The Deaf Their Position in Society and the Provision for Their Education in the United States

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Title: The Deaf
Their Position in Society and the Provision for Their
Education in the United States

Author: Harry Best

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THE DEAF

THEIR POSITION IN SOCIETY
AND THE PROVISION FOR
THEIR EDUCATION IN THE
UNITED STATES

BY
HARRY BEST

NEW YORK
THOMAS Y. CROWELL COMPANY
PUBLISHERS

COPYRIGHT, 1914,
BY HARRY BEST.

_Published April, 1914._

Transcriber's Note:

Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note.
Significant corrections have been listed at the end of the text. The
oe ligature has been transcribed as [oe].

TO

THE DEAF OF THE LAND

AND TO THOSE WHO LOVE THEM

FOREWORD

The aim of the present study is to ascertain as far as possible the
standing of the deaf, or, as they are so often called, the "deaf and
dumb," in society in America, and to examine the treatment that has been
accorded to them--to present an account of an element of the population
of whom little is generally known. In this effort regard is had not only
to the interests of the deaf themselves, but also, with the growing
concern in social problems, to the fixing of a status for them in the
domain of the social sciences. In other words, the design may be said to
be to set forth respecting the deaf something of what the social
economist terms a "survey," or, as it may more popularly be described,
to tell "the story of 'the deaf and dumb.'"

The material employed in the preparation of the work has been collected
from various documents, and from not a little personal correspondence:
from the reports and other publications of schools for the deaf, of
organizations interested in the deaf, of state charities, education or
other departments, of the United States bureaus of education and of the
census; from the proceedings of bodies interested in the education of
the deaf, of organizations composed of the deaf, of state and national
conferences of charities and corrections; from the statutes of the
several states; and from similar publications. From the _American Annals
of the Deaf_ the writer has drawn unsparingly, and to it a very
considerable debt is owed. Valuable assistance has also been obtained
from the _Volta Review_, formerly the _Association Review_, and from
papers published by the deaf or in schools for the deaf. Other sources
of information used will be noted from time to time in the work itself.

For all that has been set down the writer is alone responsible. He is,
however, keenly mindful of all the co-operation that has been given him,
and it would be most pleasant if it were possible to relate by name
those who have been of aid. Mere words of thanks could but very little
express the sense of obligation that is felt towards all of these.
Indeed, one of the most delightful features connected with the work has
been the response which as a rule has been elicited by the writer's
inquiries; and in some cases so courteous and gracious have been the
correspondents and informants that one might at times think that a favor
were being done them in the making of the request. To certain ones the
writer cannot escape mentioning his appreciation: to Dr. E. A. Fay,
editor of the _American Annals of the Deaf_, and vice-president of
Gallaudet College; Dr. J. R. Dobyns, of the Mississippi School, and
secretary of the Convention of American Instructors of the Deaf; Mr.
Fred Deland, of the Volta Bureau; Mr. E. A. Hodgson, editor of the
_Deaf-Mutes' Journal_; Mr. E. H. Currier, of the New York Institution,
and Dr. T. F. Fox and Mr. Ignatius Bjorlee, also of this institution;
Dr. Joseph A. Hill, of the Census Bureau; Mr. Alexander Johnson,
formerly secretary of the National Conference of Charities and
Corrections; Dr. H. H. Hart, of the Russell Sage Foundation; Professor
S. M. Lindsay and Dr. E. S. Whitin, of Columbia University; and to the
officials of the Library of Congress, of the New York Public Library, of
the New York State Library, of the New York School of Philanthropy
Library, of the New York Academy of Medicine, of the Columbia University
Library, of the Volta Bureau, and of the Gallaudet College Library.

CONTENTS

PAGE

INTRODUCTION xiii

PART I

POSITION OF THE DEAF IN SOCIETY

CHAPTER

I. THE DEAF IN THE UNITED STATES 3

Meaning of Term "Deaf" in the Present Study--Number of
the Deaf in the United States--Age when Deafness
Occurred--Ability of the Deaf to Speak--Means of
Communication Employed by the Deaf.

II. THE DEAF AS A PERMANENT ELEMENT OF THE POPULATION 13

Increase in the Number of the Deaf in Relation to the
Increase in the General Population--The Adventitiously
Deaf and the Congenitally Deaf--Adventitious Deafness
and its Causes--Possible Action for the Prevention of
Adventitious Deafness--Adventitious Deafness as an
Increasing or Decreasing Phenomenon--The Congenitally
Deaf--The Offspring of Consanguineous Marriages--The
Deaf Having Deaf Relatives--The Offspring of Deaf
Parents--Possible Action for the Prevention of
Congenital Deafness--Congenital Deafness as an
Increasing or Decreasing Phenomenon--Conclusions with
Respect to the Elimination or Prevention of Deafness.

III. TREATMENT OF THE DEAF BY THE STATE 63

General Attitude of the Law towards the Deaf--Legislation
Discriminatory respecting the Deaf--Legislation in
Protection of the Deaf--Legislation in Aid of the
Deaf--Tenor of Court Decisions Affecting the Deaf--Present
Trend of the Law in Respect to the Deaf.

IV. ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE DEAF 75

The Extent to which the Deaf are a Wage-earning and
Self-supporting Element of the Population--Views of the
Deaf as to their Economic Standing--The Deaf as
Alms-seekers--Homes for the Deaf--Conclusions with
Respect to the Economic Position of the Deaf.

V. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE DEAF 91

Social Cleavage from the General Population--Desirability
of Organizations Composed of the Deaf--Purposes,
Activities, and Extent of Such Organizations--Newspapers
of the Deaf.

VI. POPULAR CONCEPTIONS CONCERNING THE DEAF 99

Viewed as a Strange Class--Viewed as a Defective
Class--Viewed as an Unhappy Class--Viewed as a
Dependent Class--Need of a Changed Regard for the Deaf.

VII. PRIVATE ORGANIZATIONS INTERESTED IN THE DEAF 107

General Societies Interested in the Deaf--The Volta
Bureau--Parents' Associations for the Deaf--Church
Missions to the Deaf--Organizations Interested in the
Education of the Deaf--Publications Devoted to the
Interests of the Deaf.

PART II

PROVISION FOR THE EDUCATION OF THE DEAF

VIII. THE EDUCATION OF THE DEAF PRIOR TO ITS INTRODUCTION
INTO THE UNITED STATES 119

IX. HISTORY OF EDUCATION OF THE DEAF IN THE UNITED STATES 129

Early Attempts at Instruction--Beginning of the First
Schools--Early Ideas concerning the Schools for the
Deaf--Aims of the Founders--Extension of the Means of
Instruction over the Country.

X. ORGANIZATION OF THE INSTITUTIONS AND GENERAL PROVISIONS 171

Arrangements in the Different States--Semi-Public
Institutions--"Dual Schools"--Provision for the
Deaf-Blind--Provision for the Feeble-minded
Deaf--Government of the Different Institutions--Procedure
in States without Institutions.

XI. THE DAY SCHOOL FOR THE DEAF 187

Inception and Growth of the Day School--Design and
Scope of Day Schools--Extent and Organization of Day
Schools--Arguments for the Day School--Arguments
against the Day School--Evening Schools for Adults.

XII. DENOMINATIONAL AND PRIVATE SCHOOLS 202

Denominational Schools--Private Schools.

XIII. THE NATIONAL COLLEGE 206

XIV. PROVISION FOR EDUCATION BY STATES 209

XV. CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS FOR SCHOOLS 242

Extent of Constitutional Provisions--Language and Forms
of Provisions.

XVI. QUESTION OF THE CHARITY CONNECTION OF SCHOOLS 248

Institutions Sometimes Regarded as Educational:
Sometimes as Charitable--Charity in Connection with
Schools for the Deaf--Arguments for the Connection with
Boards of Charities--Arguments in Opposition to the
Connection---Conclusions in Respect to the Charity
Connection of Schools for the Deaf.

XVII. PROVISIONS CONCERNING ADMISSION OF PUPILS INTO SCHOOLS 262

Rules as to the Payment of Fees--Provision for the
Collateral Support of Pupils--Age Limits of Attendance.

XVIII. ATTENDANCE UPON THE SCHOOLS 268

The Proportion of the Deaf in the Schools--The Need of
Compulsory Education Laws for the Deaf--Present Extent
of Compulsory Education Laws.

XIX. METHODS OF INSTRUCTION IN SCHOOLS 277

The Use of Signs as a Means of Communication--Rise and
Growth of the Oral Movement--Present Methods of
Instruction--Courses of Study and Gradations of
Pupils--Industrial Training in the Schools.

XX. COST TO THE STATE FOR EDUCATION 293

Value of the Property Used for the Education of the
Deaf--Cost of the Maintenance of the Schools--Form of
Public Appropriations--Cost to the State for Each
Pupil.

XXI. PUBLIC DONATIONS OF LAND TO SCHOOLS 299

Grants by the National Government--Grants by the
States--Grants by Cities or Citizens.

XXII. PRIVATE BENEFACTIONS TO SCHOOLS 303

Donations of Money--Gifts for Pupils--Present
Tendencies of Private Benefactions.

XXIII. CONCLUSIONS WITH RESPECT TO THE WORK FOR THE
DEAF IN AMERICA 309

APPENDIX A 325

TABLE WITH RESPECT TO HOMES FOR THE DEAF IN AMERICA.

APPENDIX B 326

TABLES WITH RESPECT TO SCHOOLS FOR THE DEAF IN AMERICA.

I. PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS 326
II. PUBLIC DAY SCHOOLS 329
III. DENOMINATIONAL AND PRIVATE SCHOOLS 331

INDEX 333

INTRODUCTION

Society as a whole knows little of the deaf, or the so-called deaf and
dumb. They do not form a large part of the population, and many people
seldom come in contact with them. Their affliction to a great extent
removes them from the usual avenues of intercourse with men and debars
them from many of the social activities of life, all tending to make the
deaf more or less a class apart in the community. They would seem, then,
to have received separate treatment, as a section not wholly absorbed
and lost in the general population, but in a measure standing out and
differentiated from the rest of their kind. Thus it comes that society
has to take notice of them. By reason of their condition certain duties
are called forth respecting them, and certain provision has to be made
for them.

The object of the present study of the deaf is to consider primarily the
attitude of society or the state in America towards them, the duties it
has recognized in respect to them, the status it has created for them,
and the extent and forms, as well as the adequacy and correctness, of
this treatment. Hence in our study of the problems of the deaf, the
approach is not to be by the way of medicine, or of law, or of
education, though all these aspects will be necessarily touched upon.
Nor is our study to deal with this class as a problem of psychology or
of mental or physical abnormality, though more or less consideration
will have to be given to these points. Nor yet again are we to concern
ourselves principally with what is known as the "human interest"
question, though we should be much disappointed if there were not found
an abundance of human interest in what we shall have to consider.
Rather, then, we are to regard the deaf as certain components of the
state who demand classification and attention in its machinery of
organization. Our attitude is thus that of the social economist, and the
object of our treatment is a part or section of the community in its
relation to the greater and more solidified body of society.

More particularly, our purpose is twofold. We first consider the deaf,
who they are, and their place in society, and then examine the one great
form of treatment which the state gives, namely, the making of provision
for their education. This we have attempted to do in two parts, Part I
treating of the position of the deaf in society, and Part II of the
provisions made for their education. As we shall find, the special care
of the state for the deaf to-day has assumed practically this one form.
Means of education are extended to all the state's deaf children, and
with this its attention for the most part ceases. It has come to be seen
that after they have received an education, they deserve or require
little further aid or concern. But it has not always been the policy of
the state to allow to the deaf the realization that they form in its
citizenship an element able to look out for themselves, and demanding
little of its special oversight. They have a story full of interest to
tell, for the way of the deaf to the attainment of this position has
been long and tortuous, being first looked upon as wards, and then by
slow gradations coming to the full rights and responsibilities of
citizenship. In this final stage, where the state provides education for
the deaf only as it provides it for all others, and attempts little
beyond, the deaf find themselves on a level with citizens in general in
the state's regard.

In Part I, after we have ascertained who are meant by the "deaf," and
how many of them there are, we are to find ourselves confronted by a
question which is of the foremost concern to society; namely, whether
the deaf are to be considered a permanent part of the population, or
whether society may have means at hand to eliminate or prevent deafness.
After this, our discussion will revolve about the deaf from different
points of view, regarding them in the several aspects in which they
appear to society. We shall examine the treatment which the state in
general accords the deaf, how they are looked upon in the law, and what
changes have been brought about in its attitude towards them. This may
be said to be the view of the publicist or legalist. Next, we shall
attempt to see how far the deaf are really a class apart in the life of
the community. This will involve an examination, on the one hand, as to
whether their infirmity is a bar to their independent self-support, that
is, whether they are potentially economic factors in the world of
industry, how far their status is due to what they themselves have done,
and to what extent this result has modified the regard and treatment of
society; and, on the other, how far their want of hearing stands in the
way of their mingling in the social life of the community in which they
live, whether the effect of this will tend to force the deaf to
associate more with themselves than with the rest of the people, and
what forms their associations take. These will be the views respectively
of the economist and the sociologist. Then we shall consider the regard
in which the deaf are popularly held, the view of "the man in the
street," and whether this regard is the proper and just one. Lastly, we
shall note what movements have been undertaken in the interests of the
deaf by private organizations, and to what extent these have been
carried.

In Part II we shall consider the provision that has been made for the
instruction of deaf children. First we shall review the attempts at
instruction in the Old World, and then carefully follow the development
of instruction in America, considering the early efforts in this
direction, the founding of the first schools, and the spread of the work
over the land; and noting how it was first taken up by private
initiative, in time to be seconded or taken over by the state, and how
far the state has seen and performed its duty in this respect. Public
institutions have been created in nearly all the states, and we shall
examine the organizations of these institutions and the general
arrangements in the different states. The development of the work also
includes a system of day schools, a certain number of private schools
and a national college, all of which we shall consider, devoting
especial attention to the day schools and their significance. Following
this, we shall consider how each state individually has been found to
provide for the instruction of the deaf, observing also the extent to
which the states have made provision in their constitutions, and the
extent to which the schools are regarded as purely educational. Next, we
shall proceed to inquire into the terms of admission of pupils into the
schools; and we shall particularly concern ourselves with the
investigation of the question of how far the means provided for
education by the state are actually availed of by the deaf. The great
technical problems involved in the education of the deaf will be outside
the province of this work, but we shall indicate, so far as public
action may be concerned, the present methods of instruction. This done,
we shall mark what is the cost to the state of all this activity for the
education of its deaf children, noting also how far the state has been
assisted in the work by private benevolence. In the final chapter of our
study we shall set down the conclusions which we have found in respect
to the work for the deaf on the whole in the United States.

PART I

POSITION OF THE DEAF IN SOCIETY

CHAPTER I

THE DEAF IN THE UNITED STATES

MEANING OF TERM "DEAF" IN THE PRESENT STUDY

By the "deaf" in the present study is meant that element of the
population in which the sense of hearing is either wholly absent or is
so slight as to be of no practical value; or in which there is inability
to hear and understand spoken language; or in which there exists no real
sound perception. In other words, those persons are meant who may be
regarded as either totally deaf or practically totally deaf.[1] With
such deafness there is not infrequently associated an inability to
speak, or to use vocal language. Hence our attention may be said to be
directed to that part of the community which, by the want of the sense
of hearing and oftentimes also of the power of speech, forms a special
and distinct class; and is known, more or less inaccurately, as the
"deaf and dumb" or "deaf-mutes" or "mutes."

In our discussion it is with deafness that we are primarily concerned.
_Deafness_ and _dumbness_ are, physically, two essentially different
things. There is no anatomical connection between the organs of hearing
and those of speech; and the structure and functioning of each are such
as to preclude any direct pathological relation. The number of the
so-called deaf and dumb, moreover, who are really dumb is very small--so
small actually as to be negligible. Almost all who are spoken of as deaf
and dumb have organs of speech that are quite intact, and are, indeed,
constructively perfect. It comes about, however, that dumbness--considered
as the want of normal and usual locution--though organically separate
from deafness, is a natural consequence of it; and does, as a matter of
fact, in most cases to a greater or less extent, accompany or co-exist
with it. The reason of this is that the deaf, particularly those who
have always been so, being unable to hear, do not know how to use their
organs of speech, and especially are unable to modulate their speech by
the ear, as the hearing do. If the deaf could regain their hearing, they
would have back their speech in short order. The character of the human
voice depends thus on the ear to an unrealized degree.

NUMBER OF THE DEAF IN THE UNITED STATES

According to the census of 1900 there were 37,426 persons in the United
States enumerated as totally deaf;[2] and according to that of 1910
there were 43,812 enumerated as "deaf and dumb."[3] Hence we may assume
that there are between forty and fifty thousand deaf persons in the
United States forming a special class.[4]

The following table will give the number of the deaf in the several
states and the number per million of population, according to the census
of 1910.[5]

NUMBER OF THE DEAF IN THE SEVERAL STATES

NO. PER NO. PER
MILLION OF MILLION OF
NO. POPULATION NO. POPULATION

United States 43,812 476 Montana 117 311
Alabama 807 377 Nebraska 636 531
Arizona 53 259 Nevada 23 281
Arkansas 729 464 New Hampshire 191 443
California 784 329 New Jersey 667 263
Colorado 243 304 New Mexico 177 540
Connecticut 332 297 New York 4,760 522
Delaware 59 291 North Carolina 1,421 644
District of Columbia 114 344 North Dakota 239 414
Florida 216 286 Ohio 2,582 539
Georgia 956 366 Oklahoma 826 491
Idaho 114 349 Oregon 241 359
Illinois 2,641 468 Pennsylvania 3,656 477
Indiana 1,672 619 Rhode Island 208 383
Iowa 950 427 South Carolina 735 485
Kansas 934 552 South Dakota 315 539
Kentucky 1,581 690 Tennessee 1,231 563
Louisiana 774 468 Texas 1,864 478
Maine 340 458 Utah 232 621
Maryland 746 576 Vermont 126 354
Massachusetts 1,092 324 Virginia 1,120 543
Michigan 1,315 468 Washington 368 323
Minnesota 1,077 519 West Virginia 713 584
Mississippi 737 410 Wisconsin 1,251 537
Missouri 1,823 553 Wyoming 24 159

From this table the largest proportions of the deaf appear to be found
in the states rather toward the central part of the country, and the
smallest in the states in the far west and the extreme east. The highest
proportions occur in Kentucky, North Carolina, Utah, Indiana, West
Virginia, Maryland, Tennessee, Missouri, Kansas, Virginia, New Mexico,
Ohio, South Dakota, Wisconsin, Nebraska, New York, and Minnesota, all
these states having over 500 per million of population. The lowest
proportions are found in Wyoming, Arizona, New Jersey, Nevada, Florida,
Delaware, Connecticut, Colorado, Montana, Washington, Massachusetts,
California, District of Columbia, Idaho, Vermont, Oregon, Alabama, and
Rhode Island, in none of these states the number being over 400 per
million. Why there should be these differences in the respective
proportions of the deaf in the population of the several states, we
cannot say; and we are generally unable to determine to what the
variations are to be ascribed--whether they are to be set down to
particular conditions of morbidity, the intensity of congenital
deafness, or other influences operating in different sections; or,
perhaps in some measure, to the greater thoroughness with which the
census was taken in some places than in others.

AGE WHEN DEAFNESS OCCURRED

The vast majority of the deaf lost their hearing in early life, and most
of them in the tender years of infancy and childhood. More than ninety
per cent (90.6, according to the returns of the census) became deaf
before the twentieth year; nearly three-fourths (73.7 per cent) under
five; over half (52.4 per cent) under two; and over a third (35.5 per
cent) were born deaf. Deafness thus occurs in a strongly diminishing
ratio with advancing years.[6] These facts may be indicated by the
following table,[7] which shows the percentages of those who became deaf
at different ages.

THE DEAF ACCORDING TO AGE OF OCCURRENCE OF DEAFNESS

At birth 35.5
After birth and under two 16.9

Under two years 52.4
2 and under 4 17.1
4 and under 6 7.3
6 and under 8 4.5
8 and under 10 2.8
10 and under 12 1.8
12 and under 14 1.6
14 and under 16 1.3
16 and under 18 1.0
18 and under 20 0.8

Under five 73.7
5 and under 10 10.5
10 and under 15 4.0
15 and under 20 2.4

Under 20 90.6
20 and under 40 5.7
40 and under 60 2.4
60 and under 80 1.1
80 and over 0.2

ABILITY OF THE DEAF TO SPEAK

We have just seen that "dumbness" frequently follows upon deafness, or
that it is usually believed to be an effect of deafness. It is true that
with the majority of the deaf phonetic speech is not employed to any
large extent; but there is at the same time a fair number who can, and
do, use vocal language. This speech varies to a wide degree, in some
approximating normal speech, and in others being harsh and understood
with difficulty; and it depends in the main upon three conditions: 1.
the age at which deafness occurred, this being the most important
factor; 2. the extent to which the voice is cultivated; and 3. the
remaining power of the ear (which is found but seldom).[8]

Of the deaf persons enumerated in the census,[9] 21.5 per cent were
reported able to speak well; 15.8 per cent imperfectly; and 62.7 per
cent not at all. In other words, somewhat over a third of the deaf can
speak more or less, one-fifth being able to speak well, and one-sixth
imperfectly, while over three-fifths do not speak at all. The dependence
of the ability to speak upon the age of becoming deaf is clearly in
evidence here, the proportion of those not able to speak showing a
great decrease with the rise of this age. Thus, of those born deaf, 83.5
per cent cannot speak at all; of those becoming deaf after birth and
under five, 74.6 per cent; of those becoming deaf after five and under
twenty, 26.5 per cent; and of those becoming deaf after twenty, 3.4 per
cent.

Some of the deaf are able to read the lips of the speaker, or as it is
better expressed, to read speech, or to understand what is being said by
watching the motions of the mouth. This in reality is a distinct art
from the ability to speak, though popularly they are often thought to be
co-ordinate or complementary one to the other. Like the ability to
speak, it varies in wide degree, from the ability to understand simple
and easy expressions only, to the ability to follow protracted
discourse; and like the ability to speak, it is found in increasing
frequency with the rise of the age of becoming deaf. According to the
census,[10] 38.6 per cent of the deaf are able to read the lips. Of
those born deaf, 28.0 per cent have this ability; of those becoming deaf
after birth and under five, 37.1 per cent; of those becoming deaf after
five and under twenty, 64.3 per cent; and of those becoming deaf after
twenty, 43.6 per cent.[11]

MEANS OF COMMUNICATION EMPLOYED BY THE DEAF

If the larger number of the deaf do not use the speech which is used by
those who can hear, how is it that their communication is carried on?
The chief method is a certain silent tongue peculiar to the deaf, known
as the "sign language,"[12] a part of which may be said to be the manual
alphabet, or the system of finger-spelling,[13] the two usually going
hand in hand. In this way most of the deaf are enabled to communicate
with each other readily and fluently. But this language, or at least the
greater part of it, not being known to people generally, the deaf
frequently have to fall back on writing to convey their ideas in
communicating with hearing persons. This, while slow and cumbersome, is
the surest and most reliable method of all. In addition, as we have
seen, a certain number of the deaf are able to use speech, which of
course has manifold advantages. These are the several methods, then, of
communication employed by the deaf; but they are not usually employed
singly, as most of the deaf are able to use two or more. According to
the census,[14] the sign language alone or in combination with other
methods is employed by 68.2 per cent, or over two-thirds of the deaf;
finger-spelling by 52.6 per cent, or over one-half; writing by almost
the same proportion--51.9 per cent; and speech by 39.8 per cent, or some
two-fifths. It is probable, however, that the proportions employing the
sign language, finger-spelling and writing, either singly or with other
methods, are really somewhat larger. In this case, likewise, we find
that the lower the age of becoming deaf, the smaller is the proportion
of the deaf with speech, which shows again the connection of the ability
to speak with the age of the occurrence of deafness. Of those born deaf,
speech alone or in combination with other methods is used by 18.2 per
cent; of those becoming deaf after birth and under five, by 27.4 per
cent; of those becoming deaf after five and under twenty, by 75.3 per
cent; and of those becoming deaf after twenty, by 97.7 per cent.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] There are no sharply dividing lines between the different degrees of
deafness, but it is only those described that really constitute a
special class. Persons whose hearing is such as to be of use even in
some slight degree are rather to be distinguished as "hard of hearing."

[2] By this census both the partially deaf and the totally deaf were
enumerated, or 89,287 in all. The former should not have been
enumerated, the enumerators being instructed not to include those able
to hear loud conversation.

[3] For the census returns for 1900, see "Special Reports of the Census
Office. The Blind and the Deaf," 1906. This report was under the special
direction of Dr. Alexander Graham Bell, who has long been interested in
the deaf. The returns of the census for 1910 are yet to be revised,
while at the same time additional data are to be secured to be published
as a special report like that of 1906. As yet the census office has for
1910 only the actual enumeration of the deaf and dumb in the various
states, and the returns with respect to other particulars regarding them
are yet to be completed. See _Volta Review_, xiii., 1911, p. 399. Hence
in our discussions we shall, except for the number by states, deal with
the census of 1900. For a review of this census, see _American Annals of
the Deaf_, Sept., 1906, to May, 1907 (li., lii.). In a number of states
certain county officers are required from time to time to enumerate the
deaf. For a census in one state, see Bulletin of Labor of Massachusetts,
July-Aug., 1907.

[4] Included in the census of 1900 were 491 deaf-blind persons (totally
deaf), and in that of 1910, 584.

[5] From statistics kindly furnished by the Census Bureau.

[6] This is just the opposite of the case with the blind.

[7] Special Reports, 1906, p. 79. Some 2,000 cases were thrown out for
indefinite replies, leaving 35,479, upon which our percentages are
based.

[8] A somewhat frequent classification of the deaf in respect to their
power to speak is to regard them roughly as falling into three great
divisions: 1. "Deaf-mutes," who come nearest to being deaf and dumb.
They have always been deaf, and have never had natural speech. What
speech they may possess has come from special instruction, with the
result that it is more or less artificial. 2. "Semi-mutes," who are
deaf, but who have once had hearing as well as speech; and this speech
they are able to use to a greater or less degree, though in time it is
likely to become more and more astray. 3. "Semi-deaf" persons, who are
only partly deaf, and possess a little hearing, though it is too slight
to be of real practical use; and who have voices most nearly approaching
the normal. They belong somewhere between the really deaf and the hard
of hearing.

[9] Special Reports, pp. 82, 240.

[10] _Ibid._, pp. 87, 240. For 8,966 no returns were made.

[11] On the subject of lip-reading, see especially E. B. Nitchie,
"Lip-Reading: its Principles and Practice", 1912.

[12] This "sign language" is referred to at somewhat more length in
Chapter XIX.

[13] Sometimes called "the deaf and dumb alphabet".

[14] Special Reports, pp. 89, 240. For 2,365 no returns were made.

CHAPTER II

THE DEAF AS A PERMANENT ELEMENT OF THE POPULATION

INCREASE IN THE NUMBER OF THE DEAF IN RELATION TO THE INCREASE IN THE
GENERAL POPULATION

Are the deaf to be a permanent element in the constitution of the
population? Are they always to be reckoned with in the life of the state
and the regard of society? Would it not be well to inquire whether or
not deafness may be eliminated, or at least reduced to an appreciable
degree? These are questions that present themselves at the outset in a
consideration of the relation of the deaf to society, and to them we now
devote our attention.

Our first inquiry in the matter is directed to the question whether
deafness as a whole is increasing, decreasing or remaining stationary,
in relation to the general population. To determine this, we have
recourse to the census returns of the deaf in connection with those of
the general population. Unfortunately, however, comparisons of the
different censuses respecting the deaf are not altogether to be
depended upon, for the reason that they have not always been taken on
the same basis, and conclusions from them consequently have to be
accepted with qualifications. Special census returns of the deaf have
been made since 1830; but the censuses of 1830-1870 purport to be of the
deaf and dumb; the census of 1880, of the deaf who became deaf under
sixteen years of age; that of 1890, of the deaf and dumb; that of 1900,
of the totally deaf; and that of 1910, of the deaf and dumb. The results
thus obtained are in the main analogous, but there are a certain number
of cases included on one basis that would be excluded on another, and
_vice versa_.[15]

Taking the statistics as they are, we have the following table,[16]
which gives the number of the deaf as found in the several censuses,
according to the bases upon which they were made, together with the
ratio per million of population.

NUMBER OF THE DEAF ACCORDING TO THE CENSUSES OF 1830-1910

NO. PER
MILLION OF
YEAR NUMBER POPULATION

1830 (the deaf and dumb) 6,106 475
1840 (the deaf and dumb) 7,665 449
1850 (the deaf and dumb) 9,803 423
1860 (the deaf and dumb) 12,821 408
1870 (the deaf and dumb) 16,205 420
1880 (deafness occurring under sixteen) 33,878 675
1890 (the deaf and dumb) 40,592 648
1900 (the totally deaf) 37,426 492
1910 (the deaf and dumb) 43,812 476

From this table there appears to be a steady decrease in the number of
the deaf in relation to the general population from 1830 to 1860, this
latter year seeming to be the low water mark. From 1860 to 1870 there is
a slight increase, and from 1870 to 1880 a very large one, due to some
extent to the method of taking the census. From 1880 to 1890 there is a
certain decrease, though the proportion is still very high. From 1890 to
1900 there is a very considerable decrease, probably indicating a return
to true conditions; and a not negligible decrease from 1900 to 1910.

On the whole, with respect to these statistics, probably the most that
we can safely say is that deafness is at least not on the increase
relatively among the population, while there is a possibility that at
present it is decreasing. For further determinations, we shall have to
seek other means of inquiry.

THE ADVENTITIOUSLY DEAF AND THE CONGENITALLY DEAF

We may perhaps best approach the problem of deafness as an increasing or
decreasing phenomenon in the population, if we think of the deaf as
composed of two great classes: those adventitiously deaf, that is, those
who have lost their hearing by some disease or accident occurring after
birth, and those congenitally deaf, that is, those who have never had
hearing.[17] In regard to the former class, it follows that we are
largely interested in the consideration of those diseases, especially
those of childhood, which may affect the hearing, and in their
prevention or diminution we can endeavor to ascertain how far there are
possibilities of reducing the number of the deaf of this class. In the
latter case we are called upon to examine some of the great problems
involved in the study of heredity, especially in respect to the extent
that the offspring is affected by defects or abnormalities of the
parent, and to see what, if any, means are at hand to alter conditions
that bring about this form of deafness. We shall first discuss the
causes of adventitious deafness, together with the possibilities of its
prevention and the likelihood of its diminution, and then consider the
questions involved in congenital deafness.

ADVENTITIOUS DEAFNESS AND ITS CAUSES

From three-fifths to two-thirds of the cases of deafness are caused
adventitiously--by accident or disease. To accidents, however, only a
very small part are due, probably less than one-fiftieth of the entire
number.[18] Nearly all adventitious deafness results from some disease,
either as a primary disease of the auditory organs, or as a sequence or
product of some disease of the system, often one of infectious
character, the deafness thus constituting a secondary malady or ailment.
The larger portion is of the latter type, probably less than a fourth
resulting from original ear troubles.[19] In either case deafness occurs
usually in infancy or childhood, and does its harm by attacking the
middle or internal ear.

From diseases of the middle ear results over one-fourth (27.2 per cent,
according to the census) of all deafness, and from diseases of the
internal ear, one-fifth (20.7 per cent), very little (0.6 per cent)
being caused by disorders of the outer ear. Of the classified cases of
deafness, according to the census, 56.3 per cent are due to diseases
affecting the middle ear, and 42.7 per cent to diseases affecting the
internal. Of diseases of the middle ear, 72 per cent are of suppurative
character, often with inflammation or abscess, and 28 per cent
non-suppurative, or rather catarrhal in character. Of diseases of the
internal ear, 89 per cent are affections of the nerve, and 10 per cent
of the labyrinth. It is to be noted that when the affection is of the
internal ear, the result is usually total deafness.

By specified diseases, the leading causes of deafness are scarlet fever
(11.1 per cent), meningitis (9.6), brain fever (4.7), catarrh (3.6),
"disease of middle ear" (3.6), measles (2.5), typhoid fever (2.4), colds
(1.6), malarial fever (1.2), influenza (0.7), with smaller proportions
from diphtheria, pneumonia, whooping cough, la grippe, and other
diseases. A large part of deafness is seen to be due to infectious
diseases, the probabilities being that fully one-third is to be so
ascribed, with one-fifth from infectious fevers alone.

After birth and under two years of age, the chief causes of deafness are
meningitis, scarlet fever, disease of middle ear, brain fever, and
measles. From two to five scarlet fever and meningitis are far in the
lead, with many cases also from brain fever, disease of middle ear,
measles, and typhoid fever. From five to ten scarlet fever alone
outdistances all other diseases, followed in order by meningitis, brain
fever and typhoid fever. From ten to fifteen the main causes are
meningitis, scarlet fever, brain fever, and catarrh; from fifteen to
twenty catarrh and meningitis; from twenty to forty catarrh, colds and
typhoid fever; and from forty on, catarrh.

The following table[20] will show in detail the several causes of
deafness and their respective percentages.

CAUSES OF DEAFNESS

Total classified 48.5
External ear 0.6
Impacted cerumen 0.2
Foreign bodies 0.1
Miscellaneous 0.3
Middle ear 27.2
Suppurative 19.6
Scarlet fever 11.1
Disease of ear 3.6
Measles 2.5
Influenza 0.7
Other causes 1.7
Non-suppurative 7.6
Catarrh 3.6
Colds 1.6
Other causes 2.4
Internal ear 20.7
Labyrinth 1.8
Malarial fever 1.2
Other causes 0.6
Nerves 18.5
Meningitis 9.6
Brain fever 4.7
Typhoid fever 2.4
Other causes 1.8
Brain center 0.3
Miscellaneous 0.1
Unclassified 45.3
Congenital 33.7
Old age 0.3
Military service 1.0
Falls and blows 2.8
Sickness 2.7
Fever 2.0
Hereditary 0.3
Miscellaneous 2.5
Unknown 6.2

In fairly approximate agreement with the returns of the census, are the
records of the special schools for the deaf in respect to the causes of
deafness in their pupils, with information also as to the amount from
the minor diseases. The following table will give the causes by specific
diseases, as found in one school, the Pennsylvania Institution, for two
years:[21]

CAUSES OF DEAFNESS OF PUPILS IN PENNSYLVANIA INSTITUTION

1906 1907
PER CENT PER CENT

Total number 510 100.0 500 100.0
Born deaf 213 41.8 206 41.2
Scarlet fever 43 8.2 47 9.4
Meningitis 36 7.1 40 8.0
Falls 24 4.7 25 5.0
Diseases of ear and throat 13 2.6 23 4.6
Catarrh and colds 13 2.6 -- --
Measles 18 3.5 18 3.6
Brain fever 17 3.3 16 3.2
Convulsions 14 2.8 13 2.6
Abscesses 10 2.0 12 2.4
La grippe 10 2.0 7 1.4
Accidents (not stated) 9 1.8 7 1.4
Whooping cough 7 1.4 7 1.4
Typhoid fever 7 1.4 6 1.2
Diphtheria 6 1.2 6 1.2
Mumps 5 1.0 5 1.0
Paralysis 5 1.0 4 0.8
Marasmus 2 0.4 4 0.8
Pneumonia 4 0.8 2 0.4
Dentition -- -- 2 0.4
Dropsy of blood 2 0.4 -- --
Chicken pox 1 0.2 1 0.2
Poisoning 1 0.2 1 0.2
Intermittent fever 1 0.2 1 0.2
Blood clotting on brain 1 0.2 -- --
Cholera infantum 1 0.2 -- --
Gastric fever -- -- 1 0.2
Sickness (not stated) 10 2.0 8 1.6
Unknown 37 7.3 38 7.6

POSSIBLE ACTION FOR THE PREVENTION OF ADVENTITIOUS DEAFNESS

In respect to present activities for the prevention of adventitious
deafness, we find the situation very much like that of marking time.
Deafness, since the beginning of time, has largely been accepted as the
portion of a certain fraction of the race, and any serious and
determined efforts for its eradication have been considered for the
most part as of little hope.[22] With the auditory organs so securely
hidden away in the head, entrenched within the protecting temporal bone,
and with their structure so delicate and complicated, the problem may
well have been regarded a baffling one even for the best labor of
medicine and surgery. Hence it is that after deafness has once effected
lodgment in the system, a cure has not usually been regarded as within
reach, though for certain individual cases there may be medical
examination and treatment, with attempts made at relief. For deafness in
general, it has been felt that there has been little that could be done
in the way of prevention or cure beyond the preservation of the general
health and the warding off of diseases that might cause loss of hearing.

As a matter of fact, however, altogether too little attention has been
given hitherto to the possibilities of the prevention of deafness.
Without question there is much at the outset that can be accomplished
towards the prevention of those diseases that cause deafness. A large
part, perhaps fully a third, as we have seen, are due to infectious
diseases, and it is probably here that measures are likely to be most
efficacious. A considerable portion likewise are the result of diseases
affecting the passages of the nose and throat, and help should be
possible for many of these if taken in hand soon enough. In certain
diseases also, as scarlet fever, measles, typhoid fever, diphtheria, and
others, there are not a few cases which, so far as deafness as a
development is concerned, would prove amenable to skillful and
persistent treatment. At the same time due attention to primary ear
troubles would in a number of instances keep off permanent deafness.
Indeed, it is possible that some thirty or forty per cent of
adventitious deafness is preventable by present known means.[23]

Aside from direct medical treatment for those diseases that cause
deafness, there are other measures available in a program for the
prevention of deafness. One of the foremost essentials is the report to
the health authorities of all serious diseases that are liable to result
in deafness. In this way proper medical care may be secured, and due
precautions may be taken to isolate infectious cases. Even with
meningitis, which is so hard usually to deal with and which is so
severe in its ravages, there is often some concomitant trouble, and if
made notifiable in all cases deafness from it might be checked in no
inconsiderable measure. The report of births is also especially needed,
and as it becomes obligatory in general, with the consequent detection
of physical ailments or disabilities, early cases of deafness may come
increasingly to notice, and timely treatment may be availed of.
Particular attention is likewise necessary in respect to the medical
examination of school children. The proportion of such children with
impaired hearing is not slight, even though no great part of them become
totally deaf. A committee on defective eyes and ears of school children
of the National Educational Association in 1903 found that of 57,072
children examined in seven cities, 2,067, or 3.6 per cent, were
extremely defective in hearing.[24] An investigation of the school
children in New York City has disclosed the fact that one per cent have
seriously defective hearing.[25] Under proper and adequate medical
inspection of schools, not only would the need of treatment for adenoids
and similar troubles be brought to light, with the result that a number
of incipient cases might be stopped in time, but in some instances of
deafness already acquired beneficial treatment might be possible.[26]

There is thus a considerable sphere for action towards the prevention of
adventitious deafness both by legislation and by education. For the
ultimate solution of its problems, however, we have to look mainly to
the medical profession. In recent years medical science has won some
great triumphs, and in the field of the prevention of deafness no little
may be in store to be accomplished in the years to come.[27] Even now,
with more particular attention to the diseases of children, and with
stronger insistence upon general sanitary measures, the probabilities
are that there is less deafness from certain diseases than formerly--a
matter which we are soon to consider.

Though as yet there has been little direct action for the prevention of
adventitious deafness, there is an increasing concern in the matter, and
in this there is promise. By medical bodies in particular is greater
attention being given to the subject,[28] and in the widening
recognition of their part as guardians of the public health it may be
possible for them to do much for the enlightenment of the public. In one
state legislative action has been taken expressly for the protection of
the hearing of school children. This is Massachusetts, which requires
the examination of the eyes and ears of the school children in every
town and city, the state board of education furnishing the tests.[29] In
some states also general inspection of schools is mandatory by statute,
and in others permissive, while in several there are local ordinances
with the force of a state law.

In combating adventitious deafness, then, our attack is to be directed
in the largest part upon those diseases, especially infantile and
infectious diseases, that cause deafness; and it is upon the checking of
their spread that our main efforts for the present have to be
concentrated. At the same time the better safe-guarding of the general
health of the community will insure a proportionate diminution of
deafness. Beyond this, we will have to wait upon the developments of
medical science, both in the study of the prevention of diseases and of
their treatment; and can trust only to what it may offer.[30]

ADVENTITIOUS DEAFNESS AS AN INCREASING OR DECREASING PHENOMENON

Our main interest in the problem of adventitious deafness lies in the
possible discovery whether or not it is relatively increasing or
decreasing among the population, and in what respects signs appear of a
diminution. We have just seen the likelihood of a decrease from certain
causes; but we are to find what is indicated by statistical evidence.

To be considered first is adventitious deafness as a whole. Respecting
it our only statistics are in the returns of the censuses since 1880,
the different forms of deafness not being distinguished before this
time. The following table will show the number of the adventitiously
deaf as reported by the censuses of 1880, 1890 and 1900, with their
respective percentages and ratios per million of population.[31]

NUMBER OF THE ADVENTITIOUSLY DEAF IN 1880, 1890 AND 1900

TOTAL ADVENTITIOUSLY PERCENTAGE RATIO
NUMBER DEAF PER MILLION OF
POPULATION

1880 33,878 10,187 30.1 20.3
1890 40,562 16,767 41.1 26.8
1900 37,426 18,164 48.4 23.9

From this it appears that adventitious deafness is increasing in
relation to total deafness, which is most likely the case, as congenital
deafness, as we shall see, is evidently decreasing. Whether or not
adventitious deafness is increasing in respect to the general
population, the table does not disclose definitely. The statistics
probably are not full enough to afford any real indication yet.

Our next inquiry is in respect to the increase or decrease of
adventitious deafness from the several diseases individually, which is,
upon the whole, the more satisfactory test. Here also, unfortunately,
our statistics are very limited, and our findings will have to fall much
short of what could be desired.

The following table, based on the returns of the censuses of 1880, 1890
and 1900, so far as the approximate identity of the several diseases can
be established, will give the respective percentages found.[32]

CAUSES OF ADVENTITIOUS DEAFNESS IN 1880, 1890 AND 1900

1880 1890 1900

Scarlet fever 7.9 11.8 11.1
Meningitis 8.4 7.8 9.6
Catarrh and catarrhal fevers 0.9 3.3 3.6[33]
Diphtheria 0.2 0.5 --[34]
Abscess and inflammation 1.0 2.5 --[35]
Measles 1.3 2.5 2.5
Whooping cough 0.5 0.8 --[34]
Malarial and typhoid fevers 1.7 1.8 3.6
Other fevers 1.1 -- 2.0

In this table the most noticeable thing is perhaps the persistency with
which we find most of the diseases to recur, with apparently no great
change, while in certain ones, as catarrh and malarial and typhoid
fevers, there seems to be rather an increase. It would be best, however,
not to place very great confidence in these figures, but, so far as the
census reports are concerned, to wait for more precise and uniform
statistics.

We have, further, the statistics published in the reports of certain
schools for the deaf. While these are perhaps not of sufficient extent
to warrant full conclusions, they may be regarded as quite
representative;[36] and though to be taken with something of the caution
as the census figures, they may serve to throw some light upon the
situation. Comparison of the proportions of pupils deaf from the several
diseases at different times may be made in two ways: by finding the
respective proportions over a series of successive years from a certain
time back down to the present, and by contrasting the proportions in two
widely separated periods, one in the present and one in the past. These
will be taken up in order.

The following tables give the percentages of cases of deafness in pupils
from the important diseases as found in six schools in successive years:
in the New York Institution in the total annual attendance from 1899 to
1912; in the Michigan School in the total biennial attendance from 1883
to 1912; in the Pennsylvania Institution in the number of new pupils
admitted quadriennially from 1843 to 1912; in the Western Pennsylvania
Institution in the number admitted biennially from 1887 to 1912; in the
Maryland School in the number admitted biennially from 1884 to 1911; and
in the Wisconsin School in the number admitted biennially from 1880 to
1908.

I. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN NEW YORK INSTITUTION FROM 1899 TO 1912

|1899|1900|1901|1902|1903|1904|1905|1906|1907|1908|1909
+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Total Number | 466| 476| 481| 477| 464| 503| 508| 510| 543| 555| 565
+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Congenital |36.0|27.1|26.8|40.9|36.2|41.1|46.2|31.8|33.3|34.4|34.9
Scarlet Fever |11.4|10.1| 8.9| 7.1| 6.5| 6.9| 6.5| 4.9| 5.3| 5.0| 5.7
Meningitis | 9.5| 9.4| 7.7| 7.9| 7.8| 7.9|11.0|12.2|16.8|18.6|17.7
Brain Trouble |10.1| 9.2| 8.3| 8.1| 7.2| 5.9| 5.9| 7.1| 9.0| 8.3| 8.7
Falls | 9.0| 7.2| 5.4| 4.5| 3.9| 4.2| 3.8| 5.2| 5.9| 6.1| 6.0
Measles | 5.1| 3.8| 3.8| 2.1| 3.9| 4.5| 4.1| 4.1| 4.8| 4.7| 4.4
Typhoid Fever | 3.7| 2.3| 1.6| 1.0| 0.9| 1.2| 1.0| 1.0| 1.3| 1.3| 1.2
Convulsions | 3.2| 4.4| 3.2| 2.9| 2.6| 0.2| 1.8| 1.8| 1.9| 1.5| 1.9
Various Fevers | 2.5| 1.5| 1.4| 1.0| 1.7| 1.6| 1.6| 1.6| 1.5| 1.3| 0.7
Catarrh | 2.3| 2.1| 1.9| 1.8| 1.6| 1.2| 1.0| 2.0| 1.9| 1.9| 1.4
Diphtheria | 1.9| 1.7| 1.9| 1.0| 0.9| 0.4| 0.6| 0.8| 0.9| 0.9| 0.7
Pneumonia | 1.5| 0.8| 0.8| 0.6| 1.1| 0.2| 1.0| 1.1| 1.1| 0.9| 1.1
Whooping Cough | 1.7| -- | 1.6| 1.2| 1.1| 1.0| 0.8| 0.6| 0.9| 0.9| 0.5
Miscellaneous | | | | | | | | | | |
and Unknown | 2.1|20.4|26.7|19.8|18.6|23.7|14.7|25.9|15.4|14.2|15.1

1910|1911|1912|
----+----+----+
Total Number 570| 546| 518|
----+----+----+
Congenital 32.8|34.6|36.6|
Scarlet Fever 6.1| 5.7| 5.0|
Meningitis 17.9|19.0|19.7|
Brain Trouble 8.3| 8.0| 8.9|
Falls 5.1| 5.5| 5.6|
Measles 4.6| 0.2| 0.7|
Typhoid Fever 1.1| 0.9| 0.5|
Convulsions 1.9| 2.0| 2.1|
Various Fevers 0.5| 0.5| 0.7|
Catarrh 0.8| 1.0| 0.5|
Diphtheria 0.7| 0.7| 0.5|
Pneumonia 1.1| 0.7| 0.5|
Whooping Cough 0.5| 0.5| 0.2|
Miscellaneous | | |
and Unknown 18.6|20.7|18.5|

II. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN MICHIGAN SCHOOL FROM 1883 TO 1912

|1883|1885|1887|1889|1891|1893|1895|1897|1899|1901|1903
|1884|1886|1888|1890|1892|1894|1896|1898|1900|1902|1904
+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Total Number | 302| 336| 342| 350| 343| 365| 428| 412| 441| 447| 451
+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Congenital | 7.0|18.8|23.1|26.3|24.2|26.3|25.2|30.3|28.8|31.5|32.8
Meningitis |28.8|28.1|23.1|23.1|21.3|15.8|15.6|14.5|10.2| 9.2| 4.6
Scarlet Fever |12.2|11.8|12.3|11.2| 9.0| 9.6| 9.5| 9.7| 9.5| 9.3| 7.6
Brain Fever | 6.2| 6.5| 4.8| 3.7| 5.2| 6.9| 6.6| 6.3| 5.4| 3.8| 3.8
Typhoid Fever | 4.6| 3.6| 4.1| 4.3| 4.7| 1.9| 1.8| 1.4| 2.5| 2.2| 1.3
Measles | 3.6| 4.1| 3.9| 2.9| 2.6| 1.4| 0.8| 1.9| 3.2| 3.1| 2.9
Diphtheria | 0.6| -- | -- | 0.3| 0.3| 0.3| 0.2| 0.2| 0.4| 0.2| 0.4
Catarrh | 0.6| 0.6| 0.9| 0.8| 0.9| 1.1| 1.9| -- | 2.9| 3.5| 3.3
Various Fevers | 2.9| 1.5| 2.0| 2.6| 3.0| 4.4| 4.4| 1.7| 2.9| 2.9| 3.3
Whooping Cough | 1.3| 1.2| 1.5| 1.5| 1.5| 3.0| 3.8| 3.6| 2.7| 2.5| 3.1
Pneumonia | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 0.2| 0.2| 0.4
La grippe | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 0.9| 1.1| 1.6
Miscellaneous | | | | | | | | | | |
and Unknown |32.2|23.8|24.3|23.3|27.3|29.3|30.2|30.4|30.4|31.5|34.9

1905|1907|1909|1911|
1906|1908|1910|1912|
----+----+----+----+
Total Number 404| 361| 354| 353|
----+----+----+----+
Congenital 36.6|35.7|35.0|31.2|
Meningitis 8.6| 9.5| 8.8| 8.2|
Scarlet Fever 6.9| 5.8| 3.6| 4.5|
Brain Fever 2.7| 2.5| 2.3| 1.0|
Typhoid Fever 1.0| 1.4| 1.5| 1.7|
Measles 2.9| 4.1| 3.4| 3.1|
Diphtheria 0.5| 0.2| 0.3| 0.3|
Catarrh 2.8| 1.9| 2.5| 0.8|
Various Fevers 2.5| 0.5| 2.0| 1.4|
Whooping Cough 3.4| 4.4| 4.8| 5.1|
Pneumonia -- | 0.7| 0.6| 0.8|
La grippe 1.5| 3.0| 2.3| -- |
Miscellaneous | | | |
and Unknown 30.6|30.3|32.9|41.9|

III. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN PENNSYLVANIA INSTITUTION FROM 1843 TO 1912

|1843|1847|1851|1855|1859|1863|1867|1871|1875|1879|1883
|1846|1850|1854|1858|1862|1866|1870|1874|1878|1882|1886
+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Total Number | 90| 111| 125| 143| 167| 152| 150| 178| 282| 233| 261
+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Congenital |54.4|58.5|56.0|46.8|53.3|48.4|40.0|42.1|31.2|24.4|34.1
Scarlet Fever |13.3|18.0|12.8|16.8| 9.6|19.7|16.0|18.6|18.1|13.7|14.9
Meningitis | -- | -- | 0.8| -- | -- | 2.0| 1.3| 9.6|18.1|25.7|16.4
Measles | 1.1| 2.7| 1.6| 2.8| 2.4| 3.3| 4.0| 1.1| 1.7| 2.6| 1.9
Whooping Cough | 2.2| 0.9| 0.8| 0.7| 1.2| 0.7| 1.3| 0.6| 0.3| 0.8| --
Catarrh | -- | 0.9| -- | -- | -- | -- | 0.7| 0.6| 2.1| -- | --
Brain Fever | -- | -- | 2.8| 2.1| -- | 6.0| 4.7| -- | -- | -- | 0.8
Typhoid Fever | -- | -- | -- | 1.4| 0.6| 0.7| 2.6| 2.7| 2.1| 2.6| 3.4
Diphtheria | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 0.7| -- | -- | -- | --
Pneumonia | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | --
La grippe | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | --
Mis. and Unknown |29.0|19.2|25.2|29.4|32.9|19.2|28.7|24.7|26.3|30.2|28.5

1887|1891|1895|1899|1903|1907|1911|
1890|1894|1898|1902|1906|1910|1912|
----+----+----+----+----+----+----+
Total Number 207| 248| 250| 239| 240| 282| 152|
----+----+----+----+----+----+----+
Congenital 47.3|46.8|41.6|32.2|35.8|33.7|34.2|
Scarlet Fever 14.0|14.1|11.2| 6.3|10.4| 3.9| 5.2|
Meningitis 5.8| 5.6| 7.6| 8.4| 7.1|17.4|15.1|
Measles 3.9| 3.2| 4.4| 4.6| 4.5| 3.5| 3.9|
Whooping Cough 0.5| 0.4| 0.8| 1.7| 0.7| 2.9| 1.3|
Catarrh 3.9| 4.8| 6.8| 4.2| 1.2| 2.5| 1.3|
Brain Fever 2.9| 5.2| 4.0| 3.4| 1.7| 2.9| 2.6|
Typhoid Fever 2.9| 3.6| -- | 2.5| 0.7| 3.9| 1.3|
Diphtheria 0.5| 1.6| 2.0| 0.8| 2.5| 1.2| 2.0|
Pneumonia 0.5| -- | -- | 0.8| 0.4| 1.2| 4.8|
La grippe -- | 0.4| -- | 2.1| 1.2| 0.3| -- |
Mis. and Unknown 17.8|14.3|21.6|33.0|33.8|26.6|28.3|

IV. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA INSTITUTION FROM 1887 TO
1912

|1887|1889|1891|1893|1895|1897|1899|1901|1903|1905|1907
|1888|1890|1892|1894|1896|1898|1900|1902|1904|1906|1908
+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Total Number | 61| 56| 58| 58| 49| 40| 50| 41| 110| 59| 73
+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Congenital |24.6|14.3|20.7|32.8|46.9|40.6|40.0|31.9|38.2|25.4|30.1
Scarlet Fever | 9.8|21.4| 8.6|10.4|10.2| 5.0| 6.0|12.2| 8.3|11.8| 8.2
Meningitis |16.5|14.5|13.8|10.4|10.2|20.0|14.0|17.1| 7.2|10.2|13.7
Measles | 4.9| 1.9| 5.2|10.4| 4.0| -- | 2.0| 2.4| 7.2| 1.9| 8.2
Catarrh | 3.2| -- | 7.6| 1.9| 2.0| 5.0| 2.0| 9.6| 2.7| 3.8| 4.1
Brain Fever | 6.5| 5.4| 1.9| 1.9| -- | 2.5| -- | 4.8| 2.7| 5.1| 2.8
Typhoid Fever | -- | 1.9| 5.2| -- | 6.0| 2.5| -- | -- | 1.8| 1.9| 4.1
Whooping Cough | 1.6| -- | 1.9| -- | 2.0| -- | 6.0| 2.4| 1.8| 1.9| 2.8
Diphtheria | 1.6| -- | 1.9| -- | -- | -- | 4.0| 2.4| 1.8| -- | 1.4
La grippe | -- | -- | -- | -- | 2.0| -- | 2.0| -- | -- | 1.9| --
Pneumonia | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 2.5| 2.0| -- | -- | 1.9| 1.4
Miscellaneous | | | | | | | | | | |
and Unknown |31.3|30.6|33.2|32.2|16.7|22.5|22.0|17.2|28.3|34.2|23.2

1909|1911|
1910|1912|
----+----+
Total Number 71| 73|
----+----+
Congenital 40.9|36.5|
Scarlet Fever 11.3|12.7|
Meningitis 14.1| 9.6|
Measles 2.8| 6.8|
Catarrh 2.8| 1.8|
Brain Fever 1.4| 4.1|
Typhoid Fever 2.8| -- |
Whooping Cough -- | 1.8|
Diphtheria 1.4| 1.8|
La grippe -- | -- |
Pneumonia -- | -- |
Miscellaneous | |
and Unknown 22.5|24.9|

V. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN MARYLAND SCHOOL FROM 1884 TO 1911

|1884|1886|1888|1890|1892|1894|1896|1898|1900|1902|1904
|1885|1887|1889|1891|1893|1895|1897|1899|1901|1903|1905
+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Total Number | 28| 27| 25| 25| 29| 30| 30| 39| 29| 30| 28
+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Congenital |46.4|62.9|44.4|36.0|37.9|43.3|43.3|61.5|44.8|43.3|57.1
Meningitis |10.7|11.1| 8.0|12.0|10.3|10.6| 6.7| 2.6|14.0| 3.3| 3.6
Scarlet Fever |10.7| 7.4|12.0|16.0| -- | -- | 6.7| 5.2| 3.5|10.0| 7.2
Measles | 3.6| -- | -- | -- | 3.5| 3.3| 6.7| -- | 3.5| 3.3| --
Diphtheria | -- | -- | -- | -- | 3.5| 3.3| 3.3| 2.6| -- | 3.3| 3.6
Catarrh | -- | -- | -- | -- | 3.5| 3.3| 3.3| 5.2| 3.5| -- | --
Typhoid Fever | -- | -- | 4.0| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 6.7| --
Whooping Cough | 3.6| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 3.5| -- | --
Pneumonia | 3.6| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 7.0| -- | 3.6
Brain Fever | 7.2| -- | 4.0| 8.0| 3.5| 3.3| -- | -- | 7.0| 3.3| --
Various Fevers | -- | -- | 4.0| 8.0| 3.5| -- | -- | 2.6| -- | 3.3| 3.6
Miscellaneous | | | | | | | | | | |
and Unknown |14.2|18.6|23.6|20.0|34.3|32.9|28.1|22.0|16.7|23.5|21.3

1906|1908| 1910|
1907|1909| 1911|
----+----+-------+
Total Number 41| 32|135[37]|
----+----+-------+
Congenital 53.7|34.4| 51.8|
Meningitis 2.4|12.2| 8.1|
Scarlet Fever 9.6| 3.1| 1.4|
Measles -- | 3.3| 2.2|
Diphtheria -- | -- | 0.7|
Catarrh -- | -- | -- |
Typhoid Fever 2.4| 3.1| 2.2|
Whooping Cough -- | 3.1| 1.4|
Pneumonia 2.4| 3.1| 2.2|
Brain Fever 4.8| -- | 2.9|
Various Fevers 4.8| -- | 2.2|
Miscellaneous | | |
and Unknown 19.9|37.7| 24.1|

VI. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN WISCONSIN SCHOOL FROM 1879 TO 1908

|1879|1881| 1883 |1885|1887|1889|1891|1893|1895|1897
|1880|1882| 1884 |1886|1888|1890|1892|1894|1896|1898
+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Total Number | 36| 66|231[37]| 56| 67| 50| 44| 72| 64| 72
+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----
Congenital |14.3|31.8| 35.1|35.7|49.3|38.0|50.0|40.3|53.1|52.7
Meningitis |27.7|33.3| 37.7|33.9|28.3|32.0|15.9|12.5|31.2|19.4
Scarlet Fever |14.3| 6.0| 12.5| -- | 8.9|12.0|20.4|11.1| 4.7| 6.9
Measles |12.8| 3.0| 1.5| -- | 2.9| -- | 2.3| 4.1| 3.1| --
Typhoid Fever | -- | 6.0| 7.4| 1.8| -- | 2.0| 2.3| -- | 1.6| --
Whooping Cough | -- | -- | 1.3| 1.8| 1.5| -- | -- | -- | -- | 1.4
Diphtheria | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 2.0| 4.6| -- | -- | 1.4
Catarrh | -- | -- | 1.3| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 1.6| 5.5
Brain Fever | -- | -- | -- | -- | 2.9| -- | -- |11.1| -- | --
Miscellaneous | | | | | | | | | |
and Unknown |30.9|19.9| 3.2|26.8| 6.2|14.0| 4.5|20.9| 4.7|12.7

1899|1901|1903|1905|1907|
1900|1902|1904|1906|1908|
----+----+----+----+----+
Total Number 62| 33| 33| 63| 70|
----+----+----+----+----+
Congenital 64.3|33.3|48.4|34.9|40.0|
Meningitis 16.1| 9.1| 3.0| 6.3| 5.7|
Scarlet Fever 4.7| 6.1| -- | 9.5| 8.6|
Measles -- | 3.0| 3.6| 1.6| 4.3|
Typhoid Fever 3.2| 6.1| -- | 3.2| 1.4|
Whooping Cough -- | -- | -- | 1.6| 2.8|
Diphtheria 1.6| -- | -- | 3.2| 1.4|
Catarrh 1.6| 3.0| 9.1| 3.2| 2.8|
Brain Fever -- | 6.1| 3.6| 4.8| 4.3|
Miscellaneous | | | | |
and Unknown 8.5|33.3|31.3|31.7|28.7|

We may take these tables together to see how the proportions of deafness
from the leading diseases have changed in the course of the several
periods indicated, proper allowance being made for the shorter length of
time covered in some schools than in others. In respect to scarlet
fever, one of the two foremost causes, we find in the New York
Institution, the Michigan School and the Maryland School, a distinct and
steady decline; in the Pennsylvania Institution a decline of late years,
which is especially significant in view of the extended period covered
by it; and in the Western Pennsylvania and the Wisconsin School little
change, though in the latter there is less than at the beginning. In
meningitis, on the other hand, the second of the two most important
causes, a marked increase is seen in the Pennsylvania Institution for
the entire period, while in the New York a sharp increase is found in
the time designated, this being all the more noticeable because of the
large proportion already attributed here to convulsions, often a trouble
of kindred origin. In the Western Pennsylvania Institution and the
Maryland School little change is observed, though in the latter some
decline is apparent in the later years. In the Wisconsin and Michigan
schools a very strong decline is seen. On somewhat the same order as
meningitis is brain fever. It, however, shows little change on the
whole, though in the Michigan and Maryland schools and the New York
Institution some decline is evident. Of the remaining diseases none
plays singly a large part in the causation of deafness, and in most of
them the results are similar. Measles, typhoid fever, diphtheria,
pneumonia, and whooping cough show, with some fluctuations at times,
little change on the whole, beyond certain local differences. In the New
York Institution a decline is reported in nearly all. In the
Pennsylvania Institution a rather larger proportion for measles is seen
in later than in earlier years. In the Michigan School an increase seems
to be the case with whooping cough, but a decrease with typhoid fever.
In catarrh the results are not so uniform. In the New York and
Pennsylvania institutions a decline is manifest, though in the latter a
larger proportion is reported than at the beginning. In the Michigan and
Wisconsin schools rather an increase is noted. La grippe is only
reported occasionally of late years, and its real effects cannot yet be
ascertained. With respect to general fevers, their classification is
found to be so varying that little can be determined.

