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THE   ENGLISH   BLACK  MONKS 
OF  ST.   BENEDICT 


VOLUME  THE  FIRST 


THE 

ENGLISH  BLACK  MONKS 
OF  ST.  BENEDICT 

A  SKETCH  OF  THEIR  HISTORY   FROM  THE 

COMING  OF  ST.  AUGUSTINE  TO 

THE   PRESENT   DAY 


REV.  ETHELRED  L.  TAUNTON 


IN    TWO    VOLUMES 
VOLUME  THE  FIRST 


LONDON 
JOHN    C.    NIMMO 

NEW  YORK :  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 

MDCCCXCVII 


Printed  by  Ballantyne,  Hanson  &  Co. 
At  the  Ballantyne  Press 


TO 

MY 

DEAR   FATHER, 

IN    REMEMBRANCE   OF 

THE 

COMMON 

OF 

SORROW 

February  13, 

1897. 

INTRODUCTION 

In  these  two  volumes  I  venture  to  bring  before 
the  notice  of  English  readers  the  history  of  the 
English  benedictines,  or  "black  monks,"  as  they 
were  called  in  the  olden  times.  To  the  student  the 
names  are  well  known  of  men  who  have  devoted 
large  and  costly  books  to  the  past  glories  of  the 
monks  of  this  country.  These  works,  however,  are 
difficult  of  access  ;  and  from  their  very  multiplicity  of 
detail,  require  a  mastery  of  the  subject  (to  be  gained 
only  by  long  and  patient  study),  before  a  just  and 
general  idea  of  the  history  as  a  whole  can  be  ob- 
tained. Besides,  such  works  as  the  Monasticon  of 
Dugdale,  and  others  of  the  school  of  antiquaries 
connected  with  his  labours,  professedly  deal  only 
with  the  black  monks,  among  other  orders,  up  to 
the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries  under  Henry 
VIII.  Their  subsequent  history,  known  but  to  a 
very  few  even  of  their  descendants,  has  in  course 
of  time  become  obscured  by  a  legendary  growth 
which  does  not  bear  the  test  of  research.     It  is  as 


viii  INTRODUCTION 

an  attempt  at  completing  in  broad  lines  the  picture 
of  English  benedictine  history,  both  ancient  and 
modern,  that  these  pages  have  been  written.  The 
vastness  and  importance  of  the  subject  would 
require  many  volumes  to  treat  it  adequately,  and 
would  be  a  task  beyond  my  present  purpose.  But 
here  for  the  first  time  is  given  a  definite  account  of 
the  history,  for  the  last  thirteen  hundred  years,  of 
men  who  have  played  no  mean  part  in  the  making 
of  England,  and  whose  names  have  ever  been  re- 
vered and  cherished. 

Writers  on  the  later  history,  whether  in  manu- 
script or  otherwise,  have  drawn  their  information 
mainly  from  the  Chronicles  of  Dom  Weldon,  a 
choir  brother  of  St.  Edmund's,  Paris.  That  he  was 
often  misinformed  and  also  did  not  understand  the 
nature  of  the  documents  he  had  in  hand  is  a  con- 
clusion one  is  bound  to  arrive  at  when  his  statements 
are  brought  to  the  test.  In  the  present  work,  I 
have  contented  myself  (with  two  most  important 
exceptions  noted  below)  with  going  to  the  first-hand 
evidence  contained  in  the  wealth  of  printed  and 
manuscript  material  at  the  disposal  of  the  public ; 
and  I  feel  sure  that  any  further  light  to  be  obtained 
from  private  sources  will  only  go  to  illustrate,  not  to 


INTRODUCTION  ix 

alter,   the  lines  here  given.     Every  statement  has 
been  verified,  and  every  reference  has  been  given. 

My  grateful  thanks  are  due  to  the  many  friends 
who  have  helped  me  in  what  has  been  a  work  of 
love.  It  is  also  a  tribute  of  the  affection  and  esteem 
which  I,  an  outsider,  have  for  the  English  monks. 
But  I  cannot  let  these  pages  go  forth  without  a 
special  acknowledgment  of  my  sincere  gratitude 
to  the  Very  Rev.  Dom  Anselm  Burge,  O.S.B., 
prior  of  St.  Laurence's  monastery,  Ampleforth,  for 
giving  me  full  access  to  Dom  Allanson's  voluminous 
manuscripts ;  and  to  Mr.  Edmund  Bishop  for  allow- 
ing me  the  free  use  of  his  manuscript  collections 
relating  to  the  English  benedictines  of  the  middle 
ages.  From  these  latter  I  have  selected,  as  most 
proper  for  my  purpose,  the  consuetudinary  of  St. 
Augustine's,  Canterbury,  contained  in  the  Cotton  MS. 
Faustina  C.  xii.,  the  transcript  of  which  (completed, 
as  the  date  tells  me,  just  five-and-twenty  years  ago) 
has  served  me  for  the  appendix  to  the  present  volume. 
This  document  has  the  further  recommendation  of 
having  been  hitherto  practically  overlooked  by  the 
ecclesiastical  antiquaries. 

E.  L.  T. 

London,  August  6,  1897. 


CONTENTS 

VOLUME    THE    FIRST 
CHAPTER   I 

THE  COMING   OF   THE   MONKS 

PAGES 

The  vision  of  St.  Benedict— He  destined  to  be  "The  Father  of 
many  Nations  " — The  growth  and  influence  of  the  benedictine 
monks  and  what  England  owes  to  them — The  landing  of 
Augustine  and  his  companions — His  instructions  from  Gregory 
the  Great — His  institutions — The  attitude  of  the  remnants  of 
the  British  church  to  him — The  acknowledgment  of  his  plan 
by  Irish  and  Scottish  monks — The  growth  of  monastic  institu- 
tions in  England  —  Wilfrid  and  Benet  Biscop  —  Bede  the 
Venerable  —  The  Danish  invasion  and  destruction  of  the 
Saxon  abbeys — The  restoration  of  religious  houses  and  of 
civilisation  by  the  monks — Archbishop  Dunstan  and  bishops 
Ethelwold  and  Oswald  :  their  work  as  restorers  and  their  in- 
stitutions— The  daily  life  of  the  monks  under  the  Concordia 
Regularis  of  Ethelwold 1-17 

CHAPTER  II 

THE  NORMAN   LANFRANC 

The  growth  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church :  its  second  devastation — 
The  Norman  invasion — Lay  abbats  and  the  disorders  they  pro- 
voked— The  confederation  of  Cluni  and  the  character  and 
growth  of  the  cluniacs— The  Italian  Lanfranc  :  he  becomes 
prior  of  Bee — William  of  Malmesbury's  account  of  the  Christ 
Church  monks  in  the  eleventh  century — The  Norman  attitude 


xii  CONTENTS 


PAGES 


to  the  Saxon  monasteries  and  how  far  it  was  justifiable — Lan- 
franc  as  archbishop  of  Canterbury  :  his  reforms  and  statutes  : 
the  spread  of  his  changes  and  their  unwelcomeness  to  the  Saxon 
monks — The  incoming  of  the  cluniacs  and  their  settlements  in 
England — The  growth  of  monasticism  coeval  with  the  growth 
of  chivalry — Bishop  William  of  St.  Carileph  and  his  founda- 
tions— The  development  of  constitutional  organisation   .        .  18-30 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  BENEDICTINE  CONSTITUTION 

The  nature  of  the  benedictine  constitution :  the  absence  from  it 
of  the  forms  of  government  and  special  objects  peculiar  to 
other  orders :  its  aims  and  vows  :  the  resemblance  of  its  basis 
to  the  family  basis  of  society — Lanfranc's  definition  of  St. 
Benedict's  Rule — The  autonomy  of  the  individual  houses  and 
their  mutual  confederation — The  embodiment  of  this  principle 
in  the  twelfth  decree  of  the  Fourth  General  Council  of  Lateran 
— Instances  of  the  observance  of  the  decree  in  England — The 
decree  enforced  by  a  bull  of  Benedict  XII. — The  observance  of 
the  bull  in  England  and  the  holding  of  chapters — Clement  VL's 
modifications  of  the  bull  of  Benedict  XII. — The  secession  of 
Christ  Church,  Canterbury,  from  the  general  chapter — The 
bishop's  jurisdiction  over  the  abbats  of  his  diocese — English 
abbeys  which  were  exempt  from  episcopal  control — The  in- 
ternal government  of  the  abbeys — The  benedictine's  freedom 
from  peculiar  outside  work  and  his  consequent  power  to  take 
up  any  work 31-48 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  MONK   IN  THE  WORLD 

The  monk's  readiness  to  labour  in  the  world  :  his  social  status  and 
his  relation  to  agricultural  industries — The  means  of  livelihood 
afforded  to  artisans  by  the  monastic  institutions — The  monk 
as  an  educationalist — The  benedictine  school  foundations — 
The  relief  of  the  poor  at  the  religious  houses  and  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  relieved — The  spiritual  supervision  of  the 


CONTENTS  xiii 


people  by  the  monks — The  monks  the  originators  of  the 
present  parochial  system — The  origin  of  vicars — The  impro- 
priation and  appropriation  of  benefices  in  England  and  the 
proportion  of  income  reserved  to  the  vicar :  English  legislation 
in  the  matter — The  position  of  the  secular  clergy — The  monas- 
teries as  schools  for  the  sons  of  the  nobility — The  admission  of 
the  greatest  of  the  land  to  confraternity  with  the  monks — 
The  privileges  of  the  confrater  and  the  ceremony  of  admis- 
sion— Kings  and  princes  as  confratres  —  The  disadvantages 
of  the  monasteries  being  shelters  for  the  rich  as  well  as 
poor — Enforced  endowments  to  scholars  nominated  by  the 
king— The  possessions  of  the  monks  weighed  against  their 
responsibilities 49-64 


CHAPTER  V 

THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY 

The  private  life  of  the  monks  :  its  calmness  and  freedom  from 
incident — The  combination  of  the  broad  outlines  of  mediaeval 
English  life  necessary  to  form  a  picture  of  the  inner  life  of  the 
monks — The  true  history  of  a  monk  of  the  thirteenth  century 
presented  in  the  imaginary  history  of  John  Weston  of  Lyn- 
minster — His  parentage  and  education — His  dedication  to  God 
and  his  preparation  for  the  monastic  life — The  attention  paid 
to  his  physical  development — The  awakening  of  his  soul — His 
admission  as  a  novice  and  his  training  in  the  spiritual  life 
— His  trial  and  duties  in  the  year  of  his  novitiate — He  becomes 
a  monk — The  devotions  of  the  day — The  day's  meals  and  what 
they  consisted  of — The  day's  studies — The  day's  work — The 
sleeping-house  and  its  arrangement — The  monk's  recreation 
and  exercise — The  foundation  of  Gloucester  Hall,  Oxford, 
by  John  Gifford,  and  its  incentive  to  the  higher  education  of 
the  monks — The  building  of  chambers  by  the  abbeys  for  their 
own  students — John  Weston  goes  to  Oxford — His  daily  life 
there — His  return  to  Lynminster  and  his  ordination — He 
teaches  the  novices — The  internal  government  of  the  abbey 
— He  becomes  prior — He  takes  the  plague — His  death  and 
burial 65-96 


xiv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VI 

WOMEN   UNDER  THE  RULE 

PAGES 

The  uncertainty  as  to  St.  Scholastica  being  a  nun — The  tradition 
of  St.  Benedict  founding  a  community  of  virgins — The  absence 
of  any  reference  to  this  in  his  Rule — The  reasons  for  the  sup- 
position— The  existence  of  cloisters  of  women  before  St. 
Benedict's  time  proved — Reasons  for  supposing  that  the  early 
English  convents  were  benedictine — Noble  foundresses  of 
Saxon  convents,  Hilda,  Eanswith,  Ethelburga,  Sexburgh,  Mil- 
dred— Other  Saxon  nunneries — Ethelburga's  abbey  at  Barking 
— Cuthburg's  foundation  at  Wimborne  —  The  destruction 
of  the  nunneries  during  the  Danish  invasion — The  convents 
which  survived  the  invasion — The  privileges  of  abbesses — 
The  life  of  the  benedictine  nuns  and  their  partial  freedom  from 
the  enclosure  restrictions  of  other  orders — The  nun  in  Chaucer 
— The  employments  of  the  nuns  in  their  convents — Study 
and  intellectual  pursuits  their  favourite  employment — Needle- 
work also  practised — Other  pursuits — The  convent  as  a  place 
of  retreat  for  lay  women — The  influences  and  tendencies  of 
convent  life — The  social  influence  of  the  nuns         .        .  97-116 


CHAPTER   VII 

CHRONICLES   OF   THE   CONGREGATION.      I 

The  state  of  the  monasteries  before  their  fall — The  influence  of  the 
abbats  compared  with  that  of  the  bishops — Their  mutual  rela- 
tions— An  instance  of  the  disputes  between  monastic  chapters 
and  their  bishops — St.  Edmund  and  the  monks  of  Christ 
Church,  Canterbury — The  character  of  Edmund — The  appeal 
of  the  monks  to  pope  Gregory  IX. — The  papal  judges— Inter- 
vention of  the  king — Edmund  gives  way — Other  disputes — 
Edmund  goes  to  Rome  and  his  dispute  with  the  Canterbury 
monks  is  renewed — His  return  to  England — He  excommuni- 
cates the  Canterbury  chapter — The  reforms  of  the  Lateran 
Council — The  legate  Otho  and  the  black  monks — His  legisla- 
tion— The  alien  priories  and  their  origination — The  revenues 


CONTENTS  xv 


estreated  by  King  John — Seizure  of  the  priories  by  Edward  I. : 
legislation  affecting  them  :  their  total  suppression  by  Henry  V. 
— The  "Black  Death"  of  1348-49:  the  terrible  effects  of  the 
visitation  :  was  mainly  responsible  for  the  break-up  of  the 
feudal  system  :  its  effect  upon  the  monasteries — The  conference 
of  Henry  V.  with  the  abbats  and  other  prelates  in  1422 — The 
king's  address — The  deliberations  of  the  conference — The 
nature  of  its  decrees — Their  effects — The  state  of  benedic- 
tinism  on  the  continent  before  the  dissolution — The  cause  of 
the  decline  there  attributable  to  the  system  of  commendam — 
The  system  arrested  by  the  reforms  of  Barbo  of  Padua — Their 
spread  and  efficacy 1 17-142 


CHAPTER    VIII 

THE   DOWNFALL 

The  dissolution  of  the  monasteries — The  outcome  of  the  trend  of 
events  prior  to  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII. — The  unpopularity 
of  the  monasteries  with  the  court — Henry's  accession  and 
Wolsey's  rise  to  power — The  pope's  authorisations  to  Wolsey 
as  legate — He  suppresses  thirty  monasteries — The  cardinal's 
agents — Allen  and  Thomas  Cromwell — The  fall  of  Wolsey  and 
the  elevation  of  Thomas  Cromwell — Henry's  avarice  aroused  : 
his  want  of  money — Cromwell  authorised  to  visit  the  monas- 
teries— The  nature  of  the  oath  tendered  by  his  commissioners 
— Royal  commission  instituted  :  its  powers  and  object — The 
worthlessness  of  the  commissioners'  reports  :  their  endorsement 
by  the  king — The  act  of  dissolution  passed  by  Parliament — 
The  monasteries  given  to  the  king  in  trust  only  :  the  enact- 
ments relating  to  this — The  people  reconciled  by  public 
declarations — Appointment  of  the  "court  of  Augmentations" 
— The  houses  suppressed  and  the  value  of  their  lands  and 
personal  goods — The  exception  of  some  houses  and  the  found- 
ing of  two  new  ones  by  the  king— The  Lincolnshire  risings 
and  the  king's  merciless  suppression  of  them — Further  seizures 
and  surrenderings  of  houses — Three  abbats  hanged  for  high 
treason — The  downfall 143-159 


VOL.  I. 


xvi  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  IX 

JOHN   FECKNAM,    ABBAT 

PAGES 

The  state  of  the  monks  immediately  after  the  dissolution — The 
influx  of  monks  to  the  monastic  colleges  at  the  universities — 
John  Fecknam  of  Evesham— His  birth,  parentage,  and  early- 
education — He  is  sent  by  the  benedictines  to  Oxford — His 
return  to  Oxford  after  the  suppression — Abbat  Clement  Lich- 
field of  Evesham — Fecknam  becomes  chaplain  to  the  bishop 
of  Worcester :  and  to  the  bishop  of  London — He  is  presented 
to  the  living  of  Solihull — His  imprisonment  in  the  Tower — 
The  reasons  for  his  committal — He  is  "  borrowed  "  from  prison 
to  hold  disputations — Returns  to  the  Tower — Is  released  and 
returns  to  the  bishop  of  London — He  becomes  rector  of  Green- 
ford  Magna — Is  made  chaplain  and  confessor  to  Mary  and 
dean  of  St.  Paul's — He  intercedes  for  Lady  Jane  Dudley  and 
for  the  princess  Elizabeth — Assists  Mary  in  her  attempt  to 
restore  the  Catholic  Church — The  mass  restored  at  Canter- 
bury— The  benedictines  resume  their  habits — Renunciation 
of  abbey  lands  by  the  queen — Restoration  of  Westminster 
abbey — Pole  introduces  Cassinese  ideas — Fecknam  appointed 
abbat — His  installation — He  receives  the  mitre — The  queen's 
visit — Fecknam's  hospitality — He  attends  Parliament — His 
endeavours  to  restore  other  monasteries — The  petition  of  the 
Glastonbury  monks  —  Death  of  Mary  and  of  cardinal  Pole 
— The  accession  of  Elizabeth — Her  political  hostility  to  the 
catholics — The  opening  of  Parliament  and  its  enactions — The 
act  of  the  Royal  Supremacy  passed — The  suppression  of  all 
religious  houses  decided  upon  —  The  second  dissolution  of 
Westminster  abbey — The  deprivation  of  the  bishops — Feck- 
nam's refusal  to  take  the  oath  and  his  ejection — His  imprison- 
ment together  with  the  bishops — His  life  in  the  Tower — The 
penalty  of  death  decreed  for  a  second  refusal  of  the  oath — 
Fecknam  committed  to  the  care  of  the  bishop  of  Winches- 
ter— Recommitted  to  the  Tower — He  justifies  his  refusal — 
His  treatment  in  the  Tower — Removed  to  the  Marshalsea — 
Released  on  parole — He  engages  in  charitable  works — De- 
nounced for  abusing  his  parole — Placed  under  the  charge  of 
the  bishop  of  Ely — The  regulations  for  the  bishop's  treatment 
of  him — His  so-called  confession — His  removal  to  Wisbeach 
Castle — His  death — Personal  appearance — Bequests  and  sur- 
viving MS.  works 160-222 


CONTENTS  xvii 

CHAPTER  X 

THE  STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS,    1559-1601 

PAGES 

The  deprivations^  resulting  from  the  tendering  of  the  oath  of 
supremacy — The  state  of  England  after  Elizabeth's  accession 
— The  conciliatory  endeavours  of  Pius  IV.  to  remedy  matters 
— The  succession  of  Pius  V.  and  his  determination  to  crush 
the  queen — The  bull  of  excommunication  and  deprivation 
of  sovereign  rights  —  Its  effect  upon  English  catholics  — 
Parliamentary  counter-enactments  to  the  bull — The  establish- 
ment of  seminaries  at  Douai  and  Rome  for  the  English 
mission  —  The  origin  and  marvellous  development  of  the 
Jesuits — Their  objects — They  send  two  missioners  (Parsons 
and  Campion)  to  England — The  characters  of  the  missioners 
— The  objections  of  the  English  Catholics  overcome — The 
political  intrigues  of  Parsons — The  martyrdom  of  Campion — 
Parsons  flies  to  the  continent — The  failure  and  ill-advised 
nature  of  his  intrigues — Other  Jesuits  in  England — Parsons' 
attempt  to  subjugate  the  secular  clergy  to  the  Jesuits — The 
nature  of  his  tactics  and  their  assistance  to  Elizabeth — 
Wisbeach  and  its  miserable  dissensions — The  arch-priest  con- 
troversy— The  appeal  to  Rome — Treatment  of  envoys — Eliza- 
beth favours  a  deputation  of  the  clergy  to  the  pope — The 
reception  of  the  deputation  and  the  termination  of  the  contest 
— The  situation  on  the  eve  of  the  return  of  the  benedictines 
to  the  mission  field 223-255 


APPENDIX 

THE    CONSUETUDINARY    OF    ST.    AUGUSTINE'S,    CANTER- 
BURY           257-310 


THE  ENGLISH  BLACK  MONKS 
OF   ST.   BENEDICT 

CHAPTER  I 

THE   COMING    OF   THE    MONKS 

St.  Gregory  the  Great  (604),  in  the  second  Book 
of  Dialogues,1  tells  us  that  shortly  before  the  death 
of  St.  Benedict  (542)  that  great  monastic  law-giver 
saw  one  night  in  vision  the  whole  world  gathered 
together  under  one  beam  of  the  sun.  The  eyes  of 
the  Saint  surely  must  have  rested  with  a  peculiar 
satisfaction  upon  one  small  island,  then,  save  one 
little  corner,  all  shrouded  in  pagan  darkness.  For 
England  was  destined  within  some  fifty  years  after 
his  death  to  be  taken  hold  of  by  his  children  and, 
once  converted,  to  become  the  most  favoured  spot  in 
all  his  patrimony.  Eor,  like  Abraham  of  old,  Bene- 
dict was  destined  to  be  "  the  Father  of  many  Nations," 
the  harbinger  of  Truth  and  Justice  and  Civilisation 
to  races  still  wrapped  in  the  darkness  of  heathendom. 
And  when  he  had  entered  into  his  patrimony,  in 

1  Chapter  xxxv. 
VOL.  I.  A 


2  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

thousands  of  monasteries,  in  Europe  alone,  was  he 
invoked  as  father ;  and  each  of  these  houses  became 
a  centre  of  Life  and  Light  to  all  the  country  round. 
But  nowhere  did  his  sons  identify  themselves  with 
the  land,  and  link  themselves  in  love  with  the 
people,  as  in  England.  Here  they  were  racy  of  the 
soil ;  and  in  English  Benedictine  hearts  love  of 
country  existed  side  by  side  with  love  of  their  state. 
Up  and  down  the  land  most  of  the  episcopal  sees, 
those  centres  of  Life  to  the  Church,  were  founded 
by  them ;  and  in  course  of  time  monks  formed  the 
chapters.  For  centuries  the  Primate  of  all  England 
wore  the  habit  of  St.  Benedict,  and  was  elected  to 
his  post  by  the  monks  of  Christ  Church  cathedral- 
monastery.  And  in  the  social  order,  the  England  of 
to-day  owes  much  to  the  monks,  who  founded  schools 
and  universities,  hospitals  and  workshops.  All  the 
learning  there  was  they  possessed,  and,  with  generous 
hand,  freely  did  they  open  their  stores  of  knowledge 
to  all  comers.  The  very  foundations  of  English 
liberty  and  law  and  order  were  laid  by  benedictines 
interpreting  and  living  according  to  their  Rule. 

"  They  were  all  in  all  to  England ;  its  doctors  and 
its  lawyers  and  its  councillors  ;  and  on  every  page 
of  the  country's  annals  their  names  may  be  found  in 
honour  as  the  champions  of  the  liberties  of  Church 
and  People."  * 

It  is  not  going  too  far,  but  it  is  the  sober  truth  to 

1  A  Sketch  of  the  Life  and  Mission  of  St.   Benedict,  by  a  monk  of 
St.  Gregory's  Priory  (Downside,  1 880),  p.  24. 


THE   COMING   OF   THE   MONKS  3 

say,  England  in  great  measure  is  what  she  is  to-day 
through  the  work  and  the  influence  of  St.  Benedict's 
sons.  And  there  has  always  been  deep  set  in  English 
hearts  a  love  for  the  Benedictine  name,  which  no 
time,  absence,  or  calumny  could  efface. 

Sent  by  Gregory  the  Great,  himself  a  monk  and 
founder  of  monasteries,  and  who  himself  would  have 
come  had  not  his  elevation  to  the  Chair  of  Peter 
intervened,  Augustine,  prior  of  the  monastery  of  St. 
Andrew's  on  the  Celian  Hill,1  at  Rome,  with  forty 
companions,  after  long  journeyings  and  much  dis- 
couragement, landed  on  English  soil.  Richborough, 
in  the  Island  of  Thanet,  is  the  spot  which,  if  tradition 
speaks  truly,  welcomed  the  monks,  and  whence  they 
spread  gradually  over  the  whole  country.  No  time 
was  lost  in  preparing  for  their  work.  In  solemn 
procession,  with  silver  cross  and  painted  banner 
borne  aloft,  they  set  out,  chanting  litanies  in  the 
grave,  majestic  Latin  tongue  ;  and  they  called  upon 
God,  through  the  intercession  of  His  saints,  to 
enlighten  the  Saxons  who  then  sat  in  darkness,  to 
dispel  the  shadow  of  death  hanging  over  the  land,  and 
to  set  this  people's  feet  in  the  ways  of  peace.2  How 
the  glad  tidings  were  received  by  king  and  people, 
and  how,  in  a  short  hundred  years,  from  that  corner 
in  Kent  a  force  went  forth  which  stirred  up  the 
hearers  to  receive  the  faith,  and  going  beyond  the 

1  The  Cardinalitial  title  of  SS.  Gregory  and  Andrew  on  the  Celian 
Hill  was  assigned  with  peculiar  fitness  to  the  late  cardinal  Manning, 
.and  again  to  his  successor,  the  present  archbishop  of  Westminster. 

2  Bede's  Historia  Ecclesiastica  Gentis  Anglorwn,  lib.  i.  c.  xxv. 


4  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

borders,  roused  other  missioners,  monks  too,  to  come 
and  help  in  the  work  of  evangelising,  is  well  known 
to  all.  The  impulse  and  example  were  Augustine's. 
The  other  helpers  in  the  vineyard  at  length  fell  in 
with  the  plan  he  received  from  pope  Gregory  and 
the  traditions  he  brought  from  the  Apostolic  See. 

The  foundations  of  the  English  Church  were  set 
with  consummate  skill.  Both  Gregory  and  Augus- 
tine were  men  full  of  the  Benedictine  largeness  of 
mind.  In  answer  to  Augustine,  Gregory  had  in- 
structed him  to  select  any  of  the  rites  and  usages 
found  in  the  neighbouring  churches  of  Gaul  and 
elsewhere,  which  he  might  consider  more  useful 
for  the  newly-formed  English  Church  than  those 
observed  in  Rome.1  And  so,  tended  by  such  men, 
the  Faith  of  Christ  took  root  in  a  congenial  soil,  and 
in  due  time  grew  and  took  the  outward  form  of 
beauty,  in  harmony  with  the  national  characteristics. 

On  his  first  arrival  he  built,  just  outside  the  city 
walls,  a  monastery  which  he  dedicated  to  SS.  Peter 
and  Paul  (afterwards  known  as  St.  Augustine's),  in 

1  "You  know,  my  brother,  the  custom  of  the  Eoman  Church,  in 
which  you  remember  you  were  bred  up.  But  it  pleases  me  that  if  you 
have  found  anything  either  in  the  Roman  or  the  Gallican,  or  any 
other  Church  which  may  be  more  acceptable  to  Almighty  God,  you 
carefully  make  choice  of  the  same,  and  sedulously  teach  the  Church 
of  the  English,  which,  as  yet,  is  new  in  the  Faith,  whatsoever  you  can 
gather  from  the  several  Churches.  For  things  are  not  to  be  loved  for 
the  sake  of  places,  but  places  for  the  sake  of  good  things.  Choose 
therefore  from  every  Church  those  things  that  are  pious,  religious, 
and  upright,  and  when  you  have,  as  it  were,  made  them  up  into  one 
body,  let  the  minds  of  the  English  be  accustomed  thereto." — Bede,, 
Histor.  Eccl.,  lib.  i.  cap  27  (Bonn's  Translation),  pp.  41,  42. 


THE   COMING   OF   THE   MONKS  5 

which  he  chose  his  last  resting-place.  But  as  the 
centre  of  his  work,  Augustine  founded,  along  with 
his  cathedral  of  Christ  Church  at  Canterbury,  a 
monastery  for  his  monks,  thus  reproducing  in 
the  dedications  at  Canterbury  the  two  features  of 
Rome,  the  Lateran  and  Vatican  churches  ;  just  as 
at  Eochester,  hard  by,  they  recalled  by  the  same 
means  their  old  home  of  St.  Andrew's  on  the 
Celian  Hill,  and  at  London  St.  Paul's,  extra  muros. 
From  his  companions  he  selected  Mellitus  and 
Justus  to  be  bishops  of  the  sees  he  had  set  up  at 
the  neighbouring  towns  of  London  and  Rochester. 
Paulinus,  too,  was  sent  by  him  to  York,  there  to 
lay  the  foundations  of  the  Church  in  the  kingdom 
of  Northumbria. 

Among  the  remnants  of  the  British  Church  which 
had  fled  for  shelter  to  the  mountains  of  Wales,  were 
many  Irish  monks  whose  manner  of  living  was 
much  the  same  as  that  of  St.  Columbanus ;  and 
great  monasteries,  as  for  instance  that  of  Bangor, 
still  flourished.  But  they  would  have  nothing  to 
do  with  the  new-comers,  who  invited  them  to  help 
in  converting  their  hated  oppressors  the  Saxons. 
They  would  not  heed  the  call  of  Augustine,  and 
on  frivolous  pretexts  refused  to  acknowledge  him. 
Neither  would  they  bring  themselves  into  line  with 
the  rest  of  the  Western  Church  on  changes  of 
discipline  which,  in  their  present  isolation,  were 
unknown  to  them.  They  would  not  listen,  but 
remained  sullen  and  obstinate  in   their   separation. 


6  THE  ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

Not  so,  however,  with  other  monks  from  Ireland  and 
the  Scottish  isles.  They  came  into  the  northern 
parts  of  England  and  walked  in  harmony  with  the 
Roman  missionaries.  But  when  in  some  of  them,  too, 
the  conservative  element  asserted  itself  unduly  and 
made  them  want  to  remain  stationary  while  the 
rest  of  the  world  moved,  these  remnants  of  a  past 
age  retired  from  the  scene,  and  the  more  vigorous 
of  the  Celtic  missioners  gradually  amalgamated  with 
the  Roman  monks.1 

Although  in  parts  the  Faith  for  a  while  was 
resisted  and  missionaries  had  to  fly  the  storm,  other 
monks  took  their  place  and  toiled  on,  gathering 
in  the  harvest  which  lay  white  on  all  the  country 
round.  Soon,  too,  sprung  up  monasteries  of  virgins 
who   served   God   in    the  monastic   habit.      Hilda,2 

1  The  rule  of  St.  Columbanus  professes  to  be  simply  a  tradition  of 
what  he  had  learnt  in  Ireland.  The  code  of  discipline  is  marked  by- 
much  sternness  and  severity,  forming  in  this  a  complete  contrast  to 
the  moderation  of  St.  Benedict.  Lashes,  even  to  two  hundred  in 
number,  were  freely  bestowed  for  very  trivial  faults.  Fastings,  ex- 
communications, and  lengthened  periods  of  enforced  silence  were  also 
ordinary  punishments.  This  rigidity  was  bound  to  give  way  in  time 
to  the  more  human,  and  therefore  more  natural,  spirit  which  came 
from  Monte  Cassino. 

2  St.  Hilda,  from  her  connection  with  St.  Aidan,  evidently  at  first 
followed  the  Scottish  rule.  But  we  find  her  later  on  sending  some 
of  her  monks  to  Canterbury  to  learn  the  discipline  and  rule  of  the 
benedictines  at  Christ  Church.  Probably  after  the  famous  synod  of 
Whitby  (664),  when  she  found  so  many  of  the  columban  monks  pre- 
ferring their  dead  traditions  to  the  living  voice,  she  turned  for  safety's 
sake  to  St.  Benedict's  rule,  which  had  come  to  England  directly  from 
the  Chair  of  Peter.  Lingard  says  that  the  benedictine  Rule  was  first 
introduced  into  Northumbria  in  661  ;  while  the  West  Saxons  received 
it  in  675,  and  the  Mercians  not  until  709.  See  History  of  England 
(ed.  1849),  vol.  i.  p.  269,  note. 


THE   COMING   OF   THE   MONKS  7 

Etheldreda,  Mildred,  Werburgh,  Edith,  and  others, 
were  leaders  in  a  movement  which  called  maidens 
from  the  courts  of  kings  to  the  cloister  of  the 
King  of  kings.  Princes,  too,  put  down  their  crowns 
and  sceptres  and  put  on  the  humble  garb  of  the 
monk,  and,  in  the  silence  of  the  monastery,  won 
victories  more  glorious  than  had  been  theirs  out- 
side the  cloister. 

So  the  work  sped.  Great  names  such  as  Wilfrid 
(709)  and  Benet  Biscop  (690)  stand  out  as  pre-eminent 
in  the  work  of  introducing  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict 
into  the  North.  The  first,  educated  at  Lindisfarne, 
gained  his  earliest  impressions  of  Benedictine  life 
from  Canterbury,  whence  he  journeyed  through 
France  to  Eome.  There  he  was  confirmed  in  them. 
The  other,  who  had  become  a  monk  at  Lerins  1  in 
666,  came  from  Home  itself  in  the  train  of  the 
great  archbishop  Theodore,  and  by  him  was  made 
abbat  of  St.  Augustine's  at  Canterbury.  After  two 
years,  in  671,  he,  too,  went  to  Northumbria,  and 
built  an  abbey  at  Wearmouth  and  another  at  Jarrow. 
These  were  the  men  raised  up  by  God  to  strengthen 
and  establish  monastic  discipline  throughout  Eng- 
land after  the  pattern  laid  down  by  St.  Benedict. 
By  their  travels  in  France  and  Italy  they  were  able 
to  gather,  here  and  there,  the  best  features  of  regular 
observance,  and  returning  they  introduced  them  into 
English  houses  during  their  frequent  journeys  up 
and  down  the  country.     iEdde  in  his  life  of  Wilfrid 

1  St.  Augustine  stayed  at  Lerins  on  his  way  to  England. 


8  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

speaks  in  the  fourteenth  chapter  of  the  visits  to 
Canterbury,  whence  "  returning  with  the  Rule  of 
Benedict  to  his  own  region  (Ripon),  with  iEdde  and 
iEona,  the  chanters,  and  with  architects,  and  with 
the  ministry  of  almost  every  kind  of  art,  he  right 
well  improved  the  institutions  of  the  Church." 1 
Benet,  like  Wilfrid,  was  constant  in  his  journey- 
ings  to  Rome.  But  while  the  one  went  for 
Justice,  the  other  was  drawn  abroad  in  the  inter- 
ests of  his  monasteries  of  Wearmouth  and  Jarrow. 
He  collected  a  large  library,  and  introduced  into 
England  new  arts  and  industries,  notably  those 
of  building  in  stone  and  the  glazier's  craft.  He 
brought  back  ancient  manuscripts,  rich  paintings 
and  vestments,  and  great  stores  of  relics  of 
saints  and  martyrs.  In  one  of  these  monasteries 
(Jarrow)  dwelt  Bede  the  Venerable,  the  type  of 
the  monk ;  a  student  and  a  scholar,  who  loved  to 
impart  his  knowledge  to  others.  Passing  from 
childhood  to  old  age  in  the  faithful  observance 
of  the  Religious  Life,  he  is  the  flower  of  the 
monastic  schools,  such  as  were  started  by  Aidan 
and  Aldhelm.  He,  too,  is  the  father  of  English 
history. 

About  a  hundred  years  after  Benet  Biscop  had 
lived  and  worked,  the  storm  of  Danish  invasion  swept 
down  upon  the  coast,  and  the  northern  monasteries 
felt  to  the  full  the  effects  of  the  disastrous  times. 

1  Gale,  Remrn  Anglicarum  Scriptores,  vol.  iii.  p.  58. 


THE   COMING   OF   THE   MONKS  9 

But  long  before  destruction  thus  fell  upon  them  at 
home,  Saxon  benedictine  monks  had  turned  their 
faces  towards  the  still  heathen  tribes  of  Germany. 
Winfrid,  Willibald,  and  Willibrord,  with  a  host  of 
others,  including  nuns  who  went  to  do  Woman's 
work  in  evangelising,  became  the  apostles  and 
teachers  of  other  countries,  and  by  toil  and  blood 
founded  Churches  fruitful  in  saints. 

When  the  fierceness  of  the  invaders  passed,  the 
Saxon  monks  set  themselves  manfully  to  repair 
the  disaster,  and  rebuild  the  broken  walls  of  the 
houses  destroyed  by  the  Danes.1  How  they  re- 
stored civilisation  Cardinal  Newman  shall  tell  us ; 
for  the  picture  he  draws  of  St.  Benedict's  Mission 
to  Europe  in  general  is  perfect  in  detail  as  regards 
England  in  old  Saxon  days. 

"He  (St.  Benedict)  found  the  world,  physical 
and  social,  in  ruins,  and  his  mission  was  to  restore 
it  in  the  way — not  of  science,  but  of  nature ;  not 
as  if  setting  about  to  do  it ;  not  professing  to  do 
it  by  any  set  time,  or  by  any  series  of  strokes ;  but 
so  quietly,  patiently,  gradually,  that  often  till  the 
work  was  done,  it  was  not  known  to  be  doing.     It 

1  The  nunneries  in  the  northern  parts  of  England,  the  most  exposed 
to  the  Danish  invasion,  never  recovered  themselves  as  the  monasteries 
did.  It  was  not  until  after  the  Conquest  that  convents  for  women  were 
again  established  in  these  parts.  The  southern  parts  were  more  for- 
tunate in  some  instances.  This  will  also  account  for  the  fact  that  there 
were  so  few  houses  for  women  that  were  abbeys.  The  Saxon  houses 
were  invariably  abbatial ;  but  of  the  Norman  foundation  three  only 
attained  that  dignity  ;  to  wit,  Godstowe,  Mailing,  and  Elstowe. 


io  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

was  a  restoration  rather  than  a  visitation,  correction, 
or  conversion.  The  new  world  he  helped  to  create 
was  a  growth  rather  than  a  structure.  Silent  men 
were  observed  about  the  country,  or  discovered  in 
the  forest  digging,  cleaning,  and  building  ;  and  other 
silent  men,  not  seen,  were  sitting  in  the  cold  cloister 
tiring  their  eyes  and  keeping  their  attention  on 
the  stretch,  while  they  painfully  deciphered,  then 
copied  and  recopied,  the  manuscripts  which  they 
had  saved.  There  was  no'  one  that  contended  or 
cried  out,  or  drew  attention  to  what  was  going  on ; 
but  by  degrees  the  woody  swamp  became  a  hermi- 
tage, a  religious  house,  a  farm,  an  abbey,  a  village, 
a  seminary,  a  school  of  learning,  and  a  city.  Roads 
and  villages  connected  it  with  other  abbeys  and 
cities  which  had  similarly  grown  up ;  and  what  the 
haughty  Alaric  or  fierce  Attila  had  broken  to  pieces 
these  patient  meditative  men  have  brought  together 
and  made  to  live  again.  And  then,  when  they  had 
in  the  course  of  many  years  gained  their  peaceful 
victories,  perhaps  some  new  invaders  came,  and  with 
fire  and  sword  undid  their  slow  and  persevering  toil 
in  an  hour.  .  .  .  Down  in  the  dust  lay  the  labour 
and  civilisation  of  centuries  —  churches,  colleges, 
cloisters,  libraries — and  nothing  was  left  to  them  but 
to  begin  all  over  again ;  but  this  they  did  without 
grudging,  so  promptly,  cheerfully,  and  tranquilly,  as 
if  it  were  by  some  law  of  nature  that  the  restoration 
came  ;  and  they  were  like  the  flowers  and  shrubs  and 
great  trees  which  they  reared,  and  which,  when  ill- 


THE   COMING   OF   THE   MONKS  n 

treated,  do  not  take  vengeance  or  remember  evil, 
but  give  forth  fresh  branches,  leaves,  and  blossoms, 
perhaps  in  greater  profusion  or  with  richer  quality, 
for  the  very  reason  that  the  old  were  rudely 
broken  off."1 

Thus  did  the  monks  live  and  work  after  the 
eighth  century  had  expired  amid  the  flames  the 
Danes  had  enkindled.  Foremost  in  the  work  of 
restoration  was  Dunstan,  whose  name  is  writ  large 
over  the  history  of  his  times.  To  him  and  to  his 
fellow-worker  Ethelwold  and  to  Oswald  must  be 
given  the  success  of  the  revival.  Of  the  former, 
Cardinal  Newman  says  : — 

"As  a  religious  he  shows  himself  in  the  simple 
character  of  a  benedictine.  He  had  a  taste  for  the 
arts  generally,  especially  music.  He  painted  and 
embroidered ;  his  skill  in  smith's  work  is  recorded 
in  the  well-known  legend  of  his  combat  with  the 
evil  one.  And,  as  the  monks  of  Hilarion  joined 
gardening  with  psalmody,  and  Bernard  and  his 
cistercians  joined  field-work  with  meditation,  so  did 
St.  Dunstan  use  music  and  painting  as  directly  ex- 
pressive or  suggestive  of  devotion.  '  He  excelled  in 
writing,  painting,  moulding  in  wax,  carving  in  wood 
and  bone,  and  in  work  in  gold,  silver,  iron,  and 
brass,'  says  the  author  of  his  life  in  Surius,  '  and  he 
used  his  skill  in  musical  instruments  to  charm  away 
from  himself  and   others  their  secular  annoyances, 

1  Historical  Sketches :  "  The  Mission  of  St.  Benedict,"  vol.  iii.  pp. 
410,411. 


12  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

and  to  raise  them  to  the  theme  of  heavenly  harmony, 
both  by  the  sweet  words  with  which  he  accom- 
panied his  airs  and  by  the  concord  of  the  airs 
themselves.' " * 

Abbat  of  Glastonbury,  and  looking  forward  to  no 
other  occupation  than  that  of  training  the  vine  com- 
mitted to  him,  Dunstan,  by  one  of  those  noteworthy 
exceptions,  was  called  from  the  peace  of  the  cloister 
into  the  turmoil  of  political  life. 

11  It  must  be  a  serious  emergency,  a  particular 
inspiration,  a  sovereign  command,  which  brings  the 
monk  into  political  life ;  and  he  will  be  sure  to 
make  a  great  figure  in  it,  else  why  should  he  have 
been  torn  from  his  cloister  at  all  ?  .  .  .  The  work  (he) 
had  to  do,  as  far  as  it  was  political,  was  such  as  none 
could  have  done  but  a  monk  with  his  superhuman 
single-mindedness  and  his  pertinacity  of  purpose."  2 

Made  successively  bishop  of  Worcester  and  of 
London,  and  then  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  he  was 
able  by  his  influence  to  bring  about  a  general  re- 
storation of  monastici  sm  in  England.  Beyond  a 
peremptory  and  somewhat  overweening  assertion  of 
a  Winchester  monk  writing  at  the  end  of  the  tenth 
century,  there  seems  to  be  no  contemporary  proof  of 
the  often  asserted  proposition  that  monasticism  had 
almost  ceased  in  England.  The  fact  seems  to  be  the 
reverse,  for  the  documentary  evidence  at  hand  points 
to  the  existence  of  houses  other  than  Glaston  and 

1  Ibid.  pp.  415,  416.  2  Ibid.  pp.  381,  382. 


THE   COMING   OF   THE   MONKS  13 

Abingdon.  It  was  the  northern  monasteries  that 
principally  felt  the  effects  of  the  Danish  invasion, 
while  those  of  the  south  escaped.  But  doubtlessly- 
learning  and  observance  had  greatly  fallen  in  the 
surviving  monasteries,  and  it  was  from  the  restored 
vigour  of  Glaston,  Abingdon,  and  Winchester  that 
English  benedictines  renewed  their  spirit.  Together 
with  the  new  life  came  an  outburst  of  intellectual 
activity.  A  religious  and  artistic  development  took 
place,  which  is  the  crowning  glory  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Church. 

Dunstan  found  a  powerful  support  in  the  pious 
King  Edgar,  who  seconded  all  his  efforts  with  the 
resources  of  the  temporal  power.  Ethelwold,  bishop 
of  Winchester,  and  one  of  the  monks  of  his  own 
monastery  of  Glaston,  carried  out  in  detail  the  plan 
conceived  in  the  master  mind  of  the  great  primate. 
At  Worcester,  too,  bishop  Oswald  was  working  to  the 
same  end,  on  lines  he  had  learnt  at  Fleury,  where  he 
had  become  a  monk.  Under  these  bishops,  monks 
were  introduced  into  the  cathedral  churches  of 
Winchester  and  Worcester. 

The  king  and  a  thane,  Alfreth,  gave  Ethelwold 
the  manor  of  Southborne,  on  the  condition  he  trans- 
lated the  Eule  of  St.  Benedict  into  Anglo-Saxon,  so 
that  those  who  did  not  know  Latin  might  learn  the 
monastic  life.1  This  the  bishop  did,  and  to  him  is 
also  due  the  redaction  of  the  Concordia  Eegularis, 

1  This  is  very  possibly  the  very  translation  which  has  been  lately 
edited  on  a  collation  of  the  MSS.  by  Professor  Schroer. 


i4  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

a  body  of  rules  to  be  observed  by  English  monks 
and  nuns.1  This  was  also  translated  into  the  native 
tongue.2 

Under  the  care  of  Dunstan  and  Ethelwold  and 
Oswald,  in  a  few  years  more  than  forty  monasteries 
rose  from  their  ruins,  and  God's  praises  were  sung 
throughout  the  land  once  more  by  Benedictine  lips. 
Piety  and  learning 3  again  flourished. 

The  author  of  the  Concordia  Regularis  states  that 
he  has  allowed  himself  the  same  freedom  Gregory 
gave  to  Augustine,  of  choosing  the  best  things  he 
could  find,  and  that  he  had  taken  whatever  he 
considered  useful4  in  the  two  nearest  great  centres 
of  Benedictine  life,  Fleury5  and  Ghent,  in  the  abbeys 

1  For  the  Concordia  Regularis  see  Reyner's  Apostolatus  Benedictinorum 
in  Anglia,  iii.  pp.  77-94. 

2  See  "  Anglia "  of  Halle,  vol.  xiii.  p.  365. 

3  The  feast  of  the  Conception  of  Our  Lady  seems  to  have  originated 
in  England,  and  can  be  traced  to  the  monks  of  Winchester.  It  was 
prevalent  and  firmly  established  before  the  Conquest,  when,  like  so 
many  English  customs,  it  suffered  a  temporary  eclipse.  Its  revival 
was  mainly  due  to  the  younger  Anselm,  abbat  of  St.  Edmundsbury,  in 
the  latter  half  of  Henry  I.,  and  was  formally  sanctioned  by  a  council 
held  in  London,  1 129.  The  story  of  Helin  of  Ramsey  is  in  the  highest 
degree  doubtful.     See  Downside  Review,  vol.  v.  p.  107. 

4  See  Procemium  of  the  Concordia  Regularis. 

5  Ethelwold,  as  soon  as  he  became  abbat  of  Abingdon,  besides 
getting  chanters  from  Corbie  (Chron.  de  Ab.,  vol.  i.  p.  129),  sent  Osgar 
"  to  Fleury  to  be  further  instructed  in  the  observance  of  St.  Benedict's 
Rule."  See  "  Saxon  Leechdoms,"  vol.  iii.  p.  409,  in  Roll  Series.  Mr. 
Cockayne  is  mistaken  when  he  adds  "  and  to  fetch  home  a  copy  "  ;  this 
is  not  the  meaning  of  the  original  texts.  As  a  fact,  the  earliest  known 
copy  of  St.  Benedict's  Rule,  and  embodying  the  primitive  text,  is  an 
English  manuscript  of  a  date  more  than  two  centuries  earlier  than 
Ethelwold. 


THE   COMING   OF   THE   MONKS  15 

of  which  latter  city  Dunstan,  during  his  exile  under 
Edwi  (956),  had  found  shelter. 

But  while  the  author  of  the  Concordia,  who 
evidently  writes  under  the  influence  of  the  master- 
mind of  Dunstan,  was  quick  enough  to  recognise 
and  use  all  that  was  good  in  foreign  interpretations 
of  the  Rule,  he  was  too  wise  to  establish  whole- 
sale such  of  their  provisions  as  were  unsuitable  to 
Englishmen.  There  was  no  rough  upheaval  of  past 
traditions  ;  neither  were  these  treated  with  contempt 
and  set  aside  as  useless.  He  particularly  lays  down 
that :  "  We  have  determined  in  no  ways  to  cast 
aside  the  worthy  customs  of  this  country  pertaining 
to  the  (service  of  the)  Lord,  which  we  have  learnt 
from  the  practice  of  those  who  went  before  us ;  but 
(on  the  contrary)  altogether  to  give  them  new  force 
and  vigour."  1  A  wise  provision  ;  for  in  a  rule  so 
wide  and  elastic  as  St.  Benedict's,  and  in  which  so 
much  is  left  to  the  discretion  of  local  superiors,  it 
is  but  common  sense  to  suppose  that  Englishmen 
will  be  the  best  interpreters  of  what  is  useful  for 
the  men  with  whom  they  have  to  deal,  and  of  what 
is  most  in  keeping  with  the  national  character. 

The  daily  life  of  monks  under  the  Concordia 
Regularis  was  on  the  following  plan,  with  local 
variations  no  doubt.  The  monks  rose  at  2  a.m., 
and  spent  a  long  day  in  the  office  and  work  ap- 
pointed till  8  p.m.,  when  they  went  to  bed.  The 
constitutions  go  into  many  interesting  details  both 

1  Procemium  to  the  Concordia  Regularis. 


16  THE    ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

of  liturgical  and  domestic  interest.  For  instance, 
the  little  hours  took  place  at  the  normal  times  of 
6  for  prime,  9  for  tierce,  which  was  followed  by 
the  mass,  12  for  sext,  2  or  3  for  none,  4  or  6  for 
vespers,  and  7  for  compline.  After  prime,  or  be- 
fore in  summer,  the  monks  put  off  the  habits  they 
had  slept  in,  and  washed  and  shod  themselves  for 
the  day.  From  Easter  till  Holy  Cross,  in  Sep- 
tember, they  dined  after  sext,  and  then  had  a 
siesta.  The  intervals  were  filled  up  with  reading ; 
and  it  is  evident  from  their  remains  that  the  time 
was  well  spent.  From  Holy  Cross  till  Lent,  the 
time  of  the  monastic  fast,  they  dined  after  none. 
But  in  Lent  they  did  not  break  their  fast  till  vespers 
had  been  sung.  Before  compline  they  put  off  their 
day-clothes,  and,  on  Saturdays,  washed  their  feet. 
In  the  winter,  "  from  the  Kalends  of  November  till 
the  beginning  of  Lent,"  a  fire  was  provided  in  the 
common-room,  to  which  all  might  go  for  warmth. 
They  had  only  one  full  meal  a  day,  together  with 
a  collation  out  of  Lenten  time.1     Such  was  the  re- 

1  Here  it  will  be  useful  to  gain  a  true  view  of  the  question,  How 
far  did  the  law  of  perpetual  abstinence  enjoined  by  St.  Benedict  in  his 
Rule  [Cap.  39]  obtain  in  English  monasteries  %  Prescinding  from  the 
discretion  he  leaves  to  superiors,  who  are  the  best  judges  of  the  present 
needs  of  their  monks,  we  stand  on  solid  ground  when  we  listen  to  the 
teaching  of  history  on  this  point — and  its  teaching  is  clear  and  precise. 
In  the  most  nourishing  time  of  English  monasticism  the  use  of  flesh 
meat  was  allowed.  The  use  of  poultry  did  not  come  under  the  pro- 
hibition which  forbids  the  carries  quadrwpedum.  Then,  the  example  of 
St.  Ethel  wold,  on  whom  fell  the  practical  work  of  refounding  English 
observance,  is  instructive.  Whilst  he  himself,  as  a  rule,  never  eat 
meat,   yet  twice  at  least  we  find  him  going  beyond  his  ordinary 


THE   COMING   OF   THE   MONKS  17 

newed  Benedictine  life  which  Dunstan,  Ethelwold, 
and  Oswald  built  up  again  in  England,  and  which 
went  on  until  an  almost  greater  upheaval  took  place 
when  the  Norman  mastered  the  land,  and  for  a  time 
foreigners  were  set  to  rule  in  abbeys  and  priories. 
But,  as  we  shall  see,  English  monasticism  was  of 
too  sturdy  a  character  to  lose  its  own  individuality. 
Once  more  it  quietly  absorbed  all  the  good  there 
was  in  the  new  element,  and  then  reasserted  itself 
on  its  old  lines,  only  more  strong  and  more  comely 
than  ever. 

custom.  Once,  during  a  space  of  three  months,  when  sick,  he  eat 
meat  by  the  express  command  of  St.  Dunstan,  his  former  abbat  and 
spiritual  guide,  and  then  again  during  his  last  illness  (See  the  original  life 
of  the  saint  in  Chron.  de  Ab.t  vol.  ii.  p.  263).  But  while  severe  to  him- 
self, he  was  lenient  to  others  in  this  matter.  At  Abingdon,  his  first  and 
most  special  foundation,  he  showed  his  estimate  of  the  common  need 
by  permitting  in  the  refectory  a  dish  of  stew  mixed  with  meat,  ferculum 
came  mixtum;  and  on  certain  feast-days,  meat  puddings,  artocrece  (Chron. 
de  Ab.}  vol.  ii.  p.  279).  It  is  hardly  to  be  doubted  that  what  was  estab- 
lished at  Abingdon  represented  the  custom  Ethelwold  had  learnt  at 
Glaston  from  Dunstan  himself,  and  found  its  counterpart  in  the  other 
monasteries  existing  and  restored  at  this  time.  "He  established 
monasteries  in  Abingdon,  Hyde,  Ely,  Burgh,  and  Thorney,  and  in 
all  (introduced)  the  customs  which  prevailed  in  the  monastery  of 
Abingdon"  (Chron.  de  Ab.,  vol.  i.  pp.  345-348  ;  ii.  p.  279).  Of  course, 
from  the  practice  of  St.  Ethelwold,  it  cannot  be  necessarily  inferred  that 
the  custom  obtained  in  every  English  monastery.  But  the  Concordia, 
which  was  drawn  up  for  all,  seems  to  provide  for  and  recognise  the 
custom  as  generally  existing.  Pinguedo  (pork  fat)  is  here  allowed  up 
to  Septuagesima  (Apostolatus,  iii.  p.  85).  Thus  far  we  get  light  upon  a 
subject  about  which  there  has  been  much  misapprehension,  and  find 
what  was  the  custom,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  in  houses  the  most  fervent 
and  most  affected  by  the  great  revival  under  St.  Dunstan. 


VOL.  I. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE    NORMAN    LANFRANC 

The  Church  of  the  Anglo-Saxon,  the  work  mainly 
of  monks,  spread  over  all  the  land.  Its  growth  in 
holiness,  in  civilisation,  in  learning  of  all  kinds,  is 
witnessed  by  the  memories  of  a  Bede,  a  Wulstan, 
a  Panlinus,  an  Erkonwald  and  Aldhelm,  and  many 
others  whose  names  are  sweet  in  English  ears ;  and 
the  sons  of  St.  Benedict  were  regarded  with  loving 
reverence  as  the  benefactors  of  their  country.  But 
all  this  fair  province  of  God's  Church  was  once  more 
to  be  devastated  but  not  destroyed,  changed  but  not 
altered.  Not  this  time  by  pagan  Dane,  but  by 
Christian  Northmen,  men  who  to  their  native  sim- 
plicity and  bravery  had  added  the  culture  of  the 
Franks,  whom  they  had  conquered,  and  among  whom 
they  had  settled. 

But  the  changes  about  to  be  wrought  in  England 
did  not  come  solely  from  the  fact  that  the  Saxons 
had  to  recognise  Normans  as  masters  by  right  of 
conquest.  The  invaders  were  the  means  by  which 
a  movement  already  greatly  developed  abroad  made 
its  power  felt  in  English  monasteries. 

The  changes  then  going  on  in  society  at  large 


THE   NORMAN   LANFRANC  19 

brought  into  relief,  more  strongly  than  at  other  times, 
a  feature  in  Benedictine  government  which  might, 
under  force  of  exterior  circumstances,  degenerate  from 
its  primitive  institution.  Each  abbey,  being  alone 
and  separated  from  other  houses,  was  obviously  less 
capable  of  resisting  external  attacks  than  when 
united  with  others  for  common  defence.  It  was 
not  an  unknown  thing,  for  instance,  for  some  lay 
nobleman,  through  royal  influence  and  favours,  to 
be  appointed  abbat  of  a  monastery  in  his  neighbour- 
hood. Taking  up  his  residence  in  the  abbey,  he 
would  bring  with  him  a  train  of  servants  and  his 
family  to  boot.  All  this  was  to  the  grave  detri- 
ment both  of  the  property  of  the  abbey,  and  was 
fatal  to  its  welfare  and  discipline.  These  disorders, 
to  appear  under  another  guise  later  on,  were  preva- 
lent in  the  districts  of  Burgundy  and  the  western 
parts  of  Germany.  In  927  Odo  of  Tours  began  at 
Cluni,  of  which  he  became  abbat,  to  cope  with  the 
difficulty.  He  met  it  on  two  sides — by  ordaining 
a  confederation  of  houses,  over  which  the  abbat  of 
Cluni  should  preside,  and  by  periodical  chapters 
of  the  abbats  of  the  Order  to  be  held  at  the 
head-house.  Before  long  this  naturally  resulted  in 
subjection ;  the  abbat  of  Cluni  became  lord  and 
master  of  all.  Together  with  these  constitutional 
changes  were  others  regarding  the  daily  life  of  those 
who  joined  the  reform.  The  cluniacs,  for  so  the 
new  Order  was  called,  claimed  to  live  in  strict 
accord  with  the  spirit  of  the  Eule  of  St.  Benedict, 


2o  THE   ENGLISH    BLACK   MONKS 

and  certainly  in  the  matter  of  the  Divine  Office, 
"the  Work  of  God"  as  the  Law-giver  calls  it,  they 
let  nothing  be  preferred  before  it.  Their  ritual 
observances  were  marked  by  a  great  wealth  of 
splendour  and  a  grandeur  and  majesty  hitherto  not 
realised.1  It  was  the  marked  feature  of  their  life 
and  work.  Cluni  was  fortunate  in  having  at  its 
start  many  remarkable  men,  who,  gifted  with  wise 
energy,  stirred  up  an  enthusiasm  which  carried  on 
the  reform,  or  rather  the  new  Order,  to  a  success- 
ful issue.  Its  houses  spread  far  and  wide,  and 
the  influence  of  Cluni  made  itself  felt  in  quarters 
where  its  ideals,  as  a  whole,  did  not  find  favour. 
But  it  attained  its  success  at  the  loss  of  a  vital 
principle.  The  family  tie,  so  essential  a  feature 
in  Benedictine  life,  was  lost ;  for  the  cluniacs, 
in  whichever  of  their  hundred  of  houses  they 
might  happen  to  live,  were  counted  members  of  this 
great  abbey.  We  need  not  carry  on  the  history 
of  the  Order.  Enough  has  been  said  to  illustrate 
the  character  of  the  changes  that  awaited  the  black 
monks  of  England. 

The  chief  agent   in  bringing  about  the  consoli- 

1  Some  of  the  other  peculiarities  of  the  cluniac  Order  may  here  be 
noted.  Two  high  masses  were  celebrated  every  day,  and  on  all  greater 
solemnities  the  deacon  used  to  be  communicated  with  a  part  of  the 
priest's  host.  They  were  employed  more  apparently  in  manual  labour, 
in  which  all  had  to  take  a  share,  than  in  study ;  for  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
in  view  of  their  enormous  extension,  the  books  they  wrote  are  compara- 
tively few.  At  the  chapter  each  monk  was  bound  to  publicly  accuse 
his  brethren  of  any  faults  he  had  seen  in  them.  There  was  great 
charity  to  the  poor.  ] 


THE   NORMAN   LANFRANC  21 

dation  of  the  Norman-Saxon  Church,  was  the  illus- 
trious Lanfranc,  archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  ex 
officio  abbat  of  the  cathedral-monastery  of  Christ 
Church. 

Born  at  Pavia  (1005),  he  became  renowned  as 
a  teacher,  and  was  in  the  height  of  his  fame 
when  suddenly  the  vocation  came.  Hurrying  off  to 
Normandy,  he  hid  himself  about  the  year  1042  in  the 
abbey  of  Bee,  under  the  abbat  Herluin.  It  was  then 
but  a  poor  monastery,  consisting  of  mud  hovels  ;  yet 
under  its  holy  superior  it  was  growing  rich  in  virtue 
and  the  gifts  of  the  spiritual  life.  Here  the  light  of 
Lanfranc's  learning  and  piety  could  not  be  hid ;  and 
his  brethren  found  in  the  humble  brother  the  famous 
professor  whose  loss  the  learned  world  was  then 
bewailing.  Soon  his  retreat  was  discovered,  and 
many  of  his  old  scholars  flocked  to  Bee  and  im- 
plored him  to  help  them.  The  abbat  ordered  him 
to  resume  his  lectures ;  and  at  once,  from  being  an 
unknown  monastery,  Bee  became  one  of  the  most 
famous  centres  of  learning  in  Europe.  Lanfranc 
had  by  that  time  become  prior  of  Bee,  and  Herluin's 
chief  adviser.  The  large  ideas  and  the  sense  of 
beauty  in  ecclesiastical  art  he  had  brought  from  Italy, 
joined  with  the  new  ideas  of  liturgical  splendour 
emanating  from  Cluni,  seized  upon  the  prior,  and  he 
determined  to  make  of  "white-robed  Bee"1  a  model 
of  monastic  observance.     The  idea  of  magnificence 

1  The  monks  of  Bee  till  1626  wore  a  whitish-coloured  habit.  Cf. 
Leland's  Antiquarii  Collectanea,  ed.  alt.  vol.  iv.  p.  13. 


22  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

had,  by  that  time,  taken  possession  of  the  Normans 
and  was  showing  itself  in  stately  buildings,  magnifi- 
cent apparel,  and  a  personal  grandeur  which  had  be- 
come marked  features  of  the  age.  Hence  the  time 
was  propitious  for  the  prior's  project.  The  abbat  built 
a  church  which  surpassed  in  splendour  anything 
known  in  those  parts,  and  for  its  use  a  consuetu- 
dinary, "  the  Use  of  Bee," 1  was  drawn  up  in  which 
were  reflected  the  ideas  of  great  stateliness  and 
beauty  of  worship. 

And  how  did  Lanfranc  find  his  cathedral-monas- 
tery of  Canterbury?  If  William  of  Malmesbury, 
who  wrote  the  Gesta  Pontificum  in  1125,  is  to 
be  relied  upon,  "  The  monks  of  Canterbury,  like 
all  then  in  England,  were  hardly  different  from 
seculars,  except  that  they  were  careful  on  the  score 
of  chastity.  They  amused  themselves  with  hunt- 
ing, with  falconry,  with  horse-racing  ;  they  loved  to 
rattle  the  dice  ;  they  indulged  in  drink ;  they  wore 
fine  clothes,  studied  personal  appearance,  disdained 
a  frugal  and  quiet  life,  and  had  such  a  retinue  of 
servants,  that  they  were  more  like  secular  nobles 
than  monks."  2 

But  it  will  be  well  to  remember  that  the  Normans 


1  "  The  Use  of  Bee  "  was  adapted  in  other  abbeys,  with  such  changes 
as  various  surroundings  and  traditions  demanded.  In  1063  Lanfranc 
was  made  abbat  of  Caen,  a  monastery  built  by  William  Duke  of 
Normandy  on  a  scale  of  princely  splendour.  In  1067  he  refused  the 
archbishopric  of  Rouen.  This  was  the  man  who,  in  1070,  was  chosen 
by  William  the  Conqueror  as  archbishop  of  Canterbury. 

2  Malm.,  De  Gestis  Pontif.  (Roll  Series),  p.  70.: 


THE   NORMAN   LANFRANC  23 

treated  the  Saxons  as  a  conquered  people,  and  looked 
upon  everything  they  found  as  barbarous  and  needing 
reformation.  The  monasteries,  being  in  the  minds  of 
the  new  masters  hotbeds  of  conservatism  in  which 
the  old  Saxon  spirit  was  deeply  engrained,  they  must 
be  taken  severely  in  hand  and  purged  of  all  such 
tendencies.  Hence  it  was  with  a  prejudiced  eye 
that  writers,  such  as  William  of  Malmesbury,  looked 
upon  the  native  monk.  His  account  must  therefore 
be  taken  for  what  it  is  worth.  Besides,  be  it  remem- 
bered, by  his  express  testimony  morality  was  kept 
in  repute,  and  this  hardly  seems  likely  if  the  pic- 
ture he  draws  is  to  be  taken  as  an  accurate  one. 
Where  drinking,  gaming,  and  feasting  are,  there 
chastity  is  not  likely  to  remain  long :  and  yet  they 
are  expressly  exempted  from  such  a  charge  by  the 
historian.  His  account  does  not  tally  with  experi- 
ence. That  the  rigour  of  discipline  had  fallen  off 
since  the  days  when  their  cathedral  and  monastery 
had  been  burnt  by  the  Danes,  and  their  archbishop 
Elphege  (ion)  murdered  might  well  have  been. 
But  there  must  have  been  "  grit "  in  them ;  for  by 
1020  they  had  repaired  their  church  and  resumed 
their  life  after  the  simple  earnest  ways  of  their 
forefathers.  Their  number,  however,  was  small;  and 
where  numbers  are  small,  observance  is  difficult. 

Whatever  their  state  may  have  been  at  Canterbury 
at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  one  thing  is  certain,  it 
did  not  satisfy  the  more  magnificent  ideas  of  Lanfranc. 
The  simplicity  of  Saxon  ritual  did  not  accord  with 


24  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

the  splendour  of  worship  which  had  been  borrowed 
from  Cluni  for  Bee  and  then  for  his  own  abbey  at 
Caen.  Canterbury  must  be  brought  up  to  the  level  of 
the  new  ideas,  and  a  favourable  opportunity  offered 
itself.  The  cathedral  church  of  Christ  Church,  the 
mother-church  of  the  land,  had  been  burnt  down 
on  St.  Nicholas'  day  1067,  and  although  it  had 
been  repaired,  its  condition  but  ill  sorted  with  its 
dignity.  Lanfranc  lent  himself  manfully  to  the  task. 
In  a  short  time,  but  seven  years,  a  new  church  arose, 
or  rather  a  new  choir  (1070)  more  commensurate 
with  his  dignified  ideas.  Built  in  the  Norman  style 
of  the  period,  the  few  remains,  such  as  they  are,  still 
delight  us.  The  monastery  itself  was  rebuilt,  and 
soon  one  hundred  and  fifty  monks  were  gathered 
together  and  sang  God's  praises.  For  them  Lanfranc 
compiled  his  famous  "  statutes,"  a  code  of  observa- 
tion largely  liturgical.  It  is  in  reality  in  most 
points  but  little  else  than  the  "  Use  of  Bee."  When 
he  sent  them  to  Henry,  prior  of  Christ  Church,  he 
enclosed  a  letter  in  which  he  says  : — 

"  We  send  to  you  written  customs  of  our  Order 
which  we  have  gathered  from  the  customs  of  those 
monasteries  which  nowadays  are  of  the  greatest 
weight  in  the  monastic  Order.  We  have  also  added 
a  very  few  things  and  changed  also  a  little,  especially 
as  regards  the  celebration  of  the  festivals,  deeming 
they  ought  to  be  kept  with  greater  excellence  in  our 
Church  on  account  of  its  having  the  primatial  chair. 
In  which  things,  however,  we  do  not  wish  in  any 


THE   NORMAN    LANFRANC  25 

way  to  hamper  either  ourselves  or  those  who  come 
after  us,  so  that  we  cannot  either  add  to  or  take 
away  from,  or  change  them  if  we  think  that  these 
matters  can  be  improved  on  either  as  the  result  of 
our  own  experience  or  by  the  example  of  others. 
For  however  far  advanced  a  man  may  think  himself 
to  be,  he  is  woefully  deficient  if  he  thinks  that  he 
cannot  improve.  For  a  greater  or  less  number  of 
brethren,  a  varying  income,  circumstances,  differ- 
ences of  personal  appreciation,  often  call  for  changes. 
So  that  hardly  any  Church  can  imitate  its  neighbour 
in  all  things."  * 

Lanfranc's  changes  were  the  work  of  time, 
spreading  over  many  years ;  for,  to  quote  William 
of  Malmesbury  again  : — 

"  Lanfranc  was  most  skilful  in  the  art  of  arts,  the 
government  of  souls,  and  knowing  well  that  habit 
is  second  nature,  though  bent  on  reforming,  he  did 
his  work  with  prudence,  and  plucking  up  the  weeds 
little  by  little,  sowed  good  seed  in  their  place."  2 

His  nephew,  Paul,  who  had  been  set  over  the 
abbey  of  St.  Albans,  took  Lanfranc' s  constitutions 
bodily  and  introduced  them  into  his  house,  and 
adopted  his  uncle's  prudent  methods  also.3  What 
the  local  influence  and  example  of  Lanfranc  achieved 
at  Canterbury  and  at  St.  Albans,  was  done  on 
similar   lines    at    other   abbeys,    where   new   rulers 

1  Apostolatus,  iii.  p.  211. 

2  Malm.,  De  Gestis  Pontif.  (Roll  Series),  p.  71. 

3  Walsingam,  Gesta  abbatum  monasterii  S.  Albani  (Roll  Series),  vol.  i. 
p.  52. 


26  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

would  naturally  introduce  such  changes  as  they 
themselves  had  been  accustomed  to  in  the  Norman 
abbeys  wherein  they  had  learnt  the  monastic  life. 
A  general  similarity  would  mark  the  movement, 
but  local  influence  would  of  course  have  had  full 
play ;  for  whether  we  visited  Glaston,  St.  Albans, 
York,  or  Chester,  we  should  have  found  these  local 
peculiarities  which  must  grow  round  anything  that 
is  worthy  of  the  name  of  "  home." 

These  changes  were  sore  indeed  to  the  Saxon 
monks,  and  were  sometimes  brought  about  only 
after  great  difficulty ;  for  it  was  not  every  abbat 
who,  at  a  time  when  race  antipathies  were  strong, 
had  Lanfranc's  discretion.  For  instance,  when  Thur- 
stan,  a  monk  of  Caen,  was  appointed  as  abbat  of 
Glaston,  one  of  his  first  steps  was  to  introduce  the 
fashion  of  chanting  to  which  he  had  been  used. 
This  was  the  signal  for  trouble ;  for,  to  quote  the 
words  of  Ordericius  : — 

"  When  the  violent  (protervus)  abbat  tried  to  force 
the  Glastonians  to  give  up  the  chant  the  English 
had  learnt  from  the  disciples  of  blessed  Gregory,  the 
pope,  and  learn  from  these  Flemings  or  Normans 
another  chant  quite  unknown  or  unheard  of  before, 
so  fierce  a  strife  arose,  which  was  soon  followed  by 
the  disgrace  of  the  holy  Order.  For  while  the  monks 
would  not  receive  these  new  regulations,  and  by 
their  contumacy  the  stubbornness  of  their  master 
continuing,  lay-men,  by  the  authority  of  their  lord, 
fell  upon  the  luckless  monks  in  choir  with  arrows, 


THE   NORMAN    LANFRANC  27 

and  some  of  them  were  cruelly  hurt,  and  (so  it  is 
said)  even  mortally  wounded."  * 

A  similar  story  is  told  of  Malmesbury  abbey.  In 
the  case  of  Glaston,  the  result  was  in  favour  of  the 
monks.  Thurstan  was  removed  by  the  King,  and 
a  more  prudent  man  set  in  his  place. 

In  the  wake  of  the  Normans,  the  monks  of  Cluni 
entered  England  and  brought  with  them  the  idea  of 
monasteries  ruled  by  superiors,  the  mere  nominees 
at  will  of  an  abbat  of  the  house  beyond  the  seas 
which  counted  them  all  her  subjects.  At  the  sug- 
gestion of  Lanfranc,  it  appears,  William,  Earl  of 
Surrey,  the  Conqueror's  son-in-law,  first  brought  over 
in  1077  the  cluniacs  and  settled  them  at  Lewes. 
In  a  few  years,  before  William  Rufus  began  his 
reign,  they  had  secured  other  houses  in  England 
and  thence  spread.  The  houses  of  Bermondsey, 
Northampton,  Thetford,  Wenlock,  Lenton,  Monta- 
cute,  and  Castleacre,  are  some  of  their  better  known 
foundations,  and  we  may  note  that  altogether  there 
were  some  thirty-eight  houses  of  this  Order  in 
England,  besides  three  hospitals  in  London  and  two 
manors  depending  on  the  abbey  of  Cluni  itself. 
Although  the  number  of  their  houses  was  thus 
considerable  and  many  were  large,  their  peculiar 
form  of  government  did  not  find  favour  with  Eng- 
lishmen, and  their  Order  never  became  racy  of  the 
soil.  And  even  when  some  cluniacs  were  appointed 
over  English  abbeys,  this   did  not  affect  the  inde- 

1  Historia  Ecrfesiastica,  ed.  Migne,  p.  335. 


28  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

pendence  of  these  houses.  Even  those  great  English 
abbeys  which  at  times  were  ruled  by  cluniacs,  kept 
themselves  aloof  from  any  relations  with  Cluni  itself, 
except  that  their  revenues  —  as,  for  instance,  at 
Glaston  and  Winchester — were  used  to  free  Cluni 
from  debt,  and  seem  for  four  years  practically  to 
have  supported  that  house.1 

This  century  was  the  golden  age  for  monasticism. 
Abbeys  and  priories  sprung  up  on  every  side.  The 
burst  of  new  life  which  the  Conquest  gave  to 
England,  and  the  tone  of  mind  induced  by  the 
growth  of  chivalry,  turned  men's  minds  strongly  to 
the  high  and  noble  ideal  of  the  monastic  state. 
The  monk  was  the  "  Knight  of  God,"  and  his  victories 
over  sin  and  self  appealed  to  ardent  hearts  which 
consumed  themselves  in  the  task  of  accomplishing 
deeds  of  valour  and  heroism.  Hence  to  this  period 
we  owe  many  of  our  greatest  foundations,  e.g. 
Durham,  where  the  bishop,  William  of  St.  Carileph, 
formerly  abbat  of  St.  Vincent's  at  Mans,  accom- 
plished what  his  predecessor  had  vainly  tried  to 
do.  He  gave  the  secular  canons,  who  possessed 
the  church  he  designed  for  his  cathedral,  the  choice 
of  either  remaining  as  monks  or  of  else  departing. 
All,  except  the  dean,  elected  to  go ;  and  for  them 
the  bishop,  by  command  of  the  Pope,  instituted  the 
collegiate  churches  of  Aukland,  Darlington,  and 
Norton,  and  provided  them  with  suitable  pensions.2 

1  Cf.  Sir  G.  F.  Duckett's  Charters  and  Records  of  Cluny,  p.  79. 

2  Simeonis  Dunelmensis  Historia  de  Dunel.  Ecclesia.,  lib.  iv.  cap.  2  et  3. 


THE   NORMAN   LANFRANC  29 

The  monks  from  the  old  abbeys  of  Wearmouth 
and  Jarrow  were  translated  to  Durham  in  1083  ; 
and  these  houses  thenceforth  became  merely  cells 
dependent  on  the  cathedral-monastery.  St.  Mary's, 
York,  Battle  Abbey,  Colchester,  Reading,  Pershore, 
and  Gloucester  are  some  of  the  many  foundations  of 
this  period,  to  say  nothing  of  the  new  Order  of  the 
white  monks  of  Citeaux,  and  the  black  or  augustinian 
canons,  and  the  white  canons  of  Premontre.1 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  activity,  one  side  of 
the  peculiar  movement,  which  resulted  in  the  new 
Orders  of  Cluni  and  Citeaux,  began  to  tell  upon 
the  black  monks  here  and  elsewhere.  We  refer 
to  the  constitutional  organisation  which  now  began 
to  develop  itself.  In  France,  for  instance,  the 
abbats  of  St.  Amand,  Lobbes,  Liesse,  Anchin,  Eebais, 
Lagny,  and  others,  all  belonging  to  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal province  of  Rheims,  agreed,  about  the  year  1 132, 
to  hold  annual  meetings  for  the  maintenance  of 
discipline.2 

An  assembly  in  the  year  11 52  of  the  abbats  of 
Upper  Lorraine  at  Metz,   under  the  presidency  of 

1  The  origin  and  aims  of  the  cistercians  were  briefly  these  :  In  1098 
Robert,  abbat  of  Molesme,  with  Stephen  Harding  and  some  com- 
panions, left  his  monastery  in  order  to  carry  out  the  Rule  of  St. 
Benedict  to  the  letter.  They  found  a  shelter  at  Citeaux.  The  cister- 
cians had  a  halo  of  glory  cast  over  them  by  the  great  St.  Bernard, 
abbat  of  the  house  of  Clairvaux.  In  opposition  to  the  cluniacs,  they 
rejected  liturgical  pomp.  They  turned  their  attention  to  husbandry 
and  agriculture. 

2  See  Introduction  to  Monks  of  the  West,  by  Dom  F.  A.  Gasquet,  ed. 
Nimmo,  vol.  i.  p.  39  ;  and  Downside  Review,  vol.  v.  p.  59. 


So  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

Jordan,  cardinal  -  priest,  may  have  had  a  similar 
object.  These  meetings  are  interesting,  for  they 
show  that  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Cluni 
the  idea  of  some  form  of  association  was  beginning 
to  work  its  way  among  monks  who  had  preserved 
their  own  independence.  It  was  being  slowly  gene- 
rated, and  the  time  and  opportunity  for  putting  it 
into  practice  upon  strictly  Benedictine  lines  was 
close  at  hand. 

Innocent  III.  in  the  year  1 2 1 5  held  a  general 
council  at  Home  (the  Fourth  Lateran)  which  was 
attended  by  412  bishops  and  nearly  1000  abbats 
and  priors,  and  there  decreed,  among  other  legisla- 
tion, a  system  of  union  for  black  monks.  What 
this  system  was,  and  how  well  it  meets  both  the 
acknowledged  want  and  the  requirements  of  the 
Benedictine  ideal,  will  be  seen  in  the  following 
chapter. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE    BENEDICTINE   CONSTITUTION 

There  are  no  such  things,  properly  speaking,  as 
benedictine  constitutions  in  the  sense  the  word 
is  used  in  other  orders.  The  benedictines  do  not 
form  one  large  body  with  a  general  at  their  head ; 
for  St.  Benedict  did  not  legislate  for  a  world-wide 
corporation  but  for  a  state  of  life.  Such  a  form  of 
government  as  obtains,  for  instance,  in  the  francis- 
can  or  dominican  orders  would  be  entirely  foreign 
to  the  spirit  of  the  holy  Eule.  Each  of  the  modern 
orders  has  some  special  work  in  view,  to  which  all 
their  life  is  directed.  They  have  to  find  their  salva- 
tion through  the  various  works  of  charity  for  which 
they  were  formed,  or  which  they  have  taken  up  as 
an  integral  portion  of  their  work.  Not  so  with  the 
benedictine.  He  has  no  external  work  peculiar 
to  his  order.  St.  Benedict's  ideal  is  that  of  the 
common  Christian  life  of  the  "Counsels"  practised 
to  a  higher  degree  than  can  be  in  the  world.  It  is 
simply  the  Gospel  put  into  practice.  The  vows,  for 
instance,  of  Poverty  and  Chastity  are  not  explicit  as 
to  other  orders;  for  when  the  Christian  life  is  drawn 
out  to  its  perfection    on   the   plain,   broad  Gospel 


32  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

lines,  the  spirit  of  poverty  must  be  cultivated  and 
the  body  kept  in  subjection. 

