the  central  power  which 
had  its  seat  in  that  city  to  insure  the  recognition  of  these  reso- 
lutions in  the  whole  of  France.  Thus  it  happened  that  by  a  few 
firmly  united  parties,  which  counted  hardly  a  hundred  thousand 
truly  devoted  members,  several  millions  of  people  were  ruled. 

In  particular,  it  was  the  impiety  prevalent  in  Paris,  which  had 
gradually  been  communicated  by  the  higher  to  the  lower  classes, 
that  influenced  the  Revolution  and  gave  it  its  terrible  character. 
The  renouncing  of  Christianity  and  all  religion,  the  theatrical 
festivals  of  Reason,  the  absurd  resolution  of  the  National  Con- 
vention that  the  French  nation  recognized  a  Supreme  Being — 
all  these  could  only  take  place  in  Paris.  And  even  though  this 
impiety  found  favor  in  many  cities  in  the  north  and  east  of 
France,  and  took  root  there,  yet  in  the  south  and  west  it  wound- 
ed the  numerous  zealous  Catholics  all  the  more  deeply,  although 
they,  too,  were  obliged  to  submit  outwardly,  and  hold  their  serv- 
ices in  secret.  But  it  was  this  ungodliness  which  alone  made  it 
possible  that  the  Revolution  assumed  so  horrible  and  bloody  a 
character,  and  that  the  different  parties  did  not  hesitate  to  sacri- 
fice their  real  and  supposed  opponents  to  their  political  designs 
by  condemning  them  to  the  scaffold. 

When  the  Revolution  commenced,  it  found  great  sympathy 
with  other  nations,  particularly  among  the  educated  classes ; 
for  at  that  time  the  lower  grades  of  society  received  little  con- 
nected intelligence  of  these  great  events.  The  attention  of  all 
was  directed  to  the  government  abuses  of  their  own  countries, 
and  the  wish  was  often  loudly  expressed  that  they  could  be 
corrected  like  those  in  France.  But,  on  the  whole,  the  na- 
tions were  too  closely  bound  by  the  fetters  of  habit  and  usage 
for  such  wishes  to  meet  with  general  response.  Moreover, 
the  Revolution  soon  lost  the  sympathies  it  had  awakened  when 


364  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

the  constitutions  and  governments  in  France  began  to  change 
rapidly,  when  thousands  of  political  victims  fell  upon  the  scaf- 
fold, and  when  the  impiety  referred  to  continued  to  assert  itself 
more  and  more  shamelessly.  It  was  acknowledged  that  a  repub- 
lican institution  was  not  suited  to  a  large  European  country,  be- 
cause it  was  constantly  inciting  the  ambition  to  rebellion  and 
revolution ;  and  the  other  nations  began  to  feel  more  contented 
with  their  own  government,  however  much  it  left  to  be  desired, 
because  it  afforded  them  safety,  than  with  another  which,  under 
the  name  of  liberty,  practiced  tyranny,  and  which  itself  possessed 
as  little  stability  as  it  could  give  the  citizens  security  for  their 
persons  and  property. 

At  the  same  time,  however,  the  French  Revolution  made  a 
deep  religious  impression  upon  the  nations  of  Europe,  as,  indeed, 
no  great  event  which  convulses  the  world  can  fail  to  have  such 
an  effect.  It  was  acknowledged  that  no  relation  could  be  firm, 
no  connection  secure,  no  state  lasting,  without  a  religious  foun- 
dation ;  that,  therefore,  the  religious  education  of  the  people  was 
the  condition  of  all  development  and  all  happiness  of  the  nation. 
And  hence  the  written  attacks  against  religion  and  Christianity 
were  discontinued,  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  higher  classes 
ceased  to  display  their  irreligious  principles. 

The  French  Revolution  could  be  subdued  only  by  military 
force,  and  this  was  effected  by  Napoleon  Bonaparte.  With  an 
iron  arm  he  suppressed  all  revolutionary  agitations,  and  restored 
order  and  quiet.  As  he  recognized  fully  that  religion  was  the 
main  prop  of  all  civil  order,  it  was  one  of  his  first  acts  to  cause 
the  churches  to  be  reopened.  .He  promised  liberty  to  all  con- 
fessions, but  insured  by  laws  the  authority  of  the  state  over  them. 

Bonaparte's  rule,  both  as  first  consul  and  as  emperor,  was  en- 
tirely absolute,  although  he  suffered  certain  forms  of  the  repub- 
lic to  remain  intact  in  order  to  keep  up  the  appearance  as  if  the 
people,  through  their  organs,  were  still  allowed  to  express  their 
will.  The  majority  of  the  nation  were  content  with  this  change, 
as  it  relieved  them  of  the  uncertainty  and  the  disorders  of  the 
Revolution.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  there  were  still  many  secret 
republicans,  who  regarded  the  new  government  with  displeasure. 
In  order,  therefore,  to  render  impossible  any  attempt  at  rebellion, 
Bonaparte  was  obliged  to  maintain  a  numerous  army,  and  strive, 
by  successful  wars,  to  have  it  supported  by  foreign  governments. 


§  1.  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  MODERN  TIMES.  365 

In  this  army,  moreover,  lie  gathered  together  all  the  ambitious 
spirits  which  elsewhere  might  easily  have  endangered  the  in- 
ternal peace  by  exciting  new  disturbances  and  revolutions ;  he 
thus  opened  to  them  a  way  to  glory  and  honor,  and  rendered 
them  harmless  for  the  internal  peace  of  the  country.  In  this 
way  the  vigor  of  the  nation  was  fighting  under  his  banners,  and 
was  there  bound  to  him  by  the  attachment  invariably  felt  by 
successful  armies  for  the  commander  who  leads  them  to  victory. 
Against  such  a  military  force  any  attempt  at  insurrection* was  im- 
possible, particularly  as  there  was  but  a  small  number  of  French- 
men outside  of  the  army  who  were  fit  for  service.  Then,  too,  by 
the  successive  victories  of  Napoleon,  the  French  were  kept,  as  it 
were,  in  a  constant  state  of  intoxication ;  and  with  a  nation  so  vain 
as  the  French,  the  glory  of  these  victories  served  to  secure  more 
and  more  the  power  of  their  leader.  And,  finally,  great  stores  of 
wealth  of  all  kinds  were  brought  into  France,  and  particularly 
to  Paris,  as  booty  taken  from  the  conquered  nations,  and  had  the 
effect  of  rendering  the  French  content  with  their  government. 

Thus,' Bonaparte  would  have  been  forced  to  make  war  by  the 
internal  relations  of  France  alone :  the  occasions  for  doing  so 
were  not  wanting,  as  the  old  governments  were  quite  as  averse 
to  the  new  dynasty  as  they  regarded  the  constantly  increasing 
power  of  France  with  anxiety  and  suspicion. 

The  military  successes  of  Bonaparte  were  truly  marvelous: 
states  which  had  existed  for  many  centuries  crumbled  to  dnst 
before  his  sword,  while  others  sank  into  insignificance.  From 
the  conquered  countries  he  formed  new  states  with  princes  of 
his  family  at  their  head,  by  which  France,  already  extended  im- 
moderately, was  surrounded  as  by  bulwarks.  It  seemed  as  if 
nothing  could  resist  the  mighty  emperor :  every  obstacle  was 
surmounted  by  him  almost  at  the  moment  at  which  it  presented 
itself. 

Heavily  the  oppression  of  the  conqueror  weighed  upon  the 
conquered  nations.  They  were  forced  to  place  life  and  estate 
at  his  disposal  to  aid  him  in  subduing  other  nations,  while  all 
the  glory  of  having  done  so  fell  to  the  so-called  Grande  Nation. 
At  the  same  time  they  were  regarded  with  suspicion,  the  French 
pushed  their  way  to  all  higher  offices;  secret  informers  kept' 
watch  over  all  circles  of  society,  and  every  expression  of  dissat- 
isfaction was  harshly  and  severely  reprimanded.     Moreover,  no 


36G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  HI.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

regard  was  paid  to  the  different  nationalities,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, every  thing  was  done  to  suppress  them,  as  they  were  sup- 
posed to  interfere  with  a  close  union  with  France.  The  French 
code  of  laws  was  introduced  every  where,  the  higher  authorities 
made  use  of  the  French  tongue,  and  in  the  subjected  portions 
of  Germany  the  intention  was  plainly  expressed  to  make  French 
the  prevailing  language.  The  nations  were  impoverished  by  the 
heavy  tribute  which  they  had  been  obliged  to  pay  on  being  con- 
quered,'by  the  French  generals  being  every  where  endowed  with 
rich  estates,  the  income  from  which  went  to  France,  and  because 
the  Continental  system  caused  all  commerce  to  stagnate. 

In  these  times  of  deep  humiliation,  heavy  oppression,  and  in- 
cessant danger,  when  human  vision  could  nowhere  discover  help 
and  deliverance,  the  eyes  of  men  were  once  more  turned  upward 
toward  God.  Many,  indeed,  were  infected  by  the  frivolity  of 
the  foreign  oppressors,  many  sank  into  dull  indifference,  but  a 
far  greater  number,  who  previously  had  become  estranged  from 
religion,  were  induced  by  the  state  of  the  times  to  seek  and  find 
consolation  and  courage  in  drawing  near  to  God. 

Then  came  the  great  years  of  deliverance.  Marvelous  as  had 
been  the  victories  of  Napoleon,  his  fall  was  equally  marvelous. 
When,  in  1812,  he  entered  upon  the  campaign  to  Russia,  he  was 
at  the  height  of  his  power.  ITe  was  followed  by  a  brave,  prac- 
ticed, admirably  equipped  army,  more  numerous  than  any  which 
modern  history  had  shown  until  then,  and  apparently  powerful 
enough  to  conquer  the  whole  earth.  The  enemy,  moreover,  could 
offer  him  no  resistance,  and  the  vanquisher  advanced  without  a 
check  to  Moscow.  But  here  he  was  stayed  by  an  arm  mightier 
than  his  own.  The  winter  destroyed  his  troops,  and  the  army 
which  human  power  had  never  yet  conquered  was  struck  down 
anil  crushed  by  God's  omnipotence,  so  that  only  a  few  feeble 
remnants  of  it  returned. 

This  event  had  a  magic  effect  every  where.  The  conquered 
nations  took  new  courage:  it  seemed  as  if  God,  who  had  now 
vanquished  the  mighty  and  laid  low  the  proud,  were  giving 
them  a  sign  to  cast  off  their  fetters,  trusting  in  his  aid,  and 
to  drive  out  the  hated  oppressors  entirely.  It  was  Prussia,  and 
Protestant  North  Germany  in  particular,  that  now  rose  enthusi- 
astically and  joined  the  Russian  troops  which  followed  in  pur- 
suit of  the  French  army.     In  1813,  indeed,  Napoleon  appeared 


§1.  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  MODERN  TIMES.  3Q7 

in  the  field  once  more  with  a  superior  force,  and,  at  first,  ob- 
tained many  advantages ;  but  after  Austria  had  joined  the  allies, 
the  odds  were  on  their  side.  Napoleon  was  repulsed,  and  the 
great  battle  of  Leipsic  (October  16-18)  forced  him  to  leave 
Germany  forever.  March  31,  1814,  the  allies  entered  Paris ; 
on  the  6th  of  April  Napoleon  signed  his  abdication,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  he  was  obliged  to  retire  to  the  island  of  Elba, 
while  Louis  XVIII.  ascended  the  throne  of  his  fathers.  True, 
Napoleon  landed  on  the  French  coast  once  more  on  March  1, 
1815,  and  brought  the  whole  of  France  under  subjection  to  him- 
self with  very  little  trouble  ;  but  in  consequence  of  the  battle  of 
Waterloo,  June  IS,  he  was  soon  obliged  to  surrender  again,  and 
ended  his  life  as  a  prisoner  at  St.  Helena,  May  5, 1821. 

These  momentous  changes  could  not  but  seize  upon  all  minds 
with  intense  power.  The  mighty  hand  of  God  had  worked  too 
visibly  for  the  salvation  of  the  nations  in  this  case  not  to  incline 
them  to  acknowledge  and  revere  it.  Thus  the  infidelity  of  the 
eighteenth  century  disappeared  entirely  in  the  refining  fire  of 
these  times,  and  faith  and  piety  revived  with  new  vigor.  The 
sovereigns,  too,  openly  expressed  their  conviction  that  God  alone 
could  have  helped,  and  that  he  only  had  helped ;  and  set  their 
people  the  best  examples  of  pious  humility  toward  God  and  of 
fervent  religion.  While  formerly  a  coarse,  ungodly  spirit  had 
prevailed  in  the  armies,  in  many  of  them,  particularly  in  those 
of  Prussia,  a  serious,  pious  tendency  now  gained  the  upper-hand. 

It  seemed,  therefore,  as  if  a  better  time  were  beginning  for 
religion  and  the  Church  too.  But  two  difficulties  here  presented 
themselves  which  had  to  be  conquered.  Firstly,  even  though 
the  general  condition  of  mind  was  favorable  to  piety,  it  was  yet 
evident  that  in  the  majority  this  piety  was  no  longer  connected 
with  the  symbolical  system  of  the  churches,  and  that  it  would 
therefore  become  necessary,  in  course  of  time,  to  bring  the 
Church  system  into  harmony  with  the  actual  living  consciousness 
of  faith  in  the  congregations.  And,  secondly,  it  was  necessary 
every  where  either  to  restore  the  ecclesiastical  institutions  and 
ordinances,  because  they  had  been  disturbed  by  the  disorders  of 
the  period,  or,  because  they  had  been  too  long  neglected,  to  re- 
model them  with  reference  to  the  demands  of  the  times.  Now 
these  conditions  and  relations  of  the  Church  were  in  close  con- 
nection with  the  political  affairs  of  the  country,  and  hence  the 


368  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

political  views  of  the  rulers  of  the  states  also  influenced  their 
treatment  of  ecclesiastical  matters,  while  the  moods  of  the  people 
with  regard  to  the  latter  were  equally  affected  by  the  prevailing 
political  opinions. 

The  nations  were  strongly  excited  by  the  wars  of  deliverance: 
in  place  of  the  former  indifference  to  political  matters,  there  had 
now  arisen  a  lively  interest  in  public  affairs.  Particularly  strong 
wras  the  desire  for  a  national  development,  which  had  just  been 
in  danger  of  being  entirely  destroyed  by  foreign  oppressors,  and 
for  a  constitution  by  which  the  rights  of  the  people  would  be  in- 
sured against  arbitrary  power.  This  desire  was  based  on  former 
experiences  of  such  arbitrary  authority,  for  even  under  the  Bo- 
napartist  rulers  the  nations  had  frequently  had  occasion  to  real- 
ize how  often  sovereign  power,  by  abuse,  can  become  despotism. 
Added  to  this,  the  nations  had  acquired  a  consciousness  of  their 
own  power ;  for  it  was  their  heroic  exertions  which  had  driven 
away  the  oppressors,  and  the  sovereigns  themselves  were  forced 
to  acknowledge  that  they  owed  the  restoration  of  their  author- 
ity to  these  extraordinary  manifestations  of  power  on  the  part 
of  their  peoples.  And  for  this  reason  the  latter  thought  them- 
selves all  the  more  entitled  to  be  exempt  from  all  arbitrary  rule 
in  the  future,  and  to  receive  the  liberty  and  support  which  they 
needed  for  a  national  development. 

As  was  but  natural  in  such  a  time  of  excitement,  the  wishes 
for  the  future  took  a  variety  of  forms.  Individuals  may  even 
at  that  time  have  thought  of  republican  constitutions ;  the  ex- 
ample of  France,  however,  in  this  respect,  was  too  discouraging. 
It  was  acknowledged  that  republicanism  could  not  prosper  in 
the  large  countries  of  Europe,  and  that  the  example  of  America 
could  not  be  decisive  in  this  case.  For  in  America  the  aim 
which  the  striving  power  has  in  view  is  gain  and  possession, 
while  in  Europe  it  is  public  offices.  There,  again,  an  enormous 
field  of  activity  is  still  open  to  the  acquisition  of  property, 
which  is  sure  to  yield  fruit  to  every  one  who  is  willing  to  work, 
while  political  activity  holds  forth  no  outward  advantages,  ex- 
cept, perhaps,  the  satisfaction  of  ambition.  In  the  European 
states,  however,  the  acquisition  of  property  is  rendered  very  diffi- 
cult by  the  density  of  the  population :  here  it  is  particularly  suc- 
cessful political  activity  which  promises  honor  and  gain,  and 
thus  a  republican  form  of  government  would  lead  the  popular 


§  1.  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  MODERN  TIMES.  359 

ambition  as  well  as  love  of  gain  to  constantly  renewed  disturb- 
ances, and  every  attempt  of  the  kind  would  find  adherents  amono- 
the  great  number  of  those  destitute  of  property,  who  can  only 
gain,  but  never  lose,  by  any  change. 

Hence  no  secure  and  untroubled  permanency  could  be  expect- 
ed for  a  republic  in  Europe,  but  only  a  constant  struggle  of  par- 
ties, led  by  shrewd  and  ambitious  demagogues.  Amid  such  con- 
ditions, however,  no  true  individual  liberty  could  nourish,  for 
experience  has  shown  that  political  factions  among  the  people 
are' far  more  despotic  in  their  endeavors  to  control  the  public 
speech,  and  even  sentiment,  than  the  most  despotic  prince.  This 
difficulty  of  maintaining  a  republic  on  European  soil  has  been 
proved  by  the  modern  history  of  Switzerland,  although  in  that 
country  the  circumstance  that  it  is  entirely  surrounded  by  more 
powerful  monarchical  states  holds  in  check  somewhat  the  tend- 
ency to  revolutions. 

The  general  voice,  therefore,  inclined  toward  the  desire  for 
constitutional  monarchies,  in  which  the  rights  of  the  people  were 
represented  by  states,  particularly  in  the  passing  of  laws  and  im- 
posing of  taxes,  and  the  sovereign  would  be  restrained  by  these 
states  from  arbitrary  decisions  and  despotic  measures,  while  at 
the  same  time  each  individual  would  be  allowed  every  liberty 
not  prejudicial  to  the  whole  for  his  own  actions  and  develop- 
ment. That  party  which  desired,  in  this  way,  to  secure  to  the 
people  the  greatest  possible  liberty,  and  with  it  the  foundation 
of  a  vigorous  national  consciousness  and  a  successful  develop- 
ment, was  called  the  Liberal  party. 

Opposed  to  this  another  party  grew  up,  which  was  in  favor  of 
restoring  the  state  of  things  existing  before  the  modern  revolu- 
tions, with  some  modifications.  It  saw  much  cause  for  anxiety 
in  the  popular  agitation  of  the  newest  times,  and  believed  that  if 
it  was  encouraged,  by  according  new  rights  to  the  people,  the 
latter,  in  the  consciousness  of  their  power,  would  go  farther  and 
farther  in  their  demands,  and  finally  reach  an  actual  republic. 
This  party,  therefore,  desired  to  preserve  the  sovereign  rights  in- 
tact, and  were  even  in  favor  of  now  and  then  extending  them  to 
absoluteness,  where  this  did  not  already  exist.  The  adherents  of 
this  party  were  called  by  their  opponents  Serviles,  Absolutists, 
while  they  named  themselves  Monarchists.  They  belonged 
chiefly  to  the  privileged  classes,  who  had  reason  to  fear,  from  a 
vol.  v. — 24 


370  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

constitutional  form  of  government,  the  loss  of  their  privileges,  i.e., 
the  nobility  and  the  clergy,  as  far  as  they  still  possessed  any  privi- 
leges ;  consequently,  the}7  were  also  called  the  Aristocratic  party. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  sovereigns,  placed  between 
these  two  parties,  had  a  difficult  task.  They  could  not  hope  to 
satisfy  both.  It  is  but  natural  that  they  inclined  more  toward 
the  Absolutists,  who  would  have  left  the  sovereign  rights  intact, 
than  toward  the  Liberals,  who  strove  to  limit  their  power.  More- 
over,  at  the  very  beginning  of  this  newest  period,  the  sovereigns 
formed,  with  reference  to  common  principles  of  government,  the 
so-called  Holy  Alliance.  The  idea  of  the  latter  originated  with 
the  Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia ;  the  alliance  was  formed  by 
the  three  sovereigns  of  Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia,  during  their 
second  meeting  in  Paris,  on  September  26,  1815,  and,  contrary 
to  the  usual  custom,  the  matter  was  arranged  by  the  monarchs 
themselves,  without  the  intervention  of  ministers.  In  this  Alli- 
ance the  sovereigns  pledged  themselves  to  make  the  teachings 
of  Christianity  their  sole  standard  for  their  course  toward  their 
own  people  as  well  as  toward  foreign  powers,  to  maintain  a  pa- 
ternal relation  toward  their  subjects,  and  at  the  same  time  to  re- 
gard all  Christian  nations  as  one  creat  family  and  themselves  as 
appointed  by  Providence  to  govern  certain  portions  thereof  as 
servants  of  God,  who  alone  was  the  true  Ruler.  They  resolved, 
moreover,  to  admit  to  the  Alliance  all  sovereigns  who  desired  to 
join  it,  and  were  willing  to  agree  to  its  principles.  It  was  not 
long  before  all  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  joined  the  Holy  Alli- 
ance, with  the  exception  of  the  King  of  England,  who  was  not 
at  liberty  to  sign  any  state  document  without  consulting  a  re- 
sponsible minister,  and  the  Pope,  who  was  of  opinion  that  no 
other  holy  alliance  was  admissible  beside  the  Romish  Church. 

It  was  undoubtedly  a  beautiful  and  exalted  idea  which  was 
represented  by  the  Holy  Alliance,  and  it  can  not  be  doubted 
that  the  sovereigns  who  formed  it,  deeply  and  fervently  moved 
by  the  great  events  of  the  time,  really  had,  in  so  doing,  the  in- 
tention of  proving  their  gratitude  for  the  gracious  aid  of  God, 
who  had  given  them  the  victory,  by  thus  giving  formal  expres- 
sion to  the  principles  of  a  government  acceptable  to  Him,  and 
conducive  to  the  happiness  of  the  people,  and  pledging  them- 
selves to  carry  them  out. 

ISor  can  it  be  denied  that  the  principles  of  this  Alliance  had  a 


§  1.  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  MODERN  TIMES.  37 1 

beneficial  effect  on  the  dealings  of  the  governments  with  each 
other.  They  became  franker,  truer,  and  more  honest,  and  showed 
plainly  the  intention  of  avoiding  all  controversy  and  strife,  or 
of  reconciling  the  points  of  difference  between  them  by  amicable 
discussion.  The  policy  of  the  states  toward  each  other  ceased  to 
be  one  of  craft  and  deceit,  and  the  Holy  Alliance  was  followed 
in  Europe  by  a  longer  term  of  peace  than  had  ever  before  been 
known  there. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  principles  of  the  Alliance  with  re- 
spect to  the  government  of  the  people  were  less  satisfactory. 
There  was  no  fixed  system  of  government  for  all  the  states  pre- 
scribed, nor  was  this  possible,  as  the  conditions  and  requirements 
of  the  latter  were  so  different.  The  promise  to  rule  according 
to  the  tenets  of  Christianity  was  of  course  qualified  in  each  sov- 
ereign by  his  conception  of  Christianity,  and  his  views  regarding 
the  true  requirements  of  his  subjects  as  well  as  the  means  of 
promoting  their  prosperity.  In  this  way,  some  members  of  the 
Alliance  could  follow  the  strictest  absolute  system,  while  others 
introduced  the  constitutional  form  of  government  into  their 
states.  But  inasmuch  as  the  Alliance  declared  the  sovereigns  to 
have  been  appointed  by  God  to  rule  over  their  subjects  as  fa- 
thers, it  pronounced  itself  in  favor  of  a  patriarchal  system,  one 
which,  indeed,  seeks  the  good  of  the  people,  but  at  the  same  time 
assumes  that  the  latter  are  not  capable  of  judging  what  is  truly 
beneficial  or  what  hurtful  to  them,  and  that  therefore  the  sover- 
eign must  do  every  thing  for  his  people,  but  nothing  through 
them.  At  the  same  time,  the  principles  of  the  Alliance  compre- 
hended the  idea  of  legitimacy,  or  the  position  that  the  sovereign 
was  not  appointed  to  government  by  the  people,  but  by  God,  and 
was  therefore  responsible  to  Him  alone,  and  not  to  his  subjects, 
and  that  the  latter  were  therefore  under  obligations  to  obey  un- 
conditionally. Moreover,  that  any  government  appointed  by  in- 
surrection, or  in  any  way  contrary  to  law,  was  illegitimate,  and 
ought,  therefore,  not  to  be  recognized. 

These  principles,  however,  were  opposed  by  the  liberal  party 
with  the  assertions  that  the  power  of  the  sovereign  was  rooted 
in  the  people  alone :  that  the  latter  were  mature  enough  not  to 
allow  themselves  to  be  led  like  children,  that  they  knew  their  own 
requirements  best,  and  ought  therefore  to  have  opportunity  given 
them,  through  the  intervention  of  states,  to  make  them  known. 


372  FOURTH  rERIOD.—  DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1SU. 

Thus  the  whole  modern  time  has  been  filled  with  struggles  be- 
tween the  patriarchal  government  system  of  the  sovereigns  and  the 
demands  of  the  Liberals.  To  these  were  united  suspicion  of  the 
government  toward  the  people,  a  jealous  watching  of  the  latter,  and 
curtailment  of  their  liberties.  Among  other  things,  the  police  sys- 
tcm  was  developed  in  every  direction  to  a  power  hitherto  unknown. 

The  struggles  referred  to  were  carried  on  with  the  greatest 
vehemence  in  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Italy.  As  long  as  the  sover- 
eigns of  these  countries  had  absolute  power,  their  government 
was  totally  despotic,  and  caused  all  Liberals  to  be  persecuted 
with  the  greatest  cruelty.  In  France,  Louis  XVIII.  rather  kept 
the  middle  between  both  parties,  but  Charles  X.  inclined  decid- 
edly to  the  Absolutist  side.  In  Germany  almost  all  the  smaller 
states  received  constitutional  governments  :  the  two  largest  coun- 
tries, however —  Austria  and  Prussia  —  retained  their  absolute 
systems,  Austria  evidently  resisting  all  modern  tendencies,  and 
anxious  to  restore  the  old  conditions  existing  previous  to  any 
revolutions,  even  before  the  innovations  of  Joseph  II. ;  Prussia 
endeavoring  to  content  the  nation  by  furthering  its  prosperity. 
Strengthened  by  their  alliance  with  these  two  great  monarchies, 
the  German  constitutional  governments  now  also  sought  to  elevate 
and  fortify  the  sovereign  power  as  opposed  to  the  states,  and 
thus  they  too  were  involved  in  an  incessant  struggle  between  the 
government  and  the  latter.  The  constitution  of  the  Germanic 
Confederation  was  used  almost  exclusively  to  combat  the  Liber- 
alism considered  so  pernicious.  Fears  were  entertained  of  weak- 
ening the  sovereignty  of  the  individual  monarchs  by  transferring 
single  portions  of  it  to  the  Confederate  Convention :  the  latter, 
therefore,  remained  weak  and  impotent  when  the  question  was 
to  uphold  the  honor  of  Germany  against  foreign  states,  or  to  as- 
sert the  rights  of  the  people  against  the  princes,  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  it  served  as  an  organ  for  the  proclamation  of  all  the 
restrictions  of  liberty  by  which  Liberalism  was  combated.  The 
sovereigns  hoped,  by  uniting  in  measures  to  this  effect,  to  enhance 
their  power,  while  at  the  same  time  the  individuals  could  thereby 
evade  the  odium  of  these  measures  and  cast  it  upon  the  Confed- 
erate Convention. 

The  French  Kevolution  of  July,  1S30,  introduced  a  new  pe- 
riod of  political  tendencies  and  struggles,  by  which  those  of  the 
Church  were  also  seriouslv  affected. 


.- 


§  1.  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  MODERN  TIMES.  373 

France,  since  its  Revolution  in  1789,  had  constantly  commu- 
nicated its  political  ideas  and  agitations  to  the  rest  of  Europe, 
and  this  was  now  also  the  case.  The  principles  of  the  Holy  Al- 
liance were  very  much  weakened ;  for  as  it  became  necessary 
to  recognize  Louis  Philippe  as  King  of  France,  and,  soon  after, 
Leopold  as  King  of  Belgium — both  of  whom  had  been  chosen  by 
the  people  after  the  expulsion  of  the  former  regents — this  was  a 
swerving  from  the  principle  of  legitimacy.  By  degrees  many 
conditions  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  right  merely  because  they 
existed,  and  the  fait  accompli — the  accomplished  fact — as  legit- 
imate just  because  it  was  accomplished.  In  France,  moreover, 
the  sovereignty  of  the  people  was  declared,  as  well  as  the  prin- 
ciple asserted  that  the  kingdom  was  to  rest  on  a  democratic 
basis,  the  King  to  be  at  its  head,  without,  however,  governing 
in  person  (le  Hoi  regne,  inais  il  ne  gouverne  pas).  The  govern- 
ment was  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  responsible  ministers,  but 
they  were  only  to  carry  out  the  will  of  the  people  (which  was  to 
be  made  known  to  them  by  the  representatives  of  the  latter),  and 
to  resign  immediately  whenever  they  had  lost  the  popular  con- 
fidence. 

The  natural  consequences  of  this  system  could  not  fail  to  show 
themselves.  The  Deputies  were  chosen  only  among  the  payers 
of  heavy  taxes ;  it  was  thought  that  this  would  offer  a  security 
for  the  chambers  being  conservative.  For  the  same  reason,  the 
King  sought  to  retain  the  favor  of  the  wealthy  commonalty, 
which  he  looked  upon  as  the  main-stay  of  his  government. 

The  voters,  however,  had  always  a  great  number  of  particular 
recpiests  to  make  of  the  government :  the  voters,  of  each  place 
desired  peculiar  privileges  for  their  district,  and  made  their  elec- 
tion of  a  Deputy  in  favor  of  the  government  dependent  on  the 
granting  of  these  privileges.  Likewise  the  Deputies  entertained, 
both  for  themselves  and  their  friends  and  relatives,  many  wishes 
which  the  government  could  not  leave  unregarded  if  they  wished 
to  retain  the  majority  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 

Thus  the  government  was  constantly  forced  to  bribe  both  vo- 
ters and  Deputies  in  various  ways  in  order  to  secure  their  favor, 
but  made  itself  thoroughly  contemptible  by  this  system  of  cor- 
ruption. 

At  the  same  time,  the  interests  of  the  moderately  rich  and  the 
wealthy  were  obviously  favored,  while  those  of  the  poorer  classes 


3  74  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

were  neglected.  The  government,  therefore,  could  not  venture 
to  reduce  the  rate  of  interest  on  the  public  debt,  even  though  the 
finances  would  have  admitted  of  it ;  nor  could  it  lower  the  indi- 
rect taxes,  by  which  the  first  necessities  of  life  were  rendered 
very  dear  for  the  poor,  in  order  to  increase  the  direct  taxes  in- 
stead, because,  by  so  doing,  the  wealthy  classes  would  have  been 
more  heavily  burdened. 

In  this  way  the  government  drew  the  aversion  of  the  lower 
needy  classes  upon  itself,  and  thought  itself  firmly  supported  by 
the  commonalty,  without  considering  that  the  excited  proletarian, 
who  has  nothing  to  lose,  will  much  more  readily  risk  his  life  in 
revolt  than  the  citizen,  who  loves  peace  and  security,  will  endan- 
ger it  in  defense  of  the  government. 

The  posts  of  ministers  were  much  desired  by  ambition  and 
avarice,  and  frequently  changed  occupants.  When  they  had 
been  filled  for  a  while  by  one  party,  another  tried  every  means 
to  supplant  it,  for  no  one  was  suffered  to  remain  minister  for 
more  than  a  few  years  without  being  severely  attacked.  At 
such  times  attempts  were  made  in  the  Chambers  to  rob  the  min- 
istry of  the  majority,  and  the  incumbent  was  forced  to  resign 
and  leave  his  place  to  another  party.  The  new  ministers  then 
dismissed  a  number  of  officials,  in  order  to  make  room  for  their 
own  creatures;  for  the  principle  prevailed  that  the  ministers, 
who  were  to  be  responsible  for  every  thing,  also  for  their  subor- 
dinate officials,  must  also  have  these  officials  entirely  in  their 
power,  and  be  entitled  to  appoint  and  dismiss  them.  Journalism 
became  the  usual  preparatory  step  for  the  ministry.  The  news- 
papers, through  their  influence  on  the  people,  became  a  political 
power ;  and  thus  the  most  distinguished  journalists  very  often 
were  appointed  ministers,  because  it  was  thought  advisable  to 
secure  their  influence  in  favor  of  the  government. 

By  this  frequent  change  of  ministry  the  government  acquired 
an  unstable  character,  and  could  not  gain,  either  at  home  or 
abroad,  any  firmly  rooted  confidence.  All  improvements  which 
could  only  be  effected  by  carrying  out  the  same  plan  for  years 
had  to  be  discontinued,  for  each  successive  ministry  generally 
dropped  that  which  the  preceding  one  had  commenced,  and  un- 
dertook something  new,  which  again  it  was  obliged  to  leave  un- 
finished to  its  successors.  Great  sums  were  in  this  way  spent 
unnecessarily.     Thus  it  happened  that  nothing  radical  was  done 


§  1.  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  MODERN  TIMES.  37,5 

for  public  instruction,  however  necessary  this  was,  because  im- 
provements of  that  kind  need  time.  By  the  constant  changes 
which  took  place  among  the  officials,  they  were  corrupted  and 
induced  to  make  themselves  agreeable  to  the  minister  of  the  day, 
even  at  the  sacrifice  of  their  convictions  and  loyalty.  On  the 
other  hand,  undue  importance  was  attached  to  journalists,  men 
who,  without  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  particular  conditions 
in  the  great  kingdom  of  France,  or  of  the  actual  requirements  of 
the  whole  as  well  as  of  its  different  parts,  could  only  advance 
general  ideas  upon  government  systems. 

The  consequence  of  all  this  was  a  universal  dissatisfaction  with 
the  government,  which  was  far  more  expensive  than  the  former 
ones,  without,  however,  bringing  about  any  special  advantages 
for  France.  And,  moreover,  it  drew  upon  itself  the  general 
contempt  by  its  want  of  power,  and  the  briberies  which  it  was 
obliged  to  practice  in  order  to  maintain  itself. 

This  new  change  of  government,  therefore,  had  also  disap- 
pointed the  hopes  that  it  would  insure  the  happiness  of  France ; 
there  were  many  malcontents  (and  their  number  was  constantly 
increasing)  who  held  a  new  revolution  to  be  desirable,  and  sought 
to  effect  it.  Among  them,  however,  the  opinion  gained  more 
and  more  ground  that  a  mere  change  of  government  would  not 
suffice  to  bring  about  a  happier  state  of  things,  but  that  a  revo- 
lution of  all  civic  conditions  was  indispensable.  The  existing 
inequality  in  property  seemed  to  them  an  injustice,  as  all  men 
were  alike  entitled  to  participate  in  the  world's  possessions. 
They  considered  a  change  necessary  in  this  respect,  not  being 
satisfied  that  a  small  portion  of  humanity,  born  to  wealth,  should 
live  in  idleness  through  no  merit  of  their  own,  while  the  greater 
part  were  in  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  With  regard  to  the 
manner  of  effecting  this  change,  various  systems  were  formed, 
which  either,  as  Communism,  demanded  complete  community  of 
all  property,  or,  as  Socialism,  desired  the  establishment  of  a  rela- 
tion between  the  property-holders  and  those  who  possessed  noth- 
ing, which  would  enable  the  latter  to  share  in  the  privileges  of 
the  former. 

These  ideas  naturally  found  much  favor  with  the  great  num- 
ber of  those  destitute  of  property,  particu.arly  in  Paris,  where 
many  thousands  who  were  living  in  bitter  want  were  constantly 
forced  to  witness  the  greatest  extravagance  in  their  close  vicinity. 


3V6  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

But  as  these  systems  affected  the  moral  principles  upon  which 
society  is  based,  by  no  longer  recognizing  the  right  of  property, 
so,  too,  they  could  no  longer  admit  of  the  existence  of  religion. 
They  therefore  taught  undisguisedly  that  there  was  no  such 
thing  as  faith  in  God  or  in  immortality ;  that  it  was  merely  up- 
held by  the  deceitful  priests,  who,  sharing  the  interests  of  the 
rich,  sought  to  console  the  poor,  by  empty  promises  of  a  here- 
after, for  the  unjust  deprivations  which  they  had  to  endure  at 
present,  so  that  they  themselves  might  revel  in  affluence  with  the 
other  privileged  classes. 

These  political  and  social  ideas  and  movements  in  France 
were  re-echoed  in  the  whole  of  Europe;  most  loudly  in  Italy 
and  Germany. 

Italy  was  divided  among  several  governments,  some  of  which 
were  really  bad,  and  did  nothing  whatever  for  the  welfare  of 
their  subjects.  The  worst  was  the  clerical  government  in  the 
Papal  States ;  but  in  the  other  Italian  states,  too,  the  priests  had 
great  power  and  influence,  both  openly  and  secretly.  Italy  there- 
fore demanded  the  abolishment  of  the  clerical  rule  in  Rome,  and 
of  all  temporal  power  of  the  Church;  the  union  of  the  whole 
country  in  one  powerful,  respect-compelling  state,  in  which  the 
will  of  the  people  would  be  consulted  and  their  privileges  guard- 
ed ;  and  the  removal  of  the  Austrians,  who  held  so  large  a  part 
of  Italy  under  their  foreign  yoke. 

In  Germany  the  happiest  results  had  been  expected  from  the 
wars  of  deliverance.  It  was  hoped  that  the  nation  would  be 
united  in  all  points  affecting  the  common  interests,  and,  power- 
ful and  respected  in  this  union,  would  assert  itself  against  the 
foreign  powers,  while  internally  the  greatest  possible  liberties 
were  to  be  allowed.  The  union  was  to  be  based  upon  the  act  of 
confederation,  and  the  latter  also  held  out  the  prospect  that  all 
material  interests  should  be  furthered  by  common  measures,  by 
common  duties,  by  common  protection  of  manufactures  and 
commerce  with  reference  to  foreign  states,  by  unity  of  weights, 
measures,  currency,  etc.  But  all  these  hopes  remained  unful- 
filled, because  the  individual  governments  would  not  be  subordi- 
nate to  the  whole,  nor  sacrifice  any  part  of  their  sovereignty,  but 
preferred  to  remain  independent.  Thus,  Germany  was  not  rep- 
resented as  a  unity  with  regard  to  foreign  powers,  and  was  so 
little  esteemed  that,  for  instance,  in   the  settlement  of  affairs 


§  1.  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  MODERN  TIMES.  377 

between  the  kingdoms  of  the  Netherlands  and  Belgium,  it  was 
again  forced  to  sacrifice  the  half  of  Luxemburg  and  accept 
Limburg  in  compensation,  just  as  it  had  formerly  always  been 
obliged,  at  the  end  of  wars,  to  cede  one  or  the  other  of  its  terri- 
tories. For  the  common  interests  the  Diet  seemed  not  to  do 
enough ;  to  military  affairs  it  paid  great  attention.  Complaints 
made  by  the  countries  against  their  sovereigns  it  rejected,  declar- 
ing itself  incompetent ;  of  an  imperial  court,  which  would  have 
been  so  necessary,  there  was  no  question.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Diet  was  used  more  and  more  for  making  general  police  reg- 
ulations, the  individual  governments  thereby  transferring  to  it 
the  odium  naturally  resting  upon  such  measures. 

When,  therefore,  the  movement  of  the  French  Eevolution  of 
July  communicated  itself  also  to  Germany,  this  gave  the  Diet  an 
occasion  for  new  police  measures,  without  any  thing  being  done 
immediately  to  accede  to  the  just  wishes  of  the  people.  In  con- 
sequence, a  bitter  displeasure  began  to  show  itself  more  and 
more,  and  frequently  to  pass  all  bounds.  The  first  manifesta- 
tions of  this  kind  occurred  in  the  Chambers  of  the  South-German 
constitutional  states.  Here  the  opposition  imitated  closely  that 
of  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies,  and  made  similar  demands 
of  the  governments.  The  latter  endeavored  to  satisfy  these  de- 
mands as  much  as  possible,  but  were  greatly  hindered  in  so  do- 
ing by  the  limits  set  by  the  Diet  and  its  decisions,  as  well  as  by 
the  necessary  deference  to  the  remonstrances  of  the  two  great 
powers,  Austria  and  Prussia.  They  found  themselves  in  a  wrong 
and  weak  position,  and  were  constantly  attacked  most  bitterly 
and  vehemently  by  the  opposition.  Thus  they  lost  the  respect 
of  the  people :  mostly  led  by  the  opposition,  the  latter  thought 
the  government  capable  of  every  thing  bad,  and  attributed  to  it 
all  existing  evils.  In  consequence,  these  governments  became  so 
weak  and  unsteady  that  some  of  them  entirely  succumbed  to  the 
storm  of  1848,  and  others  narrowly  escaped  doing  so. 

Furthermore,  the  opposition  made  itself  heard  in  the  newspa- 
pers. The  example  of  France,  in  which  the  journalists  occupied 
so  prominent  a  position,  and  formed  the  preparatory  school  for 
the  highest  State  offices,  had  an  effect  also  on  Germany.  As, 
after  the  conclusion  of  peace,  the  throng  of  students  at  the  uni- 
versities had  become  excessive,  inasmuch  as  many  more  were 
studying  than  could  ever  obtain  appointments,  and  consequently, 


378  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  IIL— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

in  all  departments,  those  capable  of  appointment  were  obliged 
to  wait  many  years  for  a  position,  there  arose  among  them  a 
large  number  of  malcontents,  and  of  these  the  more  active  spir- 
its began  to  turn  their  attention  to  literature,  both  in  the  depart- 
ment of  belles-lettres  and  that  of  politics.  In  consequence,  a  pecu- 
liar class  of  authors  sprang  up  in  the  large  cities,  who  called  them- 
selves by  the  old,  long-disused  name  of  literati.  They  had  only 
some  very  general  ideas  about  politics,  and  made  it  a  point  to  be 
dissatisfied  with  the  existing  order  of  things;  but  they  were  en- 
tirely lacking  in  the  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  prevailing 
conditions,  without  which  a  correct  judgment  is  impossible. 
These  literati  took  the  French  journalists  for  their  models,  de- 
siring above  all  things  to  make  the  career  of  their  class  as  dis- 
tinguished as  it  was  in  France.  They  brought  into  vogue  again 
an  aping  of  the  French,  which,  after  the  war,  had  for  a  long 
time  been  regarded  as  unworthy  and  reprehensible.  And  as, 
through  them,  all  political  reasoning  which  arose  in  France  was 
transferred  to  Germany  and  its  conditions,  so,  too,  they  dissemi- 
nated the  modern  French  atheism  more  and  more  distinctly  and 
decidedly.  In  this  the  pantheism  of  Hegel  came  to  their  aid, 
which  in  many  circles  was  the  more  looked  up  to  as  the  acme 
of  all  human  wisdom  the  less  it  was  comprehended.  The  de- 
velopment of  the  Absolute  which  it  taught  could,  to  the  popular 
comprehension,  be  nothing  but  the  ruling  of  a  blind  necessity,  to 
which  man  was  forced  to  bow  without  being  inspired  by  it  with 
love  and  confidence,  even  though  he  called  it  God.  Thus,  in 
numberless  writings,  religion  was  scoffed  at,  and  men  were  advised 
to  enjoy  to  the  utmost  the  present  life.  Particularly  prolific  in  this 
direction  were  the  Jewish  literati.  In  modern  times  an  unusual 
number  of  Jewish  youths  from  wealthy  families  had  attended 
the  universities.  Being  excluded  from  most  government  offices, 
many  of  them  subsequently  joined  the  literati.  Altogether,  at 
the  present  day,  the  attachment  of  the  Jews  to  their  religion  has 
greatly  diminished,  its  tenets  being  too  much  in  opposition  to 
the  culture  of  the  times ;  but  the  consequence  has  been  that  a 
large  portion  of  the  wealthy  Jewish  youth  have  grown  up  with- 
out any  religion  whatever.  This  manifested  itself  particularly 
in  the  Jewish  literati.  Added  to  this  was  the  deeply  rooted  bit- 
terness implanted  in  this  people  by  the  oppression  of  many 
centuries,  and  thus  it  was  chiefly  the  Jewish  literati  who  at- 


§  1.  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  MODERN  TIMES.  379 

tacked  the  existing  conditions  in  the  most  cutting  and  derisive 
manner,  and  at  the  same  time  scoffed  at  all  religious  faith  most 
insolently.  The  governments,  indeed,  opposed  these  manifesta- 
tions, and  thus  the  attacks  upon  them  were  obliged  to  preserve 
certain  limits,  or  so  to  disguise  themselves  that  their  authors 
could  not  easily  be  called  to  account ;  but,  in  consequence,  the 
ecclesiastical  department,  which  admitted  of  more  liberty,  be- 
came all  the  more  the  field  of  action  for  the  worst  passions.  At- 
tacks were  made  upon  religion  in  general  and  the  established 
churches;  unconditional  religious  liberty  was  demanded — i.  e., 
liberty  to  have  no  religion — and  advantage  taken  of  every  occa- 
sion to  disturb  the  existing  ecclesiastical  conditions.  By  means 
of  popular  writings,  even  in  the  form  of  tales  and  poems,  this 
tendency  penetrated  deep  into  the  people,  and,  in  many  of  its 
classes,  destroyed  all  religious  faith. 

Meanwhile  political  liberalism  made  rapid  progress.  In  Spain 
and  Portugal  it  predominated,  in  Italy  it  had  begun  to  gain  the 
ascendant  since  Pius  IX.  had  placed  himself  at  its  head.  In 
Germany  it  asserted  itself  more  and  more.  The  sovereigns  made 
it  some  concessions,  in  particular  the  new  King  of  Prussia,  Fred- 
eric William  IV. ;  but  it  required  entire  compliance  with  its  de- 
mands, and  thus  its  struggle  against  the  old  system  became  more 
and  more  vehement. 

At  this  time,  however,  it  had  no  longer  much  occasion  to  com- 
bat absolutism,  for  the  latter  had  been  given  up  almost  every 
where,  with  the  exception,  perhaps,  of  Russia  and  Austria.  But 
as  liberalism  very  frequently  degenerated  into  radicalism,  the 
tendency  which  advocated  a  thorough  revolution,  the  destruc- 
tion of  that  which  existed,  and  an  entire  reconstruction  for  the 
future,  there  was  formed,  keeping  the  middle  between  absolu- 
tism and  radicalism,  a  conservative  party,  which  desired  the  pres- 
ervation and  improvement  of  the  existing  conditions.  This  par- 
ty naturally  contains  many  grades,  as  the  opinions  as  to  what 
improvements  are  necessary,  and  how  far  they  may  go,  vary  con- 
siderably. 

All  these  struggles  seriously  affected  the  condition  of  the 
Church  during  this  time.  The  governments  justly  regarded  the 
religious  culture  of  the  people  as  the  firmest  support  of  all  order, 
and  therefore  honored  and  favored  the  Church  as  the  promoter 
of  that  culture.     But  they  generally  overlooked  the  fact  that 


380  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  IIL— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

true  religiousness  thrives  only  in  freedom,  and  is  not  furthered 
by  outward  favors,  the  only  ones  which  the  governments  can  con- 
fer upon  it.  While,  then,  the  latter  befriended  their  national 
churches,  and  at  the  same  time  sought  to  preserve  them  un- 
changed in  their  systems  and  in  their  ordinances,  because  any 
change  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  seemed  to  incline  the  people  to 
political  reforms,  they  only  drew  upon  themselves,  by  this,  the  sus- 
picion of  the  liberals.  The  latter  began  to  look  upon  the  Church 
and  the  clergy  as  the  tools  of  despotism,  by  the  aid  of  which  the 
foundations  of  the  throne  were  to  be  strengthened  by  the  altar. 
In  particular  this  was  the  case  in  Catholic  countries,  in  which,  in 
fact,  a  powerful  hierarchy  not  only  itself  practiced  spiritual  des- 
potism, but  was  also  the  natural  ally  of  temporal  despotism. 
Hence  the  result  that  the  favors  of  the  government  were  only 
prejudicial  to  the  Church,  and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  the  latter 
increased  in  spiritual  influence  wherever  these  favors  were  with- 
drawn. This  was  peculiarly  manifest  in  France.  Under  Louis 
XVIIL,  and  still  more  under  Charles  X.,  there  arose  among  the 
liberals  an  open  opposition  to  the  favored  churches  which  even 
sometimes  increased  to  furious  hatred.  The  latter  manifested 
itself,  particularly  after  the  Revolution  of  July,  in  the  demolition 
of  crosses,  the  destruction  of  a  church,  and  the  open  persecution 
of  the  clergy.  And,  on  the  contrary,  when,  under  Louis  Philippe, 
the  favors  shown  to  the  Church  had  ceased,  even  those  journals 
which  previously  had  been  most  inimical  to  religion  and  the 
Church,  began  to  acknowledge  the  necessity  of  religion  for  man, 
and  to  recommend  it.  In  Spain  and  Portugal  the  liberals  had 
more  reason  to  fear  the  mass  of  the  people,  who  were  firmly 
attached  to  the  Catholic  Church ;  but  they  secretly  entertained 
the  most  violent  hatred  against  the  Church,  which  often  led  them 
to  a  total  rejection  of  all  religion.  This  hatred  was  shown  by 
the  persecution  of  monks  in  a  large  number  of  Spanish  cities  in 
1S35,  when  many  of  them  were  assassinated.  A  similar  state  of 
things  exists  in  Italy,  where  the  hatred  against  all  spiritual  des- 
potism and  secret  oppression  of  conscience  has  manifested  itself, 
in  particular,  in  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits. 

No  such  phenomena  could  appear  in  Protestant  countries,  as 
there  existed  in  them  no  hierarchy  which  held  sway  over  the 
consciences  of  men.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Church  was 
there  directly  under  the  administration  of  the  State,  and  thus 


§  1.  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  MODERN  TIMES.  381 

gave  the  liberals  cause  for  anxiety.  Thus  Protestant  Germany, 
in  particular,  witnessed  various  agitations  on  ecclesiastical  ques- 
tions. The  liberals  desired  a  free  development  of  the  Church. 
It  was  to  be  released  from  the  tutelage  of  the  State,  and  govern 
itself  in  synods.  Its  doctrines,  moreover,  were  to  be  brought 
into  unison  with  the  consciousness  of  the  people ;  and  the  false- 
hood was  no  longer  to  be  upheld  that  the  symbolical  books  were 
still  retained  and  the  clergy  pledged  to  them,  while  their  teach- 
ings had  become  quite  unfamiliar  to  the  congregations. 

It  was  only  in  a  few  countries,  and  particularly  in  Nassau, 
Baden,  and  Ehenish  Bavaria,  that  these  demands  were  more  or 
less  acceded  to.  For  the  most  part,  the  governments  were  averse 
to  ecclesiastical  changes,  because  the}7  dreaded  the  agitations 
which  were  necessarily  connected  with  them.  They  did  not,  in- 
deed, agree  to  the  demands  of  the  ultra-orthodox  party — that  the 
old  Church  doctrine  should  be  restored  by  outward  force — but 
on  the  contrary  showed  indulgence  to  the  dissenting  forms  of 
religious  conviction;  but  they  nevertheless  favored  —  and  this 
was  particularly  the  case  in  Prussia — those  who  adhered  to  the 
old  faith,  and  either  permitted  no  alterations  at  all  in  the  Church 
systems,  or  only  such  as  did  not  interfere  with  the  authority  of 
the  State  over  the  Church. 

This  state  of  things  prejudiced  even  the  better  disposed  against 
the  existing  ecclesiastical  conditions.  The  less  they  were  allowed 
any  opposition  in  political  matters,  the  more  they  now  threw 
themselves  into  the  less  dangerous  opposition  against  the  Church, 
against  the  servitude  in  which  it  was  held  by  the  State  and  abused 
for  the  purposes  of  the  latter,  and  against  the  inner  want  of  truth 
which  was  manifest  in  the  relation  between  the  religious  confes- 
sions and  the  faith  actually  held  by  the  members  of  the  com- 
munions. Aside  from  this,  the  voice  of  derision  pointed  to  the 
fact  that  the  State  was  constantly  referring  its  citizens  to  the 
blessedness  awaiting  them  in  the  other  world,  so  as  to  console 
them  for  the  deprivations  of  this  life  which  its  own  administra- 
tion entailed  upon  them,  and  fantastic  doctrines  were  taken  up 
by  this  opposition  and  developed  into  perfect  atheism  and  mate- 
rialism. 

These  attacks  upon  the  Church  would  hardly  have  called  forth 
general  approbation  had  they  not  been  met  by  the  prevailing- 
political  dissatisfaction.    As  it  was,  however,  there  was  a  general 


382 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  Ill— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 


inclination  to  look  upon  the  Church  as  merely  a  State  institution 
for  the  support  of  despotism,  and  to  give  up,  together  with  the 
Church  'doctrines,  the  greater  portion  of  all  religion.  In  this 
way  alone  it  can  be  explained  that,  after  the  deep  religious  sen- 
timent prevailing  subsequent  to  the  wars  of  deliverance,  an  ut- 
terly irreligious  tendency  could  develop  and  find  general  favor, 
so  that  the  Independent  Congregations  which  have  separated 
from  the  great  Church  partly  retain  only  a  minimum  of  religion, 
partly  confess  to  open  pantheism. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when,  in  the  year  1S-48,  the 
new  revolution  in  France  took  place.  The  great  majority  of  the 
people  desired  no  change  of  government,  and  had  not  thought  of 
any.  Notwithstanding  they  felt  no  attachment  whatever,  but  only 
indifference,  to  the  ruling  sovereign,  they  were  yet  aware  of  the 
injury  to  all  civic  relations  involved  in  a  revolution.  But  the 
Paris  mob,  led  by  men  in  part  ambitious  and  in  part  enthusiasts 
for  impracticable  ideas,  began  the  revolt ;  and  that  ended,  unex- 
pectedly even  to  Paris  itself,  with  the  deposition  of  the  King 
and  the  proclamation  of  a  republic.  What  had  been  determined 
upon  in  Paris  was  accepted  also  by  the  provinces.  The  republic, 
indeed,  was  by  no  means  greeted  with  enthusiasm ;  but  as  it  had 
once  been  declared,  it  was  thought  due  to  honor  to  retain  it.  In 
this  case,  too,  it  was  a  small  but  firmly  consolidated  party  which 
dictated  a  new  constitution  to  the  immense  majority  and  as- 
sumed the  authority.  In  this  party  the  most  decided  impiety 
and  the  most  open  atheism  soon  asserted  themselves.  But  as  it 
was  not  satisfied  even  with  the  new  government  (as,  indeed,  it 
can  never  be  content  without  a  social  subversion  which  would 
lead  back  to  perfect  barbarism),  and  as,  in  consequence,  it  re- 
peatedly began  new  agitations,  the  conservative  elements  awoke 
i ii<  ire  and  more,  and  united  in  resisting  the  opposing  element. 
The  President,  Louis  Napoleon,  by  making  himself  the  centre  of 
this  conservative  party,  and  at  the  same  time  expressing  the  in- 
tention of  ameliorating  the  condition  of  the  lower  classes  as 
much  as  possible,  gained  the  immense  power  which  enabled  him, 
on  December  2, 1851,  to  overthrow  the  existing  constitution  and 
replace  it  by  another  prepared  by  himself.  The  constitutional 
form  of  government,  which  formerly  had  been  so  highly  esteemed 
in  France,  had  also  lost  the  sympathy  of  many.  It  has  been  rec- 
ognized that  a  government  which  is  too  much  limited  by  estates 


§  1.  CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  MODERN  TIMES.  383 

can  never  steadily  pursue  an  aim,  but  is  too  dependent  on  mo- 
mentary moods ;  that  it  is  often  led  to  procure  for  itself  the  nec- 
essary assistance  by  bribery  and  indirect  means ;  that  it  is  un- 
stable and  expensive ;  and  that,  finally,  it  promotes  immorality. 

The  spark  which,  struck  at  Paris,  kindled  the  flame  of  revolu- 
tion all  over  France,  found  combustible  material  also  in  Ger- 
many in  the  uneasiness  and  dissatisfaction  which  was  caused 
chiefly  by  police  regulations,  and  nurtured  by  the  opposition  in 
the  Chambers  and  by  journalism,  and  which  had  reached  its 
highest  point  in  Southern  Germany.  The  people,  left  to  them- 
selves, would  not  have  been  able  to  give  a  common  expression  to 
this  discontent  in  special  demands:  each  village  would  have 
asked  something  different,  according  to  its  circumstances — one 
one  thing,  the  other  another.  The  Baden  opposition,  therefore, 
gave  vent  to  the  general  dissatisfaction  in  a  series  of  demands 
which  were  soon  repeated  through  the  whole  of  Germany,  and 
laid  before  the  governments  in  a  more  or  less  defiant  manner, 
so  that  the  latter  were  forced  to  accede  to  them.  These  de- 
mands had  by  no  means  originated  with  the  people ;  they  were, 
in  part,  quite  incomprehensible  and  indifferent  to  them.  But 
they  immediately  awoke  the  confidence  that  if  they  were  ful- 
filled, all  annoyances  would  immediately  cease,  and  all  wishes  be 
granted,  and  thus  the  people  allowed  these  demands  to  be  attrib- 
uted to  them,  and  made  them  their  own.  Among  them  was,  in 
particular,  the  separation  of  the  Church  from  the  State,  and  of 
the  schools  from  the  Church.  If  the  people  had  recognized  the 
significance  of  this  last  demand,  they  would  have  rejected  it  in- 
dignantly, wherever  there  was  any  regard  for  religion  left.  For 
the  sense  of  this  demand  was  no  other  than  that  the  religious 
element  should  no  longer  take  the  first  place  in  the  education  of 
youth,  but  that  the  latter  should  be  conducted  on  political,  i.  e. 
democratic,  principles.  This  tendency  was  very  prevalent  among 
the  school-teachers  in  Baden  and  in  the  Palatinate.  Many  of 
them  actually  opposed  all  religious  education  among  their  pupils, 
and  themselves  took  an  active  part  in  the  revolution. 

At  this  time  the  democratic  party  in  Germany,  which  had 
chiefly  literati  and  Jews  as  its  leaders,  gave  expression  to  its 
atheism  and  impiety  in  the  most  insolent  manner;  but  just  by 
this  it  alienated  the  people  from  itself  most  decidedly.  Alto- 
gether, the  latter  recognized,  during  the  years  of  disturbance, 


384  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

that  the  above-mentioned  movement  of  the  radical  party  had 
availed  it  nothing.  Hence  the  conservative  tendency  has  in- 
creased quite  as  much  as  the  abhorrence  of  the  want  of  religion 
which  showed  itself  so  openly  during  that  time. 

The  February  revolution  found  an  echo  also  in  Italy.  Here, 
too,  there  was  a  general  revolt,  not  only  against  the  foreign 
Austrian  rule,  and  against  the  evidently  bad  governments  of 
Naples  and  Home,  but  even  against  that  of  Tuscany,  which 
was  humane  and  favorable  to  the  people.  Hatred  against  the 
clerical  rule  and  influence  manifested  itself  more  openly  here: 
the  highest  aim  was  the  political  unity  of  Italy,  if  possible  in  the 
shape  of  a  republic,  but  at  any  rate  as  a  monarchy  on  a  demo- 
cratic basis.  In  connection  with  this,  it  became  most  obvious 
that  among  the  educated  classes  the  general  aversion  to  religion 
had  been  the  result  of  the  obligatory  piety  hitherto  enforced. 
The  force  of  arms  has  restored  things  very  much  to  their  old  con- 
dition in  this  respect,  but  the  popular  demonstrations  have  only 
been  repressed,  not  put  an  end  to.  And  hence,  too,  the  irreligious 
tendency  referred  to  has  not  disappeared,  and,  if  the  govern- 
ments do  not  assume  a  more  liberal  character  and  take  better 
care  of  the  popular  education,  will  in  secret  have  all  the  more 
terrible  consequences. 

The  revolution  of  February,  1S4S,  marked  a  new  era  for  Eu- 
ropean progress.  It  is  only  to  be  desired  that,  besides  the  fur- 
ther development  of  the  new  liberty,  law  and  order  may  also 
become  firmly  established,  and  that  the  governments  may  never 
lose  the  power  of  protecting  them. 

It  is  probable  that  a  new  era  will  now  also  begin  for  the 
churches.  As  promoters  of  religious  education,  they  will,  in- 
deed, always  be  of  importance  to  the  states,  and  the  latter  will 
have  a  care  for  their  preservation.  But  there  will  be  an  end  of 
that  unnatural  connection  between  the  Church  and  the  State  in 
which  the  State  made  use  of  the  Church  for  positive  aims  and 
for  the  support  of  political  systems,  or  in  which  it  had  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Church  in  its  own  hands.  It  will  continue  to 
respect  and  assist  the  Church,  but  will  suffer  it  to  develop  freely, 
and  offer  no  impediment  when  those  who  no  longer  feel  satisfied 
in  the  old  Church  form  new  communions. 

Thus  all  the  churches  will  enter  upon  a  new  course.  In  this 
there  will  be  most  danger  for  the  Catholic  Church,  which,  from 


§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  385 

its  nature,  pretends  to  be  unchangeable,  and,  therefore,  can  not 
fulfill  the  demands  for  a  progress  consistent  with  the  times.  Its 
head,  the  Pope,  will  unquestionably  sooner  or  later  lose  his  tempo- 
ral power ;  but  in  that  way  the  firm  central  point  of  this  Church, 
by  which  its  immobility  is  sustained,  will,  to  say  the  least,  be 
very  much  weakened ;  and  various  differences  will  arise,  which 
will  doubtless  also  lead  to  schisms. 

The  Protestant  Church  need  not  fear  the  new  developments 
which  await  it,  as,  according  to  its  principle,  it  neither  will  nor 
can  shut  itself  off  from  improvement.  The  first  consultations, 
indeed,  to  which  the  people  lend  their  voice,  where  this  has  not 
been  done  before,  will  lead  to  much  discord ;  nor  is  it  improb- 
able that  sundry  different  parties  will  be  formed.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  irreligiousness  will  disappear 
more  and  more  in  a  state  of  freedom,  if  it  be  deprived  of  its 
nourishment  from  the  political  conditions.  And  the  relations 
between  the  Protestant  parties  will  gradually  become  friendly 
again,  even  though  it  should  be  inimical  at  first,  if  theological 
science  only  remain  active,  and  teach  more  and  more  effect- 
ually the  distinction  between  the  essential  and  the  accidental. 
For  the  chief  cause  of  religious  hatred — the  delusion  of  the  par- 
ties that  they  alone  were  on  the  right  road  to  salvation,  and  that 
all  the  others  were  doomed  to  perdition  —  can  no  longer  find 
general  favor  among  the  Protestants  of  the  present  day. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY. 

Chev.  Artaud  de  Montor,  Hist,  du  Pape  Pie  VIII. ,  ouvrage  faisant  suite  aux  histoires 
de  Pie  VII.  et  de  Leo  XII.,  Paris,  1S43.—  Staatsvenvaltung  des  Cardinal  Consalvi 
(in  Ranke's  Historisch-politische  Zeitschrift,  i.  624  ss.).—  Romisclie  Zustiinde  und 
katholisehe  Kirchenfragen  der  neuesten  Zeit,  beleuchtet  von  Dr.  E.  Munch,  Stutt- 
gart, 1838. 

Popes  :—  Pius  VII.,  d.  August  20, 1823 ;  Leo  XII.,  d.  February  10, 1829 ;  Pius  VIII., 
d.  November  30, 1830 ;  Gregory  XVI.,  from  February  2, 1831,  d.  June  1, 1846;  Pius 
IX.,  elected  June  16, 1846. 

After  the  allies  had  entered  France  in  January,  Napoleon 
gave  orders  to  have  the  Pope  taken  back  to  Eome ;  but  this  was 
done  very  slowly,  so  that  he  was  delivered  over  to  the  Austrian 
troops  in  Italy  only  in  March.  On  the  24th  of  May  he  made  his 
formal  entry  into  Rome. 
vol.  v. — 25 


386  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

Universal  esteem  and  sympathy  accompanied  Pius  VII.  on  his 
return  from  captivity  to  his  capital :  not  only  the  Catholics,  but 
also  the  Protestants  unanimously  applauded  the  firmness  with 
which  he  alone  had  resisted  the  mighty  Emperor,  before  whom 
all  had  bowed.  This  disposition  in  favor  of  the  Pope  would 
have  much  facilitated  the  difficult  task  which  undoubtedly  await- 
ed him,  if  he  had  only  in  some  degree  understood  the  require- 
ments of  the  time  and  paid  any  regard  to  them.  Put,  however 
firm  Pius  VII.  had  been  as  a  prisoner,  after  he  had  resumed  the 
government  of  the  Church  and  of  the  Papal  States  he  showed 
himself  very  weak  and  vacillating,  and  liable  to  be  swayed  by 
foreign  influence. 

The  fundamental  character  of  Eomish  policy  has  always  been 
to  at  least  keep  up  the  appearance  of  an  utter  immutability  of 
principle.  For  it  is  this  immobility  which  makes  every  contro- 
versy with  Borne  terrible,  and  gives  to  its  faithful  adherents 
their  firm  faith  and  confidence  of  action,  as  they  can  count  upon 
not  being  deserted  by  it  if  they  follow  its  well-known  principles. 
At  the  same  time,  the  believers  look  upon  this  immutability  as  a 
proof  of  the  divine  appointment  of  the  Papacy,  and  of  the  as- 
sistance of  the  Holy  Ghost.  But  many  of  the  old  maxims  of 
the  Curia  are  in  such  direct  opposition  to  the  present  state  of 
enlightenment,  as  well  as  to  the  universally  acknowledged  state 
rights,  that  it  is  an  utter  impossibility  still  to  enforce  them,  and 
that  any  attempt  at  doing  so  would  be  highly  detrimental  and 
dangerous'  to  the  Curia;  as,  for  instance,  the  right  asserted  in 
the  Middle  Ages  of  deposing  disobedient  princes,  and  absolving 
their  subjects  from  the  oath  of  fealty.  These  rights  have,  in- 
deed, never  been  renounced  by  the  popes  of  modern  times,  be- 
cause by  so  doing  they  would  have  convicted  those  of  their  pred- 
ecessors who  had  established  them  of  error;  but  they  have 
silently  dropped  them,  and  ignored  whatever  occurs  in  contra- 
diction to  them.  In  connection  with  this  subject,  two  parties 
have  arisen  in  the  Papal  Court.  One  of  these  is  the  bigoted  or- 
thodox party,  which  still  looks  upon  those  superannuated  claims 
as  a  divine  right,  would  retain  the  old  state  of  affairs,  and  will 
not  agree  to  the  least  concession,  even  though  it  be  willing  occa- 
sionally to  let  the  claims  in  question  rest,  on  account  of  unfavor- 
able times,  until  better  conditions  arise,  when  every  thing  can  be 
regained.    The  other  is  the  politically  icise  party,  which  recog- 


§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  38y 

nizes,  indeed,  the  discrepancy  between  many  maxims  of  the  Ro- 
man See  and  the  conditions  and  requirements  of  the  present, 
and  is  more  inclined  to  concessions,  but  makes  the  latter  so  cau- 
tiously that  the  semblance  of  the  Papal  immutability,  upon 
which  rests  the  Papal  power,  is  not  destroyed  thereby.  The 
former  are  called  in  Rome  the  zelanti,  the  latter  the  liberali. 

Under  the  oppression  of  Napoleon,  from  which,  like  the  Pope, 
the  members  of  the  Curia  had  suffered  particularly,  bigotry  and 
the  hatred  against  every  thing  new  had  been  strengthened  con- 
siderably in  the  latter ;  and  when  the  Pope  assembled  his 
court  around  him  once  more,  the  bigoted  adherents  of  the  old 
conditions  had  by  far  the  majority.  One  of  their  most  distin- 
guished heads  was  Cardinal  Pacca,  who  enjoyed  to  a  high  degree 
the  confidence  of  the  Pope.  The  politically  wise  party,  which 
recognized  that,  in  view  of  the  altered  conditions  of  the  times, 
much  would  have  to  be  yielded  in  the  Church  ordinances  and 
changed  in  the  constitution  of  the  Papal  States,  had,  indeed,  a 
distinguished  leader,  Cardinal  Consalvi,  who,  owing  to  his  great 
political  shrewdness,  also  stood  very  high  in  the  confidence  of 
the  Pope,  and  had  received  the  important  appointment  of  secre- 
tary of  state.  This  party  was,  however,  too  weak  to  withstand 
the  reaction  which  was  beginning  to  show  itself ;  and  as  Consalvi 
was  soon  obliged  to  repair  to  the  Congress  at  Vienna,  there  to 
represent  the  Papal  interests,  the  zelanti  had,  for  the  moment, 
free  play. 

The  task  which  awaited  the  Pope  immediately  upon  his  re- 
turn, i.  e.  the  reorganization  of  the  Church,  as  well  as  of  the 
Papal  States  and  their  government,  was,  in  fact,  no  small  one. 
As,  in  consequence  of  the  great  revolutions,  many  Episcopal  dio- 
ceses were  broken  up,  many  sees  vacant,  and,  aside  from  this, 
there  had  been  important  changes  also  in  temporal  governments, 
it  was  necessary  to  make  new  concordats  with  many  powers,  in 
order  to  reorganize  the  dioceses,  and,  if  possible,  to  determine 
the  relations  between  Church  and  State.  The  government  of 
the  Church,  moreover,  had  become  especially  difficult,  because  of 
the  manifold  tendencies  which  the  revolution  had  developed  in 
the  latter.  The  contempt  and  the  persecution  which  Catholicism 
had  suffered  from  the  political  agitations  had  excited  the  most 
vehement  fanaticism  in  its  zealous  adherents.  These,  who  were 
most  numerous  in  Portugal,  Spain,  and  Western  and  Southern 


3S8  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

France,  desired  that  the  whole  ultramontane  system  of  Church 
doctrine  and  Church  government  should  be  retained  in  its  entire 
force.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Revolution,  favored  by  the  then 
existing  impotency  of  the  hierarchy,  had  spread  abroad  many 
doctrines  inimical  to  the  Church,  even  in  countries  which  had 
formerly  held  them  off  by  the  Inquisition,  i.  e.  Spain,  Portugal, 
and  Italy.  They  were  partly  those  opinions  of  the  so-called 
French  philosophers  which  annihilate  all  religion  ;  partly  milder, 
more  liberal  ideas,  which  had  for  their  aim  a  rational  reconstruc- 
tion of  Catholicism,  its  insurance  against  the  arrogance  of  the 
hierarchy,  and,  to  that  end,  a  limitation  of  the  latter.  Among 
the  German  Catholics,  finally,  a  certain  enlightenment  had  de- 
veloped since  Joseph  II.,  and  been  supported  and  disseminated 
particularly  by  theologians,  which  now,  when  a  large  portion  of 
the  German  Catholic  states  had  fallen  to  the  share  of  Protestant 
princes,  could  hardly  be  suppressed.  This  variety  of  opinions 
made  the  task  of  the  Pope  very  difficult,  and  the  most  contra- 
dictory claims  were  made  and  expectations  entertained  with  re- 
gard to  him ;  but  he  could  not  satisfy  the  desires  of  one  party 
without  offending  another  and  exciting  it  against  him.  If  he 
acceded  to  the  claims  of  liberalism,  he  would  give  offense  to  his 
most  zealous  adherents,  the  bigoted  party ;  if  he  yielded  to  these, 
he  would  make  the  liberals  his  opponents. 

No  less  difficult  were  the  questions  which  presented  themselves 
to  the  Pope  in  respect  to  the  Pontifical  States.  In  consequence 
of  successive  wars,  and  the  cessation  of  the  foreign  contributions 
which  had  formerly  flowed  together  there  from  all  Catholic  coun- 
tries, these  states  had  become  impoverished,  and  had  received  a 
thoroughly  French  constitution.  Through  the  latter,  the  old 
privileges  of  the  clergy  and  the  rights  of  the  Church  were,  for 
the  most  part,  abolished ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  much 
more  favorable  for  the  subjects.  It  had  insured  public  order  and 
safety  by  a  vigilant  police  and  an  active  administration  of  jus- 
tice ;  had  encouraged  commerce,  agriculture,  and  manufactures, 
and  admitted  laymen,  without  distinction,  to  all  such  offices  as 
had,  under  the  Papal  rule,  been  reserved  for  the  clergy  alone.  It 
evidently  seemed  prudent  to  retain  such  features  of  the  new  con- 
stitution as  had  proved  beneficial ;  but  the  zelanti  looked  upon  that 
constitution  as  a  product  of  liberalism,  and  regarded  all  compli- 
ance in  relation  to  it  merely  as  a  concession  made  to  the  latter. 


§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  389 

At  that  period  it  became  very  perceptible  how  far  the  Papacy 
had  remained  behind  the  progress  of  the  times.     Daring  the 
Middle  Ages  it  had  obtained  its  power  by  possessing  itself  of 
the  direction  of  the  ruling  opinions.     The  tendency  of  the  Mid- 
dle Ages  was  chiefly  ecclesiastically  religious,  warlike,  and  in- 
clined to  adventures.     It  was  seized  upon  and  made  use  of  by 
the  Pope,  inasmuch  as  he  exalted  himself,  as  Head  of  the  Church, 
above  all  secular  heads  of  states,  and  constantly  satisfied  the  mar- 
tial spirit  of  the  age  by  proposing  warlike  expeditions  for  the 
glory  of  God  and  the  Church.     At  the  same  time,  he  supplied 
the  deficiencies  of  the  then  existing  governments  by  placing  a 
check  on  the  looseness  of  morals  by  spiritual  weapons,  and  prom- 
ising assistance  and  relief  to  all  the  oppressed  who  applied  to 
him.     Thus  the  Papacy  in  the  Middle  Ages  favored  the  people, 
and  was  for  that  very  reason  powerful.    But  as  the  Pope  desired 
to  be  considered  the  representative  of  God  on  earth,  and  on  that 
account  was  obliged  to  lay  claim  to  immutability  in  his  decisions 
and  actions,  the  Papacy  was  forced  to  relinquish  the  mobility 
which  was  requisite  in  order  to  follow  the  new  developments  of 
the  nations,  and,  always  taking  the  lead,  to  direct  them.      It 
could  not,  without  shaking  the  confidence  of  its  most  faithful 
adherents,  positively  give  up  one  of  all  the  principles  it  had  once 
adopted,  even  though  they  might  be  universally  acknowledged, 
by  intelligent  contemporaries,  to  be  the  grossest  errors  and  the 
most  serious  delusions.      The  farther,  therefore,  enlightenment 
progresses,  and  the  more  generally  it  penetrates  the  people,  the 
more  Papacy  will  lose  its  power  over  the  popular  mind,  and  final- 
ly become  entirely  superannuated.    It  is  already  now  far  behind 
the  times,  and  is  kept  by  its  old  errors  always  in  the  same  spot, 
without  venturing  to  take  a  single  step  forward.     The  curse  of 
falsehood  rests  upon  it,  and  can  not  fail  to  lead  to  its  final  ex- 
tinction. 

It  would  seem  that  on  the  occasion  in  question,  when  the  Pope 
returned  to  Rome,  he  might  have  seized  the  opportunity  to  place 
himself,  like  his  predecessors  in  the  Middle  Ages,  at  the  head  of 
the  national  agitation,  and  thus  regain  the  old  influence  and  the 
old  power.  At  that  time  the  people  in  all  the  states  began  to  de- 
mand constitutions  and  national  representation.  If  the  Pope  had 
joined  this  movement,  and,  as  Head  of  the  Church,  had  enjoined 
upon  the  princes  the  fulfillment  of  these  requests,  he  would  un- 


390  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

doubtedly  have  made  a  deep  impression,  favorable  to  himself, 
upon  the  nations,  and  perhaps  have  led  the  agitation  among  them 
in  like  manner  as  the  popes  of  the  Middle  Ages  availed  them- 
selves, with  great  success,  of  the  feeling  of  the  people  against  the 
princes.  However,  the  Pope  could  hardly  think  of  playing  such 
a  part  at  the  time  of  which  we  are  speaking.  Liberalism  was 
closely  connected  with  freer  religious  opinions :  by  favoring  it 
the  Pope  would  have  alienated  his  most  faithful  adherents,  the 
blind  believers,  without  finding  compensation  for  them  among 
the  liberals ;  for  the  latter  might  have  welcomed  the  Pope  as  a 
political  ally,  but  would  hardly  have  consented  to  an  unquestion- 
ing obedience  to  him.  Nor  could  the  popes  expect  any  result 
favorable  to  themselves  from  liberal  political  constitutions.  The 
enjoyment  of  political  freedom  leads  to  the  desire  for  religious 
liberty  also ;  and  a  nation  which  has,  in  its  representatives,  organs 
by  which  to  limit  the  absolute  power  of  princes  will  likewise 
endeavor,  by  means  of  them,  to  confine  the  hierarchy  within  cer- 
tain bounds.  Altogether,  it  is  not  possible  to  set  a  limit  to  pro- 
gressive enlightenment  among  a  free  people,  and  it  is  that  which 
the  Catholic  Church  has  most  to  fear  with  regard  to  its  doctrine, 
and  the  Pope  with  regard  to  his  power. 

Pius  VII.  therefore  resumed  his  reism  with  the  resolve  to  ob- 
literate  all  traces  of  the  Napoleonic  rule,  which  had  brought  so 
much  misfortune  upon  him  and  the  Catholic  Church,  and  to  en- 
tirely restore  the  old  state  of  things  in  every  respect.  In  this 
intention  he  wras  strengthened  by  those  surrounding  him ;  the 
only  man  who  recognized  that  some  allowance  ought  to  be  made 
for  the  change  in  the  times— Cardinal  Consalvi— had  been  sent 
to  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  and  could  not  exercise  any  immediate 
influence  upon  the  Pope. 

By  the  Congress  of  Vienna  the  States  of  the  Church  were  re- 
stored to  the  Pope,  with  the  exception  of  a  small  portion  of  the 
legation  of  Ferrara  which  lay  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Po,  and 
fell  to  Austria.  Consalvi,  as  Papal  legate,  was  obliged  to  pro- 
test (June,  1815)  against  this  withholding  of  a  part  of  Ferrara, 
as  well  as  against  that  of  Avignon  and  Venaissin,  which  were 
retained  by  France—although  the  Pope,  at  the  Peace  of  Tolenti- 
no,  in  1797,  had  relinquished  much  more— and  likewise  to  de- 
clare himself  against  the  settlement  of  German  affairs  so  long 
as  the  ecclesiastical  principalities  were  not  restored,  and  the  con- 


§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  391 

fiscated  ecclesiastical  property  not  given  back.  These  acts,  which 
naturally  remained  without  result,  implied  sufficiently  that  the 
Pope  was  determined  to  restore  the  conditions  existing  before 
the  French  Eevolution,  and  to  do  away  with  all  the  effects  of  the 
latter.  And  this  was  the  aim  which  he  pursued  as  well  in  the 
new  organization  of  the  Church  States  as  in  the  government  of 
the  Church. 

Under  the  French  rule  the  finances  of  the  Pontifical  States, 
which  had  for  a  long  time  past  been  in  a  constant  state  of  de- 
rangement, had  been  improved,  particularly  by  the  confiscation 
of  cloister  property.  The  severe  measures  connected  with  this 
confiscation  were  forgotten ;  the  people  had  become  accustomed 
to  the  new  order  of  things,  and  so  it  would  have  been  only  nat- 
ural to  retain  such  features  of  it  as  were  expedient  and  advan- 
tageous. But  the  man  who  alone  would  have  understood  how 
to  consider  the  claims  of  the  age  in  the  reorganization  of  the 
Papal  government  was  in  Vienna.  The  Pope,  chiefly  guided  by 
Cardinal  Pacca,  restored  all  chapters  and  cloisters ;  returned  to 
them  such  of  their  property  as  had  not  been  disposed  of ;  and  for 
the  remainder,  sold  by  the  French,  gave  them  State  bonds,  at  an 
interest  of  five  per  cent.  In  this  way  the  States  of  the  Church 
were  deprived  of  a  considerable  revenue,  laden  with  a  new  bur- 
den of  debt,  and  involved  in  financial  embarrassments  from 
which  they  will  never  be  able  to  extricate  themselves.  In  like 
manner,  the  French  legislation  and  administration  were  abol- 
ished, and  the  clergy  and  the  nobility  were  restored  to  their  old 
rights.  There  was  but  one  change  which  Consalvi  succeeded  in 
effecting  :  by  the  motu  jproprio  of  July  6, 1816,  all  separate  con- 
stitutions of  provinces  and  municipalities  were  abolished,  and  a 
uniform  administration  decreed.  The  states  were  divided  into 
seventeen  delegations,  at  the  head  of  each  of  which  a  priest  was 
placed  as  delegate,  or,  if  a  Cardinal,  as  legate,  who  was  assisted, 
indeed,  by  a  government  assembly ;  but  the  latter  was  merely 
advisory,  while  he  alone  had  to  decide.  Formerly  the  provinces, 
and  even  the  municipalities  and  baronies,  had  had  their  own  pe- 
culiar constitutions  and  prerogatives,  which  destroyed  all  unity  in 
the  states ;  but  by  these  prerogatives  the  Papal  government  was 
limited,  and  a  large  share  in  the  government  secured  to  the  laity, 
so  that,  for  example,  the  Senate  of  Bologna  maintained  considera- 
ble independence.     Now  all  these  privileges  were  lost,  and  the 


392  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

government  fell  exclusively  into  the  hands  of  the  clergy,  which,  of 
course,  could  not  but  excite  great  dissatisfaction  among  the  cor- 
porations. It  was  not  long,  therefore,  before  the  former  conditions 
were  restored :  banditti,  open  derision  of  the  law,  and  assassina- 
tions again  became  the  order  of  the  day,  after  the  police  had  lost 
its  power,  and  justice  had  fallen  back  into  its  old,  dilatory  course. 
The  same  principle  of  returning  to  the  old  ways  guided  the 
Pope  with  regard  to  the  government  of  the  Church.  This  tend- 
ency showed  itself  most  plainly  in  the  restoration  of  the  Order  of 
the  Jesuits,  which  was  effected  by  the  Bull  Sollicitudo  Omnium, 
of  August  7, 1814.1  Pius  VII.  shared  with  all  the  Catholic  oppo- 
nents of  liberalism  the  opinion  that,  by  the  abolition  of  that  order 
through  Clement  XIV.,  a  sacrifice  of  weakness  had  been  made  to 
liberalism,  and  he  therefore  considered  that  he  could  best  mark 
an  utter  return  to  the  old  conditions  by  such  a  restoration,  and 
begin  most  vigorously  with  the  assistance  of  an  order  which  had 
formerly  been  so  firm  a  support  of  the  Papal  system.  The  re- 
sult, however,  did  not  justify  these  expectations.  Even  the  name 
of  the  Jesuits  awakened  the  old  mistrust,  as  well  in  the  secular 
clergy  and  the  other  orders  whom  the  Jesuits,  supported  by  their 
privileges,  had  endeavored  to  subject  or  to  supplant  in  all  their 
activity,  as  in  the  nations  in  which  the  striving  after  liberty  had 
taken  root,  and  which  looked  upon  the  Jesuits  as  the  suppressors 
of  all  intellectual  freedom.  In  Rome  the  hatred  against  the 
newly  restored  order  immediately  manifested  itself  in  the  most 
undisguised  manner  among  the  entire  clergy.  In  France  and 
Germany  the  most  decided  disapprobation  of  this  revival  was 
loudly  expressed.  The  motive  universally  attributed  to  the  Pope 
was  that  he  merely  intended  to  secure  for  himself,  in  the  Jesuits, 
tools  for  a  complete  re-establishment  of  the  pristine  order  of 
things.  And  this,  too,  was  the  view  which  the  new  Jesuits  took 
of  their  task :  but  for  its  successful  accomplishment  they  were 
lacking  in  the  means  which  the  former  brethren  of  their  order 
had  possessed;  for  the  latter,  as  the  education  of  youth  was  in 
great  part  intrusted  to  them  wherever  they  had  establishments, 
were  able  without  difficulty  to  select  and  train  the  most  eminent 
talents  for  their  order.  But  the  reviving  order  was  obliged  to 
receive  whatever  offered  itself  to  them,  and  therefore  gathered 
together  more  of  fanaticism  than  of  intellect.  Added  to  this, 
1  Vater'a  Aubau,  ii.  41. 


§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  393 

the  wealth  of  the  old  Jesuits,  which  had  also  contributed  much 
to  their  influence,  had  mostly  disappeared.  The  new  Jesuits, 
therefore,  were  by  no  means  that  which  the  old  ones  had  been. 
They  harshly  and  fanatically  resisted  all  innovations,  and  thus 
placed  themselves  in  direct  opposition  to  all  the  ideas  and  de- 
mands of  modern  times.  The  old  Jesuits,  too,  had  shown  the 
same  opposition  to  the  Reformation  and  the  new  ideas  which 
sprang  from  it ;  but  they  had  done  this  in  a  shrewder  and  more 
cautious  way,  by  pretending  to  be  willing  to  satisfy  all  just  de- 
mands of  the  spirit  of  the  age,  and  that  in  a  better  and  more  ac- 
ceptable manner  than  was  done  by  the  innovators,  and  by  allow- 
ing the  people  to  retain  that  to  which  they  had  become  attached, 
but  imperceptibly  winning  over  the  interest  directed  toward 
these  things  to  themselves  and  to  the  Catholic  Church.  The  new 
Jesuits  attempted,  indeed,  to  imitate  this  artifice,  by  pretending 
to  raise  the  youth  of  their  educational  establishments  to  a  level 
with  the  times ;  but  the  deception  soon  became  evident.  In  fact, 
the  new  Jesuits  could  find  nothing  better  to  do  than  to  restore 
the  order  with  all  its  old  institutions,  and  even  its  old  faults  and 
weaknesses.  Thus,  in  their,  works  of  instruction,  the  old  Jesuit 
ethics  reappeared  with  all  their  immoral  doctrines,  and  formed 
a  glaring  contrast  to  the  moral  consciousness  of  modern  times. 
In  Fribourg,  Switzerland,  a  work  appeared2  in  which  the  old 
doctrine  of  Moral  Probabilism  was  once  more  set  forth,  without 
alteration,  and  with  it  many  other  objectionable  tenets  of  the  old 
Jesuits :  for  instance,  that  whoever  had  merely  pretended  to  take 
an  oath  was  not  under  any  religious  obligation,  because  he  had  not 
sworn  a  real  oath ;  that  he  was  merely  bound  by  justice  to  fulfill 
what  he  had  sworn  only  apparently.  If  a  creditor  secretly  takes 
as  much  of  his  debtor's  property  as  the  latter  owes  him,  this  is 
not  stealing.  Those  who  transgress  against  the  custom  laws  do 
not  sin,  for  the  custom  laws  are  intended  to  be  observed  only  from 
fear  of  a  penalty,  without  at  the  same  time  laying  any  obligation 
upon  the  conscience.3  In  this  way,  therefore,  the  new  order 
stood  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  present  and  its  claims,  and 
could  not,  therefore,  acquire  any  important  influence.  In  Sar- 
dinia and  Piedmont,  indeed,  as  well  as  in  Spain  and  in  the  Va- 
lais,  the  Jesuits  met  with  a  favorable  reception  ;  in  the  canton  of 

2  Compendium  Theologiae  Moralis,  by  J.  P.  Moullet,  1834, 2  vols.  8. 
5  Archinard,  Les  Origines  de  l'Eglise  Romaine,  i.  170. 


394  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  EL— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

Fribourg,  too,  they  were  reinstated  in  September,  ISIS,  after  vio- 
lent opposition ;  but  from  the  other  states  they  were,  for  the  mo- 
ment, still  banished,  and  Portugal  even  declared  itself  most  de- 
cidedly against  their  restoration.  Under  Dom  Miguel,  however, 
in  1832, they  were  also  admitted  to  Portugal;  but  as  soon  as  the 
liberal  party  gained  the  mastery  in  that  country  and  in  Spain, 
they  were  forced  to  withdraw  from  both  countries.  In  France, 
although  the  government  favored  them  highly  until  1830,  they 
could  only  gain  admittance  under  a  false  name.  In  Russia, 
where  the  Jesuits  had  always  continued  to  exist  as  of  old,  they 
were,  because  of  their  attempts  to  make  converts  in  their  educa- 
tional establishments,  sent  away  from  St.  Petersburg  as  early  as 
1815,  and  banished  from  the  whole  empire  in  1820.  Many  of 
them  went  to  Galicia,  and  finally  succeeded  (in  1823)  in  obtain- 
ing admission  there  and  being  allowed  to  found  educational  in- 
stitutions. In  the  year  1839  they  also  established  a  college  at 
Innspruck,  in  the  Tyrol. 

Equally  characteristic  of  the  course  pursued  by  Rome  was  its 
violent  opposition  to  the  Bible  societies,  which  spread  from  En- 
gland over  the  whole  Continent,  notwithstanding  they  dissemi- 
nated among  the  Catholic  people  none  but  Catholic  translations 
of  the  Bible.  As,  in  the  beginning,  Catholic  priests  frequently 
joined  these  societies,  Pius  VII.  issued  a  letter  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Gnesen,  June  29,  1816,  in  which  the  Bible  societies  are  de- 
nounced as  a  pestis,  as  impie  novatorum  machinationes,  as  an 
inventum,  quo  -ipsa  religionis  fundamenta  labefactantur,  and 
which  declares  that  translations  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  do  more 
harm  than  good,  and  that  no  translation  should  be  tolerated 
which  had  not  been  approved  by  the  Apostolic  See,  or  was  not 
furnished  with  explanations  from  the  Church  Fathers.  A  brief 
to  the  same  effect  to  the  Archbishop  of  Mohilev  appeared  Sep- 
tember 3, 1816. 

Soon  after  the  return  of  the  Pope,  negotiations  were  com- 
menced with  the  secular  princes  concerning  the  restoration  of 
the  national  churches,  which  had  suffered  great  changes  through 
the  political  subversions.  These  negotiations  gradually  gave  rise 
to  a  succession  of  concordats,  of  which  more  particular  mention 
will  be  made  in  the  history  of  the  individual  national  churches. 
They,  too,  were  distinguished  by  the  circumstance  that  Rome 
strove  to  retain  its  older  claims  with  iron  firmness,  to  restore  ev- 


'§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  395 

eiy  thing  old,  and  reject  all  that  was  new.  In  connection  with 
this,  the  conduct  of  the  Curia  toward  Baron  Wessenberg  was  in 
many  ways  very  remarkable.  He  had  been,  since  1S02,  Vicar- 
general  of  the  bishopric  of  Constance,  and  had  supplied  the  place 
of  the  bishop,  Carl  von  Dalberg,  Prince-primate,  who  was  almost 
constantly  absent,  in  an  admirable  manner.  Without  deviating 
from  Roman  Catholic  orthodoxy,  he  had  combated  superstition, 
had  promoted  the  mental  culture  of  the  clergy,  had  striven  to 
make  public  worship  more  edifying,  and  enjoyed  universal  love 
and  esteem  among  the  clergy  as  well  as  the  laity  of  his  diocese. 
On  Dalberg's  death  he  was  to  succeed  him ;  but  the  Roman 
Curia  opposed  him  most  decidedly,  and  declared  that  it  would 
neither  recognize  him  as  Vicar-general  nor  sanction  his  election 
to  the  office  of  bishop.  Wessenberg  went  to  Rome  in  person  in 
1817,  in  order  to  defend  himself;  the  enlightened  Cardinal  Con- 
sal  vi,  who  was  to  confer  with  him,  is  said  to  have  been  his  per- 
sonal friend,  and  often  to  have  complained  to  him  that  his  office 
obliged  him  to  act  such  farces ;  but,  nevertheless,  Wessenberg 
did  not  gain  his  end  of  conciliating  the  Curia.  The  chapter  of 
Constance,  however,  also  remained  firm,  nominated  him  admin- 
istrator of  the  bishopric,  and  he  filled  this  office  from  1S19  to 
1827,  when  the  See  of  Constance  was  abolished,  and  a  new  dis- 
tribution of  dioceses  took  place.  During  this  time  the  Curia 
did  not  acknowledge  him  in  the  least,  though  it  did  not  venture 
upon  any  further  steps  against  him,  but  utterly  ignored  the  hated 
administrator  of  the  See  of  Constance,  who  continued  unswerv- 
ingly to  pursue  his  former  course  of  spreading  culture  and  una- 
nimity, and  awakening  true  piety,  in  his  diocese.  This  case  not 
only  proved  plainly  how  inimical  Rome  was  to  all  religious  en- 
lightenment, but  also  how  much  its  authority  was  diminished  in 
many  parts  of  the  German  Catholic  Church. 

So  long  as  Pius  VII.  was  alive,  his  shrewd  secretary  of  state, 
Cardinal  Consalvi,  prevented  at  least  the  overstepping  of  cer- 
tain bounds  in  the  assertion  of  the  Roman  claims,  which  the 
party  of  the  zelanti  now  renewed  without  limit  or  moderation. 
One  of  the  most  fanatical  Papists  was  Carlo  Fea,  known  as  a 
philologist.  He  was  custodian  of  the  Capitoline  Museum,  and 
librarian  of  the  Chigi  Library,  and  was  quite  as  zealous  an  ad- 
vocate of  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope  in  matters  of  faith  as  of 
his  supremacy  over  crowned  heads.     It  had  long,  indeed,  be- 


396  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

longed  to  the  policy  of  the  Roman  Curia  not  to  give  an  opinion 
itself  with  regard  to  these  doctrines,  which  had  been  opposed 
for  centuries  past  by  the  Gallican  Church,  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
to  favor  those  who  defended  them  ;  and  hence  Fea  was  permit- 
ted to  advocate  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope  to  his  heart's  con- 
tent in  the  Effemeridi  Letterarie  di  Roma.*  So  long  as  Con- 
sal  vi  had  the  direction  of  the  government,  however,  Fea  could  not 
obtain  permission  to  print  any  writings  in  which  he  attempted 
to  prove  the  dependence  of  the  princes  on  the  Pope  in  secular 
matters.  But  this  was  changed  when  Pius  VII.  died  (August, 
1S23),  followed  very  soon  (January,  1S24)  by  his  secretary  of 
state,  Cardinal  Consalvi,  and  Annibale  della  Ganga  ascended 
the  Papal  chair  as  Leo  XII.5  In  former  times  the  latter  had  re- 
peatedly been  active  as  Papal  nuncio,  and  had  the  reputation  of 
possessing  great  shrewdness  and  ability,  as  well  as  a  sensual  love 
of  pleasure,  which  many  even  called  low  immorality,  and  a  de- 
gree of  enlightenment  which  held  nothing  sacred.  After  the 
restoration  of  the  Papal  See,  he  nevertheless  joined  the  party  of 
the  zelanti,  and  remained  true  to  it  even  as  Pope.  Immediately 
after  his  accession  there  appeared  a  pamphlet  by  a  Dominican, 
Phil.  Anfossi,  Magister  S.  Palatii,  which  he  had  not  obtained  per- 
mission to  print  during  the  lifetime  of  Consalvi,  but  the  publica- 
tion of  which  was  now  directly  sanctioned  by  the  Pope.  It  was 
entitled  "On  the  Restoration  of  Ecclesiastical  Property,  as  Nec- 
essary to  the  Salvation  of  those  who  have  gained  Possession  of 
it  without  the  Sanction  of  the  Papal  See." 6  And  not  long  aft- 
er, Fea  also  came  forward  (1825)  with  his  ultimatum  for  the  in- 
direct supremacy  of  the  Apostolic  See  over  secular  powers.7 
Nothing  could  be  more  mistimed  than  these  writings.  They  ex- 
cited the  unbelievers  to  derision  and  hatred,  but  they  also  di- 
rected the  attention  of  the  governments  to  the  fact  that  Rome 
had  not  given  up  its  former  principles,  and  caused  them  to  re- 
gard the  Curia  with  distrust,  and  to  treat  it  with  suspicious  cau- 
tion. Leo  XII.  acted  as  much  as  possible  in  the  spirit  of  the  ze- 
lanti also  as  Pope.  He  favored  the  Jesuits  and  the  cloisters, 
and  revived  processions  and  all  kinds  of  superstitious  devotional 


*  See  Vatcr's  Archiv,  1828,  i.  113. 

5  Pope  Leo  XII.,  by  Theo.  Scherer,  Schaffhausen,  1844. 

6  Extract  in  Paulus's  Beitriige  zur  Dogmengcseh.  p.  179. 

7  Transl.  in  the  Sophronizon,  VII.  vi.  part  2. 


§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  397 

exercises.  He  caused  the  jubilee  of  1S25  to  be  celebrated  in 
Roine  with  all  the  splendor  and  pomp  imaginable,  and  at  a  great 
expense,  and  then  extended  the  indulgences  issued  on  that  occa- 
sion, also  for  other  countries,  to  six  months  of  the  year  1826,  as 
the  post-jubilee  year.  Solemn  canonizations  were  also  resumed; 
and  among  these  the  beatification  of  Julianus,  a  Spanish  Fran- 
ciscan monk  (1825),  roused  the  particular  indignation  and  deri- 
sion of  the  enlightened  classes,  because  one  of  the  pictures  of  the 
authenticated  miracles  of  the  new  saint  which  were  displayed  at 
the  ceremony  represented  Julianus  as  removing  half-roasted  lit- 
tle birds  from  a  spit  and  restoring  them  to  life. 

Very  dangerous  for  the  Papacy  during  this  whole  time  was 
the  political  condition  of  Italy,  which  was  kept  in  a  constant 
state  of  excitement,  chiefly  by  the  secret  society  of  the  Carbonari. 
The  latter  had  its  real  origin  in  France.  When  Napoleon  had 
accepted  the  imperial  crown,  and  thus  re-established  an  absolute 
monarchical  government,  there  were  many,  particularly  among 
the  zealous  republicans,  who  were  dissatisfied  with  this  step, 
but  did  not  venture  to  manifest  their  dissatisfaction.  From 
among  these  malcontents  there  was  formed,  in  Eastern  France, 
the  secret  society  of  the  Charbonniers  (charcoal-burners),  which 
called  its  secret  meetings  sales  (ventes),  and  extended  from  the 
Jura  to  Picardy.  When  Naples  had  become  a  kingdom  depend- 
ent on  France,  the  Charbonniers  (in  Italian  carbonari)  made  their 
appearance  there,  after  1810.  Their  principal  vendita  was  in  the 
city  of  Naples,  and  they  soon  spread  over  the  whole  kingdom, 
with  the  secret  aim  of  putting  an  end  to  the  then  existing  oppres- 
sion of  Italy.  When  the  King  of  Naples,  Joachim  Murat,  took 
up  arms  in  1815,  announcing  his  intention  of  restoring  the  unity 
of  Italy,  he  likewise  entered  into  connection  with  the  Carbonari. 
From  this  time  they  emerged  from  the  obscurity  in  which  they 
had  hitherto  held  themselves,,  and  spread,  by  means  of  Murat's 
troops,  also  over  the  Pontifical  States.  Murat  was  soon  defeated 
and  dethroned ;  but  through  him  the  secret  societies  in  Italy  had 
received  a  powerful  impulse,  and  it  has  proved  impossible  to  up- 
root them  since.  In  Upper  Italy,  too,  in  consequence  of  the 
general  dissatisfaction  with  the  Austrian  government,  secret  so- 
cieties were  formed,  the  most  important  of  which  was  that  of 
the  Guelfs,  which  had  its  chief  seat  at  Milan.  These  societies 
entered  into  relations  with  the  Carbonari,  and  thus  the  whole  of 


398  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SIXCE  A.D.  1814. 

Italy  was  soon  overspread  with  vendite  as  with  a  net,  They  all 
united  in  the  dissatisfaction  with  the  then  existing  condition  of 
Italy,  and  desired  to  see  their  country  independent,  mighty,  and 
nourishing ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  they  were  less  unanimous  in 
their  views  as  to  the  constitution  to  be  desired  for  it.  A  portion 
were  in  favor  of  a  republic,  others  would  have  wished,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  impulse  received  from  Murat,  to  see  all  Italy  con- 
verted into  a  single  constitutional  monarchy.  The  perverse 
course  of  most  of  the  Italian  governments  naturally  increased 
the  prevailing  dissatisfaction,  and,  consequently,  the  number  of 
the  Carbonari.  And  this  was  also  the  case  in  the  States  of  the 
Church.  Pius  VII.,  indeed,  renewed,  in  February,  1S15,  at  the 
time  when  Murat  began  to  act  in  concert  with  the  Carbonari, 
the  bull  of  excommunication  against  Freemasons  and  all  simi- 
lar secret  societies ;  but  this  excommunication  remained  all  the 
more  ineffective  that  the  mistaken  government  measures  and 
the  sad  condition  of  the  Church  States  constantly  increased  the 
dissatisfaction  in  the  latter. 

All  the  higher  offices,  as  well  as  the  positions  of  ministers  and 
governors  of  provinces,  were  filled  only  by  the  clergy.  The  lat- 
ter, for  the  most  part,  entered  upon  their  duties  with  no  other 
education  than  they  had  received  in  seminaries  and  cloisters, 
therefore  knew  nothing  about  administration,  and  frequently 
had  no  other  end  in  view  than  to  enrich  themselves  and  their 
relatives.  Trade  and  manufacture  received  no  support  whatever ; 
the  taxes  weighed  heavily  upon  the  people,  as  the  great  amount 
of  ecclesiastical  property  was  free  from  taxes.  By  the  unwise 
restoration  of  all  chapters  and  convents,  the  State  had  assumed 
a  burden  of  debt  which  increased  with  every  year.  To  extricate 
itself  from  this  difficulty,  it  leased  out  the  greater  part  of  the 
revenues,  and  often  collected  the  rent  years  in  advance.  In  like 
manner  the  maintenance  of  prisoners,  and  even  of  soldiers,  was 
leased  out  to  certain  contractors,  who  furnished  the  promised  sup- 
plies as  poorly  and  scantily  as  possible — so  that  the  men  depend- 
ing upon  them  actually  suffered  want — and  enriched  themselves 
immensely  at  the  expense  of  the  State.  Altogether,  the  frauds 
against  the  latter  were  carried  on  in  the  most  shameless  manner. 
In  the  year  1817  a  band  of  counterfeiters  was  discovered  who 
had  forged  orders  on  the  public  treasuries  for  gratuities  and 
pensions,  which  they  had  drawn,  and  had  remained  for  a  long 


§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  399 

time  undetected — a  proof  of  the  utter  lack  of  supervision  in  the 
treasuries.  The  administration  of  the  police  and  of  justice  were 
in  an  equally  bad  condition.  The  French  laws,  as  well  as  all 
provincial  statutes,  had  been  annulled.  It  was  intended  to  re-es- 
tablish the  common  law,  modified  by  the  canon  law  and  by  the 
Apostolic  Constitutions ;  and  as  these  constitutions,  in  partic- 
ular, were  innumerable,  and  frequently  contradicted  each  other, 
the  result  was  a  terrible  confusion  and  uncertainty  in  the  admin- 
istration of  the  law.  New  codes  were  promised,  but  never  ap- 
peared. Added  to  this  wTere  the  venality  and  impotence  of  the 
courts  of  justice.  As  the  will  of  the  Pope  was  an  implicit  law, 
his  mercy  was  appealed  to  in  all  cases ;  and,  by  the  immoderate 
bestowal  of  grazie  sjjeciali,  the  decisions  of  the  courts  were  ren- 
dered ineffectual,  so  that  cases  occurred  where  persons  had  eight 
decisions  of  like  import  in  their  favor,  and  yet  could  not  obtain 
their  rights.  Like  every  thing  else  in  Rome,  the  administration 
of  justice,  too,  was  dependent  on  influential  protection :  even 
convicted  thieves  were  liberated  if  they  could  obtain  powerful 
intercession.  The  weakness  of  the  government  occasioned  a 
fearful  increase  in  the  number  of  the  robbers  and  banditti  in- 
festing the  country.  Robberies  frequently  occurred  in  the  im- 
mediate neighborhood  of  inhabited  places.  In  Tivoli  a  citizen 
was  attacked  by  brigands  and  murdered,  in  the  midst  of  the  town. 
As  there  was  no  other  means  of  exterminating  the  banditti,  Car- 
dinal Consalvi,  in  1S18,  commenced  negotiations  with  them.  The 
greater  number  gave  themselves  up  to  be  put  in  prison  for  a 
year,  and  the  government  promised,  in  compensation,  to  grant 
them  the  means  necessary  for  leading  a  quiet  and  peaceful  life 
in  the  future. 

Thus  it  could  not  be  otherwise  than  that  a  general  dissatisfac- 
tion should  prevail  in  the  Pontifical  States,  inasmuch  as,  under 
the  French  rule,  the  people  had  become  acquainted  with  a  sen- 
sible and  vigorous  administration,  which  understood  maintaining 
order,  established  a  uniform  and  definite  law  for  all,  and  forced 
the  hierarchy  to  keep  within  due  bounds. 

"When,  therefore,  in  1820,  the  revolution  broke  out  in  Spain, 
and  shortly  spread,  first  to  Naples  and  then  to  Piedmont,  fer- 
mentation began  also  in  the  States  of  the  Church.  Even  among 
the  cardinals  there  were  some  who  were  not  averse  to  a  revolu- 
tion ;   for  the  government  was  so  exclusively  in  the  hands  of 


400  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

Consalvi  that  the  other  cardinals  were  no  longer  consulted  with 
at  all,  and,  consequently,  entertained  the  most  decided  hatred  to 
the  existing  administration.  Thus,  not  a  few  of  the  cardinals 
are  said  to  have  lent  a  willing  ear  to  the  plans  of  the  Carbonari, 
and  to  have  vainly  hoped  that  their  College  would  one  day  play 
an  important  political  part  as  the  Senate  or  Upper  House  of 
Italy.  But  no  revolt  ensued  in  the  Church  States  on  this  occa- 
sion, because  the  Austrians  sent  troops  to  their  aid,  and  these 
soon  after  suppressed  the  revolutions  in  Naples  and  Piedmont. 
The  great  powers  at  that  time  thought  it  incumbent  upon  them 
to  send,  in  May,  1821,  a  common  message  of  advice  to  the  Ital- 
ian courts,  in  which  they  openly  censured  the  defects  of  govern- 
ment and  administration  existing  in  Italy,  and  proposed  appro- 
priate improvements.  But  these  counsels  had  less  effect  in  the 
Church  States  than  elsewhere ;  even  Consalvi  felt  highly  offend- 
ed by  them,  and  there  were  too  many  difficulties  thrown  in  the 
way  of  all  improvements  by  the  weakness  of  the  government 
and  the  diversity  of  parties.  The  plan  of  forming  an  Italian 
confederation  like  that  of  Germany,  which  was  proposed,  was 
rejected  because  it  was  feared  that  the  States  might  thus  become 
a  vassal  of  Austria. 

Leo  XII.,  who,  as  cardinal,  had  blamed  most  loudly  the  for- 
mer administration  and  the  exclusion  from  it  of  the  cardinals, 
began  by  admitting  the  College  of  Cardinals  to  the  business 
consultations ;  but  the  measures  which  resulted  therefrom  were 
contradictory  and  not  to  the  purpose.  Then  he  attempted  to 
govern  alone;  but, in  spite  of  his  indefatigable  industry,  matters 
fell  into  still  greater  confusion,  the  general  dissatisfaction  in- 
creased, and  Leo  XII.  drew  upon  himself  the  bitterest  and  most 
universal  hatred. 

"When,  finally,  in  July,  1830,  the  French  Revolution  threw  all 
Europe  into  excitement,  the  Pontifical  States  were  particularly 
affected  by  it.  Immediately  after  the  accession  of  Pope  Greg- 
ory XVI.,  disturbances  broke  out  in  Bologna,  February  4, 1831, 
excited  by  the  revolt  which  had  taken  place  in  Modena  the  day 
before.  Many  other  cities  soon  joined  in  this  movement,  and  an 
alliance  was  formed  in  the  whole  northern  part  of  Italy,  the  ob- 
ject of  which  was  emancipation  from  the  temporal  rule  of  the 
Pope.  The  insurrection  was  soon  subdued,  indeed  ;  for  the  Aus- 
trians immediately  entered  the  rebellious  provinces,  without  the 


§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  401 

least  attempt  at  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  insurgents,  and  sub- 
jected them  to  the  Pope  once  more.  But  it  was  now  important 
to  employ  measures  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  similar  events. 
The  Pope  had  made  a  good  choice  for  this  purpose  when  he  ap- 
pointed Cardinal  Bernetti,  a  very  judicious  and  discerning  states- 
man, secretary  of  state,  and  the  latter  did  every  thing  which  it 
was  possible  to  do  in  Pome,  where  the  best  projects  were  always 
paralyzed  and  curtailed  by  party  opposition.  Much  was  done  for 
the  administration  of  justice.  In  order  to  regulate  the  finances 
a  sinking-fund  was  established,  as  well  as  an  auditing  bureau 
for  the  control  of  the  administration-  The  principle  that  the 
whole  superior  administration  must  be  in  the  hands  of  the  cler- 
gy was  modified,  and  several  secular  prolegates  were  appointed 
in  the  place  of  ecclesiastical  delegates.  And,  finally,  an  edict  of 
July  5, 1831,  decreed  the  appointment  of  municipal  and  provin- 
cial councilors.  The  municipal  councilors  were  to  be  nominated 
by  the  delegate  of  the  province,  and  were  then  to  propose  can- 
didates from  whose  number  the  secretary  of  state  was  to  choose 
and  nominate  the  provincial  councilors.  The  latter  were  to  di- 
rect the  provincial  budget,  determine  the  expenses  and  receipts, 
and  appoint  a  coirimission  for  their  administration.  Although 
these  arrangements  gave  to  the  laity  a  greater  share  in  the  ad- 
ministration than  they  had  had  before,  they  did  not  by  any 
means  restore  to  the  municipalities  their  old  liberties ;  the  latter 
were  therefore  highly  dissatisfied  with  the  new  order  of  things, 
and  Bologna  even  entered  a  solemn  protest  against  it.  The  lib- 
eral party  in  the  Church  States  demanded  that  the  temporal  ad- 
ministration of  the  latter  should  be  entirely  separate  from  the 
spiritual  government  of  the  Church,  and  that  it  should  be  intrust- 
ed to  secular  rulers  alone ;  that  the  municipal  councilors  should 
not  be  appointed,  but  should  be  chosen  by  the  communities ;  that 
from  the  deputies  freely  elected  by  them  the  provincial  council- 
ors should  be  taken.  Further,  that  a  council  of  state  should  be 
formed  from  individuals  chosen  by  the  provincial  councilors, 
whose  assent  should  not  only  be  necessary  for  the  passing  of 
laws  and  the  determining  of  taxes,  but  which  was  also  to  appoint 
commissions  for  the  remodeling  of  the  departments  of  police, 
justice,  and  finance ;  and,  in  addition,  should  regulate  and  super- 
vise the  ministries. 

Although  these  propositions  were  entirely  justified  by  the  con- 
vol.  v. — 26 


402  FOURTII  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

ditions  which  had  existed  until  then,  the  Pope  could  not  accede 
to  them  without  at  the  same  time  seriously  endangering  the  po- 
sition which  the  Papacy  had  hitherto  maintained.  The  large 
revenues  which  the  Curia  formerly  drew  from  other  countries 
had,  for  the  most  part,  ceased,  and  consequently  the  cardinals,  as 
well  as  the  countless  other  prelates  who  belonged  to  the  Curia, 
depended  for  their  income  chiefly  upon  the  States  of  the  Church, 
and  mostly  owed  their  main  support  to  secular  offices  which  were 
conferred  upon  them.  The  changes  in  the  administration  de- 
manded by  the  liberals  would  therefore  have  diminished  consid- 
erably the  number  of  the  curials,  and  tlAs  the-  Papacy  would 
have  lost  not  only  its  outward  splendor,  but  also  its  old  vigor, 
which  showed  itself  particularly  in  its  tenacious  adherence  to 
the  old  conditions.  For  that  vigor  is  essentially  maintained 
and  strengthened  by  the  number  of  individuals  who,  united  by 
similar  interests,  remain  true  to  the  same  principles.  Another 
consequence  of  the  changes  proposed  would  have  been  that  the 
national  churches  would  have  been  more  successful  in  asserting 
and  maintaining  religious  liberty  with  reference  to  the  Papacy, 
without  having  to  fear  the  obstinate  resistance  of  Pome.  And, 
moreover,  there  was  something  inconsistent  in  the  idea  that 
the  Pope,  God's  vicar  on  earth,  should  be  limited  by  a  constitu- 
tion. 

As  the  wishes  of  the  liberal  party  were  not  fulfilled,  great  dis- 
satisfaction continued  to  prevail ;  and  the  Austrians  had  hardly 
withdrawn  from  the  country,  when, in  January,  lS32,new  troubles 
arose  in  the  Pontifical  States.  The  Papal  troops,  consisting  of 
vagabonds  and  adventurers,  were  not  capable  of  restoring  order, 
and,  consequently,  the  Austrian  troops  were  obliged  to  return ; 
while,  at  the  same  time,  the  French  occupied  Ancona  in  order  to 
prevent  the  Austrian  influence  in  Italy  from  becoming  too  pow- 
erful. This  occupation  of  the  disturbed  portions  of  the  country 
lasted  till  the  end  of  the  year  1838.  The  tendency  to  insurrec- 
tion seemed  to  be  stifled  at  that  time ;  but  a  few  years  later,  dis- 
satisfaction broke  out  anew,  and  vented  itself  in  riots,  assassina- 
tions, and  other  disorders.  A  large  number  of  disaffected  Ital- 
ians, who,  scattered  abroad  in  foreign  countries,  sought  to  bring 
about  a  new  state  of  things  for  all  Italy — the  so-called  Young 
Italy— contributed  to  keep  up  this  excitement.  The  condition 
of  the  Church  States  was,  therefore,  constantly  very  precarious. 


§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  403 

The  finances  were  so  disordered  that  they  could  be  regulated 
only  by  the  confiscation  of  the  clerical  property.  Justice,  the 
police,  and  the  government  could  not  prosper  until  they  were 
transferred  from  the  hands  of  the  clergy  to  those  of  men  who 
had  gone  through  a  thorough  preparatory  training  for  these 
branches  of  the  administration.  There  was  no  doubt  that  the 
temporal  power  of  the  Pope  must  come  to  an  end  at  some  fut- 
ure day,  but  when  this  was  to  be  could  not  be  foreseen. 

The  opinions  and  intentions  of  Gregory  XVI.  were  first  ex- 
pressed in  an  edict,  on  public  instruction,  of  September  12, 1S31, 
which  was  full -of  th^most  scrupulous  limitations  and  the  most 
intolerant  orthodox  strictness,  and  showed  themselves  further  in 
the  Encyclica  in  which,  according  to  custom,  he  notified  all  the 
bishops  of  his  accession  to  the  Eoman  See,  but  which,  delayed 
by  the  disturbances  in  the  Church  States,  appeared  only  August 
15, 1832.8  Here  he  declares  himself  most  explicitly  against  all 
ideas,  desires,  and  aims  of  modern  times,  and  opposes  them  de- 
cidedly as  damnable  errors.  After  many  complaints  on  this 
score,  he  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Pope  alone  has  the 
right  to  judge  of  the  doctrine  and  the  government  of  the  whole 
Church ; 9  that  the  bishops,  therefore,  must  adhere  to  the  Eoman 
See,  and  the  priests  obey  their  bishops ;  that  the  discipline  sanc- 
tioned by  the  Church  should  not  be  disapproved  of,  nor,  even 
worse,  subjected  to  the  State  government ;  that  it  was  absurd  to 
speak  of  a  restoration  or  regeneration  of  the  Church,  abominable 
to  attack  the  law  of  celibacy,  and  to  doubt  the  indissolubility  of 
the  marriage  -  tie.  Most  particularly,  however,  indifferentism 
ought  to  be  combated,  or  the  delusion  that  a  man  could  be  saved 
through  any  faith :  this  was  the  source  of  the  insane  idea  that 
every  human  being  was  entitled  to  liberty  of  conscience  ("  deli- 
ramentum,  asserendam  esse  ac  vindicandam  cuilibet  libertatem 
conscientiae").  That  the  way  to  this  pernicious  error  was  paved 
by  the  immoderate  liberty  of  opinion  which,  to  the  detriment  of 
the  Church  and  the  State  in  general,  was  commonly  prevalent. 
From  this  arose  the  changes  of  opinion,  the  corruption  of  youth, 
the  contempt  of  religion  and  its  laws  among  the  people,  and  the 
ruin  threatening  the  commonwealth.  With  it  was  connected 
that  dangerous  liberty  of  the  press — not  enough  to  be  abominat- 

8  See  in  De  la  Mennais,  Affaires  de  Rome,  p.  352-395. 

9  lb.  p.  364. 


404  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

ed — in  consequence  of  -which  the  most  incongruous  and  absurd 
doctrines  and  errors  were  spread  abroad  without  difficulty.  It 
was  preposterous  to  assert  that  the  effects  of  the  bad  writings 
were  canceled  by  a  few  refutatory  works.  Ko  one  would  allow 
poison  to  be  publicly  sold  and  circulated  because  antidotes  could 
be  used.  That  hence  the  Romish  Index  was  a  beneficial  insti- 
tution, and  it  was  a  grave  error  to  deny  the  Church  the  right  to 
forbid  books.  In  addition,  vehement  opposition  was  made  to 
the  doctrines  by  which  submission  to  the  sovereigns  was  shaken 
and  a  more  universal  liberty  striven  for,  as  well  as  to  the  unions 
which,  aiming  at  innovations,  threatened  both  Church  and  State 
in  equal  measure.  The  bishops  were  exhorted  steadily  to  oppose 
all  innovations,  and  the  sovereigns  were  invited  to  aid  the  for- 
mer, as  the  quiet  of  the  State  was  particularly  dependent  upon 
the  welfare  of  the  Church  ("animadvertant  sedulo,  pro  illorum 
imperio  et  quiete  geri,  quicquid  pro  Ecclesiae  salute  laboratur"). 
This  was  the  spirit  in  which  Gregory  XVI.  reigned,  looking 
upon  the  condition  of  the  Middle  Ages  as  the  normal  state  to 
be  aimed  at,  and  persecuting  all  institutions  of  later  date  as 
damnable  innovations.  So  long  as  Bernetti  was  secretary  of 
state,  this  tendency  was  somewhat  counterbalanced  by  him  ;  but 
through  the  personal  inclination  of  the  Pope  the  party  of  the 
Jesuits  continued  to  increase  in  importance,  and  their  general, 
Father  Rothaan,  an  extremely  shrewd  man,  gained  more  and 
more  influence,  and  was  instrumental  in  securing  to  the  Jesuits, 
by  degrees,  almost  the  entire  control  of  educational  matters.  At 
last  the  Jesuit  party  succeeded  in  deposing  Bernetti,  the  secre- 
tary of  state,  and  putting  in  his  place  Cardinal  Lambruschini,  a 
man  entirely  devoted  to  them,  who  had  become  known  chiefly 
by  his  having,  in  his  capacity  of  nuncio  in  Paris,  persuaded  the 
unfortunate  King  Charles  X.,  in  1S30,  to  issue  the  fatal  ordi- 
nances. Thus  the  spirit  of  the  Jesuits  and  of  ecclesiastical  rigor 
became  the  ruling  spirit  in  Rome,  and  predominated  particular- 
ly after  the  fortunate  struggle  with  Prussia,  which  began  in 
1837.  The  occasion  for  the  latter  was  given  by  the  question  of 
mixed  marriages,  and  by  the  condemnation  of  Ilermesianism. 
With  regard  to  the  former,  the  Catholic  clergy  arrogantly  de- 
clared that  they  could  only  consecrate  them  upon  receiving  the 
promise  that  all  children  born  of  such  marriages  should  be 
brought  up  in  the  Catholic  faith.     As  for  the  condemnation  of 


§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  405 

Hermesianism,  the  claim  was  raised  that  it  should  be  carried 
through  in  Prussia  on  the  part  of  the  Church  without  any  sanc- 
tion from  the  government,  and,  in  consequence,  those  of  the  cler- 
gy adhering  to  it  should  be  reduced  to  complete  inactivity.  The 
chief  point  in  this  controversy  was  the  question  whether  clerical 
decrees  proceeding  from  the  Pope  or  the  bishops  might  be  issued 
and  take  effect  without  the  sanction  of  the  government.  For 
centuries  past  all  states  have  claimed  and  exercised  the  right  of 
the  sovereign  "  placet "  for  all  clerical  ordinances,  and  must  nec- 
essarily retain  it  if  they  would  not  be  in  constant  collision  with 
the  Church  and  have  their  own  interests  endangered.  Rome, 
indeed,  has  never  publicly  acknowledged  this  right,  but  yet  sub- 
mitted to  it  tacitly,  until,  on  this  occasion,  it  combated  it  most 
decidedly  as  threatening  the  liberty  of  the  Church,  and  claimed 
the  right  for  the  heads  of  the  Church  to  make  laws  and  issue  or- 
ders without  any  regard  to  the  government. 

The  King  of  Prussia,  Frederic  William  IV.,  put  an  end  to  this 
struggle,  which  could  not  be  otherwise  than  precarious  for  a  state 
with  so  many  Catholic  subjects,  in  1841,  by  a  compromise.  But 
it  is  very  obvious  that  this  favorable  result  has  heightened  the 
pretensions  of  Rome  and  the  strict  Catholic  part}T,  which  will, 
however,  find  a  limit  in  the  more  widely  spread  enlightenment 
of  the  present  day,  and  in  the  character  of  the  existing  states ; 
for  that  enlightenment  will  check  the  growth  of  any  religious 
fanaticism  in  favor  of  the  Papal  pretensions,  without  which  they 
can  never  be  asserted.  The  modern  states,  moreover,  guard  their 
rights  too  jealously  to  submit  to  any  interference  on  the  part  of 
the  Church;  the  chambers  of  the  constitutional  governments, 
in  particular,  are  quite  as  much  prejudiced  against  the  absolute 
power  of  the  Pope  in  the  Church  as  against  an  absolute  mon- 
archy, and  recognize  that  a  restoration  of  the  former  will  involve 
a  return  to  the  latter.  These  bodies  unite  within  themselves  the 
intelligence  of  the  nation,  and  thus  they  can  not  be  misled  by 
the  usual  artifices  of  the  hierarchy,  while  through  them  an  anti- 
hierarchical  spirit  is  gaining  firm  ground  in  the  whole  thinking 
and  patriotic  part  of  the  nation.  A  proof  of  this  is  afforded  by 
Spain,  which  country  is  just  now  engaged  in  open  war  with  Pa- 
pacy and  the  hierarchy,  notwithstanding  it  was  formerly  regard- 
ed as  the  most  bigoted  of  the  Catholic  kingdoms. 

Though  the  reign  of  Gregory  XVI.  seemed  not  to  be  lacking 


40G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

in  glory  and  triumph  with  regard  to  the  general  ecclesiastical 
conditions,  it  was  yet  disastrous  to  the  Pontifical  States.  In  op- 
position to  the  most  urgent  admonitions  of  the  period,  this  pon- 
tiff retained  the  old  conventional  Papal  mode  of  government ; 
all  the  abuses  of  administration  remained  intact ;  trade  and  man- 
ufacture were  not  encouraged,  nor  were  their  fetters  loosened ; 
every  thing  new  was  rejected — railroads,  as  well  as  the  meet- 
ings of  scholars  and  scientific  men,  which  had  been  introduced 
in  other  states  of  Italy  ;  thousands  were  thrown  into  prison  on 
account  of  political  offenses ;  and  the  finances  fell  into  the  most 
terrible  confusion,  inasmuch  as  some  of  the  revenues  were  mort- 
gaged for  two  or  three  years  in  advance,  and  there  was,  never- 
theless, an  annual  deficit  of  from  two  to  three  million  scudi. 