We now proceed to make comparison of the proportions of deafness from
the principal diseases in a series of years some time past with similar
proportions in recent years. The following tables give the several
proportions in the American School (Connecticut) in the entire
attendance from 1817 to 1844 and from 1817 to 1857, and in the new
admissions from 1901 to 1913; in the Ohio School in the entire
attendance from 1829 to 1872, and in the average annual attendance in
1904, 1905, 1906, and 1911; in the Iowa School in the entire attendance
from 1855 to 1870 and from 1855 to 1912; and in the New York Institution
in the entire attendance from 1818 to 1853 and in the average annual
attendance from 1899 to 1912.[38]

I. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN AMERICAN SCHOOL FROM 1817 TO 1844, FROM 1817 TO
1857, AND FROM 1901 TO 1913.

PERIOD |TOTAL NUMBER
| |CONGENITAL
| | |SCARLET FEVER
| | | |MENINGITIS
| | | | |TYPHOID FEVER
| | | | | |MEASLES
| | | | | | |WHOOPING COUGH
| | | | | | | |GENERAL FEVERS
| | | | | | | | |BRAIN FEVER
| | | | | | | | | |PNEUMONIA
| | | | | | | | | | |DIPHTHERIA
| | | | | | | | | | | |CATARRH
| | | | | | | | | | | | |UNKNOWN
| | | | | | | | | | | | |AND MIS.
---------+----+----+----+-----+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--------
1817-1844| 761|44.8| 5.7| 6.1| --|1.6|1.6|6.7| --| --| --| --| 33.5
1817-1857|1081|50.1| 9.2| 4.6| --|1.8|1.3|5.3| --| --| --| --| 27.7
1901-1913| 310|35.2| 7.7| 11.3|3.2|1.3|1.3|1.9|5.8|0.6|1.3|1.0| 29.4

II. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN OHIO SCHOOL FROM 1829 TO 1872 AND FROM 1904 TO
1911.

PERIOD |TOTAL NUMBER
| |CONGENITAL
| | |SCARLET FEVER
| | | |MENINGITIS
| | | | |TYPHOID FEVER
| | | | | |MEASLES
| | | | | | |WHOOPING COUGH
| | | | | | | |GENERAL FEVERS
| | | | | | | | |BRAIN FEVER
| | | | | | | | | |PNEUMONIA
| | | | | | | | | | |DIPHTHERIA
| | | | | | | | | | | |CATARRH
| | | | | | | | | | | | |UNKNOWN
| | | | | | | | | | | | |AND MIS.
---------+----+----+----+-----+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--------
1829-1872|1252|33.8|10.3| 3.0|1.8|3.2|1.7|4.6|5.7| --|0.3| --| 35.6
1904-1911| --|38.9| 5.0| 9.2|1.4|2.8|1.7|1.1|5.3|0.5|0.5|3.5| 30.1

III. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN IOWA SCHOOL FROM 1855 TO 1870 AND FROM 1855
TO 1912.

PERIOD |TOTAL NUMBER
| |CONGENITAL
| | |SCARLET FEVER
| | | |MENINGITIS
| | | | |TYPHOID FEVER
| | | | | |MEASLES
| | | | | | |WHOOPING COUGH
| | | | | | | |GENERAL FEVERS
| | | | | | | | |BRAIN FEVER
| | | | | | | | | |PNEUMONIA
| | | | | | | | | | |DIPHTHERIA
| | | | | | | | | | | |CATARRH
| | | | | | | | | | | | |UNKNOWN
| | | | | | | | | | | | |AND MIS.
---------+----+----+----+-----+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--------
1855-1870| 245|87.2|13.4| 3.3|1.6|2.0|1.3|6.1|1.3| --| --| --| 33.8
1855-1912|1672|26.9|10.3| 14.9|1.7|2.2|1.7|0.1|7.0|0.3|0.8|1.7| 32.4

IV. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN NEW YORK INSTITUTION FROM 1818 TO 1853 AND
FROM 1899 TO 1912.

PERIOD |TOTAL NUMBER
| |CONGENITAL
| | |SCARLET FEVER
| | | |MENINGITIS
| | | | |TYPHOID FEVER
| | | | | |MEASLES
| | | | | | |WHOOPING COUGH
| | | | | | | |GENERAL FEVERS
| | | | | | | | |BRAIN FEVER
| | | | | | | | | |PNEUMONIA
| | | | | | | | | | |DIPHTHERIA
| | | | | | | | | | | |CATARRH
| | | | | | | | | | | | |UNKNOWN
| | | | | | | | | | | | |AND MIS.
---------+----+----+----+------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--------
1818-1853|1148|42.9| 7.2|--[39]| --|1.9|0.7|1.6| --| --| --| --| 45.7
1899-1912| --|38.0| 6.8| 13.1|1.3|3.4|0.8|1.3|8.1|0.9|0.9|1.7| 23.7

Taking these tables also collectively, we find in respect to scarlet
fever a decline in all the schools, this being especially pronounced in
the case of the Ohio. In meningitis, however, there is an increase so
heavy as to call in question the accuracy of the earlier records; and it
is possible that it failed to be entirely recognized then. In most of
the other diseases, as in the previous case, no very great change is
perceptible. In general fevers a decline is apparent in all, in most
being considerable; and probably several diseases were formerly included
which are now listed separately. In measles rather a decline is found in
the American and Ohio schools, but a slight increase in the Iowa, and a
somewhat larger one in the New York Institution. In typhoid fever there
is a slight increase also in the Iowa School, but a decrease in the
Ohio. In brain fever a considerable increase is observed in the Iowa
School, but a slight decrease likewise in the Ohio. In whooping cough
there is an increase in the New York Institution and the Iowa School,
but a decrease in the American. Such diseases as pneumonia, diphtheria
and catarrh seem not usually to have been separately classified in the
past, though in the Ohio School we find diphtheria noted, and with
somewhat smaller proportions than in later years; while in several of
the schools we find "colds" given in former times, which may have been
in part really catarrh.

Combining now the results of our two groups of tables, we may be able to
reach some conclusions with respect to the increase or decrease of
deafness from certain diseases, though on the whole far less definite
than we could wish. In the first place, it seems safe to affirm that
deafness from scarlet fever is becoming relatively less with the years;
and it is possible that if it continues its present rate of decline, it
will in time cease to be one of the main causes of deafness. On the
other hand, meningitis, its great companion in evil, shows a striking
increase in comparison with past years, as a cause of adventitious
deafness; while its accretion may be traced as well in a series of
recent years in certain schools, though not in others. But how far there
is an absolute increase in meningitis over the past, and whether it is
tending at present actually to increase, may be a matter for question.
In view of the possibility that the disease was not sufficiently
accounted for in the past, and in the absence of any knowledge to
indicate a reason for its less prevalence in earlier years, at least not
to the extent indicated by the statistics, it may be that its increase
is, after all, more apparent than real. The fact, moreover, that in the
series of recent years a marked increase is found in some schools, but
a marked decline in others, may perhaps be taken to mean that at present
meningitis may be on the increase only in certain sections, depending
possibly on local conditions. With the greater medical skill of to-day,
and with a larger proportion of children in the schools, it may be open
to considerable doubt if the movement of this disease is really one of
increase, though it seems that we are on the whole making no great
headway against it.

As to the minor diseases causing deafness, our statistics do not
indicate just to what extent and in what direction deafness from them is
being affected, and no precise conclusions can at present be set down.
It is probable, however, that with the increased attention to children's
diseases, as we have noted, there is really less deafness from most of
them than formerly.[40]

THE CONGENITALLY DEAF

When we come to consider the question of congenital deafness, which
comprises a little over a third of the total amount of deafness, we have
an even more difficult problem on our hands, for here we are to deal
with some of the great questions of heredity--though hereditary deafness
and congenital deafness are not altogether one and the same thing.[41]
For the purposes of our inquiry, let us think of the congenitally deaf
as divided into three great classes in respect to their family
relations: 1. the offspring of parents who were cousins; 2. the
offspring of parents who were themselves deaf or members of families in
which there are other deaf relatives; and 3. the product of families
without either consanguinity or antecedent deafness. Of these three
classes the first two only will engage our attention. Of the last,
comprising, according to the census, nine-twentieths, or 44.4 per cent,
of the congenitally deaf, there is not much that we can say. For a great
part of it there no doubt exists in the parent, or perhaps in a more
remote ancestor, some abnormal strain, physical or mental, in the nature
of disease or other defect. But in respect to such deafness we have too
little in the way of statistical data to help us arrive at any real
determination; and for it as a whole we shall have to wait till we have
greater knowledge of eugenics and the laws of heredity.[42]

THE OFFSPRING OF CONSANGUINEOUS MARRIAGES

Not all the deaf born of consanguineous marriages are congenitally deaf,
but as the majority are so, and as the fact of the parents being blood
relatives is assumed to have at least a contributing influence in the
result, we may consider the matter in this place. It is in fact closely
connected with the question of deaf relatives in general.

In the census investigations,[43] of the number who answered on this
point, 2,525, or 7.4 per cent, have parents who were cousins. Of these
cases, deafness occurred in 87 per cent before the fifth year of age,
and in 60 per cent at birth. Of all the deaf born without hearing, 13.5
per cent are the offspring of consanguineous marriages. The proportion
of those born deaf is thus nearly twice as great when the parents are
cousins as it is among the whole class of the congenitally deaf; and the
proportion is also nearly twice as great of the offspring of
consanguineous marriages among the congenitally deaf as the proportion
of the deaf from such marriages among the total number of the deaf.
Moreover, 55.0 per cent of the offspring of cousin-marriages have deaf
relatives of some kind, and of the congenitally deaf from
cousin-marriages, 65.6 per cent have deaf relatives; while the
respective proportions when the parents are not cousins are 25.5 per
cent and 40.7 per cent--in the one case less than half, and in the other
two-thirds, as great.

Further statistics bear out the findings of the census. Dr. E. A. Fay in
his "Marriages of the Deaf"[44]--a work we are soon to notice--finds
that, though consanguineous marriages form only about one per cent of
the total number considered, 30.0 per cent of the children of deaf
parents who are cousins are deaf, and that 45.1 per cent of such
marriages result in deaf offspring; but that when the parents are not
cousins, the respective proportions are 8.3 per cent and 9.3 per
cent--only about a fourth and a fifth as great. In the Colorado School,
out of 567 pupils in attendance from the beginning to 1912, in 17, or 3
per cent, the parents were related before marriage. In the Kentucky
School, out of 83 pupils admitted in 1910 and 1911, 18, or 19.3 per
cent, and out of 42 admitted in 1912 and 1913, 8, or 19 per cent, were
the offspring of parents who were cousins. In the Iowa School, out of 62
admissions in 1911 and 1912, 4, or 6.5 per cent, and in the Maryland
School, out of a total attendance in 1911 of 135, 13, or 9.2 per cent,
had parents who were cousins.[45]

Consanguineous marriages, so far as the effect on deafness is concerned,
are not of relatively frequent occurrence. But where they do take place,
there is found a decided connection between them and deafness, the
increased tendency thus to transmit a physical abnormality being plain.
How far, however, if at all, such deafness is to be directly ascribed to
consanguineous marriages, is a matter for question. The main
consideration seems to be that in such marriages the chances are at
least doubled of the offspring acquiring the characteristics of the
parents; and that in them the liability is thus proportionately enhanced
of transmitting deafness.[46]

THE DEAF HAVING DEAF RELATIVES

We are now to examine what traces there may be of deafness in a family
by noting what proportion of the deaf have deaf relatives, and are to
attempt to see what may be its bearings upon the question of heredity.
In the census investigations,[47] we find that out of 34,780 deaf
persons who answered, there are 10,033, or 28.8 per cent, who have deaf
relatives of some kind, direct or collateral, 8,170, or 23.5 per cent,
having deaf brothers, sisters or ancestors. In all of these we can
without difficulty discover the influence of heredity. In the
congenitally deaf the trace of a physical defect is even more clearly
indicated. Of these 40.1 per cent have deaf brothers, sisters or
ancestors, and 46.2 per cent have also deaf uncles, cousins, etc.[48]

It is thus evident that there are certain families in society deeply
tinged with deafness, that it sometimes passes from parent to child,
from generation to generation, and that like a cloud it hangs over a
section of the race.

THE OFFSPRING OF DEAF PARENTS

All this argument leads up to one most pertinent question: Are the
statistics which we have indicative that this deafness which passes so
remorselessly in certain families will be found all the stronger in the
children of deaf parents? Have we ground to believe or fear that this
deafness will crop out far more surely than in the children of parents
not deaf? And can we determine to what extent possibilities are
increased of the offspring of deaf parents being likewise deaf?

Let us now consider the statistics which we have in this matter, first
examining the results of the census investigation.[49] Of the 8,022
married deaf persons for whom statements are made, we find that there
are 190 who have deaf offspring, or 2.4 per cent. Of the 4,116 deaf
persons who are married to deaf persons, 137 have deaf children, or 3.3
per cent; and of the 3,906 deaf persons married to hearing persons, 53
have deaf children, or 1.4 per cent. Of the married deaf having deaf
children, 52.5 per cent have deaf relatives of some kind, and 54.7 per
cent are congenitally deaf, the proportion of those having deaf
relatives who are also congenitally deaf being 66.7 per cent. Of the
deaf married to hearing partners, who have deaf children, 26.4 per cent
are congenitally deaf, while 50.9 per cent of the partners in such
marriages have deaf relatives of some kind.

From the census statistics, then, it appears that the married deaf as a
class do not have a large proportion of deaf children, and that this
proportion is only a little more than twice as great when the deaf are
married to the deaf as when they are married to the hearing. It appears
also, however, that when there are deaf relatives involved in either
kind of marriages, or when there is congenital deafness in the deaf
parent, the effect is quite marked in the offspring.

Besides the census returns, we have the statistics presented in the
reports of certain schools, which are found to point, as far as they go,
to the same conclusions. In the Kentucky School, out of 83 pupils
admitted in 1910 and 1911, there were none the children of deaf parents,
though 35, or 30.1 per cent, had deaf relatives; and out of 42 admitted
in 1912 and 1913, there were 2, or 4.8 per cent, the children of deaf
parents, and 12, or 28.8 per cent, with deaf relatives. In the Iowa
School, out of 62 admissions in 1911 and 1912, 4, or 6.5 per cent, had
deaf parents, and 21, or 33.9 per cent, "defective" relatives. In the
Michigan School, with an annual enrollment of some three hundred, there
were from 1903 to 1908 but three children of deaf parents.[50] In the
Colorado School, out of a total attendance since its founding to 1912 of
567, 3, or 0.57 per cent, were the children of deaf parents, though 83,
or 14.6 per cent, had deaf relatives. In the Missouri School, out of a
similar attendance to 1912 of 2,174 there were 52, or 2.4 per cent, with
deaf parents, though there were 235, or 10.8 per cent, with deaf
relatives.[51]

The most exhaustive study of the question of the liability of the deaf
to deaf offspring is that of Dr. E. A. Fay in his "Marriages of the
Deaf"--covering the majority of the marriages of the deaf in America at
the time it was made (1898).[52] Statistical information is presented
for 7,227 deaf persons and for 3,078 marriages with either deaf or
hearing partners.[53] In the following table are summarized the results
of this investigation.[54]

MARRIAGES OF DEAF PERSONS

NUMBER OF NUMBER OF
MARRIAGES CHILDREN
---------------------------------+------+---------+-----+------+----+-----
Partners in Marriage |Total |Resulting|Per |Total |Deaf|Per
| |in deaf |cent | | |cent
| |children | | | |
---------------------------------+------+---------+-----+------+----+-----
One or both deaf | 3,078| 300| 9.7| 6,782| 588| 8.6
| | | | | |
Both deaf | 2,377| 220| 9.2| 5,072| 429| 8.4
One deaf, other hearing | 599| 75| 12.5| 1,532| 151| 9.8
| | | | | |
One or both congenitally deaf | 1,477| 194| 13.1| 3,401| 413| 12.1
One or both adventitiously deaf | 2,212| 124| 5.6| 4,701| 199| 4.2
| | | | | |
Both congenitally deaf | 335| 83| 24.7| 779| 202| 25.9
One congenitally, other | | | | | |
adventitiously deaf | 814| 66| 8.1| 1,820| 119| 6.5
Both adventitiously deaf | 845| 30| 3.5| 1,720| 40| 2.3
| | | | | |
One congenitally deaf, other | | | | | |
hearing | 191| 28| 14.6| 528| 63| 11.9
One adventitiously deaf, other | | | | | |
hearing | 310| 10| 3.2| 713| 16| 2.2
| | | | | |
Both had deaf relatives | 437| 103 | 23.5| 1,060| 222| 20.9
One had deaf relatives, other not| 541| 36 | 6.6| 1,210| 78| 6.4
Neither had deaf relatives | 471| 11 | 2.3| 1,044| 13| 1.2
| | | | | |
_Both congenitally deaf_ | | | | | |
Both had deaf relatives | 172| 49 | 28.4| 429| 130| 30.3
One had deaf relatives, other not| 49| 8 | 16.3| 105| 21| 20.0
Neither had deaf relatives | 14| 1 | 7.1| 24| 1| 4.1
| | | | | |
_Both adventitiously deaf_ | | | | | |
Both had deaf relatives | 57| 10 | 17.5| 114| 11| 9.6
One had deaf relatives, other not| 167| 7 | 4.1| 357| 10| 2.8
Neither had deaf relatives | 284| 2 | 0.7| 550| 2| 0.3
| | | | | |
Partners consanguineous | 31| 14 | 45.1| 100| 30| 30.0

It is thus seen that 9.7 per cent of the marriages of the deaf result in
deaf offspring, and that 8.6 per cent of the children born of them are
deaf--proportions far greater than for the the population generally.[55]
A striking fact to be noted, however, is that these proportions are
greater when one parent is deaf and the other hearing than when both are
deaf. The percentage of marriages resulting in deaf offspring when only
one parent is deaf is 12.5, and when both are deaf, 9.2; while the
percentage of deaf children born of them when only one parent is deaf is
9.8, and when both are deaf, 8.4. This is apparently a very strange
result, though it probably may be accounted for in some part on the
theory that it is not so much deafness itself that is inherited, but
rather an abnormality of the auditory organs, or a tendency to disease,
of which deafness is a result or symptom, and that with different
pathological conditions in the parent there is less likelihood of
deafness resulting.

The most significant part of the results seems to be found, as before,
in respect to whether or not deaf parents are themselves congenitally
deaf or have deaf relatives. On the one hand, when one or both of the
parents are adventitiously deaf, the percentage of marriages resulting
in deaf children is 5.6, and the percentage of deaf children is 4.2;
when both parents are so, the percentages are lower: 3.5 and 2.3. The
percentages rise when one parent is adventitiously deaf, and the other
congenitally: 8.1 and 6.5. In respect to deaf relatives of parents, the
percentages are very low when neither has such relatives: 2.3 and 1.2.
The lowest percentages of all are in the case where both parents are
adventitiously deaf and neither has deaf relatives: 0.7 and 0.3.

On the other hand, we find the proportion of marriages resulting in deaf
offspring and the proportion of deaf children much greater when there is
congenital deafness in one or both parents, when one or both have deaf
relatives, and greatest of all when these influences are combined. When
one or both parents are congenitally deaf, the percentage of marriages
resulting in deaf offspring is 13.1, and the percentage of deaf children
is 12.1; when both parents are so, the percentages are doubled: 24.7 and
25.9. When one parent has deaf relatives and the other has not, the
percentages are 6.6 and 6.4; when both have, the percentages are nearly
four times as great: 23.5 and 20.9. When both parents are congenitally
deaf but neither has deaf relatives, the percentages are 7.1 and 4.1.
When both are adventitiously deaf and both have deaf relatives, the
percentages are 17.5 and 9.6. When both are congenitally deaf and one
has deaf relatives, the percentages are 16.3 and 20.0; and when both
have deaf relatives, the percentages are 28.4 and 30.3.

The evidence is very strong, then, with regard to the form of deafness
and the presence or absence of deaf relatives. In cases where the
parents are not congenitally deaf and have no deaf relatives, the
proportion of deaf children is very low. When one or both parents are
congenitally deaf or have deaf relatives--when the deafness is inherited
or in the family--the likelihood becomes far greater, and greater still
when the two influences are in conjunction. In general, in respect to
the influences of heredity upon deafness, the main determinants seem to
be found in the existence in the parties, whether hearing or deaf, of
deaf relatives, and, to a less extent, in the existence in parties who
are deaf of congenital deafness.

POSSIBLE ACTION FOR THE PREVENTION OF CONGENITAL DEAFNESS

We come now to the consideration of the question of possible action for
the prevention of congenital deafness. This examination naturally
centers about the matter of the regulation of marriage, with due
attention to the extent that action on the part of the state is to be
regarded as desirable or feasible.

We have seen that congenital deafness may, hypothetically, be divided
into three distinguishable classes: that in which consanguineous
marriages are concerned, that in which there is antecedent deafness in
the family, and that in which neither of these conditions occurs; and
in our inquiry it has seemed best to take up each of these separately.
It may be, however, that there is in fact no very radical difference
between these several forms, and that with increased knowledge on the
subject a more or less intimate relation will be found to exist.

Of that form of deafness in which neither consanguineous marriages nor
antecedent deafness is involved, we are at present, as we have noted,
able to say little definitely. In most cases we may be convinced that
there exists in the parent some peculiar state of morbidity or other
affection, latent or manifest, perhaps to some extent of hereditary
influence, which has an effect on the organs of hearing of the
offspring. A certain proportion is quite possibly due to recognizable
defects both of physical and mental character. Our statistical evidence,
however, in respect to this form of congenital deafness is too slight to
warrant any positive deductions; and we will have to wait for further
investigation to determine its nature fully. None the less, marriage of
persons known to be liable to have ill effect on possible offspring is
objectionable for not a few reasons, from the standpoint of the
interests of society; and in their reduction there will probably be a
greater or less diminution of congenital deafness.

With regard to consanguineous marriages and their effect on deafness we
are on surer ground, so far as may be indicated by statistical data.
This question is found in very great measure to be connected with that
of deaf relatives in general. The matter appears to be largely a part of
a law of wide application, namely, that in the blood relationship of
parents the possibilities are intensified of the perpetuation of a
certain strain, which holds true no less with the transmission of
deafness. Consanguineous marriages are perhaps not of sufficiently
frequent occurrence, so far as concerns the effect on deafness, to
require special action; but in the consideration of such marriages in
general, their part in the causation of deafness should have due weight;
and whatever may be said regarding them in other relations, they are to
be avoided if we wish to remove all chances of this kind of deafness
resulting.

The problem of deaf relatives and their connection with congenital
deafness is a very large one. Attention however, has mostly been focused
upon it in relation to the intermarriage of the deaf and its effect upon
their offspring. Indeed, in such unions there has already been more or
less concern, and there has even been question whether it is a wise or
unwise policy to allow the deaf to marry other deaf persons. The deaf,
as we shall discover, not only find their companions for social
intercourse among similar deaf persons, but _a fortiori_ very often seek
such persons for their partners in marriage--in fact, more often than
they do hearing partners, nearly three-fourths of the married deaf being
married to deaf partners.[56] Not only has it been feared that the
offspring of such marriages might likewise be deaf, but there has also
been apprehension lest in their encouragement there might result a deaf
species of the race.[57]

From our discussion, however, we have found that in most of the
marriages of the deaf we have but small reason for disquiet. If deafness
in the parent is really adventitious, there is little possibility of its
passing on to the offspring. When the deafness in the parent is itself
congenital, the situation becomes more serious. If in such case there is
no added risk from the existence of deaf relatives, the likelihood of
transmitting deafness need not always be a matter of deep concern,
though the hazard is materially larger than for adventitious deafness.
When there are deaf relatives involved, the peril, made stronger if
coupled with congenital deafness, is most pronounced; and, indeed, the
existence of collateral deafness seems a more certain sign of warning
than direct heredity itself. Finally, even in the marriage of the deaf
with the hearing, the dangers are not in fact lessened if conditions
otherwise unchanged are attendant.

What action should be taken in respect to that part of the deaf who may
marry under conditions favorable to the production of deaf offspring is
not at present clear. Legislation would not appear on the whole to be
advisable;[58] and the exertion of moral suasion, so far as possible, in
the individual cases concerned would seem a more acceptable course. The
matter, however, really belongs in the province of eugenics, and we will
probably do best to await the authoritative pronouncement of its
decrees before full procedure is resolved upon.

CONGENITAL DEAFNESS AS AN INCREASING OR DECREASING PHENOMENON

The final matter to be ascertained in respect to congenital deafness is
whether it is relatively increasing or decreasing. The following table
will show the number of the congenitally deaf in the censuses of 1880,
1890, and 1900, with their respective percentages and the ratios per
million of population.[59]

NUMBER OF THE CONGENITALLY DEAF IN 1880, 1890, AND 1900

RATIO PER
TOTAL CONGENITALLY PER MILLION OF
NUMBER DEAF CENT POPULATION

1880 33,878 12,155 35.6 242
1890 40,562 16,866 41.2 269
1900 37,426 12,609 33.7 166

From this it appears that congenital deafness is decreasing both in
relation to all deafness, and to the general population.

For further statistics, we may revert to our tables under adventitious
deafness. In the tables relating to periods of successive recent years
we find in respect to three schools, the New York and Western
Pennsylvania institutions and the Maryland School, with certain
fluctuations, no great change on the whole, though the last named school
shows still a very high proportion. In two schools, the Michigan and
Wisconsin, rather an increase is observed. In the Pennsylvania
Institution, which covers a period of seventy years, there is a decrease
from over 50 per cent to less than 40.

A better test perhaps lies in the comparison of the proportions found
for congenital deafness in the tables relating to periods widely
separated in time. In these an increase is seen in the single case of
the Ohio School; while a decrease is apparent in three, namely, the
American and Iowa schools and the New York Institution. These decreases
in percentages are respectively from 44.8 and 50.1 to 35.2; from 37.2
to 26.9; and from 42.9 to 38.0.[60]

From the evidence that we have, then, taken together, it seems
reasonable to conclude that congenital deafness is, though slowly,
becoming less in the course of the years.

CONCLUSIONS WITH RESPECT TO THE ELIMINATION OR PREVENTION OF DEAFNESS

Most of what has been said in this chapter with respect to the
elimination or prevention of deafness may be summed up as follows:

1. There are two kinds of deafness--adventitious and congenital. Of the
total number of cases adventitious deafness comprises nearly two-thirds,
and congenital deafness a little over one-third.

2. Nearly all adventitious deafness is caused by some disease of infancy
or childhood attacking the middle or internal ear, a large part being of
infectious character. The two chief diseases causing such deafness are
scarlet fever and meningitis, with a less amount from brain fever,
typhoid fever, measles, catarrh, diphtheria, whooping cough, etc.

3. A considerable part of this deafness is preventable under enlightened
action. Medical science is principally in control of the situation, but
there is also much that can be done in general measures for the
protection of the health. In attacking the problem, the most immediate
practical program lies in the arrest of those diseases, especially
infantile and infectious diseases, that cause deafness.

4. Our evidence is incomplete to determine definitely whether
adventitious deafness is increasing or decreasing relatively among the
population; but it is hardly other than likely that it is decreasing.
Although certain diseases producing deafness fail to show any extensive
signs of abatement, there are other diseases from which there can be
little doubt that deafness is decreasing.

5. In the outlook there is, on the whole, promise, both in respect to
the treatment of deafness itself and of the diseases that lead to
deafness, though it cannot be said in any sense that any large or
general relief is at present in sight.

6. Of congenital deafness nearly half occurs in families often without
any positively known strain to indicate a predisposition to deafness.
Though concerning this deafness little in the present state of our
knowledge can be predicated, it is likely that with measures to secure
a race sound in all particulars there will be a reduction to a greater
or less extent of such deafness.

7. Consanguineous marriages do not take place, so far as deafness as an
effect is concerned, to any great extent; though where they do the
consequences are very marked. Their relation to deafness consists
apparently for the greatest part in the fact that the chances of its
transmission are thereby intensified, there being also a very strong
connection with the question of deaf relatives in general.

8. There are a certain number of families in society deeply tainted with
deafness, in evidence both lineally and collaterally, and this deafness
may be transmitted from parent to offspring.

9. Children of deaf parents are far more likely to be deaf than children
of hearing parents.

10. The great majority of the children of deaf parents, however, are
able to hear, the proportion of those who are not being small.

11. The likelihood of deaf offspring is not necessarily greater when
both parents are deaf than when one is deaf and the other hearing.

12. The liability to deaf offspring depends in the greatest degree upon
the presence or absence in the parents, deaf or hearing, of deaf
relatives, and, to a less extent, upon whether or not the existing
deafness is congenital--being especially great under a combination of
these two conditions.

13. Action in respect to marriages of the deaf likely to result in deaf
offspring seems for the present rather to be limited to moral forces.

14. Congenital deafness appears, from all the evidence, to be decreasing
relatively among the population, though probably only at a very slow
rate.

15. Finally, with respect to our original inquiry, it is to be said that
there are no indications that deafness will disappear from the human
race within any time which we can measure; and hence that the deaf are
to be in society not only for a season, but for a period apparently as
yet indefinite. Nevertheless the situation is not without encouragement.
From the data in our possession regarding deafness as a whole, it seems
certain that deafness is not on the increase relatively among the
population. From our knowledge concerning adventitious deafness, the
probabilities are that, if anything, it is decreasing; while the
evidence as to congenital deafness is that it is decreasing. It is
likely, then, that deafness in general is tending to decrease; and we
are thus justified in believing that the number of the deaf will in time
become less.

FOOTNOTES:

[15] Moreover, later censuses are probably taken more thoroughly than
former, with a consequent discovery of a larger number of the deaf;
while at the same time greater care is employed in preparing the later
censuses, with the more rigorous elimination of doubtful cases, all in
some measure, however, tending to even up the differences. On the
difficulty of making comparisons of the censuses of the deaf, see
Special Reports, pp. 66-69; _Annals_, li., 1906, p. 487.

[16] _Ibid._

[17] Deafness has also been divided into three classes: adventitious
deafness, congenital or hereditary deafness, and infantile or sporadic
congenital deafness, the last class including many cases where there are
other antecedent defects, mental or physical, or where the deafness
occurred shortly after birth with the exact cause not definitely
determined. See Proceedings of International Otological Congress, ix.,
1913, p. 49; _Volta Review_, xiv., 1912, p. 348; xv., 1913, p. 209.

[18] Of the cases usually ascribed to accidents, as falls, blows and the
like, the probabilities are that a large part are really to be
attributed to some other cause. Deafness is not often likely to result
from such occurrences.

[19] See Proceedings of International Otological Congress, ix., 1913, p.
49; _Volta Review_, xiv., 1912, p. 348.

[20] Special Reports, pp. 110, 122, 124. See also _Annals_, xxxiii.,
1888, p. 199; lii., 1907, p. 168. In the table are given only the
specified causes that represent at least 0.7 per cent of the total
amount of deafness. In respect to external ear trouble, impacted cerumen
is usually found to result from water in the ear, or wax in the ear.
Other diseases of the middle ear of suppurative character are
diphtheria, pneumonia, erysipelas, smallpox, tonsilitis, teething,
bronchitis, and consumption. Other non-suppurative diseases of the
middle ear are whooping cough, scrofula, exposure and cold, disease of
the throat, thickening of eardrum, croup, etc. Of the internal ear,
other causes affecting the labyrinth are malformation, noise and
concussion, mumps, and syphilis; affecting the nerve, paralysis,
convulsions, sunstroke, congestion of brain, and disease of nervous
system; and affecting brain center, hydrocephalus and epilepsy. Among
unclassified causes are also adduced neuralgia, childbirth, accident,
medicine, heat, rheumatism, head-ache, fright or shock, overwork,
lightning, diarrhea, chicken-pox, operation, and other causes.

[21] Proceedings of National Conference of Charities and Corrections,
1906, p. 250; Ceremonies of Laying of Corner Stone of Rhode Island
School, 1907, p. 27.

[22] There are no general or organized movements on foot for the
prevention of deafness as there are for the prevention of blindness.
This is perhaps chiefly because there are believed to be nothing like so
many preventable cases of the one as of the other, so much of blindness
being due to diseases that might have been avoided without great
difficulty, and to accidents and other injuries to the eye.

[23] It has been estimated that three-fourths of deafness from primary
ear diseases, and one-half from infectious diseases, is preventable. See
Proceedings of International Otological Congress, _loc. cit._; _Volta
Review_, xiv., 1912, pp. 251, 348.

[24] Proceedings, 1903, p. 1036.

[25] _Volta Review_, xv., 1913, p. 136. See also _ibid._, v., 1903, p.
415; _Outlook_, civ., 1913, p. 997.

[26] See _Medical and Surgical Monitor_, vii., 1904, p. 47; _New York
Medical Journal_, lxxxiii., 1906, p. 816; _Annals_, lv., 1910, p. 192;
_Volta Review_, xiii., 1911, p. 332.

[27] The possibilities, for instance, in the use of antitoxins and
vaccines in certain diseases are just beginning to be known, and some
results as affect deafness may be expected from such operations.

[28] In 1909 a special committee in regard to the prevention of deafness
was created by the Otological Section of the American Medical
Association, and in 1910 both by the American Laryngological,
Rhinological and Otological Society and by the American Otological
Society. See _Laryngoscope_, xx., 1910, pp. 596-665; _Volta Review_,
xii., 1910, pp. 267, 545.

[29] Laws, 1906, ch. 502.

[30] On the possibilities of the prevention of adventitious deafness,
see Dr. J. K. Love, "Deaf-Mutism", 1896; Archives of Otology, xxiv.,
1895, p. 50; _Journal of American Medical Association_, liii., 1909, p.
89; _New York Medical Journal_, l., 1889, p. 205; lxxxix., 1909, p.
1007; xcv., 1912, p. 1189; _New York State Journal of Medicine_, xii.,
1912, p. 690ff.; _Maryland Medical Journal_, lv., 1912, p. 33;
_Pediatrics_, xxiv., 1912, p. 335; _Popular Science Monthly_, xlii.,
1892, p. 211; "Progress in Amelioration of Certain Forms of Deafness and
Impaired Hearing," Proceedings of American Association to Promote the
Teaching of Speech to the Deaf, iv., 1894; _Annals_, xxxiv., 1889, p.
199; lvi., 1911, p. 211; lviii., 1913, p. 131; _Volta Review_, xii.,
1910, p. 143; xv., 1913, p. 303; New York _Times_, April 6, 1913; Public
School Health Bulletin, Eyes and Ears, by Superintendent of Public
Instruction of North Carolina, 1910.

[31] Census Reports, 1880. Report on Defective, Dependent and Delinquent
Classes of the Population of the United States, 1888, p. 402ff.; Census
Reports, 1890. Report on Insane, Feeble-minded, Deaf and Dumb and Blind,
1895, pp. 108ff., 648; Special Reports, 1906, p. 122.

[32] _Ibid._

[33] Probably with the "fevers" the proportion would be larger.

[34] Less than 0.7 per cent.

[35] Probably included with certain of the suppurative diseases.

[36] Not a large number of schools, it is greatly to be regretted, give,
regularly and over an extended period of time, such information in
statistical form and upon the same basis from year to year.

[37] Total attendance.

[38] These tables are based upon statistics given in the reports of the
schools, and given in _Annals_, vi., 1854, p. 237; xv., 1870, p. 113;
xvii., 1872, p. 167.

[39] One case reported.

[40] Letters of inquiry as to whether or not "total" deafness appeared
to be decreasing were sent by the writer to the professors of diseases
of the ear of the medical schools of Johns Hopkins University,
University of Pennsylvania, Columbia University, Cornell University,
Harvard University, University of Chicago, Northwestern University,
University of Michigan, and the Jefferson Medical College of
Philadelphia. The opinion of four of these is that such deafness is
clearly decreasing; of three that little or no decrease is apparent;
while by two no opinion can be vouched yet. The greatest encouragement
is found in respect to treatment for middle ear affections and
infections from fevers. By Dr. S. MacCuen Smith, of the Jefferson
Medical College, it is believed that there is a decrease, "largely due
to the fact that not only the general medical profession, but the public
at large, are recognizing the importance of having the minor aural
lesions promptly and properly cared for. This being the case, it is no
longer possible for children in the public schools to continue their
studies when suffering from diseased tonsils and enlarged adenoid
vegetations. From this cause alone, many cases of impairment of hearing
which usually occur later in life will be prevented in the future". By
Dr. E. A. Crockett, of Harvard University, it is believed that, although
there is a larger amount of deafness from measles, there is less, not
only from scarlet fever, but also from chronic suppurations, from
adenoid and throat troubles in general, and even from meningitis, owing
to the use of serums. Regarding his own observations, within a period of
twenty-five years "the number of extremely deaf persons and deaf-mutes
has very materially diminished".

[41] Hereditary deafness is sometimes of a kind that manifests itself
some years after birth, often with certain relatives similarly affected.
This is especially true of catarrhal and middle ear affections, though
their results may more often be partial rather than total deafness.

[42] In a part of such deafness, and also in a portion of that occurring
shortly after birth, the cause is said to be syphilis. See Proceedings
of International Otological Congress, ix., 1913, p. 49; _Volta Review_,
xiv., 1912, p. 348; xv., 1913, p. 209.

[43] Special Reports, pp. 125, 236. There were 3,341 who failed to
answer, and if all had made reply, our percentage would probably be
higher yet.

[44] P. 108.

[45] In the Louisiana School 10 per cent of the pupils are said to have
parents who were blood relatives; in the Illinois, 5 per cent; and in
the Kansas, from 5 to 5.5 per cent. Report of Louisiana School, 1906, p.
17. See also Transactions of American Medical Association, xi., 1858,
pp. 321-425; Proceedings of Conference of Principals, iii., 1876, p.
204; _Annals_, xxii., 1877, p. 242.

[46] On this subject, see Francis Galton. "Natural Inheritance", 1889,
p. 132ff. See also G. B. L. Arner, "Consanguineous Marriages", 1908, p.
65ff.; C. B. Davenport, "Heredity in Relation to Eugenics", 1911, p.
124ff.

[47] Special Reports, pp. 128, 235, and _passim_.

[48] These proportions are further indicated in the succeeding section.

[49] Special Reports, p. 135ff.

[50] Report, 1908, p. 31.

[51] Out of 107 children born to former pupils of the Minnesota School
up to 1892, 2, or 1.9 per cent, were deaf. Report, 1892, p. 39. Out of
811 children born to former pupils of the American School up to 1891,
105, or 12.9 per cent, were deaf. Report, 1891, p. 20.

[52] The study had been originally planned by Dr. F. H. Wines for the
_International Record of Charities and Corrections_. See issue for
October, 1888. The work was published by the Volta Bureau. For a
discussion of the results, see _Association Review_, ii., 1900, p. 178;
Publications of American Statistical Association, vi., 1899, p. 353;
_Biometrika_ (London), iv., 1904-5, p. 465. See also charts in current
numbers of _Volta Review_.

[53] From the total number of marriages, 974 were deducted, being cases
concerning the offspring of which no information could be obtained, and
also 434 cases where there were no offspring.

[54] From p. 134. It has also been computed by Dr. Fay from his data
that of 5,455 married deaf persons, 300, or 5.5 per cent, have deaf
offspring. _Annals_, lii., 1907, p. 253.

[55] The proportions for the general population are hardly over 0.3 per
cent and 0.05 per cent respectively.

[56] The proportion of the married deaf who are married to deaf partners
is found by Dr. Fay to be 72.5 per cent, and of those married to hearing
partners, 20 per cent, there being no information for the remaining 7.5
per cent. The census returns, however, give the respective proportions
as 51.3 per cent and 48.7 per cent.

[57] See Proceedings of National Conference of Charities and
Corrections, 1879, p. 214; A. G. Bell, "The Formation of a Deaf Variety
of the Human Race", Memoirs, 1883, ii., part 4, p. 177; Proceedings of
Conference of Principals, i., 1868, p. 91; v., 1884, p. 205; A. G. Bell,
"Marriage, an Address to the Deaf", 1898; Evidence before the Royal
Commission on the Deaf, etc., 1892, ii., pp. 74-129; _Annals_, xxix.,
1884, pp. 32, 72; xxx., 1885, p. 155; xxxiii., 1888, pp. 37, 206;
_Popular Science Monthly_, xvii., 1885, p. 15; _Science_, Aug., 1890, to
March, 1891 (xvi., xvii.); _Arena_, xii., 1895, p. 130; _Association
Review_, x., 1908, p. 166; _Volta Review_, xiv., 1912, p. 184;
Proceedings of Reunion of Alumni of Wisconsin School for the Deaf, vi.,
1891, p. 46; National Association of the Deaf, iv., 1893, p. 112; ix.,
1910, p. 69; Report of Board of Charities of New York, 1911, i., p. 150.

[58] No statutory action seems ever to have been taken in the matter. In
Connecticut, however, in 1895 when a law (Laws, ch. 325) was enacted
forbidding the marriage of the feeble-minded and epileptic, a provision
respecting the congenitally deaf and blind came near being included.
_Annals_, xl., 1895, p. 310.

[59] Census Reports, 1880. Report on Defective, Dependent and Delinquent
Classes of the Population of the United States, 1888, p. 402ff.; Census
Reports, 1890. Report on Insane, Feeble-minded, Deaf and Dumb and Blind,
1895, pp. 108ff., 684; Special Reports, 1906, p. 122. The ages of the
deaf were reported less fully in 1880 than in 1890, and less fully in
1890 than in 1900; and if we take the numbers of those whose ages were
reported in these three censuses, we have the following table, showing
the proportion of the congenitally deaf.

THE CONGENITALLY DEAF ACCORDING TO NUMBERS IN WHICH AGE WAS REPORTED

NUMBER
WHOSE AGE CONGENITALLY PER
WAS REPORTED DEAF CENT

1880 22,473 12,155 54.7
1890 37,204 16,866 45.8
1900 35,479 12,609 35.3

If we assume that the proportion of the congenitally deaf to all the
deaf in each census was the same that it was among the cases in which
the age of the occurrence of deafness was reported, we have this table
to show the number of the congenitally deaf and the ratio of the deaf
among the population.

THE CONGENITALLY DEAF ACCORDING TO NUMBERS ASSUMED

ASSUMED
NUMBER OF RATIO PER
CONGENITALLY MILLION OF
DEAF POPULATION

1880 18,531 369
1890 18,375 293
1900 13,286 175

These tables are taken from _Annals_, li., 1906, p. 487.

[60] In the three schools where an increase in congenital deafness
appears to be found, namely, those of Michigan, Wisconsin and Ohio, a
partial explanation probably lies in the fact that in these states a
number of day schools have been created of late years, which are not
likely to draw congenitally deaf pupils to the extent that the
institutions do, thus leaving a larger proportion for the latter. See
also E. A. Fay, _op. cit._, p. 125.

CHAPTER III

TREATMENT OF THE DEAF BY THE STATE

GENERAL ATTITUDE OF THE LAW TOWARDS THE DEAF

After examination of the question of how long the deaf are to be an
element of the population, our discussion turns to their position at
present as an actual part of society. The first relation to be
considered is that of the state to them.

The state acts on men through the law, and in the law is represented not
only its authority, but its attitude as well towards the problems that
confront society, including the treatment of the various elements of its
population. In this chapter it is our purpose by a study of the law in
respect to the deaf to discover the attitude of the state towards them
and the treatment which it has accorded them.

Generally in ancient and even in more modern days the deaf, especially
the congenitally deaf without education, have been held in the eyes of
the law more or less as though they were an abnormal element in the
state, at times being regarded as though they were of defective minds,
and now and then being considered practically as idiots. Though there
was usually meditated no unduly harsh treatment of the deaf, they were
for the most part deemed incapable of performing the full duties of
citizenship, certain of the rights that belonged to their fellowmen were
denied to them, and they were held in considerable degree in what
amounted to legal bondage. It was only in the course of time in most
countries that the law came to look upon the deaf differently, to regard
them more as normal persons, and to grant them in greater measure the
rights of other men.[61]

In America the attention of the law has been directed to the deaf both
by legislation relating to them, and by court decisions affecting them.
In addition, in the constitutions of a number of states, as we shall
see, provision is made for institutions for the education of the deaf;
and in one state, Mississippi,[62] a provision is found exempting the
deaf from the payment of a poll tax. The law cannot be said to have
concerned itself extensively with the deaf, but the light in which they
have been viewed has been indicated fairly clearly. Judicial _dicta_ and
opinions have been of less frequency and importance than legislation,
and have rather dealt with the mental capacity of the deaf in certain
legal relations and proceedings, as in their responsibility for crimes,
the making of wills, the appointment of interpreters, etc. Legislation
itself has not often been engaged in providing for the deaf as a special
class, beyond maintaining schools for the education of the young. Where
this legislation has taken place, it may be said to be of three kinds.
First, the deaf have been regarded as mentally deficient or incapable of
certain civic acts, and discriminatory laws have been enacted. Next, the
deaf have been thought to need special consideration or protection on
the part of the state, and laws have been passed for the appointment of
guardians or otherwise for their security or benefit. The third class of
legislation is where the state bases its action upon the supposed
weakness of the deaf, their "physical disability," as it is frequently
termed, and here we have a series of what may be called negative
benefactions, designed to make less hard the way of the deaf. Such
special provision has consisted chiefly in the remission of taxes in
certain instances or of some other form of more or less direct
assistance.

LEGISLATION DISCRIMINATORY RESPECTING THE DEAF

Legislation which may be termed discriminatory in respect to the deaf
has really been of but slight extent.[63] In Georgia we find an
enactment of 1840,[64] in which the deaf were to be regarded _pro tanto_
as idiots, so far as concerned the managing of their estates, though
this was in fact intended for their protection. In New Mexico a law has
been enacted, forbidding those deaf by birth from making wills, unless
their intention is declared in writing;[65] and in Louisiana a deaf man
is incapable of acting as a witness to a testament.[66] In several
states, as New York and Massachusetts, there have been enactments in
regard to deaf-mute immigrants together with other classes who might be
likely to become a public charge, with the exaction of bond as
security.[67] In Georgia[68] there is an enactment in reference to
various itinerant concerns which might leave deaf persons, as well as
others, in the state as public charges.[69]

LEGISLATION IN PROTECTION OF THE DEAF

Legislation of the second class, where the deaf are thought to require
particular consideration or protection, has likewise been infrequent.
The first instance is an enactment of Massachusetts in 1776,[70]
relating to the appointment, on certain occasions, of guardians for the
deaf, especially those deaf "from their nativity," together with other
persons--which is probably the earliest statutory reference to the deaf
in America. A later example is an enactment in Georgia in 1818,[71] and
still in force, providing for the appointment of guardians, on somewhat
the same order as that which we have indicated, for deaf and dumb
persons incapable of managing their estates. In New Jersey in 1838[72] a
law was enacted, forbidding deaf persons under seventeen years of age to
be bound out as apprentices. In Ohio a statute also of 1838[73] provided
for guardians for the deaf, and several modern statutes are somewhat of
this nature. In Maine the deaf cannot be sent to the reform school.[74]
In Arkansas[75] and Missouri[76] it is provided that the court may
appoint guardians for deaf persons from fourteen to twenty-one years of
age in case of the death of a parent. Of somewhat different character,
but still for the protection of the deaf, is the enactment in several
states, as Wisconsin[77] and Virginia,[78] where injury or abuse of the
deaf is made a matter of special attention in the law.

LEGISLATION IN AID OF THE DEAF

Examples of legislation designed to be of material aid to the deaf are
rather more common, the chief of which, as we have noted, is the
exemption from the payment of some personal or property tax.[79] Thus in
Missouri we find a statute of 1843[80] allowing a deaf man to be exempt
from the poll tax and the tax on property up to $300. Indiana in
1848[81] exempted its deaf and blind citizens from a poll tax and a
property tax up to $500. Mississippi[82] exempted these classes from the
road duty in 1878, and two years later from the poll tax as well, this
exemption being incorporated in the state constitution, as we have seen.
Tennessee[83] in 1895 also exempted from the poll tax the deaf, the
blind and those incapable of labor. In Pennsylvania legislation seems to
have gone the furthest in its desire to be of material help to the deaf,
for here we find the deaf with the blind exempted from the penalties
which usually apply to tramps.[84] Such are instances of this form of
legislation, but similar legislation has been enacted in other states.

Very rare are instances where the state makes special provision for the
care of, or extends special poor relief to, any of its deaf population.
The chief example seems to be the action of some of the New England
states with their so-called "missions for the deaf." These are
associations, composed in great part of the deaf and engaged in various
forms of mission work, and to them state funds are granted to aid the
aged, infirm and helpless deaf. By this plan Maine is said to have been
without a deaf-mute pauper in ten years. The amounts allowed, however,
for this purpose are not large, being $200 a year in Maine and $150 in
New Hampshire.[85] In Ohio the counties are allowed to contract with
private homes for the maintenance of the aged and infirm deaf--there
being but one such in the state, that supported by the deaf
themselves--and the state board of charities is given power to remove
deaf persons thereto from the county infirmaries.[86]

Instances are likewise rare where the state makes a distinct
appropriation of money for the benefit of the deaf other than for
schools. We have one instance in New York where the state for a certain
number of years allowed a small sum to the publishers of a paper for the
benefit of poor deaf-mutes.[87]

As a last species of legislation in aid of the deaf, we have a single
enactment of quite different character from that which we have hitherto
found, and of later appearance. This is the law enacted in Minnesota in
1913,[88] which provides for a division for the deaf in the state bureau
of labor. Its duties are to

Collect statistics of the deaf, ascertain what trades or occupations
are most suitable for them and best adapted to promote their
interests, ... use [its] best efforts to aid them in securing such
employment as they may be best fitted to engage in, keep a census
and obtain facts, information and statistics as to their condition
in life with a view to the betterment of their lot, and endeavor to
obtain statistics and information of the conditions of labor and
employment and education in other states with a view to promoting
the general welfare of the deaf in this state.

Such legislation may prove highly beneficial to the deaf, not only in
rendering very desirable aid to them, but also in offering means of
learning very important facts as to their condition.

TENOR OF COURT DECISIONS AFFECTING THE DEAF

The opinions of the courts of law in regard to the deaf have, as we have
noted, rather revolved upon the mental capacity of the deaf in certain
proceedings, and upon their competence in certain legal relations. These
judicial expressions have in the main referred to four relations of the
deaf in the law: 1. in their responsibility for crime; 2. in acting as
witnesses; 3. in requiring guardians; and 4. in the making of wills and
contracts generally.

As to the responsibility of the deaf man for his misdeeds, there has
been in times past more or less presumption against it, especially if he
were born deaf and were without education; but to-day he is quite
generally held fully answerable for his crimes and misdemeanors, and his
deafness cannot mitigate his punishment.[89] As a witness, the deaf man
under proper circumstances is now allowed to appear without hindrance
before virtually any court.[90] As to special guardians, these will be
accorded the deaf when there appears sufficient need, though there is
less of this than formerly.[91] With respect to the testamentary
capacity of the deaf, we find that in times past the deaf were often
said to be more or less incapable of making wills, though this
presumption could always be overcome. Naturally their wills were
subjected to considerable scrutiny for the purpose of preventing fraud;
but if written and apparently genuine, they could usually stand. To-day
the deaf are practically everywhere held to be quite capable in this
respect, and probably nowhere would a will be set aside for reason of
the deafness of the testator alone. Likewise the deaf are now generally
held capable of entering into all contractual relations.[92]

PRESENT TREND OF THE LAW IN RESPECT TO THE DEAF

In most of the statutes and decisions to which we have referred there
appears a distinct trend towards treating the deaf quite as normal
persons, and the tendency may be considered to be general to-day to hold
them very much as other citizens. The greater part of all the special
legislation has ceased of late years, and it is seldom now that a
particular enactment is placed upon the statute books. Where such does
occur, it arises chiefly where some peculiar protection of the deaf has
been felt to be needed. Discriminatory legislation has practically
disappeared, as has also beneficial legislation of the old sort, the
only kind likely to be enacted in the future being along the new lines
pointed out.

In judicial proceedings likewise particular usage in respect to the deaf
has almost entirely passed away, and the deaf to-day receive little
distinctive treatment. Practically the sole special consideration now
accorded them is in the procurement of interpreters for proper
occasions. On the whole, then, the present attitude of the law may be
said to be to regard the deaf more and more fully as citizens, to allow
them all the rights and duties of such, and to consider them in little
need of particular aid or attention.[93]

FOOTNOTES:

[61] The legal treatment of the deaf, however, in past times has not
been as severe as has been often supposed. Both the Justinian Code and
the Civil Law, as well as the Common Law, granted a number of rights to
the deaf, these being in some cases as far as the policy of the law
would permit. In a few instances a not unsympathetic attitude was
displayed towards them. In the early Roman law and in some other systems
word of mouth was necessary to accomplish certain legal acts, and this
of course bore hardly upon the deaf. In all cases it was the deaf-mute
from birth who suffered most. On this subject, see A. C. Gaw, "The Legal
Status of the Deaf," 1907; H. P. Peet, "Legal Rights and
Responsibilities of the Deaf," 1857 (Proceedings of Convention of
American Instructors, iv., p. 17).

[62] Constitution, 1890, sec. 243. The blind are also included in the
exemption.

[63] In New York we find an early reference to the deaf in the rules
adopted in 1761 by the state assembly regarding suffrage qualifications
in the election of its own members, one of which rules declared that "no
man deaf and dumb from his nativity has a vote," though this may have
been partly due to the fact that nearly all voting then was _viva voce_.
William Smith, "History of the Late Province of New York," 1830, ii., p.
358.

[64] Laws, p. 110. A Kentucky statute refers to "idiots and those by
speech or sign incapable" of understanding (Stat., 1894, § 2149), but
the deaf may not necessarily be included.

[65] Cod. Laws, 1865, ch. 3, § 2; 1884, § 1378.

[66] Civ. Code, 1838, § 1852; 1898, § 1591.

[67] In 1849 New York required the masters of ships landing in New York
City to report to the mayor what passengers were deaf, blind or insane.
Laws, ch. 350. See also Laws, 1851, ch. 523; 1881, ch. 427. See Public
Statutes of Massachusetts, 1882, p. 468. The present United States
immigration laws do not directly exclude the deaf, but they have been
thought at times to have been made to bear unduly upon them.

[68] Code, 1911, § 559. The application is to "proprietors of circuses
and other migratory companies."

[69] In a few states, as California and New York, attempts have been
made to secure laws barring the deaf from licenses to run automobiles.
Such measures, however, are to be regarded less as discrimination
against the deaf than for the public safety.

[70] Laws, 1776, ch. 20.

[71] Laws, 1818, p. 342; 1840, p. 345; Code, 1911, § 3089.

[72] Laws, p. 128.

[73] Laws, 1838, p. 40; 1841, p. 573.

[74] Rev. Stat., 1883, ch. 142, § 2.

[75] Digest, 1894, § 3571; 1904, § 3760.

[76] Stat., 1872, p. 672; Rev. Stat., 1909, § 407. In Kansas by opinion
of the attorney-general, the juvenile court laws do not apply to the
deaf.

[77] Gen. Stat., 1898, p. 2672. Abuse or ill-treatment of an inmate of a
state institution for the deaf, the blind and other classes may be
punished by fine or imprisonment.

[78] Laws, 1908, p. 55. It is made a misdemeanor to abduct or kidnap
inmates of "deaf and dumb and blind hospitals".

[79] In several states there are provisions in regard to the employment
of interpreters for the deaf. See Code of Georgia, 1911, § 5864; Gen.
Laws of Rhode Island, 1909, § 3855.

[80] Laws, p. 202.

[81] Laws, ch. 76.

[82] Laws, 1878, ch. 52; 1880, p. 20.

[83] Laws, 1895, ch. 120; Ann. Code, 1896, § 686.

[84] Purdon's Digest, 1903, p. 5023. In Georgia persons deaf and blind
are expressly permitted to make wills if properly scrutinized. Code,
1911, § 3844.

[85] See Laws of New Hampshire, 1895, ch. 131. This relief is here known
as the "Granite State Mission". See also _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, Feb. 9,
1911.

[86] See Laws, 1896, p. 419; 1898, p. 212; 1900, p. 369.

[87] This seems to have been begun in 1839, and continued nearly fifty
years. See Laws, 1839, ch. 329; 1858, ch. 546; 1886, ch. 330. The sum of
$100 was first granted to the _Radii_, and later appropriations to
succeeding publications.

[88] Laws, p. 330. The law was secured by the efforts of the deaf
themselves. See _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, May 22, 1913.

[89] See Houst. Crim. Cas. (Del.), 291; 8 Jones L. (N. C.), 136; 14
Mass., 207. This last case was one of larceny. See also I. L. Peet,
"Psychical Status and Criminal Responsibility of the Totally Uneducated
Deaf and Dumb," 1872 (_Journal of Psychological Medicine_, Jan., 1872);
_Annals_, xvii., 1872, p. 65.

[90] 37 S. W. (Tex.), 440; 118 Mo., 127; 39 S. C., 318; 1 Den. (N. Y.),
19; 23 Col., 314; 3 N. M., 134.

[91] See 16 Ohio St., 455, where a guardian was allowed; 41 N. J. Eq.,
409, where the deaf were said to be liable to guardianship.

[92] See 1 Jones Eq. (N. C.), 221. In 4 Johns. Ch., 441, a New York case
in 1820, it was said by Chancellor Kent that the deaf and dumb were
considered _prima facie_ as insane, incapable of making a will and fit
subjects for guardianship, by the civil law. The presumption was due, he
said, to the fact that "want of hearing and speech exceedingly cramps
the powers of the mind," but it was to be overcome by proof. In this
case the presumption was overruled. The implication, however, never
applied to the deaf not born so. At present there is no presumption in
connection with wills, deeds, witnessing, or guardianship. See 3 Conn.,
299; 27 Gratt. (Va.), 190; 6 Ga., 324; 3 Ired. (N. C.), 535. In the
Missouri case, quoted above, it was said: "Presumption of idiocy does
not seem to obtain in modern practice, at least not in the United
States."