The  vows  the  benedictine  makes  are  three  in 
number :  Stability,  that  is,  to  remain  attached  to  his 
monastery  and  not  wander  at  will ;  Conversion  of 
life,  that  is,  until  death  to  labour  after  attaining  the 
perfection  of  the  state  to  which  he  is  called ;  and 
lastly,  Obedience  to  the  abbat.  The  first  two  vows 
concern  mainly  his  interior  life,  the  last  his  external 
relation  to  his  superiors.  Obedience  understood, 
then,  by  a  benedictine  does  away  with  the  necessity 
of  laying  down  minute  laws  and  tracing  carefully 
the  lines  in  which  a  superior  and  a  subject  respec- 
tively may  move.  Constitutions  of  this  kind  would 
cut  away  entirely  at  the  Benedictine  idea  of  the 
"  home,"  which  we  may  venture  to  describe  as  of 
this  kind. 

As  God  made  Society  to  rest  on  the  basis  of  the 
Family,  so  St.  Benedict  saw  that  the  spiritual  family 
is  the  surest  basis  for  the  sanctification  of  the  souls 
of  his  monks.  The  monastery  therefore  is  to  him 
what  the  "  home"  is  to  lay-folk.  It  is  a  self-contained 
family,  having  friendly  relations  indeed  with  others, 
but  in  no  wise  losing  its  own  independence  and 
individuality.  It  has  its  own  peculiar  way  of  look- 
ing at  things,  its  own  ideals  and  its  own  kind  of 
work,  which  it  has  spontaneously  undertaken,  or 
which  has  come  to  it  unsought,  and  which  it  always 
manages  to  stamp  with  its  own  peculiar  mark.  Of 
this  family  the  abbat  is  the  father ;  the  monks  are 


THE   BENEDICTINE   CONSTITUTION  33 

his  sons.  The  whole  spirit  is  "  homely."  The 
monks  trust  their  abbat  whom  they  have  freely 
elected.  He  loves  them  and  has  confidence  in 
them,  and  in  no  way  can  he  effectually  act  except 
through  them.  In  the  benedictine  abbey  which  has 
grasped  the  idea  of  its  lawgiver,  there  will  be  order 
and  rule,  for  no  family  can  exist  without  them : 
but  the  yoke  will  be  sweet  and  the  burden  light. 
Largeness  and  breadth  will  be  the  spirit  of  every 
house ;  while  from  the  fact  that  the  influence  of  any 
one  monastery  must  necessarily  be  circumscribed  to 
its  own  immediate  neighbourhood,  there  will  be  less 
chance  of  friction  between  one  house  and  another. 
When  each  is  independent  and  works  out  its  for- 
tune in  its  own  way,  it  is  an  easy  matter  so  to 
steer  the  course  as  to  keep  clear  out  of  the  way  of 
others.  From  this  family  idea  comes  another  re- 
sult :  the  very  fact  that  St.  Benedict  did  not  found 
an  Order  but  only  gave  a  Kule,  cuts  away  all 
possibility  of  that  narrowing  esprit  de  corps  which 
comes  so  easily  to  a  widespread  and  highly  orga- 
nised body. 

Lanfranc  in  the  above-mentioned  letter  to  Henry, 
prior  of  Christ  Church,  says  :  "  One  point  is  most 
carefully  to  be  attended  to,  namely,  that  these 
things  without  which  there  is  no  salvation  are  to 
be  thoroughly  observed :  I  mean,  faith,  contempt 
of  the  world,  charity,  chastity,  lowliness,  patience, 
obedience,  sorrow  for  past  sins,  lowly  confession  of 
sin,  frequent  prayers,   a  fitting  silence,   and  many 

vol.  1.  C 


34  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

other  things  of  this  kind.  Where  these  are  observed, 
there  truly  may  the  Rule  of  Holy  Benet  be  said  to 
be  followed,  and  there  the  monastic  order  kept.  No 
matter  how  different  other  things  may  be  ;  for  there 
are  points  which  have  obtained  differently  in  different 
monasteries  by  the  opinions  of  different  people."  * 

This,  then,  being  the  idea,  any  form  of  govern- 
ment which  destroys  the  autonomy  of  each  house, 
or  which  tends  to  break  up  the  family,  is  foreign  to 
the  very  first  principles  of  benedictine  life,  and  can 
only  be  tolerated  for  a  time  under  the  plea  of  some 
very  great  necessity.  Confederation  of  houses  for 
mutual  support  and  advice,  on  the  other  hand,  is  in 
keeping  with  the  family  idea ;  and  for  the  general 
good  each  family  may  give  up  some  of  its  rights,  as 
is  done  in  the  State.  But  it  must  be  so  arranged 
that  the  essential  rights  are  preserved  intact,  other- 
wise it  is  Socialism  in  its  baldest  form.  There  had 
been,  as  we  have  seen,  for  some  time  past  a  move- 
ment towards  some  kind  of  union  among  black 
monks.  The  vitality  which  existed  in  each  house  is 
enough  to  account  for  such  a  movement  seeking  to 
share  its  principle  of  life  with  others ;  and  we  need 
go  no  further  to  seek  for  the  cause.  We  have  also 
seen  how  the  first  steps  towards  such  an  end  had 
resulted  in  specifically  distinct  orders  like  those  of 
Cluni  and  Citeaux.  The  obvious  plan  was  for  the 
heads  of  neighbouring  houses  to  meet  together, 
bringing  some    of  their   monks,   and   discuss   such 

1  Apostolatus,  iii.  p.  211. 


THE   BENEDICTINE   CONSTITUTION  35 

matters  as  were  of  general  interest.  This  was  the 
plan  the  Church  adopted  and  has  expressed  in  the 
Fourth  General  Council  of  Lateran.  The  twelfth 
decree,  the  only  one  which  concerns  the  monastic 
order,  in  substance  is  as  follows  : — 

In  each  province  or  kingdom  let  all  the  abbats 
and  priors  of  houses  which  are  not  abbeys  meet 
together  (saving  all  episcopal  rights)  every  three 
years  in  some  convenient  monastery,  and  there  hold 
a  chapter,  to  which  all  not  lawfully  excused  are 
bound  to  come.  Let  them,  while  new  to  the  busi- 
ness, invite,  for  advice  as  to  procedure,  two  of  the 
neighbouring  cistercian  abbats  as  being  accustomed 
to  such  meetings ; 1  and  to  these  must  be  elected 
other  two  of  their  own,  and  the  four  shall  preside 
over  the  assembly.  But  let  these  presidents  take 
heed  lest  they  claim  any  superiority ;  for  if  it  is 
found  expedient  they  may,  after  due  deliberation,  be 
changed.  The  chapter  must  last  for  several  days, 
after  the  manner  of  the  cistercians  ;  and  it  is  to  treat 
of  such  things  as  the  reformation  of  the  order  and 
of  regular  observance.  Whatever  is  decided  and  is 
approved  of  by  the  four  presidents  is  to  be  held 
as  binding  upon  all.  Before  the  chapter  closes, 
the  date  of  the  next  one  must  be  fixed.  Those  who 
attend  must  lead  the  common  life,  and  bear  pro- 
portionately their  share  of  the  expenses.  If  room 
cannot  be  found  for  them  all  in  one  house,  then 

1  The  first  cistercian  chapter  was  held  by  St.  Stephen  Harding  at 
Citeaux,  11 16. 


36  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

several  together  are  to  lodge  elsewhere.  Certain 
men  of  religious  circumspection  are  to  be  chosen 
by  the  chapter  as  visitors  of  every  abbey  in  the 
province  or  kingdom.  They  are  to  visit  in  the 
pope's  name  both  monks  and  nuns ;  and  correct 
and  reform  what  they  find  amiss.  If  on  visitation 
they  find  it  necessary  that  any  abbat  or  prior  should 
be  deposed,  they  are  to  denounce  him  to  his  own 
bishop  that  he  may  remove  him.  If  the  bishop 
will  not  do  so,  then  the  case  is  to  be  referred  to 
the  judgment  of  the  See  Apostolic.  Any  difficulty 
that  may  arise  in  the  application  of  this  decree  has 
also  to  be  referred  to  the  pope.  This  decree  also 
is  to  be  applied  to  all  canons  regular,  each  accord- 
ing to  their  order.  Moreover  the  bishops  have  to 
take  such  heed  to  the  state  of  the  monasteries  in 
their  dioceses,  that  when  the  capitular  visitors 
come,  they  may  rather  find  matter  for  commendation 
than  correction.  The  bishops  are  also  to  take  care 
that  their  monasteries  are  not  over-taxed  by  the 
visitors,  for  while  the  Holy  See  desires  to  guard  all 
rights  of  superiors,  she  has  no  wish  to  injure  the 
subjects.  The  pope  also  distinctly  orders  both 
bishops  and  presidents  of  chapters,  under  pain  of 
censure,  to  compel  all  lay-folk  to  desist  from  wrong- 
ing the  monks  in  person  or  property ;  and  offenders 
are  to  be  compelled  to  make  due  satisfaction,  so 
that  the  divine  service  may  go  on  with  all  freedom 
and  peace. 

Nowhere  was  the  decree  so  loyally  observed,  both 


THE   BENEDICTINE   CONSTITUTION  37 

in  letter  and  spirit,  as  in  England.  Our  monks  put 
it  at  once  into  force  on  the  lines  of  the  partition  of 
the  ecclesiastical  provinces  of  Canterbury  and  York. 
No  acts  of  the  chapters  held  in  the  northern  province 
have  come  down  to  us,  or,  at  least,  have  as  yet  been 
printed.1  In  the  Apostolatus  we  have  collected 
decrees  of  a  number  held  in  the  southern  province.2 
These  meetings  went  on,  at  least,  to  15 16,  when 
there  was  a  general  chapter  held  in  Coventry.3 

Three  years  after  the  Lateran  Council,  the  pre- 
lates of  the  province  of  Canterbury  were  holding  a 
chapter  in  September  12 18  at  Oxford.  The  sessions 
were  put  off  until  the  14th  of  September  12 19, 
when  it  again  met  at  St.  Albans.  Its  presidents 
were  the  abbats  of  Evesham  and  St.  Augustine's, 
Canterbury,  both  of  whom  had  assisted  at  the 
Lateran  Council.  The  southern  province  does  not 
seem  to  have  availed  itself  of  the  help  of  any  cister- 
cian  abbats.  Perhaps  the  two  presidents,  fresh  from 
Eome,  felt  quite  capable  of  conducting  the  business 
of  chapter  without  any  outside  help.  From  12 18 
to  1300  we  have  traces  of  no  less  than  twenty-four 
of  these  provincial  chapters.     Oxford  and  its  neigh- 

1  The  acts  of  one  chapter  of  the  northern  province  seemed  to  have 
been  in  the  hands  of  Dom  Baker:  "et  aliud  (Capitulum)  Eboraci 
circa  annum  1266  cujus  acta  habentur  et  exordium  eorum  authentice 
discriptum  ad  tendere  possumus"  (Apostolatus,  ii.  39).  This  chapter 
is  mentioned  in  Hist.  Dunelm.  Scriptor.  tres  (Surtees  Society),  p.  48, 
in  terms  which  imply  a  standing  institute. 

2  See  also  Downside  Review,  vol.  v.  p.  59. 

3  See  the  Statutes  in  the  Appendix  to  vol.  iii.  of  Historia  et  Cartu- 
larium  Monasterii  Sti.  Petri,  Gloucestrice  (Roll  Series),  pp.  298,  299. 


38  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

bourhood  seems  to  have  been  the  usual  place  of 
meeting,  though  Glastonbury,  Evesham,  London, 
and  Northampton  were  favoured,  as  well  as  St. 
Albans  and  Reading.  In  1236-37  a  general  chapter, 
seemingly  of  all,  was  held  in  London  preparatory 
to  the  opening  of  the  legatine  Council  of  Otho.  At 
this  council  the  legate  passed  a  decree  (No.  19) 
concerning  the  use  of  flesh  meat.  The  Italian  was 
judging  of  the  state  of  English  monasticism  by 
what  he  had  been  accustomed  to  in  his  own  warmer 
land.  He  says  he  had  gladly  heard  that  the  abbats 
of  the  order  throughout  England  had  lately  held 
a  chapter  in  which  they  enforced  perpetual  absti- 
nence according  to  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict ; l  which 
decree  he  now  confirms.  This  change,  however,  was 
soon  found  impracticable  ;  and  in  the  provincial 
chapter  held  in  1300  at  Oxford,  under  the  presidency 
of  the  abbat  of  Westminster,  a  decree  was  passed 
to  dispense  with  it,  as  impossible  to  be  kept  under 
the  circumstances.  This  chapter  also  did  away  with 
the  number  of  extra  vocal  prayers  which  had  been 
accumulating  since  the  days  of  St.  Dunstan.  The 
meeting  at  Oxford,  21st  September  1253,  seems  to 
have  been  one  of  both  provinces.2 

It  was  not  long,  however,  before  the  benedictine 
provinces  of  Canterbury  and  York  were  united  into 
one  general  chapter  of  a  Congregation,  coextensive 

1  And,  it  appears,  in  accordance  with  the  legate's  wishes. 

2  Annates  de  Theokesberia,  ed.  Luard,  p.  153  ;  Annates  de  Wintonia, 
ed.  Luard,  p.  94. 


THE   BENEDICTINE   CONSTITUTION  39 

with  the  country.  The  Lateran  decree  had  been 
only  fully  carried  out  in  England,  and  nowhere 
else.  Therefore  in  1334  Benedict  XII.  issued  from 
Avignon  on  June  20th  the  famous  bull  called 
the  Benedictina,  which  enforced  the  Lateran  de- 
cree and  extended  its  scope.  The  abbats  of  St. 
Albans  and  of  St.  Mary's,  York,  one  for  each  pro- 
vince, were  charged  by  the  Holy  See  to  execute 
the  bull  in  England.  It  is  a  long  document,  and 
consists  of  thirty-nine  chapters.  As  it  is  one  of 
the  most  important  pieces  of  legislation  for  the 
Order  ever  issued  by  the  Holy  See,  it  will  be  well 
to  give  here  a  brief  resume  of  its  more  important 
clauses. 

After  having  re-enforced  the  decree  of  the  Lateran 
Council  about  triennial  chapters,  which  affects  all 
superiors,  abbats  Cathedral  and  other  conventual 
priors,  the  pope  orders  those  who  cannot  attend 
personally  to  send  proxies,  otherwise  they  are  to  be 
fined  a  double  amount  of  the  usual  tax  levied  for 
chapter  expenses.  The  power  of  the  presidents  is 
to  last  from  chapter  to  chapter.  The  two  provinces 
of  Canterbury  and  York  are  to  unite  and  form  only 
one  chapter.  (I.)  Visitors  are  only  to  stay  two  days 
at  any  house  when  on  visitations ;  and  on  such 
occasions  there  are  to  be  no  feastings  ;  neither  is 
money  allowed  to  be  received  or  offered  excepting 
for  the  bare  expenses.  Penalties  are  inflicted  against 
those  who  infringe  this  law.  (II.)  Besides  the 
general  chapter  ;  every  year  a  chapter  of  each  parti- 


4o  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

cular  house  has  to  be  held.  (III.)  The  general 
chapter  has  power  of  taxation  for  general  purposes. 
(IV.)  In  every  house  in  which  there  are  at  least  six 
monks,  the  daily  conventual  chapter  is  to  held. 
(V.)  In  every  house  a  properly  paid  teacher  is  to  be 
appointed  to  instruct  the  monks  in  Grammar,  Logic, 
and  Philosophy.  Seculars  are  not  to  be  taught  with 
the  monks.  (VI.)  One  monk  in  twenty  must  be 
sent  to  the  universities  for  higher  studies,  and  he  is 
to  have  a  fixed  allowance.  Superiors,  under  penal- 
ties, have  to  seek  advice  as  to  whom  they  send  to 
the  university.  (VII.)  Pensions  are  to  be  paid  to 
students  according  to  their  rank,  out  of  which  they 
must  find  food,  clothes,  books,  &c.  A  prior  of  the 
home  of  studies  is  to  be  appointed  by  the  presi- 
dents. Each  monk-student  has  once  a  month  to 
send  in  his  list  of  belongings.  (VIII.)  Then,  after 
chapters  on  the  general  management  of  monastic 
houses  regarding  business  matters  (IX.  to  XXV.), 
come  these  laws.  Every  Wednesday  and  Saturday, 
and  every  day  in  Advent  and  from  Septuagesima 
to  Easter  are  days  when  flesh  meat  is  forbidden 
to  monks  unless  superiors  judged  well  to  dis- 
pense in  individual  cases.  All  are  to  sleep  in 
one  dormitory,  separate  cells  being  strictly  for- 
bidden except  for  students  who  can  use  them  for 
purposes  of  study  but  not  for  sleeping.  (XXVI.) 
In  monasteries  all  priests  are  to  celebrate  at  least 
twice  or  thrice  a  week.  Those  who  are  not  priests 
confess  at  least  once  a  week  and  communicate  once 


THE   BENEDICTINE   CONSTITUTION  41 

a  month.1  (XXVII.)  The  rest  of  the  decrees  con- 
cern benefices  and  other  ecclesiastical  injunctions  of 
no  general  interest.2 

This  bull  was  duly  announced  by  the  two  abbats 
by  letters  dated  March  10,  1337,  and  a  chapter  ap- 
pointed to  be  held  at  Northampton,  at  the  cluniac 
monastery  of  St.  Andrew,  on  the  following  June  10th 
for  the  publication  of  the  bull.  Northampton  was 
chosen  as  being  most  accessible ;  and  the  pope 
allowed  the  holding  of  chapters,  if  more  convenient, 
in  houses  belonging  to  another  Order. 

On  June  10,  1338  (Wilkins  gives  this  date),  the 
first  united  chapter  was  held  as  arranged.3  The 
abbat  of  York  said  the  mass,  and  afterwards  he 
of  St.  Albans  preached  in  Latin  prout  decuit.  As 
soon  as  the  chapter  had  begun  its  session,  a  royal 
messenger,  one  Master  Philip,  a  cleric  of  London, 
was  announced.  He  brought  letters  from  the  king 
forbidding  the  fathers  to  do  aught  contrary  to  the 
royal  prerogative  or  to  the  laws  of  the  land.     The 

1  The  old  rule  laid  down  in  the  Concordia  Regularis  was  daily 
Communion ;  even  on  Good  Friday ;  and  the  reason  was  given  in  the 
words  of  St.  Augustine:  "Because  in  the  Lord's  Prayer  we  do  not 
ask  for  our  yearly  but  for  our  daily  bread.  ...  So  live  as  to  be  wrorthy 
to  receive  every  day  ;  for  he  who  is  not  worthy  to  receive  daily  is  not 
worthy  to  receive  once  a  year  "  (Lib.  de  Verbis  Domini).  It  must  be 
remembered  that  the  wording  of  the  Benedictina  was  made  to  apply 
to  all  countries,  the  names  of  Canterbury  and  York  being  only  inserted 
in  the  copy  sent  to  England.  Hence  the  regulation  in  Chapter  XXVII. 
does  not  go  to  prove  that  in  England,  at  least,  monks  had  fallen  off 
from  their  old  practice. 

2  Wilkins,  Concilia,  vol.  ii.  pp.  585-613. 

3  Ibid.  p.  626. 


42  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

session  was  prorogued  for  two  days  to  consult  how 
to  satisfy  the  king  and  obey  the  pope's  commands ; 
which  they  were  able  to  do  by  showing  the  meeting 
to  be  concerned  only  with  their  own  internal  affairs. 
After  this  they  proceeded  to  business,  and  the  abbats 
of  Westminster,  Gloucester,  and  Bardney  were  chosen 
presidents.  The  bull  was  formally  read,  and  was 
ordered  to  be  kept  at  Westminster,  as  the  most 
secure  place  of  deposit.  Visitors  were  nominated 
for  the  whole  of  England,  and  a  commission  was 
appointed,  now  that  the  two  provinces  were  united, 
to  overlook  the  decrees  of  the  former  provincial 
chapters  and  decide  what  was  to  be  kept  as  binding 
upon  the  whole  Congregation. 

These  chapters,  held  then  at  fixed  intervals  until 
the  Dissolution,  were  regularly  representative  bodies, 
consisting  not  only  of  the  heads  of  the  houses, 
but  also  of  ordinary  monks  deputed  by  their  fellow- 
religious  to  attend.  The  records  of  some  of  these 
chapters  still  exist,  and  are  full  of  interest,  showing 
as  they  do  the  practical  working  of  the  system.  For 
instance,  at  the  third  provincial  chapter  of  the  year 
1343  some  modifications  by  Clement  VI.  of  the  bull 
of  Benedict  XII.  were  read.1  A  demand  was  made 
to  chapter  by  the  cardinals  who  had  brought  out  the 
bull,  for  payment  of  300  crowns  as  their  expenses, 
and  threats  were  used  in  case  of  non-payment.  The 
king  took  the  matter  into  his  own  hands  and  for- 
bade any  such  payments.    An  important  decree  was 

1  Wilkins,  Concilia,  vol.  ii.  pp.  713-15. 


THE   BENEDICTINE   CONSTITUTION  43 

passed,  to  the  effect  that  all  provisions  of  former 
chapters  were  to  be  considered  as  revoked  unless 
reaffirmed  by  each  succeeding  chapter.  In  another 
(1422),  a  stop  was  put  to  excessive  cavalcades  on 
the  part  of  those  who  came  to  the  meeting.  No 
one,  however  dignified,  was  to  have  a  train  of  more 
than  twenty  horses.1 

Abbats  were  ordered  to  look  after  their  monks 
and  to  live  among  them,  especially  on  feast  days. 
They  were  not  to  be  absent  from  the  monastery 
more  than  three  months  in  the  year ;  and  were  to 
be  careful  to  spend  Easter  with  their  brethren.  The 
abbats  agree  once  a  year  to  make  a  full  statement 
to  their  monks  of  everything  which  concerns  the 
abbey.  Their  power  of  alienation  was  checked. 
From  September  15th  to  Lent  no  supper  was  to 
be  allowed  except  to  the  aged,  sick,  and  those 
below  twenty  years  of  age.  A  decree  allowing  of 
eating  meat  was  also  passed,  for  the  reason  that 
doctors  and  experience  both  teach  that  a  total 
abstinence  from  flesh  is  contrary  to  nature  and 
hurtful  to  the  system :  so  were  monks  to  be 
confined  to  such  diet  alone,  they  would  become 
weak  and  suffer,  a  thing  the  rule  neither  orders 
nor  desires." 

The  visitations  ordered  by  chapter  were  realities 
and  no  merely  formal  visits.  The  reports  were  read 
at  the  succeeding  chapter.  For  instance,  the  abbat 
of  St.  Albans,  who  had  been  appointed  visitor  of 

1  Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  419. 


44  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

St.  Augustine's,  Canterbury,  reports  to  the  fathers 
assembled,  in  1426,1  that  he  was  grieved  to  have 
found  something  there  needing  correction,  about 
which  he  would  later  on  confer  with  them  more 
fully.  The  abbat  of  Cerne,  on  the  same  occasion, 
reports  well  of  all  the  houses  he  had  to  visit,  with 
the  exception  of  Abingdon,  about  which  he  too 
had  something  to  report  privately  to  the  president. 
At  Shrewsbury,  too,  he  says,  there  were  strifes  and 
a  want  of  concord.  We  do  not  find  any  account 
of  capitular  visitation  of  nunneries  ;  and  are  thereby 
led  to  conclude  that  the  houses  of  women  were 
not  considered  (although  the  Lateran  decrees  gave 
the  power  of  visitation)  as  being  formally  part  of 
the  Congregation  at  all. 

The  general  chapter  was  for  some  time  exercised 
as  to  the  repeated  contumacy  of  the  monks  of  Christ 
Church,  Canterbury,  who  refused  to  appear  when 
summoned.2  They  were  warned  and  threatened  with 
fines  and  excommunication  again  and  again.  But 
with  no  effect.  The  monks  of  Christ  Church  pro- 
tested that,  as  being  the  mother-house  of  all  bene- 
dictines  in  England  and,  sede  vacante,  holding  the 
primatial  jurisdiction,  it  beseemed  not  their  dignity 
to  be  summoned  to  any  general  chapter.  If  general 
chapter  there  need  be,  theirs  it  was  to  summon  it, 
and  to  preside  over  its  deliberation.  In  1360  they 
wrote,  in  the  name  of  the  king,  to  the   pope  ex- 

1  Wilkins,  Co7wilia,  vol.  iii.  p.  464. 

2  LitercB  Cantuarienses,  vol.  ii.  pp.  224,  398,  400,  448,  510. 


THE   BENEDICTINE   CONSTITUTION  45 

posing  their  woes  and  claiming  exemption ;  and  in 
1363  appointed  proctors  in  Rome  to  carry  on  the 
appeal.  But-  in  1373  the  chapter  still  persisted 
in  its  claim  and  began  to  threaten  the  monks  of 
Christ  Church  with  further  grave  penalties,  of 
which  the  prior  bitterly  complains  in  a  letter 
to  the  archbishop.  Five  years  later,  Urban  VI. 
writes  to  archbishop  Simon  of  Sudbury,  and  gives 
full  exemption  to  the  monks  of  his  cathedral- 
monastery. 

While  the  general  chapter  was  exercising  juris- 
diction and  sending  visitors  to  the  different  abbeys 
in  the  pope's  name,  we  must  not  forget  that  these 
same  abbeys  and  other  houses  were  also  subjected 
to  the  visitations  of  the  bishops  of  the  diocese. 
The  bishop  was  the  ordinary  of  the  whole  diocese,  • 
and  had  to  correct  whatever  was  amiss  in  his  flock.1 
He  could,  if  necessary,  even  dispose  an  abbat  whom 
he  found  unworthy,  and  thus  obviate  any  difficulties 

1  In  the  Constitutions  of  Giles  of  Sarum  (1256),  the  bishop  lays  down 
this  decree  for  his  monasteries  :  "  Since  by  the  rule  of  the  holy  fathers,  \ 
religious  men  are  bound  to  know  by  heart  the  psalms,  hymns,  and 
certain  other  things  to  be  read  or  sung  according  to  their  own  ob- 
servance, both  in  the  night  and  day  offices,  we  order  that  no  one  who 
has  entered  now  or  at  any  future  time  a  monastery  in  our  diocese, 
should  he  not  know  his  office  by  heart,  be  promoted  to  any  obedience 
(i.e.  any  post  of  trust)  unless  it  be  a  case  of  invincible  ignorance.  In 
case  of  contravention  of  this  law,  both  the  appointer  and  the  appointed 
are  suspended"  (Wilkins,  Concilia,  vol.  i.  p.  718).  The  visitations 
held  in  the  diocese  of  Norwich,  and  published  by  the  Camden  Society, 
show  how  strict  and  searching  the  visitations  were  ;  and  how  much 
indeed,  up  to  the  time  of  the  Dissolution,  depended  upon  the 
bishop. 


46  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

which  might  arise  from  life  appointments.  His 
leave  was  necessary  for  an  election,  and  he  was 
called  upon  to  confirm  the  choice  of  the  monks. 
It  was  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  who  had  to  bless 
the  newly  appointed  abbat,  and  who  had  to  keep 
his  eye  upon  him  and  see  he  did  his  duty.  There 
were  in  England  only  five  abbeys  exempt  from 
episcopal  control,  viz.,  St.  Albans,  Canterbury,  St. 
Augustine's,  Westminster,  Evesham,  St.  Edmund's 
Bury.  In  these  abbeys,  although  there  was  freedom 
from  the  bishop's  visitation,  they  were  under  the 
capitular  jurisdiction.  Their  elections  depended  on 
the  pope  for  confirmation,  and  they  had  to  pay 
heavily  for  the  privilege.1  They  had  to  go  to  Rome 
in  person  or  by  proxy  for  confirmation ;  and  there 
the  chancery  fees  were  enormous.  In  1308  the  cost 
of  papal  confirmation  for  the  election  of  Richard  de 
Sudbury,  as  abbat  of  Westminster,  was  no  less  than 
8000  florins.  Towards  the  end  of  the  fifteenth 
century  they  got  dispensation  from  going  or  sending 
to  Rome,  and  had,  instead,  to  pay  a  yearly  tax  of 
200  florins  to  the  papal  collector. 

Now  to  go  back  to  the  abbey  in  itself.  As  be- 
comes a  father  of  the  family,  the  abbat  held  his  post 
for  life.  It  was  only  for  some  grave  reason  that  he 
could  be  deposed.      Religious   orders,  and   congre- 

1  They  also  had  to  pay  heavy  sums  to  the  king  for  leave  to  elect. 
In  1235  the  monks  of  St.  Albans  had  to  pay  the  king  300  marks 
(nearly  ,£4000  of  present  money)  for  the  privilege. — Gesta  Abb.  Sti.  Alb. 
(Roll  Series),  vol.  i.  p.  306. 


THE   BENEDICTINE   CONSTITUTION  47 

gations  not  belonging  to  the  monastic  state,  find 
in  frequent  changes  of  superiors  advantages  which 
would  by  no  means  be  such  to  monks.  A  dominican, 
a  franciscan,  or  a  Jesuit,  has  no  home  in  any  one 
house  of  his  order  more  than  another.  He  is  here 
to-day  and  gone  to-morrow.  But  "home"  is  the 
very  idea  of  a  benedictine  monastery;  and  "home" 
means  oneness  of  surroundings  and  traditions,  one- 
ness of  rule,  of  love  and  way  of  looking  at  things. 
Around  the  monastery  cling  all  those  natural  feel- 
ings and  sentiments  which  are  the  mainstay  of 
the  family  life.  Here  the  monk  is  content  to 
live  and  die.  Here  will  he  dwell  for  ever,  because 
he  has  chosen  it.  Once  more,  "home"  means  one 
father.1 

Another  point  to  which  we  have  referred.  The 
benedictine  has  no  outside  work  peculiar  to  him- 
self. He  can  therefore,  when  called  by  obedience, 
take  up  all  or  any.  He  may  follow  the  contem- 
plative life  or  the  active  ministry  of  the  Apostolic 
mission.  He  may  teach  or  may  write  books.  He 
may  plant  trees  and  till  the  soil,  or  he  may  follow 
Art  in  any  of  its  many  branches.     He  may  convert 

1  The  learned  benedictine  bishop  Hedley  of  Newport  thus  writes  on 
this  subject :  "  Every  benedictine  monastery  is,  and  ought  to  be,  a  home ; 
whatever  the  external  work  to  which  a  monk  may  find  himself  called,  the 
normal  thing  must  always  be,  to  live  in  his  own  monastery.  It  would 
be  a  mistake  to  encourage  any  one  to  profess  himself  a  benedictine 
unless  he  could  look  forward  with  pleasure  to  live  "for  better  for 
worse  "  till  death  itself  in  the  home  of  his  profession,  under  the  Eule, 
and  in  the  daily  work  of  the  choir."— Ampleforth  Journal,  April  1896, 
p.  248. 


48  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

the  heathen  or  preside  over  the  welfare  of  the 
universal  church  from  the  Chair  of  Peter.  Any 
work  a  Christian  may  do,  he  may  do.  Whether  he 
takes  up  one  form  of  work  or  changes  to  some 
other,  it  is  all  one  to  him.  He  is  still  a  benedictine. 
He  works  for  work's  sake ;  for  the  discipline  it 
gives  to  the  soul ;  for  the  avoiding  of  idleness ;  and 
for  his  own  support ;  for  then,  says  St.  Benedict, 
"  we  are  true  monks  when  we  live  by  the  works  of 
our  hands.'' 1  Hence  the  wideness  of  his  spirit  and 
the  elasticity  of  his  rule,  which  adapts  itself  to  any 
work  required  by  the  circumstances  and  the  time. 
In  a  word,  the  benedictine  life  is  not  so  much  that 
of  an  Order  as  it  is  a  State  of  Life,  the  life  of  the 
Evangelical  Counsels.2 

1  Begula  S.  Benedict^  cap.  xlviii. 

2  When  we  use  the  term  "  order,"  as  applied  to  benedictines,  it  must 
be  remembered  it  has  quite  a  different  meaning  to  what  it  does  when 
used  of  the  later  religious  bodies.  In  the  benedictine  meaning  it  is  the 
same  as  the  term  "state"  in  the  "monastic  state,"  and  is  analogous, 
to  the  term  "  order"  as  when  we  speak  of  the  clerical  "order." 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE   MONK   IN   THE   WORLD 

Professing  as  he  does  to  follow  the  ordinary 
Gospel  teaching,  the  monk  cannot  be  unmindful 
of  the  words,  "Bear  ye  one  another's  burdens."1 
Filled  with  the  strength  and  the  peace  which  has 
entered  his  soul  since  his  "  conversion," 2  he  is 
always  ready,  when  his  abbat  gives  the  word,  to 
labour  for  those  left  exposed  to  the  cares  and 
dangers  he  has  escaped.  He  is  no  misanthrope, 
but  is  wise  enough  to  know  that  the  welfare  of  the 
body  is  a  great  means  towards  securing  the  welfare 
of  the  soul.  For  human  misery,  want,  and  poverty 
are  all  so  many  obstacles  in  the  way  of  Grace 
working  the  change  unto  Life  Eternal.  Little  is 
the  use  of  preaching  to  starving  men,  especially  if 
the  preacher  be  himself  well  fed.  Feed,  clothe,  and 
house  them  ;  and  then  will  they  be  able  to  under- 
stand that  "  Life  is  more  than  meat,  and  their 
bodies  more  than  raiment"  3  This  common  sense, 
human  way  of  looking  at  things,  judging  of  others 

1  Gal.  vi.  2. 

2  See  the  Conversio  morum  suorum  of  the  monastic  vows. 

3  St.  Matthew  vi.  25. 

VOL.  I.  49  D 


50  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

by  the  practical  knowledge  a  man  has  gained  of 
himself,  taught  the  monk  to  make  his  monastery 
a  centre  for  reaching  the  people  among  whom  he 
lived ;  for  an  abbey  was  often  possessed  of  vast 
estates  which  afforded  occupation  and  work  to  thou- 
sands. The  black  monks  were  good  landlords,  who 
lived  in  the  midst  of  their  tenantry  and  knew  the 
profit  of  keeping  their  people  on  the  ground.  The 
personal  welfare  of  their  tenants,  their  comfort  and 
convenience,  was  as  much  a  consideration  to  the 
monks  as  were  their  own,  and  they  were  as  well 
looked  after.  Even  with  all  the  changes  brought 
about  in  land-holding  as  the  result  of  the  Black 
Death,  and  the  civil  wars  so  impoverishing  to  any 
country,  the  black  monks,  in  spite  of  their  genuine 
distress,  were  but  slow  and  sparing  imitators  of 
those  who  had  found  it  so  profitable  to  inclose  their 
lands  for  pasturage.1 

"As  agriculturists  and  judicious  managers  of 
property  the  monks  of  a  benedictine  house  had  no 
equals.  They  were  business-like,  exact,  and  prompt 
in  their  dealings.  They  required  from  their  tenants 
and  servants  a  just  and  faithful  performance  of  their 
different  services  and  tasks ;  but  whilst  they  did  so 
they  were  not  hard  or  ungrateful  masters.  .  .  .  The 
constitutions  and  regulations  contained  in  the  Glou- 
cester  Cartulary  .  .  .   are,    as  I  firmly  believe,  the 

1  The  cistercians  were  famous  as  wool-growers,  and  at  one  time  seemed 
to  have  had  almost  a  monopoly  of  the  wool  trade.  Hence  pasturage 
was  more  important  to  them  than  agriculture. 


THE   MONK   IN   THE   WORLD  51 

production  not  of  a  parcel  of  drunken  and  besotted 
monks,  but  of  intelligent  landlords  and  agricul- 
turists who  had  a  due  care  for  the  stewardship  of 
the  things  committed  to  their  care.  Agriculture  was 
one  of  the  leading  features  of  the  Benedictine  Order, 
and  in  this  the  monks  achieved  a  great  success."  * 

Wherever  there  are  great  buildings,  there  work 
will  always  be  found  for  many.  The  bare  keeping 
in  repair  of  places  like  Canterbury  or  Ely  or 
Peterborough  must  have  meant  a  livelihood  for 
generations  of  artisans,  and  trained  artisans  too, 
men  whose  artistic  tastes  were  carefully  cultivated. 
There  were  also  in  the  working  of  a  great  abbey 
an  example  given  of  careful  agriculture,  of  manage- 
ment, of  thrift,  and  of  a  higher  ideal  than  could  be 
found  elsewhere.  All  these  must  have  tended  to 
elevate  the  tone  of  the  people  who  dwelt  near, 
and  been  a  means  of  culture  which  would  infallibly 
tell  in  the  long  run. 

But  these  are  indirect  ways  of  helping  one's 
neighbours  which  perhaps  are  more  efficacious  as 
not  interfering  with  the  spirit  of  sturdy  inde- 
pendence so  important  to  a  nation.  There  is  a 
difference  between  doing  a  thing  for  people,  and 
showing  them  how  to  do  it  for  themselves ;  and  this 
wras  the  policy  the  monks  followed.  But  children 
and  the  sick  are  cases  which  are  helpless,  and  this 
was  fully  recognised.     The  monks  became  the  great 

1  Mr.  Hart's   Introduction  :    Historia  Monasterii  Gloucesteris  (Roll 
Series),  vol.  iii.  p.  xciii. 


52  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

educationalists  of  the  day,  and  did  not  confine  their 
work  to  men  of  their  own  rank,  but  spread  the 
blessings  of  learning  far  and  wide.  For  instance,  as 
early  as  the  year  1198  the  abbat  (Sampson)  of  St. 
Edmundsbury  built  and  endowed  a  public  school ; 
while  in  the  twelfth  century  the  school  of  St.  Albans, 
successively  under  Neckham  and  Master  Warin,  was 
of  such  fame  that  Matthew  of  Paris  says:  "There 
was  hardly  a  school  in  all  England  at  that  time  more 
fruitful  or  more  famous  either  for  the  number  or 
the  proficiency  of  its  scholars." 1 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Master  Warin,  a 
secular,  was  nephew  both  to  the  abbat  and  the 
prior ;  and  was  "  so  like  his  uncles  in  dignified 
demeanour,  worshipful  life,  and  in  learning,  that  he 
truly  deserved  to  be  called  the  nephew  of  such  men, 
or  rather  their  brother."  2 

The  abbats  of  Evesham  paid  yearly  ^io3  and 
"borde  and  tabelying  frely  in  the  monasterie  to  one 
scholemaster  for  the  keeping  of  a  free  schole  in  the 
said  town  of  Evesham." 4 

Westminster,  Glaston,  and  all  the  great  houses  kept 
free  schools  in  their  own  towns  and  on  the  various 
properties  they  held  up  and  down  the  country.5 

1  Memoirs  of  St.  Edmund's  Abbey  (Roll  Series),  vol.  i.  p.  296.  There 
was  also  a  school  at  Beccles  kept  up  by  the  same  convent  (ibid.  vol. 
iii.  p.  182). 

2  Gesta  Abbatum,  vol.  i.  pp.  195-6. 

3  Equal  to  about  £  1 20  of  our  money. 

4  H.  Cole,  King  Henry  the  Eighth's  Scheme  of  Bishoprics,  p.  117. 

6  For  instance,  the  royal  monastery  at  Westminster  had  possessions- 
in  97  towns,  17  hamlets,  besides  216  manors. 


THE   MONK   IN   THE   WORLD  53 

The  claims  of  the  sick,  of  the  really  poor,  and  of 
the  wayfarer  were  looked  to.  Where  was  the  natural 
resource  for  all  in  need  or  distress,  but  at  the  great 
abbey?  Food  and  shelter  would  be  freely  found  at 
God's  house  for  those  who  wanted  ;  and  the  dole 
would  not  pauperise  the  receivers.  Day  by  day  at 
stated  hours  were  the  poor  fed  at  every  religious 
house ;  and  guest-rooms  were  built  to  shelter  those 
who  wanted  to  stay.  For  two  days  and  nights  were 
travellers  made  welcome ;  and  during  that  time,  if 
their  health  allowed,  they  followed,  as  at  Abingdon, 
the  spiritual  exercises  of  the  convent.1  They  fared 
the  same  as  did  the  monks.  When  their  time  was 
up,  they  were  bidden  god-speed  and  went  on  their 
journey,  sure  of  finding  the  same  hospitality  in  the 
next  religious  house  at  which  they  stopped.  The 
neighbouring  poor  had  their  daily  dole  ;  and  from 
the  monastic  dispensaries  the  sick  could  always  have 
the  medicines  and  attendance  they  required.  In 
fact,  "  the  myth  of  the  fine  old  English  gentleman, 
who  had  a  large  estate  and  provided  every  day  for 
the  poor  at  his  gate,  was  (as  the  late  Professor  J.  S. 
Brewer  said)  realised  in  the  case  of  the  monks,  and 
in  their  case  only." 2 

Not  in  bodily  help  only  did  they  provide  for  the 
people,  but  they  looked  also  after  their  spiritual 
profit.  For  dependent  on  the  abbey  were  also  many 
tracts  of  land  up  and  down  the  country,  left  as  alms 

1  MS.  Cott.,  Claud.,  B.  VI.  f.  206. 

2  Geraldi  Cambr.  Opera,  ed.  J.  S.  Brewer,  IV.  p.  xxxvi. 


54  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

to  the  monks.1  These  lands,  while  sources  of  income, 
also  brought  responsibilities.  For  the  monks  became 
not  only  the  temporal  landlords  but  also  the  spiritual 
pastors,  and  were  obliged  to  look  after  the  souls  of 
their  people.  But  as  the  very  idea  of  an  abbey  is, 
as  we  have  said,  that  of  a  home,  it  would  not  be  in 

1  Archdeacon  W.  Hale,  writing  on  the  question  of  patronage  and 
tithes,  says  :  "  It  is  a  prevalent  idea  that  we  owe  our  parochial  system 
to  the  centralised  operation  of  bodies  of  clergy  united  under  a  bishop 
at  the  cathedral  who  went  forth  to  preach,  and  who  planted  churches 
throughout  the  diocese,  the  mother-church  being  their  parent  as  well 
as  their  head.  Whatever  truth  there  may  be  in  this  opinion,  we 
regret  to  observe  that  it  derives  little  support  or  confirmation  from 
those  notices  respecting  patronage  and  tithes  which  are  scattered 
throughout  this  volume.  If  the  bishops  and  their  clergy  were  the 
original  cause  of  churches  being  built,  the  churches  themselves  appear 
very  soon  to  have  become  possessions  of  the  laity,  and,  together  with 
lands  and  manors,  to  have  passed  as  patrimony  from  father  to  son.  It 
is  a  remarkable  fact  that  there  is  not  a  single  church  mentioned  in  this 
volume  the  patronage  of  which,  in  the  times  before  the  Conquest,  did  not 
accrue  to  the  monastery  of  Worcester  from  gifts  made  by  laymen.  .  .  . 
But  though  all  the  rights  of  patronage  which  the  monastery  of  Worcester 
possessed  were  in  the  earliest  times  derived  from  the  laity,  it  is  worthy 
of  remark  that,  as  respects  the  receipt  of  tithes  from  churches  of  which 
the  monastery  were  patrons,  there  is  a  marked  difference  in  the  case  of 
churches  received  before  the  Conquest  and  after  that  event.  From  the 
churches  of  the  former  period  tithes  as  well  as  pensions  were  generally 
received  ;  from  the  churches  of  the  later  period  pensions  alone.  It 
would  seem,  too,  from  the  fact  of  the  Prior,  the  Sacristan,  or  the 
Almoner  receiving  portions  of  the  great  tithes  of  the  churches  given 
to  the  monastery  in  the  earlier  period,  that  the  appropriation  of  tithes 
to  religious  houses  and  the  establishment  of  vicarages  have  a  much 
earlier  origin  than  is  commonly  supposed." — Introduction  to  the 
Registrum  Prioratus  B.M.  JVigorniensis,  pp.  xxvi.,  xxvii.  (Camden 
Society,  1865).  This  raises  the  question  whether  the  prevalent  ideas 
are  not  theories  based  on  fancy,  and  whether  the  origin  of  so  many 
parish  churches  is  really  not  due  to  the  monks.  The  whole  matter 
requires  reconsideration  on  the  basis  of  an  investigation  into  facts. 


THE   MONK   IN   THE   WORLD  55 

keeping  to  send  monks  out  away  from  their  cloister 
for  any  length  of  time  to  do  the  work  of  parochial 
clergy.1  Sometimes  it  was  so  done,  according  to 
Kennet ;  but  the  result  was  not  satisfactory ;  and 
from  an  early  date,  in  many  monasteries,  they  began 
to  look  about  for  secular  priests  to  do  this  duty  for 
them.  Hence  rose  the  present  system  of  Vicars. 
Difficulties  of  administration  came,  and  there  were 
cases  in  which  the  monks  did  not  always  act  fairly 
to  their  vicars.  For  when  a  church  was  appropriated 
or  impropriated 2  it  was  always  stipulated  that  a 
certain  proportion  of  the  income  was  to  go  to  the 
priest  who  did  the  work.  For  instance,  when  in  1 1 70 
the  living  of  Lamberton  was  appropriated  to  Tavis- 
tock abbey  by  Bartholomew,  bishop  of  Exeter,  he 
declared  in  the  deed  of  gift  that  the  monks  "  should 

1  There  was  a  marked  difference  in  the  position  of  the  black  monks 
and  the  white  monks  respecting  this  question  of  monastic  vicars.  The 
policy  of  the  cistercians  was  to  overcrowd  their  houses  ;  and  when  there 
came  a  time  of  agricultural  depression,  they  had  to  cast  about  how  to  live. 
From  the  very  nature  of  their  organisation  a  sort  of  general  policy 
ensued.  With  the  benedictines,  on  the  contrary,  the  policy  was  to 
restrict  the  community  to  the  number  the  foundation  would  support. 
With  the  independence  of  each  house,  difficulties  were  met  according 
to  local  views  and  circumstances. 

2  Impropriation  is  the  alienation  of  titles  to  laymen.  Appropriation 
is  the  assignment  of  them  to  clerical  corporations,  which  thus  became 
responsible  for  the  performance  of  the  duties.  It  is  calculated  that 
within  300  years  of  the  Conquest  about  one-third  of  the  benefices  in 
England  had  fallen  by  appropriation  into  the  hands  of  the  religious 
orders,  sees,  colleges,  &c.  That  abuses  came  from  this  is  natural ;  for 
corporations  are  never  as  active  in  the  discharge  of  duties  as  individuals 
are.  On  the  whole  question  see  Rennet's  Case  of  Impropriations  and 
Sheldon  On  Tithes. 


56  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

hold  it  on  the  terms  expressed  in  that  donation,  viz., 
one  half  to  the  abbat  and  monks,  and  the  other 
moiety  to  the  vicar."  1 

The  general  rule  seems  to  have  been  for  the 
monastery  to  receive  two  thirds,  and  the  vicar 
one.2  This  at  first  seems  an  unfair  division ;  but 
when  we  consider  that  the  monks  undertook  the 
repairs  of  the  church,  which  in  many  cases  they 
themselves  had  built  at  their  own  cost,  and  also 
held  themselves  responsible  for  all  the  poor  of  the 
parish,  it  is  pretty  clear  that  Master  Vicar,  who 
got  his  one-third  clear,  a  house  free  of  rent,  and 
all  his  stole  fees  and  dues,  was  by  no  means  in 
so  unfavourable  a  position  as  some  modern  writers 
make  out. 

But  often,  it  appears,  the  monks  did  not  keep  to 
their  bargains,  especially  when  the  churches  were 
far  away  from  the  abbey.  The  vicars  began  to 
complain,  and  complained  so  loudly  that  it  reached 
the  Court.  Eichard  II.  passed  a  law  securing  a 
proper  maintenance  to  the  priest  who  served  the 

1  Rennet's  Case  of  Impropriations,  p.  40.  Spelman,  The  Larger 
Treatise  concerning  Tithes  (1647),  p.  151. 

2  This  was  on  the  lines  of  the  old  canonical  division  :  one  third 
for  the  support  of  the  Church,  or,  as  it  was  called,  for  God  ;  one 
third  for  the  Poor ;  and  one  third  for  the  Priest.  St.  Gregory,  in  his 
letter  to  St.  Augustine  (Bede,  Book  I.  chapter  27),  speaks  of  and 
recommends  the  custom  of  a  fourfold  division,  a  share  for  the  bishop 
being  included.  It  is  difficult  to  say  the  exact  proportions  that 
obtained  in  England,  but  the  principle  was  there ;  the  burthen  and 
the  profits  were  divided  between  patrons  and  priests.  See  also 
Lingard's  Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church,  p.  83. 


THE   MONK   IN   THE   WORLD  57 

churches  the  monks  either  had  built  or  had  received 
together  with  the  land  at  the  time  of  gift.1 

Henry  IV.  went  further,  and  altogether  forbade 
the  monks  to  act  as  parochial  clergy,  and  ordered 
them  to  institute  to  the  livings  members  of  the 
secular  clergy.2 

The  monks,  as  patrons,  retained  however  the 
rights  of  presentation,  as  we  find  expressed  in  the 
Privileges  of  St.  Alban's  abbey  (1257) : — 

"  Item  that  we  may  make  choice  of  priests  for 
them,  and  present  them  to  the  diocesan  of  the 
place,  and  assign  to  them  their  portions  ;  the  which 
priests  shall  be  answerable  to  the  ordinaries  of  the 
place  in  spirituals3  and  to  us  in  temporals." 

The  bishop  was  obliged  to  institute  their  nominee 
unless  there  was  some  canonical  objection.  The 
vicars,  who  were  either  for  life  or  removable  at 
will,  had  to  swear  fidelity  to  the  abbat  and  convent, 
and  pay  each  year  certain  sums  as  rectorial  first- 
fruits.  These  payments  were  often  assigned  to 
divers  officers  of  the  abbey,  obedientiaries  as  they 
were  called,  for  the  discharge  of  their  office.  For 
instance,  the  profits  of  a  certain  set  of  vicarages 
would  go  to  the  Sacristan  or  to  the  Precentor,  or 

1  e.g.  Glaston  had  no  less  than  seventy-one  churches  dependent 
upon  it. 

2  Dixon's  History  of  the  Church  of  England,  vol.  i.  p.  89. 

3  Sometimes,  as  at  St.  Albans  or  Evesham,  the  abbat  was  ordinary 
of  the  place,  and  had  the  rights  of  archdeacons.  There  is  a  curious 
verse  containing  sixteen  "  reserved  cases "  in  the  jurisdiction  of  St. 
Albans.  See  Rev.  P.  Newcome's  The  History  of  the  Abbey  of  St.  Albans, 
p.  221. 


58  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

to  the  Infirmarian.  Sometimes  in  the  deed  of  gift 
the  land  or  church  was  left  for  a  specified  purpose  ; 
even  (as  there  were  cases)  for  providing  a  better 
brew  of  beer  for  the  brethren,  or  an  extra  pitance  on 
the  anniversary  day  of  the  donor.1  In  other  cases 
it  was  the  abbat  who  allotted  the  means  of  revenue 
for  each  department.  There  were  often  charges, 
too,  upon  the  gift  which  materially  lessened  the 
value  to  the  monks,  in  the  shape  of  corrodies2  to 
different  friends  or  relatives  of  the  donor.  These 
charges  went  on  sometimes  for  generations. 

The  system  of  vicars  in  churches  appropriated  to 
benedictines,  may  seem  to  have  put  the  secular 
clergy  into  an  undue  state  of  dependence.     But  a 

1  A  pitance,  from  pietas,  was  an  extra  dish  over  and  above  the 
monastic  commons,  and  was  given  out  on  special  days — such  as  feast 
days,  anniversaries.  It  might  take  the  form  of  dessert,  or  of  eggs,  or 
of  an  extra  amount  of  fish  or  even  meat.  St.  Benedict  provides  for 
it  in  his  Rule  (Gh.  XXXIX.)  :  "  If,  however,  their  work  chance  to 
have  been  hard,  it  shall  be  in  the  abbat's  power,  if  he  think  fit,  to 
make  some  addition  "  (to  their  usual  allowance),  "  avoiding  above  every- 
thing all  surfeiting,  that  the  monks  be  not  overtaken  by  indigestion." 
A  practical  warning  when  men  ate  generally  only  once  a  day. 

2  A  corrody  was  a  monk's  portion  of  food  and  drink.  One  given 
by  the  abbat  of  Tavistock  to  John  Amadas  in  the  time  of  Henry 
VIII.  consisted  of  "one  white  loaf,  another  loaf  called  '  Trequarter  ; ' 
a  dish  called  '  General,'  another  dish  of  flesh  or  fish  called  '  Pitance '  ; 
three  potells  of  beer  or  three  silver  halfpence  daily ;  also  a  furred 
robe  at  Christmas  yearly,  of  the  same  kind  as  those  of  our  esquires, 
or  the  sum  of  20s."  Whenever  John  chanced  to  be  at  the  abbey,  he 
was  to  have  a  proper  chamber,  with  firing  and  three  candles  called 
"  Paris  candells "  ;  and  also  stabling  for  his  horse.  When  the  abbey 
was  dissolved,  the  king  ordered  the  corrody  to  be  commuted  into  a 
yearly  pension  for  the  lucky  John  of  an  annuity  of  £$  in  lieu  of 
all  these  daily  comforts  and  perquisites.  See  Preface  to  Oliver's 
Monasticon  Diocesis  Exoniensis,  p.  vi. 


THE   MONK   IN   THE   WORLD  59 

consideration  will  show  if  there  were  dependence 
it  would  also  be  that  begotten  of  gratitude.  For  it 
must  be  remembered  it  was  from  the  free  schools 
kept  by  the  monks  that  most  of  the  clergy  got  their 
education,  and  thence  the  very  means  of  entering 
the  priesthood.  For,  by  the  common  law  of  the 
Church  which  then  obtained,  no  cleric  could  be 
ordained  unless  he  had  a  "title"  ;  or  in  other  words 
some  one  to  fall  back  upon,  who  undertook  in  case 
of  need  to  be  responsible  for  his  support :  and  these 
titles  had  to  be  obtained  from  those  who  had  them 
and  were  willing  to  present.  In  a  note  attached  to 
his  work  on  Henry  VIII.  and  the  English  Monas- 
teries, Dom  F.  A.  Gasquet  points  out  that  in  the 
diocese  of  York,  between  the  years  1501  and  1539, 
there  were  6190  priests  ordained.  Of  this  number 
141 5  were  religious  of  various  kinds;  4698  were 
seculars  presented  on  titles  furnished  by  a  monastery 
or  college,  and  only  77  on  a  title  provided  else- 
where. The  yearly  average  of  ordinations  was  over 
158.  When  the  troubles  began  for  the  monas- 
teries these  numbers  fell  at  once.  In  1536,  92 
only  were  ordained  priests;  in  1537  no  ordinations 
are  recorded;  in  1538  only  20;  and  in  1539  only 
8.1  So  that,  were  it  not  for  the  monasteries,  secular 
priests  would  have  hardly  had  any  means  of  living. 

It  was  not  only  the  civil  law  which  looked  after 
the  interests  of  the  vicars.  The  Church  was  provi- 
dent also.     At   that  time  the  usual   stipend  for  a 

1  Vol.  i.  p.  xxx. 


60  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

chaplain  was  5  marks  (about  ^40)  a  year,  and  this 
was  advanced  to  6,  8,  and  10  marks,  which  latter 
sum  equals  about  ^80/ 

But  provincial  constitutions  settled  that  the 
portion  allowed  to  vicars  should  never  be  less  than 
12  marks  a  year;  that  is  to  say,  close  upon  ^ioo,2 
an  income  considerably  better  than  Goldsmith's 
Vicar,  who  was  "  passing  rich  on  forty  pounds  a  year," 
and  who  had  a  wife  and  family  to  boot. 

The  monasteries  were  also  schools  for  the  nobility. 
Under  the  care  of  the  abbat  were  youths  often 
of  the  highest  rank,  who  were  to  be  brought  up 
in  the  courtesy  and  polite  education  which  made 
the  monasteries  far  better  schools  for  Christian 
gentlemen  than  the  Court.  For  the  abbey  had  its 
friends  throughout  the  country ;  and  the  abbat  of 
the  greatest  houses,  being  generally  a  peer  of  the 
realm,  had  his  seat  in  Parliament  and  entered  into 
the  council  of  kings.  So  he  and  his  monastery  were 
well  known  to  the  great.  Besides,  there  were  other 
ties.  Many  members  of  noble  and  gentle  families 
were  monks  themselves,  and  to  these  the  benedic- 
tine,  whatever  his  birth,  was  akin  through  the 
discipline  of  his  life,  his  circumstances  and  his 
surroundings,  and  through  that  tone  and  bearing 
which  come  to  him  who  lives  habitually  in  God's 
sight.  Many  of  the  great  ones  of  the  land  wished 
to  be  united  in  some  kind  of  spiritual  bonds  with 

1  Kennet,  ibid.  pp.  57,  58. 
2  Lyndewood's  Provinciate  (ed.  Oxford,  1679),  ^e  °ffic^°  Vicarii,  p.  64. 


THE   MONK   IN   THE   WORLD  61 

an  abbey  where  they  had  relatives  or  friends ;  and 
we  find  them  suing  for  admission  to  friendship  or 
confraternity  with  the  monks.     The  effects  of  this 
confraternity  were  that  they  became  real  members 
of  the  house  and  shared  in  all  its  good  works  and 
merits.     The  Confrater  was  sometimes  allowed  an 
honorary  seat  in  the  chapter.     Special  prayers  were 
offered  for  him  at  his  death,  and  his  anniversaries 
were  kept  with  Dirge  and  Eequiem.     He,   on   his 
side,  promised  always  to  befriend  the  abbey  and  to 
help  and  protect  it  to  the  best  of  his  abilities.     The 
petitioner  for    confraternity  would  present   himself 
in  the  chapter-house  before  the  assembled   monks, 
and  there  prostrate  himself  until  the  abbat  asked, 
"  What  asketh  thou  ? "  to  which  he  answered,  "  I  ask 
through  God's  mercy  and  yours,  and  that  of  all  the 
elders,  the  brotherhood  and  goodwill  of  this  monas- 
tery."    The  abbat  then  said,   "  May  the  Almighty 
Lord  grant  thee  what  thou  seekest,  and  may  He  give 
thee  a  fellowship  with  His  elect."     The  petitioner 
then  knelt  at  the  abbat's  feet  who  gave  him  the  book 
of  the  Rule,  and,  both  putting  their  hands  on  the 
sacred  text,  said:  "We  admit  thee  into  fellowship 
and  into  brotherhood.     Now  as  thou  art  henceforth 
for  ever  a  sharer  even  as  one  of  ourselves  in  the 
masses,    hours,   prayers,  watches,    disciplines,   fasts, 
alms,  and  other  spiritual  good  deeds  that  are  done 
in  this  church,  let  us  also  be  made  partakers  in  thy 
good  works."     He  was  then  received  to  the  kiss  of 
peace  by  all  the  convent,  and  was  entered  in  the  chart 


62  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

as  a  confrater.  Kings  and  princes  considered  it  an 
honour  to  become  confratres  of  abbeys.  William 
the  Conqueror  was  a  confrater  of  Cluni  and  also 
of  Battle  abbey,  which  he  had  founded.  In  1460 
Henry  VI.  coming  to  Croyland,  and  being  delighted 
with  the  religious  life  of  the  monks,  stayed  three 
days  and  begged  to  be  admitted  into  their  brother- 
hood ;  which  being  granted  him,  he,  in  return, 
gave  them  his  charter  whereby  their  liberties  l  were 
confirmed. 

High  ecclesiastics,  like  Wolsey  at  Evesham  in 
1 5 16,  sought  for  fellowship  ;  or  great  officers  of  State, 
as  Blessed  Thomas  More,2  "  Lord  Chancellor  of  this 
most  flourishing  kingdom  of  England,"  at  Christ 
Church,  Canterbury,  where  he  had  been  a  boy  at 
school.  The  neighbouring  nobility  and  gentry  were 
eager  to  be  on  good  terms  with  the  monks,  and  their 
names,  still  extant  on  some  of  the  registers  which 
have  come  down  to  us,  show  that  the  privilege  was 
highly  prized. 

But  this  connection  with  the  great  was  not  without 
its  disadvantages  too  ;  for  monasteries  became  not 
only  the  shelter  for  the  poor,  but  also  for  the  rich. 
They  were  the  hotels  of  the  day.  Kings  and  nobles 
put  up  with  the  monks,  and  often  over-stayed  their 
welcome,  filling  the  place  with  their  retinues  and 
disturbing  the  peace  of  the  cloister.  A  favourite 
time  for  the  royal  visitors  to  spend  some  weeks  at 

1  Steven's  Additions  to  Dugdale,  vol.  i.  p.  374. 

2  See  Report  of  Historical  MSS.  Com.,  vol.  i.  p.  121. 


THE   MONK   IN   THE   WORLD  63 

an  abbey  were  the  holiday  seasons  of  Christmas,  of 
Easter,  of  Whitsuntide.  He  would  add  the  majesty 
of  his  presence  and  of  all  his  train  to  some  function 
in  the  Church,  and  the  splendour  of  the  celebration 
of  such  or  such  a  feast  would  remain  long  in  the 
memories  of  monk  and  people  to  whom  the  Church's 
ceremonies  were  living  realities.  The  monasteries  also 
afforded  asylums  to  honourable  families  in  reduced 
circumstances.  Dom  Gasquet  produces  a  letter  from 
the  son  of  the  duke  of  Buckingham  to  Henry  VIII. 
in  which  the  writer  says  that  he  "  hath  no  dwelling 
place  meet  for  him  to  inhabit  (and  he  was)  fain  to 
live  poorly  at  board  in  an  abbey  this  four  years  day, 
with  his  wife  and  seven  children."  * 

They  were  also  often  called  upon  to  provide 
pensions  and  grants  to  favourites,  and  thus  vicari- 
ously pay  for  services  done  to  their  royal  patrons. 

"  In  some  case  the  abbats  were  bound  to  give 
endowments  to  scholars  of  the  king's  nomination  or 
provide  them  with  competent  benefices,  pensions ;  and 
corrodies  were  granted  under  the  privy  seal  to  yeomen 
ushers  of  the  wardrobe  and  the  chamber,  to  clerks 
of  the  kitchen,  servers,  secretaries,  and  gentlemen 
of  the  chapel  royal;  and  these  were  strictly  en- 
forced, whatever  might  be  the  other  encumbrances 
of  the  house."2  The  monks,  although  themselves 
men  of  peace,  had  to  provide  their  quota  of  knights 
and  men-at-arms  for  the  royal  service,  and  in  the  civil 

1  D.  Gasquet,  "  Henry  VIII.  and  the  English  Monasteries"  vol.  i.  p.  34. 
2  Ibid.  vol.  i.  pp.  28,  29. 


64  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

wars  so  frequent  in  England  soldiers  were  quartered 
upon  them. 

Hence  we  may  conclude,  if  the  monks  had  vast 
possessions  they  also  had  vast  responsibilities,  and 
responsibilities  to  which  they  nobly  rose.  They 
looked  upon  their  wealth  as  so  much  entrusted  to 
them  for  the  welfare  of  others.  And  if  in  times 
of  prosperity  they  knew  how  to  spend  lavishly,  it 
was  more  in  the  service  of  their  neighbour  than  for 
themselves.  Their  vast  hospitalities,  the  exactions 
of  kings,  social  changes  and  disasters  such  as  fires 
and  diseases,1  often  crippled  them  and  reduced  them 
to  the  verge  of  destruction,  but  they  never  forgot 
the  saying  of  the  Lord  :  "It  is  more  blessed  to  give 
than  to  receive."  2  They  went  on  their  beneficent 
way  as  long  as  their  homes  stood,  "Doing  good  to 
all,  but  especially  to  those  of  the  household  of  the 
faith."3 

1  During  the  plague  known  as  "the  Black  Death"  (1348-49),  the 
monks,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  clergy,  suffered  severely.  It  is 
calculated  that  about  two-thirds  of  the  clergy  died.  It  is  very  likely 
that  the  monastic  orders  would  in  proportion  suffer  more  severely  than 
the  parochial  clergy,  for  the  chance  of  infection  is  always  greater  when 
there  are  a  number  together.  At  Westminster  the  abbat  and  twenty- 
six  monks  died,  and  found  a  common  grave  in  the  southern  cloister. 
So  it  was  all  round,  wherever  the  plague  raged. 

2  Acts  xx.  35.  3  Gal.  vi.  10. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE   MONK  IN   HIS   MONASTERY 

The  question  now  arises :  What  was  the  private  life 
of  those  monks  who  thus  spent  themselves  in  the 
service  of  God  and  their  neighbours?  What  was 
the  secret  of  their  life,  the  spring  from  which  they 
got  their  strength  ?  In  this  chapter  we  will  en- 
deavour to  give  a  sketch  of  the  life  of  a  monk  in 
his  monastery,  and  note  the  sort  of  effect  on  his 
character  of  his  vows. 

But  it  is  not  possible  for  us  to  take  an  example 
from  any  one  particular  house  as  typical  of  the  rest. 
First  of  all  because  we  have  but  few  references  to 
the  inner  life  of  any  one  monastery.  W^here  all  went 
on  calmly  and  regularly,  what  need  to  record  the 
conditions  of  a  life  all  knew  and  experienced  daily  ? 
It  is  only  on  occasion  of  some  important  event  that, 
as  it  were  by  accident,  the  veil  is  lifted  and  for  a 
moment  we  catch  a  glimpse  of  cloister  life.  Even 
had  we  a  full  and  detailed  account  of  some  one 
house,  it  would  not  necessarily  tell  us  about  the 
particulars  of  the  life  in  others. 

But  scattered  here  and  there  in  our  numerous 
records  are  indications  of  what  was  done  in  various 

vol.  I.  6s  E 


66  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

houses,  so  that  a  picture,  true  in  its  details,  as  finding 
a  counterpart  in  real  life,  may  be  pieced  together 
and  a  sufficiently  vivid  picture  given  of  the  general 
outlines  of  the  life  of  an  English  monk  in  the  later 
mediaeval  times.  Whatever  the  local  variations 
might  be  (and  in  every  house  with  a  vigorous  life  of 
its  own,  there  would  always  be  its  own  peculiar  way 
of  looking  at  things  and  its  own  development,  based 
on  conditions  obtaining  there  and  not  elsewhere), 
still,  from  the  intrinsic  power  of  the  Eule  and  a 
living  tradition,  there  would  be  necessarily  in  every 
house  certain  features  which  would  find  themselves 
repeated  in  all  benedictine  monasteries.  There 
would  be  that  peculiar  tone  amid  all  sorts  of  varia- 
tions which  clearly  marks  off  the  benedictine  from 
other  religious,  and  which  finds  its  root  in  the  dis- 
tinguishing feature  of  St.  Benedict's  Kule,  the  ample 
discretion  allowed  in  interpretation. 

But  in  order  to  give  a  picture  to  the  reader  of  the 
inner  life  of  a  monk,  we  are  obliged  to  combine  in 
one  whole  such  details,  gleaned  from  all  parts,  which 
may  be  fairly  considered  as  truly  representative,  in 
the  broad  outlines,  of  life  as  it  really  existed  through- 
out England.  Without  dwelling  unduly  upon  local 
customs,  save  as  far  as  they  go  to  prove  the  existence 
of  a  principle  which  would  find  its  counterpart  else- 
where, we  will  throw  into  the  form  of  an  imaginary 
biographical  sketch  what  may  be  useful  for  our 
present  purpose.  The  facts  are  true  ;  but  the  reader 
must  bear  in  mind  that  the  setting  is  imaginary. 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  67 

John  Weston  was  a  monk  of  Lynminster,  an 
abbey  with  a  history  counted  by  centuries.  The  son 
of  a  knight,  at  an  early  age  his  widowed  mother 
had  placed  him  in  the  claustral  school  at  this,  the 
most  famous  abbey  in  the  neighbourhood.  Here  his 
father  and  uncles  had  also  received  such  education 
as  had  fallen  to  their  lot.  To  this  abbey  he  had  been 
offered  by  his  mother,  according  to  the  old  ceremony. 
One  day  at  mass,  after  the  gospel,  the  chalice  was  put 
into  his  hands  and  the  priest  wrapped  up  the  child's 
hands  in  the  altar-cloth1  as  a  sign  that  he  was,  if 
found  worthy,  to  be  dedicated  to  the  service  of  God. 
From  his  earliest  days — he  was  but  seven — he  was 
kept  under  strict  discipline ; 2  and  wore  in  the 
monastery  a  form  of  the  monk's  dress,  and  had  his 
head  shaven  in  the  form  of  a  crown.  He  was 
taught  along  with  other  boys,  perhaps  in  the  free 
school  or  in  the  singing-school,  which  most  of  the 
great  abbeys  supported  for  the  services  of  their 
minsters.  He  had  a  sweet  voice  and  some  talent 
in  singing ;  so  it  is  likely  he  found  a  place  in  the 
singing-school.  The  treatment  was  kind  but  severe. 
If  he  became  a  monk,  it  were  well  he  should  know 
from  his  earliest  days  that  a  monk  had  to  work  and 
not  live  an  idle  life  ;  and  if  he  returned  to  the  world, 
what  better  lesson  could  he  take  out  than  the  great 
law  of  labour  ?     John  was  taught  among  other  things 

1  Rule  of  St.  Benedict,  Ch.  LIX. 

2  "  The  children  are  to  be  kept  under  discipline  at  all  times  and  by 
.every  one"  (Rule,  Ch.  LXIIL). 


68  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

reading,  writing,  his  Latin  grammar,  some  simple  ele- 
ments of  the  art  of  reckoning,  his  prayers  and  faith, 
the  laws  of  politeness,  and  the  great  art  of  holding 
his  tongue.  Singing  would  not  be  forgotten.  Plain- 
song  and  prick-song  had  mysteries  the  knowledge  of 
which  was  highly  considered  ;  and  beside  John,  with 
all  his  companions,  had  to  attend  in  the  great  minster 
every  day  and  sing  at  the  solemn  mass  and  vespers. 

While  there  was  a  good  deal  of  solid  instruction 
going  on,  and  a  good  deal  of  knowledge  was  being 
instilled  into  him,  the  boy's  mind  was  being  educated 
and  its  powers  developed.     He  was  quietly  and  un- 
consciously drinking  in  the  influence  of  the  place. 
His  character  was  forming  itself  to  habits  of  industry, 
self-restraint,    thrift,    charity   in   his    dealings    with 
others ;  and  he  was  gaining  a  sense  of  the  reality  of 
life.     All  he  saw  in  the  lives  of  those  with  whom  he 
passed  his  days  ;  their  earnestness  and  diligence,  their 
prompt  obedience  to  the  abbat,  and  their  frequent 
little  practices  of  humility,  and  above  all  the  solemn 
chanting  of  the  office   and  the  daily  sacrifice,   acts 
not  of  this  earth,  all  these  must  have  had  their  effect 
on  the  boy.     The  more  so  as  it  was  the  outcome  of 
what  he  saw  and  observed  for  himself,  more  than 
anything  said  or  preached  at  him.    For  at  Lynminster 
there  was  little  of  that  sort  of  thing.     Monks  after 
St.  Benedict's  mind  are  not  what  the  world  thinks 
them  to  be.     Religion  being  the  very  atmosphere  in 
which  they  live,  God's  side  of  every  question  comes 
so  natural  to  them,  so  much  a  matter  of  course,  that 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  69 

there  is  no  trying  to  be  always  "improving  the 
occasion  "  nor  striking  attitudes,  mental  or  otherwise, 
which  are  foreign  to  their  simple  idea  of  what  He 
requires.  The  monks  preferred,  if  God  was  calling 
the  boy,  to  let  Him  do  His  own  work  in  His  own 
way.  They  dared  not  force  or  hurry  on  what  they 
knew  was  in  wiser  hands  than  theirs. 

John  was  a  boy,  merry  of  heart  and  full  of  life  and 
fun,  as  all  healthy  English  boys  are ;  and  though 
these  qualities  have  to  be  regulated  like  everything 
else,  yet,  as  they  are  most  valuable,  his  teachers 
were  careful  not  to  repress  them  too  much.  He, 
no  doubt,  was  mischievous  as  others  are,  and  had 
his  fling  of  boyish  spirits.  Nor  was  he  without 
his  share  in  all  the  sports  and  manly  excitements 
suitable  to  his  age  and  condition.  These  were  all 
useful  to  make  him  what  he  ought  to  be — a  reason- 
able being,  giving  a  reasonable  service  to  his  Maker. 
There  is  one  thing  abhorrent  to  all  benedictine 
ideas  of  education,  and  that  is  the  formation  of 
the  prig.  So  we  may  be  sure  the  result  in  the 
case  of  John  Weston  was  not  that. 

For  some  time,  since  his  fourteenth  year,  there 
had  been  going  on  a  gradual  awakening  of  the 
boy's  soul ;  and  he  was  beginning  to  question  him- 
self. The  old  problems  we  have  all  had,  doubt- 
lessly, presented  themselves  over  and  over  again : 
"What  is  the  meaning  of  Life?  Why  was  I 
made  1 "  Sometimes  in  the  midst  of  his  play  or 
of  his    study,  maybe    when    singing  the    Credo    at 


7o  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

high  mass  or  the  Magnificat  at  vespers,  a  serious- 
ness and  awe  would  fall  upon  him ;  and  something 
('twas  the  Voice  of  God,  but,  at  first,  he  knew  it 
not)  whispered  to  him:  "God  made  you  for  Him- 
self." The  truth  sank  deeper  and  deeper  in  his  soul, 
and  he  began  to  realise  it  was  a  personal  and  entire 
service  God  asked  of  him.  And  day  by  day  the 
example  he  saw  began  to  tell  more  and  more  on  the 
lad.  "The  monks  are  serving  God.  That  is  why 
they  are  here.  How  peaceful  and  happy  they  are." 
Such  thoughts  as  these  flashed  across  his  mind ;  and 
the  high  ideal  of  life  which  the  monastic  state  aims 
at  began  to  attract  him. 

Then  came  one  day,  never  to  be  forgotten ;  a 
great  light  dawned  upon  his  soul.  God  spoke  to 
him  clearly  and  distinctly  in  one  of  the  many 
ways  He  speaks  to  His  creatures.  Maybe  it  was 
some  sudden  sorrow,  the  death  of  his  mother 
or  of  some  other  loved  friend ;  or  perhaps  some 
sudden  inrush  of  joy  at  a  realisation  of  God's 
Fatherhood ;  or  some  word  of  the  daily-heard  office 
which  suddenly  broke  upon  him  with  a  new  mean- 
ing and  struck  home ;  or  maybe  some  sin  into 
which  he  had  fallen  and  which  mercifully  revealed 
to  him  his  own  weakness :  I  must  give  myself  to 
God ;  and  "  Here  will  I  dwell  for  ever."  1  With  heart 
full  of  emotion  and  joy  at  his  call,  he  told  his 
master  the  hope  he  dared  hardly  express.  But 
the  monk,  skilled  in  the  art  of  counsel,  while 
1  Ps.  xxiii.  6. 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  71 

giving  him  encouragement  also  set  before  him  in 
grave  words  the  hardness  of  the  life  to  which  he 
aspired,  and  the  sacrifices  he  would  have  to  make. 
He  spoke,  doubtlessly,  too  of  the  sweetness  there 
is  for  them  whom  God  calls  to  serve  Him.  So  he 
wisely  bids  the  lad  pray,  and  wait  a  while,  and  try 
himself,  lest  the  desire  may  come  from  human 
motives  rather  than  from  God.  If  the  good  monk 
knew  that  the  lot  of  those  who  have  entered  the 
cloister  to  follow  God  is  sweet  beyond  words,  on 
the  other  hand  he  knew  full  well  that  those  who 
come  into  the  fold  not  by  the  door  of  Vocation,  may 
expect  nothing  but  unhappiness  and  bitterness. 

After  much  prayer  and  trial,  John,  now  in  his 
nineteenth  year,  has  persevered,  and  in  the  chapter- 
room  has  been  admitted  by  the  abbat,  and  clothed 
as   a    novice.1     No  longer   a   mere    school-boy,    he 

1  "The  Book  of  Ely,"  f.  106  [Lambeth  MSS.,  No.  448],  contains  the 
outfit  required  in  that  cathedral-monastery  by  a  novice. 

Necessaria  noviciis  noviter  ad  religionem  venientibus  providenda. 

Imprimis  i  matras  (matrass). 
Item      ii  par  blankettys. 
Item      ii  par  straglys  (quilts). 
Item      ii  couverlytes. 

i  furrypane. 

i  blewbed  de  sago  (bed- curtains  of  serge). 

i  cuculla  cum  froco  (cowl  and  frock). 

i  tunica  nigra  furra  (black  furred  tunic). 
Item       i  tunica  nigra  simplex  (for  summer  wear). 
Item      ii  tunica  alba. 

i  amita  simplex  (amuce). 

i  zona,  cum  i  powch,  cultela,  tabula  et  pectine,  filo  et  acu 
in  les  powch. 
Item       i  parva  zona  pro  noctibus. 


Item 
Item 
Item 
Item 


Item 
Item 


72  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

wears  the  habit,  and  is  given  into  the  charge  of 
the  novice  master,  whose  duty  it  will  be  to  train 
him  in  the  spiritual  life.  In  the  noviciate  the  real 
work  was  one  more  of  education  than  instruction. 
Dom  or  "  Dan  " 1  John,  as  he  was  now  called,  was 
shown,  as  it  were,  two  mirrors.  One  reflected  the 
image  of  what  God  intended  him  to  be  ;  and  the 
other  what  he  really  was,  with  all  his  faults  and 
weakness.  He  was  a  true  novice ;  he  read  the 
pictures  aright.  St.  Benedict  has  given  his  monks 
seventy-two   "  instruments "  by  which  they  are  to 

Item  iii  par  staraainorum  (woollen  under-garments). 

Item  iiii  par  bracarum  (breeches),  cum  brygerdel  (a  kind  of  belt) 

et  poyntes  (garters). 

Item  ii  par  caligarum  (shoes). 

Item  iiii  par  de  le  sokke. 

Item  ii  par  botarum  pro  diebus. 

Item  i  par  botarum  pro  noctibus. 

Item  i  pylche  (a  pilche,  a  fur  garment  =  toga  pellieea). 

Item  iii  par  flammeole  (kerchief  ?  v.  Du  Cange). 

Item  iii  pulvonaria  (pillows  or  cushions). 

Item  i  pileo  albo  pro  noctibus  (nightcap). 

Item  ii  manutergia  (towels). 

Item  i  pokett  pro  vestibus  lavandis  (soiled  clothes-bag). 

Item  i  schavyn  cloth. 

Item  i  crater  a  bowl  (lamp  ?  v.  Du  Cange). 

Item  i  ciphus  murreus  (a  mazer  goblet,  generally  of  valuable 

materials). 

Item  i  coclear  argent  (silver  spoon). 

The  above  is  interesting  as  showing  that  the  English  benedictine  culti- 
vated a  certain  amount  of  dignified  manner  of  life.  Everything  was 
good,  simple,  and  plain.  The  cold  moist  climate  of  Ely,  and  in  most  other 
English  monasteries,  made  the  use  of  fur  in  winter-time  a  necessity. 