When,  therefore,  Gregory  XVI.  died  (June  1,  1846),  there  re- 
sulted for  the  cardinals  the  inevitable  necessity,  in  order  to  guard 
against  the  ferment  in  the  people,  of  not  only  choosing  a  new 
Pope  speedily,  but  also  letting  their  choice  fall  upon  one  who 
would  hold  out  to  the  people  the  hope  of  redress  for  all  their 
grievances.  Consequently,  as  early  as  June  16,  Cardinal  Giovan- 
ni Maria  Mastai  Ferretti  was  elected,  and  assumed  the  name  of 
Pius  IX.  lie  was  born  at  Sinigaglia  May  13, 1792,  and  was  con- 
sequently still  in  the  full  vigor  of  his  manhood.  Hailed  with  en- 
thusiasm by  the  people,  he  in  fact  did  every  thing  to  satisfy  the 
great  expectations  which  were  generally  entertained  of  him.  He 
immediately  began  to  diminish  the  expenses  of  the  state,  and  to 
combat  the  manifold  existing  abuses,  and,  in  particular,  called 
forth  an  unexampled  enthusiasm  by  the  amnesty  which  he  extend- 
ed (June  16, 1S46)  to  all  those  under  sentence  for  political  offenses, 
by  which  six  thousand  prisoners  were  restored  to  their  families. 
Thus  he  entirely  gained  the  favor  of  the  people,  while  among  the 
clergy  a  strong  party  was  formed  against  him,  as  they  saw  in  the 
liberalism  which  the  Pope  exhibited  an  enemy  of  the  Church  and 
of  the  spiritual  power.  For  this  reason,  he  was  very  careful  not  to 
commit  himself  with  regard  to  strict  Roman  Catholic  orthodoxy. 
His  Encyclica  of  November  9, 1846,  by  which  he  announced  his 
election  to  the  remaining  bishops,  breathed  the  stern,  rigid  spirit 
of  the  former  popes.  He  proposed  still  to  assert  the  old  hierarch- 
ical principles  with  regard  to  outside  matters,  and  merely  to  lim- 
it his  improvements  to  giving  the  Church  States  a  constitution 
and  government  adapted  to  the  demands  of  the  times.     At  the 


§  2.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY.  407 

same  time,  be  had  no  idea  of  weakening  the  temporal  power  of 
the  Papacy,  or  yielding  any  of  his  sovereign  rights ;  he  merely 
desired  to  regulate  the  administration  of  justice,  and  to  grant  to 
the  people  as  many  liberties  as  could  be  combined  with  the  in- 
tegrity of  those  sovereign  rights,  as  well  as  allow  to  the  laity  a 
share  in  the  management  of  public  affairs,  and,  in  particular, 
place  commerce  and  manufacture  on  a  better  footing,  and  reg- 
ulate the  finances.  He  recognized  that  the  government  could 
no  longer  be  carried  on  as  it  had  been,  and  therefore  aimed  to 
reform  it  in  a  spirit  of  moderate  liberalism.  Hence,  in  April, 
1847,  he  summoned  estimable  men  from  all  the  provinces,  in 
order  to  advise  upon  the  best  form  of  communal  organization 
and  to  take  part  in  the  administration ;  and  from  these,  in  No- 
vember, a  council  of  state  was  formed.  Soon  after,  too,  he  called 
into  life  a  National  Guard.  By  this  he  so  roused  the  indigna- 
tion of  the  ecclesiastical  party  that  a  dangerous  conspiracy  was 
formed  against  him,  which,  however,  was  discovered  in  time. 
The  Pope  was  now  looked  upon  in  the  whole  of  Italy  as  the 
head  of  the  liberal  party ;  all  the  other  states  began  to  ferment. 
But  liberalism,  unchained  and  encouraged  by  him,  soon  grew  too 
strong  for  him ;  the  old  ideas  of  the  unity  of  Italy,  with  a  re- 
publican or  constitutionally  monarchical  government,  gradually 
showed  themselves  once  more ;  disturbances  arose  in  the  other 
states,  in  order  to  force  the  sovereigns  to  grant  liberal  constitu- 
tions. Lombardy  was  vehemently  agitated  against  the  Austrian 
government  as  a  foreign  one,  notwithstanding  that  the  material 
interests  of  the  country  had  been  greatly  furthered  thereby. 
The  revolution  in  France  of  February,  1848,  had  a  decisive  ef- 
fect upon  Italy.  The  Pope,  too,  was  now  obliged  to  grant  a  con- 
stitution, which  was  proclaimed  May  15, 1848.  In  it  the  Pope 
reserved  for  himself  the  unlimited  government  of  the  Church, 
but  appointed  for  the  government  of  the  Church  States  a  re- 
sponsible ministry,  and  convoked  two  Chambers,  on  which  was 
conferred  the  right  of  voting  taxes  and  of  ratifying  laws.  The 
cardinals  remained  the  electors  of  the  Pope,  and  formed  a  senate 
inseparable  from  the  latter.  When  a  proposed  law  had  been 
passed  by  the  Chambers,  it  was  to  be  submitted  to  the  Pope,  who 
was  to  demand  the  opinion  of  the  cardinals  in  a  secret  consistory, 
and,  in  accordance  with  it,  give  or  refuse  his  sanction.  Accord- 
ing to  this  constitution,  the  cardinals  could  still  be  ministers;  but, 


408  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

soon  after  the  proclamation,  the  Pope  found  himself  obliged  to 
fill  all  the  posts  of  ministers  with  laymen.  In  the  same  manner, 
he  was  forced  to  agree  to  the  removal  of  the  Jesuits.  For  a  long 
time  past  the  hatred  against  this  order  had  been  openly  expressed, 
and  the  Roman  Jesuits  had  even,  on  that  account,  asked  permis- 
sion of  the  Pope  to  leave  the  country.  The  latter,  however,  still 
hoped  to  be  able  to  appease  the  people.  But  as  the  safety  of 
the  Jesuits  was  more  and  more  seriously  endangered,  the  latter, 
at  the  end  of  March,  1848,  evacuated  Rome  and  the  Pontifical 
States,  and  repaired  to  France,  England,  Belgium,  Holland,  Mal- 
ta, North  America,  etc. 

When  Lombardy  revolted  against  Austria  and  received  assist- 
ance from  Piedmont  and  Tuscany,  the  Pope  was  urged  by  the  lib- 
eral party  also  to  declare  war  against  Austria.  He  resisted  for  a . 
while,  but  was  finally  constrained  to  grant  his  ministers  the  pow- 
er to  do  so.  But  as  he  constantly  declared  that  he  himself  re- 
mained at  peace  with  Austria,  he  thereby  became  unpopular,  his 
authority  diminished,  and  the  radicals  gained  the  upperhand  in 
Rome.  He  took  Count  Rossi,  who  had  long  resided  in  Rome  as 
French  embassador,  into  his  service  as  minister,  so  as  to  have  or- 
der restored  by  him.  But  for  this  very  reason  the  latter  became 
an  object  of  hatred  to  the  radicals,  and  was  assassinated  on  No- 
vember 15,  1848,  on  his  way  to  the  newly  opened  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  in  the  midst  of  a  crowd.  This  threw  Rome  into  violent 
agitation ;  the  radicals  were  the  ruling  party,  and  the  Pope  fled 
secretly  (November  24)  to  the  Neapolitan  fortress  of  Gae'ta.  A 
provisional  government  was  soon  after  formed  in  Rome,  which 
called  together  a  constituent  assembly.  By  the  latter,  on  Febru- 
ary 9*  1849,  Pius  IX.  was  declared  divested  of  his  temporal  pow- 
er, and  a  Roman  republic  proclaimed,  which  was  to  be  a  pure  re- 
public, and  enter  into  such  relations  with  the  other  Italian  states 
as  were  required  by  their  common  nationality.  The  Pope  was 
to  reside  in  Rome,  but  retain  merely  his  spiritual  power.  At  the 
appeal  of  the  Pope,  the  great  Catholic  powers  upon  this  united 
their  forces  to  reinstate  him  in  his  temporal  power.  First  a 
French  army  appeared  in  Civita  Vecchia  (April,  1849),  and  soon 
after,  Austrian,  Neapolitan,  and  Spanish  troops  entered  the 
Church  States  from  various  directions.  After  a  vehement  strug- 
gle, the  French  occupied  Rome  (July  3, 1849),  and  with  this  the 
Papal  rule  was  restored  every  where.      The  Pope  first  sent  a 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  499 

commission  of  three  cardinals,  who  were  to  re-establish  the  Pa- 
pal government ;  he  himself  returned  only  in  April,  1850.  He 
seems  willing  to  go  back  to  the  concessions  which  he  made  be- 
fore the  constitution  of  March  15,  1848.  He  agrees  to  a  coun- 
cil of  state,  an  advisory  assembly  for  financial  matters,  provincial 
councilors,  and  a  liberal  communal  organization,  but  no  consti- 
tutional government.  The  finances  of  the  Pontifical  States  are 
wholly  disordered  by  the  revolution,  and  can  hardly  be  regulated 
without  a  heavy  pressure  upon  the  people  or  the  confiscation  of 
ecclesiastical  property.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  Pa- 
pal government  can  continue  to  sustain  itself  without  the  aid  of 
foreign  troops.  At  any  rate,  it  seems  as  if  the  next  vacancy  of 
the  Papal  See  must  give  rise  to  a  serious  consideration  of  the 
question  whether,  in  this  case,  the  temporal  power  should  still 
remain  in  the  hands  of  a  prelate. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Fleck,  Theologisehe  Reisefruchte,  2  vols.  Drei  Monate  in  Paris,  Briefe  eines  Idioten 
an  einen  alten  Waffenbruder,  Dresden,  1841.  Pflanz,  Das  religiose  und  kirehliche 
Leben  in  Frankreich,  Stuttgart,  1836.  Reuchlin,  Das  Christentkum  in  Frankreich, 
Hamburg,  1837.     Tzscbirner's  Arckiv,  iv.  379. 

In  consequence  of  the  Revolution,  many  conflicting  elements 
had  developed  in  the  French  Church  even  under  Napoleon, 
and  could  only  be  restrained  from  coming  to  light  by  the  iron 
sceptre  of  the  imperial  government.  The  concordat  of  1801  had 
always  been  looked  upon  by  the  strictly  Roman  Catholic  party  as 
having  been  extorted  from  the  Papacy  by  the  Revolution ;  and 
the  same  party  considered  all  ordinances  which  had  resulted 
from  it,  and  hence  all  removals  of  the  old  bishops  and  priests  as 
well  as  all  new  ecclesiastical  appointments,  contrary  to  law"  and 
legally  invalid.  The  infidelity  which  had  developed  during  the 
Revolution,  and  had  taken  firm  root  in  Paris  and  the  north  of 
France,  but  particularly  in  the  imperial  army,  brought  about 
among  the  faithful  Catholics — who  were  particularly  numerous 
in  the  south  and  west  of  France — a  reaction,  which  was  increased 
by  the  steps  taken  by  Napoleon  against  the  Pope,  and  by  the 
captivity  of  the  latter.  Thus  there  was  formed,  in  the  most  pro- 
found secrecy,  "  the  Little  Church  "  {la  Petite  Eglise),  which  did 


410  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

not  acknowledge  the  ecclesiastics  of  the  National  Church,  had 
its  own  priests,  and  cherished  the  greatest  hatred  against  the  ex- 
isting government.  Added  to  this,  the  Jesuits  gained  an  influ- 
ence in  the  south  of  France,  though  under  another  name.  During 
the  Revolution,  the  Abbe  de  Broglie,  who  had  emigrated  from 
France,  had  formed  in  Austria  a  society  called  the  Association  du 
Sacre  Cceur  /  while  a  Tyrolean  named  Paccanari  had  formed  an- 
other association  in  Italy,  named  Les  Peres  de  la  Foi.  Both  were 
Jesuit  societies,  and  became  united,  with  the  Papal  sanction,  in 
April,  1799.  Broglie,  with  his  society,  went  to  England  ;  Pac- 
canari, to  the  south  of  France.  Favored  by  Cardinal  Fesch,  the 
association  spread  more  and  more  in  the  latter  country,  and 
founded  establishments  in  Lyons,  Amiens,  and  several  other  cit- 
ies. Napoleon,  it  is  true,  abolished  these  in  1804;  but  in  the 
diocese  of  Lyons  the  Peres  de  la  Foi  maintained  themselves  for 
some  time  under  the  protection  of  Cardinal  Fesch,  and  contin- 
ued to  exist  secretly  without  disturbance,  notwithstanding  the 
frequently  repeated  decrees  issued  against  them.  Many  zealous 
Catholic  priests  joined  the  association ;  they  exercised  their  in- 
fluence under  the  most  manifold  forms,  and  were  particularly 
instrumental  in  exciting  the  religious  fanaticism  which  reached 
its  climax  after  the  reinstatement  of  the  Bourbons. 

When  Louis  XVIII.  returned,  he  found  himself  in  a  very  dif- 
ficult position.  The  greater  part  of  the  nation,  intoxicated  by 
Napoleon's  conquests,  felt  humiliated  by  the  foreign  victors,  and 
looked  upon  the  Bourbons,  restored  by  foreign  arms,  as  the  en- 
emies of  French  glory  as  well  as  of  the  new  constitutions  and 
ordinances  created  by  the  Revolution,  while  the  army  was  en- 
tirely devoted  to  Napoleon  and  hated  the  Bourbons.  With  Louis 
XVIII.  many  of  the  nobility  and  the  clergy  returned,  whose  es- 
tates and  benefices  had  been  confiscated  and  sold  as  national 
property  during  the  Revolution,  and  who,  through  their  absence, 
had  become  entire  strangers  to  their  country.  As  fellow-suffer- 
ers of  the  legitimate  King,  they  seemed  particularly  entitled  to 
honors  and  influential  positions,  and  the  hope  was  not  rare  among 
them  that  the  old  conditions  existing  previous  to  the  Revolution 
would  gradually  be  restored,  the  nobility  and  the  clergy  regain 
their  privileges  and  their  possessions,  and  the  monarchy,  in  league 
with  the  old  Church,  return  to  its  former  splendor.  But  that 
which  they  hoped  and  longed  for  was  looked  upon  with  aversion 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  411 

and  dreaded  as  the  greatest  misfortune  by  the  majority  of  the 
nation,  as  the  endangering  of  civil  equality,  the  threatening  of 
the  holders  of  property  formerly  belonging  to  nobles  or  eccle- 
siastics, and  the  restoration  of  feudal  conditions.  Louis  XVIII. 
acted  with  great  shrewdness.  He  granted  the  charter  by  which 
he  decreed  national  representation,  confirmed  those  of  the  or- 
dinances and  constitutions  called  forth  by  the  Revolution  to 
which  the  people  had  become  attached,  and,  in  particular,  sanc- 
tioned all  sales  of  national  property.  Nevertheless,  the  King 
did  not  succeed  in  gaining  the  popular  confidence  nor  in  giving 
general  satisfaction.  Among  the  old  nobility  and  clergy,  many 
were  discontented  with  the  concessions  made  to  the  Revolution 
by  the  charter,  thought  themselves  unjustly  treated — their  claims 
not  having  been  regarded — and  formed  a  malcontent  aristocratic 
party,  at  the  head  of  which  stood  the  Count  of  Artois,  brother 
of  the  King.  The  people,  on  the  other  hand,  did  not  trust  the 
King ;  believed  that  he  had  only  yielded  to  necessity  in  grant- 
ing so  much  in  the  charter,  with  the  intention  of  subsequently 
withdrawing  these  concessions  again,  and  were  confirmed  in  these 
suspicions  by  the  fact  that  Louis  XVIII.  was  chiefly  surrounded 
by  such  of  the  nobility  and  clergy  as  had  shared  his  exile ;  and  it 
could  be  supposed  that  the  latter  would  use  all  their  influence 
in  favor  of  such  a  course. 

The  Revolution  and  the  Empire  had  greatly  lessened  religious 
faith  and  the  attachment  to  the  Church,  particularly  in  Paris 
and  in  the  north  and  east  of  France,  and  irreligion  was  widely 
spread  among  the  masses.  In  order  to  thoroughly  re-establish  a 
firm  and  well-regulated  monarchical  government,  as  well  as  to 
uproot  the  revolutionary  spirit  which  still  frequently  made  itself 
perceptible,  it  seemed  absolutely  necessary  to  re-awaken  a  gen- 
eral religious  faith  and  love  of  the  Church.  This  was  the  idea 
from  which  Louis  XVIII.  and  his  advisers  started  when  they 
sought  once  more  to  favor  the  Catholic  Church  in  every  possible 
way,  and  recommend  it  to  the  people.  Instrumental  to  this  pur- 
pose were  the  congregations  of  priests,  which  had  been  formed 
since  the  sixteenth  century  with  the  object  of  assisting  the  reg- 
ular parish  priests  in  the  cure  of  souls,  and  particularly  of  travel- 
ing about  as  penitential  preachers,  and  winning  and  inspiring 
the  minds  of  the  people  in  favor  of  the  Church,  at  special  relig- 
ious meetings,  by  sermons  and  solemn  ceremonies.     These  mis- 


412  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

sionaries  and  missions  had  formerly  been  quite  frequent  in 
France,  but  had  not  been  heard  of  since  the  Revolution.  Now 
the  old  congregations  suddenly  reappeared,  and  soon  counted  a 
large  number  of  members,  particularly  the  Lazarists,  a  congrega- 
tion founded  by  Vincent  de  Paula  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  To  the  older  congregations  a  new  one  was  added  in  1S15, 
that  of  the  Priests  of  Missions  (Prttres  des  Missions)  in  France. 
The  Jesuits  also  joined  them,  under  the  name  of  Peres  de  la  Foi; 
but  the  missionaries  were  by  no  means  all  Jesuits,  although  the 
liberals  were  wont  to  designate  them  as  such.  These  missionaries, 
favored  by  the  government,  now  began  to  wander  about  through 
France,  and  to  preach  to  the  people  penitence  and  devotion  to  the 
Church,  as  well  as  love  and  obedience  to  the  Bourbons.  Above  all 
things,  they  sought  to  induce  their  hearers  to  go  to  confession ; 
their  motto  was  "  Ou  la  confession  ou  Venfer — il  rfy  a  pas  de  mi- 
lieu" They  made  use  of  all  kinds  of  spiritual  artifices — visions, 
miracles,  pomp  and  parade  at  divine  worship,  zealous  preaching, 
etc. — to  make  an  impression.  They  arranged  peculiar  ceremonies, 
which  were  so  theatrical  that  they  were  possible  only  in  France. 
They  treated  the  French  people  as  an  apostate  nation  which  had 
to  be  won  back  to  its  faith,  and  must  formally  consecrate  itself 
to  that  faith  anew.  In  their  sermons  all  the  acts  of  the  Revolu- 
tion were  represented  as  heinous  crimes,  to  be  expiated  by  the 
people,  and  among  them  the  confiscation  of  Church  property  and 
the  abolishment  of  spiritual  orders  were  particularly  condemned. 
At  the  same  time,  they  exalted  the  newly  restored  kingdom  of 
St.  Louis,  declaring  its  cause  to  be  closely  allied  to  that  of  the 
Church.  In  every  place  where  they  held  their  mission,  they 
closed  it  with  a  solemn  ceremony — the  raising  of  the  cross  (la 
plantation  de  la  croix).  A  colossal  crucifix,  decorated  with 
lilies,  was  borne  in  procession  to  the  place  designated  for  it,  and 
consecrated  with  many  ceremonies.  One  of  the  chief  of  these 
was  that  each  one  of  the  believers  caused  a  metal  heart,  on  which 
his  name  was  inscribed,  to  be  attached  to  the  cross.  This  was 
intended  to  show  symbolically  how  the  Church,  long  suppressed, 
was  now  triumphing  once  more  and  taking  possession  of  the 
country  which  had  been  wrested  from  it,  and  how  the  hearts 
which  had  become  estranged  from  it  were  again  consecrating 
themselves  to  it.  The  whole  was  intended  to  imply  that  France 
had  been  for  a  second  time  gained  over  from  heathenism  and 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  413 

Christianized.  In  order,  at  the  same  time,  to  bind  the  believers 
still  more  by  a  form  of  worship  which  appealed  to  the  senses, 
and  to  unite  them  by  an  association,  the  Worship  of  the  Sacred 
Heart  of  Jesus,  as  well  as  the  Brotherhood  of  the  same  name, 
was  spread  abroad  throughout  the  whole  country.  This  wor- 
ship had  been  originated  by  Jesuits  in  the  time  of  Louis  XIV.,  ■ 
and  recommended  by  the  visions  of  an  hysterical  nun.  For  a  long 
time  it  was  deemed  objectionable  to  make  any  part  of  the  body 
of  Jesus  the  object  of  divine  worship;  but,  nevertheless,  the 
Jesuits  generally  introduced  this  worship,  and  founded  brother- 
hoods for  the  same ;  and  when  the  order  was  abolished,  these 
brotherhoods  were  the  bond  by  which  the  Jesuits  and  their  ad- 
herents remained  united.  It  was  now  spread,  through  the  activ- 
ity of  the  missionaries,  over  the  whole  of  France,  and  bound  the 
fanatical  adherents  of  the  Church  and  of  the  monarchy  in  a 
close  alliance  which  could  easily  be  called  into  general  activity. 
By  its  agency,  a  number  of  petitions  to  the  King  were  brought 
about,  to  the  effect  that  he  should  recall  the  Jesuits  and  annul 
the  charter.1 

For  this  very  reason,  the  liberals  saw  in  these  missions  merely 
politico-ecclesiastical  emissaries,  and  were  quite  as  indignant  at 
their  object — blind  submission  to  the  hierarchy,  and  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  an  absolute  monarchy— as  at  the  coarse  abuse  of  re- 
ligion which  they  permitted  themselves,  and  at  the  narrow-mind- 
edness of  those  who  endeavored,  in  this  manner,  to  subject  the 
minds  of  the  people  to  a  new  yoke.  Hence  the  Catholic  Church, 
from  which  these  efforts  emanated,  became  more  and  more  an 
object  of  hatred  to  the  liberals ;  and  as  the  government  favored 
the  missionaries,  although  Louis  XVIII.  himself  by  no  means 
approved  of  their  exaggerations,  it  was  generally  believed  that 
their  political  tendencies  and  aims  were  also  those  secretly  en- 
tertained and  pursued  by  the  administration.  In  this  way  the 
missionaries  were  chiefly  instrumental  in  confirming  and  increas- 
ing the  mistrust  and  the  inimical  sentiments  cherished  by  the 
liberals  against  the  government.  Contempt  and  hatred  of  the 
Jesuits  showed  themselves  plainly  wherever  the  liberals  had  the 
upper-hand,  particularly  in  Eastern  and  Northern  France,  as  also 
in  Paris ;  frequently,  even,  the  mission  services  were  disturbed 

1  Dr.  Ludw.  Wachler,  Die  Andacht  zum  geheiligten  Herzen  Jesu,  in  Illgen's  Zeit- 
schr.  f.  hist.  Theol.  iv.  1,  230. 


414  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

by  fireworks  being  thrown  among  the  devout  multitude.  Indi- 
viduals in  the  service  of  the  government,  or  who  were  seeking 
favor  from  it,  often  feigned  great  religious  devotion  and  took 
part  in  the  services;  but  just  by  this  they  contributed  to  render 
the  whole  movement  more  contemptible.  These  spiritual  "  con- 
gregations" were  joined  by  the  Congregation  des  Freres  des 
Ecoles  Chretiennes.  The  latter  had  been  founded  at  the  end  of 
the  seventeenth  century  by  Jean  Baptiste  de  la  Salle :  its  mem- 
bers had  taken  monastic  vows,  but  were  all  laymen,  who  devoted 
themselves  exclusively  to  the  public  schools,  and  thus  made  them- 
selves very  useful,  although  they  were  called  by  the  people,  in 
derision,  Ignorantins.  Napoleon  recalled  them  from  exile  in 
1S01 ;  but  it  was  only  after  the  Restoration  that  they  spread 
more  and  more,  and  united  their  efforts  to  those  of  the  mis- 
sionaries by  striving  to  inculcate  the  teachings  of  the  latter 
upon  the  minds  of  the  young.  Their  headquarters,  until  1821, 
were  at  Lyons,  but  were  subsequently  transferred  to  Paris ;  in 
1822  they  already  had  in  operation  ISO  houses  with  1200  Broth- 
ers, who  instructed  about  70,000  children. 

It  was  particularly  in  the  south  and  west  of  France  that  the 
missionaries  gained  the  greatest  influence  and  awakened  the 
most  vehement  fanaticism,  which  soon  showed  itself  in  manifold 
outrages  and  disturbances. 

The  first  instance  of  the  kind  was  the  persecution  of  the  Prot- 
estants in  the  Departeinent  du  Gard  in  the  year  1815.  The 
number  of  Protestants  in  this  department  was  very  large,  and, 
after  having  obtained  during  the  Revolution  equal  civil  rights 
with  the  Catholics,  they  had  acquired  wealth  and  position.  On 
this  very  account,  however,  they  had  become  objects  of  hatred 
and  envy  to  the  fanatic  Catholic  mob.  This  fanaticism  was  ex- 
pressed immediately  after  the  return  of  the  Bourbons  in  addresses 
to  the  King,  the  motto  of  which  was  invariably  "  One  God,  one 
king,  one  faith."  At  the  same  time,  all  sorts  of  annoyances  were 
directed  against  the  Protestants.  But  matters  grew  worse  when, 
after  the  Hundred  Days,  Louis  XVIII.  returned  a  second  time. 
It  has,  indeed,  been  proved  that  the  Protestants,  on  the  return 
of  Napoleon,  by  no  means  declared  themselves  especially  in  his 
favor ;  nevertheless,  they  were  decried  as  Bonapartists,  and  the 
greatest  slanders  were  uttered  against  them,  as,  for  instance,  that 
they  had  plundered  and  assassinated  royalist  soldiers.    After  the 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  4 15 

conquest  of  Napoleon,  the  department  in  question  remained  for 
a  time  without  administration,  and,  in  consequence,  there  was 
formed  in  its  capital,  Nismes,  a  mobocracy  which  forthwith 
turned  with  the  greatest  fury  against  the  Protestants,  plundered 
and  destroyed  their  property  in  Nismes,  as  well  as  in  Toulouse, 
Avignon,  and  Montpellier,  and  murdered  hundreds  of  defense- 
less unfortunates.  The  cry  of  "  One  king,  one  faith"  became 
universal ;  it  was  evidently  the  intention  to  extirpate  the  Prot- 
estants entirely.  The  roj'al  officials,  indeed,  soon  after  entered 
upon  their  functions  again,  but  they,  too,  looked  upon  these 
abuses  with  indulgence,  notwithstanding  their  King  owed  his 
reinstatement  solely  to  Protestant  sovereigns,  and  the  armies 
of  the  latter  were  still  occupying  a  large  portion  of  Northern 
and  Eastern  France.  Consequently,  this  persecution  of  the  Prot- 
estants, in  which  many  of  them  lost  their  lives  and  many  more 
all  their  worldly  possessions,  continued  from  July  to  November, 
1815,  until  commands  issued  at  Paris  put  an  end  to  these  out- 
rages ;  but  the  instigators  remained  free  from  punishment.  The 
murderers  of  the  Protestants,  indeed,  boasted  of  their  deeds,  and 
were  arrested,  but  no  witness  ventured  to  appear  against  them, 
and  so  the  authorities  were  obliged  to  discharge  them ;  even  of- 
ficials used  their  influence  in  guarding  them  from  punishment. 
In  1819  it  seemed  as  if  the  above-described  events  were  to  be  re- 
peated in  Nismes ;  but  on  this  occasion  the  menaced  Protestants 
united  to  meet  force  by  force,  and  the  Protestant  inhabitants  of 
the  Cevennes  made  preparations  to  come  to  the  aid  of  their  breth- 
ren. This  put  a  curb  on  the  fanatics,  and,  ere  long,  the  Cham- 
ber of  Deputies  in  Paris,  as  well  as  the  minister  of  justice,  issued 
energetic  declarations  which  forestalled  any  new  disorder.2 

The  prevailing  fanaticism  also  manifested  itself  in  the  perse- 
cution of  the  sworn  priests  (pretres  jures  or  assermentes),  i.  e. 
those  priests  who  had  taken  the  oath  on  the  constitution  of  the 
time  prescribed  by  the  National  Assembly  in  1790.  The  con- 
cordat of  1S01,  indeed,  gave  them  the  right  to  believe  that  the 
Pope  had  absolved  them  from  the  ban  of  excommunication,  and 
reconciled  them  to  the  Church  ;  but  fanaticism  now  began  anew 
to  persecute  them  and  drive  them  from  their  livings,  if  they  did 
not  consent,  like  excommunicated  persons,  to  undergo  a  penance. 

2  See  Tzschirner's  Archiv  f.  alte  u.  neue  Kirchengesch.  iii.  225.  Vater's  Archiv, 
1823,  iii.  1 ;  iv.  1.     (Literature  in  Ritsert's  Orden  der  Trappisten,  p.  205.) 


416  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

In  many  dioceses  special  commissions  <vere  appointed  to  discover 
and  remove  the  sworn  priests.  At  the  same  time,  they  were  ren- 
dered objects  of  suspicion  to  the  government  by  attempts  to  de- 
nounce them  as  Bonapartists. 

Meanwhile,  the  fanatic  priests  summoned  up  once  more  the 
old  spectre  of  Jansenism.  All  sworn  priests  were  declared 
Jansenists,  but  less  zealous  laymen,  too,  were  suspected  of  Jan- 
senism. When,  on  their  death-beds,  they  desired  the  extreme  unc- 
tion, they  were  frequently  asked  questions  about  Jansen,  Ques- 
nel,  the  bull  Unigenitus,  etc.,  which  they  did  not  understand ; 
and  if  they  did  not  give  the  required  answers,  the  extreme  unc- 
tion was  refused  them,  and  they  were,  in  consequence,  denied 
burial  with  religious  rites. 

In  similar  manner,  the  missionaries  and  other  priests  began  to 
use  their  spiritual  influence,  particularly  in  the  confessional,  in 
order  to  induce  those  who  had  purchased  former  Church  prop- 
erty as  national  property  to  give  it  up  again.  Such  a  purchase 
was  represented  as  the  most  serious  offense  against  God  and  re- 
ligion, which  could  only  be  expiated  by  the  restitution  of  the  ac- 
quired property.  In  particular,  influence  of  this  kind  was  exerted 
upon  the  women,  who  altogether  showed  themselves  most  suscep- 
tible to  the  exhortations  of  the  missionaries,  and  thus,  where  the 
men  remained  stubborn,  much  strife  and  dissension  was  caused 
in  families. 

During  this  time,  the  Jesuits  spread  more  and  more,  although 
under  other  names,  because  the  law  passed  against  them  had  not 
been  abolished ;  and,  according  to  their  old  principles,  strove  to 
win  the  youth  of  the  country,  and  in  it  the  future  generation,  for 
their  cause.  Hence  they  established  colleges  and  seminaries,  par- 
ticularly at  Paris,  Montrouge,  Dole,  St.  Acheul,  in  which  youths 
were  brought  up  to  ultramontane  religious  and  absolutist  politi- 
cal principles. 

Added  to  this,  the  fanatics  continued  to  declare  that  the  con- 
cordat of  1S01  ought  to  be  annulled,  and  that  of  151G  restored ; 
that  all  ecclesiastical  regulations  made  by  Napoleon  should  dis- 
appear, and  in  their  stead  the  Gallican  Church  be  revived  in  its 
old  splendor.  The  great  number  of  bishops  and  ecclesiastics 
who  at  this  time  returned  from  emigration,  and  who  had  lost 
their  positions  by  the  Bonapartist  concordat,  were  naturally  in 
favor  of  this  proposition.     As,  during  the  controversy  between 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  417 

Napoleon  and  the  Pope,  none  of  the  bishops  appointed  by  the 
former  had  received  the  canonical  institution,  and,  consequently, 
had  not  entered  upon  their  office,  they  were  now,  of  course, 
obliged  to  yield,  and  the  positions  destined  for  them  were  as- 
sumed by  emigrated  priests  who  favored  the  fanaticism  of  the 
missionaries  and  the  disregard  of  the  concordat  of  1801.  The 
religious  festivals  abolished  by  this  concordat  were  arbitrarily 
reintroduced  by  them ;  and,  in  like  manner,  processions,  which 
legally  could  not  take  place,  in  cities  with  a  mixed  population, 
outside  of  the  churches,  were  again  held  with  great  pomp,  as  tri- 
umphal pageants  in  honor  of  Catholicism. 

All  this  took  place  under  the  eyes  of  the  government,  and  was 
not  only  censured  most  bitterly  by  the  liberal  journals,  but  at 
times,  too,  brought  up  in  the  Chambers  on  the  Left  (liberal)  side. 
But  nothing  could  induce  the  administration  to  take  any  steps 
toward  abolishing  this  nuisance.  The  King,  indeed,  was  too 
sensible  to  approve  of  it ;  but  he  was  deterred  from  doing  any 
thing  against  these  fanatics  by  the  thought  that  they  were,  after 
all,  the  most  zealous  royalists,  and  furthered  the  royal  cause  to 
the  extent  of  their  power,  as  well  as  that  any  measure  taken 
against  them  would  be  looked  upon  as  hostility  to  the  Catholic 
Church,  through  which  the  government  was  striving  to  gain  a 
firm  footing.  And,  moreover,  the  fanatics  knew  that  a  powerful 
aristocratic  party  at  court  favored  and  protected  their  doings. 

This  was  particularly  the  case  when,  after  the  second  ban- 
ishment of  Napoleon  in  1815,  a  strong  reaction  against  all 
liberalism  manifested  itself,  and  was  permitted  by  the  King, 
who  was  deeply  hurt  by  treachery  and  ingratitude.  At  this 
time  the  ultra -monarchical  and  ultramontane  religious  party, 
also  called,  from  the  residence  of  its  head  (the  Count  of  Artois), 
the  Pavilion  Marsan,  gained  the  ascendant  most  decided^,  and 
formed  for  the  furtherance  of  its  objects  a  politico -religious 
association — the  notorious  Congregation — which  spread  over  the 
whole  of  France,  and  sought  to  gain  the  people  for  its  cause 
by  all  kinds  of  influence.  In  this  way  it  succeeded  in  di- 
recting most  of  the  elections  of  Deputies  in  its  favor,  so  that 
the  Chamber  of  1815,  the  so-called  Chambre  Introuvable,  was 
full  of  furious  royalism.  The  Pichelieu  ministry,  too,  which 
went  into  office  in  1815,  acted  in  the  same  spirit,  though  more 
moderately,  and  therefore  not  entirely  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
vol.  v.— 27 


418  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

adherents  of  the  Congregation.  Under  these  circumstances,  it 
was  possible  to  carry  through  many  laws  and  ordinances  favor- 
able to  the  Catholic  Church ;  even  the  King,  who  was  the  most 
judicious  of  all  the  royalists,  regarded  the  Catholic  Church  as 
the  chief  prop  of  his  throne,  and,  therefore,  did  not  feel  justified 
in  refusing  his  sanction  to  these  decisions  in  its  favor.  Thus,  by 
a  law  of  May  8,  divorce,  which  by  the  civil  code  was  allowable, 
though  rendered  very  difficult,  was  abolished  entirely,  according 
to  the  principles  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Another  statute,  of 
November  16,  1816,  restored  to  ecclesiastical  institutions  the 
privilege  of  acquiring  movable  and  immovable  property,  and 
holding  it  inalienably.  Certain  officials,  in  their  districts,  even 
arbitrarily  passed  all  legal  limits  in  following  this  course.  The 
inspector  of  public  schools  in  the  D<5partement  du  Gard,  in  1815, 
removed  all  Protestant  teachers  attached  to  such  schools,  and 
his  example  was,  by  degrees,  more  generally  followed.  A  great 
number  of  convents,  particularly  nunneries,  were  established 
every  where,  notwithstanding  the  law  abolishing  all  spiritual  or- 
ders had  not  been  repealed.  Even  the  Trappists,  whose  terrible 
austerity  was  almost  equal  to  a  slow  suicide,  returned  from  En- 
gland and  Switzerland,  where  they  had  sojourned  since  they  had 
been  driven  away  by  the  Revolution,  bought  back  the  Abbey  of 
La  Trappe,  in  Normandy  (October,  1815);  and  increased  so  rap- 
idly that  sixteen  monasteries  and  nunneries  for  Trappists  were 
gradually  established.  The  spirit  of  the  ruling  party  was  par- 
ticularly manifest  in  the  new  concordat  concluded  with  the  Pope 
in  1817.  In  it  the  concordat  of  1S01  and  the  organic  articles 
of  1S02,  by  which  Napoleon  had  secured  the  rights  of  the  State 
against  the  Church,  were  abolished,  and  the  concordat  of  1516 
was  re-established.  According  to  it,  the  sees  which  had  been 
suppressed  in  1801  were  to  be  restored  (making  their  number 
ninety-two,  instead  of  the  sixty  then  existing);  and  the  French 
clergy,  in  place  of  the  salaries  which  they  were  drawing  from 
the  government,  were  to  receive,  as  before,  real  estate  and  a  lixed 
income.  Against  this  concordat,  however,  the  liberal  party, 
which  had  already  been  irritated  in  so  many  ways,  protested  ve- 
hemently. By  it,  the  clergy  would  have  become  more  indepen- 
dent of  the  State,  and  their  endowment  with  real  estate  and  fixed 
incomes,  as  proposed,  as  well  as  the  establishment  of  new  sees, 
would  have  necessitated  enormous  expenses.     At  the  same  time, 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  419 

the  government  changed  its  system ;  it  felt  the  necessity  of  eman- 
cipating itself  from  the  rule  of  the  Congregation  and  becoming 
more  popular ;  and  the  minister,  Decazes,  who  acted  in  this  spirit, 
obtained  the  greatest  influence  over  the  King.  The  concordat, 
therefore,  was  not  submitted  to  the  Chambers,  and  not  acted 
upon.  But  it  remained  in  existence,  as  a  mistake  of  the  govern- 
ment, which  increased  the  mistrust  of  the  liberals  against  the 
Bourbons  and  the  general  dissatisfaction  with  them.  Subse- 
quently, however,  after  much  debating,  the  number  of  sees  was 
increased  after  all.  According  to  the  concordat  of  1801,  there 
were  to  be  ten  archbishoprics  and  fifty  bishoprics ;  in  1822  the 
dioceses  were  so  regulated  that  they  mostly  coincided  with  the  de- 
partments, so  that,  in  consequence,  the  entire  number  of  the  archi- 
episcopal  and  episcopal  churches  was  increased  to  eighty.  This 
circumscription  obtained  the  Papal  sanction,  and  still  exists." 

The  ruling  aristocratic  ecclesiastical  party,  however,  not  only 
looked  upon  the  privileges  originated  by  the  Revolution,  but 
upon  all  privileges,  even  those  of  the  Gallican  Church,  which 
were  so  zealously  defended  by  the  old  French  clergy,  with  aver- 
sion. It  saw  in  them,  as  well  as  in  the  Four  Propositions,  only 
another  constitution  by  which  the  absolute  power  of  the  right- 
ful ruler  of  the  Church,  the  Pope,  would  have  been  limited.  It 
therefore  hated  this  constitution  like  all  others,  followed  the  ul- 
tramontane dogmatics,  as  well  as  the  ultramontane  canon-law, 
and,  consequently,  taught  that  the  Pope  was  infallible  in  matters 
of  faith,  and  unlimited  sovereign  of  the  Church.  Owing  to  the 
neglect  of  all  educational  institutions  since  the  Revolution,  the 
clergy  ranked  too  low  in  point  of  cultivation  to  be  able  to  refute 
such  opinions,  and  thus  ultramontanism  became  more  and  more 
widely  diffused,  and  Gallicanism  began  to  be  looked  upon  as  a 
sort  of  heresy.  The  chief  defenders  of  the  ultramontane,  or,  as 
it  was  falsely  called,  theocratic,  system  were  the  Vicomte  de  Bo- 
nald,  the  Sardinian  count  and  minister  of  state  Joseph  de  Mai- 
stre  (d.  1821,  at  Turin),  and  particularly  the  Abbe  de  la  Mennais. 
The  Comte  de  Maistre,  in  his  writings:  Du  Pape  (1S19),  and 
De  l'Eglise  Gallicane  (1821),  sought  to  recommend  ultramonta- 
nism as  the  firmest  support  of  the  State,  particularly  from  a  polit- 
ical point  of  view ;  the  Abbe  de  la  Mennais,  on  the  other  hand, 
preached  it  with  fervent  religious  enthusiasm,  in  the  firm  con- 

*  In  1854.— Tb. 


420  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

viction  that   every  reasonable  person,  upon  mature  reflection, 
could  not  fail  to  decide  in  favor  of  this  system.3     The  political 
side  of  his  view  is  that  the  reigning-  powers  were  entitled  to  re- 
spect and  obedience  only  as  long  as  they  followed  the  divine 
law;  that  hence  all  nations,  from  time  immemorial,  had  exer- 
cised the  right  of  refusing  obedience  to  their  sovereigns  as  soon 
as  the  latter  renounced  obedience  to  God.     That  in  the  Church, 
however,  the  Pope  alone,  as  the  infallible  vicar  of  Christ,  invest- 
ed with  absolute  power,  had  the  right  in  such  a  case  to  absolve 
the  subjects  from  obedience  to  their  sovereigns,  because  he  alone 
could  judge  unerringly  whether  or  not  the  sovereigns  had  trans- 
gressed the  divine  law.     But  since  the  princes  had  begun  to  re- 
sist the  Papal  power,  and  no  longer  acknowledged  the  above  Pa- 
pal privilege,  the  people  had  resumed  their  old  rights,  and  hence 
this  emancipation  from  the  Pope,  first  by  the  Reformation  and 
subsequently  by  the  Four  Propositions  of  the  Gallican  Church, 
had  shaken  the  foundations  of  the  throne  as  well  as  of  the  altar. 
Louis  XVIII.  died  September  1G,  1824:,  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  brother,  who,  as  Count  of  Artois,  had  hitherto  been  the  head 
of  the  absolute  party  at  court,  and  was  at  the  same  time  known 
to  be  very  bigoted,  under  the  name  of  Charles  X.     He  found  a 
willing  and  able  instrument  for  his  plans  awaiting  him  in  the 
existing  Villele  ministry.     He  sought,  indeed,  to  dispel  the  uni- 
versal mistrust  against  himself  which  was  openly  exhibited,  by 
immediately  abolishing  the  censorship  of  the  newspapers,  which 
had  been   reintroduced  during  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of 
Louis  XVIII. ;  but  he  soon  showed  by  other  actions  how  closely 
he  still  followed  the  party  opinions  which  he  had  formerly  up- 
held against  his  brother.     Under  his  reign  the  Jesuits  emerged 
more  and  more  boldly  from  their  obscurity,  without  even  at- 
tempting to  conceal  that  they  belonged  to  an  order  abolished  by 
law  in  France.     The  minister  of  public  worship,  Bishop  Frays- 
sinous,  himself  acknowledged  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  in 
1826,  that  there  were  many  Jesuits  in  France,  and  that  a  number 
of  the  so-called  petits  shninaires  had  been  confided  to  them  by 
the  bishops.     Xow,  according  to  a  law  dating  from  the  time  of 
the  Empire,  all  educational  institutions  were  under  the  super- 

J  His  chief  writings  at  this  period  were,  Essai  but  riiulitV.rencc  en  Matierc  de  Rc- 
ligion,  1*17,  and  Do  la  Religion  Considerec  dans  ses  Rapports  avec  l'Ordre  Politique 
ivil,  Paris,  L825-1836.2  vols. 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  42 1 

vision  of  the  universities.  The  seminaries  alone,  which  were  des- 
tined for  the  education  of  priests,  were  an  exception,  and  were  un- 
der the  sole  authority  of  the  bishops.  Of  these  seminaries  there 
were  two  kinds — those  of  higher  grade  were  designed  for  actual 
theological  instruction,  the  lower  ones  for  preparatory  studies. 
These  latter,  therefore,  the  so-called  petits  seminaires,  or  sec- 
ondary religious  schools,  were  about  on  a  par  with  the  gymnasia. 
During  the  Empire,  they,  too,  were  under  the  supervision  of  the 
universities ;  but  the  bishops  had  constantly  sought  to  remove 
them  from  it,  and  had  accomplished  their  object  at  the  very  be- 
ginning of  the  Restoration,  inasmuch  as  Louis  XVIII.  (October 
5,1814)  empowered  the  bishops  to  establish  in  each  department 
such  a  petit  seminaire,  which  was  to  be  exclusively  under  epis- 
copal jurisdiction.  As  the  Jesuits  were  not  willing  to  submit  to 
the  direction  of  the  universities,  they  had,  with  the  aid  of  the 
bishops,  not  only  seized  upon  a  large  number  of  these  petits  semi- 
naires, but  also,  by  their  influence  in  other  quarters,  had  caused 
many  youths  to  be  confided  to  these  institutions  who  were  not 
destined  for  the  priesthood.  The  number  of  petits  seminaires 
was  increased  far  beyond  the  legal  limit:  in  1828  there  were 
179  of  them,  and  these  contained  but  few  pupils  who  actually 
devoted  themselves  to  the  priesthood.  It  was  evident  that  the 
Jesuits,  under  this  pretense,  intended  by  degrees  to  obtain  con- 
trol of  all  school  instruction,  and  withdraw  it  from  the  super- 
vision of  the  universities,  in  order  to  inculcate  their  principles 
upon  the  youth  of  the  educated  classes,  and  thus  educate  the 
future  generation  in  France  for  the  yoke  of  hierarchy  and  of  ab- 
solutism. As  the  bishops  constantly  aided  them  in  this  endeav- 
or by  continuing  to  give  petits  seminaires  into  their  hands,  or 
permitting  them  to  found  new  ones,  this  plan  became  more  and 
more  dangerous.  Added  to  this,  the  so-called  Congregation  now 
came  forward  more  openly,  and  increased  its  sphere  of  influence. 
This  association  for  the  propagation  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith 
had  been  founded  in  Lyons,  in  1822,  with  the  sanction  of  the 
Pope,  by  Jesuits,  and  continued  to  be  directed  by  them.  It  was 
a  brotherhood  which  met  from  time  to  time  for  common  wor- 
ship, and  soon  counted,  in  the  whole  of  France,  many  members 
of  all  classes  of  society,  whose  highest  aim  was  the  exaltation  of 
the  Catholic  Church  and  the  Bourbon  dynasty.  It  established  a 
treasury  for  the  purposes  of  the  association,  to  which  every  mem- 


422  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

ber  had  to  contribute  only  one  sou  a  week,  but  which,  through 
the  great  number  of  members,  became  a  very  important  means 
of  furthering  the  aims  of  the  party.  All  who  wished  to  recom- 
mend themselves  to  the  government  joined  this  Congregation. 
This  society,  which,  during  the  rule  of  the  Bourbons,  was  their 
main  stay  and  support,  still  continued  to  exist  subsequently,  and 
spread  over  all  Catholic  countries  of  Europe  and  America.  In 
1850  it  had  a  regular  annual  income  of  three  million  francs, 
and  from  it  defrayed  the  expenses  of  missions  in  all  parts  of  the 
world.  It  was  also  active  for  the  conversion  of  Protestants,  and 
spent  large  sums  for  this  object,  particularly  in  Great  Britain, 
the  North  of  .Europe,  and  Switzerland.  The  society  had  two  di- 
rectories, in  Lyons  and  in  Paris,  which  issued  reports  of  its  ac- 
tivity in  annals  appearing  in  numbers  every  two  months.  It 
was  amply  provided  by  the  Pope  with  indulgences,  and  thereby 
attracted  the  faithful  in  great  numbers.  Many  of  the  youth  in 
the  lyceums  belonged  to  it,  and  were  thus  early  bound  to  the 
Catholic  Church.  Another  circumstance  calculated  to  cause  ap- 
prehension was  that  the  education  of  the  Duke  of  Bordeaux,  the 
heir  to  the  throne,  was  confided  to  the  Bishop  of  Strasburg,  Mgr. 
Tharin,  a  declared  friend  of  the  Jesuits.  Thus,  every  thing 
seemed  designed  to  firmly  establish  in  France  the  dominion  of 
the  Catholic  Church  in  an  ultramontane  spirit;  and  the  liberals 
recognized  in  the  background  the  additional  purpose  of  event- 
ually destroying  the  liberties  of  the  people  and  restoring  an  abso- 
lute monarchy.  It  was  in  the  same  spirit  of  the  Jesuit  party  that 
in  1S25  the  law  against  "  sacrilege"  was  passed.  The  desecration 
of  consecrated  vessels  was  punished  with  death ;  that  of  the  con- 
secrated host  even  with  the  penalty  appointed  for  the  crime  of  par- 
ricide. This,  however,  was  expressly  limited  to  the  cousecrated 
objects  belonging  to  the  Catholic  religion,  as  that  of  the  State,  and 
the  Reformed  Church  was  thus  reduced  to  the  rank  of  a  merely 
tolerated  Church.  The  opposition  of  the  government  to  Prot- 
estantism likewise  showed  itself  on  occasion  of  the  conversion  of 
Prince  Constantine  Alexander  Salm-Salm,  in  1S26.  This  Prince 
had  the  intention  of  joining  the  Protestant  Church  in  Strasburg. 
Xot  only  the  Catholic  clergy,  but  also  the  civil  authorities,  did 
every  thing  in  their  power  to  deter  him  from  this  step  ;  and  when 
all  their  efforts  proved  fruitless,  the  Prefect  announced  to  him  the 
order  to  leave  the  kingdom  forthwith.     The  Prince  was  obliged 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  423 

to  make  his  profession  of  faith  in  Stuttgart ;  but  the  order  of  ban- 
ishment was  immediately  after  withdrawn,  because  it  had  only  had 
the  aim  of  preventing  him  from  going  over  to  Protestantism.4 

In  political  matters  the  government  acted  in  the  aristocratical- 
ly absolute  spirit,  closely  related  to  the  ultramontanism  described. 
The  emigrants  were  indemnified  by  a  milliard  of  francs,  strict 
laws  issued  with  regard  to  the  press,  and,  finally,  censorship  of 
the  latter  introduced. 

Under  these  circumstances,  ultramontanism  came  forward  more 
and  more  boldly  in  France,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  denounce  the 
Four  Propositions  of  Gallican  ecclesiastical  liberty  as  a  work  of 
heresy  and  political  atheism.  This  made  it,  however,  all  the 
more  evident  to  the  people  that  the  intention  of  the  govern- 
ment was  not  so  much  to  further  religion  as  to  make  it  an  in- 
strument for  establishing  absolutism.  The  liberal  opposition 
gave  loud  expression  to  this,  and,  at  the  same  time,  with  bitter- 
ness and  vehemence,  laid  great  stress  upon  the  defection  which 
had  taken  place  from  the  principles  of  the  old  flourishing  Galli- 
can Church.  This  induced  fourteen  cardinals,  archbishops,  and 
bishops  to  assemble  in  Paris,  and  issue  (April  3, 1826)  a  declara- 
tion in  which  they  proclaimed  themselves  against  the  attacks 
which  had  been  made  upon  the  Gallican  principles.  They  ac- 
knowledged, however,  only  the  first  Proposition,  which  asserts 
the  independence  of  the  temporal  of  the  spiritual  power,  passed 
over  the  others  in  silence,  and  even  condemned  the  attacks 
which,  under  the  pretext  of  privileges,  were  made  against  the 
primacy  of  the  Pope.  The  whole  declaration  was  thereby 
much  weakened,  and  had  no  important  results.  It  was  no  less 
remarkable  that  an  old  faithful  royalist  and  pious  Catholic,  Count 
Montlosier,  indignant  at  the  abuses  perpetrated  by  the  Jesuit  par- 
ty, came  forward  in  the  Chambers,  in  1826,  as  the  accuser  of  the 
Jesuits,  who  had  already  been  banished  from  France  under  the 
previous  reign,  and  published  several  pamphlets  on  the  subject. 
But  the  liberals  had  the  minority  in  the  Chambers,  and  hence  no 
direct  result  was  achieved  by  these  steps  either. 

Meanwhile,  the  ever-increasing  indignation  which  made  itself 
more  and  more  apparent,  constrained  the  King,  in  January,  182S, 
to  dismiss  the  ministry  of  Villele,  upon  which  the  moderately 
liberal  Martignac  ministry,  one  of  the  best  and  wisest  that  have 

*  Vater's  Arclriv,  1826,  p.  275. 


404  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

existed  in  France  in  modern  times,  took  its  place.  This  minis- 
try took  quite  another  course  in  respect  to  religion  as  well  as  to 
politics.  It  first  yielded  to  public  opinion  with  regard  to  the  Jes- 
uits and  the  complaints  of  the  university  about  the  petits  semi- 
naires, and  published  the  two  remarkable  ordinances  of  June  1G, 
1S28.  By  one  of  these,  eight  Jesuit  petits  seminaires,  in  which 
there  were  but  few  pupils  who  intended  to  devote  themselves  to 
the  priesthood,  were  placed  under  supervision  of  the  university, 
because  they  had  exceeded  the  number  of  pupils  legally  pre- 
scribed, and  were  directed  by  persons  who  belonged  to  a  religious 
conjrreiration  not  authorized  in  France.  At  the  same  time  it  was 
decreed  that  no  one  should  be  appointed  to  teach  in  a  similar  in- 
stitution who  could  not  show  a  certificate  that  he  did  not  belong 
to  such  a  congregation.  The  second  ordinance  li-mited  the  num- 
ber of  the  petits  seminaires  ;  decreed  that  the  number  of  pupils 
in  them  should  not  exceed  twenty  thousand,  and  added  several 
provisions,  by  which  those  who  did  not  intend  to  become  priests 
were  excluded  from  these  institutions.  These  ordinances,  which 
Charles  X.  signed  with  great  reluctance,  were  hailed  by  the  great 
majority  with  quite  as  much  joy  as  they  were  received  with  se- 
cret wrath  by  the  Congregation.  Some  of  the  bishops  protested 
vehemently,  and  pretended  that  their  conscience  forbade  them  to 
obey ;  the  Archbishop  of  Toulouse,  Count  Clermont-Tonnere,  even 
went  so  far  as  to  reply  to  the  ministry  by  the  motto  conferred 
upon  his  family  by  one  of  the  Popes — "  Etiamsi  omnes,ego  non." 
Yet  they  were  forced  to  submit,  and  many  Jesuits  emigrated,  be- 
cause they  had  lost  their  sphere  of  activity.  In  consequence  of 
these  orders,  moreover,  the  authorities  exercised  a  stricter  sur- 
veillance over  the  other  congregations:  every  thing  was  done  to 
prevent  the  founding  of  new  illegal  societies,  and  to  abolish 
those  of  the  kind  already  existing.  The  congregations  employed 
in  missions,  therefore,  had  their  limits  contracted,  and  the  Trap- 
piste,  too,  were  obliged  to  close  most  of  the  convents  of  their  or- 
der ;  only  a  small  number  of  them,  favored  by  their  secrecy  and 
other  circumstances,  succeeded  in  maintaining  themselves  for  a 
few  years  longer. 

During  this  liberal  ministry,  Charles  X.  seemed  to  be  gaining 
the  confidence  and  attachment  of  his  people.  But  this  adminis- 
tration did  not  last  long.  The  liberals  were  so  much  encour- 
aged by  it  that  they  went  too  far  in  their  demands.     A  munici- 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  425 

pal  and  departmental  constitution,  submitted  by  the  ministry, 
was  rejected  by  the  Chambers  because  it  was  not  sufficiently  lib- 
eral.    But  this  seemed  to  be  just  what  the  King  had  desired,  in 
order  to  draw  from  it  the  proof  that  it  was  impossible  to  rule 
with  a  liberal  ministry.     In  August,  1829,  the  latter  was  dis- 
missed, and  in  its  stead  was  appointed  the  thoroughly  absolute 
Polignac  ministry,  formed  from  the  heads  of  the  Congregation. 
Against  this  there  was  a  general  outcry ;  it  was  more  hated  for 
that  which  was  apprehended  from  it  than  for  that  which  it  did. 
But  as  Charles  X.  was  not  willing  to  dismiss  it,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, by  three  orders  of  July  25, 1830,  dissolved  the  newly  elect- 
ed Chamber  of  Deputies  before  it  had  met,  merely  because  a  de- 
cided opposition  to  the  new  ministry  was  to  be  expected  from  it ; 
as  he  furthermore  abolished  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  finally 
issued  a  new  electoral  law ;  an  insurrection  broke  out  in  Paris, 
in  which  a  large  part  of  France  soon  joined.     The  victories 
gained  by  the  populace  in  the  streets  of  Paris  from  the  27th  to 
the  29th  of  June  forced  Charles  X.  to  resign  and  to  leave  France 
with  his  family.     On  the  8th  of  August,  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
Louis  Philippe,  was  chosen  King  of  France  by  the  Chambers. 

In  this  July  revolution  liberalism  had  gained  the  victory  over 
the  absolutists,  aristocrats,  and  ultramontanes.  The  new  govern- 
ment followed  a  wholly  liberal  course ;  the  favor  shown  to  the 
Catholic  hierarchy  therefore  ceased,  and  the  latter  was,  instead, 
subjected  to  many  limitations.  This  spirit  first  manifested  itself 
in  the  new  government  by  the  restoration  of  the  Pantheon.  The 
National  Assembly,  in  1791,  had  converted  the  Church  of  St. 
Genevieve,  which  had  been  completed  a  short  time  previous,  into 
a  Pantheon,  a  temple  in  honor  of  the  national  glory  of  France, 
in  which  it  was  intended  that  particularly  such  great  men  as  had 
rendered  important  services  to  their  country  should  find  their  last 
resting-place,  and  be  honored  by  monuments.  Napoleon,  in 
1806,  restored  the  building  to  the  Catholic  worship,  without  di- 
vesting it  of  its  former  destination,  and  thus  it  contained  mon- 
uments to  many  individuals  to  whom  the  Catholic  Church  would 
not  have  granted  them.  In  1823,  finally,  the  church  was  re- 
paired and  given  over  to  the  missionaries.  Now,  however,  Louis 
Philippe,  by  an  order  issued  August  26, 1830,  restored  the  build- 
ing exclusively  to  its  former  purpose  ;  and  by  his  command  the 
front  of  the  church  was  decorated  by  the  celebrated  sculptor 


426  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

David  with  reliefs,  in  which  the  most  distinguished  Frenchmen, 
even  Voltaire  and  the  heroes  of  the  Revolution,  were  glorified. 
Zealous  Catholics  saw  in  this  act  nothing  but  a  desecration  of 
the  church  and  an  attack  upon  Catholicism ;  the  hierarchy  rec- 
ognized what  it  had  to  expect  from  the  new  government.  And, 
in  like  manner,  the  former  laws  by  which  the  clergy  were  re- 
stricted, but  which  had  ceased  to  be  observed  during  the  Resto- 
ration, were  re-enforced.  Among  others,  the  law  made  by  Na- 
poleon was  renewed — that  the  clergy  could  not  purchase  real 
estate,  and  that  foundations  in  favor  of  the  clergy  could  only  be 
made  by  investments  in  the  public  debt,  which  investments,  how- 
ever, were  in  all  cases  to  be  authorized  by  royal  ordinance  (Jan- 
uary 14,  1831).  The  law  of  1828  respecting  the  jpetits  semi- 
naires  was  strictly  enforced ;  and  as  the  bishops  were  not  willing 
to  place  themselves  under  the  control  of  the  government  with 
regard  to  the  finances  of  these  institutions,  the  State  discontinued 
the  appropriations  hitherto  furnished  them.  The  government, 
by  these  dispositions,  did  its  best  to  satisfy  public  opinion,  which 
declared  itself  decidedly  against  the  encroachments  of  the  cler- 
gy, but  by  no  means  succeeded  in  doing  so.  The  more  distinct- 
ly the  people  recognized  the  aim  of  the  Catholic  hierarchy  to 
hold  France  in  the  bonds  of  a  disgraceful  superstition,  to  sub- 
ject it  to  itself,  and  in  this  way,  at  the  same  time,  to  undermine 
constitutional  liberty — and  the  more  undisguisedly  the  aversion 
of  the  clergy  to  the  new  order  of  tilings  exhibited  itself,  the  more 
vehemently  the  hatred  entertained  by  the  masses  toward  the 
Church  and  the  clergy  was  expressed,  particularly  in  Paris  and 
in  the  North  and  East  of  France.  This  was  the  case  especially 
during  the  disturbances  of  February  14, 1831.  On  this  day  the 
Carlists  had  arranged  in  the  Church  of  St.  Germain  l'Auxerrois 
a  solemn  service,  with  unusual  pomp,  in  memory  of  the  Duke  of 
Berry,  who  was  assassinated  in  the  year  1821.  White  banners 
waved  from  the  catafalque ;  the  portrait  of  the  Duke  of  Bor- 
deaux, decorated  with  immortelles,  was  carried  in  procession 
through  the  church.  This  was  evidently  an  attempt  to  excite 
an  agitation  in  favor  of  the  exiled  royal  family ;  but  it  had  the 
contrary  effect.  The  populace  broke  into  the  church  and  dis- 
mantled it  completely.  This  done,  they  turned  against  the  archi- 
episcopal  palace,  destroyed  all  its  contents,  and  threw  them  part- 
ly into  the  Seine  and  partly  into  the  fire ;  the  doors  were  taken 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  427 

off  their  hinges,  the  floors  torn  up,  the  roof  taken  off,  and  all  the 
out-houses  and  the  garden  were  destroyed.  During  this  time, 
the  cry  "A  bas  les  Jesuites  /"  continued  uninterruptedly.  Such 
priests  as  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  mob  were  horribly  maltreat- 
ed ;  and  the  archbishop  would  probably  have  fallen  a  victim  to 
the  popular  fury  if  he  had  not,  by  accident,  been  out  of  town. 
The  house  of  the  Priests  of  the  Missions  in  Paris  had  already 
been  dismantled  during  the  revolution  of  July ;  now,  however,  a 
mob  repaired  to  Mount  Calvary,  an  establishment  of  those  priests, 
two  hours  distant  from  Paris,  and  destroyed  it  entirely.  Not 
content  even  with  this,  the  popular  fury  turned  against  the  lilies 
which  were  attached  to  many  buildings,  and  against  the  crosses 
on  the  churches,  and  tore  down  all  these  signs  of  the  Bourbon 
rule  and  of  Christianity.  The  King  thought  it  necessary  to  yield 
to  this  storm.  By  an  order  of  February  15,  the  lilies  were  re- 
moved from  the  national  coat  of  arms,  in  which  was  placed  in- 
stead an  open  book,  with  the  words  "  Charte  de  1830."  In  like 
manner,  the  lilies  were  taken  down  from  all  public  buildings,  as 
well  as  the  crosses  from  the  churches.  In  consequence,  many 
local  authorities,  though  not  without  opposition  from  the  faith- 
ful, caused  the  colossal  mission  crosses  to  be  removed. 

The  clerical  party,  which  lost  its  support  with  the  banished 
King,  and  realized  only  too  sensibly  that  it  could  not  expect  the 
same  protection  and  aid  from  the  new  government,  consequently 
adhered  firmly  to  the  Carlists,  and  held  itself  aloof  from  the  new 
dynasty.  It  was,  however,  obliged  to  submit  to  the  defeats  it  ex- 
perienced with  suppressed  wrath,  and  sought,  in  return,  to  gain 
stability  and  force  through  fanatical  influence  upon  its  orthodox 
followers,  and  through  taking  advantage  of  their  superstition. 
Thus,  it  began  to  circulate  the  story  that,  toward  the  end  of  the 
year  1830,  the  Virgin  Mary  had  appeared  to  a  nun  engaged  in 
prayer,  commanded  her  to  have  a  medal  made,  with  her  image 
on  one  side,  and  on  the  other  the  letter  "M,"  a  small  cross,  and 
the  hearts  of  Jesus  and  Mary,  and  added  the  promise  that  who- 
ever wore  this  medal  should  be  under  the  special  patronage  of 
the  Holy  Virgin.  This  medal  was  struck  by  order  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Paris,  and  worn  by  many.  Ere  long,  countless  stories 
were  circulated  of  miracles  which  it  was  supposed  to  have 
wrought.  The  medal  was  also  circulated  in  Bavaria,  and  was 
there,  too,  much  favored  by  the  clergy.     In  addition,  the  priests 


428  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1S14. 

made  use  of  frequent  indulgences  and  all  kinds  of  special  serv- 
ices, in  order  to  bind  the  believing  multitude  to  them  by  the 
strongest  possible  bonds.  It  was  in  the  South  and  West  of 
France  that  fanatic  Catholicism  struck  the  deepest  root.  The  at- 
tacks made  by  the  victorious  liberal  party  upon  the  Church  only 
served  to  heighten  this  tendency.  In  the  Vendee  a  disturbance 
was  even  created,  which  was  soon,  however,  quelled. 

In  opposition  to  these  Carlists,  the  victorious  liberals  split  into 
different  parties,  and  were  at  variance  with  each  other.  Owing 
to  the  circumstance  that  the  new  order  of  things  was  brought 
about  by  a  revolution,  and  that  the  new  government  owed  its 
existence  to  the  same  cause,  the  tendency  to  revolution  in  the 
French  people  was  newly  strengthened  and  encouraged,  and  the 
government  could  not  acquire  the  authority  requisite  to  it,  nor 
maintain  order  and  quiet  in  the  kingdom.  The  revolution  which, 
had  taken  place  could  not,  of  course,  satisfy  the  desires  of  all ; 
and  hence  there  remained  many  malcontents,  who  looked  for- 
ward  to  establishing  their  fortunes  in  new  subversions,  and  did 
not  give  up  the  hope  that,  as  one  revolution  had  succeeded,  so 
another  would  also  accomplish  its  object.  Some,  therefore,  de- 
sired a  republic ;  others,  a  monarchy,  with  still  more  republican 
institutions;  but  the  greater  part  of  the  unruly  and  the  disaf- 
fected desired  chiefly  their  own  advantage,  and  expected,  with 
the  aid  of  a  new  revolution,  to  enter  upon  a  new,  brilliant  career. 
As  the  whole  of  France  is  dependent  upon  Paris,  and  in  Paris 
there  are  thousands  of  poor  who  are  easily  induced  to  take  part 
in  any  new  enterprise,  these  malcontents  were  not  wanting  in  in- 
struments to  carry  out  their  dangerous  purposes.  By  far  the 
majority  of  the  French  people,  it  is  true,  desired  quiet,  so  that 
commerce  and  manufactures  might  flourish,  and  were  satisfied 
with  the  existing  government,  which  favored  these  material  in- 
terests as  much  as  possible ;  but  this  majority,  fond  as  they  were 
of  gain,  were  not  willing  to  expose  themselves  to  danger  in  de- 
fending that  quiet,  and  thus  the  peace  of  the  great  kingdom  was 
constantly  endangered  by  small  but  firmly  united  factions.  How 
rare  moderation  was  among  the  parties,  in  spite  of  all  the  expe- 
riences which  France  had  undergone  since  17S9,  was  shown  by 
the  fact  that  the  judicious  remark  of  the  King,  that  extremes 
ought  to  be  avoided,  and  a  juste  milieu  observed,  gave  occasion 
for  a  derisive  designation  of  the  existing  government  system. 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  429 

In  the  North  and  East  of  France,  as  well  as  in  Paris  itself,  the 
chief  aim  of  the  masses  is  the  acquisition  of  material  possessions 
and  success  in  business,  while  a  small  minority  plans  revolutions 
in  order  to  gain,  in  that  way,  honor,  influence,  and  wealth.  Thus 
religion  is  there  thrust  into  the  background,  and  absolute  infidel- 
ity is  by  no  means  rare.  A  remarkable  phenomenon  which  char- 
acterized these  conditions  was  the  Saint-Simonism  which  prevail- 
ed at  this  time,  inasmuch  as  it  plainly  disclosed  the  striving  after 
material  aims,  and  paved  the  way  for  a  total  remodeling  of  all 
existing  conditions.  The  man  from  whom  these  ideas  took  their 
name,  but  who  had  died  some  years  before  they  became  prom- 
inent— Count  Saint-Simon— had  formerly  served  in  the  army, 
taking  part,  also,  in  the  American  War  of  Independence,  and  in 
America,  where  the  state  is  founded  upon  labor  alone,  had  doubt- 
less conceived  the  ideas  which  he  subsequently  carried  out.  He 
soon  withdrew  from  a  military  career,  and  occupied  himself  with 
reflections  and  experiments  as  to  how  a  shape  more  beneficial 
to  all  classes  could  be  given  to  labor,  as  the  chief  means  of  im- 
proving the  organization  of  the  governments.  Gradually  he 
extended  his  reflections  to  all  social  relations,  and  strove  after 
a  new  organization  of  human  society,  by  which  it  should  be 
united  in  one  body  according  to  its  requirements.  He  started 
from  a  new  regulation  of  labor,  then  passed  on  to  the  arts  and 
sciences,  and  finally  applied  his  principles  to  religion.  Saint- 
Simon  regarded  Catholicism  as  an  attempt,  appropriate  in  its 
time,  to  lead  men  to  the  unity  necessary  to  them,  and,  therefore, 
declared  Protestantism  to  be  a  retrograde  movement  in  the  his- 
tory of  mankind.  He  believed,  however,  that  Catholicism  no 
longer  satisfied  the  demands  of  the  present  time ;  and  hence  he 
announced  a  new  form  of  Christianity,  which,  instead  of  being 
directed  exclusively  to  the  spiritual,  should  give  the  material,  the 
cultivation  of  which  was  the  task  of  mankind,  its  due,  and,  uniting 
and  satisfying  all  human  interests,  should  diffuse  the  greatest  pos- 
ible  happiness  on  earth  by  starting  from  a  suitable  organization 
of  labor  as  the  foundation  of  society,  thus,  in  fact,  exalting  mate- 
rial interests  into  a  religion.  Saint-Simon  had  spent  his  whole 
fortune  in  travels  and  experiments  for  the  furtherance  of  his  ob- 
ject, without  finding  much  encouragement.  He  sank  to  the  low- 
est destitution,  and  was  taken  so  little  notice  of  that  he  attempt- 
ed to  commit  suicide  in  a  fit  of  despair.     He  merely  wounded 


430  FOURTH  PERIOD. -DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

himself,  however,  and  recovered.  At  his  death  (May  19, 1825) 
he  left  but  very  few  pupils,  to  whom  he  confided  the  continu- 
ation of  his  work,  with  the  prophetic  and  encouraging  words, "  The 
fruit  is  ripe,  you  will  pluck  it."  At  first,  his  followers  labored  in 
secret  for  the  propagation  of  their  principles.  In  March,  1830, 
they  began  to  lecture  upon  them  in  France,  and,  particularly  aft- 
er the  revolution  of  July,  came  forward  more  boldly,  constituted 
the  journal  Le  Globe  their  organ,  and  made  the  most  strenuous  ef- 
forts to  gain  adherents  in  other  cities  of  France,  as  well  as  in  Bel- 
gium. They  declared  it  to  be  the  fundamental  error  of  society, 
as  it  was  constituted  at  that  time,  that  one  class  of  men  existed 
merely  to  work  for  other  idle  classes,  in  whose  hands  all  wealth 
had  accumulated.  Consequently,  there  should  be  an  end  to  all 
private  property,  and  the  society  hold  all  property  in  common ; 
every  one,  therefore,  who  joined  the  society  must  deliver  up  his 
property  to  it.  The  society  then  would  allot  to  each  member  his 
work  according  to  his  capacity,  and  reward  him  according  to  his 
labor ;  hence,  the  motto  of  the  Globe  was  "  Chacun  selon  sa  ca- 
j?aciie,  chaque  ca/pariti  selon  ses  ceuvres."  All  privileges  of  birth 
should  cease,  and  women  no  longer  be  dependent  upon  men,  nor 
excluded  from  holding  office  or  following  any  occupation  they 
pleased.  On  the  contrary,  every  function  might  be  exercised  by 
a  married  couple ;  all  the  rights  and  privileges  held  by  men  as 
members  of  society  should  henceforward  belong  to  women  also. 
The  government  of  the  Simonist  state  was  to  be  in  the  hands  of 
priests,  at  their  head  a  plre  supreme.  The  priests  were  to  possess 
every  power,  the  legislative  as  well  as  the  executive.  They  were 
to  have  the  control  of  popular  education,  which  should  continue 
through  life ;  to  allot  labor  to  each  one  according  to  his  capacity, 
and  to  reward  all  labor  according  to  its  merits.  When  these 
priests  were  sole  regents,  the  Golden  Age  would  ensue.  True  re- 
ligion was  entirely  wanting  in  the  Simonist  plan ;  that  which  it 
called  so  was  pantheism,  and  an  adoration  of  Nature,  but  con- 
fused and  superficial.  It  taught  that  the  contrast  between  spirit 
and  matter  was  merely  the  result  of  human  reflection ;  that  God 
is  the  infinite,  universal  Being,  the  Life  in  All,  the  living  world — 
not  only  a  spirit,  but  matter  likewise.  Man  is  the  final  revelation 
of  God,  and  is  created  for  the  purpose  of  unceasingly  growing  in 
God  ;  that  is,  progressing  in  art,  science,  and  labor.  For  all  sci- 
ence is  knowledge  from  God  ;  all  labor  is  a  worship  of  God ;  and 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  431 

art,  inasmuch  as  it  excites  the  feelings,  is  religion.  It  is  remark- 
able that  Simonism,  which  invested  its  priesthood  with  a  power 
more  despotic  than  any  which  has  ever  existed,  could  have  found 
adherents  in  France,  a  country  which  for  many  years  has  seemed 
to  be  insatiably  striving  only  for  liberty.  This  may,  however, 
be  attributed  to  the  fact  that  the  great  inequality  of  property  ex- 
isting in  the  world,  with  all  its  attendant  evils,  can  hardly  be  felt 
more  strongly  any  where  than  in  Paris,  where,  close  beside  the 
greatest  splendor  and  the  most  luxurious  extravagance,  thousands 
of  persons  are  living  in  greater  destitution  than  is  found  in  al- 
most any  other  city  of  the  world.  This  mass  of  human  beings, 
of  course,  gladly  hails  any  change,  because  they  can  only  gain, 
not  lose  thereby,  and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  every  revolution- 
ary movement  so  readily  finds  support  in  Paris.  Among  these 
proletarians,  the  ideas  of  Saint-Simon  naturally  found  great  fa- 
vor, yet  the  association  could  not  burden  itself  with  them  too 
heavily,  but  only  refer  them  to  the  golden  time  when  the  Si- 
monist  principles  would  be  the  universally  prevailing  ones. 
Besides  these,  it  attracted  many  young  adventurers,  to  whom  it 
opened  a  prospect  of  an  easy  life,  and,  in  the  priesthood,  even  of 
authority  and  riches.  Only  a  few  wealthy  persons  joined  it- 
good-natured  fanatics— who,  in  the  end,  had  to  support  the  whole 
society.  At  the  head  of  the  Simonists,  as  priests,  were  Enfan- 
tin,  Bazard,  and  Rodrigues.  Among  them,  however,  dissensions 
arose,  through  Enfantin's  proposing  even  to  destroy  the  existing 
marriage  and  family  relations  by  declaring  an  arbitrary  dissolu- 
tion of  marriage  allowable  and  rejecting  the  Christian  teachings 
of  modesty  and  chastity.  He  proclaimed  himself  jplre  supreme, 
and  at  the  meetings  of  the  society  an  empty  chair  was  placed  be- 
side his  seat  for  the  "  free  woman"  who  was  still  looked  forward 
to  as  the  supreme  mother.  Bazard  and  Rodrigues  now  separated 
from  Enfantin ;  the  house  of  meeting  in  Paris  was  closed.  En- 
fantin,  indeed,  with  his  adherents,  established  himself  at  Menil- 
montant,  near  Paris,  and  the  Simonists  there  attracted  attention 
for  some  time  by  their  assemblies  and  their  peculiar  costume, 
consisting  of  white  pantaloons,  white  vests  buttoned  behind,  and 
a  short  blue  tunic ;  in  addition  to  which  they  wore  long  beards, 
and  their  heads  and  breasts  bare.  But  a  legal  investigation  had 
the  result  that,  on  August  28, 1832,  their  leaders  were  condemned 
to  a  year's  imprisonment,  and  their  society,  which  had  undoubt- 


432  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

edly  become  dangerous  by  its  immoral  principles  upon  marriage, 
as  well  as  the  excitement  "which  it  produced  among  the  lower 
classes,  was  declared  dissolved.  Since  that  time  they  have  been 
forgotten,  and  only  made  themselves  ridiculous  by  the  greater 
part  of  their  number  repairing  to  the  East,  there  to  search  for 
the  "free  woman."  Enfantin  returned  from  Egypt  in  1839, and 
accepted  a  position  as  postmaster  in  some  town  on  the  road  from 
Paris  to  Lyons.  In  like  manner,  the  other  Saint- Simonists  re- 
turned to  a  simple  citizen's  life.5 

Various  other  remarkable  religious  phenomena  appeared  sub- 
sequently to  the  July  revolution,  which  announced  themselves  as 
reforms  of  the  Church,  and  outwardly,  indeed,  were  somewhat 
more  in  unison  with  Christianity,  but  likewise  passed  over  with- 
out important  results. 

The  shortest  part  was  played  by  the  new  Templars  {Terrvpliers). 
As  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  a  secret  so- 
ciety had  been  formed  in  Paris,  which  purported  to  be  a  contin- 
uation of  the  order  of  Knights  Templars,  and  could  show  an  un- 
interrupted succession  of  grand -masters  from  Jacques  Molay 
down  to  modern  times.  In  this  society  there  was  developed  a 
religion  of  reason,  modeled  after  the  views  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  which  pervades  the  writings  which  must  be  looked  upon 
as  the  foundations  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  order — the  Leviti- 
con,  the  ritual  of  the  society,  and  an  interpolated  Gospel  accord- 
ing to  St.  John.  The  confession  of  faith  which  is  contained  in 
the  Leviticon  shows  a  mixture  of  pantheism  and  naturalism.  In 
keeping  with  this  is  the  Gospel,  altered  by  the  boldest  interpola- 
tions, in  which  Jesus  is  represented  as  a  man  who  was  initiated 
in  Greek  and  Egyptian  science  ;  and  the  miracles  and  prophecies 
of  Christ,  as  well  as  chapters  xx.  and  xxi.,  containing  the  account 
of  the  resurrection,  arc  omitted.  The  pretext,  therefore,  that  this 
Gospel  had  been  copied  in  the  thirteenth  century  from  an  an- 
cient manuscript  of  the  twelfth  century  extant  at  Mount  Athos 
deserves  no  credit  whatever.6 

During  the  Restoration,  some  facts  about  these  Templars  be- 
came known  :  the  succession  of  their  grand-masters  since  Molay, 

5  Mohler's  Werke,  ii.  34.  Carove,  Dcr  Saint-Simonismus  u.  die  ncuc  franzosische 
Philosophic,  Leipsic,  1831.  Brctschncider,  Dcr  Simonismus  u.  das  Christenthilm, 
Leipsic,  1832.  Mori/.  Veit,  Saint-Simon  u.  dcr  Saint-Simonismns,  Leipsic,  is:;4.  Dcr 
Socialism™  n.  Communiemns  dea  heutigen  Frankreichs,  von  L.  Stein,  2d  cd.  1848. 

6  Thilo,  Codex  Apocryphus  Novi  Testam.  t.  i.  p.  SIT. 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  433 

as  well  as  something  about  their  sacred  books.  In  the  year 
1831,  however,  they  emerged  wholly  from  their  obscurity,  in 
the  hope  that  the  general  liberty  of  worship  which  was  grant- 
ed by  the  new  charter  would  hold  out  favorable  prospects  to 
them.  They  maintained  that  in  their  society  was  to  be  found 
the  pure  Christian  religion,  which,  preserved  through  the  apostle 
John  and  his  followers,  the  Christians  of  St.  John,  had  been  em- 
braced by  the  Templars  in  the  East  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
and  had,  in  this  connection,  been  transmitted  to  the  present  time. 
They  began  to  hold  public  meetings  in  their  peculiar  costume 
and  with  conspicuous  ceremonies,  and  thus,  at  first,  roused  the 
public  curiosity.  But  their  bold  idea  of  remodeling  the  whole 
of  the  Catholic  Church  in  France  according  to  their  principles 
remained  wholly  without  result.  Curiosity  was  soon  satisfied, 
and  the  Templars  shortly  relapsed  into  their  former  obscurity 
and  were  soon  forgotten. 

The  Eglise  Catholique  Francaise1  of  the  Abbe  Ferdinand 
Francois  Chatel  was,  for  a  short  time,  somewhat  more  successful. 
Under  Charles  X.,  while  almoner  of  a  regiment  of  the  guards, 
Chatel  had  already  preached  liberty  of  faith,  and,  shortly  before 
the  revolution  of  July,  had  commenced  to  edit  a  religious  oppo- 
sition journal,  Le  Reformateur,  ou  l'Echo  de  la  Religion  et  du 
Siecle.  While  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  Catholic  clergy 
were  opposed  to  the  July  revolution,  Chatel  appeared  from  the 
first  as  its  decided  advocate,  and  immediately  made  use  of  the 
liberty  gained  by  it  for  an  attempt  to  reform  the  Catholic  Church 
according  to  the  prevailing  liberal  ideas.  As  all  churches  were 
closed  to  him,  he  began  to  hold  service  at  his  residence,  in  Au- 
gust, 1830,  but  was  soon  obliged  to  seek  a  more  capacious  place 
of  assembly  for  the  congregation  which  gathered  about  him.  He 
banished  the  Latin  language  entirely  from  his  service,  and  made 
use  of  French  alone,  even  during  mass.  Altogether,  he  strove  to 
conform  as  closely  as  possible  to  the  views  prevailing  among  the 
liberals,  both  in  political  and  in  ecclesiastical  respect,  in  order 
thereby  to  find  more  general  acceptance.  He  called  his  society 
E  Eglise  Catholique  Francaise,  and  in  1832  published  a  Pro- 
fession de  Foi  of  the  same.  The  chief  substance  of  the  latter 
was  as  follows :  Among  men  there  is  no  infallibility ;  hence  the 

7  See  the  article  "  Franzosich-katholisehe  Kirche,"  in  Brockhaus's  Conversations- 
lexicon  cler  Gegenwart,  ii.  93.     Illgen's  Zeitschrift,  1844,  Pt.  III.  p.  103. 
VOL.  V. — 28 


434  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

claims  of  the  Pope  and  the  councils  to  such  infallibility,  which 
in  itself  is  incompatible  with  civil  and  religious  liberty,  are  to  be 
rejected,  notwithstanding  the  direction  of  the  Church  is  intrusted 
to  the  bishops.     The  voice  of  the  people  is  God's  voice,  and  is 
therefore,  for  us,  the  divine  law.     All  power  emanates  from  the 
people,  and  every  government  which  is  not  the  expression  of  the 
will  of  the  nation  must  be  regarded  as  usurpation.     Spiritual 
and  temporal  power  are  entirely  distinct,  and  mutually  wholly 
independent  of  each  other.     The  priests  of  the  French  Church 
should  submit  to  all  the  burdens  and  laws  of  the  State  as  citi- 
zens, and,  like  all  good  citizens,  resist  the  government  if  it  vio- 
lates the  laws  by  virtue  of  which  it  exists,  as  these  laws  are  the 
expression  of  the  popular  will.     On  the  other  hand,  these  priests 
may  demand  entire  independence  in  every  thing  that  concerns 
religion,  which  every  Church  has  a  right  to  demand  as  long  as  it 
teaches  no  principles  by  which  public  order  is  disturbed.     For 
each  individual,  reason  must  be  the  fundamental  rule  for  his 
convictions,  and  each  one  should  follow  these  convictions,  even 
though  they  are  not  in  accordance  with  the  generally  accepted 
faith.     The  French  Catholic  Church  acknowledges  the  Gospel 
as  the  sole  rule  of  faith,  and  the  three  oecumenical  symbols  as 
the  expression  of  the  evangelical  doctrine.     It  rejects  the  intol- 
erance of  the  Romish  Church,  which  gives  rise  to  the  declaration 
that  there  is  no  salvation  in  any  other  faith,  and  maintains,  on 
the  contrary,  that  every  Church  is  designed  and  competent  to 
bring  Christian  salvation  to  mankind.     It  recognizes  seven  sac- 
raments, rejects  celibacy  of  the  priesthood  and  monastic  vows; 
acknowledges  no  other  obstacles  to  marriage  than  those  assigned 
by  law,  and  is,  consequently,  ready  to  consecrate  every  civil  mar- 
riage.    It  leaves  confession  optional ;  believers  need  only  re- 
ceive the  general  absolution  before  partaking  of  the  sacrament; 
children,  however,  are  advised  to  go  to  confession.    No  fast-days 
are  recognized ;  all  the  sacraments  must  be  administered  in  the 
vernacular.     While  a  member  of  the  order  of  Templars,  which 
claimed  that  the  episcopal  office,  too,  was  transmitted  in  it,Chatcl 
had  had  this  dignity  conferred  upon  him,  and  in  1S33  came  for- 
ward with  the  presumptuous  title  of  a  primate  (t-veque priinat)  of 
the  French  Church,  announcing  at  the  same  time  that  the  hie- 
rarchy of  the  latter,  independent  of  Home,  and  with  a  primate  or 
patriarch  at  its  head,  held  the  grades  of  bishop,  priest,  and  deacon. 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  435 

This  French  Church  did  every  thing  possible  to  recommend  itself 
to  the  government  and  the  people ;  in  particular,  it  was  always 
ready  to  lend  its  aid  if  the  Catholic  clergy  refused  burial  with 
religious  rites,  or  the  consecration  of  a  civil  marriage.  Several 
prominent  journals,  among  them  the  Constitutionnel,  took  the 
part  of  Chatel  and  his  work.  But  the  government  was  wise 
enough  not,  indeed,  to  interfere  with  this  new  head  of  a  Church, 
but  to  decidedly  refuse  him  all  encouragement.  By  encourag- 
ing the  French  Church,  it  would  evidently  only  have  caused  one 
dangerous  breach  more  in  France,  and  furthered  infidelity,  while 
it  could  not  but  recognize  that  the  revival  of  a  serious  religious 
feeling  was  one  of  the  first  conditions  of  political  tranquillity  and 
order.  When  Chatel,  therefore,  announced  that  the  priests  of 
his  Church  were  ready  to  accept  calls  to  parishes  which  might 
be  extended  to  them,  the  government  immediately  issued  (Febru- 
ary 3, 1S31)  a  circular  letter  to  all  prefects,  in  which  it  reminded 
them  that,  according  to  the  existing  code,  Catholic  churches  and 
parsonages  could  not  be  given  to  priests  who  had  emancipated 
themselves  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops.  A  few  congre- 
gations, indeed,  who  were  at  variance  with  their  bishops  or  cu- 
rates, called  priests  of  the  French  Church,  and  built  chapels  for 
them;  but  their  number  was  always  small,  and  several  of  these 
French  Catholic  congregations  were  soon  dissolved.  Chatel, 
however,  hesitated  at  no  means  of  finding  favor  with  the  peo- 
ple and  increasing  the  number  of  his  adherents.  In  particular, 
he  tried  to  use  the  political  tendencies  of  the  French  to  his  ad- 
vantage :  on  one  side  of  the  altar  in  his  church  was  written 
Gloire,  on  the  other  Patrie.  He  preached  in  favor  of  the  Poles, 
whose  cause  is  popular  in  France,  and  seized  especially  upon 
the  almost  idolatrous  veneration  entertained  by  most  Frenchmen 
toward  Napoleon.  The  15th  of  August,  which,  in  the  Catholic 
Church,  is  the  festival  of  the  Ascension  of  the  Virgin,  he  cele- 
brated as  the  Feast  of  Napoleon.  In  his  sermons,  he  was  not 
ashamed  to  laud  him  extravagantly.  Thus,  for  instance,  he  called 
him  "perhaps  the  greatest  man  that  was  ever  formed  by  the 
hand  of  the  Creator;"  and,  further,  in  one  of  his  sermons,  insti- 
tuted a  comparison  between  Christ  and  Napoleon,  asserting  that 
"  as  Christ  had  reformed  the  moral  world,  so  Napoleon  was  des- 
tined to  reform  the  physical  world."  He  also  compared  the  at- 
tachment of  Josephine  for  Napoleon  to  the  love  of  Mary  for 


436  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

Christ;  the  surroundings  of  Xapoleon  to  Christ's  disciples,  de- 
claring that  more  than  one  Judas  had  betrayed  him,  and  that 
those  who  had  not  betrayed  him  had  deserted  him  when  his  fort- 
unes changed.  One  of  his  prayers  entreated  that  the  ashes  of 
Kapoleon  might  be  deposited  under  the  Yendome  Column.  From 
the  theophilanthropists  of  the  Revolution,  Chatel  borrowed  festi- 
vals for  each  of  the  four  seasons,  and  instituted  a  peculiar  feast 
in  honor  of  the  Eternal,  as  God  was  generally  designated  by  him. 
Altogether,  Chatel  separated  himself  more  and  more  distinctly 
from  Christianity,  and  sought  to  create  sensation  by  the  most  au- 
dacious religious  assertions.  Those  positive  doctrines  of  Chris- 
tianity to  which  he  professed  to  adhere  in  the  first  editions  of 
his  Confession  of  Faith,  although  he  did  not  make  them  very 
prominent,  he  began  to  reject  more  and  more  openly.  Thus,  he 
preached  one  Easter-Sunday  that  Christ  had  not  risen  from  the 
dead  ;  another  time  he  tried  to  prove  the  natural  origin  of  Jesus  ; 
he  preached  against  the  divinity-  of  Christ ;  taught  expressly,  in 
his  catechism  of  1S35,  that  natural  religion  alone,  which  was 
written  in  every  man's  heart,  was  the  true,  good,  and  useful  one, 
and  thus  his  whole  Christianity  was  reduced  to  the  proposition — 
Christ,  the  son  of  Joseph  and  of  Mary,  deserves  to  be  regarded 
and  honored  (not  worshiped)  as  a  model  of  virtue.  According 
to  these  views,  he  altered  the  lessons  for  Sundays  and  holidays 
in  the  Eucalogue  (Church  ritual)  published  by  him.  The  narra- 
tive portions  of  the  Gospels  are  treated  in  the  most  arbitrary  man- 
ner, every  thing  miraculous  omitted,  or  represented  as  quite  nat- 
ural ;  the  whole  delineation  is  modern,  and  interspersed  with 
empty  phrases  of  a  sentimental  morality.  In  glaring  contrast  to 
this,  however,  he  continued  to  celebrate  the  Catholic  mass,  even 
though  this  was  done  in  the  French  language. 

In  this  way,  no  beneficial  religious  reformation  could  be 
reached  in  France.  While  Chatel  strove  to  effect  such  a  one 
by  entering  into  all  the  views  of  liberalism,  and  thus  hoped  to 
gain  over  the  liberals  to  his  Church,  he  overlooked  the  fact  that 
these  liberals,  so  far  as  their  liberalism  extends  to  ecclesiastical 
matters,  are  thorough  infidels,  and,  therefore,  utterly  indifferent 
to  every  thing  pertaining  to  Church  and  religion,  in  whatever 
form  it  may  be  offered  to  them,  and  that  they  only  attach  value 
to  a  Church  in  proportion  as  it  satisfies  the  popular  need  of  re- 
ligion in  a  manner  not  prejudicial  to  liberal  interests.     Ecclesi- 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  437 

astical  reforms,  however,  provided  they  are  not  merely  intended 
to  destroy,  but  also  to  build  up,  can  not  be  effected  without  the 
aid  of  religious  enthusiasm ;  for  the  latter  alone  can  break  the 
force  of  habit  and  usage,  which  are  particularly  powerful  in  re- 
ligious matters,  and  found  in  its  place  some  other  strong  prin- 
ciple of  faith. 

The  number  of  those  who  actually  belonged  to  Chatel's  Church 
in  Paris  was  very  small.  The  greater  portion  of  his  audience  con- 
sisted of  curious  outsiders,  whose  visits,  however,  naturally  grew 
less  and  less  frequent.  As  his  Church  had  no  other  income  than 
the  collections  taken  up  during  the  services,  it  was  very  poor. 
This  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  it  could  obtain  for  its  meetings 
nothing  but  an  old  barn  in  the  Faubourg  Saint-Martin.  It  was 
only  by  the  announcement  of  striking  themes  to  be  discussed  by 
the  preacher,  or  by  the  observance  of  some  patriotic  festival,  that 
Chatel  still  at  times  attracted  a  large  congregation  to  his  church. 

Already  in  1833,  one  of  Chatel's  priests,  called  Auzon,  sepa- 
rated from  him,  on  account,  it  is  said,  of  his  assuming  the  title 
of  primate.  He  held  services  of  a  character  similar  to  those  of 
Chatel,  and  founded  several  congregations  in  other  cities.  But 
the  government  paid  less  regard  to  him  than  to  Chatel,  and  in 
1S37  caused  all  his  churches  to  be  closed,  because  the  authoriza- 
tion of  the  government  had  not  been  obtained  before  they  were 
opened.  In  August,  1839,  Auzon  at  length  made  up  his  mind  to 
recant — he  was  forced  to  do  so  publicly  in  a  very  humble  letter 
to  the  Bishop  of  Yersailles — received  the  Papal  absolution,  and 
became  a  Trappist.  Chatel's  church  in  the  Faubourg  Saint-Mar- 
tin was  also  closed  in  November,  1842,  by  order  of  the  govern- 
ment. Chatel  went  to  Mons,  in  Belgium,  and  announced  in  Janu- 
ary, 1843,  that  he  would  open  a  church  there,  and  that  he  had  left 
the  Christian  religion  in  order  to  become  an  apostle  and  priest  of 
natural  religion.     His  influence,  however,  has  entirely  ceased. 

A  no  less  conspicuous,  but  yet  more  honorable,  part  was  played 
after  the  July  revolution  by  the  Abbe  de  la  Mennais.  Although 
he  had  always  belonged  to  the  ultramontane  party,  and  was  even 
one  of  its  most  distinguished 'writers,  he  had  yet  not  approved  of 
the  course  of  the  Bourbon  government.  He  had  recognized  that 
the  latter  merely  favored  Catholicism  as  a  means  for  their  polit- 
ical ends,  without,  however,  freely  according  to  the  Pope  his  hi- 
erarchical rights   over  temporal   sovereigns.     Further,  he  was 


4:,s  FOURTH  PERIOD. -DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814 

convinced  that  the  conspicuous  outward  favors  shown  to  the 
Catholic  Church,  and  the  compulsion  which  had  been  used  in 
its  interest,  had  only  served  to  injure  it  in  the  public  opinion, 
inasmuch  as  the  people  had  been  forced  to  see  in  it  nothing  but 
a  tool  of  political  despotism  for  the  suppression  of  national  priv- 
ileges ;  while,  if  the  Church  had  been  left  to  itself,  its  inherent 
truth  would  have  irresistibly  seized  upon  the  minds  of  the  people, 
because  this  truth  was  so  apparent  that  human  reason,  if  it  re- 
flected upon  it  seriously  and  without  prejudice,  must  necessarily 
yield  itself  up  to  it.     Thus,  De  la  Mennais  believed  that  the 
revolution  of  July  had  brought  Catholicism  to  a  favorable  turn- 
ing-point, and  that  from  that  time,  liberated  from  the  rule  of  the 
government,  it  would  develop  its  inner  vigor  without  restraint, 
and  irresistibly  attract  the  minds  of  the  people.     While,  there- 
fore, the  Catholic  clergy  in  general  made  no  secret  of  their  dis- 
approbation of  the  July  revolution  and  the  dynasty  sprung  from 
it,  De  la  Mennais  regarded  that  event  and  its  results  as  beneficial, 
and  strove  to  profit  by  them  as  much  as  possible  for  the  Catholic 
Church.    With  this  aim,  he,  together  with  another  ecclesiastic,  La- 
cordaire,  and  a  Vicomte  de  Montalembert,  founded  a  new  jour- 
nal, L'Avenir,  the  motto  of  which,  "Dieu  ct  Liberie"  showed  that 
its  object  was  to  preach,  simultaneously,  Catholicism  and  the  most 
decided  liberty,  and  by  this  means  lay  the  foundation  for  a  new 
future.     This  journal  was  commenced  in  September,  1S30.     It 
demanded  the  most  unlimited  liberty  of  conscience,  instruction, 
education,  press,  association,  and  election,  and,  especially,  entire 
freedom  of  the  Church  from  all  interference  of  the  government; 
the  clergy  were  to  accept  from  the  government  no  salary  and  no 
assistance,  but  likewise  not  to  submit  to  its  orders;  the  Church 
was  to  be  poor,  but,  at  the  same  time,  free  and  independent  of  the 
State.    It  was  to  be  governed  by  the  Pope  alone,  who,  as  Christ's 
vicar,  has  the  sole  power  to  instruct  mankind  in  an  infallible 
manner,  and  thus  make  certainty  of  faith  possible,  and  whom, 
therefore,  all  men  should  believe  in  and  obey  implicitly.    Accord- 
ing to  L'Avenir,  the  cause  of  Catholicism,  of  Papacy,  and  of  lib- 
erty Mas  one  and  the  same.     Gregory  VII.  was  lauded  as  the 
great  patriarch  of  European  liberalism,  who,  to  his  last  breath, 
maintained  the  supremacy  of  intellect  and  the  primitive  sover- 
eignty of  justice:  this  had  been  misunderstood  only  so  long  as 
Catholicism  had  been  abused  by  the  administration  for  political 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  439 

purposes.  For  this  very  reason,  the  Bourbons  had  been  justly 
deposed,  for  they  had  endeavored  to  obtain  by  force  what  could 
be  reached  only  by  liberty.  The  sovereignty  had  been  directly 
bestowed  by  God  upon  the  people,  and  only  through  it  given  to 
the  princes ;  the  right  of  the  sovereign  was  only  divine  on  con- 
dition of  his  protecting  the  divine  right  of  the  people  to  liberty. 
As  soon  as  a  prince  attacked  this  right,  he  had  lost  his  legiti- 
macy. This  principle,  moreover,  could  only  be  carried  out  with- 
out danger  of  mistakes  and  abuses  among  Catholic  nations,  be- 
cause they,  instead  of  mere  subjective  opinions,  were  imbued 
with  the  divine  law,  which  was  infallibly  expressed  by  the  Pope. 
Where,  therefore,  this  infallible  authority  did  not  exist,  the  peo- 
ple were  once  more  entitled  to  their  right  of  overthrowing  a 
despotic  government. 

In  defense  of  religious  liberty,  the  chiefs  of  L'Avenir  estab- 
lished an  Agence  Generale,  which  was  to  advocate  in  every  way 
the  freedom  of  instruction,  of  the  press,  and  of  association  in  the 
interest  of  the  Catholic  Church.  The  new  idea  expressed  by 
L'Avenir,  of  an  alliance  of  the  Catholic  Church  with  liberty  and 
the  people  against  the  old  governments,  and  against  that  admin- 
istrative despotism  which  would  govern  every  thing,  found  great 
favor  in  France,  but  still  more  in  Belgium,  where,  in  consequence 
of  the  revolution  in  that  country,  an  entirely  new  Church,  inde- 
pendent of  the  government,  had  been  established.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  French  clergy,  devoted  to  the  old  dynasty,  were  entire- 
ly averse  to  these  views.  The  editors  of  L'Avenir  declared  that 
they  submitted  themselves  and  their  opinions  unconditionally  to 
the  decision  of  the  Pope,  in  order  to  obtain  which  they  suspend- 
ed their  journal  and  repaired  to  Rome  toward  the  end  of  the 
year  1S31.  Here  they  soon  discovered  that  there  was  no  incli- 
nation to  agree  to  their  principles,  and  that,  in  particular,  their 
demand  of  perfect  liberty  of  religious  worship  and  of  the  press 
was  looked  upon  with  aversion ;  but  still  it  was  thought  best  to 
treat  such  decided  adherents  of  the  Papal  system  with  consid- 
eration. De  la  Mennais  and  his  associates  were  therefore  prom- 
ised, at  their  request,  an  examination  of  the  principles  of  their 
journal,  but  the  investigation  was  partly  intentionally  deferred, 
partly  prevented  by  the  disturbances  which  arose  in  the  Papal 
States.  During  this  time,  the  Archbishop  of  Toulouse  collected 
from  the  writings  of  De  la  Mennais  and  his  adherents  fifty-six 


440  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

propositions  which  lie  deemed  objectionable.  Several  French 
bishops  joined  in  this  censure,  and  it  was  sent  to  Rome,  April 
25,  1832.  Finally,  the  Pope,  in  his  Encyclica  of  August  15, 
1S32,  also  declared  himself  against  several  of  the  doctrines  sup- 
ported by  L'Avenir,  without,  however,  mentioning  any  names 
— particularly  against  the  principles  of  civil  liberty,  and  of  the 
freedom  of  religious  worship  and  of  the  press.  Cardinal  Pacca 
sent  this  Encyclica  to  the  editors  of  L'Avenir,  with  the  friendly 
admonition  to  remain  obedient  to  the  Papal  See.  In  conse- 
quence, they  declared,  on  September  10,  1832,  that  L'Avenir 
would  cease  to  appear,  and  that  the  Agence  was  broken  up.  De 
la  Mennais,  however,  had  so  roused  the  mistrust  of  the  Carlist 
clergy  that,  ere  long,  various  rumors  were  spread  abroad  with  re- 
gard to  him,  and  even  reached  Rome ;  and  when  he  applied  to 
the  Pope,  in  order  to  justify  himself,  the  latter  called  upon  him 
to  make  a  positive  declaration  that  he  believed  and  acknowl- 
edged the  principles  of  the  Holy  See  expressed  in  reference  to 
his  cause.  De  la  Mennais,  however,  replied  that  those  principles 
were  partly  of  a  political,  partly  of  a  religious  and  ecclesiastical 
character,  and  that  it  was  only  with  regard  to  the  latter  that  he 
submitted  unreservedly  to  the  Pope;  but  that  in  all  things  con- 
cerning temporal  rule,  he  must  hold  himself  perfectly  free. 
Nevertheless,  he  was  persuaded  by  the  Archbishop  of  Paris  to 
sign,  on  December  11, 1833,  a  promise  to  submit  entirely  to  the 
principles  contained  in  the  Encyclica. 

But  this  declaration  of  submission,  to  which  he  made  up  his 
mind  from  a  feeling  of  weariness,  in  order  to  obtain  peace  and 
quiet,  produced  a  sensation  of  bitterness  within  him  which  soon 
expressed  itself  in  the  remarkable  Paroles  d'un  Croyant  (May, 
1S31).  In  this  work  his  spirit,  struggling  for  freedom,  broke 
all  bonds.  In  it  he  attributes  all  evil  to  the  fact  that  certain  in- 
dividuals have  constituted  themselves  the  rulers  of  their  breth- 
ren, and  that  these  tyrants  have  won  over  to  their  interests  the 
priests  of  Christ  as  well.  He  pronounces  it  a  religious  duty  to 
destroy  monarchy,  and  to  acknowledge  no  law  but  the  law  of 
God,  the  law  of  justice,  of  love,  and  of  liberty.  These  doctrines, 
expounded  with  lofty  enthusiasm  in  the  style  of  the  prophets  of 
the  Old  Testament,  at  first  created  the  greatest  excitement  in 
inflammable  France.  A  permanent  success,  however,  could  not 
be  expected  from  the  work,  on  account  of  the  peculiar  combina- 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  44 1 

tion  of  Catholic  orthodoxy  and  republicanism  which  it  contained ; 
for  the  republicans  were  lacking  in  susceptibility  to  religious 
exhortations,  while  the  orthodox  Catholics  in  France  were  most- 
ly Carlists,  and  opposed  to  the  republicans.  Thus  the  excite- 
ment created  by  the  work  soon  subsided.  De  la  Mennais  was 
from  that  time  looked  upon  as  having  withdrawn  from  the  Cath- 
olic Church,  and,  in  his  solitude,  soon  disappeared  from  public 
notice,  and  could  only  temporarily  attract  attention  again,  some 
time  later,  by  the  relation  of  his  negotiations  with  the  Roman 
See  (Affaires  de  Home,  1S37).  Lacordaire  had  separated  from 
De  la  Mennais  immediately  after  Rome  had  spoken,  and  distin- 
guished himself  as  a  preacher  in  Paris,  especially  by  his  sermons 
for  Lent,  in  the  Cathedral  of  Notre  Dame,  in  1836. 

Another  conspicuous  theological  character  was  the  Abbe  Bau- 
tain,  professor  at  Strasburg,  who  deserves  great  praise  for  his 
improvements  in  the  mode  of  education  of  the  youth  studying 
there,  and  was  particularly  active  in  raising  the  petit  seminaire 
established  in  that  city  to  a  much  higher  level.  Before  his  time, 
the  so-called  philosophical  course  had  been  despatched  in  the 
most  unproductive  manner,  by  the  dictation  of  Latin  questions 
and  answers.  Bautain  took  charge  of  it,  lectured  in  French, 
and,  by  this  new  method,  soon  produced  the  most  striking  re- 
sults. But  he  also  thereby  roused  the  envy  of  many,  who  soon 
cast  suspicion  on  his  orthodoxy.  Bautain  taught  that  reason,  left 
to  itself,  would  lead  away  from  God ;  that  all  truth  was  to  be 
found  in  the  Catholic  Church  doctrine  alone,  and  sought  to  prove 
this  by  presenting  the  Christian  truths  in  their  simplest  form,  and 
to  demonstrate  their  connection  among  themselves  as  well  as  with 
all  natural  sciences.  Thus  he  strove  to  make  faith  scientific, 
and  science  full  of  faith.  One  particular  accusation  against  him 
was  that,  in  his  doctrine,  reason  did  not  .precede  faith  in  the  fun- 
damental articles,  and  did  not  suffice  to  prove  with  certainty  the 
existence  of  God  and  the  infinity  of  his  perfections,  or  to  lead 
the  mind  to  a  recognition  of  revelation.  The  Bishop  of  Stras- 
burg issued  an  "  avertissement"  against  his  doctrine,  September 
15, 1834 ;  and  Bautain,  who  was  urged  to  recant  by  a  Papal  brief 
as  well,  at  last  consented  to  do  so  on  November  18, 1835.8 

All  these  prominent  religious  phenomena  remained  without  a 

6  Louis  Bautain,  by  Junge,  in  Illgen's  Hist.-theol.  Zeitschrift,  vol.  vii.  pt.  ii.  p.  127 
ss.    Mohler's  Schriften,  ii.  141. 


442  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1S14. 

more  general  result,  and  have  not  diminished  the  number  of  non- 
orthodox.  The  Catholic  Church  has  the  most  adherents  in  the 
South  and  "West,  and  does  not  allow  itself  to  be  disturbed  by 
these  movements  in  its  old  accustomed  course  of  ecclesiastical 
mechanism,  and  for  this  reason  it  has  been  incapable  of  causing  a 
decrease  in  the  infidelity  which  prevails  particularly  in  the  North 
and  East  of  France.  It  has  no  means  of  revenging  itself  upon 
those  who  show  their  contempt  for  it  but  the  refusal  of  a  conse- 
crated burial,  and  this  lias  always  been  more  general  among  the 
French  clergy  than  among  that  of  any  other  country.  A  burial 
with  religious  rites  is  not  only  refused  to  all  who  have  kept  aloof 
from  the  Church  and  its  sacraments,  as  well  as  to  sworn  priests 
{prttres  assermentes)  and  duelists,  but  also  to  actors,  and  even  to 
the  authors  of  plays  and  composers  of  operas,  if  they  have  not, 
upon  their  death-bed,  expressed  repentance  and  submitted  to  the 
requirements  of  the  Church.  Thus  it  was  denied  to  Bishop  Gre- 
goire  and  the  composer  Bellini,  and,  in  183S,  even  to  Count  Mont- 
losier,  on  account  of  his  denunciation  of  the  Jesuits.  Where  this 
occurs  in  cases  of  popular  men,  it  frequently  happens  that  the 
people  break  open  a  church,  take  the  body  to  it,  and  enforce  a 
burial  in  consecrated  ground.  In  the  provinces,  the  maires  fre- 
quently in  such  cases  cause  the  churches  to  be  opened  in  defiance 
of  the  priests.  Hence  this  refusal  of  a  religious  burial  is  an  ever- 
recurring  cause  of  disorder  and  increasing  hatred  of  the  clergy. 
The  want  of  the  necessary  cultivation  in  the  latter  is  another 
reason  why  they  can  obtain  no  influence  over  the  unbelieving 
masses.  In  consequence  of  the  law  of  celibacy  and  the  small 
salaries  paid  to  most  parish  priests,  the  clergy  are  complemented 
almost  entirely  from  the  lower  classes,  and  receive  their  educa- 
tion solely  in  the  episcopal  seminaries,  which  offer  very  inferior 
advantages.  The  Theological  Faculty  in  Paris,  the  Sorbonne, 
indeed,  was  re-established  immediately  after  the  Restoration; 
but,  for  want  of  hearers,  no  lectures  are  given  there  at  present. 
In  addition,  it  is  intended  that  there  shall  be  a  Theological 
Faculty  in  every  province;  but  these,  too,  exist  only  nominally. 
To  what  lengths  men  can  be  led  by  a  mere  education  of  rea- 
son, combined  with  the  thirst  of  the  French  people  to  distinguish 
themselves  and  create  a  sensation  in  any  way  whatever,  and 
what  human  monsters  can  be  developed  under  these  conditions, 
was  shown  by  a  certain  Lacenaire  in  1S35.     This  man  had  been 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  443 

arrested  and  indicted  for  a  number  of  the  most  heinous  crimes — 
murder,  theft,  swindling,  and  forgery.  Far  from  denying  his  guilt, 
he  gave  the  court  and  a  large  assembly  of  listeners,  in  the  calm- 
est and  most  cheerful  manner,  a  detailed  account  of  his  long  ca- 
reer of  crime.  He  explained  how,  in  his  peculiar  circumstances, 
he  had  been  led  by  his  pantheistic,  or  rather  materialistic,  phi- 
losophy to  place  himself  on  a  hostile  footing  with  human  soci- 
ety ;  how,  progressing  consistently,  he  had,  without  being  natu- 
rally cruel,  made  up  his  mind  to  commit  murders,  and  did  not 
regret  them.  That,  further,  he  had  considered  whether  he  would 
end  his  career  by  suicide  or  fall  by  the  axe  of  the  executioner, 
and  had  finally  decided  in  favor  of  the  latter.  In  short,  he  at- 
tempted to  show  that  he  had  entered  upon  and  pursued  his 
course  intentionally  and  systematically,  and,  therefore,  was  far 
from  repenting  of  it.  At  the  same  time,  this  reprobate  managed, 
while  in  prison,  to  make  himself  interesting  by  writing  dainty 
verses  and  vaudevilles,  and  even  composed  a  poem  on  the  eve  of 
his  execution.  He  succeeded  only  too  well  in  his  intention  of 
creating  a  sensation  and  winning  admiration.  The  journals  of 
the  day  vied  in  reporting  all  his  remarks,  and  circulating  anec- 
dotes concerning  him.  Crowds  applied  for  his  autograph.  His 
artificially  assumed  serenity  left  him  only  in  face  of  the  guillo- 
tine, and  there  he  gave  way  to  such  abject  terror  and  despair 
that  it  became  very  apparent  how  even  the  greatest  audacity 
must  fall  before  the  last  momentous  step — death.  It  would  be 
unjust  to  take  Lacenaire  as  an  example  of  the  general  condition 
of  morality  in  France,  or  even  only  of  that  of  the  large  number 
of  infidels  existing  there,  but  it  is,  nevertheless,  characterized  by 
the  fact  that  such  a  monster  could  show  himself  in  France,  and 
expect  and  attract  admiration.  It  is  evident,  in  connection  with 
this,  how  little  honor,  which  with  a  large  portion  of  the  French 
people  is  the  sole  principle  of  morality,  can  be  considered  suf- 
ficient as  such.  For  every  thing  depends,  in  such  a  case,  upon 
the  grade  of  morality  of  the  public  opinion  on  which  honor  is 
based;  if  public  opinion  deteriorates,  and  even  praises  and  es- 
teems the  wrong,  the  above  principle  will  naturally  lead  to  evil 
just  as  well  as,  under  other  circumstances,  it  leads  to  good. 

It  can  not  be  denied,  however,  that  after  the  revolution  of  Julv, 
even  the  liberals  realized  more  and  more  distinctly  the  necessity 
of  giving  religion  a  stronger  influence  upon  the  people,  if  they 


444  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

would  successfully  establish  morality  and  true  happiness  among 
them.  Until  that  time,  the  danger  threatening  from  the  arro- 
gance of  the  hierarchy  had  been  so  preponderant  that  the  liber- 
al party  were  engaged  in  constant  struggles  against  it ;  but  these 
struggles  were  highly  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  Christianity, 
which  was  represented  by  the  hierarchy.  This  danger  was  now 
removed,  but  one  exactly  opposite  became  apparent,  viz.,  that  the 
people  would  by  degrees  cast  aside  all  religion,  and  that  thus  all 
civil  institutions,  as  well  as  all  moral  conditions,  would  lose  their 
foundation  and  all  stability.  Since  the  year  1834,  particularly, 
it  has  become  obvious  that  the  liberal  journals,  too,  have  begun 
to  mention  Christianity  with  respect,  to  recommend  it,  and  to 
direct  attention  to  the  fact  that  without  religion  and  morality, 
quiet,  order,  and  happiness  can  never  be  firmly  established  among 
a  people.  And  after  the  disturbances  of  April,  1S34,  had  again 
shown  plainly  how  little  of  a  firm  moral  foundation  there  was 
among  the  mass  of  the  people,  the  leaders  of  different  parties 
distinctly  expressed  their  opinion  in  the  Chambers,  in  May,  1834, 
that  Christianity  alone  could  check  the  unlimited  dissolution  of 
society.  The  government,  too,  since  that  time,  has  sought  to 
enter  into  closer  relations  with  the  clergy.  In  the  first  years 
of  his  reign,  the  King  had  never  attended  any  of  the  festivals 
of  the  Church,  at  least  in  his  capacity  of  sovereign,  thereby  in- 
timating that  there  was  no  longer  a  State  religion.  But  after 
Fieschi's  attempt  to  assassinate  him,  in  1835,  on  the  anniversary 
of  the  July  Revolution,  had,  indeed,  cost  the  lives  of  many  per- 
sons immediately  attached  to  the  King,  but  not  reached  the  lat- 
ter and  his  sons,  he  appeared  in  church  again  for  the  first  time 
in  solemn  procession,  and  was  received  with  an  address  by  the 
Archbishop  of  Paris.  Subsequently,  the  birth  of  the  Comte  de 
Paris,  August  24,  1S3S,  gave  occasion  for  a  similar  solemn  ap- 
pearance at  church.  The  indiscreet  allusions  to  the  Protestant 
faith  of  the  Duchess  of  Orleans  which  the  archbishop  permitted 
himself  in  his  speech  at  that  time  could  not  but  convince  the 
King  anew  that  the  clergy  ought  to  be  allowed  no  influence  in 
government  matters.  But  the  necessity  of  reviving  religious  feel- 
ing and  attachment  to  the  Church  among  the  people  is  felt  no 
less  forcibly ;  and  as  the  Catholic  Church  is  still  very  near  to  by 
far  the  greater  portion  of  the  French  people,  the  government 
feels  itself  more  and  more  induced  to  support  the  Catholic  cler- 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  445 

gy  and  win  them  for  its  cause.  It  lias  therefore  gradually  re- 
turned to  amicable  relations  with  the  Pope,  is  endeavoring  to 
put  an  end  to  the  schism  in  the  Catholic  Church,  and  is  permit- 
ting a  number  of  convents  to  be  established  without  taking  no- 
tice of  them,  notwithstanding  they  are  prohibited  by  the  consti- 
tution.9 But  this  has  had  the  effect  of  greatly  heightening  the 
pretensions  of  the  clergy  with  regard  to  the  government.  In 
particular,  they  are  striving  once  more  to  gain  control  of  educa- 
tional matters.  They  attempt  to  establish  schools  at  their  own 
pleasure,  and  to  receive  as  many  applicants  as  present  themselves 
into  their  jpetlts  seminaires,  without  recognizing  the  control  of 
the  university.  When  the  government  enforced  the  law  of  1828 
against  this,  the  clergy  appealed  to  the  liberty  of  instruction 
guaranteed  by  the  Be volution  of  July ;  accused  the  university  of 
unchristian,  atheistic  principles ;  and  declared  it  utterly  unfit  to 
exercise  the  supervision  of  the  schools.10  The  French  clergy  were 
chiefly  influenced  by  the  example  of  Belgium,  where  the  clergy 
were  almost  wholly  independent  of  the  government,  and,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  existing  liberty  of  instruction,  had  the  right  to 
establish  all  kinds  of  schools.  But  the  true  motive  power  of 
their  actions  lay  in  the  Jesuits,  who  spread  themselves  more  and 
more  in  France,  and  strove  to  gain  control  of  public  education 
in  the  name  of  the  Church.  Through  their  influence,  the  French 
clergy,  too,  were  imbued  with  an  ultramontane  spirit,  which  not 
only  paid  no  regard  to  the  old  privileges  of  the  Gallican  Church, 
but  condemned  them  as  reprehensible  and  heretical.  Thus,  a 
vehement  controversial  correspondence  was  established  between 
the  clergy  and  the  university,  and  a  feeling  of  great  animosity 
was  mutually  cherished  by  the  liberal  and  Jesuit  parties.  The 
government,  indeed,  was  on  the  side  of  the  former,  but  yet  tried 
to  show  the  greatest  possible  consideration  to  Kome  and  the 
clergy.  At  that  time,  the  Solicitor-general  of  the  Court  of  Cas- 
sation, M.  Dupin,  issued  a  new  edition  of  a  treatise  on  French 
canon-law,11  with  notes  and  additions,12  referring  to  the  questions 
of  the  day,  which  made  a  great  impression  generally,  and  had 

9  L.  Habn,  Gesch.  cl.  Auflosung  cler  Jesuiten-Congregation  in  Frankreicb  ira  Jab  re 
1845,  Leipsic,  1846. 

10  Cf.  Warnkonig,  Die  Kircbe  Frankreicbs  und  die  UnterricbtsfreibeiU.  Freiburg 
im  Breisgau,  1845.  8. 

1  •  Les  Libertes  de  7'Eglise  Gallicane,  1S24. 

13  Manuel  du  Droit  Publique  Ecclesiastique,  par  M.  Dupin,  Paris,  1844. 12. 


44G  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

considerable  influence  in  the  Chambers  against  the  designs  of  the 
clergy.  This  caused  the  Primate  of  Gaul,  Cardinal  and  Arch- 
bishop of  Lyons,  Mgr.  Bonald,  to  condemn  this  work  in  a  pastoral 
letter  of  November  21,  IS-i-i,  in  which,  at  the  same  time,  the  dec- 
laration of  1CS2  was  rejected,  and  the  Napoleonic  Concordat  and 
the  Organic  Articles  were  attacked.  Here,  however,  the  Council 
of  State  interfered,  declared  that  an  abuse  (abus)  existed,  and 
suppressed  the  pastoral  letter  (March  5, 1S45).  There  the  matter 
rested,  however ;  and  although  other  prelates  joined  in  the  dec- 
laration of  the  bishop,  nothing  was  done  against  them.  Still,  the 
government  continued,  very  quietly,  to  act  in  the  same  spirit. 
First,  the  Jesuits  were  forced  to  withdraw,  public  opinion  hav- 
ing been  turned  against  them  more  than  ever  by  Eugene  Sue's 
Juif  Errant.  Count  Eossi  was  sent  to  Borne,  and  there  induced 
the  Pope  to  call  upon  the  French  Jesuits,  through  the  general  of 
the  order,  to  dissolve  their  congregation.  In  consequence,  most 
of  the  Jesuits  left  France  and  went  to  Belgium  and  Switzerland. 
At  the  same  time  an  educational  law  was  proposed  for  deliber- 
ation in  the  Chambers,  by  which  all  encroachments  of  the  clergy 
in  educational  matters  were  to  be  prohibited. 

The  number  of  Protestants  in  France  amounts  at  present  to 
nearly  two  millions.13  The  Lutheran  Church  is  wholly  confined 
to  the  German  population.  Its  adherents  are  particularly  nu- 
merous in  Alsace,  where,  even  during  the  persecutions  of  the  Re- 
formed under  Louis  XIV.,  it  had  not  been  molested,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  treaties  of  peace  by  which  its  existence  had  been 
guaranteed.  In  the  other  departments  of  France  there  are  only 
a  few  Lutheran  churches,  as  well  as  one  in  Paris ;  but  their  mem- 
bers are  all  either  Germans,  or  of  German  descent.  All  these 
churches  are  under  the  direction  of  the  Upper  Consistory  in 
Strasburg.  For  the  education  of  their  clergymen,  there  is  estab- 
lished in  that  city  a  Theological  Faculty,  by  which  the  theologi- 
cal sciences  are,  in  substance,  taught  after  the  German  method. 
There  is  also  a  Reformed  professor  of  theology  attached  to  this 
institution,  and,  consequently,  it  is  frequented  by  many  French 
Reformed  students  from  all  parts  of  the  kingdom,  as  the  Re- 
formed theological  school  at  Montauban,  founded  in  1S09,  can 
not  be  compared  to  that  of  Strasburg  in  point  of  science,  be- 

11  Bruch,  Zustmulc  der  prot.  Kirclie  Frankreichs.  Studicn  u.  Kritikcn,  1844,  i.  7. 
Dammaun,  in  Nicduer's  Zcitschr.  f.  hist.  Theol.  1850,  vol.  i. 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  447 

cause,  not  to  mention  any  other  reason,  it  rests  upon  itself  alone, 
and  has  no  Philosophical  Faculty  connected  with  it.14 

Among  the  original  French  population,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Reformed  Church  has  alone  found  favor.  The  latter  possesses 
a  very  peculiar  consistorial  system :  adjoining  parishes,  when 
they  have  reached  a  membership  of  six  thousand,  form  a  consis- 
tory from  their  pastors  and  secular  "  notables,"  i.  e.  the  members 
who  pay  the  highest  taxes ;  the  number  of  these  notables  varies 
from  six  to  twelve.  These  consistories,  of  which  there  are  eighty- 
nine  in  France,  have  the  direction  of  all  ecclesiastical  affairs,  but 
are  under  the  supervision  of  the  State,  a  government  official  be- 
ing present  at  all  their  meetings,  and  all  their  decisions  being 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  government.  But  as  these  consis- 
tories are  all  independent  of  each  other,  the  French  Reformed 
Church  is  greatly  lacking  in  unity ;  and  it  is  the  general  desire 
that  a  Reformed  Upper  Consistory  should  be  established  at  Paris, 
as  had  already  been  promised  by  Napoleon.  Moreover,  the  want 
of  sufficient  theological  preparation  in  the  Reformed  clergy  is 
very  perceptible.  The  institution  at  Montauban  is  too  inadequate, 
that  at  Strasburg  at  too  great  a  distance  from  most  parts  of  the 
kingdom  ;  hence  the  establishment  of  a  Protestant  theological 
school  in  Paris  is  also  urgently  desired,  as  Paris  is  the  scientific 
centre  of  France,  and  alone  offers  all  scientific  advantages  of 
every  kind.  Protestants  are  scattered  all  over  France,  even  in 
places  where  there  are  no  congregations,  so  that  many  lack  all 
connection  with  churches.  This  fact  gave  rise  to  the  formation 
at  Nismes,  in  1838,  of  a  Societe  d^  Evangelisation  pour  les  Pro- 
testants Dissemines  dans  les  Departements  clu  Midi.  In  these 
departments,  in  the  mountains,  there  still  existed  descendants  of 
the  Oamisards,  who  lived  without  churches  and  schools,  and  thus 
were  in  danger  of  becoming  completely  barbarized.  Through 
the  agents  of  the  above-mentioned  society,  nearly  nine  hundred 
of  these  Protestants  were  speedily  discovered,  of  whose  existence 
no  one  had,  until  then,  had  any  suspicion.  Now  pastors  were 
appointed  to  visit  them  by  turns,  to  preach  to  them,  administer 
the  sacraments,  and  circulate  Bibles  and  religious  books.  The 
beneficial  results  of  these  efforts  were  so  apparent  that,  soon 
after,  other  associations  were  formed  in  various  parts  of  France 

14  In  the  summer  of  1842,  Strasburg  had  forty-four  theological  students,  Montau- 
ban fifty. 


448  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1S14. 

after  the  model  of  the  first  society.  In  Alsace,  too,  although 
the  population  is  chiefly  Protestant,  there  are  Catholic  communi- 
ties in  which  the  Protestants  are  without  any  pastoral  care.  A 
society  was  therefore  formed  also  in  Strasburg,  for  the  diffusion 
of  the  Gospel  among  the  Protestants  scattered  about  in  the  East- 
ern departments,  namely  in  Alsace,  Franehc-Comte,  and  Lorraine 
(April,  1842). 

During  the  same  period  the  Protestants  were  evidently  neglect- 
ed by  the  government ;  but  this  very  circumstance  gained  them 
friends  in  the  political  opposition  party,  or  among  the  liberals. 
Wherever  the  opposition  had  taken  deep  root  in  the  people,  Prot- 
estantism also  found  favor  with  the  latter ;  and  several  cases  oc- 
curred where  liberal  Catholics,  from  indignation  at  the  preten- 
sions of  the  Catholic  clergy,  which  were  supported  by  the  govern- 
ment, went  over  to  the  Reformed  Church.  Since  the  revolution 
of  July,  1830,  the  Protestants  have  been  placed  upon  the  same 
footing  with  the  Catholics  by  the  government;  but  this  has  put 
an  end  to  the  interest  manifested  by  the  opposition  in  Protestant- 
ism ;  and  as  Catholicism,  favored  by  the  State,  no  longer  endan- 
gers civil  liberty,  all  aversion  to  it  has  ceased.  Indeed,  the  ex- 
tremely plain  service  of  the  Reformed  Church,  as  it  is  held  in 
France,  is  generally  repugnant  to  the  Catholics ;  and  this  is  also 
the  case  with  the  Calvinistic  doctrine,  which  has  of  late  been 
more  or  less  prominent  in  the  French  Reformed  Church. 