[93] The deaf as a class may be said to be strongly opposed to nearly
all forms of legal treatment different from those of their
fellow-citizens. In Texas, where they have been exempted from a personal
or property tax, they have made formal protest against the exemption.
_Annals_, l., 1905, p. 263; Report of Mississippi School, 1911, p. 72.
They have, as another instance, voiced opposition to the release of
criminals on the ground of their deafness. See Proceedings of Convention
of National Association of the Deaf, ii., 1883, p. 16.

CHAPTER IV

ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE DEAF

EXTENT TO WHICH THE DEAF ARE A WAGE-EARNING AND SELF-SUPPORTING ELEMENT
OF THE POPULATION

In the want of the sense of hearing, and with it oftentimes the faculty
of speech, the deaf are deprived of most important powers, and, it might
appear, of an essential equipment for work among men. It is not to be
denied that the deaf start out into life severely handicapped, nor can
the difficulties which they must face in meeting the world pass
unregarded.

Yet notwithstanding the particular adversity under which the deaf have
to labor, they remain in full possession of all their other physical
forces, and it may be a question whether on the whole they are to be
considered disqualified from engaging in the industrial pursuits of men.
It may be that there are occupations in which their deafness will not
prove of material consequence, and that in such fields they will be able
to enter without serious impediment. In the present chapter we shall
attempt to see how far these possibilities seem to be realized in the
actual industrial life of the community. In other words, we shall
consider what is the place of the deaf as economic factors in this
life, and how far they are independent wage-earners, at the same time
comparing their economic standing with that of the general population.

The returns of the census, covering the entire country and presenting
the results of a careful investigation, will furnish our most complete
source of information. Here[94] are reported in gainful occupations
12,678 deaf persons over ten years of age, or 38.1 per cent of the
number of the deaf over this age.[95] This is somewhat less than the
percentage for the general population, which is 50.2. Of the deaf twenty
years of age and over, however, the percentage gainfully employed is
50.1, embracing 11,670 persons. In the following table is shown the
number of the deaf over ten years of age in the five great occupations,
with the respective percentages, and also the percentages for the
general population.

GENERAL OCCUPATIONS OF THE DEAF

PER CENT
PER OF GENERAL
OCCUPATION NUMBER CENT POPULATION

Agricultural pursuits 4,761 37.5 35.7
Manufacturing and mechanical 4,583 36.1 24.4
Domestic and personal 2,395 18.9 19.2
Trade and transportation 552 4.4 16.4
Professional 387 3.1 4.3

It is seen from this that the proportions are very nearly the same for
the deaf and the general population in agricultural pursuits, domestic
and personal service, and professional service. In manufacturing and
mechanical occupations the proportion of the deaf is indeed considerably
higher. In trade and transportation, on the other hand, the proportion
for the deaf is far lower than that for the general population--a
condition to be accounted for by the very evident need of hearing in
such pursuits.

Of the deaf engaged in agricultural pursuits, 3,366, or about
three-fourths, are in a position of ownership or direction, being
farmers, planters, or overseers; 1,218 are agricultural laborers, while
75 are gardeners, florists, or nursery-men. The large number of the deaf
in professional occupations is in part explained by the fact that 206
are themselves engaged in the instruction of the deaf. Other specified
occupations where fifty or more of the deaf are employed in each are as
follows:

SPECIFIED OCCUPATIONS OF THE DEAF

Laborers not specified 1,217
Servants and waiters 712
Boot and shoemakers and repairers 559
Printers, lithographers and pressmen 382
Carpenters and joiners 371
Dressmakers 314
Seamstresses 306
Tailors 236
Painters, glaziers and varnishers 223
Launderers 210
Cigar and tobacco operators 162
Cabinet-makers 119
Merchants and dealers (retail) 115
Iron and steel workers 106
Clerks and copyists 105
Housekeepers and stewards 91
Machinists 87
Blacksmiths 84
Miners and quarrymen 81
Cotton mill operators 78
Barbers and hairdressers 74
Bakers 61
Agents 61
Artists and teachers of art 60
Harness and saddle makers and repairers 59
Draymen, hackmen, teamsters, etc. 56
Manufacturers and officials 55
Masons 52

So far, then, as appears from the findings of the United States census,
the deaf are seen to be distributed among the chief industries very
generally, and in very many of what are known as "trades" they are able
to be profitably employed. In some activities of life deafness is of
course an effectual barrier, but these are rather restricted ones. There
is but one great division of employment in which the deaf cannot enter
extensively, namely, commercial and mercantile pursuits. With these
exceptions, the deaf are found to be industrially occupied like the rest
of the community, and to be able to engage, and actually engaging, in
most of the employments of men.[96]

In respect to the general economic status of the deaf, a second source
of information, at the bottom of the scale, as it were, is to be found
in the proportion of the deaf cared for in public alms-houses. Though a
much greater proportion of the deaf are discovered here than of the
general population, the deaf do not on the whole constitute a large part
of the alms-house population of the country. In 1910 the census reported
540 deaf-mutes to be in alms-houses, or six-tenths of one per cent of
all their inmates.[97] That is to say, a little over one per cent (1.2)
of the total number of the deaf in the United States are found to-day in
alms-houses.[98]

Such is the evidence we have in respect to the economic standing of the
deaf. Yet the fact that the deaf are usually found capable of taking
care of themselves should not be, after all, a matter either of doubt or
of wonder. They are for the most part, as we have indicated, quite
"able-bodied," and but for their want of hearing are perfectly normal
in respect to "doing a job." If they are skillful and efficient, their
deafness proves comparatively little of a drawback. Another contributing
cause in the situation lies in the fact that most of the deaf have
attended the special schools provided for them, where industrial
preparation with the opportunity to learn a trade is offered and largely
availed of.[99] When they go out into the world, they may be supposed to
have an industrial equipment, which, besides taking in view their
handicap, is one in many respects fully equal to that of their hearing
fellow-laborers; and though many of the deaf, apparently the greater
number, do not follow the trade learned at school, yet there is no doubt
that the training and lessons in industry there acquired prove of
decided practical advantage.[100]

VIEWS OF THE DEAF AS TO THEIR ECONOMIC STANDING

To what extent the deaf hold themselves able to stand alongside the
general population may well be indicated by what they themselves have to
say. Of the adult deaf who have had schooling, it is claimed that
eighty-one per cent are gainfully employed;[101] and that of the adult
male deaf ninety per cent are self-supporting.[102] A large proportion
are said to be the heads of families and the possessors of homes.[103]
In respect to the conditions of their employment, including that of
wages, they are usually ready to declare that they are little different
from those of the general population, sometimes taking pains to point
out the substantial equality of the two.[104]

The views of the deaf in the whole matter of their industrial footing
may be expressed as summed up in the following resolutions, which were
reported by a special committee on industrial conditions of the deaf at
the convention of the National Association of the Deaf in 1904:[105]

1. There are few ordinary occupations in which the deaf do not or
cannot engage.

2. Employers and foremen treat deaf workmen as they do hearing
workmen.

3. Deafness is a hindrance to a great extent, but it is not such a
formidable barrier as has popularly been supposed.

4. The deaf workman usually has steady work. Those that do not
generally have only themselves to blame.

5. The deaf invariably get the same wages for the same class of work
as the hearing.

6. Employers and foremen are glad to have deaf workmen who can show
that they have the ability to do the work expected of them, and take
them on a basis equal to that of the hearing. If they are competent,
their services secure ready recognition.[106]

THE DEAF AS ALMS-SEEKERS

It might be thought that the deaf might sometimes find their infirmity a
useful means of soliciting alms from the public. But it is gratifying to
learn that very few of them ever try to make capital out of their
affliction. That a deaf man merely as such is in no wise to be
considered a special beneficiary of charity is a principle spiritedly
endorsed by nearly all the deaf themselves; and they are found to be the
last to lend encouragement to any appeals for aid from the charitably
disposed.[107]

On the other hand, it is a fact, perhaps not as widely known as it
should be, that there are persons able to hear who often pretend to be
deaf and dumb in order to work on the sensibilities of the public. To
such appeals a far more ready response is met with than should be the
case. The deaf themselves usually do what they can to prevent this, a
certain number indeed going to considerable lengths in this direction,
and not infrequently running such impostors down.[108] In nearly all the
state associations of the deaf as well as in the national organization
it is made a particular object to investigate and prosecute mendicants
simulating deafness, while in their papers a vigorous war is being
waged.[109] At the same time by many of the deaf a campaign of education
is being conducted for the enlightenment of the public. The following
resolutions, adopted by the National Association of the Deaf in 1910,
attest their feeling in the matter:[110]

_Whereas_, There is no necessity for an educated deaf person to beg
or solicit alms on account of deafness; and

_Whereas_, There are many cases of persons who are not really deaf,
but hearing people, who prey on the sympathy of the public to the
injury of the respectable and self-supporting deaf; therefore be it

_Resolved_, That it is the sense of the Association that stringent
laws should be enacted, making it a penal offense to ask pecuniary
aid on account of deafness or on pretense of being "deaf and dumb."

Only very rarely, however, has legal cognizance been taken of this evil,
though it may sometimes be included under the general charge of
"vagrancy" or "imposture." In a few states there have been special
enactments, as in New York[111] and Minnesota,[112] in the former the
impersonation of a deaf man being expressly added to the offenses that
constitute imposture, and in the latter to those that constitute
vagrancy.

HOMES FOR THE DEAF

Homes for the deaf in America have never been organized on other than a
small scale, and in the main they may be said to serve a purpose similar
to that of homes for the aged and infirm generally. Though there is
little call for such establishments to a wide extent, and though the
proportion of the deaf to be benefited by them is small,[113] yet for a
number of the deaf there is a peculiar need. These are deaf persons,
usually the old and decrepit, who are without means to support
themselves, and have no family or friends to look to for help. To them a
special retreat in association with others in similar condition proves
an immeasurable blessing, and in such their last years may be spent in
tranquillity and comparative happiness.

The object of a home for the deaf is thus given for one of them.[114]

To take care of such of the deaf of the state as are incapacitated
by reason of old age or other infirmity from taking care of
themselves, to the end that they may have the comforts of a home,
where they can associate with each other, and have the consolation
of religious services in their own language of signs, instead of
being sent to a county infirmary.

The purpose of another home is thus described:[115]

This home is unique, being the only institution of its kind in the
state, owned and controlled by the deaf, who have formed themselves
into an association, known as the Pennsylvania Society for the
Advancement of the Deaf. Like our Ohio cousins, who have already
established a similar home, we pride ourselves upon our ability to
own and control such a responsible institution. The home owes its
existence entirely to the charitable impulse of the deaf themselves,
aided by the generosity of their hearing friends. It exists because
of the desire to provide a home of rest for the infirm of our class
during their declining years, so that they may find here comfort and
happiness in congenial companionship and intelligent conversation.

At present there are five homes for the deaf.[116] They are found in the
states of Massachusetts, New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, there being
two in New York.[117] The first to be created was the Gallaudet Home at
Wappinger's Falls, New York, founded in 1885; the second the Ohio Home
at Westerville in 1896; the third the home of St. Elizabeth's
Industrial School in New York City in 1897; the fourth the New England
Home at Everett, Massachusetts, in 1901;[118] and the fifth the
Pennsylvania Home at Doyleston in 1902. The homes in Ohio and
Pennsylvania are owned and controlled by the societies for the deaf in
these respective states, the management being in the hands of trustees,
in the former of twenty, and in the latter of nine. The Gallaudet Home
is under the Church Mission to Deaf-Mutes of the Protestant Episcopal
Church, with the direction vested in a board of twenty-five trustees.
The home in Massachusetts is controlled by a private society organized
for the purpose, with a board of fifteen trustees in charge. The home in
New York City is a part of St. Elizabeth's Industrial School of the
Roman Catholic Church.[119]

The homes are for the most part for the deaf of restricted areas, those
in Pennsylvania and Ohio being for the deaf in these respective states.
With but one exception,[120] they are open to the "aged and infirm," in
some there being an age limitation of sixty years. The homes are in
general free to those qualified to enter, and though a charge may be
exacted from persons able to pay, this is seldom done, the homes being
intended for the destitute and friendless.

The total number of inmates in the homes is 106, ranging in different
ones from 13 to 30, and averaging about 20. The total annual cost of
maintenance is $30,190, making the average cost of each inmate
$290.[121] The value of the property of the homes is about $375,000, one
home having two-thirds of this, and two homes four-fifths.

As little is received in the way of pay from inmates,[122] the homes
have to depend for the most part upon private benevolence for their
support. In the case of the Ohio and Pennsylvania homes this support
comes largely from the deaf themselves.[123] In nearly all the homes
there are a certain number of inmates, but usually a very small number,
cared for at public expense. Private contributions to the homes are
seldom large, though in one case these have amounted to a considerable
sum.[124] They usually range from three or four thousand dollars a year
to several times as much.[125]

CONCLUSIONS WITH RESPECT TO THE ECONOMIC POSITION OF THE DEAF

From all the foregoing we may conclude the following with respect to the
economic position of the deaf:

1. The deaf are not a burden upon the community.

2. They are wage-earners in a degree that compares well with the general
population.

3. The occupations open to them and in which they are successfully
employed are much larger in number than is generally thought, and in
many their infirmity is very little of a drawback.

4. The deaf hold themselves on an economic equality with the rest of
their fellow-citizens, and ask no alms or favors of any kind.

5. Beyond homes for certain of the aged and infirm, which are called for
in not a few quarters, the deaf stand in need of little distinctive
economic treatment from society.

FOOTNOTES:

[94] Special Reports, p. 146ff.

[95] The proportion for the deaf would no doubt be higher but for the
large number in the schools. It should also be noted that "keeping
house", the most usual occupation reported by females, is not listed
among the occupations.

[96] Several of the deaf have won distinction as artists, and there have
been not a few inventors. In the civil service of the National
government there are said to be nearly two score. In 1908 an order was
issued by the Civil Service Commission, debarring deaf persons from this
service. So great was the protest, however, made by the deaf and their
friends that the decision was reversed by the President, and the deaf
were allowed to compete for any position where their deafness would not
interfere. See _Annals_, liii., 1908, p. 249; liv., 1909, p. 387; _Volta
Review_, x., 1908, p. 224; _Silent Worker_, Feb., 1909; Proceedings of
National Association of the Deaf, ix., 1910, pp. 26, 70.

[97] Paupers in Alms-houses, 1913, p. 76. In 1911 there were in the
alms-houses of Illinois, according to the Report of the state board of
charities, 38 deaf-mutes, or 0.5 per cent of the entire alms-house
population; in Indiana, 81, or 2.6 per cent; in New York, 191, or 1.8
per cent; and in Virginia, 17, or 0.7 per cent. In Michigan, according
to the annual Abstract of Statistical Information Relating to the
Insane, Deaf and Dumb, etc., for 1912, of the 1,059 deaf persons
reported, 32, or 3 per cent, were cared for at public expense.

[98] The percentage for the general population is 0.1.

[99] In many schools it is said that few of their former pupils have
failed to be self-supporting, especially those who have taken the full
prescribed course. Of the New York Institution the proportion is stated
to be as low as four per cent. Report, 1907, p. 37. Of the Michigan
School it is asserted that out of 1,800 former pupils, only three are
not self-supporting. Proceedings of Michigan Conference of Charities and
Corrections, 1907, pp. 32, 63. Similar claims are made for other schools
in respect to the condition of the deaf. By the head of the New Jersey
School it is stated: "Inquiry at the state prison elicits the fact that
there is not among its vast number of inmates a single deaf man or
woman, and, indeed, I know of no educated deaf convict or pauper in the
state." Report of Board of Education of New Jersey, 1904, p. 323. In
1911 a committee of the Convention of American Instructors of the Deaf
was appointed to collect information and statistics as to the
occupations and wages of the deaf. Proceedings, xix., p. 217.

[100] A special committee on the industrial condition of the deaf of the
National Association of the Deaf stated as a conclusion: "More deaf
workmen learn a new trade when they leave school than follow the one
they were taught at school." Proceedings, vii., 1904, p. 216. In
Minnesota the division for the deaf in the state bureau of labor works
in connection with the state school. See _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, March 7,
1912. On the general industrial training of the deaf and its results,
see _Annals_, l., 1905, p. 98; lvii., 1912, p. 364; _Volta Review_, xi.,
1909, p. 311 (Proceedings of American Association to Promote the
Teaching of Speech to the Deaf); xiii., 1912, pp. 542, 595; Proceedings
of American Instructors, xv., 1898, p. 86; xvi., 1901, p. 238; xvii.,
1905, p. 93; Report of Special Committee of Board of Directors of
Pennsylvania Institution to Collect Information as to Lives and
Occupations of Former Pupils, 1884; Report of Pennsylvania Institution,
1885, p. 30; Mississippi School, 1893, p. 9; 1911, pp. 36, 52; Manual
and History of Ohio School, 1911, p. 16; Report of United States
Commissioner of Education, 1885, p. ccxxxv.; _Journal of Social
Science_, xxvi., 1889, p. 91.

[101] Proceedings of National Association of the Deaf, viii., 1907, p.
41; Indiana Bulletin of Charities and Corrections, June, 1912.

[102] Proceedings of National Conference of Charities and Corrections,
1906, pp. 232, 239.

[103] _Ibid._; Proceedings of National Association of the Deaf, _loc.
cit._

[104] In New York the deaf are said to "earn from $2500 a year to $6 or
$7 a week", most being "journeymen at their trades or skilled factory
operatives". Proceedings of Empire State Association of Deaf-Mutes, xx.,
1899, p. 7. In Missouri the earnings of the graduates of the state
school are reported as ranging up to $1300 a year. Report of Missouri
School, 1912, p. 28. In Massachusetts, in an investigation of the state
board of education, it has been found that of 84 deaf men who had left
school between 1907 and 1912, the average wage was $7.78 a week. _Volta
Review_, xv., 1913, p. 183. The deaf when opportunity offers often
become members of labor unions. They are said "quite generally to join
labor unions where the nature of their occupation permits", though, on
the whole, it does not seem that a large proportion do. Proceedings of
National Association of the Deaf, vii., 1904, pp. 143, 218. For other
views of the deaf on their employment and its returns, see _ibid._, i.,
1880, p. 10; iv., 1893, pp. 122, 167; v., 1896, p. 35; vi., 1899, p. 64;
viii., 1907, p. 53; Empire State Association of Deaf-Mutes, xi., 1887,
p. 9; Illinois Gallaudet Union, v., 1897, p. 25; Reunion of Alumni of
Wisconsin School for the Deaf, vii., 1895, p. 2; _Louisiana Pelican_, of
Louisiana School, Oct. 17, 1908.

[105] Proceedings, vii., p. 190ff. Questionnaires were submitted to deaf
workmen and their employers, and the conclusions (p. 227) were based on
their replies. These resolutions were confirmed by further findings
reported in 1907, especially as to the similarity of the wages of the
deaf and the hearing, and as to the satisfaction of employers with deaf
workmen. Proceedings, viii., p. 48.

[106] Another conclusion was that rural pursuits are better for the deaf
than factory work.

[107] See Proceedings of Convention of American Instructors, v., 1858,
p. 351; Report of Kentucky School, 1867, p. 13n.; _Annals_, x., 1858, p.
161; xxiv., 1879, p. 194.

[108] In the year 1911 the number of impostors whose arrest was secured
by the deaf was 38. _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, Sept. 4, 1913.

[109] In many issues this is made a prominent feature.

[110] Proceedings, ix., p. 89. See also Proceedings of Pennsylvania
Society for the Advancement of the Deaf, xxiv., 1910, pp. 12, 32; Iowa
Association for the Advancement of the Deaf, vi., 1895, p. 29. The
action on the part of the deaf is worthy of the highest praise, and
speaks volumes for them. The real cause for wonder, however, is that the
public should ever allow itself to be deceived by those asking alms on
the pretexts given. By no disease known to medical science, save
paralysis alone, can a man lose his speech and hearing at one and the
same time. It may be safely estimated that of such gentry 98, perhaps
100, per cent are rank frauds.

[111] Rev. Stat., 1896, p. 1242. See also _Annals_, xxxi., 1886, p. 295.
On the other hand, it would seem that such statutes as that in
Pennsylvania which we have noted, exempting the deaf from the provisions
against tramps, would lend encouragement to alms-seeking.

[112] Laws, 1911, p. 356. The law in this state was secured by the
action of the deaf.

[113] It is said that less than 400, or less than one per cent of the
entire number of the deaf, are in need of special homes. Proceedings of
National Association of the Deaf, ix., 1910, p. 51.

[114] Report of Ohio Home for Aged and Infirm Deaf, 1912, p. 15.

[115] From an address given at opening of Pennsylvania Home for the
Deaf, 1902. On the objects of a home, see also Proceedings of Reunion of
Alumni of Wisconsin School for the Deaf, vii., 1895, p. 10.

[116] In three other states funds are being collected to establish
homes: Illinois, Indiana and Missouri. To that in Indiana 20 acres of
land have been donated. A private home was opened in New Jersey in 1854
for colored deaf, blind and crippled, lasting but a short time, and
having less than a dozen inmates. See Report of New Jersey School for
the Deaf, 1893, pp. 3, 7.

[117] A national home for the deaf has also been proposed. For arguments
for and against it, see Proceedings of National Association of the Deaf,
ix., 1910, p. 51. In 1872 such a home was projected, to be located in
New York City, some $4,000 being collected for it. Little encouragement,
however, was met from outside, and the plan was abandoned for a local
institution. See Report of Church Mission to Deaf-Mutes, 1874, p. 18;
1875, p. 17 ("Report of Committee on Building and Fund of National Home
for the Aged and Infirm Deaf"); New York _Times_, Sept. 1, 1875. See
also _International Record of Charities and Corrections_, June, 1886.

[118] This home was at Roxbury till 1905.

[119] In one or two cases there are ladies' auxiliary societies.

[120] The home in New York City receives only women from sixteen to
fifty years of age.

[121] One home is exceptionally provided for, however. Without it the
average is $252.

[122] In 1903 the amount from pay inmates was $1,600. Special Report of
the Census. Benevolent Institutions, 1904. The nominal charge is usually
$250.

[123] Over $3,000 was contributed by the deaf of Ohio for the
establishment of a home in this state.

[124] The Gallaudet Home has an endowment fund of $153,150, of which
$107,000 came from one legacy.

[125] See Appendix A for table in respect to the homes for the deaf. In
connection with the scheme of homes for the deaf, it is interesting to
note that there have been one or two suggestions for colonies for them,
though such have never been taken seriously. One was by a deaf man in
1860 in the form of a memorial to Congress for the creation of a
deaf-mute commonwealth. See _Annals_, viii., 1856, p. 118; x., 1858, pp.
40, 72, 136; xxix., 1884, p. 73. See also "Facts and Opinions Relating
to the Deaf from America", 1892, p. 182; Proceedings of National
Association of the Deaf, i., 1880, pp. 36-39. Farm colonies on a small
scale for poor deaf-mutes have also been considered occasionally, but
little further has ever been attempted. See _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, Aug.
8, 1912; Sept. 12, 1912.

CHAPTER V

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE DEAF

SOCIAL CLEAVAGE FROM THE GENERAL POPULATION

The preceding chapter has dealt with the economic possibilities of the
deaf, and the extent to which they stand alongside the population
generally. The other side of the shield in relation of the deaf to
society is now to be presented, that is, how far their want of hearing
will count in their participation in the social life of the community.

While the deaf man may be an active component in the economic and
industrial life of society, yet his inability to hear and his frequently
consequent inability to speak stand in the way of his prompt and
continuous partaking in its social life. He may, and does, have many
friends among his neighbors and acquaintances, but in the discourse
between man and man which forms such a large part of the interest and
delight in living, he is unable to join. There is usually at hand no
ready and rapid means of communication as there is between two hearing
persons in conversation, and his intercourse must necessarily be slow
and tedious. The privileges of his church he cannot enjoy; in his lodge
he misses the fellowship which is one of its fundamental ends; in few
forms of convivial entertainment can he take part. Thus seeking an
outlet for those social instincts which charge through his being, the
deaf man finds himself among men, but as though surrounded by a great
impenetrable wall against which their voices break in vain.

Placed, however, with his deaf fellows, he discovers himself in a
different situation. He soon learns that by the use of that language of
signs so largely employed by other deaf men, and of which he in a short
time becomes master, he is able to converse with an ease and quickness
fully as great as by that means of which he has been deprived. Hence he
ceases in large measure to carry on his social intercourse with the
hearing, and turns to his deaf comrades; in them he builds up an
approximately congenial companionship and fellowship, and to them he
looks largely for his means of social diversion. With them he feels a
close bond of sympathy, and is moved to co-operate with them, and to
stand with them when their mutual interests are concerned. In time
associations in various forms come to be organized among them. In such
wise is realized the desire of the deaf as of all men to commune with
their fellows.

DESIRABILITY OF ORGANIZATIONS COMPOSED OF THE DEAF

By some people societies or organizations composed exclusively of the
deaf have been opposed, or at least looked upon with disfavor. This is
because it has been felt that it is not well for the deaf to form a
class apart in the community, and that unless discouraged the practice
will cause intermarriage among the deaf, which may result in an
increasing number of deaf people--a matter to which we have already
given attention.

But in combating this tendency of the deaf to organize among themselves,
we are really unmindful of an elemental sociological principle, that
like-minded persons are prone to congregate, and will seek to form
purposive societies and associations, exemplified as well in a boys'
athletic club, in a church sewing circle, in a lodge of free and
accepted masons, as in a "league of elect surds."[126] If "clannishness"
is the outcome, it must be accepted only as the necessary consequence of
the infirmity of the deaf, in the practical affairs of life such men
being bound to seek out and associate with others of like condition. By
the deaf themselves it is claimed that the good readily outweighs the
possible evils, and that, as the fact of their deafness forbids them
belonging generally to societies for the hearing, they are thus forced
to band together, or almost entirely to go without the social
amalgamations which form such a conspicuous and valuable part of
life.[127]

PURPOSES, ACTIVITIES AND EXTENT OF SUCH ORGANIZATIONS

The organizations of the deaf are of several kinds: termed clubs,
leagues, societies, associations and the like; and wherever a number of
deaf persons are congregated, some such organization is likely to be
effected.[128] In large cities not a few may be found, planned perhaps
on different lines or appealing to different kinds of people. The
majority of the societies are formed for the mutual pleasure and culture
of the members.[129] A part are organized on fraternal principles, some
with benefit features, paying out so much in case of illness and the
like; while in a few a certain amount of relief may be dispensed to
those discovered to be in need. In most of the societies, as with the
body of the deaf generally, there is a considerable amount of
solidarity, and the members are usually quick to act in a common cause
or to apply the principle that the concern of one is the concern of
all.[130]

While these societies of the deaf are usually local in their
composition, there exists more or less communication with bodies in
other cities and communities. In over a fourth of the states there are
state societies, while in most of the states there are also alumni
associations of the special schools, which are of state-wide
extent.[131] A national body is likewise in existence, the National
Association of the Deaf, founded in 1880, and incorporated in 1900; and
there is a National Fraternal Society of the Deaf, with benefits for
sickness, injury and death, which has many local branches, this being
probably the largest organization of the deaf in the country.[132] An
international organization has also been formed, known as the World's
Congress of the Deaf.

Among the various associations of the deaf, particular mention may be
made of church organizations in some of the larger cities and towns,
which not infrequently serve in some measure the purpose of a social
center. These deaf congregations are usually in communion with some
denominational body, often being the result of church "missions" to the
deaf, and are ministered to regularly or at stated times by clergymen,
most of whom are themselves deaf. For the use of the deaf, the church
building or rooms in it are generally given over at certain times. In a
few cases the deaf are in possession of edifices of their own.[133]

NEWSPAPERS OF THE DEAF

With the deaf there have been a number of special papers, published by
and for them, and circulating for the most part only among them. Their
chief purpose is to chronicle the various happenings in deaf circles,
and to serve as a medium for the discussion of matters of general
interest to the deaf. These papers are usually weeklies or monthlies,
more often the former, and frequently have correspondents in a greater
or smaller number of localities. There have been not a few ventures in
the establishment of such independent papers, but most of them have
proved short-lived for want of sufficient support, some being of very
brief duration, and only an exceptional one continuing over an extended
period. As a rule there have been seldom more than two or three in
existence at any one time.[134] In addition, there have been several
religious papers for the deaf, often under the auspices of some
denominational body, but usually published by the deaf themselves.
These, however, have never been numerous, and have been of limited
circulation.[135]

FOOTNOTES:

[126] The deaf are not usually eligible to regular secret orders.

[127] On the subject of societies of the deaf, see _Annals_, xviii.,
1873, pp. 200, 255; xxi., 1876, p. 137; xxxii., 1887, p. 246; xxxiii.,
1888, p. 28; xlix., 1904, p. 369; Proceedings of Convention of American
Instructors, ix., 1878, p. 117; National Association of the Deaf, ii.,
1883, p. 12; iv., 1893, pp. 25, 40; vii., 1904, p. 132; viii., 1907, p.
26; Reunion of Alumni of Wisconsin School for the Deaf, v., 1888, p. 36;
Empire State Association of Deaf-Mutes, xiii., 1890, p. 12; _Deaf-Mutes'
Friend_, Aug., 1869. See also E. A. Hodgson, "The Deaf and Dumb; Facts,
Anecdotes and Poetry", 1891; J. E. Gallaher, "Representative Deaf
Persons in the United States", 1898; _International Review_, ii., 1875,
p. 471.

[128] The oldest organization of the deaf now existing is the New
England Gallaudet Association of the Deaf, which began in 1853. It
resulted largely from the Gallaudet Memorial Association, organized two
years before to raise funds for a monument to Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet.
In 1859 was created the Alumni Association of the High Class of the New
York Institution; in 1865 the Empire State Association; and in 1870 the
Ohio Alumni Association. See Proceedings of National Association of the
Deaf, iv., 1893, p. 25.

[129] Some of these have special club rooms for social and literary
meetings, where conversation can be carried on freely without attracting
public notice. Some of these club rooms are large and well appointed. In
not a few of the younger clubs athletics forms a prominent feature.

[130] This spirit is illustrated in many ways, perhaps most strikingly
in the case where a deaf man seems likely to be debarred from some
public position because of his want of hearing, when the deaf promptly
rally to his support. We have already seen their action in connection
with the order of the Civil Service Commission. Sometimes candidates for
office have been asked to state their views on this subject. As a
further instance of mutual assistance among the deaf may be mentioned
the raising of relief funds for deaf sufferers in other localities in
times of some great disaster.

[131] In Ohio and Pennsylvania the state societies manage homes for the
aged deaf, as we have seen; and in Virginia the state association
supports a special missionary to the deaf. In Pennsylvania there are
many county sections of the state body. In a number of centers a leading
association is that of the alumni of Gallaudet College.

[132] There has also frequently been discussion of a federation of the
various state and local organizations. See Proceedings of National
Association of the Deaf, iii., 1889, p. 14; ix., 1910, p. 25.

[133] Such churches are now in New York, Philadelphia and Wheeling,
under Protestant Episcopal auspices; in Milwaukee under Lutheran; and in
Baltimore under Methodist. Special church buildings are also in
contemplation in other cities. Funds for these churches are raised by
the deaf with the assistance of their hearing friends. In the Roman
Catholic Church there is a special organization of the deaf, founded in
1910, and known as the Knights of l'Épée.

[134] There have been about thirty such publications created, the first
of which seems to have been begun in 1839, and the second in 1860. See
especially "Periodicals Devoted to the Interests of the Deaf," by the
Volta Bureau, 1913. See also _Volta Review_, xii., 1910, p. 456;
Proceedings of National Association of the Deaf, ix., 1910, p. 45. The
present publications are: the _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, of New York, a
weekly; the _Observer_, of Seattle, a bi-weekly; the _Frat_, of Chicago,
a monthly; and the _Pennsylvania Society News_, a quarterly.

[135] Those now existing are: the _Catholic Deaf-Mute_, of New York,
under Roman Catholic auspices; the _Silent Churchman_, of Chicago, under
Protestant Episcopal; the _Silent Herald_, of Chicago, under Methodist;
and the _Deaf Lutheran_, of Milwaukee, under Lutheran.

CHAPTER VI

POPULAR CONCEPTIONS CONCERNING THE DEAF

VIEWED AS A STRANGE CLASS

The position of the deaf in society is yet to be seen from another
standpoint. The question may be asked, How does the public at large, how
does "the man in the street," look upon the deaf? Are the deaf viewed
merely as so many people deprived of the sense of hearing, in whom also
the power of speech is often wanting? Or is there superimposed upon this
a feeling, owing perhaps to the supposed isolation of the deaf, that
they are in other ways a peculiar class of beings?

Unfortunately, it is the latter of these two conceptions that is the
prevailing one--unfortunately for the deaf, for their burden is quite
sufficient as it is. The public has been and is under many
misapprehensions and delusions regarding the deaf.[136] Being thrown
intimately with them but seldom, people often come to form curious
ideas respecting the deaf, but ideas which are more or less unhappy
ones. There is frequently an attitude towards them combined of wonder,
misgiving, fear, aversion--a vague feeling or belief that the deaf are
more or less distinct in their thoughts and actions from other people,
that they are somehow "unnatural" or "uncanny."[137]

VIEWED AS A DEFECTIVE CLASS

Not only are the deaf often looked upon as a strange class in the
community, but they are not uncommonly known as "defectives," and this
is the classification frequently applied to them. It is true that the
deaf are "defective" in that they are deprived of one of the most
important of the physical senses; but, in addition, the term often
carries a connotation of mental, or even of moral, aberrance, and
results in the infliction upon the deaf of an unnecessary brand. In many
libraries such a classification is found, and the deaf are catalogued
under the heading "defective." In the "Index of the Economic Material in
Documents of the States of the United States" of the Carnegie
Foundation, the deaf and the blind are grouped as "defectives" along
with the feeble-minded and consumptives.[138] Though in such a
classification, any untoward signification is disclaimed, and it is held
to be merely one of convenience of arrangement, it remains true that
terms are employed and associations involved that to a certain extent do
a very real injury to the deaf.[139]

VIEWED AS AN UNHAPPY CLASS

People are also prone to think of the deaf as an unhappy, morose or
dejected class. Professor E. T. Devine in his "Misery and its Causes"
(1909)[140] enumerates the deaf, among other classes, as embodiments of
misery--"not for the most part," he is careful to state, "personally
unhappy," but rather with reference to their imperfect senses. This view
is clear enough, and in one sense is doubtless correct; but it does not
express the entire situation in respect to the deaf. While their
deafness must always be a serious and distressing affliction, and even
handicap and burden as well, and while the deaf must often bemoan their
fate, it yet seems to be true that the deaf as a lot are not "unhappy."
They are good-natured, see the world from an odd angle sometimes, yet
are as much philosophers as the average man; and when in the company of
their deaf associates are able to derive fully as large a portion of
happiness as any other group of human beings. The deaf are cheerful,
swayed by the same emotions as other mortals, responsive equally to all
the touches of life, and are not, at least in these days of education, a
morbid, brooding, passionate folk, as is too often the popular judgment.

VIEWED AS A DEPENDENT CLASS

In some quarters the deaf continue to be looked upon as one of the
dependent classes of society. Mr. Robert Hunter in his "Poverty"
(1904)[141] under the head of "Dependents and their Treatment" places
the deaf and dumb as "absolute dependents." Such views, however, are no
longer general, the deaf having themselves demonstrated to what extent
they are a self-supporting part of the community. But where this belief
is still shared, the deaf are thought in many cases to be in need of aid
or public charity; or at any rate to be economically inferior to the
rest of society. Deaf pupils in the schools, for instance, are often
referred to as "inmates" or even as "patients," not only by the public
but by newspapers as well; and the schools themselves are often spoken
of as "asylums" or as charitable institutions.[142] This nomenclature is
hardly defensible on any ground, and by it the education of the deaf is
not even given its true status.

As a further illustration of the general feeling, though rather of
different order, may perhaps be cited the attitude of the general
insurance companies toward the deaf. Though some of the companies accept
the deaf at their regular rates, a number refuse them altogether, while
others limit their liability or demand an extra premium.[143] This is
largely because of the fear that the deaf are more liable to accidents
than other people; but in point of fact the deaf seem to be a long-lived
people, and it is likely that with greater statistical knowledge
concerning them, most of the discrimination would cease.[144]

NEED OF A CHANGED REGARD FOR THE DEAF

Thus in many ways are the deaf made to suffer from popular
misconceptions, and quite unnecessarily. Too long have designations been
employed regarding them that call up undeserved associations. Too long
have they been set down as a strange and uncertain body of human beings,
removed in their actions, manners and modes of thought from the rest of
society. The interests of the deaf require a different consideration and
treatment. They demand that the deaf be regarded exactly as other
people, only unable to hear. Theirs will be a great boon when they are
looked upon no more as a distinct and different portion of the race, but
entirely as normal creatures, equally capable and human as all other
men.[145]

FOOTNOTES:

[136] Very often in the public mind the deaf and the blind are
associated, the two classes sometimes becoming more or less merged the
one into the other, and the problems of the one are not infrequently
assumed to be those of the other. As a matter of fact, there is but one
point of similarity in the two classes--both are "defective" in that
they are deprived of a most important physical sense. The gulf that
really separates the blind from the deaf is far deeper than that which
lies between either of the two classes and the normal population.

[137] In this connection it may be interesting to note the regard for
the deaf as has been indicated by the deaf characters that have been
created in fiction. Though not a large number are found, there is
displayed towards them an attitude largely of kindly sympathy, in some
cases mingled with wonder. Such characters appear in Lew Wallace's
"Prince of India", where three deaf-mutes are instructed to speak;
Scott's _Fanella_ in "Peveril of the Peak"; Dickens' _Sophy_ in "Dr.
Marigold" (an unusually attractive and lovable character); Collins'
_Madonna Mary_ in "Hide and Seek"; Caine's _Naomi_ in "The Scapegoat";
Haggard's "She"; Maarten's "God's Fool"; de Musset's "Pierre and
Camille"; and elsewhere. Thomas Holcroft's "Deaf and Dumb; or the Orphan
Protected" is an adaptation from the French play "Abbé de l'Épée" of J.
N. Bouilly, in 1802, in which the founder of the first school for the
deaf and his pupils are touchingly portrayed. Feigned characters are
also found, as Scott's mute in "The Talisman"; in Moliere's "Le Médecin
malgré Lui"; Jonson's "Epicoene"; and John Poole's "Deaf as a Post".
Defoe has a character, _Duncan Campbell_, which is possibly based on one
from real life, being referred to by Addison in the _Spectator_ and the
_Tatler_. On the subject of the deaf in fiction, see _Silent Worker_,
Dec., 1893; _Annals_, xxxix., 1894, p. 79; Indiana Bulletin of Charities
and Corrections, June, 1897; _Athenaeum_, Feb., April, 1896.

[138] It may be recorded here that in the present compilation of the
Bibliography of the United States Bureau of Education, the expression
formerly used, "Delinquents, Dependents and Defectives", has been
dropped in favor of the term, "Special Classes of Persons". On this
subject, see Proceedings of National Educational Association, 1901, p.
876.

[139] A possibly more serious misapprehension respecting the deaf arises
from the impression often current among a large number of people, and
apparently encouraged not infrequently in the proceedings of some
scientific bodies, to the effect that nearly all deaf-mutes are so
either because of a similar condition in their parents or because of the
existence in the parents of some physical disease, sometimes of an
immoral character. This is in a great part due to the increasing
emphasis upon eugenics, with the desire to weed out from the population
as many as possible of the "unfit" or "defective". In consequence has
been the belief that if there were proper regulation of certain
marriages, especially of the deaf and of others suffering from
particular maladies, "deaf-mutism", which is looked upon as an
excrescence upon society, would in the course of a short time be stamped
out. An illustration of this conception is the following extract from
the Handbook of the Child Welfare Exhibit held in New York in 1911 (p.
38): "Mating of the Unfit. 'The Law'. Marriages of cousins, insane or
feeble-minded, alcoholic, syphilitic parents and effects. The
cost--7,369 blind infants, 89,287 deaf and dumb, 18,476 feeble-minded".
See also Proceedings of National Conference of Charities and
Corrections, 1912, p. 277; Report of Philadelphia Baby Saving Show,
1912, p. 37; _Annals_, lvii., 1912, p. 284. As a matter of fact, as we
have already seen, the question of deafness is not one so much of
eugenics as of medical science, although eugenics may well be called in
play in respect to the marriages of persons under unfavorable
conditions, including to an extent the congenitally deaf and those
having deaf relatives. The total number of the deaf, however, marrying
under unfavorable conditions, is not large. Every effort to remove or
diminish deafness is entitled only to the highest praise; but when it is
made to appear that deafness generally results from such causes as are
often ascribed, it is seen how wrongly the deaf, upon whom a great
affliction is already resting, may be made to suffer.

[140] P. 45. See also Proceedings of Empire State Association of
Deaf-Mutes, xii., 1888, p. 35; National Conference of Charities and
Corrections, 1883, p. 416.

[141] P. 76. See also p. 96. Similarly Professor C. R. Henderson in his
"Dependents, Defectives and Delinquents" says (p. 170): "Many of the
deaf and blind are so deficient in industrial efficiency, owing to their
infirmity, that they must be cared for in adult life and old age".

[142] In the special census report of Benevolent Institutions of 1904
schools for the deaf and the blind are included, because they contain
"free homes for care and maintenance". In some charity directories
schools for the deaf are listed.

[143] It is claimed that 95 per cent of the general fraternal
organizations consider the deaf as "hazardous" or "undesirable".
Proceedings of National Association of the Deaf, ix., 1910, p. 53.
Accident insurance is usually refused by all. When an extra rate is
charged in life insurance, this is usually one-half of one per cent. On
the subject of insurance and the mortality of the deaf, see _Annals_,
xxxiii., 1888, p. 246; xlix., 1904, p. 274; Proceedings of Convention of
American Instructors, ii., 1851, p. 168; iii., 1853, p. 85; xi., 1886,
p. 67; Empire State Association of Deaf-Mutes, xii., 1888, p. 35; xiii.,
1890, p. 30: xvi., 1894, p. 28; xix., 1897, p. 93; National Association
of the Deaf, ii., 1883, p. 12; vii., 1904, p. 183; Report of New York
Institution, 1853, p. 70.

[144] The foregoing illustrate some of the most striking misconceptions
regarding the deaf. On the other hand, no doubt the deaf as well as the
blind suffer from sentiment on the part of the public, and from the
sensational accounts which appear from time to time in the newspapers
and magazines concerning what the deaf have been found able to
accomplish. Many things are referred to as "wonders", as though it were
strange that they could be done by people without hearing, some of the
achievements of the deaf being set down as most remarkable. Such
writings are usually in a kindly spirit, and may often serve a useful
purpose in making known the similarity of the capabilities of the deaf
and of the hearing; but when they make the deaf appear as a peculiar and
unlike part of the race, their effect may be most misleading. The worst
result is that the public becomes ready and willing to believe almost
any thing about the deaf.

[145] In 1908 the Convention of American Instructors of the Deaf
appointed a committee to consider the question of the dissemination of
knowledge regarding the attainments of the deaf. Proceedings, xviii., p.
210.

CHAPTER VII

PRIVATE ORGANIZATIONS INTERESTED IN THE DEAF

GENERAL SOCIETIES INTERESTED IN THE DEAF

We have now considered the interest of society in the deaf in its
several relations, together with the treatment that has been extended to
them. It remains to be noted whether there have been any private
undertakings organized in behalf of the deaf or interested in their
welfare, and what has been done by such bodies.

In America virtually the only organizations composed of persons not deaf
and formed for the purpose of advancing the interests of the deaf have
been those more or less closely related to the education of deaf
children, and with their exception practically no movements in respect
to the deaf may be said to have been undertaken.[146]

These organizations interested in the instruction of the deaf are of two
divisions: bodies actively engaged in the work of this instruction, and
bodies only indirectly concerned. The first division includes, on the
one hand, associations of instructors of the deaf, and, on the other,
societies or corporations formed to promote and establish schools, which
have either passed out of existence, their mission being fulfilled, on
the taking over of the school by the state, or have remained in control
of certain schools--to be considered when we come to the general
provisions for the education of the deaf. In the second division are
three kinds of organizations: the Volta Bureau, an organization in a
class of its own; associations of parents concerned mainly with the
instruction of their own children; and undertakings interested in the
extension of religious knowledge to the deaf, usually in the form of
church missions.

THE VOLTA BUREAU

The one organization in America of large compass and concerned solely
with the interests of the deaf is the Volta Bureau, located in
Washington. This has resulted from the gift of Dr. Alexander Graham Bell
in 1880, who having received 50,000 francs from the French government in
recognition of his services in the field of invention, decided to use
the money to establish the bureau for the "increase and diffusion of
knowledge relating to the deaf." The bureau now contains much
information regarding the deaf as a class, as well as carefully compiled
data regarding many individuals; and also publishes works on the deaf,
including the "Volta Review," a monthly periodical. It is much
interested in the methods of instruction of the deaf, while another
important aim may be said to be the elimination of deafness as far as
possible, or the removal of many of the effects of deafness. Dr. Bell's
total benefactions to this bureau, together with the Association to
Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf, to which it is now joined,
have amounted to more than a quarter of a million dollars.[147]

PARENTS' ASSOCIATIONS FOR THE DEAF

Associations of parents have been organized chiefly in relation to the
education of their own deaf children, though in some cases friends as
well as parents are included. They have often been particularly
concerned in the creation of day schools for the deaf, but have also
shown an interest in other ways.[148] These associations have been
mostly confined to cities, and have been organized in a dozen or so of
them, as Boston, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago, Detroit, Milwaukee, St.
Paul, New York, Los Angeles, and San Francisco.[149] State associations
have been rare, being found in only two or three states, as Ohio,
Wisconsin and Nebraska.[150]

CHURCH MISSIONS TO THE DEAF

Practically all the religious denominations have shown more or less
concern in the spiritual welfare of the deaf, so far as individuals have
been affected, and many churches have deaf members on their rolls. Some
of the church bodies have, in addition, given more particular attention
to the deaf, and have instituted special activities to embrace as many
of them as possible. Such movements have their greatest opportunities
in the cities, where it is easier to reach the deaf than in the
scattered districts of the country, though some efforts have been made
there too. On the whole, however, only a small part of the religious
duty towards the deaf is found to have been done; and it remains beyond
question that they have been neglected in this regard far too much, and
that there is indeed a field "white unto the harvest" for the spiritual
well-being of the deaf. Perhaps also there is no sphere of religious
endeavor where the need of mutual understanding and co-operation is so
manifest as with the deaf.

The denominations that have taken special action usually maintain what
are called "missions to the deaf," and have clergymen, both deaf and
hearing, who give part or all of their time to the work. In a few of the
larger cities, as we have seen, special churches for the deaf have been
organized, supported with the aid of the denominational body, while in
other cases the use of the church building is allowed to the deaf at
certain times. Visits are also made from time to time to smaller places
when a number of deaf people may be assembled together, and special
meetings are arranged for them.[151] In such missions, while the aims
are largely spiritual, there are often in addition operations of a
material character, with appropriate attention to individual cases of
need.[152]

Among Protestant Churches, the Protestant Episcopal may be considered
the pioneer, and it has taken up the work with considerable zeal and
effectiveness. In 1850 work was begun in the East, and in 1871 formally
organized. In 1873 it was extended to the Mid-west, and in 1875 to the
North-west and South-west. In a number of the dioceses the work is now
given attention, in some of the large cities, as New York, Philadelphia
and Chicago, its labor being notable.[153] The Lutheran Church has been
active particularly in some of the states of the Middle West, as in the
synods of Missouri, Ohio, and others, and in a few cities of the East.
The Methodists have likewise been engaged in certain sections of the
country, especially in the South and in the Mid-west. The Baptists have
also taken up work, especially in the South and in New England.
Together with the Congregationalists, they started action in the latter
section in 1884, though most of the work in New England is now done by a
union organization of several denominations, called the "Evangelical
Alliance." In other Protestant bodies little has been attempted beyond
local undertakings in a few places. The work of the Roman Catholic
Church in respect to the deaf is well organized in a number of centers,
and many of the Catholic deaf are carefully looked after. With the
Hebrews most of the attention has been confined to certain large
cities.[154]

ORGANIZATIONS INTERESTED IN THE EDUCATION OF THE DEAF

There are in America three large bodies interested in the education of
the deaf, and composed for the most part of those directly connected
with the work of education. These are the Convention of American
Instructors of the Deaf, the Conference of Superintendents and
Principals, and the American Association to Promote the Teaching of
Speech to the Deaf, all meeting, as a usual thing, triennially in
different years. Of these the oldest is the Convention of American
Instructors, which was organized in 1850.[155] It is a large and
representative body, and has manifested its interest from the beginning
in the general welfare of the deaf, as well as in the particular demands
of education. The Conference of Superintendents and Principals, as its
name implies, is composed of the heads of schools, and was organized in
1868.[156] The Association to Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf
was incorporated as such in 1890, though it was not the first body
concerned in this work.[157] It is now countrywide, and embraces a large
number of those interested in the teaching of speech to the deaf,
whether active educators or not. A large section of its members are
"pure oralists," that is, believing in the exclusive use of speech with
the deaf. In 1908 the Volta Bureau was taken over by this body.[158] It
may be mentioned here also that the educators of the deaf are
represented in the National Educational Association.[159]

PUBLICATIONS DEVOTED TO THE INTERESTS OF THE DEAF

There are two publications devoted to the interests of the deaf: the
"American Annals of the Deaf" and the "Volta Review," both published in
Washington. The former was begun in 1848. It appears bi-monthly, and is
under the direction of the Conference of Principals.[160] It has long
been known as the standard periodical relating to the deaf in America,
and represents current thought and opinion of practical educators of the
deaf, as well as constituting a general record of the work. The "Volta
Review," formerly known as the "Association Review," was begun in 1899,
and was published by the Association to Promote the Teaching of Speech
to the Deaf. It is now published conjointly by the Association and the
Volta Bureau, and appears as an illustrated monthly. It is "devoted to
the problems of deafness," but deals in the greatest measure with the
matters pertaining to the education of the deaf.[161] In most of the
residential schools, or institutions, there are also papers, which
often serve to keep parents and others informed of the work of the
respective schools. We have already referred to the publications by the
deaf themselves, both secular and religious.

FOOTNOTES:

[146] General organizations of a philanthropic or other character have
seldom extended activities to include the deaf, though at times some
institution, as the Young Men's Christian Association or a social
settlement, has manifested an interest, chiefly in providing a place for
meeting.

[147] The bureau contains a card catalogue of more than 50,000 deaf
children who have been in the special schools from 1817 to 1900;
authentic manuscript respecting 4,471 marriages of the deaf; and the
special schedules of the census of 1900 respecting the deaf. It serves,
moreover, as a bureau of information and advice, with suggestions for
the hard of hearing also, and as a teachers' agency. On the work of the
bureau, see _Deaf-Mute Advance_, of Illinois School, March 14, 1891;
_Silent Worker_, May, 1895; and current numbers of the _Volta Review_,
especially that for Jan., 1913 (xiv., p. 605).

[148] The purpose of the Boston Parents' Education Association for Deaf
Children is "to encourage home instruction, aid schools for the deaf in
Boston, help deaf children to continue their education in schools or
colleges for hearing persons, aid them in acquiring a practical
knowledge of useful trades and business, assist them in obtaining
remunerative employment, bring them into more extensive social relations
with hearing persons, and employ such other means for their advancement
as may be deemed advisable." See "Offering in behalf of the Deaf", by
this association, 1903, p. 8. See also _Association Review_, ii., 1900,
p. 146. Most of the associations have also been interested in the
employment of the oral method of instruction. Dues in such associations
are usually only one or two dollars, and there is often a board of
directors appointed.

[149] The first seems to have been the Boston Association, formed in
1894.

[150] In several of these associations membership is over a hundred. In
Milwaukee there is also a similar society known as the Wisconsin
Phonological Institute to Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf,
which was organized in 1878, and incorporated in 1879, as a
philanthropic society. See Report, 1878, p. 5.

[151] On the subject of church work among the deaf, see Proceedings of
National Association of the Deaf, i., 1880, p. 19; iv., 1893, p. 53;
vi., 1899, p. 58; vii., 1904, p. 153; Empire State Association of
Deaf-Mutes, xii., 1888, p. 31; Conference on Church Work among the Deaf
(Protestant Episcopal), i., 1881, p. 5; ii., 1883, p. 4; iv., 1887, p.
3; v., 1888, p. 23; Report of Diocesan Commission on Church Work among
the Deaf, 1886; Church Mission to the Deaf (New York), 1873, p. 14;
1886, p. 3; 1888, p. 3; _Annals_, xxix., 1884, p. 24.

[152] Direct relief may be afforded in some cases, and in others visits
made to hospitals, prisons and the like, where deaf persons may be
found, without regard to religious affiliation. Assistance is also often
rendered in acting as interpreters in court, though this work is
frequently shared in by instructors of the deaf. In one or two
instances, as we have seen, homes for the deaf have been established by
religious bodies.

[153] In the Protestant Episcopal Church there are now some twelve
clergymen engaged in this work, ten of whom are deaf, and more than
twice this number of lay helpers.

[154] In New York there is a Society for the Welfare of the Jewish Deaf,
which was organized in 1910, and incorporated in 1913. Laws, ch. 313. It
is controlled by a board of from seventeen to thirty governors, and is
interested in the educational, industrial, social and religious concerns
of the deaf. See _Hebrew Standard_, March 15, 1912; _Jewish Charities_,
Jan., 1912. See also Proceedings of National Conference of Jewish
Charities, 1908, p. 28.

[155] Its first meeting was at the New York Institution, after a call
had been issued by several of the leading educators. In 1897 this body
was incorporated.

[156] The organization was effected at Washington. See Report of
Columbia Institution, 1868, p. 16.

[157] A convention of articulation teachers was held as early as 1874.
Another meeting was held in 1884. See _Annals_, xix., 1874, pp. 90, 217;
xxix., 1884, pp. 154, 237; _Volta Review_, xiv., 1913, p. 394. In 1894
was formed the Association to Promote Auricular Training of the Deaf,
which was subsequently merged with the larger organization.

[158] The Association has a board of fifteen directors, and an advisory
board of twelve.

[159] This was organized in 1897. Proceedings, p. 36. It is known as
Department XVI, or the Department of Special Education. Both instructors
of the deaf and of the blind are represented, those interested in the
education of the feeble-minded having also been included up to 1902. In
addition to the three general organizations of educators of the deaf,
there have been several local conferences, as of the principals of
schools in the Southern states and in New York, and of teachers in the
state of Michigan and of the city of New York.

[160] Its first publication was by the instructors of the Hartford
School. Publication was omitted in 1849, and from 1861 to 1868.

[161] For other publications that have appeared in the interest of the
deaf, see "Periodicals Devoted to the Interests of the Deaf," by the
Volta Bureau, 1913.

PART II

PROVISION FOR THE EDUCATION OF THE DEAF

CHAPTER VIII

THE EDUCATION OF THE DEAF PRIOR TO ITS INTRODUCTION INTO THE UNITED
STATES

Among the ancient peoples generally the deaf and dumb, especially those
so by birth, were deemed as of deficient mentality, and were accounted,
intellectually, as little better than children, or, indeed, as idiots.
Though treated, it seems, for the most part humanely, they were regarded
not without some aversion; and their affliction was not infrequently
looked upon as a visitation of the gods, some of the hardy races even
destroying their deaf offspring. For a long period there were scarcely
any serious attempts to give instruction to the deaf.

Allusions to the deaf and their state with respect to education are
found in certain of the Greek and Latin writers, and occasionally in
those of other languages. Herodotus speaks of the deaf son of Cr[oe]sus,
and Hippocrates has reference to the deaf as a class. Plato and
Aristotle also make mention of the deaf, the latter considering them
incapable of education because of the absence of the sense of hearing.
Among Latin authors we find an account by Pliny the Elder of a deaf man
who had learned painting.

It is only after the fifteenth century that we have more or less
authenticated accounts of the instruction of the deaf, and many of these
are hardly more than a passing reference here and there. It was,
moreover, well after Europe had taken its present political appearance
that the modern attitude towards the deaf and their instruction began.
Before this their education as a class was not thought of, and while no
doubt there have always been sporadic instances of the instruction of
the deaf, it is only since the middle of the eighteenth century that the
deaf have come generally into the birthright of their education.

Yet it is not so great a matter of wonder that the movements for the
instruction of the deaf took organized shape so late in the world's
civilization. Learning or schooling was in no sense popular till some
time after the passing away of the so-called dark ages. For long it was
rather the privilege of the rich and powerful. The great mass of the
people were not deemed worthy of learning, and education itself in any
general application did not have a recognized standing in society. After
the Renaissance, however, had ushered in a new age, and when the desire
for learning was the master passion among many men in Southern and
Western Europe, it is natural to suppose that efforts should have more
frequently been made to instruct the deaf child; and after this time we
are prepared to find an increasing number of instances of the
instruction of the deaf. This was all the more true when an air of
mystery was felt to surround these silent ones, and to bring the light
of the new learning to these afflicted creatures was considered well
worth the attempt.

The earliest instance recorded of instruction given to the deaf in the
English language is that of the Venerable Bede about the year 691, who
tells of a deaf person taught to speak by Bishop John of York, related
as though it were a miracle. After many years we meet accounts of other
cases. Rudolph Agricola (1443-1485) of Gröningen, Holland, and later a
professor at Heidelberg, cites in his "_De Inventione Dialecta_" a deaf
man who could write. In Italy a little later we find certain deaf
children whose instruction is mentioned by Pietro de Castro; while in
the sixteenth century Girolamo Cardano (1501-1576), the distinguished
physician of Pavia, attempted to state the principles of the education
of the deaf, demonstrating the use of a written language for them, and
advocating the teaching of speech. He further invented a manual
alphabet, which was one of the first of its kind. In 1616 Giovanni
Bonifaccio also wrote regarding the "art of signing" and speech for the
deaf.

But it is to Spain that credit is to be given as being the first country
of Europe where there are recorded accounts of successful instruction of
the deaf. In 1550, or perhaps earlier, Pedro Ponce de Leon of the Order
of St. Benedict taught, chiefly by oral methods, several deaf children
in the convent of San Salvador de Oña. Great success must have attended
his efforts, for in addition to the Spanish language and arithmetic, his
pupils are reported to have mastered Latin, Greek and astrology. About
this time there lived a deaf artist, known as _El Mudo_, and he had very
likely received instruction in some way. In 1620 Juan Pablo Bonet, who
had had several deaf pupils, instructing them largely in articulation
methods, published a treatise on the art of instructing the deaf, called
"_Reduccion de las Letras y Arta para Enseñer a Hablar los Mudos_;" and
he was the inventor of a manual alphabet, in considerable part like that
used in America to-day. Sir Kinelm Digby of England, visiting Spain
about this time, saw Bonet's work and wrote an account of his pupils.

In 1644 appeared in England "_Chirologia_, or the Natural Language of
the Hand" by a physician, Dr. John Bulwer, who had perhaps also observed
the results in Spain. This was followed in 1648 by his more important
work, "_Philocophus_, or the Deaf and Dumb Man's Friend," mostly
describing a kind of process in articulation and lip-reading. Bulwer's
friend, John Wallis, a professor at Oxford, seems to have been the first
practical teacher here, instructing two deaf persons by writing and in
speech, and showing them to the King. In 1653 his "_Tractatus de
Loquela_" was published. Along the same line was the writing of Dr.
William Holder on the "Elements of Speech," published in 1669, in which
he advocated articulation teaching. In 1670 there appeared a treatise by
George Sibscota on "The Deaf and Dumb Man's Discourse," but this was
really a translation from the writings of a German named Deusing. In
1680 Dr. George Dalgarno of Scotland published his "_Didascalocophus_,
the Deaf and Dumb Man's Tutor," in which preference was given to the use
of a written language and a manual alphabet, of one of which he was
himself the inventor. In 1698 appeared "_Digiti Lingua_," written "by a
person who had conversed no otherwise in above nine years." Some half a
century later we find the name of Henry Baker, son-in-law of Daniel
Defoe, who gave instruction in speech.