1  In  old  Catholic  England  monks  kept  their  baptismal  names,  and 
were  known  also  by  their  surname,  or  the  name  of  the  place  whence  they 
came.  In  the  old  lists  that  have  come  down  to  us  most  of  the  names 
are  territorial ;  names,  too,  generally  of  places  in  the  immediate  neigh- 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  73 

work  out  their  salvation.  These  were  carefully 
studied  and  their  meaning  and  use  examined ;  and 
with  them  Dom  John,  diligently  and  soberly,  set  to 
work  to  make  the  two  pictures  correspond.  He  was 
not  expected  in  his  novitiate  to  become  suddenly 
perfect.  But  he  was  expected  to  see  his  faults  and  to 
show  his  determination  to  labour  at  their  correction.1 
Now  there  was  one  of  his  companions,  Dom 
Gilbert  of  London,  a  youth  whom  all  loved ;  one 
kindly  and  thoughtful  for  all,  devout  at  his  prayer 
and  diligent  at  his  books.  But  when  he  looked  at 
himself  in  the  second  mirror,  he  forgot  what  manner 
of  man  he  was,  and  sighed  and  gave  up  the  attempt 
at  self-correction.  He  was  wanting  in  the  manliness 
and  determination  needed  for  a  monk.  So  he  went 
his  way  out  into  the  great  world ;  and  Dom  Gilbert 
was  heard  of  no  more.  This  failure  was  of  use  to 
our  Dom  John.  It  made  him  humbler,  and  steadied 
him  down  to  a  slower  and  surer  growth.     Perhaps 

bourhood.  As  a  monk  used  to  be  called  either  by  his  family  or  terri- 
torial name,  sometimes  by  one  and  sometimes  by  another,  it  is  often 
difficult  to  identify  a  name  we  come  across.  The  practice  of  giving 
new  names,  generally  those  of  some  saint,  seems  to  have  been  intro- 
duced at  some  places  just  before  the  dissolution  occurred.  It  came 
from  abroad.  We  find  them  at  Glaston  under  abbat  Bere  (1524), 
who  probably  introduced  the  custom  from  Italy  ;  the  names  adopted 
were  generally  "  house  "  names,  of  saints  to  whom  there  was  a  special 
local  veneration.  See  also  list  of  Bath  monks  in  the  Monasticon, 
vol.  ii.  p.  271.  In  1500  Richard  Kidderminster,  abbat  of  Winchcombe, 
went  to  Rome  on  the  affairs  of  his  order  and  was  there  a  year.  "  He 
informed  himself  in  learning,  and  improved  himself  in  several  useful 
regulations  belonging  to  a  monastic  life"  (Dodd's  Church  History, 
vol.  i.  p.  229).  He  also  may  have  introduced  the  custom. 
1  Rule,  Ch.  IV. 


74  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

he  had  begun  to  run  before  he  could  walk,  as 
novices  often  try  to  do. 

Besides  thus  setting  his  feet  in  the  way  of  per- 
fection, the  master  taught  him  the  psalms  and 
hymns  and  responsories  which  had  to  be  learnt  off 
by  heart,  since  most  of  them  would  have  to  be  sung 
at  matins,  and  at  that  early  hour  (midnight)  there 
would  be  but  little  light  to  read  by.  The  books 
he  loved  to  watch  the  monks  copying  and  illumi- 
nating, were  too  precious  for  such  as  he.  He  must 
make  a  copy  for  his  own  use  from  which  to  learn 
them.  Then  there  were  the  ceremonies  to  be  got 
up  both  for  church  and  elsewhere.  Conduct  had 
to  be  regulated  according  to  a  fixed  method,  which 
was  based  upon  a  sense  of  the  Presence  of  God, 
and  was  no  empty  form.  He  would  have  to  learn 
also  the  language  of  signs,  which  was  commonly 
used  in  all  religious  homes,  not  as  a  means  of  con- 
versation, but  of  expressing  one's  wants  without 
disturbing  others.  Then,  no  doubt  to  try  him,  at 
times  he  would  be  put  to  do  menial  work,  such 
as  the  house  servants  did.1  For  in  those  days  in 
English  benedictine  monasteries  there  were  no  lay- 
brothers,  but  servants  were  kept  to  do  the  house- 
hold work. 

After  his  trial,  generally  a  year,  during  which  the 
convent  watched  him  narrowly  to  see  whether  they 
would  care  to  admit  him  into  their  family  as  a  life- 
long companion,  and  he,   on  his  side,  whether  he 

>  Rule,  Ck.  LVIII. 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  75 

could  live  until  death  with  them  (for  the  profession 
of  a  novice  is  a  serious  thing  to  those  admitting 
as  well  as  to  those  admitted) ;  and  after  the  Rule 
according  to  the  injunctions  of  St.  Benedict  had 
been  read  to  him  several  times,  together  with  the 
warning,  "Behold  the  law  under  which  thou  desirest 
to  fight.  If  thou  canst  observe  it,  enter  in  ;  if  thou 
canst  not,  depart  freely  ; " 1  the  abbat  took  counsel 
with  his  monks,  and  they  agreed  to  admit  him  to 
profession.  Then  one  morning  the  abbat  sang 
solemn  mass,  and  during  the  solemnity  Dom  John 
was  led  forward  to  the  altar,  and  in  the  hearing  of 
all  vowed  Stability,  Conversion  of  his  Life,  and 
Obedience.  Then,  with  arms  outstretched,  three 
times  did  he  sing  the  verse  :  "  Uphold  me,  0  Lord, 
according  to  Thy  Word,  and  I  shall  live;  and  let 
me  not  he  frustrated  of  my  hope  ;"2  and  the  whole 
community  repeated  it  as  many  times,  adding  there- 
unto the  Gloria  Patri.  Then,  clothed  in  the  full 
monastic  garb,  the  newly-received  brother  cast  him- 
self at  the  feet  of  all,  begging  them  to  pray  for  him 
and  receive  him  to  the  kiss  of  fraternal  love.  Dom 
John  Weston  was  now  a  monk. 

What  was  his  life,  now  that  he  had  reached  the 
goal  of  his  desires  ? 

He  rose  a  little  before  two  o'clock3  and  was  down 

1  Rule,  Ch.  LVIII.  2  Ps.  cxix.  116. 

3  The  hour  for  matins  varied  in  each  house.  Some,  as  at  Durham, 
rose  at  midnight,  while  others,  as  at  Westminster,  got  up  at  2  p.m.  In 
all  cases  they  went  back  to  bed  for  the  time  between  matins  and  lauds. 
This  was  one  of  the  changes  Lanfranc  introduced.     According  to  the 


76  THE   ENGLISH    BLACK   MONKS 

in  his  stall  ready  to  begin  matins,  the  longest  office 
of  all,  which  lasted  from  one  hour  and  a  half  to  two 
or  more  hours.  In  the  darkness  of  the  night,  while 
the  rest  of  the  world  was  sleeping,  Dom  John  took 
his  place  among  his  cowled  brethren  and  worshipped 
God  with  psalm,  and  hymn,  and  canticle.  Sometimes, 
he  listened  to  reading  of  Holy  Writ  or  to  one  of  the 
fathers  of  the  Church,  and  anon  joined  in  some  soul- 
lifting  responsory.  The  organ,  too,1  added  its  solemn 
strains  to  the  voices  and  helped  to  lift  his  soul  up  to 
Him  Who  dwelt  there  in  sacramental  presence  over 
the  altar.2  This  time  of  matins  was  one  of  the 
happiest  hours  in  his  day ;  for  then  he  was  fulfilling 
one  of  his  greatest  privileges,  "  the  work  of  God." 
This,  the  liturgical  prayer,  was  the  source  of  his 
strength.  There  lay  the  whole  secret  of  his  spiritual 
life.     For  to  a  benedictine  the  liturgical  spirit  is  all 

Kule,  monks  are  to  rise  for  the  night  office  at  the  eighth  hour,  a 
varying  period,  which  in  winter  would  be,  in  the  latitude  of  Eome, 
about  3  a.m.,  and  earlier  in  the  summer,  when  the  hours  were  shorter. 

1  "  The  monks,  when  they  were  at  their  matins  and  service  at  mid- 
night, then  one  of  the  said  monks  did  play  on  the  organs  themselves 
and  no  other." — Rites  of  Durham  (Surtees  Society),  p.  54. 

2  In  monastic  churches,  as  in  all  others  at  that  time,  it  was  an 
unheard  of  thing  to  banish  Our  Lord  to  a  side  chapel.  The  Gospel 
idea  of  prayer  is  that  He  is  in  our  midst  when  we  pray.  The  whole 
value  of  our  prayer  (and  the  divine  office  is  the  prayer  par  excellence) 
is  that  it  is  made  with,  by,  and  in  Him  who  is  the  one  Mediator 
between  God  and  man.  The  Church  recognises  this  :  and  orders  in 
monastic  churches  the  Blessed  Sacrament  to  be  kept  at  the  high 
altar  (S.  C.  Epis.,  10th  Feb.  1579  and  29th  Nov.  1594).  Abbey  churches 
are  not  cathedrals  ;  and  a  custom  warranted  by  the  requirement  of  the 
latter  is  no  reason  why,  against  all  rule,  such  a  practice  should  obtain 
elsewhere.. 


THE    MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  77 

in  all.1  He  wants  nothing  more  than  the  common 
prayer  of  the  Church.  Every  other  devotion  he  con- 
siders as  nothing  compared  with  its  might  and 
ineffable  dignity.  It  is  "  the  Work  of  God"  in  its 
fullest  sense  ;  for  the  Divine  Head  of  the  Church 
uses  man  as  an  instrument  whereby  He,  the  Incarnate 
Word,  praises  the  Eternal  Father.  Hence  it  is  that 
to  a  benedictine,  brought  up  as  Dom  John  was,  the 
office  is  the  foundation  of  all  his  spiritual  life.2 

The  long  midnight  office  with  its  concluding  lauds 
being  sung,  back  to  bed  goes  Dom  John,  tired 
indeed,  but  at  peace. 

At  five  o'clock,  he  again  rose,  this  time  for  prime, 
which  was  duly  followed  by  chapter,   at  which  he 

1  "It  is  with  this  voice  of  the  divine  office  the  monk  speaks  not 
only  to  his  Creator,  but  to  his  fellow-men  as  well.  The  perpetual 
round  of  prayer  and  praise  is  something  more  than  an  intercessory 
power.  It,  rightly  understood,  is  the  medium  of  intercourse  between 
the  monastic  body  and  the  people  in  the  midst  of  which  it  dwells. 
No  one  is  so  dull  that  he  cannot  understand  the  faith  in  the  unseen, 
the  hope  of  another  world  and  burning  love  of  God  which  are  mani- 
fested in  the  perennial  sacrifice  and  song  of  praise  in  the  monastic 
choir.  Through  the  individual  preaching  of  the  monk,  through  his 
works,  through  his  words  of  counsel  and  of  comfort,  through  his 
hospitality,  through  his  dealings  with  his  fellow-men  in  all  the  varied 
relations  of  life,  he  exercises  some  portion  of  his  apostolate  ;  but  the 
choir  of  the  monastery  is  the  monk's  real  pulpit,  and  the  daily  office 
his  most  efficient  sermon." — From  Dom  Gasquet's  Introduction  to  The 
Monks  of  the  West,  p.  xvii. 

2  The  monk's  private  prayer  is  affective  or  contemplative.  Long  and 
formal  meditations  were  not  known  in  those  days.  St.  Benedict  pre- 
scribes (Ch.  XX.)  that  prayer  be  short  and  pure  ;  except  it  be  perchance 
prolonged  by  the  inspiration  of  Divine  Grace.  "  But,"  he  adds,  "  let 
prayer  made  in  common  always  be  short :  and  at  the  signal  given  by 
the  one  presiding  let  all  rise  together." 


78  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

had  to  make  public  confession  of  his  breaches  of  the 
llule  and  do  penance.1  Here  also  he  had  to  listen 
to  words  of  spiritual  instruction  from  his  abbat,  and, 
perhaps,  receive  directions  about  the  work  of  the 
day.  After  prime  in  winter,  and  before  in  summer, 
he  changed  his  night-habit  for  his  day  one  and 
washed. 

At  six  the  short  chapter  mass,  generally  of  "  Our 
Lady  Saint  Mary,"  was  sung,  at  which  he  assisted. 
He  then  studied  in  the  cloister  till  near  to  nine,  when 
the  bell  summoned  him  to  choir  again  for  the  holy 
hour  of  terce.  This  was  followed  by  the  central 
act  of  the  day,  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  celebrated 
with  all  the  wealth  of  ceremonial  at  the  disposal  of 
the  abbey.  If  it  were  a  high  feast  day,  the  abbat 
would  pontificate,  and  wear  his   mitre  ; 2  and  Dom 

1  The  benedictine  makes  use  of  corporal  austerities  as  a  means  of 
keeping  his  body  in  subjection  :  according  to  St.  Paul's  words,  "  I 
chastise  my  body"  (i  Cor.  ix.  27).  But  his  life  is  more  ascetic  than 
austere.  The  discipline,  besides  that  administered  in  punishment, 
used  to  be  taken  publicly  in  chapter  by  all  as  a  mortification.  This, 
which  had  hitherto  been  a  private  act,  was  introduced  by  St.  Peter 
Damian,  and  in  all  the  convents  he  founded  it  was  taken  every  Friday. 
The  custom  soon  spread,  and  we  find  traces  of  it  at  Evesham,  Croyland, 
and  Christ  Church,  Canterbury.  It  probably  became  universal  in  the 
later  mediaeval  ages.  In  the  list  of  "Instruments  of  good  works" 
(Ch.  IV.),  St.  Benedict,  without  specifying  the  particular  means, 
gives  "To  chastise  the  body"  as  a  principle  ;  also  "To  fear  the  Day  of 
Judgment,"  and  "  To  be  in  dread  of  hell."  These  are  quite  enough  to 
account  for  the  growth  of  the  practice  of  self-flagellation  and  other 
usages  of  the  ascetic  life. 

2  The  first  abbat  in  Christendom  to  get  the  rights  of  pontificalia 
was  the  abbat  of  St.  Augustine's  abbey,  Canterbury.  The  grant  was 
made  by  Pope  Alexander  II.  in  1063,  but  Lanfranc  would  not  allow 
it  to  be  used  (Hist.  Monast.  S.  August.    Cantuar.,  Koll  Series,  p.  27). 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  79 

John  might  assist  in  the  sanctuary  and  carry  the 
abbat's  crosier  unless  he  was  wanted  in  the  choir. 
The  sacrifice  of  the  mass  was  the  centre  of  all  his 
life,  and  the  light  of  his  day.  To  it,  either  as  pre- 
paration or  thanksgiving,  were  directed  all  his  prayers. 
It  was  the  mass  that  gave  the  meaning  to  his  office, 
and  was  the  jewel  of  rare  price  which  was  set  in  the 
gold  of  the  psalter.  At  the  altar,  too,  did  he  often 
kneel  and  receive  the  bread  of  life  and  become 
more  and  more  united  with  Him  his  soul  loved. 
The  mass  was  followed  by  the  office  of  sext. 

Then  about  eleven  he  had  his  first  meal,  if  it  were 
not  a  fasting  day,  in  which  case  he  would  break  his 
fast  after  nones  or  after  vespers  according  as  it 
was  a  fast  day  of  the  Rule  or  the  stricter  fast  of 
the  Church.  The  meal  was  eaten  in  silence.  Dom 
John  sat  with  others  at  a  table  ;  and  a  portion  of 
food  was  set  in  a  dish  between  so  many.  A  curious 
account  has  been  left  of  the  food  at  Christ  Church, 
Canterbury,  on  a  fish  day.  In  this  document  we 
read  : — 

"To  every  two  monks,  when  they  had  soles,  there 

It  was  again  renewed  in  1 1 79,  and  a  like  privilege  was  granted  to  most 
of  the  other  abbeys.  Most  cathedral-monasteries  seem  to  have  ob- 
tained the  same  privilege  before  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  but 
the  priors  seem  to  have  been  confined  to  the  use  of  a  knobbed  staff 
instead  of  the  ordinary  episcopal  stave  affected  by  the  abbats.  The 
right  of  singing  mass  pontifically,  of  giving  the  solemn  blessings  and 
singing  vespers,  was  much  prized  by  the  abbats,  and  gave  a  dignity  and 
grandeur  to  the  great  festivals  hitherto  known  only  in  cathedrals  when 
the  bishop  officiated.  As  a  rule,  the  abbat  only  sang  mass  pontifically 
seven  or  eight  times  a  year.  He  had  the  right,  too,  of  using  his 
pontificalia  in  any  house  or  church  belonging  to  his  abbey. 


8o  THE    ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

were  4  soles  in  a  dish ;  when  they  had  plaice,  2 
plaice ;  when  they  had  herring,  8  herrings ;  when 
they  had  whiting,  8  whiting;  when  they  had 
mackrell,  2  mackrell ;  when  they  had  eggs,  10 
eggs.  If  they  had  anything  more  allowed  them 
beyond  this  ordinary  fare,  it  was  either  cheese  or 
fruit  or  the  like."  1 

Canterbury  is  near  the  sea,  so  fish  was  abundant. 
It  must  be  remembered  in  estimating  the  allowance 
that  it  was  the  only  meal  in  the  day,  and  the  monks 
had  been  up  and  at  work  nearly  ten  hours.  Besides, 
it  is  perfectly  evident  that  in  those  days  people  ate 
much  more  largely  than  we  do.  Bread  was  of  course 
allowed ;  so  much  and  no  more.  And  St.  Benedict, 
in  his  fatherly  thoughtfulness,  orders  that  two  dishes 
should  be  prepared,  so  that  the  monks  may  have  a 
choice  of  dish  and  every  one  be  satisfied.  At  dinner 
Dom  John  drank  cider  or  ale,  which  was  sometimes 
a  very  poor  creature,  should  the  home  have  a  pro- 
curator or  cellarer  too  careful,  not  to  say  stingy,  with 
his  malt.  This  would  sometimes  happen.  Or  he 
might  have  wine,  especially  on  feast  days ;  for  some 
of  the  monasteries  cultivated  the  grape,  and  had 
vineyards  of  their  own,  either  here  or  in  more 
favoured  France.2 

If  he  had  meat  it  would  be  three  or  four  days  in 

1  Quoted  from  a  Reg.  Eccl.  Cant,  by  Battely  in  his  continuation  of 
The  Antiquities  of  Canterbury  (Somner),  Part  II.  p.  96. 

2  Christ  Church,  Canterbury,  had  vineyards  at  Triel  and  St.  Brice. 
See  Literal  Cantuarienses  (Roll  Series),  vol.  i.  p.  211. 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  81 

the  week,  and  never  during  Advent  or  Lent.  In 
his  turn,  he  took  his  share  of  waiting  on  his  breth- 
ren or  of  reading  to  them  during  the  meal  from 
the  high  pulpit  in  the  refectory.  He  would  read 
to  them  from  Holy  Writ  or  from  some  other  book 
comfortable  to  their  souls.  Dinner  over,  he  went 
in  procession,  for  such  was  the  custom  in  some 
houses,  with  the  rest  of  the  monks  to  the  cloister- 
garth  where  the  dead  were  buried.  There  all  bare- 
headed the  brethren  stood  "  a  certain  long  space, 
praying  among  the  tombs  and  '  throwghes '  for  their 
brethren's  souls,  being  buried  there.  And  when 
they  had  done  their  prayers  they  returned  to  the 
cloister  and  there  did  study  their  book."  1 

The  cloister  was  the  scene  of  their  daily  work,  and 
where  all  the  life  of  the  monastery  was  carried  on. 
It  was  generally  situated  on  the  southern  side  of  the 
church,  thus  getting  what  sunshine  might  be.  The 
western  side  of  the  cloister  was  the  part  which  Dom 
John  at  first  frequented,  for  there  was  held  the  school 
for  the  younger  monks.  Sitting  at  desks  one  behind 
the  other,  they  studied  the  trivium  (grammar,  rhetoric, 
and  dialectics)  and  quadrivium  (music,  arithmetic, 
geometry,  and  astronomy),  under  which  all  knowledge 
was  then  summed.  "  Their  master  had  a  pretty  seat 
of  wainscot  adjoining  .  .  .  over  against  the  stall 
where  they  sat."  2  Let  us  hope  that  sometimes,  when 
youthful  spirits  found  vent  in  tricks  upon  one  another, 
the  discreet  master  was  not  always  looking. 

1  Durham  Rites,  p.  74.  2  Ibid.  p.  70. 

VOL.  I.  F 


S2  THE   ENGLISH    BLACK   MONKS 

The  northern  side  of  the  cloister  was  reserved  for 
the  elder  brethren,  where  they  pursued  their  studies, 
commonly  in  little  oaken  carrels,  three  to  each 
window — each  one  separate,  and  containing  "  a  desk 
to  lie  their  books  on."  These  little  studies  were 
handsomely  wainscoted,  "  all  but  the  fore  part,  which 
had  carved  work  which  gave  light  in  at  their  carrell 
door  .  .  .  and  over  against  the  carrels  against  the 
church  wall  did  stand  certain  great  cupboards  of 
wainscot  all  full  of  books,  with  a  great  store  of  ancient 
manuscripts  to  help  them  in  their  study,  wherein  did 
lie  as  well  the  old  ancient  written  Doctors  of  the 
Church,  as  other  profane  authors,  with  divers  other 
holy  men's  works,  so  that  every  one  did  study  what 
doctor  pleased  them  the  best,  having  the  library  at 
all  times  to  go  study  in  besides  their  carrels." * 
On  the  south  side,  or  near  the  chapter-house,  sat 
the  abbat  and  the  elders ;  and  there  the  business 
was  done,  and  there  also  would  Dom  John  go  on 
Sundays  after  prime  to  be  shriven.  The  windows 
in  the  cloister  were  glazed  ;  and  in  the  winter-time 
straw  or  hay  was  spread  on  the  ground  for  warmth's 
sake.  In  one  side  of  the  cloister,  often  the  south, 
and  close  to  the   refectory  door  was  the  lavatory,2 

1  Durham  Rites,  pp.  70,  71. 

2  "  Within  the  cloister-garth,  over  against  the  Frater  house  door,  was 
a  fair  Laver  or  Conduit  for  the  monks  to  wash  their  hands  and  faces  at, 
being  made  in  form  round,  covered  with  lead,  and  all  of  marble  saving 
the  very  outer  walls  (and  with)  many  little  conduits  or  spouts  of  brass 
with  xxiiii  Cocks  of  brass  .  .  .  having  the  closets  or  almeries  .  .  . 
kept  always  with  sweet  and  clean  towels,  as  is  aforesaid,  to  dry  their 
hands  "  (Durham  Rites,  p.  70). 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  83 

where  the  monks  would  wash  their  hands  before 
dinner;  for  cleanliness  is  a  virtue  as  well  as  a 
necessity  in  a  monastery. 

A  cloister  in  the  days  of  Dom  John  would  be  a 
very  different  sight  from  what  they  are  nowadays. 
Then  they  were  the  workshops  of  the  monastery. 
But  a  strange  workshop  it  was,  in  truth ;  for  the 
workmen  were  all  silent,  and  no  busy  hum  of  worldly 
work  was  heard.  Eecollection  reigned  over  all  the 
place ;  no  hurry,  no  bustle.  These  men  worked  for 
eternity,  not  for  time  ;  and  knew  that  God  rewards 
not  the  amount  done  but  the  love  with  which  it  is 
wrought.  This  is  the  secret  of  the  success  of  the 
work  and  the  spirituality  of  the  art  of  the  old  days. 
This  also  explains  the  reason  why  modern  work, 
done  in  all  the  turmoil  of  life,  so  often  fails  in 
grasping  the  spirit  of  repose  and  strength  which 
characterise  the  work  of  olden  days.  Here,  then, 
while  some  would  be  busy  in  study,  others  would  be 
writing,  others  illuminating,  others  designing,  others 
embroidering.  Others,  again,  would  be  engaged  in 
the  details  of  administration,  unless  they  had  sepa- 
rate offices,  as  was  often  the  case.  Place  for  all 
pursuits  was  found  ;  and  the  debt  the  world  owes 
to  those  patient  silent  workmen  of  the  cloister 
cannot  be  measured.  On  Saturdays  it  was  the 
scene,  too,  of  the  weekly  washing  of  feet.1     Then, 

1  At  stated  intervals,  the  mysteries  of  the  bath  were  practised  and 
changes  of  clothes  given  out.  A  dirty  monk  would  be  a  nuisance  to 
all  around  him,  and  this  was  guarded  against  by  the  ordinary  routine. 


84  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

too,  at  stated  intervals  of  a  week  or  so,  and  always 
before  the  greater  feasts,  would  the  brethren  shave 
one  another — a  difficult  task  ;  for  not  only  the  face 
but  the  whole  head,  save  a  ring  or  crown  of  hair, 
was  shaven.  But  so  clumsy  wTere  some  of  the 
operators  that,  as  at  St.  Augustine's,  Canterbury 
(1252),  laymen  were  often  deputed  to  shave  the 
brethren.  Here  also,  four  or  six  times  a  year,  was 
the  solemn  practice  of  the  minutio  gone  through. 
This,  in  other  words,  was  that  panacea  for  all  bodily 
ills,  blood-letting.  Those  who  had  been  bled  had 
for  three  days  extra  food  and  rest  to  recover  them- 
selves. Here  also,  round  the  cloister,  were  made 
the  procession  on  Sundays  and  feasts,  during 
which  the  priest  sprinkled  with  hallowed  water  the 
various  places. 

In  this  cloister,  then,  would  Dom  John  after  dinner 
remain  at  work,  or  perhaps  even  napping,  until  tivo, 
when  nones  were  sung  in  the  church,  after  which 
work  again  till  vesper-time,  which  was  at  six.  But 
an  hour  before  vespers  the  house  had  been  shut  up, 
and  no  more  strangers  were  admitted.  Vespers,  the 
sacrifice  of  the  evening  incense,  were  sung  with 
great  solemnity.  It  was  followed,  if  it  were  not  a 
fasting  day,  by  a  small  collation,  so  called  originally 
from  the  spiritual  reading,  generally  from  Cassian's 
Collationes  or  Conferences,  which  were  read  during 
the  repast.  A  manchet  of  bread  with  a  drink  of 
beer  or  such  like  was  all.  Eising  from  the  collation, 
they  went  straight  into   the    church  for  compline, 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  85 

which   being    over,    left   them    free   to   be   in   bed 
before  8  p.m.1 

As  they  had  spent  the  day  together,  so  the  night 
found  them  in  one  common  dorter,  or  sleeping- 
house.  This  was  either  one  large  open-room  with 
uncurtained  beds,  as  more  than  one  constitution 
ordered,  or  the  room  was  divided  off  into  cells. 
"  Every  monk  having  a  little  chamber  of  wainscott, 
very  close,  several,  by  themselves  and  their  win- 
dows towards  the  cloister  .  .  .  the  partition 
between  every  chamber  was  close  wainscoted  one 
from  the  other,  and  in  every  of  their  windows 
a  desk  to  support  their  books  for  their  study." 2 
As  a  rule  the  dorter  was  kept  most  strictly  for 
sleeping  purposes,  although  at  Durham  it  seems 
to  have  been  allowed  to  be  used  for  study  as 
well.  Perhaps  at  the  time  of  the  afternoon 
sleep,  often  the  custom,  those  who  did  not  want 
to  sleep  read.  The  furniture  of  the  cells  was 
simple.  The  monks  of  Christ  Church,  Canter- 
bury, for  instance,  had  a  mat  and  a  hard  pillow 
to  lie  down  upon,  and  a  blanket  or  rug  to  keep 
them  warm.  They  slept  in  their  clothes.3  At  St. 
Albans  the  bedsteads  were  of  oak,  says  Matthew 
of  Paris.      Strict   silence  was    always   kept   in   the 

1  We  have  taken  the  horarium  mainly  from  Westminster. 

2  Durham  Rites,  p.  72. 

3  Beg.  Eccl.  Cant,  quoted  by  Battely,  ut  supra.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered, from  the  list  given  in  the  "  Book  of  Ely"  and  elsewhere,  that  the 
monks  had  special  garments  for  night  wear  which  correspond  to  the 
modern  idea. 


86  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

dorter;    and   a   light,   according   to    St.    Benedict's 
Rule,1  burnt  the  whole  night. 

This  was  a  long  and  a  hard  day  for  Dom  John 
and  his  fellow-monks.  Eight  hours  were  given  to 
choir  work,  for  besides  the  day's  office,  there  would 
be  also  the  office  of  the  dead  and  that  of  Our  Lady 
to  be  said  as  well.  Eight  hours  were  given  to  the 
body  for  food,  sleep,  and  recreation  ;  and  the  other 
eight  to  study,  or  to  the  administration  of  such 
offices  as  were  committed  to  their  charge.  We  have 
said  nothing,  however,  about  recreation.  The  bow 
cannot  be  kept  over-bent,  or  the  result  would  be  to 
make  a  very  dull  monk  of  Dom  John. 

There  were  times  and  places  of  recreation  duly 
fixed.  There  was  the  "frayter,"  or  common  house, 
where  the  monks  could  meet  at  lawful  hours  for 
conversation.  It  was  generally  in  the  afternoons 
they  met  here ;  and  merry  and  bright  would  it  be ; 
for  in  that  monastery  was  one  Dom  Edward,  a 
merry  wight,  full  of  jokes  and  stories  mirthful. 
At  times  of  recreation  he  would  amuse  the  brethren 
with  some  droll  conceit  or  merry  quip ;  a  certain 
little  gesture  of  his  lent  a  point  to  his  story,  and  a 
twinkle  of  his  eye  betrayed  the  coming  jest.  But 
withal,  be  it  remembered,  he  was  a  grave  doctor, 
learned  in  divinity  and  much  looked  up  to ;  for  had 
he  not  been  to  Rome  itself,  on  business  connected 
with  the  abbey,  and  seen  its  wonders,  and  had  many 
tales  to  tell  of  the  monasteries  he  had  visited  and 

1  Ch.  XXII. 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  87 

edified  ?  In  the  "  frayter  "  was  also  a  fire  in  winter- 
time, to  which  the  monks  could  come  to  warm  them- 
selves. The  room  was  hence  often  called  the 
"  Calefactory."  Hard  by,  at  Durham  for  instance, 
was  a  garden  for  pleasaunce,  and  a  bowling  alley  at 
the  back  of  the  house  for  the  recreation  of  the 
younger  men  when  it  pleased  their  master  to  give 
them  leave.1  Besides,  there  would  be  the  whole  of 
the  enclosure  to  take  exercise  in.  These  enclosures 
were  sometimes  very  large.  That  at  Glaston,  for 
instance,  was  sixty  acres  in  extent.  But  outside  of 
this  the  monks  were  never  allowed  to  go  without 
leave.  This  was  a  very  strict  rule,  and  its  infringe- 
ment subjected  them  to  severe  penalties. 

But  Dom  John  was  not  kept  a  close  prisoner. 
He  could  get  leave  to  go  out.  He  would  go  away 
at  intervals  to  one  of  the  granges  or  cells  which 
Lynminster  had  in  various  parts  of  the  country. 
What  the  sort  of  life  was,  during  these  visits,  may 
perhaps  be  gathered  from  a  letter  of  the  prior 
of  Durham  to  the  prior  of  the  cell  at  Finchal, 
written  in    1408.     As  the  cathedral-monastery  was 

1  Durham  Rites,  p.  75.  There  were  periods  of  recreation  at  the  times 
of  the  great  feasts  of  the  year.  Visits  of  great  men,  or  any  extraordinary 
function  in  the  church  would  also  break  the  routine  of  the  cloister  life. 
There  would  be  little  feasts  occasionally,  with  something  extra  in  the 
way  of  cakes,  &c.  For  instance  at  Durham,  in  the  common  house,  "  the 
master  of  it  kept  his  0  Sapientia  once  a  year,  viz.  between  Martinmas  and 
Christmas,  a  solemn  banquet  that  the  prior  and  convent  did  use  at  that 
time  of  the  year  only,  when  their  banquet  was  of  figs  and  raisins,  ale 
and  cakes,  and  thereof  no  superfluity  or  excess,  but  a  scholastical  and 
moderate  congratulation  among  themselves." — Durham  Rites,  p.  75. 


88  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

then  in  difficulties,  the  recreations  which  the  monks 
used  to  have  were  for  a  time  suspended,  and  instead 
the  brethren  were  sent  to  Finchal,  there  to  have  a 
little  relaxation.  And  in  view  of  this  the  cathedral 
prior  makes  some  regulations.  Four  monks,  for 
three  weeks  at  a  time,  will  be  sent  from  Durham  to 
Finchal  to  join  the  little  community,  then  consist- 
ing of  a  prior  and  four  religious.  Two  of  the 
visitors  have  to  be  present  daily  at  matins,  mass,  and 
vespers,  and  at  all  other  choir  duties ;  the  other  two 
are  to  be  free  to  go  about  in  the  country  religiose 
et  honeste,  but  are  bound  to  attend  the  mass  and 
vespers  unless  for  some  reasonable  cause  the  prior 
of  the  house  grants  a  dispensation.  This  liberty 
next  day  is  to  be  given  to  the  other  two.  While 
all  are  to  use  the  common  dorter,  the  prior  is 
to  provide  a  room  properly  furnished  with  a  fire 
and  all  things  necessary  for  the  visitors,  and  a 
special  servant  is  to  be  appointed  to  wait  on  them.1 
But  such  excursions  would  be  at  present  rare  in 
the  case  of  Dom  John  ;  for  he  had  to  be  broken  in 
to  the  willing  monotony  of  monastic  life.  But  the 
time  was  coming  when  he  must  leave  his  abbey  for 
a  while  and  go  up  to  the  university  to  take  his 
degree,2  and  come  back  learned  in  the  law,  or 
perhaps  a  master  in  theology. 

1  The  Priory  of  Finchal  (Surtees  Society,  pp.  30,  31).  See  also  the 
rules  for  the  country  house  at  Redburne  belonging  to  St.  Albans. 
Gesta  Abbatum  (Roll  Series),  vol.  ii.  pp.  202,  205. 

2  Sometimes  the  youths  attached  to  a  claustral  school  went  up  to 
Oxford  to  the  benedictine  houses  and  studied  there  and  took  their 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  89 

In  1283  John  Gifford,  Lord  of  Brimsfield,  during 
the  abbacy  of  Eeginald  de  Hamone,  founded  for 
thirteen  monks  of  St.  Peter's,  Gloucester,  a  house  at 
Oxford  for  students  at  the  university.  The  church 
of  Chipping  Norton  was  appropriated  for  their 
support.  The  abbat,  not  able  to  carry  on  the  house 
satisfactorily  by  his  unaided  efforts,  got  other  houses 
to  join  with  him.  In  1290  the  general  chapter 
took  up  the  matter  of  the  higher  education  of  their 
monks.  They  were  pretty  well  forced  to  take  some 
action,  because  the  friars  *  already  at  the  univer- 
sities *  were  carrying  everything  before  them  by  the 
brilliancy  of  their  studies  and  the  hosts  of  students 
they  attracted.  The  general  chapter  ordered  that 
one  monk  in  every  twenty  out  of  each  house  should 
be  sent  to  the  university,  to  the  house  known  from 
its  first  owners  as  Gloucester  Hall,  and  there  go 
through  his  university  course.2  Each  house  had  to 
support  its  own  men,  making  them  a  fixed  allowance 
for  necessities  besides  contributing  their  share  of  the 
common   tax.      By   degrees    each    of  the   principal 

degrees  in  arts  before  becoming  monks.  Sometimes  they  returned  to 
the  university  after  they  had  been  for  some  time  in  the  monastery. 
We  shall  see  later  on  (Ch.  IX.)  an  example  of  this.  See,  also,  an 
interesting  account  of  the  Canterbury  claustral  school,  in  Dom  Gasquet's 
The  Old  English  Bible  arid  other  Essays,  p.  260. 

1  The  dominicans  made  their  first  English  house  at  Oxford  1221, 
and  the  franciscans  settled  there  about  the  same  time. 

2  The  sister  university  of  Cambridge  also  had  its  home  of  studies, 
the  rebuilding  of  which  was  stopped  through  the  attainder  of  the  duke 
of  Buckingham,  its  munificent  benefactor,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII. 
About  three  fourths  of  the  benedictine  students  went  to  Oxford,  and 
only  one  fourth  to  Cambridge. 


9o  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

houses  who  used  this  hall  besides  the  original 
owners,  St.  Albans,  Glaston,  Tavistock,  Burton, 
Chertsey,  Coventry,  Evesham,  Eynsham,  St.  Ed- 
mundsbury,  Winchcombe,  Malmesbury,  Norwich, 
Rochester,  and  others,  built  separate  sets  of  cham- 
bers, existing  to  this  day,  for  their  own  students, 
and  marked  with  the  heraldic  device  of  their  own 
monastery.1 

To  this  house,  then,  was  Dora  John  Weston  sent 
from  Lynminster.  His  mode  of  life  was  somewhat 
modified  at  the  university,  for  he  had  to  get  in  as 
much  time  for  study  as  he  could.  But  it  was  still  a 
hard  life,  and  contrasted  greatly  with  the  free  and 
easy  tone  always  found  in  university  towns.  He 
was  kept  strictly  from  intercourse  with  seculars,  who 
might  waste  his  time,  and  on  no  account  was  he 
allowed  to  study  with  them.  He  got  up  between  4 
and  5  o'clock  each  morning ;  from  5  to  6  was  spent 
in  prayer;  from  6  to  10  study  and  lectures,  and 
then  he  broke  his  fast.  Shortly  after  dinner  he 
resumed  his  study  until  5  p.m.,  when  he  supped 
much  in  the  same  way  he  had  dined.  Then  study 
again  until  9,  when  he  went  to  bed.2     Out  of  the 

1  The  bishop  of  Durham  founded  a  house  in  1337  at  Oxford,  for 
thirteen  students  from  his  cathedral-monastery,  as  a  memorial  of  the 
king's  victory  over  the  Scots  at  Halidon.  From  a  letter  of  the  prior, 
we  learn  that  in  this  home  the  divine  office  had  to  be  said  daily  in 
choir  by  all  vel  ad  minus  duo.  On  Sundays  and  all  double  feasts  all 
were  obliged  to  attend  at  the  hours,  which,  although  not  sung,  were  to 
be  said  tractim.  They  sang  both  mass  and  vespers  on  these  days,  and  on 
the  principal  feasts  the  whole  office  and  the  mass  si  tempus  hoc  permiserit. 

2  Fosbroke's  British  Mo?iasticism,  p.  186. 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  91 

time  allotted  for  study  he  had  to  find  the  time  for 
his  office  and  the  necessary  recreation.  After  some 
years  of  this  severe  life,  Dom  John  returned  to 
Lynminster  with  the  coveted  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Theology,  which  meant  much  in  those  days,  and 
gave  the  holder  a  certain  position  in  the  community 
as  well  as  in  the  outer  world. 

He  had  now  to  look  forward  to  the  priesthood. 
Already  had  he  received  the  clerical  tonsure  and 
the  minor  orders  from  his  abbat ;  but  for  the 
sacred  orders  he  had  to  go  to  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese.  Lynminster,  not  being  exempt  from  episco- 
pal control,  could  not  call  in  any  bishop  at  pleasure 
for  ordinations,  blessings,  and  consecration.  Most 
likely  Dom  John  had  to  go  to  the  cathedral  city 
for  the  general  ordination,  and  there  receive  his 
priesthood  together  with  the  rest  of  the  clergy. 
But  wherever  it  was,  it  was  a  great  day  for  him  ; 
and  his  first  mass  was  the  occasion  of  much  re- 
joicing at  Lynminster.  Lie  had  to  provide  a  feast 
for  his  brethren,  such  was  the  custom,  and  wrote  to 
his  friends  and  relatives  to  help  him  on  the  occa- 
sion.1 Owing  to  his  university  training,  or  rather 
to  the  good  use  he  had  made  of  his  time  there,  he 
was  a  man  likely  to  rise  in  his  house  and  to  hold 
high  office — all  of  which  came  about  in  course  of 
time. 

But  meanwhile  he  had  to  take  up  the  work  of 
teaching  the  novices  ;  for  his  old  teacher  was  past 

1  D.  Gasquet's  The  Old  English  Bible  and  other  Essays,  p.  283. 


92  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

his  work,  and  his  abbat  was  anxious  to  keep  the 
intellectual  tone  of  the  monks  up  to  the  level  of 
the  best  house  in  England.  For  the  abbat  who 
then  presided  over  Lynminster  knew  well  that  a 
house,  to  be  prosperous  and  vigorous,  must  have 
a  high  standard  of  intellectual  life ;  otherwise  its 
men  become  children,  unable  to  think  for  them- 
selves, or  cope  with  any  emergency,  and,  as  a 
result  of  such  a  system,  would  by-and-by,  like  list- 
less drones,  live  without  any  interests  in  life.  This 
unhealthy  tone  the  abbat  was  determined  not  to 
allow  while  he  held  rule.  For  in  his  younger  days 
he  had  seen  the  ill  effects  of  a  contrary  policy ;  and 
now  that  he  was  called  to  the  abbat' s  chair,  he  was 
determined  to  do  his  best  to  remedy  them.  In  the 
days  of  his  predecessor  (good  but  too  easy-going 
man),  studies  had  been  neglected,  a  lax  tone  had 
crept  in,  and  everything  had  gone  down.  Visi- 
tations, both  diocesan  and  monastic,  could  keep 
things  in  check  indeed,  but  could  not  get  at  the 
root  of  the  evil.  With  the  new  abbat  it  took 
some  time  and  the  help  of  able  obedientiaries  to 
restore  things  to  a  proper  efficiency. 

In  this  abbey  the  chief  office-holders  were :  the 
Precentor,  whose  duty  it  was  to  arrange  all  details 
of  the  services  in  the  church :  he  also  had  the  charge 
of  the  library,  and  had  to  provide  parchment,  colours, 
paper,  ink,  and  other  material  for  the  monks.  Then 
came  the  Sacrist,  who  had  care  of  the  church  and 
its  furniture :  he  was  charged  with  the  provision  of 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  93 

vestments,  lights,  and  wine,  &c.  Then  there  was 
the  Almoner,  who  had  to  see  to  the  distributions 
of  alms  to  the  poor ;  the  Refectory  Master  and 
the  Pitance  Master,1  important  officials  who  were 
responsible  for  the  meals  and  supplies  of  all  kinds. 
Then  there  was  the  Chamberlain,  who  had  charge 
of  the  dormitory  and  of  the  monks'  clothes  ;  the 
Infirmarian,  Guestmaster,  Treasurer,  whose  names 
denote  their  offices.  The  Cellarer,  however,  ruled 
supreme  in  the  department  of  domestic  concerns, 
and  was  looked  upon  as  the  second  father  in  the 
monastery.2  He  held  the  most  important  place,  for 
he  was  the  business  manager  of  the  abbey ;  and 
.upon  him  depended  in  a  great  measure  whether 
life  ran  on  as  smoothly  as  it  should. 

The  abbat  was  a  wise  man.  Although  he  had 
the  whole  control  over  his  abbey,  yet  he  gave  full 
scope  to  all  his  officers,  and  did  not  keep  every 
detail  in  his  own  hands.  He  wanted  his  monks  to 
be  men,  not  children.  As  long  as  they  kept  within 
certain  limits  he  left  them  free,  and  did  not  interfere 
or  scold  at  every  mistake.  For  it  was  by  their  very 
mistakes  he  wished  them  to  learn  how  to  rule  and 
administer.  If  a  monk  turned  out  an  irremedial 
failure  in  his  office,  he  was  removed  and  another 
substituted.     The  result  of  the  abbat's  wise  policy 

1  An  interesting  manuscript  [Harl.  1005]  of  about  the  latter  half  of 
the  fourteenth  century  gives  a  full  and  detailed  account  of  the  nature 
and  occasions  of  the  pitances,  or  "  scholastical  and  moderate  congratu- 
lations," at  St.  Edmundsbury. 

2  E.g.  at  Peterborough. 


94  THE    ENGLISH    BLACK   MONKS 

was  that  Lynminster  became  a  strong  house  in  every 
way.  Among  its  monks  were  to  be  found  master- 
men  and  good  solid  religious,  capable  of  fulfilling 
with  credit  any  work  set  upon  them.  The  good 
the  abbat  did,  died  not  with  him.  There  had  been 
such  a  quiet,  steady  development  of  energy  that 
the  results  were  lasting ;  and  Lynminster,  when 
the  day  of  trial  came,  was  found  one  of  "  the  solemn 
monasteries  in  which  religion  was,  thank  God ! 
right  well  observed." 

Under  such  an  abbat,  Dom  John  Weston  was 
sure  to  get  on  ;  and  in  due  course  rose  to  the  highest 
office.  He  went  through  various  grades  of  adminis- 
tration, and  then  was  set  to  rule  his  brethren  as  prior. 
He  it  was  who  carried  out  in  detail  the  abbat' s 
principles,  and  under  him  Lynminster  was  a  happy 
and  united  brotherhood. 

But  alas  !  he  was  sent  off  to  London  on  important 
business  for  the  abbat  and  there  caught  the  plague, 
which  was  making  one  of  its  periodical  visits.  When 
he  was  first  seized,  he  was  staying  at  a  house  be- 
longing to  his  monastery  which  the  abbat  kept  up 
for  the  use  of  his  monks.1  He  did  not  die  from  the 
malady,  but  his  health  utterly  broke  down.  He 
lingered  on  through  the  long  summer  days.  His 
one  desire  was  to  get  back  home,  to  be  with  his 
brethren.  Taking  advantage  of  a  fallacious  rally, 
he  was  brought  by  slow  degrees  back  to  Lynminster 

1  The  abbat  of  St.  Albans  kept  up  such  a  house.    See  Gesta  Abbatum 
(Roll  Series),  vol.  i.  p.  289. 


THE   MONK   IN   HIS   MONASTERY  95 

and  put  in  the  infirmary,  a  large  building  with  its 
own  chapel,  on  the  north-east  side  of  the  church. 
There  he  was  tended  with  loving  hands.  Three 
times  was  he  solemnly  visited  by  all  the  community, 
who  came  to  pray  by  him.  The  abbat  received  his 
public  profession  of  faith.  Then  was  he  houseled 
and  annealed,  and  thus  strengthened,  could  look 
with  confidence  to  his  coming  passage  into  eternity. 

And  when  in  a  few  days  the  end  came,  the 
bells  rang,  and  the  monks  came  into  the  chamber 
of  death  with  the  crucifix,  and  sweet  singing  of  the 
Credo,  and  psalms  and  litanies.2  They  found  prior 
John  Weston  clad  in  his  cowl  and,  in  penitential 
spirit,  laid  on  sackcloth  and  ashes.  And  as  they 
watched  and  prayed  his  life  gently  ebbed  away. 
At  last  the  conversion  of  his  life,  promised  at  pro- 
fession, was  complete  ;  he  had  been  obedient  until 
death,  and  his  stability  had  been  confirmed  for  ever. 
With  sorrow  his  brethren  paid  the  last  offices.  The 
body,  wrapped  in  a  shroud  but  uncoffined,  was 
carried  on  a  bier  to  the  church.  And  Placebo  and 
Dirige  were  chanted,  and  the  abbat  himself  sang 
Requiem;  and  the  monks  said  there  were  tears  in 
his  voice.  Then  was  the  body  of  prior  John  Weston 
borne  forth,  and  was  laid  in  the  garth  that  was 
in  the  midst  of  the  cloisters. 

For  thirty  days  his  obsequies  were  celebrated  with 
office  and  mass  and  daily  visit  to  his  grave.     And 

1  Officium  Ecclesiasticum  Abbatum  sec.   usum.,  Eveshamien.   Monas. 
(Henry  Bradshaw  Society),  p.  117. 


96  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

the  prayers  of  the  poor  were  also  invoked  for  his 
soul.  In  the  refectory  during  all  that  time  a  black 
cross  was  set  in  his  place  at  table  ;  and  his  portion 
of  food  and  drink  was  bestowed  on  the  poor.  His 
name  was  written  in  the  obit-book  to  be  read  out, 
year  by  year,  as  the  date  of  his  death  came  round. 
And  word  was  sent  round  to  all  the  monasteries  in 
England  to  which  Lynminster  was  united  in  spiritual 
relationship  to  beg  for  prayers  for  his  soul.  And 
each  house  did  its  share  of  prayers  for  the  assoiling 
of  his  soul.  His  memory  was  kept  green  for  a  long 
time  in  his  old  home.  For  no  love  here  below  is  so 
lasting  and  faithful  as  that  between  those  who  have 
given  up  all  earthly  loves  and  found  them  again  in 
the  Lord. 


CHAPTER  VI 

WOMEN    UNDER    THE    RULE 

Whether  St.  Scholastica  was  a  nun  or  not  is  uncer- 
tain, although  St.  Gregory  tells  us  she  was  dedicated 
to  God  from  her  earliest  childhood.1  There  are  no 
historical  traces  remaining  for  us  to  decide  the 
question  ;  though  venerable  tradition  records  that 
St.  Benedict  founded  also  a  community  of  virgins 
consecrated  to  God,  and  placed  his  sister  at  their 
head.  While  there  is  not  a  word  in  his  Rule 2  about 
such  a  community,  and  St.  Gregory  in  his  dialogues 
is  also  silent,  still,  on  the  other  hand,  there  is 
nothing  in  the  teaching  of  the  great  lawgiver  which 
cannot  be  applied  to  women.  We  know  also  that 
he  seems  to  have  undertaken  the  spiritual  direction 
of  his  sister  and  had  conferences  with  her,  one  of 
which  was  so  beautifully  illustrated  by  God  granting 
a  prayer  the  brother  had  refused.3 

But  whether  St.  Scholastica  was  a  nun  or  not, 
one  thing  is  certain,  that  before  her  brother's  time 
there  were  cloisters  of  women    dedicated  to   God. 

1  Dialogues  of  St.  Gregory,  book  ii.  chap,  xxxiii. 

2  The  word  "  woman  "  does  not  even  occur  in  the  Rule. 

3  Ibid. 

VOL.  I.  97  G 


98  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

They  flourished  in  the  East,  whence  St.  Benedict  drew 
much  of  his  law.  Cassian,  at  least,  had  introduced 
them  into  the  West,  and  had  founded  a  convent  at 
Marseilles,  whence  Cesarius,  bishop  of  Aries  (542), 
persuaded  his  sister,  Cesaria,  to  come  and  join  him 
and  preside  over  a  convent  he  was  then  founding. 

Tradition  ascribes  to  St.  Martin  the  foundation 
of  various  communities  for  women ; x  and  in  St. 
Gregory's  time  we  know,  from  an  account  of  the 
procession  instituted  on  account  of  the  plague  then 
devastating  Rome,  that  there  were  abbesses  and 
nuns ;  for  they  were  appointed  to  walk  in  the  pro- 
cession along  with  the  priests  of  the  first  region.2 

If  St.  Benedict  founded  a  religious  community  for 
women  it  was  nothing  unheard  of ;  but  whether  he  did 
so  or  not,  we  may  be  sure  it  would  only  be  a  short 
time  before  he,  too,  was  looked  upon  as  guide  and 
father  to  the  many  convents  already  existing.  How- 
ever this  may  be,  here  in  England  we  have  no  doubt 
but  that,  as  in  the  North,  columban  nuns  existed  at 
any  rate  very  soon  after  the  introduction  of  Chris- 
tianity :  so  in  the  South,  where  the  Roman  bene- 
dictine  influence  was  the  stronger,  it  is  almost  as 
certain  that  the  numerous  convents,  that  sprang  up 
as  it  were  by  magic,  were  benedictine.  But,  as  we 
have  elsewhere  remarked,  there  was  no  antagonism 
between  the  two  Rules  ;  and  the  process  of  assimila- 
tion, or  perhaps  absorption,  of  the  Celtic  Rule  by  that 

1  Dupuy,  A.,  Histoire  de  S.  Martin,  p.  176. 
3  Mabillon,  Annates  Ordinis  S.  Benedicti  (ed.  Paris,  1 703),  torn.  i.  p.  2 1 7. 


WOMEN  UNDER  THE  RULE        99 

of  St.  Benedict  was  so  gradual  as  almost  to  be  im- 
perceptible. The  Oriental  tinge  of  severity  so  per- 
ceptible in  the  former  would  have  to  give  way  to  the 
wTider  spirit  of  the  West,  which  dealt  with  men  as  it 
found  them.  The  two  Rules  were  typical  of  their 
origins — that  of  the  East  unchanging  and  stereo- 
typed ;  that  of  the  West  keeping  in  touch  with  the 
times,  ever  adapting  itself  to  the  unceasing  flow  and 
development  of  humanity. 

Hilda  in  the  north  at  Whitby,  and  Eanswith  in  the 
south  at  Folkestone,  are  the  two  prominent  found- 
resses of  the  religious  life  for  women  in  our  land. 
Little  is  known  of  either  of  them ;  especially  as  to  the 
beginning  of  their  religious  lives.  Hilda  was  one  of 
EdwTin  of  Northumbrian  household,  and  in  her  four- 
teenth year  was  baptized  at  York,  on  that  Easter-day 
(627)  that  saw  Paulinus,  the  benedictine  monk,  re- 
ceiving the  king  and  court  into  the  Church  of  Christ. 

"Nothing  is  known  of  the  life  of  Hild  (Hilda) 
between  the  ages  of  fourteen  and  thirty-four;  but 
evidently  she  had  not  dwelt  in  obscure  retirement, 
for  the  Scottish  prelate  Aidan  in  647,  knowing  that 
she  was  living  in  the  Midlands,  begged  her  to  return 
to  the  north.  It  is  a  noteworthy  circumstance  if, 
in  an  age  when  marriage  was  the  rule,  she  remained 
single  without  taking  the  veil,  but  she  may  have 
been   associated  with   some   religious   settlement." 1 

1  Eckenstein,  Women  under  Monasticism,  p.  82.  But  Bede  says  "she 
withdrew  to  the  province  of  the  East  Angles,"  with  the  intention  of 
going  to  Chelles  (lib.  iv.  cap.  xxiii.). 


ioo  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

She  became  foundress  of  Whitby,  at  first  a  columban 
monastery  for  men  and  women.  It  afterwards  re- 
ceived the  benedictine  Rule  as  well,  perhaps  through 
the  influence  of  Wilfrid.  Of  Eanswith  we  know  still 
less.  Her  father,  Edbald  of  Kent,  after  he  had  put 
away  his  heathen  wife,  married  a  princess  of  the 
Franks.  About  the  year  630  he  gave  his  daughter  a 
piece  of  land  at  Folkestone,  where  she  founded  a 
convent.  It  would  be  a  curious  point  for  speculation 
to  discover  whether  this  beginning  in  Kent  was 
due  to  the  influence  of  the  Northumbrian  Edwins 
widow,  Ethelburga,  who  with  her  children  and 
Paulinus  had  taken  refuge  at  her  brother's  Kentish 
court,  or  whether  the  Frankish  princess  had  taken 
the  initiative.  But  there  was  Paulinus  the  bene- 
dictine at  hand  to  give  a  direction  to  the  new  settle- 
ment. However,  her  convent  was  destroyed  or 
deserted  at  the  close  of  the  century  ;  for  there  is  a 
charter  of  Athelstane  (927)  giving  the  land  to  Christ 
Church,  Canterbury,  "  the  house  having  been  de- 
stroyed by  the  pagans."  1 

Queen  Ethelburga  was  herself  the  foundress  of  a 
house  at  Liming.  It  would  naturally  be,  coming  from 
the  north,  that  her  foundation  should  be  modelled 
on  the  great  abbey  of  Whitby.  But  that  is  no  proof 
that  the  house  was  governed  by  the  columban  Rule 
pure  and  simple.  Sexburgh,  queen  of  Erconbert, 
the  successor  of  Edbald,  founded  another  convent 
at  Sheppy.     At  this  time,  says  Bede,   "there  were 

1  Dugdale,  vol.  i.  p.  451. 


WOMEN   UNDER   THE   RULE  101 

not  yet  many  monasteries  built  in  the  regions  of 
the  Angles.  Many  were  wont,  for  the  sake  of  the 
monastic  mode  of  life,  to  go  from  Britain  to  the 
monasteries  of  the  Franks  and  of  Gaul;  they 
also  sent  their  daughters  to  the  same  to  be  in- 
structed and  to  be  wedded  to  the  Heavenly  Spouse 
chiefly  in  the  monasteries  of  Brie,  Chelles,  and 
Andelys."1 

Mildred  was  the  foundress  of  the  famous  abbey  of 
Minster  in  Thanet.  She  had  been  brought  up  at 
Chelles,  where,  says  the  legend,  the  abbess  Wilcoma 
wanted  the  girl  to  marry  one  of  her  kinsmen. 
Irritated  by  her  refusals,  she  ordered  her  to  be  cast 
into  a  roaring  fire  whence  she  came  forth  untouched. 
She  escaped  back  to  England.  Some  time  towards 
the  latter  half  of  the  seventh  century  we  find 
Egberht,  king  of  Kent,  giving  her  land  in  Thanet  as 
a  blood-fine  for  the  murder  of  two  of  her  brothers. 
"  She  asked  for  as  much  land  as  her  tame  deer 
could  run  over  in  one  course,  and  received  over  ten 
thousand  acres  of  the  best  land  in  Kent."  2  On  this 
land  she  built  a  monastery ;  and  her  name  as  abbess 
appears  signing  a  charter  of  privileges  granted  by 
King  Witred  to  the  churches  and  monasteries 
of  Kent.  Her  name  comes  the  first  of  the  five 
abbesses  who  sign  the  document  after  the  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  and  the  bishop  of  Rochester. 
A  noticeable  fact,  the  names  of  these  five  women 

1  Hist  Eccles.,  book  iii.  chap.  viii. 

2  Dugdale,  vol.  i.  p.  447. 


102  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

come  before  that  of  the  priests  who  attested  the 
charter.1 

Of  the  other  nunneries  famous  in  Saxon  days  was 
Ely,  founded  (6J2>)  hy  Audrey  or  Etheldreda,  the 
friend  of  Wilfrid.  This  seems  to  have  been  a  double 
convent,  or  at  least  to  have  had  a  convent  of  monks 
hard  by.  One  of  her  successors  was  Werburg,  to 
whom  was  entrusted,  by  her  uncle  King  Ethelred, 
the  oversight  of  all  the  nunneries  in  his  domains. 
She  is  known  to  have  founded  houses  at  Trentham, 
and  at  Hanbury,  and  at  Weden.2 

Coldingham  was  founded  by  Ebba,  also  a  friend 
of  Wilfrid's,  and  of  Cuthbert  too,  that  holy  bishop 
of  Lindisfarne  who  did  so  much  by  his  gentleness 
and  sweetness  to  introduce  Roman  usages  among 
the  columban  monks  in  England.  "Ebba  wrote 
begging  him  to  come  and  condescend  to  edify 
both  herself  and  the  inmates  of  her  monastery 
by  the  grace  of  his  exhortations.  Cuthbert  accord- 
ingly went  thither,  and  tarrying  for  some  days 
he  expounded  the  ways  of  justice  to  all ;  these 
he  not  only  preached,  but  to  the  same  extent 
practised."  3 

Osith  of  Aylesbury,  Frideswith  of  Oxford,  Osburg 
of  Coventry,  Modwen  of  Burton,  Everild  of  Evering- 
ham,  are  names  which,  as  foundresses  and  abbesses 

1  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Councils  and  Ecclesiastical  Documents,  vol.  iii. 
p.  240. 

2  During  the  Danish  invasion  her  relics,  which  were  at  Hanbury, 
in  875  were  carried  off  to  Chester,  whose  patron  she  became. 

3  Bede,  Life  of  St.  Cuthbert,  chap.  x. 


WOMEN   UNDER   THE   RULE  103 

of  holy  houses,  were  sweet  in  the  ears  of  our  Saxon 
forefathers. 

But  among  them  all  stands  out  pre-eminent  Ethel- 
burga,  sister  of  Erkonwald  (693),  bishop  of  London, 
who  made  a  home  for  his  sister  at  Barking,  which 
"he  established  excellently  in  the  regular  disci- 
pline." *  This  renowned  house  was  also  a  famous 
place  for  the  education  of  high-born  children.  The 
great  scholar  Aldhelm 2  wrote  his  treatise  on  Virginity 
for  the  nuns  of  this  convent ;  and  the  whole  tone  of 
the  book,  besides  several  direct  passages,  shows  that 
the  intellectual  life  there  must  have  been  of  a  very 
high  order.  He  quotes  freely  from  the  Fathers,  and 
refers  to  the  classics  of  antiquity.  He  praises 
especially  the  nuns  for  being  devoted  to  study :  like 
bees  they  gather,  he  says,  everywhere  material  for 
study.  Scripture,  history,  grammar,  poetry,  are 
among  some  of  the  subjects  which  he  mentions. 
But  evidently  he  looks  upon  Barking  as  an  oasis 
in  the  worldliness  which  even  then  (the  beginning 
of  the  eighth  century)  had  entered  into  nunneries. 
He  describes  nuns  elsewhere  as  wearing  "  a  vest 
of  fine  linen  of  a  violet  colour.  Above  it  a  scarlet 
tunic  with  a  hood,  sleeves  striped  with  silk  and 
trimmed  with  red  fur ;  the  locks   on  the  forehead 

1  Bede,  lib.  iv.  cap.  vi.  Miss  Eckenstein  states  that  Barking  was 
a  double  monastery.  We  can  find  no  proof  of  this  anywhere.  Bede 
says  :  "  In  which  (Barking)  she  could  live  as  the  mother  and  nourish er 
of  devout  women"  (ibid.). 

2  Aldhelm  was  abbat  of  Malmsbury,  and  became  bishop  of  Sher- 
borne. 


104  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

and  the  temples  are  curled  with  a  crisping-iron ; 
their  dark  head-veil  is  given  up  for  white  and 
coloured  head-dresses,  which,  with  bows  of  ribbon 
sewn  on,  reach  to  the  ground  ;  their  nails,  like  those 
of  a  falcon  or  sparrow-hawk,  are  found  to  resemble 
talons."  1  This  last  reminds  us  that  Aldhelm  was 
a  poet ;  and  this  may  have  been  one  of  his  licenses. 

Wimborne,  the  last  of  the  foundations  of  the  early 
Saxon  period,  was  founded  from  Barking  by  Cuthburg 
(725),  a  sister  of  Ina,  king  of  Wessex,  and  wife  of 
Ealdfrid  of  Northumbria.  A  famous  inmate  of  this 
house  was  Lioba,  one  of  the  friends  of  Winfrid 
better  known  as  St.  Boniface.  He  wrote  to  the 
abbess  Tetta  begging  her,  "  as  a  comfort  in  his 
wanderings  and  as  a  help  in  his  mission,  to  send  the 
virgin  Lioba,  the  fame  of  whose  holiness  and  teaching 
of  godly  life  had  penetrated  across  wide  lands  and 
filled  the  mouths  of  many  with  her  praise."  *  She 
went,  and  became  abbess  of  the  famous  house  of 
Bischofsheim  near  Mainz. 

In  her  life,  written  by  Kudolf  of  Fulda  (850),  we 
get  a  glimpse  of  the  life  in  these  double  monasteries. 
"  There  were  two  settlements  at  Wimborne,  formerly 
erected  by  the  kings  of  that  people,  surrounded  by 
lofty  and  strong  walls,  and  endowed  with  ample 
revenues.  Of  these,  one  was  for  clerics,  the  other  for 
women.  But  neither,  for  such  was  the  rule  of  their 
foundation,  was   ever  entered  by  any  members   of 

1  S.  Aldhelmi:  De  Laudibus  Virginitates  (ed.  Migne),  vol.  89,  p.  157. 

2  Vita  S.  Lioba,  Pars  II.     Acta  Sanctorum  (Sept.  28),  p.  713. 


WOMEN   UNDER  THE   RULE  105 

the  other  sex.  No  women  had  permission  to  come 
among  the  congregation  of  men,  no  men  to  enter 
into  the  dwellings  of  the  virgins,  the  priests  alone 
excepted,  who  entered  their  church  to  celebrate  mass, 
and  withdrew  to  their  own  part  at  once  as  soon  as 
the  service  prayer  was  solemnly  finished.  .  .  .  More- 
over, the  mother  herself  of  the  congregation,  when- 
ever it  was  necessary  that  she  should  give  orders  in 
the  affairs  of  the  monastery,  spoke  through  a  window, 
and  decided  whatever  was  considered  to  be  best."  * 

Most  of  the  nunneries  perished  during  the  invasion 
of  the  Danes,  and  but  few  were  rebuilt.  Only  those 
which  were  in  connection  with  the  royal  house  of 
Wessex  remained  at  the  close  of  the  tenth  century. 
Those  of  the  Northern  and  Midland  districts  had 
entirely  disappeared.  Some  were  deserted ;  others 
had  been  laid  waste  during  the  Danish  invasion.  It 
has  been  observed  that  with  the  return  of  tranquillity, 
not  one  of  the  houses  for  women  was  restored. 
Seculars  "  took  possession  of  them,  and  when  they 
were  expelled,  the  Church  claimed  the  land,  or  the 
settlement  was  restored  to  the  use  of  monks.  Some 
of  the  great  houses  formerly  ruled  by  women  were 
thus  appropriated  to  men.  Whitby  and  Ely  rose  in 
renewed  splendour  under  the  rule  of  abbats.  Repton, 
Wimborne,  and  numerous  other  nunneries  became 
the  property  of  monks."  2 

The  chief  convents  which  survived  to  the  Conquest 

1  Ibid.,  Pars  I.  p.  711. 
2  Eckenstein,  Women  under  Monasticism,  pp.  201,  202. 


106  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

were  Shaftesbury  (founded  in  893  by  Alfred  the 
Great  for  his  daughter  Ethelgiva),  Amesbury,  Romsey, 
Winchester,  Wilton,  and  Barking.  Like  all  founded 
before  the  Conquest,  these  houses  were  abbeys,1  and 
their  abbesses  were  women  of  great  political  power 
in  the  kingdom.  Those  of  Shaftesbury,  Wilton, 
Winchester  (Nunna  -  minster)  and  Barking  held 
their  lands  of  the  king  by  an  entire  barony,  and 
had  the  privilege,  at  a  later  date,  of  being  summoned 
to  Parliament,  though  this  lapsed  on  account  of 
their  sex.2 

The  abbess  had  most  of  the  privileges  of  the 
abbats,  and  in  her  possession  were  many  lands, 
together  with  their  churches,  from  which  she  drew 
her  revenues,  and  to  which  she  exercised  the  rights 
of  presentation.  She  had  to  do  service  to  the  Crown 
and    supply    her    quota    of  knights    for   the   king's 

1  The  houses  founded  after  the  Conquest  were  generally  priories. 
Of  the  sixty-four  benedictine  convents  founded  for  women  after  Saxon 
days,  only  three,  viz.  Godstow,  Mailing,  and  Elstow,  were  abbeys.  "  The 
explanation  is  to  be  sought  in  the  system  of  feudal  tenure.  Women  no 
longer  held  property,  nunneries  were  founded  and  endowed  by  local 
barons  or  abbats.  When  power  from  the  preceding  period  devolved  on 
the  woman  in  authority,  she  retained  it ;  but  when  new  appointments 
were  made,  the  current  tendency  was  in  favour  of  curtailing  her  power." 
Cf.  Women  under  Monasticism,  p.  204.  When  the  house  was  founded  by 
an  abbat  it  remained  under  his  jurisdiction,  and  the  house  was  visited 
both  by  abbat  and  by  bishop,  unless  the  abbey  itself  was  exempt ;  then 
all  houses  depending  upon  it  shared  in  the  privilege,  e.g.  Sopwell 
nunnery  in  relation  to  St.  Albans,  and  Kilburn  to  Westminster. 
Although  the  Lateran  constitution  gave  general  chapters  the  visitation 
of  nunneries,  yet  we  do  not  find  any  traces  of  capitular  visitors  going 
to  any  nunnery.     Their  oversight  was  left  to  the  bishops. 

2  Dugdale,  vol.  ii.  p.  472. 


WOMEN   UNDER   THE   RULE  107 

service.1  She  held  her  own  courts  for  pleas  of 
debts,  and  was  altogether  a  most  important  per- 
sonage. Of  course  she  was  elected  for  life,  but 
could  be  deposed. 

We  will  look  a  little  more  closely  at  the  life  of 
nuns,  or  "  mynchyns,"  as  they  were  called  in  the 
Southern  parts  of  England,  and  make  use  of  such 
information  as  we  can  glean  from  historical  remains. 

One  feature  of  the  life  which  strikes  the  reader 
at  once  is  the  fact  that  the  benedictine  nun  in 
England,  like  her  sister  abroad,  was  not  bound  by 
the  same  law  of  enclosure  as  the  nun  of  the  last 
three  hundred  years.  Her  cloister  was  her  home 
indeed ;  and  there  she  loved  to  dwell  in  peace  and 
retirement.  But  she  did  not  hesitate  to  go  out 
when  the  service  of  God  required  it.  The  pages 
of  history  are  so  full  of  examples,  that  one  is  sur- 
prised to  find  that  any  can  doubt  that  the  original 
benedictine  nun  had  practically  as  much  freedom 
as  the  monk.  From  the  days  of  St.  Scholastica 
herself,  who  came  out  to  visit  her  brother,  all  during 
the  Saxon  times,  and  up  to  the  Reformation,  English 
benedictine  nuns  had  a  mitigated  form  of  enclosure. 
And  not  the  English  "  mynchyns "  only,  but  in 
Germany,    where    the    great  names   of  Hildegarde, 

1  The  abbess  of  Shaftesbury,  Agnes  Ferrar,  in  12  51  was  summoned 
to  Chester  to  take  part  in  the  military  proceedings  against  Llewellin  ; 
and  a  successor  of  hers,  Juliana  Bauceyn,  twenty  years  after,  had  a 
similar  call  made  upon  her.  The  abbesses  of  Shaftesbury,  as  baronesses, 
had  to  supply  the  king's  service  with  a  certain  number  of  knights  to- 
gether with  their  full  complement  of  soldiers.    Cf.  Dugdale,  vol.  ii.  p.  473. 


108  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

Gertrude,  and  the  two  Mechtildas  were  those  of  nuns 
as  much  unenclosed  as  their  English  sisters  who 
went  to  help  Winfrid  and  Willibald  and  Winibald 
in  evangelising  and  civilising  the  German  heathen.1 

The  majestic  vision  of  Hilda  taking  part  in  synods, 
of  Werburg  inspecting  the  convents  in  her  uncle's 
kingdom,  of  Withburga  following  the  pilgrim-track 
to  Rome,  of  Frideswide  working  a  miracle  on  the 
public  road  at  Oxford,  of  Edith  at  the  court  of  her 
father  Edgar ;  all  come  up  at  once  to  our  memory  as 
names  of  unenclosed  nuns  doing  God's  work  in  the 
world,  and  keeping  themselves  unspotted  therefrom. 

Later  on  we  find  many  a  reference  to  nuns  being 
out  of  their  convents.  For  instance,  in  the  four- 
teenth century  bishop  Stapleton  was  on  visitation 
in  his  diocese  of  Exeter,  and  among  other  decrees 
made  for  the  benedictine  nunnery  of  Polslo,  was 
that  they  were  not  to  be  allowed  to  go  out  and 
visit  their  friends  more  than  once  in  the  year. 
They  had  to  get  the  prioress'  leave  ;  and  she  was 
charged  with  providing  a  professed  nun  as  a  com- 
panion, who  had  to  be  changed  each  year.2 

1  It  is  a  fact  worth  moralising  upon,  that  no  canonised  saint  has 
been  found  among  the  benedictine  nuns  since  they  kept  strict  enclosure. 
Other  orders,  in  which  enclosure  is  of  the  essence  of  their  vocation,  have 
had  them  in  abundance. 

2  Hingeston-Randolph.  The  Register  of  Walter  de  Stajiledon  ( 1 307-26), 
p.  317.  We  give  here  a  license  for  a  nun  to  go  out  for  a  while  from 
her  convent.  P.  C.  Priorissse  E.  Precibus  charissimae  nobis  in  Christo 
filise  Dominae  .  .  .  consanguinis  Domini  .  .  .  militis  nostri  dicecesis 
favorabilibus  inclinatus,  ut  ad  earn  justis  et  honestis  ex  causis  Domina 
.  .  .  hujus  dicti  vestri  prioratus  commonialis,  cum  alia  ejusdem  prior- 


WOMEN   UNDER   THE   RULE  109 

Sometimes  law  business  took  the  prioress  away. 
"When  I  rode  to  London  for  the  suit  that  was 
taken,"  says  the  prioress  of  Pree  in  her  account  for 
1487-89,  and  notes  down  the  money  (20  shillings) 
paid  for  herself  and  "  my  priest  and  a  woman 
and  two  men."  l  The  abbess  of  Shaftesbury,  Joan 
Formage,  had  leave  from  her  bishop  in  1368  to 
go  to  one  of  her  manors  to  take  the  air  and  divert 
herself.2  Nuns,  however,  did  not  always  like  this 
sort  of  thing  ;  and  when  visitation  time  came  round 
they  would  complain  to  the  bishop  that  my  lady 
abbess  was  always  riding  off  somewhere  or  other ; 
and  they  were  quite  sure  it  was  not  always  on 
business.3 

But  they  themselves  could  go  out  at  times.4 
Their  customs  allowed  them  to  go  abroad,  if  they 
were  ill,  to  take  the  waters,  to  console  sick  parents, 
to  attend  their  funerals.  They  could  be  absent  for 
three  days  only  when  out  for  relaxation  or  illness, 
but  a  special  dispensation  was  needed  for  any 
further  extension  of  absence.5 

atus  ipsam  associente  accedere  valeant ;  valeant  equestri,  non  obstan- 
tibus  vestris  consuetudinibus  contrariis,  dispensatione,  ex  causis  licitis 
nobis  sufficienter  doctis,  in  quantum  de  jure  possumus,  quatenus 
obedientiam  et  honestatem  discipline  regularis  literarum  tenore 
praesentium  duximus  indulgendam,  &c.  &c.  (MSS.  Harl.  2179,  f.  ?8). 

1  Dugdale,  vol.  iii.  p.  360. 

2  Hutchins,  J.,  The  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  County  of  Dorset, 
vol.  ii.  p.  17. 

3  Ibid.  p.  474. 

4  Blaauw,  W.  H.,  Episcopal  Visitations  of  the  Benedictine  Nunnery 
of  Easebourne  (Sussex  Archaeological  Collections),  vol.  iv.  p.  7. 

5  Lyndewood,  Provinciate,  p.  212. 


no  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

Chaucer  was  too  ftrue  an  artist  to  include,  in 
the  gay  company  meeting  at  Southwark  that  April 
morning  all  bound  for  Canterbury,  two  nuns,  a 
prioress  and  her  companion,  if  such  characters 
would  have  been  out  of  place  in  a  band  of 
pilgrims.  His  description  of  "  Madame  Eglentine  " 
the  prioress  is  full  of  charming  touches,  and  shows 
us  a  lady,  well-bred  and  friendly,  in  a  dignified 
way,  with  all  her  company.  She  did  not  ride  on 
demurely  and  silently.  In  the  general  entertain- 
ment she  tells  her  tale  of  the  little  boy-martyr, 
a  legend  such  as  she  would  read  at  home  in  her 
convent.  And  her  companion  was  not  behind- 
hand either,  but  contributes  a  prettily  told  story 
of  St.  Cecily. 

How  did  the  nuns  occupy  themselves  in  their 
convents  ?  Study  and  intellectual  pursuits  have 
always  been  favourite  employments  with  benedic- 
tine  dames,  and  one  may  almost  gauge  the  state 
of  observance  in  a  convent  by  the  standard  of 
intellectual  activity  which  there  obtained.  When 
that  was  high,  the  convent  flourished  both  in 
number  and  in  exactness  of  rule.  Where  learning 
was  neglected,  almost  everything  else  showed  signs 
of  decay.  When  Winfrid  was  in  Germany  he 
kept  up  an  active  correspondence  with  nuns  in 
England,  and  from  them  received  presents  of  books 
copied  out  with  their  own  hands.  "  Often,"  says 
he  in  725  to  Eadburga,  abbess  of  Minster,  "gifts 
of  books  and  vestments,  the  proofs  of  your  love, 


WOMEN  UNDER  THE  RULE        in 

have  been  to  me  a  consolation  in  misfortune.  So 
I  pray  you  will  continue  as  you  have  begun,  and 
write  for  me  in  golden  letters  ,  the  epistle  of  the 
holy  apostle  St.  Paul,  my  master,"  &c.2  Nor  was 
she  an  exception  ;  for,  as  Montalembert  says  : — 

"The  Anglo-Saxon  race  above  all  was  rich  in 
women  of  this  kind :  many  are  to  be  found  among 
the  princesses  established  in  the  numerous  abbeys 
of  England — such  as  Edith,  natural  daughter  of 
King  Edgar;  who,  brought  up  by  her  mother  in 
the  nunnery  at  Wilton,  was  famed  there  equally 
for  her  knowledge  and  her  virtue."  He  goes  on 
to  speak  of  Lioba  of  Wimborne,  who  went  to  join 
Winfrid.  "  She  was  so  eager  for  knowledge  that 
she  never  left  her  books  save  for  divine  service. 
She  was  well  versed  in  all  that  were  then  called 
the  liberal  arts ;  she  was  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  the  writings  of  the  Fathers  and  canon-law ; 
cultivated  Latin  verse  and  showed  her  attempts 
to  St.  Boniface  (Winfrid)  who  admired  them  greatly. 
...  To  her  is  due  the  honour  of  having  trained 
in  Christian  knowledge  the  young  girls  who  filled 
the  new  nunneries,  founded  under  the  teaching 
of  the  Saxon  missionaries.  The  Germans  really 
owe  to  her  the  introduction  among  them  of  that 
monastic  culture  which,   later,   was   to    shine  with 

1  Saxon  nuns  excelled  in  illuminating  manuscripts.  Wilfrid  brought 
to  England  the  art  of  writing  in  gold,  and  owned  a  copy  of  the  Gospels 
written  on  purple-coloured  parchments,  in  letters  of  pure  gold. 

2  S.  Bonafacii  Epistolce  (ed.  Migne),  n.  xix.  p.  712. 


ii2  THE  ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

such  brilliance  in  the  person  of  Hroswitha,  the 
illustrious  nun  of  Gandersheim,  whose  greatest 
glory  was  to  have  composed  the  plays  which  she 
caused  to  be  acted  in  her  abbey.  These  dramas 
astonish  us  by  the  extraordinary  acquaintance  they 
prove  with  the  authors  of  classic  antiquity — Plautus, 
Virgil,  Terence,  and  Horace — and  yet  more  by  a 
knowledge  of  the  human  heart  truly  remarkable  in 
a  woman  completely  shut  out  from  the  world."  l 

The  nuns  knew  Latin  and  could  write  it.  For 
the  superiors  this  was  almost  a  necessity.  It  was 
not  till  after  the  rise  of  the  universities,  when 
learning  ceased  to  be  a  monopoly  of  the  religious 
houses,  that  documents  for  nuns  began  to  be  written 
in  French,  then  as  now  the  language  of  culture, 
or  in  English.  This  decline  in  learning  coincided 
with  the  period  when  convents  of  women  were  at 
a  lower  ebb  than  they  had  ever  been,  both  in  point 
of  numbers  and  of  influence. 

Besides  intellectual  studies  of  all  kinds,  needle- 
work held  an  important  place.  The  embroidering 
of  our  English  nuns  earned  a  reputation  far  and 
wide  as  the  finest  work  to  be  had.  Bishops  and 
popes  prided  themselves  on  specimens  of  the  famed 
opus  Anglicanum,  and  were  consumed  with  envy 
when  they  saw  the   richly  embroidered   vestments 2 

1  Monks  of  the  West  (ed.  Ninimo),  vol.  v.  pp.  133,  134. 

2  Professor  J.  H.  Middleton  points  out,  in  a  note  to  his  Illuminated 
Manuscripts  in  Classical  and  Mediaeval  Times,  p.  112,  that  the  popes 
of  the  period,  when  they  sent  the  pall  to  a  newly  elected  archbishop 
of  England,  suggested  they  would  like  in  return  some  embroidered 


WOMEN   UNDER   THE   RULE  113 

of  English  bishops  or  abbats  sitting  in  council 
with  the  rest  of  the  clergy. 

"The  most  famous  embroidered  vestments  now 
preserved  in  various  places  in  Italy  are  the  handi- 
work of  English  embroiderers  between  1250  and 
1300,  though  their  authorship  is  not  as  a  rule 
recognised  by  their  present  possessors."  1 

The  convents  were  almost  the  only  houses  of 
education  for  girls,  and  even  for  little  boys.  Dom 
Gasquet  quotes  old  John  Aubrey,  as  witness  for 
what  he  knew  of  St.  Mary's  convent  near  Kington 
St.  Michael  in  Wiltshire. 