During  the  Restoration,  a  certain  theological  liberalism  gained 
the  upper-hand  in  the  Reformed  Church,  which,  owing  to  the 
superficiality  of  the  theological  instruction,  was  of  a  very  shal- 
low character.  From  Geneva,  where  a  kind  of  English  Method- 
ism had  found  adherents  in  the  congregation  of  Momiers,  it 
spread  also  to  the  Reformed  communions  of  Southern  France, 
but  without  gaining  much  influence.  In  January,  1S31,  an  evan- 
gelical society  was  formed  in  Geneva  for  the  purpose  of  diffusing 
true  evangelical  Christianity  by  all  kinds  of  means.  Soon  after, 
a  second  similar  association  was  established  in  Paris.  These 
evangelical  societies  endeavored  to  make  use  of  the  newly  ac- 
quired freedom  of  the  press,  of  worship,  and  of  association,  in 
favor  of  Christianity,  and  desired,  following  the  example  of  En- 
gland  and  America,  to  work  for  the  evangelization  of  France, 
without  claiming  any  assistance  from  the  government.  The 
members  of  these  societies  were  chiefly  English  persons  sojourn- 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  449 

ing  on  the  Continent,  who  had  not  only  originated  them,  but 
also  furnished  the  means  for  their  support.  But,  for  this  very 
reason,  the  movement  did  not  meet  with  general  favor  in  France. 
The  members  were  called  Methodists,  and  particular  exception 
was  taken  to  the  Calvinistic  dogma  of  unconditional  predestina- 
tion, which  the  Geneva  Association  at  least  certainly  asserted. 
The  first  step  of  these  societies  was  to  send  out  colporteurs  for 
the  sale  of  Bibles  and  distribution  of  tracts,  in  order  thus  to 
awaken  a  spirit  of  religion,  and  then  report  as  to  the  degree  of 
susceptibility  with  which  they  had  met.  Wherever  a  number  of 
susceptible  subjects  were  found,  prayer-meetings  were  established 
or  chapels  opened,  to  which  preachers  were  attached,  but  without 
demanding  either  the  permission  or  the  aid  of  the  government. 
Now  and  then  these  evangelists  also  gained  access  to  the  Catholic 
population,  and  then  fell  into  disputes  with  the  Catholic  clergy. 
It  depended,  however,  entirely  upon  the  local  authorities  whether 
they  ignored  or  forbade  such  associations  which  had  not  the 
sanction  of  the  government.  The  majority  of  the  clergy  of  the 
Reformed  National  Church  were  opposed  to  these  evangelical 
societies ;  some,  however,  joined  them.  It  was  the  struggle  be- 
tween rationalism  and  supernaturalism  which  was  being  carried 
on  here,  as  in  Germany,  although  in  another  form. 

The  sense  of  the  necessity  of  greater  unity  in  the  French  Re- 
formed Church  gave  rise  to  the  so-called  Pastoral  Conferences 
in  Paris.  The  plan  originated  with  the  preacher  Coquerel ;  and 
these  Pastoral  Conferences,  of  which  all  Protestant  clergymen 
occupying  charges  in  France  were  to  be  members,  were  begun 
in  1S33.  For  some  time  past,  the  general  assemblies  of  the 
Protestant  religious  and  charitable  institutions  had  been  held  at 
Paris  annually,  soon  after  Easter,  and  had  always  been  attended 
by  clergymen  from  various  parts  of  France.  This  circumstance 
was  taken  advantage  of,  in  order  to  establish  Pastoral  Confer- 
ences to  be  held  at  the  same  season.  These  conferences  discussed, 
among  other  things,  a  new  constitution  of  the  Reformed  Church, 
by  which  it  should  obtain  unity,  and,  in  central  synods,  be  placed 
under  a  supreme  spiritual  jurisdiction.  But  this  was  frustrated 
by  the  Methodist  party  above  mentioned,  which  withdrew  entire- 
ly from  the  supervision  of  the  State,  and  insisted  upon  erecting 
independent  chapels  for  the  use  of  its  adherents. 

In  opposition  to  this  party,  however,  a  Christian  Protestant 
vol.  v.— 29 


450  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

Society  for  France  was  formed  in  Bordeaux  in  1S35,  whose 
principles  combined  orthodoxy  and  attachment  to  the  Church, 
and  which  sought  at  the  same  time  to  promote  an  adherence 
to  the  Gospel  and  to  the  existing  Church  ordinances,  and  reject- 
ed measures  which  deviated  from  the  latter,  such  as  had  been 
taken  by  the  evangelical  societies.  In  1S42  there  was  danger  of 
an  actual  schism  in  the  French  Reformed  Church,  owing  to  the 
Methodistic  intrigues,  which  had  their  centre  in  the  so-called 
Evangelical  Society.  This  Methodist  party  took  advantage  of  the 
manifold  complaints  which  the  French  Protestants  had  for  some 
time  been  making  with  regard  to  the  neglect  of  their  interests  by 
the  government.  The  salaries  of  their  pastors  were  too  small  to 
enable  them  to  support  a  family.  In  many  towns,  where  there 
was  a  sufficient  number  of  Protestants,  they  had  no  churches  and 
schools ;  no  Protestant  clergymen  were  attached  to  the  army  or  to 
the  penal  institutions,  although  there  were  many  individuals  of 
that  faith  in  both.  Count  Gasparin,  one  of  the  most  zealous  of 
the  Methodists, laid  particular  stress  on  these  wants  in  the  public; 
journals,  and  caused  the  formation  of  a  society  for  the  general 
interests  of  French  Protestantism,15  which,  however,  was  to  be 
composed  only  of  members  whose  orthodoxy  was  undoubted. 
This  society  was  organized  in  secret,  and  came  forward  openly  at 
the  Pastoral  Conference  of  April,  1S42,  after  having  taken  pre- 
cautions that  the  latter  should  be  attended  chiefly  by  those  who 
held  similar  views.  At  this  conference,  indeed,  the  society  ob- 
tained the  majority  of  votes,  but  it  was  greatly  mistaken  in  hop- 
ing that  this  decision  would  be  regarded  as  that  of  the  French 
Reformed  Church  in  general.  On  the  contrary,  this  proceeding 
called  forth  general  disapprobation.  It  was  looked  upon  as  the 
beginning  of  a  schism  :  it  was  deemed  contradictory  that  this 
society  promised  to  look  after  the  interests  of  the  whole  French 
Church,  and  yet  excluded  from  its  membership  the  greater  part 
of  it,  and  with  it  some  of  the  most  estimable  clergymen.  It  was 
asserted  that  the  consistories  were  the  legal  guardians  of  the 
Church  interests,  and  no  others  were  needed.  From  all  quar- 
ters protests  arose  against  the  newly  established  society.  A  re- 
action against  Methodism  took  place,  which  showed  very  plainly 
that  the  latter  had,  after  all,  gained  but  a  small  minority  in  the 
Church. 

15  Sociute  des  Interets  Generaux  di>Protestantisrnc  Fraiifais. 


§  3.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  451 

Thus,  already  on  April  30, 1842,  one  hundred  and  ninety  Ee- 
formed  clergymen  united  in  a  petition  to  the  Minister  of  Public 
Instruction  regarding  the  Theological  Faculty  at  Montauban. 
The  appointment  of  the  professors  in  this  institution  rested  with 
the  minister.  Formerly  the  latter  was  wont  to  consult  the  con- 
sistories with  regard  to  this  point,  but  after  1830  he  appointed, 
without  previous  consultation,  and  by  advice  of  certain  influen- 
tial persons,  only  clergymen  of  Methodistic  tendencies  to  the  va- 
cant posts,  and  thus  Methodism  gained  the  upper-hand  at  Mon- 
tauban. This  was  censured  in  the  petition  in  question,  and  the 
minister  was  requested,  in  cases  of  future  appointments,  to  con- 
sult the  consistories,  and  for  the  present  to  restore  the  equilibri- 
um between  the  two  parties  by  establishing  a  chair  for  canon- 
law,  which  was  very  much  needed,  and  filling  it  with  a  man  of 
liberal  opinions.16 

From  all  this  it  appears  that  the  Eeformed  Church  of  France, 
after  having  obtained  an  outwardly  secure  position,  is  still  en- 
o-ao-ed  in  a  -process  of  inner  fermentation.  "What  it  needs  most 
is  an  improvement  in  the  means  of  theological  education,  in  or- 
der that  the  French  Protestant  Church  may,  in  this  respect  as 
well  as  in  others,  recover  from  the  wounds  which  it  received 
by  the  Kevocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  when  this  is  accomplished,  the  gloomy  Methodism  which 
stands  in  the  way  of  all  more  extended  influence  on  the  part 
of  the  Eeformed  Church  in  France  will  retreat  into  the  back- 
ground, without,  however,  thereby  causing  any  diminution  of  the 
true  spirit  of  religion.17 

The  government  of  Louis  Philippe  aimed  at  firmly  establish- 
ing a  condition  of  tranquillity  and  order  in  France,  and,  as  far 
as  possible,  maintaining  peace  with  foreign  powers.  It  was  aware 
how  important  is  the  influence  of  the  churches  upon  the  public 
mind,  and  therefore  sought  to  be  on  good  terms  with  all  persua- 
sions, without  giving  the  preference  to  any.  It  was  particularly 
endangered  by  the  large  number  of  the  impecunious,  who,  in- 
cited by  the  advocates  of  communism  and  socialism,  demanded  an 
influence  upon  the  government  in  order  to  better  their  position. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  government  depended  upon  the  wealthy 

16  Darmst.  Allgemeine  Kircbenzeitung,  1842,  Dec.  p.  1653. 

17  Die  prot.  Kircbe  Frankreicbs  von  1787  bis  1846,  berausg.  von  Gieseler,  2  vols. 
Leipsic,  1848. 


452  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  HI.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

commoners,  and  considered  itself  sufficiently  guarded  by  them 
and  by  the  National  Guard,  which  was  composed  of  them.  For 
this  reason  it  was  long  unwilling  to  agree  to  a  change  of  the  elec- 
toral law,  which  had  for  some  time  been  demanded  by  the  opposi- 
tion. According  to  the  charter,  the  qualification  for  the  election 
of  Deputies  was  so  high  that  only  a  proportionately  small  number 
of  citizens  were  voters.  These,  above  all,  the  government  sought 
to  gain  in  its  favor,  in  order  to  obtain  the  majority  in  the  Cham- 
bers, and  to  escape  an  alteration  of  the  electoral  law.  The  op- 
position were  constantly  demanding  a  reduction  of  the  electoral 
qualification.  If  this  was  granted,  it  was  to  be  foreseen  that  the 
latter  would  gradually  be  reduced  more  and  more,  until,  at  last, 
all  Frenchmen,  without  exception,  would  be  voters.  But  such  a 
multitude  of  voters  could  no  longer  be  influenced  by  the  govern- 
ment; the  majority  in  the  Chambers  would  be  of  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent character.  From  such  a  majority  demands  in  favor  of  the 
lower  classes  in  a  socialistic  sense  were  to  be  expected,  as  well  as 
hostile  manifestations  against  foreign  powers.  The  government 
would  be  urged  into  a  more  and  more  democratic  course,  and  fall 
into  dissensions  and  wars  with  other  countries.  To  escape  these 
dangers,  the  administration  used  every  means  to  retain  possession 
of  the  majority  of  the  elections  in  particular  that  of  corruption. 
The  voters  were  promised  privileges  for  their  districts  or  com- 
munities, and  even  the  Deputies  had  concessions  made  to  them 
for  themselves  and  those  recommended  by  them  in  order  to  retain 
them  on  the  side  of  the  government.  To  this  mode  of  corruption 
was  added  another.  The  ministries  were  so  insecure,  and,  after 
1S40,  changed  so  rapidlj',  that  some  of  the  ministers  made  all  pos- 
sible use  of  the  time  of  their  administration  for  gain — accepted 
bribes,  and  were  even  guilty  of  frauds.  There  were  always  many 
who  aspired  to  the  position  of  minister ;  and,  for  this  reason  alone, 
one  ministry  was  not  allowed  to  delay  too  long  before  making 
room  for  another.  The  chief  cause  of  dissatisfaction  with  the 
Guizot  ministry  was  that  it  had  been  at  the  helm  uninterrupted- 
ly since  1840.  The  opposition  made  it  their  aim  to  unveil  the 
above-mentioned  bribery  of  voters  and  Deputies,  as  well  as  the 
frauds  of  the  ministers,  and  succeeded  in  proving  several  cases, 
which  were  especially  made  use  offer  rendering  the  government 
contemptible,  although  Guizot  himself  was  free  from  blame  in 
this  respect,  and  left  France  in  poverty.     The  government  made 


§  4.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN,  PORTUGAL,  AND  ITALY.  453 

itself  no  less  obnoxious  in  connection  with  the  Swiss  affairs  of  the 
day,  by  apparently  supporting  the  Separate  League  (Sonderbuncl), 
and  with  it  the  Jesuits.  In  order  to  bring  about  the  desired  elec- 
toral reforms,  the  opposition  arranged  the  so-called  reform-ban- 
quets. The  one  designed  to  take  place  in  Paris,  which  was,  how- 
ever, prohibited  by  the  government,  occasioned  the  revolution  of 
1848,  in  consequence  of  which  the  republic  was  proclaimed. 

The  results  of  this  subversion  can  not  be  foreseen,  nor  is  it 
possible  to  tell  what  shape  ecclesiastical  matters  will  now  assume. 
Public  opinion  seems  to  be  in  favor  of  separating  the  churches  en- 
tirely from  the  State,  as  in  America,  and  letting  them  form  their 
own  systems  of  government.  The  ultramontanes  would  gladly 
agree  to  this.  They  hope,  in  that  case,  to  gain  more  by  the  influ- 
ence of  the  clergy,  which  would  then  be  quite  unchecked,  than 
they  could  obtain  from  the  State,  and  to  acquire  a  greater  power 
over  the  public  mind  than  has  ever  been  granted  them  before. 
They  would  then  be  able  to  establish  religious  schools,  which 
would  thoroughly  inculcate  their  principles  upon  the  youth  ed- 
ucated in  them ;  all  religious  orders  would  be  allowed  to  found 
establishments  and  convents,  and  thereby  extend  their  influence. 
Yet  it  is,  after  all,  very  doubtful  whether  the  prevailing  spirit  of 
liberty  would  tolerate  such  an  assumption  of  powei*.  The  Re- 
formed Church,  too,  is  projecting  a  new  constitution.  But  the 
National  Assembly  has  not  had  time  to  attend  to  ecclesiastical 
matters. 

§4. 

ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN,  PORTUGAL,  AND  ITALY. 

In  these  countries,  likewise,  liberalism  and  absolutism  have 
been  engaged  in  a  constant  struggle,  the  latter  always  in  league 
with  the  Catholic  hierarchy,  the  former,  on  the  other  hand,  op- 
posing the  pretensions  of  the  priesthood,  and  secretly  averse  to 
the  Catholic  Church:  it  is  chiefly  found  among  the  educated 
classes,  who,  however,  are  in  the  minority. 

In  Spain  the  Bourbon  family  was  deprived  of  the  throne  by 
Napoleon  in  1808.  The  government  of  this  kingdom  had  been 
bad  beyond  comparison.  The  last  King,  Charles  IV.,  had  left 
the  entire  power  in  the  hands  of  Manuel  Godoy,  the  so-called 
Prince  of  Peace,  who  united  all  the  highest  offices  in  one  person. 


454  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

He  was  universally  detested,  and  this  circumstance  finally  favored 
the  designs  of  the  crown-prince  to  usurp  the  throne  as  Ferdinand 
VII.  This  state  of  things  apparently  facilitated  the  dethroning 
of  the  Bourbons.  The  royal  family,  indeed,  immediately  submit- 
ted to  their  fate,  and  allowed  themselves  to  be  taken  to  the  places 
of  residence  assigned  to  them ;  but  the  Spanish  people,  incited 
by  their  old  national  hatred  of  the  French,  and  by  zeal  for  the 
Catholic  Church,  which  the  latter  despised,  rose  in  revolt  against 
the  new  French  King,  Joseph  Bonaparte.  A  war  was  begun 
which  lasted  uninterruptedly  until  the  fall  of  Napoleon,  and 
served  to  weaken  his  power  considerably.  The  new  King,  Jo- 
seph, gave  the  country  a  constitution  modeled  after  that  of  the 
French  empire,  as  was  done  by  all  the  rulers  appointed  by  Napo- 
leon. He  abolished  the  Inquisition,  suppressed  the  convents,  and 
introduced  the  French  code  of  laws.  He  promised,  moreover, 
to  convene  the  Cortes,  the  old  states  of  the  kingdom,  which  had 
not  been  assembled  for  a  long  time,  every  three  years.  In  op- 
position to  him,  several  juntas^  at  first  placed  themselves  at 
the  head  of  the  rebellious  provinces ;  then  a  central  junta  was 
formed,  which,  in  1810,  placed  the  administration  in  the  hands 
of  a  regency.  The  latter  convened  the  Cortes  at  Cadiz,  and  they 
proclaimed  a  constitution  March  18,  1812.  Liberal  ideas,  how- 
ever, had  penetrated  also  to  them,  and  the  remembrance  of  the 
corruptness  of  the  last  monarchical  government  gained  for  these 
opinions  an  influence  upon  the  newT  constitution.  In  the  latter 
the  sovereign  power  was  greatly  limited,  all  feudal  rights  abol- 
ished, and  many  institutions  of  the  French  empire  adopted.  In 
particular,  it  put  an  end  to  the  Inquisition,  and  suppressed  the 
convents.  It  expressed  the  sentiments  of  the  educated  middle 
classes ;  the  people  were  not  in  favor  of  it.  The  clergy,  especial- 
ly the  monks,  had  too  powerful  an  influence,  and  they  represent- 
ed this  constitution  to  the  people  as  an  attack  upon  the  Catholic 
religion,  as  a  mark  of  hostility  against  the  Church.  From  that 
time  two  parties  were  in  constant  opposition  to  each  other  in 
Spain — the  Liberals,  friends  of  the  above-mentioned  constitution 
of  the  Cortes,  and  the  so-called  Serviles,  who  desired  to  have  the 
old  constitution  restored. 

After  the  allies  had  entered  France,  Napoleon  released  from 
custody  the  captive  Ferdinand  VII.,  recognized  him  publicly  as 

1  Councils  of  State. 


§  i.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN,  PORTUGAL,  AND  ITALY.  455 

King  of  Spain,  and  permitted  him  to  return  to  his  kingdom  in 
March,  1814.  The  Cortes  demanded  that  Ferdinand  should  now 
take  the  oath  on  the  new  constitution  ;  but  in  a  declaration  pub- 
lished at  Valencia  May  4,  1S14,  he  pronounced  the  constitution 
of  the  Cortes  null  and  void,  and  entered  upon  the  most  arbitrary 
government,  guided  by  the  attaches  of  his  court  (Camarilla),  and, 
in  particular,  his  confessor,  Pater  Cyrillo.2  The  adherents  of 
France  (Afrancesados),  as  -well  as  the  liberals,  the  partisans  of 
the  Cortes,  were  cruelly  persecuted ;  the  Inquisition  was  re-es- 
tablished, the  Jesuits  allowed  to  return,  and  the  suppressed  con- 
vents restored.  The  royal  arbitrary  rule  joined  hands  with  cler- 
ical fanaticism,  and  the  influential  clergy  were  the  most  power- 
ful support  of  the  absolute  monarchy.  But  the  persecution  of 
suspected  parties,  both  by  the  government  and  the  Inquisition, 
gave  rise  to  so  much  misery  and  misfortune,  as  well  as  fear  and 
anxiety,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  administration  fell  into 
such  disorder,  and  the  financial  troubles  became  so  serious,  that 
the  universal  dissatisfaction  at  length  broke  out  into  open  insur- 
rection. In  January,  1820,  a  portion  of  the  army  proclaimed 
the  constitution  of  the  Cortes,  and  the  King  was  soon  forced  to 
accept  it.  The  Cortes  were  convened,  and  issued  a  series  of  de- 
cisions with  regard  to  the  Church  which  were  in  unison  with  lib- 
eralism. The  Inquisition  was  once  more  abolished,  the  order  of 
Jesus  dissolved,  and  all  Jesuits  sent  to  the  Pontifical  States ;  the 
majority  of  the  convents  were  suppressed,  and,  finally,  the  clergy 
placed  under  civil  jurisdiction.  In  1822,  indeed,  an  actual  breach 
took  place  between  the  constitutional  government  of  Spain  and 
Pome.  The  former  proposed  to  send  a  liberal  canonist,  Canon 
Villanueva,  to  Pome,  as  minister  extraordinary ;  the  Pope  re- 
fused to  receive  him,  and,  in  consequence,  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment not  only  sent  the  Papal  nuncio  his  passports,  but  even 
thought  seriously  of  entirely  separating  the  Spanish  Church  from 
that  of  Pome,  and  making  it  independent,  with  a  patriarch  at  its 
head.  In  consequence  of  a  decree  of  the  Congress  of  Verona, 
however,  a  French  army  entered  Spain  in  1823,  soon  put  an  end 
to  the  rule  of  the  constitution,  and  restored  the  King  with  abso- 
lute power.  This  gave  rise  to  renewed  cruelties  and  persecu- 
tions against  all  liberals  and  those  suspected  of  liberalism,  many 
of  whom,  driven  from  the  kingdom,  made  unceasing  attempts 

2  Rauke's  Hist.-polit.  Zeitschrift,  i.  Gol. 


456  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

to  bring  about  new  insurrections.  A  moderate  party,  however, 
gained  some  influence  upon  the  King,  at  least  from  time  to  time, 
and  thus,  although  the  Jesuits  were  allowed  to  return  forthwith, 
the  Inquisition  was  not  re-established.  But  in  consequence,  a 
fanatically  Catholic  and  absolutist  party  was  formed  against  the 
King,  too,  and  not  only  attached  itself  to  his  brother,  Don  Car- 
los, but  also  made  several  attempts  to  place  him  upon  the 
throne.  The  leaders  of  these  Carlists,  or  Apostolicos,  were  ec- 
clesiastics. Their  aim  was  the  exaltation  of  the  pure  Cath- 
olic religion,  and  they  had  no  greater  desire  than  to  have  ev- 
ery liberal  put  to  death  in  its  honor.  In  December,  1S29, 
Ferdinand  was  married  for  the  fourth  time,  to  Maria  Christina, 
Princess  of  Naples,  his  niece,  who  soon  acquired  a  powerful  in- 
fluence in  the  government,  and,  in  particular,  decidedly  opposed 
the  furious  reactions  against  liberalism  which  still  took  place 
from  time  to  time.  The  King  now  emancipated  himself  entire- 
ly from  the  rule  of  the  clerical  party,  and  the  breach  between 
him  and  his  brother  Carlos  was  completed  by  his  annulling  the 
Salic  law,  which  had  been  established  for  the  succession  in  Spain 
■when  this  country  was  taken  possession  of  by  the  Bourbons.  By 
it  Don  Carlos  was  deprived  of  the  right  of  succession,  which  was 
conferred  upon  the  King's  daughter,  Isabella,  born  October,  1831. 

Ferdinand  VII.  died  September  29,  1833,  and  left  the  king- 
dom in  great  confusion,  and  in  still  greater  financial  embarrass- 
ment.3 The  finances  were  in  such  disorder,  and  the  court  was 
guilty  of  such  extravagance,  that  the  army  never  received  their 
pay  nor  the  public  officials  their  salaries  regularly,  and  even  the 
King  himself  was  sometimes  in  want  of  the  money  he  needed. 
In  1830,  indeed,  20,000,000  francs  had  been  drawn,  with  the  Pa- 
pal sanction,  from  the  Church  property,  but  they  afforded  only  a 
temporary  relief,  for  the  expenses  of  the  government  annually 
far  exceeded  its  income. 

After  the  death  of  Ferdinand,  Maria  Christina,  the  mother  of 
the  young  Queen  Isabella, assumed  the  regency  for  her;  the  lat- 
ter was  acknowledged  almost  universally  in  Spain,  although  Don 
Carlos  protested  against  the  validity  of  her  claims  from  Port- 
ugal, where  he. was  sojourning  with  Dom  Miguel,  and  assert- 
ed his  older  rights.  The  Basque  provinces  alone,  whose  exten- 
sive privileges  had  already  been  threatened  under  Ferdinand 

3  On  the  following  remarks  cf.  the  Darmstadt  Kirchenzeitung,  1841,  No.  15S. 


§  4.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN,  PORTUGAL,  AND  ITALY.  45  7 

VII.,  and  were  most  in  danger  from  the  rule  of  the  Queen,  fol- 
lowed the  insinuations  of  the  Carlists,  revolted  in  October,  1833, 
and  proclaimed  Don  Carlos  King,  in  consequence  of  which  he 
appeared  in  their  midst  in  July,  1834.  As  lie  was  the  centre  of 
the  absolutist  party,  the  Queen-regent  could  look  for  aid  only 
to  the  liberals ;  she  was  forced  to  yield  herself  up  to  them  en- 
tirely, and,  consequently,  to  concede  more  and  more  to  them. 
First,  she  granted  a  moderately  liberal  constitution  by  the  Es- 
tatuto  Real  of  1S31,  which,  however,  soon  no  longer  satisfied  the 
demands  of  many  of  the  liberals,  and  occasioned  internal  strug- 
gles among  the  party.  And  as,  moreover,  the  terrible  financial 
disorder  became  distinctly  apparent  —  as  the  government  was 
obliged  to  admit  the  bankruptcy  of  the  State,  and  the  means  of 
equipping  the  army  were  entirely  wanting — the  insurrection  of 
Don  Carlos  was  not  easy  to  quell,  and  even  progressed,  thus  re- 
peatedly seriously  endangering  the  cause  of  the  Queen. 

The  Queen-regent,  meanwhile,  had  fallen  into  disagreement 
with  the  Pope.  The  latter  desired  to  maintain  a  neutral  position 
in  the  quarrel  about  the  succession,  and  therefore  refused  to  rec- 
ognize Queen  Isabella,  as  well  as  to  accredit  his  nuncio  in  Ma- 
drid to  her  court.  By  the  Concordat  of  1753  the  Spanish  crown 
makes  the  nominations  for  all  bishoprics,  but  the  parties  nomi- 
nated have  to  receive  bulls  of  institution  from  the  Pope  before 
entering  upon  their  office.  In  these  bulls  of  institution  the  Pope 
now  objected  to  mentioning  the  nomination  of  the  candidates  by 
the  Queen-regent,  as  this  would  involve  an  acknowledgment  of 
Queen  Isabella.  He  was  willing,  indeed,  to  give  bulls  of  invest- 
iture to  the  bishops  nominated  by  her,  but  proposed  to  make 
use  of  the  expression  in  them  that  the  bishops  had  been  nomi- 
nated motu  jproprio  et  benignitate  Sedis  Ajpostolicae,  and,  final- 
ly, secure  the  right  of  patronage  of  the  Spanish  crown  by  a  special 
declaration.  This  proposition  was  rejected  by  the  Queen-regent. 
In  August,  1835,  the  Papal  nuncio,  who  till  then  had  continued 
to  reside  in  Madrid,  received  his  passports  and  left  Spain;  while 
the  government,  partly  by  force,  induced  the  chapters  to  elect 
the  bishops  whom  it  had  nominated,  vicariis  capitular  ibus,  and 
thus  intrust  them  with  the  administration  of  their  dioceses. 

For  some  time  past  the  eyes  of  the  liberals  had  been  directed 
toward  the  vast  possessions  of  the  churches  and  convents,  as  they 
alone  seemed  to  present  the  means  of  regulating  the  disordered 


458  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

finances  of  the  State.  Consequently,  a  decree  of  April  22, 1834, 
ordered  the  establishment  of  an  ecclesiastical  junta,  composed  of 
clerical  and  secular  members,  which  was  to  prepare  a  new  or- 
ganization of  the  clergy ;  another  order  of  the  same  date  for- 
bade all  monasteries  to  receive  novices  in  future. 

The  majority  of  the  clergy  and  the  monks  had  always  inclined 
toward  Don  Carlos.  Absolutism  was  closely  in  league  with  re- 
ligious bigotry;  an  absolute  government  was  obliged  to  lean 
chiefly  upon  the  clergy,  and  hence  the  latter  had  reason  to  ex- 
pect from  Don  Carlos  high  honors,  and  respect  and  upholding  of 
their  privileges.  In  Spain,  as  in  all  Catholic  countries,  the  liber- 
als were  averse  to  the  clerical  and  Papal  dominion.  They  men- 
aced the  privileges  and  revenues  of  the  clergy,  and  could,  there- 
fore, not  have  many  friends  among  the  latter.  The  Carlists  used 
these  circumstances,  too,  to  their  advantage ;  they  designated  the 
Christinas  as  heretics,  and  called  themselves  Apostolicos. 

The  Queen's  party  was  soon  forced,  by  the  general  want  of 
funds,  to  attack  the  Church  property.  Mendizabal,  Minister  of 
Finance,  was  authorized  in  1S35  to  have  a  number  of  superflu- 
ous church-bells  melted  down.  At  the  same  time,  the  necessity 
became  apparent  of  utilizing  the  ample  possessions  of  the  con- 
vents, likewise,  for  government  purposes.  Hence,  even  before 
any  orders  from  the  government  had  been  issued,  a  fearful  storm 
against  the  monks  broke  out  in  the  cities,  where  the  middle  class- 
es, among  whom  there  was  much  enlightenment,  had  long  felt 
oppressed  by  the  monastic  yoke.  First,  the  convents  were  at- 
tacked in  Saragossa,  July  5, 1S35,  and  many  monks  killed  ;  the 
principal  cities  of  the  South — Barcelona,  Valencia,  Seville,  Ca- 
diz— immediately  followed,  and  their  example  was  imitated  by 
the  smaller  towns.  The  government  yielded  forthwith  to  this 
expression  of  public  opinion,  and  on  July  25, 1835,  decreed,  with- 
out paying  the  least  regard  to  the  Papal  See,  the  suppression  of 
all  monasteries  which  did  not  contain  at  least  twelve  monks. 
This  measure  was  soon  extended,  and  finally  Mendizabal,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  vote  of  confidence  conferred  upon  him  by  the 
Cortes,  suppressed  all  monasteries  (March  S,  1S30)  and  decreed 
that  the  nunneries  should  die  out.  The  secularized  monks,  in- 
deed, were  promised  support  by  the  State,  but  they  never  received 
any  assistance  from  it,  and  thus  naturally  became  the  bitter  ene- 
mies of  the  Queen's  government. 


§  4.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN,  PORTUGAL,  AND  ITALY.  459 

The  Pope  had  to  be  satisfied  with  expressing  his  complaints 
against  the  Spanish  government  in  an  allocution  delivered  at  a 
secret  consistory  February  1,  1S36,  and  with  protesting  against 
all  infringements  of  the  rights  of  the  Church  and  the  clergy. 

Very  soon,  however,  progressive  liberalism  was  no  longer  sat- 
isfied even  with  the  Estatuto  Beat,  and  demanded  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Cortes  constitution  of  1812.  The  Queen-regent  was 
obliged  to  consent  to  the  election  of  Cortes  for  the  purpose  of 
revising  the  constitution  in  question ;  the  moderate  party  suc- 
ceeded only  in  somewhat  modifying  its  democratic  tendency, 
and  the  constitution  thus  revised  was  adopted  in  June,  1837. 

The  ecclesiastical  junta  appointed  in  1831  had  made  propo- 
sals with  regard  to  the  reorganization  of  the  clergy,  but  these 
had  been  found  too  little  in  accordance  with  the  plans  of  the 
ruling  liberal  party,  and  had  therefore  remained  disregarded. 
In  1837,  however,  the  Constituent  Cortes  appointed  a  commission 
for  the  purpose  of  accomplishing  the  same  task  more  satisfac- 
torily ;  and  as  early  as  May  10, 1837,  the  majority  of  the  com- 
mission submitted  their  propositions.  The  substance  of  the  lat- 
ter was  that  the  Pope  should  henceforward  be  regarded  merely 
asprimus  inter  pares  among  the  bishops ;  the  bishops  alone  grant 
absolution  and  dispensation;  all  Papal  jurisdiction  and  revenues 
cease  in  Spain  ;  and  the  clergy  draw  their  salaries  from  the  State. 
These  propositions  evidently  went  too  far,  and  the  Queen-regent 
refused  to  confirm  them.  She  was  willing  to  regulate  the  new 
ecclesiastical  constitution  only  in  conjunction  with  the  Pope,  but 
all  efforts  toward  a  reconciliation  with  the  latter  remained  with- 
out result. 

In  1S39,  however,  the  war  with  Don  Carlos  came  to  an  end. 
He  was  too  weak  to  govern  the  different  factions  into  which  his 
adherents,  too,  were  divided ;  he  became  their  foot-ball ;  and,  in 
particular,  allowed  himself  to  be  induced,  by  his  very  bigoted 
surroundings,  to  give  his  sanction  to  the  most  arbitrary  actions 
and  the  greatest  cruelties.  His  most  able  general,  Maroto,  se- 
ceded from  him  in  consequence,  with  the  greater  part  of  the 
army,  by  the  treaty  of  Bergara ;  he  himself  escaped  to  France, 
whither  the  remainder  of  his  troops,  under  Cabreras  and  Bal- 
mesada,  were  obliged  to  follow  him  in  1S40. 

Meanwhile,  Maria  Christina  no  longer  satisfied  the  desires  of 
the  radicals,  who  were  more  and  more  gaining  the  upper-hand : 


460  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

many  cities  seceded  from  her  party  in  September,  1S10.  She 
was  forced  to  abdicate  in  Valencia  in  October  of  the  same  year, 
and  her  most  distinguished  general,  Espartero,  was  chosen  regent 
for  Queen  Isabella,  who  was  still  a  minor.  The  ex-Queen-regent 
also  withdrew  to  France,  and  fixed  her  residence  in  Paris. 

During  the  above  -  mentioned  agitation  of  September,  1S40, 
juntas  had  been  formed  in  all  the  principal  cities  before  Espar- 
tero was  chosen  regent,  and  these  juntas  widened  the  breach  with 
Rome.  They  expelled  such  bishops  and  parish  priests  as  were 
opposed  to  the  new  order  of  things,  put  other  ecclesiastics  of 
ultra-liberal  sentiments  in  their  place,  and  made  new  divisions  in 
the  parishes.  The  greatest  sensation,  however,  was  created  by  the 
abolition  of  the  ecclesiastical  court  of  the  nunciature  in  Madrid. 

In  former  times,  the  Papal  nuncio  in  Madrid  had  exercised, 
through  an  auditor,  the  highest  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  ;  in 
1771,  however,  by  an  agreement  between  the  government  and 
the  Pope,  a  tribunal  had  been  established  for  this  purpose  in 
Madrid  under  the  title  of  Rota  de  la  Nunciatura  Apostolica, 
the  assessors  of  which  were  chosen  by  the  King,  while  the  Pope 
nominated  the  auditor  or  president.  When,  in  1835,  the  nuncio 
was  forced  to  leave  Madrid,  he  transferred  to  the  auditor  of  the 
Rota,  with  the  sanction  of  the  government,  the  adjustment  of 
the  current  affairs  of  the  nunciature  ;  but  when  this  auditor, 
Don  Jose  Ramires  de  Arellano,  remonstrated  with  the  regency 
which  had  been  formed  previous  to  the  election  of  Espartero 
against  the  acts  of  violence  which  the  revolutionary  juntas  had 
permitted  themselves  toward  the  clergy  in  September,  1S40,  the 
regency  referred  these  complaints  to  the  highest  secular  tribunal, 
notwithstanding  the  Rota  was  not  subject  to  any  other  court.  In 
accordance  with  the  decision  given  by  this  tribunal,  the  regency 
abolished  the  Rota,  transferred  its  affairs  to  the  Supreme  Court, 
and  caused  Don  Ramires  to  be  conducted  across  the  frontier. 

The  Pope  censured  all  these  measures  most  bitterly  in  his  al- 
locution of  March  1, 1811.  lie  protested  against  the  suppression 
of  the  convents,  the  removal  of  certain  ecclesiastics,  the  new  di- 
vision of  parishes  by  the  secular  authorities,  and  against  sundry 
other  points.  In  particular,  he  declared  it  uncanonical  that  many 
chapters  had  conferred  upon  the  bishops  nominated  by  the  gov- 
ernment the  office  of  a  vicarius  capitularis.  Consequently,  cer- 
tain of  the  chapters  refused  to  acknowledge  the  bishops  thus 


§  4.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN,  PORTUGAL,  AND  ITALY.  451 

nominated  as  capitulary  vicars.  The  government  responded  to 
the  Pope's  allocation  by  a  no  less  vehement  manifesto  of  July 
30,  1S41 ;  the  Cortes,  on  June  23,  declared  all  the  possessions 
of  the  secular  clergy  national  property,  and  resolved  to  pay  the 
salaries  of  the  clergy  from  the  public  treasury.  All  remittances 
to  Rome  for  indulgences  were  forbidden,  and  all  extraordinary 
spiritual  tribunals,  as  well  as  the  Papal  nunciature,  declared  abol- 
ished, as  only  the  episcopal  jurisdiction  was  to  remain  in  exist- 
ence. 

Upon  this  the  Pope  issued  a  brief,  February  22, 1S42,  in  which 
he  repeatedly  declared  all  decrees  of  the  government  which  in- 
terfered with  the  rights  of  the  Church  null  and  void ;  ordered 
prayers  throughout  the  whole  Catholic  Church  for  Spain  and  its 
Church  ;  and  granted  to  all  who  should  take  part  in  these  prayers 
according  to  the  prescribed  forms  full  indulgence  in  shape  of  a 
jubilee.  This  measure  was  entirely  calculated  to  spread  abroad 
the  greatest  indignation  at  the  course  of  the  Spanish  government, 
and  hatred  of  its  instigators,  and  could  not  but  make  a  deep  im- 
pression in  Spain  itself,  xlfter  the  expulsion  of  Espartero,  how- 
ever, in  1S43,  the  young  Queen  Isabella  assumed  the  reins  of 
government  in  person,  and  matters  gradually  appeared  to  regain 
a  firmer  position.  Through  the  influence  of  the  Queen-mother, 
Maria  Christina,  who,  during  her  banishment,  had  humiliated  her- 
self before  the  Pope  and  subsequently  became  very  devout,  the 
government  has  begun  to  show  itself  more  yielding  toward  Rome. 
In  July,  1848,  a  Papal  nuncio  once  more  appeared  at  Madrid. 
Spain,  however,  has  by  no  means  returned  to  a  condition  of  safety- 
yet,  either  in  temporal  or  in  spiritual  matters.  In  the  cities,  to 
which  many  modern  views  have  penetrated  from  foreign  parts, 
the  hatred  of  the  clergy,  who  have  been  the  cause  of  so  much 
oppression,  is  very  great,  and  open  infidelity  by  no  means  rare. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  priests  and  the  monks  still  retain  a  strong 
influence  in  the  country.  The  passionate,  violent  character  of 
the  Spaniards  has  developed  the  greatest  animosity  between  the 
two  parties,  and  that  which  happens  to  have  the  upper -hand 
openly  aims  at  the  total  destruction  of  its  opponents.  Thus 
Spain,  at  present,  is  wavering  between  the  extremes  of  supersti- 
tion and  infidelity ;  and  it  is  evident  that  a  long  time  will  be 
necessary  to  bring  its  political  and  ecclesiastical  conditions  to  a 
tranquil  medium  state. 


462  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  HI.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

Portugal  was  invaded  by  Napoleon  in  November,  1807 ;  the 
royal  family  fled  to  Brazil,  and  Portugal  became,  from  this  time, 
the  scene  of  continuous  wars,  until,  in  1814,  the  old  government 
again  entered  into  undisputed  possession.    After  the  example  of 
Spain,  an  insurrection  broke  out  here,  too,  in  August,  1S20,  and 
a  Cortes  constitution  was  proclaimed,  which  was  accepted  by  the 
Kinar,  Juan  VI.,  after  his  return  from  Brazil  in  1821.     In  the 
Portuguese  Cortes,  ultra-liberalism  was  quite  as  much  in  the  as- 
cendant as  in  those  of  Spain,  so  that  the  King  retained  merely  a 
shadow  of  his  dignity.    Against  the  pretensions  of  the  hierarchy, 
too,  the  Cortes  of  Portugal  declared  themselves  quite  as  strongly, 
and  sought  to  weaken  all  ecclesiastical  influence  as  much  as  pos- 
sible.    The  Jesuits  had  been  refused  admission  to  the  kingdom 
on  the  restoration  of  the  order ;  now  the  Inquisition  was  abol- 
ished, and  the  Cortes,  in  1821,  went  so  far  as  to  do  away  with  all 
Church  holidays  except  Sunday,  and  to  institute,  instead,  five  po- 
litical holidays  in  commemoration  of  the  glory  and  the  freedom 
of  Portugal.    In  1822  it  was  further  decreed  that  the  majority  of 
the  convents  should  be  suppressed,  and  the  Pope  be  requested  to 
permit  those  monks  and  nuns  who  wished  to  leave  the  convents 
to  do  so.    As  the  inferior  secular  clergy  had  been  much  neglect- 
ed in  Portugal,  as  every  where,  their  salaries  were  increased. 
But  these  measures  against  the  monastic   clergy   robbed   the 
Cortes  of  the  confidence  of  the  people ;  and  thus  the  second  son 
of  the  King,  Dom  Miguel,  had  no  difficulty,  in  May,  1823,  while 
the  French  were  overthrowing  the  Cortes  constitution  in  Spain, 
in  doing  the  same  in  Portugal.     King  Juan  VI.,  indeed,  intend- 
ed to  replace  the  annulled  constitution  by  another  more  moderate 
one ;  but  he  was  too  weak  and  undecided  to  withstand  a  court 
party  at  the  head  of  which  stood  his  Queen,  who  abominated  all 
constitutions.     When  Juan  VI.  died,  March  10, 1826,  the  crown 
fell  to  his  eldest  son,  Dom  Pedro,  Emperor  of  Brazil.     The  lat- 
ter immediately  issued  a  new  constitution,  April  23, 1S26  (the 
Carta),  and  then  ceded  the  crown  of  Portugal,  which  he  was 
not  permitted  to  wear  simultaneously  with  that  of  Brazil,  to  his 
daughter,  Dona  Maria  da  Gloria,  who,  upon  reaching  a  suitable 
age,  was  to  marry  her  uncle,  Dom  Miguel.    The  new  constitution 
met  with  vehement  opposition  from  the  party  of  the  Queen-dow- 
ager, Carlotta  (who  wished  to  secure  for  her  son  the  unlimited 
sovereignty),  but  was,  nevertheless,  established  by  a  regency.    At 


§  4.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN,  PORTUGAL,  AND  ITALY.  4Q3 

length  Pedro,  hoping  thereby  to  reconcile  the  opposing  parties, 
appointed  his  brother,  Dom  Miguel,  regent ;  the  latter  having  re- 
peatedly taken  the  oath  on  the  constitution.  But  Miguel  had 
hardly  reached  Portugal,  in  February,  1828,  when  he  broke  his 
oath,  and,  with  the  aid  of  the  powerful  clerical  party,  annulled 
the  constitution  and  caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed  King,  with 
absolute  power.  From  this  time  he  reigned  over  Portugal  in  the 
most  arbitrary  manner,  and  persecuted  the  liberals  with  unexam- 
pled cruelty,  but  was  supported  unconditionally  by  the  priests  and 
monks,  as  the  protector  of  the  true  Catholic  Church.  In  April, 
1831, Dom  Pedro,  deprived  of  the  throne  of  Brazil  in  consequence 
of  showing  too  great  partiality  toward  the  Portuguese,  returned 
to  Europe  in  order  to  assert  his  daughter's  rights  against  his  faith- 
less brother.  He  landed  in  Portugal  with  a  small  army  in  July, 
1832,  and  first  occupied  Oporto.  In  July,  1833,  he  took  the  cap- 
ital, Lisbon,  and  gained  a  decided  ascendency.  All  these  suc- 
cesses, however,  he  owed  to  hired  foreign  troops.  In  the  king- 
dom itself,  the  powerful  clerical  party  was  opposed  to  him,  and 
stirred  up  the  people  against  him  and  the  constitution  as  danger- 
ous to  religion  and  the  Church.  The  enlightened  middle  classes, 
who  are  removed  from  this  influence,  and  judge  the  condition  of 
affairs  more  correctly,  are  still  greatly  in  the  minority  compared 
to  the  mass  of  the  people.  Dom  Pedro,  after  his  conquest  of 
Lisbon,  did  much  to  increase  the  excitement  of  the  clerical  party 
against  him.  He  immediately  dismissed  the  apostolic  pronuncio 
resident  there  ;  and,  in  view  of  so  many  priests  being  devoted  to 
Dom  Miguel,  decreed  a  general  reformation  of  both  the  secular 
and  the  monastic  clergy  ;  annulled  the  jprivilegium  fori  /  for- 
bade the  nunneries  to  receive  novices ;  suppressed  such  convents 
as  contained  fewer  than  twelve  monks  or  nuns ;  and  placed  all 
cloisters  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops.  Those  ecclesias- 
tics who  were  openly  active  for  Dom  Miguel  were  removed,  and 
the  nominations  for  clerical  positions  made  by  them  were  de- 
clared invalid.  Pope  Gregory  XVI.,  in  an  address  delivered  at 
a  consistory  September  30,  1833,  expressed  himself  most  vehe- 
mently against  these  innovations. 

In  the  mean  time,  Dom  Miguel  was  wholly  conquered,  and 
obliged,  in  the  treaty  of  Evora  (May  26, 1834),  to  resign  all  claim 
to  Portugal  and  leave  the  country.  He  went  to  Italy,  where  he 
forthwith  revoked  his  concessions.     Dom  Pedro  now  reigned  as 


4G4  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  DX— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

guardian  of  his  daughter,  and  abolished  all  convents  and  monas- 
tic orders,  in  which  he  had  his  most  vehement  opponents.  After 
his  death  (September  21,  1834),  the  young  Queen  assumed  the 
government.  Portugal  is  constantly  being  brought  in  contact 
with  and  infected  by  the  agitations  in  Spain.  As,  in  the  latter 
country,  liberalism  was  constantly  progressing,  so,  too,  the  Carta 
of  Dom  Pedro  soon  ceased  to  satisfy  the  Portuguese  liberals ;  and 
the  Queen  was  obliged,  in  September,  1836,  to  recognize  the  con- 
stitution of  1S2G,  which,  however,  like  that  of  Spain,  had  been 
modified  by  revision.  During  all  this  time,  the  attempts  of  the 
Miguelists  did  not  cease,  but  they  were  less  dangerous  than  those 
of  Don  Carlos  in  Spain.  The  fate  of  Portugal  could  only  be 
decided  simultaneously  with  that  of  Spain,  and  Dom  Miguel 
and  the  clerical  party  conquer  with  Don  Carlos,  or  Maria  and 
liberalism  with  Isabella. 

In  Italy,  religious  fanaticism  is  much  less  prevalent  than  in 
Spain  and  Portugal.  The  Italians  have  too  much  sound  good- 
sense  to  be  easily  drawn  into  any  exaggerated  enthusiasm.  More- 
over, they  are  too  well  acquainted  with  the  Papacy,  its  weakness- 
es and  its  defects,  and  are  not  so  liable  to  be  dazzled  by  it  as  dis- 
tant nations.  The  less  so,  indeed,  that  Papacy,  for  centuries  past, 
has  been  engaged  in  frequent  controversies  with  the  smaller  Ital- 
ian states,  by  which  the  interests  of  the  individual  subjects  were 
also  affected.  These  states  have  therefore  long  since  become  fa- 
miliar with  the  arrogance  of  the  Papacy,  and  do  not  hesitate  to 
resist  it  when  necessary.  Thus  the  kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies 
abolished,  without  ceremony,  its  feudal  service  to  the  Papal  See. 
It  was  in  the  time  of  Joseph  II.,  in  17SG,  that  King  Ferdinand 
IV.  first  refused  the  annual  observance  of  the  feudal  service, 
which  consisted  in  his  furnishing  a  palfrey  for  the  use  of  the 
Pope  on  the  day  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  (June  29).4  xifter  his 
return  to  Pome  in  1S11,  Pius  VII.  strove  to  have  this  relation 
restored  like  other  old  conditions,  but  did  not  succeed.  Fer- 
dinand IV.  declared  to  him,  in  1S1G,  that  feudalism  had  ceased 
every  where  else ;  that  he  had  been  unconditionally  restored  to 
the  possession  of  his  kingdom  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  and 
that  his  sovereignty  was  incompatible  with  a  feudal  relation. 
At  the  same  time,  he  reminded  the  Pope  of  the  fact  that  he  had 

*  On  the  regulation  of  Church  affairs  in  Sicily,  see  Vater's  Anbau,  i.  68  ;  in  Sardin- 
ia, ib.  p.  134. 


§  4.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN,  PORTUGAL,  AND  ITALY.  465 

been  ready,  on  certain  conditions,  to  recognize  Joseph  Bonaparte 
as  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  which  proved  that  the  monarchy  in 
Sicily  might,  under  some  circumstances,  be  seriously  endangered 
by  the  recognition  of  the  Papal  right  to  feudal  service.  The 
Pope  thereupon  used  various  threats,  but  did  not  venture  to 
support  his  claims  by  ecclesiastical  censure.  The  non-discharge 
of  the  feudal  tribute  is  merely  protested  against  on  the  day  of 
SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  as,  indeed,  all  pretensions  of  the  Papal  See 
are  insured  by  protest  on  this  occasion. 

Unfortunately,  the  indifference  of  the  Italians  to  the  hierarchy 
has  caused  indifference  to  religion  in  general  to  become  preva- 
lent among  them.  They  look  upon  it  as  something  existing, 
something  firmly  established,  and  punctually  fulfill  their  outward 
religious  duties ;  but  they  are  far  from  making  religion  a  subject 
of  reflection,  or  of  inner  sentiment.  This  tendency  is  frequent 
among  the  higher  clergy  as  well,  so  that  they  look  upon  the 
Church  as  a  merely  external  institution,  similar  to  the  State,  and 
the  government  of  the  one  quite  as  much  a  result  of  policy  as  that 
of  the  other.  When,  therefore,  after  the  Restoration,  several  Ital- 
ian governments  attempted  to  diffuse,  by  outward  compulsion, 
more  of  a  religious  spirit  among  their  subjects,  they  only  increased 
the  discontent  and  disaffection  prevailing  among  them.  The 
strongest  measures  of  this  kind  were  taken  by  the  governments 
of  Sardinia  and  Modena.  In  the  kingdom  of  Sardinia  the  im- 
portation of  books  and  newspapers,  and  even  of  maps,  was  strict- 
ly prohibited.  The  Duke  of  Modena,  an  Austrian  prince,  began 
with  a  law  on  the  abuse  of  learning,  by  which,  in  fact,  all  scientif- 
ic liberty  was  to  be  abolished,  and  the  middle  and  lower  classes 
excluded  from  all  higher  education.  The  university  was  closed, 
and  colleges  established  instead,  where  youths  were  prepared  for 
their  different  vocations  by  monastic  training.  The  elementary 
education  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Jesuits  and  priests ; 
the  existing  free  schools  were  abolished  ;  the  attendance  of  for- 
eign universities  and  traveling  in  foreign  parts  almost  prohibit- 
ed ;  a  strict  censorship  of  books  was  introduced,5  and  the  numer- 
ous cloisters  were  re-established.     The  State  withdrew  almost 

5  In  1829  the  Duke  issued  an  order  to  the  effect  that  his  subjects  should  deliver  up 
all  bad  (i.  e.  liberal)  books,  under  penalty  of  severe  punishment,  and  receive  instead 
good  books  (books  of  prayer  and  of  devotion) ;  and,  in  consequence,  the  police  began 
to  search  the  houses  to  see  if  they  contained  books  without  the  double  stamp  of 
censorship,  i.  e.  the  spiritual  and  the  secular. 
VOL.  V. — 30 


46G  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  ELL— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

entirely  from  all  eare  for  the  public  welfare,  only  maintaining'  a 
numerous  and  strict  police  force;  the  taxes  were  exorbitant. 

On  the  (tther  hand,  the  governments  of  Tuscany  and  Parma 
distinguished  themselves  by  leniency  and  judiciousness. 

In  consequence  of  the  Spanish  Revolution,  one  of  similar  char- 
acter broke  out  in  Naples  in  July,  1S20,  and  another  in  March, 
1S21,  in  Piedmont.  Both,  however,  were  quelled  in  the  spring 
of  1S21  by  an  Austrian  force.  The  result  of  these  agitations  was 
a  reaction,  which,  like  that  in  the  other  states,  sought,  with  the 
aid  of  the  Church,  to  restrict  the  public  mind.  In  Naples  the  Jes- 
uits were  restored  in  July,  1821.  In  both  kingdoms  laws  were 
passed  for  the  purpose  of  accustoming  the  youth  of  the  country 
to  the  regular  attendance  of  public  worship.  The  French  July 
revolution  gave  rise  to  an  insurrection  in  Modena  in  February, 
1S31,  which  soon  spread  to  Parma  and  the  Pontifical  States,  but 
was  subdued  in  a  few  days  by  the  Austrians.  In  the  Papal  States 
alone  it  broke  out  again  in  January,  1832,  so  that  the  Austrians 
were  obliged  once  more  to  enter  the  country  and  occupy  the 
northern  part  of  the  States.  Naples  and  Sardinia  were  spared 
on  this  occasion,  for  in  these  kingdoms  two  young  princes  had 
succeeded  to  the  throne  who  vigorously  abolished  all  existing 
abuses,  introduced  many  improvements,  and  thereby  satisfied 
their  subjects ;  although  they  were  by  no  means  inclined  to  lib- 
eralism, but  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  a  so-called  enlight- 
ened despotism.  These  rulers  were  Ferdinand  II.,  who  had  oc- 
cupied the  throne  of  Naples  since  November,  1830,  and  Carlo 
Alberto,  formerly  Prince  of  Carignan,  King  of  Sardinia  since 
March,  1831. 

The  Restoration  of  ISM  was  particularly  disastrous  in  its  re- 
sults to  the  twenty  thousand  Waldenses6  who  were  living  in  the 
Alpine  valleys  of  Piedmont.  Under  the  French  administration, 
they  had  been  placed  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  Catholics; 
had  been  permitted  to  spread  beyond  their  valleys,  and  their 
clergy  had  received  their  salaries  from  the  State.  As  soon  as 
the  country  returned  to  the  Sardinian  rule,  their  condition  be- 
came once  more  that  which  it  had  been  before  the  French  inva- 
sion. They  were  not  permitted  to  settle  outside  of  their  valleys 
nor  to  erect  new  churches,  and  were  excluded  from  all  offices 
and  military  promotion.  A  Waldense  community  could  not  even 
f  Vater's  Anbau,  i.  153. 


§  4.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN,  PORTUGAL,  AND  ITALY.  467 

have  physicians  and  local  magistrates  of  their  own  persuasion. 
Their  clergy  were  deprived  of  their  government  salaries  ;  a 
church  erected  under  the  French  rule  was  closed.  -Meanwhile, 
England  and  Prussia  took  the  part  of  this  oppressed  people  by 
protest  at  Turin,  and  thus  some  concessions  were  granted  them 
in  1816.  They  were  permitted  to  engage  in  all  kinds  of  arts 
and  trades — even  to  become  surgeons,  apothecaries,  and  survey- 
ors; their  clergy  were  again  to  be  paid  by  the  State.  Subse- 
quently, in  1818,  they  were  disturbed  by  a  pastoral  letter  from 
the  Bishop  of  Pignerol,  in  whose  diocese  their  valleys  were  sit- 
uated, which  called  upon  them  to  return  to  the  Catholic  Church. 
Upon  a  remonstrance  of  the  Prussian  embassador,  however,  the 
Court  of  Turin  expressed  its  disapprobation  of  this  step,  and  gave 
its  assurance  that  it  should  not  be  repeated.  Notwithstanding 
the  number  of  Catholics  in  the  Piedmontese  valleys  is  very  small 
compared  to  that  of  the  Waldenses,  there  is  a  Catholic  church 
for  every  house  of  worship  of  the  latter;  they  are  obliged  to 
contribute  to  the  support  of  the  Catholic  parsonages,  and  have  to 
pay  higher  taxes  than  the  Catholics.7  The  great  poverty  of  the 
Waldenses,  which  made  it  difficult  for  them  to  maintain  their  ec- 
clesiastical institutions,  was  greatly  relieved  by  donations  from 
other  Protestant  states,  i.  e.  Prussia,  England,  Holland,  and  Swit- 
zerland. They  were  thus  enabled  to  erect  two  hospitals,  while 
formerly  such  of  their  number  as  desired  to  be  admitted  to  the 
government  hospitals  were  obliged  to  abjure  their  faith.  In  ad- 
dition, their  preachers  and  school-teachers  received  considerable 
assistance,  so  that  they  increased  in  prosperity. 

The  Waldenses,  too,  have  lately  been  disturbed  by  English 
Methodists.  Since  1S2G,  individual  travelers  have  gained  con- 
verts to  Methodism  among  them,  who,  as  in  French  Switzerland, 
withdrew  from  the  congregations,  and  accused  the  preachers 
and  other  Church  members  of  being  unbelievers  and  reprobates. 
They  met  with  strong  resistance  from  the  healthy  religious  spirit 
of  the  Waldenses,  so  that  they  number  only  from  forty  to  sixty. 
Their  spiritual  pride,  and  their  mania  for  condemnation,  called 
forth  such  bitter  feelings  against  them,  particularly  among  the 
younger  people,  that  this  gave  rise  to  various  insults  and  excesses 
against  them.     The  Methodist  journals  in  France  and  the  Pays 

7  On  the  Waldenses,  see  Rheinwald's  Repertor.  vol.  xlii.  pt.  iii.  p.  272.    A.  Sillery, 
Die  Waldenser  Protestanteu  unci  ihre  gegenwartige  Verfolgung,  Heidelberg,  1844. 


40 S  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

de  Valid  were  not  slow  to  accuse  the  "Waldenses  of  hostility 
against  true  Christianity  on  account  of  these  demonstrations. 
These  circumstances  made  the  Waldenses  averse  to  uniting  their 
school  to  an  educational  institution  which  the  English  were  pro- 
jecting, and  for  the  establishment  of  which  they  had  collected 
nearly  -±00,000  francs.  They  feared  that  the  latter  was  to  be 
devoted  to  training  Methodists.8 

The  liberal  measures  taken  by  Pius  IX.  in  respect  to  the  Pon- 
tifical States  exerted  a  powerful  influence  upon  the  whole  of 
Italy.  In  1S47,  already,  a  general  fermentation  began  to  show 
itself,  and  the  liberals,  greatly  encouraged,  far  exceeded  the  in- 
tentions of  the  Pope,  although  his  name  was  on  their  lips  on  all 
occasions  as  their  guiding-star  and  leader,  and  they  caused  all 
Italy  to  reverberate  with  the  cry  "  Evviva  Pio  JOTono!"  Civil 
liberty  and  the  unity  of  Italy  were  the  aims  in  which  they  united 
for  the  moment,  although  the  most  diverse  opinions  were  enter- 
tained with  regard  to  the  political  organization  of  united  Italy. 
The  Italian  states  could  offer  no  strong  resistance  to  these  agi- 
tations, for,  in  Sardinia,  Carlo  Alberto  even  entered  into  them, 
and  placed  himself  at  their  head,  in  the  hope  of  uniting  under 
his  sceptre  the  whole  of  Italy,  or,  at  least,  a  portion  of  it.  On 
the  other  hand,  Austria,  as  the  ruler  of  Lombardy,  was  the  most 
dangerous  enemy  of  these  aims — the  desire  for  civil  liberty,  as 
well  as  the  striving  after  the  unity  of  Italy.  The  old  hatred  of 
Austrian  rule,  therefore,  increased  in  Italy  to  a  fearful  extent. 
As  early  as  1S47,  Germans  and  Austrians  became  the  objects  of 
universal  scorn  and  bitter  animosity.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
year  18-48,  several  disturbances  occurred  in  Lombardy,  and  the 
King  of  Sardinia  placed  himself  decidedly  on  the  side  of  the 
Italian  party  against  Austria,  when,  after  the  February  revolu- 
tion in  France,  open  war  broke  out  between  Sardinia,  with  which 
all  liberal  Italians  united,  and  Austria,  which  was  to  be  expelled 
from  Italy.  At  first,  the  Austrians,  who  were  not  powerful 
enough,  were  repulsed  ;  but  on  July  25, 1848,  Eadetzky  gained  a 
victory  over  Carlo  Alberto  at  Custozza,  and  the  latter  was  forced 
to  propose  an  armistice.  When  the  war  recommenced,  in  the 
spring  of  1S-41),  he  was  beaten  so  severely  at  Novara,  on  March 
23,  that  he  abdicated,  and  ceded  his  crown  to  his  son,  Victor 

8  Cf.  Fleck,  Wissenschaftliclio  Reise  durch  das  sudlichc  Dcutschland,  Italien,  etc. 
vol.  ii.  div.  i.  p.  02  sq.  Leipsic,  1835. 


§  4.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN,  PORTUGAL,  AND  ITALY.   469 

Emanuel  II.,  who  was  forced  to  conclude  peace  immediately. 
After  Rome,  too,  had  been  retaken  by  the  French  (July  3, 1849), 
a  reaction  again  took  place  throughout  all  Italy,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Sardinia,  where  the  liberal  constitution  which  Carlo  Al- 
berto had  established  February  8, 1848,  remained  intact. 

In  all  these  agitations  in  Italy,  political  liberalism,  as  was  the 
case  every  where,  was  closely  connected  with  the  advocacy  of 
religious  freedom.  Where  liberalism  gained  the  victory,  the  Jes- 
uits, as  instruments  of  the  spiritual  slavery  of  nations,  were  ex- 
pelled, and  measures  were  taken  to  limit  the  power  of  the  clergy. 
Where,  however,  the  liberals  were  vanquished,  the  Jesuits  were 
recalled  and  the  clergy  lifted  their  heads  anew. 

In  Sardinia,  the  liberal  constitution  continued  to  exist,  and,  in 
consequence,  the  Waldenses,  so  long  oppressed,  obtained  many 
mitigations.  According  to  this  constitution,  indeed,  the  Catholic 
religion  was  to  remain  the  only  State  religion ;  but  other  exist- 
ing persuasions  were  to  be  legally  tolerated.  In  view  of  this, 
the  King,  February  17,  1848,  issued  an  ordinance  by  which  he 
granted  to  the  Waldenses  the  enjoyment  of  all  civil  and  political 
rights,  but  in  such  a  way  that  no  innovations  could  take  place 
with  regard  to  their  public  worship  and  their  schools.  Thus, 
they  are  allowed  to  take  up  their  residence  outside  of  their  val- 
leys, but  not  hold  public  worship  elsewhere,  and  even  in  their 
valleys  they  can  not  build  a  new  church  without  the  permission 
of  the  government.  They  are  forbidden  to  do  any  kind  of  work 
on  Catholic  holidays ;  no  religious  books  can  be  printed  by  them 
without  the  authorization  of  the  bishop.  Their  condition,  there- 
fore, is  greatly  alleviated,  yet  they  still  have  reason  to  feel  pain- 
fully that  their  Church  exists  only  on  sufferance. 

But  the  conditions  of  the  Catholic  Church  and  clergy,  too, 
were  now  altered  according  to  the  constitution  of  Carlo  Alberto. 
After  the  government  had  vainly  attempted  to  bring  about  these 
alterations  by  a  treaty  with  Some,  it  proceeded  to  effect  them  by 
civil  legislation.  Minister  Siccardi  submitted  to  the  Parliament 
the  following  draughts  of  laws  : 

1.  All  civil  causes  are  to  be  tried  by  civil  courts,  and  accord- 
ing to  the  common  civil  law. 

2.  All  ecclesiastics  are  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  State 
in  criminal  causes. 

3.  The  arrest  of  a  criminal  may  be  effected  in  churches  or  oth- 


470  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

er  consecrated  places,  although  with  an  appropriate  regard  to 
the  sanctity  of  the  spot. 

Parliament  confirmed  these  provisions,  and  they  were  pro- 
claimed as  laws  by  the  young  King  on  April  2, 1S50.  But  the 
Pope  and  the  Sardinian  bishops  looked  upon  them  as  sacrile- 
gious, and  as  infringements  upon  the  rights  of  the  Church,  and 
protested  against  them,  thus  producing  much  discord.  The  Arch- 
bishop of  Turin,  Franzoni,  immediately  declared  himself  opposed 
to  the  new  laws,  but  was  brought  to  trial  and  sentenced  to  a 
month's  imprisonment.  Subsequently,  in  August,  1S50,  he  went 
so  far  as  to  refuse  one  of  the  ministers,  the  Count  Santa  Rosa, 
the  extreme  unction,  except  on  condition  of  his  expressing  re- 
pentance of  his  co-operation  in  these  laws,  and  revoking  the 
same.  The  minister,  however,  refused  to  accede  to  this  demand, 
and,  in  consequence,  died  without  the  extreme  unction,  and  was 
refused  a  religious  burial  by  the  clergy. 

The  government  was  in  a  difficult  position,  as  the  greater  por- 
tion of  the  people,  even  now,  is  still  entirely  in  the  bonds  of  the 
clergy.  This  induced  the  originator  of  the  laws  in  question, 
Siccardi,  to  resign  his  position  as  minister :  he  had  become  the 
object  of  the  popular  hatred,  but  his  laws  remained  in  force. 
Franzoni  was  again  tried  for  insubordination  to  the  State,  and 
condemned  by  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  Turin,  on  September  26, 
1850,  to  loss  of  office  and  banishment  from  the  kingdom.  He 
repaired  to  France. 

The  Archbishop  of  Cagliari  met  with  a  like  fate  at  about  the 
same  time.  Great  abuses  had  crept  into  the  administration  of 
charitable  foundations  and  the  distribution  of  tithes  in  Sardinia; 
the  government  sent  a  commission  to  the  island  to  examine  into 
the  condition  of  affairs.  The  archbishop  denied  the  right  of  the 
commission  to  do  so,  forbade  all  ecclesiastics  to  furnish  the  re- 
quired information,  and  excommunicated  all  officials  who  took 
part  in  the  examination.  The  government  brought  a  charge 
against  him  at  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  Turin,  and  the  latter 
pronounced  sentence  of  deprivation  of  office  and  banishment 
against  him  too.     The  archbishop  went  to  Civita  Vecchia. 

These  measures  widened  to  the  utmost  the  breach  between 
the  Pope  and  Sardinia.  Pius  IX.,  in  his  allocution  of  Novem- 
ber 1, 1S50,  pronounced  them  incompatible  with  the  doctrines  of 
the  true  faith,  and  utterly  rejected  the  attempts  of  Sardinia  to 


§  5.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  SCOTLAND.    471 

negotiate  upon  a  new  concordat.  In  liberal  circles,  too,  the 
course  of  Sardinia  was  declared  to  be  too  biased  and  precipitate. 
As  the  pre-existing  Church  ordinances  had  been  founded  on  a 
concordat,  it  was  thought  that  this  treaty  ought  not  to  have  been 
violated  on  one  side,  but  that  new  negotiations  on  the  subject 
should  have  been  entered  upon  with  Rome.  This  had  been 
done,  however,  and  had  had  no  result.  The  issue  of  this  conflict 
will  be  of  great  importance.  If  the  Sardinian  government  re- 
mains firm,  its  example  may  have  momentous  results. 


§  5. 

ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  SCOTLAND. 

The  institutions  of  the  State  and  Church  of  England  have  long 
been  in  need  of  improvement,  as  they  were  often  in  direct  con- 
tradiction to  the  demands  of  the  times  and  the  existing  con- 
ditions. But  it  was  difficult  to  enter  upon  any  reforms,  because 
it  was  obvious  that  as  soon  as  the  ancient  structure  was  once 
shaken,  innumerable  alterations  would  become  successively  nec- 
essary, which  might  endanger  the  old  privileges.  At  last,  how- 
ever, it  became  imperative  to  commence  such  reformation,  and 
the  important  changes  which  have  already  taken  place  make  it 
evident  that  other  more  extensive  ones  will  follow,  so  that  the 
ecclesiastical  constitution  of  Great  Britain,  in  particular,  will 
probably,  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  be  entirely  reorganized. 

The  inadequateness  of  the  Church  polity  of  England  and 
Ireland  lay  in  the  fact  that  in  these  countries  the  Episcopal 
Church  is  the  Established  Church,  and,  as  such,  was  highly  fa- 
vored. In  Scotland  the  Presbyterian  Church  enjoys  the  same 
privileges ;  but  they  are  less  oppressive  there,  because'-the  greater 
part  of  the  inhabitants  attend  that  Church,  and  the  revenues  of 
the  Scotch  clergy  are  moderate. 

After  the  Test  Act,  until  1828,  no  one  was  allowed  to  hold  a 
public  office  or  become  member  of  Parliament  who  did  not  be- 
long to  the  Episcopal  Church.  The  old  laws  against  the  Roman 
Catholics,  however,  had  been  modified,  and  the  government  even 
ignored  the  fact  that,  soon  after  1790,  a  number  of  Jesuits  had 
established  a  large  educational  institution  at  Stonyhurst,  near 
Liverpool,  which  had  the  special  object  of  training  priests.     A 


472  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

wealthy  Catholic  Englishman,  named  Thomas  Weld,  ceded  to 
them  his  castle  of  Stonyhurst,  and  to  the  Trappists  his  park  of 
Lnllworth.  (His  son,  also  Thomas  Weld,  became  cardinal  in 
1S30,  and  died  April  10, 1S37.)  All  the  old  Church  property  is 
in  possession  of  the  Episcopal  clergy ;  the  dissenters  were  obliged 
to  support  their  own  churches  and  schools,  and  even  pay  sundry 
taxes  to  the  Episcopal  clergy,  among  which  the  tithes  were  the 
most  oppressive.  The  revenues  of  the  bishops,  canons,  and  rec- 
tors are  very  large ;  the  clergy  of  the  Episcopal  Church  is  the 
richest  in  existence.  Consequently,  the  nobility  mostly  retain 
these  offices  for  their  younger  sons,  and  the  crown,  which  has  the 
disposal  of  the  greater  portion  of  them,  is  obliged  to  encourage 
this  in  order  to  secure  the  support  of  the  aristocracy  in  respect  to 
politics.  But  the  result  has  been  that  these  clerical  positions  are 
looked  upon  by  most  of  their  occupants,  who  are  frequently  not  at 
all  prepared  for  a  spiritual  charge,  as  mere  benefices.  They  ap- 
point vicars,  at  a  low  salary,  to  discharge  the  requisite  ecclesiasti- 
cal functions,  and  themselves  live  in  great  extravagance  at  a  dis- 
tance from  their  parishes.  These  conditions,  of  course,  weighed 
very  heavily  upon  the  dissenters,  as  they  thus  had  to  pay  a  high 
tribute  not  only  to  a  clergy  foreign  to  their  Church,  but  also  to 
one  which  was  unworthy.  The  Catholics  in  Ireland  were  par- 
ticularly indignant,  for  it  frequently  happens  in  that  country 
that  a  parish  contains  no  Episcopalians  but  the  parson  and  his 
clerk,  and  that,  therefore,  no  regular  service  can  be  held  in  the 
Episcopal  church,  although  the  parson  has  pastoral  prerogatives 
in  the  whole  parish,  as  also  the  right  to  collect  tithes.  The  re- 
sult of  these  conditions  for  the  Episcopal  Church  itself  was  that 
the  zeal  for  religion  and  the  Church  died  out  almost  entirely. 
Divine  service,  conducted  by  hirelings,  degenerated  into  a  life- 
less mechanism.  In  consequence,  though  many  individuals,  from 
the  conservatism  peculiar  to  the  English  people,  still  adhered  to 
the  Episcopal  Church,  many  turned  to  the  dissenters ;  and  even 
though  they  did  not  always  join  the  communion  of  the  latter, 
yet  sought  edification  at  their  chapels.  For  the  preachers  of 
the  dissenters,  whose  vocation  had  no  outward  attractions  which 
might  induce  those  who  were  unfit  to  enter  upon  it,  were  gener- 
ally men  filled  with  zeal  for  their  calling,  and  their  sermons, 
therefore,  for  the  most  part,  far  exceeded  those  of  the  Episcopal 
Church  in  fervor  and  the  power  of  edifying.     In  this  way  the 


§  5.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  SCOTLAND.     473 

people  are  gradually  becoming  estranged  from  the  Episcopal 
Church,  and  it  grows  more  and  more  obvious  that  the  latter  can 
not  exist  much  longer  in  its  old  state. 

The  first  efforts  for  reform  were  directed  against  the  Test  Act, 
and  effected  its  annulment.  For  several  years  past  the  Irish 
Catholics  had  striven  for  this  result,  or  for  their  emancipation. 
At  first,  however,  the  Test  Act  was  annulled,  in  April,  1S2S,  with 
regard  to  the  Protestant  dissenters;  it  was  only  in  April,  1829, 
that  the  Catholics,  too,  were  emancipated.  Catholics  as  well  as 
Protestants,  therefore,  are  now  admitted  to  Parliament ;  and,  in 
consequence  of  the  parliamentary  reform  accomplished  in  1832, 
their  number  in  that  body  is  by  no  means  insignificant.  It  was 
therefore  to  be  expected  that  the  Episcopal  Church  might  like- 
wise anticipate  serious  reforms  in  its  organization.  These  were 
first  directed  toward  the  Irish  Episcopal  Church,  which,  indeed, 
was  greatly  in  need  of  them.  On  July  30, 1833,  it  was  decreed 
that  of  the  twenty-two  Irish  bishoprics  ten  should  be  abolished 
on  the  decease  of  their  incumbents,  as  well  as  a  proportionate 
number  of  deanships  and  chapters,  and  that  the  salaries  of  the 
remainiug  sees  should  be  reduced  before  any  reappointments 
were  made. 

Serious  consideration  is  demanded  particularly  by  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Irish  Catholics,  among  whom  there  is  quite  as  much 
destitution  and  misery  as  religious  bigotry  and  want  of  educa- 
tion. There  existed  the  Kildare  Society,  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
structing in  its  schools  the  Irish  youth  of  all  confessions.  But 
the  Bible  was  read  in  these  schools  without  any  explanation, 
and,  in  consequence,  they  were  not  much  attended  by  Catholics. 
In  1831  the  government  decreed  that  the  scientific  instruction 
should  be  common  to  both  confessions,  but  that  the  religious  in- 
struction should  be  given  separately  in  special  classes.  For  the 
support  of  this  system  the  government  appropriated  £30,000  an- 
nually, which  sum  was  subsequently  raised  to  £100,000.  Since 
then  the  number  of  Catholic  scholars  has  greatly  increased,  but 
there  are  still  a  great  many  who  are  not  reached  by  these  im- 
provements. Great  relief  was  afforded  the  Catholic  Irish  by  the 
new  tithe-law,  which  was  adopted  by  Parliament  in  1838,  after 
a  long  opposition  from  the  House  of  Lords.  Until  then  the 
pressure  of  the  tithe  system  weighed  upon  the  poor  Irish  farm- 
ers; the  English  land-owners  were  not  affected  by  it.     Now  it 


474  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  HI.— SINCE  A.D.  1811. 

•was  decided  that,  instead  of  tithes,  an  annual  tax  on  real  estate 
should  be  paid  by  the  land-holders :  these  taxes  were  fixed  ac- 
cording to  an  average  value  of  the  tithes,  but  -with  a  discount  of 
thirty  per  cent. 

The  theological  sciences  have  not  made  much  progress  in  En- 
gland in  modern  times.  The  theological  education  of  the  Epis- 
copal clergymen  was  too  superficial,  and  they  "were  too  fond  of 
an  easy  life  to  pay  any  attention  to  the  subject.  The  clergy  of 
the  other  parties  had  received  too  entirely  practical  an  education, 
and  were  too  much  engaged  in  practical  work  to  devote  them- 
selves to  science.  Of  late  years,  however,  the  interest  in  theol- 
ogy seems  to  be  reviving;  and  the  dissenters, too,have  done  much 
to  further  scientific  cultivation  among  themselves.  The  only 
universities  formerly  existing  in  England,  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge, both  belong  to  the  Episcopal  Church.  In  Oxford,  dis- 
senters are  even  excluded  from  matriculation ;  in  Cambridge, 
they  can  be  matriculated,  but  are  not  permitted  either  there  or 
in  Oxford  to  receive  academic  degrees.  In  consequence,  the  dis- 
senters succeeded  in  bringing  about  the  foundation,  in  the  au- 
tumn of  1829,  of  the  University  of  London  for  their  special  ben- 
efit, to  which  all  religious  confessions  were  admitted.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Episcopal  party,  in  1831,  established,  in  opposi- 
tion, the  King's  College  in  London.  In  1S35  the  two  colleges 
received  a  royal  charter,  by  which  they  were  united  in  one  uni- 
versity in  such  a  manner  that  the  crown  appointed  a  joint  neu- 
tral senate  which  examines  the  students  of  both  institutions  for 
their  academic  degrees,  and  confers  the  latter. 

England,  however,  has  exerted  a  very  wide  influence  by  the 
Missionary  and  Bible  societies,  which  reached  their  present  ex- 
tent through  an  impulse  given  by  that  country.1 

The  great  London  Missionary  Society  was  formed  in  1795. 
The  idea  had  originated  with  the  Independents,  but  the  society 
was  joined  by  members  from  all  religious  parties  extant  in  En- 
gland. As  early  as  179G  the  association  sent  out  a  ship  of  its 
own  with  missionaries  to  several  of  the  South  Sea  Islands;  other 
missionaries,  in  1797,  to  the  "West  Coast  of  Africa;  and  others 
still  to  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  in  1798.  After  the  pattern  of 
this  association,  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  was  found- 

1  History  of  the  Bible  Society  in  the  Basle  Magazine  of  1S1G,  p.  429.  Tzschirner's 
Archiv,  ii.  229;  iii.171. 


§  5.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  SCOTLAND.    475 

ed  in  1S04,  for  the  purpose  of  universally  disseminating  the 
Bible,  without  notes  and  after  publicly  authorized  translations 
where  such  existed,  and  having  it  translated  into  those  languages 
into  which  it  had  not  yet  been  rendered.  Both  these  societies, 
but  especially  the  Bible  Society,  have  caused,  since  1813,  when 
communication  was  restored  between  England  and  the  Conti- 
nent, the  foundation  of  similar  associations  on  the  European 
Continent,  and  the  latter  have  been  liberally  assisted  by  the  En- 
glish societies.  This  assistance,  however,  is  frequently  connected 
with  the  assertion  of  a  certain  Methodistic  influence,  which  has 
had  particularly  unfortunate  results  in  France  and  in  Switzer- 
land.2 

In  modern  times  the  old  freethinking  principles,  which  had 
long  since  disappeared,  have  been  revived  in  England  in  a  new 
sect — the  Socialists — which,  singularly  enough,  had  its  origin  in 
very  philanthropical  ideas.3 

The  founder,  Eobert  Owen,  a  rich  manufacturer  in  Scotland, 
was  induced,  in  view  of  the  great  inequality  of  property,  to  seek 
for  the  cause  of  this  disproportion.  He  thought  he  discovered  it 
in  the  system  of  competition,  according  to  which  human  beings, 
instead  of  aiding  one  another,  counteract  each  other  as  rivals, 
each  one  striving  for  gain  at  the  expense  of  the  other.  In  the 
belief  that  he  recognized  in  this  system  the  foundation  of  all  hu- 
man misery,  he  opposed  to  it  that  of  mutual  assistance,  by  which 
the  workman  was  not  merely  to  receive  the  daily  wages  fixed  by 
competition,  but  to  be  made  a  participator  in  the  profits  of  the 
labor.  This  system  he  introduced  into  his  factories.  At  the 
same  time,  Owen  provided  for  the  welfare  of  his  workmen  in 
every  way,  and  even  took  charge  of  their  religious  education  and 
the  instruction  of  their  children,  so  that  his  institution  called 
forth  universal  interest  and  approbation.  He  was  even  present- 
ed, in  1815,  to  the  foreign  sovereigns  visiting  England  at  that 
time,  and  met  with  an  honorable  reception  from  them.  Subse- 
quently, however,  he  went  farther  and  farther  in  the  develop- 
ment of  his  ideas ;  proposed  to  do  away  entirely  with  the  right 
of  private  property  and  with  difference  of  station,  and  finally 
went  so  far  as  to  demand  the  entire  subversion  of  the  religious 
and  moral  basis  of  the  social  system,  inasmuch  as  he  looked  upon 

E  Spirit  of  the  British  Missions,  in  the  Basle  Magazine  for  1816,  p.  153. 
3  Rheinwald's  Repertorium,  xxxii.  (February,  1841),  p.  179. 


47G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

all  civilization  of  the  present  day  as  pernicious.  Thus  he  ar- 
rived at  a  system  closely  related  to  that  of  Saint-Simon,  which  he 
called  Socialism.  As  he  could  not  expect  to  realize  these  ideas  in 
Europe,  he  bought  a  tract  of  land  in  the  United  States  of  North 
America,  in  Ohio,  of  the  German  sectarian  Rapp — who  had  there 
established  a  colony  of  his  sect — and  founded  upon  it,  in  1828,  a 
settlement,  called  New  Harmony,  in  which  he  gave  shape  to  his 
reformatory  socialistic  principles.  Among  its  eight  hundred  in- 
habitants general  liberty  and  equality  prevailed  ;  the  labor  of  the 
day  was  seasoned  by  nightly  entertainments;  on  Sundays,  lect- 
ures were  given  on  a  variety  of  subjects,  religious  themes  except- 
ed. After  a  year,  however,  this  colony  was  dissolved,  as  the 
members  brought  forward  many  conflicting  claims,  which  ended 
in  dissension.  Owen  returned  to  England,  and  there  sought  to 
gain  adherents  by  proclaiming  his  principles.  For  several  years 
he  thus  worked  in  obscurity  with  no  visible  result,  until,  finally, 
a  sect  of  Socialists,  or  Owenites,  came  forward  openly  and  sought 
to  make  converts  by  lectures,  journals,  and  other  writings,  par- 
ticularly among  the  lower  classes. 

This  system  flatly  denies  the  existence  of  a  God,  and,  conse- 
quently, declares  all  religion  to  be  superstition.  Man  is  forced 
by  his  nature  to  follow  his  instincts.  His  will  is  merely  the  re- 
sult of  his  feelings,  which  are  nothing  but  instincts  of  human 
nature,  and  are  qualified  by  the  conditions  in  which  the  individ- 
ual lives,  so  that  he  is  a  creature  of  outward  circumstance,  and 
can  not  form  his  own  character.  For  the  same  reason  there  is 
no  sin  nor  wickedness,  but  only  physical  evil.  The  grave  is  the 
end  of  human  existence ;  with  death,  man  sinks  back  into  uni- 
versal nature,  to  furnish  new  matter  for  new  mixtures  and  con- 
formations. In  order  to  bring  about  a  happy  state  of  humanity, 
each  individual  should,  from  childhood,  be  placed  in  circum- 
stances which  would  instill  into  him  love  for  his  fellow-men  and 
kindness  to  all  living  creatures.  The  present  social  system,  on  the 
contrary,  gives  rise  to  ignorance,  depravity,  and  poverty.  These 
evils  can  only  be  remedied  by  the  Socialistic  system,  which  se- 
cures equal  liberty  and  equal  privileges  to  all.  Even  marriage 
is  repudiated  as  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature,  and  the  chief 
source  of  all  misery.  The  freedom  in  the  relation  between  the 
sexes  existing  among  animals  ought  to  be  taken  as  a  pattern  by 
mankind.     Human  society  should  not  consist  of  single  families, 


§  5.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  SCOTLAND.     477 

but  of  associations  numbering  from  three  hundred  to  two  thou- 
sand, according  to  the  local  conditions ;  the  children,  as  children 
of  an  association,  to  be  brought  up  in  common. 

Though  there  is  undoubtedly  a  more  earnest  religious  spirit 
among  the  dissenters  than  in  the  Episcopal  Church,  this  very 
earnestness  not  infrequently  leads  to  fanaticism.  One  of  the 
most  striking  examples  of  this  truth  is  furnished  by  Edward  Ir- 
ving. He  was  a  Scotch  Presbyterian  minister,  from  1822  preacher 
at  the  Caledonian  House  of  Prayer  in  London,  who  created  a  great 
sensation  by  his  animated,  almost  theatrical  style  of  preaching, 
and  attracted  large  congregations.  Even  before  his  time  many 
preachers  had  come  forward  with  expositions  of  the  prophecies 
of  the  Old  Testament  and  the  Apocalypse,  professing  to  be  fitted 
for  the  task  by  special  divine  inspiration.  They  prophesied  the 
millennium,  the  restoration  of  the  Jews,  the  renewal  of  all  things ; 
and  one  prophetess,  Mary  Campbell,  was  even  believed  to  have 
performed  miracles.  Irving  expressed  his  concurrence  with  these 
opinions  in  1826  by  a  work  entitled  Babylon  and  Infidelity  Fore- 
doomed.4 

One  principal  view  of  this  party  was,  that  it  was  merely  be- 
cause of  want  of  faith  that  the  gifts  of  grace  of  the  first  apostol- 
ic time  (1  Cor.  xii.  9,  10  :  gifts  of  healing,  working  of  miracles, 
prophecy,  divers  kinds  of  tongues,  interpretation  of  tongues)  had 
disappeared  from  the  Church,  so  that  wherever  the  true  faith 
was  reawakened  those  gifts  of  grace  would  again  be  conferred. 
Since  1831,  manifestations  of  this  kind  appeared  in  Irving's  con- 
gregation. A  number  of  the  members,  especially  some  Scotch 
maidens,  began,  in  the  morning  prayer-meetings,  to  speak  in  un- 
known tongues  (a  loud  shriek  was  first  uttered,  then,  in  rapid 
succession,  short,  distinctly  articulated  sounds).  Others  prophe- 
sied in  English,  sometimes  for  hours  together,  concerning  the 
future  of  the  Church  and  the  people.  All  declared  themselves 
involuntary  instruments  of  the  spirit  which  moved  them.  Irving 
acknowledged  these  gifts  of  the  spirit,  and  thanked  God  for  them 
in  his  sermons.  Notwithstanding  the  prophecies  often  referred 
to  a  time  so  near  at  hand  that  their  non-fulfillment  was  quite  ob- 
vious, the  faithful  did  not  allow  themselves  to  be  disturbed  there- 

*  Reich  on  Irvingism,  in  the  Theol.  Studien  u.  Kritiken,  1849,  i.  193.  Die  ersten 
und  letzten  Tage  der  Kirche  Christi,  nach  dem  Franzdsischen  C.  M.  Carre's,  ubers. 
von  M.  v.  d.  Brincken,  Berlin,  1850. 


478  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

by.  The  Scotch  Church  authorities  instituted  an  inquiry,  and 
deprived  Irving  of  his  clerical  office  in  March,  1S33.  Upon  this 
he  built  a  chapel  for  himself  and  his  adherents,  and  became  the 
founder  of  a  new  sect,  but  died  December  6, 1834.5 

The  Irvingites  established  seven  chapels  in  and  around  Lon- 
don, which  they  called  after  the  seven  churches  in  Revelation. 
Connected  with  these  are  apostles,  prophets,  evangelists,  elders, 
deacons,  etc.  A  rich  land-owner,  Henry  Drummond,  of  Albury 
Park,  is  at  their  head.  The  converts  to  this  sect  were  chiefly 
Quakers;  their  missionaries  were  sent  to  the  Continent. 

They  were  particularly  well  received  in  Berlin.  A  Dane, 
named  Bohme,  as  well  as  several  Englishmen  and  Scotchmen, 
among  others  a  Captain  Barclay  and  a  Mr.  Carlisle,  came  to  that 
city  as  apostles,  and,  in  consequence  of  letters  of  introduction, 
met  with  great  favor,  especially  in  the  higher  classes  of  society. 

The  Church  of  England,  or  Anglican  Church,  has  always  at- 
tached great  value  to  its  outward  form.  It  strove  to  represent 
within  itself  the  oldest  Catholic  Church,  as  it  existed  before  the 
Nicene  Council,  purified  of  all  its  later  corruptions,  and,  therefore, 
attributed  to  the  pre-Nicene  tradition  of  the  Church  the  character 
of  an  undisturbed,  and  therefore  binding,  authority.  In  partic- 
ular, it  considered  the  apostolic  succession  of  its  clergy  of  great 
importance,  and,  like  the  Catholic  Church,  it  made  this  succession 
the  condition  of  the  validity  and  efficiency  of  its  sacraments,  so 
that  it  did  not  recognize  the  sufficiency  of  the  sacraments  of  a  non- 
Episcopal  Church.  It  was  this  attaching  such  great  value  to  out- 
ward ecclesiastical  forms  which  caused  in  the  Episcopal  Church 
that  want  of  life,  that  mechanism  in  the  observance  of  Church 
rites,  which  led  many  of  its  members  to  leave  it  and  turn  to  the 
dissenters,  where  they  found  religious  earnestness  and  fervor. 
And  from  these  dissenters  many  of  the  Episcopalians  gained  the 
conviction  that  Christianity  is  essentially  something  inward,  and 
not  dependent  on  any  outward  form ;  and  these  latter  did  not 
hesitate  to  unite  with  dissenters  in  missionary  and  other  Chris- 
tian work.  Thus  an  Evangelical  party  was  formed  in  the  An- 
glican Church  which  counted  many  adherents  even  among  the 
clergy.  Those,  on  the  other  hand,  who  remained  true  to  the  old 
principles  of  the  Church  were  called  High-Churchmen. 

5  Bruchstiickc  aus  clem  Leben  und  den  Schriften  Edvr.  Irving's,  von  Michael  Hohl, 
St.  Gall,  1839. 


§  5.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  SCOTLAND.    479 

"When,  in  modern  times,  the  public  voice  demanded  more  and 
more  loudly  various  reforms  in  the  Church  of  England,  as  well 
as  the  removal  of  the  restrictions  placed  upon  the  dissenters,  the 
strictly  clerical  party  rose  up  with  renewed  zeal  to  defend  the 
integrity  of  the  menaced  Episcopal  Church.  Its  chief  seat  was 
Oxford,  and  its  heads  were  Dr.  Pusey,  professor  of  Hebrew,  and 
Dr.  John  Henry  Newman,  attached  to  the  university  as  preacher, 
who  were  joined  by  Dr.  Keble,  professor  of  poetry.  They  car- 
ried the  peculiar  views  of  the  Anglican  Church  so  far  that  they 
thereby  approached  very  near  to  Catholicism.  When  the  Whig 
government  (after  the  autumn  of  1880)  entered  into  the  above- 
mentioned  reformatory  ideas,  suppressed  ten  Irish  bishoprics  in 
1S33,  and,  in  1835,  demanded  that  the  University  of  Oxford 
should  give  up  the  signing  of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  at  matric- 
ulation, as  well  as  admit  dissenters  to  the  latter,  the  High-Church 
party  came  forward  in  zealous  defense  of  the  Church.  They  is- 
sued a  number  of  writings — in  particular,  after  September,  1833, 
many  small  pamphlets,  under  the  title  Tracts  for  the  Times6 — in 
which  they  developed  their  principles  very  clearly.  To  the  same 
end  they  edited  various  writings  of  the  old  Church  fathers,  in 
which  they  professed  to  find  the  same  principles  expressed.7 

This  party  propose  to  restore  the  apostolic  Catholic  Church 
and  its  principles  on  the  basis  of  a  genuine  apostolic  tradition, 
and  thus  keep  a  true  middle  course  between  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic and  Reformed  churches,  by  partaking  of  the  firm,  substan- 
tial character  of  the  former,  without  its  corruptions,  and  of  the 
purity  of  doctrine  of  the  latter,  without  its  vacillating  want  of 
harmony.  They  agree  with  the  old  High-Church  party  in  at- 
taching great  value  to  the  apostolic  succession  of  the  priesthood, 

6  Tracts  for  the  Times,  published  by  members  of  the  University  of  Oxford. 

7  Puseyism  Examined  in  its  Doctrines  and  Tendencies,  by  Weaver ;  German  transl. 
by  Amthor,  Leipsic,  1814.  M.  Petri,  Beitnige  zur  besseren  Wurdigung  des  Puseyis- 
mus,  2  pts.  Gottingen,  1843-1844.  8.  Illgen's  Zeitschrift,  1844,  pt.  iv.  p.  S8.  Evange- 
lische  Kirchenzeitung,  September,  1851,  p.  682.  Fock,  in  the  Tiibinger  Jahrbucher 
der  Gegenwart,  August,  1844.  Tholuck's  Literarischer  Anzeiger,  June,  1841,  No.  37. 
Anglo-Catholicitat,  by  Lechler,  in  the  Theol.  Studien  u.  Kritiken,  1841,  pt.  iv.  p.  1027. 
Die  kirchlichen  Zustaude  in  England  seit  der  Mitte  des  19ten  Jahrhunderts :  1.  Die 
Verfassuugsfrage  ;  2.  Beurtheiluug  der  engl.  Kirchenparteien,nach  W.  J.Conybeare's 
Aufsatz  im  Edinburgh  Review,  October,  1853,  by  L.  Schoell,  in  Gelzer's  Protest.  Mo- 
natsblatter,  May,  1853 ;  April,  1854  sq.  Rom  und  England  in  ihrem  neuesten  Kampfe. 
Urkundliche  Mittheilungen,  von  Carl  Scholl,  Zurich,  1854.  On  Pusey  and  the  Pusey- 
ites,  see  also  the  work  of  a  Catholic  author,  entitled,  Du  Mouvement  Religieux  en 
Augleterre,  ou  les  Progres  du  Catholicisme,  Louvain,  1844. 


480  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814 

but  join  to  this  the  veneration  for  old  ecclesiastical  tradition,  ac- 
cepting it,  next  to  the  Holy  Scriptures,  as  the  source  of  the  doc- 
trine of  faith.  They  look  upon  the  English  Book  of  Prayer,  in 
particular,  as  testifying  to  this  old  ecclesiastical  tradition,  and 
would  have  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  interpreted  according  to  it. 

In  the  doctrine  of  justification  they  agree  with  the  Catholic 
Church  in  looking  upon  justification  as  a  conferring  of  right- 
eousness, and  considering  it  something  progressive.  With  regard 
to  the  communion,  they  hold,  indeed,  that  the  substance  of  the 
bread  and  wine  remains;  but  they  maintain  that  the  true  body 
and  the  true  blood  of  Christ  are  at  all  times  present  in  the  sacra- 
ment, and  that  both  are  offered  to  the  Father  as  expiatory  sacri- 
fice. They  would  allow  pious  subjectivity  to  take  no  other  shape 
than  that  prescribed  and  sanctioned  by  ecclesiastical  form,  and 
seek  the  blessing  and  grace  of  God  chiefly  in  the  sacraments, 
which  can  only  be  administered  by  a  clergy  consecrated  by  apos- 
tolic succession.  All  Christian  life  outside  of  the  connection 
with  this  Church  is  imperfect,  and,  therefore,  all  communion 
with  dissenters  for  religious  purposes  is  reprehensible.  This 
party  has  acquired  an  important  influence  in  the  Church  of  En- 
gland, and  through  its  efforts  many  older  Church  institutions 
have  been  re-established  which  had  gradually  fallen  into  disuse, 
e.  g.  the  observance  of  Saints'  days,  of  Friday  as  a  fast-day,  as 
well  as  fasting  in  general ;  daily  service,  a  more  frequent  partak- 
ing of  the  communion,  a  greater  regard  for  the  symbolical  part 
of  the  Church  service,  a  higher  respect  for  the  clerical  office,  etc. 
This  course  of  ecclesiastical  and  moral  discipline  is  intended  to 
effect  sanctification  ;  and,  in  consequence,  this  party  deviates  ma- 
terially from  the  Pauline  doctrine  of  justification,  for  the  very 
reason  that  they  consider  it  too  subjective,  and  because  it  attach- 
es value  to  faith  alone,  and  none  to  outward  observances. 

Through  the  party  in  question,  the  Catholic  elements  in  the 
Episcopal  Church  have  been  brought  to  light  and  developed  in 
an  unexpected  degree.  This  was  done  in  a  particularly  objec- 
tionable manner  by  Dr.  Newman  in  his  last  (nineteenth)  Tract,  in 
which  he  actually  demands  the  recognition  of  all  councils,  even 
that  of  Trent  —  only  not  in  the  sense  of  the  Romish  Church— 
and  seeks  to  demonstrate  that  the  doctrines  of  purgatory,  indul- 
gences, image-worship,  transubstantiation,  the  adoration  of  saints, 
the  celibacy  of  the  clergy,  and  the  authority  of  the  Pope,  in  the 


§  5.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  SCOTLAND.    431 

Thirty-nine  Articles  should  by  no  means  be  rejected  altogether, 
but  merely  in  their  Komish  form,  so  that  a  member  of  the  Angli- 
can Church  might  accept  them  all,  only  not  in  the  modified  shape 
in  which  they  were  confessed  by  Eome.  In  consequence,  the  Pu- 
seyites  feel  much  more  closely  related  to  the  Romish  Church 
than  to  the  other  Protestant  confessions.  They  pronounce  the 
former  an  elder  sister-church,  while  the  latter  are  regarded  by 
them  as  anti-Christian,  renegade  sects.  In  consequence  of  this 
declaration,  the  Vice-chancellor  of  Oxford,  with  the  heads  of  the 
colleges,  openly  renounced  the  Puseyite  party,  and  the  Archbish- 
op of  Canterbury  prohibited  the  further  publication  of  their  po- 
lemic tracts  (March,  1841). 

An  event  which  was  of  great  importance  to  the  entire  Prot- 
estant Church  was  the  establishment  of  an  evangelical  see  at 
Jerusalem,  which  originated  with  England  and  Prussia.8 

Until  that  time,  the  evangelical  Church  had  lacked  all  legal 
recognition  in  the  Turkish  dominions ;  while  the  Latin,  Greek, 
and  Armenian  churches  were  not  only  in  the  enjoyment  of  it, 
and  had,  in  their  bishops,  legally  acknowledged  representatives, 
but  the  Greek  Church,  besides,  is  supported  by  the  protectorate 
of  Russia,  the  Latin  Church  by  that  of  France.  Without  legal 
recognition  and  higher  protection,  the  evangelical  Christians 
were  wholly  at  the  mercy  of  the  pashas  with  respect  to  their  re- 
ligious observances.  After  Mehemet  Ali,  in  1832,  had  conquer- 
ed Syria,  and  extended  his  protection  to  all  religious  parties,  the 
United  Missionary  Society  of  Boston  sent  several  missionaries  to 
Palestine,  and  their  example  was  followed  by  the  Episcopal  So- 
ciety for  Missions  to  the  Jews,  in  London.  The  chief  object  of 
these  missions  was  the  conversion  of  the  Jews  in  Jerusalem  and 
the  Druses  of  Mount  Lebanon.  When  Syria,  however,  was  re- 
stored to  the  Turkish  rule  in  1840,  and  the  old  disorder  and  des- 
potism returned  with  the  latter,  it  was  thought  advisable  to  in- 
sure to  the  Protestant  Christians  dwelling  there  a  state  of  greater 
security. 

The  powerful  influence  which  England  exercised  on  Turkey 
was  particularly  adapted  to  secure  this  end ;  but  the  idea  orig- 
inated with  the  King  of  Prussia.  His  first  intention  was  that  an 
Anglican  see  should  be  established  at  Jerusalem,  and  a  German 
evangelical  bishopric  at  Bethlehem.     Negotiations  were  opened 

8  Rheinwald's  Repertorium,  1842,  vol.  sxxvi.  pt.  iii.  p.  268. 
VOL.  V. 31 


482  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  Ill— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

on  the  subject  with  the  English  government  and  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  and  the  parties  finally  united  upon  the  establish- 
ment of  an  Anglican  see  at  Jerusalem,  which  was  there  to  rep- 
resent Protestantism  in  general.  The  King  of  Prussia  under- 
took to  bear  one  half  of  the  expense ;  the  other  half  was  covered 
by  a  subscription  taken  up  in  England.  All  this  was  settled  by 
private  negotiations,  and  then  the  way  prepared  for  the  matter 
by  an  act  of  Parliament  (November,  1S41),  by  which  the  arch- 
bishops of  Canterbury  and  York  were  authorized  to  consecrate 
bishops  for  foreign  countries  who  would  neither  be  obliged  to 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  British  crown  nor  to  swear 
obedience  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  The  See  of  Jeru- 
salem was  to  be  filled  in  turn  by  England  and  Prussia ;  the  first 
bishop  appointed  to  it  was  Michael  Solomon  Alexander,  a  con- 
verted German  Jew,  born  in  the  Grand -duchy  of  Posen,  and 
professor  of  Hebrew  and  rabbinical  literature  at  King's  College 
in  London.  He  was  consecrated  November  7, 1841,  and  left  for 
his  destination  immediately.  He  reached  Jerusalem  January 
21, 1S42,  and  soon  after  laid  the  corner-stone  of  a  Protestant 
church.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  published  an  official 
report  of  these  transactions.9 

In  connection  with  this  matter,  two  points  of  view  should  be 
specially  considered : 

Firstly,  the  relation  of  this  bishopric  to  the  Anglican  and  the 
German  Protestant  churches. 

Secondly,  its  position  and  sphere  of  influence  with  regard  to 
other  Christian  churches,  and  to  the  Jews  in  Palestine. 

The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  his  statement,  regards  the 
establishment  of  this  bishopric  as  opening  the  way  to  an  essen- 
tial unity  in  discipline  as  well  as  in  doctrine  between  the  Angli- 
can Church  and  the  less  perfectly  organized  Protestant  churches 
of  the  Continent.  It  soon  becomes  apparent  that  he  finds  no 
important  difference  in  the  doctrines,  but  attaches  value  merely 
to  the  episcopal  organization,  the  want  of  which  he  considers 
an  imperfection  in  the  German  Protestant  Church.  The  See  of 
Jerusalem  is  to  be  a  thoroughly  Anglican  one;  the  bishop  is  to 
look  upon  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  as  his  metropolitan. 
His  spiritual  jurisdiction  is  to  extend  over  the  English  churches 

9  Statement  of  the  Negotiations  eonccrninc:  the  Foundation  of  a  Bishopric  of  the 
United  Church  of  England  and  Ireland  at  Jerusalem,  London,  1S41. 


§  5.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  SCOTLAND.    483 

in  Palestine,  and,  for  the  moment,  over  those  in  Syria,  Chaldea, 
-Egypt,  and  Abyssinia,  as  well  as  over  all  other  congregations  in 
those  countries  which  may  unite  with  his  Church  and  place  them- 
selves under  his  episcopal  authority.  With  regard  to  these  latter, 
the  bishop,  with  the  permission  of  his  metropolitan,  is  at  liberty 
to  make  other  arrangements.  The  German  congregations  which 
join  this  Church  are  to  be  allowed  the  use  of  their  national  lit- 
urgy, which,  compiled  from  the  old  liturgies,  coincides  in  all 
points  of  doctrine  with  the  liturgy  of  the  Church  of  England ; 
but  the  German  clergymen  connected  with  these  congregations 
are  obliged  to  be  ordained  according  to  the  ritual  of  the  Church 
of  England,  and  to  subscribe  the  articles  of  the  latter.  In  order, 
however,  that  they  shall  remain  cmalified  for  the  future  adminis- 
tration of  their  office  in  Germany,  they  must  exhibit  to  the  bish- 
op, previous  to  their  ordination,  a  certificate  of  having  signed, 
in  presence  of  competent  authorities,  the  Augsburg  Confession. 
Confirmation  in  the  German  churches  is  to  be  administered  by 
the  bishop  after  the  English  form. 

From  this  it  appears  that  the  German  churches  which  join 
this  bishopric  must  unite,  in  all  essentials,  with  the  Church  of 
England.  Nothing  is  conceded  to  them  but  that  which,  accord- 
ing to  Anglican  principles,  must  be  conceded  at  any  rate,  i.  e.  the 
retaining  of  their  national  liturgy ;  but  they  are  obliged  to  ac- 
cept priests  consecrated  by  the  Anglican  Church,  and  with  them 
the  principles  of  the  latter  with  regard  to  the  priesthood  and  the 
necessity  of  an  apostolic  succession  of  bishops.  The  union  of 
churches,  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
was  to  be  prepared  by  the  foundation  of  this  see,  would  there- 
fore be  nothing  more  than -a  going-over  of  the  German  Evan- 
gelical to  the  Anglican  Church.  This,  however,  is  the  less  to  be 
expected,  as  the  Germans  are  more  justified  in  finding  in  the 
Episcopal  Church  a  less  distinctly  developed  Protestantism  than 
the  archbishop  in  considering  their  Church  organization  imper- 
fect. It  is  to  be  foreseen  that  the  free  German  Protestant 
churches  in  the  East  will  not  attach  themselves  to  the  See  of  Je- 
rusalem. The  chaplains  of  the  Prussian  consulates  will,  indeed, 
be  obliged  to  do  so ;  but  this  can  have  no  influence  on  the  Ger- 
man Protestant  Church  in  general.  Naturally,  however,  it  can 
not  be  gratifying  to  the  latter  to  have  some  of  its  clergymen 
forced  to  receive  the  ordination  of  another  Church,  and  to  prom- 


484  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  EL—SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

ise  allegiance  to  the  same,  nor  to  see  these  conditions  result  in  a 
division  between  the  German  Protestant  churches  in  foreign 
lands.  In  addition  to  the  above,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
mentions  the  following  aims  of  the  new  bishopric : 

Firstly,  that  through  it  amicable  relations  are  to  be  established 
with  the  Oriental  churches,  which  will  tend  to  their  purifica- 
tion. 

Secondly,  that  it  will  promote  the  conversion  of  the  Jews. 

The  bishop  is  to  enter  into  the  friendliest  relations  possible 
with  the  other  churches,  and  to  permit  himself  no  interference 
with  their  rights ;  but  if  the  above-mentioned  aims  of  purifica- 
tion and  conversion  should  become  prominent,  it  is  to  be  fore- 
seen that  such  friendly  relations  will  hardly  be  established.  On 
the  other  hand,  however,  the  Evangelical  Church  in  Jerusalem 
may  serve  to  meet  the  higher  wants  of  individual  aspiring  minds 
who  are  not  satisfied  by  the  mechanism  of  the  Oriental  church- 
es, and  in  this  manner  gradually  open  the  way  once  more  for 
evangelical  truth  in  the  land  of  its  birth.  In  particular,  this 
may  be  effected  by  the  college  which  the  bishop  has  founded  in 
Jerusalem,  the  special  object  of  which  is  the  education  of  con- 
verted Jews,  but  which  is  also  permitted  to  receive  Druses  and 
Oriental  Christians. 

On  the  part  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  the  foundation  of  this  see 
was  regarded  most  unfavorably,  particularly  as  the  statement  of 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  contains  serious  attacks  against 
the  course  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  East,  and  its  endeavors 
to  convert  the  old  churches  and  subject  them  to  itself.  Hence, 
many  rumors  disadvantageous  to  the  new  bishopric  were  spread 
abroad  from  this  quarter,  e.  g.  that-  the  Sultan  would  not  give 
his  consent  to  its  establishment ;  that  the  bishop  had  been  bad- 
ly received  in  Jerusalem,  and  even  personally  maltreated ;  but  it 
soon  appeared  that  these  reports  were  entirely  unfounded.10 

The  Scotch  National  Church  is  the  Presbyterian,  which  is  gov- 
erned entirely  according  to  democratic  principles  by  synods  and 
presbyteries,  at  the  head  of  which  is  the  General  Assembly, 
which  meets  annually.  To  the  National  Church  belong  1023 
churches  ;  the  Protestant  dissenters  have  755  churches,  the 
Catholics  55  chapels.     The  population  of  Scotland  amounts  to 

10  Das  cvangclische  Bistbum  in  Jerusalem.    Gesebicbtlicbe  Darlegungmit  Urkun- 
den,  Berlin,  1842. 


§  5.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  SCOTLAND.     435 

3,000,000 ;  of  these,  about  eight  to  nine  hundred  thousand  are 
dissenters.11 

The  character  of  the  constitution  of  the  Scotch  Church  de- 
mands that  the  clergymen  should,  in  reality,  be  chosen  by  the  con- 
gregations, and  the  Church  did  its  utmost  to  attain  this  end.  Con- 
sequently, when  the  Church  constitution,  after  the  deposition  of 
James  II.  in  1690,  was  reorganized,  the  right  of  patronage  was 
abolished.  But  this  democratic  nature  of  the  Church  did  not  find 
favor  in  England,  and  patronage  was  therefore  re-established  in 
1712,  under  Queen  Anne.  A  third  of  all  the  churches  in  Scot- 
land is  under  royal  patronage ;  otherwise  the  right  of  patronage 
is  in  the  hands  of  private  individuals,  and  is  acquired  and  disposed 
of  like  any  other  property.  When  a  living  becomes  vacant,  the 
candidate  is  presented  by  the  patron  ;  if  the  Presbytery  (i.  e.  the 
district  synod)  make  no  objection,  the  former  preaches  a  trial  ser- 
mon. On  a  later  day,  some  member  of  the  Presbytery  preaches 
for  the  congregation,  and  invites  them  to  sign  the  call  to  the  new 
minister.  This  call  by  the  congregation,  which  is  founded  on  the 
recognition  of  the  popular  right  of  election,  gradually  fell  into 
disuse,  however;  frequently  the  signature  of  one  church-member 
alone  sufficed,  and  sometimes  even  that  was  wanting.  This  order 
of  things  was  the  more  objectionable  that  the  majority  of  pa- 
trons belonged  to  the  Episcopal  Church ;  and  hence  the  Scotch 
clergymen  were,  for  the  most  part,  appointed  by  those  who  were 
not  one  with  them  in  the  faith.  In  consequence,  an  opposition 
arose  in  1830  against  the  system  of  patronage,  at  the  head  of 
which  stood  Dr.  Thomas  Chalmers,  professor  in  Edinburgh. 
This  party  first  applied  to  the  House  of  Commons,  and  requested 
the  abolishment  of  patronage,  or  the  repeal  of  the  law  of  Queen 
Anne.  As  the  House  of  Commons  did  not  accede  to  this  re- 
quest, the  General  Assembly  declared,  in  1831,  in  the  so-called 
Veto  Act,  that  the  congregations  had  the  right  to  reject  all  min- 
isters presented  by  their  patron.  This  view  found  great  favor, 
and  several  congregations  acted  in  accordance  with  it,  not  even 
permitting  the  candidates  to  preach  their  trial  sermon ;  some  of 
them,  evidently,  with  the  sole  intention  of  asserting  the  right  in 

11  Augsburg  Allgemeine  Zeitung,  December,  1S42,  No.  343,  Supplement;  February, 
1843,  No.  43,  Supplement.  Darmstadt  Kirehenzeitung,  1S43,  No.  73.  Sydow,  Bei- 
trage  zur  Charakteristik  der  kirchlichen  Dinge  in  Grossbritannien,  pt.  i.  Potsdam, 
1S45.    K.  H.  Sack,  Die  Kirche  von  Schottland,  2  vols.  Heidelberg,  1844-1845. 


4S6 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 


question.  It  was  the  obvious  aim  to  do  away  entirely  "with  the 
whole  system  of  patronage.  The  Scotch  Church  was  therefore 
divided  into  two  factions :  the  adherents  of  the  Veto  Act,  the  Non- 
intrusionists,  who  asserted  that  the  congregations  should  not  have 
any  minister  intruded  upon  them  who  did  not  meet  with  their  fa- 
vor, and  the  Moderates,  who  wished  to  have  the  rights  of  the  pa- 
trons maintained.  Several  patrons  and  rejected  candidates  now 
entered  complaints  at  the  Court  of  Sessions  in  Edinburgh,  and 
the  latter  decided  in  favor  of  the  plaintiffs.  The  General  Assem- 
bly, however,  adhered  to  their  declaration,  and  even  suspended  a 
Presbytery  which  acted  in  accordance  with  the  decision  of  the 
Court  of  Sessions.  Thus,  the  highest  spiritual  authorities  and 
the  supreme  judiciary  tribunal  stood  opposed  to  each  other,  and 
a  decision  by  Parliament  became  necessary.  This,  however, Mas 
deferred,  in  order  to  give  the  excited  parties  time  to  cool  down  ; 
for  the  Non-intrusionists  were  so  decided  that,  in  order  to  pre- 
serve their  ecclesiastical  independence,  they  even  spoke  of  sepa- 
rating from  the  National  Church.  At  length  the  General  As- 
sembly applied  to  the  Queen,  complained  of  the  interference  of 
the  civil  jurisdiction  with  the  rights  of  the  Church,  and  demand- 
ed the  entire  abolition  of  the  right  of  patronage.  This  address 
was  presented  in  June,  1S42,  but  the  government  delayed  the 
answer  for  a  while,  in  order  to  give  the  clergy  time  for  consid- 
eration. After  the  Board  of  the  General  Assembly,  however, 
had  complained  of  this  delay  (November  17, 1S42),  and  accused 
the  government  of  a  want  of  respect  for  the  Church  in  so  long 
deferring  an  answer  in  a  matter  of  such  importance,  this  answer 
was  finally  given,  January  4, 1S43,  by  the  Minister  for  the  Home 
Department,  Sir  James  Graham.  He  rejected  the  claims  of  the 
Non-intrusionists,  as  being  opposed  to  the  existing  ordinances 
and  privileges,  and  pronounced  the  decisions  of  the  civil  courts 
conformable  to  law.  Attention  was  directed  to  the  fact  that  all 
reasonable  claims  of  the  Church  were  insured  by  the  existing 
constitution,  inasmuch  as  the  patrons  could  only  choose  from  the 
number  of  candidates  examined  and  licensed  to  preach  by  the 
Church;  as,  moreover,  an  examination  of  the  licentiate  by  the 
Presbytery  took  place  after  the  presentation,  and  the  congrega- 
tions had  the  right  to  state  their  objections  to  the  candidate  to 
that  ecclesiastical  body,  which  alone  had  to  decide  upon  his  final 
admission.     The  Non-intrusionists,  on  the  other  hand,  demanded 


§  5.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  SCOTLAND.     437 

that  the  congregations  should  have  the  right  to  reject  the  candi- 
dates presented  immediately,  without  admitting  them  to  a  trial 
sermon,  and  that  in  such  cases  an  examination  and  decision  by 
the  Presbytery  were  unnecessary.  They  desired  the  administra- 
tion to  recognize  this  pretended  right  of  the  Church,  otherwise 
nothing  would  remain  to  them  but  to  dissolve  their  connection 
with  the  State.  When  the  government  persisted  in  supporting 
the  right  of  patronage,  this  dissolution  actually  took  place  in  May, 
1843.  The  General  Assembly  met  in  Edinburgh  on  May  18. 
Immediately  after  its  being  opened,  the  Non-intrusionists  hand- 
ed in  a  protest  to  the  effect  that,  inasmuch  as  the  civil  courts  had 
assumed  the  right  of  decision  in  purely  ecclesiastical  matters,  a 
free,  lawful  assembly  of  the  Scotch  Church  was  impossible,  and 
that  it  was  therefore  necessary  to  protest  against  the  existence 
of  the  General  Assembly  here  convened.  Immediately  after, 
the  iSTon-intrusionist  members  of  the  General  Assembly  with- 
drew from  it,  constituted  a  Free  Presbyterian  Church,  and 
formed  an  Assembly  of  the  same,  which  resigned  all  claims  to 
any  Church  property  extant,  and  was  obliged  to  form  a  new 
fund.  Its  head  is  Dr.  Chalmers ;  more  than  four  hundred  cler- 
gymen belong  to  it.  Over  £250,000  wTere  subscribed  for  the 
foundation  of  the  new  congregations.  Six  hundred  and  eighty- 
seven  of  these  were  formed,  under  the  name  of  Free  Church  as- 
sociations. Their  preachers  are  frequently  obliged  to  hold  serv- 
ice in  the  open  air.  They  have  great  difficulty  in  erecting  the 
necessary  buildings,  particularly  as  in  many  places  the  lords  of 
the  manor  refuse  the  requisite  site  for  them.  It  has  therefore 
been  proposed  to  provide  movable  tents  for  divine  service. 

The  idea  of  a  fraternization  of  all  those  Protestant  Christians 
who  adhere  to  the  evangelical  faith,  and  therefore  agree  in  all 
essential  doctrines  of  religion,  originated  in  the  Free  Scotch 
Church  in  1843,  and  was  stimulated  by  the  progress  of  Puseyism 
and  Catholicism  in  England.  It  was  thought  necessary  to  unite 
in  working  against  this  evil,  and,  for  this  end,  to  allay  the  inner 
dissensions  of  the  Protestant  churches  among  themselves,  as  well 
as  to  further  the  diffusion  of  a  Christianity  conformed  to  the 
Scriptures.  On  October  1,  1845,  therefore,  over  two  hundred 
members  of  seventeen  different  Church  communions  met  at  Liv- 
erpool, acknowledged  the  desirableness  of  such  a  union — which, 
however,  was  to  be  formed  only  among  individuals,  not  among 


488  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  Ill— SINCE  A.D.  1814 

congregations — and  resolved  that  all  evangelical  Christians  who 
confessed  to  the  doctrines  of  divine  inspiration,  the  authority  and 
sufficiency  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  the  Trinity,  the  total  deprav- 
ity of  human  nature  in  consequence  of  the  Fall,  the  incarnation 
of  the  Son  of  God  and  his  work  of  redemption  of  mankind,  the 
justification  of  sinners  by  faith  alone,  the  divine  institution  of 
the  ministry,  as  well  as  of  the  sacraments  of  baptism  and  the 
Lord's  Supper,  should  be  invited  to  a  general  meeting  to  be  held 
in  London  for  that  purpose.  At  the  same  time,  it  was  declared 
that  differing  views  on  other  points  might  be  constantly  dis- 
cussed among  the  members,  but  only  with  suitable  moderation 
and  in  brotherly  love,  and  that  all  bitterness  must  be  avoided  in 
doing  so.12 

The  result  was  a  general  conference  of  more  than  six  hundred 
Protestants,  mostly  clergymen,  from  Great  Britain,  France,  Ger- 
many, Switzerland,  North  America,  etc.,  which,  commencing  Au- 
gust 19, 1847,  lasted  thirteen  days,  and  ended  in  the  above-men- 
tioned union — the  Evangelical  Alliance.  Its  aim  is  to  promote, 
among  the  orthodox  evangelical  Christians,  a  friendly  acting  in 
concert  for  the  spreading  of  evangelical  Christianity,  the  combat- 
ing of  infidelity  and  superstition,  particularly  Catholicism,  with- 
out, therefore,  attempting  to  form  an  association  of  different 
Church  societies.  The  final  and  complete  organization  of  the 
association  was  deferred  to  the  next  general  meeting;  but, in  the 
interim,  branch  associations  were  to  be  established  in  all  coun- 
tries. 

12  Dcr  Evangclischc  Bund,  von  Carl  Mann  und  Theod.  Plitt,  Basle,  1847.  Berliner 
Litcrarische  Zeitung,  1848,  March,  p.  305.  Dcr  Evangclischc  Bund  nach  seiner  Ent- 
6tehung,  seinen  Grundsatzen  und  Zwecken  und  seiner  Ausbreitung,  v.  J.  L.  Kunig, 
Barmen,  1848. 


0.  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  SWITZERLAND.  439 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  SWITZERLAND  AND  THE 

NETHERLANDS. 

Documentirte  pragmatische  Erzablung  der  neuern  kirchlichen  Veranderungen,  so- 
wic  der  progressiven  Usurpationeu  der  roniischcn  Curie  in  der  katholischen 
Scbweiz  bis  1830,  von  Dr.  Ludwig  Snell,  Snrsee,  1833. — Die  romische  Curie  und 
die  Wirren  in  der  Scbweiz,  Offenbach  a.  M.  1841. — Gescbicbte  des  Jesuitenkampf- 
es  in  der  Scbweiz,  von  einem  Ziiricber,  Ziiricb,  1845. — Hallische  Allg.  Lit.  Ztg. 
August,  1845,  p.  193  sq. 

It  has  been  possible  for  Rome  to  interfere  more  freely  in  the 
affairs  of  Catholic  Switzerland  than  in  those  of  any  other  state, 
because  the  diversity  of  opinions  made  it  easy  to  form  parties. 
In  the  reorganization  of  the  cantonal  governments  which  was  ef- 
fected after  the  Peace  of  Paris,  the  aristocracy  once  more  gained 
the  upper-hand  ;  and,  at  first,  gave  the  Curia  free  play,  believing 
that  the  restoration  of  the  Church  to  its  mediaeval  form  would 
most  effectually  hold  in  check  the  revolutionary  spirit.  The  Act 
of  Confederation  of  1815  established  no  strong  central  power 
which  could  have  resisted  ultramontanism ;  it  did  not  by  any 
means  grant  ecp^al  rights  to  all  Christian  religious  parties  in  the 
whole  of  Switzerland,  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  cantons  remained 
in  part  Catholic,  in  part  Reformed,  and  in  part  mixed,  and  were 
not  under  obligations  to  admit  other  religious  persuasions.  On 
the  other  hand,  however,  the  act  in  question  guaranteed  to  the 
convents  their  further  existence  and  their  property.  A  large 
portion  of  Catholic  Switzerland  belonged  to  the  bishopric  of 
Constance,  with  the  administration  of  which,  under  Dalberg  and 
Wessenberg,  Rome  was  highly  dissatisfied.  Negotiations  were 
therefore  opened  with  the  cantonal  governments  with  regard  to 
the  separation  of  this  Swiss  portion  of  the  bishopric ;  but,  with- 
out awaiting  their  conclusion,  the  Papal  nuncio  in  Lucerne  ef- 
fected this  separation  January  1,  1815,  and  appointed  Provost 
Guldlin,  a  well-known  ultramontane,  apostolic  vicar  of  the  Swiss 
part  of  the  see.  When  the  Swiss  complained  of  this  and  other 
arbitrary  acts  of  the  nuncio,  and  appealed  to  the  old  prerog- 
atives of  the  Swiss  Church,  these  prerogatives,  which  had  al- 
ready been  reprobated  by  Clement  XIII.,  were  condemned  anew 
by  a  Papal  rescript.  The  Swiss  yielded,  and  thus  the  protest  of 
the  Chapter  of  Constance  remained  ineffectual.  After  this,  the 
foundation  of  a  national  bishopric  was  long  a  matter  of  discus- 


490 


FOURTII  PERIOD— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 


sion.  This  plan,  however,  was  not  carried  out;  but  in  1S23  the 
double  See  of  Coire-St.  Gall  was  established,  as  well  as  the  See 
of  Basle1  in  1S2S.  During  these  negotiations,  Catholic  Switzer- 
land was  governed  by  apostolic  vicars  under  the  supervision  of 
the  nuncio  at  Lucerne.  But  the  new  bishoprics,  too,  having  been 
placed  directly  under  Home,  remained  entirely  under  the  control 
of  the  nuncio,  so  that  the  latter  became  the  actual  ruler  of  the 
Catholic  Church  in  Switzerland.  Thus  every  thing  was  done  to 
bind  the  clergy  firmly  to  Rome;  in  particular,  efforts  were  made 
to  introduce  the  Jesuits  every  where.  It  was  only  in  Valais 
and  in  Fribourg,  however,  that  such  efforts  proved  successful ; 
and  these  two  cantons,  therefore,  fell  completely  under  the  rule 
of  the  clerical  party.  From  them,  accordingly,  a  strong  influ- 
ence was  spread  over  the  whole  of  Catholic  Switzerland  against 
the  so-called  erroneous  doctrines  of  Wessenberg,  as  well  as 
against  his  partisans  among  the  clergy,  while,  at  the  same  time, 
the  minds  of  the  people  were  stunted  by  superstitious  writings, 
processions,  pilgrimages,  missions,  miracles,  and  miraculous  im- 
ages, and  intolerance  and  hatred  of  the  Reformed  were  reawak- 
ened  every  where.  Subsequently,  however,  the  aristocratic  gov- 
ernments became  sensible  of  the  dangers  of  this  ultramontanism, 
placed  themselves  in  opposition  to  it,  allowed  no  interference  in 
political  matters,  and  asserted  the  rights  of  the  State  over  the 
Church.  Fribourg,  Yalais,  and  the  three  original  cantons— Uri, 
Sehwyz,  and  Unterwalden — alone,  were  entirely  in  the  hands  of 
the  Jesuits. 

The  French  revolution  of  July,  1S30,  caused  a  powerful  excite- 
ment also  in  Switzerland,  and,  in  consequence,  agitations  arose  in 
the  aristocratic  cantons,  by  which  the  constitutions  were  changed 
and  received  a  democratic  form.  The  new  governments  strove 
to  raise  Switzerland  to  the  level  of  the  enlightenment  of  the  day, 
by  establishing  above  all  an  upright  and  independent  administra- 
tion of  justice,  and  seeking  to  reform  the  department  of  instruc- 
tion,which  had  been  greatly  neglected.  Their  efforts  were  direct- 
ed as  well  to  the  higher  educational  institutions  as  particularly  to 

1  Versnch  einer  pragmatischen  Geschichtc  der  staatsrechtliehen  Kirehenverha.lt- 
nisse  der  Eidgenossen  (by  Ildefons  Fuclis,  Cath.  priest  in  St.  Gall),  Germanien,  L816. 
Treatises  in  the  Schwcizcr  Museum  of  1815  and  1816,  by  Dean  Bock  of  the  Cathe- 
dral. Bemerkungen  iibcr  die  Beitragc  des  St.  Galler  Erzahlers  zur  Geschichtc  der 
nenen  Bisthnmseinrichtung  von  St.  Gallen,  Chnr,  1885.  Das  St.  Galler  Officialat  nnd 
die  Bisthiimelei  (by  Regierungsrath  Hnngerbuhler,  cf  St.  Gall),  St.  Gallen,  1844. 


§  6.  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  SWITZERLAND.  491 

the  public  schools,  in  order  thereby  to  oppose  a  firm  barrier  to 
ultramontanism.  A  more  liberal  spirit  in  ecclesiastical  matters 
soon  became  apparent  in  the  Catholic  cantons,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  original  ones.  In  Fribourg  and  Lucerne,  too,  an 
aversion  to  the  ultramontane  system  manifested  itself,  and  the 
nuncio  found  himself  so  much  neglected  in  Fribourg  that  he 
left  that  city  and  took  up  his  residence  in  Schwyz. 