Other countries of Europe were hardly behind England in their interest
in the deaf and their instruction. Spain, besides the names we have
mentioned, had notably Ramirez de Carion, himself a deaf man, who lived
not long after Bonet. Italy had in particular Padre Lana Terzi, who in
1670 published a work on articulation; and also Fabrizio d'Acquapendente
and Affinité, who in their writings threw out references to speech for
the deaf. In Holland there were Peter Montans, who about 1635 issued
several tracts on speech; Jan Baptista Van Helmont, who in 1667 wrote on
speech and an alphabet; and John Conrad Amman, formerly a Swiss
physician, who in 1692 gave out his "_Surdus Loquens_," which was
enlarged and republished in 1700 as "_Dissertatio de Loquela_." The name
of Amman is especially notable, not only for his instruction in speech
of several deaf children, but for his influence on later oral methods.
In Switzerland we find at Basel in 1531, or perhaps a few years sooner,
an account of a deaf person who was instructed in speech by
[OE]colampadius, the Reformer and friend of Luther; at Geneva in 1604 of
a deaf child instructed by St. Francis de Sales; and also in Geneva in
1685 of a deaf person who had probably received instruction.

In Germany we have a regular succession of names of those who either
attempted to instruct the deaf or who wrote of this instruction, some of
these names being among the earliest of those in Europe who showed an
interest in the matter. In the year 1578 we meet the name of Pasch, a
clergyman of Brandenburgh, who taught his daughter by means of pictures.
In 1621 Rudolph Camerarius wrote a book on speech, and in 1642 Gaspard
Schott mentions a case of successful instruction. In 1701 or 1704 Kerger
at Liegnitz in Silesia taught some pupils orally, having what seemed a
temporary school. In 1718 Georges Raphel, who had taught his three deaf
daughters, wrote a book explaining his process of instruction. Among
other names appearing earlier or later were those of Morhoff,
Mallenkrot, Wild, Niederoff, Lichwitz, Shulze, Ettmuller, Arnoldi,
Lasius, Heinicke, and Nicolai. Of all these much the most renowned is
that of Samuel Heinicke. In 1754 at Dresden he became interested in the
deaf, and a few years later started a school near Hamburg. In 1778, at
the instance of the state, he moved to Leipsic, his school thus being
the first public school for the deaf to be established. He was also the
author of several books on the education of the deaf. Heinicke was
instrumental in bringing the oral method into favor, and in many
respects, so far as its present use is concerned, may be said to be its
father. He was in fact one of the greatest teachers of the deaf, and the
influence of his work has been felt in no small measure in America.

In France, too, there were great names, though they were late in
appearing; Père Vanin, Rousset, Ernaud, de Fay, Pereire, Abbé de l'Épée,
Abbé Deschamps, and others.[162] Of these Vanin, Pereire, Deschamps, and
de l'Épée are the most notable. Vanin about 1743 instructed some
children by means of pictures and a manual alphabet. Rodriguez Pereire,
a Portuguese Jew, had several pupils at Bordeaux before the middle of
the eighteenth century, and though his methods were kept secret for the
most part, he appeared to have met considerable success, in 1749 giving
an exhibition before the Academy of Sciences. Abbé Deschamps in 1779
published at Orleans a work on the instruction of the deaf, largely
favoring the oral method. It is to Charles Michel abbé de l'Épée,
however, that is given the highest reverence of all the initial workers
for the deaf, being the founder of the first regular school, and
receiving nearly equal distinction for his impression on early methods
of instruction--this being especially true in respect to America, where
his influence in the introduction of the sign language has been greater
than any other man's. The abbé had become interested in two deaf orphans
in Paris, whom he attempted to teach, and in 1755 established a school
near the city, conducting it at his own expense. This proved a success,
and he decided to give his whole life to the instruction of the deaf. He
wrote several works on their education, the chief one being "_La
Veritable Manière d'Instruire les Sourds et Muets_," published in 1784.
The achievements of de l'Épée were soon far-famed, and the people were
taken with their novelty. Many honors were offered him, and his work was
brought to the notice of the French Academy and approved. In 1791 his
school was adopted by the state. The successor of abbé de l'Épée was
abbé Sicard, and the work continued to flourish in France.

Not long after de l'Épée and Heinicke had started their schools in
France and Germany respectively, Thomas Braidwood, in 1760, opened a
school in Edinburgh, Scotland. In 1784 a school was established in Rome,
in 1788 in Madrid, and in 1801 in Genoa. In the early years of the
nineteenth century other schools were started over Western Europe. Thus
by the time that the work for the education of the deaf was to enter
America, in the establishment of the first school in the second decade
of the century, there were already in Europe a number of schools in
existence.[163]

FOOTNOTES:

[162] In 1751 Diderot published his "_Lettre sur les Sourds et Muets_,"
in which there is reference to the education of the deaf.

[163] For accounts of the early work for the education of the deaf, both
before and after it was taken up in the United states, the following may
be referred to: Thomas Arnold, "A Method of Teaching the Deaf and Dumb
Speech, Lip-Reading and Language", 1881; "The Education of Deaf-Mutes",
1888; E. M. Gallaudet, "Life of Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet", 1888; H. N.
Dixon, "A Method of Teaching Deaf-Mutes to Speak, with a Historical
Introduction" (including a translation of Bonet's work), 1890; J. K.
Love, "Deaf-Mutism", 1896; Henry Barnard, "A Tribute to Gallaudet", with
other papers, 1852; Heman Humphrey, "Life and Labors of T. H.
Gallaudet", 1857; H. W. Syle, "Retrospect of the Education of the Deaf",
1886; J. A. Seiss, "The Children of Silence", 1887; J. R. Burnet, "Tales
of the Deaf and Dumb", 1835; E. J. Mann, "Deaf and Dumb", 1836; J. N.
Williams, "A Silent People", 1883; W. R. Scott, "The Deaf and Dumb,
their Education and Social Position", 1870; History of First School for
Deaf-Mutes in America, 1883; Addresses delivered at the New York
Institution, 1847; H. P. Peet, Address at Laying of Corner Stone of
North Carolina Institution, 1848; Proceedings of Laying of Corner Stone
of Michigan Institution, 1856; Collins Stone, "Address on History and
Methods of Deaf-Mute Instruction", 1869; Addresses Commemorative of the
Virtues and Services of Abraham B. Hutton, 1870; _American Annals of the
Deaf_ (especially early numbers, often giving accounts of individual
schools as well as of the general work); _North American Review_, vii.,
1818, p. 127; xxxviii., 1834, p. 307; lxxxvii., 1858, p. 517; civ.,
1867, p. 512; _American Journal of Education_, (n. s.) i., 1830, p. 409;
_American Annals of Education_, iv., 1834, p. 53; _Literary and
Theological Review_, ii., 1835, p. 365; _American Biblical Repository_,
viii., 1842, p. 269; _De Bow's Review_, xvii., 1854, p. 435; _National
Magazine_, ix., 1856, pp. 385, 487 (Sketches of Humane Institutions);
_Scribner's Magazine_, xii., 1892, p. 463; _Association Review_, ii.-v.,
1900-1904 ("Historical Notes concerning the Teaching of Speech to the
Deaf"); Proceedings of Convention of American Instructors of the Deaf,
i., 1850, p. 99; v., 1858, p. 275 (H. P. Peet, "Memoirs on the Origin
and Early History of the Art of the Instruction of the Deaf and Dumb");
iii., 1853, p. 277; iv., 1856, p. 17; ix., 1878, p. 195; American
Association to Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf, v., 1896, p.
27 (P. G. Gillet, "Some Notable Benefactors of the Deaf"); National
Association of the Deaf, iii., 1889, p. 21; National Conference of
Charities and Corrections, 1907, p. 512; _Californian_, iv., 1881, p.
376; Iowa Bulletin of State Institutions, viii., 1906, p. 175; xii.,
1910, p. 24; Transactions of Royal Historical Society, viii., 1880;
Encyclopedia Americana, 1883 (History of the Education of the Deaf in
the United States, given in _Annals_, xxxi., 1886, p. 130); various
reports of the several schools for the deaf in America (as that of New
York Institution, 1839, p. 8; 1843, p. 11; 1876, p. 48; American School,
1844, p. 25; 1867, p. 13; Pennsylvania Institution, 1843, p. 9; 1892, p.
64; Kentucky School, 1857, p. 8; 1867, p. 13; Michigan School, 1858, p.
40; Illinois School, 1868, p. 42; New York Institution for Improved
Instruction, 1869, p. 26; Mississippi School, appendices, 1907, 1909,
1911); "Histories of American Schools for the Deaf", edited and with an
introduction by Dr. E. A. Fay, 1893 (containing accounts of individual
schools, and a most valuable work).

CHAPTER IX

HISTORY OF EDUCATION OF THE DEAF IN THE UNITED STATES

EARLY ATTEMPTS AT INSTRUCTION

The first instance of which we have record in America of an attempt to
teach the deaf was in 1679[164] when a man named Philip Nelson of
Rowley, Massachusetts, tried to instruct a deaf and dumb boy, Isaac
Kilbourn by name, in speech, though with what success we do not
know.[165] These, however, were the witchcraft days, and the work of
Nelson seemed such an extraordinary thing that the ministers of the
community are said to have made an investigation, fearing that witches
might be involved in the affair. The next instance of which we have
mention occurred in Virginia a century later, when John Harrower, a
school-master of Fredericksburg, had in his school from 1773 to 1776 a
deaf boy named John Edge, reference to whose instruction is made in his
diary.[166]

The earliest effort for the establishment of a school for the deaf in
America of which we know was made almost contemporaneously with the
opening of the nineteenth century, and at the time that such schools
were being created over Europe. There lived at this time in Boston a man
named Francis Green, who had a deaf son. This boy he sent to the school
in Scotland which Braidwood had started; while he himself became much
interested in the subject of the education of the deaf. In 1783 he
published in England a work entitled "_Vox Oculis Subjecta_." In 1803 he
had, with the help of some of the ministers, a census made of the deaf
in Massachusetts, when 75 were found, and it was estimated that there
were 500 in the United States. Green felt the need of a school, and in
several of the publications of the time appeared his writings, in which
he urged the creation of one.[167]

It was in 1810, however, and in the city of New York that the real
beginning of deaf-mute education in the United States was marked. This
was when John Stanford, a minister, found several deaf children in the
city almshouse and attempted to teach them. Though his efforts continued
but a short time, it was these from which resulted the establishment a
few years later of a school in the city, the New York Institution.[168]

In Virginia shortly afterwards a second school was started, which in
itself is to be set down as an important stage in the course of the
early attempts to create schools for the deaf in America. In 1812 there
came to the United States John Braidwood, a member of the family which
was in control of the institution at Edinburgh, Scotland, in the hope of
establishing a school. He began plans for one at Baltimore, but before
it had gotten under headway, he was called to Virginia to undertake the
instruction of the deaf children of William Bolling, of Goochland
County. This private school continued, with seemingly satisfactory
results in the progress of the pupils, for two and a half years. In
1815 it was moved to Cobbs, Chesterfield County,[169] to be open to the
public. The school now promised well, and there were already several
pupils. However, Braidwood was looking about for other opportunities,
and had been in touch with several parties in regard to the employment
of his services.[170] In 1816 he went to New York, where he proposed to
start a school, and collected a few pupils, only to return to Virginia
again after a few months. In 1817 he began operations anew, this time at
a private classical school at Manchester under John Kilpatrick, a
minister. In less than a year this too was abandoned by Braidwood, who
soon after met his death. Kilpatrick attempted to continue the school
only a year or two longer, possibly even taking a few pupils with him
when he moved to Cumberland County in 1819; and so was brought to an end
the checkered career of this early school for the deaf in Virginia.[171]

Such were the beginnings of the instruction of the deaf in America.
With the exception of these undertakings, barely touching the surface in
the number of children reached, the only means of education possible in
the land was in sending children to a school in Europe, which was done
in the case of a few wealthy parents. For the great mass of the deaf,
isolated and scattered though they were at the time, there was no
instruction to be had.

But this period was now nearly passed. Attention in more than one
quarter was being directed to the deaf and the possibilities of their
education; and in the breasts of not a few men a feeling was astir that
instruction was somehow to be brought to them.[172] The seed was already
sown, and by the time the school in Virginia was broken up, others were
beginning to arise elsewhere. When the work was finally to be taken up,
it was to be upon a solid foundation which should last with the
lastingness of education.

BEGINNING OF THE FIRST SCHOOLS

The seat of the first permanent school to be established in the United
States for the education of the deaf was Hartford, Connecticut; and the
name of the one man with which the beginning work will forever be
coupled is that of Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet. America, however, was not
to commence the work of itself: the spirit and the method had to be
brought from Europe.

Early in the nineteenth century there lived at Hartford a young deaf
girl, Alice Cogswell by name, the daughter of a physician, and in her a
group of men had become interested. An investigation of the number of
the deaf had been made in 1812 by a body of clergymen, when 84 were
found, and it was estimated that there were 400 in New England, and
2,000 in the United States; and the question of a school had been
considered.[173] In 1815 the friends of Alice Cogswell decided to
organize a society for the purpose of providing means to instruct some
of these, and to secure an instructor. To take up this work, attention
was directed to Gallaudet, then a young theological student. He was
fixed upon as the man to go to Europe and acquaint himself with the
methods there employed. Gallaudet responded at once to the appeal made
to him, and proceeded to prepare himself forthwith.

The same year, 1815, saw Gallaudet start upon his errand, his expenses
being defrayed by the society.[174] He first visited England, but
finding there a monopoly composed of the Braidwood and Watson families,
he betook himself to France. In this country he met with a warm
reception, and here he eagerly set upon his labors of study and
investigation at the school which de l'Épée had established. He observed
closely, and then the following year turned his face towards America,
equipped for the great work before him, and bringing with him one of the
deaf teachers from Paris named Laurent Clerc.

On Gallaudet's return the second part of the undertaking for the
creation of a school was to be accomplished, namely, the securing of
funds, which required half a year more. For this purpose Gallaudet and a
few others set about soliciting contributions. New York, Philadelphia,
Albany, New Haven, and other cities were visited, and the interest in
the new undertaking was shown by the response made.[175] By the time the
school was ready to open, over $12,000 had been obtained, which was soon
after more than doubled.[176] The contributions came from various
sources, including individuals, societies and churches, and were from
not a few states, and even foreign countries. A charter was granted the
society in 1816 by the legislature of Connecticut; and $5,000 was
appropriated for the school,[177] which was probably the first
appropriation of public money for education not in regular schools.[178]

On April 15, 1817, the new school threw open its doors, and thus was
established the first institution for the instruction of the deaf--in
fact, the first for any of the so-called "defective classes." Its
success was assured from the start, and there were many applicants,
coming from different parts of the country. The school had to depend
mainly upon private contributions, and for its maintenance efforts had
to be continued to collect funds, pupils being taken for this purpose to
several cities for exhibition, especially before church assemblies and
the legislative bodies of New England.[179] It was not long in
appearing, however, that, as the school was really to be national in
scope, the United States government might be appealed to for aid. Visits
were accordingly made to Washington in 1819, and the interest of certain
of the members of Congress was secured. Among these was Henry Clay, who
showed a particular regard for the new undertaking, and it was largely
through his influence that Congress was prevailed upon to bestow upon
the school 23,000 acres of the public land, from which in time $300,000
was realized.[180] It was the understanding, there being no census of
the deaf at this time, that any state or individual might participate in
the benefit of this grant, and that the school was to be open on equal
terms to all.[181]

Though the school was regarded as national in one sense, it was also
felt to be particularly New England's from the share that these states
took in its development. Very soon after it had commenced operations a
lively interest had been manifested; and in 1825 a meeting was held at
Hartford of official representatives of all these states except Rhode
Island, to discuss the possibilities of co-operation in its work.[182]
Hardly, indeed, had the school entered upon its labor when, without
solicitation, Massachusetts began sending its deaf children to it. It
was followed in turn by the others, all the states of New England thus
coming to provide for their children here as at a common school--a
policy continued with all for many years. By this arrangement a certain
amount from the state treasury was allowed for each pupil. The action of
Massachusetts was taken in 1819, of New Hampshire in 1821, of Vermont
and Maine in 1825, of Connecticut in 1828, and of Rhode Island in 1842.
Two other states, far removed from New England, also by special
legislative grants provided for pupils in this school for a time. These
were Georgia and South Carolina, both beginning in 1834.[183] In
addition, there were private pupils sent here from a number of
states.[184]

The school at Hartford was now in full operation, with a nation-wide
interest upon it.[185] But scarcely had it received its first pupil
when other schools began to be established, and indeed New York and
Pennsylvania are hardly to be considered behind Connecticut at all,
schools in these states being in the course of formation when the
Hartford school was opened. From the concern now apparent in many
sections, it was soon evident that the new work was to spread over the
land, and that the education of the deaf had achieved for itself an
established position.

In New York, as we have seen, the Rev. John Stanford had found several
deaf children in the almshouse of the city, and, moved by their
condition, had sought to teach them. Interest was felt by other men, and
the agitation for a school was furthered by letters from the American
consul at Bordeaux in 1816, one of which was written by a French teacher
and addressed to the "Philanthropists of the United States." A census
was made of the deaf in the city,[186] meetings were held in their
behalf, a notable one taking place at Tammany Hall, and private funds
collected. In 1817 a charter was secured from the legislature, and the
following year the school was opened. The city of New York displayed a
warm interest in it, making a special appropriation at its beginning,
and undertaking the support of a number of pupils for a time, besides
furnishing quarters free of cost. In 1819 the state legislature, after
an exhibit of pupils, decided to assist, making an appropriation for the
benefit of the school, and soon afterward allowing a certain amount for
each pupil. In 1821 New Jersey began sending children to the school,
action being taken in this state by a unanimous vote.

Pennsylvania followed close upon Connecticut and New York. A committee
had been organized in Philadelphia in 1816 to secure contributions for a
school, and meetings had been held, though without immediate result.
Late in the year 1819, or early in 1820, David Seixas, a Jew, finding
several poor deaf-mute children to whom he gave shelter, made attempts
to teach them. In the latter year a society was formed by certain
citizens, after a meeting in the rooms of the American Philosophical
Society; and being pleased with the work of Seixas, it decided to adopt
his school. The following year, after an exhibit of pupils, the school
was incorporated by the legislature, and granted a _per capita_
appropriation of $160, while contributions from friends were numerous.
In 1821, also, pupils were admitted from New Jersey, this state
providing for them both at the New York and Philadelphia schools. In
1827 Maryland, and in 1835 Delaware, authorized the sending of children
to the Pennsylvania Institution, exhibits of pupils having been made
before the legislatures of these states.[187]

Kentucky in 1823 was the fourth state in the Union to establish a
school. In this case, however, action was taken directly by the
legislature, and the school has always been the property of the state.
In 1826[188] Congress granted to it a township of land in Florida, on
the theory that this school would be the center for pupils from the
western and southern states; and it was for some years the place of
education for many of the children from the southern states,[189] and
also for a number from western states. With the establishment of this
school directly by the state begins a new policy in the provision for
the education of the deaf--the work no longer being entrusted to private
individuals and societies. All the states that followed Kentucky in the
creation of schools, with the exception of Maryland and some of the New
England states, adopted this policy.

Ohio came next in 1829, although an attempt had been made to establish a
school in Cincinnati as early as 1821.[190] Pupils were also received
into it from neighboring states.[191] In 1838 Virginia established a
joint school for the deaf and the blind, after exhibitions of pupils had
been given in the state. In Indiana a private school was started in
1841, and three years later the state institution, action being taken by
the legislature without a single dissenting vote. In this state another
stage is reached in the work of educating the deaf: education which had
hitherto been, by statute, free to the "indigent" only is in positive
terms made free to all. This was done in 1848, and the action has been
thus described:[192]

The doors of all asylums built at public expense for mutes, for the
blind, and for lunatics were thrown open to all, that their
blessings, like the rain and dew of heaven, might freely descend on
these children of misfortune throughout the state, without money and
without price.

Well might this paean break forth, for this is probably the broadest
benevolent legislation ever enacted up to this time.

In Georgia a private school was opened in 1842, and in 1846 the state
school was established, after a visit of pupils from the Hartford
school. In 1845 a school was started in Tennessee, after an exhibit of
pupils from Kentucky. The same year in North Carolina, after an exhibit
of pupils from Virginia, a school was opened for the deaf and the blind,
though one had been projected as early as 1828.[193] In 1846 a school
was established in Illinois, the bill passing the legislature by a
unanimous vote. To it came pupils from Missouri, Iowa and Wisconsin. In
1849 a school was established in South Carolina. Thus by the middle of
the nineteenth century, or thirty-two years after the founding of the
first school in America, there were schools in a dozen states. In the
next quarter century schools were created in nineteen other states, and
since in nearly all the remainder.

EARLY IDEAS CONCERNING THE SCHOOLS FOR THE DEAF

It was but natural that for some years the providing of schools for the
education of the deaf should be looked upon with wonder. To many the
very thought of their instruction seemed strange. Curious notions had
been held as to the deaf-mute's mind, and it was not certain how far it
was capable of instruction.

By some the idea of the education of the deaf was received with scarcely
concealed skepticism, and despite the enthusiasm of the promoters and
despite the cordial interest manifested in many quarters, there were not
a few doubters. Efforts to educate the deaf were even declared quixotic
and absurd. When the state of Illinois was erecting a building to be
used as a school, it was by some called "the state's folly."[194] The
legislatures themselves occasionally had misgivings, and now and then an
appropriation was voted for a school more in hope than otherwise.[195]
The work was thus with many often misunderstood, and a few of the
schools did not have altogether easy sailing.

But when it was found that the deaf could be, and were being, educated,
not only were all doubts dispelled, but the astonishment almost goes
beyond bounds, and even passes into a rapture of thanksgiving. Visitors,
in some cases, flocked to the places where these wonderful things were
transpiring. They came to convince themselves, and stood hushed in
admiration at the spectacle before them.

The accounts of a number of the early schools attest the greeting given
to the new work. The New York Institution in its first report[196]
speaks of the "numerous visitors" and their "expressions of mingled
surprise and delight." In the new Pennsylvania Institution interest was
markedly aroused. By _Poulson's American Daily Advocate_ of Philadelphia
it was stated that 1,600 people crowded into a church to witness an
examination of pupils, and by the _Columbian Observer_ it was declared
that this scene "was impressive beyond description," and that "the
exercises excited wonder mingled with the acutest sensations of
compassion for these isolated beings."[197] An early report of the
Tennessee School[198] speaks of the interest "evinced by the great
numbers of persons" who visited the school, which was shown "by the
sympathy warmly expressed with the great affliction" of the pupils, and
the "surprise at the attainments made by them."

Indeed, the new work is more than once referred to in the accounts of
the period as a miracle. The age of miracles, we are told, was not
past.[199] When a private school was opened in Kansas, the advertisement
ran: "Behold the educational miracle of the nineteenth century. The deaf
hear, the dumb speak, the blind see."[200] The wonders of education had
become all the more marked and expectations were aroused to a high
pitch, when it was seen about this time that the blind and other classes
as well were being instructed. Great things were believed to be in store
for the human race.

With the schools for the deaf there was now general approbation and
support. Doubters were silenced, and the promoters took heart. Soon the
new institutions had won for themselves a place in the intelligent and
affectionate regard of all; and to those instrumental in their creation
the people universally "pledged their gratitude."

AIMS OF THE FOUNDERS

Though the first schools for the deaf in the United States were founded
to a considerable extent with the idea of charity or benevolence
present, yet this was not so much the uppermost purpose as to provide
instruction for them; or rather, it may be said that the benevolence
itself was prompted by the desire to see the deaf led from the darkness
of ignorance to the light of education. It is true that many of the
pupils were recognized as entitled to material assistance as well as
instruction. Some of the schools were chartered as benevolent
institutions, while several even avowed themselves as charitable
affairs.[201] It is also true that the promoters were in part concerned
with deaf children found in poverty, these being likely to engage not a
little attention. It was desired to furnish homes for a number without
charge; and early accounts and statutes speak of the "care," "aid,"
"maintenance" or "support"[202] of these children. But it is none the
less true that the great purpose in establishing institutions was
educational, and the instruction of the children was the primary and
chief thing guiding the hands of the men who created the schools. In the
prospectuses of some of the schools any object is disclaimed other than
that of education. In a circular describing the proposed school in
Kansas were the words: "This is not an asylum, but a school for the
education of the deaf."[203] Homes, or institutions, were provided
largely for the reason that this plan appeared the only practicable
means of reaching a considerable number of pupils.

With the early workers, then, the purpose was to give the children an
education. But this was not all. In their vision, a far greater opening
presented itself. Heretofore the deaf had been outcasts from society,
had no place among civilized beings, and were a dead weight in the
community. Now all was to be changed. Eyes saw a glorious
transformation: the deaf were to be restored to society, and education
was the magic by which it was to be done. In full measure were the
founders thrilled with this prospect; and to reclaim the deaf from their
condition was the great resolve.

Many of the early reports, charters and organic acts express such a
purpose, and speak of the "lonely and cheerless condition" of the deaf,
and the hope to "restore them to the ranks of their species." In the
preamble of an "Address to the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania," prepared by
the society to establish the school in this state,[204] the deaf are
said to be in "entire and invincible separation from the vast stores of
knowledge which human talent has accumulated--ignorant of the truths of
Revelation, her glorious assurances and unspeakable consolations," all
being "among the bitter ingredients which fill up the vast measure of
the affliction to the deaf and dumb;" and that "among the various
efforts of philanthropy and learning to enlarge the circle of human
happiness and knowledge, none should perhaps rank higher than those
which have been directed to the discovery and application of means for
the instruction of the deaf and dumb."

In language glowing and impassioned the condition of the deaf without
education is described. Almost universally they are thought of as
abiding in impenetrable silence and deep darkness. In an address
delivered before the New York Forum in behalf of the New York
Institution[205] in its early days, it is asserted that the deaf dwell
in "silence, solitude and darkness," and in the second report of this
school[206] they are declared to be "wrapt in impenetrable gloom of
silence, sorrow and despair." In an Ohio report[207] they are said to be
in "intellectual and moral midnight;" and in a Michigan report[208] to
be "groping in thick darkness." In a Louisiana report[209] they are
called "sorrow-stricken children of silence;" and in a Kentucky
report[210] their lives are described as "dark, dreary and comfortless."
The _Southern Literary Messenger_[211] of Richmond, Virginia,
characterizes their existence as "intellectual night." The New York
_Commercial Advertiser_[212] in the year the first school was opened
affirms that "their intellectual faculties ... are ... locked in the
darkness of night and shrouded in silence." In an address delivered
shortly after the opening of the Tennessee School[213] they are referred
to as "entombed in a prison." The _Albany Argus_ and _Daily City
Gazette_[214] points to the deaf man as "abandoned to his hard fate, to
wander in darkness, the pitiable object of dismal despair." In an
address delivered in the Capitol in Washington[215] the deaf are said to
be "doomed to wear out their lives in intellectual darkness."

The results of education were to be great beyond measurement, and the
passing of the deaf from ignorance to education is likened even to the
glories of the Resurrection. A Committee of Congress[216] in
recommending the granting of land to the Kentucky School speaks of
education as "the only means of redeeming this unfortunate portion of
our species from the ignorance and stupidity to which they would
otherwise be consigned by the partial hand of nature, and, indeed; of
transferring them from a state of almost mental blindness to that of
intellectual and accountable beings." The New York _Statesman_[217]
speaks of the effects in "improving the moral principle, which is torpid
and almost obliterated, and opening the way to moral and religious
instruction and knowledge of the Deity which is almost void." An early
report of the American School[218] tells of the transition of their
"imprisoned minds which have too long been enveloped in the profoundest
shade of intellectual and moral darkness to the cleansing and purifying
light of Divine Truth." An Ohio report[219] states that they "have come
forth into the light of truth, that truth that teaches them that they
possess a rational and immortal spirit." In the address in behalf of the
New York Institution before noted,[220] it is said of the deaf that the
"powers of torpid and dormant intellects are resurrected from an eternal
night of silence." The first report of the Minnesota School[221] refers
to the deaf as "liberated from the winding sheets of silence and
ignorance," and tells how "their souls vibrate with such joy as Lazarus
felt when he stepped forth from the gloom of the grave."

In the first report of the Indiana School[222] the state of the deaf
without education is thus contrasted with that of the deaf with
education:

Indeed, the difference between the uneducated and the educated mute
is almost incredible. The former "winds his weary way" through life
in ignorance and obscurity, often an object of charity, and almost a
burden to himself; but the latter, gladdened by the genial rays of
knowledge and fitted for the discharge of duty, becomes a blessing
to his friends and to society, acts well his part as a member of the
great human family, enjoys the present, and looks forward to the
future with cheerfulness and hope.

The charter of the Pennsylvania Institution refers to the desire of
certain citizens "to restore the deaf and dumb to the ranks of their
species;" and the preamble of the statutes creating schools in Kentucky
and other states contains similar language. The purpose of the Illinois
school is given in the organic act, the language of that of Nebraska and
other states being almost identical:

To promote by all proper and feasible means the mental, moral and
physical culture of that portion of the community, who by the
mysterious dispensations of Providence, have been born, or by
disease have become deaf, and of course dumb, by a judicious and
well adapted course of education, to reclaim them from their lonely
and cheerless condition, to restore them to the ranks of their
species, and to fit them to discharge the social and domestic duties
of life.

The object of the schools in Wisconsin, South Dakota, and other states
is declared to be:

To afford the deaf and dumb of the state, so far as possible, an
enlightened and practical education, that may aid them to obtain the
means of instruction, discharge the duties of citizenship, and
secure all the happiness they are capable of obtaining.

The early educators of the deaf felt themselves that they were indeed
carrying the light to shine in a dark place. In the language of one of
the foremost of them:[223]

Then the great triumph of science and benevolence over one of the
most terrible of human calamities will be complete, and the deaf and
dumb, objects of interest, but hardly of compassion, will stand
forth among their kindred who hear, heirs of all the hopes, the
privileges and the lofty aspirations of their race.

EXTENSION OF THE MEANS OF INSTRUCTION OVER THE COUNTRY

Interest in the education of the deaf had thus become general, public
concern was awakened, and movements were early on foot in not a few
states to start schools. The enthusiasm aroused by the success of the
first schools only increased the hopes that others would be provided to
reach the deaf children in all the states. A writer in the _North
American Review_ in 1834[224] declared that there were "no doubts that
the wants of the deaf and dumb will soon be supplied, and that the
public beneficence already extended to a portion will, before the lapse
of many years, be extended to all."

Nor were these hopes to be shattered, for the states followed each other
in rapid succession in providing means for the instruction of their deaf
youth. Indeed, when we consider how early some of the newly settled
states began to devote attention to the education of the deaf--a work
that was undertaken in Europe only after the middle of the eighteenth
century--we are persuaded that it speaks no less for the regard for and
devotion to education implanted in the breasts of the American people,
than for the bigness and benevolence of their hearts. The credit remains
just as deep, even though it has ever been the mission and spirit of
America to bring education to the door of every one of its children, and
though what it has done for the deaf is but a part of this great
principle.

The early workers, despite the preliminary journeys to Europe, were
largely pioneers, and this country owes an immeasurable debt to the
founders and directors of the first schools. Many of them were ministers
of the Gospel, and all of them were men of high ideals. Possibly there
has never been a movement undertaken for the good of humanity that has
drawn to it a more capable or earnest band of men. These early workers
were possessed of a determination, an ardor, a resourcefulness, combined
with scholarship and understanding of no common order, that would have
graced any human cause. They were truly of those in America that have
blazed trails, and to them belonged those elements of character that are
a pride to any people.[225]

The first schools were created by societies of private citizens, funds
being contributed from "membership fees" in the societies, from
subscriptions and from other private donations.[226] To the aid of these
schools the state later came with appropriations; but while an oversight
and general control were assumed by it, the schools were left as
private corporations. With the establishment, however, of the Kentucky
School in 1823, a second stage is reached in the extension of the new
work, the state now undertaking the task itself and providing the
schools at its own initiative and expense. At first admission into the
schools was restricted to a certain number of pupils, often based upon
some political division of the state, as a senatorial district in
Tennessee, or a judicial in Ohio. When such limitations were swept away,
we have the third stage in the provision for the education of the deaf.
The fourth and last stage--though not necessarily in this order in any
one particular state, and not in every case formally accomplished--is
attained when in Indiana all charges are removed, and education is made
free to all.[227] In the schools created in later times all these steps
were usually merged into one: limitations of any kind were mostly
omitted, and the schools were in general thrown open to all from the
beginning.

Thus is reached the culminative point in the course of the provision for
the education of the deaf in America. No longer was private benevolence
to inaugurate and carry on the work, but the state was coming to see its
responsibility in part, finally to realize its full duty in making
education free to all its deaf population, just as it was free to the
rest of its citizens.[228]

In many instances, before action by the state, instruction of a small
collection of deaf children was taken up by a group of citizens;[229]
but hardly had this been done when as a rule the state proved itself
ready and willing to move in and shoulder the responsibility. These
private schools were thus often the nuclei of the state institutions, at
first aided to an extent, and then taken over. In fact, the private
schools were not infrequently started more or less as experimental
affairs, but with the expectation that the state would speedily come to
their help. "The idea of the founders seemed to be to give barely enough
to keep the school going, and to depend upon getting support of a
substantial character in the course of time."[230]

In some cases there were exhibitions of pupils, either from the school
which was hoped to be aided, or from an already established school in
another state. These were designed to awaken interest in the public, and
especially among the legislators, and to quicken the desired action. In
more than one instance the school was established at or near the state
capital to show the legislatures what could be done and to influence
their proceedings. Not infrequently memorials or petitions, in some
cases containing a great number of names, were presented to the
legislatures, praying for the establishment of the schools. Sometimes if
doubt as to the wisdom of the proposed course seemed to delay matters, a
point was to be gained in the dispatch as a preliminary procedure of a
special committee or agent to some existing school in another state, to
examine and report upon its work, this report being, as was expected,
nearly always highly favorable.[231]

But appeals to these bodies, whatever their nature, were rarely turned
away, and usually secured prompt response. When action was finally to be
obtained, the measure relating to the deaf was passed with few
dissenting votes, sometimes with none at all. So eager had the
representatives of the people now become, that, if it was not deemed
practicable at once to create a state institution, haste was made to
provide for the children in a school in another state till one within
their own borders could be established. In some cases steps were taken
to this end by the legislative assemblies of territories before
statehood had been bestowed upon them.[232]

At the same time not to be forgotten, in the narration of the extension
of the means of education to the deaf of the country, is the real debt
to private action. It was private initiative that often brought the
schools into being, and it was private solicitude that often won their
final endorsement and adoption by the state. In not a few places there
were citizens found who were willing to give of their substance to
forward the new work.[233] For some of the schools money was not only
subscribed, but it came also from the proceeds of fairs and concerts,
and for a few also from lectures, debates, exhibits of pictures, and
similar affairs; while exhibitions of the pupils themselves from the
schools seldom failed to draw a generous offering.[234] Indeed, many
were glad of the opportunity to lend a hand, and contributions were
tendered not only by various individuals, but also by different
societies and organizations[235]--churches probably among the latter
proving the most ready givers, with aid, in addition, at time from
newspapers, and now and then from a school or college. In some cases
funds were collected by citizens with which to purchase a site, and
sometimes the land required was given by the cities themselves. Indirect
aid was extended as well of not a few kinds; and in the early schools
there was seldom great difficulty in securing reduced transportation on
railroads and steamboats.[236]

However, except in a few instances, private assistance in the aggregate
did not prove great: as a rule in most schools it was limited, usually
sufficing only to tide them over their nascent stage, and in large part
ceasing upon their full establishment. From then on the maintenance was
assumed practically entirely as a public charge, the legislatures of the
several states undertaking themselves to provide for the schools. In a
few cases, however, there was public aid of another sort. In several
schools there were allowances for a longer or shorter period from
municipal funds, as in Maryland, Pennsylvania and New York, and from
county, as in North Carolina and Utah.[237] But much the most important
assistance of this character came from the national government; and
while only a few schools were favored by its action, the benefactions to
those were hardly less than munificent. For the benefit of the
Connecticut and Kentucky schools early in their careers Congress granted
great areas of the public domain; and later, on the admission of half a
dozen or so states in the West into the Union, set apart extensive
tracts for the schools to be established in them.[238]

When the school for the deaf had been formally recognized by the state,
its first act of assistance as a rule was in the form of _per capita_
allowances for the pupils, with only occasionally a specific
appropriation. These allowances were in the beginning small, but in time
were gradually increased. It was usually some years before the policy
was adopted of making regular appropriations. In a few cases, as in
Indiana and Illinois, when it was decided to create a state institution,
the first proceedings were, in lieu of a direct appropriation, the
levying of a small mill tax upon the assessed property of the state. In
New York benefit was allowed from the fines or licenses on lotteries,
and in Ohio from the receipts of a tax on auctions in one of the
counties of the state. In a few cases the schools were even located
where there appeared the greatest financial inducement,[239] as with the
requirement that a certain number of acres of land should be donated for
the school.[240]

For the organization of the new schools a small body of citizens was
appointed, often the original promoters of the undertaking, to act as
trustees, and to them was confided its direction, with the support and
general oversight of the state back of them.[241] Now and then the
trustees of an existing educational or other institution were given
charge as a temporary arrangement.[242]

In the material projection of the schools, little was to be expected at
the beginning. With the meagre resources at their disposal, the
directors had small choice in what was to be provided. In not a few
cases the schools started out under conditions far from auspicious, and
in some the circumstances in connection with their origin were quite
discouraging.[243] The quarters secured for the schools were nearly
always of unpretentious, and sometimes of humble, type. Many began in a
single rented room, and a few in a church building lent for the purpose.
It was only in the course of the years, as the communities grew in
population and wealth, that the establishments for the deaf assumed
appearances in keeping with their character.

The schools for the deaf were now in being, and were ready for the
reception of their pupils. But what of these pupils, and where were
they? Were they found at the doors of the new institutions, clamoring
for admission? The situation was hardly this. In point of fact, in
nearly every case the schools were ahead of the pupils. Though in
practically every community where a school was created, there were a
greater or less number of children in need of an education, these
children, or rather their parents, were slow in availing themselves of
the privilege. It was thus that the schools when established had to
wait, as it were, for the coming of their pupils, and indeed, in not a
few instances, to go out after them.

On the opening of the schools, none was found to have a large number of
pupils, and in most there were only a handful, as three, four or
five.[244] It was discovered that it was a far from easy task to get the
children in.[245] The parents were in no small measure ignorant
themselves, and the real value of the school was not always readily
understood. Besides, in many sections the country was new, the roads
bad, and the facilities for travel scant.

Oftentimes in the course of the founding of the schools, before any
direct act was attempted, a census was taken of the deaf of the state.
It was also frequently made the duty of certain local officers as county
clerks, assessors, etc., to register and report prospective pupils. By
many of the schools circulars were distributed to postmasters,
tax-collectors, ministers, school-teachers and others to enlist their
help in reaching deaf children;[246] and by certain of the schools the
newspapers were even availed of to carry their advertisements. Sometimes
special agents were sent out to scour the state and gather in pupils.

In many of the schools at the same time the terms of admission were
carefully prescribed,[247] and in some, especially the older ones, these
terms were often published. Notices of vacancies were also in a few
cases put in the newspapers, while in one or two instances, as in
Massachusetts, it was provided that lots should be drawn when it was
found that the number of applicants exceeded the number allowed. In a
large portion of the schools at first the pupils were individually
committed, or were "appointed," as it was called.[248] It was usually
some years before the greater part of such formalities ceased. Charges
were also occasionally made at the beginning,[249] later to be reduced
and in time to be abolished.[250]

In most of the schools in their first days the period of attendance
allowed to the pupils was very short, often being three or four years,
and sometimes only two. Usually, however, after a time one or two years
were added to the number permitted, which procedure was repeated after
certain intervals, and the length of residence was thus gradually
increased. In few of the schools, moreover, was an early age held
essential; and, indeed, in a considerable number pupils were not
admitted at an early age, the limit not infrequently being ten or
twelve.[251] The upper limit was high as well, and in some cases pupils
might enter up to thirty. These age limitations were also in turn
lowered in the course of time. Thus eventually we find the ages of
attendance as well as the general rules and regulations of admission
conforming more and more to those of the regular schools.

The various schools that have been created for the deaf have been for
the most part boarding institutions, in which the pupils have lived
during the school year. But beginning in 1869, and increasing rapidly
since 1890, a system of day schools has been brought into being, more on
the order of the regular common schools, and more distinctly an integral
part of the state's educational economy. Such schools, now over three
score in number, have been established in fourteen states, and belong
especially to large cities. They may be regarded in many respects as
denoting a new departure in the educational treatment of the deaf, and
as marking the latest development in the course of the instruction of
the deaf in the country.

In addition, there have been created a class of schools, numbering some
score at present, which are of denominational or private character, and
are not affected by state control. Finally, there has been established
by the United States government a national college for the deaf of all
the country--which may be called the crowning feature in the provision
for the education of the deaf in America.

For the great number of the deaf--over five-sixths of the total--the
institutional schools remain the one means of instruction. They have
been created in all but a few of the states, and in those without them
the children are sent to a school in a neighboring state. In some of the
more populous states two or more schools have been established. These
schools are as a rule supported entirely from the public treasury, and
are controlled by the legislatures, the actual administration being
delegated to boards of trustees or other bodies. In half the states a
regard of an enduring kind has been manifested for the schools in that
provision for them has been included in the constitutions, and these
states are thus committed to their maintenance.

In the schools themselves not only is education presented in the usual
sense, but in practically all industrial training has also been provided
to no mean extent, and constitutes a prominent feature of the work.

We have now traced the origin and development of the schools for the
deaf in the United States. The present organization and arrangements are
to be considered in the following chapters. We have found that the duty
of the education of the deaf has been recognized in all the states of
the Union; that to-day everywhere in America provision has been made for
the instruction of the deaf; and that to all the deaf children of the
land the doors of education are open wide.[252]

FOOTNOTES:

[164] There is, however, a case reported before this of a deaf person
who had received instruction, though hardly in America. This was a woman
who was blind as well as deaf, and who lived at Ipswich, Massachusetts,
in 1637. She had come from England; but whether or not she had been
taught before the coming on of her affliction, we are left in ignorance.
All that we are sure of is that communication could be had with her. See
John Winthrop, "History of New England", ed. 1853, i., p. 281; _Annals_,
xlv., 1900, p. 91.

[165] _Association Review_, ii., 1900, p. 34 ("Historical Notes
concerning the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf"). No little debt is owed
to Dr. Alexander Graham Bell for his researches into the early attempts
at instruction in America.

[166] _American Historical Review_, vi., 1900, pp. 65, 81, 82, 95. See
also _Association Review_, ii., 1900, p. 527.

[167] See A. G. Bell, "A Philanthropist of the Last Century Identified
as a Boston Man", 1900; _North American Review_, civ., 1867, p. 512;
_Annals_, i., 1848, p. 189; ix., 1857, p. 169; xii., 1860, p. 258;
xiii., 1861, p. 1; _Association Review_, ii., 1900, pp. 42, 119. In some
of these are given letters of Green appearing in the _New England
Palladium_ and _Columbian Centinel_, of Boston, and the _Medical
Repository and Review of American Publications on Medicine, Surgery and
the Auxiliary Branches of Science_, of New York. Green also published a
translation of de l'Épée's main work and extracts from his other
writings. A review of "_Vox Oculis Subjecta_" appeared in the
_Gentleman's Magazine_, Sept., 1783, and in the _Boston Magazine_, Dec.,
1784, Jan., 1785.

[168] Report of New York Institution, 1843, p. 17; _Annals_, ix., 1857,
p. 168.

[169] At this time the United States and England were at war, and
Braidwood's adventure received official notice in a permit from the
Commissary General of Prisoners to the Marshal of Virginia.

[170] Braidwood was in communication with the promoters of the schools
now being organized in Hartford and New York.

[171] On these schools, see History of Virginia School, 1893, p. 3;
Report, 1853, p. 25; Report of New York Institution, 1856, p. 17;
_Annals_, ix., 1857, p. 170; xxi., 1876, p. 130; _Association Review_,
ii., 1900, pp. 257, 385, 489; v., 1903, p. 400. In the last are given
advertisements and notices concerning the school from the Richmond
_Enquirer_, the Petersburg _Republican_, and _Niles' Weekly Register_,
of Baltimore.

[172] Among those who had given the matter thought was Dr. William
Thornton of Philadelphia, who in 1793 published "Cadmus: a Treatise on
the Elements of Written Language", there being an appendix on "A Mode of
Teaching the Deaf, or Surd, and Consequently Dumb, to Speak".
Transactions of American Philosophical Society, iii., p. 262, as cited
in _Association Review_, ii., 1900, p. 113. See also _ibid._, v., 1903,
p. 406; _Annals_, i., 1848, p. 190. He was the first writer in America
upon the education of the deaf.

[173] By some at this time there were not believed to be a sufficient
number of the deaf to justify a school, and it was due to this mainly
that the investigation was made.

[174] Funds to the amount of $2,278 were subscribed before the departure
of Gallaudet. _Association Review_, iii., 1901, p. 329.

[175] It is said that Stephen Girard declined to contribute because
Philadelphia was not chosen as the site of the school. Tribute to
Gallaudet, p. 114.

[176] _Ibid._, p. 155.

[177] This grant seems to have been used later for the benefit of
Connecticut pupils.

[178] This, however, was not the first appropriation to a benevolent
institution. The colony of Pennsylvania in 1751 had voted an
appropriation for certain of its insane in a hospital to be opened the
following year, while New York in 1806 granted $15,000 for the care of
its insane in a hospital. Virginia established its insane asylum at
Williamsburg in 1773.

[179] See Laws of Maine, 1829, p. 24.

[180] _Annals_, iv., 1851, p. 63; _National Magazine_, ix., 1856, p.
489.

[181] Tribute to Gallaudet, p. 136. This was also expressed in the
_Missionary Herald_, Sept., 1826, quoted in _American Journal of
Education_, i., 1826, p. 631. At the same time caution was advised as to
the result, as the benefit was to depend upon the sale of the land.

[182] Report of American School, 1825, p. 5; 1836, p. 22.

[183] In 1821 steps were taken to establish a school in South Carolina.
A census of the deaf children in the state was made, 29 being found. The
school here, however, was not started till some years later. See Report
of South Carolina School, 1904, p. 7. In neither the case of this state
nor that of Georgia was the number of pupils annually sent to Hartford
large, ranging from 2 to 8 in each. See Report of American School, 1835,
p. 9; Georgia School, 1874, p. 11; _American Annals of Education_, v.,
1835, p. 93. A joint school for the south-eastern states was also
contemplated at this time.

[184] There were several pupils here supported by the United States
government, who were the children of deceased veterans, the first coming
from Maryland in 1819. History of Maryland School, 1893, p. 11.

[185] Gallaudet remained at the head of the American Asylum, as it was
then called, till 1828, when he resigned. He was engaged thereafter in
various philanthropic activities, and was invited to lead in the work
for the education of the blind, towards which attention was now being
directed. Notwithstanding the impairment of his health, his different
labors were continued, not the least of which was his office as chaplain
of the Connecticut Asylum for the Insane. To Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet
America owes a rare debt. Without him the work for the deaf would have
been taken up eventually by other hands, but he brought to his task a
disregard for obstacles, a splendid idealism, a fine conception of duty,
a complete forgetfulness of self, a singular beauty of character, and a
great human love that could have existed in but few other men.

[186] There were 66 found in a very short time.

[187] Volumes iii. and iv. of the _Association Review_ (1901 and 1902)
contain most interesting accounts of these first schools, with extracts
from early reports, letters of Dr. Cogswell, Gallaudet and others;
extracts from the Hartford _Courant_ and the _Connecticut Mirror_, both
urging the importance of the school established at Hartford and the need
of contributions, and the latter (in the issue of March 24, 1817) giving
the conditions and terms of admission; also extracts from other papers,
as the Albany _Daily Advertiser_, the New York _Commercial Advertiser_,
the _General Aurora Advertiser_, _Poulson's American Daily Advocate_,
the _Christian Observer_, the _Freeman's Journal and Columbian
Chronicle_, of Philadelphia, and _Niles' Weekly Register_, of Baltimore.
See also E. M. Gallaudet, "Life of Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet."

[188] Pub. Stat., ch. 24.

[189] Pupils were in time received here from all the Southern states.
History, 1893, p. 5.

[190] This was to be called "The Western Asylum for the Education of the
Deaf and Dumb". An association was formed, and the legislature was asked
to incorporate the school. In 1822 a census was taken for all the state
except two counties, when 428 deaf persons were found. The school was
not established on the ground that it was too far removed from the
center of the state. See _Annals_, v., 1853, p. 221; xxv., 1880, p. 30;
Report of Ohio School, 1876, p. 30.

[191] A school under Roman Catholic auspices was established near St.
Louis in 1837.

[192] Report of Indiana School, 1851, p. 26. See also _Annals_, vi.,
1854, p. 150. This honor is also to be shared in by the state of Ohio.
In 1844, or four years before the action of Indiana, the laws
prohibiting the trustees from receiving more than a certain number of
indigent pupils in one year at the expense of the state were repealed,
and the trustees were authorized to admit suitable pupils, as they might
deem necessary and proper. This probably had the effect of allowing all
pupils free attendance, though it remained with the trustees to decide.
The formal removal of limitations respecting indigent pupils did not
take place till 1854.

[193] A society was formed for the purpose, a charter secured from the
legislature, and Congress petitioned for land. _Annals_, xiii., 1868, p.
233.

[194] History, 1893, p. 9.

[195] In Maryland, for instance, we find an early appropriation for
those "teachable". The _American Journal of Education_ tells of the
wonder on the part of the legislators of Massachusetts when a class of
deaf-mutes was exhibited in their presence, iv., 1829, p. 78.

[196] P. 5.

[197] See Sketch of Origin and Progress of the Institution for the Deaf
and Dumb in Pennsylvania, 1821.

[198] Report, 1867, p. 12.

[199] See _Annals_, iii., 1851, p. 123, quoting from the _Boston
Congregationalist_.

[200] History, 1893, p. 3.

[201] See Report of American School, 1823, p. 5; 1824, p. 10; 1840, pp.
5, 24; New York Institution, 1829, p. 17; Pennsylvania Institution,
1839, p. 6; Illinois School, 1856, p. 10; Report of Select Committee to
Visit Pennsylvania Institution, 1838, p. 3.

[202] It is interesting to note that of the first four institutions
incorporated in New York, the purposes are thus respectively given: "to
afford the necessary means of instruction to the deaf and dumb, and also
provide for the support and maintenance of those whose parents are
unable"; "to aid and instruct the deaf and dumb"; "to instruct and
support"; and "to receive, care for, support and educate".

[203] History, 1893, p. 4. See also _Annals_, vi., 1853, p. 234.

[204] Account of Origin and Progress of the Pennsylvania Institution,
1821, pp. 4, 7. See also "Sketch of Origin and Progress," etc., 1821, p.
4; Report of Pennsylvania Institution, 1875, p. 22.

[205] By Silvanus Miller, 1819, p. 15.

[206] 1819, p. 31 (reprint of 1894).

[207] 1839, p. 5.

[208] 1862, p. 5.

[209] 1853, p. 20.

[210] 1848, p. 3.

[211] i., 1835, p. 136.

[212] Jan., 18, 1817. Quoted in _Association Review_, iii., 1901, p.
434.

[213] Address at Proceedings of Laying of Corner Stone, 1848, p. 13.

[214] March 1, 1827. Quoted in Report of New York Institution, 1827, p.
19.

[215] By Lewis Weld, 1828, p. 3.

[216] Report of Select Committee of 18th Congress, 1st sess., upon a
Memorial to Give Land, etc., 1824, p. 12.

[217] Quoted in _American Journal of Education_, i., 1826, p. 432.

[218] 1827, p. 10.

[219] 1834, p. 5.

[220] Address of Silvanus Miller, _loc. cit._

[221] 1863, p. 17.

[222] Quoted in History, 1893, p. 6. For other accounts of the condition
of the deaf without education and the blessings to be obtained from it,
see Report of Kentucky School, 1824, p. 10; Ohio School, 1842, p. 13;
Kansas School, 1870, p. 12; History of Mississippi School, 1893, p. 3;
_Southwestern School Journal_ (Tennessee), i., 1848, p. 49; J. H. Tyler,
"Duty and Advantages of the Education of the Deaf", etc., 1843; Sermon
by John Summerfield, in behalf of the New York Institution, 1822;
Discourse of Samuel L. Mitchell, Pronounced at Request of Society for
Instruction of the Deaf and Dumb, New York, 1818; Addresses of Joseph H.
Lane and Ebenezer Demorest, before Legislature of Indiana, 1851.

[223] Harvey Prindle Peet, at first Convention of American Instructors,
1850, p. 141. See also _Annals_, iii., 1850, p. 160.

[224] xxxviii., p. 357.

[225] When the accounts of brave endeavor, and the rolls of those
inflamed for human service, are finally made up, high indeed will stand
the names of Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet, Lewis Weld, John A. Jacobs,
Abraham B. Hutton, Harvey P. Peet, Collins Stone, Horatio N. Hubbell,
Thomas McIntyre, Luzerne Rae, Barabas M. Fay, David E. Bartlett, William
W. Turner, Newton P. Walker, Jacob Van Nostrand, William D. Kerr, and
others both of those who worked with them and who followed in their
steps.

[226] Where the institutions were under regularly chartered societies,
these dues were usually fixed at $5, with life membership at $50, though
the size of the fees varied in the different schools. In the American
School the office of vice-president was created for those paying $200.
In some of these schools the fees proved of considerable assistance.

[227] The course of provision may be illustrated in the case of the Ohio
School. In 1829, at the beginning, an indigent pupil was to be admitted
from each of the nine judicial districts of the state, "to be selected
by the board of trustees from persons recommended by the associate
judges of the counties where they reside". In 1830 the number was
increased to eighteen, in 1832 to twenty-seven, in 1834 to forty-eight,
and in 1835 to sixty. In 1844 all suitable applicants were to be
received, and in 1854 all limitations as to financial ability were
removed.

[228] In many instances the school for the deaf was the first
"benevolent" or "humane" institution created by the state.

[229] In several instances a deaf man himself came to a community and
organized a school.

[230] Mr. E. S. Tillinghast, of the Oregon School, in a letter to the
writer. See also Report of Oregon School, 1880, p. 4.

[231] On efforts to secure schools, see _Southern Literary Messenger_,
i., 1835, pp. 134, 201.

[232] It is to be noted that some of the older schools did not look with
favor upon the rapid increase in the number of the schools. The creation
of many new ones was sometimes advised against, it being declared that
the existing ones could answer for all the country, and that pupils
would gain by attending them. See Report of Pennsylvania Institution,
1830, appendix, p. 14; American School, 1824, p. 6; 1826, p. 4.

[233] In some cases pathetic appeals were made for money. See Address
before New York Forum in behalf of New York Institution, 1819; Discourse
pronounced at Request of Society for the Instruction of the Deaf and
Dumb, appendix (address to the public), 1818; Circular of President and
Directors of New York Institution, 1818; Addresses to Contributors to
the Pennsylvania Asylum, 1821; Report of Pennsylvania Institution, 1826,
appendix, p. 19.

[234] In New York exhibits of pupils were given in a score of cities and
towns, in a third of which there were repetitions. _Annals_, xviii.,
1873, p. 80. In Illinois there were more than two score exhibits given,
witnessed by some 50,000 persons. Report of Illinois School, 1868, p.
36.

[235] In connection with the New York Institution there was a society
called the New York Female Association, "to aid in giving support and
instruction to the indigent deaf and dumb", which lasted from 1825 to
1835. It raised in one year $1200 for "unsuccessful applicants". See
Address and Constitution, 1830; Report of New York Institution, 1826, p.
6.

[236] See Report of Mississippi School, 1872, p. 17; _Annals_, ix.,
1857, p. 178.

[237] In a few instances, as in North Carolina, the counties were
authorized to raise funds by a special tax.

[238] Aid was besought of the national government by a number of
schools. In 1826 Congress was asked for the endowment of the
institutions then in being which had not already been assisted. See
Address of Lewis Weld in the Capitol in Washington, 1828, p. 8. In 1833
the Senate passed bills granting land to the schools in New York,
Pennsylvania and Ohio, but these failed to be acted upon in the House.
Proceedings of Laying of Corner Stone of Ohio Institution, 1864; Report
of Ohio School, 1869, p. 52. Later there were applications from
individual schools, most seeking grants of land. Requests came from
Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Georgia,
Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Nebraska. A township was usually desired,
though Vermont asked for 10,000 acres for the benefit of a hospital for
the insane and for the education of the deaf and blind. See Laws of
Vermont, 1851, no. 81; New Jersey, 1823, p. 124; Report of New York
Institution, 1846, p. 14; Michigan School, 1858, p. 46; History of
Wisconsin School, 1893, p. 6; Proceedings of Convention of American
Instructors, i., 1850, p. 171.

[239] In Indiana several cities made efforts to secure the school. In
Bloomington $4,000 was raised, and an offer extended of a special local
tax levy of one cent on $100 of property for its benefit. _Annals_, vi.,
1854, p. 150.

[240] Thus in Kansas the school was established on condition that 20
acres be granted for a site, and 150 for its benefit; in Minnesota that
40 acres be provided; and in Colorado that 5 be provided. In Indiana the
school was first only provisionally located by the statute.

[241] In one or two instances "contract" schools were provided for, the
managers receiving a certain amount from the state and reserving the
balance left after the payment of expenses as their compensation. This
plan, however, did not continue long, and was generally condemned. See
_Annals_, iii., 1851, p. 34.

[242] In Kentucky the school was placed under the trustees of Centre
College at Danville, and so remained for fifty years.

[243] The schools in Indiana and Tennessee were compelled for financial
reasons to close for six months, and that in Oregon for eight months,
shortly after they had been opened. Report of Tennessee School, 1847, p.
9; History of Oregon School, 1893, p. 4; _Annals_, x., 1858, p. 106. To
add to the difficulties in some instances, was the belief that not
enough deaf children could be assembled for a school.

[244] The number in the beginning at the Kentucky and Texas schools was
3, at the New York and Illinois 4, at the Indiana and Tennessee 6, at
the Hartford 7, and at the Ohio and Missouri 1.

[245] On the difficulty in getting the pupils in, see Report of Iowa
School, 1865, p. 12; 1868, p. 8; Arkansas School, 1872, p. 15; Indiana
School, 1877, p. 15; Kentucky School, 1846, p. 1; West Virginia School,
1879, p. 10; Illinois School, 1854, p. 11; Wisconsin School, 1859, p.
15; _Annals_, iv., 1852, p. 241.

[246] See Report of Michigan School, 1874, p. 43.

[247] In many of the schools there was, and still is, a formal
requirement of good character.

[248] In some of the states the pupils were long known as
"beneficiaries". The power of appointment was not infrequently vested in
the governor of the state.

[249] In Tennessee a charge was at first made for board, with the result
that no pupil appeared; and after a month or two this was removed.
Report of Tennessee School, 1845, p. 14; _Annals_, ix., 1857, p. 118.
See also Proceedings of Convention of American Instructors, iii., 1853,
p. 169. As to the desirability of free transportation, see Report of
Ohio School, 1843, p. 11.

[250] At the American School a charge of $200 was laid for each pupil at
first. This was reduced after a time to $150, then to $115, then to
$100, and finally removed altogether.

[251] In Massachusetts the law for a number of years allowed no
applications under fourteen, while in Georgia the age limits for pupils
sent to Connecticut were from ten to forty. At the first Convention of
American Instructors, it was agreed that it was not expedient to receive
pupils under ten, while twelve was considered more suitable.
Proceedings, i., 1850, p. 223. On the ages of admission and attendance,
see _Annals_, v., 1852, p. 141; xviii., 1873, p. 176; Report of American
School, 1833, p. 23; Iowa School, 1865, p. 11; Indiana School, 1871, p.
19; Missouri School, 1856, p. 14; Proceedings of Conference of
Principals, i., 1868, p. 43; Documents of Senate of New York, 1838, no.
25 (Report of Secretary of State on Relation to Deaf and Dumb).