"There  the  young  maids  were  brought  up  (not 
as  at  Hakney  Sarum  Schools,  &c,  to  learn  pride 
and  wantonness)  but  at  the  nunneries,  where  they 
had  examples  of  piety,  and  humility,  and  modesty, 
and  obedience  to  imitate  and  to  practise.  Here 
they  learned  needle-work,  the  art  of  confectionery, 
surgery  (for  anciently  there  were  no  apothecaries  or 
surgeons — the    gentlewomen    did    cure    their   poor 

vestments  of  English,  work.  And  Matthew  Paris  has  an  instructive 
passage  on  the  point.  When  Innocent  IV.  saw  the  beautiful  vestments 
worn  (in  1246)  by  the  English  prelates  who  came  to  Rome,  he  asked 
where  they  were  made  ;  and  on  hearing  in  England,  he  exclaimed, 
"Truly  England  is  our  storehouse  of  delights,  a  very  inexhaustible 
well :  and  where  much  abounds  much  can  be  extorted  from  many." 
He  incontinently  sent  letters  to  the  cistercian  abbats  here,  ordering 
them  to  forward  to  him  gold  embroidery  for  the  use  of  his  chapel, 
"  as  though,"  says  Matthew,  "  they  could  get  it  for  nothing." — Chronica 
Majora  (Roll  Series),  vol  iv.  pp.  546,  547. 

1  Middleton,  p.  112.  Such  as  the  "Lateran  Cope"  in  Rome,  the 
"Piccolomini  Cope"  at  Pienza,  and  those  at  Anagni,  Florence,  and 
Bologna. 

VOL.  I.  H 


ii4  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

neighbours  :  their  hands  are  now  too  fine),  physic, 
writing,  drawing,  &c.  Old  Jacques  could  see  from 
his  house  the  nuns  of  the  priory  come  forth  into 
the  nymph-hay  (meadow)  with  their  rooks  (distaffs) 
and  wheels  to  spin,  and  with  their  sewing  work. 
He  would  say  that  he  had  told  three  score  and  ten ; 
but  of  nuns  there  were  not  so  many,  but  in  all,  with 
lay  sisters,  as  widows,  old  maids,  and  young  girls, 
there  might  be  such  a  number.  This  was  a  fine 
way  of  bringing  up  young  women,  who  are  led  more 
by  example  than  precept ;  and  a  good  retirement  for 
widows  and  grave  single  women  to  a  civil,  virtuous, 
and  holy  life."  x 

From  this  we  may  gather  that  convents  afforded 
also  a  place  of  retreat  and  quiet  life  to  women  who, 
not  having  any  vocation  for  the  religious  life,  wished 
to  share  in  some  of  its  privileges  without  under- 
taking the  obligations. 

The  religious  life  of  the  nuns  was  the  same  as 
that  of  their  brethren.  The  ever-recurring  sacrifice 
of  prayer  and  praise  formed  their  lives  to  a  simpli- 
city and  singleness  of  eye. 

The  records   of  visitations2  tell  us  there  was  a 

1  Dom  Gasquet,  Henry  VIII.  and  the  English  Monasteries,  vol.  ii. 
p.  224. 

2  In  the  Visitations  of  the  Diocese  of  Norwich  (Dr.  Jessop)  we  get  a 
"useful  light  on  the  inner  life  of  convents  in  these  parts ;  provided 
we  bear  in  mind  that  these  visitations  record  only  the  complaints 
made  and  the  murmurings,  without  going  into  the  question  whether 
they  were  founded  or  unfounded  ;  whereas,  if  all  goes  well,  the  whole 
business  is  despatched  in  a  word  or  two  :  Omnia  esse  bene  (Camden 
Soc.  Publications,  New  Series,  No.  XCIII.). 


WOMEN   UNDER   THE   RULE  115 

great  deal  of  human  nature  in  convent  life,  then,  as 
there  must  be  always.     One  of  the  very  charms  of 
the  monastic  life  is  that  it  does  not  try  to  destroy 
nature  but  to  elevate  it.     That  this  is  a  long  process 
in  some  cases  is  clear,  and  one  uncomfortable  both 
to  oneself  and  to  others.    But  this  is  just  the  point 
in  which  the  common  life  is  of  service  in  the  work 
of  moral  education.     Bearing  and  forbearing  is  the 
secret  of  happiness,  when   living  with  our  fellow- 
men,  and  how  much  more  in  the  family  life  of  a 
monastery?      This    was    one    of  the   human    sacra- 
mentals  that  St.  Benedict  relied  upon   so  strongly 
in  forming  his  disciples  to  the  image  of  Christ.     The 
various  spiritual  exercises  of  recent  introduction  are 
not    of  the    essence    of   the    beuedictine   vocation, 
though  some  find  a  use  in  them.     But  the  large  and 
deep  minded  Dom  Baker  (of  whom  anon),  the  most 
original    and    remarkable    spiritual    writer    among 
English  Catholics  in  the  days  of  persecution,  who 
was  so  fully  possessed  by  the  spirit  of  his  state,  lays 
the  greatest  stress   on  the   careful  fulfilling  of  the 
duties  of  the   common  life  as  a  necessary  require- 
ment in  those  who,  as  the  result  of  long  probation, 
are  called  to  the  simple  and  direct  union  with  God 
in  contemplation. 

Here  we  will  leave  the  subject  of  the  daughters 
of  St.  Benedict,  closing  with  the  words  of  a  recent 
writer  on  their  social  influence  : — 

"It  is  unnecessary  to  speak  of  the  many  blessings 
which  must  have  accrued   to  a  neighbourhood  by 


n6  THE   ENGLISH    BLACK   MONKS 

the  presence  of  a  convent  of  cultivated  English 
ladies.  Their  gentle  teaching  was  the  first  ex- 
perience of  the  youthful  poor;  from  them  they 
derived  their  early  knowledge  of  the  elements  of 
religion  and  of  Catholic  practice ;  to  them  they 
went  in  the  troubles  and  cares  of  life  as  to  a  source 
of  good  advice ;  theirs  was  the  most  potent  civi- 
lising influence  in  the  rough  days  of  the  Middle 
Ages ;  and  theirs  was  the  task  of  tendering  the  sick 
and  smoothing  the  passage  of  the  Christian  soul  to 
eternity." *  As  has  been  well  said,  benedictine 
nuns  "  were  indeed  not  of  the  world,  but  they 
were  in  it,  actively  and  intelligently  to  do  a  good 
work  to  it — to  elevate,  to  console,  to  purify,  and  to 
bless.''2 

1  Dom  Gasquet,  op,  cit.  p.  221.  2  Ibid.  p.  220, 


CHAPTEK  VII 

CHRONICLES    OF   THE    CONGREGATION.       I 

Hitherto  we  have  been  occupied  with  the  his- 
tory of  the  black  monks  in  England  up  to  the 
period  when  the  general  chapter  was  appointed 
for  the  whole  of  England.  We  must  now  con- 
tinue the  history  up  to  the  eve  of  the  fall  of  the 
monasteries. 

The  great  abbeys  at  this  period  had  reached  their 
zenith,  and  by  their  wealth  and  numbers  were  some 
of  the  most  important  institutions  in  the  country. 
Their  influence  was  felt  not  only  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  each  monastery — for  great  landlords,  such 
as  the  monks  were,  will  always  have  power — but 
also  in  Parliament.  There  the  abbats  of  the  black 
monks  alone  outnumbered  even  the  bishops ;  for 
no  less  than  twenty-eight  of  them  sat  as  barons  of 
the  realm  to  some  eighteen  bishops.1  And  there 
are  respects  in  which  they  were  more  in  touch  with 
the  common  feeling  of  the  country  than  even  were 
the  bishops ;    for   these    last   were   rulers    of  large 

1  Together  with  the  other  abbats  who  had  seats  in  Parliament,  the 
number  was  fifty-two.  The  cathedral  priors  of  Canterbury  who  were 
mitred  also  had  a  seat. 


n8  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

dioceses,  were  often  statesmen,  and  immersed  in 
affairs  necessitating  their  absence  from  home  ;  while 
the  abbat  was,  with  the  exception  of  his  attendance 
at  Parliament,  almost  always  living  in  the  midst  of 
the  people.  The  mutual  relations  of  benedictine 
abbat  and  secular  bishop  were  on  the  whole  good ; 
for,  with  the  exception  of  the  five  exempt  monas- 
teries, the  bishop  had  all  rights  of  visitation  over 
the  houses  of  black  monks  in  his  diocese.1  With 
these  exemptions  friction  was  more  likely  to  occur, 
especially  when  the  exact  limits  of  rights  on  either 
side  were  not  defined.  But  for  the  last  hundred  or 
hundred  and  fifty  years  the  mutual  privileges  were 
known  and  respected,  and  therefore  a  greater  har- 
mony existed. 

Of  the  disputes  between  monastic  chapters  and 
their  bishops  (after  the  thirteenth  century  very  rare), 
one  very  noteworthy  example  occurs  in  the  case 
of  the  monks  of  Christ  Church,  Canterbury,  who 
formed  the  chapter  of  the  primatial  church,  and 
the  archbishop  of  the  see,  Edmund  Rich,  known  to 
history  as  St.  Edmund.  The  dispute  seems  to  have 
arisen  (1237)  in  this  manner.  The  archbishop  was 
ex-officio  abbat  of  the  house :  but  this  in  reality 
meant  less  than  appears.  The  affairs  of  the  mon- 
astery and  all  internal  discipline  were  governed  by 
the  cathedral  prior,  who  however  was  appointed  to 

1  It  is  to  be  understood  that  all  the  houses  of  the  cluniacs,  the  white 
monks  or  cistercians,  and  the  white  canons  or  premonstratensians, 
were  exempt. 


CHRONICLES   OF  THE   CONGREGATION        119 

his  office  by  the  archbishop  after  the  convent  had 
been  consulted.  He  also  had  the  power  (a  most 
important  one)  of  admitting  any  one  into  the 
novitiate1  and  to  profession,  and  also  selected  one 
out  of  the  three  names  elected  for  the  greater 
officers.  These  rights,  together  with  a  power  of 
visitation,  were  about  all  the  abbatial  functions  of 
the  archbishop.  But  this  did  not  satisfy  archbishop 
Edmund.  A  saintly  man,  of  great  personal  austerity, 
with  a  high  ideal  of  his  position,  of  inflexible  pur- 
pose when  he  once  saw  what  he  considered  to  be 
his  rights  and  duty,  he  was  just  the  sort  of  man 
who  naturally  would  not  stay  to  consider  any  other 
view  of  things.  He  seems  to  have  acted  as  though 
he  had  the  faculty  of  intuitively  arriving  at  a  con- 
clusion without  being  obliged  to  consider  the  steps 
by  which  it  is  reached.  The  result  was  inevitable. 
He  found  himself  embroiled  in  perpetual  disputes. 
The  irony  of  fate  was  the  more  remarkable,  for  all 
his  biographers  state  that  personally  he  had  the 
greatest  horror  of  litigation.  In  these  matters,  un- 
fortunately for  himself  and  for  all  with  whom  he 
had  to  do,  he  trusted  himself  into  the  hands  of 
others,  notably  Simon  Langton,  one  of  the  arch- 
deacons, a  bitter  and  disappointed  man.  What- 
ever cause  may  be  assigned  to  it,  the  fact  remains 

1  At  Worcester,  and  therefore  more  likely  at  the  other  cathedral 
monasteries,  the  prior,  sede  vacante,  had  also  the  right  of  admitting 
novices.  See  Registrum  Prioratus  B.  M.  Wigorniensis  (Camden  Soc), 
p.  138.  As  to  Christ  Church,  see  Literce  Cantuarienses  (Roll  Series), 
vol.  i.  pp.  18,  117. 


120  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

that  the  archiepiscopate  of  St.  Edmund  was  by  no 
means  a  peaceful  one.1 

In  the  case  of  Christ  Church,  Canterbury,  Edmund 
claimed  as  abbat  the  right  of  disposing  of  the 
monastic  property,  and  had  acted  to  the  grave  pre- 
judice of  the  rights  and  liberties  enjoyed  by  the 
monks  in  respect  to  certain  churches  appropriated  to 
the  monastery,  to  certain  manors,  possessions,  perqui- 
sites, and  services  due  from  their  tenants,  &c.  The 
monks  in  self-defence  appealed  to  the  pope  (Gregory 
IX.).  He,  on  December  22,  1235,  appointed  as 
judges  in  the  dispute  three  abbats,  who  to  avoid 
partiality  were  taken  from  the  cistercian,  premonstra- 
tensian,  and  augustinian  orders.2  The  parties  con- 
cerned were  summoned  in  the  pope's  name  to  appear 
on  May  10,  1236,  at  Eochester.  The  monks  were 
represented  there  by  their  proctor,  but  no  arch- 
bishop. Again  was  he  summoned  for  June  20,  but 
he  took  no  notice.  An  attempt  was  made  to  settle 
the  matter  by  compromise,  but  with  no  effect.  At 
last,  after  several  other  citations,  of  all  which  the 
archbishop  took  no  notice,  when  the  final  one  was 

1  The  state  of  the  Church  in  England  in  St.  Edmund's  day  was  not 
happy.  On  one  hand  the  kings,  John  and  Henry  III.,  were  by  no 
means  nursing  fathers  ;  and  on  the  other  the  popes,  or  those  on  whom 
they  relied,  were  using  it  to  enrich  Italian  clerics.  Men  who  neither 
resided  in  England,  nor  knew  a  word  of  the  language,  were  appointed 
to  good  livings  in  England,  overriding  the  rights  of  patrons  who  either 
themselves  or  by  their  ancestors  had  founded  these  benefices.  Deep 
and  bitter  was  the  resentment  in  the  land  ;  and  it  found  expression  in 
the  laws  excluding  non-resident  aliens  from  English  livings. 

2  The  abbats  of  Boxley,  St.  Kadegund,  and  Lesnes. 


CHRONICLES   OF   THE   CONGREGATION        121 

issued  for  May  7,  1237  (a  year  after  the  first),  then 
King  Henry  III.  suddenly  intervened  and  forbade 
the  judges  to  proceed.  At  this  sudden  interference 
of  the  civil  power  in  behalf  of  the  archbishop,  the 
judges  dared  take  no  further  steps.  Henry,  who 
was  anxious  just  then  to  keep  on  good  terms  with 
the  pope  (from  whom  he  was  daily  expecting  a 
legate  to  support  his  claims  against  the  stand  made 
by  Edmund  and  others  on  behalf  of  English  liberties), 
ordered  (July  10)  that  nothing  more  should  be  done 
until  he  could  talk  over  the  matter  with  the  legate. 
The  pope  meanwhile  had  also  written  ordering,  in 
case  of  opposition,  the  whole  case  to  be  brought 
before  his  supreme  tribunal.  After  the  arrival  of 
the  legate,  Otho,  the  judges  saw  him,  and  then  held 
a  meeting  at  Boxley,  on  August  31,  whence  they 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  archbishop,  who  still  kept 
away.  After  rehearsing  all  that  had  taken  place  in 
the  matter,  and  stating  they  were  hindered  by  the 
king  from  obeying  the  pope's  commission,  the 
abbats,  in  accordance  with  the  apostolic  mandate, 
fixed  January  26,  1238,  as  the  day  upon  which  the 
litigants  should  appear  before  his  holiness  in  Rome. 
Edmund,  perhaps,  now  had  begun  to  see  the 
matter  in  another  light,  and  was  anxious  to  make 
amends — the  more  so  as  it  had  reached  his  ears 
that  he  was  being  charged  w7ith  ingratitude  to  the 
men  who  had  elected  him  archbishop.  This  was 
a  new  aspect  of  things ;  and  he  began  to  realise 
that  they  were  a  body  with  rights  of  their  own.     To 


122  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

see  this  and  promptly  act  was  characteristic  of  the 
archbishop's  impulsive  and  humble  soul.  He  went 
to  Canterbury  and  "  entered  the  chapter-house  in 
an  attitude  of  deep  humility,  in  the  hope  of  allaying 
the  commotion  by  calm  reasoning  and  sweet  modera- 
tion ;  for  he  did  not  wish  to  be  thought  unmindful 
of  the  confidence  which  the  monks  had  bestowed 
upon  him ;  indeed  it  cut  him  to  the  quick  to  think 
he  should  even  appear  ungrateful.  Consequently  he 
conceded  all  their  requests  so  far  as  to  remove  any 
obstacle  to  an  honourable  and  satisfactory  arrange- 
ment being  made.  The  monks,  one  and  all,  gladly 
consented  to  his  terms,  and  they  thanked  God  and 
the  archbishop  for  this  happy  termination  of  the 
dispute.  Edmund  then  announced  to  the  chapter 
that  he  would  go  to  Eome  to  get  the  approval  of  the 
Holy  See  to  the  arrangement  that  had  been  made." * 
The  archbishop  had  several  other  disputes  on 
hand,  with  various  houses  of  black  monks  who  had 
appealed  to  Rome  for  protection  against  his  claims. 
He  wanted  to  make  a  visitation  of  Westminster 
abbey,  a  house  exempt  from  all  episcopal  control, 
and,  moreover,  not  even  in  his  diocese.  In  this 
project  he  was  opposed  both  by  the  monks,  who 
claimed  their  privilege,  and  also  by  the  bishop  of 
London,  who  protested  against  his  intrusion.     St. 

1  Eustace's  Vita  Sancti  Edmundi,  f.  139,  given  in  Life  of  St.  Edmund, 
by  Dom  Wilfrid  Wallace,  O.S.B.,  and  quoted  at  p.  235.  The  author 
was  a  monk  of  Christ  Church,  but  attached  to  the  person  of  the 
archbishop  as  chaplain. 


CHRONICLES   OF   THE   CONGREGATION        123 

Augustine's  at  Canterbury,  too,  was  another  stone 
of  offence  to  the  archbishop.  Exempt  itself,  the 
abbey  claimed  for  all  its  churches  and  manors  free- 
dom from  episcopal  visitation.  A  compromise,  on 
the  whole  favourable  to  the  monks,  was  entered  into. 
They  did  not  care,  perhaps,  to  push  matters  too 
far,  as  it  was  said  some  of  the  bulls  on  which  they 
relied  would  not  bear  too  close  inspection.1  Then, 
again,  in  the  neighbouring  diocese  of  Rochester 
Edmund  was  involved  in  disputes  with  the  monastic 
chapter;  for  he  claimed  the  right  of  appointing  the 
bishop,  and  would  not  allow  of  the  monks'  right 
of  election.  In  all  the  cases  that  went  to  Eome, 
Edmund  was  worsted.  He  practically  had  no  case 
except  sic  jubeo  sic  volo. 

1  Forgery,  or  the  art  of  making  history,  was  certainly  not  unknown 
in  those  happily  uncritical  ages  ;  and  one  is  constantly  thwarted  in 
research  by  documents  which  turn  out  not  what  they  purport  to 
be.  We  should  doubt,  however,  if  the  intention  of  the  writers  of 
such  documents  always  was  to  deceive.  When  the  courts  insisted, 
in  cases  of  litigation,  on  the  production  of  charters  in  regard  to 
property  held  for  four  or  five  hundred  years,  the  original  deeds  of 
which  had  been  destroyed  by  foreign  invasion  or  civil  broils,  the 
case  was  met  by  the  production  of  documents,  not  original  indeed 
but  embodying  the  facts.  "  Forgery  "  applied  to  such  a  case  needs  a 
gloss,  and  it  must  not  be  at  once  assumed  that  the  "forgers"  were 
the  rogues  implied  by  our  own  modern  use  of  the  term.  It  is  a 
commonplace  in  legal  history,  that  when  courts  of  law  will  press  their 
conditions  in  a  way  which  is  felt  to  be  undue,  they  will  generally 
meet  their  match  on  their  own  ground  ;  for  instance,  the  whole  question 
of  conveying  estates  for  uses  or  bequests  for  masses  for  the  dead.  In 
the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  people  went  a  much  more  simple 
way  to  work  ;  but  the  principle  was  the  same.  The  history  of  the 
methods  employed  to  meet  on  their  own  grounds  laws  felt  to  be 
unduly  pressed,  is  a  subject  worthy  of  the  "  Philosophic  Historian." 


i24  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

When  Edmund  reached  Rome  (1238),  he  found,  to 
his  intense  surprise,  some  of  the  Canterbury  monks. 
A  strong  feeling  had  been  gaining  ground  in  that 
convent  that  they  had  gone  beyond  their  legal 
rights  in  compromising  many  points  with  the  arch- 
bishop. Their  feelings  had  been  touched,  and, 
under  that  influence,  had  given  a  consent  which 
after-thought  did  not  warrant.  The  archbishop 
and  his  party  were  bitterly  affected  at  finding  an 
appeal  pending  on  a  matter  they  thought  had  been 
settled.  Archdeacon  Langton,  Edmund's  chief  ad- 
viser, did  not  scruple  to  deny  the  validity  of  their 
grants ;  and,  in  the  words  of  the  continuator  of 
Gervase,  "  vomited  forth  his  venom  before  the  pope, 
and  said  :  '  Holy  Father,  there  is  no  species  of 
forgery  which  is  not  perpetrated  in  the  Church  of 
Canterbury.  They  forge  in  gold,  in  lead,  in  wax,  in 
anything  you  please.' " 1  To  settle  this  question, 
the  pope  sent  orders  to  Otho  to  go  to  Canterbury 
and  make  a  search  into  the  monks'  claims.  All 
duplicate  documents  were  to  be  shared  between  the 
archbishop  and  the  chapter ;  but  any  found  to  be 
forged  or  of  suspected  authenticity  were  to  be 
sent  to  Rome  for  the  pope's  inspection.  When  the 
charge  of  forgery  was  gone  into,  it  turned  out  to  be 
that  a  charter  of  St.  Thomas  a  Becket,  well  known 
to  exist,  had  been  damaged  beyond  repair ;  and 
three  of  the  monks,  in  all  simplicity,  had  made  a 
new  copy  to  which  they  had  attached  the  old  seal. 

1  Gervasii  Opera  (Roll  Series),  vol.  ii.  p.  132. 


CHRONICLES   OF   THE   CONGREGATION        125 

But  while  at  Rome,  finding  unavailing  all  hopes 
of  a  compromise  with  the  agents  of  the  monks,  the 
archbishop  was  urged  on  to  issue  excommunication 
against  all  disturbers  of  the  peace,  or  rather  of  his 
peace.  He  left  Rome,  as  we  have  said,  worsted  upon 
all  matters  in  dispute,  and  with  the  difficulty  with  his 
chapter  still  open.  On  reaching  England,  he  went 
with  the  cardinal  legate  to  investigate  the  charge  of 
forgery,  which  resulted,  as  stated  above,  in  a  moral 
acquittal;  although  punishment  was  inflicted  upon 
the  monks  who  had  appended  the  old  seal  to  the  new 
copy,  and  the  prior  was  deposed  by  the  archbishop. 

The  archbishop's  pretensions  were  only  increased 
by  the  firm  opposition  he  met  with  ;  and  now  he 
went  so  far  as  to  take  steps  to  transfer  the  cathedral 
into  the  hands  of  secular  canons.  The  dispute  be- 
came a  matter  of  life  or  death  with  the  monks,  and 
they  fought  the  archbishop  with  grim  pertinacity. 
Suspensions  were  issued  and  were  treated  with  scant 
respect ;  for  the  archbishop  had  for  the  time  being 
no  longer  jurisdiction  over  them  on  the  disputed 
points,  their  cause  being  before  the  Holy  See.  He 
refused  to  appoint  a  new  prior  until  the  monks  had 
returned  to  their  obedience,  a  question  which  they 
persisted  was  still  sub  judice.  Matters  got  graver, 
and  each  party  more  obstinate.  At  last,  on  January 
9,  1239,  he  interdicted  the  whole  convent,  and  later 
on  excommunicated  his  primatial  chapter,  and  on 
November  3,  1239,  published  the  sentence  through- 
out the  whole  province. 


i26  THE    ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

But  meanwhile  the  cause  at  Rome  was  dragging 
on  its  weary  length.  At  home  it  seems  that  the 
sentence  of  excommunication,  certainly  invalid,  was 
not  taken  much  notice  of  by  the  people  of  the 
diocese.  This  made  the  archbishop  more  deter- 
mined to  enforce  his  will ;  and  he  appealed  to  the 
secular  power,  in  the  shape  of  the  sheriff  of  Kent,  to 
enforce  his  decree.  The  idea  got  abroad  that  the 
archbishop  intended  to  seize  the  temporalities  of 
the  monastery.  The  monks  in  alarm  appealed  to 
the  king,  who  ordered  his  sheriffs  not  to  interfere. 
Fresh  excommunications  are  sent  out  against  all 
who  should  support  the  monks ;  and  then,  all  of 
a  sudden,  matters  drop.  The  archbishop,  sick  at 
heart  and  hopeless,  leaves  his  diocese  and  retires  to 
the  cistercian  abbey  of  Pontigny,  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  which  he  died,  November  16,  1240. 

We  have  dwelt  on  this  dispute  in  order  to  let  the 
reader  see  the  sort  of  trouble  monastic  chapters  had 
to  put  up  with  until  the  situation  was  cleared ; 
troubles  in  this  case  all  the  harder  to  bear,  because 
the  personal  holiness  of  the  archbishop  was  so  great. 
It  is  no  disrespect  to  the  memory  of  a  great  saint 
to  say  he  was  not  made  of  the  stuff  out  of  which  a 
ruler  is  made,  and  was  wanting  in  that  tact  so  neces- 
sary for  dealing  with  men.1 

1  A  recent  Life  of  St.  Edmund,  by  Dom  Wilfrid  Wallace  of  Erdington, 
takes  a  view  of  the  dispute  diametrically  opposite  to  the  one  given 
above.  The  conclusion  we  have  arrived  at  is  based  primarily  on  the 
very  evidence  the  writer  brings  forward  to  support  his  contention.  The 
author,  a  former  student  of  St.  Edmund's  College,  Ware,  seems  to  have 


CHRONICLES   OF   THE   CONGREGATION        127 

This  dispute  was  the  greatest  and  practically  the 
last  of  the  disputes  between  bishops  and  monastic 
chapters.  It  cleared  the  air  and  made  the  rights  of 
either  party  known  ;  and  so  the  way  of  peace  was 
henceforth  smooth. 

The  Lateran  Council  had  ordered  certain  reforms 
to  take  place  among  the  benedictines  of  each 
country.  As  we  have  seen,  steps  were  immediately 
taken  in  England  (and  England  alone  it  was  that 
obeyed  unquestionably)  to  carry  out  the  pope's  de- 
sire. When  the  legate  Otho  came  to  England,  he 
held  a  national  council  in  London  late  in  1237; 
and  among  decrees  affecting  the  English  Church  at 
large,  he  made  some  (No.  XIX.)  regarding  the  black 
monks.1  But  two  years  after,  a  conference  of  the 
benedictine  abbats  was  held  under  his  presidency 
in  London,  at  which  some  of  these  regulations, 
notably  about  the  perpetual  abstinence,  were  modi- 
fied. The  decrees  of  this  conference  were  carried 
out  by  the  abbats.  What  these  regulations  were, 
it  will  be  useful  to  mention;  for  unfortunately  " re- 
formation"  has  a  bad   sound  in  England,  and,   in 

overlooked  the  fact  that  eminent  personal  sanctity  does  not  necessarily 
imply  those  gifts  which  a  governor,  unless  he  is  to  fail,  must  possess. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  St.  Edmund  fell  foul  of  every  one  from  the  highest 
to  the  lowest,  priest  and  laymen,  with  whom  his  great  office  brought 
him  in  contact.  Bishop  Stubbs  with  his  "best  of  archbishops"  (Ger- 
vase  of  Canterbury,  II.  p.  xx.)  falls  into  the  same  mistake.  Edmund's 
sudden  retirement  to  the  cistercian  monastery  of  Pontigny  seems 
evidence  that  the  saint  recognised  himself,  and  had  the  courage  to  act 
on  the  knowledge. 

1  Wilkins,  Concilia,  vol.  i.  p.  653. 


128  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

the  popular  mind,  "reformation  of  monks"  implies 
a  state  of  immorality  and  vice  as  existent.  While 
on  one  hand  it  would  be  idle  to  deny  that,  among 
so  many,  some  few  might  be  found  who  were  un- 
worthy, this  is  only  to  say  that  human  nature  exists, 
and  is  never  destroyed.  But  when  the  aim  of  the 
monk's  life  is  considered,  the  safeguards  with  which 
he  is  surrounded,  and  the  public  opinion,  both  in 
and  out  of  the  monastery,  it  is  impossible  for  any  un- 
prejudiced mind,  in  face  of  the  facts,  for  a  moment 
to  entertain  the  idea  that  monasteries  could  ever, 
unchecked,  get  to  a  depth  of  depravity  such  as  the 
vulgar,  for  whom  tradition  has  been  falsified,  love 
to  imagine.  The  reforms,  of  which  we  give  a 
summary,  instituted  by  Otho,  with  the  cordial  con- 
sent of  the  abbats,  show  in  what  direction  changes 
were  considered  desirable. 

Monks  were  not  to  be  professed  before  twenty 
years  of  age ;  novices,  after  their  probation,  were 
either  to  be  professed  at  once  or  dismissed ;  no 
payment  was  to  be  exacted  from  those  who  wished 
to  enter  as  monks ;  no  monk  to  have  anything  of 
his  own ;  they  were  not  to  farm  landed  property ; 
no  monk  is  to  be  set  to  a  charge  which  will  require 
him  to  live  alone  ;  all  officers,  three  times  a  year, 
have  to  give  in  their  accounts ;  the  abbat  once  a 
year  to  all  his  community ;  possessors  of  private 
property  were  to  be  punished ;  silence  duly  ob- 
served ;  flesh  meat  forbidden  (this  was  modified 
two  years  later) ;   monks  to  be  properly  clothed,  to 


CHRONICLES   OF  THE    CONGREGATION       129 

sleep  in  one  common  dormitory,  all  to  be  present 
at  divine  office,  at  least  for  collation  and  compline ; 
abbats  and  prelates  to  be  moderate  in  their  equipages 
and  expenditure,  &c. 

No  word,  no  hint  of  any  deep-seated  depravity, 
but  only  an  endeavour  to  recall  the  monk  to  those 
observances  which  hedge  in  the  higher  paths  to 
which  he  had  bound  himself  by  his  vows. 

We  have  now  to  consider  the  question  of  the  alien 
priories,  which  were  found  to  be  a  somewhat  disturb- 
ing element  in  English  monasticism  as  being  under 
foreign  influence  (this  holds  good  in  particular  of 
the  cluniac  houses),  and  ruled  according  to  foreign 
modes  of  thought.  The  Normans,  when  they  came 
to  England,  left  friends  behind  them.  They  were 
also  descendants  of  the  founders  of  many  noble 
monasteries.  It  was  but  natural  that  the  conquerors 
should  wish  to  share  the  sweets  of  victory  with  their 
friends.  Consequently  they  gave  English  churches 
and  tithes  and  manors  to  Norman  and  French  abbeys. 
The  monks  of  these  houses  abroad,  in  order  to 
protect  their  rights,  and  gather  in  their  rents  and 
dues,  built  cells  or  small  convents  on  their  newly 
acquired?  property.  This  was  the  origin  of  the  alien 
priories,  which  existed  simply  and  solely  for  the 
benefit  of  foreign  prelates.  Having  for  the  most 
part  no  interest  in  England  except  material  profit, 
these  alien  priories  formed  the  weak  spot  in  monastic ' 
affairs ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  the  civil  power 
had  to  take  cognisance  of  their  existence. 

vol.  1.  1 


X3o  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

The  houses  were  of  two  kinds.  Some,  regular 
convents,  only  paying  a  yearly  tribute  (apportus)  to 
the  house  abroad ;  and  others,  depending  entirely 
upon  the  foreign  prelates,  who  appointed  at  will 
superiors  and  subjects,  with  the  main  duty  of  reap- 
ing a  harvest,  and  promoting  the  interest  of  those 
at  home.  As  can  be  easily  understood,  the  English 
found  in  these  alien  houses  had  to  accommodate 
themselves  to  the  law  of  those  with  whom  they  had 
incorporated  themselves.  The  fact,  too,  that  the 
monks  were  far  away  from  their  own  superiors  over 
the  seas  naturally  opened  the  door  to  abuses.  The 
general  chapter  began  to  take  the  matter  in  hand, 
and  summoned  the  superiors  to  attend  the  meetings 
under  pain  of  excommunication,  unless  they  could 
show  due  cause  of  exemption.  But  before  anything 
effectual  could  be  done,  the  civil  power  took  up  the 
question.1 

King  John  began  the  work  and  made  the  priories, 
then  eighty-one  in  number,  pay  into  his  hands  the 
money  they  used  to  send  abroad.2  But  in  1294, 
on  the  occasion  of  his  war  for  the  recovery  of 
Guienne,  Edward,  among  other  means  of  extorting 

1  From  first  to  last  there  were  between  ioo  and  150  of  these  alien 
priories.  "  The  cluniac  houses  alone  during  the  reign  of  Edward  III. 
are  said  to  have  forwarded  no  less  than  ^2000  a  year  (about  ,£60,000 
of  our  money)  to  the  monastery  at  Cluni.  When  France  and  England 
were  at  peace,  this  transmission  of  wealth  out  of  the  country  was 
tolerated  by  the  English  rulers  ;  war  however  brought  the  subject 
prominently  before  them,  and  led  to  various  acts  of  suppression  and 
confiscation"  (Dom  Gasquet,  vol.  i.  p.  42). 

2  Canon  Dixon,  History  of  the  Church  of  England,  vol.  i.  p.  321. 


CHRONICLES   OF   THE   CONGREGATION       131 

money,  seized  all  the  alien  priories  and  used  their 
revenues  for  the  purposes  of  war;  and,  to  prevent 
the  foreign  monks  from  acting  as  spies  and  helping 
his  enemies,  he  removed  them  twenty  miles  from 
the  sea-coast.1 

So  convenient  a  way  of  getting  money,  with  the 
additional  pleasure  of  knowing  it  was  hampering 
the  enemy,  was  sure  to  commend  itself  to  other 
kings.  Edward  II.,  and  then  Edward  III.  (who  at 
first  had  restored  many  of  them)  pursued  the  same 
policy. 

Not  only  the  king,  but  Parliament  also  saw  the 
danger  of  these  houses.  Several  acts  had  been 
passed  declaring  it  unlawful  for  religious  persons 
to  send  money  to  their  houses  beyond  the  seas. 
And  a  few  years  after  the  conclusion  of  the  peace 
with  France  (1361),  Parliament  pointed  out  that, 
"  in  consequence  of  the  priories  and  other  religious 
houses  subject  to  foreign  monasteries  being  filled 
with  Frenchmen  who  acted  as  spies,"  such  houses 
were  danger-spots  in  the  whole  body  politic. 

In  the  earlier  years  of  Edward  III.,  some  of  these 
monasteries  became  naturalised  or  made  denizen  on 
their  own  petition.2 

1  Ibid. 

2  In  the  cluniac  houses,  which  in  course  of  time  numbered  English 
subjects,  there  was  for  long  a  feeling  of  dissatisfaction,  which  at  last 
found  vent  in  a  petition  to  Parliament  (1330)  stating  their  grievances, 
and  asking  for  a  remedy.  The  causes  of  such  dissatisfactions  may  be 
sufficiently  gathered  from  the  record  of  the  visitations  published  by 
Sir  G.  F.  Duckett.  "  For  example,  the  monks  of  Thetford  abbey  re- 
presented that  the  appointment  of  their  superior  was  in  the  hands  of 


132  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

At  last  some  of  the  foreign  houses  began  to  sell 
their  English  property  for  what  they  could  get. 
Under  Henry  IV.  their  position  became  every  day 
more  precarious.  The  outcries  of  the  Lollards 
against  the  wealth  of  the  abbeys,  and  the  clamours 
not  only  for  their  confiscation  but  for  that  of  all 
church  property,  pointed  out  the  approaching  doom 
of  at  least  the  alien  priories.  Henry  V.  in  14 14 
took  the  final  step,  and  suppressed  them  all.  Their 
estates  were  vested  in  the  Crown,  and  were  mostly 
bestowed  upon  other  monasteries  or  schools.  In 
the  instructions  drawn  up  for  his  ambassador  to  the 
Council  of  Basle,  where  it  was  thought  some  of 
the  foreign  houses  would  attempt  to  regain  their 
property,  Henry  V.  declares  he  had  applied  to  the 
pope  (Martin  V.)  for  leave  to  convert  the  revenues 
into  endowment  for  religious  houses  and  other 
sacred  purposes.  He  also  says  that  liberal  com- 
pensation had  been  paid  to  the  former  owners  for 
the  loss  of  their  possessions.1 

Suppression  or  absorption  was  the  inevitable  end 
of  the  alien  priories.  Those  houses  which  continued 
as  denizen  priories  had  not  got  rid  of  the  foreign 

the  abbot  of  Cluni.  This  might  have  been  tolerated  when  the  religious 
were  foreigners,  but  not  when  they  and  their  prior  were  all  of  them 
English.  They  wished  therefore  to  be  free  from  their  union  with  the 
French  abbey,  and  from  the  subsidy  required  of  them  by  their  foreign 
brethren.  In  the  same  way  the  priory  of  Holy  Trinity,  York,  asked  to 
be  declared  an  English  foundation  on  the  same  footing  as  other  religious 
houses  "  (Dom  Gasquet,  vol.  i.  p.  48). 

1  Beckington  Correspondence.     Roll  Series,  vol.  ii.  pp.  263-265. 


CHRONICLES   OF  THE   CONGREGATION       133 

influence  when  the  dissolution  came,  and  were  some 
of  the  very  first  to  succumb  to  the  attack. 

Another  great  feature  in  the  Chronicles  of  the 
Congregation  of  English  black  monks  was  the 
terrible  visitation  called  the  "Black  Death,"  in 
1348-49.  Its  effects  were  lasting,  and  had  a  great 
deal  to  do,  as  Dom  Gasquet 1  shows,  in  shaping  the 
course  of  events  leading  to  the  Reformation.  The 
monasteries  felt  the  scourge  to  the  utmost.  For 
instance,  at  Westminster  the  abbat  and  twenty-six 
of  his  monks  succumbed.  The  effect  of  this  terrible 
disaster  was  felt  for  many  succeeding  generations. 
"  According  to  Knighton's  Chronicle  there  existed 
such  distress  and  such  a  universal  '  loosening  of  the 
bonds  of  society'  as  is  'only  to  be  found,'  says 
Mason,  *  in  the  description  of  earthquakes  in  South 
America ; '  whole  villages  died  out,  cities  shrunk 
within  their  walls,  and  the  houses  becoming  unoccu- 
pied, fell  into  ruins.  The  agricultural  population 
suffered  as  severely  as  that  of  the  towns.  The  land 
fell  out  of  cultivation  on  account  of  the  difficulty 
of  securing  labourers,  except  at  enormous  wages. 
Mocks  were  attacked  by  diseases,  and  perished  from 
want  of  herdsmen  to  watch  them.  The  corn  crops, 
which  were  unusually  rich  in  the  year  1348,  rotted 
on  the  ground,  as  no  honest  men  were  to  be  found 
to  reap  them.  The  monastery  of  Christ  Church, 
Canterbury,  even  with  its  rich  endowments,  felt  the 
pinch  of  poverty.     In  asking  from  the  bishop    of 

1  Cf.  "  The  Black  Death,"  passim. 


i34  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

Rochester  the  impropriation  of  the  Church  of 
Westerham  to  help  them  to  keep  up  their  old 
hospitality,  they  pleaded  excessive  poverty,  caused 
by  *  the  great  pestilence  affecting  man  and  beast ! ' 
In  furtherance  of  this  suit  they  forward  to  the 
bishop  a  list  of  their  losses  in  cattle,  which  amount 
to  257  oxen,  511  cows  with  their  calves,  and  4585 
sheep,  estimated  to  be  worth  in  money  ,£792, 
12s.  6d.,  or  more  than  ;£  16,000  of  our  money. 
Nor  is  this  all,  for  they  declare  that  12 12  acres  of 
land  formerly  profitable  to  them  had  been  rendered 
useless  by  an  inundation  of  the  sea,  from  the 
impossibility  of  getting  labourers  to  maintain  the 
sea  walls.1 

The  economic  changes  resulting  from  such  a  visi- 
tation were  tantamount  to  a  social  revolution.  The 
feudal  system  gave  way.  Retainers  could  no  longer 
be  kept  on  a  land  which  failed  to  support  even  the 
owners.  Only  the  largest  landlords  could  possibly 
stand  the  strain.  The  peasant  proprietor  had  to 
give  up  his  holding  and  take  to  trade  or  handicraft 
in  the  town.  In  the  course  of  the  fifteenth  century 
the  old  historic  nobility  of  England  became  so  im- 
poverished, or  reduced  by  the  civil  wars,  that  their 
power  left  them ;  and  a  new  nobility  arose,  who 
looked  to  the  king  and  depended  upon  him  for 
their  lives  and  possessions.  The  direct  outcome 
was  the  despotism  of  the  Tudors,  who  found  none 
to  question  their  wills. 

1  Gasquet,  vol.  i.  pp.  4,  5. 


CHRONICLES   OF   THE   CONGREGATION       135 

One  of  the  immediate  effects  on  the  monasteries 
was  the  diminution  of  the  numbers  of  their  inha- 
bitants. The  times  were  in  a  state  of  upheaval, 
and  were  thus  unfavourable  to  the  development  of 
the  peaceful  benedictine  life.  Comparatively  few 
new  men  came  to  fill  the  ranks  thinned  by  death. 
Roughly  speaking,  the  communities  were  reduced 
to  one  half,  corresponding,  as  far  as  can  be  inferred, 
to  the  reduction  of  the  population. 

After  the  visitation  of  1348-49,  there  had  been  a 
real  difficulty  in  finding  religious  of  mature  age 
and  of  sufficient  experience  to  take  the  place  of 
the  superiors  who  had  succumbed.  This,  together 
with  the  other  causes  we  mentioned,  inevitably 
tended  to  a  relaxation  of  the  higher  life.  In  1422, 
Henry  V.  summoned  the  abbats  and  other  prelates 
to  meet  him  at  Westminster  to  discuss  the  situa- 
tion. It  appears  from  Thomas  of  Walsingham, 
that  certain  false  brethren  had  prejudiced  the  king 
against  the  order  by  asserting  that  many,  both 
abbats  and  monks,  had  fallen  away  from  the  primi- 
tive institution  and  observance  of  the  monastic  state, 
and  that  a  reform  was  urgently  needed.  It  may 
have  struck  the  reader,  on  the  other  hand,  how  all 
along  the  body  was  possessed  of  so  much  strength 
and  vitality,  that  it  was  able  from  time  to  time  to 
shake  off,  without  outside  pressure,  any  relaxations 
and  abuses  which  had  crept  in  unawares.  So  it 
was  in  this  case.  Sixty  abbats  and  other  superiors, 
together  with  over  three  hundred  monks,  assembled 


136  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

at  Westminster.1  The  king,  accompanied  by  only 
four  persons,  went  to  meet  them  in  the  chapter- 
house, and  at  his  request  Edmund  Lacy,  bishop 
of  Exeter,  one  of  his  suite,  addressed  the  monks. 
Then  the  king  himself  reminded  them  of  the  piety 
of  his  ancestors  and  others,  in  the  foundation  and 
support  of  so  many  religious  houses  ;  he  expected 
them  to  remedy  any  abuses  which  they  might  find 
to  exist,  and  to  return  to  the  former  strictness  which 
of  old  had  made  the  orders  so  renowned.  And 
here  it  may  be  mentioned  in  passing  how  the  kings 
of  England,  comparing  in  this  with  the  kings  of 
France,  had  always  fostered,  protected,  and  defended 
the  benedictines,  until  the  days  of  the  despoiler 
Henry  VIII. ;  not  only  protecting  them  in  their 
material  interests,  but  by  showing  a  regard  for 
their  best  and  highest  welfare.  The  premier  abbat, 
William  Heyworth  of  St.  Albans,  presided  at  the 
following  deliberations,  and  several  articles  were 
agreed  upon  and  drawn  up,  to  be  presented  to 
the  next  general  chapter  for  approval.2  From  the 
decrees  we  see  the  nature  of  the  reforms,  which 
were  entirely  on  the  lines  of  former  regulations. 
The  abbats  are  to  moderate  their  style  of  living, 
they  are  to  live  more  among  their  brethren ; 3  once 

1  It  is  useful  to  note  how  large  these  gatherings  were,  and  how  truly- 
representative  of  all  interests. 

2  Wilkins,  Concilia,  vol.  iii.  pp.  413-427. 

3  This  was  evidently  a  weak  point,  and  the  very  greatness  of  their 
position  was  a  real  drawback  in  the  case  of  men  of  a  less  high  ideal. 


CHRONICLES   OF  THE   CONGREGATION       137 

a  year  they  have  to  give  in  a  full  account  to  the 
monks  of  the  state  of  the  abbey ;  they  are  to  take 
care  of  and  not  alienate  the  monastic  property. 
The  monks  are  to  be  clothed  alike.  The  use  of 
meat  is  regulated,  and  the  monastic  fasts  enforced. 
The  monks  are  not  to  handle  money,  but  are  to 
have  their  wants  supplied  in  kind.  They  are  only 
to  go  out  once  a  year  to  visit  their  friends.  The 
abbat  is  to  supply  them  with  the  necessary  funds, 
for  which  on  return  they  must  account.  He  also 
has  to  supply  suitable  companions  for  the  journey. 
The  old  rule  of  sleeping  in  their  habits  to  be  en- 
forced.1 At  the  general  chapter  that  followed,  most 
of  these  reforms  were  accepted.  One  change  was 
made  as  regards  money  supplied  to  the  monks  for 
any  purposes  of  their  own.  They  were,  at  least 
once  a  year,  to  give  in  an  account  of  what  they 
had  spent,  to  the  abbat,  who  could  at  will  call 
for  such  account.  Any  balance  that  remained  had 
to  be  returned  to  the  house.  As  regards  the  fasts, 
it  was  decreed  that  as  in  all  well-regulated  monas- 
teries they  were  no  longer  observed,  so  instead 
supper  was  not  to  be  allowed  on  those  days,  unless 
to  the  weak  or  old. 


Thomas  de  la  Marc,  Clement  Lichfield,  John  Wheathamstead,  and 
Richard  Whiting,  show  how  a  great  position  might  be  united  with  a 
strict  care  for  their  primary  duties  as  fathers  of  their  convents. 

1  It  must  be  remembered  that  St.  Benedict  legislated  for  the  custom 
of  his  monks  sleeping  in  an  open  dormitory.  Some  form  of  night- 
clothing  was  then  required.  But  in  the  secular  world,  for  centuries 
after,  the  use  of  night-clothes  was  unknown. 


138  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

A  new  season  of  vigour  came  over  the  body. 
And  when,  a  hundred  years  after,  the  dissolution 
came,  it  found  the  greater  majority  of  the  houses 
of  the  black  monks  living  lives  in  edifying  obser- 
vances. All,  both  monks  and  abbats,  seem  to  have 
risen  to  a  sense  of  the  requirement  of  the  time. 
Piety  and  learning  were  flourishing  in  their  houses 
at  the  moment  when  the  hand  of  the  destroyer 
was  laid  upon  them,  and  the  tendency  was  always 
in  the  upward  direction. 

But  before  taking  up  the  story  of  the  dissolution, 
we  must  just  give  a  glance  at  the  state  of  Benedic- 
tinism  on  the  continent.  For  although  the  English 
houses  were  independent  of  all  foreign  control,  as 
they  were  independent  of  one  another,  yet  still,  as 
brethren  united  by  an  intimate  tie  of  far  more  effici- 
ency than  any  outer  bond,  they  were  influenced  by 
and  felt  the  effects  of  a  revival  that  was  going  on 
simultaneously  in  Italy  and  Spain  and  Germany. 
As  these  movements  had  a  most  important  bearing 
upon  the  history  of  the  benedictines  of  England 
after  the  Reformation,  a  word  as  to  their  nature 
and  history  is  here  necessary. 

The  great  cause  of  the  decline  of  the  benedictine 
life  on  the  continent,  and  especially  in  Italy  and 
France,  was  the  hateful  system  of  commendam} 
Laymen  got  possession  of  the  revenues  of  monas- 

1  Commendam  never  obtained  in  England.  The  only  case  as  regards 
the  abbeys  was  that  of  Wolsey,  who  held  the  abbey  of  St.  Albans  in 
commendam  ( 1 5  2 1 ). 


CHRONICLES   OF   THE  CONGREGATION       139 

teries  and  bestowed  them  on  their  children,  who 
received  the  tonsure  only  to  avoid  the  law  forbid- 
ding any  but  clerics  to  hold  ecclesiastical  benefices. 
To  such  a  pitch  did  the  evil  get,  that  mere  chil- 
dren held  abbacies;  who  when  they  arrived  at 
man's  estate  differed  in  their  mode  of  life  no- 
thing from  the  laymen  about  them.  Certain  abbeys 
had  come  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  ordinary  pro- 
vision for  the  support  of  cadets  of  noble  houses. 
The  monks  were  themselves  to  blame  in  great 
part  for  a  state  which  cut  at  the  very  root  of 
monastic  life.  They  had  allowed  the  income  to 
be  divided  into  two  portions ;  one  for  themselves 
and  one  for  the  abbat.  This  last  became  a  "  bene- 
fice" ;  and  so  an  object  of  ambition  on  the  part  of 
crafty  and  unscrupulous  persons.  Then,  moreover, 
the  portion  allotted  to  the  support  of  the  monks 
became  cut  up  and  subdivided  among  the  various 
officers  charged  with  the  administration  of  the 
house.  These  also  became  looked  upon  as  bene- 
fices, and  were  bought  and  sold  and  given  away. 
No  wonder  was  it,  then,  with  this  break-up  of  the 
common  life,  that  the  family  idea,  and  with  it  mon- 
astic discipline,  decayed.  Once  the  system  was 
introduced,  those  houses  in  which  there  was  no 
division  were,  if  anything,  worse  off,  for  their 
commendatory  abbats  possessed  the  whole  income, 
and,  almost  without  exception,  concerned  them- 
selves with  drawing  the  revenues  and  assigning  a 
small  pitance  to  the  wretched  and  dwindling  com- 


i4o  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

munity,  who  had  fallen  into  the  position  of  mere 
rent-charges. 

The  natural  remedy  would  seem  to  have  been  the 
reassertion  of  community  life  and  of  the  rights  of 
electing  their  own  abbat  and  governing  themselves ; 
but  such  was  the  temper  of  the  times,  that  all  efforts 
at  remedying  the  evil  seemed  in  vain.  Thirty 
synods  had  been  held,  and  popes  had  issued  decree 
after  decree,  but  all  had  been  ineffectual.  At  last 
the  man  appeared  who  should  make  the  practice  of 
commendam  no  longer  possible  among  black  monks. 
Barbo,  abbat  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Justina  at 
Padua,  began  the  work  and  achieved  it  by  what  was 
no  less  than  a  complete  revolution  in  the  theory  of 
benedictine  government.  He  constructed  a  system, 
which,  if  it  did  not  directly  cut  away  the  root  of  the 
evil,  at  least  killed  its  offshoots,  and  stood  ready  to 
snip  the  bud  of  any  attempt  at  future  growth.  In 
his  reform  no  officer,  not  even  the  abbat,  was  to  be 
appointed  for  a  term  of  more  than  three  years. 
Hence  there  could  be  no  vested  rights  in  an  office, 
or  anything  approaching  the  nature  of  a  benefice. 
By  ordering  a  triennial  chapter  at  which  all  officers 
had  to  give  in  an  account  of  their  administration,  it 
was  out  of  the  power  of  any  one  to  appropriate,  or 
wish  to  retain,  the  property  which  belonged  to  all. 
A  return  was  made  to  the  common  life  both  for 
abbats  and  monks,  and  the  income  was  no  longer 
divided.  When  this  system  was  developed  and 
other  abbeys  joined  on  to  the  reform  of  St.  Justina, 


CHRONICLES   OF  THE   CONGREGATION       141 

the  election  of  abbats,  &c.,  was  vested  in  the  general 
chapter  alone ;  thus  securing  at  least  freedom  of 
choice  from  outward  interference.  The  reform  of 
St.  Justina,  a  drastic  remedy  for  a  terrible  disease, 
was  successful  and  rapidly  spread  through  Italy ; 
and  when  Monte  Cassino  itself  adopted  it,  Julius  II. 
gave  the  name  of  "  Cassinese  Congregation "  to 
the  whole  body  of  these  reformed  benedictines  of 
Italy. 

The  monasteries  of  Spain  took  up  some  of  the 
features  of  this  reform  from  Italy ;  and  the  famous 
congregation  of  Valladolid  formed  itself  in  many 
respects  on  similar  lines  to  those  of  St.  Justina's 
abbey. 

In  Germany,  too,  the  movement  spread ;  and  the 
great  congregation  of  Bursfeld  took  its  beginning 
from  John  Dederoth,  abbat  of  Eheinhausen,  after- 
wards of  Bursfeld,  which  house  became  the  centre 
of  the  reform.  The  statutes  of  Bursfeld  were  gradu- 
ally introduced  elsewhere,  until  at  last  it  began  to 
be  looked  upon  as  the  central  house  of  the  reformed 
monks  of  Germany.  A  general  chapter  was  held 
in  1446;  and  by  1502  no  less  than  ninety  houses 
were  on  its  roll.  The  Bursfeld  Union  made  no 
such  break  with  tradition  as  did  the  Cassinese. 
The  abbats  were  elected  for  life. 

In  France  a  closer  union  of  the  black  monks  did 
not  take  place  until  the  seventeenth  century,  when 
the  congregations  of  St.  Maur  and  St.  Vannes  re- 
newed the  benedictine  glories  of  France.     But  the 


142  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

revolution  in  government,  instituted  by  Barbo  to 
remedy  an  evil,  brought  with  it  an  inherent  weak- 
ness which  in  time  developed  itself.  This,  the 
break-up  of  the  family,  a  fundamental  idea  of  St. 
Benedict,  was  the  price  that  had  to  be  paid. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

THE    DOWNFALL 

In  the  previous  chapter  we  have  seen  events  in 
England,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  shaping  them- 
selves in  such  a  direction  that,  granted  a  man  like 
Henry  VIII.,  he  might  turn  them  to  his  own  ad- 
vantage with  but  little  fear  of  consequences  disas- 
trous to  his  own  position.  And  while  the  events 
we  are  now  going  to  discuss  resulted  practically 
from  the  system  he  represented,  they,  by  the  law- 
less procedure  characterising  them,  in  their  turn 
reacted  upon  it,  and  made  the  Tudor  despotism  a 
yet  more  potent  weapon  for  evil  in  the  hands  of 
unscrupulous  men. 

The  trend  of  political  and  social  events  had  of 
recent  years  the  effect  of  making  monasteries  in 
general  unpopular  with  those  parties  in  the  state 
who  looked  to  the  king  as  the  author  of  all  their 
prosperity.  Though  they  evidently  were  not  un- 
popular with  people  at  large,  at  any  rate  their  great 
wealth  was  tempting  to  the  Crown.  And  there  were 
courtiers  who  said  these  were  institutions  which 
might  easily  become  strongholds  of  the  pope's 
authority. 


144  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

Henry  VIII.  ascended  the  throne  in  1509,  and 
for  many  years  won  golden  opinions  from  his 
subjects.  If  given,  perhaps,  rather  too  much  to 
pleasure  and  prodigality,  these  were,  it  was  hoped, 
but  faults  of  a  generous  youth  which,  in  time, 
would  give  way  to  the  staider  and  graver  virtues 
becoming  a  ruler.  The  minister  upon  whom  he 
relied  in  everything  was  Wolsey,  archbishop  of 
York,  chancellor  of  the  realm,  and  cardinal  of 
the  Eoman  Church.  This  great  man,  who  has 
never  had  justice  done  to  him1  (for  great  he  was 
in  spite  of  many  failings  arising  mainly  from  his 
position  and  the  corruption  of  the  times),  had  arrived 
at  the  height  of  his  power.  In  temporal  matters  he 
was  practically  supreme.  "  He  is  the  person  who 
rules  both  the  king  and  the  entire  kingdom," 2  says 
a  foreign  ambassador.  The  cardinal  wanted  powers 
as  extensive  in  ecclesiastical  matters.  Perhaps,  had 
he  had  them  at  first,  and  had  reached  to  the  papacy 
he  was  aspiring  after,  Wolsey  might  have  come 
down  to  all  times  as  the  pope  who  had  initiated 
the  reform  in  head  and  members  that  for  a  century 
had  been  asked.  His  principles  were  excellent ; 
when  he  had  a  free  hand  and  no  ulterior  aim  in 
view,  we  can  see  the  lines  he  would  have  worked 
on.     But  this  by  the  way. 

1  The  way  in  which  he  spent  the  last  months  of  his  life  in  his  own 
diocese  of  York,  showed  that  he  possessed  qualities  which  had  never 
had  full  play  ;  and  if  he  had  not  been  a  great  statesman  he  might 
have  been  one  of  the  greatest  prelates  of  modern  times. 

2  Quoted  by  Dom  Gasquet,  vol.  i.  p.  68. 


THE   DOWNFALL  145 

In  due  course,  and  after  much  pressure,  Wolsey 
did  receive,  as  legate,  powers  perhaps  more  ample 
than  had  ever  been  given.  But  he  had  already 
committed  himself  to  a  policy  which  proved  his 
ruin,  and  therefore  his  legateship  was  not  advan- 
tageous to  the  Church.  Unfortunately,  he  also 
thereby  accustomed  the  people  to  see  vested  in 
the  hands  of  one  man,  the  supreme  power  both 
in  Church  and  State.  It  was  not  so  difficult,  then, 
for  them  to  acquiesce,  later  on,  when  Henry  took 
into  his  own  hands  the  powers  his  minister  had 
wielded. 

The  cardinal  wanted  money.  He  had  magni- 
ficent tastes,  and  was  a  founder  of  colleges  and 
palaces.  The  pope  had  reluctantly  given  him  ex- 
tensive powers  of  visitation  over  certain  smaller 
monasteries,  even  with  power  to  suppress  such  of 
them  as  through  fewness  of  numbers  or  poverty  he 
might  judge  to  be  useless.  Their  funds  were  to 
be  applied  to  the  support  of  the  colleges  at  Oxford 
and  Ipswich  he  was  then  founding.  Much  pressure 
was  used  to  force  Clement  VII.  in  1524  to  grant  the 
powers,  and  even  then  the  pope  made  limitations. 
Only  such  monasteries  were  to  be  suppressed  as 
were  absolutely  necessary,  and  only  to  the  total 
amount  of  3000  ducats  a  year.  The  cardinal  set  to 
work,  and  in  spite  of  all  difficulties  suppressed  thirty 
monasteries  in  which  the  number  had  dwindled 
down  to  some  five  or  six,  or  even  fewer  members. 
The  visitors  he  employed  to  go  round  and  inspect 

vol.  1.  k 


146  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

the  houses  were  Allen  and  Thomas  Cromwell,  the 
latter  of  whom  became  so  notorious.  The  visitors 
had  many  complaints  (only  too  well  founded)  made 
about  them  ;  but  this  was  beyond  the  intention  of 
their  master.  Bribery  and  violence  were  the  weapons 
they  mostly  used ;  and  superiors  of  the  threatened 
houses  were  led  to  believe  they  might  buy  off  sup- 
pression by  offering  gifts  to  the  cardinal's  colleges. 
How  much  of  these  gifts  stopped  in  the  hands  of  the 
visitors  it  is  impossible  here  to  say.  But  Cromwell 
turned  out  later  on  such  an  adept  in  the  receipt  of 
bribes,  that  it  is  most  likely  he  proved  his  powers 
on  this  occasion. 

When  Wolsey  was  impeached,  the  complaints 
made  about  the  way  in  which  the  suppression  of  the 
monasteries  was  effected  by  the  cardinal's  agents 
were  not  forgotten.  With  his  fall  Henry  lost  the 
only  check  upon  the  downward  course.  In  the  place 
of  the  fallen  cardinal  was  Thomas  Cromwell,  whose 
appetite  for  suppression  had  been  whetted.  He  had 
seen  practically  how  defenceless  the  monasteries 
were,  and  how  easy  it  would  be  for  the  omnipotent 
Tudor  monarch  to  make  away  with  them  on  any 
convenient  plea  that  could  be  raised  ;  and  also  he 
had  found  out  that  in  the  process  plenty  of  ad- 
vantages would  accrue  to  himself.  The  king  had 
also  cast  his  eyes  on  their  wealth.  And  not  cupidity 
alone  influenced  him  ;  but  he  also  saw  in  them 
institutions  which  might  easily  become,  even  after 
a  final  breach  with  Rome,  means  of  keeping  alive 


THE   DOWNFALL  147 

the  pope's  authority,  which  he  was  now  attacking 
at  its  very  foundation.  Blood  had  already  been 
shed  in  its  defence.  Fisher  and  More,  and  the  Car- 
thusians had  laid  down  their  lives  for  the  doctrine  ; 
and  the  people,  restless  and  disheartened,  were  be- 
ginning to  give  trouble.  Taxation  was  heavy :  but 
the  state  of  the  country  was  such  that  it  could 
not  be  paid.  Cromwell  was  afraid  of  exasperating 
the  people  further  by  levying  new  taxes  which 
Parliament  had  lately  granted  to  meet  the  require- 
ments of  the  king,  who  was,  as  is  clear  from  state 
papers,  at  that  moment  reduced  to  great  straits  for 
want  of  money. 

The  monasteries  offered  themselves  as  an  ex- 
pedient to  the  fertile  brain  of  Cromwell  for  supply- 
ing all  these  wants  and  remedying  the  complaints. 
"  In  determining  to  strike  a  blow  at  the  monastic 
bodies,  Cromwell  had  a  twofold  object,  both  of  which 
appealed  to  the  king's  present  state  of  mind :  to 
overthrow  the  papal  system  in  its  principal  strong- 
holds, and  to  have  the  fingering  of  the  riches  with 
which  the  piety  of  ten  centuries  had  endowed  them. 
By  the  middle  of  the  year  1334,  commissioners  were 
busily  journeying  through  England  tendering  in  the 
oath  of  supremacy  to  the  religious.  No  special  form 
of  oath  had  been  presented  by  Parliament,  so  Crom- 
well took  advantage  of  the  omission.  He  made 
his  agents  tender  to  the  monks  a  renunciation  of 
the  papal  supremacy  and  jurisdiction  much  more 
stringent  and  explicit  than   that  rejected  by  More 


148  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

and  Fisher,  and  already  subscribed  to  by  many  of 
the  secular  clergy.  The  commissioners  appear  to 
have  met  with  only  partial  success.  The  intolerable 
nature  of  the  oath  demanded  seems  to  suggest  that 
the  intention  of  its  framers  was  to  drive  the  religious 
to  refuse,  and  thus  to  create  a  pretext  for  falling 
upon  and  destroying  their  houses."  1 

An  obsequious  Parliament  had  transferred,  along 
with  other  rights  to  the  king  from  the  pope,  the 
power  of  visitation  over  monasteries.  A  royal  com- 
mission was  issued  for  the  inspection  of  all  religious 
houses,  with  an  ulterior  view  to  the  speedy  sup- 
pression of  as  many  as  possible.  The  chief  men 
employed  were  Legh  and  Layton,  Ap  Rice,  London 
and  Bedyll,  men  whose  names  come  down  to  pos- 
terity noted  with  infamy. 

"They  were  furnished  with  a  set  of  eighty-six 
articles  of  inquiry  and  with  twenty-five  injunctions, 
to  which  they  had  power  to  add  much  at  their  dis- 
cretion. The  articles  of  inquiry  were  searching,  the 
injunctions  minute  and  exacting.  Framed  in  the 
spirit  of  three  centuries  earlier,  unworkable  in 
practice,  and  enforced  by  such  agents,  it  is  easy  to 
understand,  even  were  there  no  written  evidence 
of  the  fact,  that  they  were  galling  and  unbearable 
to  the  helpless  inmates  of  the  monasteries.  .  .  .  All 
religious  under  twenty-four  years  of  age,  or  who 
had  been  professed  under  twenty,  were  to  be  dis- 
missed from   the    religious    life.     Those   who   were 

1  Gasquet,  vol.  i.  pp.  247,  248. 


THE   DOWNFALL  149 

left  became  practically  prisoners  in  their  monas- 
teries. No  one  was  allowed  to  leave  the  precincts 
(which  even  in  the  larger  monasteries  were  very 
confined  as  to  limit)  or  to  visit  there.  In  many 
instances  porters,  who  were  in  reality  gaolers,  were 
appointed  to  see  this  impossible  regulation  was 
kept.  What  was  simply  destruction  of  all  discipline 
and  order  in  the  monasteries  was  an  injunction  that 
every  religious,  who  wished  to  complain  of  anything 
done  by  his  superior  or  any  of  his  brethren,  was  to 
have  the  right  of  appeal  to  Cromwell.  To  facilitate 
this,  the  superior  was  ordered  to  find  any  subject 
the  money  and  means  for  prosecuting  any  such 
appeals  in  person  if  he  so  desired." 1 

The  object  was  clearly  to  drive  the  monks  in 
desperation  to  surrender  their  houses,  and  thus 
save  the  king  from  the  necessity  of  turning  them 
out  of  house  and  home.  Another  plan,  in  order  to 
give  a  colour  to  the  project,  was  to  see  whether  by 
any  possibility  scandals,  or  even  any  suspicions  of 
scandal,  might  be  found.  The  visitors,  as  is  clear 
from  their  own  letters,  were  determined  that  scandals 
should  be  found,  and  they  scrupled  not  by  threats 
to  extort,  or  to  invent  so-called  confessions :  nay, 
even  themselves  to  tempt  to  sin  the  helpless  women 
in  their  power. 

Dom  Gasquet  has  once  for  all  vindicated  the 
memory  of  the  monks  and  nuns  of  England  at  the 
time   of  the    dissolution,   and   with    masterly  hand 

1  Gasquet,  vol.  i.  pp.  255,  256. 


ISO  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

analyses  and  shows  the  worthlessness  of  the  royal 
testimony  upon  which  Parliament  acted  in  decree- 
ing the  suppression  of  the  lesser  monasteries.  Six 
weeks  only  did  these  worthy  styled  commissioners 
spend  in  visiting  the  monasteries  and  finding  out 
the  state  of  religion.  Short  though  the  time  was 
for  any  real  inquiry,  it  was  enough  for  the  end  they 
had  in  view.  Their  reports  were  sent  in  to  Crom- 
well in  time  for  the  opening  of  Parliament  in 
February  1536.  These  reports,  the  only  evidence 
that  ever  existed  against  the  monasteries,  are  pre- 
served to-day  in  the  State  Paper  Office,  and  after  a 
careful  examination  Dom  Gasquet  says  they  are 
utterly  valueless  as  proofs  of  anything  more  than 
"  that  these  commissioners  were  ready  to  bring  any 
accusation  against  the  monks,  and  that  the  fair 
name  of  many,  who  possibly  never  heard  anything 
of  the  matter,  was  blackened  by  mere  reckless 
assertions."  1 

Parliament  met  on  the  4th  February.  The  only 
evidence  laid  before  the  nation,  in  the  very  words 
of  the  preamble  to  the  Act  passed  by  a  packed 
House  of  Commons  to  legalise  the  suppression,  was 
the  king's  own  assertion  that  the  reports  of  the 
commissioners  were  true,  and  his  own  testimony 
that    he    had    received    credible    information    that 

1  Layton,  e.g.,  writes  from  York  to  Cromwell,  January  13,  1536: 
"  This  day  we  begin  with  St.  Mary's,  whereas  we  suppose  to  find  much 
evil  disposition,  both  in  the  abbat  and  the  convent,  whereof,  God  will- 
ing, I  shall  certify  you  in  my  next  letter"  (Three  Chapters  of  Letters  re- 
lating to  the  Suppression  of  Monasteries  (Camden  Society),  p.  97). 


THE   DOWNFALL  151 

vicious  living  was  rampant  in  the  smaller  monas- 
teries. On  the  king's  word  alone,  and,  as  far  as 
we  know,  without  any  further  inquiry  or  even 
examination  of  witnesses,  Parliament  prayed  the 
king  to  suppress  and  to  take  the  property  of  such 
monasteries  as  had  an  income  under  ^200  a  year. 
On  the  strength,  too,  of  the  royal  word,  Parliament 
also  publicly  thanks  God  that  in  "  divers  and  great 
Solemn  Monasteries  of  the  realm,  religion  is  right 
well  kept  and  observed." 

It  must  also  be  noted  that  the  Act  does  not  give 
the  property  of  these  monasteries  absolutely  to  the 
king,  but  only  "  in  as  ample  a  manner  "  as  they  were 
possessed  by  their  former  owners  ;  that  is,  in  trust  for 
God  and  the  poor.  It  was  by  no  means  the  inten- 
tion to  grant  them  for  the  purpose  to  which  Henry 
illegally  afterwards  applied  them. 

"  It  was  ordered  also  that  the  king  should  provide 
occupation  and  pensions  for  the  monks  not  trans- 
ferred to  other  monasteries.  It  was  further  enacted 
that  on  the  site  of  every  dissolved  religious  house, 
the  new  possessor  would  be  bound  under  heavy 
penalties  to  provide  hospitality  and  service  for  the 
poor,  such  as  had  been  given  them  previously  by  the 
religious  foundations.  By  this  provision  not  only  is 
the  patrimony  of  the  poor  recognised  as  being  seized 
in  the  property  of  the  monasteries,  but  a  testimony 
is  afforded  as  to  the  way  the  religious  had  hitherto 
discharged  their  obligations  in  this  respect.  The 
neglect  of  these  rights  of  the  needy  by  those  who 


152  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

became  possessed  of  the  confiscated  property  is  one 
of  the  greatest  blots  on  our  national  history.  It 
has  caused  the  spoliation  of  monastery  and  convent 
to  be  regarded  as  the  rising  of  the  rich  against  the 
poor."1 

To  reconcile  the  people,  Cromwell  sent  into  the 
country  preachers  "who  went  about  to  preach  and 
persuade  the  people  that  he  could  employ  the 
ecclesiastical  revenues  in  hospitals,  colleges,  and 
other  foundations  for  the  public  good,  which  would 
be  a  better  use  than  that  they  should  support  lazy 
and  useless  monks." 2 

These  preachers  spread  abroad  also  that  the  money 
gained  for  these  smaller  monasteries  would  save  the 
nation  from  any  future  taxation.  Taxation  already 
ground  them  down  to  an  intolerable  state  ;  and  this 
measure  was  held  out  to  them  as  a  promise  of  relief. 
The  prospect  of  a  share  in  the  spoils,  it  was  hoped, 
would  quiet  them,  at  least  outwardly,  for  the  time. 
Moreover,  distinct  affirmations  were  made  that  the 
king  had  no  intention  of  touching  the  great  houses. 
It  was  only  the  iniquity  which  existed  in  the  smaller 
monasteries  which  forced  so  pious  a  prince  to  sup- 
press them. 

Having  got  legal  colour  for  his  work,  the  king 
appointed  a  court,  "the  court  of  Augmentations,"  to 
deal  with  the  property  of  the  monasteries.    Surveyors 

1  Gasquet,  vol  i.  p.  311. 

2  Marillacy    the    French    ambassador.       Inventaire    Analytique    de 
Archives,  ed.  Kanleck,  No.  242. 


THE   DOWNFALL  153 

were  promptly  selected  to  go  round  and,  aided  by 
the  local  gentry,  decide  which  monasteries  came 
under  the  limit  of  ^200  a  year.1  The  surveyors 
were  instructed  to  make  inventories  of  all  plate, 
jewels,  and  other  goods  and  property,  to  take  pos- 
session of  all  deeds  and  muniments,  and  also  of  the 
convent  seal.  They  were  to  lay  a  charge  on  the 
superior  to  take  care  of  the  king's  property  until 
he  was  released.  The  rest  of  the  community  were 
dismissed ;  to  other  monasteries  if  they  could  find 
admission  ;  or,  if  not,  they  were,  with  "  some  reason- 
able reward,"  sent  adrift  in  the  world.2 

"The  system  was  the  same  in  all  cases,  and  the 
history  of  one  dissolution  is  that  of  all.  What  the 
arrival  of  the  six  royal  commissioners  with  their 
retinue  of  servants  at  monastery  and  convent  must 
have  been  to  the  inmates  can  be  well  imagined.  The 
Act  of  dissolution,  it  is  true,  had  saved  them  from 
the  necessity,  to  which  many  of  their  more  power- 
ful brethren  were  constrained,  of  surrender.  Their 
houses,  which  pious  benefactors  had  built  genera- 

1  Whenever  the  local  gentry,  who  would  naturally  know  more  of  the 
reputation  of  any  convent  than  the  Government  surveyor,  pleaded  for 
the  preservation  of  a  house  and  bore  witness  "  that  religion  was  right 
well  observed,"  they  made  no  impression  upon  Cromwell. 

2  What  the  effect  of  all  these  misdeeds  was  on  a  foreigner  we  see 
from  a  letter  written  July  8,  1536,  by  Chapuys,  who  says:  "It  is  a 
lamentable  thing  to  see  a  legion  of  monks  and  nuns,  who  have  been 
chased  from  their  monasteries,  wandering  miserably  hither  and  thither 
seeking  means  to  live  ;  and  several  honest  men  have  told  me  that  what 
with  monks,  nuns,  and  persons  dependent  on  the  monasteries  sup- 
pressed, there  were  over  20,000  who  knew  not  how  to  live "  (Calendar 
S.P.  Hen.  VIII. ,  vol.  xi.  No.  42). 


154  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

tions  before,  and  in  which,  for  centuries,  men  and 
women  of  their  order  had  served  God  and  aided 
their  neighbours,  were  passing  away  from  them  for 
ever;  and  the  demand  for  and  defacing  of  their 
convent  seal  was  the  ending  of  their  corporate  life. 
Henceforth  they  were  to  pass  the  remainder  of  their 
days  as  strangers  in  a  larger  house,  or  as  wandering 
in  a  world  which  many  had  left  years  before,  and  to 
which  they  could  never  belong.  The  desecration  of 
their  churches,  in  which  they  and  their  forefathers  in 
religion  before  them  had  gathered  by  night  and  by 
day  for  the  service  of  God  ;  the  seizure  for  the  king's 
use  of  their  altar  plate,  in  itself  so  often  poor,  to 
them  always  precious  by  the  association  of  the  past ; 
the  rude  appraising  of  their  bells  and  the  lead  which 
covered  the  roofs  over  their  heads ;  the  hurried  sales  of 
the  mean  furniture  of  their  cells,  and  of  the  contents 
of  church,  cloister,  and  frater,  were  all  so  many  heart- 
rending evidences  of  the  passing  away  of  all  that  for 
which  most  of  the  monks  and  nuns  really  cared." 1 

The  work  began  in  April  1536,  and  took  some 
time  to  complete.  According  to  Stowe,  there  were 
376  houses  dealt  with,  and  the  value  of  their  lands 
alone  was  some  ^3 2,000  and  more  a  year.  Of  their 
personal  goods  more  than  ;£  100,000  was  dealt  with, 
and  the  same  authority  considers  that  "  10,000 
people,  masters  and  servants,  had  lost  their  livings 
by  the  pulling  down  of  their  houses  at  that  time." 

Henry  made  some  exceptions.     Fifty-two  houses 

1  Gasquet,  vol.  ii.  pp.  13,  14. 


THE   DOWNFALL  155 

gained  a  respite,  bought  of  course  at  an  enormous 
price,  sometimes  three  times  their  annual  income. 
Dom  Gasquet  points  out  that  several  of  the  houses 
there  re-established  were  among  the  number  of 
those  gravely  defamed  by  Layton  and  Legh,  the 
prime  managers  of  the  visitation  of  1535-36;  and 
in  more  than  one  case  a  superior  incriminated  by 
them  was  reappointed  on  the  new  foundation.1  In 
the  course  of  the  next  year  (1537)  Henry  actually 
founded  one  or  two  monasteries,  one  of  nuns  at 
Stixfold,  to  be  called  "  the  new  monastery  of  King 
Henry  VIII. ,"  and  an  abbey  of  black  monks  at 
Bisham  to  pray  for  the  king  and  Queen  Jane.  The 
king  also  granted  to  the  abbat  (but  lately  abbat  of 
Chertsey,  one  of  the  suppressed  houses)  his  royal 
licence  to  wear  a  mitre  like  any  other  abbat  of  that 
order,  with  large  possessions  in  England.  But  this 
was  not  to  last  long.2 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  do  more  than  refer  to 
the  popular  risings  on  behalf  of  the  monasteries 
in  Lincolnshire  in  the  autumn  of  1536,  nor  of  the 
Pilgrimage  of  Grace  and  other  subsequent  move- 
ments. They  excited  Henry's  bitterest  feelings 
against  the  helpless  monks  whom  he  falsely  accused 
of  fomenting  them.  They  were  the  occasion  of  the 
wholesale  destruction  of  the  monastic  orders.  He 
wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  who  was  charged  to 
put  down  the  rebels  : — 

1  Gasquet,  vol.  ii.  p.  21.  2  Ibid.  p.  33. 


156  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

"  Our  pleasure  is  that  before  you  close  up  our 
banners  again  you  shall  cause  such  dreadful  execu- 
tion to  be  done  upon  a  good  number  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  every  town,  village,  and  hamlet  that  have 
offended  us,  there  may  be  a  fearful  spectacle  to  all 
others  hereafter  that  would  practise  any  like  matter. 
.  .  .  Finally,  forasmuch  as  all  these  troubles  have 
ensued  by  the  solicitation  and  traitorous  conspiracies 
of  the  monks  and  canons  of  these  parts,  we  desire 
you,  at  such  places  as  they  have  conspired  and  kept 
their  houses  with  force  save  the  appointment  at 
Doncaster,  you  shall  without  pity  or  circumstance 
cause  all  the  monks  and  canons  that  be  in  any 
way  faulty,  to  be  tied  up  without  further  delay  or 
ceremony."  1 

Thus  by  force  and  blood  all  opposition  was 
quelled ;  although  the  risings  served  as  a  temporary 
check  upon  the  king's  schemes  for  further  suppres- 
sions. But  a  new  expedient  was  found  for  getting 
hold  of  some  of  the  larger  monasteries  which  had 
hitherto  escaped.  This  was  by  the  attainder  of 
such  abbats  as  could  be  charged  with  high  treason. 
Hitherto  the  penalties  of  attainder  affected  indi- 
viduals, but  not  corporations.  But  Henry  gave  a 
new  interpretation  to  the  law,  and  took  advantage 
of  a  clause  slipped  into  the  recent  act,  which  put 
the  whole  abbey  into  the  power  of  the  king  on  the 
conviction  of  the  abbat  of  high  treason.  Many  of 
the  cistercian,  ckmiac,  and  austin  houses  came  into 

1  Blunt's  History  of  the  Reformation,  p.  365. 


THE   DOWNFALL  157 

the  king's  hands  this  way  soon  after  the  Northern 
risings.  But  there  was  the  way  of  surrender  also 
to  be  made  use  of,  to  give  the  king  legal  posses- 
sion, ''and  every  pressure  was  brought  to  bear  upon 
the  monks  and  nuns  to  induce  them  to  resign  their 
charges  into  Henrys  hands  ; "  1  promises  of  pension 
to  those  who  willingly  consented,  and  threats  of 
being  turned  out  in  utter  destitution  to  those  who 
refused. 

Of  forty  convents  of  women  that  survived  the 
first  dissolution,  thirty-three  are  on  the  rolls  as 
having  surrendered.  But  an  inspection  of  the  ori- 
ginal papers,  says  Dom  Gasquet,  shows  that  in 
twenty-eight  of  the  thirty-three  cases  the  nuns  never 
signed  at  all.  Of  the  others,  one  (Shaftesbury)  is 
signed  by  the  abbess  alone  ;  another  (Tarant)  has 
twenty  signatures,  all  in  the  same  handwriting. 
The  number  of  nuns  turned  adrift  seems  to  have 
been  1560,  more  than  one  half  of  whom  were  bene- 
dictine  dames.2 

The  commissioners  were  instructed,  as  we  have 
seen,  to  try  by  every  means  to  get  a  willing  sur- 
render. But  at  any  rate  they  were  to  get  possession 
of  every  house.  This  all  the  time,  be  it  remembered, 
without  any  sanction  from  Parliament.  Between 
1538  and  1540,  fifty-four  monasteries  of  black  monks, 


1  Gasquet,  vol.  ii.  p.  225. 

2  Ibid.  ii.  pp.  228,  237.  Before  the  dissolution  there  were  eighty- 
four  benedictine  houses  for  women,  and  only  twelve  of  them  were 
worth  more  than  the  ^200  limit  settled  by  Parliament. 