Ultramontanism,  however,  grew  all  the  more  active  in  its  op- 
posing influence,  for  which  it  had  a  firm  foundation  in  the  want 
of  enlightenment  among  the  people,  to  whom  the  latest  constitu- 
tions assigned  the  highest  power.  The  convents,  those  central 
points  of  ultramontanism,  were  brought  into  closer  connection 
with  each  other.  Celestine,  Abbot  of  Einsiedeln,  founded,  in  1831, 
the  Catholic  Association,  which,  by  small  contributions  from  its 
numerous  members,  collected  large  sums.  Among  the  people 
the  idea  was  circulated  that  their  religion  was  endangered  by 
the  new  governments  and  their  school  reforms,  and  a  control  was 
thus  exercised  over  the  popular  elections  of  the  members  of  the 
administration.  The  Order  of  Jesus,  in  1836,  was  permitted  to 
establish  a  college  also  in  Schwyz,  and  thus  gained  a  new  centre 
of  influence.  In  many  Reformed  cantons,  too,  the  fear  gradual- 
ly gained  ground  that  the  new  governments,  by  their  school  re- 
forms, were  endangering  religion.  This  apprehension  reached 
its  climax  through  the  call  of  Dr.  David  Strauss  to  the  Univer- 
sity of  Zurich — which  was,  indeed,  a  precipitate  measure — and,  in 
consequence,  the  government  of  Zurich  was  overthrown  in  Sep- 
tember, 1839,  a  new  one,  with  views  more  favorable  to  religion, 
established  in  its  place,  the  constitution  changed,  and  an  entirely 
new  course  entered  upon  with  regard  to  ecclesiastical  and  educa- 
tional matters.  This  event,  occurring  in  the  large  and  influential 
canton  of  Zurich,  was  hailed  every  where  by  the  adherents  of 
the  Church  as  a  victory  over  infidelity,  and  the  old  Orthodox 
party  gained  in  strength  thereby,  as  well  among  the  Reformed 
as  among  the  Catholics.  Among  the  latter  the  opinion  was  cir- 
culated that  the  radicals,  by  the  call  of  Dr.  Strauss,  had  intended 
to  overthrow  the  Catholic  Church  in  Switzerland.  This  roused 
the  fanaticism  of  the  Catholic  people.  Ultramontanism  entered 
into  a  league  with  democracy,  as  the  latter,  entirely  devoid  of 
enlightenment,  was  wholly  at  its  mercy.  Thus,  in  1810  and 
1841,  in  the  canton  of  Lucerne,  the  constitution  was  revised  in 


492  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  DIV.  IH.-6INCE  A.D.  1814. 

an  ultramontane  spirit,  and  all  liberals  were  removed  from  in- 
fluential positions.  Lucerne,  the  Catholic  temporary  capital,  be- 
came the  headquarters  of  the  ultramontanes.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  bring  about  a  similar  result  in  the  canton  of  Aargau, 
which  had  many  Catholic  subjects,  and  as  the  reaction  there  was 
unsuccessful,  a  plan  was  made  to  divide  this  canton,  and  to  cut 
off  from  the  Reformed  part  of  Aargau  a  Catholic  canton  of  Ba- 
den. As  this  end  was  not  reached  by  legal  means,  the  Catholics, 
in  January,  lS-il,  broke  out  into  open  rebellion,  which  was,  how- 
ever, suppressed.  Aargau  now  abolished  its  convents,  which  had 
been  the  principal  seats  of  the  insurrection.  This  gave  rise  to  a 
struggle  which  lasted  three  years,  inasmuch  as  the  so-called  con- 
servative cantons  (Reformed  as  well  as  Catholic)  disputed  the 
right  of  Aargau  to  effect  this  abolition,  as  the  convents  had  been 
ouaranteed  in  the  Act  of  Confederation.  The  ultramontane 
party  took  advantage  of  the  occurrence  to  rouse  the  fanaticism 
of  the  Catholic  people,  by  representing  to  them  that  its  object 
was  the  suppression  and  destruction  of  the  Catholic  Church. 
The  idea  of  a  Catholic  Alliance  was  now  developed.  It  was 
proposed  that  Catholic  Switzerland  should  separate  entirely  from 
the  Reformed  part  of  the  country  and  form  a  confederation  of  its 
own,  and  that  to  attain  this  end,  the  Catholic  portions  of  the  Re- 
formed cantons  should  be  divided  from  them,  in  order  to  form 
new  cantons  from  themselves.  The  Jesuits  became  more  and 
more  powerful,  and  worked  upon  the  people  through  missions. 
Finally,  a  revolution  broke  out  in  Valais.  Upper  Yalais  had 
always  been  under  the  rule  of  the  clergy,  but  in  Lower  Yalais 
the  liberals  had  obtained  the  supremacy,  and  carried  through,  in 
1840,  a  liberal  constitution.  When,  however,  the  new  govern- 
ment abolished  the  immunities  of  the  clergy,  reformed  the  pub- 
lic schools,  and  joined  the  liberal  party  at  the  Diet,  the  priests 
had  no  difficulty  in  diffusing  in  Upper  Valais  the  opinion  that 
the  government  intended  to  exterminate  the  Catholic  religion. 
That  canton,  therefore,  rose  in  revolt  in  May,  1844,  invaded 
Lower  Yalais,  and  changed  the  government.  The  liberals  were 
cither  massacred,  driven  out  of  the  country,  or  imprisoned, 
and  their  property  was  confiscated.  It  is  almost  certain  that 
this  attack  was  organized  in  Lucerne,  and  its  expenses  paid 
by  a  gift  of  9S,000  Swiss  francs  from  the  Missionary  Society 
in  Lyons. 


§  G.  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  SWITZERLAND.  493 

Encouraged  by  this,  the  ultramontanes  in  Lucerne  took  the 
step  they  had  long  contemplated :  they  called,  in  September, 
1S44,  the  Jesuits  to  that  city,  in  order  to  place  under  their  con- 
trol the  greater  part  of  the  Lyceum  and  the  Theological  Semi- 
nary. This  measure  created  universal  excitement,  for  Lucerne 
is  one  of  the  three  capitals-  of  the  Confederation,  and  it  was  to 
be  foreseen  that  when  its  turn  came  to  take  the  lead,  the  Jesuits 
would  have  the  direction  of  the  federal  affairs.  In  the  canton 
of  Lucerne  itself,  a  large  portion  of  the  people  are  against  the 
Jesuits ;  in  particular,  the  whole  commonalty  of  the  city  of  Lu- 
cerne. In  December,  1S44,  an  insurrection  broke  out  in  the 
canton,  but  was  soon  suppressed.  The  Diet  tried  to  mediate, 
but  without  force  or  success.  The  motion  of  the  liberals  to 
banish  the  Jesuits  entirely  from  Switzerland  was  not  carried, 
because  the  conservative  cantons  were  afraid  of  violating  the 
cantonal  sovereignty  by  such  a  resolution,  and  remonstrances 
proved  entirely  ineffectual  with  Lucerne.  Upon  this,  the  bitter 
feeling  entertained  by  the  greater  portion  of  Switzerland  against 
the  Jesuits  broke  out  into  open  violence.  From  many  cantons 
volunteer  corps  came  to  the  aid  of  the  liberals  of  Lucerne,  and 
they  all  advanced  upon  the  city  March  31,  1845.  But  this  vol- 
unteer expedition  failed  of  success,  through  its  imperfect  organ- 
ization and  want  of  discipline.  Hence  the  ultramontane  party 
triumphed  in  Lucerne.  Hundreds  of  liberals  were  obliged  to  fly, 
or  were  imprisoned ;  their  opponents  had  evidently  formed  the 
plan  of  entirely  exterminating  them.  But  this  ultramontane  fa- 
naticism merely  had  the  result  of  awakening  the  contrary  spirit 
in  the  other  cantons.  In  Zurich  the  conservative  government 
(the  so-called  Men  of  September),  by  its  want  of  decision  in  this 
matter,  had  drawn  upon  itself  the  general  indignation ;  at  the 
new  elections  (April,  1S45),  it  was  replaced  by  liberals.  Even  in 
the  Catholic  cantons  of  Fribourg,  Lucerne,  and  Valais,  a  large 
proportion  of  the  inhabitants  were  against  the  Jesuits  and  ultra- 
montanism :  the  abhorrence  of  the  partial  and  cruel  conduct  of 
the  administration  in  Lucerne  toward  the  liberals  was  universal. 
In  order  to  increase  their  power,  the  seven  Catholic  cantons — 
Lucerne,  Fribourg,  Zug,  Schwyz,  Uri,  IJnterwalden,  and  Yalais — 
formed  a  closer  alliance  (1S46).  Their  pretext  for  doing  so  was 
that  they  wished  to  mutually  protect  each  other  from  attacks 
like  the  one  which  Lucerne  had  suffered  from  the  volunteer 


494  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

corps;  but  at  bottom  there  was  evidently  the  general  intention 
to  promote  more  vigorously  by  this  alliance  their  common  in- 
terests, particularly  'those  of  the  Church.  This  separate  league 
{Sonderbund)  immediately  excited  great  dissatisfaction  in  the 
remaining  cantons ;  yet,  for  the  moment,  it  was  opposed  by  no 
decisive  majority  at  the  Diet.  This  was  only  the  case  when 
Geneva,  by  a  revolution  which  took  place  in  October,  1S46,  had 
become  a  wholly  democratic  canton,  and  declared  itself  deci- 
dedly against  the  Sonderbund.  The  Diet  therefore  passed  a  res- 
olution (July,  1847)  to  the  effect  that  the  Sonderbund,  being  in- 
compatible with  the  confederate  compact,  must  be  dissolved, 
and  that  no  Jesuits  should  be  tolerated  in  Switzerland.  The 
Sonderbund  was  not  willing  to  submit  to  this  decree,  but  was 
brought  into  subjection  by  a  short  campaign  in  November,  1S47. 
With  this  the  liberal  party,  till  then  suppressed,  gained  the  pre- 
ponderance also  in  these  cantons.  But  it  can  not  be  denied  that 
this  party,  too,  showed  the  same  intolerant  spirit  toward  their 
opponents  which  the  latter  had  formerly  manifested  toward  them. 

The  double  bishopric  of  Coire  and  St.  Gall  having  become 
vacant  in  the  mean  time,  the  separation  previously  desired  was 
effected.  By  a  concordat  of  the  canton  of  St.  Gall  with  the 
Holy  See  of  November  7,  1S45,  the  bishopric  of  St.  Gall  was 
reorganized. 

The  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands2  had  been  formed,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  treaty  between  the  four  great  powers  (London,  June, 
1S14),  by  the  union  of  the  former  republic  of  the  Netherlands 
and  the  Austrian  Netherlands.  This  union  seemed  very  well 
adapted  to  the  material  interests  of  both  countries,  for  Belgium 
was  an  agricultural  and  manufacturing  country,  while  Holland, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  decidedly  commercial.  Thus  these  two 
countries  could  supply  each  other's  wants,  and  exchange  the  prod- 
ucts of  their  activity  in  a  manner  beneficial  to  both ;  and,  indeed, 
this  alliance  has  proved  very  advantageous,  especially  for  Belgi- 
um, where  it  has  diffused  a  prosperity  before  unknown.  There 
were  other  difliculties  to  contend  with,  however,  in  connection 
with  it.  Since  the  division  of  the  Netherlands  under  Philip  II., 
the  two  countries,  chiefly  on  account  of  the  difference  of  relig- 
ion, had  not  only  become  estranged  from  each  other,  but  there 

2  Ernst  Munch,  Dcnkwurdigkciten,  Stuttgart,  pt.  i.  1S32.  Rheinwakl,  Repertori- 
um,  in  several  places. 


§  6.  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS.      495 

had  arisen  between  them  as  strong  a  national  hatred  as  can  well 
exist  between  neighboring  countries.  The  Dutch  were  rigidly 
Reformed ;  the  fanatic  Catholicism  of  the  Belgians  was  hardly 
equaled  by  that  of  any  other  people.  For  this  reason,  the  reign- 
ing house  of  Nassau-Orange,  belonging  to  the  Reformed  Church, 
was  looked  upon  from  the  first  with  mistrust  and  dissatisfaction, 
and,  in  consequence,  through  the  influence  of  the  clergy,  a  strong 
party  of  malcontents  was  immediately  formed  against  the  new 
government,  which  soon  entered  into  close  alliance  with  the  Jes- 
uit party  in  France.  Its  fanaticism  forthwith  made  itself  strong- 
ly felt.  Prince  Broglio,  Bishop  of  Ghent,  who  in  former  times 
had  been  obliged  to  swear  to  the  French  constitution,  protested 
against  that  of  the  new  government  in  the  name  of  the  clergy, 
chiefly  because  it  guaranteed  equal  protection  to  all  religious 
parties,  and  issued  a  public  pastoral  letter  against  it,  so  that  the 
Pope  himself  was  induced  to  admonish  him  by  a  rescript  (1816) 
to  keep  the  peace.  After  this,  the  Belgian  bishops  refused  to 
pray  for  the  Princess  of  Orange  in  their  churches  during  her 
pregnancy.  Cardinal  Consalvi  reminded  the  Bishop  of  Namur 
that  the  Catholic  Church  had  never  refused  to  pray  for  non- 
Catholic  sovereigns ;  but,  nevertheless,  the  Bishop  of  Ghent  re- 
fused to  have  a  Te  Deum  sung  on  occasion  of  the  birth  of  an 
heir  to  the  throne  (March,  1817),  because  it  was  against  his  con- 
science to  pray  for  a  heretic  prince.  For  this,  however,  as  well 
as  for  having  carried  on  secret  negotiations  with  Rome,  he  was 
accused  of  high-treason.  He  escaped  arrest  by  flight  to  France ; 
his  portrait  was  exposed  at  the  pillory.  But  until  his  death 
(1821)  he  continued  to  exert  an  agitating  influence  by  corre- 
spondence, pamphlets,  and  pastoral  letters,  in  his  diocese  as  well 
as  in  other  parts  of  the  country. 

Meanwhile  the  fanatical  Catholic  party  continued  to  act  in 
opposition  to  the  government.  Several  priests,  from  their  pul- 
pits, stirred  up  the  people  to  rebellion,  and  were  deposed  in  con- 
sequence. Catholic  reading-societies  and  unions  were  founded, 
in  order  to  disseminate  the  ultramontane  doctrines ;  in  particular, 
the  Societe  Catholique,  whose  members  were  compelled  to  sub- 
scribe the  bulls  In  Coena  Domini  and  Unigenitus.  This  soci- 
ety was  dissolved  by  order  of  the  government,  August  21,  1823, 
but  continued  to  exist,  nevertheless. 

At  this  time  a  number  of  Jesuits  entered  the  country  secretly 


496  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

from  France.  They  appeared  as  Freres  Ignorantins,3  founded 
schools,  and  taught  in  them  in  an  ultra-Catholic  spirit.  Fam- 
ilies of  rank  sent  their  sons  to  the  Jesuit  institutions  which  had 
been  established  in  France.  The  government  for  a  long  time 
had  left  public  instruction  quite  free  from  control,  but  finally 
felt  the  necessity  of  interfering.  In  particular,  the  institutions 
for  the  education  of  the  clergy  needed  to  be  reformed.  Here, 
as  in  France,  the  candidates  for  the  priesthood  were  trained  only 
in  episcopal  seminaries ;  but  the  preparatory  schools  for  these, 
which  were  also  under  episcopal  supervision,  were  the  so-called 
jictits  stminaires.  The  instruction  in  them  was  extremely  poor, 
and  only  served  to  nourish  the  grossest  superstition  and  intoler- 
ance. The  government  did  not,  indeed,  venture  to  wrest  the 
actual  theological  instruction  from  the  episcopal  seminaries,  but 
it  decreed,  in  June,  1S25,  that  the  jpetits  stminaires  should  be 
closed,  and,  instead,  a  Philosophical  College  be  established  at 
Louvain,  in  which  every  one  who  wished  to  enter  an  episcopal 
seminary  must  go  through  a  philosophical  course.  At  the  same 
time,  the  Jesuit  schools  were  also  closed,  the  so-called  Freres  Ig- 
norantins conveyed  across  the  frontier,  and  the  attendance  of 
foreign  schools  without  special  permission  prohibited,  in  order 
to  prevent  the  frequenting  of  the  French  Jesuit  schools.  Upon 
this  the  bigoted  Catholic  party  raised  a  great  clamor  about  re- 
striction of  liberty  of  instruction.  The  Archbishop  of  Mechlin 
refused  to  accept  the  curatorship  of  the  Philosophical  College ; 
the  bishops  spread  abroad  that  they  would  receive  no  graduate 
of  that  college  in  their  seminaries.  During  these  proceedings, 
the  negotiations  of  the  government  with  Rome  had  led,  in  1827, 
to  a  concordat,  which,  effected  by  a  faithless  envoy,  Count  Celles 
(it  is  said  that  he  was  bribed  by  half  a  million  of  lire),  proved 
highly  disadvantageous,  and  one  of  the  conditions  of  which  was 
that  the  attendance  of  the  Philosophical  College  should  hence- 
forward be  optional.  The  consequence  was  that  the  college  lost 
all  its  students,  and  in  1829  had  to  be  abolished  by  the  govern- 
ment.4 

It  was  this  bigotry  and  religious  hatred,  nurtured  by  the  priests, 
which  immediately  gained  adherents  among  the  people  for  the 

3  The  order  was  founded  in  1724.   Pflanz,  Religioses  Leben  in  Frankrcich,  p.  C3 ;  re- 
stored by  Napoleon,  1808,  p.  07. 
*  Der  Process  wider  De  Potter,  1S29,  in  Munch' s  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  p.  339. 


§  6.  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS.  497 

Belgian  rebellion  of  August,  1S30.  Although  the  government 
might  have  erred  in  some  of  the  measures  taken,  the  people  were 
not  affected  by  them ;  on  the  contrary,  the  prosperity  of  the  coun- 
try had  increased  in  a  striking  degree.  Religious  hatred  alone 
could  effect  an  insurrection  among  the  people.  It  was  remark- 
able that  during  this  insurrection  two  parties  entirely  opposed  to 
each  other  joined  in  a  common  struggle  against  the  government 
— the  bigoted  clerical  party,  which  at  the  same  time  led  the  peo- 
ple, and  an  ultra-liberal  republican  party,  which  had  cast  aside 
entirely  all  religion. 

These  two  parties,  so  long  as  matters  were  not  settled  between 
Holland  and  Belgium,  have  been  obliged  to  make  mutual  con- 
cessions to  each  other,  in  order  not  to  endanger  their  inner  union 
for  an  outward  struggle  which  might  possibly  become  necessary. 
Their  alliance  was  particularly  facilitated  by  the  fact  that  the 
principles  of  De  la  Mennais  had  found  considerable  favor  in 
Belgium.  In  the  National  Congress  which  first  assembled,  the 
liberty  of  all  persuasions  was  declared  ;  and  in  the  constitution  of 
the  new  kingdom  the  Church  was  pronounced  entirely  independ- 
ent of  the  State,  so  that  the  latter  has  not  even  the  right  to  affix 
the  placetum  regium  to  ecclesiastical  decrees.  It  is  true  that  a 
Protestant  was  at  last  chosen  King,  viz.  Prince  Leopold  of  Saxe- 
Coburg,  who  ascended  the  new  throne  in  July,  1831.  But,  in 
consideration  of  the  state  of  feeling  among  his  subjects,  this 
Prince  married,  in  August,  1S32,  a  Catholic  princess,  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  King  of  France,  promising,  at  the  same  time,  to  have 
his  children  brought  up  in  the  Catholic  faith.  The  diversity  of 
opinion  in  spiritual  matters  existing  in  Belgium  was  exemplified 
in  a  remarkable  manner  by  the  circumstance  that  in  1834  two 
universities  were  founded  by  private  associations — one,  a  Cath- 
olic institution,  in  Mechlin  (transferred  to  Louvain  in  1835),  and 
a  Free  University  at  Brussels.  The  Catholic  University  has  for 
its  curators  all  the  bishops  of  the  realm.  The  professors  are 
compelled  to  subscribe  the  Confession  of  Faith  of  Pius  IV.  and 
vow  obedience  to  the  bishops.  They  are  under  obligation,  in  all 
departments,  to  make  their  teachings  consistent  with  the  princi- 
ples of  Catholicism,  and  to  take  every  occasion  to  imbue  their 
pupils  with  love  for  the  Catholic  Church.  The  Free  University, 
on  the  other  hand,  which  is  under  the  special  patronage  of  the 
city  of  Brussels,  is  conducted  on  thoroughly  liberal  principles. 
vol.  v. — 32 


498  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

In  addition  to  these,  there  are  two  national  universities  at  Ghent 
and  Liege,  supported  by  the  government,  in  which,  however,  the- 
ology is  not  taught  at  all. 

In  1S39  the  long-desired  treaty  between  Holland  and  Belgium 
was  at  length  concluded,  and  it  is  only  since  then  that  Belgium 
has  entered  upon  a  calmer  course  of  development,  in  which  it 
will  be  shown  whether  the  country  has  gained  or  lost  by  its  rev- 
olution. Under  the  wise  rule  of  King  Leopold,  there  lias  been 
a  great  improvement  in  the  internal  order  and  tranquillity,  as 
well  as  decided  progress  in  arts  and  manufactures.  But  Bel- 
gium has  many  difficulties  to  contend  with.  It  needs,  for  the 
numerous  products  of  its  industrial  labor,  which  far  exceed  the 
necessities  of  the  country,  a  foreign  market,  which  is  greatly 
limited  by  the  fact  of  its  possessing  no  colonies,  and  because  all 
the  adjacent  countries  have  shut  themselves  off  by  heavy  frontier 
duties.  Moreover,  there  are  still  many  conflicting  elements  in- 
volved in  the  opposition  between  the  strict  Catholics  and  the  lib- 
erals, as  well  as  in  that  which  exists  between  the  Flemings  and 
the  Walloons,  and  which  has  manifested  itself  in  the  struggle 
between  the  Flemish  language,  still  in  course  of  development, 
and  the  imported  French  tongue. 

The  future  must  show  whether  the  wisdom  of  the  sovereigns 
will  succeed  in  permanently  suppressing  or  uniting  these  ele- 
ments. 

§  ?• 

ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY. 

Saintcs,  Histoire  du  Rationalisme ;  German  translation  by  Ficker,  Leipsic,  1S45.— 
Fries,  Schroeter,  and  Schmidt,  Oppositionssckrift,  iv.  1.— Erdmann,  Die  Aufklar- 
ung  des  ISten  u.  19tcn  Jahrhunderts,  Leipsic,  1849. 

I.  From  1814  to  1S40. 

The  Wars  of  Deliverance  gave  a  new  impulse  to  the  interest  in 
religion  and  the  Church.  It  was  keenly  felt  that  the  decline  of 
religious  and  patriotic  spirit  had  been  the  cause  of  the  humilia- 
tion of  Germany  and  its  oppression  by  a  foreign  nation.  The 
people  had  recognized  in  the  great  events  by  which  a  mighty 
ruler  had  been  stricken  down,  and  their  country  liberated,  almost 
a  direct  interference  of  God  in  the  world's  fortunes:  hence  a 
powerful  religious  feeling  was  awakened  within  them,  and  uni- 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     499 

versally  expressed  itself  very  strongly  in  repentance  and  grati- 
tude, and  in  enthusiastic  wishes  and  hopes  for  the  future.  But 
whereas,  formerly,  the  cold  reflection  of  reason  had  biased  the 
minds  of  many,  they  were  now  rendered  quite  as  one-sided  by 
an  exuberance  of  sentiment,  which  also  could  not  fail  to  lead 
them  astray.  And,  at  the  same  time,  a  fault  became  prominent 
(which,  indeed,  has  always  been  common  to  mankind,  but  yet  is 
particularly  characteristic  of  modern  times),  i.  e.  the  tendency  of 
the  individual  to  reflect  upon  the  general  condition  of  affairs 
and  its  improvement,  instead  of  first  and  mainly  improving  him- 
self. For  if  each  one,  in  the  position  in  which  he  is  placed, 
does  right,  the  whole  will  certainly  grow  better ;  whereas  if  all 
think  chiefly  of  the  means  and  ways  of  improving  the  whole, 
without  beginning  with  their  own  improvement,  there  will  be  no 
lack  of  abortive  attempts  or  even  extravagances. 

Under  the  French  rule  and  during  the  Wars  of  Deliverance, 
the  Germans  had  contracted  a  strong  hatred  against  every  thing 
foreign,  and  particularly  against  every  thing  French.  It  was 
proposed  to  return  to  the  old  German  manners  and  customs ; 
many  even  wished  to  have  the  old  constitution  of  the  Holy  Ro- 
man Empire  restored.  This  tendency  manifested  itself  espe- 
cially among  the  young,  in  a  striving  to  give  a  purely  German 
character  to  their  speech,  dress,  and  demeanor.  The  Burschen- 
schaften  *  at  the  universities,  in  particular,  owed  their  origin  to 
this  spirit,  and  exhibited  it  most  strongly.  This  passion  for  ev- 
ery thing  purely  German  strove,  indeed,  to  effect  something  im- 
possible, i.  e.  to  restore  conditions  long  passed  away.  It  was 
something  artificial,  unnatural,  and,  therefore,  could  not  main- 
tain itself.  Yet  it  had  considerable  influence  in  connection  with 
religion  and  the  Church.  An  abhorrence  of  the  frivolity  which 
had  penetrated  into  Germany  from  France  in  the  eighteenth 
century  was  becoming  more  and  more  prevalent,  and  there  was 
a  general  feeling  that  the  former  indifference  to  religion  was  a 
great  misfortune  for  a  nation,  and  that  an  end  ought  to  be  put 
to  it.  But  whereas  each  individual  should  have  striven  to  gain 
a  correct  understanding  of  Christian  truth  by  means  of  his  rea- 
son— the  faculty  bestowed  upon  him  for  this  end — to  let  it  in- 
fluence him,  and  thus  fit  himself  to  be  a  living  member  of  the 
Church,  many  were  led,  by  excess  of  sentiment  and  misguided 
*  Burschenschaft,  a  political  association  among  German  students.—  Tr. 


500  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

reflection  upon  the  general  condition  of  religious  affairs,  into 
wrong  courses. 

The  enlightening  theology  of  the  eighteenth  century  contained, 
indeed,  much  that  was  very  repulsive.  It  had  done  away  with 
the  symbols  of  the  Church, yet  considered  itself  in  harmony  with 
the  Scriptural  doctrine.  To  maintain  this  harmony,  however,  it 
had  taken  the  liberty  of  adopting  the  most  arbitrary  and  shallow 
exegesis.  The  miracles  were  explained,  in  the  most  far-fetched 
way,  according  to  nature ;  in  order  to  remove  every  thing  ob- 
jectionable from  the  teachings  of  Jesus  and  the  apostles,  it  ac- 
commodated itself  most  freely  to  the  ideas  and  prejudices  of  the 
times,  so  that  in  this  way  every  thing  could  be  made  out  of  any 
thing.  This  theology  was  the  first  attempt  to  bring  Christian 
dogmatics  into  harmony  with  the  other  sciences,  which  were  con- 
stantly progressing.  It  "svas  obliged  to  combat  and  reject  many 
things  pertaining  to  the  former  symbolical  Church  doctrine,  and 
this  gave  it  a  negative  and  chilling  character.  Hence,  in  order 
to  retain  its  connection  with  Christianity,  it  had  adopted  a  wholly 
untrue  exegesis,  and  partially  resolved  the  positive  doctrine  of 
faith  into  general  and  obscure  propositions,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  it  attached  the  highest  value  to  the  ethics  of  Christianity. 

Many  voices  were  now  raised  against  this  chilling  theology,  to 
which  they  attributed  the  decline  of  the  Church.  There  was  a 
general  desire  to  return  to  the  old  belief  and  its  fervency:  the 
excited  emotions  longed  for  it ;  many,  too,  called  for  it  because 
they  were  convinced  that  through  it  alone  the  old  order  and 
tranquillity  could  be  restored.  Hence  this  demand  was  made 
not  only  by  the  excited  youth  of  the  nation,  but  also  by  the  aris- 
tocracy, who  longed  to  have  the  former  conditions  revived,  and 
saw  in  the  old  faith  the  most  effective  means  of  holding  the 
people  in  check.  Many  jurists,  too,  shared  this  desire,  who  de- 
manded for  the  Church  equally  positive  and  unalterable  condi- 
tions as  existed  for  the  State. 

Now  and  then  this  predilection  for  the  old  state  of  things  led 
back  to  the  Koinish  Church.  Many  looked  upon  the  Middle 
Ages  as  an  ideal  time,  which  they  sought  to  restore — as  the  time 
of  vigor,  simplicity,  orthodoxy,  and  piety.  They  regarded  the 
Reformation  as  the  foundation  of  all  the  evils  of  modern  times : 
in  their  opinion  it  had  destroyed  the  beautiful  unity  and  strength 
of  the  Middle  Ages ;  in  the  Church,  devout  emotion  had  been 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     501 

supplanted  by  cold  reasoning  and  subverting  criticism,  childlike 
faith  by  doubt  and  infidelity,  and  schisms  and  sectarianism  had, 
in  consequence,  become  prevalent.  They  held,  moreover,  that  the 
division  in  the  Church  had  so  undermined  the  political  strength 
and  unity  of  Germany  that  it  had  lost  all  political  importance 
among  the  European  states,  at  the  head  of  which  it  stood  during 
the  Middle  Ages.  This  predilection  for  mediaeval  institutions 
found  a  support  awaiting  it  in  the  romantic  school  of  poetry, 
which  had  been  developed  since  the  beginning  of  the  century, 
chiefly  by  Ludwig  Tieck  and  the  brothers  August  "Wilhelm  and 
Friedrich  von  Schlegel.  These  romanticists  made  it  their  chief 
aim  to  restore  the  credit  of  the  Middle  Ages,  which  had  in- 
deed often  been  unjustly  dealt  with ;  but,  in  so  doing,  they  not 
infrequently  overstepped  the  limits  of  truth  and  good  taste. 
They  strove  to  represent  the  rich  and  varied  life  of  that  period 
in  poetical  productions,  and  to  win  love  and  admiration  for  it ; 
they  brought  forward  mediaeval  art,  which,  until  then,  had  been 
but  little  noticed,  as  the  true  German  art,  and  directed  attention 
to  the  beauty  and  grandeur  of  mediaeval  architecture,  to  the  old 
German  paintings,  so  replete  with  sentiment  and  artistic  in  ex- 
ecution. They  drew  forth  the  old  German  poets  from  the  ob- 
scurity into  which  they  had  relapsed.  It  was  meritorious  that 
they  combated  the  exclusive  admiration  of  ancient  Greek  and 
Eoman  art,  and  pointed  to  that  of  their  country,  which  was  cer- 
tainly not  wanting  in  peculiar  beauties ;  but  they  were  undeni- 
ably too  partial  in  their  praise  of  mediaeval  art,  and  blind  to  its 
defects.  This  branch  of  art,  moreover,  had  developed  in  the 
closest  connection  with  the  Eoman  Catholic  Church.  At  almost 
every  point  it  came  in  contact  with  the  latter— its  doctrine,  its 
worship,  and  its  sacred  history ;  it  was  applied  almost  exclusively 
to  the  service  of  that  Church.  Thus  the  romantic  school  of  po- 
ets became  kindly  disposed  toward  Catholicism  and  averse  to 
Protestantism,  which  afforded  so  little  nourishment  for  their  in- 
clination to  a  sensual  representation  of  religious  subjects.  They 
therefore  complained  of  the  bareness  and  emptiness  of  Prot- 
estantism, which  offered  no  material  for  art,  as  the  latter  was 
essentially  designed  to  serve  religion,  and  to  make  it  sensually 
impressive  to  man,  a  sensual  creature.  They  declared  that  Prot- 
estantism ignored  entirely  the  claims  of  emotion,  which  was  the 
true  seat  of  religion,  and  appealed  merely  to  the  understanding ; 


502  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

hence  it  could  never  bring  forth  any  energetic  action,  any  self- 
sacrifice  for  religions  principle,  as  both  were  inconceivable  with- 
out a  quickening  of  the  emotions.  In  connection  with  this, 
however,  this  school  overlooked  entirely  that  true  religious  feel- 
ings are  by  no  means  of  a  sensual  nature,  but  that,  on  the  contra- 
ry, they  are  directly  excited  by  the  religious  principles  which 
Protestantism,  above  all  other  religions,  presents  in  their  great- 
est purity :  it  demanded  a  sensual  religious  impulse  and  sensual 
emotion  as  the  supporter  of  religion. 

Among  the  remarkable  proselytes  of  modern  times,  Count 
Friedrich  von  Stolberg  was  the  first  who,  in  1800,  at  Minister, 
went  over  to  the  Catholic  Church.  It  is  probable  that  aristo- 
cratic principles,  poetic  sensibility,  and  a  confusion  of  ideas  com- 
bined their  influence  in  causing  him  to  take  this  step.  His  for- 
mer friend,  Johann  Heinrich  Voss,  subsequently,  in  a  very  harsh 
manner,  demonstrated  the  mode  and  progress  of  his  conversion 
in  a  well-known  treatise.1 

The  next  convert  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  romantic 
school,  Friedrich  von  Schlegel,  who  joined  the  Catholic  Church 
at  Cologne.  His  example  was  followed  (in  Rome,  1811)  by  F. 
L.  Zacharias  Werner,  who  soon  became  a  priest,  and  created  a 
sensation  in  Vienna  by  burlesque  sermons.  Other  members  of 
the  romantic  school  were  suspected  of  having  secretly  become 
Catholics — in  particular,  Ludwig  Tieck.  With  regard  to  the  lat- 
ter, this  suspicion  has  been  proved  to  be  unfounded ;  but  he  be- 
came entirely  estranged  from  the  Protestant  Church,  as  well  as 
from  all  religious  observances. 

This  leaning  toward  the  Middle  Ages  received  new  nourish- 
ment from  the  predilection  for  every  thing  German  which  was 
developed  after  the  Wars  of  Deliverance,  and  induced  several 
German  artists,  especially  painters,  to  join  the  Catholic  Church. 
Pome,  the  seat  of  art,  was  very  frequently  visited  by  painters  for 
the  purpose  of  study.  A  special  German  school  of  painting  was 
formed  there,  which  adopted  for  its  character  a  slavish  imitation 
of  German  mediaeval  painting.  Catholic  legendary  lore  became 
the  chief  source  from  which  the  adherents  of  this  school  drew 
the  subjects  for  their  works ;  the  mediaeval  pomp  which  the 
Church  in  Pome  is  constantly  developing  furnished  them  with 
the  necessary  models.     Thus,  love  of  art  and  excitement  of  the 

1  Wie  ward  Fritz  Stolberg  ciu  Unfreier?  in  Paulus's  Sophrouizon  for  1819,  pt.  iii. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     503 

senses  led  many  German  painters,  shortly  after  the  Wars  of  De- 
liverance, over  to  the  Catholic  Church,  e.  g.  the  younger  Scha- 
dow,  the  brothers  Eiepenhausen,  etc. 

Others  were  led  to  the  same  end  from  a  political-juristic 
standpoint,  Among  these  was  Carl  Ludwig  von  Ilaller,  pro- 
fessor in  Berne,  and  member  of  the  Sovereign  Council  in  that 
city.  The  aversion  to  all  revolution  which  the  French  Revolu- 
tion  had  developed  caused  him  to  consider  the  absolute  power 
of  governments  and  the  unconditional  obedience  of  subjects  the 
only  means  of  salvation  for  the  world.  The  spiritual  power,  too, 
according  to  him,  should  be  absolute  and  universal,  and,  in  order 
to  assert  its  independence,  should  possess  real  estate.  In  this 
spirit  he  wrote  his  Restoration  of  Political  Economy  since  1S16 
(six  vols.).  He  had,  therefore,  long  held  Catholic  views,  while 
outwardly  still  belonging  to  the  Protestant  Church.  At  length, 
in  1820,  he  went  over  secretly,  and  obtained  from  the  Church  au- 
thorities a  dispensation  from  all  outward  religious  observances, 
in  order  to  be  able  to  retain  his  official  positions.  The  matter 
became  known,  however,  and  in  1S21  he  was  expelled  from  the 
Grand  Council  for  having  broken  the  oath  of  office  by  which  he 
had  promised  to  the  State  inviolable  fealty  and  truth,  which  he 
could  not  render  if,  being  a  Catholic,  he  gave  his  vote  in  matters 
of  the  Protestant  Church. 

In  a  similar  manner  several  jurists  were  won  over  to  the 
Catholic  Church.  The  members  of  the  legal  profession,  being 
accustomed  in  their  department  to  demand  consistency  and 
unconditional  validity  for  all  statutes  which  determine  life, 
are  easily  inclined  to  require  the  same  qualities  from  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Church.  They  therefore  not  infrequently  adopt 
the  symbolical  doctrine,  not  because  they  are  inwardly  convinced 
and  penetrated  by  it,  but  because  they  look  upon  it  as  legally  es- 
tablished. But  inasmuch  as  it  lies  in  the  nature  of  the  Prot- 
estant Church  that  the  individual  does  not  give  up  his  convic- 
tion, and,  therefore,  does  not  submit  unconditionally  to  doc- 
trines which  he  can  not  inwardly  adopt,  merely  because  they 
have  the  outward  sanction  of  the  Church,  and  inasmuch  as  this 
outward  conforming  to  Church  doctrines  is  rather  the  character 
of  the  Catholic  Church,  certain  jurists  allowed  themselves  to 
be  drawn  by  these  facts  into  a  predilection  for  the  latter,  and 
some  have  even  gone  over  to  it.     Thus,  in  particular,  Professor 


504  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

Jarke,  in  Bonn  till  1S25,  then  in  Vienna,  as  also  Professor  Phil- 
lipps  in  Berlin,  1828,  subsequently  in  Munich.  And  recently, 
even  a  Reformed  clergyman  named  Ilurter,  Antistes  (chief 
preacher)  in  Schaffhansen,  was  led  over  to  Catholicism  in  this 
way.  lie  was  a  decided  opponent  of  the  modern  agitations, 
such  as  have  taken  place  in  State  and  Church  since  the  French 
Revolution,  and  for  that  very  reason  became  an  admirer  of  the 
institutions  and  ordinances  of  the  Catholic  Church  and  the  out- 
ward unity  arising  therefrom.  After  expressing  this  tendency 
in  a  very  remarkable  manner,  in  his  Biography  of  Innocent  III. 
(Hamburg,  1834-1842,  4  vols.),  he  was  obliged  to  resign,  and, 
finally,  in  1S44,  joined  the  Catholic  Church  in  Rome.  He  sub- 
sequently became  Court  Councilor  and  Austrian  Historiographer 
at  Vienna.'-5 

These  conversions  to  Catholicism,  however,  were  mere  isolated 
cases.  A  prevailing  tendency  toward  that  faith  existed  only  for 
a  short  time  among  the  German  artists  and  romanticists.  Many 
efforts  are  constantly  being  made  for  this  object  on  the  part  of 
the  Roman  Catholics,  and  the  great  Missionary  Society  in  Lyons, 
in  particular,  devotes  large  sums  to  it — a  portion  of  which,  dis- 
tributed at  Munich,  is  expended  in  Germany — and  by  these 
means  isolated  conversions  are  still  purchased,  especially  among 
the  lower  classes.  But,  nevertheless,  the  number  of  those  con- 
verted to  Romanism  is  by  no  means  as  large  as  that  of  those 
who  have  left  this  faith,  and,  in  particular,  there  has  never  been 
an  instance  of  whole  congregations  going  over  to  the  Catholic 
Church,  while  a  number  of  Catholic  congregations  have  become 
Protestant  in  modern  times. 

Of  more  importance  in  the  Protestant  Church  than  this  tend- 
ency to  Catholicism  was  the  inclination  to  a  false  mysticism,  a 
result  of  religious  feelings  intensified  by  the  great  events  of  the 
period. 

Religious  mysticism  is  the  apprehension  and  expression  of  the 
doctrinal  mysteries  of  religion  through  the  emotions  and  the  im- 
agination. All  religious  doctrines  contain  mysteries,  so  far  as 
they  refer  to  the  infinite  and  its  influence  in  the  finite;  for  these 
are  subjects  which  can  never  be  thoroughly  grasped  by  the  finite 
powers  of  perception.     Human  reason  is  the  common  organ  for 

3  Die  confcssioncllen  Zerwiirfnissc  in  SchafiThausen,  u.  F.  Hurter's  Ucbcrtritt  zur 
romisch-katholischen  Kirclic,  von  Dan.  Schenkel,  Basic,  1844.  8. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     505 

religious  perception,  but  it  can  not  conceive  the  infinite ;  it  can 
only  define  it  by  excluding  from  it  all  conceptions  of  the  finite. 
Such  negative  conceptions,  however,  can  not  have  that  effect 
upon  the  emotions  and  the  will  which  religious  perceptions 
should  have.  We  therefore  merely  conform  to  human  nature 
and  our  own  wants  if  we  clothe  them  in  suitable  typical  lan- 
guage, and  thus  give  them  life  and  vigor  for  our  feelings.  Im- 
agination transforms  these  infinite  religious  conceptions  of  the 
understanding  into  corresponding  intuitive,  and  therefore  finite, 
perceptions,  which  vividly  affect  our  emotions,  and  thus,  too,  ex- 
ert a  stronger  influence  upon  the  will.  This  method  of  appre- 
hending and  expressing  religious  doctrines  for  the  emotions 
through  the  imagination,  is  religious  mysticism.  So  long  as  the 
latter  remains  conscious  of  its  dependence  on  the  understanding, 
not  striving  to  search  out  religious  doctrines,  but  merely  seeking 
to  clothe  those  which  have  been  acknowledged  by  reason  in  the 
language  of  feeling ;  so  long,  moreover,  as  it  clearly  recognizes 
its  typical  language  as  a  sensual  expression  of  supersensual  truth, 
and  does  not  confound  it  with  that  truth  itself,  this  mysticism  is 
not  only  allowable,  but  is  also  indispensable  for  the  quickening 
of  religious  truth  in  man,  as  it  stimulates  the  emotions  and  in- 
vigorates the  will. 

When  the  religious  feelings  are  strongly  excited,  this  true  mys- 
ticism, in  cases  where  it  is  connected  with  an  unrestrained  imagi- 
nation, easily  degenerates  into  a  false  mysticism  by  overstepping 
the  limits  drawn  above.  For  this  spurious  mysticism  no  longer 
recognizes  the  understanding  as  the  sole  organ  for  religious  per- 
ception, but  thinks  itself  able  to  grasp  higher  things  by  direct 
apprehension  or  intuition,  either  through  inner  perception  or  in 
outward  sensual  impressions,  looking  upon  pictures  of  the  im- 
agination as  perceptions  of  supersensual  objects.  Inasmuch, 
therefore,  as  it  thinks  itself  capable,  in  this  way,  of  directly  per- 
ceiving the  divine  essence,  and  believes  itself  under  the  imme- 
diate influence  of  the  latter,  it  forms  for  itself,  from  fantastic 
conceptions,  a  system  of  religion ;  and  as  these  conceptions  are 
taken  from  sensual  impressions  alone,  it  in  fact  draws  down  the 
divine  into  the  sphere  of  the  sensual. 

Times  rich  in  great  events,  which  strongly  excite  the  religious 
emotions,  frequently  also  produce  such  false  mysticism.  Great 
political  revolutions,  serious  national  misfortunes,  and  startling 


500  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

phenomena  in  nature  seem  to  the  religious  feelings  like  a  more 
direct  appeal  from  the  Supreme  Being  to  mankind  than  is  af- 
forded by  the  tranquil,  monotonous  course  of  events  which  the 
mind  is  apt  to  attribute  merely  to  the  laws  and  necessities  of 
nature,  without  considering  God's  agency  in  them.  Such  extraor- 
dinary occurrences  tend  to  give  rise  particularly  to  the  thought 
that  God,  by  them,  intends  to  manifest  his  displeasure  at  the 
sins  of  men,  and  that  the  latter,  in  order  to  reconcile  him,  are 
in  need  of  radical  repentance  and  conversion ;  or,  in  general, 
that  mankind  have  gone  astray  and  must  return  to  the  right 
path  in  order  to  please  God.  Hence,  individuals  of  excitable 
feelings  and  vivid  imagination,  by  yielding  to  these  impressions, 
easily  fall  into  the  delusion  of  not  only  recognizing  such  divine 
admonitions  in  unusual  events,  but  of  being  themselves  their  im- 
mediate recipients,  and  then  consider  themselves  the  chosen  in- 
struments through  which  God  would  speak  to  mankind.  Such 
persons  are  rightly  called  false  mystics,  and  not  only  does  the 
term  apply  to  them,  but  also  to  their  adherents ;  for  these  latter 
either,  like  their  masters,  believe  themselves  to  have  entered  into 
direct  communication  with  the  Divine  Being,  or  else  they  have 
faith  in  the  fantastic  emotions  of  their  leaders.  In  short,  they 
assign  to  fantastic  feeling,  instead  of  to  reason,  the  place  of  the 
sole  organ  for  religious  perception.3 

This  false  mysticism  began  to  manifest  itself  during  the  un- 
happy time  of  the  French  rule  in  Germany,  when  occasional 
reports  arose  of  prophecies,  which  were  sometimes  founded  on 
visions,  sometimes  on  interpretations  of  the  Apocalypse.  Imme- 
diately after  the  Wars  of  Deliverance,  Madame  de  Krudener, 
widow  of  a  Russian  statesman,  made  a  great  sensation  by  her 
tendency  to  mysticism.  At  the  time  of  the  second  Peace  of 
Paris  she  was  in  that  city,  and  there  gained  a  strong  personal 
influence  over  the  Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia,  whose  refined, 
devout  nature,  was  likewise  open  to  all  impressions  of  mysticism. 
Her  exhortations  to  repentance  affected  him  deeply,  and  he  often 
prayed  with  her  for  hours.  The  forming  of  the  Holy  Alliance 
was  chiefly  occasioned  by  her,  as  it  was  she  who  influenced  the 
Emperor  of  Russia  in  favor  of  this  idea.  In  1S15  and  1S16  she 
traveled  through  Switzerland  and  Germany,  preaching  repent- 

3  F.  W.  Erng,  Kritische  Gcscbichtc  d.  prot.  religiosen  Schwarnierei  im  Wupper- 
thale,  Elberfeld,  1851. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     507 

ance,  designating  herself  as  the  instrument  through  which  God 
intended  to  reform  the  times,  and  even  calling  revelations  and 
miracles  to  aid.  In  Switzerland  she  left  behind  her  a  seed 
which  subsequently  produced  a  fanatical  sect  whose  frenzy  even 
drove  it  to  bloody  deeds.  In  Germany  she  was  merely  looked 
upon  with  wonder,  as  a  strange  phenomenon,  without  leaving  any 
perceptible  effects.  She  then  returned  to  St.  Petersburg,  where 
she  continued  her  efforts  for  several  years  longer,  and  held  fre- 
quent prayer-meetings.  Her  influence  over  the  Emperor,  how- 
ever, diminished  gradually,  and  in  1822  she  was  commanded  to 
leave  the  capital.  Upon  this  she  went  to  Livonia,  and  thence  to 
the  Crimea,  where  she  died,  December  13,  1824. 

In  Wurtemberg,  the  Pietistic  tendency  which  had  long  pre- 
vailed there  gave  rise  to  various  new  sects.  Pietism  had  al- 
ready been  established  there  in  the  time  of  Spener,  but  had  re- 
ceived, through  Johann  Albrecht  Bengel,  a  peculiar  apocalyptic 
character.*  Among  the  Wurtemberg  Pietists  the  expectation 
was  universal  that  Christ's  second  advent  would  take  place  and 
the  millennium  would  begin  in  the  year  1836.  Many  conventi- 
cles were  held,  by  which  individual  talented  men  gained  distinc- 
tion in  smaller  circles,  and  circulated  peculiar  opinions  in  them, 
so  that  the  great  band  of  Pietists  was  subdivided  into  many 
lesser  factions.  Thus,  a  peasant,  George  Kapp,  had,  from  1785, 
been  gaining  adherents,  who,  with  him,  separated  entirely  from 
the  Church,  looked  forward  to  the  near  advent  of  the  Lord,  and 
attached  great  value  to  celibacy.  Eapp,  with  his  followers,  went 
to  North  America  in  lS03,and  there  founded  a  community,  called 
Harmony,  with  a  very  peculiar  constitution.  Many  of  the  Sepa- 
ratists who  remained  behind  went  further  and  further  in  their  fa- 
naticism— repudiated  marriage  and  animal  food,  dressed  in  a  pe- 
culiar manner,  abused  the  clergy  and  the  Church,  refused  obedi- 
ence to  the  authorities,  and  considered  Bonaparte  the  messenger 
and  son  of  God.  A  second  party  gathered  around  another  peasant 
named  Johann  Michael  Halm  (d.  January  20, 1819),  whose  doc- 
trine was  a  mixture  of  Pietism  and  the  theosophy  of  Jacob  Bohme, 
and  who  also  prophesied  the  near  advent  of  Christ.5     His  party 

*  Die  Theosophie  Fr.  Chr.  Oetinger's  nach  ihren  Grundziigen,  von  Dr.  C.  A.  Au- 
berlen,  mit  einem  Vorworte  von  R.  Rotlie,  Tubingen,  1848. 

5  Hang,  Die  Secte  der  Michelianer  nach  ihrer  Lehre  und  ihrem  Verhaltniss  zu  an- 
deren  pietistischen  Parteien  in  Wurtemberg.  In  the  Studien  der  Evangelischeu 
Geistlichkeit  Wiirtembergs,  edited  by  Stirm,  vol.  ii.  pt.  i.  p.  115 ;  Stuttgart,  1839. 


508  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

(Miehelians)  are  still  scattered  through  the  country  in  numerous 
congregations.  A  contrast  to  them  is  presented  by  the  Pregize- 
riangj  called  after  a  preacher  named  Pregizer,  who  think  them- 
selves so  entirely  justified  by  faith  that  they  have  no  longer  any 
need  to  pray  for  forgiveness  of  sins,  and,  therefore,  give  their 
meetings  a  joyous  character,  and  sing  their  hymns  to  the  airs  of 
lively  popular  songs.  All  the  Pietistic  parties  in  Wurtemberg 
were  especially  displeased  with  the  National  Church  when,  in 
1791,  it  adopted  a  new  hymn-book,  which  seemed  to  them  en- 
tirely wanting  in  faith;  and  hence  Separatism  increased  since 
that  time,  inasmuch  as  many  Pietists  left  the  National  Church. 
This  was  still  more  the  case  when,  in  1808,  a  new  liturgy  was 
compulsorily  introduced,  which  defined  the  old  Lutheran  faith 
less  distinctly,  and,  in  particular,  excluded  the  abrenunciation  in 
the  formula  of  baptism.  In  consequence,  many  separated  en- 
tirely from  the  Church,  and  no  longer  had  their  children  either 
baptized  or  confirmed.  By  mystical  writings,  chiefly  by  Ben- 
gel's  Interpretation  of  the  Book  of  Revelation,  as  well  as  Jung- 
Stilling's  "Heimweh,"  they  were  led  to  the  idea  that  the  millen- 
nium was  at  hand,  and  that  they  ought  to  go  toward  the  east,  in 
order  to  participate  in  it  more  easily.  The  government  vainly 
sought  to  suppress  them,  and  was  finally  glad  to  further  their 
intention  of  emigrating  to  the  south  of  Russia,  where,  as  early 
as  the  reign  of  Catharine  II.,  several  German,  and,  particularly, 
Wurtemberg  colonies,  had  established  themselves  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Odessa.  The  Emperor  Alexander  declared  his  will- 
ingness to  receive  them,  and  thus,  in  1S16  and  1817,  fourteen 
hundred  families  in  all  repaired  to  Russia  in  several  installments.6 
The  greater  portion  of  these  companies  suffered  severely  on  the 
way,  partly  from  the  hardships  brought  upon  them  by  the  decep- 
tion of  their  leaders  (for  several  hypocrites  had  gained  great  dis- 
tinction among  them),  partly  from  the  diseases  which  broke  out 
among  them,  and  in  consequence  of  which  nearly  half  of  their 
number  died.  Nevertheless,  the  majority  were  not  willing  to  re- 
main near  Odessa,  where  the  Russian  government  wished  to 
establish  them,  but  preferred  to  go  farther  east.  Five  hundred 
families,  therefore,  went  to  Grusia,  and  built  several  villages  in 
the  region  of  Tiflis.     The  Russian  government  did  a  great  deal 

6  Wiirtembergisehc  Chiliastcn  in  Russland,  by  Lindner,  in  Ulgcn's  Zcitschr.  f.  d. 
hist.  Theologie,  1839,  pt.  i.  p.  183. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     50!> 

for  them,  but  they  endured  much  suffering  through  the  Persian 
war,  in  which  many  were  carried  away  by  the  Persians,  through 
the  cholera,  and  even  more  through  their  own  fanaticism.  They 
were  not  willing  to  submit  to  any  ecclesiastical  government,  and 
a  large  portion  at  length  suffered  themselves  to  be  induced  by  a 
prophetess,  Frau  Spohn,  who  declared  herself  the  bride  of  Christ, 
to  go  to  Jerusalem,  there  to  await  the  coming  of  Christ  and  the 
millennium.  They  gave  away  all  their  possessions,  and  intended 
to  start,  upon  their  journey  entirely  without  means,  and  without 
carrying  food  and  drink  even  for  a  day,  because  they  believed 
that  God  would  send  ravens  to  feed  the  believers.  The  govern- 
ment was  compelled  to  use  force  in  preventing  the  execution  of 
this  plan  (1843),  and  as  the  prophetess  was  arrested,  without  re- 
ceiving the  expected  divine  assistance,  and  two  men  who  had 
been  sent  to  Jerusalem  returned  with  a  very  unfavorable  report, 
this  fanaticism  soon  ceased.  The  congregations  now  received 
regular  pastors,  who  strove  to  bring  them  back  to  a  Church  sys- 
tem. The  greater  part  of  the  marriages  had  not  been  conse- 
crated, children  twelve  years  of  age  were  still  unbaptized  and 
without  instruction.  After  this,  however,  the  colonies  enjoyed 
general  prosperity.7 

Other  Pietists  were  induced  to  remain  in  their  native  land  by 
the  circumstance  that  permission  was  given  them  to  form  an  in- 
dependent community.  The  proposition  was  made  by  the  bur- 
gomaster of  Leonberg,  Gottlieb  Wilhelm  Hoffmann,  who,  when 
the  royal  sanction  had  been  obtained,  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  enterprise.  The  manor  of  Kornthal  was  purchased  (1819), 
and  a  community  established  on  its  estates,  which  was  granted 
great  civil  privileges  and  entire  ecclesiastical  independence  of 
the  Consistory.  In  the  beginning,  indeed,  various  differences  of 
opinion  manifested  themselves  in  the  new  community,  but,  not- 
withstanding, they  all  united  in  the  confession  of  the  old  Luther- 
an faith,  and  in  a  Church  organization  which  was  chiefly  found- 
ed on  that  of  Herrnhut.  Like  the  Herrnhuters,  too,  they  forbade 
the  taking  of  an  oath,  though  they  permitted  the  military  state. 
So  many  families  soon  congregated  in  Kornthal  that  the  place 
could  not  accommodate  them  all.  The  government  was  willing 
to  sanction  the  establishment  of  a  second  colony  only  on  con- 
dition of  its  settling  in  an  uninhabited  district  and  cultivating  it. 
7  Germania,  by  Dr.  W.  Strieker,  ii.  386,  Frankfort-on-tlie-Main,  1S48. 


510  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

The  community  therefore  founded,  in  a  marshy  region  on  the 
frontier  of  Baden,  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  Lake  of  Con- 
stance, the  colony  of  Wilhelmsdorf  (1S2S),  with  the  same  priv- 
ileges as  those  enjoyed  by  Ivornthal.  The  two  communities  call 
themselves  United  Brethren,  but  do  not  belong  to  the  Ilerrnhut 
association,  although  they  are  on  friendly  terms  with  it.  After 
the  manner  of  the  Herrnhuters,  they  have  established  sundry 
schools  and  other  educational  institutions  in  their  midst,  which 
are  often  frequented  by  children  residing  at  a  great  distance. 
In  Ivornthal,  particularly,  a  reform  school  for  neglected  chil- 
dren was  established  in  1S22.  A  similar  institution  has  been 
founded  in  Wilhelinsdorf,  as  well  as  an  asylum  for  discharged 
convicts.  Hoffmann  remained  until  his  death  (January  29, 1S46) 
the  soul  of  all  these  institutions:  the  communities  will  find  it 
difficult  to  replace  the  leadership  and  the  point  of  union  which 
they  have  lost  with  him.8 

With  all  this,  the  Pietists,  who  are  still  in  the  communion  of 
the  Established  Church,  but  have,  at  the  same  time,  their  own 
assemblies,  have  by  no  means  disappeared.  On  the  contrary, 
they  have  still  several  heads  and  leaders  among  the  clergy,  the 
most  prominent  of  whom  is  Albert  Knapp,  of  Stuttgart,  who 
furnishes,  in  his  Christenbote  (a  yearly  publication),  the  princi- 
pal organ  of  Pietism.  But  the  Church  authorities  have  adopted 
a  more  moderate  and  tolerant  course  toward  them,  and,  in  par- 
ticular, have  paid  regard  to  their  aversion  to  the  established  lit- 
urgy and  the  hymn-book,  by  decreeing  a  revision  of  the  former 
and  the  compilation  of  a  new  hymn-book.  This  has,  in  a  great 
measure,  removed  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Pietists  with  the  Es- 
tablished Church. 

Other  sects  have  striven  less  successfully  to  obtain  an  extend- 
ed influence  in  Wlirtemberg.  Of  late  years,  the  English  Bap- 
tists have  made  great  efforts  to  gain  adherents  in  Germany. 
Their  steps  to  this  effect  were  taken  partly  from  Switzerland, 
partly  from  Hamburg,  where  a  small  Baptist  congregation  has 
been  formed.  Its  pastor,  named  Oncken,  who  is  supported  from 
England,  has  been  exceedingly  active,  by  traveling  and  the  dis- 
tribution of  tracts,  in  trying  to  win  members  for  his  community, 

8  Die  Wiirtcmbcrgischcn  Briklergcnicinden  Kornthal  and  Wilhelmsdorf,  ihrc  Gc- 
schichte,  Einrichttrag,  and  Erzichungsanstalten,  von  Magister  S.  C.  Kapff,  Pfarrer 
in  Kornthal,  Kornthal,  18o9. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     511 

and  in  some  cases,  e.  g.  in  Berlin  and  Marburg,  has  succeeded  to  a 
certain  degree.  This  sect  has  nothing  in  common  with  the  Men- 
nouites,  and  requires  complete  immersion  in  baptism,  which  is 
generally  administered  in  a  river.  Since  1837  a  small  society  of 
Baptists  has  been  established  at  Stuttgart ;  they  rejected  infant 
baptism,  and  celebrated  the  communion  among  themselves,  in  ac- 
cordance, as  they  hold,  with  its  original  institution  by  our  Lord. 
Oncken  came  to  Stuttgart  and  baptized  the  members  in  the  river 
Neckar.     Their  number,  however,  has  always  remained  small. 

The  English  influence  has  also  been  instrumental  in  gain- 
ing a  foothold  for  Swedenborgianism  in  Wurtemberg.  Since 
1823,  Dr.  Joh.  Friedr.  Immanuel  Tafel,  and  Ludwig  Hofack- 
er,  in  Tubingen,  have  been  active  for  the  same  end,  by  editing 
new  editions  of  Swedenborg's  writings,  and  publishing  treatises 
of  their  own  for  the  demonstration,  explanation,  and  defense 
of  the  Swedenborgian  system.  In  1840,  they  were  joined  by 
a  young  divine,  Gustav  Werner,  from  Reutlingen,  who,  assisted 
by  an  unusual  oratorical  talent,  travels  about,  holds  conventicles 
every  where,  and  meets  with  great  approbation,  particularly 
among  his  female  hearers,  even  of  the  higher  classes.  Notwith- 
standing, he  does  not  appear  to  have  gained  many  adherents.9 

In  close  connection  with  these  forms  of  fanaticism  was  the 
ostensible  communion  with  spirits,  which,  for  a  time,  also  found 
a  receptive  soil  in  Wurtemberg.  The  eighteenth  century — the 
century  of  enlightenment — was  rich  in  exorcists  and  visionaries, 
among  whom  Schropfer  and  the  so-called  Count  Cagliostro 
deserve  particular  mention.  These  visionary  fancies,  however, 
merely  ministered  to  curiosity  and  other  impure  motives,  and 
were  not  subservient  to  any  religious  doctrine  nor  in  connection 
with  peculiar  religious  opinions. 

An  exception  to  this,  however,  was  made  by  Swedenborg,  who 
believed  himself  able  to  commune  with  spirits  at  will,  and  to 
obtain  from  them  profound  disclosures  concerning  higher  truths. 
Moreover,  the  belief  in  communion  with  spirits  was  fostered  by 
Johann  Heinrich  Jung,  who,  in  his  writings,  called  himself  Still- 
ing, and  who  won  distinction  as  an  oculist  and  instructor  in  polit- 
ical economy  (d.  in  Carlsruhe,1817).  He  was  a  man  of  childlike 
piety,  who  believed  himself  to  have  experienced  during  his  life 

9  Abriss  einer  Geschichte  der  religiosen  Gemeinscliaften  in  Wurtemberg,  by  Dr. 
Carl  Griineisen,  in  Illgen's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  hist.  Theol.  1841,  pt.  i.  p.  63. 


512  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

the  most  obvious  signs  of  an  uninterrupted  divine  guidance,  and 
even  miraculous  assistance  and  remarkable  answers  to  prayer. 
By  his  writings,  adapted  for  popular  reading,  he  exerted  a  wide- 
spread influence  in  favor  of  the  Pietistic  view  of  Christianity. 
True,  he  was  opposed  to  all  extravagant  fanaticism,  which  boast- 
ed of  new  revelations,  and  warned  against  the  latter  in  a  special 
work  (Theobald  or  the  Fanatics) ;  but  he  was  himself  inclined  to 
a  milder  form  of  enthusiasm,  and,  in  particular,  advocated  the 
theory  of  a  communion  of  departed  spirits  with  the  living.10 

A  new  impulse  in  this  respect  was  given  by  the  so-called  Seer 
of  Prevorst.  This  woman  was  the  daughter  of  a  forester  in  the 
village  of  Prevorst,  in  Wurtemberg,  who  already  in  childhood  had 
developed  a  surprising  power  of  presentiment.  After  her  mar- 
riage she  fell  into  a  magnetic  state,  which  manifested  itself  in  a 
remarkable  manner  by  clairvoyance  and  prophesying.  In  the 
year  1826  she  was  placed  under  the  treatment  of  Justinus  Ker- 
ner,  physician-in-chief  at  Weinsberg,  a  man  who  had  acquired  dis- 
tinction as  a  poet,  and  in  whom  sentiment  predominated.  Under 
his  care  the  magnetic  phenomena  in  his  patient  became  more  and 
more  decided,  and  finally  took  the  shape  of  a  distinct  communion 
with  spirits.  She  beheld  in  the  moon  and  the  stars  the  dwellings 
of  the  departed  happy  spirits ;  but  declared,  on  the  other  hand, 
that  the  spirits  of  such  persons  as  had  at  their  death  been  bur- 
dened with  sin,  or  had  clung  too  firmly  to  terrestrial  things,  were 
still  retained  upon  the  earth  in  our  atmosphere,  in  the  so-called  in- 
termediate realm,  and  were  yearning  for  deliverance.  Such  spir- 
its appeared  to  her  in  human  form,  sometimes  in  the  usual  dress 
of  the  day,  sometimes  in  unusual  apparel,  and  demanded  consola- 
tion and  aid  from  her  through  prayer.  They  were  not,  indeed, 
visible  to  others,  but  made  themselves  perceptible  by  noises,  e.  g. 
by  footsteps,  knockings,  sighs,  etc.  Kerner  looked  at  all  this  more 
from  a  poetical  point  of  view,  with  genial  simplicity.  But  he  was 
joined  in  the  observation  of  his  patient  by  Christoph  Adolph  von 
Eschenmayer,  Professor  of  Philosophy  at  Tubingen,  who  had  al- 
ways  inclined  to  a  certain  mysticism  based  on  the  Philosophy  of 
Nature.  The  latter  now  endeavored  to  arrange  and  prove  these 
phenomena  scientifically.  The  seer,  whose  magnetic  condition 
had  obviously  been  intensified  instead  of  moderated  by  the  treat- 

10  Scencn  aus  dcm  Gcistcrrciclie,  Frankfurt,  1803.  Theorie  der  Gcistcrkundc, 
Niirnbcrg,  1808.    Apologic  derselben,  1809. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTOKY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     513 

rrient,  and  who,  during  her  attacks,  adopted  the  ideas  of  such 
persons  as  had  a  magnetic  influence  upon  her,  fell  a  victim  to 
her  disease  in  1829.  Her  history  has  been  related  by  Kerner 
and  Eschenmayer  in  the  work  Die  Seherin  von  Prevorst,  Stutt- 
gart, 1830,  2  vols.  This  work  was  the  beginning  of  a  whole  liter- 
ature on  spiritual  manifestations,  which  partly  examined  and  re- 
futed the  above  communications,  and  partly  furnished  the  rela- 
tion of  new  experiences  by  their  authors.  For,  from  that  time, 
apparitions  and  ghost  stories  of  all  kinds  became  quite  common 
in  the  neighborhood  of  "Weinsberg.  Kerner  and  Eschenmayer 
asserted  the  influence  of  a  spirit  world  upon  our  own,  entirely 
in  accordance  with  the  popular  belief.  Eschenmayer,  in  1S3G, 
resigned  his  professorship  in  order  to  devote  himself  wholly  to 
these  investigations.  Accordingly,  he  believed  himself  to  have 
witnessed  supernatural  occurrences,  possession  by  demons,  and 
the  like,  and  was  zealous  in  their  defense.  But  in  this  way  the 
matter  became  so  absurd  that  all  persons  who  laid  any  claim  to 
enlightenment  could  not  but  discountenance  it. 

A  very  peculiar  party  among  the  Mystics,  which  created  a 
great  sensation,  was  that  of  the  Muckers  in  Konigsberg.  Indi- 
rectly, they  were  originated  by  a  theosophist  of  that  city,  Johann 
Ileinrich  Schonherr,  who,  after  the  manner  of  the  old  Manichse- 
ans,  taught  the  existence  of  two  primitive  beings,  and,  in  conse- 
quence, divided  mankind  into  two  classes — natures  of  light  and 
natures  of  darkness — according  as  light  or  darkness  had  the  up- 
perhand  in  them.  Among  the  natures  of  light,  he  again  dis- 
tinguished principal  natures,  which  had  the  faculty  to  enter  di- 
rectly into  an  inner  and  immediate  communication  with  God, 
and  which  were  appointed  for  the  guidance  of  the  secondary 
natures.  For  a  time,  Schonherr  had  many  pupils,  but,  on  ac- 
count of  his  singular  extravagances,  he  was  finally  entirely  de- 
serted by  them,  and  died  in  solitude  and  poverty  in  1826.  One 
of  his  disciples,  Johann  Wilhelm  Ebel,  preacher  in  Konigsberg, 
left  him  as  early  as  1S19,  and  undertook  to  found  a  secret  sect 
of  his  own.  Aided  by  great  oratorical  talent,  he  preached  re- 
pentance and  sanctification,  but  differed  essentially  from  the  Pi- 
etists in  directing  men  to  their  own  powers  for  the  attaining 
of  this  end,  and  not  to  the  mercy  of  God.  At  the  same  time, 
he  assembled  a  secret  band  of  adherents  around  him,  who, 
for  the  most  part,  belonged  to  the  highest  classes  of  society, 
vol.  v. — 33 


514  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

and  consisted  chiefly  of  women.  To  these  he  communicated  the 
fundamental  doctrines  of  Schonherr,  but  built  up  upon  these 
very  dangerous  practical  rules.  Proceeding  from  the  above- 
mentioned  distinction  between  principal  and  secondary  natures, 
of  which  the  last  could  only  gain  salvation  by  attaching  them- 
selves to  the  former,  he,  as  such  a  principal  nature,  established 
a  fearful  tyranny  of  conscience  over  his  adherents,  and,  in  par- 
ticular, required  of  them  the  most  unrestricted  communication, 
not  only  of  all  their  actions,  but  also  of  all  thoughts  and  emo- 
tions, and  the  most  unconditional  submission  to  his  guidance. 
The  following,  however,  was  especially  pernicious :  Ebel  held 
up,  as  the  chief  element  of  the  sanctification  to  be  striven  for, 
sexual  purity,  which  he  declared  to  consist  in  being  above  all  ex- 
citations of  the  sexual  impulse,  and  to  exercise  complete  control 
over  the  latter.  In  order  to  gain  this  mastery,  such  excitations 
between  the  two  sexes  were  brought  about  in  the  most  shameless 
manner  in  the  secret  meetings  of  the  society.  Before  long,  dark 
rumors  were  circulated  about  the  matter.  In  1S35,  finally,  a  fiscal 
suit  was  instituted  against  the  two  heads  of  the  party,  the  preach- 
ers Ebel  and  Diestel,  which  ended  in  1S39  with  their  condemna- 
tion. They  were  deposed  from  their  offices,  and  Ebel  was  sen- 
tenced to  imprisonment,  which  was  to  last  until  he  changed  his 
views.11 

These  sects  did  not  acquire  a  very  extended  influence,  and  the 
number  of  their  adherents  remained  small.  Of  far  greater  im- 
portance, however,  in  the  German  Protestant  Church  was  the 
struggle  between  Rationalism  and  Supernaturalism.  Rational- 
ism is  that  theological  view  which  assigns  to  reason  the  supreme 
inalienable  right  to  decide  what  is  religions  truth.  It  acknowl- 
edges, indeed,  a  divine  revelation  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  but  a 
revelation  which  was  effected  indirectly,  according  to  general 
natural  laws,  and,  therefore,  consisted  essentially  in  a  providen- 
tial guidance  of  individuals  to  a  purer  knowledge  of  God,  so 
that  this  knowledge,  like  any  other,  was  qualified  by  the  general 
state  of  enlightenment  as  well  as  by  the  influence  of  nationality 
and  of  the  age.  Under  the  divine  guidance,  the  Hebrew  people 
had  developed  a  purer  knowledge  of  God,  but  in  a  shape  adapted 

11  Von  Wegnern,  Zuverlaesige  Mittheilungen  iiber  Schonherr'a  Lcben  und  Thco- 
sophie,  so  wie  iibcr  die  durch  die  letztere  veranlnssten  scctircrischeu  Umtriebe,  in 
[llgen's  Zeitschr,  f.  d.  hist.  Thcologic,  183S,  pt,  ii.  p.  100  sq. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     515 

to  the  popular  comprehension,  and  mingled  with  prejudices  pe- 
culiar to  the  people  and  to  the  times ;  so  that  in  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures we  find  the  eternal  divine  truth  offered  to  us  in  an  imper- 
fect human  form.  Thus  it  appertains  to  reason  to  decide  what 
is  eternal  truth  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  what  merely  local 
and  temporary  opinion.  The  Bible  is  not  itself  the  Word  of 
God,  but  the  Word  of  God  which  it  contains  must  be  brought  to 
light  by  reason.  Rationalism,  therefore,  is  distinguished  from 
Naturalism  by  its  recognition  of  divine  revelation,  and  its  efforts 
to  discover  the  traces  of  such  revelation  in  history.  Until  this 
time  Rationalism  had  not  come  forward  undisguisedly,  but  had 
accommodated  itself,  in  a  measure,  to  the  old  Church  system, 
e.  g.  in  the  works  on  dogmatics  of  Henke  and  Eckermann.  The 
first  free  and  consistent  exposition  and  development  of  the  Ra- 
tionalist system  appeared  in  Johann  Friedrich  Rohr's  Letters  on 
Rationalism,  Sondershausen  (rather  Zeitz),  1813,  and  in  Julius 
August  Ludwig  Wegscheider's  Institutiones  Theologiae  Christia- 
nae  Dogmaticae,  Halae,  1815  (Sth  ed.  1S41). 

Directly  opposed  to  Rationalism  is  Supernaturalism.  The  lat- 
ter is  characterized  by  its  admission  of  direct  revelations  from 
God,  the  truth  and  divinity  of  which  it  proves  solely  from  the 
form  in  which  they  are  communicated,  without  granting  the 
reason  a  decisive  investigation  of  their  purport.  If  a  religious 
doctrine  is  proclaimed  as  a  divine  revelation  by  some  pious  indi- 
vidual whose  truthfulness  is  undoubted,  and  who  can  not  be  con- 
victed of  fanaticism ;  and  if,  moreover,  this  doctrine  is  not  directly 
opposed  to  reason,  Supernaturalism  feels  itself  compelled  to  ac- 
cept it  as  a  supernatural  revelation,  and  no  longer  permit  reason 
to  examine  it  conclusively.  It  must  be  remarked  that  the  two 
ideas  of  Rationalism  and  Supernaturalism  are  not  in  a  contra- 
dictory, but  in  a  contrasting  relation  to  each  other;  that  Super- 
naturalism also  lays  claim  to  Rationalism,  inasmuch  as  it  recog- 
nizes the  necessity  of  proving  by  reason  the  reality  of  a  super- 
natural revelation,  and  that  Rationalism  partakes  of  Supernat- 
uralism in  so  far  as  it  admits  an  unceasing  influence  of  God 
upon  the  religious  discipline  and  development  of  mankind,  and, 
therefore,  also  acknowledges  a  divine,  even  though  an  indirect 
revelation.  Hence  many  theologians,  like  Bretschneider,  have 
designated  themselves  as  rational  Supernaturalists,  and  others, 
such  as  Tzschirner,  as  Rationalists  believing  in  revelation,  which 


510  FOUltTU  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.-8INCE  A.D.  1814. 

would  not  have  been  possible  if  the  two  ideas  in  question  were 
in  contradiction  to  each  other.  It  lias  therefore  been  justly  said 
that  the  direct  opposite  of  Snpcrnaturalism  is  Naturalism,  which 
denies  all  revelation,  while  that  of  Rationalism  is  Positivism, 
which  acknowledges  a  religious  truth  merely  because  it  is  assert- 
ed, without  any  reference  to  its  relation  to  reason. 

The  struggle  between  Rationalism  and  Supernaturalism  has 
continued  uninterruptedly  in  modern  times  under  different 
shapes.  The  majority  of  the  Supernaturalists,  however,  have 
emancipated  themselves  more  or  less  from  the  symbolical  dog- 
mas of  the  Church ;  they  prefer,  for  the  most  part,  to  retain  the 
simple  Scriptural  doctrine.  This  is  particularly  the  case  with 
Knapp,  Ilahn,  Steudel.12  Hence  they  differ  in  single  less  im- 
portant points,  but  unite  in  the  principle  that  all  that  which  can 
be  proved  to  be  Scriptural  doctrine  by  means  of  historico-gram- 
matical  interpretation,  should  just  on  that  account  be  recognized 
as  divine  revelation.  At  the  same  time,  they  are  more  or  less 
willing  to  reconcile  this  doctrine  to  the  intellectual  development 
of  the  times,  and  to  show  how  even  the  progress  of  science  has 
already  done  away  with  many  apparent  discrepancies  which  had 
formerly  been  urged  against  the  doctrine  of  revelation.  This 
was  especially  the  case  with  Tholuck,  in  his  numerous  works, 
chiefly  in  his  Literarischer  Anzeiger  fur  Christliche  Theologie 
mid  Wissenschaft  uberhaupt  (commenced  1S30),  in  which  the 
results  of  modern  science,  particularly  the  natural  sciences,  are 
frequently  considered  in  their  relation  to  Christian  theology  from 
the  above  point  of  view.  The  works  on  dogmatics  of  Twesten 
(Hamburg,  vols.  i.  and  ii.,  pt.  i.  incomplete)  and  Nitzsch  (Bonn, 
5th  ed.  1848)  also  retain  the  Biblical  standpoint,  and  endeavor  to 
philosophically  construe  and  to  justify  the  Scriptural  doctrine. 

On  the  part  of  the  Rationalists,  critical  investigations  of  the 
origin  of  the  separate  Biblical  writings  were  zealously  carried 
on,  and  although  this  criticism  has  not  infrequently  led  to  arbi- 
trary exaggerations,  it  has  yet  furnished  various  results  deviating 
from  the  old  traditional  acceptations,  which  may  be  regarded  as 
historically  certain.  Among  the  Supernaturalists,  too,  there  are 
many  who  acknowledge  these  results  ;  others,  in  particular  Ileng- 
stenberg  and  his  school,  have  combated  them  vehemently,  and 

12  Knapp,  Glaubcnslehre,  Halle,  1827,  2  vols.;  Halm,  Leipsic,  1828;  Steudel,  Tu- 
bingen, 1834. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.       517 

have  permitted  themselves  the  most  arbitrary  suppositions  for 
the  removal  of  the  historical  grounds. 

That  form  of  exegesis  which  sought  to  explain  all  the  miracles 
of  the  Scriptures  on  natural  principles  was  given  up  as  arbitra- 
ry, even  by  most  Rationalists,  and  a  purely  grammatico-historical 
exegesis  generally  adopted  instead,  and  carried  on  with  increas- 
ing thoroughness.  For  a  while  the  latter  was  opposed  by  a  cer- 
tain mystical  exegesis,  which,  however,  soon  lost  its  adherents. 
Its  aim  was,  taking  it  for  granted  that  the  Bible  was  verbally  in- 
spired, to  discover,  without  any  reference  to  the  rules  of  human 
interpretation,  mysteries,  or  deeper  revelations  of  higher  truth  in 
certain  passages  and  expressions,  and  thus  to  facilitate  a  more 
profound  comprehension  of  the  Scriptures.  Of  this  kind  are 
many  Scriptural  interpretations  by  J.  A.  Kanne,  Professor  of  Ori- 
ental Languages  in  Erlangen  (d.  1S24) ;  Joh.  Friedr.  von  Meyer, 
magistrate  in  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  who  even  regards  the  Cab- 
ala as  the  depository  of  profound  religious  mysteries;  and  Ru- 
dolph Stier,  now  preacher  in  Prussian  Saxony. 

In  the  controversy  between  the  Supernaturalists  and  Rational- 
ists, the  latter  were  accused  by  the  former  of  applying  to  the 
history  of  divine  revelation  the  standard  of  a  false  criticism,  in- 
asmuch as  they  reject  every  thing  which  the  ordinary  human 
understanding  can  not  comprehend,  and  which  deviates  from 
the  common  course  of  events ;  that,  by  so  doing,  they  make 
religion  a  matter  of  reason,  and  throw  a  chill  over  the  heart 
and  the  emotions ;  that,  if  they  consistently  followed  the  same 
course,  they  would  render  all  doctrines  of  religion  uncertain, 
and  finally  arrive  at  Atheism.  On  the  other  hand,  the  opponents 
of  Supernaturalism  censured  it  for  disregarding  the  claims  of 
reason,  which  alone  should  decide  upon  the  grounds  of  faith, 
and  asserted  that  it  followed  a  traditional  interpretation  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures  without  the  necessary  examination  ;  that  even 
if  it  made  a  pretense  of  such  an  examination,  the  latter  was 
conducted  with  prejudice,  and  the  results  which  were  to  be  at- 
tained were  determined  beforehand;  and, finally, that  it  allowed 
itself  to  be  guided  too  much  by  obscure  feelings,  and,  therefore, 
was  inclined  to  involve  its  followers  in  a  false  mysticism.  It  is 
true  that  many  individuals  on  both  sides  have  been  guilty  of  the 
errors  of  which  their  whole  party  is  here  accused,  but  to  such  an 
extent  these  reproaches  are  unjust.     The  Supernaturalist  does 


5 is  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  IIL-8INCE  A.D.  1814. 

not  necessarily  withdraw  the  grounds  of  his  belief  from  the  in- 
vestigation of  reason  ;  and  Rationalism  does  not  make  the  under- 
standing, but  the  reason,  the  arbiter  in  matters  of  faith ;  nor  does 
it  refuse  to  acknowledge  that  religious  truth  can  not  be  thorough- 
ly comprehended  by  the  understanding.  Hence,  it  is  quite  as 
unjust  to  call  the  Supernaturalists  simply  Pietists  or  Mystics,  as 
to  designate  the  Rationalists,  after  the  manner  of  their  opponents, 
as  Naturalists. 

As  for  the  share  taken  in  this  controversy  by  the  people,  Su- 
pernaturalism,  as  the  traditional  form  of  religion,  had  the  pre- 
ponderance with  the  great  majority,  mostly,  however,  without 
their  being  familiar  with  the  points  of  dispute.  It  was  only  in 
some  parts  of  Germany,  where  Supernaturalism  had  gained  ac- 
cess in  the  form  of  Pietism,  that  some  preachers  communicated 
these  questions  to  the  people,  in  order  to  excite  them  against  Ra- 
tionalism. The  educated  laity  for  a  long  time  kept  the  middle 
between  both  parties.  They  felt  repulsed  as  well  by  many  as- 
sertions of  the  Supernaturalists  as  by  the  negations  of  the  Ra- 
tionalists ;  their  religious  life,  indeed,  was  based  merely  upon 
the  more  general  religious  truths,  but  they  for  the  most  part  re- 
garded the  positive  and  historical  doctrines  of  Supernaturalism 
with  awe,  although  they  were  more  willing  to  be  content  with 
so  doing  than  to  allow  such  doctrines  any  influence  on  their  re- 
ligious life.  For  this  reason,  those  writings  which  developed 
religious  truths  in  a  rational  manner,  without  any  polemical  dis- 
cussion*, found  great  favor.  This  was  particularly  the  case  with 
the  Hours  of  Devotion  (Stunden  der  Andacht),  which  first  ap- 
peared at  Aarau  in  single  weekly  numbers,  from  1809  to  1S15,  but 
subsequently  circulated,  in  many  editions,  among  all  religious  par- 
ties, and,  in  spite  of  all  attacks  on  the  part  of  zealous  Supernatu- 
ralists, became  the  most  highly  prized  book  of  devotion  of  count- 
less individuals.  The  author  long  remained  anonymous,  because 
lie  had  intended  his  work  for  all  Christian  confessions,  and  did 
not  wish  to  have  his  faith,  if  it  became  known,  prejudice  those  of 
another  belief  against  the  book.  It  was  only  many  years  later  that 
the  celebrated  Zschokke,  of  Aarau,  laid  claim  to  the  authorship. 
A  similar  degree  of  general  approbation  was  gained  by  Dinter's 
School-teacher's  Bible  (Neustadt,  lS2i-1828),  a  popular  explana- 
tion of  the  Bible,  which  lays  stress  only  upon  the  rationally  relig- 
ious and  the  practically  moral  elements  of  the  Scriptures;  and, 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.    51 9 

on  the  other  hand,  without  combating  the  supernatural  elements, 
does  not  advocate  them. 

Notwithstanding  that  the  educated  portion  of  the  people  re- 
garded with  mistrust  any  open  opposition  to  supernatural  Chris- 
tianity, yet,  as  they  were  not  its  decided  adherents,  they  could 
not  take  an  important  part  in  the  attacks  upon  Rationalism,  and 
hence,  even  the  more  serious  of  these  have  passed  by  without 
any  result.     Among  them  may  be  mentioned : 

1.  The  Harmsian  controversy  on  theses.  Glaus  Harms,  arch- 
deacon in  Kiel,  a  man  of  superior  mind  and  a  very  effective 
preacher,  who,  however,  had  gone  over  from  a  peculiarly  liberal 
view  of  Christianity  to  the  most  rigid  Lutheran  orthodoxy,  pub- 
lished, in  commemoration  of  the  Jubilee  of  the  Reformation 
(Kiel,  1817),  the  Ninety-five  Theses  of  Luther,  adding  to  them 
ninety-five  other  theses  against  various  errors  and  confusions  in 
the  Lutheran  Church  of  the  present  time,  in  which,  as  defender 
of  the  old  Lutheran  faith,  he  declaimed  against  Rationalism  and 
the  then  beginning  union  between  the  Lutheran  and  Reformed 
churches.  These  theses  immediately  made  a  great  sensation,  and 
found  many  opponents  but  few  advocates. 

2.  The  attack  of  Professor  Halm,  in  Leipsic,  against  Rational- 
ism. When,  in  1827,  Halm  was  called  from  Konigsberg  as  Pro- 
fessor of  Theology  to  Leipsic,  he  entered  upon  his  new  office 
with  a  dissertation  "  De  Rationalismi  vera  Indole,"  in  which  he 
sought  to  prove  that  Rationalism  is  nothing  but  Naturalism,  and 
would  lead  to  Materialism  and  Atheism.  In  further  defense  of 
his  assertions,  he  published  in  the  same  year  the  treatise,  "  An 
die  Evangelische  Kirche  zunachst  in  Sachsen  und  Preussen,  eine 
offene  Erklarung,"  in  which  he  directly  accused  the  Rationalists 
of  being  renegades,  and  proposed  their  exclusion  from  the  Church. 
This  step,  however,  was  disapproved  of  even  by  many  Supernatu- 
ralists ;  the  controversial  writings  which  appeared  in  consequence 
soon  ceased,  and  no  further  results  ensued. 

3.  The  same  year,  1827,  witnessed  the  commencement  of  the 
Evangelical  Church  Gazette  (Evangelische  Kirchenzeitung)  of 
Professor  Hengstenberg,  which  from  the  first  has  combated  Ra- 
tionalism unceasingly.  The  oldest  Church  gazette  is  the  "  Allge- 
meine  Kirchenzeitung,"  edited  by  Court-chaplain  Zimmermann, 
in  Darmstadt,  since  April,  1822.  Its  aim  was  to  give  reliable  in- 
formation and  competent  opinions  on  all  conditions  and  events 


520  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

of  importance  to  the  Church,  and  thus  furnish  an  ecclesiastical 
history  of  the  times,  verified  as  much  as  possible  by  documents. 
This  end,  however,  was  not  reached  by  it.  The  information  it 
brings  has  the  character  of  all  newspaper  information;  it  is  for 
the  most  part  one-sided,  often  partial  to  some  peculiar  interest, 
and  rarely  complete  and  verified  by  documents.  The  greater 
part  of  the  paper  is  occupied  by  articles  treating,  often  very  su- 
perficially, of  ecclesiastical  subjects.  Still,  a  Church  gazette  was 
well  adapted  to  the  requirements  of  the  age,  which  desires  to  be 
speedily  informed  of  every  thing,  and  to  receive  instruction  in 
an  easy,  pleasant,  effortless  manner;  and  thus  there  appeared, 
after  the  model  of  the  Darmstadt  Kirchenzcitung,  several  other 
journals  of  the  kind,  Protestant  and  Catholic,  most  of  which, 
however,  were  soon  discontinued.  These  journals  have,  indeed, 
contributed  to  diffuse  an  interest  in  Church  matters,  but  more  by 
creating  excitement  and  awakening  and  nourishing  party  preju- 
dices than  by  affording  real  instruction  and  fostering  a  spirit  of 
religion. 

When  the  Darmstadt  Church  Gazette  began  to  appear,  almost 
all  German  theological  journals  were  rationalistic  in  tendency, 
and  the  new  Church  Gazette  followed  their  example.  In  oppo- 
sition to  the  latter,  Professor  Hengstenberg,  in  July,  1827,  began 
the  publication  of  the  Evangelical  Church  Gazette,  with  the  aim 
of  defending  in  it  the  doctrines  of  the  Church,  and  as  a  journal 
of  this  kind,  the  style  of  which  was  adapted  to  the  comprehension 
of  the  general  public,  did  not  yet  exist,  it  soon  gained  a  wide  cir- 
culation and  became  very  influential  among  those  who  shared  its 
opinions.  At  the  same  time,  however,  it  repelled  many  by  the 
gloomy,  bitter  spirit  which  pervaded  it  from  the  beginning.  Its 
tone  is  arrogant,  opinionated,  and  sneering,  as  if  it  were  dealing 
with  the  most  narrow-minded  public,  while  it  treats  its  opponents, 
after  the  manner  of  the  judges  of  heretics  in  all  ages,  like  per- 
verse, hardened  sinners.  It  preaches  strict  symbolical  orthodox}*, 
but,  nevertheless,  in  accordance  with  the  course  recommended  by 
the  government,  it  favored  the  union  of  the  Lutheran  and  lie- 
formed  churches,  although  the  unconditional  authority  of  the 
symbols  can  not  coexist  with  the  latter.  Among  its  attacks  upon 
Rationalism,  particular  sensation  was  created  by  a  correspond- 
ence from  Halle,  in  the  January  number  of  1S30,  whose  author 
subsequently  proved  to  be  Von  Gerlach,  Director  of  the  Pro- 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     521 

v.incial  Court  in  Halle.  In  it,  certain  extracts  from  the  lec- 
tures of  Professors  Wegscheider  and  Gesenins  were  quoted  in 
order  to  show  the  pernicious  spirit  which  was  spread  abroad  by 
these  men,  and  to  convince  the  government  of  the  necessity  of  re- 
moving them  from  their  positions.  This  article  caused  universal 
indignation,  not  only  because  such  publication  of  verbal  utter- 
ances was  a  breach  of  confidence,  but  also,  and  particularly,  be- 
cause it  involved  an  open  demand  for  the  suppression  of  liberty 
of  instruction,  which  is  acknowledged  to  be  a  necessary  condition 
of  scientific  life.  Neander,  at  that  time,  openly  dissolved  his  con- 
nection with  the  Evangelische  Kirchenzeitung.  The  Prussian 
government  ordered  an  investigation  of  the  accusation,  but  sub- 
sequently  declared  that  it  could  find  no  reason  to  take  action 
against  the  accused,  and  that  the  existing  liberty  of  instruction 
should  remain  intact.  Notwithstanding  that  this  occurrence 
called  forth  the  disapprobation  even  of  many  of  the  former 
friends  of  the  Evangelische  Kirchenzeitung,  its  spirit  and  tone 
have  still  remained  the  same.13 

4.  The  Altenburg  Controversy.  In  September,  183S,  Pastor 
Stephan,  of  Dresden,  with  many  adherents,  several  hundred  of 
whom  were  from  Saxe-Altenburg,  emigrated  to  America  because 
they  considered  pure  Lutheranism  and  a  true  Christian  piety  ex- 
tinct in  Germany.  The  official  report  of  a  general  visitation  led 
the  Consistory  to  conclude  that  the  fault  of  the  above  occurrence 
lay  chiefly  with  the  clergy,  who  ignored  the  positive  fundamental 
doctrines  of  Christianity,  and  preached  only  the  general  truths  of 
religion.  In  consequence,  a  consistorial  rescript  was  addressed 
to  all  the  clergymen  and  school-teachers  of  the  country  (Novem- 
ber 13,1838),  in  which  this  error  was  censured  in  a  manner  which 
showed  the  apparent  intention  of  the  authorities  to  restore  relig- 
ious instruction  to  the  form  in  which  it  had  existed  a  hundred 
years  before,  direct  reference  being  had  to  the  catechetical  in- 
struction of  former  times,  as  well  as  to  the  older  hymns  of  the 
hymn-book.  This  rescript  caused  great  excitement  throughout 
the  country ;  the  clergy  partly  felt  offended,  and  partly  feared 
the  beginning  of  an  ecclesiastical  reaction.  A  lively  controversy 
ensued ;  the  ministry  induced  several  theological  faculties  to 
issue  opinions,  which  it  collected  and  had  printed.     No  further 

13  Dav.  Schulz,  Das  Wesen  und  Treiben  der  Berliner  Evangelischen  Kirchenzei- 
tung, Breslau,  1839. 


522  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

measures  followed,  however,  and  thus  the  matter  soon  came  to 
an  end.14 

In  close  connection  with  the  state  of  theology  at  this  time  is 
the  Union  of  the  Lutheran  and  Reformed  churches,  which,  dur- 
ing this  period,  was  accomplished  in  a  large  portion  of  Germa- 
ny. Since  the  development  of  modern  theology,  the  separation 
of  the  Lutheran  and  Reformed  churches  had  been  more  and 
more  regarded  as  ungrounded,  and  its  abolition  desired.  The 
theologians  of  each  Church  could  not  conceal  from  themselves 
that  far  more  important  theological  differences  existed  among 
themselves  than  between  the  symbolical  doctrines  of  the  two 
churches,  without,  therefore,  necessitating  a  schism.  And  it  was 
equally  undeniable  that  the  doctrines  which  had  occasioned  the 
division  were  not  expressed  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  with  irrefu- 
table distinctness,  and  that,  consequently,  according  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  both  churches,  a  difference  of  opinion  with  regard  to 
them  ought  to  be  permitted  just  because  the  Bible  had  left  them 
free.  As  for  the  difference  in  the  form  of  worship,  that  had 
from  the  beginning  been  pronounced  unessential  by  the  theology 
of  both  churches.  Among  the  people,  too,  these  views  gained 
the  preponderance  in  proportion  as  the  value  attached  to  the 
speculative  development  of  the  positive  doctrines  of  Christianity 
diminished.  Ilence,  the  barrier  between  the  two  churches  had 
long  since  fallen ;  but  it  was  desirable  that  the  cessation  of  the 
separation  should  also  be  formally  announced,  and  the  union  ef- 
fected outwardly  as  well,  so  that  there  should  be  an  end  to  the 
party  designations  which  might  so  easily  reawaken  a  party  spirit, 
and  so  that  the  external  interests  of  the  two  churches  might  be 
amalgamated ;  inasmuch  as,  so  long  as  they  remained  separate, 
they  would  always  be  likely  to  give  rise  to  discord.  All  that 
was  needed  for  this  union  was  that  the  inner  unity  between  the 
two  churches,  which  already  existed,  should  be  acknowledged — 
i.  e.  that  it  should  be  admitted  that  the  "Word  of  God  was  preach- 
ed with  like  purity,  and  the  sacraments  truly  administered  in 
both;  that, in  consequence,  both  sides  should  enter  into  a  Church 
communion,  declare  their  intention  to  form  only  one  Church, and 
renounce  sectarian  names  and  sectarian  sentiments.    On  the  oth- 

14  Opinions  of  the  Theological  Facilities  of  the  National  University  of  Jena  and 
the  Universities  of  Berlin,  Gottingen,  and  Heidelberg  on  the  Rescript  of  the  Ducal 
Consistory  of  Altenbury  of  November  VS,  1S38,  Altenburg,  1839. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     523 

er  hand,  it  was  unnecessary  to  require  a  perfect  correspondence 
in  the  ordinances  and  rites  of  the  newly  united  Church,  inasmuch 
as  these  had  always  existed  in  various  forms  in  each  division,  and 
mi  slit  continue  to  exist  in  the  same  manner  in  the  united  Church. 
In  its  essential  principles,  the  Union  met  with  general  favor  and  ap- 
probation at  that  time ;  but  in  some  places  it  roused  opposition  by 
demanding  unity  and  conformity  in  non-essential  matters.    E.  g. 

1.  By  requiring  unity  in  the  form  of  worship,  and  particularly 
in  the  communion-service,  as  there  were  many  individuals  who 
were  loth  to  give  up  the  rites  to  which  they  had  become  attached 
by  habit. 

2.  By  the  attempt  to  bring  about,  at  the  same  time  with  the 
Union,  a  combination  of  individual  Church  societies,  or  a  differ- 
ent division  of  parishes.  For  many  were  strongly  attached  to 
their  old  Church  communion,  and  unwilling  to  renounce  it;  and 
in  many  cases  a  congregation  which  possessed  ample  Church 
and  parochial  property  and  other  charitable  foundations  would 
have  met  with  great  disadvantage  from  a  union  with  an  adjoin- 
ing parish  which  was  poor,  and  perhaps  even  in  debt. 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  union  of  the  two  evangelical 
churches  has  been  happily  effected  in  a  large  portion  of  Ger- 
many. 

First  in  Nassau,  at  the  General  Synod  of  Idstein,  in  August, 
1S17.  Immediately  after  this  (September  27,  1817),  the  King 
of  Prussia,  Frederic  William  III.,  issued  a  proclamation  calling 
upon  all  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  of  the  kingdom  to  use  their 
influence  in  inducing  the  two  factions  of  the  evangelical  Church, 
in  celebration  of  the  approaching  Jubilee  of  the  Reformation, 
to  overthrow  the  barrier  which  divided  them,  and  unite  in  one 
evangelical  Church.  -This  invitation  was  very  generally  respond- 
ed to.  In  many  places  the  Union  was  solemnized  on  the  very 
day  of  the  jubilee,  October  31,  in  a  very  affecting  manner,  by 
a  joint  communion-service.  It  was  only  outside  of  Prussia  that 
some  voices  were  raised  against  the  Union  (in  particular,  Harms, 
in  Kiel ;  Amnion,  in  Dresden ;  and  Tittmann,  in  Leipsic).  In  that 
country  itself  it  was  accepted  by  so  great  a  majority  that  the 
government  soon  after  entirely  abolished  the  use  of  the  terms 
"Lutheran  and  Reformed  churches"  in  official  documents,  and 
decreed  that  the  entire  National  Church  should  henceforward 
be  designated  as  Evangelical.    The  matter  at  first  only  met  with 


524  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

occasional  opposition,  because  of  the  attempt  made  to  introduce 
a  new  communion-service  at  the  same  time  with  the  Union,  and 
in  some  places  to  unite  Lutheran  and  Reformed  congregations. 
But  another  obstacle  soon  after  arose  in  shape  of  the  new  liturgy 
which  was  introduced  in  Prussia  in  1S21.  This  liturgy  was  dis- 
approved of,  particularly  by  the  Reformed,  because  it  resembled 
that  of  the  Roman  Catholic  mass,  and  by  some  Lutherans  be- 
cause the  form  of  the  communion-service  was  evidently  based 
on  the  Reformed  doctrine  of  the  sacrament.  Dr.  Scheibel,  pro- 
fessor and  preacher  in  Breslau,  was  the  first  to  refuse  decidedly 
to  join  the  Union  and  adopt  the  new  liturgy,  by  declaring,  on 
the  contrary,  his  adherence  to  the  rigid  Lutheran  doctrine.  In 
vain  was  it  represented  to  him  that  the  Union  did  not  exclude 
this  doctrine ;  that  he  could  join  the  former  and  use  the  liturgy 
without  yielding  up  his  strictly  Lutheran  orthodoxy :  from  his 
standpoint  he  could  justly  oppose  all  the  reasons  which  in  former 
times  were  advanced  by  the  Lutherans  against  any  union  with 
the  Reformed,  i.  e.  that  they  could  neither  tolerate,  nor  even  rec- 
ognize as  admissible,  errors  of  doctrine  in  the  Church,  inasmuch 
as  they  would  thus  pave  the  way  for  indifferentism.  For  a  long 
time  Scheibel  was  alone  in  his  opposition ;  all  other  clergymen 
in  Breslau,  witli  their  congregations,  declared  in  favor  of  the 
Union  and  the  ritual.  When,  finally,  he  was  suspended  by  the 
magistracy  as  the  patron  of  the  Church  (1S30),  two  thousand 
members  of  the  congregation,  among  them  Professors  Huschke 
and  Steff ens,  left  the  United  Church  with  him,  and  declared  their 
intention  of  adhering  to  the  unaltered  Lutheran  faith.  Scheibel, 
indeed,  was  deposed,  and  compelled  to  leave  Silesia  in  1832, 
when  he  went  to  Saxony ;  but  the  disturbance  had  at  that  time 
already  spread  over  the  whole  of  Silesia.  ■  In  many  places  the 
Old  Lutherans  separated  from  the  United  Church,  established  a 
service  of  their  own,  attached  themselves  to  a  few  clergymen  of 
like  views,  and  when  too  distant  from  these,  even  began  to  have 
the  sacraments  administered  in  their  own  houses  by  certain 
members  of  their  communion.  Two  large  parishes  in  particular, 
with  their  preachers,  decidedly  renounced  the  National  Church, 
and  refused  obedience  to  the  Consistory.  The  government  in- 
terfered by  force,  prohibited  all  meetings  of  the  Old  Lutherans, 
and  deposed  the  two  preachers,  but  was  compelled  in  one  of  the 
parishes,  in  Honigern,  to  have  the  church  taken  from  the  con- 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     525 

gregation  and  delivered  over  to  the  newly  appointed  preacher 
by  the  aid  of  military  force  (December,  1834). 

During  the  reign  of  Frederic  William  III.,  these  Old  Luther- 
ans were  not  tolerated  in  Prussia;  their  meetings  were  forbid- 
den, their  preachers  were  punished  for  holding  divine  service  or 
administering  the  sacraments.  It  can  not  be  denied  that  there 
was  much  blind  fanaticism  among  them,  as,  for  instance,  when 
they  complained  in  Silesia  that  the  liturgy  was  intended  to  over- 
throw their  old  Lutheran  faith,  and  that  a  new  Bible  and  a  new 
catechism  were  to  be  introduced.  The  government  continued  to 
assert  that  the  Union  was  not  designed  to  abolish  the  Lutheran 
confession,  and  that  every  one  was  at  liberty  to  retain  the  Luther- 
an or  the  Reformed  faith  in  the  United  Church.  Nevertheless, 
there  was  an  apparent  arbitrary  harshness  in  requiring  that  the 
Old  Lutherans  should  no  longer  continue  in  the' Church  com- 
munion separate  from  the  Reformed,  which  they  had  maintained 
since  the  Reformation,  but  should  enter  into  fellowship  with 
them,  notwithstanding  that  the  strict  Lutherans  had  always  re- 
jected such  association  as  a  communion  with  reprehensible  er- 
rors, prohibited  by  conscience.  The  Old  Lutherans,  therefore, 
were  justified  in  complaining  that  their  religious  liberty,  which 
had  been  secured  to  them  by  several  treaties  of  peace,  was  now  be- 
ing taken  from  them.  This  Old  Lutheranism,  moreover,  spread 
also  over  other  provinces,  and  congregations  of  this  persuasion 
were  formed  in  the  Old  March,  in  Halle,  and  in  Erfurt,  in  spite 
of  all  prohibitions  of  the  Prussian  government.  And  in  other 
countries  as  well,  in  which  the  Union  had  not  yet  been  intro- 
duced, strict  Lutherans  reappeared,  particularly  in  Saxony,  Ba- 
varia, and  Hanover,  and  were  furnished  with  organs  in  the  jour- 
nals of  Rudelbach  and  Harless.  With  the  year  1838,  a  portion 
of  these  Old  Lutherans  began  to  emigrate  to  North  America,  the 
Prussians  in  order  there  to  gain  the  religious  freedom  refused  to 
them  in  their  native  land  ;  others,  particularly  from  Saxony,  be- 
cause they  regarded  even  the  Lutheran  Church  of  their  country 
as  degenerate,  and  desired  to  re-establish  it  elsewhere  in  a  thor- 
oughly purified  form.  In  vain  many  leaders  of  the  party,  espe- 
cially Scheibel,  protested  against  this  tendency  to  emigration. 
One  of  the  largest  companies,  consisting  of  emigrants  from  Dres- 
den, Magdeburg,  and  the  Altenburg  region, had  at  its  head  pastor 
Stephan,  from  Dresden,  who  enjoyed  a  great  reputation  among  his 


526  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

party,  notwithstanding  that  very  unfavorable  reports  had  for  some 
time  been  in  circulation  with  regard  to  his  character  and  his  mor- 
als, lie  succeeded  in  gaining  the  implicit  confidence  and  obedi- 
ence of  the  company,  and  was  nominated  as  bishop  by  them  im- 
mediately after  their  arrival  in  America.  Soon  after,  however,  it 
was  found  necessary  to  depose  him  on  account  of  immoral  prac- 
tices and  embezzlement  of  common  funds,  and  he  subsequently 
became  a  Catholic.  He  afforded  a  new  sad  example  of  the  facil- 
ity with  which  shrewd  dissimulation  can  succeed  in  obtaining,  by 
a  pretense  of  sanctity,  the  leadership  in  sectarian  associations,  and 
how  closely  hierarchical  arrogance  may  be  allied  to  the  most  de- 
praved aims.15 

Following  the  example  of  Nassau  and  Prussia,  many  other 
German  countries  have  adopted  the  union  of  the  Lutheran  and 
Reformed  churches.  Thus,  the  provinces  of  Electoral  Hesse,  the 
principality  of  Hanau,  and  the  grand-duchy  of  Fulda,  at  a  synod 
in  Hanau ;  subsequently,  in  1823,  the  schools  and  consistories  of 
both  religious  parties  were  united  throughout  all  Hesse,  and,  in 
particular,  the  University  of  Marburg  was  declared  to  be  united, 
although  the  different  congregations  remained  outwardly  divided. 
Likewise,  in  1818,  the  Union  was  established  in  Rhenish  Bavaria 
at  the  General  Synod  of  Kaiserslautern  ;  the  Evangelical  Church 
of  Rhenish  Bavaria,  in  its  charter  of  constitution  of  1822,  recog- 
nized "  the  Holy  Scriptures  alone  as  foundation  of  faith  and 
standard  of  doctrine,  although  with  due  deference  to  the  confes- 
sions of  the  separate  Protestant  parties;"  the  General  Synod  of 
1823  introduced  a  common  catechism.  Further,  the  Union  was 
established  in  the  duchy  of  Anhalt-Bernburg  in  1820,  in  the 
principality  of  Waldeck  and  Pyrmont  in  1821,  and  in  the  same 
year  in  the  grand-duchy  of  Baden,  at  the  General  Synod  of  Carls- 
ruhe.  In  Baden  the  United  Church  was  furnished  by  the  Gen- 
eral Synod  with  a  national  catechism  in  1S34,  and  a  new  nation- 
al agenda  in  1S3G.  Finally,  the  Union  was  joined  by  Rhenish 
Hesse  in  1822,  and  in  1827  by  Anhalt-Dessau.  In  the  remaining 
German  states  the  Union  has  not,  indeed,  been  formally  estab- 
lished as  yet,  and  the  two  confessions  still  exist  separately,  but 
essentially  the  Union  is  every  where  acknowledged.  The  Luther- 
an and  Reformed  National  churches  are  in  Church  communion 

15  Die  Stcphansche  Ans-n-andcrnng  nach  America,  mit  Actcnstucken,  von  Dr.  C. 
E.  Vehsc,  Dresden,  L840.  8. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     527 

with  the  United  churches,  and  there  is  no  longer  any  objection 
raised  if  a  clergyman  of  one  confession  preaches  in  a  church  be- 
longing to  another. 

Yery  remarkable  proceedings  have  also  been  held  in  modern 
times  with  regard  to  the  government  and  ordinances  of  the  Evan- 
gelical Church. 

In  the  German  Lutheran  Church,  when,  during  the  period  of 
the  Reformation,  the  Catholic  bishops  were  no  longer  recognized, 
without  being  replaced  by  others,  the  ecclesiastical  government 
and  jurisdiction  were  transferred  to  the  sovereigns.  At  first, 
some  of  the  rights  of  jurisdiction  remained  with  the  pastors  and 
the  superintendents,  but  by  degrees  they  all  devolved  upon  gov- 
ernment authorities,  i.  e.  the  consistories,  and  the  superintendents 
likewise  acquired  the  character  of  government  officials.  In  con- 
sequence, the  theory  was  developed  that  because  by  the  religious 
peace  the  rights  of  the  Catholic  bishops  over  Protestants  were 
suspended,  the  episcopal  rights,  i.  e.  the  jura  jurisdictionis^  not 
the  jura  ordinis,  devolved  upon  the  sovereigns,  and  that  the  lat- 
ter, in  their  states,  were  now  summi  episcqpi  (ex  jure  devohcto, 
or  delegato).  This  theory  is  the  so-called  Episcopal  System,  the 
oldest  canonical  system  in  the  Lutheran  Church.  It  was  evi- 
dently defective,  because  there  was  no  proof  that  the  rights  in 
question  had  been  transferred  to  the  sovereigns  by  a  power  au- 
thorized to  do  so ;  they  had  merely  assumed  them  because  there 
was  no  one  else  who  was  competent  to  exercise  them,  as  a  res 
nullius.  Moreover,  it  was  improper  to  designate  the  sovereigns 
as  bishops,  as  they  lacked  the  most  essential  rights  of  the  episco- 
pal office — the  right  to  teach  and  to  administer  the  sacrament 
(jura  magisterii  et  ordinis).  In  the  seventeenth  century,  there- 
fore, Hugo  Grotius  (d.  1645)  first  developed  the  Territorial  Sys- 
tem, which  was  subsequently  defended  by  Thomas  Hobbes  (d. 
1679).  In  the  German  Lutheran  Church  it  was  first  brought 
forward  by  Christian  Thomasius  (d.  1728).  According  to  this 
system,  Church  authority  is  an  essential  emanation  of  the  sover- 
eign right,  a  part  of  the  political  power,  so  that  the  sovereign 
has  the  same  right  to  command  in  the  Church  as  in  the  State. 
The  fundamental  principle  of  this  system  was,  Cujus  est  regio, 
ejus  religio.  It  was  favorably  received  in  Germany,  but  could 
not  long  maintain  itself,  for  it  raised  every  sovereign  to  the  po- 


528  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

sition  of  Pope  in  his  own  state ;  and  as  he  combined  the  highest 
temporal  with  the  highest  spiritual  power,  he  had  the  means  of 
constraint  of  conscience  and  ecclesiastical  despotism  more  at  his 
disposal  than  had  ever  been  the  case  with  any  Pope.  Tims  this 
system  was  in  decided  contradiction  to  the  principle  of  Protest- 
antism, which  demands  freedom  in  religious  matters.  It  was 
therefore  soon  opposed  by  another  more  liberal  one,  the  Colle- 
gial System,  which  was  first  developed  by  the  Chancellor  of 
the  University  of  Tubingen,  Matthiius  Pfaff,16  and  subsequently 
adopted  by  several  theologians — in  particular,  by  the  Chancellor 
of  the  University  of  Gottingen,  Mosheim,  in  his  Common  Canon- 
law  of  the  Protestants.  This  system  places  the  Church  in  the 
same  relation  to  the  State  as  any  other  organized  society  (colle- 
gium)  permitted  by  the  latter.  It  appertains  to  the  State  to 
sanction  or  prohibit  it,  to  exercise  a  constant  control  over  it,  so 
that  it  may  not  in  any  way  become  dangerous;  and,  to  this  end, 
to  require  it  to  submit  all  its  laws,  prescriptions,  and  resolutions, 
in  order  to  have  them  examined  with  a  view  to  the  welfare  of 
the  State.  The  government  then  has  the  right  to  reject,  without 
further  ceremony,  all  provisions  or  alterations  of  which  it  does 
not  approve,  and  the  Church  can  adopt  no  new  laws  or  institu- 
tions which  are  not  sanctioned  by  the  State.  These  rights  over 
the  Church  pertaining  to  the  State  are  called  jura  circa  sacra, 
in  contradistinction  to  thojwa  in  sacra,  the  ecclesiastical  rights, 
the  rights  of  the  inner  Church  power.  For,  according  to  this 
S3'stem,  the  State  has  no  more  authority  over  the  inner  juris- 
diction of  the  Church  than  over  the  inner  management  of  any 
other  society  which  it  has  sanctioned.  On  the  contrary,  the 
Church  itself  has  the  sole  right  to  the  actual  Church  govern- 
ment: it  determines  its  own  ordinances,  and  chooses  its  church- 
wardens, who  carry  out  these  ordinances.  True,  the  Church 
may  transfer  its  government  to  the  sovereign,  but  the  latter  then 
holds  it  only  by  transfer,  and  only  until  the  Church  reclaims  this 
authority.  The  greatest  affinity  to  this  collegial  system  is  found 
in  the  synodal  constitution,  according  to  which  the  collegial 
rights  of  the  Church  are  in  charge  of  synods,  the  members  of 
which  are  elected  by  the  Church  as  its  representatives,  and  are 
in  part  ecclesiastics,  in  part  laymen. 

In  reality,  the  constitution  of  the  Lutheran  Church  has  not 
16  In  his  Origiues  Juris  Ecclesiastic!,  Tubingae,  1719  (new  edition  175G). 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     529 

followed  this  change  of  systems.  In  most  of  the  German  states 
the  Consistorial  System  prevailed  exclusively :  the  Church  was 
governed  by  consistories  in  the  name  of  the  sovereign.  It  was, 
however,  guarded  against  arbitrary  interference  on  the  part  of  the 
monarch  by  a  certain  custom,  according  to  which  he  could  only 
exercise  ecclesiastical  authority  by  means  of  consistories  which 
were  composed  of  clerical  and  secular  councilors,  and,  on  occa- 
sion of  any  important  changes  or  innovations,  other  clergymen 
had  to  be  admitted  to  consultation,  and  opinions  obtained  from 
theologians.  Certain  countries — for  instance, Wurtemberg — had 
synods  in  addition  to  the  consistories,  but  they  had  no  wide  sphere 
of  influence.  The  duchy  of  Julieh-Cleves-Berg,  however,  possessed 
a  complete  synodal  constitution  ;  for  in  this  state  the  Reformation 
had  spread  extensively,  notwithstanding  that  the  sovereigns  re- 
mained Catholic.  The  new  churches,  Lutheran  and  Reformed, 
were  therefore  necessarily  compelled  to  regulate  and  govern 
themselves,  and  give  themselves  a  synodal  constitution.  When 
the  old  dynasty  became  extinct,  in  1609,  Brandenburg  and  the 
Palatinate  divided  these  countries  between  them ;  and,  soon  after, 
the  Palgrave  of  Neuburg,  Wolfgang  Wilhelm,  went  over  to  the 
Catholic  Church,  and  commenced  to  persecute  the  evangelical 
churches  of  his  state.  Brandenburg,  however,  considered  itself 
the  protector  of  these  churches,  and  forced  the  Palgrave,  after 
1666,  to  agree  to  religious  compromises  and  reversals,  by  which 
the  existing  Church  systems  were  recognized  and  declared  in- 
violable. In  consequence,  Brandenburg  did  not  interfere  with 
the  Church  systems  in  its  own  portion  of  the  country,  in  order 
that  the  palgraves  might  have  no  pretext  for  any  alterations, 
though  it  is  probable  that  under  different  circumstances  the  con- 
sistorial system  prevailing  in  the  other  states  of  Brandenburg 
would  have  been  introduced.  In  these  countries,  therefore,  both 
the  Lutheran  and  the  Reformed  Church  were  governed  by  syn- 
ods which  were  graduated  as  general,  provincial,  and  classical 
synods,  while  they  had  their  root  in  the  presbyteries  of  the  indi- 
vidual congregations.  All  that  was  left  to  the  State  was  the 
political  and  police  control.17 

In  the  greater  portion  of  the  Reformed  Church,  i.  e.  in  the 
national  churches  which  had  adopted  the  Calvinistic  faith,  the 

17  Die  Presbyterial-  imd  Synodal-Verfassung  in  Berg,  Jiilich,  Cleve,  unci  Mark,  von 
V.  Oven  (Pfarrer  in  Wetter),  Essen,  IS29.  S. 

vol.  v. — 34 


530  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

synodal  constitution,  indeed,  was  universal ;  but  most  of  the  Tie- 
formed  national  churches  in  Germany  had  been  originally  Lu- 
theran, and  had  retained  their  old  consistorial  system. 

Upon  this  varied  form  of  Church  government  the  condition  of 
the  Church  ordinances  likewise  depended. 

At  the  time  of  the  Reformation,  Church  ordinances  had  been 
established  which  determined  particularly  the  organization  of 
the  individual  parishes  and  the  spiritual  labor  in  each,  defined 
the  form  of  worship,  and  appointed  agenda  and  liturgies  for  the 
use  of  the  clergy.  As  late  as  the  seventeenth  century  such 
Church  ordinances  were  occasionally  issued  in  a  revised  or  en- 
tirely new  form ;  but  from  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
during  the  period  of  enlightenment,  so  called,  they  sank  into  ob- 
livion almost  every  where.  The  statutes  relating  to  the  moral 
control  of  the  congregations  fell  into  disuse,  the  clergy  in  some 
parishes  withdrew  almost  entirely  from  the  pastoral  care  of  their 
flock,  the  communion  was  neglected,  the  clergymen  became  mere 
preachers,  which  was,  indeed,  the  title  generally  bestowed  upon 
them.  The  old  liturgies,  likewise,  fell  into  disuse,  and  the  clergy 
replaced  them  by  other  formulas  at  their  own  pleasure.  The  im- 
mediate consequence  was  a  great  variety  of  Church  ordinances 
in  the  different  parishes,  while  a  further  result  was  the  frequency 
of  insipid,  empty,  cold,  and  dry  formulas. 

All  this  was  connected  with  the  estrangement  from  religion 
and  the  Church  which  spread  in  the  eighteenth  century  from 
France  over  Germany,  and  which  was  favored  in  no  slight  degree 
by  the  circumstance  that  the  German  Protestant  churches,  for 
the  most  part,  were  wanting  in  a  constitution  originated  within 
themselves,  which  would  have  afforded  the  individual  members 
occasion  to  take  active  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  Church ;  for 
this  would  have  constantly  kept  alive  an  interest  in  the  latter. 
In  most  countries  it  was  merely  a  State  institution,  and  was  ex- 
clusively governed  by  government  authorities — the  consistories — 
who  organized  the  public  worship,  determined  the  holidays,  ap- 
pointed the  preachers,  controlled  them,  and  had  charge  of  the 
( '1  lurch  property.  Thus  the  Church  was  apparently  nothing  but 
an  establishment  upheld  by  the  State  for  its  own  benefit,  in 
order  to  hold  the  people  in  check;  and  in  this  way,  naturally, 
the  latter  could  feel  no  interest  in  it.  How  much  a  synodal  con- 
stitution, on  the  other  hand,  tends  to  keep  alive  such  an  interest, 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     531 

and  to  enhance  the  influence  of  the  Church,  was  shown  in  Julich- 
Cleves-Berg,  where  that  institution  was  much  less  affected  by  the 
increasing  infidelity  than  in  other  portions  of  the  country. 

When,  after  Germany  had  cast  off  the  French  yoke,  religious 
life  received  a  new  impulse,  the  interest  in  the  Church  likewise 
revived.  Its  decay  was  recognized,  and  the  general  conviction 
was  that  a  change  in  its  system  and  its  ordinances  adapted  to 
the  times  was  a  matter  of  urgent  necessity.  With  regard  to 
ecclesiastical  polity,  the  collegial  system  was  universally  looked 
upon  as  the  most  desirable,  and,  in  consequence,  a  synodal  con- 
stitution was  demanded.  On  Church  ordinances  and  liturgy  the 
voices  were  divided,  particularly  on  the  question  as  to  whether, 
and  to  what  extent,  Church  discipline  should  be  restored,  and 
whether  the  simple  Protestant  form  of  worship  should  not  be 
invested  with  more  pomp  and  ceremony,  in  order  thereby  to  of- 
fer an  attraction  to  the  heart  and  the  emotions. 

The  Prussian  government  was  the  first  which  turned  its  atten- 
tion to  the  necessary  reform  of  the  existing  ecclesiastical  con- 
ditions. In  1814  the  King  of  Prussia  appointed  a  committee  of 
clergymen  for  the  purpose  of  revising  the  liturgy  for  the  Protest- 
ant National  Church.  Nothing,  however,  was  made  known  with 
regard  to  the  labors  of  this  committee ;  but  in  1816,  quite  inde- 
pendently of  it,  there  appeared  a  new  liturgy  for  the  court  and 
garrison  churches  in  Berlin  and  Potsdam,  which  thereupon  was 
prescribed  for  all  military  congregations.  The  author,  who  was 
at  that  time  anonymous,  became  known  only  long  after :  it  was 
King  Frederic  William  III.  himself.  This  liturgy  deviated 
greatly  from  the  previous  form  of  worship,  by  dividing  the  serv- 
ice into  two  entirely  distinct  parts  —  the  altar  service  and  the 
sermon.  The  first  part  consisted  of  several  prayers  taken  from 
old  formulas  from  the  time  of  the  Reformation,  and  interspersed 
with  choral  singing ;  this  part  closed  with  the  Apostles'  Creed. 
The  choral  singing  was  intended  to  be  an  imitation  of  that  cus- 
tomary in  the  Greek  Church :  it  was  said  that  the  King  had  been 
so  favorably  impressed  by  the  antiphonal  chanting  of  priest  and 
choir  which  he  had  heard  in  the  court  church  at  St.  Petersburg 
that  he  desired  and  attempted  to  imitate  it  in  the  Evangelical 
Church.  The  consreo-ational  sinsinai:  was  much  curtailed  in  the 
new  liturgy  by  this  choral  music ;  there  was  room  only  for  a  few 
verses  before  and  after  the  sermon. 


eon  FOURTII  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

Many  objections  were  raised  even  against  this  new  form 
of  worship.  Still  more  sensation,  however,  was  caused  by  the 
Church  ritual  for  the  court  church,  the  cathedral  in  Berlin,  more 
fully  elaborated  in  the  same  spirit,  which  appeared  in  1821.  It 
was  likewise  compiled  by  the  King,  and,  according  to  his  inten- 
tion, was  to  be  introduced  in  all  Evangelical  churches  of  the 
kingdom.  In  this  agenda  the  first  liturgic  part  was  still  further 
developed.  It  contained  prayers,  the  confession  of  sin,  reading 
of  the  Epistles  and  the  Gospel,  and  the  Apostles'  Creed,  in- 
terspersed with  choral  singing.  All  these  were  borrowed  from 
formulas  of  the  period  of  the  Reformation,  and  it  was  the  de- 
sign of  the  King  that  this  liturgic  part  of  the  service  should  ex- 
ert an  influence  against  the  rationalism  which  had  penetrated 
into  the  Church,  and  that  the  preachers  should  be  compelled  to 
remain  faithful  to  the  Church  doctrine  in  their  sermons  as  well. 
As  the  older  Lutheran  formulas  which  are  employed  in  this  lit- 
urgy are,  for  the  most  part,  translations  and  adaptations  from  the 
old  prayers  used  during  mass,  this  gave  rise  to  the  rumor  among 
the  evangelical  people  that  this  new  liturgy  was  a  revival  of  the 
Catholic  mass.  Its  contents  were,  indeed,  thoroughly  evangel- 
ical ;  but  in  form  it  certainly  resembled  the  mass,  inasmuch  as, 
in  its  alternation  of  prescribed  prayers  by  the  priest  and  choral 
singing,  it  presented  an  ecclesiastical  spectacle  which  the  congre- 
gation were  obliged  to  witness  in  inactivity,  as  the  congregation- 
al singing,  which  hitherto  had  formed  so  important  a  part  of  the 
service,  was  inordinately  curtailed.  The  sermon  formed  the  sec- 
ond part  of  the  service,  but  was  limited  by  the  prescription  that 
it  should  be  without  introduction,  and  commence  directly  with 
the  text,  and  should  not  exceed  half  an  hour  in  duration. 

When  the  question  was  first  put  to  all  the  clergymen  of  the 
kingdom  whether  they  were  willing  to  introduce  this  agenda, 
and  influence  of  various  kinds  was  exerted  to  effect  such  an  in- 
troduction, a  majority  of  voices  was  immediately  raised  against 
the  new  liturgy.  Objections  were  made  to  the  limitation  of  the 
congregational  singing  and  the  restricting  rules  for  the  sermon, 
as  well  as  to  the  disconnecting  of  the  latter  from  the  remainder 
of  the  service,  which  made  it  a  mere  appendix,  instead  of  be- 
ing, as  had  hitherto  been  the  case,  a  principal  part  of  the  same. 
Moreover,  it  was  urged  against  the  old  formulas  that  they  were 
in  part  incomprehensible,  and,  therefore,  uncdifying  to  the  pres- 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     533 

ent  generation :  the  preachers  feared  that  the  new  liturgy  would 
be  offensive  to  the  congregations  on  account  of  its  resemblance 
to  the  mass,  and,  though  at  first  attracting  curiosity  as  a  new 
spectacle,  would  subsequently,  by  its  unbroken  monotony,  soon 
cease  to  stimulate  and  to  edify.  At  the  same  time,  the  right  of 
the  sovereign  to  prescribe  new  liturgies  entirely  of  his  own  ac- 
cord, without  consultation  with  the  Church  or  the  Church  au- 
thorities, was  called  in  question.  Among  the  countless  writings, 
mostly  anonymous,  to  which  this  liturgy  gave  rise,  this  point  in 
particular  is  considered  in  the  treatise  of  Schleiermacher,  Ueber 
das  lituro-ische  Recht  Evans-eliseher  Landesfiirsten.  Em  theo- 
logisches  Bedenken  von  Pacificus  Sincerus  (Gottingen,  1824:). 

The  reasons  for  doubting  the  expediency  of  the  agenda  were 
developed  with  especial  thoroughness  in  the  tract  Theologisches 
Votum  liber  die  neue  Ilofkirchenagende  und  cleren  weitere  Ein- 
fiihrung,  abgegeben  von  Carl  Immanuel  Nitzsch  (Bonn,  1824). 
Among  the  defenders  of  the  new  liturgy,  Augusti,  Councilor  of 
the  Consistory  in  Bonn,  was  conspicuous.  He  first  wrote,  anony- 
mously, his  Kritik  der  neuen  Preussischen  Kirchenagende  (Frank- 
fort-on-the-Main,  1S23),  in  which,  while  he  made  a  few  unimpor- 
tant objections  to  the  work,  he  bestowed  upon  it,  as  a  whole,  the 
highest  praise.  But  inasmuch  as  the  assertion  contained  in  this 
treatise,  that  the  regent  was  authorized  by  virtue  of  his  sovereign 
rights  to  give  the  Evangelical  Church  a  liturgy  conformed  to  its 
doctrine  of  faith,  gave  great  offense,  the  author  defended  this 
particular  proposition  still  further  by  the  pamphlet  Nahere  Er- 
klarung  iiber  das  Majestatsrecht  in  kirchlichen,  besonders  litur- 
gischen  Dingen  (Frankfort-on-the-Main,  1825),  and  went  so  far 
in  it  as  to  admit  to  his  opponents  that  even  the  Sultan  held  the 
same  liturgic  right  with  regard  to  his  Christian  subjects. 