[252] How well America has performed its duty towards the deaf has been
generally recognized in other countries. In the Encyclopedia Britannica
(eleventh edition) the deaf of America are referred to as the best
educated deaf in the world. A German opinion is that "America has given
special attention to the care and education of deaf-mutes". _American
Journal of Sociology_, vii., 1902, p. 532. See also G. Ferreri,
"American Institutions for the Education of the Deaf", 1908; Education
of Deaf Children, Evidence of E. M. Gallaudet and A. G. Bell, Presented
to Royal Commission of the United Kingdom on Condition of the Blind, the
Deaf and Dumb, etc., 1892; E. M. Gallaudet, Report on Deaf-Mute
Institutions in the American Commission at the Vienna International
Exhibit, 1873, Report of United States Commissioners, 1876, ii.; J. C.
Gordon, "Notes and Observations upon the Education of Deaf Children",
1892; E. E. Allen, "Education of Defectives" in "Education in the United
States", 1900; E. G. Dexter, "History of Education in the United
States", 1906, p. 470; G. G. Smith, "Social Pathology", 1911, p. 245;
Cyclopedia of Education, 1911, p. 257; _Education_, xviii., 1898, p.
417; W. H. Addison, Report of a Visit to Some of the American Schools
for the Deaf (the Mosely Commission), 1907; _Association Review_, ii.,
1900, pp. 70, 159, 273; xi., 1909, p. 495; _Annals_, xliv., 1899, pp.
177, 342, 439; xlv., 1900, pp. 16, 126, 205, 297.

CHAPTER X

ORGANIZATION OF THE INSTITUTIONS AND GENERAL PROVISIONS

ARRANGEMENTS IN THE DIFFERENT STATES

Provision for the education of the deaf is made by the different states
as a general rule in local institutions. In only four states are deaf
children sent at public expense to a school outside for their
instruction: Delaware, New Hampshire, Nevada, and Wyoming. In these,
owing to their comparatively small populations, it has been considered
more economical and satisfactory to contract with the school in an
adjoining state.

In each of the other states there is at least one institution, or
sixty-five in all. In Connecticut and the District of Columbia[253]
there are two, in Massachusetts three, in Pennsylvania four, and in New
York eight. In some of these the schools are distributed over the state
the better to reach all the pupils. In the Southern states there are
usually separate departments in the regular institutions for children of
the colored race,[254] but in some there are special arrangements. In
Virginia there is one school for the white deaf and blind, and another
for the colored. In North Carolina there is a school for the white deaf,
and another for the blind with a department for the colored deaf and
blind. In Alabama, Maryland, Oklahoma, and Texas each there is a school
for the white deaf and another for the colored deaf and blind.[255]

In nearly all the states these schools are strictly public institutions,
owned by the state and supported wholly by taxation, and are under the
direct control and supervision of the legislature. In a few of the
Eastern states the institutions are in private hands and operated under
their immediate direction, and in some cases supported in part by
endowment funds, but at the same time receiving appropriations from the
state, and subject to its authority and general oversight. They are thus
"semi-public" or "quasi-public" institutions, and will need a brief
separate treatment, as will also the "dual schools," where the deaf and
blind are educated together.

SEMI-PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS

The semi-public institutions are seventeen in number, and are found in
six states: Connecticut, Maryland,[256] Massachusetts, New York,
Pennsylvania,[257] and Vermont. Institutions in these states have
remained private corporations from the time they were established, some
of them being, as we have seen, the first schools that were created for
the deaf. A certain number were especially favored by private
munificence at their beginning, and continued to be supported by private
funds till the state came to their aid and undertook to assist by
regular appropriations. Other schools have been similarly organized, but
have always depended largely on the appropriations from the state. All
of them are in the hands of societies,[258] organized and chartered as
corporations under the laws of the state. In some cases membership is
open to those interested on the payment of the regular dues or
fees.[259]

These institutions, while corporate bodies, are under the authority and
supervision of the state. Their relation to the state and the conditions
under which they exist may be understood from their position in New
York. Here the institutions were chartered by the state as benevolent
societies, the buildings and grounds being presented, or the money for
them collected, by the trustees, and the property reverting to the state
if alienated to another use.[260] These schools are all subsidized from
the state treasury in _per capita_ allowances for the pupils
received;[261] and to some, especially the newer ones, there are general
appropriations from time to time for buildings and the like. The regular
grants, however, are often not sufficient for the cost of maintenance,
which means that the institutions are instructing the children of the
state, and maintaining them, at a cost to which the state contributes
only a part. Such balances are covered from the endowment funds and
private donations, but it would seem that the state gets a good bargain
from the transaction.[262]

On the other hand, it is to be remembered in connection with these
schools that in the matter of the education of certain of the children
of the state this duty is turned over to a private society. An anomalous
situation, it would seem, is thus created, the state abdicating one of
its most important functions as now conceived. The question, however, is
not of great practical moment, and the matter may be likened to the
general policy of the state when it contracts out for any of its work to
be done. If economy and efficiency are secured, it is felt that there
can be little ground for objection. A more important question arises in
the matter of the granting of public money to a private institution. The
matter of such state subsidies has already received considerable
discussion,[263] and may receive even more attention in the future.
Notwithstanding, these private institutions for the deaf were largely
organized before the present attitude in the matter: they have in some
cases really anticipated the duty of the state, and in a general
consideration of the subject would probably be the last to be condemned.

"DUAL SCHOOLS"

"Dual schools," that is, schools in which there are departments both for
the deaf and the blind, are found in ten states: California, Colorado,
Florida, Idaho, Montana, South Carolina, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, and
West Virginia.[264] In a number of other states the deaf and the blind
were for a certain period educated together, either the two classes
being provided for jointly from the first or a department for the blind
being later created; but in time in these the two classes have been
separated, and distinct schools for the blind set up.[265]

As a general thing, this arrangement of having the deaf and the blind
together in one school has been regarded as unfortunate, and educators
of both classes have protested against it. The question has thus been
stated: The deaf and the blind "have nothing in common in the matter of
education, and the bringing of the two classes together is a prolific
source of friction and compromise."[266] The blind, it seems, are the
worst sufferers, as they are in a minority, are often considered only a
department or class in an institution designed primarily for the deaf,
and consequently receive less attention than they should.[267] However,
this arrangement has not been adopted as a deliberate policy on the part
of the state: rather, it was begun when the school was young, pupils of
both classes few, and one plant was thought adequate; and was allowed to
continue as a makeshift till separate schools could be created. As the
states have grown in population and resources, most have seen the wisdom
of severing the blind from the deaf; and even in the states where the
dual school is retained it is probably only a question of time till
provision will be made for the separate education of the two classes,
and eventually there will be independent schools for each in all the
states.

PROVISION FOR THE DEAF-BLIND

In 1824 at the school for the deaf at Hartford, Connecticut, the first
deaf-blind pupil in America began to receive instruction. To-day the
names of certain illustrious deaf-blind persons are known over the
civilized world.[268] Such children are provided for at present more
often in schools for the deaf than in schools for the blind, only one or
two schools for the latter class instructing them. The deaf-blind,
however, do not form a large class, and only in a small number of
schools are they to be found.[269] In certain cases where the school is
only for the deaf, special permission with a special appropriation has
to be obtained, but there has been little difficulty met here from the
legislatures. To certain of the deaf-blind individual benefactions have
been made, as legacies, donations and subscriptions, sometimes given to
the institutions to hold in trust; and in some cases these funds are for
life.

PROVISION FOR THE FEEBLE-MINDED DEAF

In many of the schools for the deaf a problem has arisen in connection
with a number of feeble-minded children more or less defective in speech
or hearing who have sought to gain admittance. Educators of the deaf
have been called upon to give considerable attention to this class, and
it has been a serious question what to do with them.[270] Many of those
who have applied at the institutions have been denied. Some have been
allowed to enter, and their presence in the schools has constituted a
difficult problem.[271] It is felt by those concerned in the education
of the deaf that they are out of place here, and that they should be
removed to a regular institution for the feeble-minded, or should
otherwise be specially provided for.[272]

GOVERNMENT OF THE DIFFERENT INSTITUTIONS

The government of schools for the deaf is practically the same in the
different states. They are, for the most part, in the hands of boards of
trustees, boards of directors, boards of managers, or boards of
visitors, as they are variously termed. The semi-public institutions, as
we have seen, were started as private concerns under private boards of
directors. These boards still exist, and control the affairs of the
institutions, having full powers but subject to such regulation as the
state may direct. Such boards are usually self-perpetuating bodies,
though in some cases the governor has been allowed to name a part. In
the American School the governors and secretaries of state of the New
England states are _ex-officio_ directors. In the case of some schools,
as the Pennsylvania Institution, where membership is open to any one on
the payment of the dues, the governing board is elected by the members
of the society or corporation.[273] In all these boards the members
serve without compensation. Their size varies considerably, but they are
usually large, having in some cases over twenty members.[274]

Where the school is strictly a state institution, the board is usually
appointed by the governor, sometimes with the approval of the state
senate.[275] In a few cases the boards are elected by the legislature,
as in Georgia and Tennessee. In Montana appointment is made by the state
board of education. In several of the states the governor or some other
public officer, most often the superintendent of public instruction, is
a member _ex-officio_.[276] These boards also as a rule serve without
compensation, and are paid only for expenses actually incurred.[277] Their
size is smaller than that of the corporate boards, usually consisting of
from three to seven members, though in a few cases they may go beyond
the latter figure. They are appointed to serve two, three, four or five
years, and in a few cases even longer. In states where the members are
elected by the legislature, the term is usually indefinite; and in one
or two states, as in Alabama, the board is self-perpetuating.[278]

In eight states the institutions are under special boards of their own,
without supervision or regulation from other bodies: Alabama, District
of Columbia, Georgia, Mississippi, New Mexico, South Carolina, Texas,
and Utah. In eighteen states the schools are under special boards of
trustees, while the state board of charities--or whatever the official
title--may visit, inspect, supervise, advise, or may otherwise be
connected with them: California, Connecticut, Idaho, Indiana, Louisiana,
Maine, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, New York, North
Carolina, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Virginia, and West
Virginia. It may be noted that such central boards--including the state
boards of control--are found in thirty-nine states, and in all but five
have some connection with the schools.[279] In eleven states the schools
are directly under the state boards of control, central boards or bodies
with similar powers, no special or local board intervening: Arkansas,
Florida, Illinois, Iowa, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South
Dakota, Washington, and Wisconsin.[280]

In some of the states, on the other hand, the schools are related to
the state department of education. In four states they are under boards
of trustees, with supervision only by this department: Colorado,
Kentucky, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island. In Idaho and New Jersey the
schools are directly under the department,[281] though in the former
there is also connection with another state board. In Montana the board
of trustees is appointed by the department. In Indiana and Oklahoma the
schools have boards of trustees and are under the department of
education, but with inspection also by the department of charities. In
New York and North Carolina there is supervision both by the department
of education and of charities. In several states the board of trustees
includes the state superintendent of public instruction as a member
_ex-officio_, as in Alabama, Louisiana, Minnesota, South Carolina,
Tennessee, and Virginia. In Kansas the school is under the state board
of administration for educational institutions, including the
university, normal school and agricultural college, and in Florida the
school is under the board of control of state educational institutions,
while in Arizona the school is a department of the state
university.[282]

PROCEDURE IN STATES WITHOUT INSTITUTIONS

In states where pupils are sent to schools outside the state,
appointments and commitments are usually made in the East by the
respective governors, and in the West by the boards of education or of
charities. In Delaware the governor appoints pupils to outside schools,
the state supreme court having first recommended. In New Hampshire the
governor recommends, while the children are placed by the board of
control.[283] In Wyoming the education of deaf children is directed by
the board of charities and reforms, and in Nevada by the state
department of education.[284]

FOOTNOTES:

[253] The two institutions here are the Kendall School and Gallaudet
College, though both really form what is known as the Columbia
Institution.

[254] In Louisiana full action has not been taken as yet for the
creation of a special school for the colored deaf, though this may be
expected soon. See Message of Governor, 1908, p. 78. In regard to the
value of the schools for the colored, the opinion of the heads of the
schools in the Southern states has been ascertained by the Board of
Charities of Louisiana. The wisdom of the policy was agreed in by all,
and the schools were reported as doing well, as were their graduates. By
one superintendent it was stated that "ignorance is costly to the state
in more ways than one". Report, 1907, p. 43.

[255] In the District of Columbia and West Virginia colored children are
sent to Maryland for education.

[256] The Maryland School approaches more nearly a state institution,
though it is under a self-perpetuating body of trustees.

[257] Two schools in Pennsylvania are entirely state institutions, the
Home for the Training in Speech and the Pennsylvania Oral School.

[258] In a few institutions there are aid or auxiliary societies
composed of ladies, usually about fifteen in number, as in the New York
Institution, the New York Institution for Improved Instruction, and the
Pennsylvania Institution.

[259] These fees and dues, as we have seen, are of varying size. Annual
membership dues are often $5, and sometimes as high as $25. Life
membership fees range from $25 to $100, with corresponding fees for
patrons, vice-presidents and others. The highest fee is that of life
donor in the New York Institution for Improved Instruction, being
$1,000.

[260] Dr. I. L. Peet, Proceedings of National Conference of Charities
and Corrections, 1883, p. 415.

[261] The annual appropriations are from $265 to $360 for each pupil,
but not often over $300 or $325.

[262] In the case of the Pennsylvania Institution we are advised that
the _per capita_ appropriation is $32 less than the actual cost. See
also Report, 1900, p. 9; 1901, p. 10; 1908, p. 10. In the case of the
Clarke School, the trustees declare that the state has never paid the
school for each pupil the average annual cost of instruction and
maintenance, and the legislature is repeatedly asked to increase its
appropriations. See Report, 1904, p. 8; 1911, p. 9; 1912, p. 8. Of the
American School we are told that the state appropriation "has never been
enough to meet the actual cost". Report, 1909, p. 9. In the case of the
New York Institution we are advised that the cost per pupil from 1903 to
1913 has ranged from $338 to $415, while the state appropriation has
never exceeded $325; and that from 1893 to 1913 $357,579 has been
expended for educational purposes, and $500,000 for buildings and
equipment, from the school's own funds.

[263] On this subject, see _American Journal of Sociology_, vii., 1901,
p. 359; Report of Superintendent of Charities of District of Columbia,
1891, p. 11; Proceedings of National Conference of Charities and
Corrections, 1911, p. 27.

[264] As we have noted, Alabama, Maryland, North Carolina, Oklahoma,
Texas, and Virginia have similar arrangements for their colored deaf and
blind.

[265] In New Mexico, however, where there are schools for both classes,
the governor has advised their consolidation, as one institution "could
administer to the needs of both". Message, 1907, p. 21.

[266] Report of Colorado School, 1908, p. 20. See also Report of Board
of Charities of West Virginia, 1910, p. 209.

[267] The educators of the blind have particularly arraigned this plan.
At one of the first conventions of the American Instructors of the
Blind, the following propositions were enunciated: 1. Deaf-mutes and the
blind differ from each other more widely than either class differs from
those having all the senses; 2. the methods of instruction peculiar to
each are entirely unlike and incompatible; 3. the deaf engross the main
attention; 4. the development of the blind department is retarded.
Proceedings, 1871, p. 87. Educators of the deaf have likewise stated
their objections. At an early conference of principals, a resolution was
adopted that the arrangement was bad, the methods being entirely
different. Proceedings, ii., 1872, pp. 146, 151. See also Report of
Michigan School, 1855 (first report), p. 1; 1880, p. 62; Louisiana
School, 1870, p. 30. In times past, however, advantages of this
arrangement have been pointed out. See Report of California Institution,
1869, p. 15; 1873, p. 19.

[268] See individual accounts in William Wade's monograph on the
Deaf-Blind, 1901; see also _National Magazine_, xi., 1857, p. 27;
_Review of Reviews_, xxv., 1902, p. 435; Ohio Bulletin of Charities and
Corrections, xiii., 1907, p. 47; Proceedings of American Instructors of
the Deaf, xvi., 1901, p. 175ff.; _Annals_, l., 1905, p. 125.

[269] The chief schools where they have been of recent years or are now
being instructed are the New York Institution, the Pennsylvania
Institution, the Western Pennsylvania Institution, and the schools in
Ohio, Mississippi, Kentucky, Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, South Dakota,
Wisconsin, Colorado, North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, Arkansas,
Louisiana, and Texas. The number in any one school at one time seldom
exceeds two or three, most often there being but one.

[270] A considerable proportion of such children are rather dumb than
deaf, having some oral, as well as mental, defect.

[271] On this question, see especially Report of Illinois School, 1860,
p. 15; Michigan School, 1887, p. 25; Maryland School, 1885, p. 13; 1897,
p. 13; Mississippi School, 1909, p. 24; _Minnesota Companion_, of
Minnesota School, Nov. 22, 1911; Report of Board of Charities of New
York, 1912, i., p. 144. Of the Alabama School, it is said that it "has
turned away a number of these feeble-minded children during the past two
years". Report, 1904, p. 21. In Ohio there are stated to be a hundred
such children. Report of Ohio School, 1909, p. 17. In another state
there are said to be 150 feeble-minded deaf. _Annals_, liv., 1909, p.
444.

[272] In 1910 the census reported 294 deaf persons in institutions for
the feeble-minded, or 1.4 per cent of all their inmates. Insane and
Feeble-minded in Institutions, 1914, p. 92. It has also been estimated
that five per cent of the deaf are feeble-minded. Proceedings of
Conference of Charities and Corrections, 1906, p. 254ff. On the subject
of the feeble-minded deaf in institutions, Mr. Cyrus E. White, of the
Kansas School, sent letters to the heads of 55 schools, receiving
replies from 45. No state, it was found, had made special provision for
the feeble-minded deaf. It was the general agreement that they should be
in institutions for the feeble-minded, one superintendent declaring that
"feeble-mindedness is a better classification than deafness". Another
superintendent suggested the establishment of such an institution in a
central state, to which the different states could send suitable cases.
See _Annals_, lv., 1910, p. 133. A committee of the Pennsylvania Society
for the Advancement of the Deaf has found that all of the three
feeble-minded institutions in this state are crowded, and that there is
no hope for the feeble-minded deaf in them. Proceedings, xxiv., 1910, p.
9. In one institution for the feeble-minded there are said to be twenty
deaf feeble-minded. _Annals_, liv., 1909, p. 444. In the institution for
the feeble-minded in Iowa a special class of such inmates was organized
in 1912. _Ibid._, lviii., 1913, p. 107. It is to be remembered in this
connection that in many states there are no institutions for the
feeble-minded. Educators of the deaf have often been instrumental in
securing the creation of such institutions. See Proceedings of
Convention of American Instructors, iv., 1857, p. 227. In a few states,
as Illinois, Minnesota and Washington, departments for the feeble-minded
have been created in schools for the deaf, the feeble-minded being
removed later. In Montana a department is still maintained.

[273] The Columbia Institution is considered a corporation, its
governing board being composed of nine members, one of whom is a senator
appointed by the President of the Senate, and two members of the House
appointed by the Speaker, while the President of the United States is
patron.

[274] In the New York Institution and the New York Institution for
Improved Instruction the number is 21, and in the Maryland School, the
Pennsylvania Institution and the Western Pennsylvania Institution, 27.

[275] Such is the case in Alabama, Mississippi, New Mexico, North
Carolina, Rhode Island, and Utah. Confirmation by the Senate is also
usual with boards of control.

[276] On rare occasions a deaf man himself is made a member of the
board.

[277] In a few states compensation is allowed, as in Indiana, Montana,
Oklahoma, Texas, and West Virginia.

[278] On the arrangements in the several states, see especially
_Annals_, xlviii., 1903, p. 348; lviii., 1913, p. 327. See also
Proceedings of American Instructors, iv., 1857, p. 199; vii., 1870, p.
144; ix., 1878, pp. 195, 217; Report of Royal Commission on the Blind,
Deaf and Dumb, etc., 1889, iii., p. 456ff.

[279] In certain of these states, however, as Idaho, Indiana, Maine,
Minnesota, Montana, and West Virginia, the boards of charities or
central boards have only more or less financial concern, the statutes
usually referring to some such connection with the several state
institutions, though not always mentioning them by name. In one or two
states, as Rhode Island, there is connection with a board of purchases
and supplies. In Minnesota there is also a board of visitors for state
institutions, exerting rather a moral supervision.

[280] The duties of such boards may be indicated from the following
extract in a letter to the writer from the Secretary of the Wisconsin
Board: The board "appoints the chief officers, purchases all the
supplies for the institutions, formulates the provisions under which the
institutions are managed, and has almost unlimited power with reference
to the institutions". The boards thus have practically complete control
of the public institutions of the state, and in some cases state
universities have come within their direction. The boards have come
especially into favor in states of the West and Middle West. In their
favor it is claimed that they secure economy, accuracy, better
discipline and more equitable appropriations, introduce business
methods, relieve the heads of schools from financial problems, visit
other states, and keep in touch with the people. See University of
Nebraska Studies, Oct., 1905. The evolution of state control is also
here traced. See also Bulletin of Ohio Board of Charities, Dec., 1908,
xiv., 6.

[281] In Iowa the school for the blind is under the board of education.

[282] In nearly all the states the schools were placed at first in the
hands of special boards of trustees, with connection with no other
bodies, and it was only later that any change was brought about. In some
states there have been various experiments in the organization of
governing boards and in the number of members they were to contain.
Several schools at their beginning have been put under the direction of
a state educational institution, as the university in Utah, and the
normal school in Oklahoma. In a few states the schools have been placed
under certain state officers, as in New Mexico and Oregon. In Washington
the first board of trustees of the school consisted of a physician, a
lawyer and a practical educator.

[283] We have already noted that the colored deaf of the District of
Columbia and West Virginia are sent to an outside school.

[284] In regard to the organization of the several boards that have to
do with the education of the deaf, it may be stated that in some states,
as in Ohio and Indiana, the law restricts the number that may be of any
one political party. In connection with the government of schools for
the deaf, the saddest feature has too often been the political
influences which have been allowed to become factors in the conducting
of some of them. In certain instances the playing of "politics" has been
of serious moment, and with incalculable harm to the work of the
schools. In some cases the administration of schools has been considered
legitimate spoils to the party in power, and appointments have been made
as a matter of reward, and removals as a matter of punishment. The evil
effect of such procedure it is hard to overestimate, and indeed in an
enlightened land it is even difficult of credence. Public opinion should
severely condemn all attempts at political interference in the work of
the education of the deaf, and those seeking to promote it should be
dealt with befittingly. Happily, however, such conduct seems now on the
decline in the schools, and it may earnestly be hoped that the end is
not far in the future.

CHAPTER XI

THE DAY SCHOOL FOR THE DEAF

INCEPTION AND GROWTH OF THE DAY SCHOOL

A small number of the institutions for the deaf had begun as day
schools, the pupils living away from the school outside school hours,
and had continued so for a longer or shorter period. The schools were
then in an experimental stage, and this plan came first to hand. In the
course of time it was found that this feature was not practicable, as
the pupils were often far scattered, and the boarding arrangement was
accordingly adopted.[285] This was the policy finally chosen in all the
states having schools. Later, however, when the states had grown in
population, and in some of the cities there were found not a few deaf
children, the demand was renewed for day schools.[286] The result has
been the beginning and development of a system of day schools in a
number of states; and they have come to occupy part of the field
formerly covered by the state institutions alone.

Of the day schools now existing, the Horace Mann School, of Boston,
which was established in 1869, is accredited with being the initial
one.[287] Two others were opened before 1890, while from 1891 to 1900
there were 22 started, and since 1901, 40, making 65 in all now.[288]
These schools are found in fourteen states, but the movement has reached
its greatest growth in the Middle West, especially in Wisconsin and
Michigan. In some of the states special laws have been enacted,
providing for the establishment of day schools.[289]

DESIGN AND SCOPE OF DAY SCHOOLS

The day school for the deaf is still sometimes regarded as an
experiment, while its advocates insist that its success has been
demonstrated. Among school authorities in cities especially, pleas for
the establishment of day schools are often listened to with favor, and
there is frequently a tendency to give them at least a trial. General
bodies interested in education or the public welfare are likewise
inclined to countenance day schools, largely for the reason that they
are opposed to the institution idea, and would place as many children as
possible in the regular schools. An illustration of this view is found
in the Report on Children of the National Conference of Charities and
Corrections in 1906.[290]

Institutional care of healthy, normal children is objectionable....
Institutional care for educational purposes is necessary for a
portion of the deaf and blind children ... but it is recognized that
in large cities public schools can be provided for many deaf and
blind children.

By some it is believed that in time the day school will supplant the
large institution, so far at least as large cities are concerned, and
that the deaf, and the blind as well, will not be differentiated from
the pupils in the regular schools. Separate apartments and special
teachers will be provided for them, but in all public school systems
these classes will be actual factors.

On the other hand, it is maintained that there is an abundant field for
both day school and institution. The former should only supplement the
work of the latter, especially in reaching children that cannot
otherwise be brought into school. The reason why the day school is
called into being is thus given by an educational authority of one
city:[291]

Institutions that care for these children throughout the entire
year, that feed, clothe and educate them, that render skilful and
prompt medical attention, and afford uplifting social
advantages--all under one roof--have a worthy place under our social
and educational systems; but these institutions cannot care for all
the unfortunate children in need of education.

It is also suggested that it might be arranged that day schools should
keep pupils during their early years, as from five to nine years of age,
after which time they could enter the institution, and be placed in
graded classes and in a suitable trade school.[292] Hence it is pointed
out that the day school and institution should not be antagonistic, that
their interests are common at bottom, and that they should work hand in
hand, without friction or misunderstanding.

The day school plan has not as yet been followed in a large number of
states; yet as these schools are being looked upon with more and more
favor by city boards of education, and as in the centers of population
there is said to be a need for them, it is not improbable that they may
be extended much farther in the future. It is doubtful, however, if very
soon they will spread beyond the large cities; and states without great
cities may be without such schools for many years at least.[293]

EXTENT AND ORGANIZATION OF DAY SCHOOLS

The day schools, numbering 65 in all, as we have seen, are found in the
states of California, Georgia, Illinois, Louisiana, Massachusetts,
Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon,
Washington, and Wisconsin. In Georgia, Louisiana, Massachusetts,
Minnesota, Missouri, and Oregon each there is but one school, in New
Jersey and Washington each 2, in New York 3, in California 4, in Ohio
and Illinois each 5, in Michigan 14, and in Wisconsin 24. Where only one
day school is found in a state, it is located usually in the largest
city (Atlanta, New Orleans, Boston, St. Paul, St. Louis, and Portland),
while the two schools of New Jersey are in Newark and Jersey City, the
two of Washington in Seattle and Tacoma, and the three of New York in
New York City. Of the five schools in Illinois, four are in Chicago.

In six of these states, namely, California, Illinois, Michigan, New
Jersey, Ohio, and Wisconsin, there are special state laws under which
the schools are established and operated.[294] By such laws it is
generally provided that where there are a certain number of deaf
children, usually three,[295] a school may, on application of the local
school trustees or district board, be organized by the state department
of education.[296] The minimum age for such children is often three. A
stated sum is frequently allowed for each pupil, as $150.[297] In the
remaining eight states the schools are organized and directed by local
school authorities, without assistance from legislative statute.

These schools are supported by local funds or by state and local funds
together. The latter is the more common procedure, and in the case of
schools operating under a state law, it is the usual, but not the
necessary, practice. The schools in six states, namely, Georgia,
Illinois, Louisiana, Minnesota, Missouri, and New York, are thus
maintained only by local funds of the city or county, the remainder
receiving aid in whole or in part from the state.[298] The school in
Minnesota and one in California are aided by private contributions. In
nearly all cases carfare is provided to and from school when necessary.

In the day schools special buildings are not usually provided, separate
classes being created in the regular school buildings; but in some of
the larger cities there are special buildings, known as distinct
schools, in which the class-rooms are for the different grades of deaf
pupils.

The number of pupils in the day schools in 1912-1913 was 1,942. The
smallest schools have but three pupils, while the largest one, in
Chicago, has 307, the number usually depending on the size of the city.
The method employed in the day schools is exclusively the oral with but
two exceptions.[299] In all but a few certain industries are also
taught, or more or less of manual training is given.

ARGUMENTS FOR THE DAY SCHOOL

The great argument for the day school is that it is not well that
children be "institutionalized." The institution life is said not to be
the normal life, and its habits and associations are not in accord with
the principles now being largely held in America. It is coming to be
more and more realized that the home should always be the center of
interest and attachment in the well established community, and that the
character and influence of the family should be maintained unimpaired.
In connection with orphan and other child-caring agencies, a greater
emphasis than ever before is being put on the question of how to reduce
the life to one of normality, and the "placing-out" of dependent
children in homes where they can grow up as normal children is now a
popular faith. The great watchword to-day in intelligent and
constructive philanthropy is the "ideal of the normal," and it is on
this ground that the institution is declared to be removed from the
standard of the highest interests of society. Even though a child should
profit in the institution, and even though he should be sent out into
the world strong and self-reliant, yet while in the institution, he is
out of line, and is just so far displaced from the ideal of the normal;
and even though the institution is cleanlier, more sanitary and
otherwise better equipped than the quarters from which the child comes,
still the institution cannot be justified, for no solution can be
acceptable if in the end it results in the breaking up of the home.[300]

More specific charges are also brought against the institution. Here
life for the inmates is made too easy, and little can be known by them
of the actual struggles of the world. The life is machine-like, and all
is routine clockwork. By the discipline, which is necessary, much of the
spontaneity of growing children is destroyed, and the surroundings are
pervaded with the spirit of uniformity, "solidarity" and "dead
levelism." On the other hand, the children fail to learn many important
lessons in domestic economy which would be before them every day in the
home; and they lose the attitude towards life, morally and socially,
which is given by the home.[301]

The arguments for the day school may be stated more concretely yet. The
special day school may be co-ordinated with, or made a part of, the
state's educational system, standing on a level with its other schools.
Deaf children here come to feel their place in the normal world, while
people in general become more ready to regard them in a proper manner.
These children at the same time are not made strangers to their own
family circles and communities; and certain ones, by a school nearer
home and consequently more acceptable to their parents, may be reached
who would otherwise possibly never enter an institution.

In the way of cost the balance is distinctly on the side of the day
school. With no costly special plant necessary, and with no charges to
be incurred for food supplies, attendants and the like, it appears to
decided advantage in the matter of economy in comparison with an
institution; and its normal expenditures approach nearer those of the
regular schools. At present the difference between the cost per pupil in
the day schools and in the institutions is the difference between $120
and $277.[302]

ARGUMENTS AGAINST THE DAY SCHOOL

The argument against the day school rests upon the fact that the deaf
form, educationally, a special class, very small in most communities,
who have to be reached by unusual methods. To them the large institution
offers advantages not likely to be had outside. For this reason the case
against the institution, however cogent and logical it may be in
general, cannot well apply.

In the institution the children may be under intelligent supervision and
direction their entire time, and they may be able to get, outside school
hours, a part of the education which the hearing child so naturally
acquires, for in an institution learning continues outside the classroom
as well as within. The "picking up" of knowledge and bits of
information, which the hearing child begins to make use of from the time
he first hears human words, and the importance and value of which the
general public cannot be expected to appreciate, is lost in the greatest
measure to the deaf in the home. Here ready means of communication are
lacking, and the necessary care and attention cannot be expected to be
given in the household. Even though deaf children can and do mingle with
their hearing acquaintances, they cannot get so much happiness or zest
out of their sports and intercourse as they can with their own deaf
comrades; and while, no matter what their surroundings are, the
difficulties of most of them in mastering language will never be
overcome, still in associations with similar deaf children there will be
far more stimuli to react on their consciousness, and the tendency will
be for them to become more and more in their mental actions like the
normal. In the home there can be no great assurance of study and
supervision; and the growing deaf child, not being able to appreciate
the forces that surround him as the hearing child does, may the more
easily fall under unwholesome influences. In the institution there can
be suitable discipline, regular attendance, enlightened general
oversight, and co-ordination of all that is concerned in the child's
proper development. Furthermore, although there may be a growing feeling
against the institution life, there is, on the other hand, an increasing
social questioning as to the advisability of a child's remaining in a
particular home if his welfare is not properly safeguarded.

In many day schools there are comparatively few pupils, and in most of
these we cannot expect to find the carefully graded classes, with a
place for every pupil according to his needs, bright or dull, quick to
learn or slow. A pupil in a day school, if not neglected to some
extent, may be required to do work for which he is quite unfitted, being
either beyond it or incapable of it. The backward child will here be the
worst sufferer, for if there are but few classes, he can get little of
the special attention he needs; and his progress cannot be the same as
when in a class of like pupils and under an appropriate and patient
teacher.

Again, the attention that is given in an institution with a considerable
number of pupils to the learning of a trade--accounting in strong
measure for success in after life--means much more to a deaf child than
it could to any other. In an institution there will usually be found
larger equipment, fuller apparatus and more varied lines than in any but
a very large day school; and in its trade department habits of industry
will be formed, talents developed, a knowledge of mechanism and the use
of tools implanted, an ardor enkindled for the mastership of a trade,
and an appreciation of the part to be played in the great world of
industrial activity, besides the incentive of being in a great workshop
with other workers--all in far greater measure and more effectively than
would be possible anywhere else, save in a great trade school, in which
there could not be expected to be taken the special care and provision
necessitated by the want of hearing of the pupils.

Finally, it may be said that we have no evidence, as respects
institutions for the deaf, to show that they have in any way undermined
the character or mission of the home, or that their results have been
other than desirable in a well-ordered state. Hence we are told, in a
word, that no matter how strong and valid are the theoretical objections
to an institution, yet so far as the practical issues are concerned, in
the preparation of the deaf for the world, and in what really counts for
their development and progress, the institution, for many at least,
occupies a position of demonstrated usefulness, recognition of which
cannot rightly be withheld.[303]

EVENING DAY SCHOOLS FOR ADULTS

Thus far in this chapter we have discussed day schools in relation to
children, that is, pupils in the usual sense. But there is another form
of day schools to which attention is to be directed. This is in the
creation of evening day schools for the use of adults only, the field
open to which is as yet apparently but little realized.

Occasion for such schools arises chiefly in communities, especially
large cities, where a considerable number of adult deaf persons are
within reach, and where a real need may often be found. The matter is to
be regarded in effect as the extension of the means of education by the
state to include as large a part of the population as possible--a
movement which is being so notably evidenced in the opening of evening
schools of not a few kinds in cities to-day. With the deaf the demand is
of a peculiar nature. Their avenues for receiving instruction are
materially restricted, and for some, especially the congenitally deaf,
the acquisition of correct language always remains a difficult problem,
while to others the advantages of the regular schools may have been
limited. A large number of the deaf will not require such special
opportunities, but for a portion of them the assistance may be of quite
substantial character.[304]

FOOTNOTES:

[285] The New York Institution, the Pennsylvania Institution and the
Western Pennsylvania Institution notably started out as day schools, the
first remaining so for eleven years. In some of the institutions also
there have been at times day school pupils in attendance.

[286] Day schools have, moreover, been fostered and supported to a great
extent by advocates of what is known as the oral method, in opposition
to the manual, or sign method, which had been largely the method
hitherto employed in the institutions. The day school may even be said
to have entered the field in part as a protest against this method.

[287] A day school was started in Pittsburg two months previously; but
it was soon made into the Western Pennsylvania Institution. _Annals_,
xv., 1870, p. 165.

[288] A number of day schools which were started have been discontinued,
but there were never so many as at present.

[289] Wisconsin was the first state to have a day school law, which was
enacted in 1885. Bills were offered in 1881 and 1883, but were defeated.
The movement in this state has been in large part due to the activities
of the Wisconsin Phonological Institute to Promote the Teaching of
Speech to the Deaf, an organization formed in 1879. The question has
even been considered in this state of abolishing the state school as a
boarding institution. See _Public Opinion_, xxv., 1898, no. 16;
_Association Review_, iii., 1901, p. 193.

[290] Proceedings, p. 88.

[291] Mr. C. W. Edson, Associate Superintendent of Schools of New York,
_Charities and the Commons_, xix., 1908, p. 1357. See also Report of
Illinois Institution, 1874, p. 65.

[292] See Report of Washington State School, 1910, p. 6. A like solution
was offered before the National Educational Association in 1903. Certain
children might be "trained in special schools and live at home if
possible up to the age of adolescence, when they may acquire trades at
special institutions maintained by the state". Proceedings, p. 1004.

[293] It is to be remembered that in Michigan and Wisconsin schools
have, under the operation of the state law, been organized in
comparatively small towns.

[294] Efforts have been made in several other states to secure laws. In
Ohio in 1902 the state law was declared unconstitutional, as being class
legislation in granting special aid to the cities of Cleveland and
Cincinnati. See Report of Ohio School, 1903, p. 14.

[295] In California the number is five, and in New Jersey ten.

[296] In Ohio the state commissioner of education may appoint and remove
teachers, and inspect schools. In Wisconsin the state superintendent
appoints inspectors, and the county judge may compel the establishment
of schools.

[297] In Wisconsin $100 additional is allowed for the board of children
who move to a town to attend a school.

[298] In Massachusetts a direct appropriation of $150 _per capita_ is
made by the state.

[299] The methods employed in the instruction of the deaf are treated of
in Chapter XIX.

[300] The importance of this is accentuated in the present apprehensions
concerning the dissolving and loosening of the ties of the home,
indicated in more ways than one in present programs of social work.

[301] See A. G. Warner, "American Charities", rev. ed., 1908, p. 283; R.
R. Reeder, "How Two Hundred Children Live and Learn", 1910, pp. 57, 88;
"Philanthropy and Social Progress", 1893, p. 172ff.

[302] It is claimed that in Wisconsin with the centralization plan of a
state institution one-third of the deaf children failed to be reached,
and that by the day school there is a saving to the state of $20,000 a
year. Proceedings of National Educational Association, 1907, p. 986. See
also _ibid._, 1897, p. 96; 1901, p. 870; 1910, p. 1039; Report of United
States Commissioner of Education, 1881, p. ccxi.; P. A. Emery, "Plea for
Early Mute Education," 1884; Improvement of the Wisconsin System of
Education of Deaf Children, 1894; Public School Classes for Deaf
Children: Open Letter from Chicago Association of Parents of Deaf
Children, 1897; Michigan Day Schools for the Deaf, 1908; Report of
Superintendent of Public Instruction of Michigan, 1909, p. 61; Report of
Department of Public Instruction of Wisconsin, 1910, p. 60; Report of
Board of Education of Chicago, 1912, p. 155; A. J. Winnie, "History and
Handbook of Day Schools for the Deaf", Wisconsin, 1912; _Annals_, xx.,
1875, p. 34; _Association Review_, ii., 1900, p. 248; viii., 1906, p.
136; xi., 1909, p. 30; _Volta Review_, xiii., 1911, p. 292;
_Independent_, lxxiv., 1913, p. 1140.

[303] See _Annals_, xxvii., 1882, p. 182; xxix., 1884, pp. 165, 312;
xxx., 1885, p. 121; l., 1905, p. 70; lvi., 1911, p. 91; _Volta Review_,
xv., 1913, p. 180; Proceedings of Convention of American Instructors,
vii., 1870, p. 114; xiv., 1895, pp. 130, 350; Conference of Principals,
vi., 1888, p. 202; viii., 1904, p. 70; Minnesota Conference of Charities
and Corrections, 1898, p. 88; Report of Iowa School, 1885, p. 16;
Pennsylvania Institution, 1903, p. 38; California School, 1904, p. 20.

[304] One or two evening schools have been started in the past, to be
discontinued after a few years, both under private and under public
auspices. In the consideration, however, of any general scheme for
evening schools it should be arranged that the work of the regular
schools for the deaf is not infringed upon, and that pupils in these
schools should not have before them the temptation of leaving
prematurely, with the expectation of making up later. Probably the
safest plan would be the securing of a satisfactory compulsory
attendance law before evening schools are attempted upon a broad scale.

CHAPTER XII

DENOMINATIONAL AND PRIVATE SCHOOLS

DENOMINATIONAL SCHOOLS

In addition to the state institutions and the day schools, there have
been established in America certain schools for the deaf which are
strictly under private management, and, as a rule, not subject to the
immediate control and direction of the state. These are of two kinds: 1.
denominational schools, maintained by some religious body; and 2.
schools conducted as purely private and secular affairs. Such schools
now number twenty-one, ten denominational and eleven private, all in
1912-1913 having 638 pupils. Most are of comparatively recent date, the
first having been established in 1873, and nine since 1901.[305]

The denominational schools are found in California, Illinois, Louisiana,
Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, there
being two in Pennsylvania. They are for the most part boarding
institutions, in a few cases being departments of larger institutions.
Their controlling purpose is to surround their pupils with religious
influences, and to provide them with religious instruction. All but one
are under Roman Catholic auspices, as a usual thing in the hands of the
Sisters. The single Protestant school is in the care of the Lutheran
Church, and is controlled by the synod, with the direct management
vested in a board of trustees. These schools are supported by
denominational funds, by voluntary contributions, and in a small measure
by tuition fees. In some of the schools, as in Maryland and
Pennsylvania, there is state aid to a small extent. The fees paid by
pupils are never high, and not many in the schools pay the full amount,
though inability to pay is never allowed to keep any away who wish to
attend.[306]

PRIVATE SCHOOLS

The eleven non-denominational schools may be themselves divided into
two classes: those which are really homes for very young deaf children,
sometimes under the control of a society organized for the purpose; and
those which are purely private enterprises, owned and directed by one or
more individuals. Of the former there are four homes or
kindergartens--the Sarah Fuller Home of Boston, the McCowen Homes of
Chicago, the Home School near Baltimore, and the Home School of San
Francisco.[307] Their main object is to give their pupils an early start
in the use of speech as well as to provide a home, and children as young
as three, or even younger, may be admitted. The management of these
schools is usually in the hands of trustees. Support is derived largely
from the fees of pupils, though some schools are often the recipients of
private donations, especially when children are taken without charge;
and one or two have aid from public allowances.[308]

The private schools of the second class are almost entirely dependent on
tuition fees, though one or two likewise receive some state aid. With
two exceptions,[309] they are found in large cities, New York having
two, and Philadelphia, Baltimore and Cincinnati one each. These schools
are both boarding and day schools.

The method employed in the private schools is nearly always the oral,
and this is the method also of some of the denominational schools. In
some of the schools of both classes manual training and instruction in
trades are given to an extent.

FOOTNOTES:

[305] There have been a number of private schools at various times,
perhaps a score or more, which have been discontinued--besides those
which were the nuclei of the state institutions. There are, moreover,
several private schools for the hard of hearing, where instruction and
practice are offered in lip-reading, and attended for the most part by
adults.

[306] Thus in the Michigan Evangelical Lutheran Institute, where the
minimum fee is $10 a month, we are advised that only two or three pay
the full amount. In St. John's Institute of Wisconsin, where $12 a month
is asked, we are advised that the officials are "contented with whatever
part of this sum the parents or guardians can pay". Voluntary
contributions likewise do not always prove large. Of the Immaculate
Conception Institution of St. Louis, we are advised that private
contributions are "too meagre to support one child". The industry of the
Sisters often adds much for the maintenance of the Catholic schools.

[307] Another such home is in Philadelphia, but is now a state
institution.

[308] To the Sarah Fuller Home the state of Massachusetts allows $250
_per capita_ for some of the children.

[309] At Lead, South Dakota, and Macon, Georgia.

CHAPTER XIII

THE NATIONAL COLLEGE

After our review of the various schools that have been created for the
deaf in the United States, we come to what may be regarded as the
culminative feature in the provision for their instruction--an
institution for their higher education. In this particular the work in
America stands unique among the nations of the world. This institution
is Gallaudet College--named after the founder of the first school--which
is maintained at Washington by the national government, and is open to
all the deaf of the country. We have seen how the national government
has rendered very distinct aid in the work of the education of the deaf;
but in establishing the college it has gone far beyond this, and by this
act may be said to have placed the capstone upon the structure of their
education.

This college has resulted from a school which was established in the
District of Columbia in 1857, known as the Kendall School. Not long
after Congress was asked to create an institution for the higher
education of the deaf as well, and to include all the country. No
little interest was aroused in the matter, and zealous advocates
appeared to present the claims of the new undertaking. The chief
objection was the lack of precedent, while with some members of Congress
the idea seemed strange of conferring college degrees upon the deaf.
Opposition, however, did not prove strong, and the measure was finally
enacted in 1864 by a practically unanimous vote.[310]

Thus was the college established, and Congress continues regularly to
provide for it, together with the Kendall School, both being known as
the Columbia Institution for the Deaf. In the college there are now
provided one hundred full scholarships for students from the several
states of the Union.[311]

It is not surprising that this action on the part of Congress should
have been held without a precedent. In no other instance has the
national government attempted to make provision for the education of
any class or part of the inhabitants of the different states, beyond
certain so-called wards of the nation, as the Indians, for example.
Though the national government has very perceptibly encouraged learning
in many ways,[312] yet direct provision for the education of the youth
of the several commonwealths has universally been regarded as their sole
prerogative. In thus establishing a college for certain residents of the
various states, the federal government has done something that stands
out by itself. Though the reason lies in the fact that no other means
for the higher education of the deaf seemed at hand, it would appear
that thereby the government has signally favored the deaf, as it indeed
has; and in taking under its immediate direction this higher education
of the deaf, the national government has won the gratitude of them all.

FOOTNOTES:

[310] See E. M. Gallaudet, "Address in behalf of Columbia Institution,"
1858; Inauguration of the College for the Deaf and Dumb, 1864; Report of
Columbia Institution, 1866; 1868, p. 104; 1889; 1000, p. 16; 1892;
Proceedings of Alumni Association of Gallaudet College, 1889-1899, p.
55; History of Charities in District of Columbia, 1898, part 3;
_Annals_, xiv., 1869, p. 183; xix., 1874, p. 134; lvi., 1911, p. 184;
_Journal of Social Science_, vi., 1874, p. 160; _Scribner's Magazine_,
iii., 1872, p. 727; _Harper's Magazine_, lxix., 1884, p. 181; _Review of
Reviews_, xvi., 1897, p. 57. The college was considerably aided in its
first few years by private contributions. The first president was Edward
Miner Gallaudet, son of Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet, who served more than
fifty years.

[311] The number was at first small, and has gradually been increased to
100. It has also been suggested that the states assist in providing
scholarships. Report of Columbia Institution, 1876, p. 20.

[312] This is done, for instance, in the several bureaus established for
investigation and the dissemination of knowledge, and in the grants of
land for the benefit of agricultural colleges or state universities.

CHAPTER XIV

PROVISION FOR EDUCATION BY STATES

Having now considered the plan and organization of the several kinds of
schools for the deaf in America, namely, the institutions, the day
schools, the private schools and the national college, we proceed in
this chapter to examine the work in the several states individually, and
to note to what extent and in what manner the education of the deaf has
been provided for in each.

_Alabama._ A private school was started near Montgomery in 1854, but was
discontinued after one or two years. The state school was established at
Talladega in 1858.[313] In 1891[314] a school was created for the
colored deaf and blind. The schools are governed by a board of thirteen
members, including the governor and the superintendent of public
instruction.[315]

_Arizona._ Before the opening of a local school the deaf were sent to
other states for instruction.[316] The state school was created in
1912,[317] and is a part of the state university. On the admission of
Arizona as a state, 100,000 acres of the public land were granted for
the benefit of the school for the deaf and the blind.

_Arkansas._ A private school was opened at Clarksville in 1850, which
was moved to Little Rock in 1861.[318] After a suspension, it was
started anew in 1867, and in 1868 was taken over by the state.[319] The
school is now in the hands of the state board of charitable
institutions.[320]

_California._ The state institution for the deaf and the blind was
established at Berkeley in 1860,[321] after a society had been formed
for the purpose. The school is controlled by a board of five directors,
while the state board of charities supervises.[322] There are four day
schools in the state:[323] at Oakland, opened in 1898, and supported by
state and county; at Los Angeles in 1899, supported by city and private
subscriptions; at San Francisco in 1901, supported by the city; and at
Sacramento in 1904, supported by state and city. There is a private
school in Oakland, the St. Joseph's Home, opened in 1895, and one in San
Francisco, the Holden Home Oral School, opened in 1913.

_Colorado._ The state school was opened at Colorado Springs in
1874,[324] and is for the deaf and the blind. It is supported by a
one-fifth mill tax on the assessed property valuation of the state. The
school is in the hands of a board of five trustees, and is connected
with the state board of education.[325]

_Connecticut._ The American School was established at Hartford in
1817.[326] At the time the state made an appropriation of $5,000, and in
1828 began to allow a certain sum for each state pupil, a policy still
continued. The school has remained a private corporation, and its board
is made up of eight vice-presidents and eight elected directors,
together with the governors and secretaries of state of the New England
states. In 1819 Congress gave the school 23,000 acres of the public
land, from which almost $300,000 has been realized. Gifts from private
sources have nearly equalled this, about half coming since 1850.[327] A
second school is at Mystic, known as the Mystic Oral School, this having
been started in 1870 at Ledyard, where it remained four years.[328] It
is under a board of ten corporators. Both these schools receive _per
capita_ allowances from the state, and are visited by the state board of
charities.[329]

_Delaware._ Deaf children are sent to schools in neighboring states, the
first provision having been made in 1835. The supreme court judges act
as trustees _ex-officio_, and recommend pupils to the governor to be
placed.[330]

_District of Columbia._ The Kendall School, as it is known, was opened
in 1857,[331] and was designed primarily for the children of the
District and of persons in the army and navy service. In 1864[332]
Congress decided to establish a collegiate department for the deaf of
all the country, which was first known as the National Deaf-Mute
College, but is now Gallaudet College. The Columbia Institution,
embracing both the college and the Kendall School, is supported by
Congress, and is in the form of a corporation, of which the President of
the United States is patron, and of the nine members of which one is a
Senator and two are members of the House.[333]

_Florida._ The state school for the deaf and blind was opened at St.
Augustine in 1885.[334] It is now in the hands of the state board of
control of educational institutions, which also directs the state
university.[335]

_Georgia._ The state began sending some of its deaf children to the
Hartford school in 1834.[336] A private school was started at Cedar
Springs in 1842, which continued two years. The state school was
established at Cave Spring in 1846.[337] It is under a board of seven
trustees.[338] There is a day school in Atlanta, supported by the city,
and a private one at Macon, both opened in 1912.

_Idaho._ Before the opening of a state school, deaf children were sent
to outside institutions.[339] The school for the deaf and the blind was
opened at Boise in 1906, but in 1910 was removed to Gooding. It is under
the state board of education, and subject to other state
inspection.[340]

_Illinois._ The state school was opened at Jacksonville in 1846,
although steps had been taken several years before for its
establishment.[341] The school is directed by the state board of
administration, while the board of charities has moral and auditing
supervision.[342] There are in the state five day schools, four of which
are in Chicago, the first having been established in 1896, and the last
in 1913. The other day school is at Rock Island, opened in 1901. All
these schools are operated under the state law, and supported by city
funds.[343] In Chicago there are also two private schools: the Ephpheta,
opened in 1884, and maintained by St. Joseph's Home for the
Friendless,[344] and the McCowen Homes for Deaf Children, opened in
1883.[345]

_Indiana._ Prior to the opening of the state school, some children were
sent to Kentucky and Ohio for education. In 1841 a private school was
started in Parke County, which lasted one year.[346] In 1843 another
private school was begun in Indianapolis, which was adopted by the state
in 1844.[347] The school is now governed by a board of four trustees,
and is under the state board of education, with certain connection also
with the board of charities.[348]

_Iowa._ Before the opening of the state school some pupils were sent to
the school in Illinois. In 1853 a private school was started at Iowa
City, which in 1855 was taken over by the state,[349] in 1866 being
removed to Council Bluffs.[350] The school is under the state board of
control.[351]

_Kansas._ A private school was started in 1861 at Baldwin City. After
being removed to Topeka in 1864 and back again to Baldwin City in 1865,
it was taken over by the state in 1866,[352] and permanently located at
Olathe. The state board of administration for educational institutions
has the direction of the school.[353]

_Kentucky._ The state school was established at Danville in 1823.[354]
In 1826 it received from Congress a township of land in Florida.[355]
The school is in the hands of a board of twelve commissioners, and is
related to the state department of education.[356]

_Louisiana._ In 1837 the state began to send some of its children to
schools in other states, many being sent to Kentucky.[357] The state
school was established at Baton Rouge in 1852.[358] It is governed by a
board of trustees, including the governor and the superintendent of
public instruction, and is visited by the state board of charities.[359]
In New Orleans there is a day school, opened in 1911, and supported by
the city.[360] At Chinchuba there is a private school, the Chinchuba
Deaf-Mute Institute, under the Sisters of Notre Dame, opened in 1890.

_Maine._ In 1825 the state began to send its children to the American
School, and later to the schools in Massachusetts as well.[361] In 1876
a private school was started in Portland with aid from the city, and the
following year from the state also.[362] In 1897 the state assumed
charge, the school being placed under a board of five trustees.[363]
Inspection is made by the state board of charities.

_Maryland._ In 1827 provision was made for pupils in the Pennsylvania
Institution, and in 1860 in the District of Columbia.[364] In 1868[365]
the Maryland school was established at Frederick. It is under a private
society, composed of twenty-seven visitors, but is supported and
controlled by the state. In 1872 a department for the colored was opened
in connection with the institution for the blind, now located at
Overlea.[366] Both of these schools are inspected by the state board of
charities.[367] There are two private schools in Baltimore, the St.
Francis Xavier under the Mission Helpers of the Sacred Heart, opened in
1897, and a department in the Knapp School, opened in 1877; and at
Kensington a Home School, opened in 1908. These schools are aided by the
state.[368]

_Massachusetts._ In 1819, just after the American School had been
established, Massachusetts began sending its deaf children to it, which
policy was continued till the state had schools of its own.[369] The
first of these was the Clarke School at Northampton, which was
established in 1867.[370] This had been started at Chelmesford the year
before, but removed to Northampton when a citizen whose name it bears
offered it $50,000--subsequently adding to this till his total gifts
reached $300,000.[371] In 1868 the legislature provided that state
pupils might be sent to it. The school is under a board of twelve
corporators. The New England Industrial School was opened at Beverly in
1879,[372] for the purpose of teaching language and industrial training.
It is under a board of thirteen incorporators. The Boston School at
Randolph was established in 1899, and is under the Sisters of St.
Joseph.[373] In Boston there is a day school, known as the Horace Mann
School, opened in 1869, and directed by the city.[374] The Sarah Fuller
Home is at West Medford, and was opened in 1888.[375] All these schools
receive state appropriations, and are supervised by the state department
of education.[376]

_Michigan._ Action was taken in 1848 towards the establishment of an
institution, but it was not till 1854 that the school was opened, Flint
being chosen as the site.[377] In 1850 the state granted the school
fifteen sections of its salt spring lands, later increasing the number
to twenty-five, which amounted in all to 16,000 acres.[378] The school
is under a board of three trustees, and is visited by the state board of
charities and corrections.[379] There are fourteen day schools in the
state, operating under the state law:[380] Bay City, opened in 1901;
Calumet, 1902; Detroit, 1894; Grand Rapids, 1898; Houghton, 1908; Iron
Mountain, 1906; Ironwood, 1903; Jackson, 1912; Kalamazoo, 1904;
Manistee, 1904; Marquette, 1907; Saginaw, 1901; Sault Ste. Marie, 1906;
and Traverse City, 1904. There is a private school at North Detroit, the
Evangelical Lutheran Deaf-Mute Institute, opened in 1873.[381]

_Minnesota._ The state school was opened at Faribault in 1863, though it
had been planned in 1858.[382] The school is governed by a board of
seven directors, including the governor and the superintendent of public
instruction, while the state board of control has the financial
administration.[383] There is a day school in St. Paul, opened in 1913,
and supported by the city and with private aid.[384]

_Mississippi._ The state school was opened at Jackson in 1854.[385] It
is in the hands of a board of six trustees, including the governor.[386]

_Missouri._ A school under Catholic auspices was established in St.
Louis in 1837, to which the state sent some of its children, while
others were sent to schools in other states.[387] The state school was
opened at Fulton in 1851.[388] It is governed by a board of five
managers, and is visited by the state board of charities.[389] There is
a day school in St. Louis, founded in 1878, and managed as part of the
public school system. In the same city is a private school, under the
Sisters of St. Joseph, opened in 1885 and offspring of the school of
1837. It is known as the Immaculate Conception Institute, and is part
of a convent and orphans' home.[390]

_Montana._ Before the establishment of a school, deaf children were sent
to schools in other states.[391] The state institution for the deaf and
blind was opened at Boulder in 1893,[392] 50,000 acres of the public
land having been given by Congress for its benefit. It is under a board
of nine trustees, appointed by the state board of education, with a
local executive board of three, there being other state inspection
also.[393]

_Nebraska._ Before the establishment of a school, deaf children were
sent to Iowa.[394] In 1869 the state school was opened at Omaha.[395] It
is governed by the state board of control of state institutions.[396]

_Nevada._ Deaf children have been sent since 1869 to California or Utah
for education, the superintendent of public instruction contracting for
them.[397]

_New Hampshire._ In 1821 the state began sending its deaf children to
the school at Hartford.[398] They are now sent to the schools in the
several New England states, as the governor and council may direct, on
the recommendation of the board of control.[399]

_New Jersey._ In 1821 the state began to provide for the education of
its deaf children in the schools in Pennsylvania and New York.[400] In
1883 the state school was established at Trenton.[401] It is related to
the state department of education.[402] There are two day schools in the
state, at Newark and Jersey City, both opened in 1910, and operating
under the state law.[403]

_New Mexico._ A private school was opened at Santa Fé in 1885, which in
1887 was taken over by the territory.[404] It was given 50,000 acres of
the public land, and on the admission of New Mexico as a state, this was
increased to 100,000. The school is directed by a board of six
trustees.[405]

_New York._ There are in this state eight institutions, three day
schools, and two private schools. The institutions are all private
corporations receiving state aid. The first of these was the New York
Institution for the Instruction of the Deaf and Dumb, which was opened
in 1818 in New York City.[406] In 1819 the state began to make
appropriations. The school is governed by a board of twenty-one
trustees.[407] The next school was Le Couteulx St. Mary's Institution
for the Improved Instruction of Deaf-Mutes, organized in Buffalo in 1853
by a benevolent society, and opened in 1862. In 1872 it came within the
state law as to public aid.[408] It is controlled by a board of seven
managers. In New York City in 1867 the New York Institution for the
Improved Instruction of Deaf-Mutes was established, which had resulted
from a private class. It is in the hands of an association formed for
the purpose, the management being vested in a board of twenty-one
trustees.[409] In 1869 St. Joseph's Institution was opened in New York
City, a branch being created in Brooklyn in 1874.[410] It is under the
control of the Ladies of the Sacred Heart of Mary, and directed by a
board of seven managers. The Central New York Institution was opened at
Rome in 1875, and is governed by a board of fifteen trustees.[411] The
Western New York Institution was established at Rochester in 1876, and
has twenty-one trustees.[412] The Northern New York Institution was
established at Malone in 1884, and is under a board of fifteen
trustees.[413] The Albany Home School for the Oral Instruction of the
Deaf was opened in 1889 as a private affair, and came under the state
law in 1892.[414] It has a board of eight trustees. The New York law
admitting children into these several institutions is peculiar, pupils
under twelve years of age being sent as charges of the counties, and
those over that age as state pupils, who are appointed by the state
commissioner of education. The schools are visited both by the
departments of education and of charities.[415] The three day schools
are in New York City, one in Manhattan, opened in 1908, one in Brooklyn,
opened in 1910, and one in Queens, opened in 1911, the last two being
annexes of the first. The two private schools are also in this city: the
Wright Oral, opened in 1894, and the Reno Margulies, opened in
1901.[416]

_North Carolina._ A school was planned in this state in 1828, but it did
not come into being till 1845, when the state institution was
established at Raleigh,[417] which was for both the deaf and the blind.
In 1894 a school was opened at Morganton for the white deaf,[418] the
colored remaining in a department of the former school. Both schools are
controlled by boards of directors--eleven for the Raleigh and seven for
the Morganton--and are inspected by the departments of education and of
charities.[419]

_North Dakota._ Prior to the opening of a state school, children were
sent to schools in other states. In 1890 the state institution was
created at Devil's Lake.[420] It is in charge of the state board of
control.[421] On the admission of North Dakota as a state, 40,000 acres
of the public land were set aside for the benefit of the school. It is
further supported by a tax of six per cent of one mill on the assessed
property valuation of the state.[422]

_Ohio._ A movement was on foot for the establishment of a school at
Cincinnati in 1821, but did not succeed. A private school was opened in
1827 at Tallmadge, which lasted two years. The state school was
established at Columbus in 1829.[423] It is now in the hands of the
state board of administration.[424] Five day schools are in operation in
the state: Cincinnati, opened in 1886; Cleveland, 1892; Dayton, 1899;
Ashtabula, 1903; and Toledo, 1911.[425] There are two private schools in
Cincinnati: one, the Notre Dame, under the Sisters of Notre Dame, opened
in 1890, and the other in 1906.[426]

_Oklahoma._ Before creating an institution of its own, Oklahoma provided
for the education of its deaf children in a private school at Guthrie,
which had been opened in 1898.[427] In 1908 the state school was
established at Sulphur,[428] and in 1909 a second school was opened at
Taft, known as the Industrial Institute for the Deaf, the Blind and
Orphans of the Colored Race.[429] The former school is directed by a
board of four trustees, and the latter by a board of five regents, the
state superintendent of public instruction being a member of each. The
schools are related to the state department of education, and are
inspected by that of charities.[430]

_Oregon._ A private school was started at Salem in 1870, which in 1874
was taken over by the state.[431] It is now administered by the state
board of control.[432] There is a day school in Portland, opened in
1908, and supported by the city.