158  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

1300  in  number,  were  cajoled  or  forced  into  sur- 
rendering their  property.  Besides,  under  various 
pretences  Henry  had  deposed  many  superiors  who 
proved  too  staunch  to  the  oath  taken  when  elected, 
and  put  in  their  stead  creatures  of  his  own  to  make 
the  surrender  when  called  upou.  Three  of  the 
abbats,  those  of  Glaston,  Eeading,  and  Colchester, 
condemned  as  it  seems  without  trial  even,  were 
declared  guilty  of  high  treason  and  were  hanged, 
drawn,  and  quartered  on  the  spot  in  which  they  had 
ruled  with  honour  for  many  years.  Nothing  stopped 
the  king,  neither  pity  nor  reverence ;  and  he  rested 
not  until  not  one  house  was  left  of  all  the  monastic 
glories  of  England.  It  is  not  our  purpose  here  to 
go  into  details  of  these  surrenders ;  but  a  tale  could 
be  told  as  bitter  and  as  heartrending  as  any  known. 
It  is  just  the  bare  facts  of  the  dissolution  and  the 
way  it  was  brought  about  that  we  have  wished  to 
set  down  here,1  and  we  will  end  this  chapter  by 
words,  written  indeed  of  St.  Peter's,  Gloucester, 
but  which  may  be  applied  to  any  case  : — 

"  Having  existed  for  more  than  eight  hundred 
years  under  different  forms,  in  poverty  and  in 
wealth,  in  meanness  and  in  magnificence,  in  misfor- 
tune and  in  success,  it  finally  succumbs  to  the  royal 
will ;  the  day  came,  and  that  a  drear  winter  day, 
when  its  last  mass  was  sung,  its  last  censer  waved, 
its  last  congregation  bent  in  rapt  and  lovely  adora- 

1  W.  H.  Hart's  Introduction,  vol.  iii.  pp.  xlix.,  1.,  Hist,  et  Cart.  Mora. 
S.  Petri  Glouces.  (Roll  Series). 


THE   DOWNFALL  159 

tion  before  the  altar  there,  and  doubtless  as  the  last 
tones  of  that  day's  evensong  died  away  in  the 
vaulted  roof,  there  were  not  wanting  those  who 
lingered  in  the  solemn  stillness  of  the  old  massive 
pile,  and  who,  as  the  lights  disappeared  one  by  one, 
felt  that  for  them  there  was  now  a  void  which 
could  never  be  filled,  because  their  old  abbey  with 
its  beautiful  services,  its  frequent  means  of  grace, 
its  hospitality  to  strangers  and  its  loving  care  for 
God's  poor,  had  passed  away  like  an  early  morning 
dream,  and  was  gone  for  ever." 


CHAPTER   IX 

JOHN    FECKNAM,    ABBAT 

The  monasteries  were  destroyed  and  the  inhabi- 
tants dispersed.  Many  of  those  who  received 
pensions1  were  as  soon  as  possible  promoted  to 
livings ;  for  then  their  pensions  ceased.  Others 
there  were  who  sold  their  pensions  for  a  few  years' 
purchase,  so  sore  was  their  need ;  and  then,  their 
money  exhausted,  went  finally  to  swell  the  ever- 
growing crowd  of  beggars  who  after  the  suppression 
were  daily  becoming  a  most  serious  and  dangerous 
element  in  society.  Others,  again,  could  not  go  to 
London  to  receive  their  money ;  for  it  was  at  first 
in  the  capital  only  that  such  pensions  were  paid. 
Some  of  these  allowed  their  pensions  to  lapse  ; 
others  had  to  employ  agents  who,  at  an  enormous 
percentage,  collected  the  money  due.2  The  monas- 
tic colleges  at  the  universities,  particularly  those  of 
Gloucester,  Durham,  and  Canterbury,  were  crowded 
with    monks    who    retired    there   to    continue    their 


1  Only  the  superiors  of  houses  under  ^200  income  were  granted 
pensions. 

2  The  pensions  were  taxed  sometimes  to  the  extent  of  one  fourth  as 

"a  loan"  to  the  king.     Cf.  Gasquet,  vol.  ii.  pp.  463-466. 

160 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  161 

studies  and  find  a  retreat  from  the  world.1  Among 
these  was  a  young  monk  of  Evesham,  John  (Baptist) 
Fecknam,  whose  name  became  illustrious  as  the 
last  abbat  of  Westminster,  and  one  of  the  con- 
fessors of  the  faith  in  the  days  of  queen  Elizabeth. 
As  he  was  the  restorer  of  the  black  monks,  though 
but  for  a  short  while,  and  through  him  comes  the  link 
which  binds  the  English  benedictine  of  to-day  to 
St.  Augustine  and  his  companions,  we  will  sketch 
his  life  from  the  few  details  we  have  been  able  to 
gather.  He  will  serve  as  an  example  both  of  what 
the  dispossessed  monks  had  to  suffer  and  the  manner 
of  men  they  were. 

John  (Baptist)  Fecknam  was  born  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Feckenham  or  Fecknam  in  Worcestershire, 
whence  the  name  by  which  he  is  known  to  history. 
His  family  name  was  Howman,  and  his  parents, 
Humphrey  and  Florence  Howman,  seem  to  have 
been  of  the  yeoman  class  and  fairly  well  off.2  He 
was   born  about    15 15,    or   perhaps    earlier,3  a  few 

1  Wood's  Oxford,  p.  xxiv.,  note. 

2  They  left  a  bequest  of  xls.  to  the  poor  of  Solihull  during  the 
rectorship  of  their  son.  See  an  old  vellum  book  "  containing  the  chari- 
table alms  given  by  way  of  love  to  the  parishoners  of  Solihull,  with 
the  order  of  distribution  thereof,  begun  by  Master  John  Howman  alias 
Fecknam,  priest  and  doctor  of  divinity,  late  parson  of  Solihull  afore- 
said, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  mdxlviii.55  This  manuscript  is  pre- 
served among  the  parish  records  of  Solihull,  and  is  quoted  by  Miss 
E.  T.  Bradley  in  her  Memorials  of  Westminster  Abbey,  p.  163. 

3  It  is  said  that  Fecknam  was  about  sixty  at  the  time  of  his  imprison- 
ment with  the  bishop  of  Ely  in  1579.  If  "about  sixty"  is  to  be  taken 
literally,  his  age  at  the  chief  events  of  his  life  would  be  as  follows  : 
born  about  15 19,  he  would  be  twenty-one  at  the  date  of  the  suppres- 

VOL.  I.  L 


i62  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

years  after  Henry  VIII. 's  accession,  and  received  the 
first  elements  of  his  education  from  the  parish  priest. 
As  Evesham  was  the  nearest  abbey,  it  is  most  likely 
that  he  was  taken  into  the  claustral  school  at 
an  early  age,  and  in  due  course  became  a  monk. 
The  first  definite  statement  we  find  is,  that  in  his 
eighteenth  year  he  was  sent  to  the  benedictine 
establishment  at  Oxford,  Gloucester  Hall.1  But 
whether  this  was  before  he  became  a  monk  is  not 
certain.  From  the  fact  that  a  monk  was  not  allowed 
to  be  professed  till  he  was  twenty,2  it  seems  clearly 
evident,  if  he  entered  the  university  at  eighteen,  that 
he  was  not  then  in  the  habit ;  for  one  can  hardly 
suppose  that  a  mere  novice  would  be  sent  to  Oxford. 
It  is  much  more  probable  that  he  really  went  as 
a  benedictine  student3  to  Gloucester  Hall  to  take 

sion  of  Evesham  ;  thirty  at  his  first  imprisonment ;  dean  of  St.  Paul's  at 
thirty-five  ;  abbat  of  Westminster,  thirty-seven  ;  second  imprisonment, 
forty-one  ;  at  Ely,  sixty  ;  and  died  at  Wisbeach,  sixty-six.  But  these  do 
not  seem  probable.  He  took  his  B.D.  June  1 1,  1 539.  He  would  already 
have  been  at  Oxford  three  years,  and  it  is  morally  certain  he  could  not 
have  gone  there  for  his  divinity  degree  (which  presupposes  that  of  Arts) 
before  his  twentieth  year  at  least.  We  are  inclined  to  put  his  birth 
certainly  not  later  than  1 5 1 5,  making  him,  at  least,  seventy  when  he  died. 

1  A.  Wood,  Athenai  Oxoniensis,  ed.  Bliss,  vol.  i.  p.  507.  "  There  is  no 
doubt,"  says  the  Rev.  Henry  Anstey,  "  that  the  boys,  as  a  rule,  resorted 
to  the  university  at  a  very  early  age,  earlier,  probably,  than  is  usually 
supposed  ;  and  yet  there  appears  to  have  been  no  statutable  limit  as  to 
age,  so  that  it  may  be  assumed  as  certain  that,  while  the  majority  would 
go  from  the  age  of  ten  to  twelve  years  (i.e.  supposing  them  to  commence 
their  education  at  Oxford,  of  which  more  will  be  said  shortly),  there 
would  be  found  also  a  large  number  of  more  mature  age  "  (Introduction 
to  Munimenta  Academica  (Roll  Series),  Part  I.  p.  lvii.). 

2  See  page  89  ante. 

3  "  Every  religious  house  had,  it  would  appear,  its  own  schools,  in 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  163 

his  degree  in  arts,  and  that  after  the  course,  generally 
three  years,  he  returned  to  Evesham  and  took  the 
habit  and  was  professed.1  That  he  probably  returned 
to  Oxford  after  profession  seems  certain  ;  for,  says 
Anthony  a  Wood,  "I  find  him  there  in  1537,  in 
which  year  he  subscribed,  by  the  name  of  John 
Feckenham,  to  a  certain  composition  then  made 
between  Rob.  Joseph,  prior  of  the  said  college,  and 
twenty-nine  students  thereof  on  one  part  (of  which 
number  Feckenham  was  one  of  the  senior),  and  three 
of  the  senior  beadles  of  the  university  on  the  other."  2 
It  must  have  been  shortly  after  June  1539  that  he 
returned  to  Evesham,  where  he  was  set  to  teach  the 
junior  monks,  and  was  perhaps  engaged  in  this 
work  when  the  suppression  came.  For  this  much 
we  know,  that  in  October   1538  he  supplicated  for 

which  its  members  performed  all  their  academical  exercises  previous  to 
inception.  .  .  .  Each  such  religious  house  had  a  school  for  every  purpose, 
grammar  as  well  as  the  higher  faculties,  to  a  great  extent  independent 
of^the  university,  and  yet  a  part  of  it,  and  subject  to  its  general  regula- 
tions and  partaking  of  its  privileges"  (Munimenta  Academica,  p.  lxii.). 

1  In  the  life  of  Eichard  of  Wallingford,  abbat  of  St.  Albans,  we 
get  a  similar  picture,  which  throws  light  on  the  subject.  "When 
hardly  ten  years  old  he  lost  his  father,  and  soon  after  was,  on  account 
of  his  docility  and  promise,  adopted  as  a  son  by  William  of  Kirkby, 
prior  of  Wallingford,  of  good  memory.  Helped  by  his  alms,  he  learnt 
grammar  and  philosophy  at  Oxford  for  about  six  years,  and  taking 
his  degree  in  arts,  according  to  the  custom,  in  the  twentieth  year  of 
his  age  he  bade  adieu  to  the  world,  and  devoutly  received  the  monastic 
habit  in  this  monastery  of  St.  Albans.  After  having  been  exercised 
for  three  years  in  the  religious  life,  he  was  then  sent  to  Oxford  for 
the  study  of  letters  .  .  .  where  he  spent  nine  whole  years  in  philosophy 
and  theology  ...  so  that  he  was  promoted  to  read  the  sentences" 
(Gesta  Abbatum  (Roll  Series),  vol.  ii.  p.  182). 

2  Athence  Oxoniensis,  ed.  Bliss,  vol.  i.  p.  507. 


i64  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

the    degree    of  Bachelor    of  Divinity,   and  took  it 
June   ii,    1539.1 

Clement  Lichfield,  whose  noble  gateway  is  the 
only  vestige  left  of  the  great  monastery  of  Evesham, 
had  been  his  first  abbat.  What  sort  of  man  he  was 
appears  from  the  report  of  the  royal  commissioners, 
who  say  he  was  "  chaste  in  his  living  and  to  right 
well  overlook  the  reparations  of  his  house  "  ;  in  other 
words,  a  good  monk  and  a  good  administrator.  The 
reformer,  Latimer,  who  was  bishop  of  the  diocese, 
calls  him  a  "  bloody  abbat,"  the  evident  animus  and 
certain  vagueness  of  which  may  be  taken  as  praise. 
There  was  no  chance  of  getting  such  a  man  to  sur- 
render his  abbey,  so  the  only  thing  was  to  force 
him  to  resign  his  charge  and  to  place  in  his  stead 
a  more  pliable  man.  From  a  letter  of  March  17, 
1538,  written  to  Cromwell  by  William  Petre,  the 
commissioner,  we  see  how  it  was  done. 

"According  to  your  commandment  I  have  been 
at  Evesham,  and  there  received  the  resignation  of 
the  abbat,  which  he  was  contented  to  make  imme- 
diately upon  the  sight  of  your  lordship's  letters, 
saving  that  he  desired  me  very  instantly  that  I  would 
not  open  the  same  during  the  time  of  my  being 
here,  because,  as  he  said,  it  would  be  noted  that 
he  was  compelled  to  resign  for  fear  of  deprivation." 2 

The  abbat  bowed  to  force  majeure  and  left  his 
monastery.     He  was  promptly  succeeded  by  Philip 

1  Boase,  Register  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  vol.  i.  p.  192. 

2  T.  Wright,  Three  Chapters  of  Letters  (Camden  Soc),  p.  177. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABB  AT  165 

Harford,  "  a  true  friend," 1  who  surrendered 2  the 
abbey  to  the  king  on  January  27,  1540,  and  was 
rewarded  with  a  pension  of  ^240  a  year,3  which  he 
lost  when  he  was  made  dean  of  Worcester  on  the 
suppression  of  that  monastic  chapter.  On  the 
pension-list  appears  the  name  of  John  Fecknam, 
with  a  pension  of  15  marks  (^10)  per  annum.  As 
the  general  pension  for  the  younger  monks  was  10 
marks,  Fecknam  was  doubtlessly  awarded  the  larger 
sum  on  account  of  his  university  degree.  He  went 
back  to  Gloucester  Hall  to  continue  his  studies, 
but  not  for  long,  for  the  bishop  of  Worcester,  John 
Bell,  inviting  him  to  become  his  chaplain,  he 
entered  his  service  until  the  bishop  resigned  in 
1543.4  He  afterwards  joined  Edmund  Bonner,  the 
bishop  of  London;  and  stayed  with  him  till  1549, 
when  he  was  committed  a  prisoner  to  the  Tower  of 
London.  It  must  have  been  while  living  in  London 
that  Fecknam  received  the  living  of  Solihull,  and 

1  Latimer  to  Cromwell.  R.  0.  Crum.  Corr.  XLIX.,  42,  quoted  by 
D.  Gasquet,  vol.  ii.  p.  310. 

2  Dom  Gasquet  points  out  that  there  is  no  deed  of  surrender  and  no 
enrolment  on  the  Close  Roll  (vol.  ii.  p.  310). 

3  Clement  Lichfield  had  paid  ^160  to  the  king  for  the  restoration 
of  his  temporalities,  and  besides  had  to  make  heavy  loans  both  to  the 
king  and  to  the  cardinal.  For  a  whole  year  he  had  to  put  up  twenty- 
four  of  the  royal  household  and  provide  for  them  and  their  horses. 
But  in  sjDite  of  these  drains  on  his  purse  he  did  not  forget  the  house 
of  God.  He  added  to  the  decoration  of  the  choir  and  built  chantries 
in  the  parish  churches  of  All  Saints  and  St.  Lawrence,  in  one  of  which 
he  lies  buried.  The  memory  of  the  "  good  abbat "  remained  for  a  long 
time  cherished  by  Evesham  and  its  inhabitants. 

4  The  Apostolatus,  i.  p.  233,  which  on  the  whole  is  first-rate  authority, 
is  wrong  here  in  giving  the  date  of  1539  (Dugdale,  vol.  i.  p.  578). 


166  THE    ENGLISH    BLACK    MONKS 

began  to  develop  those  oratorical  powers  for  which 
he  became  famous.  His  keen  intellect  made  him 
a  formidable  opponent  in  controversy  with  the  re- 
forming party ;  and  it  was  most  likely  some  public 
utterance  of  his  that  led  to  his  first  imprisonment. 
This  was  the  time  when  the  new  Liturgy  of  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer  was  being  forced  upon 
the  country  under  heavy  penalties.  Home,  later 
on  the  protestant  bishop  of  Winchester,  used  to 
say  that  Fecknam  was  sent  to  the  Tower  because 
he  first  promised  and  then  refused  to  receive  the 
Sacrament  after  the  new  fashion.  But  Stapleton, 
in  the  Counterblast  to  M.  Homes  t  vayne  blaste 
against  M.  Fekenham,1  says,  "  The  cause  of  his 
imprisonment  then,  as  I  understand  by  such  as 
well  knoweth  the  whole  matter,  was  not  about  the 
ministration  of  the  Sacraments,  but  touching  the 
matter  of  Justification  by  only  faith  and  the  fast 
of  Lent ;  like  as  it  doth  appear  in  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury's  records,  he  being  therefore,  in  a 
solemn  session  holden  at  Lambeth  Hall,  convented 
before    M.   Cranmer,    then    archbishop    of    Canter- 

1  This  book  was  really  written  by  Nicholas  Harpsfield,  sometime 
archdeacon  of  Canterbury,  and  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower  from  1559  to 
1575.  Being  himself  a  prisoner,  it  was  not  considered  wise  to  bring 
out  the  book  under  his  own  name.  But  the  fact  that  he  was  a  fellow- 
prisoner  with  Fecknam  at  the  very  time  he  wrote,  makes  the  bio- 
graphical part  of  an  unimpeachable  authority.  It  was  written  about 
the  year  1567-68,  for  the  author  says  :  "  And  God  grant  that  Fecknam, 
after  seven  years'  imprisonment,  may  find  so  much  humanity  and 
favour  as  he  showed  to  others  when  he  was  in  his  prosperity."  See 
Steven's  A  ddition  to  the  Monasticori,  vol.  i.  p.  89. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABB  AT  167 

bury,  and  other  commissioners  appointed  for  that 
matter.  By  the  examination  of  the  which  records 
you  shall  be  convinced  of  your  untruth  and  error 
therein,  as  in  all  the  rest,  I  doubt  not,  by  God's 
help."1 

While  in  prison,  Sir  Philip  Hobbs,  who  had  be- 
come the  owner  by  purchase  of  the  abbey  lands  at 
Evesham,  remembered  that  the  monk  of  Evesham, 
for  whom  his  estate  was  charged  a  pension,  and 
the  famous  disputant  on  the  Catholic  side  were 
identical.  So,  to  use  Fecknam's  own  words,  he  was 
"  borrowed  out  of  prison  "  to  hold  disputations  with 
the  new  men.  "  But  the  very  intent  of  the  borrow- 
ing of  M.  Fecknam  for  a  time  out  of  the  Tower, 
like  as  he  said  himself,  was  that  he  should  dispute 
reason,  and  have  conference  with  certain  learned 
men  touching  matters  of  religion  then  in  contro- 
versies 2  At  seven  of  those  exhibitions  did  he  take 
part.  Such  disputations  were  in  much  favour  in 
those  days,  and  Fecknam  was  destined  to  have 
frequent  experience  of  them.  The  first  was  in  the 
house  of  the  Earl  of  Bedford  in  the  Savoy  ;  the  next 
at  Westminster,  in  the  house  of  Sir  William  Cecil, 
afterwards  the  famous  secretary  of  state ; 3  and  the 
third  at  White  Friars,  in  the  house  of  Sir  John 
Cheke,  the  Greek  scholar,  and  the  young  king's 
tutor.  Fecknam  was  then  taken  down  to  the  dio- 
cese of  Worcester,  in  which  he  was  still  a  bene- 
ficed clergyman,  and  had  to  appear  with  Hooper  as 

1  p.  36.  2  Ibid,  p.  4.  3  Ibid,  p.  36. 


1 68  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

his  opponent  in  four  disputations.  For  though  he 
had  been  imprisoned  in  the  Tower  he  had  not  been 
deprived  of  the  living  of  Solihull,  to  which  he  had 
been  appointed  in  1 544.  The  first  of  these  disputa- 
tions was  at  Pershore,  where  Hooper  was  on  visita- 
tion ; *  the  last  in  the  cathedral  church,  when  he  had 
as  opponent,  among  others,  John  Jewel,  afterwards 
the  bishop  of  Salisbury.2 

The  disputations  over,  in  which  Fecknam,  if  he 
failed  to  change  the  mind  of  his  opponents,  certainly 
gave  proof  of  his  native  charity  and  moderation, 
he  was  again  relegated  to  the  Tower.  There  he 
remained  till  Tuesday,  September  5,  1553,  when, 
with  the  rest  of  the  prisoners  for  conscience'  sake 
whom  the  new  queen  claimed  as  her  own,  he  was 
released.  By  Sunday  the  24th  of  that  same  month 
he  was  back  in  the  pulpit  again.  According  to 
Machyn,  "  the  xxiiii  day  of  September  did  preach 
master  doctor  Fecknam  at  Paul's  Cross,  the  Sun- 
day afore  the  queen's  coronation." 3  He  returned 
to  Bonner  as  chaplain,  and  was  made  a  preben- 
dary of  St.  Paul's  1554.  Preferment  came  to  him 
rapidly.  Nominated  rector  of  Finchley  on  June  10, 
on  September  23  he  was  transferred  to  the  better 
living  of  Greenford   Magna,  and  now  resigned  the 

1  Stapleton  says  :  "  The  said  M.  Hooper  was  so  answered  by  M. 
Fecknam  that  there  was  good  cause  why  he  should  be  satisfied,  and 
M.  Fecknam  dismissed  from  his  trouble"  (p.  37). 

2  Ibid.  Stapleton's  account  is  the  source  of  the  account  given  in  the 
Apostolatus,  i.  p.  234. 

3  Machyn's  Diary,  p.  44. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  169 

living  of  Solihull.  Meanwhile  the  queen  made 
him  one  of  her  chaplains  and  her  confessor,  and  he 
had  received  the  appointment  of  dean  of  St.  Paul's 
on  March  10  of  that  same  year.  The  date  of  his 
installation  does  not  appear ;  but  he  preached  at 
the  Cross  as  dean  in  the  following  November  25.1 
But  his  talents  as  a  disputant  were  also  called  into 
requisition.  In  the  April  he  was  down  at  Oxford 
disputing  with  much  charity  and  mildness  against 
Cranmer,  Latimer,  and  Ridley.  John  Fecknam 
had  no  sympathy  with  the  ferocious  measures  that 
were  being  enforced  against  the  innovators,  nor 
in  the  application  to  them  of  the  already  existing 
laws.     He  did  not  believe  in  making  men  Catholics 

1  Ibid.  Fecknam  seems  to  have  been  the  popular  preacher  of  his  day 
and  a  great  favourite  with  Machyn,  who  mentions  him  as  preaching 
twice  on  November  5,  1553 — once  at  St.  Stephen's,  Walbrook,  and 
once  at  St.  Mary's,  Overy  ;  he  was  again  at  Walbrook  on  the  19th, 
where  he  "made  the  goodliest  sermon  that  was  ever  heard  of  the 
blessed  sacrament  of  the  Body  and  Blood  for  to  be  after  the  consecra- 
tion" (p.  48).  One  of  his  sermons,  in  November  1554,  seems  to  have 
given  offence  to  the  Council,  for  in  the  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council  of 
England,  new  series  (vol.  v.  p.  35),  we  read:  "At  Westminster,  the 
xxix  of  November  1554,  Mr.  Fekenham,  dean  of  Paul's,  being  com- 
manded by  the  Lords  this  day  to  make  his  appearance  before  them, 
did  accordingly  appear  and  exhibited  the  same  day  the  sermon  he 
made  at  Paul's  on  Sunday  last  in  writing,  which  he  was  also  com- 
manded to  bring  with  him."  This  sermon,  Machyn  says  (p.  76),  was 
"  a  godly  sermon."  It  probably  was  one  recommending  mild  measures 
with  those  opposed  to  the  Catholic  Church.  Later  on,  as  abbat,  we 
find  him  on  June  20,  1557,  preaching  at  Paul's  Cross,  where  he  occupied 
the  pulpit  again  on  November  21,  and  on  the  following  March  6  ;  in 
his  own  abbey  church  on  April  5  and  on  August  4,  at  the  requiem 
mass  held  for  one  of  the  two  widows  Henry  VIII.  left  behind  him  to 
lament  his  loss. 


170  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

by  force  ;  and  if  he  had  to  take  part  in  the  disputa- 
tions then  in  fashion,  it  was  from  a  sincere  desire 
to  prove  the  truth  to  the  unhappy  prisoners  and  re- 
concile them  to  the  church  they  had  deserted.  Nor 
did  he  neglect  to  use  his  influence  on  their  behalf ; 
for,  as  Fuller  says,  "He  was  very  gracious  with  the 
queen,  and  effectually  laid  out  all  his  interest  with 
her  (sometimes  even  to  offend  her,  but  never  to 
injure  her)  to  procure  pardon  of  the  faults,  or  mitiga- 
tion of  the  punishment  for  poor  protestants.1  The 
earls  of  Bedford  and  Leicester  received  great  kind- 
ness from  him ;  and  his  old  friend,  Sir  John  Cheke, 
owed  his  life  to  Fecknam's  personal  interest  with 
the  queen.  He  took  up  the  cause  of  the  unfortu- 
nate Lady  Jane  Dudley,  and  remonstrated  with  the 
queen  and  Gardiner  upon  the  policy  of  putting  her 
to  death.  He  visited  the  poor  young  girl  in  prison  ; 
and  though  unsuccessful  in  removing  the  prejudices 
of  her  early  education,  he  was  able  to  help  her  to 
accept  with  resignation  the  fate  that  awaited  her. 
Neither  did  he  forsake  the  hapless  lady  until  she 
paid  by  death  the  penalty  of  her  father-in-law's 
treason  and  her  own  share  therein  (1554).  When 
the  princess  Elizabeth  was  sent  to  the  Tower  (March 
18,  1554)  for  her  supposed  part  in  Sir  Thomas 
Wyatt's  rebellion  (on  account  of  the  proposed 
Spanish  match),  Fecknam,  just  then  elected  dean, 
interceded  so  earnestly  for  her  release  that  Mary, 
who  was  convinced  of  her   sister's  guilt  or  at  any 

1   Worthies  of  England,  ed.  1811,  vol.  ii.  p.  477. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,   ABBAT  171 

rate  of  her  insincerity,  showed  for  some  time  her 
displeasure  with  him.  But  Elizabeth's  life  was 
spared ;  and  she  was  released  mainly  by  his  impor- 
tunity, after  two  months'  imprisonment.1 

In  her  proposed  restoration  of  the  Catholic  Church 
to  its  former  state,  Mary  found  zealous  helpers,  not 
only  in  Fecknam,  but  in  other  benedictines.  Bishop 
Thornton,  once  a  monk  of  Christ  Church,  Canterbury, 
suffragan  to  the  archbishop,  was  the  first  to  restore 
the  mass  in  that  cathedral.  Six  benedictine  bishops 
altogether  took  part  in  the  revival.2     But  the  queen's 

1  Fuller,  The  Church  History  of  Britain,  vol.  v.  p.  95  (ed.  Oxford). 
Later  on,  when  abbat,  Machyn  tells  us  that  in  1557,  on  "  the  xii  day  of 
November,  there  was  a  post  set  up  in  Smithfield  for  three  that  should 
have  been  burnt,  butt  (?)  both  wood  and  coal ;  and  my  lord  abbat  of 
Westminster  came  to  Newgate  and  talked  with  them  and  so  they  were 
stayed  for  that  day  of  burning"  (p.  157). 

2  Of  these  benedictine  bishops,  Wharton,  abbat  of  Bermondsey,  was 
made  bishop  of  Hereford  March  17,  1554;  John  Holyman,  a  monk 
of  Beading,  was  made  bishop  of  Bristol  November  1 8  in  the  same  year. 
Four  others,  Salcot  of  Salisbury,  Chambers  of  Peterborough,  the  above- 
mentioned  Thornton  of  Dover,  and  Kitchin  of  Landaff,  had  fallen 
into  schism  but  were  reconciled  by  Pole  and  reinstated  in  their  sees. 
Chambers  died  in  1556,  Thornton  and  Salcot  in  1557,  Wharton  and 
Holyman  in  1558.  Anthony  Kitchin,  whose  name  in  religion  was 
Dunstan,  had  been  a  monk  of  Westminster  and  became  prior  of 
Gloucester  Hall,  and  abbat  of  Eynsham  in  1536.  He  acknowledged  the 
king's  supremacy  August  10,  1534,  and  surrendered  his  abbey  to  the 
king  December  4,  1538.  He  received  a  pension  of  ^133,  6s.  8d.,  and 
became  one  of  the  king's  chaplains ;  was  elected  bishop  of  Llandaff 
March  26,  1545,  and  consecrated  the  following  May.  He  was  unfor- 
tunately the  only  one  of  the  Catholic  prelates  who  fell  away  under 
Elizabeth,  and  so  kept  possession  of  his  see,  of  which  in  after  years  he 
was  called  "  the  Calamity."  But  there  were  certain  lengths  he  would 
not  go  to ;  he  absolutely  refused  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the 
foundation  of  the  Anglican  Succession.  He  died,  aged  ninety,  on 
October  31,  1565. 


172  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

wish  was  to  restore  to  the  monks  some  at  least  of 
their  houses. 

And  here  we  are  able,  from  the  Venetian  State 
Papers  of  the  period,  to  trace  the  steps  of  the 
restoration  of  Westminster  abbey.  On  March  19, 
1555,  the  Venetian  ambassador,  Giovanni  Michiel, 
writes  to  the  doge  and  senate  : — 

"  The  queen  is  intent  on  its  augmentation  (the 
Church)  and  diffusion  here,  having  sent  for  many 
English  friars  of  the  orders  of  St.  Dominic  and  St. 
Francis,  who,  to  escape  the  past  persecutions,  with- 
drew beyond  the  seas  and  lived  in  poverty  in 
Flanders,  in  order  to  give  them  monasteries  and  the 
means  of  subsistence  ;  and  they,  showing  themselves 
in  public  everywhere,  are  tolerably  well  received  and 
kindly  treated.  Sixteen  benedictine  monks  have 
also  resumed  the  habit  and  returned  to  the  order 
spontaneously,  although  they  were  able  to  live  and 
had  lived  out  of  it  much  at  ease  and  liberty,  there 
being  included  among  them  the  dean  of  St.  Paul's 
(Fecknam),  who  has  a  wealthy  revenue  of  well-nigh 
2000  (?)  ;  notwithstanding  which  they  have  re- 
nounced all  their  temporal  possessions  and  conveni- 
ences, and  press  for  readmission  into  one  of  their 
monasteries.  The  entire  sixteen  last  week  appeared 
in  their  habits  before  the  queen,  who  from  joy, 
immediately  on  seeing  them,  could  not  refrain  from 
shedding  tears ;  and  for  [the  adjustment  of]  this 
matter  she  has  appointed  six  of  the  leading  mem- 
bers  of  the    council,   including  the   chancellor,  the 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  173 

treasurer,  the  comptroller,  and  secretary  Petre,  so 
that,  together  with  the  legate,  they  may  according 
to  their  judgment  decide  what  is  most  fitting  and 
beneficial  for  the  realm,  both  about  these  monas- 
teries and  all  the  Church  property  in  possession  of 
the  Crown.  Her  Majesty  wishes  it  to  be  entirely 
restored  to  those  who  were  deprived  of  it,  should 
any  of  the  original  possessors  be  alive."  1 

Already  we  see  that  as  early,  then,  as  March  1555 
some  benedictines,  with  Fecknam,  had  resumed  their 
habit,  although  as  yet  they  had  no  house.  The  queen 
had  some  difficulty  in  getting  her  husband  to  consent 
to  her  project  of  a  bill  passed  to  allow  her  to  give 
back  such  abbey  lands  as  were  vested  in  the  Crown  ; 
for  by  this  she  was  giving  up  an  income  of  some 
,£60,000  a  year.  Parliament,  after  considerable 
opposition,  did  pass  in  the  following  October  a  bill 
legalising  the  renunciation.  But  there  was  the 
secular  chapter  at  Westminster  to  be  removed,  and 
they  were  not  willing  to  go.  Promotion  was  given 
to  the  dean,  and  the  interests  of  the  others  were 
duly  looked  after.2  Pole  also  had  to  make  his 
arrangements.  Himself  the  protector  of  the  Cas- 
sinese  benedictine  congregation,  he  was  determined 
that  the  home  at  Westminster  should  be  refounded 
on  the  Italian  model.     Fearing  commendam,  he  de- 

1  Calendar  of  Venetian  State  Papers,  vol.  vi.  No.  32. 

2  There  is  a  bond  for  ^30  between  the  abbat  and  a  Spanish  canon, 
by  which  the  abbat,  "as  well  as  any  other  person  to  whom  the  said 
monastery  should  come,"  is  bound  to  pay.  See  Bradley's  Illustrations 
of  Westminster  Abbey,  p.  163. 


174  THE   ENGLISH    BLACK    MONKS 

cided  that  the  abbat  was  to  be  appointed  only  for 
three  years,  no  conge  oVelire  was  to  be  required  for 
his  election,  neither  was  the  royal  confirmation  to  be 
sought  for.  Pole  sent  for  monks  from  Italy,  whom 
he  intended  to  introduce  the  more  rigid  discipline 
of  the  continental  houses,  and  took  advantage  of 
two  "  father  visitors  "  the  Cassinese  had  sent  into 
Spain,  for  purposes  of  their  own,  to  ask  that  they 
might  come  on  to  England.  Pole  writes  to  the 
president  of  the  Cassinese  congregation  under  date 
of  February  (1556?)  that  he  was  anxiously  expect- 
ing the  arrival  from  Spain  of  the  "  father  visitors," 
as  he  hoped  they  would  render  good  service  for  the 
restoration  of  the  monastery  which  is  about  to  be 
effected.1 

The  royal  consent  to  the  restoration  was  given 
in  a  deed  signed  by  Philip  and  Mary  at  Croydon 
on  September  7,  1656,  and  Fecknam  was  appointed 
abbat.  Not  only  was  he  the  most  prominent  man 
of  his  order  then  in  England,  but  his  praise  was  in 
every  one's  mouth.  In  another  letter,  written  by 
the  Venetian  ambassador  on  September  28,  1556, 
he  says  : — 

"The  queen,  thank  God,  continues  in  her  good 
plight,  rejoicing  to  see  the  monks  of  St.  Benet  return 
to  their  old  abbey  of  Westminster,  into  which  the 
canons  having  been  removed,  they  in  God's  name 
will  make  their  entry  to-morrow — and  this  will  be 
the  third  monastery  and  order  of  regulars,  besides 
1  Gal.  V.S.P.,  vol.  vi.  No.  403. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  175 

one  of  nuns,  which  has  hitherto  been  re-established, 
to  whom  will  soon  be  added  the  fourth  of  the 
Carthusians  [at  Sheen],  who  have  already  made  their 
appearance."  * 

Once  more,  then,  in  possession  by  the  end  of 
September  1556,  the  house  had  to  be  got  into 
order  and  some  restorations  made  before  the  monks 
could  enter.  Dean  Stanley  says  "  the  great  refec- 
tory was  pulled  down,"  and  "the  smaller  dormitory 
was  cleared  away,"  and  other  conventual  buildings 
either  destroyed  or  adapted  to  other  uses.2  To  make 
all  straight  would  necessarily  take  time  ;  and  it  was 
not  till  2 1st  November  that  they  began  their  regular 
life.     Machyn  in  his  quaint  style  relates  the  event. 

"The  same  day  (21st  of  November)  was  the  new 
abbat  of  Westminster  put  in,  Doctor  Fecknam,  late 
dean  of  Paul's,  and  xiv  more  monks  sworn  in.  And 
the  morrow  after,  the  lord  abbat  with  his  convent 
went  a  procession  after  the  old  fashion,  in  their 
monks'  weeds,  in  cowls  of  black  saye,  with  his 
vergers  carrying  his  silver-rod  in  their  hands ;  at 
evensong  time  the  vergers  went  through  the  cloisters 
to  the  abbat,  and  so  went  into  the  church  afore  the 
high  altar,  and  there  my  lord  kneeled  down  and  his 
convent ;  and  after  his  prayer  was  made  was  brought 
into    the    choir  with   the  vergers,   and    so    into  his 

1  Gal.  V.S.P.,  vol.  vi.  No.  634.  The  dominicans  were  refounded 
at  Smithfield,  the  franciscans  at  Greenwich,  the  bridgettines  at  Syon 
House,  the  carthusians  at  Sheen,  the  hospitallers  at  Clerkenwell,  and  a 
hospital  at  the  Savoy. 

2  Historical  Memorials  of  Westminster  Abbey,  fifth  edition,  p.  398. 


176  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

place,  and  presently  he  began  evensong  xxii  day  of 
the  same  month  that  was  St.  Clement's  Even  last." * 
Michel  in  his  account  mentions  "  as  many  as 
sixteen  2  having  taken  the  habit  on  that  day,  it  was 
a  very  beautiful  sight  most  agreeable  to  those  who 
witnessed  it."  3 

A  few  days  after,  the  abbat  was  installed  amidst 
a  large  assemblage  of  the  English  Church. 

"  On  the  29th  day,  at  Westminster  abbey,  was  the 
lord  abbat  stalled  and  did  wear  a  mitre.  The  lord 
cardinal  was  there  and  many  bishops,  and  the  lord 
treasurer  and  a  great  company.  The  lord  chancellor 
sang  mass,  and  the  abbat  made  the  sermon."  4 

Fecknam  had  lost  no  time  in  setting  his  house 
in  order,  in  receiving  others  to  the  habit,5  and  in 
vindicating  the  privileges  belonging  to  his  venerable 
church.  On  the  feast  of  St.  Nicholas  (December  6) 
our  gossiping  diarist  tells  us  : — 

"The  abbat  went  on  procession  with  his  convent ; 

1  Machyn's  Diary  (Camden  Society),  pp.  n  8,  119.  A  date  always 
celebrated  by  English  benedictines  as  the  Dies  memorabilis,  on  account 
of  the  many  important  events  which  have  taken  place  on  this  date. 

2  There  seems  to  be  some  mistake  about  the  number.  Writing  a  few 
days  after  (December  1),  he  says  :  "Yesterday  ...  the  twenty-six 
monks  and  their  abbat  made  a  fine  show  and  procession."  The  com- 
munity seem  to  have  numbered  in  reality  some  twenty-eight. 

3  Gal.  V.S.P.y  vol.  vi.  No.  723. 

4  Machyn,  pp.  119,  120. 

5  Owing  to  the  present  difficulty  of  obtaining  access  to  the  West- 
minster abbey  records,  it  is  not  possible  to  identify  all  the  monks  of 
Westminster.  But  the  principal  interest  centres  round  D.  Sigebert 
Buckley,  who  passed  on  the  benedictine  succession  nearly  fifty  years 
afterwards. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,   ABBAT  177 

before  him  went  all  the  sanctuary  men  with  cross 
keys  on  their  garments ;  and  after  went  three  for 
murder ;  one  was  the  Lord  Dacre,  son  of  the  North, 
who  was  whipt  with  a  sheet  about  [him  for]  killing 
of  one  Master  West,  squire,  dwelling  beside  .  .  ." 
Another  finding  shelter  was  one  of  the  abbey  boys 
— "  a  boy  [that]  killed  a  big  boy  that  sold  papers 
and  printed  books,  [with]  hurling  of  a  stone,  and 
hit  him  under  the  ear  in  Westminster  Hall ;  the 
boy  was  one  of  the  children  that  was  [at  the]  school 
there  in  the  abbey ;  the  boy  is  a  hosier's  son  above 
London  stone."  l 

The  queen  was  not  long  in  paying  the  monks 
a  visit.  Giovanni  Michiel  writes,  December  21, 
1556:— 

"  Yesterday,  St.  Thomas'  eve,  the  queen,  before 
her  departure  for  Greenwich,  which  will  take  place 
to-morrow,  chose  to  see  the  benedictine  monks  in 
their  habits  in  the  abbey  of  Westminster,  whither 
she  went  to  vespers,  being  received  in  state  by  them 
and  their  abbat,  twenty-eight  in  number,  all  men  of 
mature  age,  the  youngest  being  upwards  of  forty, 
and  all  endowed  with  learning  and  piety,  as  proved 
by  their  renunciation  of  the  many  conveniences  of 
life  ;  the  poorest  having  a  fixed  annual  rental  of 
500  crowns,  besides  ready  money,  and  some  1500, 
besides  the  abbat,  who  had  upwards  of  [2000?], 
and  was  dean  of  St.  Paul's,  which  after  that  of 
the    bishops    is    the    chief   dignity    of  the    English 

1  Ibid.  p.  121. 
VOL.  I.  M 


178  THE   ENGLISH    BLACK   MONKS 

clergy.  Words  cannot  express  how  much  this  re- 
joiced the  legate,  who  is  already  preparing  another 
monastery  for  the  regular  canons  who  are  coming 
shortly."1 

Besides  his  duties  as  abbat  and  constantly  preach- 
ing, we  find  him  giving  time  and  money  to  beauti- 
fying his  church.  On  January  5,  1557,  he  began  to 
set  up  St.  Edward's  shrine  again  and  the  altar  with 
divers  jewels  that  the  queen  sent  hither.2  While  on 
the  following  20th  of  March,  says  Machyn  : — 

"  The  xx  of  March  was  taken  up  at  Westminster 
again  with  a  hundred  lights,  King  Edward  the  Con- 
fessor in  the  same  place  where  his  shrine  was,  and 
it  shall  be  set  up  again  as  fast  as  my  lord  abbat 
can  have  it  done,  for  it  was  a  godly  sight  to  have 
seen  it  how  reverently  he  was  carried  from  the  place 
that  he  was  taken  up,  where  he  was  laid  when  that 
abbey  was  spoiled  and  robbed,  and  so  he  was  carried 
and  goodly  singing  and  censing  as  has  been  seen,  and 
mass  sung." 3 

Machyn  dearly  loved  a  function. 

Fecknam  was  a  lover  of  the  old  customs,  and  did 
not  forget  the  benedictine  spirit  of  hospitality.  One 
more  extract  from  Machyn  must  be  allowed,  for  the 
sake  of  the  glimpse  it  gives  of  the  geniality  of  his 

1  Cat.  V.S.P.,  vol.  vi.  p.  2,  No.  771.  Priuli  writes  to  Beccatello, 
December  15,  1556,  in  the  same  strain,  and  gives  the  same  number. 
According  to  him  they  were  "tutte  persone  benissimo  qualificate 
di  dottrina  e  di  gran  pieta."  See  the  letter  in  Tierney,  vol.  ii. 
p.  ccxxiii. 

2  Bradley,  p.  166.  3  P.  130. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  179 

rule.  On  March  21,  1558,  the  feast  of  St.  Benedict, 
was  held  the  traditional  festivity  connected  with 
the  making  of  the  gigantic  paschal  candle  for 
the  approaching  Easter.  "  xxi  day  of  March  was 
paschal  for  the  abbey  of  Westminster,  made  there 
the  weight  of  300  lbs.  of  wax :  and  there  was  the 
master  and  the  wardens  of  the  wax-chandlers  with 
twenty  more  at  the  making,  and  after,  a  great 
dinner."  x  Evidently  the  head  of  the  trade-gild  of 
chandlers  took  a  representative  part  in  the  day's 
doings,  and  shared,  too,  in  the  great  dinner.  There 
is  a  touch  of  fellowship  between  the  abbey  and  the 
gild  which  tells  of  the  good  feeling  of  earlier  days, 
and  which  the  "great  dinner"  would,  no  doubt, 
more  anglico,  help  to  knit  up  again,  if  not  increase. 
Fecknam,  while  thus  fulfilling  the  duties  of  his 
high  charge,  had  also  to  attend  Parliament  as  a 
mitred  abbat  of  the  realm.  The  rights  of  sanctuary 
at  his  abbey  were  being  questioned,  and  the  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Commons  called  on  the  abbat  to 
produce  the  proofs  of  the  privilege.  "  Accordingly 
on  Saturday  the  nth  of  February  [1557]  came  the 
abbat,  accompanied  with  no  council  learned,  but 
only  with  one  monk  attending  on  him,  bearing 
two  old  muniments — the  one  whereof  was  the  charter 
of  sanctuary  granted  to  the  house  of  Westminster 
by  King  Edward,  the  saint ;  the  other  the  confirma- 
tion of  the  same  charter  ...  by  Pope  John."  "  He 
begged  the  house,  if  he  had  no  other  instruments  to 
1  Ibid.  p.  169. 


i8o  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

show,1  they  would  not  thereby  take  advantage,  but 
impute  it  to  the  iniquity  of  the  times  wherein  they 
were  perished,  declaring  how,  as  by  a  miracle,  these 
were  preserved,  being  found  by  a  servant  of  my  lord 
cardinal's  in  a  child's  hand  playing  with  them  in 
the  street."2 

Westminster  being  thus  restored,  the  hope  of  the 
monks  ran  high  that  other  houses,  too,  would  be 
reopened.  There  seems  to  have  been  a  project  for 
restoring  one  of  the  Canterbury  houses.  Cardinal 
Pole  writes  from  Croydon  on  the  28th  May  1557, 
to  the  abbat  of  St.  Paul's,  Rome,  saying:  "Your 
paternity  will  perhaps  have  heard  that  the  affairs  of 
St.  Peter's  monastery  go  on  well,  and  thus  by  God's 
grace  they  still  continue  proceeding  from  good  to 
better ;  and  I  am  not  indeed  without  hope  that  one 
of  the  two  monasteries  at  my  church  of  Canterbury 
may  soon  be  restored.3 

Abbat  Fecknam  was  zealous  for  the  restoration  of 
other  houses  of  his  order,  and  used  his  influence  on 
their  behalf  both  with  the  cardinal  and  the  queen, 
as  is  clear  from  the  following  petition  of  four 
Glastonbury  monks,  then  at  Westminster  : — 4 

1  Bradley,  p.  170.  Miss  Bradley  gives  no  references  to  all  these 
statements,  and  it  has  been  a  cause  of  ceaseless  trouble  to  identify  them, 
a  task  not  always  successful. 

2  Ibid.  p.  171. 

3  Gal.  V.S.P.,  vol.  vi.  p.  904,  note. 

4  This  letter  was  probably  written  after  Pole's  letter  to  the  abbat  of 
St.  Paul's  and  before  the  end  of  the  year  which  found  Philip  soon  back 
to  the  continent. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  181 

"  To  the  Rt.  Rouble.  Lord  Chamberlain  to  the 

Queen's  Majesty. 

"  Right  Honourable,    in    our  most  humble  wise 
your  lordship's  daily  beadsmen,  some  time   of  the 
house  of  Glastonbury,  now  here,  monks  in  West- 
minster, with   all   due    submission  we  desire  your 
honour  to  extend  your  accustomed  virtue,  as  it  hath 
been  always  heretofore  propense  to   the  honour  of 
Almighty  God,   to    the    honourable    service    of  the 
king  and  queen's  majesties,  so  it  may  please  your 
good  lordship  again,  for  the  honour  of  them,  both 
of  God  and  of  their  majesties,  to  put  the  queen's 
highness  in  remembrance  of  her  gracious  promise 
concerning  the   erection   of  the   late   monastery   of 
Glastonbury,  which  promise  of  her  grace  hath  been 
so  by  her  majesty  declared  that  upon  the  same,  we 
your  lordship's  daily  beadsmen,  understanding  my 
lord  cardinal's  grace's  pleasure  to  the  same  by  the 
procurement    here    of   our    reverend   father    abbat, 
have    gotten    out    the    particulars ;    and    through    a 
warrant  from    my  lord    treasurer,   our    friends   that 
have  builded  and  bestowed  much  upon  reparation  : 
notwithstanding   all   now    stands    at   a   stay.      We 
think  the  case  to  be  want  of  remembrance,  which 
cannot  be  so  well  brought  unto  her  majesty's  under- 
standing as  by  your   honourable    lordship's  favour 
and  help.     And    considering   your  lordship's   most 
godly  disposition,  we  have  a  confidence  thereof  to 
solicit  the  same,  assuring  your  lordship  of  our  daily 


i82  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

prayer  while  we  live,  and  of  our  successors'  during 
the  world,  if  it  may  so  please  your  lordship  to  take 
it  in  hand. 

"  We  ask  nothing  in  gift  to  the  foundation,  but 
only  the  house  and  site,  the  residue  for  the  accus- 
tomed rent,  so  that  with  our  labour  and  husbandry 
we  may  live  there  a  few  of  us  in  our  religious  habits, 
till  the  charity  of  good  people  may  suffice  a  greater 
number ;  and  the  country  there  being  so  affected  to 
our  religion,  we  believe  we  should  find  much  help 
among  them  towards  the  reparations  and  furniture 
of  the  same,  whereby  we  would  haply  prevent  the 
ruin  of  much,  and  repair  no  little  part  of  the  whole 
to  God's  honour  and  for  the  better  prosperity  of  the 
king's  and  queen's  majesties,  with  the  whole  realm. 
For  doubtless,  if  it  shall  please  your  good  lordship 
if  there  hath  ever  been  any  flagitious  deed  since  the 
creation  of  the  world  punished  with  the  plague  of 
God,  in  our  opinion  the  overthrow  of  Glastonbury 
may  be  compared  with  the  same,  not  surrendered  as 
other  [abbeys]  but  extorted ;  the  abbat  preposter- 
ously put  to  death  with  two  innocent  virtuous 
monks  with  him ;  that  if  the  thing  were  to  be 
scanned  by  any  university  or  some  learned  council 
in  divinity,  they  would  find  it  more  dangerous  than 
is  commonly  taken ;  which  might  move  the  queen's 
majesty  to  the  more  speedy  erection ;  namely,  it 
being  a  home  of  such  antiquity  and  fame  through 
all  Christendom,  first  begun  by  St.  Joseph  of  Arima- 
thea,  who  took  down  the  dead  body  of  our  saviour 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  183 

Christ  from  the  cross  and  lieth  buried  in  Glaston- 
bury. And  him  most  heartily  we  beseech  to  pray 
unto  Christ  for  good  success  unto  your  honourable 
lordship  in  all  your  lordship's  affairs,  and  now 
specially  in  this  our  most  humble  request  that  we 
may  shortly  do  the  same  in  Glaston1  for  the  king 
and  the  queen's  majesties  as  our  founders  and  for 
your  lordship  as  a  regular  benefactor. 

"  Your  lordship's  daily  beadsmen  of  Westminster. 

"John  Phagan. 
John  Neott. 
William  Adelwold. 
William  Kentwyn."2 

1  The  restoration  of  Glastonbury  to  English  monks  is,  we  hope,  only- 
deferred.  The  prayers  of  the  martyred  abbat  Whiting,  now  beatified, 
must  plead  strongly  for  the  restoration  of  his  house  to  his  own  brethren. 
After  the  dissolution,  several  of  the  old  monks  remained  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. One,  D.  Austin  Eingwode  (died  in  the  odour  of  sanctity  in 
1 587),  had  not  the  heart  to  tear  himself  away  from  the  home  round  which 
so  many  gracious  memories  clung.  He  dwelt  in  a  little  cottage  hard 
by,  where  in  poverty  and  solitude  he  kept  his  rule  as  strictly  as  if  he 
had  been  in  his  cell.  His  days  were  passed  in  prayer,  in  fastings  and 
vigils  for  his  unhappy  country.  The  country  folk  said  the  old  man 
saw  visions  and  had  the  gift  of  prophecy,  and  they  tell  that  he  said  : 
"  The  abbey  will  one  day  be  repaired  and  rebuilt  for  the  like  worship 
which  has  ceased,  and  then  peace  and  plenty  will  for  a  long  time 
abound  "  (Lee's  Church  under  Queen  Elizabeth,  vol.  i.  p.  216).  D.  Austin 
Ringwode's  name  does  not  appear  on  the  pension  list.  Some  of  the 
relics  which  had  been  venerated  for  centuries  at  Glastonbury  were 
secured  by  the  monks  at  the  time  of  the  dissolution,  and  have  been 
handed  down  from  generation  to  generation.  One  most  valuable  one, 
"  The  Holy  Thorn  " — a  thorn  from  the  crown  of  thorns — is  now  vene- 
rated at  St.  Mary's  abbey,  Stanbrook,  in  a  chapel  built  for  the  purpose. 

2  Dugdale,  vol.  i.  p.  9.  These  names  do  not  appear  on  the  pension 
list  of  Glastonbury,  which  bears  their  surnames.  The  signatures  here 
give  their  names  in  religion. 


i84  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

St.  Albans  was  also  to  be  restored.  The  former 
abbat,  Richard  Boreman  or  Stevenage,  had  remained 
in  the  neighbourhood  and  hoped  one  day  to  see  his 
house  reopened.  To  his  great  joy,  consent  was  given 
to  his  prayer.  This  must  have  been  late  in  1558; 
for  Mary  died  before  anything  could  be  done.  And 
for  very  grief  the  abbat  took  to  his  bed  and  died 
two  weeks  after  of  a  broken  heart.1 

Mary  died  on  the  morning  of  Nov.  17,  1558,  and 
on  the  same  day  cardinal  Pole  breathed  his  last 
at  Lambeth.2  The  prospects  of  the  Church  were 
gloomy  and  uncertain  ;  for  although  Elizabeth  had 
not  begun  to  disclose  her  hand,  yet  what  was  known 
of  her  did  not  warrant  any  hopeful  future.  Mary's 
funeral  rites  were  duly  solemnised,  and  Fecknam 
preached  one  of  the  funeral  sermons,3  and  White, 
bishop  of  Winchester,  the  other. 

The  new  queen  took  umbrage  at  the  bishop's 
sermon,  and  ordered  him  to  be  confined  to  his  own 
house.  She  soon  began  to  show  the  direction  of 
her  policy.  Perhaps  it  is  wrong  to  say  she  was 
herself  personally  in  favour  of  the  reformation  as 
a  religious  movement ;  but  policy  forced  her  into  a 
position  which   could  only  be  preserved,  as  things 

1  Dugdale,  vol.  ii.  p.  207. 

2  There  have  been  all  sorts  of  statements  about  the  date  of  Pole's 
death,  some  placing  it  on  the  19th.  But  all  doubt  is  now  set  aside  by 
a  letter  from  Priuli  to  his  brother  in  Venice  :  "On  the  17th  instant, 
seven  hours  after  midnight,  the  queen  passed  from  this  life,  and  my 
most  reverend  lord  followed  her  at  seven  o'clock  on  the  evening  of 
the  same  day"  (Gal.  V.S.P.,  vi.  n.  1 287-1 292). 

3  MS.  Cott.  Vesp.  D.  xviii.  fol.  92. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  185 

then  seemed  to  stand,  by  cutting  England  off  once 
more  from  the  centre  of  Unity,  and  by  rejecting  the 
cardinal  point  of  Catholic  worship,  the  mass.1  But 
still  she  had  a  liking  rather  than  otherwise  for 
such  of  the  outward  forms  of  Catholicism,  and 
even  of  its  discipline,  as  were  compatible  with  her 
own  supremacy.  She  had  no  sympathy  with  the 
iconoclastic  rage  of  the  Puritan  party,  who  were 
now    struggling    for    the    upper    hand.2      Besides 

1  Paul  IV.  it  seems  refused  to  recognise  her,  which  of  course  he  could 
have  done  without  any  reference  to  the  matter  of  her  father's  divorce  ; 
for  there  was  no  question  of  legitimate  birth,  but  of  the  fact,  that  by 
law  and  the  will  of  her  father,  as  well  as  by  the  acceptance  of  the 
nation,  she  succeeded.  Then  again  Henry  II.  of  France  had  lately 
ordered  the  arms  of  England  to  be  quartered  with  those  of  Scotland 
upon  the  marriage  of  his  son  with  Mary  Stuart ;  and  Elizabeth's 
advisers  convinced  the  queen  that  this  was  a  direct  questioning  of  her 
title,  as  Mary  Stuart  was  by  legitimate  birth  the  heiress  to  the  English 
throne.  All  this  made  the  queen  determined  at  any  cost  to  secure  her 
position. 

2  In  her  own  private  chapel  Elizabeth  kept  many  of  the  ornaments 
of  Catholic  usages.  "The  altar  was  furnished  with  rich  plate,  two 
fair  gilt  candlesticks  with  tapers  in  them  and  a  massy  crucifix  of 
silver  in  the  midst  thereof  "  (Heylin,  p.  296).  "  She  had  honourable 
sentiments  of  the  use  of  the  cross,  of  the  blessed  virgin  and  other 
saints,  and  never  mentioned  them  without  regard  and  reverence" 
(Collier,  vol.  ii.  p.  412).  In  fine,  she  was  so  fixed  in  this  practice  that  all 
Parker's  "learning  and  zeal  could  not  persuade  her  to  part  with  the 
crucifix  and  lighted  tapers  in  her  own  closet.  She  thought,  'tis  likely, 
that  the  arguing  against  the  use,  from  the  abuse,  was  short  of  an  exact 
reasoning"  (ibid.  p.  435).  Her  Catholic  instinct  also  revolted  against 
the  idea  of  a  married  clergy,  which  she  only  tolerated  as  the  surest 
method  of  alienating  them  from  the  pope.  Parker  writes  to  Cecil,  and 
reports  some  speeches  uttered  to  him  by  the  queen  against  the  marriage 
of  the  clergy  :  "  I  was  in  a  horror,"  says  he,  "  to  hear  such  words 
to  come  from  her  mild  nature  and  Christianly  learned  conscience, 
as  she  spake  concerning  God's  holy  ordinance  and  institution  of 
matrimony.  .  .  .  Insomuch  that  the  queen's  highness  expressed  to  me  a 


186  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

intending  to  preserve  such  a  hierarchy  as  she 
could  (Providence  arranging  that  matter),  she  also 
wanted,  as  we  shall  see,  to  keep  at  least  West- 
minster as  a  monastery,  if  such  an  institution  could 
find  place  in  her  scheme  of  religion.  This,  in  view 
of  her  strong  and  ineradicable  notions  as  to  the 
marriage  of  the  clergy,  seems  to  be  the  most  likely 
explanation  of  her  sending  for  the  abbat  of  West- 
minster at  a  very  early  period  of  her  reign.  But 
Fecknam,  whatever  the  nature  of  the  private  inter- 
view may  have  been,  could  not  enter  into  her 
measures,  for  the  proposal  meant  treason  to  his  con- 
science. It  is  said  she  even  tried  to  bribe  him  to 
come  over  to  her  side  by  the  promise  of  the  vacant 
archbishopric  of  Canterbury.     But  all  was  in  vain.1 

The  new  Parliament  opened  ominously  for  the 
monks.  The  queen  assisted  at  the  usual  mass  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  in  the  abbey  on  the  25  th  of  January. 
"  On   arriving   at    Westminster    abbey,   the    abbat, 

repentance  that  we  were  thus  appointed  in  office,  wishing  it  had  been 
otherwise,  which  inclination  being  known  at  large  to  queen  Marie's 
clergy  they  laugh  prettily,  to  see  how  the  clergy  of  our  time  is  handled, 
and  what  equity  of  law  is  ministered  to  our  sort.  But  by  patience 
and  silence  we  pass  over,  &c,  and  leave  all  to  God  ;  in  the  meantime  we 
have  cause  all  to  be  utterly  discomforted  and  discouraged"  (Strype, 
Life  of  Parker,  Appendix,  vol.  iii.  pp.  50,  51). 

1  Fuller,  Worthies  of  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  477.  This  interview  was 
most  likely  before  her  coronation,  January  14th,  or  before  the  opening 
of  Parliament,  January  25th  ;  for  on  that  latter  date  the  queen  began 
her  course  of  reformation.  According  to  the  old  custom,  the  abbat 
of  Westminster  had  some  days  previous  to  the  coronation  to  wait  on 
the  sovereign  and  give  instructions  upon  the  forthcoming  ceremony. 
See  Missale  Westmon.  (H.B.S.),  p.  676. 


JOHN    FECKNAM,  ABBAT  187 

vested  pontifically,  with  all  his  monks  in  procession, 
each  of  them  having  a  lighted  torch  in  his  hand,  re- 
ceived her  as  usual,  giving  her  first  of  all  incense  and 
holy  water ;  and  when  her  majesty  saw  the  monks 
who  accompanied  her  with  the  torches  she  said  : 
"  Away  with  those  torches,  for  we  see  very  well !  "  x 

The  various  bills  introduced  for  the  recognition 
of  the  queen's  title  (without  any  reference,  however, 
to  the  validity  of  the  marriage  of  her  mother,  Anne 
Boleyn)  and  the  restoration  of  the  first-fruits,  the 
all-important  bills  relating  to  the  royal  supremacy 
and  to  the  new  liturgy,  came  before  a  house  of 
commons  packed  for  the  occasion,  and  a  house  of 
lords  which  included  only  a  few  bishops,  who,  to- 
gether with  Fecknam,  were  left  to  defend  the  cause 
of  the  Church.2  The  abbat  in  a  vigorous  speech 
opposed  any  changes  in  religion.     He  said — 

"  My  good  Lords,  when  in  Queen  Mary's  days, 
your  honours  do  know  right  well  how  the  people 
of  this  realm  did  live  in  an  order;  and  would  not 
run    before    laws    nor    openly    disobey    the    queen's 

1  Calendar  of  Venetian  S.P.,  vol.  vii.  No.  15. 

2  The  state  of  the  English  hierarchy  on  Elizabeth's  accession  was 
as  follows  :  Six  sees  were  vacant  by  death,  viz.  Canterbury,  Oxford, 
Salisbury,  Bangor,  Gloucester,  and  Hereford  ;  although  nominations 
had  been  made  to  the  five  last,  they  were  all  set  aside  by  the  new 
queen.  Before  the  end  of  the  year  four  more  bishops  died,  Kochester, 
Norwich,  Chichester,  and  Bristol.  When  Parliament  met  on  January 
25,  1559,  the  bishops  of  Durham,  Peterborough,  Bath  and  Wells,  and 
St.  Davids  were  absent,  but  had  appointed  Heath  of  York  their  proxy. 
Lincoln  was  ill ;  Ely  away  on  an  embassy  (but  returned  and  took  his 
seat  in  April)  ;  St  Asaphs  was  not  summoned.  So  out  of  twenty-six 
sees,  only  nine  were  present. 


1 88  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

highness' s  proceeding  and  proclamation.  There  was 
no  spoiling  of  churches,  pulling  down  of  altars,  and 
most  blasphemous  treading  down  of  sacraments 
under  their  feet  and  hanging  up  the  knave  of  clubs 
in  the  place  thereof.  There  was  no  skurching  nor 
cutting  of  the  faces  and  legs  of  the  crucifix  and 
image  of  Christ.  There  was  no  open  flesh-eating, 
nor  shambles  keeping  in  the  Lent  and  days  pro- 
hibited. The  subjects  of  this  realm,  and  in  especi- 
ally the  nobility  and  such  as  were  of  the  honourable 
council,  did  in  queen  Mary's  days  know  the  way 
unto  churches  and  chapels,  there  to  begin  their  daily 
work  with  calling  for  help  and  grace  by  humble 
prayer  and  serving  of  God.  And  now  since  the 
coming  and  reign  of  our  most  sovereign  and  dear 
lady  queen  Elizabeth,  by  the  only  preachers  and 
scaffold-players  of  this  new  religion  all  things  are 
turned  upside  down."  * 

Fecknam  opposed  in  all  their  stages  the  bills 2  for 
the  supremacy  and  for  the  restoration  to  the  crown 
of  the  first-fruits,  though  he  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  present  in  the  house  of  lords  during 
the  debates  of  April  26,  27,  and  28,  on  the  act  of 
Uniformity  of  Common  Prayer  and  Service.3 

1  MS.  Cott.  Vesp.  D.  xviii.  fol.  86.  See  also  Strype's  Annals,  vol.  i. 
Part  II.  p.  436. 

2  D'Ewes,  Journals  of  all  the  Parliaments  during  the  Reign  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  p.  30. 

3  Heath,  archbishop  of  York,  refers  in  his  speech  to  the  pope,  Paul 
IV.,  in  terms  which  show  that  considerable  irritation  existed  against 
him  personally,  and  only  makes  the  pronouncement  in  regard  to  the 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABB  AT  189 

But  before  it  was  passed  and  the  new  liturgy 
authorised,  a  public  dispensation  was  appointed  to 
be  held  at  the  end  of  March,  under  the  presi- 
dency of  Sir  Francis  Bacon.  As  the  queen  and 
her  ministers  had  arranged  the  meeting  only  as  a 
pretext  for  breaking  down  the  opposition  of  the 
bishops,  and  to  secure  their  subsequent  punishment, 
Fecknam,  although  an  acknowledged  champion  of 
the  Catholic  Cause,  when  at  the  end  he  was  called 
upon  by  Bacon  to  take  part,  refused  to  do  so.  On 
April  3rd  the  disputation  broke  up,  and  two  of  the 
bishops,  Lincoln  and  Winchester,  were  sent  to  the 
Tower.  Those  of  Lichfield,  Chester,  and  Carlisle, 
with  three  doctors  who  had  taken  part  in  it,  were 
otherwise  punished. 

In  spite  of  the  unanimous  opposition  of  the 
bishops,  the  act  of  the  Royal  Supremacy  was  passed 
and  became  law  May  5,  1559.  II  Schifanoya  writes 
the  next  day  to  the  castellan  of  Mantua  :  "  Parlia- 

pope  as  the  centre  of  unity  all  the  more  remarkable.  On  this  point 
Heath  is  explicit.  "  If  by  this  our  relinquishing  of  the  see  of  Home, 
there  were  none  other  matter  therein  than  a  withdrawing  of  our 
obedience  from  the  pope's  person,  Paul  the  fourth  of  that  name,  which 
hath  declared  himself  to  be  a  very  austere  stern  father  unto  us  ever 
since  his  first  entrance  into  Peter's  chair,  then  the  cause  were  not 
of  such  importance  as  it  is  ;  as  will  immediately  appear.  For  by 
relinquishing  and  forsaking  the  church  or  see  of  Eome,  we  must 
forsake  and  fly,  first,  from  all  general  councils  ;  secondly,  from  all 
canonical  and  ecclesiastical  laws  of  the  church  of  Christ ;  thirdly,  from 
the  judgment  of  all  other  christian  princes  ;  fourthly  and  lastly,  we 
must  forsake  and  fly  from  the  holy  unity  of  Christ's  church,  and  so, 
by  leaping  out  of  Peter's  ship,  we  hazard  ourselves  to  be  overwhelmed 
in  the  waves  of  schism,  of  sects  and  divisions"  (Strype's  Annals,  I. 
Appendix  8). 


190  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

ment  will  rise  this  week,  the  two  houses  having 
enacted  that  all  the  convents  and  monasteries  of 
friars,  monks,  nuns,  and  hospitallers  of  St.  John 
of  Jerusalem,  are  to  be  suppressed  as  heretofore, 
and  all  their  religious  to  be  expelled.  Such  of 
them  who  will  take  the  oath  against  the  pon- 
tifical authority,  and  approve  of  the  new  laws 
abjuring  their  own  professions,  are  to  receive  pen- 
sions for  their  maintenance ;  but  the  greater  part 
of  them  have  left  the  kingdom  in  order  not  to 
take  such  oaths. "  *  A  week  afterward  he  writes : 
"  Westminster  abbey  with  the  monks  and  the  rest 
of  the  monasteries  and  friaries  will  be  appropri- 
ated to  the  Crown,  pensions  being  given  to  those 
who  will  swear  to  and  approve  of  the  laws."  2 

Commissioners  were  appointed  to  administer  the 
oath ;  refusal  involved  forfeiture  of  all  benefice  and 
office,  and  disablement  for  any  further  promotion. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  mere  refusal  of  the  oath 
only  incurred  deprivation,  not  imprisonment,  which 
was  illegal.  It  was  an  expedient  for  getting  out  of 
office  all  opposers  of  the  royal  policy.  But,  after 
thirty  days  of  the  passing  of  the  act,  script,  or 
word,  or  deed  in  defence  of  the  newly  abolished 
papal  supremacy,  entailed  for  the  first  offence  loss 
of  all  property,  for  the  second  the  penalties  of 
premunire,  and  for  the  third  death.  Any  active 
opposition    was    thus    punishable :    but    a    simple 

i  Gal.  V.SP.X  vol.  vii.  No.  68. 
2  Ibid,  No.  71. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABB  AT  191 

passive  refusal  to  accept  the  queen  as  supreme  in 
matters  ecclesiastical  was  tolerated  even  after  the 
deprivation  of  the  refuser. 

The  letters  to  the  commissioners  were  signed 
May  23,  1559.  But  they  proceeded  slowly,  in  the 
hopes  of  winning  over  some.1  By  the  end  of  the 
year  the  oath  had  been  offered  to  all  the  bishops, 
who,  with  the  exception  of  Kitchin,  refused,  and 
were  therefore  deprived  but  were  not  as  yet  im- 
prisoned. 

During  the  time  of  the  debates  in  Parliament  on 
the  changes  in  religion,  abbat  Fecknam  was  quietly 
going  on  at  Westminster  unmoved  by  the  approach- 
ing storm.  He  kept  his  soul  in  peace  through  it 
all.  He  knew  the  consequences  of  his  refusal  of 
the  queen's  offer,  but  let  the  evil  of  the  day  take 
heed  to  itself.  So  he  went  on.  The  story  goes 
that  he  was  engaged  in  planting  elm  trees  in  his 
garden  at  Westminster  when  a  message  came  to 
tell  him  that  a  majority  in  the  house  of  commons 
had  declared  for  the  dissolution  of  all  religious 
houses,2  and  remarked  that  he  planted  in  vain,  for 
that  he  and  his  monks  would  soon  have  to  go. 
"Not  in  vain,"  replied  the    abbat.      "Those   that 

1  How  slowly  they  set  to  work  is  clear  from  the  date  of  the  depositions. 
Bonner  they  disposed  of  that  very  month  ;  Lichfield,  Chester,  Carlisle, 
Lincoln,  Winchester,  and  Worcester  in  June  ;  York,  St.  Asaph,  Ely, 
in  July  ;  Durham  in  September  ;  Bath  and  Peterborough  in  October  ; 
Exeter  in  November.     When  St.  David's  was  voided  is  not  known. 

2  This  was  on  April  29.  The  bill  passed  the  Lords,  May  5.  See 
Strype's  Annals,  I.  (ed.  Oxford),  vol.  i.  Part  I.  p.  99. 


i92  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

come  after  me  may  perhaps  be  scholars  and  lovers 
of  retirement,  and  whilst  walking  under  the  shades 
of  these  trees  they  may  sometimes  think  of  the 
olden  religion  of  England,  and  the  last  abbat  of 
this  place."     And  so  he  went  on  with  his  planting.1 

II  Schifanoya,  who  was  a  Mantuan  correspon- 
dent, seemingly  official,  tells  us  hitherto  unknown 
details  about  the  second  dissolution  of  Westminster. 
Writing  on  June  6,  he  says  : — 

"The  poor  bishop  [Bonner]  has  taken  sanctuary 
at  Westminster  abbey  to  avoid  molestation  from 
many  persons  who  demand  considerable  sums  of 
money  from  him ;  but  the  abbey  cannot  last  long, 
as  the  abbat  made  a  similar  reply  [of  refusal]  when 
it  was  offered  him  to  remain  securely  in  his  abbey 
with  his  habit  and  the  monks,  to  live  together  as 
they  had  done  till  now,  provided  that  he  would 
celebrate  in  his  church  the  divine  offices  and  mass, 
administering  the  sacraments  in  the  same  manner 
as  in  the  other  churches  of  London,  and  that  he 
would  take  the  oath  like  the  other  servants,  officials, 
pensioners,  and  dependents  of  the  crown,  and  ac- 
knowledge this  establishment  as  from  the  hands  of 
her  majesty.  To  these  things  the  abbat  would  by 
no  means  consent ;  so  after  St.  John's  day,  the  term 
fixed  by  Parliament  for  all  persons  to  consent  and 

1  Fuller,  Church  History  of  Britain  (ed.  Oxford),  vol.  v.  p.  96,  says 
tins  took  place  soon  after  the  accession.  But  Heylin,  Examen  Ilistori- 
cum,  p.  167,  with  much  more  probability,  puts  the  story  at  the  time 
when  the  dissolution  of  the  monastery  was  decreed. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABB  AT  193 

swear  to  all  the  statutes  and  laws  or  to  lose  what 
they  have,  all  of  them  will  go  about  their  business, 
though  no  one  can  leave  the  kingdom." 1 

On  the  27th  of  June  he  writes  again:  "Six  or 
eight  bishops  have  been  deprived  not  only  of  their 
bishoprics  but  of  all  their  other  revenues,  being 
bound  also  not  to  depart  from  England,  and  not  to 
preach  or  exhort  whatever  in  public  or  in  private, 
and  still  less  to  write  anything  against  the  orders 
and  statutes  of  this  parliament ;  nor  [to  give  occa- 
sion to]  insurrection  or  any  other  scandalous  act, 
under  pain  of  perpetual  imprisonment ;  [the  queen's 
ministers]  demanding  security  and  promise  to  be 
given  by  one  bishop  for  the  other.  .  .  .  Yesterday 
these  good  reverend  fathers  2  underwent  their  depri- 
vation, and  received  orders  where  they  are  to  dwell, 
before  the  council  which  assembled  here  in  London 
in  the  house  of  a  sheriff  for  this  purpose,  they  being 
humble,  abject,  and  habited  like  simple  and  poor 
priests — a  sight  which  would  have  grieved  you.   .   .  . 

"  The  abbat  of  Westminster  with  all  his  monks  did 
the  like,  and  are  therefore  deprived  of  the  revenues  of 
the  monastery  and  of  all  the  rest  of  their  property."  3 

Little  time  was  now  lost  in  putting  into  effect 
the  result  of  Fecknam's  refusal.  The  end  came 
on  July  12,  1559.     The  abbat  and  his  monks  were 

1  Gal.  V.S.P.,  vol.  vii.  No.  78. 

2  The  six  bishops  were  those  of  London,  Worcester,  Chester,  Carlisle, 
Lichfield,  and  Llandaff.  Winchester  and  Lincoln  were  already  in  the 
Tower. 

3  Cal.  V.S.P.,  vol.  viii.  No.  82. 

VOL.  I.  N 


i94  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

turned  out,  and  Westminster  knew  the  benedictines 
no  more.  As  they  had  refused  to  take  the  oath  of 
supremacy,  they  received  no  pensions,  which  were 
only  promised  on  that  condition.1 

The  day  after,  Fecknam  and  one  John  Moulton, 
most  likely  one  of  the  monks,  raised  the  sum  of 
^"40,  on  what  was  evidently  private  plate,  from  Sir 
Thomas  Curtis,  the  same  to  be  considered  as  a  loan 
if  paid  back  before  the  feast  of  All  Saints  next.2 

A  few  days  after  the  suppression,  the  com- 
missioners appointed  to  survey,  examine,  and  order 
concerning  the  state  of  the  late  monastery,  directed 
the  receivers  to  pay  over  to  the  abbat  the  sum  of 
^374,  14s.  6d.  for  various  considerations.3 

What  became  immediately  of  the  abbat  and  his 
monks  we  do  not  at  present  know ;  but  it  is  most 
likely  that,  like  the  bishops,  he  received  orders 
where  to  dwell. 

1  It  is  generally  said  by  writers  that  the  monks  had  pensions.  There 
is,  we  believe,  no  pension  list  extant,  and  the  testimony  of  II  Schifanoya, 
quoted  above,  seems  entirely  to  do  away  with  any  such  idea.  Perhaps 
those  who,  like  Fecknam,  had  been  in  receipt  of  pensions  under  Henry 
Till,  now  resumed  those.  This  perhaps  is  likely  the  meaning  of  dean 
Stanley's  assertion,  based  on  the  chapter-book  of  1569  (see  Memorials, 
p.  406,  note),  which  book  unfortunately,  like  the  rest  of  the  Westminster 
documents,  is  not  accessible. 

2  Historical  MSS.  Commission,  Fourth  Report,  p.  178. 

3  Ibid.  This  is  the  sum  Miss  Bradley  (Dictionary  of  National  Bio- 
graphy, sub  Feckenham)  has  evidently  mistaken  for  a  pension,  and  of 
which  she  says  Fecknam  generously  gave  up  a  part  to  dean  Bill.  A 
few  years  later  he  made  over  to  the  dean  and  chapter  (with  the  hope 
doubtlessly  of  a  future  return  of  England  to  the  Church)  certain  ecclesi- 
astical vestments  and  altar  hangings  specified  in  an  inventory  attached 
to  the  deed  of  gift  (April  4,  fifth  of  Elizabeth). 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  195 

But  very  soon  it  was  considered  to  be  injurious  to 
the  new  order  of  things  that  the  bishops  and  abbat 
should  be  at  liberty.  There  had  been,  as  yet,  no  com- 
plaint of  any  overt  act  on  their  part  against  the  new 
statutes.  But  at  the  following  Easter  (1560)  their 
continued  absence  from  the  state  worship  was  made 
a  cause  for  excommunicating  and  then  imprisoning 
them.  This  was  the  resolution  taken  by  the  queen 
and  her  council:  ''The  xx  of  May  was  sent  to  the 
Tower  master  Fecknam,  doctor  Watson,  late  bishop 
of  Lincoln,  and  doctor  Cole,  late  dean  of  Paul's,  and 
doctor  Chadsay ;  and  at  night  about  viii  of  the  clock 
was  sent  to  the  Fleet  doctor  Score,  and  master  Feck- 
nam, the  last  abbat  of  Westminster,  to  Tower."  1 
Parker,2  the  new  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  it  was 
who  sent  the  abbat  to  prison. 

Of  his  life  in  the  Tower  we  have  gathered  a  few 
particulars.  He  had  to  pay  heavily  for  his  food  and 
accommodation.  The  charges,  for  instance,  in  the 
Fleet  prison  were  then  £1  a  week  for  board  and 
the  privilege  of  a  single  bed  ;   this  sum,  be   it   re- 

1  Machyn,  p.  235.  Jewel  writes  to  Peter  Martyr  (May  22,  1560)  : 
"  Bonner,  the  monk  Feckenham,  [Dr.]  Pate,  [Dr.]  Story  the  civilian, 
and  Watson  [bishop  of  Lincoln]  sent  to  prison  for  having  obstinately 
refused  attendance  on  public  worship,  and  everywhere  declaiming  and 
railing  against  that  religion  which  we  now  profess."  And  two  years 
(February  7,  1562)  after  he  again  writes  :  "  The  Marian  bishops  are  still 
•confined  to  the  Tower,  and  are  going  on  in  their  old  way.  If  the  laws 
were  but  as  rigorous  now  as  in  the  time  of  Henry,  they  would  submit 
themselves  without  difficulty.  They  are  an  obstinate  and  untamed 
set  of  men,  but  are  nevertheless  subdued  by  terror  and  the  sword." 
Zurich  Letters  (Parker  Society),  First  Series,  pp.  79,  101. 