When  the  government  first  put  the  question  to  the  clergy  as 
to  whether  they  were  willing  to  adopt  the  agenda,  the  majority, 
as  well  as  their  congregations,  declared  against  it.  But  the  more 
evident  the  wish  of  the  king  became  that  it  should  be  universal- 
ly introduced,  and  the  more  was  done  for  this  object  by  rewards 
and  expressions  of  dissatisfaction,  the  greater  was  the  number  of 
clergymen  who  allowed  themselves  to  be  persuaded.  When, 
finally,  the  majority  of  the  clergy  had  apparently  yielded,  more 
urgent  admonitions  ensued,  which  were  equal  to  commands.  In 
1825  the  clergy  were  given  to  understand  that  they  must  either 


534  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

adopt  the  new  agenda  or  return  to  the  old  liturgies  still  legally 
valid  in  their  respective  churches.  In  182G  it  was  decreed  that 
only  such  candidates  should  be  appointed  to  office  as  would  bind 
themselves  to  adopt  the  new  agenda.  Nevertheless,  the  matter 
could  not  be  carried  through  without  further  yielding.  Many 
clergymen  had  promised  to  introduce  the  agenda,  but  did  not 
venture  to  do  so  on  account  of  their  congregations ;  others  had 
introduced  it,  but  had  arbitrarily  altered  and  curtailed  it.  In 
consequence,  an  abridgment  of  the  agenda  was  prepared,  and  its 
use  likewise  permitted,  while,  further,  the  different  provinces 
were  allowed  to  alter  this  abridgment  in  conformity  to  the  cus- 
tom of  their  churches  (182S).  This,  indeed,  produced  an  essen- 
tial alteration  in  the  liturgy,  but  it  will  hardly  maintain  itself 
long,  even  in  its  latest  shape.  The  adhering  to  obsolete  forms 
of  prayer  by  no  means  satisfies  the  wants  of  the  Church,  and, 
therefore,  it  will  ere  long  be  found  necessary  in  the  Prussian 
National  Church  to  prepare  a  new  liturgy.18 

The  reigning  Grand-duke  of  Baden,  in  order  to  make  himself 
agreeable  to  the  King  of  Prussia,  introduced  the  agenda  in  ques- 
tion into  his  court  church  in  1830,  and  attempted  to  have  it 
adopted  in  the  whole  Evangelical  Church.  But  he  met  with 
opposition  from  the  evangelical  ecclesiastical  section  of  the  min- 
istry of  the  interior.  The  clergy  of  Baden  showed  themselves 
entirely  averse  to  the  Prussian  liturgy,  and  declared  that  a  Gen- 
eral Synod  alone  had  the  right  to  introduce  a  new  agenda.  This 
gave  occasion,  however,  for  resuming  the  preparation  of  a  new 
liturgy,  which  had  previously  been  contemplated  in  this  state, 
and  the  General  Synod  of  1834  adopted  not  only  it,  but  also  a 
new  national  catechism  and  a  new  hymn-book. 

Ecclesiastical  polity,  too,  has  been  much  discussed  of  late,  al- 
though the  negotiations  on  the  subject  have  not  yet  in  all  cases 
led  to  a  definite  result.  It  was  quite  generally  recognized  that 
the  decay  of  the  Protestant  Church  was  chiefly  attributable  to 
the  fact  that  it  had  become,  in  most  countries,  a  mere  State  in- 
stitution, and  was  ruled  by  government  colleges,  while  the  con- 
gregations were  not  allowed  any  co-operation  whatever.    It  was 

18  With  respect  to  the  history  of  the  liturgy,  see  Eylert's  Charakterzuge  aus  deni 
Leben  des  Konigs  von  Preussen  Friedr.  Willi.  III.,  vol.  iii.  pt.  i.  p.  301,  Magdeburg, 
1846. 


1  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     535 

asserted  that  this  deadened  the  interest  in  the  Church,  and  that 
many  wrong  measures  had  been  taken  with  regard  to  Church 
matters  in  consequence  of  the  congregations  not  having  been 
consulted  in  respect  to  their  ecclesiastical  wants  and  require- 
ments. A  warmer  zeal  for  the  Church  could  only  be  awakened 
by  permitting  the  congregations  to  participate  in  the  Church 
government,  and  this,  it  was  maintained,  could  be  done  most  ef- 
fectively by  the  introduction  of  a  presbyterial  and  synodal  sys- 
tem. 

The  year  of  the  Jubilee  of  the  Eeformation,  1817,  in  partic- 
ular, gave  rise  to  desires  and  efforts  of  this  kind,  and  Nassau 
took  the  lead  here,  as  it  had  done  in  the  matter  of  the  Union, 
by  introducing,  in  the  same  year,  a  presbyterial  and  synodal 
constitution  in  its  National  Church.  The  head  of  the  latter  is 
a  bishop,  with  the  rights  of  a  superintendent-general. 

In  Prussia,  the  need  of  a  reform  in  the  ecclesiastical  polity 
was  strongly  felt,  and  various  measures  were  taken  to  this  end ; 
but  no  general  uniform  organization  has  yet  been  arrived  at. 

In  the  provinces  of  Julich-Cleves-Berg,  and  the  county  of 
Mark,  the  synodal  system  prevailed  before  they  fell  under  French 
rule.  It  had  been  retained  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Khine,  but 
on  the  left  bank  it  had  been  replaced  by  the  French  consisto- 
rial  system  during  the  French  occupation.  When,  however,  the 
French  yoke  was  cast  off,  the  synods  had  been  reinstated  here 
too.  But  the  Prussian  government  appointed,  in  addition,  pro- 
vincial consistories.  Thus  the  constitution  of  the  Church  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Ehine  was  composed  of  the  synodal  and 
consistorial  systems,  while  on  the  left  bank  it  retained,  besides, 
fragments  of  the  French  consistorial  system,  and,  therefore,  con- 
sisted of  three  elements,  which  were  by  no  means  in  organic 
connection  with  each  other.  In  all  the  other  provinces  a  strict 
consistorial  system  prevailed.  The  Prussian  government  de- 
sired to  effect  a  uniform  constitution  of  the  Evangelical  Church 
throughout  the  whole  kingdom,  and,  at  the  same  time,  recognized 
the  necessity  of  insuring,  in  it,  some  influence  in  Church  matters 
to  the  congregations.  It  therefore  proposed  an  amalgamation  of 
the  consistorial  and  synodal  systems,  by  which  the  supreme  gov- 
ernment of  the  Church  would  be  secured  to  the  State,  but  which, 
at  the  same  time,  would  bring  more  life  and  zeal  into  it.  In 
view  of  this,  the  government,  in  1819,  convoked  provincial  syn- 


53G  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

ods  in  all  the  provinces,  and  laid  before  them  the  draught  of  a 
new  Church  constitution,  as  well  as  another  of  a  synodal  system, 
on  which  they  were  to  give  their  opinions.  In  these  there  was 
great  diversity;  some  of  them  demanded  much  more  than  the 
government  was  willing  to  grant,  viz.  a  pure  synodal  system. 
This  gave  rise  to  the  apprehension  that  the  clergy  aimed  at  a 
hierarchy  independent  of  the  State,  and  thus  this  introductory 
measure  remained  without  farther  result,  except  that  it  was  pro- 
posed to  each  parish  to  elect  a  presbytery  or  body  of  elders,  to 
whom,  however,  no  particular  duties  nor  any  special  authority 
were  assigned. 

Some  time  previous  to  this  the  episcopal  office  had  been  re- 
established in  Prussia,  without,  however,  exerting  any  influence 
upon  the  ecclesiastical  polity.  By  a  personal  order  of  January 
18,  1816,  King  Frederic  William  appointed  his  two  court-chap- 
lains, Borowski  in  Konigsberg,  and  Sack  in  Berlin,  bishops,  and 
declared,  at  the  same  time,  that  this  dignity  was  conferred  in  rec- 
ognition of  eminent  services  to  the  Evangelical  Church,  and  with 
the  view  of  heightening  the  outward  consideration  of  the  latter. 
In  the  same  spirit,  Borowski  was  further  appointed  archbishop 
in  1829.  It  was,  moreover,  of  great  importance,  that  on  Febru- 
ary 7,  1828,  the  King  appointed  a  superintendent- general  for 
eveiy  province,  who,  independently  of  the  consistories  and  civil 
authorities,  was  to  personally  inspect  Church  matters,  remove  the 
defects  discovered  by  personal  influence,  and  further  the  general 
improvement  in  every  way.  At  the  same  time,  he  was  to  be  di- 
rector of  the  provincial  consistory,  and  occupy  in  it  a  position 
next  to  that  of  upper-president.  This  highly  beneficial  insti- 
tution, which  has  had  very  favorable  results  for  the  National 
Church,  has  been  so  far  brought  into  connection  with  the  epis- 
copal office  that  the  title  of  bishop  is  frequently  conferred  upon 
the  superintendents-general. 

Since  that  time  the  reorganization  of  the  Church  in  the  Ithen- 
ish  provinces  and  Westphalia  has  proved  especially  important 
The  Evangelical  Church  in  these  states  was  in  urgent  need  of  a 
new  constitution,  as  the  systems  existing  in  the  different  depart- 
ments were  very  dissimilar,  and,  in  particular,  the  ecclesiastical 
polity  of  those  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  which,  as  has  been 
remarked  above,  consisted  of  fragments  of  the  French  consistori- 
al  system  together  with  the  synodal  and  Prussian  consistorial  sys- 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     537 

terns,  was  sadly  disunited.  The  new  organization  was  favored 
by  the  negotiations  with  regard  to  the  agenda.  These  provinces 
were  especially  decided  in  the  opinion  that  any  alterations  in  the 
liturgy  ought  to  proceed  from  the  Church  itself ;  nevertheless,  the 
synods  declared  their  willingness  to  accept  the  royal  agenda,  with 
some  modifications,  if  the  government  would  concede  a  liberal 
Church  constitution.  In  consequence,  there  was  issued  on  March 
5, 1835,  a  constitution  for  the  evangelical  churches  of  the  Khen- 
ish  provinces  and  Westphalia,  in  which  an  important  co-opera- 
tion in  Church  matters  was  assigned  the  congregations  by  pres- 
byteries and  synods,  though  under  the  strict  supervision  of  the 
government. 

Mention  must  be  made  of  a  peculiar  institution  which  has  re- 
cently been  established  in  Rhenish  Prussia,  and  bids  fair  to  exert 
a  very  beneficial  influence,  i.  e.  the  Evangelical  House  of  Dea- 
conesses, founded  by  a  clergyman  named  Fliedner,  at  Kaisers- 
werth,  near  Dusseldorf,  in  October,  1S36.     The  Catholic  order 
of  the  Sisters  of  Charity,  which  is  devoted  to  the  care  of  the 
sick,  furnished  the  idea  for  this  establishment ;  but  in  it  every 
thing  conventual  has  been  avoided,  and  the  model  after  which 
it  is  formed  was  taken  from  an  institution  of  primitive  Chris- 
tianity—the deaconesses.     Its  object  is  to  train  Christian  single 
women  and  widows  for  nursing  the  sick  and  visiting  among  the 
poor,  as  well  as  for  teaching  infant-schools.    To  this  end,  it  com- 
prises a  hospital,  an  infant-school,  and  an  evangelical  asylum  for 
discharged  female  convicts.     The  sisters  are  obliged  to  undergo 
a  certain  time  of  probation,  in  order  to  show  whether  they  are 
competent  for  the  duties  required,  before  they  are  definitely  ac- 
cepted.   The  association  bears  a  religious  character,  and  has  cer- 
tain household  rules,  but  has  no  resemblance  whatever  to  a  con- 
vent.    The  deaconesses  who  are  destined  to  be  nurses  are  partly 
detailed  to  do  hospital  duty,  and  partly  are  sent  to  private  houses 
to  attend  to  the  sick.     The  institution  has  already  found  much 
favor  and  support,  even  from  the  government,  and  deaconesses 
have  been  called  from  it  to  various  places.     Branch  establish- 
ments have  been  founded  in  Berlin  and  Dresden  for  the  training 
of  deaconesses,  and  congregations  are  furnished  with  individual 
sisters  for  the  care  of  the  sick  and  the  dispensing  of  charity.    In 
London,  Paris,  Strasburg,  Utrecht,  and  in  several  cities  in  Switz- 
erland, institutions  have  been  founded  after  the  same  model. 


538  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  most  beneficial  results  will  ensue. 
There  are  always  many  women  who,  alone  in  the  world,  can  find 
no  suitable  sphere  of  influence,  however  well  they  may  be  adapt- 
ed to  fill  such  a  one,  and  who  feel  attracted  by  a  retired  yet  active 
life  which  is  not  wanting  in  religious  stimulus.  To  such  women 
this  institution  offers  a  refuge,  turning  their  activity  into  a  salu- 
tary channel.  It  will  need,  however,  to  beware  of  the  rock  of 
Pietism,  while,  at  the  same  time,  it  should  not  neglect  to  foster 
a  truly  religious  spirit  among  its  disciples. 

Other  institutions  have  grown  up  in  the  German  Evangelical 
Church,  whose  object  is  the  furthering  of  the  religious  and  mor- 
al cultivation  of  the  people,  particularly  among  the  poorer  and 
morally  neglected  classes.  One  of  the  oldest  is  the  establish- 
ment of  Count  von  Eecke,  at  Diisselthal,  near  Diisseldorf,  for 
the  education  of  deserted  and  neglected  children.  A  peculiar 
character,  however,  has  been  developed  by  the  institution  founded 
by  Candidate  Wichern  at  Ilorn,  near  Hamburg,  in  1S33,  entitled 
the  "  Rauhe  Haus."  Its  prime  object  was  to  guard  against  the 
moral  depravity  of  youth,  and  to  reform  neglected  children.  It 
has  succeeded,  by  mild  measures  alone,  by  constant  intercourse 
of  the  undisciplined  children  with  estimable  persons,  and  by  the 
force  of  example,  in  producing  important  results.  Almost  every 
trade  is  practiced  in  the  institution  by  youths  and  children,  and 
its  inmates  have  even  themselves  built  the  houses  which  it  need- 
ed for  its  extension.  To  the  first  establishment  there  has  since 
been  added  an  educational  institution  for  young  men  who  desire 
to  labor  in  the  field  of  Inner  Missions,  as  preachers  in  colonies, 
as  directors  of  houses  of  refuge  or  reformatory  schools,  prison- 
inspectors,  and  the  like.  While  the  foreign  missions  have  for 
their  object  the  spreading  of  Christianity  among  the  heathen, 
this  Inner  Mission  aims  to  introduce  and  further  religious  cult- 
ure among  a  Christian  people. 

In  other  German  states,  too,  much  has  been  done  for  the  im- 
provement of  the  Church  system,  but  more  still  has  been  striven 
for  without  ever  being  realized.  In  Bavaria,  where  more  than  a 
third  of  the  population  is  Protestant  (viz.  3,000,000  Catholics  and 
1,300,000  Protestants),  the  position  of  the  Protestant  Church  was 
defined  by  the  charter  of  May  26,  1818,  and  special  edicts  on 
Church  relations  of  the  same  date.19 

19  Given  in  Miincb's  Samniluu^  aller  Concordate,  ii.  220  ss.  Lcipsic,  1831. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     539 

A  Protestant  supreme  consistory  was  established  in  Munich, 
subject  to  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior,  as  an  organ  through  which 
the  King  exercises  the  supreme  episcopal  power.  Under  it  are 
three  consistories— in  Anspach,  Baireuth,  and  Spires — and  under 
these  the  deanships.  In  each  deanship  a  diocesan  synod  is  held 
annually,  which  consists  of  two  thirds  ecclesiastics  and  one  third 
laymen :  these  lay  members,  however,  are  chosen  by  the  con- 
sistories only  on  the  proposition  of  the  ecclesiastics.  Every  four 
years,  general  synods  are  to  be  convoked  at  the  seats  of  the  con- 
sistories, for  the  purpose  of  consulting  about  the  internal  affairs 
of  the  Church.  To  these  synods  each  deanship  sends  two  eccle- 
siastics (the  dean  and  a  pastor),  and  a  lay  member  chosen  by  the 
clergy.  Thus  an  amalgamation  of  the  synodal  and  congrega- 
tional systems  was  intended ;  but  the  former  greatly  predomi- 
nated. The  synods  did  not  afford  a  true  representation  of  the 
congregation,  as  they  had  not  proceeded  from  the  latter  by  free 
choice. 

In  Rhenish  Bavaria  it  was  recognized  from  the  first  that  bod- 
ies of  elders,  or  presbyteries,  were  necessary  as  foundation  of 
the  synods,  and  they  were  consequently  immediately  appointed. 
Thus  the  congregations  were  furnished  at  the  synods  with  rep- 
resentatives elected  by  themselves,  and  although  here,  too,  the 
number  of  laymen  at  these  meetings  was  only  half  as  large  as 
that  of  the  ecclesiastics,  their  voice,  as  the  voice  of  the  congre- 
gations, was  yet  of  great  weight.  At  the  synods  of  Rhenish  Ba- 
varia, therefore,  a  liberal  theological  tendency  gained  the  pre- 
ponderance, while  in  the  remaining  Bavarian  provinces,  favored 
by  the  government,  the  consistories  and  the  Protestant  National 
University  of  Erlangen  assigned  the  dominion  to  a  rigid  or- 
thodoxy. The  first  general  synod  held  in  Rhenish  Bavaria  in 
ISIS,  at  Kaiserslautern,  lost  no  time  in  accomplishing  the  Union, 
and  in  the  Act  of  Union  the  Holy  Scriptures  were  declared  the 
onry  standard  of  faith ;  the  symbolical  books,  though  still  to  be 
held  in  high  esteem,  were  not  to  be  regarded  as  such.  The  next 
synod,  in  1821,  gave  the  United  Church  a  catechism  and  hymn- 
book,  in  which  the  same  liberal  spirit  prevailed.  All  these 
synodal  ordinances  received  at  that  time,  during  the  reign  of 
the  liberal  King  Maximilian  Joseph,  the  royal  sanction ;  but  in 
the  succeeding  reign  of  King  Louis,  the  Supreme  Consistory 
of  Munich  began  more  openly  to  counteract  this  liberalism  of 


540  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

the  Palatinate.  This  has  been  done  particularly  since  1832, 
when  the  liberal  members  of  the  consistory  at  Spires  were  re- 
moved and  orthodox  members  appointed  in  their  place,  among 
whom  the  consistorial  councilor  Rust,  who  had,  until  then,  been 
preacher  and  professor  at  Erlangen,  proved  himself  particularly 
active  in  these  matters,  but  in  consequence  rendered  himself 
very  obnoxious  to  the  greater  portion  of  the  clergy  of  Rhenish 
Bavaria.  The  orthodox  party  wished  to  enforce  the  opinion 
that  the  Act  of  Union  did  not  annul  the  normal  authority  of  the 
symbolical  books ;  in  addition  to  which  they  made  active  efforts 
to  do  away  with  the  new  catechism.  This  gave  rise  to  a  struggle 
between  the  consistory  and  the  majority  of  the  clergy,  which 
may  possibly,  by  and  by,  when  the  government  has  again  adopted 
a  more  liberal  course,  turn  in  favor  of  liberalism.20 

In  the  "consistorial  districts  of  Anspach  and  Baireuth  the  expe- 
diency of  presbyteries  as  a  basis  for  the  synodal  system  was  also 
speedily  recognized,  and  measures  were  taken  to  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  the  Palatinate  in  introducing  them.  Several  ecclesi- 
astics, however,  proposed  to  establish,  with  the  presbyteries,  a 
strict  Church  discipline,  as  it  exists  in  several  Reformed  national 
churches.  This  idea  was  expressed  particularly  in  the  Outline 
of  a  Presbytcrial  Constitution  published  by  Lehmus,  dean  in 
Anspach,  Nuremberg,  1821.  He  desired  to  have  the  right  of 
ecclesiastical  control  and  discipline  conferred  upon  the  presby- 
teries. They  were  first  to  warn  the  erring  ones  ;  then,  if  this  had 
no  effect,  to  censure  them  privately  and  publicl}' ;  and,  finally,  if 
necessary,  excommunicate  them.  This  excommunication,  more- 
over, was  not  merely  to  involve  the  disability  to  partake  of  the 
sacrament  and  to  be  a  sponsor,  but  also  the  loss  of  a  Christian 
burial,  as  well  as  the  incapability  of  taking  an  oath  and  educat- 
ing children.  These  were  evidently  compulsory  measures  in 
favor  of  Church  ordinances  and  Christian  morality,  the  unfit- 
ness of  which  was  likely  to  be  felt  most  vividly  in  recent  times. 
Hence,  very  decided  disapprobation  of  these  proposals  was  im- 
mediately universally  expressed  ;  and  as  it  was  believed  that 
Lehmus  had  only  given  utterance  to  the  secret  intentions  of  the 
Church  authorities  in  establishing  presbyteries,  a  general  oppo- 
sition arose  against  the  latter  measure,  by  which,  as  it  was  sup- 

20  Die  Protestantisch-Evangclisclie  Unirtc  Kirchc  iu  der  Bahiscken  Pfalz,  by  Pan- 
Ins,  Ucidelberg,  1S40. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     541 

posed,  a  new  mode  of  spiritual  tyranny  was  to  be  introduced 
into  the  Protestant  Church.  The  order  for  the  appointment  of 
presbyteries  had  first  to  be  suspended,  and,  finally,  it  was  left  to 
the  congregations  to  choose  them  or  not,  as  they  pleased. 

In  the  two  general  synods  of  Anspach  and  Baireuth,  therefore, 
the  congregations  are  not  yet  sufficiently  represented,  and  this  is 
the  reason  why  they  have  not  yet  accomplished  much.  In  the 
supreme  consistory  and  the  two  consistories  the  tendency  favored 
by  the  government  prevailed,  to  reinstate  symbolical  orthodoxy ; 
and  this  was  the  spirit  which  pervaded  the  draughts  of  a  new 
Church  constitution,  an  agenda,  and  a  national  catechism,  which 
the  general  synods  rejected  in  1S33,  while,  at  the  same  time, 
they  demanded  that  the  congregations  should  be  represented 
at  the  synods  by  lay  members  chosen  by  them.  Subsequently 
the  Protestant  Church  in  Bavaria  was  so  engrossed  by  acts  of 
the  government  in  favor  of  the  Catholic  Church  that  it  had  lit- 
tle time  to  think  of  the  development  and  improvement  of  its 
own  internal  affairs.  In  1S37  Abel  took  his  place  at  the  head 
of  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior,  and  conducted  the  government  en- 
tirely in  the  spirit  of  a  Jesuit  ultramontane  party.  Under  his  ad- 
ministration, various  openly  hostile  measures  were  taken  against 
the  Protestants.  In  particular,  the  formation  of  new  congrega- 
tions and  the  erection  of  new  churches  were  rendered  difficult  or 
prevented,  even  in  places  where  a  sufficient  number  of  Protest- 
ants were  assembled ;  the  Protestant  soldiers  were  commanded, 
while  on  duty,  to  show  respect  to  the  host  by  kneeling ;  the 
Gustavus  Adolphus  Association  was  entirely  excluded  from  Ba- 
varia, so  that  branch  societies  could  neither  be  established  there, 
nor  needy  congregations  receive  aid  from  it.  In  the  beginning 
of  the  year  1847,  however,  the  Abel  ministry  was  overthrown. 
The  government  has,  altogether,  entered  upon  a  more  liberal 
course,  and  thus  has  also  adopted  more  friendly  sentiments  to- 
ward its  Protestant  subjects.  It  is  therefore  to  be  hoped  that 
the  internal  organization  of  the  Protestant  Church  system  may 
develop  without  further  obstacle. 

In  Baden  a  presbyterial  and  synodal  constitution  was  intro- 
duced at  the  same  time  with  the  Union,  in  1821.21 

Each  congregation  has  its  council  of  elders  (presbytery) ;  the 

21  Cf.  Die  Evangelisclie  Kirchenvereinigung  im  Grossherzogttmm  Baden  nach 
ihren  Haupturkunden  unci  Doeumenten,  Heidelberg,  1821. 


542  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

diocesan  synods  are  formed  of  all  the  clergymen  of  the  diocese 
and  half  their  number  of  laymen,  who  are  chosen  by  the  presby- 
teries ;  the  general  synod  consists  of  a  number  of  ecclesiastics, 
who  are  chosen  by  the  clergy,  and  half  as  many  laymen,  who  are 
chosen  by  the  laymen  of  the  diocesan  synods,  and,  further,  of 
two  members  of  the  highest  Church  tribunal,  a  member  of  the 
Theological  Faculty  in  Heidelberg,  and  a  government  commis- 
sioner as  president.  This  constitution  has  the  defect  that  the 
synods  consist  of  double  the  number  of  ecclesiastics  as  of  laymen. 
It  labored  in  the  beginning  under  the  disadvantage  that  no  reg- 
ular time  was  appointed  for  the  recurrence  of  the  general  synod, 
but  its  convocation  left  to  the  government.  After  the  first  meet- 
ing, therefore,  which  was  held  in  1821,  none  took  place  for  a  long 
time,  and  the  new  system  could  not  bear  the  fruits  which  had  been 
expected  from  it.  It  was  only  when,  under  the  Grand-duke  Leo- 
pold, the  government  had  adopted  a  more  liberal  course,  that  a 
second  general  synod  was  held  in  1834,  which  resulted  in  the 
relief  of  the  most  urgent  wants  of  the  Evangelical  National 
Church.  It  introduced  a  national  catechism,  a  collection  of 
Church  lessons,  an  agenda,  a  hymn-book,  and  various  improve- 
ments in  the  form  of  worship  and  in  the  constitution  of  the 
Church.  At  the  same  time,  it  ordained  that  the  general  synod 
should  in  future  be  convoked  once  in  seven  years. 

In  Wurtemberg  annual  synods  are  held,  but  they  consist  only 
of  the  president  of  the  consistory  and  the  six  superintendents- 
general  or  prelates  of  the  kingdom.  All  these  are  nominated  by 
the  King,  and  hence  are  royal  officials,  not  representatives  of 
the  Church.  The  entire  Church  government,  therefore,  depends 
upon  the  State,  although,  according  to  §  71  of  the  charter  of  the 
constitution,  every  Church  is  entitled,  with  respect  to  its  internal 
affairs,  to  the  right  of  self-government.  In  view  of  this  it  was 
proposed,  at  the  diets  of  1S33  and  1834,  that  the  above  promise 
to  the  Evangelical  National  Church  should  be  made  good  by  the 
concession  of  a  synodal  and  presbyterial  constitution  ;  but,  as  yet, 
these  propositions  have  not  had  any  result.22 

In  the  other  Evangelical  national  churches,  too,  the  necessity  of 
a  reorganization  of  the  ecclesiastical  polity  and  the  introduction 
of  presbyteries  and  synods  has  been  felt  and  expressed,  but  with- 

"  Miirklin.Ueber  die  Reform  des  Protcstantischen  Kirchcnwesens,  mitbesondercr 
RiickBicht  auf  die  Protestantische  Eirche  Wurtembergs,  Tubingen,  1833. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     543 

out  results.  The  most  lively  discussion  on  the  subject  occurred 
in  Saxony  in  1831-1834.  When  the  State  constitution  of  that 
country  was  completely  remodeled  and  assumed  a  constitutional 
character  (1830),  the  clergy  of  the  diocese  of  Leipsic  first  ex- 
pressed their  wishes  in  a  petition  of  October  31, 1830,  to  the  effect 
that  the  Protestant  National  Church  and  its  clergy  might  be  as- 
signed a  part  in  the  future  representative  constitution  of  the  coun- 
try, and  that  its  autonomy  might  be  restored  to  it  by  a  presbyterial 
and  synodal  system,  and  secured  by  the  charter  of  the  kingdom. 
Subsequently,  the  majority  of  all  the  Saxon  clergy  joined  in  this 
petition.  The  matter  was  discussed  in  a  very  lively  written  con- 
troversy. Bretschneider,  Krehl,  Kudelbach,  and  Jaspis  declared 
against  a  representative  constitution  of  the  Church ;  a  far  greater 
number,  however,  fought  for  it.  At  the  head  of  its  advocates  stood 
Grossmann,  superintendent  and  professor  at  Leipsic,  who  had  been 
the  chief  originator  of  the  above-mentioned  petition,  and  who  per- 
sistently defended  the  liberty  of  the  Church  in  several  treatises, 
as  well  as  in  his  capacity  of  member  of  the  Upper  Chamber. 
Nothing,  however,  has  as  yet  been  accomplished  in  this  matter. 


II.  Since  1840. 

New  and  important  developments  in  all  departments  of  the 
Church  have  begun  since  1840.  They  had  their  roots  in  the 
preceding  period,  and  received  their  impulse  and  character  not 
only  from  the  old  Eationalism  and  Supernaturalism,  but  also, 
and  chiefly,  from  the  theology  of  Schleiermacher  and  the  philos- 
ophy of  Hegel.  Both,  however  inwardly  different  they  may  be, 
have  this  in  common — that  they  recognize  the  claims  of  the  two 
former  standpoints,  the  Eationalistic  and  the  Supernatural,  but, 
at  the  same  time,  themselves  strive  to  attain  a  higher  standpoint, 
from  which  the  difference  between  the  former  is  lost  to  view, 
inasmuch  as  from  it  the  truth  which  appertains  to  each  is  accept- 
ed, while  all  that  is  one-sided  is  done  away  with. 

Friedrich  Schleiermacher  (born  1768,  in  Breslau ;  from  1810 
professor  in  ordinary  at  Berlin  ;  d.  1834)  had  already  acquired  a 
powerful  influence  upon  his  age  by  his  work  Ueber  die  Beligion, 
Keden  an  die  Gebildeten  unter  ihrenVerachtern  (1799  and  often). 
In  it  he  surrenders  all  the  dogmas  which  were  rejected  as  unten- 
able by  the  enlightenment  of  the  period,  even  the  personality  of 


544  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  IIL— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

God  and  the  personal  immortality  of  man,  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  in  inspired  diction,  proclaims  religion  to  be  an  immediate 
sense  of  the  infinite  and  the  eternal,  by  which  alone  science,  life, 
and  art  aro  imbued  with  truth.  The  positive  religions  he  pro- 
nounces necessary,  as  being  the  terrestrial  forms  of  religion, 
without  which  a  true  and  perfect  religious  development  of  hu- 
man individuality  is  impossible,  and  demonstrates,  further,  that 
Christianity  is  the  most  exalted  of  these  religions.  These  ad- 
dresses had  their  origin  in  Schelling's  Philosophy  of  Nature,  and 
the  Pantheism  which  pervades  them  is  certainly  widely  different 
from  the  Christian  conception  of  God ;  but  it  can  not  be  denied 
that  they  were  well  adapted  to  call  forth  higher  ideas  in  an  age 
which  had  sunk  to  a  commonplace  impiety,  to  inspire  it  with 
respect  for  religion,  and  make  it  once  more  susceptible  to  relig- 
ions impressions. 

A  still  greater  influence  was  exerted  by  Schleiermacher's  Dog- 
matics.23 He  regards  dogmatic  theology  as  the  science  treating 
of  the  inner  coherence  of  the  dogmas  accepted  by  a  Christian 
Church  society  at  a  particular  time.  It  is  based  on  the  effort 
to  represent,  in  the  form  of  doctrine,  the  emotions  of  the  pious 
Christian  heart.  It  strives  merely  to  develop  the  substance  of 
the  recognized  consciousness  of  God's  existence  by  presupposing 
immediate  certainty  of  faith,  and  hence  forbears  to  demonstrate 
its  doctrine  to  unbelief.  Dogmatic  theology  is  therefore  totally 
different  from  philosophy.  Piety  in  itself  is  neither  knowledge 
nor  action,  although  a  perfect  development  of  piety  without 
either  is  not  to  be  imagined ;  but  it  is  rather  a  disposition  and 
state  of  feeling.  The  essence  of  piety  is  that  we  feel  absolutely 
dependent  on  God.  Christianity  is  the  highest  communion  of 
piety,  and  the  feeling  which  distinguishes  it  from  all  other  re- 
ligions is  that  in  it  every  detail  is  referred  to  the  consciousness 
of  redemption  through  the  person  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  The 
truth  of  Christianity  can  only  be  testified  to  through  inward  ex- 
perience, and  that  in  such  a  way  that  all  who  feel  the  need  of 
redemption  become  assured  of  the  redeeming  power  of  Christ 
within  themselves  by  actual  proof. 

Consequently,  Schlciermacher  does  not  attach  an  absolute 
value  to  dogma,  but  esteems  it  only  so  far  as  it  corresponds  to 

23  Dcr  Christlichc  Glaubc  nach  don  Grundsiitzen  der  Evangelischen  Kircbe  im  Zu- 
sammenhange  dargestellt,  Berlin,  1821,  1833,  2  vol*.  8. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     545 

the  emotions  of  the  pions  Christian  heart,  and  expresses  them 
in  doctrine.  All  dogmatic  theology  is  confined  to  a  particular 
time ;  every  exposition  of  doctrine,  in  course  of  time,  loses  its 
original  importance,  and  retains  only  an  historical  value.  Dog- 
matic theology,  therefore,  relates  merely  to  the  discussion  of  the 
piety  of  a  certain  Church  and  time ;  the  examination  of  the  last 
causes  of  supersensual  matters  is  not  its  task,  but  that  of  philo- 
sophical theology. 

This  conception  of  dogmatic  theology  obviously  contains  the 
truth  that  it  must  correspond  to  the  consciousness  of  faith  which 
actually  exists  in  the  Church,  and  must  develop  simultaneously 
with  it.  Nevertheless, it. is  necessary  to  distinguish  in  it  between 
an  immutable  element, the  genuine  religious  truth,  and  the  change- 
able, historical,  and  speculative  part  of  dogmatics ;  for  otherwise 
it  would  appear  as  if  all  religious  doctrine  were  subject  to  con- 
stant changes,  and  presented  neither  stability  nor  security.  And 
whereas  Schleiermacher  did  not  distinguish  between  these  two 
elements,  he  could  not  determine,  without  arbitrary  assumption, 
the  consciousness  of  faith,  the  existence  of  which  in  the  Evan- 
gelical Church  he  presupposed  in  his  dogmatics,  as  there  is  still 
much  dissension  in  the  Church  with  regard  to  its  historical  and 
speculative  element. 

Schleiermacher,  moreover,  went  very  far  in  his  concessions  to 
modern  enlightenment.  He  assumed  that  the  piety  of  a  Panthe- 
ist could  be  fully  equal  to  that  of  a  Monotheist,  and  therefore 
would  agree  very  well  with  Christianity.  Likewise,  that  piety 
was  in  harmony  with  a  view  which,  relinquishing  the  continu- 
ance of  personal  existence,  looked  upon  the  common  spirit  of 
humanity,  the  source  of  individual  souls,  as  the  true,  living  unity, 
to  which  appertain  eternity  and  immortality,  while  the  individual 
souls  are  merely  its  transient  actions.  For  the  Christian,  as  such, 
there  is  no  security  for  an  after-life  but  that  which  is  based  on 
his  faith  in  the  eternal  continuance  of  the  union  of  divinity  and 
humanity  represented  in  Christ ;  for  as  surely  as  the  human 
soul  of  the  Redeemer  enjoyed  a  personal  continuance,  the  same 
can  be  looked  forward  to  by  all  mankind. 

Another  of  these  concessions  is  the  assumption  that  Christian- 
ity, although  outwardly  in  historical  connection  with  Judaism,  is 
yet,  so  far  as  its  inner  peculiar  nature  is  concerned,  in  no  closer 
relation  to  it  than  Paganism.  For  in  the  more  exalted  forms  of 
vol.  v. — 35 


546  FOURTH  PEKIOD.— DIV.  Ill— SINCE  A.D.  1S14. 

Paganism  we  find  quite  as  much  affinity  to  and  harmony  with 
Christianity  as  in  Judaism.  Hence  Schleiermacher  could  not 
admit  the  normal  authority  of  the  Old  Testament.  Angels  were 
regarded  by  him  merely  as  products  of  the  imagination  ;  in  the 
conception  of  the  devil  he  finds  an  inner  discrepancy,  but  is  in 
favor  of  retaining  both  angels  and  the  devil  in  the  liturgy.  The 
resurrection  of  the  body  and  the  Last  Judgment  are  not  to  be 
accepted  as  positive  doctrines,  but  as  a  veil  for  general  truths. 
Eternal  damnation  is  designated  as  inconceivable. 

On  the  other  hand,  Schleiermacher  refutes  Rationalism  by  his 
doctrine  with  regard  to  Christ.  He  holds  that  that  which  con- 
stitutes him  the  Redeemer  is  so  entire  an  indwelling  of  the  Su- 
preme  Being  in  his  consciousness  that  this  existence  of  God 
within  him  forms  his  innermost  Self,  so  that  thus  there  can  be 
in  him  n6  efficiency  not  determined  by  the  essence  of  God. 
Thus  he  is  the  pure  exemplar  of  mankind.  In  the  living  com- 
munion with  Christ,  every  one  renounces  being  any  thing  for 
himself,  and  thus,  too,  being  regarded  by  God  in  any  other  way 
than  merely  in  communion  with  Christ,  as  a  part  of  his  human- 
ity, animated  by  him,  or  still  in  process  of  development.  By 
virtue  of  this  living  communion  with  him,  his  perfect  fulfillment 
of  the  divine  will  is  also  ours,  so  that  we,  too,  are  the  objects  of 
the  divine  approbation.  The  body  of  those  who  have  been  re- 
ceived into  the  communion  of  Christ  and  have  received  his  spirit 
as  a  common  spirit,  forms  the  Church.  The  Holy  Ghost  is  the 
union  of  divinity  with  humanity,  in  the  form  of  the  spirit  of 
communion  which  animates  the  common  life  of  believers.  To 
have  Christ  within  us  and  to  possess  the  Holy  Spirit  is  one  and 
the  same  for  each  one  of  us.  The  Church  is,  in  its  perfection, 
the  emblem  of  the  Redeemer ;  Christ  is  its  archetype.  But  the 
perfection  of  the  Church  is  still  in  progress. 

Schleiermacher  has  left  no  school,  i.  e.  no  collective  whole 
which  adheres  strictly  to  his  system ;  but  he  has  exerted  by  his 
Dogmatics  a  powerful  influence  over  the  latest  Protestant  theol- 
ogy. The  conviction  that  dogmatic  theology  should  correspond 
to  the  actual  consciousness  of  faith  in  the  Church,  and  must 
therefore  reject  every  thing  in  it  which  has  no  firm  foundation, 
lias  become  very  general,  even  among  theologians  of  the  super- 
natural school.  A  greater  moderation  in  the  mutual  estimate 
of  Rationalists  and  Supernaturalists  is  also  ascribable  to  him, 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     547 

as  he  set  the  example  in  recognizing,  in  a  more  unprejudiced 
manner,  the  claims  of  the  two  standpoints.  There  is,  perhaps, 
no  theologian  who  agrees  entirely  with  Schleiermacher,  but  there 
is  also  not  one  of  the  large  number  of  moderate  theologians  but 
has  been  strongly  influenced  by  him ;  and  the  ecclesiastical  events 
in  recent  times,  in  which  the  majority  of  the  Protestant  theolo- 
gians have  shown  a  moderation  and  placability  such  as  have  never 
before  been  known,  were  undoubtedly  chiefly  actuated  by  the 
ideas  of  Schleiermacher.  It  is  only  the  believers  in  the  symbols 
and  the  theologians  of  the  school  of  Hegel  who  refuse  him  all 
recognition.  In  particular,  he  has  given  a  new  impulse  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  Church  as  such,  which  had  been  much  neglected 
by  the  Protestants,  and  directed  attention  as  well  to  the  claims 
which  the  community  has  upon  the  individual,  as  upon  the  rights 
to  which  the  Church  is  entitled.  It  is  true,  however,  that,  in  con- 
sequence of  this,  the  idea  of  the  Church  lias  in  some  cases  been 
developed  in  an  almost  Iioman  Catholic  form,  as  if  the  Church 
were  independent  of  individuals,  and  simply  a  standard  for 
them. 

In  direct  opposition  to  the  theology  of  Schleiermacher  was 
that  emanating  from  the  philosophy  of  Hegel ;  for  as  the  for- 
mer gave  the  essence  of  religion  a  place  in  the  emotions,  and 
desired  to  keep  dogmatics  far  removed  from  all  philosophy,  the 
theologians  of  the  school  of  Hegel  declared  religion  to  consist  of 
the  knowledge  of  the  Absolute,  and  regarded  theology  and  phi- 
losophy as  entirely  coincident. 

Georg  Wilhelm  Friedrich  Hegel  was  born  in  1770  at  Stutt- 
gart, was  professor  in  Berlin  from  1S18,  and  died  of  cholera  in 
1831.  According  to  him,  the  Absolute  is  the  identity  of  the 
Real  and  the  Ideal,  of  Being  and  of  Thinking,  of  the  Finite 
and  the  Infinite.  This  unity  is  not  a  rigid,  immovable  Being, 
but  a  constant  Progress,  an  uninterrupted  overturning  and  pass- 
ing of  one  side  into  the  other.  The  universe  is  self-revelation ; 
the  world's  history  the  process  of  the  development  of  God  as  an 
absolute  Spirit.  The  aim  of  God  in  the  creation  is  that  his 
conception  should  become  objective  to  him.  For  this  reason, 
creation  is  eternal,  like  the  impulse  of  God  to  become  objective 
to  himself.  God  is  not  only  thought  by  us,  but  he  himself  is 
that  in  us  which  thinks.  The  thought  of  the  essence  of  God  is 
the  Being  of  God;  the  individuality  which  clings  to  the  mind 


548  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

is  not  the  true  essence  of  man  ;  if  the  mind  rises  above  this  form 
of  individuality,  it  becomes  the  consciousness  of  God. 

Hegel  himself  did  not  propose  to  place  himself  in  opposition 
to  Christianity.  Its  essential  substance  was  to  be  entirely  iden- 
tical with  his  philosophy.  There  was  to  be  merely  a  difference 
of  form,  so  far  as  the  same  substance  was  to  be  given,  in  Chris- 
tianity, in  the  forms  of  the  emotions  and  the  perceptions,  which 
his  philosophy  had  exalted  to  the  form  of  conception.  It  is  in 
this  sense  that  the  theologians  of  the  school  of  Hegel,  Marhei- 
necke  in  particular,  have  treated  Christian  dogmatic  theology. 
Marheinecke,  however,  does  not  go  back  to  the  simple  Scripture 
doctrine  for  this  purpose,  but  attempts  to  deduce  the  symbolical 
doctrine  of  the  Lutheran  Church  from  Hegelian  propositions. 
But  in  striving  to  prove,  in  the  forms  of  these  dogmas,  the  truth 
of  the  idea,  he  has,  in  fact,  retained  the  forms  merely  to  give 
them  an  entirely  foreign  substance.  Thus  he  explains  the  Trin- 
ity in  the  following  manner :  God  thinks  himself,  and  thus  be- 
comes objective  to  himself.  lie  proceeds  from  a  state  of  non- 
distinction  to  his  own  distinction  from  himself,  this  is  the  Son ; 
he  returns  from  this  distinction  to  infinite  unity,  this  is  the  Spirit. 
This  is  the  process  by  which  God  becomes  conscious  of  himself, 
and  reveals  himself  in  creation.  Hence  the  theologians  of  this 
school  declare  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  to  be  the  chief  and 
fundamental  dogma  of  all  religion  ;  but  this  Trinity  is  certainly 
very  different  from  the  Trinity  taught  by  the  symbolical  books 
of  the  Church.  The  other  positive  dogmas,  moreover,  are  treat- 
ed by  this  school  in  a  similar  manner. 

It  was  only  after  Hegel  was  settled  in  Berlin  that  his  philos- 
ophy began  to  be  more  widely  circulated  and  to  acquire  an  im- 
portant influence.  He  had  previously  taught  at  Jena  and  Hei- 
delberg, without  meeting  with  much  approbation.  In  Berlin  he 
was  immediately  treated  with  great  distinction  by  Yon  Alten- 
stein,  Minister  of  Ecclesiastical  and  Educational  Affairs,  as  well  as 
several  of  the  councilors  of  this  department,  and  his  philosophy 
thereby  received  an  external  recommendation  which  seemed  to 
make  it  the  prevailing  system  in  Prussia.  It  was  thought  that 
it  presented  a  thoroughly  conservative  doctrine,  which  would 
establish  and  confirm  anew  all  existing  institutions  in  State  and 
Church,  which  would  satisfy  the  thinker,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
defend  the  popular  forms  against  the  manifold  attacks  of  Liber- 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     549 

alism.  The  philosophy  of  Hegel  was  therefore  highly  recom- 
mended by  the  authorities,  and  young  men  who  devoted  them- 
selves to  it  could  count  upon  promotion  and  assistance.  In  con- 
sequence, a  Hegelian  school  of  some  importance  was  speedily 
formed;  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  of  its  numerous  adherents 
many  only  adopted  its  forms,  without  arriving  at  a  thorough  com- 
prehension of  its  doctrines.  Thus  it  seemed  more  and  more 
as  if  Hegel  were  attaining  a  philosophical  dictatorship,  and  his 
followers  declared  openly  that  in  him  philosophy  had  culminated 
and  reached  its  end ;  that  he  had  led  mankind  to  the  only  true 
knowledge,  and  that  any  further  development  of  philosophy  was 
out  of  the  question. 

With  regard  to  the  highest  dogmas  of  religion — the  existence 
of  God  and  the  immortality  of  the  soul — this  school  was  some- 
what reticent,  and  regarded  the  truth  respecting  these  doctrines 
as  among  its  mysteries.  It  neither  admitted  directly  that  it 
taught  the  existence  of  a  God,  who  manifested  himself  only 
gradually  and  imperfectly  in  the  consciousness  of  man,  nor  that 
it  denied  an  individual  continuance  of  human  beings.  It  could 
not,  indeed,  decidedly  disclaim  these  consequences  of  its  doctrine, 
but  it  gave  evasive  replies  to  such  objections,  and  strove  to  re- 
pulse its  opponents  by  an  indescribably  arrogant  treatment,  de- 
claring plainly  that  the}7,  being  on  a  lower  grade — that  of  the 
philosophy  of  reflection— were  not  in  the  least  capable  of  either 
comprehending  or  judging  of  the  philosophy  of  conception.  The 
organ  of  the  school  was  the  Berlin  Year-book  for  Literature 
(Berliner  Jahrbiicher  fur  Literatur),  of  which  Hegel  was  one  of 
the  founders. 

After  Hegel's  death,  however,  in  1S31,  a  portion  of  his  school 
came  forward  quite  openly  with  a  denial  of  these  doctrines,  while 
another  part  admitted  the  possibility  of  uniting  the  belief  in  a 
God  conscious  of  himself,  and  a  personal  continuance  of  man, 
with  the  philosophy  of  Hegel. 

Dr.  Friedrich  Eichter,  a  Hegelian,  was  the  first  to  assert,  in  his 
work  Die  Lehre  von  den  letzten  Dingen  (Breslau,  1S33),  that,  ac- 
cording to  the  doctrine  of  Hegel,  it  was  only  the  common  spirit, 
but  not  the  individual  person,  which  was  immortal.  He  found, 
indeed,  a  decided  opponent  in  Goeschel ;  but  other  Hegelians  ex- 
pressed themselves  more  equivocally,  and  seemed  only  to  find  it 
wrong  that  this  subject  was  brought  up  for  discussion  before  the 


550  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

general  public,  to  whom  a  mystery  of  the  school  was  thereby 
unveiled. 

Soon  after  this  the  school  of  Hegel  was  divided  still  more 
decidedly  into  a  right  and  left  side,  the  former  of  which  retained 
the  religious  doctrines  above  indicated,  while  the  hitter  denied 
them.24  According  to  the  system  of  Hegel,  the  positive  doctrines 
of  Christianity  had  developed  gradually  in  the  human  mind,  at 
first  in  the  indistinct  form  of  perception,  until,  by  the  Hegelian 
philosophy,  it  had  risen  to  the  clearness  of  conception.  A  reve- 
lation granted  to  an  individual  was  out  of  the  question  in  this 
connection,  and  thus  the  conviction  of  the  truth  of  this  system 
was  not  based  on  any  external  historical  authority,  but  upon 
philosophical  grounds.  Hence  this  philosophy  maintains  an  ut- 
ter indifference  toward  the  historical  person  of  Christ ;  it  attaches 
importance  to  the  idea  of  Christ  alone,  which  it  considers  iden- 
tical with  the  idea  of  humanity  in  its  development  as  a  whole. 
Strauss,  therefore,  thought  to  satisfy  all  scientific  claims  by  col- 
lecting all  the  existing  doubts  of  the  Gospel  history,  intensifying 
them  to  the  utmost,  and  declaring  the  histoiy  of  Christ  a  myth 
which  had  originated  among  the  primitive  Christians,  in  order 
to  represent,  in  the  person  of  Christ,  a  type  of  humanity  in  its 
relation  to  the  Supreme  Being.  Thus,  Christ  was  no  longer  an 
historical  person ;  the  story  of  his  life  was  a  fiction,  although 
still  the  expression  of  externally  true  ideas,  and  it  seemed  as  if 
Christian  dogmatic  theology  were  not  assailed  by  these  results, 
but  merely  brought  to  a  higher  comprehension. 

This  work  by  Strauss  created  a  very  powerful  impression  among 
the  laity  as  well  as  the  clergy.  It  was  so  universally  circulated 
that  every  one  who  laid  claim  to  any  cultivation  seemed  to  feel 
obliged  to  read  it ;  but  it  was  soon  surpassed  in  its  results  by  other 
works.  The  principal  organ  of  this  further  development  was  the 
Ilallische  Jahrbiicher,  edited,  from  1838,  by  Huge  and  Echtermey- 
er,  which  was  soon  changed  into  the  Deutsche  Jahrbiicher,  but 
suppressed  in  January,  1843.  They  commenced,  with  regard  to 
theology,  in  very  nearly  the  same  spirit  in  which  Strauss's  Life  of 
Jesus  was  written  ;  but  with  this  they  united  a  political  radicalism. 
Thus,  by  declaring  with  every  year,  with  remarkable  frankness, 
that  they  had  surmounted  their  standpoint  of  the  year  before, 
they  gradually  rose  to  open  materialism  and  decided  democracy. 

24  Through  Johann  David  Strauss,  Lcben  Jcsu,  Tubingen,  1835, 1S3G,  2  vols.  8. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.    551 

Strauss,  too,  passed  beyond  his  standpoint  in  the  Life  of  Jesus 
in  his  dogmatics.25  Christianity  here  appears  as  something  which 
has  outlived  itself;  its  place  is  supplied  by  the  religion  of  the 
pantheistic  idea.  In  the  same  spirit  Fenerbach  wrote  Das  "VVesen 
des  Christenthums  (Leipsic,  1841),  while  Bruno  Bauer,  in  his 
Kritik  der  Evangelischen  Geschichte  (Bremen,  1S40),  strove  to 
outvie  Strauss's  Life  of  Jesus,  and  to  prove  that  the  Gospel  his- 
tory was  intentional  fiction. 

Thus  the  point  was  reached  to  which  expression  was  given  in 
the  Preface  to  the  Deutsche  Jahrbucher  for  the  year  1843,  which 
was,  at  the  same  time,  their  last  wrord.  A  reformation  of  con- 
sciousness was  there  predicted,  which  would  involve,  at  the  same 
time,  a  reformation  of  the  world,  and  which  was  quickly  and  in- 
evitably approaching.  Among  the  illusions  of  the  consciousness 
upon  which  our  present  political  and  religious  life  is  based,  that 
which  is  here  placed  first  and  foremost  is  the  belief  in  another 
spiritual  world,  and  in  a  Hereafter  for  human  souls  which  brings 
retribution,  and  to  which,  therefore,  the  misery  of  this  world  is 
directed  for  consolation.  It  is  only  in  man  that  the  Absolute 
acquires  self-consciousness  and  personality ;  but  these  personali- 
ties are  again  lost  in  the  Absolute.  There  is  no  Hereafter  for 
them,  and  it  is  a  delusion  ministering  to  despotism  to  direct  the 
poor  and  unfortunate,  while  their  lot  in  this  life  is  so  troubled, 
to  a  compensation  in  another  world.  This  world  is  the  sole 
sphere  allotted  to  man  for  work ;  in  it  alone  he  must  seek  for 
happiness.  The  Church,  which  has  been  chief  in  upholding  the 
above  delusion,  must  cease,  and  be  changed  into  a  school.  It  is 
necessary  to  organize  a  true  system  of  popular  education  which 
will  absorb  the  rabble,  so  that  the  educated  and  organized  peo- 
ple may  govern  themselves ;  this  way  of  democracy  being  the 
only  one  by  which  the  highest  happiness  of  this  world  can  be 
attained. 

These  views  found  a  strong  echo,  particularly  in  certain  jour- 
nals. As  has  been  remarked  elsewhere,  there  has  been  formed 
in  modern  times  a  system  of  journalism  in  Germany,  in  connec- 
tion with  which  a  peculiar  class,  that  of  the  literati,  has  sprung  up. 
Their  aim,  to  discuss  the  common  interests  in  their  journals,  and 
thus  to  direct  the  attention  of  the  governments  to  the  wants  of 

25  Die  Christliche  Glaubenslehre  in  ihrer  geschichtlicben  Entwickelung,  und  im 
Kampfe  mit  der  modernen  Wissenschaft,  Tubingen,  1840, 1841, 2  vols.  8. 


552  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

the  people  and  instruct  the  latter  on  the  affairs  of  the  day,  is 
in  itself  admirable.  It  is  only  to  he  regretted  that  German 
journalism  has,  in  part,  taken  the  French  oppositional  press  for 
its  model ;  that  it  takes  its  ideas  chiefly  from  the  same  source, 
without  paying  any  regard  to  the  peculiar  conditions  in  Germa- 
ny; that  it  follows  its  model  in  opposing  the  governments,  in- 
stead of  endeavoring  to  mediate  between  them  and  the  people, 
which  would  be  perfectly  compatible  with  the  greatest  frankness 
and  the  strongest  love  of  truth,  and  that  it  is  partly  in  the  hands 
of  men  who,  instead  of  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  existing 
conditions,  or  a  more  profound  political  cultivation,  possess  only 
a  few  general  principles  and  opinions.  This  system  of  journalism 
had  its  share  in  circulating  the  atheistic  views  above  described 
among  the  people.  They  were  closely  allied  to  the  communistic 
ideas  which  had  been  brought  over  from  France,  and  the  high- 
est aim  of  which,  after  all,  was  nothing  but  an  equal  division  of 
property  and  community  of  goods.  It  is  obvious  that  such  doc- 
trines, which  threatened  to  put  an  end  to  all  civil  order,  could 
not  be  indifferent  to  the  governments. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  Frederic  William  IV., 
King  of  Prussia,  assumed  the  government  in  1S-10.  He  was 
immediately  met  by  manifold  political  demands ;  and  when,  in 
answer  to  them,  he  promised,  indeed,  to  further  the  progress  of 
all  existing  institutions  based  on  history,  but  refused  all  more 
radical  changes,  an  opposition  was  formed  in  Prussia,  which,  so 
far  as  it  was  expressed  (chiefly  in  the  journals),  seemed  to  be  very 
strong.  It  is  true  that,  with  regard  to  the  Church,  the  King  was 
willing  not  to  interfere  with  liberty  of  conscience,  but  he  desired 
to  restore  the  Symbolical  Books  to  their  former  importance  in 
the  Evangelical  National  Church,  by  leaving  all  those  who  could 
not  confess  them  at  liberty  to  leave  the  Church  and  to  form  new 
religious  communions.  In  this  spirit  orthodox  theologians  were 
called  to  the  universities,  and  in  tilling  the  ecclesiastical  offices, 
particularly  those  of  superintendents  and  members  of  consistories, 
special  importance  was  attached  to  the  orthodoxy  of  the  candi- 
dates. In  order  to  counteract  the  pernicious  effects  of  the  He- 
gelian philosophy,  Schelling  was  called  from  Munich  to  Berlin, 
and  commenced  his  lectures  in  the  latter  city  in  November,  1841. 
In  his  youth,  Schelling  had  shared  the  philosophical  opinions  of 
Ilegel,  but  had  subsequently  separated  from  him,  and  for  a 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     553 

number  of  years  had  not  published  any  philosophical  writings, 
although  it  was  well  known  that  his  views  were  changed.  More- 
over, great  expectations  were  generally  entertained  with  regard 
to  this  new  philosophical  system  of  Schelling,  which  called  itself 
the  positive,  historical  philosophy,  the  system  of  liberty.  The 
central  point  of  this  system  which  Schelling  now  began  to  teach 
in  Berlin  is  Christ,  as  the  personal  and  sole  principle  by  which 
the  divinity  has  descended  to  mankind,  and  by  which  humanity 
can  rise  to  God.  Schelling  himself  has  not  yet  published*  any 
exposition  of  his  new  system,  nor  do  his  lectures  seem  to  exert 
the  influence  which  had  been  expected  from  them. 

These  measures  of  the  government  brought  about  a  powerful 
reaction,  which  had  its  centre  particularly  in  the  Prussian  prov- 
ince of  Saxony,  but  also  manifested  itself  very  strongly  in  Ko- 
nigsberg  and  in  Breslau.  In  the  province  of  Saxony,  Rational- 
ism, which  had  for  some  time  been  the  predominating  principle, 
began  to  assert  itself  very  decidedly  at  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1840 ;  first  in  the  controversy  opened  by  a  Pastor  Sintenis,  in 
Magdeburg,  on  the  adoration  of  Christ.  An  artist  of  that  city 
had  chosen  for  the  subject  of  one  of  his  paintings  a  Catholic 
legend,  according  to  which  an  image  of  the  Virgin  had  restored 
the  sight  of  a  blind  peasant-woman.  This  painting  was  litho- 
graphed under  the  titlaof  "A  Peasant  Family  at  Prayer."  A 
poem  which  subsequently  appeared  in  the  Magdeburg  Gazette 
(February,  1840),  related  the  legend  in  explanation  of  the  paint- 
ing, but  with  sundry  alterations,  in  order  to  make  it  less  objec- 
tionable to  Protestants.  In  particular,  the  image  of  the  Virgin, 
which  was  veiled  in  the  picture,  was  represented  as  an  image  of 
Christ.  In  the  poem,  therefore,  the  prayer  was  raised  "  to  the 
clear  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  who  takes  pity  on  us  in  all  our  need," 
and  help  was  given  by  him.  Upon  this,  Sintenis  caused  a  criti- 
cism of  the  poem  to  appear  in  the  same  paper,  in  which  he  pro- 
nounced it  unevangelical  to  pray  to  Christ,  as  all  help  comes 
from  God  alone,  and  as  Christ  himself  had  directed  us  to  address 
our  prayers  to  God  the  Father.  Several  preachers  in  Magdeburg, 
Bishop  Draseke  at  their  head,  declared  against  Sintenis  from  the 
pulpit  and  in  the  Gazette  ;  their  part  was  taken  by  the  consistory, 
that  of  Sintenis  by  the  magistrates,  and  thus  arose  a  very  vehe- 
ment controversy,  to  which,  however,  the  ministry  put  an  end  in 
*  Since  his  death  (in  1854),  his  complete  works  have  been  published,  1856  ss.— Tk. 


554  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

April  by  defending  the  consistory,  indeed,  but  at  the  same  time 
decreeing  no  punishment  for  Pastor  Sintenis. 

Bishop  Driiseke,  who  from  a  formerly  very  liberal  position  had 
turned  more  and  more  toward  ecclesiastical  orthodoxy,  became 
still  further  estranged  from  a  large  portion  of  the  clergy  of  his 
province  by  the  above  controversy.  A  treatise,  Bishop  Driiseke 
and  his  Eight  Years  of  Labor  in  the  Prussian  State,  by  G.  von  C. 
(Pastor  Konig  in  Anderbeck,  near  Halberstadt),  1840,  appeared 
against  him.  There  was  no  lack,  indeed,  of  writings  in  his  de- 
fense, but  his  position  was  rendered  so  unpleasant  that  he  resigned 
his  office  of  superintendent-general  of  the  province  of  Saxony. 

The  above  controversy,  and  the  evident  favor  shown  to  the 
belief  in  the  symbols  of  the  Church  from  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  King  Frederic  William  IV.,  caused  several  clergymen 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Magdeburg,  at  the  proposal  of  a  Pastor 
Uhlich,  of  Pummelte,  to  enter  into  closer  relations  with  each 
other,  partly  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  each  other  with  mutual 
advice,  partly  to  discuss  the  further  development  and  shaping  of 
Christianity ;  and  thus  was  formed  the  association  of  Protestant 
Friends,  or,  as  they  were  called  (more  by  others  than  by  them- 
selves), the  Friends  of  Light.  Sixteen  clergymen  first  met  in 
Gnadau  on  July  29,  1S41,  and  agreed  upon  this  alliance.  But 
their  plan  immediately  met  with  such  favor  in  the  whole  Prus- 
sian duchy  of  Saxony,  as  well  as  in  the  kingdom  of  Saxony  itself, 
that  the  subsequent  meetings  in  Leipsic,  Halle,  and  Kothen  were 
attended  by  thousands,  clergymen  as  well  as  laymen  ;  and,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  general  meetings,  of  which  two  were  held  annually, 
district  meetings  were  convened  in  various  places.  The  principal 
leaders  of  this  movement  were  the  pastors  Uhlich  in  Pummelte, 
and  lvu'nig  in  Anderbeck,  and  Archdeacon  Fischer  in  Leipsic. 
Its  animating  principle  was  the  old  Rationalism,  which,  in  this 
case,  however,  did  not,  as  formerly,  exert  chiefly  a  chilling  influ- 
ence by  its  negative  results,  but  brought  warmth  and  impulse 
into  religious  life  by  its  positive  substance — such  as  had  already 
for  a  long  time  given  rise  to  a  genuine,  earnest  Christianity  among 
the  educated  classes — and  strove  to  unite  with  itself  the  fervency 
of  so-called  Pietism.  It  was  the  aim  of  this  association  to  be- 
come fully  conscious  of  Christianity  as  it  actually  existed  in  cul- 
tivated minds,  to  give  distinct  and  joyful  expression  to  it,  and 
quicken  it  more  and  more;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  sym- 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     555 

bolical  doctrines  of  the  Church,  as  no  longer  responding  to  the 
consciousness  of  the  age,  and  therefore  untrue  and  detrimental 
to  the  warmth  of  religious  life,  were  to  be  done  away  with.  A 
warding-off  of  all  powers  inimical  to  free  development,  and  the 
culture  of  the  Word  of  God  according  to  the  simple  Gospel  in 
the  light  of  our  own  time — these  were  the  fundamental  princi- 
ples of  the  efforts  of  these  Protestant  Friends.  Theirs  was  a 
popularized  Rationalism^  which  strove  to  awaken  a  new  interest 
in  religion  and  the  Church  among  the  people.26 

In  Breslau  and  Konigsberg,  too,  associations  of  Friends  of 
Light  were  formed.  Two  journals,  in  particular,  became  the 
organs  of  this  movement,  i.  e.  the  Blatter  fur  christliche  Erbau- 
ung,  edited  by  Rudolph  Fischer,  of  Leipsic,  and  the  Zeitschrift  fur 
Protestantische  Geistliche,  of  Niemeyer  and  Franke,  in  Halle. 

The  Protestant  Friends  first  came  into  conflict  with  the  con- 
sistory in  Magdeburg,  in  consequence  of  their  clergymen  taking 
the  liberty  of  making  changes  in  the  prescribed  liturgy,  in  par- 
ticular altering  the  Apostles'  Creed  or  exchanging  it  for  another. 
The  consistory  therefore  issued,  in  February,  1843,  a  general  or- 
der, by  which  it  prohibited  such  alterations.  Several  clergymen 
of  the  province  of  Saxony  protested  against  it,  at  their  head  Dean 
Baltzer,  in  Delitzsch,  referring,  in  particular,  to  the  fact  that  the 
former  Saxon  agenda  had  allowed  special  liberty  with  regard  to 
the  Apostles'  Creed,  and  had  accepted  the  same  with  omissions 
and  alterations.  This  controversy  respecting  the  Apostles'  Creed 
extended  also  to  Leipsic.  There  it  had  for  some  time  been  cus- 
tomary, at  the  baptismal  and  confirmation  services,  to  make  use  of 
the  so-called  Confession  of  Faith  of  Rosenmuller  instead  of  the 
Apostles'  Creed.  Now  several  clergymen  began  once  more  to 
make  use  of  the  latter,  and  demanded  its  general  reinstatement. 
Others  of  the  clergy  protested,  and  with  them  the  greater  portion 
of  the  congregations.  A  vehement  controversy  ensued,  and  the 
Saxon  government  adjusted  the  difference  by  permitting  the  use 
of  both  creeds. 

Another  complication  was  brought  about  by  Pastor  Wislicenus, 
of  Halle,  by  his  address  delivered  at  the  meeting  in  Kothen,  May 
29, 1S44,  on  the  question  whether  the  Holy  Writ  or  the  Spirit 
ought  to  be  the  standard  for  Protestantism  :  he  decided  in  favor 

26  Bekenntnisse  von  Uhlich,  3d  ed.  Leipsic,  1845.  "The  Protestant  Friends,"  in 
Sckwegler's  Jahrbiicher  der  Gegenwart,  October,  1845. 


556  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

of  the  Spirit.  The  query  itself  was  incorrectly  expressed,  as  it 
placed  the  Writ  in  contrast  to  the  Spirit.  For  the  spirit  which 
alone  can  come  in  question  here  is  no  other  than  that  which  has 
emanated  from  the  Holy  Writ,  and  has  been  stimulated  and  de- 
veloped by  it.  The  question  could  only  be,  Is  it  the  letter  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures  or  their  spirit  which  is  the  principle  of  Protest- 
antism ?  The  erroneous  form  of  inquiry  could  only  call  forth  a 
perverted  answer,  and  the  majority  of  those  present  by  no  means 
agreed  with  the  latter.  Professor  Guerike,  of  Halle,  who  had 
attended  the  meeting,  soon  after  caused  a  great  excitement  by  a 
full  report  of  it  and  of  the  address  of  Wislicenus,  which  appeared 
in  the  Evangelical  Church  Gazette.  Several  associations  of  or- 
thodox clergymen  loudly  protested  against  Wislicenus,  or,  rather, 
the  Friends  of  Light  in  general,  and  declared  that  such  clergy- 
men ought  no  longer  to  be  tolerated  in  the  Evangelical  Church. 
Wislicenus  published  his  address  in  an  elaborated  form  under 
the  title,  Ob  Schrift,  ob  Geist?  (Leipsic,  1S45)  in  which,  in  fact, 
he  represented  plain  common-sense  as  the  principle  of  religion. 
He  was,  in  consequence,  brought  to  trial ;  and,  as  he  would  not 
yield,  deprived  of  his  office  in  April,  1S46.  This  movement  in 
the  Evangelical  Church  was  strengthened  by  a  similar  one  in  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  in  which  originated,  in  1S44,  the  Ger- 
man-Catholics. In  consequence,  a  portion  of  the  Friends  of 
Light  also  conceived  the  idea  of  separating  from  the  narrow, 
restricting  National  Church,  and  forming  a  free  Church  inde- 
pendent of  it.  Wislicenus,  therefore,  with  a  small  number  who 
shared  his  opinions,  left  the  Evangelical  National  Church  in  or- 
der to  form  an  Independent  congregation,  which  gave  up  bap- 
tism, and  admitted  Jews  to  its  communion  without  question. 

At  the  same  time  a  similar  schism  took  place  in  Kunigsberg, 
where  a  society  of  Protestant  Friends  had  also  been  formed,  and 
where  the  resistance  to  the  Church  was  fostered  by  a  very  lively 
political  opposition.  In  December,  1844,  the  military  chaplain, 
Dr.  Julius  Bupp,  notified  the  consistory  in  Konigsberg  that  he 
could  no  longer  accept  the  Athanasian  Creed.  A  few  days  later 
he  preached  against  it  as  unchristian,  and  declared  the  Church, 
if  it  did  not  join  in  this  rejection,  to  be  unworthy  of  the  name 
of  Christian.  The  Athanasian  Creed,  as  is  well  known,  contains 
an  exposition  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Trinity  and  the  personality 
of  Christ,  and  declares,  in  the  introduction,  that  none  can  be 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     557 

saved  who  do  not  truly  believe  in  these  doctrines.  It  was  this 
declaration,  by  which  eternal  salvation  is  made  dependent  on 
the  belief  in  certain  speculative  definitions,  which  Rupp  desig- 
nated as  unchristian.  He  was,  indeed,  not  wrong  in  this,  but  he 
should  have  considered  that  the  Athanasian  Creed  was  no  longer, 
by  any  means,  the  true  expression  of  the  faith  of  the  Evangelical 
Church ;  that  but  few  of  the  members  of  the  latter  still  adhered 
to  its  definitions  concerning  the  Trinity,  and  that  certainly  no 
evangelical  Christian  of  the  present  day  would  ever  look  upon 
eternal  salvation  as  dependent  on  this  adherence.  And  he  should 
further  have  considered  that  this  creed  had  become  quite  unfa- 
miliar to  the  evangelical  people,  and  that  he  gave  a  dangerous 
impulse  to  his  congregation  by  attacking  a  creed  of  the  Church 
as  unchristian.  He  combated  an  error  which  did  not  exist  in 
the  congregation,  and  at  the  same  time  placed  in  their  way  a 
precarious  stumbling-block.  If  the  Evangelical  Church,  as  Rupp 
energetically  demanded,  is  not  to  regard  its  dogma  as  something 
fixed  and  immutable,  but  to  purify  it  constantly,  this  must  at 
least  be  done  without  offense,  as,  otherwise,  the  general  religious 
faith  of  its  members  might  suffer  thereby. 

Even  prior  to  this  time,  Rupp  had  caused  dissatisfaction  by 
two  addresses  delivered  before  the  Royal  German  Society  in 
Konigsberg,  in  one  of  which  he  combated  the  idea  of  a  Christian 
State  which  endeavored  to  uphold  Christianity  without  morality, 
in  opposition  to  morality  without  Christianity,  thereby  referring 
more  particularly  to  the  Prussian  government  and  its  latest 
course;  while  in  the  other  he  represented  the  divine  laws  as 
divine  counsels,  to  which  corresponds  a  voluntary  compliance, 
called  in  question  the  right  of  the  authorities  to  command,  placed 
woman  on  a  level  with  man,  etc.  For  these  addresses  he  had  al- 
ready been  censured  by  the  consistory,  and  now  the  latter  de- 
manded that  he  should  acknowledge  as  an  error  his  course  in 
proclaiming  from  the  pulpit  that  a  creed  of  the  Church  was 
false,  and  furnish  a  guarantee  that  he  would  in  future  avoid 
such  a  breach  of  the  rules  of  the  Church.  Rupp  not  only  re- 
fused to  comply  with  this  requisition,  but  even  published  a  dec- 
laration that  he  should  never  repent  of  what  he  had  said  in 
the  sermon  in  question.  The  result  was  his  dismissal  from  of- 
fice, September  17, 1845.  This  was  not  intended  to  be  a  depo- 
sition, for  he  was  to  receive  his  salary  for  two  years  longer, 


55S  FOURTn  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SlJsCE  A.D.  1814. 

and  his  position  was  to  remain  open  for  him,  in  case  he  should 
change  his  views,  for  the  same  length  of  time.  Simultaneously, 
the  consistory  remarked  particularly  that  Itupp  had  not  been 
called  to  account  because  he  had  expressed  his  conviction  that 
the  Athanasian  Creed  contained  a  contradiction  against  the  Word 
of  God,  but  because  he  had  been  guilty  of  a  violation  of  the  laws 
of  the  Church. 

A  portion  of  the  Protestant  Friends  in  Konigsberg  now  joined 
Rupp,  and  established,  December  16, 1S45,  an  Independent  con- 
gregation, which  proposed  to  separate  from  the  Church  of  the 
consistory  and  the  symbolical  books,  but  to  adhere  to  the  Evan- 
gelical Church  and  the  Holy  Scriptures.  Rupp  was  chosen 
preacher  of  the  same.  His  aim  was  to  re-establish  degenerate 
Christianity  in  this  Church.  In  the  same  spirit  in  which,  in  his 
previous  addresses  on  the  Christian  State,  he  had  declared  with 
regard  to  Christianity  that  it  was  not  a  religion,  but  a  universal 
vital  principle,  he  proposed  to  transplant  it  from  the  religious 
field  to  that  of  social  life,  to  unite  his  adherents  in  a  community 
of  brethren,  in  which  the  women  were  to  have  equal  rights  of 
suffrage  with  the  men,  and  among  the  members  of  which  the 
fraternal  "  thou"  was  to  be  the  sole  mode  of  address.  The  right 
of  suffrage  was  conceded  to  the  women,  but  the  common  "  thou" 
met  with  great  opposition,  and  was  not  carried.  Notwithstanding 
all  this,  Rupp  entered  a  protest  against  the  decision  of  the  con- 
sistory of  September  17, 1845  ;  and  when,  in  consequence,  he  was 
notified  that  he  had  no  right  to  do  so,  as  he  had  seceded  from 
the  Church,  he  declared  that  he  had  had  no  intention  of  with- 
drawing from  the  Evangelical  Church;  and  subsequently,  more- 
over, acknowledged  the  authority  of  the  consistory  in  all  points 
but  the  one  in  reference  to  which  he  had  protested.  When,  how- 
ever, his  protest  was  rejected,  he  reattached  himself  decidedly 
to  the  Independent  Congregation  (July,  1S4G).  His  vacillating 
course,  indeed,  had  prejudiced  a  portion  of  its  members  against 
him  ;  but,  nevertheless,  the  majority  were  willing  to  receive  him 
as  a  preacher  once  more. 

In  the  course  of  these  events,  the  King,  in  August,  1S-15,  pro- 
hibited all  assemblies  of  the  Friends  of  Light,  so  far  as  they 
assumed  the  character  of  popular  meetings,  as  well  as  all  or- 
ganizing of  societies  of  Friends  of  Light.  Nevertheless,  Uhl- 
ich,  who  had   been  chosen  as  preacher  by  a  congregation  in 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     559 

Magdeburg,  soon  after  received  his  confirmation,  which  had  been 
for  some  time  delayed,  and  on  his  accession  to  office  in  October, 
1845,  bound  himself,  by  the  usual  formula,  to  proclaim  to  the 
congregation,  in  truth  and  purity,  the  Word  of  God  as  it  is  con- 
tained in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  has  been  reiterated  in  the 
Confessions  of  Faith  of  the  United  Evangelical  Church,  so  far 
as  they  coincide  with  each  other.  Uhlich  desired  no  separation 
from  the  National  Church,  but  wished  the  Friends  of  Light  still 
to  adhere  to  it,  in  order  gradually  to  effect  a  general  progress 
in  it. 

In  Konigsberg  the  prohibition  of  the  meetings  of  the  Friends 
of  Light  brought  about  a  second  schism.  The  leader  of  the 
Protestant  Friends  in  that  city,  Detroit,  pastor  of  the  French 
Reformed  congregation,  had  entered  into  correspondence  upon 
the  subject  with  the  consistory,  which,  in  publishing  the  above 
prohibition,  strongly  censured  the  assemblies  in  question.  At 
length,  in  a  sermon  preached  on  New-year's-day,  1846,  from  the 
text,  "  Old  things  are  passed  away ;  behold,  all  things  are  become 
new"  (2  Cor.  v.  17),  he  declared  distinctly  that  the  foundation 
upon  which  the  Evangelical  Church  had  rested  hitherto  was  in 
contradiction  to  the  Gospels,  and  that  it  was  a  duty  demanded 
by  truth  to  renounce  its  symbols.  On  the  following  day,  the 
consistory  of  the  French  Reformed  Church,  joined  by  the  whole 
congregation,  addressed  a  declaration  to  the  same  effect  to  the 
provincial  consistory.  In  justification  of  the  same,  the  French 
congregation  asserted  that  the  French  Reformed  Church  had 
never  acknowledged  any  other  ground  of  faith  than  the  Word 
of  God  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  that,  in  consequence,  they 
had  always  regarded  the  creeds  as  a  mere  temporal  expression 
of  their  faith,  without  ever  having  considered  themselves  bound 
to  accept  them  as  a  standard.  And  that  hence,  too,  the  clergy 
of  this  Church  had  only  to  promise,  at  their  ordination,  to 
proclaim  and  teach  conscientiously,  and  according  to  their  best 
knowledge,  the  Word  of  God  as  founded  on  the  Gospel. 

Finally,  another  Independent  congregation  was  formed  in 
Nordhausen.  Dean  Baltzer  in  Delitzsch,  who  had  for  some 
time  been  in  conflict  with  the  consistory  in  Magdeburg,  in  con- 
sequence of  free  use  of  the  liturgy  and  non-employment  of  the 
Apostles'  Creed,  was  elected  in  July,  1845,  dean  of  the  Church 
of  St.  Moritz  in  Halle,  but  not  confirmed  by  the  administration. 


5G0  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814 

Soon  after,  in  October,  1845,  lie  was  chosen  pastor  of  the  Church 
of  St.  Nicholas  in  Nordhausen,  but  again  not  confirmed,  because 
he  constantly  refused  to  make  use  of  the  Apostles'  Creed,  as  pre- 
scribed by  the  Prussian  liturgy.  This,  however,  the  congrega- 
tion considered  an  encroachment  upon  its  Protestant  liberty,  and 
on  October  19, 1S4G,  it  issued  the  remarkable  declaration  that  it 
appealed  from  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  then  in  office  to  the 
entire  German  Protestant  Church,  in  particular  to  that  portion 
of  it  existing  in  the  Prussian  states;  but  that,  until  such  time  as 
the  Evangelical  Church  should  receive  a  constitution,  and  be 
competent  to  give  a  legally  valid  answer,  it  should  withdraw 
from  the  authority  of  the  existing  Prussian  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment. It  would  carry  on  its  Church  ordinances  and  observances 
as  heretofore,  and  remain  in  the  communion  of  the  Evangelical 
Church,  but  would  direct  its  own  congregational  affairs,  without 
acknowledging  any  higher  authority.  When  the  consistory,  upon 
this,  replied  that  no  one  could  withdraw  from  the  authority  of 
the  ecclesiastical  government  but  by  seceding  from  the  National 
Church,  and  subsequently  ordered  a  new  election,  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  congregation  decided  for  secession,  united  in  an  In- 
dependent congregation,  and  chose  Baltzer  for  their  preacher 
(January,  1S4:7).27 

The  character  of  these  Independent  congregations  can  not  yet 
be  clearly  determined.  Opposition  to  the  government  seems  to 
have  had  quite  as  large  a  share  in  their  foundation  as  resistance 
to  the  old  Church  authority.  Their  religious  scheme  has  appar- 
ently been  drawn  partly  from  the  old  Rationalism  and  partly 
from  the  radical  wing  of  the  school  of  Hegel,  and  is  therefore 
not  yet  clearly  developed.  This  Young -Ilegelianism,  as  it  is 
called,  hailed  the  Friends  of  Light,  as  it  had  hailed  the  German 
Catholics,  as  welcome  phenomena.  It  regarded  them  as  asso- 
ciations which  might  serve  for  the  adoption  and  circulation  of 
its  ideas.  But  it  is  in  these  Independent  congregations,  partic- 
ularly, that  it  has  exerted  considerable  influence.  It  may  there- 
fore be  assumed  that  in  them  conflicting  elements,  particularly 
Rationalism  and  Ilegelianism,  are  to  be  found  side  by  side — the 
latter,  perhaps,  in  a  less  distinct  form — and  that  this  explains  the 

27  Dclitzsch— Halle— Nordhausen,  oder  nicin  Weg  aus  der  Landeskirche  in  die 
freie  Protcstantische  Gemeinde,  actenmiissig  dargestellt  von  E.  Baltzer,  Leipsie, 
1847. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     551 

unsettled  character  of  their  Confessions  of  Faith,  so  far  as  they 
have  become  known.  They  unite  only  in  the  merely  formal  de- 
mands— truth,  freedom,  and  love.  But  truth,  to  them,  is  merely 
subjective  truthfulness,  which  confesses  nothing  which  it  does 
not  believe ;  freedom  is  the  freedom  from  all  symbols,  the  most 
complete  subjective  liberty  of  faith.  But  it  is  difficult  to  con- 
ceive how  a  communion  of  faith,  a  Church,  can  exist  without 
any  common  substance  of  faith.  And  as  this  is  wanting,  love, 
too,  is  equivocal ;  for  love  receives  its  moral  character  only  from 
the  religious  faith  upon  which  it  rests.  And  what  a  position  is 
that  of  a  clergyman  of  such  a  congregation,  whose  office  should 
be  "  to  give  expression  to  the  religious  consciousness  of  the  con- 
gregation," but  who  in  this  case  is  obliged,  without  being  bound 
to  any  higher  objective  element,  to  teach  according  to  the  de- 
cisions of  the  congregation !  The  congregation  in  Nordhausen 
has  set  up  the  following  as  its  dogmas : 

1.  God  is  the  Father  of  all,  the  Living  God,  the  Eternal  Spirit, 
the  Omnipresent,  the  sole  Lord  of  the  Universe ;  his  Bule  is  Truth 
and  Love  eternally. 

This  does  not  exclude  the  idea  that  God,  as  the  absolute,  all- 
quickening  principle,  acquires  consciousness  in  man  alone — an 
idea  which,  now  that  it  has  been  expressed  so  loudly  by  the 
Young  -  Hegelians,  ought  to  have  been  rejected  peremptorily. 
Baltzer,  by  laying  peculiar  stress,  in  his  exposition  of  this  article, 
upon  the  essential  omnipresence  or  immanency  of  God,  counte- 
nances this  idea.  We,  too,  acknowledge  an  immanency  of  God 
by  recognizing  him  as  the  sole  quickening  principle  in  the  world  ; 
but  we  confess,  at  the  same  time,  a  God  who  is  unchangingly 
conscious  of  himself  in  his  infinity,  who  is  not  influenced  by  the 
world,  and  governs  it  independently. 

2.  Jesus  is  Christ,  the  Saviour  of  mankind ;  his  Atoning  Gos- 
pel is  Love  and  Truth  for  ever  and  ever. 

In  a  Confession  of  Faith  the  substance  of  this  truth  should 
have  been  distinctly  stated. 

3.  The  Spirit  is  holy  in  its  working,  it  fills  the  universe,  and 
causes  us  to  come  from  God  in  our  birth,  to  be  in  God  in  our 
life,  and  to  go  to  God  in  our  death :  its  blessing  is  Love  and 
Truth  for  evermore. 

This  Spirit  is  defined  by  Baltzer  as  the  spirit  poured  out  upon 
every  thing  created,  as  God  in  us,  the  foundation  of  all  individ- 
vol.  v. — 36 


5G2  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

nality.  The  individual,  therefore,  is  a  revelation  of  God,  in 
which  God  becomes  objective  to  himself  and  acquires  conscious- 
ness. And  in  proportion  as  man  becomes  conscious  of  himself  ac- 
cording to  his  true  nature,  he  recognizes  his  identity  with  God. 

These  propositions,  indeed,  are  so  obscure  that  it  can  not  be 
asserted  with  certainty  that  their  sense  has  been  correctly  given. 
But  this  very  obscurity  may  be  interpreted  to  the  effect  that  the 
true  sense  is  not  intended  to  appear  distinctly,  lest  it  might  deter 
many  from  accepting  these  doctrines.  At  any  rate,  obscurity  is 
a  great  fault  in  a  Confession  of  Faith.28 

That  these  Independent  Congregations  go  far  beyond  the  stand- 
point of  the  Friends  of  Light  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  one  in 
Halle  has  discarded  baptism  entirely.  The  same  is  asserted  of 
that  in  Konigsberg,but  without  certainty ;  the  latter,  however,  has 
declared  publicly  that  the  sacraments  are  to  be  retained  merely 
as  a  custom  to  be  followed  at  option.  Somewhat  later,  the  In- 
dependent Congregations  made  attempts  at  union  with  the  Ger- 
man-Catholics, which  were,  however,  repulsed  by  the  latter,  be- 
cause the  Independent  Congregations  neither  have,  nor  wish  to 
have,  any  common  positive  creed.  These  manifestations  of  the 
Friends  of  Light,  and  the  kindred  movements  to  which  they  gave 
rise,  could  not  fail  to  call  forth  the  strongest  disapprobation  on 
the  part  of  the  believers  in  the  symbols,  particularly  in  the  Evan- 
gelical Church  Gazette  and  the  organs  of  strict  Lutheranism. 
Immediately  after  the  above-mentioned  address  of  Wislicenus 
on  Letter  and  Spirit,  June  6, 1844,  the  clergymen  assembled  for 
the  annual  Missionary  Meeting  in  Berlin  declared  almost  unani- 
mously that  the  Friends  of  Light  had  fallen  off  from  the  true 
Light  of  the  "World,  Christ  and  his  Church,  and  could  no  longer 
be  acknowledged  as  brethren  in  Christ.  Quite  a  number  of 
similar  declarations  from  various  associations  of  clergymen  ap- 
peared in  the  public  journals.  The  Evangelical  Church  Gazette 
asserted  openly  that  the  Pope  and  the  Jesuits  stood  in  much 
closer  relation  to  the  foundations  of  the  Evangelical  Church  than 
the  Friends  of  Light,  and  that  hence  it  preferred  the  Catholicism 
of  the  former  to  the  Rationalism  of  the  latter. 

The  State  could  not  remain  indifferent  to  this  internal  schism 
of  the  Evangelical  Church,  nor  could  it  be  overlooked  that  there 

-*  Cf.  the  treatise  "  Deutsche  Kirchc.  Frcic  Proto^tuntUche  Gemciude  Nordhau- 
6Cii."    Mittheiluugen  von  E.  Baltzer,  pt.  i.  Leipsie,  1847. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     5(33 

was  great  room  for  improvement  in  the  constitution  and  ordi- 
nances of  the  latter.  Prussia,  therefore,  in  January,  1846,  ap- 
pointed at  Berlin  a  conference  of  delegates  from  all  the  German 
evangelical  states — from  which  only  a  few  states  excluded  them- 
selves— for  the  purpose  of  a  general  discussion  of  the  principles 
and  measures  which  ought  to  be  adopted  with  regard  to  ecclesi- 
astical matters.  All  that  was  aimed  at  by  this  conference,  how- 
ever, was  a  mutual  understanding,  and  its  resolutions  were  not 
intended  to  be  binding  for  the  individual  governments.  Nothing 
official  was  ever  made  known  concerning  this  conference.  Soon 
after  it  took  place,  the  Prussian  government  convoked  a  General 
Evangelical  Synod  of  the  Prussian  National  Church,  which  was 
in  session  from  June  2  to  August  29, 1S46.  The  members  were 
nominated  by  the  government,  and  hence  the  resolutions  of  the 
synod,  too,  were  not  to  be  decisive,  but  merely  advisory.  Eight 
committees  deliberated  upon  all  the  conditions  of  the  Church,  and 
prepared  the  synodal  resolutions  which  were  thought  necessary. 
The  proceedings  are  given  in  full  in  an  official  publication.29 

It  must  be  admitted  that  the  synod  has  exercised  great  discre- 
tion and  circumspection  in  its  consideration  of  all  the  different 
affairs  of  the  Church,  and  shown  a  highly-to-be-appreciated  lib- 
erality in  making  allowance  for  the  sound  demands  of  the  age. 
In  particular,  it  has  proposed  a  Church  constitution  for  the  East- 
ern portion  of  the  monarchy  which  would  combine  the  consisto- 
rial  and  presbyterial  systems,  and  advanced  some  projects  for 
the  preparatory  education  of  the  clergy  which  are  worthy  of 
consideration.  The  most  important  of  their  deliberations,  how- 
ever, was  that  upon  the  obligations  of  the  clergy  with  regard  to 
the  Confessions  of  Faith.  It  rejected  all  obligation  to  use  a 
formula — and,  consequently,  also  the  symbols  of  the  Church — 
as  being  incompatible  with  the  Union  as  well  as  with  the  present 
standpoint  of  theological  science.  It  held  that  in  the  form  of 
ordination  a  more  general  reference  to  the  symbols  was  sufficient, 
which  would  receive  its  substance  from  an  added  material  con- 
fession of  belief  in  the  fundamental  truths  of  salvation.  This 
confession  was  to  be  explained  by  an  order  of  instruction,  which 
was  to  form  a  part  of  the  Church  ordinances.     This  was  to  con- 

29  Verhandlungen  der  Evangelischen  General-Synode  zu  Berlin,  Berlin,  1846.  A 
brief  summary  is  given  in  the  short  treatise  Beschlusse  der  Evangelischen  General- 
Synode  zu  Berlin  im  Jahre  1846.  Uebersicht'lich  aus  den  Urkunden  zusammenge- 
6tellt  von  Dr.  G.  B.  Weiss,  Kouigsberg,  1840. 


GG4  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

tain,  besides  an  enumeration  of  the  symbols  in  use  and  a  defi- 
nition of  their  degree  and  extent,  a  detailed  statement  of  the 
corresponding  points  of  faith  to  be  found  in  these  symbols.  The 
candidate  to  be  ordained  was  to  be  made  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  the  formula  of  ordination  in  advance,  and,  at  the  ordination, 
to  signify  his  acceptance  of  the  confession  by  a  solemn  affirma- 
tion ;  no  oath  was  to  be  required. 

This  confession  was  to  be  accepted  as  the  common  Confession 
of  Faith  of  the  United  Church ;  but,  aside  from  it,  the  attach- 
ment of  individual  congregations  to  the  Lutheran  or  Reformed 
type  of  doctrine  and  of  worship  was  to  be  allowed  entire  liberty, 
although  the  Church  communion  was  to  be  maintained,  and  a 
progressive  adjustment  of  the  existing  differences  striven  for. 
For  this  reason  individual  congregations  should  be  permitted  to 
adhere  to  certain  Lutheran  or  Reformed  symbols,  so  that  a  dis- 
tinction might  be  made  between  the  ministerial  obligations  en- 
tered into  for  the  entire  Church  by  ordination  and  those  imposed 
for  individual  congregations  by  call,  and  that  the  latter  might 
be  stricter  than  the  former. 

In  case  of  complaints  concerning  abuse  of  the  liberty  of  in- 
struction, a  difference  should  be  observed  between  heterodoxy, 
which  goes  beyond  the  established  system,  and  attacks  upon  the 
grounds  of  evangelical  faith  ;  the  former  might  be  kept  in  check 
by  fraternal  and  official  admonitions,  but  the  latter  would  author- 
ize a  course  of  discipline  with  regard  to  which  the  presbyteries 
and  synods  must  be  consulted. 

The  formula  of  ordination  which  was  annexed  to  these  propo- 
sitions as  an  example,  without  laying  claim  to  actual  adoption, 
met  with  extraordinary  opposition  from  the  extreme  parties. 
Uhlich  attacked  it  in  the  treatise  Siebzehn  Siitze  in  Beziehung 
auf  die  Verpflichtimgsforinel  Protestantischer  Geistlichen,  aus- 
gegangen  von  der  Synode  zu  Berlin,  1846. 

But  the  Evangelical  Church  Gazette  declaimed  against  it  still 
more  vehemently,  pronouncing  it  a  concession  made  to  Rational- 
ism, in  order  to  reconcile  believers  and  semi-believers,  but  by 
which  the  symbols  were  abolished,  and  hence  the  true  character 
of  the  Evangelical  Church  was  lost.  A  treatise  also  appeared  in 
defense  of  the  synod.30 

30  Dr.  Julius  Midler,  Die  erstc  General-Synode  der  Evangelischen  Laudcskirchc 
Prcusatus  uud  die  kirculieheu  Bukcuntuissc,  Breslau,  1847. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     565 

The  Prussian  government  has  not  yet  expressed  any  direct 
opinion  with  regard  to  the  resolutions  of  the  General  Synod.  It 
does  not  seem  willing  to  adopt  them.  On  the  contrary,  it  ap- 
pears still  to  desire  that  the  National  Church  should,  so  far  as  is 
compatible  with  the  Union,  adhere  to  its  symbols^  and  that  all 
those  who  can  not  agree  to  the  latter  should  secede  from  the 
Church  and  form  separate  congregations.  It  therefore  issued, 
March  30,  1S47,  an  Edict  of  Toleration,  in  which  the  conditions 
are  expressed  on  which  it  will  permit  the  forming  of  such  con- 
gregations outside  of  the  National  Church.  Secession  from  the 
Church  can  only  take  effect  by  a  declaration  made  personally 
before  the  local  magistrate.  If  the  new  religious  societies  are 
sanctioned  by  the  State,  their  members  remain  in  the  enjoyment 
of  their  civil  rights  and  honors.  By  a  decree  of  the  same  date, 
civil  marriage  was  permitted  to  such  persons  as  separated  from 
the  Church.  Soon  after  this,  Uhlich  was  challenged  more  de- 
cidedly, in  case  he  wished  to  remain  in.  the  National  Chnrch,  to 
return  to  its  Confession  of  Faith.  By  this  he  was  compelled  to 
secede  from  the  National  Church,  and  he  has  been  followed  not 
only  by  a  large  portion  of  his  congregation,  but  also  by  quite  a 
number  of  other  clergymen  and  congregations  in  the  Prussian 
duchy  of  Saxony. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  phenomena  in  the  latest  history 
of  the  German  Evangelical  Church  is  the  Gustavus  Adolphus 
Association,  which  succeeded  a  former  Gustavus  Adolphus  Foun- 
dation existing  in  Dresden  and  Leipsic. 

On  November  6,  1832,  two  hundred  years  had  passed  since 
Gustavus  Adolphus  fell  on  the  field  of  Lutzen  for  the  evangel- 
ical faith.  This  anniversary  was  not  only  solemnly  observed  in 
Sweden,  but  a  religious  celebration  was  also  held  on  the  spot 
where  the  event  had  occurred.  During  this  celebration  the  wish 
was  generally  expressed  that  a  monument  might  be  erected  to  the 
fallen  hero  on  this  same  spot,  which,  until  then,  had  merely  been 
marked  by  a  large  rough  stone.  As  the  sum  which  was  collected 
for  this  purpose,  particularly  in  Leipsic  and  Dresden,  soon  in- 
creased to  a  considerable  amount,  this  gave  rise  to  the  plan  of 
using  the  surplus  for  a  permanent  fund.  Thus,  in  1833,  partic- 
ularly through  the  efforts  of  Superintendent  Grossmann  in  Leip- 
sic, the  Gustavus  Adolphus  Foundation  was  established.     The 


500  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

surplus  capital  M'as  invested,  and  the  interest  devoted  to  the  re- 
lief of  distressed  brethren  in  the  faith,  particularly  needy  Prot- 
estant congregations  in  Catholic  countries.  The  administration 
alternated  annually  between  two  principal  societies,  of  which  one 
had  its  seat  at  Leipsic,  the  other  at  Dresden ;  the  statutes  of  the 
foundation  were  ratified  in  October,  1S34.:U 

The  capital  was  increased  chiefly  by  a  collection  in  churches 
and  homes  in  Sweden  which  was  granted  by  the  King  for  six 
years.  In  November,  1842,  it  had  already  reached  the  sum  of 
fifteen  thousand  five  hundred  thalers. 

When,  subsequently,  in  consequence  of  the  complications  at 
Cologne,  the  arrogance  of  the  Catholic  Church  against  the  Evan- 
gelical  Church  increased,  and  in  various  Catholic  countries,  es- 
pecially in  Bavaria,  the  latter  suffered  more  and  more  oppres- 
sion, Court-chaplain  K.  Zimmermann  in  Darmstadt  published  in 
his  Church  Gazette  of  October  31,  1841,  an  appeal  to  all  Prot- 
estants, in  which  he  proposed  to  them  to  form  an  association  for 
the  purpose  of  assisting  oppressed  Protestant  brethren.  As  this 
proposal  immediately  met  with  universal  favor,  the  Gustavus 
Adolphus  Foundation  expressed  to  Zimmermann  the  desire  that 
there  might  be  no  division  of  forces  for  this  common  object.  In 
September,  1S42,  a  large  number  of  friends  of  the  cause  held  a 
meeting  and  resolved  upon  the  union.  In  September,  1S43,  at  a 
second  meeting  at  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  the  statutes  were  rati- 
fied. The  Gustavus  Adolphus  Foundation  remained  unchanged, 
but  became  a  member  of  the  great  association,  which  took  the 
name  of  "Evangelical  Association  of  the  Gustavus  Adolphus 
Foundation."  After  Prussia,  too,  had  joined  the  society  at  the 
third  general  meeting,  held  at  Gottingen  in  September,  1844, 
rival  principal  and  branch  societies  were  founded  in  the  whole 
of  Protestant  Germany ;  and,  the  more  became  known  of  the  re- 
ligious needs  of  so  many  Protestants  who  lived  scattered  about 
among  Catholics,  and  either  had  no  religious  institutions  at  all, 
or,  in  their  straitened  circumstances,  could  hardly  maintain  those 
which  they  had,  the  more  general  became  the  enthusiasm  for  the 
new  society,  in  order,  through  it,  to  come  to  the  aid  of  the  op- 
pressed brethren  in  the  faith.  The  Bavarian  government  alone, 
which  at  that  time  was  still  swayed  by  an  ultramontane  party, 
showed  itself  inimical  to  the  association.  It  declared  that  the 
31  Given  in  the  Darmstadt  Universal  Church  Gazette  of  1835,  No.  GO. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     50? 

name  of  the  latter  alone  forbade  its  sanctioning  it,  as  Gnstavus 
Adolplms  had  been  Bavaria's  greatest  enemy,  and  had  devastated 
it  sorely.  The  chief  objection  of  the  administration,  however, 
was  to  the  relief  afforded  the  Protestant  Church.  It  not  only 
prohibited  the  formation  of  Gnstavus  Adolplms  societies  in  the 
kingdom,  but  also  forbade  the  oppressed  Protestant  congrega- 
tions in  Bavaria  to  receive  assistance  from  the  association.  The 
Austrian  government,  indeed,  did  not  permit  the  formation  of 
branch  societies,  but  allowed  its  Protestant  subjects  to  accept 
aid,  and  subsequently  merely  limited  this  permission  to  the  ne- 
cessity of  applying  for  it,  in  each  separate  case,  to  the  Protestant 
consistory  at  Vienna.  During  the  fiscal  year  ending  November 
5, 1S45, 5G,896  thalers  were  collected.  Thus  the  association  was 
extended  more  and  more,  and  had  acquired  a  very  widespread 
influence,  when  its  internal  peace  was  suddenly  broken  in  upon 
by  a  disturbance  created  by  Dr.  Rupp  of  Konigsberg. 

The  statutes  determine  (§  1)  that  the  association  shall  consist 
of  members  of  the  Evangelical  Protestant  Church,  and  (§  2) 
that  its  activity  shall  be  extended  to  Lutheran,  Reformed,  and 
United  congregations,  as  well  as  such  as  can  give  authentic 
proof  of  their  conformity  with  the  Evangelical  Church.  In  the 
year  1S43,  when  the  statutes  were  drawn  up,  the  necessity  of 
defining  these  points  more  distinctly  was  not  yet  felt ;  the  asso- 
ciation was  clearly  conscious  of  its  intentions,  and  nothing  had 
as  yet  occurred  to  make  more  explicit  provisions  advisable.  Its 
aim  was  to  form  itself  from  the  great  Evangelical  Protestant 
Church  communion,  in  order  to  relieve  the  religious  need  of 
other  members  of  the  same  communion.  In  declaring,  there- 
fore, that  this  communion  comprised  Lutheran,  Reformed,  and 
United  congregations,  it  gave  loud  expression  for  the  whole  of 
Germany,  and  even  for  those  countries  where  the  Union  had  not 
yet  been  effected,  to  the  inner  unity  of  these  congregations,  as 
well  as  their  fellowship  in  the  same  Church  communion,  which 
had  been  acknowledged  by  the  general  religious  consciousness, 
particularly  since  the  last  centennial  celebration  of  the  anniver- 
sary of  the  Reformation  (1817).  This  was  one  of  the  greatest 
blessings  which  the  association  wrought  out  for  the  inner  rela- 
tions of  the  Evangelical  Church,  and  which  won  it  the  hearts  of 
so  many,  notwithstanding  that  the  little  flock  of  strict  Lutherans 
for  that  very  reason  kept  aloof  from  it. 


5G8 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  Ill— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 


The  congregations  which  were  to  be  assisted  were,  of  course, 
such  as  belonged  to  the  same  great  Church  communion  ;  the  aim 
in  view  was  to  do  good  to  the  brethren  in  the  faith.  They  were 
therefore  designated  as  Lutheran,  Reformed,  and  United;  but, 
remembering  the  Waldenses,  and  not  wishing  to  exclude  them 
from  assistance,  the  founders  of  the  association  had  added,  "  and 
such  congregations  as  can  give  authentic  proof  of  their  conform- 
ity with  the  Evangelical  Church."  This  clause  was  unsuitable, 
and  lias  subsequently  especially  contributed  to  bring  about  dis- 
turbances. For  to  what  degree  should  conformity  with  the 
Evangelical  Church  be  proved— as  within  the  limits  of  the  latter 
a  great  variety  of  views  exists — and  how  was  it  to  be  proved? 
The  clause  should  have  been  put  in  this  form — "  who  are  in  ec- 
clesiastical communion  with  any  of  these  congregations;"  this 
would  have  included  the  Waldenses,  who  maintain  a  communion 
with  the  Swiss  Reformed  Church.  For  where  the  first  question 
was  one  of  outward  assistance,  the  outward  Church  communion 
was  the  most  natural  condition.  But  in  drawing  up  the  statutes 
it  could  not,  of  course,  be  foreseen  that  such  deplorable  differ- 
ences would  arise  on  this  very  point. 

A  condition  of  the  membership  of  the  Gustavus  Adolphus  As- 
sociation, therefore,  was  membership  of  the  Evangelical  Protest- 
ant Church  communion,  but  this  was  the  sole  condition.  Hence, 
all  varieties  of  opinion  of  the  Evangelical  Church  were  admit- 
ted— Rationalists  and  Orthodox,  Mystics  and  Friends  of  Light — 
and  this  was  a  second  blessing  wrought  by  the  association.  At 
its  meetings,  all  present  felt  that  they  were  merely  members  of 
the  great  Evangelical  Protestant  Church  communion,  fraternally 
united  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  brethren  in  the  faith  who 
were  in  religious  need.  By  being  united  in  love  and  for  an  ob- 
ject of  love,  they  drew  nearer  to  each  other  in  general,  became 
more  vividly  conscious  of  the  points  which  they  still  retained  in 
common,  laid  aside  many  prejudices  which  they  had  entertained 
against  each  other,  and  learned  to  regard  each  other  with  mutual 
esteem.  This,  at  a  time  when  the  Protestant  Church  was  threat- 
ened with  inner  schisms,  was  likewise  a  very  important  benefit, 
and  was  chiefly  the  feature  which  gained  the  association  general 
favor,  although  strict  believers  in  the  Church  symbols  were  there- 
by deterred  from  joining  it.  Attempts  were  made,  indeed,  par- 
ticularly at  the  general  meeting  in  Gottingen  in  1S44,  to  pass 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     569 

the  resolution  that  the  congregations  to  be  assisted  must  confess 
to  certain  symbols,  but  they  were  rejected  decidedly,  because  it 
was  plainly  felt  that  the  association  would  thereby  assume  a  to- 
tally different  character. 

The  sole  requisite,  therefore,  which  remained  for  the  members 
of  the  Gustavns  Adolphus  Association,  as  well  as  for  the  church- 
es which  desired  to  be  assisted  by  it,  was,  that  they  should  belong 
to  the  Evangelical  Protestant  Church  communion.  But  it  was, 
at  the  same  time,  necessary  that  this  requirement  should  be  re- 
garded as  indispensable,  if  the  association  was  to  continue  to  ex- 
ist. For,  if  it  had  admitted  minor  Protestant  Church  commun- 
ions or  sects ;  and  if,  hence,  it  were  composed  of,  and  intended 
to  aid,  various  communions,  the  question  would  primarily  arise 
where  the  limits  of  admission  should  be  drawn,  and  whether  all 
fanatic  and  even  all  unbelieving  parties  should  be  accepted  if 
they  applied  "  and  called  themselves  evangelical." 

Furthermore,  every  Church  communion  would  naturally  en- 
deavor to  assist  chiefly  the  needy  congregations  belonging  to  it, 
and  this  would  occasion  dissensions  prejudicial  to  the  society, 
from  which  many  members,  moreover,  would  withdraw  entirely, 
being  unwilling  to  give  assistance  to  sects.  So  long,  on  the  other 
hand,  as  the  society  confines  itself  to  one  Church  communion,  it 
is  equally  interested  in  all  the  needy  congregations  of  the  same. 
It  examines  the  applications  for  aid  merely  according  to  their 
urgency,  and  its  decisions  can  not  be  influenced  by  peculiar  con- 
siderations. 

Finally,  all  sects  have  the  tendency  to  make  converts  and  to 
increase  their  numbers.  The  opportunities  for  so  doing  which 
would  be  afforded  by  the  meetings  of  the  association  would  not 
be  left  unimproved  by  them.  But  in  this  way  these  meetings, 
instead  of  ministering  to  active  charity,  would  soon  become  the 
scene  of  theological  controversies. 

All  this  was  considered  a  matter  of  course  when  the  associa- 
tion was  founded  ;  nor  had  any  one  reason  to  examine  into  these 
things  more  closely  until  Rupp  gave  occasion  for  so  doing. 

Since  the  accession  of  the  present  King  of  Prussia,'"  Konigs- 
berg  had  been  the  seat  of  various  political  and  ecclesiastical 
movements.  Even  before  Rupp  came  upon  the  scene,  there  ex- 
isted there  an  ecclesiastical  and  a  liberal  party  in  direct  oppo- 

*  Frederic  William  IV.— Tr. 


570  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

sition  to  each  other.  When  the  Gustavus  Adolphus  Association 
was  in  process  of  formation,  the  liberals  in  that  city  gained  the 
precedence  of  the  Church  party,  convoked  the  first  meeting,  and 
carried  their  motions  in  the  course  of  it.  The  consequence  was 
that  the  whole  ecclesiastical  party  withdrew.  Subsequently, 
moreover,  the  association  was  weakened  still  more  by  further 
withdrawals.  At  first,  when  it  was  decided  that  neither  Jews  nor 
Catholics  could  be  members,  and,  later,  when  the  German  Cath- 
olics, too,  were  declared  inadmissible,  a  large  number  seceded 
on  both  occasions;  hence  the  association  always  remained  small, 
in  proportion  to  the  size  of  the  city,  and  has  not  done  much  to 
further  the  objects  of  the  foundation.32 

Rupp  was  nominated  by  the  branch  society  of  Konigsberg  as 
deputy  to  the  meeting  of  the  Prussian  Provincial  Association, 
and  by  the  latter  again  as  one  of  the  deputies  to  the  principal 
meeting  to  be  held  in  Berlin  in  September,  1SI6.  His  election 
took  place  at  the  time  when  he  declared  himself  belonging  once 
more  to  the  National  Church,  but  immediately  after  this  he 
again  joined  the  Independent  Congregation.  Protests  arose  from 
several  quarters  against  his  admission  to  the  association,  which, 
therefore,  had  to  be  put  to  the  vote.  By  the  statutes  (§  10),  the 
directors  of  every  principal  society  have  the  right  to  be  repre- 
sented at  the  principal  meetings  by  a  duly  authorized  deputy. 
This  deputy  may  be  chosen,  without  restriction,  from  among  all 
the  members  of  the  entire  association.  According  to  §  1,  how- 
ever, none  but  members  of  the  Evangelical  Protestant  Church  can 
become  members  of  the  association  ;  therefore  none  but  members 
of  that  Church  can  be  admitted  as  deputies.  Rupp  had  notori- 
ously, and  according  to  his  own  acknowledgment,  seceded  from 
the  National  Church ;  this,  however,  formed  a  part  of  the  great 
Evangelical  Protestant  Church,  and  in  seceding  from  it  he  also 
withdrew  from  the  latter.  lie  declared  his  intention,  indeed,  of 
still  remaining  a  member  of  the  Evangelical  Church,  but  he  could 
do  so  only  in  the  sense  in  which  all  members  of  Protestant  sects 
lay  claim  to  the  same.  He  had  withdrawn  from  the  communion 
of  the  Protestant  Church,  and  thus  the  Berlin  chief  assembly 
could  not  do  otherwise  than  declare  that  he  could  not  be  admit- 
ted as  deputy,  because  he  was  no  longer  a  member  of  the  associ- 
ation. 

33  It  numbered  only  454  members. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     571 

This  decision,  at  any  other  time,  would  have  appeared  natural 

and  necessary,  but,  in  view  of  the  religious  movements  then  in 

progress  in  Prussia,  it  gave  rise  to  serious  dissensions.     As  the 

Prussian  government  was  so  much  in  favor  of  ecclesiastical  or- 
es 

thodoxy,  many  liberals  desired  that  Kupp  should  be  admitted, 
so  that,  on  the  part  of  this  chief  assembly,  at  which  the  entire 
German  Protestant  Church  seemed  likely  to  be  represented,  a 
declaration  would  thus  be  made  to  the  Prussian  government  to 
the  effect  that  the  tendency  of  the  latter  was  opposed  to  the  spirit 
of  the  German  Protestant  Church,  and  that  the  liberals,  which 
it  rejected,  were  acknowledged  as  brethren  in  all  the  rest  of 
Protestant  Germany.  In  proposing  this,  however,  they  over- 
looked that  the  chief  assembly  was  compelled  to  keep  the  ob- 
jects and  the  statutes  of  the  association  strictly  in  view,  and 
could  not  feel  itself  authorized  to  make  any  further  ecclesias- 
tical demonstrations. 

The  decision  of  the  Berlin  chief  assembly  has  subsequently 
been  made  a  subject  of  examination  by  all  individual  Gustavus 
Adolphus  associations,  and  has  mostly  been  discussed  very  ve- 
hemently. By  far  the  majority  of  the  votes  were  against  the 
above  decision,  in  reality  because  it  was  thought  necessary  to 
declare  against  a  system  of  un-Protestant  compulsory  instruction 
which  seemed  to  prevail  in  Prussia,  although  the  attempt  was 
made  to  attribute  the  rejection  to  other  causes :  as,  for  instance, 
that,  according  to  the  sense  of  the  statutes,  every  Protestant 
Christian  might  become  a  member  of  the  association ;  that  the 
deputies  to  the  chief  assembly  were  merely  required  to  exhibit 
a  formal  authorization,  etc. 

It  can  not  be  denied  that  the  true  grounds  for  decision  were 
not  taken  from  the  domain  of  the  Gustavus  Adolphus  Associ- 
ation, but  from  that  of  ecclesiastical  liberalism  ;  and  that  in  con- 
sequence of  this  occurrence  the  association  was  seriously  endan- 
gered. For,  if  it  were  to  admit  all  Protestant  sects  as  well  as 
the  new  Independent  Congregations  which  had  been  formed  in 
Prussia,  it  would  soon  become  an  arena  for  all  kinds  of  efforts 
on  the  part  of  the  different  Church  parties,  while  a  large  portion 
of  those  who  have  the  chief  aim  of  the  society — the  relief  of 
oppressed  brethren  in  the  faith — in  view,  and  who  are  unwilling 
to  assist  sects  and  new  congregations,  would  in  such  a  case  have 
withdrawn. 


572  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.—SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

The  chief  assembly  in  Darmstadt,  in  September,  1S17,  put  an 
end  to  this  controversy,  which  threatened  the  entire  existence  of 
the  association,  in  a  very  shrewd  manner.  It  did  not  attempt  to 
give  an  opinion  on  past  events,  but  determined  for  the  future : 

1.  That  the  authorization  of  the  deputies  to  the  chief  assemblies 
should  all  be  confined  to  the  examination  of  their  certificates. 

2.  That,  on  the  other  hand,  the  chief  assembly  should  be  en- 
titled, in  case  of  necessity,  to  resolve  upon  the  inadmissibility  of 
a  deputy  on  account  of  any  lacking  condition  of  membership. 

3.  That  this  resolution,  however,  in  case  it  is  to  be  taken  with 
regard  to  a  deputy  who  claims  to  be  a  member,  must  be  passed, 
after  previous  communication  with  his  principal  association,  at 
the  next  chief  assembly. 

It  is  true  that  the  main  question  with  regard  to  the  admissi- 
bility of  sects  to  the  association  was  here  evaded ;  but  this  period 
of  universal  passionate  excitement  was,  indeed,  no  fit  time  for 
decision.  The  year  1848,  with  its  violent  political  storms,  has 
rendered  the  Gustavus  Adolphus  Association  entirely  inactive ; 
but  it  was  to  be  hoped  that  this  most  efficient  society  would  soon 
manifest  its  continuance  by  deeds,  and  these  hopes  have  not  been 
disappointed. 

There  remains  to  be  recorded  the  latest  time — since  1S4S. 

In  close  connection  with  the  democratic  tendency  which  be- 
came prominent  after  1848  was  the  prevalence  of  religious 
unbelief.  Political  dissatisfaction,  which,  until  then,  had  fre- 
quently vented  itself  on  ecclesiastical  ground,  now  came  forward 
boldly  and  undisguisedly ;  and  thus  religious  opposition  lost  for 
many  the  charm  which  it  had  formerly  had  as  a  cloak  for  polit- 
ical opposition.  Hence  a  great  degree  of  lukewarmness  mani- 
fested itself  in  most  of  the  German  Catholic  congregations,  as 
well  as  in  the  Free  churches.  On  the  other  hand,  the  necessity 
was  urged  from  many  quarters  of  submitting  the,  constitutions 
of  the  National  churches  to  a  thorough  reformation.  It  was 
claimed  that  the  Church  had  hitherto  been  a  servant  of  the 
State,  and  made  use  of  by  the  latter  for  keeping  mankind  in  blind 
obedience  and  patient  endurance  of  all  wrongs :  that  it  directed 
men  to  the  joys  of  a  future  life  in  order  to  console  them  for  the 
deprivations  of  this  world,  and  to  make  it  possible  for  the  gov- 
ernments to  destroy  the  rights  of  their  subjects  with  impunity. 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     573 

The  Church,  it  was  asserted,  should  be  separated  from  the  State, 
and  as  political  constitutions  were  rebuilt  from  the  foundation 
by  a  national  assembly  formed  by  universal  suffrage,  the  Church, 
too,  ought  to  be  thoroughly  reconstructed  by  similarly  constitut- 
ed assemblies.  In  particular,  there  should  be  an  entire  liberty 
of  doctrine,  and  all  authority  of  the  clergy  be  abolished.  It 
ought  to  be  optional  with  each  individual  to  attach  himself  to 
any  Church  he  liked,  or  to  none  at  all,  or  to  form  with  others  a 
new  religious  society.  All  Church  communions  should  have 
equal  rights  in  the  State ;  the  latter  should  have  nothing  to  do 
with  religious  matters,  and  leave  all  churches  completely  at  lib- 
erty. 

For  the  most  part,  all  these  assertions  were  merely  a  cloak  for 
the  shallowest  unbelief.  The  doctrines  of  the  left  side  of  the  He- 
gelian school — of  Strauss,  Feuerbach,  Ruge,  Bruno  Bauer — pene- 
trated, partly  through  popular  treatises,  deep  into  the  midst  of 
the  people.  It  was  loudly  declared  that  men  ought  to  renounce 
Christianity,  as,  chiefly  by  its  doctrine  of  resignation,  it  was  to 
blame  for  the  sad  condition  of  public  affairs.  Many  did  not 
hesitate  flatly  to  deny  God  and  immortality,  and  to  assert  that 
man,  limited  to  this  life,  had  no  other  task  than  to  make  it  as 
agreeable  as  possible. 

If  the  utterances  concerning  religion  and  the  Church  which 
were  chiefly  made  public  in  those  days  had  been  taken  as  a 
standard  of  the  religious  spirit  prevailing  among  the  German 
people,  the  result  would  have  been  very  disheartening.  Such  an 
impression,  however,  would  have  been  false.  Party  voices  alone 
were  heard  at  that  time,  and  the  democratic  unorthodox  party, 
from  which  such  utterances  emanated,  was  but  small  in  most  of 
the  German  states,  with  the  exception,  perhaps,  of  the  Lower 
Palatinate  and  Baden.  In  similar  times  of  excitement  and  of 
revolution,  that  party  generally  takes  the  lead  and  has  the  most 
to  say  which  is  most  closely  united  and  pursues  its  aims  with  the 
greatest  recklessness  and  courage.  It  speaks  and  acts  in  the 
name  of  the  people — even  though  it  forms  but  a  small  portion 
of  the  latter ;  the  majority,  partly  from  timidity,  partly  from  in- 
decision, remain  silent  lookers-on,  or,  perhaps,  even  become  tools 
of  the  party ;  but  as  soon  as  another  party  takes  the  helm,  they 
serve  it  as  zealously  as  they  served  the  preceding  one.  This  ex- 
plains the  change  which  has  taken  place  in  public  opinion  during 


574  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

the  last  few  years.  The  democratic  party  lias  been  compelled 
to  retreat  into  the  background,  and  the  mass  of  the  people  now 
follow  other  spiritual  impulses. 

The  irreligious  party  in  question,  at  the  time  when  it  was  in 
authority,  caused  the  opinion  to  prevail  pretty  generally  that  the 
churches  should  be  entirely  reconstructed  from  their  founda- 
tions by  constituent  assemblies,  to  the  election  of  which  all  adult 
Church  members  were  to  contribute  in  equal  degree,  and  that 
these  assemblies  should  be  entitled  to  decide  without  restriction 
as  well  upon  the  doctrines  as  upon  the  constitution  of  the  Church. 
At  that  time  the  governments,  too,  for  the  most  part,  agreed  to 
this  apparently  general  demand ;  but  no  such  constituent  Church 
assembly  has  taken  place  any  where  but  in  Oldenburg,  where, 
in  consequence,  the  Church  was  made  entirely  independent  of 
the  State,  and  received  a  free  synodal  constitution.  In  many 
countries  such  constituent  assemblies  would  have  led  directly 
to  a  falling-oif  from  Christianity,  inasmuch  as,  in  all  probability, 
the  unbelieving  party  would  have  gained  possession  of  the  ma- 
jority of  votes.  This,  however,  has  not  been  the  case  in  Olden- 
burg ;  but  whether  the  new  ecclesiastical  polity,  as  well  as  the 
new  State  constitution  (likewise  founded  by  a  constituent  assem- 
bly) could  be  maintained,  was  another  question. 

When,  after  the  dissolution  of  the  Frankfort  National  Assem- 
bly and  the  quelling  of  the  disturbances  in  Saxon}7,  the  Palati- 
nate, and  Baden,  in  1849,  democracy  was  vanquished,  other  opin- 
ions asserted  themselves  with  regard  to  ecclesiastical  matters  as 
well.  It  was  still  maintained,  indeed,  that  the  entire  dependence 
of  the  Church  upon  the  State,  as  it  had  existed  hitherto  almost 
every  where,  must  give  room  to  a  more  liberal  Church  constitu- 
tion ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  urged  that  the  Church  could 
not  be  separated  from  the  State  without  being  in  danger  of  di- 
viding into  sects  and  being  led  to  destruction.  The  idea  of  con- 
stituent assemblies  was  therefore  given  up,  and  the  necessity 
recognized  of  developing  the  new  constitutions  from  historical 
conditions ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  it  became  evident  that  re- 
forms in  the  department  of  the  Church  should  be  entered  into 
with  the  utmost  caution,  as,  otherwise,  they  might  cause  irreme- 
diable injury. 

With  regard  to  doctrine,  infidelity  was  now  met  by  a  very  de- 
cided reaction.     In  Prussia  there  was  a  considerable  increase  in 


§  7.  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  PROTESTANT  GERMANY.     575 

the  party  of  the  strict  Lutherans,  who  rejected  the  Union,  and 
formed  a  Church  communion  entirely  independent  of  the  State. 
In  other  countries,  too,  this  strict  Lutheran  party  grew  up  or  aug- 
mented, unconditionally  upholding  the  old  symbols,  and  striving 
to  bring  back  Lutheran. dogmatics  to  their  most  rigid  form.  No 
benefit  can  accrue  to  the  Church  from  this  party ;  it  is  in  decided 
contradiction  to  the  scientific  culture  of  the  times,  and  therefore 
repels  the  educated  classes ;  and  even  though,  for  the  present,  it 
may  have  gained  some  influence  by  its  contrast  to  infidelity, 
which,  in  its  most  undisguised  form,  has  alarmed  all  the  well- 
intentioned,  it  will  not  be  able  to  assert  its  power,  but  will  al- 
ways form  only  a  small  sect  of  the  great  Church. 

In  view  of  this  tendency,  the  conviction  has  generally  gained 
ground  that  it  will  certainly  be  necessary  to  bring  about  a  medi- 
ation between  the  Church  dogma  and  modern  scientific  culture, 
in  order  to  restore  the  former  to  general  recognition ;  that  it 
must  be  brought  back  to  its  essential  substance,  and  freed  from 
many  unproductive  additions,  and  that,  in  this  purified  form,  it 
must  be  newly  established  in  a  manner  adapted  to  the  demands 
of  the  times.  Upon  this  point  of  view  is  based  the  Deutsche 
Zeitschrift  fur  christliche  Wissenschaft  und  christliches  Leben, 
which  was  founded  in  Berlin  by  Xeander,  Nitzsch,  and  Muller. 

In  addition  to  this,  the  sense  of  the  importance  of  the  age 
in  which  such  serious  developments  in  the  department  of  the 
Church  are  taking  place  induced  the  adherents  of  the  Church 
to  hold  frequent  free  meetings  for  the  discussion  of  its  inter- 
ests. As  early  as  the  summer  of  1848,  such  meetings  took 
place  in  various  cities,  particularly  at  Berlin,  Leipsic,  Wittenberg, 
Gnadau,  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  etc.  They  paved  the  way  for 
the  first  so-called  Church-diet  (Kirchentag),  held  at  Wittenberg 
(September,  1S4S),  which  was  attended  by  visitors  from  various 
portions  of  the  German  Evangelical  Church.  This  Church-diet 
has  since  been  repeated  annually — at  Wittenberg  in  the  autumn 
of  1849,  at  Stuttgart  in  1850 — and  has  assembled  members  of  all 
the  Evangelical  churches  of  Germany. 

At  these  Church-diets  two  plans  in  particular  have  been  much 
discussed,  which  are  of  great  importance  to  the  Evangelical 
Church. 

1.  The  idea  of  an  Evangelical  Church  Alliance.  This  idea  of 
a  fraternization  of  all  such  Protestant  Christians  as  adhere  to  the 


576  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  IIL— SINCE  A.D.  1S14. 

evangelical  dogma,  and  therefore  agree  in  all  essential  doctrines, 
originated  in  England,  and  was  there  realized  by  the  great  meet- 
ings which  were  held  by  the  members  of  various  Protestant  par- 
ties— at  Liverpool  in  1845,  and  at  Loudon  in  1S47.  As  the  union 
of  the  Lutheran  and  Evangelical  churches  has  not  yet  become 
universal  in  Germany,  and  has  even  lost  many  of  its  adherents 
of  late,  it  could  not  be  otherwise  than  advantageous  to  establish 
an  Evangelical  Church  Alliance,  by  which  the  Evangelical 
churches  might  enter  into  friendly  relations  with  each  other  in 
opposition  partly  to  infidelity,  partly  to  the  attacks  of  the  Rom- 
ish Church,  without,  therefore,  yielding  up  their  peculiar  institu- 
tions and  doctrines. 

2.  The  idea  of  Inner  Missions.  This  idea  originated  with  Can- 
didate Wichern,  the  founder  of  the  "  Rauhe  Hans"  in  Horn,  near 
Hamburg — a  reformatory  institution  for  neglected  and  erring 
children — and  is  developed  in  his  treatise  Die  Inuere  Mission 
der  deutschen  Evangelischen  Kirche,  Hamburg,  1S49.  The  title 
"Inner  Missions"  is  given  to  the  total  of  the  efforts  to  obviate 
the  different  phases  of  necessity  among  the  people,  arising  from 
sin  and  its  results,  through  the  Word  of  God  and  the  offices  of 
brotherly  love.  This  is,  without  doubt,  a  truly  Christian  idea ; 
but  it  is  to  be  wished  that  its  realization  may  be  kept  in  close 
connection  with  congregational  relations  and  the  existing  Chris- 
tian pastoral  office,  as  has  always  been  the  case.  It  is  most  im- 
portant that  the  special  cure  of  souls  and  the  Christian  charitable 
institutions  in  the  congregations  should  receive  a  new  impulse ; 
but  it  is  dangerous  to  place  itinerant  preachers  and  colporteurs 
of  Bibles  and  tracts  in  the  ranks  with  the  regular  pastors,  as  this 
may  easily  lead  to  schisms  and  the  formation  of  new  sects.  In 
the  Romish  Church,  after  the  thirteenth  century,  the  mendicant 
friars  occupied  the  same  position  with  regard  to  the  secular 
clergy.  They  gave  rise,  indeed,  to  many  an  impulse  and  much 
spiritual  quickening, but  also  caused  many  dissensions  and  abuses. 
In  like  manner,  it  is  to  be  desired  that  the  Christian  charitable 
institutions  may  always  remain  in  connection  with  the  churches, 
instead  of  being  centralized ;  for  it  is  only  by  being  made  a 
congregational  matter  that  they  can  acquire  a  permanent  ac- 
tivity and  secure  permanent  interest. 


§  8.  PROT.  CHURCH  IN  DENMARK,  HOLLAND,  AND  SWITZERLAND.  577 

§s. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  PROTESTANT  CHURCH  IN  DENMARK,  HOLLAND,  AND 

SWITZERLAND. 

The  theological  sciences  in  the  three  countries  named  above 
have  always  been  under  the  influence  of  German  theological 
literature;  consequently,  the  great  theological  revolution  which 
took  place  in  Germany  was  repeated  here,  although  somewhat 
later. 