_Pennsylvania._ There are four institutions and two private schools in
this state. Two of the institutions are private corporations receiving
state aid, and two are state-owned schools. The first to be established
was the Pennsylvania Institution, which was opened in 1820 in
Philadelphia.[433] Friends of this school have been generous from the
start, and it has probably received several hundred thousand dollars in
gifts. The governing board is composed of twenty-seven members.[434] The
Western Pennsylvania Institution near Pittsburg was established in 1876,
and was the result of a church mission which had begun in 1868 and
developed into a day school. It is directed also by a board of
twenty-seven members.[435] The Pennsylvania Oral School was founded at
Scranton in 1883. It was a private institution till 1913, when it was
made a state school. It is governed by a board of eighteen trustees, six
of whom are appointed by the governor.[436] The Home for the Training
in Speech of Deaf Children before they are of school age was started in
Philadelphia in 1892 as a private school, and then adopted by the
state.[437] It is under a board of five trustees. All these schools
receive appropriations from the state, and are visited by the state
board of charities.[438] The private schools are the Forrest Hall in
Philadelphia, opened in 1901, the De Paul Institute of Pittsburg, opened
in 1908, and the Archbishop Ryan Memorial Institute in Philadelphia,
opened in 1912. To these a certain amount of state aid is granted.[439]

_Rhode Island._ In 1842 the state began to send its deaf children to the
school at Hartford, a policy continued till a local school was
created.[440] In 1877 a class for the deaf was started in Providence,
for the benefit of which the state made appropriations, and which was
soon taken over as a state school.[441] It is now under a board of
eleven trustees, including the governor and lieutenant-governor, and is
related to the state board of education.[442]

_South Carolina._ A school was proposed in this state in 1821,[443] but
it was some years later that one was established. In 1834 the state
began sending deaf children to the Hartford school.[444] In 1849 a
private school was opened at Cedar Springs as a department in a hearing
school, and in 1857 this was adopted by the state.[445] The school is
for the deaf and blind, and is under a board of five commissioners, one
of whom is the state superintendent of education.[446]

_South Dakota._ In 1880 a private school was started at Sioux Falls
which the territory of Dakota soon took over,[447] before this some of
the deaf having been sent to the schools in Iowa, Nebraska and
Minnesota. In 1889 when South Dakota was admitted as a state, the school
was retained at the same location; and Congress granted it 40,000 acres
of the public land. The school is under the direction of the state
board of control.[448] A private school was established at Lead in 1911,
known as the Black Hills School.

_Tennessee._ The state school was established at Knoxville in 1845.[449]
It is under a board of fourteen trustees, including the superintendent
of public instruction, and is visited by the state board of
charities.[450]

_Texas._ The state school was established at Austin in 1857,[451]
receiving 100,000 acres of the public land which had been set apart by
the state for its several eleemosynary institutions. In 1887 a school
for the colored deaf and blind was opened in the same city.[452] The
schools are each under a board of five trustees.[453]

_Utah._ In 1884 a class for the deaf was begun at the state university
at Ogden, and in 1888 a department was created. In 1892 the state school
was established.[454] It is for both the deaf and the blind, and is
under a board of six trustees, including the attorney-general.[455] On
the admission of Utah as a state, 200,000 acres of the public land were
bestowed upon the school.

_Vermont._ In 1825 the state began to send pupils to the American
School,[456] and later to the schools in Massachusetts as well.[457] In
1912 a school for the deaf and blind was established at Brattleboro,
known as the Austine Institute. It is a private institution, with a
board of six trustees, but receiving state aid and under state
supervision.[458]

_Virginia._ A private school was started in 1812 in Goochland County,
thence moved to Cobbs, and finally to Manchester, coming to an end in
1819. The state school for the deaf and the blind was established at
Staunton in 1839, though planned several years before.[459] In 1909 a
school for the colored deaf and blind was created at Newport News.[460]
The first school is under a board of seven trustees, including the
superintendent of public instruction, and the second under a board of
five. Both are visited by the state board of charities.[461]

_Washington._ Before the creation of a state school some of the deaf
children were sent to Oregon for instruction.[462] In 1885 a private
school was started at Tacoma, which lasted one year. The state school
was established at Vancouver in 1886.[463] It is governed by the state
board of control.[464] At Seattle and Tacoma there are day schools
supported by the respective cities, the former opened in 1906 and the
latter in 1908.

_West Virginia._ The state school for the deaf and the blind was opened
at Romney in 1870,[465] before which time children had been sent to the
schools in Virginia and Ohio.[466] The school is under a board of nine
regents, while the state board of control has charge of financial
affairs.[467]

_Wisconsin._ Prior to the establishment of a school of its own,
Wisconsin sent some of its deaf children to the Illinois School. The
state institution, which had been planned in 1843, was opened in 1852 at
Delavan, resulting from a private school started two years
previously.[468] It is under the direction of the state board of
control.[469] There are 24 day schools in the state, operating under the
state law:[470] Antigo, opened in 1906; Appleton, 1896; Ashland, 1898;
Black River Falls, 1897; Bloomington, 1906; Eau Claire, 1895; Fond du
Lac, 1895; Green Bay, 1897; Kenosha, 1913; La Crosse, 1899; Madison,
1908; Marinette, 1895; Marshfield, 1912; Milwaukee, 1898; Mineral Point,
1912; New London, 1906; Oshkosh, 1895; Platteville, 1906; Racine, 1900;
Rice Lake, 1907; Sheboygan, 1894; Stevens Point, 1905; West Superior,
1897; and Wausau, 1890. A private school, the St. John's Institute, was
established at St. Francis in 1876, and is conducted by the Sisters of
the Third Order of St. Francis.

_Wyoming._ Deaf children have been sent since 1886 to the schools in
California, Utah, Colorado and Montana, the state board of charities and
reform having them in charge.[471]

_The American Possessions._ Outside of the United States proper very
little has been done for the education of the deaf. In the Philippine
Islands a school has been established, this being opened at Manila in
1907.[472] A school under Roman Catholic auspices was started in Porto
Rico in 1911; and it is possible that one under the direction of the
state will be created in time, a school for the blind having already
been opened. In Alaska there is no school, though the deaf have been
looked after to some extent by missionaries.[473] No provision has been
made in the Panama Canal Zone or the Hawaiian Islands.[474]

FOOTNOTES:

[313] Laws, 1843-4, p. 43; 1859-60, p. 344.

[314] Laws, ch. 209.

[315] Laws, 1870, p. 95; 1871, p. 89; 1879, p. 34; 1887, p. 70; 1889, p.
29; 1893, p. 943; 1901, p. 25; 1904, p. 45; 1907, p. 11; Code, 1907, §
1933ff. The school has received a gift of $5,000 for shops.

[316] Laws, 1891, ch. 94; 1895, ch. 10; Rev. Stat., 1901, §§ 2267-2271.

[317] Laws, 1912, p. 149.

[318] To this the legislature appropriated a small sum. Another private
school was started at Fort Smith in 1860, but lasted only one year.

[319] Acts, July 17, 1868; April 9, 1869; Digest, 1874, p. 204. There
were a few gifts at first, and aid came also from the city. The state
granted two tracts of land, one of 100 acres.

[320] Laws, 1883, p. 182; 1891, ch. 155; 1893, chs. 31, 126; 1895, ch.
151; 1905, ch. 256; 1909, ch. 56; Digest, 1904, § 4129ff.

[321] Laws, 1860, pp. 211, 277; 1861, p. 81; 1863, p. 583; 1865, p. 579;
1874, p. 751; 1875, p. 686. In the beginning there were contributions
from friends and proceeds from fairs. The city of San Francisco gave
$7,000 for a site, and the county a lot.

[322] Laws, 1905, ch. 382; Pol. Code, 1909, § 2236ff. In addition to the
funds given at first, over $50,000 has been donated to the school,
three-fourths coming from one source in 1871.

[323] Laws, 1903, p. 88; Code, § 1618. Separate classes (oral) may be
established by city boards or district trustees where there are five or
more pupils, 3 to 21 years of age. There were day schools in Fresno from
1904 to 1906, and in San Diego from 1912 to 1913; and private schools in
San Francisco and Oakland from 1898 to 1900.

[324] Act Feb. 13, 1874; Gen. Laws, 1877, p. 653. The school resulted
largely from the action of some public-spirited men. It was established
on condition that 5 acres be given, and it received 12.

[325] Laws, 1885, p. 277; 1891, p. 388; 1895, ch. 98; 1909, p. 333; Ann.
Stat, 1908, § 4313ff.; 1912, § 5009ff. The school has been the recipient
of $30,000 or more, largely from two men.

[326] A charter was granted in May, 1816. See Laws, 1829, ch. 24; 1837,
p. 26; 1843, p. 26.

[327] At the beginning about $30,000 was raised for the school.

[328] This was known as the Whipple School at first. In 1898 it was made
a joint stock corporation, capitalized at $8,500. It began to receive
state aid in 1872. Act July 24; Laws, 1874, p. 8.

[329] Laws, 1895, p. 145; 1903, ch. 207; 1911, ch. 47; Rev. Laws, 1902,
§ 1831. The _per capita_ allowance is $275. In 1860 a private school was
opened at Hartford, lasting one year.

[330] The counties paid the cost at first. Act March 4, 1835; Laws,
1841, p. 418; 1843, p. 418; Rev. Stat., 1852, p. 138; Laws, 1860, ch.
119; 1875, ch. 58; 1899, ch. 245; 1907, ch. 143; Rev. Code, 1893, pp.
388-390. The president of the state hospital for the insane is
authorized to visit the schools to which pupils are sent.

[331] Stat., 1857, ch. 46; 1860, ch. 120. An unsuccessful attempt had
been made a year or two before to start a school. To the new school
$4,000 of a former orphans' home was turned over.

[332] Stat., 1864, ch. 120; 1868, ch. 262.

[333] U. S. Comp. Stat., 1901, pp. 3365-71. Colored children are sent to
Maryland for education. To the college and school $25,000 or more was
given at the beginning, funds coming from several cities in the East. A
few acres of land were also given. For two years support largely came
from private funds. In the college there are now 100 full scholarships.
In Washington also an experimental school was opened in 1883, continuing
three years. Another private school was started in 1856, lasting one
year.

[334] Laws, 1883, ch. 3450. The school resulted from the work of the
Association for the Promotion of the Education of the Deaf and the
Blind. The city gave 5 acres of land and $1,000, and in 1905 gave 10
acres further.

[335] Laws, 1895, no. 41; 1903, ch. 104; Gen. Stat., 1906, §§ 418-425. A
department for colored pupils was opened in 1895.

[336] Laws, 1834, p. 281; 1838, p. 92; 1842, p. 24. An appropriation,
first of $3,500, then of $4,500, was made.

[337] Laws, 1845, p. 25; 1847, p. 94; 1852, p. 80; 1854, p. 30; 1856, p.
159; 1858, p. 47; 1860, p. 27. It was first part of an academy. Another
private school was established at Lexington in 1856, but it too was
short lived. At the school at Cedar Springs there were several state
pupils.

[338] Laws, 1876, p. 30; 1877, p. 32; 1881, p. 96; 1892, p. 83; 1897, p.
83; Code, 1911, § 1416ff. In 1882 a department was created for the
colored. For a time the deaf and the blind were allowed free
transportation on the state-owned railroad. Laws, 1853, p. 97. The
school has received a gift of $500.

[339] Laws, 1891, p. 226; 1899, p. 162.

[340] Laws, 1907, p. 240; 1909, p. 379; Rev. Code, 1908, § 800ff. The
school has been given 20 acres of land. In this state, 150,000 acres of
public land are granted to the charitable and other institutions, the
school for the deaf not being mentioned by name.

[341] Laws, 1839, p. 162; 1845, p. 93; 1847, p. 47; 1849, pp. 93, 163;
1851, p. 102; 1853, p. 90; 1857, p. 84; 1875, p. 104. It seems that at
first one-fourth of the interest of the school fund was allowed to the
institution, but in 1851 a tax of one-sixth mill was laid for its
benefit, which lasted four years.

[342] Laws, 1897, ch. 23; 1909, p. 102; Rev. Stat., 1909, ch. 23. The
school has been given five acres of land by the city, and a private gift
of $2,000.

[343] Laws, 1897, p. 290; 1905, p. 373; 1911, p. 502; Rev. Stat., 1909,
p. 2013. The superintendent of public instruction may grant permission
for teaching one or more classes of not less than three pupils, average
attendance, in the public schools. The amount authorized from the state
is not to exceed $110 for each pupil. The first Chicago school was a
private one, established in 1870, and lasting one year. In 1874 another
school was opened, which was taken over by the city in 1875. The state
allowed it $15,000, and appropriated $5,000 a year till 1887, instead of
creating an institution in the northern part of the state. See Laws,
1879, p. 20; Report of Illinois Institution, 1874, p. 76; P. A. Emery,
"Brief Historical Sketch of Chicago Deaf-Mute Schools", 1886. There has
been connection between the Chicago schools and the McCowen Homes. Other
day schools in Illinois have been: La Salle, 1898-1899; Streator
1898-1905; Derinda, 1899-1900; Rockford, 1901-1905; Moline, 1901-1908;
Galena, 1902-1903; Dundee, 1903-1904; Aurora, 1903-1912; and Elgin,
1905-1906. In 1913 there were eleven day schools in Chicago, which were
consolidated into four. In this city a vacation school is also
maintained for the deaf.

[344] This school has received among other gifts a bequest of $43,000, a
donation of $15,000 from a ladies' society, and of $40,000 from friends.

[345] This school is under a board of twelve trustees. It has received
some private gifts, in addition to an endowment fund from its first
trustees. There was in Chicago a private school for adults from 1905 to
1913.

[346] This school was taught by a deaf man largely at his own expense.
In 1842 the state granted it $200. A census of the deaf was authorized
in 1839. Laws, p. 58.

[347] Laws, 1843, ch. 70; 1844, ch. 16; 1845, ch. 69; 1848, ch. 59;
1865, p. 124; Rev. Stat., 1852, p. 243. For the benefit of the school a
tax levy was laid, first of two mills, then of five, and later of
fifteen, which continued till 1851, netting the school some $50,000.

[348] Laws, 1891, ch. 186; 1895, p. 157; 1899, ch. 118; 1907, ch. 98;
1909, ch. 146; Ann. Stat., 1908, p. 101ff. There was a private school at
Evansville from 1886 to 1902.

[349] Code, 1851, ch. 73; Laws 1853, ch. 26; 1855, chs. 56, 87. An
appropriation was made to the school while still a private one.

[350] Laws, ch. 136.

[351] Code, 1897, p. 926ff.; Laws, 1902, ch. 122; 1909, ch. 175; 1913,
p. 255; Code, 1907, p. 622ff. There was a private school at Dubuque from
1888 to 1899, which received contributions, proceeds of fairs, etc., of
several thousand dollars. It was hoped that this would be made a state
school for the children of Eastern Iowa.

[352] Laws, 1862, p. 95; 1864, ch. 50; 1865, ch. 36; 1866, ch. 48; 1871,
ch. 34; 1873, ch. 135; 1877, ch. 130. To the private school the state
granted some aid. The school was located at Olathe on condition that 20
acres of land be given for a site, and 150 for its benefit.

[353] Laws, 1901, ch. 353; 1905, chs. 384, 475; Gen. Stat., 1909, §
8437ff.

[354] Laws, 1822, p. 179; 1824, p. 452; 1836, p. 379. A private school
was opened at Hopkinsville in 1844, which lasted ten years. Pupils were
received from several states. _Annals_, xliv., 1899, p. 359.

[355] This grant seems not to have been wisely administered, but over
$57,000 was realized from it.

[356] Laws, 1850, p. 23; 1851, ch. 26; 1852, p. 357; 1854, p. 15; 1870,
p. 2; 1882, p. 16; 1912, ch. 71; Stat., 1909, § 270ff. A department for
the colored was created in 1884. Laws, p. 175. There have been some
private gifts to the school, amounting to about seven thousand dollars.

[357] See Laws, 1838, p. 9; Digest, 1842, ch. 39; Report of Kentucky
School, 1848, p. 8.

[358] Laws, 1852, p. 220; 1866, p. 124; 1871, p. 203; 1888, p. 51.

[359] Laws, 1898, ch. 166; 1908, ch. 239; Rev. Stat., 1904, pp. 579-582.

[360] A day school was also maintained here from 1886 to 1891.

[361] Laws, 1823, p. 233; 1824, p. 353; 1829, p. 25; 1840, ch. 70; 1852,
p. 359; 1879, p. 122.

[362] In 1877 the state made appropriations for pupils outside of
Portland, and in 1881 for the entire state.

[363] Laws, 1885, ch. 220; 1893, ch. 203; 1897, ch. 446; 1899, ch. 2;
Rev. Stat., 1903, p. 226. The property was conveyed to the state.

[364] Laws, 1826, ch. 255; 1827, ch. 140; 1833, ch. 125; 1834, ch. 169;
1839, ch. 28; 1849, ch. 209; 1854, ch. 224; 1860, ch. 129; 1865, ch. 68.

[365] Laws, 1867, ch. 247; 1868, chs. 205, 409; 1870, p. 922; 1874, ch.
42. The society was to have power of perpetual succession, and the state
was to appropriate $5,000 a year till the endowment fund should reach
$200,000. The school was opened in certain barracks belonging to the
state.

[366] Laws, 1874, p. 483. This school was formed under a board composed
of three visitors each from the school for the deaf and that for the
blind.

[367] Laws, 1886, ch. 78; 1892, ch. 272; 1904, ch. 299; 1906, ch. 236;
Gen. Laws, 1904, i., p. 979. The school has received in gifts over six
thousand dollars since 1880. Grants have also been made to it by the
city of Baltimore.

[368] The first receives $1,000 a year, and the second $1,200.

[369] Laws, 1817, ch. 24; 1818, p. 496; 1825, ch. 83; 1828, ch. 97;
1841, ch. 45; 1843, ch. 79; 1855, ch. 84.

[370] Laws, 1867, chs. 311, 334; 1868, ch. 200; 1869, ch. 333.

[371] Some other gifts have also been received, including a gymnasium
and two donations of $50,000 each.

[372] See Laws, 1886, ch. 42; 1899, p. 554. This school resulted from a
gift of $1,500 to the New England Gallaudet Association, a home for
adults first being contemplated. See Report, 1881, p. 7; Report of
United States Commissioner of Education, 1880, p. clxviii. The school
has received a legacy of $50,000, and there are annual donations of two
or three thousand dollars.

[373] This school came within the law as to state pupils. Some gifts
have no doubt been received by it.

[374] Laws, 1869, p. 637; 1885, ch. 201; 1905, ch. 468, The state
granted the land for a building. This school has received gifts of
several thousand dollars.

[375] The home is under an executive committee of twenty-five, with
powers of trustees. Subscriptions and donations average one or two
thousand dollars a year, and in all have amounted to some $50,000.

[376] Laws, 1871, ch. 300; 1875, ch. 118; 1886, ch. 241; 1887, ch. 179;
1888, ch. 239; 1889, ch. 226; 1906, ch. 383; Rev. Stat., 1902, p. 412.
Appointments are made by the governor with the approval of the secretary
of the board of education. The state appropriations are $150 for the day
school, and from $250 to $350 for the other schools.

[377] Laws, 1848, pp. 246, 463; 1849, pp. 137, 327; 1850, p. 334; 1853,
no. 80; 1857, p. 185.

[378] The school also received 20 acres of land and $3,000 from the
city.

[379] Laws, 1867, p. 128; 1873, chs. 109, 111; 1881, pp. 5, 274; 1891,
ch. 169; 1893, ch. 116; 1907, chs. 48, 275; Comp. Laws 1897, §§
1990-2008.

[380] Laws, 1899, ch. 176; 1905, ch. 224. The law reads: "Upon the
application of a district board or of a board of education of a city in
this state to the Superintendent of Public Instruction, he shall grant
permission to such board to establish, and such board shall be empowered
to establish and maintain, within the limits of its jurisdiction, one or
more day schools, having an average attendance of not less than three
pupils, for the instruction of deaf persons over the age of three", etc.
The amount allowed for each pupil is $150. There have been other day
schools in this state: Menominee, 1900-1907; Ishpeming, 1904-1909;
Flint, 1911-1912; and L'Anse, 1912-1913. The school at Flint was an
evening school for adults.

[381] Ten congregations may be incorporated to organize such an
institution, and hold property to the value of $50,000. Laws, 1901, ch.
28. This school was for a time part of an orphan asylum. It has been
given 20 acres of land. The control is in the hands of a board of nine
trustees. A private school was maintained at Marquette from 1879 to
1883.

[382] Laws, 1858, p. 175; 1863, ch. 9; 1864, ch. 71; 1868, ch. 17; 1874,
ch. 18. In 1863 also provision was made for pupils in outside schools.
The school was established on condition that the city give it 40 acres
of land, and it received 25 acres in addition.

[383] Laws, 1887, ch. 205; Laws, 1902, ch. 83; 1907, ch. 407; 1909, ch.
396; Rev. Laws, 1905, §§ 1931-1937. There is also a board of visitors of
state institutions. Departments for the blind and for the feeble-minded
were created here, but later separated.

[384] There was another day school here from 1895 to 1898; and a private
school from 1886 to 1893. A department for the deaf was established at
St. Olaf College at Northfield in 1907, but discontinued in 1912. See
_Bulletin_, May, 1909; _Viking_, 1909, p. 56.

[385] Act, March 1; Laws, 1855, p. 114; 1856-7, ch. 25; 1857, p. 40;
1858, p. 230; Stat. L., 1857, p. 169. The governor had recommended a
school in 1841.

[386] Ann. Code, 1906, ch. 68. The school has received a gift of $5,000.
A department for the colored was opened in 1882.

[387] In 1839 $2,000 was appropriated for the deaf at St. Louis, and
$210 for a pupil in the Kentucky school. Laws, pp. 27, 213. Some pupils
were sent to Ohio and Illinois also. See also Laws, 1847, p. 48.

[388] Laws, 1851, p. 211; 1872, p. 155; 1874, p. 171; 1877, p. 264.
Forty acres of land provided for the insane asylum were given to the
school.

[389] Laws, 1895, p. 188; Rev. Stat., 1909, § 1484ff. A department for
the colored was opened in 1889.

[390] A branch of this school was maintained at Hannibal from 1882 to
1887, and another branch in St. Louis from 1893 to 1900. In St. Louis
there was also a private school from 1885 to 1891, and from 1890 to
1892.

[391] Comp. Stat., 1887, p. 917.

[392] Laws, 1893, p. 181; Code, 1895, § 2330ff.

[393] Laws, 1903, chs. 9, 10; Rev. Code, 1907, § 1115ff. A department
for the feeble-minded has been connected with this school.

[394] Rev. Stat., 1866, p. 374.

[395] Laws, 1867, p. 59; 1871, pp. 94, 231; 1875, p. 146. Ten acres of
land were given by the city of Omaha.

[396] Laws, 1897, ch. 26; 1901, ch. 70; 1905, ch. 147; 1909, p. 230;
1911, p. 209; 1913, p. 537; Ann. Stat., 1911, § 10,006ff. A private
school was opened in Omaha in 1897, lasting one year.

[397] Laws, 1869, ch. 56; 1905, p. 253; 1907, p. 371; Rev. Laws, 1912, §
1702ff.

[398] In 1819 a committee was appointed to inquire into the
circumstances of the deaf and the blind. Laws, p. 245. See also Laws,
1821, p. 508; 1822, p. 92; 1836, ch. 256.

[399] Laws, 1875, p. 484; 1879, ch. 58; 1899, ch. 99; 1905, ch. 106;
Pub. Stat., 1901, ch. 86.

[400] The first appropriation was of $2,000. Laws, 1821, p. 3; 1830, pp.
113, 314; 1838, p. 82; 1853, p. 140; 1860, p. 240; 1873, p. 45. A few
pupils were sent to the school at Mystic, Connecticut, shortly before
the state school was created.

[401] Laws, 1882, p. 259; 1884, p. 160; 1885, p. 177. The property of an
old school for the children of soldiers was first made use of. In 1825 a
school was incorporated in this state, and $160 was allowed by the
legislature for each pupil. Laws, pp. 111, 124. Some private donations
seem to have been made, but the school never came into being. In 1875 a
tract of land was offered for a school. Report of Commission on
Proposals for Sites and Plans for Buildings for the Deaf, Blind and the
Feeble-minded, 1874. In 1860 a private school was opened in Trenton,
which continued six years.

[402] Laws, 1891, ch. 97; 1892, ch. 203; 1893, p. 327; 1895, ch. 411;
1910, p. 334; Comp. Stat., 1910, p. 1896ff.

[403] Day schools are authorized where there are ten or more Pupils in a
city. Laws, 1910, p. 513.

[404] Laws, 1887, ch. 31. There were a few contributions at first.

[405] Laws, 1899, ch. 42; 1903, ch. 2; Comp. Laws, 1897, p. 904.

[406] Laws, 1817, ch. 264; 1819, chs. 206, 238; 1822, p. 247; 1827, p.
329; 1832, ch. 223; 1836, chs. 228, 511; 1841, p. 133; 1849, p. 589. See
also Cammann and Camp, "Charities of New York", 1868, p. 151; J. F.
Richmond, "New York and its Institutions", 1871, p. 287. The city
granted $400 annually for several years, allowed the use of land at a
nominal rental for twenty-one years, and later gave an acre of land,
besides furnishing quarters in a public building for eleven years. By
the state the Institution was, together with a certain free school
society, allowed for fourteen years one-half of the proceeds from fines
or licenses on lotteries, which from 1819 to 1827 netted over $20,000.
In 1827 the legislature granted $10,000 on condition that an equal sum
be raised from private funds, and that inspection be allowed to the
state. In 1825 a school was established by the state at Canajoharie, but
in 1836 its property was ordered sold, and its pupils brought to the New
York Institution. Laws, 1823, p. 224; 1836, p. 779.

[407] From 1879 to 1882 a primary department was maintained at
Tarrytown. In 1857 it was proposed that the buildings and other property
be conveyed to the state as trustee, but to be used always for the
instruction of the deaf, on condition that the state pay all the debts
and finish the buildings then in course of construction; but this plan
was not adopted. Report, 1858, p. 9; Assembly Documents of State of New
York, 1857, no. 190. The total amount of private gifts to this school
seems to be about $125,000, nearly all coming in the first few decades
of its existence. See Report, 1879, p. 101. The institution holds 38
names in "perpetual and grateful remembrance". The funds are given in
1912 as $1,030,059, which are largely due to favorable investments.

[408] Laws, 1871, ch. 548; 1872, ch. 670. Funds were received in the
beginning from the proceeds of bazaars, etc., and an acre of land and a
building were given to it. Contributions are still received from time to
time.

[409] Laws, 1867, ch. 721; 1870, ch. 180. Within a short time after
opening, $70,000 was donated for the school. See Addresses upon Laying
of Corner Stone, 1880. Other considerable gifts have come to it, one in
1909 being of $30,000, while there are annual contributions of several
thousand dollars. Land for a building was granted by the city for
ninety-nine years at an annual rental of one dollar. This school has
been under Hebrew auspices, but there has been discussion of its being
turned over to the city on the payment of its debts, to be kept as a
public non-sectarian school. See Reports, 1909, 1910.

[410] Laws, 1877, ch. 378. To this school about $150,000 seems to have
been donated, to gather from the reports. Several thousand dollars are
received annually.

[411] Laws, 1876, ch. 13; 1880, ch. 335; 1890, ch. 469. Six acres of
land and several thousand dollars were given at the beginning.

[412] Laws, 1876, ch. 331. A few gifts were received at first.

[413] Laws, 1884, ch. 275; 1890, ch. 280. In the Census Report of
Benevolent Institutions of 1904 this school is given as under the direct
control of the state.

[414] Laws, 1892, ch. 36.

[415] In 1863 it was enacted that county overseers or supervisors should
place a deaf child when likely to become a public charge in an
institution; or a parent or friend of such a child from five to twelve
years of age might prove that the health, morals, or comfort of such
child was endangered by the want of education or of proper care, and
might apply to the county officer for an order to admit the child to an
institution. Laws, ch. 325. The _per capita_ allowance to the schools is
$350. See Laws, 1851, ch. 272; 1854, ch. 272; 1864, ch. 555; 1875, ch.
213; 1876, ch. 13; 1886, ch. 615; 1894, ch. 556; 1903, chs. 62, 223;
1909, ch. 21; 1910, ch. 140; 1912, p. 405; Cons. Laws, 1909, p. 727ff.
The state allows $300 a year to a deaf person seeking a higher
education. Laws, 1913, ch. 175.

[416] There have been a number of private schools in the state: the
Bartlett Family School, established in New York City in 1852, in 1853
moved to Fishkill, in 1854 to Poughkeepsie, and discontinued in 1861; a
school at Niagara, 1857-1860; the Home for the Young Deaf in New York
City, organized in 1854, and in operation from 1859 to 1862, which was
intended for those too young to enter the New York Institution, and
which received a number of contributions; a class in the Cayuga Lake
Academy at Aurora, 1871-1878; Syle's Free Evening Class in New York
City, principally for teaching trades to adults, 1874-1878; the Keeler
School, a private class in New York City, 1885-1897; the Warren
Articulation School, 1890-1895; and the Peet School, 1893-1894.

[417] Act, Jan. 12, 1845; Rev. Code, 1854, ch. 6; Laws, 1870-1, ch. 35;
1873, ch. 134; 1876, ch. 156; 1879, ch. 187; 1880, p. 170; 1881, ch.
211. At first the counties were to raise $75 by taxation for each pupil.
In 1876 a tax of 9 cents on $100 was laid for the benefit of the school.
This school has received a gift of $4,000. In 1869 colored deaf and
blind were admitted, and in 1872 a department was created for them, this
being the first public action in the United States for their education.
See Laws, 1872, ch. 134; Report of North Carolina Institution, 1869, p.
13.

[418] Laws, 1891, ch. 399; 1893, ch. 69.

[419] Laws, 1901, chs. 210, 707; 1907, chs. 929, 1007; Rev. Code, 1905,
§ 4187ff.

[420] Laws, 1890, ch. 161.

[421] Laws, 1891, chs. 56, 133; 1893, ch. 122; 1897, ch. 72; 1905, chs.
100, 103; Rev. Code, 1905, § 1133ff.

[422] From this $1,000 a month is received.

[423] Laws, 1822, p. 5; 1827, p. 130; 1831, p. 427; 1832, p. 20; 1834,
p. 39; 1837, p. 118; 1844, p. 8; 1846, p. 111; 1854, p. 71; 1856, pp.
42, 96; 1866, p. 116; 1867, p. 124. To the school at Tallmadge the
legislature granted $100 a year for two years. The state school was at
first allowed the benefit from the taxes on auction sales in Hamilton
County, which netted $2,000 a year at first, but afterward of
diminishing amounts. The lots for the school were bought "at a price
considerably below their supposed value". A donation of $15,000 has also
been received by this school. In 1910 180 acres of land were bequeathed
to the schools for the deaf and the blind.

[424] Laws, 1885, p. 79; 1902, p. 273; 1908, p. 598; 1911, p. 211; Gen.
Code, 1910, § 1872ff.

[425] There was a school also in Cleveland from 1871 to 1874, and in
Toledo from 1890 to 1893. In Cincinnati a school was established by the
city in 1875, and in 1888 incorporated with the present one, which had
been started as a private school. Both the Cincinnati and Cleveland
schools received aid from the state, but in 1902 this was held up by the
courts. Other day schools have been at Elyria from 1898 to 1907; at
Canton from 1902 to 1904; and at Conneaut from 1909 to 1912. According
to the present law, on the application of a local board, schools may be
established; $150 may be allowed from the state school funds for each
pupil; and the state commissioner is to appoint teachers, and inspect
schools. Laws, 1902, p. 37; 1906, p. 219; 1913, p. 270; Gen. Code, §
7755. In 1898 the establishment of day schools was made obligatory in
certain cities. Laws, pp. 186, 236. Local tax levies have been of
considerable aid in this state.

[426] A private school was in operation in Cincinnati from 1887 to 1890,
and in Columbus from 1902 to 1904.

[427] Laws, 1897, ch. 16; Rev. Stat., 1903, § 3960; Governor's Message,
1903, p. 13. In 1899 a tax of two-fifths of a mill was levied for the
benefit of the deaf. Laws, p. 221. There was a private school at Byron
from 1898 to 1899.

[428] Laws, p. 617.

[429] Laws, p. 546.

[430] Laws, 1909, p. 534; 1913, p. 385; Rev. Laws, 1910, §§ 6986, 7014.
The public land for the benefit of the schools is said to be worth
$350,000. The school at Sulphur was given 60 acres of land by the city,
and that at Taft 100 acres by citizens.

[431] Laws, 1872, p. 102; 1874, p. 88; 1880, p. 18. The legislature made
an appropriation to the school while it was still in private hands. It
was largely founded through the efforts of the Society to Promote the
Instruction of Deaf-Mutes. Donations amounting to two or three thousand
dollars, and four lots, were received at the beginning.

[432] Laws, 1891, p. 138; 1893, p. 180; 1901, p. 300; 1907, ch. 79;
1913, pp. 120, 683; Oregon Laws, 1910, ch. 23. The school was formerly
under the state board of education.

[433] A charter was granted in 1821. Laws, ch. 25. See also Laws, 1833,
p. 512; 1836, ch. 268; 1838, pp. 263, 398; 1844, p. 221; J. P.
Wickersham, "History of Education in Pennsylvania", 1886, p. 443;
Report, 1870, appendix; 1875, appendix.

[434] In 1889 a gift of $200,000 was received, and in 1892 one of
$50,000, as well as other gifts. There are over 400 life members who
have contributed each $30, while there are 13 scholarships of $5,000
each. The present endowment funds amount to about $400,000, as we are
advised. See also Reports of State Board of Charities. From 1881 to 1885
a day school was conducted as part of the institution.

[435] Laws, 1872, p. 97; 1881, p. 149. Aid was received from the city of
Pittsburg at first. The school has been given over $100,000, a number of
acres of land, and a Carnegie Library.

[436] Laws, 1887, p. 238. There have been some gifts, including five
acres of land.

[437] Laws, 1891, p. 371; 1893, p. 272. About $7,000 came at the
beginning as well as some land. Contributions now average several
thousand dollars a year.

[438] Laws, 1871, p. 245; 1872, p. 9; 1893, p. 250; 1909, p. 405;
Purdon's Digest, 1903, p. 1281ff. The _per capita_ appropriations to the
several schools range from $260 to $357. In school districts of 20,000
population, special schools with eight or more pupils may be
established. Laws, 1876, p. 157.

[439] There have been day schools at Pittsburg, 1869-1876; Erie,
1874-1884; Allegheny, 1875-1876; and Philadelphia, 1880-1881. There was
a private school in Philadelphia from 1885 to 1889.

[440] Rev. Stat., 1857, p. 158.

[441] Laws, 1878, p. 200.

[442] Laws, 1891, ch. 922; 1896, chs. 324, 332; 1893, ch. 1175; 1901,
ch. 809; Gen. Laws, 1909, chs. 100, 101. The governor makes the
appointments. There is a state board of purchases and supplies in
connection with the school.

[443] Act, Dec. 20.

[444] Laws, 1834, p. 513. At first $2,500 was appropriated. See also
Laws, 1848, p. 524.

[445] Laws, 1852, p. 187; 1871, p. 609.

[446] Laws, 1878, p. 707; 1895, ch. 521; 1902, ch. 546; 1910, ch. 468;
Code, 1912, ch. 27. A department for the colored was created in 1883.

[447] Laws of Dakota, 1881, pp. 16, 65; 1883, ch. 26; 1887, ch. 41;
Comp. Laws, 1887, § 261ff. Ten acres of land and a thousand dollars or
more were given to the school.

[448] Laws, 1907, ch. 137; Comp. Laws, 1910, p. 150ff.

[449] Act, Jan. 29, 1844; Laws, 1845-6, ch. 157; 1849-50, ch. 127; Code,
1858, p. 338; Laws, 1860, chs. 19, 69; 1866-7, ch. 42. The law creating
the school was appended to one providing for the blind alone. At the
beginning $6,400 and two acres of land were given to it.

[450] Laws, 1877, ch. 49; Ann. Code, 1896, §§ 2660-2670. A department
for the colored was created in 1881. Laws, ch. 109.

[451] Laws, 1856, p. 66; 1875, p. 66; 1883, p. 109.

[452] Laws, p. 150.

[453] Laws, 1902, ch. 10; 1905, p. 47; Rev. Stat., 1911, p. 68.

[454] Laws, 1888, pp. 33, 44; 1890, pp. 44, 68; Comp. Stat., 1888, p.
662. For two years the school was conducted as a day school. It received
some county assistance at first, and there were some private donations.

[455] Laws, 1892, p. 10; 1894, ch. 26; 1896, p. 100; 1897, p. 36; 1898,
ch. 20; 1903, p. 51; 1907, pp. 14, 59; 1911, ch. 98; Comp. Laws, 1907,
p. 789ff.

[456] In 1817 a census of the deaf was taken. Laws, no. 25.

[457] Laws, 1823, no. 40; 1825, no. 21; 1833, no. 21; 1839, p. 121; Rev.
Stat., 1840, p. 121; Laws, 1841, no. 22; 1842, no. 16; 1858, no. 3;
1872, nos. 16, 19; 1892, no. 27; 1898, chs. 29, 30; 1899, no. 27; 1906,
chs. 55, 56; Pub. Stat., 1906, ch. 60.

[458] Laws, 1908, p. 490; 1910, p. 84. The governor is commissioner for
the deaf, and designates and commits them. This school resulted from a
fund of $50,000, which was bequeathed for a "hospital for the temporary
treatment of strangers and local invalids peculiarly situated", but
which the court allowed to be used for the school.

[459] Laws, 1838, ch. 19; 1839, p. 205; 1845, p. 385; 1846, p. 17; 1849,
p. 385; 1856, p. 81. In 1825 a committee was sent to Kentucky to examine
the school. In 1835 a private association was formed to organize a
school.

[460] Laws, ch. 164.

[461] Laws, 1875, ch. 177; 1879, ch. 244; 1896, ch. 702; 1898, p. 276;
1903, ch. 266; 1904, p. 75; Code, 1904, ch. 74. The Staunton school
received some private donations at first, and 5 acres of land, besides a
later legacy of $3,000 for poor deaf children; and the Newport News
school has received a few gifts, including some land.

[462] Laws, 1881, p. 211.

[463] Laws, 1886, p. 136. At the beginning 100 acres of land were
donated. The school seems not to have profited by the gift from Congress
of 200,000 acres for charitable and reformatory institutions.

[464] Laws, 1890, p. 497; 1897, p. 443; 1903, p. 266; 1905, ch. 139;
1907, p. 238; 1909, p. 258; 1912, ch. 10; Code and Stat., 1910, §
4387ff. There was a department for the feeble-minded till 1906, and for
the blind till 1912, all being known as the "school for defective
youth".

[465] Laws, 1870, ch. 116; 1871, ch. 71. A building and 15 acres of land
were given by the city.

[466] Laws, 1868, ch. 71.

[467] Laws, 1887, ch. 52; 1895, chs. 25, 39; 1897, ch. 25; 1905, ch. 66;
Code, 1906, § 1774ff. Colored pupils are sent to Maryland for education.

[468] Laws, 1852, ch. 481; 1857, ch. 34; 1858, ch. 102; Rev. Stat.,
1858, ch. 186. Eleven acres of land were given to the school.

[469] Laws, 1866, ch. 105; 1869, ch. 8: 1880, ch. 116; 1881, ch. 298;
1883, ch. 268; 1891, ch. 331; 1893, ch. 290; 1907, ch. 128; Rev. Stat.,
1898, ch. 38.

[470] Laws, 1885, ch. 315; 1897, ch. 321; 1901, ch. 422; 1903, ch. 86;
1907, ch. 128; Rev. Stat., 1898, § 578. It is provided that on the
application of a local board of education, the state Superintendent of
Public Instruction, with the consent of the Board of Control, may
authorize the establishment of schools. Inspectors are also appointed by
him, and the creation of schools may be compelled by the county judge.
For each pupil the amount first allowed was $100, then $125, and now
$150. For the board of pupils who do not live near the school, $100
additional is allowed. The first day school in the state was a private
one at Milwaukee, founded in 1878 and lasting till 1885, when the law
was enacted. It was under the auspices of the Wisconsin Phonological
Institute, $15,000 being contributed for it by a ladies' society, and a
city allowance being made to it in 1883. There have been other day
schools in the state: Manitowac, 1893-1901; Oconto, 1898-1899;
Neilsville, 1898-1905; Sparta, 1899-1909; Tomah, 1899-1900; Rhinelander,
1902-1904; and Waupaca, 1905-1906. There was another school in Oshkosh
from 1888 to 1889.

[471] Laws, 1886, ch. 77; 1891, ch. 15; 1893, ch. 32; 1895, ch. 25;
1907, ch. 10; Comp. Stat., 1910, ch. 48. It has been provided that when
there are as many as 12 applicants, a state school will be organized. A
building was erected and designed for the school in 1897, but was set
aside for military purposes. By the act of admission to the Union,
30,000 acres of land were granted for the school. The income from this
fund in 1910 was $2,849.

[472] See _Annals_, lii., 1907, p. 208; liii., 1908, p. 173; liv., 1909,
p. 193; _Association Review_, ix., 1907, p. 572. The school opened with
22 pupils.

[473] See report of Dr. Sheldon Jackson, Proceedings of Conference of
Charities and Corrections, 1895, p. 322. In the Report of the Department
of the Interior for 1908, pp. 274, 278, we have the following: "Congress
in its appropriations for the education of the natives has also provided
for their support. Acting under this authority, an effort is being made
to reach the sick and indigent". It is possible that the needs of the
deaf will be discovered in this way.

[474] In the Report of the Minister of Public Instruction to the
Hawaiian legislature, April 14, 1854, p. 17, it is stated: "Provision
for the deaf, dumb and blind: No provision for such sufferers among us,
and from the returns of the census there are on the islands 106 deaf and
dumb, and 329 blind". No mention of "such sufferers" has been found in a
later report. For much of the information concerning the American
possessions presented here, the writer is indebted to the Chief
Bibliographer of the Library of Congress.

CHAPTER XV

CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS FOR SCHOOLS

EXTENT OF CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS

Not only has provision for the education of the deaf been consummated in
all the states, but in some of them this provision has been buttressed,
as it were, by a permanent guarantee in the organic law. This regard,
while not necessary practically for the continuance of the schools, is
none the less commendable,--and indeed is one that should be declared in
every state. Such provision concerning the education of the deaf, more
direct in some than in others, is found in the constitutions of
twenty-seven, or a little over half of the states. These are Alabama,
Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Indiana, Kansas, Louisiana,
Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, New York,
North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South
Dakota, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Washington, and West Virginia.[475]

New York in 1846 was the first state to make reference thus to a school
for the deaf. Michigan, however, in 1850 was the first state to provide
directly for their education, followed in 1851 by Indiana and Ohio. Of
the forty-two states adopting constitutions since 1846, twenty-seven
have made reference to schools, while fifteen have failed to do so. Of
the twenty states adopting constitutions since 1889, sixteen have made
such provision.[476] It is to be noted, however, that many of the states
with special reference to the education of the deaf have comparatively
recent constitutions, while in others where no such provision is found,
the present constitutions often date far back in our national history,
and were adopted before attention had been called to the needs of the
deaf and similar classes. Hence, in general, it is not to be concluded
from the mere presence or absence of a reference in the constitution
that certain states are more solicitous than others for the education of
their deaf children.

LANGUAGE AND FORMS OF PROVISIONS

The language of these constitutional provisions for schools for the deaf
varies to some extent.[477] In all of the constitutions, with the
exception of that in Minnesota, schools for the deaf are coupled with
those for the blind, and unless the provision is under the caption of
"education," institutions for the insane are likewise provided for in
the same clause. In several instances there is more than one reference
to the school for the deaf.[478]

The most usual statement is that institutions for the deaf and dumb, the
blind, and the insane shall be established and maintained, or fostered
and supported, by the state, as in Arizona,[479] Colorado,[480]
Florida,[481] Idaho,[482] Kansas,[483] Michigan,[484] Montana,[485]
Nevada,[486] Ohio,[487] South Carolina,[488] Utah,[489] and
Washington.[490] In the South Carolina constitution the school is also
declared to be exempted from taxation; and in the Utah constitution a
further provision establishes the location, and guarantees against
diversion the lands granted by the United States.[491] In the
constitutions of Arkansas,[492] Indiana,[493] Mississippi,[494] and
Oklahoma,[495] the statement or its equivalent is that it is the duty of
the legislature to provide by law for the support of institutions for
the education of the deaf and dumb, and blind, and for the insane.

In other states less direct or authoritative references are found. In
West Virginia[496] the legislature "may make suitable provision for the
blind, mute and insane whenever it may be practicable," while in North
Carolina[497] the matter seems also optional. In the Minnesota
constitution[498] there is an amendment by which the public debt is
increased for the purpose of establishing certain public institutions,
including the school for the deaf. In the South Dakota constitution[499]
the several charitable and penal institutions are enumerated, among
which is the school for the deaf, while direction is also given as to
the sale of land held for the benefit of the school. In New Mexico[500]
the school is enumerated among the educational institutions, reference
also being made to the public land; and in Virginia[501] the school is
mentioned in connection with the composition of the state board of
education. In the Texas constitution[502] a permanent fund is provided
from the lands which have been granted prior to its adoption, while
another reference is made to the printing to be done at the school. In
the North Dakota constitution[503] the lands from Congress are declared
to be a perpetual fund and inviolable, while in another place the
location of the school is provided for. In the Alabama constitution[504]
the legislature is expressly declared not to be empowered to change the
location of the school. In New York[505] the constitutional provisions
have reference to the subsidies granted to private institutions, it
being stated that "nothing in the constitution shall prevent the
legislature from making such provision for the education and support of
the blind, the deaf and dumb, and juvenile delinquents ... as it may
deem proper," and that the legislature is not to be prohibited from
action by the prohibition of the credit or land of the state being
"given to private associations, corporations and undertakings." In
Louisiana[506] a similar, though less explicit, reference to state aid
is found.

FOOTNOTES:

[475] The constitutions of most of the states provide for the education
of all their children, and the deaf could well be included here.
Moreover, in the constitution of Nebraska (VIII., 12) there is a
provision for children growing up in mendicancy and crime; and in that
of Wyoming (VII., 18) that such charitable, penal or reformatory
institutions shall be established as the claims of humanity and the
public good many require. In either of these the provision might be
construed to apply to schools for the deaf.

[476] In the constitutions of some states, as Michigan, Mississippi, New
York, and South Carolina, there were provisions in the preceding as well
as the present drafts.

[477] In the constitutions no reference is made to the deaf other than
in provisions for schools, except in the case of Mississippi, where
exemption from a certain tax is found.

[478] In these constitutional references, the provision is as a rule
found under some general head as "public institutions", "state
institutions", or "miscellaneous". In the South Carolina constitution
the provision is found under the caption "charitable", and in the North
Carolina under "charitable and penal". Under the heading of "education"
are the provisions in the constitutions of Arizona (one clause),
Colorado (as an amendment), Michigan, Mississippi, New Mexico, Oklahoma
(one clause), Texas (though under the sub-title "charitable"), Utah (one
clause), and Virginia.

[479] XXII., 15; XI., 1.

[480] VIII., 1. A later amendment classifies it with the educational
institutions of the state.

[481] XIII., 1. Adopted the same year that the school was established.

[482] X., 1.

[483] VII., 1.

[484] XI., 15.

[485] X., 1; XI., 12.

[486] XIII., 1.

[487] VII., 1.

[488] XII., 1; X., 4.

[489] X., 10; XIX., 2, 3.

[490] XIII., 1.

[491] It is to be noted that in nearly all the states having government
donations of land, reference is made to its inviolability.

[492] XIX., 19.

[493] IX., 1.

[494] VIII., 209.

[495] XII., 2; XXI., 1.

[496] XII., 12.

[497] XI., 10.

[498] IX., 14, as amended.

[499] XIV., 1.

[500] XII., 11.

[501] IX., 130.

[502] VII., 9; XVI., 21.

[503] IX., 159; XIX., 215. See also amendment, 1904, sec. 5.

[504] XIV., 267.

[505] VIII., 9, 14.

[506] 53.

CHAPTER XVI

QUESTION OF THE CHARITY CONNECTION OF SCHOOLS

INSTITUTIONS SOMETIMES REGARDED AS EDUCATIONAL: SOMETIMES AS CHARITABLE

In considering the relation of the state to its schools for the deaf,
the question is raised as to the way they are regarded by the state, and
in what scheme of classification they have been assigned. We find that
with many of the states the institutions are held to be charitable, and
the further question is presented as to whether this is proper and just.

In times past this has been the usual classification, but of late years
an increasing number of states have made a change and now regard the
institutions as merely educational. It would be difficult to say with
precision to what scheme of classification the schools in the several
states should be ascribed; and in quite a number the lines shade off one
into the other. From what has been said in the preceding chapters and
also from certain legislative classification, it would seem that the
schools in the following states are regarded largely, if not entirely,
as educational: Alabama, Arizona, Colorado, District of Columbia,
Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Massachusetts,
Mississippi, Montana, New Jersey, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Rhode
Island, South Carolina, Texas, Utah, Vermont, and West Virginia. In
about half of the states, however, the institutions continue to be
regarded as charitable to a greater or less extent from their connection
with charity boards or from some other classification. Some are
recognized as educational, but at the same time not held altogether free
from the charitable touch.[507]

CHARITY IN CONNECTION WITH SCHOOLS FOR THE DEAF

Considerable difficulty at the outset rests with the word charity. In
its best sense, it is the finest word in our language, and from its
springs flow all benevolence, material and spiritual: when looked upon
scientifically much of the repugnance and prejudice felt toward it is
lost, and it becomes the touchstone for the remedy of human ills. In
one sense, education is most surely and deeply charitable, whether or
not it is held to be but the equipment of the state for its
self-preservation. This has long been accepted, and so unanimously have
the states undertaken the instruction of their children that its very
discussion is now unknown.

But popularly conceived, charity is still something doled out and
granted by the giver as a matter of grace, and to the recipient are
carried associations that do not comport with independence and manliness
of character. Besides, education has long ceased to be thought of as
charitable, and only such institutions as are for the education of the
deaf and blind are left with the undesirable signification of the word.
In addition, the state maintains institutions for certain of its
classes, as the insane, the feeble-minded and the infirm, which as a
rule are in no sense educational from our standpoint, and other
institutions of a reformatory, corrective or punitive character, and
with them have to be classed the institutions for the deaf, all being
known as the state's "charitable institutions," or "state institutions;"
while the public rarely makes discrimination, or notes the distinctions
involved.

The chief trouble, then, in classifying the schools for the deaf as
charitable is this connection of the word charity, and the grouping of
the deaf with certain other parts of the state's population which other
children do not have to share. The deaf are thus differentiated from
children who have no defect of sense, and the education of the one is
thus education, and of the other charity. Schools in which the deaf are
educated would thus seem not to be given their just status. They are
misrepresented by being aligned, on the one hand, with people of
defective or diseased minds, and on the other, with the state's
delinquent and criminal classes. The deaf thus become wards of the
state, and constitute one of its dependent classes. They are "inmates"
of an "eleemosynary" institution, and the fact that it is all for
education is lost sight of.[508]

But, we are told, the treatment of deaf children should rest upon an
altogether different basis, and they should, even in appearance, receive
an education as a right and as nothing else. Education as the paramount
privilege of American children is so deeply established in American
institutions and character that it would seem to be a principle to be
applied to all the children of the state. Admission into schools for
the deaf has become more and more like that in the regular schools.[509]
The schools are open, as a general rule, only to those able and fitted
to be educated, and the mentally and physically disqualified are often
rejected. When a child has completed the prescribed number of years of
attendance, he can be provided for no longer, and at vacation time in
nearly all schools he must depart. The schools, as we are to see, have
become free to all, while compulsory education laws have also been made
to apply. Hence if schools for the deaf are educational, they can be
regarded as charitable only to the extent that all schools are so
considered; they should not be looked upon in a different light, and the
public should be as fully alive to their claims.[510]

ARGUMENTS FOR THE CONNECTION WITH THE BOARDS OF CHARITIES

Hitherto we have been discussing the theory in regard to the proper
place in which the institutions are to be held, but we are now to see
what are the actual grounds upon which the connection with the state
board of charities is to be justified. Much might be said of the
practical workings of schools in connection with such boards, and it is
claimed that the schools get the substance at least in the way of
beneficial treatment. By one superintendent it has been stated thus: "In
theory it is all wrong, but in practice it could not be improved upon."
Where the boards are composed of capable, broad-minded, sympathetic men,
the needs of the schools can be satisfactorily looked into, and their
experience with other institutions, where the problems are akin in the
way of housing a large number of people, can be utilized to great
advantage, especially in connection with sanitary, hospital and other
arrangements.[511] Such boards may secure supplies on more favorable
terms, may systematize all the institutions, may properly apportion the
appropriations to be asked of the legislature, may exercise a wider
supervision, and may correlate all the means of the state for the
maintenance of certain classes of its population. These boards may also
have peculiar opportunities for coming across poor and neglected
children and of getting them in the schools. Lastly, and most important
of all, even though the institutions are educational, there is much also
to be considered besides education alone, for a home and board are
furnished during the school year, and usually transportation and
clothing as well to those in need of them.[512]

By the boards of charity themselves the institutions are not necessarily
regarded as charitable.[513] Many of them hold the institutions to be
educational, despite the charity connection, and few are unwilling to
give recognition to their educational features. In none is there a
desire to injure or stigmatize the deaf. The aim is to consider the
matter in its practical bearings, and the question is held to be largely
one of classification and administration. With all the fact weighs that
board, lodging, etc., are given entirely free.[514] The clearest and
fullest presentation of the point of view of the charity boards is given
in the following extract from a letter by one board:[515]

The institutions are doubtless both educational and charitable, or
at least ought to be, using these words in their ordinary
application. It is not a question of merit or demerit on the part of
the unfortunates or their families. It is not a question whether
they are entitled to an education as much as normal children. So far
as there is any real issue, it is one of classification for purposes
of administration. The question seems to be whether the institutions
that care for the above mentioned classes can best be administered
under the department of charities that has charge of public
institutions, or the department of education that usually has to do
with institutions that furnish education only in the limited
technical sense, where pupils attend school a few hours a day, but
are not boarded at the institutions. Because an institution is an
educational institution, I think it may be none the less a
charitable institution. For example, it would hardly be denied that
an orphan asylum is a charitable institution; yet an orphan asylum
that was not an educational institution would be deplorable. In the
state institutions for the deaf and the blind, throughout the
country, the educational side is very properly emphasized.... These
inmates would properly be classed as public dependents as they
usually have been.... The whole trouble seems to arise from a
feeling of aversion to the word "charity", and probably the word has
been degraded.... To refer to the institutions under consideration
as "educational institutions", without any qualification, would not
be in the interest of clearness of thought, and would either lead to
confusion or to some qualifying phrases, because the deaf and the
blind are certainly different enough from the normal child to be
considered, for many purposes, in a separate class, and the
institutions which educate and support them, it would seem to me,
need some term by which they can be designated, which would
distinguish them from the educational institutions designed for the
normal child.

ARGUMENTS IN OPPOSITION TO THE CONNECTION

Yet over against all the arguments for the connection with the boards of
charities the voice of the educators of the deaf is in unison that the
connection of the schools be completely severed with whatever is of
charitable signification.[516] This feeling cannot all be ascribed to
the prejudice regarding the words employed. In the dissolving of the
charity connection an issue not to be disregarded is the moral effect on
the public. A right conception is to be obtained respecting the
education of the deaf, and while in the schools and in after life they
are entitled to the recognition of the true character of this education
and of their status in the community. If the deaf after they have left
the schools have shown that they are capable of wrestling unaided with
the difficulties of life, and are really not objects of charity at all,
then they should be spared all discriminating associations. Indeed, as
our new view of charity is the making of men capable of standing alone,
and economic units of gain in society, so the deaf should not be
considered as a distinct or dependent class, when by the use of certain
expressions this is done; and we should hold that if their work in the
world has justified them, then no barriers should be raised which their
fellows in society do not have to meet, and that their education should
be offered to them without discrimination or stigma.

The benefits derived from the relation with the board of charities may
be more than offset by the connection with educational agencies, where
the school is recognized as part of the state's educational system. In
respect to the providing of maintenance for the pupils, this can be
regarded as but an incidence, when any other plan would be
impracticable. The main, overshadowing purpose in the work of the
institutions is education, and what are supplied beyond are only to
render this the more effective. But after all this is said, the
opponents of the charity connection insist that the burden of proof is
upon those who advocate the connection. Why, they ask, should the deaf
children of the state who are as capable of being educated as others be
considered objects of the state's charity? Why any more than other
children?

The feeling in the matter may be indicated by two declarations on the
subject, one by the educators of the deaf, and the other by the deaf
themselves. The first is in the form of a resolution adopted by the
Convention of American Instructors:[517]

_Resolved_, that the deaf youth of our land unquestionably deserve,
and are lawfully entitled to, the same educational care and aid as
their more fortunate brothers and sisters; and that this education,
the constitutional duty of the state, should be accorded them as a
matter of right, not of charity, standing in the law, as it is in
fact, a part of the common school system.

The second is a resolution adopted by the National Association of the
Deaf:[518]

_Whereas_, the privilege of an education is the birthright of every
American child ...; and

_Whereas_, the deaf child ... has the same inalienable right to the
same education as his more fortunate hearing brother; and

_Whereas_, ... the [modern] movement ... [is] giving schools for the
deaf their proper place as part of the public school system of the
country; and

_Whereas_, ... eighty-one per cent [of the deaf are] gainfully
employed of those who have had schooling, thus indicating the value
of education ...; therefore be it

_Resolved_, ... that education of the deaf on the part of the state
is simply fulfillment of its duty as a matter of right and justice,
not sympathetic charity and benevolence to the deaf; ... that
schools for the deaf should not be known and regarded, nor
classified, as benevolent or charitable institutions, ... [but] as
strictly educational institutions, a part of the common school
system ... [and not with such associations as] tend to foster a
spirit of dependence in the pupils and mark them as the objects of
charity of the state....

CONCLUSIONS IN RESPECT TO THE CHARITY CONNECTION OF SCHOOLS FOR THE DEAF

Certain inferences or conclusions may now be reached regarding our
question as to whether schools for the deaf may be regarded and
classified as charitable.

1. In America the schools have been regarded both as educational and
charitable, but there is an increasing tendency to consider them as
purely educational. At present about half of the states hold them
entirely or in the main as educational.

2. The state boards or public authorities that regard the schools as
charitable are in no wise prompted by any desire to discriminate against
the deaf, or to deny that they are less capable or worthy of education
than others. The question is held to be mainly one of administration.