2  Stowe,  Annals  of  the  Reformation,  vol.  i.  Part  I.  p.  211. 


196  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

membered,  is  equal  to  ^10  a  week  ;  the  charges  were 
most  likely  the  same  at  the  Tower.  Even  at  this 
high  cost,  his  cell  was  damp  and  unhealthy,  the  food 
was  bad,  and  he  was  subjected  to  close  confinement. 
The  prisoners  were  kept  separate,  and  of  this  they  so 
complained,  that  Sir  Edward  Warner,  lieutenant  of 
the  Tower,  in  writing  to  the  council  (June  14,  1560), 
says : — 

"  First  he  put  your  lordships  in  remembrance 
that  the  late  bishops,  with  Mr.  Fecknam  and  Mr. 
Boxall,  being  all  eight  in  number,  be  close  and 
severally  kept,  for  which  they  continually  call  upon 
him  to  make  on  their  names  humble  suit  to  have 
more  liberty ;  informing  your  lordships  therewith 
how  troublesome  it  is  to  serve  so  many  persons 
severally  so  long  together."  1 

The  council  wrote  on  4th  September  to  the 
archbishop  giving  leave  that  the  prisoners,  un- 
less he  had  any  objection,  might  dine  at  two 
tables,  together  with  the  order  in  which  they  had 
to  sit.  The  archbishop  of  York,  the  bishop  of 
Worcester,  abbat  Fecknam,  and  Boxall,  dean  of 
Peterborough  and  secretary  of  state  under  queen 
Mary,  were  to  dine  at  one  table  ;  and  the  bishops 
of  Ely,  Bath  and  Wells,  Exeter,  and  Lincoln  at 
the  other.  Parker  consented,  and  (September  6th) 
authorised    the    lieutenant    to    make    the    change.2 

1  P.R.O.  Bom.  Eliz.,  vol.  xxiii.  No.  40,  quoted  by  Bridgett  and  Knox 
in  Queen  Elizabeth  and  the  Catholic  Hierarchy,  p.  165. 

2  Parker  Correspondence  (Parker  Society),  pp.  T21,  122. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  197 

This  new  arrangement  would  be  better  at  least,  for 
they  would  have  the  help  of  each  other's  society  to 
resist  the  insidious  attacks  made  to  bring  them  to 
conformity.  As  each  Easter  came  round,  threats 
of  death  were  reported  for  those  who  would  refuse 
to  partake  of  the  new  sacrament.1  In  March  1563 
Parliament  had  given  authority  to  administer  the 
oath,  with  the  penalty  now  of  death  for  those  who 
refused  it.2  But  so  far  the  oath  had  not  been  again 
tendered  to  the  prisoners.  They  were  first  to  be 
tried  in  another  way.  Occasion  was  taken  of  the 
plague,  then  raging  in  the  City,  to  remove  them 
from  the  Tower  and  commit  them  to  the  custody  of 
the  new  bishops.  They  had  themselves  petitioned 
the  council  "to  be  removed  to  some  other  con- 
venient place  for  their  better  safeguard  from  the 
present  infection  of  the  plague." 3  But  this  slight 
grace  shown  to  them  did  not  please  the  preachers 
of  the  new  religion.  Stowe  in  his  Memoranda  says: 
"Anno  1563  in  September  the  old  bishops  and 
divers  doctors  were  removed  out  of  the  tower  into 
the  new  bishops'  houses,  there  to  remain  prisoners 
under  their  custody  (the  plague  being  then  in  the 
city  was  thought  to  be  the  cause) ;  but  their  de- 
liverance (or  rather  change  of  prison)  did  so  much 
offend  the  people  that  the  preachers  at  Paul's  Cross 
and    on    other    places,    both    of   the    city    and    the 

1  Bridgett  and  Knox,  p.  42. 

2  Lingard  (ed.  Dolman,  1849),  vol.  vi.  p.  83. 

3  Parker  Correspondence,  p.  192. 


198  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

country,  preached  (as  it  was  thought  of  many  wise 
men)  very  seditiously,  as  Baldwin  at  Paul's  Cross 
wishing  a  gallows  set  up  in  Smithfield,  and  the  old 
bishops  and  other  papists  to  be  hanged  thereon. 
He  himself  died  of  the  plague  the  next  week  after."1 

Abbat  Fecknam  was  sent,  first  of  all,  back  to  his 
old  home  at  Westminster,  to  the  care  of  Goodman, 
the  new  dean.  There  is  a  letter  from  Grindal, 
bishop  of  London,  to  Cecil,  of  the  date  October  15, 
1563,  suggesting  that  Fecknam  should  be  sent  to 
some  bishop. 

"The  bishop  of  Winton,  when  he  was  with  me, 
said  if  he  should  have  any,  he  could  best  deal  with 
Fecknam,  for  in  king  Edward's  days  he  travailed 
with  Fecknam  in  the  Tower  and  brought  him  to 
subscribe  to  all  things,  saving  the  Presence  and  one 
or  two  more  articles.  Ye  might  do  very  well  (in  my 
opinion)  to  ease  the  poor  dean  of  Westminster,  and 
send  the  other  also  to  some  other  bishop,  as  Sarum 
or  Chichester."2 

The  suggestion  was  taken,  and  the  dean  was 
relieved  of  the  unwelcome  presence  of  the  abbat ; 
and  that  same  winter  Fecknam  was  sent  to  Home, 
bishop  of  Winchester,  who  was  boasting  he  could  pre- 
vail over  the  abbat's  constancy.  With  what  results 
will  appear.  In  the  bishop's  house  he  was  treated  very 
uncivilly  and  roughly.     "  We  must  not  think  of  these 

1  Three  Fifteenth-Gentury  Chronicles,  with  Historical  Memoranda,  by 
John  Stowe  (Cam.  Soc),  p.  126. 

2  Grindal's  Remains,  p.  282  (Parker  Society). 


JOHN   FECKNAM,   ABBAT  199 

first  intruders  into  the  Catholic  sees  of  England  as 
if  they  were  modern  Anglican  bishops,  gentlemen  of 
refinement  and  of  enlarged  and  liberal  minds,  who, 
if  we  could  imagine  them  in  the  position  of  unwilling 
jailors  to  Catholic  bishops,  would  seek  by  every 
means  to  alleviate  their  lot."  1 

We  shall  see  later  on  what  the  treatment  was 
the  prisoners  had  to  endure  at  the  hands  of  their 
episcopal  jailors. 

Home  began  to  ply  the  abbat  with  questions  on 
the  dangerous  subject  of  the  oath.  Fecknam  wrote 
a  clever  paper  in  answer,  giving  the  reasons  which 
would  hinder  him  from  taking  the  oath.  We  see 
the  old  dialectical  skill  which  made  him  so  feared 
as  an  opponent.  Among  other  difficulties,  he  says  : 
"The  fourth  and  last  point  is  that  I  must  swear 
to  the  observation  of  this  oath,  not  only  to  the 
queen's  highness,  and  our  sovereign  lady  that  now 
is,  but  also  unto  her  heirs  and  successors,  kings  and 
queens  of  this  realm  ;  and  because  every  Christian 
man  ought  to  be  careful  to  avoid  perjury  therein, 
I  would  right  gladly  know  that  if  any  her  highness 
successors  should  by  the  refusal  of  the  said  title 
of  supremacy  bind  her  subjects  by  the  like  statute 
law  unto  the  clean  contrary  [experience  whereof 
was  of  late  made  in  this  realm,  that  it  is  yet  fresh  in 
the  memories  of  all  men]  ;  in  this  case  I  would  right 
gladly  know  what  authority  is  able  to  dispense  again 
with  the  oath  ?     And  if  there  be  none  at  all,  then 

1  Bridgett  and  Knox,  p.  94. 


200  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

the  subjects  of  this  realm  in  this  case  are  bound,  and 
that  by  book-oath,  to  live  in  a  continual  disobedience 
to  the  laws  of  their  sovereign  lord  or  lady,  king  or 
queen,  the  case  whereof  is  very  lamentable  "  x 

The  abbat  was  always  ready  to  listen ; 2  and  was 
able  at  least  to  prove  to  his  opponents  that  his 
refusal  to  submit  to  the  royal  supremacy  in  ecclesi- 
astical affairs  was  solely  a  matter  of  conscience. 
Home  complains  that  Fecknam  used  to  point  to 
his  heart  and  say  :  "  The  matter  itself  is  founded 
here,  that  shall  never  go  out."  3  In  spite  of  frequent 
reports  spread  abroad  of  an  approaching  recantation, 
day  and  hour  being  even  fixed  by  the  gossips,  Home, 
finding  that  all  his  endeavours  were  unavailing  to 
bring  over  the  abbat  to  his  own  way  of  thinking, 
kept  him  for  six  weeks  a  close  prisoner  in  the 
house,  and  after  allowing  him  to  be  grossly  insulted 
at  his  table,  made  complaint  to  the  council  and 
procured  his  return  to  the  Tower.4 

In  April  1564  archbishop  Parker  had  a  conversa- 
tion with  Cecil,  and  urged  the  enforcement  of  the 
oath  according  to  the  recent  act.  But  Cecil  gave  him 
to  know  that  the  queen  was  unwilling  to  have  the 
oath  tendered  for  the  second  time,  for  that  meant 
death.     The  archbishop  acted  under  the  instructions 

1  Home's  An  Answer  to  M.  Fekenham,  p.  101. 

2  "  I  hear  said  Mr.  Fecknam  is  not  so  precise  (as  Watson,  who  refused 
all  conference)  but  could  be  contented  to  confer"  (Grindal  to  Cecil, 
p.  282). 

3  Home's  An  Answer  to  M.  Fekenham,  p.  3. 

4  Ibid.  p.  129. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,   ABBAT  201 

he  received,  and  sent  round  a  circular,  the  draft  of 
which  Cecil  corrected,  to  the  rest  of  his  bishops 
ordering  them  not  to  tender  the  oath  to  any  one  a 
second  time  without  previously  referring  the  matter 
to  him.  But  this  instruction  had  to  be  kept  secret.1 
An  exception,  however,  was  made  in  the  case  of 
Bonner,  a  fellow-prisoner  with  the  abbat,  who  had 
incurred  the  special  hatred  of  all  the  reformers  by 
his  severity  under  the  last  reign.  How  that  wily 
old  lawyer  Bonner  checkmated  Home  and  all 
Elizabeth's  government  on  the  plea  that  the  in- 
truded bishop  of  Winchester  was  no  bishop  in  the 
eyes  of  the  law,  is  a  well  known  story. 

We  have  seen  how  Home,  having  failed  to  con- 
vince the  abbat,  was  glad  to  get  rid  of  him ;  and 
Fecknam  on  his  side  preferred,  it  is  said,  to  go  back 
to  the  Tower  rather  than  stay  with  the  bishop.  We 
find  him  there  in  custody  in  January  1565,  and  he 
probably  returned  on  the  occasion  of  Home's  fiasco 
with  Bonner.  In  the  Tower  he  lingered  on ;  and 
we  know  but  little  of  his  imprisonment.2  As  Home 
had  complained  to  the  council  of  the  abbat' s  in- 
tractability, Fecknam  in  a  letter  to   Sir  W.    Cecil 


1  Parker  Correspondence,  pp.  173-175. 

2  A  poem  In  Laudem  Joannis  Fecknam,  by  an  unknown  author, 
printed  in  the  Downside  Review  (vol.  i.  p.  430),  tells  us  some  particulars 
of  his  life  at  this  time.  It  was  his  own  choice  to  return  to  the  Tower  ; 
for  he  said,  "A  prison  is  better  than  a  bishop's  palace."  And  on 
one  occasion  when  Cecil  expressed  his  wonder  that  the  abbat  lived  so 
long,  "  The  reason  is,"  said  he,  "  because  I  live  shut  up  in  the  prison 
and  not  the  prison  in  me.     I  willingly  bear  my  chains." 


202  THE    ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

(March     14,    1565)    puts    the    matter   into    its    real 
light. 

"  According  to  your  honour's  pleasure,  signified 
to  me  by  the  lieutenant,  I  have  sent  to  your  honour 
such  writings  as  have  passed  between  my  lord 
bishop  of  Winchester  and  me,  touching  the  oath 
of  the  queen's  highness'  supremacy,  in  perusing 
whereof  I  do  most  humbly  beseech  your  honour 
to  observe  how  slenderly  his  lordship  hath  satisfied 
my  expectations  therein  :  who  in  requesting  of  his 
lordship  to  be  resolved  by  the  authority  of  the 
scriptures,  doctors,  general  councils,  and  by  the 
example  of  the  like  government  in  some  one  part 
and  church  of  all  Christendom  :  his  lordship  in 
no  one  part  of  his  resolutions  hath  alledged  any 
testimony  out  of  any  one  of  them :  but  only  hath 
used  the  authority  of  his  own  bare  words,  naked 
talk  and  sentences ;  which  in  so  great  and  weighty 
a  matter  of  conscience  I  esteem  and  weigh  as 
nothing.  And  if  his  lordship  shall  at  any  time 
hereafter  (and  especially  at  your  honour's  request) 
be  able  to  bring  forth  any  better  matter,  I  shall 
be,  at  the  sight  thereof,  at  all  times  in  readiness 
to  receive  the  said  oath,  and  to  perform  my  promise 
before  made  in  the  writings.  But  if  his  lordship 
shall  be  found  (notwithstanding  your  honour's  re- 
quest) to  have  no  better  matter  in  store,  I  shall  for 
my  duty's  sake  towards  the  queen's  majesty,  con- 
sidering the  degree  and  estate  her  highness  hath 
placed  him  in,  abstain  from  the  plain  speech  which 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  203 

I  might  justly  use  (his  lordship  first  beginning  the 
complaint),  yet  that  notwithstanding  your  honour 
must  give  me  leave  to  think  that  his  lordship  hath 
not  all  the  Divine  Scriptures,  doctors,  general 
councils,  and  all  other  kinds  of  learning  so  much 
at  his  commandment  as  I  have  oftentimes  heard 
him  boast  and  speak  of.  And  this  much  to  write 
of  my  own  secret  thought,  either  against  him  or  yet 
any  other,  it  is  very  much  contrary  to  the  inclination 
of  my  nature  :  for  I  being  a  poor  man  in  trouble  am 
now,  likewise  at  all  other  times,  very  loath  to  touch 
him  or  any  man  else.  But  whensoever  it  shall 
please  your  honour  by  your  wisdom  to  weigh  the 
matter  indifferently  between  us,  your  honour  shall 
be  sure  to  have  this  short  end  and  conclusion 
thereof :  that  either  upon  his  lordship's  more 
pytthyer  (?pithier)  and  learned  resolutions,  your 
honour  shall  be  well  assured  that  I  will  receive  the 
oath,  or  else,  for  lack  of  learned  resolutions,  your 
honour  shall  have  certain  and  sure  knowledge  that 
the  stay  so  long  a  time  on  my  part,  made  in  not 
receiving  of  the  same  oath,  is  of  conscience  and  not 
of  will  stubbornly  set ;  but  only  of  dread  and  fear 
to  commit  perjury,  thereby  to  procure  and  purchase 
to  myself  God  his  wrath  and  indignation  :  finally  to 
inherit  perpetual  death  and  torment  of  hell  fire,  and 
that  remedyless,  by  a  separation  making  of  myself 
from  God  and  the  unity  of  his  Catholic  Church, 
being  always  after  unsure,  how  or  by  what  means 
I   may  be  united   and  knit  thereunto   again.     The 


2o4  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

upright  and  due  consideration  of  this  my  lamentable 
state  is  all  that  I  do  seek  at  your  honour's  hands, 
as  knoweth  our  Lord  God,  who  long  preserve  your 
good  honour  with  much  increase  thereof. 

"  From  the  Tower,  this  xiiii  of  this  present  March, 
by  your  poor  orator,  John  Fecknam,  priste."  1 

Whilst  in  the  Tower  (1570),  Fecknam  wrote  a 
pamphlet  which  casts  a  light  on  the  "  gentle  per- 
suasiveness," used  in  his  regard.  It  was  written  in 
answer  to  Sir  Francis  Jobson,  the  lieutenant  of  the 
Tower,  on  Mr.  Pellam's  request,  "  upon  Sunday  last 
[January  15,  1570],  as  I  came  from  the  church,  to 
know  my  liking  of  M.  Gough's  sermon.  Where- 
unto  I  answered :  that  I  was  very  loath  to  find 
any  fault  with  the  sayings  or  doings  of  any  man, 
being  already  in  trouble  as  you  know.  You  replied 
and  said  :  that  I  was  not  able  to  find  fault  where  no 
fault  was.  I  had  not  then  no  leisure  to  make  any 
further  answer,  you  departing  homewards  and  I  to 
my  prison."  He  then  discusses  the  various  opinions 
broached  in  the  course  of  the  sermon,  and  ends  up 
with  these  words  :  "  I  desire,  I  say,  to  make  my 
humble  suit  unto  your  worships  for  myself  and  my 
prison-fellows  both,  that  hereafter  we  may  not  be 
haled  by  the  arms  to  the  church  in  such  violent 
manner  against  our  wills,  against  all  former  examples, 
against  the  doctrine  of  your  own  side  (Luther,  Bucer, 
Zwinglius,  Oecolampadius,  Melancthon,  and  the  rest, 

1  Dom  Eliz.,  xxxvi.  23. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,   ABBAT  205 

every  one  writing  and  earnestly  persuading  that  all 
violence  be  taken  away  in  matters  of  religion),  there 
to  hear  such  preachers  as  care  not  what  they  say 
so  they  somewhat  say  against  the  professed  faith  of 
Christ's  Catholic  Church  ;  and  there  to  hear  a  sermon, 
not  of  persuading  us,  but  of  railing  upon  us.  This, 
if  your  worships  will  incline  unto  for  charity  sake, 
we  shall  have  to  render  you  most  humble  thanks, 
and  whatsoever  else  we  may  do  in  this  our  heavy 
time  of  imprisonment."  1 

Some  time  after  the  abbat  was  removed  to  the 
Marshalsea,  but  the  exact  date  has  not  been  yet 
discovered.2  He  was  still  in  the  Tower  157 1,  for  in 
the  March  of  that  year  he  was  allowed  to  have  his 
meals  at  the  table  of  the  lieutenant  of  the  Tower,3 
and  is  known  in  the  June  to  have  attended  his 
fellow-prisoner,  Dr.  John  Story,  at  the  scaffold 

Stevens  says  :  "  Many  protestants,  being  ashamed 
to  see  a  man  who  had  deserved  so  well  so  in- 
humanly treated,  prevailed  that  he  should  be  put 
out  of  the  Tower  and  removed  to  the  Marshalsea, 
where  he  had  a  little  more  liberty."  4  But  on  July 
17,  1574,  the  council  ordered  the  keeper  of  the 
Marshalsea  to  take  him  before  the  archbishop  of 
Canterbury  at  his  grace's  leisure,  and  "  upon  bonds 
taken  of  him  by  the  said  lord  bishop,  to  set  him  at 

1  L.  T.,  An  Answer  to  Certain  Assertions  of  M.  Fecknam,  &c,  p.  17. 

2  Bradley's  Westminster,  p.  179. 

3  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council  (New  Series),  vol.  viii.  p.  21. 

4  Additions  to  the  Monasticon,  vol.  i.  p.  289. 


206  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

liberty."  And  they  also  wrote  the  same  day  to  the 
archbishop  empowering  him  to  accept  bail  for  Mr. 
Dr.  Feckenham  on  the  same  conditions  as  those 
lately  made  (Jnly  5th)  in  the  case  of  bishop 
Watson.  These  were  that  he  "  shall  not  by  speech, 
writing,  or  any  other  means  induce  or  intice  any 
person  to  any  opinion  or  act  to  be  done  contrary 
to  the  laws  established  in  the  realm  for  causes  of 
religion,"  and  that  he  should  dwell  in  a  specified 
place,  "  and  not  to  depart  from  thence  at  any  time 
without  the  license  of  the  lords  of  the  council,"  and 
that  he  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  receive  visitors. * 

After  fourteen  years'  confinement,  Fecknam  was 
now  released  on  parole  and  went  to  live  in  Hol- 
born,  where,  no  sooner  had  he  partly  regained  his 
liberty,  than  he  was  engaged  in  works  of  charity 
and  usefulness.  Benevolence  was  so  marked  a 
feature  in  his  character  that,  as  Fuller  says,  "he 
relieved  the  poor  wheresoever  he  came,  so  that  flies 
flock  not  thicker  about  spilt  honey  than  the  beggars 
constantly  crowded  about  him." 2  Large  sums  of 
money  seem  to  have  been  at  his  disposal,  for  the 
-charitable  were  assured,  from  their  knowledge  of  his 
character,  that  their  alms  entrusted  to  his  care  would 
reach  the  most  needy  and  the  most  deserving  of 
the  poor.  In  Holborn  he  built  an  aqueduct  for  the 
luse  of  the  inhabitants.3     He  distributed  every  day  the 

1  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council  (New  Series),  1574,  vol.  viii.  pp.  269,  264. 

2  Worthies  of  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  477. 
-3  Stevens,  vol.  i.  p.  28a. 


JOHN    FECKNAM,   ABBAT  207 

milk  of  twelve  cows  among  the  sick  and  poor  of 
the  district,  and  took  under  his  special  charge  the 
orphans.  He  encouraged  the  youth  of  the  place  in 
manly  sports  by  giving  prizes,  and  thought  it  better 
they  should  on  Sundays  have  games,  such  as  all 
English  lads  love,  rather  than  attend  the  new  fashion 
of  worship.1  Thus  spending  himself  for  others,  and 
already  broken  down  by  the  rigours  of  his  long 
imprisonment,  he  fell  ill.  On  July  18,  1575,  the 
council  ordered  "  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  or  in  his 
absence  the  Recorder  of  London,  to  take  bondes  of 
Doctor  Feckenham  for  his  good  behaviour,  and  that 
at  Michaelmas  next  he  shall  return  to  the  place 
where  he  presently  is,  and  in  the  meantime  he  may 
repair  to  the  Baths."  2  Whilst  in  this  town  he  built, 
in  1576,  a  hospice  for  the  poor  "by  the  White 
Bath,"  that  they  too  might  come  and  get  the  benefit 
of  the  waters.3 

Whilst  thus  a  prisoner  on  parole,  reports  had 
reached  the  ears  of  the  Council  (June  24,  1577) 
that  Fecknam  and  the  others  "  have  very  much 
abused  themselves  by  suffering  certain  of  her 
majesty's  evil-disposed  subjects  to  resort  unto  them, 
whom  they  have  perverted  in  religion."  4  For  Aylmer, 
the  bishop  of  London,  had  lately  written  to  Burghley 
signifying  "  that  he  liked   not  that   Fecknam,  late 

1  Hymnus  in  Laudem  J.  Fechtamis,  Harl.  MS.  3258,  fol.  45. 

2  Acts  P.C.,  vol.  ix.  p.  8.     On  June    19,   1576,   lie  got  a  similar 
license. 

3  See  Downside  Revieiv,  vol.  xiv.  p.  323. 

4  Acts,  vol.  ix.  p.  37 1. 


2o8  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

abbat  of  Westminster,  Watson,  late  bishop  of 
Lincoln,  and  Young,  another  active  popish  dignitary 
under  queen  Mary,  should  continue  where  they 
were,  in  London,  in  the  Fleet  or  Marshalsea,  where 
by  their  converse  and  advice  they  might  instigate 
and  do  mischief;  advising  that  they  might  be  placed 
again,  as  they  had  been  before,  with  some  three 
bishops,  at  Winchester,  Lincoln,  Chichester,  or 
Ely,  and  that  for  his  part,  he,  if  he  were  out  of 
his  first-fruits,  could  be  content  to  have  one  of 
them."  * 

So  in  the  following  month  Walsingham  wrote  to 
the  bishops  who  had  formerly  been  charged  with 
these  prisoners,  saying  that  as  inconvenience  and 
mischief  is  daily  found  to  increase,  not  only  to  the 
danger  of  her  majesty's  person  but  to  the  disturbance 
of  the  common  quiet  of  the  realm  on  account  of  the 
lenity  shown  to  such  as  obstinately  refused  to  come  to 
church  for  sermons  and  common  prayer,  he  appoints 
a  consultation  to  be  held  which  should  be  attended 
by  the  bishops  and  their  chancellors  and  others  they 
think  fit.     The  secretary  then  goes  on  to  say  : — 

"And  fore-as-much  as  the  special  point  of  the 
said  consultation  will  stand  upon  the  order  that 
may  be  taken  generally  with  all  them  that  refuse 
to  come  to  the  church,  and  in  particular  what  is 
meetest  to  be  done  with  Watson,  Fecknam,  Harps- 
field,  and  others  of  that  ring  that  are  thought  to  be 
the  leaders  and  pillars  of  the  consciences  of  great 

1  Strype,  Life  of  Bishop  Aylwer,  p.  25. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,   ABBAT  209 

numbers  of  such  as  he  carried  with  the  errors, 
whether  it  be  not  fit  they  be  disputed  with,  all  in 
some  private  sort  and  after  disputation  had  with 
them,  and  they  thereby  not  reduced  to  conformity; 
then  whether  it  shall  be  better  to  banish  them  the 
realm  or  to  keep  them  here  together  in  some 
straight  sort  as  that  they  may  be  kept  from  all 
conference."  1 

The  result  of  these  consultations  was  soon  made 
known,  for  by  the  end  of  July  (1577)  the  council 
ordered  Cox,  the  bishop  of  Ely,  to  receive  abbat 
Fecknam,  and  divided  the  rest  of  the  prisoners 
among  other  anglican  bishops.  The  real  cause  of 
this  second  incarceration  was  that  Elizabeth,  at  last 
driven  to  desperation,  began  to  apply  the  penalty 
of  death  attached  to  the  act  of  1571,  which  was 
her  answer  to  the  deposing  bull  of  Pius  V.  The  act 
had  not  hitherto  been  enforced,  although  its  pro- 
visions were  such  as  made  illegal  any  communica- 
tion, under  any  shape  or  form,  with  Rome.  But 
just  then  the  seminary  at  Douai,  about  which  more 
in  the  next  chapters,  was  beginning  to  pour  priests 
into  England  in  defiance  of  her  laws,  and  the  first 
blood  for  conscience7  sake  was  shed  in  this  year  by 
the  heroic  Cuthbert  Mayne.     The  queen,  rightly  or 

1  P.R.O.  Bom  Eliz.,  cxiv.  69.  Walsingham  also  suggests  that,  if 
Fecknam  and  the  others  are  to  be  kept  in  durance,  the  cost  of  their 
keep  was  to  be  found  in  taxing  such  of  the  bishops  and  clergy  as  are 
non-residents  and  have  pluralities  some  yearly  contribution  for  the 
finding  of  them,  and  a  convenient  stipend  to  be  given  to  their  keeper. 
See  Bridgett  and  Knox,  p.  178. 

VOL.  I.  0 


210  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

wrongly,  was  in  terror  of  plots  against  her  life ; 
and  the  government  had  determined  upon  taking 
stringent  measures,  and  keeping  in  custody  the  most 
prominent  of  those  who  were  known  to  be  dis- 
affected to  her  religious  policy.  Together  with  the 
order  of  the  council,  the  notorious  Cox,  bishop  of 
Ely,  received  a  stringent  code  of  regulations  for 
the  treatment  of  the  aged  abbat — they  were  to 
this  effect : — 

"  i.  That  his  lodgings  be  in  some  convenient  part 
of  your  house,  that  he  may  be  both  there  in  safe 
custody  and  also  have  no  easy  access  of  your  house- 
hold people  unto  him,  other  than  such  as  you  shall 
appoint  and  know  to  be  settled  in  religion  and 
honesty,  as  that  they  may  not  be  perverted  in  religion 
or  any  otherwise  corrupted  by  him. 

"2.  That  he  be  not  admitted  unto  your  table 
except  upon  some  good  occasion,  to  have  ministered 
to  him  there  in  the  presence  of  some  that  shall 
happen  to  resort  unto  you,  such  talk  whereby  the 
hearers  may  be  confirmed  in  the  truth ;  but  to  have 
his  diet  by  himself  alone  in  his  chamber ;  and  that 
in  no  superfluity,  but  after  the  spare  manner  of 
scholars'  commoners. 

11 3.  That  you  suffer  none  (unless  some  one  to 
attend  upon  him)  to  have  access  unto  him,  but 
such  as  you  shall  know  to  be  persons  well  conformed 
in  true  religion,  and  not  likely  to  be  weakened  in 
the  profession  of  the  said  religion  by  any  con- 
ference they  shall  have  with  him. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABB  AT  211 

"  4.  That  you  permit  him  not  at  any  time  and 
place  whilst  he  is  with  you  to  enter  into  any  dis- 
putations of  matters  of  religion,  or  to  reason  thereof, 
otherwise  than  upon  such  occasion  as  shall  be  by 
you  or  in  your  presence  with  your  good  liking  by 
some  others  ministered  unto  him. 

"5.  That  he  have  ministered  unto  him  such  books 
of  learned  men  and  sound  writers  in  divinity  as  you 
are  able  to  lend  him,  and  none  other. 

"  6.  That  he  have  no  liberty  to  walk  abroad  to 
take  the  air,  but  when  yourself  is  best  at  leisure 
to  go  with  him,  or  accompanied  with  such  as  you 
shall  appoint. 

"  7.  That  you  do  your  endeavour  by  all  good 
persuasion  to  bring  him  to  the  hearing  of  sermons 
and  other  exercises  of  religion  in  your  house,  and 
the  chapel  or  church  which  you  most  commonly 
frequent."  1 

This  disposes  of  the  pleasing  fiction  some  writers 
maintain,  that  the  abbat  and  others  of  the  deposed 
clergy  were  kept  as  guests  under  gentle  restraint 
in  the  houses  of  protestant  bishops.  To  be  de- 
prived of  liberty,  company,  the  solaces  of  their 
religion  and  all  they  held  dear,  was  bad  enough 
treatment ;  but  to  be  harassed  on  religious  topics 
on  every  conceivable  occasion,  to  have  to  take 
the  air,  on  the  rare  occasion  permitted,  tied  to 
the  strings  of  a  protestant  bishop's  apron,  and 
to    have    only    such    books    of    sound    divinity    as 

1  Lansdowne  MS.,  No.  155,  foL  201. 


2i2  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

the  reformers  delighted  in,  were  unnecessary  aggra- 
vations. 

The  bishop  did  his  best  to  convert  the  abbat, 
for  Elizabeth,  it  is  said,  ordered  him  to  bring  the 
abbat,  "  being  a  man  of  learning  and  temper,  to 
acknowledge  her  supremacy  and  come  to  church." 
But  Cox  wrote  to  Burghley,  August  1578,  and  gives 
this  report  of  the  abbat :  "  That  he  was  a  gentle  per- 
son ;  but  in  popish  religion  too,  too  obdurate."  And 
that  he  had  often  conference  with  him  :  and  other 
learned  men  at  his  request  had  conferred  with  him 
also  touching  going  to  church,  and  touching  the 
oath  to  the  queen's  majesty.  The  bishop  added 
that  he  had  examined  him  whether  the  pope  was 
not  a  heretic  .  .  .  that  when  there  was  some  hope 
of  his  conformity  he  (the  abbat)  said  unto  himy 
"All  those  things  that  he  said  against  me  with 
leisure  I  could  answer  them."  And  further  said,. 
"  That  he  was  fully  persuaded  in  his  religion,  which 
he  will  stand  to."  "  When  I  heard  this,"  said  the 
bishop,  "  I  gave  him  over  and  received  him  no 
more  to  my  table;"  and  in  some  zeal  subjoining, 
"Whether  it  be  meet  that  the  enemies  of  God 
and  the  queen  should  be  fostered  in  our  homes 
and  not  used  according  to  the  laws  of  the  realm, 
I  leave  to  the  judgement  of  others.  What  my 
poor  judgement  is  I  will  express,  being  commanded. 
I  think  my  house  the  worse  being  pestered  with 
such  a  guest."  .  .  .  This  letter  the  bishop  dates- 
from    Ely,    styling    it    "that    unsavoury    isle    with. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,   ABB  AT  213 

turves    and    dried-up    loads,"    the    29th    of  August 

1578.1 

The  council  on  October  23,  1579,  understanding 
that  Fecknam  had  "  lately  broken  out  into  an  open 
discommending  of  her  majesty's  godly  proceedings 
in  matters  of  religion,"  required  Cox  "  to  cause  him 
to  be  kept  close  prisoner  in  some  fit  room  within  his 
house,  not  suffering  him  to  have  any  man  of  his  own 
choice  to  attend  upon  him,  and  that  such  person  as 
his  lordship  shall  appoint  of  his  own  servants  to 
resort  unto  him,  to  deliver  him  his  necessary  food 
(which  their  lordships  wish  to  be  no  larger  than 
may  serve  for  his  convenient  sustenance)."  2 

A    so-called    "  confession " 3    exists    in  the   Lans- 

1  Strype's  Annals  (ed.  1824),  vol.  ii.  Perne,  the  dean  of  Ely,  had  been 
set  on  to  Fecknam  some  months  before  Cox  wrote  to  Burghley,  and  in 
his  turn  writes  on  May  n,  1578,  to  the  effect  that  the  abbat  had  said 
of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  :  "  That  as  he  liked  well  of  prayers 
therein  that  were  made  to  Almighty  God  in  the  name  of  His  Son,  Jesus 
Christ ;  so  he  would  also  have  added  the  invocation  of  our  blessed  Lady 
and  other  saints  and  prayers  for  the  dead"  (ibid.  pp.  176,  177,  186). 

2  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  vol.  xi.  p.  291. 

3  Endorsed  in  Burghley's  writing,  "  Feckehamis  Confessio  before  the 
bishop  of  Ely  and  his  Chaplaines.  Papists  1580."  Two  years  earlier 
Perne  had  writen  to  Burghley  that  it  was  impossible  to  get  Fecknam  to 
sign  this  or  a  similar  document.  Burghley  evidently  wrote  to  Fecknam 
about  this  confession,  for  Strype  reports  the  abbat  as  writing  in  answer 
words  to  the  effect :  "  That  he  was  persuaded  of  a  singular  good  will 
(he  said)  both  that  her  majesty  and  his  honour  bore  unto  him,  if  he 
should  show  himself  anything  conformable.  That  he  thought  verily 
that  were  it  not  for  her  majesty  and  his  honour,  it  would  have  been 
worse  for  him  and  others  of  his  sect  than  it  was  at  that  day  ;  for 
the  which  he  said,  that  he  did  daily  pray  for  the  long  preservation  of 
her  majesty,  and  also  for  his  lordship's  honourable  state.  But  yet  to 
subscribe  he  did  refuse ;  saying  that  if  he  should  subscribe  and  fail  in 
one  thing,  he  had  as  good  failed  in  all"  (ibid.  p.  180). 


2i4  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

downe  MSS.,1  which  shows  the  pertinacity  of  his 
jailors  and  his  own  constancy  : — 

"  A  True  Note  of  Certain  Articles  confessed  and 

allowed   by   Mr.    Dr.    Fecknam,    as   well   in 

Christmas  holidays  last  past  as  also  at  divers 

other  times  before,  by  conference  in  learning 

before  the  reverend   father   in    God   the  L. 

Bishop  of  Ely,  and  before  Dr.  Perne,  Dean 

of   Ely,    Master    Nickolas,   Master    Stanton, 

Master  Crowe,  Mr.  Bowler,  Chaplains  to  my 

L.  of  Ely;    and  divers  others  whose  names 

be  here  subscribed. 

"  First,  he  doth   believe   in   his    conscience    and 

before  God  that  the  xiiii  chapter  of  the  first  to  the 

Corinthians  is  as  truly  to  be  understanded  of  the 

common  service  to  be  had  in  the  mother  tongue, 

to  be  understanded  of  the  vulgar  people  as  of  the 

preaching  and  prophesying  in  the  mother  tongue. 

"  Secondly,  that  he  doth  find  no  fault  with  anything 
that  is  set  forth  in  the  Book  of  Common  Service 
now  used  in  the  Church  of  England,  but  his  desire 
is  to  have  all  the  rest  of  the  old  service  that  was 
taken  out  to  be  restored  again,  as  the  prayer  to  the 
saints  and  for  the  dead,  and  the  seven  sacraments 
and  external  sacrifice,  and  then  he  would  most  will- 
ingly come  thereto.  He  liketh  well  to  have  the  sacra- 
ment ministered  under  both  kinds  unto  the  lay  people, 
so  it  were  done  by  the  authority  of  the  Church. 
1  No.  30,  fol.  199. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABB  AT  215 

"  Thirdly,  he  doth  very  well  allow  of  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  oath  for  the  queens  majestie  her 
supremacy  as  it  is  interpreted  in  her  highness  in- 
junctions, that  is  that  the  queen's  majestie  under 
God  have  soveranty  and  rule  over  all  manner  of 
persons  born  within  her  realms,  dominions,  and 
countries,  of  what  estate  either  ecclesiastical  or 
temporal  soever  they  be  ;  the  which  oath  he  offereth 
himself  to  be  at  all  times  ready  most  willingly  to 
receive  whensoever  it  shall  be  demanded  of  him  by 
authority. 

"  Fourthly,  he  being  demanded  why  he  will  not 
come  to  the  service  in  the  Church  of  England  as  it 
is  set  forth  this  day,  seeing  he  doth  find  no  fault 
with  it,  and  doth  think  it  in  his  conscience  that  it 
may  be  lawful  to  have  the  common  prayer  in  the 
mother  tongue.  He  answereth,  because  he  is  not  of 
our  Church  for  lack  of  unity  ;  some  being  therein 
protestants,  some  puritans,  and  some  of  the  family  of 
Love,  and  for  that  it  is  not  set  forth  by  the  authority 
of  general  council  to  avoid  schisme. 

"  Lastly,  Mr.  D.  Fecknam  will  not  conform  himself 
to  our  religion,  for  that  he  can  see  nothing  to  be 
sought  but  the  spoil  of  the  Church  and  of  bishops' 
houses  and  of  college  lands,  which  he  saith  maketh 
many  to  pretend  to  be  puritans,  seeking  for  the 
fruits  of  the  church,  and  always  requesting  Almighty 
God  to  put  in  her  majesty's  mind  and  her  honour- 
able council  to  make  some  good  stay  therein,  other- 
wise he  saith  it  will  bring  in  ignorance  in  her  high- 


216  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

ness'  clergy,  with  a  subversion  of  Christian  religion, 
and  finally  all  wickedness  and  paganism. 

(Signed)         "John  Fecknam,  Priest.1 
"BichardEly. 
Andreas  Perne. 
Gulihelmus  Stanton." 

How  well  the  abbat  knew  the  temper  of  the  times. 
He  would  be  willing  to  accept  the  Prayer-Book  if  it 
ceased  to  be  protestant.  As  regards  disciplinary 
laws  he  was  free  to  hold  his  own  opinion  as  to  their 
utility,  but  he  denied  the  Church  of  England  was  an 
authority  with  power  to  make  such  changes  as  had 
been  made.  He  saw  plainly  the  state  of  schism  the 
established  church  was  in,  and  that  alone  was  proof 
to  him  that  it  was  outside  the  unity  of  his  church. 
He  would  not  object  to  an  oath  expressed  in  the 
terms  explained  in  the  queen's  injunction  ;  but  the 
oath  that  had  actually  to  be  tendered  to  him  under 
the  act  of  Parliament,  he  would  not  take  at  all  on 
any  understanding  whatsoever  as  to  its  implied 
meaning.  There  is  in  this  confession  always  a 
saving  "  but "  to  every  approach  to  an  agreement 
with  the  reformers,  and  it  was  just  these  exceptions 
that  made  the  "  Confession"  useless  to  them. 

In  June  1580  Cox  writes  a  piteous  letter  to 
Burghley.2     He  is  ill  and  has  paralysis,  and  cannot 

1  It  is  signed  in  a  very  feeble  and  shaky  handwriting. 

2  "  To  take  one  view  more  of  the  ancient,  pious,  learned  confessor 
and  bishop  Cox,  which  take  from  his  own  pen  to  his  old  friend,  the 
lord  Burley  ;  complaining  of  two  evils  that  now  oppress  him  in  his  very 


JOHN   FECKNAM,   ABBAT  217 

put  up  with  the  abbat  any  longer,  and  begs  that  he 
may  be  taken  away.  The  truth  is  that  the  angli- 
can  bishops  were  worn  out  with  the  quiet  but 
unconquerable  constancy  of  men  who  entrenched 
themselves  absolutely  behind  the  invisible  but  all- 
powerful  barriers  of  conscience.  It  was  an  open 
rebuke  to  them  in  the  face  of  the  whole  kingdom  ; 
for  not  one  of  these  had  they  succeeded  in  bring- 
ing over  to  the  new  religion.  Parker,  as  we  have 
seen,  was  only  following  the  current  when  he  was 
anxious  to  cut  the  difficulty  by  enforcing  the 
oath,  the  refusal  of  which  meant  death.  Jewel, 
too,  had  been  hinting  at  the  use  of  the  sword  in 
confidential  intercourse  with  his  friends,  regretting 
that  this  means  was  not  used  upon  these  irrecon- 
cilables.  And  Aylmer  had  written  in  1577  to  the 
lord  treasurer :  "I  speak  to  your  lordship  as 
one  chiefly  careful  for  the  state,  and  to  use  more 
severity  than  hitherto  hath  been  used  ;  or  else  we 
shall  smart  for  it."  l  The  unholy  blood-thirst,  we 
cannot  call  it  anything  else,  displayed  by  the  new 
bishops  excited  the  anger  of  Elizabeth.     Bernadino 

old  age  :  one  might  have  a  redress  by  favour  of  that  lord  ;  the  other 
only  from  God.  Thus  writing  Duo  mala  me  premunt,  the  one,  hospes 
mains  et  inutilis ;  i.e.  a  bad  guest  and  good  for  nothing.  He  meant 
Fecknam,  sometime  abbat  of  Westminster,  that  had  been  committed  to 
his  house  and  had  remained  there  so  long  till  he  was  weary  of  him. 
.  .  .  The  other  inconvenience  .  .  .  corpus  nimirum  dimidia  parte 
languidum,  his  poor  paralytic  body"  (Strype,  Annals  of  the  Reformation, 
ed.  1824,  vol.  ii.  Part  II.  p.  381). 

1  Strype,  Life  of  Bishop  Aylmer,  p.  24.  Cox,  writing  in  1578,  says  : 
"  I  trust  hereafter  her  highness  and  her  magistrates  will  prosecute 
severely  the  same  trade"  (Annals,  p.  196). 


218  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

de  Mendoza,  the  Spanish  ambassador,  writing  to  his 
king,  March  23,  1580,  says:  "This  (the  armament) 
has  caused  her  recently  to  revoke  the  commission 
given  to  her  bishops  to  ascertain  who  were  catho- 
lics. She  told  them  with  her  own  mouth  that  they 
were  a  set  of  scamps,  for  they  were  oppressing 
the  catholics  more  than  she  desired." x 

As  a  consequence  of  Cox's  appeal,  at  the  end  of 
the  month  (June  24)  the  council  gave  leave  that 
Fecknam  should  be  transferred  from  the  bishop's 
immediate  neighbourhood.  So  sometime  in  July 
the  abbat  was  once  more  moved ;  this  time  to  Wis- 
beach  Castle,  a  disused  and  partly  ruinous  house 
belonging  to  the  bishop  of  Ely.  Here  he  met 
several  of  his  old  fellow-prisoners,  bishop  Watson 
among  the  others. 

Wisbeach  Castle  was  a  dreary  place.  "During 
the  winter  the  sea  mists  drifting  landwards  almost 
always  hung  over  and  hid  the  castle  walls.  Broad 
pools  and  patches  of  stagnant  waters,  green  with 
rank  weeds,  and  wide  marshes  and  sterile  flats  lay 
outspread  all  round  for  miles.  The  muddy  river 
was  constantly  overflowing  its  broken-down  banks, 
so  that  the  moat  of  the  castle  constantly  flooded 
the  adjacent  garden  and  orchard.  Of  foliage,  save 
a  few  stunted  willow-trees,  there  was  little  or  none 
in  sight ;  for  when  summer  came  round,  the  sun's 
heat  soon  parched  up  the  rank  grass  in  the  court- 
yard, and  without,  the   dandelion   and   snapdragon 

1  Calendar  Spanish  State  Papers  (Simancas),  vol.  i.  p.  22. 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  219 

which  grew  upon  its  massive  but  dilapidated 
walls."1 

Such  was  Wisbeach,  a  place  which  in  a  few  years 
more  was  to  gain  so  sad  a  notoriety  as  the  theatre 
of  dissensions  which,  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say, 
inflicted  a  blow  upon  Catholicity  in  England  the 
effects  of  which  are  felt  even  to-day.  But  while  the 
benedictine  abbat  was  there,  his  gentle  spirit  sorted 
well  with  the  fraternal  charity  which  possessed  the 
hearts  of  his  fellow-confessors.  There  was  no  emula- 
tion, no  prelature.  Even  Watson  would  not  accept 
of  any  superiority  on  account  of  his  episcopal  dignity. 
They  were  all  fellow-prisoners,  he  said,  all  equal.2 

The  life  passed  a  few  years  later  in  this  prison  is 
described  by  Fr.  Weston,  the  Jesuit,  in  his  account 
of  his  imprisonment.3  The  prisoners  were  kept  in 
separate  rooms  under  bolts  and  locks.  Dinner  and 
supper  they  had  in  common ;  and  for  half-an-hour 
before  and  after  the  meals  they  could  take  exercise 
in  the  open  air.  Wisbeach  was  then  a  public  prison, 
common  to  all  thieves  and  criminals.  After  the 
time  of  Fecknam  the  prisoners  seem  to  have  had 
more  liberty,  as  we  shall  see  in  the  next  chapter. 
But  when  the  abbat  first  came  there  the  system  was 
in  all  its  rigour.     There  is  a  letter  from  the  keepers  of 

1  F.  G.  Lee,  The  Church  under  Queen  Elizabeth,  ed.  1892,  p.  198. 
Among  the  state  papers  is  a  document  of  July  1579,  as  to  the  evil 
state  of  the  river  at  the  time.     P.B.O.  Dom  Eliz.,  vol.  cxxxi.,  No.  48. 

2  Bridgett  and  Knox,  p.  204. 

3  Morris'  The  Troubles  of  our  Catholic  Forefathers,  second  series,  pp. 
239,  240. 


22o  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

Wisbeach,  George  Carleton  and  Humphrey  Michell, 
to  the  Privy  Council  (Oct  16,  1580),1  in  which  they 
report  the  recusants  as  being  eight  in  number. 
"The  bishop  of  Ely  has  appointed  a  preacher,  Dr. 
William  Fulke,  a  puritan;  but  the  prisoners  refuse 
to  attend  his  sermons  or  prayers,  saying  that  they 
are  not  of  our  church,  and  they  will  neither  hear, 
pray,  nor  yet  confer  with  us  of  any  matter  concerning 
religion.,,  The  keepers  mention  that,  according  to 
instructions  they  had  received,  all  books  "  saving  the 
canonical  scriptures  and  the  allowed  writers "  have 
been  taken  away  from  the  prisoners,  to  the  great 
grief  of  their  hearts.  They  end  up  by  asking 
whether  the  permission  of  taking  meals  in  com- 
mon may  be  withdrawn. 

This  durance  did  not  extinguish  Fecknam's  bene- 
volence nor  his  desire  of  doing  good  all  round. 
Here,  at  Wisbeach,  he  paid  for  the  repairing  of  the 
road,  and  also  erected  a  public  market-cross  in  the 
town.2  But  the  life  of  this  venerable  confessor  was 
drawing  to  a  close.  Worn  out  with  the  rigours  of 
an  imprisonment  of  twenty-three  years,3  he  died  a 

1  Bridgett  and  Knox,  p.  197. 

2  Stevens,  p.  289.  "  And  there  was  also  a  cross,  probably  dedicated 
to  St.  Peter,  which  was  afterwards  converted  into  an  obelisk  .  .  .  [but 
was]  taken  down  in  the  year  1810"   (History  of  Wisbeach  [1883],  p.  258). 

8  In  the  poem  before  mentioned,  the  unknown  author  says  : — 

"  Fama  refert  igitur  quod  dira  venena  dabantur  ; 
Fecknamo  ;  neque  res  suspicione  caret." 

He  also  mentions  that  the  abbat  was  consoled  before  death  with  the 


JOHN   FECKNAM,  ABBAT  221 

martyr  for  his  faith  in  1584,  and  on  October  16  was 
buried  in  an  unknown  grave  in  the  parish  church  of 
Wisbeach. 

Abbat  Fecknam,  says  Stevens,  was  of  "  a  mean 
stature,  somewhat  fat,  round-faced,  beautiful  and  of 
a  pleasant  aspect,  affable  and  lively  in  conversa- 
tion." 1  Camden  calls  him  a  man  learned  and  good, 
who  lived  a  long  time  and  gained  the  affection 
of  his  adversaries  by  publicly  deserving  well  of  the 
poor.2  Bishop  Kennet  mentions  as  a  trait  in  the 
abbat's  character  that  he  "  left  what  he  had  to  the 
church  at  Westminster,  and  gave  the  dean  good 
directions  about  such  lands  leased  out,  which  could 
not  otherwise  have  been  easily  discovered,  in  letters 
which  are  still  preserved  among  the  records."  ! 

To  the  last  he  never  forgot  Westminster,  and, 
as  was  characteristic  with  him,  the  poor  of  West- 
minster. From  the  overseer's  accounts  of  the  parish 
of  St.  Margaret's  is  recorded,  1590:  "  Over  and 
besides  the  sum  of  forty  pounds  given  by  John 
Fecknam,  sometime  abbat  of  Westminster,  for  a 
stock  to  buy  wood  for  the  poor  of  Westminster,  and 
to  sell  two  faggots  for  a  penny,  and  seven  billets 
for  a  penny,  which  sum  of  forty  pounds  doth  remain 

Holy  Viaticum,  and  said  when  the  Blessed  Sacrament  was  brought 
to  him  : — 

"  Tu  bona  cuncta  mihi  tecum  sapienter  portas 
Tu  letitia  es,  tu  mihi  vita,  salus." 

1  Ibid. 

2  Annates  Rerum  Anglicarum,  ed.  Hearne,  vol.  i.  p.  48. 

3  Lansdowne  MS.,  No.  982,  fol.  62. 


222  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

in  the  hands  of  the  church- wardens."  1  He  also  left 
a  bequest  to  the  poor  of  his  first  monastic  home  of 
Evesham.2 

According  to  Anthony  &  Wood,  Fecknam,  with 
the  benedictine  instinctive  love  for  the  Office,  wrote 
a  commentary  on  the  Psalms  of  David,  and  also 
one  on  the  Canticles.  Among  the  Sloane  MSS.  is 
an  autograph  work  of  about  400  pages  bearing  the 
following  heading : — 

"  This  booke  of  sovereigne  medicines  against  the 
most  common  and  knowne  diseases  both  of  men  and 
women  was  by  good  proofe  and  long  experiences 
collected  by  Mr.  Dr.  Fecknam,  late  abbat  of  West- 
minster, and  that  chiefly  for  the  poor,  which  hath 
not  att  all  tymes  the  learned  phisitions  att  hande."  3 

Thus  in  the  odour  of  sanctity  lived  and  died  John 
Fecknam,  the  last  abbat  of  the  monastery  of  St. 
Peter's  at  Westminster.  A  true  monk  and  a  staunch 
witness  for  the  faith  of  Christ.4 

1  These  accounts  have  been  privately  printed.  Westminster,  1877. 
See  also  Malcolm's  Londinium  Redivivum,  vol.  iv.  pp.  139,  140. 

2  May's  History  of  Evesham,  p.  398. 
s  Add.  MSS.,  No.  3919. 

4  Among  bishop  Kennet's  collection  in  the  Lansdowne  MSS.  (No. 
982)  are  some  notes  in  addition  to  Anthony  a  Wood's  notice  of 
Fecknam.  From  them  we  gather  that  in  1556  Fecknam  resigned  the 
deanery  of  St.  Paul's  in  the  January  ;  the  living  of  Kentish  Town  was 
voided  November  22,  and  that  of  Greenford  Magna  December  7,  "per 
religionis  ingressum  magistri  Johis  Feckenham  cleric,  in  mon.  S.  Petri 
Westmon.  noviter  erecti  "  (from  Bonner's  Register).  Among  the  pensions 
recorded  in  the  year  1555  Com.  Wigorn.  Evesham.  Pensio  Johs  Fecken- 
ham, Decani  D.  Pauli,  x  libr. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH    CATHOLICS,    1559-1601 

The  immediate  effect  of  tendering  the  oath  of 
supremacy  was  the  deprivation  of  all  the  bishops, 
15  in  number,  with  the  exception  of  Kitchin  of 
Llandaff.  They  were  followed  by  7  deans,  10  arch- 
deacons, 7  chancellors,  25  heads  of  colleges,  $j 
fellows,  35  prebendaries,  44  doctors  and  professors, 
17  heads  of  schools  or  religious  houses,  197  digni- 
taries and  men  of  weight.1  This  by  no  means  com- 
pletes the  list  of  deprivations.  The  number  of 
parochial  clergy  that  were  either  gradually  deprived 
or  gave  up  of  their  own  accord  is  numbered  by 
competent  judges  as  something  like  2000.2  It  is 
only  by  some  great  exodus  like  this  that  the  great 
dearth    of   clergy,    of   which   the    new   Elizabethan 

1  See  a  list  (avowedly  incomplete)  printed  in  Tierney,  vol.  ii., 
Appendix. 

2  "In  the  visitation  of  the  province  of  York  in  August  and 
September  1559,  out  of  90  clergymen  summoned,  21  came  and  took 
the  oath,  36  came  and  refused  to  swear,  17  were  absent  without 
proctors,  16  were  absent  with  proctors.  ...  In  the  province  of  Canter- 
bury .  .  .  out  of  the  891 1  parishes  and  9400  beneficed  clergymen,  we 
find  only  806  subscribers,  while  all  the  bishops  and  85  others  expressly 
refused  to  subscribe,  and  the  rest  were  absentees.'  See  R.  Simpson's 
Campion,  ed.  1896,  p.  197. 


224  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

bishops  were  constantly  complaining,  can  be  ac- 
counted for.  Of  those  who  remained  in  outward 
union  with  the  Anglican  Church  there  were  great 
numbers  we  know  who  kept  to  their  livings  in  the 
hopes  of  another  change,  looking  forward  "to  a 
time,"  as  it  was  said.  They  had  already  seen  so 
many  variations  within  the  last  twenty  years,  why 
not  keep  quiet  and  wait  for  better  days  ?  So  many 
argued,  and  would,  at  least  in  country  parts,  say 
mass  privately  for  those  of  their  parishioners  who 
were  of  their  mind,  and  then  would  perform  the 
new  rite  publicly  in  the  parish  church  to  fulfil  the 
law.  Most  of  these,  by  thus  tampering  with  their 
consciences,  at  last  fell  away  entirely.  But  of  that 
large  body  of  clergy  known  as  the  "Old  Priests,"  or 
the  "  Marian  Priests,"  some  few  retired  for  a  while  to 
the  universities  and  thence  went  abroad  to  Rome, 
Louvain,  Douai,  Paris,  &c.  Others  were  received 
into  private  families,  where  they  acted  as  chaplains 
and  attended  in  secret  the  catholics  who  would  not 
admit  the  ministrations  of  the  new  clergy.  They 
were  not  molested  as  a  rule,  for  many  of  those  who 
kept  to  their  livings  were  friends  and  secretly 
admired  their  constancy. 

This,  then,  was  the  state  of  the  Church  in  England 
in  a  few  years  after  Elizabeth's  accession.  The 
bishops  were  in  prison,  and  a  large  body  of  clergy 
was  scattered  here  and  there  and  left  without  head 
or  organisation.  The  sacrament  of  confirmation 
ceased ;    and    it  became    difficult  even    to   get   the 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        225 

holy  oils  for  extreme  unction.  These  had  to  be 
smuggled  over  from  Ireland  or  the  continent.  Some- 
times, at  rare  intervals,  an  Irish  bishop  would  come 
over  in  secret  and  try  to  supply  the  more  pressing 
wants  of  the  district  he  visited.  But  practically  Eliza- 
beth had  achieved  her  end.  She  wanted  to  crush  all 
opposition  and  deprive  of  place,  power,  and  influence 
those  who  would  not  allow  of  her  religious  policy. 

The  desperate  state  of  the  church  was  brought 
under  the  notice  of  the  Roman  authorities,  and 
steps  were  proposed  (which,  alas  !  came  to  nought) 
to  apply  a  remedy.  Among  the  letters  of  cardinal 
Morone  de  rebus  anglisB  (written  between  July  1560 
and  September  1563)  is  a  proposal  for  a  new  arrange- 
ment of  the  English  sees.1  Heath  was  to  be  trans- 
lated from  York  to  Canterbury,  Watson  from  Lincoln 
to  York,  and  Scott  from  Chester  to  Durham.  The 
others  were  to  retain  their  sees ;  and  names  were 
proposed  for  filling  up  the  vacant  ones.  There  was 
no  idea  of  submitting  quietly  to  the  intruders,  and 
thus  tacitly  admitting  their  claim.  Had  this  policy 
prevailed  in  England  as  it  did  in  Ireland,  we  to-day 
should  have  been  in  possession  of  our  old  historical 
hierarchy. 

What  hindered  the  project  has  not  yet  fully  ap- 
peared. But  it  can  be  sufficiently  accounted  for. 
Twice  did  the  pope  (Pius  IV.)  send  ambassadors  to 

1  Episcopal  Successions  (M.  Brady),  vol.  ii.  p.  322.  This  must  have 
been  written  before  it  was  known  that  Heath  and  the  others  were  im- 
prisoned. 

VOL.  I.  P 


226  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

the  queen  assuring  her  he  would  give  every  satisfac- 
tion. But  the  envoys  were  refused  admittance  into 
the  kingdom.1  When  this  conciliatory  pontiff  died, 
he  was  succeeded  (1566)  by  a  pope  of  very  different 
policy.  Pius  V.,  a  dominican  friar,  of  stern  and  in- 
flexible ideas,  was  determined  to  crush  the  queen  by 
the  censure  of  the  church,  and  to  impose  by  force  of 
arms  the  recognition  of  a  temporal  headship,  which 
an  united  Christendom  had,  of  free  will,  given  to  his 
predecessors.  Had  the  Curia  recognised  that  the 
political  world  was  indeed  moving,  the  history  of  the 
church  in  England  would  have  been  very  different. 
But  easy  enough  as  it  is  for  us  to  see  the  errors  of  a 
past  time,  it  was  not  so  easy  for  those  then  at  the 
helm  to  divine  the  trend  of  affairs.  A  pope  is  neces- 
sarily influenced  by  his  entourage ;  and  the  temporal 
policy  of  one  pope  will  not  necessarily  be  that  of 
his  predecessors.  The  government  of  the  church  is 
vested  in  human  hands,  which  are  moved  by  human 
hearts  swayed  by  every  manner  of  human  motives.2 

1  May  5,  1560,  the  pope  wrote  to  Elizabeth  asking  her  to  receive 
Vincent  Parpaglia,  abbat  of  St.  Saviour's,  as  'persona  grata  to  the  queen. 
But  he  was  stopped  at  Calais.  The  pope  renewed  his  attempt  the  next 
year,  and  sent  abbat  Martinengo,  who  got  as  far  as  Brussels,  and  there 
received  notice  that  he  too  was  refused  admittance  into  the  kingdom. 
As  neither  was  allowed  to  fulfil  his  embassy,  it  is  not  possible  to  say, 
with  the  means  at  present  at  our  disposal,  what  were  the  terms  of  the 
papal  message.  Any  reports  as  to  the  pope's  willingness  to  accept  the 
changes  introduced  by  the  queen,  are  mere  valueless  conjectures. 

2  In  a  letter  of  Bernardo  Navagero,  Venetian  ambassador  at  Borne, 
to  the  doge  and  senate  (March  14,  1556),  he  says  :  "Yesterday  I  had 
audience  of  the  pope,  who  said  to  me  ...  *  It  is  a  miracle,  lord  ambas- 
sador, how  this  holy  see  has  maintained  itself,  preceding  pontiffs  having, 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        227 

But  Providence,  while  leaving  men  to  work  out  their 
own  measures  and  to  take  the  consequences  of  their 
own  acts,  overrules  all  for  its  own  predestined  end. 

We  shall  be  better  able  to  understand  the  action 
of  Pius  V.  in  regard  to  Elizabeth,  if  we  remember 
that  he  was  brought  up  and  was  surrounded  by  men 
imbued  with  a  tradition  of  universal  sovereignty 
even  in  temporal  matters.  It  was  one  of  long  stand- 
ing. What  was  more  natural,  when  Christendom 
was  united  by  the  bonds  of  one  faith,  than  to  look 
up  to  the  pope  as  to  the  common  father  and  head 
of  all  kingdoms ;  as  the  arbitrator  in  all  disputes, 
between  king  and  king  and  also  between  king  and 
subjects?  But  that  which  was  the  free  concession 
of  a  loving  flock,  in  course  of  time  became  to  be 
regarded  by  some  as  a  divine  right.  It  was  held 
and  publicly  taught  by  many  that  the  pope  had,  by 
a  right  inherent  in  his  pastoral  office,  the  power  of 
deposing  monarchs  and  of  releasing  subjects  from 
their  allegiance  —  even  more,  of  transferring  their 
allegiance  to  whomsoever  he  pleased  to  give  the 
forfeited  crown.  The  church  of  course  was  not  com- 
mitted to  this  doctrine ;  but  it  formed  in  those  days 
a  very  important  element  in  practical  teaching  and 
in  the  run  of  men's  thoughts ;  just  as  in  the 
thoughts  of  other  people  who  abhorred  the  pope  it 
was  held  that  there  was  a  divine  or  a  natural  right 

one  may  say,  done  everything  to  destroy  it ;  but  it  is  founded  on  such 
stones  that  there  is  nothing  to  fear  "  {Calendar  of  State  Papers  (Venetian), 
vol.  vi.  No.  425). 


228  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

in  temporal  princes  to  dictate  the  religion  of  their 
subjects  according  to  the  formula  cujus  regio  ejus 
religio.  The  Curia  saw  England  slipping  away ; 
that  England  which,  if  of  late  the  cause  of  much 
trouble,  was  yet  "  a  very  garden  of  delights."  Fears 
were  entertained  that  other  nations,  too,  would 
follow  in  her  wake.  So  an  example  must  be  made 
of  the  English  queen.  A  judicial  inquiry  into 
her  case  was  begun  in  Eome  and  resulted  in  a 
declaration  that  she  had  incurred  all  the  canonical 
penalties  of  heresy.  A  bull  Regnans  in  Excelsis 
was  issued  on  February  25,  1570,  which  denounced 
her  as  excommunicated.  But  when  it  goes  on  to 
declare  her  deprived  of  her  "pretended"  right  to 
the  crown,  and  to  absolve  all  her  subjects  from  their 
allegiance,  and  moreover  to  proclaim  excommuni- 
cated all  who  henceforth  presumed  to  obey  her  laws 
or  acknowledge  her  as  queen,  there  was  an  assertion 
here  of  a  temporal  right  which  could  only  result  in 
deadly  resistance. 

The  effects  were  disastrous.  The  queen  was 
driven  to  desperation.  Against  the  determination 
of  the  man  was  pitted  the  obstinacy  of  an  infuriated 
and  unscrupulous  woman.  Though  she  affected  to 
treat  the  sentence  of  deprivation  with  contempt,  yet 
she  knew  not  what  complications  might  ensue.  The 
excommunication,  of  which  she  knew  the  spiritual 
force,  wounded  her  also  to  the  quick,  and  she 
endeavoured  to  get  the  stigma  removed.  The  pope 
was  inflexible.     The  bull  was  received  with  dismay 


THE  STATE   OF  ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        229 

by  the  English  catholics,  who  could  only  fear  from 
it  a  fresh  excuse  for  ill  treatment.  While  they  were 
proving  their  loyalty  as  no  other  nation  has  ever 
done  to  the  pope's  divine  right,  the  verities  of  the 
catholic  religion,  they  felt  it  hard  indeed  to  be 
called  upon  to  be  implicated  in  temporal  matters, 
based  as  they  were  upon  grounds  which,  even  in 
catholic  kingdoms,  were  held  at  least  to  be  ques- 
tionable. The  English  catholics  were  thus  ground 
down  between  the  upper  and  the  nether  millstones. 

The  queen's  answer  to  the  bull  was  an  act  of 
Parliament  cutting  off  all  communication  between 
her  subjects  and  Kome,  and  declaring  traitors  all  who 
denied  her  title.  Another  made  it  treason  to  use  or 
procure  any  bull  from  Kome,  or  to  reconcile  or  be 
reconciled,  to  have  in  possession  any  objects  blessed 
by  the  pope,  or  even  to  maintain  or  harbour  any 
offenders  against  the  act.  The  pope,  on  his  side, 
was  determined  to  enforce  his  bull,  and  called  upon 
Christian  kings  to  invade  England.  To  this  period 
belong  the  many  plots,  real  or  feigned,  with  which 
the   queen   was   threatened.1      In    after    years   the 

1  That  there  were  real  plots  011  the  part  of  some  catholics  against  the 
queen  cannot  to-day  be  denied  ;  nor  that  churchmen  were  unfortu- 
nately mixed  up  in  them.  On  May  2,  1583,  the  papal  nuncio  writes 
from  Paris  to  the  cardinal  of  Como  :  "  The  duke  of  Guise  and  duke 
of  Mayenne  have  told  me  that  they  have  a  plan  for  killing  the  queen 
of  England  by  the  hand  of  a  catholic,  though  not  one  outwardly,  who 
is  near  her  person,  and  is  ill  affected  towards  her  for  having  put  to 
death  some  of  his  catholic  relations.  This  man,  it  seems,  sent  word  to 
the  queen  of  Scotland,  but  she  refused  to  attend  to  it.  .  .  .  The  duke 
asks  for  no  assistance  from  our  lord  [the  pope]  in  the  affair.  ...  As 
to  putting  to  death  that  wicked  woman,  I  said  to  him,  that  I  will  not 


230  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

Armada  appeared  (doubtlessly  rather  than  was)  the 
result  of  the  pope's  appeal.  The  immediate  effect 
of  the  bull  was  to  widen  the  breach  between 
England  and  the  holy  see.  It  was  the  devoted 
English  catholics  who  felt  all  the  weight  of  the 
papal  bull,  and  saw  with  dismay  a  still  trembling 
scale  sent  down  with  a  violent  impetus  in  a  direc- 
tion contrary  to  catholicity.  During  this  time  of 
open  rupture  the  one  thought  that  was  uppermost 
at  Rome  seems  to  have  been  to  crush  the  queen. 

There  was  now  no  more  talk  of  sending  over 
bishops,  and  the  flock  was  left  to  itself.  Meanwhile 
"  the  old  priests "  were  either  leaving  the  country 
or  were  dying  out.  It  was  an  Englishman  who 
first  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  unhappy  catholics  in 
England  by  starting  the  seminary  at  Douai  in  Flan- 
ders to  provide  priests  for  the  English  mission. 
William  Allen,  an  exile  himself,  in  1568  invited 
some  of  the  Oxford  and  Cambridge  men  scattered 
over  France  and  Flanders  to  unite  with  him  in 
forming  a  small  establishment  at  Douai.  Several 
came  at  his  call,  and  a  house  was  bought.  The 
benedictine  abbats  of  the  neighbouring  monasteries 
of  Arras  (St.  Vedast),  Marchienne,  and  Anchin, 
contributed    generously    to    the    undertaking,    and 

write  about  it  to  our  lord  pope  (nor  do  I),  nor  tell  your  most  illus- 
trious lordship  to  inform  him  of  it ;  because,  though  I  believe  our  lord 
the  pope  would  be  glad  that  God  should  punish  in  any  way  whatsoever 
that  enemy  of  His,  still  it  would  be  unfitting  that  His  vicar  should 
procure  it  by  these  means "  (Knox's  Historical  Introduction  to  Letters 
and  Memorials  of  William,  Cardinal  Allen,  pp.  46,  47). 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        231 

helped  to  support  the  great  number  who  flocked 
in  as  soon  as  the  doors  were  opened.  Soon  there 
were  150  persons  gathered  at  Douai  under  the 
presidency  of  Allen.  But  he  had  no  fixed  means  of 
support  for  his  new  college.  Pius  V.  had  indeed 
applauded  his  work  and  encouraged  him  to  go  on : 
but  it  was  not  until  1575,  in  the  third  year  of 
Gregory  XIII.,  that  any  substantial  help  came  from 
the  holy  see.  In  that  year  Allen  determined  to  go 
to  Eome  to  beg  for  assistance  ;  and  the  good  abbats 
gave  him  strong  letters  of  recommendation,  in  which 
the  university  of  Douai  joined.  His  journey  was 
successful:  and  the  pope,  it  is  said  at  the  special 
entreaty  of  Mercurianus,  the  general  of  the  Jesuits, 
gave  the  college  a  moderate  yearly  allowance.  The 
king  of  Spain,  to  whose  dominion  Douai  then  be- 
longed, also  gave  them  an  annual  pension. 

A  few  years  after,  at  the  instigation  of  Owen 
Lewis,  afterwards  bishop  of  Cassano,  the  pope  about 
1578  opened,  near  St.  Peter's,  a  similar  college 
in  Eome,  and  placed  it  under  the  charge  of  Dr. 
Maurice  Clenock,  then  warden  of  the  old  English 
hospital.  In  1579  the  two  institutions  were  united. 
Two  Italian  Jesuit  fathers  were  employed;  one  as 
procurator,  the  other  as  prefect,  to  help  on  the  new 
establishment.  But  after  a  year  a  rebellion  broke 
out  among  the  students.  A  strong  party  began  to 
clamour  for  the  expulsion  of  the  president,  and  the 
introduction  of  Jesuits  as  superiors.  Without  going 
into  the  reasons  which  led  up  to  this  emeute,  it  will 


232  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

be  sufficient  to  state  that  Dr.  Maurice  Clenock  was 
removed ;  and  the  direction  of  the  college  success- 
fully passed  into  the  hands  of  the  society  under  the 
headship  of  Fr.  Alphonso  Agazzari. 

We  now  come  to  consider  a  painful  page  in  our 
history,  a  page  which  is  however  fraught  with  deep 
lessons.  It  was  a  bitter  experience.  We  should 
have  been  tempted  to  pass  it  by  ;  but,  as  Fr.  John 
Morris,  S.J.,  says — 

"At  this  distance  of  time,  and  after  this  happy 
lull  in  the  controversy,  we  can  afford  to  look  at  the 
whole  dispute  with  greater  impartiality,  and  not  feel 
it  necessary  to  say  that  all  that  was  done  on  one 
side  was  right,  and  all  that  was  done  on  the  other 
was  wrong." 1 

Moreover,  we  think  more  harm  than  good  is  done 
by  catholic  writers  who  entirely  pass  over  the  matter, 
for  the  story  is  known  outside  the  church.  Surely 
it  is  wisdom  to  see  that  mistakes,  and  grave  mistakes, 
too,  have  been  made  by  good,  zealous  people.  We 
profit  by  their  failings.  We  also  get  a  wider  and 
truer  view  of  life  and  history  by  looking  these  ques- 
tions full  in  the.  face ;  and  by  ever  remembering 
that  men  are  men,  and  that  human  nature  has  to 
be  taken  into  account  in  all  things  and  at  all  times. 
Moreover,  unless  the  real  case  in  point  be  stated, 
history  becomes  unintelligible.  And  the  lessons, 
which  Providence  has  allowed,  must  be  for  our 
benefit,  if  we  know  how  to  use  them :  for  Truth  is 

1  See  Dublin  Review,  April  1890,  p.  255. 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        233 

always  edifying  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word.  It 
is  therefore  necessary  to  sketch  the  events  which 
lead  up  to  the  troubles  and  their  subsequent 
history.  We  have  no  case  to  plead,  but  only  a 
plain  story  to  tell.  And  in  the  telling  we  shall 
follow  the  method  Lingard  professes  in  the  preamble 
to  his  history — 

"  To  admit  no  statement  on  trust ;  to  weigh  with 
care  the  value  of  the  authorities  on  which  I  rely ; 
and  to  watch  with  jealousy  the  secret  workings  of 
my  own  personal  feelings  and  prepossessions."  * 

At  the  very  time  Henry  VIII.  was  engaged  in  his 
nefarious  work  of  suppressing  the  monasteries,  St. 
Ignatius  Loyola,  a  Spaniard,  was  engaged  in  laying 
the  foundation  of  his  society.  In  1537  he  went, 
with  fi.ve  companions,  before  Paul  III.  for  his  bless- 
ing. The  pope,  three  years  after,  gave  his  solemn 
approval  of  the  new  institute.  Its  members  were 
at  first  restricted  to  sixty  in  number ;  but  such  was 
their  startling  success,  that,  by  1608  the  new  men 
were  already  possessed  of  293  colleges,  123  houses, 
and  formed  an  army  of  10,581  devoted  men.2  Started 
at  a  desperate  emergency,  they  flung  themselves  into 
the  breach,  and  changed  a  threatened  disaster  into 
victory.  They  took  possession,  so  to  say,  of  the 
catholic  world.  Universities,  colleges,  pulpits,  and 
confessionals  were  peopled  with  the  new  religious. 

1  Preliminary  notice  to  the  History  of  England,  ed.  1849,  p.  xxi. 

2  See  also  Ribadeneira's  The  Life  of  B.  Father  Ignatius,  ed.  16 16, 
PP-  327,  328. 


234  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

The  fame  of  the  great  St.  Francis  Xavier,  one  of 
Ignatius'  first  companions,  cast  a  glory  upon  them  as 
missioners.  In  every  department  of  learning,  their 
men  were  acknowledged  masters  ;  and  the  number  of 
their  admirers  was  enormous.  They  were,  of  set  pur- 
pose, the  apostles  of  the  rich  and  influential.  And 
this,  besides  giving  them  the  disposal  of  boundless 
wealth,  also  initiated  them  into  the  secrets  of  courts, 
and  made  of  them,  whether  they  sought  for  it  or  not, 
a  power  to  be  reckoned  with  in  the  state.  Their 
device,  "  All  to  the  greater-  glory  of  God,"  if  it  was 
the  secret  of  their  brilliant  success,  was  also  un- 
doubtedly the  cause  of  many  difficulties.  Some,  who 
had  not  gained  by  their  religious  training  that  width 
of  mind  which  makes  the  perfect  religious,  came  to 
accept  their  own  society  as  the  one  hope  for  the 
regeneration  of  a  fallen  world ;  and  their  sole  and 
solitary  aim,  the  object  of  their  lives,  the  end  of 
each  day's  occupation,  being  the  promotion  of  what 
they  conceived  to  be  the  greater  glory  of  God,  this, 
they  concluded,  could  not  but  be  promoted  by  the 
advancement  of  their  society.  Taking  a  broad  view 
of  their  action,  this  really  seems  to  have  been  with 
them  a  practical,  though  perhaps  not  a  reasoned  con- 
viction. Unfortunately  it  was  so  in  some  of  the  more 
prominent  of  those  who  had  secured  the  direction 
of  English  affairs.  This,  it  seems,  is  a  position  war- 
ranted by  facts,  and  is  the  only  key  to  the  situation. 
But  looking  at  the  matter  calmly,  is  it  any  wonder 
if  it  were  so  ?     Success  so  complete,  so  sudden,  so 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        235 

well-deserved  and  so  brilliant,  as  that  which  befell 
the  Jesuits,  is  rarely  given  to  any  body  of  men.  Was 
it,  then,  we  say,  any  wonder  that  some  might  have 
become  intoxicated  therewith,  and  carried  away  to 
the  point  of  making  a  means  an  end?  They  cer- 
tainly had  no  warrant  in  their  rule  for  their  con- 
duct ;  and  one  cannot  help  feeling  that  their 
superiors,  in  not  checking  the  dabblers  in  politics, 
secular  and  spiritual,  brought  on  in  later  years  a 
heavy  retribution. 

It  was  at  this  time,  when  the  fame  of  the  society 
was  at  its  height,  that,  in  reply  to  Allen's  repeated 
request,  the  general  of  the  Jesuits  promised,  to  send 
some  of  his  English  subjects  to  help  in  the  mission 
field  which  had  already  become  one  of  death.1  In 
the  spring  of  1580  the  first  two  Jesuit  missioners 
set  out  for  England,  and  arrived  in  the  June  follow- 
ing. The  two  were  Robert  Parsons 2  and  Edmund 
Campion.     As  these  two  were  typical  of  the  currents 

1  When  Pole  was  restoring  the  church  in  England,  the  Jesuits 
suggested  to  him  "  that  whereas  the  queen  was  restoring  the  goods  of 
the  church  that  were  in  her  hands,  there  was  but  little  purpose  to  raise 
up  the  old  foundations  ;  for  the  benedictine  order  was  become  rather 
a  clog  than  a  help  to  the  church  :  they  therefore  desired  that  those 
houses  should  be  assigned  to  them  for  maintaining  schools  and  semi- 
naries which  they  should  set  on  quickly,"  &c.  (Burnett,  History  of  the 
Reformation,  ed.  Oxford,  1865,  vol.  ii.  p.  526.  Taken  from  a  Venetian 
manuscript.)  St.  Ignatius  wrote  a  beautiful  letter  to  Pole,  January  24, 
1555,  speaking  of  the  desire  he  had  of  saving  souls  in  this  realm.  See 
Epist.  Card.  Poli.,  vol.  v.  p.  117;  and  More's  Historia  Provincial  Anglicaim 
S.J.,  p.  11. 

2  Kobert  Persons  or  Parsons  was  born  at  Nether  Stowey,  near  Bridge- 
water,  in  Somerset,  in  the  year  1 546.  He  received  his  education  from 
the  vicar  of  the  parish,  who  sent  him  to  Oxford  in  1564.     Two  years 


236  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

which  then  began  to  flow  from  the  society  we  must 
sketch  their  characters,  and  do  not  believe  we  can 
do  better  than  by  quoting  the  masterly  analysis  given 
by  the  late  Mr.  K.  Simpson  in  his  Life  of  Campion. 
He  says  the  protestants  describe  Parsons  as  the 
"lurking  wolf,"  and  Campion  as  "the  wandering 
vagrant."     And  goes  on — 

"  There  was  more  truth  in  this  colouring  than  in 
the  subsequent  notion  which  Camden  promulgated, 
that  Parsons  was  a  violent  and  fierce-natured  man, 
while  Campion  was  of  a  sweet  disposition  and 
good  breeding ;  the  first  seditious,  turbulent,  and 
confident ;  the  other  modest  in  all  things  except  his 
challenge.1 

"Campion,  it  seems  to  me,  was  the  quick-tem- 
pered man,  open,  free,  generous,  hot,  enthusiastic 
yet  withal  modest,  gentle,  and  fair.  Parsons  more 
slow,  subtle,  cool,  calculating,  and  capable  of  ex- 
later  he  entered  Balliol  College.  He  took  his  degree  of  M.A.  in  1572, 
and  became  fellow  of  his  college  and  then  bursar  and  dean.  He  was 
also  a  noted  tutor.  He  went  abroad  intending  to  become  a  physician  ; 
but  falling  in  with  a  Jesuit  he  became  a  catholic,  and  joined  their  order 
July  4,  1575.  He  was  made  rector  of  the  English  college  in  Borne 
1587,  and  again  after  his  return  from  Spain.  He  died  April  15,  1610. 
He  was  of  middle  size,  swarthy  complexion,  strong  featured,  and  of 
somewhat  forbidding  appearance.  But  he  was  agreeable  in  manners 
and  had  powers  of  conversation.  His  friends  claim  that  his  mind  was 
penetrating,  his  judgment  solid  and  well  regulated,  and  that  he  was 
calm  in  consultation  and  patient  under  disappointments.  He  was  a 
great  reader,  and  a  master  of  an  emphatic  style  of  controversy. 

1  This  refers  to  a  challenge  Campion  wrote  offering  to  dispute  with 
any  one  a  certain  number  of  priests.  The  paper  was  committed  to  the 
care  of  a  friend,  to  be  produced  only  under  certain  circumstances. 
But  it  was  prematurely  published. 