In  Denmark,  Rationalism,  which  had  also  been  imported  from 
Germany,  found  general  favor  among  the  clergy.  On  the  other 
hand,  a  rigidly  orthodox  party  was  formed  here,  too,  in  modern 
times,  which,  though  small  in  number,  opposed  the  Rationalists. 
At  its  head  stood  Pastor  Grundtvig,  Dr.  Rudelbach,  and  Magis- 
ter  Lindberg  in  Copenhagen.  They  edited,  from  May,  1S25,  a 
theological  monthly,  in  which  they  criticised,  with  a  degree  of 
severity  and  acrimony  rarely  met  with,  the  writings  not  only  of 
Rationalist  theologians,  but  also  of  all  those  who  did  not  adhere 
closely  to  the  symbolical  books.  Grundtvig,  before  long,  com- 
menced a  formal  attack  upon  Dr.  Clausen,  professor  of  theology 
in  Copenhagen.  Clausen  published,  in  1825,  a  very  meritorious 
exposition  of  the  Church  polity,  doctrines,  and  rites  of  Catholi- 
cism and  Protestantism,  which  was  subsequently  translated  into 
German.1  Grundtvig  fancied  that  he  discovered  in  it  an  entire- 
ly false  conception  of  Protestantism,  and  therefore  immediately 
published  A  Protest  of  the  Christian  Church  against  the  Pseudo- 
Protestantism  of  Professor  Clausen,  in  which  he  demanded  of  the 
latter  that  he  should  either  make  a  public  apology  to  the  Church, 
or  else  resign  his  office  and  renounce  Christianity ;  otherwise  he 
therewith  declared  him  a  false  teacher.  Clausen  answered  this 
scandalous  attack  by  prosecuting  its  author,  and  the  royal  Su- 
preme Court  imposed  a  fine  upon  the  latter.  Grundtvig  there- 
fore resigned  his  office,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  an- 
cient Norse  history,  in  which  he  had  already  accomplished  much. 
Dr.  Rudelbach,  through  his  connection  with  the  Paleological 
party  in  Germany,  was  called  to  Glaucha,  in  Saxony,  as  super- 
intendent in  1829,  and  thus  Magister  Lindberg  remained  for 
some  time  alone  upon  the  field.  Grundtvig,  however,  accepted 
another  pastorate,  and  the  negotiations  which  were  commenced 
1  Neustaclt-on-the-Orla,  1S28,  3  vols, 
vol,  v.— 37 


578  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

in  Denmark  with  regard  to  the  introduction  of  a  new  agenda 
were  taken  advantage  of  by  this  party  for  the  commencement  of 
new  controversies.  The  Danish  agenda  dated  from  the  time  of 
the  Reformation,  and  was  so  antiquated  that  various  preachers  in 
modern  times  had  begun  to  deviate  from  it  occasionally.  At  the 
instigation  of  Grundtvig  and  Li nd berg,  complaints  were  entered 
against  several  of  them,  and,  in  1828,  a  government  order  was  is- 
sued to  the  effect  that  the  clergy  were  to  adhere  strictly  to  the 
agenda.  Soon  after,  however,  a  revision  of  the  old  agenda  was 
resolved  upon,  and  this  task  allotted  to  the  Bishop  of  Seeland, 
Mynster.  lie  published,  in  1S30,  a  draught  of  an  altar-book 
and  Church  ritual,  in  which  great  regard  was  paid  to  the  old 
forms,  but  which,  nevertheless,  was  strongly  opposed  by  the  Pa- 
leological  party  in  question.  The  latter,  however,  has  since  al- 
tered its  demands  in  a  remarkable  manner.  Grundtvig  at  first 
declared  that  this  new  altar-book,  if  it  were  sanctioned,  would 
merely  introduce  restraint  of  conscience :  he  now  demanded  utter 
ecclesiastical  liberty,  even  to  such  a  degree  that  all  parochial  re- 
lations should  be  dissolved,  entire  liberty  of  instruction  granted, 
and  every  one  be  allowed  to  follow  his  own  inclinations  in  choos- 
ing a  pastor.  It  was  hoped  that  in  this  way  an  Old  Lutheran 
Church,  distinct  from  the  National  Church,  might  be  founded. 
The  government  has  not  yet  ratified  the  agenda.2 

In  Holland  the  developments  of  German  theology  were 
watched  with  much  interest ;  but  the  deliberate  character  of 
the  nation,  and  the  rigid  Church  polity,  caused  them  to  be  fol- 
lowed only  at  a  certain  distance.  The  outward  relations  of  the 
Church,  however,  had  already  undergone  a  change  after  the  in- 
vasion of  the  French  in  1795.  Until  then,  the  Reformed  Church 
had  been  the  prevailing  National  Church,  and,  by  a  strict  con- 
stitution, had  succeeded  in  maintaining  the  external  authority  of 
the  symbols.  Now,  all  religious  parties  had  equal  rights  con- 
ferred upon  them :  the  Reformed  Church  was  to  receive  a  new 
constitution  ;  but  this  was  not  accomplished  during  the  French 
rule,  and  the  Church  remained,  during  this  whole  time,  without 
a  legal  organization.  These  conditions,  however,  served  to  open 
the  way  for  a  more  liberal  spirit.3 

2  On  Engelstoft's  history  of  this  Altar-book  (written  in  Danish),  sec  the  Halle  Li- 
ter.-Zeitung  for  L841,  p.  481. 

3  Royaard'a  Orat.  de  Coamiutatione,  quara  subiit  Theologia  in  Ncderlandia,  Traj. 
ad  Rh.  L850. 


§  8.  PROT.  CHURCH  IN  DENMARK,  HOLLAND,  AND  SWITZERLAND.  579 

Up  to  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  strict  Calvin- 
ist  system  still  prevailed  in  Holland,  and  the  exegesis  was  com- 
pletely biased  by  dogmatic  prejudices.  But  after  that  time, 
Semler's  and  Ernesti's  writings,  which  urged  grammatico-histor- 
ical  interpretation  and  developed  its  principles,  were  introduced 
and  appreciated.  In  consequence,  exegesis  on  grammatico-histor- 
ical  principles  was  cultivated  with  special  zeal,  all  the  more  that 
the  study  of  philology  had  always  been  a  favorite  one  in  Holland. 
These  investigations  could  not  fail  to  lead  to  the  discovery  that 
various  doctrines  of  symbolical  theology — in  particular,  Calvin's 
decretum  absolution — had  no  foundation  in  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
and  hence  they  were  gradually  given  up,  and  a  simple  Scrip- 
tural system  of  instruction  was  substituted.  It  wras  the  aim 
to  derive  the  doctrinal  system,  according  to  the  rules  of  gram- 
matico-historical  interpretation,  from  the  Holy  Scriptures.  It 
was  recognized,  at  the  same  time,  that  local  and  temporal  con- 
ceptions (which  are  mentioned  rather  than  taught  in  the  Bible) 
do  not  belong  to  this  system,  and  the  attempt  was  made  to  bring 
that  which  had  been  arrived  at  in  this  way  into  harmony  wTith 
other  perceptions  of  reason.  This  is  the  essential  character  of 
the  present  theological  school  of  Holland.  No  consistent  Ra- 
tionalism, which  expressly  allows  the  reason  an  opinion  also 
on  the  substance  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  has  as  yet  appeared 
there.  The  modern  philosophical  systems  which  have  become 
prominent  in  Germany  since  Kant  have  met  with  no  favor  in 
Holland,  and  could  have  no  attractions  for  the  unimaginative 
Dutch  character,  which  hates  all  philosophical  speculation.  Of 
all  theological  disciplines,  Biblical  exegesis  is  that  which  is  most 
cultivated  in  Holland ;  but  the  Dutch  exegesis  is  justly  censured 
for  devoting  itself  with  too  much  diffuseness  to  mere  verbal  ex- 
plication, to  the  neglect  of  a  more  profound  investigation  of  the 
sense  and  reasoning  of  the  Biblical  writers  and  a  keen  discrimi- 
nation of  their  logical  connection.  The  above  beneficial  change 
in  the  prevailing  theological  spirit  also  made  itself  felt,  after  the 
abolition  of  the  old  rigid  Church  constitution,  by  its  influence  on 
the  Church  service.  Until  that  time  a  metrical  version  of  the 
Psalms  had  been  used  as  a  hymn-book  ;  but  in  1807  the  Evangel- 
ical Hymns  were  introduced,  being  partly  translations  of  German 
hymns,  partly  written  by  Dutch  poets,  which  were  much  better 
adapted  to  promote  religious  edification  than  the  old  psalms. 


580  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  lSli 

A  Eter  the  foundation  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  the 
Dutch  Reformed  Church  received  from  the  King,  January  6, 
1S16,  a  new  order  of  constitution,  by  which  the  old  constitu- 
tion was  renewed  in  a  manner  adapted  to  the  times,  but  which, 
in  particular,  gave  the  State  more  influence  over  the  Church 
than  it  had  previously  possessed.  According  to  this  constitution, 
every  congregation  has  a  Church  council,  which  consists  of  the 
preachers  and  elders,  together  with  the  deacons,  who  have  charge 
of  the  Church  charities.  A  number  of  congregations  form  a 
classis,  to  the  meetings  of  which  each  congregation  sends  its 
preachers  and  one  or  more  elders,  and  a  standing  committee  from 
which  remains  in  constant  activity.  Several  classes  are  united 
under  a  provincial  Church  government,  which  has  three  sessions 
a  year,  and  to  which  a  preacher  from  each  classis  is  appointed, 
as  well  as  an  elder  from  some  other  classis,  which  varies  annual- 
ly. The  highest  Church  tribunal  is  the  synod,  to  which  is  sent 
a  clergyman  from  each  provincial  Church,  and,  in  addition,  an 
elder  from  some  one  province,  which  likewise  varies  with  every 
year.  The  three  Theological  Faculties  of  the  kingdom  each  fur- 
nish a  deputy,  who,  however,  possesses  no  vote,  but  merely  gives 
his  opinion  first  in  all  matters.  This  synod  meets  annually  in 
presence  of  a  government  commissary ;  its  resolutions,  before 
taking  effect,  must  have  the  royal  sanction.  It  went  into  opera- 
tion as  early  as  1816,  and  issued  the  regulations  needed  for  the 
establishment  of  an  ecclesiastical  system  in  a  very  liberal  spirit. 
In  particular,  it  modified  the  obligation  of  the  clergy  with  regard 
to  the  Church  symbols  by  requiring  that  they  should  merely 
bind  themselves  to  teach  the  doctrine  which,  in  conformity  to 
the  "Word  of  God,  was  contained  in  the  symbols  of  the  Dutch 
Church.  Altogether,  the  antagonistic  relations  between  the  dif- 
ferent Protestant  parties  ceased  entirely ;  Reformed  clergymen 
preached  in  the  churches  of  the  Lutherans,  Remonstrants,  and 
Mennonites,  and  there  was  even  some  talk  of  a  union  of  all  Prot- 
estant communions.4 

Here,  too,  however,  there  was  no  lack  of  a  reactionary  party. 
At  its  head  stood  the  most  distinguished  of  the  Dutch  poets, 
Wilhelm  Bilderdyk.  He  was  a  fanatical  adherent  of  the  House 
of  Orange,  attributed  all  the  evils  of  modern  times  to  the  French 

*  Rheinwald's  Rcpcrtor.  vol.  xi.  art.  2;  vol.  xiv.  1T4.  J.  C.  W.  AugDBti,  Beitr.  zur 
Gcscliichte  unci  Statistik  der  EvaDgelischen  Kirche,  Lcipsic,  1S37,  ii.  333  ss. 


§  8.  PKOT.  CHURCH  IN  DENMARK,  HOLLAND,  AND  SWITZERLAND.  531 

Revolution,  and  hoped  every  thing  good  from  the  strictest  return 
to  the  old  conditions.  In  this  spirit,  too,  he  treated  Dutch  his- 
tory, which  he  taught  as  a  private  lecturer  in  Leyden.  He  was 
a  decided  adversary  of  all  opponents  of  the  House  of  Orange, 
even  of  the  noblest  characters  whom  the  Netherlands  have  pro- 
duced, such  as  Oldenbarneveld,  Hugo  Grotius,  etc.  Moreover, 
he  was  a  zealous  defender  of  the  Dordrecht  orthodoxy,  although 
he  himself  was  inwardly  far  removed  from  it,  and  secretly  ad- 
hered to  a  gnostic  cabalistic  theosophy  as  the  supreme  wisdom. 
The  school  of  Bilderdyk  produced  two  men  who  were  the  first 
to  combat  more  openly  all  innovations — Isaac  da  Costa,  an  ad- 
vocate, who  was  likewise  a  poet,  and  a  physician  named  Abraham 
Capadose,  a  Jew  by  birth,  who  had  been  led  over  to  Christianity 
by  Bilderdyk. 

Da  Costa  opened  the  controversy  with  a  treatise,  Complaints 
against  the  Spirit  of  the  Times  (1S23).  In  it  he  attacked  the 
political  as  well  as  the  ecclesiastical  tendencies  of  the  age,  its 
extravagant  desire  for  liberty,  its  aversion  to  all  restraint,  its  in- 
fidelity and  immorality,  and  prophesied,  from  these  signs,  the 
destruction  of  all  governments  if  the  world  did  not  return  to 
the  old  faith.  But  by  this  old  faith  he  understood  the  rigid 
Calvinistic  Dordrecht  system,  with  its  unconditional  doctrine  of 
predestination.  The  strange  religiously  fanatic  and  politically 
aristocratic  spirit  by  which  this  man  was  animated  likewise 
manifested  itself  in  his  declaring  the  abolition  of  slavery  to  be  a 
chimera,  because  the  negroes,  as  descendants  of  Ham,  were  still 
under  the  curse  of  Noah.  Capadose,  soon  after  this,  came 
forward  with  even  greater  vigor  in  his  work  Yaccine  Opposed 
(1823):  he  went  so  far  in  his  delusion  that,  although  himself  a 
physician,  he  rejected  vaccination  because  it  interfered  with 
God's  agency.  Nevertheless,  a  few  individuals  declared  them- 
selves in  favor  of  these  fanatics,  as,  for  example,  Bilderdyk,  who 
even  published  a  treatise  in  defense  of  Da  Costa ;  but,  on  the 
whole,  the  party  of  these  obscurants  remained  quite  insignificant, 
and  never  acquired  any  general  influence  in  the  Church.  It 
was  not  till  1S32  that  a  preacher,  Hendrik  de  Cock,  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Groningen,  advocated  rigid  Calvinism  from  a  strictly 
ecclesiastical  standpoint,  at  the  same  time  demanding  a  more 
limited  formula  of  obligation  for  the  clergy,  and  the  reinstate= 
ment  of  the  old  psalms  instead  of  the  Evangelical  Hymns.     He 


582  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

was  joined  by  a  preacher  named  Scholte  and  a  small  band  of  fa- 
natics, who  created  much  disturbance.  Both  clergymen  were  de- 
posed on  account  of  irregular  proceedings,  and,  in  consequence, 
formed  separate  congregations,  which  counted  several  thousand 
members.  This  gave  the  Reformed  National  Church  occasion, 
to  directly  confess  and  confirm  its  more  liberal  tendency.5 

German  Reformed  Switzerland  has  always  attached  itself  so 
closely  to  German  literature  that,  with  reference  to  intellectual 
progress,  it  can  be  counted  as  a  part  of  Germany.     Thus  all  the 
religious  and  ecclesiastical  developments  which  have  taken  place 
in  Germany  are  to  be  met  with  in  this  portion  of  Switzerland 
too.     In  Basle,  where  the  Herrnhuters  had  for  a  long  time  had 
a  community  and  many  adherents,  a  pietistic  tendency  became 
prominent,  and  centred  in  the  Missionary,  Bible,  and  Tract  so- 
cieties which  were  formed  there.     The  same  spirit  pervades  the 
instruction  given  in  the  House  of  Missions  in  that  city,  which 
has  already  sent  a  large  number  of  young  men  as  missionaries 
to  all  parts  of  the  world.     The  government,  however,  desires  to 
promote  a  more  rational  education,  and  has  proved  this  partic- 
ularly by  attracting  many  German  scholars  to  the  Basle  Univer- 
sity, in  the  hope  of  re-establishing  that  institution,  which  had  en- 
tirely fallen  into  decay.     Thus  De  Wette,  who  was  deprived  of 
his  office  in  Berlin  in  1819,  was  called  to  Basle  as  professor  of 
theology  in  1822,  and  gave  to  the  study  of  theology  there  a  new 
impulse  and  a  new  direction.     In  Zurich,  on  the  other  hand,  Ra- 
tionalism predominates,  the  champion  of  which,  in  the  whole  of 
Switzerland,  is  Dr.  Johann  Schulthess,  professor  at  the  Academy 
of  that  city.     Aristocratic  Berne,  however,  has  always  fostered 
orthodoxy,  although  none  of  the  theologians  attached  to  its  Acad- 
emy have  become  more  generally  known  for  scientific  activity. 
Time  will  show  whether  the  change  of  constitution  effected  in 
1831,  by  which  the  ruling  aristocracy  was  overthrown,  will  bring 
about  a  revolution  in  theological  opinion. 

The  religious  fanaticism  of  recent  times  was  heightened  in 
Switzerland  particularly  through  the  influence  of  Madame  de 
Kriidener.  On  her  departure  from  Switzerland,  she  left  behind 
no  small  number  of  converts,  or  Awakened,  who  held  special  con- 
venticles, and  separated  more  or  less  from  the  Church.     But  a 

6  Die  Unruhcn  in  der  Nicderliindiscben  Rcformirtcn  Kirche  -ffiibrcud  dcr  Jahrc 
1833-1839,  by  X.,  edited  by  Giescler,  Hamburg,  1840. 


§  8.  PROT.  CHURCH  IN  DENMARK,  HOLLAND,  AND  SWITZERLAND.  533 

horrible  occurrence  took  place  in  Wildenspuch,  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  canton  of  Zurich,  in  1S23,  which  was  occasioned  by 
this  religious  fanaticism,  yet,  at  the  same  time,  served  as  an  effect- 
ive warning  for  the  future.  The  chief  actress  in  this  occurrence 
was  a  peasant-girl,  Margaretha  Peter,  who,  as  early  as  1816,  had 
come  into  contact  with  the  sectarians  in  Muhlhausen  and  Easle, 
but  subsequently,  particularly  through  her  acquaintance  with  Ma- 
dame de  Krudener,  gave  herself  up  entirely  to  religious  fanati- 
cism. Margaretha  soon  acquired  considerable  distinction  among 
the  Awakened,  even  at  a  distance.  This  roused  her  spiritual 
pride ;  she  seceded  from  the  conventicles  of  the  Herrnhuters  and 
established  others  on  her  own  account,  in  which  she  played  the 
principal  part.  She  related  to  her  adherents  visions  of  departed 
spirits,  angels,  and  even  Christ  himself,  which  she  professed  to 
have  had,  and  nourished  them  and  herself  from  sources  drawn 
from  the  most  extravagantly  fanatic  books  founded  on  the  Apoc- 
alypse. While  she  proclaimed  abstinence  from  marriage  as  the 
chief  means  of  attaining  inward  perfection,  she  entered  into  a  re- 
lation with  a  shoemaker  which  she  herself  designated  as  spiritual 
love,  but  which  soon  resulted  in  an  adulterous  connection, in  which 
the  deluded  girl  gave  birth  to  a  child.  This  event,  by  which  her 
spiritual  pride  was  greatly  humbled,  contributed  to  render  her 
completely  insane,  in  which  state  she  was  constantly  having  vis- 
ions and  fighting  the  devil,  without  shaking  the  confidence  of 
her  adherents  even  by  the  maddest  freaks.  Finally,  she  declared 
to  them  that,  in  order  to  save  so  many  thousand  souls,  it  was  nec- 
essary that  blood  should  flow — first,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
others,  killed  her  sister  Elizabeth,  and  then  caused  herself  to  be 
crucified,  accompanying  both  acts  with  the  promise  that  she,  as 
well  as  her  sister,  would  rise  again  in  three  days. 

Similar  fanatics  existed  in  the  canton  of  Thurgau,  whose  per- 
version was  also  attributable  to  the  influence  of  Madame  de  Krii- 
dener.  The  terrible  events  in  Wildenspuch,  however,  had  the 
result  that  both  the  clerical  and  the  secular  authorities  paid  more 
attention  to  these  disorders,  so  that  they  have  since  diminished 
perceptibly.6 

In  consequence  of  the  French  Re  volution  of  July,  1S30,  dis- 

6  Johann  Ludwig  Meyer,  Schwarmerische  Grauelscenen,  Oder  Kreuzigungsge- 
schichte  einer  religiosen  Schwarmerin  in  Wildenspuch,  Canton  Zurich,  2d  ed.  Zu- 
rich, 1824. 


534  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

turbances  also  arose  in  most  of  the  Swiss  cantons,  with  the  aim 
of  obtaining  thoroughly  democratic  constitutions,  and  were  di- 
rected partly  against  aristocratic  forms  of  government  and  the 
rule  of  individual  families,  partly  against  the  preference  given 
to  the  capitals,  which  alone  governed  the  country  through  their 
citizens.  In  several  of  the  cantons,  therefore,  the  constitutions 
were  altered  and  new  governments  organized,  and  seven  of 
them — Zurich,  Berne,  Lucerne,  Solothurn,  St.  Gall,  Aargau,  and 
Thurgau — concluded,  on  March  17, 1S32,  a  concordat,  by  which 
they  mutually  guaranteed  their  new  constitutions.  Joined  to 
this  political  liberalism  was  the  endeavor  to  further  the  enlight- 
enment and  education  of  the  people,  in  order  the  better  to  fit 
them  for  the  assertion  and  exercise  of  their  new  rights.  Un- 
fortunately, however,  these  efforts  were  often  too  exclusively  di- 
rected toward  the  promotion  of  a  one-sided  intellectual  culture, 
by  which  religious  fervor  and  an  attachment  to  the  Church  were 
not  infrequently  endangered.  It  was  owing  to  this  tendency, 
too,  that  the  academies  at  Zurich  and  Berne  were  converted  into 
universities.  Inadequacy  of  means  prevented  both  institutions 
from  acquiring  great  importance,  but  they  made  themselves  sus- 
pected by  foreign  powers  by  extending  calls  to  various  German 
scholars  of  reputation  who  had  fallen  into  discredit  with  their 
governments,  chiefly  by  their  political  course,  in  order  to  in- 
crease their  own  advantages.  One  result  of  this  measure  was 
that  all  German  governments  prohibited  the  attendance  of  these 
universities. 

The  new  administration  of  Zurich,  in  particular,  gave  consid- 
erable offense  to  its  people  for  some  time.  It  was  elaborating 
an  improvement  of  the  educational  system,  and  established  a 
seminary  for  school-teachers;  but  it  seemed  as  if  religious  cult- 
ure were  entirely  neglected  in  the  latter,  and  the  teachers  who 
graduated  from  it  gave  cause  for  displeasure,  both  by  their  in- 
struction and  by  their  conduct.  The  clergy  were  taken  but  little 
notice  of,  and  it  seemed  to  be  the  object  in  view  to  deprive  them 
more  and  more  of  their  influence,  and  particularly  of  the  super- 
vision of  the  schools.  The  heads  of  the  government  openly  dis- 
played their  indifference  to  the  Church,  and  their  example  had 
so  pernicious  an  influence  that  the  corruption  of  public  morals 
increased  perceptibly.  The  dissatisfaction  of  the  greater  part  of 
the  people  with  this  irreligious  tendency  finally  reached  a  crisis 


§  8.  PROT.  CHURCH  IN  DENMARK,  HOLLAND,  AND  SWITZERLAND.  585 

when,  in  February,  1839,  the  government,  in  spite  of  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  Theological  Faculty  and  the  Church  council,  ex- 
tended a  call,  as  professor  of  Church  history  and  dogmatics,  to 
Dr.  Strauss,  whose  celebrated  name  promised  new  lustre  to  the 
University  of  Zurich,  and  who,  at  the  same  time,  could  be  ob- 
tained without  difficulty,  as  he  had,  for  the  moment,  no  hope 
of  any  appointment  in  Germany.     ISTor  did  the  liberal  heads  of 
the  government  deny  that  it  was  their  intention  to  effect  a  refor- 
mation of  theological  culture  and  of  the  spirit  of  the  Church. 
They  declared  openly  that  the  latter  was  stationary  and  anti- 
quated, that  something  new  must  be  created,  and  that  a  reor- 
ganization was  indispensable ;   and   Burgomaster   Hirzel   even 
forgot  himself  so  far  as  to  directly  compare  Dr.  Strauss  with 
Zwingli.     But  at  this  attempt  to  overthrow  the  old  faith  the 
people  assumed  an  attitude  which  was  as  calm  as  it  was  firm 
and  decided.     They  formed  congregations,  district  associations, 
and  a  central  committee,  for  the  protection  of  their  menaced 
interests;  the  government  was  compelled  to  desist  from  its  pur- 
pose, and  allow  Strauss  a  pension  before  he  had  entered  upon 
his  office  (March,  1839).     But  now  the  people  demanded  secu- 
rity against  those  plans  of  the  government  which  had  occasioned 
the  call  of  Dr.  Strauss.     It  claimed  free  representation  of  the 
Church  in  a  synod  composed  of  ecclesiastics  and  laymen,  and 
that  the  Church  council  should  be  allowed  an  influence  in  the 
appointment  of  theological  professors  and  members  of  the  coun- 
cil of  education,  as  well  as  in  the  religious  instruction  in  schools. 
When  these  demands  were  only  partially  acceded  to  at  the  meet- 
ing of  the  Grand  Council  held  in  June,  and,  in  particular,  the 
mixed  synod  was  rejected,  the  religious  disturbances  assumed  a 
more  and  more  threatening  aspect.    And  when,  finally,  the  rumor 
wTas  circulated  that  the  government  was  secretly  demanding  as- 
sistance from  the  confederate  cantons  for  the  maintaining  of  its 
constitution,  and  that  foreign  troops  were  to  be  called  to  aid,  the 
people  flocked  to  Zurich  from  every  quarter  on  September  6,  in 
order  to  obtain   reassuring  explanations  from  the   authorities. 
Unfortunately,  a  momentary  encounter  took  place  between  the 
military  and  the  people,  in  which  a  number  of  persons  were 
killed ;  but,  on  the  whole,  the  greatest  order  was  maintained. 
The  government,  acknowledging  the  common  will  of  the  people, 
was  dissolved,  and  a  new  one  formed,  without  any ^  alteration 


586 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1SU. 


being  effected  in  the  constitution.  The  new  government  imme- 
diately granted  the  popular  wishes  for  the  confirmation  of  the 
National  Church  and  the  promotion  of  religion.  The  modera- 
tion shown  by  the  people  in  struggling,  with  the  loftiest  enthusi- 
asm, for  its  religion,  and,  even  after  its  victory,  allowing  its  van- 
quished opponents  to  withdraw  unharmed  and  unmolested,  is 
deserving  of  the  highest  esteem.  In  comparing  this  religious 
movement  with  the  fanatical  agitations  to  which  religious  zeal 
has  so  often  led  in  Catholic  countries,  no  unprejudiced  mind  can 
fail  to  be  filled  with  respect  for  the  Church  and  the  religion  to 
which  this  nation  is  attached.7 

A  similar  occurrence  took  place  in  Berne  in  1S47.  The  uni- 
versity gave  a  call  to  Professor  Zeller,  of  Tubingen,  who,  like  his 
teacher,  F.  Chr.  Baur,  belonged  to  the  Hegelian  school,  as  well 
as  to  that  party  which,  by  bold  criticism,  completely  remodeled 
the  oldest  history  of  Christianity.  Against  this  appointment, 
likewise,  a  strong  opposition  was  raised,  but  it  could  not  prevail. 
Zeller  entered  upon  the  position  of  professor  of  theology  in 
Berne  in  the  spring  of  1847. 

In  French  Switzerland,  which  consists  of  the  cantons  of  Geneva 
and  Yaud  (capital  Lausanne),  great  disturbances  were  occasioned 
by  Mystic  sectarians.8 

Here  the  most  important  city  in  respect  to  ecclesiastical  mat- 
ters is  Geneva.  In  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  it 
had  such  high  distinction  in  the  Church  that  it  could  be  regarded 
as  a  Keformed  Kome.  The  Reformed  Congregations  of  France 
and  England  looked  upon  it  as  their  Mother  Church ;  young 
men  flocked  to  it  from  all  quarters  in  order  to  pursue  their  stud- 
ies at  its  academy.  It  had  the  reputation  of  being  the  centre  of 
ecclesiastical  orthodoxy  and  theological  learning.  These  con- 
ditions were  altered  particularly  after  the  dissolution  of  the 
French  Keformed  Church  under  Louis  XIV.  Until  that  time, 
Geneva  was  continually  incited  to  foster  the  theological  sci- 
ences by  the  excellent  French  Reformed  academies  at  Sedan 

7  Dcs  Zurehervolkes  Kampf  unci  Sieg  fur  semen  Christcnglauben  ;  Februar  bis 
September,  1839,  Zurich,  183't.  8.  Der  Kampf  der  Principien  Im  Canton  Zurich  im 
Jahre  1839,  Ton  einem  Augcnzeugen  ;  in  Illgen's  Zeitsehrift  f.  hist.  Theol.  x.  iii.  01. 
Die  Straussischen  Zerwurfuisse  in  Zurich  von  1839,  von  Dr.  H.  Gelzer,  Hamburg  and 
(iotlia,  Hi:;. 

8  Kirebenspaltung  im  Waadtlande  von  Leopold,  see  Niedncr's  Zeitsehrift,  1S46, 
p.  559. 


§  8.  PROT.  CHURCH  IN  DENMARK,  HOLLAND,  AND  SWITZERLAND.  537 

and  Saumur.  When  the  latter  were  abolished,  and  all  theolog- 
ical science  died  out  in  the  French  Reformed  Church,  after  the 
banishment  of  its  clergy,  Geneva  remained  the  sole  French  theo- 
logical educational  institution.  It  had  now,  indeed,  to  supply  the 
whole  French  Reformed  Church  with  preachers,  who  ministered 
to  it  in  secret ;  but  theological  science  came  to  a  stand,  as  there 
was  a  total  lack  of  external  communication,  and,  for  the  same 
reason,  began  to  retrograde.  The  highest  value  began  to  be 
attached  to  the  practical  activity  of  the  clergy,  particularly  to 
pulpit  oratory,  while  the  theoretical  departments  of  theology 
were  neglected.  In  this  way,  as  well  as  through  the  influence 
of  the  French  philosophy  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  dogma 
of  this  Church  became  freer  and  more  moderate  ;  a  popular  the- 
ology was  developed,  which  laid  peculiar  stress  upon  the  moral 
part  of  Christianity,  but  did  not  examine  closely  into  its  dog- 
matic substance.  Hence,  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  the  Encyclopedia  of  D'Alembert  asserted  with 
regard  to  the  clergy  of  Geneva  that,  in  reality,  they  confessed  to 
a  natural  religion  alone  ;  and  although  the  Genevese  ecclesiastics 
at  that  time  protested  against  the  article  in  question,  it  yet  ap- 
peared distinctly,  from  their  own  declarations,  that  they  had  de- 
parted entirely  from  the  symbol  of  Calvin. 

Owing  to  the  general  indifference  to  Church  dogmas,  no  far- 
ther controversy  on  this  subject  ensued  on  that  occasion.  It  was 
only  when,  in  the  most  recent  times,  fanaticism  and  zealotry, 
following  in  the  train  of  the  newly  awakened  interest  in  religion, 
frequently  became  prominent,  that  French  Switzerland,  and  par- 
ticularly Geneva,  became  the  scene  of  religious  controversies  and 
schisms. 

It  must,  however,  be  observed  that  at  the  commencement  of 
these  controversies  the  Church  of  Geneva  had  by  no  means  de- 
generated or  become  disordered.  The  ecclesiastical  conditions 
were  strictly  regulated ;  a  religious  spirit  and  a  purity  of  morals 
prevailed  to  a  degree  which  is  rarely  met  with  in  large  cities. 
No  reproach  could  be  made  to  the  clergy  (la  venerable  com- 
2>agnie)  with  regard  to  any  neglect  of  their  duties,  nor  was  there 
the  slightest  blemish  upon  their  moral  reputation.  Their  ser- 
mons, indeed,  were  mostly  of  an  ethical  and  generally  religious 
character.  They  not  only  did  not  combat  the  positive  doctrines 
of  Christianity,  but,  for  the  most  part,  did  not  discuss  them  at 


588  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

all.  Strangers  who  visited  Geneva  have  censured  its  clergy  for 
paying  too  much  attention  to  a  florid  style  in  the  pulpit,  for  dis- 
playing too  much  grandiloquence  in  their  sermons,  and  declaim- 
ing too  theatrically.  It  must,  however,  be  remembered  that  the 
French  character  demands  these  things,  and  that  what  we  should 
consider  excess  appears,  to  a  Frenchman,  quite  suitable  for  the 
pulpit,  so  that  he  would  rind  fault  with  a  greater  simplicity. 
All  great  French  pulpit  orators  have  fallen  more  or  less  into  the 
same  error. 

Under  these  circumstances,  it  was  but  natural  that  the  impulse 
to  the  controversies  in  question  should  not  proceed  from  the 
midst  of  the  Genevese  Church,  but  that  it  should  be  given  by 
strangers. 

This  was  first  done  by  Madame  de  Kriidener,  who  came  to 
Geneva  as  early  as  1813,  remained  there  for  some  length  of 
time,  and  held  conventicles.  One  of  her  chief  adherents  there 
was  a  young  student  named  Empaytaz,  who  subsequently  accom- 
panied her  in  her  wanderings,  and  finally  became  the  originator 
of  the  controversies  in  Geneva.  In  1S16,  after  peace  had  been 
generally  restored,  many  Englishmen  made  their  appearance  in 
French  Switzerland,  and  especially  in  Geneva,  for  the  most  part 
as  agents  of  the  great  English  Bible  and  Tract  societies,  in  order 
to  found,  and  as  much  as  possible  direct,  similar  societies  upon 
the  Continent.  Among  these  Englishmen  many  were  inclined 
to  Methodism,  and  sought  to  gain  friends  for  it  in  Switzerland. 
One  of  those  who  were  most  active  in  this  direction  was  a  Scotch- 
man named  Ilalden,  and  he  succeeded  in  winning  for  his  cause 
a  young  Genevese  clergyman  by  the  name  of  Malan,  tutor  in  the 
College  of  Geneva,  who  also  played  an  important  part  in  the 
subsequent  controversies. 

These  individuals  took  great  pains  to  spread  abroad  in  Geneva 
the  accusation  that  the  clergy  did  not  teach  pure  Christianity, 
that  they  withheld  its  most  important  and  essential  doctrines, 
and  did  not  themselves  believe  in  them  ;  and  that,  therefore,  in- 
stead of  feeding  their  flocks  like  faithful  shepherds,  they  were 
leading  them  to  destruction. 

Empaytaz  opened  the  controversy  with  a  treatise,  Considera- 
tions sur  la  Divinitc  de  Jesus -Christ  (1816),  addressed  to  the 
students  of  theology  in  Geneva,  in  order  to  prove  to  them  that 
the  doctrine  of  the  divinity  of  Christ  had  its  foundation  in  the 


§  8.  PROT.  CHURCH  IN  DENMARK,  HOLLAND,  AND  SWITZERLAND.  589 

Scriptures,  and  was  expressed  in  the  Reformed  symbols ;  that 
the  whole  Christian  religion  was  based  upon  it,  and  that,  there- 
fore, the  Genevese  clergy  had  had  no  right  to  reject  it.  Joined 
to  this  declaration  were  admonitions  to  the  students  not  to  allow 
themselves  to  be  led  astray  by  their  unbelieving  academical  in- 
structors. 

Tsot  long  after  this,  Malan  created  a  sensation  by  a  sermon 
preached  about  Easter,  1S17,  and  subsequently  printed,  from  the 
text,  Uhomme  ne  jpeut  etre  sauve  que  par  Jesus-  Christ.  In  it 
he  spoke  of  the  sinfulness  of  man,  owing  to  which  he  was  utter- 
ly lost,  and  totally  incapable  of  doing  any  thing  for  his  own  sal- 
vation ;  that  hence  the  belief  that  we  could  accomplish  any  good 
works  through  onr  own  strength  was  pernicious,  and  that  noth- 
ing remained  to  us  but  to  accept  the  mercy  of  God  offered  us  in 
the  redemption. 

Upon  this  the  vmerable  compagnie  issued,  on  May  3,  1817, 
a  regulation  by  which  it  determined  that  all  clergymen,  as  well 
as  such  persons  as  desired  to  be  ordained  as  clergymen,  should 
bind  themselves  not  to  make  any  assertions,  in  their  sermons, 
either  with  regard  to  the  manner  in  which  the  divine  nature  of 
Christ  is  connected  with  his  person,  or  with  regard  to  original  sin, 
the  operation  of  grace,  or  predestination.  In  case  they  should 
have  occasion  to  mention  these  subjects,  they  were  to  employ,  as 
much  as  possible,  the  words  of  Scripture,  and  in  their  explana- 
tions not  to  go  beyond  these  same  Scriptural  expressions. 

A  third  party  now  joined  in  the  controversy  who  was  im- 
pelled by  entirely  different  motives,  and  adopted  a  totally  differ- 
ent course  from  that  of  the  other  opponents  of  the  Genevese 
Church.  This  was  an  advocate  named  Grenus.  He  had  been 
notorious  for  his  immorality,  but  was  now  old,  in  poor  health, 
and  morose,  and  took  part  in  this  controversy  from  no  interest 
in  religion,  but  merely  with  the  intention  of  deeply  mortifying 
the  clergy  of  Geneva.  He  looked  at  the  matter  entirely  from  a 
judicial  point  of  view,  and  endeavored  to  show  that  the  Gene- 
vese clergy,  in  swearing  to  the  constitution,  had  also  sworn  to 
the  dogmatics  of  Calvin;  that  they  were  guilty  of  perjury,  and 
should  therefore  be  deposed  from  office  for  violation  of  the  con- 
stitution. In  this  spirit  he  wrote  several  treatises  full  of  the  bit- 
terest and  most  venomous  attacks  against  the  clergy  of  Geneva, 
until  the  police  interfered  and  brought  him  to  trial  on  a  charge 


590  FOURTH  PERIOD.—  D1V.  Ill— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

of  calumny.  lie  was  pronounced  guilty  and  sentence  was  passed 
upon  him,  but  his  death  forestalled  its  execution. 

The  sectarians,  however,  had  nothing  in  common  with  Grenus, 
although  his  activity  was  directed  in  their  favor.  We  will  there- 
fore return  to  them. 

In  consequence  of  the  regulation  referred  to  above,  a  young 
country  pastor  named  Bost  was  deposed  because  he  would  not 
submit  to  it.  He  came  to  Geneva,  joined  Empaytaz,  and  the 
two  placed  themselves  at  the  head  of  a  religious  association  com- 
posed chiefly  of  Englishmen  and  a  few  Genevese,  which,  in  the 
autumn  of  1S17,  divided  entirely  from  the  National  Church, 
under  the  name  of  La  Nouvelle  £glise,  and  held  separate  as- 
semblies at  a  private  residence.  They  confess  the  rigid  Calvin- 
ist  orthodoxy,  which,  according  to  their  opinion,  is  the  only  true 
Christianity,  and  was  the  doctrine  of  the  primitive  Christians. 

Malan  did  not  join  this  new  Church,  but  continued  to  give  his 
instruction  in  the  spirit  of  his  previous  declarations,  asserted  the 
doctrine  of  the  total  depravity  of  human  nature,  and  a  very  ex- 
treme theory  of  atonement ;  and  when,  in  spite  of  the  admoni- 
tions of  his  superiors,  he  would  not  discontinue  this  mode  of 
teaching,  he  was  dismissed  in  November,  1818.  Nevertheless,  he 
did  not  leave  the  National  Church,  although  he  began  to  hold 
devotional  meetings  (reunions  de  priere)  at  his  house,  which 
were  soon  well  attended.  But  as,  on  these  occasions,  he  contin- 
ued to  declaim  against  the  unbelief  of  the  Genevese  clergy,  and, 
in  addition, discharged  pastoral  functions  contrary  to  the  Church 
regulations,  he  was  deprived  of  his  spiritual  office.  Upon  this 
he  declared  his  secession  from  the  National  Church,  and  gave 
his  meetings  the  character  of  an  independent  society. 

From  the  very  beginning  of  these  schisms  these  sectarians  have 
never  ceased  to  cast  upon  the  Genevese  clergy,  in  foreign  coun- 
tries, the  aspersion  that  they  have  fallen  off  from  true  Christian- 
ity. By  their  doctrines  of  unconditional  predestination  and  the 
necessity  of  an  inner  conviction  of  having  obtained  the  grace  of 
God,  they  have  often  had  a  very  pernicious  influence  upon  their 
adherents,  so  that  no  small  number  of  the  latter  have  become 
insane,  or  have  been  driven  to  suicide.  On  the  other  hand,  they 
were  the  constant  objects  of  derision  of  the  Genevese  rabble, 
and  frequently  met  with  personal  abuse  from  them,  on  some 
occasions  even  giving  rise  to  a  mob  by  their  meetings.     The 


§  8.  PROT.  CHURCH  IN  DENMARK,  HOLLAND,  AND  SWITZERLAND.  591 

people  gave  them  the  name  of  Momiers  (maskers),  i.  e.  disguised 
hypocrites.  At  present  there  are  three  Independent  Congrega- 
tions in  Geneva.  At  the  head  of  the  one  {Eglise  de  Temoignage) 
is  Malan,  as  pastor ;  at  the  head  of  the  other,  Empaytaz ;  and  of 
the  third,  Bost.  Together  they  form  one  Church,  in  which,  how- 
ever, there  is  no  lack  of  difference  of  opinion.  Malan  and  Em- 
paytaz are  strict  predestinarians,  but  the  other  clergymen  look 
upon  the  doctrine  of  election  as  a  mystery,  with  regard  to  which 
they  do  not  presume  to  decide. 

A  new  phenomenon  appeared  in  1831.  A  number  of  ecclesi- 
astics and  laymen  of  the  National  Church  formed  in  Geneva  an 
Evangelical  Society  (Societe  JSvcmgtlique),  for  the  purpose  of 
defending  the  old  Scriptural  doctrine  against  the  Socinian  errors 
which  had  found  their  way  into  the  Church,  and  founded,  with 
this  intention,  an  Ecole  de  Theologie,  opposed  to  the  Academie, 
the  theological  school  of  the  State.  This  institution  was  opened 
January  30, 1832.  Of  the  teachers  attached  to  it,  the  two  prin- 
cipal ones  were  Germans — Steiger  and  Havernick — but  it  at- 
tracted only  a  small  number  of  pupils.  This  Evangelical  Society 
found  more  favor  among  the  French  Reformed.  A  similar  as- 
sociation was  formed  in  Paris,  and  from  these  two  central  points 
—  Paris  and  Geneva  —  many  agents  were  sent,  after  1S35,  to 
travel  through  France  in  order  to  sell  Bibles  and  found  new 
congregations  entirely  separate  from  and  independent  of  the 
National  Church,  as  has  been  related  in  the  ecclesiastical  history 
of  France. 

When  the  schisms  of  the  Church  commenced  in  Geneva,  and 
the  heterodoxy  of  the  Genevese  clergy  thus  came  to  light,  the 
clergy  of  the  canton  de  Vand,  who  had,  for  the  most  part,  retain- 
ed the  symbolical  doctrinal  system,  very  generally  sided  with  the 
assailants ;  and  the  clergymen  of  Lausanne,  at  their  head  Dean 
Curtat,  even  dissolved  all  connection  with  the  unbelieving  cler- 
gy of  Geneva.  But  since  1820  the  Momiers,  in  particular  wealthy 
Englishmen,  gained  ground  also  in  the  canton  de  Vand.  They 
there  met,  indeed,  with  more  orthodoxy  than  in  Geneva;  but  it 
seemed  to  them  a  mere  dead  belief  in  the  letter,  and  they  there- 
fore established  conventicles,  in  order  thus  to  foster  a  living 
Christianity.  Several  younger  clergymen  joined  them,  and  were 
especially  sought  after  by  the  members  of  the  societies,  while 
worthy  older  pastors  were  neglected,  and  schisms  arose  in  the 


592  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.-SIXCE  A.D.  1814. 

congregations.     Upon  this,  Curtat,  too,  declared  himself  against 
the  Momiers;  the  conventicles  were  forbidden  by  the  govern- 
ment, and  the  clergymen  who  would  not  yield  were  deposed. 
Three  of  these  now  also  signified  their  intention  of  leaving  the 
National  Church  and   forming  an  independent  society.     The 
(hand  Council  of  the  canton,  however,  did  not  accede  to  this 
demand,  but,  in  1824,  prohibited  all  sectarian  assemblies  under 
severe  penalties.     Nevertheless,  Separatist  churches  were  subse- 
quently formed  in  several  cities,  and  for  a  long  time  were  mo- 
lested only  by  the  insults  of  the  rabble,  as  the  authorities  seemed 
to  ignore  their  existence.     It  was  not  till  the  year  1S29  that  the 
measures  of  the  government  were  renewed,  and  the  churches  in 
question  were  closed,  without,  however,  effecting  a  suppression 
of  Separatism  in  that  canton.     Thus  the  Momiers  increased  the 
number  of  malcontents,  who,  in  consequence  of  the  French  Ee vo- 
lution of  July,  brought  about  a  revolution  also  in  the  canton  de 
Vaud  (1S30),  and  established  a  more  liberal  constitution.     In 
consequence,  the  Momiers  regained  liberty  of  worship,  and  soon 
became  very  powerful.     The  wealthy  English  attracted  the  rich 
and  aristocratic  portion  of  the  inhabitants ;  the  younger  clergy- 
men inclined  more  and  more  to  Methodism.     Thus  the  Method- 
ists, through  their  connection  with  the  aristocracy,  acquired  an 
important  influence  on  the  government,  the  academy  in  Lau- 
sanne, and  the  National  Church.     It  is  true  that  an  opposition 
arose  against  them,  which  strove  to  make  the  Church  more  and 
more  independent  of  the  State ;  and  in  1S3S  the  Grand  Council, 
contrary  to  the  advice  of  the  Council  of  State,  abolished  the  Hel- 
vetian Confession  of  Faith,  and  declared  the  Bible  the  sole  stand- 
ard.   But  now  the  Methodist  clergymen,  who  were  already  quite 
numerous,  began  to  complain  of  the  unbelief  which  was  gaining 
ground,  and  held  separate  meetings  of  believers,  which  assumed 
more  and  more  the  form  of  a  Church  within  the  Church.     It 
was  particularly  the  increasing  influence  of  the  Methodists  upon 
the  government  which  occasioned  the  revolution  of  February  14-, 
1S45.     By  it  a  complete  democracy  was  established,  which  was 
looked  upon  with  great  disfavor  by  the  aristocrats,  who  formed 
the  nucleus  of  the  Methodist  party,  as  well  as  by  the  clergy,  who 
desired  authority  in  the  Church,  and  the  independence  of  the 
latter  of  the  State.     The  pulpits,  therefore,  resounded  with  the 
most  vehement  invectives  against  the  new  order  of  things,  which 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  593 

was  particularly  accused  of  promoting  communism  and  athe- 
ism. The  government  now  resolved  to  have  a  proclamation  read 
from  the  pulpit,  on  the  occasion  of  taking  the  vote  for  the  con- 
stitution, in  order  to  refute  the  above  reproaches.  A  number  of 
clergymen,  however,  refused  to  read  this  proclamation,  under  the 
pretext  that  the  pulpit  should  not  be  made  a  political  arena,  not- 
withstanding that  similar  government  orders  had  formerly  been 
read  in  that  way,  and  those  who  now  refused  were  the  very  ones 
who  had  most  abused  the  pulpit  by  political  invectives.  When 
the  government  threatened  to  enforce  obedience,  one  hundred 
and  sixty  clergymen  sent  in  their  resignation  (November  13, 
1845).  The  authorities,  however,  adhered  to  their  order.  Sev- 
eral clergymen  revoked  their  resignation,  but  the  rest,  with  their 
followers,  decided  to  establish  a  Church  association  independent 
of  the  National  Church,  notwithstanding  the  consent  of  the 
government  was  not  forthcoming,  and  could  not,  indeed,  be  ex- 
pected.9 

§  9- 

HISTORY  OF  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY. 

The  German  Catholic  hierarchy  had  fallen  into  great  decay 
at  the  time  of  the  redeliverance  of  Germany.  By  the  cession  of 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  many  German  bishoprics  had  formerly 
been  divided.  The  French  portions  of  these,  according  to  the 
French  concordat  of  1801,  were  united  with  French  bishoprics ; 
but  the  German  portions  fell  into  a  tedious  provisional  state. 
After  the  property. of  all  the  bishoprics  and  cathedral  chapters 
had  been  secularized,  in  1803,  according  to  the  decree  of  the  im- 
perial deputies  {Reichscleputations-llaujrtschluss),  it  was  neces- 
sary to  give  the  dioceses  new  boundaries  as  well  as  to  endow 
them  anew ;  but  the  matter  was  much  delayed  by  the  ceaseless 

9  Reports  in  favor  of  the  Momiers  are— Schickedanz,  Die  Kirche  von  Geuf  im  19ten 
Jahrhundert,  in  Staudlin's  und  Tzschirner's  Archiv  f.  alte  u.  neue  Kirchengesch.  v. 
pt.  i.  113  (Leipsic,  1821).  Histoire  Veritable  des  Momiers  de  Geneve  (by  a  Catholic— 
the  Abbe-  de  la  Mennais),  Paris,  1824.  Geschichte  der  sogenannten  Momiers,  2  pts. 
Basle,  1825.  Against  them,  Precis  des  D^bats  Theologiques  qui  depuis  quelque 
temps  ont  agite  la  Ville  de  Geneve,  par  ChdneviSre,  Pasteur  et  Professeur  en  The"- 
ologie,  Geneve,  1824.  De  l'Etablissement  des  Couventicules  dans  le  Canton  de  Vaud, 
par  Curtat,  Pasteur,  Lausanne,  1821.  See  also  the  Augsburg  Allgemeine  Zeitung,  Sup- 
plement of  November  30, 1845,  p.  2G67.  Kirchenspaltung  im  Waadtlande,  in  Nied- 
ner's  Zeitschrift,  1847,  p.  70,  339.    Gelpke,  ibid.  1S50,  p.  418. 

vol.  v. — 38 


594  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

changes  in  the  kingdoms  and  states,  as  well  as  by  the  imprison- 
ment of  the  Pope.  Hence  the  majority  of  the  German  bishops, 
with  their  cathedral  chapters,  had  died  out  when,  in  1S14,  the 
Treaty  of  Paris  promised  a  more  lasting  condition  of  state  af- 
fairs, and  seemed  to  give  a  firm  foundation  to  the  adjustments  of 
ecclesiastical  matters.  At  that  time  there  were  only  five  German 
bishops,  nearly  all  of  very  advanced  age,  left  outside  of  Austria. 
One  of  them,  the  Bishop  of  Fulda,  died  in  the  same  year  (1814). 

The  great  political  revolutions  which  had  taken  place,  together 
with  their  consequences,  had  not  remained  without  great  influ- 
ence on  the  internal  conditions  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Ger- 
many. The  higher  hierarchy  had  lost,  with  its  secular  posses- 
sions, a  large  portion  of  its  strength :  as  it  gradually  died  out, 
the  hierarchical  supervision  diminished  all  the  more.  A  liberal 
party  could  therefore  develop  with  impunity  even  among  the 
Catholic  clergy,  as  also  a  party  closely  allied  to  the  Protestant 
Pietists ;  while  things  could  be  taught  and  printed  about  the 
Catholic  dogma  and  constitution  which  formerly  would  have 
been  strongly  reprehended.  The  convents,  which  had  been  the 
seat  not  only  of  the  most  rigid  orthodoxy,  but  also  of  gross  super- 
stition and  ultramontane  doctrines  of  canon  law,  were  abolished  ; 
the  monks  were  no  longer  formidable  to  the  secular  clergy,  and 
had  lost  their  influence  with  the  people ;  and  thus  nothing  stood 
in  the  way  of  a  wider  diffusion,  even  among  the  latter,  of  the  lib- 
eral as  well  as  the  Pietistic  principles  which  had  sprung  up. 

By  the  Treaty  of  Paris  of  1S14,  many  Catholic  provinces  of 
Germany  had  fallen  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Protestant  princes. 
Austria  and  Bavaria  were  the  only  two  great  states  whose  mon- 
archs  confessed  the  Catholic  faith ;  while  the  Protestant  rulers 
of  Prussia,  Wtirtemberg,  Hanover,  Baden,  and  Hesse  had  many 
Catholic  provinces  added  to  their  possessions. 

It  might  have  been  expected  that  under  these  Protestant  gov- 
ernments both  the  liberal  Catholic  and  the  Pietistic  tendencies, 
which  had  grown  up  spontaneously  until  then,  would  continue  to 
develop  quietly;  but  we  find,  on  the  contrary,  that,  immediately 
after  the  treaty  in  question,  a  rigid  Catholicism,  often  verging  on 
Ultramontanism,  of  which  no  trace  had  appeared  in  a  long  time, 
became  prominent  in  Germany  too,  and  that  even  men  who  had 
formerly  shone  in  the  first  ranks  of  the  liberals  went  over  to  it. 
The  cause  of  this  was  partly  the  same  which  restored  the  pre- 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  595 

ponderance  to  the  strict  Catholic  principles  in  the  adjoining 
Catholic  states  —  France,  Spain,  and  Italy;  partly,  too,  the  ex- 
ample of  these  countries  had  an  influence,  and  roused  imitation  ; 
and  partly  the  above  condition  of  things  resulted,  as  a  reaction, 
from  the  circumstance  that  these  Catholic  provinces  were  now 
under  the  rule  of  Protestant  princes.  The  delusion  that  the 
Protestant  governments  would  make  it  their  aim  gradually  to 
convert  the  Catholic  Church  to  Protestantism,  and  to  curtail  its 
old  rights,  caused  great  excitement  in  many  Catholic  countries. 
The  opinion  that  the  Protestants,  proud  of  a  superior  cultivation, 
looked  down  with  contempt  upon  the  Catholics,  and  regarded 
their  faith  as  a  mere  superstition,  revived  the  interest  in  Church 
matters  even  in  those  who  had  grown  very  lukewarm ;  and  the 
idea  that  the  existence  of  Catholicism  was  at  stake  gave  a  new 
impulse  to  the  zeal  for  the  Church.  In  the  provinces  which 
formerly  belonged  to  France,  indifferentism  had  become  very 
prevalent  among  the  educated  classes ;  but  even  those  who  had 
entirely  ceased  to  attend  church  stepped  into  the  ranks  decidedly 
when  the  Catholic  interest  was  in  question,  although  for  them  it 
was  merely  a  political  one,  to  which  they,  as  born  Catholics,  con- 
sidered themselves  attached.  On  the  other  hand,  as  has  been  re- 
marked, it  frequently  happened  that  Catholics  who  had  previously 
held  very  liberal  opinions  now  went  over  to  Ultramontanism, 
and  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  the  strictest  comprehension 
of  the  dogma,  as  well  as  for  the  Papal  system  in  Church  polity. 
The  latest  history  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Germany,  there- 
fore, has  to  consider : 

1.  The  new  organization  of  the  Church  government  by  con- 
cordats between  the  German  states  and  the  Pope. 

2.  The  struggle  between  the  liberal  and  ultramontane  parties, 
together  with  the  state  of  theological  science  among  the  Cath- 
olics. 

3.  The  tendency  to  mysticism  in  some  portions  of  Catholic 
Southern  Germany. 

4.  The  relations  existing  between  Catholics  and  Protestants. 

However  urgent  the  necessity  of  a  new  division  and  organiza- 
tion of  the  dioceses,  as  well  as  the  filling  of  the  episcopal  offices, 
the  negotiations  entered  into  with  the  Roman  See  on  this  subject 
did  not  reach  a  speedy  termination.  At  the  Congress  of  Vienna, 
the  Curia  had  demanded  the  restoration  of  all  ecclesiastical  prin- 


596  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

eipialities  and  convents,  as  -well  as  the  restitution  of  all  secularized 
Church  property  ;  and  when  this  demand  was  not  acceded  to,  had 
entered  a  solemn  protest  against  the  Vienna  decrees.  It  was, 
therefore,  in  no  haste  to  enter  into  any  agreements  concerning  a 
new  ecclesiastical  organization  with  the  German  princes  who 
had  taken  possession  of  the  Church  property  in  question,  because 
it  would  thereby  appear  to  confirm  the  secularizations  which  had 
taken  place.  So  many  important  revolutions  had  succeeded  each 
other  within  the  past  few  years  that  the  new  condition  of  affairs 
did  not  at  first  meet  with  much  confidence ;  and  thus  Rome 
seemed  to  be  inclined  to  wait  for  the  possible  arising  of  more  fa- 
vorable conjunctures.  On  the  other  hand,  the  secular  states  in- 
tended for  the  future  to  guard  their  sovereign  rights  against  ec- 
clesiastical interference,  and  to  take  the  opportunity  offered  by 
the  new  organization  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  to  make  the  neces- 
sary provisions  for  this  end.  Rome  was,  of  course,  reluctant  to 
enter  into  these  intentions,  and  this  delayed  the  conclusion  of  the 
requisite  agreements. 

It  would  perhaps  have  been  better  if  the  German  sovereigns 
had  made  common  cause  in  these  negotiations  with  Rome,  be- 
cause a  more  extensive  and  more  powerful  alliance  would  have 
more  easily  succeeded  in  obtaining  favorable  conditions;  but 
their  interests  were  too  varied;  and,  moreover,  a  negotiation 
which  required  at  every  point  the  consent  of  so  many  courts 
threatened  to  become  too  protracted  and  complicated.  Ilence, 
the  larger  German  states  began  to  negotiate  with  Rome  sepa- 
rately, and  only  the  minor  South  German  princes  joined  in  a 
common  negotiation. 

Bavaria  first  concluded  a  concordat  with  Rome,  June  5, 1817. 
The  Bavarian  agent,  Bishop  Baron  von  llaffclin,  who  at  that  time 
was  over  eighty  years  of  age,  had  formerly  been  one  of  the  most 
active  members  of  the  Order  of  the  Illuminati,  as  well  as  a  zeal- 
ous friend  of  enlightenment.  Like  many  others,  however,  he  had 
changed  his  course  of  late,  and  now  concluded  a  concordat  which 
was  as  favorable  to  the  Papal  See  as  it  could  possibly  be  under 
existing  circumstances.  As  a  reward  the  Pope  conferred  upon 
him  the  dignity  of  cardinalis  ad  honores.  By  this  concordat 
Bavaria  received  two  archbishoprics  and  six  bishoprics,  i.  e.  the 
archbishopric  of  Munich  and  Freysing,  with  the  bishoprics  of 
Augsburg,  Passau,  and  Ratisbon  ;  and  the  archbishopric  of  Bam- 


§9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  597 

berg,  with  Wiirzburg,  Eichstiidt,  and  Spires.  Complaints  were 
justly  raised  to  the  effect  that  this  number  of  bishoprics,  which, 
together  with  their  cathedral  chapters  and  seminaries,  all  had  to 
be  endowed  by  the  State,  was  far  too  large  for  Bavaria,  as  one 
archbishopric  and  four  bishoprics  would  entirely  suffice  for  the 
ecclesiastical  wants  of  the  kingdom.  It  was  also  a  ground  for 
censure  that  the  King  promised  (Art.  7)  to  have  several  convents 
for  both  sexes  re-established,  which  were  to  be  devoted  partly  to 
the  instruction  of  youth,  partly  to  the  care  of  the  sick,  and  partly 
to  the  support  of  the  clergy.  It  was  claimed,  and  with  good 
reason,  that  such  a  re-establishment  would  occasion  the  State  an 
almost  useless  expense,  as  convents  were  the  most  unsuitable  in- 
stitutions for  the  education  of  youth ;  as  monks,  likewise,  were 
not  well  adapted  to  replace  the  pastors  in  the  cure  of  souls,  their 
aim  being  generally  merely  to  promote  and  encourage  supersti- 
tion ;  and  as  the  orders  devoted  to  the  care  of  the  sick  were  the 
only  ones  in  favor  of  which  any  thing  could  be  said.  Art.  9  of 
this  concordat  conferred  upon  the  King  the  permanent  power  of 
nominating  the  archbishops  and  bishops  as  well  as  the  deans  of 
the  chapters.  The  provosts  were  to  be  appointed  by  the  Pope. 
The  can onships,  which  were  vacated  in  the  menses  papales,  were 
to  be  filled  by  the  King;  the  remainder  in  part  by  the  bish- 
op, in  part  by  the  chapter.  The  Pope  reserved  for  himself  the 
confirmation  of  the  archbishops  and  bishops,  for  which  annate 
were  to  be  paid,  as  formerly.  By  this  the  churches  were  de- 
prived of  the  old  canonical  privilege  of  free  election ;  the  Pope 
bestowed  it  upon  the  King,  in  order  thus  to  gain  other  advan- 
tages. The  right  of  the  Pope  to  nominate  the  provosts  for  all 
chapters  placed  in  his  hands  the  means  of  rewarding  faithful 
adherents  in  Germany,  zealous  defenders  of  the  Papal  system, 
and  officious  spies.  Art.  13  was  also  questionable,  in  which  the 
government  promised  to  prevent  the  circulation  of  all  books 
which  would  be  designated  to  them  by  the  bishops  as  dangerous 
to  pure  doctrine  and  good  morals.  It  was  to  be  feared  that  in 
this  way  the  cultivation  of  learning  might  be  much  imperiled  by 
such  prohibitions  of  books  as  were  issued  from  a  limited  ecclesias- 
tical standpoint.  Finally  (Art.  10),  the  return  of  a  Papal  nuncio 
to  Munich  was  announced.  This,  too,  caused  dissatisfaction; 
for  the  Papal  nuncios  had  always  interfered  in  the  rights  of  the 
bishops,  and,  at  any  rate,  they  served  as  Papal  emissaries,  who 


598  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

gave  an  exact  report  of  all  ecclesiastical  conditions  existing  in 
Germany.  In  particular,  the  Protestant  subjects  of  Bavaria  were 
much  disturbed  by  this  concordat.  The  first  article  promised 
that  the  Catholic  religion  should  be  protected  in  Bavaria,  with  all 
the  rights  and  privileges  which  belonged  to  it  by  divine  appoint- 
ment and  by  the  canonical  decrees.  By  the  promise  of  prerog- 
atives here  given  to  that  Church,  the  principle  of  civil  equality 
between  Protestants  and  Catholics  which  had  hitherto  been 
maintained,  was  apparently  intended  to  be  annulled ;  the  refer- 
ence to  the  canonical  decrees  seemed  to  justify  this  construction, 
for,  according  to  them,  all  non-Catholics  were  virtually  without 
rights.  And,  furthermore,  the  Protestants  could  not  but  be 
alarmed  at  the  censorship  allowed  the  bishops  in  Art.  13,  for 
the  latter  thus  obtained  the  right  to  banish  the  whole  Protestant 
literature  from  Bavaria.  The  Protestants  were,  however,  reas- 
sured by  the  State  Constitution  which  was  established  May  26, 
1S18,  which  insured  complete  liberty  of  conscience  to  all  the  in- 
habitants of  the  realm,  as  well  as  equal  civil  and  political  rights 
to  the  three  Christian  Church  communions  existing  in  the  king- 
dom. 1  It  can  by  no  means  be  denied  that  there  is  an  irreconcil- 
able discrepancy  between  the praerogativi,  quibus  frui  debet  ec- 
clesiaCatholica  ex  canonicis  sanctionibus,  as  they  are  promised  in 
the  concordat,  and  this  decree  of  the  State  Constitution ;  but  the 
government  hitherto  has  always  given  the  preference  to  the  latter. 
The  other  German  states  with  which  Kome  had  to  confer 
with  regard  to  the  organization  of  the  Catholic  Church  had 
Protestant  sovereigns.  The  decisions  respecting  these  national 
churches,  therefore,  although  they  too  were  based  on  negotia- 
tions, were  not  given  in  the  form  of  concordats,  or  agreements, 
between  the  temporal  and  spiritual  powers,  but  in  the  shape  of 
Papal  bulls ;  because  it  is  not  consistent  with  the  Papal  dignity 
to  conclude  open  and  acknowledged  treaties  with  non-Catholics 
on  affairs  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Hence  the  Pope,  in  these 
bulls,  gave  himself  the  air  of  deciding  upon  the  Church  matters 
in  question  entirely  of  his  own  free  impulse  and  by  his  own  au- 
thority ;  but  they  did  not  become  valid  until  the  sovereigns  con- 
firmed them  and  proclaimed  them  to  their  subjects  as  laws.  As 
these  bulls  were  the  result  of  previous  agreements,  they  are  es- 

1  Das  Baierische  Concordat  im  Verhaltniss  zum  Religionsedictc,  in  Lippcrt's  An- 
nalcn  dcs  Kircbcnrechts,  2  pts.  Frankfort-ou-tlie-Maiu,  1S32. 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  599 

sentially  concordats,  and  are  usually  called  so  ;  in  form,  however, 
they  are  not  entitled  to  the  name. 

The  Bavarian  concordat  was  followed  by  that  of  Prussia,  or 
the  bull  De  Salute  Animarum  of  July  16,  1821.  By  it  the 
whole  Catholic  population  of  Prussia  was  divided  among  two 
archbishoprics  and  six  bishoprics.  In  the  eastern  part  of  the 
monarchy  the  archbishopric  of  Gnesen  and  Posen  was  estab- 
lished, under  which  was  placed  the  bishopric  of  Knlm.  The 
two  bishoprics  of  Breslau  and  Ermland  were  declared  exempt. 
In  the  western  portion  of  the  kingdom,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
archbishopric  of  Cologne  was  restored,  and  the  three  bishoprics 
of  Treves,  Miinster,  and  Paderborn  assigned  to  it.  All  chapters 
were  allowed  the  free  election  of  their  bishops ;  the  Pope  re- 
served for  himself  the  appointment  of  the  provosts  and  the  fill- 
ing of  such  canonships  as  might  become  vacant  in  the  six  Papal 
months ;  upon  the  bishops,  finally,  was  conferred  the  filling  of 
the  deanships,  as  well  as  that  of  the  canonships  which  should  be- 
come vacant  in  the  remaining  months  of  the  year.  These  deci- 
sions, indeed,  seemed  to  contain  much  that  was  questionable  with 
regard  to  the  nominations  for  vacant  offices,  and,  in  particular, 
to  allow  the  Pope  too  great  an  influence  on  the  National  Church. 
It  is,  however,  quite  certain  that,  aside  from  the  bull  officially 
published  with  regard  to  Prussia,  a  secret  agreement  was  entered 
into  with  the  Pope,  by  which  he  bound  himself  to  adapt  his 
nominations  to  vacant  offices  to  the  wishes  of  the  government; 
and  that,  in  addition,  the  chapters  have  been  secretly  instructed 
by  Rome  to  choose,  when  the  election  of  bishops  falls  to  them, 
only  such  men  as  are  approved  of  by  the  king. 

Next  followed  the  concordat  with  Hanover,  through  the  bull 
Impensa  Romanorum  Pontificum  Sollicitudo  of  March  26, 
1824.  By  it  the  two  bishoprics  of  Hildesheim  and  Osnabruck 
were  restored,  both  of  which  were  to  be  exempt  from  any  met- 
ropolitan connection,  and  to  be  directly  under  the  Papal  See. 
The  nominations  to  the  episcopal  see  and  chapter  of  Osna- 
briick,  however,  were  postponed,  as  the  means  for  endowment 
were  wanting,  and  it  was  decided  that,  for  the  present,  the  Bish- 
op of  Hildesheim  should  also  rule  over  the  diocese  of  Osnabruck 
by  a  vicar-general  stationed  there,  who  should  be  appointed  epi- 
scopus  in  partibus  by  the  Pope,  in  order  that  he  might  per- 
form the  episcopal  official  functions  in  the  diocese.     The  elec- 


COO  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

tion  of  bishops  was  intrusted  to  the  chapters ;  the  nomination 
of  the  canons  was  to  fall  alternately  to  the  bishops  and  the  chap- 
ters. Previous  to  each  election,  the  list  of  candidates  was  to  be 
submitted  to  the  State  authorities,  which  were  to  have  the  right 
to  strike  out  the  names  of  such  candidates  as  did  not  meet  with 
their  approbation.  The  office  of  provost  in  the  chapters  was 
not  created,  and  consequently  no  nomination  was  reserved  for 
the  Pope  in  those  bodies.  The  annats  were  fixed  at  a  moderate 
rate.  This  concordat  is  quite  as  fair  to  the  Catholic  National 
Church  as  it  is  regardful  of  the  rights  of  the  government. 

The  remaining  German  states,  particularly  Wiirtemberg,  Pa- 
den,  the  two  Ilesses,  Nassau,  and  the  Hanseatic  cities,  appointed 
■  a  commission  in  1818  to  meet  in  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  in  or- 
der to  determine  the  principles  according  to  which  they  would 
conclude  a  joint  concordat  with  Rome.2  In  so  doing,  they  in- 
tended not  only  to  assert  the  rights  of  the  State  with  the  Church, 
but  also  the  claims  of  the  German  Church  and  bishops  with  the 
Pope  of  Pome,  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the  modern 
liberal  Catholic  canonists ;  to  make  the  German  Church  more  in- 
dependent of  Pome,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  establish  the  possi- 
bility of  a  more  liberal  scientific  culture  of  the  clergy.  Of  the 
results  of  these  conferences  which  have  been  made  public,  the 
following  are  the  most  prominent : 

The  boundaries  of  the  dioceses  are  to  be  conformed  to  the 
political  limits  of  the  German  states,  but  in  such  a  manner  that 
several  states  can  be  united  in  one  diocese.  The  bishops  are  to 
be  elected  as  follows :  An  electoral  college,  consisting  of  the 
cathedral  capitularies  and  the  same  number  of  rural  deans  of  the 
diocese,  is  to  nominate  three  candidates,  from  whom  the  sover- 
eign chooses  a  bishop.  The  sovereign  can  confer  the  exclusiva 
before  the  nomination,  or  he  can  refuse  his  sanction  to  the  latter 
and  order  a  new  election.  Only  those  candidates  are  eligible 
who  for  eight  years  have  either  held  a  high  ecclesiastical  position 
or  devoted  themselves  to  pastoral  duties.  Tho  Papal  sanction 
must  be  obtained  by  the  archbishop,  and  must  be  given  within 
four  months,  if  the  Pope  raises  no  objection  to  the  person  of  the 
candidate  chosen.  Should  such  objections  exist,  they  will  be  de- 
cided upon  by  a  tribunal  convened  in  the  province  where  the 
election  takes  place.     In  case  the  Pope  should  still  delay  his 

2  Vatcr's  Anbau,  ii.  03.    Deutsche  Blatter,  iv.  49. 


§9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  601 

sanction,  the  archbishop  is  to  assume  his  original  right  of  con- 
firmation. The  bishops  are  not  to  take  the  oath  of  fealty  to  the 
Pope  which  has  been  common  since  Gregory  VII.,  but  merely 
to  promise  him,  by  a  simple  formula,  canonical  obedience  and  a 
faithful  discharge  of  their  pastoral  duties.  All  exemptions  from 
the  episcopal  jurisdiction  are  abolished.  To  the  bishop  alone 
belongs  the  exercise  of  ecclesiastical  discipline.  In  cases  of  ex- 
communication, however,  or  in  sentencing  ecclesiastics  to  heavy 
penalties,  he  must  ask  the  consent  of  the  State  authorities.  Fur- 
ther, the  bishop  may  prohibit  the  use  of  certain  printed  books  in 
churches  and  schools,  but  also  only  with  the  sanction  of  the  gov- 
ernment. In  all  Church  matters  he  alone  can  grant  the  necessa- 
ry dispensations,  and  may  also,  in  case  of  need,  divest  both  secular 
and  monastic  ecclesiastics  of  their  clerical  character  and  restore 
them  to  the  state  of  laymen.  The  cathedral  capitularies  are  to  be 
chosen  alternately  by  the  sovereign  and  the  bishop ;  the  dean  of 
the  cathedral  is  appointed  by  the  sovereign  from  the  chapter. 
The  chanting  of  the  canonical  hours  is  to  be  abolished.  The 
scientific  theological  education  of  the  Catholic  clergy  is  to  be 
carried  on  by  Catholic  faculties  which  are  to  be  established  in 
conjunction  with  the  national  universities.  With,  each  episco- 
pal see  there  is  to  be  connected  a  theological  seminary,  at  which 
the  candidates  for  the  priesthood,  after  having  completed  their 
three  years'  course  at  the  university,  are  to  spend  a  year  in  prep- 
aration for  their  practical  duties.  Diocesan  and  provincial  syn- 
ods are  to  be  held  regularly.  At  the  provincial  synods  the  arch- 
bishop will  preside.  Further  rights  of  the  archbishop  are,  the 
consecration  of  the  bishops  of  his  province,  the  second  instance 
in  appeals  from  episcopal  judgments,  the  jus  swpjplendi,  when 
the  bishop  neglects  his  official  duties,  and  the  care  of  orphaned 
churches.  The  sovereign  possesses,  with  regard  to  the  Church, 
the  jus  majestaticum  circa  sacra;  no  ecclesiastical  decree  can 
be  published  or  be  valid  without  the  sovereign  placet  or  videt. 
When  any  abuse  of  ecclesiastical  power  takes  place,  all  who  feel 
injured  thereby  are  entitled  to  an  appeal  to  the  government,  the 
recur  sus  ah  abusu.  No  convents  are  to  be  restored.  No  Papal 
nuncio  can  ever  reside  permanently  in  the  German  states. 
When  any  appeal  is  made  to  Koine  from  an  archiepiscopal 
judgment  in  Church  matters,  the  Pope  is  obliged,  according  to 
the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Basle,  to  authorize  synodal  judges 


G02  FOURTH  PERIOD. -DIV.  IIL-fllNCE  A.D.  1814. 

in  the  province  to  give  a  verdict ;  no  proceedings  can  take  place 
before  judges  from  other  provinces.  No  tribute  shall  be  paid 
to  the  Roman  Curia  for  the  confirmation  of  bishops.  For  the 
preservation  of  civil  order,  uniformity  is  to  be  restored  between 
the  Catholic  and  Protestant  festivals,  and  to  this  end  those  holi- 
days hitherto  observed  by  Catholics  or  Protestants  alone  are  to 
be  transferred  to  the  following  or  preceding  Sunday. 

These  principles,  it  is  true,  were  entirely  in  agreement  with  the 
point  of  view  of  the  liberal  German  canonists ;  but  when,  soon 
after,  an  embassy  went  to  Rome  to  negotiate  a  concordat  upon 
these  foundations,  serious  difficulties  arose  there,  as  might  have 
been  expected.  The  envoys,  after  long  delay,  received  a  dif- 
fuse "  statement  of  the  sentiments  of  His  Holiness  upon  the  dec- 
laration of  the  united  Protestant  sovereigns  of  August  10, 1819," 
in  which  forty-four  points  were  mentioned,  with  regard  to  which 
the  Pope  declared  that  he  could  not  accede  to  the  propositions 
made.  In  the  first  place,  he  objected  to  mention  being  made  of 
the  bishops  alone  as  rulers  of  the  Church,  and  claimed  that  the 
Pope,  by  virtue  of  his  primacy,  ruled  and  directed  the  Church  in 
general  as  its  supreme  head.  Further,  he  insisted  that  the  edu- 
cation of  the  clergy  should  be  carried  on  solely  in  seminaries 
which  were  exclusively  dependent  on  the  bishops;  their  being 
educated  at  universities  was  utterly  rejected,  because  the  extreme 
liberty  prevailing  at  these  institutions  was  dangerous  to  future 
ecclesiastics,  and  the  teachers  connected  with  them  did  not  give 
sufficient  guarantee  for  the  truth  of  their  doctrine.  The  partici- 
pation of  rural  deans  in  the  election  of  bishops  was  also  rejected, 
because  this  proposition  involved  the  tendency  to  introduce  a 
spirit  of  democracy  into  the  Church ;  and  this  seemed  to  be 
merely  the  first  step  towards  subsequently  admitting  the  whole 
clergy,  and  perhaps  even  the  people,  to  the  election  in  question. 
No  less  decided  was  the  declaration  that  the  nomination  to  an 
ecclesiastical  dignity  in  the  Catholic  Church  could  not  be  left  to  a 
non-Catholic  sovereign ;  that  such  a  one  could  neither  be  allowed 
to  choose  a  bishop  from  three  elected  candidates,  nor  to  fill  va- 
cant canonships.  With  regard  to  the  confirmation  of  elections, 
the  Pope  would  not  be  bound  to  any  special  length  of  time ; 
neither  the  informatory  proceedings  nor  the  consecration  of 
bishops  should  appertain  to  the  metropolitan,  but  they  were  to  be 
conferred  by  the  Pope  upon  a  bishop  at  his  discretion.     In  like 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  603 

manner  those  propositions  were  rejected  by  which  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  metropolitans  seemed  likely  to  be  re-established  in 
its  old  extent.  The  existing  Papal  reservations  were  to  remain. 
The  disciplinary  power  of  the  bishops  was  to  be  free  from  all 
interference  of  the  State  authorities. 

The  respective  principles  and  demands  of  the  negotiating  par- 
ties diverged  too  far  to  make  a  general  agreement  possible,  and 
both  sides  therefore  dropped  other  subjects  of  discussion,  and 
contented  themselves  with  arranging  a  new  circumscription  of 
the  dioceses,  as  well  as  the  revenues  of  the  bishops  and  their 
chapters.  This  was  the  sole  substance  of  the  Papal  bull  Provi- 
da  Solersque  of  August  1G,  1821.  By  it  an  archbishopric  and 
four  bishoprics  were  established  for  the  states  of  the  South  Ger- 
man '  Protestant  princes.  The  archbishopric  of  Freiburg  was 
to  comprise  the  grand-duchy  of  Baden  and  the  two  principalities 
of  Hohenzollern.  For  the  grand-duchy  of  Hesse  the  bishopric  of 
Mayence  was  founded ;  for  Electoral  Hesse,  that  of  Fulda ;  for 
"Wurtemberg,  the  bishopric  of  Rottenburg-on-the-Neckar ;  for 
Nassau  and  the  free  city  of  Frankfort,  that  of  Limburg-on-the 
Lahn.  After  the  governments  had  accepted  this  bull,  they  im- 
mediately designated  the  bishops  in  order  to  propose  them  to 
the  Pope  for  confirmation.  At  the  same  time  they  caused  the 
principles  agreed  upon  at  Frankfort  some  time  previous  to  be 
drawn  up  in  the  form  of  a  system  of  Church  pragmatics,  sub- 
mitted the  latter  to  the  newly  elected  bishops,  and  called  upon 
them  to  acknowledge  the  Church  Constitution  which  it  con- 
tained as  that  of  the  province,  and  conform  to  it  exactly.  This 
demand  was  made  in  secret,  but  the  matter  was  betrayed  by  cer- 
tain persons  in  Fulda,  and  the  Church  Pragmatics  appeared  in 
print.  At  this  the  ultramontanes  were  highly  indignant,  and 
the  Pope  was  all  the  more  reluctant  to  confirm  the  election  of 
the  bishops  that  several  of  them,  as  liberal  theologians,  were 
looked  upon  with  disfavor  in  Rome,  and  now,  in  addition,  were 
suspected  of  having  secretly  agreed  to  the  Church  Pragmatics. 
The  Curia,  moreover,  wished  to  have  the  manner  of  the  future 
election  of  bishops  regulated  before  the  confirmation  was  grant- 
ed ;  and  in  order  finally  to  obtain  bishops  for  their  Catholic 
subjects,  the  Protestant  princes  were  compelled  to  yield  in  this 
matter.  Upon  this  the  bishops  designated  were  at  last  con- 
firmed ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  the  Pope  issued  the  bull  Ad  Domi- 


004  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

nici  Gregis  Custodiam  of  April  11, 1S17,  by  which  it  was  decreed 
that,  in  future,  episcopal  elections  should  be  effected  by  the 
chapters  alone,  but  that  the  latter  should  submit  the  lists  of  can- 
didates to  the  sovereign,  who  should  be  at  liberty  to  strike  out 
any  names  of  which  he  disapproved ;  and,  further,  that  such 
canonships  as  might  become  vacant  should  be  filled  alternately 
by  the  bishops  and  the  chapters ;  but  that  the  sovereign,  in  this 
case  likewise,  should  have  the  right  to  strike  out,  from  the  lists 
of  candidates  previously  submitted  to  him,  the  names  of  those  to 
whom  he  objected.  The  sovereigns  concerned  did  not,  however, 
resign  the  intention  of  carrying  through  the  principles  previous- 
ly agreed  upon,  at  least  in  their  essential  substance ;  on  the  con- 
trary, they  published  them  as  national  laws  in  a  joint  proclama- 
tion of  January  30, 1830.  By  this  it  was  decreed  that  all  eccle- 
siastical ordinances,  even  those  issued  by  the  Pope,  were  subject 
to  the  sanction  of  the  State  before  being  made  public ;  that  no 
ecclesiastical  disputes  could  be  brought  before  foreign  judges; 
that  no  tribute  could  be  demanded  either  by  native  or  foreign 
spiritual  authorities ;  that  provision  should  be  made  at  the  uni- 
versities for  the  scientific  education  of  candidates  for  the  priest- 
hood, and  seminaries  be  established  for  their  subsequent  practi- 
cal training;  that  in  cases  of  abuse  of  spiritual  power  an  appeal 
to  the  State  authorities  was  admissible.  Against  this  proclama- 
tion there  appeared  a  Papal  rescript  of  June  30, 1830  (Tubingen 
Theological  Quarterly,  1830,  iv.  787),  in  which  it  was  called  "a 
scandal  of  innovations." 

In  the  majority  of  the  allied  states  these  ordinances  seemed  to 
meet  with  a  willing  reception  from  the  Catholic  clergy;  it  was  only 
in  Electoral  Hesse  that  they  encountered  opposition,  from  the  rigid- 
ly Catholic  spirit  of  the  clergy  in  Fulda.  In  Wurtemberg  and  Ba- 
den the  university  studies  of  the  Catholic  clergy  had  been  regulat- 
ed previous  to  this  time,  inasmuch  as  Baden  has  an  entirely  Cath- 
olic university, Freiburg;  and  in  Wiirtemberg  a  Catholic  Theolog- 
ical Faculty  is  attached  to  the  National  University  of  Tubingen. 
Hesse-Darmstadt  established,  November  27, 1830,  a  Catholic  Theo- 
logical Faculty  at  Giessen ;  Hesse-Cassel,  in  conjunction  with  Nas- 
sau, did  the  same  at  Marburg.  The  latter  state,  however,  met  with 
such  vehement  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  Episcopal  Curia  at 
Fulda  that  it  abolished  the  faculty  in  question,  and  left  the  edu- 
cation of  its  Catholic  clergy  to  the  Episcopal  Seminary  in  Fulda. 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.       605 

It  is  evident,  however,  that  the  conflict  between  the  Papal  pre- 
tensions and  the  demands  of  these  states  is  by  no  means  at  an 
end,  but  is  only  allowed  to  rest  temporarily,  because  Borne  has 
no  opportunity  of  asserting  its  claims.  The  controversy  between 
Prussia  and  Home  excited  the  ultramontanes  in  this  case  too, 
and  they  attempted,  particularly  in  Wiirtemberg  and  Baden,  to 
recover  greater  privileges  for  the  Church  by  representing  its  con- 
dition as  that  of  a  complete  subjection  by  the  State.  They  failed 
in  their  efforts,  however,  especially  after  the  propositions  of  the 
Bishop  of  Eottenburg  at  the  Wiirtemberg  Diet  had  been  rejected 
(1S42).3 

We  now  take  up  the  history  of  the  progress  of  ecclesiastical 
and  theological  culture  among  the  Catholics  in  Germany. 

Under  Joseph  II.,  and  by  the  Congress  of  Ems,  a  more  liberal 
tendency  had  gained  ground  among  the  Catholics  in  Germany, 
which  was  much  strengthened  by  the  subsequent  political  events, 
by  the  French  Revolution  and  the  secularization  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical states  consequent  upon  the  dissolution  of  the  German  Em- 
pire.    The  mania  for  liberty  which,  through  the  French  Rev- 
olution, spread  over  the  whole  of  Europe  seized  also  upon  some 
parts  of  the  Catholic  Church.    In  the  German  portion  of  it,  too, 
many  voices  were  raised  in  favor  of  liberty  of  conviction,  eccle- 
siastical independence,  and  the  uprooting  of  superstition  and 
Church  despotism ;  and  even  though  but  few  yielded  themselves 
up  entirely  to  the  vortex  which  threatened  to  destroy  the  whole 
Catholic  Church  in  France,  the  new  doctrines,  so  far  as,  in  fact, 
they  could  not  but  force  themselves  upon  every  thinking  indi- 
vidual, found  general  access.    As,  immediately  after,  the  diocesan 
division  of  Germany  was  annulled  by  political  changes,  and,  in 
consequence,  the  German  bishops  lost  their  power,  and  gradually 
died  out,  the  German  Catholic  Church  was  deprived  of  a  close, 
menacing,  and  strict  supervision,  and  the  clergy  could  the  more 
fearlessly  adopt  such  liberal  views.     The  aim  of  these  liberals 
was  to  reconstruct  the  Church  according  to  reasonable  principles. 
They  feigned,  indeed,  to  uphold  the  unassailibility  of  the  Cath- 
olic doctrine  as  it  is  found  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  in  actual 
common  tradition,  and  has  been  expressed  by  oecumenical  coun- 
cils, but  they  dropped  many  points  which  until  then  had  been 
considered  a  part  of  it,  pronouncing  them  later  additions,  which 

3  C.  F.  Nebenius,  Die  katuolischen  Zustiiude  in  Baden,  Carlsruhe,  1843. 


606  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

could  only  be  looked  upon  as  theological  opinions,  not  as  dogmas. 
At  the  same  time,  they  endeavored  to  prove  the  rationality  of 
those  doctrines  which  they  acknowledged  as  such,  and  to  this 
end  not  unfrequently  permitted  themselves  modifications  and 
interpretations  that  were  in  strong  contradiction  to  Roman  Ca- 
tholicism. They  wished  to  remodel  the  form  of  public  worship 
according  to  the  demands  of  the  time ;  instead  of  the  Latin  rit- 
ual, they  proposed  to  introduce  a  German  liturgy;  all  supersti- 
tious ceremonies  were  to  be  abolished.  With  regard  to  Church 
polity,  they  demanded  that  the  Church  should  acknowledge  the 
right  of  supervision  of  the  State,  and  that  in  this  way  the  abuse 
of  spiritual  power  should  be  prevented.  The  Pope  was  to  be 
nothing  more  than  a  bishop-in-chief,  who  should  exercise  a  gen- 
eral superintendence  over  the  Church,  but  should  have  neither 
dominion  nor  power  over  the  same.  His  aim  was  to  be  to  guard, 
as  centrum  imitatis,  against  any  deviation  from  ecclesiastical 
orthodoxy.  Should  he  discover  any  such,  he  might  try  the  effect 
of  admonitions.  In  case  these  proved  fruitless,  he  could  call  for 
an  investigation,  or,  in  important  cases,  even  convoke  a  general 
synod.  He  himself,  however,  was  not  to  be  entitled  to  interfere 
by  a  judgment. 

The  man  who  for  a  long  time  could  be  looked  upon  as  the 
head  of  this  liberal  movement  was  Benedict  Maria  Werkmeister, 
who  was  first  a  Benedictine  monk,  then  pastor,  and  finally,  for 
many  years,  upper  ecclesiastical  councilor  in  Stuttgart,  and  as 
such  represented  the  State  in  the  direction  of  the  Catholic  Church 
in  Wiirtemberg  (d.  1S23).  The  most  distinguished  of  his  writ- 
ings are,  Thomas  Freikirch,  oder  freimiithige  Untersuchungen 
iiber  die  Unfchlbarkeit  der  katholischen  Kirche  (Frankfort  and 
Leipsic,  1792) ;  An  die  unbescheidenen  Verehrer  der  Ileiligen,  be- 
sonders  Maria  (Iladamar,  1S01).  In  particular  he  exercised  great 
influence  by  means  of  the  Jahresschrift  fur  Theologio  and  Kir- 
chenrecht  der  Katholiken,  which  he  edited  at  Ulm  from  1806 
until  his  death,  and  for  which  he  himself  furnished  the  greater 
part  of  the  articles ;  for  in  it  nearly  the  whole  dogmatic  system, 
the  ecclesiastical  polity,  and  the  form  of  worship  of  the  Catholic 
Church  are  discussed  from  the  above-mentioned  liberal  point  of 
view. 

Like  "Werkmeister  in  Wiirtemberg,  Wessenberg,  as  vicar-gen- 
eral of  the  diocese  of  Constance,  was  active  in  a  similar  spirit. 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  607 

But  in  his  case  the  tendency  to  criticism  was  less  prominent ;  he 
rather  strove,  by  his  writings  and  his  official  influence,  to  awaken 
a  rational  religious  spirit,  and  tacitly  let  it  wear  off  the  excres- 
cences of  Catholicism.  Thus  he  promoted  the  culture  of  his 
clergy  by  pastoral  conferences  which  he  established ;  gradually 
introduced  a  German  liturgy ;  imperceptibly  abolished  supersti- 
tious usages,  and  the  like. 

But  this  development  of  liberalism  in  the  Catholic  Church  has 
been  interrupted  since  1814.  When  the  Papacy  was  restored, 
and  seemed  to  fall  back  into  its  old  place,  the  episcopacy  was 
about  to  be  reinstated  in  Germany,  and  it  could  be  foreseen  that 
the  future  German  bishops,  by  their  relation  to  Home,  would  be 
forced  to  suppress  the  liberal  tendency  which  had  gained  the 
upper-hand,  an  ultramontane  party  suddenly  emerged  from 
obscurity,  and  many  even  who  until  then  had  belonged  to  the 
liberals  now  went  over  to  Ultramontanism.  A  vehement  strug- 
gle consequently  arose  between  the  ultramontanes  and  the  lib- 
erals, the  former  accusing  the  latter  of  having  seceded  from  Ca- 
tholicism, and  they  charging  the  ultramontanes  with  being  hire- 
lings and  slaves  of  Eome,  and  in  part  renegades.  The  following 
journals  became  the  chief  organs  of  the  ultramontane  party : 

The  Literary  Gazette  for  Catholic  instructors  in  religion,  which 
was  begun  in  1810  by  Felder,  in  Landshut,  but  subsequently, 
under  its  new  editor,  Mastiaux,  who  formerly  belonged  to  the 
liberals,  assumed  a  thoroughly  ultramontane  character,  which  it 
continued  to  maintain  under  its  next  editor,  Von  Kerz. 

The  Catholic,  which,  commenced  in  1S19,  first  appeared  in 
Mayence,  then  in  Strasburg. 

The  General  Friend  of  Keligion  and  the  Church,  edited  by 
Benkert,  in  Wiirzburg,  since  1828. 

Among  the  journals,  on  the  other  hand,  which  advocate  liberal 
views,  the  most  distinguished,  next  to  the  Ulm  Jahresschrift,  is 
the  Theological  Quarterly,  edited  by  the  Catholic  professors  of 
Tubingen  since  181S.  Subsequently,  however,  after  Professor 
Mohler  joined  the  editorial  staff,  this  journal  inclined  to  a  stricter 
Catholicism ;  although  it  is,  nevertheless,  still  remarkable  for  its 
dignified  and  learned  character. 

The  aim  of  the  ultramontanes  is  to  restore  the  whole  condi- 
tion of  the  Church,  if  possible,  to  the  standpoint  which  it  occu- 
pied in  the  Middle  Ages.    Hence  they  strive  to  enforce  the  dog- 


COS 


FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 


matic  system,  as  it  lias  been  developed  by  scholasticism,  in  its 
whole  rigidity,  and  decry  the  slightest  deviation  from  it  as  seces- 
sion from  the  Church.  In  order  to  bind  the  clergy  to  it,  they 
urge  their  being  educated  solely  in  seminaries — where  the  future 
priests,  from  their  boyhood,  are  under  strict  supervision  and  con- 
ventual discipline — and  oppose  their  attendance  of  mixed  univer- 
sities. They  desire  that  the  Pope  should  possess  unlimited  au- 
thority over  the  Church ;  that  the  bishops  shall  do  nothing  with- 
out the  Papal  sanction,  and  shall  consult  Rome  in  all  cases  that 
are  of  the  least  importance.  They  maintain  that  the  State  should 
assert  no  rights  whatever  over  the  Church ;  would  have  entire 
freedom  of  correspondence  with  Rome,  and  look  upon  the  decree, 
universally  accepted  at  that  time,  that  all  ecclesiastical  ordinances 
must  have  the  placetwn  regium  before  being  published,  as  an 
abomination.  They  would  have  no  alteration  in  the  form  of 
worship,  and  protest  against  any  interference  with  the  differ- 
ent kinds  of  superstitious  ceremonies,  as  well  as  pilgrimages. 
They  would  have  the  convents  restored,  and  the  Order  of  Jesus, 
in  particular,  reinstated  every  where;  and  demand  that  the  schools 
should  be  entirely  removed  from  the  supervision  of  the  State,  and 
be  solely  under  that  of  the  Church. 

They  strive  to  further  their  aims  partly  by  writings,  partly  by 
covert  intrigues  through  State  officials  who  are  under  their  in- 
fluence, as  well  as  by  secret  denunciations  of  the  liberal  clergy 
at  the  Papal  Court.  This  last  method  is  facilitated  for  them  by 
the  nunciature  in  Munich,  which  is  glad  to  receive  communica- 
tions of  that  kind.  They  have  in  this  way  exercised  much  con- 
trol over  the  appointments  for  the  new  bishoprics  and  chapters. 
In  particular,  however,  they  have  been  active  in  their  official  ca- 
pacity for  the  revival  of  the  old  superstition  among  the  people 
by  the  re-establishment  of  superstitious  ceremonies,  pilgrimages, 
brotherhoods,  and  the  fostering  of  a  belief  in  miracles. 

Among  the  various  attempts  at  miracles  which  have  been  made 
in  modern  times,  the  miraculous  cures  of  Prince  Ilohenlohe  cre- 
ated particular  sensation  in  Germany. 4  Alexander,  Prince  of 
Ilohenlohe  -  Schillingsfiirst,  episcopal  councilor  in  Bamberg,  a 
young  priest  of  very  slight  theological  learning,  had  already  en- 
deavored, in  different  ways,  to  make  himself  conspicuous  as  a 

*  On  Prince  Holienlohe,  sec  Biograpby  of  Anselm  von  Feuerbach,  by  Ludwig 
Feucrbach,  ii.  165. 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  qqq 

converter  of  Protestants  and  as  an  ascetic  writer,  when,  during  a 
visit  to  Wiirzburg,  in  1821,  where  lie  became  very  popular  as  a 
preacher,  he  was  impelled  thereby  to  come  forward  as  a  worker 
of  miracles.  Encouraged  by  the  example  of  a  peasant,  Martin 
Michl,  who  for  some  years  past  had  had  the  reputation  of  healing 
the  sick  by  his  prayers,  alleging  Mark  xvi.  17,  IS  as  his  author- 
ity, and  maintaining  that  such  miraculous  power  was  inherent  in 
every  true  believer,  but  especially  in  consecrated  priests  of  the 
higher  orders,  the  Prince,  in  conjunction  with  this  same  Martin 
Michl,  applied  this  means  in  the  case  of  a  Princess  of  Schwarzen- 
berg,  who  was  sojourning  in  Wiirzburg  for  the  purpose  of  a  cure ; 
and  as  it  was  apparently  successful,  he  was  soon  beset  by  number- 
less sick  and  infirm  persons,  who  desired  to  be  healed.  Among 
these,  too,  several  apparent  cures  were  effected ;  and  the  failure 
of  the  majority  of  cases  was  attributed  to  want  of  faith  in  the 
subjects.  The  excitement  with  regard  to  these  miracles  there- 
upon became  general.  It  was  thought  that  the  Prince  was  des- 
tined to  give  new  glory  to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  hopes  were 
cherished  of  a  general  conversion  of  the  Protestants,  and  the  like. 
Even  the  then  Crown-prince  of  Bavaria,  Louis,  believed  himself 
to  have  regained  his  hearing  through  Prince  Hohenlohe,  though 
this  was  soon  found  to  be  a  delusion.  Hohenlohe  sent  a  trium- 
phant report  of  his  achievements  to  the  Pope ;  but  Kome  is  too 
experienced  to  enter  implicitly  into  matters  of  this  kind.  The 
Prince  received  an  answer  in  general  evasive  terms,  with  admo- 
nitions to  exercise  humility.  The  whole  farce,  indeed,  soon 
came  to  an  end.  Having  returned  to  Bamberg,  his  actual  place 
of  residence,  Hohenlohe  endeavored  to  display  his  miraculous 
power  there  too ;  but  he  was  now  surrounded  by  sensible  men, 
and  not  by  a  crowd  eager  to  believe  in  miracles;  and  thus  all 
his  attempts  were  unsuccessful.  The  voice  of  reason  began  to 
make  itself  heard,  and  the  writings  of  Upper  Judicial  Councilor 
von  Hornthal,  as  well  as  of  a  clergyman  named  Brenner,  were 
particularly  instrumental  in  enlightening  the  public  judgment. 
It  was  proved  that  Hohenlohe,  in  his  character  of  prince  and 
priest,  had  indeed  made,  by  his  benedictions,  and  still  more  by 
his  admonitions,  often  accompanied  by  threats,  to  make  use  of 
the  affected  limbs,  an  impression  similar  to  that  which  is  pro- 
duced by  other  strong  affections  of  the  emotions,  particularly  by 
fright ;  but  that  this  impression  had  been,  at  the  same  time,  a 
vol.  v.— 39 


610  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

very  dangerous  one.  During  the  excitement  caused  by  the  com- 
mands of  the  Prince,  many  persons  had  believed  themselves  to 
have  regained  the  use  of  their  limbs,  and  had  therefore,  for  the 
moment,  been  regarded  as  cured  ;  but  subsequently  the  infirmity 
had  returned  with  redoubled  force,  and  in  some  cases  death  had 
even  ensued  in  consequence  of  the  exertions  undergone  by  the 
patients.  Very  few  had  been  cured,  or  had  obtained  relief  per- 
manently. Moreover,  the  miraculous  power  of  the  Prince  had 
had  no  effect  whatever  on  other  ailments  than  paralysis.  The 
excitement  caused  by  his  miracles,  therefore,  soon  ceased  in 
Bamberg  and  its  vicinity,  and  the  Prince,  whom  his  adherents 
would  at  first  have  been  glad  to  see  installed  in  a  Bavarian 
bishopric,  found  it  advisable  to  leave  Bavaria,  where  he  found 
himself  looked  upon  with  disfavor,  and  repair  to  Austria.  In 
Vienna,  too,  however,  it  was  found  expedient  to  remove  him, 
and  he  received,  in  1825,  a  position  as  canon  at  Grosswardein, 
in  Hungary,  where,  being  ignorant  of  the  language  of  the  coun- 
try, he  was,  of  course,  forced  to  remain  inactive.  It  was  only 
in  distant  countries,  chiefly  in  Ireland  and  North  America,  that 
the  tradition  of  his  power,  for  some  years  longer,  worked  new 
miracles  among  the  Catholics  to  whom  it  had  penetrated.  Sick 
persons  there  would  agree  with  the  Prince,  by  letter,  upon  cer- 
tain days  and  hours  when  he  was  to  pray  for  them,  and  when 
they,  after  confessing,  would  receive  the  sacrament.  And  thus, 
for  some  time,  rumors  continued  to  arise  of  miracles  which  had 
been  worked  in  this  way ;  but  soon  they,  too,  died  out,  and  Prince 
Hohenlohe  was  forgotten. 

We  add  one  more  example  to  characterize  these  efforts  to  re- 
vive superstition  by  the  influence  of  miracles.  In  Z'ons,  a  small 
town  near  Cologne,  several  persons  fancied  that  they  had  seen, 
in  the  church,  a  flame  hovering  above  the  crown  of  an  image  of 
the  Virgin  standing  upon  the  altar  (1S23).  The  matter  was  in- 
vestigated, and  it  was  found  that  the  supposed  flame  was  merely 
the  reflection  of  the  tapers,  or  of  the  sun,  thrown  from  the  heavi- 
ly gilded  crown  in  certain  directions.  Nevertheless,  Ilerr  von 
Kerz,  the  ultramontane  editor  of  the  Literary  Gazette  for  Cath- 
olic Instructors  in  Religion,  took  this  opportunity  to  issue  an 
anonymous  treatise,  On  the  Fancied  and  Real  Miracle  in  Zmis 
(Mayence,  1S23),  in  which  he  not  only  asserted  the  truth  of  the 
miracle,  but  also  upheld  through  it  the  doctrines  of  the  Assump- 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  qu 

tion  of  the  Virgin  and  her  Immaculate  Conception,  and  sought 
to  impress  them  anew  upon  the  popular  mind. 

On  the  other  hand,  however,  liberalism,  too,  did  not  remain 
inactive  in  the  Catholic  Church  of  Germany,  either  in  combating 
the  above  ultramontane  efforts  by  refutation  and  derision,  or  in 
striving  to  effect  the  necessary  reforms  in  the  Church.  One  of 
the  most  remarkable  cases  of  this  kind  was  introduced  by  a  treat- 
ise, The  Catholic  Church  in  Silesia,  described  by  a  Catholic  cler- 
gyman (Altenburg,  1826),  the  author  of  which  was  soon  known 
to  be  Professor  Johann  Anton  Theiner,  of  Breslau.  In  it  all  the 
defects  of  the  Catholic  Church,  in  doctrine,  constitution,  and  rit- 
ual, were  mercilessly  exposed,  and  an  adequate  reformation  de- 
manded. Soon  after,  in  November,  1826,  several  Catholic  cler- 
gymen addressed  a  petition  to  the  Prince-bishop  of  Breslau,  in 
which  they  requested  an  alteration  of  the  forms  of  public  worship 
adapted  to  the  times.  But  the  prince-bishop  found  it  impossible, 
under  the  existing  circumstances,  to  accede  to  these  wishes  with- 
out a  schism  with  Pome.  The  Papal  government,  which  was 
also  appealed  to,  recognized  that  the  greater  portion  of  the  Cath- 
olic people  were  by  no  means  ripe  for  such  reforms,  and  was 
not  willing  to  favor  the  originating  of  a  schism.  These  move- 
ments, therefore,  caused  a  lively  correspondence,  but  had  no  per- 
manent result,  as  the  spiritual  authorities  silenced  the  malcon- 
tents both  by  kindness  and  force. 

After  1830,  the  liberal  party  seemed  once  more  to  regain  a 
decided  preponderance,  inasmuch  as  the  ultramontanes  had  lost 
their  support  in  France,  and  the  diffusion  of  political  liberalism 
had  also  promoted  liberal  opinions  in  the  Church. 

One  of  the  aims  which  this  party  is  pursuing  with  peculiar 
zeal  is  the  abolition  of  the  celibaoy  of  the  clergy.  Since  the 
reign  of  Joseph  II.,  a  large  number  of  treatises  on  this  subject 
have  appeared;  quite  as  many,  indeed,  have  taken  the  oppo- 
site side,  but  the  attacks  upon  celibacy  have  become  more  and 
more  decided,  and  its  opponents  have  come  forward  more  and 
more  boldly  from  the  obscurity  in  which  they  first  wrapped 
themselves.  In  modern  times  it  has  been  asserted  with  in- 
creased vehemence,  that  the  secular  princes  have  the  right  to  an- 
nul the  law  of  celibacy  on  their  own  authority,  inasmuch  as  it 
is  a  disciplinary  law,  which  has  nothing  in  common  with  the 
Church   doctrine ;    that   such   disciplinary  laws  could  be  pro- 


612  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

claimed  only  with  the  placet  of  the  temporal  power;  and  that, 
therefore,  it  likewise  appertains  to  the  temporal  power  to  revoke 
the  placet  under  altered  circumstances.  In  consequence,  this 
subject  has  been  frequently  discussed  at  the  South  German  di- 
ets: first  in  that  of  Wiirtemberg,  in  1S24;  next,  in  1S28,  a  peti- 
tion was  addressed  by  twenty-three  Catholics  in  Freiburg  to 
the  Baden  Diet,  to  the  effect  that  it  might  use  its  influence  in 
favor  of  the  abolition  of  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy;  but  the 
Chambers  declared  that  they  were  not  authorized  to  interfere 
in  this  matter.  On  the  other  hand,  a  similar  proposition  made 
at  the  Darmstadt  Diet  in  1S30  was  more  successful,  and  the 
Chambers  resolved  to  express  to  the  government  their  wish  that 
it  might  do  all  in  its  power  to  promote  the  abolition  of  celibacy. 
In  1S31  Freiburg  renewed  its  former  petition  to  the  Baden  Diet, 
with  the  addition  of  the  signatures  of  one  hundred  and  fifty-six 
Catholic  clergymen  of  Baden.  It  met  with  a  more  favorable 
reception  on  this  occasion,  and  was  referred  by  the  Chambers  to 
the  government.  In  May,  1831,  an  association  of  Catholic  cler- 
gymen was  formed  in  Wiirtemberg,  with  the  aim  of  using  all 
legal  means  for  bringing  about  the  abolition  of  celibacy,  fol- 
lowed by  another,  soon  after,  in  the  diocese  of  Treves,  which  is 
said  to  have  been  composed  of  eighty  Catholic  clergymen.  The 
AViirtemberg  government,  however,  expressed  its  disapprobation 
of  the  former  association,  because,  without  accomplishing  its  ob- 
ject, it  would  only  occasion  a  disturbance  among  the  Catholic 
churches.  The  Bishop  of  Treves  likewise  issued  a  pastoral  letter 
disapproving  of  these  efforts,  and  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected  that 
much  will  be  effected  by  them.  For  although  it  is  evident  that 
a  large  portion  of  the  educated  Catholics,  as  well  as  many  cler- 
gymen, in  South  Germany  urgently  desire  the  abolition  of  the 
law  of  celibacy,  and  although  the  condition  of  the  Catholic  clergy 
would  doubtless  be  much  improved  thereby,  because  in  that  case 
its  ranks  would  no  longer  be  filled  up  solely  from  the  lower 
classes,  but  from  the  educated  classes  as  well,  and  it  would 
doubtless  undergo  a  morally  beneficial  reform  through  the  in- 
fluence of  family  life,  yet  it  is  just  as  certain  that  the  majority 
of  the  Catholic  people  would  still  greatly  object  to  married 
priests;  would,  at  least  at  first,  withdraw  from  them,  and  not  be 
"willing  to  receive  the  sacraments  from  them.  Home,  moreover, 
is  the  decided  opponent  of  the  marriage  of  priests,  because  by  it 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  6 1 3 

the  interests  of  the  clergy  are  more  strongly  bound  to  the  State, 
and  can  no  longer  remain  unconditionally  devoted  to  the  hier- 
archy. In  this  spirit  Pope  Gregory  XVI.,  in  a  special  bull  in 
1S32,  vehemently  declared  himself  against  the  impious  attempts 
to  abolish  the  sacred  celibacy  of  the  clergy. 

It  is  difficult  to  predict  whither  these  discordant  efforts  will 
lead,  particularly  as  they  do  not  refer  to  one  point  alone,  but  to 
the  conception  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  general.  Among  the 
Catholics  in  Germany  enlightenment  has  made  rapid  progress  in 
modern  times,  and  Baden  and  Wlirtemberg,  in  particular,  have 
become  the  centres  of  this  enlightenment.  The  groundlessness 
of  many  Catholic  doctrines,  the  inadequacy  of  the  Catholic  form 
of  worship,  and  the  superstition  pervading  many  of  its  usages 
are  generally  recognized  by  the  educated  Catholics  in  these  coun- 
tries. Theological  science  too  has  been  cultivated  among  them 
with  quite  as  much  thoroughness  as  liberality.  The  theological 
faculty  in  Tubingen  has  always  distinguished  itself  by  this  ten- 
dency ;  since  the  appointment  of  Professer  Mohler,  indeed,  a 
rigidly  Catholic  spirit  seems  to  have  gained  ground  in  it  once 
more ;  but  this  can  hardly  be  more  than  a  transient  condition. 
The  theological  faculty  of  Freiburg,  too,  has,  on  the  whole, 
maintained  a  liberal  character,  and  one  of  its  professors,  Hug, 
has  long  been  known  as  a  candid  and  learned  Bible  student,  al- 
though, at  the  same  time,  he  contrived  with  great  shrewdness  to 
retain  the  respect  of  the  other  party  as  well.  None  but  liberal 
men  were  appointed  to  the  new  Catholic  theological  faculties  at 
Marburg  and  Giessen.  Of  these  Johann  Nepomuk  Locherer, 
formerly  pastor  in  Baden,  subsequently  professor  in  Giessen, 
wrote  a  Church  History  which  is  as  free  from  prejudice  as  any 
Protestant  work  of  the  kind  could  be. 

Since  1S37  the  liberal  party  has  given  fewer  signs  of  life,  be- 
cause the  controversy  prevailing  between  the  Prussian  govern- 
ment and  the  hierarchy  has  once  more  brought  the  ultramontane 
party  into  the  foreground.  It  took  the  lead  in  the  dispute ;  and 
as  the  latter  seeks  to  represent  itself  as  a  defensive  struggle  of 
Catholicism  against  Protestant  pretensions,  the  other  Catholics 
do  not  venture  to  contradict  this  party  even  in  its  most  extrava- 
gant assertions,  which  would  seem  to  revive  the  whole  spirit  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  in  the  fear  of  being  decried  as  traitors  to  their 
Church.     Nevertheless,  liberalism  has  by  no  means  entirely  dis- 


0  1  4:  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

appeared  among  the  Catholics,  even  though  it  is  obliged  to  keep 
more  in  the  background. 

Judging  from  appearances,  the  existing  disagreement  between 
the  liberal  German  Catholics  and  Home  can  not  fail  finally  to 
lead  to  a  rupture.  The  former  will  become  more  and  more  ur- . 
gent  in  their  demand  for  the  redress  of  their  grievance.-,  the  sat- 
isfaction of  their  claims,  and  ecclesiastical  liberty.  Rome  can 
not  yield  without  alienating  its  most  faithful  adherents  in  Spain, 
Portugal,  Ireland,  etc.  The  liberal  party,  therefore,  will  prob- 
ably appropriate  that  which  the  Curia  is  not  willing  to  give 
them;  and  then  it  will  depend  upon  circumstances  whether  the 
latter  will  overlook  this  arbitrary  measure,  as  it  often  does  in 
cases  where  opposition  would  be  vain,  or  whether  it  will  resist, 
and,  by  the  determined  use  of  spiritual  weapons,  bring  about  a 
schism.  In  like  manner,  time  must  show  whether,  in  such  a 
case,  the  whole  German  Catholic  Church,  or  at  least  that  of  each 
State,  is  uniformly  sufficiently  educated  to  remain  undivided,  or 
whether  a  schism  will  take  place  in  it  too  between  the  Roman 
Catholic  and  the  German  Catholic  Church. 

Such  a  schism  can  not  be  long  delayed  if  Rome  continue,  as 
it  has  done  since  the  reign  of  the  last  Pope,  Gregory  XVI.,  to 
pursue  with  anathemas  all  peculiar  efforts  and  tendencies  which 
deviate  in  the  least  from  the  old  course.  In  this  connection  the 
condemnation  of  the  dogmatic  theology  of  Hermes  is  chiefly  re- 
markable. Georg  Hermes,  Professor  of  Theology  in  Minister, 
subsequently  in  Bonn  (d.  1S31),  made  it  his  aim  to  give  to  Cath- 
olic dogmatics  a  firmer  philosophical  foundation,  and  to  prove 
the  entire  rationality  of  its  doctrines.  His  mode  of  demonstra- 
tion, however,  displeased  the  mystic  theologians,  who  demand- 
ed trusting  acceptance,  without  demonstration ;  and  Hermes, 
even  during  his  lifetime,  was  frequently  assailed  in  consequence. 
But  as  he  did  not  deviate  in  the  least  from  Catholic  orthodoxy, 
he  had  many  advocates  among  the  Catholic  bishops,  who  re- 
spected and  favored  his  treatment  of  theology,  as  adapted  to  the 
times.  After  his  death,  however,  his  opponents  continued  their 
efforts  against  his  writings,  and  finally  succeeded  in  occasioning 
the  Papal  rescript  Dum  Acerbissimas  of  September  2G,  1S35, 
in  which  the  dogmatical  writings  of  Hermes  were  condemned 
as  being  opposed  to  the  Catholic  faith.  The  numerous  adher- 
ents of  the  author  were  greatly  exasperated  by  this,  and  declared 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  615 

the  Pope's  condemnation  to  have  been  obtained  unfairly  and  by 
misrepresentation.  They  finally  yielded  apparently ;  but  while 
professing  to  acknowledge  the  dogmatic  substance  of  the  Papal 
bull,  they,  at  the  same  time,  assume  that  the  doctrines  expressed 
by  Hermes  are  not  in  contradiction  with  it.  By  this  condemna- 
tion, Eome  has  roused  the  indignation  of  a  large  portion  of  the 
German  Catholic  clergy,  and  thus  caused  itself  no  small  injury. 

Even  at  an  earlier  period  this  liberal  tendency  had  caused 
many  individuals  to  leave  the  Catholic  for  the  Evangelical 
Church;  for  example,  Prince  Constantin  Alexander  Salm-Salm, 
who  went  over,  in  Stuttgart,  in  1826;  the  two  brothers  Counts 
Benzel-Sternau,  in  Frankfort,  in  1827 ;  Johann  Wilhelm  Fischer, 
priest  and  professor  at  the  gymnasium  in  Landshut,  in  1827 ;  L. 
M.  Eisenschmid,  priest  and  professor  in  Aschaffenburg  (these  last 
two  have  been  transferred  to  Protestant  gymnasia  —  the  first  to 
Hof,  the  second  to  Schweinf  urt) ;  K.  A.  Baron  Reichlin-Meldegg, 
priest  and  professor  in  Freiburg,  in  1832. 

Of  late  the  liberal  tendency  in  the  Catholic  Church  has  come 
forward  again  more  decidedly,  and  this  was  occasioned  by  the 
ultramontane  clergy  themselves,  who,  encouraged  by  their  appar- 
ent victory  in  the  Cologne  matter,  overwhelmed  their  congrega- 
tions with  pretensions  of  all  kinds,  and  attempted  to  force  upon 
them  antiquated  ceremonies,  entirely  unsuited  to  our  age. 

At  Treves  there  was  preserved  the  seamless  coat  of  Christ,  for 
which  the  soldiers  cast  lots.  The  same  is  shown  in  many  other 
places  :  not  having  made  its  appearance  anywhere,  however,  be- 
fore the  Middle  Ages;  at  Treves  it  is  proved  to  date  from  1121.5 

Formerly  this  holy  coat  was  solemnly  displayed  from  time  to 
time,  but  this  had  not  been  the  case  since  1810.  Now,  howev- 
er, Bishop  Arnoldi  announced  that  for  six  weeks  from  August 
18,  1844:,  it  would  be  exposed  for  adoration  in  the  cathedral. 
During  this  time  hundreds  of  thousands  (in  all  1,100,000  per- 
sons) flocked  to  Treves  from  the  Rhenish  provinces  and  the  ad- 
joining French  departments ;  the  cathedral  gained  a  considera- 
ble sum  from  the  oblations  of  the  faithful.  It  is  only  to  be  wan- 
dered at  that  so  few  miracles  were  attributed  to  the  holy  coat : 
one  young  girl  alone,  a  Countess  of  Droste-Vischering,  thought 
herself  cured  by  it  of  a  contracted  limb.     This  cure  was  effect- 

5  Der  heilige  Rock  zu  Trier,  und  die  zwanzig  andern  heiligen  ungenahteu  Rbcke, 
by  Gildemeister  and  Vou  Sybel,  Dusseldorf,  1844,  8. 


G16 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 


ed  by  the  rupture  of  a  sinew  in  consequence  of  an  exertion  of 
physical  force,  but  would  have  been  brought  about  as  well  by  a 
less  painful  operation. 

Among  the  educated  Catholics  many  took  exception  to  this 
adoration  of  the  holy  coat.  A  Silesian  priest,  Johannes  Ronge, 
who  had  been  suspended  from  a  chaplaincy  in  Breslau  on  ac- 
count of  his  liberal  opinions,  but  whose  character  was  universal- 
ly respected,  gave  words  to  this  disapprobation  in  a  letter  to 
Bishop  Arnoldi,  dated  October  1,  1844,  which  soon  appeared  in 
all  the  journals,  and  in  which  lie  declaimed  vehemently  against 
this  and  all  similar  superstitious  observances.  As  the  episcopal 
see  of  Breslau  had  just  become  vacant,  the  cathedral  chapter 
of  that  city  deprived  Ronge  of  his  priestly  office  and  anathema- 
tized him ;  but  his  letter  found  all  the  more  favor  with  liberal 
Catholics,  and  from  all  sides  he  received,  from  Catholics  as  well 
as  Protestants,  letters  of  approbation  and  honorary  gifts.6 

Another  event  occurred  simultaneously.  Various  members 
of  the  Catholic  congregation  at  Schneidemiihl,  near  Bromberg, 
had,  for  some  years  past,  convinced  themselves,  by  the  reading 
of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  of  the  want  of  foundation  of  many  Cath- 
olic doctrines.  In  March,  1S44,  a  vicar,  Czerski,  came  to  the 
place,  who  entertained  the  same  views,  and  to  whom,  in  conse- 
quence, the  above-mentioned  Church  members  attached  them- 
selves. When  this  became  known,  Czerski  was  suspended ;  but 
upon  this  he  and  a  large  number  of  members  of  the  congrega- 
tion seceded  from  the  Church,  in  order  to  form  a  Christian  Apos- 
tolic Catholic  congregation,  requesting  permission  of  the  govern- 
ment to  do  so  in  October,  1S44,  and  receiving  the  same.  This 
step  met  with  favor  from  many  Catholics  in  Germany.  Ronge, 
too,  joined  the  society  in  question,  and  formed  another  congre- 
gation in  Breslau.  That  in  Schneidemiihl  declared  itself  for 
the  communion  in  both  forms,  against  the  worship  of  saints  and 
images,  the  remission  of  sins  by  priests,  and  indulgences ;  against 
appointed  fasts,  the  use  of  the  Latin  language  in  public  worship, 
and  the  enforced  celibacy  of  the  clergy ;  against  the  prohibition 
of  mixed  marriages,  as  well  as  the  pretension  of  the  Pope  to  be 
Christ's  visible  vicar  on  earth.7 

6  Hciligen  Rock-Album,  Lcipsic,  1S44. 

7  Ofl'encs  Glaubcnsbekenntniss  clcr  christl.-apostolisch-katholischcu  Gcracindc  zu 
Sclmeidemiihl,  Stuttgart,  1S44,  8. 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  617 

The  movement  originated  by  Ronge  was  responded  to  in  Ger- 
many by  all  friends  of  a  rational  Christianity,  and  soon  so-ealled 
German-Catholic  congregations  were  formed  in  many  places. 
But  Ronge,  ere  long,  was  joined  by  many  political  malcontents, 
who  were  less  impelled  by  religious  motives,  it  being  quite  com- 
mon at  that  time  for  political  dissatisfaction  to  vent  itself  in  ec- 
clesiastical matters,  because  it  could  there  express  with  impuni- 
ty its  disapprobation  of  existing  conditions.  When,  therefore, 
the  new  Church  held  its  first  general  assembly  in  Leipsic  at  Eas- 
ter, 1S45,  and  established  a  confession  of  faith,  the  latter  was  ex- 
pressed in  such  general  terms  that  Czerski  and  his  adherents, 
who  retained  the  Apostles'  Creed,  and  acknowledged  the  divini- 
ty of  Christ,  took  exception  to  it,  and  separated  from  the  rest. 
Later  attempts  at  reunion  could  not  heal  this  breach.  Ronge 
and  his  preachers,  after  this,  traveled  about  in  Germany,  caused 
great  sensation,  and  attracted  many  malcontents  to  their  Church ; 
but  this  society,  too,  finally  came  in  contact  with  the  most  recent 
infidel  philosophy ;  many  of  its  members  turned  to  pantheism, 
and  no  longer  respected  even  the  limits  of  the  Leipsic  Confession 
of  Faith.  In  particular,  it  was  affected  by  the  political  ideas  of 
1S4S.  One  of  its  most  distinguished  preachers,  named  Dowiat, 
declared  distinctly,  in  1S49,  that  the  religious  side  of  his  activity 
had  only  been  a  cloak  for  political  designs.  This  Church  will 
hardly  have  a  long  existence,  as  it  casts  aside  its  religious  charac- 
ter more  and  more,  and  offers  nothing  to  religious  need.  Czer- 
ski and  the  congregations  adhering  to  him  have,  on  the  other 
hand,  renounced  German -Catholicism  altogether,  and  remain 
faithful  to  the  Apostles'  Creed. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  phenomena  of  modern  times  in 
the  Catholic  Church  of  Germany  is  the  so-called  Mysticism,  or, 
more  correctly,  Pietism,  in  Bavaria. 

It  had  its  origin  in  Dillingen,  a  small  university  town  in  the 
diocese  of  Augsburg,  which  had  formerly  been  a  special  seat  of 
the  Jesuits.  Attached  to  the  university  as  Professor  of  Ethics 
and  Pastoral  Theology  from  17S5  to  1795,  was  Michael  Sailer, 
an  ex-Jesuit,  but  directly  opposed  to  Jesuitism  in  his  sentiments 
and  his  aims.  He  was  as  pious  as  he  was  intellectual,  and  not 
only  combated  in  his  pupils  the  setting  of  too  high  a  value  on 
outward  devotional  forms  and  sanctity  of  works,  but  also  strove 


613  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.O.  1814 

to  counteract  a  one-sided  consideration  of  religion  by  the  reason, 
as  well  in  scholastic  theology  as  in  the  promulgators  of  modern 
enlightenment.  On  the  other  hand,  he  recommended  the  fer- 
vent reception  of  Christianity,  and  particularly,  as  its  central 
point,  the  doctrine  of  redemption,  into  the  heart  and  the  emo- 
tions. To  this  end  he  advised  the  study  of  the  writings  of  Cath- 
olic so-called  mystics,  such  as  Fenelon,  as  well  as  of  Protestant 
writers,  like  Lavater,  etc.  He  was  joined  in  his  efforts  by  Fene- 
berg,  at  that  time  instructor  in  the  gymnasium  at  Dillingen,  and 
these  two  acquired  a  strong  influence  over  the  young  students 
of  theology.  Thus  the  doctrines  of  the  sinfulness  and  helpless- 
ness of  man,  from  which  God's  mercy  alone,  working  within 
him,  can  deliver  him,  as  well  as  the  idea  of  an  inward  yielding- 
up  to  Christ,  being  led  by  him,  and  following  his  guidance,  be- 
came the  fundamental  principles  of  this  tendency.  The  imme- 
diate consequence  of  their  diffusion  among  the  students  showed 
itself  in  their  attaching  but  little  value  to  outward  devotional 
exercises,  such  as  the  Avorship  of  saints  and  images,  indulgences, 
and  external  good  works.  This  was  soon  observed  in  Augsburg, 
which  was  at  that  time  the  chief  seat  of  the  Jesuits,  and  Sailer 
and  Feneberg  were  removed  from  Dillingen. 

But  the  seed  sown  there  sprang  up  in  many  places,  and  occa- 
sionally brought  forth  fruit  which  the  first  founder  of  this  school, 
Sailer,  had  himself  not  expected.  His  pupils,  become  clergy- 
men, worked  on  in  the  spirit  of  their  teachers,  and  found  great 
favor  with  many  congregations.  The  necessary  consequence  of 
that  rigid  Catholicism  which  insists  merely  upon  blind  obedience 
to  its  outward  behests,  but  seeks  to  suppress  all  individual  inner 
life,  because  it  strives  for  freedom,  is  spiritual  torpor  and  death. 
It  is  therefore  but  natural  that  when  an  inner  life  is  offered  for 
this,  deeper  natures  will  accept  it  eagerly.  Hence  this  tendency 
found  easy  access  with  the  people.  Naturally,  however,  it  opened 
a  door  for  various  forms  of  fanaticism.  The  scattered  clergymen 
in  question  lacked,  for  the  most  part,  an  experienced  leader. 
They  adhered  chieiiy  to  the  writings  of  the  older  Pietists,  and 
the  contents  of  many  of  these  were  very  fanatical;  in  addition, 
they  entered  into  more  intimate  fraternal  alliances  with  Protest- 
ant Pietists,  particularly  with  those  in  Basle.  Sailer  therefore 
had  a  similar  experience  to  that  of  many  other  heads  of  schools; 
his  pupils  pursued  the  course  designated  b}T  him  far  beyond  the 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  619 

point  which  he  had  reached,  and  he  tolerated  these  extrava- 
gances because  he  regarded  their  spirit  and  motive  as  good  and 
efficacious.  The  parish  of  Seeg,  in  the  Allgau,  not  far  from  the 
Tyrolese  frontier,  to  which  Feneberg  had  been  transferred,  now 
became  the  centre  of  this  movement.  But  Sailer,  too,  remained 
in  friendly  relations  with  all  his  pupils. 

Nor  can  it  be  denied  that  this  inward  stirring-up  was  very 
salutary  to  many  Catholics.  By  whatever  extravagances  it  may 
occasionally  have  been  accompanied,  it  yet  awakened  a  spiritual 
life  within  them  which  had  been  suppressed  by  the  mechanism 
of  the  Church. 