3. Inasmuch as board and a home are provided in the institutions, and in
some cases clothing and transportation also, the charitable element is
present, and in point of fact the schools must be regarded _ad hoc_ as
charitable.

4. This charitable feature, however, plays a slight and almost
negligible part in the work of the schools, being in fact only
incidental, and the educational aims take precedence over all else.

5. Because of the associations involved in the charity connection, which
are not shared in by the regular schools, and because of the little to
suggest charity in the after lives of the deaf, the schools for the
deaf have reason to protest against the connection. As education is the
one purpose of the schools, and as their operations are conducted solely
to this end, they are entitled to an educational classification.

6. That the schools for the deaf should thus be held and treated, to the
farthest possible extent, as purely educational, is demanded both by
justice and by the regard for the proper effect on the deaf and on the
public.

FOOTNOTES:

[507] Thus, in addition to the states named above, in the constitutions
of Michigan, Oklahoma and Virginia the institutions are designated
educational. In certain states also, as we have seen, the state
superintendent of public instruction is _ex-officio_ member of the
governing board, and in a few other states report is made to the
department of education. In New York and North Carolina the schools are
visited by this department. In a number also an educational
classification is found in some of the statutory references or captions.
See in particular on this subject, _Annals_, xlviii., 1903, p. 348;
lviii., 1913, p. 327.

[508] The earlier conception of the schools is in part illustrated by
the name "asylum" given. British schools were often called asylums or
hospitals, and were largely founded and supported by charity. Likewise
in America the term "asylum" was frequently given to the schools when
first started. But the name has now been generally discarded, and in but
one state is the title retained, New Mexico. "School" is now mostly
used, while in a few "institution" is employed. See _Annals_, _loc.
cit._ See also Report of Board of Penal, Pauper and Charitable
Institutions of Michigan, 1878, p. 41.

[509] In Massachusetts appropriations were once "for beneficiaries in
asylums for the deaf and dumb", but now they are "for the education of
deaf pupils in schools designated by law".

[510] In a legal sense, nearly all educational institutions can be
called charitable, especially if they are private affairs, and gifts for
such purposes are held in the law as for charitable purposes. See 4
Wheaton, 518; 2 How. (U. S.), 227; 14 How., 277; 44 Mo., 570; 25 O. St.,
229. Not many cases have arisen in regard to the status of institutions
for the deaf. In 1900 the Columbia Institution was held in the opinion
of the Attorney-General to be under the department of charities, but
Congress the next year declared it to be educational. See _Annals_,
xlvi., 1901, p. 345. In Colorado an opinion was rendered that the school
was educational alone, and not subject to the civil service rules, and
this was later ratified in the constitution and by the legislature. Some
of the courts have been inclined to view the institutions as charitable.
In Nebraska the school for the deaf was at first considered an asylum
and in the same class with almshouses, rather than educational. 6 Neb.,
286. See also 43 Neb., 184. In New York the provision of the law
allowing the State Board of Charities to inspect the Institution for the
Blind was attacked, and it was held that, though the institution was
partly educational and was visited by the department of education, yet
the word charity was to be taken in its usual meaning, and if the
institution as a private body educated, clothed and maintained indigent
pupils, it was charitable. 154 New York, 14 (1897).

[511] See Report of Illinois Board of Charities, 1872, pp. 13ff., 32ff.

[512] In a few cases a home during vacation is afforded to the indigent
or unprotected.

[513] In order to discover how these institutions are regarded by the
departments of charities, letters of inquiry were sent by the writer to
all the states of the Union. Replies were received in 45 out of 49
cases, coming from boards of charities, boards of control, or in their
absence from commissioners of education or other state officials,--and
in a few cases from individuals or societies to whom the communication
was turned over. In the answers, the institutions were called charitable
by 6, educational by 13, both charitable and educational by 12, while by
14 the question was not specifically answered. In some instances, these
replies were only private opinions, but they represent none the less the
views of those most in touch with the charity activities of the states.
In a few cases the replies were at variance with what has been accepted
regarding certain states. It was also found that boards of control do
not necessarily consider the institutions as charitable.

[514] By one board, while such schools are admitted to be partly
educational, they are held "charitable in that they afford a home for
certain defective persons during the time of their dependence". By one
board the pupils are called "charity patients".

[515] The District of Columbia.

[516] Many of the schools in their reports take pains to disclaim any
but a strictly educational character. Of the Michigan school it is
expressly stated that it is "not an asylum, reformatory or hospital"; of
the Colorado that it is "not an 'asylum' or 'home' for the afflicted; it
is not a hospital for the care and treatment of the eyes and ears; and
it is not a place for the detention and care of imbeciles"; of the
Illinois that it is "not a reformatory, poor house, hospital or asylum";
of the Indiana that it is "not an asylum, place of refuge, reform
school, almshouse, children's home or hospital"; of the Georgia that it
is "in no sense an asylum ... or charitable institution"; and of the
Mississippi that it is "in no sense an asylum ... a home ... [nor a
place] for medical treatment." See also Report of Commissioner of Public
Lands and Buildings of Nebraska, 1896, p. 356; Education Department of
New York, 1912, p. 81.

[517] Proceedings, xvii., 1905, p. 168. See also _ibid._, xv., 1898, p.
216; _Annals_, lv., 1910, p. 133. The schools are also said to be
"maintained solely for the instruction of a large and interesting class
of children who, by reason of a physical infirmity, the loss of hearing,
are denied instruction in the public schools". Dr. A. L. E. Crouter,
Proceedings of National Conference of Charities and Corrections, 1906,
p. 249. See also Report of Kentucky School, 1909, p. 17.

[518] Proceedings, viii., 1907, p. 40. See also _ibid._, v., 1896, p.
47.

CHAPTER XVII

PROVISIONS CONCERNING ADMISSION OF PUPILS INTO SCHOOLS

RULES AS TO THE PAYMENT OF FEES

Hitherto we have considered the several forms of provision for the
schools for the deaf, and the general treatment accorded them. We now
turn our examination to the schools themselves in their relation to the
pupils who enter them. Our first concern is with the provisions as to
the admission of pupils into the schools.

We find that the schools, to all intents and purposes, are free to all
applicants mentally and physically qualified to enter.[519] Usually,
when started, the schools were free to the indigent only, though some,
especially in the West, were made free to all from the very beginning.
However, there was little attempt to observe closely these limitations,
and in time, as we have seen, they were for the most part given
up.[520] At present limitations of any kind are found in the smaller
number of states, and exist in these in form rather than in practice, so
that to-day laws or regulations of a restrictive nature may be regarded
as but nominal.

In all the states the schools are by statute free to the indigent at
least, and in less than a score is there a regulation short of universal
admittance prescribed. By the wording of the statute, either directly or
by implication, it would seem to be indicated that the schools, or, in
their absence, the proper public authorities, in the following states
were still empowered to demand a charge in whole or in part from those
able to pay: Alabama, Arizona, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida,
Kentucky, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey,
New Mexico, Nevada, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and Virginia--these
states at least making reference in some place to the indigent.[521] But
with or without such reference, as we have noted, in but few instances
is there a charge to any, indigent or not.[522] In some states proof of
indigence is still formally necessary,[523] and in others payment may be
made if desired.[524]

Little effort, then, is made to collect fees in American schools for the
deaf. The circumstances of the deaf themselves are usually such as to
demand for them education without cost; while at the same time the
general American feeling that education should be a free gift of the
state to its youth would be sufficient to prevent attempts to secure
payment, even if such action should be considered proper.

PROVISION FOR COLLATERAL SUPPORT OF PUPILS

The state thus supplies the means for the education and maintenance of
pupils without cost to them; but to insure the attendance of those who
by reason of poverty might be prevented from availing themselves of its
bounty, it assists even further. Where no other means are provided,
clothing and transportation to and from the schools are furnished free
of expense. Such charges are usually paid by the counties from which the
pupils come, though a few states undertake this directly. A given sum
may be allowed for this purpose, or the actual cost may be
collected.[525]

AGE LIMITS OF ATTENDANCE

With most of the schools the age limits of attendance are fixed, and
pupils may be admitted only within the time prescribed by the law. In
some the age permitted is the common school age; in others pupils are
admitted who are of "suitable age and qualifications," or "capacity;"
and in some cases, no limits being set down, the matter seems to be left
to the discretion of the authorities.[526]

In schools where the limits of attendance are specified, the minimum age
is usually six, seven or eight, while a few schools admit at five. In a
few of the day schools, and in most of the oral home schools, children
may be received as early as three, or even two, to make an early
beginning in the use of speech, some of the home schools being designed
expressly to receive children under five, or before the regular school
period. The age limit for the completion of the school period is often
twenty or twenty-one, while a few schools may keep pupils longer, as to
twenty-five. The most frequent age period at present, where age limits
are stated, is from six to twenty-one, but the period often begins and
ends at other ages.[527]

In some cases pupils are allowed to remain a certain number of years,
but none beyond a certain limit, while in many the period may be
extended two, three or five years, when it appears that the progress of
the pupil justifies a more protracted residence.[528] Finally, it is to
be noted that the limits of attendance have in general been lowered, and
have been made to conform more and more with those of the regular
schools.[529]

FOOTNOTES:

[519] Certain of the schools receive a few pay pupils, but these are
usually from outside the state or are otherwise exceptionally provided
for. Receipts from such sources are inconsiderable, and have little
effect on the revenues of the schools. According to the Census of
Benevolent Institutions of 1905, less than $55,000 came to the schools
in this way, the greater amount being for pupils of other states.

[520] The statutes of some states, as of Maine and Massachusetts, even
go so far as distinctly to declare that no discrimination shall be made
on account of wealth. On this subject, see Report of Clarke School,
1885, p. 8.

[521] In Florida tuition at least seems to be provided free by the
statute, and in Georgia free admission seems to be provided only for the
indigent blind, while education is made free to all the deaf. On this
subject, see _American Journal of Sociology_, iv., 1898, p. 51ff.

[522] On this subject the superintendent of the Mississippi School
addressed letters to heads of Southern schools, and found only
two--those in Texas and Mississippi--having any requirement as to
payment. In Mississippi there had been only two payments in the course
of a considerable number of years. In the Texas school for the year 1909
we find the sum of $1,546 collected as a "reasonable amount" for
board,--an unusual item in the receipts of a school.

[523] Wherever a formal regulation is stated, we are advised that the
schools are "free to the indigent", "free if parents are unable to pay",
"free under certain circumstances", etc. In a few states, "certificates
of inability" have been demanded.

[524] In Maine, for instance, the law states that the school is free,
"provided, however, that nothing herein contained shall be held to
prevent the voluntary payment of the whole or part of such sum by the
parent or the guardian".

[525] Some states, notably Washington, Minnesota, Mississippi, South
Carolina, Arkansas, Utah, Nebraska, and Oklahoma allow funds to pay the
transportation of students who enter the college at Washington, and in
some cases an even further allowance is made. In Minnesota and Nebraska,
for instance, the amount is $300 a year. See _Annals_, lvi., 1911, p.
180.

[526] Even where the age period is fixed by law, it is not always
rigidly adhered to, and considerable elasticity may be allowed. Of the
Michigan school we are told that the state "wisely allows the board of
trustees the privilege of admitting those [pupils] who are older or
younger, if they see fit". Report, 1908, p. 32. For discussion of the
age period, see Report of New York Institution for Improved Instruction,
1870, p. 28; Ohio School, 1872, p. 17; Clarke School, 1888, p. 8;
American School, 1893, p. 32; Michigan School, 1894, p. 22; New Jersey
School, 1898, p. 20; Pennsylvania Institution, 1901, p. 35; Proceedings
of Convention of American Instructors, xviii., 1908, p. 156;
_Association Review_, v., 1903, p. 380.

[527] The formal age period is from 6 to 21 in Colorado, Florida, Idaho,
Maryland, Montana, Oklahoma, South Dakota, and Washington; from 7 to 21
in Kansas, Michigan, Nebraska and New Mexico; 7 to 25 in Georgia and
North Dakota; 7 to 20 in Wisconsin; 8 to 20 in Minnesota; 8 to 21 in
Indiana; 8 to 25 in West Virginia; 8 to 26 in California; 5 to 21 in
Iowa and Maine; 5 to 20 in Vermont; and in North Carolina at one school
6 to 21, and at the other 8 to 23. In Alabama pupils between the ages of
7 and 21 may remain 10 years, with an extension of 4, but none beyond
25. In Arkansas the limits are 6 and 21, and the time of residence may
be extended to 13 years. In Texas they are 7 and 20, with a residence of
12 years permitted. In Missouri they are 8 and 21, with a residence of
12 years. In Kentucky and Virginia they are the same, with a residence
of 10 years. In Rhode Island they are 3 and 20, with a stay of 10 years,
which may be extended. In New Jersey the limits are 8 and 21, and a
pupil is entitled to a stay of 8 years, which may be extended 3, and 3
more in addition. In Louisiana the limits are 8 and 22, pupils under 14
being allowed to stay 10 years; between 14 and 17, 8; and over 17,
5--with an extension in each case of 4 years. In Delaware a pupil may
stay 5 years, with a further extension of 5. In Ohio the lower limit is
7, and none may remain more than 13 years. In New York pupils may enter
at 5, but after 12, the period is 5 years, with an extension of 3, and a
further one of 3. In Wyoming pupils may enter at 6; and in Connecticut
at 6, with a residence of 12 years and an extension of 6. In
Massachusetts a residence of 10 years is permitted, which may be
extended, but here the Clarke School has no fixed time, and the Horace
Mann takes pupils over 5. In Pennsylvania, though the statute seems to
have provided from 10 to 20 years as the period, there are no strict
limits, the Pennsylvania Institution receiving from 5 to 21, the Western
Pennsylvania from 6 to 20, and the Pennsylvania Oral none under 6,
except in special circumstances. In Utah there seems to be only an upper
limit of 30.

[528] It sometimes happens that there are found a small number of deaf
persons who are beyond the age allowed, but who are in need of a certain
amount of schooling. Their condition is said to be "due to their
environments, to merciless and exacting parents, to sickness, and to
other causes." Report of Iowa School, 1812, p. 13. See also Report,
1910, p. 8. Under special arrangements, some of these might be benefited
no little by a few years of instruction. In Iowa such persons may now be
received up to the age of thirty-five, if the State Board of Control
consents.

[529] We have already noticed that in the first schools an early age was
not insisted upon, some pupils entering at 10 or 12, while their
attendance was also of short duration. The period was often from 9 to
30. The latter age has been allowed in some states till recent years, as
in Texas, Arkansas and Missouri. It may be stated here that the law as
to residence applies usually only at the time of entrance, and the
removal of the parent may not always effect a change. For a case in
point, see 4 R. I., p. 587.

CHAPTER XVIII

ATTENDANCE IN SCHOOLS

THE PROPORTION OF THE DEAF IN THE SCHOOLS

The question now arises as to whether the deaf generally attend these
schools provided for them. This inquiry really resolves itself into two
parts: how far the deaf have at some time and for a longer or shorter
period had recourse to the schools; and how far they may be found to be
in attendance at a given time. The one has relation rather to how widely
the schools are extending their educational opportunities, and the other
to how effectively they are accomplishing their ends.

As to the first consideration, the schools are found to reach most of
the deaf children with the privileges of an education to a greater or
less extent. From the returns of the census[530] we find that nearly
four-fifths (78.4 per cent) of the deaf have attended school, over
three-fourths (77.5 per cent) of these having attended the special
schools. The proportion would be greater still but for the number of the
deaf too young to enter school. The proportion of the deaf of school
age who have attended school may likewise be estimated by comparing the
total number of approximate school age with the number who were reported
to have been in attendance. There were, according to the census, 13,905
deaf children from five to twenty years of age. Of these, 10,640, or
76.5 per cent, were reported to have attended school.[531] In 1912-1913
the total number in attendance was 14,474, which probably means a higher
proportion. On the whole, then, it would seem that, in respect to the
number of deaf children actually reached at one time or another, the
schools make a really commendable showing, and one that is becoming
better from year to year.

The second matter, however, cannot be disposed of nearly so
satisfactorily. It is difficult to determine with any approach to
exactness the respective proportions of the deaf in the several states
of school age who are out of school. The census does not give us
definite information on this point; and though the school authorities
themselves are usually aware of conditions in their respective states,
they seldom have the means of fully ascertaining. But we may learn
something of the general situation. In the reports of some of the
schools complaint is not infrequently made as to the number of deaf
children out of school who should be in, and in a portion the number is
said to be large.[532] The proportions, furthermore, found in attendance
in the different states in comparison with their total population, or
with their total deaf population under twenty years of age, indicate
that the attendance in some states is far greater than in others, which
means that in the latter a relatively smaller part are in school.[533]
It would appear, then, that the number of the deaf out of school who
are of school age is probably not negligible in any of the states, and
that in some it is very considerable.[534]

The fact that the schools do not have their full quota of pupils is not
all due to the refusal of deaf children to avail themselves of the
opportunity for a schooling. It is in good part owing also to the
failure of some of the pupils who attend to remain a sufficient length
of time. In the preceding chapter we have seen what are the limits of
attendance prescribed in the schools; but as a matter of fact a large
proportion of the pupils do not remain the full period allotted, and in
some of the schools an appreciable number do not remain the better or a
substantial part of the term.[535] As in all schools, there is in the
passing of the pupils from the years of childhood an increasing tendency
to leave, and with the deaf this applies with no less force;[536] so
that on no small portion of the pupils the work of the schools is not
permitted to have full effect.

THE NEED OF COMPULSORY EDUCATION LAWS FOR THE DEAF

It is thus quite evident, however large the true proportion of the deaf
who attend the school may be, and whatever the proportion remaining a
satisfactory period may be, that in practically every state there are a
certain number of deaf children not in the schools who should be there,
and that the offer of the state to provide an education for all its deaf
children is not availed of as it should be.[537] For the existence of
this condition of affairs the schools are not to be held responsible.
They are usually doing all they can to get the children in, and all the
deaf if they will may receive an education. The cause lies further back:
most often in the ignorance or short-sightedness of the parent.

For it all there is but one remedy--the enactment of a strong compulsory
education law and its uncompromising enforcement. No matter how
strenuous and diligent may be the efforts to reach the children,[538] it
is only when such a law is on the statute books that the state's really
effective weapon is at hand to secure attendance.[539]

However urgent are the needs of compulsory education laws for children
generally, there are special reasons for them with the deaf. The deaf
stand in particular need of an education, and without it their condition
is peculiarly helpless and pitiable. Compelling reason is also found in
the fact that, besides the ordinary schooling, industrial training is
likewise afforded to the deaf, which is hardly possible elsewhere, and
which may mean no little towards success in after life. Even though it
sometimes seems hard to take a deaf child from his home, and separate
him from his parents for a number of months at a time, especially if the
child is in his tender years, the greater necessity of the law is but
indicated if such children are to be kept from growing up in ignorance.
The hardship in separation is rather apparent only and is temporary,
while the gains are not to be measured.

Not only should the deaf child be required to attend school, but for
reasons equally strong it should be seen that he remains at school a
sufficient number of years, and a sufficient length of time each year.
It is a difficult matter as it is to secure full attendance, but too
often also the temptation is at hand for pupils to leave early to take
up work on their own account, or because the school routine seems
irksome; and too often is a pupil called away to help on the farm or in
the shop by what is sometimes hardly less than the greed of the parent,
or by what is sometimes miscalled his poverty. The state should allow
nothing at all to stand in the way of the child's best interests.

PRESENT EXTENT OF COMPULSORY EDUCATION LAWS

How important are compulsory education laws for the deaf is being
generally seen, and the demand has become practically unanimous for
their enactment, the feeling not being confined to educators of the deaf
but shared in by others interested in them.[540] Such laws have begun to
find their way upon the statute books, and are now being increasingly
enacted. Already practically half of the states have them, nearly all of
which were enacted since 1900. In other states the matter is also being
agitated, with the likelihood that provisions will be extended to them
in time. States with such laws now number at least twenty-three:
California, Colorado, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Maryland,
Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, New Mexico, North
Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, South
Dakota, Utah, Washington, and Wisconsin.[541]

With respect to the provisions of these statutes, we find that in some
cases the general compulsory education law applies with its
age-periods, fines, etc., while in others there are special enactments
for the deaf. In most states an exception is made if there is
instruction at home, or with equal facilities, and at the same time and
in the same branches. In certain ones truancy officers are expressly
designated to enforce the law.[542] Fines for violation are placed at
sums varying from $5 to $200.[543] The period of attendance required may
be the school year, but more often a part, as five, six or eight
months;[544] and the term for which attendance is required is either a
designated number of years, as five or eight, or a period between
certain age limits, as from eight to sixteen or from seven to eighteen,
etc.[545]

FOOTNOTES:

[530] Special Reports, 1906, pp. 145, 146, 242. Of the colored deaf less
than one-half--1,169 out of 2,836--had been to school.

[531] In 1890 the proportion of deaf children between five and twenty
years found to be in school was only 40 per cent, to be accounted for in
part by the fact that only those children actually in school at the time
that the census was taken were included. Census Reports, 1890. Report on
Insane, Feeble-minded, Deaf and Dumb and Blind, 1895, p. 102.

[532] In the case of the Alabama School it is said that "there are many
deaf children of school age in the state not in school". Report, 1900,
p. 24. In the case of the Kentucky School it is stated that "there are
still 200 [children] of school age in the state who have not received
the benefit of the school". Report, 1903, p. 13. See also Report, 1887,
p. 98. In Tennessee it is stated that there are "doubtless quite a
number of deaf children of whom we have no knowledge in certain
counties". Report of Tennessee School, 1910, p. 11. In Texas there are
said to be "300 deaf children in the state within scholastic age who are
not in school", this proportion possibly being 50 per cent. Report of
Texas School, 1912, pp. 5, 12. See also Report of Board of Charities of
New York, 1910, i., p. 151; Arkansas School, 1890, p. 44; Western
Pennsylvania Institution, 1888, p. 19; 1908, p. 19; Maryland School,
1893, p. 8.

[533] It has been found that, by comparing the number of the deaf in
school in the several states with the total population of 1910, the best
record is 26.0 per 100,000 of population, which belongs to Wisconsin;
and if this ratio be accepted as an approximate standard, the average
proportion for all the United States is only one-half, with a ratio of
13.6 per 100,000, while in a few of the states it is only one-third, the
lowest ratio being 6.1 per 100,000. If all the states had as high a
ratio as 26, the number in attendance would be 23,913. The finding of
these results is due to Mr. F. W. Booth, _Volta Review_, xii., 1911, p.
786. If we compare the number of the deaf reported by the census under
twenty years of age with the number found at school. In 1912-1913, the
lowest proportion is seen to be 45 per cent, though only half a dozen
states have proportions under 60.

[534] The proportion of children generally out of school is found by the
Russell Sage Foundation to average 21.8 per cent in all the states,
ranging from 7.3 to 44.7 per cent. Comparative Study of Public School
Systems in 48 States, 1912.

[535] In respect to the ages most common in the schools for the deaf, it
has been found by Dr. Harris Taylor, of the New York Institution for
Improved Instruction, that of 2,634 pupils in 38 schools for whom
returns were made, 19.8 per cent were seven years of age; 17.3 per cent,
eight; 10.9 per cent, six; 10.2 per cent, nine; and 9.6 per cent, ten.
Only 1.4 per cent were over nineteen. _Volta Review_, xiv., 1912, p.
177.

[536] See Report of Western New York Institution, 1888, p. 28; Kentucky
School, 1889, p. 14. In the regular schools 85 per cent of the pupils
are said to drop out between the twelfth and fifteenth years. F. M.
Leavitt, "Examples of Industrial Education", 1912, p. 54. See also
Report on Condition of Women and Children Wage Earners in the United
States, 1910, vol. 7.

[537] In some cases it happens that the school is already crowded, but
the need is no less, and it should be the business of the state to
provide sufficient accommodations for all those who seek an education.

[538] Great credit is often due to the schools for their efforts to get
all the children in. Of the Kentucky School it is said that "there
remain but few deaf children whom we have not seen personally". Report,
1907, p. 14.

[539] We do not have sufficient data to enable us to make comparison
between the attendance in states with a compulsory education law and
those without it, though the former have in general apparently the
better record. In Michigan it is stated that the compulsory education
law has brought in many who otherwise would not have come. Report, 1908,
p. 14.

[540] See Proceedings of National Conference of Charities and
Corrections, 1907, p. 498; Report of Commissioner of Charities and
Corrections of Oklahoma, 1912, p. 430; Proceedings of Convention of
American Instructors, vii., 1870, p. 137; x., 1882, p. 164; xi., 1886,
p. 34; Conference of Principals, ii., 1872, p. 178; National Association
of the Deaf, iii., 1889, p. 52; _Annals_, xv., 1870, p. 216; xliv.,
1899, p. 152; liv., 1909, p. 356; lviii., 1913, p. 347; _Association
Review_, v., 1903, p. 181; Report of Clarke School, 1888, pp. 8, 19;
North Carolina School (Raleigh) 1896, p. 6; Illinois School, 1898, p.
13; Colorado School, 1898, p. 18; Indiana School, 1900, p. 20; Oregon
School, 1901, p. 9; Nebraska School, 1912, p. 9; and current reports of
schools generally.

[541] In a certain number of states, moreover, as Connecticut and West
Virginia, town and county authorities are required to make report of the
deaf at fixed times, and this may sometimes have the effect of a regular
law. In addition, in some states with the full law, as Wisconsin,
Michigan and North Carolina, it is the duty of certain county officials,
as superintendents of education, assessors, etc., to send in the names
of possible pupils to the schools. In North Carolina many county
superintendents of education are said to take an interest in thus
getting the children in. Report of North Carolina School, 1908, p. 10;
1910, p. 9. By the secretary of the state board of charities of
California, however, we are advised that the state does not compel a
parent to send his deaf or blind child to an institution.

[542] As in Kansas, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Ohio, and
Oregon.

[543] The fines in some of the states are as follows: $5 in Maryland,
$5-$20 in Minnesota, $5-$25 in Montana and Oregon, $20 in Rhode Island,
$25 in Iowa, $5-$50 in Wisconsin, $100 in Kansas, and $50-$200 in
Washington. In Utah the offense is a misdemeanor.

[544] Kansas requires 5 months, Oklahoma, Oregon and Montana 6, and
Maryland, North Dakota and Wisconsin 8.

[545] The number in Montana is 8, and in California 5. The limits in
Wisconsin are 6 and 16, in North Carolina 7 and 17, in Indiana and
Maryland 8 and 16, in North Dakota 7 and 20, in Kansas and Oklahoma 7
and 21, in Michigan, Nebraska and Rhode Island 7 and 18, in Montana,
Ohio, Oregon and Utah 8 and 18, in Minnesota 8 and 20, and in Iowa 12
and 19. In Minnesota it is suggested that the law apply to those over 20
as well. Report of Board of Control, 1908, p. 356; Report of Minnesota
School, 1909, p. 23.

CHAPTER XIX

METHODS OF INSTRUCTION IN SCHOOLS

THE USE OF SIGNS AS A MEANS OF COMMUNICATION

Deaf children cannot be educated as other children, and in the schools
there have to be employed special means of instruction. In the present
chapter it is our purpose to consider these methods only as they
represent, in a complete study of the provision of the state for the
education of the deaf, the means which have been found necessary to
employ to attain this end.

From the beginning of organized instruction of the deaf in America a
system of signs has been in use to a wide extent. At the time when the
methods of instruction of the deaf were introduced into the first
schools, the "sign language" was brought in as an essential part from
France, where it had largely been formulated. Modified somewhat and
considerably enlarged--and in conjunction with the manual alphabet, of
Spanish origin--the system has taken its place as a recognized means of
education and communication in the great number of the schools. The deaf
themselves after passing from the doors of the schools have employed
the sign language mainly in their intercourse with one another, and with
most of them meetings and social affairs are conducted virtually
entirely in this manner. Thus the sign language has for long been one of
the vehicles--usually the chief vehicle--of communication among the deaf
and their instructors.

With the sign language for practical use goes the manual alphabet, or
"finger-spelling," by which the several letters of the alphabet are
represented on the hand, the two together really constituting the
language.[546] The order of signs itself forms to an extent a universal
language. It consists of gestures, bodily movements, mimic actions,
pantomime, postures--and to carry a close shade of meaning, even the
shrugging of shoulders, the raising of eyebrows and the expression of
the face--all appealing graphically to the accustomed eye. The signs of
which it is made up are partly natural, and partly arbitrary or
conventional; and the whole system as now practiced has been codified,
as it were, for experienced users. By the deaf it can be employed
rapidly and with ease, and is readily and clearly understood. Many of
them become such masters of this silent tongue that it may be used with
grace, warmth and expressiveness.[547]

RISE AND GROWTH OF THE ORAL MOVEMENT

This system of signs, however, has not been looked upon with favor by
all parties. The "sign language" is said to be a foreign language, known
and understood by only a very small part of the population, standing as
a great barrier to the acquisition of language used by people generally,
and tending to make the deaf of a class apart or "clannish." In its
place in the schools would be substituted what is known as the "oral
method," and speech and lip-reading would be used as the means of
instruction. It has been sought thus to give all the schools over to the
oral method, and summarily to drive out the sign language.[548]

Though the system of signs has been used in America as the prevailing
method from the beginning, it cannot be said that speech-teaching had
not been employed at all in the early days. Several schools had started
out as oral schools,[549] and in others speech had been employed to a
greater or less extent.[550] But in none of the schools had the oral
method been retained to the exclusion of all others.

In time, however, attempts were made to secure the adoption of a pure
oral system. Attention was called especially to Germany, which had long
been known as the home of this method, and it was sought to introduce
it into America.[551] In 1843 Horace Mann and Dr. Samuel G. Howe visited
that country, and on their return reported in favor of the oral method,
though no change was then brought about.[552]

A few years later the matter was further agitated, and in 1864 an effort
was made to have an oral school incorporated in Massachusetts, but
without success. A small oral school was then started at Chelmesford in
1866, which after a short time was removed to Northampton, having been
very liberally endowed, and becoming known as the Clarke School. In 1867
the legislature decided to incorporate this, and to allow some of the
state pupils to be sent to it.

In the meantime--in fact, seven months prior to the actual establishment
of the Clarke School--a school which had resulted from a private class
had been started in New York City, known as the New York Institution for
the Improved Instruction of Deaf-Mutes. This was under a former Austrian
teacher, and its stated purpose was to use the oral method as in
Germany. Two years later the school board of Boston, having made a
canvass of the deaf children of the city, resolved to establish a day
school, which was to be a pure oral one, and which not long after was
called the Horace Mann School. These three schools were thus the
pioneers in the present oral movement.[553]

The oral method has gained ground steadily since these times. It is now
used exclusively in twelve of the institutions, while it has always
remained the prevailing method in the day schools.[554] A great
extension is also found in the institutions employing what is called the
"combined system," and in them more and more attention is given to the
teaching of speech.

The growth in the number of speech-taught pupils may be indicated in the
following table, showing the number and percentage of those taught
speech in different years from 1884, the year we first have record; of
those taught wholly or chiefly by the oral method since 1892; and also
of those taught wholly or chiefly by the auricular method since
1893.[555]

NUMBER OF THE DEAF TAUGHT SPEECH, NUMBER TAUGHT WHOLLY OR CHIEFLY BY
ORAL METHOD, AND NUMBER TAUGHT WHOLLY OR CHIEFLY BY AURICULAR METHOD, IN
DIFFERENT YEARS

------+--------+--------+------+---------+------+------------+------
| | | | NUMBER | | NUMBER |
| TOTAL | | | TAUGHT | | TAUGHT |
| NUMBER | NUMBER | | WHOLLY | | WHOLLY |
YEAR | OF | TAUGHT | PER | OR | PER | OR | PER
| PUPILS | SPEECH | CENT | CHIEFLY | CENT | CHIEFLY BY | CENT
| | | | BY ORAL | | AURICULAR |
| | | | METHOD | | METHOD |
------+--------+--------+------+---------+------+------------+------
1884 | 7,482 | 2,041 | 27.2 | | | |
1890 | 8,901 | 3,682 | 41.3 | | | |
1892 | 7,940 | 3,924 | 49.4 | 1,581 | 19.9 | |
1893 | 8,304 | 4,485 | 54.0 | 2,056 | 24.7 | 80 | 0.9
1895 | 9,252 | 5,084 | 54.9 | 2,570 | 27.7 | 149 | 1.6
1900 | 10,608 | 6,887 | 63.0 | 4,538 | 42.8 | 108 | 1.0
1905 | 11,344 | 7,700 | 67.8 | 5,733 | 50.5 | 149 | 1.3
1910 | 12,332 | 8,868 | 71.9 | 7,562 | 61.3 | 134 | 1.1
1913 | 13,459 | 10,138 | 75.3 | 8,791 | 65.3 | 135 | 1.1

It thus appears that in a little over a quarter of a century the
proportion of pupils in the schools taught speech has nearly trebled;
and that in a score of years the proportion taught chiefly or wholly by
the oral method has more than trebled. The proportion of the pupils
taught wholly or chiefly by the auricular method never rises above two
per cent.

It should be stated, however, that these figures are not to be taken as
meaning that all the pupils thus enumerated have become proficient in
the employment of speech, or have become able to speak clearly and
intelligibly, and well enough for general practical use. It would be
nearest the truth to say that they are "taught articulation," or that
they are instructed by the use of speech and speech-reading. Oftentimes
the greatest success lies in the preservation in fair shape of the
speech of those who have once had it. The speech acquired by the deaf is
of varying degrees, as we have seen; but in some it may be such as to be
of distinct service, as well as the lip-reading which may be said to go
with it.[556]

PRESENT METHODS OF INSTRUCTION

The methods of instruction at present employed in American schools for
the deaf are known as the manual, the manual alphabet, the oral, the
auricular and the combined. They are thus described in the
_Annals_:[557]

I. THE MANUAL METHOD.--Signs, the manual alphabet, and writing are
the chief means used in the instruction of the pupils, and the
principal objects aimed at are mental development and facility in
the comprehension and use of written language. The degree of
relative importance given to these three means varies in different
schools; but it is a difference only in degree, and the end aimed at
is the same in all.

II. THE MANUAL ALPHABET METHOD.--The manual alphabet and writing are
the chief means used in the instruction of the pupils, and the
principal objects aimed at are mental development and facility in
the comprehension and use of written language. Speech and
speech-reading are taught to all of the pupils in the school (the
Western New York Institution) recorded as following this method.

III. THE ORAL METHOD.--Speech and speech-reading, together with
writing, are made the chief means of instruction, and facility in
speech and speech-reading, as well as mental development and written
language, is aimed at. There is a difference in the different
schools in the extent to which the use of natural signs is allowed
in the early part of the course, and also in the prominence given to
writing as an auxiliary to speech and speech-reading in the course
of instruction; but they are differences only in degree, and the end
aimed at is the same in all.

IV. THE AURICULAR METHOD.--The hearing of semi-deaf pupils is
utilized and developed to the greatest possible extent, and with or
without the aid of artificial appliances, their education is carried
on chiefly through the use of speech and hearing, together with
writing. The aim of the method is to graduate its pupils as
hard-of-hearing speaking people, instead of deaf-mutes.

V. THE COMBINED SYSTEM.--Speech and speech-reading are regarded as
very important, but mental development and the acquisition of
language are regarded as still more important. It is believed that
in many cases mental development and the acquisition of language can
best be promoted by the Manual or Manual Alphabet Method, and so far
as circumstances permit, such method is chosen for each pupil as
seems best adapted for his individual case. Speech and
speech-reading are taught where the measure of success seems likely
to justify the labor expended, and in most of the schools some of
the pupils are taught wholly or chiefly by the Oral Method or the
Auricular Method.[558]

Of these methods the oral and the combined are practically the only ones
found. The auricular is employed only in connection with certain pupils
in some of the schools; while the manual method is found in but two
schools, and the manual alphabet in but one. In the institutions the
combined is by far the preponderating system, being employed in all but
fifteen of the sixty-five; while the oral is employed in twelve. On the
other hand, the oral method is used in the day schools almost
altogether, there being but two of the sixty-five schools employing the
combined system. In the twenty-one denominational and private schools
the oral method predominates, fifteen employing the oral or the oral and
auricular, and six the combined. In such schools, the denominational
more often employ the combined method, while the strictly private are
oral.

In respect to the number of pupils in the schools using the two chief
methods, we find that 83.7 per cent of those in institutions are in
institutions employing the combined system, and 13.9 per cent in oral
institutions; that of those in day schools 96.1 per cent are in oral
schools, and 3.9 per cent in combined; and that of those in
denominational and private schools, 54.8 per cent are in combined
schools, and 45.2 per cent in oral. Of all the pupils in the schools,
72.4 per cent are in schools employing the combined system of
instruction, and 25.6 per cent in schools employing the oral. The
percentage taught by the manual or manual alphabet method is 2.0. The
percentage given auricular instruction is 1.1.

COURSES OF STUDY AND GRADATIONS OF PUPILS

Schools for the deaf have courses of study corresponding in general with
those in regular schools, although special emphasis and drill have to be
put upon language--something the congenitally deaf child in particular
finds exceedingly difficult to use properly. Pupils capable of taking
the full course are carried through the kindergarten, primary,
intermediate, grammar and high school grades; and on the completion of
the prescribed course may receive diplomas, while in some cases a
certificate may be granted for a certain period of attendance. Not a
large proportion of the pupils, however, really graduate.[559]

In all the schools for the deaf in the United States in the year
1912-1913 there were 14,474 pupils. Of these, 11,894, or 82.2 per cent,
were in institutions; 1,942, or 13.4 per cent, in day schools; and 638,
or 4.4 per cent, in denominational and private schools.[560] The
instructors employed in all the schools (not including teachers of
industries, but including superintendents or principals) number 1,419,
or one instructor for every 9.5 pupils: in the institutions, 1,090, or
one to 10; in the day schools, 223, or one to 7.9; and in the
denominational and private, 92, or one to 5.7.[561] The total number of
pupils who have received instruction from the beginning is 72,453, of
whom 89.0 per cent have been in institutions, 7.7 per cent in day
schools, and 3.3 per cent in denominational and private schools.

The following table, based on the figures given in the Report of the
United States Commissioner of Education will show the number of pupils
in the different grades and classes in the schools for the year
1911-1912.[562]

GRADES OF PUPILS IN THE SCHOOLS

--------------+------------+---------------+-------------+-------------
| | CLASSES | CLASSES | CLASSES
| | CORRESPONDING |CORRESPONDING|CORRESPONDING
KIND OF SCHOOL|KINDERGARTEN|TO GRADES 1 TO | TO GRADES 5 | TO HIGH
|DEPARTMENTS |4 IN ELEMENTARY| TO 8 | SCHOOL
| | SCHOOLS | | GRADES
--------------+------------+---------------+-------------+-------------
Institutions | 1,063 | 5,040 | 3,365 | 1,069
Day Schools | 134 | 1,195 | 559 | 38
Denominational| | | |
and Private | | | |
Schools | 63 | 244 | 163 | 16
+------------+---------------+-------------+-------------
Total | 1,260 | 6,479 | 4,087 | 1,123

For 1912 there were reported 133 graduates from the schools: 130 from
institutions, 2 from day schools, and 1 from denominational or private
schools.[563]

INDUSTRIAL TRAINING IN THE SCHOOLS

The industrial training given in the American schools for the deaf forms
a very important feature of the work--in many respects it may be said to
be the most important. In many of the schools industrial instruction was
recognized almost from the very start, and in a number it commenced
practically with the beginning of the work of education.[564] It is now
provided in all the institutions, in nearly all the day schools, and in
over half of the denominational and private schools. Many of the
institutions have large, well-equipped shop and trade departments, with
skilled and capable instructors. Nearly every pupil at a suitable age is
put at some industry, and encouragement and special opportunity are
often given to those who show a particular bent or aptitude. The value
of this industrial preparation of the schools in the after lives of the
deaf has already been referred to.[565]

The following table will show the number and percentage of the pupils in
the several kinds of schools in industrial departments, according to
the Report of the United States Commissioner of Education for
1911-1912.[566]

NUMBER OF PUPILS IN INDUSTRIAL DEPARTMENTS IN SCHOOLS FOR THE DEAF

-----------------------------------+--------+-----------+----------
| TOTAL |NUMBER IN |
KIND OF SCHOOL | NUMBER |INDUSTRIAL | PER CENT
| |DEPARTMENTS|
-----------------------------------+--------+-----------+----------
Institutions | 11,244 | 6,203 | 55.2
Day Schools | 1,928 | 662 | 34.3
Denominational and Private Schools | 518 | 196 | 37.8
+--------+-----------+----------
Total | 13,690 | 7,061 | 51.8

In all the schools there are 403 industrial instructors, 373 being in
institutions.[567]

The industries taught in the schools, as given in the _Annals_,[568] are
as follows:

Art, baking, barbering, basket-making, blacksmithing, bookbinding,
bookkeeping, bricklaying, broom-making, building trades,
cabinet-making, calcimining, carpentry, chalk-engraving, cementing,
chair-making, china-painting, construction work, cooking,
clay-modeling, coopery, dairying, domestic science, drawing,
dress-making, electricity, embroidery, engineering, fancy work,
farming, floriculture, gardening, glazing, harness-making, house
decoration, half-tone engraving, housework, horticulture, ironing,
knife work, knitting, lace-making, laundering, leather work, manual
training, mattress-making, millinery, needlework, nursing, painting,
paper-hanging, photography, plastering, plate-engraving, plumbing,
pottery, poultry-farming, printing, pyrography, raffia, rug-weaving,
sewing, shoemaking, shop work, sign-painting, sloyd, stone-laying,
stencil work, tailoring, tin-work, tray work, typewriting, Venetian
iron-work, weaving, wood-carving, wood-engraving, wood-turning,
wood-working, working in iron, and the use of tools.

The number and kinds of particular industries taught in the different
schools vary not a little. In a few as many as a score are offered,
while in others only three or four are given. The average seems to be
about six or eight. The most usual industries afforded are art,
cabinet-making, carpentry, cooking, domestic science, drawing,
dress-making, farming, gardening, laundering, painting, printing,
sewing, shoemaking, sign-painting, tailoring, wood-working, and the use
of tools. The most common of all are carpentry, sewing, printing,
farming, shoemaking, and painting. In most of the institutions papers
are printed to afford practical instruction in printing, as well as to
give local news of interest. These papers are published weekly,
bi-weekly or monthly. A number of the schools, especially those in
agricultural states, also have small experimental farms in connection
with their industrial work, and dairy farming and truck gardening are
often given particular attention.[569]

FOOTNOTES:

[546] In America the one-hand alphabet is used practically altogether,
which is also the case with most of the countries of Europe. In England
the double-hand is employed mainly. Finger-spelling, as well as
sign-making, is very old with the human race. The Egyptians, Greeks and
Romans are said to have made use of a system of finger notation. In the
Middle Ages monks in their enforced silence often resorted to a finger
alphabet. Dalgarno, one of the early English writers on the deaf, had an
alphabet in which the letters were represented by parts of the hand. See
J. C. Gordon, "Practical Hints to Parents concerning the Preliminary
Training of Young Deaf Children", 1886, p. 34ff.; W. R. Cullingworth, "A
Brief Review of the Manual Alphabet for the Deaf", 1902.

[547] For a description of the sign language, see J. S. Long, "The Sign
Language: a Manual of Signs", 1910. See also _American Journal of
Science_, viii., 1824, p. 348; _Annals_, i., 1847, pp. 55, 79; v., 1852,
pp. 83, 149; vii., 1855, p. 197; xvi., 1871, p. 221; xviii., 1873, p. 1;
xxxii., 1887, p. 141; lvii., 1911, p. 46; Proceedings of American
Instructors, ii., 1851, p. 193; iv., 1857, p. 133; vii., 1870, p. 133;
xii., 1890, pp. 100, 171; Report of New York Institution, 1838, p. 14;
1840, p. 17; American School, 1856, p. 18; California School, 1875, p.
24. See also "The Deaf: by their Fruits," by the New York Institution,
1912.

[548] Against the arguments to abolish the sign language, it is claimed
that signs are free, and are as natural to the deaf as spoken words to
the hearing; that with certain of the deaf, especially the congenitally
deaf, they are all but indispensable; that they cause mental stimulation
as cannot otherwise be done; that the acquisition of speech requires a
great amount of time, which is often needed for other things; that the
voices of many of the deaf are disagreeable and attract notice; that
communication readily and with pleasure among the deaf by speech and
speech-reading cannot be accomplished to any wide extent; that only with
the gifted few, and not with the general body of the deaf, can such
proficiency in the use of speech and speech-reading be attained as to
cause them to be "restored to society", in that they can with ease and
with any considerable degree of satisfaction carry on intercourse with
the hearing; and that, finally, the great majority of the deaf
vigorously demand the retention of the sign language.

[549] The New York Institution, by a resolution adopted at the first
meeting of its board of directors in 1818, decided for the employment of
articulation teaching, which policy was continued for some ten years.
Report, 1908, p. 30; E. H. Currier, "History of Articulation Teaching in
the New York Institution", 1894 (Proceedings of American Association to
Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf, iv., sec. 12); _American
Journal of Education_, iii., 1828, p. 397.

[550] In addition, there have always been sporadic instances of private
instruction in speech, as by one's family or friends.

[551] It is also claimed that it was by accident that the sign method
came into vogue in America, Gallaudet in his trip to Europe having found
the London and Edinburgh schools closed to him, and having for this
reason been compelled to turn to France, where the sign method was in
use.

[552] It is interesting to note that after Mann and Howe had made their
report, the American School at Hartford and the New York Institution
sent special representatives to Europe to investigate, these advising
little change on the whole. See Report of American School, 1845, p. 25;
New York Institution, 1844, p. 62; 1851, p. 83.

[553] See "Life and Works of Horace Mann", 1891, iii., p. 245; "Life and
Journals of Samuel G. Howe", 1909, p. 169; Report of Board of Charities
of Massachusetts, 1867, p. lxxii.; 1868, p. lx.; Report of Special Joint
Committee of the Legislature on Education of Deaf-Mutes, Massachusetts,
1867; _North American Review_, lix., 1844, p. 329; civ., 1867, p. 528;
American Review, iii., 1846, p. 497; _Common School Journal_ (Boston),
vi., 1844, p. 65; Nation, iv., 1867, pp. 249, 339; Report of New York
Institution for Improved Instruction, 1868, p. 5; 1870, p. 10; American
School, 1849, p. 33; 1866, p. 18; 1867, p. 29; 1868, p. 16; Clarke
School, 1875, p. 5; Addresses at 25th Anniversary of Clarke School,
1892; Report of Committee of School for Deaf-Mutes (Horace Mann), 1873,
p. 3; 1891, p. 8; _Annals_, xxi., 1876, p. 178; _Lend a Hand_, xiii.,
1894, p. 346; _International Review_, xi., 1881, p. 503; G. G. Hubbard,
"Education of Deaf Mutes", 1867, and "Rise of Oral Method" (in collected
writings, 1898); A. G. Bell, "The Mystic Oral School: Argument in its
Favor", 1897, and "Fallacies concerning the Deaf", 1883; Boston Parents'
Education Association, "Offering in behalf of the Deaf", 1903; Fred
Deland, "Dumb No Longer: the Romance of the Telephone", 1903;
_Educational Review_, xii., 1896, p. 236; _Century Magazine_, xxxi.,
1897, p. 331; _American Educational Review_, xxxi., 1910, pp. 219, 281,
415; Proceedings of American Association to Promote the Teaching of
Speech to the Deaf, i., 1891, p. 89; _Volta Review_, xiv., 1912, p. 579
(Proceedings of same); Evidence before Royal Commission on the Deaf,
etc., 1892, i., p. 6; ii., p. 3; iii., p. 208.

[554] In many of the day school laws the use of the oral method is
required, which is also partly the case in several state institutions.

[555] These statistics are taken from the Special Reports of the Census
Office, 1906, p. 86, and the January issues of the _Annals_. See also
_Volta Review_, xv., 1913, p. 90; Proceedings of American Association to
Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf (Condition of Articulation
Teaching in American Institutions), ii., 1892; Report of Committee of
Horace Mann School, Massachusetts, 1891, p. 8ff.; 1895 (Proceedings of
25th Anniversary).

[556] The greatest usefulness of this speech is often found in one's own
family circle, or with immediate friends.

[557] Jan., 1914, lix., p. 41.

[558] The choice of methods for pupils may often depend on their
classification, as noted before, into deaf-mutes, that is, those who
have never been able to hear; semi-mutes, those who have been able to
hear and speak, and retain their speech to some extent; and semi-deaf,
those able to hear a little.

[559] For accounts of possible correspondence or extension courses for
the deaf outside the schools, see Report of California Institution,
1904, p. 18.

[560] From _Annals_, Jan., 1914, (lix., p. 23). For a few schools the
figures refer to the number present on November 10, 1913. The total
number on this date was 13,450. The _Volta Review_ for May, 1913 (xv.,
p. 99), gives the total number present on March 1, 1913, as 13,143. The
Report of the United States Commissioner of Education gives the number
for 1911-1912 as 13,690: in institutions, 11,244; in day schools, 1,928,
and in denominational and private schools, 518. The total number of
volumes in the libraries of the institutions was reported to be 132,461.
For tables respecting the schools, see Appendix B.

[561] Normal departments for the training of hearing teachers of the
deaf are maintained at Gallaudet College and the Clarke School, the
latter having a special fund, largely contributed by the American
Association to Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf. Several of
the institutions also have training classes, and there are normal
departments in connection with the Chicago and Milwaukee day schools. On
the subject of pensions for teachers of the deaf, see _Annals_, xxix.,
1884, p. 304; Proceedings of Convention of American Instructors, xviii.,
1908, p. 146; Report of California School, 1912, p. 12.

[562] Report, 1912, ii., ch. xiii.

[563] It is hardly necessary to state that physical education is
provided for in the schools for the deaf quite as fully as in the
regular schools.

[564] The first school to give industrial training was the American
School at Hartford, this being begun in 1822. See History, 1893, p. 15;
Report of New Hampshire Board of Charities, 1908, p. 184.

[565] On this industrial training, see _Craftsman_, xiii., 1908, p. 400.

[566] ii., ch. xiii.

[567] _Annals_, Jan., 1914 (lix., p. 23).

[568] _Ibid._, p. 42.

[569] In some of the schools, as we find from the reports, the value of
the products of the farms and gardens may amount to a tidy sum, as may
also be the case with the trade schools.

CHAPTER XX

COST TO THE STATE FOR EDUCATION

VALUE OF THE PROPERTY USED FOR THE EDUCATION OF THE DEAF

The various provisions for the education of the deaf have now been
examined. There is to be considered but one question further. This is,
what is the cost of it all? In the present chapter we are to see if we
may not obtain some figures representing this cost to the state. First
we shall find what the plants, that is, the grounds and buildings in
actual use, are worth in dollars and cents.

Taking the nearest available statistics, which are those for the year
1912-1913, we have the plants of the institutions valued at
$16,856,338,[570] or, in round numbers, nearly seventeen million
dollars. In all the institutions there were in this year 11,894 pupils,
and we may thus calculate that there is property worth $1,414 for each
pupil. We do not know the full value of the property used in the day
schools and the denominational and private schools,[571] but this would
no doubt increase by some two million dollars the value of the property
employed in the instruction of the deaf. Hence we have something like
nineteen million dollars as the amount invested in plants for the
education of the deaf in the United States.

For new buildings, repairs, and general expenditures for lasting
improvements, so far as is reported, there was expended on institutions
$848,068 for the year 1912-1913, which may represent the yearly cost of
the upkeep of the institutions.[572] For the other schools we have few
figures, but they would add to this sum somewhat.

COST OF THE MAINTENANCE OF THE SCHOOLS

For the maintenance of the institutions for the year 1912-1913 there was
expended $3,297,440.[573] In forty-four, or about two-thirds, of the day
schools for the year 1911-1912 there was expended $182,710, and on the
basis of $120 as the average cost of the pupils in them, we have
$225,720 as the full cost of the support of the day schools. For five of
the private schools, the cost per pupil was $225, and assuming that this
will hold for all, we have $133,550 as the full cost of the support of
such schools, a part of course coming from tuition fees. Then our total
expenditures amount to $3,656,710,[574] or to over three and a half
million dollars, which represents the annual cost of the education of
the deaf in the United States.[575]

FORM OF PUBLIC APPROPRIATIONS

Save for certain endowment funds in a few institutions,[576] and for
limited donations in a small number of schools, all the means for the
support of the schools for the deaf, other than the private ones, come
from the public treasury. In some of the day schools there are municipal
subventions; in a few states the maintenance of certain pupils is paid
for by the counties from which they come;[577] and in the case of the
Columbia Institution at Washington support is received from the national
government.[578] With these exceptions, the entire maintenance of the
schools is undertaken by the legislatures of the respective states.[579]

Appropriations by the legislatures are usually made in lump sums.[580]
In the case of the semi-public institutions the allowances are upon a
_per capita_ basis, being from $260 to $357, but more often near $300.
In a few of the state schools appropriations are also based upon the
number of pupils, as in Alabama with $230 a year for each pupil, in
Kentucky with $150 a year, and in Iowa with $35 a quarter, the last two
states having additional annual grants. In the states in which pupils
are sent to schools outside, a sum of from $200 to $300 is allowed for
each pupil thus provided for. In a few cases funds are received from a
special tax assessment levied for the benefit of the school, as in
Colorado with a one-fifth mill tax on the assessed property valuation of
the state,[581] and in North Dakota with six per cent of one mill.

COST TO THE STATE FOR EACH PUPIL

The average cost for the support of the pupils in the institutions for
the year 1912-1913 was $277.23.[582] In few of the schools does the cost
go as low as $200, while in a number it is between $300 and $400. The
cost per pupil in the day schools averages, where known, $120.60;[583]
and in the private schools, where known, $225.33.[584] For pupils in the
common schools of the country, the average cost is $31.65.[585] Thus it
costs the state eight times as much to educate its deaf children in
institutions as it does its hearing children in the regular public
schools, and four times as much to educate them in day schools.

The education of the deaf, then, is not an inexpensive undertaking on
the part of the state. Because of the special arrangements necessary for
its accomplishment, it comes high, compared with the cost of education
in general. But considered merely as an investment, the outlay for this
instruction bears returns of a character surpassed in few other fields
of the state's endeavor.

FOOTNOTES:

[570] The figures in this chapter are for the most part from _Annals_
for January, 1914 (lix., pp. 26, 27), usually for the latest fiscal
year, these being supplemented in a few cases from the Report of the
United States Commissioner of Education for 1912 (ii., ch. xiii.). In
the institutions where there are departments both for the deaf and the
blind, we have ascertained the proportionate part for the deaf of the
entire institution. If no allowance is made for the blind in these, the
worth of all is $17,751,186, and the amount of property for each pupil
$1,492. For 1911-1912 the value of all was $16,454,798, or according to
the Report of the Commissioner of Education, $16,387,726. In this Report
the value of scientific apparatus, furniture, etc., is stated to be
$918,053.

[571] In most cases, as we have seen, the day schools are housed in
public school buildings, special establishments being provided only in a
few large cities. In the Report of the Commissioner of Education, the
property value of four day schools, two being large ones, is put at
$250,055, or $525 for each pupil; and if this be accepted as a measure,
the property value of all the day schools is $1,019,550. The property
value of seven denominational and private schools is likewise given as
$324,717, or $1,358 for each pupil; and if this is taken as a measure,
the property value of all is $865,404.

[572] In 1910-1911 this was $503,323, and in 1911-1912, $772,245. If
allowance be made for the dual schools, it is about ten per cent less.
In the Report of the United States Commissioner of Education it is
placed at $568,136 for 1911-1912.

[573] With no allowance for the dual schools, this is $3,423,126. In the
Report of the Commissioner of Education it is $3,285,099, for all but
six institutions.

[574] At the Conference of Charities and Corrections in 1906 this was
estimated to be $3,200,000. Proceedings, p. 249.

[575] For tables as to the cost of the support of the schools, see
Appendix B.

[576] These endowment funds are found for the most part only in certain
of the semi-public institutions, and in a few state schools which have
received land from the federal government. In the Report of the
Commissioner of Education the amount of productive funds in thirteen
states for 1911-1912 is given as $3,372,565, as follows: Maine, $2,000;
Massachusetts, $193,674 (in 1910-1911, $369,723); Connecticut, $403,000;
New York, $1,002,633; Pennsylvania, $373,758; Maryland, $4,500; District
of Columbia, $11,000; Kentucky, $9,000; North Dakota, $600,000; South
Dakota, $400,000; Montana, $160,000; Utah, $160,000; California,
$53,000. Thus practically two-fifths belongs in the states of
Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York and Pennsylvania, nearly one-third
being in New York alone; while a little under two-fifths belongs in
North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana and Utah.

[577] This is especially true of New York, where the counties pay the
entire amount up to the age of twelve, and after that the state.

[578] In this connection it may be noted that Congress has been asked to
grant $100,000 to "encourage the establishment of homes in the states
and territories for teaching articulate speech and vocal language to
deaf children before they are of school age". Teachers are to be trained
for this purpose, and pupils are to enter at two years of age and remain
till the regular school age. See Report of Pennsylvania Home for
Training in Speech of Deaf Children, 1904, p. 5; Proceedings of
Conference of National Association for the Study and Education of
Exceptional Children, 1911, p. 64.

[579] Charges for clothing and transportation of indigent pupils are as
a usual thing paid for by the county, though this is assumed by some
states. Often a given sum, as thirty dollars, is allowed for clothing,
or the actual cost thereof is collected from the county. This is done
through the proper administrative offices of the county, there being
also some judicial procedure, as where the county judge or similar
official certifies by proof. The school is then reimbursed for the
expenditures it may have made. Some such procedure is quite general,
especially in the South and West, though in a few states, as Vermont and
New Jersey, the town or township, where this is the political division,
plays a similar part. In Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Maine, Louisiana,
California, Nevada, and possibly other states, these charges are paid by
the state. In Maryland they may be paid by the county, city or state.

[580] It happens sometimes that legislatures are inclined to reduce the
appropriations to as low a sum as possible, and superintendents may
receive commendation for efforts to cut down expenditures. There is
danger, however, that such a policy may be carried to a point where
efficiency is sacrificed to seeming economy. On the question of cost,
see Report of Mississippi School, 1909, p. 11; Iowa Bulletin of State
Institutions, June, 1907, ix., 3; Ohio Bulletin of Charities and
Corrections, Nov., 1907, xiii., 4.

[581] On the value of this tax, see Report of Colorado School, 1896, p.
22.

[582] In 1907-1908 this was $257.02; in 1909-1910, $253.92; in
1910-1911, $259.63; and in 1911-1912, $262.71. Without allowance for the
blind in the dual schools, the amount in 1912-1913 is $289.60. According
to the Report of the Commissioner of Education, the average cost is
$303.58. It may be noted in this connection that the _per capita_ cost
for the blind in schools is more than that for the deaf, being $359.

[583] In 1910-1911 this was $130.28.

[584] In 1910-1911 this was $264.06.

[585] Report of Commissioner of Education for 1909-1910. The figures for
subsequent years have reference rather to average attendance.

CHAPTER XXI

PUBLIC DONATIONS OF LAND TO SCHOOLS

GRANTS BY THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT

To the schools in some of the states land has been donated, either as an
investment, the proceeds of which should be used for their benefit, or
as sites for the erection of buildings. This has been done by the
national government, by the states, by cities and by individuals and
corporations. The most important of such gifts have been the grants of
the public domain made by Congress for the benefit of certain of the
state institutions. Shortly after the work of the education of the deaf
had commenced in the country, it bestowed 23,000 acres upon the Hartford
school and a township of land upon the Kentucky.[586] After nearly
three-quarters of a century it came again materially to the aid of this
education, this time by directing that certain tracts of the public
lands located in states about to be admitted to the Union should be set
apart for the benefit of the schools. Thus in the enabling act of
1889[587] for the admission of the states of North Dakota, South Dakota
and Montana, land was set aside for the benefit of the schools for the
deaf and the blind, which are mentioned by name. In North Dakota and
South Dakota the number of acres allowed to each was 40,000, and in
Montana 50,000.[588] Likewise when Wyoming was admitted in 1890,[589]
30,000 acres were granted for an institution for the deaf and the blind,
though the school has not yet been established. When Utah was admitted
in 1896,[590] 100,000 acres were granted to the school for the deaf. On
the admission of Arizona and New Mexico in 1910,[591] like amounts were
respectively granted for institutions for the deaf and the blind, 50,000
acres having already been set aside in the latter while a
territory.[592]

GRANTS BY THE STATES

Grants by the states themselves for the schools on a large scale have
not been numerous. The state of Texas has set apart large tracts of
public land for its institutions, the school for the deaf coming in for
100,000 acres as its share. The school in Michigan has received a number
of sections of the state salt spring lands, amounting to 16,000
acres.[593]

GRANTS BY CITIES OR CITIZENS

Small tracts of land have been donated in some cases by cities where the
schools were to be established, sometimes accompanied by a cash donation
as a further inducement for a particular location. Similar gifts have
been made by individuals and corporations. These donations have occurred
in about half of the states, but they have usually been small in size,
most being of five or ten acres.[594]

FOOTNOTES:

[586] We have also seen how applications were made to Congress for the
endowment of other schools.