THE  STATE  OF   ENGLISH  CATHOLICS        237 

hibiting  either  violence  or  modesty  as  the  occasion 
seemed  to  demand.  If  Campion  had  the  wisdom, 
Parsons  had  the  prudence.  The  first  knew  how  to 
move,  the  other  to  guide ;  one,  if  I  may  use  offen- 
sive terms  without  offence,  had  the  gifts  which 
make  an  agitator ;  and  the  other  those  that  make 
a  conspirator.  The  rules  of  the  Jesuits,  as  I  have 
shown  above,  linked  together  characters  thus  dis- 
similar in  order  that  united  they  might  act  with 
more  force  and  more  completeness.  And  this  would 
have  been  the  case  if  their  function  had  been  all  in 
common ;  but  though  the  men  were  linked  together 
they  had  separate  work  to  perform.  As  their  in- 
structions directed  them  to  use  the  lay  members  of 
the  confraternity  to  prepare  the  preliminaries  of 
conversion  and  then  themselves  to  finish  the  work, 
so  in  this  work  of  finishing  there  were  different 
grades  ;  for  it  is  one  thing  to  be  a  thorough  catholic, 
and  it  is  something  beyond  to  take  part  in  the 
pope's  intentions  and  desires,  and  to  devote  oneself 
to  their  furtherance  and  fulfilment.1  The  instruc- 
tions sufficient  to  make  a  man  a  catholic  are  not 
sufficient  to  make  him  an  ultramontane.  Campion 
thought  that  all  was  done  when  he  had  reconciled 
his  convert  to  the  catholic  church,  and  taught  him 
the  faith  and  made  him  partaker  of  the  sacraments. 
Parsons  looked  further ;  he  desired  and  laboured  for 
the  conversion  of  England,  and  he  thought  nothing 

1  Mr.  Simpson  is  to  be  understood,  of  course,  as  referring  to  the  papal 
secular  policy. 


238  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

could  effect  this  but  the  overthrow  of  Elizabeth  ; 
therefore  his  aim  was  the  organisation  of  a  party  on 
which  he  could  rely  when  the  pope  gave  the  signal 
for  the  attack.  But  there  was  no  reason  for  him  to 
blab  of  this  design.  The  seed  sown  would,  he 
thought,  grow  all  the  stronger  for  not  being  pre- 
maturely forced.  It  thus  happened  that  there  was 
not  always  perfect  community  between  the  Jesuit 
missionaries ;  a  polarity  began  to  declare  itself,  as 
it  afterwards  did  in  the  society  at  large,  sending  off 
those  like  Campion  to  fight  under  the  banner  of 
St.  Francis  Xavier  against  heathenism,  whilst  it 
retained  those  like  Parsons  in  Europe  to  direct  the 
consciences  of  princes,  and  to  influence  the  councils 
of  state." 1 

When  they  arrived  in  England,2  there  were  already 
here  some  four-score  seminary  priests  who  had  been 
trained  either  in  Eome  or  Douai,  besides  a  number 
of  the  old  Marian  clergy.  These  latter  knew  but 
too  well  the  position  of  the  country  ;  they  had  ac- 
quired that  knowledge  in  a  bitter  school.  The 
enthusiasm  of  youth  was  passed ;  and  they  were 
contented  for  the  most  part,  perhaps,  at  this  time 
of  day,  too  well  contented,  to  regard  things  as  they 
were,  not  as  they  would  have  wished  them  to  be. 
Hence  they  looked  rather  askance  at  the  new  ways 

1  K.  Simpson,  Edmund  Campion  (1896),  pp.  275,  276. 

2  Parsons  landed  at  Dover  on  June  11,  1580,  disguised  "in  a 
captain's  uniform  of  buff  trimmed  with  gold  lace,  with  hat  and  feathers 
to  match."  Campion  followed  on  the  25th,  and  passed  himself  off 
as  a  merchant  of  jewels.     The  disguises  were  characteristic  of  the  men. 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        239 

and  new  ideas  of  these  men  who  were  flocking  into 
England  from  the  seminaries  ;  and  above  all  upon 
the  Jesuits,  who  from  their  very  founder  were  de- 
voted to  the  Spanish  policy.  It  was  feared,  more- 
over, that  these  two  men  would  introduce  a  politi- 
cal influence  under  the  guise  of  religion.  How 
well  in  this  the  "old  priests"  forecasted  the  event, 
history  tells. 

When  Parsons  and  Campion  arrived  in  London, 
July  1580,  they  were  met  by  certain  representatives 
of  the  secular  clergy  who  told  them  plainly  their 
fears.  Parsons  assured  them  they  had  no  political 
object  in  view;  that  they  came  only  "to  treat  of 
religion  in  truth  and  simplicity,  and  to  attend  to  the 
gaining  of  souls  without  any  pretence  or  knowledge 
of  matters  of  state." *  The  general  had  given  them 
special  instructions,  and  directly  forbidden  them 
even  to  discuss  such  matters.  Parsons  told  them 
this,  and  said — 

"  Not  that  we  would  have  meddled  in  these  matters 
if  it  had  not  been  forbidden  us ;  but  we  wish  that  by 
making  public  the  general's  charge  we  may  prevent 
all  who  are  informed  of  it  from  starting  such  dis- 
courses in  future."  2 

1  Edmund  Campion,  p.  183. 

2  "  Those  instructions,  says  Fr.  Morris,  S.  J.,  were  intended  to  be 
strictly  secret,  and  they  were  not  kept  secret.  They  were  meant  to  be 
obeyed,  and  Father  Parsons  at  first,  and  blessed  Edmund  Campion  to 
the  end  of  his  short  career,  obeyed  them.  It  would  have  been  good  for 
religion  if  Fr.  Parsons  had  continued  to  obey  them,  and  his  superiors 
to  enforce  them.  But  for  a  time  he  was  busily  engaged  in  Spain  acting 
in  the  very  teeth  of  them"  (Dublin  Review,  April  1890,  p.  251). 


240  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

The  fears  of  the  secular  clergy  were  allayed  and  the 
Jesuits  made  very  welcome  as  helpers  in  the  mission 
field.  But  soon  Parsons  threw  obedience  to  the 
winds  and  began  political  intrigues.  He  could  not 
resist  it.  His  mind  was  filled  with  the  vision  of  the 
regaining  of  England  by  force  of  arms,  and  he  felt 
he  must  prepare  the  way  for  that.  The  Armada  was 
talked  about  abroad  as  a  certainty ; '  the  ground 
must  be  prepared  here.  With  all  the  energy  of  his 
impetuous  nature  he  adopted,  solely,  we  think,  from 
the  conviction  that  he  was  thereby  advancing  God's 
greater  glory,  the  dangerous  rdle  of  a  conspirator  in 
the  hope  of  helping  on  the  restoration  of  England 
to  the  holy  see  or  of  dying  a  martyr  in  the  cause. 
But  he  had  misjudged  his  means.  Within  a  year 
Campion,  the  brave  and  chivalrous  missioner,  was 
the  martyr.     And  Parsons  fled  away,  in  prudence 

1  It  is  instructive  to  find  Parsons,  while  engaged  in  the  tangles  of 
politics,  being  himself  duped  by  those  he  served.  Philip  II.  wrote  thus 
on  February  n,  1587,  to  Count  Olivares  :  "You  will  maintain  Allen 
and  Kobert  (Parsons)  in  faith  and  hopefulness  that  the  recovery  of 
their  country  will  really  be  attempted  in  order  that  they  may  the  more 
zealously  and  earnestly  employ  the  good  offices  which  may  be  expedient 
with  the  pope  ;  but  let  it  be  in  such  a  way  that  they  do  not  think  the 
affair  is  so  near  at  hand  as  that  it  will  make  them  expansive  in  com- 
municating it  to  others  of  their  nation  for  their  comfort  and  consola- 
tion, and  so  cause  it  to  become  public,  for  this  is  the  way  in  which 
during  these  past  years  many  things  which  were  well  begun  for  the 
benefit  of  that  kingdom  have  come  to  nought.  Go  on,  then,  counter- 
balancing and  drawing  profit  from  them  ;  and  in  everything  do  as  you 
are  accustomed  with  just  prudence  and  dexterity  according  to  what 
the  affair  requires  ;  and  I  confide  it  to  you,  and  you  will  inform  me  of 
what  is  done."  See  Knox's  Introduction  to  Letters  and  Memorials  of 
William,  Cardinal  Allen,  p.  lxxxvi. 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        241 

it  has  been  called,  to  the  continent,  never  again  to 
put  his  neck  in  jeopardy  on  English  soil. 

Father  Parsons  could  never  more  resist  the  attrac- 
tion of  politics.  His  life  henceforth  was  devoted 
to  intrigue.  Eestless  and  untiring,  he  wandered 
up  and  down  the  continent  exerting  directly  or 
indirectly,  for  the  one  end  in  view,  all  his  vast 
powers  of  organisation  and  leadership.  He  obtained 
the  foundation  of  seminaries  for  secular  priests, 
which  he  placed  under  the  direction  of  the  fathers 
of  the  society,  at  Valladolid  (1589),  Lisbon,  and 
Seville  (1592);  and  also  founded  a  college  for  lay 
youths  at  St.  Omers  (1594).  With  his  influence  at 
the  Spanish  court,  whose  interests  he  was  always 
labouring  to  advance,  he  got  pensions  for  these 
houses.  He  collected  alms  from  the  nobility  for 
the  same  purpose,  and  also  for  helping  the  English 
exiles.  This  command  over  money  gave  him  great 
power  and  influence  with  his  countrymen  abroad ; 
and  his  words  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  so  many 
oracles.  He  wrote  treatises,  political  and  spiritual ; 
he  was  the  adviser  upon  English  affairs  at  Kome, 
especially  after  the  death  of  cardinal  Allen  (1594); 
and  in  fact  his  opinion  seemed  to  be  at  one  time  all 
powerful.  Everything  was  done  through  him  and 
according  to  his  views.  It  is  extraordinary  to  think 
of  the  wonderful  influence  one  man  could  exert 
over  superiors,  and  that  he,  a  religious,  not  a  states- 
man, should  as  irresponsible  be  allowed  to  hold 
the  threads  of  a  hundred  affairs  in  his  own  hands. 

vol.  I.  Q 


242  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

What  were  the  results  as  we  see  them  ?  His  in- 
trigues were  failures  ;  the  monopoly  he  laboured  at 
such  cost  to  create  was  destroyed ;  and  he  did  more 
than  any  other  man  to  create  an  ill  feeling  among 
Englishmen  towards  his  order.  Blackwell,  who 
afterwards  became  the  first  arch-priest,  lamented 
his  coming  into  England,  saying : — 

"  The  President  of  Rheims x  played  a  very  indis- 
creet part  to  send  him  hither,  as  being  an  unfit  man 
to  be  employed  in  the  cause  of  religions." 2  His 
political  ventures,  and  the  way  in  which  he  proposed 
first  one  and  then  another  as  successor  to  the  Eng- 
lish throne,  could  not  but  excite  the  amusement  of 
the  Eomans.  Pasquino  tells  Marforio,  "  If  there  will 
be  any  man  that  will  buy  the  kingdom  of  England 
let  him  repair  to  a  merchant  in  a  black  square  cap 
in  the  city,  and  he  shall  have  a  very  good  penny- 
worth thereof."  It  was  well  enough  for  the  Eomans 
to  laugh  at  Parsons'  schemes  and  projections.  But 
in  England  our  forefathers  had  to  suffer  for  them. 

His  plan,  which  seems  to  have  developed  into 
a  fixed  and  orderly  purpose,  was  that  his  society 
should  have  the  glory  of  regaining  England  to  the 
faith.     He,   without   doubt,   honestly  believed  that 

1  Allen  had  been  obliged  to  remove  his  college  from  Douai  in  1578 
to  Bheims,  on  account  of  reports  adverse  to  his  loyalty  to  Spain,  which 
were  found  afterwards  to  have  been  spread  by  the  emissaries  of  queen 
Elizabeth.  The  college  remained  at  Eheims  till  1599,  when  it  returned 
to  Douai. 

2  A  Sparing  Discoverie,  by  W.  W.,  1601,  p.  45.  Dr.  Ely,  in  his 
Certaine  Briefe  Notes,  mentions  the  same  opinion  of  Blackwell. 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        243 

the  Jesuits  could  do  so,  and  also  that  they  alone 
could  do  so.  For  that  end,  accordingly,  he  was 
convinced  that  they  must  have  full  control  over  all 
ecclesiastical  affairs  in  this  country.  He  impressed 
this  upon  his  men,  and  there  were  some  who  openly 
avowed  it.     More  does  not  hesitate  to  write  : — 

"  Perhaps  even  these  missions  might  with  greater 
propriety  and  greater  convenience  (let  not  the  ex- 
pression offend)  be  entrusted  to  members  of  our 
society  than  to  other  men."  x 

Parsons,  in  the  plan  he  drew  up  for  the  reorgani- 
sation of  the  English  Church  which  was  hoped  for 
upon  the  success  of  the  Armada,  takes  measures  to 
exclude  from  England  all  who  would  interfere  with 
the  monopoly  he  was  so  carefully  planning  for  the 
greater  glory  of  God  as  he  understood  it.  The 
benedictines,  it  was  true,  were  the  old  apostles  of 
England ;  the  Jesuits,  under  his  guidance,  should 
now  have  the  glory  of  recovering  the  land  to  the 
Faith.2  When  in  1596-7  the  students  of  the  Eng- 
lish secular  college  at  Rome  were  petitioning  the 
pope  to  remove  the  Jesuits  from  the  control  over 
the  house,  he  hurried  to  the  Eternal  City  and 
"  undertook  to  oppose  the  prayer  and  to  assign  the 
reasons  for  its  rejection.  The  society,  he  assured 
the  pontiff,  was  essential  to  the  existence  of  religion 

1  Historia  Provincial  Anglicance  Societatis  Jesu  collectore  Henrico  Moro 
(1660),  p.  152. 

2  See  Memorial  for  the  Reformation  of  England,  by  K.  P.,  1596,  Part  I. 
chaps,  vi.,  viii. 


244  THE  ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

in  the  country.  To  the  laity  its  members  were 
necessary,  to  counsel,  to  strengthen,  and  to  protect 
them ;  to  the  clergy  to  support,  to  correct,  and  to 
restrain  them.  Already  the  latter,  by  their  vices 
and  their  apostacy,  had  become  objects  of  aversion1 
or  of  distrust  to  the  catholics.  Were  the  fathers 
to  be  removed,  the  people  would  be  left  without 
advisers,  the  clergy  without  guides  ;  the  salt  would 
be  taken  from  the  earth,  and  the  sun  would  be 
blotted  from  the  hearers  of  the  English  Church."  2 

With  such  assumptions  it  was  not  likely  that 
peace  could  long  be  kept  in  England,  where 
we  must  now  return  to  the  coming  of  the  Jesuit 
missionaries  in  1580.  The  great  question  which 
was  agitating  the  consciences  of  catholics,  was 
how  far  the  excommunication  of  Pius  V.  bound 
them.  Left  to  themselves,  a  certain  sense  of  most 
told  them  not  at  all ;  but  some  were  scrupulous 
about  it.  Parsons  and  Campion  brought  with  them 
some  instructions  from  the  pope  (Gregory  XIII.) 
on  the   subject.     Catholics  were  to  be  told  "that 

1  Father  J.  Morris,  S.J.,  thus  writes  about  Parsons'  abusive  language  : 
"It  is  to  be  profoundly  regretted  that  Father  Parsons  should  have 
allowed  himself  to  make  such  terrible  accusations  against  the  personal 
character  of  his  opponents.  .  .  .  Still,  considering  all  that  can  be  alleged 
in  excuse,  the  language  used  by  him  is,  if  I  may  be  allowed  to  judge 
so  great  a  man,  absolutely  indefensible.  It  seems  to  have  been  im- 
politic likewise.  .  .  .  But  on  this  point  of  hard,  uncharitable  language 
I  for  one  cannot  be  the  defender  of  Father  Parsons,  and  indeed  I  look 
upon  it  with  the  deepest  regret  and  concern "  (Dublin  Review,  April 
1890,  p.  253). 

2  Tierney's  edition  of  Dodds'  History  of  the  Church  in  England,  vol.  iii. 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        245 

the  bull  of  Pius  Quintus  should  always  oblige  the 
queen  and  heretics,  and  should  by  no  means  bind 
catholics  as  matters  stood ;  but  thereafter  bind 
them  when  some  public  execution  might  be  had 
on  the  matter."  In  other  words,  according  to  this 
theory,  catholics  were  to  be  loyal  as  long  as  they 
could  not  help  it.  The  knowledge  of  this  instruc- 
tion goes  far  to  discount  the  professions  of  loyalty 
so  many  of  them  made  then  and  afterwards.1 

When  Campion  was  taken  and  Parsons  fled,  there 
were  in  England  but  two  more  Jesuits,  Frs.  Holt 
and  Haywood,  who  came  over  in  the  summer  of 
1 58 1.  Fr.  Haywood  was  taken  prisoner,  and  Fr. 
Holt  went  to  Scotland  on  a  political  mission.  Soon 
two  others  came ;  but  a  long  time  the  Jesuits  were 
only  a  handful.     Fr.  Gerard  says  : — 

"  On  my  arrival  in  London  (1588),  by  the  help  of 
certain  catholics  I  discovered  Fr.  Henry  Garnet,  who 
was  then  superior.  Besides  him,  the  only  ones  of 
our  society  then  in  England  were  Fr.  Edmund 
Weston,  confined  in  Wisbeach,  Fr.  Robert  South- 
well, and  we  two  new  comers  " 2  (Frs.  Oldcorne  and 

1  Father  Gerard  in  his  autobiography  speaks  of  his  examination  at 
the  Guildhall,  and  says  :  "  They  asked  me  then  whether  I  acknow- 
ledged the  queen  as  the  true  governor  and  queen  of  England.  I 
answered  :  '  I  do  acknowledge  her  as  such.'  '  What,'  said  Topcliffe, 
1  in  spite  of  Pius  V.'s  excommunication  ? '  I  answered  :  '  I  acknow- 
ledge her  as  our  queen  notwithstanding  I  know  there  is  such 
excommunication.'  The  fact  was,  I  knew  that  the  operation  of  that 
excommunication  had  been  suspended  for  all  England  by  a  declara- 
tion of  the  Pontiff  till  such  time  as  its  execution  became  possible  " 
(Quarterly  Series,  p.  118).  2  Ibid.  p.  21. 


246  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

Gerard).  Three  years  after  the  Jesuits  only  numbered 
nine  or  ten.  But  they  were  a  united,  determined 
body  with  a  superior  of  their  own,  and  thus  were 
able  to  work  in  unison.  The  secular  clergy,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  still  left  without  bishops  or  superior. 
Before  the  arrival  of  Fr.  Gerard,  however,  the 
troubles  had  begun.  And  they  came  about  in  this 
way.  At  Wisbeach  Castle  in  the  year  1587  were 
confined  thirty-three  prisoners  for  conscience'  sake, 
many  of  whom  were  old  priests  of  tried  virtue  and 
learning,  and  among  whom  was  an  old  monk  of 
Westminster,  D.  Sigebert  Buckley.  The  others  were 
seminarists  either  from  Eome  or  Douai,  many  of 
whom,  be  it  remembered,  were  educated,  directly  or 
indirectly,  under  the  influence  of  the  society.1  Fr. 
Weston,  the  Jesuit,  was  one  of  the  prisoners.  He  was 
not  content  with  letting  things  be  as  he  found  them. 
It  seemed  to  him  that  it  would  be  highly  advantageous 
if  the  prisoners  were  reduced  to  the  regularity  of  the 
life  to  which  he  had  been  accustomed. 

1  To  understand  the  situation  we  will  quote  from  Tierney's  remarks  : 
"  Originally  introduced  as  the  assistants,  the  Jesuits,  with  the  advantage 
of  a  resident  superior,  had  gradually  become  the  most  influential 
members  of  the  English  mission.  They  possessed  more  extensive 
faculties  than  the  clergy.  They  were  attached  to  the  principal  families, 
were  consulted  by  the  catholics  in  their  principal  difficulties,  and  were 
the  medium  through  which  the  funds  for  the  maintenance  of  the  clergy 
and  the  poor  were  chiefly  administered.  The  younger  missioners, 
educated  in  the  colleges  of  the  fathers,  and  still  looking  to  them  for 
support,  naturally  placed  themselves  under  their  guidance.  The  elder 
clergy,  on  the  other  hand,  superseded  in  their  authority  and  deprived 
in  great  measure  of  their  influence,  regarded  the  members  of  the  society 
in  the  light  of  rivals.  .  .  .  Human  nature  on  both  sides  yielded  to 
the  impulse  (vol.  iii.  p.  43,  note). 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        247 

His  first  step  was  to  get  his  confessor,  a  secular 
priest,  elected  as  superior  of  the  prisoners.  This 
plan  was  negatived.  Other  proposals  of  a  like 
nature  were  made ;  but  were  invariably  rejected. 
This  went  on  for  seven  years  ;  until  at  last  Weston, 
having  arranged  the  plan  with  his  adherents, 
suddenly  withdrew  from  the  common  table.  His 
absence  being  remarked,  he  was  questioned  as  to  the 
reason,  and  promptly  declared  that  unless  his  com- 
panions submitted  to  a  regular  mode  of  life,  his 
conscience  would  not  allow  him  any  more  to  join 
their  society.  He  had  a  following  of  nineteen,  one 
of  whom  was  a  Jesuit  lay-brother.  It  is  not  necessary 
here  to  follow  the  details  of  a  story  on  which  at 
present  we  can  only  look  back  with  shame  and 
humiliation.  The  scandal  went  on  for  months,  and 
its  effects  were  felt  far  beyond  the  prison  walls. 
Kemote  as  was  the  stage  on  which  this  unhappy 
drama  was  enacted,  and  petty  as  were  the  actors, 
the  stir  such  schisms  created  in  fact,  was  natural. 
For  it  was  inevitably  felt  that  here  first  came  into 
evidence  the  forces  which  had  been  long,  though 
secretly,  in  conflict ;  and,  nay,  in  this  quarrel,  obscure 
and  sordid  in  some  aspects,  principles  were,  in  the 
last  resort,  involved  which  were  of  the  widest  range 
and  of  the  deepest  import  to  both  church  and  state. 
The  suffering  English  catholics  were  now  divided 
into  two  factions  :  those  who  through  thick  and  thin 
favoured  the  Jesuits,  or  in  other  words  Parsons' 
schemes  ;  and  those  who  opposed  them  just  as  vehe- 


248  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

mently.  Many  attempts  were  made  during  nine 
months  by  some  of  the  most  reverend  of  the  "  old 
clergy  "  to  heal  the  breach  at  Wisbeach.  After  many 
efforts  difficulties  were  overcome,  a  new  code  of  rules 
was  drawn  up,  and  on  November  6,  1597,  the  two 
parties  met  again  at  the  common  table. 

It  was  a  fallacious  peace,  however ;  for  already 
steps  were  being  taken  by  Fr.  Parsons  in  Eome 
to  complete  the  subjugation  of  the  secular  clergy. 
These  latter,  feeling  the  want  of  some  head,  were 
beginning  to  take  steps  towards  forming  themselves 
into  an  association  for  mutual  help.1  This  alarmed 
the  Jesuits.  The  necessity  of  some  form  of  govern- 
ment was  apparent,  but  Parsons  now  knew  that 
the  revival  of  government  by  bishops  would  be  fatal 
to  his  schemes  in  regard  to  the  clergy,  and  would 
interfere  with  his  political  views.  And,  upon  Allen's 
death  (1594),  Parsons,  having  got  into  his  place, 
was  practically  the  sole  director  of  English  ecclesi- 
astical affairs. 

Attempts  after  the  Armada  had  been  made  to 
get  the  succession  of  bishops  kept  up ;  but  hitherto 
without  avail.  Several  petitions  went  up  for  at 
least  an  episcopal  superior  to  rule  and  confirm  the 
stricken  flock.     Parsons  at  one  time  (1580),  when 

1  See  Colleton's  Just  Defence,  pp.  123-5.  In  the  preface  to  the  rules, 
they  declared,  "  for  our  parts,  we  wish  and  intend  no  other  thing  hereby, 
but  God's  honour,  the  furtherance  of  His  church's  cause,  with  perfect 
unity  and  concord  amongst  ourselves  by  the  mutual  offices  of  love, 
comfort,  and  succour,  one  towards  another  "  (Quoted  by  Tierney,  vol. 
iii.  p.  45,  note). 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        249 

he  first  came  to  England,  and  before  politics  wholly 
carried  him  away,  was  an  advocate  for  sending  over 
a  bishop.  In  1591  he  still  held  to  the  idea,  and 
had  fashioned  a  kind  of  hierarchy  of  his  own.1  He 
had  secured  the  promises  of  a  competent  support  for 
two  or  three  bishops.  But  when  the  news  of  the 
proposed  association  reached  him,  at  once  he  saw 
the  danger,  and  determined  on  a  bold  stroke.  To 
give  the  clergy  a  superior,  yes ;  and  one  not  merely 
friendly  to  the  society,  but  in  dependence  on  it. 
The  scheme  took  some  little  time  to  mature,  and 
at  last  burst  upon  the  astonished  clergy,  filling  them 
with  dismay.  Cardinal  Cajetan,  who  only  saw  as 
Parsons  wished  him  to  see,  was  then  protector  of 
the  English  mission.  After  some  kind  of  approval 
(so  it  turned  out  afterwards)  on  the  part  of  the  pope, 
Clement  VIII. ,  who  had  been  kept  by  Parsons  in 
ignorance  of  the  real  state  of  affairs,  the  cardinal, 
in  his  own  name  and  by  his  own  authority,  issued 
letters  appointing  one  George  Blackwell  to  be  arch- 
priest,  with  full  jurisdiction  over  all  the  secular 
clergy.  He  assigns  him  six  persons  as  assistants, 
and  tells  him  to  select  six  more.  This  document, 
constituting  an  office  unheard  of  before  in  England, 
ends  by  exhorting  him  to  cherish  a  feeling  of 
brotherly  love  towards  the  Jesuits,  "  who  neither 
have  nor  pretend  to  have   any  portion  of  jurisdic- 

1  His  idea  was  an  archbishop  to  live  in  the  Spanish  domains  and 
one  bishop  to  live  in  England.  The  latter  was  to  have  certain  assist- 
ants, half  of  whom  Parsons  practically  was  to  nominate. 


250  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

tion  or  authority  over  the  secular  clergy."  And 
effectually  to  contradict  this  last  official  statement, 
a  secret  instruction  was  sent  with  the  letter  ordering 
the  arch-priest  in  all  matters  of  importance  to  follow 
the  advice  of  the  superior  of  the  Jesuits.1 

To  make  a  painful  story  short.  The  heads  of  the 
secular  clergy  demurred  to  the  legality  of  the  docu- 
ment ;  and,  while  giving  obedience  to  Blackwell, 
appealed  to  the  holy  see.  They  had  not  been  con- 
sulted, although  the  cardinal  hinted  the  appoint- 
ment 2  had  been  made  at  the  prayer  of  the  secular 
clergy.  Two  priests,  Mr.  Bishop  (who  afterwards 
became  a  bishop)  and  Mr.  Charnock,  were  deputed 
to  go  to  Eome,  and  set  out.  But  care  had  been 
taken  to  traduce  their  characters  and  to  represent 
them  as  turbulent  and  seditious  men.  Soon  after 
their  arrival,  at  Parsons'  advice,  they  were  both  seized 
(December  28,  1598),  by  the  cardinal's  orders,  and 
put  into  prison  apart  at  the  English  college.  Their 
gaoler  was  none  other  than  Parsons  himself.3      Here 

1  The  arch-priest  and  his  assistants  were  bound  to  write  to  the 
cardinal  every  six  months,  but  every  week  to  Parsons. 

2  The  persons  consulted  were  Parsons  and  Baldwin,  Jesuits,  with 
Haddock,  Array,  and  Standish,  who  soon  after  joined  the  society,  and 
some  other  secular  priests  at  Rome,  avowed  partisans  of  the  society, 
whose  opinions  were  supported  by  letters  from  their  friends  not  only 
in  England  but  also  Spain  and  Flanders. 

3  How  this  arbitrary  act  was  viewed  in  England  Dr.  Ely,  author  of 
the  Certaine  Briefe  JVotes,  shall  tell  us,  and  his  words  are  of  weight,  for 
he  may  justly  lay  claim  to  the  title  he  gives  himself,  "  an  unpassionate 
secular  priest,  friend  to  both  parties  but  more  friend  to  the  truth"  : 
11  Cloak  and  disguise  it  so  well  as  you  can  now,  the  posterity  here- 
after will  wonder  to  hear  or  read  that  two   catholic  priests,  coming 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        251 

they  were  kept  in  prison  for  four  months,  and  then, 
after  a  so-called  trial,  under  Parsons'  management, 
they  were  expelled  from  Rome  without  having  even 
seen  the  pope,  and  were  forbidden  to  return  to 
England. 

"  It  is  evident,"  says  Tierney,  "  that  these  proceed- 
ings were  adopted  principally,  first  entirely,  as  a 
matter  of  precaution.  A  great  political  object  was 
in  view.  Had  Bishop  and  his  companion  been 
permitted  to  approach  the  pontiff  or  to  converse 
freely  with  his  officers,  a  new  impression  might 
have  been  created  as  to  the  wants  and  wishes  of 
the  English  catholics ;  and,  in  that  case,  the  in- 
stitutions of  the  arch-priest,  which  in  the  minds  of 
its  projectors  was  to  determine  the  future  destinies 
of  the  throne,  might  have  been  overturned.  By 
first  sequestering  and  afterwards  dismissing  the 
deputes  this  danger  was  avoided.  The  pontiff 
heard  nothing  but  what  might  be  prudent  to  lay 
before  him,  his  impressions  were  left  undisturbed ; 
and  he  willingly  subscribed  the  breve  by  which 
Blackwell's  authority  was  confirmed."  1 

as  appellants  to  Eome  out  of  an  heretical  country  in  which  they  main- 
tained constantly  with  danger  of  their  lives  the  honour  and  preserva- 
tion of  that  see,  and  one  of  them  had  suffered  some  years'  imprisonment 
with  banishment  afterwards  for  the  articles  of  St.  Peter  his  successor's 
supremacy  over  all  other  princes  and  prelates,  that  these  priests  (I  say) 
should  before  they  were  heard  what  they  had  to  say  be  cast  into  prison, 
yea,  and  imprisoned  in  the  house  and  under  the  custody  of  their 
adversaries,  never  was  there  heard  of  such  injustice  since  good  St.  Peter 
sat  in  the  Chair"  (p.  107). 
1  Vol.  iii.  p.  53. 


252  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

The  arch-priest  denounced  all  opposers  to  his 
authority  as  rebels  and  abettors  of  schism,  and 
branded  the  supporters  of  the  two  priests  with 
opprobrious  epithets.  When  two  of  the  clergy, 
Mush  and  Colleton,  complained  of  his  injurious 
language,  they  were  answered  only  by  suspension. 
His  Jesuit  friends  were  not  behind-hand ;  Fr.  Lister 
wrote  a  Treatise  of  Schism  in  which  he  declared 
the  appellants  to  be  "fallen  from  the  church  and 
spouse  of  Christ,"  &c.  How  bitter  the  feelings  ex- 
cited on  both  sides  it  would  be  hard  to  tell. 

When  the  breve  arrived,  the  appellants  promptly 
bowed  to  the  decision.  But  this  was  not  enough 
for  the  arch-priest,  who  now  made  his  great  mistake. 
He  insisted  upon  a  declaration  that  they  had  been 
guilty  of  schism  in  disputing  his  right.  The  result 
of  this  was  another  appeal  to  the  holy  see.  But  this 
time  the  secular  clergy  were  determined  to  bear  the 
winning  side.  The  Government  knew  everything 
about  these  dissensions.  The  face  of  affairs  had 
changed  from  that  of  twenty  years  before  ;  and  at  that 
time  of  day  nothing  could  better  suit  Elizabeth  than 
the  ruinous  tactics  pursued  by  Parsons.  Elizabeth 
had  watched  the  progress  of  the  quarrel ;  "  she  was 
aware  of  its  political  origin,  and  while  on  one  hand, 
perhaps,  she  sought  to  weaken  the  body  by  division, 
on  the  other,  she  not  unnaturally  inclined  towards 
that  party  whose  loyalty  was  less  open  to  suspicion."  * 
Some  of  the  appellants  were  allowed  to  be  prisoners 

i  ibid. 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        253 

at  large,  in  order  to  correspond  with  one  another. 
Facilities  were  given  them  to  print  the  numberless 
tracts  and  pamphlets  to  which  the  controversy  gave 
rise.  About  the  end  of  June  1601  Bluet,  one  of  the 
Wisbeach  prisoners,  had  an  interview  with  the  queen 
herself.  She  consented  to  allow  four  of  them  to  be 
released  and  go  about  the  country  getting  money  for 
their  journey  to  Rome.  They  were  then  pro  forma 
expelled  the  country,  with  passports  however;  and 
went  off  to  Rome  with  nearly  ^1000  for  their  ex- 
penses. Just  as  they  were  starting  a  breve  came 
from  Rome,  which  Blackwell  suppressed  as  unfavour- 
able to  himself. 

The  deputies  reached  Rome  February  16,  1601, 
and  were  kindly  received  by  the  pope.  They  were, 
however,  shy  of  Parsons'  offer  of  hospitality  at  the 
English  college,  and  of  his  desire  to  be  on  friendly 
terms.  They  wisely  kept  their  distance.  The 
petition  for  bishops  was  indeed  foiled  by  their  ad- 
versaries, but  all  the  rest  was  granted.  On  the 
5th  of  October  another  breve  was  issued,  condemn- 
ing the  conduct  of  the  arch-priest,  and  doing  justice 
to  the  appellants.  Blackwell  was  declared  to  have 
exceeded  his  powers,  and  the  appellants  not  to  have 
lost  their  faculties.  The  arch-priest  was  to  have 
jurisdiction  only  over  the  seminarists,  and  in  future 
he  was  forbidden  to  communicate  either  with  the 
superior  of  the  Jesuits  or  their  general  in  Rome.  He 
was  finally  ordered  to  take  three  of  the  appellants  to 
fill  the  first  vacancies  in  the  number  of  his  assistants. 


254  THE   ENGLISH   BLACK   MONKS 

Tierney  so  well  sums  up  the  history  that  we 
willingly  make  his  words  our  own  : — 

"  Thus  terminated  this  unhappy  contest,  leaving 
behind  it,  however,  a  rankling  feeling  of  jealousy 
and  dislike  which  cannot  be  too  deeply  or  too  last- 
ingly deplored.  Yet  in  closing  this  imperfect  sketch, 
let  me  not  forget  to  remind  the  reader  of  the  real 
nature  of  the  dispute ;  let  me  point  once  more  to 
its  political  origin ;  and,  above  all,  let  me  remark 
that  however  reprehensible  may  have  been  the 
conduct  of  any  of  the  parties  immediately  engaged 
in  it,  that  conduct  of  itself  will  neither  detract 
from  their  real  merit  upon  other  occasions,  nor 
diminish  our  legitimate  respect  for  the  bodies  to 
which  they  belonged.  To  the  services  of  Parsons, 
to  his  comprehensive  mind  and  indefatigable  energy 
in  the  foundation  and  management  of  many  of 
the  foreign  seminaries,  the  world  will  continue  to 
bear  witness  in  spite  of  all  his  failings.  Yet  his 
existence  was  not  necessary  to  the  greatness  of 
his  order.  Its  glory  needs  him  not,  and  without 
detracting  either  from  his  merits  or  his  powers, 
the  disciples  of  Ignatius  may  still  assure  them- 
selves that  their  body  'hath  many  a  worthier  son 
than  he.' " * 

We  have  in  this  chapter  led  our  readers  up  to 
the  point  when  the  benedictines  come  upon  the 
mission  field.  It  was  necessary  to  touch  upon  un- 
pleasant details,   otherwise   much   of  what  follows 

1  Ibid.  p.  55. 


THE   STATE   OF   ENGLISH   CATHOLICS        255 

would  be  unintelligible.  The  position  in  English 
affairs  at  the  moment  we  have  now  arrived  at,  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  was  this.  The 
Jesuits  had  full  control  over  the  education  of  the 
clergy  in  all  the  seminaries,  even  in  Douai ;  for  the 
new  president  of  that  college,  Dr.  Worthington,  had 
made  a  vow  of  obedience  to  Fr.  Parsons  and  was 
wholly  devoted  to  him.  No  student  from  the  semi- 
naries could  enter  England  without  their  leave ;  for 
he  got  his  faculties  for  the  mission  from  them  or  from 
Dr.  Worthington.  And  in  England  itself  the  arch- 
priest,  though  checked,  was  still  working  in  their 
interest.1 

In  all  this  there  was  no  other  motive  but  the 
honest  and  fixed  conviction  that  they,  and  they  alone, 
were  the  best  persons  to  undertake  the  conversion 
of  England,  a  work  so  much  to  the  glory  of  God. 
Granting  this  premise,  the  conclusion — therefore 
no  one  else  was  to  be  permitted  to  interfere — was 
legitimate. 

So  matters  stood  at  the  moment  we  once  more 
take  up  the  thread  of  the  history  of  English  bene- 
dictines. 

1  Before  the  appointment  of  the  arch-priest,  Garnet,  who  had  very- 
extensive  faculties,  a  source  of  considerable  influence,  had  also  the 
power  of  subdelegating  them  to  secular  priests.  But  now  all  faculties 
for  secular  priests  were  ordered  to  be  given  only  by  the  arch-priest. 
In  a  letter  to  Parsons  Garnet  laments  this,  for  says  he  :  "  By  this  also 
have  I  lost  the  chief  est  means  I  had  to  win  the  favour  of  good  honest 
priests." 


APPENDIX 


VOL.  I. 


APPENDIX 


THE   CONSUETUDINARY   OF   ST.   AUGUSTINE'S, 
CANTERBURY 

[The  following  risumt,  of  the  old  consuetudinary  of  the 
great  exempt  house  of  St.  Augustine's,  contained  in  the 
Cotton  MS.  Faustina  C.  xii.,  is  of  peculiar  interest  as  being 
mutatis  mutandis  identical  with  that  of  Westminster,  the 
largest  part  of  which  was  lost  in  the  fire  of  173 1.  The 
present  manuscript  is  of  the  early  part  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  and  now  consists  of  202  folios  with  35  lines  on  each 
page.  Unfortunately  both  the  beginning  and  the  end  are 
wanting,  and  it  now  commences  with  folio  51.  Several 
leaves  in  the  body  of  the  volume  are  also  missing.  From 
certain  marginal  memoranda  it  would  seem  that  in  its 
original  state  the  volume  comprised  about  300  leaves.  The 
consuetudinary  proper  extends  only  to  folio  257  of  the 
original.  The  remainder  of  the  MS.  not  being  a  part  of  the 
Augustinian  consuetudinary,  is  not  treated  of  in  this  notice. 
The  contents  of  the  book  are  not  orderly  in  its  arrangement, 
as  will  be  seen  from  the  list  of  contents,  which  it  must  be 
understood  is  that  given  on  the  basis  of  the  original  in  the 
volumes  of  manuscript  collection  used  by  me  (see  preface) 
and  which  does  not  always  render  in  full  the  headings  of 
the  sections  as  given  in  the  rubrics  of  the  orginal  manu- 
script itself.     Hence  in  the  abstract 1  here  given  it  has  been 

1  The  primeur  of  the  text  of  the  manuscript  is  thus  reserved  to  the 
edition  of  abbat  Ware's  Westminster  consuetudinary  to  be  published  by 
the  Henry  Bradshmo  Society. 

259 


260  APPENDIX 

thought  well  to  regroup  them  under  certain  distinctive 
heads.  The  picture  obtained  of  the  life  at  Canterbury  in 
St.  Augustine's  is  that  of  a  fervent,  well  ordered,  and  ex- 
emplary convent.  E.  L.  T.] 

CONTENTS 

§  De  hospite  petente  concessionem  capituli  ; 

§  Petitio  ; 

§  Concessio  capituli  ; 

§  De  professione  novitiorum  ; 

§  Forma  professionis  ; 

§  Super  Jube  dompne  benedicere  et  Tu  autem  Domine  notitia  ; 

§  Informatio  novitiorum  secundum  usum  istius  ecclesiee. 

§  De  vacatione  abbatiae  per  mortem  abbatis  Thomas  de  Fyndon 

et  de  electione  fratris  Radidphi  de  Bourne  in  abbatem  ; 
§  Litera  obligatoria  Guydonis  Donati  de  prsestanda  pecunia  p?'o- 

curatoribus  monasterii  in  Curia  Romana  existentibus. 
§  Mensura  diversorum  sedijiciorum  monasterii. 
§  De  ponderibus  notula. 
§  Reformatiuncula  abbatis  Nicholai    de   Spina  anno    ejusdem 

2°  facta. 
§  De  electione  abbatis. 
§  De  observantiis  abbatis. 
§  De  capellanis  abbatis. 
§  De  officio  camerarii  abbatis. 
§  De  officio  senescalli  aula. 
§  De  officiis  marscalli  aula. 
§  De  officio  servitor  is  cultelli  abbatis. 
§  De  officio  servitoris  manutergii  abbatis. 
§  De  officio  panetarii  abbatis. 
§  De  officio  marscalli  equorum. 
§  De  officio  coci  abbatis. 
§  De  officio  valecti  cameras  abbatis. 
§  De  officio  subpincernae.  abbatis. 
§  De  officio  subhostiarii  aulse.  abbatis. 
§  De  officio  coci  aulas  et  valecti  ejus. 


APPENDIX  261 

§  De  nuntio  abbatis. 

§  De  palefridario  abbatis. 

§  De  officio  servientis  elemosinarix  mensx  abbatis  deputati. 

§  De  honestate  aulas. 

§  Oblationes  per  obedientiarios  familix  abbatis  tribuendx. 

§  Modus  dandi  muner  a  familix  abbatis  quando  vadit  per  maneria. 

§  Ordinatio  familix  abbatis  anno  2  abbatis  Nicholai  de  Spina. 

§  De  Us  qux  ad  abbatis  prxsentiam  et  officium  spectant ;  atque 

defratre  in  abbatem  electo  qualiter  se  geret  electionis  tempore. 
§  Qualiter  se  geret  usque  dum  confirmetur. 
§  De  confirmation  electi  alibi  quam  in  monasterio  proprio. 
§  Ad  installationem  abbatis  processus. 
§  De  benedictione  abbatis  non  admittenda  in  conventu  eo  die  quo 

confirmatur. 
§  De  priore. 
§  Item  de  abbate. 
§  De  officio  prioris  seu  prxpositi. 
§  De  subpriore  sine  de  priore  claustri. 
§  Quas  licentias  subprior  dare  poterit  priore  domi  existente. 
§  A  quo  petenda  est  licentia  si  custos  ordinis  in  claustro  non 

fuerit. 
§  Explicatio  brevis  de  fratribus  xgritudinis  causa  extra  chorum 

existentibus  atque  de  minutis. 
§  De  tertio  et  quarto  priore  sive  de  exploratoribus  claustri. 
§  De  officio  cantoris  et  succentoris. 
§  Quodjuvenes  qui  noviter  servitium  reddiderunt  nullum  defectum 

in  choro  patiantur. 
§  De  officio  precentoris  in  capitulo. 
§  De  cappis  in  choro  portandis. 

§  Quod  nullus  in  cappa  a  choro  recedat  sine  licentia  precentoris. 
§  Tria  de  quibus  omnibus  professis  licitum  est  loqui  in  capitulo. 
§  Prxcentori  in  multis  parcendum  est. 
§  De  gestu  prxcentoris  in  festis  solemnibus. 
§  De  succentoris  officio. 
§  De  officiis  sacristx  sociorumque  ejus. 
§  De  candelis  hospitibus  liberandis. 
§  Distributio  cerx  per  sacristam  facta  contra  purificationem. 


262  APPENDIX 

§  De   luminaribus,   claustro,    capitulo,   dormitorio,   et  locutorio 

accendendis. 
§  De  officio  celerarii  et  subcelerario  et  granatoris. 
§  Qualis  debet  esse  celerarius. 
§  De  iis  quse,  ad  hostiliarii  spectant  officium. 
§  De  magistro  cryptarum. 
§  Recapitulatio  de  officiants. 
§  Casus  tangentes  excommunicationem. 
§  Dejinitio  proprietarii. 
§  Prxcepta  capituli  et  constitutionum. 
§  De  Refectorario  socioque  ejus  et  de  observantiis  refectorii. 
§  De  gesta  fratrum  in  dormitorio  atque  in  camera  ;  de  earner ario 

et  socio  ejus  ;  de  more  fratrum  antiquo  balneandi  et  sangui- 

nem  sibi  minuendi. 
§  De  gestu  fratrum  in  claustro  ;  de  mandato  ;  de  elemosinario  et 

subelemosinario. 
§  De  capitulo  fratrum  quotidiano. 
§  De  excommunicatione  et  satisfactione  culpse,  levis. 
§  Modus  acrior  aliquantulum  de  excommunicatione  et  satisfac- 
tione culparum. 
§  De   generali  confessione   a  fratre   qui  ad  laternam  ponitur 

agenda. 
§  Alius  modus  excommunicationis  pro  rebellione. 
§  De  sententia  gravis  culpx. 
§  De  sententia  et  satisfactione  fugitivorum. 
§  Qux  sunt  culpx  graviores. 
§  Quae,  leviores. 
§  De  sacerdote  sive  clerico  sxculari  postulante  ut  in  hoc  monasterio 

recipiatur. 
§  Quod  novitius  nonprofessus  de  infirmaria  etc  nihil  est  habiturus. 
§  Quo  or  dine  est  agenda  professio  monachorum. 
§  Quo  or  dine  suscipiuntur  laid   conversi  juxta  consuetudinem 

istius  monasterii. 
§  De  disciplina  fratrum  laicorum. 

§  De  negligentiis  fortuitu  ad  missse  consecrationem  contingentibus. 
§  De  concessione  beneficii  hujus  monasterii  alterius  congregationis 

monacho. 


APPENDIX  263 

§  De  concessione  fraternitatis  personis  ssecularibus  et  quid  speci- 

aliter  fiat  audito  obitu  eorum  vel  obitu  parentum  eorum. 
§  De  fratribus  wgritudinis  causa  extra  chorum  ;  et  de  minutione. 
§  Quod  die  tertia  redire  debent  minuti  vel  ulterius  morari  licen- 

tiam  postulare. 
§  Nulli  raucedinis  causa  extra  chorum  morandi  licentiam  con- 

cedatur. 
§  De  fratre  qui  medicinatur. 
§  De  fratre  qui  inungitur. 
§  Regula  de  claustralibus  infirmis. 
§  De  ordinato  fratrum  ingressu  in  chorum. 
§  De  gestu  fratrum  qui  extra  chorum  fuerint  in  vigiliis  festi 

principalis. 
§  Quod  fratres  ad  chorum  reversi  ad  omnes  horas  eo  die  esse 

tenentur. 
§  De  gestu  fratrum  eodem  die. 
§  De  minutione  fratrum  claustralium. 
§  Tempora  quibus  fratres  minui  non  debent. 
§  De  petenda  licentia  minuendi. 
§  Quod  tres  collaterales  simul  minuere  non  debent. 
§  De  minutione  fratrum  in  infirmario  jacentium. 
§  De  minutione  fratrum  in  quadragesima. 
§  De  minutione  laicorum  conversorum. 
§  De  minutione  novitiorum  minime  professorum. 
§  De  gestu  fratrum  prima  die  minutionis. 
§  De  minutione  unius  fratris  necessitate  cogente. 
§  Quod  minuti  et  qui  ssgritudinis  causa  extra  chorum  existunt 

processionibus  solemnibus  interesse  debent. 
§  De  gestu  fratrum  ad  mandatum  in  capitulo  si  fiat  prima  die 

minutionis. 
§  Quod  stando  dicetur  completorium  de  Dei  Genitrice. 
§  Quod  unusquisque  fratrum  quotidie  primam  et  completorium  de 

B.  V.  dicere  debet. 
§  De  crasseto  quod  in  locutorio  intrinseco  ardere  debet. 
§  A  quibus  dicendx  privatee  matutinse. 
§  De  minutione  domni  abbatis. 
§  De  minutione  juvenum  sive  novitiorum. 


264  APPENDIX 

§  Quodfratres  minuti  chorum  intrare  debent  ad  exorcismum  salts  et 

aquae,  si  secunda  dies  sum  minutionis  dies  dominica  fuerit, 
§  Quod  fratres  minuti  extra  chorum  existentes  ad  missam  matu- 

tinalem  seu  ad  magnam  missam  indui  non  debent  nisi  ante 

missam  agatur  processio. 
§  Quod  fratres  minuti  aut  qui  aegritudinis  causa  extra  chorum 

existunt  missam  cantare  non  debeant. 
§  Quod  nullus  minuetur  die  quo  alicujus  fratris  defuncti  corpus 

in  ecclesia  jacet. 
§  Quod  nullus  locutorium  causa  loquendi,  ingredi  debet  die  quo 

alicujus  fratris  defuncti  corpus  in  ecclesia  jacet. 
§  Quod  fratres  minuti  et  de  itinere  reversi  ad  vigiliam  et  ad 

missam  de  pyrincipali  anniversario  esse  teneantur. 
§  Quod  cantor  aut  alii  fratres,  cum  sanguinati  fuerint,  nidlum 

ofjicium  in  conventu  facient. 
§  De  refectorario   et  subrefectorario   sive  aliis   duobus  qui  in 

una  administratione  conjunguntur,  quod  simul  minuere  non 

debeant. 
§  Quod  nullus  causa  raucedinis  extra  chorum  permittatur. 
§  De  priore. 
§  De  cantore. 

§  De  gestu  minutorum  tertia  die  sux  minutionis. 
§  De  fratre  cui  domus  infirmorum  cura  committitur  et  de  Us 

quae,  illius  incumbunt  officio. 
§  Quod  infirmarius  quotidie  dicet  completorium  infirmorum. 
§  Quod   saeculares  persons  inter  infirmos  prandere  nee  bibere 

debent. 
§  Quod  praedicti  famuli  (sc.  infirmariae)  aut  unus  eorum  apud  Can- 

tuariampro  apotecharia  quotiens  opus  fuerit  incedere  debent. 
§  Quod  omnes  infirmi  si  fieri  potest  ad  unam  mensam  prandere 

debeant. 
§  Quod  magnum  altare   infirmaries  nullo  die  per  annum  sine 

missa  et  matutinis  esse  debet. 
§  De  modo  et  ordine  visitandi  fratrem  infirmum  quando  debet 

inungi. 
§  Quod  si  infirmus  loqui  non  valet  ille   qui  ofjicium  facit  in 

persona  illius  dicet  confessionem. 


APPENDIX  265 

§  Quo  or  dine  sacerdos   quseret  Eukaristiam  post  fratris  inunc- 

tionem. 
§  Quo  ordine  Jiet  obsequium  pro  fratre  inundo  in  conventu  usque 

in  octavum  diem. 
§  Quod  aliquis  sacerdos  dejuvenibus  vel  ad  minus  diaconus,  custo- 

dix  fratris  inuncti  -per  priorem   assignabitur  quemcunque 

infirmus  rogaverit. 
%  De  commendatione  animx  exeuntis  de  corpore  atque  de  csderis 

omnibus   seriatim   quae   ad   decedentium  fratrum  spectant 

officium. 
§  Quod  corpus  defuncti  nulla  hora  sine  fratribus  psallentibus 

remanebit. 
§  De  honestate  et  cura  quas  camerarius  et  subcamerarius  circa 

corpus  defuncti  habebunt. 
§  Quid  sit  faciendum  si  aliquis  de  fratribus  obierit  dum  modo 

conventus  fuerit  ad  missas  vel  ad  horas  vel  in  prandio  vel  in 

cena  vel  in  completorio  vel  ad  matutinas  vel  ad  mandatum 

in  sabbato  vel  alioquovis  modo  impeditus. 
§  Qualiter  Jiet  si  aliquis  obierit  dum  fratres  ad  missam  vel  ad 

horam  fuerint  regularem. 
§  Quod  si  obierit  dum  fratres  fuerint  ad  matutinas. 
§  Quod  si  hora  prandii  aliquis  moriatur. 
§  Quod  si  obierit  post  quam  sonatur  cymbalum  ad  prandium 

aut  ad  csenam  conventus  vel  dum  fit  mandatum  in  sabbato 

out  in  V.  feria. 
§  Quod  si  obierit  dum  conventus  sit  in  dormitorio  in  meridiana. 
§  Quod  si  accederit  incxpto  completorio. 
§  Qualiter  Jiet  si  in  principali  festo  decesserit. 
§  De  vigiliis  faciendis  in  decessu  fratrum. 
§  De  vigiliis  in  obitu  fratrum  secundum  diversa  anni  tempora 

rite  distinguendis. 
§  Si  aliquis  f rater  obierit  post  sonitum  mane  factum  quod  missam 

habebit  matutinalem. 
§  Consuetudo  antiquitus  de  fratrum  sepultura. 
§  Quo  ordine  portabitur  corpus  in  ecclesiam  et  ad  sepulturam. 
§  Qualiter  fiet  si  aliquis  obierit  in  node  Paschx  vel  Pentecostes. 
§  De  beneficiis  fratrum  quse  Jiunt  post  obitum  alicujus  Jratris. 


266  APPENDIX 

§  Quod  sit  faciendum  postquam  corpus  fuerit  in  ecclesiam  de- 

latum  post  commendationem. 
§  Quod  corpus  defuncti  nullo  tempore  sine  psalmodia  erit. 
§  Quod  nullus  a  monasterio  egredietur  donee  fratris  defuncti 

corpus  sepeliatur. 
§  Breviculum  fratris  qualiter  scribi  debeat. 
§  Quod  pro  novitio  non  professo  ad  missam  non  fiet  panis  et  vini 

oblatio. 
§  De  officio  sacerdotis  circa  corpus  post  missam. 
%  Qualiter  revertetur  processio  in  chorum  post  fratris  sepulturam. 
§  De  balneo  fratrum  qui  corpus  defuncti  tetigerunt. 
§  De  distribuendis  fratris  defuncti  indumentis,  aliisque  rebus  si 

quas  habuerit. 
§  Qualiter  fiet  obsequium  pro  eo  cui  conceditur  habitus  monachalis 

si  ante  professionem  obierit. 
§  De  modo  agendi  obsequium  in  decessu  fratris  laid  conversi. 
§  Quo  ordini  fient  exsequise  fratris  defuncti  si  feria  quinta  in 
Csena  Domini  aut  in  die  Parasceves  vel  in  Sabbato  Sancto 
aut  in  node  vel  in  die  Paschse  obierit. 
§  Qualiter  est  agendum  pro  fratre  de  ecclesise  gremio  si  extra 

monasterium  qualicumque  modo  diem  clauserit  extremam. 
§  Quo  ordine  fient  tricennalia  et  csetera  quae  agenda  sunt  pro 

fratribus  istius  monasterii  professis  de  medio  sublatis. 
§  Quod  nullus  infra  triginta  dies  post  obitum  fratris  aliunde 
quam  pro  defundis  cantabit  nisi  fuerit  in  tabida  de  aliqua 
missa  consueta. 
§  De  absolutione  fratris  defuncti  trigesimo  die  post  ejus  obitum. 
§  Quid  fiet  pro  fratre  defundo  in  die  anniversario  obitus  ipsius. 
§  De   consuetudine    ecclesix  qux   ad  sacristam  pertinet  et  de 

expensis  cerx  per  annum. 
§  Quando  servientes  ecclesise  habebunt  cerevisiam  in  refectorio. 
§  De  stipendiis  servientium  ecclesise. 
§  De  diver  sitate  sonitus  in  diver  sis  festivitatibus. 
§  De  lucerna  infestis  Sancti  Augustini,  S.  Adriani  et  S.  Mildrethse. 
§  De  lucerna  in  generali  et  in  speciali. 
§  De  lucerna  feria  quarta  ante  Csenam  Domini. 
§  De  lucerna  in  Csena  Domini. 


APPENDIX  267 

§  De  lucerna  in  Parasceve  Domini. 

§  De  lucerna  in  Sabbato  Sancto. 

§  De  lucerna  in  die  Paschse. 

§  De  processionibus. 

§  De  tabula  argentea  ante  magnum  altare. 

§  De  festis  quse,  habent  matutinas  de  die. 

§  De  vigiliis  principalium  festorum. 

§  De  Dirige  et  Placebo  per  totum  annum. 

§  De  C&na. 

§  De  observantiis  novitiorum  in  tempore  professionis. 

§  De  festis  habentibus  octavas  cum  regimine  chori. 

§  De  distributione  bonorum  fratris  defuncti. 

§  De  modo  minuendi  et  ejus  observatione. 

§  De  infortunio  ignis. 

I.    ON  THE  ABBAT 

The  election  of  so  important  a  prelate  as  that  of  the  lord 
abbat  of  the  exempt  abbey  of  St.  Augustine's  and,  as  all 
documents  have  it,  "  belonging  immediately  to  the  Roman 
church,"  was  a  matter  of  great  weight.  The  archbishop  had 
nothing  to  do  with  it.  But  as  the  abbat  was  one  of  the 
great  barons  spiritual,  the  Crown  had  a  great  interest  and 
made  its  power  felt.  In  the  case  mentioned  in  the  con- 
suetudinary, that  of  Ralph  Bourne  in  1 309  may  be  taken  as 
a  fairly  typical  example. 

Even  before  abbat  Thomas  Fyndon  1  expired,  the  prior 

1  Abbat  Thomas  Fyndon  (1283-1309)  had  been  prior  and  succeeded  upon 
the  resignation  of  abbat  Nicholas  de  Spina  or  Thome,  who  became  a 
carthusian  near  Paris.  Fyndon  was  the  great  builder  of  the  abbey,  and  his 
vast  expenditure  for  a  time  impoverished  the  house.  He  was  appointed 
by  the  pope  without  the  royal  licence.  The  king  therefore  seized  the 
abbey,  and  only  granted  his  favour  after  a  fine  of  400  marks  had  been 
paid.  "In  consequence  of  archbishop  Winchesley's  continual  encroach- 
ments upon  the  privileges  of  this  monastery,  and  the  monks  appealing  to 
the  see  of  Home,  pope  Boniface  VIII.  granted  a  bull  confirming  all  their 
privileges"  {Monasticon,  vol.  i.  p.  122).  Among  other  things  this  abbat  in 
1293  gave  a  great  banquet  on  the  feast  of  St.  Augustine  to  4500  persons 
( Chronologia  A  ugustiniensis ) . 


268  APPENDIX 

and  monks  sent  messengers  with  letters  to  influential  men 
at  court,  such  as  the  chancellor,  the  bishop  of  Chichester, 
and  the  treasurer ;  to  ask  them,  in  view  of  the  injury  done 
by  a  long  vacancy,  to  obtain  the  royal  licence  for  an  imme- 
diate election  on  the  demise  of  the  abbat.  As  soon  as 
Thomas  Fyndon  died,  the  royal  subescheator  took  possession 
of  the  abbey  and  its  revenues,  according  to  the  custom,  in 
the  king's  name.  The  licence  to  elect  was  duly  and  speedily 
granted.  The  day  appointed,  the  community  assembled  in 
the  chapter-house,  after  the  mass  of  the  Holy  Ghost  had 
been  sung ;  and  their  first  business  was  to  read  the  decrees  of 
the  general  council  concerning  election.  Then  to  safeguard 
the  proceedings  against  irregularity,  as  some  of  the  elec- 
tors might  be  labouring  under  a  hidden  defect  which  would 
vitiate  their  right  to  an  active  voice,  a  public  protest  was 
made  that  any  such  illegitimate  voting  was  wholly  against 
the  will  and  knowledge  of  the  chapter.  The  manner  of 
election  had  then  to  be  discussed ;  and  all  agreed  to  proceed 
by  way  of  compromise.  Seven  monks  as  electors  were 
nominated  out  of  the  whole  body ;  and  were  solemnly 
charged  to  choose  one,  either  of  the  convent  or  from  another 
house  of  the  congregation,  whom  they  should  judge  to  be 
"good  and  benevolent,  and  useful  to  the  welfare  of  this 
church  and  necessary  for  the  observance  of  religion."  They 
were  warned  not  to  choose  any  one  or  to  pass  over  any  one 
for  human  and  personal  motives;  but  to  elect  "him  who 
knows  how,  who  is  able  and  desires  to  love  his  brethren  in 
the  fear  of  God  and  to  observe  to  the  utmost  the  estate  and 
godly  customs  of  this  church."  The  commission  to  elect 
was  signed  by  the  common  seal  of  the  monastery,  and  the 
convent  bound  themselves  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the 
seven  electors.  The  result  was  soon  made  known.  Kalph 
de  Bourne,  one  of  the  seven,  was  declared  to  be  duly  elected  ; 
and  upon  his  assenting,  he  was  led  by  the  monks  into  the 
church  with  the  singing  of  the  Te  Deum.     There,  prostrated 


APPENDIX  269 

before  high  altar,  prayers  appropriate  to  the  occasion  were 
chanted  over  him  by  the  prior,  and  he  was  then  led  to  pay 
his  homage  of  devotion  before  the  shrines  of  the  saints  which 
encircled  the  apse  of  the  church.  Meanwhile,  the  bells  of 
the  abbey  in  their  joyous  peals  proclaimed  the  election  to  the 
town,  and  some  "  discrete  person  "  from  the  pulpit  made  an- 
nouncement to  the  people  of  the  name  of  the  newly  elected 
abbat.  A  careful  account  of  the  whole  day's  proceeding  was 
then  drawn  up  by  a  public  notary  and  duly  witnessed. 

The  elect,  after  dinner,  took  up  his  abode  in  the  buildings 
set  aside  for  the  use  of  the  prior.  There  he  was  to  remain 
humbly  and  not  interfere  more  than  any  other  of  the  convent 
in  the  affairs  of  the  monastery.  He  was  to  be  content  with 
the  attentions  the  monks  paid  him  of  their  own  free  will, 
and  was  not  to  exact  more.  In  the  church  chapter  and 
refectory  he  took  the  first  place  on  the  right-hand  choir; 
and  had  certain  monks  appointed  to  him  as  attendants  and 
companions.  But  until  the  election  was  confirmed  he  could 
not  enter  upon  his  rights  and  dignities.  After  two  days  the 
elect  with  some  of  his  monks  began  their  journey  to  London 
to  obtain  the  royal  assent.  They  took  with  them  all  docu- 
ments necessary  to  prove  the  validity  of  the  election,  together 
with  the  following  letter  from  the  prior  and  convent : — 

"  To  the  most  excellent  prince  and  revered  lord,  Edward, 
by  the  grace  of  God,  the  illustrious  king  of  England 
lord  of  Ireland  and  duke  of  Aquitaine,  his  humble 
and  devoted  prior  and  convent  of  the  monastery  of 
St.  Augustine's   at  Canterbury,  which   belongs  im- 
mediately to  the  Eoman  church,  [give]  all  possible 
homage  and  honour  in  Him  by  whom  kings  reign 
and  princes  have  their  rule. 
"  The  aforesaid  our  monastery  being  vacant  by  the  death  of 
Thomas  of  good  memory,  late  our  abbat,  and  licence  having 
been  called  and  obtained  for  us  to  elect  another  as  abbat 


270  APPENDIX 

and  pastor,  we  have  observed  the  day  of  election  and,  after 
invoking  the  aid  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  have  elected  unani- 
mously our  beloved  fellow-monk,  Ralph  de  Bourne,  as  our 
abbat  and  pastor.  Him  therefore,  the  brother  Ralph  our 
elect,  we  present  to  your  royal  majesty  by  our  beloved 
fellow-monks  William  of  Byhalt,  Richard  of  Canterbury, 
and  Solomon  of  Ripple,  humbly  and  devoutly  beseeching 
that  you  would  deign  to  admit  him,  our  aforesaid,  as  elect, 
and  for  ourselves  to  give  your  royal  assent  and  favour  to 
the  election  made  by  us.  And  further,  asking,  for  the  elect, 
whatever  may  be  pleasing  your  royal  will.  In  testimony 
whereof  our  common  seal  is  appended  to  these  presents. 
May  the  Most  High  keep  you  all. 

"Given  in  our  chapter  at  Canterbury,  the  viii  of  the  ides 
of  March  in  the  year  of  the  Lord  1 309." 

The  affair  at  court  was  speedily  settled;  and  by  the 
seventeenth  of  the  month  the  monks  had  returned  to  Canter- 
bury with  letters  from  the  king  and  queen  to  the  pope,  to 
whom  the  elect  had  now  to  go  in  person  for  confirmation. 
They  also  had  letters  to  recommend  them  to  the  king  of 
France,  through  whose  dominions  they  had  to  pass  on  their 
road  to  Avignon,  where  the  pope  (Clement  V.)  then  was. 

The  king's  letter  to  the  pope  is  as  follows  : — 

"  To  the  most  holy  father  in  Christ,  the  lord  CI.,  by  divine 

Providence,  the  high  priest  of  the  most  holy  Roman 

and  Universal  Church,  Edward,  by  the  same  grace, 

king  of  England,   &c,  devoutly  kissing  the  sacred 

feet. 

"  It  becometh  us,  amidst  the  other  cares  which  press  upon 

us,  with  watchful  care  to  take  heed  of  the  welfare  of  those 

monasteries  of  our  kingdom  which  are  in  our  patronage ; 

that  when  widowed,  they  may  be  comforted  by  the  solace  of 

a  pastor,  and  to  frequently  stir  up  your  clemency  for  the 


APPENDIX  271 

relief  of  burthens.  Since  therefore  the  religious  man,  our 
right-well  beloved  in  Christ,  brother  Ealph  de  Bourne,  elect 
of  the  monastery  of  St.  Augustine's  at  Canterbury  in  our 
patronage  (to  whose  election  we  have  given  our  royal  assent 
and  favour  with  the  hope  of  obtaining  confirmation  of  the 
same  from  your  holiness),  now  approaches  your  presence : 
bearing  in  mind  that  the  aforesaid  monastery  is  greatly  in 
debt,1  and  that  the  state  of  the  house  may,  by  the  industry 
and  circumspection  of  the  elect,  be  in  the  future  retained, 
we  do  specially  commend  to  your  holiness  the  elect  as  one 
who  is  provident,  and  circumspect  in  spiritual  as  well  as  in 
temporal  affairs,  and  endowed  with  other  kinds  of  virtue, 
asking  with  affectionate  prayer  that  you  would  deign  to 
admit  the  aforesaid  elect,  in  those  matters  which  he  has 
to  do  with  your  holiness,  to  the  favour  of  a  hearing  and  to 
send  him  back  to  the  aforesaid  monastery  with  his  business 
happily  finished. 

"  Given  at  Westminster  the  xiii  day  of  March  in  the  third 
year  of  our  reign/' 

The  queen  wrote  in  similar  style  commending  the  elect 
to  the  pope's  favour.  Together  with  their  letters  was  a 
licence  to  Eobert  of  Kendal,  the  constable  of  Dover  Castle 
and  warden  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  to  allow  the  elect  to  pass 
over  to  France. 

At  the  kalends  of  April  the  elect  set  out  for  Avignon ; 
but,  before  he  started,  money  for  the  journey  had  to  be 
obtained.  The  monastery  paid  over  to  one  Guy  Donatus,  a 
Florentine  merchant  and  member  of  the  society  of  "  Bards  " 
of  Florence,  a  sum  of  fifty  pounds  sterling  and  received  back 
from  him  bills  of  exchange.  Letters  of  procuration  at  the 
papal  court  were  then  made  out,  and  a  document  from  the 
monastery  to  the  pope  begging  for  his  confirmation  of  their 
election  was  drawn  up.      In   this   latter,   after   recounting 

1  On  account  of  Fyndon's  building. 


272  APPENDIX 

the  royal  licence  and  the  result  of  the  election,  the  prior  and 
convent  say :  "  We  must  humbly  entreat  your  holiness  to 
deign  to  confirm  the  above-mentioned  election  and  to  bestow 
on  our  elect  the  gift  of  the  Blessing  that  having  God  as  his 
authority  he  may  rightly  and  profitably  rule  both  us  and 
others  in  those  things  which  pertain  to  his  abbacy/5 

The  papers  which  had  to  be  taken  to  Eome  consisted  of  : 
(i)  the  royal  licence  to  elect;  (2)  the  formal  appointment 
of  the  day  of  election ;  (3)  all  documents  concerned  with  the 
preliminaries;  (4)  the  letter  to  the  pope  asking  for  confir- 
mation, signed  by  all  the  community  and  sealed  with  the 
common  seal ;  (5)  the  decree  of  election  signed  and  sealed 
in  a  similar  way ;  (6)  the  royal  letters  of  assent ;  (7)  the 
notarial  accounts  of  the  election ;  (8)  the  protest  against 
unlawful  voting  (this  was  only  to  be  produced  if  any  ob- 
jection was  made  that  some  of  the  electors  were  suspended 
or  excommunicated);  (9)  and  finally  a  public  testifica- 
tion of  the  date  of  the  setting  out  from  Canterbury  to 
Avignon. 

We  learn  nothing  more  from  the  consuetudinary  about 
this  election.  But  this  formidable  array  of  documents 
secured  the  confirmation  after  the  dues  had  been  paid.  The 
abbat  was  blessed  by  the  pope  ;  and  on  his  return  to  St. 
Augustine's,  which  he  approached  barefooted  in  all  humility, 
he  was  received  with  great  solemnity  by  the  community  and 
with  chant  and  prayer,  was  duly  installed.  And  while  the 
Te  Deum  was  being  sung  the  monks,  one  by  one,  went  up 
to  pay  their  homage  to  their  new  pastor  by  kissing  his 
hand,  and  then  as  to  their  father  by  kissing  him  on  the 
mouth.  The  ceremony  concluded  by  the  solemn  abbatical 
blessing.1 

1  Nor  was  a  great  feast  forgotten  on  that  festive  occasion.  The  new 
abbat  showed  his  hospitality  by  an  enormous  banquet  which  Thorne  in 
his  chronicle  {Decern  Scriptores,  p.  2010)  mentions  M  not  that  we  may  follow 
his  example,  but  admire  it."     Among  the  articles  consumed  were  1 1  tons 


APPENDIX  273 

Once  installed,  on  high  church  festivals  the  abbat  had  to 
assist  at  matins *  and  lauds  and  terce,  in  alb  and  cope  and 
mitre,  gloves  and  ring ;  and  with  pastoral  staff  in  hand 
stand  at  his  seat  amid  his  assistants,  who  were  also  clad  in 
copes.  After  terce  a  solemn  procession  round  the  church 
took  place.  The  community,  vested  in  albs  and  copes, 
with  the  abbat  would  tarry  before  some  statue  or  shrine, 
and  make  what  is  called  a  station;  and  there  sing  some 
special  anthem  with  its  proper  versicles  and  prayers  before 
continuing  the  procession.  Afterwards,  the  abbat  would  pre- 
pare himself  for  pontifical  mass,  and  would  put  on  the  tunic, 
the  dalmatic,  and  sandals  and  buskins,  besides  the  chasuble ; 
and  he  would  take  his  seat  in  a  special  cathedra  which  was 
placed  near  to  the  altar.  Then  he  would  sing  mass  according 
to  the  "  use  "  of  his  own  church,  and  employ  a  missal  claim- 
ing to  be  identical  with  that  brought  by  St.  Augustine  from 
Konie  itself.2  One  striking  feature  was  the  solemn  benedic- 
tion given  immediately  after  the  Pax  Domini,  when  turning 
to  the  people  and  using  both  mitre  and  staff,  he  chanted 
the  formula  of  blessing  contained  in  the  Benedictionale, 
and  which  varied  with  the  feast.  At  vespers,  two  of  his 
assistant  priests  came  in  at  the  Magnificat  with  the  thurifers, 
and  when  the  abbat  had  put  in  the  incense,  they  accom- 
panied him  for  the  thurification  of  the  high  altar,  and' the 
altar  behind,  and  the  shrine  and  altar  of  St.  Augustine. 
One  gave  his  thurible  to  the  abbat,  and  held  back  the  cope 


of  wine  (at  a  value  of  £24) ;  30  oxen  {£27)  ;  34  swans  {£7)  ;  503  capons 
(£6) ;  1000  geese  (^16) ;  200  sucking  pigs  (100  shillings) ;  9600  eggs  (£4 
10s.) ;  17  rolls  of  brawn  (65  shillings) ;  coals  (48  shillings) ;  wages  of  cooks 
and  servants  (£6) — total  £287,  5s.  Six  thousand  guests  sat  down  to  a 
banquet  of  three  thousand  dishes. 

1  At  the  great  feasts  the  abbat,  while  the  Te  Deum  was  being  sung, 
came  in  vested  as  for  mass,  and,  having  incensed  the  high  altar,  sang  the 
gospel  of  the  day. 

2  See  Eule's  most  valuable  and  learned  Introduction  to  the  Missal  of  St. 
Augustine's,  Canterbury. 

VOL.  I.  S 


274  APPENDIX 

while  the  prelate  incensed  the  altars,  the  second  assistant 
meanwhile  incensing  the  altars  together  with  the  abbat.  After 
the  altar  and  shrine  of  St.  Augustine  had  been  honoured,  the 
abbat  and  his  chaplain  remained  before  the  shrine,  while  the 
two  priests  went  with  their  smoking  thuribles  to  incense  all 
the  other  altars  and  shrines.  They  then  all  returned  in  pro- 
cession to  the  choir,  when  the  usual  incensing  took  place, 
and  the  stately  function  ended  with  the  abbatial  blessing. 
On  feast  days,  when  he  himself  did  not  celebrate,  he  assisted 
at  the  function  in  cope,  mitre,  and  gloves,  with  the  staff,  and 
took  his  place  between  the  cantors ;  and  at  the  end  of  the 
service  proceeded  to  his  throne,  whence  he  gave  the  final 
benediction.  Whenever  he  was  present,  even  if  only  in  his 
ordinary  choral  dress,  the  deacon  always  came  to  him  for  the 
blessing  before  the  Gospel,  and  the  holy  text  was  carried  to 
him  to  be  kissed,  and  the  incense  to  be  blessed,  and  the  pax 
brought  from  the  altar.  To  him  also  fell  the  duty  of  blessing 
and  distributing  the  ashes  at  the  beginning  of  Lent,  the 
candles  on  the  feast  of  the  Purification,  and  the  palms  on 
Palm-sunday. 

If  at  home,  he  was  bound  to  be  present  at  all  vespers  of 
twelve-lesson  feasts,  and  on  all  vigils;  but  he  was  not  re- 
quired to  be  at  lauds,  unless  he  officiated  solemnly,  save  on 
the  Wednesday  before  Christmas  and  on  the  eve  of  that 
feast.  The  other  days  in  the  year  he  was  not  bound  to  be 
at  either  vespers  or  lauds  except  the  three  days  before  Easter 
and  the  whole  of  the  following  week,  and  also  Whitsuntide. 
At  the  office  for  the  dead  he  was  only  present  on  [special 
anniversaries  ?]  or  for  the  funeral  of  a  monk ;  and  then  only 
for  matins. 

The  Household. — As  befitted  so  high  a  prelate  and  so  im- 
portant a  spiritual  baron,  in  accordance  with  the  requirements 
of  the  times,  he  was  obliged  to  keep  up  a  large  household 
in  the  building  set  apart  for  his  use,  known  as  the  abbat's 
lodging.     He  had  to  receive  many  visitors  and  keep  up  a 


APPENDIX  275 

state  which  would  only  bring  disorder  and  discomfort  into 
the  monastery  if  the  monks  had  to  be  subjected  to  these 
annoyances.  But  his  intercourse  with  his  monks  was  close 
and  intimate,  as  his  duty  as  pastor  and  father  required. 

The  Chaplains. — Foremost  in  his  household  were  the 
chaplains,  two  in  number.  The  consuetudinary  says :  "  The 
chaplains  of  the  abbat  ought  to  be  courteous  and  discreet, 
and  affable  to  all,  and  especially  to  strangers."  They  are 
bound  to  foster,  as  far  as  they  can,  the  mutual  love  of  abbat 
and  convent.  Both  should  say  mass  every  day,  and  in 
turns  take  the  office  of  assisting  the  abbat  at  his  mass  and 
attending  upon  him  in  the  church  and  elsewhere.  When- 
ever he  went  abroad  they  bore  him  company,  and  one  of 
them  carried  a  diurnale,  in  case  the  abbat  wished  to  say 
office.  They  were  in  charge  of  his  household,  and  ordered 
everything  and  corrected  what  was  amiss.  The  elder  had 
the  charge  of  the  abbatial  cellars,  the  keys  of  which  were 
taken  to  him  every  night.  The  prelatial  jewels  and  money 
were  in  their  care,  and  they  had  to  have  ten  pounds  in  ready 
cash  always  in  the  house.  To  them  belonged  the  duty  of 
giving  out  the  alms  the  abbat  dispensed  when  he  went  abroad 
from  the  monastery.  An  account  every  year  of  all  expendi- 
ture had  to  be  given.  They  were  also  charged  with  the 
special  care  of  the  abbat's  guests ;  and  when  he  was  at  home, 
had  to  invite  certain  of  the  monks  to  eat  at  the  abbatial 
board.  The  younger  had  also  the  duty  of  reading  at  the 
abbat's  meal,  unless  for  some  reasonable  cause  another  had 
the  office. 

The  Chamberlain. — The  chamberlain  acted  as  a  kind  of 
secretary  for  documents  which  came  under  the  seal.  He 
took  charge  of  the  abbat's  cup  and  napkin  at  meal  times 
and  saw  that  the  guests  were  likewise  provided,  and  that 
the  wine  was  served  in  due  course.  "  And  it  is  to  be  borne 
in  mind  that  from  all  who  come  to  do  homage  to  the  abbat 
he  has  either  half  a  mark  or  an  outer  garment,  the  which  he 


276  APPENDIX 

should  civilly  and  meekly  ask  for  before  they  take  their 
departure." 

The  Seneschal. — The  seneschal,  when  the  abbat  was  going 
to  dine  in  the  hall,  had  overnight  (between  vespers  and 
compline),  together  with  the  cellarer  and  cook,  to  wait  on 
the  abbat  and  receive  his  orders  for  the  morrow,  and  to 
inquire  of  the  number  of  guests  to  be  provided  for.  He  had 
to  see  that  the  "  commons  "  (liberatio)  of  the  hall  were  duly 
provided.  After  grace,  he  set  before  the  abbat  the  dishes 
which  the  servant  brought  up. 

The  Marshal  of  the  Hall. — The  marshal  of  the  hall  minis- 
tered the  water  for  washing  the  abbat's  hands  before  and 
after  meals,  and  performed  the  same  office  for  the  chief 
guests.  He  arranged  these  latter  in  their  proper  places. 
"  He  is  not  to  allow  the  servants  to  approach  the  tables  too 
hastily.  .  .  he  is  also  not  to  allow  a  tumult  of  loose  behaviour 
in  the  hall,  especially  among  the  waiters  (garciones),  and  if 
he  finds  any  one  obstinate  or  rebellious,  he  shall  presently 
cause  him  to  be  put  without  the  hall,  until  humble  satisfac- 
tion is  made.  If  any  one  comes  in  after  the  first  course,  he- 
is  to  take  care  that  that  course  is  served  to  the  late  comer. 
He  shall  punish  those  who  throw  their  bones  or  beer-mugs 
on  the  ground." 

The  Carver. — The  carver,  who  has  always  to  have  a  clean 
napkin  over  his  shoulder  and  at  least  two  shining  knives,  is- 
not  to  begin  carving  before  the  reading  has  begun. 

The  Waiter. — There  was  also  a  waiter  who  carried  a 
napkin  and  handed  the  dishes  to  the  seneschal.  Everything 
he  carried  had  to  be  covered  with  this  napkin. 

The  Pantler. — The  pantler  had  charge  of  the  bread  and 
the  napery,  and  all  other  necessaries  for  the  abbat's  table. 

The  Master  of  the  Horse. — The  master  of  the  horse  had  to-< 
see  to  the  feeding  of  the  horses,  and  have  a  special  care  of 
my  lord  abbat's  palfrey.  He  had  to  buy  the  oats  and  com 
and  to  see  to  the  shoeing. 


APPENDIX  277 

The  Cook. — The  cook  had  no  small  office.  After  he  had  re- 
ceived his  instructions  he  had  to  provide  all  that  was  neces- 
sary ;  "  and  when  the  abbat  was  at  home  ought  to  go  with 
the  cellarer's  buyers  into  the  town  to  purchase  better  articles 
for  the  abbat  and  his  guests."  He  had  to  prepare  with  his 
own  hands  whatever  was  for  the  abbat's  own  consumption, 
and  was  not  to  allow  any  one  to  help  him.  Every  day 
he  had  to  see  that  the  kitchen  utensils  were  scrupulously 
cleaned.  He  is  never  to  be  without  some  good  seasonings 
(salsamentis),  which  he  is  himself  to  prepare,  and  is  to  take 
care  that  in  the  seasoning  for  the  abbat  he  is  not  to  use  too 
much  ginger.  Immediately  after  every  meal  the  cook  has  to 
collect  the  silver  cooking  utensils  and  return  them  to  the 
chamberlain.  He  is  always  to  keep  the  door  of  the  kitchen 
shut. 