These  mystics,  however,  had  much  to  suffer  from  the  attacks 
of  their  brethren  in  the  faith.  The  liberal  Catholics  looked  upon 
them  as  having  strayed  from  one  superstition  into  another.  But 
they  met  with  the  bitterest  hatred  and  the  most  vehement  per- 
secution from  the  bigoted  Catholics,  who  know  no  salvation  out- 
side of  the  Church.  For  the  connection  with  the  latter  was  no 
longer  the  chief  thing  with  the  mystics,  but  it  was  the  inner 
union  with  Christ,  which  is  bound  to  no  outward  demonstrations. 
In  their  opinion,  the  Protestants  were  often  better  Christians 
than  many  Catholics.  All  mere  form,  all  empty  pomp  and  cer- 
emony in  public  worship,  were  displeasing  to  them.  Thus  they 
were  an  abomination,  particularly  to  the  great  mass  of  Catholic 
priests,  who  merely  maintained  their  external  priestly  dignity, 
but  exerted  no  moral  or  religious  influence  whatever,  and  who 
therefore  could  not  obtain  over  these  mystics  the  dominant  cler- 
ical authority  which  they  were  accustomed  to  exercise.  Hence 
the  unceasing  persecutions  of  the  latter  in  Bavaria,  which 
have  continued  until  quite  recently.  Two  things  are  remarka- 
ble in  this  connection :  in  the  first  place  the  fanaticism  which 
has  developed  from  this  movement,  chiefly  in  consequence  of 
persecution ;  and,  further,  the  leaning  toward  Protestantism,  as 
the  faith  favoring  a  free  and  quickening  religious  growth, 
which  has  become  more  and  more  prevalent  among  these 
mystics. 

The  men  who  gained  particular  distinction  by  the  persecu- 
tions raised  against  them  as  mystics  are  Boos,  Gossner,  Lindl, 
and  Poschl. 

Martin  Boos  was  at  first  a  priest  in  the  bishopric  of  Augsburg, 
but  on  account  of  his  doctrines  was  twice  arrested  and  impris- 


020  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

oned,  and  finally,  in  1790,  compelled  to  leave  the  diocese.  On 
Sailer's  recommendation,  Bishop  Gall,  of  Linz,  in  Austria,  re- 
ceived him,  and  after  occupying  various  other  ecclesiastical  po- 
sitions, he  at  length,  in  180G,  obtained  the  living  of  Gallneukir- 
chen.  In  this  large  parish  Boos  worked  unmolested  for  several, 
years,  until,  under  the  next  bishop,  he  was  accused  of  teaching 
false  doctrines  and  arrested.  The  secular  authorities,  however, 
took  his  part  sufficiently  to  enable  him  to  leave  Austria  in 
1816,  and  return  to  Bavaria.  But  here  new  persecutions  arose, 
and  in  consequence  he  went  to  Prussia  in  1817,  was  appointed 
instructor  in  religion  at  the  gymnasium  of  Diisseldorf,  and  in 
1S19  obtained  a  parish  in  Sayn,  near  Coblentz,  where  he  died  in 
1S25.8 

At  the  time  of  his  removal  from  Gallnenkirchen,  a  large  por- 
tion of  his  congregation  were  deeply  concerned  about  the  treat- 
ment of  their  beloved  pastor.  They  were  still  more  disturbed 
when  his  successor  accused  him  of  heresy,  vehemently  opposed 
the  use  of  the  Bible  introduced  by  him,  and  began  to  recommend 
and  revive  the  old  ecclesiastical  mechanism.  The  zealous  ad- 
herents of  Boos  gave  loud  expression  to  their  disapprobation  of 
this  course,  and  when  the  pastor  attempted  to  alarm  them  by  ex- 
communicating two  of  their  number,  he  only  brought  about  the 
result  that  these  latter,  with  several  other  members  of  the  con- 
gregation, declared  their  intention  of  going  over  to  the  Prot- 
estant  Church  (1S21).  The  number  of  these  seceders  soon  in- 
creased to  one  hundred.  Every  thing  was  done  to  turn  them 
from  their  intention,  but  in  vain.  The  six  weeks  of  instruction 
from  a  Catholic  priest  which,  by  the  Austrian  law,  all  those  who 
desire  to  leave  the  Catholic  Church  are  obliged  to  receive,  were 
deferred.  In  1824  the  miracle-worker  Prince  Ilohenlohe  ap- 
peared on  the  spot,  in  order  to  exert  an  influence  by  threats  and 
persuasions.  His  efforts  remained  as  futile  as  those  of  several  Li- 
c;uorian>,  who  went  to  Gallnenkirchen  for  the  same  purpose.  Fi- 
nally, a  few  of  the  seceders  were  admitted  to  examination  and 
then  allowed  to  join  the  Protestant  Church ;  but  with  others  the 
objection  was  raised  that  their  religious  opinions  deviated  quite 
as  much  from  the  Lutheran  and  Reformed  doctrines  as  from  the 
Catholic,  and  that  they  therefore  could  not  belong  to  either  of 

8  Martin  Boos,  der  Prcdigcr  der  Gcrcchtigkeit  die  vor  Gott  gilt,  sein  Selbstbio- 
graph;  herausgegeben  von  Joliann  Gossncr,  Leipsic,  1820. 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  621 

the  tolerated  churches,  and  consequently  were  fanatics  whose  be- 
lief could  not  be  sanctioned.  Not  infrequently,  indeed,  their  as- 
semblies were  broken  in  upon  and  they  led  off  to  prison.  Thus 
this  matter  remained  undecided  for  some  length  of  time. 

Ignatius  Lindl,  after  suffering  much  persecution  on  account 
of  his  mysticism,  became  parish  priest  in  Grundremmingen,  on 
the  Danube,  not  far  from  the  Wiirtemberg  frontier.  Having  for- 
merly stood  in  relations  to  the  mystics  in  Basle  and  to  Madame 
de  Kriidener,  he  now  made  common  cause  with  the  Protestant 
Pietists  in  Wiirtemberg,  and  diffused  among  his  own  congrega- 
tion a  similar  inclination  to  an  inner  piety  which  was,  indeed, 
not  free  from  fanaticism.  Meanwhile  his  persecutions  recom- 
menced, and  the  spiritual  authorities  were  about  to  confine 
him  in  a  religious  establishment,  when  he  received  a  call  to  Kus- 
sia,  where  at  that  time  Minister  Golitzin,  under  the  influence  of 
Madame  de  Kriidener,  strongly  favored  Pietism  (1816).  A  large 
portion  of  Lindl's  congregation  now  declared  their  intention  to 
follow  their  beloved  pastor,  and,  in  consequence  of  diplomatic 
negotiations,  really  received  permission  to  emigrate  to  Russia. 
Nearly  two  thousand  persons  accompanied  Lindl,  who  first  went 
to  St.  Petersburg,  and  officiated  there  as  a  Catholic  priest  until 
his  congregation  were  settled  in  their  new  homes  on  the  banks 
of  the  Volga.  In  1S20  he  joined  them  in  the  town  of  Sarata, 
and  there  became  their  pastor,  with  the  title  of  provost.  He 
introduced  a  thoroughly  Protestant  form  of  worship ;  abolished 
the  mass,  auricular  confession,  and  the  like ;  assumed  the  dress 
of  a  Protestant  clergyman ;  and  even  married,  with  the  consent 
of  his  congregation,  without,  however,  formally  going  over  to  the 
Protestant  Church.  Of  course,  he  became  the  object  of  the 
most  vehement  hatred  of  the  Catholics  in  general,  and  several 
attempts  to  assassinate  him  were  even  made  at  Odessa. 

In  the  meantime,  however,  a  change  took  place  in  the  favor- 
able disposition  of  the  government  toward  the  Pietists.  Such 
arbitrary  reformers  within  an  established  Church  began  to  be 
considered  suspicious,  and  Lindl  was  ordered  to  leave  Russia 
(1824).  He  went  to  Berlin,  there  formally  joined  the  Protest- 
ant Church,  was  then  received  into  the  ranks  of  the  Evangelical 
candidates  for  the  ministry  at  Cologne,  and  subsequently  settled 
in  Barmen,  in  the  Wnpperthal,  where  he  became  superintendent 
of  a  mission-school  and  assistant  pastor. 


C22  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

Johann  Gossner  held  successively  several  ecclesiastical  offices 
in  Bavaria,  and  was  also  subjected  to  much  persecution,  and  even 
imprisonment,  on  account  of  his  Pietism  and  his  connection  with 
Protestant  mystics,  particularly  those  in  Basle.  Finally  he  held 
a  benefice  attached  to  the  Church  of  Our  Lady  in  Munich,  but 
then  left  Bavaria,  and  in  1S19  accepted  the  position  of  instruct- 
or of  religion  at  the  gymnasium  in  Diisseldorf,  vacated  by  the 
withdrawal  of  Boos.  The  following  year,  1S20,  he  went  to  Rus- 
sia, and  took  Lindl's  place  as  Catholic  priest  in  St.  Petersburg. 
Here  he  was  at  first  greatly  favored  by  the  government,  which, 
among  other  things,  allowed  him  a  splendid  hall  in  which  to  give 
lectures  on  the  Bible.  But  when  the  views  of  the  administration 
changed,  Gossner,  too,  was  expelled  from  Russia  (1S24),  joined 
the  Evangelical  Church  in  Berlin,  and  was  there  appointed  pas- 
tor of  the  Jerusalem  Church. 

Thomas  Posehl  had  been  appointed  pastor  of  the  parish  of 
Ampfelwang,  near  Linz,  at  a  time  when  that  tract  of  land  still 
belonged  to  Bavaria.9  He  there  labored  in  a  spirit  of  Pietism — 
circulated  mystic  tracts,  held  devotional  meetings,  and  gained 
in  a  high  degree  the  confidence  and  love  of  his  flock.  But,  at 
the  same  time,  he  entertained  and  diffused  certain  enthusiastic 
expectations,  in  particular  those  of  a  speedy  general  conversion 
of  the  Jews,  and  of  the  approaching  end  of  the  world.  In  con- 
sequence, he  was  arrested  in  1S14,  when  the  region  in  question 
had  once  more  become  Austrian,  and  imprisoned  at  Salzburg. 
But  his  congregation,  deprived  of  their  pastor,  chose  a  leader 
from  their  midst,  a  peasant  named  Joseph  Haas,  who  directed 
their  devotional  meetings.  Through  the  continued  reading  of 
mystical  works,  however,  they  fell  into  the  strongest  fanaticism, 
so  that,  on  Good-Friday,  1S17,  they  went  so  far  as  to  put  to  death 
a  young  girl  at  one  of  their  meetings,  in  the  delusion  that  she  was 
dying  for  her  fellow-men,  after  the  example  of  Christ.  Posehl, 
who  was  informed  of  these  abominable  proceedings  in  his  prison, 
expressed  the  greatest  abhorrence  of  them.  Nevertheless,  he  was 
now  transported  to  Vienna,  and  confined  in  a  monastery.  He 
died  in  a  religions  institution  of  that  city  in  1837.  Although 
the  remaining  mystics  were  entirely  free  from  such  fanaticism, 
their  zealous  Catholic  opponents  have  yet  taken  occasion,  from 

9  On  Posehl,  sec  the  Life  of  Ansclm  von  Fcuerbach,  by  Ludwig  Feucrbaeh,  vol.  ii. 
Lcipsic,  1852. 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  623 

these  events,  to  bestow  upon  them,  as  heretics,  the   name   of 
Poschlians.10 

Though  Sailer  had  never  entered  into  any  of  these  fanatical 
extravagances  of  the  mystics,  he  was  yet  regarded  as  the  origi- 
nator and  the  head  of  that  school.  Before,  therefore,  being  con- 
firmed by  the  Pope,  in  1822,  as  coadjutor  of  the  diocese  of  Batis- 
bon,  he  was  obliged  to  send  to  Eome  a  written  demonstration  of 
his  orthodoxy  and  a  renunciation  of  pseudo-mysticism.  Although 
he  did  not,  in  consequence,  materially  alter  his  opinions,  he  still 
was  looked  upon  by  many  mystics,  from  that  time,  as  a  seceder. 
He  subsequently  became  bishop  of  Eatisbon,  and  died  May  20, 
1832. 

Somewhat  later,  a  remarkable  occurrence  was  brought  about 
by  Pietism  in  a  Catholic  congregation  in  Baden.  A  young  man 
by  the  name  of  Henhofer  was  appointed  parish  priest,  in  1818, 
in  the  village  of  Miihlhausen,  on  the  domain  of  a  Baron  von  Gem- 
mingen,  near  Pforzheim.  He,  too,  imbibed  Pietistic  views  from 
a  pupil  of  Sailer,  zealously  preached  faith  and  repentance  in  ac- 
cordance with  them,  declaimed  against  attaching  any  value  to 
mere  external  forms  of  worship  and  the  sanctity  of  works,  and 
held  devotional  meetings,  in  addition  to  the  public  services  in  the 
church.  A  large  portion  of  the  congregation  concurred  in  his 
views ;  the  remainder  entered  a  complaint  against  their  pastor. 
Henhofer  was  in  consequence  summoned  to  Bruchsal,  there  to 
vindicate  himself  before  the  episcopal  court;  was  retained  there 
for  several  months ;  and,  after  an  examination,  deposed  from  his 
office  in  August,  1S22.  A  strictly  Catholic  successor  to  his  par- 
ish was  appointed  to  remedy  the  injury  which  had  been  done  to 
the  congregation.  But  when  he  strove  to  give  particular  promi- 
nence to  those  doctrines  which  they  had  begun  to  look  upon  as 
doubtful,  and  to  revive  all  outward  ceremonies  of  the  Church, 
he  only  repulsed  those  among  them  who  were  evangelically  in- 
clined ;  and  they,  with  the  lord  of  the  manor  and  his  household 
at  their  head,  declared  their  intention  of  going  over  to  the  Evan- 
gelical Church.  They  did  so  April  6,  1823,  numbering  nearly 
two  hundred  persons  in  all.  The  government  of  Baden  showed 
great  consideration  for  the  Catholics  in  this  matter.     Henhofer 

10  Salat,  Versuche  iiber  Supernaturalismus  unci  Mysticismus,  mit  historisch-psy- 
cbologiscben  Aufschliissen  iiber  die  vielbesprocbene  Mystik  in  Baiern  unci  Oester- 
reichfsulzbach,  1823,  8. 


624  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

was  appointed  Evangelical  pastor  in  Graben,  near  Carlsruhe,  in 
order  to  avoid  personal  annoyances.  The  Catholic  congregation 
of  Miihlhausen  were  allowed  to  retain  their  whole  undiminished 
church  property,  although  so  many  of  their  number  had  left 
them  and  formed  an  Evangelical  society  for  themselves.  In  or- 
der to  enable  the  latter  to  erect  the  necessary  buildings  and  pay 
the  salary  of  a  preacher,  large  sums  were  contributed  from  every 
quarter;  in  particular,  Court- chaplain  Ziinmermann,  in  Darm- 
stadt, issued,  to  the  same  end,  a  collection  of  sermons,  to  which 
contributions  were  furnished  by  the  most  distinguished  Evangel- 
ical pulpit  orators  of  Germany.11 

Even  much  later  than  the  events  above  described,  in  1S32  and 
1S35,  several  cases  have  occurred  where  priests  have  been  re- 
moved on  account  of  their  tendency  to  Pietism,  and,  with  a 
number  of  their  congregation,  have  gone  over  to  the  Evangelical 
Church. 

In  the  valley  of  the  Ziller  (Zillerthal),  which  formerly  belonged 
to  Salzburg,  but  is  now  Tyrolese,  and  where  various  Evangelical 
elements  had  remained  in  existence  from  former  times,  many  of 
the  inhabitants  to  whom  their  countrymen,  returning  from  abroad, 
had  communicated  the  Bible  have,  since  1S30,  formally  seceded 
from  the  Catholic  Church  and  adopted  the  Gospel.  They  lived 
under  a  ban,  without  sacraments  and  burial  with  religious  rites, 
and  were  shunned  like  lepers  by  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  val- 
ley. Their  requests  to  be  allowed  the  free  exercise  of  their  re- 
ligion remained  without  result;  but  they  obtained  permission  to 
emigrate.  They  applied  to  the  King  of  Prussia,  who  received 
them  very  graciously  in  1837,  assisted  them  liberally,  and  suf- 
fered them  to  establish  themselves  near  Schmiedeberg,  in  Silesia. 
Their  number  amounted  to  four  hundred  and  forty-eight.12 

This  Pietism  in  the  German  Catholic  Church  is  far  more  dan- 
gerous to  it  than  liberalism ;  for  Pietism  is  actuated  by  relig- 
ious enthusiasm  in  opposing  the  mere  outward  formalism  of  the 
Church,  combats  it  from  conscientious  motives,  and  offers  in- 

11  Predigten  iiber  sammtliche  Sonn-  und  FeBttags-Evangelien  des  Jahres;  cine 
Gabc  christlicher  Liebe,  der  neuen  Evangelischen  Gemeinde  in  .Miihlhausen  darge- 
bracht  von  jetzt  lebenden  Deutschen  Predigern,  2  vols.  Darmstadt,  1835-27,  8.  A 
description  of  the  occurrence  is  found  in  the  treatise  Christliches  Glaubensbekennt- 
niss  des  Pfarrers  Henhofer.  Zweite  Auflage,  vermehrt  nut  einer  geschicbtlichen 
K>  chtfertigung  der  Ruckkehr  der  Evangelischen  Kirche,  Heidelberg,  18:24,  8. 

12  Rheinwald,  Die  Evangelischen  Zillerthaler  in  Scblesien,  4th  cd.  Brcslau,  1S38. 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  625 

stead  something  far  higher — namely,  an  inner  union  with  Christ 
through  faith  and  repentance.  No  harmony  can  exist  between 
it  and  the  Catholic  sanctity  of  works.  It  fears  no  outward  per- 
secutions ;  nor  would  it  fear  even  martyrdom,  in  order  to  retain 
the  inward  treasure  which  it  possesses  in  its  living  faith.  True, 
there  are  many  among  the  liberal  Catholics  who  also  defend  with 
enthusiasm  the  cause  of  pure  religion  against  the  ecclesiastical 
corruptions  of  Romanism;  and  they,  too,  have  that  willingness 
to  sacrifice  every  thing  for  the  truth  without  which  nothing 
great  can  be  achieved  in  religious  and  ecclesiastical  matters. 
But  the  majority  of  the  Catholics  have  only  attained  a  negative 
enlightenment  with  regard  to  the  Church,  such  as  is  afforded  by 
a  superficial  cultivation  of  the  reason  alone. 

These  liberals  deride  and  scoff  at  the  superstitious  doctrines 
and  ceremonies  of  their  Church ;  but  they  have  not  found  a  sub- 
stitute for  these  in  any  other  religious  conviction  which  has  de- 
veloped within  them.  It  has  happened  to  them,  as  is  so  often 
the  case  in  religions  which  are  full  of  various  superstitions,  that, 
after  they  have  convinced  themselves  of  the  groundlessness  of 
many  doctrines  which  were  taught  and  impressed  upon  them  in 
their  youth  as  religious  truths,  religious  truth  in  general  has  be- 
come doubtful  to  them ;  at  least,  they  hesitate  to  yield  themselves 
up  unconditionally  to  any  religious  conviction,  and  to  allow  them- 
selves to  be  inwardly  penetrated  and  quickened  by  it.  Such  lib- 
erals like  to  remain  in  their  Church  if  the  priests  will  only  leave 
them  in  peace ;  for  as  they  have  no  positive  interest  in  religion 
and  the  Church,  and  are  not  willing  to  attach  themselves  inward- 
ly and  truly  to  any  Church,  they  can  only  look  upon  the  going 
over  from  one  Church  to  another  as  a  mark  of  weakness  and 
narrow-mindedness.  And  the  Catholic  priests,  in  those  regions 
where  the  temporal  power  does  not  lend  them  its  aid  for  the  re- 
straint of  conscience,  are  glad  to  practice  indulgence,  so  that  those 
who  are  inwardly  seceders  may  at  least  outwardly  remain  at- 
tached to  the  Catholic  Church.  Eut  where  the  temporal  power 
assists  the  clergy  in  enforcing  adherence  to  the  Church,  those 
merely  negative  liberals  are  quite  ready  to  make  pretense  of  be- 
ing faithful  Catholics,  and  obey  all  the  behests  of  the  Church ; 
for  such  negative  liberalism  can,  of  course,  furnisli  no  motives 
for  sacrifice.  Pietism,  further,  is  more  dangerous  to  the  Cath- 
olic Church,  because  where  it  once  gains  ground  it  seizes  upon 
vol.  v. — 40 


026  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

the  common  people,  often  upon  whole  congregations ;  while  lib- 
eralism is  limited  to  the  educated  classes.  As  the  Reformation 
of  the  sixteenth  century  could  never  have  been  accomplished  by 
mere  intellectual  enlightenment  and  the  liberalism  of  learned 
men,  and  owed  its  origin  and  success  solely  to  an  enthusiasm  per- 
vading all  classes  of  society,  so,  too,  at  the  present  time,  no  refor- 
mation of  the  Catholic  Church  but  one  founded  on  true  religious 
enthusiasm  can  meet  with  complete  success.  In  consequence, 
Pietism  is  far  more  obnoxious  to  the  common  Catholic  clergy 
than  liberalism,  and  they  have  given  vent  to  their  hatred  in  the 
coarsest  and  most  furious  utterances.  Yet  notwithstanding  all 
the  persecution  to  which  it  has  been  subjected,  it  has  not  yet 
been  entirely  suppressed  in  the  Catholic  Church  of  Southern 
Germany. 

In  conclusion,  we  have  to  examine  the  relations  between  the 
Catholics  and  Protestants  in  Germany. 

The  great  revolutions  in  the  German  states,  by  which  so  great 
a  part  of  the  dominion  of  the  hierarchy  formerly  reigned  over 
by  Catholic  princes  fell  under  the  rule  of  Protestant  sovereigns, 
of  course  made  no  favorable  impression  upon  the  majority  of 
the  Catholics.  In  particular,  the  fear  prevailed  that  the  new 
rulers  would  attempt  to  oppress  the  Catholic  Church,  and  grant 
the  Protestants  greater  rights  and  privileges  than  the  Catholics. 
This  fear  was  partly  founded  on  the  consciousness  that  in  most 
Catholic  countries  such  oppression  was  the  fate  of  the  Protestants, 
and  that  those  of  that  faith  who  would  come  under  Catholic  rule 
must  expect  a  like  experience.  Moreover,  the  Catholics,  in  fact, 
often  met  in  Protestant  writings  with  very  disparaging  opinions 
with  regard  to  the  superstitions,  abuses,  and  pretensions  of  their 
Church,  which  could  certainly  not  inspire  them  with  great  con- 
fidence toward  the  Protestants. 

Added  to  this,  it  frequently  happened  that,  in  consequence  of 
the  changes  referred  to,  Protestants  established  themselves  in 
countries  which  had  previously  been  purely  Catholic,  and  gradu- 
ally began  to  form  congregations.  This  increased  the  anxiety  of 
the  Catholics,  lest  Protestantism  should  spread  more  and  more, 
and  strive  to  gain  the  upper -hand.  But  the  same  feeling  pre- 
vailed in  Protestant  countries,  e.  g.  Saxony,  when  Catholic  con- 
gregations were  established  there  from  time  to  time.  This  was 
the  result,  in  each  case,  of  a  total  unacquaintance  wifh  the  other 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  627 

Church ;  and  after  a  few  years  these  apprehensions  disappeared. 
By  the  German  Act  of  Confederation  of  1S15,  Art.  16,  equal 
rights  were  guaranteed  to  the  three  Christian  churches.  In  the 
kingdom  of  Hanover,  by  a  decree  of  September  23, 1824,  the  dis- 
tinction between  the  established  and  the  tolerated  religions  was 
abolished  entirely. 

The  Protestant  governments  showed  great  consideration  for 
their  new  Catholic  subjects  with  regard  to  their  religion,  some- 
times even  going  further  in  the  matter  than  Catholic  rulers ;  so 
that  the  fear  of  oppression  among  the  Catholics  soon  died  out. 
The  ultrainontanes  alone,  who  would  have  wished  to  make  the 
Church  entirely  independent  of  the  supervision  of  the  State,  oc- 
casionally gave  expression  to  such  fears,  in  order  to  intimidate 
the  government  and  induce  it  to  be  still  more  indulgent. 

The  more  Protestants  and  Catholics  now  came  into  contact 
with  each  other,  the  more  inevitable  it  became  that  religious 
controversies  should  sometimes  arise  between  them.  But  it  was 
the  celebration  of  the  jubilee  of  the  Keformation,  in  1S17,  which 
roused  these  polemics  to  a  long  unexampled  vehemence. 

In  preparation  of  the  jubilee  and  its  celebration,  many  trea- 
tises appeared,  mostly  in  popular  form,  some  of  which  related 
the  history  of  the  Information,  while  others  demonstrated  its 
value.  In  so  doing,  it  could  not  be  avoided  that  the  condition 
of  the  Catholic  Church  at  the  time  of  the  Eeformation  was  des- 
canted upon,  and  the  reproaches  cast  upon  the  latter  and  the 
Evangelical  Church  by  the  Catholic  party  denied.  Many  Cath- 
olics, to  whom  the  jubilee  of  the  Reformation,  which  was  cele- 
brated with  such  enthusiasm,  was  in  itself  an  offense,  looked 
upon  the  above  statements  as  an  insult  to  their  Church,  and  came 
forward  in  defense  of  the  latter ;  while  others  went  still  further, 
and  strove,  by  the  revival  of  old  calumnies,  to  represent  the  Eef- 
ormation as  the  work  of  ignoble  intentions,  and  the  Reformers  as 
selfish,  immoral  men,  and  thus  lower  both  in  the  public  esteem. 

The  controversy  thus  originated  gave  rise  to  innumerable 
treatises,  of  which  few,  however,  were  of  any  value.  On  the 
Catholic  side,  Protestantism  was  particularly  accused  of  annul- 
ling all  authority  in  religious  matters— of  making  religion  an  ob- 
ject of  choice— and  thus,  in  the  end,  doing  away  with  it  entirely. 
In  this  assertion,  singularly  enough,  the  fact  was  overlooked  that 
religion  is  a  necessity  of  man,  and  therefore  can  not  be  put  aside 


623  FOURTH  PERIOD.— D1V.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

by  him ;  and  that  religions  conviction  is  neither  a  matter  of  choice 
nor  of  the  'will,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  the  will  must  bow  un- 
der this  conviction. 

It  must,  however,  be  frankly  confessed  that  the  polemic  writ- 
ings on  the  Protestant  side  were  hardly  superior  to  those  on  the 
Catholic.  The  chief  fault  of  this  lay  in  the  great  want  of  famil- 
iarity of  the  Protestants  with  the  Catholic  Church,  its  doctrines 
as  well  as  its  constitution.  It  is  indeed  no  small  task  to  become 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  entire  Catholic  Church  system ; 
the  majority  of  the  Protestants,  even  clergymen,  knew  it  only 
from  the  fragments  which  are  quoted  in  the  descriptions  of  the 
condition  of  the  Catholic  Church  shortly  before  the  Reforma- 
tion. With  so  superficial  a  knowledge  it  was  impossible  to  com- 
bat the  Catholic  Church ;  for,  however  deficient  its  system  may 
be  in  the  requisite  foundations,  it  is  yet  constructed  with  such 
admirable  ingenuity,  all  objections  are  so  fully  foreseen  and  re- 
moved, that,  if  an  attack  is  not  directed  against  the  groundwork, 
but  against  individual  doctrines,  it  is  not  easy  to  meet  with  un- 
protected weak  points.  It  must  be  remembered  that  this  system 
is  the  product  of  the  highest  shrewdness  of  many  centuries.  Nev- 
ertheless, every  Protestant  clergyman,  who  possibly  knew  the 
Catholic  system  merely  by  hearsay,  thought  himself  capable  of 
contesting  it,  because  in  the  form  in  which  he  was  familiar  with 
it  its  absurdities  were  apparent.  Thus,  of  course,  there  was  no 
lack  of  gross  errors,  which  were  all  the  more  offensive  that  they 
were  connected  with  much  arrogance  and  with  the  ostentation  of 
great  intellectual  superiority. 

The  most  common  mistakes  of  the  Protestant  disputants  con- 
sisted in  their  not  being  able  to  distinguish  between  disciplinary 
rules  and  rules  of  faith,  and  between  dogmas  and  theological 
opinions  in  the  Catholic  Church ;  and  that  they  put  an  entirely 
wrong  construction  upon  many  Catholic  dogmas  and  religious 
observances,  or  at  least  explained  them  incorrectly. 

Thus  a  very  frequent  subject  of  attack  for  the  Protestant  dis- 
putants was  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope,  in  connection  with 
which  they  overlooked  that  it  has  never  been  generally  accepted 
as  a  dogma  in  the  Church,  and  at  present"  is  so  little  recognized 
that  even  the  German  ultramontanes  do  not  venture  to  give  ex- 
pression to  it.  Nor  did  they  consider  that  those  Catholics  who 
*  At  the  time  when  Gieseler  wrote. — Tr. 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  629 

accept  that  infallibility  apply  it  merely  to  a  formal  decision  in 
matters  of  faith,  and  not  by  any  means  to  disciplinary  laws  and 
to  historical  facts,  not  even  to  the  personal  convictions  of  the 
Pope.  Furthermore,  these  Protestant  assailants  of  the  Church 
did  not  correctly  understand  the  nature  of  the  Catholic  indul- 
gence; it  was  frequently  supposed  to  signify  a  permission  to  sin. 
In  like  manner,  the  Catholics  were  often  reproached  with  the 
tuorsliip  of  saints,  whereas  they  merely  allow  them  to  be  vener- 
ated; and  other  things  of  a  similar  nature. 

This  undeniable  ignorance  of  Catholicism,  moreover,  favored 
the  efforts  of  the  Catholic  clergy  to  make  converts,  which  became 
very  prevalent  at  this  time.  For  if  a  Protestant  from  a  purely 
Protestant  state  came  to  a  Catholic  country  with  the  most  ab- 
surd notions  of  Catholicism,  and  did  not  find  the  people  as  stupid 
and  narrow-minded  as  he  had  thought  them  ;  and  if,  in  addition, 
he  received  new  explanations  of  many  Catholic  doctrines,  it  not 
seldom  happened  that  he  thought  himself  misinformed  with  re- 
gard to  Catholicism,  and  proved  all  the  more  accessible  to  the 
palliating,  disingenuous  interpretations  of  wily  makers  of  pros- 
elytes. 

Manifold  controversies  were  also  occasioned  by  the  question 
of  mixed  marriages.  In  those  provinces  where  the  Catholics 
were  in  the  majority,  their  priests  required  that  in  cases  of 
mixed  marriages  the  Protestant  party  should  promise  in  advance 
to  have  all  the  children  to  be  expected  brought  up  in  the  Cath- 
olic faith.  If  this  demand  was  not  acceded  to,  they  refused  to 
consecrate  the  marriage.13  As  the  Catholics  consider  marriage 
a  sacrament,  and  its  solemnization  must  be  preceded  by  confes- 
sion and  the  communion,  the  priests  were  possessed  of  ample 
means  to  influence  the  Catholic,  and,  through  him  or  her,  the 
Protestant  party.  The  governments,  it  is  true,  prohibited  such 
requirements,  but  were  not  always  obeyed. 

It  was  chiefly  the  Prussian  administration,  which,  in  the  Phen- 
ish  provinces  and  in  Westphalia,  had  to  struggle  with  these  pre- 
tensions of  the  Catholic  clergy,  without  being  able  to  master  them. 
It  could  not  tolerate  such  arrogance  of  one  Church  toward  an- 
other, nor  the  interference  of  Catholic  priests  with  the  rights  of 
conscience  of  members  of  other  confessions,  because  it  is  the  duty 

13  Die  katholisclic  Hierarchie  in  den  grossen  Dentschen  Staaten,  by  Knies,  in  Droy- 
sen's  Allgemeine  Monatsschrift  fur  Wissenscliaft  unci  Literatur,  May,  1S52,  p.  394. 


G30 


FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 


of  the  State  to  protect  the  rights  of  all  its  churches  as  well  as 
those  of  all  its  subjects,  nor  can  it  look  with  indifference  upon 
such  incessant  controversies  between  the  religious  parties  as  were 
caused  by  that  arrogance  and  created  dissension  among  the  peo- 
ple. The  Prussian  government  had  no  object  in  view  but  to 
grant  equal  rights  to  all  the  churches  under  its  rale,  and  there- 
fore required  that  the  parents  should  be  free  to  decide  to  which 
Church  their  children  should  belong;  but  that  in  those  cases 
where  they  could  not  agree,  or  where,  on  the  death  of  one  of  the 
parties,  nothing  had  been  settled,  the  children  should  be  brought 
up  in  the  Church  of  the  father.  In  the  eastern  provinces  of  the 
monarchy  this  arrangement  had  long  been  adopted  ;  it  was  only 
in  the  western  provinces  that  the  priests  still  refused  to  consecrate 
mixed  marriages  unless  a  promise  were  given  that  all  the  children 
should  be  brought  up  Catholics.  The  bishops  appointed  after 
the  concordat,  in  particular  the  highly  cultivated  and  liberal 
Archbishop  of  Cologne,  Ferdinand  August,  Count  Spiegel  (since 
1S25),  fully  acknowledged  the  justice  of  the  demand  of  the  tem- 
poral government,  but  thought  themselves  incapable  of  making 
any  change  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Pope.  In  consequence 
of  their  report,  as  well  as  of  negotiations  on  the  part  of  the  gov- 
ernment with  Rome,  a  Papal  rescript  was  finally  issued  (March 
25, 1S30),  in  which,  indeed,  mixed  marriages  were  greatly  disap- 
proved of,  and  the  clergy  were  directed  to  warn  against  them, 
but  which  also  decreed  that  those  Catholics  who  contracted  such 
marriages  should  not  be  subject  to  Church  discipline ;  that  Cath- 
olic priests,  while  they  were  not  to  formally  consecrate  these  un- 
ions, might  yet  lend  a  passive  assistance  to  them,  and  that  they 
should  be  considered  valid  even  though  solemnized  by  Protest- 
ant clergymen.  It  was  not  expressly  prescribed  that  the  affianced 
parties  should  give  a  promise  that  their  children  be  brought  up 
in  the  Catholic  Church,  and  thus  it  could  be  supposed  that  the 
Pope  was  willing  to  drop  that  condition.  In  1S34,  therefore,  the 
bishops  of  the  Prussian  Rhenish  provinces  and  "Westphalia  agreed, 
at  the  suggestion  of  the  government,  that  the  requirement  of  such 
a  promise  should  henceforward  be  omitted  altogether,  and  re- 
solved, at  the  same  time,  that  the  assistentia passiva  should  only 
take  place  in  such  cases  where  carelessness  in  matters  of  religion 
was  manifested  in  the  contraction  of  mixed  marriages. 

Thus  this  difficult  matter  seemed  to  be  arranged  in  the  best 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  631 

way,  chiefly  through  the  agency  of  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne, 
Ferdinand  August.  This  enlightened  and  peace-loving  prelate 
further  deserved  great  credit  for  his  services  in  restoring  public 
order,  promoting  the  higher  culture  of  the  clergy,  and  establish- 
in^  amicable  relations  between  the  different  confessions.  In  this 
he  had  a  special  helper  and  adviser  in  Professor  Hermes.  The 
theological  school  of  the  latter  soon  took  the  lead  in  the  Rhenish 
provinces :  the  chairs  not  only  of  the  faculty  at  Bonn,  but  also 
of  the  seminaries  at  Cologne  and  Treves,  were  filled  with  follow- 
ers of  Hermes,  and  hundreds  of  their  pupils  by  degrees  went  out 
to  labor  as  pastors.  Even  though  this  school  was  somewhat  one- 
sided, it  yet  accustomed  its  disciples  to  think  clearly,  and  favored 
scientific  enlightenment  in  other  departments.  When,  through 
the  efforts  of  Archbishop  Spiegel,  the  Theological  Faculty  at 
Bonn  had  in  1S34  even  received  an  acknowledgment  from  the 
Pope,  all  ecclesiastical  affairs  seemed  to  be  thoroughly  regulated, 
and  the  government  had  reason  to  congratulate  itself  upon  the 
results  attained. 

But  Archbishop  Spiegel  died  August  2, 1835,  and  immediately 
after,  in  September  of  the  same  year,  the  ultramontanes  induced 
the  Pope  to  issue  the  rescript  against  the  doctrine  and  the  writ- 
ings of  Hermes.  It  was  now  all  the  more  important  to  fill  the 
archiepiscopal  see  with  a  kindly  disposed,  liberal  man.  Never- 
theless, the  choice  of  the  government  fell  upon  an  individual  who 
was  the  contrary  in  every  respect,  and  who  on  a  former  occasion, 
as  vicar-general  in  Minister,  had  shown  himself  intolerant,  nar- 
row-minded, and  full  of  spiritual  arrogance  and  pride.  This  was 
Baron  Clemens  August  von  Droste-Vischering,  at  that  time  Suf- 
fragan-bishop of  Minister.  Rumor  attributed  this  appointment 
to  the  influence  of  the  then  Crown -prince  of  Prussia,  who  was 
attracted  by  this  man's  medievally  monastic  asceticism.  But  the 
government  soon  had  reason  to  regret  its  choice.  Archbishop 
Clemens  August  entered  upon  his  office  in  May,  1836.  Soon 
complaints  arose  that  the  promise  with  regard  to  the  religion  of 
the  children  was  still  required  by  the  priests  in  mixed  marriages, 
and  that  Catholic  women  in  childbed  who  were  not  willing  to 
have  their  child  brought  up  a  Catholic  were  refused  churching. 
The  archbishop,  who  had  promised  to  adhere  to  the  above-men- 
tioned agreement,  was  called  to  account  by  the  government  in 
consequence,  and  at  first  tried  to  extricate  himself  by  various 


632  FOURTH  PERIOD.-D1V.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

subterfuges,  but  finally  declared  that  he  could  observe  the  agree- 
ment in  question  only  so  far  as  it  accorded  with  the  Papal  re- 
script on  the  subject,  and  appeared  to  assume  that  the  require- 
ment of  bringing  up  the  children  in  the  Catholic  faith  was  not 
annulled  by  that  rescript.     At  the  same  time,  he  sought  to  give 
effect  to  the  brief  against  Hermes,  although  it  had  not  yet  been 
submitted  to  the  government  for  the  affixing  of  the  placet;  for- 
bade the  theologians  studying  in  Bonn,  through  their  confessors, 
to  attend  the  lectures  of  the  Hermesian  professors,  and  thus 
caused  nearly  all  the  theological  students  of  his  diocese  to  leave 
the  university.     In  addition,  he  drew  up,  equally  without  the 
sanction  of  the  government,  eighteen  theses  directed  against  the 
theology  of  Hermes,  which  the  clergy  were  to  subscribe.    In  one 
of  these  theses  he  made  it  the  duty  of  the  clergy  to  appeal  from 
him  to  no  other  authority  than  the  Pope,  thus  intending  to  com- 
pletely paralyze  the  rights  of  the  State  with  regard  to  an  abuse 
of  the  spiritual  power.     Furthermore,  he  persecuted  such  priests 
as  had  been  denounced  to  him  as  Hermesians,  assumed  entirely 
new  rights  in  respect  to  educational  matters,  and  finally  dis- 
missed all  the  teachers  in  the  theological  seminary  on  the  ground 
of  their  belonging  to  the  school  of  Hermes.     These  transactions 
could  not  be  regarded  with  indifference  by  the  government,  if  it 
did  not  desire  the  Catholic  hierarchy  to  acquire  unlimited  influ- 
ence and  become  a  state  within  a  state.     Numerous  attempts 
were  made  to  bring  the  archbishop  to  reason;  but  when  he 
would  not  yield,  he  was  conveyed,  on  November  24, 1S3T,  to  the 
fortress  of  Minden,  and  thus  suspended  from  his  official  duties, 
which  were  transferred  to  the  chapter.     At  the  same  time,  his 
chaplain,  Michelis,  who  had  been  his  chief  tool,  was  taken  to 
Magdeburg.     It  would  have  been  better  if  the  archbishop  had 
been  brought  before  a  tribunal,  and  judged  according  to  law, 
in  which  case  much  of  the  ensuing  disturbance  in  the  Rhenish 
provinces  would  have  been  avoided ;  for  he  was  by  no  means 
popular  in  the  latter  region,  and  his  legal  condemnation  would 
have  given  much  satisfaction.     The  excitement  which  arose  was 
caused  more  by  the  arbitrary  course  of  the  government,  which 
showed  great  disregard  of  the  existing  laws,  than  from  any  in- 
terest in  the  archbishop.    The  greatest  indignation  was  exhibited 
by  Pome.    The  Pope,  on  December  10,  communicated  the  affair 
to  the  cardinals  in  a  passionate  allocution,  in  which  he  made  it 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  633 

appear  that  the  archbishop  had  strictly  adhered  to  the  Papal 
brief  in  the  matter  of  mixed  marriages,  and  had  only  been  ar- 
rested because  he  had  not  agreed  to  the  crafty  perversions  of  the 
Pope's  meaning  which  the  temporal  power  had  permitted  itself. 
All  the  negotiations  of  the  Prussian  embassador  in  Borne  re- 
mained without  result,  and  had  to  be  given  up.  Pome  would 
not  yield ;  Prussia  was  not  at  liberty  to  do  so.  Time  alone  can 
heal  the  breach,  particularly  after  the  death  of  the  archbishop. 
This  occurrence  had  several  very  serious  results : 

1.  After  the  above  declaration  of  the  Pope,  the  bishops  of 
Western  Prussia  withdrew  from  the  agreement  which  had  been 
entered  into.  And  this  was  not  all ;  but  in  the  eastern  part  of 
the  monarchy  also,  where  a  milder  system  had  for  a  long  time 
prevailed,  the  bishops  felt  compelled  to  conform  to  the  express 
declaration  of  the  Pope.  In  consequence,  the  Catholic  priests 
every  where  do  not  solemnize  mixed  marriages,  unless  the  prom- 
ise be  given  to  bring  up  the  children  in  the  Catholic  faith.  Arch- 
bishop Dunin  of  Posen  was  on  this  account  legally  deposed  and 
sentenced  to  imprisonment ;  but  this  new  martyr  merely  fanned 
the  flame  of  Catholic  fanaticism. 

2.  The  Catholic  clergy  in  Prussia,  altogether,  is  strongly  irri- 
tated against  the  State,  and  the  latter  has  been  obliged  to  make 
great  concessions  in  other  matters  likewise.  Thus  it  formerly 
made  a  practice  of  designating  the  men  who  were  to  be  chosen 
bishops  by  the  cathedral  chapter ;  but  in  1839  it  proposed  to  the 
chapter  of  Treves  several  individuals  from  whom  to  choose. 
None  of  these,  however,  was  elected ;  but,  instead,  a  man  who 
was  disapproved  of  by  the  government,  and  to  whom,  therefore, 
the  placet  was  refused,  which  gave  rise  to  a  new  complication. 

3.  The  polemics  between  Catholics  and  Protestants  have  been 
revived  with  the  greatest  animosity.  Ultramontanism  has  gained 
new  ground  in  Germany.  It  is  to  be  hoped,  however,  that  the 
more  boldly  it  now  pushes  its  claims,  the  more  it  will  repel  the 
enlightened  German  Catholics.  * 

King  Frederic  William  IV.,  immediately  after  his  accession 
to  the  throne,  opened  new  negotiations  with  Rome,  and  by  judi- 
cious yielding  has  effected  a  compromise.  Its  conditions  are  not 
definitely  known,  but  the  point  of  mixed  marriages  has  been  con- 

14  Ueber  die  colnische  Angelegeuheit.  Darstellung,  Betrachtung  und  Vorschliige 
von  Irenaeus,  Leipsic,  1838. 


034  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

ceded  by  Prussia.  On  the  other  hand,  the  archbishop  has  been 
induced  to  renounce  the  administration  of  his  diocese,  and  has  re- 
ceived, in  the  person  of  the  former  Bishop  of  Spires,  Johann  von 
Geissel,  a  coadjutor,  who  entered  upon  his  office  in  March,  1842. 

Since  the  accession  to  the  throne,  in  1S25,  of  Louis  I.,  King  of 
Bavaria,  the  strict  Catholic  party  has  been  greatly  favored  in  that 
country,  chiefly  by  the  poetical  tastes  of  the  king,  which  give  him 
a  great  predilection  not  only  for  classical  art,  but  also  for  the  art 
and  religion  of  the  Middle  Ages,  as  well  as  for  all  mediaeval 
features  and  conditions.  Hence  a  reaction  against  the  liberal 
principles  of  government  of  his  predecessor,  Maximilian  I.,  soon 
became  apparent.  The  administration  made  it  their  aim  to  place 
the  public  instruction  in  charge  of  the  clergy;  the  religious 
pomps  and  ceremonies  which  had  been  abolished  during  the  pre- 
vious reign — such  as  processions,  miracle-plays,  midnight  masses 
at  Christmas,  and  the  like — were  revived,  convents  re-established, 
etc.  In  the  newly  founded  University  of  Munich  an  ultramon- 
tane party  was  soon  formed,  which  exerted  great  influence,  and 
at  the  head  of  which  stood  Professor  Gorres,  formerly  distin- 
guished by  extreme  liberalism,  even  Jacobinism.  The  clergy, 
particularly  the  higher  dignitaries,  felt  much  elated,  and  per- 
mitted themselves  many  arbitrary  measures  and  arrogant  pro- 
ceedings. • 

The  French  Kevolution  of  July,  1830,  caused  this  spirit  to  be- 
come even  more  prominent  in  Bavaria.  The  fear  of  the  political 
propaganda  of  liberalism  led  to  a  decided  political  stability,  and 
to  a  still  greater  encouragement  of  ecclesiastical  ultramontanism; 
the  chief  instigator  of  these  retrogressions  being  the  privy  secre- 
tary of  the  cabinet,  Grandauer. 

In  1S31  the  number  of  the  newly  established  convents  already 
amounted  to  forty-two,  and  this  amply  sufficed  to  fulfill  the  con- 
ditions of  the  concordat;  but  the  zeal  in  the  matter  only  in- 
creased, and  many  Benedictine  convents,  in  particular,  were 
founded,  in  order  to  assign  to  them  the  instruction  in  the  gym- 
nasia. The  principal  promoter  of  these  institutions  was  Ignatius 
von  Riegg,  Bishop  of  Augsburg.  According  to  him  the  restora- 
tion of  the  convents  furnished  the  sole  anchor  of  the  govern- 
ment and  of  religion  in  these  tempestuous  times.  Thus  he  was 
instrumental  in  founding  the  first  Benedictine  convent,  that  of  St. 
Stephen,  in  Augsburg,  in  order  to  place  in  its  charge  the  Catho- 


§  9.  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GERMANY.  535 

lie  gymnasium  of  that  city.  Its  newly  appointed  abbot,  Barna- 
bas Huber,  was  obliged  to  import  the  first  monks  with  whom  to 
fill  it  from  Austria  and  Switzerland.  He  also  paid  a  visit  to  the 
Jesuit  College  at  Fribourg,  in  order  to  acquaint  himself  with 
the  system  of  education  and  instruction  practiced  there.  In  re- 
ality, this  party  wished  nothing  more  than  to  draw  the  Jesuits 
themselves  to  Bavaria ;  but  it  could  not  at  that  time  accomplish 
its  object,  and  had  to  be  satisfied  with  introducing  individual 
Jesuits,  under  different  names,  into  various  spiritual  offices.  This 
Congregation,  as  it  is  called  in  Bavaria,  especially  increased  in 
importance  after  the  liberal  Minister  of  the  Interior,  Prince  Lud- 
wig  von  Oettingen-Wallerstein,  was  deposed  in  1837,  and  Herr 
von  Abel,  who  had  seceded  from  the  liberal  party  and  entered 
into  the  service  of  the  Congregation,  had  become  his  successor. 
At  the  same  time,  the  controversy  between  Prussia  and  Rome 
contributed  to  make  the  ultramontane  party  now  come  forward 
without  disguise  and  to  increase  in  numbers.  Among  the  schol- 
ars attached  to  the  University  of  Munich,  its  chief  adherents 
are  Gorres,  Kingseis,  Phillipps  (who  was  called  thither  from 
Berlin),  and  the  theologians  Wiedemann,  Dollinger,  and  Win- 
dischmann.  The  preachers  Ireuaeus  Haid  and  Eberhard  work 
upon  the  people,  and,  by  their  shameless  attacks  upon  the  Prot- 
estants, recall  the  darkest  times  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
Processions  are  held  with  the  greatest  pomp  and  display  on  all 
church  festivals ;  pilgrimages  take  place  in  unlimited  number, 
and  associations  have  been  formed,  with  the  royal  sanction,  for 
the  purpose  of  organizing  them.  Pull  indulgences  are  granted 
in  superabundance,  and  consecrated  rings  of  indulgence  are  sold. 

The  educated  classes  in  Bavaria  are  by  no  means  satisfied 
with  this  change  in  the  tendency  of  their  government.  The 
most  decided  disapprobation  of  the  re-organization  of  convents 
has  several  times  been  expressed  in  the  Lower  Chamber,  but 
without  result.  The  disposition  of  the  Estates  likewise  manifest- 
ed itself  in  1840  by  the  proposition,  adopted  by  both  Chambers, 
to  assign  the  fourth  part  of  all  charitable  foundations  and  be- 
quests to  the  poor  and  the  schools  (quarta  jxntperum  et  schola- 
rum). 

During  this  period  the  Protestants,  too,  had  to  suffer  much  op- 
pression, notwithstanding  that  they  composed  one  third  of  the 
population.     Their  complaints  had  repeatedly  been  laid  before 


G3G  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

the  Assembly  of  the  States ;  finally,  during  the  session  of  1S40, 
forty  of  the  forty-three  acting  Protestant  deputies  united  in  a 
direct  appeal  to  the  King,  in  which  three  points  of  grievance 
were  stated. 

Firstly,  the  obligation  laid  upon  Protestant  soldiers  to  bow 
the  knee  before  the  Host.  By  an  order  of  the  Minister  of  War 
of  August  14,  1S3S,  it  was  decreed  that  at  the  Church  parades 
even  non-Catholic  soldiers  should  be  directed  to  bow  the  knee. 
At  first  this  was  demanded  of  the  militia  {Landwehr)  as  well, 
whenever  they  attended  a  solemn  service;  but  subsequently 
Protestants  were  permitted  to  withdraw  in  such  cases.  But  the 
decree  remained  in  force  with  regard  to  the  soldiers  of  the  line, 
and  was  justified  by  the  plea  that  the  act  was  a  salutation  which 
even  a  Protestant  soldier  had  no  right  to  omit  if  commanded  to 
perform  it  by  his  superior.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  remarked 
with  truth  that  genuflexion  was  a  form  of  adoration,  and,  for  the 
Protestants,  an  infringement  upon  their  liberty  of  conscience.15 

Secondly,  the  obstacles  to  Protestant  divine  worship,  inasmuch 
as  in  many  places  the  Protestants,  notwithstanding  their  suffi- 
cient number,  were  denied  the  formation  of  congregations. 

Thirdly,  the  course  adopted  with  regard  to  mixed  marriages. 
In  fact,  complaint  was  made  that  the  Catholic  priests,  in  cases  of 
such  marriages,  if  the  promise  were  not  given  to  have  the  chil- 
dren brought  up  in  the  Catholic  faith,  not  only  refused  to  per- 
form the  marriage  ceremony,  but  also,  contrary  to  law,  often  re- 
fused to  publish  the  banns  and  to  grant  the  dimissories ;  and  that, 
in  drawing  up  the  latter,  they  would  insert  the  clause,  most  of- 
fensive to  Protestants,  that  no  canonical  obstacle  to  the  marriage 
was  known  to  exist,  further  than  the  ecclesiastical  prohibition 
of  mixed  marriages.  (This  formula,  indeed,  might  be  tolerated 
by  the  Protestants,  and  their  objection  to  it  would  seem  to  have 
arisen  from  exaggerated  sensitiveness.) 

A  further  cause  of  complaint  was,  that  in  individual  cases 
children  who,  according  to  the  existing  laws,  should  have  been 
brought  up  Protestants  were,  in  consequence  of  ministerial  de- 
crees, being  educated  in  the  Catholic  faith.  For  instance,  a 
Catholic  officer,  whose  wife  was  a  Protestant,  had  agreed,  in  the 
marriage  articles,  to  have  the  children  follow  their  mother's  pcr- 

15  Die  Kniebcusun^  der  Protcstantcn  vor  dem  Sanctissinium  dcr  katholischen 
Kirchc  in  dem  bairisciicn  Hccre,  Ulra,  1841. 


§  10.  ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  AUSTRIA.  63V 

suasion.    After  her  death,  however,  he  had  his  eldest  son  brought 
up  a  Catholic,  and  was  supported  therein  by  the  ministry. 

The  King,  on  the  whole,  expressed  himself  favorably  toward 
the  petitioners,  and  declared  his  intention  of  protecting  the  rights 
of  all  his  subjects ;  nevertheless,  the  first  complaint  was  soon  aft- 
er rejected  as  groundless,  by  a  royal  rescript  to  the  Supreme 
Consistory.16 

§10. 

ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  AUSTRIA. 
Catbolicismus  uiicl  Protestantismus  in  Oesterreich,  Leipsic,  1S46. 

Under  the  Emperor  Francis  I.,  many  of  the  reforms  of  Joseph 
II.  with  regard  to  the  Church  have  been  discontinued,  while 
others  have  remained  intact.  Thus  a  certain  bigoted  piety  has 
of  late  been  zealously  fostered  in  Austria,  and  great  care  taken 
that  quite  as  few  liberal  ideas  in  religion  as  in  politics  should 
pass  the  frontier.  To  this  end  a  strict  censorship  prevails,  to 
which  not  only  all  boohs  published  in  the  country  are  subjected, 
but  which  also  carefully  examines  all  works  imported  from 
abroad,  entirely  rejecting  a  large  portion  of  them  as  dangerous 
and  pernicious,  and  sanctioning  the  transmission  of  another  por- 
tion only  to  such  persons  as  have  special  permission  to  possess 
them.  The  spirit  of  the  government  is  further  characterized  by 
an  imperial  decree  of  1818,  which  directs  all  officials  to  attend 
public  worship  on  Sundays  and  holidays,  at  the  principal  church 
of  their  place  of  residence.  In  1827  the  civil  authorities  and  the 
episcopal  functionaries  were  ordered  to  watch  over  the  execu- 
tion of  the  above  command,  and  to  take  action  against  all  offi- 
cials who  did  not  conform  to  it.  When  the  interest  in  Bible  so- 
cieties spread  from  England  over  the  Continent,  a  Hungarian 
Bible  Society  was  organized  at  Presburg  in  1812  ;  but  it  was 
soon  suppressed,  its  Bibles  were  confiscated,  and  a  prohibition 
was  issued  against  giving  away  foreign  Bibles,  or  selling  them 
at  a  reduced  price. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  new  order,  which  distinguished  itself  by 
its  spiritual  activity,  was  readily  received  and  greatly  favored  in 
Austria.     This  was  the  order  of  the  Kedemptorists,  or  Liguori- 

16  Abel  und  Wallerstein,  Beitrage  zur  neuesten  Geschichte  baieriscber  Zustande, 
nacb  autbentiscben  Quellen  bearbeitet,  Stuttgart,  1840, 12. 


G33  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  III.-SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

ans,  which  had  been  founded  in  1732  by  a  Neapolitan  named 
Alfonso  Maria  di  Liguori,  under  the  title  of  Congregatio  Sanc- 
tissimi  Redemptoris,  and  was  confirmed  by  Benedict  XIV.  in 
1749.  This  new  order  shared  with  the  Jesuits  the  aim  of  pro- 
moting the  growth  of  Catholic  piety  by  the  cure  of  souls  and 
the  education  and  instruction  of  youth ;  even  the  dress  which  it 
assumed  resembled  that  of  the  Jesuits.  It  is  only  recently  that 
this  order  has  spread  abroad  more.1  It  was  introduced  into  Aus- 
tria by  one  of  its  members  named  Iloffbauer,  who  came  to  Vien- 
na in  1S09,  there  accepted  a  spiritual  office,  and  prepared  the 
way  for  the  reception  of  his  order.  A  month  after  his  death  an 
imperial  decree  was  issued,  April  19, 1S20,  which  sanctioned  the 
admission  of  the  Redemptorists  to  the  Austrian  states.  They 
thereupon  immediately  founded  educational  institutions  at  Vien- 
na, and  showed  great  zeal  in  the  pulpit  and  the  confessional. 
But,  like  the  Jesuits,  they,  too,  interfered  in  family  relations,  in 
order  to  gain  in  this  way  advantages,  distinction,  and  influence 
for  their  order;  and,  by  their  attempts  at  conversion,  annoyed 
the  Protestants.  The  Pope  had  previously  honored  the  order 
by  canonizing  its  founder  (who  had  died  in  1782)  in  1S17. 

Not  long  after  this  the  Jesuits  likewise  re-established  them- 
selves in  Austria.  After  they  had  been  expelled  from  Russia, 
a  number  of  them  went  to  Galicia,  settled  in  various  towns  of 
that  province  under  the  protection  of  the  Bishop  of  Tyniec,  Gre- 
gor  Thomas  Ziegler,  and  on  September  1,  1S23,  opened  a  large 
school  at  Tarnopolis,  which  consisted  of  a  gymnasium  and  a  lyce- 
ura,  even  before  the  government  had  sanctioned  their  admission 
to  the  country.  It  did  so  only  in  1827,  and  they  thus  obtained 
permission  to  found  four  colleges  in  Galicia.  Subsequently 
they  have  also  established  institutions  in  Austrian  Italy,  Upper 
Austria,  Styria,  and  the  Tyrol;  in  particular,  they  have  gained  a 
foothold  at  Innspruck. 

Thus  it  is  unmistakably  the  aim  of  the  government  in  Aus- 
tria to  retain  the  Catholic  religion  in  its  old,  unaltered  form,  and 
to  promote  and  quicken  the  attachment  of  the  people  to  it.  But, 
at  the  same  time,  it  jealously  asserts  its  rights  with  regard  to  the 
Pope  and  the  clergy,  and  does  this  in  a  way  which  is  in  many 
points  opposed  to  the  principles  of  canon  law.  This  is  most 
apparent  in  the  marriage-laws.     The  Austrian  marriage-laws 

1  Biography  of  Dr.  B.  Bolzano,  Sulzbacli,  1S3G. 


§  10.  ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  AUSTRIA.  639 

make  a  distinction,  in  marriage,  between  the  civil  contract  and 
the  sacrament.  With  regard  to  the  former,  the  secular  govern- 
ment has  reserved  to  itself  the  whole  legislative  power,  and  de- 
termined that  the  sacrament  can  be  administered  by  the  Church 
only  after  the  civil  contract  has  been  legally  sanctioned ;  that 
without  this  sanction,  the  sacrament  can  not  be  administered; 
and  that  if  it  be  thus  administered,  it  is  null  and  void.  In  this 
way  marriages  have  frequently  been  declared  invalid  by  the  sec- 
ular authorities,  which  proceeding  is  in  reality,  though  not  in 
name,  equivalent  to  the  Protestant  divorce.  By  these  same  mar- 
riage-laws a  decision  has  been  given  with  regard  to  the  religion 
of  children  issuing  from  mixed  marriages,  which  is,  indeed,  to 
the  advantage  of  the  Catholic  Church,  but  not  in  accordance 
with  the  Roman  Catholic  principles  which  have  been  elsewhere 
asserted.  For  the  law  decrees  that  if  the  father  be  a  Catholic, 
all  the  children  are  to  be  Catholics ;  while  if  the  contrary  be  the 
case,  the  sons  follow  the  father,  the  daughters  the  mother.  In 
like  manner,  care  is  taken  that  all  communications  of  the  spirit- 
ual authorities  with  Rome  are  inspected  by  the  government,  and 
that  no  decree  of  the  Church  is  published  without  the placetum 
regium.  And  in  order  that  no  canonical  principles  opposed  to 
these  national  laws  may  gain  access,  it  has  been  strictly  enforced, 
since  the  time  of  Maria  Theresa,  that  the  canon  law  shall  be 
taught  only  from  books  designated  by  the  government.  The 
work  in  present  use  is  Georg  Rechberger's  Manual  of  Common 
and  Austrian  Canon  Law,  Linz,  1819. 

That  the  Roman  Curia  highly  disapproves  of  all  these  regula- 
tions, and  that  it  secretly  uses  every  means  to  effect  their  aboli- 
tion, can  be  easily  imagined ;  but,  as  it  can  not  accomplish  any 
thing,  it  silently  tolerates  and  ignores  that  which  it  can  not  alter. 
It  is  said,  indeed,  that  the  Emperor  Francis  is  personally  quite 
inclined  to  yield  various  points  to  Rome,  but  the  canonical  prin- 
ciples in  question  have,  since  the  time  of  Joseph  II.,  so  pene- 
trated the  whole  official  world  and  the  greater  part  of  the  clergy 
that  any  change  would  have  involved  the  greatest  difficulties,  and 
would  not  easily  have  broken  through  the  ranks  of  the  closely 
united  official  aristocracy.  Thus  religious  bigotry  and  canonical 
liberalism  are  allied  in  a  remarkable  manner  in  Austria. 

The  Protestants,  who  in  Austria  are  still  obliged  strictly  to 
observe  the  separation  between  the  Augsburg  and  the  Helvetian 


G40 


FOURTH  PEPJOD.-DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 


Confessions,  fare  very  differently  in  the  different  states.2  In  the 
actual  archduchy  they  form,  indeed,  only  a  tolerated  Church; 
their  houses  of  worship  are  called  chapels,  and  are  not  allowed 
to  have  any  towers,  bells,  or  exits  on  public  streets ;  they  are 
obliged  to  pay  the  surplice  fees  to  Catholic  priests,  notwithstand- 
ing that  they  have  to  defray  the  entire  expenses  of  their  own  di- 
vine worship;  they  must  refrain  from  work  on  Catholic  holi- 
days ;  no  Catholic  is  permitted  to  be  present  at  the  Protestant 
worship.  But  yet  they  have  no  oppressions  to  complain  of,  even 
though  they  are  sometimes  annoyed  by  attempts  at  conversion, 
as  on  the  part  of  the  Redemptorists  in  Vienna. 

The  Protestants  in  Hungary,  however,  fared  much  worse,  al- 
though they  once  composed  two  thirds,  and  still  number  one 
third,  of  the  population  of  that  country,  and  although,  in  the 
fundamental  laws  of  the  state,  they  are  allowed  equal  rights 
with  the  Catholics.3  The  reason  for  this  is  that  the  Catholic 
clergy  in  Hungary  is  quite  as  crude  and  intolerant  as  it  is  rich 
in  revenues  and  influence,  and  that  it  made  every  use  of  these 
means  to  attract  as  many  Protestants  as  possible  to  the  Catholic 
Church.  Thus  it  often  happened  that  Protestants  were  perse- 
cuted because  of  their  ostensibly  belonging  by  birth  to  the  Cath- 
olic Church,  and  therefore  having  done  wrong  in  going  over  to 
the  Protestant  Church  without  previous  instruction.  Such  per- 
sons were  arrested  and  subjected  to  severe  imprisonment  until 
they  yielded.  In  particular,  mixed  marriages  were  a  continual 
source  of  dissension.  For  the  Catholic  priests  did  all  in  their 
power  to  extort  from  the  Protestant  party  the  promise  to  have  the 
children  brought  up  Catholics,  and  often  subsequently  laid  forci- 
ble claim  to  the  children  of  such  marriages.  In  addition,  Protest- 
ants were  inveigled  into  joining  the  Catholic  Church  by  the  prom- 
ise of  rewards  or  the  remission  of  punishments.  All  complaints 
of  these  disorders  addressed  to  the  emperor  were  ineffectual ;  and 
as  the  great  majority  of  offices  and  all  higher  positions  are  held 
by  Catholics,  the  interpretation  and  application  of  all  ecclesiastic- 
al laws  invariably  fell  out  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  Protestants.4 

-  For  a  list  of  the  different  congregations,  see  Tzschimer's  Arehiv,  ii.  470. 

3  Tzschimer's  Arehiv,  ii.  073. 

*  Nachrichtcn  fiber  den  jetzigcn  Zustand  der  Evangelischen  in  Ungam,  by  Gregor 
von  Berzeviczy  (district  inspector  of  Evangelical  churches  and  schools),  Leipsic, 
L822.  Vertraute  Briefe  fiber  die  aussere  Lage  der  Evangelischen  Kirche  in  Ungarn, 
by  Ferdinand  Fricdrich,  Leipsic,  1825. 


§  10.  ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  AUSTRIA.  641 

Meanwhile,  these  oppressions  of  the  Protestants  were  frequent- 
ly the  subject  of  discussion  at  the  diets,  and  the  liberal  party  gave 
loud  expression  to  their  disapprobation  of  them.  When,  in  re- 
cent times,  the  encroachments  of  the  Catholic  clergy  increased 
and  the  government  abetted  them  by  sanctioning  the  above  de- 
mand of  a  promise  with  regard  to  the  Catholic  education  of  the 
children  of  mixed  marriages,  the  Diet  decidedly  took  the  part  of 
the  Protestants,  and  endeavored  to  procure  complete  equality  of 
rights  for  all  Christian  confessions.  These  efforts  were  contin- 
ued for  several  years.  Finally,  the  government  conceded  several 
important  points  by  a  law  of  November  13,  1844,  by  which  the 
condition  of  the  Protestants  was  materially  improved.  This  law- 
decrees  that  no  Protestant  males  over  eighteen,  or  females  after 
they  are  married,  nor  their  children,  shall  be  claimed  by  the 
Catholic  Church  as  if  they  belonged  to  it  by  right.  Mixed 
marriages  shall  be  valid  in  future  even  if  consecrated  by  a 
Protestant  clergyman.  In  cases  of  conversion  from  the  Cath- 
olic to  the  Protestant  Church,  the  six  weeks'  instruction  may  be 
omitted ;  the  convert  must  declare  his  intention  before  his  pas- 
tor, in  presence  of  two  witnesses,  and  repeat  this  after  an  inter- 
val of  four  weeks.  When  the  Protestant  pastor  has  had  proof 
that  this  has  been  done  in  due  form,  he  may  receive  the  convert 
into  his  congregation. 5 

Of  all  the  Austrian  states,  Transylvania  enjoys  the  greatest 
freedom  in  religious  matters.  The  administration  of  that  prov- 
ince is  in  the  hands  of  estates  which  are  formed  from  the  three 
nations  to  which  the  inhabitants  belong,  i.  e.  the  Hungarian, 
the  Szeklian,  and  the  Saxon.  There  are  four  receptae  religiones 
with  equal  rights  — the  Ptoman  Catholic,  Lutheran,  Keformed, 
and  the  Unitarian  or  Socinian ;  and  as  but  a  small  portion  of 
the  population  is  Catholic,  and  the  other  religions  are  suffi- 
ciently represented  in  the  estates,  no  religious  oppression  takes 
place. 6 

The  most  noteworthy  event  in  the  latest  history  of  the  Protest- 
ant Church  in  Austria  is  the  establishment  of  an  Evangelical 
Theological  Seminary  in  Vienna.  Formerly,  the  young  Protest- 
ant theologians  of  the  Austrian  dominions  attended  foreign  uni- 

ft  Die  Religionswirren  in  Uugarn,  by  Jobaun,  Count  Muilatb,  Ratisbon,  1845   2 
vols.  '  ' 

8  Zustand  cler  Unitarier  in  Siebenburgen,  Tzscbirner's  Arcbiv,  iv.  149. 
VOL.  V. 41 


642  FOURTH  PERIOD— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814 

versities ;  and  the  Protestant  Hungarians,  in  the  religious  edict  of 
1791,  had  been  expressly  conceded  the  right  to  send  their  sons 
abroad  to  pursue  their  studies.  This  privilege  was  first  restricted 
in  1810  by  an  imperial  decree,  to  the  effect  that  no  one  should 
attend  a  foreign  university  without  a  special  imperial  permission. 
Subsequently,  when,  after  the  peace  of  1815,  demagogical  dis- 
turbances began  at  the  German  universities,  and  soon  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  German  Diet  and  gave  rise  to  general  meas- 
ures against  those  institutions,  Austria  forbade  all  its  subjects 
the  attendance  of  foreign  universities.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  Emperor  in  1819  decreed  the  establishment  of  a  complete 
theological  faculty  for  Protestants  at  Vienna,  and  this  institution 
went  into  operation  in  April,  1821.  This  new  arrangement,  how- 
ever, justly  caused  great  dissatisfaction  in  Hungary.  The  theo- 
logical school  in  Vienna  could  not  supply  to  the  Protestant  Hun- 
garians the  place  of  a  university;  for  it  was  entirely  isolated, 
without  possessing  the  necessary  complement  of  a  philosophical 
faculty :  its  chairs  could  not  be  filled  by  distinguished  men,  as 
the  government  would  not  allow  any  but  Austrian  subjects  to  be 
called  to  them.  Liberty  of  instruction  was  restricted  there  too, 
according  to  the  general  principles  of  the  Austrian  government, 
by  immediately  prescribing  the  text-books  to  be  used  by  the  pro- 
fessors ;  nor  could  it  fail  to  be  still  more  circumscribed  by  local 
conditions  and  the  observation  of  the  Catholic  clergy.  Vienna, 
moreover,  was  too  expensive  as  a  place  of  residence,  and  the  sti- 
pends were  wanting  there  which  existed  for  Hungarian  students 
at  foreign  universities.  In  consequence,  the  new  institution  had 
very  few  students  from  Hungary  and  Transylvania,  for  these 
countries  possessed  several  colleges  where  the  theological  sciences 
were  quite  as  thoroughly  taught  as  by  the  faculty  of  Vienna. 
The  frequent  complaints  which  arose  from  Hungary  had  for  re- 
sult, indeed,  that  the  Emperor  consented  once  more  to  let  indi- 
viduals attend  foreign  universities  with  a  special  imperial  per- 
mission ;  but  in  consequence  of  the  events  which  have  taken 
place  since  1830  this  privilege  was  again  withdrawn,  until  in 
1840  the  attendance  of  a  few  special  German  universities  was 
once  more  permitted. 


§  11.  RUSSIA.  643 

§11. 
RUSSIA. 

Allgemeine  Kirchenzeitung,  December  1839,  p.  1609  ss.— Conversations-Lexicon  der 
Gegenwart,  iv.  715,  art.  "Russische  Kircbenunion."  —  Die  neuesten  Zustaude  der 
katholiscben  Kirche  beider  Ritus  in  Polen  und  Russland  seit  Catbariua  II.  bis 
auf  unsere  Tage,  Augsburg,  1811.— Die  Staatskirche  Russlands  im  Jabre  1839,  von 
einem  Priester  des  Oratoriums,  Scbaffhausen,  1844,  8.  —  See  also  Das  Ausland, 
1854,  No.  17,  p.  389 :  Religiose  Secten  Russlands  (after  tbe  Religiose  GescbicMe 
der  slaviscben  Volker,  by  Count  V.  Krasinski). 

One  of  the  most  important  events  of  this  period  is  the  reunion 
of  the  United  Greek  Christians  in  the  western  provinces  of  the 
Russian  empire— the  Ukraine,  Podolia,  Volhynia,  and  Lithuania 
— with  the  Greek  National  Church  of  Russia,  which  was  effected 
in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1839. 

In  all  these  provinces,  as  in  Russia  in  general,  Christianity 
had  first  been  proclaimed  from  Constantinople.  But  the  Grand- 
duke  Jagello  of  Lithuania,  to  whom  they  were  subject,  after 
his  marriage  with  Hedwig,  Queen  of  Poland  (13S6),  joined  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  which  after  this  was  so  favored  in 
Lithuania  that  the  Greek  Church  diminished  greatly,  though  it 
never  disappeared  entirely.  After  the  Synod  of  Florence  (1439), 
an  attempt  was  made  to  introduce  the  union  there  agreed  upon 
in  the  provinces  in  question ;  but  a  radical  result  was  achieved 
only  by  the  Jesuits,  among  whom  Antonius  Possevinus  especially 
distinguished  himself.  Through  their  educational  establishments 
they  acquired  an  influence  over  the  youth  of  the  Greek  Church, 
contrived  to  have  the  episcopal  offices  filled  with  incumbents  de- 
voted to  their  cause,  and  made  shrewd  use  of  rewards  and  prom- 
ises. Thus  they  succeeded,  supported  by  King  Sigismund  III. 
of  Poland,  in  gaining  the  majority  of  the  Greek  clergy  and  no- 
bility in  the  Polish  realm  in  favor  of  the  union  at  three  synods > 
of  Brzesc,  in  Lithuania  (1590-1596).  Those  of  the  Greek  clergy 
who  resisted  were  deposed ;  and  on  December  15, 1596,  the  King 
issued  a  general  order  by  which  he  proclaimed  the  union,  and 
threatened  the  adherents  of  the  Greek  Church  with  loss  of  the 
royal  favor. 

After  this  the  union  was  enforced  by  many  severe  measures : 
the  non-unionists  had  their  churches  taken  from  them,  and  their 
educational  affairs  were  purposely  neglected,  in  order  to  compel 


G44  FOURTH  PERIOD.-DIV.  HL—SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

them  to  send  their  children  to  the  Jesuit  schools  which  were  es- 
tablished every  where. 

This  union,  however,  was  merely  regarded  as  a  transition  to 
complete  Eoman  Catholicism.  By  its  provisions  the  liturgy  and 
Church  ceremonies  were  to  remain  intact,  and  divine  service  was 
to  be  held,  according  to  the  old  usage,  in  the  ancient  Slavonic 
language.  But  gradually  all  these  ordinances  were  likewise  al- 
tered and  made  more  conformable  to  the  Romish  Church.  The 
liturgy  was  changed,  organs  were  introduced,  and  more  altars 
erected  in  the  churches,  and  the  bishops  of  the  Union  were  com- 
pelled to  apply  for  the  Papal  sanction.  In  order  to  effect  these 
alterations,  Roman  Catholic  monks,  in  particular,  joined  the  Unit- 
ed Church,  and  were  then  by  degrees  promoted  to  the  highest 
offices.  At  the  same  time,  the  adherents  of  the  Union,  in  order 
to  make  them  more  willing  to  go  over  to  the  Catholic  Church, 
were  perceptibly  neglected  for  the  Roman  Catholics.  This  had 
the  result  that  the  nobles  almost  all  joined  the  Catholic  Church, 
and  that  the  United  Church  was  called  by  the  Poles  the  "  peas- 
ant's faith  "  {chlopska  wiara). 

Among  the  United  Greek  people  all  these  occurrences  fostered 
an  aversion  to  the  Roman  Catholics,  which  was  increased  by  all 
the  innovations  made  in  favor  of  the  latter.  And  for  this  reason 
it  was  not  very  difficult,  when  all  these  provinces  reverted  to 
Russia,  to  annul  the  whole  Union. 

At  first  several  of  the  provinces  in  question  fell  to  Russia  un- 
der Catharine  II.,  at  the  first  division  of  Poland,  in  1772.  Russia 
had  weighty  political  reasons  for  annulling  the  Union,  for  the 
latter  stood  in  the  way  of  a  complete  inner  coalescence  of  these 
provinces  with  Russia,  and  attracted  them  to  the  Polish  side. 
Catharine  II.,  therefore,  hastened  to  invite  the  United  Greeks  to 
return  to  their  old  Church,  and  in  course  of  time  a  million  per- 
sons went  over  to  the  latter.  Through  the  political  changes 
which  followed,  the  remainder  of  the  provinces  also  fell  to  Rus- 
sia; but  under  Alexander  nothing  was  done  for  the  above  ob- 
ject. Nicholas  took  up  the  matter  again,  and  began  by  institut- 
ing, April  22,  1S28,  a  Greek  United  Spiritual  Council  for  the 
direction  of  the  United  Greeks,  by  means  of  which,  through  cor- 
responding vigorous  measures,  the  way  could  be  prepared  for 
further  action.  This  council  began  by  restoring  the  old  liturgy 
and  exchanging  the  altered  rituals  for  those  previously  in  use ; 


§  11.  RUSSIA.  Q45 

•while  the  young  theologians  of  the  United  Church  received  in 
the  newly  established  seminaries  a  decided  impulse  toward  the 
Oriental  Church. 

The  Polish  Revolution  of  1830  increased  the  old  animosity  be- 
tween the  Poles  and  Russians  in  a  terrible  degree.  With  it  there 
mingled,  also,  the  religious  hatred  between  Latins  and  Greeks. 
The  United  population  was  Russian  by  descent,  and  also  in  its 
form  of  worship;  and  thus  the  above  revolution  contributed 
largely  to  attract  the  United  Greeks  to  the  Russian  side,  and  to 
make  an  abolition  of  the  Union  possible. 

The  three  bishops  of  the  Greek  United  Church,  Joseph  of 
Lithuania,  Weselij  of  Orsha,  and  Antonius  of  Brzesc,  placed 
themselves  at  the  head  of  this  movement.  They  convoked  a 
synod  at  Polozk  (February  12,  1839),  at  which  it  was  decided 
that  the  United  Church  should  return  to  the  Russian  Greek 
Church,  and  submit  itself  to  the  Sacred  Synod  of  St.  Peters- 
burg. The  same  synod,  on  March  23, 1S39,  issued  a  statute  re- 
garding the  ecclesiastical  relations  of  the  congregations  in  ques- 
tion by  which  the  Greek  United  Spiritual  Council,  under  the 
name  of  the  Lithuanian  College  of  White  Russia,  was  placed  un- 
der the  authority  of  the  Sacred  Synod,  and  Bishop  Joseph,  as 
archbishop,  was  chosen  its  president.  The  union  accomplished, 
it  was  generally  proclaimed  by  a  ukase  of  July  5,  1839. 
Twelve  hundred  parishes  with  two  million  members  were  thus 
reunited  to  the  Greek  Church.  In  memory  of  this  event  a 
medal  was  struck,  containing  on  one  side  the  inscription :  "  Tri- 
umph of  the  orthodox  faith ;"  the  reverse  bears  an  image  of 
Christ,  with  the  words:  "Divided  by  force,  1596;  reunited  by 
love,  1839." 

The  Pope  could  not,  of  course,  remain  indifferent  to  these 
events,  by  which  several  millions  of  believers  were  wrested  from 
him ;  he  could,  however,  do  nothing  but  express  his  grief  on  the 
subject  in  a  published  allocution  of  November  22,  1839.  Rus- 
sia's sole  reply  was  a  law  of  December  28,  1839,  according  to 
which  priests  who  attempted  to  make  converts  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  were  to  be  delivered  over  to  the  criminal  au- 
thorities. 

The  people  belonging  to  the  congregations  hitherto  United 
are  evidently  satisfied  with  their  return  to  their  old  Church.  It 
is  very  evident  in  this  case  that  the  lower  classes  feel  more 


C46  FOURTH  PERIOD.— DIV.  III.— SINCE  A.D.  1814. 

bound  by  the  external  features — the  liturgy — of  a  Church  than 
by  its  doctrines;  that  a  union  of  churches  which  is  merely 
founded  on  dogmas  is  weaker  than  one  based  on  a  similarity  of 
Church  ceremonies;  and  that  the  habit  of  external  forms  of 
worship  has  more  influence  than  the  belief. 

Another  important  measure  ensued  in  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1S42.  Catharine  II.  had  consigned  all  ecclesiastical  prop- 
erty to  the  administration  of  the  crown,  and  conferred  upon  the 
clergy,  in  exchange,  fixed  salaries,  on  the  plea  that  the  manage- 
ment of  worldly  affairs  would  distract  them  from  their  spiritual 
vocation.  This  order  was  extended  by  the  Emperor  Nicholas, 
through  a  ukase  of  January  5,  1S42,  to  the  Greek  Church  of 
the  Western  departments  which  had  since  been  added  to  Russia, 
and,  by  a  ukase  of  January  G,  to  the  other  churches  of  these 
departments.  In  consequence,  only  the  pastors  remained  in  en- 
joyment of  their  parochial  property ;  that  of  the  bishoprics, 
foundations,  and  convents  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  ministry 
of  the  imperial  domains,  and  the  individuals  and  institutions 
who  formerly  had  the  benefit  of  it  receive  salaries.  In  addition 
to  the  Greek  Church,  this  ordinance  affects  only  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  which  numbers  many  members  in  Lithuania. 
At  first  sight  such  an  arrangement  appears  very  beneficial  to  the 
latter,  for  the  ecclesiastical  property  in  its  possession  was  desig- 
nated as  insufficient,  and  it  was  decreed  that  the  revenues  of  the 
religious  institutions  and  functionaries  should  be  increased  by 
the  income  realized  by  confiscated  property.  But  two  results 
will  ensue  from  this  measure  which  can  not  be  pleasing  to  the 
clergy :  In  the  first  place,  it  loses  its  influence  on  those  persons 
who  were  dependent  on  it  through  its  administration  of  such 
property — i.  e.,  the  great  number  of  free  peasants,  stewards,  etc., 
who  will  now  be  dependent  on  the  crown ;  and,  secondly,  the 
clergy  themselves  are  made  more  dependent  on  the  government, 
which  can  punish  any  case  of  non-compliance  by  withholding  or 
discontinuance  of  their  salary.  It  will  therefore  in  future  be 
more  for  the  interest  of  the  clergy  to  side  with  the  administra- 
tion than  with  Rome.  In  view  of  this,  the  latter  has  already  re- 
monstrated with  the  Russian  government,  but  it  is  hardly  to  be 
supposed  that  any  change  will  be  effected. 


INDEX  TO  VOLS.  IV.  AND  V. 


(For  Index  to  Vols.  I.,  II.,  and  III.,  see  p.  503,  Vol.  III.) 


Aarau,  Stunden  der  Andacht  (Hours  of 

Devotion),  v.  518. 
Aargau,  v.  492. 
Abel,  Minister,  v.  541,  635. 
Abrahams,  Galenus,  iv.  376,  N.  16. 
Absolutists,  v.  369,  379. 
Academies,  Protestant,  iv.  561. 
Academy  of  Sciences  at  Berlin,  v.  160. 
Academy  of  Sciences  at  Munich,  v.  254. 
Acceptants,  v.  176.     See  ConstihUionisU. 
Act  of  Confederation,  German,  v.  oWJ,  627. 
Act  of  Confederation,  Swiss,  v.  489,  492. 
Ad  Dominici  Gregis,  Bull,  v.  603. 
Adiaphora,  v.  289. 
Adiaplioristic  Controversy,  iv.  437. 
Adorantes,  iv.  370. 
Aemilianus,  Jerome,  v.  14. 
Afrancesados,  v.  455. 
Agence  Generate,  v.  439. 
Agenda,  Danish,  v.  578. 
Agenda,  Prussian.     See  Frederick  William 

III. 
Agricola,  John,  iv.  137,  192,  N.  1, 193,  397 

sq.,  431. 
Agriensis,  Lucas,  iv.  261,  N.  18. 
Ahausen,  Evangelical  Union  of,  forms  a 

league  with  France,  iv.  232. 
Alais,  Synod  of,  iv.  516. 
Alanus  (Allen), William,  iv.  337,  N.  12, 13 ; 

v.  89,  N.  32. 
Alba,  Duke  of,  iv.  315. 
Albert,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  iv.  220. 
Albert,  Duke  of  Mecklenburg,  iv.  499. 
Albert,  Duke  of  Prussia,  iv.  472. 
Albert,  Elector  of  Braudeuburtr,  iv.  124, 

206. 
Albert,  Elector  of  Mayence,  iv.  173. 
Alberus,  Matthew,  iv.  111. 
Alciatus,  Paul,  iv.  254,  N.  18. 
Aleander,  Jerome,  iv.  53,  N.  66,  56. 
Alexander,  Emperor  of  Russia,  v.  370, 506, 

508,  644. 
Alexander,  Michael  Solomon,  v.  482. 
Alexander,  Natalis,  v.  239,  244. 
Alexander,  Prince  of  Hohenlohe-Schil- 

lingsfurst,  v.  608  sq.,  620. 
Alexander,  Prince  of  Parma,  Stadtholder, 

iv.  317. 
Alexander  VII.,  Pope,  v.  169 ;  in  favor  of 

Jesuit  Missions,  186. 
Alexander  VIII.,  Pope,  v.  172, 185. 
Allatius,  Leo,  v.  249. 
Alliance,  Catholic,  in  Switzerland,  v.  492. 


Alliance,  Evangelical,  v.  488. 

Alliance,  Holy,  v.  370,  506. 

Altenburg  Conference,  iv.  458. 

Altenburg  Controversy,  v.  521. 

Altenstein,  Von,  Minister,  v.  548. 

Alter,  Franz  Carl,  v.  263. 

Alterius,  Balthasar,  iv.  279,  N.  12,  282,  N. 

19,  20. 
Altranstatt,  Treaty  of,  v.  331. 
Alumbrados,  iv.  288,  N.  2. 
Amboise,  Conspiracy  of,  iv.  300. 
Amnion,  Christoph  Friedrich,  v.  322,  326, 

523. 
Amort,  Eusebius,  v.  254. 
Amsdorf,  Nicholas    von,  iv.  73,  114,  176, 

178,  429,  433,  436,  438,  443. 
Amyot,  Jac,  v.  32,  N.  2. 
Amyraldus  (Amyrault),  Moses,  iv.  516, 560; 

v.  350. 
Anabaptism,  iv.  112  sq.,  164,  351  sq. 
Anabaptism  in  Switzerland,  iv.  119  sq. 
Anabaptism  in  the  Netherlands,  iv.  312. 
Anabaptists,  their  doctrinal  views,  iv.  120, 

N.  64. 
Ancillon,  David,  v.  352. 
Ancona,  the  French  in,  V.  402. 
Anderson,  Lawrence,  iv.  270. 
Andreae,  Jacobus,  iv.  464,  4S1  sq.,  501,  N. 

1;  v.  129. 
Andreae,  John  Valentine,  iv.  569  sq. 
Anfossi,  v.  396. 
Angela  de  Brescia,  v.  120. 
Anglican  Church,  v.  478. 
Anhalt-Bernburg  joins  the  Union,  v.  526. 
Anhalt-Dessau  joins  the  Union,  v.  526. 
Annats,  v.  597,  600,  602. 
Anne,  Queen  of  England,  v.  334,  342, 485, 

4S6. 
Anthony,  King  of  Navarre,  iv.  299. 
Anti-Constitutionists,  v.  176. 
Antinomian  Controversy,  iv.  397. 
Anti-Secouristes,  v.  179. 
Anti-Trinitarians,  iv.  282,  351. 
Anton,  Paul,  v.  286. 
Anton  Ulrich,  Duke  of  Brunswick- Wol- 

fenbiittel,  v.  280  sq.,  282,  2S6. 
Autonius,  Bishop  of  Brzesc,  v.  645. 
Apology  for  the  Augsburg  Confession,  iv. 

150. 
Apology  for  the  Formula  of  Concord,  iv. 

492. 
Aportanus,  George,  iv.  112,  N.  40. 
Apostolicos,  v.  456,  458. 
Apostolicum,  Bull,  v.  193. 


G48 


INDEX. 


Apostool,  Samuel,  iv.  376,  N.  16. 

Apostoolians,  iv.  376,  N.  16. 

Appellants,  y.  176 ;  consecrate  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Utrecht,  181, 

Appenzell,  Reformation  In,  iv.  96,  212. 

Aquaviva,  Claudius,  v.  81,  87. 

Aquila,  Caspar,  iv.  436. 

Arcanum  Regium  in  Prussia,  v.  300. 

Arellano,  Ramires  de,  v.  460. 

Aresen,  John,  Bishop  of  Ilalum,  iv.  209. 

Aristocratic  party, v.  370,  500. 

Armenian  Church,  v.  135. 

Arminian  Controversy,  iv.  507  sq. 

Arminius,  James,  iv.  507. 

Arnauld,  Antoine,  v.  107  sq. ;  a  fugitive, 
175;  in  Delft,181;  against  the  Protes- 
tants, '244,  351 ;  corresponds  with  Leib- 
nitz, 280,  N.  4. 

Arnd,  John,  iv.  563,  N.  11,  573. 

Arnold,  Gottfried,  v.  292,  295. 

Arnoldi,  Bishop,  v.  615. 

Arras,  Treaty  of,  iv.  317. 

Articles,  XII.,  of  the  Suabian  peasants,  iv. 
114,  N.  53. 

Artois,  Count  of  (see  Charles  AT.),  v.  411, 
417,  420. 

Askew,  Anna,  iv.  330,  N.  37. 

Assemani,  Brothers,  Maronitcs,  v.  250. 

Assennentes,  Pretres,  v.  217,  222,  442. 

Assistentia  passiva,  v.  630. 

Association,  Catholic,  in  Switzerland,  v. 
491. 

Astrology,  v.  141. 

Atheism  in  England,  v.  143. 

Atheism  of  Fichte,  v.  104. 

Aubespine,  Gabriel,  v.  126. 

Auctorem  tidei,  Bull,  v.  213. 

Augsburg,  bishopric,  v.  590. 

Augsburg  Confession.    Sec  Confession. 

Augsburg,  Diets  of,  iv.  135  sq.,  193,  207. 

Augusti,  v.  324,  533. 

Augustine,  St.,  dogmatics  of,  v.  124. 

Augustus,  Elector  of  Saxony,  iv.  455,  457 
sq.,482sq.,490. 

Autos-da-fe,  v.  235. 

Auzon,  v.  4:;7. 

Avciro,  Duke  of,  v.  192,  N.  3. 

Aventinus,  iv.  127,  N.  17. 

Avignon  restored  to  France,  v.  219. 

Avignon  restored  to  the  Popes,  v.  172. 

Avila,  Juan  de,  iv.  288,  N.  4. 

Awakened,  the,  v.  5*2  sq. 

Azara,  Chevalier,  v.  205. 

B. 

Baden,  Congress  of,  v.  328. 

Baden,  Grand-duchy  of,  joins  the  Union, 
v.  526. 

Baden,  Grand-duchy  of,  Prussian  agenda 
in,  v.  534. 

Baden,  Grand-duchy  of,  Synodal  Consti- 
tution in,  v.  511. 

Baden  in  Switzerland,  disputation  of,  iv. 
L56. 

Baden  in  Switzerland,  proposed  Catholic 
canton,  v.  492. 

Bader,  member  of  the  Order  of  Illumina- 
ti,v.  157. 

Bahrdt,  Carl  Friedrich,  v.  150. 

Baillet,  Adrien,  v.  240. 


Bains,  Michael,  v.  80. 

Balduin,  Frederick,  iv.  557. 

Balmesada,  v.  459. 

Baltzer,  Dean,  v.  555,  559. 

Baluze,  Etienne,  v.  23*. 

Bamberg,  archbishopric,  v.  233,  596. 

Baptists,  iv.  348,  N.  23. 

Baptists,  English,  in  Germany,  v.  510. 

Barbcr'mi,  Cardinal,  v.  24'.>. 

Barcelona,  Treaty  of,  iv.  132. 

Barclay,  Capt.,  Irvingite,  v.  478. 

Barclay,  Robert,  v.  336. 

Barcos,  Martin  de,  v.  168. 

Barnabas,  Gospel  of  the  Apostle,  v.  145. 

Barnabites,  v.  14. 

Barnes,  Robert,  iv.  330,  N.  37. 

Barnim  and  Philip  of  Pomcrania,  iv.  166. 

Baron ius,  Caesar,  v.  125,  352,  N.  6. 

Barral,  De,  Archbishop  of  Tours,  v.  229. 

Bartholomew,  night  of  St.,  iv.  304. 

Barton,  Elizabeth,  Maid  of  Kent,  iv.  320, 

N.  18. 
Basedow,  Johann  Bernhard,  v.  163,  316. 
Basle,  bishopric,  v.  490. 
Basle  Confession.     See  Confession. 
Basle,  House  of  Missions  in,  v.  582. 
Basle,  Pietists  in,  v.  582,  618,  022. 
Basle,  Reformation  in,  iv.  98, 158  sq. 
Basle,  University  of,  iv.  76;  v.  582. 
Basnage,  Jacob  and  Samuel,  v.  352. 
Bassi,  Matthew  de,  v.  13.' 
Bathori,  Stephen,  iv.  250,  202. 
Bauer,  Bruuo,  v.  551,  573. 
Baumgarten,  Sieirmuud  Jacob,  v.  298,  307. 
Baur,  F.  Chr.,  v.580. 
Bautain,  Abbe,  v.  441  sq. 
Bavaria,  State  Constitution  of,  v.  598. 
Bayer,  Chancellor,  iv.  140,  N.  5. 
Bayle,  Peter,  v.  14S;  refuted  by  Leibnitz, 

101 ;  by  Jurieu,  352. 
Bayonne,  League  of,  iv.  320. 
Hazard,  v.  431. 

Bearn,  Academy  in,  iv.  300,  N.  1. 
Beatians,  iv.  402,  N.  23. 
Beaulieu.     See  Lc  Blanc. 
Beaulieu,  Peace  of,  iv.  304. 
Beaumont,  Christophe  de,  Archbishop  of 

Paris,  v.  180. 
Beausobre,  Isaac  de,  v.  352. 
Beautoun,  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  iv. 

319. 
Becanus,  Martin,  v.  78, 120,  N.  35,  234,  N.  3. 
Becker,  Balthasar,  v.  355. 
Behm,  Michael,  iv.  592. 
Belgian  rebellion  of  1830,  v.  497. 
Belgiojoso,  Count,  iv.  263. 
Bellannine,  Robert,  v.  07, 124, 120,  N.  35. 
Bellay,  Jean   and   Guillaume   de,  iv.  296, 

N.  '.». 
Bellegarde,  Gabriel  de,  v.  1S2,  N.  2. 
Bellini,  v.  412. 

Benedict  XIII.,  Pope,  v.  177. 
Benedict   XIV.,  v.  ISO;   opposed  to  the 

Malabar    usages,  187  sq.,  191;    as    a 

scholar,  250. 
Bengel,  Johann  Albert,  v.  290,  307,  507. 
Benkert,  v.  607. 
Benoist,  Elias,  v.  349,  N.  8. 
Benson.  George,  v.  342. 
Beuzel-Steruau,  v.  615. 


INDEX. 


649 


Bergara,  Treaty  of,  v.  459. 

Bergen  Book,  iv.  485  sq. 

Bergier,  Nicholas  Sylvester,  v.  247,  N.  2. 

Berlin  Academy  of  Sciences,  v.  160. 

Berlin,  Baptists  in,  v.  511. 

Berlin,  religious  conference  in,  v.  563. 

Berliner  Jahrbiicher,  v.  549. 

Berliner  Monatsschrift,  v.  196. 

Bernard,  Claude,  v.  178,  N.  5. 

Berne,  disputation  at,  iv.  157. 

Berne,  orthodoxy  in,  v.  582.^ 

Berne,  Reformation  in,  iv.  97. 

Berne,  University  of,  v.  584,  586. 

Bernetti,  Cardinal,  v.  401 ;  deposed,  404. 

Bernhardi,  Bartholomew,  iv.  59,  N.  83. 

Bernis,  Cardinal,  v.  205. 

Berquiu,  Louis  de,  iv.  295,  N.  3. 

Berrhcea,  Cyrillus  of,  v.  135. 

Berry,  Due  de,  memorial  service  for,  v. 

426. 
Berthier,  General,  v.  220. 
Bertholsdorf,  v.  303,  307. 
Berti,  Giovanni  Lorenzo,  v.  251. 
Berulle,  Pierre  de,  v.  119. 
Beslcr,  George,  iv.  73,  N.  118. 
Bethlehem,  proposed  bishopric  in,  v.  481. 
Bethlen,  Gabriel,  iv.  264. 
Beza,  Theodore,  iv.  419  sq.,  501,  N.  1,  559. 
Bianchini,  Giuseppe  (Blanchlnus),  v.  251. 
Bible  Societies  in  Austria,  v.  637. 
Bible  Societies  in  England,  v.  474. 
Bible  Societies  on  the  Continent,  v.  475. 
Bible  Societies  opposed  by  Rome,  v.  394. 
Bible  translation  of  Luther,  iv.  65. 
Bible  translation,  Zurich,  iv.  96. 
Bible  translations  in  the  Netherlands,  iv. 

312,  N.  10. 
Bible   translations,  Roman   Catholic,  in 

Germany,  v.  10. 
Bibliothecae  Patrum,  v.  125. 
Bibliothek,  Allgemeine  Deutsche,  v.  196, 

317. 
Biel,  Reformation  in,  iv.  98. 
Biester,  v.  196. 

Bildcrdyk,  Wilhelm,  v.  580  sq. 
Bingham,  Joseph,  v.  343. 
Bishops,  emancipated  English,  v.  482. 
Bishops  in  Nassau,  v.  535. 
Bishops  in  Prussia,  v.  536. 
Blackburn,  Francis,  v.  343,  N.  18. 
Blair,  Hugh,  v.  345. 
Blanch  in  us.     See  Bianchini. 
Blandrata,  John  George,  iv.  254,  N.  IS, 

261,  N.  17,  361,  362,  N.  23,  363. 
Blaurer,  Ambrosius,  iv.  411,  N.  27. 
Blaurock,  George,  iv.  119,  N.  60, 121,  N.  64, 

65. 
Blondel,  David,  iv.  559. 
Blood,  carnival  of,  iv.  304. 
Blurne,  court  chaplain,  v.  277. 
Bobadilla,  Nicholas,  v.  16,  N.  10. 
Bocbart,  Samuel,  v.  350. 
Bockhold,  John,  iv.  164. 
Bodenstein.     See  Carlstadt. 
Bodinus,  Jean,  v.  140. 
Bohemia,  Reformation  in,  iv.  244  sq. 
Bohemian  Brethren,  iv.  244  sq. ;  v.  303. 
Bohme,  Irvingite,  v.  478. 
Bohme,  Jacob,  iv.  567  sq. 
Boleyn,  Anne,  iv.  324  sq. 


Bolingbroke,  Lord,  v.  146. 
Bologna,  disturbances  in,  v.  400. 
Bolsec,  Hieronymus,  iv.  418. 
Bonald,Vicomtc  de,  v.  419,  446. 
Bonaparte,  v.  224  sq.,  364  sq.,  453. 
Bonaparte,  Consul,  v.  221. 
Bonaparte  excommunicated,  v.  225. 
Bonaparte  in  the  States  of  the  Church, 

v.  219. 
Bonaparte,  Joseph,  v.  197,  234,  454,  465. 
Bonn,  Catholic  Faculty  in,  v.  631. 
Bonner,  Bishop  of  London,  iv.  332,  N.  9, 

334,  N.  17. 
Book  of  Discipline,  iv.  320. 
Boos,  Martin,  v.  619. 
Bora,  Catherine  von,  iv.  124,  N.  4. 
Bordeaux,  Protestant  Society  in,  v.  449. 
Borger,  Elias  Anton,  v.  356. 
Borowski,  Bishop,  v.  536. 
Borromeo,  Carlo,  iv.  241;  v.  36. 
Bossuct,  Jacques  Benigne,  in  favor  of  the 

Gallican  privileges, v^  172;  againstMme. 

de  Guyon,  174 ;  as  a  dogmatic,  242,  352; 

pulpit  orator,  244;   author  of  a  cate- 
chism, 247 ;  negotiates  with  Molanus, 

280. 
Bost,  v.  590. 

Boston,  Missionary  Society  in,  v.  481. 
Bothwell,  Lord,  iv.  321. 
Botskai,  Stephen,  iv.  263. 
Botzheim,  John  von,  iv.  76,  N.  9, 107,  N.  IS. 
Boulanger,  Andre,  v.  244,  N.  4. 
Bourdaloue,  Louis,  v.  244. 
Brandenburg  acquires  a  portion  of  Julich- 

Cleves-Bere,  v.  529. 
Breithaupt,  Joachim  Justus,  v.  287. 
Bremen  controversies,  iv.  456. 
Bremen,  ecclesiastical  reforms  in,  iv.  73. 
Brenner,  Friedrich,  in    Bamberg,  v.  264, 

609. 
Brentano,  Dominicus  von,  v.  262. 
Brenz,  John,  iv.  73,  111,  113,  142 ;  V.  451, 

475,  555,  563,  N.  11. 
Breslau,  exempt  bishopric,  v.  233,  599. 
Breslau,  German -Catholic  Congregation 

in,  v.  616. 
Breslau,  Treaty  of,  v.  331. 
Brethren,  Bohemian,  iv.  244  sq. ;  v.  303. 
Brethren,  United,  v.  302. 
Bretschneider,  v.  324,  515,  543. 
Breviarium  Romanum,  v.  62. 
Briconnet,  Guillaume,  Bishop,  iv.  294. 
Brodli,  John,  iv.  119,  N.  60. 
Bronlie,  Abbe  de,  v.  410. 
Broglio,  Bishop  of  Ghent,  v.  495. 
Brown,  Robert,  iv.  340. 
Brownists,  iv.  341. 
Brucioli,  Antonio,  iv.  277. 
Brunner,  George,  iv.  97,  N.  99. 
Brunswick,  Reformation  in,  iv.  178  sq. 
Brussels,  University  of,  v.  497. 
Brzesc,  Synods  of,  v.  78,  N.  10,  643. 
Bucer,  Martin,  iv.  73,  N.  116,  110, 170,  N. 

25-27, 171  sq.,  331,  408  sq.,  411  sq.,  555. 
Buddeus,  Johann  Franz,  v.  295,  297. 
Budnaeus  (Budnejans),  iv.  364,  N.  29. 
Budzinius,  Stanislaus,  iv.  364,  N.  28. 
Buo-enhao-en,  John,  iv.  72,  N.  105,  111,  129, 

179,  N.  7, 10,  268, 476,  N.  18. 
Bullaria,  v.  125. 


650 


INDEX. 


Bollinger,  Henry,  iv.  209, 411, 421, 440. 
Buonomi,  Job.  Franz,  uuucio,  v.  74,  N.4G, 

75,  N.  47. 

Biiren,  Daniel  von,  iv.  450. 
Burgher  Rights,  iv.  150,  101. 
Burschenschaften,  v.  499. 
Buscher,  Statins,  iv.  590  sq.;  v.  209. 
Biisching,  Anton  Friedrich,  v.  310. 
Buxtorf,  John  (father  and  sou),  iv.  559. 

C. 

Cabreras,  v.  459. 

Cadan,  Treaty  of,  iv.  104. 

Cagliari,  Archbishop  of,  v.  470. 

Cagliostro,  v.  511. 

Cajetanns  of  Thiena,  v.  14. 

Cajetanns,  Thomas  de  Vio,  iv.  30;  v.  121. 

Calaber,  Franciscns,  iv.  350,  N.  5. 

Calas,  -lean,  v.  349. 

Calasanza,  Joseph,  v.  120. 

Calendar,  Gregorian,  iv.  225;  v.  03. 

Calendar   of  the   French  Revolution,  v. 

218. 
Calixtine  School,  v.  274  sq. 
Calixtines,  iv.  244,  247  sq. 
Calixtns,  Friedrich  Ulrich,  v.  272. 
Calixtns,  George,  iv.  584  sq. ;  v.  267  sq. 
Calmet,  Augustin,  v.  241. 
Calovius,  Abraham,  v.  271  sq. 
Calvin,  John,  iv.  214  sq.,298, 332,  N.  8, 362, 

412  sq.,  439, 440,  536  sq.,  558. 
Calvinism  in  the  Netherlands,  iv.  505  sq. 
Calvinistic  Controversy,  iv.  440  sq. 
Camarilla,  v.  455. 
( lambray,  Peace  of,  iv.  132. 
Cambridge,  v.  471. 
Camerarius,  iv.  71,  N.  99, 556. 
Cameron,  John,  iv.  510,  N.  9. 
Camisards,  v.  348,  447. 
Campanus,  John,  iv.  353. 

<  lampbell,  Mary,  v.  477. 

Campeggio,  Cardinal,  iv.70, 136,  N.  44,144, 

N.  i9, 140,  N.  22,  325,  N.  15. 
Campo  Formio,  Treaty  of,  v.  229. 
Canisins,  Heinrich,  v.  125. 

<  lanonizations,  v.  397. 
Canstein,  Baron,  v.  293. 
Canterbury,  Archbishop  of,  v.  481  sq. 
Canus,  Melchior,  v.  124. 

Canz,  v.  29S. 

Capadose,  Abraham,  v.  581. 

Capcllus,  Louis,  iv.  500 ;  v.  358. 

Capito, Wolfgang  Fabricins,  iv.  73,  N.  110, 

76,  98, 110,  Kis  8q. 
Cappel  War,  iv.  102,  209,  410. 
Capuchins,  iv.  241  ;  v.  13. 
Caraccioli,  Galcazzo,  iv.  285. 
Caracciolns,  Marinns,  i\'.  53,  N.  66. 
Carafa,  Carlo,  iv.  233,  X.  3,  250,  N.  27. 
Caraflfa,  John  Peter  (see  Bud  IV.),  iv.  283, 

N.  22,  284;  v.  14. 
Carbonari,  v.  397. 
Carl  Theodor,  Elector  of  Bavaria,  v.  158, 

207,  25'.  i,  828. 
Carlisle,  Irvingite,  v.  478. 
Carlists,  v.  450. 
Carl.)  Alh.rto,  King  of  Sardinia,  v.  400, 

408. 
Carlos,  Don,  v.  450  sq. 
Carlotta,  Queen  of  Portugal,  v.  402. 


Carlsrnhe,  General  Synod  at,  to  effect  the 

Union,  v.  520. 
Carlstadt,  iv.  20,  N.  0,  32,  N.  33,  36,  61  sq., 

62,  N.87, 107, 109  sq. 
( larnesecchi,  Pietro,  iv.  287. 
Carpov,  Jacob,  v.  298. 
<  iarpzov,  Johanu  Gottlob,  v.  296, 307. 
Carranza,  Bartholomew  da,  iv.  293. 
Carta,  Portuguese,  v.  402. 
Cartcsius,  Renatus.     See  Descartes. 
Caschau,  persecution  of  Protestants  in, 

iv.  203. 
Caselius,  John,  iv.  5S5. 
Cassander,  George,  iv.  350,  N.  3,  577;  v. 

268,  N.  4. 
Cassel,  conference  at,  v.  275,  N.  1. 
Castellio,  Sebastian,  iv.  558. 
Catechism  of  Henry  VIII,  iv.  329. 
Catechisme  Francais,  v.  247. 
Catechisms  of  Luther,  iv.  129,  399. 
Catcchismus  Romanus,  v.  02. 
Catharine  of  Aragon,  Queen  of  Ens-land, 

iv.  324. 
Catharine  II.,  Empress  of  Russia,  v.  195, 

508,  044,  646. 
Catharinus,  Ambrosius,  v.  20,  N.  10. 
Cathedral  Court  of  Zurich,  iv.  535. 
Catherine  de  Medicis,  iv.  300, 570. 
Catholic  Alliance  in  Switzerland,  v.  492. 
Catholic  Association  in  Switzerland,  v. 

491. 
Catholic  League,  iv.  232. 
Catholic  League,  secret,  iv.  129. 
Catholieae,  Bull,  v.  190. 
Cave,  William,  v.  343. 
Cazalla,  Augustine,  iv.  290. 
Celestine,  Abbot  of  Eiusiedeln,  v.  491. 
Celibacy,  abolition  of,  v.  611  sq.,  010. 
Celibacy,  petition  against,  iv.  87. 
Cellarius,  Martin,  iv.  02,  N.  87, 65,  N.  89. 
Celles,  Count,  v.  496. 
Censorship  in  Austria,  v.  037. 
Censorship  in  Bavaria,  v.  597. 
Censorship  in  France,  v.  420,423. 
Censorship    of  the   press    abolished    in 

Spain,  v.  235. 
Ccrvinus,  Marcellus  (sec  Jlarcdlus  II.),  v. 

23. 
Cevennes,  War  of  the,  v.  348. 
Chalmers,  Thomas,  v.  485,  4S7. 
Chambre  introuvable,  v.  417. 
Chamier,  Daniel,  iv.  500. 
Charles,  Duke  of  South  Ermanland,  iv. 

274  sq. 
Charles,  Elector  of  the  Palatinate,  v.  327. 
Charles  I.,  King  of  England,  iv.  321,  340 

sq. ;  v.  133,  N.  26. 
Charles  II.,  King  of  England,  v.  143,144. 
Charles  HI.,  King  of  Spain,  v.  2^1. 
Charles  IV.,  King  of  Spain,  v.  234,  453. 
Charles  V.,  Emperor  of  Germany,  iv.  40, 

309  sq.,  313. 
Charles  VI.,  Emperor  of  Germany,  v.  281. 
Charles  IX.,  King  of  France,  iv.  302,  304. 
Charles  IX.,  King  of  Sweden,  iv.  276. 
Charles  X.,  King  of  France,  v.  372,  380, 

404  sq.,  420,  424  sq. 
Charles  XII.,  King  of  Sweden,  v.  331. 
Chastel,  Jean,  v.  90. 
Chateaubriand,  Francois  Auguste,  v.  248. 


INDEX. 


651 


Chatcl,  Ferdinand  Francois,  v.  433. 

Chatel's  Church,  v.  433. 

Chemnitz,  Martin,  iv.  462,  4S2  sq.,  492,  N. 

49,  556. 
Cherbury,  Lord,  v.  144. 
Chiaramonti,  Card,  (see  Pius  VII.),  v.  220. 
Chieregati,  Francis,  iv.  67,  N.  94. 
Chiliasin  of  Spener,  v.  289. 
Chillingworth,  John,  iv.  346,  N.  11. 
China,  Jesuit  missions  in,  v.  186  sq. 
Choiseul,  Duke  of,  v.  192. 
Christeubote  (journal),  v.  510. 
Christian-Apostolic  Congregation,  v.  616. 
Christian  I.,  Elector  of  Saxony,  iv.  496. 
Christian  II.,  King  of  Denmark,  iv.  266. 
Christian  III.,  King  of  Denmark, iv.  268. 
Christian  IV.,  King  of  Denmark,  iv.  234. 
Christine  Elisabeth  of  Brunswick,  v.  281. 
Christine,  Queen  of  Sweden,  v.  141,  278, 

347,  N.  2. 
Christiuos,  v.  458. 
Christopher,  Duke    of  Wiirtemberg,  iv. 

453  464 
Chubb,  Thomas,  v.  146. 
Church  attendance  enforced  in  Austria, 

v.  637. 
Church  constitution  in  Baden,  v.  541. 
Church  constitution  in  Bavaria,  v.  538  sq. 
Church  constitution  in  Oldenburg,  v.  574. 
Church  constitution  in  Wiirtemberg,  v. 

542. 
Church  constitution  of  the  Rhenish  prov- 
inces, v.  537. 
Church  Diet  in  Germany,  v.  575. 
Church  discipline,  v.  531,  540. 
Church  gazettes,  v.  519  sq. 
Church  government   and  ordinances,  v. 

527;  wanting,  530. 
Church,  minor  parties  in  the,  iv.  349. 
Church  polity,  v.  534. 
Church  property  in  Russia,  v.  646. 
Church,  Roman  Catholic,  v.  9  sq. 
Church  System,  Pragmatic,  of  South  Ger- 
many, v.  603. 
Church  visitation  in  Saxony,  iv.  128. 
Churches,  Evaugelical,  constitution    of, 

iv.  518  sq. 
Churches,  Oriental,  v.  127. 
Churches,  Reformed,  iv.  493  sq.,  533  sq. 
Chytraeus.  David,  iv.  139,  N.  4,  222,  N.  12, 

482  sq. 
Civil  marriage  in  France,  v.  224. 
Civil  marriages,  v.  565. 
Clarenbach,  iv.  127,  N.  17. 
Clarke,  Samuel,  v.  342,  343. 
Claude,  Reformed  preacher,  v.  244,  351. 
Clausen,  Henr.  Nic,  v.  577. 
Clausenburg,  Diet  of,  iv.  260. 
Clemens  August  von  Droste-Vischering, 

Archbishop  of  Cologne,  v.  631. 
Clement,  Jacques,  iv.  305,  N.  14. 
Clement  VII.,  Pope,  iv.  69,  163   sq.,  277, 

N.  3. 
Clement  VIII.,  Pope,  v.  59,  64  sq.,  122. 
Clement  IX.,  Pope,  v.  170, 175. 
Clement  XL,  Pope,  v.  175  sq.,  188  sq. 
Clement  XII.,  Pope,  v.  187  sq. 
Clement  XIII. ,  Pope,  v.  191, 193  sq.,  199, 

489. 
Clement  XIV,  Pope,  v.  194  sq.,  255, 392. 


Clement  Wcnceslaus,  Elector  of  Treves, 
v.  196, 200. 

Cleric  us  (Le  Clerc),  v.  342,  357. 

Clermont-Tonnere,  v.  424. 

Cleves,  Reformation  in,  iv.  179. 

Cloister  property  in  Austria,  v.  203,  230. 

Cloister  property  in  Germany,  v.  230  sq. 

Cloister  property  in  Italy,  v.  234. 

Cloister  property  in  Spain,  v.  234. 

Cocceians,  v.  353  sq. 

Cocceius  {Cock),  Johannes,  v.  353  sq. 

Cochlaeus,  John,  iv.  141, 142, 172,  N.  39. 

Cock,  Hendrik  de,  v.  581. 

Coelestiuus,  Johu  Frederick,  iv.  140,  N.  5, 
458. 

Coire-St.  Gall,  bishopric,  v.  490, 494. 

Colbert,  Minister,  v.  237. 

Collections  of  Councils,  v.  125, 238,  250. 

College,  Lithuanian,  of  White  Russia,  v. 
645. 

Collegia  pietatis,  v.  285  sq.,  290,  294,  303. 

Collegial  System,  v.  52S,  531. 

Collegiants,  iv.  512. 

Collegium  de  Propaganda  Fide,  v.  71. 

Collegium  Germanicum  in  Rome,  v.  41. 

Collegium  Helveticum  in  Milan,  iv.  241. 

Collegium  Maroniticum  in  Rome,  v.  138. 

Collegium  Romanum,  v.  41. 

Collin,  Rudolph,  iv.  161,  N.  31. 

Collins,  Anthony,  v.  145. 

Colloredo,  Jerome,  Count  and  Archbish- 
op, v.  207. 

Cologne,  archbishopric,  v.  233, 599. 

Cologne,  Reformation  in,  iv.  179. 

Commendon,  Joh.  Franz,  iv.  253,  N.  10. 

Communion  with  spirits,  v.  511. 

Communism,  v.  375, 552. 

Compromiss,  league  of  the,  iv.  315. 

Conclave,  v.  70. 

Concordat,  Bavarian,  v.  233,  596. 

Concordat,  Hanoverian,  v.  233,  596. 

Concordat  in  Switzerland,  v.  584. 

Concordat  of  the  Netherlands,  v.  496. 

Concordat,  proposed  new  French,  v.  418. 

Concordat,  Prussiau,  v.  233,  599. 

Concordat,  South  German,  v.  234,  600. 

Concordat,  Spanish,  of  1753,  v.  457. 

Concordats  of  Napoleon,  v.  222,  22S,  416, 
418, 446. 

Concordats  with  Rome,  v.  394. 

Concordia,  Suabian-Saxon,  iv.  482. 

Concordia  Vitebergeusis,  iv.  171. 

Concordiae,  Formula,  iv.  481  sq. 

Confessio  Belgica,  iv.  314,  423. 

Confessio  Czengerina,  iv.  261. 

Confessio  Gallicana,  iv.  423. 

Confessio  Helvetica  I.,  iv.  411;  II.,  iv. 
421. 

Confessio  Pentapolitana,  iv.  260. 

Confessio  Saxonica,  iv.  205. 

Confessio  Scotica,  iv.  320. 

Confessio  Tetrapolitana,  iv.  149,  409. 

Confessio  Virtembergensis,  iv.  205. 

Confession,  Augsburg,  iv.  140,  399,  409. 
See  also  Apology  and  Confutation. 

Confession,  Basle,  iv.  410. 

Confession,  Suabian,  iv.  482. 

Confession,  obligatory,  abolished  by  Lu- 
ther, i  v.  540. 

Confirmation,  iv.  546. 


652 


INDEX. 


Confutation  of  the  Augsburg  Confession, 
iv.  141. 

Congregatio  de  Fide  Catholiea  Propagan- 
da, v. 70. 

Congregatio  Oratorii,  v.  119. 

Congregatio  S.  Mauri,  v.  L20. 

Congregation,  Bavarian,  v.  635. 

I  longregation,  French,  v.  417, 419, 421, 424 
sq. 

Congregation  of  Christ  in  Scotland,  iv. 
319. 

Congregationalists,  iv.  341. 

( 'onring,  I  lennann,  v.  272. 

Consalvi,  Cardinal,  v.  387,  390;  in  favor  of 
Wessenberg,  395 ;  bis  death,  396 ;  nego- 
tiates with  brigands,  399 ;  rules  the  Pa- 
pal States,  400;  and  the  Bishop  of  Na- 
mur,  495. 

Consensus  Dresdensis,  iv.  400. 

Consensus  Genevensis,  iv.  418. 

Consensus  Qumquesaecularis,  v.  2GS,  277. 

Consensus  Repetitus,  v.  273  sq. 

Consensus  Tigurinns,  iv.  410,  418,  N.  54. 

Conservative  party,  v.  379. 

Consistorial  System,  French,  v.  447. 

Consistorial  System,  German,  v.  529. 

Consistorial  System  of  the  Reformed  in 
Germany,  v.  530. 

Consistories,  iv.  525,530. 

Constance,  bishopric,  v.  395,  489. 

Constitutionists,  v.  176. 

Contarini  (Contarenus),  Caspar,  iv.  173, 
278,  282,  N.  22,  283. 

Contraremonstrants,  iv.  509. 

Controversies  on  the  Lord's  supper,  iv. 
107sq.,404sq. 

Convents  in  Bavaria,  v.  597. 

Convents  in  France,  v.  418,  445. 

Convents  in  Germany,  v.  594. 

Convents  in  Portugal,  v.  4tJ2  Bq. 

Convents  in  Sonth  Germany,  v.  001. 

Convents  in  Spain,  v.  454,  455,  15s. 

Convents  in  Switzerland,  v.  489,  491. 

Conversions  to  Catholicism  in  Germany, 
v.  502;  in  Hungary,  640. 

Conversions  to  the  'Evangelical  Church, 
v.  (115,020,623. 

Convicts,  Asylum  for  Discharged,  v.  510. 

Convnlsionnaires,  v.  179. 

Conyza.    See  Gout  sin*. 

CooBaaas,  Caspar,  iv.5i>7,  N.  4. 

Copenhagen,  Diet  of,  iv.  268. 

Copenhagen,  University  of,  iv.  26S. 

Coquerel,  v.  1 19. 

Cordatus,  iv.  430. 

Corps  Legislatif,  v.  218. 

<  orpus  Doctrinae  Philippienm,  iv.  405. 
Corpus  Evangelicorum,  in  favor  of  the 

Union,  v.  301  ;    in   favor    of  Salzburg 
Protestants,  330. 
Cortes,  Spanish,  v.  454;  Portuguese,  402. 

<  !orvinus,  Anton,  iv.  568,  N.  11. 
Cosmenius,  court-preacner,  iv.  252,  N.  7. 
Cossart,  Gabriel,  v.  238. 

(  losta,  Isaac  da,  v.  581. 

Costanza,  Count,  member  of  Order  of  II- 

luminati,  v.  158,  N.  7. 
Costerus,  Franciscus,  v.  120,  N.  35. 
Cotelier,  Jean  Baptiste,  v.  238. 
Cotton,  Petrus,  v.  120,  N.  35. 


Councils,  collections  of,  v.  125, 238, 250. 

Covenant,  Solemn  League  and,  iv.  347. 

Cracau,  Georg,  iv.  468,  N.  39. 

Cramer,  Johann  Andreas,  v.  325,  326. 

Cranmer,  Thomas,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, iv.  325,  327,  830  sq.,  334. 

Creed,  Apostles',  v.  555,  tit?. 

Crescentius,  Cardinal,  v.  32. 

Crespy,  Peace  of,  iv.  181. 

Crocius,  Ludov.,  iv.  515,  N.  2. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  iv.  34S ;  v.  333. 

Cromwell,  Richard,  v.  333. 

Cromwell,  Thomas,  iv.  327.  330. 

Crosses  demolished  in  France,  v.  380; 
erected, 412;  once  more  demolished,  427. 

Cruciger,  Caspar,  iv.  430,  407,  N.  41. 

Crusius,  Christian  August,  v.  162. 

Crusius,  Martin,  v.  L29. 

Crypto-Calvinism  in  Saxony,  i v.  457, 490. 

Crypto-Calvinists,  iv.  441,  457,  4S1. 

Culmanu,  Leonhard,  iv.  477. 

Cum  Occasioue,  Bull,  v.  168. 

Curio,  Caelius  Secuudus,  iv.  285,  N.  31. 

Curtat,  v.  591. 

Custozza,  victory  of,  v.  468. 

Cyprian,  v.  301. 

Cyrillo,  Pater,  v.  455. 

Czechovicius,  Martin,  iv.  302,  N.  22. 

Czenger,  Synod  of,  iv.  261. 

Czerski,  v. "616  sq. 

D. 

D'Achery,  Lucas,  v.  237. 

Dai  lie  (DaMus),  Jean,  v.  350. 

Dalbcrg,  Charles  von,  Prince  Primate  and 
Electoral  Archchancellor,  v.  230,  232, 
201,  395,  489. 

D'Alembcrt,  v.  152, 155,  359,  587. 

D'Andelot,  iv.  299. 

Daniel,  Gabriel,  Jesuit,  v.  1S5. 

D'Argcns,  Marquis,  v.  155. 

Darmstadt  Chambers,  v.  012. 

Darmstadt  Church  Gazette,  v.  519. 

Darnlev,  Lord,  iv.  321. 

Dathe,  Edition,  v.  341,  N.  1. 

Daub,  Carl,  v.  323. 

Davidis,  Franz,  iv.  363,  304,  X.  29. 

Deaconesses,  evangelical,  v.  537. 

Decazes,  Minister,  v.  419. 

Declaration  in  favor  of  the  Gallican  prin- 
ciples, v.  423. 

Deists  in  England,  v.  143,  3.09  ;  their  wor- 
ship, 140;  among  the  llluminati,  158 ; 
in  Bohemia,  202. 

Delegations  of  the  Papal  States,  v.  391. 

Del  Monte,  Cardinal  (see  JidiusIU.),Y.  23. 

D'Eltcmare,  v.  183,  N.  2. 

Delven,  Chr.  Heinrich,  v.  277,  N.  1. 

Demoniacs  in  the  New  Testament,  v.  314, 
344,  355. 

Denck,  Johannes,  iv.  851. 

Denmark,  Reformation  in,iv.  72,166, 265sq. 

Dercscr,  Thaddaeus  Anton,  v.  262. 

De  Salute  Animarum,  Bull.  v.  233,599. 

Dc  Soto,  Dominicus,  v.  26,  N.  10. 

Descartes,  Ren£<  Cartesius),  iv.  554;  v.141. 

Dessau,  consultations  in,  iv.  123. 

Detroit,  v.  550. 

Devay,  Matthias  (Lutherus  Uiigaricus),  iv. 
259. 


INDEX. 


65; 


Deventer,  Bishop  of,  v.  182. 

De  Wette,  v.  5S2. 

Diaz,  John,  iv.  289,  N.  6. 

Diderot,  v.  152,  359. 

Didvmus,  Gabriel,  iv.  62,  N.  87. 

Diepholt,  John,  iv.  73,  N.  115. 

Diestel,  v.  514. 

Diet  of  Nuremberg,  iv.  70. 

Diets  of  Augsburg,  iv.  135  sq.,  193, 207. 

Dietenberger,  John,  v.  10,  N.  2. 

Dieu,  Louis  de,  iv.  559. 

Dillingen,  v.  617. 

Dinter,  School-teacher's  Bible  of,  v.  518. 

Diplomacy  of  Mabillon,  v.  237. 

Dippel,  Johann  Conrad,  V.  291. 

Directory,  the  French,  v.  218. 

Dissenters,  v.  472  sq. 

Diterich,  v.  319,  N.  7. 

Divine  service  simplified,  iv.  61,  N.  92. 

Divorce  abolished  in  France,  v.  418 ;  vir- 
tually existing  in  Austria,  639. 

Dobmayer,  Mariauus,  v.  264. 

Doderlein,  Johann  Christoph,  v.  318, 324. 

Dodwell,  Henry,  v.  342. 

Dollinger,  v.  635. 

Dominis,  Mark  Antony  de,  iv.  579. 

Domiuus  ac  Kedemptor  Noster,  Bull,  v. 
194. 

Doopsgezinden,  iv.  372. 

Dort  (Dordrecht),  National  Synod  of,  iv. 
510  sq. 

Dortmund,  Treaty  of,  iv.  231. 

Dowiat,  v.  617. 

Draconitis,  John,  iv.  59,  N.  82. 

Drasouades,  v.  347. 

Draseke,  v.  326. 

Draseke,  Bishop,  v.  553. 

Draskovitz,  Leo,  Archbishop  of  Kolocz, 
iv.  263. 

Dreier,  Christian,  iv.  592 ;  v.  273. 

Dresden,  Convention  at,  iv.  505,  N.  7. 

Droste-Vischering,  Bishop.  See  Clemens 
August. 

Droste-Vischering,  Countess,  v.  615. 

Drummond,  Henry,  v.  478. 

Druses,  v.  481,  4.84. 

Drusius,  John,  iv.  559. 

Dryander.     See  Enzinas. 

Dubois,  Cardinal,  v.  181. 

Du  Bosc,  Preacher,  v.  350. 

Dudith,  Andreas,  iv.  363. 

Dumoulin,  Professor,  iv.  517,  N.  10. 

Du  Moulin,  Preacher,  v.  350. 

Dunin,  Archbishop,  v.  633. 

Duphot,  General,  v.  220. 

Dupin,  v.  445. 

Dupuy,  Pierre.     See  Puteanus. 

Duraeus  (Dun/),  John,  iv.  583. 

Dusselthal,  v.  538. 

Dutch  Reformed  Church,  v.  578  sq. 

E. 