[587] Stat. at Large, 1889, ch. 180. Washington was also admitted by
this act, and there was a grant of 200,000 acres for "charitable, penal
and reformatory institutions". The schools for the deaf and the blind,
which were not mentioned by name, seem not to have shared in this grant.

[588] Similar amounts were allowed to the reform schools, the
agricultural colleges and the universities.

[589] Stat. at Large, ch. 664. When Idaho was admitted the same year
(_ibid._, ch. 656) 150,000 acres were granted to charitable,
educational, penal and reformatory institutions, the school for the deaf
not being directly mentioned.

[590] _Ibid._, 1894, ch. 138. Similar amounts were allowed for the
school for the blind and other institutions. As the school in Utah is
for both the deaf and the blind, it really has 200,000 acres.

[591] _Ibid._, 1910, ch. 310. In the act admitting Oklahoma, though the
school for the deaf is not mentioned among the institutions upon which
land is bestowed, it has shared in the grant, having land reported to be
worth at least $350,000. _Annals_, lvi., 1911, p. 206.

[592] In general with respect to the land granted by Congress, it is
provided that such land is not to be sold at less than $10 an acre.

[593] The state of Massachusetts granted a small parcel of land to the
Horace Mann school in Boston. To the school in Missouri 40 acres were
granted by the state, and to that in Arkansas two tracts of land, one
being of 100 acres.

[594] Thus land of perhaps five acres or less has been donated to the
schools in California, District of Columbia, Illinois, New York (New
York Institution, Le Couteulx St. Mary's, and Central New York) Oregon,
Pennsylvania (Oral and Pennsylvania Home), Tennessee, Virginia, and
doubtless to other schools. Larger tracts, of ten acres or more, have
been given in Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Michigan (state school and
Evangelical Lutheran Institute), Nebraska, Pennsylvania (Western), South
Dakota, West Virginia, Wisconsin, and perhaps elsewhere. To the Kansas
school 170 acres were presented, to the Minnesota 65, to the Washington
100, to the Oklahoma 60, to the school for the colored in Oklahoma 100,
and to the school for the deaf, together with that for the blind, in
Ohio 180. To the New York Institution for Improved Instruction the city
of New York granted the land for ninety-nine years at an annual rental
of one dollar.

CHAPTER XXII

PRIVATE BENEFACTIONS TO SCHOOLS

DONATIONS OF MONEY TO SCHOOLS

In our final chapter on the provision for the schools for the deaf we
are to consider how far they have been assisted by private munificence.
We have already seen that certain of the schools in the East--those we
have called "semi-public institutions"--were started by private
societies and were supported entirely by private funds till the state
came to their aid, though in no instance was this dependence on private
means of long duration. We have also seen that in a number of states
private schools were first started, in a brief time to be taken over by
the state, and thus received a modicum of private aid. In addition,
there have been from time to time donations from private sources to one
school or another.

As to the entire amount of these private donations to the schools, it is
of course impossible to say. The full receipts of the various schools
cannot be known, and our reckonings must necessarily be incomplete.[595]
However, the data which we have are quite sufficient to enable us to
discern in what measure schools for the deaf have been assisted by means
other than public, and in what proportion the distribution has taken
place; and our calculations, based on the best information to be
obtained, may not be altogether without value.[596]

We find, then, that to a considerable number of the schools, apparently
the majority, there have been gifts large or small from private sources.
In most of these cases, however, the gifts have been slight, and have
almost always come when the schools were being started, usually ceasing
soon after their establishment or their taking over by the state. Nearly
all the donations of any importance have been to schools in the East,
the greater part also coming in their early days and when still in
private hands.

At present in the great number of the schools such gifts are not
bestowed. In perhaps a dozen schools--practically all in the East--they
are still received in greater or lesser degree; and come in three forms:
1. as membership fees in some half dozen schools; 2. as certain annual
donations, varying in amount, in about the same number; and 3. as an
occasional legacy or similar gift to some school or other.[597]

In respect to the funds already received, we find that the great
preponderance have fallen in four states, namely, Connecticut,
Massachusetts, New York and Pennsylvania. In five others there have been
gifts of what may be called measurable size: District of Columbia,
California, Colorado, Illinois, and Vermont. In the remaining states
private benefactions have been few: where they have occurred they have
been small and infrequent.

In a score of schools or more there seem to have been gifts of a few
thousand dollars--hardly over ten or fifteen thousand, and in most much
less.[598] In some sixteen, donations appear to have been received of
more appreciable size--twenty-five thousand dollars and upwards. In
about half of these the gifts seem to have been from twenty-five
thousand to fifty thousand, in one or two cases possibly more: the
California, Colorado, Columbia, New England (Massachusetts), Sarah
Fuller (Massachusetts), Pennsylvania Home, and Austine (Vermont).[599]
To six schools donations seem to have reached a sum between seventy-five
or one hundred thousand dollars and twice that amount. Four of these are
in New York: the New York Institution, the Institution for Improved
Instruction, St. Joseph's and Le Couteulx St. Mary's; one in
Pennsylvania, the Western Pennsylvania; and one in Illinois, the
Ephpheta. In three schools the quarter million mark has been passed: the
American in Connecticut, and the Clarke in Massachusetts, both with
receipts well beyond this figure; and the Pennsylvania Institution,
which has probably been the largest recipient of all.

Total private gifts to schools for the deaf in the United States would
probably foot up to little under two and a quarter million dollars, and
perhaps to two and a half millions, though these figures cannot be fully
substantiated.

GIFTS FOR PUPILS IN THE SCHOOLS

There have been gifts for the pupils in the schools as well as for the
schools themselves. These have been of various kinds: clothing, books,
pictures, magazines, newspapers, Christmas presents, prizes, etc., as
well as money gifts in a few cases. In many instances reduced
transportation has been allowed on railroads, and there have been a
number of benefactions of like character. We have already referred to
the funds left to certain of the schools in trust for deaf-blind
pupils.[600]

PRESENT TENDENCIES OF PRIVATE BENEFACTIONS

Private benefaction, as we see, has not played any great part in
providing the means of education for the deaf in the United States. In a
few schools private gifts have been of appreciable aid in the work, but
on the whole they have not been of considerable moment, and in the great
majority of schools they have been practically negligible. To judge from
past experience, it would not seem likely that in the future many of the
schools will to any great extent be beneficiaries from private means,
or that they will thus be enabled to extend their plants or to make
innovations as yet unattempted, though of course such a thing is
possible.

This condition, however, is not to be entirely deplored. Many of the
schools, it is true, could receive large money benefactions to most
desirable ends, and in many cases the work of the schools for the best
results is hampered for lack of sufficient funds. Yet the schools may
feel that they are in reality but agencies of the state in carrying out
one of its great functions, and as such should have no need to call upon
or depend upon means other than the state's. Whether or not in the
course of time there may be an increased incentive for private gifts, it
would seem that the schools should be entitled to look with full
confidence to the attention and care of the state, since it is but
contributing to the education of its citizens.

FOOTNOTES:

[595] In the case of some of the schools, figures of a financial nature
are not to be had, and in many little record has been kept, especially
when gifts have been small.

[596] In our discussion, few estimates have been made, and these have
been conservative. It should be stated that only a part of the figures
given are "official", and for the rest the writer alone is responsible.
No reference is made to schools that are not now in existence, nor is
any money value set on the land which has been donated to some of the
schools.

[597] Now and then a gift has been in the form of a scholarship, usually
of $5,000. Some of the schools aided by fees are the Pennsylvania
Institution, Western Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania Oral, New York
Institution for Improved Instruction, and Le Couteulx St. Mary's (New
York). Some that receive annual donations varying in amount are the New
England (Massachusetts), Sarah Fuller (Massachusetts), Pennsylvania
Home, New York Institution for Improved Instruction, St. Joseph's (New
York), and Le Couteulx St. Mary's (New York). It should be remarked that
the three last named institutions are affiliated to an extent with
certain religious bodies, receiving assistance from this source also.
The smaller denominational schools receive similar aid irregularly.

[598] Some of the schools that seem to have received gifts of from five
to fifteen thousand dollars, or thereabouts, are the Kentucky, Maryland,
Ohio, Central New York, Pennsylvania Oral, Tennessee, and the day
schools of Milwaukee. Some of those that have received gifts somewhat
smaller are the Alabama, Illinois, Michigan, Mississippi, Horace Mann
(Massachusetts), Western New York, North Carolina, Virginia, and the day
schools of Chicago. More trivial or more uncertain amounts have been
received in Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Maine, New Mexico, Albany (New
York), Oregon, South Dakota, Utah, and the day schools of a few cities.

[599] Gifts to semi-public institutions as the Mystic, Connecticut, and
Boston, Massachusetts, have also probably been made, though we do not
know of what size; and also to some of the denominational and private
schools. The McCowen Homes of Illinois have received some gifts,
especially at their beginning.

[600] The American School at Hartford has a fund of $2,000 to be used
for the publication of books for the deaf.

CHAPTER XXIII

CONCLUSIONS WITH RESPECT TO THE WORK FOR THE DEAF IN AMERICA

We have now examined the position of the deaf in society in America and
the course and the extent of the treatment accorded them. It only
remains for us to inquire if this treatment is well-considered, and how
far it is commensurate with the real, actual needs of the deaf, and at
the same time consonant with the larger interests of society.

The question of paramount concern to society is in respect to the
possibilities of the prevention of deafness. As yet it would seem that
only a minor degree of attention had been directed to this
consideration, though it is likely that in the future much more serious
study and thought will be given to it. The problem is for the greater
part in the hands of medical science, and for much of it we shall
probably have to wait for solution in the laboratory; while no small aid
can be rendered by general measures for the protection of health.
Already there can be little doubt that there is less deafness from
certain diseases than in the past, though the statistics that we have
on the question are not as definite as could be wished. The matter is
really a part of the long battle against disease, and as human skill
takes one position after another, it may be that many of those diseases
bringing deafness will be forced to yield, and that such deafness will
thus cease in great part to be an affliction upon human flesh.

Eugenics also will be looked to for help, and it may in time bring to
light much that is now hidden from our ken. As yet our knowledge of the
causes of deafness from birth is very imperfect. A small part may be
ascribed to consanguineous marriages, and a larger part to the marriages
of those whose families are affected with deafness, these perhaps not
being wholly distinct, and together comprising a little over half of
congenital deafness. Marriages of relatives, even though not of frequent
occurrence so far as deafness is affected, have a relation to it which
is not to be ignored. Intermarriages of the deaf themselves are not
found for the most part to result in deaf offspring; while the
likelihood of such is not always greater when both parents are deaf than
when one is deaf and the other hearing. The one distinct fact of which
we seem altogether certain in this matter is that when there is in the
parent congenital deafness, or especially when there are deaf relatives
concerned, the chances are vastly increased of deaf offspring. These are
the danger signals, and not to be passed without heed. As to that form
of deafness occurring when consanguinity and antecedent deafness are not
involved, we are in greater ignorance. For most of it, however, we may
believe that there is inherited some strain or influence predisposing to
deafness; and that in the discovery and application of eugenic
principles a greater or less portion will be eliminated.

Though, so far as is discernible from the immediate prospect, we cannot
look to an early disappearance of deafness from the race, there are
indications at present that deafness is tending to become less. The
probabilities are that the future will be able to report advance, and so
far as the ultimate results are concerned, we have no reason to be other
than hopeful.

In respect to what has been accomplished for the deaf since America has
become concerned in them, we have a record that may well be a distinct
cause of pride. The work for the deaf in America is hardly a hundred
years old. Yet in that time there has transpired what, without violence
being done to language, can be called a revolution. A century ago the
deaf were practically outside the pale of human thought and activities.
They were in a measure believed to be without reason, and were little
less than outcasts in society. To-day they have become active
components of the state, possessed of education, on a level with their
fellow-men nearly everywhere in the scale of human employment, capable
of all the responsibilities of life, and standing in the full stature of
citizenship.

Perhaps the first workers for the deaf had not placed their faith too
high after all, when they declared that the deaf and dumb were to be
restored to the ranks of their species. Perhaps, after all, the visions
of these men have come true. Perhaps this that we call education has had
something of the power they were trying to articulate. For it has come
about that a part of society known as the deaf and dumb has been brought
to a place of honor and worth and usefulness in the community in which
they live.

However much of what was claimed has been achieved, it is certain that a
great part has been realized. It has been by a slow, silent process,
keeping time with the years, but none the less wonderful things have
been wrought; and through it all the advance of the deaf has been
constant and onward. It might be said with all truth that this whole
progress has been simply the march of events. Education has ever been
the master passion of Americans, and in its wide sweep the deaf too have
been gathered in, and have been borne to the place where all the state
had to offer as instruction was laid before them. Yet it remains that
by and through all this the deaf have been the gainers as no other
people in the world have ever been, and their story is as no other's in
the rise of a section of mankind towards the richness and fullness of
living which are the fruits of humanized society.

Great indeed can be the rejoicing of the deaf, for they are those to
whom the way has been hard and long, but who have come from the darkness
into the light.

Yet the victory of the deaf is not complete. They have not reached the
full position among men to which they are entitled. So long as people
look upon them as an unnatural portion of the race, view them with
suspicion or hold them as of peculiar temperament and habits, or
otherwise consider them distinct from the rest of their kind, and by
voice or in their own consciousness make use of terms or associations
that give fixedness to such a classification or differentiation: just so
long will the deaf be strangers in the land in which they dwell; and
just so far will they be removed from the place in society which should
be theirs, and which is accorded to all the rest of their fellow-men.

With regard to their economic position in the world, the deaf have, on
the whole, fared well. Their own achievements have thrown out of court
the charge that they are a burden upon society. It has been proved by
themselves that they are not a dependent class, or a class that should
exist to any degree on the bounty of the state. They are wage-earners to
an extent that compares well with the rest of the population, and,
economically, they form generally a self-sustaining part of society. For
a certain number who are aged and infirm and are otherwise uncared for,
special homes are to be desired--and with such the need is peculiarly
strong. These, however, do not comprise a large part of the deaf; and
with their exception there is practically no portion, at least of those
with an education, that demands particular economic attention.

The community for the most part has been quite ready and willing to
recognize the status of the deaf in this respect. Here the deaf are
accepted on equal terms with the people collectively, and are in fact
lost in the mass of the world's workers.

The state has perhaps displayed more reluctance to admit the deaf to the
standing of its other citizens, largely no doubt due to the fact that in
the sphere of law action is usually slow-moving, and responds less
readily to newly recognized conditions. Though on the statute books
there are found few examples of legislation directed to the deaf as if
they were peculiarly in need of the state's attention, and though such
are hardly more than reminders of the past legal attitude, they are
mostly an anachronism to-day, and should in great part be removed.

The courts have quite generally adopted the true view in regard to the
deaf, and hardly anywhere now differentiate them. There is always one
particular kind of provision which may be made for the deaf at law, and
this is in the employment of interpreters on proper occasion. But even
here the matter may be left to the ordinary rules of the court, as well
as to the good sense and justice of the law-makers and the
law-dispensers.

In most things, special attention of the law in relation to the deaf is
not often required, and they should, in nearly all respects, be left in
its eyes exactly as the rest of their fellow-citizens. When particular
legislation is called for in respect to them, it is needed rather to
meet some peculiar or unusual situation, which would probably arise most
frequently in connection with some special abuse of the deaf, though
such is really seldom likely to occur. Provision for young deaf children
who are otherwise without protection may well be included in "children's
codes," or in other statutes of similar kind. Useful legislation is also
feasible in connection with departments for the deaf in state bureaus of
labor, the procedure possible being already indicated; and it may be
that a considerable field will be revealed, not only in assisting the
deaf in securing employment but also in securing information as to their
condition. Opportunity is open to the national government likewise in
this regard, and valuable statistics and other information may be
collected for the country generally.

In one further direction the law can be invoked very materially in aid
of the deaf, and just where very little has been attempted. In every
state there should be enactments, backed up by vigorous public opinion
and the co-operation of all citizens, providing severe punishment for
those who go about begging alms on the pretense that they are deaf and
dumb. For such creatures the law should have no mercy. The deaf
themselves demand that such impostors be put out of business, for a real
and cruel injury is done to them. They ask this as a great boon, but it
should be accorded them absolutely as a right.

The deaf do not want alms or pity. But in unnumbered ways can they
receive good at the hands of their fellow-men. They need friends as do
all others, and power is never lost to the right hand of fellowship. To
be desired above all else is the gaining of the right attitude on the
part of the community. As one great need, there should be far more
attention to the social and spiritual concerns of the deaf, even though
they are often found scattered and far apart. There is much that can be
done in many communities of a social nature for the deaf, and in
manifold forms can life be made more abundant for them. Most important
of all, there should be no longer in any place a neglect of the
ministrations for the cure of souls, and it should be seen that all of
the deaf are made to know the religion of the Man of Galilee, with its
untold blessings and consolations.

In our present review of the work for the deaf in America, most of our
attention has been directed to the provisions for their education. It
may be said that to-day this work is as a rule of a high order, and that
in many respects, considering the problems involved, it can compare well
with the work of education in general. There is still more or less
conflict as to methods, but this does not seem vital to the success of
the schools, and their character has in general advanced.

In the beginning of instruction in some of the states we read of the
struggles of the early schools, but eager hands came to push on the new
work. This work was taken up with an enthusiasm and earnestness scarcely
paralleled elsewhere in the history of education, or in any other of the
great movements for the betterment of human kind. Strong and brave souls
manned the new enterprise, and these early workers are well worthy of
honor at our hands.

Oftentimes, at the first, private societies came forward as volunteers
in the task of education, but the states early recognized their duty,
and usually established schools as soon as they were deemed practicable,
either taking over the existing private school or creating one of their
own. After a time, as another stage in their development, the schools
were made free by express provision, or have become so to all practical
purpose. In time also all restrictions or limitations as to the
admission of pupils have been in general swept away, and rules and
regulations have come more and more to conform with those in the regular
schools. Now education is offered to every deaf child, and to the poor
and destitute the state provides all collateral necessaries as well, so
that instruction may be denied to none.

At present much the larger part of the deaf are educated in
institutions. But alongside this plan there has grown, especially of
late years, a day school system with the pupils living in their own
homes, and the result is that in a number of states such schools have
now been established. Their main field is recognized to be in large
cities, and it is here that they are able to be of the greatest
usefulness. It is still a mooted point, however, how far they have
passed the experimental stage, and it probably remains to be determined
to what extent they really offer advantages to the deaf over the
institutions. As a part of this activity, and as an extension of the
general public facilities for education to the entire community, we have
also the question of evening schools for adult deaf. There seems to be a
definite need for them in certain centers, and it may well be hoped that
much greater attention will be given to the matter.

All the schools are really parts of the public school system, with the
exception of a comparatively small number of private schools which have
been created in certain communities. In addition, the work in America is
characterized by a national college, which represents the completing
mark in the system of their instruction. By this the education of the
deaf is made not only to stand all along the way parallel with education
in general, but also to assume a place accorded it in no other land.

In the schools one of the great features is the industrial instruction,
and this is rightly emphasized. As much as the need of vocational
training is insisted upon on all sides to-day, with the deaf it is
essential to a greater degree than it can be anywhere else. The pupils
of the schools who have had this industrial training as a rule do well
in the world, and in many cases put their training to most practical
account. It could be wished, however, that we had a careful and detailed
record, uniform over the country, of the former pupils, which would be a
test, demonstrative as well as suggestive, of the efficiency of the
industrial training of the schools, and which would be equally of value
in other spheres of industrial education.

Though in the work of the education of the deaf in America, industrial
instruction occupies a very prominent part, yet in the schools there is
an abundance of "schooling" in the strictest sense. The problems of the
education of the deaf are peculiar, and their instructors have to face
difficulties of a kind not found in any other lines of education. Yet
earnest thought and study are being given to these problems, and efforts
made to solve them as far as it is possible. In the conventions and
conferences of instructors notable work has been accomplished, and these
bodies are insistent upon progress and better results.

For the greater efficiency and success of the schools, the law as well
as public sentiment can be called in aid. Deaf children everywhere
should be prevailed upon or compelled to enter the schools, and should
be required to remain as long as their best interests demand it.
Education should be a matter, forced if need be, for every deaf child,
for terrible as ignorance always is, in the deaf it is the most dreadful
of all.

In America private assistance to schools for the deaf has not been
great, and very few schools have been beneficiaries from resources other
than the state's. To-day, with the exception of a few cases, aid from
private means has ceased to be expected, and calls for such bounty are
now seldom made.

At present nearly all the schools are public institutions, and rely
entirely upon the care of the state. The state has in general recognized
its duty towards the education of the deaf, and has engaged to provide
for it. In half of the states this responsibility is recognized, and
provision guaranteed in the organic law. In all the states the
legislatures have undertaken to see that means of instruction are
offered to all their deaf children, and it is found that, all things
considered, the states have in general taken a keen interest in their
educational welfare. Few schools can boast of overgenerous
appropriations; many not infrequently have failed to receive all that
has been asked for, and have thus often been prevented from doing their
best work. Yet it may be said that if the legislatures have not always
responded with alacrity, or always bounteously, or at all times with a
full sense of their responsibility, they have responded at least with
cheerfulness, and mindful of all the calls upon the state's treasury,
and often according to the best of their light. It has been realized
that the education of the deaf is an expensive undertaking, far more so
than the education of ordinary children; but it is none the less
realized also that this education pays--pays from every possible point
of view.

That the school for the deaf is not given its full educational
recognition is a grievance in some states, and this cannot be regarded
otherwise than unfortunate. In time, however, this will most likely be
changed, and the schools everywhere will come into their proper
standing, and be considered only as the agencies of the state for the
education of its children.

The most deplorable thing in the treatment of the schools by the state
is that in some quarters politics with its baneful influence has been
allowed to interfere. But as hideous and disgraceful as is this action,
we may now believe that in most places its back has been broken, and
that hereafter men everywhere will think better of themselves than to
allow it in a single instance.

Finally, in respect to the work for the deaf in America as a whole, it
may be said that the state makes but one form of provision in their
behalf. This is in allowing to all its deaf children a means of
education. Even this is hardly to be called "provision for the deaf." It
is rather the attention that is paid to a certain portion of the
population for its education. It is to be distinguished from the
provision for general education only in that special means and methods
are necessary for its accomplishment.

This being done, the state may practically let the deaf alone. No
distinctive form of public treatment is usually to be called for in
respect to them as a class. They demand little in the way of special
care or oversight, they are able as a rule to look after themselves,
asking few odds not asked by other men, they have become citizens
without reservation or qualification, and economically they form no
distinct class, but are absorbed into the industrial life of the state.
They have assumed the responsibilities of life in a highly organized
community, and in turn reap the benefits that belong to all men in such
an order. But though this is true, their affliction bestowed upon them
by the partial hand of nature, is not to be minimized, nor its effects
lightened by any human words. Their deafness rests indeed upon them as a
very material, tangible burden, so sharp and pointed in its operations
that they are in great measure cut off socially from the rest of their
kind. Because of this their concern becomes great in respect to the form
of consideration from the community about them, and their need turns to
one not so much of material character as of the attention of the good
neighbor. From their condition all the more does it avail that no
further load should be placed upon them, and that their prayer should be
heard that they be treated fully as men. For even with their ever
missing sense, the power of the deaf is only retarded, and not seriously
diminished, to derive from life much of its richness and color and
well-being.

APPENDIX A

HOMES FOR THE DEAF IN AMERICA

--+------------------+-------------+-------------+-------+-------+-------
| | | | YEAR |NUMBER |ANNUAL
| NAME | STATE | LOCATION |FOUNDED| OF |COST OF
| | | | |INMATES|SUPPORT
--+------------------+-------------+-------------+-------+-------+-------
| | | | | |
1 |Gallaudet Home |New York |Wappinger's | | |
| | |Falls | 1885 | 24 | $7,311
| | | | | |
2 |Ohio Home for |Ohio |Westerville | 1896 | 30 | 6,710
|Aged and Infirm | | | | |
|Deaf | | | | |
| | | | | |
3 |St. Elizabeth's |New York |New York City| 1897 | 20 | 8,435
|Industrial School | | | | |
| | | | | |
4 |New England Home |Massachusetts|Everett | 1901 | 13 | 3,198
|for Deaf-Mutes | | | | |
| | | | | |
5 |Pennsylvania |Pennsylvania |Doyleston | 1902 | 19 | 4,536
|Home for the Deaf | | | | |

APPENDIX B

TABLES WITH RESPECT TO SCHOOLS FOR THE DEAF IN AMERICA

I. PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS.

SCHOOL |LOCATION |DATE OF OPENING
| | |NUMBER OF PUPILS
| | |1912-1913
| | | |EXPENDITURE
| | | |FOR SUPPORT
| | | |1912-1913
--------------------------------------+-------------+----+----+-----------
Alabama | | | |
School for the Deaf |Talladega |1858|162}| $ 39,800
School for the Negro Deaf and Blind |Talladega |1892| 29}|
Arizona, University of, Department for|Tucson |1912| 25 | 10,000
the Deaf | | | |
Arkansas Deaf-Mute Institute |Little Rock |1868|270 | 67,500
California Institution for the Deaf |Berkeley |1860|180 | 54,629
and the Blind | | | |
Colorado School for the Deaf and the |Colorado |1874|176 | 59,176
Blind | Springs | | |
Connecticut | | | |
American School for the Deaf |Hartford |1817|142 | 57,991
Mystic Oral School for the Deaf |Mystic |1870| 60 | 13,244
District of Columbia, | | | |
Columbia Institution for the Deaf | | | |
Kendall School for the Deaf |Washington |1857| 54}| 86,184
Gallaudet College |Washington |1864| 82}|
Florida School for the Deaf and the |St. Augustine|1885|108 | 16,877
Blind | | | |
Georgia School for the Deaf |Cave Spring |1846|188 | 45,339
Idaho State School for the Deaf and |Gooding |1906| 58 | 20,000
the Blind | | | |
Illinois School for the Deaf |Jacksonville |1846|415 | 124,957
Indiana State School for the Deaf |Indianapolis |1844|345 | 85,980
Iowa School for the Deaf |Council |1855|227 | 60,500
| Bluffs | | |
Kansas School for the Deaf |Olathe |1861|243 | 56,494
Kentucky School for the Deaf |Danville |1823|353 | 82,325
Louisiana State School for the Deaf |Baton Rouge |1852|145 | 30,500
Maine School for the Deaf |Portland |1876|134 | 27,000
Maryland | | | |
School for the Deaf and Dumb |Frederick |1868|114 | 33,461
School for the Colored Blind and Deaf|Overlea |1872|44 | 10,059
Massachusetts | | | |
Boston School for the Deaf |Randolph |1899|145 | 21,660
Clarke School for the Deaf |Northampton |1867|156 | 65,255
New England Industrial School for |Beverly |1879| 36 | 9,098
Deaf-Mutes | | | |
Michigan School for the Deaf |Flint |1854|297 | 93,872
Minnesota School for the Deaf |Faribault |1863|308 | 70,229
Mississippi Institution for the Deaf |Jackson |1854|188 | 33,577
Missouri School for the Deaf |Fulton |1851|344 | 99,000
Montana School for Deaf, Blind and |Boulder |1893| 59 | 20,024
Backward Children | | | |
Nebraska School for the Deaf |Omaha |1869|175 | 44,150
New Jersey School for the Deaf |Trenton |1883|185 | 60,000
New Mexico Asylum for the Deaf and the|Santa Fé |1885| 44 | 11,000
Dumb | | | |
New York | | | |
New York Institution for the |New York |1818|517 | 181,153
Instruction of the Deaf and Dumb | | | |
Central New York Institution for |Rome |1875|117 | 31,347
Deaf-Mutes | | | |
Western New York Institution for |Rochester |1876|192 | 60,362
Deaf-Mutes | | | |
Northern New York Institution for |Malone |1884|110 | 29,745
Deaf-Mutes | | | |
Institution for the Improved |New York |1867|241 | 88,455
Instruction of Deaf-Mutes | | | |
Le Couteulx St. Mary's Inst'n for the|Buffalo |1862|188 | 52,349
Imp'd Instruction of Deaf-Mutes | | | |
St. Joseph's Institute for the |West Chester |1869|515 | 122,962
Improved Instruction of Deaf-Mutes| | | |
Albany Home School for the Oral |Albany |1889| 58 | 16,052
Instruction of the Deaf | | | |
North Carolina | | | |
State School for the Deaf and Dumb |Morganton |1894|263 | 62,500
State School for the Blind and the |Raleigh |1845|117 | 16,062
Deaf | | | |
North Dakota School for the Deaf and |Devils Lake |1890| 94 | 26,977
Dumb | | | |
Ohio State School for the Deaf |Columbus |1829|542 | 118,000
Oklahoma | | | |
School for the Deaf |Sulphur |1898|221 | 50,000
Industrial Institute for the Deaf, |Taft |1909| 18 | 11,053
Blind, and Orphans of the Colored | | | |
Race | | | |
Oregon School for Deaf-Mutes |Salem |1870| 90 | 22,500
Pennsylvania | | | |
Pennsylvania Institution for the Deaf|Philadelphia |1820|621 | 172,572
and Dumb | | | |
Western Pennsylvania Institution for |Edgewood Park|1876|282 | 62,653
the Instruction of the Deaf and | | | |
Dumb | | | |
Pennsylvania Oral School for the Deaf|Scranton |1883|100 | 51,000
Home for the Training in Speech of |Philadelphia |1892| 65 | 26,790
Deaf Children | | | |
Rhode Island Institute for the Deaf |Providence |1877| 91 | 33,000
South Carolina Institution for the |Cedar Spring |1849|156 | 21,780
Education of the Deaf and the | | | |
Blind | | | |
South Dakota School for the Deaf |Sioux Falls |1880| 90 | 26,000
Tennessee Deaf and Dumb School |Knoxville |1845|326 | 47,800
Texas | | | |
School for the Deaf |Austin |1857|417 | 100,000
Deaf, Dumb, and Blind Institute for |Austin |1887| 94 | 17,652
Colored Youth | | | |
Utah School for the Deaf |Ogden |1884|115 | 42,857
Vermont, The Austine Institution for |Brattleboro |1912| 25 | 11,487
the Deaf and Blind | | | |
Virginia | | | |
School for the Deaf and the Blind |Staunton |1839|193 | 36,748
School for Colored Deaf and Blind |Newport News |1909| 85 | 11,824
Children | | | |
Washington State School for the Deaf |Vancouver |1886|132 | 36,178
West Virginia Schools for the Deaf and|Romney |1870|159 | 34,700
the Blind | | | |
Wisconsin State School for the Deaf |Delavan |1852|169 | 65,010

II. PUBLIC DAY SCHOOLS

SCHOOL |DATE OF OPENING
| |NUMBER OF PUPILS
| |1912-1913
| | |EXPENDITURE
| | |FOR SUPPORT
| | |1911-1912
----------------------------------------------------+----+----+-----------
California | | |
Los Angeles Day School for the Deaf |1899| 45| $ 6,048
Oakland Public School Oral Classes |1898| 11| --
Sacramento Day-School for the Deaf |1904| 12| 2,520
San Francisco Oral School for the Deaf |1901| 23| 2,350
Georgia | | |
Atlanta Day-School for the Deaf |1912| 10| --
Illinois | | |
Chicago | | |
Delano School for the Deaf |1913|} |
Kozminski Public Day-School for the Deaf |1896|} |
Parker Practice Public Day-School for the Deaf |1905|}307| 30,474
Waters School for the Deaf |1913|} |
Rock Island Day-School for the Deaf |1901| 8| 720
Louisiana | | |
New Orleans Day-School for the Deaf |1911| 24| 2,150
Massachusetts | | |
Boston, Horace Mann School |1869| 167| 29,040
Michigan | | |
Bay City Day-School for the Deaf |1901| 7| 1,005
Calumet Day-School for the Deaf |1902| 13| 1,566
Detroit Day-School for the Deaf |1894| 92| --
Grand Rapids Oral School for Deaf and |1898| 23| 4,600
Hard-of-Hearing | | |
Houghton Day-School for the Deaf |1908| 4| 800
Iron Mountain Day-School for the Deaf |1906| 3| 900
Ironwood Day-School for the Deaf |1903| 9| 875
Jackson Day-School for the Deaf |1912| 7| --
Kalamazoo Day-School for the Deaf |1904| 4| --
Manistee Day-School for the Deaf |1904| 10| 1,100
Marquette Day-School for the Deaf |1907| 7| 1,020
Saginaw Oral Day-School for the Deaf |1901| 11| 1,050
Sault Ste. Marie Day-School for the Deaf |1906| 3| --
Traverse City Day-School for the Deaf |1904| 7| 900
Minnesota | | |
St. Paul Day-School for the Deaf |1913| --| --
Missouri | | |
St. Louis, Gallaudet School |1878| 62| 5,321
New Jersey | | |
Jersey City Public Day-School for the Deaf |1910| 14| --
Newark School for the Deaf |1910| 58| --
New York | | |
Public School 47, Manhattan |1908| 279| --
Public School, Brooklyn, (Annex to School 47, |1910| 24| 3,000
Manhattan) | | |
Public School, Queens, (Annex to School 47, |1913| 10| --
Manhattan) | | |
Ohio | | |
Ashtabula Day-School for the Deaf |1903| 5| 810
Cincinnati Oral School |1886| 45| 4,150
Cleveland Public School for the Deaf |1892| 99| 10,000
Dayton School for the Deaf |1899| 10| 1,500
Toledo Day-School for the Deaf |1911| 13| 1,200
Oregon | | |
Portland Day-School for the Deaf |1908| 31| 3,800
Washington | | |
Seattle Public-Day-School for the Deaf |1906| 27| 2,800
Tacoma Day-School for the Deaf |1908| 13| 1,114
Wisconsin | | |
Antigo Day-School for the Deaf |1906| 17| 1,850
Appleton Day-School for the Deaf |1896| 13| 980
Ashland Day-School for the Deaf |1898| 15| 3,016
Black River Falls School for the Deaf |1897| 10| --
Bloomington Day-School for the Deaf |1906| 8| 930
Eau Claire Day-School for the Deaf |1895| 31| 6,000
Fond du Lac Day-School for the Deaf |1895| 16| 1,803
Green Bay Day-School for the Deaf |1897| 24| 3,600
Kenosha Day-School for the Deaf |1913| 10| --
La Crosse Day-School for the Deaf |1899| 6| 1,060
Madison Day-School for the Deaf |1908| 15| 2,272
Marinette Day-School for the Deaf |1895| 9| 1,582
Marshfield School for the Deaf |1912| 5| --
Milwaukee School for the Deaf |1898| 146| 23,292
Mineral Point School for the Deaf |1912| 13| --
New London Day-School for the Deaf |1906| 10| 1,200
Oshkosh School for the Deaf |1895| 15| 1,439
Platteville Day-School for the Deaf |1906| 9| 1,397
Racine Day-School for the Deaf |1900| 21| 1,751
Rice Lake Day-School for the Deaf |1907| 8| 1,243
Sheboygan Day-School for the Deaf |1894| 13| 1,476
Stevens Point Day-School for the Deaf |1905| 12| 2,646
Superior Day-School for the Deaf |1897| 8| 970
Wausau Day-School for the Deaf |1890| 11| 885

III. DENOMINATIONAL AND PRIVATE SCHOOLS

SCHOOL |LOCATION |DATE OF
| |OPENING
| | |NUMBER
| | |OF PUPILS
| | |1912-1913
---------------------------------------------+-------------+----+---------
California | | |
Holden Home Oral School |San Francisco|1913| 6
St. Joseph's Home for the Deaf |Oakland |1895| 26
Georgia | | |
Miss Arbaugh's School for Deaf Children |Macon |1912| 9
Illinois | | |
Ephpheta School for the Deaf |Chicago |1884| 95
The McCowen Homes for Deaf Children |Chicago |1883| 40
Louisiana | | |
Chinchuba Deaf-Mute Institute |Chinchuba |1890| 40
Maryland | | |
Home School for Little Deaf Children |Kensington |1908| 10
F. Knapp's English and German Institute |Baltimore |1877| 25
St. Francis Xavier's School for the Deaf |Irvington |1897| 31
Massachusetts | | |
The Sarah Fuller Home for Little Deaf |West Medford |1888| 16
Children | | |
Michigan | | |
Evangelical Lutheran Deaf-Mute Institute |North Detroit|1873| 29
Missouri | | |
Immaculate Conception Institute for the Deaf|St. Louis |1885| 70
New York | | |
Reno Margulies School for the Deaf |New York |1901| 18
The Wright Oral School |New York |1894| 28
Ohio | | |
Notre Dame School for the Deaf |Cincinnati |1890| 10
Miss Breckinridge's School |Cincinnati |1906| 3
Pennsylvania | | |
Archbishop Ryan Memorial Institute for |Philadelphia |1912| 19
Deaf-Mutes | | |
De Paul Institute for Deaf-Mutes |Pittsburgh |1908| 64
Forrest Hall |Philadelphia |1901| 7
South Dakota | | |
Black Hills School for the Deaf |Lead |1911| 2
Wisconsin | | |
St. John's Institute for Deaf-Mutes |St. Francis |1876| 90

INDEX

Accidents as a cause of deafness, 17.

Admission into schools, 157, 166-168, 262-267.
_See_ Fees; Restrictions.

Adult deaf in schools, 267n.
_See_ Evening schools; Homes.

Adventitious deafness, 16-40;
ages of occurrence of, 18;
action for the prevention of, 21-26;
as an increasing or decreasing phenomenon, 27-40;
causes of, 17-21;
conclusions respecting, 59, 60, 309.

Age of occurrence of deafness, 7-10, 12, 17, 18.

Agricola, Rudolph, 121.

Aid to the deaf, _see_ Homes for the deaf; Legislation; Private
organizations.
---- for schools, _see_ Clothing and transportation; Private
benefactions.

Aims of first schools, 147-154.

Alabama, education in, 172, 176n, 182, 184, 209, 297.

Alms-houses, deaf in, 79.

Alms-seekers, deaf as, 83-85, 316.

Alphabet for deaf, _see_ Manual alphabet.

American Association to Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf,
109, 113, 114.

American possessions, education in, 240.

American School, 132n, 134-139, 141n, 156n, 181, 299, 306.
_See_ Connecticut.

Amman, John, 124.

Ancient treatment of deaf, 63, 119.

"Annals of the Deaf, American", 115.

Appropriations for schools, state, 136, 161, 163, 295, 321.
_See_ Day schools; Semi-public schools.

Arizona, education in, 185, 209, 300.

Arkansas, education in, 183, 210.

Associations of the deaf, _see_ Societies.

"Asylums", use of term, 104, 148, 251n, 256n.

Attendance in schools, 165, 268-276.
_See_ Age limits.

Auricular instruction, 283, 285-287.

Austine Institution, 306.
_See_ Vermont.

Baker, Henry, 123.

Baptist Church, work of, _see_ Church work.

Bartlett, David E., 156n.

Bede, Venerable, 121.

Bell, A. G., 5n, 108.

Benefactions, _see_ Private benefactions; Endowment funds.

Blind associated with deaf, 99n.
_See_ Dual schools.

Boarding institutions, 168, 169, 187.

Bolling, William, 131.

Bonet, Juan, 122.

Bonifaccio, Giovanni, 121.

Braidwood, John, 131, 132.

Braidwood, Thomas, 127.

Bulwer, John, 122.

California, education in, 176, 183, 191, 192, 193, 202, 204, 210, 305.

Camerarius, Rudolph, 125.

Carion, Ramirez de, 123.

Cardano, Girolamo, 121.

Castro, Pietro de, 121.

Catholic Church, work of, _see_ Church work; Denominational schools.

Causes of deafness, _see_ Adventitious deafness; Congenital deafness.

Census of deaf, how taken, 5n, 14.

Charges to pupils, _see_ Fees; Restrictions.

Charities, boards of, 182, 183.
_See_ Charity; States, provision in.

Charity in connection with schools, 104, 147, 248-261, 322;
conclusions respecting, 260;
in best sense, 249;
in legal sense, 252n;
opposition to connection, 256;
popular conceptions of charity, 250;
regard by states, 248;
views of boards of charities, 254;
views of deaf, 259;
views of instructors, 259.

Church work for deaf, 96, 110-113.
_See_ Private benefactions.

Cities, aid of to schools, 161-163, 301.
_See_ Day schools; States, provision in.

Clarke School, 281, 306.
_See_ Massachusetts.

Classes of pupils, _see_ Gradations.

Classical allusions to the deaf, 119.

Clerc, Laurent, 135.

Clothing and transportation provided for pupils, 255, 264, 265, 296, 307.

Clubs of deaf, _see_ Societies.

Cogswell, Alice, 134.

College for the deaf, _see_ Gallaudet College.

Colorado, education in, 176, 184, 211, 297, 305.

Colonies for the deaf, 89n.

Combined method of instruction, 283, 285-287.

Communication, methods of among deaf, 11, 12, 277-287.

Compulsory education, 272-276, 320.

Conference of Principals, 113, 114.

Congenital deafness, 41-60;
as an increasing or decreasing phenomenon, 57;
conclusions respecting, 60-62, 310;
consanguineous marriages affecting, 42;
deaf parents affecting, 46;
deaf relatives affecting, 45;
possible action for the prevention of, 52.

Congregational Church, work of, _see_ Church work.

Congress, action of, _see_ National government.

Connecticut, education in, 136, 138, 171, 173, 183, 211, 305.
_See_ American School.

Consanguineous marriages, 42, 54, 60.
_See_ Congenital deafness.

Constitutional provisions, 64, 169, 242-247, 321.

Control, boards of, 183.

Convention of American Instructors of the Deaf, 113, 114.

Corporations, _see_ Semi-public schools.

Cost of education, 293-298, 322;
for maintenance, 295;
for new buildings, 294;
in day schools, 192;
per pupil, 298;
to states sending outside, 297.
_See_ Property, value of; Semi-public schools.

County aid to schools, 162, 265, 296;
officers, work of, 166, 275n.

Courses of study, 287.

Court decisions relating to deaf, 65, 71.
_See_ Law, attitude of.

Crimes, responsibility of deaf for, 65, 72.

Dactylology, _see_ Manual alphabet.

Dalgarno, George, 123.

Day schools, 168, 187-201, 318;
arguments against, 197;
arguments for, 194;
co-operation with institutions, 189, 190;
co-ordination with public schools, 190, 193;
design of, 188;
equipment of, 193, 196;
evening schools as part of, 200, 201;
institutions as, 187;
laws for, 192;
number, 187, 191;
pupils in, 193;
support, 192, 193.
_See_ Methods of instruction; States, provision in.

"Deaf", meaning of term, 3.

"Deaf-and-dumb", _see_ "Deaf".

Deaf-blind, 5n, 178-179, 307.

"Deaf-mute", 9n, 286n.
_See_ "Deaf".

"Deaf-mutism", 101n.

Deafness in different states, 5.

"Defective" class, the deaf as a, 100.

Delaware, education in, 141, 171, 185, 212.

Denominational and private schools, 168, 202-205, 319.
_See_ Methods of instruction; States, provision in.

Dependent class, the deaf as a, 103.
_See_ Economic condition.

Deschamps, 126.

Difficulties of early schools, 144, 145, 164, 165.

Diseases, effect of, _see_ Adventitious deafness.

District of Columbia, education in, 171, 172n, 182, 185n, 212, 213,
296, 305.
_See_ Gallaudet College.

Dual schools, 173, 176, 177, 293n, 294n, 295n.

Dues, _see_ Fees.

"Dumbness", _see_ "Deaf".

Ear, diseases of, _see_ Adventitious Deafness.

Early attempts at instruction, 129-133.
---- workers, character of, 155, 156.

Economic condition of deaf, 75-90, 314, 316;
conclusions respecting, 90;
deafness, effect of, 75, 80, 83;
occupations of deaf, 76, 77;
unions, members of, 82n;
views of deaf, 81;
wage-earners, extent as, 76-78, 81, 82.
_See_ Alms-houses; Dependent class; Homes; Industrial training.

Education, associations for, 113, 114;
boards of, 184, 185, 248, 258;
_See_ States, provision in.
----, condition of deaf before, 146, 148-154, 312.

Employment of deaf, _see_ Economic condition.

Endowment funds, 172, 174, 295.
_See_ Private benefactions.

England, early education in, 121-123, 127.

Épée, abbé de l', 126, 127.

Ephpheta School, 306.
_See_ Illinois.

Eugenics, _see_ Congenital deafness.

Europe, first schools in, 119-128;
recognition in of work in America, 170n.

Evening schools for adults, 200, 201.

Exhibits of deaf pupils, 136, 142, 158, 159, 160.

Farming as an industry, 83n, 90n, 291, 292.
_See_ Economic condition.

Fay, Barnabas M., 156n.

Feeble-minded deaf, 179, 180.

Fees for pupils, 143, 157.
_See_ Admission into schools; Denominational schools; Restrictions.
---- in semi-public schools, membership, 156, 173, 181, 304.

Fiction, deaf in, 100n.

Finger-spelling, _see_ Manual alphabet; Sign language.

First schools, 131, 134-144.

Florida, education in, 176, 183, 184, 213.

France, early education in, 125-127.

Fraternal organizations of deaf, 95, 96.

Gallaudet College, 168, 206-208, 265n, 319.
_See_ District of Columbia.

Gallaudet, Edward Miner, 207n.

Gallaudet, Thomas Hopkins, 134-136, 138n, 156n.

Georgia, education in, 138, 143, 182, 191, 193, 204n, 214.

Germany, early education in, 121, 124, 125.

Gifts, _see_ Private benefactions.

Government of institutions, 180-185.
_See_ States, provision in.

Gradations of pupils, 287-289.

Graduates of schools, 80, 288, 289.

Green, Francis, 130.

Guardians for deaf, 67, 68.

"Hard of hearing", 3n;
schools for, 202n.

Harrower, John, 129.

Hearing in school children, defective, 24.

Hebrew work for deaf, _see_ Church work.

Heinicke, Samuel, 125.

Heredity, _see_ Congenital deafness.

Holder, William, 123.

Holland, early education in, 124.

Homes for deaf, 85-89, 314;
extent of, 87, 88;
purpose, 86;
support, 89.
---- for children, 254n, 296n.
_See_ Denominational and private schools; Boarding institutions.

Horace Mann School, 188, 282.
_See_ Massachusetts.

Hubbell, Horatio N., 156n.

Hutton, Abraham B., 156n.

Idaho, education in, 176, 183, 184, 214.

Ideas of early schools, 144-147.

Illinois, education in, 144, 183, 191, 192, 193, 202, 204, 214, 215, 305.

Immigration in respect to deaf, 66.

Impostors simulating deafness, 82-84, 316.

Increase of deafness, _see_ Adventitious deafness; Congenital deafness.

Indiana, education in, 142, 157, 183, 184, 216.

Indigent pupils, _see_ Admission into schools; Clothing and
transportation; Fees; Restrictions.

Industrial training, 80, 169, 193, 199, 205, 290-292, 319.

Institutions, general arrangements of, 171-186;
government, 180-185;
arguments against, 194;
arguments for, 197.
_See_ Boarding institutions; Methods of instruction; States,
provision in.

Instructors, associations of, 113, 114;
number of, 288;
training schools for, 289n.

Insurance companies and the deaf, 104;
among the deaf, 95, 96.

Interpreters for deaf, 65, 74, 112n.

Iowa, education in, 144, 183, 216.

Italy, early education in, 121, 124.

Jacobs, John A., 156n.

Kansas, education in, 184, 217.

Kendall School, _see_ Gallaudet College; District of Columbia.

Kentucky, education in, 141, 142, 157, 164n, 184, 217, 297, 299.

Kerger, 125.

Kerr, William D., 156n.

Kilpatrick, John, 132.

Kindergarten departments, _see_ Denominational and private schools;
Gradations of pupils.

Labor bureaus for deaf, 71, 81n.

Ladies' societies, 88n, 161n, 173n.

Land given for schools, 137, 141, 162, 299-302.
_See_ States, provision in.

Language, difficulty of for deaf, 198, 201, 287.

Law, general attitude of toward deaf, 63-74;
trend of, 73;
need of changed regard, 314.
_See_ Legal exceptions; Legislation.

Le Couteulx St. Mary's Institution, 306.
_See_ New York.

Legal exceptions, views of deaf respecting, 74n.

Legislation in aid of deaf, 68-71;
discriminatory, 66;
in protection, 67, 68.

Legislatures, appeals to, 159, 160.
_See_ Appropriations; Law, attitude of; States, provision in.

Lip-reading, 10, 284.
_See_ Speech.

Location of schools, 163, 301.

Louisiana, education in, 172n, 183, 184, 191, 193, 202, 218.

Lutheran Church, work of, _see_ Church work; Denominational schools.

McIntyre, Thomas, 156n.

Maine, education in, 138, 183, 218.

Mann, Horace, 281.

Manual alphabet, 11, 12, 277, 278.
_See_ Sign language.

Manual alphabet method, 285-287.

Manual method, 285-287.

Maryland, education in, 141, 172, 173, 176n, 183, 202-205, 219.

Marriages of deaf, advisability of, 46, 54-56;
laws to prohibit, 56n;
partners in, 55;
possibilities of deaf offspring, 46-52.
_See_ Congenital deafness.

Massachusetts, education in, 130, 138, 171, 173, 184, 191, 193n, 219, 305.
_See_ Clarke School; Horace Mann School; New England Industrial
School; Sarah Fuller Home.

Medical bodies and prevention of deafness, 25, 26.
_See_ Adventitious deafness.

Mendicancy, _see_ Alms-seekers.

Methodist Church, work of, _see_ Church work.

Methods of instruction, 193, 205, 277-287.

Michigan, education in, 183, 191, 192, 202, 221, 301.

Middle ages, education in, 120.

Minnesota, education in, 183, 184, 191, 193, 222.

Mississippi, education in, 182, 223.

Missions, _see_ Church work for deaf; Legislation in aid of deaf.

Missouri, education in, 142n, 144, 183, 191, 193, 202, 223.

Montana, education in, 176, 182, 183, 184, 224, 300.

Montans, Peter, 124.

"Mute", _see_ "Deaf".

National college, _see_ Gallaudet College.

National Educational Association, 114.

National government, granting land for schools, 137, 141, 162, 299, 300;
creating Gallaudet College, 206-208.
_See_ District of Columbia.

Nebraska, education in, 183, 224.

Negroes, education of, 172, 176n, 185n, 268n.

Nelson Philip, 129.

Nevada, education in, 171, 185, 224.

New England School, 306.
_See_ Massachusetts.

New England states, interest in American School, 136, 137, 138.

New Hampshire, education in, 138, 171, 185, 225.

New Jersey, education in, 140, 141, 184, 191, 192, 225.

New Mexico, education in, 182, 185n, 225.

New York, education in, 131, 139, 140, 148n, 171, 173, 183, 184,
191-193, 204, 226-229, 305.
_See_ Le Couteulx St. Mary's Institution; New York Institution; New
York Institution for Improved Instruction; St. Joseph's
Institution.

New York Institution, 131, 132n, 139, 140, 161n, 187n, 280n, 306.
_See_ New York.

New York Institution for Improved Instruction, 281, 306.
_See_ New York.

North Carolina, education in, 143, 172, 176n, 183, 184, 229.

North Dakota, education in, 183, 230, 297, 300.

Occupations of deaf, _see_ Economic condition.

[OE]colampadius, 124.

Offspring, deaf, _see_ Marriages of deaf.

Ohio, education in, 142, 143n, 157n, 183, 191, 192, 202, 205, 230.

Oklahoma education in, 172, 176, 183, 184, 185n, 231.

Opinions of deaf, _see_ Charity; Economic condition; Legal exceptions.

Oral method, 187n, 193, 205, 279-287, 296n.

Oregon, education in, 183, 185n, 191, 232.

Papers of deaf, 97, 116;
of schools, 116, 292.
_See_ Publications for deaf.

Parents, deaf, and offspring, _see_ Marriages of deaf.

Parents' associations, 109.

Partially deaf, 3n.

Pasch, 125.

Pay pupils, _see_ Fees.

Peet, Harvey P., 156n.

Pereire, 126.

Pennsylvania, education in, 140, 141, 171, 173, 183, 202-204, 233, 234,
305.
_See_ Pennsylvania Institution; Western Pennsylvania Institution.

Pennsylvania Institution, 140, 141, 181, 187n, 306.
_See_ Pennsylvania.

Politics in schools, 185n, 322.

Ponce de Leon, Pedro, 122.

Popular conceptions of deaf, 99-106, 313, 314.

Prevention of deafness, _see_ Adventitious deafness; Congenital deafness.

Principals, Conference of, 113, 114.

Private benefactions, 135, 136, 140, 142, 158, 160, 161, 163, 173-176,
179, 181, 281, 295, 296, 301, 303-308, 321.
_See_ Denominational and private schools; Homes; Private
organizations; States, provision in.

Private organizations for deaf, 107-116.
_See_ Denominational schools; Semi-public schools.

Private schools, _see_ Denominational and private schools.

Property, value of, 293.

Protestant Episcopal Church, work of, _see_ Church work.

Public appropriations, _see_ Appropriations.

Public schools, deaf in, _see_ Day schools.

Publications for deaf, 115, 307n.
_See_ Papers; Volta Bureau.

Pupils, at beginning, 165;
number of, 288;
proportion in attendance, 268-270.
_See_ Clothing; Fees; Gradations; Restrictions.

Quasi-public schools, _see_ Semi-public schools.

Rae, Luzerne, 156n.

Raphel, Georges, 125.

Relatives, deaf, _see_ Congenital deafness.

Relief for needy deaf, 69, 95, 112.

Religious work, _see_ Church work; Denominational schools.

Restrictions, 157, 166, 262, 263, 318.
_See_ Fees; Age-limits.

Rhode Island, education in, 138, 184, 234.

St. Francis de Sales, 124.

St. Joseph's Institution, 306.
_See_ New York.

Sarah Fuller Home, 306.
_See_ Denominational and private schools; Massachusetts.

Schott, Gaspard, 125.

Seixas, David, 140.

Self-supporting, the deaf as, _see_ Economic condition.

"Semi-deaf", 9n, 286n.

"Semi-mute", 9n, 286n.

Semi-public schools, 156, 172-176, 180, 181, 295n, 297, 303.

Sensational accounts of deaf, 105n.

Settlements, social, work of, 107n.

Sibscota, George, 123.

Sicard, 127.

Sign language, 11, 12, 92, 187n, 277-279.
_See_ Manual alphabet.

Societies for deaf, _see_ Private organizations.

Social organization of deaf, 91-98.

Societies of the deaf, 92-96;
desirability, 93;
purposes, 94-96.

Solidarity of deaf, 78n, 94, 95.

South Carolina, education in, 138, 144, 176, 182, 184, 235.

South Dakota, education in, 183, 204n, 235, 300.

Spain, early education in, 122, 123.

Speech, 8-12, 279-284;
ability of deaf in, 8, 9, 284;
growth of teaching of, 282-284;
relation to sense of hearing, 3, 4.
_See_ Oral method.

Stanford, John, 131, 139.

State, action of, _see_ Law, attitude of.

States, provision in, 209-241;
lands given by, 301;
without schools, procedure in, 169, 171, 185, 297.
_See_ Appropriations; Charity; Constitutional provisions; Government
of institutions.

Stone, Collins, 156n.

Strange class, deaf as a, 99.

Subsidies, _see_ Appropriations; Semi-public schools.

Support of schools, _see_ Cost.

Tax, exemptions of deaf from, 65, 69.

Taxation for schools, special, 163, 172, 297.

Teachers, _see_ Instructors.

Tennessee, education in, 143, 182, 183, 184, 236.

Terms, _see_ Admission into schools.

Terzi, Lana, 124.

Texas, education in, 172, 176n, 182, 236.

Thornton, William, 133n.

Totally deaf, _see_ "Deaf".

Trades, _see_ Industrial training; Economic condition.

Transportation, _see_ Clothing.

Trustees of schools, 163, 169, 180-184, 185n.
_See_ Homes; Denominational schools; States, provision in.

Turner, William W., 156n.

Unhappy class, deaf as, 102.

United States, number of deaf in, 5.
_See_ American possessions.

Utah, education in, 176, 182, 185n, 236, 300.

Vagrants, _see_ Impostors.

Value of property, _see_ Property.

Van Helmont, Jan Baptista, 124.

Van Nostrand, Jacob, 156n.

Vanin, 126.

Vermont, education in, 138, 173, 176, 237.

Virginia, education in, 131-133, 142, 172, 176, 183, 184, 237.

Volta Bureau, 108, 109, 115.

"Volta Review", 109, 115.

Wages paid to deaf, _see_ Economic condition.

Walker, Newton P., 156n.

Wallis, John, 123.

Washington, education in, 183, 185n, 191, 192, 238.

Weld, Louis, 156n.

West Virginia, education in, 172n, 176, 183, 185n, 238.

Western Pennsylvania Institution, 187n, 188n, 306.
_See_ Pennsylvania.

Wills of deaf, 65, 72, 73.

Wisconsin, education in, 144, 183, 188n, 191, 192, 202, 239.

Witness, the deaf as, 72.

Writing as means of communication, 11, 12, 285, 286.

Wyoming, education in, 171, 185, 240.

Young Men's Christian Association, work of, 107n.

Transcriber's Corrections:

Page 19. Chapter II. "ceramen" to _cerumen_.
Impacted cerumen

Page 19n. Chapter II. "ceramen" to _cerumen_.
... ear trouble, impacted cerumen is usually found ...

Page 28. Chapter II. "1800" to _1880_.
NUMBER OF THE ADVENTITIOUSLY DEAF IN 1880, 1890 AND 1900

Page 32. Table IV. 8th column "1902/1901" to _1901/1902_.

Page 69. Chapter III. "is" to _in_.
Thus in Missouri we find a statute of 1843 allowing ...

Page 128n. Chapter VIII. "appendicies" to _appendices_.
... Mississippi School, appendices, 1907, 1909, 1911 ...

Page 158. Chapter IX. "nucleii" to _nuclei_.
... schools were thus often the nuclei of the ...

Page 202n. Chapter XII. "nucleii" to _nuclei_.
... which were the nuclei of the state ...

Page 222. Chapter XIV. "Saulte" to _Sault_.
... Sault Ste. Marie, 1906; ...

Page 253. Chapter XVI. "superintendant" to _superintendent_
... By one superintendent it has been stated ...

Page 259. Chapter XVI. "Rosolved" to _Resolved_.
Resolved, that the deaf youth of our land ...

Page 304. Chapter XXII. "suffcient" to _sufficient_.
... are quite sufficient to enable us to ...

Page 320. Chapter XXIII. "educaton" to _education_.
... work of the education of the deaf ...

Page 329. Appendix B. "Annez" to _Annex_.
Public School, Queens, (Annex to School 47, Manhattan)

Page 333 & 339. Index. No entry for "Age Limits".
Relevant information can be found in Ch. XVII, pp. 265-267, under
the heading "Age Limits of Attendance".

Page 334. Index. "Giralamo" to _Girolamo_.
Cardano, Girolamo, 121.

Page 335, 337 & 340. Index. "provisions" to _provision_.
_See_ ... States, provision in ...

Page 340. Index. "schools" to _institutions_.
_See_ ... Government of institutions.

Page 340. Index. "of pupils" to _into schools_.
Terms, _see_ Admission into schools.

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