The  Valet. — The  valet  gave  out  the  linen  and  plate  neces- 
sary for  the  abbat's  table  to  the  pantler,  and  the  wine  and 
silver  goblets  when  the  chamberlain  gave  the  order.  He  was 
the  personal  attendant  of  the  abbat,  and  waited  upon  him  in 
his  private  rooms. 

The  Cupboard-man. — The  cupboard-man  had  to  keep  the 
cups  dry  and  replace  them  after  each  meal. 

The  Porter. — The  porter  kept  the  door,  and  only  allowed 
those  to  enter  the  hall  who  had  a  right.  "  He  is  not  to 
allow  ribald  fellows  to  stand  about  the  door  of  the  house, 
nor  upon  the  steps ;  he  is  to  answer  every  one  civilly  and 
kindly,  and  is  to  take  care  that  dogs  do  not  remain  in 
the  hall." 

The  Hall  Cook  and  Servant. — The  hall  had  its  own  cook 
and  servant.  They  should  "  so  well  and  honestly  prepare 
and  see  to  the  good  of  those  who  eat  in  the  hall,  that  no 
complaint  about  them  should  reach  the  abbat's  ear,  if  they 
desire  to  keep  their  position." 

The  Abbat's  Messenger. — The  abbat's  messenger  should  be 
a   prudent   man,    smooth-spoken,    bold,    and   ever   diligent 


278  APPENDIX 

(impiger)  and  trusty  ;  always  prompt  and  ready.  He  was  not 
allowed  to  receive  anything  from  outside  without  the  abbat's 
leave.  He  had  to  know  the  gossip  of  the  place  about  such 
travellers  as  were  passing  by  or  tarrying  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, so  as  to  let  the  abbat  or  his  chaplains  know  who  to 
invite.     He  helped  in  the  kitchen. 

The  Palfrey-man. — The  attendant  on  the  palfrey  held  the 
bridle  when  the  abbat  was  mounted.  He  distributed  also 
the  alms  given  on  a  journey.  He  also  helped  the  valet  in 
the  personal  service. 

The  Almoner. — The  almoner  saw  to  the  distribution  among 
the  poor  of  the  daily  leavings  of  the  abbat's  table.  He  too 
helped  in  the  personal  service,  and  in  his  instructions  he 
is  particularly  warned  to  take  heed,  "  under  pain  of  dis- 
missal, that  he  does  not  in  any  way  reveal  the  secrets  of 
the  closet." 

The  Hall. — The  cellarer  was  charged  with  the  cleanliness 
of  the  hall  and  the  respect  due  to  the  guests.  A  fire  was 
provided  during  the  meals  from  All  Saints  till  the  Purifica- 
tion ;  and  during  supper  eleven  candles  were  provided ;  but 
on  fasting  days  only  three,  unless  strangers  were  present. 
In  this  common  hall  all  guests,  monks  or  others,  dined  and 
supped  unless  they  were  specially  bidden  to  the  abbat's 
private  apartments  or  arrived  at  hours  too  late  for  the 
common  meal. 

The  Servants  of  the  Household. — Such  were  the  officers  of 
the  abbat's  household.  Each  of  them  had,  besides  their 
duties,  their  own  perquisites  and  salaries,  and  servants  to 
attend  upon  them.  In  a  list  of  the  household  of  abbat 
Nicholas  de  Spina  we  read  that  the  chamberlain  had  a  com- 
panion, a  squire,  together  with  boys  and  horses  at  his  dis- 
posal ;  the  physician 1  was  allowed  a  squire,  two  boys,  and  two 
horses ;  the  seneschal  had  his  squire  and  three  boys,  and  as 

1  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  physician  was  not  one  of  the  monks, 
but  evidently  a  layman  cunning  in  leechery. 


APPENDIX  279 

many  horses.  And  so  with  the  others  in  less  degree.  The 
marshal  of  the  hall  had  "  one  honest  boy "  and  one  horse, 
likewise  the  pantler ;  but  his  boy  is  described  as  not  only 
"  honest "  but  "  trusty  and  discreet."  The  master  of  the  horse 
had  his  boy,  too,  "  one  who  knows  how  to  shoe  " ;  and  the 
abbat's  cook  was  only  allowed  "an  honest  and  knowing 
boy,"  but  no  horse. 

From  the  same  list  we  learn  that  my  lord  abbat  was 
served  always  with  four  courses,  the  household  with  three, 
and  the  servants  with  two. 

The  abbat's  intercourse  to  his  community  was  marked 
with  the  greatest  deference  on  their  part.  Whenever  he 
passed  through  the  cloister  or  by  any  other  place  where  the 
brethren  were  sitting,  they  rose  and  bowed  whilst  he  passed. 
If  they  were  standing  they  uncovered  their  heads  and  bowed. 
Should  he  in  any  place  have  occasion  to  rebuke  a  brother, 
at  once  the  monk  knelt  before  him  and  remained  in  that 
humble  posture  until  bidden  to  rise.  "  But  the  abbat  should 
wisely  take  care  that  he  should  not  do  this  before  seculars ; 
neither  should  he  allow  this  to  be  done  for  anything ;  for  it 
is  not  becoming  that  he  should  by  word  of  mouth  sharply 
chide  any  brother  before  seculars." 

Whenever  he  sat  no  one  presumed,  uninvited,  to  sit 
besides  him ;  but  according  to  the  old  custom,  if  so  bidden, 
the  brother  should  kneel  and  kiss  the  abbat's  knees,  if  he 
allows,  and  then  humbly  take  his  seat.  Whenever  any- 
thing was  handed  to  the  abbat,  or  received  from  him,  the 
prelate's  hand  was  kissed,  and  if  he  were  sitting  the  monk 
knelt  before  him.  On  the  occasions  that  he  dined  in  the 
refectory  with  the  monks,  the  prior  and  two  of  the  brethren 
served  at  the  washing  of  his  hands. 

The  ordering  of  the  whole  monastery  depends  upon  his 
will ;  but  nevertheless  nothing  is,  as  the  Eule  says,  to  be 
taught,  commanded,  or  ordered  (quod  absit)  beyond  the 
precepts  of  the  Lord.     But  also  neither  should  anything  be 


28o  APPENDIX 

attempted  against  the  approved  customs  of  the  monastery 
without  consulting  the  seniors.  If  while  he  is  absent  some- 
thing new  has,  by  necessity  or  reason,  to  be  arranged,  on 
his  return  it  is  for  him  to  decide,  with  the  advice  of  the 
seniors,  what  has  to  be  done.  If  he  has  been  absent  for 
some  time  (fifteen  days),  on  his  return  he  has  to  visit  the 
sick,  and  with  pity  and  paternal  affection  console  them. 
If  according  to  the  old  custom  he  sleeps  in  the  dormitory, 
and  remains  in  bed  in  the  morning,  no  sound  is  to  be 
made ;  but  the  master  of  novices,  if  he  sees  the  hour  is 
passed  at  which  the  prior  is  used  to  call  them,  is  to  rise 
as  quickly  as  he  can  and  call  up  the  novices  by  touching 
them  gently  with  a  rod.  When  they  are  awakened,  they 
go  out  of  the  dormitory,  wash  and  comb  their  hair,  and 
having  said  the  usual  prayer,  go  to  their  school,  where  in 
silence  they  wait  until  the  abbat  gets  up,  and  then  they  go 
to  prime. 

When  the  abbat  dies,  all  he  has  goes  back  to  the  monas- 
tery and  he  is  buried  like  one  of  the  other  monks ;  except 
that,  vested  as  a  priest  and  clad  in  pontificals,  with  his 
staff  on  the  right  arm,  he  is  laid  out  for  the  tomb.  The 
schedule  of  absolution,  a  plate  of  lead  bearing  his  inscrip- 
tion and  date,  a  chalice  and  a  paten,  together  with  bread 
and  wine,  are  buried  with  him,  and  the  nearest  abbat  or 
bishop  is  invited  to  celebrate  the  funeral  offices. 


II.   THE   OFFICERS   OF  THE   CONVENT 

The  Prior. — The  prior  was  the  chief  of  all  the  officers  in 
the  monastery,  and  was  treated  with  a  deference  only  less 
than  that  shown  to  the  abbat  himself.  Like  him  he  had  a 
lodging  apart,  although  he  slept  in  the  common  dormitory. 
He  was  selected  by  the  abbat  out  of  three  names  elected  by 
the  convent.      The  precentor  had  the  right  of  nominating 


APPENDIX  281 

one,  the  right  side  of  the  choir  another,  and  the  third  by 
the  left  side.  He  is  to  be  obeyed  by  all,  and  has  to  set 
an  example  of  exactness  in  observing  all  rules.  He  is 
bidden  to  make  himself  be  more  loved  than  feared.  When- 
ever he  enters  the  chapter-house  or  the  choir,  all  rise  to 
salute  him ;  but  the  monks  don't  rise  when  he  passes  by, 
only  if  he  goes  to  sit  in  the  cloister,  those  near  his  seat 
rise.  It  is  his  office,  when  the  Eule  is  read  in  chapter,  to 
comment  on  it  in  French  for  the  sake  of  the  more  simple 
brethren ;  or  to  assign  the  duty  to  some  one  else.  In  the 
absence  of  the  abbat  he  rules  the  monastery,  and  with 
the  advice  of  the  seniors  can  make  what  regulations  are 
necessary.  He  holds  chapter,  and  can  inflict  penances  for 
breaches  of  the  rule.  "But  according  to  modern  usage, 
each  obedientiary  punishes  his  own  servants,  and  removes 
those  he  considers  ought  to  be  removed  and  appoints  others 
in  their  place,  those  only  excepted  who  have  received  their 
appointments  directly  from  the  abbat  and  convent.  The 
obedientiaries,  if  there  chance  to  be  anything  negligent  or 
slothful  in  their  servants,  shall  sharply  chide  them  if  the 
prior  so  determines."  The  prior  can  withdraw  from  such 
of  the  household  who  are  rebellious  and  incorrigible,  their 
allowances  until  they  make  satisfaction,  saving  always  the 
abbat's  rights  when  he  is  at  home.  It  pertains  to  the  prior 
to  give  leave  to  the  monks  to  be  bled  ;  and  he  also  appoints 
the  hours  and  days  for  baths.  He  can  give  dispensations 
from  choir,  even  in  the  abbat's  presence ;  and  can  also 
give  leave  to  the  weak,  and  those  requiring  it,  to  eat  meat 
out  of  the  refectory.  He  is  always  on  duty;  but  when  he 
is  obliged  to  be  absent,  the  sub-prior  is  appointed  to  take 
his  place.  In  olden  days,  after  the  first  prayer  before 
matins,  he  used  to  take  a  lantern  and  go  through  the 
dormitory  and  other  places  to  see  lest  any  one,  overcome 
by  sloth,  had  remained  behind.  But  in  modern  time  this 
duty   has   been    assigned    to    the   scrutatores  ordinis.      At 


282  APPENDIX 

compline,  having  taken  holy  water  from  the  hebdomadary, 
he  used  to  remain  until  the  monks  had  passed  by,  to  see 
whether  all  had  been  present  and  whether  they  had  observed 
due  reverence  and  order,  and  whether,  according  to  the 
custom,  they  had  put  up  their  hood  on  leaving  the  choir. 
But  this  office  also  is  now  done  by  the  scrutatores.  The 
prior  sees  that  all  go  to  the  dormitory.  Before  the  daily 
chapter  he  takes  counsel  with  the  other  priors  about  the 
defects  which  call  for  correction  ;  and  the  priors  have  to  be 
unanimous  in  all  things  concerning  reformation. 

The  Sub-prior  or  Claustral  Prior. — The  sub-prior  or  claus- 
tral  prior  was  the  officer  who  had  the  most  direct  relation 
with  the  monks.  He  was  always  with  them  and  was  re- 
sponsible for  the  order  and  discipline  of  the  house.  In  the 
absence  of  the  prior  he  took  his  place,  and  had  the  same 
powers  of  dispensation.  From  time  to  time  he  had  to  go  the 
rounds  of  the  house,  and  had  to  know  what  every  one  was 
doing.  It  was  an  important  part  of  his  duty  to  visit  the  sick 
every  day.  Among  his  general  powers  of  dispensation  was 
that  of  leaving  the  cloister,  but  not  of  going  into  the  town. 
He  is  not  to  give  any  one  leave  to  stay  outside  the  monastery 
for  two  days,  unless  the  prior  from  ill  health  is  away  from 
the  dormitory.  All  who  with  leave  are  going  outside  the 
monastery,  and  will  not  be  back  for  the  next  meal,  have 
to  tell  him.  The  claustral  prior  on  certain  days  presided 
at  the  chapter,  and  on  these  days  he  could  grant  many 
other  dispensations.  When  the  prior  was  away  or  could 
not  be  found,  the  claustral  prior  could  then  give  leave  for 
the  monks  to  go  into  the  town  or  elsewhere,  but  not  to  take 
refreshments  unless  it  was  his  day  for  holding  chapter,  or 
there  was  any  reasonable  cause.  He  also  had  to  see  that  all 
were  present  at  the  office. 

The  third  and  fourth  Priors. — The  prior  and  the  sub-prior 
appointed  two  guardians  or  Exjploratores  ordinis,  who  were 
a  kind  of  domestic  police.     "  As  the  choir,  or  the  cloister,  or 


APPENDIX  283 

the  refectory,  according  to  the  right  and  ancient  custom, 
should  never  be  without  two  watchers  of  the  order  if  it  can 
be  done ;  if  one  has  to  go  out,  the  other  remains."  They 
are  warned  not  to  indulge  in  private  malice  in  reporting  a 
monk,  nor  from  private  friendship  shut  their  eyes  to  any 
negligences.  They  cannot  rebuke,  but  can  only  publicly  "pro- 
claim "  or  report  the  negligence  at  the  next  day's  chapter. 
"  If  they  find  any  one  outside  the  cloister  talking,  the  speaker 
has  to  rise  and  tell  them  that  he  is  speaking  with  the 
leave  of  the  prior  or  sub-prior.  The  guardians  neither  by 
sign  nor  word  answer  them,  but  modestly  pass  on,  listening, 
however,  with  intent  ears  whether  the  conversation  be  useful. 
They  go  their  rounds,  one  by  one,  not  together.  They  are 
not  allowed  to  go  into  the  offices  of  the  house,  but  can  open  the 
doors  and  look  whether  the  brethren  are  properly  engaged. 
They  had  certain  fixed  times  for  going  round,  but  were  free 
to  do  so  whenever  they  thought  fit.  If  a  monk  met  them  on 
their  rounds,  he  had  to  stand  still  and  uncover  his  head  and 
wait  till  the  guardian  had  seen  him  and  passed  by.  But  they 
are  never  allowed  to  go  where  the  prior  and  sub-prior  are, 
nor  ever  into  the  abbat's  or  prior's  lodgings ;  nor  into  the 
infirmary  nor  the  guest-house,  unless  there  be  some  grave 
reason.  "  The  guardians  should  be  unanimous  in  all  things 
and  agree  together,  presuming  upon  nothing  out  of  the  spirit 
of  contention,  or  a  vain  glory  in  their  position."  If  the 
priors  were  all  absent  from  the  cloister,  the  monks  had  to 
get  permission  from  the  senior  priest,  but  he  could,  as  a 
rule,  only  give  leave  to  go  into  the  gardens;  but  even 
he,  if  there  was  any  necessity,  could  give  leave  to  go  into 
the  town,  so  wide  and  sensible  was  the  rule  in  practice. 

The  Cantor. — The  cantor  or  precentor  not  only  had  to 
take  care  that  the  offices  in  choir  went  smoothly  and  had 
to  arrange  for  the  distribution  of  the  various  parts,  to  set 
the  pitch  and  correct  mistakes,  but  he  was  also  the  librarian 
(Armarius)  and  had  charge  of  the  books,  and  had  to  keep 


284  APPENDIX 

a  stock  of  parchment  and  other  requisites  for  the  use  of  the 
monks.  In  chapter  he  had  publicly  to  accuse  such  as  had 
been  guilty  of  faults  in  psalmody.  In  his  charge  was  one 
of  the  three  keys  of  the  chest  which  contained  the  common 
seal  of  the  house.  He  was  not  to  be  treated  too  strictly  in 
respect  to  absences  from  choir  on  account  of  his  various 
duties,  but  he  must  not  without  manifest  reason  omit  two 
successive  hours,  nor  on  the  same  day  be  absent  from  matins 
or  vespers  or  compline.  He  has  to  arrange  the  tabula  or 
list  of  masses  and  choral  duties.  During  the  Benedictus  and 
Magnificat  he  goes  from  side  to  side  of  the  choir,  to  en- 
courage and  give  an  example  to  the  brethren  of  devout 
singing ;  but  he  has  to  be  back  in  his  place  for  the  Gloria 
Patri.  At  processions  he  walks  between  the  two  choirs  to 
keep  them  united  in  the  chant.  On  great  feasts  he  rules 
the  choir  with  six  companions  in  copes,  and  preintones  the 
Gloria  to  the  celebrant ;  and  his  is  the  duty  of  singing  the 
choice  portions  of  the  Gradual  and  of  the  Tract.  If  necessary, 
during  the  singing  he  makes  signs  with  his  hands  to  modu- 
late the  chant  according  to  his  judgment.  The  importance 
of  the  precentor's  office  may  be  judged  from  the  fact  that 
he  had  the  power  to  nominate  one  out  of  three  for  the  post 
of  prior,  and  had  the  same  privilege  in  the  appointments  of 
sacrist  and  almoner. 

The  Succentor. — The  succentor  was  in  all  things  the  aid 
of  the  precentor.  But  to  him  especially  fell  the  duty  of 
preparing  the  juniors  for  the  parts  they  had  to  take  in  the 
office.  He  also  had  to  arrange  the  collects  and  their  order 
for  the  officiant.  On  him  also  was  the  duty  of  drawing  up 
the  mortuary  notices  (Brevicida)  and  despatching  them  to  the 
various  houses. 

The  Sacrist  and  his  companions. — The  sacrist  was  one  of 
the  obedientiaries  that  represented  the  choice  of  the  convent. 
He  had  the  care  of  the  church,  the  plate,  the  vestments,  and 
was  responsible  for  the  candles  and  the  lighting  not  only  of 


APPENDIX  285 

the  church 1  but  of  the  whole  establishment.  He  also  had  to 
provide  mats  for  the  choir  and  those  on  the  north  side  of 
the  cloister  "  from  the  abbat's  parlour  as  far  as  the  dormitory 
door ; "  smaller  ones  for  the  novices,  those  for  the  chapter- 
house, and  those  before  every  altar.  All  these  had  to  be  re- 
newed every  year.  On  him  depended  the  arrangements  to  be 
made  for  the  burial  of  the  confratres.  Out  of  the  funds  set 
apart  for  his  office,  he  had  to  keep  the  roofs  of  the  church 
in  order,  besides  those  of  the  chapter-house  and  of  that  part 
of  the  cloister  jutting  on  to  the  church.  He  was  not  to  talk 
in  the  church  "  save  for  explaining  some  miracle  or  the 
power  of  some  relic  or  some  notice ;  and  this,  if  necessary, 
not  openly  but  briefly,  that  it  may  seem  as  though  done  in 
silence."  The  work  of  the  sacrist  was  shared  in  by  four 
other  monks,  viz.  two  sub-sacrists  (they  could  not  enter  the 
sacristy  without  leave),  a  treasurer  or  Revestiarius,  whose 
special  care  was  the  relics,  and  a  companion.  These  and 
the  sacrist  himself  slept  in  the  precincts  of  the  church  itself, 
so  as  to  be  always  on  guard  and  ready  for  opening  and 
closing  the  church.  At  the  first  sound  of  the  bell  the  five 
get  up  and  call  the  servants  of  the  church ;  and  it  is  laid 
down  that  if  they  are  not  at  office  or  mass  they  are  to  be 
more  sharply  rebuked  than  those  who  sleep  in  the  dormi- 
tory. After  compline  they  have  to  prepare  the  candles  for 
matins.  Each  novice  and  any  one  else  who  wished  had  one, 
and  there  was  one  for  the  readers  of  the  lesson  and  one  for 
the  officiant.  This  last  the  sub-sacrist  was  to  light,  and  to 
see  that  it  was  a  taper  so  well  made  as  to  give  plenty  of 
light  for  the  old  monks  and  for  those  with  weak  sight. 
During  the  Te  Deum  the  sacrist  had  to  see  that  the  bell- 
ringers  did  their  duty  and  rang  for  lauds.2    On  Sundays  the 

1  A  note  is  made  that  the  paschal  candle  is  not  removed  until  the  day 
after  Trinity  Sunday. 

2  Et  tuncpulsandum  est  ad  laudes.  The  custom  of  ringing  the  bells  during 
the  Te  Deum  is  not  as  a  sign  of  joy  during  that  hymn,  but  is  solely  with  the 
view  of  giving  notice  that  lauds,  the  original  night  office,  is  about  to  begin. 


286  APPENDIX 

sub-sacrist  has  to  get  salt  from  the  refectory-master  for  the 
blessing  of  the  holy  water,  and  what  is  over  he  returns  to  be 
distributed  among  all  the  salt-cellars  in  the  refectory. 

For  the  care  of  the  altars  special  rules  were  laid  down. 
After  a  feast  day  all  the  special  ornaments  had  to  be  re- 
moved before  prime  of  the  next  day.  The  high  altar  was 
always  vested  in  a  frontal  (on  great  feasts  there  was  a 
splendid  silver  frontal).  The  high  altar  should  never  be, 
quod  absit,  without  the  pyx,  with  the  Eucharist  and  the 
book  containing  the  four  gospels  and  the  name  of  our 
deceased  brethren  and  benefactors  written  therein;  so  that 
the  priest  who  celebrates  there  may  have  a  special  remem- 
brance of  them,  for  instance  :•  "  And  of  all  our  brethren  and 
benefactors  whose  names  are  written  in  this  book."  In  this 
spirit  of  reverence  for  the  holy  altar  servants  were  never 
allowed  to  approach  it  or  even  to  enter  the  sanctuary  except 
to  do  some  work  the  monks  could  not  do  themselves.  When 
the  treasurer  put  out  the  relics,  he  had  to  wear  an  alb  and 
to  say  with  his  assistant  the  seven  penitential  psalms  and 
the  Litany  of  the  saints ;  it  was  his  duty,  too,  to  assist  the 
abbat  in  the  sacristy  when  he  washed  his  hands  and  combed 
his  hair  before  pontificating.  Before  every  Easter,  and  as 
often  as  necessary,  the  corporals  were  washed.  They  were 
not  dried  at  a  fire,  nor  in  the  sun,  nor  in  the  wind,  for  fear 
of  smuts,  but  inside  the  house.  After  washing,  the  linen 
(albs  included)  had  to  be  "  reconciled "  by  the  abbat  or 
sacrist  before  use.  The  same  ceremony  had  to  be  gone 
through  if  any  of  the  sacred  vestments  fell  on  the  ground. 
To  the  sacrist  and  his  companions  belonged  the  bells,  and 
they  had  to  instruct  the  servants  when  and  how  to  ring 
them.  The  big  bell  was  rung  on  the  feasts  of  Christmas, 
Easter,  Whitsuntide,  St.  Augustine,  SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  and 
the  Assumption.  The  clocks  of  the  establishment  were  also 
under  their  care.  When  the  abbat  was  present  at  a  mass, 
the  sub-sacrist  had  to  prepare  an  offering  of  bread  and  wine 


APPENDIX  287 

which  the  abbat  made,  and  assist  him  when  he  washed  the 
priest's  hands  at  the  offertory  and  after  the  Communion. 
Once  a  year  at  least  the  sub-sacrist  made  the  altar  breads. 
Grain  by  grain  the  corn  was  chosen  and  placed  in  a  clean 
bag,  and  then  it  was  sent  by  a  trusty  servant  to  the  abbey 
mill,  which  had  to  be  specially  cleaned  for  the  occasion. 
When  the  breads  themselves  were  to  be  made,  the  sub- 
sacrists,  after  washing  their  hands  and  faces,  put  on  albs  and 
covered  their  heads  with  amices  and  then  made  the  paste. 
The  servant  who  held  the  irons  is  ordered  to  wear  gloves. 
While  the  work  is  going  on  (and  the  making  of  a  large 
supply  of  altar  breads  to  last  perhaps  for  a  year  was 
necessarily  a  long  business),  the  monks  employed  said  the 
regular  hours  as  well  as  those  of  our  Lady  and  also  the  seven 
penitential  psalms,  together  with  the  Litany.  Otherwise  it 
was  all  done  in  silence.  A  special  note  is  made  that  the 
wood  for  the  fire  ought  to  be  very  dry  and  prepared  many 
days  previously. 

The  Cellarer,  Sub-cellarer,  and  the  Corn-master. — To  the 
cellarer  belongs  all  that  concerns  food,  meat,  fish,  &c,  "and 
ought  to  be,  according  to  the  Kule,  the  father  of  the  whole 
congregation,"  and  to  have  a  special  care  to  provide  for  the 
wants  of  the  sick.  On  the  day  when  the  chapter  in  the  Rule 
about  his  office  (cap.  xxxi.)  is  read,  he  had  to  give  "an 
honest  and  festive  service  "  to  the  monks  in  the  refectory. 
He  has  to  attend  the  daily  chapter,  high  mass,  and  the 
collation,  and  at  the  offices  for  the  dead  and  vespers  and 
matins  of  twelve-lesson  feasts,  and  at  all  processions;  for 
the  rest  he  was  dispensed.  He  could  not  go  out  of  the 
monastery  without  permission,  and  always  had  to  leave  word 
where  he  had  gone  to,  in  case  he  was  wanted.  When  he  did 
not  attend  choir,  he  said  his  matins  in  the  chapel  of  St. 
Gregory,  along  with  those  who  had  been  bled  or  were  other- 
wise excused.  He  eat  in  the  common  refectory  or  at  the 
abbat's  lodging.     Guests  were  to  be  received  by  him  in  a 


288  APPENDIX 

courteous  (curialiter)  manner,  "and  in  all  things  he  is  to 
honourably  minister  to  them."  The  servants  of  the  house- 
hold are  under  his  care,  and  it  is  to  him  they  take  their  oath 
of  fidelity.  Every  day  while  the  convent  is  at  dinner  he 
stands  by  the  kitchen  window  to  see  that  there  is  no  defect 
in  the  service.  It  is  part  of  his  duty  to  dispense  the 
extra  dishes  by  way  of  pitance.  For  instance,  the  monk 
who  sang  the  high  mass  always  received  on  that  day  an 
extra  pitance.  The  mill,  the  gardens  and  orchards  were 
under  his  charge,  and  the  general  care  of  the  buildings  was 
part  of  his  duty.  He  is  told  to  be  affable  and  pleasant 
in  his  dealings  with  the  monks,  and  is  never  to  send  any 
one  away  annoyed  by  word  of  his.  He  has  the  power  of 
punishing  the  servants,  by  rebukes,  by  ordering  them  to 
be  flogged  with  a  thin  rod,  or  by  fining  them ;  which  fines 
went  to  the  poor,  or  for  candles  to  be  burnt  before  some 
shrine.  Then,  "  all  and  each  of  the  brethren,  four  times  in 
the  year,  can  receive  from  the  sub-cellarer,  without  any  con- 
dition, an  Exennium 1  in  honour  of  their  friends  who  come 
to  visit  them,  or  can  send  it  to  them."  The  sub-cellarer 
had  to  see  that  "the  convent  bread  is  sufficiently  white,  and 
reasonably  fermented  and  of  good  taste ; "  and  also  of  the 
beer;  that  it  is  well  purified  (defecata),  of  good  colour, 
bright,  and  well  malted  (granata)  and  of  good  flavour.  The 
fish  was  to  be  in  season  and  fresh,  not  kept  for  two  or  three 
days  and  stinking,  for  "that  it  should  not  be  from  the 
refuse  of  the  people  that  the  holy  congregation  be  fed." 
The  bill  of  fare  had  to  be  sometimes  changed,  lest  disgust 
be  generated,  according  to  the  saying,  Idemptitas  parit  fasti- 
dium.2  Concerning  the  pitance,  the  cellarer  shall  see  that 
it  is  good,  delicate,  and  well  and  decently  (curialiter,  a 
favourite  term)  prepared,"  with  everything  necessary.  The 
food  has  to  be  ready  and  well   cooked   before  the  monks 

i  An  Exennium  was  some  little  gift  in  the  way  of  eatables  or  drinkables. 
2  Toujour  perdrix  ! 


APPENDIX  289 

enter  the  refectory,  "for  it  is  better  that  the  cooks  should 
wait  to  dish  up  than  that  the  servants  of  God  should  be  kept 
sitting  and  waiting  without  their  food." 

The  Guest -master. — The  guest- master  represented  the 
hospitality  of  the  monastery.  He  is  always  to  keep  the 
guest-house  supplied  with  beds,  chairs,  tables,  towels,  aud 
everything  else  needed  for  the  comfort  of  the  guests.1  When 
he  hears  of  an  arrival  he  goes  to  meet  them,  and,  benignly 
receiving  them,  tells  the  guests  whether  it  is  a  fast  or  feast 
day  in  the  monastery.  According  to  the  Rule,  they  are  taken 
to  the  church,  and  thence,  after  prayers,  to  the  parlour,  and 
saying  Benedicite,  he  salutes  them  with  a  holy  kiss.  He  then 
asks  their  names,  residence,  and  country ;  and  having  ascer- 
tained these,  leads  them  to  the  hospice,  where,  sitting  down 
with  them,  he  reads  to  them,  as  the  Rule  says,  something  from 
the  divine  page,  and  then  speaks  a  few  words  salutary  to 
their  souls.  If  the  guests  are  monks  and  strangers  to  this 
place,  he  then  shows  them  the  cloister  and  the  dormitory, 
and,  if  time  allows,  the  offices  ;  and,  for  the  sake  of  consoling 
them  (consolandi  gratia,  another  favourite  phrase),  he  can 
take  them  over  the  whole  monastery.  The  guests  have  to 
be  treated  especially  well,  and  "  all  humanity  and  honour 
and  welcome  "  shown  to  them  by  all.  If  the  guest  chances 
to  be  a  conventual  prior  of  some  house,  he  is  always  to  have 
the  same  allowances,  both  at  dinner  and  supper,  as  the  prior 
of  St.  Augustine's;  and  a  stranger  abbat  is  served  in  the 
refectory  as  the  abbat  of  the  monastery  himself.  A  liberal 
allowance  of  four  candles,  according  to  the  right  and  ancient 
custom  (ex  recta  et  antiqua  consuetudine,  another  phrase  of 
frequent  occurrence)  is  made  for  each  monk  guest,  and  eight 
for  a  conventual  prior.  Should  any  guest  wish  to  speak  to 
the  abbat  or  prior,  or  to  one  of  the  claustral  brethren,  he 
has  to  apply  to  the  guest-master,  who  procures  leave.     If  a. 

1  For  monk-guests  froccos  eisdem  per  famulum  suum  continuo  destinabit. 
VOL.  I.  T 


29o  APPENDIX 

stranger  (a  monk)  behaves  in  an  unseemly  manner,  so  that 
his  offence  is  great  and  known  to  all,  the  guest-master  has  to 
proclaim  him  at  chapter,  and  there  publicly  he  makes  satis- 
faction. But  if  the  fault  is  light  he  is  not  to  be  cited,  but 
secretly  rebuked  and  warned  to  behave  himself  better,  "  so 
that  he  may  understand  that  in  this  house  monastic  observ- 
ance flourishes."  No  monk-guest  can  go  out  of  the  enclosure 
without  the  guest-master's  knowledge :  neither  ought  he  to 
leave  when  a  brother  is  lying  dead,  until  the  funeral  is  over. 
If,  quod  absit,  he  should  have  any  complaint  about  the  food 
or  drink  supplied  to  himself  or  to  his  servants  or  horses,  or 
any  want  of  the  usual  necessaries,  the  guest-master  has  to 
mention  it  at  the  next  chapter,  and  the  president  thereof 
proclaims  "the  brother  who  has  thus  brought  discredit  upon 
God  and  the  Church."  If  any  strangers  (monks)  come  after 
the  grace  has  been  said,  they  are  to  take  their  meals  in 
the  refectory,  and  with  the  guest-master  do  penance  for 
coming  in  late ;  and  are  then  to  be  seated  here  and  there 
among  the  seniors.  If  there  are  guests  at  the  high  table 
{ad  shillam)  they  stay  behind  after  dinner,  and  the  guest- 
master  remains  also.  But  if  they  are  invited  to  dine  with 
the  abbat  or  prior,  the  guest-master  takes  them  there,  and 
returns  after  the  meal  to  conduct  them  back  again.  If  they 
are  not  kept  behind  by  the  president,  the  guests  have  to  go 
out  with  the  rest  of  the  monks  to  the  church,  but  remain 
outside  the  choir,  where  with  the  guest-master  they  finish  the 
grace.  "  But  if  they  be  monks  of  St.  Edmund's,  or  from  a 
monastery  especially  connected  with  ours,"  they  enter  the 
choir  with  the  rest  of  the  convent.  If  they  remain  behind 
with  the  president  and  guest-master,  and  such  other  monks 
as  the  superior  chooses,  behind  the  door  of  the  refectory  they 
are,  as  far  as  can  be  in  silence,  "exhilarated  and  consoled" 
by  drinking;  they  are  then,  "according  to  the  right  and 
antient  custom,"  taken  to  the  guest-quarters,  where  doubt- 
lessly they  were  duly  "  consoled."     The  guest-master  has  to 


APPENDIX  291 

warn  his  guests  of  the  hours  and  places.  He  supplies  all 
their  wants,  even  to  clothing  if  need  be,  and  distributes  to 
them  what  is  wanted  from  the  store  of  clothes  belonging  to 
the  deceased  monks  of  the  house.  Only  a  monk  of  the  order 
is  thus  to  be  made  as  one  of  the  family;  all  other  guests, 
religious  and  secular,  are  entertained  in  the  outer  guest- 
house. According  to  the  old  custom,  as  long  as  a  benedic- 
tine  guest  behaves  "  with  probity  and  honesty,"  he  can  stay 
as  long  as  he  likes ;  but  if  he  be  found  to  be  a  wanderer 
(gyrovagus)  and  acting  in  an  unseemly  manner,  he  is  to  be 
corrected  in  chapter  with  both  words  and  stripes,  according 
to  his  fault,  and  then  allowed  to  depart.  A  monk  who  comes 
on  foot  is  only  to  be  received  in  the  outer  guest-house,  for  he 
may  be  a  truant  (trutannus).  He  (and  also  poor  chaplains 
and  clerics)  is  to  receive  from  the  almoner  only  entertainment 
for  the  day,  and  is  sent  to  sleep  somewhere  in  the  town. 
But  any  monk  who  comes  as  a  guest  of  one  of  the  convent 
is  to  be  treated  as  one  of  the  community.  The  parents 
and  relatives  of  the  monks  are  received  in  the  outer  guest- 
house, and  are  there  to  be  most  honourably  and  abundantly 
entertained. 

The  Master  of  the  Crypts. — The  master  of  the  crypts  had 
to  provide  there  for  the  daily  mass  after  prime,  at  which  all 
the  juniors  assisted.  It  was  a  mass  of  our  Lady,  and  used  to 
oe  sung. 

The  Almoner. — The  almoner  had  to  visit  the  almonry  two 
or  three  times  a  day,  and  see  to  the  distribution  of  food  to 
the  poor  which  was  made  daily  on  behalf  of  the  monastery. 
He  also  visited  the  sick  poor  of  the  neighbourhood  and  took 
them  certain  "  consolations,"  and  saw  that  they  were  properly 
provided  with  what  was  necessary.  Anything  they  asked  for 
was  to  be  got  if  possible.  The  almoner  did  not  personally 
visit  sick  women,  but  sent  his  servants  in  his  place. 

The  Refectory-master. — The  refectory-master  has  to  see 
that  the  tables  are  properly  prepared.     On  days  when  the 


292  APPENDIX 

convent  take  supper  he  has  to  lay  five  loaves  before  the 
president,  viz.  three  "  choyns  "  and  two  loaves  of  ordinary 
bread,  one  for  dinner  and  one  to  be  kept  for  supper.  He 
has  also  to  provide  a  loaf  for  the  mixtum.  On  certain  days 
the  convent  had  a  better  bread;  simnel  bread  (siminella), 
on  some,  and  a  species  of  gateau  (gastellum)  on  others.  He 
has  to  taste  the  drink  provided  for  the  refectory.  He  has 
to  see  to  the  lavatory  outside  the  refectory  being  kept  in  a 
proper  state.  He  provides  mats  for  the  benches  and  straw 
for  the  floor.  At  the  beginning  of  each  meal  he  "rever- 
ently "  places  a  spoon  before  each  monk,  but  five  or  six  before 
the  president  on  account  of  guests ;  and  towards  the  end  of 
the  meal  gathers  them  up  again.  Also  when  they  have 
wine  he  himself  lays  out  the  silver  wine-cups ;  and  after  the 
pitance,  he  carries  honourably  up  through  the  refectory  the 
cheese,  and  places  it  before  the  president  and  breaks  it 
curialiter,  and  then  passes  it  to  the  guests  and  to  the  monks. 
He  must  not  speak  "  except  for  the  sake  of  consoling,  and 
then  not  openly  but  briefly."  He  has  to  see  that  the  table- 
linen  is  changed  whenever  there  is  a  general  shaving  of 
the  convent,  or  of  tener  if  necessary ;  also  that  six  towels  are 
placed  in  the  cloister  every  Sunday  morning  before  the  pro- 
cession. Of  the  five  at  the  lavatory  near  the  refectory  one  is 
kept  for  the  sole  use  of  the  claustral  prior,  the  other  four  being 
for  general  use.  The  sixth  hangs  at  the  smaller  lavatory  near 
the  church  door.  At  the  high  mass  each  day,  as  soon  as  the 
first  Agnus  Dei  was  sung,  the  three  servers  for  the  week, 
together  with  the  reader,  left  the  choir  to  take  in  the  refec- 
tory the  mixtum  allowed  by  the  Rule  (cap.  xxxviii.).  It  was, 
according  to  the  day,  bread  and  beer ;  or  vegetables,  or  eggs, 
or  fish,  or  cheese.  The  refectory-master  had  to  serve  them 
without  delay,  and  with  all  care  and  honour.  They  ate 
sparsely,  for  they  had  to  return  to  the  choir  for  the  next 
hour  of  the  office. 


APPENDIX  293 

III.  THE  CONVENTUS 

i.  The  Eules  of  the  Novitiate 

When  a  young  man  desired  to  enter  the  monastery  of 
St.  Augustine's,  he  had  to  remain  for  some  time  in  the 
guest-house  as  a  postulant.  When  the  day  was  fixed  for 
his  admission,  or  as  it  was  called  "  the  shaving  "  of  his  head 
{rastura),  the  prior  gave  him  notice  that  three  days  before 
he  was  to  dine  with  the  abbat.  The  abbat  would  then  call 
the  prior  and  two  or  three  of  the  seniors,  and  they  appointed 
the  novice-master  who  was  charged  to  instruct  him  in  all 
necessary  for  his  state,  and  to  supply  all  his  wants.  The 
abbat  then,  after  some  kind  words,  left  the  youth  in  the 
hands  of  the  master,  who  examined  him  and  found  out  if 
he  had  everything  he  wanted  for  the  time  of  his  probation. 
The  postulant  was  then  warned  to  cleanse  his  soul  by  con- 
fession if  necessary,  and  was  instructed  in  the  rudiments 
of  monastic  ceremonial.  These  instructions  were  spread 
over  the  intervening  days,  on  one  of  which  the  postulant 
dined  with  the  prior.  On  the  day  of  the  rastura,  after 
prime,  he  attended  the  mass  of  our  Lady  and  made  an 
offering  after  the  Gospel.  His  master  then  took  him  to 
the  chapel  of  St.  Bridget  and  there  prepared  him  diligently 
for  the  ceremony.  When  the  hour  arrived  he  went  with  his 
master  into  the  chapter-house  where  the  convent  was  assem- 
bled, and  having  profoundly  prostrated  himself  before  the 
abbat,  was  asked  by  him  what  he  desired,  and  replied  in  the 
customary  form.  He  was  then  bidden  to  rise,  and  was  told  by 
the  abbat  how  hard  and  trying  was  the  life  he  desired.  He 
was  asked  if  he  was  free-born,  in  good  health,  and  free  from 
any  incurable  disease ;  if  he  was  ready  to  accept  hardships 
as  well  as  pleasant  things,  to  obey  and  bear  ignominy  for 


294  APPENDIX 

the  love  of  Christ.  To  these  he  answered,  "  Yes,  by  the  grace 
of  God."  Then  pursuing  the  examination,  the  abbat  asked 
if  the  postulant  had  ever  been  professed  in  any  other  stricter 
order ;  whether  he  was  bound  by  any  promise  of  marriage, 
free  from  debt  and  irregularity.  On  receiving  an  answer  in 
the  negative,  the  abbat  granted  his  prayer ;  and  he  was  forth- 
with taken  by  the  novice-master  to  have  his  head  shaved  and 
be  invested  with  the  monastic  habit.  Now  he  was  under 
tutelage,  and  remained  a  "  novice "  until  he  was  ordained 
priest,  although  only  for  one  year  was  he  technically  such.1 

The  life  for  novices  was  regulated  in  the  greatest  detail. 
For  instance  the  ceremonial  used  in  the  refectory  was  minute 
and  tended  to  secure  regularity  and  recollection,  together 
with  courtesy  one  to  another.  They  had  to  enter  in  due 
order,  bow  to  each  other,  and  while  the  others  were  coming 
in  had  to  say  silently  a  De  profundis  as  a  solace  for  the  holy 
souls.  After  grace  had  been  said  they  were  to  take  their 
places  at  the  table,  but  not  to  stir  till  the  reading  had 
begun ;  then  they  should  uncover  their  loaves,  put  their  cup 
in  its  place,  and  get  their  knives  and  spoon  ready.  They 
were  taught  not  to  drink  until  the  signal  was  given.  From 
the  consuetudinary  we  learn  that  the  novices  communicated 
every  Sunday  and  on  the  feasts  of  Christmas,  Ascension 
day,  the  three  last  days  of  holy  week,  the  three  days  of 
their  profession,  and  the  ember-days.  They  were  taught  to 
have  great  reverence  for  the  abbat  and  for  all  bishops  and 
prelates.  If  by  chance  the  abbat  came  to  give  them  a 
conference,  they  all  humbly  sat  on  the  ground  at  his  feet. 
During  their  year's  probation  the  novices  never  eat  meat 
except  under  most  extraordinary  circumstances.  There  are 
minute  directions  about  changing  their  clothes  and  the 
times,  places,  and  manner  thereof ;  about  the  care  of  the 

1  The  novice-master  had  an  assistant  "in  that  the  most  laborious  and 
tiresome  of  all  ministries." 


APPENDIX  295 

lavatory  and  personal  cleanliness;   about  blood-letting  and 
the  bath,  &C.1 

As  the  time  for  profession  approached,  the  novices  were 
instructed  how  to  read  and  how  to  chant,  how  to  serve  in 
the  church,  and  how  to  bear  the  thurible.  Offices  were  dis- 
tributed week  by  week,  first  to  one  side  of  the  choir  then 
to  the  other;,  so  all  had  an  opportunity  of  learning.  Before 
the  day  came  they  had  to  write  out  the  formula  and  then 
petition  in  chapter  for  the  grace  of  profession,  and  pass 
through  a  public  examination  as  upon  entry.  The  cere- 
mony was  performed  by  the  abbat  during  the  mass,  after 
the  Gospel  had  been  sung.  For  three  days  after  their 
profession  the  hood  was  worn  over  the  face  (usque  ad 
medium  nasi),  and  they  kept  rigorous  silence.  At  the  fol- 
lowing chapter,  the  newly  professed  took  oath  to  preserve 
the  secrets  of  the  chapter ;  not  to  complain  out  of  spite  or 
wicked  zeal  against  the  priors  and  officers  of  the  order ;  and, 
as  far  as  in  them  lay,  not  to  allow  the  monastery  to  be 
burthened  with  debt. 

2.  The  Eules  of  the  Cloister 

The  monk's  life  was  largely  spent  in  the  cloister.  There 
all  sat  in  order  and  in  fixed  places.  No  one  was  allowed 
to  go  outside  the  cloister  without  leave.     Silence  was  always 

1  It  must  be  remembered  that  novices  were,  as  a  rule,  but  young  men 
and  had  to  be  trained  into  habits  of  regularity  and  politeness,  without 
which  community  life  would  be  unbearable.  And  such  rules  as  are  laid 
down  in  the  consuetudinary  are,  after  all,  only  the  expression  of  regulations 
which  tacitly  exist  in  every  well-ordered  family.  They  were  inspired  by 
the  same  thoughtfulness  for  the  feelings  of  others  which  is  the  mark  of 
a  true  gentleman  wherever  he  is  to  be  found.  The  rules  were  not  left  to 
the  individual  ideas  of  any  one  novice-master,  but  were  the  established 
and  written  rules  of  a  house  that  had  traditions  of  seven  hundred  years 
at  its  back  when  this  consuetudinary  was  written,  and  was  therefore 
able  to  stamp  with  an  unmistakable  character  all  who  were  educated 
within  its  walls. 


296  APPENDIX 

observed  save  on  certain  days  and  times  when  conversation 
was  allowed.  At  other  times,  they  had  to  obtain  leave  to 
go  into  the  parlour  (locutorium)  in  order  to  speak.  The 
abbat,  according  to  his  preference,  sat  at  the  top  of  the  east 
cloister  near  the  chapter-house  door ;  the  prior  in  the  north 
cloister  near  the  parlour  door,  the  sub-prior  in  the  eastern 
cloister  near  the  smaller  lavatory;  the  third  prior  on  the 
western  side.  The  novices  and  scholars  used  the  southern 
cloister  as  their  school.  No  one  sat  in  the  eastern  cloister 
except  the  abbat  and  sub-prior  and  those  appointed  to  hear 
confessions.  Those  brothers  who  were  in  penance  also  sat  on 
this  side.  In  the  cloister  they  all  sat  one  behind  the  other : 
but  sideways  when  talking  was  allowed.  On  these  occasions 
"Let  no  one  dare  to  ask  about  the  gossip  of  the  world  nor 
tell  it,  nor  speak  of  trifles  or  frivolous  subjects  apt  to  cause 
laughter.  No  contentions  are  to  be  allowed.  While  talking 
is  allowed,  no  brother  should  read  a  book  or  write  anything 
unless  he  sits  altogether  apart."  The  monks  were  not 
allowed  to  go  to  the  novices.  These  were  not  allowed  to 
speak  or  to  sit  close  to  one  another.  They  were  always 
under  the  eye  of  a  guardian,  who  while  he  was  on  duty  was 
not  allowed  to  read  or  write  or  do  anything  which  would  take 
his  eyes  away  from  watching.  The  monks  seem  to  have 
always  worn  their  hoods  during  the  daytime.  French  was 
the  general  language  of  the  monastery — Latin  only  occasion- 
ally. In  the  cloister  took  place  the  weekly  washing  of  the 
feet,  and  while  the  monks  were  engaged  in  the  process  they 
wore  their  hoods  drawn  over  their  faces.  Shaving  took  place 
here.  The  prior  fixed  the  day  (in  the  winter  once  in  two 
weeks,  in  the  summer  twice  in  three  weeks)  and  four  barbers 
attended.  The  seniors  were  shaved  first,  "because  in  the 
beginning  the  razors  are  sharp  and  the  towels  dry,"  says  the 
consuetudinary.  The  cloister  was  spread  with  straw  in  the 
winter  and  with  green  rushes  in  the  summer. 


APPENDIX  297 


3.  The  Kules  of  the  Refectory 

In  the  refectory  the  monks  preserved  their  respective 
places.  They  had  to  wash  their  hands  before  entry,  and 
each  say  the  De  profundis  while  taking  his  place.  At  the 
sound  of  the  skilla,  which  the  president  strikes,  grace  is 
begun,  always  by  the  precentor  or  succentor.  The  monks 
stand  facing  the  east.  At  the  end  of  the  grace  the  reader 
approaches  the  step  before  the  high  table  and  asks  the 
blessing.  Until  he  has  read  the  first  sentence  the  monks 
sit  quietly  at  the  table.  Should  the  reader,  however,  not  be 
able  to  find  the  book  at  once  he  recites  a  short  sentence  from 
Scripture  (Deus  caritas  est),  so  as  not  to  keep  them  waiting 
unduly.  The  one  who  presides  sits  in  the  middle  of  the 
high  table  and  has  the  little  bell  to  give  signals.  The  guests 
are  placed  on  either  of  his  sides.  Should  a  bishop  or  abbat  of 
some  other  order  be  present,  out  of  respect  he  takes  the  chief 
place,  but  does  not  preside  at  the  skilla  ;  a  benedictine  abbat, 
however,  presides  as  if  at  home.  The  various  dishes  are  taken 
first  to  the  superior  and  then  in  order  round  the  community. 
The  monk  who  sang  the  high  mass  that  day  is  always  served 
after  the  guests,  and  then  the  non-professed  novices.  No 
waiter  (the  monks,  all  but  the  novices,  served  week  by  week) 
is  allowed  to  carry  three  dishes  at  once.  The  refectory  being 
the  common  dining-hall,  no  singularity  in  eating  or  drink- 
ing is  allowed.  No  noise  to  be  made  ;  for  instance,  if  there 
are  nuts,  they  are  not  to  be  cracked  with  the  teeth,  but  a 
monk  is  privately  to  open  them  with  his  knife,  so  as  not 
to  disturb  the  reader.  Should  he  spill  anything,  he  has  to 
go  and  do  penance  in  the  middle  of  the  refectory  if  strangers 
are  not  present.  He  is  not  to  make  signs  across  the 
refectory,  not  to  look  about  or  watch  what  the  others  are 
doing ;  he  is  not  to  lean  on  the  table ;  his  tongue  and  eyes 
are  to  be  kept  in  check,  and  the  greatest  modesty  observed. 


298  APPENDIX 

His  ears,  however,  are  always  to  be  attentive  to  the  reading 
and  his  heart  fixed  on  his  heavenly  home.  He  eats  with 
his  head  covered  with  the  hood.  "  No  one,  whether  in  the 
refectory  or  outside,  should  drink  without  using  both  hands 
to  the  cup,  unless  weakness  in  one  hand  prevents  him.  .  .  . 
And  this  manner  of  drinking  was  common  in  England 
before  the  coming  of  the  Normans."  If  the  president  sends 
any  special  dish  to  some  one  brother,  the  receiver  rises 
in  his  place  and  bows  his  thanks.  When  the  meal  is 
finished  each  monk  covers  up  the  bread  that  has  to  serve 
for  supper,  and  sets  his  knife  and  spoon  and  salt  vessel  in 
order.  They  then  begin  grace,  and  go  out  in  procession  to 
the  church  where  it  was  finished.  The  reader  and  the  servers 
have  to  go  out  also,  but  do  not  go  into  the  choir ;  and  as 
soon  as  they  have  privately  finished  their  grace  they  return 
to  the  refectory  for  their  meal,  which  is  served  precisely  as 
the  others.  But  they  "  as  a  reward  of  their  labour  ought  to 
be  served  in  the  most  honourable  and  best  manner  possible, 
both  of  the  vegetables  and  pitance,  and  of  the  extra  dish." 

4.  The  Eules  of  the  Chapter 

One  of  the  most  important  features  in  the  government  of 
the  abbey  was  the  daily  chapter ;  it  was  the  mainspring  of 
discipline  and  the  upholder  of  fraternal  charity.  Without 
such  an  institution  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  govern 
the  house.  According  to  the  old  custom,  every  day  before 
the  chapter,  the  prior  summoned  the  guardians  of  the  order, 
some  of  the  seniors  and  other  discreet  monks,  if  necessary, 
to  consult  with  them  about  what  should  be  treated  of  in  the 
chapter  or  corrected ;  so  that  nothing  should  ever  be  done 
there  on  the  spur  of  the  moment  or  without  advice.  In 
chapter  only  those  things  which  pertained  to  salvation  were 
to  be  treated  of,  business  matters  being  spoken  about  else- 
where ;  but  any  pressing  business  which  required  the  know- 


APPENDIX  299 

ledge  and  assent  of  the  whole  convent  could  be  briefly  gone 
into  after  the  main  business  was  completed.  All  in  the  house 
were  bound  to  attend.  The  superior  entered  first  and  was 
followed  in  due  order  by  the  seniors  ;  and  when  all  had 
taken  their  places  a  junior  read  the  martyrology  for  the  day. 
The  tabula  or  list  of  duties  and  notices  was  then  read,  and 
each  monk  on  hearing  his  name  bowed.  Then  followed  a 
discourse  if  the  superior  thought  fit,  and  at  the  end  he  said 
Loquamur  de  or  dine  nostro.  At  this  point  the  non-pro- 
fessed novices  rose  and  went  out.1 

There  were  "three  voices"  recognised  in  the  chapter: 
the  accuser,  the  answerer,  and  the  judge ;  and  another 
"five  voices,"  to  wit:  he  who  presided;  the  guardians  of 
the  order ;  the  precentor  and  succentor  ;  the  brothers  charged 
with  keeping  the  silence,  "  because  silence  is  called  the  key 
of  the  whole  order  " ;  and  then  the  almoner  and  sub-almoner. 
These  five  in  their  order  were  the  first  to  "proclaim"  any 
one  whom  through  their  respective  offices  they  knew  had 
infringed  the  rule.  The  monk  so  proclaimed  had  to  go  out 
into  the  centre  of  the  chapter  and,  prostrating,  made  con- 
fession of  his  fault,  and,  saying  mea  culpa  and  promising 
amendment,  then  received  penance  and  rebuke.  Should  he 
be  accused  falsely  he  could  "  sweetly "  say  that  he  has  no 
recollection  of  the  fault.  Special  severity  was  to  be  shown  to 
the  juniors,  for  then  "  order  will  much  better  flourish  in  the 
congregation."  Every  one  who  had  ceased  to  be  under  ward 
had  a  right  to  speak  in  the  chapter  on  three  points  ;  defects 

1  "  The  word  capitulum  can  conveniently  be  said  to  mean  caput  litium, 
for  in  chapter  all  strife  is  put  an  end  to  and  any  discord  or  dissension 
there  may  have  been  among  the  brethren.  The  chapter-house  is  the 
workshop  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  in  which  the  sons  of  God  are  gathered  to- 
gether and  reconciled  to  Him.  And  it  is  especially  the  house  of  confes- 
sion, the  house  of  obedience,  mercy,  and  forgiveness ;  and  the  house  of 
unity,  peace,  and  tranquillity,  in  which  whatever  exterior  offence  com- 
mitted to  the  knowledge  of  the  brethren  is  confessed,  and  by  satis- 
faction is  mercifully  forgiven." 


3oo  APPENDIX 

in  the  public  worship,  the  breaking  of  silence,  and  the 
distribution  of  the  alms.  On  other  subjects  he  must 
ask  leave  to  speak.  But  the  abbat's  councillors,  four- 
teen or  sixteen  seniors  (senpectes  vel  senes),  chosen  from 
both  choirs,  have  freedom  of  speech  when  any  matters 
which  concern  observance  and  the  increase  of  religion 
are  discussed.  Any  one  who  speaks  is  to  be  heard  by 
all,  and  is  not  to  be  rebuked  for  what  he  says  unless  he 
speaks  disrespectfully.  Any  one  disagreeing  with  what 
has  been  said,  can  with  all  modesty  and  reverence  dis- 
pute the  matter,  "lest  discordant  contention  finds  place 
for  overthrowing  of  the  order."  But  disturbers  of  the 
chapter,  the  disobedient  and  those  disrepectfully  contend- 
ing with  their  superiors,  are  to  be  sharply  corrected  by 
words,  stripes,  and  fasts,  that  their  bad  example  may  not 
corrupt  others.  Provision  is  made  against  any  insulting 
language  to  the  president  of  chapter,  and  should  such  occur 
the  guardians  and  all  seniors  are  at  once  to  proclaim  him. 
Every  fault  confessed  has  to  be  punished.  If  in  penance  a 
monk  is  ordered  to  receive  stripes,  the  president  appoints  one, 
never  the  proclaimer  nor  a  junior,  to  execute  the  sentence ; 
and  the  culprit,  according  to  the  old  usage,  prostrated  and 
received  on  his  bare  shoulders  the  number  of  stripes  or- 
dained.1 But  according  to  the  later  custom  he  sits  with  his 
face  and  head  enveloped  in  the  hood.  "While  corporal 
discipline  of  this  kind  is  being  inflicted  upon  a  brother  all 
the  rest  sit  with  bowed  and  covered  head,  and  with  kind  and 
brotherly  affection  should  have  compassion  on  him."  In  the 
meanwhile  no  one  speaks,  or  even  looks  at  him,  except  the 
president  and  the  inflictor  and  some  of  the  elders,  especi- 
ally the  confessors  of  the  house,  who  can  intercede  for  him. 
The  list  of  punishments  is  given,  and  is  divided  into  those 
for  light  faults,  such  as  :  separation  from  the  common  table  ; 

1  According  to  the  old  custom  a  thick  rod  was  used  ;  but  in  later  days 
a  birch  of  "  several  lither  twigs." 


APPENDIX  301 

to  take  the  meal  three  hours  later  than  the  community ; x 
to  take  a  lower  place  in  choir  and  chapter ;  not  to  celebrate 
mass  nor  to  assist  ministerially ;  not  to  read  in  public,  nor 
sing  nor  act  as  thurifer  or  acolyth ;  not  to  make  the  offer- 
tory, nor  receive  the  pax  or  the  holy  communion ;  to  pros- 
trate during  part  of  every  office.  For  grave  faults  perpetual 
silence  (in  choir  as  well  as  elsewhere) ;  bread  and  water  every 
Wednesday  and  Thursday ;  the  last  place  in  the  community. 
For  the  very  grave  crimes  imprisonment  according  to  the 
Rule.  Such  an  one  had  also  to  lie  prostrate  in  the  doorway  of 
the  church  at  each  hour,  so  that  the  monks  passed  over  his 
body  on  entering  or  going  out,  and  he  had  to  sit  outside 
the  choir  as  one  excommunicated. 

If  any  one  in  chapter  became  altogether  rebellious  and 
would  not  be  otherwise  controlled,  he  was  seized  by  the 
brethren,  who  took  away  his  knife  and  girdle,  lest  he  should 
in  his  madness  do  harm,  and  was  then  put  into  the  prison. 

Every  one  was  liable  to  be  proclaimed,  even  the  abbat ; 
but  he,  as  a  rule,  had  to  be  reverently  spoken  to  by  some  of 
the  seniors  outside  the  chapter,  should  he  have  been  guilty 
of  any  serious  fault.  But  if  his  fault  was  notorious  and  it 
was  judged  useful,  he  could  in  a  few  words  be  proclaimed  in 
the  chapter.  The  prior,  when  proclaimed,  stood  in  his  place 
and  bowed.  If  it  was  a  serious  offence,  two  of  the  seniors 
at  his  request  go  into  the  middle  and  do  penance  in  his 
stead.  The  abbat  is  warned  by  the  consuetudinary  to  have 
a  great  respect  for  his  prior,  and  not  to  rebuke  him  publicly 
for  an  indiscreet  word  or  so.  The  obedientiaries  are  not 
to  be  proclaimed  by  the  names  of  their  offices,  but  by  their 
simple  name  and  number — e.g.  Nonnus  A  quintus  vet  nonnus 
A  decimus.  If  by  chance  there  are  several  of  the  same  name, 
all  of  them  have  to  rise  until  the  proclaimer  indicates  which 
one  he  refers  to.     There  are  to  be  no  mutual  proclamations 

1  The  time,  while  the  others  were  eating,  had  to  be  spent  in  prayer  in 
the  church. 


302 


APPENDIX 


in  the  same  chapter,  nor  is  any  one  to  proclaim  after  he  has 
once  sat  down.  The  proclamations  over,  any  monk  who  had 
a  petition  to  make  then  went  into  the  middle,  and  prostrat- 
ing, in  answer  to  the  abbat's  demand  what  he  asked,  replied, 
"  I  ask  and  beseech  God's  mercy  and  yours  for — "  according 
to  his  need.  This  was  the  occasion  when  a  monk  asked  for 
prayers  for  his  deceased  parents  and  relations,  for  himself 
before  ordination,  for  leave  to  give  up  some  work  imposed 
upon  him,  for  mercy  for  others,  for  leave  to  go  to  the 
infirmary,  or  for  the  blessing  before  profession,  &c.  These 
petitions  being  heard  and  granted,  if  judged  well,  any  lay- 
men or  others  who  desired  confraternity  were  admitted  by 
the  chapter,  and  their  petition  was  granted.  The  business 
being  completed,  prayers  for  the  dead  were  said  by  the 
president,  and  upon  the  signal  the  blessing  was  given  and  all 
retired. 

5.  The  Rules  of  the  Dormitory 

The  dormitory  was  a  place  of  perpetual  silence.  The 
monks  wore  their  hoods  drawn  over  the  face,  and  walked 
with  slow  and  grave  footsteps  and  eyes  cast  down.  After 
compline  the  convent  go  processionally  to  the  dormitory, 
and  according  to  ancient  usage  paused  at  the  latrine  for 
the  common  need.  On  entering  the  dormitory,  each  stood 
before  his  bed  and  said  privately  the  compline  of  our  Lady. 
They  then  prepared  their  beds  for  the  night,  and  took  off 
their  upper  garments  according  to  a  fixed  rule 1  and  got  into 
bed.  If  any  one  was  in  the  habit  of  calling  out  in  his  sleep, 
he  slept  elsewhere  than  in  the  common  dormitory. 

The  monk  rose  at  midnight  for  matins.  Some,  to  stir  up 
their  fervour,  used  the  words,  Ucce  sponsus  venit,  exite  obviam 
ei ;  others,  the  words  Surgite  mortui  qui  jacetis  in  sepulchris 
vestris  et  occurrite   ad  judicium.     The  prayers   used  while 

1  "  Vestiti  staminis,  femoralibus  et  caligis  atque  cincti  cingulis  aut  vestibus  vel 
carrigiis  dormire  debent." 


APPENDIX  3o3 

getting  up  were  the  Ave  Maria,  with  special  reference  to 
the  midnight  hour  at  which  Christ  was  born.  After  the 
office  they  went  back  to  the  dormitory.  When  they  rose 
again  before  prime,  they  signed  their  foreheads  with  the 
cross  and  said,  each  one,  the  Credo  and  the  prime  of  the 
little  office  of  our  Lady.  According  to  the  regulation,  all 
had  to  have  their  feet  out  of  bed  before  the  sound  of  the 
caller  has  ceased ;  and  he  is  instructed  to  sound  slowly,  as 
it  were  for  the  space  of  a  Miserere.  On  rising  they  turn 
back  their  beds  and  go  to  the  lavatory  to  wash  and  comb 
their  hair ;  then  to  the  church  for  prime ;  after  which  came 
the  private  masses. 

In  the  olden  days  the  monks  changed  their  clothes  on  the 
occasion  of  the  bath,  which  used  to  be  taken  four  times 
a  year.  But  since  a  stricter  interpretation  of  the  Eule 
was  introduced,  and  the  general  bathing  allowed  only  twice 
a  year,  the  monks  were  allowed  to  change  their  clothes 
when  they  wished.  They  had  a  specified  mode  of  making 
the  change,  which  was  always  done  after  prime ;  and  after 
putting  on  their  clean  clothes  they  were  ordered  to  wash  their 
hands  before  returning  to  the  cloister. 

There  was  a  siesta  in  the  middle  of  the  day,  for  which 
they  had  to  undress  as  for  the  night.  Each  bed-place  had 
a  shelf  and  a  hook  provided,  but  no  other  convenience 
except  for  the  old  and  infirm.  The  bed-clothes  were  not 
to  be  of  scarlet  or  any  vivid  colours.  Great  cleanliness 
was  ordered  in  the  dormitory,  and  no  dirty  or  old  boots 
were  allowed  to  be  kept  in  it.  The  chamberlain  was  re- 
sponsible for  the  well-keeping  of  the  dormitory,  and  had 
to  have  it  thoroughly  cleaned  out,  at  least  once  a  year.  Hay, 
changed  often,  was  strewn  on  the  floor,  and  a  large  mat  two 
and  a  half  feet  wide  (which  the  guardian  of  the  manor  of 
Northburne  had  to  provide)  stretched  the  whole  length  of 
the  dormitory.  The  beds  were  of  straw,  and  had  to  be  re- 
newed every  year.     The  chamberlain,  besides  the  care  of  the 


3o4  APPENDIX 

dormitory,  had  to  see  to  the  monks'  clothing,  and  had  to 
make  on  stated  days  a  distribution  of  various  articles  of 
clothing.  Each  monk  had  a  new  habit  at  least  once  a  year, 
also  one  pilche,1  one  set  of  night  wear,  and  one  pair  of 
slippers,  &c.  Boots  were  to  be  renewed  once  a  year,  and 
"  no  one  could  refuse  to  accept  a  pair  of  boots,  if  too  large ; 
but  the  chamberlain  should  do  his  best  to  get  each  one 
fitted."  The  old  clothes  were  given  to  the  poor,  and  there- 
fore it  is  laid  down  that  the  monks'  clothing  is  not  to  be 
mended  too  much. 

6.  The  Kules  of  the  Infirmary 

The  prior  or  guardians  have  to  visit  the  infirmary  every 
day  after  the  private  masses,  after  each  meal,  and  after 
compline,  to  see  the  sick  and  make  inquiries  and  receive 
complaints.  If  a  brother  is  unwell,  he  has  to  get  leave  to 
go  to  the  infirmary,  and  goes  to  the  cellarer  and  gets  for  his 
consolation,  doubtlessly,  from  him  a  good  fat  capon  and  some 
wine,  from  the  sacrist  a  supply  of  candles,  &c. ;  and  thus 
supplied,  is  prepared  for  any  contingency.  He  has  to  go 
to  the  infirmary  for  at  least  eight  days,  and  during  that  time 
is  not  allowed,  without  special  leave,  to  celebrate  mass,  but 
has  to  assist  at  the  daily  mass  said  in  the  infirmary.  "  In 
the  infirmary  no  unseemly  noise  should  at  any  time  be  made, 
nor  should  any  sound  of  musical  instruments  be  ever  openly 
heard  there.  But  if  it  is  considered  necessary  for  any  one 
who  is  weak  and  ill,  to  have  his  spirit  cheered  up  by  the 
sound  of  music  and  harmony,  the  infirmarian  can  provide 
such  relaxation.  The  sick  brother  is  taken  into  the  chapel 
and  the  door  shut ;  then  some  brother  or  some  honest  and 
private  servant  can,  without  offence,  play  sweetly  the  music 
of  the  harp  for  his  delectation.  But  great  care  must  be 
taken  lest  any  sound   or  melody  of   this   kind  should  be 

1  These  were  of  lamb's  wool,  cat  or  wolf's  skin. 


APPENDIX  305 

heard  {quod  ahsit)  in  the  infirmary  hall,  or  in  the  cells  of  the 
brethren."  The  sick  are  to  have  every  attention  and  all  that 
they  want ;  and  it  is  ordered  that  one  of  the  servants  of  the 
infirmary  has  to  go  into  the  town  to  the  apothecary  when 
required  to  get  the  medicines,  to  collect  herbs  for  decoctions, 
and,  under  the  doctor's  orders,  to  make  the  tisanes,  &c. 

Should  these,  together  with  the  fat  capon  and  other  con- 
solations, prove  efficacious,  the  brother,  when  restored  to 
health,  had  to  present  himself  before  chapter  and  ask  ab- 
solution and  penance  for  all  the  faults  and  infringements 
of  the  Eule  he  had  been  guilty  of  while  ill.  But  if  the 
sickness  was  unto  death,  the  end  was  met  and  prepared  for 
as  became  monks. 

When  it  was  announced  that  a  brother  was  dying,  the 
whole  convent  gathered  together  in  the  church,  together  with 
the  abbat,  and  then  went  in  procession  to  visit  the  sick,  and 
to  anoint  him.  The  monks,  headed  by  juniors  bearing  the 
holy  water,  cross,  candles,  and  thurible,  chanting  the  seven 
penitential  psalms,  set  forth  towards  the  infirmary.  The 
sacrist  followed  bearing  reverently  the  holy  oil,  and  the 
abbat  in  alb,  stole,  and  maniple  humbly  followed,  accompanied 
by  his  chaplain  bearing  the  ritual.  Arrived  at  the  place, 
the  monks  stand  choirwise  and  continue  their  chanting  while 
the  sick  man  is  aspersed  and  incensed.  The  public  con- 
fession is  made  by  the  sick  man  himself  if  possible,  and  he 
is  absolved  by  all  his  brethren,  and  absolves  them  in  turn. 
Then,  according  to  the  old  usage,  after  having  kissed  the 
cross  he  is  anointed  by  the  abbat.  Meanwhile  a  priest  goes 
with  acolythes  and  candles  to  the  church  and  brings  the 
Sacrament  of  Christ's  Body,  borne  on  a  paten,  to  the  sick 
chamber,  and  on  entering  all  kneel  and  adore.  The  mouth  of 
the  sick  monk  is  rinsed  out  before  he  receives  the  sacred  host, 
and  immediately  before  communion  he  makes  his  profession 
of  faith  and  receives  the  ablutions  of  the  priest's  fingers  after- 
wards.    For  eight  days  after  the  anointing,  special  prayers 

VOL.  I,  V 


306  APPENDIX 

are  said  for  the  sick  man  by  the  convent,  at  the  end  of  each 
office  and  also  at  the  morrow-mass.  And  now  the  sick  man 
prepares  himself  for  death  by  resuming  the  old  ascetic 
practices.  No  longer  does  he  take  meat  (unless  he  recovers), 
nor  does  he  use  a  softer  bed  than  usual.  One  of  the  monks, 
priest  or  deacon,  whomsoever  the  sick  man  names,  is  assigned 
to  him  as  tutor  and  friend,  and  special  servants,  who  have 
special  privileges,  are  appointed  to  wait  on  him.  He  is  never 
left  until  death  supervenes  or  he  recovers.  The  brother  is 
constantly  to  read  the  passion  of  our  Lord  to  him  as  long  as 
he  can  hear ;  and  when  unable  to  do  so,  the  psalter  is  said 
to  assist  him  in  his  agony.  When  death  is  at  hand,  accord- 
ing to  the  old  custom,  ashes  were  strewn  on  the  floor  in  the 
shape  of  a  cloth,  and  haircloth  laid  thereon ;  and  on  to  this 
penitential  bed  the  dying  man  was  gently  lifted,  according 
to  the  example  of  St.  Martin,  who  told  his  disciples  that 
Christians  ought  only  to  die  on  ashes  and  sackcloth.  But 
the  more  humane  usage  of  later  times  modified  this  custom, 
and  the  ashes  and  haircloth  were  put  upon  the  bed  itself. 
As  soon  as  the  agony  began  the  convent  were  summoned, 
and  with  thurible  and  cross,  and  singing  Credo  and  peni- 
tential psalms,  they  assisted  at  the  departure  of  their  brother. 
The  deceased,  clad  in  his  night  garments  (it  was  specified 
that  the  clothes  had  to  be  good,  even  new),  with  his  face 
covered  with  a  sudarium,  was  borne  into  the  church,  and 
there  the  office  of  the  dead  was  sung,  and  vigil  kept  around 
the  body,  which  was  never  left  until  the  funeral.  He  was 
borne  to  the  grave  by  his  brethren,  and  laid  therein  by  two 
monks  vested  in  albs.  In  the  chapter  immediately  after 
his  death,  the  convent  took  the  discipline  conventualiter  for 
the  relief  of  his  soul.  For  thirty  days  office  was  said  for 
him,  and  the  month's  mind  duly  kept.  Doles  were  made 
to  the  poor  on  his  behalf ;  and  each  priest  in  the  house  said 
ten  masses,  and  those  not  priests  ten  psalters.  Notice  of 
the  death  was  sent  to  all  religious  houses  in  Great  Britain, 


APPENDIX  307 

except  to  the  mendicants,  and  a  dirge  and  mass  celebrated 
in  each.  In  the  houses  specially  connected  with  St.  Augus- 
tine's, the  name  of  the  dead  was  inserted  by  the  precentor 
in  the  Martyrology,  and  besides  the  public  mass  each  priest 
said  one,  and  the  others  read  fifty  psalms. 

When  news  came  of  the  death  of  a  con/rater,  a  dirge  and 
solemn  mass  was  sung  as  the  official  act  of  the  convent,  and 
each  priest  said  a  mass,  and  the  other  monks  fifty  psalms. 
The  name  of  the  con/rater  was  entered  in  the  Martyrology, 
and  his  anniversary  kept  as  that  of  one  of  the  monks.  It  was 
also  inserted  in  the  next  breviculum  which  was  sent  out, 
and  thus  he  shared  in  the  prayers  of  every  house. 


7.  Some  General  Rules 

Among  the  regulations  scattered  throughout  the  consue- 
tudinary are  some  of  special  interest.  In  the  Reformation- 
cula  of  abbat  Nicholas  Thorne  it  is  laid  down  that  on  days 
when  the  convent  assisted  at  a  sermon  they  could  say  the 
usual  penitential  psalms  privately ;  and  this  and  the  like 
dispensations  were  given,  so  that  the  office  itself  might  be 
said  more  slowly  and  more  devoutly.  The  eating  of  meat 
was  allowed  to  the  brethren  who  bore  the  weight  of  the 
office  ;  but  never  in  the  refectory  but  in  the  domus  miseri- 
cordiarum,  and  always  with  the  provision  that  never  less  than 
thirty  monks  were  to  be  present  at  the  ordinary  meal  in  the 
refectory.  No  seculars  were  to  be  allowed  in  the  domus 
misericordiarum,  and  the  monks  had  to  serve  themselves. 
Obedientiaries  and  others  whom  business  took  abroad  were 
not  allowed  to  eat  meat,  especially  in  public;  for,  it  is 
recognised  "  this  is  against  the  Rule,  and  altogether  against 
canonical  institution." 

"  Let  the  confessors  discreetly  do  all  that  belongs  to  their 
office,  viz.  to  know  how  to  weigh  and  discern  between  sin 


3o8  APPENDIX 

and  sin ;  between  person  and  person ;  between  manner  and 
manner;  and  what  circumstances  aggravate  a  sin." 

"Also  let  the  brethren  frequently  confess,  at  least  once 
a  week ;  and  not  only  once  but  twice  or  thrice,  or  daily  if 
their  conscience  demands  it,  for  it  is  said  the  just  man  falls 
seven  times  a  day.  And  those  who  confess,  let  them  be  ready 
to  receive  and  duly  perform  penance."  The  confessors  have 
every  month  to  give  in,  to  the  abbat  or  other  superior,  the 
names  of  those  who  confess  to  them,  and  whether  they 
confess  according  to  the  above  manner.  Those  who  do  not 
confess  within  the  ordinary  times  are  to  be  rebuked  and 
publicly  punished  in  the  chapter. 

No  priest  is  to  refrain  from  celebrating  more  than  four 
days  without  the  superior's  consent ;  nor  the  others  from 
weekly  communion.  Transgressors  were  to  be  put  on  lenten 
fare  till  they  repented. 

The  monks  were  not  allowed  to  write  or  receive  letters 
without  permission. 

"  That  our  Rule  of  our  holy  father  Benet  be  held  by  all  in 
great  reverence.  That  the  statutes  of  the  popes,  of  the  legates, 
and  of  the  general  chapter  of  our  order  are  to  be  read  in  the 
chapter-house  at  fixed  times,  and  are  to  be  observed  as 
far  as  they  do  not  go  against  our  privileges  or  reasonable 
customs." 

That  the  monks  all  dress  alike,  the  same  cut,  the  same 
colour  and  material. 

That  in  processions  the  monks  should  go  orderly  and 
gravely,  and  that  there  should  be  a  distance  of  seven  feet 
between  each  monk. 

That  no  brother  should  become  a  guardian  or  have  ward 
of  seculars  without  special  leave.  No  one  is  to  take  part  in 
secular  disputes  unless  for  the  convent  or  church. 

The  brethren  were  for  the  future  forbidden,  under  pains 
provided  for  in  the  canons,  to  play  at  chess,  dice,  &c,  or 
to  use  bows  or  slings,  or  run  with  poles,  or  throw  stones, 


APPENDIX  309 

big  or  little,  or  to  be  present  at  fights  or  duels,  or  baiting, 
or  cock-fighting,  or  to  run  in  the  woods,  with  shout  and 
hounds,  in  the  profane  sport  of  the  chase. 

That  behaviour  is  to  be  guarded  between  the  monks  and 
seculars  as  well  as  among  themselves  :  and  that  no  one  gives 
ear  to  rumours  or  such  like  fatuities  which  profit  not  the  soul. 

That  all  wicked  carnal  affections  and  foolish  consortings 
be  repressed ;  and  all  giving  of  blows  is  forbidden. 

That  the  younger  monks,  after  they  have  finished  their 
tutelage,  should  study  Holy  Scripture,  for  nothing  is  more 
hateful  than  not  to  know  how  to  occupy  oneself.  Let  them 
learn  off  by  heart  the  epistles  and  gospels  for  the  whole 
year.  Before  they  venture  to  read  them  publicly,  they  must 
be  diligently  practised. 

There  are  some  who  practise  private  acts  of  mortification 
and  leave  unobserved  those  prescribed  by  the  Rule.  Such  as 
these  are  to  be  rebuked. 

Since  some  of  the  monks  get  bled  too  often  and  without 
necessity,  in  order  to  get  the  solatium  allowed  at  those  times, 
it  is  ordered  that  bleeding  is  only  allowed  once  in  seven 
weeks. 

Those  who  have  leave  to  go  outside  the  enclosure  do  not 
therefore  get  leave  to  eat  and  drink  outside,  or  to  go  to  the 
houses  of  seculars.  On  journeys,  monks  are  to  go  to  houses 
of  our  own  order  in  preference  to  any  other. 

No  one  is  to  be  promoted  to  the  priesthood  save  by  a 
special  favour  and  by  the  advice  of  the  seniors.  If  any 
youth  of  ability  is  sent  to  the  university,  he  has  to  know 
by  heart,  before  he  is  allowed  to  go,  the  psalter,  the 
hymns,  canticles,  communion  of  saints,  the  ferial  antiphons, 
and  short  responsories,  and  all  the  versicles  of  the  whole 
antiphonary. 

There  are  some  who  claim  a  general  dispensation  from 
compline.  No  such  licence  is  ever  to  be  given.  Permission 
is  only  granted  in  individual  cases  from  certain  and  reasonable 


3io  APPENDIX 

causes.  Those  who  are  dispensed  are  to  say  their  compline 
sitting  near  the  chapter-house  door,  and  not  walking  about 
the  cloister.  They,  also,  are  to  be  in  the  dormitory  before  the 
curfew  sounds. 

"And  let  the  brethren  take  heed  that  they  fail  not  in 
these,  for  very  perilous  it  is  to  fail  in  such  laws  until 
they  have  been  revoked  by  the  abbat,  or  with  his  permission 
by  the  prior  or  sub-prior  in  full  chapter.  There  are  some 
who  attach  little  weight  to  the  precepts  of  chapter,  and  say : 
'  We  will  do  what  is  ordered  for  two  or  three  days,  so  that 
we  may  seem  to  accept  and  obey  them  ;  but  beyond  this  we 
don't  care.'     Such  as  these  wickedly  sin." 


END    OF  VOL.    I. 


Printed  by  Ballantyne,  Hanson  &  Co. 
Edinburgh  6*  London 


*X  SG16  ~.T38  1897 
v.l  SMC 

Taunton,  Ethel  red 

(Ethelred  Luke), 

. The  English  black 

of  St.  Bendict  : 

t AKH-4077  (awab) 


monks 
a 

4