East  Friesland,  ecclesiastical  reforms  in, 

iv.  72. 
Ebel,  Johann  Wilhelm,  v.  513. 
Ebeuezer,  Salzburg  colony,  v.  330. 
Eberhard,  preacher  in  Bavaria,  v.  635. 
Eberhard,  Johann  August,  v.  316. 
Eberlin,  John,  iv.  71,  73,  N.  115. 
Echtermeyer,  v.  550. 


Eck,  John,  iv.  27,  35  sq.,  52, 141  sq.,  150, 

156 ;  v.  10,  N.  2. 
Eckermann,  v.  323,  515. 
Eclectics,  German,  v.  160. 
Edelmann,  Johann  Christian,  v.  154. 
Edict  of  Restitution,  iv.  235  ;  v.  104. 
Edinburgh,  Treaty  of,  iv.  320. 
Edward  VI.,  King  of  England,  iv.  330. 
Egidius,  John,  iv.  290. 
Eglise  Catholique  Franeaise  of  Chatel,  v. 

433. 
Eichhorn,  Johann  Gottfried,  v.  324. 
Eichsfeld  returns  to  Catholicism,  iv.  224. 
Eichstadt,  bishopric,  v.  233,  597. 
Eiclgenots,  iv.  213. 
Einhasen,  Giffer,  Bishop  of  Skalholt,  iv. 

269. 
Eisenschmid,L.  M.,v.  615. 
Eisleben,  Magister.     See  Agricola. 
Elisabeth  of  Brandenburg,  iv.  127,  N.  17. 
Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England,  iv.  334  sq. ; 

v.  35. 
Emancipation   of  Roman    Catholics   in 

England,  v.  473. 
Emigres  indemnified,  v.  423. 
Empaytaz,  v.  588  sq. 
Ems,  Congress  of,  v.  208,  605. 
Ems,  Punctation  of,  v.  208. 
Emser,  Hieronymus,  v.  10,  N.  2. 
Encyclopedists,  v.  152. 
Eufantin,  v.  431. 
Engelbrechtsen,    Archbishop    of   Dron- 

t'heim,  iv.  269. 
England,  Church   of  (see  Anglican  and 

E}riscoiMl  Church),  v.  478. 
England,  Reformation  in,  iv.  323  sq. 
Eniedinus,  (Enyedin),  George,  iv.  305,  N. 

31,  370,  N.  37. 
Enlightenment  among  the  Catholics,  v. 

013. 
Enlightenment,  period  of,  v.  500,  530. 
Enyed,  Synod  of,  iv.  261. 
Enzinas,  Franz,  iv.  291. 
Enzinas,  Jacob  (Dryander),  iv.  289,  N.  6. 
Episcopal  Church,  English,  v.  471  sq. 
Episcopal  Church,  Irish,  v.  473. 
Episcopal  powers,  v.  76. 
Episcopal  sees  in  France,  v.  418. 
Episcopal  System,  v.  527. 
Episcopius,  Simon,  iv.  508,  513,  N.  4  sq. 
Erasmus,  Desiderius,  iv.  31,  N.  32,  40,  53, 

67,  N.  93,  76,  80,  100  sq.,  109,  350,  N.  3, 

426  576. 
Erastians,'  iv.  348,  N.  23. 
Erastus,  Thomas,  iv.  348,  N.  23. 
Erdod,  Synod  of,  iv.  259. 
Erich  XIV.,  King  of  Sweden,  iv.  273. 
Erlangen,  University  of,  v.  539. 
Ermeland,  exempt  bishopric,  v.  233,  599. 
Ernest,  Bishop  of  Bavaria,  favors  Cathol- 
icism in  Minister,  iv.  224,  N.  21. 
Ernest  the  Pious,  Duke  of  Saxe-Gotha,  v. 

273. 
Emesti,  Johann  August,  v.  311,  313,  315. 
Ernst  Frederick,  Margrave  of  Baden,  iv. 

496. 
Ernst,  Landgrave  of  Hesse-Rheiufels,  v. 

278,  N.  4,  280,  N.  4. 
Erthal,  Bishop,  v.  258. 
Esch,  John,  iv.  310,  N.  6. 


054 


INDEX. 


Eschenmayer,  Christoph  Adolph  von,  v. 

512  sq. 
Espartero,v.  460. 
Estatuto  Real,  v.  459. 
Eueologue  of  Chatel,  v.  436. 
Eugene,  Prince,  of  Savoy,  v.  232,  347,  N.  2. 
Evangelical  Alliance,  v.  488,  575. 
Evangelical  Church  Gazette,  v.  519. 
Evangelical  party  in  England,  v.  478. 
Evangelical  Union,  iv.  233. 
Evora,  Treaty  of,  v.  463. 
Excommunication     in      the     Lutheran 

Church,  iv.  526. 
Excommunication     in     the     Reformed 

Church,  iv.  5:;4,  536. 
Exegesis,  Dutch,  v.  570. 
Exegesis,  mystical,  v.  517. 
Ex  ilia  Die,  Bull,  v.  188. 
Exorcism  in  baptism,  iv.  546. 
Ex  quo  Singulari,  Bull,  v.  188. 
Eybel,  Joseph  Valentin,  v.  257. 


Faher,  John,  iv.  150,  N.  30. 

Faber,  Peter,  v.  16,  N.  10. 

Faber,  Vicar-general,  iv.  83,  N.  38,  90,91, 
N.  66,  92,  N:  78. 

Faber  Stapulensis,  Jacobus,  iv.  295,  N.  3. 

Fabricius,  Johann,  v.  281. 

Fabricius,  Johann  Alb.,  v.  297. 

Facilitates  quinquennales,  v.  76,  206  sq. 

Fagius,  Paul,  iv.  331. 

Familists,  iv.  341. 

Furl,  William,  iv.  99,  213  sq. 

Farmer,  Hugh,  v.  344. 

Farnese,  Alexander,  legate,  iv.  183,  N.  32. 

Farnovius,  Farnovians,  iv.  364,  N.  29. 

Fea,  Carolo,  v.  395;  his  ultimatum,  396. 

Feasts  of  Reason  in  France,  v.  218. 

Febronius  (see  Hontheim),  v.  198  sq. 

Feder,  Prof.,  member  of  Order  of  Illumi- 
nati,  v.  L58,  N.  7. 

Federal  Theology  of  Cocceius,  v.  354. 

Fclder,  v.  262,  607. 

Feneberg,  v.  618. 

Fciu'-lon,  Francois  de  Salignac,  in  favor  of 
Mine.  Guyon,v.  174;  attacked  by  Bos- 
suet,  243. 

Ferdinand,  Archdukeof  Austria  and  King 
of  Bohemia,  iv.  L26  Bq.,  259. 

Ferdinand  of  Bavaria,  Archbishop  of  Co- 
logne, v.  75. 

Ferdinand  I.,  Emperor  of  Germany,  iv. 
318  sq.,  135,  N.  43,  220,  576 ;  v.  44  sq. 

Ferdinand  II.,  Emperor  of  German v,  iv. 
233,250,264,377. 

Ferdinand  II.,  King  of  Naples,  v.  466. 

Ferdinand  I  V.,  King  of  Sicily,  v.  4(54  sq. 

Ferdinand  VII.,  King  of  Spain,  v.  454  sq. 

Ferrari,  Franc.  Bernardine,  v.  126. 

Fesch,  Cardinal,  v.  410. 

Fcuerbach,  v.  551,  573. 

Feyt,  Florcntius,  iv.  274,  N.  18. 

Fichte,  Johann  Gottlieb,  v.  164. 

Fieschi,  v.  444. 

Financial  disorders  in  Spain,  v.  456  sq. 

Firmian,  Leopold  Anton,  Count  of,  v.  C30. 

Firomalli,  Paulus,  v.  130,  N.  44. 

Fischer,  Archdeacon,  v.  554,  555. 

Fischer,  Johann  Wilhelm,  v.  615. 


Fisher,  Bishop  of  Rochester,  iv.  327,  N.23. 
Fisher,  Samuel,  v.  335. 
Flacian  Controversy,  iv.  461. 
Flacianists,  iv.  4:;»;  sq.,  456,  460  sq. 
Flacius,  Matthias  Illyricus,  iv.  436  sq.,  455, 
460  sq.,  55(1.  ' 

Flaminius,  Marcus  Antonius,  iv.  278,  N.  5. 
Flemings  (Mennonites),  iv.  375. 

Flcury,  Cardinal,  v.  177. 

Fleury,  Claude,  v.  240. 

Fliedner,  Theodore,  v.  537. 

Florence,  General  Synod  of  (17S7),  v.  212. 

Florence,  Synod  of  (1439),  v.  643. 

Florillus,  Simon,  iv.  2s7,  X  :;7 

Flystcdeu,  Peter,  iv.  127,  N.  17. 

Folengius,  Jo.  Bapt.,  iv.  278,  N.  5. 

Fontainebleau,  Pope  Pius  VII.  at,  v.  228. 

Forbesius,  John,  iv.  276,  N.  33. 

Forer,  Laurentius,  v.  78,  126,  N.  35. 

Formula  Consensus,  v.  358. 

Formula  of  Concord,  iv.  262,  481  sq. 

Formula  Reformationis,  iv.  194 ;  v.  30. 

Fox,  George,  v.  335. 

Fox,  John,  iv.  323,  N.  1. 

Fox,  Richard,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  iv. 
323,  N.  2. 

Frasrmentist,  the  Wolfenbiittel,  v.  156. 

Franc,  William,  iv.  550,  N.  :::. 

France,  Reformation  in,  iv.  294  sq. 

Francis,  Count  of  Waldeck,  Bishop  of 
Minister,  iv.  180. 

Francis  I.,  Emperor  of  Austria,  v.  258, 332, 
037,  639. 

Francis  I.,  King  of  France,  iv.  294. 

Francis  II.,  Grand-duke  of  Tuscany  (see 
Francis  I.  qf  Austria),  v.  214. 

Francis  II.,  King  of  France,  iv.  300  sq. 

Franeke,  August  Hermann,  v.  286  sq.,  293, 
302. 

Franecker,  Academy  of,  iv.  317. 

Franke,  Franz,  iv.  495,  N.  6. 

Franke,  v.  555. 

Frankenberg,  von,  Cardinal,  v.  205. 

Frankenhausen,  battle  of,  iv.  119. 

Frankfort-on-the-Main,  Convention  at,  iv. 
488. 

Frankfort-on-the-Main,  ecclesiastical  re- 
forms in,  iv.  73. 

Frankfort-on-the-Main,  Recess  of,  iv.  444. 

Franzoni,  Archbishop,  v.  470. 

Frayssinous,  Bishop,  v.  420. 

Frederic,  Elector  of  Pfalz-Zweibriiekcmv. 
329. 

Frederic,  Elector  of  the  Palatinate,  iv.  1S2. 

Frederic,  Prince  of  Denmark,  Archbishop, 
iv.  496. 

Frederic  the  Wise,  Elector  of  Saxonv,  iv. 
30,40,53,  124. 

FredericI.,KingofDenmark,iv.l39,366sq. 

Frederic  I.,  King  of  Prussia,  v.  300. 

Frederic  II.,  King  of  Prussia,  v.  301 ;  and 
Voltaire,  151  ;  his  education,  154 ;  in  fa- 
vor of  Wolf,  162;  in  favor  of  the  Jesuits, 
195;  in  favor  of  religious  liberty,  301, 310. 

Frederic  Augustus,  Elector  of  Saxony  and 
Kin- of  Poland,  v.  378. 

Frederic  William,  Duke  of  Saxc-Alten- 
burg,  iv.  496. 

Frederic  William,  Elector  of  Branden- 
burg, v.  209,  275. 


INDEX. 


655 


Frederic  William  I.,  King  of  Prussia,  v. 

301,  330. 
Frederic  William  II.,  King;  of  Prussia, 

abolishes  the  Order  of  Jesus,  v.  195;  his 

religious  edict,  319. 
Frederic  William  III.,  King  of  Prussia,  v. 

523,525;  his  liturgy,  531;  alterations  of 

the  same,  534;  appoints  bishops,  536. 
Frederic  William  IV.,  King  of  Prussia,  v. 

379;    yielding   toward   Rome,  405;  his 

position  with  regard  to  the  Church,  552. 
Frederus,  John,  iv.  546,  N.  16. 
Freemasons  among;  the  Jesuits,  v.  197. 
Freemasons  excommunicated,  v.  398. 
Freemasons,  Muratori  confounded  with, 

v.  254. 
Free  Presbyterian  Church  of  Scotland,  v. 

487. 
Free  Spirit,  sect  of  the,  iv.  215,  N.  36,  312. 
Fregosius,  Federicus,  iv.  278,  281,  N.  16, 

283,  N.  22. 
Freiburg   in  Breisgau,  archbishopric,  v. 

234,  603. 
Freiburg  in  Breisgau,  Roman   Catholic 

University,  v.  604,  613. 
French  Reformed  Church  in  Berlin,  v. 

559. 
Frcres  des  Ecoles  Chretiennes,  v.  414. 
Freyhub,  Andreas,  iv.  469,  N.  42. 
Fribourg  in  Switzerland,  v.  490,493. 
Fries,  Johann  Friedrich,  v.  323. 
Frisons  (Mennonites),  iv.  375. 
Fritsch,  Minister,  member  of  Order  of  Il- 
luminati, v.  158,  N.  7. 
Froment,  Anton,  iv.  213. 
Fromm,  Andreas,  v.  277. 
Frosehel,  Sebastian,  iv.  541,  N.  3. 
Fryth,  John,  iv.  324,  327,  N.  24. 
Fuchs,  Leonhard,  iv.  461,  N.  20. 
Fuente,  Ponce  de  la,  iv.  290. 
Fulda,  Bishop  of,  v.  594;  bishopric,  234, 

603. 
Fuuck,  Joh.,  iv.  477  sq. 


Gachez,  Preacher,  v.  350. 

Galanus,  Clement,  v.  136,  N.  42. 

Galenists,  iv.  376,  N.  16. 

Galileo,  v.  72. 

Gall,  Bishop,  v.  620. 

Gallicanism  pronounced  heresy,  v.  419. 

Gallneukirchen,  v.  620. 

Gall,  St.,  Anabaptism  in,  iv.  120. 

Gall,  St.,  bishopric.     See  Coire. 

Gall,  St.,  Reformation  in,  iv.  99, 158. 

Gallus,  Nicholas,  iv.  436. 

Ganganelli.     See  Clement  X1Y. 

Gardiner,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  iv.  327, 

332,  N.  9,  334,  N.  17. 
Garve,  popular  philosopher,  v.  163. 
Gasparin,  Count,  v.  450. 
Gassner,  Johann  Joseph,  v.  259. 
Geddes,  Alexander,  v.  265. 
Gedicke,  v.  196. 
Geier,  Martin,  v.  282. 
Geissel,  Johann  von,  v.  634. 
Gemmingeu,  Baron  von,  v.  623. 
General   Assembly   of  Scotland,  v.  4S4, 

486. 
General  Synod  of  Prussia,  v.  563. 


Geneva  becomes  a  democracy,  v.  494. 

Geneva,  Church  of,  v.  357  sq. 

Geneva,  Ecole  de  Theologie  at,  v.  591. 

Geneva, Evangelical  Society  in,  v.  448,  591. 

Geneva,  Reformation  in,  iv.  213. 

Geneva,  theology  in,  v.  586. 

Gentilis,  Joh.  Valeutinus,  iv.  254,  N.  18, 

360. 
Genuflexion  in  Bavaria,  v.  541,  636. 
George  and  Joachim  of  Anhalt,  iv.  166. 
George,  Duke  of  Saxony,  iv.  59,  100, 138, 

172,  N.  34. 
George,  Manrrave  of  Anspach  and  Bay- 

reuth,  iv.  128. 
George,  Margrave  of  Brandenburg,  iv.  72, 

n.  109, 24i  •>: 

Gerard,  Lubbert,  iv.  373,  N.  7. 
Gerbert,  Prince  Abbot,  v.  263. 
Gerhard,  John,  iv.  557,  563,  N.  11,  574. 
Gerhard,  Paul,  v.  275. 
Gerlach,  Stephen,  v.  129. 
Gerlach,  Von,  v.  520. 
Germain,  St.,  des  Pro's,  Abbey  of,  v.  121. 
Germain,  St.,  en  Lave,  Treaty  of,  iv.  304. 
German-Catholics,  v.  556, 562, 616  sq. 
German  hymus,  iv.  542. 
German  mania,  v.  499,  502. 
German  Service  of  Luther,  iv.  543. 
Geroldseck,  Diebold  von,  iv.  79,  81,  N.  29, 

82,  N.  35. 
Gesenius,  Wilhelm,  v.  324,  521. 
Ghent,  Treaty  of,  iv.  316. 
Ghent,  University  of,  v.  498. 
Gichtel,  Johann  Georg,  v.  291. 
Gichtelians  {Angel  Brothers),  v.  291. 
Giessen,  Roman  Catholic  Faculty  at,  v. 

604,  613. 
Glanaeus,  Jod.,  iv.  495,  N.  6. 
Glareanus,  Heuricus,  iv.  76,  N.  9. 
Glarus,  Reformation  in,  iv.  159,  212. 
Glassius,  Salomon,  iv.  557 ;  v.  273,  282. 
Globe,  Le,  v.  430. 
Gnesen,  Archbishop  of,  v.  394. 
Gnesen,  archbishopric,  v.  233, 599. 
Gobet,  Bishop,  v.  218. 
Godoy,  Manuel  (see  Prince  of  Peace),  v.  453. 
Goethe,  member  of  Order  of  Illuminati, 

v.  158,  N.  7. 
Golden  (Borromean)  League,  iv.  241. 
Goldli,  Henry,  iv.  77,  N.  11. 
Goldliu,  Provost,  v.  489. 
Golitzin,  Minister,  v.  621. 
Golod,  John,  Armenian  Patriarch,  v.  330, 

N.37. 
Gomarists,  iv.  507. 

Gomarus,  Francis,  iv.  507,  559,  N.  38. 
Gonesius,  Peter,  iv.  254,  N.  18, 361,  362,  N. 

22,  364,  N.  29. 
Gorgne,  Abbe,  v.  251. 
Gorres,  Professor,  v.  634,  635. 
Goschel,  v.  549. 

Gospel,  Pseudo-,  of  St.  John,  v.  432. 
Gossner,  Johann,  v.  622. 
Gotha,  Hereditary  Prince  of,  member  of 

Order  of  Illuminati,  v.  158,  N.  7. 
Gottingeu,  Gustavus  Adolphus  Associa- 
tion in,  v.  566,  568. 
Gotze,  Johann  Melchior,  v.  315  sq. 
Goudimel,  Claude,  iv.  550,  N.  37. 
Grabe,  Johann  Ernst,  v.  277. 


G5G 


INDEX. 


Graham,  Sir  James,  v.  -ISO. 

Grandauer,  v.  634. 

Granvella,  Bishop  of  Arras,  iv.  174,  N.  41, 
314. 

Graphcus,  Corn.,  iv.  310,  N.  5. 

Grazie  speciali,  v.  399. 

Grebel,  Conrad,  iv.  113,  N.  47, 119,  N.  GO, 
121,  N.  64 

Gregoire,  Henri,  Bishop,  v.  24$,  44:2. 

Gregorian  calendar,  iv.  225;  v.  63. 

Gregory  VII.,  Pope,  canonized,  v.  177. 

Gregorv  XIII.,  Pope,  v.  59, 02,  00, 101, 119, 
N.  4,  293,  N.  23. 

Gregory  XIV.,  Pope,  v.  59. 

Gregory  XV.,  Pope,  v.  59,  70 ;  opposed  to 
tile  Malabar  usages,  180;  plans  to  de- 
stroy Geneva,  242,  N.  19. 

Gregory  XVI.,  Pope,  v.  400;  his  edict  on 
public  instruction,  403;  his  adminis- 
tration, 405;  opposed  to  the  innova- 
tions of  Dom  Pedro,  40:;;  against  abo- 
lition of  celibacy,  613;  against  all  inde- 
pendent reforms,  014. 

Grenus,  v.  589. 

Greser,  Daniel,  iv.  483,  N.  S. 

Gretser,  Jacob,  iv.  220,  N.  32;  v.  78,  126, 
N.35. 

Gribaldus,  Matthew,  iv.  361. 

Griesbach,  Johann  Jacob,  v.  324,  358,  N.  8. 

Grisons,  Reformation  in  the,  iv.  157,  356. 

Grisons,  religious  freedom  in  the,  iv.  157. 

Groniugen,  Academy  of,  iv.  317. 

Cropper,  John,  iv.  174,  N.  41. 

Grossmann,  v.  543,  505. 

Grotius.  Hueo,  iv.  50S,  510,  500;  v.  271, 
310,  353,  527,  581. 

Gruet,  Jacob,  iv.  216,  N.  37. 

Grumbach,  William  von.  iv.  458. 

Grundremmingen,  v.  621. 

Grundtvig,  v.  577  sq. 

Griinthler,  Dr.,  iv.  285,  N.  31. 

Grusia,  v.  508. 

Grynaeus,  J.  J.,  iv.  423. 

Grynaeus,  Simon,  iv.  411,  X.  27. 

Gualterus,  Rud.,iv.  77,  N.  10. 

Guelfs,  v.  397. 

Guerike,  v.  550. 

Gueux  (Beggars),  iv.  315. 

Guizot,  Minister,  v.  452. 

Gusman,  Don  Martin,  iv.  218,  N.  2. 

Gustavua  Adolphus  Association  in  Bava- 
ria, v.  541,  566. 

Gustavus  Adolphus  Association  in  Ger- 
many in  general,  v.  505. 

Gustavus  Adolphus  Association  in  Swe- 
den, v.  566. 
Gnstavus  Adolphus  Foundation,  v.  565. 
Gustavus  Adolphus,  King  of  Sweden,  iv. 

236. 
Gustavus  Vasa,  King  of  Sweden,  iv.  129, 

270  sq. 
Guy  on,  Mme.,  v.  173  sq. 

II. 
Haarlem,  Bishop  of,  v.  183. 
Haas,  Joseph,  v.  622. 
Habert,  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonnc,  v.  10S, 

N.  7. 
Hadrian  VI.,  Pope,  iv.  66,69,  8S;  v.  9. 
Haffelin,  Von,  v.  596. 


ITaga,  Cornelius,  v.  130. 

Hahn,  August,  v.  510,  519. 

Hahn,  Johann  Michael,  v.  507. 

llaid,  IrenaeuB,  v.  635. 

Halden,  v.  588. 

Hales,  John,  iv.  346,  N.  11. 

Halle,  Orphan  House  at,  V.  293. 

Halle,  University  of,  v.  100,  287,320. 

Haller,  Berchthold,  iv.  97. 

Haller,  Carl  Ludwig  von,  v.  503. 

Hallische  (Deutsche)  Jahrbiicher,  v.  550. 

Hainel,  J.  Baptiste  du,  v.  244. 

Ham  el,  John,  v.  82. 

Hamilton,  James  and  John,  v.  319. 

Hamilton,  Patrick,  v.  318. 

Hammond,  Henry,  v.  341. 

Hanau,  Synod  at,  to  effect  the  Union,  v. 

526. 
Hanover  accords  religious  liberty,  v.  627. 
Hanover,  Protestants  from  Salzburg  in, 

v.  330. 
Hans  Albrecht  of  Meckleiiburg-Giistrow, 

iv.  499. 
Hanstein,  Provost,  v.  326. 
Hardenberg,  Albert,  iv.  441,456. 
Harderwyk,  Academy  of,  iv.  317. 
Harduin,  Jean,  v.  147,  238. 
Harless,  v.  525. 

Harmoniapraestabilita  of  Leibnitz,  v.  161. 
Harmony,  colony,  v.  507. 
Harms,  Clans,  theses  of,  v.  519;  opposed 

to  the  Union,  523. 
Hauranne,  De,  Abbot  of  St.  Cyrau,  v.  167, 

N.  2. 
Havernick,  v.  591. 
Hedderieh,  v.  260. 
Hedio,  Caspar,  iv.  73,  N.  116,  9S. 
Hedwig,  Queen  of  Poland,  v.  043. 
Hegel,  Georg  Wilhelm  Friedrich,  v.  543, 

547  sq. 
Uriel's  philosophy,  v.  105,  323,  547. 
Heidegger,  Johann  Heinrich,  v.  358  sq. 
Heidelberg  Catechism,  iv.  421. 
Heidelberg,  Jesuits  in,  v.  32S. 
Heilbrunner,  Jac,  iv.  226,  N.  32. 
Heinrich,  Bishop   of  Paderborn,  favors 

Protestantism,  iv.  224,  X.  21. 
Heinrichs,  J.  H.,  v.  325,  N.  7. 
Held,  Vice-Chaucellor,  iv.  169. 
Helding,  Michael,  iv.  192,  N.  1, 193. 
Helnistedt,  University  of,  iv.  585 ;  v.  26S. 
Helvetius,  Claude  Adrien,  v.  152. 
Hemming,  Nicholas,  iv.  504. 
Hengstenberg,  v.  510,  519  sq. 
Hennofer,  v.  112:1. 
Henke,  Heinrich  Philipp  Conrad,  v.  323, 

515. 
Henriquez,  Henr.,  v.  84,  N.  24. 
Henry,  Duke  of  Brunswick,  iv.  123,  N.  1, 

:;,  ITS. 
Henry,  Duke  of  Saxony,  iv.  172. 
Henry  of  Valois,  iv.  256. 
Henry  II.,  King  of  France,  iv.  299. 
Henry  III.,  King  of  France,  iv.  304 ;  v.  90. 
Henry  IV.,  King  of  France,  iv.  305 ,  v.  06, 

90. 
Henry  VIIL,  King  of  England,  iv.  100  sq., 

L70,  328  m[. 
Henry  Frederic,  Stadtholder,  iv.  513. 
Henry,  Julius,Duke  of  Brunswick,  iv.5S5. 


INDEX. 


657 


Heptaplomercs  of  Bodinus,  v.  140. 
Herbert,  Edward,  Lord  Cherbury,  v.  144. 
Herder,  member  Ord.  Ilium.,  v.  158,  N.  7. 
Heringa,  Jodocus,  v.  356. 
Hermann,  Count  of  Wied,  Elector  of  Co- 

logue,  iv.  179. 
Hermes,  Georg,  v.  614,  631. 
Hermes,  Preacher,  v.  319  sq. 
Hermesianism,  v.  404,  631. 
Herrnliuters,  v.  302,  339;  in  relations  with 

the  Wurtemberg  United  Brethren,  510 ; 

in  Basle,  582. 
Hess,  Johann  Jacob,  v.  360. 
Hesse,  the  Union  in,  v.  526. 
Hesshusius,  Tilemann,  iv.  447,  458,  467, 

481,  N.  1,  485, 492,  N.  50. 
Hesychiasts,  New  ( Quietists),  v.  173. 
Hetzer,  Lewis,  iv.  93,  N.  81, 351. 
Heuglin,  John,  iv.  116,  N.  53. 
Heumann,  Christoph  August,  v.  314. 
High-Churchmen  in  England,  v.  478. 
Hildebrand,  Joachim,  v.  272. 
Hildosheini,    exempt   bishopric,  v.    233, 

599. 
Hildesheim,  Reformation  in,  iv.  179. 
Hilmer,  v.  319. 
Hirnhavm,  Hieronymus,  skeptic,  v.  147, 

N.  1." 
Hirzel,  v.  585. 
Hive,  John,  v.  145. 
Hoadly,  Benjamin,  v.  343,  N.  18. 
Hobbes,  Thomas,  v.  144,  527. 
Hochriitiner,  Lawrence,  iv.  92,  N.  74. 
Hody,  Humphrey,  v.  341. 
Hoe  von  Hoenegg,  iv.  234,  N.  3, 505,  N.  7, 

582,  N.  25. 
Hofacker,  Ludwig,  v.  511. 
Hoffbauer,  v.  638. 
Hoffmann,  Daniel,  iv.  585. 
Hoflmann,  Gottlieb  Wilhelm,  v.  509. 
Hoffmann,  Melchior,  iv.  312,  N.  12,  353. 
Hofmeister,  Sebastian,  iv.  99, 157,  N.  8. 
Hogerbeets,  iv.  510. 
Hohenheim,    Theophrastus    Bombastus 

von  (Paracelsus),  iv.  566. 
Hoheiilohe  -  Schillingsfurst,    Alexander, 

Prince,  v.  608  sq.,  620. 
Holbach,  P.  T.  von,  v.  153,  N.  7. 
Holland,  ecclesiastical  affairs  in,  v.  353. 
Hollaz,  David,  v.  283. 
Holmes,  Robert,  v.  344. 
Holy  Alliance,  v.  370,  506. 
Holy  coat  of  Christ  at  Treves,  v.  615. 
Holy  League  in  Nuremberg,  iv.  169. 
Holy  wood,  Christopher,  iv.  335,  N.  6. 
Homberg,  Synod  of,  iv.  127. 
Houigeru,  v.  524. 
Honter,  John,  iv.  259. 
Hontheim,  John  Nicolas  von  (see  Fcbro- 

nius),  v.  200, 257,  263. 
Hooper,  Bishop  of  Gloucester,  iv.  334,  N. 

19. 
Horn,  John,  iv.  244,  N.  1,  245,  N.  3. 
Hornejus,  Conrad,  iv.  592. 
Hornthal,  Von,  v.  609. 
Hornung,  Wolf,  iv.  127,  N.  17. 
Hosius,  Stanislaus,  iv.  221,  N.  11,  250,  273. 
Hospinianus,  Rudolph,  iv.  559. 
Hottinger,  Johann  Heinrich,  v.  359. 
Hottinger,  Johann  Jacob,  v.  360. 

VOL.  V. — 42 


Hottinger,  Nicholas,  iv.  92,  N.  74,  113,  N. 

48. 
Houbigant,  Charles  Francois,  v.  242. 
Huber,  Barnabas,  v.  635. 
Huber,  Samuel,  iv.  501. 
Hubmever,  Balthasar,  iv.  113,  N.  4S,  49, 

114,  N.  50,  119,  N.  60, 120,  N.  62, 122,  N. 

65. 
Hiibner,  Thomas,  iv.  157,  N.  7. 
Huetius,  Peter  Daniel,  v.  147,  239. 
Hug,  Johann  Leonhard,  v.  263,  613. 
Huguenots,  iv.  300  sq. 
Hulsemann,  Johann,  v.  272. 
Hume,  David,  v.  146. 
Hungary,  v.  332. 
Hungary,  Protestants  in,  v.  640. 
Hungary,  Reformation  in,  iv.  257  sq. 
Hunger,  Albert,  iv.  226,  N.  32. 
Hunuius,  Aegidius,  iv.  226,  N.  32,  232,  N. 

39,  502, 556. 
Huunius,  Nicolas,  iv.  573,  N.  20. 
Hunyadi,  Demetrius,  iv.  370,  N.  37. 
Hurter,  Antistes,  v.  504. 
Huschke,  v.  524. 
Huss,  John,  iv.  294. 

Hutten,  Ulrich  von,  iv.  42,  N.  58, 97, 103. 
Hutter,  Leonhard,  iv.  556  sq. 
Hymn-book  of  Rhenish  Bavaria,  v.  539. 
Hymn-book,  Wurtemberg,  v.  508,  510. 
Hymns,  Evangelical,  in  Holland,  v.  579. 
Hyperius,  Andreas,  iv.  551, 564. 


Iceland,  Reformation  in,  iv.  269. 
Idstein,  General  Synod  of,  v.  523. 
Ignatius  of  Loyola,  v.  14  sq.,  38. 
Ignorantius,  v.  414, 496. 
Illuminati,  Order  of  the,  v.  157. 
Immaculate  Conception  of  Mary,  v.  100 ; 

oath  to  the,  252  ;  in  Salzburg,  254. 
Immediat-Commission,  Prussian,  v.  320. 
Immorality  of  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy, 

v.  9,  N.  1. 
Imola,  Bishop  of,  v.  221. 
ImpensaRomanorum  Poutincum,  Bull,  v. 

233,  599. 
In  Coena  Domini,  Bull,  v.  01,  71,  203,  495. 
Independent  Congregation  in  Halle,  v. 

562. 
Independent  Congregation    in    Konigs- 

berg,  v.  558. 
Independent  Congregation  in  Nordhau- 

sen,  v.  559. 
Independent  Congregations,  v.  382. 
Independents,  iv.  341,  348. 
Index  Librorum  Prohibitorum,  iv.  286 ;  v. 

59, 102,  404. 
Indices  Librorum  Prohibitorum  et  Ex- 

purgandorum,  v.  102. 
Indulgence  misunderstood,  v.  629. 
Indulgences,  v.  101. 
Indults  of  the  bishops,  v.  206. 
In  Eminenti,  Bull,  v.  167. 
Infallibility  of  the  synods,  v.  199. 
Infallibility,  Papal, v.  198;  misunderstood, 

628. 
Infant  baptism,  opposition  to,  iv.113, 362. 
Innocent  IX.,  Pope,  v.  59. 
Innocent  X.,  Pope,  v.  59,  73, 168. 
Innocent  XL,  Pope,  v.  170;  in  favor  of 


658 


INDEX. 


Molinos,  173;  opposed  to  the  Jesuits, 
185;  in  favor  of  Bossuet,  243 ;  ofannul- 
ing  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  347,  N.  2. 

Innocent  XII.,  Pope,  v.  172;  agaiust  Fe- 
nelon,  174. 

InqniBition,  iv.  287,  288  sq. 

Inquisition,  General,  appointed  bv  Paul 
III.,  v.  21. 

Inquisition  in  Portugal,  v.  462. 

Inquisition  in  Rome,  v.  234  sq. 

Inquisition  in  Spain,  v.  234  sq.,  454  sq. 

Inquisition  in  Tuscany,  v.  210. 

Inquisition,  Zaupfer  on  the,  v.  259. 

Iustrumentum  Appellationis  of  the  Prot- 
estants, iv.  131,  N.  31. 

Interim  Augustanum,  iv.  193  ;  v.  30. 

Interim  Lipsiense,  iv.  201,  43f>. 

Interimistic  Controversies,  iv.  20:'.. 

Interims-Religionsdeclaration,  v.  328. 

Ireland,  Reformation  in,  iv.  330. 

Irenaeus,  Christopher,  iv.  461,  N.  22. 

Irish  bishoprics,  v.  473. 

Irish  Catholics,  v.  473. 

Irving,  Edward,  v.  477. 

Irvingites,  v.  478. 

Isabella,  Queen  of  Hungary,  iv.  259. 

Isabella,  Queen  of  Spain,  v.  450  sip,  461. 

Isenbiehl,  Johann  Lorenz,  v.  260. 

Israel,  George,  Bohemian  Preacher,  iv. 
254,  N.  16. 

Italian  Switzerland,  Reformation  in,  iv. 
217. 

Italy,  v.  376;  after  the  February  revolu- 
tion, 384. 

Italy,  Reformation  in,  iv.  277. 

Italy,  Young,  v.  402. 

Itinerant  preachers,  v.  576. 

Ivan  IV.,  Wassiljevitsch,  Czar  of  Russia, 
v.  129.  T 

Jablonsky,  Court-chaplain,  v.  304. 

Jacob  ChVistoph,  Bishop  of  Basle,  iv.  241. 

Jacob,  Florentin,  v.  97,  N.  9. 

Jacob,  Margrave  of  Baden-Ilochberg,  iv. 
225. 

Jagello,  Grand-duke  of  Lithuania,  v.  643. 

Jagow,  Bishop  of  Brandenburg,  iv.  172. 

Jahn,  Johann,  v.  262. 

James  I.,  King  of  England,  iv.  341  sq.,515; 
v.  144. 

James  II.,  King  of  England,  v.  334,  336, 
4S5. 

James  V.,  King  of  Scotland,  iv.  318. 

Jansenism,  suspicions  of,  v.  416. 

Jansenists,  Cartesians, V.  142;  in  the  Neth- 
erlands, 181  ;  in  Tuscany,  211 ;  spared  by 
Bossuet, 243;  during  the  French  Revo- 
lution, 247  sq.,  251. 

Janscnius,  Cornelius,  v.  166  sq. 

Jarke,  Professor,  v.  504. 

Jaspis,  v.  54:;. 

Jeanne  d'Albret,  Queen  of  Navarre,  iv. 
299. 

Jeremias,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  v. 
129. 

Jerome,  Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  v.  25s. 

Jerusalem,  bishopric  of,  v.  481. 

Jerusalem,  Evangelical  College  at,  \.  IM. 

Jerusalem,  Johann  Friedrich  Wilhclm,  v. 
326. 


Jesuit  dogmatics,  v.  96  sq. 
Jesuit  ethics,  v.  91  sq.,  184  sq. 
Jesuit  missions,  v.  106  sq.,  186  sq. 
Jesuits,  iv.  222  sq.,  262  sq.,  269,  275  ;  v.  14 

sq.,  38  sq.,  76  sq. 
Jesuits  active  in  making  proselytes,  v.  269. 
Jesuits  as  scholars,  v.  236,  253,  257. 
Jesuits  continue  to  exist  in  Russia,  v.  195. 
Jesuits  enemies  of  Cartesius,  v.  142. 
Jesuits  expelled  from  France,  v.  192. 
Jesuits  expelled  from  Portugal,  v.  192. 
Jesuits  expelled  from  Russia^  v.  195,  197. 
Jesuits  expelled  from  Spain  and  Italy,  v. 

193  sq. 
Jesuits  favored  by  the  Ultramontanes,  v. 

608. 
Jesuits  forced  to  withdraw, v.  394, 408, 446. 
Jesuits  in  Austria,  v.  638. 
Jesuits  in  France,  v.  410,  416. 
Jesuits  in  Galicia,  v.  394. 
Jesuits  in  Heidelberg,  v.  328. 
Jesuits  in  Innspruck,  v.  394. 
Jesuits  in  Italy,  v.  469. 
Jesuits  in  Naples,  v.  466. 
Jesuits  in  Portugal,  v.  394,462. 
Jesuits  in  Salzburg,  v.  330. 
Jesuits  in  Sardinia,  v.  469. 
Jesuits  in  Spain,  v.  455. 
Jesuits  in  Stonyhurst,  v.  472. 
Jesuits  in  Switzerland,  v.  490 ;  in  Schwyz, 

491;  in  Lucerne,  493. 
Jesuits  in  the  Netherlands,  v.  317,  495. 
Jesuits  join  the  Union  in  Russia,  v.  643. 
Jesuits  leave  France,  v.  446. 
Jesuits  Mariolaters,  v.  252. 
Jesuits  opponents  of  the  Jansenists,  v. 

175  sq. 
Jesuits  opposed  by  the  Diet  in  Lucerne, 

v.  494. 
Jesuits  restored,  v.  197,  392. 
Jesuits  under  Charles  X.,  v.  420. 
Jesuits  under  Louis  Philippe,  v.  427,  445. 
Jesus,  Order  of,  abolished  in  Germany,  v. 

196;  in  Naples,  Venice,  and  Parma,  197; 

in  Prussia,  195. 
Jesus,  Order  of,  its  extended  influence,  v. 

183  sq. 
Jewish  literati,  v.  378. 
Jewish  mission  in  Jerusalem,  v.  484. 
Jewish  mission  in  London,  v.  4S1. 
Joachim  I.,  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  iv. 

127,  N.  17, 138, 152,  N.  37, 155.  N.  48,  172. 
Joachim  II.,  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  iv. 

140,  N.  5,  172,  176,  N.  45,  192,  N.  1,  200, 

N.  16,  205. 
Joasaph  II.,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople, 

v.  129. 
John,  Count  of  Nassau-Siegcn,  iv.  235. 
John,  King  of  Portugal,  v.  192,  N.  3. 
John,  Margrave  of  Brandenburg,  iv.  172. 
John,  Margrave  of  Ciistrin,  iv.  198. 
John  the  Steadfast,  Elector  of  Saxonv,  iv. 

124, 155. 
John  III.,  King  of  Sweden,  iv.  273. 
John  Casimir,  Palgrave,  iv.  4*8, 497. 
John  Frederic,  Duke  of  Brunswick,  v.  277. 
John  Frederic,  Elector  of  Saxony,  iv.  155, 

100,  N.  13,  443. 
John  Frederic  the  Second,  Elector  of  Sax- 
ony, iv.  433,  445,  455,  458. 


INDEX. 


659 


John  George,  Duke  of  Anhalt,  iv.  496. 

John  George,  Elector  of  Saxouy,  iv.  505, 
N.  7. 

John  Sigismund,  Elector  of  Brandenburg, 
iv.  231,  498. 

John  Sigismund,  King  of  Poland,  iv.  363. 

John  William,  Elector  of  Saxouy,  iv.  458, 
467. 

Jonas,  Justus,  iv.  137,  296, 441,  N.  22, 457, 
N.  13. 

Joris,  David,  iv.  313, 351  sq.,  372,  N.  2. 

Jorists,  iv.  341. 

Joseph,  Bishop  of  Lithuania,  v.  645. 

Joseph  II.,  Emperor  of  Austria,  v.  198, 
464,  605,  611 ;  his  reforms,  200  sq.,  257, 
331. 

Joseph  Emanuel,  King  of  Portugal,  v.  191. 

Juan  VI.,  King  of  Portugal,  v.  462. 

Jubilee  in  Rome,  v.  397. 

Judae,  Leo,  iv.  80,  N.  25,  87,  N.  55,  58,  91, 
110,  N.  28,  547. 

Judex,  Matthew,  iv.  436,  454. 

Julianus,  Spanish  Franciscan  monk,  can- 
onized, v.  397. 

Julieh-Cleves,  controversy  regarding  suc- 
cession, iv.  231. 

Julius,  Bishop  of  Wiirzburg,  iv.  222. 

Julius,  Duke  of  Brunswick,  iv.  464,  491, 
492,  N.  50. 

Julius  III.,  Pope,  iv.  204;  v.  23,  31. 

Jung-Stilling,  Johann  Heinrich,  v.  508, 
511. 

Junius,  Francis,  iv.  580. 

Juntas,  Spanish,  v.  454,  459,  460. 

Jura  circa,  in  sacra,  v.  528,  601. 

Jurieu,  Pierre,  v.  351. 

Jurists  as  theologians,  v.  500,  503,  589. 

Juterbock,  conventions  at,  iv.  489, 

K. 

Kaiserslautern,  Synod  at,  to  effect  the 

union,  v.  526,  539. 
Kaiserswerth,  v.  537. 
Kanue,  J.  A.,  v.  517. 
Kant,  Immanuel,  v.  163,  320  sq. 
Kaser,  Leonhard,  iv.  127,  N.  17. 
Kastner.  governor  of  the  pages,  member 

Ord.  Iilum.,  v.  158,  N.  7. 
Kaunitz,  Prince  von,  Minister,  v.  201,  204. 
Kautz,  Jacob,  iv.  351,  N.  7. 
Keble,  Dr.,  v.  479. 
Keith,  George,  v.  336. 
Kennicott,  Benjamin,  v.  344. 
Kenotists,  iv.  503. 
Keppler,  John,  iv.  565,  N.  22. 
Kerner,  Justinus,  v.  512  sq. 
Kerz,  Von,  v.  607,  610. 
Kesselstadt,  Count,  member  Ord.  Ilium., 

v.  158,  N.  7. 
Kessler,  John,  iv.  64,  N.  89,  99. 
Ketelhodt,  Christian,  iv.  72,  N.  107. 
Kettenbach,  Henry  von,  friar,  iv.  72,  N. 

105,  73,  N.  115. 
Kettler,  Gotthard,  iv.  253. 
Kiklare  Society,  v.  473. 
Kin^s  College,  v.  474,  482. 
Kirehner,  Timothy,  iv.  45S,  492,  N.  49. 
Klarer,  Walter,  iv.  96. 
Klebitz,  William,  iv.  447. 
Klemm,  Johann  Christian,  v.  301. 


Klupfel,  Engelhardt,  v.  263. 

Knapp,  Albert,  v.  510. 

Knapp,  Georg  Christian,  v.  325,  516. 

Knipperdollin^,  Anabaptist,  iv.  271,  N.  3. 

Kuittel,  v.  315. 

Knox,  John,  iv.  319,  338,  N.  17. 

Konig,  Preacher,  v.  554. 

Konigsberg,  University  at,  iv.  251. 

Koornhert,  Dirik  Volckaerts  zoon,  iv.  507, 

N.  4. 
Koppe,  Johann  Benjamin,  exegete,  v.  325 ; 

member  Orel.  Ilium.,  158,  N.  7. 
Kornthal,  v.  509. 
Kortholt,  Christian,  v.  283. 
Kothen,  meeting  at,  v.  554,  555. 
Krautwald,  Valentin,  iv.  378,  N.  4. 
Krehl,v.543. 
Krell,  Nicholas,  iv.  496. 
Kriidener,  Mine,  de,  v.  506  sq. ,  582, 58S,  621. 
Kryptists,  iv.  504. 
Kuhlmann,  Quirinus,  v.  290. 
Kuinoel,  Christian  Gottlieb,  v.  325. 
Kulm,  bishopric,  v.  233,  599. 
Kunz,  Peter,  iv.  412,  N.  36. 


Lahbeus,  Phil.,  v.  238. 

Lacenaire,  v.  442. 

La  Chaise,  v.  173, 183,  346. 

Lachmann,  Bernhard,  iv.  73,  N.  115. 

Lacordaire,  v.  438  sq. 

Laflttcau,  Cardinal,  v.  181. 

Lainez,  Jesuit-General,  v.  16,  N.  10,  39,  79. 

Lambert,  Francis,  iv.  127,  N.  18. 

Lambert,  Jo.,  iv.  327,  N.  24. 

Lambertini,  Cardinal  (see  Benedict  XIV.), 
v.  250. 

Lamhruschini,  Cardinal,  v.  404. 

Lamists,  iv.  376,  N.  16. 

Lampe,  Friedrich  Adolph,  v.  355. 

Lange,  Joachim,  v.  293. 

Languet,  Archbishop,  v.  251. 

Lapide,  Cornelius  a,  v.  123. 

Lardner,  Nathaniel,  v.  344,  345. 

Lareveilliere  Lepaux,  v.  219. 

Lasco,  John  a,  iv.  440. 

Latermann,  John,  iv.  592  ;  v.  273. 

Latimer,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  iv.  334,  N. 
19. 

Latitudinarians,  iv.  346, 515 ;  v.  343. 

La  Trappe,  v.  245. 

Laud,  Bishop,  iv.  346,  N.  11, 347, 34S,  N.  21. 

Launoi,  Jean  de,  v.  240. 

Lausanne,  Disputation  at,  iv.  214. 

La  Valette,  v.  192. 

L'Avenir,  v.  438. 

Lazarists  (see  Priests  of  Missions),  v.  412  ; 
in  China,  186. 

Le  Blanc  de  Beaulieu,  Louis,  v.  351. 

Le  Clerc,  Jean,  iv.  295,  N.  3. 

Le  Courayer,  Pierre  Francois,  v.  265. 

Le  Faucheur,  v.  350. 

Legitimacy,  v.  371,  373. 

Lehmus,  Dean,  v.  540. 

Lehnin,  prophecy  of,  v.  277,  N.  1. 

Leibnitz,  Gottfried  Wilhelm,  v.  160  sq. 

Leipsic  Conference,  iv.  5S2. 

Leipsic,  German-Catholic  Church  assem- 
bly at,  v.  617. 

Le  Jay,  Guido  Michael,  v.  122. 


G60 


INDEX. 


Le  Long,  Jacques,  v.  243. 
Lenfant,  Jacob,  v.  352. 
Leo  X.,  Pope,  iv.  30,  34,  67 ;  v.  0. 
Leo  XII. ,  Pope,  v.  390;    his  administra- 
tion, v.  400  sq. 
Leopold,  Emperor  of  Germany,  v.  212  sq., 

279,  330. 
Leopold,  Grand-duke  of  Baden,  v.  542. 
Leopold,  King  of  Belgium,  v.  497  sq. 
Lepanto,  victory  of,  v.  61. 
Less,  Leonhard,  v.  82. 
Lessing,  Gotthold  Ephraim,  v.  156, 316. 
Letellier,  Jesuit,  v.  183,  328. 
Levelers,  iv.  348,  N.  23. 
Leviticou,  v.  432. 
Leyden,  Academy  of,  iv.  317. 
L'  Hospital,  Chancellor,  iv.  301,  N.  3,  303, 

N.  6. 
Liberal  party,  v.  369,  379,  381 ;  among  the 

( latholics  in  Germany,  594,  602,  605,  611, 

613,  625  ;  in  Spain,  454. 
Liberali,  v.  387. 
Libe-rtiues  (Spirituels),  in  Geneva,  iv.  215 ; 

in   the  Netherlands    (sect  of  the  Free 

Spirit),  312. 
Liberty  of  instruction,  v.  521. 
Liebermann,  v.  264. 
Liege,  University  of,  v.  498. 
Light,  Friends  of,  v.  554,  558. 
Lightfoot,  John,  v.  341. 
Ligue,  la  Saiute,  of  1526,  iv.  125:  of  1576, 

304. 
Liguori,  Alfonso  Maria  di,  v.  637. 
Liguorians,  v.  620,  638. 
Limburg,  bishopric,  v.  234,  603. 
Lindberg,  v.  577. 
Liudl,  Ignatius,  v.  621. 
Linz,  Treaty  of,  iv.  265 ;  v.  332. 
Lipomauus,  Aloysius,  legate,  iv.  253,  N. 

10. 
Lismanini,  Francis,  iv.  361. 
Lismanius,  FraDciseus,  iv.  252,  N.  7. 
Literati,  v.  378,551. 
Lithuania,  Protestants  from  Salzburg  in, 

v.  330. 
Liturgic  right,  v.  533. 
Liturgy,  ancient,  v.  530. 
Litnrgy,  Prussian,  v.  524,  531. 
Liturgy,  Wiirtemberg,  v.  508,  510. 
Liverpool,  religious  meeting  at,  v.  487, 

5(0. 
Livonia,  ecclesiastical  reforms  in,  iv.  72. 

251. 
Llorente,  Juan  Antonio,  v.  235. 
Lobkowitz,  Job.  Caramuel,  v.  96,  N.  8. 
Lobwasser,  Ambrose,  iv.  550. 
Locherer,  Johana  Nepomnk,  v.  613. 
Locke,  John,  v.  159,  342. 
Locscher,  Valentin  Ernst,  v.  293. 
Loffler,    Josias    Friedrich    Christian,    v. 

326. 
Lollards,  the,  Lv.323,  N.  1. 
Lombardns,  Petrus,  dogmatics  of,  v.  124. 
Lombardy,  disturbances  in,  v.  468. 
London,  meeting  of  the  Evangelical  Alli- 
ance in,  v.  570. 
London,  University  of,  v.  11 1. 
Louis,  Elector  of 'the  Upper  Palatinate, 

iv.  173. 
Louis,  King  of  Bavaria,  v.  539,  009. 


Louis,  King  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  iv. 
125  sq. 

Louis  VI.  of  the  Palatinate,  iv.  485. 

Louis  XIII.,  King  of  France,  iv.  307. 

Louis  XIV.,  King  of  France,  v.  446,  586; 
abolishes  the  University  of  Sedan,  148 ; 
reverences  the  Church,  149;  contro- 
versy with  the  popes,  170;  on  the  right 
of  asylum,  171 ;  againsl  Molinos,  173; 
against  Fenelon,  174;  his  death,  170; 
lays  claim  to  the  Palatinate,  327;  per- 
secutes the  Protestants,  346. 

Louis  XV.,  King  of  France,  v.  150,  177, 
193sq.,214sq.,246. 

Louis  XVI.,  King  of  France,  v.  214,  216, 
218. 

Louis  XVIIL,  Kine:  of  France,  v.  372, 380, 
410sq.,413sq.,420sq. 

Louis  Philippe,  King  of  France,  v.  3S0, 
425,444,451. 

Louvain,  against  the  Jesuits,  v.  80. 

Louvain,  Philosophical  College  at,  v.  496. 

Louvain,  Seminary  at,  v.  205." 

Louvain,  University  of,  v.  497. 

Louvois,  De,  Minister,  v.  346. 

Lowth,  Robert,  v.  344. 

Liibeck,  Treaty  of,  iv.  234. 

Lucaris,  Cyrillus,  v.  130  sq. 

Lucerne,  Diet  of,  iv.  155  ;  nuncio  at,  v. 
489;  constitution  revised, 491  sq.;  more 
liberal  spirit  in,  491;  volunteer  expedi- 
tion in  aid  of,  493. 

Liidke,  Provost,  v.  316. 

Lullworth,  v.  472. 

Luneville,  Treaty  of,  v.  229. 

Luther,  Martin,  iv.  16  sq.,  82  sq.,  137, 147 
sq.,  244  sq.,  323,  325,  N.  17,  385  sq.,  420, 
429  sq.,  470  sq.,  518  sq.,  540  sq.,  552, 554, 
563,  565,  N.  24 ;  at  the  Diet  of  Worms, 
57,  N.  79;  his  translation  of  the  New- 
Testament,  65;  opposed  to  Erasmus, 
100 ;  his  catechisms,  129,  399 ;  his  death. 
184. 

Lutheran  Church  in  France,  v.  446. 

Lutheran  doctrinal  system,  development 
of,  iv.  385. 

Lutherans,  iv.  38. 

Luther's  exhortation  to  peace,  iv.  116,  N. 
54. 

Lutherus  L^ngaricus.    See  Matthias  Devay. 

Luxembourg,  branch  Seminary  at,  v.  205. 

Lyons,  Missionary  Society  of,  V.  492,  504. 

M. 
Mabillon,  v.  236,  246. 
Macchiavelli:  Nicolas,  v.  140. 
Maccoviue  (MakowsJcy),  John,  iv.  511,  N. 

211,554,  N.  11. 
Madrid,  Peace  of,  iv.  123. 
Madura,  missions  in,  v.  1S6  sq. 
Magdeburg,  ecclesiastical  reforms  in,  iv. 

73. 
Maimbourg,  Louis,  v.  237,  243. 
Maintenon,  .Madame  de.  v.  346. 
Maistre,  Joseph  de,  v.  419. 
Major,  George,  iv.  438. 
Majoristic  <  lontroversy,  iv.  438. 
Malabar,  missions  in,  "v.  186  sq. 
Malan,  v.  588  sq. 
Maldachini,  Olympia,  v.  73. 


INDEX. 


6G1 


Maldonatus,  John,  v.  123. 

Mamelucs,  iv.  213. 

Manuel,  Nicklaus,  iv.  97. 

Mansi,  Giovanni  Dominico,  v.  250. 

Manwaring,  Dr.,  iv.  346,  N.  15. 

Manz,  Felix,  iv.  119,  N.  60, 121,  N.  64,  65. 

Maranus,  Prudentius,  v.  237. 

Marburg,  Baptists  in,  v.  511. 

Marburg,  Catholic  Faculty  at,  v.  604,  613. 

Marburg,  Conference  of,  iv.  133  sq.,  161. 

Marburg,  United  University  at,  v.  526. 

Marburg,  University  of,  iv.  128. 

Marca,  Peter  de,  v.  125. 

Marcellus  II.,  Pope,  v.  23,  35. 

Marengo,  battle  of,  v.  213. 

Marezoll,  Johann  Gottlob,  v.  326. 

Margaret  of  Parma,  Stadtholder,  iv.  315. 

Margaret  of  Savoy,  Stadtholdcr,  iv.  311. 

Margaret,  Queen  of  Navarre,  iv.  295. 

Marheinike,  v.  323,  548. 

Maria  Christina,  Queen  of  Spain,  v.  456, 

459, 461. 
Maria  da  Gloria,Queen  of  Portugal,  v.  462. 
Maria  of  Hungary,  Stadtholder,  iv.  311. 
Maria  Theresa^  Empress  of  Austria,  v.  200, 

253,  255,  257. 
Manages  du  Desert,  v.  349. 
Mariana,  John,  v.  84,  N.  24,  85  sq.,  91,  N. 

37. 
Marienborn,  synods  of,  v.  305. 
Marillac,  Archbishop  of  Vienne,  iv.  301, 

N.  3. 
Mariolatry  in  Salzburg,  v.  254. 
Maronites,  v.  138. 
Maroto,  v.  459. 

Marriage  of  priests,  iv.  59,  N.  83, 91. 
Marriages,  mixed,  v.  404,  616,  629. 
Marriages,  Socialist,  v.  476. 
Marsan,  Pavilion,  v.  417. 
Marsh,  Herbert,  v.  344. 
Martene,  Edmond,  v.  237. 
Martens,  Professor,  member  Ord.  Ilium. 

v.  158,  N.  7. 
Martianay,  Jean,  v.  237. 
Martignac,  Minister,  v.  423. 
Martineu°;us,  Celsus,  iv.  285,  N.  31. 
Martini,  Cornelius,  iv.  585. 
Martyr,  Peter  (see  Vermigli),  iv.  280,  282, 

284,  331,  439. 
Mary;  worship  and  Immaculate  Concep- 
tion of  the  Virgin,  v.  252,  611. 
Marv  de  Medici,  v.  68. 
Mary,  Queen  of  England,  iv.  332,  N.  9, 

333  sq. 
Mary  Stuart,  Queen  of  Scots,  iv.  319,  337. 
Masius,  Andreas,  v.  123. 
Masius,  Hector  Gottfried,  v.  275. 
Massillon,  Jean  Baptiste,  v.  245. 
Mastiaux,Von,  v.  262,  607. 
Matthias,  Archduke  of  Austria  and  Em- 
peror of  Germany,  iv.  231,  249. 
Matthias  II.,  Emperor   of  Germany,  iv. 

264. 
Maubuisson,  Abbess  of,  v.  280. 
Maulbronn  Formula,  iv.  482. 
Maur,  St.,  Congregation  of,  in  the  Jan- 

senist  Controversy,  v.  177 ;  as  scholars, 

236. 
Maurice,  Bishop  of  Eichstadt,  iv.  184,  N. 

34. 


Maurice,  Duke  and  Elector  of  Saxony,  iv. 

181,  180  sq.,  192,  N.  1,  200,  206  sq.,  435  ; 

v.  34. 
Maurice,  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  iv.  497. 
Maurice  of  Orange,  Stadtholder,  iv.  509. 
Maximilian,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  iv.  226  sq., 

232. 
Maximilian,  Elector  and  Archbishop  of 

Cologne,  v.  207,  260,  329. 
Maximilian  I.,  Emperor  of  Germany,  v.  34. 
Maximilian  I.,  King  of  Bavaria,  v.  634. 
Maximilian  II.,  Emperor  of  Germany,  iv. 

221  sq.,  248,  262. 
Maximilian  Joseph,  Elector  and  King  of 

Bavaria,  v.  255,  258,  260,  539. 
!  Mayence,  bishopric,  v.  234,  603. 
Maynardus,  Amiustinus,  iv.  356,  N.  5. 
Mazarin,  Cardinal,  v.  169, 346. 
Mechlin,  Archbishop  of,  v.  496. 
Mechlin,  University  of,  v.  497. 
Mecklenburg,  ecclesiastical  reforms  in,  iv. 

72. 
Medals  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  v.  427. 
Medardus,  Cemetery  of  St.,  v.  178  sq. 
Me'dwisch,  Synod  of,  iv.  259. 
Mesander,  Caspar,  iv.  87,  N.  55, 411,  N.  28, 

412,  N.  36. 
Mehemet  Ali,  v.  481. 
Melancthon,  Philip,  iv.  32,  38,  59,  70,  N. 

24,  27,  71,  N.  99,  129,  137,  13S,  142,  145 

sq.,  146,  N.  22, 180,  296,  N.  9,  10,  396,  423 

sq.,  442  sq.,  447  sq.,  528  sq.,  554  sq.,  563  ; 

v.  128. 
Meletius,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  v.  130. 
Mendizabal,  Minister,  v.  458. 
Menilmontant,  v.  431. 
Menius,  Justus,  iv.  438. 
Mennais,  Abbe  de  la,  v.  419,  437  sq.,  497. 
Menno  Simons,  iv.  372  sq.,  377,  N.  20. 
Mennonites,  iv.  371  sq. ;  v.  511. 
Meppenhofen,  Baron,  member  Ord.  Ilium. 

v.  158,  N.  7. 
Mercerus,  John,  iv.  559. 
Merseburg,  Reformation  in,  iv.  180. 
Mestrezat,  French  Preacher,  v.  350. 
Methodists,  v.  338  sq.,  359;    in  Geneva, 

448,588;  in  France,  449  sq. ;  among  the 

Waldenses,  467;  in  the  Bible  Societies, 

475;  in  the  canton  Vaud,  592. 
Metrophanes,  Critopulus,  v.  133. 
Metternich,  Count,  member  Ord.  Ilium., 

v.  158,  N.  7. 
Mettrie,  De  la,  v.  155. 
Meyer,  Johann  Fried  rich  von,  517. 
Meyer,  Sebastian,  iv.  86,  N.  51,  97  sq.,  412, 

N.  36. 
Mezzabarba,  v.  188. 
Miani.     See  Aem'dianus. 
Michaelis,  Christian  Benedict,  v.  296. 
Michaelis,  Johann  David,  v.  260,  311  sq., 

315. 
Michaelis,  Johann  Heinrich,  v.  296. 
Michelians,  v.  508. 
Michelis,  Chaplain,  v.  632. 
Michelsen,  John,  iv.  267,  N.  7. 
Michl,  Anton,  v.  263. 
Michl,  Martin,  v.  609. 
Middle  Ages,  predilection  for  the,  v.  500, 

502  sq. 
Migazzi,  Cardinal,  v.  203. 


662 


INDEX. 


Miguel,  Dom,  v.  394,  456,  462  sq. 

Milan,  Treaty  of,  iv.  243. 

Mill.  John,  v.  341. 

Miltitz,  Charles  of,  iv.  34,  54. 

Miollis,  General,  in  Koine,  v.  225. 

Mirabeau,  v.  153. 

Mislenta,  Coelestinus,  iv.  593,  N.  19. 

Missale  Romanum,  v.  62. 

Missionary  Society  in  Basle,  v.  5S2. 

Missionary  Society  in  England,  v.  474. 

Missions,  Inner,  v.  538,  576. 

Missions,  Jesuit,  v.  186  sq. 

Missions,  Priests  of,  V.  119,412. 

Minima,  law  on  the  abuse  of  learning  in, 

v.  465 ;  insurrection  in,  466. 
Moderates,  v.  486. 
Mogilas,  Petrus,  v.  135. 
Mobacz,  battle  of,  iv.  126,259. 
Mohilev,  Archbishop  of,  v.  394. 
Mohler,  v.  607, 613. 
Molanus,  Abbot,  v.  279  sq. 
Molay,  Jacques,  v.  432. 
Molina,  Louis,  v.  83. 
Molinists,  v.  167. 
Molinos,  Michael,  v.  173. 
Moller,  Heinrich,  iv.  469,  N.  41. 
Momiers,  v.  359,  448,  591. 
Mompelgard,  Colloquy  at,  iv.  501,  N.  1. 
Mompelgard,  Synod  of,  iv.  580. 
Monads  of  Leibnitz,  v.  161. 
Monarchists,  v.  369. 
Monastic  orders  suppressed  in  France,  v. 

223  ;  in  Italy,  2:54;  in  Spain,  234. 
Moiiatsschrift,  Berliner,  v.  196. 
Monks  in  Spain  assassinated,  v.  3S0,  45S. 
Mnntalembert,  v.  438. 
Montalte,  Louis  de,  v.  184. 
Montanus,  Benedict  Arias,  v.  122. 

Montanus,  John  Fabritius,  iv.  76,  N.  9. 
Montanus,  Reg.  Gousalv.,  iv.  290,  N.  9. 
Montauban, Theological  Faculty  at,  v. 306, 
N.  1,353, 446, 451. 

Monte,  Del.     See  Julius  III.,  Pope. 

Montesquieu,  v.  151. 

Montfaucon,  v.  237. 

Monto-elas,  Count,  member  Orel.  Ilium., 
v.  158,  N.  7. 

Montgeron,  v.  178. 

Montfosier,  Count,  v.  423, 442. 

Montluc,  Bishop  of  Valence,  iv.  301,  N.  3. 

Montpellier,  Academy  at,  iv.  306,  N.  1. 

Morata,  Olympia,  iv.  285,  N.  31. 

Moravia,  Reformation  in,  iv.  244  sq. 

Moravian  Brethren,  v.  303. 

More,  George,  iv.  63,  N.  87,  65,  N.  89. 

More,  Thomas,  iv.  324,  327,  N.  23. 

Morgan,  Thomas,  v.  146. 

Monnus,  .John,  v.  123, 126. 

Mni  I'm,  Joachim,  iv.  473  m|.,4S0. 

Mornay,  Philip,  iv.  306,  N.  3. 

Morone,  John  de,  iv.  278, 285;  v.  45  sq. 

Morns,  Samuel  Fricdrich   Nathanacl,  v. 
318,  325. 

Mosheim,  Johann  Lorcnz  von,  v.  297,  301, 
528. 

Mosheim,  Ruprccht  von,  iv.  350,  N.  3. 

Moullet,  work  on  Morals,  v.  393. 

Muckers,  v.  513  sq. 

Mugletonians,  iv.  348,  N.  23. 

Muhlberg,  battle  of,  iv.  188. 


Miihlhausen  in  Baden,  seceding  congre- 
gation at,  v.  623. 

Miihlhausen  in  Switzerland,  Reformation 
in,  iv.  96. 

Miiller,  Julius,  v.  57."). 

Munchausen,  Rudolph,  iv.  441,  N.  22. 

Munich,  archbishopric,  v.  233,  596;  Acad- 
emy of  Sciences  at,  254  ;  tolerates  Prot- 
estantism, 598  ;  University  of,  634 

Miinster,  Anabaptists  in,  iv.  164. 

Miinster,  bishopric,  v.  233,  599, 

Muntinghe,  Hermann,  v.  356. 

Miinzer,  Thomas,  iv.  112  sq.,  118  sq. 

Murat,  Joachim,  v.  397. 

Muratori,  v.  251  sq. ;  against  the  Immac- 
ulate Conception  of  the  Virgin,  254. 

Musaens,  Johann,  v.  273. 

Musaeus,  member  Ord.  Ilium.,  v.  158,  N.  7. 

Musaeus,  Simon,  iv.  456. 

Museulus,  Andreas,  iv.  439,  N.  13,  464,  N. 
25,  483,  N.  8. 

Myconius,  Oswald,  iv.  76,  N.  9, 209,  410. 

Mynstcr,  Bishop  of  Seeland,  v.  578. 

Mvsticism,  iv.  566  sq. ;  Protestant,  v.  504 ; 
so-called,  506 ;  Catholic,  617  sq. 

Mystics,  v.  126,  513;  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  173. 

N. 
Nantes,  Edict  of,  iv.  306 ;  v.  346,  347, 352. 
Naples  and  the  Pope,  v.  234. 
Naples,  Revolution  in,  v.  466. 
Napoleon.    Sue  Bonaparte. 
Napoleon,  Joseph.     See  Bonaparte. 
Napoleon,  Louis,  v.  382. 
Nassau,  Church  constitution  of,  v.  535. 
Nassau,  the  Union  in,  v.  523. 
National  Assembly,  French,  v.  216  sq. 
National  Convention,  French,  v.  218. 
National  Council,  French,  v.  226  sq.,  232. 
Naturalism,  v.  515  sq. 
Naturalists  in  England,  iv.  348,  N.  24  ;  v. 

143,  309,  338. 
Nature,  philosophy  of,  v.  164. 
Naumhurg,  Convention  at,  i v.  206. 
Naumburg,  Diets   of,  iv.  220,  N.  5,  399, 

455. 
Nazarenus,  by  Toland,  v.  145. 
Neander,  August,  v.  326,  521, 575. 
Negro  Slavery,  Capadose  on,  v.  581. 
Neri,  Philip  of,  v.  118. 
Nesen,  Wilhelm,  iv.  76,  N.  9. 
Netherlands,  insurrection  in  the,  v.  208. 
Netherlands,  Reformation  in  the,  iv.  309. 
New  Franks  in  France,  v.  219,  N.  2. 
New  Franks  in  Italy,  v.  213. 
New  Harmony,  colony,  v.  476. 
Newman,  John  Henry,  v.  479  sq. 
Newton,  v.  343. 

Nicholas,  Emperor  of  Russia,  v.  644. 
Nicolai  in  Berlh*,  v.  196,317. 
Nicolai,  Lawrence,  iv.  274,  N.  18. 
Nicole,  Pierre,  v.  168, 244, 352. 
Nieolsburtr.  Treaty  of,iv.264. 

Niemeyer,  v.  320,  555. 
Nihusius,  Bartoldus,  iv.  586,  N.  5. 
(Times,  Academy  at,  iv.  306,  N.  1. 
Nimes,  Edict  of,  iv.  308. 
Nimes,  mobocracy  at,  v.  415. 
Nimes,  Societe  de,  v.  447. 


INDEX. 


663 


Ninguarda,  nuncio,  v.  74,  N.  46. 

Nitzsch,  Carl  Immanuel,  v.  516,  533, 575. 

Noailles,  Archbishop  of  Paris,  v.  175  sq. 

Nobili,  Robert,  v.  109, 110,  N.  6. 

Noli,  Bishop  of,  v.  213. 

Non-Adorantes,  iv.  369. 

Non-couformists,  iv.  339. 

Non-intrusionists,  v.  486. 

Norbert,  Father,  v.  187. 

Norfolk,  Duke  of,  iv.  327. 

Normann,  George,  iv.  272. 

Norway,  Reformation  in,  iv.  269. 

Ncisselt,  Johann  August,  v.  320,  325. 

Nouvelle  Eglise,  v.  590. 

Novara,  battle  of,  v.  468.         # 

Nunciature  in  Fribourg,  v.  491. 

Nunciature  in  Madrid,  v.  457,  460. 

Nunciature  in  Munich,  v.  597,  608. 

Nuncios,  Papal,  in  Cologne,  v.  207  ;  in 
Munich,  208 ;  in  Vienna,  230  ;  in  Lu- 
cerne, 489  ;  in  Schwyz,  491. 

Nuncios,  standing,  v.  73. 

Nuremberg,  ecclesiastical  reforms  in,  iv. 
73. 

Nuremberg,  Religious  Peace  of,  iv.  154 ; 
Peace  renewed,  176.  See  also  Holy 
League,  Diet. 

O. 

Oath  of  fealty,  episcopal,  v.  601. 

Obscurants,  v.  259. 

Ochino, Bernardino,  iv.  280, 282,  N.  21,284, 

331,  358. 
Odense,  Diet  of,  iv.  129, 267. 
Odessa,  v.  508. 

Oechslin,  John,  iv.  80,  N.  25. 
Oecolampadius,  John,  iv.  98  sq.,  Ill,  156 

sq.,  209,  325,  N.  17,  409  sq.,  536,  558. 
Oedenburg,  Diet  of,  v.  332. 
Oeder,  Georg  Ludwig,  v.  315. 
"Oerebro,  Assembly  of  the  clergy  at,  iv. 

272. 
Oettingen-Wallerstein,  Minister,  v.  635. 
Official  grace  (gratia  minister  ialis),  v.  289. 
Old  Lutherans,  v.  523;  iu  Denmark,  578. 
Oldenburg,  v.  574. 
Olevianus",  Caspar,  iv.  421. 
Omnium  Sollicitudinem,  Bull,  v.  187. 
Oncken,  v.  510. 
Opitius,  Josua,  iv.  224,  N.  19. 
Opposition,  the,  v.  377 ;  in  Prussia,  552. 
Optimism  of  Leibnitz,  v.  161. 
Oratorii,  Patres   (Peres  de  V  Oratoire),  v. 

236. 
Orders,  New,  v.  13  sq.,  117  sq. 
Ordination,  iv.  546 ;  Berlin  formula  of,  v. 

564. 
Ordo  de  Visitatione  B.  M.  V.,  v.  120. 
Organic  laws  (articles)  of  Napoleon,  v.  223, 

418, 446. 
Orleans,  Duke  of,  v.  176. 
Orthodox,  the,  v.  288  sq. 
Osiander,  Andrew,  iv.  73,  N.  118,  325,  N. 

17,  469. 
Osiandric  controversy,  iv.  469  sq. 
Osnabriick,  exempt  bishopric,  v.  233, 599. 
Otto  Henry  of  Neubiarg,  Palgrave,  iv.  179. 
Owen,  Robert  Dale,  v.  475. 
Owenites,  v.  476. 
Oxford,  v.  474;  centre  of  Puseyism,  479. 


P. 

Paalzow,  Christian  Ludwig,  v.  158. 
Pacca,  Bartolomeo,  Cardinal,  v.  209,  387, 

391, 440. 
Paccanari,  v.  410. 
Pack,  Otto  von,  iv.  129. 
Paderborn,  bishopric,  v.  233,  599. 
Paderborn,  Protestants  expelled  from,  iv. 

224,  N.  21. 
Paderborn,  Trappists  in,  v.  246. 
Pagninus,  Santes,  v.  123. 
Paine,  Thomas,  v.  146. 
Pajon,  Claude,  v.  350,  352. 
Palaeologus,  Jacob,  iv.  364,  N.  28. 
Palafox,  Jean  de,  v.  117,  N.  18. 
Paleario,  Aonio,  iv.  287. 
Pantheon  restored,  v.  425. 
Papacy,  the,  iv.  14 ;  v.  59. 
Paracelsus.     See  Hohenlieim. 
Paraguay,  Jesuit  missions  in,  v.  189. 
Paraphrases,  English,  v.  341. 
Pareus,  David,  iv.  581;  v.  270. 
Paris,  Evangelical  Society  in,  v.  448. 
Paris,  Francois  de,  v.  177  sq. 
Paris,  Synod  of,  iv.  299. 
Parker,  Matthew,  iv.  335. 
Parliament,  the  Long,  in  favor  of  Deists, 

v.  143. 
Parma,  v.  466. 
Pascal,  Blaise,  v.  168, 184. 
Passau,  bishopric,  v.  233,  599. 
Passau,  Treaty  of,  iv.  206. 
Pastoral  conferences  at  Paris,  v.  449. 
Patronage,  right  of,  in  Scotland, v.  485  sq. 
Pau,  Academy  at,  iv.  306,  N.  1. 
Paul  I.,  Emperor  of  Russia,  in  favor  of 

the  Jesuits,  v.  196. 
Paul  III.,  Pope,  iv.  165,  217,  282,  312,  N. 

9,  329 ;  v.  9, 12,  20,  23, 119,  N.  5. 
Paul  IV.,  Pope,  iv.  218,  282,  283,  N.  22, 

285, 292,  N.  18;  v.  14, 23, 35  sq.   See  also 

Caraffa. 
Paul  V.,  Pope,  v.  59,  66,  88. 
Paula,  Vincent  de,  v.  412. 
Pauli,Gregorius,iv.361,363,N.28,364,N.31. 
Paulus,Heinrich  Eberhard  Gottlob,v.325. 
Pavia,  Battle  of,  iv.  123. 
Pazmany,  Petrus,  Archbishop  of  Gran, 

iv.  264,  N.  31. 
Pearson,  John,  v.  341,  342. 
Peasant  War,  iv.  Ill  sq. 
Pedro,  Dom,V.,  Emperor  of  Brazil,  v.  462. 
Pellicanus,  Conrad,  iv.  76,  N.  9, 110,  N.  28. 
Penn,  William,  v.  336. 
Peres  de  la  Foi,  v.  410,  412. 
Perez,  Juan,  iv.  291. 
Perier,  Gilberta,  v.  1S4,  N.  2. 
Peringer,  Diepold,  iv.  72,  N.  105. 
Perrault,  Nicole,  v.  185. 
Pen-in,  Ami,  iv.  216. 
Persecution  of  Protestants  in  Venice,  iv. 

287 ;  in  Salzburg,  329;  in  France,  v.  414, 

446  ;  in  Austria^  640. 
Perth,  Articles  of,  iv.  346. 
Petavius,  Dionysius,  v.  126. 
Peter,  Margare'tha,  v.  583. 
Peter  I.,  Emperor  of  Russia,  v.  195. 
Peter  Leopold,  Grand-duke  of  Tuscany, 

v.  210. 


CG4 


INDEX. 


Petersen,  Johann  Wilhclm,  v.  291. 

Peterson,  Lawrence,  iv.  270  sq. 

Peterson,  Lawrence,  Gotbus,  iv.  273. 

Peterson,  Olaf,  iv.  270. 

Petite  figlise,  v.  409. 

Petrikow,  Diet  of,  iv.  252;  Synod  of,  2.54. 

Peucer,  Caspar,  iv.  457,  46S,  N.  39. 

Pezel,  Cbristoph,  iv.  469,  N.  41,  494  sq. 

Pfaflf,Christoph  Matthaeus,v.297,S01,528. 

Pfaffradius,  Caspar,  iv.  588. 

Pfauser,  Jobann  Sebastian,  Court-preach- 
er, iv.  221,  N.  11. 

Pfeffinger,  Dr.,  iv.  443. 

Pfeiffer,  Jobann  Philipp,  v.  277. 

Pflug,  Julius  von,  iv.  178, 192,  N.  1, 193. 

Philanthropin,  v.  157,  316. 

Philip,  Landgrave  of  Ilesse,  iv.  124  sq., 
127, 132  sq.,  142,  163,188. 

Philip  II.,  Kintr  of  Naples,  v.  61. 

Philip  II.,  King  of  Spain,  iv.  292,  N.  18, 
313,  334. 

Philip  III.,  King  of  Spain,  v.  101,N.  19, 190. 

Philip  IV.,  King  of  Spain,  v.  101,  N.  19. 

Philip  Louis,  Palgrave  of  Neuburg,iv.  231. 

Philippists,  iv.  435  sq.,  464  sq.,  493. 

Philipps,  Ubbo,  iv.  313,  N.  14,  372,  N.  2. 

Philhpps,  Professor,  v.  504. 

Philosophers  in  France,  v.  215  sq. 

Philosophy  of  Nature  of  Schelliug,  v.  164. 

Pia  Desideria,  v.  285. 

Piarists,  v.  120. 

Picards  (Bohemian  Brethren),  iv.  248, 

Pietet,  Benedict,  v.  358. 

Piedmont,  v.  399,  466. 

Pierce,  James,  v.  342. 

Pietistic  controversies,  v.  284  sq. 

Pietists,  v.  286,  309;  Wiirtemberg,  507; 
so-called,  518;  Catholic,  617,  624. 

Pignerol,  Bishop  of,  v.  467. 

Pin,  Louis  Elie  du,  v.  239. 

Piscator,  John,  iv.  559. 

Pistoja,  Synod  of,  v.  212  sq. 

Pistorius,  Joseph,  iv.  225,  N.  6. 

Pithou,  Petrus,  v.  65. 

Pius  IV.,  Pope,  v.  23,  56, 59  sq. 

Pius  V.,  Pope,  iv.  287;  v.  59,  61  sq.,  80. 

Pius  VI.,  Pope,  in  favor  of  the  Jesuits,  v. 
195;  in  Vienna,  204;  captivity  and 
death,  220;  against  Gassner,  259. 

Pius  VII.,  Pope,  v.  392, 395;  restores  the 
Order  of  Jesus  in  Russia,  196  sq. ; 
against  Ricci,  213 ;  his  election  as  Pope, 
220  sq. ;  opposes  Napoleon  and  is  taken 
captive,  224  sq. ;  returns  to  Rome,  229 ; 
reorganizes  the  bishoprics  of  Southern 
Germany,  234;  bis  administration,  385 
sq.;  his  death,  396;  excommunicates 
Freemasons,  398  ;  liege-lord  of  Sicily, 
464. 

Pius  VIII.,  v.  385. 

Pius  IX.,  Pope,  v.  379,  406  sq.,468, 470. 

Placet,  sovereign  (ptaeelum  regium),  in 
Austria,  v.  202, 639  ;  in  France',  223;  op- 
posed by  Rome,  405;  in  Belgium, 497; 
in  Germany,  601 ;  opposed  by  the  Ul- 
tramontanes,  608;  favored  by  the  Lib- 
erals, 012. 

Planitz,  John  von,  iv.  2S2,  N.  19. 

Plank,  Gottlieb  Jacob,  v.  325. 

Plattner,  Popular  Philosopher,  v.  163. 


Poissy,  Religious  Colloquy  of,  iv.  303. 

Poland,  Reformation  in,  iv.  250  sq. ;  Bo- 
hemian Brethren  and  Italian  Unitarians 
in,  254. 

Pole,  Reginald,  iv.  278,  282, 283,  N.  22, 327, 
N.  21, 334 ;  v.  23. 

Polenz,  George  von,  Bishop  of  Samland, 
iv.  251. 

Polichius,  Martin,  iv.  18,  N.  G. 

Polignac  ministry,  v.  425. 

Polozk,  Synod  of,  v.  645. 

Polus,  Matthew,  v.  341. 

Polyglot,  London,  v.  340. 

Polyglots,  v.  122. 

Pombal,  Minister,  v.  191. 

Pomer,  Hector,  iv.  73,  N.  118. 

Pomerania,  iv.  477,  531;  ecclesiastical  re- 
forms in,  72. 

Pompadour,  Marquise  de,  v.  150, 192. 

Pomponatius,  Petrus,  v.  140. 

Pondieherry,  Capuchins  in,  v.  187. 

Pontifical  States,insurrection  in  tbe,v.466. 

Popes,  their  order  of  succession,  v.  9,  23, 
59,  385. 

Popular  Philosophy,  v.  316. 

Port  Royal,  v.  168;  nuns  of,  169;  convent 
destroyed,  175. 

Poschl,  Thomas,  v.  622. 

Posen,  archbishopric,  v.  233,  599. 

Positivism,  v.  516. 

Possevinus,Antonius,iv.274;  v.78,129,643. 

Postils,  iv.  563,  N.  11. 

Pott,  Julius,  v.  325. 

Pradt,  de,  Dominicus,  v.  248. 

Praepositus,  Jacobus,  iv.  309,  N.  2. 

Praetorius,  Matthaeus,  v.  277. 

Prague,  University  of,  v.  183. 

Prasnisius,  Laur., 'court-preacher,  iv.  252, 
N.  7. 

Prat,  Anton  du,  Cardinal  and  Chancellor, 
iv.  295,  298,  N.  11. 

Preaching,  iv.  563. 

Predestination,  doctrine  of,  iv.  515  sq. 

Pregizer,  v.  508. 

Prerogatives  of  the  Swiss  Church  con- 
demned, v.  489. 

Presburg,  Bible  Society  in,  v.  637. 

Presbyterianism  in  England,  iv.  341,  347 
sq. ;  v.  333. 

Presbyterianism  in  Scotland,  iv.  321. 

Presbyteries,  Scotch,  v.  4S4. 

Press,  freedom  of  the,  in  England,  v.  143. 

Pretiosusin  Conspcctu  Domini,  Bull,v.l77. 

Pretres  assermentes,  v.  217,  415,  442. 

Prevorst,  the  Seer  of,  v.  512. 

Prideaux,  Humphrey,  v.  342. 

Prierias,  Sylvester,  iv.  26. 

Priests  of  "Missions  {Pretres  des  Missions), 
v.  412. 

Prince  of  Peace  (see  Godoy),  v.  153. 

Privilegium  fori  in  Bavaria,  v.  231. 

Probabilism,  moral,  v.  185,  393. 

Professio  tidci,  iv.  305,  N.  15 ;  v.  59. 

Propositiones  quatuor  Cleri  Gallicani,  v. 
171;  annulled,  172;  in  Tuscany,  212;  in 
France,  under  Napoleon,  226;  defended 
by  Bossuet,  243. 

Protest  and  Appeal  of  the  Protestants, 
iv.  131. 

Protestant  Friends,  v.  554. 


INDEX. 


CG5 


Protestants,  iv.  131 ;  in  Salzburg,  v.  329 ; 

in  France,  446  sq. ;  in  Austria,  039. 
Protestatio  Clcri  Gallicani,  v.  171,  N.  3. 
Provida  Solersquc,  Bull,  v.  G03. 
Prussia,  ecclesiastical  reforms  in,  iv.  72, 

250  sq. 
Public  worship,  order  of.  iv.  539  sq. ;  in 

the  Reformed  Church,  547. 
Pulpit  oratory  in  Geneva,  v.  5S8. 
Puritans,  iv.  339  sq.,  345. 
Pusey,  Edward,  v.  479. 
Puseyism,  v.  479  sq. 
Puteauus  (Dupuy),  v.  72. 

Q. 

Quakers,  v.  334  sq. ;  on  the  Continent, 
337 ;  among  the  Irvingites,  478. 

Quedlinburg,  Conference  at,  iv.  492,  N.  50. 

Queis,  Erkardt  von,  Bishop  of  Pomerania, 
iv.  251. 

Quenstedt,  Johann  Andreas,  v.  283. 

Quesnel,  Paschasius,  v.  175;  his  work  rec- 
ommended in  Tuscany,  211. 

Quietism,  v.  172,  243. 

R. 

Racovian  Catechism,  iv.  367. 

Radetzky,  General,  v.  468. 

Radicalism,  v.  379. 

Rahoza,  Michael,  v.  78,  N.  10. 

Rakoczy,  George,  iv.  265,  370. 

Ramus,  Peter,  iv.  554. 

Ranee,  Jean  Bouthillicr  de,  v.  245  sq. 

Ranters,  iv.  348,  N.  23. 

Rantzow,  Christoph  von,  v.  277. 

Rapp,  Georg,  v.  476,  507. 

Rasciauus,  Demetrius,  v.  129,  N.  8. 

Rationalism,  v.  514,  543,  554. 

Rationalism  in  Denmark,  v.  577. 

Rationalism  in  Holland,  v.  579. 

Rationalism  since  Kant,  v.  163  sq. 

Rationalists,  iv.  348,  N.  24. 

Ratisbon,  bishopric,  v.  233,  596. 

Ratisbon  Colloquy,  v.  20. 

Ratisbon,  Diet  of,  iv.  184. 

Ratisbon  Interim,  iv.  173  sq. 

Ratisbon,  Reformation  in,  iv.  179. 

Ratisbon,  Religious  Conferences  in,  iv. 

183,  226 ;  v.  13. 
Rauhe  Haus,  v.  538,  576. 
Rautenstrauch,  Stephan,  v.  257. 
Readers  in  Sweden,  v.  329,  N.  1. 
Re-appellants,  v.  177. 
Recess  of  the  Diet,  iv.  126. 
Rechberger,  Georg,  v.  639. 
Recke,  Count  von,  v.  538. 
Recursus  ab  abusu,  v.  601. 
Redemptorists  (see  alsoZ«7MO?"*Vm.s),v.637. 
Reducciones  in  Paraguay,  v.  190  sq. 
Reform  banquets  in  Paris,  v.  453. 
Reformation,  German,  iv.  13  sq.,123  sq., 

162  sq. 
Reformation,  Jubilee  of  the, v.535, 567, 627. 
Reformation,   Swiss,  iv.  75  sq.,  155   sq., 

209  sq.,  240  sq. 
Reformatory  institutions  at  Kornthal  and 

Wilhelmsdorf,  v.  510. 
Reformed  Church  in  France,  v.  447. 
Reformed  Churches,  first,  iv.  500. 
Reformed  in  Holland,  Cartesians,  v.  142. 


Refugees,  Reformed,  from  France,  v.  347, 

355. 
Regale,  la,  v.  170  sq. 
Refchlin-Meldegg,  Baron,  v.  615. 
Reichsdeputations-Hauptschluss,  v.  229, 

593 
Reiffenberg,  Jesuit,  v.  103,  N.  28. 
Reihinsj,  Jacob,  Jesuit  court-preacher,  iv. 

232,  N.  44. 
Reimarus,  Johann  Albrecht  Heinrich,  v. 

156. 
Reinbeck,  Provost,  v.  298. 
Reinhard,  Franz  Volkmar,  v.  323,  326. 
Reinhard,  Martin,  iv.  266,  N.  1. 
Religious  edict,  Prussian,  v.  319. 
Religious  liberty  in  Prussia,  v.  552,  558, 

565. 
Religious  Peace  of  Augsburg,  iv.  207, 21S. 
Religious  Peace  of  Nuremberg,  iv.  154. 
Remonstrants,  iv.  508  sq.,  512 ;  v.  357. 
Renata,  Duchess  of  Ferrara,  iv.  279. 
Renatus,  Camillus,  iv.  356,  N.  5. 
Renaudot,  Eusebius,  v.  239. 
Republic,  Cisalpine,  v.  220. 
Reservations,  Papal,  v.  603. 
Restitution,  Edict  of,  iv.  235;  v.  104. 
Reunions  de  priere,  v.  590. 
Reuss,  Chancellor,  v.  315. 
Revival  of  mediaeval  art  and  poetry  in 

Germany,  v.  501. 
Revolution,  French,  v.  214  sq. 
Rhenanus,  Beatus,  iv.  76,  N.  9. 
Rheuish  Bavaria,  v.  381,  539. 
Rhenish  Confederation,  v.  232. 
Rhyusburgers,  iv.  512. 
Ribbeck,  Provost,  v.  326. 
Ricci,  Lorenzo,  General  of  the  Order  of 

Jesus,  v.  193, 195. 
Ricci,  Matthew,  v.  107. 
Ricei,  Scipio,  Bishop  of  Pistoja,  v.  211. 
Richelieu,  Cardinal,  iv.  308;  v.  72, 120, 346, 

351. 
Richelieu  ministry,  v.  417. 
Richerius  {Richer),  Edmund,  v.  6S,  72, 125. 
Richter,  Friedrich,  v.  549. 
Ridley,  Bishop  of  London,  iv.  334,  N.  19. 
Riegg,  Von,  Bishop,  v.  634. 
Riepenhausen,  the  brothers,  v.  503. 
Rigaltius,  Nicholas,  v.  125. 
Right  of  asylum  in  Rome,  v.  171. 
Ring,  Melchior,  Anabaptist,  iv.  271,  N.  3. 
Ringseis,  v.  635. 
Ris,  John,  iv.  373,  N.  7. 
Rivetus,  Andreas,  iv.  559,  N.  38. 
Robespierre,  v.  218. 
Robinson,  Independent,  iv.  341,  N.  25. 
Roboredo,  Bartolomeo  de,  v.  112,  N.  9. 
Rochester,  Earl  of,  v.  145. 
Rodrigues,  Saint-Simonist,  v.  431. 
Rodriguez,  Simon,  v.  16,  N.  10, 19,  3S. 
Rohan,  Cardinal,  v.  181. 
Rohan,  Duke  of,  Huguenot,  iv.  308. 
Rohr's  letters  on  Rationalism,  v.  515. 
Roman  Catholic  dogmas  and  observances 

misunderstood  by  the  Protestants,  v. 

628. 
Romanticism,  v.  502,  504. 
Rome,  insurrection  in,  and  republic,  v. 

220  sq. 
Rome  under  French  rule,  v.  224  sq. 


66G 


INDEX. 


Ronge,  Johannes,  v.  616  sq. 
Ronnov,  Bishop  of  Roeskild,  iv.  268. 
Roselli,  Lucio  Paolio,  iv.  279,  N.  12. 
Rosenmuller,  confession  of  faith  of,  v.  555. 

Rosenmiillcr,  Ernst  Friedricb  Carl,  v.  324. 
Rossi,  Count,  v.  408,440. 
Rossi,  Giovanni  Bernardo  dc,  v.  251. 
Kota  dc  la  Nunciatura  Apostolica,  v.  460. 
Rothaan,  General  of  the  Order  of  Jesus,  v. 

404. 
Rottenburg,  Bishop  of,  v.  605. 
Rottenbnrg,  bishopric,  v.  234,  603. 
Ronbli,  Pastor,  iv.  91,  N.  71,  114,  N.  49, 

L19,  N.  60. 
Rousseau,  Jean  Jacques,  v.  153. 
Royko,  Caspar,  v.  263. 
Ruber  von  Pixeudorf,  John,  iv.  262. 
Rudelbaeh,  Dr.,  v.  525,  543,  577. 
Rudolph  II.,  Emperor  of  Germany,  iv. 

224,  228,  240,  202. 
Rue,  de  la,  v.  237. 
Ruge,  Arnold,  v.  550,  573. 
Ruinart,  Thierry,  v.  237; 
Rupert  of  Zweibriicken,  iv.  166. 
Rupert  II.,  Abbot,  v.  262. 
Rnpp,  v.  556  sq.,  567,  569  sq. 
Rust,  Consistorial  Councilor,  v.  540. 
Rychsner.Utz  (Urbcuius  Jicoius),  iv. 72,  N. 

105. 
Ryswiek,  Peace  of,  v.  327. 


Sabbath,  observance  of  the,  iv.  545,  549. 

Sabbathier,  Pierre,  v.  241. 

Sabbatical  laws,  controversy  upon,  v.  354. 

Sacchinus,  Frauciscus,  v.  137,  N.  46. 

Sachs,  Hans,  iv.  71. 

Sack,  A.  F.W..V.  314. 

Sack,  Bishop,  v.  536. 

Sacramentarians,  iv.  441. 

Sacraments,  Puscyite  views  on  the,  v.  480. 

Sacre*  Coeur,  Association  dn,  v.  410,  413. 

Sacred  Heart,  worship  and  Brotherhood 

of  the,  v.  413. 
Sacrilege,  French  law  regarding,  v.  422. 
Sadoletus,  Jacobus,  iv.  283,  N.  22;  v.  122. 
Sailer,  Johann  Michael,  v.  264,  617,  623. 
Saint-Simon,  v.  420 ;  system  of,  430  sq. 
Saints,  Lives  of  the,  v.  125. 
Saints,  worship  of,  v.  100. 
Salat,  John,  iv.  01,  N.  60. 
Saleon,  Archbishop,  v.  251. 
Sales, Francis  of,  iv.  242;  v.  120. 
Saliger,  John,  iv.  462. 
Salle,  Jean  Baptiste  dc  la,  v.  414. 
Salm-Salm,  Prince,  v.  422, 615. 
Salzburg  controversy  upon  Mariolatrv,  v. 

254,  258. 
Salzburg,  persecutions  of  Protestants  in, 

v.  330: 
Sam,  Conrad,  iv.  7:1,  N.  115,  112,  N.  42. 
Samson,  Bernhardin,  iv.  81,  83. 
Sanden,  Bernhard  von,  v.  300. 
Sander,  Michael,  iv.  si,n.  29. 
Santa  Maria,  v.  112,  N. 9. 
Santa  Rosa,  v.  470. 
Santorio,  nuncio,  v.  74,  N.46. 
Sarata,  v.  621, 
Sardinia,  v.  465  sq.,  468  sq. 
Sarpi,  Paul,  v.  67,  N.  93. 


Saumur,  Academy  at,  iv.  306,  N.  1;  v.  587. 

Saurin,  Jacques,  v.  350,  352. 

Savona,  Pius  VII.  in,  v.  225  sq. 

Schade,  Caspar,  v.  286. 

Schadow  the  younger,  v.  503. 

Sehatrhauscn,  Reformation  in,  iv.  99,160. 

Schall,  Adam,  v.  100,  N.4. 

Schappeller,  Christopher,  iv.  116,  N.  53. 

Scharuin,  Sebastian,  iv.  187. 

Scheibel,  Dr.,  v.  524  sq. 

Schelling,  Friedrich  Wilhelm  Joseph,  v. 

164,  323,  552  sq. 
Schenck,  Jacob,  iv.  431. 
Schlegel,  August  Wilhelm  von,  v.  501. 
Schlegel,  Friedrich  von,  v.  501,  502. 
Schleiermachcr,  Friedrich,  v.  323, 326, 533, 

543  sq. 
Sehliisselburg,  Conrad,  iv.  458,  N.  14. 
Schliiter,  Joachim,  iv.  72,  N.  111. 
Schmid,  Conrad,  iv.  93. 
Schmid,  Johann  Wilhelm,  v.  322. 
Schmidt,  C.  A.  E.,  v.  156. 
Schmidt,  Christian  Friedrich,  v.  315. 
Schmidt,  Johann  Ernst  Christian,  v.  326. 
Schmidt,  Sebastian,  v.  283. 
Schneidemuhl,  v.  616. 
Schncpf,  Erhard,  iv.  Ill,  142, 411,  N.  27. 
Scholte,  Preacher,  v.  582. 
Schomann,  George,  iv.  361,  364,  N.  31. 
Schonborn,  Von,  Elector  of  Mayence,  v. 

25:;. 
Schonherr,  Johann  Hcinrich,  v.  513. 
Schools,  iv.  562. 
Schopper,  Jacob,  iv.  290,  N.  11. 
Schottgen,  Christian,  v.  296. 
Schroeckh,  Johann  Matthaus,  v.  325. 
Sehropfer,  v.  511. 
Schuberf,  Professor,  v.  298. 
Schugger,  Thomas,  iv.  120,  N.  61. 
Sehultens,  Albert,  v.  356. 
Sehulthess,  Johann,  v.  360, 582. 
Sehulz,  Preacher  in  Gielsdorf,  v.  320. 
Schiitz,  Christian,  iv.  468,  N.  39. 
Sehwabaeh  Articles,  iv.  135. 
Sehwabaeh,  Conventions  at,  iv.  129,135. 
Schwarz,  Ildefons,  v.  264. 
Schwarzenberg,  Princess  of,  v.  609. 
Schwenckfeld,  Schwcnckfeldiaus,  iv.  378 

sq. 

Schwcndy,  Lazarus  von,  iv.222,  N.13, 262. 
Scioppius,  Caspar,  v.  104,  N.  30. 
Scotch  Presbyterian  Church,v. 471,484 sq. 
Scotland,  Reformation  in,  iv.  318  sq. 

Sccouristes,  v.  170. 

Sccours  violent*,  v.  179. 

Sedan,  academy  at,  iv.  306,  N.  1 ;  v.  586. 

Seefeld,  Count,  member  of  Order  of  Illu- 

niinati,  v.  158,  N.  7. 
Seeg,  v.  619. 

Seekers,  iv.  348,  N.  23. 

Seidler,  James,  iv.  59,  N.  83. 

Seiler,  Georg  Friedrich,  v.  318. 

Seinshi  ini,  Count,  member  of  Order  of 

Illuminati,  v.  158,  N.  7. 
Seld,  Vice-Chancellor,  iv.  219,  N.  3. 
Selden,  John,  v.  342. 
Seleis,  David,  iv.  232,  N.  39. 
Selnecker,  Nicholas,  iv.462  sq.,492,  N.  49. 
Seinijudaizantes,  iv.  364,  N.  20. 
Semiuaires,  petits,  v.  421,  424, 426,  445. 


INDEX. 


667 


Seminaires,  petits,  in  Belgium,  v.  496. 

Seminaries,  German  Episcopal,  v.  003,604. 

Semipelagianism,  v.  83. 

Semler,  Joliann  Salomo,  v.  311,  314,  316, 
579. 

Scndomir,  Synod  of,  iv.  254. 

Separatism,  v.  508 ;  in  Switzerland,  592. 

Separatists,  v.  507. 

September,  Men  of,  in  Zurich,  v.  493. 

Seripandus,  Hieronymus,  v.  26,  N.  10. 

Servetus,  Michael,  iv.  351  sq.,  357,  418,  N. 
56. 

Serviles,  v.  369;  in  Spain,  454. 

Seume.J.  G.,v.  159,  N.  8. 

Severus,  Wolfgang,  iv.  221,  N.  11. 

Seymour,  Jane,  iv.  328. 

Shaftesbury,  Earl  of,  v.  145. 

Shakton,  Bishop  ofSalisburv,iv.330,N.  37. 

Sibthorp,  Dr.,  iv.  346,  N.  15. 

Siccardi,  Minister,  v.  469. 

Sicily  owes  no  liege  service  to  the  Pope, 
v.  464. 

Sickingen,  Franz  von,  iv.  42,  59. 

Sigismund  August,  King  of  Poland,  iv. 
252,  254. 

Sigismund  I.,  King  of  Poland,  iv.  252. 

Sigismund  III.,  King  of  Poland,  iv.  256, 
275 ;  v.  78,  N.  10, 129,  643. 

Silesia,  ecclesiastical  reforms  in,  iv.  72, 220. 

Silesia,  Reformation  in,  v.  331. 

Simon,  Richard,  v.  241,  243,  271,  310. 

Simons.     See  Menno. 

Simultaneum  in  Baden,  v.  32S ;  in  Prus- 
sia, 301. 

Sintenis,  Pastor,  v.  553. 

Sirmond,  Jacques,  v.  125. 

Sitten,  Von,  Cardinal,  iv.  82,  N.  35. 

Sixtus  V.,  Pope,  v.  59,63. 

Skalich,Paul,  iv.  479. 

Smalcald  Articles,  iv.  168,  399. 

Smalcald,  Congress  at,  iv.  153. 

Smalcald,  Convention  at,  iv.  489. 

Smalcald  League,  iv.  153, 166. 

Smalcald  War,  iv.  187  sq. 

Socialism,  v.  375. 

Socialism  in  England,  v.  475. 

Societe  Catkolique  in  Belgium,  v.  495. 

Society  d'Evangelisation  du  Midi,  v.  447. 
See  Geneva  and  Bordeaux. 

Societe  Evangelique  in  Geneva  and  Paris, 
v.  591. 

Socinians,  iv.  367,  370. 

Socinus,  Faustus,  iv.  364. 

Socinus  (Sozzini)  Laelius,  iv.  285,  N.  31, 
358,  364. 

Soliman,  iv.  153. 

Sollicitudo  Omnium,  Bull,  v.  197,  392. 

Solothuru,  Reformation  in,  iv.  212. 

Somascans,  v.  14. 

Sonderbund,  Swiss,  v.  453,  494. 

Sophia,  Duchess  of  Hanover,  v.  280. 

Sophia  Charlotte,  Queen  of  Prussia,  v. 
161,  300. 

Sorbonne,  the,  against  Luther,  iv.  294; 
against  Harduiu,  v.  238 ;  against  Bos- 
suet,  243 ;  restored,  442. 

Sotelo,  Louis,  v.  117,  N.  18. 

Soul,  mortality  of  the,  v.  343,  N.  16. 

Souverain,  Jean,  v.  352. 

Spain,  Reformation  in,  iv.  288  sq. 


Spalatin,  iv.  137. 

Spangenberg,  August  Gottlieb,  v.  307. 

Spangenberg,  Cyriacus,  iv.  4(51,  N.  22. 

Spanheim,  Frederic,  the  younger,  v.  350. 

Spee,  Friedrich,  v.  253. 

Spencer,  John,  v.  342. 

Spener,  Philip  Jacob,  v.  284  sq.,  293,  299. 

Spiegel,  Ferdinand  August  von,  Archbish- 
op of  Cologne,  v.  630  sq. 

Spinola,  Christopher  Rojas  de,  v.  279  sq. 

Spinoza,  Benedict,  v.  142. 

Spires,  bishopric,  v.  233,  597. 

Spires,  diets  of,  iv.  126, 130, 180. 

Spirituels,  iv.  215. 

Spittler,  Ludwig  Timotheus,  v.  325. 

Spohn,  Frau,  v.  509. 

Stancarus,  Francis,  iv.  285,  N.  31,  362,  4S0 
sq. 

Stapfer,  Johann  Friedrich,  v.  3G0. 

Staphylus,  Friedrich,  iv.  472,  576. 

Stark,  J.  A.,  Court-chaplain,  v.  197. 

Statorius,  Peter,  iv.  361. 

Stattler,  Benjamin,  v.  263. 

Staudliu,  Carl  Friedrich,  v.  323,  326. 

Staupitz,  John  von,  iv.  17,  N.  4. 

Steffens,  Professor,  v.  524. 

Steiger,  v.  591. 

Steinbart,  Gotthilf  Samuel,  v.  317. 

Steiner,  Werner,  iv.  79,  N.  20,  87,  N.  55. 

Stenius,  Simon,  iv.  457,  N.  13. 

Stephan,  Pastor,  v.  521,  525. 

Stephanus,  Robert,  v.  122. 

Sterne,  Lawrence,  v.  345. 

Sterzinger,  P.,  v.  258. 

Steudel,  v.  516. 

Stiefel,  Michael,  iv.  71. 

Stier,  Rudolph,  v.  517. 

Stilling,  Jung,  v.  508,  511. 

Stolberg,  Friedrich,  Count,  v.  502. 

Stonyhurst,  Jesuits  at,  v.  471. 

Stor,  Stephen,  iv.  99. 

Storch,  Nicholas,  iv.  62,  N.  87,  65,  N.  89. 

Storr,  Gottlob  Christian,  v.  323. 

Stossel,  John,  iv.  468,  N.  39. 

Strasburg,  iv.  161. 

Strasburg,  Evangelical  Society  in,  v.  448. 

Strasburg,  Reformation  in,  iv.  73. 

Strasburg,  Theological  Faculty  at,  v.  446 
sq. 

Strauss,  Dr.  David,  v.  491,  551,  573,  585. 

Strigel,  Victorinus,  iv.  447,  455. 

Stubner,  Martin,  iv.  62,  N.  87,  65,  N.  89. 

Stumpf,  Simon,  iv.  87,  N.  55, 119,  N.  60. 

Sturm,  John,  iv.  296,  N.  9. 

Stuttgart,  Baptists  in,  v.  511. 

Stuttgart,  Synod  of,  iv.  451. 

Suabian  Halle,  Reformation  in,  iv.  73. 

Sue,  Eugene,  v.  446. 

Suicerus,  Johann  Caspar,  v.  359. 

Sulzer,  Simon,  iv.  412,  N.  36,  423. 

Superintendents,  iv.  525. 

Superintendents  -  general  in  Prussia,  v. 
536;  in  Wiirtemberg,  542. 

Supernaturalism,  v.  514,  543 ;  among  the 
people,  518. 

Superville,  v.  350. 

Suwarrow  in  Italy,  v.  213,  220. 

Sweden,  Reformation  in,  iv.  72,  270  sq. 

Swedenborg,  Emanuel,  v.  326,  511. 

Swedenborgianism,  v.  511. 


GGS 


INDEX. 


Sykes,  Arthur,  v.  344. 

Symbolical  books,  opinion  of  the  Pie- 
tists with  regard  to  them,  v.  288. 

Syncretism,  iv.  57'. >,  593;  v.  270. 

Syncretistic  controversies,  iv.  293;  v.  270 
sq.,284;  cf.  351. 

Synergistic  controversy,  iv.  443,  454  sq. 

Synod,  Sacred,  in  Russia,  v.  045. 

Synodal  constitution,  v.  528,  530. 

System  of  instruction  in  Austria,  v.  257, 
332. 

System  of  instruction  of  Napoleon,  v.  224. 


Tafel,  Johann  Friedrieh  Immanuel,  v.  511. 

Talleyrand,  De,  Bishop  of  Autun,  v.  216. 

Tangermiinde,  convention  at,  iv.  489. 

Tanner,  Adam,  v.  78, 126,  N.  35,  226,  N.  32. 

Tarisse,  Gregory,  v.  120. 

Tarnopolis,  v.  638. 

Tarnov,  John,  iv.  557. 

Tausen,  Jolin,  iv.  267. 

Teller,  Wilhelm  Abraham,  v.  316,  320. 

Temoignage,  Eglise  de,  v.  591. 

Tern i ilars,'  New,  v.  432,  434. 

Tencin,  Cardinal,  v.  181. 

Territorial  System,  v.  527. 

Test  Act,  v.  333, 471 ;  annulled,  473. 

Testard,  Paul,  Preacher,  iv.  517,  N.  10. 

Tetzel,  John,  iv.  21  sq.,  35. 

Thaer,  Albert,  v.  156. 

Thamer,  Theobald,  iv.  350,  N.  3. 

Tharin,  Bishop  of  Strasburg,  v.  422. 

Theatines,  v.  13. 

Thcincr,  Johann  Anton,  v.  611. 

Theodicee,  Essais  de,  of  Leibnitz,  v.  161. 

Theological  disputes,  iv.  581. 

Theology,  enlightening,  v.  500. 

Theology,  evangelical,  iv.  551  sq. ;  v.  121  sq. 

Theophilanthropists,  v.  219. 

Theses,  controversy  of,  v.  519. 

Thirty  Years'  War,  iv.  233  sq. 

Tholuck,  v.  516. 

Thomac,  Marcus,  iv.  62,  N.  87. 

Thomas,  St.  {Aquinas),  v.  79, 124. 

Thomasins,  Christian,  v.  160;  opposed  to 
trials  for  witchcraft,  253;  against  Masi- 
us,  275;  in  favor  of  Franckc,  287;  ad- 
vocates the  territorial  system,  527. 

Thorn,  Religious  Conference  at,  iv.  257, 
592;  v.  269. 

Tliun,  Count  and  Bishop,  v.  256. 

Thurgau,  fanatics  in,  v.  583. 

Tieck,  Ludwig.v.  501,502. 

Tieftrunk,  Johann  lleinrich,  v.  322. 

Tillis.v.  508. 

Tillemont,  Sebastian  Le  Nain  de,  v.  239. 

Tillotson,  John,  v.  345. 

Tilly,  iv.  334,  236. 

Timann,  John,  iv.  73,  N.  117,  441. 

Tindal,  Matthew,  v.  146. 

Tithes  in  Ireland,  v.  473. 

Tittmann,  v.  533. 

Toland,  John,  v.  145. 

Toledo,  Don  Francisco  de,  v.  32,  N.  4. 

Tolentino,  Peace  of,  v.  219,  390. 

Toleration,  Edict  of,  issued  by  Joseph 
II.,  v.  201,  331. 

Toleration,  Edict  of,  Prussian,  v.  565. 

Toleration,  English  Act  of,  v.  334,  336. 


Torgau  Articles,  iv.  137,  468. 

Torgau  Book,  iv.  483. 

Torgau,  conference  at,  iv.  397. 

Torgau,  convention  at,  iv.  482. 

Torgau,  League  of,  iv.  124. 

Torosowicz,  Nicholas,  v.  L36. 

Tournon,  Cardinal,  iv.  398,  N.  11. 

Tonrnon,  De,  patriarch,  v.  1*7. 

Tract  Society  in  Basle,  v.  582. 

Tracts  for  the  Times,  v.  479  sq. 

Transylvania,  Protestants  in,  v.  331,  641. 

Transylvania,  Reformatiou  in,  iv.  258  sq., 
263  sq. 

Trappists,  v.  245,  418,  424;  in  Lullworth, 
472. 

Trautson,Von,  Prince  and  Archbishop,  v. 
256,  358. 

Tremellius,  Emanuel,  iv.  2S5,  N.  31. 

Tremp,  Leonhard,  iv.  15(5,  N.  6. 

Trent,  Council  of,  iv.  182,  184, 190  sq.,  204 
sq.,  218,  220,  314;  v.  23  sq.,  31  sq.,  44 
sq.,  100,  120. 

Treves,  association  against  celibacy  at,  v. 
612. 

Treves,  bishopric,  v.  233,  599. 

Treves,  holy  coat  of,  v.  615. 

Truchsess,  George  von,  iv.  150,  N.  34. 

Truchsess  von  Waldburg,  Gebhard,  Elec- 
tor of  Cologne,  iv.  225. 

Tschelebi,  Jeremias,  v.  137,  N.  45. 

Tschudi,  Valentin,  iv.  212. 

Tubingen,  Catholic  Faculty  at,  v.  604, 613. 

Turenne,  iv.  237. 

Turretin,  Jean  Alphonse,  and  Francois,  v. 
358. 

Tuscany,  reforms  in,  v.  210  sq.  ;  govern- 
ment of,  466. 

Twesten,  v.  323,  516. 

Tyndal,  William,  iv.  324. 

Tzsehirner,  v.  515. 

U. 
Ubiquity,  doctrine  of,  iv.  462. 
Udligenschwyl  matter,  v.  198,  N.  1. 
Un'olino,  Blasio,  v.  250. 
Uhlick,  Pastor,  v.  554,  559,  564. 
Ulm,  ecclesiastical  reforms  in,  iv.  73. 
Ulmer  Jahresschrift,  v.  606. 
Ulrich,  Count  of  Wurtemberg,  iv.  166. 
Ultramontanes  in  France,  v.  419;  in  Gcr- 

many,  v.  594,  607,  613. 
Uniformity,  Act  of,  iv.  334. 
Unigenitus,  Hull,  v.  170,  179  sq.,  416,  495; 

forbidden  in  Austria,  203. 
Union,  Evangelical,  iv.  232;  of  Utrecht, 

317.   . 
Union  of  the  Reformed  and  Lutheran 

churches,  v.  299,  351,  358,  522;   in  the 

smaller  German  states,  520:  in  Rhenish 

Bavaria,  53.9;   in  Holland,  5S0. 
Unitarians,  iv.  201,  355  sq. 
I'niied  Brethren  in  Wurtemberg,  v.  509; 

Ruppian,  558. 
United  Greek  Christians,  v.  643. 
Universalismus  hypotheticus,  v.  350. 
Universities,  iv.  '501;    suspected  by  the 

Pope,  v.  002;   by  the  Ultramontanes, 

COS. 

Universities,  foreign,  attendance  at,  per- 
mitted in  Austria,  v.  012. 


INDEX. 


C69 


Unschuldige  Nachriehten,  v.  294. 

Upper-presidents  in  Prussia,  v.  536. 

Upsala,  disputation  at,  iv.  271. 

Urban  VII.,  Pope,  v.  59. 

Urban  VIII.,  Pope,  iv.  236;  v.  59,  71, 118, 

N.  19, 119,  N.  6. 
Ursinus,  Benjamin,  v.  300. 
Ursinus,  Zacharias,  iv.  421. 
Ursuline  nuns,  v.  120. 
Usher,  James,  iv.  560 ;  v.  342. 
Utraquists,  iv.  233,  247. 
Utrecht,  Academy  of,  iv.  317. 
Utrecht,  Archbishop  of,  v.  181  sq. 
Uytenbogaert,  John,  iv.  508;  v.  131,  N.  22. 

V. 

Vaccine  Opposed  by  Capadose,  v.  581. 
Vadianus,  Joachim,  iv.  76,  N.  9, 99, 411,  N. 

33. 
Valais,  revolution  in,  v.  492,  493. 
Valais,  the  Reformed  expelled  from,  iv. 

243. 
Valdesius,  Alphonsus,  iv.  58,  N.  SO,  139,  N. 

4,  282,  N.  21. 
Valdez,  Fernando,  iv.  292. 
Valdez,  Juan,  iv.  279. 
Valence,  v.  220. 

Valentin,  Gregorius  de,  v.  126,  N.  35. 
Valero,  Rodrigo  de,  iv.  290. 
Vallarsi,  Dominico,  v.  251. 
Valois,  Henri  du  (Valerius),  v.  238. 
Van  Dale,  Anton,  v.  357. 
Van  der  Kodde,  brothers,  iv.  512. 
Van  Ess,  Carl  and  Leander,  v.  262. 
Van  Hemert,  Paul,  v.  357. 
Van  Limborch,  Philip,  v.  357. 
Van  Oldenbarneveld,  John,  iv.  508,  510 ; 

v.  581. 
Van  Swieten,  Baron,  v.  182,  N.  2,  257. 
Van  Voorst,  John,  v.  356. 
Vassy,  massacre  of,  iv.  304. 
Vatican  Typography  {printing  establish- 
ment), v.  64. 
Valid,  Canton  or  Pays  de,  Reformation  in 

the,  iv.  214;  religious  disturbances  in 

the,  v.  591  sq. 
Vehus,  Hieronymus,  Chancellor,  iv.  150, 

N.  34. 
Veltlin,  massacre  of  Reformed  in,  iv.  243. 
Venaissin  becomes  French,  v.  219. 
Vendee,  disturbances  iu  the,  v.  428. 
Vendite  (rentes),  v.  397. 
Venema,  Hermann,  v.  356. 
Venerable  Compagnie,  v.  359,  5S7,  589. 
Veneration  of  saints  misunderstood,  v. 

628. 
Venice,  Protestants  in,  iv.  287. 
Verbiest,  Ferdinand,  v.  109,  N.  4. 
Vergerio,  Pierpaolo  {Peter  Paul),  iv.  165, 

285 
Vermigli,  Peter  Martyr,  iv.  2S0,  284. 
Verona,  Congress  of,  v.  455. 
Veronius,  v.  242,  N.  1. 
Veto  Act,  Scotch,  v.  485. 
Vicars,  English,  v.  472. 
Victor  Emanuel,  v.  468. 
Vienna,  Congress  of,  v.  595. 
Vienna,  Peace  of,  iv.  263 ;  v.  332. 
Vienna,  theological  school  at,  v.  332,  642. 
Vienna,  University  of,  v.  257. 


Villanucva,  Canon,  v.  455. 

Villele  ministry,  v.  420,  423._ 

Vineam  Domini,  Bull,  v.  175. 

Viret,  Peter,  iv.  213  sq. 

Virves,  Alfonso  de,  iv.  289,  N.  7. 

Visitation  Articles  of  Melancthon,  iv.  129, 

396,  427 ;  of  Schwabach,  129. 
Vitringa,  Campesius,  v.  355. 
Vladislaus  IV.,  King  of  Poland,  iv.  257; 

v.  269. 
Voes,  Heinrich,  iv,  310,  N.  6. 
Voetians,  v.  353  sq. 
Voetius,  Gisbert,  v.  353  sq. 
Vogel,  Matth.,  iv.  477,  N.  21. 
Vogelin,  iv.  457,  N.  12. 
Vo'lprecht,  Wolfgang,  iv.  73,  N.  118. 
Voltaire,  Francois  Marie  Arouet  de,  v. 

151,  426 ;  in  Berlin,  155 ;   in  favor  of 

tolerance,  349. 
Vorstius,  Johann,  v.  2S2. 
Voss,  Johann  Heinrich,  v.  502. 
Vossius,  Gerhard  John,  iv.  559. 
Vulgate,  the,  v.  64, 122. 

W. 

Wagner, George (Carpentarius),  iv.  127,  N. 

17. 
Walch,  Christian  Wilhelm  Franz,  v.  325. 
Walch,  Johann  Georg,  v.  298. 
Waldeck  and  Pyrmout  joins  the  Union, 

v.  526. 
Waldenses,  iv.  286,  298;  v.  348,  466  sq., 

469. 
Walenburch,  Von,  brothers  and  bishops, 

v.  253. 
Wallenstein,  iv.  234,  236. 
Walsingham,  Francis,  iv.  334,  N.  2. 
Walton,  Brian,  v.  341. 
Warsewicz,  Stanislaus,  Jesuit,  iv.  273,  N. 

17. 
Waterlanders  (3Tejmonites),  iv.  875. 
Wegscheider,  Julius  August  Ludwig,  v. 

323,  515,  521. 
Weigel,  Valentine,  iv.  566. 
Weimar,  Colloquy  at,  iv.  454. 
Weimar,  Duke  of,  member  of  Order  of  II- 

luminati,  v.  158,  N.  7. 
Weinsberg,  apparitions  at,  v.  513. 
Weishaupt,  member  of  Order  of  Illumi- 

nati,  v.  157. 
Weislinger,  Johaun    Nicolas,  Jesuit,  v. 

253. 
Weiss,  Michael,  iv.  244,  N.  1,  245,  N.  4. 
Weiss,  Pastor,  iv.  87,  N.  56. 
Weld,  Thomas,  v.  472. 
Weller,  Jacob,  v.  271. 
Werkmeister,  Benedict  Maria  von,  V.  264, 

606. 
Werner,  Gustav,  v.  511. 
Werner,  Zacharias,  v.  502. 
Wesenbecius,  Matth.,  iv.  454,  N.  2. 
Wesley,  John,  v.  338  sq. 
Wesselij,  Bishop  of  Orsha,  v.  645. 
Wessenberg,  Baron  von,  v.  261,  395,  489 

sq.,  606. 
Westerns,  Diet  of,  iv.  129,  271. 
Westphal,  Joachim,  iv.  439. 
Westphalia,  Peace  of,  iv.  237. 
Wetstein,  Johann  Jacob,  v.  357. 
Whiston,  William,  v.  343. 


070 


INDEX. 


Whitby,  Daniel,  v.  343. 

White  Mountain,  battle  of  the,  iv.  233. 

Whitelield,  George,  v.  338. 

Wlcel,  George,  iv.  172,  N.  34,  350,  N.  3, 

570. 
Wichern,  Candidate,  v.  538,  570. 
Widebram,  Friedrieh,  v.  409,  N.  41, 494  sq. 
Widmer,  v.  205,  N.  21. 
Wiedemann,  v.  035. 
Wigand,  John,  iv.  430,  454,  458,  408,  481, 

N.  1,  531,  N.  32. 
Wild,  John,  v.  11,  N.  7. 
Wildenspuch,  v.  583. 
Wilhelmsdorf,  v.  510. 
William,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  iv.  220,  N.  28, 

30. 
William,  Duke  of  Nassau,  iv.  100. 
William  of  Orange,  iv.  316,  377. 
William  of  Orange  {III.,  King  of  England), 

v.  834,  342. 
William  of  Saxe-Zeiz,  v.  275. 
Williams,  David,  Deist   worship    of,  v. 

146. 
Wimpina,  Conrad,  iv.  141  sq. 
Windischmaim,  v.  635. 
Winkler,  George,  iv.  127,  N.  17. 
Winkler,  Preacher,  v.  300. 
Winter,  Veit  Anton,  v.  204. 
Wishart,  George,  iv.  319,  N.  2. 
Wislieenus,  Pastor,  v.  555  sq. 
Witchcraft,  belief  in,  iv.  505 ;  v.  253,  25S. 
Witr-ius,  Hermann,  v.  355. 
Wittenberg,  assembly  of  theologians  at, 

iv.  171,  N.  28. 
Wittenberg  Basis,  iv.  466,  N.  34. 
Wittenberg  Reformation,  iv.  434. 
"Wittenberg,  theology  at,  v.  274  sq. 
Wittenberg,  University  of,  iv.  17  sq. 
Wolf,  Christian,  v.  161,  295,  298. 
Wolf,  Johann  Christoph,  v.  290. 
Wolf  Dietrich,  Archbishop,  restores  Ca- 
tholicism in  Salzburg,  iv.  224,  N.  21. 
Wolfenbuttel  Fragments,  v.  156. 
Wolfgang,  Palgrave  of  Zweibriicken,  iv. 

198. 
Wolfgang  Wilhelm  of  Pfalz-Neuburg,  iv. 

232;  v^529. 
W<>llner,v.  319. 

Wolscy,  Cardinal,  iv.  323,  N.  2,  325,  N.  15. 
Woolston,  Thomas,  v.  145. 
Worms,  Colloquy  at,  iv.  220. 
Worms,  Diets  of,  iv.  56,  182,  420. 
Worms,  Edict  of,  iv.  57,  N.  80,  59,  101, 

126;  league  for  the  execution  of,  70  sq. 
Worms,  religious  conferences  at,  iv.  173, 

443;  v.13. 
Wrangel,  General,  iv.  237. 
Wiirdtwein,  Stephan  Alexander,  v.  263. 
Wiirzburg,  bishopric,  v.  233,  597. 
Wycliffe,  iv.  323. 


Wyttenbach,  Daniel,  v.  360. 

Wj tteubach,  Thomas,  iv.  70,  82,  N.  34, 98. 

X. 

Xavier,  Francis,  v.  16,  N.  10, 19, 106. 

Y. 

York,  Archbishop  of,  v.  482. 
Young-TIegelianism,  v.  560. 
Young  Italy,  v.  402. 

Z. 

Zaccaria,  Jesuit,  v.  251. 

Zanchius,  Hieronymus,  iv.  285,  N.  31, 357, 

N.  6. 
Zapolya,  John  von,  iv.  142,  N.  11,  259. 
Zaupfer,  Andreas,  v.  259. 
Zelanti,  v.  387;   Leo  XII.  in  favor  of 

them,  v.  395  sq. 
Zeller,  Professor,  v.  586. 
Ziegenhagen,  Stephen,  iv.  495,  N.  0. 
Ziejjler,  Gregorius  Thomas,  v.  203,  N.  13, 

638. 
Ziegler,  Jacobus,  iv.  56,  N.  75. 
Ziefer,  Wolfgang,  iv.  72,  N.  105. 
Zillerthal,  inhabitants  of  the,  v.  624. 
Zimmer,  Patricius  Benedict,  v.  20:;. 
Zimmermann,  K.,  Court -chaplain,   his 

Church  Gazette,  v.  519;  active  for  the 

Gustavus  Adolphus  Association,  566; 

publishes    collection    of  sermons  for 

Muhlhausen,  624. 
Zingg,  Franz,  iv.  81,  N.  29. 
Zinzendorf,  Count,  v.  302  sq.,  339,  340. 
Zips,  Count  of,  iv.  126. 
Zitzwitz,  Nicolaus  von,  v.  277,  N.  1. 
Zollikofer,  Geora-  Joachim,  v.  326. 
Zonists,  iv.  376,  N.  16. 
Zons,  v.  610. 

Zsehokke,  Johann  Heinrich  Daniel,  v.  518. 
Zurich,  Anabaptism  in,  iv.  119. 
Zurich,  carnival  farces  against  Papacy  in, 

iv.  97,  N.  100. 
Zurich,  destruction  of  images  in,  iv.  94. 
Zurich,  disputation  at  (1528),  iv.  88  sq. 
Zurich,  German  baptismal  service  intro- 
duced in,  iv.  92. 
Zurich,  overthrow  of  the  government  in, 

v.  491. 
Zurich,  Rationalism  in,  v.  582. 
Zurich,  Reformation  in,  iv.  81  sq.,  357. 
Zurich,  Reformed  Church  of,  iv.  547. 
Zurich,  religious  disturbances  in,  v.  585. 
Zurich,  University  of,  v.  584. 
Ziitphen,  Heinrich  von,  iv.  73,  N.  117. 
Zwingle,  doctrinal  articles  of,  iv.  87,  N. 

65. 
Zwingle,  Ulrich,  iv.  70  sq.,  87,  N.  55,  111, 

150, 150,  160  sq.,  325,  N.  17,  400  sq.,  518, 

533  sq.,547sq.,557. 


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